Title: [May 1766]
From: Adams, John
To:

      Sunday. May 4th. 1766.

       Returning from Meeting this Morning I saw for the first Time, a likely young Button Wood Tree, lately planted, on the Triangle made by the Three Roads, by the House of Mr. James Brackett. The Tree is well set, well guarded, and has on it, an Inscription “The Tree of Liberty,” and “cursed is he, who cutts this Tree.”—Q. What will be the Consequences of this Thought? I never heard an Hint of it, till I saw it, but I hear that some Persons grumble and threaten to girdle it.

   James Brackett kept a “large and commodious” tavern on what is now the corner of Hancock and Elm Streets, Quincy (Pattee, Old Braintree and QuincyWilliam S. Pattee, A History of Old Braintree and Quincy, with a Sketch of Randolph and Holbrook, Quincy, 1878., p. 168–169).

      Sunday. May 18th. 1766.

       Mem. to write some Speculations, upon the Union of Legislative and Executive Powers—and upon the Knot, the Junto, the Combination.

      Monday May 26th. 1766.

       I have been very unfortunate, in running the Gauntlet, thro all the Rejoicings, for the Repeal of the Stamp-Act.
       Monday last at 2 O Clock, was our Town Meeting, and the same Evening, were all the Rejoicings in Boston and in Plymouth. After Meeting I mounted for Plymouth, and reached Dr. Halls of Pembroke. The only Rejoicings, I heard or saw were at Hingham, where the Bells rung, Cannons were fired, Drums beaten, and Land Lady Cushing on the Plain, illuminated her House. The County of Plymouth has made a thorough Purgation, Winslow, Clap, Foster, Hayward, Keen, Oliver, Alden, are all omitted, and Warren, Seaver Sever, Thomas, Turner, Vinal, Edson, Sprout are chosen. What a Change!
       A duller Day, than last Monday, when the Province was in a Rapture for the Repeal of the Stamp Act, I do not remember to have passed. My Wife who had long depended on going to Boston, and my little Babe were both very ill of an hooping Cough. My self, under Obligation to attend the Superiour Court at Plymouth, the next day, and therefore unable to go to Boston. And the Town of Braintree insensible to the Common Joy!

   News of the repeal of the Stamp Act, 19 March, was received in Boston on 19 May. The Boston Gazette of 26 May has extensive accounts of the celebrations.

   To elect a representative to the General Court. This proved to be Ebenezer Thayer, the incumbent. The Braintree Town RecordsSamuel A. Bates, ed., Records of the Town of Braintree, 1640 to 1793, Randolph, Mass., 1886. give no indication of a contest between the partisans of Thayer and those of JA, but there probably was.

   AA2, now ten months old.

   Here follow six lines heavily inked out in the MS, apparently by JA and probably soon after they were written. In view of his habitual indiscretions in the Diary it is remarkable that JA felt impelled to obliterate this harmless expression of hurt pride. As imperfectly deciphered here, very doubtful words are enclosed in square brackets:

           “I had also the mortification to see that while allmost all the zealous opposers of the Stamp Act were caressed by their Towns and chosen Representatives, Adams 4 or 5 words, Edson, Doolittle and a multitude of others, I was like to be neglected my self and that all my friends in my own Town were like to be neglected too.”

      Wednesday. May 28th.

       General Election. At Boston. After Lecture, dined at Mr. Austins, the Wine Cooper, with the Revd. Messrs. Prentice of Charlestown and Amos Adams of Roxbury. Adams and Austin were the Disputants in Politicks, Prentice a Moderator.
       This Morning Samuel Adams was chosen Clerk, and Otis Speaker. Govr. Bernard negatived him. Cushing was chosen. In the Afternoon they proceeded to choose Councillors, when Hutchinson, and the two Olivers were dropp’d, and Trowbridge was dropped, and Mr. Pitts, Coll. Gerrish, Coll. White, Bowers, Powel, and Mr. Saunders and Dexter, were chosen.—What a Change! This Day seems to be the litteral Accomplishment of a Prophecy of Mr. Otis, published two or three Winters ago in the News Paper “The Day is hastening on, with large Strides, when a dirty, very dirty, witless Rabble, I mean the great Vulgar, shall go down with deserved Infamy to all Posterity.” Thus the Triumph of Otis and his Party are compleat. But what changes are yet to come? Will not the other Party soon be uppermost?

   That is, James Otis Jr. as speaker. In the following entry it is James Otis Sr. who is mentioned as negatived for membership in the Council. See Mass., House Jour.Journals of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts [1715– ], Boston, reprinted by the Massachusetts Historical Society, 1919– . (For the years for which reprints are not yet available, the original printings are cited, by year and session.), 1766–1767, p. 5, 8, 10, and entries of 11 Nov., 24 Dec., below.

      Thurdsday, May 29th.

       The Governor negatived Otis, Sparhawk, Dexter, Saunders, Gerrish and Bowers, and made the two Houses a most nitrous, sulphureous Speech.
       What will be the Consequence?
       This morning in Hatch’s Office, Mr. Paxton came in. “This is the lazyest Town upon the Globe—poor, proud and lazy is the Character of this Town. They wont work. If the Neutrals were gone, there would be no body to throw the Water out of the long Boat in this Town.”
       Trowbridge told Stories about the Virtue of some Neutrals—their strict Justice, there Aversion to Prophaneness &c. Paxton said they were never drunk, never disorderly, never before a Magistrate &c. &c. &c. All this from Goffe and Paxton, was meant in favour of roman Catholic Religion and civil slavery I doubt not.
       Goffe said he had been reading the History of England, and he found that there had always arisen Men to defend Liberty, in the same manner, and from the same Principles, as they do here.
       He said further that for himself, he felt so happily after his Death, that he was pretty sure he had behaved well during his Lifetime. For himself, he was easy, but the poor Secretary is infirm; it will bear hard upon him. And for the Lieutenant Governor, now the Act is repeal’d, and considering how he has been used, instead of doing any Thing to make up his Loss, to leave him out of Council, and so to confirm in the Minds of the People a suspicion that he has been an Enemy to the Country, is very hard, for a Man who has behaved so well as he has.

   See Mass., House Jour.Journals of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts [1715– ], Boston, reprinted by the Massachusetts Historical Society, 1919– . (For the years for which reprints are not yet available, the original printings are cited, by year and session.), 1766–1767, p. 11–13. A principal theme of Bernard’s speech was that “the Inflammation of this Country has been a grand Object, with some Persons,” and the implication was that those whom he had negatived were among those “Persons.”

   The Acadian refugees.

   His political death, by his not being reelected to the Council.


Title: June 20th. 1766.
From: Adams, John
To:

       Mem. to search the Books, with the Regard to the following Clause in the late Mr. Borlands Will, vizt. “Item, to my Son Francis Lindall Borland, who hath been long absent, and I fear is not now in Life, to him, if now living, I give all my Lands in Billerica, all my Lands in Sturbridge, my Messuage in Milk Street in Boston wherein Joseph Calef now lives, all the said Lands and Messuage to my said Son Francis Lindall and his Heirs forever. I give him allso the Sum of one Thousand Pounds l.M. of this Province, and my small Diamond Ring and my Gold Watch.”
       John Borland is afterwards made Residuary Legatee in these Words “Item, all the Rest and Residue of my Estate, real and personal, where-soever the same may be, I give to my Son John his Heirs and Assigns for ever.”
       Q. Is this a lapsed Legacy? If a lapsed Legacy it must be parted and distributed among Francis Borlands Right Heirs.
       But, I observe the Devise and Legacy is to him, if living. It has never yet been proved, probably never will be, that he was then dead, but admitting it certain he was not then living, would it follow that the Residuary Clause comprehended and extended to John what was before given conditionally to Francis.


Title: [June 1766]
From: Adams, John
To:

      June 20th. 1766.

       Mem. to search the Books, with the Regard to the following Clause in the late Mr. Borlands Will, vizt. “Item, to my Son Francis Lindall Borland, who hath been long absent, and I fear is not now in Life, to him, if now living, I give all my Lands in Billerica, all my Lands in Sturbridge, my Messuage in Milk Street in Boston wherein Joseph Calef now lives, all the said Lands and Messuage to my said Son Francis Lindall and his Heirs forever. I give him allso the Sum of one Thousand Pounds l.M. of this Province, and my small Diamond Ring and my Gold Watch.”
       John Borland is afterwards made Residuary Legatee in these Words “Item, all the Rest and Residue of my Estate, real and personal, where-soever the same may be, I give to my Son John his Heirs and Assigns for ever.”
       Q. Is this a lapsed Legacy? If a lapsed Legacy it must be parted and distributed among Francis Borlands Right Heirs.
       But, I observe the Devise and Legacy is to him, if living. It has never yet been proved, probably never will be, that he was then dead, but admitting it certain he was not then living, would it follow that the Residuary Clause comprehended and extended to John what was before given conditionally to Francis.


Title: [21] July 1766.
From: Adams, John
To:

       Monday after Commencement. Last Saturday, I accidentally found a curious Volume, which Oaks Angier found in a Chest of Books be longing to an Uncle of his who died 45 Years ago. The Title Page and all the rest is gone till you come to the 18th. Page. It seems to be a Collection of Pamphlets, published in the memorable Year 1640, bound up together, in one Quarto Volume.
       Lord Digbies Speech. 9. Novr. 1640, concerning Grievances and the Triennial Parliament.
       Lord Digbies Speech Jany. 19. 1640 to the Bill for Triennial Parliaments.
       Nathl. Fiennes his Speech 9th. Feby. 1640. concerning the Londoners Petition, and the Government of the Church by Archbishops, Bishops &c.
       Francis Rous Esqrs. Speech before the Lords March 16th. 1640 upon presenting an Impeachment vs. Dr. Cossens, Dr. Maynwaring and Dr. Beale.
       Nathl. Fiennes’s 2d Speech touching the Subjects Liberty, against the late Cannons, and the new Oath.
       Lord Digbies Speech, concerning Bishops and the City Petition Feby. 9th. 1640.
       The Accusation and Impeachment of John Lord Finch Lord Keeper.
       Lord Faulklands 2d Speech after reading the Articles vs. Lord Finch.
       Four Speeches of Sir Edward Deering concerning Religion and the Government of Church.
       Bagshaws Speech Feby. 9. 1640 concerning Episcopacy and the London Petition.
       Three Speeches of Sir Benjamin Rudyer, concerning the Clergy, &c.
       Message from Commons to Lords by Mr. Pym Novr. 11. 1640 requesting Strafford to be taken into Custody.
       Articles of Impeachment vs. Thomas Earl of Strafford whereby he stands charg’d of High Treason.
       Earl of Bristows Speech 7th. Decr. 1640.
       Mr. Mainards Speech before both Houses. 24th. March in reply to Straffords Answer to his Articles at the Bar.
       The London Petition, a Particular of Prelatical Grievances.
       Articles vs. Secretary Windebanke.
       Lord Finch’s Speech, in the House of Commons, concerning Himself 21. Decr. 1640.
       Harbottle Grimstones Speech 18th. Decr. 1640 moving for an Impeachment of the Archbishop. He calls him the great and common Enemy of all Goodness and good Men.

       Message from the Queen to the Commons Feby. 5th. 1640.
       Sir Thomas Roe’s, concerning Trade 1640.
       Lord Faulklands Speech concerning Episcopacy.
       Pym’s Speech after the Articles vs. Strafford were read.
       Pym’s Speech after the Articles vs. Sir George Ratcliffe were read.


Title: July 24th. 1766.
From: Adams, John
To:

       Thanksgiving for the Repeal of the Stamp-Act. Mr. Smiths Text was “The Lord reigneth, let the Earth rejoice, and the Multitude of the Isles be glad thereof.” Mr. Wibirts was Genesis 50th. 20th.—“But as for you, ye thought evil against me; but god meant it unto good, to bring to pass, as it is this Day, to save much People alive.”—America is Joseph, the King Lords and Commons—Josephs Father and Brothers. Our Forefathers sold into Egypt, i.e. Persecuted into America, &c. Wibirt shone, they say.


Title: Monday July 28th. 1766.
From: Adams, John
To:

       At Boston. A Meeting of the Bar at the Coffee House, for the Admission of Three young Gentlemen, Mr. Oliver, Mr. Quincy and Mr. Blowers, and another Meeting appointed next Fryday sennight, to consider of some Measures for Limitation, making a Pause, &c. They swarm and multiply. Sed, The Country grows amazingly, and the Time will not be long e’re, many who are now upon the Stage will be in their Graves. Four Years must pass, before the 3 young Gentlemen, admitted this night, will assume the Gown. And four Years will make a great alteration in the Bar. It is not so long, since Pratt and Thatcher were in their Glory, at the Bar. Since Coll. Otis reigned in three southern Counties, &c. Mr. Gridley And Mr. Dana are between 60 and 70. Kent is near 60. Fitch, Otis, Auchmuty are about 40—Benj. Gridley and Mr. Dudley are about 35—And Sewal, S. Quincy and I about 30. Within 4 Years possibly some of all these Ranks may depart. But the Bar has at last introduced a regular Progress, to the Gown, and seven Years must be the State of Probation.
       Gridley, Otis and Auchmuty were the chief Speakers. Gridley however was not in Trim. I never saw him more out of Spirits. Otis told some Stories, Auchfmuty told more, and Scolded and rail’d about the lowness of the Fees. This is Auchmutys common Place Topick— In Jamaica, Barbadoes, South Carolina, and N. York, a Lawyer will make an Independent Fortune in Ten Years.


Title: Tuesday July 29th. 1766.
From: Adams, John
To:

       At Boston—bought Gilberts Law of Evidence. Heard some Cases of Bastardy in the Sessions. William Douglass was charged by a Dutch Girl with being the father of a Bastard Child born of her Body. Auchmuty is employed, in sessions, and every where. The same heavy, dull, insipid Way of arguing every where—as many Repetitions as a presbyterian Parson in his Prayer—tedious as Applin. Volubility, voluble Repetition and repeated Volubility—fluent Reiterations, and reiterating Fluency. Such nauseous Eloquence always puts my Patience to the Torture. In what is this Man conspicuous? in Reasoning? in Imagination? in Painting? in the Pathetic? or what? In Confidence, in Dogmatism, &c. His Wit is flat, his Humour is affected, and dull.
       To have this Man represented as the first at the Bar is a Libel upon it—a Reproach and disgrace to it.


Title: Suffolk Sessions July 1766.
From: Adams, John
To:

       Dominus Rex vs. Francis Keen, for stealing Cask Molosses.
       Dus. Rex vs. Mary Gardiner, for a common Scold, Quarreller and Disturber of the Peace.
       Sewal. Hawkins—a common Scold is punishable by putting into the Ducking Stool. Prosecutions rare, ’tho the offence frequent. Other Crimes, not prosecuted here, as forestalling, Regrating &c.
       Wescan. She gets drunk sometimes, and then curses and swears at her Husband, all Night, for several Nights together, and quarrells with her Neighbours.
       Three Instances of Drunkeness prove a common Drunkard, 3 Acts of Barratry, prove a common Barrator, 3 Instances of Disceit, will prove a common Cheat. So 3 Instances of Brawling and Scolding to the common Disturbance of the Neighbourhood, proves a common Scold.


Title: Tuesday Aug. [5 or 12] 1766.
From: Adams, John
To:

       Satt out with my Wife for Salem—dined at Boston—drank Tea at Dr. Simons Tufts’s at Medford —lodg’d at Mr. Bishops.


Title: Wednesday Aug. [6 or 13] 1766.
From: Adams, John
To:

       Satt out from Mr. Bishops, oated, at Norwoods alias Martins, and reached Brother Cranches at 12 o Clock —dined and drank Tea, and then rode down to the Neck Gate, and then back thro the common and down to Beverly Ferry, then back thro the common and round the back Part of the Town Home. Then Walked round the other Side of the Town to Coll. Browns, who not being at Home, we returned. The Town is situated on a Plain, a Level, a Flat—scarce an Eminence can be found, any where, to take a View. The Streets are broad, and strait and pretty clean. The Houses are the most elegant and grand, that I have seen in any of the maritime Towns.


Title: Thurdsday Aug. [7 or 14] 1766.
From: Adams, John
To:

       In the Morning rode a single Horse, in Company with Mrs. Cranch and Mrs. Adams in a Chaise, to Marblehead. The Road from Salem to Marblehead, 4 miles, is pleasant indeed. The Grass Plotts and Fields are delightfull. But Marblehead differs from Salem. The Streets are narrow, and rugged and dirty—but there are some very grand Buildings. Returned and din’d at Cranch’s—after dinner walked to Witchcraft Hill—An Hill about 1/2 Mile from Cranches where the famous Persons formerly executed for Witches were buried. Somebody within a few Years has planted a Number of Locust Trees over the Graves, as a Memorial of that memorable Victory over the Prince of the Power of the Air. This Hill is in a large Common belonging to the Proprietors of Salem &c. From it you have a fair View of the Town, of the River, the North and South Fields—of Marble Head—of Judge Lynde’s Pleasure House and of Salem Village &c.


Title: Monday Aug. 18th.
From: Adams, John
To:

       Went to Taunton. Lodged at McWhorters.


Title: Tuesday [19 August].
From: Adams, John
To:

       Dined at Captn. Cobbs with Coll. G. Leonard, Paine, Leonard, young Cobb &C.


Title: [August 1766]
From: Adams, John
To:

      Tuesday Aug. 5 or 12 1766.

       Satt out with my Wife for Salem—dined at Boston—drank Tea at Dr. Simons Tufts’s at Medford —lodg’d at Mr. Bishops.

   Simon Tufts (1727–1786), Harvard 1744, an older brother of AA’s uncle by marriage, Dr. Cotton Tufts (Charles Brooks, History of the Town of Medford, Boston, 1855, p. 305–306).

      Wednesday Aug. 6 or 13 1766.

       Satt out from Mr. Bishops, oated, at Norwoods alias Martins, and reached Brother Cranches at 12 o Clock —dined and drank Tea, and then rode down to the Neck Gate, and then back thro the common and down to Beverly Ferry, then back thro the common and round the back Part of the Town Home. Then Walked round the other Side of the Town to Coll. Browns, who not being at Home, we returned. The Town is situated on a Plain, a Level, a Flat—scarce an Eminence can be found, any where, to take a View. The Streets are broad, and strait and pretty clean. The Houses are the most elegant and grand, that I have seen in any of the maritime Towns.

   The Cranches had recently moved from the Germantown district of Braintree to Salem, where Richard Cranch established a watch and clockmaking business. Probably during either this first visit of the Adamses to the Cranches, or during a second visit in November of this year (see 3 Nov., below), JA and AA sat for their earliest known portraits, by Benjamin Blyth, a young and relatively little-known painter then working in Salem; see Henry Wilder Foote,“Benjamin Blyth of Salem: 18th Century Artist,” MHS, Procs.Massachusetts Historical Society, Collections and Proceedings., 71 (1953–1957):69–71, 81–82. It is curious that JA says nothing in his Diary of these portraits, which now hang in the library of the Massachusetts Historical Society.

      Thurdsday Aug. 7 or 14 1766.

       In the Morning rode a single Horse, in Company with Mrs. Cranch and Mrs. Adams in a Chaise, to Marblehead. The Road from Salem to Marblehead, 4 miles, is pleasant indeed. The Grass Plotts and Fields are delightfull. But Marblehead differs from Salem. The Streets are narrow, and rugged and dirty—but there are some very grand Buildings. Returned and din’d at Cranch’s—after dinner walked to Witchcraft Hill—An Hill about 1/2 Mile from Cranches where the famous Persons formerly executed for Witches were buried. Somebody within a few Years has planted a Number of Locust Trees over the Graves, as a Memorial of that memorable Victory over the Prince of the Power of the Air. This Hill is in a large Common belonging to the Proprietors of Salem &c. From it you have a fair View of the Town, of the River, the North and South Fields—of Marble Head—of Judge Lynde’s Pleasure House and of Salem Village &c.

      Monday Aug. 18th.

       Went to Taunton. Lodged at McWhorters.

      Tuesday 19 August.

       Dined at Captn. Cobbs with Coll. G. Leonard, Paine, Leonard, young Cobb &C.

   John Rowe made a much fuller entry of the events of this day at Taunton court in his diary:

           “19 August Tuesday Rose Very Early this morng. Reachd Taunton at Noon dind there with the Judges. Colo. Geo Leonard, Colo. Ephraim Leonard, Mr. Justice Williams and Mr. Justice Elisha Toby who was this [day] Swore into his Office also Mr. Justice Fales who is Clerk of this Court—had some Conversation with Colo. White and Mr. Adams on the Affairs of Ebenezer Stedson with B and Edwd. Davis and Gave Mr. Adams A Guinea as A fee. Spent the Evening at Mr. McQuarters with Mr. Adams, Mr. Leonard, Mr. Calef Mr. Amiel Mr. Wm. Speakman and young Mr. Cobb"  (MS, MHi; this entry is partially printed under the erroneous date of 12 Aug. in Rowe, Letters and DiaryLetters and Diary of John Rowe, Boston Merchant, 1759–1762, 1764–1779, ed. Anne Rowe Cunningham, Boston, 1903., p. 106–107).

   The case in which JA and Col. Samuel White of Taunton were serving as Rowe’s counsel was that of “Benja. Davis and als. vs. Ebenezer Stetson. Coll. White appld. this. posted to Mr. Rowe” (JA’s annotated list of actions in Taunton, Plymouth, and Barnstable courts, 1764–1767, Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel No. 184).

      Wednesday 20 August.

       Spent Evening at Lodgings with Charles Cushing, and Daniel Oliver of Middleborough, Paine and Leonard—socially.

   Not the young lawyer of the same name mentioned under 28 July, above, but his first cousin, son of Judge (later Chief Justice) Peter Oliver. This Daniel Oliver died in 1768 at the age of 30 (NEHGRNew England Historical and Genealogical Register., 19 [1865]:104).

      Thurdsday Morning 21 August.

       Fine Weather—feel well.


Title: 1766 Novr. 3d. Monday.
From: Adams, John
To:

       Sett off, with my Wife for Salem. Stopped 1/2 Hour att Boston, cross’d the Ferry, and at 3 O Clock arrived at Hill’s the Tavern in Malden, the Sign of the rising Eagle, at the Brook, near Mr. Emmersons Emerson’s Meeting House, 5 Miles from Norwoods, where vizt. at Hills we dined. Here we fell in Company with Kent and Sewal. We all oated at Martins, where we found the new Sherriff of Essex Coll. Saltonstal. We all rode into Town together. Arrived at my dear Brother Cranches, about 8 and drank Tea, and are all very happy. Sat and heard the Ladies talk about Ribbon, Catgut and Paris net, Riding hoods, Cloth, Silk and Lace.—Brother Cranch came Home, and a very happy Evening we had. Cranch is now in a good Situation for Business near the Court House and Mr. Bernards Barnard’s Meeting house and on the Road to Marblehead—his House fronting the Wharffs, the Harbour, and Shipping, has a fine Prospect before it.


Title: Tuesday Novr. 4th.
From: Adams, John
To:

       A fine Morning. Attended Court all Day, heard the Charge to Grand Jury, and a Prayer by Mr. Barnard. Deacon Pickering was Foreman of one of the Juries. This Man, famous for his Writings in Newspapers concerning Church order and Government, they tell me is very rich. His Appearance is perfectly plain, and coarse, like a Farmer. His smooth combed Locks flow behind him, like Deacon Cushing, tho not so grey. He has a quick Eye like ——. He has an hypocritical Demure on his Face like Deacon Foster. His mouth makes a Semicircle, when he puts on that devout Face. Deacon Penniman is somewhat like him tho Penniman has more of the grave Solemnity in his Behaviour than the other. The Picture of Govr. Endicott, &c. in the Council Chamber, is of this Sort. They are Puritanical Faces.
       At this Court I also saw a young Gentleman lately sworn in the Inferiour Court, whose Name is Samuel Porter, he lived with Mr. Farnham, took his 2d. Degree last Year and lives at Ipswich. Thus every County of the Province, Swarms with Pupils and students and young Practicers of Law.


Title: Wednesday Novr. 5th.
From: Adams, John
To:

       Attended Court, heard the Tryal of an Action of Trespass brought by a Molatto Woman, for Damages, for restraining her of her Liberty. This is call’d suing for Liberty; the first Action that ever I knew, of the Sort, tho I have heard there have been many. Heard another Action for Assault and Battery, of a Mariner by the Master of a Vessell; a little Fellow was produced as a Witness who is a Spaniard—speaks intelligible English—black Eyes, thin, sharp Features—has been among the English for 3 or 4 Years.
       Here I saw Nathl. Peasley Sergeant of Methuen, 2 Years an Attorney of Superior Court, now commencing a Barister. He took his Degree the Year I entered Colledge. He has the Character of Sense, Ingenuity &c. but not of fluency. He is a stout Man, not genteel nor sprightly. This is the Gentleman whom Thatcher recommended for a Justice and Admired for his Correctness and Conciseness, as another Father Reed.
       Here I found the famous Joseph Eaton, at Law as usual. I knew him when I lived at Worcester where he had a Suit, I believe every Court while I lived there. He now lives at Lynn End, on the Borders between Essex and Middlesex. This is one of the stirring Instruments that Goffe has patronised and encouraged, for many Years. I remember to have heard Goffe celebrate him for self Government—for a cool steady command of his Passions, and for Firmness of Mind &c.
       Eaton is now at Law with the Harts, whose Characters are as curious as his, and more so.
       This Eaton Goffe set up, as Pynchon tells me, to be a Justice, but Thatcher got him indicted in the County of Essex for a Barrator, which defeated the scheme of Goffe, and he came near Conviction. Goffe grew warm and said that Eaton’s Character was as good as any Mans at the Bar.
       Spent the Evening at Mr. Pynchons, with Farnham, Sewal, Sergeant, Coll. Saltonstall &c., very agreably. Punch, Wine, bread and Cheese, Apples, Pipes and Tobacco. Popes and Bonfires this Evening at Salem, and a Swarm of tumultuous People attending them.


Title: Novr. 6th. Thurdsday.
From: Adams, John
To:

       A fine Morn. Oated at Martins where we saw 5 Boxes of Dollars containing as we were told about 18,000 of them, going in an Horse Cart from Salem Custom House to Boston, in Order to be shipp’d for England. A Guard of Armed Men, with swords, Hangers, Pistols and Musquets, attended it. We dined at Dr. Tufts’s, in Medford.
       There I first heard that the old Custom and Priviledge of Electing orators, Thesis Collectors, &c. by the Class, has been lately taken away, and that this Invasion of their Priviledges, contributed more than the Butter towards the late Spirit of Insurrection there.
       Drank Tea at Mrs. Kneelands. Got Home before 8 o Clock.


Title: Novr. 7th.
From: Adams, John
To:

       Went up to my common Pasture, to give Directions about Trimming the Trees, i.e. lopping and Trimming the Walnuts and Oaks and felling the Pines and Savines and Hemlocks. An irregular, misshapen Pine will darken the whole scene in some Places. These I fell, without Mercy, to open the Prospect and let in the sun and air, that the other Wood may grow the faster and that Grass may get in for feed. I prune all the Trees I leave, Buttonwoods, Elmes, Maples, Oaks, Walnuts, Savines, Hemlocks and all. The Pines that grow in that Pasture are, i.e. the white Pines are, very knotty, crooked, unthrifty Things.—I am desirous of clearing out the Rocky Gutter, i.e. of clearing away the Bushes and pruning all the Trees that we may see clearly the Course of the Water there and judge whether it is worth while to dig up the Rocks, and make a Ditch for the Water. And for another Reason too, vizt. to let in the sun and Air, because that rocky Gutter produces a great deal of Feed, which I would be glad to sweeten.
       Afternoon, went to Major Crosbeys to see him execute a Codicil to his Will. The old Gentleman is very desirous that the Province should comply with the King’s Recommendation, to make up the Damages to the sufferers.


Title: 1766. Novr. 8th. Saturday.
From: Adams, John
To:

       Fine Weather still.—Yesterday Clement Hayden came in to Major Crosbeys. He seem’d to hope, he said, that the Court would not vote to make up the Losses, but he heard to day that the King had requested it, and if that was true he knew not what to say. The K. had been so gracious, as to repeal the Stamp Act, and now to deny him such a Trifle would seem ungrateful and ungenerous. And it was our best Interest to be always in favour with him, and if we should refuse his request, it might be 10 times more damage to us, than to pay it. And He believed if this Town was to meet and to be fully informed, about it, they would not vote against it. In short Clem. talked like a reasonable Man. He said that, in all the Wars and all other Times, nothing ever happened that affected him like the Stamp Act. He said, if it had been insisted on, he knew it would not be born, and that he expected dismal scenes. The Repeal of it was great Joy, and he should be willing to do any Thing in Reason out of Duty to the K.
       This Morning I asked John Clark some Questions, about it. He thinks if the King has requested it, it will be difficult to refuse it, but yet it will be hard upon us to pay it.


Title: 1766. Novr. 9. Sunday.
From: Adams, John
To:

       Fine Weather Yet. Heard Mr. Penniman all Day. Spent Evening with Dr. Savil.


Title: Monday [10 November].
From: Adams, John
To:

       Rain. Kill’d Cow. Read chiefly in the American Gazeteers, which are a very valuable Magazine of american Knowledge.


Title: Tuesday Novr. 11th.
From: Adams, John
To:

       Rain. Deacon Webb here at Tea, and put this strange Question to me, what do you think of the Lieutenant Governor, sir?
       I told him, what I once thought of him, and that I now hoped I was mistaken in my Judgment. I told him I once thought, that his Death in a natural Way would have been a Smile of Providence upon the Public, and would have been the most joyful News to me that I could have heard.
       The Deacon thought him a devout, pious Man, a Professer of Religion, a good Man, a Christian, &c, and a capable Man, and the best Judge of Probate that ever we had, this 40 year, and that he had been envyed. This Observation of his being envyed I have heard made by Nat Thayer before now.—He was capable, and greatly promoted and therefore envyed, at the same Time a craving Man.—
       I presume, it will not be deny’d, that this Province is at present, in a State of Peace, order and Tranquility: that the People are as quiet and submissive to Government, as any People under the sun—as little inclined to Tumults, Riots, Seditions, as they were ever known to be, since the first foundation of the Government.
       The Repeal of the Stamp Act, has hushed into silence almost every popular Clamour, and composed every Wave of Popular Disorder into a smooth and peaceful Calm.
       As the Indemnification, recommended by his Majesty, seems at present the reigning Topic of Conversation, a few Thoughts upon that Subject may not be improper.
       After the Repeal of the Stamp Act, every Newspaper and Pamphlet, every public And private Letter, which arrived in America from England seemed to breathe a Spirit of Benevolence, Tenderness and Generosity. The Utmost Delicacy was observed in all the State Papers, in the Choice of Expressions, that no unkind Impression might be left upon the Minds of the People in America. The Letters from the Ministry to the Governor, recommended the mildest, softest, most lenient and conciliating Measures, and even the Resolve of the House of Commons and the Recommendation from his Majesty, concerning an Indemnification to the Sufferers, was conceived in the most alluring Language. Oblivion of every disagreable Circumstance, which had happened, through the Warmth of the People in the late unhappy Times, was recommended—in the strongest Terms.

       What Kind of Behaviour might have been expected from a Governor, in Consequence of such Advices from Home?
       At such a Time, when the House of Representatives, newly chosen by the People, and an House which thought like the People, had proceeded with as much calm, composed Deliberation as was ever known, to the Choice of a Speaker, would it be expected that the Governor should Negative that Speaker? Especially as that Gentleman had been a long Time in great Esteem in the Province, had but just before been unanimously chosen upon the Congress at N. York and had executed that Trust, to the universal Acceptance of the Province
       At such a Time, when the two Houses had proceeded, with equal Solemnity, to the Choice of Councillors, and had compleated the Election, could it be believed that a Governor should by his mighty Negative, slaughter six of the List at a blow, six of the most steady, capable, and Active Friends of the People in the whole Board?
       After all this which was born without a Murmur, does it not exceed all Credibility, that this same Governor should meet the two Houses, and open the Session with a Speech—a Speech!—a Speech! I want Words to express my Sentiments of this Speech!


Title: Tuesday Decr. 23d. 1766.
From: Adams, John
To:

       I heard Yesterday, for the first Time, that young Jonathan Hayward, the Son of Lt. Joseph Hayward of the South Precinct, had got a Deputation from the Sherriff. Captn. Thayer was the Person, who went to the Sherriff and procur’d it for him. Silas Wild, Tho’s Penniman, Stephen Penniman, Lt. Hayward and Zebulon Thayer were his Bondsmen—a goodly Class! a clever Groupe! a fine Company! a bright Cluster!
       But what will be the Consequences of this Deputation?—and what were the Causes of it? My Brothers Disregard and neglect of the office and his Neglect to pay Greenleaf, were the Causes.


Title: Decr. 24th.
From: Adams, John
To:

       Who are to be understood by the better Sort of People? There is in the Sight of God and indeed in the Consideration of a sincere Xtian or even of a good Philosopher, no Difference between one Man and another, but what real Merit creates. And I mean, by real Merit, that I may be as well understood as my Adversary, nothing more nor less than the Compound Ratio of Virtue and Knowledge. Now if the Gentleman means by the better sort of People, only such as are possessed of this real Merit, this Composition of Virtue and Ability, I am content to join Issue with him but who shall sit as judge between Us?—If a Whig shall be Judge, he will decide in favour of one set of Persons, if a Tory, he will give sentence for another; but if a Jacobite, he will be for a third.
       But that I may be as little tedious as possible, I will take the Gentlemans own Difinition, and will understand those of every Rank of plain, good understanding, who by an uniform steady behaviour, testify their thorough sense of the Blessings of good Government, who without Affectation evince an habitual Regard for Peace, order, Justice and Civility, towards all Mankind. But I find myself again in the same Difficulty. And the Q. recurs, who shall be judge. Phylanthrop confidently denys that the better Sort according to this Definition, are either alarmed or offended at any Behaviour of the Governor. I as possitively affirm, that the better sort thro the Province both in Boston and in the other seaport and Country Towns (I use Phylanthrops Language so will not answer for sense nor Accuracy of Writing or Grammar) are both alarmed and offended, at many Instances of the Governors Behaviour. I dont intend to submit this Question between Us to be decided by the Governor, nor by Philanthrop, nor any other of his Creatures, rich, nor poor, titled or untitled, powerful or impotent: Nor do I desire he should submit it to me, or any of my Particular Friends, Patrons or Connections.—No I appeal to the Public, to the Province, as Judges between Us, who are the better sort, in Phylanthrops sense of the Word. Let the whole Body of the Province then judge.—Well they have judged and by the happy Constitution of our Government, they must every Year determine who they esteem the better sort. The whole Body of the People, in every Yearly Election, depute a Number of Persons to represent them, and by their suffrages they declare such Persons to be the better sort of People among them, in their Estimation. This representative Body are in their Turn every Year, to chuse 28 out of the whole Province for Councillors, and by such Election, no doubt determine such to be of the very best sort, in their Understandings.
       Thus far, It seems to me, I have proceeded on safe Ground, and may fairly conclude that the honourable his Majestys Council, and the honourable the House of Representatives, the Public, the Body of the People being Judges, are of the better sort of People in Phylanthrops own sense of the Words. I might go further here, and insist upon it, that the present Council, purifyed as it is, by the Governors Cathartic Negative, even his Excellency being Judge, consists entirely of the better sort of People. Otherwise, it is not to be supposed, at least by our scribler, that he would have approved of those Gentlemen. Let Us then enquire, whether his Majestys Council, and the honourable House have not exhibited abundant Proofs, that they are almost unanimously alarmed and offended at the Behaviour of the Governor.
       The Council, in their Answer to the Governors Speech to both Houses in May, have expressed as much Resentment against his Behaviour as can well be conveyed by Words, ’tho the Decorum and Dignity of the Board is preserved. They have flatly charged the Governor with bringing an unjust Accusation against the Province.
       The honourable House in their Answers, which were adopted almost unanimously, tho they have been on their Guard, that no unwarrantable Expressions might escape them at that critical Conjuncture, haveexpressed as much just Indignation and disdain of his unworthy treatment of them, as was ever expressed by a british House of Commons, against a Tyrant on the Throne.
       Answer to Governor’s Speech last Session, in which the honourable House, 48 vs. 24 voted, with great Grief, and Concern and Alarm and Offence it s Resentment, that the Governors Behaviour had been the sole Cause why Compensation was not made to the sufferers. This I should think was a Proof Instaromnium, that those 48 had taken alarm and offence.
       Further, the House proceeded last session to the daring Enterprise of removing Mr. Jackson from the Agency, the Governors darling Friend and endearing Confederate, on whom the Governor had so set his Heart as to employ the most exceptionable Means Influence in order to get him chosen. This Removal was voted by 81 out of 87 in the House and unanimously in the Council, and the World believes, that Apprehensions of the Governors ill Intentions, and of the Danger to the Province from that Confederacy, influenced a Great Part of both Houses to vote for the Dissolution of it.
       To proceed a little further, the House are so allarmed and offended, at the Author of some late Misinformations and Misrepresentations to his Majesty, who appears beyond reasonable Doubt from Ld. Shelbournes Letter to be the Governor himself, that they have almost unanimously voted Letters to be sent to Ld. Shelbourne himself, and to their Agent, Mr. Debert, in order to remove those slanders and aspersions, in which their sense of the Ingratitude, Haughtiness and Cruelty of the Governor is expressed in very strong Terms.
       But I will not confine my self to the two Houses of Assembly.
       I ask whether those Gentlemen who have the Honour of his Majestys Commissions in his Revenue, are to be esteemed the better Sort of People, or not? If they are, I would ask again, have not the Customhouse Officers in General from the surveyor General downwards taken Offence at the Governor’s Behaviour. I say in general—I would not be understood universally. I except a C—k-e and a Paxton. These at least one of them, have always declared they would worship the sun while he was above the Horison, tho he should be covered all over with Clouds.
       I ask further whether the Officers of his Majestys Navy, who have been occasionally on this station, will be allowed to be the better sort of People. If they should, is it not notorious that Govr. Bernards Conduct has been very disagreable and disgustful to them?
       Where shall I go for better sort of People? The Judges of the superiour Court, move in so sublime an orbit—They tread in such exalted steps—That I dare not approach their Persons, so I cannot say what their sentiments of the Governors Conduct may be. They will not indulge themselves in speaking openly against any Person in Authority, so I believe they reserve their Opinion, till the Matter shall come judicially before them. Many of the Judges of the Inferiour Courts in many of the Counties, I can affirm, from Knowledge, because I have heard it from their own Mouths, have taken Alarmand offence, att all the Governors Negatives last May, at both his Speeches to the Assembly in May and June, at the Expression quoted in the Address of the Lords, and especially at his overbearing, threatning, wheedling Arts to get Mr. Jackson chosen Agent, and at his foolish Dismission of Military officers from Colonels down to little Ensigns— but most of all at his restless, impatient, uncontroulable, insatiable Machinations, by all Means, humane, inhumane, and diabolical, from his first Arrival in this Government to this moment, to enrich himself.
       Thus I believe that it appears to all who consider the Matter, that almost all the People, whether better or worse, are of one Mind about the Governor and absolutely hate him and despize him—let Phylanthrop say what he will. And indeed I have very good Reasons to think that Phylanthrop lyed when he said that the better sort had taken no Offence, and absolutely endeavoured to impose a palpable falshood upon the Public.


Title: [December 1766]
From: Adams, John
To:

      1766 Decr. 8th. Monday.

       Dined at Dr. Tufts’s. Drank Tea at Dr. Halls Pembroke. Lodged at Captn. Littles Kingston.—I find a general Opposition in the County of Plymouth, to Compensation. Jacobs tells me, that Scituate voted vs. it with great Warmth. Judge Cushing Moderator did not think fit to say a Word, nor was there a Word said or an Hand up in favour of the Bill, tho they had voted for it in October. Keen of Pembroke was warm and stumped Sole Soul or Soule the Moderator to lay down the Money and prevent a Tax upon the Poor. Kingston was so fixed vs. it that they would not call a Meeting. The more considerate and sensible People however in all these Towns are in favour of it. Landlord and Landlady Little are full of Politicks. Mr. Little would get in General Winslow, and did get in Mr. Sever—and Mr. Sever is sensible of it. We had over the affair of Collector of Excise. Little dont like Judge Cushing nor Brigadier Ruggles, because they opposed his Collectorship, &c.
       At Plymouth the Province have been drawn in cleverly—to make themselves guilty of the Riots. Every Body out of the Province will say so. The Province has been brought to pay what ought to have been paid by Boston, every farthing of it.
       Paine. The Mistery of Iniquity opens more now in time of Peace than it did in Time of Confusion.
       Sever said he believed Goffe would be glad to punish all the Transgressors in the late Times. Hally said he had tryed to persuade Goffe to enter a Nolle Pros. vs. the Rioters in Berkshire, but he would not and was very high &c. Paine said the Continent ought to have paid the Damage.
       Nat Clap. These Town Meeting Laws are the most awful Things, and the Town of Boston ought to be stigmatized for setting the Example.

   Here supply the phrase “it is said" or its equivalent.

      Tuesday Decr. 23d. 1766.

       I heard Yesterday, for the first Time, that young Jonathan Hayward, the Son of Lt. Joseph Hayward of the South Precinct, had got a Deputation from the Sherriff. Captn. Thayer was the Person, who went to the Sherriff and procur’d it for him. Silas Wild, Tho’s Penniman, Stephen Penniman, Lt. Hayward and Zebulon Thayer were his Bondsmen—a goodly Class! a clever Groupe! a fine Company! a bright Cluster!
       But what will be the Consequences of this Deputation?—and what were the Causes of it? My Brothers Disregard and neglect of the office and his Neglect to pay Greenleaf, were the Causes.

      Decr. 24th.

       Who are to be understood by the better Sort of People? There is in the Sight of God and indeed in the Consideration of a sincere Xtian or even of a good Philosopher, no Difference between one Man and another, but what real Merit creates. And I mean, by real Merit, that I may be as well understood as my Adversary, nothing more nor less than the Compound Ratio of Virtue and Knowledge. Now if the Gentleman means by the better sort of People, only such as are possessed of this real Merit, this Composition of Virtue and Ability, I am content to join Issue with him but who shall sit as judge between Us?—If a Whig shall be Judge, he will decide in favour of one set of Persons, if a Tory, he will give sentence for another; but if a Jacobite, he will be for a third.
       But that I may be as little tedious as possible, I will take the Gentlemans own Difinition, and will understand those of every Rank of plain, good understanding, who by an uniform steady behaviour, testify their thorough sense of the Blessings of good Government, who without Affectation evince an habitual Regard for Peace, order, Justice and Civility, towards all Mankind. But I find myself again in the same Difficulty. And the Q. recurs, who shall be judge. Phylanthrop confidently denys that the better Sort according to this Definition, are either alarmed or offended at any Behaviour of the Governor. I as possitively affirm, that the better sort thro the Province both in Boston and in the other seaport and Country Towns (I use Phylanthrops Language so will not answer for sense nor Accuracy of Writing or Grammar) are both alarmed and offended, at many Instances of the Governors Behaviour. I dont intend to submit this Question between Us to be decided by the Governor, nor by Philanthrop, nor any other of his Creatures, rich, nor poor, titled or untitled, powerful or impotent: Nor do I desire he should submit it to me, or any of my Particular Friends, Patrons or Connections.—No I appeal to the Public, to the Province, as Judges between Us, who are the better sort, in Phylanthrops sense of the Word. Let the whole Body of the Province then judge.—Well they have judged and by the happy Constitution of our Government, they must every Year determine who they esteem the better sort. The whole Body of the People, in every Yearly Election, depute a Number of Persons to represent them, and by their suffrages they declare such Persons to be the better sort of People among them, in their Estimation. This representative Body are in their Turn every Year, to chuse 28 out of the whole Province for Councillors, and by such Election, no doubt determine such to be of the very best sort, in their Understandings.
       Thus far, It seems to me, I have proceeded on safe Ground, and may fairly conclude that the honourable his Majestys Council, and the honourable the House of Representatives, the Public, the Body of the People being Judges, are of the better sort of People in Phylanthrops own sense of the Words. I might go further here, and insist upon it, that the present Council, purifyed as it is, by the Governors Cathartic Negative, even his Excellency being Judge, consists entirely of the better sort of People. Otherwise, it is not to be supposed, at least by our scribler, that he would have approved of those Gentlemen. Let Us then enquire, whether his Majestys Council, and the honourable House have not exhibited abundant Proofs, that they are almost unanimously alarmed and offended at the Behaviour of the Governor.
       The Council, in their Answer to the Governors Speech to both Houses in May, have expressed as much Resentment against his Behaviour as can well be conveyed by Words, ’tho the Decorum and Dignity of the Board is preserved. They have flatly charged the Governor with bringing an unjust Accusation against the Province.
       The honourable House in their Answers, which were adopted almost unanimously, tho they have been on their Guard, that no unwarrantable Expressions might escape them at that critical Conjuncture, haveexpressed as much just Indignation and disdain of his unworthy treatment of them, as was ever expressed by a british House of Commons, against a Tyrant on the Throne.
       Answer to Governor’s Speech last Session, in which the honourable House, 48 vs. 24 voted, with great Grief, and Concern and Alarm and Offence it s Resentment, that the Governors Behaviour had been the sole Cause why Compensation was not made to the sufferers. This I should think was a Proof Instaromnium, that those 48 had taken alarm and offence.
       Further, the House proceeded last session to the daring Enterprise of removing Mr. Jackson from the Agency, the Governors darling Friend and endearing Confederate, on whom the Governor had so set his Heart as to employ the most exceptionable Means Influence in order to get him chosen. This Removal was voted by 81 out of 87 in the House and unanimously in the Council, and the World believes, that Apprehensions of the Governors ill Intentions, and of the Danger to the Province from that Confederacy, influenced a Great Part of both Houses to vote for the Dissolution of it.
       To proceed a little further, the House are so allarmed and offended, at the Author of some late Misinformations and Misrepresentations to his Majesty, who appears beyond reasonable Doubt from Ld. Shelbournes Letter to be the Governor himself, that they have almost unanimously voted Letters to be sent to Ld. Shelbourne himself, and to their Agent, Mr. Debert, in order to remove those slanders and aspersions, in which their sense of the Ingratitude, Haughtiness and Cruelty of the Governor is expressed in very strong Terms.
       But I will not confine my self to the two Houses of Assembly.
       I ask whether those Gentlemen who have the Honour of his Majestys Commissions in his Revenue, are to be esteemed the better Sort of People, or not? If they are, I would ask again, have not the Customhouse Officers in General from the surveyor General downwards taken Offence at the Governor’s Behaviour. I say in general—I would not be understood universally. I except a C—k-e and a Paxton. These at least one of them, have always declared they would worship the sun while he was above the Horison, tho he should be covered all over with Clouds.
       I ask further whether the Officers of his Majestys Navy, who have been occasionally on this station, will be allowed to be the better sort of People. If they should, is it not notorious that Govr. Bernards Conduct has been very disagreable and disgustful to them?
       Where shall I go for better sort of People? The Judges of the superiour Court, move in so sublime an orbit—They tread in such exalted steps—That I dare not approach their Persons, so I cannot say what their sentiments of the Governors Conduct may be. They will not indulge themselves in speaking openly against any Person in Authority, so I believe they reserve their Opinion, till the Matter shall come judicially before them. Many of the Judges of the Inferiour Courts in many of the Counties, I can affirm, from Knowledge, because I have heard it from their own Mouths, have taken Alarmand offence, att all the Governors Negatives last May, at both his Speeches to the Assembly in May and June, at the Expression quoted in the Address of the Lords, and especially at his overbearing, threatning, wheedling Arts to get Mr. Jackson chosen Agent, and at his foolish Dismission of Military officers from Colonels down to little Ensigns— but most of all at his restless, impatient, uncontroulable, insatiable Machinations, by all Means, humane, inhumane, and diabolical, from his first Arrival in this Government to this moment, to enrich himself.
       Thus I believe that it appears to all who consider the Matter, that almost all the People, whether better or worse, are of one Mind about the Governor and absolutely hate him and despize him—let Phylanthrop say what he will. And indeed I have very good Reasons to think that Phylanthrop lyed when he said that the better sort had taken no Offence, and absolutely endeavoured to impose a palpable falshood upon the Public.

   This entry is a draft of an essay, evidently never published, in reply to Jonathan Sewall, who had begun a series of articles over the name “Philanthrop” in the Boston Evening Post, 1 Dec. 1766 (and continuing more or less regularly through 2 March 1767), vindicating the conduct of Governor Bernard.“Philanthrop" depicted Bernard as an example of spotless virtue, and his articles drew out a swarm of writers on the other side of the question.

   See “Philanthrop” in the Evening-Post, 22 Dec, p. 1, col. 1–2

   MS: “I.”

   James Cockle, a Salem customs officer; he had applied for the writ of assistance that led to the celebrated argument over such writs in 1761, and he was also concerned in dealings with Bernard that had been denounced by “Clarendon” (presumably JA) in a letter to the Boston Gazette, 19 May 1766. See Roger B. Berry, “John Adams: Two Further Contributions to the Boston Gazette, 1766–1768,” NEQNew England Quarterly., 31:90–95 (March 1958).

      Decr. 31st. 1766.

       “Whatever tends to create in the Minds of the People, a Contempt of the Persons of those who hold the highest Offices in the State, tends to a Belief that Subordination is not necessary, and is no essential Part of Government.”—Now I dont See the Truth of this. Should any one say that the Steeple of Dr. Sewals Meeting was old, and decay’d and rotten, and in danger of falling on the Heads of the People in the Street, and say it in Print too, would this tend to induce in the Minds of the People, that a Steeple was not necessary to a Meeting House, and that the House might as well be turned topsy turvy, and the steeple struck down into the Earth. Again suppose the sweep of my Cyder Mill was cracked and shivered so that it had not strength to grind an Apple or even to turn the Mill, if one of my Neighbours should come in and tell me of this, would his telling me this tend to create in me a Belief that a Sweep was no necessary Part of a Cyder Mill, and that the Sweep might as well be placed where the Rolls are, or where the Hopper is, or the Trough, as where I commonly put it? Again, I take my old Mare, which is not only old and lean, but is hipp’d and stifled and spavined, has the Botts and has lost her Tail and both her Ears, and put her into my Horse Cart and lead her thro the Town in the Sight of all the People. I believe they would universally despize my old Mare, and laugh at her too. But would all this their Contempt and Laughter tend to induce in their Minds a Belief that an Horse was not necessary to draw an Horse Cart, and that the Cart may as well be put before the Horse, as the Horse before the Cart?

       *Besides, O——s has exerted himself so amazingly in the Cause of America, to the loss of Estate, Health, Trade and every Thing, and has had such Success, in saving her, that unless some Pains are taken to ruin his Character with the People he will rise high into favour and Power, and ever since the Affair of that Petition for a Grant to supply the Insolvency I have hated him so, I have groaned for Revenge, and Revenge I will have, let him be as learned, spirited, sensible, wise, generous, and disinterested as he will, I will maul him and murder his Reputation. I will—I will. Oh the Disgrace of that Insolvency!
       Revenge of that, made me write the Character of Bluster, Hector, Wildfire, and Belzebub and 20 more. I have gone too far to retreat— Nullar retror sum. I will stab, sting, goad, maul, mangle and murder his Reputation—at least abroad, tho I cant do it at Home.

       In fine such is the present Situation of Interests, that unless I exhibit some vigorous Exertion, unless I strike some bold daring Stroke, G—fe and I shall infallibly loose our Aim, and if we loose it now we loose it forever. Oh the chearing Rays, the benign Influences of that Office. It is worth 200 Lawful a year, besides the Reputation of it! My Children are multiplying about me, I love expensive living, and my meanes are very narrow. Good God what shall I do? Shall I starve and go to Goal? No, Self Preservation is the first Law of Nature, it can legitimate any Thing. I will not perish in this World, I will not starve and see my family suffer. I will say and write and do any Thing! I will vindicate the Governor, and will represent him roundly and dogmatically, as the best Governor, the mildest, most moderate, capable &c. that ever we had. Ay and I will pronounce boldly that I write only from Love of Order, Peace, Justice, Goodness and Truth—to support good Government, and much injured Innocence.
       Much worse Things than this have been done from much less worthy Motives. Much greater falshoods, and  Wickedness have been used by Men in Affluence only to increase their Wealth and Power. Men who had not Hunger, and Children crying for bread to plead in their Excuse. Caesar Borgia says whoever will arrive at Dominion, must necessarily remove all Obstacles out of the Way which obstruct his Greatness, and even forget the effeminate Tyes of Tenderness and Relation and with an undaunted Resolution run over the Thorns and Briars thrown in his Way, and with Intrepidity if need requires, even imbrue his Hands in his opposers Blood, and make a Dagger with Blindfolded Eyes, force a way to fortune.—Oh the Pangs, the pungent, excruciating Pangs of Ambition, Avarice, and Hunger.
       There is a sense however in which my Professions are sincere.—I write from a Regard to the Peace of my family, and to silence the importunate Clamours of an empty craving stomack. I write to keep my Constitution in order for without something to eat, I am sure all will soon be in Confusion, with me. I write from a Regard to Justice, because that demands that my Creditors should be paid their Dues, And I write for injured Innocence, because my worthy Wife and my poor helpless Babe I am sure are innocent, and for them to suffer for want of Necessaries, I am sure, would be injurious.
       This Soliloquy satisfy’d me! The whole Mystery was unriddled—all Phylanthrops facts, Anecdotes, Reasonings, Vapourings, all that he has said, done or wrote or can say, do or write is answered at once. There is no further occasion for scribling &c. nor for me to write any Thing more but the Name of

        Misanthrop

   This entry consists of partial drafts of two further replies to Jonathan Sewall’s “Philanthrop” articles. The first sentence is quoted from Sewall’s first article (Boston Evening Post, 1 Dec.) and the first paragraph was reworked and amplified by JA before publication over his old pen name “H. Ploughjogger” in the Boston Gazette, 5 Jan. 1767.

   The asterisk indicates that the paragraphs which follow must have been intended for insertion in another draft of a newspaper article which has not been found in either MS or printed form. Fragments of still other unpublished replies to “Philanthrop” remain among JA’s papers (filed under the assigned date of Jan. 1767).

   The allusions in this mock confession by “Philanthrop” are to Sewall’s failure to obtain a grant by the Province to pay the debts of Chief Justice Stephen Sewall’s estate. The Chief Justice was Jonathan’s uncle, and JA always attributed the younger Sewall’s feud with the Otises (who did not support the proposed grant), his political change of heart, his rewards in the form of crown offices, and his ultimate loyalism, to this incident. See JA, WorksThe Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, ed. Charles Francis Adams, Boston, 1850–1856; 10 vols., 4:6–8.

   Thus in MS. The intended meaning is “Not a step backward” or something similar.

   Editorial conjecture for a word omitted in MS.


Title: [1766?]
From: Adams, John
To:

       Query. The Service done by Tommy Hutchinson, for the Province, for which he had a Grant of 40£. and his fathers application for Pay, for the same Service and saying, he never had any Pay for it.
       The Bill drawn by Mr. Hutchinson, and carried in Council and sent down to the House, to enlarge the Power of the Judges of Probate, and empower them to appoint a few freeholders to set off Widows Dower—without any Action at Common Law, or Tryal by Jury.
       Copies of the several Grants that have been made him, for drawing the state of the Province’s Claim to Sagadahock, Case of the Prov. and New York, Connecticutt ing Lines &c. and the Prov. Claim on N. Hampshire—&c. Additional Grant as Chief Justice &c.
       Copy of his Petition last June was 12 months for a salary as Lieutenant Governor. It is in the Journal sent down together with a Message from the Governor 12 day of June A.D. 1765 Wednesday. Considered Fryday June 14. 1765 10 O clock.


Title: Saturday March 1767.
From: Adams, John
To:

       Went with Captn. Thayer to visit Robert Peacock and his poor distressed Family. We found them, in one Chamber, which serves them for Kitchen, Cellar, dining Room, Parlour, and Bedchamber. Two Beds, in one of which lay Peacock, where he told us he had lain for 7 Weeks, without going out of it farther than the Fire. He had a little Child in his Arms. Another Bed stood on one side of the Chamber where lay 3 other Children. The Mother only was up, by a fire, made of a few Chips, not larger than my Hand. The Chamber excessive cold and dirty.
       These are the Conveniences and ornaments of a Life of Poverty. These the Comforts of the Poor. This is Want. This is Poverty! These the Comforts of the needy. The Bliss of the Necessitous.
       We found upon Enquiry, that the Woman and her two oldest Children had been warned out of Boston. But the Man had not, and 3 Children had been born since.
       Upon this Discovery we waited on Coll. Jackson, the first Select Man of Boston, and acquainted him with the facts and that we must be excused from any Expence for their Support.
       When I was in that Chamber of Distress I felt the Meltings of Commiseration. This Office of Overseer of the Poor leads a Man into scenes of Distress, and is a continual Exercise of the benevolent Principles in his Mind. His Compassion is constantly excited, and his Benevolence encreased.


Title: April 4th. 1767.
From: Adams, John
To:

       Suits generally Spring from Passion. Jones vs. Bigelow, Cotton and Nye arose from Ambition. Jones and Bigelow were Competitors for Elections in the Town of Weston, Cotton and Nye were Rivals at Sandwich. Such Rivals have no Friendship for each other. From such Rivalries originate Contentions, Quarrells and Suits. Actions of Defamation are the usual Fruits of such Competitions. What affection can there be between two Rival Candidates for the Confidence of a Town. The famous Action of slander at Worcester between Hopkins and Ward, of Rhode Island, Sprouted from the same Stock. There the Aim was at the Confidence of the Colony.
       Poor Nye of Sandwich, seems dejected. I should suspect by his Concern that Cotton gained Ground vs. him. He seems to be hipp’d. It fretts and worries and mortifies him. He cant sleep a Nights. His Health is infirm.
       Cotton is insane, wild. His Proposal of giving his House and Farm at Sandwich to the Province, is a Proof of Insanity. He has Relations that are poor. Jno. Cotton is now poor enough. He has a Brother Josiah Cotton the Minister whom he procured to be removed to Woburn, and thereby to be ruin’d, who is very poor, maintained by Charity. Roland was Josiahs ruin; yet he did not choose to give his Estate to Josiah. Besides his Behaviour at Boston upon that occasion, was wild. His sitting down at the Council Table with his Hat on and Calling for his Deed and a Justice to acknowledge it, when the Council was sitting.
       Cottons Method of getting Papers Signed by Members, in order to demolish poor Nye is new. The Certificate from Murray and Foster if genuine is a mean, scandalous Thing. It was mean in Murray and Foster to sign that Paper. For one Representative to give a Constituent a Weapon to demolish another Rep., is ungentlemanlike.


Title: 1767 April 8th. Wednesday.
From: Adams, John
To:

       Mounted my Horse in a very Rainy Morning for Barnstable leaving my Dear Brother Cranch and his family at my House where they arrived last Night, and my Wife, all designing for Weymouth this Afternoon to Keep the fast with my father Smith and my Friend Tufts.— Arrived at Dr. Tufts’s, where I found a fine Wild Goose on the Spit and Cramberries stewing in the Skillet for Dinner. Tufts as soon as he heard that Cranch was at Braintree determined to go over, and bring him and Wife and Child and my Wife and Child over to dine upon wild Goose and Cramberry Sause.
       Proceeded without Baiting to Jacobs’s where I dined. Lodged at Howlands. Rode next day, baited at Ellis’s, dined at Newcombs and proceeded to Barnstable, lodged at Howes’s and feel myself much better than I did when I came from Home. But I have had a very wet, cold, dirty, disagreable Journey of it.—Now I am on the stage and the scene is soon to open, what Part shall I act?—The People of the County I find are of opinion that Cotton will worry Nye. But Nye must come off, with flying Colours.


Title: [April 1767]
From: Adams, John
To:

      April 4th. 1767.

       Suits generally Spring from Passion. Jones vs. Bigelow, Cotton and Nye arose from Ambition. Jones and Bigelow were Competitors for Elections in the Town of Weston, Cotton and Nye were Rivals at Sandwich. Such Rivals have no Friendship for each other. From such Rivalries originate Contentions, Quarrells and Suits. Actions of Defamation are the usual Fruits of such Competitions. What affection can there be between two Rival Candidates for the Confidence of a Town. The famous Action of slander at Worcester between Hopkins and Ward, of Rhode Island, Sprouted from the same Stock. There the Aim was at the Confidence of the Colony.
       Poor Nye of Sandwich, seems dejected. I should suspect by his Concern that Cotton gained Ground vs. him. He seems to be hipp’d. It fretts and worries and mortifies him. He cant sleep a Nights. His Health is infirm.
       Cotton is insane, wild. His Proposal of giving his House and Farm at Sandwich to the Province, is a Proof of Insanity. He has Relations that are poor. Jno. Cotton is now poor enough. He has a Brother Josiah Cotton the Minister whom he procured to be removed to Woburn, and thereby to be ruin’d, who is very poor, maintained by Charity. Roland was Josiahs ruin; yet he did not choose to give his Estate to Josiah. Besides his Behaviour at Boston upon that occasion, was wild. His sitting down at the Council Table with his Hat on and Calling for his Deed and a Justice to acknowledge it, when the Council was sitting.
       Cottons Method of getting Papers Signed by Members, in order to demolish poor Nye is new. The Certificate from Murray and Foster if genuine is a mean, scandalous Thing. It was mean in Murray and Foster to sign that Paper. For one Representative to give a Constituent a Weapon to demolish another Rep., is ungentlemanlike.

   First regular entry in “Paper book No. 14” (D/JA/14), though preceded by the detached notes on legal cases which have been inserted above under date of July 1766.

   The case of Roland Cotton v. Stephen Nye, the latter of whom had succeeded the former as representative from Sandwich in the General Court in 1761, was an action for defamation. The plaintiff was awarded damages in Barnstable Inferior Court in April. JA appealed for the defendant to the Superior Court at its Barnstable session in May but again lost; see the entries
          for 16 and 17

          May, below. Paine and Otis served as Cotton’s counsel. Nye was obliged to pay £7 damages and £15 13s. 5d. costs. (JA, List of Cases in Bristol, Plymouth, and Barnstable Courts, 1764–1767, and notes on Cotton v. Nye, Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reels 184, 185; Superior Court of Judicature, Minute Book 82).

      1767 April 8th. Wednesday.

       Mounted my Horse in a very Rainy Morning for Barnstable leaving my Dear Brother Cranch and his family at my House where they arrived last Night, and my Wife, all designing for Weymouth this Afternoon to Keep the fast with my father Smith and my Friend Tufts.— Arrived at Dr. Tufts’s, where I found a fine Wild Goose on the Spit and Cramberries stewing in the Skillet for Dinner. Tufts as soon as he heard that Cranch was at Braintree determined to go over, and bring him and Wife and Child and my Wife and Child over to dine upon wild Goose and Cramberry Sause.
       Proceeded without Baiting to Jacobs’s where I dined. Lodged at Howlands. Rode next day, baited at Ellis’s, dined at Newcombs and proceeded to Barnstable, lodged at Howes’s and feel myself much better than I did when I came from Home. But I have had a very wet, cold, dirty, disagreable Journey of it.—Now I am on the stage and the scene is soon to open, what Part shall I act?—The People of the County I find are of opinion that Cotton will worry Nye. But Nye must come off, with flying Colours.


Title: 1767 May [17] Sunday.
From: Adams, John
To:

       At Plymouth, went to Mr. Robbins’s Meeting in the Morning, and sat with Mr. Hovey. Dined with Coll. Warren. Went to Mr. Bacons Meeting in the Afternoon and satt with Coll. Warren. Drank Tea at my Lodgings. Robbins preached upon doing the Will of God, and Bacon on Peace, and Goodwill. Judge Cushing was also at the Upper Meeting in the Morning and at the lower, in the Afternoon. Cushing has the sly, artfull, cunning—Artifice and Cunning is the reigning Characteristic in his face. The sly Sneer.—My Landlady Howland gives me a melancholly History of her Husbands Lawsuit, which lasted 20 Years, and brought him to Poverty. She says that Cushings father in Law Cotton, had an House on one Lott of Land that her Husband was Heir to in Tail, and her Husband was obliged to suffer a Common Recovery of that Lot and convey it to Cotton before Cushing would give Judgment. Saltonstall kept it 5 Years depending merely for his Opinion and Cushing many Years more. So that the Case of Roland Cotton last Week at Barnstable is not the only Case in which Cushing has at all Hazards supported the Interests of the Cotton Family. The father of Judge Cushings Wife, and Mr. Cotton the Register &c. was a Man of Figure in this County, Register of Deeds, Clerk of the Court and afterwards Judge—an odd, ‘tho a sensible Man.
       We shall see more of the cursed Cunning of this Cushing in the Case of Dumb Tom the Pauper. It was a Trick of his. The Secresy of the Removal was a Trick and Artifice of his. And he is now about to Certiorari him into Pembroke. He was first sent into Pembroke by secret Deviltry, and now is to be sent there again by open Deviltry. But Memento—Three Judges at Barnstable were for dismissing an Appeal to them from Marthas Vinyard because the Plaintiff had accepted of a bad Plea or no Plea. They said it was the Plaintiffs fault that he had accepted such a Plea. Now in the Case of Scituate, was it not the Select Mens fault that they had gone to Tryal without a written Answer?
       A Question I shall make is, whether dumb Toms gaining a Settlement, at Tiverton or Bristol, has not annihilated his Settlement at Pembroke? No Pauper has two Settlements at once—a new settlement destroys an old one. He cant have a Settlement at Bristol and another at Pembroke at the same Time. Now is it not Scituates Duty to remove him to Bristol? But how can they?—But another Question is whether the secresy of the Removal, the Manifest Artifice and Trick, to charge Pembroke, shall not screen Pembroke? A Collusion it was. If a Woman pregnant of a Bastard Child is sent in the Night, private secretly into a Parish on Purpose that she may be delivered there, the Parish shall not be charged—for the Law will protect Parishes from such Frauds. Secresy never was more gross, nor fraud more manifest. Sent in the Night, 18 months old, by the Mother and a Negro, to a Squaws Wigwam, on purpose that it never might be suspected, but that it might be taken for an Indian. The Imposition was infinite upon the Poor Squaw.

       Spent the Evening at Mr. Hoveys, with Deacon Foster and Dr. Thomas. The Deacon was very silent. The Dr. pretty sociable.


Title: Monday Morning [18 May]
From: Adams, John
To:

       A fine Sun and Air.
       Cushing at Barnstable said to me—happy is he whom other Mens Errors, render wise.—Otis by getting into the general Court, has lost his Business.—Felix quern faciunt aliena Pericula cautum—other Mens Dangers, Errors, Miscarriages, Mistakes, Misfortunes.


Title: [May 1767]
From: Adams, John
To:

      May 16, 1767. Saturday Night.

       At Howlands in Plymouth. Returned this day from Barnstable. The Case of Cotton and Nye at Sandwich is remarkable. Cotton has been driving his Interest. This driving of an Interest, seldom succeeds. Jones of Weston, by driving his, drove it all away.—Where two Persons in a Town get into such a Quarrell, both must be very unhappy—Reproaching each other to their faces, relating facts concerning each other, to their Neighbours. These Relations are denied, repeated, misrepresented, additional and fictitious Circumstances put to them, Passions inflamed. Malice, Hatred, Envy, Pride fear, Rage, Despair, all take their Turns.
       Father and son, Uncle and Nephew, Neighbour and Neighbour, Friend and Friend are all set together by the Ears. My Clients have been the Sufferers in both these Representative Causes. The Court was fixed in the Sandwich Case. Cotton is not only a Tory but a Relation of some of the Judges, Cushing particularly. Cushing married a Cotton, Sister of Jno. Cotton, the Register of Deeds at Plymouth. Cushing was very bitter, he was not for my arguing to the Jury the Question whether the Words were Actionable or not. He interrupted me— stopped me short, snapd me up.—“Keep to the Evidence—keep to the Point—dont ramble all over the World to ecclesiastical Councils—dont misrepresent the Evidence.” This was his impartial Language. Oliver began his Speech to the Jury with—“A Disposition to slander and Defamation, is the most cursed Temper that ever the World was plagued with and I believe it is the Cause of the greatest Part of the Calamities that Mankind labour under.” This was the fair, candid, impartial Judge. They adjudged solemnly, that I should not dispute to the Jury, whether the Words were actionable or not.

   To this and the next two entries (which conclude D/JA/14) the editors have assigned specific days of the month because they were obviously written on successive days almost immediately following JA’s unsuccessful appeal in the case of Cotton v. Nye at Barnstable Superior Court. That appeal is known to have been heard on Thursday, 14 May; see note on entry of 4 April, above.

      1767 May 17 Sunday.

       At Plymouth, went to Mr. Robbins’s Meeting in the Morning, and sat with Mr. Hovey. Dined with Coll. Warren. Went to Mr. Bacons Meeting in the Afternoon and satt with Coll. Warren. Drank Tea at my Lodgings. Robbins preached upon doing the Will of God, and Bacon on Peace, and Goodwill. Judge Cushing was also at the Upper Meeting in the Morning and at the lower, in the Afternoon. Cushing has the sly, artfull, cunning—Artifice and Cunning is the reigning Characteristic in his face. The sly Sneer.—My Landlady Howland gives me a melancholly History of her Husbands Lawsuit, which lasted 20 Years, and brought him to Poverty. She says that Cushings father in Law Cotton, had an House on one Lott of Land that her Husband was Heir to in Tail, and her Husband was obliged to suffer a Common Recovery of that Lot and convey it to Cotton before Cushing would give Judgment. Saltonstall kept it 5 Years depending merely for his Opinion and Cushing many Years more. So that the Case of Roland Cotton last Week at Barnstable is not the only Case in which Cushing has at all Hazards supported the Interests of the Cotton Family. The father of Judge Cushings Wife, and Mr. Cotton the Register &c. was a Man of Figure in this County, Register of Deeds, Clerk of the Court and afterwards Judge—an odd, ‘tho a sensible Man.
       We shall see more of the cursed Cunning of this Cushing in the Case of Dumb Tom the Pauper. It was a Trick of his. The Secresy of the Removal was a Trick and Artifice of his. And he is now about to Certiorari him into Pembroke. He was first sent into Pembroke by secret Deviltry, and now is to be sent there again by open Deviltry. But Memento—Three Judges at Barnstable were for dismissing an Appeal to them from Marthas Vinyard because the Plaintiff had accepted of a bad Plea or no Plea. They said it was the Plaintiffs fault that he had accepted such a Plea. Now in the Case of Scituate, was it not the Select Mens fault that they had gone to Tryal without a written Answer?
       A Question I shall make is, whether dumb Toms gaining a Settlement, at Tiverton or Bristol, has not annihilated his Settlement at Pembroke? No Pauper has two Settlements at once—a new settlement destroys an old one. He cant have a Settlement at Bristol and another at Pembroke at the same Time. Now is it not Scituates Duty to remove him to Bristol? But how can they?—But another Question is whether the secresy of the Removal, the Manifest Artifice and Trick, to charge Pembroke, shall not screen Pembroke? A Collusion it was. If a Woman pregnant of a Bastard Child is sent in the Night, private secretly into a Parish on Purpose that she may be delivered there, the Parish shall not be charged—for the Law will protect Parishes from such Frauds. Secresy never was more gross, nor fraud more manifest. Sent in the Night, 18 months old, by the Mother and a Negro, to a Squaws Wigwam, on purpose that it never might be suspected, but that it might be taken for an Indian. The Imposition was infinite upon the Poor Squaw.

       Spent the Evening at Mr. Hoveys, with Deacon Foster and Dr. Thomas. The Deacon was very silent. The Dr. pretty sociable.

   James Warren, representative in the General Court from Plymouth and later prominent in Revolutionary politics. Warren’s wife was the former Mercy Otis, a sister of the younger James Otis and an ambitious aspirant to fame as a poet and historian. Within a few years the Adamses and the Warrens formed a very intimate circle of friends and correspondents.

      Monday Morning 18 May

       A fine Sun and Air.
       Cushing at Barnstable said to me—happy is he whom other Mens Errors, render wise.—Otis by getting into the general Court, has lost his Business.—Felix quern faciunt aliena Pericula cautum—other Mens Dangers, Errors, Miscarriages, Mistakes, Misfortunes.

   From neither the punctuation nor the substance of this paragraph is it possible to tell where Judge Cushing’s direct discourse ends, but most likely it ends here.


Title: 1768. January 30th. Saturday Night.
From: Adams, John
To:

       To what Object, are my Views directed? What is the End and Purpose of my Studies, Journeys, Labours of all Kinds of Body and Mind, of Tongue and Pen? Am I grasping at Money, or Scheming for Power? Am I planning the Illustration of my Family or the Welfare of my Country? These are great Questions. In Truth, I am tossed about so much, from Post to Pillar, that I have not Leisure and Tranquillity enough, to consider distinctly my own Views, Objects and Feelings.— I am mostly intent at present, upon collecting a Library, and I find, that a great deal of Thought, and Care, as well as Money, are necessary to assemble an ample and well chosen Assortment of Books.—But when this is done, it is only a means, an Instrument. When ever I shall have compleated my Library, my End will not be answered. Fame, Fortune, Power say some, are the Ends intended by a Library. The Service of God, Country, Clients, Fellow Men, say others. Which of these lie nearest my Heart? Self Love but serves the virtuous Mind to wake as the small Pebble stirs the Peacefull Lake, The Center Moved, a Circle straight succeeds, another still and still another spreads. Friend, Parent, Neighbour, first it does embrace, our Country next and next all human Race.
       I am certain however, that the Course I pursue will neither lead me to Fame, Fortune, Power Nor to the Service of my Friends, Clients or Country. What Plan of Reading or Reflection, or Business can be pursued by a Man, who is now at Pownalborough, then at Marthas Vineyard, next at Boston, then at Taunton, presently at Bamstable, then at Concord, now at Salem, then at Cambridge, and afterwards at Worcester. Now at Sessions, then at Pleas, now in Admiralty, now at Superiour Court, then in the Gallery of the House. What a Dissipation must this be? Is it possible to pursue a regular Train of Thinking in this desultory Life?—By no Means.— It is a Life of Here and every where, to use the Expression, that is applyed to Othello, by Desdemona’s Father. Here and there and every where, a rambling, roving, vagrant, vagabond Life. A wandering Life. At Meins Book store, at Bowes’s Shop, at Danas House, at Fitches, Otis’s office, and the Clerks office, in the Court Chamber, in the Gallery, at my own Fire, I am thinking on the same Plan.


Title: [January 1768]
From: Adams, John
To:

      1768. January 30th. Saturday Night.

       To what Object, are my Views directed? What is the End and Purpose of my Studies, Journeys, Labours of all Kinds of Body and Mind, of Tongue and Pen? Am I grasping at Money, or Scheming for Power? Am I planning the Illustration of my Family or the Welfare of my Country? These are great Questions. In Truth, I am tossed about so much, from Post to Pillar, that I have not Leisure and Tranquillity enough, to consider distinctly my own Views, Objects and Feelings.— I am mostly intent at present, upon collecting a Library, and I find, that a great deal of Thought, and Care, as well as Money, are necessary to assemble an ample and well chosen Assortment of Books.—But when this is done, it is only a means, an Instrument. When ever I shall have compleated my Library, my End will not be answered. Fame, Fortune, Power say some, are the Ends intended by a Library. The Service of God, Country, Clients, Fellow Men, say others. Which of these lie nearest my Heart? Self Love but serves the virtuous Mind to wake as the small Pebble stirs the Peacefull Lake, The Center Moved, a Circle straight succeeds, another still and still another spreads. Friend, Parent, Neighbour, first it does embrace, our Country next and next all human Race.
       I am certain however, that the Course I pursue will neither lead me to Fame, Fortune, Power Nor to the Service of my Friends, Clients or Country. What Plan of Reading or Reflection, or Business can be pursued by a Man, who is now at Pownalborough, then at Marthas Vineyard, next at Boston, then at Taunton, presently at Bamstable, then at Concord, now at Salem, then at Cambridge, and afterwards at Worcester. Now at Sessions, then at Pleas, now in Admiralty, now at Superiour Court, then in the Gallery of the House. What a Dissipation must this be? Is it possible to pursue a regular Train of Thinking in this desultory Life?—By no Means.— It is a Life of Here and every where, to use the Expression, that is applyed to Othello, by Desdemona’s Father. Here and there and every where, a rambling, roving, vagrant, vagabond Life. A wandering Life. At Meins Book store, at Bowes’s Shop, at Danas House, at Fitches, Otis’s office, and the Clerks office, in the Court Chamber, in the Gallery, at my own Fire, I am thinking on the same Plan.

   First entry in “Paper book No. 15” (our D/JA/15), a stitched gathering of leaves which, following the present entry, has a blank leaf and irregular entries from 10 Aug. 1769 to 22 Aug. 1770.

   No Diary entries have been found for the period between late May 1767 and the end of Jan. 1768. The most important event in JA’s domestic life during this interval was the birth at Braintree of a son and heir, 11 July 1767, who was, according to JA’s Autobiography, “at the request of his Grandmother Smith christened by the Name of John Quincy on the day of the Death of his Great Grandfather, John Quincy of Mount Wollaston.” After the excitements of the preceding winter, the remainder of the year 1767, at least until the arrival of the new customs commissioners in November, was comparatively quiet politically; at any rate, JA engaged in no further political activity or writing. But as a result of his growing prominence in both Braintree and Boston affairs his legal business expanded remarkably. By piecing together the evidence from his own papers and the Minute Books of the Superior Court, his itinerary during the second half of 1767 may be reconstructed as follows: in July at Plymouth Inferior Court; in August at Suffolk Superior Court; in September at Worcester Superior Court and Bristol Inferior Court; in October at Plymouth Inferior Court and Bristol and Middlesex (Cambridge) Superior Courts; in November at Middlesex (Charlestown) Inferior Court; in December at Barnstable and Plymouth Inferior Courts. Probably this is an incomplete list.


Title: Aug. 11th. 1769. Fryday.
From: Adams, John
To:

       Mr. Tudor came, for the first Time and attended the Office, all Day, and paid me £10 St.—In the Morning I went to take View of Mr. Copelys Copley’s Pictures, and afterwards to hear News of the Letters arrived in Scott. The Mystery of Iniquity, seems to be unravelled.
       Spent the Evening at Mr. Wm. Coopers, the Dr. came in and was very social. He came from a Meeting of the Overseers of the Colledge, at Cambridge, which was called to advise the Corporation to proceed to the Choice of a President.


Title: Aug. 13. Sunday.
From: Adams, John
To:

       At Mr. Quincys. Here is Solitude and Retirement. Still, calm, and serene, cool, tranquil, and peaceful. The Cell of the Hermit. Out at one Window, you see Mount Wollaston, the first Seat of our Ancestors, and beyond that Stony field Hill, covered over with Corn and fruits.
       At the other Window, an Orchard and beyond that the large Marsh called the broad Meadows. From the East Window of the opposite Chamber you see a fine Plain, covered with Corn and beyond that the whole Harbour and all the Islands. From the End Window of the East Chamber, you may see with a prospective Glass, every Ship, Sloop, Schooner, and Brigantine, that comes in, or goes out.
       Heard Mr. Wibirt, Upon Resignation and Patience under Afflictions, in Imitation of the ancient Prophets and Apostles, a Sermon calculated for my Uncles family, whose Funeral was attended last Week. In the afternoon Elizabeth Adams the Widow of Micajah Adams lately deceased was baptized, and received into full Communion with the Church. She never knew that she was not baptized in her Infancy till since her Husbands Decease, when her Aunt came from Lynn and informed her. Mr. Wibirt prayed, that the Loss of her Husband might be sanctified to her, this she bore with some firmness, but when he came to pray that the Loss might be made up to her little fatherless Children, the Tears could no longer be restrained. Then the Congregation sang an Hymn upon Submission under Afflictions to the Tune of the funeral Thought. The whole together was a moving Scene, and left scarcely a dry Eye in the House. After Meeting I went to Coll. Quincys to wait on Mr. Fisk of Salem 79 Year Old.
       This Mr. Fisk and his Sister Madam Marsh, the former born in the very Month of the Revolution under Sir Edmund Andros, and the latter 10 Years before that, made a very venerable Appearance.


Title: Monday August 14.
From: Adams, John
To:

       Dined with 350 Sons of Liberty at Robinsons, the Sign of Liberty Tree in Dorchester. We had two Tables laid in the open Field by the Barn, with between 300 and 400 Plates, and an Arning of Sail Cloth overhead, and should have spent a most agreable Day had not the Rain made some Abatement in our Pleasures. Mr. Dickinson the Farmers Brother, and Mr. Reed the Secretary of New Jersey were there, both cool, reserved and guarded all day. After Dinner was over and the Toasts drank we were diverted with Mr. Balch’s Mimickry. He gave Us, the Lawyers Head, and the Hunting of a Bitch fox. We had also the Liberty Song—that by the Farmer, and that by Dr. Church, and the whole Company joined in the Chorus. This is cultivating the Sensations of Freedom. There was a large Collection of good Company. Otis and Adams are politick, in promoting these Festivals, for they tinge the Minds of the People, they impregnate them with the sentiments of Liberty. They render the People fond of their Leaders in the Cause, and averse and bitter against all opposers.
       To the Honour of the Sons, I did not see one Person intoxicated, or near it.
       Between 4 and 5 O clock, the Carriages were all got ready and the Company rode off in Procession, Mr. Hancock first in his Charriot and another Charriot bringing up the Rear. I took my Leave of the Gentlemen and turned off for Taunton, oated at Doty’s and arrived, long after Dark, at Noices. There I put up. I should have been at Taunton if I had not turned back in the Morning from Roxbury—but I felt as if I ought not to loose this feast, as if it was my Duty to be there. I am not able to conjecture, of what Consequence it was whether I was there or not.
       Jealousies arise from little Causes, and many might suspect, that I was not hearty in the Cause, if I had been absent whereas none of them are more sincere, and stedfast than I am.