Title: To John Adams from Edmund Jenings, 12 September 1782
From: Jenings, Edmund
To: Adams, John

Brussels Septr 12th. 1782
Sir

I have the Honour of receiving your Excellencys Letter of the 7th Instant, the Shrewed Man mentioned therein is now in this Town. He talks I am told of residing here.
I have a Letter from my Freind at Paris. He seems to be much satisfied with Mr J Firmness, who has declared He will treat with no Powers where Our Independance becomes a Question and is disputed. “He has no great Confidence in political Connections, He Strives to Act Independantly, as He did in the Above Instance, when V was informed thereof, He was alarmed. However J continues to make F draw with Him.”
The Shelburne Plan of settling little Matters before the important one is determined is I think well marked by one who as an Author and as a Man is esteemed by Your Excellency.
Il y a un certain Ordre, qui rend les Négociations aisées, Si on ne le suit pas, On avance lentement, et enfin quelque Difficulté improuve rend inutiles les Articles, qu’on avoit deja dressés.
On demande, par example.
S’il faut Commencer par la discussion des Points les plus importans d’une Affaire pour descendre ensuite dans le détail des Objets moins interessans; ou s’il faut Commencer par ces détails pour monter insensiblement aux Articles les plus Essentiels; les personnes, qui auront beaucoup de Temps à perdre, ou qui aiment à n’etre jamais saves de rien peuvent prendre la derniere maniere.
des Principes des Negociations par l Abbé Mabbly p 290.
If Ld Shelburne thinks the Acknowledgement of the American Independance a thing of Course His Conduct may not be so Absurd but when at the same time, He Keeps it in reserve, because of its Importance to his Adversaries, they and not Him are to blame for Suffering it.
Oswald is at Paris, and is thought not to be a great Politician, having Already descovered the Utmost Extent of his Powers.
I have sent the Commissions to Paris; I have no Slips, since those, which your Excellency has received.
I have been told that Mr F has had a retention of Urine.

I have the Honour of being with the greatest Respect Sir your Excellencys Most Obedient Humble Servan
Edm: Jenings


Title: To John Adams from Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, 12 September 1782
From: Staphorst, Nicolaas & Jacob van (business)
To: Adams, John

Amsterdam 12 7b: 1782
Sir

We duly received your most esteem’d favour of the 10th. of this month to us in particular, and to our Society with Messrs. Willinks and de La Lande & fynje. About the latter we’ll have a conversation this evening, and give your Exce. a proper answer probably to morrow. In the mean time we most humbly thank your Excellency in our particular for the kind assurances, which you are pleased to give that your Exce. will make no objection or opposition to our Request to the Magistrates, in favour of the Loan of Maryland. We don’t doubt Sir but the consequences will prove that this affair will be very beneficial to the American Loans in general, and even in case it should be resolved to make a similar application in favour of the general Loan, that it would more easily be granted, than in case this was refused. Therefore Sir we take the Liberty to request your Exce. in case the deputates of this City now at the Hague might inquire about your Sentiments, which we believe will be done, not to speak of your Loan, which might perhaps suspend their advise. Your Exce. will easily comprehend that the promotion of the general Loan is as well our Interest, as of the other. And by consequence, that if our opinions are different in relation of this step, we must have our reasons for it. And really we fear that it would in the present circumstances, that the Loan is already going so many weeks, rather be prejudicial, as it would be a publicq proof, that it doth not answer the Expectation. And for this reason we cannot do any thing either privately or more public without the consent of the undertakers, who are as much as we interested in the matter.
We are persuaded that in case your Excellency supports our claim, it will directly be accorded, as there is not the least objection against it, and by this you’ll greatly oblige us, as we desire to open the Loan for Maryland as soon as possible.

We have the honour to subscribe our selves with much respect, and esteem Sir of your Excellency the most humble & obedt. Servants
Nics. & Jacob van Staphorst


Title: From John Adams to Wilhem & Jan Willink, 13 September 1782
From: Adams, John
To: Willink, Wilhem & Jan (business)

The Hague sept 13. 1782
Gentn.

I have recd your two Letters for which I am obliged to you. This is an affair of Some Delicacy and Difficulty, but all Things considered I have concluded not to make any opposition to the Application of Messrs Van Staphorsts. Upon the whole, I hope the United States will be benefited rather than injured as you have found in my Letter to the society of the 10th. I would not advise an Application in behalf of the general Loan, without a Prospect of success.
I Shall observe your Caution, and not mention what you desire me to conceal.
I hope our Loan will not languish much. After a little time perhaps it may do better than ever.

With great Esteem &c.


Title: To John Adams from Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, 13 September 1782
From: Staphorst, Nicolaas & Jacob van (business)
To: Adams, John

Amsterdam 13 Sepr. 1782
Sir

Mess. W. & J. Willink and De La Lande & fynje have sent your Exce. by the Post waggon of this day an answer to the letters, which we received from your Excellency this week. We could not sign said answer, since it contains two inferences, in which we don’t agree with said Gentlemen. 1o. That the Loan for Maryland will injure the Loan of the united state. We are just of the opposite opinion, as I had the honour to tell your Exce. since we think, that every Loan for America, of the Nature as the Maryland Loan, are very proper to promote the general and particular Credit of that Republic, and will stil more convince the Inhabitants of this country of its Solidity, and of the necessity to encourage its connexions.
The second point in which we are of a different opinion is a matter of fact. Vize. that according to the opinion of said Gentlemen the Loan for the united states goes on very bad. We could wish it was better in that respect. But we beg to observe, that there are two Channels by which the bonds are sold. The one by our selves goes not brisk. But the other by the undertakers, of which we cannot judge with the same exactness, is according to our informations, better. And this is not surprizing, since it is their proper commerce, and since they have means to sell it cheaper than we.
We take the liberty to mention these things to support our opinion, and to explain our sentiments. But we left it to your own judgment to decide, whether the other Gentlemen, or we are in the right.
In the meantime we gladly underwrite the sentiments of them with relation to a subscription of the Regency for the great Loan, in case it can be requested upon the same footing as the other, and we expect in this respect your esteemed answer.
This may be how it will. It cannot but do good, that our motion be granted, and thus one sheep passes the bridge, than the others will easily follow, and on the contrary in case by Accidents this might be refused, it will make it more difficult for others in the future. Therefore we take the liberty to insist again that your Excellency will assist us in our claim. And give us permission to make further upon this matter the following observations.
In relation to Loans people in our Country are very difficult, when a new Credit is made, and how solid such a Loan may be, one prefers to trust his money to an old Debtor. This is the very reason wherefore the Dutch money lenders, even at present in the war time, have more Credit for the English Stocks, however great the burthen may be, as for the American Loans. We confess this is foolish and absurd, but it is fact. And we don’t presume that your Excellency will doubt of it. But let this work go on, and the American Loans become more common, than we dare assure your Excellency, that their Credit will advance with double steps, and that one negotiation of two or three Millions will open the way for promoting an other of double that sum.
It was this consideration, joined to a sincere attachment to the concerns of America, that furnished us a motive more, to undertake the Maryland Loan, and we made the motion to the Regency, with intention that in case of success the public might be convinced, that our Magistrate after a serious reflection was determined to favour the American Loans, and people also might safely trust their money to it.
We hope now your Excellency will excuse us to prove more at large the good influence, which the Subscription of the City for the Maryland Loan will have upon the general Credit of America, and we flatter our selves that after having considered our reasons your Excellency will continue in supporting our demand, not doubting but you’ll have opportunity for it. Only we must take the Liberty to expose very seriously to your Excellency, (and we think too favourably of the Confidence which you was pleased to accord us, than that we should fear that your Excellency would take it amiss,) that it would not be prudent to speak now of other future subscriptions. This we dare say will in the proper time be done very safely and with the desired succes. Now it might occasion a negative answer upon our Request, and not only be in prejudice of the Maryland Loan, but also to the Credit of America in general. Since people would Argument, If the Regency dare not Interest in such a Loan it is a proof, that they has no Credit at all for America, and therefore we must not lend our money. And on the contrary they will give it readily if the Magistrate begins. The Magistrate having done the first step, will more easily come to a second, and therefore as soon as we will have a favourable Answer we will consult our friends upon the proper means for a motion in favour of the great one, and in case we find that it may be done with good hopes of succes, and of doing a good effect upon Individuals we’ll make it our duty to communicate our sentiments to your Excellency.
We have communicated this letter to Mr. Calckoen, the Lawyer, for whom we know you have some credit, and asked his opinion upon it, and his answer was, that he judged our motion very proper to raise the American Credit to a high degree, and that he therefore wished it might succeed, for which he was willing to do all he could. But that a refusal would be mortal, and of such bad consequence that perhaps it might never be restored. He gave us permission to mention this upon his name to your Excellency, desiring that we should in the meantime make his respectful compliments. Which we do by the present, and also we take the liberty to assure your Excellency again of the highest esteem of Your Excellencys Most humble Servts.

Nics. & Jacob van Staphorst


Title: To John Adams from Robert R. Livingston, 15 September 1782
From: Livingston, Robert R.
To: Adams, John

No 11Triplicate
Philadelphia, 15th: Septr. 1782
Sir

I have been favoured with your Letters from the 19th: April to the 5th: July, by the Heer Adams. How impatiently they have been expected you will be able to judge by mine of the 29th: Ulto: which you will receive with this. The events they announce are considered as of the utmost importance here, and have been directed to be officially communicated to the different States.
Your loan is approved, and the ratification herewith transmitted. The resolution which will accompany this will be a sufficient Spur to induce you to exert every nerve to get it filled—for if the War continues, it will be essential to our Exertions, if it should terminate, it will not be less necessary to enable us to discharge our Army—in every view it is necessary. In the present situation of the states, money can be raised but slowly by taxation, new systems must be introduced, which cannot without difficulty be adopted in the hurry, confusion and distress of a war. They will however be adopted. Congress are constantly employed in discussing the means for a regular payment of the interest and The gradual discharge of the principal of their debt.
The other resolution arises from the difficulty of ascertaining what are really the funds of the United states in Europe, when more than one person can dispose of them. I am satisfied this resolution will meet your approbation, from the rule which you say you have prescribed to yourself. It will, I dare say, be equally agreeable to all our Ministers to be relieved from the troublesome task of bankers to the United states.
You mention the negociations on the tapis at Paris, but so slightly as to leave us in the dark relative to what they may be (presuming, as indeed you might have done on probable grounds) that we Should receive information on that head from Doctor Franklin, but unfortunately we have learnt nothing upon that subject from him. I must beg therefore, in order to open as many channels of information as possible that you would give me not only the state of your own affairs, but every other interesting information which you may receive from our other ministers, or thro’ any other authentic Channel.
I observe your last Memorial or Note is in French. Would it not be expedient and more for our honor, if all our Ministers at every Court were to speak the Language of our own Country, which would at least preserve them from errors which an equivocal term might lead them into. I mention this merely as a hint which is submitted to your judgment.
We are now informed that the Aigle and the Gloire, two frigates from France have just entered the Capes, closely pursued by a British Ship of the line and three frigates. It is strongly apprehended from the situation in which that they must either be destroyed, or fall into the Enemies hands.
Pigot is arrived at New York, with 26 sail of the line. The late changes in Administration seem to have made such a change here that I much doubt whether they will quit us this fall, at least till they hear again from England, tho’ they certainly were making every disposition for it before. I will keep this Letter open till I hear the fate of the frigates, and know whether our dispatches by them can be preserved.
Mr Dumas’s application is before Congress. They may possibly appoint him Secretary to the Legation, which I heartily wish they may, as he certainly has been an assiduous and faithful servant. But there is no probability of their going further, as they would not chuse to appoint any but an American to so important an office as that of Chargé des affaires—Nor will their present system of oeconomy permit them to make so great an addition to his Salary as you mention, which is much greater than is usually allowed to secretaries, as their Circumstances require it to be less.

18th: of September:

The Aigle, Capt la Touche has been driven on shore and is lost within the Capes. Her dispatches, money and passengers have however happily been saved. The Gloire, the other frigate has arrived at Chester. I find no dispatches from you among the Letters that have come to hand, nor any thing from Holland, but duplicates of Letters from Mr Dumas. Congress yesterday passed the annexed resolution, which needs no comments.

I am, sir, with great respect & esteem Your most obed humble Servt:
Robt R Livingston


Title: To John Adams from Francis Dana, 16 September 1782
From: Dana, Francis
To: Adams, John

St: Petersbourg Septr: 5/16 1782
My dear Sir

Your letter for recalling your son was unfortunately so long on its way that the season for sending him as you proposed is passed. It is almost now an equal chance that he might remain the winter in Norway. I am discouraged about the other course to Lubec also, and am on the whole advised to send him on by Land altogether. It is possible he might have a road voyage even to Holland, but I presume you wou’d not judge it prudent for that reason to risk it. He has advertised in the papers according to the Custom here, his intended departure, so that if any occasion shou’d present of a fellow traveller, he might be ready to improve it. Possibly he may yet be detained till the sleighing season comes on about the middle of Novr: ordinarily. Whenever he departs you may depend upon receiving the earliest notice by the Post. I have suffered much on account of the loss of his time for studying regularly here. He wishes to go to his old instructor, and I beleive it wou’d be most adviseable to place him there, as soon as possible.
In my letter of the 19/30 Augt: I told you I was no longer at liberty to pursue a course like that you pointed out in your’s of the 7th: of the same month—that my late instructions were clear and decided—and that I was glad of it. For had the matter been left at my discretion I shou’d have taken a course not wholly unlike that you mention. I had proposed every thing for the decisive step, and shou’d have taken it against the opinion of you know whom. Because my sentiments perfectly coincide with yours so far as they respect the dignity of the United States, which I have all along thought wou’d suffer less from a more open and firm policy; and that their views and interests wou’d be promoted and established much earlier by means of it. I venture to say that had you hearken’d to the advice that was given you when I was in Holland, not one of the United Provinces wou’d at this time have acknowledged our Independance: nay more, the present minor party wou’d have been the prevailing one, and in all probability affairs wou’d have worn a different countenance thro Europe, and we shou’d have seen, by the aid of Mediation &c, a seperate peace concluded between Britain and Holland. I am sensible as I told you before, of the difference between our situations, yet this difference does not in my opinion necessarily require a system absolutely the reverse. The same engines indeed cannot be set at work here. You say you shall wait for the advice of — in a certain case, altho you ventured to go against it in the former. Pray tell me by the former, do you mean your categorical demand? I want much to know this. As to that certain case, upon further reflection I hope nothing will be done upon it. I can see no good that will result to us from it. It appears to me to have been an artifice to annihilate what stood in its stead, the more to distance an object of much importance. Shall you set off for Paris, or have you such an aversion to piddling that you choose to remain where you are? Is Mr: Jay still there, for the papers make no mention of him? Where is Mr: Lawrence? I shou’d be glad to hear you were at Paris. There is not one such soul to be found, I fear, in Europe as you speak of.

Adieu Your’s &c

P.S. The letter for Mr. L. mark’d Duplicate No: 5: is the Duplicate of that you received last. Take care that they are sent by different opportunities.


Title: From John Adams to Francis Dana, 17 September 1782
From: Adams, John
To: Dana, Francis

The Hague, Septr: 17th. 1782
My dear friend

It grieves me when I think how long it is since I wrote you. But my head and hands and heart have been all full.
I sent, to the Care of the Dutch Ambassador, General Washington’s miniature, for you. Should be glad to know whether you have recd. it. I have also sent along several Dispatches from our Secretary of Foreign Affairs. Have you received them?
Fitzherbert’s Commission is to treat with the King of France and the Ministers “quorum cunque Principum vel Statuum, quorum interesse poterit”—and Oswald’s is “to treat, consult of, agree, and conclude, with any Commissioner or Commissioners, named or to be named, by the said Colonies or Plantations, or with any Body or Bodies, corporate or politic, or any Assembly or Assemblies, or description of Men, or any Person or Persons whatsoever, a Peace or a Truce, with the said Colonies or Plantations, or any of them, or any Part or Parts thereof.” I said, his Commission—but he has none. He has only an order to the Attorney-General to make out such a Commission.
Thus you see there is yet no proof of Shelburne’s sincerity. In short nothing will be done, untill Parliament meets; nor then unless they take upon them to acknowledge the Independence of the United-States.
If Gibralter is succoured and holds out, Britain will not cede it. In short we shall have another Campaign. No peace untill 1784, if then.
What is the Story of the insurrection in the Crimea? What Powers of Europe are any way connected with that affair, or interested in it? Is it likely to have any Consequences? And what?
You have concluded, I hope, to stay another Winter. You must absolutely send my Son to me, by the earliest Neutral Vessell, to the Texell, in the Spring. My love to him. I have not time to write him now. He don’t tell me how his Studies go on.
I shall sign the Treaty of Commerce next Week. All Articles, Words, Syllables, Letters and Points are adjusted, and nothing remains, but to write five fair Copies in Dutch and English, and to sign, seal and deliver them. My Loan is in Cash, better than fifteen hundred thousand Gueldres. So that we go on, you see, pretty well.
The Standard of the United-States waves and flies, at the Hague, in triumph over Sir Joseph York’s Insolence and British Pride. When I go to Heaven, I shall look down, over the Battlements, with pleasure, upon the Stripes and Stars, wantoning in the Wind, at the Hague. There is another Triumph in the Case sweeter than that over Enemies. You know my meaning. It is the triumph of stubborn Independence—Independence of Friends and Foes. You know what I mean. “Monsieur, votre Fermetè a fait un tres bon effet ici”—has been repeated to me, more than once. “Monsieur, vous avez frappè le plus grand Coup de tout l’Europe. Cette Evenement fait un honneur infini a Mr: Adams. C’est lui qui a effrayè les Anglomans et rempli cette Nation d’enthousiasm &c:” These are Confessions “arracheés”—and therefore more delicious.
I am now upon extreme good terms with the Ministers of France and Spain. I dine with both and they dine with me &c: And I meet the whole Corps Diplomatique at their Houses, as well as at Court: and might meet them, every morning, at certain Rendezvous’s of Intelligence, and, every evening, at an Assembly at Cards, if I had not something else to do.

Adieu, my dear friend. Write me as often as you can.


Title: From John Adams to Robert R. Livingston, 17 September 1782
From: Adams, John
To: Livingston, Robert R.

The Hague. Septemr: 17th. 1782
Sir

This morning I was in Conference with Mr: Fagel in order to make the last Corrections in the Language of the Treaty which is to be executed in English and Dutch as that with the Crown of France was in English and French. We have now, I hope, agreed upon every word if not every point, and nothing remains but to make five fair Copies of it for signature, which, however, is no little labour. The Secretery thinks he shall accomplish them in the Course of this Week and part of the next, so that they may be signed by the latter end of next week, or perhaps the middle. The Secretary, who has always been complaisant, was more so than ever today. He congratulated me upon the prospect of a speedy conclusion of this matter; hoped it would be highly beneficial to both Nations; and that our Posterity might have Cause to rejoice in it, even more than We. He says the Usage is, for two Deputies to sign it, on the part of Holland, and one on the part of each other Province, so that there will be eight Signers in behalf of the Republick.
It is now nearly five Months since I was publicly recd: and proposed a project of a Treaty. All this time it has taken the several Provinces and Cities, to examine, make their Remarks and fresh Propositions and bring the matter to a Conclusion. It would not have been so long however, if the Court had been delighted with the business. But, in a Case where Unanimity was requisite and the Court not pleased, it was necessary to proceed with all the Softness, Caution and Prudence, possible, that no ill humours might be stirred. Yet in a Case, where the Nations heart is so engaged, in which, its Commerce and Love of Money, is so interested, what wretched Policy is it, in this Court, to shew even a lukewarmness, much more an aversion. Yet such is the Policy, and such it will be. The Prince of Orange is, to all appearance, as incurable as George the third, his Cousin.

I was afterwards an hour with the French Ambassador, at his house. He tells me, his last Letter fm: the Comte de Vergennes says, he has yet seen no appearance of Sincerity, on the part of the British Ministry, in the Negotiations for Peace. Of this, Congress will be easily convinced by the Copies I have transmitted of the Commissions of Mr: Fitzherbert and Oswald. The Subject of our Conversation was the means of getting out the Dutch-Fleet, which is now in the Texel, although the British fleet, under Milbank, is returned to Portsmouth, and probably sailed, with Lord Howe for Gibralter. I asked the Duke where is the combined Fleet? His last Accounts were, that they were off Cape Ortugal, endeavoring to get round Cape Finisterre to Cadiz. He speaks of it, as doubtful, whether they will give battle to Lord Howe, because, the Spanish Ships, with an equal number of Guns, are of a smaller Calebre than the English. But hopes that the blow will be struck before Howe arrives. The means of getting the Fleet out of the Texel, to intercept a fleet of English Ships from the Baltic, came next under Consideration. But the Wind is not fair. It might have gone out, but they had not Intelligence. I asked who it was that governed Naval Matters? He answered, the Prince. But surely the Prince must have some assistance—some confidential Minister, Officer, Clerk, Secretary or Servant. If he were a Solomon he could not manage the Fleet and the whole system of Intelligence, and orders concerning it, without aid. He said, it is the College of the Admiralty, and sometimes Mr: Bisdom, who is a good man, and sometimes Mr: Vander Hope, who may be a good man—he has sense and art, but is suspected. Very well, says I, Mr: Bisdom and Mr: Vander Hope, ought to be held responsible, and the Eyes of the Public ought to be turned towards them and they ought to satisfy the Public. The Duke said, the Prince is afraid of the Consequences. He knows, that the sensations of the People are very lively, at present, and nobody knows what may be the Consequence of their getting an opinion, that there has been Negligence or any thing worse, which may have prevented them fm. striking a blow. I asked, if they had any plan for obtaining Intelligence, the Soul of War, from England? He said the Grand Pensionary told him he paid very dear for Intelligence.
However, I cannot learn, and do not believe that they have any rational plan for obtaining Intelligence, necessary from every Quarter, as they ought. They should have Intelligence from every Seaport in France, England, Scotland, Germany, and all round the Baltic—and they should have light Frigates and small Vessells out. But when War is unwillingly made, every thing is not done. The next Subject was the Proposition from Amsterdam for renewing the Concert of Operations for next Campaign.
Congress may hear of some further plans for a seperate Peace, between Holland and England, but they will not succeed. The Republick will stand firm, tho’ it will not be so active as we could wish, and the Concert of operations will be renewed.

I have the honor, to be, Sir, Your humle: servt.
J. Adams


Title: From John Adams to Robert R. Livingston, 17 September 1782
From: Adams, John
To: Livingston, Robert R.

Hague Septr. 17th: 1782
Sir

You will naturally enquire, whether the Neutral Powers will continue their Neutrality, or whether the Neutral Confederacy will be broken?
No certain Answer can be given to these Questions. We must content ourselves with probabilities, which are strong for the Continuance of the Neutrality. Who indeed should break it? The Emperor was thought to be the most unlikely Potentate to accede to it; but he has acceaded and has taken several Steps, which prove that he will not break it, at least by leaning towards England. Sweeden is the steady Friend of France. Prussia, whose Inclinations and Affections are certainly towards France and Holland, and alienated from England, would certainly at this age of Life, be too cautious a Politician to wage War for England against the Houses of Bourbon and Austria, Holland and America.
There remains only Russia and Denmark. What can Russia do? This is a maritime War. She can’t assist the English with Land-Forces, and an hundred thousand Men would do no good to England on Land. Her boasted Fleet added to that of England would only weaken it, for several Reasons—among The rest, because England must maintain it with Money, if not with Officers and Men—for Cash is wanted in Russia. Denmark remains but what can She do? Her Islands in the West Indies and her Trade are at Mercy, and She would not have force enough to defend her own, much less to assist England, if She should declare War.
A Doctrine prevails, that an Acknowledgment of the Independence of America is an Hostility against England, and consequently a Breach of the Neutrality. Our Friends have sometimes favored this Idea. The Duke de la Vauguyon has often expressed this Sentiment to me, and, if I am not mistaken, the Marquis de Verac has said the same to Mr. Dana. If this Opinion is not clear, it is very impolitic to favor it. The Court of France in their public memorials have denied it, and it would be difficult to prove it, either by the Law or Practice of Nations. Sending or recieving Ambassadors; entering into peaceful Commercial Treaties, or at least negotiating at Philadelphia the Rights of Neutral Nations, is not taking Arms against Great Britain.
But if the Acknowledgment of our Independence is an Hostility, a Denial of it is so too; and if the maritime Confederation forbids the one, it forbids both. None of the Neutral Nations can take the Part of Great Britain therefore, without breaking to Pieces that great System, which has cost so much Negotiation and embraces so great a part of Mankind. The Neutral Powers set so high a Value upon it, and indeed make so great a profit by it, that I Think none of them will take the Part of Great Britain. The Connections of the Duke Louis de Brunswick in Denmark and Russia, have set some little Machines in Motion partly to favor him, and partly to hold out an Appearance of something fermenting for the benefit of Great Britain: but these will never succeed so far as to draw any Nation into the War, or to incline this Republick to make a seperate Peace.
It is to this Source that I attribute certain Observations that are circulated in Pamphlets and in Conversation, that there is at present an Incoherence in the general System of Europe; that the Emperor has deranged the whole System of the Equilibrium of Europe, so that if ever the Northern Powers should think of stopping by a Confederation the Preponderance of the Southern Powers, Holland would be unable, on account of the Demolition of the Barriers, to acceed to that Confederation.
Mr. Magis, who has been eight and twenty Years Envoy at the Hague from the Bishop of Liege, and who converses more with all the foreign Ministers here than any other, has said to me not long since, “Sir, the Wheel rolls on too long and too rapidly one Way; it must roll back again somewhat to come to its proper Centre. The Power of the House of Bourbon rises, and that of Great Britain sinks too fast, and I believe the Emperor, altho’ he seems perfectly still at present, will come out at length, and take the greatest Part of any Power in the final Adjustment of Affairs.”
The Comte de Mirabel, the Sardinian Minister, said to me upon another Occasion, “Your Country, Sir, will be obliged, in the Vicissitudes of things, to wheel round and take the Part of England and such Allies as She may obtain, in order to form a proper Ballance in the World.” My Answer to both was, “these Sentiments betray a Jealousy of a too sudden Growth of the Power of the House of Bourbon: but whose fault is it if it is a Fact? (which it does not appear to be as yet) and whose fault will it be, if it should hereafter become a Fact? Why do the Neutral Powers stand still and see it, or imagine they see it, when it is so easy to put a stop to it? They have only to acknowledge American Independence, and then neither the House of Bourbon nor England will have a colourable Pretence for continuing the War, from which alone the Jealousy can arise.”
The Prince de Gallitzin said not long since, that the Conduct of this Republick, in refusing a seperate Peace &c he feared would throw all Europe into a War, there were so many Pretentions against England.
I quote these Sayings of foreign Ministers, because You express a Desire to hear them, and because they show all the Color of Argument in favor of England, that any body has advanced. All these Ministers allow, that American Independence is decided—even the Minister from Portugal within a few days said it to me expressly. It is therefore very unreasonable in them to grumble, at what happens merely in Consequence of thier Neutrality.
It is the miserable Policy of the Prince of Orange’s Councillors, as I suppose, which has set a few Springs in motion here. Mr. Markov, one of the Ministers of Russia, and Mr. St. Saphorin, Minister from Denmark, are the most openly and busily in favor of England. But if instead of endeavouring to excite Jealousies and foment Prejudices against the House of Bourbon, or Compassion towards England, they would endeavour to convince her of the Necessity of acknowledging American Independence, or to persuade the Neutral Powers to decide the Point, by setting the Example, they would really serve England, and the general Cause of Mankind. As it goes at present, their Negotiations serve no Cause whatever, that I can concieve of, unless it be that of the Duke of Brunswick, and in the End it will appear, that even he is not served by it.

I have the Honor to be Sir, your humble Servant.
J. Adams


Title: To John Adams from Edmund Jenings, 19 September 1782
From: Jenings, Edmund
To: Adams, John

Brussells, Septr. 19. 1782
Sir

I inclose herewith some Slips which came to Hand by the last Mail.
A Letter from Mr L of the 7th Instant has the following Paragraph.
I have had the Honour of corresponding with Mr Adams, All is well, it could not be otherwise it cannot be otherwise, when Men are not determined to be Knaves or Fools.
I am Happy to find Mr L satisfied with your Excellencys Conduct towards Him. I have sent the Copies of the Commissions to Paris to be delivered to Him should He pass through that City, but this does not seem probable, He having desired me to write to Him at Calais post restante. He means to avoid Paris if possible.

I have the Honour of being Sir your Excellencys Most Obedient Humble Servt.
Edm: Jenings


Title: To John Adams from Matthew Ridley, 20 September 1782
From: Ridley, Matthew
To: Adams, John

Paris Sept: 20h: 1782
Sir

I doubt not you have e’er this thought me slow in keeping the promise I made of writing to you. I have had many Reasons for defering it; but amongst others the desire of writing you with some certainty of the Tempers of People here. I have had one very serious Conversation with, J. He appears to me very desirous of seeing you—were it only for a few Hours—he says he has some Things to consult you upon that he cannot put to Paper. He dare not trust them even with Cypher—They relate to opinions of I suppose both Men and Things and which he says must only be talkd of, not written. I proposed his taking a Trip to Bruxelles to meet you there, that I had a chaise at his service and would if he thought proper go with him. This he said he could not do without advising F. and V. The latter would certainly know where he was gone—he would be asking F. F. would not be able to tell him. And suspicions would immediately arise that seperate treaties or some Clandestine Work was going forward. He said he saw one inconvenience that might arise from your coming here—that of giving rise to speculations with respect to Peace. Still he wishd he could see you. I know you are much engaged; but if you cannot meet could not this difficulty about meeting be in some measure obviated thro’ a mediate Person? Our Friend at Bruxelles would I am sure think nothing of a Trip to you both to be useful. My dear Sir, the present Moments are ticklish. It is with great Pleasure I find Mr. J—— firm. I wish however he was supported. Reneval is gone to England—not for any Good I believe. As a Negotiator he is not equal to it. To speak the words of another a mere repeating Machine very fit. I cannot for my part see what occasion France has to send any person to England. The English have come here for Peace to send there is rather relinquishing their superiority. I have an opinion V. is suspicious of too great an Intimacy with the English Commissioners here: and Indeed I have some Reason for thinking so. The departure of R was very private and sudden and entirely unknown to our Folks. There was a moment I beleive that the prospects of Peace were flattering. I do not think they remain so—on the contrary I beleive very little if any progress is made. If Gibraltar is taken it may make some difference: but between you and me I neither expect or wish it. I am firmly perswaded that every advantage gained to the S——ds will only tend to new demands from them and consequently more embarrass the business of Peace. I wish sincerely you knew all that is passing here.
I have enquired about the blank Commission you mentioned and am informed though not filled up it is promised. Application was made I beleive by Letter to Mr. J—— before he came here and personal application has been made since. Under such circumstances I am not surprized a promise was extorted W. T. F is the person.
Our Account with the French Court is adjusted. The King has given up all Interest due to this time and has taken all the Expences of the negotiation of the Dutch Loan on himself. All Gifts are deducted from the amount and one Obligation given for the whole remainder to be paid by Installments in twelve Years—the first payment to commence in three Years after the making a Peace. The Debt is much less considerable than I expected; about twenty Eight millions of Livres including the Loan from Holland.
The Marquis de La Fayette is still here. I do not beleive he intends out. Genl. du Portail and Colo. Guvyon have been waiting untill this time to go with him but the former told me the other day he should go out next Month whether the Marquis went or not and that indeed he had no expectation he would go. The Marquis also told me he was surprized he had not heard from you lately—He loves news and I have no doubt would be very glad to know what you are about. However a Line there now and then is not amiss. He has been very kind to Mr B. respecting the stores at Brest in endeavouring to procure for him the Assistance of Government in getting them away. Mr. B. set off for that place last night.
Os and Fitz are both here. Mr. Vaughan is returned to England. Mr L. is also going there on his way to America—Indeed I imagine he may be there before this. It is I find a Step not much approved of here. I wish it does not give rise to injurious Comments.
We have nothing new from America. The present Conversation is entirely engrossd about Gibraltar. The French and Spanish Fleets are sailed from Cadiz for Algeziras. I am told by those who know the situation this position will not prevent the English throwing in supplies it being more than cannon shot distance and as the combined fleet must lay at Anchor the English may run in and do their business without much danger.
We seem convinced here Vaudreuel is on our Coast—if he is we may expect some Arrivals soon. Should there be any news you shall have it. With kind Wishes I have the honor to be: respectfully sir Yr. &c.

You know my address. Can you send a Cyhr for Mr. J——?
It is necessary to observe to you that as Reneval went off Secretly no Body here seems to know of it—you will therefore take no notice about it.


Title: To John Adams from Matthew Ridley, 20 September 1782
From: Ridley, Matthew
To: Adams, John

Paris September the 20th: 1782
Sir

The present Letter is on a Subject, which, tho’ in itself little interesting to others, is, to me, as desiring to retain your good opinion, much so. The Subject I allude to, is that of the Loan negotiated by me in Holland for the state of Maryland. I should be sorry, after the repeated proofs I received of confidence and politeness from you, that you should conceive me reserved and close—yet such are the present appearances of that business; and therefore I wish to explain to you why, I said so little on the Subject. It was one of the Conditions on the part of Messrs. Van Staphorst, who negotiated this Affair, that I should communicate to no Person whatever, that it was seriously in Agitation, as they had in contemplation making an application to the City to Interest themselves in it. When I applied to you to authenticate the papers, your extreme delicacy in asking me no Questions prevented mine being hurt, and saved me much embarrassment. Had you acted otherways it must have distressed me; for I assure you my good Sir, I have yet to learn the Art of lying. This is the actual State of the matter; and I flatter myself will exculpate me in your Mind for any seeming reserve.
With respect to the manner in which this business was undertaken. I must inform you, I took every precaution to prevent it in any manner impedeing the Continental Loan and wrote the Gentlemen on that Subject before putting it into their Hands. I had always declared I would do nothing for a particular state that might injure the whole: and in the present instance was cautious to allow no more Interest or Commission for negotiation than had been agreed upon for the Continent. Indeed when the nature of the business I did is maturely considered, it is more of the Commercial than public kind. I contracted for a quantity of Tobacco at a certain price and in certain modes of delivery, in consequence of which, the Gentlemen agreed to advance me a certain Sum of Money and to endeavour to procure for me what farther sum I wanted, so far as the Funds I made by contracting for the Tobacco, would answer to.
I have given you the trouble of this Letter, not that I have any Reason to suppose you think amiss of any thing I did; but desirous as I am of retaining your good opinion and esteem, I could not reconcile to my self the leaving unexplained any part of my Conduct, which might, in Minds less Candid than I know yours to be, have a misterious appearance.

With best wishes for your health, and begging you to accept my sincere Thanks for the repeated Marks of Civility I received under your Roof, I have the Honor to be with great respect Sir Your most Obedient and most humble servant
Matt: Ridley

Chez Messrs. Le Couteulx & Co. Banquiers a Paris


Title: To John Adams from Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, 21 September 1782
From: Staphorst, Nicolaas & Jacob van (business)
To: Adams, John

Amsterdam the 21th: Septr. 1782
Sir

The 13th. Instt. we had the honour of waiting on your Excellency last, which we do confirm, and have now to acquaint your Excellency that our Petition to the Regency of this Town, relative to the Maryland Loan, notwithstanding the favourable Report of the Committee, has been declined by the majority of a few Voices in the Council, who unhappily has not been very numerous.
Your Excellency will easily perceive that of consequence there will be now no occasion for making the Same motion in behalf of the General Loan for the United States of America; for which we are exceeding Sorry, as no doubt it would have given a great weight to the American Credit, at least have raisen it the Sooner.
We have now resolved to open the Loan for the State of Maryland yesterday, agreable to the inclosed Advertisements, and flatter ourselves, that as it is but a Small Sum of money, it will be Soon compleated.

With the greatest respect we have the honour to be Sir! Your Excellency’s most obedt. & humble Servants
Nichs. & Jacob van Staphorst & Co


Title: Richard Oswald’s Commission to Negotiate a Peace Treaty, 21 September 1782
From: George III
To: Oswald, Richard

21 September 1782

George the third, by the Grace of God, of Great Britain France and Ireland King, Defender of the Faith and soforth, To our trusty and well beloved Richard Oswald of our City of London Esquire, Greeting; Whereas by Virtue of an Act pass’d in the last Session of Parliament intitled an Act to enable his Majesty to conclude a Peace or Truce with certain Colonies in north America therein mention’d, It is recited that it is essential to the Interest Wellfare and prosperity of Great Britain and the Colonies or Plantations of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pensylvania, the three lower Counties on Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, in north America, that Peace, Intercourse, Trade and Commerce shou’d be restored between them, Therefore, and for a full manifestation of our earnest wish and Desire, and of that of our Parliament, to put an End to the Calamities of War, it is enacted, that it should and might be lawfull for us to treat, consult of, agree and conclude with any Commissioner, or Commissioners named or to be named by the said Colonies or Plantations, or any of them respectively, or with any Body or Bodies corporate or politic, or any Assembly or Assemblies, or Description of men, or any Person, or Persons whatsoever a Peace or a Truce with the said Colonies or Plantations, or any of them, or any part or parts thereof, Any Law, Act or Acts of Parliament, matter or thing to the contrary, any wise notwithstanding: Now know ye, that we reposing especial Trust in your Wisdom, Loyalty, Diligence and Circumspection, in the management of the Affairs to be hereby committed to your Charge, Have nominated and appointed, constituted and assign’d, and by these presents Do nominate and appoint, constitute and assign you the said Richard Oswald to be our Commissioner in that Behalf, to use and exercise all and every the Powers and Authorities, hereby entrusted and committed to you the said Richard Oswald; and to do, perform and execute all other matters and things hereby enjoin’d and committed to your care during our Royal Will and Pleasure, and no longer, according to the Tenor of these our Letters Patent And it is our Royal Will and Pleasure, and We do hereby authorize empower and require you the said Richard Oswald, to treat consult of and conclude with any Commissioners or Persons vested with equal Powers, by and on the part of the Thirteen United States of America, Viz: New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pensylvania, the three lower Counties on Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and, Georgia in North America, a Peace, or a Truce with the said thirteen United States, any Law, Act or Acts of Parliament matter or thing to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding; And it is our further Will and Pleasure that every Regulation, Provision, matter or thing which shall have been agreed upon between you the said Richard Oswald, and such Commissioners or Persons as aforesaid, with whom you shall have judged meet and sufficient to enter into such Agreement, shall be fully and distinctly set forth in writing, and authenticated by your hand and Seal on one side; and by the hands and Seals of such Commissioners or Persons on the other; and such Instrument so authenticated shall be by you transmitted to us through one of our principal Secretaries of State, And it is our further Will and Pleasure that you the said Richard Oswald shall promise and engage for us, and in our Royal Name and Word that every Regulation, Provision, matter or thing, which may be agreed to, and concluded by you our said Commissioner, shall be ratified and confirmed by us, in the fullest manner and extent, and that We will not suffer them to be violated or counteracted either in whole or inpart, by any Person whatsoever, And We do hereby require and command all our Officers, Civil and military, and all other our loving Subjects whatsoever, to be aiding and assisting unto you the said Richard Oswald in the Execution of this our Commission, and of the Powers and Authorities herein contain’d. Provided allways, and We do hereby declare and ordain, that the several Offices Powers and Authorities hereby granted shall cease determine and become utterly null and void, on the first day of July which shall be in the year of our Lord, One thousand, seven hundred and eighty three, although We shall not otherwise in the mean time have revoked and determined the Same: And whereas, In and by our Commission and Letters Patent under our Great Seal of Great Britain, bearing Date the seventh day of August last We nominated and appointed, constituted and assigned you the said Richard Oswald to be our Commissioner to treat, consult of, agree and conclude, with any Commissioner or Commissioners, named or to be named by certain Colonies or Plantations in America therein specified, a Peace or a Truce with the said Colonies or Plantations, Now know ye, that We have revoked and determin’d, and by these presents do revoke and determine our said Commission and Letters patent, and all and every Power, Article and thing therein contained. In Witness whereof, We have caused these our Letters to be made patent. Witness Ourself at Westminster the Twenty first day of September, in the Twenty second year of our Reign.
By the King himself.

Yorke

Paris 9th Novemr 1782. The foregoing is a true Copy, delivered to John Adams Esqr—Richard Oswald.


Title: From John Adams to Robert R. Livingston, 23 September 1782
From: Adams, John
To: Livingston, Robert R.

The Hague. Sepr. 23d: 1782
Sir

As this is a moment of great Expectation, News, of the greatest Importance from the East-Indies, from the West-Indies and North-America fm. Gibralter, from Lord Howe’s Fleet and the combined Fleet, being hourly looked for, I took this opportunity, to return to the Spanish minister a visit which I owed him.
He told me that he trembled for the news, we should have from Gibralter. I asked him if he thought there would be a battle at Sea. He answered Yes. He believed the combined fleet would meet Lord Howe and give him battle: I said, that in this Case it would probably be but a running fight. His Lordship’s object was to protect his Convoy and get into the Port, and he would not stop to fight more than should be unavoidable. D. Llano however said, that he believed the fate of Gibralter would be decided before Howe could arrive, either the place taken or the Assault given over: By his advices, the Attack was to begin the 4th. or 5th. of September. Howe sailed the twelfth and would be probably twenty days, at least, on his way, which would leave a Space of 27. or 28 days for the Attack, which wd. decide it, one way or the other.
I did not think it proper to tell him my own apprehensions, and I wish I may be mistaken but I have no Expectation at all, in my own mind that the combined fleet will meet Howe; that there will be any naval Engagement, or that Gibralter will surrender. They will make a horrid noise, with their Artillery, against the place; but this noise will not terrify Elliot, and Gibralter will remain to the English another year, and Lord Howe return to England, and all Europe will laugh. England, however, if she were wise would say, what is sport to you, is death to us, who are ruined by these Expences. The earnest Zeal of Spain to obtain that impenetrable Rock, what has it not cost the House of Bourbon this war? And what is the importance of it? A mere point of honor!—a trophy of Insolence to England and of humiliation to Spain! It is of no Utility, unless as an Assylum for Privateers, in time of war: for it is not to be supposed that the Powers of Europe, now that the freedom of Commerce is so much esteemed, will permit, either England or Spain, to make use of this fortress and Assylum, as an Instrument, to exclude any Nation from the Navigation of the Mediterranean.
From the Hotel d’Espagne, I went to that of France, and the Duke de la Vauguyon informed me, that he had a letter fm. the Comte de Vergennes informing him, that he had received, in an indirect manner, a set of Preliminary Propositions, as from the British Ministry, which they were said to be ready to sign. That he had sent M. de Rayneval to London, to know with certainty, whether those Preliminaries came from proper Authority or not.
Thus we see, that two Ministers from England and another from Holland are at Paris to make Peace. The Comte D’Aranda is said too to have powers to treat on the part of Spain—Mr: Franklin and Mr: Jay are present on the part of the United States, and Mr: Gerard de Rayneval is at London. Yet, with all this, the British Ministry have never yet given any proof of their Sincerity, nor any Authority to any one to treat with the United States. I believe the British Ministry even my Lord Shelburne would give such powers, if he dared. But they dare not. They are afraid of the King, of the old Ministry and a great party in the Nation, irritated every moment by the Refugees, who spare no pains and hesitate at no impostures to revive offensive hostilities in America. If Gibralter should be relieved and their fleets should arrive from the West-Indies and the Baltick, and they should not have any very bad news from the East-Indies, the nation will recover from its fright, occasioned by the loss of Cornwallis, Minorca, and St: Kitts, and the Ministry will not yet dare to acknowledge American Independence. In this Case, Mr: Fox and Mr: Burk will lay their foundation of Opposition, and the State of the Finances, will give them great weight. But the Ministry will find means to provide for another Campaign.
But to return to the Duke de la Vauguyon, who informed me further, that he had received Instructions, to propose to the Prince of Orange a new plan of Concert of Operations, viz, That the Dutch Fleet, or, at least, a detachment of it, should now, in the absence of Lord Howe, sail from the Texel to Brest and join the French Ships there, in a Cruize, to intercept the British West-India Fleet. The Prince does not appear pleased with the Plan. He has not yet accepted it. The Grand Pensionary appears to approve it and support it with warmth. There is now a fine opportunity for the Dutch fleet to strike a blow, either alone, upon the Baltick fleet, or in conjunction with the French, or even alone upon the West-India Fleet. But the main Spring of the Machine is broken or unbent. There is neither Capacity, nor good-will, among those who direct the Navy.
At dinner, in the course of the day, with Mr: Gyzelaear, Mr: Vischer, and a number of the Co-Patriots, at the Hotel de Dort, they lamented this incurable misfortune. Some of them told me, that the Sums of money, granted and expended upon their marine, ought to have produced them 120. Vessells of War, of all sizes, whereas they have not one quarter of the number. They have no more than 12 of Line in the Texell, reckoning in the number, two Fiftys: and they have not more than six or seven in all the Docks of Amsterdam, Zealand the Maes and Friesland, which can be ready next Year.

I have the honor to be, Sir, Your humbl: Servt.
J. Adams


Title: To John Adams from the Trustees of Dartmouth College, 24 September 1782
From: Dartmouth College, Trustees of
To: Adams, John

University of Dartmouth September 24th. 1782
Sir

Though we have not the honor to be personally acquainted with you, yet, from your extensive character, we have the happiness to know your Excellency to be a friend to knowledge, as well as freedom.
Your abelities being so adequate to the gratefication of your benevolence, is a consideration attended with a very sensable pleasure, while we address you on a subject, that comprehends much of the happiness of the human species.
We beg leave, Sir, to recommend to your friendly notice, attention, and patronage, the honorable John Wheelock Esquire, the worthy President of this Institution; (accompanied by Mr. James Wheelock) and the very liberal design, which is, by our particular request, the object of his attention. You will perceive, Sir, the measure is favored by all the influence of the first characters now in America. And permit us to refer you for the further particulars of it to our agent, and to the articles, contained in the recommendation.

We have the honor to be with highest sentements of respect, Sir, Your Excellencys most obliged, obedient, and humble Servants, Signed by order of the board of Trustees,
Beza Woodward Secretary


Title: To John Adams from Edmund Jenings, 25 September 1782
From: Jenings, Edmund
To: Adams, John

Brussels Septr. 25th 1782
Sir

I did not receive any Slips by the two last Posts.
I am particularly obliged to your Excellency for your Favor of the 16th. Instant. The Dutchman Compliment was really polite the Sentiments of certain public Characters relative to the American Independance lead to something Substantial.
I find it is the wish of some to see the letters now publishing in the news papers collected in a Pamphlet. If you, Sir, approve it, is there any corrections and alterations that you may be inclined to make, if you chuse to transmit them to me, they shall be conveyed to the Amateurs.
Give me leave to beg of your Excellency to send the inclosed by the first Opportunity.

I have the Honour of being Sir your Excellencys Most Obedient Humble Servt.
Edm: Jenings


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Lincoln, 25 September 1782
From: Lincoln, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

War Office September 25. 1782
Sir

Congress, a few days since, received your letter of the 19 of April last which announced to them that you had been received by the States General of the United provinces in the quality of Minister plenipotentiary of the United States of America—an event interesting and important—besides a participation in the general joy occasioned hereby my private feelings are perfectly gratified that through your agency this interesting connexion has been so happily effected.
From the Secretary of foreign affairs you will receive the State of our public matters in this quarter. I cannot however refrain mentioning to you that we have now a better army in the field than ever before. The Troops are exceedingly well clothed and their discipline nearly perfect.
A few days since they turned out to receive Count Rochambeau, whose Army from Virginia is just joining ours at the Hudson. When the parade was over, he was pleased to say to His Excellency General Washington that he had “passed thro’ a Prussian Army.”
Perfect harmony subsists between the Armies of the two Nations the Blood they spill together cements the Union, and there is no other contest between them, than who shall excell in the field and in acts of real friendship and generosity. Congress has ordered me to prepare and lay before them a State of the pay rations and subsistance of the Officers and Men in the Armies of the different powers in Europe. As these often vary, I have no means of procuring the necessary information with accuracy from any books I have seen, I am under the necessity therefore of requesting that your Excellency would be so good as to procure and forward to me the State of the pay rations and Subsistance of the Officers and Men in the Service of the States General, of Prussia, Russia and of the other Northern powers.
I was in the Massachusetts last Spring. I had then the pleasure of seeing Mrs. Adams and your family well. My compliments to Mr. Thaxter, his father unfortunately a few months since broke one of his legs but is doing well. He has lost his young friend Thomas Barker and Couzin Joshua, the Doctor, his little Son.

I have the Honour to be with great respect Yr. Excellencys mt. obed. Servant
B Lincoln


Title: To John Adams from Robert Morris, 25 September 1782
From: Morris, Robert
To: Adams, John

(Duplicate.)
Office of Finance 25th September 1782
Sir

I do myself the Honor to enclose for your Perusal Acts of Congress of the twenty seventh of November and third of December 1781, and the fourteenth and twenty third Instant. In Consequence I have to request that all Bills hitherto drawn by Authority of Congress be paid, and the Accounts of those Transactions closed. After this is done, and I hope and beleive that while I am writing this Letter it may have been already accomplished, you will be freed from the Torment and Perplexity of attending to Money Matters. I am persuaded that this Consideration will be highly pleasing to you, as such Things must necessarily interfere with your more important Attentions.
I have long since requested the Secretary of foreign Affairs to desire you would appoint an Agent or Attorney here to receive and remit your Salary, which will be paid quarterly: in the mean Time it is paid to him for your Use. As to any contingent Expenses which may arise, I shall readily make the necessary Advances upon Mr Livingston’s Application. These Arrangements will I hope be both useful and agreable to you.

I am, Sir, With perfect Respect Your Excellency’s Most obedient & humble Servant
Robt Morris


Title: To John Adams from Robert Morris, 25 September 1782
From: Morris, Robert
To: Adams, John

Philadelphia September 25th: 1782
Sir

Your letter of the 22nd April has been delivered to me by Mr. Peter Paulus to whom I shall most chearfully Afford such advice or countenance as he may stand in need of. But it seems this Gentlemans wants are not confined to those Points, he applies to me for a Supply of Money to set up his Trade, I have explained that your desires in his favor do not extend to the advance of Money, and I am exposed by my Station to too many such Applications, they have indeed proved extreamly inconvenient and I am compelled to resist them all in my Power, it is probable that I shall be obliged to Number this Gentleman in the list of those whose Necessities encrease my advances.
I congratulate your Excellency most Sincerely on the event of the 19th April from which I hope and expect that our Country will derive essential benefits.

With great Respect and Esteem I have the Honor to be Your Excellencys most obedient & hble Servt:
Robt Morris


Title: To John Adams from Rodolph Valltravers, 25 September 1782
From: Valltravers, Rodolph
To: Adams, John

Sir
From Vienna, in Austria, Septr. 25th. 1782

Just returned from a Tour through Hungaria, I have the Satisfaction of recieving your very Kind Favor of Augt. the 18th. inclosed in Mr. Bosset’s Letter, the Resident of two german Courts at the Hague, whose ill-grounded Scruples have been the Cause of the long Detention of mÿ preceding application to Your Excellency, of april 11th. from Münich. I am happy to hear from your own honored Self, the final Reception of mÿ Letter, along with the Speedy Conveÿance of its Contents to Mr. H. Laurens, at Nantes, for which please to accept mÿ warmest Thanks. Not having, as yet, had the Pleasure of hearing from that worthy Patriote, I this Day write to him again, under Cover of the Widow Babut & Des bouchéres, at Nantes, to inform him of the present Place of my abode, and of mÿ Direction, under Cover A Monsr. le Baron de Fichtel, Agent du St. Empire Romain, á Vienne.
Alltho’ my Law-Suite against a great Knave of a Debtor, now in this Capital be likely decided next Week, I shall not stirr from hence, before I am honored with Yr. Exc’s. or Mr. Laurens’s Commands, that I maÿ direct my steps accordingly, towards the latter End of next Month.
Previous to my Return to Switzerland, mÿ native Country, it might perhaps not be improper to visit Venice, to Sound the Dispositions of its Leaders, concerning the american independent and united States, and to laÿ a proper Foundation for a political, as well as a mercantile Connection with that respectable Free-State. The whole with the utmost Prudence and Secrecy, when Authorised, and Supported thereunto by Congress.
An immediate, direct, and free Intercourse with that maritime Commonwealth would pave the Waÿ to other Connections with Genoa, with Lucca, with Florence and Leghorne, with Naples and Sicily, with Turky and the Levant, with Trieste and Fiume, and give great Weight to any Subsequent Négociation with the Cantons of Switzerland; if it was but for their pecuniarÿ present Assistence. These, Yr. Exccy. Knows, are objects of no small Moment, which I have given due Attention to; and in which, I may flatter my self, from my local Knowledge of those several states, their Language, Policies, Laws, and Circumstances, to render our great Cause of publick Liberty, no small Services, when approved of, and encouraged thereto by Superior Comand.
Happy, if by the Exertion of my poor abilities, with indefatigable Zeal, Fidelitÿ and Attachment, I can further entitle my self to Yr. Excy’s. Kind Esteem and Protection.

Rodh. Valltravers


Title: From John Adams to Edmund Jenings, 27 September 1782
From: Adams, John
To: Jenings, Edmund

Septr: 27. 1782

Sir

Yours of 25: is just come to hand. The Letters inclosed shall be sent, with mine.
As to publishing the Letters in a Pamphlet, I have no Objection provided no Name is mentioned. But there is one Alteration necessary which runs throughout. They are now printed as if written by and Englishman. So that, England, Englishmen Britain Britons &c ought to be substituted instead of “We,” “Us,” &c. As they are announced to be by an American they ought to be consistent, in the style.
As to Corrections and Alterations, there are certain grammatical Incorrectnesses, owing to haste which a School Boy, would not commit deliberately. They were neither 9 Years in Writing nor correcting. If any one thinks them worth it, I have no objection to reprinting them. But I should think the true dates better than the supposed ones. I have not the Time to meddle with them, any more.
There are, Somewhere in Existence 30 Letters written to Mr Calkoen of Amsterdam near two Years ago, in answer to as many Questions which he put to me, about American affairs which I Should be glad to have preserved, as they will be sometime or other, not from any intrinsick Merit in them, but merely on Account of the Effect they had. They were communicated to a Society of forty Gentlemen of Letters in Amsterdam—and out of them was composed a Comparison between the Dutch Revolution and ours which was read in the Same society and contributed Somewhat to open the Eyes of People in this Country, and to our final success. But there is no need of Haste in this matter.
If an Historian Should ever arrise, who shall think it worthwhile to compare my Negotiations here, with those of Mr Franklin and of Mr Dana, and of Mr Jay and perhaps of others and he Should be furnished with all the Documents which are in my Possession—he will reflect, that it is some times necessary and usefull to be “Assuming.” If After receiving Such Advice and Exhortations as I did, I had suspended opperations to request Instructions, I Should have been forbidden to do, what has been done, I should have been pegged like Ariel in a rifted oak, and this Country would now have been Seperately at Peace with England.
Thanks be to God, that he gave me Stubborness, when I know I am right. Monsieur “Votre Fermete a fait un tres bon Effet ici” pronounced by the Same Personage who Spent five hours, to perswade me to be infirm a Year before, was a Confessien “Arrachee” that gave me Pleasure enough.
I have Several Anecdotes to tell you, of Plans projected when our affairs were upon the critical turning Point here, which would even then have ruined Us forever, Plans projected, not I believe from ill design, at that time but merely from Indecision, Timidity Irresolution, wanting a clear Head, and a distinct View of the little nice Points upon which great affairs sometimes turn. Stubbornness, Obstinacy, L’Abondance dans Son Sens, et “L’Ignorance de se donner aux Convenances” came in Aid again and defeated all this little Plans, and Saved the American Cause here.
But now all is well Complaisance, Familiarity, Friendships and every Thing that is lovely.


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Barclay, 27 September 1782
From: Barclay, Thomas
To: Adams, John

Brest 27th. Sepr. 1782
Dear Sir

I wrote you from Paris inclosing you a packet of great Consequence which I received from Mr Livingston, but for want of a Conveyance to please me, I put it into the hands of Mr. Jay who will take proper Care of it. I wish you had it, and if Mr. Jay had, when I was at Paris, any thing of much Consequence that he wou’d put on paper, I wou’d have sent the whole by Express. I am anxious about it, and I think at this time if it were possible that you and Mr. Jay Cou’d freely Communicate together it wou’d be much for the Advantage of our Country. I had some Conversation with him on this subject, and I am sure nothing wou’d give him more pleasure than a personal interview with you. I hinted the possibility of his meeting you at Brussells, but his situation will by no means admit of it. He says if he was not prevented by business he wou’d go to the Hague to see you. More particulars wou’d occur in two or three Conversations than a long Correspondence by letters Cou’d produce. When I left Paris Doctor Franklin Continued much indisposed with the Gout and Gravel, and slept none at night, I think at his age such distempers are alarming, and he seems to be somewhat of the same opinion himself. I Came here to assist in forwarding to America about seven or eight Hundred Ton of supplies for our Army that have lain here several months, and I shall be obliged to go away without Effecting it. Exclusive of a scarcity of vessells there is a scarcity of money, we want the Court of France to do it, but I fear we shall have some difficulty in succeeding, However I shall do every thing that belongs to my part of the business. If it proves utterly Impossible to procure funds in France for the purpose, will you lend us some of yours to Effect it. Perhaps the Ratification of the Loan by Congress will have reach’d you, and that you will have the power of appropriating about one Hundred thousand florins to such a valuable end, as that of getting out so large a Quantity of Cloathing and other Articles as lye here, and as are wanted in America. I shall write to Doctor Franklin next post that I see no Certain way of forwarding them unless the Court of France step forward decidedly and do it, or enable me to do it. There is no news stirring that I know of, the St. James, Washington and Queen of France arrived at L’Orient in 34 days from Philadelphia, but I have not receivd my letters. If any thing worth Troubling you occurs on my arrival at L’Orient or at any time hence, you shall have it, mean time I remain with best wishes for your Health and happiness, and with Complims. to Mr. Dumass and Mr. Thaxter Sincerely Dear Sir your most obed Hume Serv.

Thos Barclay


Title: To John Adams from Robert Morris, 27 September 1782
From: Morris, Robert
To: Adams, John

3d.
Office of Finance 27th Septem 1782
Sir

I do myself the Pleasure to congratulate you on the Success of your patriotic Labors in Holland. The general Tribute paid to your Abilities on this Occasion will so well dispense with the Addition of my feeble Voice that I shall spare your Delicacy the Pain of expressing my Sentiments.
The enclosed Resolutions and Copies of Letters will convey to you so fully the Views of Congress, and explain so clearly my Conceptions on the Subject, that very little need to be added. If the Application to France should fail of Success, which I cannot permit myself to believe, you will then have a new Opportunity of shewing the Influence you have acquired over the Minds of Men in the Country where you reside, and of exerting it in the Manner most beneficial to our Country.
Before I conclude this Letter I must congratulate your Excellency on the Success of the Loan you have already opened, and which I consider as being by this Time compleated.

With perfect Respect I have the Honor to be Sir Your Excellency’s most obedient & humble Servant
Robt Morris


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Rush, 28 September 1782
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

Philada: Septemr 28. 1782
My dear friend

Accept of my congratulations upon the Success of your negociations at the Hague. Your countrymen are not insensible of your Zeal and industry in effecting the important event of a connection with the States of Holland. Our hearts vibrate with the hearts of those honest republicans whose petitions and memorials opened the eyes of their rulers to acknowledge our independance. The tories themselves express a Satisfaction in a Union with a nation of a religion, and of manners similar to those of the Americans. Blessed Union! founded in wisdom—policy—and interest! May it continue (to use an Indian phrase) while the Sun shines and the rivers flow.
Liberty and independance thrive in our country, and we every day become more and more unbritished in our laws—manners and ideas of every thing. Our habits are already those of old republicans, and we talk of our constitutions as if they had been the legacies of our ancestors. The Order and tranquility which prevail every where among us would make a stranger beleive that he was in one of the best established governments in Europe. O! liberty—liberty who would follow thee blindfold!
The depradations upon our trade during the last year have prevented our paying the Sum demanded by congress last year in taxes. Philada has however paid its quota with a degree of punctuality and chearfulness that does honor the republican Spirit.
You will see in some of our papers published last Summer some essays upon a navy under the Signature of Leonidas that have been ascribed to me.
The wealth—the Sense and the Virtue of Pensylvania have all come forth at last in favor of the revolution. The faction that usurped the power of the state in 1776 have become as contemptible as they were weak and wicked.

With great respect I am my dear friend yours most sincerely
Benjn Rush


Title: From John Adams to Francis Dana, 29 September 1782
From: Adams, John
To: Dana, Francis

The Hague. Septemr: 29th. 1782
Dear sir

I received yesterday your favor of 26th. Augst: OS. with Duplicates and Triplicates of a former letter and one original. These shall be sent by different vessells, as you desire. I agree to your Condition to make a minute of the postage, but you may inclose your letters to any one of the six following Gentlemen at Amsterdam and direct them to charge the postage to the U. S. viz Wilhem or Jan Willink, Nicholas or Jacob Van Staphorst, or de la Lande & Fynje.
I am so anxious abt. John’s Education, that it gives me great pleasure to learn that he is coming here: tho’ at the same time, it grieves me to take him from you, whose situation must be lonely and disagreable. I dare not take upon me to advise you to quit that Stage, tho’ I lament the policy, which has tied your hands. It is a bit of that web, in wh: you and I, and every honest American, in Europe, has been long entangled. I broke thro’ it, as the Whale goes thro’ a net. You would have done the same in my situation, and I could not do it in yours. If I had transmitted to Congress the advice, exhortations and remonstrances I received, and asked their Instructions, I should have been forbidden to stir, and should have been here sprawling with hands and feet in the air, pegged, like Ariel, in a rifted Oak; this Republic would at this moment have been seperately at peace, and American Independence would never have been acknowledged by any Power in Europe, except France, untill England should have done it.
I am at present, as you wish me, i: e: as happy as I ever can be in Europe. I am well accommodated and have an oppo. of living in an habit of Civilities with the French and Spanish Ambassadors, as well as with some principal People of this Country. The Ministers of Prussia, Sardinia and Leige are sociable. The Envoy from Portugal and the Chargè des affaires of Sweden are sometimes so. Russia and Denmark are stiff and distant; but they do neither honor, nor service to themselves, or their Courts by it.
My loan in in Cash, at least a million and an half of Gueldres. The Treaty is all agreed: is now copying and will be signed next week. It is very little different from that with France. Mr: Charles Storer is now with me, as well as Mr: Thaxter. It is not certain that he will go home with the Treaty. He seems to have an inclination to stay a little longer.
Can you give me a brief sketch of the Dispute in the Crimea, and a probable guess, whether it will terminate in a War, between the Empress and the Porte? Was it stipulated in the last Treaty of Peace, that the Crimea should be independent, and that the late Kan should be the Sovereign? Is his Expulsion suspected to have been effected by any intrigues of the Turks, or any other Power? Or is it only the effect of the Levity of the Tartars?
Pray what foreign Ministers are at the Court of St. Petersbourg? And what are their sentiments of our States? The French or Dutch Ambassador can sound them and tell you. Here the whole Corps Diplomatique is unanimously of opinion that our Independence is decided.

I presume that my Son is already on his journey, or voyage, for which reason I don’t write him.

Adieu.


Title: From John Adams to the Marquis de Lafayette, 29 September 1782
From: Adams, John
To: Lafayette, Marie-Joseph-Paul-Yves-Roch-Gilbert du Motier, marquis de

The Hague Sep. 29. 1782
My dear General

I Should have written you, Since the 29 of May, when I wrote you a Letter that I hope you recd, if it had not been reported Sometimes that you was gone and at other times that you was upon the Point of going to America.
This People must be indulged, in their ordinary March which you know is with the Slow Step. We have however at length the Consent of all the Cities and Provinces, and have adjusted and agreed upon every Article, Word, Syllable, Letter and Point, and Clerks are employed in making out five fair Copies for the Signature which will be done this Week.
Amidst the innumerable Crowd of Loans which are open in this Country, many of which have little Success, I was much afraid that ours would have failed. I have however the Pleasure to inform you, that I am at least one Million and an half, in Cash, about Three Millions of Livres which will be a considerable Aid to the operations of our Financier at Philadelphia, and I hope your Court, with their usual Goodness will make up the rest that may be wanting.
I am now as well Situated as I ever can be in Europe. I have the Honour to live, upon agreable Terms of Civility with the Ambassaders of France and Spain; and the Ministers of all the other Powers of Europe, whom I meet at the Houses of the French and Spanish Ministers as well as at Court, are complaisant and Sociable. Those from Russia and Denmark are the most reserved. Those from Sardinia and Portugal are very civil.

The Ministers of all the neutral Powers consider our Independance as decided. One of those even from Russia Said so not long ago and that from Portugal Said it to me within a few Days. You and I have known this Point to have been decided a long time: But it is but lately, that the Ministers of neutral Powers, however they might think, have frankly expressed their opinions, and it is now an Indications that it begins to be the Sentiment of their Courts, for they dont often advance faster than their Masters in expressing their sentiments upon political Points of this Magnitude.
Pray what are the Sentiments of the Corps Diplomatick at Versailles? What Progress is made in the Negotiation for Peace? Can any Thing be done before, the British Parliament, or at least the Court of St. James’s, acknowledge the Sovereignty of the United States absolute and unlimited?
It would give me great Pleasure to receive, a Line from you, as often as your Leisure will admit.

With great Esteam I have the Honour to be, Sir your most obt.


Title: From John Adams to Matthew Ridley, 29 September 1782
From: Adams, John
To: Ridley, Matthew

The Hague September 29. 1782
Sir

Last Night I received your Letter of the 20th. Your Reserve upon the Subject of the Maryland Loan needed no Apology. I was Soon informed of your Engagements with Messrs. Van Staphorsts, and Some Persons may possibly think I ought to have opposed them. But I am not myself of that opinion. I think that on one hand a Minister of the United States is not obliged to do any Thing to promote a Loan to any particular State, and on the other that he is not obliged and indeed has no Right to oppose it unless it very clearly interferes with the general Loan. Accordingly I shall take no step in opposition to yours. I wish it well, and would much Sooner favour it—indeed I dont believe it will interfere at all with the general Loan. I am much inclined to be of the opinion of Messrs Van Staphorsts, that by multiplying Connections with America it will rather assist it.

With great Respect, I have the Honour to be,


Title: From John Adams to Matthew Ridley, 29 September 1782
From: Adams, John
To: Ridley, Matthew

The Hague Sep. 29. 1782
Sir

It would give me great Pleasure to See, and converse freely with the Gentn you mention upon Men and Things. I have long known him a Man of Honour and Abilities. He and I have often differed in opinion, and each of us has Supported his opinion with Ardour: this We may do again without abating a mutual Esteem or Affection, as long as a Perswasion remains of Candour, Integrity and Sincerity, as it does entirely on my Side. But I can have no Confidence whatever in a Man who has learned to lie, to borrow an Expression of your own.
I cannot come to Paris, untill the British Cabinet have acknowledged the Independance of the United States. I will meet him, at Bruxelles at any time he Shall appoint. I See no objection to his informing V. and F. both of his Intentions to take a Jaunt to Bruxelles. He need not Say that he expects to see me. But if he did there would be no harm. I hope that Mr J. and Mr Adams have a Right to see one another without asking Leave of Dr Franklin or the Comte de Vergennes, and to converse together as freely as they please without communicating their Conversations to any others—at least such Liberties will be taken by me. Mr J. is too cautious of Writing. We must write to one other. And if our Letters Should be opened and read, there will be found in them nothing amiss, I presume.
If Mr J. has no objection to conversing in the manner you mention with our Friend at Brussells, I have none, but the best Way would be for J. to come here and Spend a Week with me in my House at the Hague. He may tell his Design at Versailles and Passy, and set their Speculations and Insinuations at Defyance—next to this is the Project to meet at Bruxelles.
The blank Comn. you say is promised. I Should have thought that I had Some right to be consulted in it—but have never been asked a question. Let me however ask you 2 or 3. Is not the Art of choosing the best Men for Plans, the greatest Art in Government in Politicks Negotiations, War and Peace? Is the Gentleman promised, in Age, Experience, Education, Genius, Learning, Knowledge of Men Books and Things, Prudence, Discretion, the best Man? Is not our Friend, infinitely superiour? Is not Mr Charmichael or Mr Dumas, or Mr Thaxter, Superiour? Has not even Dr Bancroft better Pretensions? For my own Part I think Mr Jennings the fittest Man: the man who would Support the Interests the Reputation and Dignity of the United States in that Place more than any other Man in Europe, and therefore he Should have my Vote. Is it not one of the most important Commissions? are not public Men accountable, somewhere or other? to God? their Country? their Posterity? their own Consciences Judgements and Honour for the Votes they give, upon Such occasions? By what Arts could my Friend J be So taken in?
Your Account of the Settlement of Accounts with France, gives me great Pleasure. I hope you are not misinformed. What is one Million and one Sixth of a Million Sterling? to our States. In time of Peace it would be about the Quarter Part of one Years Exportations whereas the annual Interest of the British National Debt, amounts to more than the whole of their Exportations for a Year.
I will write Soon to my worthy Friend the Marquis. But he owes me a Letter now. I should not have stood upon Punctilios with him, however but it has been often Said he was gone and always that he was gone or going.
It is not worth while for Mr Laurens to regard the “injurious Comments” His Character and Conduct is far above such Insinuations. He has explained his Motives to me, and he is perfectly in the right. He is too honest a Man not to be exposed to the malicious Insinuations of a dirty Gang.
I have had explained to me, from high Authority, that of V. through the Duke de la Vauguion, the nature of Raynevals Mission, and am Satisfied there is nothing amiss in it. The Comte de Vergennes has had some Propositions made to him from London in an indirect Manner, and he sent R. to know if they came from proper Authority.
My Loan is in Cash at least a Million and an half of Guilders, and the Treaty of Commerce will be Signed this Week.

I need not Say that this Letter is highly confidential, nor desire you to believe me, with much sincerity your humble sert


Title: To John Adams from Matthew Ridley, 29 September 1782
From: Ridley, Matthew
To: Adams, John

Paris Septemb: the 29h. 1782
Sir

I did myself the Honor of writing you a few Posts since. I now inclose you a Letter which will communicate something agreeable. The Grand difficulty being removed I have now some hopes of seeing you in this part of the World. Personal motives engage me strongly to wish it but public ones which are of more weight seem to require it.
By the Vessels, arrived at L’Orient are Letters as late as the 12: Augt: Genl. Washington was upon the North River. The French Army were marching to join and which would make up about 15000—Whether there would be any active operations on our side seemd doubtful. The French fleet had been off the Delaware and after staying there a few days was gone or was going to Boston to refit &ca. The fleet consisted of 13 sail. One Letter I have says—“Savannah certainly evacuated Charles Town probably.” I however doubt this last part. People were thinking a little of Peace; but I do not learn there was any foundation for Mr Waters’s famous list of extraordinary tumults and changes.
Everything is very private here. Reneval is returned some time but what he went about I do not believe is yet rightly known. Whatever it was I do not think he was so successful as he expected: or rather as others expected.

I shall be glad to hear you enjoy good health. And have the Honor to be with respect Sir Your mt Obedt servt
Matt: Ridley


Title: Antoine Marie Cerisier to John Adams: A Translation, 1 October 1782
From: Cerisier, Antoine Marie
To: Adams, John

Amsterdam, 1 October 1782
Sir

It has been a long time since I broached the important subject of the admission of the United States of America to the neutrality, but I feel that I do not have arguments strong enough to discuss this issue. And as you know, it is better to say nothing at all in such cases than not to say enough. Indeed, I am perplexed as to how to demonstrate that this démarche would not derogate from the principles enunciated by the neutral powers not to hazard anything that could pass as partiality toward any of the belligerent powers. It is true that one could consider the Americans, after the good fortune they have had of chasing the English from their territory, as a nation that Great Britain wants to conquer. But all the belligerent powers, being in a state of being conquered one by the other, can only preserve, each of them, until the date of conquest, the right to be recognized as independent. Therefore, the Americans, who the English see only as a nation they wish to conquer, also have the right to be viewed as independent, even by the neutral powers. But England can always oppose these reasons because it continues to regard the Americans as rebels they wish to punish. So the affair being indecisive as to right, it will be difficult to give satisfactory reasons to the neutral powers to act otherwise. One could respond that England had sufficiently decided by avowing its inability to continue an offensive war, without which it has no hope of conquest, and above all by Carleton’s letter, of which you surely are aware. These are the best arguments in this regard, but it could still prove to be unnecessary to admit the United States into the neutrality; since all things being equal, the greatest obstruction to peace, the recognition of America by England, would be lifted. I impatiently await your observations on this subject, for whatever light you can shed on it will enable me to deal with this matter in full knowledge of the facts. I will faithfully adhere to your intentions in any of your letters to be translated from the General Advertiser.

I have the honor to be, with all the sentiments of respect and devotion that you have come to know from me, your very humble and very obedient servant
A M Cerisier


Title: To John Adams from Francis Dana, 4 October 1782
From: Dana, Francis
To: Adams, John

Septr: 23d. 1782 4 October N.S.

Dear Sir

Please to forward the enclosed letters three in number, by the earliest different opportunities. Do not send either in the same enclosures with any others you have already received from me or shall receive hereafter. If you have the same Cypher sent to you, and you have patience to do it, decypher one of them. They contain a matter I have hinted to you long since as presenting a clue to a certain piece of advice given to me wh. I did not follow—You will recollect it at once as you also disapproved of it. Your picture not yet come to hand. From your Friend & Humble Servant.


Title: To John Adams from Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, 4 October 1782
From: Staphorst, Nicolaas & Jacob van (business)
To: Adams, John

Amsterdam the 4th. Oct. 1782
Sir

The opportunity, by which we take the Liberty to write your Excellency these few lines, is, that we’ve seen a Letter from London by the last mail, where in the writer assures that it was decided the 23 Septr. in the Kings Councel, by a unamity of all the Ministers, to declare the Independency of the United States in America, and that the Act, passed under the great Seal, should immediately be forwarded. Since as much as we know this is not confirmed by other letters, we must doubt of its authenticy. If it is true we suppose it will be known to your Excellency, and as it would be of much value to us, as well for the Intrest of the American Loans, we would wish to be informed by your Excellency, wether you received about it Any intelligence or not, and there fore we beg the favour to receive a few words in answer upon this Question.
Our hopes that the Undertakers will soon ask the third Million of the Loan are still increasing. Two or three of them have already spoken about it. Since our demand in favour of the Maryland Loan is declined in Council, it remains an undecided Problem, wether the Credit, which it would have give to said Loan, would have been of a good influence upon the General.

We have the honour to be with much esteem Sir of your Excellency, the most humble & Obedt. Servts.
Nics. & Jacob van Staphorst


Title: From John Adams to Edmund Jenings, 5 October 1782
From: Adams, John
To: Jenings, Edmund

5 Oct. 82

A Sermon on,
2. Samuel Chapt. 16. Verses 17. and 18. And Absalom Said to Hushai Is this thy Kindness to thy Friend? Why wentest thou not out with thy Friend? And Hushai Said unto Absolom, Nay but whom the Lord, and this People, and all the Men of Israel choose, his will I be, and with him will I abide, and to him will I Say God Save the King, God Save the King.
Hushai, has here asserted the first Principle of the Rights of Man kind, the first Principle of Liberty. He here gives to the Nation, or Body of the People, the unlimited and unconditional Authority of pulling down a Government that is inconvenient to them and erecting another in its Stead, as fully as a Freeholder in his own right may demolish a decayed or unconvenient Building and erecting another, better calculated to his Use or fitted for his Taste.
The 1. Proposition is, that as Government is instituted by the Nation it is their right to frame it to their Taste, Use and Convenience.
2. As it is instituted for the Nation, for their Pleasure, and Accommodation, it ought to be Such and they have a right, and it is their Duty to make it Such as they foresee, or find by Experience will answer their Ends.
3. The Will, and Judgment and Choice of a Nation, their Taste Pleasure, and Convenience, being in the Nature of Things only to be judged of, by the Nation, and indeed by the Majority of the Nation, every Individual has a right to the submission of the whole to the decision of the Majority, and it is the Duty of every Individual to submit to the Decision of the Majority although it be against his own opinion or quit the Club.
4. It is therefore the Duty of every Individual to cry God save the King as Hushai did in such Cases, and every Subject is legally adjudged justified in Obedience to the Authority of the Sovereign in such Cases, even although, the national Will upon which it is founded should be but temporary or even momentary. Subjects are necessitated to acknowledge Such Authority, by submitting to it to try and punish Crimes under, it, to alter Property under, it to take Arms under it, and all other Things. The Nations ennemies are obliged to consider Commissions given by Such an Authority, as given by the Lawfull Authority of the nation. Their Armies and Navies must consider them so—and cant avoid it.
If Foreign Nations have any Thing to Speak of, or treat about with such a Nation, they must treat with the Powers that be and Surely a foreign Nation, would be justified in considering the Powers that be, and treating with them, if the Members and Subjects of the Nation itself are so justified.
I wish I had nothing else to do I would make a drol sermen upon this Text, or a devout one—for it will admit of either.
Philo Nestor Mentor has written excellently upon the Powers that be—But neither the Doctrine of Philo Nester Mentor nor that of Hushai amount to passive obedience, and Non Resistance.
Il faut bien distinguer.
Passive obedience and Non Resistance, are contended for, to Tyrants who rule against the Good and the sense and Voice of the Nation. Upon this Principle Hushai, ought not to have cryed God save the King to Absalem tho the Lord and the People set him up.
Surely Subjects and foreigners are justified, in acknowledging the Powers that be.
Keep this Ball up. It is at least as amusing as Shuttlecock—and as innocent.
If Subjects Citizens and foreign Nations are thus justified and necessitated to acknowledge the Powers that be for the time, Surely it can be no Hostility against England or breach of the armed Neutrality, to acknowledge the Congress, or the United states to be sovereign de facto, and admitting them into the armed Neutrality.
You see I am very dull. Dulness is the Power that is now over me and I must acknowledge her sovreignty.


Title: From John Adams to Robert R. Livingston, 5 October 1782
From: Adams, John
To: Livingston, Robert R.

The Hage 5. October 1782
Sir

On the third day of this Month, about ten O Clock a Solemn Deputation, in three Coaches preceeded by twelve Messengers of State, went in Procession to the House in the Wood to enter into Conference, with the Statholder concerning the past Administration of the Marine, in Consequence of a Resolution of the States of Holland and West Friesland upon the Proposition of the City of Leyden. Military Honours were paid by the Guards were paid to the Deputation from the Sovereign as it passed. It consisted of Mr Cornelis De Gyzelaer, Gysbert Van Staveren and Carel Wouter Vischer, Pensionaries of Dort, Leyden and Amsterdam; Jacob Van Zuylen Van Nyevelt and Meynard Merens Secretaries of Rotterdam and Hoorn, and Pieter Van Bleiswyk, Grand Pensionary of Holland.
They communicated their Message in Writing and received a written Answer, which is Satisfactory.
This is an important Political Maneuvre, and will do much towards restoring the States to their Constitutional Dignity and Authority. But whether it will Stimulate the Admiral General to greater Exertions, time will alone discover. The States Seem to be rolling the Stone of Sisyphus.


Title: From John Adams to Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, 5 October 1782
From: Adams, John
To: Staphorst, Nicolaas & Jacob van (business)

The Hague October 5. 1782
Gentlemen

Last Evening I had the Honour of yours of Yesterdays Date. It would give me Pleasure, if it were in my Power to confirm to you, the News contained in the Letter from London, which you have Seen vizt. That on the 23 Ult. it was decided in the Kings Council by an Unanimity of all the Ministers, to declare the Independancy of the United States of America, provided this Declaration were to be Sent to Paris in order to a general Peace. If even Such a Declaration were to be Sent to America, with the insidious View of deceiving and dividing, it would be no Satisfaction at all. Such a Measure would deceive Nobody but those who invented it. All Such Artifices will be lost upon America.
But to give you a direct Answer to your Question, I have not received any Such Intelligence, either from England or France. If I had, as I know of no Reason there would be, for keeping it Secret, I would with Pleasure communicate it to you.
I am told that the Persons this Way, who have been intrusted with Obligations, have disposed of them all, and wait for further Supplies.

I have &c