Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Waterhouse, 8 July 1811
From: Waterhouse, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir,
Cambridge 8th. July 1811—

I recvd. your letter of the 5th, with pleasure & read it with satisfaction, as I always do, because I understand your politics, and because I see in them one uniform & everlasting principle that does not bend to the fashions & caprices of the day—Foolish people have cried out—“Mr Adams has changed his politics; he is no longer a federalist, but is changed to a republican.” I have as constantly replied, that I know of no man in the country who has changed less.
I am glad that you are perusing the writings of Mr. Smith, and I wish the public could be instructed by your opinion of them. As to Mr. Pickering’s publications, they cease to be interesting to any one, even of his own party. Since they appeared, I conversed with Mr. S. Dexter respecting the conduct of Pickering. He condemns him altogether. He said that the President ought to have dismissed him for intriguing with the Senators against him; and he supposed that you had beside other reasons. He then related to me your efforts to give this resentful man a comfortable living in the station of a Judge, but that it was concluded by others that the Colonel was not quite adequate to the station of a Judge. Dexter spoke with indignation of the conduct of P. towards you. This able lawyer has such a bright streak of Republicanism in his character, that he is no great favorite with the Junto. These people are more gratified with this publication of Smiths, than with the numbers of the Colonel, which last have struggled through their newspapers with great difficulty. The party was ashamed of his taking up the cudgels in favour of the Little-Beef.
What I long to see, above all things is an exposition of what I call the Hamiltonian conspiracy. Whether I am perfectly correct I know not, but my general idea is this. The British party, or Tories, have long contemplated a separation of the States, & a formation of a Northern confederacy, the end and aim of which was is to be opposition to France & to the Southern States, and a sort of alliance with England. Old England was to hold one end of the golden chain of commerce, & Newfoundland the other, while the Devil and Bonaparte were to take our Southern brethren. Fisher Ames gave a toast in a certain assemblage several years ago indicating Hamilton as the military leader of this Kingdom of the North. His sentiment was to this effect.—Alexr. H——. may we not speedily want his great military & political talents, but when we do, may we have them. When Burr shot Hamilton, it was not Brutus killing Caesar in the Senate-house; but it was killing him before he passed the Rubicon. Hence the anguish, the deep anguish of Geo. C——t & company at their Caesar’s death. Whether his plan of 50,000 foot & 10,000 horse was not a part of the scheme is a question I am not able to answer; but certain I am that their extreme disappointment at his death, which amounted to an agony could not have arisen from a mere personal feeling, nor for the loss of his financeering talents. This intriguing West Indian saw in the same city one man who watched his motions, & who was capable of counteracting his plans, & the designs of his party; and this man he tried to destroy by the poisoned arrows of calumny, but (providentially for us) was destroyed himself, and with him fell, for that time, the hope of the Northern Confederacy.—Hence we may account for his bust staring us in the face in the entries of some of our professors & clergymen! Washington himself is not spoken of in such terms of deep respect as is this New York lawyer! and your animadversions upon him in your printed correspondence created more disagreeable sensations than if you had spoken as much against Washington. How is all this to be accounted for, if it were not for the loss of their contemplated military leader? Two years ago, when they brought forth their famous Resolutions in the Legislature, & when Gore talked so boldly of waring with France, Hamilton’s death was again a melancholly subject of deep lamentation among the leaders of the party, and the seperation of the States & a Northern confederacy was again alluded to, in private circles & “assemblages.” They then began again “to speak daggers;” and it was observed that they brought forward & caressed General Brooks, of this neighbourhood, & toasted him at a dinner they have in honor of the Spanish Patriots; but they found that the General had grown old very fast, & was spiritless, so that we have heard no more of him at their solemn feasts. All these things, and a hundred other little things, such as half uttered wishes & sentences, convince me that the party have been looking anxiously around for a military man, as near like unto Alexr. Hamilton as possible, but they can find none. They can raise their eyes to nothing higher in Massachusetts than Captn. L—— and Captn. D——l. S—r.—t! Men “full of sound & fury.” Some of them have avowed that they looked to H. as the saviour of the country; but that now, there may be a dozen as good as he, but alas! there is not one, with his reputation! So that unless they invite back & forgive Aaron Burr, the South & the North will not be divided immediately.
Now Sir, have I been dreaming or writing romance, or true history, collected from their own words & actions? I am firmly of opinion that there are in—two or three hundred of the assemblage on the verge of bankrupcy, & who would enlist, under Cataline, had Cataline the confidence to beat up for volunteers. I suspect that the Governor has a similar idea, and I guess that the President & he view objects through the same glass, & in the same light; but am doubtful if the council ever had a peep through it. Walsh has taken up the odious business of Ames, that of rendering us contemptable in our own eyes, & of magnifying & glorifying modern Babylon the city of the Great King, while most of the clergy are like the ancient Augurs muttering to the people just what their masters dictate, & several of these in Boston & its vicinity will group in the guts of beast for hire. Now unless I am, like J.L. politically mad, I can trace all these things up to the Hamiltonian conspiracy that destroyed the federal administration. If these things be truths ought they not to be told to the people, instead of amusing them with the Berlin & Milan decrees, & orders of council? Ought not the people of this State to be told that their chief J—— is in league against their liberties, against their constitution? And ought they not to be told that a war with England is the only remedy against the evil, and against a greater one, a war among ourselves?—Thus has the spirit moved me;—and if I do not seal it up, & send it off to the posthouse, I shall do with it as I hope you will burn it yours as ever

B Waterhouse
    All the Boston seat; the whole federal force was exerted to pass an accommodating bankrupt act


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 16 July 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

Quincy, July 16, 1811.

    The Journal proceeds—November 18, 1782.—Returned Mr. Oswald’s Visit. He says Mr. Strachy, who sat out the 5th, did not reach London until the 10th. Couriers are three, four, or five days in going, according as the winds are.
    We went over the old ground, concerning the tories. He began to use arguments with me, to relax. I told him he must not think of that, but must bend all his thoughts to convince and persuade his court to give it up. That if the terms now before his court were not accepted, the whole negotiation would be broken off, and this court would probably be so angry with Mr. Jay and me that they would set their engines to work upon congress, get us recalled, and some others sent, who would do exactly as this court would have them. He said he thought that very probable.

    In another part of his conversation, he said, we should all have gold snuff boxes, set with diamonds; you will certainly have the picture.—I told him, no—I had dealt too freely with this court, I had not concealed from them any useful and necessary truth, although it was disagreeable. Indeed I neither expected nor desired any favors from them, nor would I accept any. I should not refuse any customary compliment of that sort, but it never had been nor would be offered to me. My fixed principles, never to be the tool of any man nor the partisan of any nation, would forever exclude me from the smiles and favors of courts.

    In another part of the conversation, I said, that when I was young and adicted to reading, I had heard about dancing on the points of metaphysical needles; but by mixing in the world, I had found the points of political needles finer and sharper than the metaphysical ones.

    I told him the story of Josiah Quincy’s conversation with lord Shelburne, in 1774, in which he pointed out to him the plan of carrying on the war, which has been pursued this year, by remaining inactive on land and cruising upon the coast to distress our trade.

    He said he had been contriving an artificial truce, since he found we were bound by treaty, not to agree to a separate truce. He had proposed to the ministry to give orders to their men of war and privateers, not to take any unarmed American vessels.

    I said to him, supposing the armed neutrality, should acknowledge American Independence by admitting Mr. Dana, who is now at Petersburg, with a commission for that purpose in his pocket, to subscribe the principles of their marine treaty? The king of Great Britain, could find no fault with it. He could never hereafter say, it was an affront or hostility; he had done it himself. Would not all neutral vessels have a right to go to America? and could not all American trade be carried on in neutral bottoms?
    I said to him that England would always be a country which would deserve much of the attention of America, independently of all considerations of blood, origin, language, morals, &c. merely as a commercial country, she would forever claim the respect of America, because a great part of our commerce would be with her, provided she came to her senses and made peace with us, without any points in the treaty, that should ferment in the minds of the people. If the people should think themselves unjustly treated, they would never be easy, and they were so situated as to be able to hurt any power. The fisheries, the Mississippi, the tories, were points that would rankle, and that nation that should offend our people in any of them, would sooner or later feel the consequences.

    Mr. Jay, Mr. Le Couteulx and Mr. Grand, came in. Mr. Grand says there is a great fermentation in England, and that they talk of uniting lord North and Mr. Fox, in administration.—Duke of Portland to come in, and Keppel to go out. But this is wild. You are afraid, said Mr. Oswald to–day, of being made the tools of the powers of Europe. Indeed I am, says I. What powers? said he. All of them, said I. It is obvious that all the powers of Europe will be continually manœuvering with us, to work us into their real or imaginary balances of power. They will all wish to make of us a make weight candle, when they are weighing out their pounds. Indeed it is not surprising, for we shall very often, if not always, be able to turn the scale.—But I think it ought to be our rule not to meddle, and that of all the powers of Europe, not to desire us, or perhaps even to permit us to interfere, if they can help it.

    I beg of you, said Oswald, to get out of your head the idea that we shall disturb you. What? said I, do you yourself believe that your ministers, governors, and even nation, will not wish to get use of your side, in any future war?—Damn the governors, said he. No. We will take off their heads, if they do an improper thing towards you. Thank you, for your good will, said I, which I feel to be sincere—but nations do not feel as you and I do. Your nation, when it gets a little refreshed from the fatigues of the war, when men and money are become plenty, and allies at hand, will not feel as it does now. We never can be such damn’d sots, says he, as to think of differing again with you. Why, said I, in truth I have never been able to comprehend the reason why you ever thought of differing with us.

    1782, November 19, Tuesday.—In the morning Mr. Jay called and took me with him in his carriage to Versailles. We waited on the comte de Vergennes and dined with him in company with all the foreign ministers and others, to the number of forty–four or five.
    Mr. Berkenrode, the Dutch ambassador, told me that he thought we should see something very singular in England; the conflicts of parties and contentions for the ministry, were such that he did not know where they would end. It was thought that lord Shelburne could not support himself without a union with lord North or Mr. Fox; and that the choice of either would determine the intentions of the court and parliament.

    Mr. Brantzen, the other Dutch ambassador, told me that they had began the negotiations on their part, but were as yet very far assunder, but hoped they should approach nearer in a little time. Both Brantzin and Berkenrode asked me how we advanced? I told them Mr. Oswald was waiting for a courier, in answer to his of the fifth, which arrived the tenth. I told them both that we should not be behind hand of them—that if it was once said that France, Spain and Holland were ready, the British ministry would not hesitate upon any points between us that remained. They both said they believed we should find less difficulty to arrange our affairs with England, than any of the others would.
    The Swedish minister went to a gentleman and asked him to introduce him to Mr. Jay and me, which he did. The minister told us he had been here since 1766.
    The same ministers are here from Russia, Denmark, and Sardinia, whom I knew here formerly.

    Mr. Jay made his compliment to Comte D’Aranda, who invited him to come and see him and dine with him.
    I see, by a long conversation at table with the baron de Linden that he has an inclination to go to America—yet he modestly gives place to Mr. Van Berckel.

    The marquis de la Fayette took leave of the king to–day, in his American uniform and sword. He told me that the comte de Vergennes told him the day before, that Mr. de Rayneval was gone to England, and that he did not think the English so sincere as he wished for a speedy peace. He wished it himself, but could not see a prospect of it suddenly, &c.
    In returning, I asked Mr. Jay what he thought of the king of Great Britain’s sending an ambassador to congress? After Mr. Oswald’s commission he might do it, and congress must receive him. Jay said, do you think with me upon that point too? If I were the king of Great  Britain I would send a minister, in the highest character; he should be an ambassador extraordinary, and I would accredit him, to our dear and beloved friends; and I would instruct that minister to treat congress with as high respect as any crowned head in Europe.
    But, said I, he ought to be well instructed too, in other points, viz. never to hint or to suffer a hint against the treaties with France and Holland; never to admit the idea of our failing in our public faith or national honor; and farther, never to interfere in our parties, general or particular; with our internal policy, or particular governments; and to warn our people not to let the French ministers do it. If the Britons should strike with us, I would agree with you, after the terms are signed, to advise to the measure. If I were the king of Great Britain I would give orders to all my ambassadors, at the neutral courts, to announce to those courts the Independence of America; that I had acknowledged it, and given a commission under the great seal, to treat with the ministers of the United States of America; that I recommended to those courts to follow the example, and open negotiations with the said United States; that I recommend to those neutral states to send their vessels freely to, and receive vessels freely from all the ports of the United States. I would send the earl of Effingham, ambassador to congress, instructed to assure them that I would do them my best offices to secure to them the fisheries, their extent to the Mississippi and the navigation of that river; that I would favor all their negotiations in Europe, upon their own plan of making commercial treaties with all nations; that I would interpose my good offices with the barbary states to procure them Mediterranean passes, &c.
    November 20th, Wednesday.—The journal proceeds.—Dr. Franklin came, and we fell into conversation. From one thing to another we came to politics. I told him that it seemed uncertain whether Shelburne could hold his ground without leaning upon lord North on one hand, or Fox on the other; that if he joined North, or North and Co. should come in, they would go upon a contracted system, and would join people at this court, to deprive us of the Mississippi and the fisheries, &c. If Fox came in or joined Shelburne, they would go upon a liberal and manly system. And this was the only chance they had. No nation had ever brought itself into such a labyrinth; perplexed with the demands of Holland, Spain, France and America, their funds were failing, and the money undertaken to be furnished was not found. Franklin said that the bank came in aid, and he learned that large sums of scrip were lodged there. In this situation, said I, they have no chance, but to set up America very high; and if I were king of Great Britain, I would take that tone. I would send the first duke of the kingdom ambassador to congress, and would negotiate in their favor at all the Neutral courts, &c. I would give the strongest assurances to congress of support in the fisheries, the Mississippi, &c. and would compensate the tories, myself.

    I asked what could be the policy of this court in wishing to deprive us of the fisheries and Mississippi? I could see no possible motive for it but to plant seeds of contention for a future war. If they pursued this policy, they would be as fatally blinded to their true interests, as ever the English were.
    Franklin said they would be every bit as blind; that the fisheries and Mississippi could not be given up; that nothing was clearer to him than that the fisheries were essential to the northern states, and the Mississippi to the southern, and indeed both to all. I told him that Mr. Gerard had certainly appeared to America, to negotiate to these ends, namely, to persuade congress to give up both. This was the reason of his being so unpopular in America; and this was the cause of their dislike to Samuel Adams, who had spoken very freely both to Gerard and his congress on these heads. That Marbois appeared now to be pursuing the same objects.Franklin said he had seen his letter. I said I was the more surprised at this, as Mr. Marbois, on our passage to America, had often said to me that he thought the fisheries our natural right and our essential interest, and that we ought to maintain it and be supported in it, yet that he appeared now to be manœuvering against it.

    I told him that I always considered their extraordinary attack upon me, not as arising from any offence or any thing personal, but as an attack upon the fisheries. There had been great debates in congress, upon issuing the first commission for peace, and in settling my instructions. That I was instructed not to make any treaty with Britain, without an express clause, acknowledging our right to the fisheries. This court knew that this would be, when communicated to the English, a strong motive with them to acknowledge our right, and to take away this motive they had directed their intrigues against me, to get my commission annulled, and had succeeded. They hoped also to gain some advantage in these points, by associating others with me in the commission for peace. But they had failed in this, for the Mississippi and fisheries were now much securer, than if I had been alone. That debates had run very high in congress: that Mr. Drayton and Governieur Morris, had openly espoused their plan and argued against the fishery. (Here in the margin of the journal is a note “a mistake,” as Mr. Jay tells me) That Mr. Laurens and others of the southern gentlemen, had been staunch for them; and contended that as nurseries of seamen and sources of trade, the southern states were as much interested as the northern. That debates had run so high that the eastern states had been obliged to give in their ultimatum in writing, and to say they would withdraw if any more was done; and that this point was so tender and important, that if not secured, it would be the cause of a breach of the union of the states. And their politicks might, for what I know, be so profound as to mean to lay a foundation for a rupture between the states, when, in a few years, they should think them grown too big. I could see no possible motive they had to wish to negotiate the Mississippi into the hands of Spain, but this; knowing the fine country in the neighbourhood, and the rapidity with which it would fill with inhabitants, they might force their way down the Mississippi and occasion another war. They had certainly sense enough to know too, that we could not and would not be restrained from the fishery; that our people would be constantly pushing for it, and thus plunge themselves into another war, in which we should stand in need of France.
        If the old ministry in England should come in again, they would probably join this court in attempting to deprive us. But all would not succeed. We must be firm and steady and should do very well. Yes, he said, he believed we should do very well, and carry the points.—I told him that I could not think that the king and counsel here had formed any digested plan against us, upon these points. I hoped it was only the speculation of individuals.

    I told him that if Fox should know that Shelburne refused to agree with us, merely because we would not compensate the tories, that he would attack the minister upon this ground and pelt him so with tories as to make him uncomfortable. I thought it would be very well to give Fox an hint. He said he would write him a letter upon it. He had sometimes corresponded with him, and Fox had been in conversation with him here before I arrived.

    I walked before dinner to Mr. Jay’s and told him I thought there was danger that the old ministry would come in or Shelburne unite with North. That the king did not love us, and the old ministry did not love us—but they loved the refugees, and thought probably their personal characters concerned to support them. Rayneval was gone to England and I wanted to have him watched, to see if he was ever in company with North, Germain, Stormont,Hillsborough, Sandwich, Bute or Mansfield. If the wing clipping system, and the support of the tories should be suggested by this court to any of them, it would fall in with their passions and opinions; for several of the old ministry had often dropped expressions in the debates in parliament, that it was the interest of England to prevent our growth to wealth and power. It was very possible that a part of the old ministry might come in, & Richmond, Keppel, Townsend & Cambden go out; and in this case, though they could not revoke the acknowledgment of our independence, they would certainly go upon the contracted plan of clipping our wings. In this case, it is true, England would be finally, the dupe; and it would be the most malicious policy possible against her. It is agreed, that if the whigs go out, and Richmond, Keppel, Townsend, Cambden, &c. join Fox and Burke in opposition, there will be great probability of a national commotion and confusion.
        Mr. Jay agreed with me in all I had said; and added, that six days would produce the kings speech. If that speech should inform parliament that he had issued a commission to treat with the United States, and the two houses should thank him for it, it would look as if a good plan was to prevail; but if not, we should then take measures to communicate it far and wide.

    I told him I thought in that case we should aid opposition as much as we could, by suggesting arguments to those who would transmit them, in favour of America, and in favour of those who had the most liberal sentiments towards America. To convince them, that the wing–clipping plan was ruinous to England; and the most generous and noble part they could act towards America, the only one, that could be beneficial to the nation; and to enable them to attack a contracted ministry, with every advantage that could be.
        I thought it was now a crisis, in which good will or ill–will towards America, would be carried very far in England. A time perhaps when the American ministers may have more weight in turning the tide of sentiment, or influencing the changes of Administration, than they ever had before, and perhaps than they would have again. That I thought it our duty, Upon this occasion to say every thing we could to the Englishmen here, in order that just sentiments might prevail in England, at this moment to countenance every man well disposed, and to disabuse and, undeceive every body;
        to drive out of countenance and into infamy, every narrow thought of cramping, stinting, impoverishing or enfeebling us. To shew, that it is their only interest to shew themselves our friends, to wear away, if possible the memory of past unkindnesses; to strike with us now, upon our own terms. Because, though we had neither power nor inclination to make peace without our allies; yet the very report that we had got over all our difficulties would naturally make all Europe expect peace, would tend to make Spain less exorbitant in her demands, would make Holland more ardent for peace; and dispose France to be more serious in her importunities with Spain and Holland, and even render France herself easier; though I did not imagine she would be extravagant in her pretensions; to shew them the ruinous tendency of the war, if continued another year or two. Where would England be, if the war continued two years longer? What the state of her finances? What her condition in the East and West–indies? In North America? In Ireland, Scotland, and even in England? What hopes have they of saving themselves from a civil war? If our terms are not now accepted, they will never again have such offers from America. They never will have so advantageous a line—never their debts—never so much for the Tories—and perhaps a rigorous demand of compensation for the devastations they have committed.

    Mr. Jay agreed with me in sentiments, and indeed they are the principles he has uniformly pursued through the whole negotiation before my arrival. I think they cannot be misunderstood or disapproved, in Congress.
    There never was a blunder in Politicks more egregious than will be committed by the present ministry, if they attempt to save the honour of the old ministry and of the Tories. Shelburne may be too weak to combat them: but the true policy would be, to throw all the odium of the war and all the blame of the dismemberment of the Empire upon the old ministers and the Tories. To run them down, tarnish them with votes, inveigh against them in Speeches, and pamphlets, even strip them of the Pensions, and make them both ridiculous, insignificant, and contemptible. In short make them as wretched as their crimes deserve. Never think of sending them to America. But Shelburne is not strong enough. The old party with the King at their head, is too powerful and popular yet.
        I really pity these people, as little as they deserve it; and surely no men ever deserved worse of society.

    If Fox was in, and had weight enough, and should take this decided part; which is consistent enough with the tenor of his speeches, which have been constant philippicks against the old ministry, and frequent sallies against the Refugees; and should adopt a noble line of conduct towards America, grant her all she asks, do her honour and promote her prosperity; he would disarm the hostile mind, and soften the resentful heart, recover much of the affection of America, much of her Commerce, and perhaps equal consideration and profit and power from her, as ever. She would have no Governors nor Armies there, and no taxes: but she would have profit, reputation and power.

    To day I received a letter from my excellent friend Mr. Laurens, 12 Nov.London, in answer to mine of the 6th, agreeing, as speedily as possible to join his colleagues. “Thank God, I had a son who dared to die for his country.”
    Thus ends the Journal of the 20th of November 1782.

John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to James Trecothick Austin, 17 July 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Austin, James Trecothick

Sir,
Quincy July 17th 1811

I thank you for Leolin which is a morsel of exquisite Taste in composition, and a model of Politeness in Political Controversy. There may be a point or two, in which you and I may not perfectly agree in opinion, but these at the present time are not of Consequence enough to make it necessary for either of us to spend our time in Explanations. I am Sir with the best wishes for your Usefulness and advancement your obliged humble Servant

John Adams.


Title: Memorandum Preceding Letter to George Wythe, January 1776, 21 July 1811
From: Adams, John
To:

July 21. 1811.

In the beginning of the year 1776 There was printed, at Phyladelphia, a Pamphlet under the Title of Thoughts on Government in a Letter from a Gentleman to his Friend, if memory serves me. The Gentleman was Mr John Adams and his then a Member of Congress and his Friend now President of the United States and his Friend was Mr George Wythe then a Member of Congress from Virginia and now Chancellor of that State. The Constitution of New York was formed soon after the Publication of those Thoughts and was framed conformably to the general Spirit of them. This Same Pamphlet fell into the hands of Some Gentlemen of Essex, who convened assembled a kind of County Convention, and drew up a result in general unfavourable agreable to the Principles of it, but as it was then published without the Authors name, they did not judge it necessary to give Credit for their Obligations to it. The Essex pamphlet was published in 1779 a little before the Convention for framing the Constitution of Massachusetts, and is a Work of Merit. The Essex Junto however, need not be so vain glorious as to arrogate to themselves The honor of being the Authors Founders of the Massachusetts Constitution.


Title: Note Regarding Genesis of Thoughts on Government, 21 July 1811
From: Adams, John
To:

Quincy July 21. 1811.

In the Winter of 1776 there was much discussion in Congress concerning the Necessity of Independence, and advising the Several States to institute Governments for themselves under the immediate Authority and original Power of The People. Great difficulties, occurred to many Gentlemen, in making a Transition from the Old Governments to the new, i.e from the Royal to Republican Governments. In January 1776 Mr George Wythe of Virginia passing an Evening with me, asked what plan I would advise a Colony to pursue, in order to get out of the old Government and into a new one. I Sketched in Words a Scheme, which he requested me to give him in Writing. Accordingly the next day I delivered him the following Letter. He lent it to his Colleague Richard Henry Lee, who asked me to let him print it: to which I consented provided he would Suppress my Name: for if that Should appear, it would excite a Continental Clamour among the Tories that I was erecting a battering Ram to demolish the Royal Government and render Independence indispensable.


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 29 July 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

    Sirs—
Quincy, July 29, 1811.

    The Journal proceeds—1782—November 26—Tuesday—Breakfasted at Mr. Jays, with Dr. Franklin, in consultation upon the propositions made to us yesterday by Mr. Oswald.—We agreed unanimously to answer him, that we could not consent to the article respecting the refugees as it now stands. Dr. Franklin read a letter which he had prepared to Mr. Oswald, upon the subject of the tories, which we had agreed with him that he should read, as containing his private sentiments. We had a vast deal of conversation upon the subject. My colleagues opened themselves, and made many observations concerning the conduct, crimes and demerits of those people.

    Before Dinner Mr. Fitzherbert came in, whom I had never seen before: a gentleman of about thirty-three; seems pretty discreet and judicious; and did not discover those airs of vanity which are imputed to him.He came in consequence of the desire which I expressed yesterday of knowing the state of the negotiation between him and the Comte de Vergennes respecting the fishery. He told us, the Comte was for fixing the boundaries where each nation should fish. He must confess he thought the idea plausible; for that there had been great dissentions between the fishermen of the two nations. That the French marine office had an whole apartment full of complaints and representations of disputes. That the French pretended that Cape Ray was the Point Riche.

    I asked, if the French demanded of him an exclusive right to fish and dry between Cape Bonavista and the point Riche: He said they had not expressly; and he intended to follow the words of the treaty of Utrecht and Paris without stirring the point.

    I shewed him an extract of a letter from the Earl of Egremont to the Duke of Bedford, March 1, 1763, in which it is said, that by the 13th article of the treaty of Utrecht, a liberty was left to the French to fish, and to dry their fish on shore; and for that purpose to erect the necessary stages and buildings; but with an express stipulation, “De ne pas sejourner dans la dite Isle, au dela du Temps necessaire pour pecher et secher le poisson.” That it is a received law among the fishermen, that whoever arrives first shall have the choice of the stations.—That the Duke de Nivernois insisted, that by the treaty of Utrecht the French had an exclusive right to the fishery, from Cape Bonavista to Point Riche. That the king gave  his grace the Duke of Bedford express instructions to come to an ecclaircissement upon the point with the French ministry and to refuse the exclusive construction of the treaty of Utrecht.

    I also shew him a letter from Sir Stanier Porteen, Lord Weymouth’s secretary, to Lord Weymouth, inclosing an extract of Ld. Egremont’s letter to the Duke of Bedford, by which it appears that the Duke of Nivernois insisted—

    “That the French had an exclusive right to the fishery from Cape Bonavista to Cape Riche; and that they had on ceding the island of Newfoundland to Great Britain by the thirteenth article of the treaty of Utrecht, expressly reserved to themselves such an exclusive right, which they had constantly been in possession of, till they were entirely driven from North America in the last war.”
    For these papers I am obliged to Mr. Izzard, (who gave them to me in 1778, at Paris.)
    Mr. Fitzherbert said it was the same thing now word for word; but he should endeavor to have the treaty conformable to those of Utrecht and Paris. But we had given it up, by admitting the word “exclusive” into our treaty. I said, perhaps not. For the whole was to be conformable to the true construction of the treaties of Utrecht and Paris. And that if the English did not now admit the exclusive construction they, (the French) could not contend for it against us. We had only contracted not to molest them, &c.
    I said it was the opinion of all the fishermen in America that England could not prevent our  catching a fish without preventing themselves from getting a dollar. That the first fare was our only advantage; that neither the English nor the French could have it. It must be lost, if we had it not.

    He said he did not think much of the fishery as a source of profit, but as a nursery of seamen. I told him the English could not catch a fish the more, or make a sailor the more, for restraining us. Even the French would rival them in the markets of Spain and Portugal.—It was our fish that they ought to call their own; because we should spend the profit with them. That the southern states had staple commodities; but New-England had no other remittance than the fishery: No other way to pay for their cloathing: That it entered into our distilleries and West-India trade as well as our European trade; in such a manner, that it could not be taken out or diminished, without tearing and rending. That if it should be left to its natural course, we could hire or purchase spots of ground on which to erect stages and buildings; but if we were straightened by treaty, that treaty would be given in instructions to Governors and Commodores, whose duty it would be to execute it. That it would be very difficult to restrain our fishermen; they would be frequently transgressing, and making disputes and troubles.
    He said his principal object was to avoid sowing seeds of future wars.—I said it was equally my object; and that I was pursuaded that if the germ of a war was left any where, there was the greatest danger of its being left in the article respecting the fishery.

    The rest of the day was spent in endless discussions about the tories. Dr. Franklin is very staunch against the tories; more decided, a great deal, on this point than either Mr. Jay or myself.

    1782, November 27, Wednesday. Mr. Benjamin Vaughan came in, returned from London, where he had seen lord Shelburne. He says he finds the ministry much embarrassed with the tories, and exceedingly desirous of saving their honor and reputation in this point. That it is reputation more than money, &c.
    Dined with Mr. Jay, and spent sometime before dinner with him and Dr. Franklin; and all the afternoon and evening with them and Mr. Oswald, endeavouring to come together concerning the fisheries and tories.
      1782, Nov. 28 Thursday.
        This morning I have drawn up the following project:
    Art. 3.
        That the subjects of his Britannic majesty and the people of the said United States, shall continue to enjoy, unmolested, the right to take fish of every kind, on the Grand Bank, and on all the other banks of Newfoundland; also in the Gulph of St. Laurence, and in all other places where the inhabitants of both countries used at any time heretofore to fish; and the citizens of the said United States shall have liberty to cure and dry their fish, on the shores of Cape Sables, and of any of the unsettled bays, harbours, or creeks of Nova Scotia, or any of the shores of the Magdlene Islands, and of the Labradore Coast; and they shall be permitted in time of peace, to hire pieces of land for terms of years of the legal proprietors, in any of the dominions of His said Majesty, whereon to erect the necessary stages and buildings, and to cure and dry their fish.
    We must now interrupt the course of the Journal, to introduce some other documents alluded to in the foregoing minutes and explanatory to one of them.
    Copy of a letter from Messrs. Adams, Franklin and Jay, to the Marquis de la Fayette, dated November 1782.
    Sir—We have received the letter you did us the honor to write on the 25th. inst. (Probably this “instant” is a clerical mistake, and should have been “ultimo.”)

    Our country has had early and repeated proofs both of your readiness and abilities to do her service. The prospect of an inactive campaign in America, induced us to adopt the opinion, that you might be more useful here than there, especially in case the Negotiation for peace on the part of France in England should be committed to your management; for your knowledge of our affairs, and attachment to our interests might have been very advantageous to us, on such an occasion. But as an opportunity now offers of your being instrumental in producing a co-operation, which would probably put a glorious and speedy termination to the war in America, we for our part, perfectly approve of your going with Count D’Estaing, in the manner proposed.

    We have the honor to be, &c. &c.

    To the Right Honourable T. Townsend Esq.Passy, November 4, 1782.
    Sir—I received the letter you did me the honor of writing to me, by Mr. Stratchy; and am much pleased with the opportunity it has given me of renewing and increasing my acquaintance with a gentleman of so amiable and deserving a character.

    I know you were ever averse to the measures that brought on this unhappy war. I have therefore no doubt of the sincerity of your wishes for a return of peace. Mine are equally earnest. Nothing therefore except the beginning of the war, has given me more concern than to learn at the conclusion of our conferences, that it is not likely to be soon ended. Be assured that no endeavors on my part would be wanting, to remove any difficulties that may have arisen; or even if the peace were made, to procure afterwards any changes in the treaty that might tend to render it more perfect, and the peace more durable. But we who are here at so great a distance from our constituents, have not the possibility of obtaining in a few days fresh instructions, as is the case with your negotiators, and are therefore obliged to insist on what is conformable to those we have, and at the same time appears to us just and reasonable.

    With great esteem and respect I have the honor to be, sir, your most obedient and most humble servant

    Signed, B. Franklin
    The letter presented to Mr. Oswald by Dr. Franklin, which is mentioned in the journal to have been delivered with the consent and approbation of both his colleagues, is as follows.—
    Copy of a letter from B. Franklin, Esq. to R. Oswald, Esq. dated 1782.
    Sir—You may well remember, that in the beginning of our conferences, before the other commissioners arrived, on your mentioning to me a retribution for the loyalists whose estates had been forfeited, I acquainted you that nothing of that kind could be stipulated by us—the confiscations being made by virtue of laws of particular states, which the congress had no power to contravene or dispense with, and therefore could give us no such authority in our commission.—And I gave it as my opinion and advice, honestly and cordially, that if a reconciliation was intended, no mention should be made in our negotiations of those people, for they having done infinite mischief to our properties by wantonly burning and destroying farm-houses, villages, and towns; if compensation for their losses were insisted on, we should certainly exhibit against it an account of all the ravages they had committed, which would necessarily recal to view scenes of barbarity that must inflame instead of conciliating, and tend to perpetuate an enmity that we all profess a desire of extinguishing.—Understanding however from you, that this was a point your ministry had at heart, I wrote concerning it to congress, and have lately received the following resolutions, viz.
    By the United States in congress assembled, Sept. 10, 1782.
    Resolved—That the secretary of foreign affairs be and he is hereby directed to obtain, as speedily as possible, authentic returns of the slaves and other property, which have been carried off or destroyed in the course of the war by the enemy, and to transmit the same to the minister plenipotentiary for negotiating a peace.
    Resolved—That in the mean time the secretary for foreign affairs inform the said ministers that many thousands of slaves and other property to a very great amount, have been carried off or destroyed by the enemy; and that in the opinion of congress, the great loss of property which the citizens of the United States have sustained by the enemy, will be considered by the several states, as an insuperable bar to their making restitution or indemnification to the former owners of property which has been, or may be forfeited to, or confiscated by any of the states.
    In consequence of these resolutions, and the circular Letters of the Secretary, the assembly of Pennsylvania then sitting, passed the following Act, viz.
    The State of Pennsylvania in the General Assembly:
    Wednesday, Sept. 18, 1782.
    The Bill entitled an Act for procuring an estimate of the damages sustained by the inhabitants of Pennsylvania, from the troops and adherents of the king of Great Britain, during the present war, was read a second time.
    Ordered to be transcribed and printed for the public consideration:
    Extract from the Minutes,
    Peter Z. Lloyd, Clerk of the General Assembly.
    Bill entitled, an Act for procuring an estimate of the damages sustained by the inhabitants of Pennsylvania, from the troops and adherents of the King of G. Britain, during the present war.
    Whereas great damages of the most wanton nature, have been committed by the armies of the King of G. Britain, or their adherents, within the territory of the United States of North America, unwarranted by the practice of civilized nations, and only to be accounted for from the vindictive spirit of the said King and his officers; and whereas an accurate account and estimate of such damages, more especially the waste and destruction of property, may be very useful to the people of the United States of America, in forming a future treaty of peace, and in the mean time may serve to exhibit in a true light to the nations of Europe, the conduct of the said King, his ministers, officers, and adherents; to the end, therefore, that proper measures be taken to ascertain the damages aforesaid, which have been done to the citizens and inhabitants of Pennsylvania, in the course of the present war, with this State.
    Be it enacted by the Representatives of the Freemen of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, in General Assembly met, and by the authority of the same; that in every county of this State, which has been invaded by the armies, soldiers, or adherents of the King of G. Britain, the commissioners of every such county shall immediately meet together, each within their county, and issue directions to the assessors of the respective townships, districts and places, within such county, to call upon the inhabitants of every township and place, to furnish accounts and estimates of the damages, waste, spoil and destructions which shall have been done and committed as aforesaid upon the property real or personal, within the same township or place, since the first day of ——— which was in the year of our Lord 177— and the same accounts and estimates to transmit to the said commissioners without delay, and if any person or persons, shall refuse or neglect to make out such accounts and estimates, the said assessors of the township or place, shall from their own knowledge, and by other reasonable and lawful methods, take and render such an account and estimate of all damages done or committed as aforesaid.
        Provided always, that all such accounts and estimates, to be made out and transmitted as aforesaid, shall contain a narrative of the time and circumstances; and if in the power of the person aggrieved, the names of the General or other officer or adherent of the enemy, by whom the damage in any case was done or under whose orders, the army, detachment, party or persons committing the same, acted at the time; and also the names and addition of the person or persons, whose property was so damaged or destroyed: And that all such accounts and estimates be made in current money, upon oath or affirmation of the sufferer, or of others having knowledge concerning the same, and that in every case, it be set forth, whether the party injured, had received any satisfaction for his loss, and by whom the same was given.
    And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that the said commissioners, having obtained the said accounts and estimates from the assessor of the several townships and places, shall proceed to inspect and register the same in a book to be provided for that purpose, distinguishing the districts and townships, and entering those of each place together, and if any account or estimate be imperfect, or not sufficiently verified and established, the said commissioner shall have power, and they or any two of them are hereby authorized to summon and compel any person whose evidence they shall think necessary, to appear before them, at a day and place appointed, to be examined upon oath or affirmation concerning any damage or injury as aforesaid; and the said commissioners shall upon the call and demand of the Supreme Executive Council, deliver or send to the secretary of the said Council, all or any of the original accounts and estimates aforesaid; and shall also deliver or send to the said secretary, copies of the book aforesaid, or any part or parts thereof, upon reasonable notice.
    And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that all losses of negroes or mulatto slaves and servants who have been deluded and carried away by the enemies of the United States, and which have not been recovered or recompensed, shall be comprehended within the accounts and estimates aforesaid; and that the commissioners and assessors of any county which had not been invaded as aforesaid, shall nevertheless inquire after and procure accounts and estimates of any damages suffered by the loss of such servants and slaves as herein before directed as to other property.
    And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that the charges and expences of executing the act, as to the pay of the said commissioners and assessors, shall be, as in other cases, and that witnesses shall be rewarded for their loss of time and trouble, as witnesses summoned to appear in the Courts of Quarter Sessions of the Peace; and the said charges and expences shall be defrayed by the commonwealth; but paid in the first instance out of the monies in the hands of the treasurer of the county for county rates and levies, upon orders drawn by the commissioners of the proper county.”
    We have not yet had time to hear what has been done by the other assemblies—but I have no doubt that similar acts will be made by all of them—and that the mass of evidence produced by the execution of those acts, not only of the enormities committed by those people under the direction of British generals, but of those committed by the British troops themselves, will form a record that must render the British name odious in America to the latest generations—In that authentic record will be found the burning of the fine towns of Charlestown near Boston; of Falmouth, just before winter, when the sick, the aged, the women and children, were driven to seek shelter where they could hardly find it; of Norfolk, in the midst of winter; of New London; of Fairfield; of Esopus; &c. &c. besides near a hundred and fifty miles of well settled country laid waste, every house and barn burned, and many hundreds of farmers with their wives and children, butchered and scalped.

    The present British ministers, when they reflect a little, will certainly be too equitable to suppose that their nation has a right to make an unjust war, which they have always allowed this against us to be, and to do all sorts of unnecessary mischief, unjustifiable by the practice of any civilized people; which those they make war with are to suffer without claiming any satisfaction; but that if Britons or other adherents are in return deprived of any property, it is to be restored to them, or they are to be indemnified! The British troops can never excuse their barbarities. They were unprovoked. The loyalists may say in excuse of theirs, that they were exasperated by the loss of their estates, and it was revenge. They have then had their revenge. Is it right they should have both?
    Some of those people may have merit with regard to Britain. Those who espoused her cause from affection. These it may become you to reward. But there are many of them who were waverers, and were only determined to engage in it by some occasional circumstances or appearances. These have not much of either merit or demerit—And there are others who have abundance of demerit, respecting your country, having by their falsehoods and misrepresentations, brought on and encouraged the continuance of the war. These instead of being recompensed should be punished.

    It is usual among   christian people at war, to profess always a desire of peace. But if the ministers of one of the parties choose to insist particularly on a certain article, which they know the others are not, and cannot be impowered to agree to, what credit can they expect should be given to such professions?

    Your ministers require that we should receive again into our bosoms, those who have been our bitterest enemies, and restore their properties who have destroyed ours; and this while the wounds they have given us are still bleeding. It is many years since your nation expelled the Stuarts and their adherents, and confiscated their estates: much of your resentment against them may by this time be abated. Yet if we should insist on, and propose it as an article of our treaty with you, that that family should be recalled, and the forfeited estates of its friends restored, would you think us serious in our professions of earnestly desiring peace?

    I must repeat my opinion, that it is best for you to drop all mention of the refugees. We have proposed indeed nothing but what we think best for you, as well as ourselves. But if you will have them mentioned, let it be in an article which may provide, that they shall exhibit accounts of their losses, to commissioners hereafter to be appointed, who shall examine the same, together with the accounts now preparing in America, of the damages done by them, and state the account—and that if a balance appears in their favor, it shall be paid by us to you, and by you divided among them as you shall think proper; and if the balance is found due to us, it shall be paid by you.

    Give me leave however to advise you to prevent the necessity of so dreadful a discussion, by dropping the article; that we may write to America and stop the enquiry.

    To John Adams, Benjamin Franklin and John Jay, Esquires, commissioners from the United States of America, &c.—
    Paris, Nov. 5th, 1782.
    Gentlemen—Knowing the expectation of the king’s ministers that a full indemnity shall be provided for the whole body of refugees, either by a restitution of their property, or by some stipulated compensation for their losses, and being confident, as I have repeatedly assured you, that your refusal upon this point will be the great obstacle to a conclusion and ratification of that peace which is meant as a solid, perfect, permanent reconciliation and reunion between Great Britain and America, I am unwilling to leave Paris without once more submitting the matter to your consideration. It affects equally, in my opinion, the honor and the humanity of your country and of ours. How far you will be justified in risking every favorite object of America by contending against these principles, is for you to determine. Independence and more than a reasonable possession of territory seem to be within your reach. Will you suffer them to be outweighed by the gratification of resentment against individuals? I venture to assert that such a conduct has no parallel in the history of civilized nations.
    I am under the necessity of setting out by two o’clock to-day; if the time is too short for your reconsideration and final determination of this important point, I shall hope that you will enable Mr. Oswald to dispatch a messenger after me, who may be with me before morning at Chantilly, where I propose sleeping to-night, or who may overtake me before I arrive in London, with a satisfactory answer to this letter.I have the honor to be, gentlemen, your most obedient and most humble servant.

    Signed, H. Strachey.
    To H. Strachy, Esq.—
    Passy, 6th November, 1782.
    Sir—We have been honored with your favor of the 5th inst. and as our answer to a letter we received from Mr. Oswald on the same subject contains our unanimous sentiments respecting it, we take the liberty of referring you to the enclosed copy of that answer. we have the honor to be, sir, your most obedient, &c.
    Signed,
    John Adams,
    B. Franklin,
    John Jay.
    Copy of a letter to Mr. Oswald.—
    Sir—In answer to the letter you did us the honor to write, on the 4th. inst. we beg leave to repeat what we often said in conversation, viz. that the restoration of such of the estates of refugees, as have been confiscated, is impracticable, because they were confiscated by laws of particular states, and in many instances have passed by legal titles through several hands. Besides, sir, as this is a matter evidently appertaining to the internal policy of the separate states, the congress, by the nature of our constitution, have no authority to interfere with it.
    As to your demand of compensation to these persons, we forbear enumerating our reasons for thinking it ill founded. In the moment of conciliatory overtures, it would not be proper to call certain scenes into view, over which a variety of considerations should induce both parties at present to draw a veil. Permit us therefore only to repeat, that we cannot stipulate for such compensation, unless on your part it be agreed to make retribution to our citizens for the heavy losses they have sustained by the unnecessary destruction of their private property.
    We have already agreed to an amnesty more extensive than justice required, and full as extensive as humanity could demand. We can therefore only repeat that it cannot be extended further. We should be sorry if the absolute impossibility of our complying further with your propositions on this head, should induce Great Britain to continue the war, for the sake of those, who caused and prolonged it. But if that should be the case, we hope that the utmost latitude will not be given to its rigours—Whatever may be the issue of this negotiation, be assured, sir, that we shall always acknowledge the liberal, manly and candid manner in which you have conducted it; and that we shall remain, with the warmest sentiments of esteem and regard, your most obedient, humble servants.
    Signed,
    J. Adams,
    B. Franklin,
    J. Jay.
    Article proposed and read to the commissioners, before signing the preliminary articles.—
    It is agreed, that his Britannic Majesty will earnestly recommend it to his parliament to provide for and make a compensation to the merchants and shop-keepers of Boston, whose goods and merchandise were seized and taken out of their stores, warehouses and shops, by order of General Gage and others of his commanders and officers there, and also to the inhabitants of Philadelphia, for the goods taken away by his army there; and to make compensation also for the tobacco, rice, indigo, and negroes, &c. seized and carried off by his armies under Generals Arnold, Cornwallis and others, from the states of Virginia, North and South Carolina, and Georgia; and also for all vessels and cargoes, belonging to the inhabitants of the said United States, which were stopped, seized or taken either in the ports or on the seas, by his Governors, or by his ships of war, before the declaration of war against the said states.

    And it is further agreed, that his Britannic majesty will also earnestly recommend it to his parliament to make compensation for all the towns, villages and farms burnt and destroyed by his troops or adherents in the said U. States.
    Facts—There existed a free commerce upon mutual faith between Great Britain and America. The merchants of the former credited the merchants and planters of the latter, with great quantities of goods, on the common expectation that the merchants, having sold the goods, would make the accustomed remittances; that the planters would do the same, by the labor of their negroes, and the produce of that labour, tobacco, rice, indigo, &c.

    England, before the goods were sold in America, sends an armed force, seizes those goods in the stores, some even in the ships that brought them, and carries them off; seizes also and carries off the tobacco, rice and indigo, provided by the planters to make returns, and even the negroes from whose labour they might hope to raise the produce for that purpose.

    Britain now demands that the debts shall nevertheless be paid.
        Will she? Can she justly refuse making compensation for such seizures?
    If a draper who had sold a piece of linen to a neighbor on credit, should follow him, take the linen from him by force; and then send a bailiff to arrest him for the debt; would any court of law or equity award the payment of the debt, without ordering a restitution of the cloth?
    Will not the debtors in America cry out, that if this compensation be not made they were betrayed by the pretended credit, and are now doubly ruined, first by the enemy and then by the negotiators at Paris; the goods and negroes sold them being taken from them, with all they had besides, and they are now to be obliged to pay for what they have been robbed off?
    The foregoing papers have not been arranged exactly in the order of their dates, because unfortunately some of them are without dates. In the next letter, the journal will be continued.

John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 30 July 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

					Quincy, July 30, 1811.

				The Journal proceeds—1782 Nov. 29, Friday. Met Mr. Fitzberbert, Mr. Oswald, Mr. Jay, Mr. Laurens, (for the first time) and Mr. Stratchy, at Mr. Jay’s Hotel D’Orleans; and spent the whole day in discussions about the fishery, and the Tories.—I proposed a new article concerning the fisheries. It was discussed and turned in every light and multitudes of amendments proposed on each side, and at last the article drawn as it was finally agreed to. The other English gentlemen being withdrawn, upon some occasion, I asked Mr. Oswald if he could consent to leave out the limitation of three leagues from all the shores, and the fifteen from those of Louisbourg?

He said, in his own opinion he was for it; but his instructions were such that he could not do it. I perceived by this, and by several incidents and little circumstances before which I had remarked to my colleagues, who were much of the same opinion, that Mr. Oswald had an instruction not to settle the articles of the fishery and refugees, without the concurrence of Mr. Fitzherbert and Mr. Stratchy.Upon the return of the other gentlemen, Mr. Stratchy proposed to leave out the word right of fishery, and make it Liberty. Mr. Fitzherbert said the word right was an obnoxious expression.Upon this I rose up and said, gentlemen is there, or can there be a clear right? In former treaties, that of Utrecht and that of Paris, France and England have claimed the right and used the word.—When God Almighty made the banks of Newfoundland, at three hundred leagues distance from the people of America, and at six hundred leagues distance from those of France and England, did he not give as good a right to the former as to the later. If heaven, in the creation gave a right it is ours, at least as much as yours. If occupation, use, and possession give a right, we have it as clearly as you. If war, blood, and treasure give a right ours is as good as yours.

We have been constantly fighting in Canada, Cape Briton, and Nova Scotia for the defence of this fishery, and have expended, beyond all proportion more than you. If then the right cannot be denied, why should it not be acknowledged? and put out of dispute? Why should we leave room for illiterate fishermen to wrangle and chicane?Mr. Fizherbert said, the argument is in your favour. I must confess your reasons appear to be good: but as Mr. Oswald’s instructions were such, that he did not see, how he could agree with us. And for my part I have not the honor and felicity, to be a man of that weight and authority in my country, that you gentlemen are in yours. (This was very genteely said.) I have the accidental advantage of a little favour with the present Minister: but I cannot depend upon the influence of my own opinion, to reconcile a measure to my countrymen. We can consider ourselves as little more than pens in the hands of Government at home: And Mr. Oswald’s instructions are so particular.I replied to this, the time is not so pressing upon us, but that we can wait, till a Courier goes to London, with your representations upon this subject, and others that remain between us, and I think the ministers must be convinced.Mr. Fitzherbert said, to send again to London and have all laid loose before Parliament, was so uncertain a measure!—It was going to sea again.Upon this Dr. Franklin said, that if another Messenger was to be sent to London, he ought to carry something more, respecting a compensation to the sufferers in America.

He produced a paper from his pocket, in which he had drawn up a claim. He said the first principle of the treaty was equality and reciprocity. Now they demanded of us payment of debts, and restitution or compensation to the refugees. If a draper had sold a piece of cloth to a man upon credit, and then sent a servant to take it from him by force, and after bring his action for the debt, would any court of law or equity give him his demand, without obliging him to restore the cloth? Then he stated the carrying off of goods from Boston, Philadelphia, and the Carolinas, Georgia, Virginia, &c and the burning of the towns &c and desired that this might be sent with the rest.Upon this I recounted the history of Gen. Gage’s agreement with the inhabitants of Boston, that they should remove with their effects upon condition, that they would surrender their arms. But as soon as the arms were secured, the goods were forbidden to be carried out, and were finally carried off in large quantities to Halifax.Dr. Franklin mentioned the case of Philadelphia, and the carrying off of effects there, even of his own Library.Mr. Jay mentioned several other things, andMr. Laurens added, the plunders in Carolina, of Negroes, Plate &c.

After hearing all this, Mr Fitzherbert, Mr. Oswald and Mr. Stratchy, retired for some time; and returning, Mr. Fitzherbert said, that upon consulting together, and weighing every thing as maturely as possible, Mr. Stratchy and himself had determined to advise Mr. Oswald to strike with us, according to the terms we had proposed as our ultimatum respecting the fishery and the loyalists. Accordingly we all sat down, and read over the whole treaty, and corrected it, and agreed to meet tomorrow morning, at Mr. Oswalds house, to sign and seal the treaties which the secretaries were to copy fair in the mean time.I forgot to mention that when we were upon the point of the fishery, and Mr Stratchy and Mr Fitzherbert were urging us to leave out the word right, and substitute liberty, I told them at last, in answer to their proposal, to agree upon all other articles and leave that of the fishery to be adjusted at the definitive treaty: I said I never could put my hand to any articles without satisfaction about the fisheries. That congress had, three or four years ago, when they did me the honor to give me a commission to make a treaty of commerce with Great Britain, given me a positive instruction not to make any such treaty without an article in the treaty of peace, acknowledging our right to the fishery; that I was happy that Mr Laurens was now present, who I believed was in Congress at the time, and must remember it.Mr Laurens, upon this said with great firmness, that he was in the same case, and could never give his voice for any articles without this.Mr. Jay spoke up and said, it could not be a peace. It would only be an insidious truce, without it.1782 November 30, Saturday. St. Andrew’s day. We met first at Mr. Jay’s, then at Mr. Oswalds, examined and compared the treaties. Mr. Stratchy had left out the limitation of time; the twelve months that the refugees were allowed to reside in America, in order to recover their estates, if they could. Dr Franklin said this was a surprize upon us. Mr Jay said so too—We never had consented to leave it out. And they insisted upon putting it in, which was done.Mr. Laurens said there ought to be a stipulation, that the British troops should carry off no Negroes, or other American property. We all agreed. Mr Oswald consented.Then the treaties were all signed sealed, and delivered, and we all went out to Passy to dine with Dr. Franklin.Thus far has proceeded this great affair. The unravelling of the plot has been to me the most affecting and astonishing part of the whole piece.As soon as I arrived in Paris, I waited on Mr Jay, and learned from him the rise and progress of the negotiation. Nothing that has happened since the beginning of the controversy in 1761, has ever struck me more forcibly or affected me more intimately, than the entire coincidence of principles and opinions, between him and me. In about three days I went out to Passy, and spent the evening with Dr. Franklin, and entered largely into conversation with him upon the course and present state of our foreign affairs. I told him without reserve, my opinion of the policy of this court; and of the principles, wisdom and firmness, with which Mr Jay had conducted the negotiation in his sickness and my absence. And that I was determined to support Mr Jay, to the utmost of my power in the pursuit of the same system. The Doctor heard me patiently, but said nothing.The first conference we had afterwards with Mr. Oswald, in considering one point and another, Dr. Franklin turned to Mr. Jay and said, I am of your opinion and will go on with these gentlemen in the business without consulting this court. He has accordingly met us, in most of our conferences, and has gone on with us, in entire harmony and unanimity throughout, and has been able and useful, both by his sagacity and his reputation, in the whole negotiation.I was very happy that Mr. Laurens came in, although it was the last day of the conferences. I wish he could have been sooner. His apprehension, notwithstanding his deplorable affliction, under the

recent loss of so excellent a son, is as quick, and his judgment as sound and his heart as firm as ever.—He had an opportunity of examining the whole, and judging and approving; and the article which he caused to be inserted, at the very last, that no property should be carried off; which would most probably in the multiplicity and hurry of affairs have escaped us, was worth a longer journey, if that had been all. But his name and weight were added, which is of much greater consequence.These miserable minutes, may help me to recollect; but I have not found time, amidst the hurry of business and crowd of visits, to make a detail.I should have before noted, that at our first conference about the fishery, I related the facts as well as I understood them, but knowing nothing myself, but as an hearsay witness, I found it had not the weight of occular testimony: to supply which defect I asked Dr. Franklin if Mr. Williams, of Nantes, could not give us light? He said Mr. Williams was on the road to Paris, and as soon as he arrived he would ask him. In a few days Mr. Williams called on me and said, Dr. Franklin had as I desired him, enquired of him about the fishery; but he was not able to speak particularly upon that subject; but there was at Nantes a gentleman of Marblehead, Mr. Samuel White, son in law to Mr. Hooper, who was master of the subject, and to him he would write.Mr. Jeremiah Allen, a merchant of Boston, called on me about the same time. I inquired of him. He was only able to give such an hearsay account as I could give myself; but I desired him to write to Mr. White at Nantes, which he undertook to d, and did. Mr. White answered Mr. Allen’s letter by referring him to his answer to Mr. Williams, which Mr. Williams received and delivered to Dr. Franklin, who communicated it to us; and it contained a good account.I desired Mr. Thaxter to write to Messrs. Ingraham and Bromfield, and Mr. Storer to write to Capt. Coffin at Amsterdam. They delivered me the answers. Both contained information, but Coffin’s was the most particular, and of the most importance, as he spoke as a witness. We made the best use of these letters with the English gentlemen, and they appeared to have a good deal of weight with them.From first to last, I ever insisted upon it, with the English gentlemen, that the fisheries, and the Mississippi, if America was not satisfied in those points, would be the sure and certain sources of a future war. Shewed them the indispensable necessity of both to our affairs, and that no treaty we could make, which should be unsatisfactory to our people upon those points, could be observed. That the population near the Mississippi would be so rapid, and the necessities of the people for its navigation rapid, that nothing could restrain them from going down; and if the force of arms should be necessary it would not be wanting. That the fishery entered into our distilleries, our coasting trade, our trade with the southern states, with the West India Islands, with the coast of Africa, and with every part of Europe, and especially with England, in such  a manner, that it could not be taken from us, or granted us stingily, without tearing and rending. That the other states had staples. We had none but fish; no other means of remittances to London, or paying those debts they had insisted on so seriously. That if we were fenced off at three leagues distance, we should smuggle eternally; that their men of war might have the glory of sinking now and then a fishing schooner; but this would not prevent a repetition of the crime, it would only inflame and irritate and inkindle a new war. That in seven years we should break through all restraint, and conquer from them the island of Newfoundland itself, and Nova Scotia too.Mr. Fitzherbert always smiled, and said it was very extraordinary that the British ministry and we should see it in so different a light. That they meant the restriction, in order to prevent disputes and kill the seeds of war; and we should think it so certain a source of disputes, and so strong a seed of war; but that our reasons were such, that he thought the probability of our side.I have not time to minute the conversations about the sea-cow fishery, the whale fishery, the Magdalen islands, the Labradore coast, and the coasts of Nova Scotia. It is sufficient to say, they were explained to the utmost of our knowledge, and finally conceded.I should have noted before the various deliberations between the English gentlemen and us, relative to the words “indefinite and exclusive right,” which the Comte de Vergennes and Mr Gerard had the precaution to insert in our treaty with France. I observed often to the English gentlemen, that aiming at excluding us, from fishing upon the north side of Newfoundland, it was natural for them (the French) to wish that the English would exclude us from the south side. This would be making both alike and take away an odious distinction.
French statesmen must see the tendency of our fishermen being treated kindly and hospitably like friends by the English on their side of the Island, and unkindly and inhospitably and like enemies on the French side.I added farther, that it was my opinion, neither our treaty with the French, nor any treaty or clause to the same purpose which the English could make would be punctually observed. Fishermen both from England and America would smuggle; especially the Americans in the early part of the spring, before the Europeans could arrive. This therefore must be connived at by the French, or odious measures must be recurred to by them or us to suppress it; and in either case it was easy to see what would be the effect upon the American mind. They, no doubt, therefore wished the English to put themselves upon as odious a footing, at least, as they had done.Dr. Franklin said there was great deal of weight in this observation, and the Englishmen shewed plainly enough that they felt it.I have not attempted, in these notes to do justice to the arguments of my colleagues, all of whom, were, when they attended, throughout the whole business very attentive and very able, especially Mr. Jay, to whom the French, if they know as much of his negotiations as they do of mine, would very justly give the title with which they have inconsiderately decorated me, that of Le Washington of negotiation, a very flattering compliment indeed, to which I have not a right; but seriously think it belongs to Mr. Jay.Thus ends the journal of November 30, 1782. The day of the signature of the preliminary and provisional articles of peace.There is very little in the whole of this journal from the 26th of October, the day on which I arrived at Paris to the 30th of November, when the treaty was signed, relative to what passed in the public conferences between the British and American ministers. The inquiries, the investigations, the explanations, the discussions continued from day to day, through the whole of the month of November. It would have been impossible for me to have recollected and committed to writing at night, unless the night had been longer than the day, and I could have passed thirty nights without sleep.I shall in my next, state a few facts that are not in the journal.

					John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 31 July 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

Dear Sir.
Quincy July 31st. 1811

I have several sweet letters from you the last of which is the 20th of this month.
The table of Cider and health and Rum and death I have given to Dr Tufts who will propagate it. It is a concise but very comprehensive result of long experiences, Attentive observation, and deep and close thought.
I was too wise to go to the great celebration. the heat would have killed me. It was here as with you. The Fashion rules all.
I remember I spoke on the day the vote was taken. But it was only a recapitulation of Arguments which had been worn thread bare in the house by frequent repititions for a long time before. The great Controversy between Mr Dickinson and me on the question of Independence I believe was before you came into Congress. I think you did not hear it. It was then that I was somewhat “carried out in Spirit” as Enthusiastic Preachers sometimes express themselves.
You may remember I wrote you twenty years ago that, The whigs had succeeded too well ever to be forgiven.
At the moment when Independence was declared you know there were full one third of the people who detested it in their hearts though they dared not confess it. In Pensylvania and New-York I have always thought there was at least one half. At the time I believed that these two States would have abandoned Us, if they had not been afraid of the Union and their Neighbours on both sides.
Among our secret Enemies were many of old Families and very wealthy people who with their descendants and connections were and will be the haters of all who early acted a part in the Revolution. These have sometimes had the Government of the nation in their hands as well as many of the particular States. they always have and always will endeavor to blast the Characters of all who they think had any active and efficient agency in the revolution. These Labour to obliterate all gratitude esteem and affection in the People towards the really operative Whigs by lavishing an hypocritical Adoration on Washington whom they have always considered as the mere painted head of the ship.
I hear and see these things I believe with as much indifference as you do.
My Brother Cranch to whom I shewed your letter very shrewdly asked me whether you did not mean to include me in the List of those “most preeminent” in the general mental disease? “Those who by writing and reasoning attempt to cure”  the delirious? What say you to this?
Mr Marshalls distinction is a great consolation. Success is not in our power Fidelity is, and I believe his compliment to you was very just.
Mr Smiths Pamphlet like mr Randolphs Pamphlet, Mr Monroes Pamphlet, and Mr Pickering’s Pamphlet, will strut its hour upon the Stage; furnish conversation to the Idle and the partial for a few days and then be heard no more. It is however scandalous that such attacks should be countenanced and encouraged, upon Presidents whose hands are tied and cannot defend themselves.
Yours forever

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Richard Sullivan, 6 August 1811
From: Sullivan, Richard
To: Adams, John

Hon Mr Adams,
                            Sir,
                            Park Street—Boston  Augt. 6th. 1811

Under an apprehension that sickness may still prevail in your family the Gentlemen, Trustees of the Agricultural Society, desirous of meeting your convenience, have directed me to propose that their next meeting should be held at the house of some other Gentleman of the Board. They have also expressed a hope that, as there has been no established order of succession as to the place of meeting, which has been adhered to, you would not hesitate, if convenient, to postpone the meeting at your House till the month of April or May.
With sentiments / of great respect / yr. humble Servt
Rd Sullivan