Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Mary Stevenson, [November 1760?]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson

            My dear Friend
            [November? 1760]

          It is, as you observed in our late Conversation, a very general Opinion, that all Rivers run into the Sea, or deposite their Waters there. ’Tis a kind of Audacity to call such general Opinions in question, and may subject one to Censure: But we must hazard something in what we think the Cause of Truth: And if we propose our Objections modestly, we shall, tho’ mistaken, deserve a Censure less severe, than when we are both mistaken and insolent.
          That some Rivers run into the Sea is beyond a doubt: Such, for Instance, are the Amazones, and I think the Oranoko and the Missisipi. The Proof is, that their Waters are fresh quite to the Sea, and out to some Distance from the Land. Our Question is, whether the fresh Waters of those Rivers whose Beds are filled with Salt Water to a considerable Distance up from the Sea (as the Thames, the Delaware, and the Rivers that communicate with Chesapeak Bay in Virginia) do ever arrive at the Sea? and as I suspect they do not, I am now to acquaint you with my Reasons; or, if they are not allow’d to be Reasons, my Conceptions, at least of this Matter.
          The common Supply of Rivers is from Springs, which draw their Origin from Rain that has soak’d into the Earth. The Union of a Number of Springs forms a River. The Waters as they run, expos’d to the Sun, Air and Wind, are continually evaporating. Hence in Travelling one may often see where a River runs, by a long blueish Mist over it, tho’ we are at such a Distance as not to see the River itself. The Quantity of this Evaporation is greater or less in proportion to the Surface exposed by the same Quantity of Water to those Causes of Evaporation. While the River runs in a narrow confined Channel in the upper hilly Country, only a small Surface is exposed; a greater as the River widens. Now if a River ends in a Lake, as some do, whereby its Waters are spread so wide as that the Evaporation is equal to the Sum of all its Springs, that Lake will never overflow: And if instead of ending in a Lake, it was drawn into greater Length as a River, so as to expose a Surface equal, in the whole to that Lake, the Evaporation would be equal, and such River would end as a Canal; when the Ignorant might suppose, as they actually do in such cases, that the River loses itself by running under ground, whereas in truth it has run up into the Air.
          Now many Rivers that are open to the Sea, widen much before they arrive at it, not merely by the additional Waters they receive, but by having their Course stopt by the opposing Flood Tide; by being turned back twice in twenty-four Hours, and by finding broader Beds in the low flat Countries to dilate themselves in; hence the Evaporation of the fresh Water is proportionably increas’d, so that in some Rivers it may equal the Springs of Supply. In such cases, the Salt Water comes up the River, and meets the fresh in that part where, if there were a Wall or Bank of Earth across from Side to Side, the River would form a Lake, fuller indeed at some times than at others according to the Seasons, but whose Evaporation would, one time with another, be equal to its Supply.
          When the Communication between the two kinds of Water is open, this supposed Wall of Separation may be conceived as a moveable one, which is not only pushed some Miles higher up the River by every Flood Tide from the Sea, and carried down again as far by every Tide of Ebb, but which has even this Space of Vibration removed nearer to the Sea in wet Seasons, when the Springs and Brooks in the upper Country are augmented by the falling Rains so as to swell the River, and farther from the Sea in dry Seasons.
          Within a few Miles above and below this moveable Line of Separation, the different Waters mix a little, partly by their Motion to and fro, and partly from the greater specific Gravity of the Salt Water, which inclines it to run under the Fresh, while the fresh Water being lighter runs over the Salt.
          Cast your Eye on the Map of North America, and observe the Bay of Chesapeak in Virginia, mentioned above; you will see, communicating with it by their Mouths, the great Rivers Sasquehanah, Potowmack, Rappahanock, York and James, besides a Number of smaller Streams each as big as the Thames. It has been propos’d by philosophical Writers, that to compute how much Water any River discharges into the Sea, in a given time, we should measure its Depth and Swiftness at any Part above the Tide, as, for the Thames, at Kingston or Windsor. But can one imagine, that if all the Water of those vast Rivers went to the Sea, it would not first have pushed the Salt Water out of that narrow-mouthed Bay, and filled it with fresh? The Sasquehanah alone would seem to be sufficient for this, if it were not for the Loss by Evaporation. And yet that Bay is salt quite up to Annapolis.
          As to our other Subject, the different Degrees of Heat imbibed from the Sun’s Rays by Cloths of different Colours, since I cannot find the Notes of my Experiment to send you, I must give it as well as I can from Memory.
          But first let me mention an Experiment you may easily make your self. Walk but a quarter of an Hour in your Garden when the Sun shines, with a Part of your Dress white, and a Part black; then apply your Hand to them alternately, and you will find a very great Difference in their Warmth. The Black will be quite hot to the Touch, the White still cool.
          Another. Try to fire Paper with a burning Glass. If it is White, you will not easily burn it; but if you bring the Focus to a black Spot or upon Letters written or printed, the Paper will immediately be on fire under the Letters.

          Thus Fullers and Dyers find black Cloths, of equal Thickness with white ones, and hung out equally wet, dry in the Sun much sooner than the white, being more readily heated by the Sun’s Rays. It is the same before a Fire; the Heat of which sooner penetrates black Stockings than white ones, and so is apt sooner to burn a Man’s Shins. Also Beer much sooner warms in a black Mug set before the Fire, than in a white one, or in a bright Silver Tankard.
          My Experiment was this. I took a number of little Square Pieces of Broad Cloth from a Taylor’s Pattern Card, of various Colours. There were Black, deep Blue, lighter Blue, Green, Purple, Red, Yellow, White, and other Colours or Shades of Colours. I laid them all out upon the Snow in a bright Sunshiny Morning. In a few Hours (I cannot now be exact as to the Time) the Black being warm’d most by the Sun was sunk so low as to be below the Stroke of the Sun’s Rays; the dark Blue almost as low, the lighter Blue not quite so much as the dark, the other Colours less as they were lighter; and the quite White remain’d on the Surface of the Snow, not having entred it at all. What signifies Philosophy that does not apply to some Use? May we not learn from hence, that black Cloaths are not so fit to wear in a hot Sunny Climate or Season as white ones; because in such Cloaths the Body is more heated by the Sun when we walk abroad and are at the same time heated by the Exercise, which double Heat is apt to bring on putrid dangerous Fevers? That Soldiers and Seamen who must march and labour in the Sun, should in the East or West Indies have an Uniform of white? That Summer Hats for Men or Women, should be white, as repelling that Heat which gives the Headachs to many, and to some the fatal Stroke that the French call the Coup de Soleil? That the Ladies Summer Hats, however should be lined with Black, as not reverberating on their Faces those Rays which are reflected upwards from the Earth or Water? That the putting a white Cap of Paper or Linnen within the Crown of a black Hat, as some do, will not keep out the Heat, tho’ it would if plac’d without[?] That Fruit Walls being black’d may receive so much Heat from the Sun in the Daytime, as to continue warm in some degree thro’ the Night, and thereby preserve the Fruit from Frosts, or forward its Growth?— with sundry other particulars of less or greater Importance, that will occur from time to time to attentive Minds? I am, Yours affectionately,

            B. Franklin
            Miss Stevenson


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Cadwallader Colden, 5 December 1760
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Colden, Cadwallader

            Dear Sir,
            London, Dec. 5. 1760

          I take this first Opportunity of congratulating you most sincerely on your Accession to the Government of your Province, which I am the more pleas’d with, as I learn that the Ministry are well satisfy’d the Administration has fallen into so good Hands, and therefore that you are not like to be soon superseded by the Appointment of a new Governor.
          The Abbé Nollet has lately published another Volume of Letters on Electricity, in which he undertakes to support his Principles against the Attacks they have met with from all Quarters. He has sent me a Copy, and another for your Son Mr. David Colden. I take the Freedom of forwarding it under your Cover, with my best Respects to that very ingenious young Gentleman, whose valuable Work on the same Subject I am sorry has not yet been made publick.
          With the greatest Esteem and Regard I have the Honour to be Dear Sir, Your most obedient and most humble Servant

            B Franklin
            Honble. Cadr. Colden Esqr.

          Endorsed: Franklin Decr 3 1760


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Isaac Norris, [16] December 1760
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Norris, Isaac

            Dear Sir
            London, December [16, 1760]

          Agreeable to what I wrote in mine of the 13th. I [have] ventur’d to agree by my Broker for the following [torn] Stocks, on Account of the Province, to be deliver’d [torn] Week from this Day, viz.

              £1000
              of the 4 per Cent. Annuities 1760, at
              92 per Cent.
              £[920:
              0:
               0]

              £1500
              Do.at
              91⅞
              137[8:
              2:
               6]

              3000
              Do.
              91⅞
              2756:
              5:
              [0]

              2000
              Do.
              92
              1840:
              0:
               0

              1,000
              Do.
              92
              920:
              0:
               0

              3,000
              Do.
              91⅞
              2756:
              5:
               0

               3,500
              Do.
              91¾
              3211:
              5:
               0

              £15,000

              £13781:
              17:
               6

          I was advis’d to buy rather the Annuities of 1760 than those of 1758 and 1759 which I formerly bought for you and myself, they being but 3 per Cents and cost 78 and ½ while these 4 per. Cents were but about 92 and consequently cheaper. However, finding the Stocks still falling, tho’ they had been thought at the lowest, I have held my Hand, not knowing whether I had best venture any farther at present or wait for the new Loan of 1761, which it is suppos’d will be still cheaper, especially near the Time of the first Payment. On a Peace, ’tis thought by those who know most of these Things, that the Three per Cents will be at par, if not higher, and the four per Cents at about 124.
          I believe I shall have the Bills you advis’d to be printed, with proper Checks, to be made use of by the Trustees in their Drafts, ready so as to send per next Ship; but hope they will not think of drawing till a Peace; which now cannot be far off. However that is as the House may think proper.
          With the greatest Esteem, I am, &c.

            B.F.

            P.S. The Reason of the present Lowness of the Stocks is that the Subscribers to the new Loan for 1761 are selling out to enable themselves to comply with their Engagements to the Government.
            I write this to send after the Mail, hoping [to] reach the Pacquet at Falmouth.

            To Isaac Norris, Esqr (Copy)


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Strahan, 27 December 1760
From: Strahan, William
To: Franklin, Benjamin

            Saturday Evening Decr. 27. [1760?]

          Mr. Strahan’s respectful Compliments to Dr. Franklin—called to know how he does, and to reproach him (gently) for not calling in New Street to see his Wife, who he told him last Monday Sevenight was to be in Town the following Thursday—Is afraid he will, at least, do himself no good by feasting every Day, as he is informed he hath done for some time past, and therefore wishes him to come soon and have one meagre Day in New Street.

          Addressed: To / Dr. Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Managers of the Pennsylvania Hospital, 29 December 1760
From: Managers of the Pennsylvania Hospital
To: Franklin, Benjamin

          “On December 29, 1760, a letter was written to Franklin for some necessary drugs and medicines, and he was also asked ‘to join with some others of our fellow citizens, now in London, in soliciting contributions on behalf of the Hospital from several merchants who, we apprehend, may be induced to encourage the progress thereof.’ “


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Taunton, 29 December 1760
From: Taunton, Thomas
To: Franklin, Benjamin

          Few documents could be more exasperating to editors trying conscientiously to do their duty by future readers. Nothing has been found to identify the writer beyond what he himself says here or in the three other letters printed below, pp. 267–9. This letter gives a month and day of writing but no year and the other three bear no dates at all. The sheet on which this is written is badly torn, as is one other, and in most instances imagination fails when one attempts to supply missing words befitting the writer’s inimitable style. Three of these missives carry on their address pages, seemingly as contemporary endorsements, surnames of unknown persons in unidentified handwriting. Perhaps these are the names of friends of Taunton who carried the letters to the post-office. Lastly, Franklin’s surviving account books record no payments made to or on behalf of Thomas Taunton during either of his English missions.
          Under these regrettable circumstances the editors have decided to print all these letters from Taunton close together, purely for convenience, though they may not in fact all belong to the same year. We have chosen 1760 as probably the earliest year in which any of them may have been written. Admittedly, we can show no adequate basis for this assignment beyond the fact that, apparently in equally deplorable uncertainty, I. Minis Hays suggested this year for most of these letters in his Calendar of the Papers of Benjamin Franklin, I, 21.

            Honored Sir
            Decem: 29 [1760?–1775]

          The favour of yourn I received on Christmas day with my Penshon, for which I Return you many thanks for it, and I pray god make you amens, for it, I wish [my] hard would gieve my tong the Liberty to Express [my-]self in a moer agreabell maner for so great [one or two words missing] it would be moear agreabell to me, but [I am in ill?] stat of helth. and pain and thinging of my m [missing] Burdonsom to my frinds, Renders me [missing] of Expressing my self to such [missing] but parden me, But I [missing] HARTY prayer for you [missing] From your Dutifull hum[ble Servant]

            Tho: Taunton

          Addressed: To / [torn] Franklin / at Mrs. Stevenson / in Craven Streat / in the Strand.
          Endorsed: Bennet


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to John Baskerville, [1760?]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Baskerville, John

          In the spring of 1758 Franklin had subscribed through Dr. Fothergill for six copies of Baskerville’s new edition of Vergil and had ordered all six bound in vellum and another copy in calf. He sent one as a gift to Harvard College and several to Philadelphia for Isaac Norris and other friends there. Apparently when he was in Birmingham during that summer looking up Deborah’s relatives, he went to Baskerville’s place of business and made several purchases, for his accounts show that on Nov. 2, 1758, he “Paid Baskerville’s Bill” of £7 9s., of which £2 4s. were “for Teaboard and Waiters etc.”—japanned ware which for many years had been the principal source of the Englishman’s income. This was probably the occasion of Franklin’s first meeting with Baskerville; the senior partner of the Philadelphia printing firm would hardly have failed to take the opportunity of making the acquaintance of the man who had recently created such a sensation in the printing world and for whose initial work he had shown so much enthusiasm.
          If Franklin passed through Birmingham on his journey to Scotland in August 1759, as seems probable, he may have called on Baskerville again. In any case, it is certain that he and William were in Birmingham in late September 1760, after their stop-over in Coventry and before their journey through Wales to Bristol and Bath. By that time four editions of Baskerville’s Milton had appeared and at least two of the Book of Common Prayer, and the printer had begun work on a collection of Select Fables of Esop And other Fabulists for the bookseller Robert Dodsley, and had prepared specimen pages for his great folio Bible to be printed at Cambridge for the University. Franklin could not have allowed himself to miss this chance to visit Baskerville while in Birmingham and to see and discuss the work in progress. The friendship of the two men continued through their lives.
          When Baskerville was at last ready to issue his Cambridge Bible, August 1763, he placed identical advertisements in several London newspapers. The announcement read: “This Day was published, Baskerville’s Folio Bible. The subscribers to him are desired to apply for their Volumes at his Printing-Office at Mr. Paterson’s, in Essex-House in the Strand. Where may be had, His Long-Line and Column Octavo and Twelves Common-Prayer-Books; Milton’s Poetical Works, in two Volumes, Octavo, Royal large Paper; Juvenal and Persius, in Quarto Royal; and a Pocket Horace, by John Livie, A.M. The above may be had also of the following Booksellers [here follow twenty-three names].” Then comes a heading: “Extract of a Letter from B. Franklin Esq; to J. Baskerville.” and the text of the letter printed below. Franklin was back in Philadelphia when the advertisement appeared and it seems doubtful that he knew Baskerville would use his private letter in this way. Its printing stands, however, as an early example of the use of a personal letter as a testimonial in advertising, and whatever Franklin would have thought about it, we may be grateful to the Birmingham printer for preserving thus one of Franklin’s most delightful hoaxes.
          As Baskerville printed it, the letter is undated. When Temple Franklin reprinted it in 1817, he added “1760” to the address line, and this year has been used by all later editors. Franklin mentions in the second sentence that the incident he describes took place “Soon after I returned,” and Temple’s assumption that these words refer to the Birmingham visit of 1760 seems reasonable. The present editors believe that Franklin must have written the letter near the end of 1760 or very soon thereafter; hence it is reprinted at this point.

            Dear Sir,
            Craven-Street, London. [1760?]

          Let me give you a pleasant Instance of the Prejudice some have entertained against your Work. Soon after I returned, discoursing with a Gentleman concerning the Artists of Birmingham, he said you would be a Means of blinding all the Readers in the Nation, for the Strokes of your Letters being too thin and narrow, hurt the Eye, and he could never read a Line of them without Pain. I thought, said I, you were going to complain of the Gloss on the Paper, some object to: No, no, says he, I have heard that mentioned, but it is not that; ’tis in the Form and Cut of the Letters themselves; they have not that natural and easy Proportion between the Height and Thickness of the Stroke, which makes the common Printing so much more comfortable to the Eye. You see this Gentleman was a Connoisseur. In vain I endeavoured to support your Character against the Charge; he knew what he felt, he could see the Reason of it, and several other Gentlemen among his Friends had made the same Observation, &c. Yesterday he called to visit me, when, mischievously bent to try his Judgment, I stept into my Closet, tore off the Top of Mr. Caslon’s Specimen, and produced it to him as yours brought with me from Birmingham, saying, I had been examining it since he spoke to me, and could not for my Life perceive the Disproportion he mentioned, desiring him to point it out to me. He readily undertook it, and went over the several Founts, shewing me every-where what he thought Instances of that Disproportion; and declared, that he could not then read the Specimen without feeling very strongly the Pain he had mentioned to me. I spared him that Time the Confusion of being told, that these were the Types he had been reading all his Life with so much Ease to his Eyes; the Types his adored Newton is printed with, on which he has pored not a little; nay, the very Types his own Book is printed with, for he is himself an Author; and yet never discovered this painful Disproportion in them, till he thought they were yours.
          I am, &c.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to [Ann Penn?], [1760]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Penn, Ann

          If the proposed identification of the addressee is correct, this letter is the first of several among Franklin’s papers relating to a complicated situation in the Penn family. William Penn 3d (1703–1747) had become by 1731 the sole surviving grandson of the founder of Pennsylvania in the senior line, that is, through William Penn’s first marriage, to Gulielma Maria Springett (1644–1694). In accordance with the founder’s rather loosely drawn will, William 3d in time inherited certain specific lands in Pennsylvania and Ireland, but all other lands and the proprietorship of the province passed, after extended litigation and negotiation, to the founder’s three sons by his second marriage to Hannah Callowhill (1664–1726): John (1700–1746), Thomas (1702–1775), and Richard (1706–1771).
          William 3d was twice married; his first wife, who died in childbirth, bore him one daughter Christiana Gulielma (1733–1803), who married Peter Gaskell in 1761; his second wife Ann Vaux (d.1767) bore him one son Springett (1739–1766). Within a few years William 3d and his wife Ann became estranged; he sued for divorce but either withdrew his charge against her or failed to prove it in court. Under the terms of his will his half-uncle Thomas Penn became guardian of Christiana and Springett upon their father’s death in 1747 and until the boy should attain his majority, when Springett was to become executor of the estate. Thomas arranged for Springett’s schooling, then, according to Franklin (below, p. 316), first proposed to send him off to the East Indies, then to Russia, and finally articled him to a lawyer in Sussex. This arrangement did not work out well and Springett rejoined his mother, Mrs. Ann Penn.
          Thomas seems to have delayed turning the estate over to Springett when the young man attained his majority, March 1, 1760, for on April 25 of that year Springett wrote his uncle demanding all his “papers without exception, that there may be no more troubles, delays, or mistakes whatsoever.” Thomas, whose own son had died the day before, as Springett knew, replied with indignation at such “ingratitude,” and the matter was finally turned over to the lawyers of both parties for adjustment. Later Thomas offered to buy Springett’s lands in Pennsylvania, and both Franklin and Edward Penington, a Philadelphia relative of the youth, thought that Thomas Penn was less than fair and honorable in his proposals.
          How Franklin became involved in the affair is not known; probably Springett and his mother appealed to him for advice and help, turning over to him their papers for examination. Franklin, for his part, was certainly far from averse to assisting any relative to expose possible chicanery on Thomas Penn’s part. Writing to Richard Jackson, March 31, 1764, Franklin suggested that Springett might be able to prove his right to the proprietorship and, if so, would be willing to surrender it to the Crown for a reasonable sum. Surviving correspondence shows that Franklin took a continuing interest in the dispute until Springett died unmarried in 1766 and his mother, now married to one Alexander Durdin of Dublin, died the next year.

            Dear Madam.
            Thursday Evening [1760?]

          I return the Box of Papers, and believe you will find none of them missing. I am glad to learn by the Bearer that you are well; and hope your intended Journey into the Country will contribute to keep you so, and prove otherwise agreable. I am, with the utmost Esteem and Respect, Dear Madam, Your most obedient humble Servant

            B Franklin


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Mary Stevenson, [1760–1762]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson

          Among the surviving letters between Franklin and Mary Stevenson are two from him and two from her bearing incomplete dates or none at all, which cannot be even approximately placed by other evidence, although they seem to belong to the general period from May 1, 1760, when Franklin and Polly agreed to correspond on subjects of moral and natural philosophy, to August 1762, when he sailed back to Philadelphia. In accordance with editorial practice in this edition they are printed together at this point.

            Dear Polly
            Friday morning. [1760–1762]

          You have obliged me very much by so readily fulfilling your Promise, and by adding the very pretty Letter to Mrs. Franklin.
          I have just received one from her, and another from Sally, who both desire to be affectionately remembered to you.
          Your good Mother is about House as usual, but complaining a little. She seems however to be rather better to day than for some days past.
          I was out of Town till yesterday Afternoon, and till then had not your Letter, or should sooner have answered it.
          My Respects to Mrs. Tickel. I am, my Dear Friend, with great Truth, Yours affectionately

            B Franklin


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Mary Stevenson, [1760–1762]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson

            Friday 2. PM [1760–1762]

          Here is a Coach from your House, and no Line to me from you. I will never forgive you, if you do not immediately write me a long Letter in the room of that you stole from me yesterday. You know the Penalty of the old Law was four fold. See that you punish yourself fully, and thereby disarm the Resentment of Your injured Friend

            B F


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Mary Stevenson, [1760–1762]
From: Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson
To: Franklin, Benjamin

            Dear Sir
            [1760–1762]

          You find I endeavoured to maintain an opinion which I imperfectly understood but I hope I shall be pardon’d when it is consider’d that the desire of obtaining intelligence and conviction was my motive. I believe I told you before that nothing had fallen under my observation to justify the opinion that men are carried to excellence in the exertion of their faculties in one direction rather than another, and I must now acknowledge that you have driven me out of every conjecture I had formed to support it.
          I hope I said nothing to deny the Equivoque of referring the expression of strength and agility to Mind when I understood that strength denotes ability; yet give me leave to observe that those who suppose men are carried to excellence by this inherent occult cause do not suppose that genius is incompatible with weakness of mind.
          Pardon me, dear Sir, for saying you would allow a distinction which you have prov’d to be erroneous. I could not have suppos’d that works of Fancy and of Judgment require such similar operations of the mind as by a discreminate view you have shewn they do.
          I knew you never contended for the sameness of intellectual power as any other than a natural endowment, for I remember you said he who exerts all his strength in one direction will move farther in that direction than if he had exerted it in several but then he will be less able to move in any other.
          I am entirely of your opinion that those who have multiplied the duties of Christianity have been its most effective Enemies, and allow me to say that I thought Ditton wrongs his cause in saying Christianity requires more than the strict discharge of moral obligation. It indeed enhances and gives us motives for the performance of moral obligation, but I know no more that it requires of us; and I believe the Gospel precepts are equally calculated to make us happy Here as Hereafter. The Yoke of Christianity is easy and it’s Burthen light; but there are those who will submit to no yoke and bear no burthen.
          I am pleased to find that you lov’d me even when you thought me abominably idle, such indulgence will make me industrious to shew my Gratitude, [two lines struck out] prove myself Dear Sir Your faithful and affectionate Servant

            M Stevenson.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Mary Stevenson, [1760–1762]
From: Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson
To: Franklin, Benjamin

            Dear Sir
            [1760–1762]

          Your last Letter gave me great pleasure though the thoughts of having laid you under a necessity of writing it fill me with Confusion, for it was so unreasonable to draw you in to write a third Letter after you had condescendingly written two, that you ought to have punish’d me for it; but you have us’d the most effectual method to make me sensible of my fault by obliging me more than I wish to be oblig’d. While we think the Pleasure of the Benefactor in bestowing is equal to ours in receiving, our pride is not hurt by obligations, but when we begin to fear he acts by constraint we wish not to be oblig’d. These sentiments arise from reading the first sentence in your Letter, what the second excites I am unable to express, and I can answer it only by telling you I will endeavour to deserve your compliments. I am afraid the generality of people will be apt to think my giving up my opinion to Dr. Hawkesworth is rather the effect of vanity than humility, for they will imagine I am not able to defend my argument, therefore chuse to come off with the appearance of having sense enough to be convinc’d.
          You start a supposition that our Saviours fasting and temptation in the Wilderness was visionary, a supposition my mind is very ready to receive, for I have been always at a loss what to think of those transactions. The power of God I should not question, but there the power is Satan’s, who performs miracles upon the Son of God. Jesus consider’d as an omnipresent God had no need of being carried up into on high to see all the kingdoms of the earth, and as man he could not see really them from the summit of the highest mountain, therefore I think the fact appears to be visionary. Besides the shewing him all the Kingdoms of the earth and the glory of them must be visionary, for it is not possible to be real. St. Luke says Jesus, being full of the Holy Ghost, returned from Jordan, and was led by the Spirit into the wilderness. I know the general acceptation of this expression is that he was guided by the Holy Ghost; but will it not bear interpretation of his being carried thither in a vision? Those who have read the Gospel in the original Language can determine that better than I can. I remember one day while I was at Bromley Mrs. Hawkeworth and I enter’d upon the subject of our Saviour’s temptation in the wilderness, but something prevented our discussing at that time, and we never resum’d it. Our dear little Friend you know is cautious of enquiring into subjects she holds sacred; we know and admire the piety of her sentiments, but I cannot help wishing she had not imbib’d some superstitions, that are prejudicial to that Religion she so warmly professes, and the duties of which she so devoutly practices. I have [remainder missing].


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Taunton, [1760?–1775]
From: Taunton, Thomas
To: Franklin, Benjamin

            [1760?–1775]

          I [hope you] will not be angrey at my writing b [missing] me, I know you ar Intament with mr. St[rahan] [missing] god will kepe me in my troubell but k [missing] e to help myself the least thing Cant dres now [missing] [with] out help, If mr. troauen will be so Cind as to [missing] for to Ogment my salery I am told it is great [ly?] in his pour, and have know frind in all the world but you, the Compeny gieves me Fiftean shillings a Qarter my por daughter is now indent to pay for my soport and when I Recd: my moity my frinds gieve me I have but a Leven shillings to soport me till the next Quarter Com round, but what the Compney gieves me and then must put my trust in god, had I amongest all my aqaintains, that would but gieve me but won shilling a weak it would be an Estates to me, but amongst all never Lit of so much humanity as In you and mr. strawon. Litell did I think wons I should lit with such a frind or I Even should want, God Reward you and mr. Strawon. I hop he will Repay it, I should be glad whe[n] you ar in your Charot, would strain a pint to see me, my duty to mr. strawn god bless you doe let me see you wons moer it Cant be long from your dutifull servant

            Tho: Taunton

            I Log at mr. Turners At no. 5 In the Vinard walk near the smallpox Ospatell Clarkenwell

          Addressed: For / Doctr. Franklen / at Mrs. Stevenson’s / in Craven Streat / In the Stran
          Endorsed: Watson


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Taunton, [1760?–1775]
From: Taunton, Thomas
To: Franklin, Benjamin

            Honred Sir
            [1760?–1775]

          I hop you will pardin my fredom in writin to you, should be glad to have waited on you but never shall see you moer so bad with the stoan not abell to goe to the hall for my penshon but the treasourer is so Cind as to send it god reward him for it, I had a long winter never been out tell march with my breth nor abell to go to bed know mor then a child, and sins I have been abell to goe a litell way to Church which is a miell it is a ouer and halfs work for me, and coming hom I have a frind gieves me a diner Every sunday if abell to goe for it, I had a sudon shake going a long which I believe lowsen the Stoan it was on a Thursday it set me abliding thrwo the penis tell monday the Shurgon never had such a troubell in his lief to stop befour to my great pain and troubell he did it greatis Elis [else?] I mus been lost but weak still Louizing so much blod, it was stopt by won mr. Renells at Higgat, I Log still at mr. Houes neare the Cock at holay Ieslington I would have wroat to mr. Strwon but am a fraid I doe not drict [direct?] properly to him from your dutifull humbell Servant

            T. Taunton

            N.B. know frind to goe with a leter know or any thing Eles without mony the caes is oltred know, the Treasourer sent a man yesterday to hear how I was god I hop will reward him for his goodnes.

          Addressed: For / Doctr. Franklin / at Mrs. Stevenson’s / in Craven Streat / in the Strand
          Endorsed: Jones


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Taunton, [1760?–1775]
From: Taunton, Thomas
To: Franklin, Benjamin

            most worthey Sir
            [1760?–1775]

          I hop you will pardon the fredom I have takeen, I have been to the bishop’s palies at lamboth to see for the old Cook that did Lieve with the late bishop, but to my mortifycasion am Desieved she is gon, I went to see If I Could have got my daughter to been under for som tiem to had som Experence in the Chiken bisnes it would have been of great servies to her and that would been of greter help to me for I have knothing but what Coem from her and my frinds and aqaintence tsill [still] bad with the gout, Stoan, and asma, and woer out being upords of 78 years old should be glad if you Could think of any pleas I was abell to doe, I lodg at mr. Slaters neare the hair at hogsdon, I beg Leave to Conclud with my best Respects to you from your Dutyfull humbell Seruant

            Tho: Taunton

          Addressed: For / Mr. Franklen / Thease


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Mary Stevenson, 13 January 1761
From: Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson
To: Franklin, Benjamin

            Dear Sir
            Wanstead, Janr. 13th. 1761

          It is long since I troubled you with a Letter, which I am afraid you will impute to Indolence rather than Modesty. The Subject you are so condescending to enter upon with me would afford frequent matter of inquiry for me and give you too much trouble did I not suppress my inclination.
          The continual Engagements I am in prevent my spending as much time as I should chuse in the pursuit of Knowledge. I would not be thought to speak from an Affectation of Wisdom, or a Discontent at my Situation; but I cannot help wishing I might employ some of that time in reading, which is devoted to the Card Table.
          When I have had opportunity for Study I have attended chiefly to the Discourse on the Nature and Properties of Air. Nothing ever more excited my Wonder and Admiration than the Effects of this Invisible Body [torn] useful to us. I did not think I should [torn] comprehended the Evaporation of Water; [torn] observes, it appears at first View impossible and contrary to Reason, as Water is of much greater specifick Gravity than Air; but the means by which it is render’d lighter, are very fully explain’d. He says, “The burning Matter which the Sun darts upon the Earth, as it finds easy Admittance through the Surface of all fluid Bodies, insinuates itself into the Folds and Interstices of the Air, which gives Fluidity to the Water, thereby rarefying the Air, and consequently those Globules of Water in which it is inclos’d. These fiery Particles being reflected back from the surface of the Earth and Water carry with them those little watery Bubbles into which they insinuate themselves, and together with them several Corpuscles of a different Nature that happen to be intermix’d with them. The Fire and rarefied Air occupy the Inside of the Bubbles while the Water and other gross Particles, which are repell’d on every side from the Centre go to form the Shell. These little Globules thus form’d, being lighter than so many equal Bulks of compress’d Air at the Bottom of the Atmosphere, must necessarily ascend into those Regions where the Air is of the same specifick Gravity with themselves.” This is a very clear Account; but take away the Fire, and the whole Hypothesis is destroy’d. How then does Water evaporate where there is no Fire? My Author is silent here, and there[for I refer?] to my indulgent Preceptor, whose Instructions [torn], and pleasing.
          My Mind is not always idle when I have not a Book before me. The Book of Nature is ever open, and I frequently observe Things that excite my Curiosity, and employ my Thoughts to discover their Causes. I have often remark’d as I sat at the Tea Table, that when a Cup has been turn’d down, and there has been some Tea in the Saucer, the Cup would be lifted up, and Bubbles would rise in the Tea. I think I can discover the Cause of this to be the Heat rarefying the Air within the Cup, which endeavouring to expand itself lifts up the Cup, and forces its way out at the Bottom where the Tea rises in Bubbles. To confirm the Truth of this Suggestion I try’d the Experiment with cold Water, and then the Effect ceas’d.
          How happy am I in a Friend who has Judgment to correct my Errors, and Candour to excuse them. To [him] therefore I dare deliver my Thoughts without reserve, and confess I am ambitious he should approve them, tho ready at all times to submit to his Reproofs. As you love me Sir endeavour to make me worthy of that Love; and believe me I am ever Dear Sir Your most grateful and devot[ed remainder and signature missing].

          Endorsed: Copies of my mothers letters to Dr Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Francis Eyre, 20 January 1761
From: Eyre, Francis
To: Franklin, Benjamin

            Tuesday 20th Jan 1761Surry Street, Strand

          Mr. Eyre’s Compliments to Mr. Franklin, and Mr. Moore’s Act was this Day referred by the Committee of the Privy Council to the Lords of Trade.

          Mr. Bunce brot it in only the 15th. as he had promised Mr. Eyre sometime before.

          Addressed: To / Benj. / Franklyn Esq


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from the Earl of Morton, 23 January 1761
From: Morton, James Douglas, 14th Earl of
To: Franklin, Benjamin

            Brook Street friday 23d Janry [1761?]

          Lord Morton’s Compliments to Dr: Franklin, and desires the favor of his Company to Dinner on Sunday next, between 3 and 4 o’Clock.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Joseph Morris, 20 February 1761
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Morris, Joseph

              Dear Friend
              London Feby: 20th. 1761

            I received your’s of Oct: 21 and Nov: 11 relating to the Library Affairs, which I have endeavoured to comply with by engaging a very honest and diligent Book-seller to provide and send the Books ordered by the Directors. Enclosed is the Invoice and Bill of Lading. I hope they will come safe to Hand and give Satisfaction. He has by my Direction added some late Books not in your List, but which I imagine the Company would like to have. My best Respects to the Directors my old Friends, whom I long once more to see. I have acquainted Mr. Collinson with the Mistake of the £30. Bill and shall settle the Company’s Account with him as you desire. I believe he has put some Books into the Box which he had bought for the Company before your letter to me came to hand.

              B: Franklin
              To Mr. Jos: Morris

            London 1761 Benjamin Franklin Esq. Dr. to Thos. Becket (for the Library Company Philadelphia) shipt on Board the Dragon Capt. Hammet

                Jany. 24th [?] Philada.

                Linnaeus on Botany. by Lee 8vo.
                £–
                5:
                –

                Hill’s British Herbal. Folio
                1:
                10:
                –

                Magen’s on Insurances. 2 Vol: Quarto
                1:
                8:
                –

                Rowning’s Nat: Philos: 2 Vol: 8vo
                –
                14.
                –

                Sherlocks Sermons. 4 Vols. do
                1:
                0:
                –

                Macquere’s Chymistry. 2 Vol. do
                –
                10:
                –

                D’a Costa’s Nat: Hist: of Fossils Vol: 1 4to.
                –
                13:
                –

                Davilla’s Hist: of France. 2 Vol. 4to
                1:
                15:
                –

                Cantillon’s Analysis of Trade &c.
                –
                5:
                –

                Du Hammel’s Husbandry 4to.
                –
                15:
                –

                Memoirs of a Protestant condemn’d to the Gallies
                £–
                6:
                –

                Coopers Art of Distilling
                –
                4:
                –

                Clarendon’s Posthumous Works 3 Vol:
                –
                18:
                –

                Newton on Prophecy 3 Vols.
                –
                15:
                –

                Dalrymple on Feudal Property
                –
                5:
                –

                Harris’s Justinian
                –
                15:
                –

                Crit: Enq: into Opinions ant[ient] Philosophers
                –
                4:
                6

                Abbe La Pluche’s Evangelical Hist: 2 Vol.
                –
                10:
                –

                The figure of the Earth demonstrated
                –
                5:
                –

                Warner’s Life of Sir Thos. Moore
                –
                5:

                Basnages Continuation of Josephus
                –
                18:
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                Edward’s Cannons of Criticism
                –
                5:
                –

                Chapman’s Cyder Maker
                –
                2:
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                Handmaid to the Arts 2 Vol.
                –
                12:
                –

                Smallet’s Hist: of England 4 Vol: 4to.
                3:
                10:
                –

                Jewish Letters 5 Vols.
                –
                15:
                –

                Memoirs of the Bashaw Count Bonneval
                £–
                6:
                –

                Lord Lyttleton’s Dialogues
                –
                5:
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                Yorick’s Sermons 2 Vol.
                –
                6:
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                Walker’s Voyages
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                6:
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                Birche’s Life of P. Henry
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                6:
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                Mountagu on Republic’s
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                5:
                –

                Webb on Painting
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                3:
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                Hooke’s Negotiations
                –
                4:
                6

                Ferguson’s Lectures
                –
                7:
                6

                Hurde’s Dialogues
                –
                5:
                –

                Fragments of antient Poetry
                –
                1:
                –

                Historical Law Tracts
                –
                6:
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                Principles of Equity
                –
                16:
                –

                Law of Coroners
                –
                10:
                6

                Fabricius’s Letters
                –
                5:
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                Considerations on the German War
                –
                2:
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                Vindication of the Ministry
                –
                0:
                6

                Revolutions in Bengal
                –
                2:
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                Box, Cordage, Custom House Entry’s Bills of Lading &c.
                –
                15:
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                Freight and Primage
                –
                12:
                6

                Insurance on £24 at 12 Guineas per Cent.
                3:
                0:
                6

                £28:
                9:
                6


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Samuel Preston Moore, 21 February 1761
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Moore, Samuel Preston

            Dear Sir
            London, Feb. 21, 1761

          I wrote to you per Capt. Calef, via New-York, that I had receiv’d yours with a Copy of the Act that I had put it into the Hands of our Solicitor Mr. Eyre, and would do what I could to forward it. But the Copy you sent me not being under Seal, we could not present it; and were oblig’d to wait Mr. Penn’s Leisure, who had the regular Copy in his Hands. By the enclos’d Notes you will see what Progress has been made. I shall defray all necessary Expences as you desire; being with great Regard, Dear Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant

            B Franklin
            To S. P. Moore, Esqr

          Endorsed: From Benjn. Franklin Esqr. Feb. 21. 1761


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from David Hall, 21 February 1761
From: Hall, David
To: Franklin, Benjamin

            Sir,
            Philada. February 21. 1761.

          This serves to confirm the above, and to inclose the second Copy of the above mentioned Bill for Two Hundred Pounds Sterling, from Yours, &c.

            D. Hall
            To Mr. Franklin Sent by the General Wall Packet Boat Captain Lutwyche.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Hugh Roberts, 26 February 1761
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Roberts, Hugh

            Dear Friend,
            London, Feb. 26, 1761.

          I think I have before acknowledg’d the Receipt of your Favour of the 15th. of the 5th. Month 1760. (I use your own Notation because I cannot tell what Month it was, without Reckoning.) I thank you for it, however, once more; I receiv’d it by the hand of your Son, and had the Pleasure withal of seeing him grown up a solid sensible young Man. You will have, I see, a great deal of Satisfaction in him, and I congratulate you cordially on that head.
          I was glad to hear that the Hospital is still supported. I write to the Managers by this Ship. In my Journeys thro’ England and Scotland, I have visited several of the same kind, which I think are all in a good Way. I send you by this Ship sundry of their Accounts and Rules, which were given me; possibly you may find a useful Hint or two in some of them. I believe we shall be able to make a small Collection here; but I cannot promise it will be very considerable.
          You tell me you sometimes visit the ancient Junto. I wish you would do it oftner. I know they all love and respect you, and regret your absenting yourself so much. People are apt to grow strange and not understand one another so well, when they meet but seldom. Since we have held that Club till we are grown grey together, let us hold it out to the End. For my own Part, I find I love Company, Chat, a Laugh, a Glass, and even a Song, as well as ever; and at the same Time relish better than I us’d to do, the grave Observations and wise Sentences of old Men’s Conversation: So that I am sure the Junto will be still as agreeable to me as it ever has been: I therefore hope it will not be discontinu’d as long as we are able to crawl together.
          I thank you for the frequent kind Visits you are so good as to make my little Family. I now hope in a little Time to have the Pleasure of seeing them, and thanking my Friends in Person. With the sincerest Esteem and Regard, I am, Dear Friend, Yours affectionately

            B Franklin

            Billy presents his Respects.

            To Mr. H. Roberts.

          Addressed: To / Mr Hugh Roberts / Philadelphia / Per the Dragon / Capt. Hammet
          Endorsed: Letter from Benja. Franklin London 26 Febry 1761 recd per the Dragon Hammet


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Charles Hargrave, 6 March 1761
From: Hargrave, Charles
To: Franklin, Benjamin

            My Good frend Mr. Frankling
            Greenich March 6th 1761

          I am very Sorry that I have been Guilty of So much Ill manners in not acquainting you of my receiving your present which I give you many thanks for all favours I Should have done my Self the pleasur of Seing you to return you thanks, had I not been taken with a very bad fitt the gout in both my feett and hands that I have not been out off the Infermiry this Six weeks but have been fead by the Nurse for I Could not help my Self, But I thank God I have gott a little Use of my hands again and hope to gett out of the Infermiry Next Week then please God the first Oppertunity I will do my Self the Pleasure to Wait on you I hope so [sic] you will Excuse this Scrible pray Give my love to your Son and hope that he and yourself is both in good health. I received yours the 3d Instant and am Sir your unfortunate humble Servat to Command

            Charles Hargrave


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Ebenezer Kinnersley, 12 March 1761
From: Kinnersley, Ebenezer
To: Franklin, Benjamin

            Sir,
            Philada. March 12. 1761.

          Having lately made the following Experiments, I very chearfully communicate them in Hopes of giving you some Degree of Pleasure, and exciting you to further explore your favourite, but not quite exhausted, Subject ELECTRICITY.
          Exp. 1. I placed myself on an Electric Stand, and, being well electrised, threw my Hat to an unelectrised Person, at a considerable Distance, on another Stand, and found that the Hat carried some of the Electricity with it; for, upon going immediately to the Person who received it, and holding a flaxen Thread near him, I perceived he was electrised sufficiently to attract the Thread.
          Exp. 2. I then suspended, by Silk, a broad Plate of Metal, and electrised some boiling Water under it, at about four Feet Distance, expecting that the Vapour, which ascended plentifully to the Plate, would, upon the Principle of the foregoing Experiment, carry up some of the Electricity with it; but was at length fully convinced, by several repeated Trials, that it left all its Share thereof behind. This I know not how to account for; but does it not seem to corroborate your Hypothesis, That the Vapours, of which the Clouds are formed, [leave] their Share of Electricity behind in the Common Stock, and ascend in a negative State?
          Exp. 3. I put boiling Water into a coated Florence Flask, and found that the Heat so enlarged the Pores of the Glass that it could not be charged. The Electricity passed thro’ as readily, to all Appearance, as thro’ Metal; The Charge of a three-pint Bottle went freely thro’ without injuring the Flask in the least. When it became almost cold, I could charge it as usual. Would not this Experiment convince the Abbé Nolet of his egregious Mistake? For, while the Electricity went fairly thro’ the Glass, as he contends it always does, the Glass could not be charged at all.
          Exp. 4. I took a slender Piece of Cedar, about eighteen Inches long, fixed a brass Cap in the Middle, thrust a Pin, horizontally and at Right Angles, thro’ each End, (the points in contrary Directions) and hung it, nicely balanced like the Needle of a Compass, on a Pin, about six Inches long, fixed in the Center of an Electric Stand. Then, electrising the Stand, I had the Pleasure of seeing what I expected; the wooden Needle turn’d round, carrying the Pins with their Heads foremost. I then electrised the Stand negatively, expecting the Needle to turn the contrary Way, but was extremely disappointed, for it went still the same Way as before.
          When the Stand was electrised positively, I suppose that, the Natural Quantity of Electricity in the Air being increased on one Side, by what issued from the Points, the Needle was attracted by the lesser Quantity on the other Side. When electrised negatively, I suppose that the Natural Quantity of Electricity in the Air was diminished near the Points; in Consequence whereof the Equilibrium being destroyed, the Needle was attracted by the greater Quantity on the opposite Side.
          The Doctrine of Repulsion in electrised Bodies, I begin to be somewhat doubtful of. I think all the Phaenomina on which it is founded may be well enough accounted for without it. Will not Cork Balls electrised negatively, separate as far as when electrised positively? And may not their Separation, in both Cases, be accounted for upon the same Principle; namely, the mutual Attraction of the Natural Quantity in the Air, and that which is denser, or rarer in the Cork Ball? It being one of the established Laws of this Fluid, that Quantities of different Densities shall mutually attract each other, in order to restore the Equilibrium.
          I can see no Reason to conclude that the Air has not its Share of the Common Stock of Electricity as well as Glass, and, perhaps, all other Electrics per se. For tho’ the Air will admit Bodies to be electrised in it either positively or negatively, and will not readily carry off the Redundancy in the one Case, or supply the Deficiency in the other; Exp. 5. yet let a Person in the negative State, out of Doors in the Dark, when the Air is dry, hold, with his Arm extended, a long sharp Needle, pointing upwards, and he will soon be convinced that Electricity may be drawn out of the Air; not very plentifully, for, being a bad Conductor, it seems loath to part with it; but yet some will evidently be collected. The Air near the Person’s Body, having less than its natural Quantity, will have none to spare; but, his Arm being extended as above, some will be collected from the remoter Air and will appear luminous as it converges to the Point of the Needle.
          Let a Person electrised negatively present the Point of a Needle, horizontally, to a Cork Ball suspended by Silk, and the Ball will be attracted towards the Point, till it has parted with so much of its natural Quantity of Electricity as to be in the negative State, in the same Degree with the Person who holds the Needle; then it will recede from the Point; being, as I suppose, attracted the contrary Way by the Electricity, of greater Density in the Air behind it. But, as this Opinion seems to deviate from Electrical Orthodoxy, I should be glad to see these Phaenomina better accounted for by your superiour and more penetrating Genius.
          Whether the Electricity in the Air, in clear dry Weather, be of the same Density at the Height of two or three hundred Yards, as near the Surface of the Earth, may be satisfactorily determined by your old Experi[ment] of the Kite. Exp. 6. The Twine should have, through-out, a very small Wire in it; and the Ends of the Wire, where the several Lengths are united, ought to be tied down with a waxed Thread to prevent their acting in the Manner of Points. I have tried the Experiment twice, when the Air was as dry as we ever have it, and so clear that not a Cloud could be seen; and found the Twine, each Time, in a small Degree electrised positively. The Kite had three metaline Points fixed to it; one on the Top, and one on each Side. That the Twine was electrised, appeared by the separating of two small Cork Balls suspended on the Twine by fine flaxen Threads, just above where the Silk was tied to it, and sheltered from the Wind. That the Twine was electrised positively, was proved by applying to it the Wire of a charged Bottle; which caused the Balls to separate further, without first coming nearer together. This Experiment shewed that the Electricity in the Air, at those Times, was denser above than below. But that cannot be always the Case; for you know we have frequently found the Thunder Clouds in the negative State, attracting Electricity from the Earth. Which State it is probable they are always in when first formed, and till they have received a sufficient Supply. How they come afterwards, towards the latter End of the Gust, to be in the positive State, which is sometimes the Case, is a Subject for further Enquiry.
          After the above Experiments with the wooden Needle, I formed a Cross of two Pieces of Wood, of equal Length, intersecting each other at Right Angles in the Middle; hung it, horizontally, on a central Pin, and set a Light Horse, with his Rider, upon each Extremity; whereupon, the whole being nicely balanced, and each Courser urged on by an electrised Point, instead of a Pair of Spurs, I was entertained with an Electrical Horse-race.
          I have contrived an Electrical Air-thermometer, and made several Experiments with it that have afforded me much Satisfaction and Pleasure. It is extremely sensible of any Alteration in the State of the included Air, and fully determines that controverted Point, Whether there be any Heat in the Electric Fire. By the enclosed Draught, and the following Description, you will readily apprehend the Construction of it.
          A B is a Glass Tube about eleven Inches long, and one Inch Diameter in the Bore. It has a brass Feril cemented on each End with a top and bottom Part, C and D to be screwed on, air-tight, and taken off at Pleasure. In the Center of the bottom Part D, is a male Screw, which goes into a brass Nut in the Mehogany Pedestal E. The Wires F and G are for the Electric Fire to pass thro’ darting from one to the other. The Wire G extends thro’ the Pedestal to H; and may be raised or lowered by Means of a Male Screw on it. The Wire F may be taken out, and the Hook I be screwed into the Place of it. K is a Glass Tube with a small Bore open at both Ends, cemented in the brass Tube L which screws into the top Part C. The lower End of the Tube K is immersed in Water, coloured with Cocheneal, at the Bottom of the Tube AB. (I used at first coloured Spirits of Wine; but, in one of the Experiments I made, it took Fire.) On the Top of the Tube K is cemented, for Ornament, a brass Feril, with a Head screwed on it which has a small Air-hole thro’ its Side at a. The Wire b is a small round   Spring that embraces the Tube K so as to stay wherever it is placed. The Weight M is to keep strait whatever may be suspended in the Tube AB on the Hook I. Air must be blown thro’ the Tube K into the Tube AB, till enough is intruded to raise, by its elastic Force, a Column of the coloured Water, in the Tube K, up to c, or thereabouts; and then, the Gage-wire b being slipt down to the Top of the Column, the Thermometer is ready for Use.

          Exp. 7. I set the Thermometer on an Electric Stand, with the Chain N fixed to the Prime Conductor, and kept it well electrised a considerable Time but this produced no sensible Effect. Which shews that the Electric Fire, when in a State of Rest, has no more Heat than the Air and other Matter wherein it resides.
          Exp. 8. When the Wires F and G are in Contact, a large Charge of Electricity sent thro’ them, even that of my Case of five and thirty Bottles, containing above thirty square Feet of coated Glass, will produce no Rarifaction of the Air included in the Tube AB. Which shews that the Wires are not heated by the Fire’s passing thro’ them.
          Exp. 9. When the Wires are about two Inches apart, the Charge of a three pint Bottle, darting from one to the other, rarifies the Air very evidently. Which shews, I think, that the Electric Fire must produce Heat in itself, as well as in the Air, by its rapid Action.
          The Charge of one of my Glass Jars, which will contain about five Gallons and a Half, Wine Measure, darting from Wire to Wire, will, by the Disturbance it gives the Air in the Explosion, repelling it in all Directions, raise the Column in the Tube K up to d, or thereabouts; and the Charge of the above-mentioned Case of Bottles will raise it to the Top of the Tube. Upon the Air’s coalesing, the Column, by its Gravity, instantly subsides till it is in Equilibrio with the rarified Air; it then gradually descends, as the Air cools, and settles where it stood before. By carefully observing at what Height above the Gage-wire b the descending Column first stops, the Degree of Rarifaction is discovered; which, in great Explosions, is very considerable.
          Expt. 10. I hung in the Thermometer, upon the Hook I, successively, a Strip of wet Writing Paper, a wet flaxen and woolen Thread, a Blade of green Grass, a Filament of green Wood, a fine silver Thread, a very small brass Wire, and a Strip of gilt Paper; and found that the Charge of the Glass Jar, passing thro’ each of these, especially the last, produced Heat enough to rarify the Air very perceptibly. The Charge of the Case of Bottles sent thro’ the brass Wire consumed great Part of it into Smoke. The Thermometer appeared quite opaque with it.
          Expt. 11. I then suspended, out of the Thermometer, a Piece of brass Wire, not quite so small as the former, about twenty four Inches long, with a Pound Weight at the lower End; and by sending the Charge of the Case of Bottles thro’ it, discovered a new Method of Wire-drawing: The Wire was red hot, the whole Length, well anealed, and above an Inch longer than before. A second Charge melted it; it parted near the Middle, and measured, when the Ends were put together, four Inches longer than at first. This Experiment I remember you proposed to me, as worth trying, before you left Philadelphia; in Order to find whether the Electricity, in passing thro’ the Wire, would so relax the Cohesion of its constituent Particles, as that the Weight might produce a Separation; but neither of us had the least Suspicion that any Heat would be produced.
          Expt. 12. That I might have no Doubt of the Wire’s being hot as well as red, I repeated the Experiment on another Piece of the same Wire, encompassed with a Goose-quill filled with loose Grains of Gun-powder; which took Fire as readily as if it had been touched with a red-hot Poker. Also Tinder, tied to another Piece of the Wire, kindled by it. I tried a Wire about twice as big but could produce no such Effects with that.
          Hence it appears that the Electric Fire, tho’ it has no sensible Heat when in a State of Rest, will, by its violent Motion and the Resistance it meets with, produce Heat in other Bodies, when passing thro’ them, provided they be small enough. A large Quantity will pass thro’ a large Wire without producing any sensible Heat; when the same Quantity passing thro’ a very small one, being there confined to a narrower Passage; the Particles crowding closer together and meeting with greater Resistance, will make it red hot, and even melt it.
          Hence Lightning does not melt Metal by a cold Fusion, as we formerly supposed. But when it passes thro’ the Blade of a Sword, if the Quantity be not very great, it may heat the Point so as to melt it, while the broadest and thickest Part may not be sensibly warmer than before.

          And when Trees or Houses are set on Fire by the dreadful Quantity which a Cloud, or the Earth, sometimes discharges, must not the Heat, by which the Wood is first kindled, be generated by the Lightning’s violent Motion thro’ the resisting combustible Matter?
          If Lightning, by its rapid Motion, produces Heat in itself as well as in other Bodies, (and that it does, I think, is evident from some of the foregoing Experiments made with the Thermometer) then its sometimes singeing the Hair of Animals killed by it, may easily be accounted for. And the Reason of its not always doing so, may, perhaps, be this: The Quantity, tho’ sufficient to kill a large Animal, may, sometimes, not be great enough or not have met with Resistance enough, to become by its Motion burning hot.
          We find that Dwelling Houses, struck with Lightning, are seldom set on Fire by it; but when it passes thro’ Barns with Hay or Straw in them, or Store-Houses containing large Quantities of Hemp, or such like Matter, they seldom, if ever, escape a Conflagration. Which may, perhaps, be owing to such Combustibles being apt to kindle with a less Degree of Heat than is necessary to kindle Wood.
          We had four Houses in this City, and a Vessel at one of the Wharfs, struck, and damaged, by Lightning last Summer. One of the Houses was struck twice in the same Storm. But I have the Pleasure to inform you, That your Method of preventing such terrible Disasters, has, by a Fact which had like to have escaped our Knowledge, given a very convincing Proof of its great Utility, and is now in higher Repute with us than ever.
          Hearing, a few Days ago, that Mr. William West, Merchant in this City, suspected that the Lightning, in one of the Thunder-Storms last Summer, had passed thro’ the iron Conductor which he had provided for the Security of his House; I waited on him to enquire what Ground he might have for such Suspicion. Mr. West informed me that his Family and Neighbours were all stunn’d with a very terrible Explosion, and that the Flash and Crack were seen and heard at the same Instant. Whence he concluded that the Lightning must have been very near; and, as no House in the Neighbourhood had suffered by it, that it must have passed thro’ his Conductor. Mr. White, his Clerk, told me that he was sitting at the Time by a Window, about two Feet distant from the Conductor, leaning against the Brick Wall with which it was in Contact; and that he felt a smart Sensation, like an Electric Shock, in that Part of his Body which touched the Wall. Mr. West further informed me, that a Person of undoubted Veracity assured him, that, being in the Door of an opposite House on the other Side of Water-street, (which you know is but narrow) he saw the Lightning diffused over the Pavement, which was then very wet with Rain, to the Distance of two or three Yards from the Foot of the Conductor. And that another Person of very good Credit told him, that he, being a few Doors off, on the other Side of the Street, saw the Lightning above, darting in such Direction that it appeared to him to be directly over that Pointed Rod.
          Upon receiving this Information, and being desirous of further Satisfaction, there being no Traces of the Lightning to be discovered in the Conductor, as far as we could examine it below, I proposed to Mr. West our going to the Top of the House to examine the Pointed Rod; assuring him that, if the Lightning had passed thro’ it, the Point must have been melted; and, to our great Satisfaction, we found it so. This Iron Rod extended in Height about Nine Feet and a Half above a Stack of Chimnies to which it was fixed; (but, I suppose, three or four Feet would have been sufficient.) it was somewhat more than Half an Inch Diameter, in the thickest Part, and tapering to the upper End. The Conductor from the lower End of it to the Earth, consisted of square iron Nailrods, not much above a Quarter of an Inch thick, connected together by interlinking Joints. It extended down the Cedar Roof to the Eaves, and from thence down the Wall of the House, four Story and a Half, to the Pavement in Water-street, being fastened to the Wall, in several Places, by small iron Hooks. The lower End was fixed to a Ring in the Top of an iron Stake that was drove about four or five Feet into the Ground. The above-mentioned Iron Rod had a Hole in the Top of it, about two Inches deep, wherein was inserted a brass Wire, about two Lines thick, and, first put there, about ten Inches long, terminating in a very accute Point; but now its whole Length was no more than [seven] Inches and a Half, and the Top very blunt. Some of the Metal appears to be missing; the slenderest Part of the Wire being, as I suspect, consumed into Smoke. But some of it, where the Wire was a little thicker, being only melted by the Lightning sunk down, while in a fluid State, and formed a rough irregular Cap, lower on one Side than the other, round the upper End of what remained, and became intimately united therewith.
          This was all the Damage that Mr. West sustained by a terrible Stroke of Lightning. A most convincing Proof of the great Utility of this Method of preventing its dreadful [effects]. Surely it will now be thought as expedient to provide Conductors for the Lightning as for the Rain.
          Mr. West was so good as to make me a Present of the melted Wire; which I keep as a great Curiosity, and long for the Pleasure of shewing it to you. In the mean Time, [I beg] your Acceptance of the best Representation I can give of it, which you will find by the Side of the Thermometer, drawn in its full Dimensions as it now appears. The dotted Lines above, are intended to shew the Form of the Wire before the Lightning melted it.
          And now, Sir, I most heartily congratulate you on the Pleasure you must have in finding your great and well-grounded Expectations so far fulfilled. May this Method of Security from the destructive Violence of one of the most [awful] Powers of Nature, meet with such further Success, as to induce every good and grateful Heart to bless God for [the] important Discovery. May the Benefit thereof be diffused over the whole Globe. May it extend to the latest Posterity of Mankind; and make the Name of Franklin like that of Newton, immortal. I am, Sir, with sincere Respect, your most obedient, and most humble Servant

            Ebenzr. Kinnersley

            To Dr. Benjamin Franklin F.R.S. In London.

          Endorsed at the top: Read at R.S. Novr 18. 1762. March 24 1763. April 14 1763.
          Endorsed on a separate page: XXII For Experiments in Electricity: in a Letter from Mr. Ebenezer Kinnersley to Benjamin Franklin LLD. R.S. Ph. Trans. Vol. 53. p. 84.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Heberden, [before 20 March 1761]
From: Heberden, William
To: Franklin, Benjamin

            [Before March 20, 1761?]

          Dr. Heberden sends his compliments to Dr. Franklin and desires the favor of his company at dinner on friday the 20th of March at half an hour past three.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from David Hall, 24 March 1761
From: Hall, David
To: Franklin, Benjamin

            Sir,
            Philada. March 24. 1761.

          I received a few Lines from you by Captain Bolitho, owning the Receipt of mine, with the Renewal of the £300 and Damages; and am glad to hear you think of being able to be here soon.
          Inclosed I have sent you the third Copy of a Bill of Exchange for Two Hundred Pounds Sterling on Messieurs Trecothick, Apthorp, and Thomlinson, Merchants in London; the first and second Copies of which were sent you (Via New-York,) by the Edward, Captain Davis, and the General Wall Packet Boat, Captain Lutwyche. I am, Sir, Yours, &c.

            D. Hall.
            To Mr. Franklin By the Indian Trader, Captain Robinson


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Balfour and Company, 26 March 1761
From: Balfour, John, & Co.
To: Franklin, Benjamin

            Sir
            Edin[burgh]: March 26th 1761

          The occasion of my giving you this trouble is to inform you that in the later end of December or the beginning of January last, I receivd a bill from Mr. David Hall, of which you have an exact double on the other side. This bill when presented at London was refusd to be paid, upon which it was returnd regularly protested. I did not chuse to send it back to Philadelphia, (as the expence will come very high) without first accquainting you, as I imagin’d you might probably take it up, for Mr. Halls honour. You will therefore be so good as [to] inform me in course, whether you incline to do this or not. I thought it my duty in civility to Mr. Hall, to make this tryall before I sent away the bill. My Respectfull Compliments to your Son, and believe me to be with great Esteem Sir Your most Humble Servant

            John Balfour & Co.

            PS The Books I sent to Mr. Hall has answerd his purpose very well, and he has wrote for another parcel. I have sent him out also a good Cargo of Bibles.

          Addressed: To / Dr Frankline at his Lodgeings / in Craven Street in the Strand / London
          Notations on address page in BF’s hand: Black Swan Court [Barking?] Lane—behind the Change  Cateaton Street opposite the Church
          Endorsed: Balfour Edinbh. Mar 26. 1761


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Mary Stevenson, 30 March 1761
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson

            My dear Friend
            Cravenstreet, Monday March 30. 1761

          As you have been so good as to forgive my long Delay of writing to you and answering your always agreable Letters, I shall not now trouble you with the Apology I had written on that head in one of my Pieces of Letters never finish’d.
          Supposing the Fact, that the Water of the Well at Bristol is warmer after some time pumping, I think your manner of accounting for that increas’d Warmth very ingenious and probable. It did not occur to me, and therefore I doubted of the Fact.
          You are, I think, quite right in your Opinion, that the Rising of the Tides in Rivers is not owing to the immediate Influence of the Moon on the Rivers. It is rather a subsequent Effect of the Influence of the Moon on the Sea, and does not make its Appearance in some Rivers till the Moon has long pass’d by. I have not express’d myself clearly if you have understood me to mean otherwise. You know I have mention’d it as a Fact, that there are in some Rivers several Tides all existing at the same time; that is, two, three, or more, Highwaters, and as many Low-Waters, in different Parts of the same River, which cannot possibly be all Effects of the Moon’s immediate Action on that River; but they may be subsequent Effects of her Action on the Sea.
          In the enclos’d Paper you will find my Sentiments on several Points relating to the Air and the Evaporation of Water. It is Mr. Collinson’s Copy, who took it from one I sent thro’ his Hands to a Correspondent in France some Years since; I have, as he desired me, corrected the Mistakes he made in transcribing, and must return it to him; but if you think it worth while, you may take a Copy of it: I would have sav’d you any trouble of that kind, but had not time.
          Some day in the next or the following Week, I purpose to have the pleasure of seeing you at Wanstead; I shall accompany your good Mama there, and stay till the next Morning, if it may be done without incommoding your Family too much. We may then discourse any Points in this Paper that do not seem clear to you; and taking a Walk to some of Lord Tilney’s Ponds, make a few Experiments there to explain the Nature of the Tides more fully. In the mean time, believe me to be, with the highest Esteem and Regard, my dear good Girl, your sincerely affectionate Friend

            B Franklin

            My very respectful Compliments to good Mrs. Tickel, and to Mrs. Rooke and Miss Pit. If the above propos’d Visit should not be convenient let me know by a Line when it may be more suitable.

            Miss Stevenson


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to John Balfour, 2 April 1761
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Balfour, John

            Sir,
            London, April 2. 1761

          As Messrs. Portis did the last Summer pay me two Bills of the same Drawers after a Protest, I sent my Son to know if they would do the same with regard to this Bill, in case it should be once more offer’d to them; but they persisted in their Refusal. Had it been a Bill of Mr. Hall’s Drawing, I should immediately pay it as you propose, for his Honour. But as it is a Bill drawn by others, which he has paid his Money for in Philadelphia, I think it fittest that the Bill be return’d to him, with the Protest, that he may recover Damages of the Drawers. My Son joins in Compliments, with Sir, Your most obedient Servant

            B Franklin
            Mr Balfour

            Copy


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to David Hall, 9 April 1761
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Hall, David

            Dear Friend,
            London, April 9. 1761

          I receiv’d yours of Feb. 9. with the Bill for £200 for which I thank you. I shall take care to send the Lower Case Brevier r’s, that you write for and acquaint Mr. Strahan with what you mention. The Loss of Faulkner and Lutwydge has baulkt Correspondence between Philadelphia and London a great deal. I lately receivd the enclos’d from Edinburgh, and sent the Answer you will find copy’d on the Back. I cannot but blame Messrs. Scot and McMichael, for continuing to draw on such Correspondents, after what pass’d last Year, and think they ought now to suffer a little. As the Goods you order’d from Mr. Balfour were or would be sent, I judg’d your Affairs would not suffer by my not taking it up, for otherwise I should have done it. I hope you will not disapprove my Conduct in this Respect, being, dear Friend, Yours affectionately

            B Franklin

          Addressed: To / Mr David Hall / Printer / Philadelphia / Via Boston Free B Franklin
          Endorsed: Mr. Franklin April 9. 1761.
          In another hand: For Perusal.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Henry Potts, 23 April 1761
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Potts, Henry

          Thomas Boone, governor of New Jersey, wrote John Pownall, secretary of the Board of Trade, Jan. 12, 1761, complaining of the route by which the postriders traveled through New Jersey between Philadelphia and New York. On April 1, 1761, the Board of Trade ordered an extract of this letter sent to Henry Potts of the Post Office. Boone apparently wrote in similar vein directly to Lord Bessborough, one of the joint postmasters general. Potts, in turn, sent these papers to Franklin for comment and received the reply printed here. On April 23, Potts sent Franklin’s report to Pownall with a short covering letter.

            Sir
            Craven Street. April 23d. 1761

          In obedience to the Commands of His Majesty’s Postmaster General, signified to me by you, I have considered Governor Boone’s Letter to my Lord Bessborough and the Extract of his Letter to John Pownall, Esqr. Secretary to the Board of Trade, containing a Complaint of some Inconveniency to him arising from “the Posts not passing thro’ Perth Amboy and Burlington (the Route established by Act of Parliament) in their way between Philadelphia and New York”; and alledging, that “thro’ this Omission it has happen’d and may happen again that Dispatches received by him from the Plantation Office could not be answered by the first Pacquet, whence he may sometimes appear tardy to their Lordships with all the Inclinations to be otherwise, &c.”
          It is true that the Post Route was thro’ the Towns of Burlington and Amboy in New Jersey, before and at the Time of making the Act of Queen Anne for Establishing the Post Office, and therefore those Towns were mentioned in the Act so far as to settle the Rates of Postage between them and the Cities of New York and Philadelphia; but it has never been understood that the Route was established by such mention of those places, or that the Act bound the Post Office to continue the Posts in any Route then used, if one better and more Convenient could be found. Nor indeed would such Restraints in an Act of Parliament relating to America, be of utility, but the Contrary, For our first settlements there being near the Sea, the first Roads are of course along the Coast where interrupting Waters from Bays and inlets are more frequent, and Rivers wider and more difficult of Passage, but in Process of time, as the People settle farther back and clear the upland Country, more convenient Roads are found, the Bays and Inlets avoided, and the Interruption of Ferries less frequent, as many Rivers are fordable up the Country, that cannot be cross’d near their Mouths but in Boats.
          Something like this has been the Case with regard to the Old and New Roads thro’ the Province of New Jersey. As soon as the New road in the upper parts of that Province was open’d, Travellers between Philadelphia and New York began gradually to abandon the old Road, which was not so convenient; and after some time, on an Application made to Col. Spotswood, then Deputy Postmaster General, the Post Route was also chang’d from the Old Road to the New.
          This Change was made about Thirty Years ago, and some Years before I had any Concern in the Office; but as it was a Matter much talk’d of at the time, I remember well the Reasons that were given for the Change which were these, viz.
          That the Ferry over the River Delaware from Bristol to Burlington, to be pass’d in travelling the old Road, was a Mile and half wide, and in Winter often incumbered with Ice, so as greatly to delay the Post. That the old Road, from Burlington to Amboy was for 50 Miles chiefly a heavy loose Sand, very fatiguing to the Horses: That being thro’ a barren Country, it was not well inhabited, nor the Inns well supply’d with Provisions: That being less travelled than formerly, there was not the same Care taken to provide suitable Accomodations for Travellers; so that no Gentleman passing between New York and Philadelphia tho’ desirous of riding Post, could well travel with him; That this gradual disuse of the Road occasion’d less Care to be taken of the Bridges which were often out of Repair, so that in rainy Seasons crossing the Brooks and Branches of Rivers became dangerous and sometimes impracticable to the great delay and Injury of Travellers: That the Ferry over to Amboy necessary to be pass’d on this Road, was near two Miles wide, being at the Mouth of Raritan River, and often so rough from high Winds, or so incumbered with Ice as to be impassable for many Hours, to the great Delay of the Post as well as other Travellers; and after the Post was got to Amboy, he had still three large Ferries to cross between that Place and New York, viz. the Ferry over to Staten Island, the Ferry from Staten Island to long Island 3 Miles wide, and the Ferry from Long Island to New York; in all which Places the Ferrymen were generally very dilatory and backward to carry the Post in bad Weather, availing themselves of every excuse, as they were by Law to receive no Ferriage of him. On the other Hand, the new Road was over better Ground and kept in better Repair; there were every where good Accomodations at the Inns; Delaware River was to be cross’d at Trenton, and Raritan River at Brunswick, where they were both narrow, and the latter fordable at Low Water; and the People at Elizabeth Town Point, undertook voluntarily to have a stout Boat always ready to carry the Post and his Company directly to New York, by which the three last mention’d Ferries were avoided.
          The Change being accordingly made, the Post went no more thro’ Burlington and Amboy; but those Places on that Account suffered very little Inconveniency; For an Office was still continu’d at each of them; and their Letters sent over to proper Places on the New Post Road, to be carried forward by the Post: and this was easy to do, it being only cross the Ferry from Burlington to Bristol, thro’ which the Post goes; and but 4 Miles from Amboy to Woodbridge thro’ which he also goes. And the Letters for Burlington were in like manner sent over to that Office from Bristol, and those for Amboy sent to that Office from Woodbridge. Tho’ the Letters to and from each Place by Post were always extreamly few, as they are Towns of little or no Foreign Trade, the chief Dealing of Amboy being with New York, and that of Burlington with Philadelphia, to and from which Places Boats are going almost every day, by which they always chose to send their Letters, even when the Post pass’d thro’ them. On the other hand, two other large and thriving Towns, who make much more use of the Post, are accomodated by it on the New Road, viz. Trenton and Brunswick; not to mention Prince town where a College is lately erected, Woodbridge and Elizabeth Town, thro’ all which Places the new Road passes, and where Offices have been long establish’d.
          It is now near 24 Years that I have been concern’d in the Management of the offices between Philadelphia and New York, and in all that time have had no Complaint made to me of Inconvenience from the Posts continuing the Route I found them in. And I must own myself at a Loss to conceive the difficulty Governor Boone mentions of his Corresponding regularly with the Board of Trade, and that “Dispatches receiv’d from their Lordships could not be answered by the first Pacquet, tho’ [thro’] the Posts Omission of Burlington and Amboy in their Route.” His Excellency resides at Amboy, and the Letters for him which arrive at New York in the Pacquet, must be forwarded to him at farthest within three days, as the Post goes from New York twice a Week and passes within 4 Miles of Amboy at Woodbridge, where the Governor’s Letters are left, and sent to him immediately by a special Messenger from the Office there. The Post returns twice a Week from Philadelphia to New York, and passing thro’ Woodbridge takes up and carries forward any Letters left there. The Pacquet stays at New York at least 20 Days, and during that time the Post passes 6 times thro’ Woodbridge to New York, and would carry forward any Letters the Governor should lodge at Woodbridge for that purpose. And if he happens to be at Burlington with his Assembly, the Post passes equally often thro’ Bristol (within a Mile and half of him only just cross a Ferry) where it cannot be much Trouble to send his Letters. So that on the whole I am persuaded it must appear, when duly consider’d, that his Excellency’s Want of Punctuality in his Correspondence with their Lordships cannot justly be charg’d to the Account of the Post Office.
          Mr. Barnard, immediate Predecessor of Governor Boone tho’ he also liv’d at Amboy, made no Complaint of this kind that I ever heard of. Nor did the next preceeding Governor Belcher, tho he liv’d great Part of his time at Burlington. The Governors of New Jersey have sometimes liv’d on the New Road, at Trenton and at Elizabeth Town; and as there is no fix’d Place of Residence for Governors in that Province, future Governors may happen to chuse some of the Towns on the New Road; so that if the Post Route were chang’d to Gratify Governor Boone, the next Governor might desire to have it back again.
          And I apprehend that the Delays formerly experienced so frequently in the Detention of the Post by the wide Ferries in Winter, would if the Old Route was resum’d, occasion great Dissatisfaction to the Governors of Pensilvania, New York and New England, who as well as the Merchants of their great Trading Towns would probably remonstrate warmly against it.
          Nevertheless, if His Majesty’s Postmaster General should upon the whole think fit to order the Old Route to be resum’d, and the New One with all the Offices so long established upon it to be drop’t it is my Duty to carry their orders into Execution, which I shall do with great Readiness and Fidelity. I am, sir Your most obedient humble servant

            B Franklin
            To Henry Potts, Esqr.

          Endorsed: New Jersey letter from H Potts Esqr. Secry to the Post Master Genl. to Mr Pownall, dated April. 29. 1761. inclosg the Copy of a Letter to him from Mr Frunklyn, joint depy. post Master Genl. in No. America relatin to the Alteration which Mr. Boone desird might be made in the route of the post through New Jersey.

            Recd Read May 1 1761
            K. 11.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Isaac Norris, 1 May 1761
From: Norris, Isaac
To: Franklin, Benjamin

            Dear Friend B Franklin,
            Fairhill May 1st 1761

          I have been so very Unwell all this last Winter, and the Early part of this Spring that my Attendance on the Assembly has been Very Inconvenient and Troublesome to me, and if my ill state of Health Continues and I have no Reason to Expect much Alteration I must be oblig’d to quit all close Attention or attendance on publick Affairs. This I concieved I had a Right to some Time ago but Necessity will now Oblige me to Insist upon it, and I could wish to see them in Abler hands, whose Strength might be Equal to the Burthen. I have received yours of November 19. 22d and the 16th of December last and approve of your conduct in the purchase of stocks till the Province may have Ocaision to Draw for the sums lodg’d there, tho’ we had high Flights in our last Session of Assembly, upon the uncertainty and Jeopardy that Mony was in under its present situation. I cannot presume there will be any necessity of being more particular as you will see from the Governor Message and the minutes which the Commitee will Transmit how very Anxious a few among us are to have that Mony out of your possesion however disadvantageous it might be to the Publick to draw it out at this Time. I own it is my Private Opinion that if the second Allotment and the 3d too were in the same place and under the same Direction it would not give me one Moments uneasiness so different are Mens Thots and fears on the same subject.
          As there seems no probability of a Peace this Winter I could wish our Governor had passed our Bill for Granting five hund[red] men in Adition to the Three we had Granted out of the Residue of the Hundred Thousand pound Act passed in 1760 for the service of the current Year but that it seems could not be obtain’d tho the fund for sinking the Bills of Credit to be struck for that purpose was as near as the Circumstance would admit the same with the Act allowed by his Majesty for Receiving the first allotment and to which the Lords of his Majestys privy Council had Reported “The Board of Trade had made no Objections” Tho’ in that particular if I Remember Right They had not strictly considred the Report of the Lords for Trade and Plantations in the conclusion of their observations and Report upon that Act, As the Clerk has notice of this Conveyance I presume the Commitee will send you a copy of that Bill and the Governors proposed Amendments to which the House would not agree. I have now wrote to Joseph Sherwood one of the Executors of Richard Partridge from whom I received a letter some time ago inclosing Richard Partridges Account current with the Province upon which there will be a Ballance due to the Estate, but as by J Sherwoods letter it does not appear who was the other Executor or Executors for I could never learn their Names, nor what Power they have to recieve Mony due to the Estate and as the Account is not Signed by any Body, I have wrote to him and must Request you will be so good to advise them in the proper Vouchers and orders proper to be Transmitted and I will take care to see them paid what Ballance the House may Allow due and Payable to the Estate and I should be pleased that this was done as soon as conveniently may be.
          We had strange Accounts of Governor Dennys Reception on his Arrival or Rather his Non Reception, for it was Reported that as soon as he landed he Received such Un Welcome Advices that he imediatly disguised Himself and Run off to Spain or Portugal. As I find you had frequently seen him I should be pleased if you would take the Trouble to bestow a word or two on the little Gentleman, whose Venality when he found he was to be superceded, did him no credit here Even Amongst his friends if he had any Real Friends at the Time of his Taking shipping with his Wifeand family. I am your Assured Friend

            Isaac Norris


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Rice, 4 May 1761
From: Rice, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

            Sir
            4th May 1761

          Agreable to your Orders I have bought for to morrow £5000. 3 per Cents Consolidated at 87½ per Cent, which I hope you’l Approve off, the 4 per Cents are at a 100½ but in my Opinion they will come down to your price, being oblige to attend Sir Thomas Robinson on particular Business to morrow hope you will accept of my friend Mr. Trigg, if not back in proper time to attend your Acceptance. I am Sir Your Humble Servant

            Jno Rice

          Addressed: To / Benjamin Franklin Esqr. / in Craven Street / Strand
          Endorsed: Letter from J. Rice Broker (1761)
          [Also on cover another notation almost illegible:] Turtile [?]


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Henry Wilmot, 8 May 1761
From: Wilmot, Henry
To: Franklin, Benjamin

            Sir,
            Greys Inn, 8th May 1761.

          I am informed by Mr. Penn, that the £100,000 Act passed by Mr. Hamilton, has been transmitted to you under Seal. This I presume is with an Intention to be presented to the Councill. If You have any thoughts of presenting it, I should be very glad, if before you do it, you wou’d allow me a Quarter of an hours Conversation with you on this head, and I will meet you, when and where you please, having something I think, and therefore, I hope, you will think, material to say to you, before that Act is presented. I am with the greatest regard. Sir. Your most Obedient humble Servant.

            Heny: Wilmot

          Addressed: To / Ben: Franklin Esqr in / Craven Street / Strand.
          Endorsed: Mr. Wilmot Sollr
          [Also noted in a list on the cover:] Hall Hunter Parker Thomson Mrs. F. Sally.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Henry Wilmot, 9 May 1761
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Wilmot, Henry

            Sir,
            Cravenstreet, Saturday May 9. 1761

          I have received the Act you mention, and if tis convenient to you to call at my House on Monday morning any Hour before One, I shall be glad to see you and converse with you on the Subject; being with great Esteem, Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant.

            B F
            To—Wilmot Esqr


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from David Hall, 1 June 1761
From: Hall, David
To: Franklin, Benjamin

            Sir
            Philada. June 1. 1761.

          Your Favour, by Captain Hammit, came safe to hand last Week, for which I am obliged to you.
          Inclosed you have the first Copy of a Bill of Exchange for One Hundred Pounds Sterling, drawn by Lieutenant Thomas Vaughan on John Calcroft Esq; Westminster, for which, as usual, please give me Credit, and Advise of its coming to Hand. Should be mighty glad to see you here again, in order, among other Things, that we might get our long standing Account settled. You talk often of coming, but it seems to be a difficult Matter for you to get away. I am, Sir, Yours. &c.

            David Hall.
            Exchange of above Bill 73 and a ThirdTo Benjamin Franklin Esq.,Sent by the Willy, Captain McConnell, to Cork.Second Copy of the above Bill sent by the Knuttsford, Captain Williams, to Liverpool.


Title: The Society of Arts: Notice of Committee Meeting, 10 June 1761
From: Society of Arts
To: Franklin, Benjamin

          In the Franklin Papers there are a number of printed notices of committee meetings at the Society of Arts (above, VI, 187 n), an organization to which BF was devoted as his attendance record—some fifty-odd appearances at meetings between 1759 and 1762—attests. At various times he sat on the Committees of Agriculture, Mechanics, Polite Arts, and Chemistry and on Dec. 3, 1760, he was elected co-chairman (with John Pownall) of the Committee of Colonies and Trade, a position to which he was re-elected in the following December. The document printed below is the earliest surviving example of the Society’s notices. The others will not be separately printed.

            Society’s OfficeFor the Encouragement of Arts, &c. in the Strand.
            Sir,
            June 10   17   61

          Your Attendance is desired at a Committee appointed to meet at this Office, on     Friday next     the     12.    Day of     June Inst     at     7     o’Clock in the     After     noon, to     consider Articles in Agriculture
          [Committee] of Mechanics meet on Saturd: next at 11. to determine the Comparative Merit of the Tide Mills.

            By Order of the Society, Peter Templeman, Secretary.

          Addressed: To / Dr. Franklin / Craven Street / Strand