Title: To John Adams from Mercy Otis Warren, 4 August 1814 to 11 August 1814
From: Warren, Mercy Otis
To: Adams, John

					Plymth. Ms. August 4th 1814

				Yours my dear Sir, of the 15th Ulto: is in the same stile of partial friendship which I witnessed many years ago.—If the author of the Group ever deserved half the encomiums which you have lavished on her talents, it ought to be rescued from oblivion.—I know of no one living who can or will do this but yourself.—You expressed a wish in yours to have your memory refreshed.—In consequence of which I inclose a list of the Dramatis Personæ with their original names.—This little work was committed to the press by yourself the winter before Lexington battle.—Since that period (I am sorry to confirm your assertion, that you “have not been at Plymouth since the year 1774;”) Since that period I have not had the pleasure of seeing you at the Plymouth fire-side. May not this yet be done once more before time closes upon us, where we may converse on the “puny race of Idolaters of mammon in the present generation,” and compare them with the characters who acted with yourself when you obtained an emancipation from the yoke of foreign slavery, for this thoughtless, thankless race, that are continually abusing that glorious effort, and are endeavoring to blast the names and memory of those who atchieved this mighty work.—Your observations and recollections, with a few of mine which are still retained, might make a curious conversation.I hope the thread of your life and the powers of your mind may be drawn out as far as you can wish, beyond the day which gives peace to the United States.—Whether it is or not, I rejoice to see your pious resignation to the will of him, who protracts out time, I trust, for wise and benevolent purposes.—You observe that “France is humbled & Napoleon is banished.”—Could I look into your bosom I think I should see curious reflections, though you say nothing further.—Will things remain thus?—I say no. There are seeds of other revolutions, which in a few short years or months may pour out torrents of blood & misery on a guilty world.—You have a right to forbid Cassandra and every other busy genius from troubling their friends with their imaginary evils or conjectures.I will now call another theme and pray that you may soon have letters from your Son, gratifying indeed to his friends & to his country.—August 11th. Thus far had I written with design to send off by post on the ensuing day, which brought me a billet from Mrs Adams introducing a part of your amiable family whom I met with the usual cordiality which ever warms my bosom on the sight of a friend.—But I own myself now a little mortified at their sudden departure.—I expected that their visit would have been protracted two or three days longer & am a little curious to know what hastened their return. Was it the hostile attitude in which they found the ancient town of Plymouth,—or did I not succeed in my endeavour to make them as happy as possible, with faded talents in a feeble fabric?—Whatever was the cause I must regret it, but shall never cease to love the children of my friends, so long as I find them worthy, good, and amiable.—Tell my dear Mrs. Adams that I cannot relinquish the hope of one visit more to / Yr honoured Friend / & Hble. Servt

					M Warren


Title: From John Adams to John Taylor, 14 August 1814
From: Adams, John
To: Taylor, John

No. 11.
Quincy August 14 1814

In your fourth page you “are unable to discover, In Oour form of Government, any resemblance of Monarchy, Aristocracy or Democracy.” “as defined by ancient Writers, and by Mr Adams himself.”
As these Words are technical Terms, whose meaning is as well defined both by ancients and moderns, as the Words, Point, Line, Surface, or Solid, in Geometry, I Shall nor turn over Volumes to quote Authorities in a question of So easy a Solution.
To avoid misrepresentation, however I Shall explicitly premise, that all Intelligence, all Power, all Force, all Authority, originarily, inherently, necessarily inseparably unalianably resides in the People. In the language of Civilians, The Summa Potestatis, the Supream Sovereign, absolute and uncountroulable Power is placed by God and Nature in the People, and they never can divest themselves of it. All this was Truth before the People themselves, by their own Sagacity, or their moral Sentiments, or if you had rather Say by their own Symplicity Credulity and Imbecility, began to distinguish, The One, and the Few, from their own Average and Level. For you may depend upon it, the People themselves, by their own Observation and Experience and Feelings, their own Sensations and reflections made these distinctions, before Kingcraft, Priestcraft, or Noblecraft had any thing to do with them.
An inevitable Consequence of this great Truth is another, viz. That all Government, except the Simplest and most perfect Democracy, is Representative Government,. The Simplest Despotism, Monarchy, or Aristocracy, and all the most complicated Mixtures of Them that ever existed or can be imagined, are mere Representatives of the People, and can exist no longer than the People wish to Support them, Bas Le Tyran: Bas Le Gouvernement, bon,  ou mauvais, good, bad or indifferent, whenever The People decree and proclaim its downfall, it falls.
It is this explicit concession Democratical enough? I beg your pardon. I had forgotten for a moment, that you do not allow “democracy to be deduced from Moral Liberty”. Let me vary my question then; Do you admit those two great Truths to be consistent with “Moral Liberty” and “The Constitution of The United States”?
But to return and approach the question; if peradventure, We can find it. Scientific definitions are commonly, in the Abstract, merely ideal and intellectual, and theoretical. for example “Point has no Parts.” “A line is longitude without Latitude.” “A Superficies is length and Breadth without thickness” Yet in practice we can neither See nor feel, these Points, Lines or Surfaces. Thus Monarchy is defined to be “A Sovereigty in one; that is to Say All the Rights Powers and Authorities of a whole Nation, committed in trust to a Single Man, without Limitation or restriction. Aristocracy the Same ample and unlimited Power vested in a Small Number of Men. Democracy reserves all these Rights Prerogatives and Privileges to the whole Nation, and every Act of its Volition must be determined by a Vote.
Now it is manifest, that no Such Simple Government as either of these, ever existed in any Nation. No nor in any City, Town, Village, nor Scarcely in any private Social Clubb. To Say then that a mixed, ballanced Government can be formed of Monarchy Aristocracy and Democracy, in this Sense of the Words, would be as Absurd, as for a Hindoo to Say, that the best Government would be that of three omnicient and almighty Brachmans, mixed or combined together and reciprocally ballancing each other. Thus far, for what I know, We may be pretty well agreed.
But when you Say that “in our Form of Government no Resemblance can be discovered of Monarchy, Aristocracy or Democracy, I beg leave to differ from you.
The Prince of Orange William the fifth, in a conversation with which he honoured me in 1788 was pleased to Say that “he had read our new Constitution” and he added “Monsieur vous allez avoir Un Roi, Sous le Titre de President.” Which may be translated “Sir, you have given yourselves a King, under the Title of President.” Turgot, Rochefaucault and Condorcet, Brissot and Robespierre and Mazzei, were all Offended, that We had given too much Ecclat to our Governors and Presidents. It is true, and I rejoice in it, that our Presidents, limited as they are, have more Power, i.e. more executive Power, than the Statholders, the Doges, the Podestas the Avoyers, or the Archons; or the Kings of Lacedemon or of Poland. To be brief, the general Sense of Mankind, differs from You in Opinion, and clearly Sees, and fully believes that Our Presidents Office has “Some resemblance of Monarchy.” And God forbid, that it should ever be diminished. All these monarchical Powers, however “are deduced” in your Judgment, “from moral Liberty.”
I agree that they are “deduced” from Morality and from Liberty: but if they had been more deliberately considered and better digested, the Morality and Liberty would have been better Secured and of longer duration if the Senatorial Limitations of them had been omitted.
In my next, We will See if We can “discover any resemblance of Aristocracy in our form of Government.” Meantime I have the honour to be your friendly Servant

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Mercy Otis Warren, 17 August 1814
From: Adams, John
To: Warren, Mercy Otis

					Dear madam—
					Quincy August 17th. 1814—

				I have certified in the book in the Atheneum that to my certain Knowledge, The Group was written by Mrs: Warren.Your polite invitation to Plymouth, is esteemed as an effusion of friendship, ancient and modern: But three score and nineteen years have reduced me to the Situation, the temper and humour of Mr. Selden, who Clarendon Say’s, would not have Slept out of his own bed, for any office the King could have given him.The difference of Character and Conduct in New England for the last fifty years, is not so great in reallity as in AppearanceThe Tories had the assendency from 1761. to 1775 and then, 1775 and 1776 scarcely turned the majority. Through the whole Revolution the Tories sat on our skirts, and were a dead Weight, obstructing and embarrassing all our Efforts. They have now the entire dominion of of the five states of New England—Stonington, however, appears to have shaken off their yoke, and new york is setting a good Example.Could you have believed forty years ago, that in so short a time Plymouth, Duxbury, and Boston, would have been rivalled and exceeded by new york in Patriotism, Fortitude and Courage?I do not consider the peace in Europe, as yet concluded. The great questions of the Liberty of the Scheldt of Ostend, Nieuport Bruges &c, are still to be discussed in a Congress of ambassadors at Vienna, and other questions too numerous to be mentioned.The War between Protestantism and Catholicism lasted thirty years, i e. from 1618 to 1648. The War between Republicanism and Depotism has already reached thirty nine years. The religious war is not yet ended. When the political War will terminate, must be left to him who rules the armies of Heaven.In one thing I am clear, If the War continues between Great Britain and the United States, as  I believe it will it will soon rekindle the flames in Europe.my children intended but a Short visit at Plymouth and Sandwich. Various circumstances Some melancholly and others less gloomy rendered a longer excursion inconvenientThe Alarm in Plymouth had no share, in their early return to the mansion of your Old Friend—

					John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Horatio Gates Spafford, 20 August 1814
From: Spafford, Horatio Gates
To: Adams, John

					Respected Friend—
					Albany, 8 Mo. 20, 1814.

				Will thy good-nature excuse the freedom of a friendly enquiry after thy health? assured that a real solicitude exists for its long continuance, with every other blessing?And of our Minister, thy Son—hast thou heard of late from him? I am anxious to learn how my humble offering was received, as well by him, as by the Autocrat of all  Russia. And I am also very anxious to learn that the labors of our Ministers are likely to bless us once more with peace. Conversing, today, with the Swedish Minister, he assured me I might confidently expect it in a very short time.Was it proposed that the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, do me the honor to elect me a Member? for I heard it would be proposed. If I mistake not, thou art the President of that Society. With fervent / wishes for thy health & happiness, / I remain, thy friend,

					Horatio Gates Spafford.

					P.S. The Gazetteer continues in good demand, near 6000 copies being sold; a sure sign that the public is pretty well satisfied with my labors. I thank the public.


Title: From John Adams to John Taylor, 23 August 1814
From: Adams, John
To: Taylor, John

No. 12
Dear Sir
Quincy August 23. 1814

You “are unable to discover in our form of Government any resemblance of Aristocracy.”
As every branch of Executive Authority committed or entrusted, exclusively to One, resembles and is properly called a Monarchical Power; &  Government in proportion as its Powers legislative or Executive are lodged in One, resembles Monarchy: So whatever Authority or Power of making or executing Laws is exclusively vested in a Few is properly called Aristocratcical; and a Government, in proportion as it is constituted with Such Powers, “resembles” Aristocracy.
Now, Sir, let me ask you, whether you can discover no “resemblance of Aristocracy in our Form of Government?”  Are not great, very great, important, and essential, Powers, entrusted to a Few? a very few? Thirty four Senators, composed of two Senators from each State, Are an integral Part of the Legislature which is the Representative Sovereignty of Seven or Eight millions of the People in the United States. These thirty four Men possess an absolute Negative on all the Laws of the Nation. Nor is this, all. These few, these very few, thirty four Citizens only in Seven or Eight Millions have an absolute Negative upon the Executive Authority in the Appointment of all Officers in the Diplomacy, in the Navy the Army, the Customs Excises and Revenues. They have, moreover an absolute negative on all Treaties with foreign Powers; even with the Aboriginal Indians. They are also an absolute Judicature in all Impeachments, even of the Judges. Such are the Powers in Legislation in Execution and in Judicature, which in our form of Government are committed to thirty four Men.
If, in all these mighty Powers, and “exlusive Priviledges” you can “discover no Resemblance of Aristocracy” When and where did any “Resemblance of Aristocracy ever exist? The Triginte Virs of Athens and the Decemvirs of Rome, I acknowledge “resembled Aristocracy” Still more: But the Lords of Parliament in England do not resemble it, So much. Nor did the Nobility in Prussia, Germany, Russia, France or Spain possess Such Powers. The Palatines in Poland, indeed!—
How are these Thirty four Senators appointed? Are they appointed by the People? Is the constitution of them democratical? They are chosen by the Legislatures of the Several States. And who are the Legislatures of the Seperate States? Are they the People? No. They are a Selection of the best Men among the People, made by the People themselves. That is they are the very αριστοί of the Greeks. Yet there is Something more. These Legislatures are composed of two Bodies; a Senate and an House of Representatives, each assemly differently constituted. The Senates more nearly “resembling Aristocracy,” than the Houses. Senators of the United States are chosen, in Some States, by a Convention of both Houses: in others by Seperate independent, but concurrent Votes. The Senates, in the former, have great Influence, and often turn the Vote: in the latter, they have an Absolute Negative in the Choice.
Here are refinements upon refinements of “resemblances of Aristocracy”; a Complication of Checks and ballances, evidently intended, beyond any Constitution of Government, that I can at present recollect. Whether an exact ballance has been hit, or whether an exact ballance, will ever be hit, are different questions. But in this I am clear, that the nearer, We approach to an exact Ballance, the nearer We Shall approach to “Moral Liberty” if I can understand the Phrase.
We have agreed to be civil and free. In my Number Thirteen I will very modestly hint to you, my humble Opinion of the point where your principal Mistake lies. Meantime I am your very friendly
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Richard Rush, 14 September 1814
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Richard

Dear Sir
Quincy September 14 1814

There is an height, beyond which the proudest Wave cannot ascend: there is a depth, at least a bottom, from which no Waters are left to rise or retire. There is a tide in the Affairs of Men.
It is a trite observation of Historians, that there is in human Affairs, an ultimate point of depression, from whence, Things naturally but gradually rise and return to their Level.
Our american Affairs are not yet fallen, but are rapidly falling to that extremity. I See Nothing to prevent the English from obtaining the command of all the Lakes and as many Posts, as they please upon our Side of them. I See little to prevent them from demolishing as many of our Seaport towns as they choose. We have no regular Army and We cannot get one, for our Men will not enlist. The Militia will fight when they please, and run when they please. Our Revenue is inadequate, our Credit is fallen, our dignity lost. The English have guilotined Us. They have Studiously inflicted upon Us, the most daring and insolent mark of Contempt. Every Thing has a tendency to a dissolution of the general Government. The defence of each State, in that case will fall  upon its own Government. How many of the States the English will conquer, I know not: but they will not Subdue them all. When they carry the War into the Interiour of the Country, the Pendulum will begin to Swing the other Way.
There is an Appearance of some little Awakenings and Revivals in this Neighbourhood; Amid the low murmurs of Submissive fear and mingled Rage, Governor Strong was heard to Say “The Town of Boston Shall be laid in Ashes before the 74 and Frigates Shall be Surrendered” and So glowing a Speech from so cool and orator has infused a little electrical Warmth into Some of the Inhabitants in and about the Capital. But I understand all is to be done by State Exertions.
Never, my Friend, was a flock of Pidgions, allured by flutterers and flyers, under a Net more completely than We have been by that ruse de Guerre the negotiation for Peace.
But my patience will not hold out
My health is restored to its usual Tone, and my Esteem has never been abated. It has been increased by an able and judicious Letter to Our District Attorney, which has been read with much pleasure / by your friend

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 23 September 1814
From: Adams, John
To: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan

My dear Vander Kemp,
Quincy Septr. 23. 1814

Your favr. of the 12th has revived or awakened my Pen which had fainted or Slept for many Weeks
Preparations for Festivals have taken no time, nor many thoughts. One Sunday Evening, which our Parson, Said was the most pleasant and profitable, he had ever Spent, was all. Mr De Wint and Caroline have as little disposition to Pomp as her Grandfather. If you can give me any information concerning the Connections or Circumstances of this Gentleman you will oblige me
Your Son has done his Duty. We in N. England, are worse of, than you. We pay Sixteen dollars for bad flour and one third of a dollar for butter.
Old Saltfish is the best fish in nature. I have dined at the Table of my Friend and Banker, Van den Yvor, upon gold Plates, with Ambassadors from Holland and wonder not at his Lady’s exquisite taste in every refinement of Luxury. Fish, Venison, Mutton and Poultry Should be kept to a minute, to be in perfection. I love old Wine old Cheese, old Tobacco and old Woman. How is it with you?
The Hair in the palm of the hand is a Mark of Singularity. Something extraordinary, preternatural, Supernatural.
 enough to Satisfy Madam and her Husband, your Friend

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 29 September 1814
From: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan
To: Adams, John

Mÿ Dear and respected Sir!
Oldenbarneveld. 29 Sept. 1814

Although much indisposed duty compells me to Send you a few lines—and as I feel allways Somewhat reliev’d, when I write to you, it may now have the same beneficial Success—and So I Shall reap the reward of my Labour, even before hand. Now I am nearly certain to know—why in Such a vast course of time I did not receive a Single letter from Quinceÿ. The New-york Spectator of last Saturdaÿ—informs me, that the marriage’s Solemnities between your amiable grand daughter and mr de Wind took place the 11th. Be the remembrance of that daÿ a Spring of joÿ to the Interested and all their relatives! God’s best blessings become the Share of that couple—and the virtues and talants of the Grand Father—and the eminent qualities of the head and heart of the Spouse’s Grand-mama—are perpetuated in her numerous—healthy—happy off Spring!
Having now paid my duty, I may claim—as usuallÿ—Some reward for well doing—and if you can not yet write—I expect at least, that Caroline’s office is well filled again; and then when the bustle of marriag festivals is over, you maÿ empower your Secretarÿ, to inform me—that Mr. Adams and his Ladÿ enjoÿ health and contentment; and when, you have proceeded so far—and I beg her Ladyship to advocate my suit, when I must Succeed, then you may empower Him or her to answer my humble demands—
What is the Character, as writers, of Garat and Rivarol—the former published Lessons to the Normal Schools?
Was it not Mr J. A. who paid the compliment to Washington, "Divine Providence had been pleased to withdraw from the midst us of this man, the first in war &c? There was not, Says Madame Stael, in anÿ crises of the French Revolution to be found a man who could have Spoken this language"
you mentioned in a former Letter that you had resigned the Presidency of the Academÿ of arts—Had I lived in your neighbour hood, you might have condescended to favour me with a Sight of the letters with which you honoured for the last time that Learned Society—at least you would not have resisted my entreaties—to be permitted—to read them as "models of dignity and affection" I hope, writes this good man, to Send you copies of Both—You See thus—there are yet—willing to prove me their kindness—you may guess, that it is mr Tyng—who lays me under these obligations
Harper’s Alexander the deliverer has been reëchaed even in Europe—but J. Quincÿ Adams—Alexander, the delight of man kind—is an Eulogÿ of infinitely higher value—He would not have bestowed it even on an Emperor, had it not been merited—
Recommend me to the remembrance of your Ladÿ—I remain / My Dear and respected Sir! / Your affectionate and obliged frend

Fr. Adr. vanderkemp


Title: To John Adams from Thomas McKean, 15 October 1814
From: McKean, Thomas
To: Adams, John

					Dear Sir,
					Philadelphia, October 15th. 1814.

				The communications of our Plenepotentiaries at Ghent give complete evidence of the temper & views of the British government respecting peace with the United States; they will emphatically unite them. I have always been of opinion that the Administration of  Britain intended to protract the negotiation until the result of the present campaign should be known; but until now I did not believe they meant to continue the war longer. War then is the Order of the day. We will never be British colonies again. The loss of the lives of many thousands of our fellow-citisens and of millions of treasure must be the consequence; but in times of peace death is not idle, and luxury & dissipation squander millions. When not half as numerous and not    a tenth part so wealthy we fought them near forty years ago, with the assistance of five or six thousand troops from France & the diversion occasioned by the French navy, and we beat them. We are now so well-prepared, and have had such recent proofs of skill & bravery both on the ocean and on the land, that there is no reason to despair of success again.They year ensuing will be the year of trial. we shall then have as able & as brave officers & privates as we have ever had, nay I will venture to say superior by sea & land, and when I reflect, that we can bring ten men into the field for the same expence as our Enemy can one; for they will have to bring their forces three thousand miles at least before they can meet us, there is reason to conclude, our finances will hold out as long as theirs; especially when we consider they have been lately twenty years at war with another country, that commanded all their energies. An omnipotent and benevolent Providence may, by permitting new broils & contests in Europe, or by other means furnish other employment for the British administration, besides planning the destruction or subjugation of an innocent people fighting for their independence & just rights. On God let us rely; he has been and still is our General in chief.	I thought I had done with the world, having spent eighty years in it, but unexpected events have recalled my attention to it for a short time.The declaration of war appeared to me improvident & very wrong; but now there must be no retrospection; all our powers must be exercised on the present & the future.In Philadelphia we are at last roused & preparing for defence & safety. There is an intire change of Elective officers, both in this city  & county, without a single exception. This will be handed to you by the Reverend Mr. Coleman, who makes but a short stay here: he has assured me of your good health. Having this opportunity I could not refrain writing, and my mind being engrossed with the situation of our country, in obtaining and securing the happiness of which you & I have employed so many years of our lives, at the risque of everything valuable in this world, has forced from me a political epistle. Your worthy son being placed at the head of the Commissioners of the U.S. for negociating a peace has hitherto prevented me from engaging my pen to you about the politics of the times.May we live to see an honorable & successful termination of this second arduous contest for American liberty; and may you be as happy as I wish you.Your friend

					Tho M:Kean


Title: From John Adams to François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 18 October 1814
From: Adams, John
To: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan

My dear Friend,
Quincy Oct. 18. 1814

Your last Letter has affected me more than any I ever received from You. The Loss of your Friend Mr Mappa, your own Loss and Madam Vanderkemps loss must be So severe, that my heart has been deeply affected with the News, in the midst of the public News. The Menaces of G.B. I despize; but the Grief of my Friend melts my heart. Oh! that you were near me!
Is the Pope and the Inquisition to make Us regret the Banishment of Napoleon and even to lament the death of Robespierre? Or
Is the Emancipation of the Scheldt, of Antwerp, of Ostend &c to guard Us against British Arrogance, So much more during than that of France?
Could I ramble with you over Montezillo, and the Hills and Vallies in its neighbourhood, I would open my whole Soull to you: but even then I Should  blush to descend from the Cause of Mankind and my own Country to the petty Interest of my own Family. But I will blush and descend.
You wish to know the Parentage of Mrs. De Windt.
His great Grandfather was Governor of St. Eustatia. This Fact I learned from a Lady as old as I am, my Neighbour Mrs Apthorp the  Widow of Mr James Apthorp, who Says that 50 Years ago, She was in the Island of St. Eustatia when Mr De Windt was Governor of that Island. She was treated with great Civility by this Gentleman and received great kindnesses from him. Upon this Information I ventured to ask Mr John Peter De Windt, then a candidate for the Affections of my Granddaughter, or rather I believe, very thoroughly possessed of them, whether De Windt of St. Eustatia was any Relation of his? With some modest hesitation he Said it was his great Grandfather. I then asked of his Grandfather? He Said he was of St. Croix or St. Thomas’s, I forget which, and that in the latter part of his life he removed to America and that his Father had lived in the New Jersey Sometimes and New York Sometimes. John Adams Smith my Grandson Says that John Peter was his Classmate at Columbia Colledge in New York.
Now You have all I know of the Parentage; and all I care about it. The Youth is modest and discreet. That is enough.
The Family have dropped the D, from the Name. And with discretion; for in Spight of all your Partiality for the Dutch I will defy you, and all human Tongues Teeth, Lips and throats to pronounce the Word, DeWindt De Wint is not So impracticable. ‘tho N. and T. cannot yet be perfectly reconciled.

John Adams
I Say little of public Affairs. We must depend on our own heads and hearts annuente Deo.


Title: To John Adams from Richard Rush, 23 October 1814
From: Rush, Richard
To: Adams, John

Respected Sir.
Washington October 23. 1814

I was made happy by your last esteemed favor, from its assuring me that your health was restored to its usual tone.
I lately spent an evening with young Mr Dallas, who came home in the John Adams. He is an intelligent young gentleman, and deals out a great deal of European anecdote, of Lords and Emperors, Kings and princes.
He speaks with nothing but praise of Mr J. Q. Adams; who, he says, was both our spokesman and penman at Ghent; the leading man of our group of ambassadors there.
Dining at Lord Erskine’s in London, his Lordship said "Mr Dallas, America is right and we wrong in this war," enforcing his remark with an oath. The son David, the ex minister, was at the table, and denied it, adding that the sooner we gave up the better. Upon which the father exclaimed "David, if you should ever be brought before me on a trial for your life I’d acquit you, because I am sure you dont know right from wrong!" So much for the chancellor and minister.
He says the noble Alexander, "the Titus of the age," has a contempt for the Prince Regent, which he scarcely conceals in public. Dancing at a ball with the countess of Jersey (with whom the Prince is not upon terms) the prince passed close by the countess; the countess made him a curtsy: the prince turned from her without returning the civility, upon which the Emperor, looking at the prince said "tres gallant Monsieur!" A pretty imperial rebuke.
The emperor was at the theatre one night in the box with the prince, the King of Prussia, old Blucher &c. The Princess came into the adjoining box. The prince, according to his custom when she came there, took not the least notice of her at first. Alexander, seeing her approach rose ceremoniously to do her honor. The King of Prussia, old Blucher, and the next, followed the example of Alexander. The prince, thus shamed into the thing, was forced to rise too. Among other benefits which Alexander is conferring upon mankind, it seems therefore that he is teaching men good manners to their wives! All appear to set him down as the best bred gentleman in Europe. The prince a mere beef–eater compared to him.
At the Lord Mayor’s feast in London given to the foreign sovereigns, when the hour of dining came, the emperor had not arrived. "It signifies nothing to wait" said the prince, "he knows I am here, and won’t come". Whether from accident, or having no relish for the prince’s society, or from what cause, but true enough, the Emperor did not come!
These royal and momentous anecdotes did Mr Dallas give me! he considers it a well established fact that the Prince, with all his pageantry and serpentine rivers, did not gain the least portion of Alexander’s respect.
He thinks France will be at war again very soon for Belgium. The French minister here agrees with this opinion. But I should value the opinion of Mr J. Q. Adams more than either. Pray, Sir, does this gentleman ever tell of returning to us soon? I ask not from mere idle curiosity, but should like to know.
If England can exclude us from the Indian Country; if she can get the lakes with fortification, on their southern banks; if she can get New Orleans which no doubt she expects to have, with the right to navigate the Mississippi, where will be the difference between her plans and those of France in 1759? It will be the old story revived. I hope equal disappointment will follow. If New England says the word it will be so. If New England will only threaten to invade Canada and make some bustle, it will go far towards altering the tone of Britain and scaring her into a peace.
I am not without a hope that the events of Baltimore, Plattsburgh, and Champlain, with the drubbings which my Lord Wellingtons heroes have received on the Niagara, will induce many people in England to Lord Erskine’s way of thinking. The old opposition are anxiously hunting up ground to rally upon, and I strongly hope that the developments at Ghent wh with British blunders and defeats here, will afford it to them.
I have to conclude with offering my own and Mrs R’s respectful compliments to Mrs Adams, and adding with how much devotion and respect I am at all times your obliged / correspondent and friend

Richard Rush.


Title: From John Adams to Henry Warren, 24 October 1814
From: Adams, John
To: Warren, Henry

Dear Sir
Quincy October 24th 1814

Though I had been prepared, by your friend Dr Freeman to apprehend the melancholy information in your obliging letters to Mrs Adams of the 19th of this month, yet I was not wholly without hope that your memorable Parent might survive her indisposition, and be preserved to us a little longer. But the Lot is cast and we must be seperated; tho’ but for a short time.
A friendship of more than half a Century can never be forgotten nor wholly dissolved especially with a lady whose fine natural genius, cultivated with great care and assiduity in a circle of father husband, and brothers, among the first men of their Country rendered her the pride and ornament of her men.
When the collisions of Faction shall cease, her talents and virtues will be more justly estimated, by an impartial posterity.
With my sincere Condolence, with your lady, your brother, and all the afflicted family, accept the most friendly wishes of your humble Servant
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to William Plumer, 27 October 1814
From: Adams, John
To: Plumer, William

Dear Sir
Quincy October 27. 1814

I thank you for your pamphlet, which I read with great Satisfaction It is written with admirable temper, and carries demonstration with it, to every mind that is not rendered by party prejudice and passion, insensible to evidence.
Too Many of our Clergy are going the Way of the Magi, the Druids the Mandarines, the Mufti, the Bramins, the Pontiffs of antient and modern times; by making themselves the willing Instruments of an ignorant popularity an insolent Oligarchy, or a tyrannical foreign Power. I have heared Some of the grossest Newspaper Slanders trumpetted from the Pulpit, against the most important men in the Nation: and I have heared a Phillipic against myself as ardent and virulent as any of Cicero against Cataline or Anthony or Verres in a most Solemn and fervent prayer to allmighty God, delivrd on the Sabbath before a numerous Congregation, in the Seat of one of our most respectable Universitys.
As to Osgood and Parish; to compare them to South and Sacheverel would be a Compliment. Lorraine and Laud were men of Sense and decency in comparison of either.
I thank you. Sir, for introducing your Son to me. I found him a young Gentleman of amiable manners and promising Abilities.
Upon public Affairs I cannot write. Let me nevertheless ask one question: Are the People of New Hampshire prepared, ready and willing to Second our Massachusetts Legislation in the great and bold Atchievements which they appear to have in Contemplation?
I am Sir with great respect

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Jefferson, 28 October 1814
From: Adams, John
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir
Quincy Octr 28. 14

I have great pleasure in giving this Letter to the Gentleman who requests it. The Revd David Edward Everett, the Successor of Mr Buckminster and Thatcher and Cooper in the politest Congregation in Boston, and probably the first litterary Character of his Age and State, is very desirous of Seeing Mr Jefferson. I hope he will arrive before your Library is translated to Washington.
By the Way I envy you that immortal honour: but I cannot enter into competition with you for my books are not half the number of yours: and moreover, I have Shaftesbury, Bolingbroke, Hume Gibbon and Raynal, as well as Voltaire.
Mr Everet is respectable in every View; in Family fortune Station Genius Learning and Character. What more ought to be Said to Thomas Jefferson by

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to James Madison, 29 October 1814
From: Adams, John
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Quincy October. 29. 1814

I hope you will not think me a Fanatic, because I introduce Clergyman to you. The Truth is that none but Clergymen here have much Litterature or Science, I cannot say that reading and writing is the exclusive Priviledge of Clergy, as it once was in the World; but we bare too near a resemblance to that dark Age—The gentlemen who will have the honour to present this Letter—has given proofs to the World of talents and Virtues which deserves the countenance and patronage of every great Man—though he wants none—excuse my Freedom,—and believe me your Friend
John Adams—


Title: From John Adams to Thomas McKean, 29 October 1814
From: Adams, John
To: McKean, Thomas

Dear Sir
Quincy Oct. 29. 1814

The Revd. Mr Edward Everett, though in early youth is desirous of Seeing the oldest Patriot and Statesman in America; and to gratify him I give him a Letter to you.
As I cannot Say enough of him, I have a great mind to Say nothing at all; but I will Say, he has given to the World proofs of Genius Learning and Industry, which might be compared to a Pascal at his Age.
Mr Colman has a Letter, which I have not yet received: I am afraid I owed you one Letter before. Old Age must be my Apology; though it can be none for you who write like a young Man, to your old / Friend

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Richard Rush, 29 October 1814
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Richard

Dear Sir
Quincy October, 29th 1814

There are two Men in this World, who shall know and Esteem each other, if I can bring them together. To this end permit me to introduce and recommend to you The Rev’d Mr Edward Everett Minister of the most respectable Congregation in Boston and one of the first litterary Characters, at an Age when others are signalised by nothing but a degree at Colledge—
When Genius falls in love with Study she leads him in to temptations as dangerous, at least to health as when he is Smitten with the Charms of Wine and Women. Accodingly, I am not without fears from his great exertions and extraordinary productions that he may too soon follow Belknap a Clark, a Buckminister, an Emerson an Elliot and an Abbot, and so many others of the choicest spirits.
I beg you to introduce him to your venerable Mother and your excellent Lady with the respects of your Friend—
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to William White, 29 October 1814
From: Adams, John
To: White, William

Dear Sir
Quincy Octr. 29. 1814

From your very kind reception of Mr Colman I am encouraged to introduce to you another of our choice Spirits, who is travelling for health and improvement
The Revd Mr Edward Everett is in every view one of the most respectable Men of his Age, that ever arose in Massachusetts. He has given proofs to the World of a Genius, of Learning, and of Industry that have never been exceeded at his Age in N. America.
Candid and liberal minds must forever be delighted with each other; however unhappily divided in opinion in Politicks  Philosophy or Theology. Mr Everett is desirous paying his respects to Bishop White: and how could he discover a more laudable Curiosity? I have great pleasure in doing all in my power to gratify him.
If ever this World is to become wiser and better the contracted uncharitable Barriers of Party distinction must be in Some degree broken down.
There is no part of my Life, on which I look back and reflect with more Satisfaction, than the part I took, bold, daring and hazardous as it was to myself and mine, in the introduction of Episcopacy into America.
With the Same temper, on the Same Principles, and with the Same Views, I present Mr Everett with the Sincere respects / Esteem and Affection of


Title: From John Adams to Richard Rush, 29 October 1814
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Richard

through a mistake the Letter inclosed was directed wrong. it is for the Hon’le Richard Rush—
                            Dear Rush.
                            post 29 Oct. 1814

After this Letter was written and erroneously inclosed I recd yours of 23d which is merry and instructive beyond all Example

J. A.


Title: From John Adams to Thomas McKean, 30 October 1814
From: Adams, John
To: McKean, Thomas

Dear Sir
Quincy Oct 30 1814

Your Letter of the 15th, which I very highly esteem, now received last night, after I have given a line of introduction to Mr Everett, a very distinguished young Schollar, Preacher and Author.
The Brittish Nation and their Government has sufficiently and uniformly manifested that disposition towards this Countrey for two hundred years. As they prefer the Roman Catholic Religion to Ours; So they love, esteem and respect the French People more than they do the Americans, especially the New England men; among whom, however Strange to tell, they have more Friends And Advocates, than in the whole human race, besides.
In my humble Opinion, if there now is, ever was, or ever can be a just War between one Nation and another, my quasi War with France and Madisons present War with Great Britain, are two among the most just and honest Wars that ever were waged.
You thought “the declaration of War improvident.” But was it not necessary and indispensable? It’s improvidence seems to me to be one Evidence of its honesty.
That our beloved Nation is “improvident” is most certain. That their Government, which is a miniature of themselves, has always been “improvident” is equally clear. Washington was improvident Adams was improvident, Jefferson was egregiously improvident and Madison has been more improvident than all of them. What then? The original, fundamental, essential Improvidence, is in the People, who will not permit their Rulers to look forward and foresee. There is little Sense of national honour, and little real knowledge of national duty or interest. There is no publick opinion or general Sense of the necessity or importance of national defence: of a national Navy, of fortified Cities, Munitions of War, or military discipline.
I most Sincerely Say with you, that God almighty has been our General in Chief, and most humbly and devoutly beseech him to continue his merciful Providence over Us; and my faith is unfeigned that he will.
Nevertheless as it would be presumption to depend upon Special interpositions or general benevolence, without our own exertions, I am for drawing forth all the resources of the Continent, and fighting to the last for every just right and Sound Principle.
My Sons engagement in public affairs need not be any restraint upon you pen; for I have none of his Secrets. I enjoined it upon him before his departure to communicate none to me: as I did not choose to be the depository of any. He knows his own Business and Duty.
Your Letters always give me Spirits, Information and Pleasure. The oftener you write the more you will gratify your Old Friend

John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Richard Rush, 31 October 1814
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Richard

Dear Sir
Quincy Octr 31 1814

Your Letter of the 23 has given me as much gaiety as all the fine Weather of the month
Mr Dallase’s Anecdotes, as you repeat them, have Sense and points, Characteristic of Personages on whom the fortunes of Mankind depend: and not only merit Attention at present, but will be remarked by posterity.
It gives me great pleasure, that Mr Dallas Speaks kindly of John Quincy; who however, I hope has not been too forward, nor too assuming. I tremble for him. The haughty tone of the British Ambassadors and the extravagant insolence of their demands must have been a Severe trial of his patience. I hope his Philosophy held out the Siege. Oh! how glad I am, that I was not in his place. I am very much afraid that I Should have been very imprudent. I Should have been tempted to Say “War! War! War! interminable, or eternal, rather than any such terms.” I cannot reason upon these Claims: to argue against them, Rush, would be to respect them.
One of the Best Things Erskine ever Said in his Life, is that which Mr Dallas relates. I have heard Some of his Speeches and read all that have been printed. Almost a Cicero in Eloquence inferiour in Phylosophy, and fame, but perfectly equal in Vanity.
What may be the Opinion of J.Q. I know not: but I perfectly agree with Mr Dallas and the French Ambassador, “that France will be at War very Soon for Belgium,” and not for Belgium only.
In answer to your Question whether J.Q. ever talks of returning, I enclose a letter of th of May, which I pray to return to me. But how can he return I know not. For myself I wish he would return, tho’ at the risque of being captured by the Enemy and waiting in the tower till exchanged as a Prisoner of War.
What New England will Say, I know not. At present She is under the Dominion of the Town of Boston, which always was and will be in Opposition to Govt. if Cabot was President, King Vice Gore Sec. State, Otis Sec. Treasury, Quincy Sec. War, Loyd Sec. Navy and John Lowell Attorney General it would not be Six Months before Boston would be in Opposition.
Ground no hopes on any old Opposition in England; Oppositions there are all hollow.
Suis Viribus confisus, annuente Deo must be our motto.
Reverence to your Mother, Salutations to your Lady, and a civil reception to Mr Edward Everett to whom I have a line to you /  from

John AdamsDear Sir
I inclose a press coppy of a Letter, tho an old date, it will show his Mr. A’s desire to return home—All his late Letters expresses the same wish. in one of his last he says he has written to request that a Letter of recall may be sent him—you will find in the press coppy his sentiments respecting his Colleagues
With sentiments of Friendship / I Subscribe
A Adams


Title: To John Adams from Richard Rush, 13 November 1814
From: Rush, Richard
To: Adams, John

					Dear sir
					Washington November 13. 1814

				Mr Dallas insists upon it that the emperor Alexander is a republican. As one proof of it he tells this anecdote. Conversing with Louis the 18th, he said “Sir, were I so happy as to reign over such a people as the French, it should be my study to make them perfectly free.” This is a noble sentiment even if it does not prove him a republican. Kings and Emperors, by the way, are very apt to be republicans, or democrats to be more plain, with regard to each other. They are always talking about the necessity of an equal distribution, or balance as they call it, of power, and affecting great anxiety lest any one of the royal community to should obtain too much. Now, what is this but paying homage to those great principles of equal right upon which our own governments are founded. Thus we have even Kings upon our side.I thank you kindly, sir, for Mr Adams’s letters which you were good enough to enclose and which I herewith return. They have been a great treat to me, and are like all the rest of his letters I have ever seen, perfect models of intellectual and mechanical beauty. What he says of Books reminds me of a saying of Doctor Johnsons, that there were but three in the world worth reading; the bible, Pilgrims progress, and Don Quixote. But Johnson often said what he did not think; I rather agree with Mr Adams.I am giving myself up to the hope, from the tenor of his letters, that this accomplished scholar and statesman may be among us again before long. He is wanted more than I can express. He might, if at home, render the highest benefits to his country, and serve to connect as illustriously the name of Adams with the preservation of American liberty and union, as it will be in remotest history with their foundation. I say it without disparagement, that there are a dozen others could perform well enough the trust committed to his hands at St Petersburgh; whereas there is not a man in the nation, no not one, north of the Hudson or any where else, can fill up the chasm now which his absence makes. Therefore I deplore it; nor do I deplore it alone.We are anxiously waiting to hear the issue of the Massachusetts election. Among other hopes that I am cherishing is that of seeing Mr T. B. Adams in congress next year, as well on personal as public accounts. But this, with other similar changes, I rather hope then expect.I tender you, sir, as at all times, my respectful and devoted friendship.

					Richard Rush


Title: To John Adams from Rufus King, 23 November 1814
From: King, Rufus
To: Adams, John

					dear Sir
					Washington Nov. 23. 1814

				Another of the Patriots of the Revolution is gone: The Vice President was dressed as usual to attend Senate this morning, went in his carriage to call upon Mr. Nourse of the Treasury Department, complained while there of feeling unwell, was helped by Mr. Nourse into the carriage to return to his Quarters, distant not more than a quarter of a mile, was senseless when he arrived there, and on being taken out, and laid upon a Bed, immediately expired without a Groan or a Struggle.Knowing your long and constant friendship for Mr. Gerry, I have thought it to be my duty to impart to you this melancholy information—with the Highest Respect / & Regards / I have the honor to be / Dr. Sir / yr ob. & faithful Servant

					Rufus King


Title: From John Adams to Richard Rush, 24 November 1814
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Richard

Dear Rush
Quincy Nov. 24. 1814

“Alexander a Republican”! Was not Napoleon a Republican? A Republican Signifies, “any thing, every Thing and nothing.” The Romans were Republicans. Obscuro loco natus” was a Plebeian, i.e. nothing. The Virginia Gentlemen are all Republicans pro moro romano. Not one of their Posterity is to be “obscuro loco natus.”
Mr John Taylor lives in “Hazelwood,” Mr Madison lives in Montpelier, Mr Richard Henry Lee, lived at Chantilly, the proudest princely palace in Europe, except the Castles of Sovereigns. Mr Jefferson lives at Monticello the lofty Mountain. I live at Montezillo a little Hill. Every one of these Gentlemen have at times had noble Sentiments. I, even I, the Plebeian Inhabitant of Montezillo, have the childish vanity to think that in some lucid Intervals of my Life I have had some generous Sentiments.
So much for Alexander’s Republicanism.
You have hit it right. Kings must be all Brothers; and Nobles all Peers. Dukes or mere Barons, they must all be Peers, i.e. equals. Plebeians too must be all equal. They submit to the sublime order of things as far above their reach or comprehension. They submit to the Order of Nobles, or well born, or clarissimo loco Nati as a superior order of Beings. But if one of their own Class of Plebeians, is distinguished from the rest by Superiour Talents, Virtues, or Fortune all their Jealousy and Envy rises at once, and they are all ready to Vote as one of the Grecian Cities once did, that “all Men of Superiour Virtue be banished from the City: We want no Citizens of Superiour Virtues among Us. Let all such carry their Superiour Virtues elsewhere.”
All this is Sour and Severe! I acknowledge it. But is it ill natured? Is not every Word of it holy Truth?
Johnson talked at random as all of Us do. At one time, He said he “never read any Book, through, but Lady Mary Wortley Montagues Letters.” This Compliment procured him his Pension from Lord Bute. At other times he courted Compliments from Voltaire: but never obtained any. Once he said Voltaires Charles the 12th was the best History ever written. At another that Voltaires Candid was so exactly like his own Rassilas, that if they had not been printed at the same time, the World would have sworn that one had been copied from the other.
Nullius additus jurare in Verba Magistri, let Us not too implicitly confide in Alexander or Johnson.
The Massachusetts Election has gone entirely in favour of the Enemies of the national Administration. Banish all hopes of Aid from me or my Connections. You may depend upon it, that I and my sons are as unpopular in Massachusetts as Mr Madison or Mr Jefferson: and that even in the Village where We were born and where our Ancestors have lived for almost two hundred Years.
I am as ever with entire Confidence your
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 24 November 1814
From: Adams, John
To: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan

My good Friend
Quincy, Montezillo Nov. 24. 14

Your’s of the tenth has been longer than usual on the Way,
This Vault of Air, this congregated ball
Self center’d Sun and Stars that rise and fall;
There are, my Friend, whose philosophic eyes
Look through and trust the Ruler with his Skies.
This imitation by Pope of Horaces “Hunc Solem et Stellas &c together with Cleanthes’s “Why Should I grieve, when grieving I must Share bear? And take with guilt, what guiltless I might share”? And above all Epictetus, who was the last Writer, whom I attempted to read through in Greek, have contributed more to the happiness of my Life, than Homer Thucidides and Tacitus. Almost Sixty years ago, I read the Enchiridion; So did that unprincipled Trollop, Lady Mary Wortley Montague. One would think, from this, that the Principles of Stoicism may be applied to Epicureanism; to Volupty and Libortinage as well as to Temperance and Wisdom.
Do your duty as well as you can. Facere officium, taliter qualiter. Sinere aquam Dei, currere Super terram Dei.
Suffer, the Rivers of God, to flow down from the mountains of God through the Valleys of God, into the Ocean of God. This is all very pious and very philosophical. I know none better.
I must read all the remains of Pythagoras and Plato, to resolve your learned Conundrums. Your Sixes and Sevens, your Tens and Sixes, all the mistries of fives and Sevens and Nines and threes, I know nothing about them. All I know is that I have lived almost Sixteen times five years.??! And this, to me, is very wonderful and unaccountable.
St. Austin has demonstrated that there must be four Gospells and no more; because there are four points of Compass and four Winds E. W. N. and South: and four Seasons of the Year, Winter, Spring Summer and Autumn; and because there are four Cardinal Virtues, Temperance, Prudence, Fortitude and  Justice. Q. E. D.
The greatest Saints, and the greatest Libertines have read Epictetus, and found their Account in him.
I Shall never have any Credit for my Stoicism; nor will you have very much. Some ill natured Poet or other will Say of Us both Something like what Rousseau Said of Epictetus.
Dans Son flegme Simulé,
Je découvre Sa colére:
J’y vois un homme accablé
Sous le poids de Sa misére;
Et dans tous ces beaux discours
Fabriqués durant le cours
D’une fortune maudite,
Vous reconnoissez toujours
L’Esclave d’Epaphrodite. Slave of a freedman of Nero. I read Ghauliou 30 years ago, the pretty, ingenious, Soft, tender Poet of France and he Stands upon my Shelf in the office. If my Grandson George was here I would Send him, but I cannot go, to fetch it
Of Epigone’s history of the future Age; of Arbuthnots history to be printed in 1948 I know nothing. The L’an 2440 I have read. Of the nouveau Cyneas I know not.
De Wint and Johnson have taken Away two of my Amanuenses. Can you tell me any thing good, bad or indifferent of these Lads. How Shall I get my Letters copied in future? I dare not let even this trifle go to you without a Copy from your Friend

John AdamsSir,
my Dear Grand Father, has still one faithful Emanuensis,  who is always gratified whenever copying letters to his friends, and takes great delight, in perusing those from, and addressed to Judge Vanderkemp
Respectfully Susan B Adams.


Title: To John Adams from William Plumer, 25 November 1814 to 26 November 1814
From: Plumer, William
To: Adams, John

My dear Sir,
Epping (NH) Novr 25. 1814

A variety of avocations, and a degree of ill health, has prevented me till now from making my grateful acknowledgement for the receipt of your obliging letter of the 27th of last month.
You ask my opinion whether New Hampshire is prepared to adopt the measures of the Massachusetts legislature? I think they are not. Though the damning doctrine of dismemberment has advocates here, yet I do not believe they can obtain a majority of the people, or of their Representatives, to avow it. Indeed its advocates with us, who argue by the hour in favor of it, take special care every few moments, to declare they do not wish a seperation. It is obvious that their design is to familiarize the people with the subject; they fear to propose it directly, least it should excite indignation, not only against the measure but those who support it. How far these covert proceedings, aided by the taxes & measures indispensably necessary to carry on the war, may eventually influence our people in aid of their nefarious project, time only can disclose. I cannot however believe, that New England is yet so destitute of political wisdom & love of country, as to adopt a measure so fatal not only to the prosperity but to her existence as a free people. I have sometimes feared that the temper & spirit of the present opposition, may produce such a state of anarchy & confusion, as may induce some military Cæsar or Napolean to vault into the chair of State, & immolate the only remaining Republic on the altar of despotism.
Before Governor Strong’s letter reached Governor Gilman, inviting New Hampshire to send delegates to Hartford, our legislature was adjourned to June. The governor cannot convene them without the advice of the Council; and fortunately a majority of them are staunch republicans. This has prevented his even asking their opinion on that subject. There is one circumstance respecting the formation of this Council that deserves notice. The federalists last June had a decided majority in both houses of the legislature—the governor was also federal—and though three of the five councillors were republicans elected by the people, the junto resolved to destroy the election of one of the republican Councillors, & so secure a majority in that branch. Having drilled their party by frequent nocturnal caucuses, tho’ the legislature admitted the votes of Portsmouth as legal for Governor & Senator, they rejected those for councillor, given at the same meeting & by the same persons. These votes being rejected no councillor was elected in Rockingham; & of course the Legislature was to choose one of the two highest candidates; one of whom was a republican & the other federal. No doubts remained after they had unjustly rejected the legal votes of the people that they would elect their own creature. But to the astonishment to the astonishment of the republicans, federalists, and the chagrin of the federalists, the moderate federalists joined with the republicans, & re-elected the very man whom the people had previously chosen. These Moderates went far, but would not go all lengths in iniquity. Tis owing to this circumstance that our legislature was not before this convened to consider of the ruinous measures proposed by your Court.
Vermont legislature, to their great credit, have unanimously refused to join the Hartford Convention. I trust this will have a favorable influence on our next year’s legislature.
If we are worthy of the blessings of a free government—if we possess the temper & virtue of freemen, I cannot but think a spirit will soon pervade the people, which will hurl these modern Jacobeans, who have not the ambition suited to govern a whole people, into that obscurity they so richly merit.
Excuse my prolixity. Excuse me for asking one question, which has relation to my historical work, in which I am progressing. Do you recollect of any country, or even an extensive island, that when it was first discovered, was then uninhabited by human beings? Your extensive historical reading, & very retentive memory will, I am confident, furnish the answer without the trouble of recuring to books.
I am with sentiments of much respect & esteem / Dear Sir, / Your most obedient / humble servant

William Plumer

PS. Novr 26. Since writing the foregoing, I am informed an attempt has been made in the county of Cheshire, by a self created convention, to elect a member for the Hartford assembly.


Title: From John Adams to John Taylor, 30 November 1814
From: Adams, John
To: Taylor, John

No. 14.
Dear Sir
Quincy November 30th. 1814.

In your 4th page, you give Us your Opinion “that the moral Efforts of Mankind, towards political Improvement, have been restrained and disappointed, by the erronious Opinion, that Monarchy Aristocracy and Democracy or mixtures of them constitute all the Elements of Government.” And you proceed to State, that “it will be an Effort of your Essay to prove, that the United States have refuted the ancient maxim, that Monarchy, Aristocracy and Democracy are the only Elements of Government.”
This Phraseology is, by no means, familiar to me. I know not any Writer or Speaker, who has asserted such a doctrine or advanced Such a Maxim. The Words Monarchy Aristocracy and Democracy, are technical terms invented by learned Men, to express three different species of Government. So they have many others. Oligarchy, Ocklocracy, Mobocracy, Anarchy, Jacobinism, Sansculottism, Federalism, Republicanism Quiddism or Gunarkism. Any one of these hard Words may be called an Element of Government, with as much propriety as any other.
The Word “Element,” as you employ it here is a figure of Rhetorick. Can you give? I acknowledge I have not ingenuity enough to invent, a logical or mathematical deffinition of it.
By “Elements” do you mean Principles? If Principles; physical or moral? If physical; I know of no physical Principle of Government but the Bones and Sinews, the timbers and ropes of the human body, i.e. the more Strength force and power of Constables Sherriffs, Posse Comitatus, Armies and Navies, Soldiers and Sailors. These Elements or Principles are applied in all the Species of Government that have been named, and must be the last resort of all that can be named or conceived. These Elements or Principles are not peculiar to the United States.
Do you mean moral Principles, by Elements? If so, I know but one Principle, or Element of Government, and that is “Constans et perpetua voluntas, Ius Suum cuique tribuendi.” i.e. A constant and perpetual disposition and determination to render to every One his Right. Or in other Words, A constant and perpetual disposition and determination, to do to others as We would have others do to Us. This is a perfect Principle, applicable at al times, in all places, among all Persons, in all Circumstances. Justice therefore, is the only moral Principle or Element of Government. But how Shall Justice be done in human Society? It can be done only by general Laws. These can never comprehend or foresee all the circumstances attending every particular case: and therefore it has been found necessary to introduce another Principle or Element, Mercy.
In Strictness, perfect Justice includes Mercy and perfect Mercy includes Justice. Both together make but one Principle or moral Element of Government. Have you read, heard, or discovered any Other moral principle or Element of the Government of God, Angels or Men than Justice and Benevolence United?
This Principle has been professed by all Governments and all Governors throughout all time and Space with which We are acquainted. By King Theodore and the Emperor Napoleon, by the Prince Regent and Tecumseh
How then is the Government of the United States “planted in moral Principles,” more than other Goverments.
That We have conformed our practice to our Principes, as well or better, upon the whole, than the Majority, or if you will than any other Nation, hitherto I will not dispute; because the  decide it as you will, makes no Alteration in the Argument.
I am, Sir, respectfully
John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Rufus King, 2 December 1814
From: Adams, John
To: King, Rufus

Dear Sir
Quincy December 2d. 1814

I am very much obliged to you for the information, melancholly as it is to me, of the death of Mr Gerry.
A Friendship of forty years I have found a rarity, though not a Singularity. I am left alone. While Paine Gerry and Lovell lived, there were Some that I Seemed to know: but now not one of my Contemporaries and Colleagues is left.
Can there by any deeper damnation in this Universe, than to be condemned to a long Life? in danger Toil and Anxiety? to be rewarded only with Abuse Insult and Slander? and to die at Seventy, leaving to an amiable Wife and nine amiable Children nothing for an inheritance, but the contempt hatred and Malice of the World?
How much pretier, a thing it is, to be a disinterested Patriot like Washington and Franklin, live and die among the Hozannas and Adorations of the Multitude and leave half a Million to one Child or to no Child?
Do you wonder at Tacitus and Quintillian? I do: but not at the profoundness of their Philosophy. I am astonished at the Shallowness of it. I am amazed at their Vanity and Presumption in pretending to judge, the Government of this all. Their only true Philosophy Should have been Submission and Resignation.
I am, Sir, with much respect and real Esteem, You obliged humble Servant

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Waterhouse, 2 December 1814
From: Adams, John
To: Waterhouse, Benjamin

Dear Sir,
Quincy Decr. 2. 1814

Gerry! Gerry! Gerry! You was the last of my Colleagues! I am left alone! It cannot be long before I Shall Join you. What Tidings Shall I carry to you? That a total degeneracy has prevail’d ; or that the ancient Virtues are revived?
Are there none who rejoice in this Exit? I Shall Soon give them another moment of delight: and much good may it, do them.
Ames and Parsons Sett the World in a howl of Grief. Dana and Gerry die, without Ceremony!
I cannot write of the amiable Family. The thought of them affects me too much; more than I can bear.
The 37th. Psalm cannot be reconciled to the History or Experience of this Life. It must have a prophetic relation to another and a better.
Present my Compliments to your Daughters, and if they are reading the Discourses on Davila, pray them to compare him with the History of the World Since 1789.  Your Friend
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Henry Codman, 6 December 1814
From: Codman, Henry
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir,
Hingham 6 Decr. 1814—

George has just called for the Discourses on Devila. I am ashamed of having kept this book so long. The true reason is, that whenever I have taken it up, I have always thought that it would in its present state be so invaluable to any one who respected and reverenced its Author, that I could not think of the binder’s paring it without serious regret, and as you did not seem to value the notes, since they must be sacrificed to its binding, I have been twenty times on the point of asking the favour to replace it with a fair copy: but a fear that you might deem such a request improper has as constantly prevented me.
Since you do not now wish it to be bound I am glad that I can return it in the state in which I received it and am, Dear Sir, with the greatest respect, / Your obedt servt

Henry Codman—


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Jefferson, 11 December 1814
From: Adams, John
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir
Quincy December 11. 1814

The Bearer of this Letter, after an Education at our Cambridge, travelled with J. Q. A. to Russia, spent two years in looking at parts of Europe, returned to Boston, read Law with one of our first Professors in Boston, is admitted to the Bar, and now Wishes to have the honour of Seeing Montecello and paying his respects to President Jefferson. His Name is Francis C. Gray a Son of our Lt Governor Gray.
If he can explain to you the incomprehensible Politicks of New England, he can do more than I Shall or can pretend to do.
Paine Lovel and Gerry are gone and I am left alone. Gerry is happy in his Death; for what horrors of Calumny has he not escaped in the Electioneering Campaigne of next Summer? But what is to be the destiny of an amiable Widow and nine Children all as amiable as they are destitute?
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to James Madison, 11 December 1814
From: Adams, John
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Quincy December 11th. 1814—

Francis C. Gray a Son of our late Lt. Governor, after an Education at Colledge, two Years travels in Europe under the Protection of your minister in Russia and three Years Study of the Law has been called to the Barr, and now has the laudable curiosity and noble Ambition of seeing his native Country. And who should he naturally wish to see in it so much as its first Magistrate.
I hope he will have the honour of paying his respects to Mrs Madison and presenting her the Compliments of Mrs Adams with those of your respectful Servant

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Thomas McKean, 11 December 1814
From: Adams, John
To: McKean, Thomas

Dear Sir
Quincy December 11. 1814

I wish to recommend to your Benediction, the Gentleman who will have the honour to present to you, this Letter. Mr Francis C. Gray, a Son of our late Lt. Governor, who after an Education at our University, two Years travels in Europe and three Years Studies at the Bar, has Wisdom enough to wish to See more of his native Country. And Who, or what can he more rationally wish to See, than the oldest statesman in Ameria
I dare not ask any questions about national faith; national Credit, national honour, or even national Pride, or Vanity.
Now Gerry is gone I am left alone: and I am very much inclined to Say
“Noise and Vanity begone”
“I would be silent and alone.”
I will not say that Gerry has foreseen the Evil and hid himself, for he never flinched from any danger. But he has been taken away from the Evil to come. His amiable Family has not.!
After all; What evil is to come? These times are not half So bad as you and I have Seen without dismay
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Richard Rush, 11 December 1814
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Richard

Dear Sir
Quincy Decr. 11. 1814

I have much pleasure in introducing to you Francis C. Gray Esqr a Son of our late Lt. Governor. Educated to Letters improved by travel and regularly admitted to the Bar you will probably hear more of him and I hope have much to do with him hereafter, for the good of your Country.
He can give you a better account of New England Politicks than I can. I have lately read Rassilas, Candide, Zadig, Ionni, Scarmentado and Micromegas, and I think they unravel the World as well as Montesqueu or Lock.
Man is by nature a restless Animal.
Eldorado, and the happy Valley are not to be found but in Romance, nor there neither. Neither Rasselas nor Candid, nor any body else was happy even there.
I hope Mr Gray will have the honour to See Mrs Rush and present to her the Compliments of Mrs Adams and her husband
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to John Taylor, 12 December 1814
From: Adams, John
To: Taylor, John

No. 15
Quincy December 12th. 1814

In this fourth page you say, that “Mr. Adams’s System tells Us that the Art of Government can never Change.”— I have said no such thing, Mr. Taylor.!—I know the Art of Government has changed, and probably will change as often as the Arts of Architecture, painting Sculpture Music, Poetry, Agriculture, Horticulture, Medicine &c that is to Say almost as often as the Weather or the fashion in dress.
But all these Arts are founded in certain general Principles of Nature which have never been known to change: and it is the duty of Philosophers Legislators and Artists to study these Principles, and the nearer they approach to them the greater perfection will they attain in their Arts. There may be Principles in nature, not yet observed, that may improve all these Arts and nothing hinders any Man from making experiments and pursuing researches to investigate Such Principles and make Such improvements. But America has made no discoveries of Principles of Government, that have not been long Known. Morality and Liberty, and “moral Liberty” too whatever it may mean, have been known from the Creation Humana indita Natura. Cain knew it when he killed Abel, and knew that he violated it.
You say, sir, that I have gravely counted up Several Victims “of popular rage as proofs that Democracy is more pernicious than Monarchy or Aristocracy.” This is not my Doctrine, Mr Taylor. My opinion is and always has been that absolute Power intoxicates alike Despots Monarchs, Aristocrats and Democrats, and Jacobins and Sansculottes. I cannot say that Democracy has been more pernicious, on the whole, than any of the others. Its Atrocities have been more transient; those of the others have been more permanent. The History of all Ages Shews, that the Caprice, Cruelties, and horrors of Democracy, have soon disgusted alarmed and terrified themselves. They soon cry, “this will not do”! “We have gone too far!” “We are all wrong.”! “We are none of Us safe.” “We must unite in some clever Fellow, who can protect Us all.” “Cæsar, Bonaparte, who will”! Though “We distrust hate and abhor them all; Yet We must submit to one or another of them, stand by him, cry him Up to the Skies and Swear that he is the greatest, best and finest Man that ever lived.”! It has been my fortune, good or bad to live in Europe, ten Years from 1778 to 1788, in a public Character. This Destiny, singular in America forced upon my Attention, the Course of Events in France, Holland Geneva and Switzerland, among many other Nations; and has irresistably Attracted my thoughts more than has been for my Interest. The subject cannot have escaped You. What has been the Conduct of the Democratic Parties in all those Nations! How horribly bloody in Some? Has it been steady consistent, uniform in any? Has it not leaped from Democracy, to Aristocracy to Oligarchy to military despotism and back again to Monarchy as often and as easily, as the birds fly to the tower, the midle, or the Upper of limbs of a Tree, or leap from branch to branch, or hop from Spray to Spray.?
Democracy, nevertheless must not be disgraced. Democracy must not be despised. Democracy must be respected. Democracy must be honoured. Democracy must be cherished. Democracy must be an essential, an integral part of the Souvereignty, and have a controul over the whole Government, or moral Liberty cannot exist, or any other Liberty. I have been always grieved, by the gross abuses of this respectable Word. One Party speaks of it as the most amiable, venerable, indeed as the sole object of their Adoration: the other as the Sole object of their scorn, abhorrence and Execration. Neither Party, in my Opinion, know what they Say. Some of them care not what they say, provided they can accomplish their own Selfish Purposes. These ought not to be forgiven.
You triumphantly demand “What motives of preference between Forms of Government remain”? Is there no difference between a government of Laws and a Government of Men? Between a Government, according to fixed Laws concerted by three Branches of a Legislature composed of the most experienced Men of a Nation, established recorded promulgated to every individual as the Rule of his conduct, and a Government according to the Will of one Man, or to Vote of a few Men, or to a Vote of a Single Assembly, whether of a Nation or its Representatives?
It is not Mr. Adams’s System, which can “Arrest our Efforts” or “Appal our hopes, in pursuit of political good.” Other causes have obstructed and Still embarrass the progres of the Science of Legislation, but these may be the Subject of another Letter from / your humble Servant
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to John Taylor, 14 December 1814
From: Adams, John
To: Taylor, John

No 16
Dear Sir
Quincy December 14. 1814

In this Number I have to hint at some causes, which impede the course of investigation in will and political knowledge, Religion, however, has been so universally associated with Government, that it is impossible to seperate them in this Inquity.
And where shall I begin and when end? Shall I begin the Library at Alexandria, and finish with that at Washington? The latter Saracens more ferocious than the former in proportion as they lived in a more civilized age? Where are the Languages of Antiquity? All the Dialects of the Chaldean Tongue? Where is Aristotles history of Eighteen hundred Republicks that had existed before his time? Where are Cicero’s Writings upon Government? What havoc has been made of Books through every Century of the Christian Æra? Where are fifty Gospells condemned as spurious by the Bull of Pope Gelasius. Where are the forty Waggon Loads of Hebrew Manuscripts burned in France by order of another Pope, because suspected of Heresy? Remember the Index expurgatorius, the Inquisitions, the Stake, the Axe the halter and the Guillotine; and Oh! horrible the Rack. This is as bad if not worse than a slow fire. Nor should the Lyons Mouth be forgotten.
Have you considered that system of holy Lies and pious frauds that has raged and tryumphed for fifteen hundred Years; and which Chateaubriand appears at this day to believe as sincerely as St. Austin did? Upon this system depends The Royalty, Loyalty, and Allegiance of Europe. The Phyal of holy Oyl, with which the Kings of France and England are anointed, is one of the most Splendid and important Events in all the Legends. Do you think that Mr. Adams’s System arrests our Efforts and Appalls our hopes in pursuit of political good”? His Maxim is, Study Government as you do Astronomy by Facts Observations and Experiments; not by the Dogmas of lying Priests of or knavish Politicians.—
“The causes that impede political Knowledge”, would fill an hundred Volumes. How can I croud a few hints at them in a single Volume? much less in a Single Letter.?
Give me leave to select one Attempt to improve civil, political and ecclesiastical knowledge; or at least to arrest and retard the progress of Ignorance Hypocracy and Knavery; and the Reception it met in the World, tending to “arrest our Efforts and appal our hopes.” Can you believe that Jesuits, conceived this design? Yet, true it is.
About the year 1643 Bollandus a Jesuit, began the great Work, the “Acta Sanctorum”. Even Jesuits were convinced that Impositions upon Mankind had gone too far. Henschenius another Jesuit, assisted him, and Papebrock continued the labour. The design was to give the Lives of the Saints and to distinguish the Miracles into the true, the false and the dubious. They produced Forty seven Volumes in Folio, an immense Work which I believe has never appeared in America. It was not I am confident in the Library consumed by Ross, the Savage dammed to everlasting fame, and I fear it is not in the noble Collection of Mr. Jefferson I wish it was! This was a great Effort in favour of Truth, and to “arrest” imposture, though made by Jesuits. But what was their reward? Among the Miracles, pronounced by these Able Men to be true, there are probably millions which you and I should belive, no more than We do those related by Paulinus, Athanasius, Basil Jerrom, or Chrisostom, as of their own knowledge.
Now lett Us see, how this generous Effort in favour of Truth, was received and rewarded. Libels in abundance were printed against it. The Authors were cited before the Inquisition in Spain, and the Pope in Italy, as Authors of gross Errors. The Inquisition pronounced its Anathema in 1695. All Europe was in anxious Suspence. The Pope himself was embarrassed by the interminable controversies excited, and without deciding any thing, had no Way to escape but by prohibiting all Writings on the subject.
And What were the Errors? They were only doubts.
1. Is it certain that the Face of J. C. was painted on the Hankerchief of Saint Veronica?
2. Is it certain that the Church at Antwerp is in possession of the genuine Prepuce of the Saviour of the World? Which has wrought so many Miracles?
3 Had the Carmelites, The Prophet Elias for their Founder.
These questions sat Europe in a flame and might have roasted Papebrock at an Auto de Fee, had he been in Spain.
Such dangers as these might “Arrest Efforts and appal hopes” of political Good: but “Mr. Adams’s system cannot. That gaping timid Animal Man, dares not read or think. The Prejudices Passions habits Associations and Interests of his fellow Creatures surround him, on every side; and if his Reading or his thoughts interfere with any of these, he dares not acknowledge it. If he is hardly enough to venture even a hint, Persecution in Some form or other is his certain portion. Party Spirit, L’Esprit du Corps, Sects, Factions, which threaten our existence in America at this moment both in Church and State, have ‘arrested all Efforts’ and ‘appalled all hopes of political good’.” Have the Protestants accomplished a thorough Reformation? Is there a Nation in Europe whose Government is purified from Monkish Knavery? Even in England, is not the Phyal of holy Oil still shewn to Travellers? How long will it be, before the head of the Prince Regent or the head of his Daughter will be anointed with this Oil and the right of impressing Seamon from American ships, deduced from it. One Sheet a time, is Surely enough, unless it were better from
John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to John Taylor, 14 December 1814
From: Adams, John
To: Taylor, John

No. 17
Dear Sir
Quincy post 14 Dec. 1814

Mr Adams’s System is that of Pope, in his Essay on Criticism;
“First follow Nature and your Judgment frame
By her just Standard, which is still the Same.”
This Rule, Surely cannot “arrest our efforts” or “appal our hopes.” Study Government, as you build Ships or construct Steam Engines. The Steam Frigate will not defend New York, if Nature has not been studied and her Principles regarded. And how is the nature of Men and of Society and of government to be Studied or known but in the history and by the Experience of human nature? in its terrestrial existence?
But to come nearer home, in Search of causes which “arrest our Efforts.” Here I am like the Wood cutter on Mount Ida, who could not See Wood, for Trees, Mariana wrote a Book De Regno, in which he had the temerity to insinuate that Kings were instituted for good and might be deposed if they did nothing but Evil. Of course the Book was prohibited and the Writer persecuted. Harrington wrote his Oceana and other learned and ingenious Works for which he was committed to Prison, where he became delirious and died. Sydney wrote discourses on Government for which he was beheaded, though they were only in Manuscript and robbed from his Desk. Montesquieu was obliged to fly his Country, and wander about Europe for many Years was compelled by The Sorbonne, after his return to sign a recantation as humiliating and as Sincere, as that of Galileo. The Chagrin produced by the Criticism and misrepresentations of his Writings and the persecutions he suffered, destroyed his health and he died in 1755.
These Instances among others without number are the discouragements which “arrest our Efforts and appal our hopes.” Nor are these all. Mankind do not love to read any thing upon any Theory of Government. Very few, read any thing but Libells. Theoretical Books Upon Government will not Sell. Booksellers and Printers, far from purchasing the Manuscript will not accept it as a Gift. For example, no Printer would publish these Letters at his own risk: and if I Should print them at mine, they would fall dead from the Press. I Should never sell ten copies of them. I cannot learn that your Inquiry, has had a rapid sale. I fear that you or your Printer will be a looser, which I Shall regret, because I really wish it could be read, by every One who can read. To You, who are rich, this loss is of little moment. but to me, who am poor, such losses would be a dangerous “Arrest of Efforts” and a melancholly “appal of hopes.” Writers in general are poor and hungry. Few write for Fame. Even the great Religionist Moralist and Litterator Johnson could not compose a Sermon for a Priest, from Simple Charity. He must have the pleasing hope, the animating contemplation of a Guinea, before he could write. By all that I can learn, few rich Men ever wrote any thing, from the beginning of the World to this day. You, Sir, are a rara Avis in terris, much to your honour.
But I have not yet enumerated all the discouragements which “arrest our Efforts and appal our hopes.”
I already feel, all the ridicule, of hinting at my poor four volumes of “Defence” and Discourses on Davila, after quoting Mariana, Harrington Sydney and Montesquieu: but I must submit to the imputation of Vanity, Arrogance, Presumption Dotage or Insanity, or what you will.
How have my feeble “Efforts been Arrested”? and faint “hopes appaled”? Look back upon the Pamplets, the Newspapers, the hand Bills and above al,l upon the circular Letters of Members of Congress to their constituents for four and twenty years past and consider in what manner my Writings and myself have been treated. Has it not been enough to “arrest Efforts” and “appal hopes”?
Is it not a damper to any ardor in Search of Truth, to read the absurd Criticisms, the Stupid observations, the Jesuitical subtelties, the Studied Lies that have been printed concerning my Writings in this my dear native Country for five and twenty years? To read the Ribaldry, of Markhoe and Brown, Paine and Callender, four drunken Vagabonds from Great Britain? And to See their most profligate Effusions applauded and Sanctioned by a Nation?
In fine, is it not humiliating to See a Volume of 600 or 700 Pages written by a Gentleman of your Rank Fortune, Learning Genius and Eloquence, in which my System, my Sentiments and my Writings from beginning to End, are totally misunderstood and misrepresented.
After all; I am not dead, like Harrington and Secondat. I have read, in a Frenchman “Je n’ay jamais trop bien compris ce que c’etoit de mourir du chagrin.” And I can Say as confidently as he did, “I have never yet, very well understood what is was to die of Chagrin.” Yet I am dayly, not out of danger of Griefs that might put an End to me in a few Hours! Nevertheless I will wait, if I can for Distemper, the Messenger of Nature, because I have still a Curiosity to see what turn will be taken by public affairs in this Country and others. Where can We rationally look for the Theory or practice of Government, but to Nature and Experiment? Unless You appeal to Revelation. If you do, I am ready and willing to follow you to that trybunal. I find nothing there inconsistent with my system.
Joh Adams


Title: From John Adams to John Taylor, 17 December 1814
From: Adams, John
To: Taylor, John

No. 18
Dear Sir
Quincy December 17th 1814

In your fifth page You Say “Mr. Adams calls our Attention to hundreds of wise and virtuous Patricians, mangled and bleeding Victims of popular Fury.” and gravely counts up several Victims of democratic Rage as proofs that Democracy is more pernicious than Monarchy or Aristocracy.” Is this fair, sir? Do you deny any one of my Facts? I do not say that Democracy has been more pernicious, on the whole, and in the long run, than Monarchy or Aristocracy. Democracy has never been and never can be so durable as Aristocracy or Monarchy. But while it lasts it is more bloody than either. I beseech you, Sir to recollect, the time when my three Volumes of “Defence” were written and printed, in 1786, 1787 and 1788. The History of the University, had not then furnished me with a document I have Since Seen; an Alphabetical Dictionary of the Names and Qualities of Persons “mangled and bleeding Victims of democratic rage and popular fury” in France during the Despotism of Democracy in that Country, which Napoleon ought to be immortalised for calling “Ideology.” This Work is in two printed Volumes in octavo as large as Johnson’s Dictionary and is in the Library of our late virtuous and excellent Vice President Elbridge Gerry where I hope it will be preserved with anxious care. An Edition of it ought to be printed in America. otherwise it will be forever supressed, France will never dare to look at it. The Democrats themselves could not bear the Sight of it. They prohibited it and suppressed it as far as they could. It contains an immense number of as great and good Men as France every produced. We curse the Inquisition, and the Jesuits and yet the Inquisition and the Jesuits are is restored. We curse religiously the Memory of Mary for burning good Men in Smithfield, when if England had the been democratical She would have burned many more, and We murder many more by the Guilotine, in the latter Years of the Eighteenth Century. We curse Guy Faulks for thinking of blowing Up Westminster Hall, Yet Ross blows up the Capitol, the Palace and the Library at Washington and would have done it With the same sang froid had Congress and the Presidents Family been within the Walls. Oh! my soul! I am weary of these dismal Contemplations! When will Mankind listen to reason, to nature or to Revelation?
You Say I “might have exhibited millions of Plebians, sacrificed to the pride Folly and Ambition of Monarchy and Aristocracy.” This is very true. And I might have exhibited as many millions of Plebians sacrificed by the Pride Folly and Ambition of their fellow Plebians and their own, in proportion to the extent and duration of their power. Remember Democracy never lasts long. It soon wastes exhausts and murders itself. There never was a Democracy Yet, that did not commit suicide. It is in vain to Say that Democracy is less vain, less proud, less selfish, less ambitious or less avaricious than Aristocracy or Monarchy. It is not true in Fact and no where appears in history. Those Passions are the same in all Men under all forms of Simple Government, and when unchecked, produce the same Effects of Fraud Violence and Cruelty. When clear Prospects are opened before Vanity, Pride, Avarice or Ambition, for their easy gratification, it is hard for the most considerate Phylosophers and the most conscientious Moralists to resist the temptation. Individuals have conquered themselves, Nations and large Bodies of Men, never.
When Solons Ballance was destroyed, by Aristides, and the Preponderance given to the Multitude for which he was rewarded with the Title of Just when he ought to have been punished with the Ostracism; the Athenians grew more and more Warlike in proportion as the Commonwealth became more democratic. I need not enumerate to you, the foolish Wars into which the People forced their wisest Men and ablest Generals against their own Judgments, by which the State was finally ruined, and Phillip and Alexander, became their Masters.In proportion as the Ballance, imperfect and unskillfull as it was originally here as in Athens, inclined more and more to the Dominatio Plebis; the Carthaginians became more and more restless, impatient enterprising, ambitious avaricious and rash; till Hanibal swore eternal Enmity Hostility to the Romans, and the Romans were compelled to pronounce Delenda est Carthago.
What can I Say of The Democracy of France? I dare not write what I think and what I know. Were Brissot, Condorcet, Danton Robespiere and Monsiegnieur Equality less ambitious than Cæsar, Alexander or Napoleon? Were Dumourier, Pichegru, Moreau, less Generals, less Conquerors, or in the End less fortunate than him he was.? What was the Ambition of this Democracy.? Nothing less than to propagate itself, it is Principles its System through the World, to decapitate all the Kings, destroy all the Nobles and Priests in Europe? And who were the Instruments employed by the Mountebanks behind the Scene, to accomplish these Sublime purposes? The Fisherwomen, the Badauds, the Stage Players, the Atheists, the Deists, the Scribblers for any cause and at three Livres a day, the Jews, and, Oh! that I could erace from my memory! the learned Divines profound students in the Prophecies. Real Philosophers, and Sincere Christians in amazing Numbers over all Europe and America were hurried away by the torrent of contagious Enthusiasm. Democracy is chargeable with all the blood that has been spilled for five and twenty years. Napoleon and all his Generals were but Creatures of Democracy as really as Rienzi Theodore, Mazzianello, Jack Cade or Wat Tyler. This democratical, Hurricane, Inundation, Earthquake, Pestilence call it which you will, at last arroused and alarmed all the World and produced a Combination unexampled, to prevent its further Progress.

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from James Madison, 17 December 1814
From: Madison, James
To: Adams, John

					Dear Sir
					Washington Decr. 17. 1814

				Your favour of the 28th. Ult: was duly received, tho’ with more delay, than usually attends the Mail. I return the interesting letter from your son, with my thanks for the opportunity of perusing it.I have caused the archives of the Dept of State to be searched with an eye to what passed during the negociations for peace on the subject of the fisheries. The search has not furnished a precise answer to the enquiry of Mr. Adams. It appears from one of your letters referring to the instructions accompanying the Commission to make a  Treaty of Commerce with G. B. that the original views of Congress did not carry their Ultimatum, beyond the common right to fish in waters distant three leagues from the British shores. The negociations therefore, and not the instructions, if no subsequent change of them took place, have the merit of the terms actually obtained. That other instructions, founded in the Resolutions of Congs. issued at subsequent  periods issued, can not be doubted; though as yet they do not appear. But how far they distinguished between the common use of the sea, and the use then common also, of the sea of the shores, in carrying on the fisheries, I have no recollection.The view of the discussions at Ghent presented by the private letters of all our Ministers there, as well as by their official dispatches leaves no doubt of the policy of the B. Cabinet, so forceably illustrated by the letter of Mr. Adams to you. Our Enemy knowing that he has peace in his own hands, speculates on the fortune of events. Should these be unfavorable he can at any moment, as he supposes, come to our terms. Should they correspond with his hopes, his demands may be insisted on, or even extended. The point to be decided by our Ministers is whether during the uncertainty of events, a categorical alternative of immediate peace or a rupture of the negociation would not be preferable to a longer acquiescence in the gambling procrastinations of the other party. It may be presumed that they will before this have pushed the negociations to this point.It is very agreeable to find that the superior ability which distinguishes the notes of our Envoys extorts commendation from the most obdurate of their political Enemies. And we have the further satisfaction to learn that the cause they are pleading is beginning to overcome the prejudice which misrepresentations had spread over the continent of Europe agst. it. The B. Govt. is neither inattentive to this approaching revolution in the public opinion there, nor blind to its tendency. If it does not find in it a motive to immediate peace, it will infer the necessity of shortening the war by bringing upon us the ensuing Campain, what it will consider, as a force not to be resisted by us.It were to be wished that this consideration had more effect in quickening the preparatory measures of Congress. I am unwilling to say how much distress in every branch of our affairs is the fruit of their tardiness; nor would it be necessary to you, who will discern the extent of the evil, in the symptoms from which it is to be inferred.I pray you Sir to accept assurances of my distinguished esteem and best regards

					James Madison