Title: From John Adams to Robert R. Livingston, 10 July 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Livingston, Robert R.

          Sir,
            Paris July 10th. 1783.
          In the present violent heat of the Weather, and feverish state of my own health, I cannot pretend to sit long at my Pen, and must pray you to accept of a few short hints only.
          To talk, in a general stile, of Confidence in the French Court &ca. is to use a general language, which may mean almost any thing, or almost nothing.— To a certain degree, and as far as the Treaties and Engagements extend, I have as much Confidence in the French Court, as Congress has, or even as you, Sir, appear to have.
          But if by Confidence in the French Court is meant, an Opinion that the French Office of foreign Affairs would be Advocates with the English for our rights to the Fishery, or the Mississippi River, or our Western Territory, or Advocates to persuade the British Ministers to give up the Cause of the Refugees, and make a parliamentary provision for them, I own I have no such Confidence, and never had.— Seeing and hearing what I have seen and heard, I must have been an Idiot to have entertained such Confidence— And having no such Confidence, I should be more of a Machevilian, or a Jesuit, than I ever was, or will be, to counterfeit it to you or to Congress.

          Mr. Marbois Letter is to me full proof of the principles of the C. de Vergennes. Why? Because I know, (for it was personally communicated to me upon my passage home by Mr. Marbois himself) the Intimacy and the Confidence there is between these two— And I know farther, that that Letter contains Sentiments concerning the Fisheries diametrically opposite to those, which Mr. Marbois repeatedly expressed to me upon the Passage, vizt. “That the Newfoundland Fishery was our right, and we ought to maintain it.” From whence I conclude, that Mr. Marbois Sentiments have been changed by the Instructions of the Minister. To what purpose is it, where this Letter came from? Is it less genuine, whether it came from Philadelphia, Versailles, or London? What if it came thro’ English Hands? Is there less weight, less evidence in it, for that? Are the Sentiments more just, or more friendly to Us, for that?
          Mr. Rayneval’s Correspondence too with Mr. Jay. Mr. Rayneval is a Chef du Bureau. But we must be very ignorant of all Courts not to know, that an Under Secretary of State dares not carry on such a Correspondence without the Knowledge, Consent and Orders of the Principal.
          There is another point now in agitation, in which the French will never give Us one good word. On the contrary, they will say every thing they can think of to persuade the English to deprive Us of the Trade of their West India Islands. They have already, with their Emissaries, been the chief Cause of the Change of Sentiments in London on this head against Us.
          In general, they see with pain every appearance of returning real & cordial Friendship, such as may be permanent between Us and Great Britain. On the contrary they see with pleasure every Seed of Contention between Us. The Tories are an excellent Engine of Mischief between Us, and therefore very precious.— Exclusion of from the West India Islands, will be another.
          I hold it to be the indispensible duty of my Station, not to conceal from Congress these Truths. Dont let Us be Dupes, under the Idea of being grateful. Innumerable Anecdotes happen daily to shew that these Sentiments are general.
          In Conversation a few Weeks ago with the Duke de la Vauguyon, upon the subject of the West India Trade, I endeavoured to convince him, that France & England both ought to admit Us freely to their Islands. He entered into a long Argument, to prove that both ought to exclude Us. At last I said, “the English were a parcel of Sots to exclude Us— for the consequence of it would be, that in 15 or 20 Years we should have another War with them.” “Tant mieux! Tant mieux! Tant mieux! Je vous en felicite—” cried the Duke, with great pleasure. “Tant mieux pour nous,” says I, because we shall conquer from the English in that Case all their Islands, the Inhabitants of which would now declare for Us, if they dared— But it will be not the better for the English. They will be the Sots and Dupes, if they lay a foundation for it.— “Oui Monsieur, says the Duke, je crois que vous aurez une autre guerre contre les Anglais.”— And in this wish he expressed the feelings and the Vows of every Frenchman upon the face of the Earth.
          If therefore We have it in Contemplation to avoid a future War with the English, dont let Us have too much Confidence in the French, that they will favor Us in this View.
          I have the honor to be, with great Respect / and Esteem, / Sir, / your most obedient & / most humble Servant.
          John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Robert Morris, 10 July 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Morris, Robert

          Sir,
            Paris July 10th. 1783.
          Upon the receipt of the Dispatches by Barney, I sent off your Letters for Messs. Willinks & Co. and I recd. last Night an Answer to the Letter I wrote them upon the Occasion. They have engaged to remit Mr. Grand a Million & an half of Livres in a Month, which has relieved Mr. Grand from his Anxiety.
          This Court has refused to Dr. Franklin any more Money. They are apprehensive of being obliged to take a part in the Northern War, and their own Financiers have not enough of the Confidence of the Public to obtain Money for their own purposes.
          Your design of sending Cargoes of Tobacco & other things to Amsterdam to Messs. Willinks & Co. is the best possible to support our Credit there. The more you send, the more Money will be obtained. Send a Minister too—residing there he may promote it much— It is a Misfortune, that I have not been able to be there— But this Post cannot be deserted— Instruct your Minister to enquire, whether the House of Hope could be persuaded to engage with Willink in a new Loan. This should be done with Secrecy & Discretion. If that House would undertake it, you would find Money enough for your purpose; for I rely upon it the States will adopt a Plan immediately for the effectual payment of Interest. This is indispensible. The foundation of an happy Government can only be laid in Justice; and as soon as the Public shall see, that Provision is made for this, you will no longer want Money.
          It is a Maxim among Merchants and monied Men, that “every Man has Credit, who does not want it.”— It is equally true of States. We shall want it but little longer, if the States make Provision for the payment of Interest, & therefore we shall have enough of it. There is not a Country in the World, whose Credit ought to be so good because there is none equally able to pay.
          Inclosed is a Pamphlet of Dr. Price for your Comfort. You will see by it, that the only Nation we have reason to fear wants Credit so much, that She is not likely to have it always, & this is our Security.
          By some hints from Mr. Hartley, he will probably return to London, & not be here again. The present Ministry is so undecided & feeble, that it is at least doubtful, whether they will make the definitive Treaty of Peace.
          With great Esteem, I have the honor &c


Title: From John Adams to Robert R. Livingston, 11 July 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Livingston, Robert R.

          Sir
            Paris July 11th. 1783.
          As there are certain particulars, in which it has appeared to me that the friendship of a French Minister has been problematical at least, or rather not to exist at all, I have freely mentioned them to Congress; because I hold it to be the first duty of a public Minister in my Situation, to conceal no important Truth of this kind from his Masters.
          But Ingratitude is an odious Vice, & ought to be held in detestation by every American Citizen. We ought to distinguish therefore between those points, for which We are not obliged to our Allies, from those in which We are.
          I think then We are under no particular Obligations of Gratitude to them for the Fisheries, the Boundaries, Exemption from the Tories, or for the progress of our Negotiations in Europe.
          We are under Obligations of Gratitude for making the Treaty with Us when they did; for those Sums of Money which they have generously given Us, and for those even which they have lent Us, which I hope We shall punctually pay, and be thankful still for the Loan; for the Fleet & Army they sent to America, & for all the important Services they did. By other mutual Exertions a dangerous Rival to them, and I may almost be warranted in saying, an imperious Master both to them and Us, has been brought to Reason, and put out of the Power to do Harm to either. In this respect, however, our Allies are more secure than we. The House of Bourbon has acquiered a great Accession of Strength, while their hereditary Enemy has been weakened one half, and incurably crippled.

          The French are besides a good natured and humane Nation, very respectable in Arts, Letters, Arms and Commerce, and therefore Motives of Interest, Honour & Convenience join themselves to those of friendship and gratitude to induce Us to wish for the Continuance of their friendship & Alliance. The Provinces of Canada & Nova Scotia, in the hands of the English, are a constant warning to Us to have a Care of ourselves, & therefore a Continuance of the friendship and Alliance of France is of Importance to our Tranquility & even to our Safety. There is nothing will have a greater effect to overawe the English, and induce them to respect Us and our Rights, than the Reputation of a good Understanding with the French. My Voice and Advice will therefore always be for discharging, with the utmost Fidelity, Gratitude & Exactness, every Obligation We are under to France, & for cultivating her friendship and Alliance by all sorts of good Offices— But I am sure that to do this effectually, We must reason with them at times, enter into particulars and be sure that We understand one another. We must act a manly, honest independent, as well as a sensible part.
          With great Respect, I have the honor / to be, / Sir, / your most obedient & / most humble Servant.
          John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Robert Morris, 11 July 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Morris, Robert

          Sir
            Paris July 11. 1783
          In my Letter to you of Yesterday, I hinted in Confidence at an Application to the House of Hope. This is a very delicate Measure. I was induced to think of it merely by a Conversation which Mr Van Berkel who will be Soon with you as he Sailed the 26 June from the Texel, had with Mr Dumas.— it would be better to be Steady to the three houses already employed, if that is possible. You will now be able to converse freely with that Minister upon the Subject. I Should not advise you to take any decisive Resolution at Philadelphia but leave it to your Minister to Act as shall appear to him best upon the Spot. The Houses now employed are well esteemed and I hope will do very well. But no House in the Republick has that force in the Reins of that of Hope.
          All depends, however, upon the Measures to be taken by Congress and the States for ascertaining their Debts and a regular discharge of the Interest.— The Ability of the People to make such an Establishment cannot be doubted: and the Inclination of no Man who has a proper Sense of publick Honour can be called in Question. The Thirteen States in Relation to the discharge of the Debts of Congress, must consider them Selves as one Body, animated by one Soul.— The Stability of our Confederation at home, our Reputation abroad, our Power of Defence, the Confidence and affection of the People of one state towards those of another all depend upon it. Without a Sacred Regard to publick Justice no Society can Subsist. it is the only Tie which can unite Mens Minds and Hearts in pursuit of the common Interest.
          The Commerce of the World is now open to Us, and our Exports and Imports are of So large amount, and our Connections will be so large and extentensive that the least Stain upon our Character in this respect will loose Us in a very short time Advantages of greater pecuniary Value than all our Debt amounts to.— The Moral Character of our People is of infinitely greater worth than all the sums in question. Every hesitation every Uncertainty about paying or receiving a just Debt, diminishes that Sense of the Moral Obligation of publick Justice which ought to be kept pure and carefully cultivated in every American Mind. Creditors at home and abroad, the Army the Navy, every Man who has a well founded Claim upon the Publick, has an unalienable Right to be Satisfied, and this by the fundamentable Principles of Society. Can there ever be Content and Satisfaction? can there ever be Peace and order? Can there ever be Industry, or Decency without it.? To talk of a Spung to wipe out this Debt, or of reducing or diminishing it, below its real Value in a Country so abundantly able to pay the last farthing, would betray a total Ignorance of the first Principles of national Duty and Interest.— Let Us leave these odious Speculations to Countries that can plead a Necessity for them, and where Corruption has arrived at its last Stages. Where Infamy is Scarcely felt, and Wrong may as well assume one Shape as another Since it must prevail in Some.
          I have &c


Title: From John Adams to Henry Laurens, 12 July 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Laurens, Henry

          Dear Sir
            Paris July 12. 1783
          Last Night I received your Favour of 25. Ult. The Box I had received a few days before, and had delivered to Mr Jay and the Comte de Moustier, the Articles addressed to them. The Spectacles fit my Eye very well, and I thank you Sir for your Care in procuring them. As soon as I shall have the Pleasure to See you, I will pay you the Cost of them according to the Receipt which came with them.
          I am sorry to hear of your Fever, occasioned I Suppose like mine, which is but just passed, by the uncommon heats of the Weather.— I hope Sir, you will return here as soon as possible. The Journey will re-establish your health.— I cannot ascertain any time for the Signature of the definitive Treaty: But We are given to Understand, that France, Spain and England are agreed and it cannot be long before We shall be called upon. Barney is arrived, and brings Advices some days in June. The Preliminary Treaty of 30 Nov. is ratified, and a certain Company are not hanged, nor censured.— Congress are forming establishments for paying their Debts, and all will go tolerably well.— a little Impatience for the Evacuation of New York. Every Thing between Mr Hartley and Us is as loose and indeterminate as when you left Us.
          Dr Franklin has recd and communicated your Letters to the American Ministers.
          I hope a few Weeks will put an End to the Uncertainties and Anxieties of the idle Life I have led for Six or 8 months. I would not pass such another Space for any Thing.
          With great Esteem and Regard, I am / dear sir, your most humble & obedient / servant
          John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Robert R. Livingston, 12 July 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Livingston, Robert R.

          Sir
            Paris July 12th. 1783.
          Reports have been spread, that the Regency of Algiers has been employed in fitting Ships to cruise for American Vessels. There are reports too, that Spain has an Armament prepared to attack their Town. How much truth there may be in either, I cannot pretend to say.
          Whether Congress will take any Measures for treating with these piratical States must be submitted to them. The Custom of these Courts, as well as all those of Asia & Africa, is to recieve Presents with Ambassadors. The Grand Pensionary of Holland told me, that the Republick paid annually to the Regency of Algiers an hundred thousand Dollars. I hope a less Sum would serve for Us— But in the present State of our Finances, it would be difficult to make payment.
          Mr. Montgomery, of Alicante, has ventured to write a Letter to the Emperor of Morocco; in consequence of which his Majesty was pleased to give Orders to all his Vessels to treat American Vessels with all friendship. Mr. Montgomery ventured too far however, in writing in the Name of the United States, and what will be the consequence of the deception, I know not.
          Dr. Franklin lately mentioned to Mr. Jay & me, that he was employed in preparing with the Portuguese Ambassador a Treaty between the United States and Portugal. The next Ambassador’s day at Versailles I asked him, if we could be admitted to the Brasils?— He said, No— They admitted no Nation to the Brasils. I asked, if We were admitted to the Western Islands? He said he thought Madeira was mentioned. I told him, I thought it would be of much Importance to Us to secure an Admission to all the Azores, & to have those Islands, or some of them, made a Depot for the Sugars, Coffee, Cotton, Coccoa &ca of the Brasils. He liked this Idea, & went immediately and spoke to the Ambassador upon it. He said the Ambassador had told him, that they could furnish us with these Articles at Lisbon 15. pr. Cent cheaper, than the English could from their West India Islands. This Treaty I suppose will be submitted to Congress, before it is signed, and I hope Congress will give a close attention to it, in order to procure an exemption from as many Duties as possible, and as much freedom & security of Trade in all their Ports of Europe & the Western Islands, as possible. If any particular Stipulations should be necessary, concerning the free admission of all the Articles of our Produce, as Rice, Wheat, Flour, Salt-Fish, or any other, the Members of Congress may readily suggest them. I could wish, that the Court of Lisbon had sent a Minister to Philadelphia, to negotiate the Treaty there. I wish that Advantages may not be lost, by this method of preparing Treaties here, by Ministers who have made no particular Study of the Objects of them— Benefits on both sides may escape attention in this way. A good Treaty with Portugal is of so much consequence to Us, that I should not wonder if Congress should think it necessary to send a Minister to Lisbon to compleat it.
          I have the honor to be, with great / Respect, / Sir, your most obedient & / most humble Servant.
          John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Robert R. Livingston, 13 July 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Livingston, Robert R.

          Sir
            Paris. 13th. July. 1783.
          Yesterday Collo: Ogden arrived with the originals, of what we had before received in Duplicates by Capn: Barney. The Ratification of the Dutch Treaty had been before recd. & exchanged. The Ratification of Their High-Mightinesses is in the safe Custody of Mr: Dumas at present, at the Hague.—
          I believe we shall accept of the mediation of the two Imperial Courts at the Definitive Treaty, as it is a mere formality—a mere Compliment, consisting wholly in the Imperial Ministers putting their names & Seals to the parchment, & can have no ill effect. The Inclination of the C. de Vergennes seems to be that we should accept it, and as he calls upon us to decide, in the Affirmative or Negative, I believe we shall give an answer in the affirmative—
          The Empress has promised to receive Mr: Dana, as soon as the Definitive Treaty shall be signed, & he has prepared a Treaty of Commerce, wh: will be valuable if he can obtain it—
          The Emperor of Germany has caused to be intimated, several ways, his inclination to have a Treaty of Commerce with us; but his rank is so high, that his House never makes the first formal advance. I shd. think it adviseable that we should have a Treaty with that Power for several reasons.
          1st. Because, as Emperor of Germany, and King of Bohemia & Hungary, he is at the head of one of the greatest Interests & most powerfull Connections in Europe— It is true, it is the greatest weight in the Scale, which is & has been fm. age to age, opposite to the House of Bourbon. But for this very reason, if there were no other, the United-States ought to have a Treaty of Commerce with it, in order to be in practice with their Theory, and to shew to all the world that their system of Commerce embraces, equally & impartially, all the Commercial States & Countries of Europe—
          2.dly. Because the present Emperor is one of the greatest men of this Age. The wisdom & virtue of the man, as well as of the Monarch; his personal Activity, Intelligence & accomplishments; his large & liberal principles, in matters of religion, Government & Commerce, are so much of kin to those of our States—perhaps indeed so much borrowed from them, & adopted in imitation of them, that it seems peculiarly proper we shd. shew this respect to them.—
          3dly: Because that, if England should ever forget herself again so much as to attack us, she may not be so likely to obtain the Alliance or Assistance of this Power against us. A Friendship, once established in a Treaty of Commerce, this Power will never be likely to violate, because she has no Dominions near us, & can have no Interest to quarrel with us.—
          4thly. Because the Countries, belonging to this Power upon the Adriatic Sea, & in the Austrian Flanders, are no inconsiderable Sources of Commerce for America— And, if the present negotiations, between the two Imperial Courts, & the Porte, should terminate in a free Navigation of the Danube, the Black Sea, & the Archipelago, the Emperor’s hereditary Dominions will become very respectable Commercial Countries.—
          5thly. Because, altho’ we have at present a pleasant & joyfull prospect of friendship & uninterrupted Alliance with the House of Bourbon, which I wish may never be obscured, yet this friendship & Alliance will be the more likely to continue unimpaired for our having the friendship & Commerce of the House of Austria: And (as in the vicissitudes of human affairs all things are possible) if in future times—however unlikely at present—the House of Bourbon should deal unjustly by us, demand of us things we are not bound to perform, or any way injure us, we may find in the Alliance of Austria, England and Holland a resource against the Storm. Supernumerary Strings to our Bow & provisions against possible Inconveniences, however improbable, can do us no harm.—
          If we were not straitened for money, I should advise Congress to send a Minister to Vienna: But as every mission abroad is a costly Article, & we find it difficult at present to procure money for the most necessary purposes, I should think it proper for Congress to send a Commission to their Minister at Versailles, London, Madrid, Petersbourg or the Hague, who might communicate it to the Court of Vienna, by means of the Imperial Ambassador. The Emperor in such Case wd. authorise his Ambassador at that Court to prepare & conclude a Treaty, and in this way the business may be well done without any additional expence.—
          Mr: Favie, Chargé des Affaires of the Grand Duke of Tuscany, the Emperor’s Brother, has called upon me so often to converse with me upon this Subject, that I doubt not he has been employed, or at least knows it will be agreable to his Court & their Connections, altho’ he has never made any Official insinuations about it.— This Gentleman has been employed by the Republic of Ragusa to consult American Ministers upon the subject of Commerce too. I have told him the American Ports were open to the Ragusan Vessells, as well as all others, and have given him the address, by which they propose to write to Congress.
          I have the honor to be, Sir, / Your huml: Servt:
          John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Robert R. Livingston, 14 July 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Livingston, Robert R.

          Sir,
            Paris July 14th. 1783.
          The United States of America have propagated far & wide in Europe the Ideas of the Liberty of Navigation and Commerce. The Powers of Europe, however, cannot agree as yet, in adopting them in their full extent. Each one desires to maintain the exclusive dominion of some particular Sea, or River, and yet to enjoy the liberty of navigating all others. Great Britain wishes to preserve the exclusive dominion of the British Seas, & at the same time to obtain of the Dutch a free Navigation of all the Seas in the East Indies. France has contended for the free use of the British and American Seas, yet She wishes to maintain the Turks in their exclusive dominion of the Black Sea, and of the Danube, which flows into it thro’ some of their Provinces, and of the Communication between the Black Sea & the Archipelago, by the Dardanelles. Russia aims at the free Navigation of the Black Sea, the Danube, and the Passage by the Dardanelles, yet She contends that the Nations, which border on the Baltic, have a right to controul the Navigation of it. Denmark claims the Command of the Passage of the Sound, and by the late Marine Treaty, between the Neutral Powers, it was agreed that the Privateers of all the belligerent Powers should be excluded from the Baltic. France and Spain too begin to talk of an exclusive Dominion of the Mediterranean, and of excluding the Russian Fleet from it, or at least France is said to have menaced Russia with a Fleet of Observation in the Mediterranean, to protect her Commerce to the trading Sea Port Towns of the Levant— But as England possesses Gibraltar, and the Emperor of Morocco the other Side of the Straights, France & Spain cannot command the Entrance, so that it will be difficult for them to support their pretensions to any exclusive dominion of the Mediterranean, upon the Principle, on which the Northern Powers claim that of the Baltic, and the Porte, the Passage of the Dardanelles.
          France at present enjoys a large Share of the Trade to the Levant. England has enjoyed a share too, and wishes no doubt to revive it. The Emperor & Empress, if they succeed in their Views of throwing open the Danube, Black Sea and Archipelago, will take away from France and England a great part of this Trade— But it is not likely that England will join with France in any opposition to the Emperor and Empress.
          In order to judge of the Object, which the two Empires have in view, we should look a little into the Geography of those Countries.
          The Project of setting at liberty the whole Country of ancient Greece, Macedonia & Illiricum, & erecting independent Republicks in those famous Seats, however splendid it may appear in Speculation, is not likely to be seriously entertained by the two Empires, because it is impracticable. The Greeks of this day, altho’ they are said to have Imagination & Ingenuity, are corrupted in their Morals to such a degree, as to be a faithless perfidious Race, destitute of Courage, as well as of those principles of Honor and Virtue, without which a Nation can have no Confidence in one another, nor be trusted by others.
          The Project, of conquering the Provinces of Albany, Romelia, Valachia, Moldavia & little Tartary from the Turks, & dividing them between the two Empires, may be more probable— But the Turks in Asia & Europe together are very powerful, and, if thoroughly awakened, might make a great resistance: So that it is most probable the two Imperial Courts would be content, if they could obtain by Negociation, or by Arms, the free Navigation of the Danube, Black Sea and Archipelago. This freedom alone would produce a great Revolution in the Commerce of Europe. The River Don or Tanais, with its Branches, flows through the Ukraine, and a considerable part of the Russian Dominions, into the Black Sea. The Danube flows very near Trieste, thro’ the Kingdom of Hungary & then thro’ a Turkish province, into the Black Sea. If therefore the Black Sea and the Danube only were free, a Communication would be immediately opened between Russia & Hungary, quite to Trieste, to the great Advantage of both Empires— But if at the same time the Passage of the Dardanelles was laid open, all the Levant Trade would be opened to the two Empires, and might be carried to Trieste, either by the Danube, or thro’ the Archipelago and the Gulph of Venice. This would be such an Accession of Wealth, Commerce and Naval Power to the two Empires, as France is jealous of, & may be drawn into a War to prevent. It is a question, how the King of Prussia will act. It is the general Opinion, that as he is advanced in Years, loves and enjoys his Laurels and his Ease, and cannot hope to gain any thing by War, he will be neuter. If he is, the Issue cannot be foreseen. The Emperor is vastly powerful, and his Preparations are immense. Perhaps France may not think it prudent to declare War. I should be sorry to see her again involved in a War, especially against the Principles She has lately espoused with so much Glory and Advantage.
          For my own part, I think Nature wiser than all the Courts and States in the World, & therefore I wish all her Seas & Rivers upon the whole Globe free, & am not at all surprised at the desire of the two Empires to set those near them at liberty.
          I think, however, that whatever turn these Negociations may take, they cannot directly affect Us, altho’ we may be remotely interested in the freedom of the Levant Trade, and of the Seas and Rivers in the Neighbourhood of it.
          I have the honor to be, with great Esteem & / Respect, / Sir, your most obedient & / most humble Servant
          John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Robert R. Livingston, 14 July 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Livingston, Robert R.

          Sir,
            Paris July 14th. 1783.
          A Jealousy of American Ships, Seamen, Carrying Trade, and naval Power, appears every day more & more conspicuous. This Jealousy, which has been all along discovered by the French Minister, is at length communicated to the English. The following Proclamation, which will not increase British Ships and Seamen, in any proportion as it will diminish those of the United States, will contribute effectually to make America afraid of England, & attach herself more closely to France. The English are the Dupes, and must take the Consequences.
          This Proclamation is issued in a full Confidence, that the United States have no Confidence in one another: that they cannot agree to act in a Body as one Nation: that they cannot agree upon any Navigation Act, which may be common to the thirteen States. Our proper Remedy would be to confine our Exports to American Ships— To make a Law that no Article should be exported from any of the States in British Ships, nor in the Ships of any Nation, which will not allow Us reciprocally to import their Productions in our Ships. I am much afraid there is too good an Understanding upon this Subject between Versailles & St. James’s.
          Perhaps it may be proper for Congress to be silent upon this head, until New York, Penobscot &ca are evacuated. But I should think that Congress, would never bind themselves by any Treaty, built upon such principles. They should negotiate, however, without loss of time, by a Minister in London— A few Weeks delay may have unalterable Effects.
          The Proclamation is as follows, vizt.
          At the Court at St. James’s the 2d. of July 1783.PresentThe King’s most Excellent Majesty in Council.
          Whereas by an Act of Parliament, passed this Session, intituled an “Act for preventing certain Instruments from being required from Ships belonging to the United States of America, and to give his Majesty, for a limited time, certain powers for the better carrying on Trade and Commerce between the Subjects of his Majesty’s Dominions, & the Inhabitants of the said United States,” it is amongst other things enacted, that during the Continuance of the said Act, “it shall and may be lawful for his Majesty in Council, by order or Orders to be issued & published from time to time to give such directions, and to make such regulations, with respect to duties, drawbacks, or otherwise, for carrying on the Trade & Commerce between the People & Territories belonging to the Crown of Great Britain, & the People & Territories of the said United States, as to his Majesty, in Council, shall appear most expedient & salutary, any Law, Usage, or Custom to the contrary notwithstanding”: His Majesty doth therefore, by & with the Advice of his Privy Council, hereby order & direct, That Pitch, Tar, Turpentine, Hemp & Flax, Masts, Yards & Bowsprits, Staves, Heading, Boards, Timber, Shingles, & all other Species of Lumber; Horses, Neat Cattle, Sheep, Hogs, Poultry, and all other species of live Stock & live Provisions; Peas, Beans, Potatoes, Wheat, Flour, Bread, Biscuit, Rice, Oats, Barley, & all other species of Grain, being the Growth or Production of any one of the United States of America, may, until further Order, be imported by British Subjects, in British built Ships, owned by his Majesty’s Subjects, & navigated according to Law, from any Port of the United States of America, to any of his Majesty’s West India Islands; and that Rum, Sugar, Molasses, Coffee, Cocoa Nuts, Ginger, & Pimento, may, until further order, be exported by British Subjects, in British built Ships, owned by his Majesty’s Subjects, & navigated according to Law, from any of his Majesty’s West India Islands, to any Port or Place within the said United States, upon payment of the same Duties on Exportation, and subject to the like Rules, Regulations, Securities and Restrictions, as the same Articles by Law are or may be subject & liable to, if exported to any British Colony or Plantation in America: And the right honourable the Lords Commissioners of his Majesty’s Treasury, and the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, are to give the necessary directions herein, as to them may respectively appertain.
          Stephen Cottrell.
          One of the most remarkable things in this Proclamation is, the Omission of Salt Fish, an Article which the Islands want as much as any that is enumerated. This is no doubt to encourage their own Fishery, & that of Nova Scotia, as well as a Blow aimed at ours. There was in a former Proclamation, concerning the Trade between the United States and Great Britain, an Omission of the Articles of Pot Ash and Pearl Ash. These Omissions discover a choice Love for New England. France, I am afraid, will exclude Fish too, and imitate this Proclamation but too closely, if indeed this Proclamation is not an Imitation of their System, adopted, as I believe it is, upon their Advice & Desire.
          These however are impotent efforts. Without saying, writing, or resolving any thing, suddenly, let us see what Remedies or Equivalents we can obtain from Holland, Portugal, Denmark. Let us bind ourselves to nothing—reserve a right of making Navigation Acts, when we please, if we find them necessary or useful. If we had been defeated of our Fisheries, we should have been wormed out of all our Carrying Trade too, & should have been a mere Society of Cultivators, without any but a passive Trade. The Policy of France has succeeded, and laid in these Proclamations, if persisted in, the sure Source of another War between Us & Britain.
          The English Nation is not however unanimous in this new System, as Congress will see by the inclosed speculations, which I know to have been written by a confidential Friend of my Lord Shelburne, I mean Mr. Benjamin Vaughan. This Minister is very strong in the House of Lords, & Mr. Pitt in the House of Commons has attached to him many Members in the Course of this Session. If that Sett should come in again, we shall have a Chance of making an equitable Treaty of Commerce. To this End, a Minister must be ready, and I hope, in Mercy to our Country, that such an Opportunity will not be lost by delays, in Complaisance to our Allies.
          I have the honor to be, with great Respect, / Sir, / your most obedient & / most humble Servant
          John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Robert R. Livingston, 15 July 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Livingston, Robert R.

          Sir,
            Paris July 15th. 1783.
          Inclosed are Copies of Papers, which have passed between Mr. Hartley and the American Ministers. We have not thought it prudent to enter into any written Controversy with him, upon any of these Papers. We have recieved whatever he has offered us.— But he has offered nothing in the Name of his Court, has signed nothing, and upon Enquiry of him, we have found that he has never had Authority to sign officially any Proposition he has made.
          I think it is evident, that his Principals, the Coalition, do not intend to make any Agreement with us about Trade, but to try Experiments by their Proclamations. I think too, that they mean to postpone the definitive Treaty as long as possible. We can get no Answer, and I believe Mr. Hartley gets no decisive Answers to any thing.
          Inclosed also is a Pamphlet, intituled Observations on the American States, said to have been published by Lord Sheffield, and to have been composed by four American Renegadoes. The Spirit of it needs no Comments. It deserves to be attended to, however, by Congress. It is a fatal Policy as it appears to me; to See a British Ambassador at Versailles, & a French Ambassador at St. James’s, & no American Minister at the latter. This is admired at Versailles, I doubt not, but not because they think it for our Interest.
          I have the honor to be, with great Respect, / Sir, / your most obedient & / most humble Servant.
          John Adams.


Title: The President of Congress to the American Peace Commissioners, 15 July 1783
From: President of Congress,Boudinot, Elias
To: American Peace Commissioners

          Gentlemen,
            Princeton 15. July 1783
          As Congress have not yet elected any Minister for Foreign Affairs, and knowing the importance of your Being fully informed of every public transaction relative to these States, I have concluded that you would not think it amiss to hear from me on the subject of the removal of Congress to this place, tho’ I cannot consider this communication as official but merely for your information in my Individual capacity.
          The State of our Finances making it indispensably necessary to abridge the public expences in every instance that would not endanger the union, we concluded to reduce the army by discharging all the Soldiers enlisted for the War, with a proportionate number of Officers, on condition that the discharge should operate no otherwise than as a furlough, until the ratification of the Definitive Treaty. This not only eased us of a heavy disbursement of ready Cash for subsistence money and Rations, but gratified many of the army who wished to be at home in the early part of the Summer, to provide for the following Winter. Three months pay was ordered, which could no otherwise be complied with, but by a paper anticipation of the Taxes, payable in six months.
          By an inevitable accident, the Notes did not arrive at the army till six days after the Soldiers were discharged and had left the camp. This, together with some difficulty in settling their accounts, created an uneasiness among the Troops; but by the General’s Address and the good conduct of the Officers, they all retired peaceably to their different States, tho’ without a single farthing of cash to buy themselves a meal of Victuals.
          In the Barracks in Philadelphia and at Lancaster, in the State of Pennsylvania, there were a number of new Recruits, who had been enlisted since the months of December and January last, and who had not yet taken the field; these Soldiers having not been brought under any regular discipline, made many objections against accepting their discharges and gave their Officers reason to fear some difficulty in getting rid of them; but the Secretary at War thought he had satisfied them by assuring them of the like pay with the rest of the army. On the 15th. of June a petition was received from the Serjeants, requiring a Redress of their grievances, in a very turbulent and indecent Style, of which no notice was taken; but on the 18th. we received the letters No. 1 and 2. A Committee was immediately appointed to confer with the Executive Council of Pennsylvania, and to endeavour to get them to call out the Militia to stop the Mutineers; but to no purpose; the Council thinking that the Citizens would not choose to risque themselves when fair means might do. The first Report of the Committee, contained in No. 3 will shew their proceedings. On the 19th. the troops arrived and joined those at the Barracks in the City, who had been encreased in number by a few companies of old Soldiers arrived the day before from Charles Town. The whole being very orderly and quiet, Congress adjourned on Friday the 20th., as usual, till Monday morning. On the 21st. one of the Committee called on me and informed, that the Soldiers at the Barracks were very disorderly and had cast off the authority of their Officers—that it was suspected they had a design, the following night, against the Bank; and advised me to call Congress without delay. This I did, to meet in half an hour. The Soldiers by accident hearing of it, very fortunately hastened their designs a day or two sooner than was intended. The Members of Congress had just got together, except one, when the State House (in which also The President and Supreme Executive Council were then sitting) was surrounded by about three hundred armed Men with fixed Bayonets under the command of seven Serjeants. Congress immediately sent for Genl. St. Clair and demanded the reason of this hostile appearance, who informed of his having just arrived in Town from his seat in the Country in obedience to the orders of Congress of the day preceding; that he had received information from the Commanding Officer of the mutinous disposition of the Troops, who had marched from the Barracks contrary to the orders of their Officers; and that the Veteran Troops from Charles Town had been unwillingly forced into the measure. The President of the State then appeared, and produced the insolent paper of which No. 4 is a copy, which had been sent into him by the Serjeants.
          Congress determined they would enter on no deliberations while thus surrounded; but ordered Genl. St. Clair immediately to endeavour to march the Mutineers back to the Barracks by such means as were in his power.
          After several prudent and wise measures the General prevailed on the Serjeants to return to their Barracks, convincing them that if they were aggrieved they had a right to make it known in a decent manner, thro’ any persons they might think proper to appoint. But previous to this, after waiting surrounded by this armed force for near three hours, Congress broke up and we passed thro’ the files of the Mutineers without the least opposition, tho’ at times before our adjournment, the Soldiers, many of whom were very drunk, threatened Congress by name.
          The Mutineers had taken possession of the powder House and several public Arsenals in this City, with some Field pieces from the public Yard.
          In the evening Congress met and made a House and came to the resolutions contained in No. 5. and broke up without adjournment. The Committee not being able to meet the Council till Sunday morning were then prevailed on to wait for an answer till monday morning and then received the answer contained in the 2d. Report No. 6. However hoping that the Council would change their sentiments, the Committee did not think proper to give me their advice till Tuesday at two O’Clock in the Afternoon. In the mean time the Mutineers kept in arms, refusing all obedience to their Officers, and in possession of the powder House and Magazines of Military Stores. On Tuesday morning the Officers reported to me that the preceding evening the Serjeants, notwithstanding some talk of a submission and return to their duty, had presented six Officers with a commission each as in No. 7.; and on one refusing to accept it they threatened him with immediate death—and that, at the time of the Report, they were getting very drunk and in a very riotous state. By the second Report of the Committee you will be acquainted with the particulars of the transaction, with the addition that the behaviour of the six Officers was very mysterious and unaccountable. At two O’Clock agreeably to the advice of the Committee, I summoned Congress to meet at this place on Thursday the 26th. of June, issued the Proclamation No. 8 and left the City.
          As soon as it was known that Congress was going, the Council were informed, that there was great reason to expect a serious attack on the Bank the night following, on which the President of the State collected about One hundred Soldiers and kept Guard all night. On Wednesday it was reported that Congress had sent for the Commander in Chief with the whole Northern Army, and the Militia of New-Jersey, who were to be joined by the Pennsylvania Militia, in order to quell the mutiny; which was no otherwise true than ordering a detachment of a few hundred men from the North River. The Serjeants being alarmed, soon proposed a submission, and the whole came in a Body to the President of the State, making a most submissive acknowledgment of their misconduct, and charging the whole on two of the Officers, whom they had commissioned to represent their grievances, a Capt. Carbery and Lieutenant Sullivan, who were to have headed them, as soon as they should have proceeded to violences. These Officers immediately escaped to Chester and there got on board of a Vessel bound to London. The Serjeants describe the plan laid by these Officers as of the most irrational and diabolical nature, not only against Congress and the Council, but also against the City and Bank. They were to be joined by straggling parties from different parts of the Country, and after executing their horrid purposes were to have gone off with their plunder to the East Indies. However incredible this may appear the letters No. 9 & 10 from Sullivan to Colo. Moyland, his Commanding Officer, from Chester and the Capes clearly shew that it was a deep laid scheme. It appears clearly to me that next to the continued care of divine Providence, the miscarriage of this plan is owing to the unexpected meeting of Congress on Saturday, and their decided conduct in leaving the City, until they could support the fœderal Government with Dignity.
          It is also said that two of the Citizens have been concerned in this wicked plot, but they are not yet ascertained. They were certainly encouraged by some of the lower class as well as by the general supineness in not quelling the first movement. Some very suspicious circumstances attending the conduct of the other four Officers, who were commissioned by the Serjeants have caused them to be arrested. The whole matter has so far subsided. The detachment under Genl. Howe from the Northern Army has arrived in the vicinity of the City and a Court of enquiry is endeavouring to develope the whole affair.
          The Citizens are greatly chagrined at the predicament in which they stand and endeavour to lay the blame on the Council for not calling on them and proving them, while the Council justify themselves by the advice of the Militia Officers, whom they called together for that purpose. The Citizens are universally petitioning Congress to return to the City, assuring us of their constant protection.
          You will excuse me for tiring you with so circumstantial an account, which nothing but the necessity of preventing the many falsehoods that are generally propagated on these occasions and the propriety of your being well informed, would ever have justified me in.
          I do myself the honor to send herewith the News-papers, and particularly a Circular Letter of Genl. Washington to the different States, which in my opinion gives the finishing stroke to his inimitable Character.
          I have committed this letter to the care of my younger Brother, who is bound for London, having been in the Merchant service at that port for several years, but who, I have the best evidence is well attached to the interests of this Country, and who can inform you of many particulars relating to the State of things here.
          I have the honor to be &c.
          E. B


Title: The American Peace Commissioners to Ivan Sergeevich Bariatinskii and Arkady Markov, [ante 16] July 1783
From: American Peace Commissioners
To: Bariatinskii, Ivan Sergeevich,Markov, Arkady

          Passy [ante 16] July 1783
          To their Excellencies The Prince Bariatinskoy, and Mr De Markoff Ministers Plenipotentiary from her Majesty the Empress of all the Russias.
          The Subscribers, Ministers Plenipotentiary, from the United States of America, for making Peace with Great Britain, have the Honour to inform the Ministers from Her Majesty the Empress of Russia, that the United States of America, on the fifteenth day of June 1781 having been informed by his most Christian Majesty, that their Imperial Majesties the Emperor of Germany, and the Empress of Russia, actuated by Sentiments of Humanity, and a desire to put a Stop to the Calamities of War, had offered their Mediation to the belligerent Powers, in order to promote Peace, constituted the Subscribers together with the Honourable Henry Laurens and Thomas Jefferson Esquires, their Ministers Plenipotentiary, giving and granting to them, or Such of them as Should assemble, or in Case of Death, Absence, Indisposition or other Impediment of the others to any one of them, full Power and Authority in their Name and on their Behalf, in Concurrence with his Most Christian Majesty to accept in due Form the Mediation of thier Imperial Majesties the Emperor of Germany and the Empress of Russia.
          The Subscribers have also been informed by his Excellency the Comte de Vergennes, that his Most Christian Majesty and his Britannic Majesty, have accepted the Mediation of their Imperial Majesties in the definitive Treaty of Peace about to be concluded between those Powers
          The Subscribers therefore in the Absence of the Honourable Henry Laurens and Thomas Jefferson, have the Honour to inform your Excellencies that by Virtue of their Commission aforesaid Copy of which is inclosed, they are ready in Behalf of the Said United states of America to accept the Mediation of their Imperial Majesties in the definitive Treaty of Peace to be concluded between his Britannic Majesty and the Said States.
          Signed.


Title: From John Adams to Robert R. Livingston, 16 July 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Livingston, Robert R.

          Sir,
            Paris July 16th. 1783.
          Yesterday we waited on the Comte de Vergennes at Versailles, and shew him the Project of a Letter to the Ministers of the two Imperial Courts, which he read and approved. We told him, that we were at a loss what might be the effect of the Mediation—possibly we might be involved in difficulties by it—possibly the British Ministers might persuade the Mediators to offer Us their Advice upon some points, respecting the Royalists for example, which we could not comply with. The Comte said, that he had told them that as soon as he had fully agreed with England upon all points, their Mediation should be accepted, and they should sign the Treaty as such, & we might agree to it in the same manner. He said we were not obliged to this, but as they were to be present & sign one Treaty, it would look better to sign both.— It would be a very notorious public and respectable Acknowledgment of Us, as a Power, by those Courts. Upon this footing we left the Letter with him to be shewn to the Imperial Ministers.
          We asked the Comte if he had seen the British Proclamation of the 2d. of July— He answered, he had. I asked him, if the King had determined any thing on the subject of salt-Provisions and salt Fish? whether we might import them into his Islands? He said we might depend upon it, they could not supply their Islands with Fish—That we had two free Ports in their Islands St. Lucie and a Port in Martinique. By the 32d. Article of the Treaty of Commerce, these free Ports are secured to us.— Nothing, he said, was determined concerning salt Beef and Pork, but the greatest difficulty would be about Flour. I told the Comte, that I did not think it would be possible, either for France or England to carry on the Commerce between the Islands and Continent. It was profitable to us only, as it was part of a System—That it could not be carried on without loss in large Vessels navigated by many Seamen, which could sail only at certain Seasons of the Year, &ca.
          Upon the whole, I was much pleased with this Conversation, & conclude from it, that we shall do very well in the French West India Islands—perhaps the better in them, the worse we are treated by the English.
          The Dutch and Danes will, I doubt not, avail themselves of every Error, that may be committed by France or England. It is good to have a Variety of Strings to our Bow, & therefore I wish we had a Treaty of Commerce with Denmark, by which a free Admission of our Ships into their Ports in the West Indies might be established— By means of the Dutch, Danes and Portuguese, I think we shall be able to obtain finally proper Terms of France and England.
          The British Proclamation, of the 2d. of this Month is the Result of Refugee Politicks— It is intended to encourage Canada and Nova Scotia, & their Fisheries to support still the ruins of their Navigation Act, and to take from us the Carriage even of our own Productions. A System, which has in it so little respect for us, and is so obviously calculated to give a Blow to our Nurseries of Ships and Seamen, could never have been adopted but from the opinion, that we have no common Legislature for the Government of Commerce. All America, from Cheasapeak to St. Croix, I know love Ships and Sailors, and those Ports to the southward of that Bay have advantages for obtaining them when they will, & therefore I hope the thirteen States will unite in some Measures to counteract this Policy of Britain, so evidently selfish, unsocial, and, I had Almost said, hostile. The question is, what is to be done? I answer, perhaps it will be most prudent to say little about it at present, & until the definitive Treaty is signed, & the States evacuated. But after that I think, in the Negotiation of a Treaty of Commerce with Great Britain, Congress should tell them, that they have the Means of doing Justice to themselves. What are those means? I answer, let every State in the Union lay on a duty of five per Cent. on all West India Articles imported in British Ships, and upon all their own Productions exported in British Ships.— Let this Impost be limited in duration, until Great Britain shall allow our Vessels to trade to their West Indies. This would effectually defeat their Plan, and encourage our own Carrying Trade, more than they can discourage it.
          Another way of influencing England to a reasonable Conduct is, to take some Measures for encouraging the Growth in the United States of West India Articles.— Another is, to encourage Manufactures, especially of Wool & Iron, among ourselves. As Tilt Hammers are now not unlawful, and Wool may be water born, much more may be done now than could have been done before the War.— But the most certain method is to lay on duties on Exports & Imports by British Ships. The Sense of a common Interest and a common danger, it is to be hoped, will induce a perfect Unanimity among the States, in this respect. There are other ways of serving ourselves, and making Impressions upon the English, to bring them to reason.— One is to send Ships immediately to China. This Trade is as open to Us, as to any Nation: And if our natural Advantages are envied Us, we should compensate ourselves in any honest way we can.
          Our natural Share in the West India Trade is all that is now wanting to complete the Plan of the Happiness and Prosperity of our Country— Deprived of it, we shall be straitened and shackled in some degree. We cannot enjoy a free use of all our Limbs without this. With it, I see nothing to desire—nothing to vex or chagrine our People—nothing to interrupt our Repose, or keep up a dread of War.
          I know not what permission may be expected from Spain to trade to the Havanna, but should think that this Resource ought not be neglected.
          I confess I do not like the Complexion of British Politicks. They are mysterious and unintelligible. Mr. Hartley appears not to be in the Secret of his Court. The things, which happen, appear as unexpected to him as to Us. Political Jealousies and Speculations are endless. It is possible the British Ministers may be secretly employed in fomenting the Quarrel between the two Imperial Courts and the Porte, and in secretly stirring up the French to join the Turks in the War. The prospect of seeing France engaged in a War may embolden them to adopt a System less favorable to Us. The Possibility of these things should stimulate Us, I think, to form, as soon as possible, Treaties of Commerce with the principal Powers, especially the Imperial Courts, that all our questions may be decided. This will be a great advantage to Us, even if we should afterwards be involved in a War. I put this Supposition with great Reluctance— But if England should, in the Course of a few Years or Months, have the Art to stir up a general War in Europe, and get France and Spain seriously involved in it, which is at least a possible Case, She may assume a Tone and Conduct towards Us, which will make it very difficult for Us to avoid taking a Part in it. If such a deplorable Circumstance should take place, it will be still a great Advantage to Us to have our Sovreignty explicitly acknowledged by those Powers, against whom we may be unfortunately obliged to act. At present they are all disposed to it, and seem desirous of forming Connections with Us, that we may be out of the question.
          The Politicks of Europe are such a Labyrinth of profound Mysteries, that the more one sees of them, the more Causes of Uncertainty and Anxiety we discover. The United States will have Occasion to brace up their Confederation, and act as one Body with one Spirit. If they do not, it is now very obvious that G. Britain will take Advantage of it, in such a manner, as will endanger our Peace, our Safety, and even our very Existence. A Change of Ministry may, but it is not certain that it will, give Us better Prospects.
          I have the honor to be, with great Respect, / Sir, / your most obedient & / most humble Servant.
          John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from Tristram Dalton, 16 July 1783
From: Dalton, Tristram
To: Adams, John

          Dear Sir
            Boston July. 16th. 1783—
          Under the 26th last April, I did myself the Honour of addressing you, being most sincere in my Congratulations on the happy Issue of the several Important Negotiations, which had been entrusted to your Care—
          With ardent Pleasure the People of this Commonwealth contemplate your expected Return this Fall— The highest Honor They can confer awaits you in the Spring— This Sentiment is not founded in the prejudice of Friendship, but on the general Gratitude of an obliged free Community—
          Agreeable to my promise, I will attempt giving you a breif Account of the Politics prevailing in this State—tho’ it will be very imperfect, it must convince that, as yet, we are far from being settled in a System which alone can continue us in that respectable Situation, the Revolution has placed the United States—. For the same disposition reigning in some of the other States in the Union, if persevered in, Congress will soon be, only the Shadow of Sovereignty— and a Mark of Contempt—
          The General Court of this Com̃onwealth was adjourned last friday, to the 24th September, after sitting six weeks, and doing nothing toward supplying the Continental Treasury— you must be acquainted with the early, repeated, and earnest recommendations of Congress, that Funds be established for the payment of the Interest and Principal of the National Debt—and with the plan, proposed to the several States to grant a five per Cent Impost, as part of a permanent Revennue for this purpose— The fate of these Recommendations, defeated in the Execution, by the noncompliance of the State of Rhlsland, you must also know.— Congress, after waiting as long as their Necessities, and longer than the Honor and Safety of the Country, permitted, varied their recommendations in some Instances, limiting the continuance of the Impost Act, which was at first proposed to be in force untill all the public Debts were discharged, to the Term of twenty five years— They also, in a Pamphlet, forwarded an Estimate of the whole Debt, foreign and domestic—in which was included five million dollars, as a Commutation of the halfpay for Life, heretofore promised the Officers of the American Army—and the Papers which, at the time the s’d halfpay was granted, induced Congress to make this promise— This Communication appeared necessary as the Subject of it had caused great Clamour in NEngland; and it came in season for our G Court to form an opinion upon— Facts were so justly stated as ought to have alarmed—and Consequences, fatal to the Union, so truly depictured, as ought to have united the Court in some effectual Measures to supply the public Chest— They did not— A Bill granting the Impost required but under very different regulations was brought into the House & passed It was returned by the Senate concurred as taken into a new Draft which conformed entirely to the Plan proposed by Congress— A Coalition was, in vain, attempted— Two Objections were made by the House, which could not be removed— One, That Congress should have a power of levying and collecting these duties by such rules and regulations as they might think proper; provided these Rules were not repugnant to the Constitution of this Government, might have been qualified, by referring every Question relative to Seizures, to the Courts of Common Pleas in the first Instance, with Liberty of Appeal to the Supreme Judicial Court—tho’ even with this restriction of Tryals, in Courts of our own Establishments, some Gentlemen were scrupulous as to the Right of the Legislature to levy any Monies, that should not be first placed in the Treasury of this Commonwealth, to be thence issued by Warrant from the Governor &c— However had this been the only Objection, the Bill would have passed into a Law— The more material One, and what seems at present insuperable, is the raising in any way, Monies to pay the Commutation of the Officers half pay for Life— Perhaps no One Step has raised such universal Clamor, as the Idea of this reward—or Debt—has done in NEngland. The Inhabitants seem convulsed— Many Towns instructed their Representatives on the Measure strictly forbidding them to make provision for any part of it—

          Whither their Apprehensions are well founded or no—whither the Brave should be thus rewarded—whither the Expense of such grants can be easily borne or no—is not a point of secondary Consideration with them— The Idea of Pensioners, which they apply in this Case, is abhorrent— They fought to get clear of such Vipers of the British Establishments, They will have none of their own making— Congress, say they, had a right to make peace and War—to incur reasonable Expenses—&c— But Congress had no Right to do wrong—and this is wrong— In these Sentiments, the House clogged the bill, with a Proviso that no part of the Monies raised thereby should be appropriated toward the payment of the halfpay for Life, or the Commutation thereof— With this the Senate would have complied—but the House went farther— They added, that as this Act was not to be in force untill all the States in the Confederation passed similar Ones, the same proviso to prevent the Appropriation of any part of the Monies arising therefrom to the payment of the half Pay or the Commutation should constitute a part of the Acts—which prevented the other Governmt. from acting their own Sentiments— to this the Senate would not consent and of course the Bill was dropped— The other recommendations of Congress to raise the deficiencies, which They estimated at three fifths, the Court did not take any Notice of any further than to read—alledging that their Constituents could not bear any more Taxes in the usual Manner— What is really alarming—of the 400 thousand pounds required by Congress of this State in 1781—tho’ the half was soon after assessed—and the second Moiety some time since, not 50 thousand pounds, an Eighth of the whole, has yet reached the Receiver’s hands—and, what is too vile for a Man to think, some Members of the Countys of Berkshire and Hampshire, endeavoured to obtain a clandestine Order from the Court to stay Executions for payment of the first Moiety which were ordered to be issued last Jany—debating the Matter even when the Secretary came in from the Governor to adjourn the Court, in Consequence of a joint Committee’s having waited on him to request the Adjournment— The Motion for staying the Executions having been made after the Committee was gone to his Excellency—
          What but Chicanery—low Artifice & Design can be expected from such Men— Thank God there are some of Sense, Learning, Candor & liberal Sentiments belonging to the House—whose Influence I depend much upon—tho’ not so much as I do on the general Reflections which must take place on a review of our critical Situation— Like Children, just left to go alone, We shall learn to walk at the Expence of many a fall—the Marks of some of which will be carried thro’ Life—it being well if a Limb or some useful Part of the Body Politic does not receive a fatal Injury— For Want of raising our proportion of Monies in our own Way, and putting them into the Continental Treasury, We must give that Power to Congress, which, in future time, may lead to undue Influence— If a free People cannot— or will not—take Care of themselves—they will must, from Necessity, place their Rights in the hands of those who may not pay so scrupulous Attention to essential Priviledges—or what are thought such— The People of these States have so large a Share of common Sense— and Observation, that They will not suffer themselves to be ruined by the Ignorance or Self Interest of a few— They begin to be sensible of the absolute Importance of supporting the Union—without which We are not known as a Nation—and in dissolving which, we are exposed as a prey to any stronger Power who has Art enough to keep up a division—
          At the Close of the Session, many of the most rigid Members, opposed to the half Pay and of Course to the Impost Bill as recommended by Congress, soften’d—and felt the Necessity of spirited Measures to supply the public Chest— I am in hopes the next Meeting of the Court will be more decisive, on this important Point— A circular Letter from General Washington, wherein He takes an affectionate Leave of the several States, and fully points out the Dangers they are exposed to from their own Conduct, giving his warmest Advice, was received, and read to the GCourt—and appeared to have a good Effect—
          Congress are in a difficult Situation— Blamed by the Northern States for what they have done for the Officers of the Army—pressed by the Army for a Compliance with their promises as to former pay— unsupplied, by all the States, with Monies—and no hopeful Prospect of a regular System in their funds being established— What must this August Body be thought of by the Powers of Europe?
          The City of Philadelphia has suffered them to be drove from them by a Body of 350 Soldiers, under the Command of Seargants— They now sit at PrinceTown— On their Advice to General Washington, He sent two Regiments of the Massachusetts Line, under the Command of General R. Howe, to quell the Mutineers—who submitted, the next day after their Insurrection— As No Congress could be found They dispersed—and are not to be heard of—
          Any other People would be ruined for suffering things to go thus far— These States will feel very evil Consequences—but after having smarted a while they will recover from their Languor—and render the Confederacy still respected—
          I wish It in my power to afford you a better Account of the Situation of these States— Facts will not permit— I have frequently recollected an Observation you made to me when discoursing on a Constitution of Government formed to last for Ages—“That half a Century was far enough for a Man to look forward in planning a form of Government”— I am convinced of the Truth of the Observation—And wish I did not almost adopt another Opinion that few, If any, Bodys of People are capable of governing themselves—
          I had the pleasure of seeing Mrs Adams this day—and obtaining a promise that your Daughter, with whom my eldest Daughter was so happy as to form an Acquaintance at Haverhill this Summer, might spend a little time at my Country House—which Visit I find will be quite agreeable to the young Ladies— This is a new fruit of our Friendship, which I look on with much Satisfaction— extending my best Wishes to every Thing that is dear to You for I am with the greatest Sincerity— / Dear Sir Your affectionate and / Obliged Friend—
          Tristram Dalton


Title: From John Adams to Robert R. Livingston, 17 July 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Livingston, Robert R.

          Sir,
            Paris July 17th. 1783.
          Last evening Mr. Hartley spent two hours with me, and appeared much chagrined at the Proclamation, which had never been communicated to him by his Principals. He has too much contempt of the commercial abilities of the French—and consequently said that the French could derive but little benefit from this step of his Court, but thought the Dutch would make a great advantage by it. I endeavoured to discover from him, whether he suspected that his Court had any hand in stirring up the two Imperial Courts to make War upon the Turks. I asked him, what was the state of their Mediterranean Trade & Levant Trade? He said it was dead, and that their Turkey Company was dead, and therefore he did not think his Court cared much about either, or would ever do any thing to prevent the Empires. He thought it possible, that they might rather encourage them.
          I am quite of Mr. Hartleys Mind, that the Dutch will profit of all English Blunders, in regulating the West India Trade, and am happy that Mr. Van Berckel will be soon with Congress, when its Members & Ministers may communicate thro’ him any thing they wish to their High Mightinesses. They may enquire of him, what are the Rights of the East and West India Companies? To what an extent our Vessels may be admitted to Surrinam, Curacao, Demerary, Essequibo, Berbice, St. Eustatia? What we may he allowed to carry there? And what we may bring from thence to the United States, or to Europe? Whether we may carry Sugars &ca. to Amsterdam, Rotterdam &ca. There are at Rotterdam and Amsterdam one hundred and twenty seven or eight Refineries of Sugar. How far these may be affected &ca.—
          I lay it down for a rule, that the Nation, which shall allow us the most perfect liberty to trade with her Colonies, whether it be France, England, Spain or Holland will see her Colonies flourish above all others, and will draw proportionably our Trade to themselves— And I rely upon it the Dutch will have sagacity to see it, and as they are more attentive to mercantile profit than to a military Marine, I have great hopes from their friendship. As there will be an Interval before the signature of the definitive Treaty, I propose a Journey of three weeks to Amsterdam and the Hague, in hopes of learning in more detail the intentions of the Dutch in this respect. I am in hopes too of encouraging the Loan, to assist our Superintendant of Finances. The Dutch may be a great resource to us in Finance and Commerce. I wish that Cargoes of Produce may be hastened to Amsterdam to Messs. Willinks and Co.; for this will give vigour to the Loan— And all the Money we can prevent England and the two Empires from obtaining in Holland, will not only be Nerves for us, but perhaps be useful too to France in her Negotiations.
          I have spent the whole forenoon in conversation with the Duke de la Vauguyon. He thinks that England wishes to revive her Trade to the Levant, to Smyrna, Aleppo &ca., & her Carrying Trade in Italy: And altho’ She might be pleased to see France involved in War with the Emperor and Empress, yet he thinks her Funds are not in a condition to afford Subsidies to either, and therefore that She will be perfectly neutral. Quere, however, whether, if by a Subsidy or a Loan of a Million or two a year She could make France spend eight or ten Millions, She would not strive hard to do it? The Duke thinks France will proceed softly—endeavor, if possible, to avert the furious Storm that threatens, and to compose the disputes of the three Empires, if possible— But she will never suffer such an usurpation as the conquest of the Turkish Provinces in Europe. France will certainly defend Constantinople. He thinks that the Empress of Russia has not revenues, & cannot get Cash to march & subsist vast Armies, and to transport great fleets, and that the Emperor has not revenues neither to support a long War.
          This is however a serious business, and France lays it so much to heart, and looks upon the chance of her being obliged to arm so probable, that I presume this to be the principal Motive of her refusal to lend Us two or three Millions of Livres more.
          As to our West India Questions, the Duke assures me, that the French Ministry, particularly the Comte de Vergennes, are determined to do every thing they can consistent with their own essential interests, to favor and promote the Friendship and Commerce between their Countries & ours— That they, especially the Comte, are declared Enemies of the French fiscal System, which is certainly the most ruinous to their Commerce, and intend to do every thing they can to make alterations to favor Commerce— But no Change can be made in this, without affecting their Revenues, and making Voids, Failures and Deficiencies, which they cannot fill up. They must therefore proceed softly— That France would favor the Commerce between Portugal and America, because it would tend to draw off that Kingdom from her Dependence on England— That England, by her commercial Treaty with the Portuguese in 1703, have turned them into an English Colony, made them entirely dependent, and secured a Commerce with them of three Millions Value. France would be glad to see this, or as much of it as possible, turned to America.
          The Duke agrees fully with me in the Maxim, that those Colonies will grow the most in wealth, Improvements, Population and every sort of Prosperity, which are allowed the freest communication with us, and that we shall be allowed to carry Lumber, Fish, and live-Stock to their Islands, but that the Exports of their Sugars to us he thinks must be in their own Ships, because they are afraid of our becoming the Carriers of all their Commerce—because they know & say, that we can do it cheaper then they. These Sentiments are different from those, which he mentioned to me a few days ago, when he said, the West Indian Trade with us must be carried on in French Bottoms.
          The Duke said, the English had been trying to decieve us, but were now developing their true Sentiments. They pretended for a while to abolish the Navigation Act, and all distinctions, to make one People with us again—to be friends, brothers &ca, in hopes of drawing us off from France, but not finding Success, they were now shewing their true plan. As to the pretended System of Shelburne, of an universal free Commerce, altho’ he thought it would be for the good of Mankind in general, yet for an English Minister it was the plan of a Madman, for it would be the ruin of that Nation. He did not think Shelburne was sincere in it— He only meant an Illusion to Us— Here I differ from the Duke, & believe that the late Ministry were very sincere towards us, and would have made a Treaty with us, at least to revive the universal Trade between us upon a liberal plan. This Doctrine of ruin, from that plan, to the English, has been so much preached of late in England by the French, and by American Refugees, who aim at establishments in Canada & Nova Scotia, & by the old Butean Administration, and their Partisans, that I dont know whether any Ministry could now support a generous Plan. But if Temple, Thurlow, Shelburne, Pitt &ca should come in, I should not despair of it. It is true the Shelburne Administration did encourage the Ideas of cordial perfect friendship, of entire reconciliation of affections, of making no distinctions between their People and ours, especially between the Inhabitants of Canada & Nova Scotia & us, & this with the professed purpose of destroying all Seeds of War between Us. These Sentiments were freely uttered by Fitzherbert, Oswald, Whiteford, Vaughan, and all who had the confidence of that ministry, & in these Sentiments they were, I believe, very sincere— And they are indeed the only means of preventing a future War between us & them; and so sure as they depart from that plan, so sure, in less than fifteen years, perhaps less than seven, there will break out another War. Quarrels will arise among Fishermen, between Inhabitants of Canada & Nova Scotia & us, & between their People & ours in the West Indies, in our Ports, and in the Ports of the three Kingdoms, which will breed a War, in spight of all we can do to prevent it. France sees this & rejoices in it, & I know not whether we ought to be sorry— Yet I think we ought to make it a Maxim to avoid all Wars, if possible, and to take Care that it is not our fault, if we cannot. We ought to do every thing, which the English will concur in, to remove all Causes of Jealousies, & kill all the Seeds of Hostility, as effectually as we can, and to be upon our guard, to prevent the French, Spaniards and Dutch from sowing the Seeds of War between Us, for we may rely upon it, they will all do it, if they can.
          I have the honor to be, with great / Respect, / Sir, / your most obedient & / most humble Servant
          John Adams.


Title: The American Peace Commissioners to David Hartley, 17 July 1783
From: American Peace Commissioners
To: Hartley, David

          Sir,
            Passy, July 17th. 1783.
          We have the honour to inform you that we have just received from Congress their Ratification in due Form of the Provisional Articles of the 30th. of November 1782, and we are ready to exchange Ratifications with his Britannic Majesty’s Ministers as soon as may be.
          By the same Articles it is stipulated, that his Britannic Majesty shall with all convenient Speed, and without causing any Destruction or carrying away any Negroes or other Property of the American Inhabitants, withdraw all his Armies, Garrisons and Fleets from the United States and from every Port, Place & Harbour within the same. But, by Intelligence lately received from America, and by the inclosed Copies of Letters and Conferences between General Washington and Sir Guy Carleton, it appears that a considerable Number of Negroes belonging to the Citizens of the United States, have been carried off from New-York, contrary to the express Stipulation contained in the said Article. We have received from Congress their Instructions to represent this matter to you, and to request that speedy and effectual Measures be taken to render that Justice to the Parties interested which the true Intent and meaning of the Article in Question plainly dictates.
          We are also instructed to represent to you, that many of the British Debtors in America have in the Course of the War sustained such considerable and heavy Losses by the Operation of the British Arms in that Country, that a great Number of them have been rendered incapable of immediately satisfying those Debts: we refer it to the Justice and Equity of Great Britain, so far to amend the Article on this Subject, as that no Execution shall be issued on a Judgment to be obtained in any such Case but after the Expiration of three Years from the Date of the definitive Treaty of Peace. Congress also think it reasonable that such Part of the Interest which may have accrued on such Debts during the War shall not be payable, because all Intercourse between the two Countries, had, during that Period, become impracticable as well as improper, it does not appear just that Individuals in america should pay for Delays in payment which were occasioned by the civil and military Measures of Great Britain. In our Opinion the Interest of the Creditors as well as the Debitors requires that some Tenderness be shewn to the Latter, and that they should be allowed a little Time to acquire the Means of discharging Debts which in many Instances exceed the whole Amount of their Property.
          As it is necessary to ascertain an Epocha, for the Restitutions and Evacuations to be made, we propose that it be agreed, that his Britannic Majesty, shall cause to be evacuated the Posts of New-York, Penobscot and their Dependences, with all other Posts and Places in Possession of his Majesty’s Arms, within the United States, in the Space of three Months after the Signature of this definitive Treaty, or sooner if possible, excepting those Posts contiguous to the Water Line, mentioned in the fourth Proposition, and these shall be evacuated, when Congress shall give the Notice therein mentioned.
          We do ourselves the honour of making these Communications to you, Sir, that you may transmit them and the Papers accompanying them to your Court, and inform us of their Answer.
          We have the honour to be, / Sir, / Your most obedient and / most humble Servants
          John Adams.
            B Franklin
            John Jay


Title: Editorial Note: The American Peace Commissioners to Robert R. Livingston
From:
To:

The drafting and dispatch of the commissioners’ 18 July letter to Robert R. Livingston has a curious history. What transpired and the consequences thereof reveal much about the relations between the commissioners, particularly John Adams and Benjamin Franklin.
            On 2 July, Capt. Joshua Barney delivered to Passy letters from Robert R. Livingston, most notably those of 25 March and 21 April (to Livingston, 3 July, note 8, above). In those two letters Livingston criticized the commissioners for violating Congress’ instructions by negotiating and then signing the preliminary peace treaty without informing France, and he indicated his dissatisfaction with certain provisions, especially the separate article dealing with West Florida (vol. 14:361–364, 435–438). On the day following the letters’ arrival, John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, and John Jay met at Passy to consider their response.
            Neither Adams nor his colleagues were pleased with Livingston’s strictures. In their view the secretary for foreign affairs failed to appreciate the difficulty of the negotiations or the need to complete them while the Shelburne ministry remained in office. A response was clearly needed, but who would frame the reply and what form would it take? Years later Adams explained that he and John Jay agreed as to the substance of the response, but when Jay asked him “to draw up the answer in form,” he declined and insisted that Jay undertake the task. This was owing to Livingston’s longstanding, and well-known, prejudice against Adams’ diplomacy, the history of conflict between Adams and the Comte de Vergennes, and Adams’ past remarks about Congress’ conduct of foreign policy. But the most important reason for the choice of Jay was the “importance to us all, that we should all agree in our answer to Mr. Livingston,” and Adams thought it “more probable that Dr. Franklin would agree to subscribe a draught of Mr. Jay, than his other colleague” (Boston Patriot, 15 Feb. 1812).
            John Jay completed his draft, probably on or about 5 July, and Adams was pleased with the result of his friend’s labors. This was particularly true of the first portion of the document, in which Jay presented a spirited, uncompromising defense of the commissioners’ efforts to deal with the inherent conflict between French and American interests in a peace treaty and their resulting decision to violate Congress’ instructions. Adams later declared that “it was a great consolation and a high gratification to me, to see recorded the testimony of Mr. Jay, to so complete a justification of every thing I had ever said or written concerning the king, the nation, the court, or the minister of foreign relations” (same, 19 Feb. 1812).
            And there lay the crux of the problem facing the commissioners. For if Jay’s response was simply a rehearsal of Adams’ views of the peace negotiations, the conduct of foreign policy, and the proper course for Franco-American relations, there was little chance that Benjamin Franklin would agree. And such was the case. Upon reading the draft Franklin wrote to Jay, asking “whether it may not be adviseable to forbear, at present, the Justification of ourselves, respecting the Signature of the Préliminaries; because That matter is, at present, quiet here; No Letter sent to the Congress is ever kept secret; The Justification contains some Charges of unfavourable Disposition in the Ministers here towards us, that will give offense & will be deny’d.” Moreover, “the Congress do not call upon us for an Account of our Conduct, or its Justification. They have not by any Resolution blamed us. What Censure we have received is only the private Opinion of Mr. L.” Finally, he noted that Henry Laurens, then in Bath, England, was concerned in the matter and should be consulted prior to any final decision on the letter’s content (LbC-Tr, APM Reel 103). Franklin’s concern is evident from his 6 July letter to Laurens indicating that he wanted the South Carolinian at Paris “on many Accounts, and should be glad of your Assistance in considering and answering our public Letters. There are Matters in them of which I cannot conveniently give you an Account at present” (Laurens, PapersThe Papers of Henry Laurens, ed. Philip M. Hamer, George C. Rogers Jr., David R. Chesnutt, C. James Taylor, and others, Columbia, S.C., 1968–2003; 16 vols., 16:231–232). At this point, 5 or 6 July, it must have been clear to Adams and Jay that Franklin would refuse to send the reply at least until Laurens was consulted if the letter remained in its current form. Adams later asserted “that Dr Franklin would have signed it too, rather than have been singular,” but that is more the product of the vagaries of Adams’ memory in 1812 than a reflection of reality in July 1783 (Boston Patriot, 19 Feb. 1812).

            Benjamin Franklin’s desire to consult Henry Laurens was probably the reason why almost two weeks passed before the final text of the letter to Livingston was determined. The commissioners at Paris likely expected Laurens to receive Franklin’s letter at Bath by the 11th or 12th and be at Paris by the 16th or 17th. But Laurens did not get the letter until the 17th and arrived only on the 23d (Laurens, PapersThe Papers of Henry Laurens, ed. Philip M. Hamer, George C. Rogers Jr., David R. Chesnutt, C. James Taylor, and others, Columbia, S.C., 1968–2003; 16 vols., 16:241). In the meantime the reply, if it was not to be delayed indefinitely, had to go with Capt. Joshua Barney of the packet General Washington; he was about to return to America with the commissioners’ dispatches, and John Adams was leaving for the Netherlands on the 19th (to Livingston, 23 July, below). Therefore, pressed for time, Adams, Franklin, and Jay, on or about 18 July, prepared a fair copy of the letter for signature prior to Adams’ departure. Presumably then, in order to obtain Franklin’s signature, the final decision was made to omit Jay’s draft opening. Adams would later recall that “I thought it would be cruel in me, to constrain his signature to so perfect a vindication of me, and condemnation of himself. We all now lived and conducted business together in tolerable harmony and good humour; I therefore readily agreed to accommodate the letter to the Doctor’s taste. Enough however was left, and signed and sent to congress to justify us all” (Boston Patriot, 19 Feb. 1812). When Henry Laurens arrived at Paris five days later and was shown the signed letter, he drafted a new opening of his own (LbC-Tr, APM Reel 103). But with Barney’s departure imminent it presumably was decided to send the letter as signed rather than await John Adams’ return, and as Laurens played no role in its drafting he did not add his signature.
            The initial decision to defer sending the letter as drafted by John Jay and the final one to send it without the opening paragraphs had consequences. As early as 5 or 6 July, John Adams probably realized that Jay’s ringing defense of the commissioners’ negotiation of the Anglo-American peace treaty was unlikely to be included in any letter signed by himself, Franklin, and Jay. It is also probable that Franklin viewed the deferral as at least a tacit agreement between himself and his colleagues that they would not raise issues in their letters to America that would undermine a united response to Livingston’s letters. If this was so, it was an assumption not shared by Adams, who apparently decided that if the commissioners as a group were unable or unwilling to reveal to Congress and the world the truth about French efforts to compromise American interests during the peace negotiations, he would do so himself. Therefore, beginning with his 5 July letter to Robert Morris and continuing in letters of 9, 10, and 11 July to Robert R. Livingston (all above), Adams incorporated the substance of Jay’s opening, thereby raising the very issues that Benjamin Franklin thought too impolitic to reveal to Congress. It is likely that Franklin soon learned of his colleague’s “indiscretion,” and it was that knowledge and an unwillingness to allow views he thought dangerous to Franco-American relations to go unchallenged that led him to write his memorable letter to Livingston of 22 July. There, after expressing his belief in the fundamental benevolence of France and the Comte de Vergennes toward the United States, Franklin turned his attention to JA, declaring that “one of my colleagues is of a very different opinion from me in these matters” and “I am persuaded . . . that he means well for his country, is always an honest man, often a wise one, but sometimes and in some things absolutely out of his senses” (Wharton, Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev.The Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States, ed. Francis Wharton, Washington, 1889; 6 vols., 6:581–582).
            The history of the composition and dispatch of the 18 July letter to Livingston clearly was important to the commissioners at the time. This is evident from the fact that all of the relevant documents, including Jay’s draft opening, Franklin’s note regarding the draft, Henry Laurens’ alternative draft, and the 18 July letter itself are all present in the letterbook chronicling the peace negotiations and prepared by Jean L’Air de Lamotte, for which see APM Reel 103. It was from that source that John Adams copied those four documents and published them in the Boston Patriot of 15 and 19 February 1812, apparently the only instance in which all four have appeared together.


Title: To John Adams from C. W. F. Dumas, 18 July 1783
From: Dumas, C. W. F.
To: Adams, John

          Monsieur
            La Haie 18e. Juillet 1783
          La mienne du 11e. étoit partie, lorsque Mr. Fitch me fit remettre l’honorée vôtre du 12 Juin. Nous lui avons tout de suite fait les honneurs de l’Hôtel & de Lahaie à Lui, à ses Dames, à Mrs. Boilston & Grierson; & à leur départ nous les avons accompagnés dans leur Yacht jusqu’à Delft. Nous som̃es grandement obligés à V. E. de nous avoir introduits en si digne & aimable Compagnie. Ils voudroient bien posséder pendant quelque temps Mr. votre fils en Angleterre, & j’ai dû promettre à Made. Fitch de vous en écrire Monsieur. Je m’acquitte; quoiqu’il en couteroit à notre coeur de nous séparer de Mr. votre fils, à l’agréable compagnie duquel nous som̃es tellement accoutumés, que ce ne sera qu’avec les plus vifs regrets que nous nous en verrons privés tôt ou tard.
          Nous finissons aujourd’hui Caligula, dont il aura l’honneur de vous présenter la version de sa façon. Nous continuerons par la vie de Claude. Nous avons fini le 4e. Livre de l’Enéide & le Pseudolus de Plaute. Nous lisons l’Andrienne de Terence. Il se porte à merveille.
          Je voudrois pouvoir en dire autant de notre ami de Gyzelaar, qui part aujourd’hui pour Dort. Nous vivons ici dans une inaction politique, quant aux affaires générales, qui a sa source dans celle de Paris. Il faut espérer qu’après la prorogation du Parlement, le Ministere Anglois, délivré de ce Contrôleur incom̃ode, pensera plus sérieusement à terminer, & que par conséquent vous nous honorerez bientôt de votre présence ici.
          L’Auteur du Ouderwetse Patriot &c. a eu la bêtise de se laisser prendre & coffrer à Delft.
          Ma famille avec notre jeune Squire vous présentent Mr. leurs obéissances. Je suis avec grand respect, De Votre Excellence / Le très-humble & très obeissant / serviteur
          C.w.f. Dumas

          Translation
          Sir
            The Hague, 18 July 1783
          Mine of the 11th had been sent when Mr. Fitch forwarded to me your esteemed letter of 12 June. Right away we gave the grand tour of the legation and The Hague to him and his ladies and to Mr. Boylston and Mr. Grierson. When they left, we accompanied them on their yacht as far as Delft.1 We are greatly indebted to your excellency for having introduced us to such dignified and agreeable company. In England they would very much like to host your esteemed son for some time, and I had to promise Mrs. Fitch to write to you, sir. I am fulfilling my obligation, even though it costs our hearts dearly to separate from your worthy son and his agreeable company, to which we have become so accustomed. It will only be with the sharpest regrets that we will be deprived of him sooner or later.

          Today we are finishing Caligula, which he will have the honor of presenting to you in his own version. We will continue with the life of Claudius. We have finished the fourth book of the Aeneid and Plautus’ Pseudolus. We are reading Terrence’s Andria. He is doing wonderfully.2
          I would like to be able to say the same of our friend Gyselaar, who is leaving today for Dordrecht. More generally, we live here in a state of political inactivity, which is rooted in that of Paris. We may hope that after the prorogation of Parliament, the English minister, freed from this troublesome superintendent, will think more seriously about finishing up and consequently that you will honor us with your presence here.
          The writer of the Ouderwetse Patriot etc. was foolish enough to let himself be caught and locked up in Delft.3
          My family with our young squire sends you, sir, our humble greetings. I am with great respect, your excellency’s very humble and very obedient servant
          C.w.f. Dumas