Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Samuel Fayerweather, 5 December 1768
From: Fayerweather, Samuel
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Ever Honoured Sir,
From Cambridge, N.E. December the 5th 1768.
Altho’ I cannot Claim a sufficient Acquaintance with You to found An Address Upon of any kind in the Epistolary Way, yet your knowledge of My Dear Brother Winthrop Hollissian Professor of the Mathematicks in Cambridge New England, And that Profound Regard you’ve Expressd towards Him in the most Signal Manner, not only Attracts my Gratitude, But Humbly Emboldens me to Employ my Quill just to Stir Up Your Pure Mind by Way of Remembrance “That He is Still Alive,” And has the highest Sentiments of your Ingenuity And Exalted Merit. And As He Receiv’d a Particular Mark of your Esteem and Friendship in the Appointment OF Fellow OF THE Royal Society since Your Residence In LONDON; Assured I am, “He has the fullest Sense hereof Upon his Grateful and Susceptible Mind.”
Your Influence is Great Wherever Your Character is known, And as Your Electrical Improvements have Reachd Europe throughout, There Your Praise has been Echoed forth with Equal Ardour.
To This, I would only Subjoyn If I might not be suspected to Flatter “That the Literati, or World of Learned Men, So long As Natural and Experimental Philosophy have Any footing in the Understanding, will Bless God Almighty the Infinite Author of all Wisdom for Raising Up So Great And So Good A Man As Doctor Franklin.” But As the Design of this Freedom is to Sollicit in Behalf of the Above Namd Professor, Whom I think Worthy of Double Honour, Another favour of THE AGGREEABLE DOCTOR, In whose Power it is Instrumentally to procure for Him, I mean that of LLD at one of the Universities of Great Brittain,  So if I Trespass I’ve Nothing to Do, And Can think of no better Expedient than to fly to Your Universally known Candour and Goodness for Protection; And Hope Under the Banner of that I shall be safely and harmlessly Screend. Such An Honour Obtaind for Mr. Winthrop, Will Give Weight and Sanction to HIS OFFICE: It will place him in the Most Advantageous Scituation AS TO HIS Pupils: And with Mankind IN General; that in short, We Who Are Nearly Related to Him, shall be Thankfull to You in the Most Superlative Degree, And to the Most Unbounded Measure. Besides it will Embalm his Memory, If I May So Speak When Time is with Him no more, And Always Make his Name as Precious Ointment Poured forth.
The Orb I fill Up is Small: And My Life I spend in a Cottage Rural. A Little Flock I have the Charge of IN THE SACERDOTAL Way, And We All Worship harmoniously (Not to Say, As the Heathens Do tho) IN A Grove.
Now and than I am Diverted with a chace of Beagles Sporting. And for a Change Am I Amused with the Company of Your old Friend Harry Babcock, Who to perpetuate your Memory Mentiond to Me tother Day (to Do a Small Jobb for Him) viz To Christen his Eldest Son and First Born By Your Endearing and Alladmired Name Benjamin Franklin.
The Buck Lives About 2 hours and half from Me, As He Commonly Rides,  When He Travells To Survey High Ways, and THE Kings Publick Roads, at the Rate of a Guinea Per Diem: If My Lord Bute Woud but Grant his Petition and Appoint Him His Majestys Superintendant of the Country Roads this Way, &c.
This Gentleman as often As He visits THE Rector Of Narragansett, Speaks of Doctor Franklin with the Warmest Ecclats; And of his Voyage from Old England, In Company with Dr. Cooper Of Kings College New York Recapitulating the heads of his Journal he kept During the Passage, with Such Agoo as Excites Risibleness Not only in his own Phiz; But Titilating all before whom his Comick Narrative is Told &c.
Upon the Whole My Dear Sir, I Sincerely Wish You Success in all Your Important Undertakings at Home and Abroad, Especially in Your Agency for the Several Colonies On the Continent of North America: And May Your Days and Years be Many On the Earth, And When you’ve Served your Generation According to the Will of God in this Changeable fluctuating State, May You be Dignified with a Lawrell in Heaven: A Crown and a Diadem In Proportion to Your Ability and Diligence And Super Eminent Services (As the Divine Oracles Inform Us) “Every Man shall Receive his own Reward According to his own Labour.”
So, I Conclude, Subscribing My Self With the Greatest Truth Your Much Admired Friend Well Wisher and Most Respectfull Dutifull Obedient Humble Servant
Samuel Fayerweather
Be pleasd to honour Me with a Line Under Cover to Mr. Tuttill Hubbard.A Copy


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to [George Whitefield], 6 December 1768
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Whitefield, George

Craven street Dec. 6. 68
Judge Smith’s Recommendation of Mr. Rodgers,  sent me by my dear Friend, is a high one indeed! More need not be said in a Man’s favour if he were to be set up as a Candidate for the Title of Arch-Angel. I have not yet had an Answer from Edinburgh. There is sometimes in these Affairs a Delay of two or three Months, when there happens to be no Meeting of the Professors, &c. but I flatter my self we shall not be disappointed. Thanks for your Prayers and Blessings. With the greatest Esteem and sincerest Affection, I am, my dear Friend, Yours ever
B Franklin

[In the margin:] Can you inform me by the Bearer Mr. Coomb when a Vessel goes for Georgia?


Title: Deborah Franklin: Receipt to Sarah Drury, 10 December 1768
From: Franklin, Deborah
To: Drury, Sarah

December 10, 1768
Know all Men by these presents that I Deborah Franklin Attorney in fact duly authorised and empowered by my husband Benjamin Franklin Esqr. now in London have received from Sarah Drury Executrix: Of William Maugridge Esqr. three bonds of Henry Ferree to said Sarah Drury and by her assigned to Doct. Benjamin Franklin each for one hundred pounds the first payable the 1st of May 1769, the second payable the first of May 1770 and the last payable the first of May 1771 which bonds when paid will discharge the debt due from the Estate of said William Maugridge to my said Husband Benjamin Franklin Esqr. and leave a ballance of thirty two pounds fifteen shillings and sevenpence which Sum upon receipt of the last bond in May 1771 I hereby acknowledge will be due and payable by Benjamin Franklin Esqr. his Executors or Administrators to said Sarah Drury her Executors Administrators or Assignees. Witness my hand this tenth day of December AD. 1768.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from James Parker, 12 December 1768
From: Parker, James
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honoured Sir
Newyork, Dec. 12. 1768
This Opportunity is embraced, as No Packet is come in here for some time past, to tell you we are yet in the Land of the Living and that’s as much as we can boast of. All your Friends are as usual, well. We have Nothing extraordinary, but dull and melancholly Times.
You never have acquainted me whether ever you received any Thing from the Custom-Office for me. The Parcel of Books sent me formerly by Hamilton & Belfour of Scotland, gives me a good deal of Trouble: I never received any Thing myself for any of them, till now. I made all the Search I could for what remain’d unsold, attach’d several of them in the Office at New Haven, and Some not sold at Holt’s I prevail’d on him to give me up, After collecting all I could, I put them to an Auction, and sold as many, as I got very near £50 this Money for. Now thus much I would be glad to pay Mr. Balfour for immediately, and I do intend to make out the Account, and see what the original Cost of them are: The rest Holt must have made away with or sold, but I have not been able to take him, or bring him to account, tho’ I have attach’d his House at New Haven and got Judgment with Stay of Execution till next Court, on his Pretence of having Accounts against me. You know the wretched Delays in Law Affairs, and he is a Subtle Antagonist in the Law; tho’ I want Nothing of him but a fair settlement, and its my real Opinion, he rather grows poorer than otherways: Indeed he tries to get all the Business by his printing Supplements, never less than One a Week, and sometimes three, yet I that know the Cost of a Supplement do think he does not clear so much by it, as to afford a Supplement Weekly. Its true, he has more Advertisements than I, and prints more Papers: but then he has House-Rent to pay, which thank God, and good Friends, I have not. He can do but little himself, and I think lives higher than I do, and I do some Work myself, besides the Blessing of the Post-Office, and yet with all my Art, I have as much as ever I can do, to make both Ends meet. How he can make it do, I don’t know, but believe he continually is breaking in on his Wife’s £1000, left her by Mr. Hunter; and I am mistaken if above half of it is not gone already. I think if I could but get those Debts paid, which my Connection with him has chiefly occasioned, I could rub along pretty well. I will yet Struggle hard, and hope the best, while I have Life or Strength.

I have made bold to inclose a small Letter to my Son, as his Uncle complains of the Charge of Letters being too hard on him: And my Son may possibly be gone from England or if not, you will know how to send it to him, without its first going to his Uncle’s. If he be gone, you can keep it, or destroy it, as you please. We all beg our Salutations may be acceptable, while I am Your very humble Servant
James Parker
To Mr. Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Noble Wimberly Jones, 24 December 1768
From: Jones, Noble Wimberly
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Savannah in Georgia Decr: 24 1768
By direction of the Commons House of Assembly of this Province, I herewith transmit you their Address to our Most Gracious Sovereign, which I on their behalf desire you will please to have presented, as soon after the receipt, as possibly May be, the manner of presenting, whether in person or otherways is left to you.
I also enclose you the Resolution of the House Authorizing me to transmit the same. The House entirely confiding in Your Approved Zeal for the Welfare, and preservation of the Rights and Liberties of America, make not the least doubt of your concurring with the Agents of the other Colonies in endeavours to obtain a Repeal of those Acts of the Parliament of Great Britain, so Greivous to His Majesty’s Loyal Subjects of this Continent, and destructive of that harmony which ought to, and they earnestly wish may subsist between our Mother Country and its Colonies.
A Restoration of which we doubt not You and they will earnestly warmly and as much as posible promote. I am very respectfully Sir, Your Most Obedient Servant
N. W. Jones

You’l observe Sir by omition of the Clerk the Resolution enclosed appears only as of the Committee for want of his inserting the agreement of the House to it and which I did not take notice of till just closing my Letter but another I sent by former opportunity is right.

  Endorsed: Speaker’s Letter  Dec. 24, 1770  Georgia


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Sir John Pringle, [1768?]: résumé
From: Pringle, Sir John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

[Wednesday evening (1768?): an invitation to dine next Friday at 3:30 to meet Dr. Hoare.]


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to O[liver] N[eave, before 1769]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Neave, Oliver

This letter was subsequently reprinted many times as a treatise on swimming. Nothing is known about the recipient, except that in 1762 Franklin acknowledged a paper from him on the transmission of sound. The present letter was either written at about the same time, or appeared out of chronological order in Experiments and Observations; for it is there sandwiched between letters from Franklin to Polly Stevenson in 1760–62. All that can be said for certain, however, is that it was written well before January, 1769, when the edition of Franklin’s work that first included it went on sale.

Dear Sir,
[Before 1769]
I Cannot be of opinion with you that ’tis too late in life for you to learn to swim. The river near the bottom of your garden affords you a most convenient place for the purpose. And as your new employment requires your being often on the water, of which you have such a dread, I think you would do well to make the trial; nothing being so likely to remove those apprehensions as the consciousness of an ability to swim to the shore, in case of an accident, or of supporting yourself in the water till a boat could come to take you up.
I do not know how far corks or bladders may be useful in learning to swim, having never seen much trial of them. Possibly they may be of service in supporting the body while you are learning what is called the stroke, or that manner of drawing in and striking out the hands and feet that is necessary to produce progressive motion. But you will be no swimmer till you can place some confidence in the power of the water to support you; I would therefore advise the acquiring that confidence in the first place; especially as I have known several who by a little of the practice necessary for that purpose, have insensibly acquired the stroke, taught as it were by nature.
The practice I mean is this. Chusing a place where the water deepens gradually, walk coolly into it till it is up to your breast, then turn round, your face to the shore, and throw an egg into the water between you and the shore. It will sink to the bottom, and be easily seen there, as your water is clear. It must lie in water so deep as that you cannot reach it to take it up but by diving for it. To encourage yourself in undertaking to do this, reflect that your progress will be from deeper to shallower water, and that at any time you may by bringing your legs under you and standing on the bottom, raise your head far above the water. Then plunge under it with your eyes open, throwing yourself towards the egg, and endeavouring by the action of your hands and feet against the water to get forward till within reach of it. In this attempt you will find, that the water buoys you up against your inclination; that it is not so easy a thing to sink as you imagined; that you cannot, but by active force, get down to the egg. Thus you feel the power of the water to support you, and learn to confide in that power; while your endeavours to overcome it and to reach the egg, teach you the manner of acting on the water with your feet and hands, which action is afterwards used in swimming to support your head higher above water, or to go forward through it.
I would the more earnestly press you to the trial of this method, because, though I think I satisfyed you that your body is lighter than water, and that you might float in it a long time with your mouth free for breathing, if you would put yourself in a proper posture, and would be still and forbear struggling; yet till you have obtained this experimental confidence in the water, I cannot depend on your having the necessary presence of mind to recollect that posture and the directions I gave you relating to it. The surprize may put all out of your mind. For though we value ourselves on being reasonable knowing creatures, reason and knowledge seem on such occasions to be of little use to us; and the brutes to whom we allow scarce a glimmering of either, appear to have the advantage of us.
I will, however, take this opportunity of repeating those particulars to you, which I mentioned in our last conversation, as by perusing them at your leisure, you may possibly imprint them so in your memory as on occasion to be of some use to you.
1. That though the legs, arms and head, of a human body, being solid parts, are specifically something heavier than fresh water, yet the trunk, particularly the upper part from its hollowness, is so much lighter than water, as that the whole of the body taken together is too light to sink wholly under water, but some part will remain above, untill the lungs become filled with water, which happens from drawing water into them instead of air, when a person in the fright attempts breathing while the mouth and nostrils are under water.
2. That the legs and arms are specifically lighter than salt-water, and will be supported by it, so that a human body would not sink in salt-water, though the lungs were filled as above, but from the greater specific gravity of the head.
3. That therefore a person throwing himself on his back in saltwater, and extending his arms, may easily lie so as to keep his mouth and nostrils free for breathing; and by a small motion of his hands may prevent turning, if he should perceive any tendency to it.
4. That in fresh water, if a man throws himself on his back, near the surface, he cannot long continue in that situation but by proper action of his hands on the water. If he uses no such action, the legs and lower part of the body will gradually sink till he comes into an upright position, in which he will continue suspended, the hollow of the breast keeping the head uppermost.
5. But if in this erect position, the head is kept upright above the shoulders, as when we stand on the ground, the immersion will, by the weight of that part of the head that is out of water, reach above the mouth and nostrils, perhaps a little above the eyes, so that a man cannot long remain suspended in water with his head in that position.
6. The body continuing suspended as before, and upright, if the head be leaned quite back, so that the face looks upwards, all the back part of the head being then under water, and its weight consequently in a great measure supported by it, the face will remain above water quite free for breathing, will rise an inch higher every inspiration, and sink as much every expiration, but never so low as that the water may come over the mouth.
7. If therefore a person unacquainted with swimming, and falling accidentally into the water, could have presence of mind sufficient to avoid struggling and plunging, and to let the body take this natural position, he might continue long safe from drowning till perhaps help would come. For as to the cloathes, their additional weight while immersed is very inconsiderable, the water supporting it; though when he comes out of the water, he would find them very heavy indeed.
But, as I said before, I would not advise you or any one to depend on having this presence of mind on such an occasion, but learn fairly to swim; as I wish all men were taught to do in their youth; they would, on many occurrences, be the safer for having that skill, and on many more the happier, as freer from painful apprehensions of danger, to say nothing of the enjoyment in so delightful and wholesome an exercise. Soldiers particularly should, methinks, all be taught to swim; it might be of frequent use either in surprising an enemy, or saving themselves. And if I had now boys to educate, I should prefer those schools (other things being equal) where an opportunity was afforded for acquiring so advantageous an art, which once learnt is never forgotten. I am, Sir, &c.
B. F.


Title: A New Version of the Lord’s Prayer, [late 1768?]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

Franklin’s celebrated revision of the Lord’s Prayer has produced widespread disagreement about both its date and its significance. On the date, the suggestions of various editors and biographers run from the late 1720’s to the late 1770’s; but this range of half a century can be narrowed with confidence to a year or two at most. Evidence in the manuscript virtually proves that it was written after September, 1768. Franklin himself placed its composition well before 1773. We are assigning it to what we believe is the earliest likely date and, as well, almost the latest probable one.
The question of what the revision signifies has intrigued scholars even more than that of when it was done. Franklin had no theological bent, and he was not devout in the sense that Samuel Johnson was; the life of prayer was as alien to him as the life of science to his great contemporary. Why, then, did he undertake to modernize the most hallowed of Christian petitions? The answers given have run the gamut: he was fundamentally religious; he was impatient with verbal archaisms and obscurities; he could not resist improving whatever he encountered. These answers, however valid they may be, ignore a major possibility: that Franklin’s interest in linguistics drew him to the Lord’s Prayer. As a boy of sixteen he had become fascinated with John Wilkins’ attempt to create a “philosophical language,” in which symbols stand for things arranged under general headings and subheadings; he had made extracts from Wilkins’ work and kept them for years, and in 1755 had sent them to Ezra Stiles. Some time early in 1768, when Franklin presumably began to experiment with his phonetic alphabet, he might naturally have turned back to his copy of Wilkins. If he did so, he would at once have become involved with the Lord’s Prayer, for Wilkins uses it to illustrate what can be done with his new language. He first transposes the Prayer and the Creed into his symbols, and in the process alters the wording considerably; he then reproduces a table in which the Prayer is translated into fifty languages, including his own, and also into a phonetic alphabet for rendering English. That alphabet was obviously grist for Franklin’s mill; but Wilkins’ whole treatment of the Prayer as an expression of ideas would, according to our hypothesis, have aroused his interest in the wording and stimulated him to recast it. His two attempted revisions, the one orthographical and the other liturgical, coincided in time. We are suggesting that this did not happen by accident, but that the second grew out of the first.

Old Version.
New Version, by BF.

1. Our Father which art in Heaven.
1. Heavenly Father,

2. Hallowed be thy Name.
2. May all revere thee,

3. Thy Kingdom come.
3. And become thy dutiful Children and faithful Subjects.

4. Thy Will be done on Earth as it is in Heaven.
4. May thy Laws be obeyed on Earth as perfectly as they are in Heaven.

5. Give us this Day our daily Bread.
5. Provide for us this Day as thou has hitherto daily done.

6. Forgive us our Debts as we forgive our Debtors.
6. Forgive us our Trespasses, and enable us likewise to forgive those that offend us.

[7.] And lead us not into Temptation, but deliver us from Evil.
7. Keep us out of Temptation, and deliver us from Evil.

  Reasons for the Change of Expression
Old Version.  Our Father which art in Heaven
  New V.  Heavenly Father, is more concise, equally expressive, and better modern English.
  Old.  Hallowed be thy Name. This seems to relate to an Observance among the Jews not to pronounce the proper or peculiar Name of God, they deeming it a Profanation so to do. We have in our Language no proper Name for God; the Word God being a common or general Name, expressing all chief Objects of Worship, true or false. The Word hallowed is almost obsolete: People now have but an imperfect Conception of the Meaning of the Petition. It is therefore proposed to change the Expression into
  New.  May all revere thee.
  Old V.  Thy Kingdom come. This Petition seems suited to the then Condition of the Jewish Nation. Originally their State was a Theocracy: God was their King. Dissatisfied with that kind of Government, they desired a visible earthly King in the manner of the Nations round them. They had such King’s accordingly; but their Happiness was not increas’d by the Change, and they had reason to wish and pray for a Return of the Theocracy, or Government of God. Christians in these Times have other Ideas when they speak of the Kingdom of God, such as are perhaps more adequately express’d by
  New V. And become thy dutiful Children and faithful Subjects.
  Old V.  Thy Will be done on Earth as it is in Heaven. More explicitly,
  New V.  May thy Laws be obeyed on Earth as perfectly as they are in Heaven.
  Old V.  Give us this Day our daily Bread. Give us what is ours, seems to put in a Claim of Right, and to contain too little of the grateful Acknowledgment and Sense of Dependance that becomes Creatures who live on the daily Bounty of their Creator. Therefore it is changed to
  New V.  Provide for us this Day, as thou hast hitherto daily done.
  Old V.  Forgive us our Debts as we forgive our Debtors. Matthew. Forgive us our Sins, for we also forgive every one that is indebted to us. Luke.
Offerings were due to God on many Occasions by the Jewish Law, which when People could not pay, or had forgotten as Debtors are apt to do, it was proper to pray that those Debts might be forgiven. Our Liturgy uses neither the Debtors of Matthew, nor the indebted of Luke, but instead of them speaks of those that trespass against us. Perhaps the Considering it as a Christian Duty to forgive Debtors, was by the Compilers thought an inconvenient Idea in a trading Nation. There seems however something presumptious in this Mode of Expression, which has the Air of proposing ourselves as an Example of Goodness fit for God to imitate. We hope you will at least be as good as we are; you see we forgive one another, and therefore we pray that you would forgive us. Some have considered it in another Sense, Forgive us as we forgive others; i.e. If we do not forgive others we pray that thou wouldst not forgive us. But this being a kind of conditional Imprecation against ourselves, seems improper in such a Prayer; and therefore it may be better to say humbly and modestly
  New V.  Forgive us our Trespasses, and enable us likewise to forgive those that offend us. This instead of assuming that we have already in and of ourselves the Grace of Forgiveness, acknowledges our Dependance on God, the Fountain of Mercy, for any Share we may have of it, praying that he would communicate of it to us.
  Old V.  And lead us not into Temptation. The Jews had a Notion, that God sometimes tempted, or directed or permitted the Tempting of People. Thus it was said he tempted Pharaoh; directed Satan to tempt Job; and a false Prophet to tempt Ahab, &c. Under this Persuasion it was natural for them to pray that he would not put them to such severe Trials. We now suppose that Temptation, so far as it is supernatural, comes from the Devil only; and this Petition continued, conveys a Suspicion which in our present Conceptions seems unworthy of God,  therefore might be altered to
  New V.  Keep us out of Temptation.

Endorsed: Lord’s Prayer
B. Franklin’s Version ofThe Lord’s Prayer.
Heavenly Father, may all revere thee, and become thy dutiful Children and faithful Subjects; may thy Laws be obeyed on Earth as perfectly as they are in Heaven: Provide for us this Day as thou hast hitherto daily done: Forgive us our Trespasses, and enable us likewise to forgive those that offend us. Keep us out of Temptation, and deliver us from Evil.
Endorsed: New Version of the Lord’s Prayer with Notes.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Franklin, [c. 2 January 1769]
From: Franklin, William
To: Franklin, Benjamin

[c. January 2, 1769]
Many of your Friends, as well as myself, would be glad to have such a Bust of you. Pray what would be the Expence? That of Lord Halifax, I am told, was not cut in Marble first, but made of Clay, and from that the Casts in Plaister of Paris was made. I am often ask’d for your Prints by your old Friends and Acquaintance, and I have given among them all I had except one. All that Hall had to sell were sold immediately. If the Plate is good I should be glad you would have a 100 of them work’d off and sent to me. Coz. Davenport says, he could sell any Number. I hope you will bring over your Picture for me, or send it in the Spring. I have been long expecting it with Impatience.
I saw my Mother and Sister well at Philadelphia last Week, and shall take the first Opportunity of shewing them your Letter respecting the King of Denmark. I was much pleas’d with the Account of your Entertainment and Reception by that amiable Monarch. Mr. Bache is gone again to Jamaica.
I publish’d an Extract of your last Letter relative to Wilkes in the Chronicle, as I thought it might have a good Effect; for all the Nonsense about No. 45 is almost as much attended to in the Colonies as in England.
Betsy has had no Letter yet from young Mr. Allen since his Marriage, but we are much pleas’d that he has done so well for himself, and heartily wish him and his Wife every Felicity.
I hope young Temple continues well. I should be glad to know your Sentiments about bringing him over with you. He might then take his proper Name, and be introduc’d as the Son of a poor Relation, for whom I stood God Father and intended to bring up as my own. But this I submit. If he was to come I could, I think, prevail on Mr. Odell to educate him. He knows him well, and speaks highly of him.
Coz. Ben. Mecom is starving at Philadelphia, and would have been, I suppose in Gaol by this Time, if it had not been for the Assistance my Mother and I have afforded him and his Family. Goddard would have given 35 s. a Week to him if he would have work’d as other Journeymen do, but he insisted on coming and going just as he pleas’d, on which Goddard and he quarrel’d and parted. He has likewise been at work at some other Printing Offices in Philadelphia but cannot agree with any Body, and is I believe now without any Employ. His Pride and Laziness are beyond any Thing I ever knew, and he seems determin’d rather to sink than to strike a Stroke to keep his Head above Water. He has had Seventeen Pounds of me, and what of my Mother I know not. He has got it in his Head that you intend to set him up in a Printing Office on your Return, and therefore seems determin’d to idle away his Time till your Arrival. In short I look upon him to have a Tincture of Madness. I have likewise assisted his Brother John with Money, who has turn’d out as bad as Ben, and gone and quarter’d himself and Wife on his Mother at Boston. I sometimes hear from Aunt Mecom, and have sent her some Barrels of Flour at different Times, for which she is always very thankful and I heartily wish it was in my Power to do more for her. She lives better than ever, I am told, since her Husband’s Death, and I expect her here on a Visit in the Spring, if you return.
Betsy sends her Duty, and joins me in wishing you many happy New Years. I am Honoured Sir, your ever dutiful Son
W. F.
PS. I have no Time to copy or even read this.


Title: Pennsylvania and Nonimportation, [5 January 1769]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

Franklin had just received a memorial from the Philadelphia merchants, dated November 1, 1768, and addressed to the manufacturers and merchants of Great Britain, protesting against the Townshend Acts and threatening the renewal of nonimportation. In order to bring the memorial before the public he wrote the ostensible inquiry that follows. The printer, by what he made to sound like a coincidence, had on hand the means to provide an answer, in the form of the memorial and a covering letter to the British merchants; and he published these in the same issue of the Public Advertiser that carried Franklin’s inquiry.

To the Printer of the Public Advertiser.
Sir,
[January 5, 1769]
When we were first informed by your Paper of the proposed Combination in North America to take no more of our Manufactures till the Colonies were restored to their antient Privileges, we understood at the same Time that a Stop was put to that Combination by the Pensylvanians not acceding to it. A Rumour now prevails that it was a Delay only; that they are now likely to agree with the rest; and that ’tis probable the Resolution will become general, the Colonies being universally irritated by our sending Troops to Boston, and by their Behaviour there. If you have received any authentic Advices relating to this Matter, I wish you would communicate them. It may be of Use to the Manufacturers of this Kingdom to know the State of the Case, that they may regulate their Business accordingly; and among others it will oblige Yours &c.
A London Manufacturer.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Charles Thomson and Thomas Mifflin, 5 January 1769
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Thomson, Charles,Mifflin, Thomas

Gentlemen,
London, Jan 5. 1769
I received yours with two Bills of Exchange enclos’d, for £150 Sterling, with a Catalogue of Books to be procur’d for the Library Company, which I have given Orders for Collecting immediately, and hope they will be ready to send by Budden or the next Ship. I am not acquainted with the Work intitled British Zoology, but shall enquire its Character of some knowing Friends. Be pleased to present my Respects to the Directors, and assure them that I shall have a Pleasure in obeying their Orders. With great Esteem, I am, Gentlemen, Your most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin
Messrs. Thomson and Mifflin.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to John Bartram, 9 January 1769
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Bartram, John

My Dear old Friend:
London, January 9, [–28], 1769.
I received your kind letter of November 5, and the box directed to the King is since come to hand. I have written a line to our late dear friend’s son, (who must be best acquainted with the usual manner of transacting your affairs here,) to know whether he will take charge of the delivery of it; if not, to request he would inform me how, or to whom, it is to be sent for the King. I expect his answer in a day or two, and I shall when I see him, inquire how your pension is hereafter to be applied for and received; though I suppose he has written to you before this time.
I hope your health continues—as mine does, hitherto; but I wish you would now decline your long and dangerous peregrinations, in search of your plants, and remain safe and quiet at home, employing your leisure hours in a work that is much wanted, and which no one besides is so capable of performing—I mean the writing a Natural History of our country. I imagine it would prove profitable to you, and I am sure it would do you honour.
My respects and best wishes attend Mrs. Bartram, and your family. With sincere esteem, I am, as ever, Your affectionate friend,
B. Franklin.
P.S. January 28. The box is delivered, according to Mr. Michael Collinson’s directions, at Lord Bute’s. Mr. Collinson takes it amiss that you did not write to him.

I have sent over some seed of Naked Oats, and some of Swiss Barley, six rows to an ear. If you would choose to try some of it, call on Mrs. Franklin.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Joseph Galloway, 9–28 January 1769
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Galloway, Joseph

Dear Sir,
London, Jan. 9. 1769
I have now before me your several Favours of Oct. 15, 17, and 20, and of Nov. 6.
I am much oblig’d to the Assembly for the Honour they have done me in a new Appointment. Be pleased to present my respectful Thanks to the House, and assure them of my best Service.
I have bespoke the Telescope they have ordered, and hope it will be done in time. The Workmen have promised it, but it should have been thought of sooner; for they have so much upon their Hands by Orders from different Parts on the same Occasion, that I think it rather doubtful.
I am glad to hear that Matters were yet quiet at Boston, but fear they will not continue long so. Some Indiscretion on the part of their warmer People, or of the Soldiery, I am extreamly apprehensive may occasion a Tumult; and if Blood is once drawn, there is no foreseeing how far the Mischief may spread. I much doubt the Presence of Soldiers there may occasion more Mischief than it could prevent.
As to the State of Things here, we have for some time had a Ministry not well united among themselves. The Duke of Grafton, to avoid, as some suppose, their Opposition to his intended Divorce from his Dutchess, has admitted so many of the Bedford Party, that they are now almost too strong for him and his Friends. The Ministers have been to Appearance, a good deal embarras’d and puzzled how to act with America. The Bedford People have been all along for violent Measures; the others for milder, whom we have spar’d no Pains to confirm in this Disposition. The Majority really wish the Duty Acts had never been made; they say they are evidently inconsistent with all sound Commercial and Political Principles, equally prejudicial to this Country as to America; But they think the National Honour concern’d in supporting them, considering the Manner in which the Execution of them has been oppos’d. They cannot bear the Denial of the Right of Parliament to make them, tho’ they acknowledge they ought not to have been made. They fear being despis’d by all the Nations round if they repeal them; and they say it is of great Importance to this Nation that the World should see it is Master of its Colonies, otherwise its Enemies on a Conceit of its Weakness, might be encourag’d to insult it. On the other Hand, they are really afraid of provoking the Colonies too far, lest a Rupture should become inevitable, and the old Enemies of the Nation take Advantage of it. It is therefore they give out that they actually had an Intention of Repealing, till the ill Behaviour of America made it improper and at present impracticable; and that if Matters should remain quiet a Year or perhaps two, tho’ they would not be understood to promise the Repeal, they say ’tis highly probable it will take place. I have represented to them, that tho’ the Right has been deny’d, the Payment of the Duties has nevertheless been every where submitted to; that the Riot occasion’d by the Seizure of a Vessel at Boston, had no Relation to the Act about Paper, Glass, &c. That the Honour of Parliament and of the Nation, is best maintain’d by rectifying what it has done improperly as soon as it can be convinc’d of it, and not by being obstinate in the Wrong: That in a Country so frequent in mischievous Mobs and murderous Riots as this is, ’tis surprizing to find such Resentment of a trifling Riot in Boston; and strange that it should be thought just to punish all the Colonies, by continuing an oppressive Act affecting the Whole, for the Offence only of one of them: That Government is not establish’d merely by Power; there must be maintain’d a general Opinion of its Wisdom and Justice, to make it firm and durable. I have also us’d and enforc’d all the Arguments in the Committee’s Letter of Sept. 22. which indeed I think have had some Weight with many. But a few Days before the Recess, Lord Hillsborough made a long Speech in the House of Lords, aggravating every Indiscretion of the Americans, and declaring that tho’ he always thought the Duty Acts ought not to have been made, yet he was absolutely against Repealing them, and should not only oppose any Motion that should be made for that purpose, but if carried would protest against such Repeal. We had been told that he was to propose some thundering Resolutions against the Colonies, and this Speech was to introduce them. But when they were read, I was surpriz’d to find so little in them. They seem to be mere bruta Fulmina, calculated chiefly to obtain Parliamentary Approbation of the Steps he had already taken as a Minister, on which he had been attack’d in the House of Commons at the Opening of the Session. I send a Copy of them to the Committee. The Address, which was mov’d by the Duke of Bedford, is of the same Stamp. The Lords agreed to them with little Opposition, the Duke of Richmond only speaking against them, and he is not a very good Speaker. Lord Shelbourne said he should reserve himself as to American Affairs, to another Occasion, when the Relation between the two Countries and their mutual Rights must come into Discussion. What that Occasion would be, he did not explain. Lord Egmont, tho’ our Friend, gave no Opposition to the Resolves. But I had a long Conversation with him at Court the Sunday before, in which he told me he was sorry to find we were gone off the Distinction we formerly made of external and internal Taxes, which was Ground he thought we could better have maintain’d than that we were on at present. That formerly when he was in the House of Commons, and it was propos’d to include Ireland in a Duty on Glass then about to be laid by an Act of Parliament, he had objected to the Mention of Ireland in that Clause, as it was laying an internal Tax there, which Parliament had never before done; and propos’d instead of it, that as Britain had undoubtedly in its rightful Possession the Turnpike of the Sea, she should content herself with preventing Ireland’s rivalling and underselling her in foreign Markets, by bringing untax’d Glass to Sale there; and should only forbid the Exportation of that Article from Ireland; which the House agreed to. His Lordship on the whole seem’d to think, that we ought not to have deny’d the Right of laying Duties on the Manufactures of this Country exported, but have oppos’d them on other Principles. I will not trouble you with all the Observations I made to his Lordship on this Opinion. But one was, that if we allow’d the Right of Britain to lay what Duties she pleas’d on her own Commodities exported to us, we must then call in question her Right of forbidding us to go to a better and cheaper Market whenever we could find it; for those Rights exercis’d together might be most intolerable Oppression; and this would strike at her Navigation Acts. But his Opinion seem’d fix’d, that while Britain by her Naval Force had the Sovereignty of the Sea, she had all the Powers and Rights annext to such Sovereignty, of which that was one. The Resolves pass’d the Lords, and were sent down to the Commons for their Concurrence. They did not pass there so readily as was expected, but the Consideration of them was postpon’d till after the Holidays, and I hear there will be strong Opposition to them. But if the present Ministry continue, ’tis more than probable they will pass. If Lord Rockingham should again come in, which now begins to be talk’d of, probably they will be thrown out, and the Acts also repealed. So uncertain is everything here: In the meantime we are doing all we can. The Memorial of the Merchants, which is well written, came over very seasonably. Lord H. had flattered himself, and said it to every body, that the Colonies could never agree in a Resolution to import no more Goods, for that Pensilvania would not come into it, and her Refusal would soon occasion a Dissolution of the Agreements of any others. Now he has seen the Memorial, he appears extreamly angry with Pensilvania, and exclaims against both that and our Petitions, saying that of all the Provinces we have the least Pretence to claim an Exemption from Parliamentary Duties, having settled there under a clear Stipulation in our Charter, by which the Right of laying such Duties was expressly reserved. I wrote to you before that our Petition to the King was delivered, the Answer I am told is sent to the Governor, as all other Answers of Petitions to the King now are, the Plan here at present being, to have as little to do with Agents as possible. That to the Commons was offered, but not received, which I must explain to you, because the Manner of presenting Petitions to Parliament differs something from ours. Here the Member who has the Petition to present, first stands up in his Place, and opens the Contents and Purport of the Petition, or, with leave, reads it, which Reading is only understood as an Opening of it, and then asks Leave to bring it up to the Table and present it. If the House do not like to receive such a Petition, the Leave to present it is not given, and then there is no mention of it in the Minutes; because the Petition has only been offered but not presented. If Leave to present it is given, he then goes to the Bar of the House, and from thence up to the Table, where he delivers it, and then ’tis read by the Clerk. In our Case, no Member could be found for some time who would venture to offer it, Mr. Jackson thinking what he intended to say in support of it, would have more weight if it was offered by another. At length Mr. Huske undertook it; but to guard against the Displeasure of the House, which any Member might apprehend, who should offer a Petition denying a Right that they imagine they have so firmly established by a solemn Act of Parliament, he took the Precaution, after slightly mentioning its purport, of asking Leave to offer it; which being given, he then ask’d Leave and was allow’d to read it by way of opening it. Mr. Wellbore Ellis then call’d for the Declaratory Act to be read, which being done, he endeavour’d to show from thence that ’twas impossible for the House to receive a Petition which directly impugn’d the Right of Parliament declar’d by that Act. Lord North said he had such a Regard for Pensilvania, which had behav’d so well in all the late Disturbances in America, and had shown such a dutiful Obedience to Parliament in the Billeting Affair, that it would be with the utmost Pain if he should find himself oblig’d to vote for rejecting any Petition from that Province, and therefore hoped the Member would not urge its being received, but withdraw it. Several others spoke against receiving it, and some for it; but finally Mr. Huske perceiving that it would certainly be rejected if he insisted on presenting it, told them that he could not consent absolutely to withdraw it, but having fully opened it to the House, he should withdraw it for the present, only to give the House an Opportunity of considering more maturely the Consequence of rejecting a Petition from the only Colony that had paid them the Respect of Petitioning on this Occasion, and if this Petition was rejected, it would probably be the last ever offered them from any Colony on any Occasion; concluding that he should offer it again on some future day. I suppose you know, that no Government of New England has made any kind of Application to Parliament, but to the King only; and that tho’ the Virginians have apply’d to King, Lords, and Commons, the Application to the King is the only one called a Petition; that to the House of Lords is stiled a Memorial, and that to the House of Commons, a Remonstrance, in which they say, they do not ask the Repeal of the Acts as a Favour, they claim it as a Right. No Lord or Commoner has yet been found hardy enough to offer either the Memorial or Remonstrance. I am told by all the Members I have spoken to about it, that if Mr. Huske offers our Petition again, the Royal Charter of Pensilvania will be call’d for, and those Clauses read which reserve Parliamentary Duties, and it will infallibly be rejected on the Principle that by settling under that Charter we contracted to submit to such Duties. I am not myself of that Opinion, but have never been able to reason any other Person out of it. And I think it would have been better if Maryland instead of Pensylvania had stood foremost in such a Contest with Parliament, their Charter being full and clear, if I remember right, in an Exemption from all Duties whatsoever; and an Exemption appearing clear in their Case, might have been suppos’d in the others, but the contrary may happen by the Discussion of our Charter first, especially by such partial, prejudiced and interested Judges. All our Friends advise the not offering it again. They say, that it having been deliberately read by the Member in a full House, it has thereby already made all the Impression to be expected from it; and the urging it farther against the Grain of the House can answer no good End. This is Mr. Jackson’s Opinion at present. Possibly something may arise changing this Opinion, and therefore it still lies open under Consideration. As to our Petition to the Lords, it has not yet been presented. Mr. Jackson had it a considerable time in his Hands, in order to get some Lord of his Acquaintance to present it, but finally return’d it to me, saying he could not find any one Lord that was proper and willing to present and support it, and wish’d me to try Lord Egmont; but as I know his declar’d Sentiments to be contrary with Regard to the Right of laying Duties, I cannot think it proper or decent to ask him, nor could it be expected that he would support such a Petition. I have therefore let it lie for the present till I see what will become of that to the Commons, as it will afterwards be time enough to offer the other to the Lords. A Pamphlet has lately been published here in our Behalf, which seems to make some Impression. As it contains many Sentiments and Arguments that I have occasionally thrown out, in Conversation, I think I know the Author, one of the Rockingham Party, and I have distributed a Number of them where I thought they might do good, gratis. It handles the Argument concisely, and yet with great Clearness and Force. Towards the Conclusion, indeed, some Consequences are drawn from a Concession of Mr. Otis’s, which perhaps we may hereafter think too extensive; but if Britain satisfy’d with the Reservation of that Claim, should at present be willing to give up the Rest, Hereafter will take care of itself. Of late a Cry begins to arise, Can no body propose a Plan of Conciliation? Must we ruin ourselves by intestine Quarrels? I was ask’d in Company lately by a noble Lord if I had no Plan of that kind to propose? My Answer was, ’Tis easy to propose a Plan; mine may be express’d in a few Words; Repeal the Laws, Renounce the Right, Recall the Troops, Refund the Money, and Return to the old Method of Requisition. I have no Objection, says he, to repealing the Laws and recalling the Soldiers; and as to refunding the Money, I believe it may be easily done; for I suppose what we have receiv’d amounts to no great Matter: But why would you insist on our Renouncing the Right? How can you expect it when you see your own little Assemblies think themselves above rescinding? I do not insist upon that, says I; if continuing the Claim pleases you, continue it as long as you please, provided you never attempt to execute it: We shall consider it in the same Light with the Claim of the Spanish Monarch to the Title of King of Jerusalem. This growing Desire of finding some conciliating Measure, I think a favourable Token that we are about to come right again. With great Esteem, I am, Dear Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin
Joseph Galloway Esqr


Title: Defense of American Placeholders, 17 January 1769
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

In his two roles of colonial agent and royal official, Franklin was particularly vulnerable to charges in America that he was betraying the first, and in England that he was betraying the second. Criticism in the London press of him and other Americans in royal service continued as long as he remained in England, but this is his only public reply. It requires little editorial annotation because Verner Crane, with his usual thoroughness, has explained the journalistic attacks that elicited this defense.

To the Printer.
Your correspondent Machiavel tells us, that “Nothing can be a greater burlesque on Patriotism, than the conduct of the Americans, who affect discontent at being taxed, and therefore not only petition and remonstrate, but are continually writing pamphlets, filling newspapers, and consecrating Trees to Liberty; when, at the same time, many of them are writing to administration how to enforce the collection of such duties as are imposed, &c. &c. with a view to obtain offices and pensions under the Crown, in America.” And then he gives us a list of fifteen Americans, whom he charges with having been successfully guilty of this baseness. The whole apparently with a view of lessening any concern the friends of Liberty here may have for the injured people of that country, and of discountenancing any endeavours for their relief, by thus rendering them both contemptible and odious.
But, methinks it should be considered,
1. That if not only fifteen, but fifteen hundred, out of three millions, had been seduced by corruption, to betray the interests of their country, the proportion is not so great as to judge of the rest by them, to conclude that therefore they might be oppressed without injury, stripped of their rights without remorse; their petitions and remonstrances disregarded; their constitution dissolved; their towns insulted and dragooned; their real patriots hanged as traitors, not for any disloyalty to their King, but merely for doubting the power of parliament, in particular cases, or, perhaps, only thwarting the views of a wrong-headed, pertinacious minister.
2. That being loyal subjects to their sovereign, the Americans think they have as good a right to enjoy offices under him in America, as a Scotchman has in Scotland, or an Englishman in England; and that they may equally hold them consistent with honour; since they have never yet been taught to believe that the interests of their King and his subjects are so contrary and incompatible, that an honest man cannot serve the one without betraying the other.
Let me farther add, that, among the gentlemen in his list, I know some, who, far from receiving the offices they hold, as the wages of corruption, rose in them gradually and regularly, in a course of years; others had been conferred as rewards of public service, by sea and land, during war; others enjoyed their offices many years before any dispute arose, or was dreamt of, between the two countries; and have yet, throughout those disputes, been firm to the cause of their country, at all hazards. If there are any of them who are known, or even, on probable grounds, suspected, to have betray’d it, such are in universal odium among their virtuous compatriots; and therefore their country ought not to be censured upon their account. To defend it from such indiscriminate censure, is the chief end of my giving you this trouble.
Your correspondent adds, “Behold how true it is, that every man has his price.” In a former paper [Dec. 19.] he had told us, (speaking of mankind) “We are honest as long as we thrive by it; but if the Devil himself gives better wages, we change our party.” For the honour of my species, as well as of my country, I cannot but suppose these maxims much too general. But as this writer has professedly adopted them in their full extent, I must conclude they may be true so far at least as relates to himself, since it is plain he knows of no exception.
An American


Title: An Account Stated against G. G., [17 January 1769]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

To the Printer of the Public Advertiser.
Sir,
[January 17, 1769]
I thank you for the Information you so readily gave at the Request of the Manufacturer of London, relating to the Agreement going forward in America not to use more of our Manufactures. The Memorial you published in your Paper of the 13th inst. from the Merchants of Philadelphia, addressed to the Merchants and Manufacturers of Great Britain, makes the Point sufficiently clear. And as, by what I can otherways learn, there is not the smallest Probability of an Accomodation while the present A—n M—r continues in that Department, nor the least Prospect of his being removed; but on the contrary all his rash ill-judged Measures are to be approved confirmed and pursued; and even the first Projector of the Mischief, Mr. G. G. is to be brought in again, to assist in compleating it, I think ’tis Time to state an Account, in order to form some kind of Estimate what we are like to be Gainers or Losers by quarreling with our best Friends and greatest Customers. For a Quarrel I see it will be! Depriving them of their Privileges for no Offence, and sending Soldiers to insult them, strengthens their Determination to take no more of our Goods, and makes that Determination more general: This will provoke us to use them with more Severity; that more alienates and exasperates them; till, driven to Despair, an open Rupture becomes unavoidable, and the cordial Amity so much to the Advantage of both, which has hitherto subsisted between the two Countries, comes to be converted into the most implacable mutual Hatred, such as we see at this Day, between the Spaniards and Portuguese, the Genoese and the Corsicans, which arose originally from the very same Misconduct in the governing Countries. By this we are to lose a greatly growing Trade, at present worth Five Millions a Year, which our Enemies will gain sooner or later, and so to us make the Difference double; and we are to turn Three Million of Friends into so many mortal Enemies, another double Diminution of our comparative Strength. And what is all this for? Is it that we [may] obtain by Force much less than we might have had from them by voluntary Grant? And how comes it about? A wrong-headed, short-sighted Financier imagined that he should make a great Figure in opening his Budget, and appear to have wonderful Abilities, if he could shew how a new Tax might be raised, which none who heard him should either pay or feel. America was then no longer to give; but what we wanted was to be taken from her by our Almighty Power. The Measure was found impracticable, and therefore soon dropt. An inconsiderate Successor, from the same Motives, renewed the Attempt in another Shape. Just or unjust, politic or impolitic, constitutional or unconstitutional, are with such Statemen Points entirely out of the Question. The first disappointed and displaced Projector harbours inveterate Malice to the Americans for murdering his Child. He and his Scribblers are thence continually endeavouring to exasperate the Nation against them, and urging every Step that may provoke them to such Acts as may justify the Character he gives of them. We are told indeed sometimes that the People of America would generally be quiet, if it were not for their factious Demagogues, and that the whole Mischief is owing only to two or three restless Spirits there; that the Contest really is between Messrs. Otis, Cushing and Adams on the one Part, and the whole People of England on the other. This is merely to countenance the Proposition of sending for these Men in order to hang them, which some seem to have much at Heart; though from the Blood of those three, probably would spring three hundred more. But in Truth, the Parties are G.G. L——d H. and the D. of B. on the one Side, and on the other all our Fellow-Subjects in America. The People of England have no other Concern in the Dispute but that of being immense Losers by it’s being started and persisted in, or infinite Gainers by it’s being dropt. I talked of stating in Account: For Distinctness sake, I will state two: the first of what our Stockholders have lost already, the second of what the Nation will probably lose; in doing which I shall not pretend to mathematical Precision, for the Premises will scarce admit of it, they being partly assumed upon probable Conjecture. I only put them into the Form of Accounts for the sake of more distinctly viewing the Subject.
Dr. the Right Hon. G. G. Esq; and Co. in Account with the Stockholders of Great Britain.

  To the Loss of Five per Cent. on their Capital Stock of 145 Millions by the Fall occasioned by the late American Measure, amounting to
  £ 7,250,000

  Supra Cr.

  By the Stockholders Share of the neat Duties received in America, in Alleviation of British Taxes
  3,500

  Balance due from the said G. G. and Co
  7,246,500

  7,250,000

In this I have stated the Loss of Five per Cent. as so much Loss to the Stockholders only; and this already incurred. What their future Loss will be, if the Rupture hitherto only apprehended shall take Place, is impossible to estimate, as no one can foresee how low the Stocks will then fall. If it should be, as probably it may be, Thirty per Cent more, their Loss will exceed Forty Millions. But it will besides be accompanied with a proportionate Loss to the Nation by the Fall of Public Credit, since the State must of course give so much more for Money wanted.
Now to form my other Account, I will make several immediate Suppositions. First, I will suppose no other Nation shall take Advantage of our Embroil in America, to fall upon us while we are subduing her. Secondly, that a War of ten Years, in which Twentyfive Thousand of Land Forces only are to be kept up and employed, with twenty Frigates, and Five Thousand Seamen, shall be sufficient to finish the Business by reducing the whole fifteen Colonies; though it cost us five Years in the last War to reduce but one of them, with the Help of all the rest, and double the Number of Men. Thirdly, that after they are reduced, they shall be in the most perfect Good-humour with us, retain no Resentment of the Injuries we have done them, be as fond of us, and of our Fashions and Manufactures as ever they were, and that it will be therefore quite unnecessary to keep up an equal or indeed any Army to continue and secure the Subjection we have reduced them to. The Account will then stand thus:
Dr. The Hon. G.G. Esq; and Co. in Account with Great-Britain.

For the Transport Service in carrying over 25,000 Men, with the Stores, &c. at the Rate of £10 per Man, including all Charges
£250,000

The above to be repeated three Times more in the ten Years to keep up the Number; an Army in actual Service always requireing a Number of Recruits equal to the whole in every three Years
750,000

For the Recruiting Service and Bounty Money of 100,000 Men to be spent in this War
500,000

For the Pay, Cloathing and Subsistence of 25,000 Men ten Years at £20 per Man, including also Arms, Ammunition, &c.
5,000,000

For the Sea Service, 5000 Men, their Pay, Subsistence, Wear and Tear of Ships, &c. &c. &c. at £200,000 per Ann.
2,000,000

For the Loss of our Trade with those Countries during the ten Years, at 5,000,000 per Ann.
50,000,000

For weakening the British Empire by all the Damage done it’s Subjects, in obstructing or destroying their Improvements, Buildings, Ships, Trade with Foreigners, &c. and throwing all the Commerce they used to carry on for us into the Hands of our Rivals or Enemies
  £ 50,000,000

For the Blood spilt on both Sides, we charge
        000

108,500,000

  SupraCr.

By the Honour and Glory of having made Slaves of Three Millions of Freemen
        000

Thus stand the Accounts; and yet this same G.G. the Root of the whole Evil, sets up for an O Economist. I am, Sir, Your humble Servant,
Another Manufacturer OF London.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Lord Kames, 21 January 1769
From: Kames, Henry Home, Lord
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Edinburgh, January 21st, 1769.
The letter you mention, about American affairs, never came to hand. I have an essay on the subject of your Queries, and you shall hear from me soon about our agreeing or differing. I have a great fund of political knowledge reduced into writing, far from being ripe, but fit for your perusal. If you will come to my aid, I know not but that we shall make a very good thing of it. If not, it may be lost to the world, and what a loss will that be!


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Charles Thomson and Thomas Mifflin, 27 January 1769
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Thomson, Charles,Mifflin, Thomas

Gentlemen,
London, Jan. 27. 1769.
Enclos’d is Bill of Lading and Invoice of the Books you order’d, which I wish safe to hand, and am, Gentlemen Yours and the Company’s most obedient Servant
B Franklin
P.S. On looking over your Letter I see that I am desir’d to add other Books if the List does not amount to your Money. Now that I have receiv’d the Invoice and find it amounts to so little, I shall look out for some valuable Books to send you per Storey, or to bring with me for you.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Joseph Galloway, 29 January 1769
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Galloway, Joseph

Dear Friend,
London, Jan. 29. 1769
The within was written to go by Budden, then expected to sail every Day. But as he still continues here, I now send it per Falconer.
The Parliament has since come together after their Recess. The Lords Resolutions were to have been taken into Consideration last Monday by the Commons. They had before determin’d to let none be present that were not Members. I got a Member to endeavour obtaining Leave for the Agents from America at least, as the Matter was of such Importance to that Country; and I attended the House to be ready for going in if it might be done; but it was deny’d. The Affair however was not debated that Day, but postpon’d to Wednesday. Then the Question came on in a Committee of the whole House, and the Debate continu’d ’till three a Clock the next Morning; the Friends of America signalizing themselves, and beating the Ministry out of every Argument they advanc’d in support of the Resolves, so that it was for a while thought they would have been thrown out. But finally on a Division, there was a Majority for agreeing to the Resolutions, and to the Address. I am promis’d by a Member a full Account of the Debate, which he intends to draw out at length from his own short Notes; and therefore as I hope to have it to send by Story, I will not attempt to give you one from the Scraps I have been able to collect here and there, which must be very imperfect. The Ministry however, tho’ they carry’d their Point, were so stagger’d, that tho’ they had intended to report the next Morning, and obtain the Agreement of the House to the Opinion of the Committee; yet knowing that a Number of Members, some of Weight, had not spoken in the Committee by reason of the lateness of the Hour, but had reserv’d themselves for the Report, and fearing the Event, they postpon’d Receiving the Report for ten Days. It is now to come on again on Friday next, when there will be another Struggle; but tho’ our Friends are evidently increasing, such is ministerial Influence in that House, one can scarce expect the Determination will be against the Resolves: If it should, the Ministers must quit the Reins to abler Hands: and in case of a Change, we hope for our old Friends again of the Rockingham Party, who will probably repeal the offensive Laws, and restore Harmony between the two Countries. The Merchants have consulted that Party to know whether they think it time to bring in Petitions from the manufacturing Towns, &c. in order to make a Push for obtaining the Repeal: That Party have had a Meeting on it; and have given it as their unanimous Opinion, that ’tis better to wait a little longer. This to your self only. I intended writing to the Committee. But I cannot be so free on Affairs here in a Letter that must lie on the Table, subject to be copied, and Parts of it perhaps sent back hither. In writing to you I am not under that Restraint; because you can keep to yourself all Passages that would embroil me with Government here and hurt my Negociations. I shall however write to them per Story. Enclos’d I send you a Copy of the Resolutions and Address as propos’d by the Lords; they have receiv’d some Alterations I hear in the Commons, which I have not yet got, but they are said not to be very material. I send you also my rough Draft of Observations on them; they were made at the Request of a Member who was to speak against the Resolves. My Son, who knows my Scrawl, will transcribe the Paper for you if you cannot make it out.
In my Letter (this is only a kind of separate Postscript) I omitted telling you a Passage that happen’d in the House of Lords upon the first proposing of the Resolutions and Address by Lord Hillsborough and the Duke of Bedford. I omitted it there as I thought it rather too light for a serious Letter, but here you may have it. Lord Temple  stood up immediately after they were read, and said he had come to the House that Day, tho’ not very well, in hopes of hearing some effectual Plan propos’d for reducing America to Obedience; but this he found was no Plan at all, the Resolutions were perfectly nugatory; and therefore as he did not think them worth a Moment’s Consideration, he should enter into no Debate about them. And so saying he turn’d on his Heel and went abruptly and hastily out of the House. Upon which one in the Ministry said to one of the Opposition who sat next him, ’Tis pity Lord Temple ventur’d to come abroad in such Circumstances; he says he is not well, and by his abrupt Departure he has certainly taken Physick. If that’s the Case, reply’d the other, I wish he had taken the Resolutions with him.
The House will probably sit till June or perhaps July, and it is thought here, that if News can come of all the Colonies having join’d in the Determination to buy no more British Goods, the Acts must be repeal’d before they rise. It is impossible to say such must be the Effect. But perhaps ’tis the only way in which we can yet contend with this powerful People with any Prospect of Success. Frugality and Industry is not, like War, a Waste of Treasure, but the Means of increasing it. And the Losing our Commerce must certainly weaken this Country. Possibly they may think of some equal Means of hurting us; but something must be try’d and some Risque run, rather than sit down quietly under a Claim of Parliament to the Right of disposing of our Properties without our Consent. Yours affectionately
B F


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Gilpin, 29 January 1769
From: Gilpin, Thomas
To: Franklin, Benjamin

This letter is the first surviving one in a correspondence that continued, insofar as it is extant, until November, 1770. Thomas Gilpin belonged to a wealthy Quaker family; although he had estates in Maryland and Delaware, his principal residence was Philadelphia. His fortune allowed him to indulge his hobbies, which were varied: he was a naturalist, a mathematician and surveyor, an engineer with a particular interest in building canals and bridges, and the inventor of a hydraulic pump. He was a member of the two organizations that merged in 1769 to form the American Philosophical Society; he submitted an essay on the pump and a model of it to the Society and subsequently sent the model to Franklin, who was delighted by it and expected great things of it. In 1777, on the eve of the British capture of Philadelphia, Gilpin was among the Quakers who were first imprisoned by the state authorities and then exiled to Virginia, where he died soon afterward.

Janry. 29th 1769
The sentiments of our Sovereign and disposition of Parliament received by the last advices affect the people here with great surprize and increasing suspicion. I hope and trust they will not determine in a desperate opposition, but be firmly and coolly met as an arbitrary advance; they will however occasion great alarm; demands made without consultation or even our knowing the object of them can only be considered in a desperate light; I wish sincerely ministerial wisdom may present some more favorable measures, otherwise both our trade and affections will be lost; we are denied the right of complaining, it is even looked upon as idle and contemptuous in us to do so. The debts and expences of England are certainly very great, but who are the creditors and who the debtors, who the burthened and who impose the burthens? Will not the expensive and lucrative plan of the nation itself bear correction and ought it not to be attempted before the weight is imposed upon us?


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Franklin, [31 January 1769]
From: Franklin, William
To: Franklin, Benjamin

[January 31, 1769]
The last Packet, which left England about the Middle of Novr. brought no Letter from you, that I can hear of, except one to the Committee of Correspondence. I imagine your Time must be almost wholly engross’d in attending on the publick Business at this important Crisis, and in writing for the Press. I see a Number of Pieces in the Chronicle which I am sure have you for their Author, particularly Two sign’d A Briton, and one sign’d F.B. which has a State of the Trade between England and the Colonies. This latter Bradford has printed in his last Journal, which I send you enclosed, that you may see an Extract of a Letter from London which he has likewise publish’d, wherein you are said to have spoke in a large Company against the Right of Parliament to tax the Colonies. This, no doubt, will do you great Credit in the Colonies, but as Bradford is known to have always carefully avoided publishing any thing that might have that Tendency, and readily printed every Thing that might injure your Reputation, it is thought that his publishing this Letter from London is from no friendly Motive, but with Hopes of its incensing the Ministry or Parliament against you, for denying the Right of the latter when they had so fully and repeatedly asserted it.
I likewise send you the last Chronicle which contains two Pieces sign’d Amor Patriae, said to be wrote by one Crawley in London, who is thought to be a little crack’d. He has sent me several of his Pieces, and desired me to publish them in our New Jersey Gazette.
I send you also a Copy of Lord Hillsborough’s last Letter, enclosing the King’s Speech, and the Addresses. My Answer I transmit herewith, which, if you approve of, please to seal and forward; otherwise write another and make use of the enclosed Subscription, in the manner I desired you in my last Letter.
I suppose the Success which has attended the Measure of Sending Troops to Boston, that is, in putting a Stop to the Riots, and preventing any Opposition to the late Acts of Parliament, will be a means of establishing Lord H——h in the Administration, and I don’t doubt but he exults greatly on the Occasion. The same Spirit however, still prevails in the Colonies, as did before, and nothing can make them acknowledge the Right of Parliament to tax them, tho’ they may at present acquiesce in it.
Mr. Foxcroft is gone to Virginia, where he goes frequently to endeavor to collect in some Debts he has owing to him, but generally without Success. He intends for England, I am told, in April next. I do assure you that I never did say to any one that you continued in England this Winter “at the Sollicitation of the Duke of G[rafto]n.” Nor do I believe Mr. Foxcroft heard that I had said any thing of the kind, notwithstanding what he says in his Letter to you. He was up at my House the other Day, when I ask’d him to tell me who it was that gave him such Information (repeating the Words he wrote you that he had heard) and he deny’d that he had wrote you any Thing of the kind, but upon my Taking out your Letter and reading the Paragraph he seem’d much confounded, said you had quite mistook him, and endeavoured to explain it away, but did it in so confused and awkward a Manner as betray’d a Consciousness of having done what he ought not to have done.
I see Governor Pownal has publish’d a new Edition of his Administration of the Colonies. I should be glad that you would send it to me, with some of the Reviews and Magazines, and other new Publications, for I am out of the way of seeing every Thing of that kind in Burlington, and they would afford me some Amusement.
I recommended Mr. Stockton to Lord Hillsborough to be appointed one of the Council, and he acquainted me some time ago that my Letter was referr’d by His Majesty to the Board of Trade. By the last Packet I receiv’d a Letter from his Lordship enclosing one for Mr. Stockton, which it seems contain’d his Mandamus but not a Syllable was said of the Matter in his Lordship’s Letter to me, which was using me very unpolitely, to say no worse, as I had recommended Mr. Stockton. Perhaps, he did not chuse that I should think the Appointment was in Compliance with my Request, as I am at present out of Favour. There is a Meanness in this kind of Conduct extremely unbecoming one in his Station. Another trifling Matter of the like Nature, hardly worth mentioning, is his having ever since his famous Letter No. 13, to me, omitted the usual Words at the Conclusion of all his and former Secretary’s Letters, viz “I am with great Truth and Regard, Sir, &c. and only says “I am, Sir,” &c.
I hear nothing now a Days of Mr. Hughes, except that he shuns all his old Friends and Acquaintance, lives entirely upon his Farm and continues writing his Letters of Advice to the Ministry. Coz. Davenport, however, in a Letter just receiv’d, says, “I met Mr. Jno. Hughes on the Lancaster Road last Thursday, who enquired much about your Father and you, and desired to be remembered.”
Pray have you receiv’d the Four Guineas of Mr. Swinton? I have not made you any Remittance of late, as I have been for some Time expecting you Home, and now I must beg your Patience a little longer till I have got my Land patented.
I have desired Mr. Jackson to introduce Mr. Wharton to Mr. Cooper, lest any thing should happen to prevent your doing it.
I have not Time to copy this Scrawl. Betsy sends her Duty. I am, Honored Sir, Your dutiful Son
Wm. Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Gordon, 5 February 1769
From: Gordon, Thomas
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Worthy Sir
Philada, Feby. 5th. 1769
It is a Tax on Superior Merrit and Benevolence, to be troubled with Importunities of every kind of People, who want Assistance. Your kindness formerly to my own Son, Encourages me now to Apply in behalf of my Son in Law Henry Benbridge, a very Deserving youth who has been Several Years in Italy for his improvement in Painting, and is now going to London for Business. As I am Sensable your Acquaintance must be large, and of the best fashion, Pardon me Sir, for Begging you’ll be kind enough (if he has merrit in his Profession) to Recommend him to such of your Acquaintance as you think may be likely to employ him: and I hope my Son will always have the Gratitude properly to Acknowledge with me the obligation Confer’d on us both. I am Sir with the greatest Esteem and Regard your most obedient humble Servant To Command.
Thos Gordon

Addressed: To Benjamin Franklin Esqr


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Gilpin, 6 February 1769
From: Gilpin, Thomas
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Febry. 6th. 1769
Our last advices of ministerial and parliamentary measures has revived the motion of a non-importation of manufactures from Great Britain; for myself I should have rather preferred to confine it to particular articles suited to the convenience of each colony which would have sufficiently established the principles we acted upon and proclaimed the exigency we complain of but such is the alarm the attempt to abridge our liberties has given that nothing can arrest it. Laws without representation are rejected and held in abhorrence, in every shape they are presented: a fair representation of the colonies with an influence according to their magnitude and pecuniary requisitions made of them seem at this time to be considered as vague and idle attempts foreign to our rights and abilities, but should some reasonable measures be proposed and the choice in some degree left to ourselves there is no doubt we should act correctly.

[February 6, 1769]
This day a non importation resolution has been adopted and it now seems that nothing will ever open the connection again but an exemption from the burthens attempted to be laid on us unless they are done by those whom we may chuse.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Joseph Galloway, 7 February 1769
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Galloway, Joseph

Dear Friend,
London, Feb. 7. 1769
I wrote to you pretty fully per Falconer, since which nothing material has pass’d relative to American Affairs. The Grand Committee was to have reported on them last Friday; but Wilkes had taken up so much of their Time, the House sitting four Nights successively till three in the Morning, that they were oblig’d to postpone it for another Week. He is expell’d, but sets up and will be chosen again; if the House do not first disqualify him by an Act. I inclose you some Papers by which you will see the Temper of the Times here. There will be another tough Battle before the House agrees with the Committee, but there is little doubt that finally the Report will be approved and the Resolutions agreed to. I have not yet obtained the Account I promis’d you of the Debate. I can now only tell you another little Anecdote of a Passage in it. Mr. Grenville speaking of the Inefficiency of the present Ministry, compar’d them to two raw Sailors who were got up into the round Top, and understanding nothing of the Business, pretended however to be very busy. What are you doing there, Jack, says the Boatswain. Nothing says Jack. And pray what are you about, Tom? I, says Tom, am helping him. On this Story one of the Members observ’d, that it would have been much better for the Nation, if that honourable Gentleman and his Friends, had, during their Administration, been employ’d only in helping one another to do nothing. I have sent you the last Votes per Capt. Reed: and am, with sincerest Esteem, Yours affectionately
B Franklin
Joseph Galloway Esqr


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Smith, Wright, & Gray, 14 February 1769
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Smith, Wright & Gray

Gentlemen
Feb. 14. 69
Enclos’d is Dr. Rush’s Signature which you desired. I thank you for so readily furnishing the Letter of Credit. Yours &c
B Franklin

Addressed: To / Messrs. Smith, Wright & / Gray, / Bankers / Lombard street


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from James Parker, 17 February 1769
From: Parker, James
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honoured Sir
New York, Feb 17. 1769
This covers one of a Set of Bills of Exchange, which I just received from Mr. Hubbart of Boston, for £60 13s. 9d. Sterling on John Blackburn, Esq. London: The first of this Set I sent down to Mr. Foxcroft, who is gone to Virginia, and I apprehend he will send it to you, but very probably this will come to your Hand first, and of this I have advised him, by Letter therewith.
Tho’ in general we had a mild Winter here, yet for a few Weeks past, and at present, we have what may be called Severe Weather. For a Year or two past, we have endeavoured to make every Rider keep and sound Horns on their Way; in which Exercise for want of Skill or Care, many have lost their Horns, or got them broke, so that we are in Want of some, and if it be consistent with the Service, I wish you would send me some; and tho’ we hath hitherto found the Horns, yet if they wantonly destroy them, we must oblige them to pay for them, so that if you please to let me know the Price also when you send them.
I suppose Mr. Foxcroft wrote you per last Packet of his going to Virginia, he tells me, he purposes to be back the latter End of March: This Opportunity happens by a Merchantman, that I just now heard of.
I have not had the Pleasure of one Line from you this great While: I have now the worst Fit of the Gout, that I have had these three Years, when I was at Burlington. Now 6 Weeks, but I flatter myself I am getting better. The last News I had from Philadelphia and Burlington, they were all well. We momentarily expect the December Packet, and a Report prevails that she is at the Hook; she must have had a hard Spell on the Coast, if it be her. With Respect to Business it is much as it used to be. We have a dear Place to live in, and not much Work; tho’ I have such a Number of Customers, as would have well supported me 15 Years ago, yet every Thing here being so much raised, whilst our Work is the same, that it will be hard Work to make both Ends meet. Weyman you know is dead: but a young Scotch man has got his Tools and set up here, and tis said, in the Spring will publish a News-paper, I don’t know his Capacity, but we shall soon see what it is. Holt yet continues without any Settlement, but I purpose soon to offer him all the Advantages I can, to get him to it, that I may at last settle with Hamilton and Balfour of Edinburgh: I have a hard Trial, but I will Strive to Struggle thro’. Mean while, with all our Respects I am Your most obliged Servant
James Parker.
To Dr. Franklin

Addressed: For / Dr Benjamin Franklin / Craven-Street / London


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from the Selectmen of Boston, [between 18 February 1769 and 13 March 1769]
From: the Selectmen of Boston
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Between February 16 and 24, 1769, the Selectmen twice exchanged letters with the Governor, Francis Bernard, on the subject of false representations made to London about the riots of the previous year and about the convention held in September to protest the Townshend Acts. One of the Selectmen’s letters took specific exception to ex parte depositions, which were of course calculated to present the case against the town without possibility of rebuttal. When Bernard refused to give them satisfaction on this or any other point, the Selectmen decided to publish the exchange and to make their side of the case known in England by writing to a number of people there, Franklin among them. On March 13 a town meeting thanked them for doing so. Hence this letter was sent at some time between the beginning of the altercation and the day of the meeting; in accordance with our usual practice we are assigning it to the earliest likely date, which is that of Bernard’s reply to the protest about depositions.

[Between February 18 and March 13, 1769]
With respect to depositions taken ex parte, to the prejudice of the town which we apprehend has been a practise here, his Excellency has not thought propper to be explicit in his reply to our address upon that head. ’Tis a proceeding so contrary to the plain rules of law, and the principles of natural Justice, that it must be held in the utmost detestation, and contempt: And we are perswaded that your regard to equity will induce you to emply your influence to prevent any ill consequences, that may arrise to the towns from so illegal and dangerous a practice. This town Sir, professes to be firmly attached to his Majestys person, family and government, A character which we think cannot fairly be impeached: And they have not been inferior to [any] of their fellow subjects in a regard to peace and good order: of all which were they called, we trust they could give satisfactory evidence [to] the world: But they think they have the right of all other subjects to complain and petition when they are aggrieved. Like all true British subjects they have an invinsible attachment to constitutional liberty, and they will always in decency assert it: their attachment to liberty is construed by those who would build their fortune upon its ruin, a spirit of rebellion—Their complaints under grievances and oppression, a contempt of lawful Authority—such colourings have our enemies given to transactions which if impartially, and clearly view’d would appear to be not only innocent but laudable. Hence appears the necessity the town is under of friends on your side of the water to discover the secret machinations of interested and designing men. We desire no friends, but such as are friends of truth and liberty; and as we esteem you as such, we beg your attention to our interest and remain Sir Your Most Obedient humble Servants
Joshua HenshawJoseph JacksonJohn RuddockJohn HancockSaml. PembertonHenderson Inches
Benjamin Franklin Esq

Endorsed: Boston


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Moses Franks, 20 February 1769
From: Franks, Moses
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Great Russel Street Monday 20 feby / 69
I must entreat you to deliver to Mr. Dagge the Account and Papers relative to the Sufferers by Indian Depredations in 1754. There being particular occasion for them; being requested by the legal representatives of those Sufferers to solicit compensation. You were troubled formerly by Mr. Levy on the subject, and Mr. Dagge having just told me he is to meet you this morning, I would most willingly have done myself the pleasure of attending him but other necessary engagements prevent it. I have the Honor to be, sir Your most Obedient Servant
Moses Franks.

Addressed: To Benjamin Franklin Esqr


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Lord Kames, 21 February 1769
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Kames, Henry Home, Lord

My dear Friend
London, Feb. 21. 1769.
I received your excellent Paper on the preferable Use of Oxen in Agriculture, and have put it in the way of being communicated to the Public here. I have observed in America that the Farmers are more thriving in those Parts of the Country where Cattle are used, than in those where the Labour is done by Horses. The latter are said to require twice the Quantity of Land to maintain them, and after all are not good to eat, at least we don’t think them so. Here is a Waste of Land that might afford Subsistance for so many more of the human Species. Perhaps it was for this reason that the Hebrew Lawgiver, having promis’d that the Children of Israel should be as numerous as the Sands of the Sea, not only took care to secure the Health of Individuals by regulating their Diet that they might be fitter for Procreation, but also forbid their using Horses, as those Animals would lessen the Quantity of Subsistence for Men. Thus we find, that when they took any Horses from their Enemies, they destroy’d them; and in the Commandments, where the Labour of the Ox and the Ass is mention’d and forbidden on the Sabbath, there is no mention of the Horse, probably because they were to have none. And by the great Armies suddenly rais’d in that small Territory they inhabited it appears to have been very full of People.
Food is always necessary to all, and much the greatest Part of the Labour of Mankind is employ’d in raising Provisions for the Mouth. Is not this kind of Labour therefore the fittest to be the Standard by which to measure the Values of all other Labour, and consequently of all other Things whose Value depends on the Labour of making or procuring them? May not even Gold and Silver be thus valued. If the Labour of the Farmer in producing a Bushel of Wheat be equal to the Labour of the Miner in producing an Ounce of Silver, will not the Bushel of Wheat just measure the Value of the Ounce of Silver? The Miner must eat, the Farmer indeed can live without the Silver, and so perhaps will have some Advantage in settling the Price. But these Discussions I leave to you as more able to manage them. Only I will send you a little Scrap I wrote sometime since on the Laws prohibiting foreign Commodities.
I congratulate you on your Election as President of your Edinburgh Society. I think I formerly took Notice to you in Conversation, that I thought there had been some Similarity in our Fortunes, and the Circumstances of our Lives. This is a fresh Instance; for by Letters just received, I find that I was about the same time chosen President of our American Philosophical Society established at Philadelphia.
I have sent by Sea to the Care of Mr. Alexander a little Box containing a few of the late Edition of my Books for my Friends in Scotland. One is directed for you, and one for your Society, which I beg that you and they would accept as a small Mark of my Respect. With the sincerest Esteem and Regard, I am, my dear Friend, Yours most affectionately
B Franklin
P.S. I am sorry my Letter of 1767, concerning the American Dispute, miscarried. I now send you a Copy of it from my Book. The Examination mention’d in it, you have probably seen. Things daily wear a worse Aspect, and tend more and more to a Breach and final Separation.
Lord Kaims


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Foxcroft, 21 February 1769
From: Foxcroft, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Williamsbg. Febry 21st. 1769
Immediately on my receiving your favour by the Genl. Gage Captain Kemble (enclosing me Mr. Todds Letter Signifying to me that their Lordships had been pleased to grant me leave of absence for a few Months) I set out for this Colony, in order to put the Riders on such a footing that no stopages might happen during my absence, which I think I have Effectually done; and at the same time, have by this new Regulation, Saved near One Hundred Pounds per Annum to the Revenue, in the Riding work between this place and Annapolis, a perticular Account of which I shall lay before you when we meet. You have my Dear Sir laid me under an additional obligation in the part you have taken in obtaining me leave to visit my Native Country for the last time, if it please God I arrive safe, and am bless’d with a sight of an Aged Parent which I have not seen for upwards of Sixteen Years I can quit England and spend the Remainder of my Days in America very happily.
I am a good deal Uneasy at present on finding by Mr. Todds Letter of Novr. 2d. which I received from Philada. by the last Post that I have fallen under the Displeasure of our Honoured Masters, occasion’d by my writing to Mr. Colden at New York that I could not agree to the Packett’s sailing before Her usual Day, and that if She was dispatch’d it must be at his own perrill. It was certainly an Errour of Judgement in me, and the good of the Revenue was the sole motive of my writing that Letter to Mr. Colden. I got Mr. Coldens Letter (giving an Account that the Genl. had order’d the Packet to Sail on Monday Morning) on Saturday Night a little after Eleven o Clock on Sunday Morning I had many Applications from different Merchants that the Packet might not Sail untill Her usual Day, which as well as I can remember was about Eight or Ten Days to it—and on my having recourse to the Secretarys Letter to us of the 12th. of March 1763 I thought and so did one or two of your Friends that the Genl. had nothing to do with the Packets in time of Peace; and I was very sure that not one Letter, could possibly go by Her from the Southard of New York; was She to sail agreeable to the Generals orders.
I hope my Dear Friend that you will be able to prevent any disagreable consequences taking place from this unfortunate mistake and that if you are apprehensive of such a thing, that you would give my Brother timely Information that He may use his Intrest with His Friends on the Occasion. Perhaps I may be able on my coming over to set the Matter in a fairer light to their Lordships than it stands at present.
I had a Letter from Philada. by the last post your Family was well, I shall set out on my return in a few Days, and purpose embarking from philada. or New York the begining of April. I am and ever shall be my Dear Friend yours most affectionately
John Foxcroft
To Ben: Franklin Esqr.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jane Mecom, 23 February 1769
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Mecom, Jane

Dear Sister,
London, Feb. 23. 1769
I have received your kind Letters of Sept. 26. Oct. and Nov. 7. That of Sept. 26. is directed to my Wife, but she sent it to me, I suppose that I might see your Opinion of Mr. Bache: I am glad you approve the Choice they have made. I write a few Lines to Mr. Leadly: I cannot say much on that Subject till I see Mr. Foxcroft, whom I now expect daily. I am glad Major Small call’d on you. He is a Man I much esteem, as I do his Brother with whom I am intimately acquainted here. My best Respects to him.
Your Political Disputes I have no Objection to if they are carried on with tolerable Decency, and do not become outrageously abusive. They make People acquainted with their Rights and the Value of them. But your Squabbles about a Bishop I wish to see speedily ended. They seem to be unnecessary at present, as the Design of sending one is dropt; and if it were not dropt, I cannot think it a matter of such Moment as to be a sufficient Reason for Division among you, when there never was more need of your being united. I do not conceive that “Bishops residing” in America, would either be of such Advantage to Episcopalians, or such Disadvantage to Anti-episcopalians as either seems to imagine. Each Party abuses the other, the Profane and the Infidel believe both sides, and enjoy the Fray; the Reputation of Religion in general suffers, and its Enemies are ready to say, not what was said in the primitive Times, Behold how these Christians love one another, but, Mark how these Christians HATE one another! Indeed when religious People quarrel about Religion, or hungry People about their Victuals, it looks as if they had not much of either among them.
The Money you sent Mrs. Stevenson by Capt. Foulger came safe to hand. You have given no fresh Orders for Goods, or she would have comply’d with them. And she does not care to send any on her own Guess, especially as the late Proceedings here against America, may possibly strengthen the Resolutions of your People against wearing the Trumpery Finery of this Country, and make such Goods as you us’d to write for (if Goods they may be called) unsaleable. But as I had before discharg’d your Account for you, you may look on this Money as so much of yours in her Hands, and order it in what you please.
You will see by the inclos’d that your Town and Province has still some Friends in P——t. But their Endeavours have hitherto been attended with little Success. My best Wishes attend you, being ever Your affectionate Brother
B Franklin

P.S. There has lately been a new Edition of my philosophical Papers here. I send Six Copies to you, which I desire you would take care to have delivered as directed. There is one for your Trouble.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Samuel Cooper, 24 February 1769
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Cooper, Samuel

Dear Sir,
London, Feb. 24. 1769
I received your Favour by Mr. Jefferies. I should have been glad if in any thing I could have serv’d him here. The Part I took in the Application for your Degree, was merely doing Justice to Merit, which is the Duty of an honest Man whenever he has the Opportunity. I did that Duty indeed with Pleasure and Satisfaction to myself, which was sufficient: But I own the Pleasure is greatly increas’d by finding that you are so good as to accept my Endeavours kindly.
I was about to return home last Summer, and had some Thoughts of doing it by way of Boston; but the untoward Situation of American Affairs here, induc’d my Friends to advise my staying another Winter. I should have been happy in doing any Service to our Country. The Tide is yet strong against us; and our Endeavours to turn it have hitherto had but little Effect. But it must turn; if your frugal and industrious Resolutions continue. Your old Governor Mr. Pownall appears a warm and zealous Friend to the Colonies in Parliament, but unfortunately he is very ill-heard at present. I have been in constant pain since I heard of Troops assembling at Boston, lest the Madness of Mobs or the Insolence of Soldiers, or both, should, when too near each other, occasion some Mischief difficult to be prevented or repaired, and which might spread far and wide. I hope, however that Prudence will predominate and keep all quiet.
A great Cause between the City of London and the Dissenters was decided here the Year before last, in the House of Lords; no Account of it has been printed but one having been taken in Writing, I obtain’d a Copy of it, which I send you supposing it may afford you [and] your Friends some Pleasure.
Please to present my respectful Compliments to Mrs. Cooper and to Mr. Bowdoin when you see him. With sincere and great Esteem, I am, Reverend and dear Sir, Your affectionate and most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin
Revd Dr. Cooper

Endorsed: From D. Franklin By Capt Freeman.
Receiv’d Apr. 19. –69.