Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 6 January 1812
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

					Quincy, Jan. 6, 1812.

				By this time we were pretty well convinced that the coalition cabinet would do nothing by treaty, but leave all to the king’s absolute power by his orders in council; and I became more inattentive and frivolous than ever, if that is possible, in my diary. Such hower as it is, I shall lay all of it before the public, which was laid before congress, though not a quarter part of it was ever read there.—Thus it proceeds:

May 23, Friday, 1783.—Last evening the American ministers and secretary met again at my house and signed the letters to Mr. Grand and to the bankers at Amsterdam. Mr Laurens gave it as his opinion that the balance of trade for the future between Great Britain and America, would be in favor of the latter. I asked him, what in that case, would become of the former? He replied, she must be humble. She has hitherto avoided trading with any nation when the balance was against her. This is the reason why she would not trade with France.

This morning Mr. Laurens called upon me to introduce to me a West-India gentleman. Mr. Laurens says the English are convinced that the method of coppering ships is hurtful. The copper corrodes all the iron, all the bolts, spikes and nails which it touches. The vessel falls to pieces, all at once. They attribute the late losses of so many ships to this. That Mr Oswald made an experiment twenty years ago, which convinced him that copper was fatal. He lost a ship by it. Mr. Laurens, Mr. Jay, and Mr. Jarret and Mr. Fitch, two West-India gentlemen, said to be very rich, dined with me. Mr. Fitch is a native of Boston, holds an office of receiver-general, I thing in Jamaica. Ward Nicholas Boylston was to have dined with me, but was taken sick.

Mr Jay told me that the comte de Vergennes turned to him and Mr Franklin and asked “Ou est Monsieur Adams?” Franklin answered, “II est a Paris.” Then turning to Jay he said “Le Monsieur Adams a beaucoup d’esprit, et beaucoup de tête aussi.” Jay answered “Ouy, Monsieur Adams a beaucoup d’esprit.”

Note—The word tête was an equivoke. It might mean, resolution, or judgment, or obstinacy. This was the first and the last trait which escaped the comte of any pique against me, on account of our former disputes. From my arrival from Holland, in October 1782, to my final departure from France to England in the month of May 1786, I lived on terms of entire civility with the comte de Vergennes as if no asperity had ever passed between us on either side. The Journal proceeds:

1783, May 25th.—Mr Hartley came in and shewed me a letter concerning his beloved sister, whose case is very dangerous, and keeps him in deep affliction. She is his housekeeper and friend. She examines his writings and proposes corrections. She has transcribed his papers, his American letters, &c. She has labored much for America. I made a transition and asked what news from England? He said, none. I told him I had heard that it was expected by some that Shelburne would come in. He said, no. I asked him, why cannot you coalesce with Shelburne as well as North? He said, Shelburne is an Irishman and has all the impudence of his nation. He is a parlaverer beyond all description. He parlavers everybody and has no sincerity.

[Note, in 1812.—I said nothing to Mr Hartley, but I had not known and I have never known any proofs of insincerity in Shelburne, more than in Fox and Burke. He was certainly a better friend to America than either of them. I could see nothing in all those attractions and repulsions, those dissolutions and coalitions, those conjunctions and oppositions in London, but national prejudices and family feuds between England, Scotland and Ireland.]

Mr. Barclay dined with me, after having been out to see Dr. Franklin. The Dr. he says, is greatly disappointed in not having received letters from congress, containing his dismission.—He wants to get out of this; and to be at home with his family. He does not expect to live long.

1783, May 26. I hope for news to day from the Hague.

1783, June 1. The loadstone is in possession of the most remarkable, wonderful and mysterious property in nature. This substance is in the secret of the whole globe. It must have a sympathy with the whole globe. It is governed by a law, and influenced by some active, that pervades and operates from pole to pole, and from the surface to the center and the intipodes. It is found in all parts of the earth. Break the stone to pieces, and each morsel contains two poles, a north and a south pole, and does not loose its virtue. The magnetic effluvia are too subtle to be seen by a microscope; yet they have great activity and strength. Iron has a sympathy with magnetism and electricity, which should be examined by every experiment, which ingenuity can devise. Has it been tried, whether the magnet looses any of its force in vacuo? In a bottle charged with electrical fire &c? This metal called iron, may one day reveal the secrets of nature. The primary springs of nature may be too subtle for all our senses and faculties: I should think however, that no subject, deserved more the attention of Philosophers, or was more proper for experiments, than the sympathy between iron and the magnetical and electrical fluid. It would be worth while to grind the magnet to powder, and see if the dust still retained the virtue. Steep the stone or the dust in wine, spirits, oil, and other fluids, to see if the virtue is affected, increased or diminished. Is there no chymical process that can be formed, upon the stone or the dust, to discover what it is, that the magneted virtue resides in? Whether boiling or burning the stone, destroys or diminishes the virtue? See whether earth, air, water or fire, any way effects it and how?

[Note—If any one should ask how it happened that I should amuse myself with subjects and questions so entirely out of my sphere, my answer is, that Mr. Hartley’s communications had convinced us that the coalition had determined to do nothing further by treaty, but determined all things ex parte, by their orders in Council. I was there idle as well as ignorant.]

Mr. Laurens came in in the morning and we had a long conversation upon his proposed journey to England to borrow some money. I explained to him the manner and conditions of my loans in Holland.

Dined at the Spanish Ambassador’s, with the corps diplomatick. Mr. Markoff, the Russian Minister was there and was very civil. D’Aranday lives now in the end of the new buildings, which composed the Facade de la place de Louis quince. From the windows at the end, you look into the Grand Chemin, the Champs Elisee’s, and the road to Versailles. From the windows and gallery in the front, you see the place de Louis 15, the gardens of the Tuilleries, the river and the fine row of houses beyond it, particularly the Palais de Bourbon, and the dome of the invalids. It is the finest situation in Paris.

Mr. Fitzherbert said to me I might depend upon it, the present minister, would continue, at least until the next meeting of parliament. He says there is little to be got in the company of the corps diplomatick. They play deep; but there is no conversation. He says he is acquainted with half a dozen of the women of the town, who live in houses which with their furniture, could not have cost less than twenty-five thousand pounds sterling, and live in a style that cannot be supported, for less than two thousand a year. These are kept by grave people, men of the Robe &c. He says there is nothing like this in London. The corruption of manners he says, is much greater here than there.

Mr. De Stutterheim the minister from Saxony, came to me and said he had received orders from his Court, to propose a treaty of commerce with the United States. He had spoken to Mr. Franklin about it. I asked if Mr. Franklin had written to congress upon the subject? He said he did not know. I informed him that I thought Mr. Dana at Petersburg, had power to treat, though not to conclude. He said he would call upon me, some morning at my house to consult about it.

Herrezio, who had been the last Spanish Ambassador in England, dined there, and the Duke of Berwick.

June, went to Versailles on the day of Pentecòte.

1783, June 17, Tuesday—Went to Versailles, had a conference with the Comte de Vergennes; made my court, with the corps diplomatic, to the king, the queen, monsieur, madame, the Comte d’Artes, Madame Elizabeth, Medames Victoire and Adelaide; dined with the ambassadors; had much conversation with the ambassadors of Spain and Sardinia, Mr. Markoff from Russia, the Dutch ambassadors, &c. It was to me, notwithstanding the cold and rain, the kind of equinoxial storm, at the time of the solstice, when all the rooms had fires like winter; the most agreeable day I ever saw at Versailles.—I had much conversation with the Duke of Manchester and Mr. Hartley, Dr. Franklin and his son, Mr. Waltersdorf, &c., Mr. Madison, and Mr. Shirley, &c. The Comte de Vergennes observed, that Mr. Fox was startled at every clamour of a few merchants. I answered, “l’est exactement vrai,” and it is so. The Comte recommended to us to “discuss and complete the definitive treaty, and leave commerce to a future negotiation.” Shall we gain by delay? I ask myself. Will not French politics be employed to stimulate the English to refuse us in future, things that they would agree to now? The Comte observed, that to insist on sending British manufactures to America, and to refuse to admit American manufactures in England, was “La Convention Leonine.”

The Duke of Manchester told me, that the Dutch had offered them Sumatra and Surinam for Negapatnam. But we know, said the Duke, these settlements are a charge, a loss.

Brantzen told me, he had not displayed his character of ambassador; because it would be concluded from it, that he was upon the point of concluding the peace.

The Comte d’Aranda told me he would come and see me. “Tout en ce Monde” said the Comte, “a ete revolution.” True, I replied, universal history was but a series of revolutions; nature delights in changes, and the world was but a string of them. But one revolution was quite enough for the life of a man. I hoped never to have to do with another. Upon this, laughing very heartily, he said “he believed me.”

The Sardinian Ambassador said to me, “It is curious to remark the progress of commerce: The furs which the Hudson’s Bay Company sent to London, from the most northern regions of America, were sent to Siberia; within one hundred and fifty leagues of the place where they were hunted. He began to speak of La Fonte’s voyage, and of the Boston story of Seymour or Senior Gibbons; but other company came in, and interrupted the conversation.

1783, Wednesday, July 18—Visited the duke de la Vauguion and had a long conversation with him. He was glad to hear I had been “plusieurs fois a Versailles dernieriment.” The duke said he had conversed with the comte de Vergennes, and had told him he thought it would be for the good of the common cause if there were more communication between him and me. I told him that I had expressed to the comte a desire to be informed of the intentions of the king, concerning the communication between the United States and his islands, and that the comte had answered, that if I would give him a note, he would consult with the marquis de Castries and give me an answer. He added, smiling, you will leave to us the regulation of that, and let us take a little care of our marine and our nurseries of seamen, because we cannot go to your assistance (secours) without a marine.

The duke said it would be very difficult to regulate this matter. They could not let us bring their sugars to Europe, neither to France nor any other port. This would lessen the number of French ships and seamen. But he thought we should be allowed to purchase sugars for our own consumption. (How they will estimate the quantity and prevent our exceeding it, I know not. He said there were provinces in France, as Guienna and Province, which depended much upon supplying their islands with wheat and flour, &c. I asked him if we should be allowed to import into their islands wheat, flour, horses, live stock, lumber of all sorts, salt fish, &c. He said it would be “bien difficile” for wheat and flour, &c.

1783, June 19, Thursday. Fete Dive.

The processions were less brilliant than ordinary, on account of the storm.

Went with Mr. Hartley, in his carriage to Passy, where he made his propositions for the definitive treaty. We had a long conversation about De Fonte’s voyage from Peru to Hudson’s Bay. He says he found an inlet and a river which he entered and navigated until he came to a lake in which he left his ship, and followed the course of a river, which descended, with falls in it, or rather rapids, in his boats, until he came to Hudson’s Bay; where he found Seimor Gibbons, or Sennor Gibbons; Major General Edward Gibbons of Boston, as Dr. Franklin supposes. Dr. Franklin had once a correspondence with Mr. Prince upon this voyage, and perhaps Mr. Gill, in the journal of Mr. Prince, has some information about it. The trade to Hudson’s Bay was carried on by Boston people from its first discovery, until the restoration of Charles the second, from whom the Hudson’s Bay Company obtained their charter, and there are several families in New-England, descended from persons who use that trade, viz. the Aldens

De Fonte’s voyage was printed in English, in a collection called Miscellanea Curiosa, in 1708, and has been lately printed in French, in a large collection of Voyages, in twenty volumes. Dr. Franklin once gave to lord Bute, his reasons in writing for believing this a genuine voyage. De Fonte was either a Spaniard or Portuguese. Inquiry has been made at Madrid, but no traces can be discovered there of De Fonte or his Voyage.

Cook, in one of his voyages, anchored in the latitude of Philadelphia, forty, on the west side, of the continent of America, and ascertained the longitude; from whence Dr. Franklin computes the distance from Philadelphia to the south sea to be two thousand miles. Cook saw several inlets and he entered that between America and Asia, Kamskatska, where the passage is not wider than that between Calais and Dover.

The separation of America from Asia, is between the 60th and 70th degree of north latitude, precisely at the arctic polar circle. It is called in the French Maps, Detroit du Nord, the northern streight, or streight of the north. It is near the Archipel du Nord, or northern Archipelago. The point of land in Asia, is under the dominion of Russia and is called Russian Tartary. The streight forms the communication between the Eastern and the Frozen Oceans, i.e. the Mer Orientale and the Mer Glaide. There is a number of Islands in the Archipelago, and one in the streight itself, called on the Map Alaschka Island. There is a sea and a promontory called Kamskatska, situated on the Eastern Ocean, within ten or twelve leagues of the streight. The three Tartaries, Independent Tartary, Chinese Tartary, & Russian Tartary, from a vast country, extendending from Persia, Industan and China, to the point of Asia, at the streights of the north, which divide Asia from America.

What should hinder the Empress of Russia from establishing a trading city, on the sea of Kamskatska, and opening a commerce with Pekin, Nankin and Canton; the cities of China? It is so near the Islands of Japan, the Phillippines, and the Moluccas, that a great scene may, one day, be opened here.

Lima the capital of Peru, is in ten degrees of south latitude; so that De Fonte must have sailed by the Isthmus of Panama, Mexico, California, New Mexico, C. Mendocin, Canal du Roi George, and entered the river, at the mouth of which is the Isle San Carlos. About half way between the south sea and Hudson’s Bay, is a great Lake. Here it is to search for a north west passage to the East Indies.

Baffin’s bay, Baffin’s streight, Davis’s streight, Hudson’s bay, Hudson’s streight, are all, one great inlet of water, the entrance of which is a streight formed by Greenland on one side, and Labradore on the other.

Thus ends the Journal of Thursday, June 19, 1783.

					John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 8 January 1812
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

My Worthy Friend.
Quincy January 8th. 1812

I have recd. your favour of the 26th. of Decr. You mention Cobbet. have you read Mr Randolphs Speech?  Was there any Thing in Cobbets Writings more envious than that Speech?
Now I assure you upon my honour and the Faith of the Friendship between Us; that I never Saw the Face of that Cobbet; that I should not know him if I met him in my Porridge Dish; that I never wrote one Word in his Paper and had no more Connection with him, than with Phillip Freneau or Mr. Colonel Duane.  What Shall I Say of Mr Randolph?  After a dozen Years he cannot forget the foolish Figure he made, when after insulting the whole Army by calling them Raggamuffins he thought himself insulted by Some officers of the Army at the Theatre and instead of calling them to account according to his professed principles, complained like a Baby to me of a Breach of the Priviledges of the House. I Sent the Complaint to the House whose sole Right it was to vindicate its Priviledges and got the Laugh of the Universe upon him.  This, Such a Soul as his can never forgive.  Pray tell me what is the Republicanism of this Mr Randolph?  has he any one Principle of Legislation or Government or of foreign Relations?  I Say his Republicanism, is any Thing, every Thing and Nothing.  I do not flap this Bug, and many others, because not because I fear their Stings, but because I know, that when crushed their odour is more nauseous than their Stings can be painful.
Another Thing Dr Rush!  You know it was circulated and believed throughout the City of Philadelphia, that I had Set up and established John Fenno and his United States Gazette; to introduce Monarchy.  I say you know it, because You told me so yourself and at the Same time Said that Freneaus National Gazette was Set up to oppose The Vice President and his United States Gazette.
Now I declare to you I never knew any Thing of Fenno till I found him established at New York and his Paper established; that I never contributed a Farthing to his Establishment or Support, and that I never wrote a Line in his Paper but the Discourses on Davila.
you know too, the Time when there was not a Quaker or Proprietary Partisan in Pensilvania who would not gladly have Seen my Neck in a Halter and me kicking in the  air as Col. Harrisons Imagination represented himself and Mr Gerry; and that long before the Declaration of Independence, and merely because I was Suspected of having Independence in View as a last resort.
you know too that I have lived in an Enemies Country in France in Holland and in England, as well as in Boston, Massachusetts and throuout the Union, and am so to this day.
what of all this?  Such are the Terms upon which an honest Man and real Friend to his Country must live, in times Such as those We have been destined to Witness.  And what is worse than all We must leave those Prejudices and Enmities to our Children as their Inheritance.  From the year 1761, now more than Fifty Years, I have constantly lived in an Enemies Country.  And that without having one Personal enemy in the World, that I know of.  I do not consider little Flirts and Spatts and Miffs and Piques forgotten by me in a Moment as Enmities, tho others may have remembered them longer.
Now I hope I have prepared the way in Some measure, for giving you, my opinion of your “Enemies Country, and I humbly hope in Some tho a less degree I fear, of my own.
In my Opinion there is not in Philadelphia a Single Citizen more universally esteemed and beloved by his Fellow Citizens than Dr Benjamin Rush.  There is not a Man in Pensilvania more esteemed by the whole State.  I know not a Man in America more esteemed by the Nation.  There is not a citizen of this Union, more esteemed throughout the litterary Scientifical and Moral World in Europe Asia and Africa.  Such in my Opinion is the Enemy’s Country and Enemies World in which you live and will die.
There is, Never the less, not a Tory and Scarcely a Whig in America but Talks about Dr Rush and will tell twenty absurd and ridiculous Stories about him as well as John Adams.  I will give you one Example in perfect Confidence. Let the Secret be as close as the grave.  A Gentleman, told me lately “That General Washington was a Hypocrite!”  A Hypocrite!  What do you mean? “He was a Hypocrite and mentioned Several Things, but “one Instance alone was sufficient Proof of his Hypocrisy” what is that?  “He appointed Dr Rush to lucrative and respectable Office, that of Treasurer of the Mint.”  And what Proof of Hypocrisy was that?  “why I know that he thought Dr Rush a Villain; and believing him to be So, it was Hypocrisy to appoint him to Such an office of Trust.”  And how do you know that he thought So ill of Dr Rush?  Such a Gentleman whom he named but I will not, “The most intimate Friend of Gen. Washington, told me that he had heard him Say, that he had been a good deal in the world and Seen many bad Men, but Dr Rush was the most black hearted Scoundrel he had ever known.”  This is horrid, Said I, both upon washington and Rush: but the best of it is, that washington while President never appointed Rush to any thing.  It was My self who appointed Rush Treasurer of the Mint, and So far from repenting of it, or thinking it a Proof of Hypocrisy, I thought Dr Rush one of the best Men in the World, and his Appointment one of the best that had been made.  He acknowledged, if this was So, that he had been mistaken in the Author of Rush’s appointment, but he was not So in the Account he had given of Washingtons Speech to his Friend.
Your Posterity and mine, I doubt not, my Friend will be teased and vexed with a Million of Such Stories concerning Us When We shall be no more.  In the Struggles and Competitions of fifty or Sixty years in times that tryed mens Hearts and Brains and Spinal Marrow it could not be otherwise.  The Pelts of Friends no less than the hatred of Ennemies, could not fail to produce a great deal of Such invenomed Froth.  you forgot to mention one of your earliest Offences, that was your opposition to Negro Slavery.
As to any Whippings you have got for your rude Irreverence to Greek and Latin, I pitty you not.  you have deserved them all and more.  I have not a word to say in Justification Excuse or Apology for you.  In that you tore the Coat worse than Martin or Jack in the Tale of a Tub.Let me hear no more of your Jeremiads. Let Us Sing O be joyfull all the rest of our Lives. Read Dr Barrow and Rejoice always for all Things and again I Say rejoice.
Rejoice in the Promotion of your Son: tho it costs you the Company of his enchanting Wife as well as of her enchanting Husband.  He is in the Road of Honour and Power and will do a great deal of good.  Pensilvania cannot get rid of Mr Gallatin.  She created and preserved and Supported him and made him what he is.  By her Stupid Union with the Southern States, She has experienced their Gratitude.  As long as She Supports Virginia in mopolizing the great Offices She will be treated as She deserves.  Never was there two Such Dupes as Pensilvania and New York have been.  They have followed their blind Guides till they have annihilated their own Commerce and Navigation with that of the Union, and paralized the Agriculture of all.  I am tired with writing but shall never be weary of assuring you and Yours of my Esteem / and Affection

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 9 January 1812
From: Adams, John
To: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan

Dear Sir
Quincy Jan. 9. 1812

Your Favour of the 23. Ult, with its in closed Sketch, Skeleton, Frame, Plan, Scheme, System, Plott, Platt, or by whatever other name you please to call your Etching, has been received.
What Title do you in tend to give it?
An History of The Decline and Fall of Christianity?
or
An History of The Improvement of the Human Mind?
or
An History of the Progress of Society?
or
An History of the Perfectibility and Advancement towards Perfection, of human Nature?
or
An History of the Growth of Civilization, Liberality Toleration, and the Restoration of the long lost Rights of Man, long sought and at last Found, Through Perfidy Carnage Murder and Atheism, by that infuriated Animal?
or
An History of the Retrograde Motion of Society from Civilization towards the Barbarity Barbarity of Tartars, Arabs, African Negroes and North American Indians.?
or
An History of the Fall of Kings and Restoration of the Feudal System and Barons Wars?
or
An History of the demolition of all Limited Monarchies and all Republicks and all free Governments, whether Aristocratical Democratical or mixed, ; and of the Erection in their Stead of one Universal Despotism of the Sword, Bayonet and Cannon Balls?
or
An History of the Annihilation of all Religion, all Government and all Morality? or
an History of the Substitution of Military Despotism for Sacerdotal Tyranny?
My dull Brain is not fertile enough to invent a Title for you.
Godwin, Walking Stewart
But have you not omitted Some great Characters Such as, Tom Paine, Lord Bolinbroke, Voltaire, Hume Gibbon, Priestly Price The great Catherine and the great Frederic and the Great Franklin, and the great Raynal? The great Vander Kemp, the great Luzac, and  the Great Gyzelaer; their opposition to England and The Statholder, and their Complaisance and Kindness to France and America? The great Zinzindorf, the great Swedenborg, the Great Whitefield and the great Westley! ? cum multis aliis.?
If the foregoing is Badinage the following is Sober I Sent two Volumes of our Academical Memoirs and my Spouse two Volumes of J. Q. A’s Lectures, by Colonel William Stephens Smith, which are ready for you at Lebanon, or Smiths Valley, which I am told is not more than 25 miles from Olden barneveld. When you can get them from thence they will be yours.  That you may not be disappointed in either, is the Wish of your Friend

John AdamsP.S. What does your Friend Mappa think of your System? does he think you will live to compleat it? Can you contrive to keep me alive long Enough to read it?


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Jefferson, 21 January 1812
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Monticello Jan. 21. 1812.

 I thank you before hand (for they are not yet arrived) for the specimens of homespun you have been so kind as to forward me by post. I doubt not their excellence, knowing how far you are advanced in these things in your quarter. here we do little in the fine way, but in coarse & midling goods a great deal. every family in the country is a manufactory within itself, and is very generally able to make within itself all the stouter and midling stuffs for it’s own cloathing & houshold use. we consider a sheep for every person in the family as sufficient to clothe it, in addition to the cotton, hemp & flax which we raise ourselves. for fine stuff we shall depend on your Northern manufactures. of these, that is to say, of company establishments, we have none. we use little machinery. the Spinning Jenny and loom with the flying shuttle can be managed in a family; but nothing more complicated. the economy and thriftiness resulting from our houshold manufactures are such that they will never again be laid aside; and nothing more salutary for us has ever happened than the British obstructions to our demands for their manufactures. restore free intercourse when they will, their commerce with us will have totally changed it’s form, and the articles we shall in future want from them will not exceed their own consumption of our produce.
A letter from you calls up recollections very dear to my mind. it carries me back to the times when, beset with difficulties & dangers, we were fellow laborers in the same cause, struggling for what is most valuable to man, his right of self-government. laboring always at the same oar, with some wave ever ahead threatening to overwhelm us & yet passing harmless under our bark: we knew not how, we rode through the storm with heart & hand, and made a happy port. still we did not expect to be without rubs and difficulties; and we have had them. first the detention of the Western posts: then the coalition of Pilnitz, outlawing our commerce with France, & the British enforcement of the outlawry. in your day French depredations: in mine English, & the Berlin and Milan decrees: now the English orders of council, & the piracies they authorise: when these shall be over, it will be the impressment of our seamen, or something else: and so we have gone on, & so we shall go on, puzzled & prospering beyond example in the history of man. and I do believe we shall continue to growl, to multiply & prosper until we exhibit an association, powerful, wise, and happy, beyond what has yet been seen by men. as for France & England, with all their preeminence in science, the one is a den of robbers, & the other of pirates. and if science produces no better fruits than tyranny, murder, rapine, and destitution of national morality, I would rather wish our country to be ignorant, honest & estimable as our neighboring savages are.—but whither is senile garrulity leading me? into politics, of which I have taken final leave. I think little of them, & say less. I have given up newspapers in exchange for Tacitus & Thucydides, for Newton & Euclid; & I find myself much the happier. sometimes indeed I look back to former occurrences, in remembrance of our old friends and fellow laborers, who have fallen before us. of the signers of the Declaration of Independance I see now living not more than half a dozen on your side of the Patomak, and, on this side, myself alone. You & I have been wonderfully spared, and myself with remarkable health, & a considerable activity of body & mind: I am on horseback 3. or 4. hours of every day; visit 3. or 4. times a year a possession I have 90 miles distant, performing the winter journey on horseback. I walk little however; a single mile being too much for me; and I live in the midst of my grandchildren, one of whom has lately promoted me to be a great grandfather. I have heard with pleasure that you also retain good health, and a greater power of exercise in walking than I do. but I would rather have heard this from yourself, & that, writing a letter, like mine, full of egotisms, & of details of your health, your habits, occupations & enjoiments, I should have the pleasure of knowing that, in the race of life, you do not keep, in it’s physical decline, the same distance ahead of me which you have done in political honors & atchievements. no circumstances have lessened the interest I feel in these particulars respecting yourself; none have suspended for one moment my sincere esteem for you; and I now salute you with unchanged affections and respect.
Th: Jefferson


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 24 January 1812
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

					Quincy, January 24, 1812.

				Mr. Hartley’s Propositions for the Definitive Treaty—June, 1783. 1. That lands belonging to persons of any descriptions, which have not actually been sold shall be restored to the old possessor, without price.
2. That an equal and free participation of the different carrying places, and the navigation of all the lakes and rivers of that country through which the water line of division passes between Canada and the United States, shall be enjoyed fully and uninterruptedly by both parties.
3. That in any such places within the boundaries assigned generally to the American States, as are adjoining to the water line of division, and which are not specifically under the dominion of any one state, all persons, at present resident, or having possessions or occupations as merchants or otherwise, may remain in peaceable enjoyment of all civil rights and in pursuit of their respective occupations.
4. That in any such places adjoining to the water line of division, as may be under the specific dominion of any particular state, all persons at present resident, or having possessions or occupations as merchants or otherwise, may remain in the peaceable enjoyment of all civil rights, and in pursuit of their occupations, until they shall receive notice of removal from the state to which any such place may appertain; and upon any such notice of removal, a term of three years shall be allowed for selling or withdrawing their valuable effects, and for settling their affairs.
5. That his Britannic Majesty’s forces not exceedingin number, may continue in the posts now occupied by them, contiguous to the water line, for the term of three years, for the purpose of securing the lives, property and peace of any persons settled in that country against the invasion or ravages of the neighboring Indian nations, who may be suspected of retaining resentments in consequence of the late war.6. That no tax or impost whatsoever shall be laid on any articles of commerce passing or re-passing through the country; but that the trade may be left entirely open for the benefit of all parties interested therein.Answers to Mr. Hartley’s six Propositions for the Definitive Treaty.1.     To the first. This matter has been already regulated in the 5th and 6th articles of the provisional treaty to the utmost extent of our powers. The rest must be left to the several states.
    2. All the lakes, rivers, and waters divided by the boundary line or lines between the United States and his Britannic majesty’s territories, shall be freely used and navigated by both parties during the whole extent of such divisions.—Regulations concerning roads, carrying places, and any land communications between said waters, whether within the line of the United States or that of his majesty, together with the navigation of all waters and rivers in America, belonging to either party, may be made in a negotiation of a treaty of commerce.
    3. That in all places belonging to the United States in the country adjoining to the water line of division, and which during the war were in his majesty’s possession, all persons at present resident, or having possessions or occupations, as merchants or otherwise, may remain in the peaceable enjoyment of all civil rights, and in pursuit of their occupations until they shall receive notice of removal from congress or the state to which any such place may appertain; and that upon any such notice of removal, a term of two years shall be allowed for selling or withdrawing their effects, and for settling their affairs.
    4. That his Britannic majesty’s forces, not exceedingin number, may continue in the posts now occupied by them, contiguous to the water line, until congress shall give them notice to evacuate the said posts; and garrisons of their own shall arrive at said posts, for the purpose of securing the lives, property and peace of any persons settled in that country, against the invasions or ravages of the neighboring Indian nations who may be suspected of retaining resentments in consequence of the late war.
    5. The consideration of this proposition may be left to the treaty of commerce.One would think that these answers were sufficiently complaisant and conciliatory to have satisfied the coalition cabinet; but although there is no doubt Mr. Hartley’s propositions were made by their order, he never could obtain their consent to insert them or any thing else in the definitive treaty, but preliminary articles.From the American Ministers to David Hartley, Esq.Passy, July 17, 1780.Sir—We have the honor to inform you that we have just received from congress their ratification in due form of the provisional articles of the 30th of November 1782, and we are ready to exchange ratifications with his Britannic majesty’s ministers, as soon as may be.

By the same articles it is stipulated, that his Britannic majesty shall, with all convenient speed, and without causing any destruction or carrying away any negroes or other property of the American inhabitants, withdraw all his armies, garrisons and fleets from the United States and from every port, place, and harbor within the same. But by intelligence lately received from America, and by the enclosed copies of letters and conferences between Gen. Washington and Sir Guy Carlton, it appears that a considerable number of negroes belonging to the citizens of the United States, have been carried off from New-York, contrary to the express stipulation contained in the said article. We have received from congress their instructions to represent this matter to you, and to request that speedy and effectual measures be taken to render that justice to the parties interested, which the true intent and meaning of the article in question plainly dictates.

We are also instructed to represent to you, that many of the British debtors in America, have in the course of the war, sustained such considerable and heavy losses by the operation of the British arms in that country that a great number of them have been rendered incapable of immediately satisfying those debts. We refer it to the justice and equity of Great Britain so far to amend the article on that subject as that no execution shall be issued on a judgment to be obtained in any such case but after the expiration of three years from the date of the definitive treaty of peace. Congress also think it reasonable that such part of the interest which may have accrued on such debts, during the war, shall not be payable; because all intercourse between the two countries had, during that period, become impracticable, as well as improper. It does not appear just that individuals in America should pay for delays in payment which were occasioned by the civil and military measures of Great Britain. In our opinion the interest of the creditors as well as the debtors, requires that some tenderness be shewn to the latter, and that they should be allowed a little time to acquire the means of discharging debts which in many instances exceed the whole amount of their property.

As it is necessary to ascertain an epocha for the restitutions and evacuations to be made, we propose that it be agreed that his Britannic majesty shall cause to be evacuated, the posts of New-York, Penobscot, and their dependencies, with all other posts and places in possession of his majesty’s arms, within the United States in the space of three months after the signature of the definitive treaty, or sooner if possible, excepting those posts contiguous to the water line mentioned in the fourth proposition; and those shall be evacuated when congress shall give the notice therein mentioned.

We do ourselves the honor of making these communications to you sir, that you may transmit them and the papers accompanying them, to your court, and inform us of their answer.—We have the honor to be, sir, your most obedient and most humble servants.Signed,     John Adams.B. Franklin.John Jay.The Commissioners to Mr. Livingston.July, 1783SIR,We had the honor of receiving by captain Barney, your two letters of the 25th of March and the 21st of April, with the papers referred to in them.

We are happy to find that the provisional articles have been approved and ratified by congress, and we regret that the manner in which that business was conducted does not coincide with your ideas of propriety. We are persuaded, however, that this is principally owing to your being necessarily unacquainted with a number of circumstances known to us who are on the spot, and which will be particularly explained to you hereafter, and we trust to your satisfaction, and that of the congress.

Your doubts, respecting the separate article, we think are capable of being removed, but as a full state of the reasons and circumstances which prompted that measure would be very prolix, we shall content ourselves with giving you the general outlines.Mr. Oswald was desirous to cover as much of the eastern shores of the Mississippi with British claims as possible; and for this purpose we were told a great deal about the ancient bounds of Canada and Louisiana, &c. &c. The British court, who had probably not yet adopted the idea of relinquishing the Floridas, seemed desirous of annexing as much territory to them as possible, even up to the mouth of the Ohio. Mr. Oswald adhered strongly to that object, as well to render the British countries there of sufficient extent to be, as he expressed it, worth keeping and protecting, as to afford a convenient retreat to the tories; for whom it would be difficult otherwise to provide. And among other arguments he finally urged his being willing to yield to our demands to the east, north and west, as a farther reason for our gratifying him, on the point in question. He also produced the commission of Gov. Johnson, extending the bounds of his government of West Florida up to the river Yassous, and contended for that extent as a matter of right upon various principles, which however we did not admit, the king not being authorized, in our opinion, to extend or contract the bounds of the colonies at pleasure.We were of opinion that the country in contest was of great value, both on account of its natural fertility and of its position. It being in oar opinion the interest of America to extend as far down towards the mouth of the Mississippi, as we possibly could. We also thought it advisable to impress Britain with a strong sense of the importance of the navigation of that river, to their future commerce on the interior waters from the mouth of the St. Lawrence to that of the Mississippi, and thereby render that court averse to any stipulations with Spain to relinquish it. These two objects militated against each other, because to inhance the value of the navigation, was also to inhance the value of the countries contiguous to it; and thereby disincline Britain to the dereliction of them. We thought therefore that the surest way to reconcile and obtain both objects would be by a composition beneficial to both parties. We therefore proposed that Britain should withdraw her pretensions to all the country above the Yassous, and we would cede all below it to her, in case she should have the Floridas at the end of the war; and at all events that she should have a right to navigate the river throughout its whole extent. This proposition was accepted and we agreed to insert the contingent part of it in a separate article, for the express purpose of keeping it secret for the present. That article ought not therefore to be considered as a mere matter of favor to Britain, but as the result of a bargain in which that article was a quid pro quo.

It was in our opinion, both necessary and justifiable, to keep this article secret. The negotiations between Spain, France and Britain were then in full vigour, and embarrassed by a variety of clashing demands. The publication of this article would have irritated Spain, and retarded, if not prevented her coming to an agreement with Britain.

Had we mentioned it to the French Minister, he must have not only informed Spain of it, but also been obliged to act a part respecting it, that would probably have been disagreeable to America; and he certainly has reason to rejoice, that our silence saved him that delicate and disagreeable task.This was an article in which France had not the smallest interest, nor is there any thing in her treaty with us, that restrains us from making what bargain we pleased with Britain, about those or any other lands, without rendering account of such transaction to her or any other power whatever. The same observation applies with still greater force to Spain; and neither justice nor honor forbid us to dispose as we pleased of our own lands without her knowledge or consent. Spain at that very time extended her pretensions and claims of dominion, not only over the tract in question, but over the vast region lying between the Floridas and Lake Superior; and this court was also at that very time soothing and nursing of those pretensions, by a proposed conciliatory line for splitting the difference. Suppose therefore we had offered this tract to Spain, in case she retained the Floridas; should we even have had thanks for it? Or would it have abated the chagrin, she experienced from being disappointed in her extravagant and improper designs on that whole country? We think not.We perfectly concur with you in sentiment, Sir, that “honesty is the best policy.” But until it be shewn that we have trespassed on the rights of any man or body of men, you must excuse our thinking that this remark, as applied to our proceedings, was unnecessary.Should any explanations either with France or Spain, become necessary on this subject; we hope and expect to meet with no embarrassment. We shall neither amuse them, nor perplex ourselves with flimsy excuses, but tell them plainly, that as it was not our duty to give them the information; we considered ourselves at liberty to withhold it; and we shall remind the French Minister, that he has more reason to be pleased than displeased with our silence. Since we have assumed a place in the political system of the world, let us move like a primary and not like a secondary planet.

We are persuaded, sir, that your remarks on these subjects resulted from real opinion, and were made with candor and sincerity. The best men will view objects of this kind in different lights, even when standing on the same ground, and it is not to be wondered at, that we who are on the spot, and have the whole transaction under our eyes, should see many parts of it, in a stronger point of light, than persons at a distance who can only view it through the dull medium of representation.It would give us great pain, if any thing we have written or shall now write respecting this court, should be construed to impeach the friendship of the king and nation for us. We also believe that the minister is so far our friend, and is disposed so far to do us good offices as may correspond with and be dictated by his system of policy for promoting the power, riches, and glory of France. God forbid that we should ever sacrifice our faith, our gratitude, or our honor to any consideration of convenience; and may he also forbid, that we should ever be unmindful of the dignity and independent spirit, which should always characterize a free and generous people.

We shall immediately propose an article to be inserted in the definitive treaty for postponing the payment of British debts, for the time limited by congress.

There are, no doubt, certain ambiguities in our articles, but it is not to be wondered at, when it is considered how exceedingly averse Britain was to expressions which explicitly wounded the tories; and how disinclined we were to use any that should amount to absolute stipulations in their favour.

The words for returning the property of “real British Subjects” were well understood and explained between us, not to mean or comprehended American refugees. Mr. Oswald and Mr. Fitzherbert know this to have been the case, and will readily confess and admit it. This mode of expression was preferred by them as a more delicate mode of excluding those refugees and of making a proper distinction between them, and the subjects of G. Britain, whose only particular interest in America consisted in holding lands or property there.

The sixth article, viz. where it declares that no future confiscations shall be made &c. ought to have fixed the time with greater accuracy. We think the most fair and true construction is, that it relates to the date of the cessation of hostilities. That is the time when peace in fact took place, in consequence of prior informal, though binding, contracts to terminate the war. We consider, the definitive treaties as only giving the dress of form to those contracts and not as constituting the obligation of them. Had the cessation of hostilities been the effect of truce, and consequently nothing more than a temporary suspension of war, another construction would have been the true one.

We are officially assured by Mr. Hartley, that positive orders for the evacuation of New-York, have been despatched, and that no avoidable delay will retard that event. Had we proposed to fix a time for it, the British commissioner would have contended that it should be a time posterior to the date of the definitive treaty, and that would have been probably more disadvantageous to us, than as that article now stands.We are surprised to hear that any doubts have arisen in America respecting the time when the cessation of hostilities took place there. It most certainly took place at the expiration of one month after the date of that declaration, in all parts of the world, whether land or sea, that lay north of the latitude of the Canaries.The ships afterwards taken from us, in the more northerly latitudes, ought to be reclaimed and given up. We shall apply to Mr. Hartley on this subject and also on that of the transportation of negroes from New-York, contrary to the words and intention of the provisional articles.

We have the honor to be, &c.The history of the foregoing letter should be here inserted.Mr. Jay and Mr. Adams, having consulted together on Mr. Livingston’s letter were fully agreed in the substance of the materials to be employed in the answer to it. The former requested the latter, to draw up the answer in form, which he declined, and insisted that the former should undertake it for several reasons. 1st. Because Mr Jay’s pen wanted mending much less and much seldomer than his. 2d. Because he had been honoured with so many of Mr. Livingston’s criticisms and strictures upon his conduct in Holland, that he was jealous of himself, that he might admit too much tartness into his composition, which might be attributed to personal feelings. 3d. As something was to be said, with some freedom of the French nation, court and minister, nothing that I could say, short of panegyrick, would probably escape remark in congress, and be imputed by some members, as well as by Mr. Livingston, to my disputes with the Comte de Vergennes, or rather his complaints to congress against me. 4th. As I had already suffered enough by the Comte’s misunderstanding with me, which was now apparently composed and forgotten, I was averse to taking upon myself more than my share of responsibility for any observations or expressions which, when reported to him from America, as they undoubtedly would be, should give him any unpleasant sensations. 5th. As it was of importance to us all, that we should all agree in our answer to Mr. Livingston; it was more probable that Dr. Franklin would agree to subscribe a draught of Mr. Jay, than his other colleague.Mr. Jay accordingly drew a letter, which I thought very proper, and it was given to Dr. Franklin, who returned it with the following paper.B. Franklin’s observations on Mr. Jay’s draft of a letter to Mr. Livingston; (which occasioned the following part of it to be left out.)Mr. Franklin submits it to the consideration of Mr. Jay, whether it may not be advisable to forbear, at present, the justification of ourselves respecting the signature of the preliminaries; because

that matter is at present quiet here.—No letter sent to the congress is ever kept secret .

And the justification contains some charges of unfavorable disposition in the ministers here towards us, that will give offence and will be denied.Our situation is still critical with respect to the two nations, and the most perfect good understanding should be maintained with this.The congress do not call upon us for an account of our conduct, or its justification. They have not by any resolution blamed us. What censure we have received is only the private opinion of Mr. Livingston.Mr. Laurens is not here, who is concerned with us.

Will it be attended with any inconvenience, if that part of the letter which relates to the signature be reserved to a future occasion. Thus far Dr. Franklin.Mr. Laurens who had long since gone to England, upon being informed by letter of the foregoing projects, sent us his sentiments in the following proposal of a form for the commencement of the letter to Mr. Livingston.Mr. Laurens’ Draught.Sir—By Captain Barney, of The Washington, we have received the honor of your several letters oftogether with the papers referred to.While we rejoice upon learning the provisional articles were so acceptable and satisfactory to congress, and to our fellow-citizens in general, as to entitle them to an immediate ratification, we cannot but regret that our manner of proceeding in that negotiation should have subjected us to an implied censure. Having already assigned reasons for our conduct, we shall not enlarge upon the present occasion. Should congress be pleased hereafter to question us, we trust we shall render such an account of our motives respecting all the articles, general and separate, as will acquit us in the judgment of our country, under which we must stand or fall.—Spain having acceded to the line drawn in articlefor dividing Floridas from the United States, there can be no doubt she will readily avail herself of the separate article, should congress think proper to make the tender.We perfectly concur with you, sir, in opinion, that “honesty is the best policy.” Had it appeared to us, that another were guided in their proceedings by this simple maxim, we should not have been driven into a measure as essential to the true interest of our country, as it was necessary for defeating a scheme, evidently calculated to militate against that interest. We have indeed hazarded our own tranquillity by departing from a rigid observance of an injunction, and though we confess ourselves amenable to congress we have the consolation of knowing that we have done nothing dishonest; nothing detrimental to the just rights of our ally, nor to those of any other nation; nothing inconsistent with that true policy, which we trust will bear the test of strict inquiry, even at the Courts of France and Spain. We do not mean by any thing we have written, to impeach the friendship of the king and nation towards the United States; but we may be allowed to suggest, that the minister at this court is so far our friend, and so far disposed to promote our happiness and interest as may correspond with his system of policy for extending the power, riches, and glory of France. God forbid we should ever sacrifice our faith, our honour and gratitude; at the same time it is our duty to support the dignity and independent spirit which should characterize a free and generous people, and since it has pleased God, in his providence, to place us in the political system of the world, we should modestly endeavor to move like a primary planet, not least, though last created.
Thus far Mr Laurens’ plan.

					John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to William Eustis, 27 January 1812
From: Adams, John
To: Eustis, William

Dr. Sir,
Quincy January 27th: 1812.—

Permit me to introduce to you Mr. Richard Cranch Norton, a young Gentleman of liberal Education at our old Alma Mater. His name will inform you of his genuine puritanical blood. He is a nephew of your neighbor Chief Justice Cranch.
He has a brother whose name is Edward Norton and both of them Sons of a Learned Divine of Weymouth, whose Orthodoxy can be surely no impeachment of his Patriotism. He is one of the few priests in this neighborhood who are friendly to the present Administration at Washington, are heartily disposed to risque their bones and Blood if possible to bring Great Britain to her Senses once more.
Edward aspires to an Ensigncy in the Army and is well qualified for it. Hardy, bold, enterprising, and ingenious. If you judge it improper to appoint him, I am not one of those who will resent the disappointment. But if I were President I would certainly nominate him.
I am, Sir, / with great esteem & / affection, your humble / Servant

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 27 January 1812
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

Friend
Quincy January 27. 1812

I agree with you that The Ocean ought to be and must be the Theatre of the War. Our Government will come by Degrees to the right System.
I have toasted The Wooden Walls, the Floating Castles the floating Batteries and the floating Citidels of The United States for Six and thirty years: and I now rejoice to find that many Persons now begin to drink my Toast with Huzzas.
I am quite of The Controulers Mind, that there is no doubt of Mr. Madisons ReElection. Who can stand in Competition? Gen. Pinkney, Gen. Armstrong, Vice President Clinton? Oh No. Respectable worthy Men, but far inferiour in Talents, Industry and especially Popularity. No Man in the Union, can compete with The Locum Tenens, at present.
I am really grieved for you, under the Loss of your Son. But I am deeply impressed with an Idea that your Loss will be his and his Country’s Gain.
Mr Gerry’s Speech is too long, because it tells too many Solemn Truths. I know of no other Man in the United States whose Nerves would have born him out in telling So many.  I Should not have dared; and yet I do not think myself a very timorous Politician. Yet it was necessary. Gerry is a Wedge prepared by Providence to Split a lignum Vitæ knot here, as hard as Luther had to Split in Germany.
Let me introduce to you, Mr Richard Cranch Norton an amiable and ingenious Young Gentleman of Education and to beg a Line of Introduction to The Controuler.
I am forever yours

John Adams
turn over
P.S. My Pride Says I have not been particular enough, Mr Norton is a Grandson of my Brother and her Brother and Sister Cranch a Nephew of Chief Justice Cranch of the Columbian District under whom he is Studying Law. You I think and the Controuller too must I think be pleased with his Modesty Civility and Ingenuity. He was the first Man in America who discoved the Commet last May. He is the Son of a Learned Divine in Weymouth,


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 31 January 1812
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

					Quincy, January 31, 1812.

				For the sake of harmony and ananimity Mr. Jay and Mr. Adams very readily agreed with Dr. Franklin to strike out the commencement of the letter to Mr. Livingston as first drawn up by Mr. Jay, and concluded to leave it out. The part left out is as follows:Sir—We have had the honor of receiving by captain Barney your two letters of the 25th and 21st of April last, with the papers referred to in them.

We are happy to find that the provisional articles have been approved and ratified by congress; and we regret that the manner in which that business was conducted does not coincide with your ideas of propriety.Your doubts on that head appear to have arisen from the following circumstances.1. That we entertained and were influenced by distrusts and suspicions, which do not seem to you to have been altogether well founded.2. That we signed the articles without previously communicating them to this court.3. That we consented to a separate article, which you consider as not being very important in itself, and as offensive to Spain.4. That we kept and still keep that article a secret.With respect to the first, your doubts appear to us somewhat singular. In our negotiation with the British commissioner, it was essential to insist on and if possible to obtain his consent to four important concessions, viz.1. That Britain should treat with us as being what we were, viz. an independent people.The French minister thought this demand premature, and that it ought to arise from and not precede the treaty.2. That Britain should agree to the extent of boundary we claimed.The French minister thought the demand extravagant in itself and as militating against certain views of Spain, which he was disposed to favour.3. That Britain should admit our right in common to the fishery.The French minister thought this demand too extensive.4. That Britain should not insist on our reinstating the tories.The French minister argued that they ought to be reinstated.Was it unnatural for us, sir, to conclude from these facts, that the French minister was opposed to our succeeding on these four great points, in the extent we wished? To us it appeared evident that his plan of a treaty for us, was far from being such an one as America would have preferred; and as we disapproved of his model we thought it imprudent to give him an opportunity of moulding our treaty by it.Whether the minister was influenced by what he really thought would be best for France, is a question which however easy or however difficult to decide, is not very important to the point under consideration. Whatever his motives may have been, certain it is, that they were such as militated against our system; and as in private life it is deemed imprudent to admit opponents to full confidence, so in public affairs the like caution seems equally proper.But admitting the force of this reasoning; why, when the articles were completed, did we not communicate them to the French minister, before we proceeded to sign them? For the following reasons, sir.As Lord Shelburne had excited expectations of his being able to put a speedy termination to the war, it became necessary for him either to realize those expectations or to quit his place—The parliament having met while his negotiations with us were pending, he found it expedient to adjourn it for a short term, in hopes of then meeting it with all the advantage which he might naturally expect from a favorable issue of the negotiation. Hence it was his interest to draw it to a close before that adjournment expired; and to obtain that end, both he and his commissioner prevailed upon themselves to yield certain points, on which they would probably have been otherwise more tenacious. Nay, we have, and then had, good reason to believe that the latitude allowed by the British cabinet for the exercise of discretion, was exceeded on that occasion.You need not be reminded, sir, that the King of Great Britain had pledged himself in Mr. Oswald’s commission, to confirm and ratify, not what Mr. Oswald should verbally agree to, but what he should formally sign his name and affix his seal to.Had we communicated the articles when ready for signing, to the French minister, he doubtless would have complimented us on the terms of them; but at the same time he would have insisted on our postponing the signature of them until the articles then preparing between France, Spain and Britain, should also be ready for signing—he having often intimated to us that we should all sign at the same time and place.This would have exposed us to a disagreeable dilemma.Had we agreed to postpone signing the articles, the British cabinet might and probably would have taken advantage of it. They might have insisted that as the articles were res infectæ, and as they had not authorized Mr. Oswald to accede to certain matters inserted in them, they did not consider themselves bound in honor or justice, to adopt Mr. Oswalds opinions, or permit him to sign and seal as their commissioner, a number of Articles which they did not approve. The whole business would thereby have been set afloat again; and the minister

of France would have had an opportunity, at least of approving the objections of the British Cabinet, and of advising us to recede from demands which in his opinion were immoderate, and some of which were too inconsistent with the views and claims of Spain to meet with his concurrence.If on the other hand, we had refused to postpone the signing, and supposing that no other ill consequence would have resulted, yet certainly such refusal would have been more offensive to the French minister, than our doing it without his knowledge, and consequently without his opposition. Our withholding from him the knowledge of these articles until after they were signed was no breach of our treaty with France, and therefore could not afford her any ground of complaint against the U. States. It was indeed a departure from the line of conduct prescribed by our instructions, but we apprehend congress marked out that line for their own sakes, and not for the sake of France. They directed us to ask, and be directed by the advice of the French minister, because they supposed it would be for the interest of America to receive and be governed by it. It was a favour she asked from France, and not a favour that she promised to, and we withheld from France. Congress therefore alone have a right to complain of that departure. As to the confidence which ought to subsist between allies, we have only to remark, that as the French minister did not think proper to consult us about his articles, our giving him as little trouble about ours, was perfectly equal and reciprocal.
Thus far the part of the letter that was left out at the earnest request of Dr. Franklin.It will be easily believed that it was a great consolation and a high gratification to me, to see recorded the testimony of Mr. Jay, to so complete a justification of every thing I had ever said or written concerning the king, the nation, the court, or the minister of foreign relations. Mr. Jay was as full and explicit as I was. I believed that Mr. Jay would have signed the whole letter as first drawn, if I had insisted upon it, and I believed that Dr Franklin would have signed it too, rather than have been singular. But I thought it would be cruel in me, to constrain his signature to so perfect a vindication of me, and condemnation of himself. We all now lived and conducted business together in tolerable harmony and good humour; I therefore readily agreed to accomodate the letter to the Doctor’s taste. Enough however was left, and signed and sent to congress to justify us all.Mr. Laurens had gone to England for his health, and not without expressing to us some hopes that he should find, among the good friends of America in London, some rich capitalists who would be willing to lend the United States a little money to save them from bankruptcy in Europe; but no such good friends could be found, and not a guinea was to be had there. All the letters and memorials of Dr. Franklin and Mr. Jay, to the French Ministry, could not procure a Louis D’Orr, there. The day was rapidly approaching when the American bills of Exchange, must be protested for non payment, as well as non acceptance. One chance only remained, but that was dubious. It was possible that a new loan might be opened in Holland: but such was the scarcity of money, and so many loans were already opened there, that the prospect was very discouraging. My colleagues however as well as myself, thought it necessary to try the experiment. My power was the only one in Europe for borrowing money in Holland, as Mr. Laurens had sunk his, at the time of his captivity. Mr. Hartley still entertained hopes that he might receive permission to do something. The time for signing the definitive treaty could not be far off, and I was very loth to be absent upon that occasion for many reasons, especially because questions might be started that would require much consideration and discussion. I set off on my journey, determined to return if possible in three weeks. I performed the journey in three days, and without loss of time, set myself to negotiating, not with Ambassadors, but with Capitalists, Millionarians, Merchants, Jews, Brokers and Bookkeepers.In my absence, my colleagues, Dr. Franklin, and Mr. Jay wrote to Mr. Livingston another letter.To Mr. Livingston.Passy, July 27, 1783.Sir,The definitive treaties between the late belligerent powers are none of them yet completed. Ours has gone on slowly, owing partly to the necessity Mr. Hartley, successor of Mr. Oswald, thinks himself under, of sending every proposition, either his own or ours, to his court for approbation, and their delay in answering, through negligence perhaps, since they have heard our ports are open, or through indecision occasioned by ignorance of the subject, or through want of union among the ministers. We send you herewith copies of several papers that have passed between us. He has for some time assured us that he is in hourly expectation of answers; but they do not arrive. The British proclamation respecting the commerce appears to vex him a good deal. We enclose a copy. And we are of opinion that finally we shall find it best to drop all commercial articles in our definitive treaty; and leave every thing of that kind to a future special treaty to be made either in America or in Europe, as congress shall think fit to order. Perhaps it may be best to give powers for that purpose to the minister that probably will be sent to London. The opinion here is that it will be becoming in us to take the first step towards the mutual exchange of ministers; and we have been assured by the English minister who treats with us here, that ours will be well received.

The Dutch preliminaries are not yet agreed on; and it seems to be settled, that we are to sign all together, in the presence of the ministers of the two imperial courts, who are to be complimented with the opportunity of signing as mediators, though they have not yet and perhaps will not be consulted in the negotiations.Mr. Adams is gone to Holland for three weeks, but will return sooner if wanted. The propositions you mention as made to us from that state, we suppose he has given you an account of—Nothing was or is likely to be done upon them here, and therefore it was less necessary to say any thing concerning them. A minister from thence has been gone sometime to congress, and if he has those propositions in charge they will best be considered there.

With great esteem, we have the honor to be, sir, &c.Signed, B. Franklin.John Jay.It is unnecessary to detail the anecdotes of my visits and conferences with undertakers, &c. in Holland. It is sufficient to say that I had been successful enough to obtain a loan amply sufficient, not only for the payment of all the bills drawn by congress and their minister of finance, but to answer all the necessities of the American ministers, and other expences daily arising for the relief of American seamen and others who had been captured, &c. Sometime was unavoidably spent in the tedious, and laborious employment of preparing and signing the obligations for three or four millions of guilders; but as soon as this was finished, I returned again to Paris in three days. The heat of the season and the fatigue of such rapidity of motion over coarse pavements, materially injured my health and ultimately threw me into another fever.All this anxiety and exertion, however, was thrown away, and I might have gone to Holland and returned, at my leisure; for I found upon my return that nothing had been done and nothing would be done but signing over again in the form of a definitive treaty, the preliminary articles.The character of Dr. Franklin has been an object of the attention and admiration of mankind for so many years, that every thing from his pen will be long considered as a curiosity, and well received: for which reason I shall insert some papers and letters of his, which he prepared, I presume, without any hope of success at present; and which it is to be feared, will be long considered by mankind as too platonic and eutopian to be practicable. One of them follows:It is for the interest of humanity in general, that the occasions of war and the inducements to it, should be diminished. If rapine be abolished, one of the encouragements to war is taken away, and peace, therefore, more likely to continue and be lasting.The practice of robbing merchants on the high seas, a remnant of the ancient piracy, though it may be accidentally beneficial to particular persons, is far from being profitable to all engaged in it, or to the nation that authorises it. In the beginning of a war some rich ships not upon their guard are surprised and taken. This encourages the first adventurers to fit out more armed vessels, and many others to do the same. But the enemy at the same time become more careful, arm their merchant ships better, and render them not so easy to be taken. They go also more under the protection of convoys. Thus while the privateers to take them are multiplied, the vessels subjected to be taken, and the chances of profit, are diminished; so that many cruises are made, wherein the expenses overgo the gains; and as is the case in other lotteries, though particulars have got prizes, the mass of adventurers are losers; the whole expense of fitting out all the privateers during a war being much greater than the whole amount of goods taken.

Then there is the national loss of all the labor of so many men, during the time they have been employed in robbing; who besides spend what they get in riot, drunkenness, and debauchery, lose their habits of industry, are rarely fit for any sober business after a peace, and serve only to increase the number of highwaymen and house breakers; even the undertakers who have been fortunate, are by sudden wealth led into expensive living, the habit of which continues, when the means of supporting it cease, and finally ruin them; a just punishment for their having wantonly and unfeelingly ruined many honest innocent traders, and their families, whose subsistance was employed in serving the common interest of mankind.FACTS.—There existed a free commerce, upon mutual faith between Great Britain and America. The merchants of the former credited the merchants and planters of the letter, with great quantities of goods, on the common expectation that the merchants having sold the goods, would make the accustomed remittance; that the planters would do the same by the labor of their negroes, and the produce of that labor, tobacco, rice, indigo, &c.England, before the goods were sold in America, sends an armed force, seizes the goods in the stores, some even in the ships that brought them and carries them off; seizes and carries off the tobacco, rice and indigo provided by the planters to make returns, and even the negroes from whose labour they might hope to rake other produce for that purpose.Britain now demands, that the debts shall nevertheless be paid. Will she? Can she justly refuse making compensation for such seizures? If a draper who had sold a piece of linen to a neighbour on credit should follow him, take the linen from him by force, and then send a bailiff to arrest him for the debt, would any court of law or equity, award the payment of the debt without ordering a restitution of the cloth?Will not the debtors in America cry out, that if this compensation be not made they were betrayed by the pretended credit; and are now doubly ruined, first by the enemy, and then by the negotiators at Paris; the goods and negroes sold there being taken from them, with all they had besides, and they are now obliged to pay for what they have been robbed of.ARTICLE PROPOSED.It is agreed that His Britannic Majesty will earnestly recommend it to his parliament to provide for, and make compensation to the merchants and shopkeepers of Boston, whose goods and merchandize were seized and taken out of their stores, ware houses, and shops, by order of Gen. Gage and others, his commanders or officers there; and also to the inhabitants of Philadelphia, for the goods taken away by his army there. And to make compensation for the Tobacco, Rice, Indigo and Negroes &c. seized and carried off, by his armies, under Generals Arnold, Cornwallis, and others from the state of Virginia, North and South Carolina, and Georgia; and also for all vessels and cargoes belonging to the inhabitants of the said United States, which were stopped or seized, or taken, either in the ports, or on the seas by his governors or by his ships of war, before the declaration of war against the said states.And it is farther agreed, that his Britannic majesty will also earnestly recommend it to his parliament to make compensation for all the towns, villages and farms burnt and destroyed by his troops or adherents in the said U. States.N.B.—All the foregoing facts and arguments had been urged and repeated over and over again to no purpose, in the conferences with Mr. Oswald before the signature of the preliminary articles; and since to Mr. Hartley with as little effect: But Dr. Franklin wished to have them reduced to writing and recorded, which was done.To the Ministers Plenipotentiary of the United States of America.Paris, August 12, 1783. Gentlemen—I have the honor of transmitting to you a copy of a letter, which I have received from Mr. Fox, containing an account of the Queen having been happily delivered of a Princess and that her Majesty and the young Princess were as well as can be expected.Since the reconciliation which has happily taken place between our two countries, I am happy in the opportunity of communicating to you—such an occasion of our just congratulations, as to the first token of that satisfaction which your country, and you as the Ministers of it in the present case, will receive from this and from every event which may contribute to the happiness and honor of the King, the Queen, and all the royal family of G. Britain.I am gentlemen, with the greatest respect and consideration, yours, &c.Sg’d D. Hartley.To David Hartley, Esq.Sir—We have received the letter which you did us the honor to write on the twelfth inst. and shall take the first opportunity of conveying to congress the agreeable information contained in it.

The sentiments and sensations which the re-establishment of peace between our two countries, ought to diffuse through both, lead us to participate in the pleasure, which the birth of a Princess must naturally give to the royal family, and people of G. Britain; and we sincerely congratulate their Majesties on that addition to their domestic happiness.We have the honor to be, with great regard and esteem, sir, yours, &c.Signed, John ADAMS,B. FRANKLIN,J. JAY.Translation of a letter to Mr. Franklin,Versailles, 29th Aug. 1783.I have reported to Mr.—— the Count de Vergennes, an account of the difficulty which Mr. Hartley makes against signing at Versailles; and this minister has charged me to write you, that nothing need hinder you, from signing at Paris on Wednesday next, the day designated for the signature of the other treaties; but he prays you to indicate to Mr. Hartley, nine o’clock in the morning, and to send here an express, immediately after your signatures are completed.

Mr. De Vergennes wishes to be assured that your business is consummated,  at the same time with his own. You receive, for Wednesday, a card of invitation as well as the gentlemen your colleagues, and Mr. Hartley. I presumed that this gentleman, will make no difficulty to accept it..You will find here inclosed, sir, the two safe conducts, which you have requested. The request of Mr. Williams, shall, to-morrow be laid before Council. I have the honor to be, with a perfect attachment, sir, your most humble and obedient servant.Signed, De Raneval.To the Ministers Plenipotentiary of the United States of America.Paris, August 29, 1783.Gentlemen——As the day is now fixed for the signatures of the definitive treaties between G. Britain, France and Spain, I beg leave to inform your Excellencies, that I am ready to sign the definitive treaty, between Great Britain and the U. States of America, whenever it shall be convenient to you; I beg the favour therefore of you to fix the day. My instructions confine me to Paris, as the place appointed to me for the exercise of my functions, and therefore whatever day you may fix upon for the signature, I shall hope to have the honor of your company at the Hotel D. York. I am, gentlemen, with the greatest respect and consideration, yours, &c.David Hartley.The ministers Plenipotentiaries for making peace with G. Britain, present their compliments to Mr. Hartley. They regret that Mr. Hartley’s Instructions, will not permit him to sign the definitive treaty of peace with America, at the place appointed for the signature of the others. They will nevertheless, have the honor of waiting upon Mr. Hartley at his lodgings, at Paris, for the purpose of signing the treaty in question, on Wednesday morning at eight o’clock.Passy, 30th August, 1783.Accordingly, on Wednesday, Sept. 3, 1783, the treaty was signed and an express sent to Versailles before nine o’clock.

					John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Jefferson, 3 February 1812
From: Adams, John
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir
Quincy February 3. 1812

Sitting at My Fireside, with my Daughter Smith, on the first of February My Servant brought me a Bundle of Letters and Newspapers from the Post office in this Town: one of the first Letters that Struck my Eye, had the Post Mark of Milton 23. Jany. 1812. Milton is the next Town to Quincy and the Post office in it is but three Miles from my House. How could the Letter be so long in coming three miles? Reading the Superscription I instantly handed the Letter to Mrs Smith. Is not that Mr. Jeffersons hand? Looking attentively at it, She answered it is very like it. How is it possible a Letter from Mr Jefferson, could get into the Milton Post office? Opening the Letter I found it, indeed from Monticello in the hand and with the Signature of Mr Jefferson: but this did not much diminish my Surprize. How is it possible a Letter can come from Mr Jefferson to me in Seven or Eight days? I had no expectation of an answer, thinking the Distance so great and the Roads so embarrassed under two or three Months.—This History would not be worth recording but for the Discovery it made of a Fact, very pleasing to me, vizt  that the Communication between us is much easier, Surer and may be more frequent than I had ever believed or suspected to be possible.
The Material of the Samples of American Manufacture which I sent you, was not wool nor Cotton, nor Silk nor Flax nor Hemp nor Iron nor Wood.  They were Spun from the Brain of John Quincy Adams and consist in two Volumes of his Lectures on Rhetorick and oratory, delived when he was Professor of that Science in our University of Cambridge. A Relation of mine, a first Cousin of my ever honoured, beloved and revered Mother Nicholas Boylston, a rich Merchant of Boston bequeathed by his Will a Donation for establishing a Professorship, and John Quincy Adams, having in his Veins So much of the Blood of the Founder, was most earnestly Solicited to become the first Professor. The volumes I sent you are the Fruit of his Labour during the Short time he held that office. But it ought to be remembered that he attended his Duty as a Senator of the United States during the same Period. It is, with some Anxiety Submitted to your Judgement. Your Account of the flourishing State of Manufactures in Families, in your Part of the Country is highly delightful to me. I wish the Spirit may Spread and prevail through the Union. Within my Memory We were much in the same Way in New England: but in later Times we have run a gadding abroad too much, to seek for Eatables, Drinkables and wearables.
Your Life and mine for almost half a Century have been nearly all of a Piece resembling in the whole, mine in The Gulph Stream, chaced by three British Frigates, in a Hurricane from the North East and a hideous Tempest of Thunder and Lightning, which cracked our Mainmast, Struck three and twenty Men on Deck, wounded four and killed one. I do not remember that my Feelings, during those three days were very different from what they have been for fifty years.
What an Exchange have you made? of Newspapers for Newton! Rising from the lower deep of the lowest deep of Dulness and Bathos to the Contemplation of the Heavens and the heavens of Heavens. Oh that I had devoted to Newton and his Fellows, that time which I fear has been wasted on Plato and Aristotle, Bacon (Nat) Archerly Bolinbroke, DeLolme, Harrington Sidney, Hobbes, Plato Redivivus Marchmont Nedham, with twenty others upon Subjects which Mankind is determined never to Understand, and those who do Understand them are resolved never to practice, or countenance.
Your Memoranda of the past, your Sense of the present and Prospect for the Future Seem to be well founded, as far as I See. But the Latter i.e the Prospect of the Future, will depend on the Union: and how is that Union to be preserved. Concordiâ Res parvae crescunt, Discordiâ Maximae dilabuntur. Our Union is an immense Structure. In Russia I doubt not a Temple or Pallace might be erected of Wood, Brick or Marble, which Should be cemented only with Ice. A Sublime and beautiful Building it might be; Surpassing St. Sophia, St Peters St. Pauls, Notre Dame or St. Genevieve. But the first Week, if not the first day of the Debacle would melt all the Cement and Tumble The Glass and Marble the Gold and Silver, the Timber and the Iron into one promiscuous chaotic or anarchic heap.
I will not at present point out the precise Years Days and Months when; nor the Names of the Men by whom, this Union has been put in Jeopardy. Your Recollection can be as no more less than mine.
Cobbets, Callenders, Peter Markoes, Burrs and Hamiltons may And have passed away. But Conquerors do not So easily disappear. Battles and Victories are irresisable by human Nature. When a Man is once acknowledged by the People in the Army and the Country to be the Author of a Victory; there is no longer any Question. He is undoubtedly a great and good Man. Had Hamilton, Burr obtained a recent Victory, neither you nor Jay nor I Should have Stood any Chance against them or either of them more than a Swallow or a Sparrow.
The Union is Still to me an Object of as much Anxiety as ever Independence was. To this I have Sacrificed my Popularity in New England and yet what Treatment do I Still receive from the Randolphs and Sheffeys of Virginia. By the way are not these Eastern Shore Men? My  Senectutal Loquacity has more than retaliated your “Senile Garrulity.”
I have read Thucidides and Tacitus, So often, and at Such distant Periods of my Life, that elegant, profound and enchanting as is their Style, I am weary of them. When I read them I Seem to be only reading the History of my own Times and my own Life. I am heartily weary of both: i.e. of recollecting the History of both: for I am not weary of Living. Whatever a peevish Patriarch might Say, I have never yet Seen the day in which I could Say I have had no Pleasure: or that I have had more Pain than Pleasure.
Gerry Paine and J. Adams, R. R. Livingston, B. Rush and George Clymer and yourself are all that I can recollect, of the Subscribers to Independence who remain. Gerry is acting a decided and a Splendid Part. So daring and So hazardous a Part; but at the Same time So able and upright, that I Say “God Save The Governor:” and “prosper long our noble Governor.”
I walk every fair day.  Sometimes 3 or 4 miles. Ride now and then but very rarely more than ten or fifteen Miles. But I have a Complaint that Nothing but the Ground can cure that is the Palsy; a kind of Paralytic affection of the Nerves, which makes my hands tremble, and renders it difficult to write at all and impossible to write well.
I have the Start of you in Age by at least ten Years: but you are advanced to the Rank of a Great Grandfather before me. Of 13 Grand Children I have two William and John Smith, and three Girls, Caroline Smith, Susanna and Abigail Adams, who might have made me Great Grand  Children enough. But they are not likely to employ their Talents very soon. They are all good Boys and Girls however, and are the solace of my Age. I cordially reciprocate your Professions of Esteem and Respect.Madam joins and sends her kind Regards to your Daughter and your Grand Children as well as to yourself.

John AdamsP.S. I forgot to remark your Preference to Savage over civilized Life. I have Something to Say upon that Subject. If I am in an Error, you can Set me Right but by all I know of one or the other I would rather be the poorest Man in France or England with Sound health of Body and Mind than the proudest King, Sachem or Warriour of any Tribe of Savages in America.