Title: From John Adams to John Trumbull, 12 March 1790
From: Adams, John
To: Trumbull, John

Dear Sir
New York March 12 1790

Your Letter of Feb. 6. has made so deep an Impression that it may not be amiss to make a few more Observations on it as it respects both of Us.
Your Friends have been very indiscreet and certainly have not done you Justice.—Fluency and Animation are Talents of a public Speaker which alone will go a great way. I have known several rise to Fame and extensive Practice, at the Bar, and afterwards to Influence in the Legislature and Power in the State, with very little else to recommend them.—if to these, are added Learning and Fidelity, they will never fail to raise and support a great Character sooner or later.—I have never had the Pleasure to hear you in public, but your Voice in Conversation is neither harsh nor disagreable, nor is your Pronunciation thick or inarticulate.  Your Gestures are no more stiff than Elseworths and every other Conneticut Man and if you were to live one year in Boston or new York would be as easy as those of any of their Inhabitants. Your style is very proper for the Bar. It is easy, dear and elegant: void of Fustian and Bombast to be Sure: but these qualities would offend more than they would impose upon.  You need not therefore be anxious on these heads. Your Wit Satire and other Talents have made many dread you, I doubt not, and endeavour to lessen you in the popular Esteem: But you have plainly and fairly got the better of them all; and therefore I would not advise you to take Vengeance on them on one hand, nor humble yourself about their Mortifications at your Success in the other.
Let me come now to the more awkward and unpleasant Task of saying something more of myself.  It is more than twenty years that the American Newspapers have been throwing out hints of the Lowness of my Birth and the Obscurity of my Family. These generous and Philosophical Intimations have been carefully copied, with large additions and Decorations in the English Newspapers, and from these translated into all the Languages and Gazettes of Europe, and now they are repeated again with as much ardour as ever.—If I had been the Son of an Irish, Scotch or German Redemptives, or of a Convict transported for Felony, there could not have been more Noise about it, or a more Serious and mighty affair made of it.—I am the last Man in the World who will ever claim a benefit from the Democratical and Aristocratical Prejudice in favour of Blood.—But pushed as I am upon this point I will add, and Posterity will confirm it, I am the last Man in the United States, who should have any occasion for it. But if I had neither done nor suffered nor hazarded any Thing for this Country, I am one of the last Men in the United States, who ought to be ashamed of his Family or to Suffer the smallest Reproach, Disgrace or Reflection on Account of it. A Saxon Family by the Name of Adami, came over to England at the Time of the Saxon Conquest, and after settling in the Country translated their Latin Name into the English Plural Adams. They have multiplied exceedingly in England, and are now Scattered in great Numbers in Lincolnshire, Essex, Devonshire, the Isle of Wight, and most other Counties in England as well as in London and Westminster.  Many of them are opulent, some of them Magistrates, Judges &c about the year 1628 one of the Family who was wealthy but a Nonconformist, became a Member of the Plymouth Company and an Assistant in the fist Charter to the Massachusetts Colony, and as you may see in Prince’s Chronology, one of the most active, zealous and influential Men in procuring the Resolution to transport the Patent to New England. About two years after my Ancester came over with Eight sons and a considerable Property, settled in Braintree and became an original Proprietor and a large Proprietor in that Town, and every foot of the Land he owned with great Additions is now possessed by his Posterity in that Place.  Having been a Country Gentleman in England, and consequently a Maltoter, as all the Landed Gentlemen are, he sett up a Malt House, which I have seen: as his Grandson sett up another in Boston which now belongs to the Lt. Govr.  A more industrious a more virtuous and irreproachable Race of People is not to be found in the World.  I really never knew a vicious Man of the Breed.—I have therefore good Reason to despise all the dirty Lies that are told in the Newspapers. Let this Descent be compared with the Descent of any of the Grandees of any Part of America and I shall have no Reason to blush.—I have Reason to blush however for the low Cunning, the mean Craft of those who talk and scribble upon this subject.  I have cause to blush, and I do blush at the Meanness and Inconsistency of the American public for tolerating this Insolence and much more for encouraging it. But I will tell you a Fact, and the longer you live, the more you will be sensible of it, the American Families who have been conspicuous in Government have more Pride Vanity and Insolence on Account of their Birth, than the Nobility of England or France have.  And it is more difficult for a new Man to conquer Envy in this Country than it is in any Country of Europe: notwithstanding all our basted Equality and Philosophical Democracies.
The Charge of deserting my Republican Principles is false. My Principles and system of Government are the same now as they ever were  and if I have ever acquiesced in Measures more democratical, it was in compliance with dire necessity, and a despair of resisting the fury of a popular Torrent excited by Men as ignorant and blind in this matter as the lowest of the People. before any Government was sett up, in Jan. 1776 I wrote & printed at Philadelphia a Pamphlet, recommending a Ballance of three Independent Branches.  This Pamphlet suggested to the Convention at New York their Idea of a Constitution. Mr. Duane who was one of its framers told me as soon as it was done that it was done in Conformity nearly to my Idea in my Letter to Wythe. In 1779, I drew the Plan of Government for the Massachusetts, which without me they could not have carried.  Though they impaired themselves by departing from my Ideas with regard to a Negative in the Governor, and by giving the Election of Officers of Militia to the Men,  the Constitution of the United States is borrowed much too terribly from that of Massachusetts and now Pensilvania and Georgia have adopted the same, with some Improvements. I have therefore been consistant in these Principles and to that Consistency and Constancy America is now Indebted for all the Peace order and good Government she has.—Without it she would have been of this hour in all Probability in a civil War.  And if my Advice had been more exactly followed, the shame of America would have been avoided, I mean her Breaches of Faith, her violations of Property, her Anarchy and her Dishonesty.
I can conceive of no other Reason than this, Why I am singled out to be the subject of their eternal Clamours about my Birth.  If they could find a Spot in my moral Character or political Conduct they would not harp so much upon this story.—But the Principles of Government which I have always embraced and professed; as they will know are such as they now Want and as the People now feel the necessity of.  They have no Chance against me in this Way. Sam Adams, R. H. Lee, P. Henry and many other are so erroneous in their Principles of Government as to be now growing Unpopular, and the Tories and Youksters think they shall soon get them out of their way.  But John Adams remains an Eye sore to be a little more particular.  There is a sett of smart Young Fellows who took their degrees at Colledge, since the Revolution in 1779 who are now joined by the old Tories in opposition to the Old Whigs. Many of these latter by their Obstinate Attachment to the Ignorance and Error of the Author of Common sense, are giving all possible Advantages against themselves.  But your Friend is not in this Predicament. And nothing remains but lies about his Birth and Conduct, to get him out of the way—Why else am I singled out? Three Presidents of Congress, have been sons of French Refugees Farmers and Tradesmen—Truly not a more honourable Descent than that of an whole blooded English Family among the first settlers of the Country, constantly holding respectable landed Estates and enjoying the invariable Esteem of their fellow Citizens. The American Ministers abroad the Chief Justice, the Ministers of State, the Governors of States the President himself have not one Iota of Advantage of me in Point of Blood.  Hancock and Washington had splendid Fortunes. I had not.  I have therefore surely bribed no votes, nor dazzled any Man by my Wealth.—I am however and have been all my Days as independent a Man as either of them and more so too, because I have never been so much in debt, and have always lived more within my Income.
As to “Fondness for the Splendor of Titles” I will tell you an Anecdote.—The second Day, that I presided in Senate, last April, the two Houses enjoyned me to receive the President and Address him in Public—Upon this I arose and asked the advice of the Senate, by what Title I should address him?  The Constitution had given him no Title, it either intended that he should have none: and in that Case Honour or Excellency would be as much a Violation of it as Highness or Majesty. If we now addressed him by the Title of Excellency, we should fasten that Epithet upon him an by it depress him, not only below Ambassador from abroad and his own Ambassadors, but below the Governors of Separate states &c—Upon this arose a Gentleman in great Zeal, said he was glad to hear the Proposition; that this was the precise moment to determine it: agreed in the Necessity of giving a Title that would be respectable Abroad; and moved that a Committee should be appointed to consider and report what Title should be given to the president and Vice President.—Here was the blunder.  I had said nothing about Vice President.—But can one do when we are compelled to cooperate with Men, who are no Politicians? This blunder was seized, in order to throw the blame of Titles on me.—But my shoulders are broad enough to bear it.
You suppose me to be envyed in the Southern States more than in the Northern. Here you or I are mistaken.  The real Envy against me is in the Northern States, and in two Men H. and A. and they are their Friends who raise most of the ille Conversation about me.  There are many Gentlemen in the Southern States who would prevent any Northern Man from ever rising high in the public Esteem if they could: but they have no Objection against me more than any other.  Emulation and Rivalry, arises between South and North as well as between Individuals. These Competitions have ever been a sourse of discord, sedition and civil War, and unless some effectual Ballance for them is provided, I dread the Consequences.  We may live to see from this Cause every great popular Leader, followed by his Clann, building a Castle on a Hill, and acting the Part of a feudal Chieftain. The Age of Chivalry and Knight Errantry may come upon us in America. The melancholy prospect of this has induced me to wish for an Executive Authority independent and able to counterprise the Legislative, and compose all feuds.
The Idea of the Leader of a Party is easily conceived and propagated from that Part I have been obliged to Act, in the question of the Presidents Power of Removal from office.  I was unfortunately obliged to decide all those questions the Senate having been equally divided. There was all the last session about half the Senate disposed to vote for Measures that would as I thought weaken the Executive Authority, to a degree that would destroy its capacity of ballancing the Legislature, and consequently, in my idea, overturn the best Part of the Constitution.  This Principle I must pursue, tho it may give occasion to a Party to represent me as a Leader of the opposite Party.  As to order in debate, I think there has never been any difficulty in preserving it.—I have attended the Supream Court of Justice in Galliera in Spain, the Parliament of Paris, the assembly and Courts of Justice in Holland, and both Houses of the British Parliament as well as Congresses, Senates Councils and Houses in America, and I never saw more order in any one, than has been constantly observed in Senate since I sat in it.
Who your Informers were I know not—You say they are not unfriendly to me. But it is most certain they have been deceived, or they have misrepresented, for the facts they reported to you are not true.  New England men, my friend, are more of Statesmen than they are of Politicians.  The Old Whigs have lost much of their Influence. I am now obliged to act openly, in conformity to my invariable professed Principles, which they well know, against them.  Mr. Hancock Mr. Sam. Adams, Mr. R.H. Lee—P. Henry, Govr Clinton and General Warren with twenty others, with whom I acted in pulling down the British Government, are now not very cordially supporting the new Government.  They mistake their own Interest as I think as well as that of their Country.  This however must necessarily produce a Coldness towards me, while those against whom I acted for many years to their mortification, altho we now Act together, you may suppose have not forgotten their ancient feelings.  In this situation, public Life is not very agreeable to me. I pray for long Life to the President with as much Sincerity as any man in America. I have more pressing Motives to wish it, than any Man.  I sincerely think him the best Man for his Place in the World and I very much doubt, whether if it should be the Will of Heaven that he should die, any other Man could be found who could support the Government. If there is any one, I would give Way to him, with Pleasure, and retire to my farm.  I never will act in my present station under any other Man than Washington.  But who can we find—Mr. Jay, Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Maddison.  I know very well that I could carry an Election against either of them in spight of all Intrigues and Maneuvres.  Yet I would not do it, if I thought either could govern this People.  But I know they could not, so as to give Satisfaction while I should be in the Country. I should find myself become all at once the Idol of a Party, my Character and services would be trumpetted to the Skies—and I should find myself forced in spight of myself to be placed at the head of a Party.—I will never be in this situation. If Circumstances should force it upon me—I will at all Events quit the Country—If I faced the rest of my Days in a Garrett in Amsterdam.  Thank Heaven however the President is in a vigourous Health and likely to live till the Government has a fair Tryal whether it can be supported or no.—I could now quit my Place and retire without much Noise or Inconvenience, and if there is the least Uneasiness to the danger of the Government I am very willing to quit it. The System of Policy, in my Salary and in some other Things seems to have been to compell me or provoke me to retire.
I have written to you in Confidence with great freedom, because I have the highest Esteem for your Abilities and the Utmost affection for the qualities of your heart.
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to William Cranch, 14 March 1790
From: Adams, John
To: Cranch, William

Dear Sir
New York March 14. 1790

Your favours of Decr 15. Jan. 24. and Feb. 17 are before me, and I thank for your Attention, and hope for a continuance of it, though I am not a punctual Correspondent to you.
To the original of the Bar Meetings I was a Witness, as I was also to their excellent Effect in the Progress of them.  They introduced a Candor and Liberality in the Practice at the Bar that were was never before known in the Massachusetts. Mr Gardners Master Mr Pratt was so sensible of their Utility that when We took leave of him at Dedham his last Words to Us were “Bretheren, forsake not the assembling of yourselves together.”
My Advice to you, and all the young Gentlemen coming Up, as well as to those, now on the stage is never to Suffer Such Meetings to go into disuse, let who will clamour about them: for as I know the Body of the Law will never consent to any illegal or dishonourable Combinations, so on the other hand their deliberations together, on what is for the honour and dignity of the Bar and for the Public Good as far as their Practice is connected with it cannot but produce benign Effects.
What? is it unlawful for the Gentlemen of the Profession to Spend an Evening together once a Week? to converse upon Law, and upon their Practice: to hear complaints of unkind unfair and ungentlemanlike Practice: to compose differences: to agree that they will not introduce ignorant, illitterate, or illbred or unprincipled Students or Candidates? that they will not practice any kind of Chicanery, or take unmanly Advantages of one another, to the Injury of Clients for accidental or inadvertent Slips in pleading or otherwise? on what unhappy times are We fallen, if that Profession without which the Laws can never be maintained nor Liberty exist, is to be treated in this tyrannical manner?
But I must Stop.—ask my Son if he has received two Letters from me. I am / with much Esteem and affection yours
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from John Trumbull, 14 March 1790
From: Trumbull, John
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Hartford March 14th. 1790—

I have the honour of yours of the 9th. instant, & am happy to find that you are not displeased at the frankness of my communications.  There are very few Persons to whom I would have written with equal freedom—Half the world are of the temper of the Italian Cardinal, described in the Spectator, who kicked his Spy down stairs for telling him what the world said against him—But with such I desire to have no connection.  Whatever may be the odds of Rank, merit or abilities, in a friendly correspondence, there must be an unreservedness, which assumes the appearance of equality—And were I to open a Correspondence with the Angel Gabriel, notwithstanding my deference to a Superior nature, I must write with the same freedom as to a Mortal—or not write at all.—
I fully believe that more has been said on the subjects I mentioned, at a distance, than at New York;  Slander has her whispering-gallery, formed to increase the sound in its progress—And the distant echo of a lie is always louder than the first report.
Your distinction between Enmity & Envy is undoubtedly just—Yet the Envious are enemies of the worst kind—the most active persevering & malignant—
The People of New England have often been charged with this fault. Perhaps the charge is not strictly true. We are true Republicans, & have the strongest feelings of personal Independence & universal equality. We are led by education to be jealous of Power, & to distrust those Men, who are raised to a dignity and elevation above the general rank.  We are not however generally chargeable with ingratitude in our elections, towards public services, or known merit.  But the moment we have raised the Man of our choice to a rank, necessary indeed in government, but disagreeable to our eyes, we with to make him sensible of his dependence on our suffrages, to teach him to consider himself as the servant of the people, & to ascribe his elevation, not to his own merit, but to our gratuitous favour.  This must be acknowleged as our general character. We hate to see great men, & endeavour to belittle them as much as possible. The V.P. must therefore expect to find his merits, &services depreciated among us, but may always be sure of our suffrages.  We dislike an Office of such high rank, but if there must be such an one, we are satisfied with the Person, who holds it. Indeed so strong are our ideas of republican equality, that were the other world peopled only by a certain Party of New Englanders with their present feelings, they would be disgusted at the splendor of Omnipotence, and would wish to limit Almighty Power, & establish a democracy in heaven. Our most sensible & influential characters are however fully convinced of the necessity of an energetic Government, of due subordination, & of the proper checks & balances in the Administration—But most of these are Men of ambition, & can scarcely endure a superior.  Indeed Ambition is universal among us—We have Presidents, not out of their leading strings & Vice Presidents by dozens in embrio.
The Gentlemen from the Southward may have more apparent politeness than those from New England, & would certainly be more liberal in the allowance of adequate salaries—But the People of the Southern States will never be fond of uniting their suffrages in favor of any Native of New England.
I was entertained with the account of your honest, independent & respectable ancestry. Yours is a genealogy of which a wise man may be justly proud, but not such as a Coxcomb would boast. My ancestors in the paternal line were of the same class, except my Father, who was a Clergyman. It is a descent of which I was never ashamed. My mother on the contrary is a great genealogist, & has no small share of pride of birth—She is descended from the Stoddards of Massachusetts—but what pleased her best was that she could trace her ancestry in the female line to a natural daughter of Charles the 2d by one of his mistresses, I think it was the Dutchess of Portsmouth.  Thus by the fashionable Assistance of a little honorable unchastity in the maternal line, I presume I have at this instant some drops of Royal Blood flowing in my veins. From hearing this account often repeated in my infancy, I drew up, when I was about eight years old, & presented to my Mamma, her genealogy in burlesque; for the impudence of which I deserved and received a good box on the ear.
While I am on this Subject I wish to enquire whether the Revd. J. Adams, Author of a small volume of Poems I have formerly seen, containing an Elegy on the Death of a Mrs. Turell, some imitations of parts of the Revelations &c was not of your family—He was certainly a Man of poetical genius, & of a taste more correct than the New England Writers of his age.
I shall hardly allow You to ascribe to the favour of fortune your frequent escapes from Death and danger in the public service. It was the hand of heaven, that conducted the American Revolution, & provided & preserved the proper Instruments for our success.  Providence raised a Washington & Greene &c to command our armies, & a Franklyn, Jay &c to conduct our foreign negociations. It preserved your life to accomplish the important treaty with Holland, to give Mr. Jay the necessary assistance in settling the terms of Peace with Great Britain, & to be Vice President of the United States.  On this subject I own myself an enthusiast.  In the late illness of the President, when we had an account, that his Physicians despaired of his recovery, I offered to ensure his life for a sixpence, because I was convinced, that America could not do without him as yet.
Your present situation, tho’ as You observe it is in some degree inactive, is by no means insignificant or uninfluential.  In the equal division of Parties in the Senate, You have had sundry questions of great importance to decide. Could the grand point of the President’s Power of removal have been carried without your assistance & influence? Yet that very debate has left a great share of rancour in the minds of those, whose visionary plans, political ignorance & frivolous arguments, you on that occasion detected & exposed—
Solitude & retirement, at which you hint, certainly form no scene for the exercise of activity, or the acquirement of significance.—All things, I firmly believe, will be & continue right. The Batteries of Slander will waste themselves in noise & smoke, or destroy themselves by being overcharged.
The first Volume of your Defence &c, I purchased, lent & have lost it.  I have seen but one set of the Continuation here, which I borrowed & hastily perused. I can therefore at present only give my sentiments in general. Your Principles in Government appeared to me just, & your arguments for them unanswerable—I am so little versed in the History of many of the modern Republics, which You have detailed, that I could only thank you for the information You afforded on those subjects—But on the Consititutions of Greece & Rome, I felt my vanity complimented at every line, by finding your opinions coincident with those I had for many years entertained about them.  Indeed it is a long time since I have read with any patience the herd of writers, who scribble eulogiums on the antient Republics, or form similar Utopias for modern States.
I know not that I should object to any of your opinions—Yet on one subject, on which indeed I am not certain of yours, I will venture a single remark. I am exceedingly doubtful, whether any imitation of the Pageantry of foreign Courts would, in the present age, & according to the feelings of my Countrymen, contribute to strengthen the federal Government—Our national Character is very different from that of the Populace of Europe. What in that country “dazzles the croud & sets them all agape,” excites in our Yeomen nothing but envy, contempt & ridicule.  Let our Government be possessed of real strength—It will not need the aid of ostentation. We are sufficiently enlightened to detect the imposition of pageantry—& I fear our Government would gain as little benefit by it, as one of my dearest Friends, Col. H——s, has acquired from the French Silks & Laces in which he returned from Europe—He is happily weaning himself from that his almost only foible—and I cannot with to see our Government dressed in his cast suits. What may be politic on this subject in the next generation, I will not undertake to say.
I shall conclude with an observation in answer to a Query in your last letter.
Art & dissimulation are the very Antipodes to your character, & You know me too well to imagine I should recommend them. The utmost exertion of your influence and abilities, on all subjects on which the happiness of America & the force of her Government depends, in such ways as are best calculated to continue & extend that influence, and crown those abilities with deserved success, is expected by your friends & the Public. We look to You for important additions, to those services, You have already rendered to your Country, which as You justly observe can never be forgotten, and for which, I trust You will find that America will not be eventually ungrateful.
Please to offer my best Respects to Mrs. Adams, & believe that with the highest attachment & regard / I have the honor to be, / Dear Sir / Your most obedient / and obliged humble servt.
John Trumbull


Title: To John Adams from United States House of Representatives, 16 March 1790
From: United States House of Representatives
To: Adams, John

					Mr. President:
					March 16, 1790

				The House of Representatives have passed a bill, entitled “An act making appropriations for the support of government for the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety;” to which they request the concurrence of the Senate.


Title: To John Adams from François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 17 March 1790
From: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan
To: Adams, John

Sir!
Kingston 17. March 1790

After your Excellency’s advice, for which I am much obliged, I wrote, by this Sloop, to his Excellency the President, State the affair, and requested his interference so far, as He maÿ think proper, and I flatter my Self, that it wil be promoted bÿ you in the Same manner.  But this occasion Sir! is to favourable, not to make use of it, in enlarging—for a moment upon a particular article of your favour—Perhaps, Some time or other, you Excellencÿ maÿ find leisure, to gratifÿ mÿ curiosity, and honour me with a farther communication of his thoughts upon a matter, if al not interestful to us, Surelÿ not indifterent, and certainly of the highest moment to our Posterity—perhaps to our children.  Ought I remember that a hereditarÿ Senat is this subject.
Permit me before to reflect Sir! that what you please, to call complements received from Europe, is really no more than homage paid to truth—of So more value, because I am persuaded, that most of them, who paid that tribute, were made Proselytes to a doctrine, of which they had; before, none of very confuse ideas—this, I candidly allow, was my case, who, meaning to be an adept in the Doctrine of Republican Government, was Soon convinced, that I was not initiated in this So Simple mÿsterÿ—now it is revealed, and by this cynosure I made such progress in a Short time, that I dare guess to be not a great difference between our thoughts upon the Stability of and the degree of civil Liberty in herring in last French Revolution—I should have desired Sir! there you had given So open and candid, morning warnings to the Americans in regard, what theÿ have to do, and to fear if they chuse to preserve their Political independencÿ and civil Liberty, though some of these warnings maÿ, at first view, be very disagreeable to Short–Sighted—interested—or ambitious Americans. There you, more than once and I Sincerilÿ believe, upon solid reasonings upon experience, intimate your fears—that the elections of Presidents and Senators will not be continued—for a long time, without corruption—sedition &c there you Showed with a finger a remedÿ—against—it in your opinion—necessarÿ though otherwise not desirable—I should have desired that Mr. Adams had discussed this matter a little farther, and explained—how this chance wil or can be introduced—without Sedition—and civil war—and in wat manner that hereditarÿ Senate wil be continued after his first creation. Whether the same reasonings wil not be as conclusive against the elections of the house of representatives, as wel against the Senator and President?  being there perhaps So much reason for fear of briberÿ and corruption—when but one representative can be chosen for 30. or 90000 citisens
But Sir! it seems not alone, the introduction wil meet the difficulties—feared be elections consequences “of the most Serious nature will be unavoidable by the continuation. Shall the ofspring of certain Families—the Possessors of a certain tract of Land be chosen for the first hereditary Senators? or shall the Legislatives Bodies—or Executive Power of the different states makes choice of a certain number?  In case of a vacant Seed—Who Shal have the power of creating a New Senator or Peer? the President? the Senate? the house of Representatives? or both Houses of all the three?  Perhaps it would be of utility to the United States, if Kentuckÿ and Vermont, acknowledged as independent States, in alliance with us, could be persuaded to try what succes From a hereditarÿ president and Senators with a house of representatives might accrue to the State, in removing briberÿ—corruption and editions, in promoting civil libertÿ—
Should it not be more desirable Sir! Supposing that the elections of a President and Senators—for one or more ÿears, was preferably in case such elections could be effected without fear for briberÿ—sedition—to dismember the commonwealth—in two or more RoyalGovr independent Governments—as Soon as the population, opulence and commerce was increased to that degree, that everÿ part—could be compared to the Whole at present? Would it not be easier to preserve peace between two, threee, or more states upon the Continent—than between 19 or fifteen States—of Such different interests—united together by a feeble fee—in the possession of such a population opulence and commerce, as wil be the case in half a centurÿ—but more than enough, if your Excellency is not discontent with it, and excuse the trouble I had occasioned. being persuaded, that Your Excellency may receive more elaborate and useful Political Productions, and offerings of Services—though I dare adfirm, that not one of them, wil be with higher and Sinceres esteem and respect, than I.
Sir! / Your Excellency’s most obedient / and obliged Servant
Fr Adr. Vanderkemp


Title: From John Adams to Jabez Bowen, 20 March 1790
From: Adams, John
To: Bowen, Jabez

Dear Sir
New York March 20 1790

If your state would as you hint in your letter of the 9th all turn tories and go back to Britain openly; I should not be obliged to rack my invention to point out the advantages which would result to the United States.  For as this would oblige us to chastise the treachery, insolence and ingratitude of your people, it would be an exemplary vengeance to all others whose hearts are no better than theirs: and consequently would sufficiently strengthen the national government: A remonstrance or Address from Congress would employ them better than the Quaker petition: but there are other things which await their decissions of much more import than either.  As I know it to be impossible that Congress should interpose by an address; so I hope they will no more interpose by their levity: but treat Rhode Island in all points as a foreign state.  If your people are desirous of trying their strength and their wit with us, I am for joining the issue I shall feel for you and some others. But I say “Come out from among them”
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Joseph Mandrillon, 20 March 1790
From: Adams, John
To: Mandrillon, Joseph

Mr Mandrillon.
New York March 20 1790

The letter you did me the honor to write me, the 15th of June last did not arrive till yesterday.  The memory of the time I passed in Holland, and of the esteem I conceived for several meritorious characters, and among others for Mr Mandrillon will I hope never be effaced.  The elegant compliments you are pleased to make me, on my election to the dignity of Vice President of the United States of America, deserve my respectful acknowledgements.  Mr Theophilus Cazenove will I hope find this Country prosperous in its commerce agriculture and manufactures, as well as happy in its enjoyment of civil and religious liberty.  I wonder indeed that more of the patriots of the United provinces, especially those who are in banishment, have not ventured over the Atlantic.  Innocence, peace and liberty may be here found in abundance; they have it in their power to bring wealth along with them and wealth may be in creased in this Country faster than in any other—at least by fair means. Can you give me any account of our old friend Cerisier?

J Adams


Title: From John Adams to Charles Storer, 20 March 1790
From: Adams, John
To: Storer, Charles

My dear Charles.
New York  March 20th 1790.

There is nothing improper in your application of the 23d of Feby nor should I find fault with your seeking honor or emolument.  Every man has a right to seek both.  Mr Remsen has been many years in the office of foreign affairs and has qualifications and merits which preclude all competition: Mr Alden is another in a similar predicament, so that there is not a possibility of your success in your first thought.—I have shown your letter to Mr Jay who is your friend and would join me in any attempt to procure you any thing attainable.  A Consul abroad without a capital and without a salary would not perhaps answer.  A secretaryship to a minister abroad is but poor promotion; and perhaps this could not be obtained.  The executive authority is so wholly out of my sphære, and it is so delicate a thing for me to meddle in, that I avoid it as much as possible—Yet I would recommend you to the President, in friendly terms for any thing you may think of, for which you are capable, provided it were not in competition with others whose pretensions were better founded. Nor do I think meanly of your qualifications or pretensions. You will find humiliations enough in a state of dependence in any subordinate executive department: But you must judge for yourself. Your family, education, manners are all agreable and would recommend you. Clerkships in the public offices are a bare subsistence, and are so humble stations, and have so little chance for rising that I suppose you could not reconcile yourself to one of them.  Let me know however your further thought.
I am with great esteem and regard yours

J. Adams


Title: To John Adams from United States House of Representatives, 23 March 1790
From: United States House of Representatives
To: Adams, John

					Mr. President:
					March 23, 1790

				The House of Representatives have concurred in all the amendments proposed by the Senate to the bill, entitled “An act making appropriations for the support of government for the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety,” except the last, in which they concur with an amendment, as follows: “To Gifford Dally, door-keeper to the House of Representatives, one hundred and ninety-two dollars, and to James Mathers, door-keeper to the Senate, ninety-six dollars.”


Title: To John Adams from James Bowdoin, Sr., 24 March 1790
From: Bowdoin, James, Sr.
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Boston March 24. 1790

The Gentleman by whom this will be delivered to you, is Nathaniel Appleton Esqr the Commissioner of the Loan Office for the State of Massachusetts:  At the first institution of the Office in the Year 1776 he was appointed to it; and has been continued in it by the several Boards of Treasury to the present time.  Besides the approbation of those, to whom he was immediately accountable, his Conduct in the Office has met with universal acceptance; and places him in the first line of notice, Should Administration think proper to continue the Office; or in its Stead establish any Similar one.  His capacity for business, his application to it, and the rectitude of his character, with which you must be fully acquainted, will be considered by those, who now so worthily direct the helm, as the best recommendation.
With great respect, I have the honour to be, Sir,—Yr most obt. hble servt.

James Bowdoin


Title: To John Adams from United States House of Representatives, 24 March 1790
From: United States House of Representatives
To: Adams, John

					Mr. President:
					March 24, 1790

				 The House of Representatives recede from their amendment to the last amendment of the Senate on the bill, entitled “An act making appropriations for the support of government, for the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety,” and concur in the amendment of the Senate.


Title: To John Adams from United States House of Representatives, 25 March 1790
From: United States House of Representatives
To: Adams, John

					Mr. President:
					March 25, 1790

				The House of Representatives disagree to the amendment of the Senate, upon the bill, entitled “An act to provide for the remission or mitigation of fines, forfeitures, and penalties, in certain cases;” and request a conference on the subject matter of disagreement; and have appointed Messrs. Ames, Huntington, and Jackson, managers of the conference on their part;The Speaker having affixed his signature to the bill, entitled “An act to establish an uniform rule of naturalization,” and to the bill, entitled “An act making appropriations for the support of government for the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety,” I am directed to bring them to the Senate for the signature of the Vice President.


Title: To John Adams from United States House of Representatives, 26 March 1790
From: United States House of Representatives
To: Adams, John

					Mr. President:
					March 26, 1790

				The House of Representatives have had under consideration the confidential communications from the President of the United States, of the 12th January, to the Senate and House of Representatives, and have passed a bill upon that subject; to which they request the concurrence of the Senate.


Title: From John Adams to François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 27 March 1790
From: Adams, John
To: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan

Sir
New York March 27. 1790

Your favour of March 17. is recd.—The French Revolution will, I hope produce Effects in favour of Liberty Equity and Humanity, as extensive as this whole Globe and as lasting as all time.—But I will candidly own that the Form of Government they have adopted, can, in my humble opinion, be nothing more than a transient Experiment.  an Obstinate Adhœrence to it, must involve France in great and lasting Calamities.—With all your Compliments and Elogiums of my “Defence,” would you believe that neither the whole nor any Part of it, has been translated into French? At this interesting Period: at Such a Critical Moment; would you not have expected that every Light and Aid to the national Deliberations would have been eagerly embraced?  But No.  The Popular Leaders have Views that one Assembly may favour but three Branches would Obstruct. Such is the Lot of Humanity.  A Demagogue may hope to overawe a Majority in a simple elective Assembly: but may despair at overawing a Majority of independent hereditary Senators, especially if they can be reinforced in Case of Necessity by an independent Executive.
Our Experience in America corresponds with that of all Ages and nations.—if you Substitute Langdon and Sullivan, Hancock and Bowdoin, Clinton and Yeates; instead of Cherchi and Donati; Neri and Bianchi Buondelmenti and Uberti Ricci and Albizi Medici and Albizi, Tolomei and Salembeni, Gieremei and Lambertacci: Cancellieri and Pandriatichi Pallavicini and Dovara —the History of New Hampshire Massachusetts & New York will be the History of Florence Siena Bologna and Pistoia.  The last year, a Writer in Boston under the signature of Laeo, attacked the Governer Mr Hancock in a Course of Newspapers.  other Writers in other Gazettes defended him.  This Paper War, wrought up the Passions of the contending Parties to an high Pitch.  The Mob most friendly to the Governor made an Effigy of Laeo and burnt it on the Common. They threatened too to tar and feather the Printer.  A Trifle you see, any Accident might have blown up these Coals to a Flame and produced broken Heads.  If a Life had been lost, the Sedition would not have been easily appeased. A fermentation, somewhat like this happened here last Spring and indeed happens in all the States at every Election of Governor.  The Tendency of this to civil War is rapid.—  in the National Election the last year, there was a very Subtle but a very daring Intrigue, in the Election of the Vice President.  Letters were written to the Southern States, representing that the Northern States would not Vote for Washington, and to the Northern States representing that Virginia, South Carolina &c would not vote for Washington; so that it was represented that Adams was likely to have an Unanimous Vote and Washington not. the Effect was that Adams had not even a Majority for fear of his having Unanimity. The Tendency of these Things to Confusion is obvious. The Elections of Senators to Congress last year, was still more a Party Business in most of the States as their Records shew.—You desire me to shew a Remedy for these Evils and how a Change can be introduced.—I confess, Sir I can think of no Remedy, but another Convention.—When Bribery, Corruption, Intrigue, Manœuvre, Violence, Force, Shall render Elections too troublesome and too dangerous, another Convention must be called, who may prolong the Period of Senators from Six Years to twelve or twenty or thirty of forty or for Life, or if necessary propose the Establishment of hereditary Senators.  How can this be done, you will ask.  I answer by giving the States, a Number of Senators, in Proportion to their Importance and by letting each State choose its Senators. You will ask again how can this be done? I answer by calling a Convention to elect them or Authorize the President to appoint them. e.g.—Let the People of New York choose a Convention and that Convention elect their Number of Senators, or Authorize the President to appoint them to hold their Places for Life descendible to their Eldest Male Heirs. In some Such Way as this I conceive it may be done without Bloodshed.  and if the Election of President Should become terrible, I can conceive of no other method to preserve Liberty: but to have a national Convention called for the express purpose of electing an hereditary President. These appear to me to be the only Hopes of our Posterity. While Washington lives Elections may the only answer while a  or two of other Characters are living. Representatives are elected not only for short Periods but for small Districts and therefore do not interact and enflame the Passions of an whole Nation, like the Election of a national first Magistrate, or national senators. There is not therefore any danger to be apprehended from that quarter
I am sir yours

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Sylvanus Bourne, 29 March 1790
From: Bourne, Sylvanus
To: Adams, John

My respected Sir—
Newyork March 29th 1790—

There are certain Subjects which become more eligibly communicated in writing than in Person. among these are priorly ranked such as have a personal reference; hence my apology for this mode of requesting once more a renewal of your influence with the President & Mr. Jefferson towards my attainment of such a situation in the foreign employ of my Country as I may be capable of fitting with reputation to myself & advantage to the Publick.  I am sensible that a view to public benefit must form the criterion of your judgment & the basis of your intercession, while at the same time you will concede that where a number of Candidates appear whose claims & merits may be equal, the force of personal friendship & special exception will necessarily be required to decide the preference. and there can scarce be a doubt that in the foreign as has been the case in the domestic arrangements the number of candidates will surpass the number of places to be given; under these circumstances should your judgment be convinced as to my capacity of rendering public service am I so happy as to possess any hope of your friendly excution in support of that opinion will you suffer me to plead that anxious desire for employ which has been discoverable in my solicitations for a year past, as the grounds of my plea for your explicit Assistance
A Secretaryship or other secondary place in the Diplomatic Line—or a Consulate are either Objects of my Wishes—and should the event accord with these wishes my constant aim will be to requite the attention of my friends by endeavouring to deserve the confidence of my Country—
I have the Honour to be in every sentiment of Respect & Esteeme /  Your most Obedt Servt

Silvanus Bourn


Title: To John Adams from John Trumbull, 30 March 1790
From: Trumbull, John
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Hartford March 30th 1790

You may easily conceive how much I was pleased, & flattered by your very friendly & confidential letter of the 6th instant.
At the beginning of the war, he who could advance principles the most agreable to popular pride, and the most destructive to all energetic government, was the best Whig & the greatest Patriot.  Many of these, who rose into high rank at that time, were not superior as Politicians to the Levellers & King Jesus—men in the times of Cromwell. As we have improved in the science of Government, they have lost their popularity. You have names several of them in your letter, not one of whom has escaped the lash of our political Satirists, & lost his influence with the intelligent part of the community by adherence to his original principles of Democracy.
I agree that the strongest Envy against You lies in the Breasts of the two Men you mentioned, who could not bear your elevation above them—Each of them probably flattered his own vanity with an expectation of the Rank of V.P.—Hancock particularly, after his grand manoeuvre of limping forth,
“With all his imperfections on his heels,” to propose nonsensical amendments to the Convention of Massachusetts, supposed himself almost sure of the appointment—not knowing that the whole affair was planned & conducted as a political measure by men of more discernment than himself. These two Gentlemen have undoubtedly exerted all their influence to render You unpopular, & to some of their dependents, I am told You are indebted for an attack in metre, intended for a Satire, published some time since at the Southward—But their influence is so diminished, that they have been wholly unsuccessful in the New England States, beyond the circle of their immediate connections.
The real opposition is more to your principles than your Person—& this prevails most in the Southern States.  The People in the Southern States are half an age behind us in the knowlege of Policy & the true principles of Government. Aristocratical in their habits & feelings, they are absurdly advocates for a pure Democracy.  They must certainly in time become more enlightened, and I hope, especially that the Antient Dominion may improve as She grows older.
The clamour about your Birth, as it has no foundation, has never made any impression in New England—but You are a Witness how frequently it has been echoed in the Southern Papers.
I believe You may thank New England for the penurious grant of your Salary—But I have no reason to believe that any personal insult was intended. High Salaries are always a subject of popular clamour in New England—The Votes of our Senators & Delegates on that question were calculated on motives of Self interest, to preserve their own popularity. And after all the uneasiness on account of the high Salaries & wages granted at the last session was very general among us, and the clamour exceedingly loud, till it was quashed at once by the President’s tour through New England, & absorbed in the bombastic enthusiasm of our public addresses.  I doubt with You, whether any Man but Washington could at present support the Constitution—But were he dead, I am sure none who has been thought of as your Rival, could support it while You were living & neglected.  Jefferson is little known at the Northward, & it would be impossible to persuade our Great Men in New England that he is greater or wiser than themselves. We have an high opinion of Maddison’s abilities, tho’ it has lately been lessened by his advocating an impossible scheme of discrimation among the public Creditors.  To suppose he did not perceive this impossibility would detract from our esteem of his talents—If he did perceive it, we can only ascribe his conduct to the desire of increasing his popularity in his own State, or to motives of envy against the Secretary—But we have never thought of him for V.P.—Mr. Jay is the only Man, who possesses in any considerable degree the general confidence of the Northern States, or is talked of among us as qualified for that Office—But no Party could be formed against You in his favour among us.
There is no uneasiness to the danger or even to the unpopularity of the Government from your continuance in Office, but there would arise the greatest confusion from your resignation, which for that reason I am sure you cannot seriously think of.
April 17 1790
Thus far I had written when I had the honour to receive Yours of the 2nd instant and having been obliged to attend a fortnight’s session of our Court, & severely handled at the same time by a second turn of the Influenza, which is now universal in Hartford, I have had no leisure for an earlier answer.
My Mother was Grandaughter to the Revd. Solomon Stoddard of Northhampton, Brother to the Col. Stoddard You mention.  That family seem not to have preserved their former importance; nor to equal in present respectability my Paternal connections, who first rose to public consequence within about forty Years. I believe there was some inaccuracy in the expressions I used relative to the affair of the Treaty of Peace. You ask me if I know the History of that negociation—I can only inform You how it has been stated by Report.  That the negociations were ready to be opened before your arrival at Paris from the Hague—That the French Court were opposed to every measure, which could tend to the strength, or aggrandizement of the States, & wished to hold us dependent on themselves—That Franklyn was disposed to give way to their demands—& that Mr. Jay was under the greatest embarrassment—That on your arrival the scene changed— That You ventured on a separate negociation with the English Ambassador, & procured Terms, which the French Court were obliged to ratify much against their wills—That the whole merit of this negociation must be ascribed to Yourself & Mr. Jay—That notwithstanding your success some Members in Congress clamoured that You had gone beyond, or contrary to, your Instructions, taken too bold a step, risqued the displeasure of the French Court, &c.—
I fancy by your hints the general outlines of this story are not far out of the way.  I hope You will complete the history of your foreign negotiations, which must throw the greatest light on the Account of the American Revolution. The King of Prussia, by your extract seems perfectly acquainted with the character of French Politics—& perhaps of the Politics of all Courts, who have any—
The Ballance, as adjusted by Congress, between the Legislative & Executive Powers cannot be given up without eventual ruin to the Government. Without the power of Removal, the President is in fact a Cypher—Washington perhaps during his Day might support himself by his personal influence—But a future President must preserve his importance, only by courting the Legislature, & caballing in the Senate or house of Representatives.
As to the advantages to be derived from some appearance of Splendor in the American Court, it is undoubtedly true, that a Medium must be observed—A parsimonious economy, & democratic plainness is as much to be avoided, as the affectation of pageantry & magnificence.  Perhaps we have begun rather below the true medium; but should the Government be supported for a few years, & increase in credit & resources, a sufficient degree of pomp and splendor would naturally be introduced.  I conceive there is little danger on this point, & would only observe that it is often better policy to reduce things silently & gradually to their proper situation especially when they tend towards it by their natural bias, than to give any alarm to the prejudices of mankind by telling them openly what measures may be eventually necessary. To give an instance by way of explanation—Had your real Sentiments, principles & designs relative to the contest with Great Britain in the year 1774, been known throughout America, they would at that period have occasioned an universal alarm.  When I returned to Connecticut in that year, it might have been naturally expected, that I should endeavour to show my own consequence by retailing the doctrines & opinions I had learned in your political school.  But I perceived at once that the world were not ripe for the subject & I durst not lisp a syllable about War or Independence, though I knew Your had not the least expectation of a favorable issue of the Contest on any other terms.*Mid pg 7  When Questioned a thousand times on the subject, I was obliged to return evasive answers, and make my acquaintance believe that the Patriots in Boston had entire faith and credit in the efficacy of Petitions and Non-importation agreements.  That Mankind are easily imposed on by show and appearance is undoubtedly true, and it may be necessary to government to take advantage of that weakness. But it may not be politic to tell the People that they ought to be imposed upon, and that we assume that appearance for the purpose of Imposition.  A Conjurer or Juggler must not explain how he performs his tricks.  And to his art, the science of politics is often too nearly allied.  The Remarks of Rousseau undoubtedly have force. But would not an advocate for Democracy observe that by his own stating, his language of signs, and his splendor of robes &c have been employed in all ages as the supports of despotism, and that he is peculiarly unfortunate in his modern examples of the Pope and the Doge of Venice.
I can witness from my own knowlege of the history of your life, that You have not done yourself more than Justice in the account of your exertions, services and sufferings in the public cause.  Nor do I believe those services so much forgotten or disregarded as You seem to suppose.  That no strong enthusiasm has prevailed in your favor is easily accounted for. An able Negotiator may do infinitely more service to his country, than a General, who fights one successful battle but he will not be equally the object of the enthusiasm of momentary praise.  To raise the enthusiasm of the People, our services must not only be useful, but brilliant – nay ‘tis sufficient if they are brilliant, whether importantly useful or not.  As a Writer, You never flattered the passions, or adopted the false opinions of the multitude, but have exerted your pen to oppose both.  Such a writer as Payne, scribbling to the passions and feelings of the moment, will for that moment be much more applauded, but must content himself with a temporary and decaying reputation.  His Common Sense cannot now be read without contempt and disgust.  He who serves the public honestly and faithfully must often serve them against their wills.  He must often oppose them, because they will often be wrong. And he must expect the attacks of Envy and at times a general combination to depreciate his merit.  From this Washington has not been exempt. A Party both in Congress and the Army at one period almost succeeded in an attempt to deprive him of his Commission, on the pretence of his deficiency in military skill.  In the choice of V.P. You had certainly no rival. All that could be done by your enemies was to deprive you of a number of votes.  Many of your Friends were duped on that occasion. I will inform You how it was managed in Connecticut.  On the day before the Election, Col. Webb came on express to Hartford, sent as he said by Col. Hamilton &c, who he assured us had made an exact calculation on the subject, and found that New Jersey were to throw away three Votes, I think, and Connecticut two, and all would be well.  I exclaimed against the measure, and insisted that it was all a deception, but what could my single opinion avail against an express, armed with intelligence and calculations.  So our Electors threw away two votes, where they were sure they would do no harm.
By the way is our Secretary H. a great Politician, or only a theoretical genius.  He has great abilities be sure. But I doubt his knowlege of mankind.  I have never spoken by sentiments on his report, but I really fear some parts of his plan are too complicated.  And perhaps at this period impolitic as well as impracticable.
I am exceedingly anxious for the present situation of the Public.  Many things are indeed wrong and I believe we must suffer many more evils, before our eyes will be opened to apply the proper remedy.  Yet if matters should not be precipitated, all will at last come right.  This is no time to desert the public.  Your exertions were never more wanted.  I shall be happy in knowing your opinions on the subjects You mention.  I never had any other Master in Politics but Yourself, and am too old to begin in a new school.
I have the honor to be with the greatest Respect Your most Obedt. Servt.

John Trumbull


Title: To John Adams from United States House of Representatives, 30 March 1790
From: United States House of Representatives
To: Adams, John

               Mr. President:
               March 30, 1790

            I am directed to inform the Senate, that the President of the United States did, on the 26th March, affix his signature to “An act making appropriations for the support of government for the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety,” and to “An act to establish an uniform rule of naturalization.”


Title: To John Adams from Richard Price, 31 March 1790
From: Price, Richard
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Hackney. March 31st 1790

The Bearer of this is Count Andriani a respectable Nobleman from Milan.  He is a friend to the liberties of mankind and has determined to Spend Some time in visiting the united States of America.  Having been honoured by him with a request that I would write by him to Some of my Friends in America I take the liberty to recommend him to your civilities.  I almost wish I could Share with him in the pleasure of Seeing a country about which I once felt much anxiety but to which I now look as one of the happiest and most distinguished countries in the world.
Deliver my best respects to Mrs Adams and also to Mr and Mrs Smith.  I writ to you a few weeks ago, and accompany’d my letter with a Discourse on the Love of our country which I hope you have received. You are now probably attending Congress at New-York.
That you may be ever happy in the enjoymt of the esteem and gratitude of your country is, Dear Sir, the ardent wish of your obliged friend / and very humble Servt

Richd Price


Title: To John Adams from United States House of Representatives, 1 April 1790
From: United States House of Representatives
To: Adams, John

					Mr. President:
					April 1, 1790

				The Committee on Enrolled Bills, having examined the bill, entitled “An act to accept a cession of the claims of the state of North Carolina to a certain district of western territory;” and the bill, entitled “An act to prevent the exportation of goods not duly inspected according to the laws of the several states,” and found them correct; and the Speaker having affixed his signature thereto, I am directed to bring them to the Senate.


Title: To John Adams from George Washington, 1 April 1790
From: Washington, George
To: Adams, John

					Gentlemen of the Senate,
and House of Representatives:

					United States, April 1, 1790.

				I have directed my private Secretary to lay before you, a copy of the adoption, by the Legislature of South Carolina, of the articles proposed by Congress to the legislatures of the several states, as amendments to the constitution of the United States; together with the copy of a letter from the Governor of the state of South Carolina to the President of the United States, which have lately come to my hands. The originals of the foregoing will be lodged in the office of the Secretary of State.

					G. Washington.


Title: From John Adams to John Trumbull, 2 April 1790
From: Adams, John
To: Trumbull, John

Dear Sir,
New York, April 2, 1790

I am again obliged by your favour of the 14. Ult.—Will you be so good as to tell me whether your Mother was of the Family of Stoddards of Northampton.  a Col Stoddard of that Town has left a Splendid Reputation.—I know very little of the Poet J. Adams but have heard that his father was of Newfoundland I think.  Hannah Adams the author of a famous Book upon religious Sects which I have never Seen is a descendant of a migration from Braintree to Medfield.
You make a Distinction between Fortune and Providence, if there is any difference, I should be more proud of the assistance of the latter than of the former, mere Chance would not excite Pride. The favour of Providence would excite a self Esteem and religious veneration, more powerful and consolatory, than Vanity of Pride.
When you talk of my giving “Mr Jay the necessary assistance in settling the Terms of Peace” You make me laugh.  I shall forever acknowledge the Integrity and Abilities of Mr Jay as well as his Industry, and Fortitude, in that negotiation. But do you know the History of the Rise and Progress of that negotiation in Congress as well as in Europe? It is a long and complicated Story which perhaps, the World may read after I am dead, in my hand Writing, with as much Interest as I am this day reading the posthumous “Histoire de mon tems” of the late King of Prussia.  The King in the 321. page of the 2d Vol. gives a Commentary on a Letter of Louis 15 to him, every Line of which revives my Sensations and Reflections from May 1778 to the 30 of Nov. 1782. and from thence to the 3d of Sept. 1783.  “Je suis fort fache que vous ayez conclu le Traité de Hanovre sans m’en avertir.” “J’ai fait de grand choses cette campagne: on a aussi parlé de vous.”  “Je plains la Situation dangereuse où vous vous étes mis pour l’amour de moi; on n’acquiert de la gloire qu’en Se Sacrifiant pour la France; temoignez de la constance et souffrez toujours; imitez l’example de mes autres Allies, que j’ai abandonnés à la vérité, mais auxquels j’ai donné l’aumône lors qu’on les avoit depouillés de toutes leurs possessions.”—“Si, il vous arrivoit malheur, Je vous promets que l’académie francoise fera l’oraison funebre de votre empire, que vous vos ennemis auront détruit.”—“Votre nom Sera placé dans le martyrologe où Se trouve le nom des enthousiastes qui Se Sont perdus pour le Service de la France et cellui des Alliés qu’elle a daigné abandoner.”—“compter que je me concerterai avec vous Sur tous les Sujets ou vous voudrez conformer à tout ce qui S’accorde avec mes interêts.”
This comment will do very well for the Comte de Vergennes; but I shall have a merrier, or a blacker, more gloomy and dismal one to make on the Conduct of Congress.  My Master was worse than my Ally or my Ennemy.
If the Debate and Decision on the Presidents Power of Removal has occasioned rancour, would you advise me to give up and destroy the Ballance between the Executive and Legislative to avoid that Rancour?  give up this Equilibrium and you will have a Senate of Venice, without an Inquisition and You know that this goodly device of an Inquisition, is the only Thing that restrains that Senate from being a worse Tyranny than it is.
Retirement would allow me all the Activity I want which is Exercise in my farm, and Ardour among my Books and Papers, where in my opinion I could do as much good to this Country and more to others, than in any public office whatever. But if I should return to the Bar, as many Presidents of Congress and Governors of States have done, I could do more service to my Sons, who have a great demand upon my, than I can possibly do in public. So that I assure you after very mature deliberation I am quite reconciled and resigned to retire from public Life.
I believe I am no more inclined than you are, by Principle or by Taste or by Habit, to an Imitation of the Pageantry of foreign Courts.—You will agree with me, that for the President to live in a mean house,—to ride in mean Carriage &c would degrade him in the Eyes of all Foreigners—and even of our own People.—The first Man in the Nation must not be worse accommodated and make a meaner Appearance than ordinary Gentlemen of fortune do in our Seperate States and capital Towns.—This would be Evidence not only of a Sordid Character in the Nation: but of a false, affected and hypocritical Policy.  There is therefore a Medium to be observeded.  I do however know that Magnificence imposes on this People as much as on any other.  It has been one great Cause of the Influence and Popularity of Washington Hancock and others.  The Numbers Who worship Splendor are greater than that of those who despise it.—Humphreys, whom I love as you do, may do well to lay aside his french Embroidery.—I never wore any in Europe but I must now from necessity wear over again my French Cloaths; for my salary will notaAdmit (thanks to New England Representatives) of my purchasing new ones, more cheap & plain.
I must now my friend come to Something more grave and important to myself, my family and the Public. in my former Letters I wrote you in a Style of Vanity, Pretension, assumption and Presumption.  You may possibly in the sequel think this Letter not less tinctured with the Same Stains, But I assure you I feel very humble.  In the year 1758 I became the humble Friend and the favourite Youth of Mr Gridley, Mr Otis and Mr Thatcher and continued to be distinguished by the affection and Confidence of all three of them till their Deaths.  To Otis and Thatcher, I was endeared by my political Principles as well as my Studies in the Law, and in general Science and Literature.  in 1760 I attended and reported their arguments on Writs of assistance.  I was admitted to their most Secret Councils and their inmost Thoughts upon public offices constantly till 1764.  I became a conspicuous Character, and obtained a Name as a public Writer, both in Europe and America, before the Repeal of the Stamp Act.  Many of my Writings were reprinted in England, and in Philadelphia in 1765— in 1765 I was chosen by Boston with Gridley & Otis to argue before the Governor and I continued a public Writer in 1766 and 1767—in 1768 and 1769—I drew the Instructions of the Town of Boston to their Representatives, and placed before the Public these Principles which prevailed. in 1770 I was a Representative for the Town of Boston and in the same Year by laying before the People the true State of the Law, convinced them in the Trial of Reston and his Party of Soldiers, convinced them that they had no hopes from Mobs and Riots or Courts of Justice: but that there only Resource was in Arms, and a disciplined Militia. in 1772 I laid before the Public with my Name; the true State of the Law and the true Principles of the Constitution, relative to the Independence of the  Judges in Eight Letters to general Brattle.  These Writings produced the Impeachment of C.J. Oliver, and the Refusal of Juries grand and petit to serve under him.—and this produced the Revolution.  In 1773 and 1774 I was chosen by both Houses into his Magistys Council and negatived first by Hutchinson and then by Gage.—In 1771 or two I was consulted by the Committee of the two Houses House in all their Controversy with Hutchinson about the Authority of Parliament as I was likewise about the Impeachment of the C Justice. in 1774 I wrote the Novanglus’s. In 1774 to 1778 I was in Congress and formed the Union of the Colonies.  From 1778 to 1788 I was in Europe. We are now in 1790.—You see by these hints that my Soul and Body have been devoted to the Public for thirty Years.  The Success that has in all this Period attended the Public in every Thing in which I have been engaged, astonished and overwhelms me whenever I look back upon it.  My Mind and Heart are full and my Eyes flow,—not with Vanity nor Pride; but with Wonder and with gratitude.  Thus far you will Say, I sett up my Pretensions very high.—But the Reverse of the Picture mortifies all my Vanity and what is more gives one very Serious Apprehensions of great Calamities to the Public.—Through the whole thirty Years, I have Seen and felt that the Public have been Served against their Wills.  I have Seen affection and Gratitude and Enthusiasm for Others, but never for me.  A Reluctance to receive and acknowledge my Services has ever been apparent.  a constant Pleasure has been taken in throwing little Slights, and Sly mortifications and Sometimes cruel Insults in my Way.—But this is not the Worst.  I have Seen such Characters and as Will. Molineuse; Dr Young Common sense Paine and fifty others, run away with the Passions and Confidence of the People, obtain more Influence than I had, and propagate Principles and systems destructive to the People and the public good, in Spight of all the Arguments I could Use and all the Interest I could make with them or the People.  If there was an End of these Things, I should be happy.  But there is more of this Spirit than ever, and I see my Friends and the Friends of the Public duped in so gross a manner, that I despair.  A lying Maneuvre, brought me into my present Seat in a manner that invites every Puppy to give himself Airs.—By Writing to the Southern States that New England would not vote generally for Washington and by Writing to New England that Virginia and S. Carolina would not vote for him, they raised an Apprehension that I should be President; to prevent which so many Votes were thrown Away that I had not a Majority—And what hurt me more than all the rest, even Connecticutt was the Dupe of this Intrigue.
The Consequence of this is, a general popular Opinion that I stand on so weak ground, that I may be insulted in Gazettes and Pamphlets at Pleasure.—When my salary came on, all Possibility was taken away from me, either of entertaining foreigners or my own Countrymen; in a manner that is necessary to obtain that general Acquaintance and Information that is to be desired in my Station and that would be indispensable; if a certain Melancholly Contingency should happen.  This was New England Policy to give the President One fifth more than he ought to have had and the V.P. one fifth less.—This is but one Instance among many.—When I had been a slave in Europe for many years and had made them a Peace, instead of sending me the Commission of an Ambassador as common decency would have dictated, they sent me a Vote moved by Massachusetts Delegates cutting off one fifth of my Salary.—I have Seen the Utmost delicacy used towards others: but my Feelings have never been regarded.  There has been more little Malignity to me, than to Jonathan Sewel, Silas Denne, or Benedict Arnold.  Whether this is owing to too much openness, or Warmth or to too decided Systems I know not.  This Language of Complaint, Sir does not proceed from a mortified heart: but from serious Apprehension for the Public.—If any Act is expected from me in my present Station, towards introducing a right Way of thinking among the People and just Principles of  a well ordered Government, why am I not supported?  If the deprecated Event should happen, as it may, (for this People deserves it for what I know) I must be President or resign.  If the Friends of the Country will name me a Man, in whom the People will unite better than in me, I will resign without hesitation, and should take a greater Pride in that Resignation, than in serving in the office of President even to General Satisfaction. For I know it would be better for me and for my family. in private Life I am very sure I should enjoy a green contented and healthy old Age, and leave my family prosperous and happy.  If that office should ever fall upon me for my sins, I see nothing but Vexation Disease and Death for myself, and nothing but Poverty Pride and an humiliating Fall, for my Children.
I feel the Want of a confidential Communication with my friends.  Serious Events await this People, if they cannot agree upon a Successor to the Chair.—The question must be considered. The People are Uneasy, and will be, untill Some one is held up to them, as likely to succeed without all Doubt.—Let it be determined and an End put to questions about it.—Or at All Events I will put an End to them as far as they regard me by a Resignation.—I know of no Man of your Judgment and Information, more independent and unconnected than yourself, and therefore I write to you with this freedom and Confidence.—If I could have foreseen what has happened I would have refused my present Situation.  But I was deceived by Positive assertions, which prove to be without foundation.—I was assured from many Quarters that altho I had not a Majority of Votes, it was the Desire of the Continent that I should be V.P.  This is now suffered to be called in Question. I was also assured that a Provision should be made for me that would enable me to support my Rank, and maintain the Reputation I had with foreign nations as well as the Consideration that was due to me and my Office from the People of America.  These Promises have not been fulfilled.  The Artifice of some and the simplicity of others, has dissappointed me.—If it affected me and mine only I should be patient: but it injures the Public and threatens still greater Mischiefs.  I must therefore at all Events, some how or other get out of this Embarrassment.
I do not however intend to let you slumber very long.—Whether in public or private Life I live and die a zealous active friend to my Country.  There are many Things which want Attention.  Many Things wrong, which cannot be set right but by Correspondence or Consultation among Men of Knowledge—Our Morals, our Commerce, our Governments all want Reformation. And if you will promise me not to hitch me into some of your Satirical Verses, I will descend to some Particulars.
I am with / great and sincere Esteem, dear sir / your friend and servant

John. Adams
P.S. How extensive may be your meaning, when you doubt, whether “any Imitation of the Pageantry of Foreign Courts” would strengthen Government, may be uncertain.  But would you banish Representation and Appearance altogether? How can We agree?  S.C. and Virginia have been Used to more Representation, than Pensylvania.  All the other States are in Habits of more of it, than New England.  Massachusetts and New Hampshire had more than Connecticut.  The Governors of all the States have felt the necessity of preserving since the Revolution nearly the Same Appearance, that was exhibited before the War.  The Common People in the S. States would laugh at a Governor as simple as the Chief Magistrate of Connecticut.  Some reasonable medium therefore Seems necessary, for the President.  We must consider that he has Intercourse not only with the People of all the States but with Foreigners.  I am a sincere Enquirer after Truth and if I am sure of any Thing from Experience, I am sure of this that Appearances have great Weight on the Imaginations of a great Majority the People.  Elegant Figures, graceful Attitudes and Motions, easy manners, a polite Address; an handsome Countenance; have charms in them among all Peoples that I have seen, and fascinate Multitudes on whom Reason Eloquence and Virtue would be lost.  Many of our own People are bewitched by them, more than any other.  In the 3 Vol. of J.J. Rousseaus Emile, p.230 you will find some Thoughts upon this subject which merit Attention—Least you should not have the Book at hand I will transcribe some of it.—If Rousseau was not Republican enough—if he was not a sufficiently zealous Advocate for simplicity frugality, Moderation &c I know not where to find one who is. The Passage is this.
Une des Erreurs de notre Âge, est d’employer la raison trop nue, comme Si les hommes n’etoient qu’esprit.  En négligeant la langue des Signes qui parlent à l’imagination, l’on a perdu le plus énergique des langues.  L’impression de la parole au coeur est toujours foible, et l’on parle au coeur par les yeux bien mieux que par les oreilles.  En voulant tout donner au raisonnement, nous avons réduit en mots nos preceptes, nous n’avons rien mis dans les Actions.  la Seule raison n’est point active; elle retient quelquefois, rarement elle excite, et jamais elle n’a rien fait de grand.  Toujours raisonner est la manie des petits esprits, les Ames fortes ont bien un autre langage; c’est par ce language qu’on persuade et qu’on fait agir.
J’observe que, dans les Siécles modernes, les hommes n’ont plus de prise les Uns Sur les Autres, que par la force, et par l’intéret; au-lieu que les Anciens agissoit beaucoup plus par la persuasion, par les affections de l’ame, parce qu’ils ne negligeoient pas la langue des Signes.  Toutes les conventions Se passoient avec Solemnité pour les rendre plus inviolables: avant que la force fût établie, les Dieux étoient les Magistrats du Genre humain; c’est par-devant eux que les particuliers faisoient leurs traités, leurs Alliances, prononçoient leurs promesses; la face de la terre étoit le livre où S’en conservoient les Archives.  Des Rochers, des Arbres, des monceaux de pierres consacrés par ces actes, et rendus respectables aux hommes barbares, etoient les feuillets de ce livre, ouvert Sans cesse; à tous les yeux.  Le puits du Serment, le puits du vivant et voyant, le vieux chêne de Mambré, le monceau du témoin; voila quel étoient les monumens grossiers, mais augustes, de la Sainteté des contrats; nul n’eût ôsé d’une main Sacrilége attenter à ces monumens; et la foi des hommes étoit plus assurée par la garantie de ces témoins muets, qu’elle ne l’est aujourd’hui par toute la vaine rigueur des loix.
Dans le Gouvernement, l’auguste appareil de la puissance royale en imposoit aux Sujets.  Des marques de dignités, Un trône, Un Sceptre, une robe de pourpre, une couronne, un bandeau, étoient pour eux des choses Sacrées.  Ces Signes respectés leur rendoient vénérable l’homme qu’ils en voyoient orné; Sans Soldats, Sans menaces, Si-tôt qu’il parloit, il étoit obéi.  Maintenant qu’on affecte d’abolir ces Signes, qu’arrive-t-il de ce mépris? Que la Majesté royale s’efface de tous les coeurs, que les Rois ne se font plus obéir qu’à force de troupes, et que le respect des Sujets n’est que dans la crainte du châtiment.  Les Rois n’ont plus la peine de porter leur diadême, ni les Grands les marques de leur dignités; mais il faut avoir cent mille bras toujours prêts pour faire exécuter leur ordres.  Quoique cela leur Semble plus beau, peut-être, il est aisé de voir qu’à la longue cet echange ne leur tournera pas à profit.  Le Clergé Romain a très habillement conservés ces Signes, et, a son example, quelques Republiques, entre Autres celle de Venise.  Aussi, le Governement Vénetian, malgre la chûte de l’etat, jouit-il encore, Sous l’appareil de son antique majesté, de toute l’affection, de toute l’adoration du peuple; et apres la Pape, orné de sa Tiare, il n’y a peut être ni Roi, ni Potentat, ni homme au monde aussi respecté que le Doge de Venise, sans pouvoir, sans Autorité, mais rendu Sacré par sa pompe, et paré Sous sa corne ducale, d’une coiffure de femme.  Cette cérémonie du Bucentaure, qui fait tant rire les sots, feroit verser à la populace de Venise tout son Sangue pour le maintien de son tyrannique Gouvernement.
Ce que les Anciens ont fait avec l’eloquence est prodigieux, mais cette eloquence ne consistoit pas Seulement en beaux discours bien arrangés, et jamais elle n’eut plus d’effet que quand l’orateur parloit le moins.  Ce qu’on disoit le plus vivement ne S’exprimoit pas par des mots, mais par des Signes; on ne le disoit pas, on le montroit.  l’Object qu’on expose aux yeux, ébranle l’imagination, excite la curiosité, tient l’esprit dans l’Attente de ce qu’on va dire, et Souvent cet Objet seul a tout dit.  Trasibule et Tarquin coupant des têtes de Pavots, Alexandre appliquant Son Sceau Sur la bouche de son favori, Diogène marchant devant Zénon, ne parloient-ils pas mieux que s’ils avoient fait de longs discours? Darius engagé dans la Scythe avec son armée, recoit de la part du Roi des Scythes Un Oiseau, une grenouille, une Souris et cinque fléches.  L’Ambassadeur remet son present, et S’en returne, Sans rien dire.  De nos jours cet homme eût passé pour fou. cette terrible harrangue fut entendue, et Darius n’eut plus grande hâte que de regagner son pays comme il put.  Substituez une lettre à ces Signes; plus elle sera menaçante, et moins elle effraiera: ce ne sera qu’une fanfarinade dont Darius n’eût fait que rire.
Que d’Attentions chez les Romains à la langue des Signes; Des Vêtemens divers selon les Åges, selon les conditions; des toges, des Sayes, des Pretectes, des bulles, des laticlaves, des chaires, des Licteurs, des faisceaux, des haches, des couronnes d’or, d’herbes, de feuilles, des ovations, des triomphes, tout chez eux étoit appareil, representation, cérémonie, et tout faisoit impression Sur les coeurs des citoyens.  il importoit a l’etat que le Peuple S’assemblât en tel lieu plutot qu’en tel autre;  qu’il vit ou ne vit pas le Capitole; qu’il fût ou ne fût pas tourne du côté du Sénat; qu’il délibérât tel ou tel jour par préférence. Les Accusés changeoient d’habit, les Candidats en changeoient; les Guerriers ne vantoient pas leurs exploits, ils montroient leurs blessures.  A la mort de Cæsar, j’imagine un de nos orateurs voulant emouvrir le Peuple, epuiser tous les lieux communs de l’art pour faire une Pathetique description, de plaies de Sang de Cadavre. Antoine fait  apporter le Corps.]


Title: To John Adams from Alexander Johnson, 3 April 1790
From: Johnson, Alexander
To: Adams, John

Sir,
Portland St. London April 3rd 1790

In an extensive application upon a Subject interesting to all Nations I feel a degree of Confidence in addressing Your Excellency, encouraged by the Liberality of the Sentiments displaye’d in Your Missions to the Negociations in the European Continent & by this Information probably acquired abroad of the Utility of the Matter. I take the Liberty of laying before you.  It is the discovery of a practice (not medical) of restoring Life to Person in whom the Vital Powers appear suspende’d, from natural or accidental Causes.
This discovery made in Holland, freely disclosed, recommended and protected by the Regents of the Country, soon flourished to the Degree, of spreading its Effects thro’ most parts of Europe; France in particular has taken a remarkable share in its promulgation.  It will produce most salutary Effects in all Countries & Climates where it is freely taught & preserved unshackled from Monopoly & the Injury of private Interest.
Having for Years been a Volunteer in the Dissemination of its Knowledge & Extension of its Practice to various Countries, I could not leave the North American States excepted from my plan, and about five Years ago, by the Intervention of my worthy Friend Doctor Henry Moyes, two Institutions were formed at Boston and Philadelphia, but as we are not informed of the Extent of their Success, & that one Society is not equal to the Management of Business for a Whole Province, I still continue my Representations and Exhortations to Magistrates and Persons in Power, to take the Matter into serious Consideration, and in Consequence of its Value, to grant it their Patronage, as done in Holland to render it most assuredly beneficial to the Community.
It is with this view, Sir, that I make bold to request, Your Excellency’s Protection for it, well assure’d of the Consequence it will acquire by such Recommendation, and the Attention that will be paid to it by the Magistrates thro’out the united States, from so eminent and liberal an Example.
The Cause I plead, being of Moment to Individuals as well as to Communities and of promising Utility in a Rising Empire, I trust to its Merits for an Apology to this Address, prompted by no other Motive, than the Hope of Success in the Adoption of a practice, that will annually save to every State that fosters it some hundred Subjects now lost from the Effects of Accidents, natural or violent, for which the common practice of Medecine offers no Remedy.
It is with all due Deference and Respect, that I have the / Honor to profess myself, / Sir, / Your Excellency’s most obedient / and very humble Servant,
Alexr Johnson—MD


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Crafts, Jr., 4 April 1790
From: Adams, John
To: Crafts, Thomas, Jr.

Dear Sir
April 4th. 1790

Your favor of the 31st of January I received in its season, I have at two or three several times had conversation with General Knox upon the subject of Mr. Martin Brimmer Sohier; and have the General’s promise to give particular attention to Mr. Sohier’s merit and pretensions.  As the Secretary at War appeared to be well acquainted with the candidate, and to have the best disposition to serve him I doubt not you will be satisfied with his decission. How is commerce and business in general at this time in Boston?  Is it more or less brisk than it was a year ago?  Is any benign influence felt from the new government or not? Are the Ship wrights employed? What is the price of bills? Here exchange is altered twenty per Cent as some say and fifteen as others state it, in favour of the Country in twelve months.

J Adams


Title: From John Adams to James Lovell, 5 April 1790
From: Adams, John
To: Lovell, James

Dear Sir
New York April 5th. 1790

I am much obliged by your favor of March 20th and very apprehensive that this is not the only letter of yours unanswered. To leave your letters unanswered is in me very bad œconomy. The General is arrived here; but has as yet said nothing to me of his business.  Doctor Craigie shall have all the aid in my power to give him, in his pursuit of justice in your affair: but I do not at present see how I can assist him: perhaps he may point out a path.
This day the question of the assumption of the State debts is to be put in the house; the majority will not be large.  Pray how has the new government opperated upon commerce in Boston? Has it answered the expectations of the wise? Does it gain strength? or weakness? How is trade and Shipbuilding &c &c

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from John Quincy Adams, 5 April 1790
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir.
Newbury-Port April 5th: 1790.

I have more than once mentioned to you, the state of retirement from political conversation in which I live, and the restraints which I am endeavouring to lay upon a disposition inclining, perhaps with too much ardor, to feel interested in public occurrences. But it sometimes happens that I am accidentally witness to conversations upon these subjects; from which I collect some trifling information, that I imagine might at least not be unentertaining to you. In general I have supposed that your other correspondents in this quarter would anticipate me and that I should only employ your time in reading accounts a relation of occurrences, which would not even have with you the merit of novelty. But from some late Letters I have been led (though perhaps erroneously) to imagine your correspondents here have not been so punctual in their communications, as they have been formerly, and I have supposed I might mention some circumstances which though generally known here might not be public; at New York.—It appears to me that the hostile character of our general and particular governments each against the other is increasing with accelerated rapidity; The Spirit which at the time when the constitution was adopted, it was contended would always subsist, of balancing one of these governments by the other has I think almost totally disappeared already; and I think the seeds of two contending factions appear to be plentifully sown. The names of federalist and antifederalist, are no longer expressive of the Sentiments which they were so lately supposed to contain; and I expect soon to hear a couple of new names, which will designate the respective friends of the National and particular Systems. The People are very evidently dividing into these two parties. What the event will be, I hardly allow myself to conjecture,
’’but my soul akes,
To know when two authorities are up,
Neither supreme, how soon confusion
May enter ’twixt the gap of both, and take
The one by the other."
In point of measures, the Government of the United States has undoubtedly greatly the advantage. But while they are strengthening their hands by assuming the debts, and by making provisions for the support of the public credit, the partizans of our State government are continually upon the rack of exertion, to contrive every paltry expedient to maintain their importance, and to check the operations of the Government, which they behold with terror: As they can only clamour upon subjects of importance; their active efforts are used, in appointing a premature fast, or in opposing the cession of a light–house.—In the last Session of our general Court the light–houses in this Commonwealth were not ceded to Congress: And the keeper of that at the entrance of Boston Harbour has been forbidden upon his peril to receive any directions or pay from the federal officers. But the imbecillity of our Government renders all these exertions the more ridiculous: for while they endeavour to prevent the assumption of their debt, they cannot even provide for the payment of the interest upon it. And they have never yet paid for two light–houses at the entrance of this harbour, although they are so solicitous to retain them.
The History of the additional amendments to the Constitution proposed by a joint committee of our two houses, affords additional further evidence of the petty arts which are used by the enemies to the national union to turn the tide of popular opinion against the national Government. Mr: Austin Who as I have been informed had the principal agency in that affair, never expected, that any amendments would be seriously proposed to Congress by our Legislature; and there is an internal evidence in the report of the Committee, that it was intended for a declamation to the people rather than for amendments to the Constitution. They are not even pretended to be amendment, but after the long common-place rhapsody, upon the dangerous tendency of the government, when we come to the articles, we find them pretended to be nothing but principles for amendments.—The Committee consisted of seven members; of whom only four were present when this report was agreed upon. Mr: Dane who drew it up was one of the absent, and it is said, afterwards declared that he should have objected to the two last articles, (perhaps the most important of the whole number) though he drafted them himself. The two other absent members utterly disclaimed the report; and the chairman, who did not vote, was equally opposed to it. Three members only agreed upon the point; and when they produced the paper on the Senate; they obtained a vote to have a certain number of copies printed. It was then dismissed without being suffered to undergo the test of an examination, and Mr: Austin I am told, made no scruple to acknowledge that he had answered his purpose.
Yet, even when opportunities are presented, where the importance of our own Government might be really increased; some other little selfish interested principle steps in, and produces measure, calculated to bring it into contempt. The appointment of N. Cushing upon the bench of our Supreme Court, has certainly not tended to increase the confidence of the people in that important branch of the government. the appointment was very unpopular; and what perhaps in a political view rendered the measure the more injudicious, is that it is not his integrity but his abilities that are called in question. But personal animosity against the characters who would have added dignity to that Station, the apprehension of giving offence to the late chief Justice, who it is said recommended his cousin too strongly, and the pleasure of removing a troublesome councillor, concurring together were too powerful even for antifederal principles, and produced it is said we are told a nomination, which could be accounted for upon no other motives.—The only liberal and generous measure by which they have pursued their System has been the raising the Salaries of our Judges, and I fear they would not have succeeded even in that, had not the personal interest of certain influential men, of very different principles been engaged, and assisted to promote it.—It is melancholy to observe how much even in this free Country the course of public events depends upon the private interests and Passions of individuals.
But the popularity of the general Government is, and for some time to come must continue to be disadvantageously affected, by those very exertions to support the public credit, which must eventually strengthen it so effectually. It must suffer however chiefly in the Sea-ports and among the merchants who find their interests affected by the operation of the revenue Laws. In this town and Still more in Salem there have lately been considerable clamours raised by men who have been the firmest friends to the constitution; and there is now I presume before Congress a petition from the merchants in this town, praying relief from an evil, which has excited great complaints, but which will probably be remedied without difficulty.
Those people among us who are perpetually upon the search, for causes of complaint against the government, are cavilling at the dilatory manner with which the Congress proceed in their business.—The decision upon the subject of discrimination, has been met with general approbation in the circles of company where I have heard it mentioned; and from the complexion of our news-papers, I have concluded that the public opinion of which so much was said in the debates, is here much in favour of the measure. I do not think indeed that the public opinion can always be collected from news–papers; but they are never silent upon unpopular topics of so great importance—Mr: Madison’s reputation has suffered from his conduct in that affair; and Judge Dana is the only man I have known whose character gives weight to his opinions, that has adopted those of Mr: Madison.
The report of the Secretary of the Treasury, has in general met with great approbation. I have heard it almost universally spoken of with great applause. Yet I am almost ashamed to acknowledge, that I know not how justly it is admired, as I have never read it. This neglect has rather been owing to my accident than to inclinations for little as I attend to the public prints I should certainly have noticed a publication of so important a nature had I been in the way of seeing the Gazette of the United States which contains it.—I am equally ignorant of the System for the establishment of the militia; which is as much disliked as the treasurer’ s report is esteemed; the most favourable judgment that I have heard passed upon it was, that however excellent it might be, it would never be submitted to by the people.—
I know not, but that I shall incur your censure, for thus departing even in this instance from the line which I have prescribed to myself, and losing the lawyer in the politician; and still more for the freedom with which I have express’d myself upon public men and measures: if I should on this occasion meet with your disapprobation, I shall without difficulty observe a more prudent silence upon these subjects in future. The opinions which I have heard express’d are no evidence of the general opinion even throughout the Commonwealth; but in some instances they have been the opinions of men whose influence is great and extensive.—But if the information contained in this Letter should compensate in your mind for its tediousness, I shall from time to time continue to give you a similar supply.
In the meantime I remain, your affectionate Son.
J. Q. Adams.


Title: From John Adams to John Hurd, 5 April 1790
From: Adams, John
To: Hurd, John

Sir
New York April 5. 1790

I have received with pleasure your kind letter of the 17th of March, and should be happy to have an opportunity of serving you both with regard to your services and early attachment to the cause of your country, and from an agreable recollection of your private character and my former person acquaintance with you. But the office I hold is totally detached from the executive authority, and confined to the legislative; which renders it very improper for me to intermeddle in appointments to offices; except in cases where the President or some of his ministers of State in their several departments, have occasion to ask my opinion of matters of fact. If this should ever happen in your case Sir, my report will certainly be much in your favor.—The number of candidates for offices is very great, and many of them have much merit. Your old friend Putnam and his lady I am told are no more: his bargain in politicks was a very foolish one—
J. Adams