Title: From John Adams to William Stephens Smith, 20 November 1814
From: Adams, John
To: Smith, William Stephens

Dear Sir
Quincy November 20th 1814

Yesterday I received your packet of the 7th. you ask “What is to be the result of the Convention at Hartford?” What a question! Had you asked my opinion of the measure I would have said, it is neither wise, honorable, or virtuous; and I would have requested you to give my compliments to every Virginian you meet, high or low, and tell him, that Massachusetts deserves to be made to repent of it in dust and ashes, as much and no more than Virginia did to repent of her Insolence, in the last years of the last Century.
As to the “result” Otis will make a harangue, more eloquent than ever was uttered by Fox, Pitt, or Burke, an incessant stream of blazing fire and flame; so that great writer the learned and ingenious, Mr Puff DD and LLD, will publish in the newspapers. Cabot will make no speech in public, but instead of giving any attention to Otis, he will spend his time in whispering to the individual members in Session, and in eternal talking to them out of Session at their Social breakfasts, dinners, and Suppers. The great object, is the next Election of P, and VP. The great difficulty  will be to fix upon a Candidate. Such has been the atrocious Apostacy of New York that De Witt will not do. King is both a N. Yorker and Massachusetts Man; and yet he is neither. Not cordial with either. Cabot is the secret wish, Gore would do. But neither has a name. Neither is known by the Nation. Who can it be? Strong? For what I know they would prefer Gerry to any Virginian.
The debates in Convention will be nothing more or less than the writings of Tim Pick, and Jack Lowell, unskillfully abridged, and coldly repeated. Even Otis’s volubility can produce nothing better. Will they seize the Taxes and Revenue’s? No. not yet. Will they raise armies? Yes. And agree to help each other, in case of Invasion; for they dare not trust, their dear friends the English.
It will however paralyze the public credit, debilitate the national Government, and leave the defence of the States, and the people to themselves. And defend themselves they will, and with little method, but great perseverance.
You my good hearted Son in Law, may think this all Badinage. It is true, I cannot reason upon our public affairs. The sentiments and conduct of this nation from the 17th of June 1778 to this hour have been so different from mine, that I can lay down no principles, nor conceive any system in which the people will approve me, that I ought not to be consulted. Dismiss me from service, with parisian disgrace, as you will; and let me enter into service in another world.
Your “district” will not be molested this Winter. This terrific Knight Sir Roland will not come.
Hear from Vienna before you prophecy for 1815. I am incapable of forming an opinion of your “enclosed letter or the answer.” If such Phenomina had appeared in my time, I should have been torn to peices by the Wolves and Tygers. It is not amiss however to have such plans submitted to the public for their consideration, for something as terrible or worse, must be soon adopted unless Providence should interpose some event in our favour, as unforeseen and unexpected as the fall of Napoleon. I am with / sentiments as usual
John Adams


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams, 22 November 1814
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson

N. 55.
My beloved wife.
Ghent 22. November 1814.

We have not yet received from the British Plenipotentiaries a reply to the Note which we sent them on Thursday the 10th: instt: but we find some notice of it in the English Newspapers—The Courier on Evening and ministerial paper, on Monday the 14th: after referring to a paragraph, in the Gazettes of this Country which had stated that nothing was known of the state of the Negotiation at Ghent, added that enough however was known in England to ascertain that t it would not succeed, and that the British Plenipotentiaries might be soon expected home. The Morning Chronicle an opposition paper, on Tuesday the 15th: stated that the American ministers had in the course of the preceding week, delivered in a long Note, which had been received at London on Sunday Morning, and that a Cabinet Council had immediately been held upon it at the foreign office—It mentions also that there had been reports on Monday, that we had received Instructions from America by the way of France—that we had rejected the Project offered by the British Government, and proposed another—The meeting of the Cabinet Council on Sunday the 13th: has been confirmed by the subsequent papers, and it is probable that a hint was given to the Editor of the Courier to prepare the expectation of the public for the rupture.—It is not true that we have rejected the British project, for we have not yet been able to prevail upon the British Cabinet Council to produce any project at all—They have made and retracted and renewed and varied distinct propositions upon particular points, but have taken special care to give us no project of a Treaty—Nearly three Months ago, they informed us that on one of the points, upon which we had rejected their demands, they should, as soon as we had agreed upon another, have a proposal to make so fair and moderate and generous, that we could not possibly reject it—We did finally agree a month since, upon the other point, since which we have not heard a word of the fair and generous proposal—They have on the contrary told us in substance that they had no proposal to make about it, and yet I fully expect that if they do give us at last a project of a Treaty we shall find it there—We have now asked them three times for their project—The first time we offered to return them ours, immediately after receiving their’s—as they shuffled in their answer, but hinted in a manner as if they were ashamed of the suggestion, that there was an advantage in receiving the first draft of a Treaty, instead of giving it, we next offered to exchange the two projects at the same time—they replied, by a pretension that they had partly furnished a project, because they had told us in substance all they meant to demand; and then again they squinted at the advantage of receiving the first offer, and at some question of etiquette, which might be in the case—It was too plain that their advantage and their etiquette, were nothing but devices for wasting time; and so we sent them a complete project, drawn up in form, with nothing but blanks of time and place to fill, to make it a Treaty—Had the British Plenipotentiaries been sent here honestly to make Peace this is what might and should have been done before the twentieth of August, on both sides—The pretended etiquette is an absurdity—The Negotiation was proposed by the British Government—It was the business of the British Government to present first inform as well as in substance the terms upon which they were willing to conclude the Peace—When we were at Berlin, you remember there was a Treaty of Commerce concluded between the United-States and Prussia—The first thing the Prussian Ministers did after they were appointed to treat with me was, to send me the project of a Treaty in form. They never hinted at any question of etiquette, and I am very sure this is the first time that such a pretension was ever applied to such an occasion—Some of us expect that we shall now at least bring them to a point. But of this, notwithstanding the threat in the Courier, I strongly doubt—They have as yet no information from America, decisive as to the issue of the campaign—The Antelope arrived on the 15th: instt: at Portsmouth, from Quebec, whence she sailed the 14th: of October.—She brings dispatches from Sir George Prevost, of 9. October, and confirms the Report which had some days ago been received from Halifax, of a sortie made by our troops from Fort Erie on the 17th: of September—By the account in the Courier it was but partly successful on our part—The Courier says that we had made no progress. That upon the whole the accounts, are highly satisfactory. That they had taken two very large American Schooners on Lake Huron—which would give them the command of those waters—that Sir George Prevost had made good his retreat without losing either Cannon or Men—That Sir James Yeo had launched his 100 gun ship, and was out, exercising his men—But it speaks obscurely of General Drummond’s situation, and says not a word about Izzard—There is a rumour too from a ship spoken with at sea, that the United States and Macedonian frigates had been destroyed at New-London, with some other particulars so absurd that they tend to discredit this, which is otherwise probable, more than enough. We shall have I suppose accounts more certain and with further details, this Evening or to-morrow—In the mean time, I derive some encouragement from the ambiguous manner in which the Courier speaks of the sortie at Fort Erie, and of General Drummond’s retiring from it—If the advantage had been even balanced in that affair, Bridgwater and Baltimore have very recently shewn us that the Courier would have claimed a complete and decisive victory.
Your Letters of 25 and 29. October, are just this moment put into my hands— I had hoped the Post-Office would have been more punctual than to fall into the habit again of delivering Letters only once a week, and then two at a time.—I am not surprized that you should have been so much affected by the Vandalism at Washington—The disgust which you observe that the conduct of the British there, gave at St: Petersburg, has been generally felt throughout Europe—The whole transaction has done more injury to them than to us—especially as Baltimore—Plattsburg, Lake Champlain and Fort Erie have since retrieved part of our loss of character, while they have tended to aggravate their disgrace—By this time I believe that even your compassionating friends in Russia begin to suspect that all America is not yet conquered—We have yet much to endure and go through; but I trust we shall triumph at the last.
Our dinner to the British Plenipotentiaries and Americans on Friday was not remarkably gay—But it passed off, with all suitable decorum—Bentzon was extremely diverted with my namesake the Doctor, who told us that he had not been to the Play in England these ten years, and described with extasies of astonishment and delight—the tricks that he had seen performed by an Indian juggler, and the amazing address with which he balanced straws upon his nose. Bentzon declares that these two things taken together have given him the exact measure of the man.
To-morrow we give another dinner to the Intendant and his family; with two or three other persons, I do not precisely know whom—We have received invitations to attend the Redoutes, which in our Country, we should call subscription Assemblies or Balls—The first is to be next Thursday, and they are to be continued once a week, through the winter—We have two new visitors, Mr Issling, and Mr Goddard—Mr Bayard returned Sunday Evening from his excursion.
Love to Charles; and ever faithful affection to yourself.
A.


Title: From Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams to John Quincy Adams, 22 November 1814
From: Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson
To: Adams, John Quincy

My Dearest Friend
St Petersburg Novbr. 22 1814

I am charmed to find by your last letter that you pass your time so agreeably at Ghent: it would be almost a pity that the Congress should break up, as by all account you have derived so much benefit from your residence, and this Climate is so injurious, that the idea of your returning to sink again into the state of into inanity into which you had fallen, is so painful I could almost wish for any thing that could prolong your absence separations are painful but frequently beneficial the same insipid round makes time hang heavy on our hands and it has ever been my opinion that to make home really valuable we ought to frequent Society and fit ourselves to enjoy those hours which we must pass alone Mr. & Mrs. Goulbourne young are and as you say young married but I dare say when he has reached a period of 17 years he will find it very tedious to have his Wife tagging after him and perhaps we will be wise. even Cicero was unquestionably a very great Man threw off his old Wife upon a plea of temper after she had render’d him the greatest services to marry a young one with whom however he found it impossible to live It is very fine to talk about only being happy in the bosom of ones family. but I confess my ideas of happiness may be erronious but they extend to something beyond the pleasure of passing every evening one hour together the one party sleeping and the other sinking into absolute silence or gaping for want of something better to do—If this is happiness I want both taste and sense to enjoy it, and as I have always been accustomed to have others in my Family my anticipations are not the most pleasing as I am perfect aware how very few of the requisites I possess to make an agreeable companion and I have too often been made sensible of my incapacity not to feel it most keenly We cannot force ourselves to become what Nature never intended us to be and I am so unfortunate as to find it impossible ever to be otherwise than I am my melancholy disposition affects all who have the misfortune to be allied to me and it is only when they far removed that they find any real enjoyment.
Mrs. Smith wrote me a letter part of which I cannot understand, but I believe it is of no consequence I most sincerely wish I could find an opportunity to go home as I know very well that the impositions of every kind that I am obliged to submit to here will embitter my future life not that I pretend to be very responsible, being left as I am in a Strange Country the language of which I do not understand and without a single being in whom I can place the most trifling confidence I am so sick and weary of it I would willingly run all the risks attached to the Voyage in the present state of things than undergo it much longer and as the Affairs of America appear to be such as to make it inconvenient as it has already proved in this instance to have your family with you—
You will perhaps attribute all this to  ill temper but that I am used and to, and I shall indulge myself by writing freely
Adieu God Bless you continue to amuse yourself and believe me whether good or ill humoured ever affectionately yours
L C A.


Title: To John Adams from William Stephens Smith, 23 November 1814
From: Smith, William Stephens
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir—
Washington Novr. 23d. 1814

The Vice President of The United States is Dead. He Presided in the Senate yesterday, with his usual appearance of Health; this morning took breakfast, and went in a Hack to the Treasury department, after finishing the business which called him there, he observed to Mr. Nourse, that he did not feel well Mr. Nourse attended him to the carriage & he ordered the Driver to carry  him to the lodgings, instead of the Senate Chamber
On the way the Coachman, heard him groan and spoke to him, but was not answered, when he arrived at his lodgings, he was carried to his room, and laid on his bed—he turned on his back, groaned heavily, and died, immediately
Committees of both Houses are appointed to make proper arrangements for the funeral,—
I am Dear Sir / yours affectionately
W: S: Smith


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Abigail Smith Adams, 23 November 1814
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

N. 66.
My dear Mother.
Ghent 23. November. 1814.

In my Letter of 22. of last Month, I mentioned to you my disappointment at having received no Letters from Quincy or from Boston, by the Dutch vessel, which sailed on the first of September, and arrived at the Texel—I had been equally disappointed a short time before, by the arrival of Mr Boyd from Washington, having left that City the 12th: of August, and bringing no Letters from you—He gave me some consolation by informing me that Mrs: Buchanan had received just before his departure a Letter from you, and that you, and all my friends in your neighbourhood were in good health—My last Letter from Quincy is yours of 1. May.
Mr Boyd arrived at Bordeaux, in a Schooner called the Transit, and by the refusal of the British Admiral to furnish a Cartel for her, was obliged to come out without one. We have obtained one from the British Admiralty for her return—Mr Boyd after passing some days here went to Paris where he now is—We shall probably dispatch him in the course of a week or ten days, and unless some earlier opportunity of sending this Letter by the way of a Cartel from England should occur I shall forward it by him.
While the eyes and expectations of our Country have been so anxiously and so fruitlessly turning towards us, for the restoration of that Peace for which she so earnestly longs, ours are turned with anxiety equally deep towards her, for those exertions and energies by which alone she will find Peace to be obtained. The British Government after exhausting every expedient, and every pretext to delay, sent at last Plenipotentiaries to meet us here, with formall Full-Powers to conclude a Peace, and with orders, as appears by their proceedings, to do nothing more than to transmit our Communications to the Cabinet Council in England, and the answers of the cabinet Council to us—This at least is all that they have done hitherto—They began by making professions the most pacific and conciliatory, together with demands the most extravagant and inadmissible—After contesting two months and more upon mere preliminaries, and abandoning so much of their demands that we found it impossible to agree to the rest, they come out with a proposal entirely new, inconsistent with repeated declarations previously made by them, and which we could only reject in the most pointed terms—The principle which the Ministry and their adherents in England had assumed was that the only Peace to be made with America was one which should be on the basis of unconditional submission by the Americans. They knew that we were not prepared to subscribe to such terms, but they probably expected we should be at the close of the campaign which they had prepared in America; or at least that their present successes would be sufficiently great to keep the Spirits and Passions of their People up to the tone of supporting another campaign to secure their triumph—Hitherto the successes as far as they are known have been too much balanced to have answered their expectations—That of their attack upon Washington intoxicated them to such a degree that they translated their Gazette account of it into all the principal languages, and sent it by special Messengers all over Europe. That of Sir John Sherbrook’s expedition followed immediately after, and in more than one way flattered their dreams of conquest—Their conduct at Washington however excited throughout Europe a sentiment very different from that which they had expected; a sentiment of disgust at the Gothic barbarism of their proceedings; and since then; their failure at Baltimore; their defeat on Lake Champlain; their retreat from Plattsburg and the Sortie of 17. September from Fort Erie, have redeemed some of our disgraces, have aggravated theirs, and now lead them to the anticipation of an issue to the campaign more disastrous to them than I fear the event will realize—My own greatest apprehensions during the whole Summer have been for Sacket’s Harbour and our naval force on Lake Ontario—There is where I have dreaded the severest blow to us, and the misfortune of the most important consequences—My anxiety is far from being removed by the accounts last received—Should the British succeed there, or in any important enterprize in other quarters, there will be no possibility of obtaining Peace. They have hitherto met with no check of sufficient magnitude to discourage them, and at present, much slighter advantages than those upon which they have calculated will satisfy them with regard to the issue of the Campaign
It is a mortifying circumstance to one who feels for the honour and interest of our Country, to find a British prime Minister boasting in Parliament as the Earl of Liverpool has done, that the infamous outrages of their troops in America had been much more vindicated and justified by Americans, in American Newspapers, than they have in England itself—Still more of humiliation did I feel at his assertion that the People of the district of which they taken possession, people of the State of Massachusetts had manifested a disposition to become British Subjects—I still indulge the hope that he has magnified into an expression of popular sentiment, the baseness and servility of a few individual sycophants, who may have intended merely to save their property from plunder, by paying court to the British Commander—Deeply as the sordid Spirit of faction has degraded my  native State, I will not yet believe that the lofty Sentiment of Independence has been extinguished in the Souls of any considerable portion of my Countrymen, or that they have sunk low enough in the scale of Creation, willingly to become Subjects of Great-Britain.
The European Continent after having presented for more than twenty years a continual scene of bloodshed, horror, and devastation has by a metamorphosis almost miraculous been suddenly transformed into a scene of universal Peace; though not yet of absolute tranquility. The Congress assembled at Vienna to distribute the plunder taken from France, and to settle the basis of a new balance for Europe, after having twice been postponed was to have been opened formally on the first of this month—It does not however yet appear what sort of a Body this Congress will be, or what will be their powers or duties—Several of the Sovereigns engaged in the late Wars, and the principal Ministers of others have been at Vienna, concerting their arrangements together, these two Months—They have formed the real Congress for the dispatch of business, and when they break up there will be nothing of importance left for the other to do—It is already apparent enough that they will settle no permanent system for the future repose of Europe; and perhaps the attempt itself to accomplish such a plan could be chimerical. It is equally evident that they will distribute their spoils without immediately quarreling among themselves. But as England will be left in undisturbed possession of her dominion of the Seas, and as France will be left humiliated, dissatisfied and yet formidable, there can be no doubt that the Peace of Europe will be neither solid nor permanent. There will probably be no War during the next year; and we shall of course according to all present appearances have again to contend single-handed against the whole force of Great-Britain, through the Campaign of 1815.—But if we defend ourselves manfully, Britain will at the close of the ensuing year be glad to make peace with us upon terms to which we can subscribe, or she will again have her hands full in Europe.
As to the end of our present Negotiation, I perceive no prospect of it, until our own Government, shall think proper to bring it to a close—Hitherto it has been the purpose of the British Government to keep it open, and while they have constantly avoided an approach to such Conditions as we could agree to, they have with equal care guarded against giving us any solid ground upon which we could have been justified in breaking it off—How far it may suit our policy to keep a sort of permanent congress together, waiting for the Chapter of Accidents to bring the two parties to terms upon which they can agree, it is not for me to determine. It is however possible that the British Ministry may adopt a more decisive course when their fiscal arrangements for the next year are completed, or when they have more fully ascertained the issue of the Congress at Vienna.
I have Letters from 29. October from my wife at St: Petersburg. She complains of the state of her health—Charles, she says was well, and as wild as a Colt—Mr: and Mrs. Smith are here, both well, and with a charming infant, eight months old.
With my dutiful and affectionate remembrances to my father, my Sons and the rest of the family, I remain your ever devoted Son.
A.


Title: From Antoine Claude Juste de Noailles to Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams, 24 November 1814
From: Noailles, Antoine Claude Juste de
To: Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson

St. Petersbourg le 24/12. 9bre. 1814.

Le soussigné reconnait avoir reçu de Madame Adams deux malles renfermant des papiers de l’ambassade française à St. Petersbourg, qui avaient été déposées chez elle par Mr. Le General Comte de Lauriston.

L’ambassadeur de franceLe Cte. de Noailles


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams, 25 November 1814
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson

N. 56.
My dear wife.
Ghent 25. November 1814.

The Evening before last Coll: Milligan arrived here from England. He had left London on Saturday Morning the 19th: and came by the way of Margate, Dover and Calais—Before he cross’d the Channel he saw at Margate and Dover, the London Evening Papers of Saturday, announcing the arrival from New-York of the long-expected Fingal—She landed four passengers on Thursday the 17th: at Portsmouth, and immediately proceeded to France—She had a passage of 22 days and brought accounts from New-York to the 24th: of October.
Yesterday Morning Mr Russell received a Letter from Mr: Speyer, who is at Havre de Grace informing him that the Fingal had arrived there on Friday the 18th: with Mr Purviance as bearer of dispatches to us—And last Evening Mr Shaler came in from Paris, with the dispatches, which Mr Purviance, being in an infirm state of health, had committed to him—Our Letters from the Department of State are of 19. October—But as usual, there are scarcely any private Letters—Mr: Gallatin has one of three lines from his wife, saying she knows he must be on his way home, and therefore only writes to say that she and her family are well, and at Philadelphia—Mr: Bayard has one from Mr: Rodney, and I have two—One from father Grassi, President of Georgetown College, enclosing one for the Pere-General des Jésuites, which I transmit with these presents to you, requesting you to send it with my best respects to the Right Reverend Father—and the other of 16th: October from De Grand at Boston.
The John-Adams arrived at New-York, on the 5th: of October—Our dispatches by that vessel were communicated to Congress, and immediately published, together with the Instructions of the Government to us—Mr: Monroe writes that they were producing the best effects, by uniting the Sentiments of all parties in support of the War—De Grand writes me the same thing—The Ajax, the Dutch vessel that I have mentioned to you in several former Letters, arrived on Monday last the 21st: after a passage of 34 days from Boston at the Texel—Mr: Bourne at Amsterdam writes me that the accounts brought by her are of the same nature—that there was but one voice upon the British proposals, and that was to spurn them with indignation—What those proposals were, I dare say you will have seen when this reaches you; for our Letters to the Government, and the first Note of the British Plenipotentiaries to us, that Note, of which I gave you an account in my Letter of 23. August, is now republished at full length in the English Newspapers—You will judge, after reading it whether I had reason to write you that it was impossible we should be detained here, beyond the first of September, unless it were for the arrangement of our Papers—The situation of things since then has changed more in appearance than in reality—The British Government have withdrawn just so much of their inadmissible demands, as would avoid the immediate rupture of the Negotiation—They have varied their terms at every communication that has past between their Plenipotentiaries and us—they have abandoned the claims which they had declared indispensable preliminaries, only to bring them forward again, whenever the circumstances of the war might encourage them to insolence, and in my belief they are now delaying their reply to our last Note, which they have had upwards of a fortnight, only to receive accounts of success from America, which will countenance them in rejecting our proposal, and assuming to dictate to us new terms of dishonour and submission.
That they will be highly exasperated by the publication of the dispatches we have every reason to expect, from the manner in which it has affected their Plenipotentiaries—We met them last Evening at the Redoute, and gave them the first information of this Event—They had not received their Papers of Saturday last, and expected their Messenger this day—They expressed much astonishment at the publication of dispatches, pending a Negotiation, and Mr Goulburn, who is of an irritable nature could not contain his temper—I know too well the character of the American government and people to doubt that such dispatches as Dallas carried out would be immediately published, and assuredly the British Government have no right to complain of it. Mr Gallatin thinks they will break off the Negotiation upon it, and if they do it will only relieve us from the humiliation of being kept here in attendance upon their insulting caprices, and insidious tergiversations—We have been here five Months, enduring every-thing, rather than break off, while a possibility of Peace remained—If they chuse to break for an act of our Government, in which we had no share, the blame will be none of ours, and if that out was merely disclosing to the world the degradation and infamy which under professions of moderation and magnanimity they offered us as their terms of peace, our Government will stand justified before heaven and earth for having done it—In our dispatches from the Secretary of State there are two things that have given me the highest gratification—The first is that we have the entire approbation of the President, for the determination we had declared that we should reject the British proposals—The second is this—You will recollect that in my Letter to you, of the 11th: of this month I informed you that I had obtained, not without difficulty the unanimous consent of my colleagues to insert in our last Note to the British Plenipotentiaries a proposal, the only one upon which as I believed there was the remotest possibility that we should ultimately obtain Peace, and from which we should as I also hoped, derive great advantage, even if it should be rejected.—The principal objection against it was, that it was not authorised, but was even forbidden by our Instructions. This I admitted; but urged that we ought to take upon ourselves the responsibility of making it, on the full conviction that our Government would now approve of it—I told you that I was strenuously supported by both my original colleagues, and finally obtained the acquiescence of the others to make the proposal—In the instructions that we have now received, dated 19. October, we are expressly authorized to make the same identical offer—The heaviest responsibility therefore, that of having trespassed upon our Instructions, is already removed—The effects of the measure are yet to be seen—I trust they will under either issue of the Negotiation, be good.
The news brought by the Fingal is of a mingled character—The most dangerous part of the campaign both in Canada, and to the South is yet impending—The British have the complete command of Lake Ontario. Chauncey and his fleet were in Sacket’s harbour; Prevost was gone to Kingston with a large force for an immediate joint attack upon it; and although it is stated to be in a tolerable condition of defence, I retain all my apprehensions for its fate which I have so often stated to you. Chauncey’s command at that place is the greatest misfortune that has befallen us in the War. His conduct has become every day more exceptionable, and by his refusal to co-operate with Brown, he has too probably sealed the doom of our cause in that quarter—The Massachusetts Legislature have appointed twelve Delegates, to meet others from the rest of the New-England States, on the 15th: of December, at Hartford in Connecticut, to organize a separate system of defence, and a new Confederacy of their own—This is a dangerous measure, but I hope it will not have all the pernicious effects to be apprehended from it—I have now barely space to acknowledge the receipt of your Letter of the 3d: instt: and with love to Charles to assure you of my faithful affection—
A.


Title: From Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams to John Quincy Adams, 25 November 1814
From: Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson
To: Adams, John Quincy

My best and Dearest Friend
St Petersburg Novbr. 25. 1814.

Your charming letter only reached me last night the roads being very bad but it came time enough to put me in high spirits and I went immediately after to a little Ball at Miss Focks were I amased myself very much and did not return untill 3 o’clock this Morning
Thank God for all the good news you gave me may he still grant us his protection and as you say turn the hearts of our enemies all my trust is in him and I have better hopes of the future than you appear to have there is a great deal in example We found it difficult to raise the spirit but once it may perhaps be more difficult to extinguish it and I never had a doubt that this spirit must be raised with such an enemy as we have, our Wars, must always be of a very different Nature from any European Wars. the nature of our Government, and the habits of the people, place us in a situation of such entire dependance on our own individual exertions, our persons, our Children, our property, are all so completely at stake, however we may despise, or condemn the measures of the Ruling party, we must in the end support it in our own defence. let us go on growling and marling as much as they please, as long as they will fight hand in hand against our implacable Foe: it is of little consequence, and success must crown the efforts of those who only fight to defend their rights.
Mr Harris informs me that M: King is appointed Secretary of War, I am rejoiced to hear it, as I believe he has talents to suit any place; and though at this moment it is a bed of thorns, I have no doubt his efforts will be crownd with success, the more arduous the task, the more glory there is in atchieving it.
Our good friend Lewis has just been with me, when ever he hears any thing like good news, he comes immediately to tell it me, and as I have several times told you I cannot sufficiently thank him for his attention—
An Englishman last night at Miss Focks, whom I have met once or twice at Mrs Krehmers, asked me, formally if you were likely to make Peace, and if affairs were not I could not already arranged. I could not help staring at the man. I have never had such a direct question put to me before— I told him you never wrote me upon business—
Last Sunday there was a Circle at Court, and contrary to established ettiquette the F. A. kissed the Empresses hand, the English Minister observing this, did the same, and our good old friend the Count followed the fashion, upon which the Empress drew on her Glove, and passed the other Gentleman without speaking. great comparisons are made in favour of the Duc de V. the Valet de Chambre came for the trunks yesterday. I got a receipt from the A.—
It is confidently said, that the Duc de Serra Capriola has had two Apoplectic Strokes, and that there is no prospect of his ever returning here. She does not know it.
I feel so fatigued from my last nights, dissippation that I am almost asleep, but sleeping, or working, I am ever your most affectionate Wife
L. C. Adams
Charles is quite Well and so Wild I find it difficult to manage him. My love to all.


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to John Quincy Adams, 29 November 1814
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Adams, John Quincy

my Dear Son
Quincy Nov’br 29th 1814

My last Letter to you, was dated 17th of October 1814 which supposing the negotiation had ended in Sep’br I directed It to Saint Petersburgh, and Sent it to go by which ever way public dispatches went.
I hope it will not travel further than Ghent, where by your Letter of 25th of october, yesterday received—I find you are yet.
As it personally concerned us, I rejoice that you are so much nearer to us—and that you are in a climate, more congenial to your Health. Yet in a public view, I had rather You had been in St Petersburgh
I cannot bear to see the great interests of our Country So triffeld with; and insulted, by that old Soceress, as dr waterhouse calls her.
we are not a warlike people. If invaded, we shall flie to Arms, and repell the Enemy. but a Regular Army of native Americans we shall never obtain. the feild is too wide, and our domains too extensive and the priviledges of all Men too equal; fore them to become Regular Soldiers
we are in a state of greater preparation than we Should have been, if washington had not fallen. Boston and Nyork are strongly fortified, and our Militia train’d, as far as they can be without action.
The greatest evil we now suffer, is the want of public credit, and this is felt throughout the union. every Limb Shareing and Suffering through the want of confidence in the Head. how it is to be restored, I am not casuist enough to determine.
But I will quit the affairs of the Nation, for some domestic occurences. in my last Letter, I informd you of the Marriage of my dear Caroline upon the Ninth of Sep’br She left me the Day after, Met a kind and cordial reception from mr De Wints Mother and Relatives, and from all her Letters, I have reason to be pleased and Satisfied with her Situation—I did not think, at that time that an other Marriage was So Soon to follow. there is certainly something very attractive between the Name of Adams and Johnson, by the combination which have taken place—A respectable Gentleman of about 26 years of Age by the Name of Johnson, whose Parents were from England Some 30 years Since, Setled in Utica in the Mercantile Line having with this only child made a fortune Sufficient to retire from buisness, live at their ease. the young Gentleman, who Sustains a fair Character was Smitten with the Fair damsel Abbe Louisa Adams, as She daily past him, returning from her School at Utica; She has grown up very handsome
“Fair as youthfull poets fancy when they Love”
and She is good, as She is fair. The gentleman procured an introduction into the Family, and after about three months acquaintance, declared himself and was accepted by the Lady “nothing Loth”  I presume, for in about one fortnight, they were married at the early Age of Sixteen; all household cares are to be Submitted to her Mother, who is to reside with her. at present they are to remain with his Parents; who have not any Relations in America their Son excepted. immediatly after their Marriage, they came to Quincy with mrs Adams to pay their Respects to us, and we were all much pleased with mr Johnson, who is much of the Gentleman in his manners, and deportment well informd and Sensible. he has publishd Some pamphlets upon Finnance & Banking. I have not yet Seen them.
December 1st.
This day is our annual Thanksgiving. your Brothers Family, dine with us—and your Sons—It is a very Stormy day, too bad for me to venture abroad, even if I was certain of hearing from the Desk Sentiments which I could unite in and approve, but most of our clergy are under a Delusion—and their Zeal is without knowledge—I have so often heard from the Desk, this war–calld a wicked and unnecessary war  and our Rulers abused for declaring it, that I have determined not to give countanance to Such Sentiments, by personal appearance. I have therefore abstaind from attending here upon these public occasions—
But I hope I have not been unmindfull of the Mercies of the past year and that which first claims my gratitude, is the Life, health, and continued mental faculties of your Father, now enterd upon his 80th year. altho his Bodily powers, feel the Hand of time: his Eyes fail and his Limbs tremble. his hearing is yet good, which is a great Satisfaction
My own Life, and health, altho of Minor concequence, is a Subject of thankfulness—nor am I unmindfull of that providential protection afforded to you, my dear Son, during your absence from your Native Land, nor have I failed to petition Heaven, that you might be instrumental in restoring Peace to It.—
That no Breach by Death, has added an other Victim to the grave; from those most dear to me; is amongst my vows of thanksgiving, to which may be added the pleasing prospect; that two of the Family are pleasingly Setled.
To health has been added a fruit full Season, and that our Hearts may be filled with gladness: our Arms, both by Sea, and Land; have prospered, and defended us with Skill and Bravery—whilst we contemplate these Mercies, as a Nation, we have Sufficient cause for humiliation, and penitence, for we have abused our priviledges and renderd ourselves unworthy of them. may repentance and amendment, restore us to our former happy State, of Peace and prosperity
I feel not a little anxious for my Daughter left alone and Solitary, as she must be in your absence, particularly So, Since mr and mrs Smith, have left her. I wish She was with you; and that you were not again, obliged to return to St Petersburgh—
when o when Shall I See you again my Thoughts are like the Swift winged Rays of Light—I cannot trust them but with an adieu ever your affectionate Mother
A


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to Richard Rush, 29 November 1814
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Rush, Richard

Dear Sir
Quincy Novbr 29th 1814

As my Husband has thought it proper to inclose a Letter, received from our Son to the president, which I presume you may read, I inclose one to me, for your perusal, the political part of which you may read to the president if you judge best; it is a more free expression of his feelings, and opinions, respecting the continuence of this farze of a negotiation on the part of the British Government, than he might think prudent to commit to public Dispatches
His feelings respecting the capitulation of Alexandria were excited, by the first account, which reached him through British channels—they were similar to those experienced by every real American—yet situated, and defenceless as Alexandria was, what could they have done!?
Why they were thus left! is an other Question
I have not a word to Say, in vindication of the conduct of my own native State, but much to deplore.
with my kind Regards to Mrs Rush / I am Dear Sir / your Friend

Abigail Adams


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams, 29 November 1814
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson

N. 57.
My dearest wife.
Ghent 29 November 1814

My letter of Friday last informed you of the arrival of the Fingal at Havre, and of the dispatches from the Government, brought by her that we had received—I should at the same time have told you that the Ajax, the Dutch vessel in which Mr. Changuion went to America, arrived on the 21st: instt: at the Texel, after a passage of 34 days from Boston. I now add, by way of episode that the Dutch Government have already concluded to recall the said Mr. Changuion, with the intention as we hear of sending him to Constantinople—This incident is of no great importance to us, and perhaps it may be accounted for, without recurring to the supposition of any foreign influence upon the Councils of the Sovereign Prince—The measure of sending him out was a manifestation of a friendly disposition towards us at a critical moment, and as such was estimated by our Country—His recall before the crisis has past may perhaps cancel some part of the obligation which a mere act of national courtesy might be supposed to confer by the circumstances of the moment at which it was performed—But as in the actual state of things our Country has the most decisive proof at what value she is to estimate the friendship of Europe, so I trust that with the blessing of God she will prove herself competent to her own defence, without needing the aid of that friendship for any part of her support.
I have not received a single Letter by the Ajax, and our public dispatches which came by her are merely duplicates and Newspapers. The flood of these which has poured upon us from two sides at once, has overwhelmed us with American News—I have not had time to read over a tenth part of the Papers, and those that I have read, are like the general mass of the intelligence received by these opportunities, partly painful, and partly pleasing. The proceedings of the Legislature of Massachusetts, are the worst feature in our public transactions—I am not surprized at them, because I have known more than ten years the views of the party by which they have been carried, and because I have been nearly as long convinced that this internal ulcer in our body-politic must and would sooner or later come to its head and break. I have been also fully prepared to see the demon of disunion shew himself in his hideous shape, and gradually throw off his disguise in proportion as the dangers and distresses of the Country should become imminent and severe—But at this moment how fearfully does this mad and wicked project of nation suicide bear upon my heart and mind, when I have the profoundest conviction that if we now fail to obtain peace, it will be owing entirely to this act of the Massachusetts Legislature—On Sunday we received a Note from the British Plenipotentiaries, together with our own project of a Treaty, with their remarks and proposals upon it—They have rejected without exception every thing that we had demanded on the part of the United States—But they have abandoned every thing important that was inadmissible, of their own demands—The objects upon which they still insist, and which we cannot yield are in themselves so trifling and insignificant that neither of the two Nations would tolerate a War for them—We have every thing but Peace in our hands—But in these trifles, in the simple consideration of interest, they have left involved principles to which we cannot accede—They have given up without qualification all demand for a cession of Territory, either for the Indians, or for themselves, but they have attempted to secure by an Article ambiguously drawn, the possession of perhaps a few hundred acres of land, which we can no more give up, than we could a whole State in our Union—There are other points totally unimportant, but implicating our national honour, to which they still adhere—We cannot agree to them, and if they finally persist in requiring it of us the Negotiation must break off; by reducing the controversy between us, to points so infinitely small in themselves, but upon which we cannot yield without disgrace, it is evident that the British Government are now sensible of the difficulty and danger to themselves of continuing the War; and that nothing could induce them to it but the encouragement held out to them by this prospect of the dissolution of our Union.—It is remarkable that these remnants of inadmissible claims are pointed against the State of Massachusetts alone, and that we have at present nothing to contend for, but rights peculiarly enjoyed by her and her Citizens—We shall maintain them with firmness, and may the great disposer of Events, and Ruler of Hearts, grant that we may maintain them effectually!—For the first time I now entertain a hope, that the British Government is inclined to conclude the Peace—Whether they have found that the Congress of Vienna has not been so propitious to their supreme ascendency in Europe as they had expected, or that the prospects of their campaign in America will probably terminate in disappointment; or that on the disclosure of their original demands, their own people are not prepared to squander their blood and treasure for a war of conquest in North America, I cannot determine; but certain it is, as the Chancellor of the Exchequer has very significantly said in the House of Commons, that the state of the Negotiation in November, is quite a different thing from the state of the Negotiation in August—We are now in sight of Port.—Oh! that we may reach it in safety!
By the English Newspapers of the 22d: we find that two vessels have arrived from Halifax, which sailed from thence on the 3d: and 4th: of the present month—They bring a report not official, but for the truth of which there is too much probability, that Sackets Harbour, and the whole of Chauncey’s fleet had been taken—There was nothing but a miracle like that of Plattsburg that could save them.
On the publication of our dispatches the federalists in Congress came out in the most explicit and decisive manner, declaring their determination to support the War at all hazards, and every sacrifice against the new British demands and pretensions—The speeches of Mr: Hanson and Mr Oakley are reprinted in the English papers. The Governor of Vermont had already published a proclamation in the same Spirit—Even the Report to the Massachusetts Legislature recommending their New-England Delegation whiningly complains that the enemy did not discriminate in his hostility between the supporters and the opponents of the war.
The state of our finances, is very bad—Mr: G. W. Campbell has resigned the office of Secretary of the Treasury, and Mr Dallas has taken his place—Mr: Monroe has been appointed Secretary at War—The Department of State is not yet filled—The Elections for Congress are taking place in several of the States—The changes are as far as they are known, about equal on both sides—I indulge a hope that the extremities of the times will produce a coalition of parties, and an Administration combining all the respectable interests of the Country.
You will be tired of politics, and nothing but politics—At this moment they absorb every sentiment—I must bid you adieu to go into conference with my Colleagues, upon the last British Note.—We are to dine to-morrow with the Meulemeester’s, and they with us next Saturday—Love to Charles, and love your ever affectionate husband.

A.


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Charles Francis Adams, 6 December 1814
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Charles Francis

N. 7
My dear Son.
Ghent 6. December 1814.

A few days ago, I received your Letter with two dates—the first of 4th: September; and the second of the 8th: November—It was marked number 6—But I had received and answered nearly a month since, another number 6 that was dated 8th. October—One of the two Letters should have been marked number 7—But there is another circumstance that I was not pleased to see—The last part of your Letter, dated 6th: November is written not so well as several that I had received from you before; and not even so well as you could write before I left St Petersburg. I am very glad that besides what you were taught at Mr  you are now learning Geography and dancing, but I hope you will not neglect your writing, and particularly that you will not be careless when you write to me—
I am thinking about the part that you have informed me you expect to perform on the 8th: of January—How I wish I could be there to see and hear you! but I think it will not be possible—Your little Cousin Caroline is a beautiful child and has grown very large and fat—and your great Cousin Caroline, I mean Mr Smith’s sister, was married to Mr De Wint, at her and your Grandpapa’s house at Quincy, on the 11th: of September.—I have not received any letter that mentions it, but your Aunt Smith shewed it to me in an American Newspaper—I think it very strange to have no Letters from Quincy, though two vessels have lately arrived from Boston at the —
I am glad that you can paint so well as the  done that I received in one of your Mama’s Letters I keep it still and hope you will continue to improve in drawing and in all other accomplishments—Being your affectionate father—

John Quincy Adams.


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams, 6 December 1814
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson

N. 60.
My dearest wife.
Ghent 6. December 1814.

On Saturday last, I wrote you a few lines by Mr. Shaw, a Gentleman of New-York, whom you may perhaps recollect, although I did not, until he reminded me that he had once dined with us, at our house in the Adelphi–Buildings, in company with Mr. Boylston—I remembered perfectly well that dinner, and a circumstance of the ludicrous kind, which occurred between him and Boylston—But he mentions having also known me before that time, at the Hague, and having once afterwards met me in America, both which have escaped my memory.—With the Letter for you which I gave him—I enclosed two that I had received for the Pére General, and I also committed to him the packet for Mrs. Krehmer—Mr. Shaw intended to have gone on Saturday, but as he is moving Northwardt precisely at the time when the severest rigours of winter are approaching, we have given him so many cautions to be guarded against the alliance offensive of the Season and the climates, that he has stopped here it make his preparations, and particularly to make his Carriage more comfortable—He will not go till this Evening, or perhaps to-morrow; and as he will not travel so fast as the Post, I still write you by that of this day; intending in addition to the Letter I have already given him for you to answer Charles’s last Letter and send it by him—He has also a Letter for you from Mrs. Smith—In the prospect of his journey I have  some anticipation of my own—It is the opinion of all my Colleagues that we shall finish here before the close of the year—I think that however doubtful—They are at the same time much more sanguine than I am that we shall sign a Peace—The last step of the British Government has brought us so near, that if it was made in sincerity, we cannot fail to conclude—But independent of the distrust which we ought to have for every act of an enemy who has been carrying on at the same time such a War, and such a Negotiation, there is something insidious in their last proposal, which forbids all confidence in them—They appear to abandon the whole of their former inadmissible demands, and under the artifice of ambiguous expressions, and of passing over without notice an important part of our preceding Note, they cling to objects of no value, but involving principles which we cannot yield with honour—They were so far from being fairly disclosed on the face of their Note, that it was only at the conference that we brought out the avowal of them—At the same time the temper of two of the British Commissioners, was as acrimonious and inveterate as it has been at any period of the Negotiation—It is therefore impossible for me to confide in the smooth promises of the present state of things—An Adversary who after demanding Empires as an indispensable preliminary, falls to playing pushpin for straws, deserves any thing but confidence—They have also adhered to their professed policy of varying their proposals of according to Circumstances and have told us now, as they did when they demanded a surrender, of about one third part of our territory, that if we do not give them what they ask at present, they will hereafter claim more if they dare—
If upon the return of the messenger they have now dispatched, we have to deal with the same quibbling, equivocating, pettifogging Spirit that we have found in all their transactions hitherto, we shall not finish without more references to England, and probably not in the course of the present year—The report of a probability that Peace will be made, is now much circulated all over England—The prospect at Vienna is certainly not so flattering as had been anticipated—The issue of the campaign in America is yet not ascertained—If the confirmation of the taking of Sacket’s harbour, and Chauncey’s fleet reaches London before the answer is dispatched to us, we may still have to linger here for months without coming to any conclusion.
The British official accounts of the affair at Plattsburg, and of the battle on Lake Champlain have at length been published—And in this instance they establish the fact by the confession of the Enemy himself that the superiority of force on the Lake was on the British side Sir George Prevost, to screen himself from the blame of the defeat has given the naval force on both sides, and it agrees exactly with the American accounts—Sir James Yeo on the other hand gives a positive opinion that the British fleet was hurried into action before it was sufficiently prepared. He says that the fort on shore ought to have been taken first, which would have compelled the American fleet to quit their station at anchor in the Bay, and to have gone out and met the British on equal terms. But he gives no reason to shew how they would have been upon more equal terms out of the Bay than in it—His Letter proves nothing but an effort to cast upon Prevost the blame of the whole disaster—Yeo has taken special, and but too successful care to keep himself out of the reach of the American fleet, until he had such a superiority of force as it was impossible to contend with—The English ministerial paper defends Sir George Prevost, and there is a Letter from a British naval officer who was in the action upon the Lake, published in the Courier—He says there was a Marine on board the fleet, who declared that the Battle of Trafalgar, at which he had also been present, was but a flea-bite in comparison with that.—The tone of all the English Newspapers has changed so much, in their notices of American affairs, that the Times, the most rancorous and abusive of them all has published a Letter from Canada, saying that if England intends to maintain her dominions in America, she must send out troops, not by thousands or tens of thousands, but by hundreds of thousands.
Last Evening I received a Letter of 29. Novr. from Mr. Boyd at Paris. His uncle had not returned from London, but was expected Yesterday. Boyd wished therefore to prolong his stay at Paris, as I had written him that he would probably be dispatched about the first of this Month—As we have since received the Passport for the Herald, we shall send her first, and Boyd will have more time according to his wish.
We had an invitation to dine with the British Plenipotentiaries to-morrow, but we had previously engaged company to dine with us—We also gave a dinner last Saturday. Both that and the one of to-morrow are to the family connections and Society of the Meulemeester’s, who are so numerous that we could not entertain them all at one dinner.
There has been scarcely any cold weather here yet—Last friday night was the first frost, sufficient to skim over a pail of water, and last Sunday the first snow—it scarcely covered the ground and has already disappeared—But for the last three weeks we have had almost continual rains, and the streets are scarcely passable for walkers—As there are no quays always dry to walk upon, and I have been much oppressed with employment, I have relaxed so much from all my habits of exercise that I am grown so fat you will hardly know me. My health is good, but I cannot wear my clothes—Our house has not yet been uncomfortable, but when the severe cold sets in, we shall find it impossible to warm it—The English strolling Jews are not yet gone—After being refused our patronage they obtained that of Lord Gambier, and play three times again this week—They took our five Napoleons for five tickets, and then to shew their loyalty concluded their Play, by singing God save the King on the Stage—The joke was not so good, as it would have been if we had granted them our patronage.
God bless you, and Charles—so ever prays your tenderest friend.
A.


Title: From Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams to John Quincy Adams, 6 December 1814
From: Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson
To: Adams, John Quincy

My best Friend
St. Petersburg Decbr. 6 1814

My troubles will never end till you return and I really if it does not soon happen I shall be tempted to decamp from here whether you like it or no you will tell me that I am again in a fit of low spirits it is very true I am suffering bitterly at the baseness of the World who take every possible advantage of my unprotected situation I have just paid Mr Krehmer for the two Months rent and he has kindly made my rent three thousand R though in part of the House the rain is pouring on my head—
I have hear’d of an appartment in the Street which I shall go and see immediately if it will suit I shall leave this and get comfortable if possible before you get back you may be angry if you please but there certain traits of character that I do despice so cordially I cannot help shewing how much they shock me—
I have been to look at a lodging which was proposed to me on the other side the Street but it was gone otherwise I think I should have taken it the belong’d to Count Romanzof and the rent was 2500 R it is large and clean but not very elegant particularly the floors however it is out of the question and I must wait untill you come back as I am you must then do as you please and if your means continue to be as limitted I hope we shall find an opportunity of returning home—
I hope this News of Fort Erie is true and I have not so many doubts as you have our affairs seem to have taken a favourable turn and the frenzy of England is likely to prove more injurious to herself than to us let her beware She is not made to last for ever any more than Napolean was the Prussians who were thought so lightly by every body who had submitted to be trampled on when they were completely proved to the World what an exasperated Nation can do and I trust we are reserved to humble the little haughty nation who now appears to set the World at defiance—
There is a report in Town which I do not believe that Boston has capitulated this is exchange talk I imagine and only meant to wear off a little  strong impression which our War is  in this Country You can have no idea what an effect has been produced here by an article from the English papers in which they mention the taking of Tangiers and the manner in which they enroll and equip the Blacks with their hopes of what these Blacks will do against their masters this comes home here and is every body capable of understanding and feeling the consequences of such atrocious act
 Adieu Charles is much delighted with his letter the mistake in the date was owing to his having begun a letter had been partly written some time in his Book and which you must have received after in reply to your Kiss I will only say unless times are much changed the one I mentioned would be sufficient to content you It is long since I ceased to flatter myself and the manner of our last separation brought conviction—God Bless you believe ever affectionately yours
L. C. Adamsthe No of the House is 235


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to Harriet Welsh, 8 December 1814
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Welsh, Harriet

Dear Harriet
Quincy December 8th 1814

I have been intending to write to you, and thank you for the loan of mr Everets Sirmon which I was loth to part with I heard it read once, and twice I read it myself, each time with new pleasure. I intended transcribing a part of it, but neglected it.
The Letters received to night were of a month older date than those received by the Chancy. Mr A’s Letters are all interesting. this shows the determination of the British ministers not to break of the negotiation if they can shufel it off upon our ministers. their object is to lay the Rupture of it upon them.
Mr Adams says the most perfect harmony & union of Sentiment prevails among them his colleigues, that they have taken a House together by the month, and live very pleasently.
I will send you the Letter to read in a few days. to your proposal by mr Shaw, I might have been tempted to have acceeded if means had been in my power, but I see every thing in so shaking and hazardous a situation, that no one can see what public credit is falling to.
are you not a monopilizer? to get one Letter from Caroline, by one post, and expect an other by the next. I highly approve of mr de Wints plan—I always wish every Gentleman to have a profession whatever may be his fortune. if he does not practice, it will qualify him for civil employments and render him more respectable amongst men of Letters—
Mr Greenleaf call’d this Evening to leave the Letters, and past an hour with us. he is a worthy young Man. we miss Susans sausy chat, and gaiety—and have a long dull pause of Silence never disturbed by the gaiety of sprighty Saleys, or Laughter at the Age of deventy. I feel more interest in all thats done beneath the circuit of the Soon Sun, than some others do at what shall I say 35 or 40? yet such people say, they feel as keenly and as sensibly as others! who can think it? well every one to their fancy—here I run on a little elated as you see in getting Letters to Night, altho of an old date.
keep Susan in good order. it is very cold weather at Quincy. how is it in Boston?
is that calico worth buying to cover Bed quilts, which is advertized at 25 ct pr yard at No 73 corn hill Lewis. be so good as to look at them and tell me.
your affecly
A Adams


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams, 9 December 1814
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson

N. 61.
My beloved wife.
Ghent 9. December 1814.

It is no small satisfaction to me to know that the Post-Office has become regular in the delivery of my Letters to you, and I should feel equally grateful for the favour, if they would with the same punctuality deliver yours to me—But I receive them only once a week, and most commonly on Tuesday’s, after my letter to you of the same day is closed, and then two at a time—Thus it was last Tuesday, when yours of 8. 9. and of 12. November were brought to me, too late for the receipt of them to be then acknowledged—There was enclosed in the last a Letter for Catherine, to whom I also delivered your message expressive of your aversion to mystery, and your wish that she would write to you confidentially—She said she had already done so by Mr Shaw, who left this place on Wednesday morning, and who may perhaps reach St: Petersburg as soon as this—I also wrote by him both to you and to Charles, who I hope will take more care in his next Letter to me, of the handwriting. His last is the worst written of any that I have received from him—Mr Shaw, besides the packet for Mrs Krehmer, and Letters for you that I have before noticed has also a small Cartoon-box containing half a dozen pair of silk Stockings for you—I keep the rest with me here. Your two last Letters stand upon my file numbers 42 and 43. but you have entirely ceased numbering them yourself—As I expected this will reach you precisely at the close of the present year, by our Style, I advise you to begin numbering again with the new year, and to keep a minute of the Letters you write to me, and of their dates and numbers. This will prevent your losing the thread, or putting the same number to two Letters in succession.
I have also received a Letter of 12. November from Mr Harris, which I intend to answer, by this day’s Post—I began the answer indeed last Evening, and postpone finishing it only to have the present, first prepared. He tells me we have powerful friends at St: Petersburg, and that the English have no partizans among the Russians, in the War against us.—Powerful Friends, we certainly have all over Europe, and full-well do we know what their Friendship is worth—you remember the prayer of Apemantus in one of Shakespear’s plays—He implores the Gods that he may never be so fond (i. e so foolish) as to trust certain characters; and among the rest
“Nor my Friends,... if I should need ‘em.”
We shall not implore the Gods, but we have as much reason to be fond of our friends as Apemantus. Mr Harris had some grounds for the belief that I might have occasion to pass through Vienna on my return to St: Petersburg—I had at one time some thoughts of going by that road, but if I am to perform the Journey in the Winter, I shall probably make it as short as I can—I speak of it as doubtful whether we shall finish here before the Spring because notwithstanding the present complection of the rumours and prevailing opinions in England the prospect of Peace is very little brighter than it has been at our gloomiest hours—We may now from day to day receive the answer from England to our last proposals, and the result of the Conference we had with the Plenipotentiaries on the first of this Month—My belief is that the trying moment will be then—But you have drawn inferences from some of my former Letters, which make some explanation necessary—There has never been one moment of unnecessary delay on our part—I did upon one occasion offer to my Colleagues, to stand out upon a point where the British told us they had spoken their last word—No one of my Colleagues concurred with me at that time, and I have told you the reason—They differed from me as to the extent and meaning of the concession—I acquiesced in their judgment—On another occasion we altered a measure upon which a majority had agreed, because one Gentleman refused to sign the paper upon the substance of which we had taken a determination—On a third occasion a proposal of my own which had been rejected by my Colleagues when first presented, was renewed by me, from a deep conviction of its importance and was finally agreed to by them—It was as I have written you, not then authorised by our Instructions, though fully warranted by those we have since received—In all these transactions you will perceive that the great principles which has prevailed among us all, has been that of mutual conciliation and deference to the opinions of one another—If my Colleagues had concurred with me in the first instance to which I refer, probably the Negotiation would then have broken off—If we are finally to break, it would certainly have been better for us to have broken then—if we finally get a good peace, it will as certainly be better than it would have been to have broken upon that point.—As to the second instance, we have now, at a later period made the proposal to which our colleague then refused to subscribe, and he has now assented to it—With regard to the third I am still persuaded that if we do obtain Peace, it will be the effect of that proposal—I ought therefore gratefully to acknowledge that if I have occasionally been under the necessity of sacrificing my opinions to those of my Colleagues, they have been equally liberal and indulgent to me.
Your advice to me to take a trip to Paris will be taken into due Consideration—My ultimate Resolution will I think depend upon the issue of our business here—If it should please God to grant us Peace, you know the intimation heretofore given me of the President’s intentions in that event to assign to me a new Scene of Service—I know not whether he retains them, but I shall think it my duty to wait for his further commands after the conclusion of the Treaty—I shall also write, and request again to be at all Events (Peace being concluded) recalled from the mission to Russia. If the President should have other views for the English mission, I shall return to the United States, and as there will be frequent opportunities for embarking either in France or England, I may perhaps go to Paris and invite you to come to me there, with Charles, by land or water, according to the Season of the year, and your own inclination—If the Negotiation here should break off, I shall return to you as directly and speedily as possible.
We gave our dinner the day before yesterday to the remainder of the Meulemeester family and connections, who had been omitted from the invitation for last Saturday.—The table was thin—Six persons of the company invited sent excuses the same day—Todd was taken with one of his humours and did not come, and Milligan went off again at half an hour’s notice on Tuesday Evening, for England—I say half an hour’s notice, but it was not to me—He was gone many hour’s before I knew of his departure—His friends give out that he is fallen desperately in love with one of his Scottish Cousins, and I wish he may have had so honourable a motive for his journey—Better a Gentle Shepherd than a Jew Broker—They may be both equally unsuitable as appendages to our Mission; but one of the characters is at least not so despicable as the other. We have an invitation to dine with the British Plenipotentiaries next Tuesday.
A vessel arrived from New-York at La Rochelle brought a false Report that Drummond and his army were taken—But the Liffey frigate has reached England having sailed from Quebec on the 10th: of November—Sacket’s Harbour and Chauncey’s fleet had not then been taken; but Yeo was master of Lake Ontario—Drummond had been reinforced, and our army had been obliged to destroy the works at Fort Erie and abandon the frontier of upper Canada—If we can defend our own we shall far exceed my expectations—One attempt of the British at Mobile had failed, and the lost a Sloop of War, by the repulse—But there was a very powerful expedition that sailed from Cork early in September, from which we are yet to hear—May the Good Providence that has protected our Northern frontier, extend its arm to save us also on the South!—and may it bless you, and my dear Children!
A.


Title: From Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams to John Quincy Adams, 10 December 1814
From: Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson
To: Adams, John Quincy

My Dearest Friend
St Petersburg Decbr: 10 1814

Another Letter was yesterday brought me but it gave me no hopes of your return and I dare not flatter myself yet that you will obtain any answer more decisive to this last effort, than they have hitherto given upon any point. as I wrote you once before notwithstanding I am so anxious to see him you I could almost wish you might be detained untill the coming Spring, so fearful am I that this Climate will again reduce you to the wretched state of health, into which you had fallen before you left it—
Mr. Lewis called on me to day and told me an excellent anecdote to day of Decatur which I presume you have heard but as it pleased me very much I shall give it you as well as I can When Decatur took the Macedonian Carden went on board his Ship as prisoner he had a band of Music who followed their Master. one day Carden begg’d Decatur to let his band play for him, our Gallant Captain immediately order’d them to play and asked Carden what he would like to have C. order’d God save the King which was accordingly played C. then very pompously desired Decatur to order an air and he turned to his Officer and requested him to make his compliments to the leader of the Band with a wish that they would play Rule Britania. C. did not stay to hear it. This I call very neat.
I am sure you must have laughed at my order but I do not retract it as it is still said we are to great fétes after the return of the Emperor which is however again postponed—
At length Winter is come the day before yesterday the river was closed and to day the people pass over it
I have just concluded the Corsair a poem by Lord Byron which I think is one of the most beutiful things I ever read there are some lines in it exquisite beautiful and in it he has curbed the excessive wildness of his imagination which I think in general seems to abound with images almost too vast to be expressed in our language he certainly is a very fine Poet, and I should like very much to have all his works—
We have nothing from America though the dates from London are to the 15 of Novbr. it is some times said no news is good news I hope it will prove so in this instance—Providence has done so much for us we ought not to mistrust it It is true if we ground our pretentions on our Merit as a Nation our pretentions must be very small but heaven is too merciful to measure us by this rule and will not abandon us in our extreme need.
Charles is quite well and impatient to see you Remember me to all and believe me sincerely yours
L. C. A.


Title: From Grand Master of Ceremonies of the Russian Court Narischkin to Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams, 11 December 1814
From: Narischkin, Grand Master of Ceremonies of the Russian Court
To: Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson

Vendredi ce 11. Decembre 1814.

Mr Narischkin Grand Maître des Cérémonies a l’honneur d’annoncer à Madame d’Adams qu’ Elle est invitée au bal qui aura lieu chez Sa Majesté l’Impératrice Mère demain Samedi 12. du Courant à huit hures & un quart du Soir.
On arrive à la Cour par le grand Perron du coté de la Neva.
Le Grand Maître des Cérémonies Saisit cette Occasion avec empressement pour prier Madame d’Adams d’agréer l’assurance de Sa haute Considération.


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to Elizabeth Smith Shaw Peabody, 12 December 1814
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Peabody, Elizabeth Smith Shaw

My dear Sister
Quincy December 12th 1814

How have your Lungs borne this severe cold weather? mine have hitherto sustaind it better than the last winter, but we have advanced only a little way yet.
The Barn is compleated and the accounts all payed, the amount 920 Dollars. 4ct.  there is some timber & stuff amounting to about 15 dollars included in the amount which is thought best to leave for repairs to the old Barn
Mr Foster had some considerable trouble in the buisness for  I am willing and desirious of compensating him if I can get him to Say what he ought to have and I know you would be equally so. Mr Nathan Adams whom I employd as our Agent to make the purchases and Superintend the building and to pay the accounts, charged 15 Dollars for his trouble and time, which I think was as little as we could look for, much less I own than I expected. but I had known the man and found him before in the settlement of his Brother in Law Mitichels estate, a very honest Man.
Mrs Greenleaf desird me to write you and ask you to Send to Mr Fosters by the Stage, a coat belonging to one of the Cranchs, which was left at your house
alas, the last compatriot is gone the last associate of the presidents who Signd the declaration of Independence with him, a Friend who was neither warped nor Shaken by change of Times or fortune. Faction may wave & party spirit slander, but an honester man he has not left behind, nor a more sincere disinterested Friend of his Country, he is taken away from the evil to come, not so his distresst Family, who I fear have poverty added to the loss of the kindest of Husbands and tenderest of Fathers.
Like the Leaves of Autum, our Friends fall around us—and shall they fall in vain? let it be a loud call for the surviving to apply their hearts to wisdom
how is your good husband this winter? and my dear Neice why will she not use her pen oftener?
adieu my dear Sister let me hear / from you / yours affectionately
Abigail Adams


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Charles Francis Adams, 16 December 1814
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Charles Francis

N. 8.
My Dear Son.
16 Dec. 1814

The last Letter that I wrote you was on the 6th: of this Month, by Mr Shaw—And on Tuesday last I received your Letter of 18 November, but it is not numbered—I have marked it number 8 as it should be; but if you keep copies of all the Letters that you write, I wonder how it comes to pass that you forget to number them.
I was quite rejoiced to see this last Letter of your’s so much better written than the last that I had received before; and I am glad that you are learning to exercise with the gun that Mrs. Betancourt was so good as to give you—I hope you will become a good soldier, and always ready to fight when necessary for the cause of your Country or of the Ladies—I do not know that George Krehmer is exactly right that a Lady is obliged to give a gun in exchange for a heart; but I am quite sure that every preux chevalier, is bound to give a Lady his heart and his arm in exchange for a gun.
Your account of Blue-beard, gives me much pleasure; for I have been many years acquainted with that shocking monster, and I find you tell the story of his life and death very correctly—But there are two things that you have forgotten to tell—One is, the cause why he had put his seven wives to Death, and the other, what it is that Fatima sees, when she goes into the forbidden chamber that makes her scream and fall into a fit—Now I know both these things for I have seen Raoul Barbe-bleuse, a fine french Opera, here upon the great Theatre, and the only difference between his story, and that of your Blue-beard, is that his wife is names Isaure, and not Fatima.
But what a cruel tyrant that Blue-beard is to forbid all his wives to go into a certain chamber, and yet to give them the key of it—And to speak my mind to you, I do not think much of Madame Fatima, for having a lover in disguise so close at hand to cut of her husband’s head—Better his head than hers to be sure; but, why should she go into the chamber?—That is the deepest mystery of the whole story; and I hardly know how to account for it.— why does she go into the chamber?
I have seen in the English Newspapers, that the river Neva froze over about the 9th: of November—It is very different here, where there is no ice yet, and has been only once a little snow, that disappeared the same day that it fell—I walk still almost every day round the ramparts, of this City; and the meadows are as green as they were in the month of June—It always makes me wish more and more that your Mama and you were here—But we have had almost constant bad weather for more than a Month—heavy rains almost every day.
I went this morning with Mr. Todd to see a living Rhinoceros, one of the most uncommon and ugliest animals that my eyes every beheld—I never saw but one before, and he was not so large as this one—He is six feet high, ten feet long, and weighs nearly five thousand pounds. his skin is so thick and hard, that you could not shoot through it with your gun; and it hands over him in folds lapping one over another—He has long ears like a rabbit, and eyes not much bigger than a rat. He has one horn in the middle of his forehead, but it falls off once in three or four years, and then grows out again—This one’s horn fell off about three months ago.
Say to your Mama that if her Cards cannot bring us soon together, I hope that nothing will keep us much longer apart.— In the mean time I remain your ever affectionate father
John Quincy Adams.


Title: From Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams to John Quincy Adams, 16 December 1814
From: Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson
To: Adams, John Quincy

St Petersburg December 16 1814

Having heard of the arrival of the Fingal you may suppose how anxious I am for the next Post A letter was brought me from Gottenburg addressed to you as I percieved immediately that it came from Quincy I opend it and found that it was from your and contained the most interesting news I can hear that my Boys were well I was however much grieved to find that George was to enter so soon you know my ideas upon the subject. therefore it is useless to say anything upon the about it thank God they were well
Mr Harris has been to tell me so much news that he says has come by this Vessel I am quite uneasy and can scarcely write you to day among a great variety he told me that it was said that you Mr. G. or Mr. C. were appointed S. P. but he believed it was you and enquired if should be prepared to set off for Ghent I told him I rather believed he was misinformed and laughed at the idea of the journey—It is however confidently said that you will return here immediately I shall therefore make this letter very short—
I enclose the letter of your Mother and a Note that came with addressed to Mr Smith—
We have had only one Week of Cold and the Streets are all afloat it is exceedingly unhealthy and I am very glad you are not here every body is suffering with Breast complaints.
Adieu Charles is well and I am yours ever most faithfully L C Adams


Title: From Richard Rush to Abigail Smith Adams, 16 December 1814
From: Rush, Richard
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

Most respected Madam,
Washington December 16. 1814

If I have detained the enclosed letter longer than was proper, I beg it may be ascribed, not to any insensibility to the favor done me in being allowed its perusal, but to a desire to turn it to the uses that it appeared to me to deserve. After showing it to the President, I took the liberty of reading parts of it to two of the members of his cabinet, that sentiments so important, coming from such a source, might be known to them. In so doing I hope I have not departed from the spirit of the confidence with which you have been pleased to honor me.
The President was kind enough to permit me to read the one which Mr Adams had enclosed him. The accompanying remarks were worthy of the statesman who made the treaty of 1783. The coincidence of hereditary honors and services reminds of the two Lord Bathhursts, so beautifully described in one of Burkes orations.
In returning the enclosed letter, I desire to make my most particular and respectful thanks, for your kindness and condescension in sending it to me. It is very gratifying to me thus to share the notice of those, whom I was taught by my parents, and from childhood, to venerate and esteem.
Mrs Rush, who as a young lady was often flattered by your notice, requests I will make her most respectful compliments; and for myself, madam, I have to convey the assurances of my very great respect.
Richard Rush.


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams, 16 December 1814
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson

N. 65.
My best friend.Ghent 16. December 1814.

This appellation reminds me of an occurrence on Monday last, which I may tell you exactly as it happened, and which will shew you the sort of tone which my colleagues observe with me, and I with them.—We had been three hours in Conference with the British Plenipotentiaries; and it had been perhaps the most unpleasant one that we have held with them—We had returned home, and were in Session conversing together upon  what had been passing in the Conference, when Mr Clay remarked that Mr Goulburn was a man of much irritation—irritability, said I, is the word Mr Clay—irritability—and then fixing him with an earnest look, and the tone of voice between seriousness and jest, I added—“like somebody else that I know.” Clay laughed, and said “aye, that we do, all know him, and none better than yourself”—And Mr Gallatin fixing me exactly as I had done Mr Clay, said emphatically “that is your best friend”—“Agreed” said I, “but one”—and we passed on in perfect good humour to another topic.—There was however truth in the joking on all sides—Of the five members of the American Mission the Chevalier has the most perfect controul of his temper—the most deliberate coolness, and it is the more meritorious, because it is real self–command—his feelings are as quick and his Spirit as high as those of any one among us; but he certainly has them more under government—I can scarcely express to you how much both he and Mr Gallatin have risen in my esteem since we have been here, living together—Gallatin has not quite so constant a supremacy over his own emotions; yet he seldom yields to an ebullition of temper, and recovers from it immediately—He has a faculty, when discussion grows too warm of turning off its edge by a joke, which I envy him more than all his other talents, and he has in his character one of the most extraordinary combinations of stubbornness and of flexibility that I ever met with in man. His greatest fault I think to be an ingenuity sometimes intrenching upon ingenuousness.—Our next personage in the sensitive scale is Mr Russell.—As the youngest member of the mission he has taken the least active part in the business, and scarcely any at the Conferences with the British Plenipotentiaries—He is more solitary and less social in his disposition than the rest of us, and after living with us two Months, left us and took separate lodgings for some trifling personal convenience or saving of expence—He nevertheless bears his proportion of all the entertainments that we give—But he has a high sense of his personal dignity, and sometimes takes offence when none is intended to be given—This has never happened upon any circumstance connected with the business of the Mission, for he has never entered into the discussions which we have had among ourselves; but we have seen the manifestations of his temper in the occurrences of social intercourse as well in our particular circle, as in our relations with the people of this Country—There has however never been any thing like a misunderstanding between him and any of us—In the conduct of our business, he has the greatest deference for the opinion of Mr Clay—The greatest diversities of sentiment, and the most animated mutual oppositions have been between this last Gentleman, and your best friend—They are unquestionably the two members of the mission, most under the influence of that irritability, which we impute to Mr Goulburn, and perhaps it would be difficult to say which of them gives way to it the most. Whether Mr Clay is as conscious of this infirmity, as your friend, whether he has made it as much the study of his life to acquire a mastery over it, and whether he feels with as much regret after it is past every occasion when it proves too strong for him, he knows better than  I do—There is the same dogmatical, overbearing manner, the same harshness of look and expression, and the same forgetfulness of the courtesies of society in both. An impartial person judging between them I think would say that one has the strongest, and the other the most cultivated Understanding—That one has the most ardency, and the other the most experience of mankind—That one has a mind more gifted by nature, and the other a mind less cankered by prejudice. Mr Clay is by ten years the younger man of the two, and as such has perhaps more claim to indulgence for irritability.—Nothing of this weakness has been shewn in our conferences with the British Plenipotentiaries—From two of them, and particularly from Mr Goulburn we have endured much; but I do not recollect that one expression has escaped the lips of any one of us that we could wish to be recalled.We dined with them on Tuesday, and had a party more stiff and reserved than on any former occasion—There was at the same time, more studious politeness on the part of the Mr Goulburn; as if he too was conscious of his trespass upon decorum in the Conference of the preceding day—On Wednesday we sent them our Note, in which we have made a step towards the conclusion, to which we have all acceded with the most extreme reluctance—My belief is that it will be lost upon the British Government, and that our concession will be of no effect. Our position is now far more painful than it was when we had the immediate prospect of a rupture in August—Then we were sure of the support nearly unanimous of our own Country in rejecting demands the most extravagant and absurd—Now we have the appearance of fighting for feathers; and are sure of disapprobation whether we yield them, or prolong the War by persisting in our refusal—From the moment when the British Government sunk in their most obnoxious demands and held out upon these rags and tatters of contention, I suspected that they were playing a game of duplicity, and that they stuck upon points which they knew we must reject, merely to have the pretext for continuing the War, and for putting upon us the blame of its continuation—Every  thing that has since happened corroborates this suspicion—Our last Note like all the rest has been referred to the British Government—We shall have the answer about the 21st: of this Month, and I hope it will be the last occasion for a reference—We are told that there has been a settlement to the satisfaction  of all the great Powers of the principal objects in discussion of at Vienna, and that the armies on the Continent are all to be placed immediately on the Peace Establishment—If this arrangement had been delayed a Month longer, it might have made our Peace certain—At this moment it may have an unfavourable effect upon the issue of our Negotiation.In the mean time we partake of Balls, Concerts and Plays as often as we desire—Last Monday Evening was one of the mixed entertainments of Concert and Ball—At the Concert they performed Hail Columbia! Air Americain, a Grand Orchestre—So it was announced in the Bill of performance—Would you believe, that all the Hanoverian Officers, forming no small part of the company, received an order, from authority, to leave the Hall, when that Air should be played?—This order was probably given to intimidate the managers, and prevent the performance of the Air—But not producing that effect, the order was revoked, after the Concert was begun; and the officers while at the Hall, received permission to stay and hear the Air, which they did.—It is singular enough, that their General had sent us his Cards, but ten days beforeWhen you see Count Maistre, assure him how much I am gratified by the obliging testimonial of his esteem; and how sincerely it is on my part reciprocal—I enclose my answer to Charles’s letter, and am with the most faithful affection, your husband
A.


Title: From Elizabeth Smith Shaw Peabody to Abigail Smith Adams, 17 December 1814
From: Peabody, Elizabeth Smith Shaw
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

Atkinson Dec 17th, 1814

How changed My Dear Sister, is the weather now, from the clam clear Sunshine I enjoyed with you in my late very pleasant visit at Quincy! Winter has indeed, trod in rapid succession upon the verdant fields, & striped the trees of their green foliage; but kindly covered the roots, & herbage in mantles of Snow—Still more to vary the Scene & as if to vie with yellow Autumn, & the “wheaten Sheaf,” has this month oft hung with thousands, & myriads of lucent gems the the lofty trees, & pendant branches; & uder Sols bright beams, taught them to display all the exquisite tints of the richest Diamonds, glowing with the most vivid colours of the rain-bow—Through all the varied Seasons, my Sister, we can trace the footsteps of Universal Love—And though as a People we are in Jeopardy, yet individuals have great cause for thankfulness that their circumstances are no worse, that we have yet Habitations to shelter us, food to eat, & raiment wherewith to be comfortable—When we look around we must with gratitude acknowledge, that this year also, is crowned with the loving kindness of a gracious, & bounteous God. And by the Blessings he bestows, may we be more, & more devoted to his Service—
you kindly enquire my Sister, after the state of my feeble lungs—hitherto they have been more pliant, & accomodating than I feared, & though I have felt the weight of the air, I have not suffered as yet, by the privation of my voice—
Mr Peabody is much better than he was at this time the last winter—Abby A Shaw, is well as usual—We have seven young Boarders—It has been fine sleding, & what they call coasting, & such a sad time for torn cloaths I have had, as would make you say, “O! I wonder how you find time to write one word—or to read any”—And I cannot, nor Abby, half so much as we want—No matter—any way that we can do good—that should, & I hope is, our Object—
Miss Foster left us last Tuesday—With regret we parted with her, for she has been so agreeable a companion for Abby, I hated to have her go—& Mr Peabody was pleased with her too—We should have been glad to have had her here all winter—But—it is hard times here—yet, I fear harder in Boston—Dear Girl, while her good Brother was in business he could profitably find employ for them all—She feels now as if she should be burdensome—with his growing family & wished to do something to maintain herself—She speaks of the kindness of her Brother, & Sister, with much gratitude, & affection—& loves the Children—I wish for all their sakes that a person of so much worth, had an agreeable worthy Partner, & this I think is saying no hurt of any one—
The Coat of William Cranch’s, I knew Mrs Greenleaf wanted—I told her I would send it—& did, by Mrs James Foster when she returned to Boston in the carriage—I cannot think how her usual attention come to depart from her—for she promised to send it on directly—By Miss Peggy I sent a Paper to Mrs Greenleaf, last week—She had better get somebody to call upon her for them—I was very glad to have Miss Peggy with us this cold season, her cough grew better, & she  in —it was realy necessary she should have change of air, after so long a confinement with her Sister—I thought it my duty to bring her home, & what little I could do, I did, as “to the household of faith”—
The Medford Barn you say is completed—but not on my part—you may always act for me, you know I will assent to what is just & right—You have, or will have some rent due to me—Do keep that, & pay what I owe out of it, to Mr Foster, & Adams—Do let me know if my Son has paid any part of the nine hundred Dollars—I know of no way for me to refund the Sum, due for the Barn, but to take it out of the rent, in what sums I can spare—
When dear Sister, did you hear from your Son? did you not have letters in the last vessel from Ghent? Do the Prospects of peace brighten? Does England expect to weaken, & to conquer like Fabius, by delay?—Have you heard whether Mr W. Smith went back to St. Petersbough Must not Mr Adams’ protracted negotiation thieve leave his wife in a very unpleasant Situation at Russia? Has Mr & Mrs Johnson returned to Utica—When you wrote you did not say—your dear Caroline too, I hope is well, enjoying luday of life, among select Friends,—
I too with the President mourn the loss of another respectable member of Society. “Death, which is always solemn, is clothed with new terrors, when it strikes the Objects of public interest & regard”—And the voice of God, which now speaks to us in his various Judicial Providences, should be considered as a solemn warning, & listened to with reverential awe—I am sorry too for the embarrassed state in which it is feared this worthy citizen has left his family—It is hard to be pleased in high Stations, without a sufficiency to support with proper dignity the Sphere—
Tell cousin Louisa, I smile when I think of her, seated in a lovely warm sunny room, with an animating walnut fire. I smile, because I know she feels happy, & I trust, grateful—
I hope Sister Smith, & your Son Thomas’s family are favoured this cold weather with health—Mrs Pitman I heard was sick at Lancaster at his fathers—has she recovered?—I feel interrested for all around you, while I have nothing here, which can  you, but the family of, dear Sister, your affectionate
E Peabody