Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 12 January 1810
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

Sirs,
Quincy, January 12, 1810.

AMSTERDAM, June 26, 1781—wrote to congress: “The Rubicon is passed! A step has been at last taken by the regency of Amsterdam, which must decide the fate of the Republic.
The city of Amsterdam finding that their proposition of the 18th of last month was not sufficient to change the conduct of Administration, have ventured on another manœuvre. On the 8th of this month, as soon as the states of Holland were separated, two burgomasters of Amsterdam, Mr. Temmink and Mr. Rendorp, accompanied with Mr. Visser, pensionary of the city, demanded an audience of the prince, staholder, who granted it, at his house in the grove. In this audience they made orally to his highness,  a representation which they repeated in a memorial sent on the fourteenth to the counsellor pensionary of the province, the substance of which is as follows.  The gentlemen of Amsterdam said—
That their proposition of the eighteenth of May last, founded perhaps upon former examples, did not result from any suspicions with regard to the good dispositions and intentions of his most serene highness, which they had no reason to distrust; although the regency of the city of Amsterdam had learned with the most sensible grief, that evil minded persons had endeavoured to insinuate the contrary to his most serene highness: but that their distrust fell solely upon him, whose influence over the mind of his most serene highness, was held for the most immediate cause of the sloth and weakness in the administration of affairs; which, as they could not be extremely prejudicial to the well-being of the public, they had a long time expected, but in vain, that the dangerous circumstances in which the republic found itself involved, would in the end have given rise to serious deliberations upon the means which we ought to employ in their order and with more vigour. But that these hopes had hitherto been fruitless; an, that as the question now in agitation, was concerning the safety of their dear country, of her dear bought, of that of his most serene highness and his house, in one word, of every thing which is dear to the inhabitants of the republic, the regency of Amsterdam had judged that they ought not any longer to render themselves guilty by their silence, of a neglect of their duty; but that although with regret they see themselves obliged to take this step, and to represent to his highness with all due respect, but at the same time, with all that frankness and freedom, which the importance of the affair requires, and to declare to him openly, that, according to the general opinion, the field marshal, the duke Louis of Brunswick Wolfembuttel, is held for the primary cause of the miserable and defective state, in which this country finds itself, in regard to its defence; of all the negligence of duty which has taken place, respecting this subject, and of all the perverse measures, which have been taken for a long time, with all the fatal consequences which have proceeded from them; and that they could assure his highness that the hatred and aversion of the nation for the person and the administration of the duke were risen to such an height, that there was reason to apprehend from them, events the most melancholy and the most disagreeable for the public prosperity and the general tranquility: That there was no doubt, that the same assertion had been made to his highness from other quarters; but that in case this had not been, it ought to be attributed solely to the fear of the effects of the resentment of the duke, while at the same time, they dared appeal in this respect with the firmest confidence, to the testimony of all the members of government, gentlemen of honor and frankness, that his highness would interrogate upon this subject, after having assured them of the necessary liberty of speaking without reserve, and after having exhorted them to tell him the truth according to their duty and their conscience: That the regents of Amsterdam had learned more than once, with grief, that the counsellor pensionary of the province of Holland, had complained, in presence of diverse members of the regency of Holland, of the misunderstanding which took place between him the Counsellor Pensionary, and the Duke as also of the influence which the Duke has upon the spirit of his highness, and by which his efforts for the good of the country had often been rendered fruitless; that this discord and this difference of views and sentiments, between the principal counsellor of his serene highness and the first minister of this province, might not only have consequences the most prejudicial, but that it furnished also a motive sufficient to make the strongest instances, to the end to remove the source of this distrust and discord, while that, without the previous re-establishment of confidence and unanimity, there remained no longer any means of saving the republic; that nothing was more necessary for the well being of the illustrious house of his highness, to maintain his authority, to preserve to him, the esteem and the attachment of the nation, and for his own reputation with the neighboring powers; since they could assure, and they ought to advertise his highness, that it is possible, he may become one day, the object of the indifference and distrust of the public, instead of being and continuing always the worthy object of the love and esteem of the people and the regencies, as they made the sincerest wishes that his highness and his illustrious posterity might constantly enjoy them, considering that thereon depended in a great measure, the conservation of the well being of their dear country and of the house of Orange.
That although they knew very well, that the members of the sovereignty have always a right, and that their duty requires them even to expose their sentiments to his highness and their co-regents, concerning the state and administration of public affairs; they should however have more voluntarily spared the present measure, if there had been only the smallest hope of amendment or alteration; but that from the aforesaid reasons, they dared not longer flatter themselves, and that the necessity having arisen to the highest point, it appeared that there was no other part to take, but to lay open, in this manner to his highness, the real situation of affairs; praying him most earnestly to take it into serious consideration, and no longer to hearken to the counsels and insinuations of a man, upon whom the hatred of the great and the little was accumulated, and whom they regard as a stranger, not having a sufficient knowledge of our form of government, and not having a sincere affection for the republic: that the regents of Amsterdam were very far from desiring to accuse this nobleman of that, of which however, he was too publicly charged, or to consider as well founded the suspicions of an excessive attachment to the court of London, of bad faith, and of corruption; that they assure themselves, that a person of so illustrious a birth and so high rank, is incapable of such baseness; but that they judge that the unfortunate ideas, which have unhappily conceived with regard to him and which have caused a general distrust, have rendered him absolutely useless and hurtful to the service of the country and of his highness: that thus it was convenient to dismiss him from the direction of affairs, from the person and court of his highness, as being a perpetual obstacle to the re-establishment of that good harmony, so highly necessary between his highness and the principal members of the state, while the continuation of his residence would but too much occasion the distrust conceived of his counsels to fall, whether with or without reason, upon the person and the administration of his highness himself.
That these representations did not proceed from a principle of personal hatred, or private rancour against the Duke, who in former times has had reason to value himself on the benevolence, and real proofs of the affection of the regency of Amsterdam;—but that they ought to protest before God and the World, that the conservation of their country, and of the illustrious house of his highness, and the desire to prevent their approaching ruin, had been the only motives of these representations; that they had seen themselves obliged to them both in quality of citizens of the country, and as an integral member of its sovereign assembly, to the end to make, by this step, one last effort, and to furnish yet perhaps in time, a means of saving, under the blessing of the Almighty, the vessel of the State from the most iminent dangers, and conduct it to a good port, or at least in every case to acquit themselves of their duty, and to satisfy their consciences, and to place themselves in safety from all reproach from the present age, and from Posterity.3
To this representation, the Duke has made an answer to their high Mightinesses, in which he demands an inquiry and a vindication of his honor, as dearer to him than his life. This answer will be transmitted as soon as possible. This transaction will form a crisis, but what will be the result of this or any other measure taken in this country, I cannot pretend to foretell.
The Duke of Brunswick, in Holland, was very nearly in a similar situation with the Earl of Bute, in Great Britain. The earl had been preceptor to his Majesty in his minority, and the duke to the Prince of Orange in his. Both the pupils were very naturally supposed to entertain a great veneration for their tutors, to the end of their lives. It was more natural, perhaps, than reasonable, to impute to these illustrious characters alone, the measures and especially the errors of government.
But this representation from so large a proportion of the nation as the city of Amsterdam, had great weight and made a deep impression. The regency had overcome their apprehension and been wrought up to the resolution of turning the court, and denouncing the Duke of Brunswick, as the Prince had formerly denounced them when he produced Mr. Laurens’ papers, by several incidents which had followed one another in rapid succession.
1st. The American memorial, presented the fourth of May, though dated the 19th of April, had been addressed to all the members of all the regencies throughout the seven provinces, and consequently published in all the gazettes: So that in two, or at most in three days, it was circulated through every vein of the republic. Intelligence came to Amsterdam from all the provinces and cities, that the memorial, so far from exciting resentment against Amsterdam or America, was generally approved, and the popular cry was “Health to Myn Heer Adams, and success to the brave Americans.” A discovery that greatly raised the spirits of the people of Amsterdam, and consequently emboldened the regency.
2d. Mr. Vanberckel came forward in the States of Holland, with his memorial in justification of himself, and demanding a trial. This also was immediately published and dispersed in all the provinces and cities, and instead of exciting any animosity against him, was generally approved and applauded. It displayed much magnanimity and much solid reasoning. I undoubtedly transmitted it in the newspapers to Congress, but I do not find that I translated it or preserved any copy of it. The reason was, it was almost impossible to translate many passages of it, or even to understand them. Indeed, although Mr. Vanberckel was an able man of business and an incorruptible patriot; yet he was neither an elegant nor a clear writer. This was generally acknowledged, and was remarked by some of the foreign journalists, particularly Mr. Manson, the editor of the Courier du bas Rhin, who admired its spirit, but said the stile was in many places the most involved, embarrassed, and unintelligible he had ever read. It contributed, however, very much to animate the public cause.
3d. The deputies of the cities of Middlebourg and Zierickzee, produced their declarations to the States of Zealand, which were published and dispersed. When the nation saw that the patriotic cause began to make such bold advances, even in the Prince’s own province of Zealand, the court began to be very much discouraged and the patriots greatly exalted.
4th. The attack upon the Duke of Brunswick which followed, now carried dismay into the enemy’s camp, and the courtiers were as much alarmed as the patriots had been.
Nevertheless a thousand fears still prevailed, and for nothing more than the state of the navy. It was in every body’s mouth that their ships were old and unfit for service; that their mariners were not well disciplined, and altogether unused to war; that there were but two officers in the service who had ever seen a battle or a cannon discharged in anger on board a ship. They were afraid their fleet could not withstand a single broad side against the British navy.—But these reflections soon took a sudden turn, and the general cry was, that the fleet should be forced out and try the experiment. The clamor for ordering out the fleet grew louder and louder, till at last it sailed. The battle of Doggerbank soon followed, and reassured the nation in itself and in the valor and skill of its officers and seamen
Amsterdam, June 27, 1781—wrote Congress: “Major Jackson has been some time here, in pursuance of instructions from Colonel Laurens, in order to despatch the purchase of the goods, and the shipping of the goods and cash for the United States, which are to go by the South Carolina.—But when all things appeared to be ready, I received a letter from his excellency Dr. Franklin, informing me that he feared his funds would not admit of his accepting bills for more than 15 thousand pounds stl. The accounts of the Indian and the goods amounted to more than fifty thousand pounds, which shewed that there had not been an understanding sufficiently precise and explicit between the Dr. and the Colonel.—There was however no remedy but a journey to Passy, which Major Jackson undertook, dispatched the whole business, and returned to Amsterdam in seven days. So that I hope there will now be no more delays. Major Jackson has conducted, through the whole of his residence here, as far as I have been able to observe, with great activity and accuracy in business, and an exemplary zeal for the public Service.”
Amsterdam, June 26, 1781—wrote to captain Silas Talbot, in Mill Prison. “I have received your letter of the fifth inst. and am very sorry to hear of your misfortune. I wish it were in my power to comply with your request: but it is not. I have no public money in my hands and therefore cannot furnish you with any on account of pay due to you. I have, however sent you, ten pounds sterling, which I can only lend you out of my own pocket, until you may be in a situation to repay me.—Mr. Franklin, at Passy, is the only one in Europe, who has power to afford you relief on public account, if, indeed he has, which I cannot positively say, but should advise you to write to him without mentioning me however to him. I remember very well, and with great pleasure your name, person and character. I must beg you, for your own sake as well as for other reasons to keep this letter wholly to yourself.”
Amsterdam, June 26, 1781—wrote to captain John Manly, in Mill Prison: “I have this moment received your letter by the way of Nantes, of June 6, and I feel sensibly for your distressed situation. I wish it were in my power to do more for your relief: but I have no public money in my hands, and therefore can furnish you none, on account of pay that may be due to you, or in any other way, on public account. I have taken measures to transmit you ten pounds which I lend you out of my own pocket to be repaid me or mine, when you shall be in a situation to do it. Meantime I am with sincere wishes for your health and comfort, your friend.”
Amsterdam, June 26, 1781—wrote to Congress: “The Emperor appears to be more intent at present upon taking a fair advantage of the present circumstances to introduce a flourishing commerce into the Austrian Flanders, than upon making treaties with England or waging war in its favour.
His imperial, royal and apostolical majesty has condescended to take off and break the shackles which restrained the commerce and communication of the port of Nieuport, in the interior of the country, and to discharge by his gracious decree, the commerce from the charges and impositions which were raised on the canals bordering upon the same port, under the denominations of Vale Geld, Last Geld, Myle Geld &c. The frequentation of the port of Nieuport, presents also all the facilities which the merchants can require.
Thus the City of Nieuport enjoys the most extensive privileges both for storage and transportation to foreigners. We find there good magazines, merchants, factors, and commissioners, who will all serve faithfully and with the greatest punctuality.
The communications, both to the interior parts of the country and to foreigners are free and easy, both by land by means of the new causey of Nieuport which communicates with all the roads, and by water, by means of the direct canals of Nieuport to Bruges, to Ostend, to Ypres, to Dixmuide, to Furnes and to Dunkirk, and from thence farther on. One passes by the canal from Nieuport to Bruges nearly in the same space of time that we pass by the canal from Ostend to Bruges. All these Canals have daily barques ready, easy and convenient for travellers, merchandizes and effects. The fisheries of the sea, both of fresh fish, and of all sorts of herring and cod is at Nieuport in the most flourishing state and enjoys there every priviledge and exemption.
The distillery of gin, in the Dutch way, established at Nieuport, makes excellent gin, the transportation and expedition of which, enjoys the greatest facilities.
And the government of his imperial majesty in the low countries, does not cease to grant all the privileges, and facilities which can tend to the well being of the inhabitants, and of the commerce of the city and port of Nieuport.
I should rejoice at these measures, for the benefit which American commerce would receive from them, provided the emperor could oblige Americans to take their goods from Germany and not from England: but immense quantities of British manufactures will go to America from Nieuport, Ostend and Bruges. This is a subject which deserves the serious consideration of every American. British manufactures are going in vast quantities to America from Holland, the Austrian Flanders, France and Sweden, as well as by the way of New-York and Charleston, &c. Whether it is possible to check it (this clandestine trafic) much less to put a stop to it, I know not: and whether it would be good policy to put an end to it, if that were practicable, is made a question by many.
If the Germans, the Dutch, the French and Spaniards, or any other nations would learn a little commercial policy, and give a credit to Americans, as the British merchants do, and encourage in their own countries, manufactures adapted to the wants and tastes of our countrymen, it is certain that in such a case, it would be our interest and duty to put an end to the trade in British goods, because nothing would weaken and distress the enemy so much, and therefore nothing would contribute more to bring the war to a conclusion. At present manufactures flourish in England, and the duties paid at the custom-houses, have been encreasing these two or three years, merely owing to their recovering more and more of the American trade, by neutral bottoms and by other clandestine channels.
Every American merchant, by going over to London obtains credit. The language of the London merchants to the American merchants is—“Let us understand one another and let the governments squabble.” But Americans ought to consider, if we can carry on the war forever, our allies cannot, and without their assistance we should find it very difficult to do it. I wish the taste for British manufactures may not cost us more blood than the difference between them and others is worth.

John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 14 January 1810
From: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan
To: Adams, John

Dear and respected Sir!
Oldenbarneveld 14 Jan. 1810

I can but imperfectly express the pleasure, which I received from your kind favour of the 15th Dec. last—It was yet enhanced, if possible, bÿ receiving in the same instant a Letter of Rob. R. Livingston, our Late Chancellor and Ambassador to France, by whom, I supposed I was long ago forgotten. You cannot conceive, how delightful it is in mÿ situation, to be now and then remembered by the wise and good—you alone can assuage the pains, if you can not entirely heal the wounds—inflicted by the death of valuable friends—and tho I am not selfish enough or indiscreet, to wish for punctual answers, I shall be alwaÿs satisfied—if honoured, at intervals, with one single line—assuring me of your continued health, even if it came not from your own hand—and this boon will not be denied me, as long we continue on this boisterous scene.
My friend Mappa has not yet received the last Anthologies, so that I have not enjoy’d the satisfaction of seing the character of our frend Luzac. I did not know, that he had here anÿ acquaintances besides you and Chief justice Pearson. can it be from him?
How could I, my Dear Sir! become acquainted with the Literarÿ character of your excellent consort, when you did never condescend, to take this task upon you. Could it be known in the Western Woods? there I—even without a horse—scarce ever wander without the precincts of mÿ small cottage, burried so deep in a cul du sac of this village, that casual passengers pas it bÿ—unnoticed—and one of our Country-Squires told me last year, he would long have visited me, had he been acquainted with mÿ abode—You can not doubt, had I been so fortunate as a Price or Hollis, or I would have highlÿ improved such a valuable opportunity of deserving the approbation and good will of an accomplished Ladÿ, and meriting a share in her esteem—but alas! that time is past. You, can not however—if anÿ more productions of her mind have been published besides those two Letters in the Anthologÿ, withold the communication from me; and let me, if the use of a scriptural phrase is permitted, feed upon a few crumbles, while you maÿ feast to satiety or plenty daÿ bÿ daÿ. Tho I too have constantly admired Lady Montague’s Letters I never did admire or like the woman—I searched in vain for that placid modesty—that sweetness of manners—that pleasing timidity and delicacÿ, which adorn everÿ female beauty and virtue, and conquer our hearts involuntarily—Madame Sevigne’s Letters are some times too full of quaintness—too studied—to contain the simple language of heart, and not allways cover the art—of having—in part at least—been written for publication. Should this be true, with regard to Ladÿ Montague?
I should be sorrÿ indeed, if mÿ hinting at mÿ Diploma was to you a cause of anÿ trouble. In this case, I should be verÿ sorrÿ—to have mentioned the Subject—I am perfectly at ease, should I even never more hear of it. Let them more in higher spheres, if peace remains my portion in retirement.
Now to the famous Eripuit—If I recollect well—it was first communicated to me bÿ John Luzac—and I was in the persuasion, that its author was Laurentius Santenius (L. van Santen) I remember, that it was attributed to mr Turgot—I can not give a decided opinion, tho the line—from its bombastic features, appears rather from of a French then Dutch origine—It has been first published by L. v. Santen Fasc. v. Pag. 122. in 1784—in which all the Epigrams—made by him—are signed Santenius—It has not been printed among his Poems—all collected and published 1801 by his frend J: H Hoeuftt after his death; in which another of his is inserted
Francklinum in sanis onerat vox vendita probris;
Ille nihil.— Patriæ rumpere vincla ruit.
This is more modest in a Patriotic Poët—The courtier took a higher flight—but it is rather in the form of a concette. to be really ingenious, it ought not to be so deficient in moral and poëtical truth. Franklin did not aim to destroÿ all Europeans Monsters—or Tyrants—if it must be so—neither is Tyranni well opposed to caelum neither an Emblem in its proper signification—to another figurative, but whÿ—should I by mine criticism bring water to the Sea? The two motto’s—on francklin’s bust, and title-page of his Polit: and Misc: pieces London. 1779—seem to me more appropriate. Francklin however was not allways complimented in that strain. You may recollect, when Beccaria lamented, that F. had quitted the stable world of nature for the fluctuating one of Politics, how an Englishman taught, that to him might be applied the verses of Horace to Tecius L. i. xxix. 10–16—Quis neget arduis—placing for Tiberim Tamesim vs. 12.—omitting Panæti—et Iberis in the 14 and 15 vs—but I proceed to satisfÿ you—in giving you the name and Literary character of the Leyden Latin Poet, as I was intimate with him till his death—happened in 1798—and is justly placed in Europe—among the first Poëts of our age.
He was a worthy man of an unblemished character—eminent talents and deep learning—a friend, whom I highly respected—when at antwerp, he send me about the same time I received your Letter from London, his sixth fasciculus—inscribed with an encomium as, de Patria, noverea, optime merito, but what is more, he was long the respected friend of our John Luzac, till the unhappÿ revolution in 1795. When van Santen was placed at the head of the municipality of Leyden, and choosen Curator of the Academÿ, an unhappÿ strife arose between them—which was deplored bÿ their mutual friends—but in vain—tantæ animis coelestibus iræ, but mr Hoeuftt flattered himselves, that this breach would have been healed—without the immature death of van Santen in 1798. His father was an opulent merchant at Amsterdam—He visited in his youth—England—Francë—Germany, Italÿ—and became intimate with Troup Musgrave, Villoison—Guichard (Q. Teilius) Sulzer, Mendelszohn, Michaelis, Ernesti, Buscowich, Farsetti—and others. When His father became a bankrupt—his private splendid Librarÿ was sold—and he retreated from a live in the highest circles—to Leyden—and give private instructions in Law—and Literature, to maintain himself and succour a beloved Parent. The young Rendorp’s and Prince Gallitzin enjoi’d his tuition—he was beloved and esteemed—his manners highly polished—his conversation delightful—and his new-collected Librarÿ and ms—sold at his death—contained a vast treasure of Literature. His carmina juvenilia have been first printed at Amsterdam 1767 another elegant edition was published Paris 1775 typis Didot. a third not inferior at London by Elmsly 1782—of which I made you an offer manÿ years ago—and which remains yet at your command.
Laur. Santenii carmina. have been published bÿ B. Wild Utrecht 1780 Propertius. in 1780 cum commentario perpetuo Petr. Burmanni. opus morte interruptum Santenius absolvit.
Homeri et Callimachi hymnos in cererem, Jovem, Apollinem edidit Santenius.
Deliciæ Poeticæ Fasc. viii
Laurentii Santenii Poemata—edidit I. H. Hoeufft 1801—with a biographical preface.
He published Jani Helvetii carmina—and Josephi Farsetti carm Lib. ii in 1785—
This is all—worthy your notice—that I can recollect—about a frend
Quem Sui raptum gemuere cives.
Is there among this anÿ of your liking—I shall send it:—I do not possess Didot’s edition. Luzac recommended to me in one of his Last Letters—Baron St  Croix’s Mem: Sur les Republiques foederatives—as an excellent treatise. If it is in your Librarÿ I should be highly gratified with the favour of its perusal. I am delighted with Father Quadrio. I could wish Lord Kames had seen it, before he wrote his Elements. Is that Nobleman allways sufficientlÿ perspicuous—or laÿs the fault with me, that I do him not justice? This I see to a demonstration, that I enjoy uninterrupted your affectionate esteem, and, as long this blessing remains mÿ own—with health and contentment, I shall try to bear with fortitude, what-ever may be my lot, and submit to it with resignation.
I remain / Dear and respected Sir! / Your obliged and affectionate frend!

Fr. Adr. van der Kemp


Title: To John Adams from William Cunningham, 15 January 1810
From: Cunningham, William
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir.
Fitchburg, Jan. 15. 1810

I am without an answer to my last of the 29th. ult. in which I observed, that a confession respecting you sons, made in your Letter of the 22d. of June, was unlucky, but I reserved for another Letter the principal fact and the reflections upon it, which give that aspect to the acknowledgement alluded to. If you will review your Letter of the 8th. of July, but which you detained in your own hands, on account of its virulence; till the 13th. of August, and then forwarded it to me with directions to return it, you will find the following sentence:—“I should have gone to my grave without writing a word, if the very system of Hamilton, a war with France, had not been revived, and apparently adopted by a majority of New–England. The British faction, and the old Tories, appeared to have disciplined the Federalists to a system which appeared to me fundamentally wrong, and I determined to oppose it.”—By this, Sir, it most evidently appears, that instead of coming before the public to make your defence, against you have entered the Arena of political controversy, with a view to prevent the success of one party, and to make another predominant. In ordinary cases, we except motives, and answer arguments; but in this case, it is material to shew, that you have sacrificed to your passions. This I can shew by your own concessions.
In my answer to the Letter from which the sentence above is extracted, I said—“it contained many things which I admired; many before unknown to me; and nothing to censure more than you had yourself confessed to be too severely right.” This last clause, according to your own description of your Letter, might have been extended to the whole of it, for you called it all violence—I might have admired the seven lines of original poetry in which you compressed the plan you are executing in your public Letters. But is there in these lines, the least glimpse of your being actuated in the composition of these Letters, by a sense of obligation to yourself against any injustice done you by Gen. Hamilton? No, Sir, not a shadow of it—Your objects in these Letters, as you revealed them in those sprigs of the Parnassian Mount (and they appear as if intended to describe your whole design) are all of another sort—they are slips engrafted on the stock of your hatred of Hamilton, and bear the same natural affinity to your object in your public writings, as you disclosed it in the above–recited passage from your Letter of the 8th. of July, as despoiling is allied to the Agrarian Lex.
As to what was before unknown to me, in the Letter last mentioned, it was nearly all so, as is plain from some recapitulations from it in my answer.
The passage recited from your Letter of the 8th. of July, is the most extraordinary confession of all, and is so intimately connected with the confession in the Letter of the 22d. of June, and in the Letter of Sep. 27. that they are essentially depending one upon another. The bud which put out in the Letter of the 22d. of June, dilated in the Letter of the 8th. of July, and fully expanded in the Letter of Sep. 27th.—This is the progress to maturity:—
My sons were are very much delighted I had taken the subject up.
I should have gone to my grave without writing a word, if the very system of Hamilton, a war with France, had not been revived and apparently adopted.
Poor Democrats, Republicans and still poorer Americans, are at the feet of John Bull and his Calves; matters cannot be much longer minced the truth must out.
Why were your sons delighted that you had taken the subject up?
When I read the passage recited from the July Letter, my attention and astonishment were equally enchained; but as the measures of the Federalists, which appeared to you to have a warlike countenance against friendly France; and which had brought you, according to your Letter, from your sequestered abode into the field of controversy, had subsided by an accommodation with England, my alarm abated, and was soon lost in a supposition, that you felt yourself obliged to fill up the outline of your plan, as you had presented it to the public, and that you would move slowly on after the winds had ceased, by the impetus given you by the first gusts. According to this outline, the public understand, that your present undertaking is to vindicate yourself against certain aspersions, which you consider unfounded, in Gen. Hamilton’s Letter—but by the declarations made to me in two passages in your Letter of July, your design is very different—and if it is not undeniably true that, under the semblance of a personal vindication, your design is nothing less than to baffle and defeat the Measures you once advocated and supported; I may, without fear of contradiction assert, that it is to give more power, and more extensive adoption to the prejudices you once reviled and condemned! Through whose instigation, or by what excitement, has is this reverse of conduct? To say it has been effected by a change of circumstances, is too palpably unfounded to be pretended. You do, indeed, follow the above–recited passage, with some swelling on your own ill–treatment; but the personal complaints are evidently used in the Letter, as if intended for nothing more than to serve you with a convenient apology for your public appearance. If there is not an inconsistency here, and an inconsistency at the expense of what you ought most to value, there is a mystery in great management, which I know as little how to solve, as a boor to explain a problem in Euclid. What has the prevalency of any system recommended by Gen. Hamilton to do with proving your premiership in the negociations of 1783? To give this proof is the publickly avowed object of your publications in the Patriot.
Suffer me, with seriousness, to ask—whether a war for which we made great preparations in 1798 against, France and which you have said was actually waged, was not as much in accordance with the system of Hamilton, as the opposition measures of last winter, to which you alluded, could have been? Most assuredly it was. And what part did you take in 1798? Gen. Hamilton himself said in your defence praise, that you “took on the occasion, a manly and courageous lead—that you did all in your power to raise the pride of the nation—to inspire it with a just sense of the injuries and outrages which it had experienced, and to dispose it to a firm and magnanimous resistance; and that your efforts contributed materially to the end.” You may possible object that this does not come up to the full merit of your exertions, but you will not say that it outmeasures them.
 In an Answer to the Address of the Young–Men of New–York, dated May 1798, you say:—“I assure you, my young friends, that the satisfaction with my conduct which has been expressed by the rising generation, has been one of the highest gratifications I ever received; because I can sincerely say, that their happiness, and that of their posterity, more than my own, or that of my cotemporaries, has been the object  of the studies and labours of my life.” The same sentiment, with more expansion, you expressed on several occasions. Enlivening the courage of the Young–Men of Boston with encomiums on the public spirit of their Fathers, you exclaim, “To arms! my young–friends to arms!” And in another Answer to an Address, you emulated a few examples in history of proud and generous patriotism, and wished the opposers of the measures then in operation, safely within the lines of the enemy. Had the Young–Men of New–York stood around you in your last moments, you could not have addressed them with more solemnity, nor apparently, with more satisfaction in the consciousness of your sincerity. And what were “the studies and labours of your life,” which you then considered so important to the happiness of future generations? Pray Sir, consider, that an Orner, nor oblivion are yet your friends.
I entreat you now to turn your eye to one line of the summary given of your character by Hamilton, in the 13th. page of his Letter; and to a trait in the last paragraph of the 19th. page, and then tell me, with your hand on your heart, whether anything, save a deep rooted antipathy to Hamilton Pickering, &c.—or a partiality to some others, the natural consequence of that partiality antipathy, and equally unwarrantable, can account for your opposite appearance, on the same question, in the years 1798 and 1810? Certainly the same question in respect to the disposition towards us of England; and the same with regard to France, with the single exception that England is in the same transgression. Tell me, too, whether this opposition will not sink your political character, your rectitude, to irredeemable perdition, as certainly so as the giving way in his old age, to his resentments against Demosthenes; and his favouring the views of the enemy Nicanor, in disregard of the counsel of Dercyllus, sunk Phocion, surnamed, for his early devotion to his country, the good? Tell me, too, whether as a friend to the rights and liberties of my country, I am not bound to exhibit, that the causes of this opposition are such as ought to reduce an estimation of your professions of Democratic–Republicanism, to a level with the estimation long since made, of certain professions by Rolla and Clovis, made to facilitate the government of those to whom they were addressed? No man is more deeply penetrated with a sense of the inviolability of confidential trusts. But were I to make oath to keep inviolate such a trust, conditional to its reception, and to make it with as much solemnity as Atrides swore that he surrendered the beautiful Brisëis untouched to Achilles, and should make it without any sort of reservation, a reservation would yet exist in the Duty, social and relative, which every Man, and every Citizen, is bound by solemn obligations to respect. A promise, nor an oath of secrecy, is not to be constructed to extend to the transgression of the duty we are under from the instant of our birth, and of which there is never intemptted an intemission.—it is a contradiction in terms, that a man can bind himself to do what he is bound not to perform.
The Democratic party may declare, that they proceed even–handed with France and England. Loth as I am, I must yet say it is not so. The pretension is a delusion, a downright cheat and imposition. That many have been brought over to the views of France, effectually as England’s second Charles was, we have “precious confessions.” The considerations which brought on this devotedness, varying only in words, is precisely the same in principle, that induced Charles to persevere in his ruinous and detestable breach infidelity to his country. Lewis XIV, said the advisers of Charles, will, if humoured in his ambition, defend the common cause of Kings against their subjects—We are allured by the assurance, that if we will second Buonaparte, he will protect us in the freedom of the seas! Charles, besides, was liberally bribed, and so was the Parliament—And that Buonaparte has not here a Barillon, I am not so satisfied. I believe in my soul, that proof is not lacking, that we have Phäetons, who would set the chariot on fire in the sun of French glory, and drive it over every inch of the unsubjected part of the world. The conduct towards Jackson is not a light presumption of this wildness. Although not declared, it is too obvious to be called conjecture, that he comes with full powers to close a settlement with us on all points of difference on terms less exceptionable according to the propositions made first by Mr. Jefferson, and renewed and enlarged by Mr. Madison, and some of those constituting his privy council; or on terms less exceptionable. But he is rejected, and the counsels retained against him which were infused by Atê, in special mission from hell. I hold you as you my authority for this language, applied to Mr. Jefferson—Is not “a want of sincerity,” with which you accused him, an infernal failing?
I would be have been slow in believing this of any of the party, and most backward in believing that you intend to lend your assistance in the work of forcing this country into a war with England—But what does your language import? To what, indeed, does it explicitly amount? My esteem for yourself and family had kept an ascendency over the jealousy which, for some time, has been uppermost towards you in the minds of many. I have felt for you, as a neighbourhood feel towards one born and brought up amongst them, whose actions, now and then, incur suspicions, but which suspicions die away without reviving, until some act less equivocal than any preceding, or until some extraordinary occurrence shall awaken reflection, and put eyes into it, that it can see what before passed almost unobserved. The occurrence which seems to have brought every thing from envelopement, I mentioned in my last.
I observed above, that the only difference in our situation with France now, and in the year 1798, is that England equally offends. But unless we encouraged the first aggressor, and thereby justified the other in his retaliation, we have a right to determine on which shall fall the weight of our just resentment. Policy alone ought to settle the question—the counsel which it gives cannot be mistaken by any enlightened and genuine patriot:—The deadly arbitrement should be with France. But as Policy will not be consulted, and to prevent the effect upon us of the fatal device of the divide et impera, I have been in favour of a war against both, if both alike adhered to their injurious placits. In a war with both, our situation would be incomparably less difficult than was that of the Dutch in 1672, against Lewis XIV, Charles II, the Elector of Cologne, and the Bishop of Munster. But to be wheedled into a war with both, when we might have adjusted all differences with one, which would have surely led to a settlement with the other, is too damnable, but most damnable of all to be negociated into a war with England alone:
We may “hold a serpent by the tongue,
A caged lion by the mortal paw,
A fasting tyger safer by the tooth,
Than keep in peace,” with France, and
Wage with England war.
You call “a war with France, the very system of Hamilton,” as if he would exercise that christian forbearance towards England, that he would have had us turn all sides of our face to her blows. Is this just towards Hamilton? Did he not recommend more extensive preparations to avenge the injuries done us by Great Britain, than either party in Congress were willing to adopt? You know that he did. Give him, Sir, his merits, if you ever expect to have credit for his your own—and shade not your own noon-tide honours: “When valour preys on reason, it eats the sword it fights with.”
A rule you very properly prescribed for the reading of political treatises will not be disregarded when the work in which you are now employed shall be read:—To consider the circumstances of the times, the personal character, and political situation of the writer.
You observed to me in a Letter, that the policy of Vergennes was to keep us dependent on France. If this policy has never been abandoned, but continued by Talleyrand, as the schemes of Richelieu were prosecuted by Mazarine, where is the propriety of exculpating the French from any hostile designs upon this Country?
I cannot but unite with that most profound Statesman from whom I have before made quotations, that “France means to form an universal empire by producing an universal revolution.” Since this prediction was uttered, events have gone far in its verification. It appears to me, that late occurrences, both here and in Europe, are extremely auspicious to any views which Buonaparte may have upon this Country, or to a farther extension of his power. I presume he might now conquer India with an hundredth part of the force with which its subjection was unsuccessfully attempted by Semiramis.
I hope patriots who perceive our approximations to the vortex which has swallowed up the most of Europe, would toil to save their country, like mariners when the wind and the waves, are inclining the ship to the rocky shore. Our exertions must be adequate to the exigency or we cannot escape Destruction. We are ranging on an exposed plain like Ostriches on the open sands, depending, like them, to hide our heads in the last extremity, leaving our bodies undefended against our pursuers. This negligence of security into which we have been beguiled by a dissipating œconomy, will be our ruin. Our public concerns will all become reduced to the miserable principle invented to uphold a popularity at on the Nation’s cost declension;—and our minds at last, by a sure yet insensible influence of the wasteful sordidness of our public measures, will fall so far below an expansion to our real necessities, that we shall be unable to avert the ruin which a desertion of former principles, and the relaxation of a former tone in the public mind, are inevitably bringing upon us.
A free Republican Government, is the best adapted to the state of a truly enlightened and virtuous people. I have earnestly hoped for its prosperity in America. It may be said to carry on its operations through a country with the fertilizing power of the Nile, but like that River, it has alarming fluctuations, and often, by torrents from the mountains, rises too high. The current which a Demagogue can carry after him, resembles the channel cut to divert part of the water of the Nile into the lake Mæris, with this difference, that the diversion from the current of good water which a Demagogue can make, is not intended for its salutary reduction, but to carry the whole body, with an overwhelming power, in a new direction. Volney, once a Member of one of the French assemblies, and a true Democrat, remarks, in his “Ruins of Empires”—“The disorders of past times have reappeared in the present. The Leaders of Government sill march on in the same fatal paths of falsehood and deceitful tyranny; and the people still wander, as of old, in bewildered ignorance.”
In our present situation, I am anxious to raise to a just appreciation by my countrymen, and to give a proper direction to a fact, which has the attestation of all experience:—It is cheaper to purchase national favours with iron than with gold. The first price, by the former, is always found to be sufficient; while the offer of the latter is sure to beget an insatiableness, that can never say “it is enough.”
This I expect is the last Letter I shall write you. You have had ample time to make objections to a public use of some parts of your Letters, had you been disposed to make them. I shall, therefore, construct your assent to such an use from your silence; and shall so dispose of your Letters as a sense of public duty shall dictate.
With veneration and affection, / I am, Dear Sir, / Your Friend & Servt.

            Wm. Cunningham Jr.

    To come in at page 8th.) To discount from so fatal an enterprize, the amount of your name, I have a strong desire. I know the items in the exposê against England, and would rather aggravate than diminish the power of every solid accusation—but that of designing to bring us again under her as colonies is, at this moment of the peculiar pressure she in under, too illusory to be seriously advanced by an ingenuous and an enlightened mind; the present total impracticability of the project, if contemplated, might give us the utmost confidence in our security on that head—the accusation is a “red-lattice phrase,” and besides its vociferation in bar-rooms, it appears conspicuous “in pamphlets studiously devis’d,” to inflame a vulgar credulity, and “to face the garment of rebellion,” against the plan of Washington and Adams,

   “With some fine colour to please the eye

   Of fickle changelings. . . . . . .

   And never yet did insurrection want

   Such water-colours to impaint his cause.”


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 15 January 1810
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

Sirs,
Quincy, January 15, 1810.

AMSTERDAM, June 29, 1781—wrote to Congress: “On the 21st of this month, the field marshal, the duke Louis of Brunswick, presented to the States General, the following paper
High and Mighty Lords,
It is not without the greatest reluctance, that I see myself forced to interrupt the important deliberations of your High Mightinesses, and to have recourse to you, in an affair which indeed regards me personally, but the simple explanation of which, I assure myself, will prove, that if I should neglect this step I should be essentially wanting to the dignity of character with which your High Mightinesses have clothed me.
After having passed in 1750, into the service of the state, it pleased your High Mightinesses by your resolution of the 13th of November of the same year, to create me field marshal of your troops. When afterwards, the arrangements, for the tuition of the statholder in his minority, were resolved on, by express resolutions of all the High Confederates, and it was resolved that his highness should be represented in the administration of his military employments, your High Mightinesses, then condescended, by honoring me with their distinguished confidence, to confer upon me, by your resolution of the 13th of January, 1759, the title of the representative of the prince statholder as captain general during the time of his minority.
I shall say nothing of the resolutions, which your High Mightinesses, and the respective provinces took, on the eighth of March, 1766, the day of the majority of the prince, and in the sequel under different dates, relative to the manner in which I had answered to the confidence which you had condescended to take in me.—These resolutions are too flattering to be recited here: they are, however, sure pledges that at that time at least, I had the good fortune, to see my conduct and services rendered to the state, approved by the high government. In fine, your High Mightinesses continued to honour me, with your confidence even after the time of the minority of the statholder. You took, on the same 8th of March, 1766, the resolution, to cause to be solicited, by your envoy extraordinary at the court of Vienna, the consent of her imperial and royal majesty, in whose service I was also engaged as field marshal, to continue me still in the same quality in the service of your High Mightinesses. The pleasure of her majesty being obtained, I did not refuse this honour: but continued, vested with the character of field marshal of the troops of the state, in the service of your High Mightinesses.
Having thus filled, for more than thirty years, under the eyes of your High Mightinesses, and in a manner that is sufficiently known to you, the employments which you had confided to me, could I have expected that they would one day render my person the object of the public hatred, to such a degree, that I could be exposed to the step that they have taken upon my subject?A step the most dishonorable to the character with which your High Mightinesses have condescended to invest me; and which puts me in the absolute necessity of addressing myself this day to you.
In effect, high and mighty Lords, after having seen myself in the public, the object of accusations and calumnies, the most atrocious, but which I have always despised as such, and of which I shall never take notice while no one presents himself to support them. After they have excited against me a general cry, as if my person could be no longer endured, it was necessary for me still further to suffer, that the gentlemen, the deputies of the city of Amsterdam, and namely the two reigning burgomasters, Messieurs Temmink and Rendorp, accompanied by the pensionary Vischer, should have addressed themselves to my lord, the prince of Orange, and in presence of the counsellor pensionary of Holland, should have read to him a certain memorial, in the name and by the order of their constituents, who are therein throughout introduced as speaking in the name of the regency of Amsterdam, and in which I receive an affront the most sensible for an heart upright and well placed.  It is true, that the deputies, whom I have just named, took back, with them, this memorial: but since, changing their plan, they have thought fit to transmit it, on the 14th of the month, by Mr. Burgomaster Rendorp, not indeed in the name of the regency of Amsterdam, but in that of the gentlemen, the burgomasters, to the counsellor pensionary, praying him to transmit it to the prince, to whom they left the liberty, to make such use of it as should seem to him convenient.
Informed in this way, and by the communication which his highness made to me of it, of the contents of this memorial, I there found so long a concatination of expressions and reasonings, each more insulting than the other, against my person, which I should be afraid to abuse the attention of your High Mightinesses by inserting them here. Lest, however I should represent them, out of the order and the chain which connects them together; your High Mightinesses will pardon me, I hope, if I transcribe here, from the memorial, the periods which relate to me, and by which I am attacked.
After having made several reflections which, in no wise concern me, and which I ought consequently to leave, to be answered by those who are attacked by them, but which tend to justify the proposition, which the gentlemen the deputies of the city of Amsterdam made the eighteenth of May last, in the assembly of the states of Holland, in particular to join to his highness a privy council or committee, the gentlemen the burgomasters continue to address themselves to the prince, literally in these terms.
Here follows the substance of the representations of the burgomasters contained in my letter to congress of the 26th of June, 1781.
In those pieces which I have just now literally related, your High Mightinesses will perceive and probably not without indignation, that after a train of reflections more and more injurious, in which there is no accusation against me as field marshal, and which moreover are only grounded upon pretended public sentiments and reports artfully circulated; that nevertheless the gentlemen the burgomasters have judged it necessary to insist that his highness would remove me from his person and court in a manner the most disgraceful and condemn me without farther examination, as a criminal attainted and convicted to dishonourable exile.
I cannot then but consider a proceeding, accompanied with so many odious and humiliating expressions, which is not made by simple individuals, but a deputation of two reigning burgomasters with the pensionary of one of the most considerable cities of Holland, in the name and by the order of the regency of that city, according to the terms of the memorial, although according to the letter, whereof I have spoken of the burgomaster Rendorp, it was only in the name of the gentlemen, the burgomasters of that city; and that in a formal manner, after mature deliberation, and after having confirmed this action in the most injurious manner, by taking back the memorial and causing it to be sent to his highness. I cannot, I say, but consider this proceeding as wounding in the most violent manner, my character and my person: and in this same writing, where they dare not specify any crime to my charge, and where they are obliged to acknowledge the falsity of the reports which have circulated against me, and of the suspicions of an excessive and illicit attachment to the English court, of bad faith, and of corruption; they appear, notwithstanding, to give credit to these calumnies, and to be willing to cast upon me the blame of the evils of the times, to the end to exculpate those who are the true causes of it. I should think myself unworthy of bearing any longer the character that your high mightinesses have confided to me, if I testified upon this article an indifference or an insensibility.
I dare also assure myself that your high mightinesses will consider my proceeding in the same point of light, and that you will agree with me, that it is of the highest importance to the State to know, that if he whom your high mightinesses have cloathed with the dignity of Field Marshal, whom they have engaged and continued in their service, in the manner above mentioned, is in fact the true cause of the deplorable state of weakness of the republic, of all the negligence they suppose to have taken place, of all the false steps which they say have been taken, and of all the unhappy consequences that have resulted from them. Your high mightinesses are entreated to examine in the most exact manner, things so interesting; and to see if this person is the source of the distrust and the disunion, for which reasons he would be totally unuseful and prejudicial to the service of the State and of his Highness; what are the proofs of his want of affection to the country; in one word, for what reason he should be hereafter unworthy of the confidence of the prince who is placed at the head of the republic; to whose testimony I here take the liberty of appealing: finally, for what reason he hath merited to be removed from the person of his highness and his court, as a perpetual obstacle to the good intelligence between his highness and the court.
And as my honor is more dear to me than life, and as I am attacked in a part so sensible, it is also for this reason, and in consideration of that which I owe to myself ever, and to the relations which I have as well with this State and your high Mightinesses, as to those which I still have with his imperial and royal Majesty, to which otherwise I should be too much wanting, that I see myself obliged to address myself to your high Mightinesses, and by you to all the confederates, to supplicate them respectfully, and to insist in the most express manner that your high Mightinesses would deign, after the most severe and scrupulous examination, to take such measures in protecting efficaciously the character which your high Mightinesses have confided to me, that I may be justified in a proper manner from the blame, that the above mentioned proceeding has cast upon me, and that so sensible an affront as hath been offered me by it, may be suitably repaired: that to this end it may please your high Mightinesses to direct things in such a manner, that the four reigning burgomasters of Amsterdam, who have caused to be delivered in their name the said memorial, according to the letter of burgomaster Rendorp, be obliged, as well as the pensionary Vischer, to allege the reasons they have had for injuring me so grievously as they have done by the said proceeding, and by the accusation therein contained: and to verify the whole in a suitable manner; without which I cannot but consider all that which is there said, as calumnious: and that they may be obliged moreover to specify more precisely the other heads of accusation, that they pretend to allege to my charge and to bring the requisite judiciary proofs of them; and in case that they can specify nothing, or that they cannot prove sufficiently their allegations, that the authors of the infamous reports circulated against me may be sought out, to the end that they may be punished as calumniators according to their deserts. Finally, that your high Mightinesses will then conjointly with all the confederates, take such justificatory resolutions as will save my honor and my reputation in the nation, and in the eyes of Europe entire: that thus I may be placed in a situation to support with proper dignity, the character which your high Mightinesses have given me, and that I may obtain the satisfaction that your high Mightinesses, according to your profound wisdom and known equity, shall judge equivalent to the affront offered to my character and my relations.
I have the honor to be, with the most sincere and respectful attachment, high and mighty Lords, your high mightinesses most humble, most obedient, and faithful servant.(Signed) L. Duc de Brunswick.
We are now arrived at the time when I commenced my journey to Paris, as related before I altered my plan. My American Servant, John Stevens, a very stout man, who had served as a soldier in Canada and afterwards on board an American vessel of war, and had never been sick, was now conquered by the pestilential steams of the climate and almost shaken to pieces by an intermittent fever. I had provided him with a physician and attendants, and was about taking another person to go with me:—but Stephens begged so pathetically that I would not leave him, that I could not resist his importunity, but took him into the coach with me. When his fits came on I was obliged to stop at an inn for the day and procure him a physician and a nurse. These delays protracted the journey to twice the number of days: but the exercises and the exchange of air from the tainted atmosphere of Amsterdam to the pure breezes of France, cured him of his distemper, and he returned with me apparently well; though in a few days his fits returned with violence, continued nine months upon him, and reduced him almost to a shadow. It is indeed the destiny of every stranger who goes into Holland, to encounter either an intermittent or a bilious fever within the two first years—What passed at Paris, where I arrived on the sixth of July, has been before related in Letter 21, page 107, of your third number, to the end of Letter 27, in page 149 of your fourth number, to which I beg leave to refer.

John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to William Cunningham, 16 January 1810
From: Adams, John
To: Cunningham, William

Sir
Quincy January 16. 1810

I have received your three last Letters. The Correspondence and Conversations which have passed between Us have been under the confidential Seal of Secrecy and Friendship. Any Violation of it will be a breach of Honor and plighted Faith. I Shall never release you from it; if it were in my Power: but it is not. After all the Permission that I could give, your Conscience ought to restrain you. I could as well release you from your Obligations of Obedience to the Decalogue.
I hope you will consider before you plunge yourself into an Abysse which the melancholly and disturbed State of Mind you appear to be in seems to render you at this time incapable of perceiving before you. I know not what has thrown you into this agitation unless it be that you have put an erroneous Construction upon my Words, which neither expressed nor implied an Opinion that you was unfit for Office. They only expressed a despair of my own Influence to obtain an office for you! as I knew of no office vacant, and having no Correspondence with the Administration nor Interest or Influence with it, I had no hopes of Success. In hopes you will Soon be more calm, I am your Well wisher

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Joseph Ward, 18 January 1810
From: Ward, Joseph
To: Adams, John

Sir
Boston January 18th, 1810

I had the honor to receive your highly estimated Favour of the 7th Inst. Its contents afford me, much information, amusement, and instruction. And convince me more & more that the public mind, and especially our rulers, want information. Your publications in the Patriot may, if they will study them, illume the path of our rulers. But the Sun shines in vain if men will not open their eyes. And it is, I fear, as true now as in ancient times, that too many “hate the light because their deeds are evil.”—The experience of a long life of labour for the public good, has, I conceive, taught you that it is hard work to make men wise. Yet this people cannot be happy without wisdom—and much more than they now possess. Most blessed be his memory who gives them most of this essential article. Your ardour for the public welfare can never cease but with life; and if I had no other motive I ought to wish my Country happy, for Your sake. Nothing can give sweeter pleasure to the heart and clearer sunshine to the mind of a Patriot, in the evening of life, than to see precious fruits springing up from his labours to promote the moral and political interest of his Country. And even if he is disappointed, “If Isreal be not gathered”—he “shall be glorious in the sight of Heaven.” I must hope better things may attend your labours, than disappointment. If the seed sown, should not be productive in one age, it may in another, as good principles are immortal. This hope, is a cordial and must travel with us through time to oil the mental springs. I confess I feel no pleasure more sublime than in contemplating the illustrious characters that conducted the Revolution,—and the immeasurable benefits which may in the course of time result from their wisdom and virtues. It is a theme I delight to dwell upon—it opens a boundless prospect—where the mind may be forever feasted, and the theme never exhausted.
Here let me mention John Fenno, whose name you mention with respect. He was a worthy man; his principles correct, his patriotism sincere, & his morals pure. An intimate friendship subsisted between him and me many years, & cotinued to the close of his life. He often expressed to me his grateful impressions for your friendship and condescending attentions to him; which animated him in the pursuit in which his mind was engaged. Few minds felt with greater sensibility the approbation of the wise and good; and in him it produced the happiest effect, it stimulated him in the path of duty. The world does not abound with such men.
Impressed with a solicitude for his family, I wrote a long letter to his oldest Son, and with parental freedom, gave him my best advice for the conduct of life, to ensure his own happiness, & that of his young brothers & sisters; and assured him that in such a course he would find more felicity, more fame, & a more peaceful end, than if he attempted an higher walk in life. I exhorted him to have nothing to do with politicks—that they were a troubled Sea in which he would find no rest.—In his answer he expressed much gratitude; high approbation of my sentiments, and a resolution to follow my counsel.—But his after life was directly the reverse.—His volatile & ardent mind soon wore out his tender system and hurried him from life.
It may give you satisfaction, Sir, to learn that the surviving children are comfortably provided for in New York, and New Jersey; the eldest Daughter is married to a Gentleman of eminence in the Law, and an amiable character.
It is a consoling reflection, that Providence often provides for the children of unfortunate good men. And often by means out of human calculation.
I have again Sir, occasion to admire your candour to your political opponents. I believe that few of Mr Jefferson’s friends, could have framed so good an apology for his errors, as your letter contains. And if my candour was too contracted, I have ever embraced your ideas in regard to publishing the private vices of public men—as it tends to demoralize the people; by making the subject familiar, the horror is lessened; and the incentives to obtain a pure character and habits of virtue are weakened in young minds, when they see men elevated to high seats of honor and trust notwithstanding their early life was contaminated. When young men laugh at the vices of the great, their own minds are insensibly corrupted.
When will that “foul reproach upon human nature, Negro slavery,”—be done away from our Country? I sometimes fear that “He who made of one blood all men who dwell on the earth,” may scourge our Nation for this crime, in a peculiar manner and degree, because we have been miraculously delivered from bondage, & blessed in an high degree—and as “much is given, much will be required of us.” Pardon, Sir, my commonplace observations; they are not written with a vain idea to inform; but it is natural to pour out one’s thoughts to those who know & feel the most; and especially in an age like this when low pride & the love of gain, seem to have almost extinguished all the noble feelings and heaven born sentiments.
Be assured, Sir, your letter shall be regarded as “confidential;” and nothing communicated to me shall ever be made public, without your special permission. But, Sir, your long political life, in every department of Government; extensive reading, great experience, personal acquaintance with Courts, and deep reflections; authorize you to speak freely to your Country, and enable you to give the Nation you have so long and so successfully served,—the best counsel. Perverse indeed must those minds be who do not receive it gratefully. If there should be any, “their Sons may blush that their fathers were your foes.”—And perhaps weep for the effects of their folly.
Duane’s check to Coleman, was well done, and an example for printers; if followed generally it might prevent a flood of scandal & dirty stuff which disgrace our Country. It was not however much to the fame of the “Field Marshal,” to be checked in his march by a threat of attack. He appears yet to aim at taking the lead: but neither he nor his officers have exhibited sufficient proofs of skill in the science of that kind of warfare in which they are engaged. They may perhaps be very honest, but unfortunate as a certain man said his uncle was, “he believed that he aimed at the truth, but was so unlucky he seldom hit it.” It is a melancholy truth that most of our writers bewilder the public mind, & make blind eyes blinder. They & those they lead, confirm the truth of your remark, that if a clear system was held up before the Nation it would be opposed by both the great parties. The misfortune is, the general want of sound moral principles in the candidates for office; the vile policy is to gain popularity & promotion by flattering the people & the popular rulers in their errors, instead of honestly & soberly reasoning in support of sound principles. In this way too many rise and in this way aim to keep up. The evil has its root in human nature, and reason makes slow progress in extirpating it. It has got as fast hold of our Country as slavery has of Virginia, and men live by it. You were pleased, Sir, to ask me, in reply to my dark picture of the times, “How we are to make them better.” This question brings to my mind a conversation between an old New England Clergyman, and his African servant; upon some deep point, “well,” said the Clergyman, “Cato what is your opinion?”—“Strange Master that you should ask me,” replied Cato.—But it may agree with the times; the world is turned round upside down & hindside before—all politicians from the parlour to the kitchen & from the garret to the celar, male & female. If I were allowed to give my opinion to the sovereign people, & their “servants,” the rulers, it would be in few words.—
“Mend President Washington’s and President Adams’ Systems, by enlarging the Judicial and Executive powers; the Legislature abstain from any interference with them; give every citizen an easy appeal to the Laws; establish public Credit upon a permanent basis; commence building a Navy & push it rapidly; avoid open war, if practicable without wounding essential principles; fortify well the ports leading to the great towns; fill the magazines; organize & discipline the militia;—and when a sufficient number if frigates & ships of war were in complete order for service, demand of the aggressors our neutral rights, and if not respected—send our ships of war to the four quarters of the world to ‘retaliate upon the enemy’—Set every wheel in motion; kindle & fan the national fire by orations & songs, that the public eye might be kept elevated, & the popular pulse beat higher & higher, whilst the certainty of final triumph,” should be the constant theme of ten thousand tongues.—If we launch in to war, it must be prosecuted with energy & perseverance, or we may lose all foreign respect, & all confidence in ourselves. I fear that the present Administration would not be competent to conduct a war to the best purposes.
I sincerely wish that if war comes, I may find my present apprehensions erroneous. I know by some experience & observation, that War requires consummate talents in the Cabinet, and in the Field. And that no glory, or gain, will compensate the evils. Defence alone can justify encoutering them.
Most Respected Sir, I am your / very Obedient Servt

Joseph Ward


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 21 January 1810
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

Learned ingenious, benevolent beneficent Old Friend of 1774
Quincy January 21st. 1810

Thanks for “the light and Truth” as I used to call the Aurora, which you sent me. You may descend in a Calm, but I have lived fifty years in a storm, and shall certainly die in one.
I never asked my son any questions about the Motives, Designs or Objects of his Mission to Petersbourg. If I had been weak enough to ask, He would have been wise enough to be silent; for although a more dutiful or affectionate Son is not in Existence he knows his obligations to his Country and his trust are superiour to all Parental requests or Injunctions I know therefore know no more of his Errand, than any other Man. If he is appointed to be a Sampson to tie the Foxes tails together  with a Torch or a Firebrand between them I know nothing of it. One thing I know, We ought to have had an Ambassador there, these thirty years, and We should have had if Congress had not been too complaisant to Vergennes. Mr Dana was upon the Point of being received and had a solemn promise of a Reception when he was recalled. Under all the Circumstances of those Times however, I cannot very severely blame Congress for this Conduct tho’ I think it was an Error. It is of great Importance to us at present to know more than We do of the Views, Interests and sentiments of all the Northern Powers. If We do not acquire more Knowledge than We have of the present and probable future state of Europe, We shall be hood winked and bubbled by the French and English.
Of Mr Jackson his Talents, Knowledge manners or Morals I know nothing but am not unwilling to think favourably of them all. His Conduct to our President and his Minister is not however a Letter of Reccommendation of his Temper Policy or Discretion. His Lady was an intimate Acquaintance of my Daughter and consequently well known to both my Sons at Berlin. Thomas Speaks very handsomely of Her Person, and Accomplishments.
I have not seen, but am impatient to see Mr Cheethams Life of Mr Paine. His political Writings I am Singular enough to believe have done more harm than his irreligious ones He understood neither Government nor Religion. From a malignant heart he wrote virulent Declarations, which the Enthusiastic Fury of the times intimidated all Men, even Mr Burke from answering as he ought. His Deism as it appears to me has promoted rather than retarded the Cause of Revealtion at least in America, and indeed in Europe. His Bilingsgate stolen from Blounts oracles of Reason from Bolinbroke, Voltaire, Berenger &c will never discredit Christianity: which will hold its ground in some degree as long as human Nature shall have any thing Moral, or Intellectual left in it. The Christian Religion as I understand it, is the Brightness of the Glory and the express Portrait of the Character of the eternal, self existent independant benevolent all powerful and all mercifull Creator, Preserver, and Father of the Universe: the first good, first perfect and first fair. It will last as long as the World. Neither Savage nor civilized Man  without a Revelation could ever have discovered or invented it. Ask me not then whether I am a Catholic or Protestant, Calvinist or Arminian? As far as they are Christians, I wish to be a Fellow Disciple with them all.
I am  dear Rush your affectionate

John Adams