Title: The Committee of Secret Correspondence to the Amerìcan Commissioners, 30 December 1776
From: Committee of Secret Correspondence,Franklin, Benjamin,Dickinson, John,Harrison, Benjamin,Jay, John,Johnson, Thomas
To: American Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Deane, Silas,Lee, Arthur

The military defeats that had followed consistently on the Battle of Long Island, and had brought the British so near Philadelphia that Congress had fled to Baltimore, changed the mood of the delegates. The change showed itself immediately after the committee’s letter above of December 21. On the 24th Congress appointed a committee to form a plan for obtaining foreign assistance, on the 28th and 29th debated its report, and on the 30th adopted a series of resolutions that embodied a new approach to foreign policy. Gone was the old optimism, which assumed that French assistance could be had by the offer of a treaty and the promise of neutrality if that treaty brought France and Britain to war. Now the commissioners were authorized to offer much more: military help in obtaining joint control of the fisheries and dividing Newfoundland, while the United States annexed Cape Breton and Nova Scotia; a joint monopoly of American trade with the West Indies; and, if more were needed, a Franco-American assault on British possessions in the Caribbean for the benefit of France alone. Spain was to be offered a commercial alliance and, in return for American use of the Mississippi and the port of Pensacola, military aid in conquering that port and a declaration of war against Portugal. Congress resolved at the same time to widen its circle of friends: commissioners were to be sent, as Deane had suggested, to the courts of Spain, the Empire, Prussia, and Tuscany.These offers to the Bourbon powers gave the original commissioners bargaining points which in fact aroused little interest. The appointment of new commissioners was equally fruitless. They arrived in Paris, discovered that the courts to which they were accredited had no intention of receiving them, grumbled at cooling their heels, importuned Franklin for money, and made a nuisance of themselves.

Honorable Gentlemen
Baltimore 30 Decemr. 1776
You will be pleased to receive herewith copies of our letter of the 21st. Inst. and of it’s inclosures, which we recommend to your attention. Since that letter was written, General Washington, having been reinforced by the Troops lately commanded by General Lee and by some Corps of Militia, crossed the Delaware with 2500 men, and attacked a body of the enemy, posted at Trenton, with the success that you will see related in the inclosed hand bill. We hope, this blow will be followed by others, that may leave the enemy not so much to boast of, as they some days ago expected, and we had reason to apprehend.
Upon mature deliberation of all circumstances, Congress deem the speedy declaration of France and European Assistance so indispensibly necessary to secure the Independence of these States, that they have authorized you to make such tenders to France and Spain, as, they hope, will prevent any longer delay of an event, that is judged so essential to the well being of North America. Your wisdom, we know, will direct you to make such use of these powers, as will procure the thing desired on terms as much short of the concessions now offered as possible; but no advantages of this kind are proposed at the risk of a delay that may prove dangerous to the end in view. It must be very obvious to the Court of France, that if Great Britain should succeed in her design of subjugating these States, their Inhabitants, now well trained to arms, might be compelled to become Instruments for making conquest of the French Possessions in the West Indies; which would be a sad Contrast to that security and commercial benefit, that would result to France from the Independence of N. America.
By some accident, in removing the papers from Philadelphia to this place, the Secretary of Congress has mislaid the additional instructions formerly given you, by which you were impowered to negotiate with other Courts besides France.We think it necessary to mention this to you, lest the paper should have got into wrong hands, and because we wish to have a copy sent us by the first good opportunity.
We observe, that Mr. Deane sent his dispatches for this Committee open to Mr. Bingham, but, though we have a good opinion of that Gentleman, yet we think him rather too young to be made acquainted with the business passing between you and us, and therefore wish this may not be done in cases of much importance.
The next opportunity will bring you the determination of Congress concerning the persons, that are to be sent to the Courts of Vienna, Prussia, Spain, and the Grand Duke of Tuscany. In the mean time it is hoped, that through the medium of the Ambassadors from those Courts to that of France, you may be so fortunate, as to procure their friendly mediation for the purposes proposed by Congress.

Our Andrew Doria of 14 Guns has taken a King’s Sloop of war of 12 guns after a smart engagement. In our last we say, the Enemy made near 3000 Prisoners at Fort Washington, but the number is fixed at 2634. The West Indiamen taken by our Cruisers amount to 250 Sail.
The Scarcity of Ships here is so great, that we shall find much difficulty in making the extensive remittances to France, that we ought, in due season, and therefore it will, in our opinion, be an object of great importance to obtain the consent of the Farmers General to send to Virginia and Maryland for any quantity of Tobacco they may chuse, or to the State of North Carolina for any quantity of Naval Stores, which may be wanted for publick use, or to supply the demands of private Merchants. The terms, both as to quantity and price, you will endeavour to learn, and let it be made known to us with all possible expedition, that you may receive an answer thereon.
The Captain of the armed vessel, that carries these dispatches, has orders to deliver them himself to you in Paris, and his vessel will expect his return in a different port from the one he arrives at. He will take your directions about his return, and receive your letters. But the anxiety prevailing here to know your success renders it proper, that he should return with all possible dispatch. Wishing you health, success, and many happy years we remain Honorable Gentlemen your most obedient and very humble Servants
Benja HarrisonRichard Henry LeeJno WitherspoonWill Hooper

P.S The number of prisoners lately taken in the Jersies is about 1100 and Gen. Washington is now advancing upon the enemy who are retreating thro the Jersies towards New York.

Endorsed by Franklin: Letter from the Committee of Correspondence dated Dec. 30. 76. Relation of Gen. Washington’s Proceedings in N Jersey Propositions to France Business to be done / Write to propose that the Congress would insure French Vessels.


Title: Two Notes to Franklin at the Hotel d’Hambourg, from Michel Adanson and John Greenwood, [between 30 December 1776, and 27 February 1777]
From: Adanson, Michel,Greenwood, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

These brief communications, from men of some distinction, are undated, but have an address that provides a bracket of plausible dates. We know that Franklin was at the Hotel d’Entragues until December 29 and at the Hambourg by January 8; hence he moved at earliest on December 30. He arrived at Passy on or about Feb. 27.These notes might have been written at any time between.

I. From Michel Adanson
ce jeudi à 9 h. du matin
Mr. Adanson a l’honneur de présenter ses respects très-humbles à Monsieur Franklin, en lui envoiant son adresse qu’il a oublié de lui laisser; et il le prie de vouloir bien la communiquer à Monsieur Daine avec l’assurance de son respect.

Addressed: A Monsieur / Monsieur Franklin / à l’hôtel d’hambourg, / ruë Jacob

II. From John Greenwood
Fryday morng. Hotel de la Providence Rue d’Orleans St Honoré.
Mr. Greenwood presents his respects to Dr. Franklin will do himself the pleasure of waiting on him on Sunday morning to know if he has any comands. Mr. G. leaves Paris on Sunday.

Addressed: Monsieur / Mons: Franklin / Hotel d’Hambourg / Rue Jacob. / F. St. Germaine.
Notation: Greenwood


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from J. Mosneron l’Ainé, 31 December 1776: résumé
From: Mosneron, J., l’aîné
To: Franklin, Benjamin

<Nantes, December 31, 1776, in French: I pay homage to the Archimedes and Solon of his country, known throughout the world. The press of business and callers while you were here kept me from trying to push through the crowd; I was afraid of becoming one more favor-seeker. The philosophe whom I know through your works will, I trust, approve of my asking advice about the following project. Six months ago I had the idea of loading a ship for America, as long years of family experience equip me to do, but I fear she will be captured en route from the Leeward Islands. Although your small ships make the passage safely, no vessel in this port remotely matches them for speed and handling. Your clear-sightedness and knowledge of the area will perhaps suggest ways to succeed that elude me, and I have as much confidence in you as in my best friend.
Tell me whether you think my plan reasonable, and if so what the best means are of forwarding it. I must also know to what American port or ports the ship should be directed, and what cargo she should carry; it would likewise be helpful if the captain had letters from you to the principal merchants of the area. Please let me have your answer as soon as possible; none but you and me will see it. An admirer of yours can scarcely fail to be an honest man. If I had been a mason I should have prided myself on helping to build the Parthenon; you are raising a structure of liberty that will be equally famous down the centuries, because it ensures the greatness and felicity of one-eighth of the world.>


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Nathan Rumsey, 31 December 1776
From: Rumsey, Nathan
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honorable Sir
Nantes 31st. Decemr. 76
I have the pleasure of informing you of the Arrival of a Brigt: Yesterday in the Loire loaded with Tobacco from George Town on Sassafras River in Maryland. In her comes passenger Mr. Robert Maise of Philada. who has been with me to day. She left the Capes of Virginia the 15th Novemr., spoke a Plymouth Privateer the 28th of Novemr. at Sea out 7 Days from Boston who told him that Major Rogers had been defeated in Connecticut with his party raised against us on Long Island, that the Royalists had retired into New York to winter Quarters. Nothing from the lakes since our Defeat at Crowpoint which you were acquainted with before leaving the Continent. He reports no other matters of any consequence. Mr. Maise sups with me this Evening, and should he communicate any thing that may merit your Attention, I shall not fail to give you the particulars, as I shall of every piece of Intelligence. Inclosed is a Letter which Mr. Maise put into my hands. Since your Departure from hence is also arrived Cap. Young of Philada. and another Vessel from Plymouth, on Acct. of Congress, the Cap. and Sailors of which last have forsaken her and are going to England. She is consigned to Mr. Schweighauser and he is in Doubt how to act. It would give me pleasure Mr. Morris was here. Mr. Gruel speaks no english and I am prodigiously hurried, without any Directions or powers to act. A Dutch Transport is lately arrived, an English officer passenger put in her I conjecture to prolong the freight. The officer has protested against the Cap. here for not proceeding on his Voyage and insists he shall not stir untill Government have dischargd him here. He fears Cap. Wickes will take the Vessel going out. With the utmost respect I am Honorable sir Your Most obedient Humble Servant.
Nathan Rumsey

Addressed: The Honorable / Doctor Benjamin Franklin / chez Mons. Sollier Banquier / a / Paris
Notation: Lett. from N Rumsey Nantes 31. Decr 1776.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from ———: a Memorandum, [December? 1776]
From: ——
To: Franklin, Benjamin

After Franklin reached Paris he received a number of unsigned, undated proffers of services or advice. Many may have gone into the wastebasket, but five that appear to have come soon after his arrival are among his papers. Three of these we have identified, if only tentatively, and discuss elsewhere. One of the remaining two is a brief note in English, perhaps incomplete, warning Franklin to sign nothing that is not in that language; otherwise ambiguities are sure to arise in dealing with foreigners, and “one may take the Gingerbread for the Baker.”The second is the memorandum below. It impressed Franklin enough to elicit his approving endorsement. The author, who was clearly no admirer of Beaumarchais and his works, was writing after the first sailing of the Amphitrite in December, and apparently not long after; hence the tentative date. This may well have been the memorandum to which Le Roy refers approvingly in his note below under Jan. 9.

Note pour M. Francklin.
[December, 1776?]
La Cause des Americains a interressé, echauffé mon coeur. Quelle difference en effet de nos guerres entreprises pour quelques limites inconnues où au moins Indifferentes aux peuples qui y contribuent, d’avec la guerre que s’est vüe forcée de soutenir une nation entiere qui combat pour sa liberté, après avoir épuisé auprès de la mère patrie toutes les voyes praticables de moderation et de soumission même pour obtenir d’être traitée sur le pied d’égalité que l’interest propre de la metropole devoit lui assurer à jamais.
Connu depuis longtems En Europe par ses decouvertes interessantes en Phisique et par la superiorité avec laquelle il a deffendu les interests des colonies, M. francklin arrive en france chargé des pouvoirs du Congrès général.
La confiance de cette assemblee fait assez l’éloge de ses lumieres et de ses talents. Mais peutêtre ignore-t’il quelques details dont je puis croire que la connoissance lui sera utile pour le succès de sa mission.
En Amerique L’interest de tous decide la volonté generale. Dans les gouvernements d’Europe au contraire presque toujours l’interêt General cede a L’interest particulier.
Tous les Peuples ont l’amour de la liberté dans le coeur. La Nation françoise l’a peutêtre autant qu’aucune autre de la terre.
Les françois ont vu avec entousiasme les efforts qu’a faits l’Amerique Septentrionale pour se soustraire à L’oppression dont elle etoit menacée et, à part toute espèce de rivalité, la nation en general verroit avec la plus grande satisfaction le Gouvernement donner aux états unis les secours que cette partie du monde est en droit d’attendre de tous les peuples auprès desquels la cause de l’humanité est encor en quelque recommandation.
Mais comme nous venons de le faire pressentir le Voeu general ne sera pas consulté. Le gouvernement peut seul prendre une determination et il ne peut pas convenir a tous ses membres d’adopter les mesures vigoureuses dont les circonstances paroissent devoir assurer le succès.
L’Esprit d’ordre du Roy lui fait craindre la guerre comme un obstacle à ses vües d’économie et au bonheur de ses peuples, ce qui l’empeche peutêtre d’apprecier surement les ressources immenses de son Royaume. Il est donc fort douteux que la proposition que fera Mr. francklin a notre ministère de faire la guerre a L’angleterre en soit favorablement accueillie. On peut même croire qu’il ne s’ouvriroit pas entierement avec lui a ce sujet.
Mr. francklin peut cependant le demander, insister même par tous les motifs connus de L’interest de la france a prendrece parti qui lui convient d’autant plus que son alliance avec la cour de Vienne lui assure a peu près la paix sur le continent.
Dans le cas où on lui fera une reponse dilatoire il doit presser pour qu’on lui donne au moins des secours cachés d’argent et pour qu’on lui permette de faire partir sans délai ce que Mr. Deane peut avoir rassemblé d’effet de toute espèce, ainsi que de se pourvoir de toutes les choses qu’il scait être le plus urgent de fournir à son Pays.
La publicité qu’ont donnée a toutes leurs operations les personnes chargées de L’expedition des deux vaisseaux du hâvre, a infiniment nui a la cause. Le Gouvernement s’est crû compromis et obligé de tout suspendre. C’est un avertissement de ne confier a L’avenir qu’a des gens du metier c’est a dire a des negocians surs et discrets toutes les expeditions de ce genre. On doit au surplus a Mr. Deane la justice de convenir qu’il n’a pas été en son pouvoir de ne pas se servir de personnes qui lui etoient données par le gouvernement et dont il ne pouvoit d’ailleurs prevoir ni même supposer l’indiscretion.
Aux menagements recemment adoptés par le Gouvernement pour dissiper les plaintes du ministère anglois succederont bientot il faut l’esperer des mesures plus satisfaisantes.
En attendant on pense que Mr. francklin ne peut mieux faire que de s’occuper des moiens de remplir avec succès et celerité dès qu’on le lui permettera, toutes les cases du Tableau qu’on suppose qu’il apporte avec lui de ce qui peut manquer en tout genre a l’armée Americaine.
Ce tableau a du être fait sur les lieux d’après le plan d’operations pour la campagne prochaine, Le nombre des troupes a i emploier et les moiens de les i entretenir.
On ne doute point que la pluspart des officiers françois qui sont passés jusqu’ici a L’armée americaine n’y aient porté un esprit d’insubordination et des pretentions énormes qui n’auront pas permis d’en tirer le parti qu’on a du s’en promettre. Mais on ne doit pas s’en inquietter. Rien ne sera plus aisé que de les employer de la maniere la plus utile dès qu’ils auront des chefs de leur nation d’un grade superieur, d’un nom et d’un merite connus.
Tout depend donc du choix de ces Chefs.
Il est probable qu’il se presentera des officiers des plus hautsgrades, même de ceux qui ont de la reputation a la guerre qui s’offriront pour aller servir la cause americaine. Mais il faut aux Colonies Angloises des deffenseurs qui aient quelque chose de plus que la valeur et les Talents militaires: C’est a dire des chefs honnêtes gens, dont la probité et la rigide austérité de Moeurs contiennent tous les sous-ordres et puissent s’attirer La confiance et l’estime des troupes et des habitans des Colonies.
Si pour detourner L’attention du veritable objet de sa mission importante, M. francklin croit devoir paroitre s’occuper moins des interests de sa patrie que de repondre à L’empressement avec lequel il est recherché dans cette ville immense, on lui offrira un million de diners, mais où il ne trouveroit pas une Guinée pour le Service du Congrès. Il sçaura sans doute se tenir en garde contre les steriles Cajoleries des Grands, des scavants et des femmes qui auront chacun un personnage à lui reccommander. Il scait que le Salut de son pays ne doit pas être remis dans des mains quelconques sans les plus serieuses reflexions.

Endorsed: Good Advice


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from the Committee of Secret Correspondence, 1 January 1777
From: Committee of Secret Correspondence,Franklin, Benjamin,Dickinson, John,Harrison, Benjamin,Jay, John,Johnson, Thomas
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honorable Sir
Baltimore 1 January, 1777
Congress relying on your wisdom and integrity, and well knowing the great Importance of the Case, have appointed you their Commissioner to negotiate a treaty of friendship and commerce with the Court of Spain. The Idea of Congress on this Subject you will find in the instructions of Congress sent by this opportunity to yourself and the other Commissioners at the Court of France. Your Commission for this special service we have now the honor to inclose you.We are with great Respect and Esteem Honorable Sir Your most obedient and very humble Servants
Benja HarrisonRichard Henry LeeJno WitherspoonWill Hooper
Doctor Franklin

Endorsed: Letter from Committee of Correspondence to B. Franklin, acquainting him with his Appointment to the Court of Spain Jan. 1. 1777


Title: The Continental Congress: Letter of Credence for Franklin as Commissioner to Spain, [2 January 1777]
From: Continental Congress
To:

On December 30 Congress decided to offer a military alliance to France and to Spain, and to send commissioners to Madrid and other European courts. On January 1 Franklin was named the commissioner to Spain; the reason for choosing him, he believed, was nothing more than that many months earlier a son of the King had sent him a present. On January 2 Congress issued Franklin, Deane, and Lee a new commission authorizing them to negotiate with France for a military alliance, and at the same time approved the letter of credence that follows.

[January 2, 1777]
The Delegates of the United States of Newhampshire, Massachusets-bay, Rhodeisland, Connecticut, New-york, New-jersey, Pensylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, Northcarolina, Southcarolina and Georgia to all who shall see these presents send Greeting.
Whereas a friendly and commercial connection between the subjects of his most catholic majesty the king of Spain and the people of these states will be beneficial to both nations, know ye therefore, that we confiding in the prudence and integrity of Benjamin Franklin one of the delegates in Congress from the state of Pensylvania and a commissioner from these united states to the court of France, have appointed and deputed and by these presents do appoint and depute him the said Benjamin Franklin our commissioner, giving and granting to him the said Benjamin Franklin full power to communicate, treat, agree and conclude with his most Catholic Majesty the King of Spain or with such person or persons as shall by him be for that purpose authorised, of and upon a true and sincere friendship and a firm, inviolable and universal peace for the defence, protection and safety of the navigation and mutual commerce of the subjects of his most Catholic Majesty and the people of the united states and also to enter into and agree upon a treaty with his most Catholic Majesty or such person or persons as shall be by him authorised for such purpose for assistance in carrying on the present war between Great Britain and these united states and to do all other things which may conduce to those desireable ends, and promising in good faith to ratify whatsoever our said commissioner shall transact in the premisses. Provided always that the said Benjamin Franklin shall continue to be possessed of all the powers heretofore given him as a commissioner to the Court of France from these states, so long as he shall remain and be present at the said Court.
Done in Congress at Baltimore the second day of January in the year of our Lord one thousand, seven hundred and seventy seven. In testimony whereof the president by order of the said Congress hath hereunto subscribed his name and affixed his seal.
John Hancock

Attest Chas Thomson secy.

Endorsed: Commission appointing B. Franklin to the Court of Spain. 2d Jany 1777.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Duportail, 2 January 1777
From: Duportail, Louis Lebègue de Presle
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur
Versailles le 2 janvier 1777
Je desirerois avoir reponse sur la proposition que j’ai eu l’honneur de vous faire dimanche dernier, parcequ’il me faut prendre certaines mesures en consequence tant pour moy que pour les officiers du corps dont je vous ay parlé. Il me paroit d’ailleurs absolument essentiel de nous entendre sur tout cecy afin que vous, monsieur, ou les personnes qui vous secondent ne recevièz pas les propositions d’un plus grand nombre d’officiers que celuy auquel il sera permis d’executer ce projet. Cela auroit des inconvenients de toutes sortes.
Si votre reponse est telle que je la desire, j’iray à paris pour prendre des arrangemens plus positifs. J’ai l’honneur d’etre avec la plus respectueuse consideration Monsieur votre tres humble et tres obeissant serviteur
D.P.TL

P.S. Je vous prie instamment, Mr., de ne point laisser sortir de vos mains cette lettre non plus que l’ecrit de dimanche dernier.

Notations: Versailes 2d Jan. 1777 / D. pt / De Portail


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Henry Emanuel Lutterloh, 3 January 1777
From: Lutterloh, Henry Emanuel
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir!
Paris Jany the 3d 1777.
Yesterday I forgot to acquaint You, that my journey is undertaken unknown to any body, and to do it properly to avoid all manner of inquiry and Suspition, I traveled to here under my Mothers family Name as Monsieur de Luders, and I told my friends in Holland I did go back to Wittgenstein to my Recruits. Therefore would beg to call Me so in your direction if a Note is Send to me as below.
Nobody knowes Me here, nor do they know I am an officer.
I thought, and am still of opinion, that if anny thing should be undertaken in Germany or in the North, it ought to be kept a profound Secrat.
On my part every Service which I undertake and promisse to do, shall be faithfully, and exactly executed, according to the Commands with which you honour Me. I have served all the late War from a Leutn. to a Major, and was two Campaygns an Aide Camp, and Brigade Major to His Serene Highness Prince Ferdinand, So that I know that business. After the War was over I was Send an Agent for the Reigning Deuke of Brunswick to the Court of London, So that I acquainted with the Ministeriale affairs liekewise. And that I was where I had the honour to be acquainted with you in London! And if I had not left that Servize i should bee a Colonell in the Brunswick Servize and Marched with his Troops.
I must liekewise tell you, it would be a great difficulty to get Men and officers out of Germany without leave of the Severall Princes and Reiging Counts, but those I have already got with great Espences and are Established with so Maney officers. And as Your Country allways will Want Men, even to Supply the present Losses, I think such an Establishment worth any Attention. I could liekewise form hereafter maney other plans. Having the honour to be with great Respect, Sir Your Most obedient and most humble Servant
H E Lutterloh.

My direction is Pour Monsieur de Lüders. a l’hotell de Espagne Rue Dauphine

Notation: Coll Lutteloch Paris Jan. 3. 1777.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to the Committee of Secret Correspondence, 4 January 1777
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Committee of Secret Correspondence,Franklin, Benjamin,Dickinson, John,Harrison, Benjamin,Jay, John,Johnson, Thomas

Gentlemen,
Paris Jan. 4. 1777.
I arrived here about two Weeks since, where I found Mr. Deane. Mr. Lee has since join’d us from London. We have had an Audience of the Minister, Count de Vergennes, and were respectfully receiv’d.We left for his Consideration a Sketch of the propos’d Treaty. We are to wait upon him tomorrow with a strong Memorial requesting the Aids mentioned in our Instructions.By his Advice we had an Interview with the Spanish Ambassador, Count d’Aranda, who seems well dispos’d towards us, and will forward Copies of our Memorials to his Court, which will act, he says, in perfect Concert with this. Their Fleets are said to be in fine Order, mann’d and fit for Sea. The Cry of this Nation is for us; but the Court it is thought views an approaching War with Reluctance. The Press continues in England.As soon as we can receive a positive Answer from these Courts we shall dispatch an Express with it. I am, Gentlemen, Your most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin
The Committee of Secret Correspondence


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jan Ingenhousz, 4 January 1777
From: Ingenhousz, Jan
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Vienna January 4th 1777.
A little time ago I sent you a lettre by the way of London in hopes it should soon Come to your hands in America. But a few days ago I was informed by the newspapers and private lettres that you are arrived at Paris. This piece of news as astonishing as unexspected was very agreable to me, being happy to understand, that you are safe and in good health and that I have some hopes to meet you once more upon this world. As I make no doubt but my friend mr. Collard secretary to the Dutch Ambassadour will have allready forwarded my lettre to Paris,I will not take up your time to mention any thing more of it. Tho I do not know, whether your coming upon our continent has for its object the happy reunion between the Mother country and the colonies (which I have so much the more hope is the case, as I know it was your constant opinion that the colonies should keep the seet of Gouverment out of their country, and which I wish so much the more, as I should be happy to see, that after you have so well deserved of mankind in general allready, you should accumulate your reputation with the immortal glory of having quelled a civil warr, prevented the effusion of more human blood and the fall of a mighty and generous nation) or a quiet enjoyement of the remaindre of your days, I am highly reioyced to be informed of your arrival, and I have the greatest reason to regreat my not accompagning my Imperial Master to France. You will most probably see this Monarch in disguise of a Private man, and I make no doubt but he will converse with you upon many subjects and mention my name.

If I had been informed of your undertaking this voyage my desire to see you again would have overcome my natural shiness and even aversion to ask favours for my self, and would have emboldened me to ask him the favour of taking me with him. This is now too late. But I could go by my self, and indeed I am strongly inclin’d to it. His Ser. Heighess the Prince Louis de Rohan, who being Ambassadour here honour’d me with his acquaintance and good countenance, offers me just now by a lettre an appointment in his Palais in purpose to give me a fair oportunity to meet you.I should like to accept of his offer and take the same oportunity to see our common friends of London, where my private affaires call me; for, as I have still my whole inheritance of my father in the stocks, and bankrupties become frequent, I dare scarce to trust my money in their hands.If some family of distinction desired me to inoculate their children, I should have a good excuse to ask leave to set out for that purpose. Towards the month of may I am requested to inoculate at Ratisbonne two children of the Reigning Prince of Tour and Taxis.I could make a Trip to Paris and London before that time. I will shut this lettre into that of the Prince Rouhan, and propose him my sceme. He may possibly find some body who would desire me there.
However this sceme may succeed, permit me to claim the Priviledge of an old friend, sincerely and respectfully attached to you, who desires for return of his affection a lettre of answer as soon as possible. I am dear sir Your Most obedient humble servant
J. Ingen Housz

Addressed: a Monsieur / Monsieur Benj. Franklin / Membre de l’Academie Royale / des Sciences de Paris, de la Societé / Royale de Londres &c.&c. / presentement / a Paris.

Notations: Dr Ingenhousz / Ingenhouss. January 4. 1777. / Letters from Dr. Ingenhousz to BF.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Lambert Wickes, 4 January 1777
From: Wickes, Lambert
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir,
[January 4, 1777]
I sent your Things up imeadiately, to the Care of Mr. Grewel [Gruel], Who told me he would send them forward for you directly, As I was on Shore when the order Come for your things they made a Mistake and Sent your Old Wooden Box also, this I hope you’ll excuse as I did not find it out time enough to prevent it Coming to Parris. I remain with Much respect Your Most obligd Humble Servant
Lambt Wickes

PS. Please make my Complyments to Mr. Franklin and Master Benjamin.
L: W:

Addressed: To / The Honble. Dr. Benja: Franklin Esqr / at / Parris
Notation: Captn. Weeks Nantz January 4th 1777


Title: Memoir on the State of the Former Colonies, [before 5 January 1777]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

[Before January 5, 1777]
Memoir concerning the present State of the late British Colonies in North America.
1. With regard to their Union.
All their humble Petitions for Redress of Grievances being rejected, and answered only by an Act of Parliament confiscating their Estates, and declaring their Lives forfeited; and the War being carried on against them with uncommon Cruelty, by burning their defenceless Towns in Winter, exciting Slaves to rise against their Masters, and Savages to assassinate and massacre their inoffensive Husbandmen; the several Colonies, exasperated to the last degree, call’d loudly upon the Congress to declare an Independence. The Congress, after mature Deliberation, have done it; the several Colonies have since approv’d and confirm’d that Declaration, and have accordingly form’d their separate Constitutions as independant States: A general Confederation is also plann’d by the Congress, whereby, for general Purposes and the common Defence, the Power of the whole is united in that Body. A Copy of that Instrument of Confederation is hereunto annexed.
There are nevertheless in each Colony some who have not heartily concurr’d in this Revolution. They consist chiefly of Traders who are put out of Business; of People from England and Scotland who have not been long settled in that Country; or of such Natives as have held Offices under the former Government, or are afraid of the Consequences that may follow a Conquest. The Number of these latter is not at present great, but may increase if any considerable Success should attend the British Army. The Harmony among the Members of the Congress and between the Congress and the several States, was perfect when Mr. Franklin left America, [in the margin: Octr. 26] and was likely to continue so.
  2. With regard to their Strength.
The Congress have resolv’d 88 Battallions for the ensuing Campaign, each Battalion to consist of about 780 Men. A Copy of this Resolution is annex’d.They have a Squadron of small Ships at Sea, which have greatly annoy’d the English Commerce. They have 13 Frigates of 32 to 36 Guns, just built, most of them rigg’d and nearly ready for Sea, but some want Guns and Anchors. Cannon of Iron are casting in different Places, as large as 18 pounders; but the Workmen not being yet perfect in the Business, many of the Pieces fail in the Proof, which occasions a Want of Cannon from Europe. A number of Privateers are also out against the Enemy. Abundance of Fishermen being put out of their Employment by the War, enter in the Frigates or engage in the Privateers.
The Number of Souls in the 13 United States, is commonly estimated at 3,000,000. Perhaps that Estimate is too high at present; but such is the rapid Increase of People there, thro’ early Marriages, that it cannot be long before that Number is exceeded, the Inhabitants having been generally found to double themselves by natural Generation every 25 Years; and in a quicker Proportion in those Colonies that receive an Accession of strangers. So that probably Men will not be wanting to continue this War.
  3. As to their Agriculture, and Commerce.
The Agriculture has not hitherto been much lessen’d by the War: those who are not in Arms working more diligently; so that the Country is full of Provisions, and cheap. Some Diminution there has been in the Planting of Tobacco, from a Prospect of less Demand, but more Cotton and Flax has been raised, as being immediately wanted for Clothing. The Commerce is for the most part stopp’d from two Causes; the Fear of Captures by the English, and the Want of Ships to export the Produce; the Merchants of the middle and more northern Colonies, who used to export Wheat, Flour, Fish, and other Provisions, having sold most of their Ships to Europe when they foresaw the Stoppage; and the British Ships which used to carry the Tobacco from Virginia and Maryland, and the Rice Indigo, Pitch and Tar from the Carolina’s and Georgia, to the Number of 500 Sail, being withdrawn, and our Carpenters now employ’d in building Fregates and Privateers, very little Trade can be carry’d on. A few Ships only have been sent to Europe and the French Islands, for Arms and Ammunition, on Account of the Congress, some of which have been taken either going or returning. Those who would trade with us should therefore bring Ships.
The Commerce of the 13 States has increas’d in a much greater Proportion than that of the Number of People, because at the same time that they have grown more numerous, they have also become richer, and abler to pay for richer Manufactures. This Commerce before the War amounted to about Five Millions of Pounds Sterling, and employ’d between 8 and 900 Sail of Ships. England has lost this Commerce. It may now, with all its future Increase, be gain’d by France and Spain if they will protect it; and they will thereby be as much strengthen’d, in the Vent of Manufactures and Produce, Increase of Wealth and Seamen, &c. as England will be weaken’d, whereby the Difference will be doubled. The Tobacco, &c. which France and Spain cannot consume, they may vend with Profit, to the rest of Europe.
It is to be apprehended, that if the Commerce of America is much longer obstructed, the Party who dislike the War will be so strengthen’d as to compel the rest to Accommodation with Britain. For the other Party, tho now by far the most numerous, and who are for continuing the War till the Independence is establish’d, until they have oblig’d Britain to make Reparation for the Injuries she has done us, will be weaken’d by the want of Commerce, as, without it, Taxes cannot so well be rais’d for Supporting the War, nor the Troops so easily cloath’d and armed.

Notation: avec la lettre du Docteur Franklin au Ministre Vergenes du 5. Janvier 1777.


Title: The American Commissioners to Vergennes, 5 January 1777
From: American Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Deane, Silas,Lee, Arthur
To: Vergennes, Charles Gravier, comte de

Versailles Jany. 5th 1777. 6, OClock in the Evening
  Dr. Franklin, Mr. Dean, and Mr. Lee, present their most respectful Complimts. to the Count de Vergennes; and request an audience of his Excellency, to-morrow morning, at such hour as he shall be pleas’d to appoint.

Notation: 1777. Janvier 5.


Title: Conrad-Alexandre Gérard to the American Commissioners, 6 January 1777
From: Gérard, Conrad-Alexandre
To: American Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Deane, Silas,Lee, Arthur

A Versailles le 6 Janvier 1777
On desireroit qu’on voulut bien suspendre la Communication du Memoire signé contenant des Demandes particulieres. On aura l’honneur de prevenir du Moment ou elle pourra se faire. En attendant on pourroit se borner a faire Part du Memoire d’Eclaircissemens relatif a l’etat des Choses en Amerique, ainsi que des Pieces qui y sont annexées.

Notation: M. Gerard a MM. les Deputés.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Louis-Joseph Plumard de Dangeul, [6 January? 1777?
From: Dangeul, Louis-Joseph Plumard de
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Moonday. [Jan. 6?, 1777]
M. de Dangeul is below desiring to pay his visit to Mr. doctor francklin, and woud have him so good as to remember that in 68. (London) m. de Dangeul was one of his assidue servants and hearers, at his Lodgind, and at M. le Chevalier Pringle at their assemblies in the evening.He has some particular words to deliver to him.


Title: [The American Commissioners]: Memoir [for Vergennes], [c. 8 January 1777]
From: American Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Deane, Silas,Lee, Arthur
To: Vergennes, Charles Gravier, comte de

  [c. January 8, 1777]
   Memoire.
The situation of the United-states, require an immediate supply of Stores of various sorts, of which a proportion of Military for the opening and supporting the coming Campaign.
Vessels or Ships belonging to the United-States cannot be procured, and if they could, the Danger and Risque would be very great.
Diffuculties have arose at the different Ports, where Military Stores have been collected and Objections made to their being shipp’d for the United-states in French ships though Charter’d on Account of the States, in the name of private Persons, by which great Delay has been already occasioned, and the Damages in consequence will be irreparable, unless speedily relieved. Prudence dictates that ships charged with Stores for the United States should appear as if bound for other Ports at Peace with Great Britain, but at the same time Captns. of such Ships are unwilling, (after giving security in France, that they will Land such stores, in some French Port) to go for North America without assurances of indemnity.
To Remedy these Diffuculties it is with submission requested, that Warlike stores already purchased or that may hereafter be purchased for the United States, may be shipp’d in French Ships for the said United States, directly, and if Political purposes render it necessary that surety should be given for Landing them in some Port belonging to France, that the Captains giving such surety may by some means be satisfied of an Indemnity should they land them in the Ports of the united States.
To enforce this Request, it need only be Observed that without this, or some Measure effecting the same Design, the United States will be disappointed of the Stores they expected. The actually sending them to the West India Islands, will be no relief, as the risque from thence to the Continent is as great, or greater than from Europe direct.

NB. The Stores in the Amphitrite, those ready to be Shipp’d from the other Ports, are now detain’d by the above Obstacles.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas-François Dalibard, 8 January 1777
From: Dalibard, Thomas-François
To: Franklin, Benjamin

ce Mercredi matin 8. Janv. 1777.
M. Dalibard a l’honneur de souhaiter le bonjour à Monsr. Le Docteur franklin et de lui adresser M. de Roussille qui desire avoir l’honneur de le voir et de s’entretenir avec lui pour quelques expéditions qu’il voudrait faire dans l’amérique septentrionale.M. Dalibard suplie Monsieur franklin de vouloir bien accorder à M. de Roussille quelques momens d’entretien, il lui en aura la plus sincere obligation.

Addressed: A Monsieur / Monsieur Le Docteur franklin / à L’hôtel de hambourg Rue Jacob / fbg. St. Germain


Title: Barbeu-Dubourg: Memorandum for the American Commissioners, [before 9 January? 1777]
From: Barbeu-Dubourg, Jacques
To: American Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Deane, Silas,Lee, Arthur

This memorandum is the first account of the negotiations over tobacco that had been going on before Franklin’s arrival, and that were expected to play a crucial part in financing the war. No other American export was in such demand in France; if military supplies were to be traded for commodities, the only commodity available was tobacco. The committee of secret correspondence, writing to Deane the previous October, had expected to deal with the farmers general; and a contract with them remained one of the commissioners’ major aims. The farm was a syndicate of financiers, one of the most elaborate and efficient bureaucracies of the ancien régime, that was responsible for collecting taxes on goods and for administering the state monopolies of salt and tobacco.For the latter the farmers paid the government twenty-four million livres a year, and the maximum sale price was fixed; the syndicate therefore had to have a sufficient supply or face bankruptcy. When it discovered that it could not obtain what it needed from Britain, it started looking for American sources, among them the commissioners.

British firms had hitherto controlled the bulk of the trade: their agents had bought the crop in the Chesapeake area, and their ships had carried it to France. Now that the war had eliminated these middlemen, a direct commerce in tobacco promised to be enormously lucrative; and French and American entrepreneurs jostled for a share of it. Some of the Frenchmen, such as Barbeu-Dubourg, hoped to substitute connections for resources; others, such as Chaumont in particular, had better connections and far greater resources. American merchant houses and consortia, like Willing & Morris and Alsop & Company, hoped to do business both for themselves and for Congress. The farmers initially negotiated with the commissioners, with the secret committee through Thomas Morris, and with Dubourg; and the negotiations came to nothing. The main problem was transport. The crop could not be shipped in American vessels; they were too few, and British cruisers too prevalent. The commissioners had a ready answer: send French ships for it. The farmers refused; they were as well aware as the Americans that such a move would stir the hornets’ nest in London, and that Versailles was not yet ready to risk war. The protracted negotiations were consequently unrealistic, and the commissioners’ idea that tobacco might finance the war was a pipe dream.

[Before January 9?, 1777]
M. Penet m’ayant chargé de negocier avec la ferme génerale des tabacs, je pris des arrangemens avec M. Paulze.Sa lettre du 22 may 1776 en fait foi. J’en rendis compte à M. Deane à son arrivée, et m’en tins là pendant longtems.
M. Deane à qui on avoit proposé à Bourdeaux un autre plan fit peu d’attention à mes representations.
Au mois d’août M. Paulze me recrivit à ce sujet, je communiquai immediatement sa lettre à M. Deane qui parut alors s’en occuper tout de bon. Nous fumes ensemble chez M. Paulze qui lui offrit même des avances pecuniaires. Nous lui fimes esperer des cargaisons abondantes de tabacs pour les mois de xbre. Jr. et fr. M. Deane se chargea d’y pourvoir efficacement, et sur les instances de M. Paulze, je lui en garantis l’execution par une lettre du 20 août.
M. Paulze m’a rappellé cette lettre, et en a reclamé les effets par la sienne du 9e. x bre. dernier à l’occasion des tabacs arrivants à Nantes. Je l’ai fait attendre jusqu’à l’arrivée de M. franklin.
Les prix de ces tabacs devoient être evalués à l’amiable suivant nos conventions, au moyen de quoi la ferme generale ne devoit point s’adresser à d’autres.
M. de Chaumont est venu à la traverse, et pour s’attirer tout ce commerce, il a offert un prix avantageux des tabacs arrivés, et fait entendre à M. Deane et consorts qu’il falloit tirer parti de la detresse où se trouvoient les fermiers generaux.
Persuadé qu’il ne falloit pas les vexer si fort, ni les obliger à chercher d’autres ressources, j’ai speculé à mon tour sur toutes les parties qui ont rapport à cet objet; et promis de faire venir en Societé avec des personnes honnetes et solides, tant françois qu’Americains, 20,000 bouccauts de tabac à raison de 7. sols la livre, moyennant de grandes avances pecuniaires de la part de la ferme generale, ou à 8 sols la livre sans avances de sa part. Et cette proposition avoit été bien reçue et le marché devoit en être arreté en definitive Samedi 4e. Jr. 1777.
Mais sur ces entrefaites M. de Chaumont ayant demandé une entrevue avec le Comité de fermiers generaux chez M. de Trudaine pour le jeudi 2e. jr. ou leur donna des inquietudes sur l’execution des promesses de la Societé, ou au moins sur leur accomplissement aux epoques marquées; M. de Ch. fît echouer notre affaire, et ne reussit pas mieux dans la sienne propre.
Il paroit que les fermiers generaux ont traité avec des hollandois et autres, pour tirer de diverses contrées de l’Europe des tabacs d’une qualité au dessous de la mediocre, mais qu’au moyen de leur privilege exclusif, ils debiteront également, et se moqueront des cris du peuple.
Il m’a paru necessaire que M. fr. soit bien imbu de ces faits pour en faire usage suivant sa Sagesse dans la conversation qu’il doit avoir avec M. de Trudaine.
Au reste la Societé proposée peut toujours avoir lieu. Non seulement M. de Chaumont veut la renouer, mais je vis hier un autre de nos principaux adjoints qui m’encouragea beaucoup à la refondre sur un plan un peu different, en offrant d’y mettre de plus gros fonds, en tant que besoin seroit.

Endorsed: M. Dubourg


Title: Negotiations over Tobacco between the American Commissioners and the Farmers General: Two Documents, 9 January 1777 and [between 9 and 13 January 1777]
From: American Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Deane, Silas,Lee, Arthur,Farmers General
To:

On January 9 the commissioners met with a committee of the farmers general to begin negotiations for a tobacco contract. The agenda of that meeting, or the product of it, was written questions from the farmers and replies from the commissioners, on two of which the farmers made observations that raised further points. Paulze forwarded these observations, presumably with the questions and answers, to Vergennes on January 10. The commissioners then delivered a written answer to the observations, in which they suggested that the farmers send their own ships to carry American war supplies to the Chesapeake and receive the tobacco. Paulze forwarded this answer to the Minister on the 13th, with a note informing him that the negotiations had broken down.The first document we publish is confusing in its title and its two opening questions, which deal with tobacco over which the commissioners, as they point out, have no control; all the rest, however, the questions and answers and the farmers’ observations, relate to consignments that the commissioners expect to receive. The second document, undated but obviously between January 9 and 13, is Franklin’s draft of the commissioners’ answer to the observations.

I.
[A Paris Le 9. Janvier 1777]
Au Sujet de tabacs arrivés a Nantes pour le compte du Congrès.

Demandes faites par Les fermiers Generaux
Reponses faites par MM. Francklin Dean et Lée.

  1mo. Les Tabacs arrivés à Nantes sur les navires le Succès, l’Elizabeth et la Fanny sont ils à la disposition et pour le compte du Congrès ou pour le compte des particuliers?
1mo. Les Tabacs arrivés sont pour compte du Congrès, mais ils sont destinés à remplir des engagements contractés avec des Negocians d’icy.

  2°. MM. Francklin et Dean peuvent ils en traiter, ou M. Morris est il le seul qui ait droit d’en disposer?
2°. MM. Francklin et Dean n’ont pas la disposition de ces Tabacs.

  3°. Le congrès a t il des tabacs à sa disposition dans les Colonies unies, ainsy que M. Dean l’a assure dans le mois de Septembre dernier et que M. Morris l’a confirmé le 29. Decembre dernier?
3°. M. Dean se rapporte au mémoire qu’il a délivré a M. Paulze, et par lequel il paroit qu’il a été mal entendu.

  4°. MM. Francklin et Dean sont ils disposés à traiter avec les fermiers généraux et sans l’intervention de personne a des prix et conditions raisonables et de bonne foy pour les Tabacs arrivés et pour ceux qui arriveront sans aucune exception?
4°. MM. Francklin, Dean et Lée souhaitent de traiter avec MM. les fermiers généraux, avec toute la bonne foy possible, à des conditions raisonables et sans l’intervention de personne; Mais il n’est point en leur pouvoir de disposer d’aucuns Tabacs, excepté de ceux qui seront envoyés d’après les arrangemens qui seront pris et qu’ils auront annoncés au congrès.

Observations des fermiers généraux sur la réponse faite au 4e. article par MM. Francklin, Dean et Lée.
MM. Francklin, Dean et Lée sont ils suffisament autorisés pour traiter des à présent au nom du Congrès avec les fermiers Généraux pour tous les Tabacs qui arriveront en france, ou seront-ils obligés d’écrire au Congrés pour faire autorisé ce Traité?
Dans quel tems pourront ils recevoir la ratification du Congrès, si elle est nécessaire?
A quelle époque commencera le traité pour la livraison des Tabacs qui arriveront en France?
A quel prix et conditions veulent ils traiter?

5°. Veulent-ils ou peuvent-ils traiter d’une quantité quelconque de Tabacs rendus dans les ports des Colonies unies de L’Amérique et prêts à être embarqués et à quel prix?
5°. MM. Francklin, Dean et Lée ne cherchant aucun proffit de commerce pour le congrès, proposent à MM. Les Fermiers généraux, en premier lieu, d’envoyer des Agens resider dans les provinces qui fournissent des Tabacs, pour y vendre les articles qui leur seront indiqués par ces Messrs. comme les plus nécessaires dans les circonstances présentes des Etats unis, et au prix que les besoins et la concurrence des Acheteurs produiront.

 Et ensuite se prévaloir des avantages que la même concurrence des Vendeurs leur donneront pour acheter des Tabacs.

 Ils déclarent de bonne foy qu’ils ne voyent rien de mieux pour remplir les vues reciproques des parties intéressées. Ces agents seront certains de la protection du Congrès et de toutes les facilités que le Gouvernement pourra leur donner sur les lieux pour transiger leurs affaires; mais dans le cas ou ce parti ne conviendroit pas à Messrs. les fermiers généraux, MM. Francklin, Dean et Lée s’engageront pour le Congrès de procurer avec toute la célérité possible 20 000 Boucauts de Tabacs dans les differents magazins de la Virginie et du Maryland ou les Anglais étoient en usage de les recevoir, au prix de 4 sols tournois par livre, en échange de munitions de guerre, lainages, uniformes, draps, toilles pour chemises, tentes et toilles à voile qui seront achetés par les agents choisis par MM. Franklin, Dean et Lée, et payés par MM. les fermiers généraux, qui les transporteront dans leurs vaisseaux.

   Cet echange sera fait sur ce pied, que pour chaque 4 sols montant des factures des marchandises passées au prix d’achât, on fournira une Livre pezant de Tabac, étant entendu que les fraix et risques du transport des marchandises dans les ports Américains et des Tabacs des endroits ou ils seront délivrés seront à la charge de MM. les fermiers généraux.

   Si cette proposition est agrée, on s’attend que les vaisseaux qui porteront les marchandises feront voile aussitôt possible, leurs cargaisons devenant necessaires pour l’ouverture de la Campagne prochaine, et les Cotes d’Amerique etant moins exposées pendant l’hyver aux vaisseaux anglais en croisière.

   MM. Francklin, Dean et Lée ont établi le prix des Tabacs à 4 sols comme le plus bas auquel ils pensent qu’il sera possible de les acheter.

   Mais si le prix courant étoit plus bas dans les provinces à Tabacs, ils offrent très volontiers de stipuler que MM. les Fermiers généraux jouiront des plus bas prixauxquels il sera possible de les obtenir.

Observations des fermiers généraux sur la reponse faite au 5eme. Article par MM. Francklin, Dean et Lée.
Le parti proposé d’envoyer des agens pour vendre des marchandises de France dans les Colonies unies et y acheter des Tabacs ne peut convenir aux fermiers généraux, parcequ’ils ne pourroient envoyer que des Agens Ecossois en état de parler la langue et instruits des détails du commerce et que ces Agens ne seroient pas reçus dans les Colonies et que des Agens Francois ne pourroient remplir l’objet proposé.
La 2de. proposition faite par MM. Francklin, Dean et Lée de procurer aux fermiers généraux 20.000 Boucauds de tabacs dans les différens Magazins de la Virginie et du Maryland ne répond pas exactement à la 5e. question. Il y étoit question de Tabacs rendus dans les ports des Colonies unies et prêts a être embarqués et non pas des tabacs rassemblés dans les Magazins. Cet expédient rentre alors dans la lère. proposition d’envoyer des agens et laisse subsister le même embarras. Ou les agens prendroient ils des voitures pour faire conduire les Tabacs des Magazins dans le lieu d’embarquement, ces agens ne connoissant ni le pays ni la langue seroient une année entière à se procurer les secours nécessaires. Il n’y a que le Congrès ou des personnes sur les lieux choisies de sa part qui puissent etre chargés de tous ces détails.
3°. Le prix des Tabacs dans les Magazins de la Virginie et du Mariland est beaucoup trop haut a 4 sols argent de France, a moins qu’on ait en vue des Tabacs des crus d’York et James rivers de Virginie, ou de Patapsico et Patukant pour le Maryland. Mais comme la principale consommation des fermiers généraux est en Rappanhanook, en South Potomack, North Potomack et en Cherser et Choplank, le prix proposé doit être réduit au moins d’un quart, et les fermiers généraux pourroient offrir 4 sols par livre des Tabacs rendus à bord des navires dans les ports des Colonies unies, moitié des premiers crus et moitié des crus inférieurs, ou 3 sols pour un quart de ces premieres qualites et les trois quarts des inférieures.

4. La forme d’echange proposée n’est ni juste, ni raisonable. 4 sols de marchandises de France au prix des factures rendues dans les Colonies représentent au moins 12 sols. Les Tabacs des Colonies ne valent au plus haut prix que 4 sols. Ce seroit donc échanger 12 sols. contre 4 sols et la lezion seroit énorme. Tous les risques de l’aller et du retour seroient à la charge des fermiers généraux, et les Colonies unies jouiroient sans risques d’un bénéfice de 200 per cent.
Ce n’est donc pas ce que MM. Francklin, Dean et Lée ont entendu et leur proposition est mal énoncée.
Ils ont sans doute voulu dire que 4 sols de marchandises rendues dans les colonies seroient echangées contre une livre de Tabacs, mais alors ce n’est ni sur le prix d’achat, ni sur le prix des factures que l’évaluation peut être faite, mais sur le prix courant dans les colonies au moment de l’arrivée des navires.
Alors l’augmentation dans le prix des marchandises compenseroit le fret et les risques et il seroit juste que les fermiers généraux en fussent chargés.
On peut encore présenter cette proposition sur une autre face. Lorsque MM. Francklin, Dean et Lée avertiront les fermiers généraux qu’il y a dans un port désigné des Colonies, un chargement de Tabacs à leur disposition les fermiers généraux en remettront le prix à raison de 3 sols ou 4 sols par livre suivant la qualité des Tabacs à ces Messieurs, qui acheteront ainsy qu’ils jugeront à propos des marchandises, autres que des armes et munitions, qui seront chargées sur les navires frétes ou achetés par les fermiers généraux. Il sera convenu d’un prix de fret et ces MM. feront assurer les risques ou ils seront à leur charge; comme le fret et les risques des Tabacs au retour seront à la charge des fermiers généraux.
En un mot il doit y avoir une égalité entière. Le congrès livrant le Tabac pris dans les ports des Colonies au prix d’ achât ou à une somme fixe, qui le représente, les fermiers généraux ne peuvent etre tenus que de livrer dans les ports de France les marchandises données en echange, ou la valeur en argent au choix du congrès, mais les risques du retour étant à la charge des fermiers généraux pour le tabac qui leur appartient, les risques de l’aller doivent être à la charge du congrèspour les marchandises qui lui appartiendront au moment de la livraison ou du payement en argent.
Il y a encore une voye plus simple. La ferme générale echange de l’argent ou des marchandises remises en France contre des Tabacs livrés en Amérique. Voila ou peut se terminer toute la négociation. Les fermiers généraux s’arrangeront comme ils jugeront à propos pour faire venir leurs Tabacs en France et le Congrès aura la même liberté pour faire rendre en Amérique, les marchandises qui luy auront été fournies ou qu’il aura achetées avec l’argent des fermiers généraux.
Tout se réduit donc à ces deux articles.
Le ler. convenir d’un prix pour les Tabacs rendus en France.
Le 2d. fixer un prix pour les tabacs pris dans les Colonies.
MM. Francklin, Dean et Lée sont priés de donner une prompte réponse sur ces différentes propositions.

6°. Peuvent ils ou veulent ils traiter d’une quantité quelconque de Tabacs rendus à St. Domingue, la Martinique, Cayenne, St. Pierre de Micquelon ou St. Eustache et à quel prix pour chacune de ces Isles?
6°. MM. Francklin, Dean et Lée ne pourroient point traiter pour des Tabacs rendus dans les Isles a des conditions aussy favorables.

7°. Préfèrent ils de traiter pour une quantité quelconque de boucaults de Tabacs qu’ils se chargeront de faire transporter en France à un prix convenu? Dans ce cas les fermiers généraux offrent de leur faire des avances jusques à concurrence de la somme convenue, en donnant par ces Messieurs les suretés suffisantes. Les fermiers généraux se rembourseront de leurs avances sur le prix des Tabacs à mesure de leur arrivée et continueront d’avancer la même somme avec les mêmes précautions.
7°. Ils sont trop incertains que le Congrès puisse se procurer des vaisseaux pour transporter des Tabacs dans les ports de France, pour s’y engager, et ils ne peuvent penser a donner d’autres suretes, que celles de leurs pouvoirs et Lettres de Créance qu’ils tiennent du Congrès.

II.
[Between January 9 and 13, 1777]
Messrs. F. D and Lee, cannot treat for all the Tobacco which may arrive in France; a great part of it will come on Account of private Merchants, to discharge Debts. But they can assure the F.G. that whatever Contract they make concerning Tobacco, in order to obtain immediate Supplies for the Armies of the Congress, will be confirm’d and punctually executed by the same.
The Proposal they made which is objected to as unjust and unreasonable, viz. that the Farmers G. should be at the Risque and Expence of transporting the Goods both to and from America, did not, when they made it appear so to Messrs. F. D. and Lee, who considered the Lowness of the Price, and the Risque they propos’d to run of its being higher, as a sufficient Compensation. Besides the same Causes that could make 4 Sous worth of Goods in France worth 12. Sous in America, would make 4 Sous worth of Tobacco in America worth 12 Sous when brought to France; which would annihilate the supposed Loss. The English too who formerly carry’d on that Trade, were always at the Risque and Expence both Ways in War as well as Peace. But this Proposal, being only an Alternative to one they thought better for the F.G. viz. that of sending Factors, they readily waive it.


Title: Chaumont to the American Commissioners, 9 January 1777
From: Chaumont
To: American Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Deane, Silas,Lee, Arthur

Ce 9. Janvier 1777
M. de Chaumont a l’honneur d’informer Messieurs les deputés du Congrès qu’il peut leur procurer deux cents milliers de salpestres de l’inde pres a L’orient a soixante le quintal pareil a celuy qu’il a deja procuré a M. Dean payable en lettres de change acceptées sur Paris Londres Amsterdam Bordeaux ou Nantes. Il faut unne prompte décision parceque les Espagnols marchandent ce salpestre. Il vaut en hollande soixante dix huit livres quinze sols le quintal.
Leray de Chaumont

Notation: de Chaumont 9 Janv. 77


Title: The Committee of Secret Correspondence to the American Commissioners, 9 January 1777
From: Committee of Secret Correspondence,Franklin, Benjamin,Dickinson, John,Harrison, Benjamin,Jay, John,Johnson, Thomas
To: American Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Deane, Silas,Lee, Arthur

Gentlemen
Baltimore 9th January 1777
Captain Hammond having been detained longer than we expected, furnishes us with an opportunity of giving you the information we have since our last received from the Army, thro a Committee of Congress left at Philadelphia; for we have yet had no regular accounts from General Washington. On the 2d. instant, General Washington having received information that the enemy were on their march to attack him at Trenton, ordered two brigades of militia to advance and annoy them on the road leading from Princeton to Trenton, who falling in with the enemy about 3 miles from the latter place, engaged them, but being overpower’d by numbers, made a retreating fight until they joined the main body who were drawn up on the heights west of a bridge that divides the village of Trenton nearly in two parts. The enemy attempting to force the bridge were repulsed with loss by a body of men with artillery placed there to receive them. In the mean time some batteries being opened on the heights soon drove the enemy from that part of the Town possessed by them. Thus the affair ended for that evening. But General Washington having received intelligence that Gen. Howe was in person coming up to join his army with a strong reenforcement, directing fires to be made on the heights to deceive the enemy, decampt at midnight and made a forced march in order to meet Mr. Howe and give him battle before he joined his main body. About 3 miles short of Prince Town, the Van of our army fell in with 600 British Infantry Strongly posted behind a fence, and upon a hill, with artillery. They were attacked, and after a smart Engagement, routed, having lost 200 killed and taken prisonners; among whom, one Colonel, one Major, several Captains and subalterns were slain, and about 20 officers made prisoners. The fugitives were pursued thro Princeton where our army halted a while. In this affair 6 pieces of artillery with abundance of baggage fell into our hands. At Princeton it was learnt that Gen. Howe was not with this party, but that he remained at Brunswick with 3 or 4 thousand men. There being a considerable force in the rear, and our Men greatly fatigued with their march, and their baggage chiefly behind (it having been sent to Burlington) the General proceeded to Sommerset Court house that evening, a little to the Westward of the road leading to Brunswick, and about 7 or 9 miles from that place. Here we understand he expected to be joined by a body of 1500 or 2000 fresh troops and that his intention was to attack Mr. Howe in Brunswick. On friday morning, when the enemy at Trenton missed our army, they returned towards Princeton, but it seems, they left 3000 Hessians behind them, who following afterwards, were so fatigued with travel and want of food, that numbers were left on the road, and were straggling about the country in threes and fours. Many were taken by the Country people and brought in prisoners, many came to Trenton and surrendered themselves. The militia of Jersey were rising generally, and it was thought few of these Hessians would get back again. This is the present state of our information, and we hourly expect a well authenticated account of the whole, and of much greater successes. We shall endeavor to give you the speediest account of what shall further come to our knowledge from good authority. The above relation is taken from a Gentleman who was in the action, and who the Committee write us, is a person of sense and honor. The General has been too much engaged to write, and we suppose waits the final issue: We most earnestly wish you success in your negotiation, and are with perfect esteem, honorable Gentlemen, your most obedient and very humble Servants.
Benj HarrisonRichard Henry Leein secret Committee

P.S. In the engagement near Princeton we lost 15 privates, one Colonel, and Brigadier Gen. Mercer a very good Officer and a worthy Gentleman.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Temple Franklin, 9 January 1777
From: Franklin, William Temple
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honored Sir,
Passy Jany. 9. 1777.
Mr. Chaumont desires me to inform you, that he has received a Letter from Mr. Montaudoin (whom you saw at Nantes) in which he mentions, and desires you may be informed of it; that there is a Scotchman arrived at Nantes, in a Dutch Vessel from New-York, who says, that General Howe had embarked ten thousand Men for the purpose of attacking Philadelphia.
Mr. Montaudoin likewise mentions that the 3d of this Month about 11 at Night he was much surprized at receiving a Visit from Mr. Decoudray who went from Harvre the fourteenth of December in the Amphetrite; that he had come into port in order to place ten or twelve passengers (out of 34) on board some American Vessels that were at Nantes, and that he was to set off the Day after for Port Louis.I am Honored Sir your Dutiful Grandson
W T Franklin.

Addressed: A Monsieur / Monsieur Franklin / Hotel D’anbourg, / ruë Jacob / Paris
Notation: W T. Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Le Roy, [9 January 1777?]
From: Le Roy, Jean-Baptiste
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Jeudy matin [January 9, 1777?]
J’envoy savoir Mon cher Docteur des nouvelles de votre rhume. Hier au soir je voulus vous aller voir je ne pus trouver de voiture à cause du froid.
J’espere que M. Deane va mieux.Vous savez combien je vous suis sincèrement attaché pour la vie.
Le Roy

J’ai lu hier un mémoire qu’on vous destine mais l’auteur a dans ce moment la goutte cruellement. Les vuës de ce mémoire me paroissent bien bonnes. J’aurai l’honneur et le plaisir de vous voir aujourdhui.

Addressed: a Monsieur / Monsieur Franklin / a l’hotel de Hambourg / ruë Jacob


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from ——— Gloro, 10 January 1777: résumé
From: Gloro, ——
To: Franklin, Benjamin

<Hennebon, near Lorient, January 10, 1777, in French: I have served the Compagnie des Indes since 1752, and was returning from China in 1776 when my ship put in at Ascension Island to revictual and take on turtles. There I encountered a Mr. Benjamin Salter, out of St. Eustatius from Bermuda, waiting to make purchases from passing vessels. I made friends with him and sold him all I had brought with me, receiving two bills of exchange. The larger one, on a London merchant named William Cawthorne, was protested; Cawthorne was in debtors’ prison and denied knowledge of the business. Salter knew that I faced ruin if not paid, and I trusted him so much that I never learned his address. I have since heard of a rich Philadelphia merchant of that name; can you give me information, any means by which I may collect? Please do not let the ship’s owners hear of my misadventure; they do not like such private business, although it is the only way that the underpaid can survive.>


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Nathan Rumsey, 10 January 1777
From: Rumsey, Nathan
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honorable Sir
Nantes Jany. 10th. 1777.
I have this day a letter from Mr. Guerin of Auray in which he requests me to let you know that he had forwarded for your perusal under Cover to the Count de Vergenes the Copy of a letter from the Admiralty officers of Vannes to those of Auray.
There appears to be a jealousy between these officers and Mr. Guerin, from the latter having ventured on such a purchase without their Consent; and they seem to be determined to give as much Trouble as possible.
I doubt not, Sir, you have it in Your power to prevail with the Marine Officer to order those officers of Vannes to give over their researches, and to desist troubling Mr. Guerin, as, if these Matters are carried too far they may injure possibly the Sales of our Prizes hereafter. We have no Arrivall[?] since my last to You, and the Ice in this river drives so much that we cannot dispatch a single Vessel. With the utmost respect I am Honorable Sir your most obidient Humble Servant
Nathan Rumsey

Addressed: The Honorable / Doctor Benjamin Franklin / at / Paris.
Notation: N. Rumsey Jan 10. 77


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from [Louis Dupas?] de Vallenais, 10 January 1777
From: Vallenais, Louis Dupas de
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Paris the 10th of January 1777
As you was very busy this morning, when I have been to present my respects to you: I would not be so bold as to disturb you; though I intended confering with you before my departure.
Mr. de Chaumont’s Ship in which I was to embark has lately set sail; but I know there are several others ready to sail in two or three weeks time. They are directed to Mr. Grouet Merchant at Nante, which is your correspondent.
This present is to beg you the favour of guiving me also a letter for the said Mr. Grouet in order I may treat with him for the price of our passage to america. I bring a relation of mine along with me, which has been recommended to Mr. Dean by his commander in france.
Our intentions are not only to get in the american Service if it is possible; but we propose forming a solid establishment in the country very soon. We are determined to fix our dwelling place for Life in that free country.
Though we are born under the yoke of a despotic empire; Liberty, from our infancy, has ever been very dear to our hearts. It is with those Sentiments which are certainly valuable to every men who possess a little notion of themselves, I have the honour to be with profound respect Sir your most obedient and humble Servant
De Vallenais

I beg your favour to present my [torn] to Mr. Dean, and my compliments to Mr. Williams.
I propose going too morrow morning in order to take my leave of you.

Addressed: A Monsieur / Monsieur franquelin / hotel de hambourg / rue Jacob fauxbourg / St Germain / A Paris
Notation: De Vallenas


Title: [Samuel Wharton to Edward Bancroft] with a Postscript to Franklin, 10 January 1777
From: Wharton, Samuel
To: Bancroft, Edward,Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
London January 10 1777
I am still without any of your Favors, although two Mails arrived Yesterday. I am wholly at a Loss to account for your not answering my several Letters, and can only ascribe it to Illness, or an Interception of Yours. I will however persevere in my Correspondence, While, I think, There is a possibility, of my being any Ways useful. The Report of ten thousand more Foreigners being to be sent early in the Spring to America (as I mentioned in my last) gains Ground, and it is now confidently said, They are to consist of Brunswickers Hessians, Hanoverians &c., and are to be commanded by Burgoyne, Who is to be employed to the Southward. It was this Morning affirmed in the City by Governmental People, That One hundred Sail of Transports are to be engaged for this Service. 82 has told all the 16, That Lord Cornwallis had obtained possession of Brunswick, without the least Opposition; That He found three Months provission for his Army there, was supplied by the Inhabitants, and neighbouring Farmers with Plenty of fresh Meat; and That the Retreat of the Provincials was so precipitate, They had not Even broken the Bridges on the Road thither; and That, as the Inlistment of the American Army was expired, The greater part of it, had returned to their respective Homes, and were determined, not to inlist again. It was currently asserted a few Days ago, That Doctor Price had received a Letter from Dr. Franklin, informing Him, That a Treaty had been signed between America, France and Spain. I was prevailed On to apply to Dr. Price, To know Whether there was any Degree of Truth in the report, and my Application was kindly answered, by the inclosed Letter from Him Which by Desire of 81, I send to 74, as a Confirmation of the Opinion, He last Year published. I understand from 81, That Dr. Price’s Character is well known, and esteemed for Financial Knowledge by 227, and That a Use may Possibly be made of his Letter:At all Events however, The sending it to You, can do no Harm. The Correspondence by the Post, grows daily more and more dangerous, and Uncertain, I wish therefore you would suggest to Dr. Franklin, That if a Courier was dispatched from Hence to Calais, on Tuesdays, as well as Fridays, It would afford a constant, certain and safe Mode of Communication twice a Week. The Expence could easily be settled between France and America. Pray desire the Favor of Dr. Franklin to send me some ostensible Name, Wherby I may safely write to Him any Thing of Importance.My best Respects wait on the Doctor, and Mr. Deane. Adieu Yours affectionately
  #

Friday Night 10. oClock.Just as I was sealing my Letter, Dr. Bancroft’s Favor of the 30th of December was brought to Me. The Mail, however, arrived Wednesday Night. The Letter had been opened; But as Nothing could be collected from it, It was after Two Days suffered to be sent to its Direction. I trouble my Friend Doctor Franklin with the foregoing, as Dr. Bancroft will most probably have left Paris.


Title: Lambert Wickes to the American Commissioners, 11 January 1777
From: Wickes, Lambert
To: American Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Deane, Silas,Lee, Arthur

Gentlemen
Nantz January 11th. 1777
Immediately After the Receipt of your favr of 26th Decr. 1 Set out for L Orient and have Executed the Businss you Desird there in the best maner The time and Surcumstances Would  Admitt. I have no Great Appinon of the 60 Gunn Ship As Shee is an Oald Ship and A very Slow Sailer. Another Very Great Objecktion is her Draft Water being to much for our American ports very few of our ports Would have Water Enoughf for her to Enter in at As Shee Will Draw 21 or 22 feet Water. I think the Friggates Are better vessails and much Better for our purpose as thier Draft Water Will be only 16 or 17 feet and Am perswaided they Will Sail much faster Esspetially the St. John. Shee is Entirely new built from the Keel and has All her Spars Riging Sails Anchors Cable and All other Materals Quite New. Shee has the Carrecktor of A prime Sailer they have prommised to Furnish A Compleat Inventory of All her Riging Sails Stores And materals Which I Exspect to Receive to morrow or Next Day and if Not Stopt by your order I Shall Immediately Set of for Parris on the Receipt of The Inventory. I have had A full veiw of the Ship and her Materals and Like her Well Her Materals are All new and of the first Qualety.There is Another 36 Guns Friggate and a Ship that mounts 50 Guns on two Decks boath of these vessails have the Carrecktors of prime Sailors but I Am Affeard they Are too Antient and Tender for our purpose therefore they Would Want over Halling and a Good out fitt before they Could Go to See. The St. john is All new and May be fitt for Sea in a month or 6 Weeks She is mounted With 26 twelv pounders on one Deck and 10 Six pounders on the Quarter Deck and fore Castle her Dementions is 114 feet Keel 36 feet Beam 13 feet Hoald and 6 feet Between decks. I think they Can Well Afford to Sell this Ship for £12000 Sterling haveing formd my jugment on the best Information I Could Get of the prices of Ships and Materals at L Orient. I Dare Say provided it Suites you to purchace the Cargo you May Get her At that price the Cargo Consists Cheifly of Led Copper Cordage Canvis and Large Anchors Which is Much Wanted in America. I Was on bord of the Ship that Put into L Orient from Haver de grass and found her So Much Lumbered and Short of provistion that I think they Did Well to put in and Get a Supply. On findeing them So Crowded I Advised General Decorated [Du Coudray] to Leav Some of his most Useles officers behind Which he Did to Get Passages Elsewhere he has Dischargd 12 or 13 and Sent the Rest forward in the Ship. He Got Her Water’d and Supplyed With provistions As Soon As possible and Sent her of for fear of haveing her Stopt. he is to Come to Nantz and may Possibly be At Parris before he Leavs France. This Business I Performd at the Request of the General and thought it [torn] To Make my Report to you Accordingly. I Am With much Respect Gentlemen your most Obligd Humble S[ervant]
Lambt. Wickes

Addressed: The Honorable / Doctor Benjamin Franklyn / at / Paris.
Notation: Capt Wecks Nantes 11 Jany 77


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas-Antoine de Mauduit, Chevalier du Plessis, [c. 11 January? 1777]
From: du Plessis, Thomas-Antoine Mauduit, chevalier
To: Franklin, Benjamin

[c. January 11?, 1777]
De Mauduit Chevalier du plessis, Lieutenant au corps royal d’artillerie, agé de 22 ans, né au plessis près Lorient en bretagne brûle d’envie de passer chez les insurgens, il demande le même traitement qu’on a dejà fait aux officiers de son grade qui y sont passé.
Depuis près de 8 ans il sert, au corps royal, s’est beaucoup appliqué a son métier, et se flate que ses generaux sont satisfaits de son zele.
Il jouit d’une excellente santé, et est habitué a toutes sortes de fatigues ayant déjà voyagé pendant 20 mois en europe, asie et afrique. Le jeune homme a si bonne volonté de bien faire, qu’il desireroit voir doubler son existence, pour les perdre au service d’une nation à qui il jure le plus entier devouement; le chevalier de Mauduit voudroit pouvoir exprimer dignement tout ce qu’il pense, mais il a le coeur si plein que lui seul a fait les frais de ce qu’il écrit dans ce moment-ci. Il éprouve combien l’esprit est muet quand le coeur parle.

Addressed in another hand: A Mr le docteur franclin / de boston / a l’hôtel d’hambourg rue jacob / fauxbourg st germain
Notation: Memoire sur le Sieur Mauduit


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Mary Hewson, 12 January 1777
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson

My dear dear Polley
Paris, Jan. 12. 1777.
Figure to yourself an old Man with grey Hair appearing under a Martin Fur Cap, among the Powder’d Heads of Paris.It is this odd Figure that salutes you; with Handfuls of Blessings on you and your dear little ones.
On my Arrival here, Mlle. Biheron gave me great Pleasure in the Perusal of a Letter from you to her.It acquainted me that you and yours were well in August last. I have with me here my young Grandson Benja Franklin Bache, a special good Boy. I give him a little French Language and Address, and then send him over to pay his Respects to Miss Hewson.
My Love to all that love you, particularly to dear Dolly.I am ever, my dear Friend, Your affectionate
B F.

Temple who attends me here presents his Respects. I must contrive to get you to America. I want all my Friends out of that wicked Country. I have just read in s[ome?] Newspapers 7 Paragraphs about me, of which 6 were Lies.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Thomas Walpole, 12 January 1777
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Walpole, Thomas

This letter, the first in a brief correspondence with Walpole during the next two months about the affairs of the Walpole or Grand Ohio Company, touches an important question: to what extent, if any, did Franklin’s connection with the Company affect his conduct as a diplomat? He seems here to be severing the connection, but in fact he retained it; and it later brought him under suspicion, as he must have known it would. When Congress decided to create an expanded commission to negotiate peace, it refused at first to put Franklin on it because, as a member of the Company, he was interested “in territorial claims which had less chance of being made good in any other way, than by a repossession of the vacant country by the British Crown.”If the west were returned to Britain, in other words, and if the Walpole grant were then revived in London, Franklin would stand to gain. No one can say for sure that he ignored these “if’s.” But the record of his relationship with the Company, meager as it is, suggests that he did. When he was asked for and submitted his resignation in 1774, the period of his major involvement was over. He had concluded the year before that part of the grant the Company was seeking, the cession to the “suffering traders” on which the Indiana Company based its claim, needed no confirmation by the crown.In 1775–76 he supported moves to market land in America without recourse to London. It is unclear whether the moves were confined from the start to the cession from the Indians, or embraced the whole Walpole grant, which included that tract and what the crown had purchased; but by early 1776 the focus of attention was the tract.In the years that followed, to judge by such meager evidence as there is, the promoters seem to have kept open both options: they maintained that their title to the Indiana grant was valid in itself, and they attempted to purchase from some American authority the rest of the Walpole grant or, failing that, to obtain compensation for their claim. Franklin is optimistic here about such a purchase from Virginia. Three years later, when that hope had evaporated, he and Samuel Wharton petitioned Congress for compensation.
In the present letter he is asking to have back his money. He had paid Walpole £200 apiece for his and William Franklin’s two shares. (Galloway’s, which he had also handled, was now dissociated from them.) They were not shares in the modern sense of stock certificates, but shares in the land for which the Company was hoping; and shareholders paid pro rata assessments for the expected purchase from the British Treasury and for attendant expenses. These assessments Franklin had paid.Now that the purchase was no longer expected, Walpole was settling the last expenses and returning each member the balance due him.When Franklin received his reimbursement, his financial tie to the Company ended.
But his interest did not. He retained the right to two shares, from which he hoped his descendants would benefit-the right, that is, to participate in any future land grant that might come out of the Company’s initial efforts. We have no evidence whatever that he expected such a grant to emanate from Whitehall, in the event that Britain won the war or at least retained the west. All his expectations after 1773, on the contrary, seem to have ignored the British government. In 1778, when he recovered his letter of resignation from the Company and the grant had long been a lost cause in Whitehall, he noted that the shares were still valid.Two years later he petitioned Congress for compensation. There the record ends. Brief as it is, it indicates that he considered his land claims as an important part of his estate, perhaps important enough to risk their being misunderstood. It also suggests, in the absence of opposing evidence, that during the war he looked solely to American authority for furthering those claims.

Dear Sir,
Paris, Jan. 12. 1777
I hope this will find you and your amiable Family well and happy.
I left Major Trent well. He had Thoughts of applying to Congress relating to the Lands of our Purchase, but was dissuaded by Mr. Galloway.I had some Information that Virginia, which claims all the Crown Lands within its Boundary, will not dispute that Purchase with us, but expects the Purchase-Money to be paid into their Treasury. It may be long before these Matters can be adjusted; and longer still before we shall see Peace. Had Lord Chatham’s first wise Motion for withdrawing the Troops, been attended to by your mad Ministry; or his Plan of Accommodation been accepted and carried into Execution, all this Mischief might have been prevented. If that great Man be yet living, I pray you to present my affectionate Respects to him, and also to Lord Camden.
As the Money I left with your good Brother cannot now be of any Use to me in England, I request a Letter of Credit for the Amount on some Banker here: I mean the Money for my two Shares. That of Mr. Galloway’s will remain for his Order.
I should certainly be glad to have a Line from you, but I cannot ask it, because it may not be convenient in your Situation. But I shall always be happy in hearing of your Welfare by any means, being with sincere Esteem and Affection, Your most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin

Addressed:Honble Thos Walpole Esqe / London / per favour of / Dr Bancroft


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from [Duportail], [12 January 1777]
From: Duportail, Louis Lebègue de Presle
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur
[January 12, 1777]
J’ai l’honneur de vous envoyer quelques nouvelles conditions que je desirerois entrer dans notre arrangement avec celles que nous avons ecrites hyer. J’en useray de même s’il me vient encore à l’esprit quelque chose d’important qui doive estre arreté d’avance entre nous.

Comme il est juste que vous prenièz de votre coté les informations necessaires sur ce qui me concerne, je vous prie de le faire avec les plus grandes précautions. Je suis d’ailleurs assèz connu des gens au courant des affaires, etant depuis six mois auprès du ministre de la guerre pour travailler à une nouvelle ordonnance du corps du genie qui va paroistre, et ce fait, s’il m’est permis de le dire, vous temoigne que je jouis de quelque consideration dans mon etat.
Je vous prie instamment, monsieur, de ne rien montrer à qui que ce soit d’écrit de ma main, parce qu’il est sur que, si le bruit se repandoit de mon depart pour l’amerique, le ministre ne me laisseroit plus sortir de france ny moy ny aucun officier du corps. J’ai l’honneur d’etre etc.
lere. Condition. Que le gouvernement des colonies unies me donnera un grade superieur [interlined: le brevet de colonel] à celuy dont j’auray le brevet en france au moment de mon depart.
  2°. Que je seray chef dans ma partie et qu’a l’armée et dans les places je ne repondray qu’au general où à celuy qui commendera en chef les troupes.
Dans le cas cependant ou l’officier qui est presentement à la tête du genie et moy nous trouverions dans le même lieu, je pourrois estre à ses ordres s’il avoit un grade superieur au mien où plus d’ancienneté dans le même grade.
Mr. de laumoy aura le brevet de lieutenant colonel.
  3°. Que l’officier où les officiers du genie qui viendront avec moy recevront de même du gouvernement un grade superieur à celuy qu’ils auront en france au moment de leur depart.
Mr. de gouvion celuy de major.

  4°. Que les uns et les autres nous serons libres de quitter le service des colonies quand nous le desirerons, bien entendu pourtant que ce ne sera pas au milieu d’une campagne ou d’une besogne commencee. On voudra bien s’en rapporter sur cela aux sentiments d’honneur dont les officiers francois ont toujours fait profession.
Le gouvernement americain pourra de son coté nous remercier quand il le jugera à propos.
  5°. Que dans le cas où nous serions pris par les anglois dans la traversée ou dans le pays, le Congrès emploira franchement et loyalement tous les moyens qu’il pourra pour nous procurer notre liberté.
  6°. Qu’en general le gouvernement americain nous traitera à tous egards comme doivent l’etre des officiers qui sans que rien les y oblige viennent risquer leur vie ou leur liberté pour son service.
  7°. Que les appointemens et traitements selon leur [interlined, notre] grade courront depuis le jour de l’embarquement en france.
  8°. Que Messieurs les deputés des colonies prendront les mesures necessaires pour que dans le vaisseau nous soyons logés et traités aussi bien que cela sera possible.

Ces messieurs voudroient bien me dire aussi quelles sont les choses dont il faut se munir pour l’habillement etc.
Comme dans l’etablissement d’une place considerable il faut des instrumens tels que graphometre, boussole etc. et qu’il n’y en à pas peut-estre dans le pays, il seroit à propos d’en faire l’achat. Si nous convenons avec ces messieurs, je chercheray tout ce qui peut m’etre necessaire dans l’exercice de ma profession.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Juliana Ritchie, 12 January 1777
From: Ritchie, Juliana
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Cambray 12th Janry. 1777.
The agreeable manner in which I lived for several years in the (once happy) Citty of Philadelphia made too deep an impression upon my mind for either time, distance or the vicissitudes of fortune to erase; you will not be surprised, Sir, after this declaration, when I inform you that the unhappy situation of the affairs of America, has caus’d me to pass many Days in painful anxiety, and sleepless nights since the commencement of the present warr with England, hopeing and fearing alternately, for the safety of the country in General but more perticulerly for the fate of those whom repeated acts of friendship and kindness rendered truely dear to my heart. It is from these sentiments that I take the liberty of addressing you Sir, being fully perswaded (from the knowledge I have of your amiable character) that you will not only pardon the freedom I am now takeing, but will allso keep the purport of this letter from the knowledge of any other Person, or otherwise I shall be involved in great trouble. But I am quite easy upon that head, knowing that it is to a Gentleman of integrity I am writeing, and therfore without further preface, I proceed to the purpose of this letter, which is to inform you Sir, that you are Surrounded with Spies, who watch your every movement who you Visit, and by whom you are visited. Of the latter there are who pretend to be friends to the cause of your country but that is a mere pretence. Your own good sence will easilly infer the motive of their conduct. One Party assures that you are seeking aid and support from this Kingdom the other Party insinuate that you have given up that Cause and are makeing the best terms you can for the private advantage of your own family connections &c. I dare not be more explicit for weighty reasons to my self, but of the truth of what I inform you, you may strictly rely. As I am ignorant of your address I send this to Messrs. Le Normond & Co. Rue St. Honory to deliver to your own hand, and shall rejoice to know that you have received it safe. If at your leisure you favor me with a few lines, please to address me at Cambrai. That address will be sufficient as I have resided here for two years with five young Ladies of fortune (Doughters to my perticuler friends in England) who are all under my Care. We return to England in the spring season, where if I can render you any acceptable service, to know your Commands will give me real pleasure. I make no doubt but you have many abler friends, but I am sure none more willing then my self. I hope you left Mrs. Franklin and your Do[ughter] well, an account whereof will give me pleasure.
I had a letter from my husband a few Days since, but He does not mention the affairs of America.I have the honor to be with great esteem Sir your humble Servant
Juliana Ritchie
Benjn. Franklin Esqr.

Addressed: To be delivered into the / hand of Benjomin Franklin Esqr. / lately arrived at Paris from / America.
Notations: Mrs Ritchey Jany 1777 / Letter from Mrs Ritchey with the Answer in


Title: The King’s Answer to the American Commissioners, 13 January 1777
From: Vergennes, Charles Gravier, comte de
To: American Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Deane, Silas,Lee, Arthur

Vergennes had required time to consider the commissioners’ propositions in their letter of January 5, but discussion of them began almost immediately in the highest circle of government. On the 7th some one, presumably at Versailles, wrote a longwinded memorandum on the crisis that confronted France. The hand cannot be identified, and the author spoke of himself as a private citizen; but the position he took was at bottom remarkably similar to Vergennes’, and he appears to have been writing for the eyes of the King and his advisers. The United States had two alternatives, the author argued, either to obtain effective French assistance or to offer Britain, in return for recognition of American independence, a military alliance for conquering the French West Indies; if Versailles did assist, the British would be ousted from the Caribbean and lose half their power, which France would gain.On the 8th the King and Maurepas saw a condensed version of the commissioners’ letter.At about the same time Vergennes made two drafts in his own hand of what became this reply; the second draft was presented to Louis on the 9th, in Maurepas’ presence, and received royal approval.Gérard then made a copy with insignificant changes, the text printed here. It in turn was approved, and four days later was read to the commissioners.
The anonymous memorandum of the 7th and the réponse verbale of the 9th reflect the dilemma in which the court found itself. Policy dictated avoiding a war for which the navy was not yet ready, but also avoiding an American rapprochement with Britain that would be disastrous for France. The memorandum emphasized the second point, and the gains to be won by direct involvement. The réponse verbale was more cautious: it renounced such involvement for the moment but only for the moment (“ce qui semble encore eloigné peut se raprocher”), and it ended with a promise of further “secours secrets.” Although these were too secret to be put on paper, even a paper to be read aloud, Gérard explained the meaning; and what he told the commissioners accounts for the enthusiasm of their reply the next day.

    January 13, 1777
Reponse verbale aux Deputés du Congrés des Etats unis de l’Amerique septentrionale
Il a eté rendu compte au Roi du contenu du memoire de Messieurs les Deputés du Congrés de l’amerique.
Sa Majesté souhaiteroit que les circonstances lui permissent de se desaisir d’une partie de ses vaisseaux. Elle en feroit volontiers le sacrifice gratuit; mais elles exigent plutot que Sa Majesté s’attache à augmenter la masse de ses forces navales et c’est ce dont elle est occupee. On doit considerer d’ailleurs que l’envoi de 8. vaisseaux sur les parages de l’amerique n’y changeroient pas la face des affaires. Aussi puissament armés que les anglois le sont en Europe, ils envoyeroient bientot une escadre bien superieure qui reduiroit l’autre à l’inaction. La france en se pretant à cette requisition se compromettroit donc ouvertement sans qu’il en resultat aucun avantage pour la partie qu’Elle auroit voulu assister. Il ne faut pas se tromper; un secours ostensible est un motif legitime de guerre pour la nation contre laquelle il est administré.
Les memes raisons qui militent contre le pret des vaisseaux, s’opposent egalement à la concession des convois. Ceux-ci doivent etre la consequence et non pas le preliminaire de la guerre. Il seroit contraire a la dignité et à la justice d’une grande puissance d’y tendre par des moyens detournés. C’est par le sentiment et la necessité de ses grands interrets qu’elle peut et doit y etre conduite. Ce qui semble encore eloigné peut se raprocher; mais on ne peut anticiper sur le cours des evenemens. Il faut les attendre et se tenir en mesure d’en profiter. Ce sera le moment de s’entendre et de mettre des fondemens solides à une union, dont le desir est deja subsistant et qu’il sera d’autant plus facile de rendre indisoluble qu’il n’existe aucune vue de la part de la france et de l’espagne qui puissent froisser les interets des provinces unies et exciter leur jalousie ou leur causer des inquietudes.
La france et l’espagne faisant jouir les americains de toutes les facilités qu’elles accordent dans leurs ports aux nations amies font suffisament connoitre leur facon de penser pour les provinces unies. Que pourroit on exiger de plus d’elles? Ce n’est pas une guerre embarquée legerement qui pourroit former un point de reunion solide. Ce seroit plutot s’ecarter de l’objet qu’on doit se proposer respectivement et qui peut resulter du cours naturel des evenemens.
La france ne gene point les americains dans l’extraction des resources qu’ils peuvent se procurer par le commerce mais elle leur recommande de se conformer de leur part à toutes les regles prescrites sur le sens precis et rigoureux des Traités, auxquels le Roi ne veut point etre le premier à contrevenir. Il n’est pas possible d’entrer dans le detail des diverses fournitures dont on peut avoir besoin, mais Sa Majesté voulant marquer sa bienveillance et sa bonne volonté aux provinces unies, elle leur destine des secours secrets propres à etendre leur credit et à faciliter leurs achats.
Au bas est ecrit de la main du Roi approuvé.

Notation: Presenté au Roi en presence de M. le C. de Maurepas le 9. Janvier 1777. et aux dits Deputés par le Sieur Gerard le 13.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from the Baron de Bissy and Dangeul, 13 January 1777
From: Bissy, Stefano, baron de,Dangeul, Louis-Joseph Plumard de
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Paris ce 13. Janvier 1777.
Comme Mr. le Baron de Bissy en faisant ressouvenir Monsieur le Docteur francklin, aura peut être oublié de lui parler de l’heure de diner chez M. de Dangeul, laquelle sera Two o’clock precisely Tomorrow.On lui en renouvelle l’avis: Mr. le Docteur n’y trouvera que quatre ou cinq amis de M. de Dangeul et des Insurgens, y compris le Baron de Bissy. M. de Dangeul fancied that it would be more convenient and agreeable to him, to whom he present his best compliments. Moonday, 14 Jany. 1777.
M. francklin.

Addressed: A Monsieur / Monsieur franckelin / à l’hotel d’ambourg / Rue Jacob.