Title: Madison’s Election to the First Federal Congress, October 1788–February 1789 (Editorial Note)
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Editorial Note
The first federal election in Virginia took place in an atmosphere of bitterness that carried over from the preceding June, when the Federalists had scored a narrow victory for unconditional ratification of the Constitution. At the autumn meeting of the General Assembly, Patrick Henry and his Anti-federalist followers were firmly in control and eagerly seized the opportunity presented by the federal election to gain a measure of revenge. The legislature would not only elect the state’s two senators but also write the laws providing for the election of representatives. Henry, who ruled this session like an absolute monarch who had “only to say let this be Law—and it is Law,” was determined to embarrass the friends of the Constitution by keeping them out of the first Congress (Washington to JM, 17 Nov. 1788). His special target was JM, the man who had bested him at the Richmond convention.
Under no illusion that ratification had ended the struggle over the Constitution, JM knew that ultimate victory depended on electing a first Congress that was well disposed to the new form of government. By setting important precedents, by giving shape and meaning to the Constitution, this Congress had a task of perhaps equal moment to that of the Federal Convention. That JM wished to have a part in launching the federal government, specifically in Congress, is beyond doubt, and from the outset he made clear his preference for the House of Representatives. Given the decided Antifederalist leaning of the General Assembly, he could not realistically expect an appointment to the Senate. Although he might have aspired to a senatorial seat under more favorable political circumstances, his choice of the House was not entirely based on the probability of defeat for the Senate. As a member of the popular branch, JM believed his service would “only be to the public, and not even in imputation” to himself; moreover, he would avoid “a stile of life” unsuited to his modest circumstances and “for which inadequate provision only will probably be made by the public” (JM to Randolph, 17 Oct. and 23 Nov. 1788).
Contrary to his wishes, JM was placed in nomination for the Senate; though he lost, he ran a surprisingly strong third to Henry’s handpicked choices—Richard Henry Lee and William Grayson. Unleashing all of his rhetorical firepower on this occasion, Henry reportedly declared that JM’s election would “terminate in producing rivulets of blood throughout the land” (Henry Lee to JM, 19 Nov. 1788). With this calamity averted, Henry next determined to exclude JM from the House. The opportunity arose when both Federalists and Antifederalists agreed that the state should be divided into districts for the election of representatives. In one of the earliest exercises of what later came to be known as a “gerrymander,” Henry made sure that Orange County fell in a district heavily tainted with Antifederalism. The election law, moreover, required one year’s residence in the district, a provision some said was pointedly designed to prevent JM from transferring his candidacy to a friendlier district. JM learned of these maneuverings while attending the last session of the expiring Continental Congress in New York. In deciding to become a candidate for the House, he hoped he would not have to return to Virginia to make a personal solicitation for votes, a practice he abhorred. He preferred to spend the winter in New York and avoid an unpleasant journey (he was suffering from hemorrhoids) at an unseasonable time of the year. Urgent appeals from his friends caused him to change his plans, however, and he arrived in Orange shortly after Christmas, about a month before the election was to take place. His opponent, James Monroe, was already off and running.
Forced by circumstances to overcome scruples about electioneering, JM proved an adept campaigner. The overriding issue in his district was his alleged opposition to amendments to the Constitution. Before his arrival, JM’s enemies had busily spread rumors that JM believed the Constitution represented absolute perfection and was thus adamantly against any changes, even the addition of a bill of rights. In truth, though assuredly not believing it to be a flawless work, JM preferred to let the Constitution operate a few years before making alterations or additions. At the same time he was sensitive to the widespread popular sentiment in favor of immediate amendments that would guarantee fundamental rights. His great fear was that the unreconciled Antifederalists would succeed in calling a second convention and proceed to attach crippling amending articles to the Constitution. Prudently, JM decided that the Federalists should preempt the issue. If changes must be made, let them be in the form of a bill of rights, which would provide additional safeguards for liberty without diminishing the power of the federal government. These amendments, moreover, should be sponsored by Congress, which would more likely feel an obligation to protect the new system, rather than by a second convention, which might be dominated by enemies of the Constitution. The former procedure also promised to be more expeditious than the cumbersome convention method.
Amidst campaign rumors that bothered his constituents and well-wishers, JM thus began to let it be known that he was not unfriendly to amendments, particularly a bill of rights, and in what amounted to a campaign pledge indicated that he would place amendments on the agenda of the first session of Congress. Privately he did not consider the omission of a bill of rights to be a “material defect” in a Constitution that granted only limited powers to the federal government; nor did he believe that such “parchment barriers” were efficacious in popular governments when most needed. On the other hand, adding a declaration of fundamental rights could do little harm and would serve to extend and consolidate popular support for the Constitution (JM to Jefferson, 17 Oct. and 8 Dec. 1788). Such special groups as the Baptists in JM’s district apparently sought his explicit concessions to protect civil liberties.
With the election a scant few weeks away, JM faced the problem of communicating his views to a widely scattered and sometimes hostile constituency. In addition to Orange his district included the counties of Amherst, Albemarle, Fluvanna, Louisa, Goochland, Culpeper, and Spotsylvania, an area extending from the fall line to the Blue Ridge in the central Piedmont. Only two counties in this group, Orange and Albemarle, had voted for ratification of the Constitution. Friends advised JM to speak to the freeholders on the various county court days, to write to influential county leaders, and to publish a formal address to the people. The candidate employed each of these means, but for practical reasons, and perhaps as a matter of personal taste, JM concentrated on the written word. How many campaign letters he wrote is impossible to say, but they were probably all similar to the four that survive. In three of these he carefully explained his attitude toward amendments and his preference for the congressional method of submitting them (JM to George Eve, 2 Jan. 1789; JM to Thomas Mann Randolph, 13 Jan. 1789; JM to a Resident of Spotsylvania County, 27 Jan. 1789). In the fourth he defended at length the power of direct taxation, one of the chief objections to the Constitution among Virginians (JM to George Thompson, 29 Jan. 1789). Either by his direction or at least with his tacit consent, two of his letters were published in Richmond and Fredericksburg newspapers, thus answering the purposes of a printed address (JM to Thomas Mann Randolph, 13 Jan. 1789; JM to a Resident of Spotsylvania County, 27 Jan. 1789).
Unaccustomed to making political speeches (he had delivered his first one only ten months earlier), JM nevertheless dutifully went out on the hustings. Since he could not visit all the counties (and attendance was in any case likely to be sparse at the January courts), he confined his personal appearances outside Orange to the neighboring counties of Louisa and Culpeper. Everyone agreed that Culpeper, which had a considerably larger voting population than any other county in the district, was crucial to the outcome. JM was forced to spend much of his time in this county, which was under the sway of Antifederalist partisan French Strother, repelling “the multiplied falsehoods which circulated” (JM to Randolph, 1 Mar. 1789). He denied rumors of his reported opposition to a bill of rights, lest the gossip cost him the support of the dissenting religious sects, notably the Baptists, who were politically active not only in Culpeper but throughout the district. Soon after returning home JM wrote Baptist preacher George Eve to reassure him that his devotion to the cause of religious liberty had not abated and that he now favored adding to the Constitution a declaration of fundamental rights, including “the rights of Conscience in the fullest latitude.” Pastor Eve responded by actively promoting JM’s candidacy among his flock, as did the Reverend John Leland, the leader of the Virginia Baptists and a resident of the district (JM to Eve, 2 Jan. 1789; Benjamin Johnson to JM, 19 Jan. 1789; Leland to JM, ca. 15 Feb. 1789).
On election day, 2 Feb. 1789, JM defeated Monroe by 336 votes out of 2,280 cast in the eight counties combined—ten inches of snow and sub-zero temperatures doubtless kept many freeholders home by their firesides. JM lost decisively only in Spotsylvania, Monroe’s home, and Amherst, stronghold of the Antifederalist Cabells. But he did much better in Spotsylvania than Monroe did in Orange, which was virtually unanimous for JM; and a smashing victory in Culpeper more than offset the loss of Amherst. The visit to Louisa also had proved highly beneficial. Although it was the second smallest county in the district, the freeholders turned out there in greater proportion than in any other county and gave JM a total number of votes second only to the Culpeper tally (Stevens to JM, 31 Jan. 1789 and n. 1). The returns from the other districts in Virginia were equally satisfying: six out of the state’s ten representatives were “firm and known friends to the Constitution,” a result that “exceeded the hopes of most of the federalists.” As to his own election, JM admitted that his presence in the district had made the difference between victory and defeat (JM to Coxe, 16 Feb. 1789; JM to Randolph, 1 Mar. 1789).


Title: From James Madison to Edmund Randolph, 17 October 1788
From: Madison, James
To: Randolph, Edmund

My dear friend
New York Ocr. 17. 88.
Inclosed are 4 letters from Mazzei & one from Mr. Jefferson which you will be good eno’ to dispose of. I have a letter from the former in which he begs me to add my importunities to you & Mr. Blair, for speedy succour if possible. I have one also from the latter, but it contains nothing of much consequence. His public letters to which it refers have not yet been communicated from the Office of Foreign Affairs. Through other authentic channels I learn that the States general will pretty certainly be convened in May next. The efficacy of that cure for the public maladies will depend materially on the mode in which the deputies may be selected which appears to be not yet settled. There is good reason also to presume that as the spirit which at present agitates the nation has been in a great measure caught from the American Revolution, so the result of the struggle there will be not a little affected by the character which liberty may receive from the experiment now on foot here. The tranquil & successful establishment of a great reform by the reason of the community, must give as much force to the doctrines urged on one side, as a contrary event would do to the policy maintained on the other.
As Col. Carrington will be with you before this gets to hand I leave it with him to detail all matters of a date previous to his departure. Of a subsequent date, I recollect nothing worth adding. I requested him also to confer with you in full confidence on the appointments to the Senate & to the H. of Reps. so far as my friends may consider me in relation to either. He is fully possessed of my real sentiments and will explain them more conveniently than can be done on paper. I mean not to decline an agency in launching the new Govt. if such should be assigned me in one of the Houses, and I prefer the latter chiefly because if I can render any service there, it can only be to the public, and not even in imputation, to myself. At the same time my preference I own is somewhat founded on the supposition that the arrangements for the popular elections may secure me agst. any competition which wd. require on my part any step that wd. speak a solicitude which I do not feel, or have the appearance of a spirit of electioneering which I despise.
I am led not only by the want of matter but by a cut I have just given my thumb & which makes writing tedious & disagreeable, to conclude; with assurances of Affecte regard I am
Js. Madison Jr


Title: From James Madison to Edmund Pendleton, 20 October 1788
From: Madison, James
To: Pendleton, Edmund

Dear Sir
N. York Octr. 20. 1788
I acknowledge with much pleasure your favor of the 6th. instant. The “balmy” nature of the resolutions concerning the Mississippi will I hope have the effect you suggest; though the wounds given to some & the pretext given to others by the proceedings which rendered them necessary, will not I fear be radically removed. The light in which the temporary seat of the new Government is viewed & represented by those who were governned by antecedent jealousies of this end of the Union, is a natural one; and the apprehension of it was among the most persuasive reasons with me for contending with some earnestness for a less eccentric position. A certain degree of impartiality or the appearance of it, is necessary in the most despotic Governments. In republics, this may be considered as the vital principle of the Administration. And in a federal Republic founded on local distinctions involving local jealousies, it ought to be attended to with a still more scrupulous exactness.
I am glad to find you concurring in the requisite expedients for preventing antifederal elections, and a premature Convention. The circular letter from this State has united and animated the efforts on the adverse side with respect to both these points. An early Convention threatens discord and mischeif. It will be composed of the most heterogenious characters—will be actuated by the party spirit reigning among their constituents—will comprehend men having insidious designs agst. the Union—and can scarcely therefore terminate in harmony or the public good. Let the enemies to the System wait untill some experience shall have taken place, and the business will be conducted with more light as well as with less heat. In the mean time the other mode of amendments may be employed to quiet the fears of many by supplying those further guards for private rights which can do no harm to the system in the judgments even of its most partial friends, and will even be approved by others who have steadily supported it.
It appears from late foreign intelligence that war is likely to spread its flames still farther among the unfortunate inhabitants of the Old world. France is certainly enough occupied already with her internal fermentations. At present the struggle is merely between the aristocracy and the monarchy. The only chance in favor of the people lies in the mutual attempts of the Competitors to make their side of the question the popular one. The late measures of the Court have that tendency. The nobility and Clergy who wish to accelerate the States General wish at the same time to have it formed on the anticent [sic] model established on the feudal idea which excluded the people almost altogether. The Court has at length agreed to convene this assembly in May, but is endeavoring to counteract the aristocratic policy, by admitting the people to a greater share of representation. In both the parties there are some real friends to liberty who will probably take advantage of circumstances to promote their object. Of this description on the anti-court side is our friend the Marquis. It is not true I believe that he is in the Bastile but true that he is in disgrace, as the phrase there is. I am Dear Sir with the most sincere esteem your Affecte friend & servt.
Js. Madison Jr


Title: To James Madison from Joseph Jones, 20 October 1788
From: Jones, Joseph
To: Madison, James

Dr. Sr.
Richmond 20th. Octr. 1788.
I found on my arrival here the other day your favor of the 4th. inst. Col. Carrington has not yet reached this place but is daily expected—he has I hear spent a few days at Mt. Vernon in his way which has delayed his arrival. This is the day for the meeting of the general assembly but I am told a few members only appeared, owing probably to the sickly state of people in general through the Country, perhaps in part to an opinion that prevails in the Country that a contagious disorder pervades the Town. Some persons here have been carried off by a putrid fever which was a few weeks ago rather alarming, and induced me to retire for some time but is now I beli[e]ve intirely removed as I hear of no person confined by it. The common fall fever still prevails to a degree as well here as in most parts of the country. The new capitol will in a few days be in condition to receive the members of assembly, to which building they will probably adjourn when the houses are formed. As yet their politicks are but conjecture. A short time will open their designs. The Go——r has it In contemplation to bring forward the adoption of the measure proposed by N. Y. for another genl. Convention. It is said the Citizens of Wmsbg. are not fond of the measure and he says unless they will send him unfettered in that respect he shall decline serving th[em?] this session. Several are spoken of as fit persons to be chosen Senators—Yourself R. H. L — G—y—n & it is said the two last are desirous of acting. Your Sentiments are unknown and if you wish to serve the sooner you promulgate yr. desire the better as I well know you will meet with some opposition wher. formidable or not is yet to be discovered. R. H. L. G.y.n. B.——d. Har——n B. R—d—ph have been spoken of as candidates for the Governors office. The two first I hear prefer the appointment abovementioned—it is said H——y will espouse the appointmt. of R. H. L. You shall occasionally hear from Yr. friend & Servt
J. Jones


Title: To James Madison from George Lee Turberville, 20 October 1788
From: Turberville, George Lee
To: Madison, James

My dear Sir
Richd City Octr. 20th. 1788.
Tis only ½ hour to the making up of the mail. Excuse therefore a detail of Occurrences. I will write you fully by next post.
A proposition is talked of even by the staunchest friends to the new Constitution, to close With N York & propose another convention to amend—your opinion on this subject wou’d assist me Much, especially if you think it improper—I therefore write for this information which I shou’d be gratefully obliged for. With ever[y] sincere Wish for your health & happiness I remain my dear sir Yrs. most sincerely & Affectionly.
George Lee Turberville


Title: To James Madison from Francis Corbin, [21 October] 1788
From: Corbin, Francis
To: Madison, James

[21 October 1788]
Without making any apology for the Liberty I am about to take in commencing a Correspondence which I have been long desirous of holding with you, being well satisfied that the motive will be it’s own Excuse, I proceed, sans ceremonie, to request, My Dear Sir, that you will have the goodness to forward to me, if they can be procured, the Acts of Pennsylvania and Massachusetts respecting the mode of choosing their Members in Congress under our new Govt. If it be not asking too much I could also wish to know your Opinion respecting the mode that ought to be adopted here. At present I am inclined to prefer a Division of the State into Ten Districts, permitting each District to Elect it’s own member, to the plans which I have understood have been passed by the two States above alluded to—but this preference is not a determined One. Your Reasoning will either change or confirm it. Mine would be both tedious and unentertaining—you shall therefore have none of it.

A proposition will be brought forward in the assembly for a Second Convention of the States—and I fear it will be carried—altho’ I have not yet been able to ascertain the Complexion of the House—this being but the 2d. Day of our meeting. This proposition it is said will be introduced not by Henry—but—(mirabile dictu!) by our friend Randolph. He will injure his political Reputation by his doublings and turnings. He is too Machiavelian and not Machiavelian Enough.
I wish, I sincerely wish that he could be advised and would take advice—but this, I fear, is out of the question. We Virginians are too much accustomed to Solitude and Slavery—too much puffd up with our own foolish Pride and Vanity ever to Entertain any other Idea than that we alone are wise and all the rest of the World Fools. Should any thing occur worth your Notice during the Session of Assembly you shall have the Earliest intelligence of it from Dear Sir, with the greatest Respect and Regard Your Mo: Obt. and Mo: Hle. Set.
Francis Corbin


Title: To James Madison from Edward Carrington, 22 October 1788
From: Carrington, Edward
To: Madison, James

My dear Sir,
Richmond Octo. 22. 1788
Yesterday we had a full House. I am apprehensive from the complection of the Body that my predictions in my former letter, as to the dispositions of a Majority of the Members, will be verified—nothing of any kind has however yet been proposed, and therefore I am enabled to speak only from conjecture as drawn from a veiw of Characters. I am persuaded that an attempt will seriously be made for getting two Antifederalists for Senators. The Men are not yet fixed upon certainly who are to be brought forward—R. H. L. will be one and Henry will be the other if he can be prevailed upon to serve—of this However there is some doubt at present. I am convinced that it will be in vain to try any Federalist but yourself, & am decidedly of opinion that you ought to be put in nomination. You are already brought generally into Contemplation, which leaves it unnecessary for me to say any thing concerning your election—in this State it shall remain until future events shall enable me to judge more certainly as to the issue—you may rely upon being regularly informed of the progress of this and other things from post to post.

Finding that intentions of an hostile nature were lurking, to be brought forward upon some critical occasion, against my election, I have thought it best to call the attention of the House to it to day, in order that it might be decided upon while the different parties are cool, and that it may be in my power to remidy the defect before the great business of the session comes on, in case the decision should be against me. It will be determined tomorrow, &, I have reason to b[e]leive, in my favor.
Mr. Henry keeps himself close—Mr. Harrison & Mr. Grayson discover considerable Malignancy against the Govt. The Governor will come into the Assembly, and is decidedly for a Convention. I am my dr sir Yr. Afft. Hl st.
Ed. Carrington


Title: To James Madison from Tench Coxe, 22 October 1788
From: Coxe, Tench
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Philada. Oct. 22. 88
As I know your anxiety upon the Subject of the State legislatures, I have great Satisfaction in assuring you that by the returns of our new house at least 38 are firmly attached to the Constitution. The whole number is 69, but we have no returns of the greater part of the remainder. I think we have the best ground to believe the house will be 40 to 29 at least—and a very able man, Mr. Findlay, is out by the Constitution. He was a powerful opponent.
The city are conversing about their ticket for the house of representatives. They have appointed a comme. of 36 to report six proper persons here out of whom the number which the country will give to the city interests is to be taken. I have been somewhat surprized to find my name upon the list, as so strong an interest is making for several respectable commercial Characters. The persons proposed by the committee to be offered to the town on Saturday Evening are Thos. Fitzsimons, Saml. Powel, Wm Bingham, Geo. Clymer, Benj. Chew & myself. My own opinion is they should strike off mine, and Messrs. Chew & Powels names & leave the other three or perhaps only two, as it may give alarm to the Country to have so many Citizens mentioned. We cannot expect they will exceed three. I have therefore determined to withdraw my name.
You will have great Satisfaction in hearing that Mr. Maclay, our Agricultural Senator is a decided federalist, of a neat clear landed property, with a law Education, a very straight head, of much more reading than the country Gentlemen in the middle states usually are, a man of fair character and great assiduity in Business. My own Opinion is that he is properest character for the Agricultural Member in the state, and he was elected by 66 Votes out of 67—all the opposition concuring in him, and all our friends but one. I consider this election of Mr. Maclay by all the opposition as of great importance, as a sort of Acceptance of the government. They were 31 in the last house, and one absent. Mr. Morris you know.
As Governor Randolph writes me you have interested yourself a little in the Scheme of Manufactures, I do myself the pleasure to enclose you another little essay to elucidate that Subject—which it will be well to republish—and if you write to Govr. Randolph it would not be amiss perhaps to get him to direct the republication in Virginia. I have made engagements here for your companys Machines, which will be forwarded as soon as finished.
I am informed the returns in Jersey are very favorable to the Government—also in Delaware—and in Maryland, where the rejection of Mr. Chace is a very important Circumstance. I am, dear Sir, with great Esteem your most respectful Servant
Tench Coxe


Title: To James Madison from Edward Carrington, 24 October 1788
From: Carrington, Edward
To: Madison, James

My dear Sir
Richmond Octo 24. 1788
My Election has to day been decided upon as invalid, and I am to undergo another, which will probably keep me from the House ten or twelve days—such indeed is the malevolence of certain Anti’s, that I have reason to suspect that some now here, and not belonging to my County, will endeavour to inspire the people with dispositions against me. The case was decided Yesterday in the Committee of priviliges in my favor, the Law of 1777 declaring Members of Congress being excluded from the revised Code, and no one being able to say where it could be found—indeed the revised Code contained the title, with a note that it was repealed—but after the decision, the original Act was ferritted from some Corner—the report of the Committee was upon this, recommitted—it was again taken up this morning, & the case becoming somewhat serious, Mr. Henry appeared in the Com. in opposition to me, but the Com. conceiving the revised code as authority to the people, decided again in my favor, by a Majority of one—when the report came before the House, Mr. H. there engaged warmly on the same side he took in the Committee, and the decision after a days debate, was against me. During the discussion this Gentleman took occasion to glance at the difference of opinion which existed between him & myself as to the federal Govt. and at length went into the evils we had to apprehend from its future effects: what my case had to do with that, I could not discover, but as it might tend to create unfreindly dispositions in the House.
Since mine of the 22d. I have endeavoured to get into the views of the leaders of the opposition, they are wicked with regard to the Constitution—every attempt will be made to enthral it, & render it odious to the people—what think you of an Act restricting Judiciary, & other Officers of the State, from exercising duties of the same Nature, under the Federal Govt.? This is in contemplation; & thus, it is intended, that the multiplication of Officers amongst the people, which has been predicted shall be introduced.
Mr. Beckly says that the Majority of Anti’s in the House is about 15. Whether this is accurate I cannot say as yet, but I am inclined to think there is certainly a Majority. No one measure has yet been brought forward—next monday is assigned for the House to go into Committee upon the State of the Commonwealth, when I suppose propositions of an antifederal nature will be brought on.
Mr. Gordon is not yet come to Town. I shall leave a few lines for him recommending him to the Governor upon the subject of your conversation with me. I am in hopes that business will not be pressed so as to come on before my return, but the Govr. & M. G. will act according to intelligence from the members—there is no doubt that a push will be made such as a mentioned to you in my former letter. Mr. H. I suspect will not agree to accept, but some other of the party, perhaps Mr. Grayson, will take his place.
The Senate is not yet in force, by several members, for business, this occasions the delay in bringing on the election for members of Congress. I think you & the Presidt. may remain quietly where you are, as there seems to exist no doubt as to the propriety of filling the delegation for another year. I shall desire Monroe & Grayson to bring the election on as soon as there is a Senate.

I had the pleasure to receive yours of the 14th. & 15th. Inst with the inclosures, for which be pleased to accept my thanks—be good enough also to make my respects to the Presidt. & tell him I have been honoured with his, which I will reply to by next post. Present me to Irvine, Reed, and the good Family where you are, & beleive me to be with great sincerity yrs.
Ed. Carrington


Title: To James Madison from James Monroe, 26 October 1788
From: Monroe, James
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Richmond Octr. 26. 1788.
My professional duties have taken me from the political scene here, so that I have it not in my power yet to give you any thing in that line of moment. On monday I shall take my seat in the house & soon become in some measure acquainted, I suppose, with the views of parties. Carrington, with whom I was in compy. a few minutes yesterday, complains of a decision of the house by which he was excluded under his late election from his seat. The majority I understand was great & from its complexion suspect he has suffer’d his wishes to influence his judgmt. The merits of the cause I know not & only judge from external circumstances.
The conduct of Congress respecting the missisippi appears to me to be right. Their opinion so far as it goes may have some influence on the new govt. They only however say they never intended to surrender the right & that they think such a measure improper. A temporary forbearance falls not under their exception either as having been propos’d or as inexpedient: and this I think equally pernicious as it may affect the form of the confederacy.
I inclose you a letter for Mr. Jefferson & likewise one for my brother in Edenburgh: be so kind as forward them by the packets.
I have lately clos’d a bargain with Colo. Nicholas for his property in Charlotte-ville & 800 acres contiguous to it, within one mile. The buildings stand on an acre & part of a 2d in town & are valuable. They cost him 2090£ & materials on hand & are worth above 100£. The land is good for farming & is the only wood-land contiguous. I am to give 2500£ payable in lands in the western country to be valued by Marshall & others there, as such lands wod. sell upon two years credit. With condition that if I dislike the valuation I may keep the land & pay the money upon six years credit, paying interest after the expiration of one year. I consider this as an exchange of property only. It may be more productive for the present. I shall not move to it I believe; but feel a pleasure in having it in my power to take a residence so convenient to Mr. Jefferson when it may suit me. I am dear Sir very respectfully yr. friend & servt
Jas. Monroe.


Title: To James Madison from John Dawson, 27 October 1788
From: Dawson, John
To: Madison, James

dear Sir
Rich: Monday Ocr. 27. 1788.
Your favour of the 15th. Inst: I receivd in due time.
The attention of the house of delegates, which met on tuesday last has been engag’d chiefly by a long debate respecting Colo Carrington—on friday it was determined by a large majority that he shoud not retain his seat—he is gone to his county and no doubt will be reelected.
Whether Mr. B. Harrison & Mr. B Randolph will be chosen Governor is very doubtfull, altho I much fear it will be the first mention’d, as the back members appear generally in his favour.
Nothing has yet been said respecting the organization of the New Government. I expect it will be brought forward to day, and that the Act for that Purpose will be accompani[e]d with instructions for another general Convention agreably to the Plan proposd by the President of the N. York convention.
We are to meet to day in the New Capitol.
Contrary to the Opinions of almost every person Mayo has compleated his bridge over James river, and a number of waggons have pass’d over on it. The receipts for the few days it has [been] finishd have been from 7. to 10 pounds pr day.
A spraind wrist renders my writing very painful to me & I fear unintelligible to you. With much respect & esteem I am dear Sir Yr. Friend & hm Sert
J Dawson


Title: From James Madison to Eliza House Trist, [29 October] 1788
From: Madison, James
To: Trist, Eliza House

[29 October 1788]
… I expected by this time to have been in Philada. My plan has been impeded by several circumstances. The only insuperable one has been a continued indisposition which has at length terminated in a complaint which has been promoted by my sedentary life, and which incapacitates me for travelling. I am at present having medical relief, and shall leave this as soon as I can. I calculate on some pretty early day in the approaching week. John will not accompany me, nor probably have much further connection with any corporeal beings; though he enjoys the fallacious hope of being soon recovered, and is fondly persuaded that some little transitory & variable symptom is the only obstacle to it.… I have heard nothing lately from Mr. Randolph. He quits the Government about this time and goes into the assembly. It is not impossible that he may be succeeded by your friend Col. Grayson, though the event will depend on several contingencies. I have heard from Mr. Jefferson as late as the 12th of August.…


Title: To James Madison from Henry Lee, 29 October 1788
From: Lee, Henry
To: Madison, James

My dear sir
Alexa. 29h. oct 88.
This letr. is written purposely to inform you of the project mentioned to you in New york concerning the land at the Great falls. The quantity is 500 acres, the price may be called 4,000£ with the incumbrance of an annual rent of 150£ sterling. The advantages infinitely exceed that of any spot of ground in the U. States. The canal runs thro the land, & the bason is in the land, the situation beautiful for a town & in the center of an excellent populous country. Mr. Fitzgerald one of the directors of the potomac company says that the navigation of the river will be used next summer indubitably, as far as the Great falls. This event will render the property invaluable. Now if a town was laid off, the lots might be rented on moderate ground rents to the amount of six hundred pr. annum. I consider myself bound to let you have a part of the bargain with me, indeed from various motives I wish the connexion as I am sure it would mutually advantage us. I have bought the Whole, & beg you to consider of the Matter, you need not be in a hurry to decide as the delay of months would not be injurious. As far as my opinion can have weight, I think I am safe in saying that prosperity to our nation & judicious managemt. of the property would ensure to us both a very independant future.
After retaining what we chose the ballance would in the course of a year be very productive if sold, & very convenient if rented in lots. Please to deliver one & forward the other of the enclosed letters. Mrs. Lee returned in the same condition she left N york & hopes to see you when you come to Virg. Farewel
H: Lee
In the proprietor of this tract of land is vested a right of cutting wood on 12,000 adjacent acres of Mr. Fairfaxs land, which counter ballances the annual rent.


Title: To James Madison from Richard Bland Lee, 29 October 1788
From: Lee, Richard Bland
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir,
Richmond Octr. 29. 1788
Mr: Turberville informs me he has inclosed to you Mr. Henry’s resolution concerning the calling of another general Convention to propose amendments to the New Government. I fear we shall not be able to defeat the measure altogether. I hope however, we shall be able to modify it, so as to divest it of it’s inflammatory dress—or to postpone it’s operation to such a distant period as to give the poeple of America a fair experiment of the government. This however is but a hope as he is old in parliamentory science and is supported by the prejudice and apprehensions of many members of the assembly. We shall however be able I think to carry what we have very much at heart your election for the Senate, notwithstanding, any opposition to the government—the friends and foes to it appearing sufficiently sensible of the propriety of preferring gentlemen of the first merit and integrity to offices of such importance, without regard to their theoretic opinions on government. Our assembly is weak. Mr. Henry is the only orator we have amon[gs]t us—and the friends to the new government, being all young & inexperienced—form but a feeble band against him. We shall do however what We Can and, will endeavor at all events to give our Country a fair view of the subject. I am in haste, with all the affection I can feel for the highest virtue & patriotism your obe’t huml. sert
Richard Bland Lee


Title: To James Madison from George Lee Turberville, 27 [29] October 1788
From: Turberville, George Lee
To: Madison, James

My dear sir—
Octr. 27 [29]th. 1788
Mr. Henry has this Day brought in his firebrand which I fear we can scarcely withstand. Tomorrow—tis a fearfull day.
Corbin has today almost given up the cause of federalism. Richd Bland Lee—Mr. Z. Johnson & myself—opposed to the formidable band of Antifederals who were most conspicuous in the Convention.
“Whereas (say the Resolutions) the Convention of Delegates of the People of Virginia did ratify a constitution for the people of the United states also declare that sundry Amendments agreed to by the said Convention involves all the great unalienable & essential rights of Freemen—many of which if not cancelled are render’d insecure—under the said Constitution untill the same shall be alter’d and amended—(Verbatim).
“Resolved as the opinion of this Committee that for quieting the minds of the good Citizens of the Commonwealth & for securing their dearest rights & priviledges & preventing those disorders which must arise under a government not founded in the confidence of the People—Application be made to the Congress of the United states—so soon as they shall Assemble under the new Constitution to call a Convention for proposing Amendments to the same according to the mode therein described.[”]
Such are the resolutions I have dreaded—& to which I shall take care to prepare myself for Opposition tomorrow.
You have a Journal of what occurs. Wou’d to heaven you were here—to you I write for information & to heaven & the guardian Genius of human Liberty I offer up my prayers for aid on this arduous Occasion. Adieu
George Lee Turberville


Title: To James Madison from Edward Carrington, 1 November 1788
From: Carrington, Edward
To: Madison, James

My dear Sir,
Powhatan Nov. 1. 1788
Being cut off from the occurrences in the Assembly I have nothing to write you upon, but the prospect as to my reelection.
The Apostacy of one of our Delegates in the Convention, and the wavering conduct of the other, have re-animated the Spirit of Anti-federalism in the County to such a degree that much work is to be done before my object will be secured—the issue of the ten days for which the Notice is to run, may be in my favor, but I am convinced that had it depended for but a few days, I should have lost the election. Upon my return to the County I found many of those who were the warmest to solicit my offering in april, laibouring under qualms which would have placed their Votes against me at the time of my arrival, nor have they yet discovered a full conviction that they ought to come back to the true faith. Next Wednesday the 5th. Inst. is the day of Election.
The Govr. & Mr. Gordon I hope keeps you informed as to the progress of things in the Assembly.
Present me to the Presidt. and all my other Freinds & beleive me to be, My dr sir yrs. sincerely
Ed. Carrington


Title: From James Madison to Edmund Randolph, 2 November 1788
From: Madison, James
To: Randolph, Edmund

My dear friend
N York Novr. 2. 1788
I recd. yesterday your favor of the 23d. Ult. The first countenance of the Assembly corresponds with the picture which my imagination had formed of it. The views of the greater part of the opposition to the fœderal Government, and particularly of its principal leader, have ever since the Convention, been regarded by me as permanently hostile, and likely to produce every effort that might endanger or embarrass it. The defects which drew forth objections from many quarters, were evidently of little consequence in the eye of Mr H.ry. His own arguments proved it. His enmity was levelled, as he did not scruple to insinuate agst the whole System; and the destruction of the whole System, I take to be still the secret wish of his heart, and the real object of his pursuit. If temperate and rational alterations only were his plan, is it conceivable that his coalition and patronage would be extended to men whose particular ideas on the subject must differ more from his own than those of others who share most liberally in his hatred?
My last letter with Col. Carrington’s communications to which it referred, will have sufficiently explained my sentiments with regard to the Legislative service under the new Constitution. My first wish is to see the Government put into quiet and successful operation; and to afford any service, that may be acceptable from me, for that purpose. My second wish if that were to be consulted would prefer, for reasons formerly hinted, an opportunity of contributing that service in the House of Reps. rather than in the Senate; provided the opportunity be attainable from the spontaneous suffrage of the Constituents: Should the real friends to the Constitution think this preference inconsistent with my primary object, as Col. Carrington tells me is the case with some who are entitled to peculiar respect; and view my renouncing it as of any material consequence, I shall not hesitate to comply. You will not infer from the freedom with which these observations are made, that I am in the least unaware of the probability that whatever my inclinations or those of my friends may be, they are likely to be of little avail in the present case. I take it for certain that a clear majority of the Assembly are enemies to the Govt. and I have no reason to suppose that I can be less obnoxious than others on the opposite side. An election into the Senate therefore can hardly come into question. I know also that a good deal will depend on the arrangements for the election of the other branch; and that much may depend moreover on steps to be taken by the Candidates which will not be taken by me. Here again therefore there must be great uncertainty, if not improbability of my election. With these circumstances in view, it is impossible that I can be the dupe of false calculations, even if I were in other cases disposed to indulge them. I trust it is equally impossible for the result whatever it may be, to rob me of any reflections which enter into the internal fund of comfort & happiness. Popular favor or disfavor, is no criterion of the character maintained with those whose esteem an honorable ambition must court. Much less can it be a criterion of that maintained with ones self. And when the spirit of party directs the public voice, it must be a little mind indeed that can suffer in its own estimation, or apprehend danger of suffering in that of others.
The Sepr. British Packet arrived yesterday, but I do not find that she makes any addition to the Stock of European intelligence. The change in the French Ministry is the only event of late date of much consequence; and that had arrived through several other channels. I do not know that it is even yet authenticated; but it seems to be doubted by no one, particularly among those who can best decide on its credibility. With the utmost affection I am my dear Sir Yrs. Sincerely
Js. Madison Jr.


Title: From James Madison to James Monroe, 5 November 1788
From: Madison, James
To: Monroe, James

Dear Sir
N York. Novr. 5. 88
I have your favor of the 26. Ult. The reflection you make on the Resolutions concerning the Mississipi is not an unnatural one under the impressions left on your mind by the former proceedings on that subject. The Resolutions were certainly & bona fide, meant however to counteract the tendency of those proceedings, and hand over the subject to the new Government under favorable circumstances. A declaration that the right was an Essential one & ought to be supported as such, was thought sufficiently forcible and unequivocal. It would not have done to have put an absolute bar to a temporary forbearance, because that might have stood in the way of any arrangement suspending the use for ever so short a time, and ever so beneficial & desireable to the Western peoples themselves. The impossibility of mistaking the object of the Resolution is strengthened in the case by the unpublished Resolution expressly interdicting further negociations with Spain. Gardoqui it seems considers the proceeding as putting an end to his views, and says he shall in consequence of it return to Spain.
What think you of the following project to which he gives his countenance. George Morgan of N. Jersey has proposed that a large tract of several hundred miles extent on the West side of the Mississippi shall be granted to emigrants from the U. S. who are to receive from Spain each about 20 Dollrs. bounty, a Settlement in land, and to enjoy certain immunities as free men, but in general to be Spanish Subjects: to be under Spanish laws, and be the instruments of Spanish policy. Gardoqui gives serious encouragement to the scheme, and Morgan is taking preparatory steps on his part. I give you this in confidence because I have recd. some parts of it under that veil, and have not as yet sufficiently ascertained the circumstances relating to other parts. A watchful eye ought to kept on the machinations of Spain.
Your bargain with Col. Nicholas involves circumstances of which I am not a competent judge. I sincrely wish it may answer all your calculations. The salubrity of Charlottesville & its neighbourhood to Monticello are advantages which in any result, will make the bargain valuable to you.
We have no late information from Europe, nor any thing from any domestic quarter worth mentioning.
Your letter to your brother will go as you desire by the British Packet which sails today. The letter to Mr. Jefferson was not inclosed as you intended. The delay is not of much consequence as there is no opportunity [of its being?] sent. The French Packets have for some time been discon[tinued.]
I saw the amiable family with which you are connected last evening and have the pleasure to inform you & Mrs. Monroe that they are all well. My best respects wait on her with assurances to yourself, of the sincere esteem & affection with wch. I am Dear Sir Yr Obedt. freind & Servt.
Js. Madison Jr


Title: To James Madison from Edmund Randolph, 5 November 1788
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Madison, James

My dear friend
Richmond Nov. 5. 1788.
On saturday next the election of senators will come on. The running names are yourself, R. H L. & Gr—s—n. Your friends have resolved to nominate you; being well assured, that their labours will not be in vain. It is a mortification to me, that the election shd. be brought on before my seat commences. But Carrington has, I presume, been this day elected, and will be here to morrow. When I say, that we are well assured of success, we go upon this estimate, that you will have fifty single votes and fifty promiscuously obtained. But you know, that mistakes may occur after the best inquiry.
The assembly have done nothing; but enter into some preparatory resolutions. Among others is one for excluding all fœderal officers, except the military, from posts in the states: The patrons differ in the principles, and the scheme may possibly be abortive from this cause. But H——y is decided in its favor; and all powerful.


Title: To James Madison from Edward Carrington, 9 November 1788
From: Carrington, Edward
To: Madison, James

My dear Sir,
Richmond Nov. 9. 1788
The Election for Senators came on yesterday and terminated as I gave you some reason to apprehend in my last—the Ballots were as follow: for R. H. Lee 98, for Wm. Grayson 86, for Jas. Madison 77 the whole number of Voters was 162, 62 whereof were given singly to you, of those Cast away Mr. H. got 26, and the remainder were distributed to many others. I am confident that two thirds of the Assembly are Anti’s who meditate mischeif against the Govt. You will therefore account for the majority against you upon principles not dishonourable to yourself, and indeed many must have voted from personal regard against their own principles, or you could not have recd. so great a Ballot. You had been committed in the Election before my return, but had I been here in time to have governed that circumstance, I should certainly have assented to it, even though your rejection had been ascertained, because I wish you to have every possible evidence to oppose to calumnies which, upon some future occasion, it may, at least, be a desirable thing to refute.
The mode for electing the Representatives was determined upon last week and a Bill is reported which now stands Committed to the whole house—the district plan in the fullest extent, is adopted by an union of Feds & Antifeds, so that no proposition could be offered agt. it with the smallest chance of success—indeed this union of sentiment has carried into the Bill a restriction which perhaps may exceed the powers of the Assembly, but yet I see no prospect of its being struck out—residence of the Elected in his district for twelve months previous to his Election, is required. I am inclined to think that the Anti’s inserted this with a veiw to you, and that the feds have assented to it from feeling their inferiority, they however tell me they think it right. The districts are not yet arranged. The Bill providing for the Election of the Electors to vote for a Presidt. was yesterday passed, in the House of delegates—this choice is to be made by the people in districts, for which purpose the Senatorial districts are formed into twelve, by joining two together—the district in which Orange lies, is Coupled with that of Albemarle, Amherst Buckingham & Fluvanna, from which I think you may expect to have an Anti for an Elector. The disquallifying Act of which I informed you sometime ago is brought forward by the Anti’s—the design is doubtless to create discontents against the Federal Govt. from the numbers of additional Officers which must be employed amongst the People, indeed to embarrass the U. S.; it will, in the first instance, have this effect, but the scheme must at length, should the first difficulties be got over, have a direct contrary tendency—it will ultimately, in my opinion, greatly abridge the importance of the State, for the U. S, being debarred from confering their powers upon State Officers, will induce the most able of these into their service, particularly in the judiciary—the two Govts. will contend in all cases of disputed jurisdiction, with unequal talents & the weakest must be worsted. On the contrary, could the State Officers also exercise federal powers, both obligations would bind equally, & in the judiciary there would be a peaceable arbiter between the two. The Feds who have been most busy in conducting the business of the House, have rather connived at this project, conceiving the consequences which I have mentioned as desirable—I however differ from them in opinion—at least I think it will be necessary to be able to shew the people, when the odious circumstances appear, to whome they are to attribute them. What opposition I may make against it I, as yet, know not, but shall at least have the yeas & nays on the Bill when it passes.
The voice of this State runs pretty unanimously for Genl Washington as Presidt. and Mr. H. is putting in agitation the name of Clinton for vice Presidt. which takes well with the Anti’s—indeed it is more than probable he will receive a Majority amongst the Electors to be chosen—Grayson is warm in such an election. He is indeed the devoted servant of Henry. I have mentioned Knox & suppose he would meet with no opposition but what would arise on the principles of Antifederalism. You may rely upon it my dr Freind that Mr. H. will throw into the Govt. every embarrassment he possibly can. I am my dr sir with the greatest regard yr. Affe. Freind & Hl st.
Ed. Carrington.
10th: You will receive herewith the Journals of the House to the 6th. Inst. in which are included the proceedings upon the Subject of a Convention—also you will find the Resolution upon which the disquallifying Act is founded. Be good enough to give the Presidt. a sight of them. Mr. Mann Page of Mansfield is in Town & begs me to inform you that he will write you by the next post, upon the subject of the Election of a representative to Congress from the district which he suppose you will both be in. He is requested to offer by some [of] his Freinds but will not do so against you. Several lists are formed for the districts but none have yet been submitted to the House—it will therefore be to no purpose to inclose you a Copy of either. Yrs. sincerely
E. C.


Title: To James Madison from Edmund Randolph, 10 November 1788
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Madison, James

My dear friend
Richmond Nov: 10. 1788
On thursday last the candidates for the senate were nominated; and Mr. Henry, after expatiating largely in favor of Mr. Lee and Mr. Grayson, concluded that yourself, whose talents and integrity he admitted, were unseasonable upon this occasion, in which your fœderal politics were so adverse to the opinions of many members. Your friends Page, Corbin, Carrington and White were zealous; but the last gentleman, having in the connection of his ideas something about instructions, acknowledged, that it was doubtful, whether you would obey instructions, which should direct you to vote against direct taxation. “There gentlemen, rejoined Mr. Henry, the secret is out: it is doubted whether Mr. Madison will obey instructions.” The ballot was opened on Saturday, and at least fifty gave you single votes; that is, threw their other votes on persons, not nominated. To the mortification, and grievous discontent of the advocates for order and truth, the numbers were for R. H. Lee 98, for W. G. 86. for J. M. 77. There was a greater body, than we calculated upon, 164. having unexpectedly voted. Were I to decide what would be agreeable to my own feelings, the anxiety, and affection which were discovered by your friends in doors, and your favourers without, I would prefer the situation of the unsuccessful candidate. A number of those, who were with you, were absent, and thus brought into loss a question, which otherwise would have been clear.
The faction is, I am told, endeavouring to arrange the districts for representatives, so as to place Orange, to be counterpoized. For this district it is presumed, that Strother or Mr. Dawson will be the candidate. In short nothing is left undone, which can tend to the subversion of the new government. On friday I shall be a member. I could not get in sooner, as a vacancy could not be sooner created than to-day. Some attempts, and those not a little strenuous, you will hear of from Yrs. mo. afftely.
E. R.


Title: To James Madison from George Lee Turberville, 10 November 1788
From: Turberville, George Lee
To: Madison, James

My dear sir—
Richmond Novr. 10th. 1788
I have forborne my pen for some posts—flattering myself that it wou’d have been the harbinger of good news. But alas! I am about to detail to you some occurrences which I assure you have operated upon my feelings as sensibly—and in a manner more distressing—than I trust they will upon your own.
The triumph of Antifœderalism is compleat. The resolution & preamble which I enclosed to you have passed by a majority of 85. to 39. A resolution for a self denying ordinance has passed nemine contradicente (but myself) to vacate the seats of such Executive Legislative & Judiciary Officers of this Government as shall accept an Office under the United States—& to Crown the Whole, R. H. Lee & William Grayson were yesterday elected to the senate—the Ballot for the first was 98. the second 86. & for you 77. 63 single Votes were given to you & if the Election had been delayed until tomorrow—I do religiously beleive you wou’d have been elected. Let it not be supposed from this, that Virginia is verging towards Antifederalism even. Let it be remember’d that the Phalanx of Opposition that appeared in Convention are still alive & embodied—whilst the good Citizens who composed the Majority in the convention are disbanded. The last relying in the true spirit of Democracy on the implicit obedience of every good Citizen to the voice of a majority so fairly & so deliberately obtained—were inattentive to the possible attempts of the designing—whilst their opponents have profitted from their unsuspicious inattention, & have endeavor’d to obtain by finesse—what they cou’d not accomplish—by fair & argumentative discussion.
Was it possible to obtain an accurate list of the names who were for and against you in the contest for the senate, I am satisfied (that but for the advantage your Country wou’d derive from yr. agency in her counsels which the majority wou’d have carried you to)—you wou’d have found little difficulty in determining amongst which discription you wou’d have enrolled your name. Votes in our Assembly are counted—not weigh’d.
Much have I apprehended that indisposition (if not illness) may have been your lot as well as the lot of many of the good people in this state, for I have not even hear’d of a letter from you to any of your Correspondents in this Town—if your leizure wou’d permit, it wou’d be adding something to my happiness to hear that you were well. So soon as the districts are determined on—you shall be made acquainted with them and I trust that you will undertake to serve the state as a representative in the Lower house. I make no doubt but your Election might be secured in any of the lower districts in the state, & I will venture to offer you such qualifications as the law may deem necessary in the lower end of the Northern Neck—with an almost positive assurance of the united voice of the 5 lower Counties in that part of the state.
As the Elections are to take place in the month of February it will not be amiss to come onwards to yr. Native Country—she never stood in need of yr. Aid more evidently or imminently than she does at present—there is not a man upon Earth so adequate as you are to her salvation—& it wou’d glad my very soul to see you in this City before the session rises. Your very presence wou’d shrink into nonentity almost—those now aspiri[ng] Assassins who triumphing in their Calumnies of Absent characters—have belittled themselves even in the estimation of their adherents.
I will conclude with my best wishes to you—& begging you to present me with great regard to the President of Congress. Tell him that I am very much engag[ed] in business & that he will be good enough to pardon me for not writing to him this post—tho’ If I recollect right—my last letter remains unanswered. God bless—preserve & keep you—is the ardent Wish of Yr. Most sincerely Affectionate Friend
George Lee Turberville


Title: To James Madison from Francis Corbin, 12 November 1788
From: Corbin, Francis
To: Madison, James

My Dear Sir
Virginia Richmond Novr. 12th: 1788
I have this moment received your Letter, and, tho’ in a state of perplexity, about the measures necessary to be adopted with respect to the Circular Letter &c which are to be the Subjects of Tomorrows Debate, yet I cannot, flattered as I am with a prospect of Establishing a Correspondence no less beneficial to our Common Country than pleasing and instructive to myself, forego the pleasure of returning an immediate answer to it.
I waited with much Impatience and Solicitude to hear from you for Six Days—but finding it at length indispensably necessary, in consequence of the short time allowed us by Congress, to enter into the business of Organizing the Govt. I proposed Certain Resolutions, as the Ground Work of the necessary Laws, which you have no doubt seen before this time, as I understand our friend Col: Carrington has inclosed you the Journals of the House of Delegates.

These Resolutions you will perceive are drawn, not so much in Conformity perhaps to the Spirit of the new Constitution as in Conformity to the Genius, the habits & Prejudices of the people of Virginia. The Division of the Country into Districts, the Exclusion of the “three fifths of all other persons,” and the Requisition of Residence are the principles on which they are founded.
I readily anticipated, before I had the Satisfaction of Receiving your Letter, the Various objections that might be urged against them drawn from Constitutional Sources and from Self Interested views and local prejudices. But I conceived it to be the business of those who projected themselves on the occasion as true Federalists, to evince themselves to be, as much as possible, True Democrats; knowing full well that if the Least opening had been given, Henry & his [pack?], “Myrmidonum Dolopumve” would have been open mouth’d agt. Aristocracy. I judged Rightly as things have turned out—and altho’ I have sacrificed my own personal views and Interests, and perhaps political Reputation by the corse I have pursued yet, I trust, the Federal cause will be Eventually benefitted by it. In this case I care not how soon I begin or how long I continue to suffer Martyrdom.
You will find in the Journals Mr. Henry’s Resolutions upon the business of a second Convention and an answer to the Inflammatory Governor of Newyork. You will also see the Amendment which I offered to them. I hope they will meet your approbation. Mr. John Page & Carrington are with me at this moment drawing an Address to Congress in conformity to the Resons. proposed by me as a Substitute for the one drawn agreably to Mr. Henry’s. This will appear upon our Journals & will tend to justify our Conduct and to operate as a Protest against theirs.
Your absence, My Dr. Sir, is woefully felt by your Country. Yet it’s base ingratitude deserves not your presence: but I write inaccurately—the ingratitude of this present Assembly cannot be call’d the ingratitude of Virginia. If you could see them you would agree with me that it is honorable not to be Esteem’d by them. Feeling myself as I do “in conscious Virtue bold” I cannot help Expressing myself sometimes with Contempt and oftentimes with indignation against them. They are all become abominable and gone astray. The Bill for Choosing Electors to Elect a President comes down from the Senate Tomorrow. The Bill concerning Representatives will go up to it the Day after—So that the whole business of organization will be completed by the 20th. of this Month at farthest. This will afford time for promulgating the Laws and for carrying the Constitution into Effect by the Month of March.
I will now promise to be a faithful correspondent and to inform you from time to time of Ev’ry thing that may be worth communicating to you by Letter. ‘Tis near Nine O clock. The two Scribes call my attention—but I am deaf to their calls till I have assured you with how much well founded Respect and Real Regard I am Yours, My Dr. Sir, Most Sincerely
Francis Corbin


Title: To James Madison from George Lee Turberville, 13 November 1788
From: Turberville, George Lee
To: Madison, James

My dear sir
Richmond—Wednesday 13th. Novr. 1788.
Your favor of November 2d. is just come to hand and I will endeavour to write a few lines in detail of our present politics—that is of the majority.
My letter of the 10th. instant will have reached you e’er this—from it you will observe the sway that bears heavy on our heads—& no doubt you will be well prepared for any miserable measures that may follow. The Committee of the whole have been this day upon the bill for organizing the Government—forming the Districts &c—the prevalence of local prejudices are not uncommon in our house—but for a majority to bend its utmost efforts agt. an individual is rather uncommon. The object of the majority of to day has been to prevent yr. Election in the house of Representatives as demonstratively as if they had affirmed it—first by forming a district (as they supposed) of Counties most tainted with antifederalism in which Orange is included—& then by confining the choice of the people to the residents in the particular districts. Mr. Henry without argument—or answering a single reason urged agt. it—launched into a feild of Declamation—brought all the imaginary horrors of the new government upon us—& carried a decided & large majority with him. How unfortunate is it for Virginia that you are not on the floor with us.
I do verily beleive that Mr. Henry Voted for you to Congress this time with no other Veiw but to keep you from Country untill some more favor’d man, some minion of his or of his party shall have had an opportunity to supplant yr. Interest but I trust he will be deceived—& much I hope you will wing your way towards Virginia with all possible expedition.
Wou’d to heaven that I had it in my power to lay open my heart to you, that you might perceive my sincerity & observe my anxiety. I am so afflicted with our present miserable—nay despicable [suite?] of politics—that I am almost brought, to lament that we are in a republican situation.
The Man who leads a mob majority in such a governt. is the most cruelly oppressive of all possible Tyrants—to a prostrate Minority. Had I not a hope that a little year might—may possibly eventuate in a salutary change I shou’d in a fit of dispair—give up all idea of ever seeing a Government rising from deliberate Ratiocination.
Some of yr. arguments against Convention’s arose in my mind—& were enforced with all the little Energy I was master of—but in Vain: the enclosed paper will shew you the result. Tomorrow come on the Letter to Congress—to Genl. Clinton & to our sister states—pregnant with all the insidious Art base misrepresentation—& unfounded Visionary apprehensions that are so apparently characteristic in the thinking ones of the majority. Pass they will but not without the Ayes—& Nays that the world in reading the names of their advocates may form such a judgement upon them as they merit.
Mr. Randolph has this day resigned & will be in our house in a few days it is said.
You shall have the Letters by next post if I can get them copied if not by the next post—they shall be forwarded as soon as they can be had. I shall continue to write to you—if you leave New York pray desire some friend of yrs. to enquire for letters directed to you & forward them to you. In the mean time I remain my dear sir Most Affectionately yrs.
George Lee Turberville


Title: To James Madison from Edward Carrington, 15 [14] November 1788
From: Carrington, Edward
To: Madison, James

My dr sir,
Richmond Nov. 15 [14]. 1788
I had the pleasure to write you on the 9th. or 10th. Inst. and inclosed the Journals to the 6th. In these you had the Resolutions which had been agreed to upon the subject of a Convention—and you must also have seen that these resolutions were refered to a Committee for the purpose of having letters drawn according to the matter of them. The letters were reported last tuesday, and have today been under the consideration of a Committee of the whole—they are agreed to but we have lessened the Majority considerably by proposing drafts conforming to the resolutions of the Convention in June, and insisting that the people in that Convention had pointed out the mode in which amendments should be sought, and that the Assembly ought not to divert the course of their pursuit. The drafts which we proposed are accompanied with reasons addressed to the people with a veiw that they may see that the minority were for the most speedy & safe mode of gaining the desired object. For our amendment there were 49 yeas & 71 Nays. The drafts that are agreed to are drawn in a Stile which, I think, would of itself alone place the authors of the measure in a disadvantageous light. The journals will be printed by the next post, when I will transmit them. It has hitherto been unfortunate that the federalists in the House have not acted in proper Concert—we are however getting Martialed and I hope we shall, at least, upon every occasion be able to shew a respectable Minority.
The Bill for district Elections of Representatives passed our House yesterday—the Anti’s have levelled every effort at you—the point of residence in the district is carried by some of the Feds having at an early period committed themselves upon that side. Your district is composed of the Counties of Amherst, Albemarle, Louisa, Orange Culpepper, Spotsylvania Goochland & Fluvanna—we wished to get Fauquier but the powers of the Anti’s were too strong for us. You will have active Freinds in Culpepper Spotsylvania Albemarle & Fluvanna—orange & Louisa will, it is supposed require no prompting. Your Freinds wish you however to come into this district at an early period, in order to Counteract a number of reports which may take hold upon the Minds of the people—it is busily circulated that you declared in Convention that the Constitution required no alteration whatever. It is as yet doubted whether Mr. Strother, or Mr. W. Cabel the Elder, will be your opponent—the latter however will not, unless upon the principle of having the strongest Interest of the two, and having reason to doubt whether the other will be able to exclude you—no effort will be left untried for effecting their purpose.
I have seen a letter of yours to Mr. Turberville which I think you ought to permit to be published as yours—it is calculated at once to give the lye to the reports I have mentioned, & to condemn the measure of a Convention. I wish you would consider this Matter, and should you not disapprove, permit the publication to take place—even Mr. Henry has asserted in the House that you was against, or unfreindly, to amendments. Your Freinds from the district will write you & therefore I will not say more on the point of yr. Election—you may however depend on meeting with all the opposition that can be brought into practice against you.
Present me to the President and beleive me to be, my dr sir with great sincerity yr. Affe. Freind & Hl St.
Ed. Carrington
P. S. The Govr. will take his seat in the House tomorrow.


Title: To James Madison from George Lee Turberville, 16 November 1788
From: Turberville, George Lee
To: Madison, James

My dear sir
Novr. 16th. 1788
Yrs. of the 6th. has just reach’d me—wou’d to heaven that that of November 2d. had arrived four days sooner. Mr. Henry on yr. being nominated for the senate publicly declared in the house that you were not to be trusted with amendments since you had declared, that not a letter of the Constitution cou’d be spared—in Convention.
This was denied by many & a very respectable testimonial of abhorrence at such Conduct & of Justification for you was manifested. I am sollicited by Carrington—R. B. Lee—Doctor Stuart, Mr. J. Page & General Weedon to publish yr. Letter as it will give the Lie to all the flagitious assertions of a party who have nothing more at heart than to keep you out of the Representation. I have been induced from a desire to do you justice to shew that Clause wherein you say that you never thought the system a faultless one to Mr. Henry or rather to read it to him amid a group of his friends but I never can agree to commit yr. Letter (altho conscious of its producing nothing but acknowledgements in yr. favor) to the Public without yr. concurrence.
The Letters upon the Resolutions I enclosed to you are entirely of a peice with them—or rather they are more inflammatory—stamped with direct falshood in themselves (insomuch as they mention that the Assembly are entirely concurrent in their passage—when the Yeas & Nays on our Journal will shew that they passed by a majority of 71 to 50)—and attended by the Amendments of the minority ‘tis to be hoped for the sake of poor Virginia & the Union—that they will be received as the Child of temporaryly triumphant faction—& Ultimately that they will rather be ridiculous & Dangerous.
So soon as the District (or the organizing) Bill comes from the senate I will enclose you the Districts & the Journals (as soon as they are printed) with the pretty Circular & other Letters & our rejected amendments to them—shall be forward[ed.] In the mean time with the utmost sincerity of Frienship regard & respect I remain my dear sir yrs
George Lee Turberville


Title: To James Madison from Richard Bland Lee, 17 November 1788
From: Lee, Richard Bland
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir,
Richmond Nov: 17 1788
I was honored with your favor of the 6th Instant and am happy to find my opinion corroborated by your authority. I flattered myself that we should have been able notwithstanding the party spirit prevalent in our councils to have placed you in the Senate from this state; but faction has prevailed over gratitude and propriety; and without a reason you have been left out of the appointment. However considering all circumstances the ballot was honorable. The Country will be divided into districts for the election of representatives. We have it in contemplation to publish the proceedings of the assembly touching the calling of another General Convention together with your letter to Mr: Turberville which will amply justify the principles of the friends of the Government and remove the slanderous imputation on you—as an enemy to all amendments and in every form.
You will recollect by Mr: Henry’s resolutions—an application was to be made to Congress to call another convention—an answer to be written to Governor Clinton’s letter; and a circular to all the states on this subject. When these papers were introduced—we moved a set of papers in amendment—expressing our disapprobation of a Convention provided Congress at their first meeting, will consider the necessary amendments and forward them to the state Legislatures for their adoption—these were negatived by 70 to 50. They are couched in such terms and the minority is so respectable, as in my opinion, will not only turn the tide of sentiment in our favor in this state, but will destroy the effect of our measures in the other states. These will form the material papers which we mean to publish, except your letter, which is all-important to be known—as it will remove the present ill impressions concerning you and consequently secure your election into the house of Representatives—and as it in the most able manner justifies the conduct of the minority.
As soon as this little pamp[h]let comes from the press—it shall be forwarded to you—and I hope you will take no offence at the Liberty we mean to take with your letter.
I received yr letter very late to night therefore excuse this hasty scrawl—and believe me to be with every sentiment of respect and esteem yr. sincere friend & very huml. sert
Richard Bland Lee


Title: To James Madison from George Washington, 17 November 1788
From: Washington, George
To: Madison, James

My dear Sir,
Mount Vernon Novr. 17th. 1788.
It has so happened, that the letter which you did me the favor of writing to me on the 5th, did not get to my hands until the 15th. instant, owing, in part, to the uncertainty of the Mail (on account of the change from the Summer to the Winter establishment of the Stages) and partly to some engagements which prevented my sending to the Post Office agreeably to my usual custom.
I wish it was in my power to be as precise & satisfactory in answering your enquiry respecting the value of the purchase made by Colo. Lee at the Great Falls of this River as your purposes require, and my inclination would prompt me to give you. But however deficient they may be, I will hazard the best information I am possessed of on this subject.
Of the quantity of Land in this purchase, and the incumbrences thereon, it should seem you have been apprized. It only remains therefore for me to add (as far as I am able) an Account of its situation, and the probable advantages which are to be derived from it. With respect to the first, if my ideas of the matter (for I do not speak from absolute certainty) are just, it includes the entire Canal, Bason, &ca. at the Great Falls; and the Mill Seats (for there are more than one) of which Governor Johnson & a company connected with him in this business, had formed very sanguine hopes, ‘till the unexpected purchase by Colo Lee, arrested the prospect. For Waterworks of any kind these Seats must be exceedingly valuable if the navigation obtains; of which no one, I believe entertains a doubt, at this time. How far they may be impeded, or even endangered at times by remarkable freshes, I am not a competent judge. The opinion of better informed persons in these matters than I am, is, that they may be rendered secure. Another advantage to be derived is, that under all possible circumstances a town must be established there (it is now much wished for by Mercantile people) whether the navigation is extended from thence to tide water, or not. In the last case, the lotts will be of great value—in the first very desirable; because all Water borne produce must pass by, if it is not deposited here; which must take place, if the difficulties from hence to tide Water (about nine miles) should prove insurmountable—and between you and me it is the most doubtful part of our Work. Having gone so far, I will hazard another idea in proof of my opinion of this Navigation; and consequently of the importance of this pass. It may be a singular one, but I am not less clear in it on that account. It is, that the Navigation from the Great Falls to and through the Shenandoah falls, will not be opened five years before that of the latter River will be improved at least 150 miles; & the whole produce of that rich and extensive vale between the Blue Ridge and the Alligany Mountains be brought through it, and the South Branch, as far South Westerly as Staunton, into the Potomack; and thence by the Great falls to the place or places of Exportation. Add this to what will be drawn from the upper parts of Maryland, and parts of Pensylvania (which at present go to Baltimore by an expensive Land transportation) and then annex thereto the idea of what may come (under a wise policy) from the Western Waters, and it opens a field almost too extensive for imagination; and will induce the Merchants of Alexandria, George Town and perhaps other places, to establish there advanced Posts at the Falls to catch the produce on its passage.
From these premises—but I beg leave to subjoin they may be too sanguinely dilated—I leave you to draw your own conclusions of the property which is offered to you; the profits of which, as you will readily perceive, cannot be immediate. Not much I beli[e]ve can be said in favor of the 500 Acres (if there is that quantity of it) —or of the growth thereon; but to this tract if I have been rightly informed, a priviledge (but under what conditions I know not) is annexed of cutting wood from a large body adjoining. It has also been said that in the vicinity of this tract another purchase (connected with the expanded designs of Semple) has been made by Colo Lee of a most valuable Mine bank. These, I presume, are included in the offer to you, for as much as they were parts of the Original plan.
With respect to the Sulla—before I attempt to give you an Acct. of my cultivation of it—and the result—I must request the favor of you to apologize for me to Mr. St. John for not having acknowledged the receipt of it before. The truth is, that until I was informed by you from whom the Seeds came, I knew not to whom I was indebted for them. In my room at Mr. Morris’s (where papers addressed to me were generally laid, during my attendence in Convention) I one day found a bundle containing these Seeds—unaccompanied by a letter—card—or clue of information to direct my acknowledgment of the receipt—or application. I remember to have received a letter from Mr. St. John whilst I was in Philadelphia, written in French, the purport of which I got Mr. Gouvr. Morris to explain to me in English; but if any mention of Sulla was made therein, he omitted, or I have forgot it. Thus much by way of exculpation of myself. And now, I am sorry to add, that, this plant (for want perhaps of knowing the nature & uses of it, and possibly from mismanagement) came to nothing. The Seeds vegitated partially, and not being able to find the name in any botanical list of Plants in my possession, or to come at the properties of it—and it appearing moreover, ungrateful for the first attentions I gave it, it was neglected afterwards.
The Accts. from Richmond are indeed, very unpropitious to fœderal measures. The whole proceedings of the Assembly, it is said may be summed up in one word—to wit—that the Edicts of Mr. H—— are enregistered with less opposition by the Majority of that body, than those of the Grand Monarch are in the Parliaments of France. He has only to say let this be Law—and it is Law. With very sincere esteem & regard I am My dear Sir Your Affecte Hble Servt
Go: Washington


Title: To James Madison from Edward Carrington, 18 November 1788
From: Carrington, Edward
To: Madison, James

My dr Sir,
Richmond Nov. 18. 1788
I have been favoured with yours of the 4th: & 6th. Inst. In my last I inclosed the Journals to the 6th. and now send the continuation to the 15th. Here you will see at large the drafts of letters upon the subject of a Convention which I mentioned in the letter alluded to above, and those which were proposed by the Minority in place of them. It is to be exceedingly regretted that the Feds had not acted from the first of the session, in Concert. I verily beleive that had such an union taken place at an early period, Mr. Henry might, upon such propositions as these, have been left in a Minority, by the day that his drafts & letters passed—as that subject upon the whole is now placed, I think the Feds have exhibitted themselves in a light before the Eyes of the people, which will be more satisfactory even to Antis, than the measures of the Majority; indeed the palpable untruths contained in the drafts ought to fix the condemnation of the people upon them.
The disquallifying Act passed our House yesterday in all the latitude of the Resolution which you saw in the Journals I transmitted to the 6th. This Act is intended for the purposes of bringing odium upon the Federal Govt. and embarrassing it. We have fixed its authors by the yeas & nays, in order, that the people may see, should the odious circumstances happen, to whom they are to be attributed, & as to embarrassments the constitution will releive itself from them by the clause which binds all state Officers to observe the laws of the Genl Govt. & to execute them. I regret the Bill on no other Acct. than that it marks the wicked Temper, as well as weakness, of the majority. Upon this Bill the yeas were 71 against 52 Nays. Govr. Randolph, who took his Seat in the House on Saturday last, voted on this question with the Minority on acct. of one or two inferior clauses which were in the Bill, but, upon its great principles, joined the Majority in sentiment.
The Senate have today reported their agreement to the Bill for the Election of Representatives to Congress, with some small alterations, none of which affect your district.
It is as yet not ascertained who will be started against you: within a few days there has arisen some reason to suspect that Colo. Monroe will be the Man. Let me apprise you that you are upon no occasion of a public nature to expect favors from this Gentleman. Colo. George Thompson of Fluvanna was here a few days ago. He tells me you will do well in that County, and that he will be active in your Election. In my last I mentioned several things to you concerning this business, which I must still urge you to attend to.
Present me in the most Freindly terms to your Worthy Colleague & his Lady—be good enough to give him a sight of the Journals, and tell him I will write him by the next post. Beleive me to be, my dr sir, with great sincerity, Your Freind, & Hl st.
Ed. Carrington


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 18 November 1788
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Paris Nov. 18. 1788.
My last to you was of the 31st. of July: since which I have received yours of July 24. Aug. 10. & 23. The first part of this long silence in me was occasioned by a knoledge that you were absent from N. York; the latter part, by a want of opportunity, which has been longer than usual: mr. Shippen being just arrived here, and to set out tomorrow for London, I avail myself of that channel of conveiance. Mr. Carrington was so kind as to send me the 2d. vol. of the Amer. Phil. transactions, the federalist, and some other interesting pamphlets; and I am to thank you for another copy of the federalist and the report of the instrns. to the ministers for negotiating peace. The latter unluckily omitted exactly the passage I wanted, which was what related to the navigation of the Missisipi. With respect to the Federalist, the three authors had been named to me. I read it with care, pleasure & improvement, and was satisfied there was nothing in it by one of those hands, & not a great deal by a second. It does the highest honor to the third, as being, in my opinion, the best commentary on the principles of government which ever was written. In some parts it is discoverable that the author means only to say what may be best said in defence of opinions in which he did not concur. But in general it establishes firmly the plan of government. I confess it has rectified me in several points. (As to the bill of rights however I still think it should be added, and I am glad to see that three states have at length considered the perpetual re-eligibility of the president as an article which should be amended. I should deprecate with you indeed the meeting of a new convention. I hope they will adopt the mode of amendment by Congress & the Assemblies, in which case I should not fear any dangerous innovation in the plan. But the minorities are too respectable not to be entitled to some sacrifice of opinion in the majority. Especially when a great proportion of them would be contented with a bill of rights.)
Here things internally are going on well. The Notables now in session, have indeed past one vote which augurs ill to the rights of the people. But if they do not obtain now so much as they have a right to, they will in the long run. The misfortune is that they are not yet ripe for receiving the blessings to which they are entitled. I doubt, for instance, whether the body of the nation, if they could be consulted, would accept of a Habeas corpus law, if offered them by the king. If the Etats generaux, when they assemble, do not aim at too much, they may begin a good constitution. There are three articles which they may easily obtain. 1. their own meeting periodically. 2. the exclusive right of taxation. 3. the right of registering laws & proposing amendments to them as exercised now by the parliaments. This last would be readily approved by the court on account of their hostility against the parliaments, & would lead immediately to the origination of laws. The 2d. has been alreadily [sic] solemnly avowed by the king: & it is well understood there would be no opposition to the first. If they push at much more, all may fail. I shall not enter further into public details, because my letter to mr. Jay will give them. That contains a request of permission to return to America the next spring, for the summer only. The reasons therein urged, drawn from my private affairs are very cogent. But there is another more cogent on my mind, tho’ of a nature not to be explained in a public letter. It is the necessity of attending my daughters myself to their own country, and depositing them safely in the hands of those with whom I can safely leave them. I have deferred this request as long as circumstances would permit, and am in hopes it will meet with no difficulty. I have had too many proofs of your friendship not to rely on your patronage of it, as, in all probability, nothing can suffer by a short absence. But the immediate permission is what I am anxious about; as by going in April & returning in October I shall be sure of pleasant & short passages out & in. I must intreat your attention, my friend, to this matter, and that the answers may be sent me thro’ several channels.
Mr. Limozin at Havre, sent you by mistake a package belonging to somebody else. I do not know what it contained, but he has written to you on the subject, & prayed me to do the same. He is likely to suffer if it be not returned.
Supposing that the funding their foreign debt will be among the first operations of the new government, I send you two estimates, the one by myself, the other by a gentleman infinitely better acquainted with the subject, shewing what fund will suffice to discharge the principal and interest as it shall become due, aided by occasional loans, which the same fund will repay. I inclose them to you, because collating them together, and with your own ideas, you will be able to devise something better than either. But something must be done. This government will expect, I fancy, a very satisfactory provision for the paiment of their debt, from the first session of the new Congress. Perhaps in this matter, as well as the arrangement of your foreign affairs, I may be able, when on the spot with you, to give some information & suggest some hints, which may render my visit to my native country not altogether useless. I consider as no small advantage the resuming the tone of mind of my constituents, which is lost by long absence, and can only be recovered by mixing with them: and shall particularly hope for much profit & pleasure, by contriving to pass as much time as possible with you. Should you have a trip to Virginia in contemplation for that year, I hope you will time it so as that we may be there together. I will camp you at Monticello where, if illy entertained otherwise, you shall not want that of books. In firm hope of a happy meeting with you in the spring or early in summer I conclude with assurances of the sincere esteem & attachment with which I am, Dear sir, your affectionate friend & servt.
Th: Jefferson
P. S. The inclosed letters are extremely interesting to me, and recommended to your friendly and particular care.


Title: To James Madison from Henry Lee, 19 November 1788
From: Lee, Henry
To: Madison, James

My dear sir
Alexa. Novr. 19h. 1788.
I wrote to you when I was here last month relative to our project of union in the purchase of the great falls. To this letr. I have as yet received no reply. Mr. Arthur Lee tells me that he left you in Philada. unwell. With respect to the suggested purchase I am more & more persuaded, that it is worthy of our best attention, & that judicious conduct of the business will ensure to us early, lasting benefits from it. I propose visiting it tomorrow, & seeing Mr. Fairfax, to know the spot, from my own observation, & to attempt an accomodation with Mr. Fairfax. The period is arrived when use may be made of the property. Col. Gilpin one of the directors of the potomac company told me yesterday that the navigation would certainly be ready to the great falls before the next crop ca[me] in, but that the navigation would be in great degree useless unless ware houses were prepared at the great falls for the reception of the produce, & proposed to rent or buy a lot, to build on immediately—now if Mr. Fairfax will not enter into an amicable adjustment of our dispute, I must submit to a procrastination of the use of the spot, which is ineligible, or I must re-enter. This last step is easy, & effectual as to establishing my right & possession, but when it is done the arrearage of rent must be paid, this requires money, & this country seems to be drained of this article. I thought that each of us ought to retain one quarter or one third of the property & sell the ballance to raise the money necessary for the payment of the back rents & presumed that this sale could be effected with more certainty & ease in the North than here. Morris, Wadsworth—Lynch & Stoughton with sundry others present themselves to my mind as probable purchasers—the value of the spot is above present calculation. In this opinion all agree, & no man more highly estimates it than General washington who is one of the best judges of property & is intimately acquainted with the place.
You have heard of the election of senators for this state—the friends to the govt. exerted themselves to your behalf & altho you was not chosen, yet you received strong testimonial of the unbounded attachment of one party, & of the excessive jealousy of the other party. Mr Henry on the floor exclaimed against your political character & pronounced you unworthy of the confidence of the people in the station of Senator. That your election would terminate in producing rivulets of blood throughout the land.
Such declarations followed by artful management without doors were successful. It was whispered among the members that you was an advocate for the surrender of the navigation of the M—this had its effect, altho it was arrested before the election.
On being traced Grayson was given up as the author, he denied it, & it was at last, said to be a misunderstanding of G.[‘s] declarations, by a member from Culpepper—however this misunder[s]tanding had the effect of reality. Mr H is absolute, & every measure succeeds, which menaces the existence of the govt.—the districts will be laid off, to conform to the antifederal interest. All this I foresaw, all this I mentioned to you in new york & urged provision, against the storm, in season. My plan would have succeeded & what has happened, would never have taken place.
Except the mortification I feel personally at the late appointments & the evidence it holds up to the world of the temper of this state, I profess myself pleased with your exclusion from the senate & I wish it may so happen in the lower house—then you will be left qualified to take part in the administration, which is the place proper for you. I had a full & confidential conversation with our Sachem on all these points. He agreed precisely with me in the above opinion. He will come forward, if the public happiness demands it, altho his love of domestic repose renders him deaf to all the allurements of ambition & power—on nobler principles & with more generous views he will quit his happy situation, & if he quits, he will expect & with justice too, the united & firm assistance of all friends to their country. Mrs. Lee condoles with you on loss of office, & woman like, expresses her mortification in all company. She thinks it a dreadful blow. Farewel
H. L.


Title: From James Madison to Alexander Hamilton, 20 November 1788
From: Madison, James
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Letter not found. 20 November 1788. Acknowledged in Hamilton to JM, 23 Nov. 1788. Mentioned in Duer to JM, ca. 25 Nov. 1788. Clinton may be a candidate for vice-president. The political prospects in Virginia are not favorable for JM’s election to the new Congress.


Title: To James Madison from Joseph Jones, 21 November 1788
From: Jones, Joseph
To: Madison, James

Dr. Sr.
Richmond 21. Novr. 1788
I have returned to this place a few days past in rather indifferent health. Cool settled weather seems to be wanting for the restoration of good health to many of us—this fall has exhibited more changes from very warm to very cold weather than I ever experienced and has been fatal to the health and lives of many—at present it is uncommonly warm and every morning a thick fog. Mr. Dawson I expect has given you the history of the proceedings here antecedent to his departure. Since my being in Town a bill intitled an exclusion bill passed the Delegates and will the Senate—it is calculated to prevent the same persons executing or holding offices under both governments—the policy as to some offices I think well founded, but as it stands, from what I have heard, for I never saw the bill, it is perhaps too general, as it manifestly tends to multiply officers and expence. The business of the Judges and district Law has been brot. forward—yesterday several resolutions were agreed to in Com: of the whole & also on the report by the house to this effect—the chancery court to remain as heretofore—the general Court to be continued—a Court of appeals to consist of persons not Judges of either of the Other Courts to be established, and the Admiralty Judges to be added to the general Court—the Judges of the general Court to execute the district law besides holding sessions as a general Court for particular purposes—the district law to be amended. Such is the outline what it will be finally is very uncertain—at present however if we may form conclusions from appearances the issue will be favourable. The parties fœds and antis have in most transactions been pretty distinguishable. Your case is one among others where the spirit of party operated strongly. Being among the number of those who wish to see some amendments in the plan I have been pressed to come forward and be of the new Congress but it is too late in the day for me to involve myself in troublesome business and have declared agt. it. The time for the election of the Governor is not yet fixed but I expect it will in a few days as Mr. Harrisons eligibility commences the 29th or 30th. It is as yet very doubtful whr. Harrison or B. Randolph will succeed. I think the latter gains some ground. Bland is also to be brought forward. Henry is gone home. E. Randolph in the house. Yr. friend & Servt.
Jos: Jones
Respects to Mr. Dawson he shall hear from me in a few days.