Title: To George Washington from Thomas Nelson, 24 November 1790
From: Nelson, Thomas (1764-1824)
To: Washington, George

Dear Sir
York Town [Va.] November 24th 1790

For three days past I have been prepared to depart for Philadelphia, under a supposition that leaving this place at that period I should be enabled to reach Philadelphia at the same time that you would, but some untoward circumstances have effected a delay until this time. To day I had commenced my journey, but events have occurred, which not only prevent my proceeding immediately but create a necessity that I solicit permission to decline the honour of a longer continuance in that line of life, in which through your goodness I have of late been engaged—many of these circumstances have existed for some time past, but not in so strong a degree as at this time.

You will permit me, Sir, to say that this is cause of the highest regret to me, and at this time doubly so, first as it respects myself, and next as it respects you—as it respects myself, I relinquish an appointment with which I have been honor’d from motives of kindness towards me; as it respects you, Sir, I may at present involve you in inconvenience and some difficulty to supply the small portion of assistance which I should be able to impart—this last would have been cause of less regret, but for the conversation with which you honoured me a little before our departure from New York, because until that period I had conceived that my small assistance could have been well dispensed with—at that time too I induced you to believe that I should return and continue until you could suit yourself, if I should at any time afterwards determine to solicit a declension of the appointment; this was at that time and even until to day my determined intention.
I am well aware, Sir, how proper it would have been, to have given you previous notice, but until now I had not contemplated this determinately—and under the existing circumstances it appeared to me that less inconvenience would accrue to you, Sir, by my declining than by my going forward at a late period, because before I could have arrived at Philadelphia, you may have procured some other Gentleman—You will allow me here, Sir, to offer my most grateful thanks and to declare that I am in the highest degree sensible of the favour you have done me; and I hope I am not too bold when I declare that I entertain towards you the strongest filial affection.
Those small duties, Sir, which I have been able to execute under your direction, have been executed with pleasure, and shall, at any time, with equal pleasure and the greatest alacrity be again directed by you—I beg leave to present my respects to Mrs Washington. With the highest esteem and regard, I am, Sir, your obedient Servant

Thomas Nelson, jr


Title: To George Washington from George Clinton, 26 November 1790
From: Clinton, George
To: Washington, George

Sir
New York 26th November 1790

I have this Moment received a Letter from Captain Brant dated Nassau the 5th Instant—It contains Expressions of the warmest Friendship and Attachment, and a promise to visit me at this Place in June next &ca And gives the following Information which I begg Leave confidentially to communicate to your Excellency as I believe it would not be proper that my Correspondence with him should be publickly known; and if the Intelligence is true you will soon receive it through another Channel.
“By a Vessel just arived from Detroit we have the following Intelligence, That on the 23d Ultimo a Body of the Thousand Americans on Horseback being advanced of the Main Body in order to surprize the Maima’s Villages of whom the Indians were aware and laid in Ambush to receive them some Distance from the Place The Americans were warmly received and repulsed with considerable Loss. The Indians are One thousand strong and in high Spirits and we have every Reason to expect to hear of the Main Body being attacked.”
The Informant adds “This I have long expected would be the Cosequence as Govor St Clair when I was at Muskingam laid Claim to great Part of their Country at once, and the Business had it not been for that might in my Opinion have been amicably settled without the State incurring the Expence of an Indian War.”

Your Excellency will recollect that I mentioned to you on my Return from Fort-Stanwix last Summer that Brant entertained unfavourable Sentiments of the Management of the Treaty at Muskingam and was displeased with his Treatment at that Place—It is certain he is a Man of very considerable Information, Influence and Interprize, and in my humble Opinion his Friendship is worthy of Cultivation at some Expence. I have the Honor to be with the highest Respect Your Excellency’s Most Obedient Servant

Geo: Clinton


Title: To George Washington from Angelica Schuyler Church, 27 November 1790 [letter not found]
From: Church, Angelica Schuyler
To: Washington, George

Letter not found: from Angelica Schuyler Church, 27 Nov. 1790. On 6 Feb. 1791 GW wrote to Mrs. Church of “the letter, which you were pleased to address to me on the 27th of November.”


Title: To George Washington from Henry Lee, 28 November 1790
From: Lee, Henry
To: Washington, George

My dear sir:
Richmond—28th [November] 1790

As one who asks no employment but will accept of it, if public considerations should make his service proper do I now address You.
We have heard of a defeat of the Western Army & popular clamour is loud.
If the events of war should render a change in the command of your troops necessary, & you should consider me equal to the charge, such is my miserable condition from the vicissitude attendant on mortals, that I should esteem it a happiness to be called to military service. I have the honor to be with unalterable affection & respect your most obt ser.

Henry Lee


Title: To George Washington from Thomas Jefferson, 29 November 1790
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Washington, George

[Philadelphia] Nov. 29. 1790

Note of letters recieved.
Mr Short. July 16. a private letter in which he says it is true that the Queen of Portugal has appointed mr Freire her Minister resident for the U.S.

Ignatius Palyart. Philadelphia. Oct. 5. announcing his commission as Consul general for the Queen of Portugal in the U.S.
Dumas. Hague. May 26.—July 10.—July 26. nothing new.

            Nathaniel Gilman. Exeter Sep. 10.
            }
            accepting their appointment as Commissioners of loans.

            John Neufville. Charleston Sep. 22.

            James Tilton. Dover. Sep. 25.

Stephen Sayre. of New York. Havre Aug. 28. 1790. desiring some employment in Europe.
Thos Delaire of France. Rochelle Nov. 17. 1789. desiring to be agent there.
Robert Montgomery (of Pennsylvania) Alicant Aug. 21. 1790. desiring to be consul there.
Thos Handy (of Rhodeisland) Copenhagen Oct. 20. 1789. desiring to be Consul there.

            mister Short. No. 37. July 27. & No. 38. Aug. 4
            }
            the letters themselves for the President’s perusal.

            John Stokes. Newbern Oct. 5.

            Nathanl Cutting. St Domingo. Aug. 9.

            Fulwar Skipwith. St Pierre in Martinique. Sep. 18. & Oct. 10.

            Robert Montgomery. Alicant Aug. 21.

            Richard O’Bryen. Algiers Sep. 23. & Dec. 12.


Title: To George Washington from David Humphreys, 30 November 1790
From: Humphreys, David
To: Washington, George

(Secret)
My Dear GeneralLisbon Nov 30th 1790.
I have forwarded to Mr Jefferson for your information the continuation of my Proceedings until the present time. You will be pleased to observe by my letter to him of this date, that the Court of Lisbon, having, from a desire of opening an official intercourse with the U.S., made the first advances by appointing a Minister Resident to repair thither, now finds it an unpleasant &

difficult task to tread back the steps it has thus as an elder Nation taken in respect to us. It would doubtless be desirable to meet those advances, if it may be done without impropriety. I do not know what particular reasons exist on the part of the Government of the U.S. (except those which relate to expences) that might induce it to decline making an appointment which would be so satisfactory to this Court. There seems to be considerable force in what the Chr de Pinto has alledged with the intent to obviate the embarrassments, on account of the pecuniary provision. The proper & necessary expences of a Chargé des Affaires will, I believe, be pretty nearly the same in every respect with those of a Minister Resident. Should I have the honor of being nominated in the latter quality in return for the Chr de Freire, by the best enquiries I have been able to make (I think) as a single man, I may establish a Household, and, with good economy, live decently, in such a manner as not to discredit myself or my nation, for the Salary annexed to the Office of Chargé des Affaires. If, therefore, a change of the name should take place, I should expect it to be with a restriction to the Salary of a Chargé des ⟨Affaires.⟩ In case of appointment to either grade, according ⟨to⟩ permission of the Act of Congress, I suppose, however, a sum not exceeding (nor less than) a year’s Salary, will be granted to the Person so appointed for the purchase of furniture &c. Mr Jefferson well remembers what inc⟨onveni⟩encies resulted to him from the want of such a provision for outfits, and how indispensably necessary it will be, under all circumstances, at the beginning. Here the ⟨diff⟩erence between hiring a House furnished, or ⟨unfurni⟩shed⟨,⟩ is much greater than in France. The ⟨rent⟩ of a good House, unfurnished, but beautifully sit⟨uated in⟩ the neighbourhood of Lisbon is very reasonable. I would not have troubled you with these details, trifling in themselves, though under certain circumstances they may be somewhat interesting to me; had not the Minister of her Most Faithful Majesty seemed so much attached to the idea of continuing the appointment of Minister Resident to his friend the Chr de Freire, that I am induced to imagine a refusal on our part to make an exchange ⟨o⟩n that grade, would not only prevent that Gentleman from going to America at all; but perhaps any arrangement for the exchan⟨ge⟩ of Diplomatic Characters for the present⟨—⟩This Court having recalled its Ambassador

from Rome to succeed the Chr de Freire at London; this last-mentioned Gentleman must be entirely thrown out of employment until some vacancy shall happen: and the Court may have to encounter either the real or pretended difficulty of not being able to find a Character suitable & willing to fill the Office of Chargé des Affaires in the U.S. A similar real or pretended difficulty you may recollect, has long existed in the British Cabinet.
I only beg leave farther to suggest, in case an appointment of any nature whatsoever should be made by the Executive of America in this Court, whether it would not be a good opportunity for you as Chief Magistrate of the U.S. to write a short letter to the Queen⟨,⟩ in your own Hand (to be presented at the first Audience with the public Credentials) expressive of your sense of the friendly dispositions Her Majesty has manifested towards the U.S.⟨,⟩ especially in the Orders given for the Portuguese fleets to afford every succour to American vessels⟨,⟩ and to protect them from the Algerine Corsairs. This singular instance of attention, which has in fact been very useful to our Mediterranean Trade, seems to merit on our part some particular notice. The Queen would probably be much flattered by your likewise taking occasion to express a desire of cultivating the Amity and Commerce which so happily subsist between the two Nations, and which (being founded upon principles of mutual advantage, without any interfering claims ⟨or⟩ discordant interests) promise to be of long and benefi⟨cial c⟩ontinuance. With every sentiment of affection & respect I have the honor to be Your most grateful and Most humble Servant

D. Humphreys.


Title: To George Washington from Henry Bedinger and William Good, 1 December 1790
From: Bedinger, Henry,Good, William
To: Washington, George

Sir,
Sharpsburgh [Md.] 1st December 1790.

Unavoidable Accidents have prevented us from Transmitting to you Such a Plat of the Lands between Sharpsburgh and the Patowmack River as we wished to make out for your information. Agreeable to your request to Colo. William Dark & Captain Joseph Chapline—If you can with propriety postpone the Decission of fixing the permanent Residence of Congress a few days, it will enable us to compleat this plat, so as to Shew at one View the Situation and Donations in Lands & we flatter ourselves that it will prove Satisfactory—The Donations on the Virginia Side of the River Amount at this Period to Twenty Thousand Six Hundred Sixty Two ⅔ Dollars and on the Maryland side to four thousand Eight Hundred and thirty Nine Dollars, also Four Hundred and Seventy five Acres of Land Lying Directly in a line between Sharpsburgh and the River—Subscriptions are continued Open and a probability that they will be considerably augmented, the price ⅌ Acre of the adjacent Lands will also be sent—General Mathews has Honoured us with his promise to Deliver this, who is informed of Some of the Obstacles that have caused this delay, and If recquired will explain them. We have the Honour to be your Excellency’s most Obedient Servants

Henry Bedinger
Wm Good


Title: To George Washington from George Clendinen, 1 December 1790 [letter not found]
From: Clendinen, George
To: Washington, George

Letter not found: from George Clendinen, 1 Dec. 1790. In a letter to Clendinen dated 21 Feb. 1791, GW refers to Clendinen’s letter of “the 1st of December.”


Title: From George Washington to Thomas Jefferson, 1–7 December 1790
From: Washington, George
To: Jefferson, Thomas

[c.1–7 December 1790]

The P. requests that Mr J. would give the letter & statement herewith sent from the S. of War a perusal, & return it to him in the course of the day with his opinion as to the propriety of the manner of ⟨making⟩ the communication to Congress; and whether it ought not, at any rate, to be introduced in some such way, as this (if it is to pass thro him to Congress) “Pursuant to direction” “I submit”—&ca—or (if it is to go immediately from the War department to that body “I lay before Congress by direction of the P. of the U.S. the following Statement” &ca.


Title: To George Washington from Gouverneur Morris, 1 December 1790
From: Morris, Gouverneur
To: Washington, George

Dear Sir,
Paris. 1 December 1790

I had the Honor to address to you a Letter on the 22d of last Month in the Close of which I mentioned the Intention of saying at a future Period some few Words of the People who are now on the Stage. To begin then with our friend La fayette who has hitherto acted a splendid Part. Unfortunately both for himself

and his Country he has not the Talents which his Situation requires. This important Truth known to the few from the very Begining is now but too well understood by the People in general. His Authority depends on Incidents and sinks to Nothing in a Moment of Calm so that if his Enemies would let him alone his twinkling Light would expire. He would then perhaps raise Commotions in order to quell them. This his Enemies have long charged him with unjustly I believe but I would not answer for the future. The King obeys but detests him. He obeys because he fears. Whoever possesses the royal Person may do what he pleases with the royal Character and Authority. Hence it happens that the Ministers are of la fayette’s Appointment. A short Description of their Use was given the other Day by Mirabeau “We make Ministers (says he) as we used formerly to send Servants to keep our Boxes at the Play House”. I gave you the Explanation of this Jest while I was in London. La fayette thinks that these his Creatures will worship their Creator but he is mightily mistaken. You know du portail the Minister of War. He is said to be violent in favor of the Revolution. It is more than a Year since I have seen him, excepting a short Visit of Congratulation the other Day: My Judgment therefore should have little Weight but I believe he is too much the Friend of Liberty to approve of the Constitution. For the Rest, he has as you know that Command of himself and that Simplicity of exterior Deportment which carry a Man as far as his Abilities will reach. He may perhaps remember his Creator in his ministerial Youth in order that his Days may be long in the Land of Office, but I venture to predict that his dutious observances will not endure one half Second beyond the Moment of Necessity. I believe I did not mention to you about a Year ago the Intention to appoint him, but at that time I endeavored to take his Measure. The Minister of the Marine I know Nothing about. They say he is a good Kind of Man which is saying very little. The Keeper of the Seals Monsieur du port de tethre was a Lawyer of no Eminence. Thrown up into Notice by the Circumstances of the Moment he is said to possess both Abilities and Firmness. Monsieur de Lessart the Minister of the Finances is rather above than below Mediocrity and possesses that Kind of civil Assent which never compromises the Possessor tho it seldom travels in Company with Greatness.

There is not a Man among them fitted for the great Tasks in which they are engaged, and greater Tasks are perhaps impending. I have no Proofs but I have a well founded Opinion that the Leaders of one Party wish what those of the other fear and both expect viz. the Interference of foreign Powers. One previous Step would be to carry off if possible the King and Queen. The latter at least, for there is every Reason to apprehend for their Safety should violent Measures be adopted while they are here.
For my own Part I do not beleive in any such Interference⟨.⟩ Neither do I think that the Opposers of the Assembly have sufficient Energy of Character to make a civil War. Their Attempts if any will I imagine be feeble and consequently ruinous to themselves. If indeed they had a considerable Part of the Army commanded by the Prince of Condé and the Person of the King in his Possession, and if they came forward to establish a proper Constitution adopting such good Things as the Assembly have done and rejecting the Evil, then indeed there would be different Ground of Expectation. But I consider this rather as the visionary Hope of a few than as the fixed Plan of Persons who can carry it into Execution. I am always Yours

Gouvr Morris


Title: To George Washington from the Seneca Chiefs, 1 December 1790
From: Seneca Chiefs
To: Washington, George

[1 December 1790]

To the great Councillor of the thirteen fires.
The Speech of the Corn-planter, Half-town and the Great-Tree chiefs of the Senecca Nation.
Father
The voice of the Senecca Nation speaks to you the great Councillor, in whose heart, the wise men of the thirteen fires, have placed their wisdom. It may be very small in your ears, & we therefore entreat you to hearken with attention. For we are about to speak of things which are to us very great. When your army entered the Country of the Six Nations, we called you the Town-destroyer and to this day, when that name is heard, our women look behind them and turn pale, and our children cling close to the neck of their mothers. Our Councillors and warriors are men, and can not be afraid; but their hearts are grieved with the fears of our women & children, and desire, that it may be buried so deep, as to be heard no more. When you gave us peace we called you father, because you promised to secure us in the possession of our Land. Do this and so long as the Land shall remain that beloved name shall live in the heart of every Senecca.
Father,
We mean to open our hearts before you, and we earnestly desire, that you will let us clearly understand, what you resolve to do. When our chiefs returned from the treaty of fort Stanwix, and laid before our Council what had been done there our Nation was surprized to hear, how great a Country you had compelled them to give up, to you, without paying us any thing for it. Every one said your hearts were yet swelled with resentment against us for what had happened during the war: but that one day you would reconsider it with more kindness. We asked each other what we had done to deserve such severe chastisement.
Father,
When you kindled your thirteen fires seperately, the wise men

that assembled at them told us you were all brothers, the children of one great Father who regarded also the red people as his children. They called us brothers and invited us to his protection. They told us he resided beyond the great waters where the sun first rises: That he was a King whose power no people could resist, and that his goodness was bright as that sun. What they said went to the bottom of our hearts: We accepted the invitation and promised to obey him. What the Senecca Nation promise they faithfully perform; and when you refused obedience to that King he ordered us to assist his beloved men in making you sober. In obeying him we did no more than you yourselves had lead us to promise. The men who claimed this promise said that you were children and had no Guns that when they had shaken you, you would submit. We hearkened to them and were deceived until your army approached our towns. We were deceived but your people in teaching us to confide in that King, had helped to deceve us and wnow appeale to your hearts. Is the blame all ours?
Father,
When we saw we were deceived and heard the invitation which you gave us to draw near to the fire you had kindled and talk with you concerning peace we made haste towards it. You then told us we were in your hand & that by closing it you could crush us to nothing; and you demanded of us a great Country as the price of that peace you had offered us; as if our want of strength had destroyed our rights. Our Chiefs had felt your power & were unable to contend against you and they therefore gave up that Country. What they agreed to has bound our nation. But your anger against us must by this time be cooled, and altho’ our Strength has not encreased nor your power become less we ask you to consider calmly were the terms dictated to us reasonable and just?
Father,
Your commissioners when they drew the line which seperated the land then given up to you, from that which you agreed should remain to be ours did, most solemly promise, that we should be secured in the peaceable possession of the lands which we inhabited, East, & North, of that line. Does this promise bind you?
Hear now we entreat you, what has since happened, concerning that Land. On the day on which we finished the treaty at

fort Stanwix, commissioners from Pensylvania, told our chiefs, that they had come there to purchase from us, all the Lands belonging to us within the lines of their State, and they told us that their line would strike the river Susquehanna below Tioga branch. They then left us to consider the bargain ’till the next day. On the next day we let them know, that we were unwilling to sell all the Lands within their State, and proposed to let them have a part of it which we pointed to them in their map.
They told us they must have the whole: That it was already ceded to them by the great King at the time of making peace with you, and was their own. But they said they would not take advantage of that, and were willing to pay us for it after the manner of their Ancestors. Our chiefs were unable to contend at that time, & therefore they sold the Lands up to the line which was then shewn to them as the line of that State. What the Commissioners had said about the land having been ceded to them at the peace our Chiefs considered only as intended to lessen the price, & they passed it by with very little notice; but since that time we have heard so much of the right to our lands which the King gave when you made peace with him that it is our earnest desire you will tell us what they mean.
Father,
Our nation empowered John Livingston to let out a part of our lands on rent. He told us he was sent by Congress to do this for us and we fear he has deceived us on the writing he obtained from us: For since the time of our giving that power, a man of the name of Phelps has come among us, and claimed our whole Country northward of the line of Pensylvania under purchase from that Livingston to whom he said he had paid twenty thousand dollars for it. He said also he had bought likewise from the Council of the thirteen fires, and paid them twenty thousand dollars more for the same. And he said also that it did not belong to us for that the great King had ceded the whole of it when you made peace with him. Thus he claimed the whole country North of Pensylvania and west of the Lands belonging to the Cayugas. He demanded it: He insisted on his demand and declared that he would have it all. It was impossible for us to grant him this and we immediately refused. After some days he proposed to run a line at a small distance Eastward of our western boundary which we also refused to agree to. He then threatened us with immediate war if we did not comply. Upon this threat our Chiefs

held a Council and they agreed that no event of war could be worse than being driven with our wives & children from the only Country which we had any right to. and therefore weak as our nation was, they determined to take the chance of war rather than submit to such unjust demands, which seemed to have no bounds. Street the great trader at Niagara was then with us having come at the request of Phelps, and as he always professed to be our great friend we consulted him on this subject; He also told us, that our Lands had been ceded by the King and that we must give them up.
Astonished at what we heard from every quarter, with hearts akeing with compassion for our women and children, we were thus compelled to give up all our Country North of the line of Pensylvania, and East of the Chenesco river up to the forks, and East of a South line drawn from that fork to the Pensylvania line. For this Land Phelps agreed to pay us Ten thousand dollars in hand and one thousand dollars a year for ever. He paid us two thousand & five hundred dollars in hand part of the Ten thousand, and he sent for us last Spring to come and receive our money; but instead of paying us the remainder of the Ten Thousand dollars, and the one thousand dollars due for the first year, he offered us no more than five hundred dollars, and insisted he had agreed with us for that sum only to be paid yearly. We debated with him six days during all which time he persisted in refusing to pay us our just demand; and he ins[is]ted that we should receive the five hundred dollars, and Street from Niagara, also insisted on our receiving the money as it was offered to us. The last reason he assigned for continuing to refuse paying us was, that the King had ceded the lands to the thirteen fires and that he had bought them from you and paid you for them.
We could bear this confusion no longer, & determined to press thro’ every difficulty, and lift up our voice that you might hear us, and to claim that security in the possession of our lands which your commissioners so solemly promised us, and we now entreat you to enquire into our complaints and redress our wrongs.
Father.
Our writings were lodged in the hands of Street of Niagara, as we supposed him to be our friend; but when we saw Phelps consulting with Street, on every occasion, we doubted of his honesty towards us, and we have since heard, that he was to

receive for his endeavors to deceive us, a peice of land ten miles in width west of the Chenesco river, and near forty miles in length extending to lake Ontario; and the lines of this tract have been run accordingly tho no part of it is within the bounds which limit his purchase. No doubt he meant to deceive us.
Father,
You have said we were in your hand, and that by closing it, you could crush us to nothing. are you determined to crush us? If you are, tell us so that those of our nation who have become your children & are determined to die so, may know what to do: In this case one chief has said, he would ask you to put him out of pain: Another, who will not think of dying by the hand of his father, has said he will retire to the Chataughque, eat of the faral root, and sleep with his fathers in peace.
Before you determine on a measure so unjust, look up to the God who made us, as well as you, we hope he will not permit you to destroy the whole of our nation.
Father,
Hear our case, many nations inhabited this Country, but they had no wisdom, and therefore they warred, together. The six Nations were powerful & compelled them to peace: The Lands for a great extent were given up to them, but the nations which were not destroyed, all continued on those Lands and claimed the protecti[on] of the six Nations, as the brothers of their fathers. They were men and when at peace had a right to live on the Earth. The French came among us and built Niagara. They became our fathers, and took care of us. Sr William Johnson came and took that Fort from the French; he became our father and promised to take care of us and did so till you were too strong for his King. To him we gave four miles round Niagara, as a place of Trade. We have already said how we came to join against you. We saw that we were wrong: we wished for peace. You demanded a great Country to be given up to you. It was surrendered to you as the price of peace and we ought to have peace, and possession, of the little Land which you then left us.
Father,
When that great Country was given up, there were but few Chiefs present, and they were compelled to give it up. And it is not the Six nations only, that reproach those Chiefs, with having given up that Country; the Chipaways and all the nations who lived on those lands westward, call to us & ask us brothers of

our fathers where is the place which you have reserved for us to lie down on.
Father,
You have compelled us to do that which has made us ashamed. We have nothing to answer to the children of the brothers of our fathers. When last Spring they called on us to go to war to secure them a bed to lie upon, The Seneccas entreated them to be quiet until we had spoken to you: but on our way down we heard, your army had gone to the Country which those nations inhabit: and if they meet together the best blood on both sides will stain the ground.
Father,
We will not conceal from you, that the great God, and not m⟨a⟩n has preserved the Corn planter from his own nation: for they ask continually, where is the Land which our children and their children after them are to lie down on?
You told us say they, that the line drawn from Pensylvania, to lake Ontario, would mark it for ever on the East, and the line running from Beaver Creek, to Pensylvania, would mark it on the west; and we see that it is not so. For first one, and then another, come and take it away, by order of that people, who promised to secure it to us. He is silent for he has nothing to answer.
When the Sun goes down, he opens his heart before God, and earlier than that Sun appears again upon the Hills, he gives thanks for his protection during the night, for he feels, that among men become desperate by their danger, it is God only that can preserve him. He loves peace, and all that he had in store he has given to those who have been robbed by your people, lest they should plunder the innocent to repay themselves: the whole season which others employed in providing for their families, he has spent in his endeavors to preserve peace. And at this moment his wife and children are lying on the Ground in want of food. His heart is in pain for them; but he percieves that the great God will try his firmness in doing what is right.
Father,
The Game which the great Spirit sent into our Country for us to eat, is going from among us: We thought he intended we should till the ground as the white people do, and we talked to one another about it. But before we speak to you of this, we

must know from you, whether you mean to leave us, and our children, any land to till. Speak plainly to us concerning this great business. All the Lands we have been speaking of belonged to the Six Nations: no part of it ever belonged to the King of England, and he could not give it to you. The Land we live on our Fathers received from God, and they transmitted it to us, for our Children and we cannot part with it.
Father,
We told you we would open our hearts to you. Hear us once more.
At fort Stanwix we agreed to deliver up those of our people, who should do you any wrong, that you might try them, and punish them according to your Law. We delivered up two men, accordingly. But instead of trying them according to your Law, the lowest of your people took them from your magistrate, and put them immediately to death. It is just to punish murder with death, but the Seneccas will not deliver up their people to men, who disregard the treaties of their own nation.
Father,
Innocent men of our nation are killed one after another, and of our best families: But none of your people who have committed the murders have been punished. We recollect that you did not promise to punish those who killed our people, and we now ask, Was it intended that your people should kill the Seneccas, and not only remain unpunished by you: but be protected by you against the next of kin?
Father,
These are to us very great things. We know that you are strong and we have heard that you are wise; and we wait to hear your answer to what we have said that we may know that you are just.
Signed at Philadelphia the first day of December. 1790.

            his

            Present at signing
            Corn X planter

            Joseph Nicolson
            mark

             Interpreter
            his

            T.J. Matlack.
            Half X Town

            mark

            his

            Great X Tree

            mark


Title: From George Washington to Alexander Hamilton, 2–6 December 1790
From: Washington, George
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Dear Sir—(Private)
[c.2–6 December 1790]

Your indisposition has prevented me from giving you as much trouble in making my communications to Congress as otherwise, I might have done.
The article of your Notes which respect the loan in Holland, I am somewhat at a loss to frame into a paragraph for the Speech, and therefore pray your assistance.
I had got it as pr the enclosed, but upon a revision, it does not appear right. Be so good therefore as to new model, and let me have it (if convenient to you) this afternoon with the sums expressed where necessary. I am Sincerely Yrs

G. W——n


Title: To George Washington from Alexander Hamilton, 2 December 1790
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

Sir
Philadelphia Decr 2d 1790.

The day before yesterday I received a letter from Mr Woodbury Langdon declining the appointment offered him. there was a letter with it for you which I immediately forwarded. Since that time I have conversed with Mr Langdon I have heared from Mr Gilman; the former is warm in his recommendation of Mr Keith Spence; he states that his insolvency was owing to the loss of a valuable ship & Cargo, and was attended with the most honorable circumstances; that an immediate adjustment with the Creditors took place to their entire satisfaction; that the deficiency was only of 1000 pounds, which he considers as remitted; that Mr Spence was in partnership with Mr Sherburne; that they have both been since in good business, and are now more than able to pay whatever they may owe; that the failure happened some years ago; that Mr Spence tho’ a native of Scotland, came early to this Country; is a man of Education; and abilities, well Known & respected, a firm friend to the revolution & to the National Government; married to a Lady of New Hampshire with whom he has several children: he shewed me a letter from Mr Spence, which gives a favorable impression of his modesty & capacity.
Mr Gilman talks of Mr Spence as a man not generally known, & who being by birth a foreigner, is not as acceptable as a native to the people of that Country, that his attachment to the American cause was rather ambiguous; that he married the daughter of a person who is now in Office in the Island of Bermuda and lately made a visit there; that his insolvency would throw a shade on his appointment in the Public opinion. He on the other hand warmly recommends a Mr William Gardiner the present Treasurer of New Hampshire; speaks decidedly of his good character & abilities as a man of business, and of his general good standing in the State.
Mr Langdon admits Mr Gardiner to be a good and a qualified

man—says he was formerly his first clerk, but affirms that Mr Spence has greatly the superiority in point of qualification—hints at an arrangement between Mr Gardiner & Mr Gilman the late Loan Officer, by which Mr Gilman expects to succeed to the Office of Treasurer, if the other obtains that of Commissioner of Loans.
Thus stands my information as far as it goes; I conjecture on the whole that Mr Spence is an unexceptionable man in every respect but that of his late insolvency & that he is probably better qualified than Mr Gardiner, or in other words a man of more ability.
That nevertheless Mr Gardiner is qualified for the office & in other respects an eligible person. Perhaps the appointment of him will be upon the whole a safer one; freer from hazard of imputation of any kind.
You are I presume not unapprised of a Langdon & Gilman party in New Hampshire. Tho’ it is desireable this business should be finished; yet if it be supposed likely that the arrival of the Eastern members will afford any new light, a few days delay cannot be very important. I have the honor to remain Sir Yr Affectionate and Obedte Servant

A. Hamilton


Title: From George Washington to James Madison, 2 December 1790
From: Washington, George
To: Madison, James

Thursday. 2d Decr [1790]

If Mr Madison is at leisure the P. would be glad to see him.


Title: To George Washington from Marguerite Le Manquin, 2 December 1790
From: Le Manquin, Marguerite
To: Washington, George

Monsieur le Président,
A Metz 2 Xbre 1790

Je me vois forcée de recueillir des renseignemens sur une affaire qui a pris naissance dans vos contrées et à laquelle mes intérêts Se trouvent étroitement liés. N’y connoissant absolument personne, permettés que je réclame votre protection et vos bontés à ce Sujet.
Il y a environ 18, ans, mon frére, m. francois le marquis de Malmédy officier au Service de France passa en Amérique dans le dessein de S’y rendre utile, il y obtint une place de Colonel qu’il occupa aux environs de Philadelphie où il est décédé en 1782, laissant, dit on, beaucoup de Dettes; ce qui est constant, c’est qu’il étoit à une époque créancier des Etats-unis d’une

somme asse⟨s⟩ considérable. La nouvelle de sa mort m’est parvenue, mais je n’ai pu encore connoitre en quel état il a laissé Ses affaires; en Sorte que me trouvant créanciére de Sa Succession et Son héritiére, je Suis restée jusqu’à present dans l’impuissance d’exercer mes droits en la 1ére qualité, et incertaine comment je dois accepter La Seconde.
Je Saïs pourtant que mon Beaufr⟨ére⟩ qui est héritier comme moy aux Droits ⟨de⟩ Delle Catherine Le marquis Son Epouse a recu de votre Pays plusieurs papiers rélatifs à cette affaire, mais comme il les a demandés Sans m’en prévenir, et qu’il ne m’en a offert la communication qu’après les avoir examinés pendant plus de Six mois, j’ai lieu de douter qu’il n’ait soustrait les plus essentiels. Je Sais aussi que les Etats ont fait passer ici plusieurs fonds en déduction de ce dont ils étoient redevables à la succession, ce qui me rassure jusqu’à un certain point; mais cette connoissance qu’aurait dû me donner mon Beaufrére ne m’est parvenue qu’indirectement. D’ailleurs l’attention qu’il a ne m’entretenir que de détails désagréables à ce Sujet, Sa perséverance à me céler des faits importans, et Sa constance à me poursuivre dans le dessin, Sans doute, de fatiguer me patience, me font Soupçonner—fortement qu’il a plutost en Vue Son intérêt que le mien, et me font craindre, qu’en cédant à Ses instigations, et à celles des personnes qu’il fait agir, je ne m’engage à des Sacrifices que je ne Suis pas disposée de faire.
Ces procédés révoltans ont déterminé la résolution que je prends: daignés, Monsieur le président, La favoriser, je vous en supplie: Je ne cherche que la vérité. Voicy en deux mots l’objet de ma démarche.
En qualité de créanciére et d’héritiére de mon frére, j’ai le double intérêt de connoitre non Seulement les Biens et les dettes qu’il a laissés, mais encore les dispositions testamentaires qu’il peut avoir faites.
Je Suis persuadée, Monsieur Le Président, que dans un Gouvernement aussi juste que le Votre, les Lois ont pourvu comme ici à la conservation des Droits des absens, et que les officiers chargés d’y veiller et de les défendre, ont rempli toutes les formalités qui S’observent en pareil cas. Je desirerois donc avoir une expédition de l’inventaire qui a dû être fait au décès de mon frére, de la liquidation de sa succession, ainsi que l’acte contenant Ses dernières volontés.

S’il est vray qu’il a laissé des dettes, j’ai lieu de présumer que ses créanciers Se Seront adressés au Trésorier des Etats Ses débiteurs, et qu’ils auront obtenu leurs payemens Sur les rentes du Capital dont ceux ci Sont redevables à Sa Succession; que ce Trésorier aura par conséquent pris une part indirecte à ces affaires. Je pense, Monsieur le Président; qu’au moyen des ordres que vous voudrez bien donner aux agents de votre administration dans cette partie, vous parviendrez facilement à recueillir les papiers que je desire, ou aumoins des détails satisfaisans. Si ma demande donnoit lieu à quelques frais, je consens d’avance qu’ils Soient prélevés sur les premiers fonds qui me seront destinés.
Il m’importe également de connoitre qu’elles Sommes ce Trésorier a payées à la décharge de la Succession, celles qui ont été envoyées en France, enfin quel est aujourd’huy Le montant de notre créance Sur les Etats, et qu’elle est la nature des titres qui la constitutent. je desirerois pour ce qui me concerne que les choses existassent toujours les mêmes, c’est à dire que mes fonds restassent placés Sur leur Caisse.
Je Sens, Monsieur Le Président, combien ces détails Sont peu dignes de Vous, mais j’ose espérer que vous vous y arrêterés moins, qu’à l’objet de ma demande en lui même; que ma cruelle Situation intéressera votre Sensibilité et votre justice, et que Vous ne me refuserés pas la grace que je Sollicite de vos bontés: en me l’accordant vous me mettrés à portée de me tenir en garde contre les piéges de l’intrigue; Vous me tirerés de l’état de perplexité dans lequel je vis depuis trop longtems, et qui influe cruellement Sur ma Santé; Je connoîtrai mes Droits, et je pourrai les exercer.
Je ne respire plus qu’après Le moment où il me Sera possible de vous témoigner toute l’étendue de ma reconnoissance pour un Si grand bienfait: elle Sera égale au profond respect avec lequel je Suis; Monsieur Le Président, Votre très humble et très obéissante Servante

⟨illegible⟩ Marguerite le ManquinPlace St. Jacques, Maison de M. Ladoucette


Title: To George Washington from Simeon Thayer, 2 December 1790
From: Thayer, Simeon
To: Washington, George

Sir
Providence [R.I.] December 2d 1790

I hope your Excellency will pardon my Addressing you again on the Subject of my Application to be placed in the Invalid Establishment.
I have forwarded a Petition to Congress on the Subject, and as your Excellency is already Possessed of a Narrative of the Facts on which my Claim is founded; I have only to add that your Excellencys Justice and benevolence will on this occasion prompt you to Promote the object of my application; If it shall appear to be well founded, and on no other ground do I presume to Solicit your Excellencys assistance. I have the Honour to be with the Greatest respect your Excellencys most Obedt Servt

Simn Thayer


Title: From George Washington to George Augustine Washington, 2 December 1790 [letter not found]
From: Washington, George
To: Washington, George Augustine

Letter not found: to George Augustine Washington, 2 Dec. 1790. In his letter to GW of 14 Dec. 1790, George Augustine refers to GW’s letter of “the 2d Inst.”


Title: To George Washington from Joseph Chapline and William Good, 4–5 December 1790
From: Chapline, Joseph,Good, William
To: Washington, George

Sir
Sharpsburg Washington County [Md.]4[–5]th Decr 90.

Inclosed you have the platts as promised by our last favd by Genl Mathews, as far Perfected as the shortness of the time would Permit, no alteration in the Subscription has come to hand. Some small alteration respecting donation of the lands has taken Place. Capt. Shepherd ⟨has⟩ withdrawn his Subscription of forty acres of land and has given in the whole Tract called Pell Mell containing one hundred and Sixty two Acres @ 75/ per acre, which we thought would be of more advantage than his donation of 40 Acres which will appear by referring to the Platt. The donated lands are laid down as directed by your Excellency, as ⟨mutilated⟩ platt except an addition of Anteatom Creek and the River Potomack from Mr Swearingans ferry to the Mouth of Anteatom Creek, the adjacent lands are laid down as directed and so far as we have been able the Prices of the lands ascertained, Some of Said lands being held by persons livin⟨g⟩ at a great distance from the Neighbourhood but Sir ⟨by⟩ refering to the platt you will see the quantity and the holders Names and where they reside part of those lands we have been able to ascertain the Price of which will be seen by the Illustration on the inclosed platt. We are yr Excellencies Most Obdt Humble Servts

Joseph Chapline
Wm Good


Title: To George Washington from Timothy Pickering, 4 December 1790
From: Pickering, Timothy
To: Washington, George

Sir,
Wilkes barre [Pa.] Decr 4. 1790.

In obedience to your orders I held a Conference with the Chiefs &c. of the Seneca nation of Indians at Tioga in this state. About 220 of all ages attended. The day of meeting proposed was the 25th of October: but they did not arrive until the 15th of November. Such delays, I am informed, are common with them; but in the present instance I believe are greatly to be attributed to the misrepresentations of some unprincipled white men, who live in their neighbourhood. However, the result of the Conference was perfectly satisfactory The Indians discovered the best disposition imaginable; They ardently wish to preserve the friendship of the U. States, “that (as they more than once expressed it) their wives & children may live in quietness.” They were content with the present of goods you directed me to give them. But it appearing highly expedient to make a few

particular presents to the principal chiefs, I in that respect complied with their expectations, & the permission allowed me in your private orders. Upon the whole, they appeared highly pleased with the communications made to them, and with the conduct of the conference on the part of the United States. The truth is—I studied to please them in every thing within the limits of your instructions: the sole object of my mission being to soothe their minds. If any thing can change the good disposition with which they left me it will be the acquittal of the murderers of their brethren; Such acquittal on trials in frontier counties may always be expected: for many of their inhabitants appear to me far more savage & revengeful than the Indians themselves. And their neighbours who possess not resolution or ferocity sufficient to be themselves the murderers, yet justify those who are. I am informed that the only one of the murderers of the Indians at Pine Creek who was apprehended has had his trial at Sunbury, & been acquitted against the clearest evidence & the most pointed application of it by the Chief Justice. Before I parted from the Indians I heard a report of this acquittal; and was much chagrined: For I had professed to them the most perfect sincerity & good faith in the assurance I gave them of the displeasure of the U. States against the murderers; and that these would receive the same measure of justice as if they had been the murderers of white men. The Indians appeared to rely on my assurances: for the candour manifested in all my words and actions had evidently acquired to me their confidence. Independently of public considerations, it is mortifying that the misconduct of others should hazard the loss of that confidence and of the character of sincerity by which that confidence was inspired. It is in the highest degree mortifying to find that the bulk of the frontier inhabitants consider the killing of Indians in time of peace, to be no crime and that their murderers are faultless, provided they escape detection. If some examples are not made of these frontier miscreants, the most favourable consequences to be expected are that such meetings as that I have held with the Indians will frequently be necessary.
I did not get home from Tioga till last Monday; and our county courts being held this week, I have not had a minute’s time to transcribe the papers relative to the Conference which it will be proper to lay before you. That I shall accomplish the

ensuing week; & the week after I expect to lay them before you in Philadelphia. I have the honour &c.

T.P.


Title: To George Washington from Joseph Clark, 5 December 1790
From: Clark, Joseph
To: Washington, George

Sir
Annapolis [Md.] December 5th 1790

When I had the honor of an interview with you at Mount Vernon your obliging attention in permitting me to lay before you a Scheme for a new City, has induced me to take the liberty of transmitting my Ideas on that Subject somewhat more at Large, and on a scale of calculation less extensive respecting the profile to be raised. I have lately rode over part of the Land on the banks of the Patowmack, and at one place, within the Limits prescribed for erecting the new City, is a level spot of (as near as I can guess) 16,000 acres on navigable Water, which will contain according to the proposed plan about two thirds of the number of Houses that are in the City of London. On a Supposition that the public have in view a City of Magnitude on the Banks of the noble River where it is to be situated, I have made a calculation & ground plan of 1/16 th part; to wit, 1000 acres, which will be correspondent to the Remainder of the calculation, And on the Spot I have mentioned, there are five squares on navigable Water, as in Fig. F stained green on the Plan, from the Letter A in Alphabetical order to E.
As the proprietors of each of these five Lots of 1000 acres would advance the value of their Lands to a very great amount, should a preference be immediately given to either, perhaps exorbitant demands may be prevented, if the Commissioners were to treat seperately with the different proprietors, as by this method their interests would clash and an opportunity be afforded of purchasing on reasonable Terms. If the Lands are paid for with Certificates having Interest; the payment to be secured by a Lien on the Lands, as well as by the Funds to be raised from the Ground Rents and purchase of the Lots; then on the present Scale, the Rent of one twentieth part or 162 Lots will be sufficient for the purpose, including the Expence of Collection. And would it not be expedient to give the Election of becoming Lessor or proprietors in Fee simple at 15 years purchase, the Certificates

to be recieved for the puchase money, and the Interest of Certificates for Ground Rent? The Plan I have, with great Deference, submitted to your Excellency, will equally answer for either of the 16 squares, and the Same Form and Direction of the Sheets may be Continued, but no plan of a City can be Designed with accuracy, until the Site, its promontories, Acclivities &c. are first Surveyed, and this appears to me the first step necessary. I hope to be excused for mentioning it. These plans and observations I submit to your Excellency with a Freedom arising from your known Disposition to receive with attention and Complacency the observations of all, who are anxious to contribute their Mite to the promotion of a national Object. If my moderate abilities are employed in any part of the proposed Measures, either in the Surveying or Delineating the Lands that may be thought most eligible for the intended City, or in any other Branch of my profession I shall endeavour to execute it with credit to myself, Advantage to the Public, and so as to merit the Approbation of your Excellency, requesting only a reasonable compensation for the Service I may Render. I am Sir with the greatest Respect Your most Obedient Servant

Joseph Clark


Title: From George Washington to George Steptoe Washington, 5 December 1790
From: Washington, George
To: Washington, George Steptoe

Dear George,
Philadelphia December 5th 1790

Agreeably to the promise which I gave to you in Virginia, I have made the necessary enquiries respecting the course of studies and expences, which would enable you and your Brother

Lawrence to finish your education at the college in this place, provided you are Masters of those books and studies, which you informed me you had passed through.
The enclosed account of studies and expences, which I wish you to return to me, you will see is under the hand of the reverend Dr Smith Provost of the College, and may therefore be relied upon for its accuracy—After you and Laurence have carefully perused and well considered the enclosed statement, I wish you to determine whether you will come or not—If your determination should be in favor of coming on, I must impress this upon you both in the strongest manner viz.—That you come with good dispositions and full resolutions to pursue your studies closely, conform to the established rules and customs of the College—and to conduct yourselves, on all occasions, with decency and propriety.
To you, George, I would more particularly address myself at this time, as from your advanced age it may be presumed that such advice as I am about to give will make a deeper impression upon you than upon your Brother, and your conduct may very probably mark the line of his; But, at the same time Laurence must remember that this is equally applicable to him.
Should you enter upon the course of studies here marked out you must consider it as the finishing of your education, and, therefore, as the time is limited, that every hour mispent is lost forever—and that future years cannot compensate for lost days at this period of your life. This reflection must shew the nessity of an unremitting application to your studies. To point out the importance of circumspection in your conduct, it may be proper to observe that a good moral character is the first essential in a man, and that the habits contracted at your age are generally indelible, and your conduct here may stamp your character through life. It is therefore highly important that you should endeavor not only to be learned but virtuous. Much more might be added to shew the necessity of application and regularity, but, when you must know that without them, you can never be qualified to render service to your country, assistance to your friends, or consolation to your retired moments, nothing further need be said to prove their utility.
As to your clothing, it will, I presume, cost much the same here as in Alexandria—I shall always wish to see you clothed

decently and becoming your stations; but I shall ever discountenance extravagance or foppishness in your dress. At all times, and upon all occasions I shall be happy to give you both such marks of my approbation, as your progress and good conduct merit.
If you determine to come on, you had better do it immediately, and Major Washington will furnish you with such money as may be necessary for the Stage and expences from Alexandria to this place.
But I must repeat what I have before enjoined, That you come with good dispositions and determined resolutions to conform to establishments and pursue your studies.
Your Aunt joins me in love to you both, and best wishes to Dr Craik and family. I am dear George, your sincere friend and affectionate Uncle.

G. Washington.

P.S. The Gentleman at whose house you can board, as mentioned in the enclosed paper, is, I am informed, well acquainted with Dr Craik, from which circumstance you may be able to learn something of him.


Title: Edmund Randolph to Tobias Lear, 6 December 1790
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Lear, Tobias

Dear sir
[Philadelphia] Monday evening [6 December 1790].

I wished to have said a word to you in private; but being prevented this morning, I must beg your excuse for hinting a subject, which it may not be amiss to inquire into. President Mifflin stopped me to-day, to inform me, that the Coachman of the President of the U.S. was very insolent in the use of his whip among the people yesterday at the church door. He added, that it was near being serious by the combination of a little mob; but was put a end to by some persuasive means. His author was Dr Foulke; and he requested me to intimate the affair to the President in some shape or other. I have therefore troubled you with this note, which I confide to your discretion. I am dear Sir with great esteem yr mo. ob. serv.

Edm: Randolph.


Title: To George Washington from T. H. O’Neill, 7 December 1790
From: O’Neill, T. H.
To: Washington, George

  Corner of Pen & South Streets at Mr Beaghlys [Philadelphia].
General Washington7th Decr 1790
With every deference I take the liberty to accost Your Excellency. If you are the man the world Considers you to be, you’ll

redress my Grievance. I am an Irish man, that has met with disapointments in trade. come to this Country without property or friends, in the utmost distress, myself & my family resort to you for protection. (it is with the Noble and the brave, that Humanity remains.) I am Capable to earn my Bread in Mercantile Business, or Office. If your Excellency—woud procure me either. I wou’d Acquit myself with Integrity—which is the only request required of you. by your Embarrassed Subscriber, who is with the most profound Respect, your Most Obedient, most Humble Servant

T. H. O’Neill


Title: To George Washington from Samuel Shaw, 7 December 1790
From: Shaw, Samuel
To: Washington, George

Sir
Canton in ChinaDecember 7th 1790.

The commerce of a nation being one of the principal objects of the attention of it’s rulers, I hope it will not be deemed inconsistent with the duties of the office with which you have been pleased to honor me, that I submit to your consideration some particulars relative to the trade of the Citizens of the United States with those of the United Netherlands at Batavia, the capital of their establishments in India.
Having sailed from Boston the latter end of March last, in an entire new Ship, built, navigated, and owned by Citizens of America, I arrived at Batavia, the first Port of my destination, on the 30th of August following; when to my no small astonishment I was informed by the head officer of the customs, that all commerce with the Americans was prohibited by orders from Holland, and that we should be allowed to take only the necessary refreshments for our passage to Canton, my second port of destination. Notwithstanding this information from the Shabander, I thought it my duty to exercise the right of petitioning to the Governor General and the Council for permission to trade, as had been heretofore the custom; and accordingly I was the next morning presented to his Excellency at his Levee, and in two hours after delivered to him my petition, at the Council

board, where I received for answer, that the prayer of it could not be granted.
After informing myself, from the Shabander, of the reasons on which the prohibition of the Americans to trade at Batavia was grounded, I thought it incumbent on me as Consul for the United States, to make a representation to the Governor and Council on a matter which I conceived so nearly to concern the welfare of our Country. On communicating to the Shabander this my determination, he assented to the propriety of it, and observed that though the prohibition was in the highest degree injurious both to the Americans and to the inhabitants of Batavia, yet if the former did not complain to the supreme authority, when they had an opportunity, it would ill become that respectable body to take any notice of the matter to the Administration in Holland. Accordingly on Saturday the 4th of September, I drew up a memorial to the Governor and Council and enclosed it in a letter to the Shabander, requesting him to take the earliest opportunity of having it presented. On seeing that Gentleman afterwards, he assured me that the memorial should be presented on the ensuing Tuesday, and that it would be favorably received, it being the wish not only of the inhabitants, but of the Government also, that the commerce at Batavia should be as free for the Americans as it was for any other nation.
To the aforegoing particulars I take the liberty of adding copies of the letter and declaration above mentioned, and of begging that you will believe me to be, with the most respectful attachment⟨,⟩ Sir Your very obedient humble Servant

Samuel Shaw


Title: From George Washington to William Stephens Smith, 7 December 1790
From: Washington, George
To: Smith, William Stephens

Sir,
Philadelphia December 7th 1790.

As I find the duties of your office can be executed by a deputy during your absence, and the business which calls you to Europe appearing to be important to your private interest; I feel a pleasure in complying with the request for leave of absence made in your letter of the 1st Inst., and sincerely wish you a pleasant voyage—a prosperous completion of your business & a happy return to your Country—With very great esteem & regard I am Sir Yr Mo. Ob. St

G.W.


Title: To George Washington from Henry Warren, 7 December 1790
From: Warren, Henry
To: Washington, George

Plymouth, Mass., 7 December 1790. Warren solicits GW for an appointment in the excise service.


Title: To George Washington from George Augustine Washington, 7 December 1790
From: Washington, George Augustine
To: Washington, George

Honord Uncle
Mount Vernon December 7th 1790.

I hoped before this to have heard of Your safe arrival at Philadelphia but if the weather on Friday & Saturday after You left

us, was with You as disagreeable as with us I fear You were detain’d on the road, and by it Your journey renderd very disagreeable after. Immediately on my return set about the necessary arrangements for Whiting to take the place of Fairfax; and on Tuesday, Wednesday & Thursday I overhauld the Stocks Utensils &c. in presence of Whiting (who will have a return of the whole) and surrender’d them to the Overseers of the respective Farms. Fairfax I setled with the Monday after You set out and paid him in full of all his demands amounting to £100.8.0¾—If Whiting will exercise the knowledge he certainly possesses better proofs will I hope be given of good management than what has been—The colds which were prevalent before You left home have been much more so, and more violent, and in several instances fatal among the Negroes in this neighborhood and You are among the sufferers by the death of Jenny at Dogue Run who tho’ confined for some time was not supposed nor did she think herself dangerously ill untill a very short time previous to her death. those who have died in this neighborhood are said to have survived but a few days. You have none now tho’ many are confined that I think ill, except Cooper Jack, who I sent for the Doctr to yesterday. He visited him last evening and this morning says he is ill but did not express himself in terms of dispair. Those who require assistance I pay all the attention, by seeing and providing them with what is necessary. I have for some days been afflicted with a disagreeable cold it has not yet confined me & hope it will pass off. It occurs to me that in consequence of a report made by Will of Bateman and Jenny having been instrumental in distroying the Flax at Dogue Run, that you desired I would have the matter investigated and if She was found guilty to have her punished. Her death being mention’d may perhaps bring it to your recollection and give you some concern least it should have been done too severely, on inquiry I did not find her so culpable as had been represented and had no punishment inflicted on her, I mention it as you might suppose it had been done and improperly, by my intrusting it to the execution of an Overseer for, I value the opinion I hope you entertain of me to highly to suppose You would think me capable of inhumanity. The geting in the Corn has been much impeded by the confinement of the People; and for some days the fields were in such a state owing to a violent rain that

fell on Thursday last that it would have been ruinous to the grain to have hauled Corn. I therefore took the opportunity of using the carts to collect a part of the wood for burning the brick kiln which had been set some time, and would by the frost be distroyed without; it was put on fire yesterday and the Carts many of them must be imployed in supplying wood, but hope it will not be long about I expect they finished gathering and geting in Corn at Muddy hole today they have about 2 days work at the Ferry & Frenches abt two thirds of one at D:Run, and one cut and a part of the other at the River Plantn. The Corn made last year appears by the Reports was 623 Barrels sound Corn, or at least so called but much of it was very bad, in addition to this was purchased of Mr Willson 150 Bis the two quantities amtg to 773 Bis 147 Bis Soft Corn & 103 Ditto Nubbings were also made, for the supply of the Negroes twelve months abt 620 Barrels will be requisite. With proper economy I hope the corn made this year will be adequate to the support of the estate the Corn which has been housed I mean previous to the present crops have never been satisfactoraly accounted for by the Reports in its appropriation; when the Corn has not has been exhausted and comparison formed between the delivery by the Reports of the Overseers and that which was housed never accord, and sometimes the deficiency is considerable, and they attempt to account for it by saying that a little 0at this time a little at another &c. is given to the Hogs and on them like ways, and that they neglected or did not think it of sufficient consequance to report it, to remove all those pretext for abuse if they are disposed to practise and the greater certainty of accounting for the disbursion I have determin with Your approbation (which I wish to be informed of in Your first Letter) to put the key of every Corn house in the hands of Whiting after the Corn is hous’d and for him alone to be accountable for it and this he may ⟨do⟩ with very little trouble in the way I proposed to him and he very much approved that instead of depending on the weekly allowance being sent from the different plantations to the Mill, that the whole of the Corn of one Plantn shall be first sent by two or three hundred bushls at a time except a small quantity which shall be left for Hogs and other ⟨necessary⟩ purposes of the Plantn, which can be very expeditiously beat⟨an⟩ by having a couple of Breaks made which will by moving them answer all the Plantns and by having hauled immediately to the

Mill less loss I am persuaded will be sustain’d than by carrying it in small quantities weekly and by the Negroes ⟨shilling⟩ with ⟨the⟩ little attention that I believe is paid them by the Overseers at that time it is in their power to imbezzle much of it—Dutch Blankets in Alexandria I think are very high the price seems to be from 9 to 10/ for 7/4 and the quality I think but indifferent if any of the Negroes are supplied the whole will expect it if so upwards of 150 will be wanting. By the enclosed copy of a Letter I recd a few days since from Mr Fitzhugh I hope there is no doubt of Your petition to the Assembly for discontinuing the Ferry being granted—if it should be effected the only steps necessary will be to apprise Capt. Marshal of it, and it may also be well for me to notify it by advertisement to prevent peoples coming, and also to remove your Ferry boat here. While writing this Letter I had the pleasure of recieving Yours of the 28th Ulto and was much pleased to find that You had accomplished Your journey. my Aunt I am very sorry to hear was indisposed but I hope it will not be of long duration—I shall write Mr Lewis and in the way you direct and enclose the Papers relative to the land sold Mr Cowper. I shall go to George Town punctually at the time You direct and that no time may be lost in discharging the debt due Capt. Conway shall see him the same day on my way back the debt due to Manley’s estate I suppose You will have not paid as it bears interest. It is my sincere wish and endeavour during Your absence to discharge all Your debts and shall not retain more money in my hands than is necessary for contingent purposes—the Northern Stages leave Alexandria on Mondays Wednesdays & Fridays at 1 oClock and arrive from the North on Tuesdays Thursdays & Saturdays at 9 oClock if it is convenient for You that Your Letters should arrive there on Tuesday I will send my Letters on Wednesday and recieve Yours by the return of the Servt. with the sincerest regard for my Aunt and the Children and best good wishes for the Gentlemen of Your Family I am Your sincerely affectionate Nephew

Geo. A. Washington

P.S. the depth of the well at the Barn is 13 Feet from the Bottom to the top of the frame which lays upon the Brickwork when the cattle are confined the pump will be very much wantg.


Title: To George Washington from William Deakins, Jr., and Benjamin Stoddert, 9 December 1790
From: Deakins, William Jr.,Stoddert, Benjamin
To: Washington, George

Sir
Geo. Town [McL] 9. Decr 1790

Immediately after we had the honor of seeing you on your way to Philadelphia, we sent up to Jacob Funk in Washington County for a particular state of the situation of the Lotts in Hamburg, and never ’till yesterday received his answer. We find there are 287 Lotts laid out upon 130 Acres of Land; and as far as we can Judge from the Book of Sales kept by Funk which he sent us, the whole of the Lotts are in the hands of about 150 Proprieters, principally Dutch men residing in Frederick & Washington Counties, and in Pennsylvania, who have heretofore

held them in but little estimation; and we have reason to believe that the far greater part of them might now be purchased at little more than the original cost, which was five pounds each Lott; tho’ there can be no doubt, that if the Seat of Government should be fixed so as to comprehend these Lotts, a much higher value would be instantly set upon them. And on this account, we had once determined to commence an immediate purchase of them, meaning to accomodate the Public without any private advantage, but we were deterred from carrying this into effect, by the consideration, that if they should not be wanted by the Public, they would remain a considerable loss upon our hands. To leave nothing undone that we could consistently do, we are now making application to our Legislature through the Delegates from this County, for a Law to pass, condemning any Land that may be chosen for the Seat of Government, at the reasonable valuation of disinterested men, in cases where the Proprieters will not agree to the terms offered, and where they reside at a distance—And as like difficulties occur at almost every probable place on the River, we have no doubt such a Law will pass, and we imagine in the course of next Week, there being a disposition in the majority of both Houses to promote the residence on Patowmack. We have the honor to be with the highest respect and esteem sir yr most Obedt Servts

Will. Deakins Junr
Ben Stoddert


Title: To George Washington from John Hudson, 10 December 1790
From: Hudson, John
To: Washington, George

May it Please your Excellence
⟨Hosp⟩ital December 10th day 1790

To hear this petition of one of your soldiers I am a native of Virginia I was bread and born up Rappahanook River in Essex

County and was unfortunately taken with the Ruhmactick Pains and have no friend to help me hear I have Rote to my friends but cant git no answer and am naked for Cloths I have not a shift to help my self I am in the Pensilvany Hospital and may it Please your Honnour the most that greaves me is that I am the Only american that is in the Rume and the English Counsil supplys them with Cloths and they heave it up to me that I am in my own Cuntry and I fought for it and Cant git no supply from my Country I hope your Excellence will not take it a mis of my Making so bold as to Right to you I hope you will take it in Cosideration and order me sum Clothing of any kind I served in the sevens Virginia Rigmint ⟨In⟩ Capt. John Webbs Company so I hope your honnour will ⟨mutilated⟩ your obdent and Humble Servant

John Hudson


Title: To George Washington from Beverley Randolph, 10 December 1790
From: Randolph, Beverley
To: Washington, George

Sir,
Richmond [Va.] December 10th 1790.

I do myself the Honor to inclose a copy of a Memorial of the Delegates of the counties of Ohio, Monongalia, Harrison, Randolph, Kanawha, Greenbriar, Montgomery and Russell together with an extract of a letter from Colonel Arthur Campbell on the subject of Indian affairs.
The Inhabitants of the Frontiers are greatly alarmed for the safety of their country, in consequence of accounts lately received

  of the defeat of the troops under General Harmar. Their Apprehensions are all communicated to the Executive of the state who being destitute of means to afford them the protection which they wish, can only transmit to you their Applications. This we do sir, in the fullest confidence that the power of the federal Government will be so applied as to quiet the Apprehension and insure the Safety of these distressed people. I have the Honor &c.

Beverley Randolph


Title: To George Washington from David Stuart, 10 December 1790
From: Stuart, David
To: Washington, George

Dear Sir,
Alex[andri]a [Va.] 10th Decr 1790

I have just time to inform you, that the business of the rents between Mr Alexander & the estate of Mr Custis for the twelve years possession of it, was adjudged two days ago—I am sorry to inform you that it has exceeded every idea I had formed on the subject, and I believe that of every reasonable man—The two men nominated by me were Mr Pollard & Mr Moss those nominated by Alexander Mr Thomas West & one Middleton, a common overseer on Ravensworth—My two men for allowing £100 pr year, West was for £200, and Middleton for £300—Thus matters stood the first day, when Mr Fairfax was chosen by the four to determine between them—I thought it a lucky choice for me, concieving that as Mr Fairfax rented a great deal of Land, he could have no extravagant idea of the value of it—I besides thought the unexceptionable characters of my men would have had weight, particularly as I knew of Mr Fairfax’s high opinion of one of them Mr Moss—I made every representation in my power, respecting the little profits I had received from the lands & the poverty of them—notwithstanding however every thing of the sort, Mr Fairfax accorded with Mr West & Mr Middleton in giving £2900—Middleton having acquiesced in Mr West’s opinion—Thus the award was made up—As Coll Simms is fully acquainted with every instance relative to this unhappy affair, I must for want of time (the stage being on the point of setting out) refer you to him for further particulars. I am Dr Sir with great respect Your affecte Serv:

Dd Stuart


Title: To George Washington from George Steptoe Washington, 10 December 1790 [letter not found]
From: Washington, George Steptoe
To: Washington, George

Letter not found: from George Steptoe Washington, 10 Dec. 1790. In his letter to George Steptoe Washington of 19 Dec. 1790, GW wrote “From the tenor of your letter of the 10th inst. which came to my hands on thursday last, it does not appear that Lawrence is to come on to this place with you, for he is not mentioned in any part of the letter.”


Title: From George Washington to Thomas Jefferson, 11 December 1790
From: Washington, George
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Sir,
Decr 11th 1790

Herewith you will receive the Powers & Instructions with which Gouvr Morris Esqr. is invested and his communications consequent thereof. You will give them the consideration their importance merit, and refer your opinion of the measures proper to be taken thereupon.
The following extract from one of my private letters to Mr Morris contains all the notice I have yet taken of his public communications. I give it that you may have the whole matter before you.

Go: Washington


Title: From George Washington to David Stuart, 12 December 1790
From: Washington, George
To: Stuart, David

Dear Sir,
Philadelphia Decr 12th 1790

On my return to this City, at Elkridge landing (eight miles beyond Baltimore) a Negroe fellow of the name of Paul, (brother to your Rose) came to, and informed me, that he was taken (more probably runaway from the White House Quarter) by the Troops under Lord Cornwallis. That he was put on board a British Vessel, was taken by an American one, and carried into Baltimore; where he was sold to a Captn Godman, who afterwds disposed of him to his present Master, a Mr Philip Waters of the landing abovementioned. The fellow is young & likely, and

seems desirous of returning to the Estate from which he was taken. The character of him I know not. The facts are, I presume, as I have related; but it is to be feared that time & circumstances have alienated the property. I thought it right however to give you this information.
I have been led to ask myself since you mentioned to me the exorbitant Rent expected by Mr R. Alexander for the place on which you now, or lately did live, upon what foundation it could be? This naturally led me into another enquiry—viz.—what are the Rents of lands at the distance of 6, 8 or 10 miles from Alexandria? In revolving this matter, no case was more apropos, or seemed more in point, than my contract with Mrs French; to whom I pay One hundred and thirty Six pounds pr Ann. for about 600 Acres of land, and ten working hands. The land equal to Mr Alexanders—lyes as you know on the River—and little, if any, less convenient to the Alexandria market than his. The Negroes as likely as any in the Country, one only excepted, who, by being advanced in years is less able to work than the rest. This bargain originated in or about the year 1783 between Mrs French & one Robinson, who finding it difficult (tho’ an industrious man) to clear any thing by the Bargain, & being always behind hand in the Rent, agreed, after I had purchased the fee Simple of the land to relinquish it (for a small consideration) to me. To this Mrs French readily acquiesced, and for the addition of fourteen pounds to the Rent, has leased it to me for her life; it being let to Robinson for Seven years only; at the expiration of which the rent of £150 commences. The taxes of the land & Negroes Robinson was, & I am to pay. I am also to Clothe & feed the Negroes. The rent is neither to increase or diminish; the chance of the increase of the Negroes, & consequently their work, was placed against the decrease; & no deaths have happened, whilst five or Six are not of full size for half sharers. This Bargain as I have been informed was thot by the friends of Mrs French to be an advantageous one for her—I think so too—Upon what principle then can Mr Alexander talk of the Rent you say he expects? When taxes—unfavorable Seasons—and other contingencies are taken into calculation, he will not find, among those who mean to pay, one who will come near his exorbitant ideas. If there is inability in the way, or no intention of doing it, it is a matter of no consequence whether five hundred

or fifty pounds, is the Rent stipulated. With great esteem & regard I am, Dr Sir Yr Affecte Hble Servt

Go: Washington


Title: From George Washington to the Hebrew Congregations of Philadelphia, New York, Charleston, and Richmond, 13 December 1790
From: Washington, George
To: Hebrew Congregations of Philadelphia, New York, Charleston, and Richmond

Gentlemen,
[Philadelphia, 13 December 1790]

The liberality of sentiment toward each other which marks every political and religious denomination of men in this Country, stands unparalleled in the history of Nations. The affection

of such people is a treasure beyond the reach of calculation; and the repeated proofs which my fellow Citizens have given of their attachment to me, and approbation of my doings form the purest source of my temporal felicity. The affectionate expressions of your address again excite my gratitude, and receive my warmest acknowledgments.
The Power and Goodness of the Almighty were strongly Manifested in the events of our late glorious revolution; and his kind interposition in our behalf has been no less visible in the establishment of our present equal government. In war he directed the Sword; and in peace he has ruled in our Councils. My agency in both has been guided by the best intentions, and a sense of the duty which I owe my Country: and as my exertions have hitherto been amply rewarded by the Approbation of my fellow Citizens, I shall endeavour to deserve a continuance of it by my future conduct.
May the same temporal and eternal blessings which you implore for me, rest upon your Congregations.

Go: Washington.


Title: From George Washington to the United States House of Representatives, 13 December 1790
From: Washington, George
To: United States House of Representatives

Gentlemen,
[Philadelphia, 13 December 1790]

The sentiments expressed in your address are intitled to my particular acknowledgment. Having no object but the good of our Country, this testimony of approbation and confidence from it’s immediate Representatives, must be among my best rewards, as the support of your enlightened patriotism has been among my greatest encouragements. Being persuaded that you will continue to be actuated by the same auspicious principle, I look

forward to the happiest consequences from your deliberations during the present Session.

George Washington


Title: To George Washington from Thomas Jefferson, 14 December 1790
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Washington, George

Dec. 14. 1790.

The Secretary of state having had under his consideration the journal of the proceedings of the Executive in the Northwestern territory, thinks it his duty to extract therefrom, for the notice of the President of the U.S. the articles of Apr. 25. June 6. 28. & 29. some of which are hereto annexed.
Concieving that the regulations, purported in these articles, are beyond the competence of the Executive of the said government,

that they amount in fact to laws, & as such could only flow from it’s regular legislature. that it is the duty of the General government ⟨to⟩ guard it’s subordinate members from the encroachment of each other even where they are made through error or inadvertence, and to cover it’s citizens from the exercise of powers not authorized by the laws, the Secretary of state is of opinion that the said articles be laid before the Attorney General for consideration and, if he finds them to be against law, that his opinion be communicated to the Governor of the Northwestern territory for his future conduct.

Th: Jefferson


Title: To George Washington from Henry Knox, 14 December 1790
From: Knox, Henry
To: Washington, George

sir,
War Department [Philadelphia] Decr 14th 1790

Lieutenant Denny arrived last evening from Fort Washington, on the Ohio, charged with letters from Governor St Clair, and Brigadier General Harmar copies of which I have the honour herewith to submit, and also extracts from the orders issued during the late expedition, also a return of the killed and wounded.
Lieutenant Denny reports verbally that after he left Fort Washington, he saw in Kentucky, several men of the militia of that district, who had been out with Major Whitly under Major Hamtramck of the federal troops, who commanded a separate expedition.
The said militia men informed Lieut. Denny, that Major Hamtramck had destroyed several of the hostile Indian towns, on the Wabash, and had returned to his garrison at post Vincennes without having met any opposition. I have the honour to be with the highest respect sir, Your most Obt Servt

H. KnoxSecy of War.


Title: Enclosure: Arthur St. Clair to Henry Knox, 6 November 1790
From: St. Clair, Arthur
To: Knox, Henry

Sir
Fort Washington [Northwest Territory] Novr 6th 1790.

On the 29th of last month I had the honor to inform you generally of the success that attended General Harmar. I could not then give you the particulars as the General’s letters had not reached me (the officer however who had them in charge got in a few days afterwards) it is not now necessary because he writes himself—One thing however is certain that the Savages have got a most terrible stroke, ⟨of⟩ which nothing can be a greater proof than that they have not attempted to harrass the army on its return—They arrived at this place on the 3rd instant in good health and spirits. There is not yet any account from Major Hamtramck—I trust he also has been successful, but this I think is certain, that no great misfortune can have happened to him, for in that case we should certainly have heard of it.
Mr Denny, the gentleman who takes General Harmar’s dispatches, I beg leave to mention to you in a particular manner, and if you will be pleased to do so to the President in his favor, you may be assured he will not disappoint any expectations that may be formed. He has every quality that I could wish a young man to possess that meant to make the army his profession—There are however some traits in his character as a man that are not generally known, that would endear him—Out of the little pittance he receives he has maintained two aged parents for a long time.


Title: To George Washington from Alexander Hamilton, 15 December 1790
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

Treasury Departmt Decr 15th 1790.

The Secretary of the Treasury has the honor respectfully to inform the President of the United States that a wish of the Collector

of Boston to spend a part of the time of the Session of Congress at the Seat of Government has been intimated to him. An absence from his Office at this season of the year being the least likely to be inconvenient, and it being probable that much useful information may be derived from conferences with that Officer, the Secretary would gladly transmit to him the Presidents permission, if it should be his pleasure to grant it.

A. Hamilton


Title: From George Washington to Charles Pinckney, 15 December 1791 [letter not found]
From: Washington, George
To: Pinckney, Charles

Letter not found: to Charles Pinckney, c.15 Dec. 1791. In a letter to GW of 8 Mar. 1791, Charles Pinckney wrote that he had received “your obliging letter of introduction which had been previously left by Colonel Trumbull at my house.” GW wrote a letter of introduction for Trumbull to Edward Rutledge on 15 Dec. 1791 and almost certainly wrote a similar letter to Pinckney (and perhaps others) on or about the same date.


Title: To George Washington from Robert Rutherford, 15 December 1790
From: Rutherford, Robert
To: Washington, George

My Dear Sir
Berkeley County [Va.] December 15th 1790

Your Condescending goodness of heart I trust will not rebuke this familiar address. I had indeed promised myself the honor of a short Conference during the recess of Congress, but a violent indisposition prevented me.
An excursion of Ten months thro the South Western frontier, particularly over most parts of the Kentucky, has enabled me, to observe, the great fertility of the soil, with the surprising population, and improvement of that Country, tho perpetually interrupted by the savages, about three persons for each week of the Eight months I remained there, having been Cut off, many of them with aggravated Circumstances of horrour and Commiseration,

or forced with the Most degrading and irksome Captivity, taking into this number those who were migrating thither.
The inhabitants, are numerous, moral, religious, many of them industrious, the great mass of the people, well attached to the union and listen to reason with Calm attention. Perhaps some distant, and indirect management may have been practised, by the insidious policy of those powers, who veiw with malignant eyes, the rising growth of the American people, and to whom it would of Course be Very pleasing to detach, that extensive region, from the Federal league, which it is obvious, would produce many evils and no doubt will be wisely Counteracted.
The State of Virga is held in much affectionate regard by the people, as having afforded them all possible protection in thier state of imbicility, and I am happy to observe, by your late paternal and patriotic Speech to the national Assembly, that they have the fairest prospect of being Considered, with the same tender regard, by the general goverment, so that this great body of well disposed Citizens, will be indissolubly bound in the Federal Compact, by the best of ties, gratitude and affection together with common interest. It is indeed an innate principle to revere with the deepest regard, those who extend help in the hour of impotence and distress, and I am assured that your sentiments have ever Coincided, with the truly wise maxim of every well regulated goverment in the protection of it’s frontier.
This Indian war at a season so favourable in all other respects is baleful in extreme, and it is decidedly my opinion, that if Congress had persued inlarged & active measures, at the termination of the War, firm peace might have been effected, with these Vindictive and troublesome people. However as the Case is, your inlarged prudence, has Certainly directed what is best, that of chastising the inferior, & ill disposed tribes, thereby to awe the more potent nations, and lead to a general peace, an event in every point of Veiw, most desirable, as no advantage Can result, from a Contest with inveterate Savages, who Slay or wound, to the latest breath and that tortures Cannot subdue, whilst Very few of these rational Vermine distroy Valuable numbers of our Species, and Such for the most part, as loudly demand our pity and utmost protection, at the same time that, there assuredly is a measure of Justice, due to this uninformed Cast of mankind.
On a cursory View of the Maps I have suggested, that if the

States Could fix a Strong post on the most Southerly margin of the Lake Mechigan, and others to communicate with any post on the Ohio, the influence on the Conduct of the Indians would be great, and perhaps enable the Americans to supply them on terms, as to share that lucrative branch of traffick, and opperate as a Counterpoise, to that Commanding influence by the unjust detaining of Detroit &c.
Acquiring lands by the Poorer people, is by many thought too difficult, and so it appears to me, as they were taught to beleive that the revolution would opperate in all respects to thier advantage, and produce among other things, a degree of equality in sharing the Vacant Lands of which they are highly deserving, having contributed no less a treasure in the great Contest than their sons and other near relations, to them we must apply in every future emergency, were they then possessed of this fixed property, they would be actuated to defend it with ardour, & tho the immidiate Calls of Goverment, seem to point to this part of the revenue, these people when raised to a state of Meer partial mediocrity, would be the most permanent treasure in support of the Common interest for I have ever Considered, the Settling, this Country, West of the Ohio, as a matter of more real moment, than Selling the soil to individuals, who may have an influence dangerous in future, and such I fear will be the Consequence of some of the Very extensive purchases.
Under the regal goverment, the people obtained lands on easy terms, and thus thier Ideas still ⟨tend⟩ for tho the arbitrary Conduct of that goverment did not escape your observation, having totally Changed it’s measures and notwithstanding the many loyal exertions of the Colony’s whos Citizens had nobly fought and died in the field with thier soldiery, frequently in the front of battle by which Britain acquired more glory and Conquest than had at any time been her lot. Yet lost to gratitude, generosity, and Common justice, the Lands gained by American Valour were parceled out to favourites in England, from Lake Erie to Cape florida, but of this Circumstance the people at large then were and still Continue to be uninformed. The event has proved this policy to have been Very bad, and had that goverment yet existed, the principle had been the same as reason and patriotism are equally shocked when the people seem to be deprived of that participation of benefits to which they are so justly entitled for the emolument of the few.

Thus with exceeding diffidence, have I presumed on the great moderation of your temper, and taught by long experience, that you possess every sublime and generous affection, to submit these unfinished observations, thinking it the duty of every good Citizen to offer such information, as you might Wish to receive, and should any imperfect hint from me render you the least satisfaction, or Conduce in anywise to Serve my Country, or do justice to the respectable people, I have taken the liberty to mention, I am fully rewarded, but if nothing useful should result Pray pardon the weak, but well meant attempt. Conscious, that with a zeal second to Very few, I have ever been an admirer of that train of manly Patriot Virtues, endowments, and good qualities which so peculiarly enrich your mind, and Could I Serve you in any degree, or render you the least acceptable good office, it would give me unspeakable pleasure, as will every possible increase of your dignities, or Circumstance that can redound to render you more truly admired. And now may the Supreme parent of life! and light! and great director of this, and other Systems, far beyond our utmost thought! deign to hold you with amiable Lady, Very long in his good keeping. And may you while life is desirable remain the parent, the guardian, and the guide of a great and generous people, as well as the benifecent friend of all the human race, are the unfiegned wishes of Dear Sir your Most Obt And truly affectionate Hble Sert

R. Rutherford


Title: From George Washington to George Augustine Washington, 15 December 1790 [letter not found]
From: Washington, George
To: Washington, George Augustine

Letter not found: to George Augustine Washington, 15 Dec. 1790. In a letter to GW, dated 28 Dec. 1790, George Augustine Washington refers to letters “of the 15th & 17th Inst.”


Title: From George Washington to Gouverneur Morris, 17 December 1790
From: Washington, George
To: Morris, Gouverneur

Dear Sir,
Philadelphia Decemr 17. 1790.

An official letter from the Secretary of State of this date—acknowledging the receipt of your public dispatches—will discover to you my sentiments on the views and intentions of the british Cabinet. If the exigencies of the national affairs of that Kingdom should excite dispositions in it favorable to a commercial treaty with the United States, and to the fulfilment of the treaty of peace, its Ministers will, of themselves, come forward with propositions.

Until these are apparent to them, and press, I am satisfied from the communications you have had with them, that it is not only useless, but would be derogatory to push them any farther on the first point or to say any thing more on the latter, until we are in a situation to speak with more decision.
If none of my letters to you have acknowledged the receipt of your favors of the 22nd and 24th of January last, I have to ask your pardon for giving you the trouble of sending Triplicates; and for the vexation the supposed loss of them has occasioned. It must be owing to an omission, or to the miscarriage of my letters that this has not been done; for both of them and the duplicates have been received.
Since writing to you on the 7th of July I have been favored with your several private letters of July the 6th and 16th 26. and 30 of August—All the letters—the dates of which are enumerated in that of the 6th have come safe; and I pray you, though late, to accept my thanks for the seeds which you was so obliging as to send to me by Mr le Couteulx—They were immediately forwarded to my Gardner at Mount Vernon with orders to pay particular attention to them.
There is a tale hanging to the coyness discovered in Mr Welch, not to exceed the ballance which he has made of the account between us, which to me stands in need of no explanation—and to you the relation of it in detail would be tedious and unimportant—The plain english of it however is, that there are articles of charge in the debits of that House against me which reduce the ballance in my favor some hundreds below what I conceive is just—His knowledge of this circumstance and the probable consequence makes him desirous (by holding the staff in his own hands) to throw the labouring oar upon me; but, as you may have incurred a further expence in the additional plateaux, I have requested that Gentleman (Mr Welch) by the enclosed order, to pay you what he conceives to be the ballance due to me.
For the cost of the Coolers and Lamps, Mr Constable (including a bill of £60. remitted to you by Colonel Humphreys) was immediately paid, together with the freight and other charges, agreeably to the account forwarded in your letter of the 16 of August—and for the trouble you have had in this business, and advances to accomplish it, I feel myself under peculiar obligations—The articles are elegant, and I am perfectly satisfied

with the price of them—pleased too by the addition of decanters.
Congress has commenced its third session—Our affairs assume a good aspect—Public credit is high, and stocks have risen amazingly. Except the disturbances occasioned by a few hostile Indians on our frontiers (western) (instigated thereto I am persuaded by the british Traders) and some remains of the old leaven, the wheels of government move without interruption, and gather strength as they move.
The numbers of our people as far as they can be ascertained from the present stage of the Census, will not fall short, it is said, of five millions—some think more.
Whilst this will on the one hand astonish Europe, it may on the other add consequence to the union of these States. Adieu! With very sincere esteem and affection, I am yours ever

G. Washington