Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Samuel Cooper, 9 September 1774
From: Cooper, Samuel
To: Franklin, Benjamin

This letter carries on the story begun in Cooper’s earlier one above, August 15, of the collapse of royal authority in Massachusetts. But, as with his description of the crisis that culminated in the Tea Party, the chronology is confused; and in the confusion the principal developments are obscured. Outside Boston, as the King’s government disintegrated, a revolutionary one was beginning to take form. Since July county conventions, variously composed, had been held to mobilize support for the city. In late August delegates from Essex, Middlesex, Suffolk, and Worcester Counties, meeting in Boston, suggested a provincial congress; and conventions in those counties soon endorsed the proposal. The call had gone out for an extra-legal government.
The judicial system, as Cooper says, was at an end; and the royal executive could no longer function in Salem. On August 24 Gage attempted to arrest the town’s committee of correspondence for calling an illegal town meeting, but the judge who issued the warrants was compelled to rescind them. The courts of justice, the Governor wrote, were expiring one by one. On the 30th the Superior Court met in the comparative safety of Boston, only to adjourn for lack of juries. The next day what was left of the Council, also in Boston for safety, advised the Governor to concentrate his troops in the city and, despite his instructions, transfer the government there.
Gage did not remain passive within his lines, but made a move on September 1 that almost precipitated war. Soldiers secured provincial powder at Charlestown and artillery at Cambridge, and rumours of an armed clash and loss of life spread like wildfire. The next morning some three thousand people assembled in Cambridge; many thousands more, rumour had it, were moving from as far away as Connecticut. Leaders from Boston, as Cooper says, helped to prevent bloodshed, and the “Body”—the Cambridge gathering—contented itself with forcing the Lieutenant Governor and others to resign from the Council. By evening calm returned: the Body dispersed, and the columns moving to its support turned back. Gage understood the lesson and acted on it. He recalled the regiment at Salem, and sent transports to Quebec and New York for more troops; he began to rebuild the disused fortifications on Boston Neck, armed them with cannon, and called in warships for their defense. His government had shrunk to the town, and his authority to that of his army.

Dear Sir,
Boston N. England. 9 Septr. 74.
My last was on 15th Aug. in which I gave you some Account of the State of our Affairs. About 26 of the Council appointed by the King took the Oath; since which one half, not being able to stand the public Odium have resign’d. All who now hold the Commission, not living in Boston, have retir’d here under the Protection of the Army. Our superior Court of Justice met here with the Chief Justice at their Head, but the Juries to a Man refus’d to serve. The Courts thro the Province are at an End; Sheriffs, Justices, Clerks &xc have either made their Peace with the People by solemnly promising not to act upon the new Laws, or have fled to this poor proscribed Town as an Asylum. The Lt. Governor, who was oblig’d to resign his Commission as Councellor, at his House in Cambridg being surrounded with 4 thousand People; and his Neighbors, Sewall the Attorney Generl. Sheriff Phips, Borland &c, live in Boston. Town Meetings are held all over the Province, even at Salem, and in Danvers while General Gage resided there, with a Regiment and two additional Companies. He indeed order’d a Warrant to be made out against the Committee of Correspondence in Salem who called the Meeting. Two gave Bonds for their Appearance, three refused and were let alone. The Justice, I am told, who issu’d the Warrant has since acknowledg’d his Error, ask’d Pardon of the People &c. These Things have been effected chiefly by County Meetings compos’d of Delegates from the several Towns. A Provincial Congress of Delegates from all the Counties is soon to be held at Concord. The People say their all is at Stake; they act only on the Defensive. Should they allow the new Regulations to take place, Property and Life are at the Mercy of Men incens’d against them; and they should soon be incapable of making any opposition even a Commercial one. The People assembled at Cambridg were Landholders, led by Captains of the Towns, Representatives, Committee Men &c. The Select men and Committee of Correspondence for this Town went from hence to confer with them and prevent Things from coming to Extremities; for a Rumor had been propagated that the whole Country, incens’d at the Governor’s taking the Provincial Powder by a Party of Soldiers, from Charlestown, and inflam’d by false Reports, were coming to Boston to demand the Restitution of the Powder in the Face of the Army. Happily this did not prove true; and if there were any Misapprehensions in the Body, they were remov’d by the Representations of the Gentlemen from Boston; who observ’d to them that the Governor had a Right to dispose of the Provincial military Stores, tho not those that belong to the Towns, which He had not as yet touch’d. This Movement of the Governor occasion’d however an extensive Alarm. Reports flew thro the Country that He was disarming the Inhabitants of Boston, and seizing all the Ammunition thro the Province; and that the Fleet and Army had attack’d the Town. These false Reports being credited for a while, many Thousands of People especially in the Western Parts of the Province were immediately in Arms and in full March for this Place, to relieve their Brethren or share their Fate: Thousands were in Motion from Connecticut, (for the N. England Provinces are one in Sentiment and Spirit upon these Matters) but being inform’d of Facts they quietly return’d home, sending their Messengers from all Quarters signifying their Determination to act unitedly upon any warrantable Occasion.
I forgot to mention that Commissioner Hallowell pass’d thro Cambridg while the Body was there. He had gone by some Time when it was started by some Body that it might be proper to have a Conference with him. A Number of Men on Horseback instantly sat out to bring him back, but were stopt immediately by some Gentlemen from Boston and disswaded from their Purpose. A single Horseman of his own Head went on, and coming up to him in a Chaise with a Companion and Servant on Horse back told him He must stop and go back; Hallowell snapt his Pistol twice at him, got upon his Servant’s Horse, rode with the utmost Speed to Town, followed by the Horseman till he came within Call of the Guard at the Entrance of the Town. An Apprehension was soon spread thro the Camp that the Country was coming in against them in arm’d Multitudes: The Guard was doubled; Cannon plac’d on the Neck, the Army lay on their Arms thro the Night. The Entrance into the Town is now fortifying by the Soldiery: The Select men remonstrating to the Governor that if it goes on the Inhabitants are so uneasy they must abandon the Town; which they declare they had rather do and see it in Flames than be totally enslaved in it. Transports are dispatch’d to N. York and Quebec for more Troops: tho we have already five Regiments with a large Train, one more at the Castle, and another coming from Salem. At the Place about 30 chests of Tea lately arriv’d from London which the Inhabitants will not permit to be landed. What my dear Sir, will be the End of these Things? The Country seems determin’d to run all Hazards in Defence of their Rights.
I send this by Mr. Quincy, a Gentleman bred to the Law; highly esteem’d for his Parts and Learning; a warm Friend to the Rights of America. He has publish’d a Pamphlet on the Port Bill; and been encourag’d by some of the most respectable Gentlemen among us to make a Visit to England, as he is capable of giving the best account of our Affairs. To him I must refer you for further Particulars. I have wrote Facts to the best of my Knowledg and leaving you to reason or conjecture from them, I am with great Esteem and affection Your obedient humble Servant
Saml Cooper

  P.S  The Governor and Commissioners, with all the acting Council now reside in Boston, and it is likely will continue here; which, notwithstanding the Act of Parliament, seems now to be the only Place for public Business. I enclose you the Vote of Thanks, mention’d and apologiz’d for in my last; and which was over look’d in my Hurry at Sealing the Letter. We have just now advice of 1200 Bushels of Wheat, a Present to this Town from Quebec. Such Releifs we have from all Quarters.
Doctor Franklin.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Richard Bache, 10 September 1774
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Bache, Richard

Dear Son
London, Sept. 10. 1774.
The Bearer Mr. Ralph Westley, goes to Pennsylvania to look out a proper Tract of good Land, on which to settle some able Norfolk Farmers, who are about to remove thither with their Families. One of whom, Mr. Foulger, is a Relation of mine.
As the Farmers of that Country are reckoned the most skilful in England, and the comfortable Settling of these first Adventurers may be a means of drawing over many others, I cannot but have it at heart that they should be well accommodated; I therefore recommend it earnestly to you to assist him with your best Advice in his Search and Enquiry, that he may be able to fix on such Lands as are in a healthy Situation, and commodious on other Accounts. I recommend him also to those Civilities with which you usually entertain Strangers of good Character. My Love to Sally and the Children. I am ever Your affectionate Father
B Franklin
Mr Bache

Notation: B F to R B  Sept. 1774.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, 10 September 1774
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Deborah

London, Sept. 10. 1774.
It is now nine long Months since I received a Line from my dear Debby. I have supposed it owing to your continual Expectation of my Return; I have feared that some Indisposition had rendered you unable to write; I have imagined any thing rather than admit a Supposition that your kind Attention towards me was abated. And yet when so many other old Friends have dropt a Line to me now and then at a Venture, taking the Chance of its finding me here or not as it might happen, why might I not have expected the same Comfort from you, who used to be so diligent and faithful a Correspondent, as to omit scarce any Opportunity?
This will serve to acquaint you that I continue well, Thanks to God. It would be a great Pleasure to me to hear that you are so. My Love to our Children; and believe me ever Your affectionate Husband
B Franklin
I recommend the Bearer Mr. Westley to your Civilities.

Addressed: To / Mrs Franklin / Philadelphia / per favor of / Mr Westley


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Thomas Cushing, 15 September 1774
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Cushing, Thomas

Sir,
London, Sept. 15. 1774
I received, last week only, your Favour of June 27. and I have received no other from you since that of April 30. You complain of hearing seldom from me, and yet I have written oftener this Year than ever before. I apprehend our Letters are intercepted. I hope you have received mine of June 1. for in that you will find the Dates of many of the Letters I had written before that time; and I wish that for the future you would be so good as to mention the Dates of those you receive, as I shall always do for your Satisfaction of those I receive from you.
I rejoice to find that the whole Continent have so justly, wisely, and unanimously taken up our Cause as their own. This is an unexpected Blow to the Ministry, who rely’d on our being neglected by every other Colony: this they depended on as another Circumstance that must force our immediate Submission, of which they were likewise perfectly sure. They are now a little disconcerted, but I hear yet from that Quarter no Talk of retreating or changing of Measures. The Language of those about the Court rather is, that the King must now go on, whatever may be the Consequence. On the other hand our Friends are increasing and endeavouring to unite. I have been taking pains among them, to show the Mischief that must arise to the Whole from a Dismembring of the Empire, which all the Measures of the present mad Administration have a Tendency to accomplish; and which can only be prevented by such an Union of the Friends of Liberty, in both Houses, as will compell a Change of that Administration and those Measures. I must not now relate to you with whom I have conferr’d, nor the Conversations I have had on this Subject, lest my Letter fall into wrong Hands; but I may say I have reason to think a strong Push will be made at the very Beginning of the Session to have all the late Acts revers’d, and a solemn Assurance given America that no future Attempts shall be made to tax us without our Consent. Much depends on the Proceedings of the Congress. All sides are enquiring when an Account of them may be expected: And I am advis’d by no means to leave England till they arrive. Their Unanimity and Firmness will have great Weight here, and probably unhorse the present wild Riders.
I inclose a Copy of mine mention’d above. Since the Date of that I have written several short Letters to you, inclosing the Bishop of St. Asaph’s Speech (which is admired here as a Masterpiece of Eloquence and Wisdom) An Address to Protestant Dissenters, and sundry other Pieces and Papers that I have been instrumental in Writing, Printing or Publishing here. It would encourage me, if you could find time to acknowledge the Receipt of such things, and let me know how they were approved. Nothing material has pass’d here in publick Affairs since the Rising of Parliament. Great Preparations are now making for the Election of a new One; and a War with Spain is apprehended, but will be avoided if possible. I am, Sir, with great Esteem and Respect, Your most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin

The Bishop’s Speech has had four Editions the last of 5000 Number.
Honble. Thos Cushing, Esqr

Endorsed: Benja Franklin Esqr  London Sept 15. 1774


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Paul-Pierre le Mercier de la Rivière, 21 September 1774
From: Mercier de la Rivière, Paul-Pierre le
To: Franklin, Benjamin

This odd letter seems to be Franklin’s only contact with a noted French philosophe. Le Mercier de la Rivière (1720–93) had been a councilor at the Parlement of Paris, intendant at Martinique, guest of Catherine the Great to advise her on a new legal code for Russia, and popularizer of Quesnay’s economic doctrines. The accession of Louis XVI in May, 1774, and his appointment of Turgot were beginning a new if short-lived era of economic reform. An edict of Sept. 13, which permitted the importation of foreign grain and its free circulation in France, was doubtless the background for Mercier’s proposal to buy five thousand tons of Philadelphia flour, in return if possible for wine. But how did he expect Franklin to arrange such a massive purchase in Pennsylvania? or to take French wine in trade, despite the restrictions of the Navigation Acts and the colonists’ well developed partiality for port and madeira? We cannot answer these questions, and presume that Franklin could not either. If he ever troubled to respond to the letter, his reply has been lost.

De Paris ce 21 7bre 1774.
Je me flatte, Monsieur, que mon nom ne vous est point inconnu, puisque vous avez à Paris pour amis ceux qui sont les miens. C’est aussi parceque je vous connois très bien de réputation, que je n’hésite point à m’adresser à vous, par préférence à tous autres, pour l’affaire dont je vais vous entretenir.
Je voudrois, Monsieur, tirer de vos Colonies angloises pour Paris 100 mille quintaux, et même plus, de vos plus belles fleurs de farine. Je suppose en cela qu’elles pussent m’être rendues au hâvre ou à Rouen, à un prix convenable pour ma spéculation. Je suppose encore qu’elles arriveroient successivement et sans interruption, dans des barillages bien reliés pour éviter les avaries, et tarés avec exactitude. Il seroit donc question de savoir, 1o. Dans quel tems on pourroit Commencer la livraison. 2o. A quel prix on pourroit me fournir le quintal de farine, prémiere qualité, et cela jusqu’à la concurrence de cent mille quintaux au moins; car peut-être pourrois-je traitter pour deux cent.
De mon Côté, je m’engagerois à payer comptant, à chaque livraison.
Mais voici une seconde spéculation. Question de savoir, Monsieur, si par des arrangemens que vous pouvez connoître il seroit possible et convenable à vos intérêts que les vaisseaux se chargeassent en retour des parties que voici.
Je pourrois fournir en bouteilles et en caisse, jusques à 50 ou 60 mille bouteilles de vin blanc mousseux, prémiere qualité. Je dis, prémiere qualité, parcequ’il est aujourdhui reconnu pour le meilleur vin de france. Ce vin est très blanc, très sec, très léger sur la langue, point-du-tout capiteux, un excellent corps de vin, sans aucune espece d’apreté ni de verdeur, mais portant dans la bouche une fraicheur et un parfum qui se conservent pendant un quart-d’heure, après qu’on l’a bu.
Je pourrois fournir encore un vin rouge dans la qualité que voici; vin d’une couleur riche et veloutée, ayant un parfum decide de framboise, vin dans le goût des premiers crus de Bourdeaux, mais ayant plus de finesse et de légereté qu’eux. Je pourrois fournir jusqu’à trois et quatre cent bariques de cette sorte de vin rouge, en prenant des précautions convenables. Tous ces vins rouges et blancs se comportent merveilleusement à la mer; j’en ai l’expérience.
S’il convenoit encore, Monsieur, à vos vaisseaux de prendre en retour des eaux-de-vie, il me seroit possible de m’arranger pour leur en procurer les quantités convenues.
Je pourrois fournir encore des vins blancs secs et non mousseux, de prémiere qualité; car la mousse du vin provient principalement du tems auquel il est mis en bouteille; et comme celui qui ne mousse point a plus le tems de se faire en barique, il est toujours plus fin que celui qui mousse. Au surplus je me borne à vous dire ici que ces vins blancs sont la tête de tous nos vins de france; qu’ils se gardent tant que l’on veut, se bonifiant toujours en vieillissant. Ce sont des vins que je cueille sur mes Domaines dans un petit Canton du haut côteau de l’Anjou, pays où l’on ne savoit faire ni la vigne ni le vin, Mais où je viens d’enseigner l’un et l’autre par mes raisonnemens et mes exemples.
Ces objets, Monsieur, sont assez intéressants pour me déterminer dès aujourdhui à passer à Londres, si ma santé me le permettoit; mais il y a bientôt un an que je ne cesse d’être malade. Je suis même encore actuellement à la fin d’une rechute fort considérable, et qui m’a mis en danger; mais aussi j’ai tout lieu de croire qu’elle sera la derniere. Ce sont les hommes qui font les affaires; il faut donc qu’ils se voyent, qu’ils s’abouchent, qu’ils s’expliquent, et quand ils sont de bonne foi, les affaires sont bientôt faites. Ne pouvant donc pas me rendre à Londres, il seroit bien à desirer que vos affaires vous amenassent à Paris, ou que je pusse y traiter directement avec les personnes qui s’obligeront à la livraison des farines; car cette prémiere spéculation peut toujours avoir lieu entre nous, quand même vous ne pourriez penser aux autres objets. Ainsi en supposant qu’il ne vous fût pas possible de rien acheter de mes vins, nous aurions toujours à traiter ensemble pour les farines de philadelphi qui, je crois, sont les plus belles de toutes vos Colonies.
Je vous prie donc, Monsieur, de me marquer le plus tôt possible 1o. Ce que vous pensez de mes propositions. 2o. Si ellespeuvent être traitées directement avec vous ou avec quelqu’un de vos amis à Paris; j’y pourrois même faire goûter les vins dont je vous ai parlé. 3o. Dans quel tems vous ou vos amis pourriez vous rendre à Paris. Sur quoi j’observe que ces spéculations demandent la plus grande célérité par diverses raisons trop longues à détailler ici. J’ai l’honneur d’être, Monsieur, avec la plus parfaite Considération, Votre très humble et très obéissant serviteur.
DE LA RIVIEREancien Intendant de la Martinique et Conseillerhonoraire au Parlement de Paris.
Rue de Clery. à Paris.

Endorsed: Receiv’d the 30th.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jacques Barbeu-Dubourg, 22 September 1774
From: Barbeu-Dubourg, Jacques
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Mon cher Maitre
A Paris ce 22e. 7bre. 1774
Votre lettre du 10e. août m’a penetré l’ame du plus delicieux sentiment, en me montrant de quelle façon la mienne du 28e juillet vous avoit affecté. C’est un nouvel aiguillon pour me presser d’executer mon projet d’un petit voyage à Londres; cependant ma grande affaire n’est point encore terminée, peutetre le sera t’elle sous huit jours, peutetre durera t’elle encore six semaines de plus, mais le denouement en est sûr desormais; et dès que j’en serai debarrassé j’aurois bientôt fait mon paquet pour partir et me rendre auprès de vous. M. Magalhaens m’a non seulement fait esperer que je vous trouverois encore en Angleterre, mais il m’a laissé entrevoir une lueur d’esperance que vous pourriez faire un tour à Paris cet hiver, plust à Dieu que nous eussions la satisfaction de vous y posseder encore une fois! Et en effet je ne doute pas que vous n’ayez pesé mûrement toutes les circonstances de votre presente situation; je ne suis pas à portée de tout combiner à cet égard, mais à vue de pays, voicy ce qui m’en semble. Votre depart pour l’Amerique dans ce moment de crise donneroit beau coup d’ombrage au gouvernement Britannique, et qui sait ce qu’ils ne seroient pas capables d’attenter? Votre sejour à Londres ne leur plait peutetre gueres davantage, et peut d’ailleurs vous exposer à de mauvaises humeurs d’une populace effrenée, qui s’emporte souvent et sait rarement pourquoi. Si le menu peuple en france est appellé brise-raison, en Angleterre il pourroit s’appeller brise-tout; avec le notre il n’y a rien à craindre, vis a vis du votre il n’y a point à rire. Venez donc, cher Ami, laisser passer l’orage, Sat Patriae, Priamoque datum.
Jamais la france n’a eté si tranquille, ni n’a paru mieux fondée dans ses esperances d’un heureux avenir. Notre nouveau Controlleur general, M. Turgot, avec des vertus et des lumieres, a la confiance du Roi et du public. Un arret du conseil dressé sur un moule bien different des precedens nous a donné (hier) la liberté la plus complete du commerce des bleds dans l’interieur du royaume, et annoncé la pleine et indefinie liberté de ce commerce, même a l’extérieur comme assez prochaine. La liberté de la presse est presque entièrement retablie, on n’en excepte que les matieres de religion, sur lesquelles il faut se taire, et laisser la superstition s’eteindre d’elle même.
Je me propose de porter aujourd’huy à la censure, un petit prospectus d’une suite de papiers plus ou moins nombreuse et frequente, sans assujetissement formel, sous le titre de: Le Correspondant de Philadelphie. Il ne vous sera pas difficile de deviner sur le titre seul que vous même avez fait mes premiers fonds pour cette entreprise et etes ma principale ressource pour la remplir. Si vous etiez icy pour l’acheminer et l’animer, je serois bien plus assuré du succès. J’y annonce une grande variete et une certaine abondance de nouveautés politiques et litteraires de l’Amerique, et specialement de Philadelphie, que je mets en parallele avec Paris, mais j’ai peur que vous ne trouviez le parallele un peu foible.

J’ai fait harceler inutilement jusqu’icy, M. Stanley, non seulement par M. Le Roi, mais encore par une de ses Cousines qui se flatte d’en venir à bout.
Ma femme et ses Amies ne sont pas moins impatientes que moi de vous embrasser, Monsieur et cher Ami. Soyez bien assuré qu’on ne sauroit etre plus parfaitement Votre tres fidèle et tres affectionné serviteur
Dubourg
mes respects s.v.p. a Mr. Pringle


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jane Mecom, 26 September 1774
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Mecom, Jane

Dear Sister,
London, Sept. 26. 1774
I have had no Line from you since those you favour’d me with by Cousin Jonathan Williams. I hope you continue in health, as I do, Thanks to God. But I wish to know how you fare in the present Distress of our dear Country. I am apprehensive that the Letters between us, tho’ very innocent ones, are intercepted. They might restore me yours at least, after reading them; especially as I never complain of broken patch’d-up Seals, (of late very common) because I know not whom to fix the Fact on.
I see in a Boston Paper of Aug. 18. an Article expressing “that it is now generally believed Dr. Franklin has received a Promise of being restored to the royal Favour, and promoted to an Office superior to that which he resigned.” I have made no public Answer to any of the Abuses I have received in the Papers here, nor shall I to this. But as I am anxious to preserve your good Opinion, and as I know your Sentiments, and that you must be much afflicted your self, and even despise me, if you thought me capable of accepting any Office from this Government while it is acting with so much Hostility towards my native Country, I cannot miss this first Opportunity of assuring you that there is not the least Foundation for such Report; that so far from having any Promise of royal Favour, I hear of nothing but royal and ministerial Displeasure, which indeed, as things at present stand, I consider as an Honour. I have seen no Minister since January, nor had the least Communication with them. The generous and noble Friends of America in both Houses do indeed favour me with their Notice and Regard, but they are in Disgrace at Court as well as myself. Be satisfied, my dear Sister, that I shall do nothing to lessen my-self in your Esteem or my own: I shall not by the least Concurrence with the present Measures merit any Court Favour, nor accept of any if it were offered me, which however is not at all likely to happen.
Mrs. Stevenson presents her Respects to you. Her Daughter Mrs. Hewson, who lost her Husband in May, has lately got a third Child, a Girl, born 5 Months after its Father’s Death: A melancholy Circumstance! But her Aunt, a Sister of Mrs. Stevenson, dying lately, and leaving her Fortune to Mrs. Hewson, which was considerable, puts her into easy Circumstances, and will enable her to bring up her Children decently.
As those here who most interest themselves in behalf of America, conceive that my being present at the Arrival of the Proceedings of the Congress and the Meeting of Parliament, may be of Use, I submit to their Judgment, and think it now likely that I shall not return till Spring.
Jonathan joins me in Love to you and yours. My love to his Family, and to Dr. Cooper. I am ever, My dear Sister, Your affectionate Brother
B Franklin

Addressed: To / Mrs Mecom / Boston


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Tuthill Hubbart, 27 September 1774
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Hubbart, Tuthill

Dear Kinsman,
London, Sept. 27. 1774
I am much obliged by your care in sending me constantly the Boston Newspapers, which I request you to continue till you hear of my Return; adding such political Pamphlets or Sermons as may be published among you.
I am glad I did not see your Name among the Addressers.
I hope you and your Sisters, &c. continue well: My Love to them. I am, ever, Your affectionate Uncle
B Franklin
Tuthill Hubbard Esqr

Addressed: To / Tuthill Hubbard, Esqr / Boston


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jonathan Shipley, 28 September 1774
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Shipley, Jonathan

London, Sept. 28. 1774
I received my dear Friend’s Letter of the 8th past, and should have written sooner, but that I have been in continual Expectation of being able to visit you. A Succession of thwarting Businesses has prevented my giving my self that Pleasure hitherto. And writing by Post is now attended with such Inconvenience, that I am apt to postpone it.
I am glad the Conduct of my Countrymen meets your Approbation, who are so good a Judge of what is right and prudent. I think I can answer for them that whatever is agreed on at the Congress will be executed with universal Resolution, Firmness and Perseverance. There may be a few personal Exceptions, but of little moment. Your Information is true that great Orders for Goods have been sent over by some, in Expectation that a Non Importation Agreement would probably take place: but the Managers there, apprehending that the Merchants were not all to be rely’d on, have set on foot a Non Consumption Agreement, among the Country People, which since Gage’s absurd Proclamation against it, has made great Progress; and this has occasion’d already several Counter Orders, as the Importation can answer no End if the People will not buy.
I suppose you must have heard that some Steps are taken to form a Coalition if possible among those of our Great Folks who agree in disapproving the present Measures, tho’ they have not had a good Understanding on other Accounts. If they can unite, they will have greater Weight in endeavouring to unhorse the present wild Riders, and thereby prevent the Ruin that seems to threaten our great political Building by their mad Management.
I have had the great Pleasure of hearing in all Companies the Speech extoll’d as a Master-piece of Eloquence and Wisdom. Great Numbers of them have been printed and dispers’d over the Nation: And I think one may see already its beginning Effect. The Abuse of America in the Papers is of late much diminished, and new Advocates for her are arising daily. I send you inclos’d one of the smaller Edition. The Publishers, who have put their Names to it, have as yet only deliver’d Quantities to the Subscribers, (who distribute them gratis) being afraid of offending Cadell if they should advertise it and sell it at the price mention’d; tho’ they think they could sell great Numbers if they had the Author’s Leave.
I had the honour of a long Conversation lately with Lord Chatham, whose Sentiments upon American Affairs, I found such as I could wish. I hear the same of Lord Camden’s. And I know the same of so many others; that I think if the Proposals of the Congress should appear tolerably reasonable, a strong Push may be made the ensuing Session, for the Repeal of all the mischievous Acts that have of late almost dissolv’d our Union. I hope nothing will prevent your being present. It was said the Parliament would meet in November. But I hear now that January is intended.
Please to present my best Respects to all the good Family, with whom I long to be. I am a Letter in debt to Georgiana; which I will pay when I can. With the sincerest Esteem and Respect, I am ever, My dear Lord, Your obliged and affectionate humble Servant
B Franklin


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jonathan Williams, Sr., 28 September 1774
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Williams, Jonathan Sr.

Dear Kinsman,
London, Sept. 28. 1774
Cousin Jonathan show’d me last night the Letters he had just receiv’d from you and his Mother. The Firmness they express, under your present Difficulties, gave me great Pleasure. The Unanimity and Resolution of the Colonies, astonishes their Enemies here, being totally unexpected. By its Continuance, you will undoubtedly carry all your Points: by giving way you will lose every thing. Strong Chains will be forg’d for you, and you will be made to pay for both the Iron and the Workmanship. I rejoice to see the Zeal with which your Cause is taken up by the other Colonies. But were they all to desert New England, she ought in my Opinion to hold the same Determination of defending her Rights, even if all Europe were to league with Britain in attempting to enslave her. And I think she would finally succeed; for it is inconceivable what a small, virtuous, determin’d People may affect, with the Blessing of God, in defence of their Liberty, against Millions of Adversaries. History gives us many Instances of this kind.
I did once wish the destroy’d Tea to be voluntarily paid for, before this or any compulsory Act should be formed. But now my Opinion is, that you should state an Account, charge Government here with all the Tea Duties, and other unconstitutional Revenue Duties that have been extorted from you by an armed Force under colour of Acts of Parliament, from the Commencement of those Acts; then give Credit for the Tea, and strike a Ballance. If it be against you, offer to pay it. If for you, demand it. As to the Damage done your Trade by the Act; I would not bring that into the Account; for I believe your virtuous Frugality now becoming so general and so rationally fashionable, will do ten times more Damage to the Trade of this Country, while at the same time it will both reimburse and enrich you.
The Cry against America here is greatly abated; new Advocates for her are daily arising. The Manufacturers and Merchants begin to have their Apprehensions, and will soon begin to feel what they apprehend; they will then bestir themselves in Opposition to these absurd Measures. You have only to be firm united, and persevering.
Hutchinson, I hear, flatters the Ministry with Assurances that you will soon be tir’d of the Contest and submit, and he is suppos’d to be well acquainted with your Temper and Meanness of Spirit. He is to have £2000 a Year (I suppose out of the American Revenue) and has taken a House in GOLDEN Square. In these times it seems tis more profitable to betray than to serve the Interest of one’s Country. The Devil may make it profitable, but G—d himself cannot make it honourable. Pray how do their blushing Honours sit upon your new Councellors? Will your Assembly own them, and do Business with them?
It is reported that £60,000 in Specie is gone over to bribe all your Patriots, and that the Effect of even this paltry Sum is much rely’d on. Let them first take the Money, by way of fining the Corruptors; and then act with the same Integrity as before, and with as much Resentment against those whose Money they have received, as the villainous Attempt justly merits. This is the best way to discourage Corruption.
If you should ever tamely submit to the Yoke prepar’d for you, you cannot conceive how much you will be despis’d here, even by those who are endeavouring to impose it on you: your very Children and Grandchildren will curse your Memories for entailing Disgrace upon them and theirs; and making them asham’d to own their Country. If you continue on the contrary to make a virtuous, firm and steady Resistance, your very Enemies will honour you, endeavour to reconcile themselves with you, and court your Friendship: and your Friends will almost adore you. Poltroons are neither regarded by Friends or Foes. They are fit only to bear Burthens, and be paid with Contempt. They deserve no better Treatment.

  Notation: London  Septr 28  1774  Doctr Franklin to Jona Williams Esq


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Richard Bache, 30 September 1774
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Bache, Richard

This brief note throws no light on its background. Franklin was introducing a “young man” (he was thirty-seven), recommended to him as ingenious and worthy, who at the time was completely unknown and a year and a half later was famous throughout the colonies. Thomas Paine explained later that he had been recommended by his patron, George Lewis Scott, F.R.S., a famous mathematician and a commissioner of the excise, who had been acquainted with Franklin for many years. It is not clear when Scott brought the two together or how well they came to know each other in England, but Franklin’s sponsorship was of great help to Paine when he reached Philadelphia; see his letter of acknowledgment below, March 4. Subsequent volumes will trace the growth of their acquaintance.

Dear Son,
London, 30 September, 1774
The bearer, Mr. Thomas Paine, is very well recommended to me, as an ingenious, worthy young man. He goes to Pennsylvania with a view of settling there. I request you to give him your best advice and countenance, as he is quite a stranger there. If you can put him in a way of obtaining employment as a clerk, or assistant tutor in a school, or assistant surveyor, (of all which I think him very capable,) so that he may procure a subsistence at least, till he can make acquaintance and obtain a knowledge of the country, you will do well, and much oblige your affectionate father. My love to Sally and the boys.
B. Franklin.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Thomas Cushing, 10 October 1774
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Cushing, Thomas

Sir,
London, Oct. 10. 1774
I wrote to you a few Days since, and have little to add. The Election for Lord Mayor ended on Saturday, when Wilkes was chosen by a great Majority both of the Livery and of the Aldermen; and ’tis thought he will carry the Elections of 4 Members for the City, 2 for the Borough of Southwark, 2 for Westminster, and 2 for the County of Middlesex, himself one of the latter; all of whom have subscrib’d an Engagement to endeavour a Repeal of the late Acts against America. But still if the Temper of the Court continues, there will doubtless be a Majority in the new Parliament for its Measures whatever they are: For as most of the Members are bribing or purchasing to get in, there is little doubt of their selling their Votes to the Minister for the time being, to reimburse themselves. Luxury introduces Necessity even among those that make the most splendid Figures here; this brings most of the Commons as well as Lords to Market; and if America would save for 3 or 4 Years the Money she spends in the Fashions and Fineries and Fopperies of this Country, she might buy the whole Parliament, Minister and all.
It is said 3 Ships of the Line are fitting out to join the Fleet at Boston; for what purpose I cannot imagine, since it does not appear that those already there are insufficient to block up that Port.
Some of the ministerial People seeing things turn out in America contrary to what they had been made to expect, begin to blame Hutchinson for misleading them. And Gen. Gage, who when going was talk’d of as a cool prudent Man, and therefore fit for that Service; is now spoken of as peevish, passionate and indiscreet; for which indeed several particulars of his Conduct appear to afford good Grounds.
All here are impatient to know the Result of your Congress.
The two last Letters I have receiv’d from you, are of April 30, and June 27. I suppose the Expectation of my being on my Way to America has prevented your Writing. With great Respect, I have the honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient and most humble Servant
B Franklin
Honble. Thos Cushing Esqr

Endorsed: Benja Franklin Esqr. London Oct: 10: 1774


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Marie Catherine Biheron, 10 October 1774
From: Biheron, Marie-Catherine
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur et cher Ami
De Paris ce 10e occtobre 1774
C’est avec la plus grande Satisfaction que jay recu l’honneur de la votre en datte du 13 occtobre de l’année derniere. Si je n’y ait pas repondu plutot ma mauvoise sante en a eté lunique cause, je saisie donc avec empressement d’un jeune Monsieur qui retourne dans votre ville pour vous assuré du vif interest que je prend aux affaires presentes de l’amerique septentrionale. Je fais des vœux sinceres à Dieu pour que l’on vous rende justice et votre tranquilité et celle de votre famille soit retabli comme par le passé.
Ozerayje vous suplier de faire agrer mes sentiments de reconnoisance a Monsieur le Chevalier Pringle de toutes les bontés quil à bien voulu avoir pour moi—il ne s’effaseront jamais de mon coeur—en lui presentant mes compliments?
Jespere que Madame Stewenson voudra bien ne me pas oublier etant ausy tres sensible aux attantions qu’elle et son aimable famille ont bien voulu avoir pour moi. Il ny à guere de jour ou je n’aye le bonheur de m’entretenir de vous avec nos amis. Je suis tres reconnoisante ainsy que Melle. Basseporte du beau present que Mr. Dubourg nous à remit. Elle vous fais mille souhaits heureux et moi je ne cesseray de me dire avec toute lestime et la consideration posible Monsieur Votre tres humble et tres obeisante servante
Biheron
Mr. Mde. et Melle. Hewzon voudront bien recevoir mes particuliers compliments.

Addressed: To / Dr franklin / frs / Cravenstreet / London


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to [William Franklin, 12 October 1774]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, William

[October 12, 1774]
[Page or pages missing] on their Virtue, Wisdom and Magnanimity: Lord C——n says he would give half his Worth in the World to be present at the Debates of such an uncorrupted Body on so important an Occasion; and I often regret that I did not leave this Country in time to have been there myself.
Your Omission of Remittances to me I now feel very sensibly; for I find myself more indebted to the G. Post Office than I expected, and am embarassed to discharge it. I am ever, Your affectionate Father


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Joseph Galloway, 12 October 1774
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Galloway, Joseph

Dear Sir,
Oct. 12. 1774
I wrote to you on the 1st Inst. per Capt. Cook; acquainting you with the Dissolution of the Parliament since which the Elections are going on briskly every where for a new one. The Electors of London, Westminster, the Borough of Southwark, and the County of Middlesex, have obliged their Candidates to sign a written Engagement, that they will endeavour a Repeal of the late oppressive and unconstitutional American Laws, and promote a Reconciliation between the two Countries. Their Example will be followed in some other Places, and tis thought would have been pretty general in the trading and manufacturing Towns, if the suddenness of the Dissolution had not hurried things too much. It being objected to One of the Candidates set up for Westminster viz. Lord Piercy, that he is absent on the wicked Business of cutting the Throats of our American Brethren; his Friends have thought it necessary this Morning to publish a Letter of his, expressing that he is upon good Terms with the People of Boston and much respected by them. These Circumstances show that the American Cause begins to be more popular here. Yet the Court talk boldly of persisting in their Measures, and 3 Ships of the Line are fitting out for America, which are to be over-mann’d, to have a double Number of Marines, and several arm’d Tenders; it is rumour’d they are to stop all the Ports of America. Many think the new Parliament will be for reversing [the] Proceedings; but that depends on the Court, on which every Parliament seems to be dependent; so much so, that I begin to think a Parliamt. here of little Use to the People: For since a Parliament is always to do as a Ministry would have it, why should we not be govern’d by the Ministry in the first Instance? They could afford to govern us cheaper, the Parliament being a very expensive Machine, that requires a vast deal of oiling and greasing at the People’s Charge for they finally pay all the enormous Salaries of Places, the Pensions and the Bribes, now by Custom become necessary to induce the Members to vote according to their Consciences.
My Situation here is thought by many to be a little hazardous, for that if by some Accident the Troops and People of N E. should come to Blows I should probably be taken up, the ministerial People affecting every where to represent me as the Cause of all the Misunderstanding; and I have been frequently caution’d to secure my Papers, and by some advis’d to withdraw: But I venture to stay in Compliance with the Wish of others, till the Result of the Congress arrives, since they suppose my being here might on that Occasion be of Use: and I confide in my Innocence, that the worst which can happen to me will be an Imprisonment on Suspicion, tho’ that is a thing I should much desire to avoid, as it may be expensive and vexatious, as well as dangerous to my Health. With great Respect and Esteem, I am ever, Dear Sir, &c
Jos Galloway Esqr


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to the New Jersey Assembly Committees of Correspondence, 12 October 1774
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: New Jersey Assembly Committee of Correspondence

Gentlemen
London Oct. 12. 1774
I did my self the honour of writing to you the 7th of last Month acknowledging the Receipt of your Favours of July 26. and promising my Care of your late Acts. I have not yet heard that they are arriv’d here, tho’ possibly they may; but the Officers of the Plantation Board, as well as its Members, being still out of town, no Business of the kind can be done till their Return, which will be about the Time of the Meeting of Parliament.
You will see by the Papers that a Dissolution has taken place, which was very sudden and unexpected being a Year before the regular time. It is thought by some, that Advices from America occasion’d it; and that the Court being determin’d to pursue its measures with that Country, wish’d to have the new Parliament chosen before the popular Cry against those Measures should be up, which otherwise it was foreseen might have been about the time of Election if the old Parliament had run out its full term. Another Reason [remainder missing.]
S. Tucker, R. Frd Price, Jno Mehelm, Henry Paxson, Jas Kinsey Esqrs


Title: Franklin’s Reappointment as Agent for Pennsylvania, 15 October 1774: résumé
From: Moore, Charles
To: Franklin, Benjamin

<Extract from the journals of the Assembly, dated Oct. 15, 1774, and signed by Charles Moore, clerk: Franklin is appointed for the ensuing year.>


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jan Ingenhousz, 24 October 1774
From: Ingenhousz, Jan
To: Franklin, Benjamin

October 24. [1774]
That every body here expects his vindication but that I begin to suspect it will not be published till the American affairs are settled; that I allwas looked upon America as the abode of tranquillity. That I was much pleased with the translation of his work in Fransh. That mr. Reich Van der schoot gardiner to the Emperour has sollicited me to send him de annexed list of some american Plants to be found in Pensylvania and Carolina, and to beg him to get some of their seeds by good oportunity. That, Dr. Collin told me he had 8–10 Pound arnica ready, which he will send to Sir John Pringle after new year when his book will be printed, that he is more and more convinced it’s the greatest antiseptic.

to Dr franklin at Mrs Stephenson Cravenstreet near the Strand London.


Title: The Continental Congress to Franklin, William Bollan, Edmund Burke, Charles Garth, Arthur Lee, Thomas Life, and Paul Wentworth, 26 October 1774
From: Continental Congress
To: Franklin, Benjamin,Bollan, William,Burke, Edmund,Garth, Charles,Lee, Arthur,Life, Thomas,Wentworth, Paul

This letter from the Congress over the signature of its president carried to England the official news, so long awaited, of what had happened in Philadelphia. The letter was drafted at the end of the session by a committee of two and approved on the last day, October 26. Charles Thomson, the Secretary of the Congress, enclosed it in a covering letter of the same date (the document following this one) along with a petition to the King, a vote of thanks to the friends of America, and perhaps the address by the Congress to the British people and the bill of rights mentioned later in the headnote. On November 1 Thomson wrote again, enclosing duplicates of the same material and an address to the colonies; and this second packet arrived before the first.
The petition was of a piece with the whole work of the Congress, in which appeared no sign of compromise with the mother country. The delegates endorsed the Suffolk resolves. They adopted nonimportation, nonexportation, and nonconsumption until their grievances were redressed, and formed the Continental Association to implement the embargo. They voted down, then wiped from the record, Galloway’s plan of imperial union. In addition they protested the fortification of Boston, formulated a bill of rights, composed addresses to the people of the colonies and Quebec, and agreed to meet on May 10, 1775, if their rights had not by then been restored.
The petition opened with a list of grievances, which ran the gamut from long-standing ones, such as the Townshend duties and the neglect of previous petitions, to the recent Coercive Acts. The destructive system adopted by Parliament since 1763, the petitioners insisted, threatened to reduce them to servitude; “feeling as men, and thinking as subjects, in the manner we do, silence would be disloyalty.” All they asked was to be freed from this oppression and left in peace, liberty, and security. Their resorting to a petition, when one of the grievances it listed was the failure of petitions, indicates how little faith they had in its plea for redress. A recent historian has called the document “a sop to the timid”; but it was also a declaration, ostensibly to the throne and actually to the world, of what the quarrel was about. The address to the people of Great Britain made essentially the same points; it was an appeal to the electorate to bring in a House of Commons that would undo the disastrous measures of the past and restore the empire to unity.
The Congress entrusted the petition to all the active colonial agents: Franklin, Bollan, and Lee for Massachusetts, Franklin for Pennsylvania and New Jersey (Georgia had sent no delegates), Burke for New York, Garth for South Carolina, Life for Connecticut, and Wentworth for New Hampshire. All of them except the three Massachusetts agents promptly washed their hands of the business. The three were left alone to act the only role accorded them, that of delivery boys. They were not empowered to negotiate or left any room for bargaining, even in the matter of paying for the tea. Franklin was already involved in unofficial negotiations by the time he heard from Philadelphia, and the men with whom he was dealing in London believed that he had authority to treat. He had none, and negotiating proved to be as barren as petitioning.

Gentlemen,
Philadelphia October 26. 1774
We give you the strongest proof of our reliance on your zeal and attachment to the happiness of America and the cause of Liberty, when we commit the inclosed papers to your care.
We desire you will deliver the Petition into the hands of his Majesty, and after it has been presented, we wish it may be made public thro’ the press, together with the list of Grievances. And as we hope for great assistance from the spirit, virtue and justice of the nation; it is our earnest desire that the most effectual care be taken, as early as possible to furnish the trading Cities, and manufacturing towns throughout the united Kingdom, with our memorial to the people of Great-Britain.
We doubt not but that your good sense and discernment, will lead you to avail yourselves of every assistance that may be derived from the advice and friendship of all great and good men, who may incline to aid the cause of liberty and mankind.
The gratitude of America expressed in the inclosed vote of thanks, we desire may be conveyed to the deserving objects of it, in the manner that you think will be most acceptable to them.
It is proposed that another Congress be held on the 10th May next at this place, but in the mean time we beg the favour of you Gentlemen to transmit to the speakers of the several Assemblies the earliest information of the most authentic accounts you can collect, of all such conduct and designs of ministry or Parliament, as it may concern America to know. We are with unfeigned esteem and regard Gentlemen By order of the Congress
Henry Middleton President
  To, Paul Wentworth Esqr.  Doctr. Benjamin Franklin  William Bollen Esqr.  Doctr Arthur Lee  Thomas Life Esqr.  Edmund Burke Esqr.  Charles Garth Esqr.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Charles Thomson, 26 October 1774
From: Thomson, Charles
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Philada Octr. 26. 1774
This day the congress broke up, the papers are not all got ready, but will be sent to you by the next opportunity. As a vessel sails to Morrow Morning early I am ordered to forward to you the petition to the King.
I have the pleasure to inform you that at the last session of Assembly you are continued Agent for this province, of which you will no doubt receive a proper certificate.
Mr. Cushing tells me he has sent you a copy of some of the proceedings which are printed.
Lest the resolve referred to in the enclosed letter should not be contained in that publication I enclose you a certifyed copy. I am sir Your humble Servant
Cha Thomson

Addressed in another hand: To / Benjamin Franklin Esqr. / in / London / [Deleted note:] Capt. Morwick is particularly requested to take great Care of this and deliver it as soon as possible it being the Petition from the Congress.
Endorsed: C. Thomson  Oct. 26. 1774


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jonathan Williams, Jr., 28 October 1774
From: Williams, Jonathan Jr.
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear and honoured Sir
Craven Street Friday Evening Octr 28. 1774
Although you will be but a very little Time absent, I can’t refrain from communicating the News I have just received from America, as it discovers a Firmness, and Resolution, which I think do honour to our Countrymen; therefore must give you Pleasure.
In a Philadelphia Paper of the 21st of September, which comes via Liverpool, is an Account of the Resolutions of the Convention of Delegates from the several Towns and Districts in the County of Suffolk, met at Milton near Boston, some time about Sepr 10; which Resolutions, (14 in number) passed unanimously. After the Preamble, and one or two relative to their Loyalty and Affection to the King, and his constitutional Government, the principal Ones were—That the late Acts of Parliament, being unconstitutional, and oppressive were not binding on them, and that therefore they would not obey them. That the County will support all Sheriffs, and other civil Officers who refuse to act under these arbitrary Laws. That no Suit be brought before the present Courts. That as therefore the course of the Law will be stop’d, it is reccommended to all Creditors to be as lenient as possible, and even generously indulgent to those who owe them, and to all Debtors to pay as speedily as possible all their Debts; and in case of any difference, it is reccommended to submit it to an Arbitration, and whoever shall refuse so to do, shall be declared as cooperating with the Enemies of his Country.
That as Fortifications seem to be erecting to make the Town a Garrison, it is reccommended that all Militia Officers, throughout the County, muster and train their Men in the use of arms, once every Week. That although these Preperations are thought necessary they mean to be only on the defensive, till Reason, and the principles of self Preservation, shall dictate otherwise, and no longer. That if any zealous Supporter of the Rights of his Country, should be taken up agreeable to the late Act, they will seize every Servant to the present Administration, and keep them in Custody, ’till the Person so taken up be liberated. That they will not have any Connexion with Great Britain, Ireland, or the West Indies, ’till the Acts be repealed, will refrain from the Use of British Goods, India Tea, and Piece Goods, and encourage the Manufactures of America, for which latter Business a Committee is appointed.
That at a Provincial Congress to be held the 2d October next, similar Agreements be reccommended; first to each County seperately, then jointly as a Province.
My Memory not being sufficient to retain the whole as I only had a sight of the Papers at the Coffee House I have been obliged to omit many important ones; but upon the whole I think it the most serious Thing, that has yet appeared: what makes it more so is, The Continental Congress have unanimously approved, and adopted the whole, without one dissenting Voice.
The City of Philadelphia gave an Entertainment to the Congress and other Gentlemen, to the number of 500, when several spirited Toasts were drank, one of which was Docter Franklin.
When the Court opened at Springfield, 3000 People assembled, and required the Court individually to sign a Declaration, that they never would directly or indirectly, act under the present form of Government.

More Councellors have resigned; those who have not are allowed ’till the 20th of Septemr, to consider of it.
The Selectmen have requested the Governor to discontinue his Operations, in fortifying the Town. He has given them a very mild Answer, declaring his peaceable Intentions, and wish to promote the Happiness of the People; and that no one under his Command shall insult them.
The Town of Marblehead have agreed to muster their Militia 4 Times a Week.
The other Business of the Congress at Philadelphia had not transpired. This is an Extract from their minutes published by the Secretary where it is also reccommended to all the Colonies to continue their friendly support to the Town of Boston as long as they shall stand in need of assistance. I beg you will excuse this imperfect Account as I have not time to be more particular it being late.
I was in the City this morning, and saw Capt. Dixon, who is to breakfast here on Sunday morning, and give his Final answer. No Letter from Bristol. I am Your dutifull Kinsman
J Williams Junr


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Charles Thomson, 1 November 1774
From: Thomson, Charles
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir,
Novr. 1. 1774
I have the honour to forward to you, the Address to the King and an Address to the people of Great Britain and these colonies. I was in hopes by this opportunity to have sent you the Journal of the proceedings of the congress which is in the press.
I hope administration will see and be convinced that it is not a little faction, but the whole body of American freeholders from Nova Scotia to Georgia that now complain and apply for redress; And who, I am sure, will resist rather than submit.
When I look back and consider the warm affection which the colonists had for Great Britain till the present reign, the untainted loyalty unshaken fidelity and cheerful confidence that universally prevailed till that time, and then view the present heartburnings, Jealousies, gloom and despair, I am ready to ask, with the poet, “Are there not some chosen thunders in the stores of heaven armed with uncommon wrath to blast those Men,” who by their cursed schemes of policy are dragging friends and brothers into the horrors of civil War and involving their country in ruin?
Even yet the wounds may be healed and peace and love restored; But we are on the very edge of the precipice. I am sir your affectionate Friend and humble Servant
Chas Thomson
To. B. Franklin Esq London


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Foxcroft, 2 November 1774
From: Foxcroft, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Nov. 2. 1774
Mr. Colden is now busy in making out a fair and clear State of the Office Accounts, which will assuredly be transmitted together with proper Vouchers by the next Packet.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jane Mecom, 3–21 November 1774
From: Mecom, Jane
To: Franklin, Benjamin

My Ever Dear Brother
Boston Novr 3[–21] 1774
I have Just rec’d yours of August 18 wonder to see you complain of not recveing leters from Boston. I think what ever they omited they would not neglect that, but it is like they have been Intercepted. I wrot about a month ago to go by Mr. Hyslop but He liveing out of town and leaveing His only Daughter very sick I beleve made Him forgit to call for it but I got it in to the bag with won I wrote to Cousen Jonathan, I wish you may have rec’d them. I thank you for the Pamphlits you then sent and a nother I have Just recved [interlined: Novem 18 I had began this leter at the date above] concerning the stilling the wavs with oyl. I think it is not Profanity to compare you to our Blesed Saviour who Enploued much of His time while hear on Earth in doing Good to the bodys as well as souls of men and I am shure I think the compareson Just ofton when I hear the calumny Invented and thrown out aganst you while you are Improveing all your Powers for the salvation of them very Persons. Oh my Dear Brother may you and I Imitate Him also in Holynes and in that way trust in Him for Eternal Happines. I am well Asured that you as well as my self are convinced that it must ever be imperfect Hear. I speak not that I have met with any thing New for I am as Happy as the Present state of affairs will Premit owing to your Bounty without which I must have been distrest as much as many others. Docter Chauncy says we have all redy had miricles wrought in our favour won of which is the Uniteing of the Colonies in such a maner, another the Extroydnary fruitfull seasons and Bounty of our friends and looks on it as a token of Gods Design to deliver us out of all our trobles. But at Present we have a maloncholy Prospect for this winter at Least the towns being so full of Proflegate soulders and many such officers there is hardly four and twenty hours Pases without some fray amongst them and won can walk but a litle way in the street without hearing there Profane language. We were much surprised the other day upon hearing a Tumult in the street and looking out saw a soulder al Bloody damning His Eyes but He would kill Every Inhabatant He mett and Pressing into a shop oposite us with His Bayonet Drown bursting throw the Glas Dore and the man of the house Pushing Him out and he to do what mischeif He could Dashing the chiney and Earth were [earthenware] which stood on the window throw the sashes with the most terrable Imprecations. The case it seems was He Percved they sould liquer and went into the House Demanding some but being refused He went into the closet and took out a gon and said His comanding officer tould Him he might take aney thing out of any house He had a mind to upon which the batle Ensued and the man and His servant were boath very much wounded. There were two of them soulders but I saw but won, a Gaurd with an officer came and careyed Him away and I have heard nothing of Him since but this has made me more Timerous about what may be before winter is out. My only comfort is God Reigns.
My Son Johns widow that was, has mareyed an Officer and come hear among them. His name is Turner. She sayes He is an Adjutant and Insigne but whither he is Pay’d in Boath capasetys I know not. He takes a good deal of Pains to convince us he is a friend to the country haveing been hear formerly and kindly treeted.
My Daughter Collas has been in the country most of the sumer and Purposes to spend the winter there as she Expects her Husband will be most of the time at sea. She has not curidg to stay in town and they have there Board so cheap find it les Expensive. She hapened to be hear when I received your last and desiered her Duty to you. The man where she Boards is the Maj’r of the Rigement and is a moderate whig but can’t be convinced that we ought not to Pay for the Tea. I sent Him up your two boks and he was mightyle Pleasd with them. They are much Esteem’d by all good Judges and I hope have done much to wards Instructing the People of England what sort [of] Parlement men they ought to choes and may God defend [torn] there harts from all Bribery and coruption. I think our Congress Adress to the People of England is a Grand Performance and does them Honour and shews there was Realy the wisdom among them that the Colonies Endevouered to colect which Joyn’d with yours and the Bishops will I hope work som Glorious Effect. You have millions of Prayers Going up to Heaven for it Dayly Private and Publick.
I have had no leter from Philadelphia a long time tho I have wrote several times. The last I wrote I heard my sister Put under her cushing I sopose in order to Read it more Leasure and Prehaps never thought of it more and won of the children git it and tare it up, as we know my sister is very forgit full. I now and then hear from them by travelars that they are well and that Gives me Pleasure. I think it is Presumeing on your Patience but I must Just mention the Hored lie tould and Publish’d hear about your son and with such Plausabelity of what you had wrote concerning it that at first it struck with a fear that it might be trew and I cant Expres to you the Pain it gave me on your acount. But a litle consideration convinced me it was Imposable and I soon had the Pleasure of hearing it contredicted.
I shall ad no more at this time but my respects to Mrs. Steevenson my love to cousen Jonathan and your self and beg you would forgive my sending you such very bad writing which will be very difecult to find out. But as the vesal is so near sailing this or none must go from your Ever Affectionat and obliged sister
Jane Mecom
Nov’r 21–1774


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Foxcroft, 5 November 1774
From: Foxcroft, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Nov. 5. 1774
If you see Mr. Todd, I beg you will let him know Mr. Finley and I are at Work preparing the necessary Papers to accompany the Accounts by the next Packet, agreable to the new Form you transmitted me.... I am truly sorry that my Brother should have fallen under the least Suspicions of being dilatory in rendring his Accounts and witholding his Remittances. Justice requires me to acquit him of both. Indeed his Vouchers that must accompany the Accounts will do that.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to John Almon, 7 November 1774
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Almon, John

Cravenstreet, Nov. 7. –74
Dr. Franklin presents his Compliments to Mr. Almon, and sends him a M.S. which he has perus’d and thinks well written so as probably to be acceptable to the Publick at this time. If Mr. Almon should be of the same Opinion, it is at his Service.

Addressed: Mr Almon


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Life, 11 November 1774
From: Life, Thomas
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
11th. Novr. 1774 past 9 oClock
My Lord Chancellor finished his Petitions this Evening, but did not hear any of the Exceptions, So that your Exception in the above Cause Stands 9th. in His Lordship’s Paper as before for hearing the next day of Petitions, which in all probability will be on Wednesday next. I am sir Your very humble Servant
Thos Life.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Life, 16 November 1774
From: Life, Thomas
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
16th Novr 1774
His Lordship has only heard 2 Exceptions this Evening Your Cause[?] therefore Stands now the Seventh. His Lordship sits again next Friday Evening when it may probably come on. I am Sir Your very humble Servant
Thos Life


Title: The Question Discussed, [19 November 1774]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

Verner Crane attributed this letter, printed in an issue of the Public Ledger that is apparently unavailable in the United States, to Franklin on the basis of abundant analogues with his known writings. But the content and style, although they sound like his, do not answer the central question, which is why he composed the essay. At the time it was published it served no apparent purpose. In form it addressed one audience, for whom it had little relevance; in fact it addressed quite another, for whom it had no relevance at all.
The closely reasoned argument that the colonies should not petition for redress but adopt effective economic sanctions is ostensibly but not really aimed at English merchants. It calls on them for no action, and is calculated at most to arouse their apprehension. The call for action is to Americans, for whom most of the essay is unquestionably meant. Franklin may at first have intended it for his countrymen, Crane suggests in passing, and then reworked it into a warning to the English. But after the introductory paragraphs there is no reworking; the author speaks to the colonists alone, and urges on them a course of action when the time for urging had long passed. In mid-September the Congress had endorsed the Suffolk resolves with their demand for an economic boycott; word of this action had reached London in late October, and is reflected in the first sentence. When the essay appeared in mid-November, the delegates in Philadelphia had taken whatever steps they were going to take; and advice on the concrete terms of the boycott was wasted. Such an idle exercise does not sound like Franklin.
Yet the evidence of his authorship is hard to discount. Accept it, and one of two conclusions seems to follow. Either he was writing for an English audience, which in our opinion makes no sense; or he was writing for an American, which makes equally little sense at that time. The escape from this dilemma lies in adding two assumptions to the second hypothesis: first, Franklin composed the body of the essay as early as June or July, to influence his countrymen when the Congress was still in prospect, and then thought better of sending it (no other record of it has come to light); second, in November some one, conceivably he himself, for reasons unknown added the opening paragraphs with their reference to the Suffolk resolves and sent the odd conglomerate to the Public Ledger. These assumptions may meet the problem inherent in the text, but without supporting evidence they are as insubstantial as a house of cards.

For the Public Ledger.The Question DISCUSSED: OR, Reasons WHY America SHOULD SUSPEND ALL Trade WITH Great Britain.To THE Merchants OF England.
Gentlemen,
[November 19, 1774]
As you are deeply concerned in the event of the American Resolves, I mean to enquire how far it is probable that those Resolves may prove injurious to the commercial interests of Great Britain.

It must on all hands be confessed that the mercantile affairs of England now begin to wear a most gloomy aspect, and if any thing can accelerate the total destruction of her manufactures, it will be a Stoppage of American Trade; this will give a death-wound to Commerce. Yet such has been the infatuation of Ministers, that what is most to be dreaded by every well-wisher to his country is the most likely to ensue.
Amongst the various measures proposed by the Americans to obtain redress for their violated rights, the following have been considered as very likely to effectuate the purpose.
I. A Petition or Remonstrance to Parliament against their late Acts, with a decent firm declaration of our Rights.
II. A Suspension of Trade with Great Britain till the said Acts be repealed.
III. A Suspension of all Trade, with Ireland and the West Indies also.
I design to consider each of these with their probable effects: Premissing these three things. 1. That the said acts sap to the very foundation, every principle of American Liberty. 2. That all England are united in enforcing those acts, and 3. That Therefore the Americans ought to adopt such measures as will MOST EFFECTUALLY prevent their operation, and effect their repeal.
I. As to the first, I have the following Objections to presenting any Petitions or Remonstrance to the British Parliament.
1. They will not acknowledge the Congress to be any LEGAL body or representative of America, and therefore any petition will be Loss of Labour and Loss of Time, without effecting our deliverance.
2. The substance of the petition will be highly disgusting to Parliament; for, couch it in the softest terms possible, yet the plain English of it must be, “that they have made the said acts without any Right or Authority, and if their authority had been good, yet the said acts are in their nature UNJUST and WICKED, and the Americans will plague and distress Great Britain in every way possible, till they are REPEALED,” which is so extremely contrary to the present sentiments of Great Britain, that little advantage is to be expected from a procedure of the kind.
3. Any kind of declaration of our rights and liberties will bring the question of American rights into view, and make it the subject of a dispute, which can never be determined; for it is certain the Americans NEVER WILL acknowledge the legislative and TAXING power of the British Parliament, nor will the British Parliament ever relinquish that claim. All we can expect is, that the British Parliament will on some PRUDENTIAL considerations suspend the exercise of it; not that they will give up the Principle. This question therefore ought by all means to be kept out of sight, because there is no hope of its being ever settled, and any discussions of it will certainly widen the breach.
4. If the British Parliament should consent to enter into treaty with us on the subject of American rights (which I think not at all probable) yet we have by no means an equal chance with them in the treaty, for they will plead at ease, but we must plead in pain. Whilst we are in treaty with them, we feel the pain of our ports shut, our right and property in wharfs, landings, bills of lading, charter parties, &c. vacated, our charter GROSSLY VIOLATED , and liberties lost; they, on the other hand, are at ease, and in full triumph over our fortunes, liberties, and lives. A person in distress has not an equal command of his best faculties, or an equal courage to exert them with one at ease and out of danger. It is said that Cortes, the Conqueror of Mexico, demanded of Montezuma the Emperor, a surrender of his cash, the Emperor made some objections, and desired a Treaty on the reasonableness of the demand, on which Cortes heated a gridiron red hot, and seated poor Montezuma on it, and consented to TREAT with him as long as he pleased. I do not know that Great Britain would consent to treat with us on the subject of our Rights, even in our excruciating distress; but if they should be so CONDESCENDING, there would be so much of duress in the whole treaty, that I doubt very much if the Americans would admit its validity, if the conclusion should not be favourable to them. I am indeed utterly averse to such an unequal treaty. Either let us be first put out of pain, or let them be put into equal pain, and then equal conclusions, if any, may be expected.
5. The British Parliament are not supposed to yield any thing to the ardors and passions of a petition, but their decisions are ever governed by Facts and the reasons of them. But we cannot in any petition suggest any new matter, with which the British Parliament were not perfectly acquainted when they passed the acts, the whole subject has been long since exhausted, and every argument against the Bills were all set in the strongest light, by many very able speakers, when the bills were debated. It will therefore be vain and ridiculous, and may perhaps be deemed disrespectful for our Congress to offer a Petition, filled with old, trite, thread-bare matters and arguments, which had a full discussion when the acts passed.
6. Any Petition, Memorial, Remonstrance, or by whatever other name it may be called, will be deemed to imply a Confession of the right of the British Parliament to make the laws against which we remonstrate, which the Americans most certainly do not intend to acknowledge.
7. But what will be as fatal perhaps as any of the rest, if the Congress present a petition to Parliament, it may be received and depend a Year or TWO there for consideration and answer, during all which time it may be thought very improper and indecent for us to adopt and pursue any other means of deliverance, and it will be strongly urged that we ought at least to suspend any other methods of redress, till we know the result of Parliament on our petition.
II. After all this, if it should be deemed expedient to present a petition, and lest words alone, however forcible, should not have sufficient weight, further ACTIVE MEASURES should be thought necessary to give energy to the same, it remains to be considered what these further measures ought to be; arms certainly ought to be the last thing in view. A Suspension of our Trade is by most people thought sufficient to effect our deliverance; and some think that a suspension of our trade with Great Britain ONLY will effect the great end desired. On which I would observe.
1. However effectual this measure may be, it will be a SLOW one; Great Britain has great resources of raw materials besides her importations from America; she has many great vents for her merchandize besides her exports to us; the matter in dispute they look on of great importance, and they will suffer long before they will yield it; they will feel a suspension of our trade HEAVILY, but not RUINOUSLY; the inconveniences to them will not be felt so immediately as will be necessary to force an immediate deliverance for us, and any long delay may prove fatal to us; for,
2. The success of our resolutions depends on the continued and united practice of Millions; the minds of all ranks and conditions of people are now filled with a sense of our danger, and willing to UNITE in adopting and pursuing any practicable means of deliverance, but time may wear this high sense out of their minds. ’Tis madness to lose the universal warmth and zeal of all America by needless delays; such stupid, sleepy, dreaming conduct will cost our poor posterity hungry bellies, aching hearts, and tears of blood.
3. Yet there is one advantage arising naturally from a Suspension OF Trade with Great Britain only; however slow its operations may be, it will give America time to complete their OWN MANUFACTURES, to correct their infatuation for British luxuries, and teach their Merchants that they will grow rich faster by supplying RAW MATERIALS than by importing FINISHED GOODS.
III. I am now to consider what will be the probable consequences of a suspension of our trade with Great Britain, Ireland, and the West Indies.
1. All the wisdom and wealth of England and Ireland united, cannot sow Ireland with flax without the American seed, 34,000 hogsheads of which is annually exported to Ireland from the provinces of New-York and Philadelphia only. If the flax is not sown there can be no crop, and consequently no materials to employ the linen manufacturers; and thus 300,000 people must be thrown out of business, and of course out of bread, and the linen merchants be disenabled from supplying their customers, and so must lose their custom, and suffer that branch of trade to slide into the hands of other nations, from whom it will be difficult to recover it. All the wisdom and power of Great Britain cannot prevent or remedy these evils, otherwise than by REPEALING the offensive acts, and thereby opening the ports of America time enough for shipping seed in season for sowing Ireland next spring. The subject will not admit of DILATORY DELIBERATIONS; to Delay will be to be Ruined: if the seed time is suffered to pass without seed, no wisdom can prevent the ruin of the Irish Linen Manufacture, or the Insurrection of Millions of starving, unemployed people. The inconvenience of this suspension of trade is very little to America; no Farmer depends upon his flaxseed for the supplies of the year; it is a rich Farmer who raises half a dozen bushels, and he can keep it over the year without sensible inconvenience.
2. Suspending our trade with the West Indies will ruin every plantation there. The Planters cannot subsist their slaves without our corn, nor reap any benefit from their crops without our lumber. A stoppage of these American supplies will bring upon them a scarcity too ruinous to be risked even by the most stupid madness. It will instantly lie with the British Parliament to determine whether the West Indies shall be starved and ruined, or not, and it will be necessary for them to determine QUICK, or the damages of delay will soon become irreparable. The damage of this suspension of trade would not be much to America; we cut our choicest timber for lumber too freely; our lumber cutters would serve themselves and country better, were they employed in clearing and cultivating land. We can fill the West Indies with provisions this fall; and I dare say the British Parliament will remove all obstructions to our shipping more next spring; so that the suspension will probably last only through the winter, which is not a season for much business. Besides, all the ports in Europe are open for our provisions, and if we lose a little in the price, we may afford it, inasmuch as we shall make great savings in the article of rum, and other West-India luxuries. If it is objected, that England alone has offended us; why should we smite Ireland and the West Indies? I answer, The funds which support the Irish linen manufacture, and the West-India plantations, lie very much in London; the linen of Ireland, and the produce of the West-Indies, are mostly due to London before they are made, and therefore ruining the Irish linen manufacture and the produce of the West-India plantations would greatly affect the Irish and West-India Merchants in London; it would break not single and principal houses only, but would oblige whole streets of them to shut up at once, and hasten to Parliament with such tales of woe as the stubborn omnipotence of that haughty House could not refuse to hear, or be able to remedy, otherwise than by a Repeal of the offensive Acts. But if the British Parliament should be MAD enough to risk all these evils, and continue the Acts, America might live very well a number of years without them: It is likely our provisions would be plenty and cheap, so that our poor might be supplied easily; we should save the annual millions we now pay for East-India, West-India, and British superfluities; our own manufactures would thrive; the cultivation of our country would be greatly increased; we should be gradually recovered from our ridiculous imitation of British fashions and extravagancies, and, for anything I can see, may soon be as happy as the ancient Shepherds of Arcadia; we have a finer country than they ever had, and a heaven equally propitious.
3. How far a suspension of our trade with Great Britain may affect them, is not certain; but no doubt that blow, in conjunction with the before-mentioned particulars, would operate strongly; it would reduce the employment of many thousands of people, would lessen the sales of the East-India Company, and would diminish the public revenue near a million sterling per annum, about half of which sum arises yearly from the single article of tobacco.
These are effects which no wisdom can prevent or avoid; they will leave the British Parliament time to deliberate, however mortifying it may be to them to apply the only remedy which can relieve their distress: But should they be disposed to spin out delays, in full sight of the ghastly and irresistable approaches of such RUINOUS and COMPLICATED misery, we should at least have the advantage of being on a footing with them; they would be in pain as well as we, and would at least have equal inducement to put a speedy end to it; their Interest would soon conquer their Pride, and their revenge must be sacrificed to their ease.
I look on the dignity of the American Congress equal to any assembly on earth, and their deliberations and resolutions more important in their nature and consequences than any which were ever before agitated in council. The value and character of America will be fixed, merely as the Congress shall estimate them, and if they assert the Rights and Liberties of America with that precision and effect which is universally expected from them, there can be no doubt but their resolves and advices will be honoured with universal Approbation and Obedience, and I hope and trust they will think it below their dignity, as well as inconsistent with their prudence, to degrade their importance by any WEAK HUMILIATING concession or conduct.
I do not apprehend that all we can do will be too much. Our all is at stake, our enemies are powerful and determined, trifling expedients will be ridiculous, delays will ruin us, every moment is a moment of the utmost importance, all the world ARE now viewing and all posterity WILL look back on the proceedings of the Congress.
An American.


Title: Note on “The Intended Speech for the Opening of … Parliament,” [29 November 1774]
From:
To:

Among Franklin’s papers in the American Philosophical Society is a brief satire entitled “Anecdote. The intended speech for the opening of the first Session of the present Parliament viz. Novr. 29 1774.” The King informs the members that all the American measures passed by the previous Parliament have gone wrong, that conquering the colonies will cost millions and bring no profit, and that the legislature must decide whether to continue the nonsensical attempt. Any one would assume that the manuscript, given its location and style of attack, was Franklin’s. Yet it is in the hand of David Hartley, and at the end is a notation in another hand, “D Hartley Oct. 3 86.” Smyth got around this difficulty by assuming that Franklin gave the paper to Hartley in 1774, who came on it twelve years later and returned a copy to the author.
What Smyth did not know is that another form of the satire is in the Library of Congress, but not among Franklin’s papers there. This second manuscript is a draft, also in Hartley’s hand, with many interlineations, some rearrangement of paragraphs, and slight differences in wording from the copy in Philadelphia. Only the author, in our opinion, could possibly have written such a draft.


Title: Franklin’s “Hints” or Terms for a Durable Union, [between 4 and 6 December 1774]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

On the evening of December 4, in response to Barclay’s and Fothergill’s invitation the day before, Franklin met with them to discuss the situation. Fothergill assured him that some in the Cabinet were disposed to compromise, and urged him to draw up terms on which the three of them might agree; if they did, their proposals would receive attention in Whitehall. Franklin demurred, because terms laid down by the Continental Congress were momentarily expected. The least delay was dangerous, his friends answered; further coercive measures were contemplated, and “accidents” might at any time make the breach irreparable. He was prevailed upon to acquiesce, and at their next meeting on December 6 gave them the following draft. They discussed it at length, article by article. Franklin battled for all his terms, although the others assured him that many would be wholly or in part unacceptable. By his own account he stuck to his guns, and agreed only to delete one article and alter a few words elsewhere. He should have no apparent hand in the business, he pointed out, because he was persona non grata in Whitehall; the others agreed. Barclay accordingly asked for a fair copy, which he in turn would copy for himself and Fothergill; his would be shown to Lord Hyde and the other to Lord Dartmouth.
The conclusion to be drawn from Franklin’s account is that the “Hints” existed only as worded in these copies. He doubtless thought so, but he was mistaken; for Barclay took a hand at reworking the terms. He softened them by deletions, which were not, as might be supposed, concessions that Franklin was argued into making and then forgot when, months later, he wrote his account of the meeting, but were the basis for an independent and tantalizingly obscure negotiation by Barclay, the few records of which appear below under December 12. Franklin seems to have been kept in ignorance of it, for in his narrative of the next two months he refers again and again to his “Hints” as the only terms under discussion.

[Between December 4 and 6, 1774]
HINTS for Conversation upon the Subject of Terms that might probably produce a durable Union between Britain and the Colonies.
1.  The Tea destroy’d to be paid for.
  2.  The Tea-Duty Act to be repeal’d, and all the Duties that have been receiv’d upon it to be repaid into the Treasuries of the several Provinces from which they have been collected.
  3.  The Acts of Navigation to be all re-enacted in the Colonies.
  4.  A Naval Officer appointed by the Crown to reside in each Colony, to see that those Acts are observed.
  5.  All the Acts restraining Manufactures in the Colonies to be reconsider’d.
  6.  All Duties arising on the Acts for regulating Trade with the Colonies, to be for the public Use of the respective Colonies, and paid into their Treasuries. The Collectors and Custom-house Officers to be appointed by each Governor, and not sent from England.
  7.  In Consideration of the Americans maintaining their own Peace-Establishment, and the Monopoly Britain is to have of their Commerce, no Requisition to be made from them in time of Peace.
  8.  No Troops to enter and quarter in any Colony but with the Consent of its Legislature.
  9.  In time of War on Requisition made by the King with Consent of Parliament, every Colony shall raise Money by the following Rules or Proportions, viz. If Britain on Account of the War raises 3s. in the Pound to its Land Tax, then the Colonies to add to their last general Provincial Peace Tax a Sum equal to [¼] thereof; and if Britain on the same Account pays 4s. in the Pound, then the Colonies to add to their said last Peace Tax a Sum equal to [½] thereof, which additional Tax is to be granted to his Majesty, and to be employ’d in raising and paying Men for Land or Sea Service, furnishing Provisions, Transports, or for such other Purposes as the King shall require and direct. And tho’ no Colony may contribute less, each may add as much by voluntary Grant as they shall think proper.
  10.  Castle William to be restor’d to the Province of the Massachusetts Bay, and no Fortress built by the Crown in any Province but with the Consent of its Legislature.
  11.  The late Massachusetts and Quebec Acts to be repeal’d, and a free Government granted to Canada.
  12.  All Judges to be appointed during Good Behaviour, with equally permanent Salaries, to be paid out of the Province Revenues by Appointment of the Assemblies. Or, if the Judges are to be appointed during the Pleasure of the Crown, let the Salaries be during the Pleasure of the Assemblies, as heretofore.
  13.  Governors to be supported by the Assemblies of each Province.
  14.  If Britain will give up its Monopoly of the American Commerce, then the Aid above mentioned to be given by America in time of Peace as well as in time of War.
  15.  The Extension of the Act of Henry 8. concerning Treasons, to the Colonies, to be formally disown’d by Parliament.
  16.  The American Admiralty Courts reduc’d to the same Powers they have in England, and the Acts establishing them to be re-enacted in America.
  17.  All Powers of Internal Legislation in the Colonies to be disclaim’d by Parliament.

Endorsed: Hints for Conversation on the Terms of Accommodation.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jacques Barbeu-Dubourg, 5 December 1774
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Barbeu-Dubourg, Jacques

Dear Friend,
London, Dec. 5. 1774
With this I send you a new Pamphlet just published here, written by a Friend of mine. The Subject of it grows every hour more and more serious. No Advice is yet received of the Result of the Congress, which during its whole Sitting has kept all its Deliberations a profound Secret.

Mr. Bennet, who will deliver this to you, is a Gentleman of Distinction here, and my particular Friend. He is fond of your favourite Study Electricity, and you will have Pleasure in conversing with him. I recommend him warmly to your Civilities.
My best Respects to Made. Dubourg, Melle. Biheron, Madelle Basseporte, and M. Dalibard. I hope they are all in good Health. I am ever, my dear Friend, Yours most affectionately
B Franklin
M. Dubourg


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jean-Baptiste LeRoy, 5 December 1774: résumé
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Le Roy, Jean-Baptiste

<London, December 5, 1774: Introduces Mr. Bennet, “one of your Confreres of the Royal Society, a Gentleman of the most amiable Character, and my particular Friend,” who wishes to see the Académie royale des sciences. Adds that the Royal Society “met on Wednesday last, and rechose our Friend Sir John Pringle to be President for the ensuing Year.”>


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jane Mecom, 5–15 December 1774
From: Mecom, Jane
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Brother
Boston Dec. 5[–15]. 1774.
Since I wrote last, which was by Captain Calahan, I received yours of Sepr. 28. Your affectionate concern for my satisfaction excites my sincerest gratitude and warmest affections. I am pleased beyond expression to find you are not discouraged under all you and our dear Country suffer. I myself am not much discouraged but I feared I was only foolhardy, for many of our people are alarmed at the news of more ships and more soldiers coming, but the only way, as you have observed, is to keep on in the way of duty and put our trust in God.
The slander you mention (for I also look on it as such) was told me before I saw the papers, but it took no hold on me, for I immediately told them it was false. I knew you would scorn to accept any favour from them.
I hope God will bless [your] advice and endeavours for our good. Our case requires all the strength and wisdom that can be collected. I hear the Scarborough came in yesterday, but if she did, it was very silently; not a gun fired, and we know it was not in regard to the day for we had drumming and whistling all through the town. It is said too, they have brought news that the Home Ministry continue and almost all the same Parliament and that they are determined to carry things to the utmost extremity. I don’t know how they could know this for I suppose they were not all chosen when she sailed, though I think the letters some have received of later date than yours to me imply almost as much. May God defend and preserve us.

Dec. 15.
I wrote the above in order to send by the first opportunity since which Cousin Williams has received one from you, and from their son, whose sentiments and the spirit he writes with are very pleasing to us all here. The anxiety we feel for each other, you for us, and we for ourselves and for what we know you suffer on our account is not among the least of our afflictions. Since I saw one of your letters to the Speaker, mentioning your anxiety for us, I have blamed myself for writing you an account of a fray that happened in the neighbourhood, but it is gone and I cannot recall it, but I have seen nothing of the like nature since, and I really think that part of Gen. Gage’s letter to Peyton Randolph is a truth (however some contest about some other parts of it) that never was more pains taken to keep an army in peace with the inhabitants than there is among these. There is a number of officers in this street, almost every other house between the Orange Tree and King’s Lane. They are all very peaceable, but the neighbours do not associate with them. I really pity them sometimes ... touching book of music, having [time] hanging on their hands and no.... This has been our Thanksgiving day. Our God has told us that all our suing for a reconciliation will prove abortive without a regeneration of morals among us, and I am in hopes we have that token for ... several within my observation appearing to be of that number.
I have sincerely pitied poor Mrs. Hewson for her loss of so amiable a husband as I have heard he was, in so dismal a manner. The father of her dear babe ... is much missed in their education. If the means [be not] supplied another way. But I know by what I have heard of her and seen of her writings she is seized of a zeal of Philosophy and I hope of Christianity which will enable her to bear the affliction and acquit herself.
Present my respects to Mrs. Stevenson and to Jonathan. Tell him I wrote to him in the vessel Mr. Hislop and Mr. Quincy went in, and so I did to my dear brother, but not being under cover, I fear they may not get to you.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Almon, 6 December 1774
From: Almon, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Decr. 6 1774
There having been only a small number printed, because upon so beaten a subject, one is doubtful of success, till the Public opinion can be taken; but this pamphlet being much approved, it is probable that it will be reprinted. Should be glad therefore of notice of any errors (per penny post, or otherwise). I am sorry you have had the trouble to send twice, it was owing to a mistake. I am Sir your very much obliged and most obedient Servant
J  Almon

Addressed: Dr Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Foxcroft, 7 December 1774
From: Foxcroft, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dec. 7. 1774
By this Packet are transmitted the Quarterly Accounts from April 1772 as Vouchers in support of the Accounts with the General Post-Office, which I hope will enable you to make a final Settlement.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from David Barclay, [8 December 1774]
From: Barclay, David Junior
To: Franklin, Benjamin

No. 3
Cheapside 8th: Inst. [December 8, 1774]
D. Barclay presents his Respects to Dr. Franklin and requests to receive the paper to day by Twelve o’Clock, if he can finish it with Conveniency, otherwise as soon after as best suits him.

Addressed: Dr. Franklin / Cravenstreet


Title: Anthony Todd to John Foxcroft and Hugh Finlay, 9 December 1774
From: Todd, Anthony
To: Foxcroft, John,Finlay, Hugh

Gentlemen,
Decemr. 9th. 1774
The Detention of the Lord Hyde Packet Boat for the Governments Dispatches enables me to acquaint you in addition to my Letter of the 7th. Instant that Dr. Franklin and the Accountant General have had a meeting in order to settle the General Accounts to the 5th. of April last but they are made out in so loose and careless not to say incorrect manner that this has not been effected the Balance being spread out through a variety of accounts of Deputies General, Surveyor Comptroller &c instead of being drawn into one point of view in a clear state of Debtor and Creditor between the Deputies General only and this Office as repeatedly has been requested and forms of Accounts sent for that purpose. I now inclosed another with the Postmaster General’s Commands to send the Accounts under this form for the future and hope for your own sakes you will comply with these directions.
The Copies of your Deputies Accounts are shamefully incorrect the second in the Book of Geo. Sanderson of Lancaster though consisting of only six Articles on each side being wrong cast both Debtor and Creditor.
Inclosed is an Account of the sums paid in by Dr. Franklin and he acknowledges a Balance of Nine Hundred and seventy three Pounds and five pence still remaining in his Hands which he is ready to pay as soon as you have given him up the Vouchers and sent him a Discharge, you will therefore examine whether the several Sums make up the Amount of the Money paid into His Hands on Account of this Revenue. I am Gentlemen &c
Anth Todd Secy:
To Messrs. Foxcroft & Finlay  New York.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from David Barclay, [11 December 1774]
From: Barclay, David Junior
To: Franklin, Benjamin

No. 4
Cheapside 11th: Inst. [December 11, 1774]
D Barclay presents his Respects and acquaints Dr. Franklin that being inform’d a pamphlet entituled: a Friendly Address has been dispersed to the disadvantage of America (in particular by the Dean of Norwich) He desires Dr. F will peruse the inclosed, just come to hand from America; and if he approves of it republish it, as D B wishes something might be properly spread at Norwich. D B saw to Day a Person with whom he had been yesterday (before he call’d on Dr: F) and had the satisfaction of walking part of the way with him to another Noble Person’s house, to meet on the business, and he told him, that he could say, that he saw some light.