Title: To Benjamin Franklin from François-Pierre de Séqueville, [before 4 June 1782]
From: Séqueville, François-Pierre de
To: Franklin, Benjamin

[before June 4, 1782]
Le Roy recevra Messieurs les ambassadeurs et Ministres Etrangers, Le Samedi 8 Juin au lieu du Mardi, 4.

Addressed: A Monsieur / Monsieur francklin Ministre / plenipre. des provinces unies de / l’amérique Septentrionale / A Passy. / De Séqueville


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Tench Coxe, 4 June 1782
From: Coxe, Tench
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Philadelphia June 4th. 1782
I take the liberty of troubling your Excellency with information of an accident which lately happened to some Bills of Exchange drawn by the Commissioner for the time being at the Court of Versailles.

The fourth Bills of four sets were delivered to a gentleman in Philada. to be taken to Borden Town in order to procure a continuation of the set as it was feared the others were lost. This gentleman has unluckily dropt them in our Streets & every proper Step has been made use of to regain them. Under these Circumstances your Excellency will excuse the freedom I take in writing to you to apprize you of the accident— The Bills are as follow—
4th. of one set of Bills N.539. 12 drs. 26th. Feb. 82 to Wm DeHart mark KL

Do
of 1
do.
N. 11. 30 drs. 5th April. 82 to Mary Henry mark PK—

Do
of 1
do.
. 94. 300 drs. 12th Sepr. 81 to Jno Stevens senr. mark YW

Do
of 1
do.
. 23. 300 drs. 8th. Jany. 82 to Peter Schenck mark ..do.

The two last were drawn by Mr. Hopkinson for interest & the two first by Mr. Hillegas for the same. All countersigned by Mr. Borden— N.94 was endorsed to Messrs. Nesbitt & Co mentioning I think in the endorsement for Account of Mr. James Abercrombie & the other three vizt. N.539 N.11 & N.23 were endorsed to Messrs Sigourney Ingraham & Bromfield Merchts. of Amsterdam— purporting I think to be for value in account with Me—
As these are all fourth Bills I have determined that they shall not be forwarded from hence by Me, so that if they should be presented to your Excellency for payment, I ask the favor of their being refused payment and the proper Steps taken— Unless it should be thought proper on detection of the Bills to pay the Money to the respectable houses in whose favor the genuine endorsements (under the hand of the payees) are.
I have the honor to be with very great Respect yr. Excellency’s mo. obedient & mo. humble Servt.
Tench Coxe
His Excelly. Benj. Franklin Esqr.

Addressed: His Excellency / Benjamin Franklin Esqr. / Minister Penipotentiary / of the United States of Ameri / ca— / Paris / via Baltimore
Notation by William Temple Franklin: No 94—for 300 Drs. was accepd the 2d May 82—presented by Mr Chaumont
3d: No 23, accepd the 24 Augt 82. being regularly indorsed to Sigourney, Ingraham & Bromfield & presented by them, thro Messrs. Mallet le Royer—
The 3d of No 11. in the same Case.
The 3d. of No 539. Do.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from ——— Jaubert fils, 4 June 1782
From: Jaubert, ——, fils
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur
Dunkerque Le 4 Juin 1782.
Si jen dois croire Les bruits public j’aurois lieu desperer une commission en guerre contre les portugais et les anglais; armateur en cette ville, je desirerais armer en course contre ces deux nations si reellement les etats unis on declaré la guerre a cette premiere, je vous prie monsieur de me faire informer sur mon incertitude et si je puis obtenir de vous au nom des etats unis une lettre de marque pour mon projet.
J’ai L’honneur d’etre tres respectueusement Monsieur Votre très humble Et très obeissant serviteur
Jaubert FILS

Notation: Jaubert 4 Juin 1782


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Richard Oswald, [5 June 1782]
From: Oswald, Richard
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir,
[June 5, 1782]
Mr Lawrens while under Confinement in England, proposed that, upon his being liberated upon his Parole, he would apply to you for an Exchange in favour of My Lord Cornwallis, by a Discharge of his Lps. [Lordship’s] Parole granted upon the Surrendry of his Garrison at the Village of York in Virginia; and in Case of your being under any Difficulty in making such Exchange, he undertook to write to the Congress, and to request it of that Assembly, and made no Doubt of obtaining a favourable Answer, without Loss of Time.
This Proposal signed by Mr Lawrens’s Hand, I carried and deliver’d, I think in the Month of December last, to the then Secretarys of State. Which was duly attended to; and in Consequence thereof, Mr. Lawrens was soon after set at full Liberty. And though not as a Prisoner upon Parole, yet it is to be hoped, a variation in the Mode of Discharge will not be supposed of any essential Difference. And with respect to Mr. Lawrens I am satisfied he will consider himself as much interested in the Success of this Application, as if his own Discharge had been obtained under the form proposed by the Representation which I deliver’d to his Majesty’s Secretaries of State. And I make no doubt will join Lord Cornwallis in an Acknowledgement of your favour & good Offices, in granting his Lordp. a full Discharge of his Parole, as abovementioned.— I have the honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient, humble Servant,
(signed) Richard Oswald

P.S. Since writing the above I recollect I was under a Mistake as if the Proposal of Exchange came from Mr. Lawrens—Whereas it was made by his Majesty’s Secretaries of State to me— That Mr. Laurens should endeavour to procure the Exchange of Lord Cornwallis—so as to be discharged himself. Which Proposal I carried to Mr. Laurens, & had from him the Obligation abovementioned—Upon which the Mode of his Discharge was settled.—
(signed) R. O.
Copy of a Letter from R. Oswald Esqr to B. Franklin Esqr dated 5th. June 1782, at Paris.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Richard Oswald, 6 June 1782
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Oswald, Richard

Sir
Passy, June 6th. 1782
I received the letter you did me the honor of writing to me, respecting the Parole of Lord Cornwallis. You are acquainted with what I wrote sometime since to Mr. Laurens. Tomorrow is Post-day from Holland, when possibly I may receive an Answer, with a paper drawn up by him for the purpose of discharging that Parole, to be signed by us jointly. I suppose the being at Paris another day will not be very inconvenient to Major Ross; and if I do not hear tomorrow from Mr. Laurens, I will immediately, in Complyance with your request, do what I can towards the Liberation of Lord Cornwallis. I have the honor to be with great Respect Sir Your most obedient Humble Servant
B. Franklin
Richd: Oswald Esqr.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Fizeaux, Grand & Cie., 6 June 1782
From: Fizeaux, Grand & Cie.
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur
Amsterdam le 6 Juin 1782
Pour nous rembourser des acceptations de M. Adams à nôtre domicile que nous acquitons conformement à vos ordres, & dont vous avéz la notte, nous avons pris la liberté de tirer aujourd’hui sur Vôtre Excellence

écus 2200.
}
à 3 usances à notre ordre

“ 2300.

écus 4500 ensemble dont nous creditons le Compte des Etats unis de l’amerique au Che. de 53 ⅝ en B f. 6032.\6.— dans la persuasion que vous voudrés bien accueillir nos traittes.

Nous avons l’honneur d’être avec une parfaite Consideration, Monsieur Vos trés humbles & tres obeissans Serviteurs
FIZEAUX Grand Comp
S. E. Monsieur Francklin, à Passi.

Notation: Fizeaux Grand & Co. 6. Juin 1782.


Title: William Temple Franklin to ——— Cabaret, 6 June 1782
From: Franklin, William Temple
To: Cabaret, ——

  le 6 Juin 1782
  Pour M. Franklin

Une Rame de Papier même Grandeur de ce ci—mais sans etre coupé et sans etre Gommé: enfin, propre pour imprimer dessus, et de la meme Espece qu’on vend aux Imprimeurs pour cet Effet—

Addressed: M. Cabaret, Md de Papier / au Griffon, / Rue de Bussy / fbg St. Germains


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Hodgson, 7 June 1782
From: Hodgson, William
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear sirLondon 7 June 1782
I have recd your favor of the 27th Ultimo & your preeceeding Letter with an Acc’t of a Bill you intended for me having been recd by a Namesake of mine for £200— I have rec’d the Money from him tho a good deal alarmed at first at the Circumstances.
Administration have given Clothing at their expence to the amount of 20s each man indeed I cou’d not have that myself justifiable in running to such an Expence without orders, the allowance I look upon as fully sufficient for the purpose & the Men appear well satisfied with what has been done for them & I have had many handsome Letters from sundry Prisoners expressing their thankfullness at what has been done & I hope it will have its effect to do away in some degree the bitterness that has prevailed in the minds of Americans in general.
The Prisoners from Portsmo to the amount of 330 are gone;— Last week the Commissioners of Sick & Hurt informed me of very alarming apprehensions their Agents were filled with relative to the prisoners meditating to set fire to their prison & that they were become so riotous & ungovernable that they feared on embarkation some mischeif wou’d ensue— I happened to see the Duke of Richmond in the Evening I recd this Acct—(he had the week before been at Forton & behaved with great kindness to the prisoners)— I communicated to his Grace the Information I had recd he was much concerned at it & inded alarmed & said If I coud possibly spare Time he wou’d wish me to go to Portsmo to endeavour to pacify the Men if any thing was wrong assuring me that I might depend whatever I did he wou’d bear me out in— I accordingly set out post immediately & was agreably surprised on my Arrival to find all peace & good order & a total inability to discover the least foundation for the surmise—the Men embarked with all the good Temper imaginable not a disorderly sound or Gesture from any one nor a Man disguised in Liquor.
The wind having been contrary the Transports for the Plymo prisoners were not arrived, but I imagine they are by this Time— I had previous to the reception of your last Letter, written to Congress (per Mr Thomson) just in the manner you recommend, & have no doubt but they will do what is just & right on their part in the Business —there will be upwards of 700 Prisoners from Plymo—the greatest part of those from Kinsale being arrived at Plymo—some few sick will remain so that another Vessell will be required as a Cartel in a short Time.
I am very much obliged to you for your obliging assurance of a compliance wit my request of the 10th Ultimo, & hope you will be pleased to remember that to be usefull it must be special in dispatch I am with the greatest Respect Dr sir yrs most Sincerely
William Hodgson

P.S. I am more & more convinced every day that what I surmised in my last Letter respecting the friendly disposition of certain persons more than others, is wellfounded, & I am further convinced that if any obstacles occurr, which cannot well be got over in the common form, that if you give me a hint to guide them it will be attended to—for I seriously believe they mean to walk fairly & uprightly.

Addressed: To / His Excellency Benj. Franklin Esqr


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Schweighauser & Dobrée, 8 June 1782
From: Schweighauser & Dobrée
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir!Nantes 8 June 1782.
We have had the honor of writing to your Excellency the 18 dec. last informing you of the decease of our Worthy Parent Mr Schweighauser and are Since without any of your esteemed favors. The chief purpost of this Serves to acquaint You that the King’s Officer has obliged us instantly to remove all the articles of the Arsenal in another Magazine in order to make Baracks of the former, we have made every representation in our power to save this expence but to no purpose, we are now employed to this desagreable work as Soon as it is finished we will Send your Excellency a note of our charges together with an account of money paid to Americans escaped from prison—at this occasion permit us once more to request you would fix the exact allowance to be given them— We have constant applications from Brest, Morlaix & St: Malo & are obliged to leave these letters unanswered— Our Correspondents have occasionally afforded Some Assistance to those who have landed in the above ports & drawn the amount on us which we have regularly honoured.
In our last we requested your Excellency would remind our advances for the Alliance— Our partners in the house en Commandite of Puchelberg & C in L’Orient insisted on arresting this frigate during her last Stay in that port—but we absolutely forbidded it; not doubting but Congress in its Equity & Justice will soon remit us our due with usual Interest especially if your Excellency will be please to represent our case when next you write which would be most greatfully acknowledged by us & our Coheirs.
Mr Arnous a Capital Merchant of this place having desired us to sell him two Anchors of the Arsenal we have promised to Sollicit that permission of your Excellency.
We have the honor to be Your Excellency’s Most humble & most obt servants
Schweighauser & Dobrée
To his Excellency Benjamin franklin Esqr Minister plenipotentiary of the united States of America Passy

Notation: Schweighauser et Dobré 8. Juin 1782.


Title: Franklin: Discharge of Cornwallis from His Parole, 9 June 1782
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

Given at Passy, this 9th Day of June 1782.
The Congress having by a Resolution of the 14th. of June last, impower’d me to offer an Exchange of General Burgoyne for the honourable Mr Lawrens then a Prisoner in the Tower of London, & whose Liberty they much desired to obtain; which Exchange tho’ proposed by me according to the said Resolutions, had not been accepted or executed, when Advice was received that General Burgoyne was exchang’d in virtue of another Agreement and Mr Lawrens having thereupon proposed another Lieutenant General, viz Lord Cornwallis, as an Exchange for himself, promising that if set at Liberty he would do his utmost to obtain a Confirmation of that Proposal: And Mr Lawrens being soon after discharged and having since urged me earnestly in several Letters, to join with him in absolving the Parole of that General, which appears to be a Thing just and equitble in itself, and for the honour therefore of our Country; I do hereby as far as in my Power lies, in virtue of the abovementioned Resolution or otherwise, absolve and discharge the Parole of Lord Cornwallis given by him in Virginia; setting him at intire Liberty to act in his Civil or Military Capacity, untill the Pleasure of Congress shall be known, to whom is reserved the Confirmation or Disapprobation of this Discharge, in Case they have made or shall intend to make, a different Disposition.
B FranklinMinister Plenipotentiary from the United States of America at the Court of France.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Bethia Alexander, 9 June 1782
From: Alexander, Bethia
To: Franklin, Benjamin

St: Germain Ce 9 Juin 1782
La peste, mon cher Docteur a derangée tous les projets du Philosophe de Toulouse— il n’y aura ni Thèse ni dedicace— ainsi nous voila quitte de tous ces embarras là.— Je voudrois savoir si vous avez fait une visite à Madame la Comtesse de la Mark comme vous me l’avez promis—si vous l’avez oublier vous meritrez que J’aille à Paris exprès pour vous Gronder—si vous l’avez fait Je desirois y aller pour vous remercier, de tout façon Je meure d’envie de vous voir—mais Je ne sais pas comment m’y prendre— Je n’est pas de voiture—si vous m’aimez autant que Je vous aime vous tacherez d’arranger tout cela avec mon Pere.— Le Pere General vous ecrit il vous expliquera pourquoi son Philosophe n’a plus besoin de vous.— Adieu Docteur ingrat Docteur car Je suis sure que vous ne pensez non plus a moi qui si Je n’etois plus au nombre des vivans—ecrivez moi que J’ai tort si vous l’osez.— Votre affectionnée
Bethia Alexander

Il y a ici une Dame qui desire savoir si vos cheminées à la Franklin—epargne du Bois—donne plus de chaleur que les autres; et ce qu’elles coutent
Apropos mon Pere parle d’aller en angleterre souvenez vous de votre promesse et n’aller pas engager une autre menagere— Mes Compliments à mon Petit Cousin.—

Addressed: His Excellence B. Franklin Esqr: / at / Passy
Notation: Mlle Alexander. 9. Juin 1782.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Joseph Smith, 9 June 1782
From: Smith, Joseph
To: Franklin, Benjamin

    at Cape St Nicelaw [Nicolas]Hispanola June 9th 1782
    Dear Sir
As a true Subject to the States of ammerecia and our Worthy Alleys I would take the Liberty haveing this Oppertunity to acquaint your honner of a Case which hes bentride [has been tried] in this Iseland and is now Left to your honnors determination that on or About the 25 of febury I being in a Crusing brig Cauled the Lady Greene duly Commisned by Congress to Crueze against the Enemise of Unitd States of Ammerica being of the West End of this Iland I fell in with a Sloop Cauled the St Thomas under danish Colours I brot her two & upon Examing her papers I found a burgers breefe and a Clearance from the Custom house in Kingston in Jamaica Shee had Sundry Merchantdise on board I thot it my duty to Carry her in to port for Trial I carryed her into the Port of Jeremee [Jérémie] wher Shee was Tryed and Condemnd as A Good prise to the Captors the Judgment of the admeltry was Sent to the Cape and their Ratifide by the General and Intendant as a Good prize to mee and the Neat proseads Ordred to bee deposd in the hands of the Tresery untill Judgment Should bee determined by the dupetyse [deputies] from Congress I Expectd to have arrivd at the Cape before the Convoy Saild I Expet the papers will Come to your hands by this Convoy if they are Sent if they are not I Shall forward them as Soon as possibell. You will Sir See Every Paper that was onbord of Hur and you may depend that the Sloop is Three Quarters Oned in Jamaica and one Quarter Oned in the Cape.
As I have Sence bentaken and Carryed to Jamaica and was Credebly Informd I hope your honour when Seing the papers and the Judgment of the Courts of this Iland which I have Inclosd a Coppy would take the matter into your most Srus [serious] Consideration and finding her to bee a Good prise would Order the money to bee paid to the Captors as I make no dout but I Shall have Justes done me and am Sir with due Respect your most Obediant Humbl Servant
Joseph SmithComd of Lady Greene
To the Right Onnerabe Mr Franklin imbassedor for the United States of America now Residing in Parris


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Seth Jaquà, 10 June 1782
From: Jaqua——, Seth
To: Franklin, Benjamin

My Lord.Lisbon 10th, June 1782.
I eagerly embrace this opportunity of informing your Excellency that I am an American, born in Salisbury, had the Honr. of serving Two years and Six Months as a Lieutenant in Colonel Brown’s Corps and acted as Commissary to Genl. Sullivan’s Camp, had the Misfortune to be taken by a party of the Indians, who lay in ambush on our march to fort Stanwix, Commanded by the inhuman & unfeeling Colonel Butler, from whom, & from the merciless, & blood thirsty Indians acting under him, I recd. the most cruel and shocking Treatmt. marched quite naked thro Swamps woods, & wildernesses, for sevl. days, witht. any Nourishment, but what was hardly sufficient to sustain nature, words cannot express the miseries & torments I was daily exposed to, was confined in Jail in Quebeck for two years & odd days, on a half Starving allowance of provisions. At the expiration of sd. Time was sent on board an English Transport bound to London, but being drove by contrary winds into Beerhaven in the South west part of Ireland where I got an opportunity of escaping from their hands into the Country, from which place I in six Months time procured a Passage on board of a Portugueze Vessel bound to this Port, thro’ the Generosity & goodness of an Irish Young Man, who sailed in the same Vessel, Paid five Guineas for my Passage, & was my best friend both here & in Ireland on every occasion his name is Mr. Thornton. I would have suffered a great deal here, being destitute of Cloaths, money, or necessaries, had it not been for the humanity of the French Agent residing here, The American Gentleman who succours distressed men in my Situation being not at Home, I arrived here the 7th. Inst.
I humbly request that your Excellency will be so Kind as to remit me in behalf of the Continental Congress, by the return of the Packet, a Sum sufficient for buying me a couple Suits of Cloths, for paying what I owe to Mr. Thornton, for defraying my Expences here & for paying my travelling Expences & Passage to America by the way of Cadiz, as it is the nearest place where I expect a Vessel. I remain with due esteem your Excellencies most obedient & most humble Servant
Seth Jaquà
His Excellency Dr. Franklin Ambassador at the Court of Paris in behalf of the free & Independent united States of North America.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Robert Morris, 10 June 1782
From: Morris, Robert
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir,Office of Finance Philada. June 10th. 1782
The Annexed is Copy of a Letter which was written to you on the 22d. March last by the Baron D’arndt who had the misfortune to be Captured and carried into New York, he is come out on Parole and informs me that he lost the original Letter wherefore I furnish him with a Copy and hereby Confirm the Contents.
I am Sir Your most obedient humble Servant.
Robt Morris
His Excellency Benjm. Franklin Esqr.

Notation: Robt. Morris March 22. 1782


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Matthew Ridley, 10 June 1782
From: Ridley, Matthew
To: Franklin, Benjamin

SirAmsterdam June 10h: 1782.
A Vessell is arrived here from Baltimore. She brings Letters dated as late as the 15h: April.— Got out of the Capes the 7th. May— It appears Mons de La Luzerne’s House at Philadelphia had been struck in the Month of April with Lightning— From the account given of it—The House appears in a manner to rent in pieces—some Furniture inside the House burnt & a French Officer much scorch’d but fortunately no Lives lost.— They impute the accident to the want of Dr. Franklin’s lightning Rods.— Genl. Washington had appointed Genl. Knox & Mr Governeur Morris to negotiate an exchange of prisoners.— Mr Gadsden had been elected Governor of South Carolina but declined serving— British property in that state was confiscated. The Reason given the having sequestered American property by the British & the savage manner in which Lord Cornwallis had conducted the War.— Their Government seems to be acquiring some consistancy: And it is expected they will raise their Quota of Troops— They held their Assembly within 30 miles of Charles Town.— The following Action in the Delaware I think deserves to be noticed.
The Merchants of Philadelphia fitted out a Vessell called the Hyder-Aly for the protection of the River. She mounted 10 six & six nine pounders had 125 Men & was commanded by Captain: J. Barney.— She went down with a number of Vessells outward bound & was laying at Anchor at the Capes when the General Monk Sloop of War & the Fair American Lately taken by the English made their appearance. At their approach most of the Vessells push’d up the River—two or three attempted to push out & are supposed to be taken by the Fair American. The General Monk or rather the Captain of her judging from the appearance of the Hyder-Aly that she was an easey prize fired a single Gun to bring her to, in action. Capt: Barney raked him with a Broad side which killed & wounded almost every Officer & a number of Men— He gave a second equally as well directed & after an Action of 28 minutes the General Monk struck & was as my Letter says at Phila.—she is coppered, mounts 18 nine pounders & have 125 Men.— The Hyder-Aly had 4 Men killed & 11 wounded— The General Monk 53 killed & wounded.
I have not yet been able to learn any other particulars— If I do that should be worth communicating I will write again—
The Vessell that arrived was chased off the Texel by part of Lord Howes fleet— The Captain says he counted 16. Sail.
Since being here I have been attacked with a violent disorder called by some the Influenza. With Bleeding &c. I am got better— Every American here has had it & many of the Dutch.— Mr Barclay is just getting about after having had it. He desires his respects. I beg you will accept mine with kind remembrance to Mr Wm Franklin & that you will believe me respectfully.
Your Excellencys Most Obedient servant
Matt: Ridley

Notation: Ridley 10 June 1782


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Lafayette, 11 June 1782
From: Lafayette, Marie-Joseph-Paul-Yves-Roch-Gilbert du Motier, marquis de
To: Franklin, Benjamin

My Dear SirParis june 11h 1782
Major Ross Having Called Upon me this Morning, and Having said that in the Mean while You Give His Lordship’s Conditional Disharge it was Your Opinion I should Give that of the Aids de Camp at the Bottom of which you will Express Your Approbation of the Measure, I Request You will please to Have the Piece drawn up in the Way that Appears to You the Most properly Expressed—
When General Lincoln Has Been Released his family were Exchanged With Him, and it May serve as a precedent, particularly Now that Negotiations are said to Be likely to take place.
Congress are so very strict, and General Washington so very Cautious Upon the Exclusive Rights of Governement Alone in settling all Exchanges that I Cannot take Great deal Upon Myself— I am without Instructions whatsoever, and Have no Powers of Any kind— But Congress know My Intentions are Good, and I Cannot Be Accused of a Propensity towards the British Nation— I think therefore that if I Am Authorised By your Advice I May Concur with You in Releasing the family of the General you Have disharged, Provided it is in the same Conditional Way—that is in Case the Exchange is Immediately Made By Congress, or Has been Agreed to Even Before We write this peace— Be pleased therefore, My dear sir, to Have it drawn up in the Way that Appears Most Convenient to Every party, Provided it does not Commit Either You or Me (for you know that in our American Governement one Must be Cautious) and after it is writen fair, Leave a place for My Name to Be put in and Be pleased to write You think the Conditional exchange of these Gentlemen (so far as you know it) Consistent with the sense of Congress, and that you Advise me to Agree to the Measure, or any thing that Appears to You will Answer the purpose.
Most Respectfully and Affectionately Yours
Lafayette

I think with you, My dear sir, we must in this Moment do every thing we Can to show our good dispositions, so as to let the Ennemy Have the Blame in every miscarriage of Negotiations— and personally I wish to Act politely By lord Cornwallis


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jonathan Williams, Sr., 11 June 1782
From: Williams, Jonathan Sr.
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear srBoston June 11th. 1782
Your favour of the 7 June 81 was handed me a few days ago. I understand the Gentleman Mr: Beyerle you recommended Landed at Rhod Island & went to the southward had he Come to Boston your Letter would have intitled him to every Assistance in my power & Given me pleasure.
Aunt Mecom paid us a Visit in the Spring & was so fourtunate as to receive your present wilest she was here & indeed apear’d as happy as I ever new her, but by a Late Letter from her I find she is sadly afflicted with the Death of her most Amiable G—— Daughter Mrs Green.
We all have Our Trobles my Only Brother a few days ago Died allso but as Death is the Condition of human life we have no reason to Complain.
The Inclos’d Letter I recd from your Sister.
Bilive me ever your dutifull Nephew & most Hble Servant
Jona Wms

N.B. my Wife & Children are all well Desire their Duty
Our Oldest Daughter Betsy is the mother of a Very fine Daughter Nam’d after her mother
  Doctr Benja Franklin

Addressed: His Excellency / Benjamin Franklin Esqe. / Passy / near / Paris


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Stephen Sayre, 12 June 1782
From: Sayre, Stephen
To: Franklin, Benjamin

SirParis 12th. June 1782—
As the English Commissioners of peace may probably demand the Island of Porto Rico, either as a preliminary article, or endeavour to obtain it in the course of negotiation; I beg leave to offer the following Idea to your Excellency’s consideration.
Whether you cannot, with the aid of the French Minister who must see, clearly, the national Interest greatly benefited, turn this object so as to let the Island, hereafter become free, & open to a commerce with all the world.
If the powers in treaty say to England “we cannot suffer this Island to be monopolized by you; but we have no objections to your profiting by its Market &c &c.” The object remains still extremely important to her & worth her pursuit.
I need not state any arguments as to the advantages America would gain by such a measure. We all know them to be of high importance. Your Excellency may be assured of having the thanks & praise of every person now living, & of all posterity for opening such a profitable Market for us.
It is an object of so much weight, that I am persuaded your Excellency will do well to write for Instructions respecting it; should there be time for them, even before a definitive Treaty.
I hope you will not impute this Letter to any impatient desire of medling in public affairs, but to the ardent desire of serving my Country. If you please—myself: for if adopted, I should hope to have your Excellency’s support in recommending me to the Government of it—most certainly, there is some merit in promoteing an Affair, by which, all the world must be benefited: for even Spain will not be injured by it.
I am with great Respect & Consideration your Excellency’s most obedient Servant
Stephen Sayre
To his Excellency Benjamin Franklin Esqr &c &c


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Mary Hewson, 13 June 1782
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson

My dear Child,Passy, June 13. 1782
I received your pleasing Letter of the 1st of May thro’ the hands of Mr Hodgson, and one since by Mr Oswald. You cannot be more pleas’d in talking about your Children, your Methods of Instructing them, and the Progress they make, than I am in hearing it; and in finding, that instead of following the idle Amusements, which both your Fortune & the Custom of the Age might have led you into, your Delight and your Duty go together, by employing your Time in the Education of your Offspring. This is following Nature and Reason instead of Fashion, than which nothing is more becoming the Character of a Woman of Sense & Virtue. We have here a Female Writer on Education, who has lately publish’d three Volumes, that are much talk’d of. I will send them to you by the first Opportunity. They are much talk’d of, prais’d & much censur’d. The Author, Madame la Comtesse de Genlis, is made, in consequence of her writing that Work, Governor of the Children of the Duc de Chartres, who is Son of the Duke of Orleans. Perhaps you may not find much in it that can be of use to you, but you may find something. I enclose another Piece on the same Subject, written by another Comtesse, Madame de Forbach, who does me the honour of calling me her Friend, by which means I have a Copy, it not being publish’d.— When you have Leisure I shall like to see your Remarks.
Do not send any Books to Geneva. The Troubles of that City have driven the School and my Boy out of it, and I have thoughts of sending for him home. Perhaps I may put him for a while under your Care to recover his English in the same School with your Sons.
I hope with you that there may be a Peace, & that we may once more meet. Remember me kindly to Mr & Mrs Vining. I do not at present want a Carriage. Embrace your good Mother for me with much Affection, and believe me to be, my dear dear Friend Yours ever
B Franklin

Endorsed: B Franklin June 13. 1782


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to [Richard Price], 13 June 1782
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Price, Richard

Dear Sir,Passy, June 13. 1782
I received a few Days since your kind Letter of the 27th past, by Messrs. Milford & Brown. It gave me great Pleasure to hear of your Welfare. All that come with a Line from you are welcome.
I congratulate you on the late Revolution in your Public Affairs. Much Good may arise from it, tho’ possibly not all that good Men, and even the new Ministers themselves may have wished or expected. The Change however in the Sentiments of the Nation, in which I see evident Effects of your Writings, with those of our deceas’d Friend Mr Burgh, and others of our valuable Club, should encourage you to proceed. The ancient Roman and Greek Orators could only speak to the Number of Citizens capable of being assembled within the Reach of their Voice: Their Writings had little Effect because the Bulk of the People could not read. Now by the Press we can speak to Nations; and good Books & well written Pamphlets have great and general Influence. The Facility with which the same Truths may be repeatedly enforc’d by placing them daily in different Lights, in Newspapers which are every where read, gives a great Chance of establishing them. And we now find that it is not only right to strike while the Iron is hot, but that it is very practicable to heat it by continual Striking.— I suppose we may now correspond with more Freedom, and I shall be glad to hear from you as often as may be convenient to you. Please to present my best Respects to our good old Friends of the London Coffeehouse. I often figure to my self the Pleasure I should have in being once more seated among them. With the greatest & most sincere Esteem an Affection, I am, my dear Friend, Yours ever
B Franklin

Endorsed: Dr. Franklin 1782


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jonathan Williams, Jr., 13 June 1782
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Williams, Jonathan Jr.

Dear JonathanPassy, June 13. 1782
I have never yet been able to settle my Account with M. de Chaumont. I got Mr. Grand to endeavour it, but he is on the Point of giving it up as impracticable. One is never sure of having finish’d any thing [with] Mr C. He is forever renewing old Demands or inventing new ones. He now refuses to allow me Interest on the 50,000 livres he kept so long in his Hands, or on any other Article of my Account, and yet as you know, charges it on every one of his. And he says if I charge Interest he will charge me for I know not how many 100 Tons of Freight in the Marquis de la Fayette more than he was paid for. He refuses to allow the Charge of Exchange &c that arose on paying him for his Clothes here instead of paying it in America, and says if I insist on that he will be paid 25, and sometimes he talks of 50 per cent Advantage he should have made by being paid for the Cloth in America either by Cash or Bills on me, an Advantage of which I cannot form the least Conception. Thus the bad Situation of his Affairs forces him upon the Use of all Sorts of Chicanery to evade a Settlement & doing Justice to his Creditors. When you see a Man naturally honest thus driven into Knavery by the Effect of imprudent Speculations, let it be a Warning to you how you venture out of your Depth, in hope of Gain, to the hazard of your Virtue, which ought to be dearer to you than any Fortune, as being in itself more valuable & affording more Comfort. Mr Grand has considered all his Pleas, and even a private Memoir which he desired might not be shown me (I suppose lest I should answer it) wherein he makes a sort of Account of all his Losses in American Transactions, & even of all his Civilities to me or any of my Friends.— Mr Grand has given an Award which he will not submit to, tho’ he had agreed to his being the Arbitrator:—and now I have proposed that he should chuse another to be join’d with Mr Grand, and that if they do not agree they may chuse a third, whose Decision shall be final.— In case this takes place, I shall want your Information in what manner & by whom the Tonnage was settled, and what you understood to be the Agreement relative to the Payment for the Cloths. By what I can recollect or gather from the Memorandum written by him, it was to this purpose, that to encourage me to buy the Cloth when I objected my want of Money, he propos’d to take his Pay in America, or if the Congress could not pay him in Cash he would take their Bills on me for the Sum, which as it would be some time before they could return & be payable here, would be equivalent to giving me so long Credit. If I am wrong, pray set me right; and do not delay writing, because I want much to finish the Affair. I am ever Your affectionate Uncle

P.S. I wish also to know whether you have not, as I think you told me, some reasons to believe that Salt or other Goods were shipt in that Vessel without your Knowledge or Consent. Also I would have your Opinion of the Damage we suffer’d by the Delay of the Vessels coming to l’Orient by the Operations of his Creditors, and by her not being in time to sail with the Convoy. For as he brings all sorts of Artillery to bear against us, we are oblig’d to muster what Arms we can to defeat its Effects.
  Letter B Franklin to Mr Williams June 13 1782 Mr de Chaumont’s Chicanery Questions about the Clothing &c


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Adams, 13 June 1782
From: Adams, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

SirThe Hague June 13. 1782
I had Yesterday, at Amsterdam, the Honour of receiving your Excellencys Letter of June 2d.
The Discovery that Mr Grenvilles Power, was only to treat with France does not Surprize me, at all. The British Ministry, are too much divided among themselves, and have too formidable an opposition against them, in the King and the old Ministers, and are possessed of too little of the Confidence of the Nation, to have the Courage to make Concessions, of any Sort, especially Since the News of their Successes in the East and West Indies.
What their Pride will end in, God only knows.— For my own Part, I cannot See, a Probability, that they will ever make Peace, untill their Financies are ruined and Such Distresses brought upon them as will work up their Parties into a civil War.
I wish their Ennemies could by any means be persuaded to carry on the War against them in Places where they might be sure of Triumphs, instead of insisting upon pursuing it, where they are Sure of Defeats.— But We must take Patience, and wait for Time to do, what Wisdom might easily and soon do.
I have not as yet taken any Engagements with the Dutch not to make a Peace without them, but I will take such Engagements, in a moment if the Dutch will take them, and I believe they will chearfully.— I shall not propose it however untill I have the Concurrence of the Duke de la Vauguion who will do nothing without the Instructions of his Court. I would not delay it, a moment from any Expectation that the English, will acknowledge our Independence and make Peace with Us, because I have no such Expectations.— I confess, it would be with infinite Reluctance that I should see a Peace made between England and any of her Ennemies, unless it is made with all.— If France, Spain and America should make Peace with England, and leave Holland alone at War, she would be at Mercy, and she would find the tenderest of it, Cruelty.
The permanent and lasting Friendship of the Dutch, may be easily obtained by the United States; that of England never. It is gone with the days before the Flood.— If We ever enjoy the Smallest degree of Sincere Friendship again from England I am totally incapable of Seeing the Character of a Nation or the Connections of Things, which however may be the Case, for what I know. They have brought themselves by their Frenzy into Such a Situation. Spain has such Pretensions, Holland has Such Pretensions, America has Such Pretensions, the Armed Neutrality has Such Pretensions, that where is the English Minister, or Member of Parliament that dares to vote for the Concession to them? The Pretensions of France I believe would be so moderate that possibly, they might be acceeded to.— But I fear that Spain who deserves the least will demand the most. In Short the Work of Peace appears so impracticable, that I am happy in being restrained to this Country by my Duty and by this means excused from troubling my Head much about it.— I have a Letter from America which informed me that Mr Jay had refused to Act in the Commission for Peace: but if he is on his way to Paris, as you suppose I presume, my Information must be a Mistake, which I am very glad of. Mr Laurens, did me the Honour of a very short Visit, in his Way to France, but I was very Sorry to learn from him, that in a Letter to your Excellency he had declined Serving in the Commission for Peace. I had vast Pleasure in his Conversation, for I found him possessed of the most exact Judgment respecting our Ennemies, and of the Same noble Sentiments in all Things, which I Saw in him in Congress.
What is the System of Russia? Does she Suppose that England has too many Ennemies upon her, and that their demands and Pretensions are too high? Does she Seek to embroil affairs and to light up a general War in Europe? Is Denmark in Concert with her, or any other Power? Her Conduct is a Phenomenon.— Is there any Secret Negotiation or Intrigue on Foot, to form a Party for England among the Powers of Europe, and to make a Ballance, against the Power of the Ennemies of England?
The States of Holland and several other Provinces have taken the Resolution, against the Mediation for a Separate Peace, and this nation seems to be well fixed in its System and in the common Cause.
My best Respects and Affections to my old friend Mr Jay, if you please.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Benjamin Putnam, 13 June 1782
From: Putnam, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honorable Sir,Cape Nichola Mole June 13th. 1782.— Hispaniola
Least by any Accident, I should fail of a safe Arrival at France, I wish to inform you, that, I have not relinquished the Idea, or by any means, quitted my Resolution but too long since form’d, of waiting on your Excellency on the subject of the two Vessels which some months since I had the honor to represent to your Excellency thro Mr. Lovell, & by my own Letters.
I am in the Flora Frigate, commanded by Capt Henry Johnson, in which, I left Boston, Jany last, bound to Bourdeaux: But the misfortunes of being dismasted, & an unusual long Passage, together with the great Difficulty of procuring Masts & other necessary Materials for our refitting, have long protracted our sailing, & caus’d this tedious Delay.
We shall sail the 15th. Inst in Company with a French Bregantine, by which, I have the honor of addressing your Excellency with this Advice, and am Sir, with profound Respects Your Excellency’s most Obedient & most Hble Servant
Benj. Putnam
His Excy, Doctor Franklin—

Addressed: His Excellency Doctor B. Franklin / American Minister at the Court / of France— / Paris
Notation: Colonies


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jonathan Williams, Jr., 13 June 1782
From: Williams, Jonathan Jr.
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dr & hond Sir.Nantes June. 13. 1782.
Inclosed are 2 Letters from Major Franks one for you & one for Mr Jay. The Bills mentioned I have sent to Mr Grand.— What is to be done about sending out the public Stores? There are here two large american Ships now here which will want Freight one of them the Cato of 300 Tons to my address, but these Ships belong to the Northward & cannot take Freight to go South of Boston.— There is a fine new french Ship just launched which is to be coppered burthen about 300 Tons, she may be ready in two months, but the owner will not freight her under £300 per Ton measurement on Goods. I do not for my own part think a good Ship can be had for less. If you can consent to send to the Northward the american Ships might answer, but if not you must depend on french ones. Please to inform me what I am to do.
I am as ever most dutifully & affectionately Yours.
J Williams Jr
Doctor Franklin.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Samuel Cooper, 15 June 1782
From: Cooper, Samuel
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir,Boston June 15th. 1782.
I never was more pleased with the Spirit of my Country than upon a late general Apprehension that Sr. Guy Carleton had come from the Court of London with a Design to create Divisions in these States and sow Jealousies between us and our great and good Ally, by Propositions particularly for some separate Negotiations. The Indignity and Contempt with which such an Idea was every where received, even among People who feel most the Burdens of the War, and the public Testimonies of this in the Newspapers and in the express Declarations of a Number of the States which this Occasion has already drawn forth, in which the Massachusetts will soon join, must effectually dash all the Hopes of our Enemies, if they have entertained any upon such a Plan. Tho I cannot find that Sr. Guy has yet made any such Propositions, I am not sorry for the general Apprehension prevailing among us that it was Part of his Errand, since this has afforded an Opportunity of displaying in so full and clear a Light the Sentiments of the Continent upon such a Design. These Sentiments appear to be what the warmest Friends to our happy Alliance must wish; and are founded not only in a clear Understanding of our own Interest, but also in a Sense of Fidelity Friendship and Honour, that can be no Disadvantage to the Character of this rising Nation, and will not induce a Blush upon the Face of it’s Friends and Ministers abroad. Upon this and other Occasions I have continued to exert my small Abilities in my little Sphere for advancing a Cause in which I was early engaged, and for establishing a Revolution of which I shall say with my latest Breath, Esto perpetua.
The Birth of a Dauphin has but very lately been officially announced to the States: And the Demonstrations of Joy upon this auspicious Occasion have been what we call brilliant; they certainly flowed from very warm and friendly Hearts. Nothing could be more elegant, pertinent, and affecting than the Speech of the Chevalier de la Luzerne to Congress; it has had every where a very happy Effect: and indeed His Excellency has upon every Occasion cultivated the public Friendship with particular Felicity. In this Town, I can say with Truth, the public Tokens of Joy far exceeded any Thing ever known here upon the Birth of a Prince of Wales, or the Birth Day of any British King.

Sr. Guy Carlton is in a complete Dilemma bequeathed him by Genl. Clinton. Genl. Washington has demanded of him to deliver up Lippencut the Ringleader of the Refugees in N. York who murderously hung Col. Huddy, one of our brave Officers, Prisoner in that City; and has ordered a Lot to be drawn by the British Officers Prisoners among us for a Victim in Case of a final Refusal. The Lot has found out Capt. Asgill of distinguished Family, and who is said to have been particularly cruel towards our People at the Southwards. The Refugees in N. York say they will lay down their Arms if the Demand is complied with; the British Officers insist upon it’s being performed. The Uneasiness runs high between them; our General is determined, and let Carlton take what Part he will, he is sure mortally to offend a great Party in his own Army.
The Army of the united States is every day increasing, and now looked upon as one of the best disciplined in the World. Ways and Means to support it are the Object that at present employs the Attention of the States. We have now a Committee from Congress to confer with this and the other Eastern States upon this important Affair. I hope our Efforts will surmount all Obstacles many and great as they are.— Dr Thomas Leverett, a Descendant from Govr. Leverett was taken in an armed Ship of this State the Protector, Capt. John Foster Williams, carried to England in July 1781. where he is supposed to remain in Mill Prison: I have also a Kinsman, William Cooper, in the same Situation. Perhaps a Change of Ministry may facilitate Measures for a General Release of Prisoners.
I very sensibly feel my Obligations to you for your kind Regard to my little Grandson now at Geneva. I wish he may well improve his own Genius and present Opportunities. His Father Col Johonnot, I am just told, is arrived at Baltimore in a Ship from France. I am anxious to have this News confirmed, as the British Cruizers since the Spring have taken almost every Thing upon the American Coast. We expect soon to see a French Armament in it; and shall be well prepared I hope to cooperate with it; and the more vigorously from the late Check we have received in the W. Indies.
I am Sir, with the greatest Esteem, and the most constant Affection, Your obedt humble Servant
Saml: Cooper.
His Excellency Benjn. Franklin Esqr.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Lafayette, [15 or 22 June 1782]
From: Lafayette, Marie-Joseph-Paul-Yves-Roch-Gilbert du Motier, marquis de
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Saturday Morning [June 15 or 22, 1782]
Will You Please, My dear sir, to let me Have a Copy of the Paper I gave to Major Ross, that I May Enclose it to General Washington and get His approbation of the Measure?
The Moment You get the Bill be pleased to Communicate it— I will do the same on my part, and am Very Anxious to see How that Piece is Manufactured.

Notation: La Fayette


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jonathan Williams, Jr., 15 June 1782
From: Williams, Jonathan Jr.
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear & hond. Sir,Nantes June 15, 1782
In consequence of your Desire to be informed what Facilitys or Disadvantages the American Commerce enjoyed or suffered in this Place, I sit down to give you a few outlines on the Subject, which may serve to give you a general Idea, and what Questions you may have to ask afterwards, I will answer as particularly as I can.

The Difficulties attending the commercial Regulations and Duties in this Country are of more Consequence even than the Expence of them, though this is very considerable. This Difficulty is in some Measure unavoidable under the present System. The Farmers General naturally endeavour to make as much annual Revenue as they can; and their Officers are so tied down to rule, that the least trifling Circumstance which renders Goods seizable or otherways perplexes Commerce, is as bad to the Merchant as the most palpable Fraud; for not a Director in any Seaport has the least discretionary Power. If a Sailor steals half a dozen Pound of Tobacco and clandestinely sells it, it on discovery causes as much Trouble to the Merchant, as perhaps the Management of the whole Ship, & the Director can give no relief; So Petitions must be sent to Paris, and the greatest Favour ever obtained is to be let off; by giving a Gratification to the Officers who have been the most troublesome, because that encourages them to trouble us again; Tho’ it very often happens that a heavy Fine is inflicted.
There is an another Regulation which often produces Vexation & is in itself impracticable, The Arrêts du Conseil obliges a Declaration of the Weight and Kind of all Goods to be declared before they are examined and weigh’d; if after Declaration is made there should be any difference in the Quality, or short Weight, they are at once confiscated; if the Declaration be over Weight, the Duty on the Surplus is demanded, tho’ the article does not exist; So that a Merchant who does not know the Weight of his Goods (which is often the Case with the French and almost always the Case with us) must declare what he is sure is more, for fear of Confiscation by declaring too little, and as it is a Matter of Guess Work it is generaly much over.
In regard to Tobacco it is still worse, for an over Declaration would be as bad as a short one in other Instances; for they would then say that the surplus Quantity was really brought in, & has been smuggled into the Country, tho’ the Impracticability of such Smuggling is evident from the Watch that is kept; then comes the Procès Verbal, & the Merchant is condemned, not only to pay the highest Value of the Surplus so supposed to be smuggled, but likewise to pay a heavy fine for being Guilty of what they know he could not do. The Hardship and absurdity however of this has induced the Farmers to allow their Directors to relax in those impossible Cases, and accept a Declaration en attendant a more particular one after the weight is known. But this is a Matter of Favour which must be sollicited for on every Occasion, because everything granted by the Bureau is always sans tirer à Consequence, and if the officer happens to be out of humour, the Merchant must let his Ship remain idle till he can procure an Order from Paris for a permit to unload. This little Sketch will give you a faint Idea of the Vexation we are liable to from the execution of the System of collecting the Revenue here; but to let you know the full extent of it, I should be obliged to write Volumes. I will now give you a few Observations on the Duties and Regulations themselves. The Freight Duty is common to all foreign Ships that navigate from any Port of the French Dominions, and the object of it is to preserve the carrying and coasting Trade to themselves, it is 5. l.t. per Ton & 10. s. per Livre which makes it amt. to 7. l.t. 10. s. per. Ton for the whole Tonnage of a Ship; and the discharging one Box makes the Ship liable for the whole. I believe however the Exemption I obtained for the Aurora about 18 Months ago has extended to all American Ships which come from the west Indies, for nothing has yet been said to me about the Ship Count de Grasse. I believe therefore I shall not trouble you with any Sollicitation on the Subject, but as the Law subsists, and as the Exemption is only a temporary Matter of Favour, this may be included in the general Application. Imports from America are subject to various Duties of which I send you a State inclosed, some of these are inconsiderable in their Nature, but others are serious. That on Tobacco is a town Duty, and was laid on under the head of Medicaments, for Tobacco was never imported in this Kingdom ’till since the War, except for the Farmers (who are exempt from all Town Duties) & for medicines; this latter was so inconsiderable that ¼ of a Denier a hundred now would raise as much money as 29 s. 6. d. used to do. This little Duty therefore has become very considerable & I with other Merchants have paid many Thousand Livres before we were roused to an examination of the Right, we have now refused to pay any more and have petitioned the Consulat here to support our Claim, in the mean time we are sued for what remains due, and Judgement will soon be obtained; we shall then appeal, & so go on ’till we can obtain Redress from Court. What makes this Duty more particularly unjust, is, that it is taken on the Weight of the Tobacco as it comes out of the Ship, and wet or dry is the same Thing. I have been obliged to pay it on Tobacco condemned to be burned; and part of what I am now sued for was a damaged Cargo which sold for only 15 l.t. per hundred while Good Sells for 100 l.t. per hund. This Tobacco Duty is only here; Bordeaux & L’Orient are exempt. I send you a Copy of our Petitions to the Consulat. All these Town Duties or Grants called Octrois are very impolitic, and contrary to the Interest of the Town, for it is the readiest way to turn Business to another Channel. I had a parcel of Peltry arrived here and another at L’Orient, the one cost me 5 per Ct. at least and the other nothing; & what makes the Matter absurd is, that if the Goods come in the Towns by Land the Duty is not exacted; so by Landing the Furs at another Port the Duty may be avoided, so the effect of it is only giving the Merchant the Trouble of evading it which is very shallow Policy. But it is the Duty, or Formality to avoid Duty, on the Exports, that is the most Vexatious; to give you an Idea of this, I must enter into some details which may perhaps be fatiguing, but I cannot otherwise explain myself fully. All the Manufactures & Produce of France are more or less Subject to Dutys when transported from one Province to another; these Dutys are of different Kinds, Droits de Prevoté which go to the Farmers, & Droits Locaux which go to the Seigneurs of the different Places over which they pass. By the following extract of a Letter I wrote to a Friend in Philadelphia some time ago, you will see my Idea on the Subject viz.
“Before I proceed any further, it will be proper to observe to you, that every Province in France exacts certain Duties on all Goods which pass through them; these are called Droits locaux (Local Duties) the Towns in general also exact Duties which are Octrois (grants) besides which the Seigneurs or Nobility are entitled to certain private Duties on all Goods which pass over their Territories; in Addition to all this, there are the Duties of the Farmers General which are indeed the only ones of Consequence, for the others are an immense Detail of trifling things. The Farmers Duty is understood to be a Duty on the Consumption in the Kingdom only, & Goods for Exportation are therefore exempt from it; but in order to obtain this exemption we are subjected to such Forms and such Restrictions as make the Trouble and disadvantage almost equivalent to the Duties themselves, and in small Shippments much more so; for Instance, if I order a Trunck of Silks from Lyons, my Correspondent must enter into a bond under Penalties of four times the Duty to return in three Months a Certificate of its Reception at the Custom House in Nantes; in order to obtain this certificate, I must enter into a Bond of the same Kind, from which I cannot be released ’till after the Custom House Officer certifies having seen the Trunk in the hold of the Ship with all its Seals entire; so that to enjoy this Exemption each Kind of goods of the several Manufactories, should be for one Mark only, and packed by themselves, without having it in my Power to know whether they are well or ill put up ’till after they arrive in America. It is true I might order Goods for ten Correspondents in one Package, and by solliciting Permissions might obtain leave to open them. It must be in the Presence of a Custom House officer that ten Packages must be made of them, and all the other formalities ten times repeated. I have no doubt however that in the Course of time, when the Importance of the American Commerce and the Necessities of giving it every Facility, are better understood, this matter will be so modified as to be less disadvantageous. I have had thoughts of Proposing to the Farmers, with several of whom I have corresponded, to abolish the Exemption of Duty so far as relates to the United States, reducing the Duties to one half or even one third of their present amount. I am confident the Revenue would gain by such a Measure they are defrauded of immense Sums by sham Exportations—smuggling Goods.
I am confident also such a Measure would be beneficial to the American Trade for a Duty, an exemption of which cannot be enjoyed—without as much Disadvantage as its worth, amounts to no exemption at all; and the Facilitys of transacting Business not subject to custom house Formality would be more than adequate to the Expence of half the Duty, but for an American to sollicit the Abolition of what is supposed to be a Priviledge would not place him in an advantageous Light among his Countrymen.”
I confess I do not see how this could be satisfactorily arranged without abolishing the Acquit à Caution as I have mentioned, for it is an endless Trouble and Formality to keep the Identity of the Goods always certain that causes all the Difficulties, and this is so great & so vexatious that the Privilege of an Exemption from Duty is no Privilege to me, as I do not think the Duty sufficient to pay me for my Time, Trouble, Vexation, & Delay and consequently I in general pay as I go, & as I never do these things I am the Dupe of my own Honesty.
If the English mode was adopted it might be better, of granting Drawbacks on exportation about equal to the Dutys & these drawbacks to be made as simple as possible. So as the Multiplicity of Formality might not take up too much time; but this I am sure would never go down, because first they could not be made to Understand the thing; and secondly because if they did, there would be as much trouble and Vexation to prove the Shipping the Goods entitled to the Drawback as there is in the Acquit à Caution, and Numberless Smugglers would make sham Shipments on Ships, receive the Drawback, and the Goods would be taken on shore again, and then cheat as much as they do now; this Way of sham Clearances to exempt Goods from Duty is so much in Practice here, that one Friend Lends his Name and his Ship to another by way of Compliment, as English Members of Parliament Frank Letters. The generous and realy most advantageous way would be to set up of all the Duties at once & leave the Trade free. But the Cry would then be, where is the Revenue to come from? Any Thing but Commerce, if they mean to rise with other Nations & obtain a Preference for the American Trade. For no American will buy at a Ship that sells dear, when he can find one that sells cheap.
The French may think our Commerce worth preserving at a Peace; but if they do, they must begin to encourage it now, so as the mercantile Part of America may understand all the Advantages of trading with them before other Channels open, and being once well fixed in the habit of trading hither they will on the same Terms give a Preference. It is much more easy to fix a Trade in the Channel it is in, by making it so advantageous as not to make it worth while to change, than it is to bring it back again after it has taken another Course.
This is but an imperfect State of the Difficulties we labour under by our Custom House Formalities, for these change every day, according to the whim of the Conseil de la Compagnie, their officers are continually inventing New Vexations to fabricate new Places, and they seem to imagine all mankind but themselves a Set of Cheats. I must however do Justice to the officers here, particularly to the Director, who as far as has been in his Power, has appeared disposed to oblige me.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Bonnefoux, 16 June 1782
From: Bonnefoux, Pierre
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieurparis le 16 juin 1782
Vous avés, Sans doute, entendu parler de la Maladie épidémique qui a affligé et qui afflige encore la ville de Toulouse. La frayeur a été Si grande que tous les etudians de l’université ont disparu. La these dont vous aviés bien voulu accepter la dedicasse n’aura donc pas lieu pour Cette année. J’espere que vous voudrés bien nous Conserver pour un meilleur tems votre bonne volonté.
J’ai l’honneur d’être avec respect Monsieur Votre très humble et très obeissant Serviteur
Bonnefouxsupérieur Général de la Doctrine chretienne

Notation: Bonnefoux Paris. 16. Juin 1782.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Edmund Clegg, 16 June 1782
From: Clegg, Edmund
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Hond: SirLondon June 16: 1782
I wrote you on the 12th Ulto, to own the receipt of the Papers you sent to my care for the use of the Company of adventurers, from the Neighbourhood of Manchester. I have been down to see them—and find they are gone too far in the affair to Stop— One of the Company is now in Ireland to provide a Vessel to carry them over: But they have disposed of the Goods bought in for the American Markets in Consequence of your Letter— They beg me to present their most humble thanks for your very much esteemed kindness—which I now do together with my own— I am in great straits what to do in this matter—for if I go not with them—I know they will not do so well as if I did—and at same time I have always wished to defer the Voyage untill a Peace.
Your advice is also of the utmost weight with me and therefore—I presume to lay my thoughts freely before You—and shall take it as a mark of great favour at Your hands to have Your reply.
I have always since I had this project in View—looked upon America to possess a fund of produce for what I will call natural Manufactories— Of which I esteem the silk & Cotton—as belonging to the Weaving Branch, to stand in the first Rank— The Silk Business—I am led to think will take the lead of all others—if properly Managed and Your acct: of the silks You have sold in London is a full confirmation of my Opinion— But to do things to good Purpose—I am certain more Mony will be wanted than my friends Possess— Therefore though I am not a Person of any Property, chiefly Occasioned thro’ this Wicked American War— Yet having had much experience I know myself Capable of Conducting with success either the Linnen, Cotton or Silk Manufactories—or their dependant Mixtures—without any Material error— I would farther Notice that two kinds of Italian Organzines would be wanted in America for some Years to come—they are denominated Piedmonts & Bergams— I Suspect the French use them in most of their Manufactories for Warps— Nor could American Manufactories do without them—tho’ I am almost certain such silks as you mention will answer well for all kind of Weft or shute silks & also for many kinds of Warps.
If I could have my Choise—I would wish to take a proper assortment of Prepared Materials such as Warps and Wefts ready Prepared—and also Reeds to Work them in. I have a Brother who resided in New York & Philadelphia some time—about the Years 1772 & 73—from whom I learn that the Reeds then used in that Country where too Coarse for the silk Business in the Proportion of 12 to 20— But by taking some ready made the Artists there would be able by a Sample to provide for future wants.
My great objects in going over there prepared are: To loose no time:— To prove what may be done:— To put forward a Spirit of self provision on that side of the Water:— To depend as little as may be upon foreign Markets—that the great object of a Balance in Commerce may be soon acquired to be in favour of the Country—with every other appendage—and the opening Perhaps of more than can now be conjectured— Indeed I am such a lover of America, that I should rejoice to see her want Nothing from foreign Nations—and to spare much for them.
All these things and many more, I wished to have laid before the Hon: Mr Laurens but wrote You before his Answer I have not been favourd with a Line from him, tho’ I had his promise to send— I suppose he knows you have wrote to me which may have prevented him.
You will from what I have said, plainly see that My aim is to promote Public & private good at the same time—and if I had not these principles I should not look upon myself to be worthy of becoming an American Citizen—under Your Patronage—But I submit it to you wether—it will not be best to accomplish the end—That some Person or Persons of that Country—who are Men of Property able to carry the Undertaking through: to Join me in the Matter as Partners in the Concern— I own I should prefer this on Many Accts:—and I could like to keep myself in reserve untill I may be favour’d with Your reply—which I most respectfully crave as soon as may be, for my Government— In the Mean time I am—with the most profound respect Hond: sir Your most obedt & most Humble Sert
Edmund Clegg

P.S. please excuse inaccuracies as I am pinched for time

Addressed: Monsuir à / Monsuir Flanklin / Passi


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Barclay, 17 June 1782
From: Barclay, Thomas
To: Franklin, Benjamin

SirAmsterdam 17th. June 1782
Since I had the honour of Addressing your Excellency I have been Very much indisposed, but as I am now better, I hope I shall be able to leave this place on my way to France in a Couple of weeks. Captain Smedleys Vessell will be, I expect, fully Man’d by that time, and the last of her Cargo Might have been on board long ago if it had been found Necessary, but the Captains sickness and want of hands made all kind of hurry useless. Mess. De Neufvilles furnish’d Me with the inclosed Accounts a few days ago, and are Very pressing to have theirs settled. As all the expences attending the two ships that were Charterd, occur’d prior to my arrival to Europe it wou’d be very improper for Me to pretend to enter in them without particular directions from you, therefore I have Consented No farther than to promise to send them to You, and to Obey such Instructions as you are pleased to give me— I know of but two ways to have the Accounts adjusted, one is by a reference of the whole of them to Congress, the other by having them liquidated here by three or four Merchants indifferently Chosen on the part of Mess. De Neufville and on that of the United states, and shou’d your Excellency think proper to adopt the later Mode, I will endeavour to end the affairs before my departure.
I had the honour to inform you some time ago that I had made proposals for some more Cloathing that was lying at Ostend— It arrived here in Consequence of My offer, and is ship’d on board a Brigantine for Boston, It Consists of about 1800 suits, and will make the whole of the Cloathing purchased here about 5200 suits— I hope this will in some small degree supply the disapointment of the supplies expected from France— I shall Tomorrow ship on board a Vessell that is bound to Philadelphia, under Neutral Colours, 65 Chests Containing 16350 shirts, being part of the Goods I received from Ghent in Exchange for the British Manufactures purchased by Mess. De Neufville & son. I will not leave behind Me any of the public stores if I Can help it; But if I am obliged to do it, I will deliver them over to some good House here who will take the first opportunity of shipping them to America.
I have the honour to be with the greatest respect Sir Your Excellencys Most Obedient Most Huml Serv.
Thos Barclay.
His Excellency Benjn. Franklin Esqre. Passy near Paris


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jane Mecom, 17 June 1782
From: Mecom, Jane
To: Franklin, Benjamin

My Ever Dear Brotherwarwick 17 June—1782
I wrot to you in october or Novr. Last from Boston to thank you for the grat present I then recd. throw the hands of young cousen Jonathan Williams, with wich I had no Leter from my Dear Brother nor have I recved any of a Later Date than two years ago Last march, since my Return home my time & atention has been fill’d with sickness & Deaths in the Famely in perticular that of my Dear Grandaughter Jenny who Died of a consumption has left three sweat babes won about too months old, a sorrofull Husband & a Distres’d Grand mother I Injoy’d sweat Peace in her Pleasant conversation & grat comfort in her Dutifull & tender atention was Pleased with the hopes of the continuance of it the Remainder of my Life but those comforts are Vanish’d & a care Devovled [devolved] on me that I find my self unequel to that of the children the youngist is at nurs but the other too Require some person more lively & Paitient to watch over them continuealy, my Dear child urged me Earnestly not to Leave them as long as I Live & tho I made her no promis I find the Request to be very Powerfull her Husband is Desierous I should continue with Him & treats me very Respectfully that I have no thoughts of Removeing at Present but circumstances may alter in Time I can’t Expect it to be other ways as he is a young man but my stay in the world may be much shorter, & Life becomes Less Desierable Exept I could find a capasety to be more Usefull which growing Infermities & low spirits Prevent, my Friend Greene Tould me she wrot you soon affter my child Died & I dont doubt she was more Perticular than I can be at Presant for my litle wons are Interupting me Every miniut & it is so hot I am not willing to trust them out of my sight, should not have wrot in such a hurry but at the Request of Gover’r Green in behalf of some Friend who is Prisener in England whome you may do more towards Inlarging than any won Els they call for the Leter & I can add no more but that I wish for the comfort of a leter from you & am under all circumstances your affectionat sister
Jane Mecom

I began this at the Govr’rs but was fetchd home to the funeral of my Gransons Brothers wife who died in the same house with us.
I Inclose the memerandom about the man

Addressed: Doctr. Franklin / at Paris / In France.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Vandenyver frères, 18 June 1782
From: Vandenyver frères & Cie.
To: Franklin, Benjamin

MonsieurParis le 18 Juin 1782
Le Sieur henri van Eupen négotiant recommandable de la ville d’Anvers voulant envoyer à Philadelphie Sous pavillon Imperial Son navire nommé le plus Ultra commandé par le Capitaine hermanus kuiebel, nous charge de Supplier votre Excellence de vouloir bien lui indiquer une maison Solide & honnête à qui il Ladresseroit, & de le favoriser d’une lettre de recommandation pour le Congrès en vertu de la quelle il put réclamer sa protection en cas de besoin; nous prions votre excellence d’accueillir favorablement la demande du dit Sieur & d’en agréer Lhommage de Sa reconnaissance, ainsi que les assurances du profond respect avec le quel nous avons Lhonneur dêtre Monsieur de votre Excellence Les très humbles & très obéissants Serviteurs
Vanden Yver FRERES & Ce
Monsieur franklin à Passi

Notation: Vandernyver 18. Juin 1782.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jean-Baptiste Le Roy, [after 18 June 1782]
From: Le Roy, Jean-Baptiste
To: Franklin, Benjamin

[after June 18, 1782]
J’apprends dans le moment mon Illustre Docteur que vous avez envoyé hier chez moi pour me demander de mes dragèes noires parceque vous ètes enrhumé. J’ai compris par la que c’etoit de mon Suc de réglisse et Je vous en envoye un pacquet. Je vous demande pardon de ce qu’il a eté entamé mais je n’en ai pas d’autre. Jespere qu’on vous aura dit que j’ai envoyé chez vous Vendredy pour me dédommager de ce que J’avois perdu la veille mais vous n’etiez pas chez vous. Voulez vous de moi cette après midy. Je serai à vos ordres avec grand plaisir. Jespere bien que votre rhume n’a rien de dangereux.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Lafayette, [20 June 1782]
From: Lafayette, Marie-Joseph-Paul-Yves-Roch-Gilbert du Motier, marquis de
To: Franklin, Benjamin

My Dear SirVersailles Thursday Morning [June 20, 1782]
Agreable to Your Desire I Have Waited Upon Count de Vergennes and said to Him What I Had in Command from Your Excellency— He Intends taking the King’s orders this Morning, and Expects He Will Be Able to propose Mr. Grenville a Meeting for to Morrow where He Will Have Him to Explain Himself Respecting france and Her Allies, that He May Make an official Communication Both to the King and the Allied Minister— What Count de Vergennes Can Make out of this Conversation Will Be Communicated By Him to Yo [Your] Excellency in Case You are able to Come—in the other Case I Will Wait Upon You to Morrow Evening with Every Information I Can Collect— I Have the Honor to Be very Respectfully My dear sir Your obedient servant and affectionate friend
Lafayette

Notation: Mr. de La Fayette Versailles 20th. June 1782


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from ——— Guilin, [before 21 June 1782]
From: Guilin, ——
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monseigneur,[before June 21, 1782]
C’est avec la confiance que vos bontés inspirent à tous ceux qui reclament votre protection que le nommé Guilin fruitier à Chaillot a l’honneur de réprésenter trés humblement à votre Excellence que depuis cinq ans il a celui de fournir en sa qualité de fruitier votre maison avec l’honneteté et l’exactitude possible, mais depuis un mois il ne sçait pourquoi il est privé de cet Honneur: Il a tout lieu de penser que le Sr. Campot votre maître d’hôtel l’a deservi en ce que le supliant n’a pas eu la faculté de lui prêter une Somme de 360 l.t.; Il auroit fait ce pret, si ses moyens lui eussent permis. Ce Considéré, Monseigneur, il a recours à vos bontès et vous supplie de lui accorder la continuation de la fourniture de votre maison qu’il servira toujours avec le même zèle & de lui procurer le payement de 10 l.t. 8 s. qu’il a fourni pour le compte du d. [dit] Campot. Sa profonde réconnoissance égalera l’ardeur des vœux qu’il ne cessera de former pour la conservation des jours précieux de
Votre Excellence./.
A Son Excellence Monseigneur le Docteur Franklin

Notation: Guilen


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Louise Lahannée, [before 21 June 1782]
From: Lahannée, Louise
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monseigneur[before June 21, 1782]
Louise Lahannée votre patissiere depuis plusieurs années, dans L’assurance par son attention et Son Exactitude, a ne vous avoir Laissé rien desirer dans toutes fournitures qui pouroient vous agreer par La recherche, et Le Choix qu’elle a Toujours fait d’ouvriers capables de vous contenter, Se Trouvant privée depuis quelque Temps de L’honneur de vous servir qui Luy etoit, Si Flateur, sans en pouvoir Imaginer aucuns motifs qui puissent vous Interesser ose VOUS SUPLIER TRES HUMBLEMENT MONSEIGNEUR de vouloir bien Les demander a votre Maitre d’hotel, et, de luy ordonner de luy en faire part. Comme elle aprend n’être pas la seule quil Ecarte de Votre maison par des raisons qui Luy Sont personnelles, La supliante, n’en pouvant voir a son Egard d’autres que celle de luy avoir refusé Logement pour une personne quil Simagineroit ne luy avoir pas parû plus Convenable a sa relation qu’a la sienne propre; elle ressent Monseigneur que la reconnoissance qu’elle vous doit tant de la bonté, que vous avez eû de luy Temoigner a elle même votre satisfaction de ce qu’elle vous etoit attachée que de la Confiance, que vous avez en d’autres ouvriers de Sa famille, Exige d’elle de se justifier a vos ieux faits pour toutes Justices. Elle, est a même de s’affranchir pour ses livres de tous reproches (n’en n’ayant Jamais recû de qui que ce soit) vis avis de son adversaire, Si les memoires propres de la supliante vous parviennent Comme elle les fournit. Il suplée dit-on par luy même a l’Insufisance de Ceux quil employe Nouvellement, pour les faire Valoir, Cela ne peut Inculper aucun des autres qui n’avoient pas a luy Tenir compte de sa Complaisance. Quoyqu’il en Soit La supliante, vous conjure Monseigneur de vous persuader, qu’elle n’en est pas moins ardente a faire les voeux Les plus parfaits pour La durée et La prosperité des jours DE VOTRE EXCELLENCE SI INTERESSANTS a tant d’Egards./.
A son Excellence Monseigneur Frankelein

Notation: Lahannée


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Ingenhousz, [21 June 1782]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Ingenhousz, Jan

[June 21, 1782]
An Attempt to explain the Effects of Lightning on the Vane of the Steeple of a Church in Cremona, August 1777. Address’d to Dr John Ingenhauss, C. & Archiat. Cæs. &c &c

When the subtil Fluid which we call Fire or Heat enters a solid Body, it separates the Particles of which that Body consists farther from each other, and thus dilates the Body, increasing its Dimensions.
A greater Proportion of Fire introduc’d separates the Parts so far from each other, that the solid Body becomes a Fluid, being melted.
A still greater Quantity of Heat separates the Parts so far, that they lose their mutual Attraction & acquire a mutual Repulsion, whence they fly from each other, either gradually or suddenly with great Force, as the separating Power is introduc’d gradually or suddenly.
Thus Ice becomes Water, and Water Vapour, which Vapour is said to expand to 14000 times the Space it occupied in the Form of Water, and with an explosive Force in certain Circumstances capable of producing great & violent Effects.
Thus Metals expand, melt, & explode. The two first effected by the gradual Application of the separating Power, and all three in its sudden Application, by artificial Electricity, or by Lightning.
That Fluid in passing thro’ a Metal Rod or Wire, is generally suppos’d to occupy the whole Dimension of the Rod. If the Rod is smaller in some Places than in others, the Quantity of Fluid which is not sufficient to make any Change in the larger or thicker Part, may be sufficient to expand, melt, or explode the smaller, the Quantity of Fluid passing, being the same, and the Quantity of Matter less that is acted upon.
7. Thus the Links of a Brass Chain, with a certain Quantity of Electricity passing thro’ them, have been melted in the small Parts that form their Contact, while the rest have not been affected.
Thus a Piece of Tin Foil cut in this Form, inclos’d in a Pack of Cards,  and having the Charge of a large Bottle sent thro’ it, has been found unchang’d in the broadest Part between a and b. melted only in Spots between b & c, totally melted between c and d, and the Part between d and e reduc’d to Smoke by Explosion.
The Tinfoil melted in Spots between b and c, and that whole Space not being melted, seems to indicate that the Foil in the melted Parts had been thinner than the rest, on which thin Parts the passing Fluid had therefore a greater Effect.
Some Metals melt more easily than others. Tin more easily than Copper, Copper than Iron. It is suppos’d, (perhaps not yet prov’d) that those which melt with the least of the separating Power, whether that be common Fire or the electric Fluid, do also explode with less of that Power.
The Explosions of Metal like those of Gunpowder act in all Directions. Thus the Explosion of Gold Leaf between Plates of Glass, breaking the Glass to Pieces, will throw those Pieces into all Parts of the Room, and the Explosion of Iron or even of Water between the Joints of Stone in a Steeple, will scatter the Stones in all Directions round the Neighbourhood. But the Directions given to those Stones by the Explosion, is to be considered as different from the Direction of the Lightning, which happen’d to occasion those Explosions of the Matter it met with in its Passage between the Clouds & the Earth.
When Bodies positively electris’d approach Sharp Pointed Rods or thin Plates of Metal, these are more easily render’d negative by the repulsive Force of the Electric Fluid in those positively electris’d Bodies, which chases away the natural Quantity contain’d in those mince Rods or Plates, tho’ it would not have Force enough to chase the same out of larger Masses. Hence such Points, Rods, & Plates, being in a negative State, draw to themselves more strongly and in greater Quantities the Electric Fluid offer’d them, than such Masses can do, which remain more nearly in their natural State. And thus a pointed Rod receives not only at its Point, tho’ more visibly there, but at all Parts of its Length that are expos’d. Hence a Needle held between the Finger & Thumb, and presented to a Charg’d Prime Conductor, will draw off the Charge, more expeditiously if held near the Eye & the rest of its Length is expos’d to the Elecl. Atmosphere, than if all but ½ an Inch of the Point is conceal’d & cover’d.—

Lightning so differs from solid Projectiles, and from common Fluids projected with Violence, that tho’ its Course is rapid, it is most easily turned to follow the Direction of good Conductors. And it is doubted whether any Experiments in Electricity have yet decisively proved that the electric Fluid in its violent Passage thro’ the Air when a Battery is discharg’d has what we call a Momentum, wch would make it continue its Course in a right Line tho’ a Conductor offer’d near that Course to give it a different or even contrary Direction; or that it has a Force capable of pushing forward, or overthrowing the Objects it strikes against, even tho’ it sometimes pierces them. Does not this seem to indicate that the Perforation is not made by the Force of a Projectile passing thro’, but rather by the Explosion or the Dilatation in passing, of a subtil Line of Fluid.
Such an Explosion or Dilatation of a Line of Fluid passing thro’ a Card, would raise Burrs round the Hole sometimes on one side, sometimes on the other, & sometimes on both, according to the Disposition of the Parts of the Paper near the Surfaces, without any regard to the Direction of the Fluid.—
Great Thanks are due to the ingenious Philosopher who examined the Vane at Cremona, and who took the Pains to describe so exactly the Effects of the Lightning upon it, and to communicate that Description. The Fact is extreamly curious. It is well worth considering. He invites to that Consideration. He has fairly given his own Opinion. He will with Candour receive that of others, tho’ it may happen to differ from his own. By calmly discussing rather than by warmly disputing, the Truth is most easily obtained. I shall give my Opinion freely, as it is asked, hoping it may prove the true one; and promising my self if otherwise, the Honour at least of acknowledging frankly my Error, and of being thankful to him who kindly shows it to me.
By the Account given of this Stroke of Lightning upon the Steeple at Cremona, it appears, that the Rod of Iron or Spindle on which the Vane turned was of about two Inches Circumference, terminating in a Cross above the Vane, and its lower End fix’d in a Marble Pedestal.
That the Plate of the Vane was Copper 8 or 9 Inches wide and near twice as long. That it was about one Line thick near the Spindle, and growing thinner insensibly towards the other End, where its Thickness did not exceed three quarters of a Line; the Weight 20½ Ounces.
That the Copper had been tinned over.
That the Marble Pedestal was split by the Stroke into many Pieces, & scatter’d over the Roof, Garden & Court of a neighbouring Building, One Piece was thrown to the Distance of 40 feet. The Spindle was broken and displac’d, and the Vane thrown on the Roof of the Parsonage House 20 feet from the Steeple.
That the Vane was perforated in 18 Places, the Holes of irregular Forms and the Metal which had filled them push’d outwards, in some of them on one Side of the Vane in others on the other. The Copper show’d Marks of having been partly melted, and in some Places Tin and Copper melted & mingled together. There were Marks of Smoke in several Places.
The Ragged Parts bent outwards round each Hole, being brought back to their original flat Positition, were not tho’ evidently a little thinned & dilated, sufficient to fill the Place.
From the Effects describ’d (19) it is clear that the Quantity of Lightning which fell on the Steeple at Cremona, was very great.
The Vane being a thin Plate of Copper, its Edges & Corners may be considered as a Series of Points, and being therefore sooner render’d negative by the repulsive Force of an approaching positive Cloud, than the blunt & thick Iron Cross, (12) was probably first struck; and thence became the Conductor of that great Quantity.—
The Plate of which the Vane was formed being thicker near the Spindle and diminishing in Thickness gradually to the other End, (17) was probably not of Copper plated by passing between Rollers, for they would have left it of equal Thickness, but of Metal plated by the Hammer. The Surface too of rolled Copper is even & plain, that of hammered is generally uneven, with Hollows occasioned by the Impressions of the Hammer.
In those concave Impressions the Metal is thinner than it is around them, and probably thinnest near the center of each Impression.
The Lightning which in passing thro’ the Vane was not sufficient to melt its thicker Parts, might be sufficient to melt the thinner, (6)(7)(8)(9) and to soften those that were in a middle State.
That part of the Tin (18) which covered the thinner Parts, being more easily melted and exploded than Copper, (10) might possibly be exploded when the Copper was but melted. The Smoke appearing in several Places (20) is a Proof of Explosion.
There might probably be more Tin in the concave Impressions of the Hammer on one Side of the Plate than on the Convex Part of those Impressions on the other. Hence stronger Explosions on the Concave side.
The nature of those Explosions is, to act violently in all directions, and in this Case being near the Plate, they would act against it on one side, while they acted against the Air on the other.
Those thin Parts of the Plate being at the same Instant partly in fusion, and partly so softned as to be near it: the softned Parts were push’d outwards, a Hole made, and some of the melted Parts blown away; hence there was not left Metal enough to refill the Vacancy, by bending back the ragged Parts to their Places.
The concave Impressions of the Hammer being indifferently made on both Sides of the Plate, it is natural, from (28,29,30) that the Pushing outwards of the softned Metal by the Explosions, should be on both Sides of the Plate in a proportion nearly equal.—
That the Force of a simple electric Explosion is very great appears from the Geneva Experiment, wherein a Spark between two Wires, under Oil in a drinking Glass, breaks the Glass, Body Stem & Foot, all to Shivers.
 The electric Explosion of Metal acts with still more Force. A Strip of Leaf Gold no broader than a Straw, exploded between two Pieces of thick Looking Glass, will break the Glass to pieces, tho’ confin’d by the Screws of a strong Press. And between two Pieces of Marble press’d together by a Weight of 20 pounds, will lift that Weight.— Much less Force is necessary to move the melted & softened Parts of a thin Plate of Copper.
This Explication of the Appearances on the Vane, is drawn from what we already know of Electricity & the Effects of Lightning. The learned Author of the Account, gives a different but very ingenious one, which he draws from the Appearances themselves. The Matter push’d out of the Holes is found, that of some on one side of the Plate, & of others on the other. Hence he supposes them to be occasion’d (if I understand him rightly) by Streams or Threads of Electric Matter, of different and contrary kinds, rushing violently towards each other, and meeting with the Vane so accidentally placed, as to be found precisely in the Place of their Meeting, where it was pierc’d by all of them, they all striking on both its Sides at the same Instant. This however is so extraordinary an Accident as to be in the Author’s own Opinion almost miraculous. “Passeranno (says he) forse picès ecoli prima que ritorni tralle infinitè combinazioni un caso simile a quello della banderuola, che ora abbiamo per mano. Forza é que si esaurisca una non pisi udita miniera difulmini sopra una grande città, pressoque seminata di campanili, e di banderuole, il che è rarissimo; e può ancora picè volte ciò succedere, senza che s’incontri giammai un altra banderuola tanto opportunatamenta situata tra è limiti della fulmine a Explosione.”
But tho’ the Author’s Explication of these Appearances on the Vane does not satisfy me, I am not so confident of my own as to propose its being accepted without Confirmation by Experiment. Those who have strong electric Batteries may try it thus.— Form a little Vane of Paper, and spot it on both sides by attaching small Pieces of Leaf Gold or Tinfoil, not exactly opposite to each other. Then send the whole Force of the Battery thro’ the Vane, entring at one End of it & going out of the other. If the Metal explodes I imagine it will be found to make Holes in the Paper, forcing the torn Parts out on the Side opposite to the Metal.— A more expensive, but perhaps more satisfactory Experiment would be, to make a new Vane as exactly as possible like that in question, in all the Particulars of its Description, and place it on a tall Mast fix’d on some Hill subject to Strokes of Lightning, with a better Conductor to the Earth than the Wood of the Mast; If this should be struck in the Course of a few Years, & the same Effect appear upon it, it would be still more miraculous to suppose it happen’d by Accident to be exactly situated where those crossing threads of different Electricities were afterwards to meet.
The Perforation of Glass Bottles when over-charg’d, is I imagine a different Case, & not explicable by either of these Hypotheses.— I cannot well suppose the Breach to be occasion’d by the Passage of Electricity thro’ it, since a single Bottle tho’ so broken in the Discharge, always is found to send round in its usual Course the Quantity with which it was charged. Then the Breach never happens but at the Instant of the circuitous Discharge, either by the discharging Rod, or in overleaping the Borders of the Glass. Thus I have been present when a Battery of twenty Glasses was discharg’d by the discharging Rod, and produc’d the same Effect in its Circuit as if the Bottles had none of them been pierced; and yet on examining them we found no less than twelve of them in that Situation.— Now all the Bottles of the Battery being united by a Communication of all the Outsides together, and of all the Insides together, if one of them had been pierc’d by a forc’d Passage of the different kinds of Electricity to meet each other, before the Discharge by the discharging Rod, it would not only have prevented the Passage of the Electricity by the common Circuit, but it would have sav’d all the rest of its Fellows, by conducting the whole thro’ its own Breach. And it is not easy to conceive that 12 Bottles in 20 should be so equally strong as to support the whole Strength of their Charge till the Circuit of their Discharge was opened, and then be so equally weak as to break all together when the Weight of that Charge was taken off from them by opening the Circuit.— At some other time I will give you my Opinion of this Effect if you desire it.—

I have taken the Acct. of this Stroke of Lightning from an Italian Piece, intitled, Analisi d’un nuovo Fenomeno del Fulmine, the Dedication of which is subscribed Carlo Barletti delle Scuole Pie, who I suppose is the Author. As I do not perfectly understand that Language, I may possibly in some things have mistaken that Philosopher’s Meaning. I therefore desire, my dear Friend, that you would not permit this to be published, till you have compar’d and considered it with that original Piece, and communicated to me your Remarks and Corrections.— Nor would I in any Case have it appear with my Name, as perhaps it may occasion Disputes and I have no time to attend to them.—


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Pierre-Augustin Caron de Beaumarchais, 21 June 1782
From: Beaumarchais, Pierre-Augustin Caron de
To: Franklin, Benjamin

ce 21— Juin 1782
Mr. de Beaumarchais présente ses très humbles complimens à Monsieur Le Docteur Franklin, et en reponse à la Lettre que M Le Ray de chaumont lui a écritte au Sujet de Mr Morice. Il vient de persuader ce de[rnier] du peu de fondement que son opposition a[ura] entre les mains de Monsieur, Le Docteur franklin, il ne la fera pas fermer, et il n’est pas meme nécessaire d’en prevenir M Morice, si Monsieur Le Docteur franklin ne veut pas en prendre la peine.
M. de Beaumarchais vient de partir pour la Campagne et il avoit chargé l’Ecrivain de prendre ses mesures afin d’expedier la présente reponse aussitot l’explication

Notation: Beaumarchais 22. Juin 1782.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Cabaret, 21 June 1782
From: Cabaret, ——
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Ce 21 juin 1782
Jay Lhonneur de repondre a vos ordres aiant celuy de Vous observer quil faut pour L’Execution Suivant Votre Model de tres grand papier pour Remplir L’infolio et pour Le grand in 4to il faut prendre de L’infolio Reduit par Les bouts pour former la Largeur.
Je joins a la presente 2 feuilles du papier quil faut prendre Pour Suivre Votre model.
D’après Votre definition L’Execution en sera prompte.
Jay Lhonneur d’Etre en attendant vos ordres avec Le respect le plus profond Votre tres humble et tres obeissant serviteur./.
Cabaret

Notation: Cabaret 21. Juin 1782.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Antoine Court de Gébelin, 21 June 1782
From: Gébelin, Antoine Court de
To: Franklin, Benjamin

MonsieurRue Poupée 21e. Juin 1782
J’ai l’honneur de vous envoier une lettre que j’ai recue pour vous, de la part d’un jeune homme nommé Saussine, Ministre Protestant dans le bas Languedoc; j’y joins une qui l’accompagnoit et qui etoit pour moi Signée St Etienne autre jeune Ministre de la meme Province, correspondant du Musèe de Paris & fils du celebre Paul Pasteur de Nimes.
Ces lettres sont relatives à un autre jeune homme dont je connois fort les Parens & qui est actuellement dans les Etats Réunis de l’Amerique, dont on voudroit fort le faire revenir.
Ayez donc la complaisance de lire ces lettres & si vous pouvez contribuer en quelque chose à nous faire decouvrir ce jeune homme, nous vous en aurons tous la plus vive obligation.
Je suis avec un respectueux devouement Monsieur Votre très humble & très ob. Servitr.
Court DE Gebelin

Notation: Court de Geblin 21 Juin 1782.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Lafayette, 21 June 1782
From: Lafayette, Marie-Joseph-Paul-Yves-Roch-Gilbert du Motier, marquis de
To: Franklin, Benjamin

My Dear Sir,Versailles june 21st [1782] friday Evening
Having Nothing New to Communicate I will Remain this day at Versailles, and will Wait on Your Excellency in the Course of to morrow’s Morning— Mr. Grenville Has dined with Count de Vergennes, and is Going Again to write to London—if this Goes on, at Least it Goes at A Moderate Gate— I Hope Your Health is Better, and Have the Honor to Be with Great Respect Your Affectionate ser and friend
Lafayette

Addressed: His Excellency / Mr. franklin A m p / Passy


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Grenville, [22 June 1782]
From: Grenville, Thomas
To: Franklin, Benjamin

rue de Richelieu. Saturday. [June 22, 1782]
Mr. Grenville presents his Compliments to Mr Franklin, and had proposed to himself the pleasure of calling at Passy yesterday, but was so much occupied at Versailles that he had not time to stop in returning, & has been much occupied ever since. Mr de Vergennes will doubtless shew to Mr Franklin the copy of the Power he is desirous of seeing; and Mr Grenville learnt with great pleasure yesterday that Mr Franklin is enough recovered to propose to go to Versailles.

Endorsed: June 22
Notation: June 22. 1782


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jonathan Williams, Jr.: Two Letters, 22 June 1782
From: Williams, Jonathan Jr.
To: Franklin, Benjamin

I.
Dear & hond sirNantes June 22. 1782
The Bearer Mr Tardy who has been 4 Years in my ’Counting House goes to Paris for some Family Affairs. I have directed him to call on you. He can give you a full Accot of every thing that I know of Mr de C & by having the Letter I wrote you before him he will be able to answer any Question you may desire on the Subject.
Please also to return by him an answer to my Letter of the 26 March. I shall be obliged by any Civilities you may show Mr Tardy, & You may depend he is in every Respect a discreet worthy young man for whom I have a great Esteem. I am as ever most dutifully & affecy Yours
J Williams J
His Excelly Doctr Franklin.

Notation: J. Williams June 22. 1782

II.
Dear & hond sirNantes June 22. 1782.
Mrs Adams is the Wife of an american Captain. She Came from England expecting her Husband would arrive here, but she now finds he is bound to Amsterdam, and she therefore goes to Paris on her Way to that City.
I shall be obliged to you if you will please to give her a Passport for the purpose of her Journey. I am as ever your dutifull & affect Kinsman
Jona Williams J

Notation: J. Williams 22. Juin 1782.