Title: From Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams to John Quincy Adams, 18 October 1804
From: Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson
To: Adams, John Quincy

Washington Octbr: 18. 1804.

Your letters Profiles & Money have arrived safe for which I return my thanks It is true I felt severely disappointed at not finding yours among them but I endeavour’d to console myself with the transporting idea of soon possessing the dear original and every regret vanished in the sweet anticipation of our approaching meeting—
I wrote you that you might possibly be at a Wedding & in the course of this Winter this is not absolutely impossible but I find my suggestion of such a circumstance occurring so soon was erronious as it is fixed for the first week in June I still leave you to guess who it is the gentleman you are not acquainted with he is a good demo & a Virginian—
The City is so much improved you will be surprized on your arrival The Theatre is almost completed it is to be played in the first three Nights of the Races which begin the thirteenth of next Month the Philadelphia Company are engaged & Bernard is to be here There are likewise two large Hotels built for the accomodation of the Members one of them is completed the other will not be finished untill next year they have be also been at work on the Capitol which has advanced considerably the President has had his House improved large drains have been made through his grounds down towards the rivers Cellars made & the large room has employed a great many hands during the Summer I thought this Room was said to be totally unnecessary and not to be finished—I believe the library is fitted up for the Representatives I am informed they will be dreadfully cramp’d as it is very small.—
General Wilkinson & his family are coming to reside in Mrs. Laws house on the Capitol Hill—
This letter will find you at New York from whence I hope you will write me what time you expect to arrive at Baltimore if you are desirous that I should not join you there tell me so and I will give up relinquish the idea I do not intend to take the Children with me should this be your wish I will thank you to purchace the Children a Hat for they neither of them have one to their heads I will thank Mrs. Smith to procure me ten Yards of White Sattin rather slight to make a dress it is less expensive in New York or Philadelphia than it is here or in Baltimore
Poor Hellen has met with a loss of two thousand Dollars by the failure of a House in George Town Mrs. H. is very well & the Baby grows prodigiously large & strong I never saw a finer Child—
I am extremely sorry to learn that your mothers health is so indifferent I hope the cold weather will restore her strength and enable her soon to enjoy the society of her family pray make my best respects & love acceptable to Col. & Mrs. Smith & believe me with the purest & tenderest affection / Your ever faithful wife
L C Adams


Title: From Thomas Boylston Adams to James Sullivan, 23 October 1804
From: Adams, Thomas Boylston
To: Sullivan, James

Gentlemen
Quincy 23d: October 1804

Having waited some time in expectation of an answer to the last proposal, which I had the honor to submit to your consideration relative to the settlement of the dispute between the proprietors of the Middlesex Canal Company & the owners of the Teel farm at Medford, I am induced once more to call the attention of the Gentlemen of the Committee to this subject. The Season is already so far advanced that the removal of the house will not easily be effected this Autumn, unless the Committee should be persuaded to give orders for an immediate commencement of the work; & my instructions are such as will preclude me from giving any attention to the subject of compensation for damages until the house is placed as remote from injury or inconvenience as it was before the Canal was cut before it.
The proposition of the Committee made some time since, to give the owners of the Teel farm an equal quantity of land in exchange for that which was taken by the Corporation—has not grown into much favor by being maturely considered. It is hoped the Committee will think of some indemnity more likely to meet acceptance.
It would be esteemed a favor, if the Committee would give a prompt attention to this business, and for my own convenience I will beg leave to suggest that a speedy answer would be very acceptable as I have now an opportunity of conferring with all the proprietors; as the agent of whom / I have the honor to be very respectfully / Gentlemen, / Your very hble Servt
T. B. Adams.


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to Thomas Jefferson, 25 October 1804
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Sir
Quincy October 25 1804

Sickness for three weeks past, has prevented my acknowledging the receipt of your Letter of Septr. 11th. when I first addrest you, I little thought of entering into a correspondence with you upon Subjects of a political nature. I will not regret it, as it has led to some elucidations and brought on some explanations, which place in a more favorable light, occurrences which had wounded me.
Having once entertained for you a Respect and esteem, founded upon the Character of an affectionate parent, a kind Master, a candid and benevolent Friend, I could not suffer different political opinions to obliterate them from my mind, and I felt the truth of the observation, that the heart is long, very long in receiving the conviction that is forced upon it by reason. it was not untill circumstances concured to place you in the light of a rewarder, and encourager of a Libeler whom you could not but detest and despise, that I withdrew the esteem I had long entertaind for you. Nor can you wonder Sir, that I should consider as a personal unkindness, the Instances I have mentiond. I am pleased to find that which respected my Son altogether unfounded. he was, as you conjecture, appointed a commissoner of Bankruptcy together with judge Daws, and continued to serve in it, with perfect satisfaction to all parties, at least I never heard the contrary, untill superseded by the appointment of others. the Idea sugested that no one was in office, and concequently no removal could take place, I cannot consider in any other light than what the Gentlemen of the Law would term a quible. as such I pass it. Judge Daws was continued, or reappointed, which placed mr Adams in a more conspicuous light as the object of personal resentment. nor could I upon this occasion refrain calling to mind, the last visit you made me at Washington when in the course of conversation, you assured me, that if it should lay in your power at any time, to serve me or my family, nothing would give you more pleasure. With respect to the office, it was a small object, but the disposition of the remover was considerd by me as the barbed arrow. this however by your declaration is withdrawn from my mind. With the public it will remain. and here Sir, may I be allowed to pause, and ask whether in your ardent desire to rectify the mistakes, and abuses as you may term them, of the former administrations, you may not be led into measures still more fatal to the constitution, and more derogatory to your honor and independence of Character? I know from the observations which I have made, that there is not a more difficult part devolves upon a chief Majestrate, nor one which Subjects him to more reproach, and censure, than the appointment to office. and all the patronage which this enviable power gives him, is but a poor compensation for the responsibility to which it Subjects him. It would be well however to weigh and consider Characters as it respects their Moral worth and integrity; he who is not true to himself, nor just to others Seeks an office for the benifit of himself, unmindfull of that of his country.
I cannot accord with you in opinion, that the constitution, ever meant to withhold from the National Government; the power of self defence, or that it could be considerd an infringement of the Liberty of the press, to punish the Licentiousness of it.
Time must determine, and posterity will judge with more candour and impartiality I hope, than the conflicing parties of our day, what measures have best promoted the happiness of the people, what raised them from a state of depression and degradation to wealth honour and reputation, what has made them affluent at home, and respected abroad, and to whom ever the tribute is due, to them may it be given.
I will not any further intrude upon your time, but close this correspondence by my wishes that you may be directed to that path which may terminate in the prosperity and happiness of the people over whom you are placed, by administring the Government with justice, and impartiality. and be assured Sir no one will more rejoice in your Success than
Abigail AdamsQuincy Nov. 19. 1804
The whole of this Correspondence was begun and conducted without my Knowledge or Suspicion. Last Evening and this Morning at the desire of Mrs Adams I read the whole. I have no remarks to make upon it at this time and in this place.
J. Adams


Title: To John Adams from John Quincy Adams, 3 November 1804
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Washington 3. Novr: 1804.

I wrote you a few lines from New-York, enclosing a copy of Commodore Morris’s Defence, for Mr: Shaw—The day after which I left that City and came on multum jactatus mare et terris—to Philadelphia in the Land Stage, and thence to Baltimore by the way of Newcastle and Frenchtown; chiefly by water—a mode of conveyance to me much more agreeable than that of a Stage Coach over the chaotic roads on this side of Philadelphia—I arrived here last Monday—the 29th.—the very day upon which I had fixed for my arrival, before I left Quincy—I should have preceded my reckoning by one day, but for a very long passage of 36 hours from French-town to Baltimore, a distance which seldom calls for more than an eight or ten hours sail—A smooth Sea, and a fair Sky, made however some compensation for the want of wind, and made the length of the voyage only tedious—I found my wife and children well—and all the family with whom we reside, also in good health—But from the State of New-York to that of Virginia inclusive, they have had in all the interior Country a Season uncommonly sickly—I pass’d a couple of hours at Philadelphia with Dr: Rush whose accounts were truly melancholy—The mortality has not been in any proportion to the universality of disease, but from the concurrent testimony of every body I have seen, possessing the means of information, the harvests have very considerably suffered, by the want of people to get them in—
As I arrived soon after the middle of the day at Philadelphia, I stop’d there, only one Night—when at the earnest invitation of my brother’s friends Mr: and Mrs: Rutter, I took the bed in their house, which he formerly occupied—They appear very much to regret his loss, and speak of him with the most cordial affection.—I called at Dennie’s lodgings, and also at the Office where the Port-Folio is published, but did not find him at either—I likewise left a letter from my brother for Mr: Ewing, at that Gentleman’s Office, but did not see him.
Since my arrival here, I have called upon the President, who had some conversation with me respecting the conduct of the British frigates on our Coast, during the course of the last Summer, and respecting, the trade of arms and Ammunition principally carried on from New-York to St: Domingo—He said nothing relative to the controversies with Spain, or to the murmurs of Louisiana.
As to the British frigates, there is no official information of that disapprobation by the British Government, upon the conduct of their Officers, which has been announced in the newspapers—Nor does it appear that the Captain of the Cambrian and Leander, or either of them have been recalled—But they have not given any recent cause of complaint; and by the letters from Mr: Monroe, the Ministry give him perfect satisfaction upon every representation made by him on the subject—The conduct of their Ships and Officers in the European Seas, is also generally such as is satisfactory to him—The disposition of the present Ministry, is also very amicable—
The trade from New-York to St: Domingo, is a subject of grievous complaint to the French Minister, who peremptorily demands that our Government should interfere to suppress it—The Blacks give such excessive prices for arms and ammunition, that several merchants in New-York have fitted out, and are still fitting out vessels to send them these Articles; in some instances they have armed the ships, in force sufficient to force their way through, in case of attack by the french privateers—Mr: Jefferson thinks, that on the return of any of these armed vessels, if they should have fought with a french privateer and killed one of her men, our Judges ought to hang every man on board the American Vessel, for Murder—He draws his inference from the Common Law Principle, that homicide committed in support of an unlawful Act is Murder—But common Law Rules should not be applied to the objects which essentially belong to the Laws of Nations—I questioned the accuracy of his argument, but asked him why the Government had not interfered, to prevent the arming of these vessels at New-York—He said the Law would not bear them out in such interference, though he admitted it had been done, at an early period of the late War—This he first said was by virtue of a temporary Law; but afterwards recollecting himself, said it had been done, without a Law, and submitted to—But that had it been contested the authority of the Government could not have been supported for the measure—Hence I conclude we shall have a Law for such an authority at the approaching Session.
I have seen General Wilkinson, who has taken a house here to reside during the Session—I imagine he waits for an Answer from you to his letter—His power to prescribe roundheads to his Officers, is denied at the War-Office, and therefore the Court-Martial on Major Butler hangs heavily upon him—Colonel Burrows is also here, and as I hear has fully and honourably settled his Accounts—But his health is very low.
I am, Dear Sir, ever affectionately and dutifully your’s.


Title: From John Adams to John Quincy Adams, 6 November 1804
From: Adams, John
To: Adams, John Quincy

My dear Sir
Quincy Nov. 6. 1804

I thank you for my Letter from N.Y and the Pamplet inclosed. Commodore Morris’s Defence contains Information which appears to be wanted by our President and all his Ministers, by his senators and Representatives, by his Officers and Men of his Navy, and by the commercial Citizens of our Country.
To be sure to protect the Commerce and Seamen in the Atlantic and Mediterranean and blockade Tripoly, all with a large ship or two is rather too hard Work for a Commodore; but enough of this.
Yesterday You met and so did We. our Town gave 85 Votes to the Fed and 21 to the Anti. Braintree gave a Majority of four to the honest Candidate. We have heard no further. Quincy gave 90 Votes to the Fed. Ticket and 27 to the opposite, making 117 Votes many more than ever were given in this town. The Choice of Rep came on in the afternoon. A number who voted in the Morning for Electors went to dinner and returned too late to vote for Rep. So that the Numbers were Smaller on both Sides.
I wish to know whether the Vice President takes his Seat.
Your Mamma is ill, but we hope better than She has been—My Love to your Wife and Children and regards to all the Family.
I miss you, beyond expression. Thomas is very good, but he is So taken up with Business of many and various kinds, that I can not have him allways of Evenings as I had you. Alass I fear I cannot have you again So Steadily another Summer. Pray write me as often as you can at least as you used to do, by inclosing any Papers of importance.
With the tenderest affection and highest Esteem / I am &c
J. Adams


Title: From John Adams to John Quincy Adams, 9 November 1804
From: Adams, John
To: Adams, John Quincy

My dear Son
Quincy Nov. 9. 1804

The Republicans have exerted their Energies, and propagated their lying Pamphlets so secretly, and with such effect as to make Federalists almost doubt their Empire in Massachusetts. They do not yet despair however: but their majority will not be so great as they expected. The Defection of the County of Essex is greater than was foreseen. The Causes of this are many, more than I know perhaps. The Name of Mr Gerry carries more Weight with it than the federalists will allow or are aware of, and Mr Sullivan is more known than any upon the List of federal Electors. He has connected his family too, with so many families who are wealthy numerous active and influential on the federal side, that a great deal of Management for him is visible enough to me. Another Thing I believe the Measures of the General Court, were not popular with numbers: The General Ticket was not relished, and some other steps had a Tendency to hazard the Union, as they imagined. It opened new prospects to them. They did not see, where they were likely to end. Mr Sullivan is reported to have made incredible Efforts on the last Circuits, and with more success than was thought in his power. He has been scolding and quarrelling with Judges and Lawyers the whole time, and the Language he has held to Grand Jurors and Witnesses and Party’s may be easily conjectured. He is and will be as memorable an Example of Ambition as Hamilton or Burr. If he has carried the Election he has merited as much of that Party, I cannot call it his party, as Mr Burr did four years ago, and they had better take him for V. P. than my old Friend Clinton.
Your Brother you know was overpersuaded by the Feds against his Inclination and Judgment as well as mine, to permit his name to be used, and the Result has been only to show, to what a degree certain Sorts of People in Norfolk are under the dominion of the Halles, and Poisardes of the town of Boston. Quincy however did him great honor and Braintree more than was expected.—On my own Account, and on his, there is reason to rejoice. The Exchange of Quincy for Eustis is a greater Thing than the Republicans imagine.—He will not be afraid to confess among his Constituents when he comes home, the real Thoughts of his head and feelings of his heart, upon public affairs which as Eustis has been, or advised and constrained to be, by his friends.
Thomas is gone to Haverhill: your Mother has been very ill and in a different state from any of her symptoms before. But she is better we hope and Dr Warren gives Us chearing hopes of her recovery. Sickness in the Family, Absence of my Sons who are all the Companions I have, with various perplexities, are Tryals: but I keep up a good heart as usual. My Love to your Family including all. My dear Boys I long to see. How does that charming little fellow George do? Tell him, I will write him a Letter as soon as he can read it.
I pity you, in your Situation: But Patience and Perseverance will carry you with honor through all Difficulties. Virtuous and Studious from your Youth, beyond any other Instance I know I have great Confidence in your Success in the service of your Country, however dark your prospects may be at present. Such Talents and such Learning as you possess, with a Character so perfectly fair and a good humour so universally acknowledged, it is impossible, you can fail, except in Conjunctures when I should think it an honor to go with you to the Guilotine. You and I have clasped each other together in our Arms, and braced our feet against the Bed boards and Bedsteads to prevent Us from being having our Brains dashed out against the Planks and Timbers of the Ship, thunders roaring over our heads and Lightenings flashing down Men upon the Deck, the Winds raging in a Hurricane, The Masts cracking, the Ship shivering trembling under Us in Agonies, every joint and plank crashing, as if the Butts must start in a moment. Twenty political storms of as much danger to the ship as this, have I weathered through, while the dastardly poltroon, Petit Maitre who now tyrannizes at our expense dared not trust his petit Maitre damask Person on the Sea, and here I am alive and hearty yet.—I am determined to write you, and will write as I please. If the Peepers violate publick Faith, and get Stung by a Wasp in the folds of the Paper, let them have the smart for their reward
I am &c
J. Adams


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Thomas Boylston Adams, 12 November 1804
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Thomas Boylston

12. Novr: 1804.

I have sent you under another cover, a copy of the President’s Message, with the documents, and the Journals of both Houses—We have hitherto done nothing, and this week being destined to horse-racing, will of course be passed in doing more nothing. This morning came a Message, with nominations for appointments; consisting only of those which have been made during the recess—The only one deserving remark is that of Mr: Monroe, as Envoy Extraordinary to Spain, in the room of Mr. Pinckney, he intending to return.
Mr: William Pinckney, the former Commissioner, associated with Messrs: Gore and Trumbull, has arrived—and the report in circulation is that he is to be appointed Attorney General, instead of Mr: Lincoln, who is to resign—For this however I do not vouch—As Mr: Wright behind me is this moment assuring his neighbour Mr: White, that there is nothing in it, and that Mr: Lincoln will not resign.
16. Novr: 1804.
The attendance upon the races has been so faithful and punctual that both Houses of Congress have scarcely been able to meet enough to adjourn, untill this day—And now on meeting we have found nothing better to do than to adjourn over untill next Monday—Next week I suppose we shall begin upon some business.
I received last Evening a letter from my father, and am grieved to hear of our dear Mother’s illness—The accounts of your Elections give great satisfaction to the Virginians.—My wife and children are well, as were Mr: Cranch’s family, when I last saw him two days ago.


Title: From John Adams to John Quincy Adams, 16 November 1804
From: Adams, John
To: Adams, John Quincy

Quincy November 16 1804

Last Night, my Dear Son, I received your kind Letter of the 3d of the Month and hold myself under great Obligations for so much information of various kinds at once. It is my determination to be a better correspondent than I was last Winter. I never explored that route through New Castle and Frenchtown but am very glad you have found it, because I believe it will Save you many an unpleasant hundred miles.—There are Some deleterious Effluvia in the American Atmosphere which produce those Epidemic Distempers every Summer, and there are Some Diabolical Miasmata, which engender political Delirium, and Spread Contagion endemically or epidemically, from one Man and one State to another. The vile Corruption has Seized and mortified Massachusetts at last. If I had been with you, and heard the Jeremiades of Dr Rush I would have congratulated him or rather complimented him upon the universal diffusion of his adored Republicanism. I presume his Soul is entranced with Raptures, upon the Conquest of Massachusetts. Yet he always outwardly execrated Democracy as much as the rankest Royalist or rather Monarchist, even Governor McKean or Mr. Morton. The President is very happy in having The Disposition of the English Ministry as well as the French Ministry very amicable. This was effected before he came in. He is not less amicable to both nor with less Sincerity. He will quarrell with neither if he can avoid it, and in this he is right. I know not however in what manner the commerce with St. Domingo can be managed. Our Merchants have the same right to trade with that Island, which the French had to trade with Us from 1776 to 1782. The Black Sovereigns are at war with France and if our Merchant Ships carry Contraband goods to them they will be liable to Seizure: if they fight with French Men of War or Privateers, to prevent a lawful Search or Seizure, I know not how they can avoid that Sentence of death to which the President thinks them liable, under the deffinition of the Crime of Pyracy if not of Murder. That Action which at common Law, and within the Body of a County would be murder, if committed on the high seas would be Pyracy. The Presidents Principle, that Homicide committed in Support of an Unlawful Act, is Murder, is just, and it is equally applicable by the Law of Nations to Actions at Sea. It is Homicide in the highest degree and Subject to the Ultimum Supplicium. There have been some doubts and controversies upon this head, in former times, in England, and a Statute was made for the Tryal and punishment of Pyracies and Murders on the high Seas, which is worth your consulting in the Statutes at large. With this law I was formerly familiar. In the Tryals of Michael Corbet and three other Sailors for killing Lt. Panton of the Rose Frygate, and in that of Ansell Nicholson for killing three or four Men in a Vessell on our Coast, but thirty odd years have effaced the Memory of Some of the details of the Statute and I have not time to look into it now. There may be a necessity of a Statute of Congress on this subject, but it ought not to be made without a very cool and circumstantial deliberation. C. J. Martials Argument in the House of Representatives upon the Case of Nash, wickedly called Jonathan Robbins, contained very lucid and accurate distinctions, which you will be gratified to read. No doubt you can find it. The C. J. would readily point out to you where you may find it. My cordial Respects to him, Judge Chace and all the other Judges, if without affectation you have any natural opportunities.
The Republican Tickett has prevailed by M a Majority of three or four or possibly five thousand. This Phenomenon, which is thought a miraculous Metamorphosis, as inexplicable as any in Ovid, is not quite so unaccountable to me. The Names on the Federal List were all good Men, but unknown in many instances. Those on the other were more conspicuous, that of Gerry had great Weight. Those of Sullivan and Bowdoin had not a little. The Universal Knowledge that all would be in vain, that they must only vote for Men to throw away their votes: that Mr. Jefferso would infallibly be chosen let them choose whom they would, had also a great Effect. A confused Suspicion that certain Gentlemen were not enough attached to the Union and were pursuing some measures the End of which they could not See, but feared they had a tendency to division was another cause. But the great Cause of all is this. Man is a Social Animal and his Passions, Feelings and Imaginations are contagious. Popularity and Unpopularity are as catching as the Small Pox or Measles. They are taken by a whole Congregation by from a Cough in a Church. They are Tides that ebb and flow. They are Gales of Wind that blow down the Stoutest Oaks. Connecticutt will stand alone, unless she should be accompanied by Delaware. Whether our State Government is to be revolutionized in the Spring, whether Mr. Strong will be considered a Candidate, or whether he will be turned out, or whether he will still carry the Election I know not. We are all well but your Mother and she is better. My Love to your Wife and Children and the whole family. Your Conversation is my great delight when I can have it: and I am determined to have as much of it as I can get by writing to you.
J. Adams


Title: From Thomas Boylston Adams to John Quincy Adams, 17 November 1804
From: Adams, Thomas Boylston
To: Adams, John Quincy

Quincy 17th. November 1804

I received to day your favor of the 7th: inst: covering the journal & Speech not spoken—since which I have had no time to read either—Parson Bentley’s promotion is to me by no means unaccountable—I heard something, by going to Salem so often last winter—If you like to hear a very familiar conversation between a frail mortal and infinite wisdom, listen to the prayers of this “no God or twenty Gods” parson.
Mother continues better—I am going tomorrow morning to stand Godfather to Whitcombs first born Son—Mrs: W—— says I promised her four years ago—So, I suppose it was so—
Yours—

PS. I dont know the Child’s name—Ichabod or Anthony, or some such, I suppose—


Title: To John Adams from John Quincy Adams, 19 November 1804
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir.
Washington. 19. Novr: 1804.

I have received your kind favour of the 6th: instt: and shall be careful to enclose the more important documents which may be printed from Time to Time—
I hope my dear Mother has ere this entirely recovered from her illness. I had a letter from Mr: Shaw, one day later than your’s, in which he gives me a yet more flattering hope of her being on the recovery.
Although the more my brother’s business will increase and multiply, the less you will probably have of his Company, yet the business itself will carry its justification along with it.—I have enjoyed great satisfaction in being indulged with a residence under your roof during the last Summer, and have only to hope that a stiffness of temper, which I have not always enough under controul, has not borne the appearance at times of a departure from that affection and respect which my duty cannot more forcibly enjoin than my heart is ever willing to pay.—I hope the next Summer, to be if not so immediately with you, to be near enough to enjoy frequently the pleasure of your Company.
I have heretofore requested you, if you could find it consistent with your leisure, to commit to writing, an account of the principal incidents of your own life—And I now venture to renew that request—It would afford a lasting and cordial gratification to your children, and I have no doubt, be ultimately a benefit to your Country—It might also amuse many hours which otherwise may pass heavily; and be taken up or laid down in such a manner as not to be disagreeably toilsome.
I am Dear Sir—Ever affectionately & dutifully your’s.
John Q. Adams


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Thomas Boylston Adams, 19 November 1804
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Thomas Boylston

19. Novr: 1804.

Under another cover, I enclose to you the documents laid on our table this morning—
I have not yet had a line from you; but received a letter a few days since from your father, and one since from Shaw—The issue of your elections for the electoral Ticket, appears to be ascertained—and shows that the federalists will be relieved from the embarrassment of fixing upon their Candidate—It is expedient to bear this reverse of the popular wind, with as much coolness and philosophy as possible—To be patient, and still hope for better Times; knowing that they seldom can grow better, untill they have been at the worst.
This morning we received a nomination of James Bowdoin, of Massachusetts, to be Minister Plenipotentiary to the Court of Madrid; and G. W. Erving Secretary of Legation—
The deputies from New-Orleans, I am informed, arrived last Evening—as did also the new French Minister General Thuriot.
Mr: Bayard is elected Senator for the State of Delaware in the room of Mr: Wells, resigned—But it is only for the present Session—I suppose however there will be no doubt of his election for the ensuing six years.
21. Novr:
I have kept my letter untill this time in hopes of having something further to tell you of news, but without success.
The issue of the vote for the electoral Ticket in Massachusetts, was somewhat unexpected to me, and of course not very agreeable—In itself however I do not think it much to be regretted—There are indeed reasons, which reconcile it much to my mind—But it opens a prospect for the elections of the next Spring, which are very unpromising; and prepares the triumph in Massachusetts, of a party whose designs are pernicious, and whose honesty is worse than equivocal—It would however be weakness to expect that we should long have a Government so popular, without suffering the evils of all popular dominion—We must be thankful to have preserved a tolerable share of our rights hitherto, and hope for events which may restore a juster tone to the opinions of the people.
As far as respects your own election the issue was anticipated by us all. I hope however that it will have on your mind the effect of a stimulus and not of discouragement. It has held up your name to the public, in a respectable manner, and it will be your own Province to prevent its being forgotten—Remember that listlessness will never have any effect at all: make yourself known as much as possible, and do not despise the cause of the public so much as to leave it in the lurch—Do not suffer your temper to be soured, with the want of present success—There is more merit in bearing up against depression, and keeping a placid and chearful heart in ill-fortune; than in commanding all the votes in the world—In recommending these reflections to you, I am sensible they are equally necessary to myself.
We are still piddling with trifles and waiting for serious business from the House of Representatives.—I hope some time or other to get a sight of your hand-writing again—
Your’s truly.


Title: From Josiah, III Quincy to John Quincy Adams, 23 November 1804
From: Quincy, Josiah, III
To: Adams, John Quincy

Dear Sir,
Boston. 23. Nov. 1804.

I am duly sensible of your polite attention in your letter of the 13. Inst. and its inclosure. It is doing me a very acceptable and important service, to provide me, as you propose, with the documents of the expiring Congress and will lay me under many obligations. Should any of them be too voluminous for your franking power to cover you need not hesitate to inclose them, on that account, by the mail. This, or any other expense, I shall be happy, and shall insist upon reimbursing to you. I wish, also, to become a subscriber to one of the Washington papers, either Smiths, or the Federalist. I incline to that, which will give me the best views of the government rules and plans of proceeding, and the justest transcript of Congressional debates. I think, you told me, when at Quincy, that the former was most celebrated on both these accounts. I will thank you, for that, which with these ends, you judge will best answer my purposes, and direct it to be inclosed to me from the first of January. If payment in advance be necessary you will be kind enough to do me that favour;—I suppose however they will wait untill I come to Washington for their money.
You have heard before this time of the headlong course of old Massachusetts. She has fallen like Entellus—ultro  Ipse gravis graviter que ad terram pondere vasto concidit.
God grant, that, like this pious and nervous hero, she may rise with renewed vigour from her prostrate state.
At non tardatus casu, neque territus heros
Acrior ad pugnam redit, ac uim suscitat ira
Tum pudor incendit vires et conscia virtus.—
It is more, however, than I expect. I fear that the evil has a deeper root than federalists are willing to allow. Undoubtedly the unworthy means to which their adversaries have condescended on the late election have effected a material, and I cannot but apprehend, more than a temporary effect upon the mass of the people. Men, who hesitate at every thing contend at unequal odds with men, who stick at nothing. A degree of organization has been effected in the opposite party unexampled, I suspect, in this country, since the revolutionary committees of 1776. It cannot be denied that they are themselves surprized, not less than we, at the success of their own measures. It is easy to point out causes of defeat after the day is lost. And accordingly men are accusing one another and condemning particular measures, to which either the fault is not attributable, or if it be is certainly their connexion with the disaster could not have been foreseen. There is, however, certainly this consolation, if the loss be owing to the indifference or inactivity of our party, it could not have happened on a more innocent occasion, as success could not have changed the result. And it may give such a spring to our exertions as the security resulting from our uninterrupted majorities made necessary. If on the other hand this be, in truth precursor of a change in our affairs and our state politics, which the moral and intellectual condition of the people renders inevitable, I know not why we should wish to postpone a struggle which will probably be more terrible, in proportion to the advanced situation of the country, with respect to numbers, riches and power. Such thoughts, I trust, are the dreams of despondence. I yet believe in the Stamina of the New England Constitution, which a sudden fever in the blood may seize, but cannot finally dissolve.
I see Dr. Mitchell is admitted of your Senatorial fraternity. How lucky it is that you were elevated to the dignity of member of the Society for the Study of  Nat: Phil. in Boston. You will doubtless hold now with advantage discussions with the great man on Septon and Arote; and hear him explode his political Gas, which, according to the saying of the wit on the scientific, will be nothing less than beholding him with great ostentation “pouring nothing, out of nothing, with especial care to spill nothing—
Remember me very respectfully to Mrs. Adams and believe me with great respect / yr most obedt Sert.
Josiah Quincy


Title: From John Quincy Adams to William Smith Shaw, 26 November 1804
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Shaw, William Smith

Dear Sir.
Washington 26. Novr: 1804.

I have received both your letters, and to supply the demand from Mr: Briesler, now enclose a check on the Branch Bank, for $45. In paying it I wish you to tell Mr: Briesler, that I hope to have no more charges of expence upon the farm, exceeding his estimates by more than double. As to the new assessment on the Middlesex Canal, they must wait for the payment of that, untill I come home—In sending you the enclosed check I take it for granted you have received Mr: Gurley’s Rent and deposited it in the Bank—Otherwise I should not have funds in the Bank to answer it.—I will endeavour to obtain the volumes you want of the Journals of the old Congress, but you must send me some authority, by force of which I may claim them, for of late all documents are withheld from us, with so close a hand, that we are scarce able to get those to which we are indisputably entitledThey will therefore certainly not give me the volumes without proof of the Speaker’s order, and that Loring did not receive them.
The bearers at Forbes’s funeral must have considered themselves honoured by the functions they were performing—
Your’s affectionately,
J. Q. Adams


Title: From Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams to Abigail Smith Adams, 27 November 1804
From: Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

Washington Novbr. 27th. 1804

I have delayed writing dear Madam longer than I intended, in the hope of giving you a more favorable account of Mr. Adams’s health, which has been extremely indifferent ever since his arrival. I was much surprized and grieved to see him look so ill when he return’d I thank God he is now better though I am apprehensive while he continues in public life there is little chance of his enjoying perfect health owing to the extreme anxiety of his mind, in the present unprosperous and unpleasant situation of affairs. Nothing surely can be more irksome than such a situation as he now fills, devoted as he is to his Country, and feeling how impossible it is to render her any essential service, but obliged to witness the evils which it is utterly out of his power to prevent, and which hourly spread from one end of the Union to the other It grieves me to see him sacrificing the best years of his life in so painful and unprofitable a way it would however cause me infinite pain to see him give it up his talents are so superior and he is so perfectly calculated for the station in which he is placed his manners are so perfectly pleasing and conciliating and his understanding is so refined even his enemies envy and admire him you dear Madam who feel this as sensibly as myself will be able to reconcile these seeming contradictions and excuse my sometimes regreting he ever quitted Boston and a profession to which he was an honor—
Mr. A. recieved a letter from his father which gave us the most more pleasing accounts of your health than we have had for sometime I offer my prayers to heaven for your perfect restoration and hope shortly to hear from yourself of your compleat recovery—
Accept my thanks for the things you were so good to send to me and the Children who are very well Georege grows a fine stout Boy and goes to School every day The family desire to be respectfully remember’d to the President Your Son and Louisa Smith as does d / Dear Madam Your / Affectionate daughter
L.


Title: From John Adams to John Quincy Adams, 30 November 1804
From: Adams, John
To: Adams, John Quincy

My dear Son
Quincy Nov. 30. 1804

In your Letter of the 19th, which I have received with its Inclosures, you mention a Letter of the Sixth received from me but take no notice of an other, whose date as I take no Copies I cant remember. I have written you, two before this.
Your Mother is much better, and now lives with us but is so zealous about the affairs of the Family that I am almost as anxious for her, as when she was confined.
The Stiffness of temper you mention, never appeared to me, more than was honest and justifiable, excepting as Dr. Swift excepted. “If the World had a dozen Arbuthnots, I would burn my travels: but even he has his fault: an ugly Slouch in his gate.” thats all—
You request me to commit to Writing, the principal Incidents of my Life...Alass! Alass! Alass! What can I say? I can recollect no part of my political Life, without pain. Every Scene of it presents so much Jealousy Envy, treachery, Perfidy Malice without cause or provocation and revenge without Injury or Offence, which forever Surrounded me, that I cannot look back upon it without a kind of Scepticism in my own memory and a doubt whether I should be believed even by my own Children. You may depend on this, I am a Man more Sinn’d against than sinning.”—
The Memoirs of Sully have ever been to me a melancholly Book. They are, as they are given to us, by posthumous Compilers from a mountain of Rubbish, the description of an honest Man running the Gauntlet through all the ranks of Society. I dare to compare myself to him in this particular, and to affirm that I have seen and felt more of its pains than he did: with this infinite difference, that he served a Master, whose Understanding and Justice protected and rewarded him and I have served one who neither knew my services nor cared for me, after they were secured.— If I should write the Truth and the whole Truth and nothing but the Truth, like a faithful Witness, I should be believed by very few, and must reveal to posterity the Weaknesses of many great Men, whose Intentions were generally upright, and whose Characters ought to be esteemed and even revered by Posterity. My Work would be called an Hymn to Vanity. It would be one continued rapture of Vanity from one End to the other.—Do not suspect from this that I am a Pharisee, thanking God that I am not like other Men. No I am the Publican praying God to be mercifull to me a Sinner. I have fallen far short of my Duty in my own Judgment as well as in the Sight of God. But among Men, where is the Man, whom I have injured? I know him not.
Yesterday was our Thanksgiving. Thomas is gone to Haverhill. Brother Cranch and his Family dined with us. Mr Whitney gave Us a Solemn & vehement discourse upon the times. The late monstrous conduct of the People has spread a gloom, but far from intimidating our Pastor it appears to have aroused him.
This the thirtieth of November, to recollect a Jingle of Edmund Jennings, We should do well to remember. The Preliminaries of Peace in 1782 were signed on this day, and many valuable millions of Land obtained without fifteen millions of Dollars, or a breach of the Constitution.
I promise myself much pleasure next Summer, in the Society of my Children. I hope Politicks will not be So dark and As to destroy all Comfort. New England appears to me, like a Knight on Horseback in full Armour placed on the Pinnacle of a Monument or Steeple in the posture of full Gallop. With Love to all I am / affectionately
J. Adams


Title: To John Adams from John Quincy Adams, November 1804
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, John

My dear Sir
Washington. ca. November 1804

I have been happy to receive your obliging favour of the 14th: instt: and am much obliged to you for your opinions respecting the points of maritime Law, which require our attention at this Time—A coincidence of your opinion with that of the President of the United States, would be more than enough to stagger me in any point upon which I should have formed a different one—It makes me therefore peculiarly mistrust that which I entertain on this subject—The President’s position was that our Judges, ought to hang American Citizens, who should have committed homicide, in resisting the execution of French Revenue Laws in the West-Indies. And he gave to support his reasoning, the common Law Principle, that homicide committed in support of an unlawful Act, is murder—In this opinion you say he was right—I can only reply what I replied to him—That I had always considered it as a settled maxim that No Nation takes Notice of the Revenue, or Colonial Laws of another Nation—And therefore that our Judges could not hang Americans in the case he put, for homicide in support of Acts, which to our Judges were not unlawful—I have however even believed, that in these cases of contraband, unless the french Judges should violate the universal usage of Nations, they themselves, could not hang our people for homicide in such a case—either as murder, or as piracy. It is an act Sui-generis—forcing a contraband trade by foreign subjects—And persons taken even after fighting and killing, to force their way, in such cases are punishable, neither for Murder nor Piracy but for supporting contraband by violence—I know very well that such transactions have sometimes produced Wars between Nations—But I never yet heard of an instance, in which the Common Law maxim that homicide in support of trespass, was murder, has ever been adopted into the Laws of Nations as relating to forcible contraband trade by foreign subjects. There appears to me to be very cogent reasons why the principle ought not to apply; and as far as my recollection serves, it is in practice never made to apply—It may perhaps resemble that stipulation in almost all the commercial Treaties, that if a subject of either party shall take a Commission against the other from a third power, and be taken he shall be punished as a Pirate—Now Pirates as you justly observe are punished with Death—And yet I have always understood that by the universal usage of Nations, that offence by positive Stipulation made punishable like Piracy, is not punishable with Death.—I have consulted the British Statutes which you mention respecting the Trial and punishment of Piracy, but they do not seem to me at all to settle the question—For in all instances where they speak specifically, they mention hostilities by British Subjects, against other British Subjects—seeming in some sort thereby to make the distinction between them and foreigners, for which I contend—Besides, none of these Statutes seem to contemplate cases of forcible contraband; nor do I find any thing in the books holding this up as Piracy. I shall be very glad to read over again Judge Marshall’s Speech in the House of Representatives, on the case of the Pirate and Murderer Nash—I recollect it perfectly well; having read it with much pleasure as published, at the time when it was delivered—But this case stands again on different grounds—I have no doubt as to the nature of Nash’s Offence—
It is indeed very apparent that popularity, bears a strong resemblance to the itch, by its contagion, and the President who has himself enough of the itch of popularity may congratulate himself upon its wide-spread in Massachusetts.—I consider the revolution there as completed, and that in the Spring both our Executive & Legislature will pass into other hands and other principles.—What the new principles will be, may be inferred from the character of the future Chief-Magistrate, and the experience we have had of the consequences attending similar changes in the other States—Their tendency will be to corrupt public opinions, and to introduce much injustice and oppression. But the national prosperity appears to be very little affected by all these party overthrows—It is in the Season of the Harvest, that the pernicious effects of the weeds sow’d in Spring are felt.
We have hitherto done here nothing, or next to nothing—But such idleness is better than the activity which will probably succeed—There are three deputies from New-Orleans arrived, but they have not yet presented their remonstrance—I have read a french pamphlet published in that Country, containing a detail of their grievances, and our Sovereigns here begin to think that forcing laws upon a People in a language of which they are ignorant, and sending them Officers who can neither understand them nor be understood by them, is a little incongruous, for the most enlightened People upon Earth—My expectation is that the system to be adopted, will pass from one extreme to the other, and that the next step will be to admit them by Act of Congress, into the Union, as a State, and empower them to make their own Constitution—There is a probability favourable to any plan, other than that which appears the right one, to your faithful & affectionate

J. Q. Adams.


Title: From John Adams to John Quincy Adams, 2 December 1804
From: Adams, John
To: Adams, John Quincy

No. 4.
Dear Sir
Quincy December 2d. 1804

I am glad to know by your favour of the 23d of November, that you have received two Letters from me, since which I have written a third and this is No. 4. As I keep no Copies, you must either burn them or keep them very carefully to yourself. I will Number them, that We may know whether all are received.
Whatever Reflections or Opinions you may receive from me, you will consider them as hazarded by a private Citizen, entirely out of the Secrets of State and of every Party, and what is more disadvantageous, probably having lost many Links in the Chain of publick Events. You ought to consider them as having no Authority, and indeed as mere hints rather than as advice.
That “the issue of the late Election in Mass. was not so unexpected at Washington as at Boston and Quincy, I can easily believe. Franklin was the first and Hamilton, who took it from him was the last, who to my Knowledge, ever charged me, in any part of my Life, with Jealousy of Temper. On the contrary I have been considered as the most Simple frank and open man alive, in many instances even to Madness and to folly. I have had experience enough however to have taught me the Duty and Necessity of Jealousy, if my nature had been capable of learning The Lesson in earlier Life. Without recurring however to the Duty or the Virtue of Jealousy which the Republicans sometimes avow with so much ostentation, let me ask any Man, who knows any thing of the History of France, and of that System of golden Corruption which she has practiced in Poland, Sweden, Italy Switzerland, and indeed in every Country of Europe, under the Royal Government as well as the Republican, whether it is possible to believe that she has not practiced the same Art in America that She is known to have relied on in all Europe. She Understands Democracy, better than any of our Democrats—She knows Aristocracy better than most Aristocrats. She is more familiar with Monarchy than any other Monarchists in Europe: and She can manage Despots better than the Grand Senior. She has not probably given Gold or Silver, or paper or bank Bills, to many if to any Voters, directly to bribe their Suffrages. She is too great an OEconomist for this. But in hiring Emissaries to travel about the Country, to insinuate themselves into every Obscure Dram Shop and Work Shop to propagate Lies and Slanders: to hire Freneaus, Markoes, Andrew Browns, Loyds, Callenders, Duanes, Cheethams, Woods, Smiths Anthony Pasquins, Tom Paines, cum multis Aliis, to blacken and abuse, in paying for volumes of their Libells and propagating them even under Franks by the Post to every corner of the Union I have no doubt she has been as active and as Successfull as She ever was in Sweden or Poland. I do therefore Suspect that more of this System was practised and more of it known at Washington than in Boston, even to` the miserable Puppits the Democrats themselves., Strange, unknown, mysterious Persons have been running about the State of Massachusetts, for Eight Years past, offering themselves as Schoolmasters and even as Labourers by the Month or by the day, and preaching Republicanism extolling Jefferson, and clamouring down the Federalists and the Federal Administrations. With a French Minister Genet, married to a Daughter of a Governor of New York and a Spanish Minister Yrujo married to a Daughter of the Governor of Pensylvania, and a Brother of the Emperor married to a Lady of Baltimore, let any Man believe if he can that French Policy is asleep in this Country, or that it does not practise the Arts and Corruptions which it has practised for Centuries in every other Country. Perhaps the Democrats may say The English do the same...I believe they have hitherto been afraid to attempt it. Macdonald, Bill Smith, Cobbet, and J. Ward Fenno Seemed once to have commenced Such a Scheme: but they met with so ill Success, that they were soon Scattered.
The Bill you sent me suggests many Reflections. It betrays apprehensions of Smuggling and a desire to imploy Soldiers to Suppress it. We know what the Militia is, to protect Custom House officers. They have been among the Rioters when their officers were called to march to Suppress them. I dread the effects of the System of laying all Burthens on trade. It has a Tendency to destroy that unanimous Spirit of Obedience to the Revenue Laws which has heretofore prevailed,—It ought to be well considered whether this Bill is consistent with the Law of Nations and with our Treaties. But I must conclude
J. Adams


Title: From Abigail Amelia Adams Smith to Abigail Smith Adams, 3 December 1804
From: Smith, Abigail Amelia Adams
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

My dear mother:
New-York, Dec. 3d, 1804.

Your two letters of November I have received, and am rejoiced to find that you recover strength. I have suffered a great deal of anxiety of mind upon account of your indisposition. At times I feel as if I could fly almost to see you, and be with you. When I lose you, this world will appear to me a desert.
I do not complain, but my mind has suffered much; perhaps I am too prone to anticipate evil: I shall do what appears to me to be my duty, and hope in every situation to find support and consolation, that temporal things can neither give or take away.
We have all some failings; none of us are perfect; and let us cultivate a little candour in judging of others. I have never found that those who were most disposed to condemn the follies of others, were the most perfect themselves.
I cannot flatter the vanity of any one, even to gain their good opinion. I hate the little tittle tattle that lays the foundation of dissensions and differences. Half the people in the world have nothing to say, if they did not meddle with the affairs of others, and animadvert upon them. I can say with Hamlet—
“How weary, stale, flat, and unprofitable,
Appear to me all the uses of this world:
‘Tis an unweeded garden, things rank
And stale in nature possess it merely.”
Yours, affectionately,
A. Smith.


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Abigail Smith Adams, 3 December 1804
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

My dear Mother.
Washington 3. Decr: 1804.

I received some days since your kind letter of the 11th: of last month, and was delighted to find you had so far recovered as to be able to write—Since then I have been informed by my brother and Mr: Shaw, that your health continued improving and I sincerely pray to the great disposer of Events that it may be entirely restored and long continued, for your own comfort and the happiness of us all. Your advice as it always has had, will ever retain the greatest weight on my mind; though I read several of those letters from Lord Chatham to his nephew, as they were published in the Port. Folio, I have no particular recollection of what was contained in the 5th: nor am I sure to have seen it—Here, it is not within my reach; but whenever I shall have an opportunity to peruse it, your recommendation will give it a high value in my esteem, and I shall meditate it with more than ordinary attention.
My wife and children I thank Heaven, are well—though I cannot say the same of myself—I have had a long and severe cold since my arrival here, and am yet far from hearty—How much of it is of the nature which requires ministering to a mind diseas’d, I am scarcely able to say—But whatever the body or the mind may suffer, I have and hope ever to have a support in my own heart, which will never yield to despondency—It is pleasing to prosper—But there is so little real prosperity in the world, and it so tends to corruption, that, in the worst event that can befall, honest intentions can never want for consolation.
Congress have now been a month in Session, and have yet done scarcely anything—But they are about to begin on serious business—The Articles of Impeachment against Judge Chase, are under debate in the House of Representatives, and they have some important bills before them.
Mr: Pickering this day gave notice that he should ask leave to-morrow to bring in a Resolution for amending the Constitution conformably to our  Instructions from the Legislature—This subject will very soon be disposed of  but it is a speck, deeper in the flesh, than from its present treatment may be thought.
Mr: Cranch and his family were well a few days ago—though he has lately had a slight attack of intermittent fever—This they think here nothing of.
The City has hitherto been unusually dull—And very little Society—The foreign Ministers have all been absent, and the new comer from the Imperial Court of France has scarcely got into his house—He is to display great Magnificence according to report.
Ever faithfully your’s
 J. Q. Adams


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Josiah, III Quincy, 4 December 1804
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Quincy, Josiah, III

Dear Sir:—
Washington City, 4th December, 1804.

I received your favor of the 23d instant the evening before last, and am happy to find you enjoying so good spirits amid the discomfiture of honest principles which has occurred in our old parent Massachusetts. This event, though altogether unexpected to me, is easily accounted for after it has happened. I do not, however, impute it to the measures adopted by the Legislature at their summer session. All I can believe on that subject is, that those measures were not adequate to produce the good effects intended by them. They were good medicines rendered ineffectual by the patient’s habit of body. The Causes which have produced the revolution in the politics of Massachusetts are many,—more than I have time to detail. But above all,—more than any Federalist I have seen or heard is willing to allow,—the want of union, and consequently of zeal among themselves, is among the most potent of these causes, though of this we hear little or nothing. The Federalists differ among themselves upon many fundamental points to such a degree that they cannot act with the vigor which concert always produces. Many of them are too much devoted to personal and selfish views to make any sacrifice to party purposes. Such men never can be of much use, and yet they are always heavy burdens upon the party with which they are associated. In the days of Cato and Cæsar, the men who had no affections but for their gardens and their statues and their palaces were destined to be vanquished, and were so. Our situation has many points of resemblance with that, and, though with much milder symptoms, we shall find the same virtues and vices characterize both the rival parties. Besides all this, the influence of Federalism must sink before the increasing popularity of Mr. Jefferson and his administration,—a popularity founded on the prosperity of the nation, which his blunders have not been able to counteract, and of which he has all the credit.  The mischiefs of which his immoderate thirst for that popularity are laying the foundation, are not immediately perceived; their effects are not yet felt, and probably will not be felt during his life. His political persecutions, as they oppress only individuals, are not interesting to the mass of the people, and during the four years of his Presidency Fortune has taken a pleasure in making his greatest weaknesses and follies issue more successfully than if he had been inspired with the profoundest wisdom. How long this state of things will last, it is only in the hands of Providence to decide; but while it does last, the Federalists must count upon being in a minority, and as the majority consists of men of violent temper and malignant passions, this minority will be as much persecuted and oppressed, as they will dare, and as the people will countenance them in. From this view of things I lament the change in Massachusetts, because it opens prospects of injustice and of corruption, the extent of which cannot easily be foreseen. But I lament it, as I lament the ravages of an earthquake or a hurricane,—as an evil which human wisdom cannot avert, and which Heaven doubtless intends for wise though inscrutable purposes. In saying this I do not intend to express anything like despair of the public weal.  There is but one set of principles which appear to me applicable to all times and to all places,—to success or defeat,—to public or private life. In the steady pursuit of those principles, the rise and fall of parties or of nations ought no more to affect us, when we are ourselves involved in the issue, than when they are mere objects of philosophical contemplation. I have no doubt but that, sooner or later, new divisions of parties and new objects of public interest will occur, upon which we may expect to share more of the public favor in continued efforts for the public interest.
I shall subscribe for you, according to your wish, to the National Intelligencer, which is something more than demi-official,—which contains the most important of the public documents, and the most accurate reports of the debates in the House of Representatives. Its candor and its falsehoods are moreover so perfectly characteristic of the system it supports, that an indifferent person of tolerable penetration might take the measure of our administration, heart and head, from this paper, as accurately as a profile may be taken by physiognotrace.
I have scarcely room to say how much I am yours,
J. Q. Adams


Title: From John Adams to John Quincy Adams, 6 December 1804
From: Adams, John
To: Adams, John Quincy

Dear Sir
Quincy December 6. 1804.

In your Letter of the 26 of November, to your Brother, you express a “Wish that I could See the course of Things with more indifference.” But this is impossible. The Habits of a whole Life of Man, are not to be changed without difficulty. While Life and Breath and being last, I shall love my Country: and neither the Interests of Posterity nor the Happiness of the present Generation, can ever be indifferent to me. I love the People of America: there is not one of their present favourites who loves them more. I believe them incapable of ingratitude. They may be and often are deceived and it is the Duty of those who love them, and have information and Capacity for it to undeceive them. I Should be unhappy indeed, if I could feel less than I do for the Public. I Should despise myself. I Should no longer be one of those, whom Montesquieu somewhere describes as Man “capable de S’estimer beaucoup.” Knowing however, that I can do nothing, to Serve the Public, and having nothing with which to reproach myself, I can Submit to the course of Things with as little disturbance to my “tranquility of Mind” as I ought.—I know that nothing remains between me and my Grave but my Plough, and I can contemplate this Prospect, not only with indifference but pleasure. You have recommended to me, a Work, which instead of increasing my indifference to public affairs, would engage my feelings and enflame my Passions. In many Passages it would set me on fire and I should have occasion for a Bucket of Water constantly by my side to put it out.
You think that “henceforth, public affairs will never affect me, but unpleasantly.” I am not of this opinion. On the contrary, I expect, old as I am, to live to see the time when New York and Pensilvania, will See their Error, and Maryland too and New England unanimously almost. Indeed public affairs at present do not affect me So unpleasantly as you imagine. I regret the daring freedoms which have been practised on the constitution: I regret the Tryumph of Ambition over public Virtue: I regret the impudent front of Vice and Crime, which Shews itself So openly. But the general Conduct of public affairs is not to me So very terrible. Jefferson has borrowed from me a Doctrine which I first taught in Congress in 1775 and 1776, a Doctrine which I preached to Washington I always advocated with Franklin and Jay in France, as you will See by my Letter Books in part a Doctrine which  I preached in Season and out of Season to Washington during his whole Administration, and with more Zeal and fervor than ever before his proclamation of Neutrality, a Doctrine which I pursued with undeviating Inflexibility, through the whole of my own Administration, at the Expense of the Enmity of the whole Hamiltonian Faction through the Continent, and at the Expence of the Friendship of at least three of my own ministers of State, the doctrine I mean is to do Justice to all Nations, to have alliances with none without necessity. I established Peace with France and England in Such a manner that it was almost impossible for my Successor to break it, and Jefferson has professed and for what I know practised accordingly. I have no reason therefore to be much distressed on account of foreign affairs, and in these lie our greatest dangers. The War in the Mediterranean has not been conducted as I Should have conducted it, but it may be as well. The Substitution of Messages for Speeches, and of dinners every day for a dozen instead of twice a Week for a larger number, and twenty other little Sacrifices to a very vulgar popularity, particularly the Suppression of Levees, are mere Trifles, which give me neither pleasure nor pain. The Errors in the Administration of the Interior are of no very dangerous or lasting evil. I regret not the repeal of the Alien or Sedition Law, which were never favorites with me though I think naturalization is made too easy.—I rejoice that the 8 Per Cent Loan is unpopular, I always detested it and permitted it with great regret, to avoid quarrelling with my Minister, as much as I could: but I am now very Sorry I did not forbid it, and take the consequences on myself in this as I was compelled to do, in So many other Things. The irreligion the Immorality and the Venality which are creeping in and gaining ground, I attribute to French Intrigue, and Mr Pinkney or Mr King or Mr Jay or Mr Elsworth could not wholly prevent it. Perhaps the People would not be upon their guard against it So much, under them as under Mr Jefferson. The Partiality to the landed Interest at the Expence of the mercantile, which is very visible, will cure itself, I hope. If not, the Prosperity of the Country will not advance so rapidly, if it should not decline. The Cashiering of public officers, will be a precedent for future Administrations, which will be always producing Some ill blood. The public Rewards bestowed on Duane, Callender, Lion, Brown and others, will also be precedents and I expect that Rival Factions will hereafter make Use of Newspaper Editors as their the principal Instruments of their Ambition. I take it for granted that public Virtue is no longer to rule: but Ambition is to govern the Country. In this respect I am bold to Say, call it Vanity or what you will, that Washington and Adams were the Ultimi Americanorum. All We can hope for hereafter is that We may be governed by honourable, not criminal Ambition. As there does not in experience appear to be in our Constitution, any Mediating Power capable of uniting or controlling Rival Factions, and maintaining a ballance between them our Government must forever be a kind of War of about one half the People against the other. The early introduction of Impeachments is an allarming Symptom of the Spirit of Faction. They are necessary in the Constitution: but they are So disagreable that they have Scarcely ever been resorted to by the genuine Spirit of Liberty and in England almost always by the Spirit of Faction. I think they Should never be used but in case of Corruption, never for mere Error of Judgment. I Shall fatigue and disgust you with my Letters, if I go on.
J. Adams


Title: From Thomas Boylston Adams to John Quincy Adams, 6 December 1804
From: Adams, Thomas Boylston
To: Adams, John Quincy

Quincy. 6 December 1804

Your letter of the 26th: is So copiously answered that I shall reserve my fire for a future occasion, when I hope to be better able to write than I am now. I have been seized furiously by the Nose within a few days, by a fretful & provoking tumour, which has made me fell more indisposed than I have for a twelvemonth. It has distorted my face rather unluckily, just at this time, & moreover so swoln my upper lip as to make it unfit for exercise—This is the unkindest cut of all.
My Mother is, for her, quite cleverly—
Your’s


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to John Quincy Adams, 7 December 1804
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Adams, John Quincy

My dear Son
Quincy december 7th 1804

You have been so good in writing to your Father and Brother that I ought not to complain that you have not particularly addrest a Letter to me, tho I wanted to know how George was grown, and whether he rememberd you and what he had to say to you. John I think you told me was quite different in his temper and disposition, more sturdy and harder to manage. these are subjects much more interesting to me than the politicks of the present day. As we have no rewards to expect for services renderd, we have not any dissapointments to endure. I have Often heard that prosperity & success is more dangerous than adversity.
I wrote you a few lines one day when I was very weak and feeble, and intended to inclose you Stuart receit for my portrait. Whether I did, or not I am not able to say, but as I have not since been able to find it, I hope I did. The Letter was written about a fortnight after you went away and was sent, with I think with the first which your Father wrote you after you went from here. I have since been fearfull that you did not receive it as you have not made any mention of it, or the receit. Brisler has had the pork salted down as you desired. I have taken the Legs Shoulders &c to Bacon for you and had the lard tried up, and put into a pot for use
Mrs Brisler has put up two more pots of Butter for you and saved you a hundred wt of cheese. the remainder he has put by for sale. your cider is made and put into your cellar. the other articles I advised them to keep in their own, through fear of Rats or other Thiefes. Brisler wanted me to write and ask you if you would have the Grainary painted. he says that he can get it done for about 12 dollars, and he thinks it would be a great saveing.
Mrs Shaw has shut up her House and removed to Boston. it is not like she will ever return to live in it again it will be to sell, or Let in the Spring. I do not imagine it will sell for half what it cost, the turning the road from it has sunk its value. Should it be to be let reasonably I have thought whether you would not like to hire it, and let your own. I only mention it for your consideration.
Your uncle Cranch is much afflicted with his Legs indeed the humour spreads over him, and I am fearfull will end his days very soon. he has been confined to his Room and bed for several days with a voilent cold and oppression upon his Lungs. The death of Bishop Parker was Sudden and unexpected it was paralitic
I am better much than when you left me. I do not however go out but to ride, have not been to meeting since you went away. Your Brother has been several days confined, looks pale & feels Rheumatism Your Father has a lame knee, weak and swelld. it has not yet confined him. he is gone to day to dine with the club We all rejoice to see your hand writing. rewards and honors crow’d thick upon the democrats, whilst honest men are striped of their plumes to decorate.
So it goes up up up, and then it must go down down down again.
yours most affec’ly,
A A.


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams, 8 December 1804
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson

My dear Mrs Adams
Quincy December 8th 1804

I received yesterday your Letter of Novbr 27th. and was rejoiced to learn that you and the Children were well. I was just contemplating writing a Letter to my son to chide him for not writing to inform me, how George was grown, and improved, what he said when he saw his pappa again, and how mister John came on, whether he is as grave as his Brother George was how Master Georges socks fitted him, and whether Mamma let him wear them. Sundry of these domestic matters interesting only to those who are Mammas, and Grandmamas—also whether Capt Brackets Vessel had arrived safe with the cloaths cheese &c and a small Box containing some current jelly. I am glad to learn from you that George goes to School. Mrs Judge Cushing when she arrives has two pr more Socks which I could not get finishd soon enough to send by mr. Adams.
I regret to hear that my dear Sons health is not good. he lost his flesh so the last winter that he did not recover it through the Summer I do not think that he took sufficient excercise. his pen and Books engrossed almost his whole time I wish you would not let him go to Congress without a craker in his pocket the space between Breakfast and dinner is so long, that his Stomack gets filld with flatulencies, and his food when he takes it neither dijests or nourishes him. this and too great an anxiety of mind wears upon his constitution, and impairs his health. the first may be remedied by taking a dry bisquit and a Glass of wine—the latter I fear is constitutional and habitual—he must strive however to get the better of that, which he can neither prevent, by his anxiety or remove by his assiduity. all who know him, know him for a man of strickt honour and integrity, candid and liberal towards those who differ from him in opinion, where their views are honest. I can readily assent to your well drawn portrait, but there is one thing in which we must also unite, that of prevailing upon him to pay more attention to his personal appearance upon this Subject I have labourd to convince him of its necessity even as it conduces to his usefullness in Society, and as the writer in the port folio calling himself a British Spy, observes with respect to mr. Parsons, “that whilst the sublimity of his genius intitles him to admiration, the cut of his coat, the strangeness of his wig, or the coulour of his neckcloth; are the subjects of reprehension.” It is in vain to talk of being above these little decorums—if we Live in the world and mean to serve ourselves and it, we must conform to its customs, its habits and in some measure to its fashions.
My health I thank God is much mended. I have regained my appetite, and in some measure my Strength. my flesh, it will be long before I remit if ever. it went of like the snow under a hot sun. My decline was so rapid that I had very little expectation of living more than a few months—the day before my son left Quincy, my spirits were so deprest with the Idea that I should never see him again, that I sufferd an anguish which I kept to myself, and strove to appear cheerfull, that I might not embitter his journey with painfull reflections—the next day after he left me I was confind to my Chamber; & for six weeks growing daily weaker, & more feeble. Since then, the complaint I labourd under has gradually subsided, and I have gained strength, and spirits—I hope my Health may be confirmd, and that I may yet be permitted to welcome you both with your little ones at Quincy the next Spring. How is your good Mother and your Sisters? tender them my regards. let me hear frequently from you & yours. Louissa requests me to present her regards, and thanks for your kind remembrance of her. Thomas must answer for himself, he has not been well the last fortnight.
Affectionatly yours,
Abigail Adams


Title: To John Adams from John Quincy Adams, 11 December 1804
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, John

My dear Sir,
Washington 11. Decr: 1804

I received together last Evening your two favours of 30th: ulto: and 2d: instt: for which I most sincerely return you my thanks.—In the dreary path which I am now compell’d to tread, it is cheering to the Spirits, and gives the most pleasing consolation to have occasionally the benefit of your correspondence.—What the issue of the election in Massachusetts, will be on the harmony of the ruling party, I do not venture to conjecture; but that it has already sunk the influence of New-England, low as it was before, I have sufficient evidence to be satisfactory to my own mind—The choice of Parson Bentley, as Chaplain to the House of Representatives, at the Commencement of this Session, will shew you, what is held out to be the New-England Members as proofs of their weight in the Councils of the Union, and what they are willing to accept as such—I think this favour must content them for the present Session—The claimants of the Georgia Lands, must go home again re-infecta—for there appears to me from all the symptoms yet discovered, much less chance for them this Session, than there was last Winter—But I presume Mr: Morton gets well compensated by his fellow-claimants for his yearly visits to the seat of Government; and if he is not successful in the pursuit of their interests, he may perhaps eventually obtain some consolation and indemnity for the injury to his own. He has not yet been appointed to Office that I have heard of; but this morning the Senate have consented to and advised the appointment of Benjamin Austin junr: to the Office of Commissioner of Loans for the State of Massachusetts—This subject of appointments in Senate, has undergone a great revolution since you presided here—In all possible cases, provisional appointments are made during the recess; so that when the Senate meet, the candidates proposed to their consideration are already in possession of the Offices to which they are to be appointed—The forms of deliberation are however tenaciously adhered to, and with some degree of affectation—Nomination lists are postponed from time to time, without any other reason for postponement, and when acted upon the candidates regularly receive from the Senators of their State, a panegyric usually very highly charged—To this course of proceeding I have never known any exception, but in two or three instances from federal members, on the ground of objections against the moral characters of the candidates—And the only effect of such objections has been to take the vote by yeas and nays; when in every such instance all the members excepting the federalists have voted for the persons excepted against.—I have uniformly borne testimony in favour of the candidates of Massachusetts, when I knew them, and could honestly do it, independent of all consideration of politics—And especially in the instances of Henry Warren, and of Mr. Bowdoin—In all other cases I have been silent when I could—for experience had shewn me that to object infamy of character against a man, would be a sure means of securing about 3 votes in 4 upon record in his favour—This silence has from the same motive become so habitual with all the minority, that the ruling party seem to be a little uneasy under it—This morning on going into the nomination list, the first appearance was that it would go through without any comment, excepting the little prettiness of postponing some half-dozen, names for further information—to be eulogized the next time they are taken up—But after getting on some way, Mr: Franklin, a very scrupulous Gentleman rose, and said these were very important appointments; and he did not like to act upon them without some testimony from members who could bear it; and particularly from the members of the States, to which the candidates belonged—Bye and bye comes the name of Benjamin Austin junr—Profound silence for some minutes—At last I rose and said that “I knew Mr: Austin, but could say nothing of him”—Upon which Mr: Ellery of Rhode-Island rose, and said Mr: Austin was a man of very great abilities, and a most respectable character—He sat down and Benjn: Austin junr: was appointed nemine contradicente, just as he would have been if Mr: Franklin had been less anxious for testimony from the Senators of the States, where the candidates belonged.
In making and reiterating the request that you would commit to writing memoirs of your own life, I did not expect that it would consist of recollections altogether pleasing, I am well aware that the pictures, both of men and events which your unalterable regard to Truth would often render necessary, must be marked with very dark shades—But such must be the fate of every man, who distinguishes himself in any eminent manner among his fellow men; and I was and remain decided in the opinion that a work of this kind from you, would be extremely useful, both to your family and your Country—I am perswaded from the vigour and accuracy of your Judgment, neither Vanity nor disappointment would suffer you to misrepresent or mistake any material part of the narrative, and that you would always have a due controul over all the natural instigations of self complacency and Importance, which must continually occur to a man, writing of himself—As to the exhibition in their nakedness of other eminent men; it is one of the principal reasons for which I wished you to write—I am sure you will treat them all with perfect candour—That you will do them honourable and impartial Justice—But I am also sure that you will make them known to us in their real colours; strip’d of all the disguises in which their own arts or the hopes or fears of others have arrayed them—I intreat you to reconsider this subject, and hope you will comply with my request—The plan of the work may be suited to your own convenience; and compressed into a small or dilated to a voluminous extent, as you please.
The Bill for the preservation of Peace in the Ports and Harbours, has met with much investigation in H— R— and has not yet come to us—twice recommitted to the reporting Committee, and yet labouring—There is also another bill for establishing an Admiralty Court in the Mediterranean, which it appears to me calls for much consideration—This and the other Bills in embryo which I have regularly forwarded for my brother, will shew that the other House have got seriously engaged in business, which is yet very languishing with us.
Another appointment this morning, William Lyman of Massachusetts, Consul at London—He was appointed about a fortnight ago Surveyor and Inspector at New-Orleans—But it seems the climate of England suits him better than that of Louisiana—Genl: Smith this morning declared that unless some member of the Senate would testify to Mr: Lyman’s competency for this Office, he should vote against him; for it was an important office; and ought to be well fill’d—Upon which Mr: Lyman’s panegyric was pronounced by Messieurs Giles, Mitchill and Bradley—perfectly to Genl: Smith’s satisfaction—Smith had served several years in the other House with Lyman; and it seems in all that time did not discover his merits; Mr: Giles had been more penetrating; for he alledged that very circumstance as the only basis of his knowledge—And now though Smith was so far from being satisfied with his own observations at that time, that he was determined to vote against this able man, unless somebody would give him a certificate of character; he readily takes upon trust Mr. Giles’s certificate founded on the same premises from which Smith himself had drawn so different a conclusion—So you see no body can be appointed without a puff, just fit for a newspaper obituary.
The french Minister General Tureau has called upon me—His family has not yet arrived—The President complains that he glitters too much with Gold lace, and hopes in time to get him down to a plain frock coat—The Legion of Honour, has a bauble at the button hole, so closely resembling the old Croix de St: Louis, that it requires an Opera-Glass to discover the difference between them—The President told me that the best thing which could now happen to the French Nation would be to recall the old family!!! and take up the old Constitution of 1791—For that although that Constitution made the Government too weak!! and was defective in having a Legislature in one branch! yet even that would be better than the present unlimited domination—I hope he does not talk so, to any body who will carry his words to the Emperor Napoleon.
Ever affectionately your’s
J. Q. Adams


Title: From John Adams to John Quincy Adams, 14 December 1804
From: Adams, John
To: Adams, John Quincy

Dear Sir
Quincy December 14. 1804

In my Letter of the 14th Ult. I believe I misunderstood the Presidents Position. His Expression that the Judges ought to hang American Citizens who should commit homicide &c meant no more than to express his opinion that the Fact amounted to a Capital Offence. His opinion that it is a Capital offence to resist French Revenue Laws, in the West Indies is totally unfounded. The President was also clearly out in his Law when he applied the common Law Principle to these Cases. I know not that any common Law Principle is applied to any Facts on the High Seas or in foreign Countries unless it be ordained by Special Statutes.
Is there not however Some Confusion in the US of the Word Contraband. The Revenue Laws prohibit the Importation or Exportation of Merchandices, or they impose Duties or Customs on the Importation or Exportation, but neither Such prohibited or uncustomed Goods, as I remember are Contraband, Strictly Speaking, tho this Word is vulgarly applied to all illicite Trade. Properly Speaking if I mistake not contraband is properly applied only to contraband of War. In this contraband Trade prohibited by the Law of Nations as well as all our Treaties, if our Vessells resisted to blood, my Idea was that, according to the Presidents opinion, it was a capital offence. But in this I am as likely to be mistaken as the President, and your Opinion is more likely to be right than either of ours.
What will be the Result of the Elections in the Spring I know not.—The late Electoral Election is not full proof, that the Revolution will be compleated in the Spring. Mr Strong is So good and unexceptionable a Man, that I am not clear that he will be turned out. If the Opposite party had continued constant to Gerry they would have been more likely to succeed. But it is high time for me to cease to prognosticate, and to guess concerning the Judgments or the Feelings of the People of one Party or another. Of one Thing I am well convinced that if ever a Party was dammed to judicial Blindness, it is the Federalists. Terrible are the Woes pronounced in the Old Testament against Idolatry. If ever a Calf was worshipped a Calf has been their Idol: I mean Hamilton. Connecticutt has shown itself the Dupe of their Stiff rumped Stupidity and I think it very likely that even Edwards and Bishop will unhorse them all.
I am grieved for your ill health. I am afraid you are not cloathed with Sufficient Warmth. Flannells and thick Cloaths are not more necessary in Holland than in this Country. I never could travel without getting Sick, till I learned to incase myself in Wool, flannells within and Cloaks or Great Coats or both without.
Your Mother is at present in fine Spirits and apparently in good health. My Love to all your Friends. The Snow is a foot deep, fine Slaying and as cold as Ice. The Mercury at 16.
J. Adams


Title: From Josiah, III Quincy to John Quincy Adams, 15 December 1804
From: Quincy, Josiah, III
To: Adams, John Quincy

Dear Sir.
Boston. 15. Dec. 1804.

I have to acknowledge yours of the 4th Inst. and two subsequent, inclosing public documents and to express my grateful sense of these attentions. Your opinions concerning the late changes in Massachusetts and your reasonings and impressions resulting from them, entirely coincide with them mine. I was particularly well pleased that you find no fault with the “medecines” administered, but attribute, as is just, the unhappy event more to the state of the patient and less to the want of skill in the physicians than is fashionable among those cautious politicians, who are always prophets, by retrospect; men, who neither devise nor execute, but who if you credit their own recollection always have anticipated the inefficaciousness or danger of a measure, by, if I may adopt the expression, a sort of backward foresight. If these are to be credited, a principle of all others, the most just, simple, and, as far as it related to New-England prejudices and interests the most unexceptionable was urged at an untimely moment, or in an unfortunate manner, and this, which was intended for good, they saw, although they did not choose to oppose, would be, as, in their opinion it has been productive of evil. Without condemning conduct so natural, because so consolatory to human vanity, I would observe that in one point of view, the measure alluded to was an evil; in that it had a great show of popularity, under a combination of external circumstances of a nature calculated to render it otherwise. The first rendered the one party confident, while the latter kept the other, who saw their advantage and improved it, from being discouraged. Those circumstances had never united before and under the an administration composed of such materials as the present, will, probably never unite again. They were also such, as it was impossible to determine their force but by experiment. And in making this, it was surely the part of wise men to secure a favourable result, by putting into the crucible as many powerful ingredients as were consentaneous with it. Although we have failed our labour is not lost. A measure resting on principles, so permanently and deeply connected with the security, I will not say of New England, but of the union can be but for a short time, misrepresented. It will gain ground by investigation. I mistake, if it be not, yet, a source of honourable popularity to its advocates and of disgrace to those, who opposed it. But, in this sense, it was an evil, that it gave, what by many of our party was wanted, an apology for inactivity. Particular measures are, in politics, what the tithes of mint, rue, annis, and cummin were, in religion, an excuse to ourselves for leaving ordinary exertions, “the weightier matters,” neglected. Men are in nothing, and certainly not in politics, inclined to works of supererogation. What is prescribed is construed to be their whole duty. To circulate pamphlets and enforce the reasonableness of the policy adopted by the resolution legislature were the grand machinery on which to most men the general ticket was to depend. When they had done these, therefore, they deemed their salvation had been worked out, as far as depended on them; and with great self complacency, they waited for success, as if it had been already put beyond dispute. Except in Boston and its vicinity, where more correct notions prevailed, a very considerable portion of the party weakness, which was displayed may be attributed to a relaxation of the ordinary, in reliance upon the special, exertion, which had been adopted. The other party, on the contrary, flushed with hope and inspired with the near prospect of a recompense for all their labours, not only did not omit any of their old stratagems of war, but also took a peculiar pains to turn the great instrument of attack, as they denominated the proposed change of in the ratio of representation, into a weapon against the supporters of it. For this project they had many natural and many accidental aids and they availed themselves of both with considerable skill and great industry.— I must ask your pardon for entering thus far into a detail, for which you are so much better qualified than I, am to pursue, but your letter suggested a train of thoughts, which I have followed because it was easy and which I shall transmit to you, because it is the best I have at hand.
From the journals of the house I learn that a proposition is before Congress to recede the ten-mile jurisdiction, with the exception of the federal city to the States who were its original proprietors. As the measure is to me new, I am at a loss for the motives of it. Neither Virginia nor Maryland I should imagine would deem the recession important. Nor if it be a ramification of the general plan to remove as many traces as possible of federal providence, should I think the policy would pay the labour, much less compensate for the sacrifice of influence and safety which it would induce. A territorial jurisdiction surrounding the place of its residence is so essential both to the importance and independance of Congress, and perhaps, hereafter, to the personal safety of its members, that meanly as I think of the patriotism and prudence of the present administration I cannot imagine they can stoop to so low and so dangerous a flight. I presume therefore there are evils of which I have not heard and cannot conceive.
Our papers announce to us that the articles of impeachment against Judge Chase are preparing before the House. One paragraph of the account is mysterious to me. I have not the paper at hand but it was of this import, that while the majority were imperious and oppressive, the minority with the exception of W. Elliot a convert from democracy looked on, with a sullen and disdainful silence.—What can this mean? Surely this great question, full of interest and argument is not to be settled without contesting every inch of the ground. A question which like Hamlets “cue” might, one would think, enable them to “make mad the guilty and appall the free—confound the ignorant and leave the general ear with Horrid Speech.” But if they are tame and “say nothing” they must expect the judgment of the public upon them that “they are dull and muddy mettled rascals and peak like John a Dreams unpregnant of their cause.” Which I hope, they will not deserve, but, if they do, I hope they will receive.—Very Respectfully yours Sr.

Josiah Quincy


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to John Quincy Adams, 18 December 1804
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Adams, John Quincy

My dear son
Quincy december 18th 1804

I last week received your Letter of december 3d in replie to mine of Novbr 11th, not having made any mention of it before I thought it had miscarried. I am very sorry to learn by it, that you have been unwell. you must not let the mind wear so much upon the Body. Your disposition to a Sedentary Life prevents you from taking that regular excercise which the Body requires to keep it in a healthy State. I used frequently to remind you of it during your stay here. You eat too little; and studied too much.
You observe in a Letter to your Father, that you had an apparent Stiffness of temper. Now that I smiled at, if you had said that you had contracted a reserve and a coldness of address upon entering company which was not natural to you, I would have assented it to it, and rejoiced that you had made the discovery as a means towards a Remedy. I have accounted for it from Several causes one your having resided abroad during such critical periods as you witnessd both in Holland and England. you were obliged in your public capacity to be constantly upon your gaurd, that nothing improper escaped you either in words or looks. The constant State of anxiety for your Family served to fix a weight of care upon your Brow incompatible with that ease and freedom for which you was once noted. Your constant application to your pen & your Books has had as great an influence as either of the other causes; for frequently after having been a short time absent from them, your pleasentness & ease would revive, the Brow contracted with care would unbend, and the whole countenance be lightned up into Social good humour. Could not the Student be left in the Study, and a smile illumine the face when an old acquaintance appeard, a smile which is so cheering that I think I could not feel myself, not so happy not thus to meet my Friends, or be received by them, possessing all the most valuable requisites of virtue, knowledge, honour and integrity. I am anxious that you should have what Lord Chatham calls, Benevolence in trifles. I know it to be in the Heart; to the outward Man only it is wanting. I have the more free in my remarks and observations because, tho others may make the same, they will not so readily account for the causes which produce the effects, or view them perhaps with so much candour.
I thank you my dear Son for the solicitude you express for my Life and Health. Without the latter in a tollerable degree, the former would soon be a burden to myself and others— Whilst I can be usefull, I hope they may be continued to me. I have recoverd my Strength beyond what I thought 5 weeks ago I ever should again. My Spirits have also returnd—My flesh is not of so much concequence. Your Father I think is as well as he was through the summer except that he has a weakness & swelling in one of his knees which prevents him from walking so much as he likes. I believe it to be Rheumatick. For your cough if it is not much better try the cough drops which cured mrs Cranch after the Physicians had in vain exerted their Skill—I beg you would not go such a length of time as you did last year without some refreshment—I know your stomack fills with wind, and then your food will not nourish you—
You must take the advise you gave your Father, and feel less for the State of public measures. They are tending to consequences which few if any of the actors see through. I feel much for Judge Chase. I believe him to be an honest and upright judge. So do most of his percecutors, and upon their heads may the ignominy rest. Thou shall not bear false witness.
Your Uncle Cranch is confined to his chamber, never I fear to leave it. He suffers inexpressible agony from the itching of his Legs.
Thomas will write you himself.
My Love to Mrs Adams. Do not let George forget Quincy, and his Grandparents—
Your most affectionate / Mother
Present my Regards to mr Tracy & Bayard. assure them that I entertain a high esteem for them
A Adams