Title: To George Washington from Thomas Mifflin, 5 August 1794
From: Mifflin, Thomas
To: Washington, George

                  Sir.
                  Philadelphia, 5th August 1794

               The important subject, which led to our conference on Saturday last, and the interesting discussion that then took place, having since engaged my whole attention, I am prepared, in compliance with your request, to state with candor the measures which, in my opinion, ought to be pursued by the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania.  The circumstances of the case evidently require a firm and energetic conduct on our part, as well as on the part of the General Government; but as they do not preclude the exercise of a prudent and humane policy, I enjoy a sincere gratification in recollecting the sentiment of regret, with which you contemplated the possible necessity of an appeal to arms. For, I confess, that in manifesting a zealous disposition to secure obedience to the constitutions and Laws of our Country, I too shall ever prefer the instruments of conciliation to those of coercion; and never, but in the last resort, countenance a dereliction of Judiciary authority, for the exertion of Military force.
               Under the influence of this general sentiment, I shall proceed, Sir, to deliver my opinion relatively to the recent Riots in the county of Allegheny; recapitulating, in the first place, the actual state of the information which I have received.

               It appears, then, that the Marshal of the District having, without molestation, served certain process, that issued from a Federal Court, on various Citizens who reside in the county of Fayette, thought it proper to prosecute a similar duty in the county of Allegheny, with the assistance, and in the company of Genl Nevill, the Inspector of the Excise for the western District of Pennsylvania: that while thus accompanied he suffered some insults, and encountered some opposition: that considerable bodies of armed men having, at several times, demanded the surrender of Genl Nevill’s commission and papers, attacked and, ultimately, destroyed his house: that these Rioters (of whom a few were killed, and many wounded) having taken the Marshal and others prisoners, released that officer, in consideration of a promise, that he would serve no more process on the western side of the Allegheney Mountain: that, under the apprehension of violence, Genl Nevill, before his house was destroyed, applied to the Judges of Allegheney County for the protection of his property, but the Judges on the 17th day of July, the day on which his house was destroyed, declared that they could not, in the present circumstances, afford the protection that was requested, though they offered to institute prosecutions against the Offenders; and that Genl Nevill and the Marshal, menaced with further outrage by the Rioters, had been under the necessity of withdrawing from the county. To this outline of the actual information respecting the riots, the stoppage of the Mail may be added, as matter of aggravation; and the proposed Convention of the inhabitants of the neighbouring Counties of Pennsylvania and Virginia, as matter of alarm.
               Whatever construction may be given, on the part of the United States, to the facts that have been recited, I cannot hesitate to declare on the part of Pennsylvania, that the incompetency of the Judiciary Department of her Government, to vindicate the violated laws, has not at this period been made sufficiently apparent; and that the Military power of the Government ought not to be employed until its Judiciary authority, after a fair experiment, has proved incompetent to enforce obedience, or to punish infractions of the law.  The law having established a tribunal and prescribed the mode for investigating every charge, has likewise attached to every offence its proper punishment. If an opponent of the Excise-system refuses or omits to perform

                  the duty which that system prescribes to him, in common with his fellow Citizens, his refusal, or omission, exposes him to the penalty of the law; but the payment of the penalty expiates the legal offence. If a riot is committed in the course of a resistance to the execution of any law, the Rioters expose themselves to prosecution and punishment, but the sufferance of their sentence extinguishes their crime. In either instance, however, if the strength and audacity of a lawless combination shall baffle and destroy the efforts of the Judiciary authority to recover a penalty, or to inflict a punishment, that authority may Constitutionally claim the auxiliary intervention of a Military power; but still the intervention cannot commence till the impotency of the Judicial authority has been proved by experiment, nor continue a moment longer than the occasion for which it was expressly required.  That the laws of the Union are the laws of the State, is a Constitutional axiom that will never be controverted: that the authority of the State ought to be exerted in maintaining the authority of the Union, is a patriotic position which I have uniformly inculcated: but in executing the laws or maintaining the authority of the Union, the Government of Pennsylvania can only employ the same means, by which the more peculiarly municipal laws and authority of the State are executed and maintained. ’Till the riot was committed, no offence had occurred, which required the aid of the State Government: when it was committed, it became the duty of the State Government to prosecute the offenders, as for a breach of the public peace and the laws of the Commonwealth; and if the measures shall be precisely what would have been pursued, had the riot been unconnected with the system of Federal policy, all, I presume, will be done, which good faith and justice can require. Had the riot been unconnected with the system of Federal policy, the vindication of our laws would be left to the ordinary course of justice; and, only in the last resort, at the requisition, and as an auxiliary, of the Civil authority, would the Military force of the State be called forth.
               Experience furnishes the strongest inducements to my mind, for persevering in this lenient course. Riots have heretofore been committed in opposition to the laws of Pennsylvania, but the rioters have invariably been punished by our Courts of Justice. In opposition to the laws of the United States, in opposition to

                  the very laws now opposed, and in the very counties supposed to be combined in the present opposition, riots have, likewise, formerly occurred; but in every instance, supported by legal proof, the offenders have been indicted, convicted, and punished, before the tribunals of the State. This result does not announce a defect of jurisdiction—a want of Judicial power, or disposition, to punish infractions of the law; a necessity for an appeal from the political, to the physical strength of the Nation.
               But another principle of policy deserves some consideration. In a free country it must be expedient to convince the Citizens of the necessity, that shall, at any time, induce the Government to employ the coercive authority with which it is invested. To convince them that it is necessary to call forth the Military power, for the purpose of executing the laws, it must be shewn, that the Judicial power has, in vain, attempted to punish those who violate them: and, therefore, thinking, as I do, that the incompetency of the Judicial power of Pennsylvania has not yet been sufficiently ascertained I remarked, in the course of our late conference, that I did not think it would be an easy task to embody the Militia, on the present occasion. The Citizens of Pennsylvania (however a part of them may, for a while, be deluded) are the friends of law and order: but when the inhabitants of one district shall be required to take arms against the inhabitants of another, their general character does not authorise me to promise a passive obedience to the mandates of Government. I believe, that as freemen they would enquire into the cause and nature of the service proposed to them; and, I believe, that their alacrity in performing, as well as in accepting it, would essentially depend on their opinion of its justice and necessity.
               Upon great political emergencies, the effect of every measure should be deliberately weighed. If it shall be doubted, whether saying that the Judiciary power is yet untried, is enough to deter us from the immediate use of Military force, an anticipation of the probable consequences of that awful appeal, will enable us, perhaps, satisfactorily to remove or overlook the doubt. Will not the resort to force enflame and cement the existing opposition?  Will it not associate, in a common resistance, those who have hitherto peaceably, as well as those who have riotously, expressed their abhorrence of the Excise?  Will it not collect and combine every latent principle of discontent, arising from the supposed

                  oppressive operations of the Federal Judiciary, the obstruction of the Western navigation, and a variety of other local sources?  May not the magnitude of the opposition, on the part of the ill-disposed, or the dissatisfaction at a premature resort to arms, on the part of the well-disposed, Citizens of this State, eventually involve the necessity of employing the Militia of other States?  And the accumulation of discontent, which the jealously engendered by that movement may produce, who can calculate, or who will be able to avert?  Nor, in this view of the subject, ought we to omit paying some regard to the ground for suspecting, that the British Government has already, insidiously and unjustly, attempted to seduce the Citizens on our Western frontier from their duty; and, we know, that in a moment of desperation, or disgust, men may be led to accept that as an assylum, which, under different impressions, they would shun as a snare.
               It will not, I am persuaded, Sir, be presumed, from the expression of these sentiments, that I am insensible to the indignation, which the late outrages ought to excite in the mind of a Magistrate, entrusted with the execution of the laws. My object, at present, is to demonstrate, that on the principles of policy, as well as of law, it would be improper in me to employ the military power of the state, while its Judiciary authority is competent to punish the Offenders. But should the Judiciary authority prove insufficient, be assured of the most vigorous co-operation of the whole force which the Constitution and Laws of the State entrust to me, for the purpose of compelling a due obedience to the Government; and, in that unfortunate event, convinced that every other expedient has been resorted to in vain, the public opinion will sanctify our measures, and every honest Citizen will willingly lend his aid to strengthen and promote them.
               The steps which under my instructions were taken, as soon as the intelligence respecting the riots was received, will clearly, indeed, manifest the sense that I entertain upon the subject. To every Judge, Justice, Sheriff, Brigade Inspector, in short to every public officer residing in the Western counties, a letter was addressed expressing my indignation and regret, and requiring an exertion of their influence and authority to suppress the tumults and punish the offenders. The Attorney General of the State was, likewise, desired to investigate the circumstances of the riot, to ascertain the names of the rioters, and to institute the

                  regular process of the law, for bringing the leaders to justice.  In addition to these preliminary measures, I propose issuing a Proclamation, in order to declare (as far as I can declare them) the sentiments of the Government; to announce a determination to prosecute and punish the offenders; and to exhort the Citizens at large to pursue a peaceable and patriotic conduct: I propose engaging three respectable Citizens to act as Commissioners for addressing those who have embarked in the present combination, upon the lawless nature, and ruinous tendency of their proceedings; for inculcating the necessity of an immediate return to the duty which they owe their Country; and for promising (as far as the State is concerned) a forgiveness of their past transgressions, upon receiving a satisfactory assurance, that, in future, they will submit to the laws: and I propose, if all these expedients should be abortive, to convene the Legislature, that the ultimate means of subduing the spirit of insurrection, and of restoring tranquility and order, may be prescribed by their wisdom and authority.
               You will perceive, Sir, that throughout my observations, I have cautiously avoided any reference to the nature of the evidence, from which the facts that relate to the riots are collected, or to the conduct which the Government of the United States may pursue on this important occasion. I have hitherto, indeed, only spoken as the Executive Magistrate of Pennsylvania, charged with a general superintendance and care that the laws of the Commonwealth be faithfully executed, leaving it as I ought implicitly to your judgment, to chuse on such evidence as you approve, the measures for discharging the analagous trust which is confided to you in relation to the laws of the Union. But before I conclude, it is proper under the impression of my Federal obligations, to add a full and unequivocal assurance, that whatever requisition you may make, whatever duty you may impose, in pursuance of your Constitutional and legal powers, will on my part be promptly undertaken, and faithfully discharged. I have the honor to be, With perfect respect, Sir, Your Excellency’s Most Obedt Hble Servt

                  Tho. Mifflin


Title: To George Washington from Edmund Randolph, 5 August 1794
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Washington, George

                  Sir
                  Philadelphia August 5. 1794.

               The late events in the neighbourhood of Pittsburg appeared, on the first intelligence of them, to be extensive in their relations. But subsequent reflection, and the conference with the governor of Pennsylvania, have multiplied them in my mind tenfold.  Indeed, sir, the moment is big with a crisis, which would

                  convulse the oldest government; and if it should burst on ours, its extent and dominion can be but faintly conjectured.
               At our first consultation in your presence, the indignation, which we all felt at the outrages committed, lead us to advise, that the information received should be laid before an associate justice or the district judge, to be considered under the act of May 2d 1792.  This step was urged, by the necessity of understanding without delay all the means, vested in the President for suppressing the progress of the mischief. A caution, however, was prescribed to the attorney-general, who submitted the documents to the judge; not to express to him the most distant wish in the President, that the certificate should be granted.
               The certificate has been granted; and altho’ the testimony is not, in my judgment, yet in sufficient legal form to become the groundwork of such an act; and a judge ought not a priori to decide, that the marshal is incompetent to suppress the combination by the posse comitatus; yet the certificate if it be minute enough is conclusive, that "in the counties of Washington and Alleghany, in Pennsylvania, laws of the U.S. are opposed and the execution thereof obstructed by combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, or by the powers, vested in the marshal of that district."  But the certificate specifies no particular law, which has been opposed. This defect I remarked to Judge Wilson, from whom the certificate came; and observed, that the design of the law being, that a judge should point out to the executive, where the judiciary stood in need of military aid, it was frustrated, if military force should be applied to laws, which the judge might not contemplate. He did not yield to my reasoning; and therefore I presume, that the objection will not be received against the validity of the certificate.
               Upon the supposition of its being valid, a power arises to the President, to call forth the militia of Pennsylvania, and eventually the militia of other states, which may be convenient. But as the law does not compel the President to array the militia in consequence of the certificate, and renders it lawful only for him to do so; the grand inquiry is whether it be expedient to exercise this power at this time.
               On many occasions have I contended, that whensoever military coercion is to be resorted to in support of law, the militia

                  are the true, proper and only instruments which ought to be employed. But a calm survey of the situation of the United States has presented these dangers, and these objections, and banish every idea of calling them into immediate action.
               1. A radical and universal dissatisfaction with the excise pervades the four transmontane counties of Pennsylvania, having more than sixty three thousand souls in the whole, and more than fifteen thousand white males above the age of sixteen. The counties on the eastern side of the mountain, and some other populous counties are infected by similar prejudices, inferior in degree and dormant, but not extinguished.
               2. Several counties in Virginia, having a strong militia, participate in these feelings.
               3. The insurgents, themselves numerous, are more closely united by like dangers, with friends and kindred, scattered abroad in different places, who will enter into all the apprehensions, and combine in all the precautions of safety, adopted by them.
               4. As soon too, as any event of eclat shall occur, around which persons, discontented in other principles, whether of aversion to the government or disgust with any measures of the administration may rally, they will make common cause.
               5. The governor of Pennsylvania has declared his opinion to be, that the militia, which can be drawn forth, would be unequal to the task.
               6. If the militia of other states are to be called forth, it is not a decided thing, that many of them may not refuse. And if they comply, is nothing to be apprehended from a strong cement growing between all the militia of Pennsylvania, when they perceive that another militia is to be introduced into the bosom of their country?  The experiment is at least untried.
               7. The expence of a military expedition will be very great; and with a devouring Indian war, the commencement of a navy, the sum to be expended for obtaining a peace with Algiers, the destruction of our mercantile capital by British depredations, the uncertainty of war or peace with Great Britain, the impatience of the people under increased taxes, the punctual support of our credit, it behoves those, who manage our fiscal matters to be sure of their pecuniary resources, when so great a field of new and unexpected expence is to be opened.

               8. Is there any appropriation of money, which can be immediately devoted to this use?  If not, how can money be drawn?  It is said, that appropriations exist to the war-department generally; but it may deserve inquiry, whether they were not made upon a particular statements of a kind of service, essentially distinct from the one proposed.
               9. If the intelligence of the overtures of the British to the western countries be true, and the inhabitants should be driven to accept their aid, the supplies of our western army, the western army itself, may be destroyed; the reunion of that country to the United States will be impracticable; and we must be engaged in a British war. If the intelligence be probable only, how difficult will it be to bring the world to believe, that we have been consistent in our conduct; when, after running the hazard of mortally offending the French by the punctilious observance of neutrality; after deprecating the wrath of the English by every possible act of government; after the request for the suspension of a settlement at Presqu’ Isle from has in some measure been founded on the possibility of Great Britain being roused to arms by it; we pursue measures, which threaten collision with G. Britain, and which are mixed with the blood of our fellow citizens—If this intelligence be absolutely untrue; still may not the western people strike deep into our Western army, if they should enter into serious hostility against the U.S.?
               10. If a miscarriage should befal the U.S. in the beginning, what may not be the consequence?  And if this should not happen, is it possible to foresee, what may be the effect of ten, twenty or thirty thousand of our citizens being drawn into the field against as many more. There is another enemy in the heart of the Southern States, which would not sleep, with such an opportunity of advantage.
               11. It is a fact, well known, that the parties in the U.S. are highly inflamed against each other; and that there is but one character, which keeps both in awe. As soon as the sword is drawn, nothing will be able to restrain them.
               On this subject, the souls of some good men bleed. They have often asked themselves, why they are always so jealous of military power, whenever it has been proposed to be exercised, under the form of a succour to the civil authority?  how it has happened, that with a temper, not addicted to suspicion, nor unfriendly to

                  those who propose military force, they do not court the shining reputation, which is acquired by being always ready for strong measures?  This is the reason; that they are confident, that they know the ultimate sense of the people; that the will of the people must force its way in the government; that, notwithstanding the indignation, which may be raised against the insurgents; yet if measures, unnecessarily harsh, disproportionately harsh, and without a previous trial of every thing, which law and the spirit of conciliation can do, be executed, that indignation will give way, and the people will be estranged from the administration, which made the experiment. There is a second reason; one motive, assigned in argument, for calling forth the militia, has been, that a government can never be said to be established, until some signal display has manifested its power of military coercion. This maxim, if indulged, would heap curses upon the government. The strength of a government is the affection of the people; and while that is maintained, every invader, every insurgent, will as certainly count upon the fear of its strength, as if it had, with one army of citizens mowed down another.
               Let the parties then be ever kindled into action, sentiments, like these, will produce a flame, which will not terminate in a common revolution.
               Knowing, sir, as I do, the motives, which govern you in office, I was certain, that you would be anxious to mitigate, as far as you thought it practicable, the military course, which has been recommended. You have accordingly suspended the force of the preceding observations, by determining not to call forth the militia immediately to action, and to send commissioners, who may explain and adjust, if possible, the present discontents.
               The next question then is, whether the militia shall be directed to hold themselves in readiness; or shall not be summoned at all?
               It has been supposed by some gentlemen, that when reconciliation is offered with one hand, terror should be borne in the other; and that a full amnesty and oblivion shall not be granted, unless the excise laws be complied with in the fullest manner.
               With a language such as this, the overtures of peace will be considered delusive by the insurgents and the rest of the world. It will be said and believed, that the design of sending commissioners was only to gloss over hostility; to endeavour to divide;

                  to sound the strength of the insurgents; to discover the most culpable persons, to be marked out for punishment; to temporize, until congress can be prevailed upon to order further force, or the western army may be at leisure from the savages, to be turned upon the insurgents; and many other suspicions will be entertained, which cannot be here enumerated. When Congress talked of some high-handed steps against G. Britain, they were disapproved, as counteracting Mr Jay’s mission; because it could not be expected, that she would be dragooned.  Human Nature will to a certain point shew itself to be the same even among the Alleghany mountains The mission will, I fear, fail; tho’ it would be to me the most grateful occurrence in life to find my prediction falsified. If it does fail, and in consequence of the disappointment the militia should be required to act, then will return that fatal train of events, which I have stated above, as being suspended for the present.
               What would be the inconvenience of delay?  The result of the mission would be known in four weeks; and the President would be master of his measures, without any previous commitment. Four weeks could not render the insurgents more formidable: that space of time might render them less so, by affording room for reflection: and the government will have a sufficient season remaining to act in—Until every peaceable attempt shall be exhausted, it is not clear to me, that as soon as the call is made, and the proclamation issued, the militia may not enter into some combinations, which will satisfy the insurgents, that they need fear nothing from them, and spread those combinations among the militia of the other states.
               My opinion therefore is, that the commissioners will be furnished with enough on the score of terror, when they announce, that the President is in possession of the certificate of the judge. It will confirm the humanity of the mission; and notwithstanding some men might pay encomiums on decision, vigour of nerves &c. &c. if the militia were to be summoned to be held in readiness, the majority would conceive the merit of the mission incomplete, if this were to be done.
               It will not, however, be supposed, that I mean that these outrages are to pass without Animadversion. No, sir. That the authority of government is to be maintained is not less my position, than that of others. But I prefer the accomplishment of this by

                  every experiment of moderation in the first instance. The steps therefore, which I would recommend, are,
               1. A serious proclamation, stating the mischief, declaring the power, possessed by the executive, and announcing, that it is witheld from motives of humanity and a wish for conciliation.
               2. Commissioners, properly instructed to the same objects.
               3. If they fail in their mission, let the offenders be prosecuted according to law.
               4. If the judiciary authority is, after this, withstood, let the militia be called out.
               These appear to me, to be the only means for producing unanimity in the people; and without that unanimity government may be mortified and defeated.
               If the President shall determine to operate with the militia, it will be necessary to submit some animadversions upon the interpretation of the law. For it ought closely to be considered, whether if the combinations should disperse, the execution of process is not to be left to the marshal and his posse. But these will be deferred, until orders shall be discussed for the militia to march. I have the honor, sir, to be with the highest respect, and sincere attachment yr mo. ob. serv.

                  Edm: Randolph


Title: From George Washington to James Ross, 6 August 1794
From: Washington, George
To: Ross, James

                  Sir,
                  German Town [Pa.] Augt 6th 1794

               The enclosed was written agreeably to its date, & would have been sent by the Mail to Pittsburgh (under cover to Colo. Presley Nevill) but finding that this conveyance had become unsafe, I did not incline to embrace it. It will, I hope & expect, be put into your hands by Mr Bradford the Attorney General, who will communicate to you the purport of his visit into the part of the Country wherein you live.
               The reason of my adding to the enclosed is, that yesterday a person (whose name, nor place of abode I did not enquire being otherwise engaged, & hurried at the time) called upon me to

                  know if I wd sell my land in Fayette County—being answered in the affirmative, he asked the price—I told him I had given you a power to sell it, and to you his application had best be made. Pressing still to know the price I told him I could enter into no agreement, but supposed if the land was yet unsold he might obtain it at Six dollars an acre.
               This person was a driver of his own team, & from his appearance I hardly supposed he was in circumstances to advance ten pounds in payment; but to my surprise he gave me to understand (not gasconadingly) that he could pay £1000 down, and with sufficient time to dispose of the land on which he lives, he could pay £3000 more.
               I advised him to you, and he seemed disposed to go—of which I make this mention—I am sorry I did not ask his name as he seemed much in earnest, & had rid from Phila. to this place for the sole purpose he said of making the foregoing enquiries—I think he said he lived in Cumberland County. With great esteem I am—Sir Yr Most Obedt Servt

                  Go: Washington


Title: Proclamation, 7 August 1794
From: Washington, George
To:

                  [Philadelphia, 7 Aug. 1794]

               Whereas combinations to defeat the execution of the laws laying duties upon Spirits distilled within the United States and upon Stills, have from the time of the commencement of those laws existed in some of the Western parts of Pennsylvania. And whereas the said Combinations, proceeding in a manner subversive equally of the just authority of Government and of the rights of individuals have hitherto effected their dangerous and criminal purpose; by the influence of certain irregular meetings

                  whose proceedings have tended to encourage and uphold the spirit of opposition, by misrepresentations of the laws calculated to render them odious, by endeavours to deter those who might be so disposed from accepting offices under them, through fear of public resentment and of injury to person and property, and to compel those who had accepted such offices by actual violence to surrender or forbear the execution of them; by circulating vindictive menaces against all those who should otherwise directly or indirectly aid in the exectution of the said laws, or who, yielding to the dictates of conscience and to a sense of obligation should themselves comply therewith, by actually injuring and destroying the property of persons who were understood to have so complied; by inflicting cruel and humiliating punishments upon private citizens for no other cause than that of appearing to be friends of the laws; by intercepting the public officers on the high ways, abusing, assaulting and otherwise ill treating them; by going to their houses in the night, gaining admittance by force, taking away their papers and committing other outrages; employing for these unwarrantable purposes the Agency of Armed Banditti, disguised in such manner as for the most part to escape discovery:  And whereas the endeavors of the Legislature to obviate objections to the said laws, by lowering the duties and by other alterations conducive to the convenience of those whom they immediately affect (though they have given satisfaction in other quarters) and the endeavors of the Executive officers to conciliate a compliance with the laws, by explanations, by forbearance and even by particular accommodations founded on the suggestion of local considerations, have been disappointed of their effect by the machinations of persons whose industry to excite resistance has increased with every appearance of a disposition among the people to relax in their opposition and to acquiesce in the laws: insomuch that many persons in the said western parts of Pennsylvania have at length been hardy enough to perpetrate acts which I am advised amount to treason, being overt acts of levying war against the United States; the said persons having on the sixteenth and Seventeenth of July last past proceeded in arms (on the second day amounting to several hundreds) to the house of John Neville Inspector of the Revenue for the fourth survey of the District of Pennsylvania, having repeatedly attacked the said house

                  with the persons therein wounding some of them, having seized David Lenox, Marshal of the District of Pennsylvania, who previous thereto had been fired upon, while in the execution of his duty, by a party of armed men detaining him for some time prisoner, till for the preservation of his life and the obtaining of his liberty he found it necessary to enter into stipulations to forbear the execution of certain official duties touching processes issuing out of a Court of the United States—and having finally obliged the said Inspector of the Revenue and the said marshal from considerations of personal safety to fly from that part of the Country, in order by a circuitous route to proceed to the seat of Government; avowing as the motives of these outrageous proceedings an intention to prevent by force of Arms the execution of the said laws, to oblige the said Inspector of the Revenue to renounce his said office, to withstand by open violence the lawful authority of the Government of the United States, and to compel thereby an alteration in the measures of the Legislature and a repeal of the laws aforesaid.  And whereas by a law of the United States intitled "An Act to provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union suppress insurrections and repel invasions," it is enacted "that whenever the laws of the United States shall be opposed or the execution thereof obstructed in any State by combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings or by the powers vested in the Marshals by that act, the same being notified by an associate Justice or the District Judge, it shall be lawful for the President of the United States to call forth the militia of such State to suppress such combinations and to cause the laws to be duly executed. And if the militia of a State where such Combinations may happen shall refuse or be insufficient to suppress the same it shall be lawful for the President if the Legislature of the United States shall not be in session to call forth and employ such numbers of the militia of any other State or States most convenient thereto, as may be necessary, and the use of the militia so to be called forth may be continued, if necessary, until the expiration of thirty days after the Commencement of the ensuing Session:  Provided always that whenever it may be necessary in the judgment of the President to use the military force hereby directed to be called forth; The President shall forthwith and previous thereto, by Proclamation, command

                  such insurgents to disperse and retire peaceably to their respective abodes within a limited time."  And whereas James Wilson an associate Justice on the fourth instant by writing under his hand did, from evidence which had been laid before him, notify to me that "in the Counties of Washington and Alleghany in Pennsylvania laws of the United States are opposed, and the execution thereof obstructed by Combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of Judicial proceedings or by the powers vested in the Marshal of that District."  And whereas it is in my Judgment necessary under the circumstances of the case to take measures for calling forth the militia in order to suppress the Combinations aforesaid and to cause the Laws to be duly executed, and I have accordingly determined so to do, feeling the deepest regret for the occasion, but withal the most Solemn conviction, that the essential interests of the Union demand it, that the very existence of Government and the fundamental principles of social order are materially involved in the issue, and that the patriotism and firmness of all good Citizens are seriously called upon, as occasion may require, to aid in the effectual suppression of so fatal a Spirit.
               Wherefore, and in pursuance of the Proviso above recited, I George Washington, President of the United States, do hereby command all persons, being insurgents as aforesaid and all others whom it may concern on or before the first day of September next to disperse and retire peaceably to their respective abodes. And I do moreover warn all persons whomsoever against aiding abetting or comforting the perpetrators of the aforesaid treasonable Acts: and do require all officers and other Citizens according to their respective duties and the laws of the land to exert their utmost endeavors to prevent and suppress such dangerous proceedings.
               In Testimony whereof I have caused the Seal of the United States of America to be affixed to these presents, and signed the same with my hand. Done at the City of Philadelphia the Seventh day of August one thousand seven hundred and ninety four, and of the Independence of the United States of America, the nineteenth.

                  Go. Washington.
                  By the PresidentEdm: Randolph.


Title: To George Washington from Henry Knox, 8 August 1794
From: Knox, Henry
To: Washington, George

                  Sir,
                  War department August 8. 1794

               There are about two hundred recruits who may be ordered to the frontiers. I have directed those Eastward of NewYork to move forward and those at New York to hold themselves in readiness

                  to move when directed—These recruits may be wanted at the place of the intended rendezvous.
               Colonel Hamilton will take your further orders respecting them.  I have the honor to be with perfect respect Your obedient servant

                  H. Knox secy of War


Title: From George Washington to Henry Knox, 8 August 1794
From: Washington, George
To: Knox, Henry

               (Private)
               Dear SirGerman Town [Pa.]Friday 8 Oclock P.M. [8 Aug. 1794]
               Mr Bradfords letter (which I presume you have seen, and) which was sent to me by Express, conveyed to my mind a different idea

                  than it is now impressed with, from the Secretary of States account of the conversation he has had with Colo. Nevill & Major Lenox. I concluded from the first (combined with the articles in the morning Gazettes) that the Insurrection West of the mountains was not only general, but that the Insurgents were on the point of embodying; & would receive no mission. Under these circumstances I could see no propriety in the absence of the Officers of the government; nor how I could stand justified in permitting the measure. But as I do not perceive that the Accts of the Inspector & Marshall place matters in a worse light than they stood before—I consent to your pursuing your plan—& wish you a good journey & a safe & speedy return. Yours always

                  Go: Washington


Title: To George Washington from Edmund Randolph, 8 August 1794
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Washington, George

                  Sir
                  Philadelphia August 8. 1794.

               The enclosed letter from Mr Bradford appears to deserve to be sent by express.  The separate powers, which he asks, tho’ they cannot with propriety be demanded by insurgents, will be forwarded by a special messenger, to gratify him; if the two other Secretaries approve of them.  I shall carry Neville’s and Lenox’s

                  account of the matters with me in the evening to German Town; as I shall watch for their arrival, and immediately confer with them.
               The Governor’s two proclamations are inclosed; one in the newspaper; the other in a handbill.  I have the honor, sir, to be with the highest respect yr mo. ob. serv.

                  Edm: Randolph


Title: From George Washington to Edmund Randolph, 8 August 1794
From: Washington, George
To: Randolph, Edmund

                  Sir,
                  German Town [Pa.] 2 o’clock, 8th August 1794.

               I have this instant received your note of even date with this, and desire if the request of the Attorney-General accords with the unanimous sentiments of yourself and the other two Secretaries, the power may be sent agreeably thereto.
               I request also, that all the information that can be obtained from the Inspector Neville & the Marshal, may be had as soon as they shall have arriv’d in the City; & wish it to be delivered before yourself & the above Gentlemen, that all of you being thoroughly possessed of the facts—and digesting them well—may be ready to meet me at my Ho. in the City to morrow morning with your opinions on the propriety of changing any measure already resolved on, or for adding others thereto according to the information which shall be received from them.
               It might not be amiss that Inspector & marshal should be at hand to morrow, at the hour appointed.

                  Go: Washington


Title: From George Washington to William Pearce, 10 August 1794
From: Washington, George
To: Pearce, William

                  Mr Pearce,
                  German Town [Pa.] Augt 10th 1794

               I have duly received your letter of the 3d, with the reports of the preceeding week.

               If you think the Oat ground at River farm, will not be too much drawn by a succeeding Crop of Wheat, for Clover; I have no objection to your sowing it with Wheat. but I have serious doubts on this head; and doubts equally serious of another kind, viz.—that on such stiff & baking land as mine is, sowing Clover on Wheat, in the Spring, (or which is still better, on light Snows in the Month of January or February) will rarely answer. A proof of this you have had both at Dogue Run & Union Farm the present year; and to the best of my recollection I have not been much more successful in former years. But I leave it to you to act in this case according to your own judgment. As I have understood from you, that your own land is equally stiff with mine, you will know better how to manage the latter than if it had been different.  It is my wish to lay the ground you speak of to Clover as soon as possibly it can be put into condition to bear it, to any advantage; for until this happens, the Seed is, in a manner, thrown away; and an expence, without profit, is incurred.
               When the money becomes due for the flour sold in Alexandria, receive the same; take from it what your necessities may require; & deposit the rest in the Bank at that place; where it will be ready for my call, or any order I may give concerning it; informg me thereof.  I do not perceive by the Spinning report, that any of the Girls are employed in making woolen cloaths for the people; nor do I know what cloth you have on hand (from the Weavers) for this purpose—All ought to be ready by the first of November, to deliver to them.
               I do not, at this distance, pretend to determine when your people, generally, will have most leizure for the purpose, but this I can determine, that whenever it does happen, all hands that can be spared, ought to be employed on the New Race to the Mill; for the time spent in repairing the old Race after every Rain, would go a good way towards the completion of the new one; besides the great saving of water.
               If you think the Fall a better time to sow the Seeds which have been saved from the little garden, & the Vineyard, than the Spring, I could wish to have it done, as I am extremely anxious to encrease the quantity of each as fast as I am able; particularly the Sainfoin; but if, on the other hand, the Spring is thought the safest Season, the sowing may be delayed until that period: wch on one Acct, would be convenient, as I wish to

                  sow them in Squares in the lot now in Potatoes at the Mansion house.
               Desire the Gardener to save as much Seed as he can from the everlasting Pea, in the Vineyard.  I cannot but be of opinion that this Pea, cut young, will make an excellent Hay. The quantity of it will be great—and its continuance in the ground, long. Nor do I believe it requires very strong land to produce it. I am—Your friend &ca

                  Go: Washington

                  P.S. Sow the early, that is the drilled Wheat, in good ground & in good time, that the most that can, may be made of it.
                  If there is nothing in the ground (in the little garden) adjoining to the few plants of Sainfoin, you might put one half the seed of that plant which the Gardener saved therein—let the rows be about 12 inches apart—& the seed very thin in the Rows—the other half may be kept for Spring sowing to take both seasons.


Title: To George Washington from William Pearce, 10 August 1794 [letter not found]
From: Pearce, William
To: Washington, George

Letter not found: from William Pearce, 10 Aug. 1794. On 17 Aug., GW wrote Pearce: "Your letter of the 10th has been duly received."


Title: From George Washington to Charles Mynn Thruston, 10 August 1794
From: Washington, George
To: Thruston, Charles Mynn

                  Dear Sir,
                  German Town [Pa.] Augt 10th 1794(Private)

               Your favor of the 21st of June came duly to hand. For the communications contained in it, I thank you; as I shall do for any other that is interesting to the Community and necessary for me to be informed of.
               That there should exist in this country such a spirit as you say pervades the people of Kentucky (and which I have also learnt through other channels) is, to me, matter of great wonder; and that it should prevail there, more than in any other part of the Union is not less surprising to those who are acquainted with the exertions of the General government in their favor. But it will serve to evince whensoever, and to whomsoever facts are developed (and they are not unknown, at this moment, to many of the principal characters in that State) that there must exist a pre-disposition among them to be dissatisfied under any circumstances, and under every exertion of government (short of a war with Spain which must eventually involve one with Great Britain) to promote their welfare.
               The protection they receive, and the unwearied endeavours of the General government to accomplish (by repeated & ardent remonstrances) what they seem to have most at heart—viz.—the navigation of the Mississipi, obtains no credit with them, or what is full as likely, may be concealed from them or misrepresented by those societies who under specious colourings are spreading mischief far & wide either from real ignorance of the measures pursuing by the government, or from a wish to bring it, as much as they are able, into discredit—for what purposes, every man is left to his own conjectures.
               That similar attempts to discontent the public mind have been pra<c>ticed with too much success in some of the Western Counties of this State you are, I am certain, not to learn. Actual rebellion against the Laws of the United States exist at this moment notwithstanding every lenient measure which could comport with the duties of the public Officers have been exercised to reconcile them to the collection of the taxes upon spirituous liquors and Stills—What may be the consequences of such violent & outrageous proceedings is painful in a high degree even

                  in contemplation—But if the Laws are to be so trampled upon—with impunity—and a minority (a small one too) is to dictate to the majority there is an end put, at one stroke, to republican government; and nothing but anarchy and confusion is to be expected thereafter; for some other man, or society, may dislike another Law & oppose it with equal propriety until all Laws are prostrate and every one (the strongest I presume) will carve for himself. Yet, there will be found persons I have no doubt, who although they may not be hardy enough to justify such open opposition to the Laws will, nevertheless, be opposed to coercion even if the proclamation and the other temperate measures which are in train by the Executive to avert the dire necessity of a resort to arms, should fail.  How far such people may extend their influence—and what may be the consequences thereof is not easy to decide; but this we know, that it is not difficult by concealment of some facts, & the exageration of others, (where there is an influence) to biass <a> well-meaning mind—at least for a time—truth will ultimately prevail where pains is taken to bring it to light.
               I have a great regard for Genl Morgan, and respect his military talents, and am persuaded if a fit occasion should occur no one would exert them with more zeal in the service of his country than he would. It is my ardent wish however that this Country should remain in Peace as long as the Interest honour & dignity of it will permit—and its laws, enacted by the Representatives of the People freely chosen shall obtain—With much esteem—I am, Dear Sir Your Obedt Hble Servt

                  G. Washington


Title: To George Washington from John Jay, 11 August 1794
From: Jay, John
To: Washington, George

                  Dear Sir
                  London 11 Augt 1794

               The Letter herewith enclosed from Mr Wangenheim came to me enclosed from him, requesting me to transmit it to You—it

                  was as it now is, without a cover—of this Gentleman I have no knowledge or information but from these Letters. I have written to him, that the Issue of his Application to You could not be foreseen; but that as the united States interposed no Impediments to Emigrants, so on the other Hand, their Governmt offered no particular Gratifications or Inducements. many applications of the like kind are almost daily made to me by Frenchmen & others here. I uniformly give them the same Answer. The Spirit of Emigration to our Country becomes more and more diffused. Certain Resolutions from N. Carolina and Kentucky are here—they do no Good.
               The Sentiments expressed by Mr Fox relative to your administration are not singular here—I have frequently heard the same from important characters opposed to him in Politics—a war with us would be very unpopular, unless we provoked it—I expect soon to write to You again. I have the Honor to be with perfect Respect Esteem and Attachmt Dear Sir your obliged & obt Servt

                  John Jay


Title: Bartholomew Dandridge, Jr., to the Secretary of War, 11 August 1794
From: Dandridge, Bartholomew Jr.
To: Knox, Henry

                  United States 11. Augt 1794

               By the President’s order B. Dandridge has the honor to transmit herewith enclosed to the Secy of War, two letters from the Govr of No. Carolina, of the 19. & 25 of July last—& a letter from the Govr of Pennsylvania of the 9 inst.
               The President requests the Secretary to answer to such parts of the Govr of North Carolinas Letters as may be thought to require it.


Title: To George Washington from Alexander Hamilton, 12 August 1794
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

                  August 12. 1794.

               The Secretary of the Treasury presents his respects to the President & sends him two letters which were received last night from Pittsburgh.
               Would it not be adviseable to put the Garrison of Fort Franklin in the power of Major Butler, so that if he deems it advisable he may draw a part of it to his aid?
               An attack from the Indians appears at present improbable, & an attack from the Insurgents probable enough.
               The bearer of the letters waits orders to return.  Will The President suggest anything?


Title: From George Washington to Alexander Hamilton, 12 August 1794
From: Washington, George
To: Hamilton, Alexander

                  Tuesday 4 o’Clock German town [Pa.] Augt 12. 1794.

               Your letter of the 12th did not get to my hands until my return from Philada about an hour ago.
               The Letters from Majors Butler and Baif, make it necessary, in my opinion, to vest discretionary orders with the former, to reinforce the Garrison at Pittsburgh with as many men from Fort Franklin, as can be drawn from it without hazarding that post too much; provided the hazard (on account of the Insurgents) may not be too great for the proposed advantage of the measure.
               I sent you through the Secry of State, two letters (of the 14th & 16th ulto) with enclosures from Govr Blount, which you will consider & report on.

                  Go. Washington


Title: To George Washington from Thomas Mifflin, 12 August 1794
From: Mifflin, Thomas
To: Washington, George

                  Sir.
                  Philadelphia, 12th August 1794

               The Secretary of State has transmitted to me, in a letter dated the 7th of August (but only received yesterday) your reply to my letter of the 5th instant.
               For a variety of reasons, it might be desireable, at this time, to avoid an extension of our correspondence, upon the subject to which those letters particularly relate; but the nature of the remarks contained in your reply, and the sincerity of my desire to merit, on the clearest principles, the confidence, which you are pleased to repose in me, will justify, even under the present circumstances of the case, an attempt to explain any ambiguity, and to remove any prejudice, that may have arisen, either from an inaccurate expression, or an accidental misconception, of the sentiments and views, which I meant to communicate.
               That the course, which I have suggested as proper to be pursued, in relation to the recent disturbances in the western parts of Pennsylvania, contemplates the State, in a light too separate and unconnected, is a position, that I certainly did not intend to sanction, in any degree, that could wound your mind with a sentiment of regret. In submitting the construction of the facts, which must regulate the operations of the General Government, implicitly to your judgment; in cautiously avoiding any reference to the nature of the evidence, from which those facts are collected, or to the conduct which the United States might pursue; in declaring that I spoke only as the Executive Magistrate of the State, charged with a general superintendance and care, that its laws be faithfully executed; and, above all, in giving a full and unequivocal assurance, that whatever requisition you may make, whatever duty you may impose, in pursuance of your Constituted and legal powers, would, on my part, be promptly undertaken, and faithfully discharged; I thought that I had manifested the strongest sense of my Federal obligations, and that, so far from regarding the State in a separate and unconnected light, I had expressly recognized the subjection of her individual authority, to the national jurisdiction of the Union.
               It is true, however, Sir, that I have only spoken as the Executive Magistrate of the State; but, in that character, it is a high

                  gratification to find, that according to your opinion likewise, "the propriety of the course which I suggested, would in most, if not in all respects, be susceptible of little question".  Permit me then to ask, in what other character could I have spoken or what other language did the occasion require to be employed?  If the co-operation of the Government of Pennsylvania was the object of our conference, your constitutional requisition as the Executive of the Union, and my official compliance as the Executive of the State, would indubitably ensure it: but, if a preliminary, a separate, an unconnected conduct was expected to be pursued by the Executive Magistrate of Pennsylvania, his separate and unconnected power and discretion must furnish the rule of proceeding; and by that rule, agreeably to the admission which I have cited, "the propriety of my course would in most, if not in all, respects, be susceptible of little question."  It must, therefore, in justice be remembered, that a principal point in our conference, related to the expediency of my adopting, independent of the General Government, a preliminary measure (as it was then termed) under the authority of an Act of the Legislature of Pennsylvania, which was passed on the 22nd day of September 1783; & which the Attorney General of the United states, thought to be in force, but which had, in fact, been repealed on the 11th of April 1793.
               Upon the strictest idea of co-operative measures, however, I do not conceive, Sir, that any other plan could have been suggested, consistently with the powers of the Executive Magistrate of Pennsylvania, or with a reasonable attention on my part to a systematic and energetic course of proceeding. The complicated nature of the outrage which was committed upon the public peace gave a jurisdiction to both Governments; but in the mode of prosecuting, or in the degree of punishing the offenders, that circumstance could not, I apprehend, alter or enlarge the powers of either. The State (as I observed in my last letter) could only exert itself in executing the laws, or maintaining the authority of the Union, by the same means which she employed to execute and maintain her more peculiarly municipal laws and authority and hence I inferred, and still venture to infer, that if the course which I have suggested is the same that would have been pursued, had the riot been unconnected with the system of Federal policy, its propriety cannot be rendered questionable, merely by

                  taking into our view (what I have never ceased to contemplate) the existence of a Federal Government, Federal laws, Federal Judiciary, and Federal Officers. But would it have been thought more consonant with the principles of co-operation, had I issued orders for an immediate, a separate, and an unconnected call of the militia, under the special authority, which was supposed to be given by a law, or under the general authority, which may be presumed to result from the Constitution?  Let it be considered, that you had already determined to exercise your legal powers in drafting a competent force of the Militia; and it will be allowed, that if I had undertaken, not only to comply promptly with your requisition, but to embody a distinct corps for the same service, an useless expence would have been incurred by the State, an unnecessary burthen would have been imposed on the Citizens, and embarrassmt and confusion would probably have been introduced, instea<d> of system and co-operation.  Regarding it in this point of light, indeed, it might be natural to think, that in the Judiciary, as well as in the Military, departmen<t,> the subject should be left entirely to the management, either of the State, or of the General Government; for "the very important difference which is supposed to exist in the nature and consequences of the offences that have been committed, in the contemplation of the laws of the United States, and of those of Pennsylvania", must otherwise destroy that uniformity in the definition of crimes, and the apportionment of punishments, which has always been deemed essential to a due administration of justice.
               But let me not, Sir, be again misunderstood:  I do not mean by these observations to intimate an opinion, or to express a wish, that "the care of vindicating the authority, or of enforcing the laws of the Union, should be transferred from the Officers of the General Government to those of the State": nor, after expressly avowing, that I had cautiously avoided any reference to the conduct, which the Government of the United States might pursue on this important occasion, did I think an opportunity could be found, to infer that I was desirous of imposing a suspension of your proceedings, for the purpose of waiting the issue of the process, which I designed to pursue. "If, indeed, the Government of the United States was at that point, where, it is admitted, if the Government of Pennsylvania was, the employment of

                  force by its authority would be justifiable", I am persuaded, that, on mature consideration, you will do more credit to my candor, than to suppose, that I meant to condemn or to prevent, the adoption of those measures, on the part of the General Government, which, in the same circumstances, I should have approved and promoted, on the part of Pennsylvania. The extracts that are introduced into the letter of the Secretary of State, in order to support that inference, can only be justly applied to the case, which was immediately in contemplation, the case of the State of Pennsylvania, whose Judiciary authority had not then, in my opinion, been sufficiently tried: They ought not surely to be applied to a case which I had cautiously excluded from my view, the case of the United States, whose Judiciary authority had, in your opinion, proved inadequate to the execution of the laws and the preservation of order: and if they shall be thus limited to their proper object, the justice and force of the argument which flows from them, can never be successfully controverted or denied. While you, Sir, were treading in the plain path designated by a positive law, with no other care than to preserve the forms, which the Legislature had prescribed, and relieved from a weight of responsibility by the legal operation of a Judge’s Certificate; I was called upon to act, not in conformity to a positive law, but in compliance with the duty, which is supposed to result from the nature and constitution of the Executive office.  The Legislature had prescribed no forms to regulate my course; no certificate to inform my judgment; every step must be dictated by my own discretion; and every error of construction, or conduct, would be charged on my own character. Hence arose an essential difference in our official situations; and I am confident, that, on this ground alone, you will perceive a sufficient motive, for my considering the obligation, in point of law, to forbear the use of Military force ’till the Judiciary authority had been tried, as well as the probable effects, in point of policy, which that awful appeal might produce. For, Sir, it is certain, that at the time of our conference, there was no satisfactory evidence of the incompetency of the Judicial authority of Pennsylvania to vindicate the violated laws: I, therefore, could not, as Executive Magistrate, proceed upon a military plan; but, actuated by the genuine spirit of co-operation, not by a desire to sully the dignity, or to alienate the powers of the General Government, I

                  still hoped and expected to be able on this, as on former occasions, to support the laws of the Union, or to punish the violaters of them, by an exertion of the Civil authority of the State Government, the State Judiciary, and the State Officers. This hope prompted the conciliatory course which I determined to pursue, and which, so far as respects the appointment of Commissioners, you have been pleased to incorporate with your plan: And if, after all, the purposes of justice could be attained, obedience to the laws could be restored, and the horrors of a civil war could be averted, by the auxiliary intervention of the State Government, I am persuaded you will join me in thinking, that the idea of placing the State in a separate and unconnected point of view, and the idea of making a transfer of the powers of the General Government, are not sufficiently clear, or cogent, to supersede such momentous considerations.
               Having thus generally explained the principles contained in my letter of the 5th instant, permit me (without adverting to the material change that has since occurred in the state of our information, relatively to the riots; and which is calculated to produce a corresponding change of sentiments and conduct) to remark that many of the facts, that are mentioned by the Secretary of State, in order to shew that the Judiciary authority of the Union, after a fair and full experiment, had proved incompetent to enforce obedience, or to punish infractions, of the laws, were, before that communication, totally unknown to me. But, still, if it shall not be deemed a deviation from the restriction that I have determined to impose upon my correspondence, I would offer some doubts which, in that respect, occurred to my mind on the evidence, as it appeared at the time of our conference.  When I found that the Marshal had, without molestation, executed his office in the county of Fayette; that he was never insulted or opposed till he acted in company with General Nevill; and that the virulence of the Rioters was directly manifested against the person and property of the latter Gentleman, and only incidentally against the person of the former, I thought there was ground yet to suppose (and, as long as it was reasonable, I wished to suppose) that a spirit of opposition to the Officers employed under the Excise-law, and not a spirit of opposition to the Officers employed in the administration of justice, was the immediate source of the outrages, which

                  we deprecate.  It is true, that these sources of opposition are equally reprehensible; and that their effects are alike unlawful: but on a question, respecting the power of the Judiciary authority, to enforce obedience, or to punish infractions of the law, it seemed to be material to discriminate between the cases alluded to, and to ascertain, with precision, the motives and the object of the Rioters. Again: As the Associate Judge had not at that time issued his Certificate, it was proper to scrutinize with strict attention the nature of the evidence on which an act of Government was to be founded. The Constitution of the Union, as well as of the State, had cautiously provided, even in the case of an individual, that "no warrant should issue but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized": and a much higher degree of caution might reasonably be exercised in a case, that involved a numerous body of Citizens in the imputation of treason, or felony, and required the substitution of Military, for the Judicial, instruments of co-ercion. The only affidavits that I recollect to have appeared, at the time of our conference, were those containing the hearsay of Colo. Mentges, and the vague narrative of the Post-Rider.  The letters that had been received from a variety of respectable Citizens, not being written under the sanction of an oath or affirmation, could not acquire the legal force and validity of evidence, from a mere authentication of the signatures of the respective writers. Under such circumstances, doubts arose, not whether "the means which the laws prescribe for effectuating their own execution should be exerted", but whether the existence of a specific case, to which specific means of redress were appropriated by the laws, had been legally established; not whether "the laws, the Constitution, the Government, the principles of social order, and the bulwarks of private right and security should be sacrificed"; but whether the plan proposed was the best calculated to preserve those inestimable blessings: And recollecting a declaration which was made in your presence, "that it would not be enough for a military force to disperse the insurgents, and to restore matters to the situation in which they were two or three weeks before the riots were committed; but that the force must be continued, for the purpose of protecting the officers of the Revenue, and securing a perfect acquiescenc<e> in the

                  obnoxious law", I confess, Sir, the motives to caution and deliberation strike my mind with accumulated force. I hope, however, that it will never seriously be contended that a military force ought now to be raised with any view, but to suppress the Rioters; or, that, if raised with that view, it ought to be employed for any other. The dispersion of the insurgents is, indeed, obviously the sole object, for which the Act of Congress has authorised the use of military force, on occasions like the present; for, with a generous and laudable precaution, it expressly provides, that even before that force may be called forth, a Proclamation shall be issued commanding the insurgents to disperse, and retire peaceably to their respective abodes within a limited time.
               But the force of these topics I again refer implicitly to your decision; convinced, Sir, that the goodness of your intentions now, not less than heretofore, merits an affectionate support from every description of your Fellow Citizens. For my own part, I derive a confidence from the heartfelt integrity of my views, the sincerity of my professions, which renders me invulnerable by any insinuation of practising a sinister or deceitful policy. I pretend not to infallibility in the exercise of my private judgment, or in the discharge of my public functions; but in the ardor of my attachment, and in the fidelity of my services, to our common Country, I feel no limitation. And Your Excellency, therefore, may justly be assured, that in every way, which the Constitutions of the United States and of Pennsylvania shall authorise and present, and future emergencies may require, you will receive my most cordial aid and support. I am, with perfect respect, Sir, Your Excellency’s Most Obedt Hble serv:

                  Tho. Mifflin


Title: To George Washington from Alexander Hamilton, 14 August 1794
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

                  Sir,
                  Treasy Dept August 14th 1794.

               The Attorney for the District of Virginia has presented to the accounting officers of the Treasury Department, a claim against the United States for his services in attending at Norfolk by direction from the Secy of State, in order to take depositions respecting a british vessel alledged to have been taken by a french privateer within the limits of the United States; which claim has been accordingly adjusted and the sum of sixty four dollars found due to the said Attorney.
               As I know of no other fund out of which this money can be paid, and as it is highly probable that similar charges for preserving the neutrality of the United States, may be presented at the Treasury, I would beg leave to suggest to the President, whether they ought not to be discharged out of the fund of twenty thousand dollars appropriated the last session of Congress, to defray the contingent charges of Government. If the President should be of this opinion, he will be pleased to signify his approbation, as it relates to the Attorney for Virginia, upon the Comptroller’s Certificate transmitted here with.
               I have also further to observe that Mr Higginson, late Agent for the United States in the british West India Islands has in pursuance of his instructions from me, approved by The President, drawn upon the Treasurer of the United States, three bills, amounting to Three thousand nine hundred & fifty Dollars, on account of the expenses attending his mission. It will

                  be necessary therefore, in order to honor these drafts, that the President should also authorize me to pay them out of the said fund of twenty thousand Dollars. This will be conformable with the course pursued in regard to the money advanced to him previous to his departure.  With the most perfect respect I have the honor to be &c.

                  Alexandr Hamilton


Title: To George Washington from Richard Howell, 14 August 1794 [letter not found]
From: Howell, Richard
To: Washington, George

Letter not found: from Richard Howell, 14 Aug. 1794. On 23 Aug., John Stagg, Jr., wrote to Henry Knox: "Governor Howell in his letter of the 14th inst: writes to the President, that if necessary, one thousand, instead of five hundred, cavalry, in complete order, can be furnished from

               New Jersey, and that he has the pleasure to believe that the State will exert all their powers to support the honor and security of the general government" (NNGL: Knox Papers).


Title: To George Washington from Alexander Hamilton, 15 August 1794
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

                  [Philadelphia, 15 Aug. 1794]

               The Secretary of the Treasury presents his respects to The President—incloses him a letter which Mister Coxe has just brought to him for his perusal.
               It is conceived that a reply may be given to this Letter, by Mister Coxe, which being published with the letter, may do good. If the President sees no objection, the idea will be pursued.
               Augt 15. 1794.
               It is said that papers have been received from England down to the 26. of June, which announce that the duke of York & general Clairfait have received a new & total defeat, their army cut to peices & the duke of York missing. This was in an attempt to relieve Ypres. It is added that in consequence the Emperor has offered to purchase peace by a relinquishment of all the low Countries.


Title: To George Washington from John Marsden Pintard, 15 August 1794
From: Pintard, John Marsden
To: Washington, George

                  Sir
                  Madeira [Portugal] 15th August 1794

               Presuming that your Supply of Madeira May want Replenishing (It being nine months Since the last was Shiped to you) I have taken the liberty to put on board My Brig The Edward Capt. Thomas Linnell two pipes of choice old wine which I have addressed to my Freinds Messr Pettit and Bayard to be delivered to your order. herewith you have an Invoice of their cost with the freight Included which you will be pleased to order paid unto my Said Freinds Messr Petitt & Bayard I have the Honor to be with profound Respect Sir Your Most obedient and devoted Humble Servant

                  John M. Pintard


Title: To George Washington from Alexander Hamilton, 16 August 1794
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

                  Sir,
                  Treasy Departmt Aug: 16. 1794.

               It appears probable that advantages will result from giving to the Citizens at large information on the subject of the disturbances which exist in the Western parts of Pennsylvania.
               With this view, if no objection to the measure should occur to you, I would cause a publication to be made of the Report which I had the honor to address to you, dated the 5th instant.  With the most perfect respect &c.

                  A. Hamilton.


Title: To George Washington from William Pearce, 16 August 1794 [letter not found]
From: Pearce, William
To: Washington, George

Letter not found: from William Pearce, 16 Aug. 1794. On 24 Aug., GW wrote Pearce: "In reply to your letter of the 16th which, with the reports, came duly to hand."


Title: To George Washington from William Bradford, 17 August 1794
From: Bradford, William
To: Washington, George

                  Sir,
                  Pittsburgh, Augt 17. 1794. Sunday Night

               Altho’ a pretty full narrative of the situation of this County is prepared to be transmitted to the Secretary of State I take the liberty of adding a few observations on this interesting subject, which may not be so proper in an official communication.
               It will appear to you, Sir, from that letter to be our joint opinion that the people cannot be induced by conciliatory offers to relinquish their opposition to the excise laws. We venture this opinion, early, that those preparatory measures which are not inconsistent with the mission, may be contemplated & prosecuted by government, if any are deemed necessary. The more artful men among the insurgents will endeavor to gain time to prepare themselves—& the moderate party will join them in hopes of putting off the evil day. Mr Brackenridge has already declared that nothing will save this Country from the horrors of a civil war but our waiting till Congress shall be addressed: & yet it is not pretended that things will be better, if the Legislature refuse to give them all they ask. In the meantime the season for employing the national force will be past—the insurgents will have time to strengthen themselves—to circulate the manifesto they are preparing—to tamper with the people of Kentuckey—to procure Ammunition & to overawe or seduce the well-affected. On the other hand some advantages might arise to the government from a short delay, especially if it could be employed in procuring some regular military force to aid the Militia. This the Legislature of Pennsylvania, if they were so disposed—(& there has seldom been a better disposed assembly) could do. I am apprehensive that the Militia of this state west of the Susquehanna is not to be depended on: they have many relations & friends here—& much industry has been used, it is said, in writing to them. The rest of our militia, the woodsmen here affect to dispise. They have morever strong hopes that many will advocate their cause—that few will join the government—& that even the Assembly itself may favour their endeavors to get rid of the Excise. These false hopes which buoy up their insolence & are deluding them into calamities the extent of which it is impossible to calculate—will be dissipated if the Legislature of Pennsa moves with energy & embodies a regular force.
               Another thing which deserves attention is the state of the

                  Country as to military stores. I do not find that there is any Considerable quantity of Ammunition in the four counties: & were it possible to prevent any large quantities from coming into it, the measure would be an advantageous one. Most of the powder in Pittsburg was bought up by individuals (not in large quantities) a few weeks ago. There are 71 barrels of powder at Washington & 500 stand of Arms, under the care of the brigade inspector of the state. These were lately demanded of him: but the demand was parried by his telling them that it was time enough to take them when things came to extremity. There are no cannon but what are in the fort. Genl Butler has given orders about that piece at Wheeling. There is danger that the party stationed at Lebeuf with field pieces, being principally from this quarter of the Country might join the insurgents. In that case the garrison here must surrender as the fort is intirely commanded from a neighbouring hill.
               There are few bayonets here—but almost every man is well armed with a good rifle: and if a conflict should unhappily take place, the nature of their hostilities may be conjectured from the kind of arms they will use. Permit me to suggest that if the Executive is reduced to the necessity of employing coercion that great advantages will result from employing men accustomed to a similar mode of life with these people. Tho’ they affect to dispise the atlantic militia they are said to have been uneasy at an idea which was circulated at Braddock’s field that Genl Morgan would be sent against them with the woodsmen of Virginia. His being the father in Law of Col. Neville favored the conjecture.
               I venture these thoughts which are the melancholy ofspring of the opinion we have taken up—I wish I could say, too hastily. I have some hopes that things would yet take a favorable turn if we could prevail on the moderate party to declare themselves openly and exert themselves with spirit in support of the Laws. In that case there is little doubt but Allegany & Westmoreland would leave Washington to its fate. We have therefore endeavoured to impress it on some influential men that the period for decision is at hand—that it will not do to temporise any longer—and that their own safety as well as the happiness of their country depends upon their open and manly support of the national authority. But the terror excited by the late violence has been extreme. It has converted many into gross hypocrites. The people of Pittsburg even affected a zeal for the cause of the

                  insurgents, (as criminal as it was mean) in order to preserve the town: Mr Brackenridge of this place has played this double part: Genl Wilkins is in the same predicament & altho’ they are both on the conferring committe, they will not dare (I am afraid) to speak their opinion. Mr Ross declares to me that he thinks that any man who would openly recommend obedience to the excise laws would be in danger of assassination—But if a few determined men would risk a little more their safety would be greater.
               I have been credibly informed that the representation from Ohio county was sent by a feeble party there; If so, might it not be advisable to apprize the Governor of Virginia of it, that early measures may be taken in that quarter to prevent the spreading of the disaffection. There being four counties over the mountain in Virginia filled with a great number of hardy woodsmen, their cooperation with the insurgents would be extremely dangerous to the government.
               As to the people of Kentuckey it is said that measures have been used to prejudice them in favor of the insurgents: but I have reason to believe that they would readily acquiesce in the excise had they hopes of the western navigation being speedily opened. May I take the Liberty, Sir here to repeat, the opinion, that it would probably have the happiest effects were it possible to bring the negociation on that subject to a close. An intimation that a definitive answer was demanded, would render them quiet in that quarter.
               I ought to apologise for writing so largely—but I have not had time to condense my thoughts—& the subject is infinitely near my heart. I am distressed at the prospect before us and I feel it my duty to communicate my sentiments with the freedom which so interesting a period demands, and which I know you will approve.
               I forgot to mention, that I have not been able to discover any inclination in the insurgents to avail themselves of british protection: but Mr Ross informs me that he has direct intelligence that about the last of July two men from Detroit appeared in Washington County to get an association to go and settle lands at the mouth of the Cayahoga, and that at the time his informant saw the paper there were about 400 names subscribed. He believes they are at present in the County on the waters of Buffaloe Creek.

               The Chief Justice of the State and General Irvine have just arrived. I have the honor to be with the highest respect & Attachment, sir Your most Obedt servt

                  Wm Bradford.


Title: From George Washington to James Butler, 17 August 1794 [letter not found]
From: Washington, George
To: James Butler

Letter not found: to James Butler, c.17 Aug. 1794. On 17 Aug., GW wrote William Pearce: "A letter is enclosed for Butler, who must take his own way."


Title: To George Washington from Henry Lee, 17 August 1794
From: Lee, Henry
To: Washington, George

                  My dear sir
                  Richmond August 17th 94

               your late orders for a detachment of militia & proclamation give birth to a variety of sensations & opinions.  All good citizens deplore the events which have produced this conduct on your part, & feel but one determination to maintain inviolate our happy government at the risk of their lives & fortunes—there are some among us from the influence of party spirit & from their own ambitious views who rejoice in National adversity & gladden when they hear of governmental embarrassments.
               I am gratified in telling you that the great body of this state will exert themselves in whatever way you may direct to the utmost of their power & I am persuaded that you may count with certainty on their zeal & determination. the awful occasion demands united efforts & I beg leave to offer to you my services in any way or station you may deem them proper.
               When I saw you in Philada I had many conversations with you respecting Mr Henry & since my return I have talked very freely & confidentially with that gentleman—<I> plainly perceive that he has credited some information which he has received (from whom I know not) which induces him to beleive that you consider him a factious seditious character & that you expressed yourself to this effect on your return from So. Carolina in your journey thro this state as well as elsewhere—Assured in my own mind that his opinions are groundless I have uniformly combated them, & lament that my endeavours have been unavailing—He seems to be deeply & sorely effected. It is very much to be regretted, for he is a man of positive virtue as well as of transcendent talents, & was it not for his feelings above expressed, I verily beleive he would be found among the most active supporters of your administration—Excuse me for mentioning this matter to you, I have long wished to do it in the hope that it will lead to a refutation of the sentiments entertained by Mr H.
               A very respectable gentleman told me the other day that he was at mr Jeffersons & among enquirys which he made of that gentleman, he asked if it was possible that you had attached yourself to G. Britain & if it could be true that you was governed by British influence as was reported by many.
               He was answered in the following Words "that there was no

                  danger of your being biassed by considerations of that sort so long as you was influenced by the wise advisers or advice which you at present had."
               I requested him to reflect & reconsider & to repeat again the answer—He did so & adhered to every word—Now as the conversation astonished me & is inexplicable to my mind as well as derogatory to your character, I consider it would be unworthy to me to withhold the communication from you—To no other person will it ever be made. The Gentleman is a Mr Robert Quarles who lives in Fluvanna County & is a man of strict veracity.  Wishing you every happiness I am your aff: friend

                  Henry Lee


Title: From George Washington to William Pearce, 17 August 1794
From: Washington, George
To: Pearce, William

                  Mr Pearce,
                  German Town [Pa.] Augt 17th 1794.

               Your letter of the 10th has been duly received, and I am glad to find by it that your Corn still retains a favorable appearance, and that the ground on which it grows is in tolerable good order for the reception of Wheat. I wish it had been in perfect order, as I have no idea of the propriety of seeding where it is not. You have not yet answered a question in one of my late letters—viz.—whether the Buck wheat which had been plowed in for Manure, had so seeded the ground, as to be bringing forward a second crop of that article, for the same purpose—that is, for manure.
               I cannot with certainty recollect, whether I saw the India hemp growing when I was last at Mount Vernon; but think it was in the Vineyard; somewhere I hope it was sown, and therefore desire that the Seed may be saved in due season & with as little loss as possible: that, if it be valuable, I may make the most of it.

               What appearance does the Potatoes, which the Gardener attempted to raise from the Sprouts, put on at this time; and what are they likely to come to, compared with such as might have been produced in the same ground, planted at the same time, in the usual way.
               When I was at home, an application was made to me by Kate at Muddy hole (through her husband, Will) to serve the Negro Women (as a Grany) on my estate; intimating that she was full as well qualified for this purpose as those into whose hands it was entrusted and to whom I was paying twelve or £15 a year: & why she should not be so, I know not; but wish you to cause some enquiry to be made into this matter, & commit this business to her, if thereupon you shall be satisfied of her qualifications. This service, formerly, was always performed by a Negro woman belonging to the estate—but latterly, until now, none seemed disposed to undertake it.
               I perceive by the George Town Gazette, that the Potomac Company, by their Treasurer William Hartshorn of Alexandria, has called upon the holders of Shares in that Navigation for twelve pounds ster[lin]g each, to be paid on, or before the first day of next month (September). I hold five shares in this Company, which will make the call upon me £60 Sterg which is to be discharged at an exchange of 33⅓ prCt; wch amounts to £80 Virga Curry or 266⅔ dollrs. Let this sum be paid by the day, or I shall have interest to pay for every day it runs over. You will pay it out of the money due for the Flour which was sold in Alexandria, & wch I desired might be placed in the Bank.
               Not having Colo. Lyles Bond by me, I cannot make a clear statement of the matter in my Books, without knowing the precise condition of it. I therefore desire you will send me an exact copy of the condition of the said Bond, with the date thereof in your first letter.
               I do not conceive that you will sustain any loss in parting with Crow—for a mans abilities, or knowledge of business is of little avail if they are not exerted; or if he suffers indolence, or amusements to overcome them—& a bad temper to keep all around him in a state of disquietude which was too much the case with him as well as loss of Stock and injury to other things, by his inattentions and neglect. Do what you think best with McKoy, but recollect always that the season for providing good Overseers

                  is passing away, & none will be to be had late, except such as, with difficulty, can get places at all; yet, I had rather you should take the chance of the Eastern shore before you engage any on the other shore or round abt you, as they are more accustomed to farming. But it may not be amiss to let it be generally known, before you go to the Eastern shore, that you are in want of Overseers; that if you fail to obtain any, while there, your chance may be the better after you return. I have not the smallest doubt but that a considerable portion of the materials which falls into the hands of Green, & those under him, are applied to purposes of their own. A letter is enclosed for Butler, who must take his own way. as to going or staying.
               I hope your sick daughter has got well again—I am Your friend &ca

                  Go: Washington

                  What rare ripe corn will you be able to save from what I sent home last Spring?  in part of an Ear.


Title: To George Washington from Alexander Hamilton, 18 August 1794
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

                  Philadelphia Aug: 18. 1794.

               The Secretary of the Treasury submits to the President the draft of a letter on the subject of the proscribed privateers.  Would it not be adviseable to communicate the matter to the French minister & to request his cooperation in causing our ports to be no longer affronted by those vessels?
               The appointment of Collectors for the Districts of Hampton & Snow-Hill is become urgent, the present incumbents having reiterated their requests that they might be relieved. Names have been placed before the President by letter in the first Case, & in the last verbally.
               The enclosed papers will remind the President of the state of the business in each case. The Secretary wishes it may appear to him expedient to name Mister Jones for Hampton.
               He has been able to obtain no light as to Mr Randolph’s suggestion respecting Mister Selby, but he imagines the present Collector would not recommend a person really obnoxious to his fellow Citizens.  There are some other vacancies to be filled, which the Secretary will shortly have the honor of conferring with The President concerning.

                  A. Hamilton.


Title: To George Washington from the National Convention of France, 18 August 1794
From: National Convention of France
To: Washington, George

                  Paris, le 1er fructidor, L’an 2e dela Republiquefrançaise une Et indivisible [18 Aug. 1794]

               Au milieu des Victoires qui ont reporté loin des frontieres de France le théatre d’une guerre entreprise par une coalition infernale pour anéantir la Liberté naissante, étouffer les principes

                  dela philosophie et perpetuer le despotisme qui, depuis tant de siecles, opprime et avilit l’espece humaine; au milieu des transports dela joie universelle qu’excite en ce moment l’entière destruction des conspirateurs; rien ne pouvait être plus agréable au peuple Francais que l’arrivée d’un Ministre Patriote envoyé par les Etats-Unis d’Amérique, pour lui apporter, avec l’expression de leurs vaux, le gage de l’estime et de l’amitié qui desormais doivent, sous tous les rapports, identifier les interets des deux nations. C’est à la séance du 28 de ce mois que son caractère a été reconnu et proclamé.  Je remplis une mission bien satisfaisante en t’en adressant le pr<oces> verbal.  Ce jour a jamais mémorable a, dans cette reception franche, amicale et solemnelle, vû cimenter l’alliance et la fraternité des deux Peuples les plus amis dela Liberté et les plus dignes de ses précieux avantages.
               Puisse-je, comme je le sens vous retracer par mes expressions, les mouvemens d’allégresse et d’enthousias<me> qu’ont manifestés tous les coeurs, et vous rendre, ainsi que vos concitoyens, Spectateurs de cette scêne attendri<ssante> et Sublime, où, après la vérification des lettres de cr<éance> de James Monroe, le Président dela Convention Nation<ale> au milieu des plus vifs applaudissemens, a donné, au nom du Peuple Français, l’accolade fraternelle au Représentant du Peuple Américain!  Puisse ce Spec<tacle> nouveau dans les annales du monde, en faisant chérir de plus en plus aux deux Républiques les lie<ns> qui les unissent, augmenter la terreur que leur puissa<nce> est faite pour inspirer aux ennemis de l’humanité <à> éclairer les peuples encore asservis dans les deux mondes, reveiller dans leurs âmes le sentiment de <la> dignité de l’homme, et leur faire sentir le prix d<e la> Liberté.

                  Merlin (de douai)