Title: To James Madison from Hubbard Taylor, 17 May 1792
From: Taylor, Hubbard
To: Madison, James

Dear SirLexington 17th. May 1792
I wrote you a few days past and inclosed you our Constitution, and its probable this will reach you by the same conveyance.

Yesterday the Electors made the inclosed return, of Governour and Senators, which has given pretty general satisfaction.
The party that persued the Indians that was about Frankford returned without success—making a discovery of a great deal of sign of large parties, and the Indians still continue to steal Horses in different parts of the State, one man lately Killed on the road to the mouth of Licking.
The Collection of the Excise still keeps up some animosities in this quarter, & will do so untill they see that they are obliged to comply. The indulgence heretofore given I fear has been & will be rather prejudicial. Several meetings has been held by the distillers, but I beleave their party is not great. They seem much to hinge on Colo. Nicholas having drawn the petition to Congress, but as the fate of that is now will Known, and application wh will be soon made to Nicholas for his opinion (as an attorney) by joint contribution of the dissatisfyed party I hope will be a final check to any further opposition in the matter. Its probable—that Colo. Muter will be a Senator for Congress, if Mr. Brown declines that appointment, I cannot at present say who will be his collegue. Colo. Benjn. Logan is now talked of as a member of the house of Reps. in Congress, having declined taking any place in the state Govt. I have nothing else worth your attention at present and remain with much respect Dr. Sir Yr: Affe: Hble: Sert:
H. Taylor

[Enclosure]

  Governour

  Thos. Kennedy

  Isaac Shelby

  Jno. Allen

  Senators

  Robt. Johnston

  Jno. Campbell

  Alexr. D. Orr

  Jno. Logan

  Robert Todd

  Extra Senators

  Jno. Coldwell

  A. S. Bullett

  Wm. McDowell

  Peyton Short.


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, [ca. 18 May] 1792
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Th: J. to J.M.Friday [ca. 18 May 1792]
I have just received a Northern hare, and have got from the market a common one. It may be worth your while to come half an hour before we go to E. R’s to examine their difference, as they must be skinned soon.


Title: To James Madison from George Washington, 20 May 1792
From: Washington, George
To: Madison, James

My dear Sir,Mount Vernon May 20th. 1792.
As there is a possibility if not a probability, that I shall not see you on your return home; or, if I should see you, that it may be on the Road and under circumstances which will prevent my speaking to you on the subject we last conversed upon; I take the liberty of committing to paper the following thoughts, & requests.
I have not been unmindful of the sentiments expressed by you in the conversations just alluded to: on the contrary I have again, and again revolved them, with thoughtful anxiety; but without being able to dispose my mind to a longer continuation in the Office I have now the honor to hold. I therefore still look forward to the fulfilment of my fondest and most ardent wishes to spend the remainder of my days (which I can not expect will be many) in ease & tranquility.
Nothing short of conviction that my deriliction of the Chair of Government (if it should be the desire of the people to continue me in it) would involve the Country in serious disputes respecting the chief Magestrate, & the disagreeable consequences which might result therefrom in the floating, & divided opinions which seem to prevail at present, could, in any wise, induce me to relinquish the determination I have formed: and of this I do not see how any evidence can be obtained previous to the Election. My vanity, I am sure, is not of that cast as to allow me to view the subject in this light.
Under these impressions then, permit me to reiterate the request I made to you at our last meeting—namely—to think of the proper time, and the best mode of anouncing the intention; and that you would prepare the latter. In revolving this subject myself, my judgment has always been embarrassed. On the one hand, a previous declaration to retire, not only carries with it the appearance of vanity & self importance, but it may be construed into a Manœuvre to be invited to remain. And on the other hand, to say nothing, implys consent; or, at any rate, would leave the matter in doubt; and to decline afterwards might be deemed as bad, & uncandid.
I would fain carry my request to you farther than is asked above, although I am sensible that your compliance with it must add to your trouble; but as the recess may afford you leizure, and I flatter myself you have dispositions to oblige me, I will, without apology desire (if the measure in itself should strike you as proper, & likely to produce public good, or private honor) that you would turn your thoughts to a Valadictory address from me to the public; expressing in plain & modest terms—that having been honored with the Presidential Chair, and to the best of my abilities contributed to the Organization & Administration of the government—that having arrived at a period of life when the private Walks of it, in the shade of retirement, becomes necessary, and will be most pleasing to me; and the spirit of the government may render a rotation in the Elective Officers of it more congenial with their ideas of liberty & safety, that I take my leave of them as a public man; and in bidding them adieu (retaining no other concern than such as will arise from fervent wishes for the prosperity of my Country) I take the liberty at my departure from civil, as I formerly did at my military exit, to invoke a continuation of the blessings of Providence upon it—and upon all those who are the supporters of its interests, and the promoters of harmony, order & good government.
That to impress these things it might, among other things be observed, that we are all the Children of the same country—A Country great & rich in itself—capable, & promising to be, as prosperous & as happy as any the Annals of history have ever brought to our view. That our interest, however deversified in local & smaller matters, is the same in all the great & essential concerns of the Nation. That the extent of our Country—the diversity of our climate & soil—and the various productions of the States consequent of both, are such as to make one part not only convenient, but perhaps indispensably necessary to the other part; and may render the whole (at no distant period) one of the most independant in the world. That the established government being the work of our own hands, with the seeds of amendment engrafted in the Constitution, may by wisdom, good dispositions, and mutual allowances; aided by experience, bring it as near to perfection as any human institution ever aproximated; and therefore, the only strife among us ought to be, who should be foremost in facilitating & finally accomplishing such great & desirable objects; by giving every possible support, & cement to the Union. That however necessary it may be to keep a watchful eye over public servants, & public measures, yet there ought to be limits to it; for suspicions unfounded, and jealousies too lively, are irritating to honest feelings; and oftentimes are productive of more evil than good.
To enumerate the various subjects which might be introduced into such an Address would require thought; and to mention them to you would be unnecessary, as your own judgment will comprehend all that will be proper; whether to touch, specifically, any of the exceptionable parts of the Constitu[t]ion may be doubted. All I shall add therefore at present, is, to beg the favor of you to consider—1st. the propriety of such an Address. 2d. if approved, the several matters which ought to be contained in it—and 3d. the time it should appear: that is, whether at the declaration of my intention to withdraw from the service of the public—or to let it be the closing Act of my Administration—which, will end with the next Session of Congress (the probability being that that body will continue sitting until March,) when the House of Representatives will also dissolve.
’Though I do not wish to hurry you (the cases not pressing) in the execution of either of the publications beforementioned, yet I should be glad to hear from you generally on both—and to receive them in time, if you should not come to Philadelphia until the Session commences, in the form they are finally to take. I beg leave to draw your attention also to such things as you shall conceive fit subjects for Communication on that occasion; and, noting them as they occur, that you would be so good as to furnish me with them in time to be prepared, and engrafted with others for the opening of the Session. With very sincere and Affectionate regard I am—ever Yours
Go: Washington


Title: To James Madison from James Maury, 26 May 1792
From: Maury, James
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir,Liverpool 26 May 1792
My last were a few Lines of 7th past. These are principally to accompany some News papers to which I refer you for what is passing on the Continent. From the fall in the British Stocks one may concieve an Aprehension of this Country being involved. Nevertheless it appears the prevailing Opinion that she will take no part.
I am glad to see your House had passed the Consular Bill. I am anxious to hear if a Commercial Treaty be in any forwardness. I always am yr obliged friend & St
J. Maury


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 1 June 1792
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

My Dear SirPhiladelphia June 1. 1792.
I sent you last week some of Fenno’s papers in which you will have seen it asserted impudently & boldly that the suggestions against members of Congress were mere falshoods. I now inclose his Wednesday’s paper. I send you also a copy of Hamilton’s notes. Finding that the letter would not be ready to be delivered before the Pr’s return, I made notes corresponding with his, shewing where I agreed, where I did not, and I put his & mine into the Pr’s hands, to be perused at his leisure. The result was that he approved of the letter’s remaining as it was, particularly on the article of Debts, which he thought a subject of justificn. & not merely of extenuation. He never received my letter of the 23 d. till yesterday. He mentioned it to me in a moment when nothing more could be said than that he would take an occasion of conversing with me on the subject. I have letters from France censuring the appointment there in the severest terms. Adieu my dear Sir. Your’s affectionately
Th: Jefferson


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 10 June 1792
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Dear SirPhiladelphia June 10. 1792. No. 3.
The poll of the N. Y. election stood the day before yesterday thus.

  Clinton
  Jay

  Suffolk
  481
  228.

  Queen’s cty.
  532
  288

  King’s cty.
  244
  92

  city & county of N. Y.
  603
  739

  Orange
  551.
  80.

  Dutchess
  751.
  945

  Westchester
  347
  824

  Richmond
  106
  4

  Ulster.
  947
  654

  Columbia
  1303
  717

  Renslaer
  404
  717

  Washington
  758
  471

  Saratoga.
   405
   461

  7432
  6220

General Schuyler says there will be about 16,000 voters and offers to bet 3. to 1. as far as 500. guineas that Jay will still be elected. However he seems to be alone here in that expectation. We dined together at the P’s on Thursday, and happening to set next one another, we got, towards the close of the afternoon, into a little contest whether hereditary descent or election was most likely to bring wise and honest men into public councils. He for the former, Pinkney & myself for the latter. I was not displeased to find the P. attended to the conversation as it will be a corroboration of the design imputed to that party in my letter. At a dinner of Jay-ites yesterday R. M. mentioned to the company that Clinton was to be vice-president, that the Antis intended to set him up. Bingham joined in attesting the project, which appeared new to the rest of the company. I paid Genl. Irvin 50 D. for mr. Moore, the receipt he had, vouching it. Adieu. Your’s affectionately


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, [18 June] 1792
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

[18 June 1792]
Nothing new.
Th: J.
P. S. Opening Freneau’s p⟨aper⟩ this moment I see a peice against the […] impost duties & it mentions the insufficiency of the revenue cutters for their object. This suggests a Quere. How comes an armed force to be in existence, & under the revenue department, & not the department of war? Would it not be well to call for a separate statement of the expence of these cutters, and either put them down, or turn them over to the war-office?


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 21 June 1792
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

No. 4.
Dear Sir
Philadelphia June 21. 1792.
Your No. 1. came to hand two days ago. When I inclosed you the papers of the last week I was too much hurried to write. I now therefore write earlier, & inclose only one of Fenno’s papers. The residue of the New York election was as follows

  Clinton
  Jay

  Albany
  444.
  1178

  Montgomy.
  306.
  424

  Herkimer.
  247.
  401

  Ontario.
     28.
     92

  Total.
  8,457.
  8,315

  difference

  142

The Otsego votes were rejected, about 1000. in number, of which Jay had about 850. say a majority of 700. so that he was really governor by a majority of 500. votes, according to his friends. The Clintonians again tell strange tales about these votes of Otsego. I inclose you two New York papers which will put you fully in possession of the whole affair (take care of them if you please, as they make part of a collection). It does not seem possible to defend Clinton as a just or disinterested man if he does not decline the office, of which there is no symptom; and I really apprehend that the cause of republicanism will suffer, and it’s votaries be thrown into schism by embarking it in support of this man, and for what? To draw over the Antifederalists, who are not numerous enough to be worth drawing over. I have lately seen a letter from ——— to ——— on receiving his appointment. He pleads guilty to the charge of indiscretion hitherto, and promises for the future the most measured circumspection, and in terms which mark him properly & gratefully impressed with the counsel which had been given him pretty strongly as you know. I have made out my table; but instead of settling the proportion of the debt of each country to it’s population, I have done it to it’s revenue. It is as follows.

Date
Country
Public debt
Annual revenue
Proportion of debt to revenue
Authority

U. S. of Amer.

1786.
Gr. Britain
£ sterl. 239,154,879
£ sterl. 15,000,000
16:1
Zimmerm. 224.

1785.
France
livres 3,400,000,000
livres 430,000,000
8:1
265.

1772.
Sweden
silver dollrs. 60,000,000
11,089,122
5.4:1
59.

Austria.
florins. 200,000,000
florins 95,000,000
2.1:1
157

1765.
Russia.
rubles 40,000,000
rubles 20,000,000
2:1
40

1774.
Portugal
£ sterl. 3,675,381
£ sterl. 1,800,000
2:1
336

1785.
Spain
piastres 152,000,000
piastres 100,000,000
1.5:1
317

1769
Denmark
dollars 1,400,000
dollars 6,272,000
0.22:1
79.

Prussia.
*
dollars. 21,000,000

143.

I have not yet examined into the debt of the U. S. but I suppose it to be about 20. years revenue, and consequently that tho the youngest nation in the world we are the most indebted nation also. I did not go into the debts & revenues of the United Netherlands, because they are so jumbled between General & provincial, & because a great deal of their debt, is made by borrowing at low interest & lending it at high, & consequently not only this part is to be struck off from the amount of their debt, but so much of the residue of it also as has it’s interest paid by this means. Brandt, the famous Indian is arrived here; he dined with the P. yesterday, will dine with Knox to-day, Hammond on Sunday, the Presidt. on Monday &c. Adieu my dear Sir. Your’s affectionately
Th: Jefferson


Title: To James Madison from John Dawson, 23 June 1792
From: Dawson, John
To: Madison, James

My dear Sir!
Richmond June 23. 1792
You have returnd home I hope in good health, & found your friends well.
Two questions divide the opinions of Gentlemen in this quarter. To what number of Electors is this entitled in the choice of President & Vice President at the next election? Will we be entitled to send a member to the house of Representatives in the room of Brown, who will probably be elected into some office in the state of Kentucky?
I shall be very glad to have your opinions on these two points.
We have not any thing new at this place from any quarter. With esteem Your friend & Sert
J Dawson


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 24 June 1792
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir
Orange June 24. 92.
Since my last I have had the pleasure of your two letters of the 10. & 17. inst. The latter has but just come to hand, and I can not say any thing as to the legal arrangement of the Cutters.
We have had very seasonable weather of late in this quarter. I understand it has been less so farther South. How Albemarle & Bedford have fared I can not tell. Notwithstanding the good weather the very latter wheat is injured, in some instances very much, by the rust. Below, the injury is much complained of. In general in our region the harvest will be great.
Shelby is Govr. of Kentucky. The Senate does credit to the mode of choice. The elite of the Country compose it. A partial list of the House of Delegates also looks pretty well. The appointments to Congs. had not taken place, nor is any further aid given to conjectures.
The error in the sum left for Irwine proceeded either from myself or the young gentleman at Carlisle, I can not say which. I thank you for correcting it. If Leiper shd. lodge money in your hands as I left word, you will replace the 10 dollars advanced. I write in a hurry to catch a very safe conveyance to Fredg. Yrs. always & affly.
Js. Madison J⟨r.⟩


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 25 June 1792
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

No. 3.
June 25. [1792]
I wrote last evening by a conveyance that hast[i]ly occurred to Fredg. This, an idea occurred which I have executed in the inclosed; & shall carry with me to Orange Ct. today whence I expect to find another to the post office. Yrs. affy.
J. M.


Title: To James Madison from James Monroe, 27 June 1792
From: Monroe, James
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Albemarle June 27. 1792.
I attended on the 15. according to appointment at Richmd. to meet the gentn., my associates, in the revision of the laws, on that business, but found only Mr. Nelson there. Mr. Lee & Mr. Tucker came abt. the 20th. but predisposed not to enter on it at that place. Three days were taken up in occasional consultations about an adjournment to Wmsburg wh. was advocated by the two latter & but feebly resisted by the former member. Their side of the question derived strength from the certainty that Tazewell & Prentis were with it, & that it would be difficult if not impossible to draw them up, even if the labour shod. be commenced. Thus circumstanced, (to unite the greater number of the comrs. & of course more effectually discharge the duties of the trust), it appeared expedient that an adjour[n]ment shod. be no longer resisted, wh. accordingly took place for Wmsbg. the meeting there to commence on the 2d. of July next. It remained with me to determine whether I shod. abandon the further prosecution of the business, & remain at home in a more healthy climate in the pursuit of objects of a different kind or follow it up under all these disadvantages; and the result of my reflection has been in favor of the latter alternative, not however without some degree of reluctance & hesitation. As it will employ us, to complete the work for the legislature, about three weeks, making by the journey to & from four, Mrs. M has agreed to accompany me down. We shall sit out on thursday, not without the most painful anticipation of the disagreeable consequences that will attend us on the trip, through so desert a country at this season of the year.
We are very much concerned that it will postpone the period of your visit here. We hope however for that pleasure immediately on our return. Our child recovered in a few days after we left you, & tho not in perfect health has since been free from any complaint that shod. give us any real uneasiness. I found my farm in every respect in the most miserable state that it could be—at best but little can be said in its favor, but less industry had been used to improve its natural deformities or make it yield what it is really capable of, than might have been. Time & patience have been immemorially prescribed, as the only source of relief in difficult cases. Whether the practice of these virtues will produce in the present instance the desired effect is questionable—admit it might, it would notwithstanding be infinitely more agreeable independant of the profit, to apply the same labour to a more grateful soil.
I find by the papers that Clinton is reelected the Govr. of New York. They exhibit however some doubts of the solidity of his pretensions, founded on the exclusion of the votes of one of the counties upon the principle of disqualification in the returning officer. Tis difficult to estimate the merits of this controversy especially through the medium by which it is handed to the publick view. The friends of one have declared him duly elected, & those of the other Lawrance, Troop &ca given an opinion that the votes of that county shod. be admitted, and upon this I presume the election hinged. I have not sufficient data to judge of it on general principles, and tis not improbable that even these might be acted on by some state regulation.
I found at Richmond a general disaffection to the measures of the government prevailing; in the specification, it harmonized with the sentiments of the minority. Notwithstanding which I am well satisfied that in the present state of things the soundest deliberation must be used, before any attempt for a change is made. Upon the excise particularly, altho’ an universal odium exists, yet it seems doubtful whether if the money must be raised, any other mode wod. be prefered. In Goochland in a collection of several persons of character as I pass’d down I suggested the question & found it created some hesitation. Another mode might bring upon its authors the odium wh. now belongs to the fathers of this—and if the publick censure is to be fix’d on any, who are fitter objects for it than those who have made the tax necessary. If they can obtain the end, & charge the vices of the means to others, they might perhaps disburden themselves of a load wh. now hangs heavy on them. However these are subjects wh. shod. be leasurely examined. I only suggest them for yr. attention. I have had no leasure for it myself & shall not, till my return. I write you in haste & shall only add our best respects to yr. father & family & most friendly regards to yrself, calculating on seeing you on our return—very sincerely I am yr. friend & servt.
Jas. Monroe.


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 29 June 1792
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

No. 4
Dear Sir
Orange June 29. 1792
Your favor of June 21. No. 4. came to hand yesterday. I shall take due care of the N. Y. gazettes & return them by some safe conveyance to the post office. I have given a hasty perusal to the controversial papers on the election. The spirit of party sufficiently appears in all of them. Whether Clinton ought to wave the advantage of forms may depend I think on the question of substance involved in the conduct of the Otsego election. If it be clear that a majority of legal honest votes was given agst. him, he ought certainly not to force himself on the people. On a contrary supposition, he cannot be under such an obligation, and would be restrained by respect for his party if not by a love of power. It is curious eno’ to see Schuyler who is supposed to have made millions by jobbing in paper, under his own measures, accusing & abusing Clinton in the face of the world for jobbing in land under the same aggravation. Should Clinton’s character suffer in any way by the transaction, the consequence you have always apprehended, will be made certain & worse; but from the attachment of a number of respectable & weighty individuals, a reconsideration is not much to be looked for; unless the aspect of the man shd. be greatly varied in their eyes by this or some other occurrence. Our harvest goes on well. The weather has been hot, but otherwise favorable. The crop will be great in this neighbourhood. A little farther South the rust is said to have been hurtful. The Thermometer for several days has been remarkably high. Yesterday at 2 oC. it was at 92. During the early part of the month, distinguished by such extremes of cold & heat, I find by Philada. papers, that the heat there was two degrees greater than here, & the cold here two degrees less than there, a fact much in favor of our climate.
In Crantz’s History of Greenland I find a curious phenomenon of Looming, which, to supply the want of the Book if not at hand, or the trouble of searching it, if at hand & not of the same edition, I will transcribe “Vol. 1. p. 49—But nothing more surprized me, or entertained my fancy more, than when on a fine, warm, serene summer’s day, the Kookoernen, or the islands that lie four leagues west of Good-Hope, presented a quite different form than what they have naturally. We not only saw them far greater, as thro’ a magnifying perspective glass, & plainly descried all the Stones, and the furrows filled with ice, as if we stood close by, but when that had lasted a while, they all looked as if they were but one contiguous land, & represented a wood or tall cut hedge. Then the Scene shifts, & shews the appearance of all sorts of curious figures as ships with sails, streamers & flags, antique elevated castles, with decayed turrets, stork’s nests, & a hundred such things, which at length retire aloft or distant & then vanish. At such times the air is quite serene & clear, but yet compressed with subtle vapours, as it is in very hot weather, and according to my opinion, when these vapours are ranged at a proper distance between the eye & the islands, the object appears much larger, as it would thro’ a convex glass; and commonly a couple of hours afterwards a gentle west wind & a visible mist follows, which puts an end to this lusus naturæ.” To this paragraph the following note is subjoined from Gmelin’s journey P. III vol. 129. “I have observed something like this at Bern & Neufchatel, of the Glaetshers, lying towards the South. When these mountains appear nearer, plainer & larger than usual, the country man looks for rain to follow, which commonly makes good his expectation the next day. And the Tartars at the Mouth of the river Jenisei in Siberia, look upon a magnified appearance of the Islands as the presage of a storm.” Adieu. Yrs. Affy.
Js. Madison Jr


Title: To James Madison from Noah Webster, 30 June 1792
From: Webster, Noah
To: Madison, James

Sir.
Hartford. (Connecticut) June 30. 1792
I take the liberty of requesting you to furnish me with some information on the following particulars: viz

1.What is the common or average annual expense of subsisting & clothing a slave in Virginia, estimated at?
2.What is the average estimated profit of the labor of a slave, deducting charges of subsistence, clothing, physician’s bills & other incidental expenses?
3.What is the estimated difference between the value of the labor of a slave & that of a free hired man? And is there any difference between the common price of the labor of a free White & that of a free black, when hired by the day, week or year?
4.Are free whites ever employed in cultivating tobacco plantations? If so, in what manner are they hired; by the day, week or year? And What difference is observable on plantations thus cul[t]ivated & those tilled by slaves?
5Do the planters ever lease their plantations on easy terms to free Whites? If so, what is the usual term of the leases; for a year or years? And what the profit of such rented plantations; compared with those tilled by slaves?
6.Are there any instances in Virginia of Planters’ emancipating slaves & renting to them small tracts of land on moderate terms? If so, what effects have proceeded from such emancipation, & farming lands to the blacks?

I am sorry to trouble you with these queries, but I have no friend in Virginia on whose information & obliging disposition I can rely with so much confidence as on yours; and as I expect, in the course of a few months, to want some facts on the foregoing subjects, it will greatly oblige me, if you will be at the trouble of furnishing me with such as you are acquainted with.
I cannot close this letter without congratulating you on the present prosperous state of our country. Excepting sometimes a solitary complaint from the merchants on account of the impositions on trade, there is a very general satisfaction in the Northern States respecting the laws of the Union. Universal peace & contentment prevail—the great encrease of capitals, in consequence of the rise of funded & other paper, has given uncommon life & vigor to industry. More buildings, more commercial & other enterprizes have been undertaken within the last year than have ever appeard before at any period; & people were never so little embarrassed with debts. I was always an advocate for your proposition for discrimination in funding the debts of the U States; I wrote in favor of it in Philadelphia in 1787 before the convention met, & was in danger of being mobbed for my opinions. I have still no doubt of the justice & equity of the proposition, but I have great doubts with respect to the practicability of the scheme. Yet it is no small consolation to me to find so few evils proceeding from the present plan of funding the debts, & so much good springing out of the system.
You deserve a large portion of the honor of originating the present Genl Government, to which we justly ascribe the present prosperous condition of these States. I was early of opinion, as you percieved by a little pamphlet of mine, which you read at President Washingtons in 1785, that such a kind of government must be formed & established to effect a Union & permanent national prosperity. I am persuaded such a government may ensure us respectability, & what is more, national freedom. I am happy to find our debt is diminishing, & sincerely hope that a speedy peace with the Indians may prevent any accumulation of it, as well as furnish the means of a further & more rapid reduction. I am, Sir, with the highest respect your most obedient & most hume Servant
Noah Webster


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 3 July 1792
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Philadelphia July 3. 1792.
No. 6.
Since my last of June 29. I have received your Nos. 2. & 3. of June 24. & 25. The following particulars occur. Vining has declined offering at the next election. It is said we are to have in his room a mr. Roach, formerly of the army, an anti-cincinnatus, and good agricultural man. Smith of S. C. declines also. He has bought a fine house in Charleston for 5000. £ and had determined not even to come to the next session. But his friends it is said have made him promise to come. One gentleman from S. Carolina says he could not be re-elected. Another says there could be no doubt of his re-election. Commodore Gillon is talked of as his successor. Izard gives out that it is all false that mr. Smith is so rich as has been pretended, that he is in fact poor, cannot afford to live here, & therefore has retired to Charleston. Some add that he has entered again at the bar. The truth seems to be that they are alarmed, & he driven out of the feild, by the story of the modern Colchis. His furniture is gone off from hence. So is mr. Adams’s. Some say he declines offering at the next election. This is probably a mere conjecture founded on the removal of his furniture. The most likely account is that mrs. Adams does not intend to come again, & that he will take private lodgings. It seems nearly settled with the Tresorio-bankites that a branch shall be established at Richmond. Could not a counter-bank be set up to befriend the Agricultural man by letting him have money on a deposit of tobo. notes, or even wheat, for a short time, and would not such a bank enlist the legislature in it’s favor, & against the Treasury bank? The President has fixed on Thursday the 12th. for his departure, & I on Saturday the 14th. for mine. According to the stages I have marked out I shall lodge at Strode’s on Friday the 20th. and come the next morning, if my horses face Adams’s mill hills boldly, to breakfast at Orange C. H. and after breakfast will join you. I have written to mr. Randolph to have horses sent for me on that day to John Jones’s about 12 miles from your house, which will enable me to breakfast the next day (Sunday) at Monticello. All this however may be disjointed by unexpected delays here, or on the road. I have written to Dr. Stewart & Ellicot to procure me renseignements on the direct road from Georgetown to Elkrun church which ought to save me 20. or 30. miles. Adieu my dear Sir. Your’s affectionately
Th: Jefferson
P. S. I shall write you again a day or two before I leave this.


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 5 July 1792
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

No. 5.
Dear Sir
Orange July the 5th. 1792
My last acknowledged the last of yours that has come to hand. From the date of that I shall probably have the pleasure of another as soon as an opportunity from Fredericksbg. happens. I write at present merely for the sake of one thither which has just fallen in my way. The most remarkable occurrence of late date here, was the excessive heat on sunday the first instant. At two OClock the Thermometer in its ordinary position was at 99°. At four it had got up to 103°. On being taken into the passage the coolest part of the House it stood at the former hour at 97°, & at the latter at 98°. On applying the heat of the body it fell to 96°. The wind blew very briskly from West from morning till abt. 5 OC. and during the hottest part of the time was so sensibly above the annual heat, that it was more disagreeable to be in its current than out of it. The day following the heat about 2 OC approached very near, but not equal that of the first. Our harvest is now closing & will all be got in well in this quarter. The wheat is fine & the quantity equal to every reason⟨able⟩ calculation. There have been several fine showers during the harvest which have aided the Corn, without injuring the Wheat. Yrs. Always & Affy.
Js. Madison Jr
The Thermr. this morning as low as 58°.


Title: From James Madison to James Madison, Sr., 6 July 1792
From: Madison, James
To: Madison, James, Sr.

Hond Sir
July 6. 1792
The Iron from Mr. Guinn was delivered this morning. I have noted in the margin its weight at the shop which I suppose comes sufficiently near the quantity charged. The 36/. due for the potts & boxes have been put into the hands of the Waggoner. His own charge for freight was 12 dollars which I have paid, tho’ from the sum you left, it must be more than you had calculated. The family is as you left it, except old Betty who seems to have got over her complaint entirely. Moses will give you the progress & state of the Harvest. I wish to be informed by his return what passed with the Sadler at the Court House & what & when he is to finish for my chair. Remember me affectly. to my mother. Yr. dutiful son
Js. Madison Jr

The Thermometer on sunday

  at 2 OC. 99 in the Porch.
  96 in the passage ☜

   4 OC. 103 in do.
  98. in do. ☜

  On monday morning
  80°.

  On this (friday) do.
  56.


Title: Deed of Sale, 8 July 1792 (Abstract)
From: Taylor, James
To:

Abstract. 8 July 1792, Orange County, Virginia. Indenture by which John Lee and his wife Elizabeth of Orange County sold to JM for £510 “current money” 800 acres of land in that county “Adjoining the land of Johnny Scott, John Daniel, Coleby Cowherd and Jonathan Cowherd.” Witnessed by Thomas Bell, Charles P. Howard, Ambrose Madison, and Alexander Shepherd. Recorded by James Taylor, Orange County clerk, at a court session on 24 Sept. 1792.


Title: To James Madison from Hubbard Taylor, 9 July 1792
From: Taylor, Hubbard
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
9th. July 1792
The first session of our Assembly ended the 29th. June, during which time only two acts of considerable importance passed, One respecting the Revenue, the other the Judiciary. The first occationed much altercation on the mode of taxing Land whether it should be by the acre only, or to class it in three qualities—it was ul[t]imately fixed at 2/ ⅌ 100 on all Grants and entrys. Each clamant to render a list of all Lands he claims to the Commissioner of the district wherin it lies, on or before the 4th. of Feby. 1795 and to pay the tax with interest or it becomes forfieted to the State no property is to be sold for tax of land only for that on which such property shall be.
The Judiciary was not less difficult to bring to a close. The senate inclined to take away the Original Jurisdiction in Land causes given to the Court of appeals to which the House of Reps. was much opposed, untill an experiment could be made of the mode. This difference I fear has fixed our Jurisprudence on a bad plan. It was thought by some of the house of Reps. that the Judges of the Court of appeals might by special commission act as Judges of the Court of Oyer & Terminer, therefore passed a Bill establishing County monthly courts[,] Courts of quarter session, to be held by the of the Justices of the County appointed for that purpose and a Court of Oyer & Terminer, to this bill the Senate made several Amendments, which was disagreed to but after some other amendments, it passed the senate.
The Governour appointed different Judges for the Court of Oyer & Terminer, the Bill for fixing the Saleries of the Civil lisst together with the disagrement between the two houses, respecting the sum for each officer of Government caused the Bill to be laid over to the next session of the Assembly.
Mr. Brown & Colo. Jno. Edwards are chosen to represent this State in the Federal senate. Its quite uncertain who will be the Reps. to the lower house the districts is divided by the Kentucky—in this district Colo. Jas McMillin Colo. Orr Colo. Patterson & myself are candidates. It was pressed on me by some of the Gentn. of the State, to which I with great reluctanc consented, or would I have ever agreed to it—had it been probable I should have stood in way of any person will qualifyed for that important trust.
Colo. Harden and Capt. Truman who went with a flag to the Indians has no[t] yet returned tho’ the time has long since elapsed that they were expected. Its thought that the Indians must be either in council or preparing for another years campaign as few of them has been of late in this quarter. I have inclosed you a paper that will give you an account of the appointments of the Judges & Militia field officers &C. I wrote some time past & inclosed you the Constitution of this State. I was glad to hear by Mr. Brown that you was geting better than you had been in the winter. I hope you will fully recover your health while in Orange. Be pleased to Remember to our friends & beleave me to be with much esteem Dr. Sir Yr Affe. Hble sert:
H. Taylor


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 11 July 1792
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Philadelphia July 11. 1792.
I wrote you my No. 6. on the 3d inst. Since that I have received your No. 4. of June 29. The President sets out this afternoon, which being a day sooner than was expected, will enable me to set out a day sooner, to wit on Friday afternoon. This however will produce no other effect than to enable me to rest a day at George town and thereby ensure my being with you as I had mentioned on Saturday morning the 21st, or at the most on Friday evening, & to rest with you a day. I shall be with you so soon after this letter that I add nothing more. Your’s affectionately
Th: Jefferson


Title: From James Madison to the Governor of Virginia, 22 July 1792
From: Madison, James
To: Governor of Virginia,Lee, Henry

Sir
July 22d. 1792
The Report of which the inclosed is an authentic copy having been made to the House of Representatives, it is possible that the Executive may not have been furnished with it by the Senators of this State. I take the liberty therefore of forwarding it and am with the highest respect & esteem Your most Obedt. hble servant
Jas. Madison Jr.


Title: From James Madison to Henry Lee, 22 July 1792
From: Madison, James
To: Lee, Henry

Letter not found. 22 July 1792. Acknowledged in Lee to JM, 10 Sept. 1792. A private letter in which JM suggests a meeting with Lee. Requests information on navigation in Virginia, probably in response to Jedidiah Morse’s inquiries (see JM to Morse, 15 Aug. 1792).


Title: From James Madison to Daniel Carroll, 24 July 1792
From: Madison, James
To: Carroll, Daniel

Letter not found. 24 July 1792. Acknowledged in Carroll to JM, 17 Aug. 1792. Indicates that support in Virginia for promoting the development of the federal district is “languishing.” Solicits Carroll’s opinion on politics in America in general and in Maryland in particular. Urges Carroll to run for legislative office. Declines Carroll’s invitation to spend some time with him in Maryland in October. Asks for information about the Potomac Company for Jedidiah Morse.


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 27 July 1792
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dr Sir
July 27. 92
I recd. yesterday your letters containing the papers inclosed. I recd. at the same time a letter from Mr. Maury of Liverpool in which was the little note which I also inclose.
Brown & a Col Edwards are the Senators for Kentucky. The latter sd. to be a good man & not likely to differ from the politics of his colleague. A distant kinsman of Mine Hubbard Taylor is likely to be one of the Reps. The other altogether uncertain. Muter is appd. a Judge & out of the question. I am this moment setting out for Fred⟨er⟩ick & only add in haste that I am Yrs. always & Affly.
Js. Madison Jr
Be so good as to let Col. Monroe have the Kentucky paper after you have done with it.


Title: To James Madison from Giuseppe Ceracchi, 28 July 1792 (Abstract)
From: Ceracchi, Giuseppe
To: Madison, James

Abstract. 28 July 1792, Amsterdam. Professes great esteem for JM and inquires about the “Monumento per celebrare la Libertà Americana” (the equestrian statue of Washington authorized by Congress in 1783 which Ceracchi hoped to execute).


Title: From James Madison to Jedidiah Morse, 15 August 1792
From: Madison, James
To: Morse, Jedidiah

Sir
Augst. 15. [1792] Orange County—Virginia.
Your letter of the 4th. May, has been so long in hand that I am really sorry to be obliged to acknowledge the receipt of it, without complying with the request it makes. In my present situation, it has not been possible to furnish the information immediately of myself. I have accordingly been obliged to apply by letters to friends in those parts of the Country where the information was to be got. It has been & is still my intention to forward it the moment it comes to hand. But as the delay may be spun out longer than will consist with your purposes, I have thought it proper to give you this explanation. My efforts have been directed to the procuring a state of the undertakings on the Potowmac, the James River, & at the South end of Chesapeak, these being the principal improvements on foot in this Country. With great respect I am Sir, Your Mo: Obedt. hble servt.
Js. Madison Jr.


Title: To James Madison from Richard Clough Anderson, 27 August 1792
From: Anderson, Richard Clough
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir.
Jefferson County [Kentucky] August 27th. 1792.
It is with the greatest reluctance at any time that I can prevail on myself to solicit an appointment, or should I do it at present but at the particular desire of several of my friends in this country. I have therefore taken the liberty provided you think me qualifyed to use your interest in having me appointed to settle the Accounts of the United States with this State as I have observed their is such an Officer in the other States and presume, such will be necessary with us.
Colo. Edwards the bearer hereof is a member of the Senate of Congress from this State, whose character of Honesty, and integrity has never been called in question and I trust he will ever support it whilst in publ[i]c. I am with respect Yr. Mo. ob. Servant
Richard C. Anderson.


Title: To James Madison from John Beckley, 2 September 1792
From: Beckley, John
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir,
Philadelphia, 2d: September 1792.
A severe indisposition, the consequence of a violent cold which I caught on my return from Carlisle, has prevented an earlier acknowledgment of your favor of the 12th: ultimo. Its effects, however, are now subsiding, and I hope soon to be perfectly restored.
I have not been able to discover any material change in the situation of the Virga. accounts, the Commissioner pursues his former course, says he shall have them ready in time, and withholds of late any communication with the Board. Mr: Randolph has been urging him lately, and I think to good effect. A hint, from the Executive, might now be serviceable.
The state of our foreign intelligence has differed but little since I wrote yo. last. The success of Cornwallis in India, and a report of the death of the King of Hungary are the only material circumstances. Should the latter prove true, it will certainly produce important consequences in relation to the affairs of France—perhaps the former may prop Mr. pitts administration a little longer, and enable him for a year, or two, to stem the current of popular opinion in favor of reform, which is rapidly advancing thro’ the influence of the Constitutional clubs, and the spirit and energy of Paines continued and reiterated publications.
Our domestic affairs, seem to me, to be fast verging to the issue of a contest between the Treasury department and the people, whose interest shall preponderate in the next Congress; the anxiety and fears of the former, are strongly manifested by the means they are pursuing, both publicly and privately, to accomplish their object. The late insidious attack on Mr: Jefferson, which is generally imputed to Mr. Hamilton, marks the lengths they will go and the Arts they will practice. The former, being regarded, as the head of the republican party, this premidated attack has been pointed as to time and manner, and is now industriously circulated thro’ all the Eastern papers. It would have met, here, with its merited contempt, but for the artful misrepresentation of Mr: Jeffersons letter respecting the French debt, of which, the public at large being uninformed, many, are disposed to think, that the writer speaking from official information, would not have dared, so to state it, if untrue. For myself, I know it to be unfounded, but am not now at liberty to disclose my information, and, if I were, should deem it injudicious to do so, until, the accuser, being challenged to his proofs, should either recede from the charge, or, by producing the proof, convict himself of falsehood. Accident has led me to the knowledge of a circumstance which confirms the suspicion that Mr: H. is the author. Arthur Lee is now here, as also Corbin, and Heth; the former and the latter have been a good deal closetted with the Secretary, and I find, from hints drop’t by the latter, that the reference to the scruples of family connection &c. mentioned in the last publication, is privately said by Mr: H—— to allude to the two brothers Arthur & R: H: and their kinsman H: Lee, whose conversations with freneau, at New York, you & myself well remember. Corbin too, thro’ his intimacy with A. Lee, and the Shippen family, communicates another curious fact, that when R. H. Lee, was nominated to the chair of the Senate pro: tern: Mr: H. & his friends, at a private meeting, objected that he was their declared opponent and the author of the publications signed Caius, which, dictated by him & written or copied by his nephew, young Shippen, found their way to the press thro’ that source—from which suspicion, the other, meanly, condescended to exonerate himself.
Heth, also informs me that Mr: H. unequivocally declares, that yo. are his personal & political enemy. Another means of public deception & electioneering trick, is, a publication from the Treasury, signed by Nourse, affecting to shew a reduction of the public debt of nearly two Millions, which, has been instantly attacked by a publication signed Mercator, proving an actual increase of it, by Mr: H’s administration, of more than a Million & a half.
Private endeavors to influence are not less industriously urged, and I am told that to obviate the chagrin and prevent the effects of their late defeat here in the attempt to produce a Conference, Mr: H—— has advised a private correspondence and exertion of the friends of Government thro’ the Union, particularly in Maryland, Virginia & No: Carolina—himself too, is endeavoring to amuse the Western people with an idea, that he will relinquish the Excise, and by a deeper stroke yet, which he communicated to General Irwine in seeming confidence, to wit, that the negotiation with Spain for the free navigation of the Missisippi drags too slowly, and that his opinion is, without farther delay, to seize it with a strong hand. Any comment to you, on this last suggestion, would be superfluous.
How far, these, and the various other means to influence, which are now pursuing may be effectual I know not, but I cannot help indulging a sanguine expectation that a decided weight of Interest will appear in support of republican measures, in the next Congress. The N Hampshire choice will be decided, Massachusetts, Connect: & R: Island nearly of the same complection with their last. N. York, will greatly depend on the issue of the impending contest in their Assembly, respecting Governor, about which Clintons party are very sanguine. In Jersey, no material change. In this State, the republican ticket will prevail. In So: Carolina too, Smith will be reelected, if he pleases, but all the others will be republican—Barnwell declines—Huger will be left out. In the other States, my information fails.
Mr: Brown, was to start from Kentuckey, yesterday: he says, that Clinton will have all the votes there, as Vice President. His Colleague Edwards, he does not altogether approve. Their representatives were not chosen when he wrote.
The papers will shew yo. the proceedings at Pittsburg respecting the Excise, of the result of which Mr: H—— has manifested great anxiety. They are no less united & firm in that quarter against many other of his measures, and their union, decision, and influence thro’ the State, will I beleive, occasion him much further disquietude.
I am sorry at the lethargy which, I am told, prevails in Virginia, as to public men and measures in the general government. A general disposition, seeming to succeed, for relinquishing it altogether. To shake of[f] the former, would be wise, effectual, and worthy of the Virginia character; to indulge in the latter, is desperate folly, little short of madness. It is in critical times, that exertion is most honorable, and, our country has been used to give wise example, rather than to receive it.
I shall be happy to hear that the people are beginning to stir, respecting concerns in which they are so deeply interested. Your future communications on this subject, will be highly gratifying, and will receive the best return I am able to make. At present, my little stock is exhausted, and I conclude, with my best regards, Dear Sir, Yr: obedt: hble Servt:
John Beckley.
P. S. An Account is, this morning, come to town, by the way of Boston, that the French & Austrians have had a general engagement, and that, after a bloody contest, the Austrians were defeated leaving 10,000 killed & wounded. The french lost 5000 or upwards—they have since taken Menen and several other places. Mons was beseiged & expected to fall in a few days.
The Poles have had several severe renconters with the Russians, and in two or three considerable skirmishes cut up some of their bravest Corps, particularly one of about 2000, which was esteemed the best in the Russian Army. Mindful of their former military glory, and eager to avenge their Countrys wrongs, the poles now fight with the most desperate valour. That success may crown their efforts, and in the total defeat of all their enemies, procure them that peace & liberty they so justly merit, is my most fervent wish.

J. B.


Title: To James Madison from George Nicholas, 5 September 1792
From: Nicholas, George
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir,
Kentucky Septr. 5th. 92.
I wish truth would permit me to say that our expectations from our new government have been realized. The fact is that there seems to be a foundation laid here for a great degree of unhappiness. This is in part owing to the constitution, in part to the uncommon mixture of extraordinary character which we have amongst us. The constitution is I think defective and bad consequences have already arisen from, the same men being permitted to be members of the legislature and also of the body of electors; from the electors being allowed to appoint the Governor and Senate out of their own body; from the Senate having the power of supplying vacancies in their number; from their approbation being necessary to sanction the Governor’s appointments; and from the legislature’s being left too much at large as to the kind of courts which are to be established. Would a standing body of electors remove these evils or such of them as result from their powers which are now vested in the Senate? A former opinion of mine is confirmed, that the G——r ought to be chosen by the people; when he is not they will not feel that warmth in his ⟨d⟩efence which is necessary to support him against the attacks of the wicked and the discontented. The peculiar character which belongs to our citizens in general will contribute for a time at least to our unhappiness. They were formerly citizens of other countries, and a great proportion of them have been induced to come here by a spirit of discontent or adventure: citizens generally consisting of such men must make a very different mass from one which is composed of men born and raised on the same spot. Our people are all wise, and ought to be great men; they see none about them to whom or to whose families they been accustomed to think themselves inferior; ambitious themselves and desirous of office, they suppose all others to be equally so, and that all have self interest in view more than the public good. With these dispositions it is sufficient for them to know what has been determined on to fix their opinions that it is wrong; that they have not got an office to satisfy them that the appointment is the worst that could be made. You will naturally conclude that no man can promise himself much satisfaction in having any thing to do with such a government; small as the share is that my office gives me in it I would not hold it long if it was not necessary for me to do so to support the Governor who is attacked because he is too worthy a man for the purposes of the designing. We have our busy and evil spirits in as great a proportion as any of the kingdoms of the earth. The devil I find has agents fitted for all stations, who will be contented to fish in small waters when they cannot get employment in larger ones. Our representatives to Congress, except Mr. Brown, will disgrace us. They are made of very soft materials and may be moulded into any form by a workman who will take the trouble to handle them: the only danger will be that after he casts them into the shape he wd. have them wear, that that shape will be liable to be altered at the will of the next who will dirty his hands with them. Our senator is particularly well adapted to this kind of business. I wish I could see him in the hands of Sherman &c., I am much deceived if they do not make him change his opinions as often as any actor ever did his dress. I mention these things as well to gratify my spleen as that some of you may begin with them in time to give them a proper cast; do not delay it long, for others will be early at the work, as their appearance will prove the practicability of it.
Thus you see little people will have their cares as well as great ones; the inhabitants of the desert, as well as the citizens of Philadelphia or of Paris. I fear the last are before this in a bad way. Their prospect seems much worse than that of America ever was. Their want of confidence in each other must be destructive. Faction and war will only hasten the downfal of their government, time if let to itself would have done the work. Will not a counter revolution send thousands to America?
From the last accounts none of the troops had arrived at headquarters, and the General is said to be preparing his winter quarters at for[t] Pitt. We fear it will be too late to do any thing effectual this fall with any army, and we are sure that no season will enable him to do it with his. I am happy to be able to assure you that those who have had any hand in Wilkinson’s appointment have no cause to be ashamed of it. He has done great things circumstanced as he was, and would have done more if it had been practicable. He has as many follies at least as other men, but they are of a kind which would rather increase his value to the community in his present situation than take from it. Perhaps notwithstanding all of them, governmt will not be able to find a man in America who will do the business he is now engaged in as well as he can.
Your next will be a busy and important session; on it will very much depend the future situation of America. If you confirm all that has been done the government will be strong, but probably will end in monarchy. If you destroy all that has been done, liberty will for a time raise it’s head, to be finally crushed by anarchy. The proper road seems to be between the two extremes: submit to what has gone too far to be remedied, cure those evils which will admit of it, and guard against future disorders. Revolutions have become hateful in my eyes; when they are effected by honest men on good principles, they are made to serve rascals and bad purposes.
I am giving unremitting attention to the business of my profession and my farm, but they are at present equally unprofitable, from the occlusion of the courts and the river. Am I not unfortunate that the same thing shd. happen at the same time to two things so different in their natures and both to my prejudice. But I try to work good out of evil, and by improving my farm and my head to be ready to avail myself of the increased demand which the temporary obstruction of both will cause when they are laid open.
Wishing that you may long enjoy all the pleasures without experiencing any of the obstructions of either private or political life, I am Dear Sir, yr. most obdt. servt.
G: Nicholas.


Title: To James Madison from John Beckley, 10 September 1792
From: Beckley, John
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir,
Philadelphia. 10th: September 1792.
Since I wrote you last, a considerable change has taken place in the state of our foreign & domestic intelligence. Advices from France as late as the 14th: July, exhibit a crisis in the internal affairs of that Country, which ’ere this must be determined and would probably decide the issue of the revolution; the Marquis Fayette appeared at the bar of the National Assembly & denounced the Jacobin club, as the cause of all the evils under which the Nation labours; it appears that he had a favorable hearing, and that notwithstanding violent attempts to impeach him &c., he had been permitted to leave paris & rejoin the Army, but without effecting his object. On his return to the Army, Luckner immediately left it, and on the 14th: July appeared in Paris on the same errand, but there our account ceases. It should seem that the contest is now fairly at issue, between the violent democrats who would overturn the Monarchy, and the friends of the present System. In respect to their external affairs, Prussia is come decidedly forward in support of Austria, and utterly renouncing all Guarantee of Poland, lends its utmost exertions against France. Poland is thus left to an unequal struggle with Russia, and France has one more formidable Enemy without, to contend with. The Poles act with unexampled unanimity and bravery, and have defeated one of the Russian Armies, killing upwards of 4000 and taking 14 peices of Cannon; but I find that the account in my last of a victory by the French, is not confirmed. The occurrences of the present Year seem, alike, awfully important to both nations, and deeply interesting to the cause of liberty throughout the Globe.
Our domestic concerns are progressing in the struggle between the Treasury department and the republican Interest, which shall preponderate in the impending Elections; the former has been, lately, greatly checked & mortified by the Pointed attack on its authentic document, and the no less pointed answers by different writers, both here and at Boston, to the attack on Mr: Jefferson, the two attempts being equally regarded as the weak, insidious & contemptible efforts of Mr: Hamilton himself. It is difficult to say, which endeavor he will most regret the failure of, the one to traduce Mr: J—— and thro’ him to wound the republican Interest throughout the Union, or, the other, to Arm his friends at the ensuing Elections with a deceptive statement, under sanction of Office, to induce the public beleif that a considerable reduction has been effected of the public debt. The latter I know he is extremely solicitous about, and in a phrenzy of passion made a weak intemperate and futile attempt to justify, in a publication signed Civis, by way of Answer to Mercators remarks—which publication I happened to see brought to the Office by a servant of his, and appears (I am told) in the handwriting of one of his Clerks—to this Mercator, has again replied in a manner well calculated to excite farther animadversion and to draw him forth into detail; But I rather think he will retire from this species of warfare; which accumulates upon him in a disagreeable manner, and cannot fail to injure him in the public mind both as a man and a Minister. Indeed I am told that it is a certain fact that the whole weight of supporting his own measures thro’ the public papers, has, since the adjournment of Congress, fallen upon Coxe & himself, not a single publication on that side having been sent to the press, from any pen but theirs. A better way of proceeding, perhaps, is by urging the private & united influence of his freinds thro’ the States. In Maryland, I hear that a speculator Candidate is brought forward for every district. In Virginia, the same will be attempted wherever they dare appear. In this State an attempt is again making to revive a Conference, and as a further means to seduce the dutch & German Interest, a City ticket is circulated with six dutch names and seven approved Treasury men. However, as the election is on the 10th: October, they come too late to promise much success.
I shall go to New York on tuesday, for a week, and hope on my return to be able to give you some certain assurance of the disposition of that State. Mr: Burr, has been here and says, that he thinks the republican interest will prevail. Mr: Randolph also informs me that he has furnished his written opinion at large in favor of Clintons Election.
I have a letter from Mr: Brown, of the 10th: August—he gives a very gloomy accot. of Indian Affairs—confirms the murder of all our flags, & says that the voice & union for War is very general & formidable—an extract will appear in freneau’s next paper. He also reports that Clinton, will receive the votes of that State as V: President. Several Virginians are in town, your kinsman the Bishop, Mr: Andrews, General Wood &c.—but they give us little information.
General Irwin tells me that Davis will exhibit his accounts before the first day of October. I have nothing farther to add, than to repeat the assurances of esteem and regard with which I am, Dear Sir, Your obedt: hble Servt:
John Beckley.


Title: To James Madison from Henry Lee, 10 September 1792
From: Lee, Henry
To: Madison, James

My dear sir
Richmond Sepr. 10h. 92
Some few days after my late domestic calamity which stings me to the quick, I left this place on a visit to the southwestern frontier in obedience to the dutys of my present office, & therefore never got your letr. of July 22d. until my return.
It would not have been in my power to have made the trip you suggest, altho my desire of seeing you would have been a powerful incitement.
From the correspondence of our commissioner we have reason to beleive no delay in the final adjustment of the public accounts can issue from his defect in preparation. I will write to him by this post, for the Executive are very solicitous to hear that this matter is brought to an end.
I will procure for you the best intelligence I can obtain from the respective directors with respect to the works of navigation effecting in this state.
The late northern papers are replete with the abuse of Mr Jefferson as the patron of Frenaus gazette which is stated to be the vehicle of abuse agst govt.
You are introduced without being directly named.
An arm of the bank will be established here & will work the wished for influence.
But one way is left to preserve the state from this undue operation, & that is to establish a bank under the auspices of the C Wealth. This might easily be done & would counter-act if not defeat the plan contemplated.
Cannot you visit Richmond in Ocr. a few days.
It would give me great pleasure to see you, (afflicted as I am) & you would see many old acquaintances then assembled here.
Whatever you may do my best wishes attend you. I am ever & affy yours
Henry Lee


Title: From James Madison to Edmund Randolph, 13 September 1792
From: Madison, James
To: Randolph, Edmund

My dear friend
Orange Sepr. 13—1792
“Your favor of the 12 Ult. having arrived during an excurtion into Albemarle, I did not receive it till my return on yesterday. I lose not a moment in thanking you for it; particularly for the very friendly par[a]graph in the publication in Fenno’s paper. As I do not get his paper here, it was by accident I first saw this extradiordinary manœuvre of Calumy; the quarter, the motive, and the object of which speak for themselves. As it respects Mr. Jefferson I have no doubt that it will be of service both to him & to the public, if it should lead to such an investigation of his political opinions and character as may be expected. With respect to myself the consequence in a public view is of little account. In any view, there could not have been a charge founded on a grosser perversion of facts, & consequently against which I could feel myself more invulnerable.
That I wished & recomme[n]ded Mr. Freneau to be appd to his present Clerkship is certain. But the Department of State was not the only, nor as I recollect the first one to which I mentioned his name & character. I was governed in these recommendations by an acquaintance of long standing, by a respect for his talents, & by a knowledge of his merit & sufferings in the course of the revolution. Had I been less abstemious in my practice from Solicitations in behalf of my friends, I should probably have been more early in thinking of Mr. F. The truth is, that my application when made did not originate with myself. It was suggested by another Gentleman who could feel no motive but a disposition to patronize merit, & who wish’d me to cooperate with him.
That with others of Mr. Freneau’s particular acquaintances I wish’d & advis’d him to establish a press at Philada. instead of one meditated by him in N Jersey, is also certain. I advised the change because I thought his interest would be advanced by it, & because as a friend I was desirous that his interest should be advanced. This was my primary & governing motive. That as a consequential one, I entertain’d hopes that a free paper meant for general circulation and edited by a Man of genius, of republican principles, & a friend to the Constitution, would be some antidote to the doctrines & discourses circulated in favour of Monarchy and Arastocracy, & would be an acceptable vehicle of public information in many places not sufficiently supplied with it; this also is a certain truth; but it is a truth which I never could be tempted to conceal, or to wish to be concealed. If there be a temptation in the case it would be to make a merit of it.
But that the establishment of Mr. F.s press was wished in order to sap the Constitution, and that I forwarded the measure; or that my agency negociated it, by an illicit or improper connection between the functions of a translating Clerk in a public office, & those of an Editor of a Gazette, these are charges which ought to be as impotent as they are malicious. The first is surely incredible, if any charge could be so: & the second is I hope at least improbable, & not to be credited, until unequivocal proof shall be sub[s]tituted for anonymous & virulent assertions.
When I first saw the publication I was half disposed to meet it, with a note to the printer with my name subscribed. I was thrown into suspence however by reflecting 1. that as I was not named, & was only incidentally brought into view, shuch [sic] a step might be precipitate, if not improper, in case the principal should not concur in such a mode of vindication. 2. that I was not enough acquainted with the turn the thing might take, and the light in wh. it might be viewed on the spot. 3 that in a case the least doubtful, prudence would not rush into the newspapers. These considerations have been since sanctioned by the opinion of two or three judicious & neutral friends whom I have consulted. The part finally proper however remains to be decided; and on that I shall always be thankful for the ideas of my friends most in a condition to judge.[”]


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 16 September 1792
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Letter not found. 16 September 1792. In his list of letters to Jefferson (DLC: Rives Collection, Madison Papers), JM noted that this letter, like that of 27 July, concerned “Kentucky Elections.”


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 17 September 1792
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

My dear Sir
Monticello Sep. 17. 1792.
I thank you for the perusal of the two letters which are now inclosed. I would also have inclosed Fenno’s two last papers but that mr. Randolph, who has them, has rode out. If he returns in time they shall be sent you by the bearer. They contain nothing material but the Secretary’s progress in paying the national debt, and attacks & defences relating to it. The simple question appears to me to be What did the Public owe, principal & interest, when the Secretary’s taxes began to run? and what does it owe now, Principal & interest? If less, it must have been paid. But if he was paying old debts with one hand & creating new ones with the other, it is such a game as mr. Pitt is playing. My grandaughter has been at death’s door. The Doctor left us only this morning. She is now we think out of danger. While we sent for him for one patient, two others were prepared for him, to wit, my daughter & a grandson which she produced. All are now doing well. Yet I think I shall not be able to leave her till about Tuesday, and even then it will depend on the little accidents to which her present situation leaves her liable. Adieu my dear Sir. Your’s affectionately
Th: Jefferson


Title: To James Madison from James Monroe, 18 September 1792
From: Monroe, James
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Albemarle Sepr. 18. 1792.
I returned last night having made a long and fatiguing journey through the rain. Your servant soon after presented to me yr. favor with its enclosures. I sent off on saturday the packet to Dunlap so that on thursday night it will be recd. & may be published on saturday next. I inserted the paragraph I had first written, & made the concln. rather more pointed introducing the extracts, making the writer & the person to whom written perfectly passive in regard to the publication, stating indeed that I had obtained them from the latter & wod. make them accessible to others if necessary. The continuation shod. immediately follow but I am greatly oppressed with the fatigue of the journey & shall be much occupied during the court, so that I fear I shall not be able to turn the incident to that acct. in every view its importance wod. admit of. Whether pointed allusions to the Secry. of the trsy. wod. be proper & dignified as relating to the subject, the character to be vindicated, or derogatory is a question of some delicacy. Certain it is that the field is open for a general discussion of the measures of the govt., and will not I suspect be avoided on the other side. We shod. be prepared therefore to point out the errors & support the exceptions. The impression that the establishment of banks by making a capital, of credit, that the introduction of foreign money to buy certificates has added to the solid wealth of the country, is strong with many men; and who in the contemplation of a publick benefit are willing to pardon the enormities of individuals who abusing publick trusts, have gaind private emoluments. The system shod. therefore be reviewed fully if at all & I hope you will turn your attention to it. I had some private conversation with Innes who is perfectly right—but from what I cod. learn some others engaged in speculation are as decidedly wrong. Things stand now in such a situation that the scale will soon preponderate one way or the other. At Richmd. it is conceived that the fate of election of V. P. will in a great measure affect the question & that his opponants are in some part embarked before the publick agnst. him. This I suppose they have gathered from the north. I write in haste—very affectionately I am yr friend & servt
Jas. Monroe


Title: For the National Gazette, 22 September 1792
From: Madison, James
To:

Philadelphia, Sept. 22. [1792]
A Candid State of Parties.
As it is the business of the contemplative statesman to trace the history of parties in a free country, so it is the duty of the citizen at all times to understand the actual state of them. Whenever this duty is omitted, an opportunity is given to designing men, by the use of artificial or nominal distinctions, to oppose and balance against each other those who never differed as to the end to be pursued, and may no longer differ as to the means of attaining it. The most interesting state of parties in the United States may be referred to three periods: Those who espoused the cause of independence and those who adhered to the British claims, formed the parties of the first period; if, indeed, the disaffected class were considerable enough to deserve the name of a party. This state of things was superseded by the treaty of peace in 1783. From 1783 to 1787 there were parties in abundance, but being rather local than general, they are not within the present review.
The Federal Constitution, proposed in the latter year, gave birth to a second and most interesting division of the people. Every one remembers it, because every one was involved in it.
Among those who embraced the constitution, the great body were unquestionably friends to republican liberty; tho’ there were, no doubt, some who were openly or secretly attached to monarchy and aristocracy; and hoped to make the constitution a cradle for these hereditary establishments.
Among those who opposed the constitution, the great body were certainly well affected to the union and to good government, tho’ there might be a few who had a leaning unfavourable to both. This state of parties was terminated by the regular and effectual establishment of the federal government in 1788; out of the administration of which, however, has arisen a third division, which being natural to most political societies, is likely to be of some duration in ours.
One of the divisions consists of those, who from particular interest, from natural temper, or from the habits of life, are more partial to the opulent than to the other classes of society; and having debauched themselves into a persuasion that mankind are incapable of governing themselves, it follows with them, of course, that government can be carried on only by the pageantry of rank, the influence of money and emoluments, and the terror of military force. Men of those sentiments must naturally wish to point the measures of government less to the interest of the many than of a few, and less to the reason of the many than to their weaknesses; hoping perhaps in proportion to the ardor of their zeal, that by giving such a turn to the administration, the government itself may by degrees be narrowed into fewer hands, and approximated to an hereditary form.
The other division consists of those who believing in the doctrine that mankind are capable of governing themselves, and hating hereditary power as an insult to the reason and an outrage to the rights of man, are naturally offended at every public measure that does not appeal to the understanding and to the general interest of the community, or that is not strictly conformable to the principles, and conducive to the preservation of republican government.
This being the real state of parties among us, an experienced and dispassionate observer will be at no loss to decide on the probable conduct of each.
The antirepublican party, as it may be called, being the weaker in point of numbers, will be induced by the most obvious motives to strengthen themselves with the men of influence, particularly of moneyed, which is the most active and insinuating influence. It will be equally their true policy to weaken their opponents by reviving exploded parties, and taking advantage of all prejudices, local, political, and occupational, that may prevent or disturb a general coalition of sentiments.
The Republican party, as it may be termed, conscious that the mass of people in every part of the union, in every state, and of every occupation must at bottom be with them, both in interest and sentiment, will naturally find their account in burying all antecedent questions, in banishing every other distinction than that between enemies and friends to republican government, and in promoting a general harmony among the latter, wherever residing, or however employed.
Whether the republican or the rival party will ultimately establish its ascendance, is a problem which may be contemplated now; but which time alone can solve. On one hand experience shews that in politics as in war, stratagem is often an overmatch for numbers: and among more happy characteristics of our political situation, it is now well understood that there are peculiarities, some temporary, others more durable, which may favour that side in the contest. On the republican side, again, the superiority of numbers is so great, their sentiments are so decided, and the practice of making a common cause, where there is a common sentiment and common interest, in spight of circumstancial and artificial distinctions, is so well understood, that no temperate observer of human affairs will be surprised if the issue in the present instance should be reversed, and the government be administered in the spirit and form approved by the great body of the people.


Title: From James Madison to Benjamin Rush, 1 October 1792
From: Madison, James
To: Rush, Benjamin

Orange Virga. Ocr. 1. 1792
I thank you my dear Sir for the obliging communications in your letter of the 10th Sepr. which I have but just recd; and am pleased to find your hopes so much re-animated by the aspect of our affairs. Much if not all may depend on the choice of an independent and virtuous representation for Penna. The enemies of republicanism seem aware of this, and to be exhausting their artifices to mislead your people. The malicious & slanderous attack on Mr. Jefferson must have had this for its more particular object. We may assure ourselves however that all such wicked tricks will in the end be their own punishment. I even hope there may be time eno’ for truth in the present instance to make itself known before the falsehood can effect its immediate purposes.
In this State there is less agitation. The complexion of federal policy, is so generally condemned, that there is not eno’ of disagreement to disturb the ordinary calm. Our districts also being not yet laid off, the competitions, which will be rather personal than political, have not yet commenced. It may be counted on I think that no candidate who is not a real or ostensible republican will be countenanced by the voice of a single County in the State.
Little has passed within my sphere on the subject of a V. P. I sincerely regret on several accounts that the present Incumbent is to undergo the mortification that awaits him; for if he shd. not be thrown out the number of adverse votes will have that effect on his sensibility. But his political sins are held unpardonable by the republican zeal of this quarter. His only resource lies in the federal prejudices agst. his antagonist, which may in some overpower the republican ones agst. himself. It is to be regretted also that an antagonist, as one is unavoidable, could not be found, who would better unite those of every party who have at bottom the same object, and by that means exhibit a more decisive proof of the republicanism of the people. The gentleman you name, however fitted the talen⟨t⟩ & tone of his mind may be, is too little known to some parts of the Union.
Our State legislature met yesterday. In that focus the scattered mind of our extensive country, will be tolerably well ascertained. I do not expect to be an eye witness, but shall probably be enabled by my correspondents on the spot, to furnish you on my return to Philada. with my quota of information towards a general estimate of our future prospects. With great affection I am Dr. Sir Yr. friend & servt.
Js. Madison Jr
I have destroyed your letter & shall be equally attentive to the other parts of your injunction.


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 1 October 1792
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

My dear Sir
Georgetown Oct. 1. 1792.
I called at Gunston hall. The proprietor just recovering from a dreadful attack of the cholic. He was perfectly communicative, but I could not, in discretion let him talk as much as he was disposed. I proceeded to M. Vernon & had a full, free, & confidential conversation with the President. The particulars shall be communicated when I see you. He declares himself quite undecided about retiring, desirous to do so, yet not decided if strong motives against it exist. He thinks if he declares a month before the day of election it will be sufficient: consequently that he may make his declaration even after the meeting of Congress. Bishop Madison whom I met here is just stepping into the stage, therefore I can only add assurances of my sincere affection
Th: Jefferson


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 2 October 1792
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Th: J. to J. M.
Baltimore Oct. 2. 1792.
I wrote you twice yesterday. This is chiefly to cover the inclosed. On a sum of the poll last night at Annapolis & Baltimore (the only places of polling in Mercer’s district) he was ahead of Thomas only about 25. votes in upwards of 400. The election was then to continue 3. days more. From every thing I can hear it is so doubtful that I would take up 100. to 99 either way. Thomas is a quaker, unaffected to our cause during the war, now a farmer & also factor for British merchants in the shipping business, of the purest character, & a man of letters, that is to say, a poet. Here is also a great contest between Smith & Ridgeley. The Baltimorians say Smith will carry it, but they wish it. The other is the man of the landed interest. Three days more will decide. Adieu.
The result of the poll here & in the county for to-day is this moment brought me. Out of 1500 polled, Smith has a majority of 450. and they pronounce that of the whole poll which it is thought will be about 3000, Smith will have 2000.


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Bell, 2 October 1792
From: Bell, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Letter not found. 2 October 1792. Mentioned in the lists probably made by Peter Force (DLC: Madison Miscellany). Bell was an Orange County neighbor of JM’s (William H. B. Thomas, Patriots of the Upcountry [Orange, Va., 1976], pp. 18, 58).


Title: To James Madison from John Nicholson, 3 October 1792
From: Nicholson, John
To: Madison, James

Sir
Philada. Octr. 3d 1792
I take the liberty of Ad⟨dressi⟩ng you by the bearer on a subject which concerns the republi⟨can⟩ interests of The United states. Those in that Interest I believe pret⟨ty⟩ generally desire a change in the vice-presidency of the United states ⟨a⟩t the ensuing Election, and at the first Governor Clinton was thought of to succeed him; however the circumstances of The state in which he presides combined with his own wishes indu⟨ce⟩d us here to Agree to the Honble Mr. Burr whose talents A⟨bi⟩lities And firmness of character are I believe fully equal, with a prospect of some Accessional strength from Middle And Eastern states which would not be given to Clinton. The people here however only desire A communication with their southern Brethren on the subject, And Altho they would I believe Generally prefer Burr to Clinton will unite in either that may be thought most likely to succeed, for Altho Clinton wishes to decline in favor of Burr, he does not Absolutely refuse to serve if elected. With high respect I have the honor to be sir your Most obedt servant
Jno. Nicholson


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 9 October 1792
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

My dear Sir
Ocr. 9. 1792
Your 3 favors from G. Town, Bladg. & Balte: have come safe to hand. The accident mentioned in the 2d. has caused no small anxiety; which wd. be much greater were it not hoped from your not waiting to repair it, that a safe train had been laid for the purpose, & particularly that the article had been put under seal. The possibility of its falling into base hands at the present crisis cannot be too carefully guarded agst. I beg you to let me know its fate the moment it is in your power. Was my letter for Carroll & that for Beckley in your lost packet? I hear nothing more on the project of Govr. Lee. Your objections to it seem unanswerable. I see no probability however that the politics of the Session, will be saved from the random course to which they are exposed. Monroe left me the day before yesterday. He calculates on setting out from Fredg. abt. the 20 or 21. Adieu


Title: To James Madison from James Monroe, 9 October 1792
From: Monroe, James
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Fredbg Octr. 9. 1792:
The bearer delivered me the inclosed last night address’d to you and myself from M. Smith and M. Willet of New York. I have prevailed on him to convey it personally to you assuring him that no partial or seperate answer cod. be given.
You will find it proposes to substitute Mr. Burr to Govr. Clinton as the candidate of the republican interest, in the contest for the office of V. President. Altho’ he does not appear to be in higher confidence than that of a respectable express, yet from what he has said to me I find he knows the purport of his message—and that he was intrusted with a similar comn for some gentn. in Pena. & elsewhere, particularly to the south. This I presume he has collected from the open manner in which the business has been conducted in New York.
This letter will account for my not receiving an earlier answer to that written from Phila. to Mr. Smith. In short it appears clear, that either from the disinclination of Clinton to embark in the business, the desire of his friends to keep him where he is, or the preference given Burr, that tis the wish of those in that State desirous of a change, to rest the prospect on the latter; and it remains for us to determine what reply shall be given them.
My opinion is briefly this, that if Mr. Burr was in every respect inexceptionable, it wod. be impossible to have him elected. He is too young, if not in point of age, yet upon the publick theatre to admit the possibility of an union in his favor. If formed at all, it must be upon the recommendation & responsibility of particular characters in the several States; and if this cod. succeed it wod. be an unpleasant thing to those who would stand as sponsors. But for an office of this kind it could not, nor shod. it succeed. Some person of more advanc’d life and longer standing in publick trust shod. be selected for it, and particularly one who in consequence of such service had given unequivocal proofs of what his principles really were. A person who had marked a line of conduct so decisively that you might tell what he would be hereafter by what he had been heretofore. To place this gentn., or any other of his standing in the chair of the present incumbant, wod. not be well thought of in america; nor wod. it produce the desired effect; for some compunction always attends the rejection of an old servant, especially when accompanied with any kind of reproach. To lessen this if the ground of exception is well founded, the person prefered shod. in that respect at least be universally known to be sound, and to balance in other respects against him as nearly as possible an equal weight of character. Having this impression I consider the effort in New York in his favor as highly injudicious & improper, and which if persisted in will certainly defeat the object. The particular arrangment of things there it might perhaps suit well enough; but they shod. not endeavor to make the more important interests of the union subservient to their accomodation. The part however to be pursued is difficult to be marked. Tis manifest that no steps have been taken by them to forward the object to the Eastward, or even perhaps in New Yk, and whether the step now taken, if attainable before, has not embarrassed it so as to render it impracticable, is doubtful. An answer however to their letter will be expected, & this must either be given by this messenger, or a message sent by him perhaps a written one to the gentn. signd by both, that as soon as we meet, wh. will be soon, we will answer it fully. I think the sooner they are apprized of our opinion the better it will be. For if evaded the effort will be continued as at present; and unless we join in, it shod. be discountenanc’d. If such shod. be the result it will place us in a disagreeable dilemma with Mr. Burr, but this must be removed by the most soothing assurances of esteem & confidence on our parts, resting it altogether on his youth &ca. I am however disposed to concur with you in whatever you think best & will subscribe any letter you may write, for I am persuaded from past conversations we shall not disagree.
I enclose you the papers containing the extracts of Mr. Jefferson’s letters, with a continuation of the attack upon him, in terms rather more abusive—written, tho’ disguised, I suspect all by the same hand. Shall thank you to return them by hi⟨m.⟩ The piece you read me will be applicable now. I hear⟨ti⟩ly wish you wod. come down as soon as possible.
If the idea of Clinton shod. be abandoned what shall be done? This however we can do nothing in at present. Sincerely I am yr. friend & servt.
Jas. Monroe
Afloat as the business is with the certainty of reproach from that party let the event be what it may, I shod. not hesitate to aid Burr in opposition to Adams. If he cod. succeed it might have its good effects and cod. not possibly do any mischief. So that in truth tis very difficult to act, informed as we now are, with propriety.

[Enclosure]
Gentn
New York Sepr. 30th. 1792
The republ[i]cans in this State are unanimously disposed to a change in the vice Presidency of the united States, and we have heard with pleasure that similar dispositions prevail more or less throughout all the States—nothing therefore seems requisite in order to success but to unite in a candidate—Gov. Clinton and Col Burr, and no others, to our knowledge have been thought of. So far as our knowledge of the sentiments of the republicans in this State extends it appears to us that Col. Burr would be preferred considering the men in themselves, their characters their years and their habits of life. Our known and decided attachment to Gov. Clinton, our general acquaintance with the leading characters in the republican interest in this State and our long and intimate acquaintance with both the Gentleman enables us to say this with more confidence. But two circumstances seems to have removed all hesitation on the subject from the minds of the leading characters in the republican interest here—1st. Gov. Clinton does not wish to be a candidate—on this head we have had repeated conversations with him both together and apart, and he has explicitly expressed his wishes that the republicans would unite in some other person. 2d. The office of Governor in this State is in our opinion of more importance to the republican Interest than that of Vice President. Govr. Clinton has, after a great struggle been re-elected, and tho.’ it is probable that Col. Burr would be chosen to succeed Gov. Clinton in case he should be removed, yet we think it highly improper to hazard another election at this juncture. It has been suggested to us as an objection to the offering Col Burr as a candidate that Gov. Clinton has been generally contemplated in the southern States and that measures have been taken accordingly. This objection we consider as of little weight, because it is within our knowledge that Col. Burr has also been thought of within those States—because we presume that the republicans in those States are not so exclusively attached to any one person as to pursue his election against his own wishes the wishes of his friends and to the predjudice of the republican Interest, and because whatever may have been the disposition of a few individuals, we are not informed of any measures having been taken with a view to Gov. Clinton to the Northward of Pennsylvania, but from all the information we have obtained Col. Burr has been the only person in view in those States. We do not hesitate to declare that in our opinion Col. Burr will receive more support in new Jersey and in the States to the eastward of that than can be procured for Gov. Clinton.
For the foregoing reasons we are decided in our opinion that good policy dictates that Col. Burr should be the candidate. We wish you may concur with us in this opinion and that you will also concur with us in soliciting the friends of republicanism in your State and to the southward to combine with us in the support of Col. Burr. We beg at all events your candid sentiments on the subject, for it is not a particular man but a general measure which we wish to pursue. Gov. Clinton and Col. Burr are not Competitors. The Govrs. friends are the friends of Col Burr. They have fully conversed on the subject. Though our own opinion is in favour of Col. Burr, we are fully impressed with the necessity of union on the subject and will concur in either of the candidates wch. shall appear to command the most interest. But we hope the political situation of this State and our views and wishes with respect to the men and the object will not be wholly disregarded. With great respect, we are Genn. Your Obed. Servts.

Melancton Smith
M. Willett.


Title: From James Madison to James Monroe, 11 October 1792
From: Madison, James
To: Monroe, James

Dear Sir
Ocr. 11. 92
Your favor of the 9th. was yesterday delivered by the Bearer. The letter from N. Y. is truly embarrassing. My present view of the subject of it, is precisely that stated in your remarks. It is proper however that we shd. see one another before any answer be given, and that we shd. in the mean time weigh the subject in every scale. I will lose no time in dropping down to Fredg: but it can not be before Tuesday, perhaps wednesday, & possibly thursday. Wd. it be amiss for you, by a line to Melancton Smith from yourself, to acknowledge the letter, intimate the cause of delaying the joint answer, & to prepare him for the probable complexion of it. I return you the letter for that purpose, as well as that you may the better prepare in your mind, if not on paper, such an answer as will be proper, in case our present ideas shd. undergo no change. I inclose also a letter from J. N. of Philada. with my answer to it unsealed. Be so good as to put a wafer in it & forward it by the return of the Bearer. The letter for Mr. Jefferson I wish to go by the post. Adieu. Yrs. Affy.
Js. Madison Jr


Title: From James Madison to John Nicholson, 11 October 1792
From: Madison, James
To: Nicholson, John

Sir
Octr. 11. 1792
Your favor of the 3d. inst: was duly handed to me by the Bearer. I received at the same time a letter on the same subject from N. York addressed to Col: Monroe & myself. As a joint answer to the latter will be necessary, and must be preceded by a consultation with Col: Monroe from whom I am now separated, and as the answer to yours must correspond with that, it will be some days before a proper one can be given. No time shall be lost in forwarding it by the post after the cause of delay shall have ceased. With great respect I am Sir Your Mo: Obedt. servant
Js. Madison Jr.


Title: Deed of Sale, 15 October 1792 (Abstract)
From: Brooke, John Taliaferro,Monroe, James,Monroe, Eliza,Mercer, Robert,Madison, James,Minor, John, Jr.,Jones, Joseph
To:

Abstract. 15 October 1792. John Taliaferro Brooke, having purchased lot 127 in Fredericksburg, Virginia, from James Monroe and Eliza his wife, conveys that lot to Robert Mercer for £435. Witnessed by JM, John Minor, Jr., and Joseph Jones. Recorded 8 Nov. 1792.