Title: From John Adams to John Jay, 25 October 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Jay, John

            Dear Sir
            Grosvenor Square Westminster Oct. 25. 1785

          The Crown of Great Britain has Sometimes, pledged its Prerogative to relax the Navigation Act, but the Parliament and Nation would not admit of it. By the 15. Article of the definitive Treaty, between Great Britain and Portugal, Signed at Lisbon the 16. May 1703 “The Personal Priviledges and Freedom of Trade, which the Subjects of Great Britain, and the States of the United Provinces, at present enjoy in Portugal, the Portuguese Shall in their turn, enjoy in the Dominions of Great Britain and the States of the United Provinces.”— This you See, was a Stipulation directly against the Navigation Act: But altho the Prerogative of the Crown in foreign Negotiations is acknowledged to be Sovereign, Yet the English contend, that it is not Sufficient to Sett aside an Act of Parliament and therefore this Article has never been complied with, and the Portuguese complain of it to this day as a Breach of Faith.
          Sensible of this difficulty, the Ministry I presume, will not venture upon any Treaty with Us, without, either previously taking the Sense of Parliament, or making the Treaty Subject to its Subsequent Approbation, either of which measures will open a boundess Field of Argument and Obloquy. You will not wonder that he dreads it. He cannot however avoid it. The American Intercourse Act, expires on the fifth of April 1786, and the Newfoundland Act expires, on the 25 of March 1786, and the bare Revival of these Statutes will necessarily bring on a discussion.

          The Newfoundland Act, is considered here, by Some, as a mere Machine to try an Experiment: to feel the Pulse of the House, and to discover, what Sentiments were entertained, and what Principles would be declared, by the various Branches of Opposition. and it is curious to observe the Presence of Mind of the Leaders, and the Art, with which they evaded the Snare. They Shewed plainly that they were determined, not to be outgeneralled by So young an Officer.
          on the second of Feb. 1785. Mr Pitt moved, in a Committee of the whole House, that leave be given to bring in a Bill, for confining for a time to be limited, the trade between the Ports of the United States of America, and his Majestys Subjects in the Island of Newfoundland to bread, Flour, and live Stock, to be imported in none but British built Ships, actually belonging to British Subjects.
          Mr Eden, one of the Coalition Men, Seems not to have been aware of the Design, and declared at once Sentiments, which probably Mr Pitt wished the whole Opposition to avow. He wished “that Trade might not Suffer, by the Several Restrictions intended by this measure. confining that whole Trade to Brittish Bottoms would narrow it, much more than most people would imagine. it would divert it into other Channels, and ultimately annihilate our Colonies in that part of the World. He had always found that to encourage Commerce, you must treat it with liberality. The proposed Bill threatened a very different Effect; and therefore he had thrown out these hints before the Business had assumed any Shape more formal, in order that those concerned in the Construction of the Bill, might be on their guard.”
          Mr Jenkinson, whose Opinion probably had influenced Mr Pitt to move for So illiberal a Bill, “was apprehensive that our Navy would ultimately Suffer, unless every possible Attention were paid to the Protection, Extension, and Encouragement of our Shipping. This appeared to him an Object of infinite Consequence, and demanded the Consideration and Sanction of the Legislature. He Should therefore insist, that in the framing of this Bill, the greatest care Should be taken, that all our Commerce in that quarter Should be carried on in Brittish Bottoms only.[”]
          on the 4. of Feb. Mr Eden was for moving to discharge the Order for bringing in the Bill. Mr Jenkinson complained that he had been misrepresented. that he meant to Say that there was not and had never been any Law to prevent Ships coming from the British Colonies, to trade in any part of the Globe, the East Indies only excepted by the Charter of the Company.
          Mr Baring Said, it was at his Instigation that the “Privy Council, had been induced, to introduce it into Parliament. Newfoundland had Suffered Severely, last Year, by the want of Provisions, because the Governor doubted, whether he could Suffer the direct Importation of necessaries from America even in Brittish Bottoms. That the Settlement would continue to Suffer many hardships, if Parliament Should determine that they must receive their Supplies from Britain only.”
          On the 7th. of Feb. the Bill was presented. Mr Eden Seems by this time to have been put upon his guard. He makes a long and confused declamation, Seems very anxious, but gives no Opinion clearly upon any Principle. Yet one may trace, I think Several. one is, that his chief alarm was for Canada and Nova Scotia the Ships built or owned in those Colonies, being Struck at and excluded by the Bill, as much as those of the United States. 2. He Seems averse to the Permission, even of Bread, Flour and live Stock, to be imported into Newfoundland, from the United States at all. 3. He thinks this Bill will be a Precedent for, the future Introduction of other Bills, relative to Canada Nova Scotia and the West India Islands, and for exclu[ding] all their Ships, from certain Priviledges now enjoyed by them, in Virtue of the Navigation Acts, and for the Importation into them of Some Articles of the Produce of the United States. 4. He thinks it imprudent to agitate the measure at this time because there were five Treaties of Commerce, pending, one with America another with France, a third with Spain, a fourth with Holland and a fifth with Ireland.— He thinks a Treaty the best method: and had even rather that the Privy Council, Should regulate the Trade by Proclamation than Parliament by Bill. This is the most Sensible Observation in the whole debate, and it will be curious to See how they will get over it. an Examination of Witnesses at the Bar and a Debate in the House, upon a Bill or a Treaty regulating the Commerce between G. Britain and U. States, would lay open all their Mysteries to all their Rivals. all the Nations of Europe and especially those they dread most, as well as the Citizens of the U. States, and the Inhabitants of the British Colonies both on the Continent and in the West Indies, would profit of the Information so much that I Suspect all Parties will be of Mr Edens Mind, and authorize the King to treat, or to legislate as he has done by Proclamation.— The Irish are now extreamly ignorant of American Commerce and altho they have a desire to trade with Us they know not how to sett about it. Such a debate would enlighten them. The Inhabitants of Canada and Nova Scotia have now no Idea of the Intentions of this Country towards them. in fact there is nearly as much Jealousy of them of their Ships, Seamen, Fisheries Oyl Rum, Population, Riches, Power as there is of ours. much of this would appear in such a debate and it would disgust and alienate, those Colonies and excite in them a desire of Independence, and an Admission into the American Confederation. The French Dutch, Germans, all Europe in short are as yet ignorant of the nature of our Commerce and the means of making it profitable to themselves. as the debates in Parliament are published in all the foreign Gazettes, much Light would Spread through Europe, in Consequence of a parliamentary Discussion So that I doubt whether Mr Pitt will bring in any Bill in detail, or lay before Parliament any Treaty unless he can be assured it will be approved without a Discussion. if he does any Thing, more than revive the Intercourse Act, he will bring in a Bill to authorize the Crown to make a Treaty. Yet this has its difficulty, for the Crown claims to be absolute, in All Treaties, without an Act of Parliament. I wish with all my Soul, there may be an ample Parliamentary Inquiry and Debate, because it would operate much to the Honour and benefit of the U. States through the World. but I Suspect they will be too cunning, to venture upon it.
          Mr Eden moved to discharge the order, of 2. Feb. for bringing in the Bill. Mr Jenkinson defended the Title of the Bill, and made a long Speech in which there is nothing worth remarking, excepting that Canada and Nova Scotia instead of wanting the Same Articles as Newfoundland, i.e. bread Flour & Live stock, were Rivals of the American States in the Exportation of them. This was so gross that it Shocked even Lord North.— All the rest of Mr Jenkinsons Speech Seemed to be merely calculated to Sound the Principles of Opposition.
          Ld. North Seconded Edens motion, but more experienced and cunning than the, other, he determines that nothing Shall be drawn out of him, but Mischief. He should now confine himself to the Title.— When the Bill came, he would more maturely reflect on the Subject and give his Opinion accordingly. The Bill was merely preparatory to many more. it would be necessary to have one if this pass’d, for, Canada, another for the West Indies Nova scotia, Quebec &c. His Lordship would not even affirm or deny, what Mr Jenkinson had thrown out, vizt that Canada and Nova Scotia were Rivals of the American States; but Lumber was the Principal Article they exported, and what need had Newfoundland of Lumber.— And would not the Expression His Majestys European Dominions allarm Ireland, our Great Neighbour and Jealous Sister? This was a tender String. The Irish Parliament might think they had a right to be consulted. They might consider the Bill as a Law made by the Parliament of Great Britain for the Regulation of the Trade of Ireland, notwithstanding the Declaration that She has no Power. Lord Norths aim in short was very plain to excite as Many Parties and Questions as possible, and reserve to himself a full Liberty to join any Party and take any side which Should afterwards appear to be against the Minister.
          Mr Pitt is evidently dissappointed. he had missed his Aim. He had drawn out no Declarations, Principles or Opinions. He quarr[ells] with Lord North for attempting to Stir up Rebellion in Ireland and with Eden, for not discussing the Navigation Act, and shewing how it applied to the Bill
          Mr Fox was as reserved as Ld North, and even Ld North afterwards, that he might be compleatly equivocal, retracts what he had Said about Ireland, and denies that he had objected to the Words, His Majestys European Dominions.
          On the 8th. of Feb. Mr Fox thought the Bill affected in a very particular manner, the commercial Regulations of this Country. He did not perfectly understand whether it was to be a restraining or an Opening Bill. The Alteration agitated was perhaps one of the most important ever proposed in Parliament Some Gentlemen apprehended it went too far; while others were of Opinion that it was too circumscribed, and ought to proceed to a greater extent. it ought not to be hurried. to accommodate every description would, he presumed, be the Aim of those who countenanced Such a Proposition &c. This last was a very just Observation, for the Bill is manifestly calculated, to do a little to please all Parties, but not enough for any one, to Satisfy it: it was contrived so on purpose to draw out the Principles and Arguments of all Sides, but the Cunning of the Parliamentry Leaders defeated its effect.
          Watson, the Alderman Said the Merchants were exceedingly anxious to know, whether or not they were to Send out Provisions and other Articles to Newfoundland from Britain. on the other Hand, it was verily an important question, whether the provisions of the Bill were conformable to the Navigation Act or not.
          On Feb. 9. Watson moved for the Examination of Witnesses but it was postponed.
          On the 14. Feb. Mr Pitt opposes the Examination of Witnesses as unnecessary, highly imprudent and improper.
          Watson wanted Witnesses to prove the Inefficacy and Inexpediency of the Bill. It was Sending a trade where it was unmerited (i.e. as I suppose to U. States) and taking it out of those Hands in which it would be Serviceable to the Country. (i.e. as I Suppose, out of the Hands of the Inhabitants of Canada and Nova Scotia). the Bill was unnecessary.— Quebec could supply Newfoundland—if not England could. & the Trade of G. B. & her Colonies should not be delivered over to a foreign Power. That the Avarage Prices of bread and Flour in G. Britain had been considerably cheaper than at Philadelphia or any part of the U. States of America, for a stated Number of Years.
          Mr Cruger gave Watson a direct Contradiction. if no other Sources of Supply were open to Newfoundland, than Quebec, they must Starve.— he reproaches Watson, with Interested Views and aiming at a Monopoly. that Quebec was supplied last year from Quebec Philadelphia Bristol & other Ports in England had Supplied Quebec in time of War.
          Lord North observed as there appeared two Assertions in Contradiction, one averring that Quebec was equal to the Business of Supplying Newfoundland, the other precisely the contrary, it was necessary to proceed to a more minute Investigation, and to an Examination of Witnesses.
          Mr Holdsworth, Said the Bill was a kind of Compromise, between the Merchants of London Poole & Dartmouth and the Merchants of Canada.— Mr Fox denied it to be a compromise because one Party was Satisfied and the other discontented. He was for a hearing at the Bar, and hoped Admiral Campbells Evidence would have Weight.
          Mr Jenkinson, avowed that the Evidence before the Privy Council had been flattly contradictory, and that the Bill was merely an Experiment, to pass as a temporary measure to quiet the minds of all concerned for seven months, leaving the subject open for Subsequent and more serious Deliberation. That Canada had one Year, ten Years ago exported vast quantities of flour but from that time had been obliged to send to Philadelphia to buy Provisions. That in fact Quebec was not a flour Country.

          Mr Pitt presumed that an unlimited Intercourse between the United States and America, was not prohibited by any known Statute. if no Bill passed, a much larger field of Competition would remain open, which would operate in a greater degree to the Prejudice of the Merchants of London, Poole & Dartmouth, and those of Canada.— It is worth while to remark here an aukward Endeavour to give the Name of America, to Canada & Nova scotia. We may hear more of this hereafter.
          Eden wanted to prove that Quebec was this Year able to supply the Fish[eries] at half the Price paid last Year. if Quebec was not to be a flour Country, her Prospect was melancholly indeed: for the disgracefull Destruction of all her hopes of the Fur Trade, by the Provisional Articles, had left her without any other Resource.— He contended that there was not at present any trade legally subsisting, between the U. States and the Colonies. He had many Objections 1. The scarcity would be increased by the Uncertainty. 2. The freights of the British Merchants would be lessened, and the Price of his fish must be raised. 3. Facili[ties] would be given to Smuggling. 3. it was quitting the old Policy and encouraging a resident Inhabitancy of Newfoundland. 4. He was unwilling to introduce Systems, by Act of Parliament contrary to that monopolizing system which, however described by theoretical Writers, must be considered as the Rock of Salvation to this Country, under the Pressure of all her Debts and Taxes.
          Lord North Said it was always the admitted System of colonial Policy that the Mother Country Should, as far as possible, monopolize the supplying of her Colonies. that whenever a Necessity arose of deviating from this Principle, the onus probandi lay on those who alledged Such necessity to subsist.
          Mr J. Luttrell Said that Monopolies had always been prejudicial to Newfoundland. it was requisite that every source of Supply should be opened.
          Watson Said, (falsely however) that France had done the direct contrary to that which the Bill proposed, in respect to her West India Islands. that the Bill would be the means of bringing Rum to Newfoundland distilled from French Molasses, and that it would be impossible to prevent its being Smuggled. that unless the English had a Markett for their Rum, the Estates in the W. Indies could not be worked.— here I presume one principal Secret comes out. the Principal Motive to the Bill was to exclude New England Rum from Newfoundland. This Rum, distilled in the U. States, out of French Molasses, is considered as benefiting two Rivals at once, and therefore We dont See any Man of any Party in this debate, even hinting any Thing in favour of it.
          Mr Beaufoy, who is Supposed to be in the Confidence of Mr Pitt, closes this debate, in a long Speech, which contains more Argument and more Knowledge of the subject than all the rest.— his first argument is, that the Bill, upon Watsons own Ground is peculiarly formed to defend the Interests of the West India Islands and protect their Commerce, because it narrows and circumscribes the Intercourse between the United States and Newfoundland.— He does not Speak out, like Watson but he means, that New England Rum is excluded, by the Bill. His next Argument is that the Bill is expedient, because the Intercourse without it would be unlimited, as the Custom house Officers, at Newfoundland, had then no right to demand a manifest or Certificate from a Vessell arriving from a foreign Port, and the U. states were by Proclamations and Treaties known to be foreign Ports, british Treaties being Laws of the Land.
          He next examines Watsons Maxim, that all Intercourse between the U. States & Newfoundlan should be Strictly prohibited, least it Should be the means of introducing the Rums of New England, as a Rival of W. India Rum and he Shews that the Loss to the Islands can be but trifling, compared with the Loss to the Fishermen, if the Intercourse should be prohibited. He asserts that the Fishermen can have no Resource in N. scotia, which does not produce a sufficiency of Food for its own People, but depends for supply on the U. States. Canada for some Years can be no Resource. besides that the Gulph of st Laurens in Winter and Spring when the Wants of Newfoundland are greatest is bound up in frost.— The Occupation of Fishermen is of little Benefit to themselves, but of infinite Advantage to their Country. miserable at the best of times is the subsistence they obtain; but valuable indeed are the returns they make to the Kingdom, not less than half a million a Year tho this forms but a Small part of their Importance; for next to the coasting Trade, theirs is the greatest Nursery of Seamen. hundreds of new Men are sent out to this school every Year.
          Allow your Fishermen says he, the right of purchasing their Corn at a fair markett, instead of that of a Monopolist, and you will find that as far as foreign Marketts are concerned, they will soon be established on the ruins of every other. The French have never more than Supplied, the consumption of their own Markett. (He should have known that they have, never done this, they have never supplied their own West Indies, and that whenever by British Folly they shall be enabled to do it they will easily establish their Fishery on the Ruins of that of Great Britain). The Americans, excluded from the West Indies find their Fisheries rapidly declining, having no other considerable Markett for their damaged Fish. They must advance the Price of their best Fish, so far that they cannot long contest with Us the Possession of the Spanish or Italian or any other foreign Markett. The American Fishermen are seeking a Refuge from Poverty in the Dominions of Britain. But if We consign our Fishers to the Avarice of the Monopolist, they will fly from Distress to other Employments or other Employers.
          I have attempted this hasty Abridgment of the Debate, because it deserves the critical Attention of every Man in America. the United States may learn from it, their own Duty. the Cunning both of Administration and opposition restrained them from opening fairly their Opinions. But thus much appears too plainly. vizt. that no Man of any Party had the Courage to declare himself, for an open free and unlimited Trade, between the U. States and any of the British Dominions in America. Mr Pitt, and indeed the Administration at the head of which he is, declare themselves against a total Prohibition of Intercourse, but they have discovered by this Bill an Inclination to confine it to so few Articles, and to exclude So many others, that the U. States can never consent to the Plan but must prohibit, in their turn the few Articles and the narrow Intercourse, permitted by the English.
          In Short, Sir, every Article, which can support a shipwrig[ht,] a ship, a seaman, a Whaleman a Cod Fisherman, a Rum Distillery or a sugar House, appears to be struck Act with the Malice of Murderers, and a Settled Plan to dupe Us out of all our Carrying Trade, the Carriage of our own Produce as well as theirs, appears to have been decidedly adopted by the present Ministry, and no Party, no Man has yet dared to declare himself of another Opinion.
          If the U. States submit to it, they will deserve to be the Contempt of the World and of Posterity. The Massachusetts and New Hampshire have done themselves great honour, all over Europe, by the Proofs they have given, of their Feelings and Intelligence, and I hope they will persevere in their Acts, even although they Should stand Alone and be Supported. by Similar Acts in no other State. This however is in Europe universally Supposed to be impossible it is universally expected, that most of the other States will do the Same, immediately and all of them eer long.

          I know not, Sir what Mr Temple may have Authority to Say to Congress, but I hope they will not be lulled by any general Expressions of good Will.— I know, sir, that there is an absolute Impossibility, of our obtaining a Seasonable Relief to our Commerce, from this Country. There is no other Question left for Us to determine than this. Will you see all your shipping Seamen and Commerce, taken from you, and become a nation of mere husbandmen, fleeced almost at pleasure by rapacious foreign Factors, or will you be your own Carriers? Threats, Prophecies, Reasonings, with whatever delicacy, or skill they might be urged, even although you yourself Sir, were here to enforce them, would have little Effect: The Deed must be done. You must prohibit and exclude in your turn, and confine your Exports to your own ships, or at least exclude the ships of Great Britain. When they actually See Six or Seven hundred of their own ships thrown out of employ, they will begin to consider how their Navigation is affected.— Nobody doubts the Ability of every State from Maryland inclusively northward, to furnish ships for its own Exports. and if the states to the southward of Cheasapeak, cannot procure ships immediately, the other States will soon be able to furnish them.— Nothing will ever be done here untill this Measure is adopted by the United States if Ministry in the next Winter session should bring in a Bill upon such a Plan as America desires, they would not be able to carry it through Parliament. Why? because the national Prejudice in favour of their navigation Acts is so strong, and the Necessity of relaxing it does not appear. on the contrary they think it certain there is no necessity, because We cannot unite, in Laws and Measures which would make one.— By the best Judgment I can form, the Posts upon the Frontiers will never be evacuated, nor the Maryland stock recovered, nor the Rhode Island demand satisfied, nor the Negroes paid for while there remains in force a Vote of any Assembly suspending Proscess for the Recovery of British Debts.
          With great and sincere Esteem I have / the Honour to be, sir your most / obedient and most humble servant

            John Adams

            P.S. inclosed are the American Intercourse Act, and the Newfoundland and American Trade Act.


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Barclay, 26 October 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Barclay, Thomas

            Dear Sir—
            Grosvenor Square October 26 1785.—

          I have received your Letter of the 13th with my accounts settled by yourself up to the first of August 1785, signed by you on the 10th of this Month. the article of Eighty five Florins 17 May 1784 is probably right. the difference between the Charge of Messrs Willinks &c on the 31 of August 1784 and the Credit I gave I can account for only by supposing that they Charged the Exchange and a Commission on the money paid me in London. ifso it is more reasonable the United states should pay it than I.— if you think so you may give me Credit for it, if you are doubtfull let it stand as it is. in all Events I pray you to transmit my Account as settled by you to Congress on the Board of Treasury that it may be off of my mind. I had rather give up much more than that sum than delay the final settlement— I wish you a pleasant journey and a happy success
          with great Esteem yours—


Title: From John Adams to C. W. F. Dumas, 1 November 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Dumas, C. W. F.

            Sir
            Grosvenor Square Nov. 1. 1785

          I have not written you Since you inclosed me a Letter for Mr Gardoqui from the Comte de Sanefe. I pray you to present that Nobleman with my Sincere Respects and let him know that I Sent his Letters with my first Dispatches.
          My Son arrived, at New York after a Passage of fifty five days, and was received by his Countrymen with great joy Cordiality. I have no Letters or News from him after he left that City. My Charles whom you know too is at the University of Cambridge.
          Dr Franklin is arrived too in better Health than he went away, and was received by his Fellow Citizens with great Honour.
          We have enjoyed very good Health Since We have been here, and We find Friends who are glad to see Us, but the Business We came upon will require time to accomplish. Whether it will not require more time, than the impatience of my Country men will allow I know not.— Nor do I know whether it is of so much importance, as some People imagine it, or as I myself have some times thought it.— The less we are connected with this Country, the more We shall be, with France & Holland and We may find them, for what I know better Friends than these.— It will do Us no dishonour with any nation to have made to this, fair, candid, honourable & equitable Proposals, and if they are refused, We shall have done our Duty to ourselves and to them, and let them look to the Consequences.— I dread less and less every day any that can happen to the United States.
          I have been received here, from the first day of my Arrival to this, with perfect Decency, from every Rank of People, excepting those Secret hidden Tyrants, who make Use of the Prerogative of the Press, to pervert the Purpose of it. these entertain me with Oysters from Bilingsgate every Morning. But as long as they feast the King and Royal Family, the Members of Parliament and Judges with the Same good chear, I Shall Scarcely be found to complain.
          Our best Respects to your Ladies, and believe me sir / your most obedient Servant

            John Adams


Title: To John Adams from John Jay, 1 November 1785
From: Jay, John
To: Adams, John

            Dear Sir
            New York 1st: November 1785

          My last to you was of the 14th: Ult: by the Ship Betsey Capt. Thomas Watson—since that time, I have had the Pleasure of receiving and laying before Congress your Dispatches of 6th, 8th, & 10th: August last.—
          We concur so perfectly in Sentiment respecting public Affairs and what ought to be done, that I find no Occasion to enlarge on those Heads.—
          In a late Report I have called the Attention of Congress to this serious Question Vizt. Whether the United States should withdraw their Attention from the Ocean and leave Foreigners to fetch and carry for them, or whether it is more their Interest to look forward to naval Strength and maritime Importance, and to take and persevere in the Measure proper to attain it?—
          The Diversity of Opinions on this point renders it necessary that it should be well considered and finally decided. The Eastern and Middle States are general for the latter System, and tho’ the others do not openly avow their preferring the former, yet they are evidently inclined to it. Hence it is that the most leading Men in Congress from that Quarter, do not only not promote Measures for vesting Congress with power to regulate Trade, but as the common Phrase is throw cold Water on all such Ideas.—
          Having few or no Ships of their own, they are averse to such Duties on foreign ones as will greatly advance the Price of Freight; nor do they seem much disposed to sacrifice any present Profits for the Sake of their Neighbours who have Ships and wish to have more.—
          We hear much of the Algerines having declared War against the United States—none of our Advices are official, but as the Intelligence comes directly from Nantes, Bordeaux and L’Orient there seems to be much Reason to fear it is true.—
          The public Papers herewith sent, will inform you of our common occurrences; and I wish it was in my power to tell you what Congress mean to do respecting many Matters on which they are to decide. The Representation is at present slender and will I suspect continue so till the new Members come on.—
          I have the Honor to be with great and sincere Esteem and Regard / Dear Sir / Your most obt. & very hble: Servt.

            John Jay—


Title: To John Adams from John Jay, 1 November 1785
From: Jay, John
To: Adams, John

            Dear Sir
            New York 1st: November 1785

          I have the Honor of transmitting to you herewith enclosed an Act of Congress of the 13th: Ult: respecting british Claims and Encroachments on our Eastern Boundaries, and instructing and authorising you to take proper Measures for amicably settling the Disputes thence arising. You will also find herewith enclosed the several Papers & Documents referred to in that Act, and of which a List is hereto subjoined.—
          It also apears to me expedient to send you Copies of two Reports which I have made to Congress respecting these Matters, not for your Direction, but that you may thereby be fully informed of my Sentiments on this interesting Subject.—
          With great and sincere Regard I am / Dear Sir / Your most obt. & very hble: Servt.

            John Jay—

            List of Papers herewith enclosed.—
            No. 1. Resolution of Congress 13th. Octor. 1785
            No. 2. Copy of a Report of the Secretary for foreign Affairs 21st. April 1785.
            No. 3. Copy of a Resolve of the Legislature of Massachusetts 6th: & 7th: July 1784.
            No. 4. Copy of the Report of Genls. Lincoln & Knox 19th. October 1784.
            No. 5. Copy of the Deposition of John Mitchel 9th. Octor. 1784.—
            No. 6. Extract of a Letter from John Adams Esqr: to Govr. Cushing 25th: Octor. 1784.—
            No. 7. Copy of a Letter from Govr. Hancock to Govr. Parr of 12th Novr and Govr. Parr’s answer of 7th. Decemr. 1784.—
            No. 8. Copy of a Letter from Rufus Putnam Esqr: to the Committee of Massachusetts 24th. Decemr. 1784.—
            No. 9. Copy of the deposition of Nathan Jones 17th March 1785.—
            No. 10. Copy of a Letter from Govr. Carleton to Govr. Hancock 21st: June 1785.—
            No. 11. Copy of a Report of the Secretary for for: Affairs 22d. Sepr. 1785.
            No. 12. Copy of a Letter from James Avery Esqr: to the Governor of Massachusetts 23d. August 1785.—
            No. 13. Copy of an Act of the Council of Massachusetts 9th. Sept. 1785
            No. 14. Copy of a Letter from the Governor of Massachusetts to the Governor of New Brunswick 9th. Septemr. 1785.—


Title: To John Adams from Rufus King, 2 November 1785
From: King, Rufus
To: Adams, John

            Sir,
            New York 2d Nov: 1785

          A confidential intimacy with our common friend Mr. Gerry, with whom I have served during the last year has given me full information of the correspondence which has lately passed between you and him: and it is in consequence of a Sentence in your last letter to Mr. Gerry, that I take the Liberty of addressing this to you— if Mr. Gerry remained in Congress, I should suppose that the communications which I might make, would not be worth the Trouble of your perusal—but in his absence from Congress, it may be convenient that you should know the Opinions entertained by this body, relative to the Object of your Legation, and other Subjects important to America—
          If in communicating this information, I Shall have not only the honor of corresponding with a great minister, but also the satisfaction of serving my country, I cannot want motives to proceed.
          The Sentiments uniformly expressed in your official Letters to the Secretary of foreign affairs, since your Residence at London, meet correspondent Opinions in all the States Eastward of Maryland— You very well understand the false commercial reasonings, and ill founded policy, of the other States: their present conduct, will hereafter be the cause of bitter regret— The navigation Act of Massachusetts you undoubtedly will have seen before this reaches You. New Hampshire has passed a similar Law, & other States probably may follow their example; yet granting that the measure will not become general still the confederation has put it in the choice of the Seven or Eight eastern States to become great commercial powers— Even admitting what is affirmed in England, that the Southern and Eastern States cannot agree in any System of commerce which will oppose to G. Britain commercial Disadvantages similar to those which she imposes upon our commerce and navigation, yet the Eight Eastern States can agree; they have common objects, are under similar embarrassments, would rest adequate powers in Congress to regulate external and internal commerce; and in case the Southern States decline, to rest similar powers in Congress, or to agree in some uniform system, the former by the Confederation are competent to form, and in the Event must form, a sub confederation remedial of all their present Embarrassments—
          This is a matter that will be touched with great delicacy; the Subject is better and better understood every day in America, for it is the general conversation and examination— You sir, know your countrymen, you have witnessed their enterprize and Resolution under superior Difficulties. Will they suffer their commerce to languish and expire? will not the Spirit which dictated the nonimportation Agreement, & which once pervaded these States again appear? it still exists, and though it may have slept for a Time, it can again be roused; and if once more it becomes vigilant, and can be made active by the Pride of independence and the idea of national honor and Glory, the present embarrassments of Trade, and the vain Sophisms of Europeans relative thereto, will not only direct, but drive America into a System more advantageous than Treaties and alliances with all the world— A System which shall cause her to rely upon her own Ships, and her own mariners, and to exclude those of all other Nations— I will not add—be pleased to esteem this as introductory to such opinions prevailing here, as future safe opportunities may authorise me to communicate— If a Stranger can without impropriety offer his homage to a Lady of distinguished merit, I pray that you will please to make mine acceptable to Mrs. Adams; for whose happiness, together with that of Miss Adams her Companion & daughter, I entertain the warmest wishes—and have the honor to be with perfect respect, & consideration, Sir your most / obed. Servt.

            Rufus King—


Title: From John Adams to John Jay, 4 November 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Jay, John

            Dear Sir
            Grosvenor Square Westminster Nov. 4. 1785

          Yesterday at the Ministers Levee, one of the foreign Ministers put into my hand a Leyden Gazette, in which I found announced to the Public, an Arret of the King of France of the 18th. of September, in which a Bounty of Ten Livres per Quintal is promised to any French Merchants who shall import into the Markett of the French West India Islands, or of Spain Portugal or Italy any Fish, of the French Fisheries.— and in which the Impost upon all foreign Fish, is raised to, five Livres a Quintal. This amounts to an encouragement of Fifteen Livres a Quintal upon French Fish in the West Indies.
          As the Supply of the French Islands with Fish is so material, perhaps so essential to our Fishery, this Ordonnance deserves the earliest and most serious Attention, of every Man in America who has any regard to our Fisheries. As the Supply of the French Islands, with Fish is of so much Consequence, to the British Fishery, I took occasion in a conference with the Marquis of Carmarthen to mention it to him, and to observe to him, that, I left it to his Lordship to consider, whether the British Fisheries could be Supported against the Influence of this ordinance, without the freeest Communication of Supplies from the United States.— His Lordship thought it deserved Consideration, and that was all the Oracle would deliver. I afterwards mentioned it to Mr Frazer his Lordships Under Secretary of State.
          The Marquis of Carmarthen, that I may let you into enough of his Character to account for his Conduct, is a modest amiable Man: treats all Men with Civility, and is much esteemed, by the foreign Ministers as well as the Nation: But is not an enterprizing Minister: is never assuming, and I believe never takes upon himself to decide any Point of Importance, without consulting the Cabinet. he never gives his private Opinion but in all Things which respect America, I dont believe that he or any other of the Ministry have yet formed any. We shall I think learn nothing of their Designs till they are brought forth in Parliament in the Course of the Winter and Spring.
          Mr Pitt commenced his Career, with Sentiments, rather liberal towards the U. States: but Since he has been Prime Minister he has appeared to have given Ear, to the Chancellor & Lord Gower Mr Dundas and Mr Jenkinson, with their Instruments Irvin, Chalmers, Smith and others So much as to have departed from his first Principle. He has tryed the Experiments of the Newfoundland Bill and fourth Irish Proposition: but finding the fatal Success of both, he may be brought back to the System with which he set out. But I doubt it. or rather I am convinced he never will untill he is obliged to it, by our States adopting Navigation Acts.— There is published this Morning, in the Chronicle The Proceedings at Charlestown on the 16. of August, which look very encouraging. if the Legislature of South Carolina, lay partial Restrictions, on the Ships of Such Nations as have no Treaty of Commerce with the United States, I think it cannot be doubted that all the other States will come into the Measure, because there is none which will Suffer a greater temporary Inconvenience by it. These measures have a tendency to encourage the naval Stores of North Carolina so much, that She will be a gainer.
          But the principal Danger is, that these Restrictions may not be Sufficiently high to give a clear Advantage to the Ships of the United States.
          I cannot repeat to you, too often, Sir, that all my Hopes are founded upon Such Exertions in America. The Trade with America, must come under consideration of Parliament, in the renovation of  the Intercourse Act, if not of the Newfounland Act: and their Deliberations will be influenced by Nothing, but American Navigation Acts. I fear there are not enough of these Yet made, nor likely to be made this Year to have much Effect.
          This nation is Strangely blinded by Prejudice and Passion. They are ignorant of the Subject, beyond Conception. There is a Prohibition of the Truth, arising from popular Anger. Printers will print nothing which is true without pay, because it displeases their Readers, while their Gazettes are open to lies because they are eagerly read, and make the Papers Sell.— Scribblers for Bread, are wholly occupied in abusing the United States: and Writers for Fame, if there are any Such left in this Country, find the public applause wholly against Us. The Rise of the Stocks, has established Mr Pitt, and if he were willing he would Scarcely be able, to do right untill America Shall enable him & oblige him. I am / sir your most obt. sert.

            John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Jefferson, 4 November 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Jefferson, Thomas

            Dear sir
            Grosvenor Square Nov. 4. 1785

          Mr Preston has at last found and Sent me, your Letter. Dr Bancroft Spoke to me, about Commodore Jones’s Demand upon Denmark: but upon looking into the Papers We found that the Commodore is recommended by Congress wholly to the Minister at the Court of Versailles, so that We were apprehensive our Powers would be disputed. The Danish Minister however was not here; I offered to go with Dr Bancroft to the Charge D’Affairs, and Speak to him upon the Subject, but the Dr thought it would be Safest to follow the Intentions of Congress, and write to Jones to request you to Speak to the Chargé D’Affairs of Denmark at Paris. I know nothing of the Subject more than you. The offer of 10,000£ was made to Dr Franklin alone.— all that you or I can do is to Speak or write to the Minister or Chargé D’affairs and receive his Answer. The Surrender of the Prizes to the English was an Injury to Jones and his People and to the U. States and ought to be repaired.—
          Will you be so good as to Send me the Ordonnance du Roi of 18 sept, establishing Bounties upon Salt Fish of the French Fisheries and Imposts upon foreign Fish in the Marketts of the French Islands and in Spain Portugal and Italy?—
          The Portuguese Minister told me Yesterday that his Court did not choose to treat in France, but I have learned from another Quarter that he had written for and expects full Power to treat here. this you will keep to yourself. as soon as any Proposals are made to me, I will send them to you. But I am every day more and more sensible, We must confine our Exports to our own ships, and therefore Shall be afraid to let any more foreign ships into our Ports, without a rich equivalent for it.— We must encourage Our Manufactures too. All foreign nations are taking an ungenerous Advantage of our Symplicity and philosophical Liberality. We must take heed.—
          I dont doubt that all the Courts of Europe would join my Friends the Abbes, in their Prayer that We may be perpetually poor, not indeed like them with a desire that We may be perpetually virtuous, but that Europeans may have all the Profit of American Labour.— Our Country[men] I fancy, have more Wit, if they have not so much Wisdom as Philosophers wish them or so much [Patience] under insidious Policy, as Courtiers would be glad to find in them.
          With the most cordial Esteem, your / Friend & sert

            John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Wilhem & Jan Willink and Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, 4 November 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Willink, Wilhem & Jan (business),Staphorst, Nicolaas & Jacob van (business)

            Gentlemen
            Grosvenor Square November 4th 1785

          I last Night received the letter you did me the Honour to write me the 28th of Octr I have the Honour now to inform you that I have not only accepted the three Bills you have been made acquainted with drawn by Mr Barclay One of 120£ another of 100£ and a third of 100£— but I have since accepted three others vizt 200£ St accepted the 31st of October drawn by Mr Barclay 140£ St accepted the first of November drawn by Mr John Lamb, 160£ st accepted the 1st of November drawn by Mr John Lamb, these of Mr Lamb are dated the 25th of October, payable at Usance, I really have forgot or perhaps never knew whether the Usances are to be computed from the date of the Bill, or from the date of acceptance. these Bills are to be a part of the Eighty thousand Dollars appropriated by the resolution of Congress, Copy of which I lately transmitted to you.— this Sum Gentlemen is for a purpose of so much Importance that you must reserve it in readiness at all Events—
          with much respect I am &c—


Title: From John Adams to John Jay, 5 November 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Jay, John

            Dear Sir
            Grosvenor Square Westminster Nov. 5. 1785

          The Chevalier De Pinto, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, from Portugal, after a long Absence by Leave of his Court, is lately arrived here from Lisbon: Upon Several Occasions, when I met him, at Court and upon Visits, he told me, that he had orders from his Court to confer with me, upon the Project of a Treaty between the United States and Portugal, but he never descended to Particulars till Yesterday, When he called upon me, and said, that before he left Lisbon, his Court had learn’d that I was in England, and had charged him to enter into Conference with me, concerning that Project of a Treaty, which had been transmitted to his Court by the Comte De Suzi. That the Portugueze Ministry, notwithstanding their high Esteem for their Ambassador in France, knowing that he lived in the Country, and was in distress, did not choose that the negotiation Should be any longer conducted by him, but had committed the Project, to their Envoy at the Court of England, and had instructed him to assure me that the Court of Lisbon was Sincerely desirous of entering into a Treaty of Commerce with the United States of America a Power with which it was more convenient for Portugal to trade with than any other. But there were some Things in the Plan proposed, which were inadmissible, particularly the Americans could never be admitted into the Brazils. it was impossible. it was the invariable Maxim of their Court to exclude all Nations from those Territories, and having himself Served for Some Years as Governor General of one of the Brazils he knew it was a Policy, from which his Court, could never on any Consideration depart. That it was a great Compliment to him to be preferred to the Comte De Luzi for the Conduct of Such a Negotiation. That he made no Pretensions to Such Merit, but readily acknowledged the Superiority of the Ambassador: but it was the Pleasure of his Court, and he had no right to dispute it.
          I answered, that I had no Authority to treat, but in Conjunction with Mr Jefferson, the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States at the Court of Versailles. That the Full Power to treat with Portugal, was to Mr Jefferson and me jointly: so that I could conclude nothing without his Concurrence, nor carry on any Conferences, without communicating them to him. to this I Supposed he could have no Objection. He said none at all.—
          His first Instruction was he Said, to confer with me concerning the mutual Wants and Several Productions of our Countries which might be the Objects of Commerce. His Countrymen wanted he Said, Grain.— I asked, if they did not want Flour? He said he was not precisely instructed concerning Flour, but they had Mills in Portugal which they wished to employ.— I replied that in every negotiation, I thought there ought to be a mutual Consideration of each others Profits, and Losses, Advantages and Disadvantages, So that the Result might be equitable and give Satisfaction on both Sides. That a Commerce founded upon Compacts made upon this Principle would ever be carried on with more Pleasure, and to better Effect. That We had Mills, which We wished to employ, as well as Portugal, and Mills as costly and as good as those of any nation. in this respect then our Pretensions were mutual and equal. but there were other Particulars, in which without any Benefit to Portugal the Loss to the United States would be very great. The Commodity was more difficult to preserve in Grain than in Flour. it was more exposed to the Insect, and to heat both at home and upon the Passage, by which means the Loss upon Wheat was much greater than that upon Flour. That it would not be equitable then for Portugal to receive Wheat to the Exclusion of Flour. That this was a point of so much Importance that would facilitate the Treaty, and encourage the Commerce, if his Court Should think fit to agree to receive our Flour.
          He Said he had not precise Instructions, but he would write to his Court, particularly upon this Point.— The next Article, wanted by the Portuguese was Lumber, of various sorts particularly Staves for Pipes, in large Quantities. They wanted also ship timber, Pitch Tar and Turpentine, Potash for their Manufactures of Glass, Iron, Masts Yards and Beausprits, Furrs, Ginzeng, and above all Salt Fish. The Consumption of this Article in Portugal he Said was immense and he would avow to me, that the American Salt Fish was preferred to any other, on Account of its Quality. here you, See, Says the Chevalier De Pinto is a Catalogue of Articles, which the Portuguese will want in larger or Smaller Quantities: now what are the Articles You can take in America in Exchange? it behoves my Nation, to enquire, what they can Supply yours with, otherwise the Ballance in your favour may be too ruinous to Us. it happens unluckily for Portugal, that the Americans have no Occasion for our Principal Commodities which are Tobacco, Rice Indigo &c the Produce of the Brazils.
          I replied, that the United States had been used to take considerable Quantities of Madeira, Lisbon and Port Wines, Fruits, Olive Oil Salt &c.— He asked why We could not take Tea, from Lisbon? They imported from the East, large Quantities, and very good. The English East India Company had purchased of them this Year Teas to the amount of forty Thousand Pounds, and he thought they could Sell it to Us cheaper than We bought it elsewhere. They could Supply Us, likewise with all other East India Goods. perhaps We intended to Supply ourselves by a direct Trade to India: he was glad to hear that our first Enterprizes had Succeeded: but if We continued to take any Part of our Consumption from Europe they could Supply Us as cheaply as any other Nation. Sugar too the Produce of the Brazils, they could furnish to Us, of as good quality as English or French and much cheaper. if We should think of Manufactures among ourselves, they could let Us have Wool of the Same quality with the Spanish, and Coton in any quantities We might Want. if We made Chocolate, they could Sell Us Cocoa. indeed they had Woolen Manufactures and could afford Us Cloth as good and cheap as other Nations.
          These were Things I replied in which the Merchants on both Sides Should Speculate. if the United States Should proceed in the Plan already begun of encouraging their own Manufactures, the raw Materials of Wool and Coton would be in demand. and if they persevered in their Measures for encouraging their own Navigation, they would want large Quantities of Hemp, Sailcloth &c from the Baltick. and for what I knew they might find their Account in taking Sugars, Coton, Cocoa &c at Lisbon to carry as Remittances to Petersbourg & stockholm. They might even, upon some occasions purchase Tobacco, Rice & Indigo, for the same Markett as well as the Mediterranean, if that Scæne Should be open to our ships. But all these Things would depend upon the Facilities given to our Commodities by the Treaty. nothing would contribute so much to promote the Trade as their receiving our Flour, without Duties or Discouragements. our ready built Ships too, were an Article of Importance to Us.— He Said he did not know that our ready built ships were prohibited.— I asked if they could not take our White Sperma Cæti Oil, to burn in their Lamps or for any other Uses. He Said no. They had Such an Abundance of Oil, made in the Country of Olives which grow there, that they had no Occasion for their own Sperma Cæti Oil, which they sold to Spain. They had now a very pretty Sperma Cæti Whale Fishery, which they had learned of the New Englanders, and carried on, upon the Coast of Brazil.— I asked if they could not take our Sperma Cæti Candles, and burn them in their Churches? He Said they made Some Wax in Portugal and some in the Brazils, but he would own it was not enough for their Consumption. The surplus they bought in Italy and Barbary at a dear rate.— At length, I observed to the Chevalier, that Portugal abounded in two Articles, which would be extreamly convenient to my fellow Citizens, in which she might always ballance Accounts with Us to our entire satisfaction whether We should take more or less of their other Commodities. these were silver and Gold, than which no kind of Merchandize was in greater demand or had a higher Reputation. The Chevalier thought the Taste of his Countrymen so much like ours that they had rather pay Us in any thing else.
          I added, if the Conduct of the Court of St. James’s Should oblige the United States to make a navigation Act, their Commerce must increase with Portugal.— a navigation Act? Says he, why there is not a Nation in Europe that would Suffer a navigation Act to be made in any other, at this day. The English Navigation Act was made, in times of Ignorance when few Nations cultivated Commerce, and no Court but this understood or cared any Thing about it: but at present all Courts were attentive to it. for his Part if he were Minister in Portugal, he would not hesitate to exclude from her Ports the ships of any Nation that should make Such an Act.— I replied that I did not mean, a Navigation Act against any Nation but this: but if the English persevered in enforcing their Act against Us, We could do no other than make one against them.— The Chevalier said We Should be perfectly in the right. The Courts of Europe had a long time cried out, against this Act of the English. if it were now to begin, it would not be Submitted to.
          This Observation is just, and it may be carried farther. I dont believe the British Navigation Act, can last long. at least I am persuaded, if America has Spirit enough Umbone repellere Umbonem, that all the other Nations will Soon follow her Example. and the Apprehension of this would be alone Sufficient, if thinking Beings governed this Island, to induce them to Silence America, by giving her Satisfaction.— But they rely upon our Disunion, and think it will be time enough, when We Shall have shewn that We can agree.—
          The Chevalier, concluded the Conference, by Saying that he would write to his Court for farther Information and Instructions, and as I understood him for full Powers. but before he went away he said, he had orders from his Court to enquire of me, what were the sentiments of Congress upon the Head of Ministers and Consuls. whether they would Send a Minister and Consul to Lisbon. His Court had a mind to Send Somebody to the United States: but Ettiquette required, that Congress should send in return to Portugal. I answered that in the Project of a Treaty which was in his Possession, there was an Article, that each Party should have a right to send Consuls. so that when the Treaty was concluded, Portugal would be a Liberty to send when she would. As to Ministers I had no Instructions, but there could be no Doubt, that if their Majesties of Portugal thought proper to send an Ambassador of any denomination, he would be received by Congress, with all the respect due to his Character and his sovereign. He said, if there was a Treaty, there ought to be Ministers. I could not answer to this particularly for Want of Instructions: but Congress had as yet but few Ministers abroad, and indeed they had not found many Gentlemen disposed to quit the delights of their own families and Connections, and the Esteem of their Fellow Citizens, for the sake of Serving in Europe. and here ended the Conversation.
          With great Esteem I have the Honour to be / dear sir your most obedient and most / humble servant

            John Adams

            P.S. I forgot to Mention in its Place, that I asked the Chevalier about our ships being admitted to the Portuguese Island of Macao in the East Indies. He Said that would be of Importance to Us, for he did not see how the Commerce with China could be carried on without the Use of that Island as there were certain seasons of the Year when European ships and American too he supposed could not be admitted into Canton. But our ships Should enjoy the Benefit of their Island as fully as any Nation in Europe.
            You will perceive, Sir by this Conference, what is more and more manifest every day. That there is, and will continue a general Scramble for navigation.— Carrying Trade! Ship Building! Fisheries! are the Cry of every Nation: and it will require all the Skill and Firmness of the United States to preserve, a reasonable share even of their own.— They have brought Treaties of Commerce so much into Fashion, that more have been made Since the American War and are now in Negotiation, than had been made for a Century before. Courts which never made one before, are now proposing them to Several others. Portugal is Supposed to be pushing for one with Russia: and if We have heretofore been discouraged and thwarted in any Attempts, it was by those, who meant to be beforehand with Us, in Proposals, which they taught Us to believe it unnecessary and beneath our Dignity make. France does not now think it, beneath her Dignity to propose a Treaty with Russia, nor do French or English Newspapers under the direction of their Courts think it beneath them to fill all Europe with Reports of our Disunion, and of the Want of Power in Congress to make Treaties in order to keep Us back.
            The fatal Policy of obstructing and delaying our Treaties of Commerce, especially with England, has thrown American Merchants into their present Distress, and not only prevented our acquiring fresh Advantages in Trade by the Revolution, but taken from Us many Sources which We enjoyed before.— Our Countrymen, partly from Penury and partly from Fondness, have been too easily drawn into the snare. J. A.


Title: To John Adams from Elbridge Gerry, 8 November 1785
From: Gerry, Elbridge
To: Adams, John

            My dear sir
            New York 8th Novr 1785

          Since my last of the 3d of August I am favoured with yours of the 26th of June, 6th of July, 26th of August & 11th of September, & am much obliged to You for the papers inclosed in the July Letter, as well as for the useful Information contained in all of them.
          The Conduct of the Court of London, clearly indicates, & convinces Us on this Side the Atlantic that they have an unfriendly Disposition towards Us. if the professions of the King are real, he discovers great Wisdom; for this will ever direct Men to make the best of Circumstances, & not to afflict themselves with repining or Resentment, because unfavorable Events have taken place. but in political affairs, & indeed in private Concerns, We are to ground our Conduct, on the part which those We have to deal with act, not on that, which they profess. but let the King’s Disposition, be what it may, the Ministry’s & Nation’s appears inimical—their true line of Conduct, is to rival in our Commerce the other Europeans, as they can, if they would conquer their vindictive Disposition & renew Friendship; but they are too degenerate for this, & the Consequence will be, such an implacable Hatred between the two Nations as will terminate all Commerce, & divert that of the U States into Channels from whence it will never return to G Britain. if they wish for Hostilities, We mean to be prepared for them by having a well armed & disciplined Militia, but with forty Millions sterg unfunded & with a people so burdened, as to be clamorous upon every Attempt to fund this Debt or any part of it, so loaded with Taxes for supporting Government & for paying the Interest of the funded Debt as to be hardly able to subsist, I think they cannot be so distracted as to wish for another hundred Millions on their shoulders by again waging War with the U. S— if they are, in the Name of God let them come on, & sink into the pit they had provided for Us; for such an addition to their Debt, or a less Sum, would produce a Convulsion that must subjugate them to some of the Other European powers; An Event I wish not to see, if they will cease to disturb & destroy the Happiness of Mankind.
          As to an Allowance of Interest to the british Merchants for Debts contracted before the War, I do not conceive the Demand to be just, or that a Jury in the Union will ever be found to admit it. Interest is a Consideration for the Improvement of property, & the Fact is, that the American Debtors had not an Opportunity during the War to make such Improvement. they were obliged to sell their british Imports on Credit & to receive paper, which on an Average is depretiated to an half or one third of its nominal Sum. shall then the british Creditor recover Interest on a Book Debt, when the Debtor could only recover the principal, because such a privilege was admitted by Us under the british Government? if this Indulgence was just then, is it, for the same Reason just now? I think not, & beleive them, whatever they may say, to be of the same opinion: or at least, that they must feel in some Degree, the Injustice of a Demand, so apparent to those who are personally disinterested. I allude to the most cool & judicious Men in this quarter—
          If a proposition should be made by partial Favours to divide the States, it will as formerly have a most happy Effect. it will tend to unite Us, more than any propositions of our own. but I think it impossible that the British Court, can be so lost to common Sense, as to betray their Enmity by such weak propositions as Facilities in Trade.
          Your plan of granting a Bounty on Oyl to be paid by an Impost on british Manufactures strikes me very agreably. the operation would be twofold, & I should hope the Effect would be powerful.
          I think You may make Yourself easy at present, respecting Congress— most of your Opponents are out by Rotation, & the Members appear in general to have great Confidence in your abilities & Integrity. Should You be attacked, You may rely on Mr King for a friendly & firm Support. Those who wished to supplant You, have quoted in private Circles, such Details & familiar Expressions in your Letters as they conceived were below the Dignity of your Station. their objections have had little or no Effect on liberal & judicious Minds, more especially, as all allow, You write with great Abilities on great Subjects. but to quiet these competitors, or Creatures of Competitors, it may be best to avoid Details, & gratify in some Measure their Taste for Sublimity of Style, & Rotundity of periods—
          The Tales which You have heard of Gallicans & Antigallicans, british & Antibritish, are without Foundation. Congress can not be more free from foreign & domestic Influence, than they now are; & there are no parties in America, but such as are produced by clashing Interests, which there is a general Disposition to reconcile— The Cincinnati indeed may be considered as an Exception; but their Institution will be soon attacked in Congress, & I hope abolished—
          Congress have taken much pains to obtain a full Representation of the States; from the Want of Which We have not done half the Business which We otherwise might have done the past Year. We have however put on a good Footing the Departments of the Treasury, War Office & foreign Affairs, the Business of which is very regularly & expeditiously conducted. We have also by adjourning to this place, quieted the Uneasinesses which resulted from the Want of Accomodations in princetown Trenton & Annapolis. We have obtained a good Requisition, & regulated the Loan offices so as reduce the thirteen Receivers of Taxes, & unite both Offices into One: passed the Land ordnance, in which however I think there must be an Alteration so far as to reduce the price of the fœderal Lands offered for Sale— We have also given You powers to adjust with the Court of London the eastern Boundary Line of Massachusetts. & have made You, Mr Jefferson & Mr Carmichael Consuls general, in the Kingdoms wherein You respectively reside. The fœderal Court between Massachusetts & New York is postponed, as two out of nine Judges have not yet accepted. We urged the Expediency of submitting the Cause to the seven who have accepted but N York declined.
          The new Congress is not yet formed & probably will not be within ten Days; they will have nothing to take off their attention from the great objects of laying plans for impowering Congress to collect the Taxes levied in pursuance of their Requisitions; to regulate Trade, so as to retaliate on Foreigners & carry commercial Treaties into full Effect; & to obtain an Adjustment of the State Accounts & a fœderal Valuation for assessing the States or rather a Rule for forming the latter. indeed the Algerine War, if it has taken Place, will require an Exertion, as We must have peace at all Events with these Barbarians, who are probably encouraged to commence Hostilities, by our british, or some other European Friends—
          I wish You would attend to the Resolution of Congress making You Consul General: & if it will admit of the Measure, appoint General Warren’s Son Mr Winslow Warren Consul untill the Sense of Congress can be known, provided he can remove from Lisbon. this would give such satisfaction to our Milton Friends, that I sincerely wish the Measure may be adopted: & there is no Doubt in my Mind the Appointment would be confirmed by Congress.
          I am no longer elegible to Congress, & feel such a Relief from Anxiety & Care already, As induces me to think I shall relish private Life too well to quite it Again for any public office whatever. possibly I may alter my Mind after resting awhile, but I sincerely declare, that I always supposed & ever found publick Life inconsistent with my Happiness. the obligations Solicitudes, & Confinements thereof, are utterly irreconcileable to my Disposition— however I can never divest myself of a Desire to see the U States happy in their Government, prosperous, & respected— these objects an Individual may as well promote in his Study, & often times better, than by appearing as an Actor in the political Theatre. You have much more Philosophy than most Statesmen can boast; & yet I am sometimes diverted to see it put to the Test. pray give my Compliments to the Ladies of your Family, & Colo Smith & be assured / I am ever your most / sincerely

            E Gerry

            PS Mr King has lately written to you, but request his respectful Compliments—


Title: To John Adams from Wilhem & Jan Willink and Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, 8 November 1785
From: Willink, Wilhem & Jan (business),Staphorst, Nicolaas & Jacob van (business)
To: Adams, John

            Amsterdam 8 November 1785

          Referring Your Excellency to what we had the Honor to address you the 4th: Inst: We have now to acknowledge Receipt of Your Excellency’s esteemed Favor of 4 ditto, advising your further Acceptances of

              £200.–.–

              Stg: drawn by Mr: Barclay–
              }

              140.–.–
              }
              ″ . . . ″    ″ John Lamb

              160.–.–

          Which we have directed Mess. C & R: Puller of London, to discharge at Maturity— Similar Honor You may depend, will be afforded to your future Appropriation of the 80,000 dollars, destined for an important Purpose.— We request you will be particular in your Advice of Drafts, specifying The Place drawn from & date, the Amount, At what Usance or Sight, And if at sight the date of Acceptance, to whose Order, Upon whom & payable where; These with the drawers Name constitute a regular & consequently agreeable Information. In some Instances they may even be a necessary Guide to the Persons who are to pay the Bills—
          We entreat Your Excellency, to desire Colonel Smith, to write us in What Manner he has disposed of the Credit of £400— Stg: furnished him on Account of the United States of America—
          We are every respectfully / Your Excellency’s / Most obd: & very hb̃le servt

            Wilhem & Jan Willinkv Nics. & Jacob van Staphorst.


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Boylston, 9 November 1785
From: Boylston, Thomas
To: Adams, John

            Sir
            Paris Novr 9th 1785

          This address you from Paris. on my arrival my first care was, without loss of time to deliever your several favors— I then went immediately on business, and soon found I was engaged in a much more arduous and difficult undertaking, than I had conceived; instead of being received with open Arms, which I thought the business I had Come to promote would have entitled me too, the contrary was the case
          The French has set their faces against the very plan, I had in view— The Whale Fishery is now the Hoby-Horse of the present Minister, & to encourage that, he wishes to have no foreign importation— The extract of a Letter (a copy of wch. you gave me) you received from America, proposeing terms for the admitting a quantity of Spemacity Oil into France, was not the inclination of the Minister of France (as the Maurquis de Fiatte & Mr Jefferson assured me) but was teazed into it, to gratifie & get rid of the Person who importunatly, solicited for it—
          This method, the only one, (& a bad one too) I must take: all up hill work, & the sucess uncertain— However that nothing should be unattempted in this necessary & Capital business on my Part, I have stated some proposals and laid ’em before, The Marquis De Fiat & Mr Jefferson to be introdued to the Minister— In one I propose to take half the amount of the Oil in French Goods In another I propose to sell in America at Public Auction all the French Goods, setting them up a sale at the prime cost & charges, without any addition of profit to my self, save only what the bider himself my think proper to bid at the Sale— This last proposal is of such consequence to the French Manufactors, as could not be expected from any Private individual living— By puting the Goods up to sale at this rate, they will come to the Purchaser, or consumer at so low a rate, as will engross his custom, without a rival, & the French goods will so far have the preference to all others goods even the English. People will buy where they can buy the cheapest. A few tryals of this kind will habituate the Americans to the use of the Goods sold them in this manner, ’till they shall become familiar; and custom will fix the universal use & preference of them
          This proposal will do more to promote the Manufactors of France, than any Edict they can issue for the same purpose, and I flatter myself will draw attention, & be listen to; should it so happen & the French Minister be induced to remitt the present duties the Oil is now charged with on importation, the event would be hapy, & the French by so doing will have done as much as we can expect at present from them; & I, on my part shall have done more than my share— It Remains for the American State of the Massachusts to give her wieght & energy, to complete, & put the Plan into execution, & no doubt they will do something very effectual in a business, that so deeply concerns them— I’m senseble to write them on this Subject and receive their answer, will take more time, than will answer for the present Season, but may do for another Year
          My design in the present Letter is to consult you, what will be prudent for me to do, & how far I may venture on their support, in the present case, should I engage in it this season, which may be absolutely necessary, at least, for an entering-wedge: delays are dangerous in Capital Affairs; this oppertunity lost, may not again be recover’d; in the present disposition of the French Minister Prehaps never— Should they close with me on the above terms, by which I shall receive only the prime cost without any gain, it would be necessary to support & save me harmless, that the duties charged on the Goods, which I shall take in pay & send to Boston in America, be remitted on importation there, this is a doucir, without burthen to them, as it will cost them nothing. Whether this, & any further support may be presumed, the State will grant in aid & support, to carry into Execution my intentions, to introduce & establish a Market for the oil, is what I mean to call your attention to & consult you upon— The undertaking on my part is heavy, & I think gen[erou]s, its throwing my self into their hands the Americans to complete a plan for their benefit: Its [but] prudent to make my self acquainted with the ground I am to tread, & the assistance I may depend on receiving from the Massachuts States, in carrying this Plan into execution. You will Please to favor me with your Opinion on this point, as soon as possible, for I have no time to loose— Please to direct your favor to me, to the care of his Excellency Tho Jefferson Esqr your Friend
          My Compliments to your Lady / & be assured I am wh great / Regard Your H Sr

            Tho Boylston

            PS since I wrote this Letter, some abatement of the duties has been gain’d, by the exertion of The Marquis de Feate with the assistance of M Jefferson—but it not being equal to my wishes, I shall still persevere, under the wing & patronage of the Marquis de Fiatte, & Mr Jefferson (no better Men can be wished for) & hope (tho’ its with fear & trembling for) further success—


Title: From John Adams to Wilhem & Jan Willink and Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, 10 November 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Willink, Wilhem & Jan (business),Staphorst, Nicolaas & Jacob van (business)

            Gentlemen
            Grosvenor Square Novr 10th 1785—

          I have received your Favour of the 4th of this Month and am surprised to hear of the bad Condition of the Hotel, after all the great Expences which have been laid out upon it to put it in tenantable repair.— the House is so vast and requires so much Expence to furnish it.— it stands upon so vile a Gragt and has so miserable a Prospect in Front, that I know not whether another Minister from the United states will ever be willing to live in it. be this as it may I shall certainly leave it to another Minister to judge for himself, what to do with it. My advice to Congress would rather be to sell it for what it would fetch, than to be thus continually at expence for repairs.— you will be so good then as to have the opening in the roof repaired so as to keep out the weather, but no other repairs or Expences about it but what are absolulety necessary to prevent the House from receiving further Damage—
          The inclosed Letter to Messrs Willinks, I am desired to forward by Mr Arthur Lee. I should be obliged to those Gentlemen if they would inform me of the receipt of it—
          your most obedient servt—


Title: To John Adams from Richard Cranch, 10 November 1785
From: Cranch, Richard
To: Adams, John

            Dear Bror:
            Boston Novr: 10th. 1785

          I wrote you largely by Capt. Cushing who sail’d from hence about 3 Weeks ago. I therein take notice of the State of our Trade, its Embarrasments &c— I have since received your esteemed Favour of Aug: 22d, 1785. It came to hand the Day before the Genl. Court met for the present Session. Your Opinion concerning our Navigation Act strengthened our Hands much who were in favour of that Measure. We wish that you may be right in your Opinion when you say that this Measure “will compell all the other States to imitate it. If they do not the Massachusetts will soon get so much of their Carrying Trade as will richly compensate her for any present Inconvenience.” This happy Effect of it, tho’ ardently wish’d for, is doubted by many. I wish you would give me the connexion between the Premises and that Conclusion, as it lies in your Mind.— It strikes me thus— The Masts, Timber and all kinds of Lumber, wanted by the British Subjects, for Europe and the West-Indies, are almost wholly within the command of the two States of Massachusetts and N: Hampshire, both which States have passed similar Acts— That therefore it is not supposable that they will suffer the other Sister States, who have not passed similar Acts, to counterwork all the force and intention of their Navigation Acts by purchasing their Lumber from them, and then carrying it to R: Island or elsewhere, and there selling it again to British Subjects to take it off in their own Bottoms. But will, on the contrary, take such Measures as will prevent what is thus sold and carried to Sister States, from being reship’d from thence in British Bottoms.— This reasonable Caution being supposed, I think we may then have the exclusive Advantage of supplying the British Subjects in our own Bottoms untill the other States will come into similar Measures. I wish, however, for your Ideas on this Subject.
          Your Children are all well, and behave so as to give you Pleasure— Master John and Master Tom are at Haverhill, and Master Charles is at the University; where my Billy and He, and another most amiable Youth by the name of White (Son of Master White of Haver-hill) are happily united in Pursuits of Virtue and Litterature.
          You will see by Letters from our Friends that we have lost our benevolent and amiable Aunt Tufts of Weymouth. She died on Sunday the 30th of October, at 7 o’Clock in the Evening.
          Your Hond. Mother, your Brother and Family, and all Friends are as well as usual. By Capt. Cushing I sent you the Newspapers from the begining of the present Genl Court in May last, to the time of his sailing. I have now sent the Papers since that time, and also the Register that is just publish’d, by Capt Young, to whose care is committed a little Bundle containing something that Mrs. Cranch sent to her Sister. Capt Young (who I suppose will wait upon you) is related to your Mr. Tudor’s Lady, and Col: Tudor has been so obliging as to take the Charge of negotiating this little Matter with the Captain, who has promised to take care of it. I have enclosed a Letter from my dearest Friend to her Sister; to whome with your self and most amiable Daughter I wish every Blessing that will most promote your temporal and eternal Happiness.

            Richard Cranch

            P.S. As I intend to keep you supply’d by every Oportunity with Adams & Nourse’s Paper, I should be glad if you would send me in return one of the London Papers.


Title: From John Adams to John Jay, 11 November 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Jay, John

            Dear Sir
            Grosvenor Square Nov. 11. 1785

          There is no better Advice to be given to the Merchants of the United States, than to push their Commerce to the East Indies as fast and as far as it will go.
          If Information from Persons who ought to know may be depended on, the Tobacco and Peltries as well as the Ginseng of the United States, are proper Articles for the China Markett, and have been found to answer very well, and many other of our Commodities may be found in demand there. But there is another Resource, which may prove of equal Value at present. There are many Persons, in the European Factories, in India, particularly the English who have accumulated large Property, which they wish to transmit to Europe, but have not been able to do it, on account of the distance and the Scarcity of Freights.— These would be glad to Sell Us their Commodities, and take our Bills of Exchange upon Europe or America, payable in twelve or Eighteen months. possibly in longer Periods.
          These Facts are known to Individuals in America, but will probably be concealed from the publick at large least the Speculators and Adventurers, Should be too numerous for the Profit of a few.
          The States may greatly encourage, these Enterprizes by laying on Duties, upon the Importation of all East India Goods from Europe, and indeed by proceeding in time to Prohibitions. this however may never be necessary. Duties judiciously calculated and made high enough to give a clear Advantage to the direct Importer from India will answer the End as effectually as Prohibitions, and are less odious, and less liable to Exceptions.
          We Should attend to this Intercourse with the East, with the more Ardour, because the Stronger Footing We obtain in those Countries, of more importance will our Friendship be, to the Powers of Europe who have large Connections there.— The East Indies will probably be the Object and The Theatre of the next War, and the more familiar We are with every Thing relative to that Country, the more will the contending Parties desire to win Us of their Side, or at least, what We ought to wish for most, to keep Us neutral.
          Much will depend upon the Behaviour of our People who may go into those Countries. If they endeavour by an irreproachable Integrity, Humanity and Civility, to conciliate the Esteem of the Natives, they may easily become the most favoured nation for the Conduct of European Nations in general, heretofore has given Us a great Advantage.
          East India Manufactures in Silk and Coton &c are prohibited in England, and as We have no Such Prohibitions in America, because We have no Such manufactures for them to interfere with, We may take them to a great Advantage.
          I am sir with great Esteem, your most / obedient and humble servant John

            John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Paul R. Randall, 18 November 1785
From: Randall, Paul R.
To: Adams, John

            Sir
            Baÿonne, Novr. 18th. 1785.—

          I have not had the Honor of writing to you, since I have embarked in this Business, as you must have received Intelligence more satisfactory from other Quarters. Our detention in Paris was unhappy considering the Season, however we wished to make up for it by a speedy Journey—being but eight days on the Road. Our Progress is now retarded for Want of Mules, as there are many Travellers across the Mountains the Close of this Month.— We hope to proceed the 21st. but have no Assurances of arriving in Madrid, in less than twelve days from our departure. There will be very few Inducements to occurr on any Stay on this Road—so that in a short Time—we may expect to announce our Arrival at Madrid— This is a very advantageous Market for american Produce—though not much frequented by the Americans at present.— There are no political or commercial Occurrences sufficiently interesting to communicate— My Companion offers his most respectful Compliments— I take the Liberty of adding mine to Mrs: & Miss Adams—and in tendering my humble Services to yourself—
          I am / Your most obt. sert.

            P R Randall

            My Companion wishes me to say in his Behalf—that he would have had the Pleasure of writing—but the danger of Miscarriage— and some of his Letters from America having been intercepted—he must wait a sure Opportunity.—


Title: To John Adams from Wilhem & Jan Willink and Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, [1]8 November 1785
From: Willink, Wilhem & Jan (business),Staphorst, Nicolaas & Jacob van (business)
To: Adams, John

            Sir
            Amsterdam Novem [1]8 1785.

          We acknowledge the Receit of Your Esteemed Favoúr of the 12th. Instt. advising ús your further acceptances of

              £100.–
              }

              ″100.–
              drawn by Mr. Barclay Order Mr Grand

              ″100.–

              ″150.–
              }
              drawn by Mr. John Lamb Order Mr Grand.

              ″150.–

          Which Will duely be discharged When dúe by Mess: C & R Puller in London—
          Mr. Jefferson has in Consequence of a Credit of £1000— Stg. Lodged by yoú in his Favoúr dated 19 May 1785. drawn on Messrs. Van den Yver £6500lt— & Shall undoubtedly dispose of the Whole Credit on them; as yoúr Excelly. has not given ús the least notice of this Credit, We have not been able to advice Sd. Gentlemen thereof, Whereby Such drafts might Run great hazard not to be paid, to prevent Such mistakes, We must beg your Excelly. to favoúr ús With an Exact and timely Notice of all his transactions.
          We have the Honoúr to Remain Very Respectfully. / Sir / Your Excelly. mot Obedt. / Humble Servants.

            Wilhem & Jan Willink Nichs. & Jacob van Staphorst


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Jefferson, 19 November 1785
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Adams, John

            Dear Sir
            Paris Nov. 19. 1785.

          I wrote to you on the 11th. of Octob. by mr̃ Preston & again on the 18th. of the same month by post. since that yours of Sep. 25. by mr̃ Boylston, Oct. 24. Nov. 1. & Nov. 4. have come safe to hand. I will take up their several subjects in order. Boylston’s object was first to dispose of a cargo of sperma ceti oyl which he brought to Havre. a secondary one was to obtain a contract for future supplies. I carried him to the M. de la fayette. as to his first object we are in hopes of getting the duties taken off which will enable him to sell his cargo. this has led to discussions with the ministers which give us a hope that we may get the duties taken off in perpetuum. this done, a most abundant market for our oyl will be opened by this country, and one which will be absolutely dependant on us, for they have little expectation themselves of establishing a succesful whale fishery. perhaps it is possible they may only take the duties off of those oils which shall be the produce of associated companies of French & American merchants. but as yet nothing certain can be said.
          I thank you for the trouble you have taken to obtain insurance on Houdon’s life. I place the £32—11s to your credit, and not being able as yet to determine precisely how our accounts stand, I send a sum by Colo. Smith which may draw the scales towards a balance.
          The determination of the British cabinet to make no equal treaty with us, confirms me in the opinion expressed in your letter of Oct. 24. that the U.S. must pass a navigation act against Great Britain & load her manufactures with duties so as to give a preference to those of other countries: and I hope our assemblies will wait no longer, but transfer such a power to Congress at the sessions of this fall. I suppose however it will only be against Great Britain, & I think it will be right not to involve other nations in the consequences of her injustice. I take for granted the commercial system wished for by Congress was such an one as should leave commerce on the freeest footing possible. this was the plan on which we prepared our general draught for treating with all nations. of those with whom we were to treat, I ever considered England, France, Spain & Portugal as capitally important; the first two on account of their American possessions, the last for their European as well as American. Spain is treating in America, & probably will give us an advantageous treaty. Portugal shews dispositions to do the same. France does not treat. it is likely enough she will chuse to keep the staff in her own hands. but in the mean time she gave us an access to her W. Indies, which tho’ not all we wished was yet extremely valuable to us: this access indeed is much wounded by the late arrets of the 18th. & 25th of September, which I inclose to you. I consider these as a reprisal for the navigation acts of Massachusets & New Hampshire. the minister has complained to me officially of these acts as a departure from the reciprocity stipulated by the treaty. I have assured him that his complaints shall be communicated to Congress, & in the mean time observed that the example of discriminating between foreigners & natives had been set by the Arret of Aug. [30] 1784. & still more remarkeably by those of Sep. 18. & 25. which in effect are a prohibition of our fish in their islands. however it is better for us that both sides should revise what they have done. I am in hopes this country did not mean these as permanent regulations. mr̃ Bingham, lately from Holland, tells me the Dutch are much dissatisfied with those acts. in fact I expect the European nations in general will rise up against an attempt of this kind, and wage a general commercial war against us. they can do too well without all our commodities except tobacco, and we cannot find elsewhere markets for them. the selfishness of England alone will not justify our hazarding a contest of this kind against all Europe. Spain, Portugal, & France have not yet shut their doors against us: it will be time enough when they do to take up the commercial hatchet. I hope therefore those states will repeal their navigation clauses except as against Great Britain & other nations not treating with us.
          I have made the enquiries you desire as to American ship-timber for this country. you know they sent some person (whose name was not told us) to America to examine the quality of our masts, spars &c. I think this was young Chaumont’s business. they have besides this instructed the officer who superintends their supplies of masts, spars &c. to procure good quantities from our Northern states, but I think they have made no contract: on the contrary that they await the trials projected, but with a determination to look to us for considerable supplies if they find our timber answer. they have on the carpet a contract for live oak from the Southern states.
          You ask why the Virginia merchants do not learn to sort their own tobaccoes? they can sort them as well as any merchants whatever. nothing is better known than the quality of every hogshead of tobacco from the place of it’s growth. they know too the particular qualities required in every market. they do not send their tobaccoes therefore to London to be sorted, but to pay their debts: and tho they could send them to other markets & remit the money to London, yet they find it necessary to give their English merchant the benefit of the consignment of their tobacco to him (which is enormously gainful) in order to induce him to continue his indulgence for the balance due.
          Is it impossible to persuade our countrymen to make peace with the Nova scotians? I am persuaded nothing is wanting but advances on our part; & that it is in our power to draw off the greatest proportion of that settlement, and thus to free ourselves from rivals who may become of consequence. we are at present co-operating with Gr. Br. whose policy it is to give aliment to that bitter enmity between her states & ours which may secure her against their ever joining us. but would not the existence of a cordial friendship between us & them be the best bridle we could possibly put into the mouth of England?
          With respect to the Danish business you will observe that the instructions of Congress, article 3. of Octob. 29. 1783. put it entirely into the hands of the ministers plenipotentiary of the U.S. of A. at the court of Versailles empowered to negotiate a peace or to any one or more of them. at that time I did not exist under this description. I had received the permission of Congress to decline coming in the spring preceding that date. on the 1st. day of Nov. 1783. that is to say two days after the date of the instruction to the Commrs. Congress recommended J. P. Jones to the Min. Plen. of the U.S. at Versailles as agent, to sollicit under his direction the paiment of all prizes taken in Europe under his command. but the object under their view at that time was assuredly the money due from the court of Versailles for the prizes taken in the expedition by the Bon homme Richard, the Alliance &c. in this business I have aided him effectually, having obtained a definitive order for paying the money to him, and a considerable proportion being actually paid him. but they could not mean by their resolñ of Nov. 1. to take from the Commissrs. powers which they had given them two days before. if there could remain a doubt that this whole power has resulted to you, it would be cleared up by the instruction of May. 7. 1784. article 9. which declares “that these instructions be considered as supplementary to those of Octob. 29. 1783. & not as revoking except where they contradict them.” which shews they considered the instructions of Octob. 29. 1783. as still in full force.— I do not give you the trouble of this discussion to save myself the trouble of the negociation. I should have no objections to this part: but it is to avoid the impropriety of meddling in a matter wherein I am unauthorised to act, & where any thing I should pretend to conclude with the court of Denmark might have the appearance of a deception on them. should it be in my power to render any service in it, I shall do it with chearfulness, but I repeat it that I think you are the only person authorised.
          I received a few days ago the Nuova minuta of Tuscany which Colo. Humphrys will deliver you. I have been so engaged that I have not been able to go over it with any attention. I observe in general that the order of the articles is entirely deranged, & their diction almost totally changed. when you shall have examined it if you will be so good as to send me your observations by post, in cypher, I will communicate with you in the same way and try to mature this matter.
          The deaths of the Dukes of Orleans and Praslin will probably reach you through the channel of the public papers before this letter does. your friends the Abbés are well and always speak of you with affection. Colo. Humphries comes to pass some time in London. my curiosity would render a short trip thither agreeable to me also, but I see no probability of taking it. I will trouble you with my respects to Doctr. Price. those to mr̃s Adams I witness in a letter to herself. I am with very great esteem Dr. Sir / Your most obedient / and most humble servt.

            Th: Jefferson