Title: To John Adams from Francis Dana, [6 June 1783]
From: Dana, Francis
To: Adams, John

          Dear Sir
            St: PetersbourgMay 26th. 1783 O.S. [6 June N.S.]
          I wrote you two letters by the last post, which I sent to Amsterdam upon the supposition that you might be at the Hague by the Time they will arrive there. They are dated the 21st. & 23d. inst:— I yesterday received a letter from your Son dated Hague May 12th. containing some account of his Route from hence to Stockholme. The matter contained in my confidential letter which you will receive from him, I pray you most earnestly to keep a secret even after your arrival in America; or in Congress. I have most substantial reasons for making this request.
          I have additional reasons for thinking that jealousy of which I have spoken towards the Close of my last letter but one, exists in full Force. Yesterday I was there upon a previous appointment relative to my main Matter: yet the same kind of Conversation which you will find in that Letter, was renewed almost word for word. It was entered into indeed more minutely than ever. Nor is this all, {minister of Berlin} whom we had agreed shou’d be invited to the Consultation upon the main Matter, evidently supported the same sentiments with all his ingenuity. However they have not yet had my real sentiments upon the subjects, nor shall they have them. I know, I flatter myself, the Interests of our Country as well as they do at least. I declare to you at the same time that very possibly the hare wou’d not be worth hunting in the common Course. I have long had in contemplation some special views in this business, grounded upon local knowledge. Whether I shou’d be able to succeed in them is not certain. If I shou’d not to a certain degree, it is always in my power to waive the whole business. It is kind in our Friends to take so serious a concern in our Interests however.
          I have not yet received any answer to my Memorial, but I was yesterday informed by my private Friend, that I shou’d have it on Monday or Tuesday next. By this delay I am inclined to think, they wait only for the account of the Conclusion of the Definitive Treaty, when the idea of Mediation will be done away. This is daily expected. The other objections may be then waived and thus the matter be compounded. It wou’d perhaps be thought to be too humiliating to give them all up.
          My credit here expired on the 15th. of last March. In February I wrote to Mr: Grand for another Year’s Credit, but have received no answer from him so that I am at this time almost destitute of Cash. The method of supply by bills, proposed lately by Congress, perhaps makes the difficulty. They never can arrive here in time. Thus if one matter does not drive me away, another will. This leads me to propose to you, if it be not inconvenient to yourself, to place the Money advanced to your Son in the hands of your Bankers, subject to my drafts. For if I shou’d have to traverse this Continent on to Holland upon my return, when I arrive there I shall be absolutely destitute of Cash. Congress are not aware of the difficulties those changes create. I have never received but one bill from them. If I remain here several months longer I shall be under the necessity of drawing upon Dr: Franklin however repugnant it may be to the late arrangement. You may write upon this subject; if I shou’d have quitted this Country before your Letter arrives, I will take care that it be sent after me, & so of any others. Pray give Mr: Dumas the particular directions relative to sending on Letters to me, before you return to America. A safe voyage to you
          I am with much respect and esteem / Your most obedient humble Servant
          FRA DANA


Title: From John Adams to Robert R. Livingston, 9 June 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Livingston, Robert R.

          Sir
            Paris June 9. 1783
          The enclosed No. 121 of the Politique Hollandais, having translated a few Sentences of mine, and the Author intending to insert more, as he has already inserted a good deal of the Same Correspondence, I think it proper to transmit You, a Short Relation of it.
          In 1780, at Paris, a Number of Pamphlets of Mr Galloway were sent me from England. I wrote to a Friend an Answer to them. He Sent it to London to be published. But whether the Printers were afraid, or from what other Motif I know not I heard nothing of them untill the Spring and Summer of 1782 when Some of them appeared in Print in Parkers General Advertiser, under the Title of “Letters from a distinguished American &c” but with false dates.
          There are in those Letters so many of the Characteristick Features of the Provisional Treaty of 30 Nov. 1782, that the Publication of them in England, at the Time when they appeared, may be Supposed to have contributed, more or less, to propagate such Sentiments as the more private Circulation of them before had Suggested to a few.
          And as they were written by one of your Ministers at the Conferences for Peace, who repeated and extended the Same Arguments to the British Ministers in the Course of the Negotiation, it is proper that you should be informed of them.— Whether I have in any former Letter mentioned this subject or not, I do not recollect. if I have I pray you to excuse the Repetition, and have the Honour / to be with very great Esteem, sir your / most obedient and most humble servant
          John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Edward Augustus Holyoke, 10 June 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Holyoke, Edward Augustus

          Sir,
            Paris June 10th. 1783.
          Upon an Intimation from my Friend Dr. Tufts of Weymouth, that the Medical Society, of which you are President, desired to extend its Connections in Europe, I ventured to apply to the Chiefs of the Royale Société de Médecine at Paris, and met with a more complaisant Reception than I expected.

          Enclosed are Copies of Letters which have passed upon the Occasion, and of the Diploma, which is the Result of them. The Originals I shall bring with me, or send by a careful Hand.
          I hope the Medical Society will pardon my Presumption in going so far without their Authority— But the Proposition once hinted at was recieved with so much Earnestness, that I could not recede.
          With great Respect, I have the honor to be, / Sir, / your most obedient & / most humble Servant.
          John Adams.


Title: David Hartley to the American Peace Commissioners, 14 June 1783
From: Hartley, David
To: American Peace Commissioners

          Gentlemen
            June 14. 1783
          Permit me to address the enclosed Memorial to your Excellencies, and to explain to you my Reasons for So doing. It is because many Consequences now at a great Distance, and unforeseen by Us may arise between our two Countries, perhaps from very minute and incidental Transactions, which in their beginnings may be impercepteble and unsuspected as to their future Effects. Our respective Territories are in Vicinity, and therefore We must be inseperable. Great-Britain with the British Power in America is the only nation, with whom, by absolute necessity, you must have the most intimate Concerns, either of friendship or hostility. All other nations are three thousand miles distant from you; You may have political Connections with any of these nations, but, with regard to Great-Britain, it must be so. Political Intercourse & Interests will obtrude themselves between our two Countries; because they are the two great powers dividing the Continent of N: America. These matters are not to come into discussion between us now. They are of too much importance either to be involved in, or even glanced at in any present transaction—
          Let every eventual principle be kept untouched untill the two nations shall have recovered from the animosities of war. Let them have a pacific interval to consider deliberately of their mutual & combined Interests, and of their engagements with other nations. Let us not, at the outset of a temporary Convention, adopt the severe principle of reducing every transaction, between the two Nations, to the footing of an exact reciprocity alone. Such a principle would cast a Gloom upon conciliatory prospects. America is not restrained from any Conciliation with G:B. by any Treaty with any other Power. The principles of Conciliation would be the most desireable between G:B: & America—and forbearance is the road to Conciliation. After a war of animosities, time should be allowed for recollection. There are all reasonable appearances of conciliatory disposition, on all sides, which may be perfected in time— Let us not therefore, at such a moment as this, & without the most urgent necessity, establish a morose principle between us. If it were a decided point against amity & conciliation, it wd. be time eno: to talk of partition & strict reciprocity. To presume in favor of Conciliation may help it forward—to presume against it may destroy that Conciliation, which might otherwise have taken place: But, in the present case, there is more than reason to presume Conciliation. I think myself happy that I have it in my power to assure you, from authority, that it is the fundamental principle of the British Councils to establish Amity and Confidence between G:B: & the American States, as a succedaneum for the relation in which they formerly stood, one to the other. The proof of this consists not in words, but in substantial facts. His Britannic Majesty has been graciously pleased to send orders to his Commanders in N: America for the speedy & compleat evacuation of the Territories of the United-States. His Majesty has given orders in Council, on the 14th. of last month, for the admission of American Ships & Cargoes into G:B:, and, on the 6th. inst:, he has given further orders, permitting the importation from America of several Articles, wh: have been usually considered as Manufactures. He has likewise provided for the Convenience of American Merchants, who may wish to land Tobacco in G:B: for re-exportation. Upon the same principle, Mr: Fox, the Secy: of State, corresponding with America, has moved for & recd. the leave of the H. of Commons (nem. con.) to bring in a bill that any American Merchants, importing rice into G:B:, may, upon re-exportation, draw back the whole duty paid on its first importation. All these Circumstances, put together, undoubtedly form the most indisputable evidence of the disposition which prevails in the British Councils, to give every facility to the Re-establishment of that intercourse, which must be so beneficial to both nations. I am ordered to inform you, that his Majesty entirely approves of the plan of making a temporary Convention for the purposes of restoring immediate Intercourse & Commerce, and more particularly for the purpose of putting off, for a time, the decision of that important Question, how far the British Acts of Navigation ought to be sacrificed to commercial Considerations, drawn from the peculiar Circumstances of the present Crisis—a question which will require much deliberation & very much inquiry before it can be determined. I am sure, Gent. you will see & admit the reasonableness of our proceeding, in such a Case, with deliberation & discretion, more especially when these Acts of prudence do not proceed from any motive of coolness or reserve towards you. In the mean time, the temporary Convention may proceed upon principles of real & accomodating Reciprocity. For instance, we agree to put you upon a more favorable than any other nation. We do not ask a rigid reciprocity for this, because we know, by your present subsisting Treaties, it is not in your power to give it to us. We desire only to be put upon the footing of other nations with you & yet we consent that you shall be upon a better footing with us than any other nation— Thus far we must be allowed to be giving something more than reciprocity, and this we do, as I said before; because we are unwilling to ask what you cannot give. Surely it is not unreasonable, nor more than fm. principles of reciprocity we have a right to expect, that you should imitate our Conduct in this particular, & that you should abstain fm. asking things, under the title of exact & literal reciprocity, which you must know, upon the consideration of our case, that we are unable to give. Virtual and substantial reciprocity we are willing to give, literal reciprocity is impossible, as much from your engagements, as from our system of navigation.
          If we can agree upon an article of intercourse & commerce, in the nature of a temporary convention, on the Basis of the Memorial, which I had lately the honor of giving to you, bearing date 19. May 1783, no time need be lost in finishing this business; but with this explanation, that, altho’ it is proposed that the Commerce between the United States & the British West Indies should be free with regard to their respective productions, yet that we are not bound to admit the importation of West Indian Commodities into Great Britain in American Vessels. Believe me, Gentlemen, that this restriction does not proceed from any invidious disposition towards the American States. It is imposed on the British Ministers by indispensible prudence and necessity, who in the present state of things could not be justified to their own Country in going hastily to such an extent of concession. This point is not to be looked upon, as merely commercial, but as affecting fundamentally the great political System of British Navigation; and you are to consider that the principle, upon which the whole of our proposed temporary convention is to stand, is, that the Commerce between the two Countries is to be revived nearly upon the old footing; but that each Nation is to keep in its own hands the power of making such regulations, respecting Navigation as shall seem fit. I assure you that this point has been discussed, by the Ministers of the British Cabinet, with infinite Candor & with every possible disposition of Amity & favor towards your Country; but the more they have enquired upon this Subject, the more they are overborne by the Conviction that the prejudices on this matter (if that is the name these opinions deserve) are so strong, that such a measure, as a relaxation of the Act of Navigation in this instance, never can be taken, but upon such a full & solemn parliameny: enquiry, as it is impossible to go into at this time of the year, & in this stage of the Sessions. I cannot therefore, Gent: help flattering myself that you are so well acquainted with the difficulties which must embarrass an English Administration in a business of this sort, as to endeavour rather to remove, than encrease them, & I am sure such a plan on yr: part wd. ultimately be most conducive to your objects. When an amicable Intercourse is once opened, & when conciliatory Confidence comes to take place of those jealousies, wh: have lately subsisted, you may easily conceive in how different a manner the whole of this matter will be considered. I am confident that this will be the Case, but if it is not, the provisions being only temporary, it will be in the power of the U: States to take up any hostile mode of proceeding, by restraints, prohibitions &c: whenever they may think fit.—
          I have made use above of the word prejudices, in speakg: of the principle of the British Act of Navigation. I hope you will accept that term fm. me, as proceeding so far in Compliance towards the future Consideration of the points now between us, as to keep the question open & free for discussion. If G:B: should in any Case throw down the barriers of the act of Navigation towards America, she shd. be very secure against the possible Case of future enmity or Alliance against her. Such Considerations as these lead to objects, far beyond our present scope, or powers: But I must still add one word more upon this article of prejudices. Such prejudices (if they are so) are not confined to Great-Britain— By your commercial Treaty with France, Article 4th. you are only intitled to a European Trade with that Kingdom, & not even, by that Treaty, to any direct Commerce, between their West-India Islands, & the Ports of the American States—much less to the immediate Communication between the French Islands & the Dominions of the Crown of France, in Europe.


Title: Henry Laurens to the American Peace Commissioners, 17 June 1783
From: Laurens, Henry
To: American Peace Commissioners

          Gentlemen,
            London 17th. June 1783—
          I had the honor of addressing you the 10th. immediately after my landing at Dover— As early as possible after my arrival here I obtained an Interview with Mr. Secretary Fox, who was pleased to read to me part of his latest Dispatches to Mr. Hartley which he supposed would reach Paris on the 14th. tis probable therefore that before this time, as much of the Contents as is proper for your Knowledge, has been communicated.
          “Reciprocity” since the 100th of April has undergone a certain Degree of Refinement; the definition of that term appears now to be, Possession of advantages on one side, and Restrictions on the other. “The Navigation Act is the vital of Great Britain, too delicate to bear a touch—” the sudden and unexpected, perhaps illicit arrival of Ships and Cargoes from America may have caused this change of Tone. But you have heard in detail & are more competent to Judge.
          From a desire of forming an opinion I asked Mr. Fox whether he thought, I might venture for a few days to take the benefit of Bath, and yet be time enough at Paris for the intended commercial Agreement? he replied, “I rather think you may.” One need not be a Conjurer to draw an inference— You will either have finished the Business before I could travel to Paris; or without being missed there, I may go to Bath and repair my nerves.
          In this state of uncertainty, when ’tis easy to percieve affections are not as We could wish them, nor quite so warm as We had been taught to believe, it would not be wise to commit the United States, wherefore I shall rest the Business till I hear from you, or until a more favorable prospect, flattering myself with hopes of your surmounting the late seeming Difficulties; an inconvenience on your side is preferable to the hazard of a disgrace.
          I am with great Regard and Respect, / Gentlemen, / Your most obedient, and / most humble servant,
          Henry Laurens,


Title: From John Adams to Robert Montgomery, 18 June 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Montgomery, Robert

          Sir,
            Paris June 18th. 1783
          I have recd. the Letter you did me the honor of writing me on the 27th. of May, & the other mentioned in it.
          Letters of Recommendation or Introduction, in mercantile Affairs, are delicate & dangerous things, and they lie so far out of my road, that I meddle in them as little as possible. Isaac Smith Esqr., of Boston has heretofore carried on the Fishery at Cape Ann, to a great Extent, and Elbridge Gerry Esqr. of Marblehead, is a Merchant of Character there. These Gentlemen, if you write them, will be able to give you any Information you desire.
          Your Letter to the Emperor of Morocco has given me great Uneasiness.— How you could venture to write such a Letter I cannot concieve, and what will be the consequence of it to yourself or the Public, I know not. It is the Custom among the African & Asiatic Nations to send and recieve Presents with Ambassadors, and Congress has never to my knowledge made Provision for any Presents, or given Authority to any Man to go to the Emperor or write to him. Mr. Jay has a similar Letter from you—and I can do nothing in the Business without his Concurrence & that of my other Colleagues. I can only recommend to you more Discretion for the future.
          I am, Sir, your respectful hble Servant.


Title: David Hartley to the American Peace Commissioners, [19 June 1783]
From: Hartley, David
To: American Peace Commissioners

          [19 June 1783]
          1. That Lands belonging to Persons of any description which have not actually been sold shall be restored to the old Possessors without Price.
          2. That an equal and free Participation of the different carrying Places, and the Navigation of all the Lakes and Rivers of that Country thro’ which the Water Line of Division passes between Canada and the United States shall be enjoyed fully and uninterruptedly by both Parties
          3. That in any such Places within the Boundaries assigned— generally to the American States as are adjoining to the Water Line of Division, and which are not specifically under the Dominion of any one State, all Persons at present resident or having Possessions or Occupations as Merchants or otherwise may remain in peaceable Enjoyment of all civil Rights and in pursuit of their respective Occupations.
          4. That in any such Places adjoining to the Water Line of Division as may be under the specific Dominion of any particular State, all Persons at present resident or having Possessions or Occupations as Merchants or otherwise may remain in the peaceable Enjoyment of all civil Rights and in pursuit of their Occupations untill they shall receive Notice of removal from the State to which any such Place may appertain; and that upon any such Notice of Removal a Term of three Years shall be allowed for selling or withdrawing their valuable Effects, and for settling their Affairs.
          5. That his Britannic Majesty’s Forces not exceeding in Number may continue in the Ports now occupied by them contiguous to the Water Line for the Term of three Years for the Purpose of securing the Lives, Property and Peace of any Persons settled in that Country, against the Invasion or Ravages of the Neighboring Indian Nations who may be suspected of retaining Resentment in consequence of the late War.
          6. That no Tax or Impost whatsoever shall be laid on any Articles of Commerce passing or repassing thro’ the Country, but that the Trade may be left entirely open for the Benefit of all Parties interested therein.—


Title: Henry Laurens to the American Peace Commissioners, 20 June 1783
From: Laurens, Henry
To: American Peace Commissioners

          Gentlemen,
            London 20 June 1783.
          Permit me to refer to what I had the honor of writing to you the 17th. You will recollect my Suggestions, as soon as we perceived the falling off, from those warm Assurances which had been pressed in March and April, they were not ill founded; I dalayed a Week in hopes of Intelligence & left you with Reluctance; the temper of the times forbids even an essay. What a happy Country is this, where every thing pertaining to the Public, is rendred to them in public Newspapers; see the inclosed, containing nearly as accurate an Account of certain recent Occurrences, as if it had been penned by one of the Parties. It might indeed have been made a little stronger. Modest Men are sometimes restrained from attempting a public good, from a dread of the Effects of Envy, of being held up in an invidious Light. It would be cruel to disturb them. I have learned nothing from America, save what you may have read in the Prints. Tomorrow I shall proceed to Bath and be waiting for Intelligence as well from Your selves as from Congress. Some Consolation arises from reflecting that while I am endeavouring to mend my Health, you suffer no Inconvenience from my absence. With sincere Regard & respect, I have the honour to be, Gentlemen, / Your obedient & most / humble Servant
          (signed) Henry Laurens—


Title: To John Adams from Archibald MacLaine, 22 June [1783]
From: MacLaine, Archibald
To: Adams, John

          Sir
            Hague June 22 [1783]
          The letter with which you honoured me gave me singular pleasure, as a mark of the justice you do to my sentiments with respect to you, and to my sincere zeal for every cause in which humanity and religion are concerned. I certainly, Sir, would have paid the warmest regard to your recommendation, had the merit of its object been only known to me by your opinion;—but, indeed, the cause speaks for itself to a feeling heart.— I would never harbour the doubts, which have sometimes arisen in my mind about the success of such laudable projects,— I have, on the contrary, always chased them away, like ominous birds that trouble the sacrifice, and are often suggested by that indolent apprehension of difficulties, which is an obstacle to every generous undertaking. Besides—virtues may be displayed in the Experiment, that are worth the labour and expences, that attend it, tho’ the end should not be obtained in such an extensive degree as benevolence would wish. All rational attempts to do good, will certainly do good, one way or another.
          Mr. Wheelock, for the favour of whose acquaintance I am much obliged to you, seems to be a very amiable and knowing man, and very proper for the commission he is charged with. He will let you know, sir, his success, such as it has been. At Amsterdam, where I thought they would have cast their bread abundantly upon the Waters &c the project has met with no encouragement, which, to me, appears unaccountable on whatever rule I calculate the matter. I was not surprized to see it succeed at Harlem: There is no town in the Republick, where there is more liberality both of purse and spirit, without any ostentation.—
          I wish I could have been more usefull to this good undertaking at the Hague: But the monied Interest are at their Country-Seats, where it is not easy to follow them, nor sure to find them; nor, indeed, do they like to be followed there on such errands, (tho’ they would not turn their back to them in town)—perhaps it is, because they don’t enter in to the Summer-plan.
          The News Papers have flattered us with the hopes of your return to the Hague, but as they seldom tell truth, especially when they announce good things, I don’t believe them. Here or there, Sir, I shall always be happy to hear of your welfare, would be peculiarly so could I renew the agreeable moments of conversation with which you honoured me during your residence here, and am with the most sincere and respectfull sentiments of esteem and veneration, Sir, / Your most obedient & / most humble servant
          A Maclaine

            P.S: The very day Mr. Weeloch came to the Hague I was unluckily seized with a fit of the gout, which confined my to my chamber five weeks, and I am not yet got firmly upon my legs, so that I have been able to help him but lamely.


Title: From John Adams to Robert R. Livingston, 23 June 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Livingston, Robert R.

          Sir,
            Paris. 23d. June. 1783.
          Your favor of April. 14th. No: 16, acknowledged the receipt of mine of the 21st. & 22d. January, but took no notice of any letters which went by Capn: Barney: Neither Dr: Franklin, Mr: Jay, nor myself, have any answer to the Dispatches, which went by that Express, altho’ yours to me, No: 16, gave cause to expect Letters to us all, with Instructions concerning the Definitive Treaty— This profound silence of Congress, & the total Darkness, in which we are left, concerning their Sentiments, is very distressing to us, and very dangerous & injurious to the Public.—
          I see no prospect of agreeing upon any regulation of Commerce here. The present Ministry are afraid of every Knot of Merchants: A Clamor of an interested party, more than an evil to their Country, is their dread. A few West-India Merchants, in opposition to the Sense & Interest of the West-India Planters, are endeavoring to excite an opposition to our carrying the produce of the West-India Islands, from those Islands, to Europe even to Great-Britain. There are also secret Schemes to exclude us, if they can, from the Trade of Ireland—to possess themselves of the carrying Trade of the United-States, by prohibiting any American Vessell to bring to Great-Britain any Commodity, but those of the State to which it belongs: Thus a Philadelphia Vessell can carry no Tobacco, Rice or Indigo, nor a Carolina Vessell, Wheat or Flour, nor a Boston Vessell either, unless grown in its own State. In this way a superficial party think they can possess themselves of the Carriage of almost all the productions of the United-States; annihilate our Navigation & nurseries of Seamen, and keep all to themselves more effectually than ever. They talk too of discouraging the people of the United-States, and encouraging those of Canada & Nova-Scotia, in such a manner as to encrease the population of those two Provinces, even by migrations from the United-States—
          These are Dreams, to be sure; but the Dreamers are so many as to intimidate the present Ministry who dare venture upon nothing, which will make a Clamour—
          I have lately heard that the Merchants in America are waiting to hear of the Regulations of Trade made here.— They will wait, I don’t know how long. There is no present prospect of our agreing, at all, upon any regulation of Trade—
          I have the honor to be, Sir, / Your humle: servt:
          John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Robert R. Livingston, 23 June 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Livingston, Robert R.

          Sir
            Paris June 23. 1783.
          The British Ministry, and Nation are in a very unsettled State. They find themselves in a new Situation and have not digested any Plan. Ireland is in a new Situation. She is independent of Parliament. And the English know not how to manage her.— To what an Extent She will claim a Right of trading with the United States is unknown. Canada too and Nova Scotia are in a new Situation. the former they Say must have a new Government. But what Form to give them and indeed what Kind of Government they are capable of, or would be agreeable to them is uncertain. nothing is digested. There is a Party, composed probably, of Refugees, Friends of the old hostile System, and fomented by Emissaries of Several foreign Nations who do not wish a cordial Reconciliation and sincere Friendship between Great Britain and the United States, who clamour for the Conservation of the Navigation Act, and the Carrying Trade. if these Should Succeed So far as to excite Parliament or Ministry, to adopt a contracted Principle: to exclude Us from the West India Trade and from trading with Canada & Nova scotia, and from carrying freely in Vessells belonging to any one of the thirteen States, the Productions of any other to Great Britain, the consequences may perplex Us for a Time may bind Us closer to France Spain, Holland, Germany Italy, and the Northern Nations, and thus be fatal to Great Britain without being finally very hurtfull to Us.
          The Nations of Europe who have Islands in the West Indies, have at this Moment a delicate Part to take. Upon their present Decisions great Things will depend.— The Commerce of the West India Islands, is a Part of the American System of Commerce. They can neither do without Us nor We without them. The Creator has placed Us upon the Globe in Such a situation, that We have Occasion for Each other, We have the means of Assisting each other, and Politicians and Artificial Contrivances cannot Seperate Us. Wise statesmen, like able Artists of every Kind Study Nature, and their Works are perfect in Proportion as they conform to her Laws.— Obstinate Attempts to prevent the Islands and the Continent, by Force or Policy from deriving from each other, those Blessings which Nature has enabled them to afford, will only put both upon thinking of the means of coming together. And an injudicious Regulation at this Time may lay a Foundation, for intimate Combinations between the Islands and the Continent, which otherwise would not be wished for or thought of by either.
          If the French Dutch and Danes have common sense, they will profit of any Blunder Great Britain may commit, upon this Occasion.
          The Ideas of the British Cabinet and Merchants at present are So confused, upon all these subjects, that We can get them to agree to nothing.— I still think, that the best Policy of the United states is, to Send a Minister to London, to negotiate a Treaty of Commerce, instructed to conclude nothing, not the Smallest Article until he has sent it to Congress and recd their approbation.— in the Mean time Congress may admit any British or Irish ships that have arrived, or may arrive, to trade as they please.
          For my own Part I confess, I would not advise Congress to bind themselves to any Thing, that is not reasonable and just.— If We should agree to revive the Trade upon the old Footing it is the Utmost that can with a colour of Justice or Modesty be requested of Us. This is not equal, but might be born. rather than go farther, and deny ourselves the Freight from the West Indies to Europe, at least to G. Britain, especially rather than give away our own carrying Trade by Agreeing that the ships of one State should not carry to G: Britain the Produce of another I would be for entering into still closer Connections with France Spain and Holland, and purchase of them at the Expense of Great Britain, w[hat She has] not Wisdom enough to allow Us for her own go[od.]
          [With great Esteem, I have the honor to be, / Sir, / your most obedient & / most humble Servant.
          John Adams.]


Title: To John Adams from C. W. F. Dumas, 24 June 1783
From: Dumas, C. W. F.
To: Adams, John

          Monsieur,
            Lahaie 24e. Juin 1783
          L’Echange des Ratifications se fit hier entre Mr. le Greffier & votre serviteur; & il en fait aujourd’hui son rapport en conséquence à Leurs H. P. Il m’a chargé de ses complimens pour V. Exce. Je garde sous la Clef les deux Actes, écrits sur parchemin, munis du grand Sceau de la Rep. dans deux boetes d’argent, pour vous les remettre selon vos ordres, & suis avec grand respect / De Votre Excellence / Le très-humble & très- / obéissant serviteur
          C.w.f. Dumas

          Translation
          Sir
            The Hague, 24 June 1783
          The exchange of ratifications was carried out yesterday between the greffier and your servant, and as a result today he is making his report to their High Mightinesses.1 He asked me to send his compliments to your excellency. I am keeping under lock the two documents, written on parchment, affixed with the great seal of the Republic in two silver boxes, in order to send them to you according to your instructions.2 I am with great respect for your excellency, your very humble and very obedient servant
          C.w.f. Dumas


Title: To John Adams from Henry Laurens, 25 June 1783
From: Laurens, Henry
To: Adams, John

          Dear Sir,
            Bath 25th June 1783.
          I beg leave to refer you to my Letters of the 17th. and 20th. Instant to the American Ministers.
          I had very early applied to Ramsden one of the most celebrated opticians in London for the Spectacles which you desired me to procure for you he was dilatory in finishing them and occasioned the loss of an excellent opportunity for transmission, they came to me just as I was leaving London in that circumstance I caused them to be packed up with an Article for Mr Jay, and another for Count Moustier in a little Box directed to yourself and Mr. Jay which I left in the hands of Mr. Bridgen to be forwarded by the first proper conveyance, intending to have done what I am now performing by another hand, immediately upon my arrival at Bath. But I was attacked by a fever on the road and obliged to take to bed as soon as I had alighted, this is the first day I have been able to write and even now I remain in a very feeble State. I directed Ramsden to put up a pair of spare Glasses of a different focus from those fixed in the frame, one or the other ’tis probable will suit your Eye, possibly both. His Bill accompanies the Articles and will shew the cost.
          I am with great Respect and Regard, / Dear Sir, / Your obedient humble servant,
          Henry Laurens.

            I had almost omitted to inform you that your two Packets for Mr. Secretary Livingston and Letter for Arthur Lee Esqr. were dispatched under my own cover to the Secretary the 17th. Instant by the hands of Mr. John Vaughan who I suppose is now on his voyage in a Packet from Falmouth to New York—


Title: To John Adams from Cotton Tufts, 26 June 1783
From: Tufts, Cotton
To: Adams, John

          Dear Sir
            Wey Boston June 26. 1783
          If ever Wisdom Fortitude Patience & Perseverance were necessary, they were peculiarly so in the late Negociations in which You have been engaged. I thank Heaven for the large Display of these Virtues You have given and for the Success with which Your Labours have been crowned— I had long feared the Machinations of ——— fortunately for America her Negociators knew her Interest and they have neither been duped or ensnared by Friends nor conquered by Enemies, they have obtained Terms, much more honorable than could have been expected and had the Articles with respect to the Refugees have been omitted it might have been added, equal to our utmost Desires— But this could scarce have been hoped for, where on the Side of our Enemy Honor the Faith of the Nation & the most sacred Promises were pledged for their Security— You had a just Notion of Your Countrymen, their Bitterness and Resentment against that Set of Men cannot be conquered but by great Length of Time were they to be admitted here, their scituation must be very uncomfortable, especially the most of those that were proscibed— As the Articles which respect them will probably e’er long be discussed in the several Legislatures, I must entreat You to favour me with Your Sentiments by the first Conveyance relative to the 5 & 6th. Articles. Is the whole of the 5th. to be considered merely as recommendatory by Congress to the several Legislatures to be by them decided upon or is the conluding Part of the 5th. to be considered as binding & absolute Viz. “And it is agreed that all Persons, who have any Interest in confiscated Lands either by Debts Marriage Settlements or otherwise, shall meet with no lawful Impediment in the Prosecuttion of their just Rights”? Is the 6th. positive & binding or only recommendatory?
          That which was the fond Intention of the Parties to be binding I wish may be faithfully complied with, But I fear that in some a pungent Sense of past Injuries, in others a narrow and contracted Spirit will prevent that Liberality of Sentiment which might be productive of the greatest Good— On one hand the fond & irreconcileable Enemies of our Country & Constitution ought to be excluded on the other those whose Absence has not been grounded on Enmity and who may make good Subjects, ought to be admitted—this I think Policy requires—
          Once more the County of Suffolk have placd me on the public Theatre— I find the Field large and capacious an unbounded Prospect lies before the Legislator— I start, I tremble, but when or where we shall fiz down, I am sometimes weary of conjecture— One false Step may tarnish all our hard earnt Glory, stamp an indelible mark of Infamy on our national Character and entail Misery on unborn Millions— To bring order out of Confusion and to reduce a Multitude to a just Decision requires more Wisdom and Patience than is commonly allotted to Mankind and is hard to be obtained where the Rulers are numerous and without a System to regulate all their Movements—
          Congress have recommended the Establishment of a permanent Fund for the Payment of our national Debt, included in this Debt is Five Millions of Dollars agreed upon between Congress and the Army in Lieu of half Pay for Life promised their Officers &c— This Commutation is much reprobated in the Country & excites great Clamour— Those who wish to do Justice, and without Delay to adopt Measures for settling the national Credit on a firm Basis, find themselves not a little embarrassed—
          Connecticut I am informed has voted their Officers & Soldiers One Years full pay as an Adequate Reward— It is said Rhode Island has done the same— & What Measures will be taken here I am not able to say, tho there have been frequent Debates in the House of Representatives on this Subject, Yet I am apt to think that the Question will not be determined in the present Session—perhaps they may sever the National Debt and provide Funds for the Payment of that part of it which is foreign— But as imposts & Excise are recommended for this Purpose—the Work will go on but slowly— the Discussion of this Subject in a Body consisting of so many Members as compose the House & Senate will take up much Time and the Season of the Year calling for the Country Gentlemen to attend their Farms, this important Matter will I fear pass over to another Session—
          Yesterday was laid before us a most affectionate Letter from Genl Washington, taking his Leave of this Legislature & being about to resign his Military Command and retire into private Life—without any other Emolument & Reward, than the pleasing Satisfaction of having served his Country, he breathes forth the most benevolent Wishes for the Happiness of the United States and manifests a Concern for their Interest & Welfare—political, moral & religious— truly affecting—
          I have already exceeded the bounds of a Letter & must conclude by renewing my Request that You would favour me by the first oppy with yr. Sentiments upon the 5 & 6th. preliminary Articles—
          I am with great Respect & Esteem / Yr. affe. Friend & H Sert
          C.T—


Title: From John Adams to Edmund Jenings, 27 June 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Jenings, Edmund

          Dear Sir
            Paris June 27. 1783
          What are We to infer from the Indecision of the present Ministers?— Do they expect to draw their Country out of her Embarrassments; to preserve her Credit,; to avoid a Bankruptcy; to Settle a Plan with Ireland; to pacify Scotland &c &c &c, by a Sour Countenance towards America? We desire nothing but our natural Advantages in Commerce? if these are refused can it be expected that our People will be easy? a Share in the Commerce of the West India Islands Seems to be pointed out by nature to the United States. it is as necessary or as usefull to the Islands as to Us, and to Britain too as she will see and feel by Experience.
          The last Ministry had adopted the only Plan, which can give Satisfaction or be durable, and the Inactivity of the present Sett, will, one should think bring in the former with their Measures.
          It is alarming to be kept here so long in Suspence, and gives occasion to much Anxiety. The Measures taken now will have lasting Consequences.— I dont See So good a Prospect of finishing now as I did Six months ago.— Pray keep my Name out of Sight, but let me know your Sentiments upon the Times.
          yours
          J. Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Robert R. Livingston, 27 June 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Livingston, Robert R.

          Sir,
            Paris. 27th. June. 1783.
          Yesterday Dr: Franklin, Mr: Jay, & myself met to prepare the Definitive Treaty, and made so much progress in it, that tomorrow we shall be ready to communicate to Mr: Hartley the result: But I have small hopes of obtaining any thing more by the Definitive Treaty.—
          The Duke of Manchester & the Comte d’Aranda have arranged every thing between England & Spain, and are ready to finish for their two Courts. France, I presume, waits only for Holland, or perhaps for some other negotiation with the Imperial Courts. If all the other parties were now to declare themselves ready, we should be puzzled. In such a Case, however, I am determined, (and I believe, but don’t know, that my Colleagues would join me) to declare myself ready to sign the Provisional Treaty, totidem verbis, for a Definitive one. From all I can learn, I am persuaded we shall gain nothing by any further negotiation: If we obtain any thing, by way of addition or explanation, we shall be obliged to give for it more than it is worth. If the British Minister refuses to agree to such Changes as we may think reasonable, & refuses to sign the Provisional Articles as Definitive ones, I take it for granted France will not sign till we do. If they should we are still safe, for the Provisional Articles are to constitute the Treaty, as soon as France has made Peace— And I should rather leave it on that footing than make any material Alteration.—
          I have put these several Cases, because I should be surprized at nothing from the present British Ministry. If they have any plan at all, it is a much less generous one, towards America, than that of their immediate Predecessors. If Shelburne, Townshend, Pitt &c: had continued, we should have had every thing settled, long ago, to our entire satisfaction; and to infinite advantage to Great-Britain & America, in such a manner as would have restored good humor & affection, as far as, in the nature of things, they can now be restored. After the great point of the acknowledgement of our Independence was got over, by issuing Mr: Oswald’s last Commission, the Shelburne Administration conducted towards us like men of Sense & Honour. The present Administration have neither discovered understanding or sincerity— The present Administration is unpopular, and it is in itself so heterogeneous a Composition that it seems impossible it should last long. Their present design seems to be, not to commit themselves by agreeing to any thing. As soon as any thing is done, somebody will clamor: While nothing is done, it is not known what to clamor about.
          If there should be a change in favor of the Ministry that made the Peace, and a dissolution of this profligate League, which they call the Coalition, it would be much for the good of all who speak the English language. If Fame says true, the Coalition was formed at Gambling Tables, & is conducted, as it was formed, upon no other than gambling principles.— Such is the state of a nation which stands tottering on the brink of a precipice with a debt of Two hundred & fifty six millions Sterling on its Shoulders. The interest of which, added to the Peace establishment only, exceeds, by above a million annually, all their Revenues, enormously & intolerably as they are already taxed.—

          The only chance they have for Salvation, is in a reform, & in recovering the affection of America. The last Ministry were sensible of this, & acted accordingly: The present Ministry are so far from being sensible of it, or careing abt: it, that they seem to me to be throwing the last dice for the destruction of their Country—
          I have the honor to be, Sir, / Your humle: Servt:
          John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Robert R. Livingston, 27 June 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Livingston, Robert R.

          Paris June 27. 1783
          A few Vessells have arrived in England from various Parts of America, and have probably made the Ministry, Merchants and Manufacturers less anxious about a present Arrangement of Commerce. Whether these Vessells have rashly hazarded these Voyages against the Laws of their Country, or whether they have Permission from Congress or their States We are not informed.
          It would have been better no doubt to have had an Agreement made before the Trade was opened: but the Eagerness of both Sides may not easily be restrained. Whether it is practicable for Congress to Stop the Trade I know not: or whether it would be expedient if practicable, I doubt.
          The Ballance of Parties in England is so nicely poised, that the Smallest Weight shifts the Scales. In Truth, nothing can be done without changing the Ministry, for whatever is done raises a Cry Sufficient to shake those who do it.— In this Situation it is a Question whether it is best for Us to keep Things in suspence, or bring them to a decision. if Congress were to prohibit all Trade with England untill a Treaty of Commerce was made or Some temporary Convention at least, it might bring on a decision by exciting a Cry against the Ministry for not making a Convention.— But the Moment a Convention is made a Cry will be raised against them for making it.— The present Ministry, to judge by their motions hitherto will hazard the Clamour, for not making one rather than that for making one. They think it the least dangerous to them, especially Since they have Seen so may American Vessells arrive in England and have heard that British ships are admitted to an Entry in the Ports of America, particularly Philadelphia.
          The most difficult Thing, to adjust in a Treaty of Commerce will be the Communication We shall have with the West India Islands. This is of great Importance to Us and to the Islands, and I think to Great Britain too. Yet there is a formidable Party for excluding Us at least from carrying the Produce of those Islands to Great Britain.
          Much will depend upon the Minister you first send to London. An American Minister would be a formidable Being to any British Minister whatever. He would converse with all Parties, and if he is a prudent cautious Man, he would at this Moment have more Influence there than you can imagine.
          We are chained here, in the only Spot in the World, where We can be of no Use. if my Colleagues were of my Mind We would all go together to London, where We could negotiate the definitive Treaty, and talk of Arrangement of Commerce to some Purpose.— However, one Minister with proper Instructions, would do better in London than four. He would have the Artifices of French Emmissaries to counteract as well as English Partisans. for you may depend upon it, the French See with Pleasure the Improbability of our coming soon and cordially together, as they Saw with manifest Regret the appearances of Cordial Reconciliation under the former Administration. These Sentiments are not unnatural, but We are under no Obligation, from mere Complaisance to Sacrifice Interests of Such deep and lasting Consequence. For it is not merely mercantile Profit and Convenience that is at Stake. future Wars, long and bloody Wars may be either avoided or intailed upon our Posterity, as We conduct wisely or otherwise the present Negotiation with Great Britain.
          With great Respect and Esteem I have / the Honour to be, Sir, your most obedient / and most humble servant
          John Adams


Title: To John Adams from William Gordon, 28 June–2 July 1783
From: Gordon, William
To: Adams, John

            My dear Sir
              Jamaica Plain June 28. 1783
            Should you find in this ms a deal of the caput mortuum don’t wonder, for the weather is & has been very hot for several days. The last wednesday the house opposite to the old brick was so violently hot, that in their zeal against the absentees they broke the good frame of government you had a hand in erecting. The brains were for providing that persons taken up as such, should have a trial by jury to determine whether they came under the description in the act of 1778; the tongues determined that the matter should be left to the determination of two justices, & in case these judged them guilty, the Governor was to transport them. The voters were a hundred one way, & thirty the other. The latter are likely to publish a spirited sensible protest, if they prosecute what was proposed the last thursday. Mr Sullivan who enjoys his seat unconstitutionally is the dux gregis: & I shall not be surprised, after what I have heard, should he manage the ignoramuss, of whom there is not a precious few, & lead them into a violation of the articles of peace, by pleading that no more confiscations means not that no more property shall be confiscated upon the acts already made; but that no more confiscating-acts shall be made. How will these matters read in the European papers after all we have talked, published & fought on the side of Liberty! Mr Sullivan’s family lived at Menotomy a great part of 1782— He had an office at the same time in State Street, where he used to do business; on the friday or saturday he repaired to his family & continued with them till monday, & did not bring his family to dwell in town till October. Boston however chose him, & the house by a very small majority upon the case when before them determined in his favor: Upon which a piece was published signed Selden; but I have not yet done with him. Could you have thought, that the definition given by the convention of an inhabitant was not sufficiently clear, when it saith, where he dwelleth, or hath his home? We make such wild steerage, that I am ready to say to You again & again, Come over & help us. I cannot tell whether the superior bench is yet filled up; if not, the prevailing politicians may keep a place open & upon your arrival pretend to honor you by offering the same, meaning to fix you on the bench, lest you get into the chair. This being to go by a trusty hand, & there being no doubt of its safe delivery, shall be more open & communicative than otherwise: but trust to your prudence not to let any one see the contents who may remit or bring them back.
            We have not yet brought the Harvard College treasurer chosen in 1773 to settle his accounts. He is now hard pressed, but some think he will still contrive to postpone the business. On May the 6th when we had our semi-annual meeting, it was “voted unanimously that upon the day to which this meeting shall be adjourned this board will come to a final resolution respecting the measures necessary to effect a settlement of the late treasurers accounts in case they shall not be then settled, & that the secretary be & is hereby directed to furnish him with a copy of this vote.” The conversation that passed explaind the meaning of final resolution viz advising the corporation to sue. Some said, that I had fairly taken in ——— the French Dr, who was present. We adjourned for five weeks, the first three of which the party was well & could have attended the business, the other two he was or would be ill. He met us at the adjournment, pleaded his having been ill & gave us more promises, that he hoped to be well enough, in seven or eight days to finish it, & if so should certainly do it. I considered his presence as designed to prevent freedom of speech; was jealous before I went that he would manoeuvre in that way; & was resolved to speak, told him how long we had been trifled with, that he had been giving us nothing but promises &c &c, & then declared I should make a motion whether seconded or not, & accordingly moved that the Corporation should be advised to sue him—no second— After that made another motion—no second. (The corporation thought I had given him such a lecture, ie one & another of them, that if he would not settle after that they should despair). At length we adjourned for a fortnight. The fortnight was out last tuesday: he had been ill, & we adjourned for another fortnight. I gave hints about publishing the whole history of the affair if it was needful: this may possibly make him afraid of delaying much longer, lest a publication should discover him to the world. He will have Sullivan’s support as being of his party— Genl Danelson, Judge Cushing & his Honor are in the number of his courtiers. Come over & keep the Yankees from ruining their own reputation, by a repetition of elections, that are not thought scandalous by people at large only because they are not known; but, which if they proceed on from year to year, will at length be known; for there is no hiding always the ointment of the right-hand which betrayeth itself.
            The Roxbury Instructions were chiefly manufactured by Selden— the introduction, the last period of the paragraph about refugees, & the closing paragraph by others. After much debate I lowered the tone designed to have been used, by the violent men, about the refugees, to its present form. Wish other towns had testified their gratitude to our negotiators.
            We begin to feel the scarcity of money. Having no exports, & buying goods drains off our cash. Many adventurers will be greatly disappointed in their hopes of gain. Vessels from Sweden Denmark &c will not carry away good reports when they return. We have not sufficient materials wherewith to freight them. It will take time to procure the same.
            We have fine prospects, hay excepted which is like to fall very short. The Indian Corn & English grain look well— The former exceeding dear, eight shillings lawful the bushel.
            The remainder devoted to more important matters.
            The French, from what I learn, mean to have parties. My intelligence comes I apprehend from the Spanish negotiator, or what you please to call him, at Philadelphia & his party; which is excessively mad with the French, upon finding that they were not sincere, & wisht them not to gain either Gibraltar or Jamaica. Tis said, that they have had ever since 1762 to the number of 535 emissaries in different parts of the Continent, who are in their pay; & that they have been increased— that silver tongue became acquainted with a French Irishman who lived obscurely in 1774 & entered upon good pay Jany 1775 —that the French on the western side of the Mississippi are to be secured to the French interest, that so they may be used when they may be wanted—that the French attempted to get the Priests of Canada into their pay but could not succeed—that divisions are to be promoted between the South & North, that there may be an opening for France to get by it—that every Col in the continental army may have, if he pleases, upon credit to the amount of a thousand pounds sterling in goods which the merchants are to supply, but the court are to be at the risk of answering for them— that Col Ogden of the Jersey line is gone already upon that business to France —that the Marquis is to come & reside in the country to support & increase the French interest. I am jealous that the policy of the French court is no ways favorable to the interests of America, & that could they effect it, they would make us wholly dependent upon themselves. Should they mean ill, they will most probably labour, that Congress may at length possess imperial power, that so they may have to purchase them at an easier price than a strong party in every state, a la mode de Sweden, which they possess, now the king has been made arbitrary, at a less cost than before.
            The Southern gentry are going back to their aristocratic or monarchical principles. They never were genuine sons of Liberty, they were sons only occasionally & by accident. It will require much wisdom to keep the States united. The South is foolishly jealous of the North. There are in several respects no very agreeable prospects; but de republica non est desperandum. We have seen the clouds blow over repeatedly, when there was the fear of a most dreadful approaching storm. One great evil among us is, that persons will not unite their endeavours to serve the public cause. Each is busy in attending to his own adventure, not considering that if the ship is lost they must all suffer. May not American liberty be like Jonah’s gourd which came up in a night & perished in a night!

            July 2.
            Was in town yesterday. The delegates chosen to go to Congress are Messrs Gerry, Partridge, Sullivan, Dalton & Danielson. Mr Dalton I am told declines going. Have no great opinion of Sullivan & Danielson. Young Dawes the lawyer two days ago secured Danielson by a single writ for a debt due to Mrs Leverett of twenty seven hundred pounds interest included, the original was contracted about ten years before the war. Danielson presented a petition to the General Court praying that he might be discharged from the writ, pleading that he had been long & was still in the public employ; that he offered to pay the debt with paper money when current, & that Mrs Leverett refused taking it; & that he apprehended the money was due at London & would go there. The house instead of rejecting the petition at once with disdain appointed a committee to consider it. Yesterday Dawes presented a counter-petition or remonstrance. The matter was not settled when I left town about five. Can scarce think that Danielson will carry his point. Should he, it must alarm all kind of creditors, & lead them to fear that sooner or later, there may be a general court, that will venture to spunge our all debts.

            Bad unprincipled men with craft & abilities, unless there are capable men of approved characters & in the esteem of the country to counteract them, will soon run us upon rocks & quicksands.
            You have much upon your hands to excuse you from writing lengthy epistles, but hope you will let me in for as good a composition as the rest of your correspondents receive; which will much oblige Your sincere friend & very humble servant
            William Gordon


Title: The American Peace Commissioners to David Hartley, 29 June 1783
From: American Peace Commissioners
To: Hartley, David

          Passy 29th June 1783.
          Answers to Mr Hartley’s six Propositions for the definitive Treaty
          To the 1st This Matter has been already regulated in the 5th and 6th Articles of the Provisional Treaty to the utmost extent of our Powers: The Rest must be left to the several States—
          2d. All the Lakes, Rivers and Waters, divided by the Boundary Line or Lines, between the United States and his Britannic Majesty’s Territories, shall be freely used & navigated by both Parties during the whole extent of such Division. Regulations concerning Roads, Carrying-Places and any Land Communications between said Waters, whether within the Line of the United States or that of his Majesty, together with the Navigation of all Waters & Rivers in America belonging to either Party, may be made in a Negotiation of a Treaty of Commerce—
          3d & 4th That in all Places belonging to the United States in the Country adjoining to the Water-Line of Division, and which during the War were in his Majestys Possession all Persons at present resident, or having Possessions or Occupations, as Merchants or otherwise, may remain in the peaceable enjoyment of all civil Rights, and in Pursuit of their Occupations until they shall receive notice of Removal from Congress, or the State to which any such Place may appertain; and that upon any such Notice of Removal, a Term of two Years shall be allowed for selling or withdrawing their Effects, and for settling their Affairs—
          5th That his Britannic Majesty’s Forces not exceeding in number, may continue in the Posts now occupied by them, contiguous to the Water Line, until Congress shall give them Notice to evacuate the said Posts; and Garrisons of their own shall arrive at said Posts for the Purpose of securing the Lives, Property and Peace of any Persons settled in that Country, against the Invasion or Ravages of the Neighbouring Indian Nations, who may be suspected of retaining Resentments in consequence of the late War—
          6th The Consideration of this Proposition may be left to the Treaty of Commerce


Title: The American Peace Commissioners to David Hartley, 29 June 1783
From: American Peace Commissioners
To: Hartley, David

          Passy 29th June 1783
          Propositions made to Mr Hartley for the Definitive Treaty—
          1st To omit in the Definitive Treaty, the Exception at the End of the 2nd Article of the Provisional Treaty, viz, these words, “Excepting such Islands as now are, or heretofore have been within the Limits of the said Province of Nova Scotia[”]
          Article
          2dly The Prisoners made respectively by the arms of his Britannic Majesty and the United States, by Land and by Sea, not already set at Liberty, shall be restored reciprocally & bonâ fide immediately after the Ratification of the definitive Treaty, without Ransom, and on paying the Debts they may have contracted during their Captivity, and each Party shall respectively reimburse the Sums which shall have been advanced for the subsistence & maintenance of the Prisoners, by the Sovereign of the Country, where they shall have been detained according to the Receipts and attested Accounts, and other Authentic Titles which shall be produced on each side.
          Article
          3dly His Britannic Majesty shall employ his good Offices and Interposition with the King or Emperor of Morocco or Fez, the Regencies of Algiers, Tunis and Tripoli, or with any of them, and also with every other Prince, State or Power of the Coast of Barbary in Africa and the Subjects of the said King, Emperor, States and Powers, and each of them, in order to provide as fully & efficaciously as possible for the Benefit, Conveniency and Safety of the said United States, and each of them, their Subjects, People and Inhabitants, and their Vessels and Effects, against all Violence, Insults, Attacks or Depredations on the Part of the said Princes & States of Barbary or their Subjects.
          Article
          4thly If War should hereafter arise between Great Britain and the United States, which God forbid, the Merchants of either Country then residing in the other, shall be allowed to remain Nine Months, to collect their Debts, & settle their Affairs, and may depart freely, carrying off all their Effects, without Molestation or Hindrance. And all Fishermen, all Cultivators of the Earth, and all Artificers & Manufacturers, unarmed & inhabiting unfortified Towns, Villages, or Places, who labour for the common Subsistence & Benefit of Mankind, and peaceably follow their respective Employments, shall be allowed to continue the same, and shall not be molested by the armed Force of the Enemy in whose Power, by the Events of War they may happen to fall; but if any thing is necessary to be taken from them for the use of such armed Force, the same shall be paid for at a reasonable Price. And all Merchants or Traders with their unarmed Vessels employed in Commerce exchanging the Products of different Places, and thereby rendering the Necessaries, Conveniences & Comforts of Human Life more easy to obtain and more general, shall be allowed to pass freely unmolested. And neither of the Powers, Parties to this Treaty, shall grant or issue any Commissions to any private armed Vessels empowering them to take or destroy such trading Ships or interrupt such Commerce
          Article
          5thly And in Case either of the contracting Parties shall happen to be engaged in War with any other Nation, it is farther agreed in order to prevent all the Difficulties & misunderstandings that usually arise, respecting Merchandize heretofore called Contraband, such as Arms, Ammunition and Military Stores of all Kinds, that no such Articles carrying by the Ships or Subjects of one of the Parties to the Enemies of the other, shall on any account be deemed Contraband, so as to induce Confiscation & a Loss of Property to Individuals. Nevertheless it shall be lawful to stop such Ships, and detain them for such length of time, as the Captors may think necessary to prevent the Inconvenience or Damage that might ensue from their proceeding on their Voyage, paying however a reasonable Compensation for the Loss such Arrest shall occasion to the Proprietors. And it shall farther be allowed to use in the Service of the Captors, the whole or any Part of the Military Stores so detained, paying to the Owners the full Value of the same
          Article
          6thly The Citizens and Inhabitants of the said United States, or any of them, may take and hold real Estates in Great Britain, Ireland, or any other of his Majesty’s Dominions, and dispose by Testament, Donation, or otherwise, of their Property, real or personal, in favour of such Persons, as to them shall seem fit; and their Heirs, Citizens of the said United States or any of them, residing in the British Dominions or elsewhere, may succeed them Ab intestato, without being obliged to obtain Letters of Naturalization
          The Subjects of his Britannic Majesty, shall enjoy on their Part, in all the Dominions of the said United States, an entire & perfect reciprocity, relative to the Stipulations contained in the present Article
          Article
          7thly The Ratifications of the definitive Treaty shall be expedited in good & due form, and exchanged in the space of five months, (or sooner if it can be done) to be computed from the Day of the signature—
          8thly Query Whether The King of Great Britain will admit the Citizens of the United States to cut Logwood in the District allotted to his Majesty by Spain, and on what Terms—


Title: Proposals for an Anglo-American Commercial Agreement, June 1783
From: Hartley, David,Jay, John
To: Adams, John

          [Paris], June 1783. LbC-Tr’s in Jean L’Air de Lamotte’s hand (Adams Papers); APM Reel 103. The two proposals calendared here, one by David Hartley and the other by John Jay, are dated June in the Letterbook, but any effort to arrive at an exact date is problematical. They were likely done sometime after 21 May but prior to Hartley’s letter to the commissioners of 14 June, above, and perhaps even before his memorial of 1 June enclosed with that letter. Hartley’s proposal was likely done first, because it is a modification of one he had offered the commissioners on 21 May (JA, D&ADiary and Autobiography of John Adams, ed. L. H. Butterfield and others, Cambridge, 1961; 4 vols., 3:123–124). The original offer permitted Americans to import to or export from any British port, home or colonial, whatever had been permitted prior to the war without restriction. As modified, Americans were prohibited from establishing a direct trade between Britain and the West Indies. John Jay, noting the difficulty of immediately concluding a permanent Anglo-American commercial treaty, proposed a temporary convention instead. Under the agreement, Britain would be prohibited from carrying slaves to the United States, “it being the Intention of the said States entirely to prohibit the Importation thereof.” The convention would also permit an expansion of Irish-American trade. To a degree both proposals reflected the parliamentary debates over Anglo-American commercial relations, but neither had any likelihood of being implemented because of the policies of the Fox-North coalition and the decision to use Orders in Council to regulate Anglo-American trade.


Title: From John Adams to Robert R. Livingston, 3 July 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Livingston, Robert R.

          Sir,
            Paris. 3d: July. 1783.
          On the last Ambassador’s day, wh: was last Tuesday, Dr: Franklin, Mr: Jay & myself, waited on Monsr: de Vergennes, who told us he tho’t he had agreed with the Duke of Manchester, but that his Grace had not yet recd. the positive approbation of his Court— The Comte advised us to make a visit, all together, to the Ambassadors of the two Imperial Courts. Accordingly yesterday morng: we went, first, to Mr: le Comte de Mercy-Argenteau, the Ambassador of the Emperor of Germany, & King of Hungary & Bohemia. His Excellency was not at home, so we left our Card. We went next to the Prince Bariatinski, Minister Plenipotentiary from the Empress of Russia: Our Servant asked if the Prince was at home, & recd. for answer that he was— We were shewn into the Prince’s Apartment, who recd. us very politely. While we were here Mr: Markoff came in. He also is a Min: Plenipo: adjoined to the Prince in the affair of the mediation. I told him we proposed to do ourselves the honor of calling on him. He answered, “comme vous etes un ancien Connoissance, Je sera bien aise de vous voir.” Whether this was a turn of politeness, or whether it was a political distinction, I know not. We shall soon know by his returning or not returning our Visit— The Prince asked where I lodged, & I told him. This indicates an intention to return the visit—
          We went next to the Dutch Ambassador’s, Mr: l’Estevenon de Berkenrode: He was not at home, or not visible. Next, to the Baron de Blome, Envoy Extraordinary of the King of Denmark not at home. Next to Mr: Markoff’s. The Porter answered that he was at home. We alighted & were going to his Appartment, when we were told he was not come in. We left a Card & went to the other Dutch Ambassador’s, Mr: Brantzen, who was not at home. En passant we left a Card at the Swedish Minister’s & returned home, the heat being too excessive to pursue our visits any farther—
          Thus we have made visits to all the Ministers, who are to be present at the Signature of the Definitive Treaty. Whether the Ministers of the Emperial Courts will be present, I know not. There are many appearances of a Coldness between France & Russia, and the Emperor seems to waver between two opinions, whether to join in the war that threatens, or not. Perhaps the Ministers of the Imperial Courts will write for Instructions, whether to return our visit or not.—
          After I had begun this letter, Capn: Barney came in and delivered me your Duplicate of No: 12. Novr: 6th. 1782. Duplicate of No: 14.— Decemr: 19th: 1782. & Triplicate of No: 16. April. 14th. 1783. and the original of your letter of 18th. April. 1783. not numbered. This last contained my Accot:— But, as I have never recd. any of this money from Dr: Franklin or Mr: Grand, but have my Salary from Messrs: Willinks & Company at Amsterdam, I am extremely sorry you have had so much trouble with this affair— Altho’ in your latest letters you say nothing of my resignation, or the acceptance of it, I expect to receive it soon, & then I shall have an opportunity to settle the affair of my Salary, at Philadelphia—
          After reading your letters to me, I went out to Passy to see those addressed to us all. Dr: Franklin, Mr: Jay & myself, (Mr: Laurens being still in England,) read them all over together— We shall do all in our power to procure the advantages in the Definitive Treaty, to which we are instructed to attend.—
          The State of Parties is such in England that it is impossible to foresee, when there will be a Ministry who will dare to take any step at all. The Coalition between Ld. North & his Connections, and Mr: Fox & his, is a rope of sand. Mr: Fox, by pushing the vote in the House of Commons disapproving the Peace, and by joining so many of the old Ministers in the new Administration, has justly excited so many jealousies of his Sincerity, that no Confidence can be placed in him by us. I am extremely sorry that the most amiable men in the nation, Portland & the Cavendishes, should have involved themselves in the same reproach. In short, at present, Shelburne, Townsend, Pitt & the Administration of which they were Members, seem to have been the only one, who, for a moment, had just notions of their Country & ours. Whether these men, if now called to Power, would pursue their former ideas, I know not. The Bible teaches us not to put our Trust in Princes and, a fortiori, in Ministers of State.—
          The West India Commerce now gives us most anxiety. If the former British Ministry had stood, we might have secured it fm. England, and, in that case, France would have been obliged to admit us to their Islands, se defendendo.—
          The first maxim of a Statesman, as well as that of a Statuary, or a Painter, should be to study nature—to cast his eyes round about his Country & see what advantages the Creation has given it. This was well attended to in the Boundary between the United-States & Canada, and in the Fisheries. The Commerce of the West-India Islands falls necessarily into the natural system of Commerce of the United-States. We are necessary to them, & they to us—and there will be a Commerce between us. If the Government forbid it, it will be carried on clandestinly— France can more easily connive at a Contraband Trade, than England: But we ought to wish to avoid the necessity of this, or at least the temptation—
          I believe that neither France nor England will allow us to transport the Productions of their Islands to other parts of Europe. The utmost we may hope to obtain would be permission to import the productions of the french Islands into France, giving bond to land them in some port of that Kingdom, and the Productions of the English Islands into some port of Great-Britain, giving bonds to land them there. It must, however, be the care of the Minister, who may have to negotiate a Treaty of Commerce with Great-Britain, to obtain as ample Freedom in this Trade, as possible.—
          While I was writing the above, my Servant announced the Imperial Ambassador, whom I rose to receive. He said he was happy that the Circumstances of the Times afforded him an opportunity of forming an acquaintance with me, which he hoped would be improved into a more intimate one. I said his Excellency did me great honor, & begged him to sit—which he did, & fell into a Conversation of an hour. We run over a variety of Subjects, particularly the Commerce which might take place, between the United-States and Germany, by the way of Trieste & Fyume, and the Austrian Netherlands, and the great disposition in Germany to migration to America. He says he knows the Country, round about Trieste, very well, havg: an estate there—that it is a very extensive & a very rich Country, which communicates with that maritime City, & that the navigation of the Adriatic Sea, tho’ long, is not dangerous. I asked him what we should do with the Barbary Powers. He said he thought all the Powers of the world ought to unite in the suppression of such a detestable race of Pirates. That the Emperor had lately made an insinuation to the Porte upon the Subject. I asked him if he thought France & England would agree to such a project—that I had heard that some Englishmen had said, “If there were no Algiers, England ought to build one”— He said he could not answer for England— It is unnecessary to repeat any more of the Conversation, which turned upon the sober, frugal & industrious Character of the Germans, the best Cultivaters in Europe, and the dishonorable Traffic, of some of the German Princes, in Men, a Subject which he introduced & enlarged on himself. I said nothing about it. Rising up to take leave he repeated several Compliments he had made when he first came in, and added, “Monsieur, Monsr: le Comte de Vergennes me fera l’honneur de diner chez moi un de ces jours et j’espere d’avoir celle de votre Compagnie. Nous y parlerons d’une affaire, sur laquelle Monsr: de Vergennes vous parlerez auparavant”—
          This shows there is something in agitation; but what it is I cannot conjecture: whether it is to induce us to make the Compliment to the two Imperial Courts to sign the Definitive Treaty, as Mediators: whether there is any project of an association for the liberty of navigation, or whether it is any other thing I cannot guess at present; but I will write you as soon as I know— Whatever it is we must treat it with respect; but we shall be very carefull how we engage our Country in measures of Consequence, without being clear of our Powers, & without the Instructions of Congress— I went out to Passy & found, from Mr: Jay, that he had made his visit there, in the course of the day; but had said nothing to Dr: Franklin or him about the dinner with the C. de Vergennes.
          In the Course of the day I had visits from the Prince Bariatinsky & Monsr: de Markoff, the two Ministers of the Empress of Russia. The Porter told these Gentlemen’s Servants that I was at home, but they did not come up—they only sent up their Cards. While I was gone to Passy, Monsr: de Blome, Envoy Extraordinary from the King of Denmark, called & left his Card. Thus the point of Ettiquette seems to be settled, & we are to be treated in Character by all the Powers of Europe.—
          I have the honor to be with great respect & Esteem, Sir, / Your most obedient, / humle: Servt:
          John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Robert Morris, 5 July 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Morris, Robert

          Sir
            Paris July 5. 1783
          Your two Favours of the 12 and 29 of May, were delivered me on the third of this Month by Captain Barney. Every Assistance, in my Power, shall be given to Mr Barclay, Mr Grand will write you, the Amount of all the Bills which have been paid in holland which were accepted by me. You may banish your fears of a double Payment of any one Bill.— I never accepted a Bill without taking down in writing a very particular description of it, nor without examining the Book to see whether it had been accepted before. I sent regularly in the Time of it Copies of these Acceptances to Dr Franklin, and I have now asked him to send them to me, that I may copy them & send them to you The Dr has promised to look up my Letters and let me have them. The Originals are at the Hague, with Multitudes of other Papers, which I want every day. Among the many disagreable Circumstances, attending my Duty in Europe, it is not the least that instead of being fixed to any one Station, I have been perpetually danced about from Post to Pillar, unable to have my Books and Papers with me unable to have about me, the Conveniences of an House Keeper, for Health, Pleasure or Business, but yet subjected in Many Articles to double Expences.
          Mr Livingston has not informed me of any determination of Congress upon my Letter to you of 17 of November, which distresses me much on Mr Thaxters Account, who certainly merits more than he has received or can receive without the favour of Congress.
          I thank You Sir most affectionately for your kind Congratulation on the Peace. Our late Ennemies always Clamour against a Peace. But this one is better for them than they had Reason to expect after So mad a War. our Countrymen too, I Suppose are not quite Satisfyed. This Thing and that Thing Should have been otherwise—no doubt.— if any Man blames Us, I wish him no other Punishment than to have if that were possible, just Such another Peace to negotiate exactly in our Situation.— I cannot look back upon this Event without the most affecting Sentiments. When I consider the Number of Nations concerned, the Complications of Interests extending all over the Globe, the Characters of Actors, the Difficulties which attended every Step of the Progress, how every Thing laboured in England France, Spain & Holland untill a divided, that the Armament at Cadiz was upon the Point of Sailing which would have rendered another Campain inevitable, that another Campaign would have probably involved France in a Continental War as the Emperor wd in that Case have joined Russia against the Porte: that the British Ministry was then in So critical a Situation that its duration for a Week or a Day depended upon his making Peace. that if that Ministry had been changed it could have been Succeeded, only either by North & Company or by the Coalition: that it is certain that North & Co. nor the Coalition, would have made Peace upon any terms that either We or the other Powers would have agreed to. that all these difficulties were dissipated by one decided Step of the British and American Ministers, I feel too Stronly a gratitude to Heaven for having been conducted Safely through the Storm, to be very Solicitous whether We have the Approbation of Mortals or not. A Delay of one Day might and probably would have changed the Ministry in England in which Case all would have been lost.— if after We had agreed with Mr Oswald We had gone to Versailles to shew the Result to the Comte de Vergennes you would have been this moment at War and God Knows when or how you would have got out.— What would have been the Course? Mr De Vergennes would have Sprinkled Us with Compliments, the holy Water of a Court. He would have told Us “you have done, Gentlemen, very well for your Country.” You have gained a Great deal— I congratulate you upon it, but you must not Sign till We are ready. We must Sign all together here in this Room.— What would have been our Situation? We must have Signed against this Advice as Mr Laurens Says he would have done, and as I believe Mr Jay and I should have done, which would have been the most marked affront that could have been offered, or We must have waited for France & Spain, which would have changed the Ministry in England and lost the whole Peace, as certainly as there is a World in being. When a few frail Vessells are navigating among innumerable Mountains of Ice, driven by various Winds and drawn by Various Currents, and a narrow Crevice appears to one by which all may escape, if that one improves the Moment and sets the Example, it will not do to stand upon Ceremonies and ask which shall go first, or that all may go together.
          I hope you will excuse this little Excursion and believe me to be, with great Respect and Esteem, sir your most obedient / and most humble sert


Title: From John Adams to Wilhem & Jan Willink, Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, and De la Lande & Fynje, 5 July 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Staphorst, Nicolaas & Jacob van (business),Willink, Wilhem & Jan (business),La Lande & Fynje, de (business)

          Gentlemen,
            Paris July 5th. 1783.
          I have signed & Mr Grand will this day forward, the two thousand & three Obligations you sent me, which compleats the 5003.
          Inclosed is a Copy of Mr. Morris’s Letter to you of 30. of April 1783, & Mr. Grand’s original Letter to me of this day’s date. The Circumstances are such as to make it necessary you should comply with Mr. Morris’s Orders as soon as possible by furnishing to Mr. Grand all the Succour in your Power, having Attention to the Credit you have given to Mr. Dana & the other Expences incurred already, which I mentioned in a former Letter.
          I have the honor to be, Gentlemen / your humble Servt.


Title: To John Adams from Cotton Tufts, 5 July 1783
From: Tufts, Cotton
To: Adams, John

          Boston July 5. 1783
          Yesterday Our Independance was celebrated in a decent yet joyful Manner—a solid Joy possessed every Heart, none of those Wildnesses which are often seen even in high Life and too often mark the Rabble on such occasions were any where seen on this Day— The Genl Court had previously agreed to meet and render publick Thanks to the supreme Disposer of all Events, not only for the Blessing of Independance but for the Cessation of Hostilities & the Advantageous Peace held out in the Prelimy Articles and a definitive Treaty of which we have Reason shortly to expect—. Dr. Cooper our present Chaplain was requested to lead in the Devotions of the Day, We repaired to his Church preceded by the Artillery Company of this Town with a Band of Musick the Genl Court followed in procession to the Church where seats were assigned the Members— The Meeting was opened by a Short Address from the Doctor., a Psalm was sung after which he made an Excellent Prayer An Anthem closed the Solemnity—after which an Oration was delivered by Dr. Warren on the Principles of our Revolution and of Commonwealths the of Republics—shewing that Virtue is the actuating Spirit—that must move & animate the whole and without wch. Republics must fall— After the Performancs were ended The Genl Court were escorted by the Artillery Co. to the Senate Chamber, where a Cold Collation was provided, where the Citizen & the Legislator mixed, regaled themselves Drank their Toasts and so Retired— The Senate returned to their Deliberations at 4°C PM— And the Day ended with Peace & Joy


Title: From John Adams to Robert R. Livingston, 7 July 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Livingston, Robert R.

          Sir,
            Paris. 7th. July. 1783.
          We cannot as yet obtain from Mr: Hartley or his Principals an explicit consent to any one proposition whatever: Yet England & France, & England & Spain are probably agreed, and Holland I suppose must comply. Our last resource must be to say we are ready to sign the Provisional Treaty, totidem verbis, as the Definitive Treaty. I think it is plain that the British Ministry do not intend to sign any Treaty till Parliament rises. There are such dissentions in the Cabinet, that they apprehend a Treaty laid before Parliament, if it did not obtain advantages, of which they have no hopes, would furnish materials to overthrow them. A new Administration is talked of under Lord Temple.—
          The West-India Commerce is now the Object wh: interests us the most nearly. At dinner with the Duc de la Vauguyon, on Saturday last, he told me, that he believed the Commerce between the French West-India Islands & the United-States, wd. be confined to Ships built in France & navigated by French Seamen. So then, Monsieur le duc, said I laughing, you have adopted the ideas of the British Navigation Act. But what if the United-States shd. adopt them too, and make a law, that no Commerce shd. be carrd. on with any West-India Islands, French, English, Spanish, Dutch, or Danish, but in Ships built in America & navigated with American Seamen? We can import Sugar from Europe . . . But give me leave to tell you, that this Trade can never be carrd. on by the French: Their vessells are all large and navigated by a great number of Seamen, & your navigators are too slow. The Trade itself was only proffitable to us as a System—and little vessells, with a few hands, run away, at any season of the year, from any Creek or River, with a multitude of little Articles collected in haste.— Your Merchants & Mariners have neither the patience to content themselves with much & long labor, & dangerous voyages for small proffit—nor have they the œconomy, nor can they navigate vessells with so few hands.— “Aye, but we think,” says the Duke, “if we don’t try, we shall never learn to do these things as well & as cheap as you.” The Duke told me, some days before, that he had had a great deal of Conversation with the Comte de Vergennes, & he found he had a great many good ideas of Commerce. The Comte himself told me a few weeks ago, “in our regulations of the Commerce, between our Islands & you, we must have regard to our Shipping & our nurseries of Seamen for our Marine, for, smiling politely enough, without a Marine,” says he, “we cannot go to your Succour”— In short, France begins to grow, for a moment, avaritious of Navigation & Seamen: But it is certain, that neither the form of Government, nor the national Character, can possibly admit of great Success in it . . . Navigation is so dangerous a business & requires so much patience, & produces so little proffit, (among nations who understand it best, & have the best advantages for it, where Property is most secure, Lawsuits soonest & cheapest ended, & by fixed certain laws,) that the French can never interfere much, with the Dutch or Americans, in Ship-building or Carrying-Trade. If any French Merchants ever begin to carry on this Commerce, between America & the Islands, they will break to peices very soon, and then some new plan must be adopted . . . The English, for aught I know, will make a similar law, that the Communication, between us & their Islands, shall be carried on in British-built Ships, or Ships built in Canada & Nova-Scotia, & navigated by British Seamen. In this case we must try what we can do with the Dutch & Danes— But the French & English will endeavor to persuade them to the same policy, for the Duc de la Vauguyon told me, he tho’t it a common Tie, (Lien commun.) In this they will not succeed, & we must make the most we can of the Dutch friendship, for luckily the Merchants and Regency of Amsterdam had too much wit to exclude us from their Islands by the Treaty. Happily Congress will have a Dutch Minister, with whom they may consult upon this matter, as well as any others—but I should think it would not be convenient to invite an English or a French Minister to be present at the Consultation.—
          I am at a loss, Sir, to guess what propositions, made to us, Congress have been informed of, which they had not learned from us. None have been made to us. The Dutch Ambassadors did once propose a meeting to us, & had it at my house. Dr: Franklin came, but Mr. Jay did not, and Mr: Laurens was absent. The Ambassadors desired to know, whether we had power to enter into any engagements, provided France, Spain, & Holland should agree to any, in support of the Armed-Neutrality. We shewed them the Resolution of Congress of the 5th: October 1780. and told them that Mr: Dana had been since vested with a particular Commission to the same effect. We never heard any thing further about it. Not seeing, at the time, any probability that any thing would come of this, nor intending to do any thing of any Consequence in it, if we should hear further of it, without the further orders of Congress, we did not think it necessary to write any thing about it, at least till it should put on a more serious appearance.— If the Comte de Mercy’s dinner, to which we are to be invited with the Comte de Vergennes, should produce any Insinuations on this Subject, (which I do not however expect,) we shall inform you, & request the orders of Congress.—
          With great respect, I have the honor to be, Sir, / Your Most Obedient / huml: Servt:
          John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from Wilhem & Jan Willink, Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, and De la Lande & Fynje, 7 July 1783
From: Staphorst, Nicolaas & Jacob van (business),Willink, Wilhem & Jan (business),La Lande & Fynje, de (business)
To: Adams, John

          Sir
            Amsterdam 7 July 1783
          We received at three ô clock the honour of your Excellencies Esteemed favour of 5 inst, in consequence of whch. we assure Mr. Grand to provide him in a Month time with one Million and a half Livres on acct. of the United States in consequence of the respected orders of his Excellency R. Morris Esqr Super Intendant of Finance, part of whch. will remit him the first mail the 10 inst. and we beg Leave to assure your Excellency of our uninterrupted endeavours to promote the Succes of the Loan, whch. gains daily confidence, Whch. is the chief point we aim at, and have no doubt but by acting with prudence and management, we’ll become Able to Satisfy fully your Excellencys expectation in Course of time
          We remain with respectfull regard / Sir / Your Excellency’s Most / Humle & Obedt Servants
          Wilhem & Jan Willink
            Nichs. & Jacob van Staphorst
            dela Lande & fynje

            Mr. Grand advice us the expedition of the Signed 2003 obligs. when received by us we inform your Excellency of it


Title: To John Adams from Edmund Jenings, [ca. 8 July 1783]
From: Jenings, Edmund
To: Adams, John

          Sir
            [London, ca. 8 July 1783]
          I have reciv’d your Excellencys Letters of the 16th of May & the 9th of June— I had written to your Excellency oftener if I had not my Doubts whether you were at Paris, imagining that when Mr Laurens left that Place, all business had been at an End, & that you had returned too.

          on my Arrival here I begged the Gentleman who had caused certain writings to be published to return me the original work. He told me could not do it, the Mode of setting things for the Press requiring that it should be cut into Peices for the distribution of them into several hands at a Time. all that is not published He has returnd me, consisting of two Sheets. I sent you regularly those, which have Seen the Light
          The Treaty with Holland has been published six weeks it is subjoined to a new publication of the Constitutions the whole makes a Handsome Volume in Octo Consisting of a print of Genl Washington a Dedication Preface, American State Papers, including the Declaration of Rights non importation Agreements, Last Petition to the King Declaration of Independance articles of Confederation &c, the Constitutions of the several States Treaty of Amity & Commerce with France, Treaty of Alliance, Treaty of Amity & Commerce with the States General Convention between the States General & the United States, a Copy of the Provisional Articles signed at Paris, & a list of Presidents of Congress. If I can get a good Conveyance I will send it to your Excellency together with a Pamphlet published by Ld Sheffield, but supposed to be composed by a Junto formed by Dean Arnold Wentworth Skene &c &c and at the same time I shall enclose a Book published by Govr Pownal—entitled a Memorial to the Sovereigns of America, written in the same Manner as a former Memorial was. & containing as that did matter, that deserves attention.— it is sent by the Author to the Abbé Needham at Brussells to be translated into French for fear that &c.
          your Excellency askd me several Questions with respect to this Country & the Definitive Treaty. I have sent to Mr Ridley. a News paper which contains the Debate in Parliament last Week. in which I think may be seen the true Temper of this Country towards America, I shall convey several of these Papers Abroad, & our Friends will Act Accordingly
          I cannot think that the Ministry will Stand as it is whether it stands or not is of little Consequence to America, there being hardly a Man in England who has any Idea of the true Manner in which this Country ought to Conduct herself towards the United States. Burkes Policy & Idea of Trade prevail throughout & the Seeds of Dissention seem to be sewn between the Father & Son. Fox will never be forgiven for the part He has Acted, He Knew He was not liked by the Father, & therefore paid his Courts to the Son. the chance of the Sons succeeding to the Throne may give Fox weight with his Colleagues & He may continue in place but will not have any Influence, unless He proposes desperate Measures, & affects to dispise the people of which He has already given such Strong Proofs that His Popularity is gone. Lord North is looked up to by all the needy people for He disposes of almost all the places & by consequence He has the chief Wieght.
          How goes on Parties in America I Hope there are none yet formed, but I see much personal Invective in many Quarters. This may lead to Mischief
          Talking of personal Matters I must inform Your Excellency that I have written a long Letter to Mr B in answer to an Extraordinary one of the 28th of Janry last. if He shews it to Mr L it will bring on an Eclaircissement.
          I am with the greatest Respect / Sir / Your Excellencys / Most Obedient Humble Servant
          Edm: Jenings


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Barclay, 9 July 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Barclay, Thomas

          Sir
            Paris 9 July 1783
          I have recd the Letter you Yesterday did me the Honour to write me, and will lay before you, all the Accounts I have, which are little more than Sums of Money recd. for my Salary as Soon as I can get at my Books and Papers, which are at the Hague.
          Mr Grand will be able to furnish you with the Account of the Monies paid by him or by the House of Horneca Fizeaux & Grand at Amsterdam for the Bills of Exchange drawn by Congress upon Mr Laurens & me in Holland and accepted by me.
          These together with the Purchase of the Hotel des Etats Unis at the Hague, the History of which you remember, and I hope will not forget, as your Testimony will be necessary perhaps for my Justification, will make all the Accounts of / sir your most obedient and most / humble servant