Title: To John Adams from Joseph Ward, 19 May 1777
From: Ward, Joseph
To: Adams, John

      Sir
      Morristown May 19th, 1777

     I have lately had convincing proof of what I have long expected, that is, men employed as Contractors being allowed two or three percent for all they purchase, will give any price in order to increase their own profits. It has been suspected that these States have been cheated by some Officers in the Army by false abstracts and payrolls, (no doubt with too much reason) but I apprehend the public has suffered more by villains in other Departments. The Contractors in the Commissary’s and Quartermaster’s Departments have a prodigious opportunity to cheat their employers, particularly at this time when the prices of goods and provisions are so fluctuating. I think there is reason to suspect that a vast sum of the public money has been wasted by men who have studied only to promote their private interest, and have in the most villainous manner sacrificed the public interest to their own. When money is thus wasted by giving an extravagant price, it is much worse than barely cheating, because it raises the price of every thing and depreciates the money to an amazing degree. Query, Would not an Oath of Office and Fidelity, administered to every man employed in the Service of these States, be advantageous? I am sensible that oaths will not always bind villains, but they often will, and are always a check because if perjury is added to fraud it enhances the punishment. If Congress should publish the form of an Oath of Office and Fidelity to these United States (full and comprehensive) requiring all men in every Department in the Service of the States to subscribe it, (if they had not before) it might, in my humble opinion, do great service in preventing frauds, and other injury to the States. Such an oath has never yet I believe been required of any of the Contractors and Deputies in the Commissary’s and Quartermaster’s Departments, where it is perhaps most necessary.
     Another very important and growing Department, It ought to grow if it does not is the Navy, and in which there is the greatest danger of fraud to the public, and to individuals, and therefore it ought to be guarded with every precaution in its beginning, before evil customs get countenance by Precedents and custom, which are often a law to fools and a plague to wise men.
     So far as I can learn we have a sleepy Navy (as well as —— but you must not call names) and I fear that my predictions with respect to the naval operations this Summer, will prove too true; but be this as it may, the Expence is sure as rates, and whether the Ships act or not the precautions for preventing fraud are nevertheless requisite. All these things are humbly submitted.
     No news in Camp, nor from any Quarter, things remain very still at present. The designs of the Enemy no one, I believe, can fully investigate at this time; but to me it seems probable they will not attempt any capital stroke until their reinforcement arrives, (which we ought to expect soon) and in the mean time they may plunder and ravage near the sea coast. If you ask, Why we don’t collect our forces and attack them before any reinforcement can come to their assistance? I cannot undertake to answer that question. Too much of a lethargic spirit appears in every Department at this all important crisis, when Heaven and Earth call for decision and dispatch. If it be consistent, pray let me have a taste of the good news (or bad news if no other) which you receive from abroard, or from any quarter; for I am tired with this dull unvaried scene.
     I have an accusation against the Printers in your favorite City; when last there, to employ some vacant minutes I wrote a modest and dutiful address to the two noted Brothers, and also wrote upon another subject, both which were sent to Mr. Towne. Likewise sent a Conversation between satan and his Servants, George, North, Mansfield, Hutchinson, &c. to Dunlap the printer, neither of which have ever appeared that I have seen. They might object that the composition was too mean for the delicate taste of his readers, which I believe is true, but they contained some plain truths which were written with the warmth of honest indignation against complicated villainy and hardned Scoundrels.


Title: Massachusetts Delegates to the Speaker of the House of Representatives, 21 May 1777
From: Adams, John,Hancock, John,Adams, Samuel,Gerry, Elbridge,Lovell, James
To: House of Representatives, Speaker of,Warren, James

      Sir
      Philadelphia May 21st. 1777

     Mr. Gorham and Mr. Russel, Agents of the Town of Charlestown, have presented to Congress a Petition from the unfortunate Inhabitants of that Place, praying for a Compensation for their Losses. The Petition was drawn in very decent and handsome Terms, containing a lively Description of the Distresses to which the unhappy Petitioners are reduced, from a State of Ease and Affluence; and the Gentlemen who presented the Petition have urged every Motive which could either show the Justice and Policy of granting the Request, or which could move the Humanity and Charity of those who heard it.
     These Endeavors of theirs have been seconded by your Delegates in Congress, but to no other Effect than to obtain a Committee to consider the Petition; whose Report, altho’ it expresses much Sympathy with that virtuous People in Affliction, contains a Denyal of their Request, on Account of the present Condition of the Finances of the United States: As, the granting of Compensation, even in Part, at this Time, would set a Precedent for so many and so great Demands, of a similar Nature that the public Treasury would not be able to spare so much from the necessary Calls of the War.
     There was a great Deal of Delicacy shown thro the whole Debate upon this Subject, every one wished it was in the Power of Congress to grant the desired Relief; most acknowledged the Justice of the Demand; but, all agreed that, at present, it would be impolitic to grant it—except the Delegates from the Massachusetts Bay.
     Upon a Motion that a small Part of the Losses should be made up, such was the Reluctance to giving a Negative that the previous Question was moved and put; so that a present Determination might not prejudice the Petitioners in any future Application.

     It may be doubtfull whether such Petitions to Congress, from particular Corporations, or Individuals in any State, are proper. Perhaps it would be better that each State should ascertain the Amount of its own Losses, in this Kind, and represent it to Congress; that so, in the End, some Adjustment may be made, between the several States.
     That such an Adjustment will, sooner or later, be made is not doubted by Us; because, neither Equity nor sound Policy will admit that different States, contending in the same common Cause, having in View the same common Benefit, should be unequally loaded with Expence, or suffer disproportionate Losses. But, as it is impossible to foresee what Course the War will take, or what State will be the greatest Sufferer, it is probable this Question will be postponed untill the End of the War.
     In the mean Time, our Brethren and Neighbours, virtuously struggling together with us for every Thing that is valuable, and reduced from Prosperity to Adversity, by the casual Stroke of War, must not be left to suffer unnoticed. This would be plainly repugnant to the Dictates of Humanity, to the Precepts of Christian Charity, to the Rules of common Justice and the soundest Policy; a Chain of Motives which doubtless produced the Grants already made by the General Assembly of our State, for the immediate Subsistence of these Sufferers. But, as the unfortunate Petitioners were deprived of their necessary Tools and Materials for Business, it was remarked, by Gentlemen who pleaded for them in Congress, that an Advance sufficient to replace those Things would be a most essential Relief, and by far the most economical in the end. And it was suggested that such Estates of disaffected Persons as may be sequestered or confiscated, throughout the Limits of our Union, might be a Fund, to insure the Loan of Monies, for compensating patriotic Sufferers. This, however was not formally recommended. Each State is competent to the Business, if judged proper.
     Having represented this Affair as it has been conducted in Congress, we wish it to be communicated by you to the Honorable House, for any Improvement which their Wisdom may direct. We have the Honor to be with much Respect sir your most humble Servants.

      John Hancock
      Samuel Adams
      John Adams
      Elbridge Gerry
      James Lovell


Title: From John Adams to Nathanael Greene, 24 May 1777
From: Adams, John
To: Greene, Nathanael

      Philadelphia May 24. 1777

     During the civil Wars in Rome, in the Time of Sylla, and young Marius, after the Death of the Elder Marius, Sylla commanded one Army against Mithridates King of Pontus, and Fimbria another. Both were in Arms against the Same foreign Enemy: but Sylla and Fimbria were equally Enemies to each other, commanding different Armies in the Service of different Parties at Rome, which were disputing which had the legal Authority. Sylla patched up a Peace with Mithridates and marched against Fimbria. The two Generals fortified their Camps. The Soldiers, of both Armies, of the Same Nation, the Same City, the Same Language, Religion, Manners, Tastes and Habits instead of Skirmishing, with each other, when they met upon Parties for Forage, Saluted one another, with great Cordiality. Some from Fimbria’s Camp, came Secretly into that of Sylla, to see their Friends. In these clandestine Visits, Syllas soldiers, instructed by their General, and furnished with Money, won over those of Fimbria, by Secret Bribes. These returning, corrupted others: many came off, in the Night. The Desertion became General. Shame and Punishment lost their Influence, and at last whole Companies, carried off their Colours to Sylla.
     Fimbria finding himself, betrayed, Solicited an Interview with Sylla but being denyed it, returned to Pergamus, entered the Temple of Esculapius, and ran himself through with his sword.
     After this Sylla, began his March, from Asia towards Italy. The two Consulls, Cinna and Carbo, hearing of his design ordered young Marius, and other Leaders of their Party, to raise Forces, and recruit the Legions, required the Assistance of the Sammites, and formed different Armies to oppose him. At the next Election Scipio and Norbanus, were chosen Consulls in the Room of Cinna and Carbo.
     Sylla landed at Brundusium, and began his March, and was joined by Metellus pius, a Proconsul, as Sylla was, and by Pompey. Sylla, who had brought back, with him from Asia, not more than Thirty Thousand Men, was much pleased with these Allies; because his Enemies had 450 Ensigns of Foot, in Several Bodies, besides their Cavalry, the whole commanded by 15 General Officers, at the Head of whom were Scipio and Norbanus, who as Consulls had the chief Command.
     Sylla, as great a Master of Intrigue, as of the military Art, Surrounded by So many different Enemies, joined Craft to his Valour. Scipio, was encamped near him. To him, Sylla Sends Deputies, to make overtures, who artfully represented, that he was grieved at the Calamities, to which the Commonwealth must be exposed, by a civil War, whoever Should prevail, and that he only desired to lay down his Arms with Honour.
     Scipio, Sincerely desiring Peace, and misled by Such plausible Proposals, desired Time to communicate them to Norbanus, and agreed to a Truce between the two Camps in the mean Time. Syllas Soldiers, by favour of this Truce, insinuated themselves into Scipios Camp, under Pretence of visiting their Friends, and having before in Fimbrias Affair learned the Artifice, brought over many to their Party with Bribes. Carbo Said upon this, Said, that in Sylla, he had to encounter both a Fox and a Lion; but that the Lion gave him, much less Trouble than the Fox.
     Sylla, Sure of a great Number of Scipios Soldiers, presented himself before his Camp. The soldiers upon Guard, instead of charging him, Saluted him as their General, and let him into their Camp. He made himself master of the whole, so suddenly, that Scipio knew nothing of it, untill he and his son were arrested in his own Tent.
     The next Year Carbo, and young Marius, 26 years old, were chosen Consulls. The Armies took the Field, as early as the Season would permit, in the Spring. Marius at the Head of 85 Cohorts, offered Battle to Sylla, who having a secret Intelligence in his Enemys Camp, accepted the Challenge. Both Armies fought with great Bravery, the Soldiers of each Side resolving to vanquish or to die. Fortune had not yet declared for either, when Some Squadrons of Marius’s Army, and five Cohorts of his left Wing, that had been bribed with Silla’s Money, caused a Confusion by their unseasonable Flight, as they had agreed with Sylla to do. Their Example drew many others after them: a general Terror Struck the rest of the Army, and it was at last more a Rout than a Battle.
     Howe is no Sylla, but he is manifestly aping two of Syllas Tricks, holding out Proposals of Truces and bribing Soldiers to desert. But you See, he is endeavouring to make a Fimbria of somebody. Many of the Troops from Pensilvania Maryland and Virginia, are Natives of England, Scotland and Ireland who have adventured over here and been sold for their Passages, or transported as Convicts and have lived and served here as Coachmen, Hostlers, and other servants.
     They have no Tie to this Country. They have no Principles, They love Howe as well as Washington, and his Army better than ours. These Things give Howe great Opportunities to corrupt and seduce them.


Title: To John Adams from Andrew Henshaw, 27 May 1777
From: Henshaw, Andrew
To: Adams, John

      Sir
      Dedham 27th: May 1777

     Although I cannot boast a right to address you from an Acquaintance which would warrant it, yet a Gentleman of your Character and Station will not be surpriz’d, at such a freedom, when you are acquainted with my Situation; which may present an Opportunity for the Exercise of that Benevolence of which you are possessed, by drawing me forth from my present Obscurity, thereby rescuing me from one of the worst of Evils, (a State of Idleness,) rejoicing a whole Family, and rendering a most singular Obligation to my Father, who in old Age esteems it his pleasure to call you his Friend, and who would at this time have wrote you, were it not that by reason of repeated strokes of a Paralytic Disorder he is confin’d to his Chamber, in addition to which he is unhappily depriv’d of his Eyesight: therefore from a principle of Duty to myself and in compliance with his Desire I beg leave to represent that from the time I left Boston which was May 4th: 1775, I have not been employ’d one Hour and being constantly upon Expences have made way with the little gained previous to the Commencement of Hostilities, and am now dependent upon my Father, who in these times has been a great Sufferer in various Instances, particularly the wanton Damage of his real Estate in Boston, the Destruction of the House, Barn, outhouses &c. upon his Island, and Stock carried away. The Recital of which to a Mind of Sensibility awakens painful Reflections and I reluctantly mentioned it, but judging it unlikely that you was acquainted therewith, thought it might serve as an Apology for this Intrusion upon your other Business. I therefore beg leave to request your Patronage and Friendship, that you would please in your Character as a Member of the supreme Council of the States or otherwise, to gain some suitable Appointment for me, which will lay the Family and myself under the most lasting Obligations and bring me forth into public View in some measure answerable to former Expectations and Intentions of my Education.
     The Hon. Mr. Hancock and Mr. Adams have assured both the Family and myself of their Desires and Intentions to serve me and Mr. Lovell (my much respected Instructor) has very politely by Letter to me expressed his earnest Wishes for my Ease, Prosperity and Appointment, in which he has offered me his Services.

     My Father begs his sincere Regards may be presented you, also the Compliments of the Family.
     Again, Sir, I beg your Excuse for the Liberty taken and wishing you uninterrupted Health and Happiness, I am with great Respect your very Humble & obedt. Servant

      Andrew Henshaw


Title: Resolution on Pardoning Power, 28 May 1777
From: Adams, John
To:

       ante 28 May 1777

     Resolved That the General, or Commander in Chief for the Time being Shall have full Power of pardoning, or mitigating any of the Punishments ordered to be inflicted, for any of the Offences mentioned in the Rules and Articles for the better Government of the Troops, raised, or to be raised and kept in Pay, by and at the expence of the united States of America, the fourth Article resolved in Congress the 14th. day of April last notwithstanding.


Title: To John Adams from Nathanael Greene, 28 May 1777
From: Greene, Nathanael
To: Adams, John

      Dear Sir
      Camp Middlebrook May 28. 1777

     I receiv’d a letter from you some days since. I have it not with me, and therefore cannot be very particular in the Answer. I remember you lament the general corruption of manners, and the increase of vicious habits that prevail in the Army; It is a serious truth, and much to be lamented; I know of nothing that a people can receive in exchange, for the loss of their Morals that is an equivelent; I am sensible of the force and Justness of your remarks, that the vices of the Army prevents many from engageing in the service, more than the hardships and dangers attending it.
     I am not one of those fine Gentlemen who dispises all Moral rectitude and Religious duties. Altho I am no enthusiast, I nevertheless most devoutly believe, in the observance of Religious duties.
     I have had it hinted to me that General Schuyler was about to be created President of the Congress, and to hold his Milatary command in the Army. I take this early opportunaty of expressing my abhorrence of such a measure; No free people ought to admit a junction of the Civil, and Military; and no men of good Principles, with virtuous intentions would ask it, or ever accept of an appointment, which may be improv’d by corruption, to the prejudice and injury of the Rights of a free people; The best way to guard against evil is to avoid temptation. If General Schuyler is a mind to be in Congress, let him resign his Commission, and not hold two offices, so incompatible one with the other. I have no objections to General Schuyler as a General, neither have I to his being President of the Congress, if he is thought to be the most suitable person for that important trust; But he must cease to be a General, before he commences a member of Congress. I will not hold a Commission under that State who blends those two Characters togather; I think them incompatable with the Safety of a free people, and I can assure you, I am not fighting for a change of Masters, but to have none but the Law.
     I must again repeat the impropriety of creating so many foreign Officers; A very considerable part of our force will get into their hands: What method can Great Britain take to defeat us more effectually than to introduce a great number of Foraigners into the Army, and bind them to their interest, by some very interesting considerations; That this is practacable, nobody will doubt? That we ought to guard against it, every body must allow. British Gold may reason forcibly with those whose hopes and future expectations, are not connected with the people they betray.

     I am told by Capt. Moduit, a French Gentleman lately created a Captain in the Train of Artillery, that one De Cudre is engaged by Mr. Dean as Major General of the Train. The impropriety of putting a foraigner at the head of such a Department, must be obvious to every body; besides the Impropriety, you will deprive the Army of a most valuable Officer, universally acknowledged as such; The exchange will be much against you, besides the injustice you will do to a man who has serv’d you with Fidelity and Reputation. I beg you will take it under consideration seasonably. I know not the powers of Mr. Dean, but I think such powers are Dangerous, and unfit to trust with any man. If this Gentleman is to be appointed a Major General, I wish it may be of the foot instead of the Artillery.
     Our Army is now Encamped, and I hope will be very soon compleatly organnized, fit for some important purposes. Believe me to be Affectionately yr. Friend and Hble. Servt.

      N Greene


Title: To John Adams from John Sullivan, 28 May 1777
From: Sullivan, John
To: Adams, John

      My Dear Friend
      Princeton May 28th 1777

     I Recollect That I Stand Indebted to you one Letter for your favor of the 22d. Feby and have nothing to plead in Excuse for nonpayment but want of Ability. I had Just before I was honoured with your Letter received a Fall from my Horse which Disabled me from writing. I Soon after went to the Eastward and did not return till the 15th Instant. Since which I have been much Engaged in getting matters in order at this post. I wish with you that our Army could do more than it has done but in Truth we had at the Time of your Letter and through the whole of the winter but a Miserable Army. I know not how many men we have on paper in our Different posts. When we attacked Trenton we had not 4000 men present—when Genl. Cadwallader Joined us with the Militia and the Enemy Marched to attack us we had not 6000 and the Enemy ten (they Say fifteen) 1200 of ours were old Troops. When the Militia were Dismissed and the old Troops went Home we had not 1200 fit for Duty for Some time; with this truly Despicable Army we kept the Enemy at Bay all winter and I think we did as much as could be Expected. I think with you that More might have been done at Providence; and by General Heath at Fort Independence but there are misteries in our warfare that I cannot unriddle. He that Sacrifices an Army a post or anything Else is Sure of preferment if he can get a person to write a Sensible Letter in his favor or if he has Capacity or Modesty to do it himself. If a man is Intoxicated Every afternoon and Employs himself well in Cursing, and kicking officers much better than himself yet if he writes a Good Letter Dances a Minuet To a Miracle is a good Jolly Companion and can Neglect his Duty with a good grace by Dancing attendance to persons of Influence he is Sure to be promoted and Esteemed. Believe me Dear Sir that an Honest Clytus was of more Service to Alexander in time of Danger than all Pompeys pretty Dancers were to him at the Battle of Pharsalia. One Instance of Congress Despising and Neglecting a Clytus I can give you in the Case of Colo. Stark. He was Ever known to be an Exceeding good officer. He was as Brave as Cesar, was the first person who raised an American Regiment did more with his Regiment than any one Else at Bunker Hill and all the officers that were in Canada will acknowledge that the Continent are not more Indebted to any one officer for Securing that Retreat than to him. Added to this he has Seen More Actions than any officer in our Army without Exception. Yet when he Stood the 4th Colo the 11th was put over his head. The Consequence was the Resignation of one of the best officers that Ever graced an Army. His own State regretted the Loss and did all in their power which was for the assembly to return him their thanks and Express their Concern at his being Superseded. I am Exceeding Sorry that being a fighting officer is not So good a recommendation for promotion in America as writing and Dancing. I am Sure never to get promotion in that way as I can neither write or Dance.
     You Complain that Little is Done by our Army; I fear my old Friend That much Less will be done if The Same Criterions for the appointment and promotion of officers remains. I dont mean by this that General Poor is a bad officer. He is an Exceeding good one but, there ought to be an Exceeding good reason for putting a younger officer over an older officers head—and the reasons ought not to be Collected from a Letter Let the Scribe write Ever So good a hand—Now my Dear friend permit me to Say Something concerning myself which you have Seldom been Troubled with—
     You will please to recollect that I was one taken prisoner that I Lost all I had about me. That I was a prisoner when Long Island was abandoned. General Washington So Constantly Employed my Aid De Conges that Every thing in my Quarter was Lost. When New York was abandoned my Quarters there Suffered in the Same Manner. My remaining things were down from Canada by the time I was Exchanged and I was ordered when marching to Join General Washington Last Winter to Leave them at Peaks Kill. When the Descent was made on that place I Lost Eight Suits of Cloathes and all my Camp Equipage that remained. I am now ordered to this place where I am oblidged to keep a Seperate post from Genl Washington. There are no Taverns in Town. Therefore all Gentlemen of Course come to head Quarters to Eat and Drink. You will please to Recollect That all my Wages and Rations Amount with the Rations of my Aid De Conges to about Seven Dollars pr Day. That will purchase me 3½ Bottles of wine pr Day at the present price of 2 Dollars pr Bottle. I am oblidged to Expend Seven or Eight and Maintain my family in other Articles at my own Expence. At this Rate I am Sure to be Ruined as well in Estate as in Constitution. This will be a miserable reward for my Services in the Common cause. I must beg you to favor me with your opinions to a few Questions viz Whether there is a probability of my having any allowance for my Baggage.
     Whether Congress Looks upon this as a Seperate Post. Whether it would not be as Reasonable for Congress to Raise the Wages of General officers as that of all others in the Army. And Whether there can be a Shadow of Reason in my being reduced to the Necessity of Spending my Estate and Constitution in the Service while Some others are making their Fortunes; my Dear Sir with the highest Affection and Esteem I am your most Sincere friend and Humble Servant

      Jno Sullivan


Title: To John Adams from Samuel Cooper, 29 May 1777
From: Cooper, Samuel
To: Adams, John

      My dear Sir
      Boston 29th. May. 1777

     I wish, with you, that N. England may not fail to furnish their Quota of the Continental Army even to a single man; but am afraid we shall not be able to accomplish it soon. Some Towns have already rais’d and sent forward their full Proportion. This has done much more, besides Manning the State Vessels and Privateers: but others are yet greatly deficient; and yet all Circumstances consider’d, I rather wonder that so much, than no more has been done, by the whole. Manly has been gone more than a Week accompanied with McNeal, and two private Ships of War, besides others of smaller Force, making a Fleet of 10 or 12. I took much Pains for this Accommodation and Junction. The General Court encourag’d it by their Votes of Indemnification &c. to the Owners: and we ev’ry Moment expect some good News. I hope you have done great Service by the Navy Board. The Nomination for this State pleases me. We hear our Army in the Jerseys is now strong en’o to advance nearer the Enemy. I hope the Campain on our Part will be more than defensive. Assailants have commonly more Spirit and more Success than Defendants. The burning the Stores of St. Johns, and the late Action at Long Island conducted by Meigs bode well.
     Yesterday was our Election of Councillors: a large Number of the Representatives, perhaps 20 or 30 from Hampshire Berkshire &c. would not vote, being for a single Assembly. I hope this Sentiment will not prevail. They could chuse no more than thirteen by nine o’Clock; and then adjourn’d to this Morning. Cushing is not in, but may perhaps be chosen.
     I enclose you a Letter from Salem on Behalf I suppose of unhappy Tory condemn’d to be shot by a Court martial. He is Grandson of Col. Pickman. His Family and Their Friends are much distress’d. I am told the Case is referr’d to Congress, and that Genl. Heath has most impartially stated it. You will be able to judge from that whether Mercy may be shown to this Criminal and his anxious Friends without Injury to the Publick: It is said by some He is insane. But I am not particularly acquainted with Facts and Circumstances. One Thing I throughly know, that I am with the warmest Attachment Your Obedt. humbl. Servt.


Title: From John Adams to John Sullivan, 3 June 1777
From: Adams, John
To: Sullivan, John

      Dear Sir
      Philadelphia June 3. 1777

     I regret with you the Loss of Coll Stark, of whose Experience and Bravery, I have often heard the best Accounts. I know not the Man: but Some Gentlemen represented him, as unequal in Abilities to the high Command of a General Officer.
     I am extreamly sorry to learn that you have been so great a Sufferer in the Loss of your Baggage &c. upon several Occasions: But in answer to your first Question I can only say, that Congress have hitherto refused to grant any Compensation to Sufferers of any Kind. Falmouth and Charlestown have both Petitioned and been civilly refused. Several Officers Widows, in deplorable Circumstances, have petitioned and been refused. Several other Officers, have applied and been refused, particularly Lord Sterling. So that I can give you, but cold comfort, respecting your Losses. As to your Second Question, I can give no positive Answer, how Congress consider your Post. The Resolve of Congress in Words, extends only to a Major General commanding in a Seperate Department: But I believe General Gates was allowed for his Table under it, and I see no Reason, why you Should not.
     What shall I say, about raising the Pay of General Officers? Our Revenue! sir, our Revenue! What will become of it, and of Us? With the Greatest Objects in View that any Society ever beheld: the greatest Evil to be avoided, and the greatest good to be obtained: with the fairest Prospects of success that a fond, Sanguine Imagination could wish, We are in the Utmost Danger of Ruin, by a Failure, in our Finances.

      June 8

     This Moment I had yours of this days date put into my Hand. I am ashamed, that I had not answered your other Letter before: But my Apology for it, is ill Health, which has obliged me to devote my Mornings and Evenings to Exercise and Relaxation.
     The Information you give me, that Desertions from the Enemy are plentifull, gives me Pleasure: but the Resolution of the Militia to turn out and assist you, gives me much more. Nothing however contributes So much to my Happiness, as the Accounts I hear, that Discipline, order, Subordination, Cleanliness, Health and Spirits are so rapidly increasing in our Army. All depends upon this. This will surely conduct Us to Honour, Glory, and Tryumph: as the Reverse would certainly end in our Disgrace and Ruin.
     There are two other Things upon which our Prosperity depends. The one is the Reputation of our Loan Offices, and the other is the Resolution of the Assemblies to proceed to tax the People, as deep as they can bare. If Men who have Money can be perswaded to lend it to the Public: and if the Assemblies can be convinced of the Necessity of proceeding to tax their Constituents: and if the People can be convinced of this Sacred Truth, that it is their Interest to pay high Taxes: We shall be able to avoid emitting more Money, and to Sustain the Credit of that already out. But, if not, our Money, will be a Bubble, and We shall be involved in terrible Distress. We shall not lose the Cause—for We will carry on the War, by Barter: We will call in all the Plate: We will march out all at once, and crush the Snakes in their Nests: We will do any Thing, rather than fail: But We shall be put to a great deal of Confusion and Perplexity. We have no News. Shall always be happy to learn News from you, especially if it be good. I am your Friend & most obedient servant.

      John Adams


Title: To John Adams from William Gordon, 5 June 1777
From: Gordon, William
To: Adams, John

      My Dear Sir
      Jamaica Plain June 5. 1777

     Your favour of April the 8th tho’ frankt was not received till the 22d of May. Tis mortifying to think that such a horrid corruption hath spread itself so rapidly thro’ the American States; and that in the first year of our existence we should have adopted so many of the Old England vices. People had a better opinion of themselves than was meet: but the time of temptation hath laid open their nakedness, and God hath left them that they might see what was in their hearts. The evil I doubt not will however work out a remedy that will cure or at least correct it. What has contributed greatly to it has been the plenty of money: and can we contrive to make that scarcer, we shall mend. Hope to see by and by none but continental money, and to hear that the several states have called in all their own currency upon loan. The paying interest for it, by raising the value of the money, will be a saving to the individuals of the community, notwithstanding it may occasion a heavy tax.
     The frigates have been sailed about a fortnight. Maritime affairs have been most horridly managed. We have beaten G B in dilatoriness and blunders. Where the fault hath lain, I know not: but the credit of the Continent and Congress requires amendment. A twenty gun privateer had only her keel laid, and many of her timbers growing when the frigates came round, but she was launched made a cruizing voyage took four prizes, cleared herself, came in and went out the second time with the frigates when they first pushed off. Publish it not in Britain; tell it not in the streets of Westminster. I learn you are about establishing a marine board at Boston, I shall not say for the Lords, but for the Continents sake and the honour of Independency, do not let private interest influence that so individuals may be provided for; let the marine board consist of persons that understand maritime affairs. Preserve the dignity of the Massachusetts as far as possible, by being more than narrow patriots, by promoting the universal good of mankind.
     I am happy in finding that I had planned beginning the history as early as you proposed, and that I shall have your countenance, tho’ you discourage me as to any considerable assistance.
     My correspondent meant not to flatter, tho’ he has a strong way of expressing his affection and judgment.
     Till I read your letter did not know that any Committee had been sent to the Jerseys, and am not yet certain of it. There has been a strange torpor among us—an unaccountable want of spirit somewhere, and I have suspected that we have some in the General Court who instead of throwing off all thought of renouncing our independency have been acting upon the proviso, possibly we may be obliged to do it. When we shall begin to confiscate I know not; but I am out of humour when I recollect that Loring has used our prisoners in the manner he has done, and that his estate is not confiscated.
     Provisions are dear with us, and grow dearer: but what tends to make them dear at present in some measure, will reduce the price by and by. The farmers are raising large quantities of calves and lambs, so that I make myself very easy, and tho’ obliged to live upon a stated salary, doubt not but that by contriving prudently, I shall live honestly without running in debt. I can dispose of my library, if the worst comes to the worst; and if we secure our riches upon a good broad bottom that will support the superstructure till the foundations of the earth are destroyed I shall not grudge the sacrifice. Pray my respects to friends. When you have leisure and can unbend, you will oblige me much by writing to me. Adieu. Your sincere friend & humble servant

      William Gordon


Title: To John Adams from John Sullivan, 8 June 1777
From: Sullivan, John
To: Adams, John

      My Dear Friend
      Princeton June 8th 1777

     You cant oblidge me more than by giving me a Line to Inform whether you are, or are not alive; I begin to grow Suspicions and am therefore uneasy. I Should be Exceeding unhappy if you were to Steal a march upon me During the present Contest. I am Determined to See it out.
     I wrote a Line beging your opinion upon Some Points but (Like Saul in Distress) I can get no answer. I fear Therefore Those points are all against me and you Think best to keep your opinions to yourself—but believe me my Dear friend I have received So many Shocks that I can Stand any thing.
     The Enemy Desert to us in great plenty. About forty of their vessels have fallen down to the Hook but what they have on board or what is their Design I cant Say. They have 20 more Pontons brought up and Loaded at Brunswick. I find the Militia here have Taken the Resolution to oppose them and Act in Conjunction with my forces; I am grieved for the Honest Quakers. I fear they will have no opportunity of presenting their address to General Howe unless they come on this Side the Delaware to meet him. Dear Sir I have the honor to be with Every Sentiment of Friendship & Esteem your most obedt. Servt.

      Jno Sullivan


Title: From John Adams to James Warren, 11 June 1777
From: Adams, John
To: Warren, James

      My dear Sir
      Philadelphia June 11. 1777

     The honourable Samuel Hewes Esqr, a Delegate in Congress from North Carolina from 1774 to 1777, being bound on a Journey, to Boston for the Recovery of his Health, I do myself the Honour to introduce him to you.
     He has a large share in the Conduct of our naval and commercial Affairs, having been a member of the naval and marine Committees, and of the Secret Committee from the first.
     I wish you would be kind enough to introduce him to some of our best Company, and give him a Line to Dr. Winthrop, that he may have an opportunity of seeing, the Curiosities of Harvard Colledge. I have not Time to write the Dr.
     What Mr. Howes present Plan is, no Conjurer can discover. He is moving and maneuvring, with his Fleet and Army, as if he had some Design, or other, but what it may be no Astrologer can divine.
     It is disputed among the Writers, upon military Science, whether a Faculty of penetrating the Intentions of an Enemy, or that of acquiring the Love of his soldiers is the first Quality of a General—but whether, this Penetration holds the first or second Place, it cannot discover Designs that are not, and schemes that were never laid. Howes Behaviour Strongly indicates a Want of system.
     Some conjecture, he is bound to the West Indies, others to Europe one Party to Hallifax, another to Rhode Island. This set sends him up the North River, that down the East River and the other up the Delaware. I am weary of Conjectures—Time will solve them.
     One Thing is certain, that in the Jersies his whole Army was seized with Terror and Amazement. The Jersey Militia, have done themselves, the highest Honour, by turning out in such great Numbers, and with such Determined Resolution. This was altogether unexpected to the British and Hessian Gentry. They were perswaded that the People, would be on their side, or at least unactive but when they found Hundreds, who had taken their Protections and their Oaths of Allegiance, in Arms against them, and with terrible Imprecations, vowing Vengeance, their Hearts sunk within them and they Sneaked away in a Panic. The Militia, was dismissed too soon, and they took Advantage of it, to come out, again with their whole Army upon a predatory Expedition, but soon returned, and evacuated New Jersy altogether.
     I am most apprehensive they will go to Rhode Island. If not, I think, unless they have prepared Reinforcements, with such secrecy that no Intimations of them, have reached Us, they will give Us but a languishing and inactive Campaign.
     I hope you proceed, in the Formation of a Constitution without any hurtfull Divisions, or Altercations. Whatever the Majority determine, I hope the Minority will chearfully concur in. The fatal Experience of Pensilvania, has made me dread nothing So much as Disunion, upon this Point. God grant you may lay the Foundations, of a great, wise, free and honourable People.


Title: To John Adams from James Warren, 11 June 1777
From: Warren, James
To: Adams, John

      My dear Sir
      Boston June 11th: 1777

     It is A long time since I have had the pleasure of A line from you. I looked for one last post, and was disappointed. I wrote to you by the Thursday post since which Nothing of Consequence has taken place here. A Number of Men of War are Cruiseing on our Coast and 3 or 4 of them in our Bay. I suppose their design is get our frigates, and to Intercept the prizes taken by the Privateers lately sailed. I fear they will Succeed too well in the last, if not in the first. Where Manly and McNeil are we don’t hear but I am in some pain for them. I am sorry to hear there is any difficulty in Gates haveing the Command of the Northern Army. Will not this produce A resignation and some Confusion in our Affairs. Besides I have no Notion of A General who is not on the Spot, and to fight if there be Occasion. Our Expedition some time ago recommended by Congress has fallen through in A strange manner. I can give you no Account of this Event, but from A want of Spirit and Activity. When I left Boston I supposed it was to be Executed in A Short time, but now I hear Nothing of it. The whole matter was left with our Council and they were vested with powers Accordingly. They perhaps can give a reason. The Enemy at this time have but A small force, and I think might with the greatest ease be driven off in the Course of 10 days from this Moment. But there is no General sent as mentioned and Nothing can be done without A Continental General. Their holding this Post at A Time when they so much want reinforcements to their main Army is the only Circumstance that looks like An Invasion of N England. What their Movements will be seems to us very Uncertain here. It is generally believed their Reinforcements will fall much short of their Expectations, but we want some fresh Intelligence from Europe. Every thing we do hear looks like A French War. I never wish to be beholden to any Other Power but that of Heaven, and to our own virtue and valour for our Liberties, but it seems to me A War between France and England will make A diversion very favourable to us. At least it will Gratifie my resentment and Curiosity. I wish to see Britain distressed and reduced to Circumstances that shall make her Appear ridiculous and Contemptible to herself, and I have A Curiosity to see the Operation and the Event. Your Loan Office in this State I am Informed succeeds well. I hope our Money has got to its lowest Ebb. I think our regulateing Act has among Other Evils Injured our Currency by Introduceing Barter &c. But our House have After A long debate, and A Torrent of Eloquence and wisdom (for we have Eloquent and wise folks among us, who Affect Great sublimity in both without decision.) determined against A repeal 122. to 31. We seem generally Agreed on A large Tax, not less than 150. perhaps 200,000 £. If the Other N.E. states would Tax in the same proportion, our Money would soon be on A better footing. Pray let me hear from you. I want to have Intelligence from Europe, to hear how your Confederation &c. go on, and how your health is. I wish you happines and am Yours &c.
     Mrs. Warren desires Compliments and Best Wishes to Mr. Adams. My regards to Mr. Adams. I will write him soon tho he has almost dropped the Correspondence.


Title: Motion on Gunning Bedford, 12 June 1777
From: Adams, John
To:

       12 June 1777

     Resolved that the Freedom of Speech and Debate in Congress ought not to be impeached or questioned in any Court or Place, out of Congress.
     Resolved, that the Said Letters from Gunning Bedford Esq to Mr. Sergeant a Member of this Congress from the State of New Jersey, is a most daring Contempt of the Authority of this House and Violation of the Priviledge of the Said Member.
     Resolved the Said Member, in laying the said Letters before Congress, did what his Duty to this House and the State he represents required of him.
     Resolved that it is the Right and the Duty of this Congress, to vindicate its own Authority from Contempts, And the Priviledges of all its Members.
     Resolved that the said Gunning Bedford Esq. be taken into Custody of the Door keeper of this Congress, and committed to the Prison in this City, for his Contempt and Breach of Priviledge aforesaid, untill the further order of Congress.


Title: To John Adams from Apollos Morris, 14 June 1777
From: Morris, Apollos
To: Adams, John

      Sir
      Philadelphia June 14 1777

     Centinels are again Posted at my Lodgings. This I suppose a mistake L: Col: Parke having inform’d me as from you, that there was a second resolution of Congress respecting me that I was to apply for it and go in Consequence to give my Parole.

     I did by Mr. Wade yesterday even: apply for it but could find no other but the first. I went to your Lodgings, your Servant told me you were abroad.
     I was prevented from repeating my visit to you this morn: Col: Parke offer’d to go to speak to you or some other member of the Congress; so long ago that he seems to have neglected it. I beg to be heard when and where you please and am Sir with all respect Your most humble & obedt. servt.

      Apollos Morris


Title: From John Adams to James Warren, 19 June 1777
From: Adams, John
To: Warren, James

      Dear sir
      Philadelphia June 19. 1777

     Yours of the 5th. instant is before me. It may be very true, that your Regiments are as full, as those of any other State, but none of yours were So early in the Field—and We must, not flatter ourselves with the Reflections that ours are as full as others. When many Daughters do virtuously We must excell them all. We are the most powerfull State. We are so situated as to obtain the best Intelligence:—We were first in this Warfare: and therefore We must take the Lead, and set the Example. The others will follow.
     The Armies at Ti and in the Jersies begin to be very respectable: but not one half so numerous as they ought to be. We must not remit our Exertions.
     You must not decline your Appointment to the Navy Board. If you should, I know not who will succeed. Congress have passed no order for a constant Residence at Boston. No doubt the most of your Time will be taken up at Boston, but you need not renounce your Native Town and County. It is a Board of very great Importance. I hope your Commissions and Instructions will be soon forwarded. The Cause of their Delay, so long is the Same, I Suppose, that has retarded all other marine Affairs. Causes, which it would be thought invidious to explain.
     I am very sorry to see in the Papers, the appearance of Disunion between the General Court and the Town of Boston, and to learn from private Letters, that there are Divisions between the Eastern and Western Part of our Commonwealth. I wish to know, the Run of the Instructions from the Towns, on the subject of a Constitution, and whether you are in a Way to frame one. Surely the longer this Measure is delayed, the more difficult it will be to accomplish. The Rage of Speculation, Improvement and Refinement is unbounded, and the longer it is suffered to indulge itself the wilder it will grow.
     I am much mortified that our State have neglected so long, to Number their Regiments, and to send Us a List of them and of all their officers. We loose one half the Reputation, that is due to Us, for Want of a little Method and Regularity, in Business.
     We are much embarrassed here, with foreign Officers. We have three capital Characters here. Monsr. De Coudray, General Conway, and Monser De la Balme. These are great and learned Men. Coudray is the most promising Officer in France. Coudray is an Officer of Artillery, Balme of Cavalry, and Conway of Infantry. Coudray has cost Us dear. His Terms are very high, but he has done Us such essential service in France, and his Interest is so great and so near the Throne, that it would be impolitick, not to avail ourselves of him.

     I live here at an Expence, that will astonish my Constituents, and expose me, I fear to Reflections. I Spend nothing myself. I keep no Company. And I live as Simply, as any Member of your House, without Exception. But my Horses are eating their Heads off. And my own and servants Board are beyond any Thing you can conceive. I would have sold my Horses and sent home my servant, but We have been every Moment in Expectation of the Enemy to this Town, which would oblige me to move and in that Case such Confusion would take Place and Such a Demand for Horses to remove Families and Effects into the Country that I should not be able to obtain one to ride fifty Miles for Love nor Money.
     I have not made, and I cant make an exact Computation but I dont believe, my bare Expences, here, if I should stay with my servant and Horses the whole Year will amount to less than two Thousand Dollars. If my Constituents are Startled at this, I cannot help it, they must recall me.
     We are in hourly Expection of momentous Intelligence, from every Quarter. Heaven grant it may be prosperous and pleasing.


Title: To John Adams from James Warren, 22 June 1777
From: Warren, James
To: Adams, John

      My dear Sir
      Boston June 22d: 1777

     If any Conjecture may be formed from the Intelligence or rather reports prevailing here you may leave Philadelphia before this Letter will get there. It is said the Britons are determined at all Events to Attempt that City, and I presume the discretion and Prudence Wisdom of your Body will Induce you to decamp and retire, before the Seige Commences. If our Army is in the situation we are told it is, I wish one Side or the Other would open the Campaign. I long to hear of Enterprizes, of Battles fought and Victories gained on our side, but our Intelligence about the Army, and every thing else to the Southward is of late miserably deficient and Uncertain. Do you recollect that you on whom I principally depend (because you used to write me often and give me much Intelligence) have missed four or five posts and that in that time I have wrote you several Letters. I Intended Home Tomorrow or next day but beleive I shall wait till Thursday in hopes of Letters from you and my Other Friends. If I fail I shall be disappointed. All things remain here pretty much in the same situation as when I last wrote you. The regulateing Act has been the subject of frequent and tedious debates, and it yet remains Undetermined by the House whether to repeal, Inforce, or suspend it for A time, while the people Abroad pay very little or no regard to it. The only Notice taken of it is the Continual disputes, and Execrations that meet us in every Company. The prevailing Sentiment in the Opposition seems to be for A suspension and let it die in some sort by the Authority of Goverment A lingering death. We have now A Committee for reporting A Constitution. They have met several times, and are well Agreed as to the main points in the Connecticut Form. I Conceive the matter of Representation will be our greatest difficulty. They have Agreed on the qualification of Electors, that they should be Freemen of 21 years of Age, residents for A certain time in each Town, and such as have paid publick Taxes. I could wish that A certain degree of property had been Another, but as it is to have the Sanction of the people at large I question whether that would not render the whole Abortive, and from that principle have Conceded to it as it is. What Number of Electors is to Intitle A Town to one Representative or more is the Next question not yet settled, tho we have the Advantage of A Member of Congress on this Committee. I am never with them but I wish you was one of us. We want you much. This is A Subject of such A Magnitude, and Extent that I feel myself very Unequal to, and in want of the Judgment and wisdom of those who I have the greatest Confidence in, and Opinion of, instead of the narrow Sentiments, trite, trifling, and sometimes ludicrous Observations of those whose Abilities and Judgments I despise. I Guess at your Curiosity with regard to A Certain Member and wish to Gratify it but letters have been Intercepted and may be Again you will therefore Excuse me. I hope your Next will Contain some Observations on a form of Goverment for this State. They would be seasonable at this time. We have had a Bill before us for freeing the Negroes, which is ordered to lie least if passed into An Act it should have A Bad Effect on the Union of the Colonies. A Letter to Congress on that subject was proposed and reported, but I Endeavoured to divert that, supposeing it would Embarrass, and perhaps be Attended with worse Consequences than passing the Act. All our Other Business I can now mention is of smaller Consequence and in the Common Course.
     As to News we have very little of late. There are A Number of Cruisers on our Coast who have taken divers vessels, and two days ago drove Ashore on the Back of the Cape a Brigantine belonging to this State from the West Indies with 80 bbs. powder 500 Arms, some duck and Salt &c. which they took possession of, when the Inhabitants mustered and Marched down to the Shore with A peice of Cannon, upon which they left her and Cargo which was all Except A few trifles saved. We hear Nothing lately from Manly and McNeil. It is said 8 frigates are in quest of them. I Expect they will have A Brush before they return. The Alfred remains in port, not quite Manned, Otherways ready to go to Sea. Our fleet at Providence still shut up. It is said Hopkins is determined to Attempt to get out, and it is generally beleived he will fail if he does. Some prizes are sent in. A Vessel Arrived here Yesterday in 18 days from St. Eustatia and brings An Account that the Oliver Cromwell Privateer of Philadelphia of 24 Guns was lately taken by A Sloop of War of 14. This is An Indignity that Oliver never suffered.
     I suppose you have reconsidered your Resolve for A Navy Board here. We hear Nothing of it lately. I am with great Sincerity Your Friend &c.
     My best Friend gives her regards to you. Please to Inform M. Gerry that the Ship Expected from Bilboa is not yet arrived.


Title: To John Adams from Nathaniel Peaslee Sargeant, 23 June 1777
From: Sargeant, Nathaniel Peaslee
To: Adams, John

      Dear Sr.
      Haverhill June 23d. 1777

     My Brother, Mr. Christopher Sargeant, the bearer has occasion to travel to South Carolina, he is a Stranger in almost all places he has to travel ’thrô. He has, a few months past, finished his Studies under our Brother Lowell. I think I can recommend him as an honest trusty person, and one that is a sincere friend to his country. He probably may stand in need of your favour and Patronage. Every kind Office you may do him, which from your general Philanthropy, I know will give you pleasure, will be esteemed a new obligation laid on myself. Am, Sr., with the sincerest respect, your Humble Servt.

      Nathel. Peaslee Sargeant

      P.S. Your late Letter to the council of Resignation gives me real pain, ’thô such a chance for rising might give others pleasure, Yet I sincerely wish it might be recalled.


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Crafts, 25 June 1777
From: Crafts, Thomas Jr.
To: Adams, John

      Dear Sir
      Boston June 25th. 1777

     My last to you was, in answer to yours of the 20th March, concerning the manufacture of wrought-iron Cannon, of which I highly approve, and the method in which they were made. I mentioned that in the one made here the barrs were welded lengthways, which I allways suppos’d would fail; but as you must have received it before this reaches you, shall say no more on that subject. I have not yet receiv’d orders to try the experiment here. The subject on which I now write perhaps may be of importance in its consequences. Matters may run higher than would be agreeable to you or me.
     By a resolve of Congress all continental Officers of the same Rank and Commission are to take place of the Militia who may be call’d to serve in the Continental Army. Colls. Lee and Jackson, who are raising regiments in this State, by virtue of said resolve, suppose that they and their officers have a right to rank above me and my officers, which I can, by no means consent to as they are new regiments, and new officers. We having serve’d one year which was, as long as the Continental Army was engaged for. I can by no means look on my Regiment in the same predicament as the Militia, who are only Call’d out to do duty on an emergency. We are engaged for the same term of time as the Continental troops, (as you will see by the attested establishment of the regiment and inlisting orders which I have inclos’d) Tho’ we were rais’d to do duty in this State, we engage to serve in any of the United states, and should think ourselves happy in having an oppertunity to exert our small abilities in any part of the Continent. Two companies Voluntarily turned out to go to Providence the last Year, thô they engaged to serve in this state alone. Sure I am we cannot, with any degree of justice, be look’d on as militia. It would be a very mortifying circumstance to me to be view’d in that light. I never look on myself as having any great military abilities; but in the department I now act do not think myself inferior to many in the Continental Army. I am perfectly willing to appeal to General Lincoln for my military character under whom I have served. For the honor of this state who have exerted themselves as far as I have known equal to any. For my own honour I earnestly desire you would use your influence in Congress that as we do as much duty—are engaged for the same term of time, and have the same pay, and are willing to serve wherever order’d, That we may have the same honour and Rank, as thô we were paid by the Continent, and that we may rank according to the date of our commissions. We have supply’d Genl. Spencer and the State of R Island with many things for the Continent. We have supplyd several articles for Ticonderoga. We have supplyd large quantities of ordnance stores from the Laboratory for all the Continental Ships, (which could not have gone to Sea without). In short, my dear sir, half our preparations have gone for the Continental service, and must we be considered only as militia and have neither rank, nor honor, It would be with regret that I should leave the service and not be able to exert my small abilities in a cause, which to your knowledge I have been many years engaged in—but shall be obligd to, or be despised as not having one spark of honour after submitting to such indignity. I refuse’d taking a Regiment to serve in this state only. We are in the service of the United States. The only distinction is—We are paid by Massachusets State. I am dear Sir with the greatest respect your Sincere Friend & Huml. Servt.

      Thos. Crafts

      P.S. I have directed to you, but desire you would present this Letter with my most respectfull regards to my honor’d Friends Hancock, Adams and Lovel as tis meant to be address’d to them as well as to you.


Title: To John Adams from Joseph Ward, 28 June 1777
From: Ward, Joseph
To: Adams, John

      Sir
      Camp June 28th, 1777

     I wish it was in my power to give you a satisfactory and particular state of facts relative to the late movements in the military way, but all the facts I cannot learn, and if I could they might not perhaps be satisfactory in every sense of the word. The 22 Instant the Enemy retreated from Brunswick to Amboy, a party, of several hundreds, under the command of Col Morgan attacked their rear, in the edge of a wood, and killed a considerable number, with the loss of two men and three or four wounded.

     The 24th. the main body of our Army moved below the Mountains to Quibbletown and near Bonumtown, the 26th. the most advanced part of our troops under the command of Ld. Stirling were attacked by the main body of the Enemy and our men, being so much inferior in number to the Enemy, were obliged to retreat, after some sharp fire on both sides. Our loss is uncertain, but not great, perhaps twenty or thirty; that of the Enemy is supposed to be greater. We had the misfortune to lose 3 fieldpieces in a manner unaccountable to me, but by information it appears not to have happened by any neglect of duty in the Artillery men. Our Army is now encamped near the mountains again. The Enemy are at Scotchplains Shorthills and no God knows where. I write from home with a borrowed pen and can’t be farther at this time.


Title: To John Adams from Joseph Ward, 4 July 1777
From: Ward, Joseph
To: Adams, John

      Dear Sir
      Camp at Morristown July, 4th, 1777

     The Army marched from Middle Brook yesterday and arrived here last Evening and encamped. I presume we shall not remain in this place long. If Howe moves up the North River, or towards New England, I suppose we shall immediately push after him; but at present I apprehend the designs of the Enemy are not known, and therefore we must remain some time longer in a suspense.
     The unsettled state of the Army is very unfavourable to my Department. Since the 14th June when the Enemy advanced to Somerset, our Army has been constantly in such a moving posture that the Muster Masters have not been able to muster one Regiment. Prior to which they had mustered all but three. All other duty the Regiments must first perform, because the immediate safety of the Army and the Country is depending; this causes unavoidable delays, and when a leisure day happens and the Regiment is turned out to be mustered before it can be completed an alarm or some other pressing call takes place. Another day is appointed, and that often shares the same fate, and after the men are mustered, much is to be done to correct the Rolls—find a General Officer at leisure to take the Depositions and certify the same on all the Rolls. In short, while the Army continues in such an unsettled moving state it will be impossible to have it regularly mustered. It might have been all mustered before this time had their been a Deputy Muster Master appointed in each Grand Division, (agreeable to the Order of Congress) but a sufficient number could not be obtained, for men whose abilities are equal to the duties of the Office, can generally get better employ. There has been but half the number appointed that are necessary, and one of them hath resigned for a better employment. I expect others will do likewise, as there are many vacant Offices that are better.
     I wish that Congress would allow each Deputy Muster Master an Horse, as the detached state of the Division often makes it absolutely necessary that he should have one, and his pay will not afford it. Such an allowance would be an inducement to qualified persons to engage in the service, and enable them to perform the duties of it.
     As it is difficult to get Deputy Muster Masters, and as the Troops are often so much detached and scattered as to render it impracticable for them to muster their respective Divisions in proper time, why might not the business be more regularly done by the Paymaster of each Regiment? I have thought much upon this matter, and humbly conceive it to be the best, for as the Paymaster resides with his Regiment he might even in a moving state of the Army find opportunity to get the muster Rolls of one Regiment completed regularly every month, when it would be utterly impossible for a Deputy Muster Master, on the present establishment, to complete all the Muster Rolls of ten or twelve Regiments. I conceive the Paymaster has not so much other business in his office, but that he might well perform this also; and I suppose a Paymaster to be as uncorruptible as a Deputy Muster Master, therefore the public interest would be in no more danger in the hands of the one than the other. These thoughts are humbly submitted to your consideration. I would not have troubled you with any thing on this subject, had I not found by experience, (what I at first apprehended) that the moving state of the Army would render it impracticable to carry the intentions of Congress fully into execution, in the present mode.

     If any alterations take place with respect to mustering the Army, I hope the Congress will lessen the number of Rolls, which are now required, as I conceive that two would answer as well as five; one to be affixed to the Pay Roll, and one to be transmitted to the Deputy Muster Master General, by which he may make out his Regimental Abstract, and then he may transmit the same Roll to the Board of Treasury. These two would answer every purpose that is now answered by the five; for the Roll that is sent to the Paymaster General of the Department, answers no purpose, as he sees the Roll which accompanies the pay Roll; and the Captain may take a copy of his Muster Roll, which will answer for him as well as one authenticated in the present form. Reducing the five Rolls to two, would not only save a vast deal of useless labour, but would save great expence in paper, which in the course of a year will be great, and this would reduce it more than half. This alteration becomes more absolutely necessary, as upon a late application by a Deputy Muster Master to the Quarter Master General’s Office for paper he was refused. I then applied to General Mifflin, he said he would supply paper as long as he could get it, but he would not engage to furnish all that might be wanted, as he did not think it would be in his power.
     It requires more paper than at first tho’t one is apt to imagine. Suppose there are 100 Regiments, each Regiment has 8 Companies and each Company makes 60 Rolls in a year, (which are now required). The quantity for one year will be 48000 Sheets; beside what the Muster Masters require for making their Returns. This, in addition to the present consumption of paper in the various Offices, will be so great that I am apprehensive it cannot be supplied at all times. I think it my duty to mention these things in time, and if they deserve attention, you will properly notice them. In the mean time nothing in my power shall be wanting to answer your just expectations.
     If the Paymasters were to muster their respective Regiments, no Deputy Muster Masters would be necessary; as they might make returns to the Deputy Muster Master General in each Department. I am Sir Your most Obedient Humble Servant

      Joseph Ward

      I congratulate You Sir, on the birth day of the united states. May you live to see an hundred of them.


Title: From John Adams to Nathanael Greene, 7 July 1777
From: Adams, John
To: Greene, Nathanael

      My dear Sir
      Philadelphia July 7. 1777

     I never before took hold of a Pen, to write to my Friend General Green, without Pleasure, but I think myself obliged to do it now upon a Subject that gives me a great deal of Pain.
     The Three Letters from, the Generals Sullivan, Green and Knox, have interrupted the Deliberations of Congress, and given many of the Members of it much Uneasiness. They thought themselves bound, in Honour and Justice, to the great Body of People whom they represent, to pass the Resolution which, before this Letter reaches you, will be communicated to you by General Washington.
     The Contract between Mr. Deane and Monsr. Du Coudray, is not yet decided upon. It is in itself one of the most delicate, and perplexing Transactions that has ever fallen in our Way: but those three Letters instead of relieving Us has only encreased our Mortification.
     Many great Questions arise upon that Contract. Such as these, whether Mr. Deane had Authority to make it? If he had not, how far it is consistent with Sound Policy to confirm it. What Merit Monsr. Du Coudray has in procuring, Cannon, Arms, Ammunition and other Things for our Use. What Interest the French Court may take in our Complyance with the Contract? What Monser. Du Coudrays, Abilities to Serve Us really are? How far we may comply, consistently with Justice to our own Officers? and how far Such a Trust may be confided to a foreign officer, with Safety to the public Interest? &c. &c. &c.
     In the midst of these Deliberations, the Three Letters are received, threatening that if We fullfill the Contract, Three Officers, on whom We have depended, will resign in the Midst of the Campaign when the Attention of every officer ought to be wholly taken up in penetrating the Designs of the Enemy, and in Efforts to defeat them.
     If We dissagree to that Contract, what will our Constituents say? What will foreign Nations say. Our Journals upon which the Three Letters must appear, will be read by both.
     Will not foreign Nations Say, that the Ambition and Turbulence of three of our best officers, necessitated Us to violate our public Faith?
     What Confidence will any Nations have in our Promisses, if they think that our Authority is so feeble, among our own People, and even among our own officers, that We cannot perform our Covenants for fear of disobliging them?
     What will our Constituents Say? You have lost the Friendship of foreign Powers, you have broken a Covenant with one of the best Officers in Europe, and why? because your own officers, would not permit you to preserve your own Honour.
     It is impossible now for Congress, even to determine that Deane had no Authority to make the Bargain, without exposing themselves to the Reflections that their own Officers intimidated them into it.
     I must be excused my Friend in Saying, that if you, or the other Generals Sullivan and Knox, had seriously considered, the Nature of a free Constitution, and the Necessity of preserving the Authority of the Civil Powers above the military, you never could have written such Letters.
     The Right of an Officer to resign, I shall not dispute, and he must judge for himself, what Causes will justify him: but surely you ought to have waited, till Monser. Du Coudray, had appeard in Camp and assumed the command, before you resigned, or at least untill you had Seen an attested Copy of our Journal, in which he was appointed to supercede you.
     I must needs surely Say, that there is more of Rashness, Passion, and even Wantonness in this Proceeding than I ever expected to see in my Friends Green and Knox in whose Judgment and Discretion I had the Utmost Confidence. If the Letters had been written to individual Members of Congress, in private Confidence, desiring to be informed what Congress had done, and conveying the Same Sentiments, it would have been attended with no evil Consequences, but Letters addressed to Congress, which must be recorded in the Journals and published for the Inspection of all the World, are exposed to the Reflections of all the World, and one Instance of the Kind passing with Impunity establishes a Precedent for all future Officers, and one Stride after another will be taken, one Breach of the Priviledge of Congress after another will be made, and one Contempt of its Authority after another will be offered, untill the Officers of the Army, will do as most others have done, wrist all Authority out of civil Hands, and set up a Tyrant of their own.
     I hope these Letters will have no Influence, upon Congress in determining Du Coudrays Pretensions, but of this I am sure, they will not induce them to grant him less Rank and Emoluments, than they would otherwise have attended him. Nothing in this Affair gives me more Pain, than the Necessity, you have laid Us under of passing a Resolution, which will lessen your Characters, and diminish the Confidence which the good People of America have in your Judgment, and Attachment to the Principles of Liberty. But there was not one Member of Congress who dared to justify the Letters, very few who could say a word in Mitigation or Excuse. It was universally considered, as betraying the Liberties of the People, to pass them by uncensured—some were even for dismissing all three of you instantly from the service—others for ordering you to Philadelphia, under Arrest to answer for this offence.
     The Resolution expresses an Expectation that some Acknowledgment or Apology will be made. I sincerely hope it will, for I think that in a cool Reconsideration of those Letters, the Impropriety and Danger of them must be manifest.
     I would be far from dictating to you, or giving Advice unasked, but I really think, that a Declaration that you had no Intention to influence Congress, to contemn its Authority or infringe the Liberties of the People or the Priviledges of Congress, a Declaration that you have the fullest Confidence in the Justice of Congress and their Deliberations for the public Good, is the least that you can do. Provided you can do this with Truth and sincerity, if not I think you ought to leave the service. with such a Declaration as this,


Title: From John Adams to James Warren, 7 July 1777
From: Adams, John
To: Warren, James

      My dear Sir
      Phyladelphia July 7. 1777

     Yours of June 22d. received only today. We have no Thoughts of leaving Philadelphia. I believe Howe has no Thoughts of attempting it—but if he has We are determined to keep it. Our Army, with the assistance of the Militia, will be Sufficient to defend it.
     Why our Army fills up no faster I cant conceive. The Massachusetts Regiments at Ti are not one Third full, and We cannot learn from Peeks Kill, that Putnam ever had above six Thousand Men, in all, from Mass. Rhode Island Connecticutt and New York. You must have been deceived in the Numbers inlisted.
     There is a loud Complaint here, about Arms. Eighteen Thousand Arms have arrived at Portsmouth, and We know not what becomes of them. Other Arms have arrived in Mass.—but we know not where they are, and it is Said the Game Cock carried Six Thousand into Dartmouth—Where are they?
     I wish you Joy of your Employment in making a Constitution. Hope you will make a good one. I hope to Sit quietly under it, altho I shall have no hand in forming it. Do you intend to make every Man of 21 a Voter for the Council? I have nothing to Say, but I fear you will find a Fountain of Corruption, in making So many Voters.
     The Bill for freeing the Negroes, I hope will sleep for a Time. We have Causes enough of Jealousy Discord and Division, and this Bill will certainly add to the Number.
     I am weary enough of Complaints, concerning Navy Matters. I do all I can in public and private to stimulate but all in vain. The Commissions were never sent untill 4 or 5 days ago by Mr. Sherman. The Instructions are not Sent yet. Who is in Fault, I dont Say. But I believe it to be the Fault of one whose , Hauteur and  It is enough for me to answer for my own Faults.
     Is a certain elevated Citizen to put his Hand upon the Pummell of one Chair, and leap into another, at 370 Miles Distance?
     For my own Part I wish to see Gravity, Wisdom, Constancy and Fortitude in every Chair upon the Continent. My Hopes were placed upon Mr. B. but his Retirement, has damped if not extinguished them. My next Expectations were from the Philosopher. But I doubt whether the popular Breath, will blow that Way. My Wishes, and Judgment are entirely for another, But I know not the Chance.

     I Should be more anxious about, the Chair, if I were to be near it. But I pant, and Sigh for private Life and rural Felicity. Here all my Wishes terminate. And the sooner I reach it, with an eternal Renunciation of all Concerns with the public, the better for me. An Idol in the Chair that I cannot and will not worship, will only facilitate my Progress, to that Condition in human Life, where alone I can be happy or even comfortable.


Title: To John Adams from Samuel Cooper, 10 July 1777
From: Cooper, Samuel
To: Adams, John

      My dear Sir
      Boston 10th July—77

     I have lately wrote you more than one Letter which I hope you have receiv’d. Howe has confess’d his Inferiority in the Field by retreating from the Jerseys, but I am sorry He has escap’d so whole. I have been in Hopes that our Army would have been strong enough to have taken some Station between Brunswick and Amboy, and to have cripled Him in his Retreat if not totally cut it off. I long for the Time when we shall be able to put the Enemy on the Defensive. Till then, the States will be kept in Alarms in almost ev’ry Quarter, at a vast Expence over and above that of the standing Army.
     France and Spain have been blind to their own Interest, if their great Men have not been corrupted by British Gold, or they would have taken a more decisive Part in Support of the Colonies States before now. Had they declar’d War against Britain her whole Navy would not have been at leisure to cover and distress these Coasts, shutting up the greatest Part of our Ports, and rendering the Navigation in others so greatly hazardous. Those Powers seem not aware of the Risque they run of the Advantages they might draw from the early and secure Establishment of the Independance of America. I have seen a late Letter from Mr. Deane in France. He recommends that we equip as soon as may be a Fleet sufficient to command these Seas. Could he imagine that these States alone were able to effect this, when Britain has so many Vessels of War now on our Coasts, and when all the Powers in Europe leave her to augment this naval Force at her Pleasure? I should be extremely glad to know, as far as you think prudent to communicate the Footing upon which our Negotiations abroad stand, and what is likely to be the Result.
     As soon as I knew Reinforcements were coming from Britain to America this year, I concluded Administration had Assurances of the pacific Disposition of France and Spain: Such a Step would not, otherwise have been hazarded. The greater our Difficulties are, the more Firmness and Perseverance must we exhibit. Great Things are not easily done. Heaven itself has begun the important Work, and will, I trust, compleat it. Your’s with ev’ry Sentiment of Esteem & Friendship,
     L. Sterling’s ill Success in the Jerseys we have just heard of.


Title: To John Adams from Joseph Ward, 17 July 1777
From: Ward, Joseph
To: Adams, John

       Sir
       Peekskill July 17th. 1777

      Yesterday I came to this Place upon some business respecting my Department. I left General Washington encamped 18 miles south of the North River. I shall return to Head Quarters this day.
      There are now several Ships of war coming up the North River, their design is at present unknown, but ’tis probable their intention is to alarm us this way while they make a descent on some other quarter.
      We have a confused unintelligible account from Tyconderoga, but cannot learn any thing for certain; however, I much fear there has been rascally conduct that way. I have long apprehended danger in that Quarter, not so much from the strength of the Enemy, as from other causes; but I wished that my fears might prove groundless.
      I hope in future, whenever any post, (or any thing else of any consequence) is lost, that a strict enquiry may be made into the conduct of those who command, and ample rewards given to merit, and severe justice to Demerit. Such a Rule of proceeding has been sanctified by the wisdom of all wise States, and dear experience hath taught us the necessity of adopting it. I conceive (with submission to superior generalship) that we are upon a wrong scent, watching the movements of Howe, and ready to follow wherever he may lead—this puts it in his power to harrass our Army to death in marches from one end of the Continent to the other—but should we make a sudden and spirited attack on their Lines on this side New York, it would draw their Army to a point, and we might make them spend the Campaign on their own ground—save our Country from their ravages—and at winter they would find themselves at New York. A mere defensive war, is the most difficult of any in the world to conduct with honour or safety, and I long since hoped that my Countrymen were convinced of this truth, but we still want the true spirit of Enterprize. If it is in our power to keep the Enemy at home, is it not infinitely better than to let them ravage town after town? and is it not in our power (with the common smiles of Heaven) to fix their attention at home, by judicious and Spirited movements? I have been conversing with General Putnam on this subject, he is entirely of this opinion, and has wrote by me to the Commander in Chief on the subject. May all gracious Heaven direct our steps. Whether Tyconderoga is lost, or not, we have a good prospect, and nothing but our own inexcuseable folly, or the frowns of Providence, can ruin us; and I still hope and trust this Campaign will end gloriously for these United States.
      Haste prevents my mentioning more particulars, and as I write for you only, your candor will make allowance for what is amiss.
      I have inclosed a letter I received from Col Varick, for your information in several particulars.
      I intended to have given you an account of the generalship at Westfield, the loss of the field pieces &c. &c. that you might have seen the wisdom of it; but I was obliged to double my attention to my own Department, (by reason that there were not half the Deputies which were to have been appointed.) but perhaps you have full satisfaction upon the subject.


Title: Enclosure: Richard Varick to Joseph Ward, 5 July 1777
From: Varick, Richard
To: Ward, Joseph

       Sir
       Albany July 5th. 1777

      I have the pleasure of Acknowledging the Receipt of your Favor of the 8th Ultimo Which was deliver’d me On my Return from Tyonderoga to this Place.
      I was fortunate Enough to finish my Musters the Day before the Enemy’s Shipping made their Appearance at Tyonderoga and should have sent You the Abstracts by this Conveyance had not one of my Deputies been too much Indisposed to Attend to Buisiness. However You may depend on having them per the Very next Conveyance which will be in two or three Days.
      When thise are done, I shall repair to Fort Stanwix without Delay, and finish the Troops to the Westward If our neighbours the Merciless Savages permit me to be proprietor of my Own Scalp. This However I must Venture upon, without Looking forward for Imaginary Dangers. Many poor Fellows have within 14 Days suffered this Cruel Fate from their Barbarous Hands.
      I am happy to find that You approve of the Alterations I made in the Muster Rolls. I shall make the Alterations in the future Abstracts, to be made by Me, those Of the Army to the northward were already drawn by myself before the Receipt of Yours and only a few of them remain now to be Copied. I have taken the Liberty to make an Addition to Your Abstract from which may be Asscertained the Strength of the Garrisons. If this be Useless, It cannot Vitiate Yours, as It is at Bottom.
      One of my Deputies has already determind on his Resignation the Moment these Abstracts are compleated. The Other has promissed to Attend me to Fort Stanwix and he will Also resign as soon as he returns from that Post. The Pay Allowed by Congress to Deputies is so small a Compensation for their Unwearied and Constant Attention to a very Laborious Office, That no Gentlemen whose Virtue and Integrity may be depended on and who are men of Buisiness, can be procured to execute the Office. I give this as a Hint, Least You may be disappointed in not receiving the Abstracts after this Muster. For I do assure You upon my Honor, That I know of none in this Army, fit for the Office, who would not prefer an Ensigncy to It. This Matter, with a few Causes, which materially affect me, will Oblige me, in Justice to myself, to quit the Office Very Soon.
      You will doubtless hear from his Excellency the State of our Army in the S. Our Garrisons at Tyonderoga and Mount Independance Amount to About 4,000 men Officers and sick in Camp included At least 3,600 men fit for Duty. I had prepared a General State of the Army for Your Use, but Genl. Schuyler has requested It from me, to inclose to his Excellency. However the Addition I have made to Your Abstract with a little Calculation will settle It.
      The Enemy are supposed to be between 5 and 6000 Strong with a Good Fleet. However Genl. St. Clair will be reinforced in few Days, So as to give them a Very Severe Brush Out of his Lines, which is not prudent at present. His Men are Very spirited and determined to conquer or Yield by Inches only.
      I shall write You before I leave this Place. I am Very Respectfully in Haste Your Most Obed. sert.,

       Richd. Varick


Title: To John Adams from Samuel Cooper, 24 July 1777
From: Cooper, Samuel
To: Adams, John

      My dear Sir
      Boston July 24. 1777

     No Event since the Commencement of the War has excited such Indignation and Astonishment as the Evacuation of Tyconderoga in so disgraceful a Manner! General Washington’s Idea of the State of that Garrison answers to all the Accounts we have receiv’d here. There were 4000 Troops in the Place well arm’d, and well supplied with ev’ry Thing. Two of the fullest Regiments of this State were at Albany, and might soon have been added to the Garrison; a large Body of as good Militia as any in America were near at hand; some had arriv’d, others were on the Wing. What could lead a Council of General Officers, as a Letter publish’d in our Papers from St. Cr., declares, to be unanimous for abandoning so important a Post? to abandon it in such a Manner? no Steps taken to save the Stores, which were of immense Value considering the Difficultys under our Circumstances of replacing them: no Dispositions for a regular Retreat; ev’ry Man left to shift for himself. Poor Hale who fell in the Rear, I am well inform’d, said at Midnight, when the Orders were known for evacuating, He had rather die in the Place. I have it from a Gentleman of Capacity and Integrity, who was there, that he was with about one hundred Men of our Army in the Front of the Retreat; they assur’d him that none were before them: Immediately after this small Van, He saw four General Officers together, St. Clair, Furmoy, Poor, and Patterson. He convers’d with them as they were hastning away—not a General Officer in the Centre or Rear. He saw several Men perish on the Way for Want of Subsistence, so little Care was taken for Provision—no Orders that He could find, where the Men were to meet, or how to march so as to support and assist one another. I cannot enlarge on Circumstances—they must have reach’d you before now, and many more perhaps than we know. The Eyes of all are upon Congress and General Washington. The universal Cry is, a public and solemn Inquiry: and if better Reasons are not found than we at present know of, for this Capital Dishonor to the American Arms, exemplary Punishment to the Delinquents. When you read the Letter publish’d to excuse this Flight, what Idea must you form of the Man? It was, I am told from St. Cr. to Mr. Bowdoin. He esteems himself happy in making a Retreat from under their Nose, when they had not open’d a Battery, or fir’d a Gun against so strong a Fortress. How unhappy that the able experienc’d Gates left that Command! But I know the Embarrassments. Some I hope will be now convinc’d that the American Cause is rather too important to be sacrific’d to military Punctilioes. Genl. Schuyler has sent here for Supplies. He wants ev’ry Thing for an Army but Provision. We are doing what we can—but Tyconderoga had greatly exhausted us: After all our Deficiencies, we have done much. We have given up all that has been imported here to Continental Agents, at the lowest Prices: What they do not take some Merchants from N.Y. and further Southward buy up. We had a vast Quantity of Jesuits’ Bark bro’t in a Prize, for which I am told they have bid an higher Price, than it has hitherto been retail’d for here at the Shops. Whether it will go to the Use of our own Army Time will discover. It might have been as well perhaps for the public, if Supplies drawn from this State for the Army, had been purchas’d by Men of Capacity and Honor among ourselves. I write in Confidence, and Hast, And ever with the warmest Esteem and Affection.
     You will be cautious respecting your Correspondent and his loose Hints. Remember me to the President and your Brethren. Indignation raises, Fear does not depress us. Burgoyne has divided his Army. Some spirited Officers to lead our Men at the Northward may yet wast and ruin the Enemy. I hope ev’ry Nerve will be exerted. Heaven pours Contempt upon almost ev’ry Thing we have greatly depended on, and saves us in it’s own Way. Howe’s Army we hear is extremely weakned by Sickness—and still remains greatly distress’d by it. Adieu.


Title: To John Adams from Joseph Ward, 26 July 1777
From: Ward, Joseph
To: Adams, John

      Sir
      Morristown July 26th. 1777

     Yesterday I received your Favour of the twentieth Instant, while on my way from North River to this place. The Army is now on its march towards Philadelphia.
     You inform me that Congress is impatient for my Returns; I have long been exceedingly unhappy because it hath not been in my power to carry the System for mustering the Army fully into execution. I made an Abstract of all the Muster Rolls that I could obtain, (previous to the tenth Instant) and delivered it to the Adjutant General (agreeable to the Order of Congress) and requested him to forward it as soon as possible. I am at a loss to account for its not having been received. I did not receive Col. Varick’s Returns from Ticonderoga until some time after making out the Abstract which I returned to the Adjutant General, they must be put into my next general Abstract.
     I am at last informed by a Letter from the Deputy Muster Master at Peekskill, that he hath compleated the mustering the Troops in General Putnams Division, and will forward the Returns by the first conveyance.
     I have wrote repeatedly to Mr. Yates, Deputy Muster Master General for the Southern Department, but have never received any answer, nor heard from him since his appointment.
     I beg leave, Sir, to mention the reasons why it has not been in my power to carry the Orders of Congress respecting my Department fully into execution. I could not obtain Deputy Muster Masters for the several Divisions, by reason that such persons could not be found as the General judged were proper for the Office; five were wanted for the five grand Divisions in this Army, and but two could be obtained until the Army was nearly mustered; one of those, having connexions favourable for the purpose, was employed by the General to procure intelligence, which took up much of his time, and before he had completed the mustering one Division, he resigned the Office. The other was interrupted for a considerable time, by a complaint against his political character, but continues and is a good Officer. Col. Bradford, Deputy Muster Master General, was obliged to do the duty of several Muster Masters, (as far as he was able, but was part of the time indisposed and unable to attend any duty.) Consequently I was obliged to do the duties of his Office, in superintending at the musters &c., in addition to my own. In fact, we have done three times the labour that was assigned us by the Orders of Congress, for want of Deputy Muster Masters, notwithstanding the business of the Department has been so much delayed. In Addition to those difficulties, the Army has been so much in motion that the Officers could find but little time to make out their Muster Rolls, and to attend to mustering their Regiments; and the duty being new and burdensome it was with difficulty performed, by many of the Officers.
     The difficulties above mentioned I have from time to time acquainted the General with, such of them as he could remedy he has, but you are sensible, Sir, that many of them did not admit of a remedy. I did not trouble Congress with the disagreeable detail, as I knew their time was precious, and I hoped by constant exertions and more favourable circumstances to accomplish their wishes. I have not yet succeeded, but am nearer in some respects, as there are now Deputies to the respective Divisions, and I trust my next Return will be much larger than the last.
     Although my Office is of no value to me, (as I sacrifice my private interest every day I continue in it) yet the approbation of Congress I esteem inestimable, and my utmost exertions I trust will ever testify that I am to merit that approbation by serving my Country. However, as it is probable some other person might serve the public to more advantage, and as I can have no views but the public interest, (in this Office) I should, if agreeable to Congress, be glad to resign it. Some of the most material difficulties attending my Department I mentioned a few days since to the Committee of Congress, who were at Head Quarters, which I supposed would render it unnecessary to make a further representation. If any further is requisite please to inform me. I have taken the liberty to mention those matters pretty fully (however uncorrectly) and if you, Sir, judge it proper, please to mention them to such as have a right to know them.
     I could wish that the number of Muster Rolls was much lessened; but this I mentioned in a former Letter, and also to the Committee; likewise increasing the pay of the Deputy Muster Masters.
     I beg leave to observe, that a general Return of Musters, can never all bear one date and be made regular as the common Returns of an Army, because great part of the month is spent in mustering the different Regiments and Companies, consequently the Rolls will have different dates; and when, the whole are mustered, they must be transmitted to the Deputy Muster Master General, he makes the Regimental Abstracts and transmits them to the Muster Master General, which by the great distance of the several Departments and Posts requires much time; therefore of necessity the General Abstract will ever be delayed long after the troops are mustered.
     I must make an apology for tiring your Eyes to read so much for so little Sentiment, but as Pope once observed, “If I had not been in a hurry I should have been shorter.” I am Sir most truly and Respectfully Your most Obedient and very Humble Servant

      Joseph Ward

      P.S. Although general Abstracts could not be regularly made, I trust the most material intention of Congress is answered, which was that the Men should not be paid until they were mustered, to prevent fraud to the public and to individuals—and I believe none have drawn pay until they were mustered. The Paymaster General makes it a rule not to receive a pay Roll unless it is accompanied with a muster Roll.

      Unfortunate indeed must his situation be whose utmost efforts in the way of duty cannot gain approbation—but such has been the lot of many. Circumstances sometimes render this inevitable. However, Time will commonly do everyone justice. Conscience bids me say, that I have applyed to the duties assigned me with a laborious attention. I trust the facts I have related will justify me, if not, I will submit to censure with a respectful silence.