Title: From John Adams to Elbridge Gerry, 3 May 1797
From: Adams, John
To: Gerry, Elbridge

Dr Sir
May 3. 1797

There are many parts of your Letter I have omitted, indeed it requires more Leisure than I have to do it Justice.
Men of Cander and Discernment, you observe, have thought that my Predecessor erred, in some particulars. This may be and who has not? But you must remember that the French were always antifederalists. Always opposed and countenanced and stimulated the Party that opposed the federal Government—a very numerous Party alway’s. As to the Legislative Augmentation of his Powers I know not what you mean.—as to any trenching on the Constitution I know of no such Thing.
As to having all his Executive officers Subject to his Nod—I suppose that means his Power of Removal. This Power I hold to be a Sacred Part of the Constitution without which the Government could not exist. If Executive officers, hold their offices independent of the head, and can intrigue with Members of Senate and the House, to assist them in opposing the Execution of the Laws, the Executive Authority would be a Nose of Wax.—The truth I know is on the other side. He appointed many rancorous Anti federalists who employed the Influence of their offices and in some instances the public Money to promote the opposition to his Government.
The Unity, Consistency, Promptitude, secrecy and Activity of the whole Executive Authority, are so essential in my Republican system, that without them there can be no Peace order Liberty or Property in society. A Republican Government without it is worse than a monarchical.
But there is so little Uniformity of sentiment among the People of America, concerning systems of Government that I am afraid they are destined to Calamity and Misery. Foreign french Influence poisons our People by propagating such sentiments among them As will spring up one day in a harvest of Anarchy.
Instead of the Executive encroaching on the Legislative, in my Opinion the H. of Reps have discovered an incessant hankering after the Executive Power. And their Leaders have fallen into all the Ambition Jealousies & Rivalries which constantly Spring up, obstruct the Government and produce Anarchy, whenever popular Assemblies meddle with Executive Power.
Executive Power poisons & corrupts a popular Assembly, whenever it attempts to meddle with it.
Jealousies, Envy and disputes will eternally arise between popular Leaders in Legislative Assemblies and executive officers. The Lust of Power, the ambition of the Lustre & Eulat will forever sting popular Representatives and if the Constitution allows them to meddle with Executive Power, they instantly make Mischief—The last House—let the cat out of the Bag—They wanted to be Maire du Palais. But I cannot enlarge.
I am as ever

J.A


Title: To John Adams from Anonymous, 3 May 1797
From: Anonymous
To: Adams, John

Sir.
Natchez 3d May 1797

We take the liberty through necessity of troubling you with this anonymous Letter which we send with good intention, for we are the persons who endeavored to communicate to Genl Washington by two special messengers one of whom miscaried in a Vessel he sailed in from New Orleans which was lost on her Voyage; and the other was Mr. J––n who we suppose made his Virbal Report: The substance of which message what that the supplanting politics of France and Spain would too probably dismember the Dominion of the United States of America, that a General in your Army who its believed hath great promises made him through the Governors interest with the Spanish Court is without doubt engaged in that important business, and that he enjoys the Commission and pay of a Collonel under his Catholick Majesty: And that two others were the principle acting persons with him in the Revolutionary concern (to wit) Mr P––z and Mr S––tine: And to accomplish that Diabolical scheme large Sums of Money hath been at sundry times sent to them for the purpose we suppose and believe of necessary Bribes and rewards; by which means there are many weighty advocates on the Western Waters in favor of a Revolt, who hath the promise and assurance of protection under an optional form of Government; And the choice of their Officers both Civil and Military; And as the Lands on the Western Waters and other property are chiefly large Surveys and in the hands of those who are of the Smallest number, it is intended that they shall be Governed in the Aristocratic way. Moreover some of the complaints to incense the Inhabitants now propagated there are as they say against sundry iniquitous impositions respecting Lands and Land Granting, that people in low Sircumstances must inevitably become Tenants; besides heavy unconstitutional Taxes that will enslave them;  Added to restrictions in commerse for want of a free navigation in the River Mississippi that is said will complete their misery. This kind of Bait is fitted to each Class, The Rich may become Rulers, and the poor flattered with the false Idea of a deliverance from what thay call cruel taxes; not dreaming that a Revolution might double their burden in a different metamorphose.
But to pass forward Mr. Elicott the Commissioner for America hath long waited here in readiness and with desire of being joined in ascertaining the 31st Degree of Latitude, and of extending the Line agreable to the Treaty, but to no purpose, as on the part of the Spanish hath been nothing but sham pretences and evasion Schemes and Salvo’s without truth or reason to elude the business, and gain time, untill the arrival of an armament of fifteen or sixteen thousand Troops said to be at the Havanna waiting there that thay may avoid the British Fleet, and for the sound of an American War: But whether War or Peace a glaring prospect of a disjunction of the States of America cannot here be concealed, and which can only be prevented by timely attention. Intrigues are sometimes discovered notwithstanding the precaution of the most secret and artful Cabinet, hence we know that Emissaries are to be sent to Cumberland and Kentuckey to further the accomplishment of that important business: And I greatly lament to hear that Doctor White of this place is supposed to be one that is selected for that grand Legation, and is to preside here in case of success, And we are indeed surprised as well as grieved at the Idea that one of his worthy Charactor should prostitute his virtue in exerting his abilities in favor of France and  Spain against the interest of his native Country to which he appears to be greatly attached, but lucrative prospects where the mind is depraved by a contemptuous aversion to the Christian Religion will admit of absurdities in a degree not otherwise easily accounted for, Yet such a denial of the mediator and Redeemer is become so Courtly and fationable here that some there are who hardily and daringly boast that thay are not guilty of believing such supersticious folly: Yet with pain we hope and trust that no such person may ever be appointed to preside over us in any respect whatsoever, as we should in that regard shudder at their approach  worse than Spanish captivity, or any other kind of despotism; for the Inhabitants of the Natchez in general however different might have been their former sentiments then most of them are not truly attached to the cause and interest of the United States, and have long look’d most earnestly for the evacuation of the Posts here agreable to the Treaty between the two Dominions: And so far from such prospect now appears a small Reinforcement of Troops and stores nor durst those who wish to be Citizens even grumble or complain least the dread command should be given as it were in the dark, and the Choctaws become deciders of the contest, whom it seems they have tutored and tampered with on the occasion; and by whom we are greatly intimidated on account of our families, and for want of arms and amunition which rules us to submission against inclination.
Here hath been an emigration of Families from Tenisee, and other States in April last, who removed hither in consiquence of the aforesaid Treaty, but on their arrival they were constrained to take the Oath of Allegiance to the King of Spain or depart within three days, whose situation compeled them to conform: Yet our Polite Governor is still amusing Mr. Elicott of taking the Latitude and Runing the line although he will not evacuate the Fort, and still runs on with similar preposterous idle language of his due attention to the Treaty, and his affection for the inhabitants, That he is constrained by order of his Court, and by friendship to protect them until Courts of judicature are legally established; and above all to secure them from indian depredations when he is the very person who doth artfully contrive to keep Savages in reserve that they may be in readiness to oppose Runing the Line, and to aw the inhabitants from cooperating on any occasion with the few American Troops that are here, and to intimedate them on other occasions.
We fear that this Country is but little in your esteem, and that there hath been wrong representations respecting it, and the inhabitants thereof although we can’t pretend to shew the value of one or the other, as it would be vanity in us to attempt either: but shall refer that task to any noted respectable gentlemen of the United States who have recently wandered here, such as John Kershaw Esqr., of Camden Major John Smith and Mr Morgan of Lynches Creek in South Carolina, or any other impartial persons who may have some discernment of its estimation fertility and situation, with its numerous acquisitions; which with the advantages of the Mississippi River will ad greatly to the emoluments, and more to the honor of the United States than conception is yet acquainted with.
Vain as our attempt may be thought to dictate to the first Majestrate and statesman on this Continent; Emergency and nothing less can Apologise and vail the modesty of our burdened minds that only means to display optically that which you before long may clearly discern through a more conspicuous mirror.—
Time will not permit more than to beg your patience, and for leave to propose two or three Queries.—
Query 1st. Suppose France or Spain, or both, should succeed in their intended enterprise, would it not be the most important conquest ever obtained upon such artful and easy terms by any Power since the commencement of the General War.—
Query 2d Admit such success in conquest by France or Spain or both, would it not be an irreparable loss to the United Sates, and would not America be bereaved of its growing Strength, it’s aspiring hope, it’s Commerse of that Country, it’s dignity, and it’s glory.
Query 3d Should France or Spain or both be only as fortunate as their probable Plan promises them will thay then in the course of the fourth of a Century fall short of that dignity which France hath always aspired after, that of Universal Domain.—
Quuery 4th. Should no European Power be able to contend with them after such an acquisition what will be the conciquence to the neighbouring States and Dominions.
Query 5th. This is Recommended for your Excelency to query whether practicable measures may yet effectually opperate in the abortion of their subversive device or not, for it is a query with us if it will not be too late to defeat their designs.
This hint respecting the artful intentions of France and Spain, and of their General System here will naturally explain it self to your wise discernment, which will greatly abridge this disagreable narration.
Sir your / most Obedt / Humle Servts

PS on enclosing this Letter an Express arrived from New Orleans after which it was propegated here by the Governor whether true or false that a large number of Troops hath arrived and are to fortify Louisiana the Natchez and the other posts that were by Treaty to have been evacuated, and that thay are making all possible preparations for that purpose under the pretext of a defence against the English, whom they pretend are on their way from Canada to attack them.—
And now Sir should those Clouds disperse and blow over without producing their intended effect, we hope that Congress will disapprove Revoke and annul all business and proceedings whatsoever that hath been transacted here since the time that the Forts ought to have been Evacuated, because large quantities of Lands hath since been Granted to particular persons, and some supposed to be in trust or rather in partnership with the Governor and other Officers of Government and dated back as if granted before the existance of the Treaty;—Besides many erronious Judgments hath lately been obtained in favor of those who are Spanish favorites, against such who they know are attached to America, for here is now room for a  perversion of Justice and a display of malice against such who appear open and undisguised in favor of the Treaty.

Ut Supr.NB Doctr. White hath a pain in his leg or ancle which renders him unable to perform a journey, therefore Mr. Power sets out this day on the same important business.


Title: To John Adams from Gustavus Scott, 3 May 1797
From: Scott, Gustavus
To: Adams, John

Sir,
Washington, 3rd. May 1797—

We have the honor of your favor of the 17th Ulto, and now enclose Letters to the several foreign ministers at Philadelphia, (except the Spanish minister, who has already been written to) which, if approved of, we beg the favour of you to forward—You will observe, that we have said nothing as to the condition of building—We much doubt whether such condition might not be considered by foreign nations as too restrictive, and betraying a want of confidence—
The property can be of but little use to them, except as a scite to build on; and we cannot suppose any foreign nation would appropriate a Donation from the United-States, to any other purposes than those intended, which may be, in general terms, expressed in the conveyance, without limitation of time, with respect to erecting of buildings—
Before, or at the time of the conveyance, it may be proper to mention the necessity of inserting, some small pecuniary consideration in the Deeds, to give them legal efficacy—We have the honor to be, / with sentiments of the highest / respect, / Sir, / Yr. mo. Obt. Servants

Gusts. ScottWilliam Thornton—Alexr White


Title: To John Adams from Anonymous, 3 May 1797
From: Anonymous
To: Adams, John

Duplicate with a small additionSirNatchez 3d May 1797.

We take the liberty through necessity of troubling you with this anonymous letter, which we send with good intention; for we are the Persons who endeavoured to communicate to General Washington by two Special Messengers one of whom miscaried in a Vessel he sailed in from New Orleans which was lost on her Voyage. And the other who was Mr S——n who we suppose hath made his Virbal Report: the substance of which message was that the Supplanting Politics of France and Spain would too probably dismember the Dominion of the United States of America: That a General in your Army who its believed hath great pomises made him through the Governors interest with the Spanish Court is without doubt engaged in that important business; and that he doth enjoy the Commission and pay of a Collonel under his Catholic Majesty: And that two others also were the principle acting persons with him in that Revolutionary Concern (to wit) Mr P——z and Mr S——on, And to accomplish that diabolical Scheme large Sums of Money hath been at Sundry times sent to them for the pupose we suppose and believe of necessary bribes and rewards, by which means there are many weighty Advocates on the Wester Waters in favor of a Revolt, who hath the promise and assurance of protection under their optional form of Government, and the choice of their own officers both Civil and Military: and as the Lands on the Western Waters and other property are chiefly in the hands of those who are of the smallest number and as such Lands are chiefly in large Tracts it is intended that thay shall be Governed in the Aristocratic way. moreover some of the complaints to incense the Inhabitants now propagated there are as thay say against sundry iniquitous impositions respecting Lands, and Land Granting; that People in low sircumstances must inevitably become Tenants; besides heavy unconstitutional Taxes that will enslave them: Added to restrictions in Commerse for want of a free Navigation in the River Mississippi that will complete their misery. This kind of bait is fitted to each Class; The rich may become Rulers, and the poor flattered with the false Idea of a deliverance from what thay call Cruel Taxes, not dreaming that a Revolution might double their burden in a different metamorphose.—
But to pass forward Mr Ellicott the American Commissioner hath long waited here in readiness, and with desire of being joined in ascertaining the 31st Degree of Lattitude; And of extending the Line agreable to the Treaty, but to no purpose as on the part of the Spanish hath been nothing but sham pretences, and evasive  schemes and salvo’s without truth or reason to elude the business and gain time until the arrival of an expected Armament of fifteen or Sixteen thousand Troops said to be at the Havanna waiting there that thay may avoid the British Fleet, and for the sound of an American War: But whether War or Peace a glaring prospect of a disjunction of the States of America cannot here be concealed, and which can only be prevented by timely attention. Intrigues are sometimes discovered notwithstanding the precaution of the most secret and artful Cabinet, hence we know that Emissaries are to be sent to Cumberland and Kentuckey to further the accomplishment of that important business: and I greatly lament to hear that Doctor White of this place is supposed to be one that is selected for that grand legation, and is to preside here in case of success: And we are indeed surprised as well as grieved at the Idea that one of his worthy Charactor should prostitute his Virtue in exerting his abilities in favor of France, and Spain, against the true interest of his native Country to which he appears to be greatly attached: But lucrative prospects where the mind is deppr depraved by a contemptuous aversion to the Christian Religion, will admit of absurdities in a degree not otherwise easily accounted for; Yet such a denial of the Mediator and Redeemer is become so Courtly and fationable here that some there are who hardily and daringly boast that thay are not guilty of believing such supersticious folly, yet with pain we really hope and trust that no such person may ever be appointed to preside over us in any respect whatsoever, as we should in that regard shudder at their approach worse than Spanish Captivity, or any other kind of despotism: for the Inhabitants of the Natchez in general however different might have been their former sentiments thay most of them are now truly attached to the cause and interest of the United States, and have long looked most earnestly for the evacuation of the Posts here agreable to the Treaty between the two Dominions: And so far from such prospect now appears a reinforcement of Troops and Stores: Nor durst those who wish to be Citizens even grumble or complain least the dread command should be given as it were in the dark and the Chacktaws become deciders of the contest; whom it seems thay have tutored and tampered with on the occasion, and by whom we are greatly intemidated on account of our families and for want of Arms and Amunition, which rules us to Submission against inclination.—
Here hath been an emigration of families from Tenisee and other States in april last, who removed hither in consequence of the Treaty: but on their arrival thay were constrained to take the Oath of Allegiance to the King of Spain or depart within three days, whose situation compel’d them to conform. Yet our polite Governor is still amusing Mr Elicott of taking the Lattitude, and runing the line, although he will not evacuate the Forts, and still runs on with similar preposterous idle language of his due attention to the Treaty, and his affection for the Inhabitants that he is contrained by order of his Court and by friendship to protect them until Courts of Judicature are legally established, and above all to secure them from Indian depredations, When he is the Very person who doth artfully contrive to keep Savages in reserve that thay may be in readiness to oppose runing the Line, and to awe the Inhabitants from co-operating on any occasion with the few American Troops that are here, and to intimidate them on other occasions.
We fear that this Country is but little in your esteem and that there hath been wrong representations respecting it, and the Inhabitants thereof, Although we can’t pretend to shew the value of one or the other as it would be vanity in us to attempt either, but shall refer that task to any noted respectable Gentlemen of the United States who have recently wandered here, such as John Kershaw Esquire of Camden Major John Smith and Mr Morgan of Lynches Creek in South Carolina, or any other impartial person who may have some discernment of its estimation, fertility, and Situation with its numerous acquisitions, th th the advantages of that part of the Mississippi will add greatly to the emoluments, and more to the honor of the United States than conception is yet acquainted with.
Vain as our attempts be thought to dictate to the first Majestrate and Statesman on the Continent; Emergency and nothing less can apologize and vail the modesty of our burdened minds that means only to display optically that which before long you may clearly discern through a more conspicuous mirror.
Time will not permit more than to beg your patience, and for leave to propose two or three Queries—
Query 1stSuppose France or Spain, or both, should succeed in their intended enterprise, would it not be the most important conquest ever obtained upon such artful and easy terms by any power since the commencement of the General War.
Query 2dAdmit such success in conquest by France or Spain, or both, would it not be an irreparable loss to the United States, and would not America be bereaved of it’s growing strength, it’s aspiring hope, it’s commerse of that Country, it’s Dignity; and it’s Glory.
Qur 3dShould France or Spain or both be only as fortunate as their probable plan promise them, will they then in the course of the fourth of a Centory fall short of that dignity which France hath always aspired after: That of Universal Domain
Qr 4thShould no European Power be able to contend with them after such an acquisition, what will be the consequence to the neighbouring States and Dominions.
Qr 5thThis is Recommended for your Excellency to Query whether practicable measures may yet effectually opperate in the abortion of their subversive device or not, for it is a Query with us if it will not be too late to defeat their designs.—
This hint respecting the artful intentions of France and Spain, and of their general system here, will naturally explain itself to your wise discernment, which will greatly abridge this disagreable narration of
Sr Your / Most Obdt. Hble Servts

PS On enclosing this Letter an Express arrived from New Orleans, After which it was propegated here by the Governor whether true or false that a large number of Troops hath arrived and are to fortify Louisiana, the Natchez, and the other Posts that were by Treaty to have been evacuated; and that thay are making all possible preparations for that purpose under the pretext of a defence against the English whom thay say are on their way from Canada to attack them.
And now Sir should those Clouds disperse, and blow over without producing their intended effects; we hope that Congress will disapprove, revoke, and annul all business and proceedings whatsoever that hath been transacted here since the time that the Forts ought to have been evacuated: because large quantities of Lands hath since been Granted to particular Persons, and some supposed to be in trust or rather in partnership with the Governor and other Officers of Government, and dated back as if Granted before the existance of the Treaty &c. Besides many erronious Judgments hath lately been obtained in favor of those who are Spanish favorites, against such who thay know are attached to America; for here is now room for a perversion of Justice, and a display of malice against such who appear open and undisguised in favor of the Treaty.

US SuprNB. Doctr. White hath a pain in his leg or Ancle which renders him unable to perform a journey therefore Mr Power sets out this day on the same important business
May 28th It’s now said that the number of Troops in the Havanna which are destined for New Orleans are about 10,000, but others say not so many, which are hourly expected here; and that the favorites of the Revolutionary Scheme in New Orleans and at the Natchez are highly transported, for thay appear Joyfully enraptured, having lost all their doubts respecting the accomplishment of their great expectations, more especially as thay have the agreable account that Genl Wilkinson is the Officer that will Command the American Army in case of a War; which affords great satisfaction indeed to all that are in the Spanish interest, not doubting his being one of the persons who had previously received immense Sums of Money and other benefits and advantages to further and complete the aforesaid scheme, that not less than six or seven Years past he was said to be principle in proposing and recommending of.
It is privately talked of that Genl Roshambeau is to conduct and command those Troops that are now said to be in the Havanna, and through whose interest and influence with the inhabitants of the Western Waters as well as other Americans thay may as thay Judge more readily unite in the scheme of becoming Spanish Subjects; or if that will not take than to be Citizens of France.
The Troops mentioned in the Postscript of the above Letter which the Governor of this place assured us were actually arrived we have no further account of other than thay probably yet are at the Havanna, and that thay are expected as soon as thay can venture to push their way hither.—
No Packet hath arrived here lately, nor hath the important Mr Power yet set out for the Kentuckey Country on his grand legation; but it is conjectured he is still waiting the arrival of intelligence.—
We dont know if you have had information that the Spaniards are encouraging the Indians to kill Americans, we are informed that the Creek Indians are actually engaged in that business, but that the Chickesaws and Chactaws have objected to such impolitic inhumanity.
A Mr. Newman whose testimony before a Court Martial (from his own expessions at his arrival here) would have been hard against Genl Wilkinson, and has been tampered with by the Governor of this place and a Mr N——d so that he lately went to N Orleans where it is believed he has received a sufficient bribe to restrain him from ever appearing on that occation; but contrariwise hath signed and delivered to Mr N——d such papers, Certificates, or attestations as hath been required of him, the purport of which hath not transpired, nor is Mr Newman like to Visit Philadelphia—the place when he left the Natchez he said he was destined for. And that he had forwarded to a particular friend of Genl Wayne all the Letters that had passed on the Occasion.—

as above
We are a small private Committee of the planters of the Natchez who are secretly met to consider the contents of the above narration, and we do report accordingly that it is our Opinion that it ought to be transmitted to the President of the United States; convinced that although without authority or even a signature, yet we concieve it may be of some utility But whether or not our feeble intentions are still the same; for the Treaty of the United States and Spain convinces us that in point of right we may concieve our selves Citizens and not Slaves, although we are a this time ruled as Vassals by the hateful and despotic Rod of Iron, by pretences that are unwarantable: Vain deceptions, and false insinuations: Nor are we without those amongst us of our own people for want of pinciple who with lucrative views are charmed by pomises of future attention and favor having their minds poisoned and their Judgment thus perverted are more baneful and no less dangerous to us than the imperious dictates of France or the hateful duplicity of Spain; from whose power, will, or Chains, good Lord deliver us.
It is known here that Mr Power in conversation was heard to say to a friend of his in the Spanish service that when Lieut Steel who by order of Genl Wayne searched for certain papers, that he had only time to douse them in the Water, and that it was with great regret that he sunk those important papers in the River.


Title: To John Adams from Charles Lee, 5 May 1797
From: Lee, Charles
To: Adams, John

Philada. 5 May 1797—

In communicating to you a state of the Union at this time when you have been convened by my special direction it is with great satisfaction I inform you that the present meeting has not been occasioned by any occurrences within the United States. An attachment to our system of government has encreased with the experience of its utility, & resting on the most proper and only solid foundation the affections and reason of the people, the laws are readily and generally obeyed.
From a prospect so agreeable it is with extreme pain that I turn your attention to the situation of our affairs with the Republic of France, between whom and our country the ordinary means of friendly intercourse are not permitted to exist, their minister here having terminated his functions and Mr. Pinckney who was lately sent as our minister there, having been rejected and ordered out of their territories, and their decree of the second of July 1796 continuing in full operation under the authority of which or under colour of that authority which our commerce has received and is receiving the most distressing injuries and our citizens are sometimes personally abused and even deprived of their liberty. Though some dissatisfactions were said to prevail in the minds of the executive directory and councils of France, they were believed to be of such a nature as to be capable of being removed and hopes were entertained from that the mission of Mr. Pinckney that would have been attended with success, the object of which was to discuss amicably the causes of complaint, to endeavour to restore harmony and to place it on a durable basis. So soon as it was know to have failed, I took the resolution to convene Congress without delay that to their wisdom might be submitted the new state of things which had taken place after was not known here at the time of their adjourment and also those measures which in my judgment are best calculated to preserve our country the inestimable blessings of peace, and to protect our citizens in their persons and property from unwarratable violence.
The letters from Mr. Pinckney on this interesting subject are now confidentially laid before you, from which you will learn the particulars that have occurred at paris and the circumstances which attended the written order that was delivered to him to quit the territories of the republic. Discouraging as the conduct of France has been from any further attempt to make an amicable settlement of all the differences which subsist, I have not relinquished the hope (as their exists a possibility) of success averting the calamities of war by once more making overtures of accomodation, in doing which due regard shall be had to the rights dignity and independance of the United States. The success of this negotiation will depend very much on the measures which shall be addopted by this Congress  on the cooperation of Congress, it  Unless supported by a union of sentiment in a wise and efficient system of defensive measures, stems from a determined it may be expected to fail. The endeavours intended to be made for producing reconciliation, fixing the friendship of the two nations on a permanent foundation and obtaining compensation for the captures and detentions of the vessels and property of our citizens and for the other injuries they have sustained, will be the subject of another communication a message to the senate for their advice and consent. These endeavours if approved shall be prosecuted with earnestness and sincerity, but if they fail and if the calamities of war cannot be averted by just & honorable means let them not come upon us in our present defenceless state. Let us b e prepare with unanimity Courage and zeal to defend our just rights, if we shall be  unfortunately on to be driven to that necessity, by a disappointment in all our exertions to preserve peace on safe and honorable terms.
It has been represented There is reason to believe that most of the captures of our vessels made by the citizens of France, have been made by small privateers or  commissioned rowboats in or near to the port land ports and islands in the west-indies. Against depredations of this kind, it would be easy for merchant vessels if permitted to sail in an armed condition to defend themselves effectually, and it is therefore recommended that a law may be passed allowing the merchant vessels of the united citizens of the United States under certain regulations to arm for defense and to be commissioned to defend themselves against the unlawful violence of any commissioned vessel of war public or private belonging to any of the belligerent nations.
There is a wicked practice in whichIt is necessary to prevent by law any person residing in the United States and any citizen of the United States residing any where from owning any share or interest in any foreign commissioned vessel of war privateer or letter of marque & reprisal and to prevent any citizen of the United States from taking a commission in the state or anywhere or holding a commission or serving in the navy of any foreign state or in any privateer or letter of marque commissioned by any foreign state, and to prevent any citizen from committing any pyracy or robbery or hostility on the high sea againstany other the citizens of the united states or their property under authority of any commission or orders from any foreign state or under colour or pretence of authority from any person whatsoever, by ordaining adequate punishment to such offences—At this time a most it is said that it is probable too many citizens of the United States mostly resident in foreign parts are  concerned in the spoliations committed on our commerce under foreign authority or colour of foreign authority—and so great is the temptation to these iniquitous practices that they can be restrained only by sever punishments.
Our commerce of the united states which notwithstanding our commerce though it has prospered amid various disadvantages  that aggressions who most has  sustained, has contaminated and aggressions, never required the protection of government  more than at the present juncture. A great number of our citizens are engaged in it, & they have a right to demand the aid of the United States in defending it—It is also the source of the public revenue. So that duty and policy dictate a protection of our commerce. With this view permit me to recommend that our principal sea posts which are most exposed to danger be further fortified and more strongly garrisoned and that the frigates be finished equipped & manned as speedily as possible, Besides this it is highly expedient that a well disposed national Dock Yard be established and the essential materials  provided for making additions to our marine force, as the public exigency shall require and the public treasury permit.
The United States are almost destitute of arms military accoutrements and munitions. The exhortation ought to be prevented prohibited & by seasonable importations the public arsenals should be completely supplied—
The Militia which is the natural and sure defense of a free people, though often brought into the consideration of the legislature, remains yet to be arranged and organised, so as to be conveniently, certainly and usefully employed—This subject must for ever be repeated  until some system suited to our country shall be devised and carried into practice. There are parts of our common great country which from peculiar causes, render this an object of primary concern, and a wise and just legislature is bound more especially to watch over the safety of those which are the most exposed and defenceless—To guard against the effects on our revenue of a greater interruption of our trade that has yet been experienced and to be ready to draw forth the resourses of our country in the just defense of our Civic rights whenever it may be necessary, a plan of direction taxation ought to be digested and instituted. Some progress was made in this business by the former last congress and it is earnestly pressed that this session will not leave it unfinished.
If the people of the United States enjoy a greater degree of safety with respect to their persons as well as their property than the individuals of other nations, we also owe it to it is due to the excellent system of government states and general which under the blessing of a kind providence has been established. This government for the sake of ourselves and our posterity we must feel every obligation to perpetuate, and let it be forever remembered that upon ourselves alone depends its continuance From foreign interference or influence no good is ever to be expected, & the nation when it feels a disposition to depend on be blended with another nation, is half enslaved—Its independence cannot long survive such a state of the public mind, for among nations lasting real friendships are not known.

The act in omitting to express the superintendence or direction of the President is not unprecedented, nor is it in this respect any disparagement of the Presidential power. The following are some of the precedentsContracts for supplying the army, are to be made under the direction of the secretary of the treasury, May 8th 1792 2 Vol. page 112—
The secretary of the treasury is to place beacons in the Chesapeake and North Carolina, March 2. 1793 2 Vol page 238
The Secretary of the treasury is to place beacons in the Chesapeake and North Carolina, March 2. 1793 2 Vol page 238/the Secretary of the treasury is to place buoys off certain harbours 5th. april 1794 3 Vol 31.
The public lands are to be sold under the directions of the Secretary of the treasury 18th. May 1796 3 Vol 297
The Secretary of the treasury is to mitigate or remit penaties fines and forfeitures 3 March 1797 3 Vol 403—
Various executive acts subordinate subordinate acts of an executive nature, have been thought of too little consequence to be expressly placed under the direction of the President—It being implied that the President will take care that the inferior executive officers will do their duty.
The Attorney General in compliance with the presidents request, most respectfully submits, the foregoing draft of the particulars which have appeared to him proper to be communicated to Congress. The attorney General finds ample cause to solicit the indulgence of the President as well to the matter and form. The former is of so little value, as not to deserve to be copied, but the best in his power to present—

Charles LeeAttorney Genl


Title: To John Adams from James McHenry, 5 May 1797
From: McHenry, James
To: Adams, John

Sir.
War office 5 May 1797.

I have the honour to submit the reflexions which have occurred to me on the questions contained in your letter of the 14th ulto. With respect to your letter of the 15. I shall give it as early an answer as circumstances will permit, and intreat that you will ascribe the delay to the pressing business of the office and  importance of the subject.
With the greatest respect I have the honour to be / Sir your most ob St

James McHenry


Title: To John Adams from Joseph Ward, 5 May 1797
From: Ward, Joseph
To: Adams, John

Most Respected Sir
Newton May 5th, 1797.

I have the Honor to receive Your Letter of the 6 of April.
It is indeed a “grave prospect” which is now presented to this Country But I entertain hopes that a wise national conduct, may soon brighten the scene. The French have long been in a political delirium; but if the Americans exhibit upon this trying occasion that wise magnanimity which is worthy of their former character, I have sanguine hopes the threatened Storm may pass over. Some good has already arisen from the evils we suffer from French perfidy; Jacobinism is nearly dead; and the people are learning a useful lesson, not to trust to the friendship of any nation, whatever professions it may make of its high and disinterested regard for this Country. As such a trust, is the essence of folly, to be cured of it will be a great point gained by the injuries received. We have paid a great price for this instruction, but eventually it may be worth it. My fears arise chiefly from the South, lest the pestilence of French politics may have contaminated the true principles of government so far as to effect the necessary efforts to maintain our rights and secure the dignity and future safety of the Country. Unanimity in government, would unite the people, and give energy and effect to all our measures; but so great a blessing as a perfect unanimity in any government like ours is never to be expected and therefore it may have to consider, as Solon did, not only what would be best, but what the people will bear.
As you were pleased to signify a wish to know the sentiments of the people in this part of our country, I beg leave to observe, that they appear to be extremely solicitous to avoid the calamities of war, so far as it may be done consistent with future safety and the essential security of national Independence; but they do not mean to be silent and inactive Spectators of their own degradation.
Although peace, is before all things desirable, yet there is a point beyond which forbearance is folly,—is a crime. To mark that point, is for the wisdom of government.
To fortify our harbours, furnish our magazines, complete the Ships of war now building, make arrangements for increasing a naval force, and put the country in every view into a state of growing defence to be ready to repel aggressions if necessary; to increase the revenue by a land tax, which if not called for by the exigencies of government may be applied to payment of the national debt; are measures which I think would meet the wishes of the people here.
What renders the idea of war more disagreeable is, the French have no commerce on which we could retaliate, nor any possessions comeatable by us. They are situated in respect to us like the Algerines.
Nevertheless it seems necessary to give to them and to the world some evidence that the spirit which atchieved the Revolution and established Independence, is not extinct; and that our preparation to repel the injuries offered us may again surprize the nations by punishing the aggressor, as in the case of Britain when in the plenitude of her power she confidently imagined, and the world believed, her potent arm would crush us to atoms and chain us forever to the wheel of her government.
The chances for a change in Europe favourable to us appear to be many, and I have sanguine hopes that some events to our purpose may turn up soon. It would seem that the great northern powers could not much longer preserve their neutrality and permit the French to prostrate their royal brethren, and spread far and wide the mad opinions professed by their rulers. The political reasons which have hitherto held back Russia, Sweeden, Denmark, and the bribed Prussian, I flatter myself will not operate much longer.
The chances for another revolution among the French people may not be few; at least the people may grow tired of supporting a war merely for conquest, and no other motive can now exist as their enemies are ready to acknowledge their Republic in the full extent of all the ancient territories. The miseries constantly attenant on ther war notwithstanding their victories and the plunder they gain must be oppressive in the extreme and excite an universal wish among the people for peace.
I wish however that these hopes, and possible chances, may not check energetic measures as I conceive our honour and our safety require them.
I am most Respected & Dear Sir / with every Sentiment of Respect / & Esteem / Your most Humble Servant

Joseph Ward
P.S. As you were pleased to notice my postscript. I beg leave to add one line more upon your health. As the relaxing clime of Philadelphia in the hot months is apt to produce bilious habits, I would mention a New England remedy of late much recommended by all professions, Drink good bottled cider plentifully, and particularly in the morning. The agreeable acid with the fissed air which it contains, are considered by our physicians as antiseptic and good preventitives of bilious and putrid disorders. I have known many persons benefited by its use; and have found by my own experience it is most grateful and friendly to my constitution particularly in the warm season.


Title: To John Adams from James McHenry, 5 May 1797
From: McHenry, James
To: Adams, John

post 5 May 1797

The Secretary of War in conformity with the orders of the President has the honour to offer the following observations and suggestions relative to the objects of the Presidents letter of the 15th Ulto.
With respect to the speech. It appears adviseable that it should be chiefly  if not wholly confined to the foreign affairs of the country giving to these with France the primary and prominent place. This will make the main business the more striking.
The call of Congress being founded on the repulsion of our minister from France by the Directory, and the great and extensive injuries which our trade is suffering in consequence of their orders, it would seem proper to give a brief statement of facts refering for a particular detail to the documents themselves.
It may then be observed that a crisis in our affairs so solemn and eventful naturally called for the joint wisdom of the several branches of government.
To announce the intention to have recourse to the measure of our extraordinary mission; to endeavour by an earnest and amicable appeal to the justice candour and friendship of the French government to rectify misapprehensions, to satisfy them of the good faith and friendly sentiments  which have always directed the United States; to endeavour by a revision and readjustment of the treaties between the two nations, as far as shall consist with the engagements of the U. States towards other nations and the duties which their neutral position enjoins; to obviate causes of discontent and restore and confirm cordial harmony; to discuss and settle amicably the topics of mutual complaints, and thereby to obtain a revocation of these acts on the part of France and of her agents in the Colonies which have oppressed our trade and injured our citizens, and with it retribution for the losses which they have suffered from depredations contrary alike to the Laws of nations and the faith of treaties.
The Speech should proceed to say, that inasmuch as depredations by the cruisers of France continue to go on of a nature to destroy the mercantile capital, ruin the commerce of the Country and depress its agriculture and industry generally; and inasmuch as it is impossible to foresee the issue of the attempt by negotiation to avert the consequences of the serious misunderstandings which exist, it is matter of necessity with regard to the interest, honour, present and future security of the U. States to adopt and carry into execution without delay vigorous measures of defensive precaution. That it is visionary for the U. States to expect that they may continue in a state of naval and military imbecility during these frequently recurring wars between European nations, whose projects against against each others possessions in our vicinity may be continually putting in jeopardy our rights of commerce and territory. That heavy expences for precautionary purposes must be submitted to by a people having an extensive foreign trade, and bordering on the provinces of Great and powerful Kingdoms, if they would protect that trade and remain in all conjunctures the sole masters of their own territory and government.
That  measures for these purposes consist of the prompt equipment of a naval force sufficient to serve as convoys to our trade and protect it against the spoliations of petty cruisers.
—Permission to our vessels to arm for their own defence under proper guards and restrictions to prevent their cruising and acting offensively.
—The intermedeate passing of an embargo till these measures can be matured—with a descretion vested somewhere to grant licences to sail to such ports & under such circumstances as may be deemed safe.
—Arrangements which in case of emirgency will give the government the prompt command of an efficacious force with a particular view to artillery and cavalry;  as corps which require considerable time for forming them, and which in case of need will be of the most peculiar and essential utility.
—The more complete and effectual fortification of our ports especially the principal ones.
—The increase of our revenue as far as shall be practicable without overburthening our citizens to an extent which shall be equal to the additional expence of these provisions; to avoid an increase of the national debt and prepare the country for the exigences which may arise.
If more domestic matters are proper to be introduced on this occasion it will be expedient to mention
“That arrangements having been made in conformity with our treaty with Spain to ascertain when the ports occupied by the troops of his catholic majesty within the U.S. would be ready to be delivered up, information has been received that the evacuation might be expected to take place with the rising of the waters which was stated as a requisite for the convenient removal of their cannon and stores.”
“That the tranquility of a part of the So. Western frontier had been recently disturbed by some murders committed by the inhabitants and Cherokee Indians on each other; but that there is reasonable ground to beleive that the measures in operation have effectually checked the progress of the evil, while at the same time they promise to secure to the peaceable citizen a more perfect protection and to the Indians a fuller security of their rights”
But perhaps all these matters can be introduced in a subsequen message, subsequent the Speech if found necessary, by which means the substantial object of calling Congress will have full operation.
With respect to the instructions to the extraordinary minister they should embrace the following objects.
I. Explanation of the real views and intention of the government of the U States during the present war so as to satisfy France (if possible) that they have aimed at a sincere neutrality and have been influenced by no spirit partial to her enemies, or inimical to her.
II. The discussion if necessary of the constructions of the treaties between the two countries in the points which have been litigated, insisting upon our own, but not refusing to agree to any measures consistent with our constitution for avoiding an inconvenient or abusive application of them.
III. The remodification of the guarantee in our treaty of alliance into a stipulation of specific succours in future wars.
The succour on our part may  in the next fifteen years to be five sail of the line to be furnished once for all, or an equivalent sum of money, with option to pay in provisions or military stores. After the fifteen years ten sail of the line, or an equivalent as above. The remaining vessels to return at the conclusion of the war.
IV. The remodification of our treaty of commerce so as to accommodate it to that with G. Britain, having regard to duration as well as other things
V. Reparation for spoliations and other damages, and payment of sums due by contract. A commission or commissions may be agreed to, but carefully restricted to compensation to individuals on either side.
VI. There should in no event be admitted the idea of compensation or contribution from the government of the U. States to that of France. Nor any admission directly or indirectly that they are aggressors with regard to France.
It will be highly proper to avoid every stipulation in any shape inconsistent with our other treaties, or that may compromit our neutrality in the present war.
It is also thought best to steer clear of particular or exclusive privileges or preferences in trade.
The minister may be instructed to consent (if desired by France to the annulling of the treaties between the two countries altogether—but he ought not to suggest it as desireable to the U.S.
All which is respectfully / Submitted

James McHenry


Title: To John Adams from James Montgomery, 6 May 1797
From: Montgomery, James
To: Adams, John

Sir
Philadelphia May 6th 1797

In Consequence of a Letter from Secretary Wollcott in which he informs me by your determination my Commission as Captain of the Revenue Cutter is annulled and that the Public Interest requires it should be done I beg leave to request an explanation of those Words as it imply’s a degree of Crimination of my Conduct that as a Man of Honour and a Citizen I am entitled to an explanation of I likewise request the favour of having all my letters and Certificates returned as I mean to lay them all before the Public as the Public Interest is said to require my Dismission I likewise make it my request that your Excellency will let me know my accusers and what I am accused of inimical to the Public Interest
I inclose a copy of Mr. Wollcott’s letter which in my estimation is so insulting a one that I can hardly suppose the Contents have fallen under your notice and I must beg leave to add your Excellency’s must Certainly have had Things entirely misrepresented to you or I never should have been dismissed from an Office I have ever filled with Integrity attention and unviolated Honour Conscious as I am of the Rectitude of my Conduct I must beg leave to request your Excellency to reconsider the Matter Bring my accusers forth and let me either stand or fall by that Justice and Impartiality which I require of you as Chief Magistrate of the united states to a Citizen who has well deserved of His Country not to be injured without a Cause I am with every sentiment of respect your Excellency’s most obedient / Humble Servant

James Montgomery


Title: To John Adams from Tench Coxe, 10 May 1797
From: Coxe, Tench
To: Adams, John

Sir
May 10th 1797

The reasons, which induced me to the freedom of my communication concerning our affairs with France, have prompted me to that which I have now the honor respectfully to submit to your consideration in the same guarded & confidential manner. It appeared to me, in the month of Feby last, that some persons of weight and even in the auxiliary offices of the government itself, had adopted the opinion, that France had originated the European plans of neutral Spoliation by her decree of May. 1793. This is a matter of considerable importance in itself and is rendered the more so by the great exertions, which have been made to establish the idea thro the medium of occasional & systematic publications in some of the Gazettes.
Tho it is a serious & painful truth, that France has committed a large proportion of depredations on our trade, particularly in the West Indies, and of late, yet two things, among others, seem to be necessary to an accurate and just estimate of the degree of her positive and comparative culpability in so doing. It has appeared,
1st. That in order to determine the positive culpability of France, there should be deducted from her Captures, those which she has made upon grounds adjudged to be solid by the Courts of her rivals & enemies. Such as the trading with places belonging to her enemies with which we could not trade before viz. the British West Indies &ca.—The covering by collusive American papers enemies property—the trading with places taken from her by enemies, but not confirmed to them by Treaty, the carrying of provisions to the places and ports of their Enemies according to Lord Grenvilles explanation of the Russian Convention, and the law of Nations—the carrying to Enemies ports articles and indisputably contraband of war—and other grounds of Capture common, in like manner, to the Courts of both England & France. The French Captures under these Heads would be found to make a large proportion of what has been done by them; and altho the residue are very considerable and very unjust, the allowances upon these and similar grounds, I beg leave to observe, appear to merit particular consideration.
2dly. It has appeared necessary, in order to ascertain the comparative culpability of the French, that the conduct of Great Britain as avowedly grounded by Lord Grenville upon the Russian Convention of Mar. 1793, and that Convention itself as explained to our Minister Mr. T. Pinckney in British official Communications should be seen in their true light, as the great leading acts in the Business of neutral Spoliation. Or in other words that Great Britain is justly to be considered as the real beginner of those Spoliations.
I beg you, Sir, to excuse the liberty I have taken in troubling you with the enclosed paper, and that you will be pleased to consider it in inclusive relation to the Question stated at its head.
I have the honor to be / with perfect respect, / Sir, / your most obedt / & most hble Servt.

Tench Coxe


Title: To John Adams from Jonathan James Maund, 10 May 1797
From: Maund, Jonathan James
To: Adams, John

Sir
Nomony Hall Westmoreland 10th. May 1797

I yesterday receiv’d the Letter you did me the Honor to write on the 13th. of March: My residence is almost equidistant from Fredericksburgh and Richmond your Letter bears the Post Mark of Richmond the 22d. of March and as I receiv’d it from Tappahannock by a private Hand this & the disagreement of the Post Master in that Place with his Deputies depriv’d me the pleasure of sooner acknowledging the favor you have conferr’d on me by your Attention
I pray you to believe that my only Reason for not writing you in December was that from pressure of Business I did not meet the Assembly nor return to my Home until January and there then remain’d no political news worthy of Communication—The Post rider now waits for my Letter this forces me to conclude: by the next Post (which will be the ensuing Week) I again shall have the pleasure of addressing you and in the Course of the ensuing Month I shall inclose for your perusal a Series of Letters I am now preparing for the Press
I beg my most respectful Compliments to be presented Mrs Adams and so soon as I hear that your Sons or either of them shall have return’d I shall write to request they will spend a part of their Time this Year at my House, and I anticipate with real Satisfaction the removal of the Seat of Government that will I hope place my Friends so near to this County
I have the Honor to be with the most respectful Esteem / Sir / Yr. Oblig’d & very humble. Servt.

Jno. Jas. Maund


Title: From John Adams to Samuel Adams, Sr., 11 May 1797
From: Adams, John
To: Adams, Samuel, Sr.

Sir
Philadelphia May 11. 1797

It was but two days ago that I recived your obliging Letter of the Seventeenth of April by Mr Wyllis.  I have found this Gentleman as you represent him intelligent, observing and impartial. I have had much pleasure in his conversation and expect more.
I thank you Sir for your kind congratulations. As to party Papers they will represent Us as they please: and there is no remedy but Patience, and now and then a little contempt—. I can with pleasure reciprocate your conclusion by subscribing myself  / old and unvaried Friend

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Gustavus Scott, 11 May 1797
From: Scott, Gustavus
To: Adams, John

Sir,
Washington 11th. May 1797

We received by yesterdays Post a Letter from your Secretary enclosing sundry papers which had been transmitted to you by a Mr: Collin Williamson.—
Sensible of the pressure of business which you are obliged to sustain it is with reluctance that we trouble you with the affairs of the City however important, and we are really sorry that this business should have been intruded upon you Agreeably to your request we return those papers We presume it is not your wish to be troubled with a detail of circumstances which led to the dismission of M. Williamson Your Predecessor had many Addresses on the same subject it is unnecessary to state the trouble the Board have had with him The subject being now in a Judicial train we must wait the event, from which we apprehend no damage,—His tale of our losses is unfounded.—
We have the honor to be with sentiments of perfect Respect / sir / yr mo. obt. servt.

Gusts ScottWilliam Thornton


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Mifflin, 12 May 1797
From: Mifflin, Thomas
To: Adams, John

(copied)
SirPhiladelphia May 12th: 1797

By an Act of the General Assembly of this State, it has become my duty to purchase and import ten thousand stand of arms, for the use of the Militia; but I find that it will be impracticable, at present, to form an advantageous contract, unless I can promise the interference of the American Ministers in Europe, to obtain permission from the respective Governments, for exporting the arms, either from Great Britain, Holland, or Hamburgh; and unless I can obtain from the United States, a remission of the duties, on importation. As the object is of national importance and utility, I take the liberty of requesting, that you will favor me with your sanction upon the first point; and that you will be pleased to submit the second point to the consideration of Congress.
I have the honor to be, with perfect / respect, Sir, / Your Excellency’s Most obedient / humble Servant

Tho. Mifflin


Title: From John Adams to United States Congress, 16 May 1797
From: Adams, John
To: United States Congress

Fellow Citizens of the Senate & of the House of Representatives
16 May 1797

On addressing myself to the Senators & Representatives of the United States, it would have afforded me the most sincere satisfaction to have been able to congratulate you on the restoration of peace to the nations of Europe whose contentions have endangered our tranquillity & to have invited your attention only to such measures as ordinarily occur, in managing the concerns of an extensive and flourishing nation.
But though the time and manner of your being convened and the situation of our Country in relation to a foreign power, indicate the necessity of extraordinary councils, yet we have still abundant cause for gratitude to the Supreme Dispenser of National Blessings.
To the excercise of this gratitude we are invited by the contemplation of peace and plenty, civil & religious liberty, social and domestic happiness & the rapid progress and acquisitions of peaceable industry through extensive regions.—While other States are afflicted by foreign war, or convulsed by domestic agitations, the United states present the pleasing and consoling spectacle of a numerous people, governed by mild laws, satisfied with the possession of their undoubted rights, neither envying the advantages or fearing the power of other nations, and solicitous only for the maintenance of order & justice & the preservation of liberty—To prolong this happy condition all your deliberations will be directed.
A reference to the communications which were laid before Congress at their last session will inform you of the discontents which have been manifested by the French Republic, & the molestations of our Trade under countenance of authority from that Nation;—On reviewing the proceedings of the Executive, I find, that as soon as the complaints to our Minister in Paris, assumed a specific form, measures were promptly taken for entering upon such discussions, as the importance of the subject required. A Minister Plenipotentiary was accordingly designated who was specially instructed to make such explanations of the principles & conduct of the Government of the United States, as it might be reasonably expected would have effaced  unfavourable impressions & restored cordiality & friendship.
It is with regret I add, that the conduct of France has in no respect reciprocated the amicable dispositions of the United States, Instead of receiving the explanations tendered by this government, the Executive Directory have declared that they will not receive nor acknowledge another Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States, untill the complaints which have been preferred, shall have been redressed, and by late advices it appears, that subsequently to this declaration our Minister recd. a peremptory order to quit the territories of the French Republic. Further particulars respecting this transaction will by my direction be communicated to you from the Department of State.
In reflecting upon this unexpected result of a pacific mission, instituted in a form and so far as my knowledge extends, conducted in a manner altogether unexceptionable, I am unable to conjecture what may be the ultimate intentions of the government of France.—Nor am I able to reconcile the stile and manner of the conduct which has lately been adopted towards this government, with those usages which have been long established between Nations, for the discussion and termination of disputes.
Being however sincerely desirous of preserving peace and friendship with all Nations & fully sensible that neither the honour nor interest of the United States forbid the repetition of advances for securing these desireable objects, I shall immediately institute measures of negociation, to be improved whenever the consent of the government of France can be obtained; and I shall not fail to hasten & promote an accomodation on terms compatible with the rights, engagements & honour of our Country.
But though it is my earnest desire, that the negociations proposed to be instituted, may produce a favourable issue, yet as the progress of the war in Europe & the general complexion of events, render it proper to be prepared for a less fortunate result, I judge it to be my indispensible duty to recommend defensive measures to your consideration.
The Commerce of the United States has become a most interesting object of attention whether it be considered in respect to the wealth & finances or strength and resources of the Nation,—any serious or permanent injury to this branch of industry would not fail to produce the most embarrassing disorders; to preserve our commerce from being gradually undermined and destroyed, it is essential that it receive adequate protection.
The arguments by which the establishment of a Naval force has on former occasions been recommended to the attention of Congress becomes more and more exemplified and confirmed by experience.—Indeed as the sufferings of our Mercantile Citizens cannot be attributed to the omission of duties demandable by the neutral situation of our Country, they are all to be resolved into the hope of impunity arising from a supposed inability on our part to afford protection. To resist the consequences of such impressions in the minds of foreign nations, & guard against the degradation and servility which they must finally impress on the American character, is an important duty of government. Without some means of protection against unjust depradations an extensive foreign commerce can only be considered as a source of national weakness & unavoidable concommitant of national dishonour.
But though the establishment of a permanent system of Naval defence appears to be requisite, I am sensible that it cannot be so speedily organised as to supercede the necessity of other measures which are demanded by the exigency of the present Crisis.—Though I have thought proper to prevent the sailing of armed Vessells except on voyages to the East Indies, where general usage and the danger from Pirates appeared to render the permission proper;—yet the restriction has originated solely from a wish not to anticipate the decision of Congress on a question of National importance & not from any doubt entertained by me, of the policy & propriety of permitting our Vessells to employ means of defence while engaged in a lawful Commerce.—It remains for Congress to prescribe such regulations as well enable our seafaring Citizens to defend themselves against aggressions of the Law of Nations;—and at the same time restrain them from committing acts of hostility against the powers at War,—(or to enforce by suitable provisions, the existing instructions which forbid the sailing of armed Vessells.)
It appears that many, if not a principal part of the small Cruizers, whose depradations have been most injurious, have been built & partially equipped in the United States;—though a remedy appears to be attended with great difficulty, yet I have thought it my duty to present the subject generally to your consideration;—if a mode can be devised by the wisdom of Congress, to prevent the resources of the United States from being converted into the means of annoying our trade, a great evil will be prevented.
The distance of the United States from Europe and the spirit & fortitude of the people happily diminish in a great degree, if they do not render intirely improbable, invasions in time of War.—Nevertheless, the unprotected situation of some of our principal Sea Ports, renders it proper to guard against the danger of sudden & predatory incursions.
Gentlemen of the House of Representatives,
It is particularly your province to consider the state of the public finances & to adopt such measures in relation thereto, as exigencies shall be found to require.—The preservation of public credit, the regular extinguishment of the public debt, and a provision of funds to defray any extraordinary expences, will of course call for your serious attention.
Although the imposition of new burthens on your constituents, cannot be in itself agreable, yet there is no ground to doubt, that the American people will expect from you, such measures as their actual engagements, their present security, and future Interests demand.
Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives.
It will I presume be admitted, that the present situation of our Country imposes an obligation upon all the Departments of Government, to adopt an explicit & decided conduct, in my situation, an exposition of the principles by which my administration will be governed, is a more than ordinary duty.
It is impossible to conceal from ourselves or from the world, that endeavours have been made to foster and establish a division between the American Government & people. To investigate the causes, which have encouraged this attempt would be unprofitable; but to repel by firm & united Councils, an aggression so derogatory from the honour & so dangerous to the Independence of the Nation, is an indispensible duty.
It was foreseen that the retirement of a Majistrate whose preeminent services, virtue and wisdom had united all hearts in his favour, would form an interesting era in our government;—the event has verified the prediction, and it must soon be decided, whether the American people will support the Government established by their voluntary consent, or whether by surrendering themselves to the direction of foreign & domestic factions, they will forfeit that honourable distinction which they have hitherto maintained:—Having never been indifferent to what concerned the interests of my Country, having devoted the best part of my life in support of its independence, having constantly witnessed the perseverance, fidelity & patriotism of my fellow Citizens on the most trying occasions, it is not for me to express a doubt:—or to abandon a cause in which my heart has long been engaged.
Convinced as my mind is, that the conduct of the government has been just & impartial to foreign Nations;—that those internal regulations which have been established by Law for the preservation of peace, are in their nature proper and that they have been fairly executed; nothing will ever be done by me, to impair the National engagements, to innovate upon principles which have been deliberately established, or to surrender in any manner the rights of the Government.—To enable me to maintain this declaration I count with entire confidence on recieving the firm and enlightened support of the National Legislature and upon the virtue & patriotism of my fellow Citizens.
Treasury Department May 19th. 1797.The Secretary of the Treasury in obedience to the direction of the President of the United States respectfully makes the following Report;
That the Letter of Governor Mifflin to the President of the United States dated the 12th Instant contains the following requests.—
1st. That the President would direct the American Ministers in Europe to use their influence to obtain permissions from the respective Governments for exporting from Great Britain, Holland, or Hamburgh, Ten thousand Stand of Arms, for the use of the Militia of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania.
2nd. That as the proposed importation is an object of national utility that the President would submit to the Consideration of Congress the expediency of remission of the duties payable on the importation of the said Arms;
It is the opinion of the Secretary that a compliance with the first mentioned request would be reasonable and proper, whenever the Governor shall be pleased to indicate the names of the Agents proposed to be employed;
On the second point the Secretary respectfully observes, that the recommendations of the President to Congress have generally if not always related to measures of general policy and that a deviation from this rule may be attended with inconvenience; That an exemption from duties on Arms imported for a particular State would operate as a grant to that State and ought of course to be provided for by a special Law.
Of the policy of recommending a general repeal of the Duties on Arms imported into the United States doubts are entertained, as a manufacture would thereby be discouraged which it is the public Interest to encourage & support;
All which is respectfully submitted
Oliv WolcottSecy. of the Treasy.I concur in the opinions expressed by the Secretary of the Treasury.
T. Pickering


Title: To John Adams from Alexander Jardine, 16 May 1797
From: Jardine, Alexander
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Santiago—16th. May—1797.—

I cannot resist the desire of writing to you nor the joy of your being elected president of the US:—as I think and hope that much of the peace and happiness of the rest of the world may now come to depend on you and your friends there, who I flatter myself may be well chosen. In short the love of Peace,—the knowledge of its importance of late predominant in your Counsels give hopes of its spreading in time with the rest of your virtues which have begun to reform the world; and, (meeting with still better soil, than french brains,) may gradually surround it.
I have long been on the point of writing from this desart and distance;—and risking some answer to your last excellent favor—always so full of wisdom, which must now surely benefit the world greatly—even perverse as it is. Your ideas there on the necessity of balances in all where human nature is concerned were excellent and probly necessary—for a time—yet out of sight,—tho’ we may hope with Godwin to get beyond that point at last. But I can hardly have much new to you on this or any subject;—only Peace from its superior importance claims all our preaching and exertions on every occasion. We the world may hope you will continue obstinately to resist all temptations to war;—suffering your toes—your noses to be squeez’d off before you feel the folly—the absurd sentiment of honor, or raise the hand—even to resist, and may thence teach your young scholars and Galic heads a little more of your patience &c.—How much more powerfully J. Chr. fought—by turning the other cheek!—Men—rationals cannot always be such fools as to murder  each other merely to please a few of the worst among them,—such as R’s, Minrs &c.—War must—will be banish’d;—a period to be kept even now steadily in view by the wise, and may soon become visible to all. But even before this period the US will probly make her fortune even in the general scramble, while her European neighbours are ruining ech other in gambling deep, and making a figure &c.—But reason and you must some where stop that ruinous system, and shew men and nations their mutual interest in assisting instead of destroying each other. Wisdom must lead at last, and thence the US must probly in time guide the world, not by force but reason. Directoire a fine substitute for the term Govt.
Perhaps you ought to try most practicable ways of giving to old Europe some of your best American or amphyctionic ideas—of Peace—and union—for which she must probly have already wisdom enough—if properly placed and employ’d, and her stock would then increase.
In this ever important Peninsula, (and whose importance must increase with the knowledge and wisdom of the world,) you will require still more and more successions of good Consuls as well as Envoys &c. This northern strip of it, from Baynne to Cap Fin., will become a still more importt. and interesting part of it and of this Globe; and your Consul General for this northern and very natural division of the Peninsula should be an enlarge’d and liberal mind, and equal to watch the coming changes &c. The demonstration of all this and the principles on which it depends, might require a volume and be consider’d as too speculative.—In short I think your present V. Consul at Sant-Ander, O. Brien, seems to me to one of the fittest you can find for that place in the mean time,—taking care to furnish him with successors still better—if possible. Your natural, considerable and growing connection with Spain, and her colonies requires your wisdom and attention.—Tho’ this is a case where I ought not perhaps to presume even to  speak, I think you will excuse it from your knowledge of my ever early partiality for the US—(for which I have suffer’d considerably;) and allso also from my knowledge of this country, and of Mr OBrn. who has served me long as V. Consul, and has on every occasion—convinced me that you cannot in short chuse better for the present. He is known I believe to your present Envoy here,—to you at Lugo, to Mr Short, Mr Pinkney, tho’ perhaps not quite so well as to me.
Let me trouble you with my best love and esteem to Dr Priestly; and I hope he will joyn you most sagacious American thinkers for the benefit of Old Europe as well as for young America, and produce for her and the world some Amphyctionic system of Perpetual Peace, and for which she may soon be ripe: The systems of a Hen. 4, a St Pierre, a Godwin &c. &c. having been premature.
Let me hope to hear from you, when practicable. We just hear that the french are to make war on you—at wch you May laugh in derision, & not even make any ansr. to such their foolish threats & declarations &c, as I wanted our Miny. to have done wth Spain now: but they are too much of the boy chars. yet. They must probly. now soon be turn’d out—as on the American Peace. The Whigs will agree better wth you & wth all the world,—till a genl. sense of peace prevail. Pray forgive & write / Your real friend
Alexr. JardineConsul. Galicia &c.


Title: To John Adams from John Eager Howard, 18 May 1797
From: Howard, John Eager
To: Adams, John

Sir/
May 18th. 1797—

I was yesterday at your house, with some Ladies who had the honor of paying their respects to Mrs. Adams, where I observed a person, whose name is Samuel Monroe, in the capacity of a servant, and as I suppose you are not acquainted with his character, think it necessary to give you the following information.—
He was formerly a drummer in the British Army, and has been a waiter in the City Tavern of this place as well as in Starck’s tavern in Baltimore—From the latter place he obtained the certificate now in his possession, of his good behaviour, which procured him the appointment of a clerk in the post office of that place. He there committed a robbery of a large sum of money, and although he was not convicted of the offence, owing to some defect in the indictment, yet there is very little doubt, if any, of his guilt—Mr. Mc.Henry I presume is acquainted with the circumstances—
I have the honor, to be / with great respect /  Yr. Obed. Servt.

John E. Howard


Title: To John Adams from United States Senate, 18 May 1797
From: United States Senate
To: Adams, John

Sir
18 May 1797

The Senate of the United States request that you would to accept their acknowledgments for the comprehensive and interesting detail, you have given, in your Speech to both houses of Congress, on the existing State of the Union.
While we regret the necessity of the present meeting of the Legislature, we wish to express our entire approbation of your conduct in convening it on this momentous occasion.
The superintendance of our National faith, honor and dignity, being in a great measure, constitutionally deposited with the Executive, we observe with singular satisfaction, the vigilance, firmness & promptitude exhibited by you, in this critical state of our public affairs, and from thence derive and evidence & pledge of the rectitude & integrity of your administration.—
We are equally desirous with you to preserve peace and friendship with all nations, and are happy to be informed, that neither the honor or interests of the United States, forbid advances for securing those desireable objects by amicable negotiation with the French Republic—This method of adjusting national differences, is not only the most mild, but the most rational and humane, and with Government disposed to be just, can seldom fail of success, when fairly, candidly and sincerely used.  If we have commited errors and can be made sensible of them we agree with you in opinion that we ought to correct them and compensate the injuries, which may have been consequent upon them: On the other hand if the French Republic has committed errors, and can be made sensible of them, justice we hope will compel them to the same consequences.
We do therefore most sincerely approve of your determination to promote and accelerate an accomodation of our existing differences with that Republic by negocition, on terms compatiable with the rights, duties, interests & honor of our Nation.—And you may rest assured of our most cordial cooperation so far as it may become necessary, in this pursuit. Peace & harmony with all Nations is our sincere wish; but such being the lot of humanity that Nations will not always reciprocate peaceable dispositions. It is our firm belief that such effectual measures of defence, as you have recommended, will tend to inspire that national self respect and confidence at home, which is the unfailing source of respectability abroad, to check aggressions and prevent war.
While we are endeavoring to adjust our differences with the French Republic by amicable negociation, the progress of the War in Europe, the depredations on our Commerce, the personal injuries to our Citizens, and the general complexion of affairs, prove to us your vigilant care, in recommending to our attention effectual measures of defence.
Those which you recommend whether they relate to external defence, by permitting our Citizens to arm for the purpose of repelling aggressions on their commercial rights, and by providing sea Convoys, or to internal defence, by encreasing the establishments of Artillery & Cavalry by forming a provisional Army, by revising the Militia laws and fortifying, more completely our Ports & harbors;—Will engage our utmost attention, and meet our consideration under the influence of the same just regard for the security, interest & honor of our Country, which dictated your recommendations.
Practices so unnatural and inequitous, as those you state to us, of our own Citizens, converting their property and personal exertions into the means of annoying our trade, & injuring their fellow Citizens;,deserve legal severity, commensurate with their turpitude.
Altho the Senate believe that the prosperity & happiness of our Country does not depend on general & extensive political connections with European nations, yet we can never lose sight of the propriety as well as necessity of enabling the Executive by sufficient & liberal supplies, to maintain, and even extend our foreign intercourse, as exigencies may require, reposing full confidence in the Executive in whom the Constitution has placed the powers of Negociation.
In the present critical situation of our national affairs, we are sensible, it is an object of primary importance, that each branch of the Government should adopt a language and system of conduct, which shall at once, be cool, just and dispassionate, but firm explicit and decided.
We learn with sincere concern, that all attempts are in operation to alienate the affections of our fellow Citizens from their Government. Attempts so wicked, wherever they exist, cannot fail to engage our utmost abhorrence.—A Government chosen by the people for their own safty & happiness, and calculated to secure both, cannot lose their affections, so long as its administration pursues the principles upon which it was erected.—And your resolution to observe a conduct just and impartial to all nations, a sacred regard to our national engagements, & not to impair the rights of our Government, contains principles which cannot fail to secure to your Administration the support of the National Legislature, to render abhortive every attempt to excited dangerous jealousies among us, and to convince the world that our Government and your Administration of it cannot be seperated from the affectionate support of every good Citizen.—And the Senate cannot suffer the present occasion to pass, without thus publickly and solemnly expressing their attachment to the Constitution and Government of their Country, and as they hold themselves responsible to their Constituents, their conciences and their God, it is their determination by all their exertions to repel every attempt to alienate the affections of the people from their Government, so highly injurious to the honor, safety and Independance of the US.
We are happy since our sentiments on this subject are in perfect unison with yours, in this public manner to declare; that the conduct of the Government has been just, and impartial to foreign nations, and that these internal regulations which have been established for the preservation of peace, are in their nature proper, & have been fairly executed.
And we are equally happy, in possessing an entire confidence in your abilities & exertions in your station, to maintain untarnished the honor, preserve the peace and support the Independance of our Country; to acquire and establish which in connection with your fellow Citizens, has been the virtuous effort of a principal part of your life—
To aid you with all our exertions, in the honorable and arduous effort, as it is our duty, so it shall be our faithful endeavor. And we flatter ourselves, sir, that the proceedings of the present session of Congress will manifest to the world, that altho the US love peace, they will be Independant. That they are sincere in their declarations to be just to the French and all other nations, and expect the same in return; and that the people and Government are not to be seperated.—
If a sense of Justice, a love of moderation and peace, shall influence their councils, which we sincerely hope, we shall have just grounds to expect, peace & amity between the US and all nations will be preserved.
But if we are so unfortunate, as to experience injuries from any nation, & the ordinary methods by which differences are amicably adjusted between nations, shall be rejected.—The determination, “Not to surrender in any manner the rights of the Government” being so inseperably connected with the dignity, interest and Independance of our Country, shall, by us, be steadily and inviolably supported.


Title: From John Adams to United States Senate, 19 May 1797
From: Adams, John
To: United States Senate

Gentlemen of the Senate.
United States—May 19th 1797

I nominate Joshua Sands of New york to be Collector of the District of New york, Vice. John Lamb dismissed.

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to United States Congress, 19 May 1797
From: Adams, John
To: United States Congress

Gentlemen of the Senate
United States May 19. 1797

I nominate Joshua Sands of New york to be collector of the District of New york, vice John Lamb dismissed

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Oliver Wolcott, Jr., 19 May 1797
From: Wolcott, Oliver, Jr.
To: Adams, John

Treasury Department May 19th. 1797.

The Secretary of the Treasury in obedience to the direction of the President of the United States respectfully makes the following Report;
That the Letter of Governor Mifflin to the President of the United States dated the 12th Instant contains the following requests. –
1st. That the President would direct the American Ministers in Europe to use their influence to obtain permissions from the respective Governments for exporting from Great Britain, Holland, or Hamburgh, Ten thousand Stand of Arms, for the use of the Militia of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania—
2nd. That as the proposed importation is an object of national utility that the President would submit to the Consideration of Congress the expediency of a remission of the duties payable on the importation of the said Arms;
It is the opinion of the Secretary that a compliance with the first mentioned request would be reasonable and proper, whenever the Governor shall be pleased to indicate the names of the Agents proposed to be employed;
On the second point the Secretary respectfully observes, that the recommendations of the President to Congress have generally if not always related to measures of general policy & that a deviation from this rule may be attended with inconvenience;—That an exemption from duties on Arms imported for a particular State would operate as a grant to that State & ought of course to be provided for by a special Law.
Of the policy of recommending a general repeal of the Duties on Arms imported into the United States doubts are entertained, as a manufacture would thereby be discouraged which it is the public Interest to encourage and support;
All which is respectfully submitted
Oliv Wolcott
Secy of the Treasy
I concur in the opinions expressed by the Secretary of the Treasury.

T. Pickering


Title: From John Adams to United States Senate, 20 May 1797
From: Adams, John
To: United States Senate

Gentlemen of the Senate
United States 20 May 1797

I nominate John Quincy Adams of Massachusetts, to be Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States to the King of Prussia

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from United States Senate, 20 May 1797
From: United States Senate
To: Adams, John

Sir
20 May 1797

The Senate of the U. States, request you to accept their acknowledgements, for the comprehensive and interesting detail, you have given, of the existing state of the Union.—
And while we regret the necessity of the present meeting, we wish to express our entire approbation of your conduct, in convening the Legislature, on this momentous occasion.—
As the Guardianship of our national Faith, Honor and Dignity is, in a great measure constitutionally deposited with the Executive, we observe with singular satisfaction the vigilance, firmness & promptitude, exhibited by you, in this critical period of our public affairs, and derive from this exhibition, an evidence and pledge of the rectitude & integrity of your Administration.—
Friends to humanity, and deprecating the calamities of War, Truth impels us to express our perfect coincidence of opinion with you, that the door of negociation with the French Government—ought still to remain unclosed.—
Peace & harmony with all nations is our sincere wish, but such being the lot of humanity that nations will not always reciprocate peaceable dispositions: it is our firm belief that such effectual measures of defence, as you have recommended, will tend to inspire that national self respect & confidence at home, which is the unfailing source of respectability abroad: and, will tend, to check aggression & prevent War.
The present extensive commerce of the U. States, the commanding situation and increasing agriculture of the Country, which promise an incalculable extension of it; point out an adequate Naval protection, too forcibly not to arrest our Attention; especially when we consider our Commerce in relation to the wealth & finances, as well as strength & resources of the Nation.
These considerations connected with the injuries & insult inflicted on our Citizens and their Commerce, with hopes of impunity, from the supposed want of ability or inclination in our Government to protect; render the Duty of the Legislature more indispensible, to afford prompt and effectual defence, by permitting them to arm, or providing Convoys at sea, and to render the protection complete, by fortifying, more thoroughly, our principal ports and Harbors.—
This subject of permitting our merchants to arm their Vessels for defence, is of such magnitude—that it will engage our utmost attention; and the result, which prudence & propriety, on a full view of the subject, shall dictate, we will most chearfully adopt. Increasing the establishments of Artillery & Cavalry, making arrangements for forming a provisional Army, and a revision of our Militia Laws, present to our minds considerations of such weight & importance; as they respect both the means & spirit of national defence, generally too much neglected in times of peace; that we shall not fail to give them our most serious attention.—
Altho the Senate believe that the prosperity and happiness of our Country does not consist in general and extensive political connections with European Nations, yet we can never loose sight of the propriety as well as necessity of enabling the Executive, by sufficient & liberal supplies, to maintain, and even extend our foreign intercourse, as exigencies may require; reposing full confidence in the Executive, in whom the Constitution has placed the sole and exclusive powers of Negociation.—
In the present critical situation of our National affairs we are sensible, it is an object of primary importance, that each branch of the Govt. should adopt a language, and system of conduct, which shall be at once cool & dispassionate, but firm, decided and explicit.—
And while the humiliating Idea, that a foreign attempt is in operation, to alienate the affections of the people from the Govt—and to impose terms & conditions of conduct on both; has the least remaining existence; the senate, as they hold themselves responsible to their Constituents, their Consciences & their God, pledge their utmost exertions to repel an attempt so highly injurious to the honor, & so compleatly destructive of the Independence of the U. States.—We are happy, since our sentiments on the subject, are in perfect unison with yours, in this public manner to declare; that the conduct of the Govt. has been just & impartial to foreign nations, and that those internal regulations which have been established by Law, for the preservation of peace, are in their nature proper, and have been fairly executed.—
And we are equally happy in possessing an entire confidence in your abilities & exertions in your station to maintain untarnished the Honor, to preserve the peace, & support undiminished the Independence of our Country; to acquire & establish which, in connection with your fellow Citizens, has been the virtuous effort of a principal part of your Life—
To aid you, with all our exertions, in the honorable & arduous effort, as it is our Duty, so it shall be our faithful endeavour.—And we flatter ourselves, Sir, that the proceedings of the present session of Congress will manifest to the world, that altho’ the U. States love peace, they will be independent; that they are sincere in their declarations to be just to the French nation, but expect the same from them; and that the Govt. and the people are not to be separated.—
If a sense of Justice, a love of moderation and peace, shall actuate their counsels, which we sincerely hope, we likewise flatter ourselves, peace & amity between the two Republics will be preserved.—
But if we are so unfortunate as to experience further injuries from that nation, and they will not hear, nor will receive our Ministers, and neither listen to just terms of accommodation, nor offer us any but unconditional submission: your determination, “Not to surrender in any manner the rights of the Govt.” will be most unequivocally adopted by us, and steadily supported—