Title: Draft Definitive Peace Treaty between the United States and Great Britain, [ante 19 July 1783]
From: Adams, John
To:

          [ante 19 July 1783]
          (Project for) the definitive Treaty of Peace and Friendship, between his Britannic Majesty and the United States of America, concluded at    the    Day of     1783.
          In the name of the most Holy Trinity, Father, Son, & Holy Ghost. So be it.
          Be it known to all those, to whom it shall or may, in any Manner, belong.
          It has pleased the most high to diffuse the Spirit of Union & Concord among the Nations, whose Divisions had Spread Troubles in the four Parts of the World, & to inspire them with the Inclination to cause the Comforts of Peace to succeed to the Misfortunes of a long and bloody War, which, having arisen between Great Britain and the United States of America, in its Progress communicated itself to France, Spain, and the United Netherlands.
          Consequently the United States of America did, on the fifteenth Day of June, in the Year of our Lord, One thousand, seven hundred and Eighty one, name and appoint their Ministers Plenipotentiary, and resolve, ordain and grant their Commission in the following Words, Vizt.
          (Here insert it.)
          And his Majesty the King of Great Britain did on the twenty first Day of September, in the twenty second Year of his Reign, issue his Commission under the great Seal of Great Britain to Richard Oswald Esqe. in the Words following, Vizt.
          (Here insert it)
          And his said Britannic Majesty, on the one Part, and the said United States of America, on the other, did lay the Foundations of Peace in the Preliminaries, signed at Paris the thirtieth of November last, by the said Richard Oswald Esqr. On the Part of his said Majesty, and by the said John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, John Jay & Henry Laurens Esquires, on the Part of the said United States, in Virtue of their respective full Powers aforesaid, and after having mutually shown to each other their said full Powers in good Form, and mutually exchanged authenticated Copies of the same.
          And his said Britannic Majesty did, on the twenty fourth day of July in the Year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty two, and in the twenty second Year of his Reign, issue his Commission signed with his Royal Hand, and under the great Seal of G. Britain, to Alleyne Fitz Herbert Esqr. in the following Words, Vizt.
          (Here insert it)
          And the said Alleyne Fitz Herbert, on the Part of his said Britannic Majesty, and John Adams & Benjn. Franklin, in the necessary absence of the said John Jay & Henry Laurens, on the part of the said United States, did, at Versailles, on the twentieth Day of January last, communicate to each other their full Powers aforesaid, in good Form, and agreed upon an Armistice in the Words following.

          (Here insert it)
          And his Britannic Majesty did on the    Day of    in the Year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty three, and in the twenty third Year of his Reign, issue his Commission, signed with his Royal Hand, and under the great Seal of Great Britain, to David Hartley Esqr. in the folloing Words, Vizt.
          (Here insert it)
          And now the said David Hartley, Minister Plenipotentiary of his said Britannic Majesty, in behalf of his said Majesty on the one Part, and John Adams, Benjn. Franklin, & John Jay, Ministers Plenipotentiary of the said United States of America, in behalf of the said States, on the other, having communicated to each other their aforesaid full Powers in good Form, and mutually exchanged authenticated Copies of the same, have, by Virtue thereof, agreed, and do hereby agree & conclude, upon the Articles, the Tenor of which is as follows, Vizt.
          Whereas reciprocal Advantages and mutual Convenience are found, by Experience, to form the only permanent Foundation of Peace and Friendship, between States, it is agreed to form the Articles of this Treaty on such Principles of liberal Equity & Reciprocity, as that partial Advantages, those seeds of Discord, being excluded, such a beneficial and satisfactory Intercourse between the two Countries may be established, as to promise and secure to both perpetual Peace & Harmony.
          Article, 1st.
          The same as Art. 1st. of the Prely. Treaty, but finishing at “every Part thereof.”
          Article 2d.
          The same as Art. 2d. of the Prely. Treaty, but commencing with the remaining Part of Art. 1st. “and that all Disputes” &c. & ending with the Words, “And the Atlantic Ocean.”
          Article, 3d.
          The same as Article 3d. of the Preliminary Treaty.
          Article, 4d.
          It is agreed, that Creditors, on either Side, shall meet with no lawful Impediment to the Recovery of the full Value in sterling Money of all Bonâ fide Debts heretofore contracted; excepting that the respective Governments on both Sides, may, if they think proper, pass Acts directing, that, in Consideration of the Distresses and Disabilities brought on by the War, and by the Interruption of Commerce, no Execution shall be issued on a Judgment to be obtained in any such Case, until after the Expiration of three Years from the Date of this Definitive Treaty; nor shall such Judgments include any Allowance of Interest for the Time that passed during the War, & until the signing hereof.
          Article, 5th.
          And whereas Doubts have arisen concerning the true Construction of the 5th. Article of the provisional Treaty, and Great Difficulties are likely to arise in its Execution, it is hereby agreed, that the same shall be declared, void and omitted in this definitive Treaty.
          And, instead thereof it is agreed, that as exact an Account as may be, shall be taken by Commissioners to be appointed for that Purpose on each Part, of all Seizures, Confiscations, or Destruction of Property, belonging to the adherents of the Crown of Great Britain in America, (exclusive of Prizes made at Sea, and Debts mentioned in the preceeding Article) and also an Account of all Seizures, Confiscations, or Destruction of Property, belonging to the adherents of the United States, residing either therein, or in Canada; and the said Property being duly appraised and valued, the Accounts thereof shall be compared, and the Ballance shall be paid in Money by the Party which has suffered least, within one Year after such adjustment of the said Accounts. And it is farther agreed, that all Persons who have any Interest in confiscated Lands, either by Debts or Marriage Settlements, or otherwise, shall meet with no lawful Impediment in the Prosecution of their just Rights.
          Article, 6th.
          The same as Art. 6th. of the Preliminary Treaty.
          Article, 7th.
          There shall be a firm and perpetual Peace between his Britannic Majesty and the said States, and between the Subjects of the one and the Citizens of the other. And his Britannic Majesty shall, with all convenient Speed, and without causing any Destruction, or carrying away any Negroes, or other Property of the American Inhabitants, withdraw all his Armies, Garrisons, and Fleets from the said United States, & from every Port, Place, and Harbour, within the same, leaving, in all Fortifications, the American Artillery, that may be therein. And shall also order and cause all Archives, Records, Deeds, and Papers, belonging to any of the said States, or their Citizens, which, in the Course of the War, may have fallen into the Hands of his officers, to be forthwith restored and delivered to the proper States & Parsons, to whom they belong. And all Destruction of Property, or carrying away of Negroes, or other Property, belonging to the American Inhabitants, contrary to the above Stipulation, shall be duly estimated and compensated to the Owners.
          Article, 8th.
          The Navigation of the Rivers Mississippi & St. Laurence, from their Sources to the Ocean, shall for ever remain free & open to the Subjects of Great Britain and the Citizens of the United States.
          Article, 9th.
          The Prisoners Made respectively by the arms of his Britannic Majesty, & the United States, by Land & by Sea, not already set at Liberty, shall be restored, reciprocally and bonâ fide, immediately after the Ratification of the Definitive Treaty, without Ransom, and on paying the Debts they may have contracted during their Captivity: and each Party shall respectively reimburse the Sums, which shall have been advanced for the subsistence and maintenance of their Prisoners, by the Sovereign of the Country, where they shall have been detained, according to the Receipts, and attested Accts. and other authentic Titles, which shall be produced on each Side to Commissioners, who shall be mutually appointed for the Purpose of settling the same.
          Article, 10th.
          His Britannic Majesty shall employ his good offices and Interposition with the King or Emperor of Morocco or Fez, the Regencies of Algiers, Tunis and Tripoly, or with any of them, and also with every other Prince, State, or Power of the Coast of Barbary in Africa, & the Subjects of the said King, Emperor, States, and Powers, and each of them, in order to provide, as fully & efficaciously as possible, for the Benefit, Conveniency and Safety of the said United States, and each of them, their Subjects, People & Inhabitants and their Vessels and Effects against all Violence, Insult, Attacks or Depredations, on the Part of the said Provinces & States of Barbary or their Subjects.

          Article, 11th.
          If War, should hereafter arise between Great Britain & the United States, which God forbid, the Merchants of either Country then residing in the other, shall be allowed to remain 9 Months to collect their Debts and settle their Affairs, and may depart freely, carrying off all their Effects, without Molestation or Hindrance. And all Fishermen, all Cultivators of the Earth, and all Artisans or Manufacturers, unarmed & inhabiting unfortified Towns, Villages or Places, who labour for the common Subsistence and Benefit of Mankind, and peaceably follow their respective Employments, shall be allowed to continue the same, and shall not be molested by the armed force of the Enemy, in whose Power, by the Events of War, they may happen to fall; but, if any Thing is necessary to be taken from them for the Use of such armed Force, the same shall be paid for at a reasonable Price. And all Merchants or Traders, with their unarmed Vessels employed in Commerce, exchanging the Products of different Places, & thereby rendering the Necessaries, Conveniences, and Comforts of human Life more easy to obtain, and more general, shall be allowed to pass freely unmolested. And neither of the Powers, Parties to this Treaty, shall grant or issue any Commission to any private armed Vessel, impowering them to take or destroy such trading Ships, or interrupt such Commerce.
          Article, 12.
          And in Case either of the contracting Parties shall happen to be engaged in War with any other Nation, it is farther agreed, in order to prevent all the Difficulties & misunderstandings that usually arise, respecting the Merchandize heretofore called Contraband, such as Arms, Ammunition, and military Stores of all Kinds, that no such Articles carrying by the Ships or Subjects of one of the Parties to the Enemies of the other, shall, on any Account be deemed Contraband, so as to induce Confiscation and a Loss of Property to individuals; Nevertheless, it shall be lawful to stop such Ships, and detain them for such Length of Time as the Captors may think necessary, to prevent the Inconvenience or Damage, that might ensue from their proceeding on their Voyage, paying, however, a reasonable Compensation for the Loss such arrest shall occasion to the Proprietors. And it shall farther be allowed to use in the Service of the Captors the whole or any Part of the military Stores so detained, paying to the Owners the full Value of the same, to be ascertained by the current Price at the Place of its Destination.

          Article, 13th.
          The Citizens and Inhabitants of the said United States, or any of them, may take and hold real Estates in Great Britain, Ireland, or any other of his Majesty’s Dominions, and dispose by Testament, Donation, or otherwise, of their Property, real or Personal, in favour of such Persons as to them shall seem fit; and their Heirs, Citizens of the said United States, or any of them, residing in the British Dominions, or elsewhere, may succeed them ab intestato, without being obliged to obtain Letters of Naturalisation.
          The Subjects of his Britannic Majesty shall enjoy, on their Part, in all the Dominions of the said United States, an entire and perfect Reciprocity, relative to the Stipulations contained in the present Article.
          Article, 14.
          His Britannic Majesty consents that the Citizens of the United States may cut Logwood as heretofore, in the District allotted to his Subjects by the Treaty with Spain, on Condition that they bring or send the said Logwood to Great Britain or Ireland, and to no other Part of Europe.
          Article, 15th.
          All the Lakes, Rivers, and Waters, divided by the Boundary Line or Lines between his B. My’s. Territories and those of the United States, as well as the Rivers mentioned in Art:    shall be freely used & navigated by the Subjects & Citizens of his said Majesty, and of the said States, in common over the whole Extent or Breadth of the said Lakes, Rivers and Waters. And all the carrying Places, on which side soever situated of the sd. dividing Waters, or between the said Rivers and the Waters or Territories of either of the Parties, may and shall be freely used by the Traders of both, without any Restraint, Demand of Duties, or Tax, or any Imposition whatsoever, except such as the Inhabitants of the Country may be subject to.
          Article, 16th.
          That in all Places, belonging to the United States, or either of them, in the Country adjoining to the Water Line of Division, and which, during the War, were in his Majesty’s Possession, all Persons at present, resident or having Possessions or Occupations as Merchants, or otherwise, may remain in the peaceable Enjoyment of all civil Rights & in pursuit of their Occupations, unless they shall within seven Years from the Date hereof receive Notice, from Congress, or the State to which any such Place may appertain, to remove, and that upon any such Notice of Removal a Term of two Years shall be allowed for selling or withdrawing their Effects, and for settling their Affairs.
          Article, 17th.
          It is further agreed That his Britannic Majesty’s forces not exceeding    in Number, may continue in the Posts now occupied by them, contiguous to the Water Line, until Congress shall give them Notice to evacuate the said Posts, and American Garrisons shall arrive at said Posts for the Purpose of securing the Lives, Property and Peace of any Persons, settled in that Country, against the Invasion or Ravages of the Neighbouring Indian Nations, who may be suspected of retaining Resentments in Consequence of the late War.
          Article, 18th.
          It is farther agreed, that his Britannic Majesty shall cause to be evacuated the Ports of New-York, Penobscot and their Dependences, with all other Posts and Places in Possession of his Majesty’s Arms within the United States, in three Months after the signing of this Treaty, or sooner if possible, excepting those Posts, contiguous to the Water Line above mentioned, which are to be evacuated on Notice as specified in Art:
          Article, 19th.
          It is agreed that all Vessels, which shall have been taken by either Party from the other, after the Term of twelve Days within the Channel or the North Seas, or after the Term of one Month any where to the Northward of the Latitude of the Canaries inclusively, or after the Term of two Months between the Latitude of the Canaries and the equinoxial Line, or after the Term of five months in any other Part of the World, all which sd. Terms are to be computed from the 3d. Day of Feby. last, shall be restored.
          His sacred said Britannic Majesty and the said United States promise to observe, sincerely and bonâ fide, all the Articles contained and settled in the present Treaty; and they will not suffer the same to be infringed, directly or indirectly, by their respective Subjects & Citizens.
          The solemn Ratifications of the present Treaty, expedited in good and due form, shall be exchanged in the City of London, or Philadelphia, between the contracting Parties, in the Space of    Months, or sooner if possible, to be computed from the Day of the Signature of the present Treaty.
          In Witness whereof, We, the underwritten, their Ministers Plenipotentiary, have signed with our Hands, in their Name, and in Virtue of our full Powers, the present definitive Treaty, & have caused the Seal of our Arms to be put thereto.
          Done at    the    Day of    1783.—


Title: To John Adams from William Carmichael, 22 July 1783
From: Carmichael, William
To: Adams, John

          Sir
            Madrid 22d. July 1783
          I received a few days ago the Letter which you did me the honor to write me the 18th Ulto. by Mr Barry— It will be a pleasure for me to show my respect for your Excellencys recommendation, by rendering every personal civility & service to that Gentleman, which the nature of my situation in this Country will permit—
          When the Ct. de Rechteren—Minister from Holland at this Court left Spain, I took the Liberty of giving him a letter for you— I know not whether he has ever had the occasion of presenting it—
          The negotiation of the Definitive Treaty cannot go on more Slowly than our Affairs go on here— I have no powers to forward them, & I see with regret that a Treaty of commerce may possibly be adjusted with G. Britain before one with us becomes an Object of Consideration— It will be difficult After cessions are once made to that court to procure a participation in objects—Which will then be regarded as rights by another Nation— Your Excellencys long Experience & more Intimate knowledge of our Situation & Affairs will enable you to Judge much better than I can presume to do on these points—
          Here we expect every day the news of the signature of the Definitive Treaty— Spain seems disposed to take an active part with France against the designs of the two Imperial Courts— The Armament against Algiers has been dispersed by bad weather & obliged to take shelter in Alicant & the Different ports on that Coast—
          I know not whether I can be of any use to your Excellency in this part of the World— If I can, I beg you to beleive me, when I assure that it will be a great satisfaction to prove to your Excy / How much I am / Your very Humble Sert
          Wm. Carmichael


Title: From John Adams to Robert Morris, 28 July 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Morris, Robert

          2plicate.
            Sir,
            Amsterdam July 28th: 1783.
          Upon Enquiry of those who best know, I see no probability of Success from any Application to Authority in this Country, for Reasons which I have explained to our Minister of foreign Affairs. Our only Resource is in the public Opinion, & the favor of the Nation.
          I know of nothing, which would operate so favorably upon the Publick, as the Arrival of a few Vessels with Cargoes of American Produce, addressed to your Bankers, and appropriated to the payment of Interest. The Report of such an Event would greatly augment our Credit, by spreading the Opinion of our Ability & Disposition to pay.
          It would be presumption in me, at this distance, to undertake to advise you, who are upon the Spot, and are much better informed— But I beg leave to suggest the question, whether an Application of Congress to the States would not succeed? Suppose Congress should represent to the States the Necessity of an Exertion, in order to obtain a Loan at present, to enable You to satisfy the most urgent demands of the Army, and other public Creditors, until the States can agree upon some permanent establishment, & should recommend to each State to furnish a Cargo of its own Produce in proportion to its Rate upon the List— For example, South Carolina & Georgia, a quantity of Rice or Indigo—Virginia & Maryland of Tobacco—Pennsylvania, of Wheat or Flour, and the Northern States, of Fish or any other thing— Suppose these Cargoes, which need not be expensive for the thirteen States, should be sent to Amsterdam, or any where else in Europe, the proceeds of Sale to be remitted to Amsterdam to your Bankers: The Reputation of this, if well planned, adopted and executed, would give a strong Impulsion to your Loan here.
          I am but just arrived, & have not yet seen our Bankers. Saturday & Sunday are generally spent at Country Seats. But before I leave this place, I shall be able to inform you more precisely, whether you may depend on any thing from hence. No Pains of mine shall be spared. The British Stocks are so low, that We may hope for something. If a Minister is sent to London, you should give him a Commission to borrow Money. If he conducts the Matter with Secrecy & Caution, he may probably obtain a considerable Sum there. There are monied Men in that Country, who wish Us well. There are others, who may easily be inspired with more Faith in our Funds, than they can rationally have in their own. If, upon advising with proper Persons, he should not judge it prudent to open a Loan there, he might easily put things in a Train for some Individuals to purchase Obligations in your Loan in Amsterdam— So dismal are the Prospects in England, that many Men are upon the Wing to fly, & some would be willing to transfer their Property across the Atlantic.
          With great Respect, I have the honor to be, / Sir, your most obedient & / most humble Servant
          John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from Francis Dana, [29 July 1783]
From: Dana, Francis
To: Adams, John

          My Dear Sir
            St: PetersbourgJuly 18th. 1783. O.S. [29 July N.S.]
          ’Tis done. The bolt of your Vulcan has hit its aim. The idea you mentioned to me some time since, relative to the use of the Credit I had asked for, and which in reply I told you was not new to me, that the same had been repeatedly thrown out here by persons, whom to suspect of sinister or interested views wou’d be deemed by some a most damnable political heresy, has crossed the Atlantic and gotten possession of Congress. I am told they will not buy a Treaty at this day. But pray remark what I have said in my Letter to you of the 21st. of last May relative to this subject, particularly in the last paragraph of it beginning thus “Besides I shou’d not be surprised.” You may turn also to my letter of the 26th. of the same month. But contemptible beyond all contempt, (pardon the expression) is the construction upon my Instructions. Wou’d it not put a Pettifogger out of Countenance to be detected in such a miserable thing. Pray my Friend are you sufficiently versed in the diplomatic science to develop the whole meaning of the term “communicate,” and of the double &c? These Lord Coke observes are very pregnant often times. And that Gentleman has read Lord Coke, and must therefore be an excellent Commentator. But least he shou’d not have read the Text thrõ when he made his comment, I have laid it out at its full length before him. He may now comment upon it at leisure. I have thought it too plain to need any of mine. Do not imagine my Friend that I am angry, shall I say, at this Dutch Commentator. No, I have other feelings respecting him, and our much abused Country. I recollect the cause of the Instruction we received relative to the Fishery at our departure— I recollect the fatal revocation of your powers to conclude a Commercial Treaty with G: Britain. I call it fatal because, if I am not deceived, We have lost forever the most important advantages of a free Commerce with the British West Indies by that measure. We might have obtained every thing at the conclusion of our preliminary Treaty if our Commissioners had had that Power. This is evident from the Bill of Mr: Pitt the Chancellor of the Exchecquer. This last stroke, I think, tops the system. A more favourable moment for negotiating a commercial Treaty here, will in all probability, never happen. The present views of Great Britain give us many advantages to draw forth convenient concessions. Can Russia see with indifference Great Britain holding out special favours for the encouragement of our Naval Stores? But I need not enter into particulars with you on these subjects, who have surveyed them on all sides. I send you enclosed my letter to Mr: Livingston—
          I have several times acquainted Congress of my wish & intention to return to America as soon as I had concluded a commercial Treaty with Her Imperial Majesty. In consequence of this, they have by a resolution approved of my returning “provided I shou’d not be engaged in a Negotiation with this Court at the time of receiving the resolution in which Case it is the desire of Congress that I shou’d finish such negotiation before I return.” I am not engaged in any, as I have not yet had my Audience; and to communicate but not to sign is beyond my comprehension, and I believe woud surpass theirs also. If I shou’d break thrõ this cobweb I shou’d find myself stopped short by the other matter which is essential. What is to be done in such circumstances? I answer the wisest part appears to me, is to get out of them as soon as possible. But for this last difficulty I wou’d demand my Audience as soon as the definitive Treaty is concluded, enter immediately upon the negotiation of a Treaty of Commerce, and maugre all comments sign, ah, and seal too, “the form and terms of a Treaty” I shou’d agree upon, with Her Majesty’s Ministers. As it is, I say to myself be gone. And will be gone. And may God grant I may soon have the pleasure of meeting you in our Country, and all Friends well— I will take Master John’s things under my own care. Adieu my dear Sir / Your’s &c &c
          FRA DANA

            P.S. I pray you to present my most respectful regards to Mr: Jay of whom I hear every thing I cou’d wish— You will not write me again— Desire Mr. Thaxter to take all my matters under his care, along with him when he returns to America. Mr: Allen will take his passage with me. I believe he will find his account in coming here.


Title: From John Adams to Robert R. Livingston, 30 July 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Livingston, Robert R.

          Sir
            The Hague July 30th. 1783.
          I have been the more particular in my letters to you, concerning that extensive Manufacture and Commerce of refined Sugars, in this Country because the Proximity of all the Sugar Colonies to us, renders a share in it naturally usefull and convenient both to us and them. Fifty Thousand Hogsheads of raw Sugars are annually wrought in this Republick and exported at a great Profit to Germany, Denmark, Sweeden, Russia, Poland and Italy.
          At Amsterdam I visited a number of respectable Merchants in order to discover their sentiments concerning the Communication between us, and their Islands and Sugar Colonies.— They all agree that St: Eustatius and Curaçao, are and will be commercial Islands, open and free to all our Vessells. St: Martin’s is divided between the French, the Danes and the Dutch, whose share of it does not flourish. The Colonies, upon the Continent, of Surinam, Berbice, Demerary and Essequebo are at a greater distance from us. But they will be open to our Vessells and their Cargoes, because they all agree, that those Colonies, cannot Subsist without our Horses, Lumber, and Provisions, nor without the sale to us of their Melasses. We shall be allowed to take in return Melasses, with which some Quantities of Sugar, Coffee, and other Produce, are always Smuggled as they say. But altho’ nothing has been as yet determined it is the general Opinion that the Produce of the Colonies must be brought home in Dutch Ships as heretofore, Melasses excepted.
          From the Secretary of the West India Company, I have obtained a few Minutes, in so bad French that I almost despair of rendering it intelligible I have attempted it, however in the following Translation. viz.
          “In the Grant of the West India Company, renewed or more properly newly erected in the year 1700, continued in 1730, prolonged afterwards in the year 1760 for two years, and in the year 1762. from the first of January, to the 31st. of December 1791, are found the Limits fixed, only for the Inhabitants of these Seven united Provinces under the name of the united Company of these Provinces upon the Coast and Country of Africa, computing from the Tropick of Cancer, to the Southern Latitude of the Equinoxial Line, with all the Islands in this district situated upon the said Coast, and particularly the Islands of St: Thomas, Annebon, Island of Principa, and Fernando Polo, as also the Places of Essequebo and Baunominora situated upon the continental Coasts of America, as also the Islands of Curaçao, Amaba and Buonaire all the other Limits of the ancient Grant being open for the Commerce of all the Inhabitants of the Republick without exception, upon Condition however, that if the Company Oriental and Occidental should judge proper to navigate to the Islands situated between the Coasts of Africa, and America beginning at the Assention and further South, or any of them, and should occupy it before any other, should have a private Grant with exclusion of all other, for so long time as it shall occupy its places, and in case they should desist, these Places should return under the Second Class open for the Navigation of every Individual of the Republick, paying an Acknowledgment &c.
          That the said Particulars, trading in the said Districts, shall be obliged to acknowledge the Western Company, and to pay them for the Right of Convoy, and consequently in form of Acknowledgment, viz: for the Productions and Merchandizes for the West Indies, two per Cent and returning from thence into these Provinces two per Cent more, for the Commodities in return. and further the Ships navigating to Places, further distant in America, contained in the ancient Grant both in going and returning, should pay, five Florins per Last, or more or Less, according as their High Mightinesses shall judge proper to determine hereafter. observing nevertheless, that these five Florins per Last, shall not be demanded of Ships navigating to the Carabbee Islands, which shall pay the ordinary duty for Convoy to the Colledges of the Admiralty, from which they sail, and the said private Navigators shall be held, moreover, for the Satisfaction of the Western Company, to give sufficient Caution, that they will not Navigate nor cause to be Navigated, the Places contained in the first Class ceded to the said Company, with Exclusion of all others.
          And if any one is found to act Contrary, and to navigate to any Place situated in the prescribed Limits, and granted to the Company, his Ship and Cargo Shall be confiscated and attacked in Force, by the Ships belonging to the said Company and if such ships and Merchandizes or Commodities shall be sold, or entered into any other Country, or foreign Port the owner and his Accomplice Shall be liable to Execution, for the Value of the said ships and Merchandizes or Commodities.
          The Company has also the Right to require an Acknowledgment of all tho[se] who shall navigate, import or export any Merchandize to or from Places belongin[g to] the said Company notwithstanding they may be Subject and may belong to the Domination of other things or Princes, situated within the Limits stipulated in [the] Grant; and especially of every foreign Vessell, bringing any Commodities or Merchan[dizes,] from the West Indies or the Limits stipulated in the Grant, unto these Provinces, whether upon its own account on freight, or on Commission, whether such foreign Vessell shall come directly, from the West Indies and the Limits of the Gra[nt,] into these Provinces, or whether she shall have carried her Cargo to other Count[ries] or Kingdoms for what Reason so ever this may be. Exception, only in case the Merc[han]dizes of the Proprietor, should by Negotiation, be changed in nature, and that the Duty of this Country, fixed to the Place, should be Paid, which any one alledging shall be obliged to prove, Sufficiently, according to the Amount of the Merchandizes.
          Declaring, moreover, for further Elucidation of the said, Grant, that under the Name of the New low Countries, in Consequence of the three per Cent, which [the] Company has a right to require for the Merchandizes sent there or bought from thence, is understood, that part of North America, which extends itself West and South of the northern Part of Newfoundland as far as the Cape of Florida, to the River of Oronoque, and the Islands of Curaçao. For what concerns the other Places of Am[erica] contained in the most ancient and precedent Grant in regard to the five Florins per Last, upon the Vessells there navigating shall be understood all the Caraibbee Islands, Cuba, Jamaica, Hispaniola and Porto Rico as also all the Coasts and Countries computing from the river Oronoque, aforesaid, by the straights of Magellan, Le Maire or other passages or Straights situated under these, as far as the streight of Anjan, both upon the Sea of the North, and the Islands situated on the other side, and between them, as also the Southern Countries situated between the two Meridians, touching at the East the Cape of Good Hope and in the West, the Eastern part of New Guinea inclusively”
          If this Paper is not very clear to Congress, it is not more so to me, and perhaps to the Dutch themselves. There is a Dispute likely to arise between the West India Company and the Colledge of the Admiralty about it; which will [be] explained further, as it proceeds, by whatever Minister you may send here.
          Upon the whole Matter of our Communications with the European Establishments in the West Indies—We shall carry freely our Commodities to the French and Dutch, excepting perhaps Flour to the French, which however will be carried I suppose to St Lucie and Port Royal, as well as to St: Eustatius and Curaçao, St: Thomas and St: Martin’s, and there sold to any Nation that will purchase it. Melasses and Rum we shall bring away freely from the French and Dutch. And if we can obtain of them the Liberty of carrying Sugars, Coffee &c. from their Possessions in the West Indies to their Ports in Europe giving Bonds with Surety, to land them in Such Ports it will be as much as we can expect, if they will allow raw Sugars, Coffee, Cotton &c. to be sent freely to the United States in their own Vessells, this would be an Advantage for us, tho’ not so considerable as to bring them in ours.
          What the English will do is uncertain. We are not to take the Late Proclamation for a Law of the Meeds. The Ministry who made it are not firm in their seats, if Shelburne comes in we shall do better; and to be prepared to take Advantage of so probable an Event, you should have a Minister ready. We have one infallible Resource if we can unite in laying a Duty or a Prohibition But this Measure need not to be hastily taken, because by Negotiation I apprehend the Point may be carried in England; to this end it may be proper to instruct your Minister, and authorize him to Say that the States will find themselves obliged against their Inclinations, to lay a Prohibition or an heavy Duty upon all the West India Goods, imported, and all American Productions exported in British Bottoms, if the Trade is not regulated by Treaty upon an equitable Footing.
          With great Respect and Esteem, / I have the Honour to be, Sir, your / most obedient and most humble / Servant
          John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Robert R. Livingston, 31 July [1783]
From: Adams, John
To: Livingston, Robert R.

          Sir
            The Hague July 31. 1781 [1783]
          The last Evening, at Court, in the House in the Grove, where all the foreign Ministers supped, the Comte Montagnini de Mirabel, the Minister Plenipotentiary from the King of Sardinia, took an opportunity to enter largely into Conversation with me. As he and I were at a Party of Politicks while the greatest Part of the Company were at Cards, for two or three hours, We ran over all the World, but nothing occurred worth repeating except what follows.
          The Comte said, that his advice to Congress would be, to write a circular Letter to every Power in Europe, as soon as the definitive Treaty should be signed and transmit with it a Printed copy of the Treaty. In the Letter, Congress should announce that on the 4th of July 1776. the United States, had declared themselves a sovereign State, under the Style and Title of the United States of America; that France on the 6th: of Feby: 1778 had acknowledged them, that the States General, had done the same on the 19th: of April 1782. that Great Britain, on the 30th: of Novr: 1782 had signed with them a Treaty of Peace, in which she had fully acknowledg’d their Sovereignty, that Sweeden had entered into a Treaty with them, on the 5th: of Feb’y 1783. and that Great-Britain had concluded the definitive Treaty, under the Mediation of the two Empires if that should be the fact. &c. Such a Notification to all the other Powers would be a regular Procedure, a Piece of Politeness, which would be very well receiv’d, and the Letter would be respectfully answered by every Power in the World, and these written Answers would be explicit, and undeniable Acknowledgments of our Sovereignty. it might have been proper to have made this Communication in form, immediately after the Declaration of Independence: it might have been more proper to have done it, after the Signature of the provisional Treaty: But that it was expected it would be done after the definitive Treaty. That these circular Letters might be transmitted to your Ministers for Peace, or such of them as may remain, or to any of your Ministers in Europe, to be by them delivered to the Ministers at the Court where they are or transmitted any other way.— That Congress must be very exact in the Etiquette of Titles, as this was indispensable and the letters could not be answered, nor received without it. That we might have these Titles, at the C. de Vergennes’s office, with Precision &c.
          The Comte then proceeded to Commerce, and said that all the Cabinets of Europe had lately turned their Views to Commerce, so that we should be attended to, and respected by all of them— He thought we should find our account in a large Trade in Italy, every Part of which had a constant demand for our Tobacco and Salt-Fish at least. The Dominions of the King his Master, could furnish us in exchange, Oranges, Citrons, Olives, Oyl, Raisins, Figs, Anchovies, Coral, Lead, Sulphur, Allum, Salt, Marble of the finest Quality and gayest Colours, Manufactures of Silk, especially silk Stockings 20 per Cent cheaper than France, Hemp, and Cordage— He said we might have great Advantages in Italy in another respect. We had it in our Power to become the Principal Carriers for the People of Italy, who have little skill or Inclination for Navigation or Commerce The (Cabotage) carrying Trade of Italy had been carried on by the English, French and Dutch; The English had now lost it, the French had some of it, but the Dutch the most who made an immense Profit of it, for to his Knowledge, they sold in the Baltick and even in Holland many Italian Productions, at a Profit of five or Six for one. That we should have the Advantage of them all. By bringing our Tobacco and Fish to Italy, we might unload at some of their Ports, take in Cargoes upon Freight, for other Ports of Italy, and thus make coasting Voyages untill we had made up our Cargoes for return, or we might take in Cargoes on freight for Germany or the Baltick. The Dutch, he said would be the greatest Losers by this Rivalry, but as long as the Italians and Americans would be honestly gainers, neither need be anxious for that. That there was a very good Port, in his Masters Dominions, which was perfectly free, where we might go in and out at Pleasure, without being subject to Duties, searches or Visits.— We then made a Transition to Turkey; The Comte, could not for his Part blame the Emperor for wishing to open the Negotiation of the Danube. His Kingdom of Hungary was one of the finest Countries in the World. It was one of the most fertile, producing in great Abundance, Wines of various sorts all excellent, tho’ Tockay was the best: Grains of every Sort, in great Quantities, Metals of all Sorts, Gold, Silver, Copper, Iron, Quick silver; yet all these Blessings of Nature were rendered in a manner useless by the Slavery of the Danube.— The Emperor was very unfortunate, in having the Danube enslaved on one Side, and the Scheld on the other, and in this Age when the Liberty of Navigation and Commerce, was the universal cry, he did not wonder at his Impatience under it.— He did not think, that England would meddle in the Dispute, as her Trade to the Levant had declined— The Dutch had some still; but France had now the greatest part of it to Smirna, Alexandria, Aleppo in short to all the Trading Towns of Turky in Asia, for this is what is understood by the Levant Trade.— France he thought could not venture to engage in the War, in earnest, in the present State of her Finances.
          I have learnt, Since I came here, that France is desirous that this Republick should declare her self concerning this Turkish War— But she will avoid it, Unhappily. France has lost much of her influence here. Her friends fear, that the Odium of loosing Negapatanam, will fall upon them, among the People. The English and the Statholderians, are endeavouring to detach the Republick entirely from France, and to revive the ancient Connections, particularly the ancient Alliance, offensive and defensive, in the Treaty of 1674. A Mr: Shirly at Paris, has lately proposed to Mr: Boers, and Mr: Van der Pere, two Agents of the Dutch East India Company who have been a year or two at Paris and are reputed to be in the Statholders interest, that England had the best dispositions towards the Republick, and would give them ample Satisfaction, if they would treat distinctly from France, and renew the ancient cordial Friendship, and proposed an interview with the Dutch Ambassadors upon this Subject. The Agents proposed it, but Brantzen refused, to the great Satisfaction of the principal Republicans. Yet Mr: Berenger tells me, that some of the Republican Members begin to be afraid, and to think [they] shall be obliged to fall in with the English
          Upon conversing with many People in Government, and out of it in Amsterdam as well as the Hag[ue,] they all complain to me of the Conduct of France. They all confess that the Republick has not done [So] much in the War as she ought, but this is the Fault of the Friends of England they say, not those [of] France, and the worst Evil of all, that befalls the latter, are the reproaches of the Former, who now say insultingly “This comes of confiding in France” “We always told you, you would be cheated &c” Fr[ance] ought they say, to have considered this, And not have imputed to the Republick the Faults of her Enem[ies] because the Punishment falls wholly on her Friends.
          I mention these things to you, because, altho’ we are not immediately interested in them, t[hey] may have consequence which may affect us. And therefore you ought to know them. I think, however upon the whole the Republick will stand firm, and refuse to receive the Alliance tho’ they Sacrifice Negapatnam— France wishes to win the Republick into an Alliance, but feels an Aw[kward]ness about proposing it; and indeed, I doubt whether she would now succeed— she might have suc[ceeded] heretofore— But in plain English Sir, the Comte de Vergennes has no Conception of the right w[ay of] negociating with any free People, or with any Assembly Aristocratical or Democratical. He can[not] enter into the Motives which Govern them, he never penetrates their real System, and never app[ears] to Comprehend their Constitution—with Empires, and Monarchs; and their Ministers of S[tate,] he negotiates aptly enough.
          With great Respect I have the Honour / to be, Sir your most obedient and most / humble servant
          John Adams


Title: To John Adams from John Thaxter, 31 July 1783
From: Thaxter, John
To: Adams, John

          Dear Sir,
            Havre de Grace 31st. July 1783.
          Mr. Laurens & Son arrived here last Evening from Paris— I waited upon them immediately, and learnt that they were going over to England as soon as Mr. Barclay should arrive, which will be to day, in all probability, as he left Paris the 29th. instant.
          Capt Barney, it seems, is directed to give Mr. Laurens a Passage to Portsmouth, which is but a short run from hence— Mr. Laurens will, upon landing, go off for London, & do the business he is sent upon, (which you know better than I) and then dispatch Barney— This will take up about four days at farthest after his Arrival in London— I know not the Object of his so speedy Return to England—but imagine it is to know what some folks will or will not do.—
          As this opportunity by the Packet, if She should go over, will be so good, & as the Captain has offered me a place, I mean to improve it. It will be less expensive than going to Dieppe, or even taking Passage in any other Vessel from hence.
          ’Tis hinted that the present Ministry are very uneasy on the Saddle, & that a Change is talked of— When I get over, I will enquire into the Truth of the matter, & inform you— Another piece of News is, that there is a large Fleet fitting out in England, but for what purpose, I have not heard— But you are in a better Situation for Intelligence than I am at present, & will therefore more easily determine the Truth or falsehood of the Reports.
          You will please to remember me affectionately to your Son, & believe me to be, with an invariable Attachment, / Sir, your most obedient Servant.
          J. T.


Title: To John Adams from Wilhem & Jan Willink, 31 July 1783
From: Willink, Wilhem & Jan (business)
To: Adams, John

          Sir
            [31 July 1783]
          Your Excellency’s Letter for the Honourable R: Livingston Esqr. by want of Ships opportunity we recommanded this morning to the Care of Mr. Brush, and having received with the french mail the inclosed, we forward it immediately.

          We have had a great deal of trouble with the Coachman, who made his acct. that the hire agreed upon of 2ƒ a day till the return made already till now

               290 days 2ƒ
              ƒ580—

              and then pretended Sixty pounds for the Coach, we aft. a great deal of talking Settled with him for
              ƒ750 in all

              for we Considered that if your Excellency had returned With the Coach, Said hire’d have been pay’d, so deducting of the
              ƒ750—

              Said hire rent
               580—

              the Coach in Reality only costs
              ƒ170—

              to you and the repairs in paris at
              "400

              Leaves the Coach to you
              ƒ570—

          now repaired in good order, whch. we Consider at a very moderate price and cheap. We flatter ourselves your Excellency ’ll be pleased With this transaction being said ƒ750 charged to the acct. of the United States.
          We pay our Compliments to the Young Mr. Adams and have the honour to be With respectfull Regard. / Sir / Your most Humb Servants
          Wilhem & Jan Willink


Title: From John Adams to Robert R. Livingston, 1 August 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Livingston, Robert R.

          Sir
            The Hague August 1. 1783.
          I had last evening some Conversation with D. Joas Theolonico de Almeida the envoy extraordinary of Portugal who desired to meet me to day at any hour at his House or mine. I promised to visit him at twelve, which I did.

          He said he had heard that the French Minister had proposed to the Duke of Manchester, at Versailles, to reduce the Duties upon French Wines in England, to the level of those upon Portugal Wines, and begged of me to inform him, if it was true, because if it were, Portugal must endeavour to indemnify herself by opening a Trade with America or some other Way for such a Project would be ruinous to the sale of their Wines in England which was their only Market. I answered that I had heard of Such a Project among Multitudes of others in private Conversation, but know of no Authenticity for it.
          We have a Treaty, says he, made in 1703, by which we have stipulated with the English to permit the Importation of their Cloths, upon Condition that they allow the Importation of Portugal wines, upon paying one third of the Duty of French Wines, if they violate the Treaty Says he, We shall be rid of it.— I asked him if his Court permitted the English, or any other Nation to go to the Brazils? In the last Century says he, between 1660, and 1670, We did agree with Charles the second, who married a Daughter of Portugal, that the English should go to the Brazils, and after that, the Dutch sued for Permission to go there too, and we granted it. But we found it inconvenient and in 1714 or 1715 at the Treaty of Utrecht, we agreed upon an Article with Spain, to exclude all Nations from the Brazils, and as the English Ambassadors were there, we have since held that Nation bound, and have confiscated their Vessells, as well as the Dutch which ventured there. The English have made Sometimes strong Remonstrances, but we have always told them, if we admit you we must admit the Dutch too, and such has been their Jealousy of the Dutch, and dread of their Rivalry, that this had always quieted them, choosing rather to be excluded themselves, than that the Dutch should be admitted. So that this Commerce has been a long time carried on in Portuguese Ships only, and directly between the Brazils & Lisbon.
          I asked him whether we might not have a free Communication with all their western Islands, and whether one or all of them might not be made a Depot for the Produce of the Brazils, so that Portuguese Ships might stop and deposit Cargoes there and American Vessells take them? He said he would write about it to his Court by the next Post. At present Brazil communicated only with Lisbon, and perhaps it might be difficult for Government to secure the Duties at the Western Islands.
          I asked if there were any Refineries of Sugar at Lisbon? He said “None.” Their sugars had been all brought here for Refinement. That all their carrying Trade with other Parts of Europe had been carried on by the English and Dutch. That their Mercantile Navigation “Marine Marchande” before this War, had been upon a very poor footing, but it was now much changed, and they began to carry on their Trade in their own Vessells.— I observed if their Trade should continue to be carried on by others, it must be indifferent to them, whether it were done in English, Dutch or American Vessells, provided it was done to their equal Advantage. But if they should persist in the desire to conduct it in their own Vessells they might purchase Ships, ready built in America, cheaper than they could build them, or buy them elsewhere, all this he said was true. That they could supply us with Sugars, Coffee, Cocoa, Brazil Wood, and even with Tea, for they had an Island called Macao near China, which was a flourishing Establishment, and sent them annually a good deal of Tea, which the Dutch actually bought very cheap at Lisbon to sell again.
          He asked whether Portugal Wines had been much used in America? I answered that Port Wines, common Lisbon, and Caracavalles had been before the War frequently used, and that Madeira, was esteemed above all other wine. That it was found equally wholesome and agreeable in the heats of Summer, and the Colds of Winter, So that it would probably continue to be preferred, tho there was no doubt that a Variety of French Wines would now be more commonly used than heretofore.
          He said they should have occasion for a great deal of our Fish, Grain, and perhaps Ships, or Ship Timber and naval Stores, and other Things, and he Thought there was a Prospect of a very beneficial Trade with us, and he would write largely to his Court upon it. I replied that I wondered his Court had not Sent a Minister to Philadelphia, where the Members and Ministers of Congress, and even the Merchants of the City, might throw much light upon the Subject and assist in Framing a Treaty to the greatest possible Advantage for both Countries. He said he would write for a Commission and Instructions, to negotiate a Treaty with me. I told him that I believed his Court had already instructed their Ambassador at Versailles to treat with Mr: Franklin. But that I thought Philadelphia or Lisbon, were the properest Places to treat, and that I feared mutual Advantages might be lost by this method of striking up a bargain in haste in a distant Country, between Ministers who could not be supposed to have made of Commerce a study.

          In a letter from Paris yesterday I am informed that a Project of a Treaty with Portugal, and another with Denmark, are to go home in Captain Barney. These projects have never been communicated to me nor to Mr. Jay. I hope that Congress will not be in haste to conclude them, but take time to inform themselves of every thing which may be added to the mutual Advantage of the Nations and Countries concerned. I am much mistaken if we have not lost Advantages, by a similar Piece of Cunning in the Case of Sweeden.
          With very great Respect I have the Honour / to be, Sir your most obedient and most / humble Servant
          John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from Robert Montgomery, 2 August 1783
From: Montgomery, Robert
To: Adams, John

          Sir
            Alicante 2 August 1783
          I have the Honour of your Esteemd Letter of the 18 June, and find it out of your Line to Give Introductions in Affairs of Commerce With which I Rest Satisfied, but more So as Not any Business of Consequence can be done with the States from hence, before the Navin: of the Medeterranian becomes Entirely free for thier Flag
          I find I have Commited an Error in writing to the Moroccan Minister, as if Orderd directly by Congress to do so, but having instructions from Mr Carmichael to Say what I might think Prudent on the Subject to the Moron: Ambassador when here on his way to Viena and having Shortly after the Good fortune of a friendly Intimacy with Belzasnachi on his Return from An Embassy to Algiers he Encouraged Me on Mentioning this Subject to Write to his Court upon it Assureing Me it would be Attended with the Most favourable Consequenses, but that he Could not with Propriety Mention the Affair to the Emperor without Some Such Authority for doing so, in this Situation I had not time to Consult Mr Carmichael as the Ambassador Was to Sail for Tanger the first favourable wind, and thought it Better to hazard the Letter I had Already the Honour of Communicating to your Execy: than Lose So favourable An Opertunity for Obtaining a thing So Greatly useful to the Commerce of Our Contrey, If I have Absolutely done Wrong in it I hope You will Conseder that the best Are Subject to Err in which I have only Acted like any Other Man but from the best Intentions, it would truely Distress me to think it Could be Attended with any disagreeable Consequence (as you Are Pleased to Observe) to the Publick, but As to my Self I fear I Shall never be Honourd by Suffering Materially in thier Cause
          As to Presents which is the Custom with the Easteren Nations I was Assured by Belgasnachi that Nothing of that Kind would be Expected from Congress being an Infant State but Just Recovering from a Long And Expensive War as A Proof which please find Inclosed Extract of Another Letter I have Received from the Moroccan Minister dated the 6th. ulto Whereby you will find he Shews the Strongest desire of Cultivateing And fomenting the Commerce between that Countrey And the States in Order to which the Emperor has Already taken off one third of the Duty formerly Paid on the Mules (of which before the War we Carried Great Quantities to the West-Indias) with A Promise of Shewing Every Civillity And Respect to Any of our Vessels that May Arrive in thier Ports, In Short I beleive You will See Mr. Croco Envoy from the Emperor to their Excs the Plenipotentiaries At Paris, When I trust that a thing So Esential to Our Commerce As Good friendship And Harmoney with the Moores will be Seriously thought of. this and Every Other Happiness that Can Possibly Attend Our Contrey And you Sir is the Sincerest Wish of / Sir / Your Excelys: Most obedient / And Very Humble Servt
          Robt Montgomery


Title: From John Adams to Robert R. Livingston, 3 August 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Livingston, Robert R.

          Sir
            The Hague August 3. 1783.
          The Fiscal Systems of the Powers of Europe, have such an ill Influence on Commerce, that they deserve the Serious attention of Congress and their Ministers whenever they have under Consideration a Treaty with any foreign Power. In Conversation yesterday with Mr: D’Asp the Chargé des affaires of Sweeden, I enquired of him what Imposts were payable in their Ports upon the Importation and Exportation of Merchandizes, and observed to him, that I had lately seen in the Gazettes, that the King had taken off certain duties upon the Importation of Merchandizes from America in Sweedish Ships. He agreed that such a Thing had been done. This ought to allarm us. All the Powers of Europe, who are called neutral, have felt a sudden increase of their Navigation, in the Course of the late War, and the Profits they have made, have excited a Desire to augment it still furthur. If they Should generally exact duties of our Ships, and none of their own, upon the Importation of our Produce, this will be as great a discouragement to our Navigation as it will be an Encouragement to theirs. Whether this has been alluded to in the Treaty with Sweeden, I know not for I have not seen it. But it ought to be carefully considered by those who negotiate the Treaties with Denmark and Portugal, the Emperor and Empress and all other Powers. We have a good Right to insist, that no distinction should be made in their Ports between their Ships and ours. That We should pay in their Ports no higher Duty than they pay in ours. I should think it therefore adviseable for Congress to instruct their Negotiators, to endeavour to obtain Equity in this Respect. This is the Time for it, if ever. If we cannot obtain it by Negociation We must think and talk of doing ourselves Justice by making similar Distinctions in our Ports, between our Vessells and theirs. But here again comes in the Difficulty of uniting our States in such Measures a difficulty which must be surmounted, or our Commerce, Navigation and Marine will Still be ruined, notwithstanding the Conservation of the Fisheries. It deserves to be considered by whom this new Method of huddling up Treaties at Paris is contrived, and for what Purposes. It may well be conjectured that it is done, with the Secret Intention of preventing these things from being attended to, for there are Persons, who had rather that any other People should have Navigation, than the Americans. I have good Reasons to believe that it was known at Versailles that Mr: Dana had well digested his Thoughts upon this Subject, which was Reason enough for some People to endeavour to take Sweeden out of his Hands, in whose department it was. Their Success is much to be lamented.
          I had yesterday and the day before long Conversations with the Baron van der Capellen de Pol and Mr: Gyselaer, they both complain to me in the most Pathetic Terms, of the cruel Situation of the Friends of America and France in this Republick. They both say that they are looking round, every way, like drowning Men, for Support. The Province of Friesland their great Dependance, wavers, [and many of their] fellow Labourers ar[e disco]uraged. They both enquired of me very earnestly, if clos[er Connect]ions could not be formed with us. If we could not agree to Warrant to each other the Liberty of Navigation, or enter into an Alliance offensive & Defensive They see, they shall be obliged to make a shameful Peace, and that the Blame of it will fall upon them, which will give a Triumph to the Court and put their Persons even in danger. They Say the King of France, by his Ambassador in July 1782. gave them a positive assurance that he would never Seperate his Cause from theirs. in Consequence of this they had instructed their Ambassadors never to seperate their Cause from his. on their Part, the agreement has been sacredly observed, but not on the other. With Great Britain enraged against them, with a formidable Party in the Republick furious against them, with the King of Prussia threatening them, and abandoned by France, their Prospects are they Say as disagreeable as can be conceiv’d.
          There are many appearances of designs to [ex]cite the People to Seditions, and I think it probable, that the Court of London studies delays of the definitive Treaty in this hope I still believe however that the People will be wise and the Republick firm, and Submit to the immense Losses of the war, and that of Negapatnam rather then renew their old Submission to the Court and to England.
          I have the Honour to be, Sir your / most obedient Servant
          J. Adams.


Title: To John Adams from John Thaxter, 4 August 1783
From: Thaxter, John
To: Adams, John

          Sir,
            Monday London 4th. August 1783.
          I arrived here last Evening with Mr. Laurens & Son, Mr. Barclay, Storer & Champion— We came off Pool in Capt Barney, who left Havre de Grace on Friday last— Having luckily fell in with a Pilot Boat, & the Wind being good for Barney, we went on board the Pilot Boat & landed at Pool, Mr. Laurens thinking it most adviseable that Capt. Barney should improve the good Wind—so that he may be said to have sailed the 1st. of this month—
          Upon my Arrival in Town, I found the News Papers had got Mr. Boudinot’s Proclamation, summoning Congress to meet in the Jersey’s— I saw also a Letter from Philadelphia of the 24th. of June, mentioning the flight of Congress &ca. but that the Affair of the Army might and would be easily settled— There is some puffing in the Gazettes here about this matter, but it is so much in the old stile, & so like their language during the War, that ’tis nothing new.
          I arrived so late last Night, & have had so fatiguing a Voyage & Journey, that I have not yet been able to see any Acquaintance to know the state of Politicks— I inclose some Papers, which will be forwarded & perhaps delivered by Mr. Course, a young Gentleman who once lived with Mr. Ingraham, He will be able to tell you perhaps more News than I can possibly, after being so short a time here.

          Mr. Storer desires his Respects to you, you will make my best Compliments to your Son & yr Family.
          With perfect Respect, I have the honor to be, / Sir, / your most obedient & / most humble Servant.
          J Thaxter Junr.


Title: To John Adams from Edmund Jenings, 7 [August] 1783
From: Jenings, Edmund
To: Adams, John

          21st.
            My Dear Sir
            London July [August] 7th. 1783.
          I am much Obliged to you for your Letter of the 26th Ult. it was so long that I had heard from you, that I was fearful either mine or yours had Miscarried especially as I did not recive One from his Excellency until a Month after date.
          We Agree in the effect that the late Proclamation’s relative to the American Trade will have on the Temper of our Countrymen, who must besides at this Time be irritated on discoveries lately made, for it seems the English are at the bottom of the late disturbances at Philadelphia— two officers concerned therein are arrived in this Town. I saw, I believe one of them this Day He wears the american Cockade and the Artillery Uniform. The Refugees here have been some time in Expectation of an important blow being struck in America, a very notorious one said six Weeks Ago that He did not Prophecy it, but Knew it from certain Documents. This is alarming as it shows there is still a dangerous Correspondence Held up between The English Partizans on both Sides of the Water The Discovery of this may serve to unite our people & oblige them to take the most Effectual Measures to prevent Mischief in future.
          I have good reason to think that the alien Duties will be taken off of America Ships trading to Ireland.

          I am sorry to hear you have not yet Accounts from our State with respect to your Negociation. it has passed an Act of Assembly touching the Money in the English Funds. but I Know not what it is.
          it is said that they are arming here their Navy & that a war will break out, but with whom, for what, and how to be carried on is not Settled.
          I drank Tea yesterday on board the Commerce Captn Thruxton, who I understand took during the War Seventy five English Flags. He leaves this port next Tuesday, Doctr Bancroft goes with Him. Captn Falkner leaves Town to Day, his Ship is crouded, with Passengers.
          My Ennemy arrived in Town the day before yesterday. I found myself by Accident under the same Roof & got away as soon as possible. my Pamphlet is printed & makes 30 Odd pages in Quarto— the Title is the Candor of ——— Manifested by his Behaviour to E J. a Title, which I think will never be forgiven.— I sent three of them to our Acquaintance near St Pauls, one directed for Him; another for his Lady and the third for whomever He pleases. my Letter to Him containing six Sheets of Paper which He has not Answered is inserted therein. I am told He is miserable and I am sorry for Him, He might extricate Himself from his Difficulties, but seems to be overawed. Many of my Acquaintance have seen the Work, and are Struck with Astonishment & Horror. & advise me by all means to send it Abroad. it will go with Captn Thruxton.
          Having finished this business thus far at least I am Easy and am ready to Attend our Friend B for now I think my Ennemy can’t do me or perhaps any one Mischief. He will have enough upon his Hands to clear up his own Character.— when B comes to London pray let Him leave His address, in Vine Street, for me [. . .] whether I am there when He calls.
          I beg my best Respects to Mrs Ridley I Hear She is Very Well I would not have the present brave boy spoilt, but there is danger of it, if He is the only one.
          How does Mr & Mrs Jay? is there no new Arrangements of Ministers yet? our Excellent Friend is, I fancy out of Patience.
          My Dear Friend / Adieu.

            P. S. His Excellencys Account with me will be soon settled, I owe Eight or ten Ducats to Him.
            you recollect the Hints given me whilst I was at Brussells, relative to the Refugees, I have talked with the Gentleman who conveyed them to a Noble Lord, & find from Him that they made a very great & useful Impression on Him.


Title: To John Adams from John Thaxter, 7 August 1783
From: Thaxter, John
To: Adams, John

          Sir,
            London 7. August 1783.
          The affair of surrounding the State House at Philadelphia terminated very differently from the expectations of our Enemies of all denominations— The Troops employed in this contemptuous daring Attack on the Civil Power have humbly solicited the forgiveness of Congress, while two of their Officers, the Ringleaders, have fled for safety to the Asylum of two of our choice Friends, D. & A.— They are here in this City—their Names are Sullivan & Crabrey Carberry, both one a foreigners the other a Native, Captains in our Service— One of them has been but a short time in the Army— I am sorry this Affair happened, but some good may spring from it.
          I dined yesterday in Company with a Portsmouth Refugee, whom I found very candid— I think his Name is Hale— He does not like Republican Governments, & therefore means to continue a loyal & a British Subject. He says he early took a decided part & has been uniform to the last— He wishes well to America, that is to say, all sort of Prosperity to her as far as is consistent with that of England—Admires many Characters personally in our Country—spoke of Mr. J. & you as able Politicians—he thinks America will be productive of great Men & figure in the Sciences— In short he professed a good Opinion of America, declared he was always candid & never bigotted—that he had principles, which he must adhere to, thought them such as would prevent him from being a good subject of America, & that as an honest Man he ought to remain where he was— I told him I hoped he would, & every one else of the same Sentiments.— I was cautious & reserved before him, knowing him to be a disappointed Man, and that a Phiz dressed up with the smile of Complacency often disguises a rancorous Heart— I dont know him to be of this Cast— He appeared moderate enough—but as a Stranger & a Refugee it was my business not to be open— He had a great deal to say about the two Proclamations for opening the Trade with America—thought them very necessary, but by no means inimical to that Country— He said there were prohibitory Acts here against trading with America, that were annulled by the Proclamations, & that without the Proclamations would have been in force— He could not see how America would be excluded from carrying her own productions to the Islands, or from bringing those of the Islands to her own Ports, by the Proclamations— I asked him why Fish, Pot & Pearl Ash were excepted or rather not named in the Proclamations, & what would be the Consequence, if those Articles were exported from America in American Ships navigated by American Seamen, to the West Indies or even to G. Britain? He thought they could not be seized but might be sent back— Is not this then almost tantamount to an Exclusion? It would be ridiculous, says he, for Administration to pretend to say what America shall or shall not carry, & they were right in being silent— From all I could learn, he seemed to think it good Policy, & that it would operate as a stimulous to the Americans to bring the definitive Treaty to a close, & a Treaty of Commerce on the Carpet— Dont you think the Proclamations aimed at the Carrying Trade of our Country? That may be says he, & Britain must take Care of her own Interests.—
          Since writing the above, I have waited on Mr. L. who will soon write to you— He says that Capt. Carberry has visited him, and is extremely unhappy for the part he took in the Philadelphia Mob—is very sensible of the Criminality of his own Conduct, & is much distressed here— The young fellow is a Native of America,— Sullivan is an Irishman— The former has borne a good Character—but was unfortunately led away— I hope they will be pardonned, but be made very sensible that an Error of a Moment might have produced most unhappy Consequences, & of how much Importance it is in a free Government that the Civil should be the Sovereign Power, & give not recieve the Law from the military.
          The Queen was delivered of a Daughter at 2o. Clock this morning—good News for the poor Civil List—
          ’Tis lately been discovered here that Gold was very scarce, or rather the reason of it has been found out— It appears that vast Quantities of Guineas have been exported to Holland & Germany, one shilling being gained upon them in Holland, & 8 1/2 pr. Cent in Germany.— This is alarming, & there are sad Complaints about it, & some doleful Tales of Poverty— So much for endless Resources—
          Mr. Jenings has published a Pamphlet, intitled the “Candor of Henry Laurens Esqr. manifested in his Conduct towards Emund Jenings,[”] or a title much like it— I have not read it, nor had I heard of it ’till this morning. If there are any to be bought, I shall purchase one—but he will probably send you one— I waited on him this morning, but did not find him at home.— I have only to add my best wishes for your Health & an Assurance of that sincere Attachment & Respect, with which I have the honor to be, Sir, / your most obed— & / most humble Servt.
          T


Title: To John Adams from Tristram Dalton, 8 August 1783
From: Dalton, Tristram
To: Adams, John

          Dear Sir
            Newburyport August, 8th. 1783
          I did myself the Honor of writing You from Boston, the 16th Ulto, and endeavor’d to give a general State of our public Affairs. Having retired to my Country Estate since the Adjournment of the General Court, which was a little before the date of my last, I have not had opportunity to acquaint myself of the present Sentiments of the people at large on the several Matters that had agitated their Minds, as mentioned in my said Letter— In my Neighbourhood I am pleased to find the Inhabitants begin to view Things on a larger, and consequently less prejudiced, scale— They feel the Necessity of granting Congress some Money, or a Power to collect some— This Government has for near two Years collected only £50,000 of £400 thousand required—And nearly despair of obtaing any Sum adequate to the necessary demands, in the usual way of taxation— The longer a delay of supplies, the more dangerous the remedy of the defect—
          Sensible of the absolute Necessities of furnishing the public Chest, Congress, as I mentioned to you, pressed, in the strongest and most pathetic pointed Terms, the Attention of the several Legislatures to this Object—& in a Pamphlet forwarded to Each of them, shewed the dangerous tendency of any further Neglects. Having an Oppy. by a careful Master of a Ship bound from this place to London, who promises to forward a packett to yourself in a Channel that will avoid Postage, I enclose one of those Pamphlets—also another containing a Collection of Papers respecting the halfpay of the Officers, and Commutation thereof—not knowing but, by Neglect of those, whose proper Business it may be to forward all such public papers, authentick, You might be indebted to the public News-Papers for Intelligence—as has been frequently the Case—Should You have recived them from any other hand, be pleased to accept my Wishes to be of the least Service—
          Having nothing worthy your Notice to communicate, I will not tresspass on your important time, any further at present, than to renew my Assurances of being, with the most unfeigned Regards / Dear Sir / Your affectionate Friend / And most hble Servant
          Tristram Dalton


Title: Henry Laurens to the American Peace Commissioners, 9 August 1783
From: Laurens, Henry
To: American Peace Commissioners

          Gentlemen.
            London 9th. August 1783.
          Availing my self of your consent & recommendation I embarked at le Havre on board the Washington & Sailed from thence the 1st Inst. On the 2d. at 9 o’Clõ. AM. we were within six Leagues of Poole in Dorsetshire. The Wind being very favorable, I quitted the Ship, went on board a small Hoy bound to Poole & urged Capt. Barney to proceed on his Voyage, leaving my excellent Post Carriage to take its fate on the Ship’s Deck in preference to the risque of delaying him a single hour. had the Wind been Westerly I might have detained him a few days for dispatching to Congress the result of my applications to the Ministers of this Court. I judge from the state of the Winds since I parted with Capt. Barney, he was clear of the Channel on Sunday Night the 3d. & that he is now 150 or 200 Leagues advanced on his Voyage.

          I arrived in London late in the Night of the 3d. on the 5th had a conference with the Rt Honblẽ. C J Fox Esqr. which I commited to writing as soon as it had ended. I shall give it in short diologue as the best way, not pretending to accuracy in every word but fully preserving the sense & substance.
          Mr. Fox— I suppose Mr. L. you wish to forward the Ratification of the Provisional Articles.
          L. I could wish that was done Sir, but tis not the particular business which I have in charge.
          F. I understood from Mr. Hartley’s Letter which you sent me it was, but he does not speak possitively.
          L. No Sir, the only business I have in Charge is to inquire, whether a Minister from the US of America would be properly received at this Court.
          F. Most undoubtedly, I could wish there was one here at present, I think we have lost much time from a want of a Minister from your side.
          L. then Sir, will you be so good as to ask his Majesty the Question & inform me.
          F. I’ll take the King’s pleasure tomorrow & you shall hear from me, I suppose there is already a conditional appointment of some person now in Europe.
          L. Not that I know of, tho’ I don’t know the contrary, but I have an excellent opportunity for writing to Congress & I have no doubt an appointment will be immediately made.
          F. that’s unlucky, there must be two crossings the Ocean then; If a Minister from Congress had been here we might have done our business in half the time we have already spent, but I shall certainly inform you to Morrow, this is the very time a Minister from your people is most necessary.
          L. tho’ I have nothing particularly in charge except the business already mentioned, I regret the delay of both the Commercial & definitive Treaty. we had flattered our selves with hopes in March & April that both would have been finished in a few days.
          F. Why as to a Definitive Treaty, I don’t see any necessity for one, or not immediately. The Provisional Articles are to be inserted in & constitute a Treaty— a Ratification of those I apprehend will answer all purposes of a Definitive Treaty they may be made definitive.— the case with respect to France & Spain differs widely, several articles in our Preliminaries with them refer to a definitive Treaty.
          L. I agree with you Sir, the Provisional Articles mutually ratified may by the consent of the Parties be made definitive, but there may be additional articles suggested & agreed to for mutual benefit.
          F. that’s very true but I don’t see any at present. I very much regret the want of a Minister from America.
          L. Permit me Sir to ask you, Is it intended by the Proclamation of the 2d July to exclude American Ships from the West India Trade between the United States & the British Islands?
          F. Yes certainly it was so intended, in order that we might have something to Treat for, & this will a subject for Commercial Treaty.—
          On the 6th. I waited upon His Grace the Duke of Portland. His Grace was equally clear & possitive as Mr. Fox had declared himself, that a Minister from the United States of America would be well received at this Court. & also regreted that an appointment had not earlier taken place.— I touched upon the Commercial & definitive Treaty refered to conversations & assurances in March & April, intimated my apprehensions of pernicios effects, which might arise from excluding American Ships from a freedom of Trade between the United States & the British West India Islands, adding what I had learned from Doctor Franklin of the Commerce intended by the Court of France to be permited between our America & the French Islands. I can only say, the Duke seemed to wish that every thing had been settled to mutual satisfaction & to hope that every thing would soon be settled.
          Yesterday by desire of Mr. Fox I called upon him again, he said he had not seen the King, but that he had transmited an Account to His Majesty of my application, that we might be perfectly satisfied however, a Minister from Congress would be well received, that the appointment of one was much wished for here. that he must take blame to himself in some degree for the long delay of a Commercial regulation, but that business would now be soon finished. he had no objection himself to opening the West India Trade to the Americans, but there were many parties to please “& you know added Mr. Fox, the people of this Country very well.” Yes Sir, I know something of them, & I find not only the West India Planters but some of the most judiciõs Merchants anxios for opening the Trade, I have been told by some of them they should be ruined without it. “I beleive all this, said Mr. Fox but there are other people of a different opinion.” “As to the Definitive Treaty, there may as you observed be new articles necessary for mutual advantage & we may either add such to the Provisional Articles & make the whole definitive or make a New Treaty. but I understand it is expected this should be done under the Eye of, or in concert with the Court of France which for my own part I don’t like & can’t consent to.”
          I replied, “in my opinion a New Treaty definitive would be best as well for incorporating additional Articles as for clearing away some of the Rubbish in the Provisional, which contained if not nonsense, more than a little ambiguity. that tho’ I did not see the necessity for it now, yet I had been told it was expected our definitive Treaty should be finished in communication with the French Court. but as I had formerly observed I had received no charge on this head & spoke only the sentiments of Mr. Laurens to Mr. Fox not to a Minister of Great Britain.”
          I have detailed facts as fully & fairly as memory has enabled me, I leave them with you under this one remark that we are Cooler in the Dog Days than we were at the Vernal Equinox. the Philosophy of Versailles & Passy may account for & guard against the effects of extreme changes.
          I have found my presence at this juncture of some use in explaining or attempting to explain the late Mutiny at Philadelphia, the Enemies of this Kingdom & the United States had exulted, the friends to both had too much abandoned themselves to dread that the Soldiery had assumed the Reins of Government & that all the States of America were rushing into Anarchy. Capt. Carbery & Lieutt. Sullivan those rash Young Officers who led on the Mutineers to the State House, arrived a few days ago; the former has been with me expressing deep concern for his misconduct, desiros of returning with an assurance of personal safety & wanting Money for supporting daily expences, alledging that the United States “are indebted to him at least £1200. Currency exclusive of Land.” I have recommended to him to return immediately, to demean himself to the Laws of his Country & submit to the Magnanimity of Congress. he expresses a dread of undergoing a Trial. Could I afford it & were to advance Money for his living in London, should I not incur censure at home? I beg you will communicate such particulars of that disturbance & the event of it as you may have learned, & your opinion for my conduct respecting these Officers.
          Mr. Barclay will tell you of a display of the American Standard under a triumphant British Pendant at a very Capital Inland Fair. trifling as the Insult may appear it discovers a little leaven at Center. With every good wish & with very great Respect & Esteem I have the honor to be / Gentlemen / Your faithful & Obedient / servant
          Henry Laurens,


Title: From John Adams to Robert R. Livingston, 10 August 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Livingston, Robert R.

          Sir.
            Paris August 10th: 1783.
          On the sixth I left the Hague, and last night arrived here; I had several Interviews, on some of the last days, at the Hague, which I had not time to give you an Account of as a great Part of my time, was taken up with visits, to take Leave of the Court, the President, the Grand Pensionary, Greffier &c. Ceremonies which must be repeated at every coming and going, and upon many other Occasions, to the no small Interruption of Business of more Importance.
          I asked the Comte de Sanafée, the Spanish Minister, with whom I have always been upon very good Terms, whether it might not be possible to persuade his Court, that it would be good Policy, for them to allow to the Citizens of the United States of America, a free Port in some of their Islands at least, if not upon the Continent of South America? He said he did not know, that he thought however, his Court would be afraid of the Measure, as free Ports were Nests of Smugglers, and afforded many Facilities for illicit Trade. “Le Commerce interlope.”
          I asked him further whether Measures might not be taken at Madrid, to the End that the Sugars, Coffee, Cocoa &c. of their Colonies, might be carried to the free Ports of France, Holland and Denmark, in the West Indias or one of them, in Spanish vessells, that they might be there purchased by Americans? He said he was not able to foresee any Objection against this.
          I asked him again, what objections there could be to admitting American Vessells to the Spanish Islands of Cuba & Hispaniola, to carry their Produce and purchase Melasses, as they did in the French and Dutch Colonies. Such a Commerce would be usefull and profitable both to them and us. He said, that he could not pretend to give any Opinion upon any of those Points, But that we must negotiate them at Madrid.
          I hope Congress will instruct their Minister, to the Court of Madrid, to propose all these things and endeavour to obtain them.
          The Portuguese Envoy, Don Almeida returned my Visit, and brought with him, a Copy of the Treaty between Spain and Portugal, made at Utrecht in 1715. This Treaty was signed under the warranty of Great Britain, and one Article of it, is, that each Nation shall confine the Commerce with their Possessions in America to their own Subjects. I had much Satisfaction in the Conversation of this Minister, who, tho’ a young Man, appears possess’d of more than common Intelligence, and a desire to inform himself of every thing which can affect his Nation— He is, as he told me, a Nephew of the present prime Minister at the Court of Lisbon— He says that the King his Master (a Style which they continue to use, altho’ the Queen is the Sovereign and her Husband is but her Subject) allows but Sixty Thousand Dutch Guilders a year to his Ambassador at Versailles, which not being Sufficient for his Expenses at that Court, he is continued there because he is very rich. But that he is not a Man of Business.
          He again enlarged upon the Subject of Portuguese Navigation, which has been prettily increased (tres joliment augmenté) during the late War, and would have been still doubled if the war had continued another year. That their Merchants and Mariners had pushed their Navigation, with more Spirit than Skill had sent their Wines and other Things, in Prize Vessells purchased in France and Spain, all over Europe: But that their Seamen, not being experienced, many Vessells had been lost, so that the Price of Insurance was ten Per Cent, when it was not more than three or four with other Neutral Nations. That the Profits had nevertheless been so considerable, as to excite a strong Inclination still to increase their Shipping and carrying Trade. These Observations are worth repeating to Congress, because all the other Neutral Powers have felt a like Advantage. The Commerce of the Northern Powers, was so increased, and had turned the Course of Business so much that way, to such a Degree, as occasioned to the Danish Minister, at Versailles, for example, a Loss of forty per Cent, upon his Salary. So much was the Exchange affected.
          The late belligerent Powers, having observed this sudden Increase of the Commerce, of the Neutrals, and that it was owing to the sudden growth of their Navigation are allarmed. So that the Attention of all the commercial Nations, is now turned, to Navigation, Carrying Trade, Coasting Trade &c more than ever. We should be apprized of this, and upon our Guard our Navigation and Carrying Trade is not to be neglected. We have great Advantages for many Branches of it, and have a right to claim our natural share in it.
          This morning I went to Passy, and found from Dr: Franklin and Mr: Jay, that nothing further had been done Since my departure but to deliver to Mr: Hartley, a fair Copy, of the Project of a definitive Treaty, which I had left with my Collegues. That Mr: Laurens had been here in my absence, and returned to England. That he was of Opinion the present British Ministry would not remain a fortnight. That Mr: Hartley had been Seven Weeks without a Letter from his Principals, and then receiv’d only an apology for not having written, a Promise to write soon, and Authority to assure the American Ministers, that all would go well. The last are words of Course. There are but Three Ways, in which I can account for this Conduct of the British Ministry 1: The first is, that they foresee a Change and dont choose to commit themselves, but wish to reserve every thing for the foundation of a future opposition. That they may attack the definitive Treaty which may be made by a future Minister, as they attacked the Provisional and Preliminary ones made by the last. 2. That they are exciting secretly and insidiously the Troubles in the North, in hopes of involving France, and then assuming an higher Tone. 3. That they are in Expectation that Seditions may be excited in Holland, and the Dutch induced to renounce France and renew the ancient Alliance with England.
          I see no more appearance of the Definitive Treaty, than I have done these Six Months, Mr: Hartley I am told by Mr: Jay, thinks that the French Court wish to delay the Signature, that they don’t wish to see the Peace finish’d between England and America, while matters are uncertain in the North. There are so many Considerations on both Sides of the Question, whether the French Minister wishes to finish soon or not, that it is hard to decide it.— Neither Court, possibly are very zealous to finish, while so great a Scene as the Northern War lies under so much Obscurity.
          With great Esteem, I have the Honour to be, / Sir, your most obedient and most humble / Servant
          John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from C. W. F. Dumas, 12 August 1783
From: Dumas, C. W. F.
To: Adams, John

          Monsieur,
            Lahaie 12e. Août 1783
          L’Assemblée d’Hollande, fort orageuse mercr[edi j]our de votre depart d’ici, [s’es]t separée jusqu’au 27 court. Il y a eu un tumulte à Arnhem en Gueldre, où la Garnison, qui S’étoit emparée de la maison de Ville, a du se soumettre, & délivrer l’hôtel à la Bourgeoisie, qui, sur son exemple, avoit chargé à balles. Le tout s’est passé Sans effusion de sang, mais à l’avantage de la Bourgeoisie, qui s’est conduite avec une sagesse admirable. Nous embrassons Mr. votre fils, & vous assurons de nos respects, / De V. E. Le très-humble / & très obeissant servit
          Dumas

          Translation
          Sir
            The Hague, 12 August 1783
          The assembly of Holland, very stormy on Wednesday, the day you left here, adjourned until the 27th of this month. There was an uproar at Arnhem in Gelderland, where the garrison, which had taken possession of the city hall, had to surrender and give the building over to the citizenry, who, following their example, had loaded their weapons. The entire affair happened without bloodshed but to the advantage of the citizenry, who acted with admirable wisdom.1 We send our affectionate greetings to your esteemed son and our respects to your excellency from your very humble and very obedient servant
          Dumas


Title: To John Adams from John Thaxter, 12 August 1783
From: Thaxter, John
To: Adams, John

          Tuesday London 12th. August 1783.
          On Saturday last Mr. Wm. Smith (Son of I. Smith Esqr of Boston) arrived in Town— He left Boston 7th. July, & all friends were then well— He has brought several Letters for you, which I think prudent to keep, ’till a private hand offers— The Letters from Mrs. A. Mr. Cranch & Dr. T. of Weymouth, I have not opened, as I knew the hand writing— In opening a large packet, for you I found four News papers &, unexpectedly, a Letter from Dr. G. of Jamaica Plains— This I read, & you will pardon me for retaining it, as it is rather particular— I have a Letter from Dr. Tufts, (who is this year in the Senate) in which he says, “had our Friend now with you, been here at the last Election, he would have had the Suffrages of nine tenths of the People. His Weight, Experience & Wisdom are really much wished for & greatly wanted—” What follows will be communicated another time. There were several Passengers with Mr. Smith, some of whom I have seen, & I have heard much the same language from them about this Friend.—
          Mr. Cranch, as you will see by the inclosed list of Representatives, is left out this year— But I know from good Authority that the Majority in favor of Thayer was very small— The Petition of Mr. Thos. Brattle for re-admission into the Commonwealth divided the old House before whom it came— Many of the Members thought favorably of the Petition & Petitioner, and were disposed to grant him the liberty of returning, but were overruled by a small Majority— Mr. Cranch was in the Minority, & he with the rest of the Gentlemen, who voted that the Prayer of the Petition might be granted, lost their Elections this Year in consequence of it. Much Pains had been taken to raise Suspicions & Prejudices against the Minority, & the Success has been so complete as to exclude almost the whole of them.— However, the Assembly want the Assistance of Mr. C. & repent his Absence— He is still in public business, that is in settling the old Treasurer’s Account.
          The 5. pr. Cent Duty in Massachusetts answers extremely well— Much Money is collected from it, & they appropriate it to the payment of the Interst of their particular debt.— Many Whalemen have been fitted out, as well as a Number of Vessells for the Cod & Mackerel Fisheries— They are very busy at Boston, & their Wharves resemble antient times. They have 8. or 10. different Flags flying there, & want only the Means of Remittance for a most flourishing Trade— These however are increasing dayly.—
          The celebrated Mr. Otis [is dead.] He was killed at his Door in Andover by a [stroke of?] lightening in an instant. For 2. years past he had been very rational & began to do business— He had been rather irregular a few Months before his Death, but had become very steady again just before this fatal Accident— He was once venerated, & his Memory will be ever dear to those, who knew him once to be the Man of Worth & pitied him in his decline as the Wreck of a great Character.
          Congress is now held at Princetown—
          There is nothing new here, that I can learn— Every thing remains in statu quo.—
          I propose to leave this the latter end of this week or early the beginning of the next—
          I have only a moment to add, that I / am with an invariable Respect, / Sir, / your most hble Servant
          T.