Title: To Alexander Hamilton from David Ross, 16 October 1797
From: Ross, David
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Bladensburgh [Maryland] Octr. 16th. 1797
Dear Sir

The subject of the letter I alluded to in my last, did not relate to Colo. Mercer but to a public assertion of a letter of yours, being seen in one of the West India Islands in favour of a change of our Government to Monarchy. I had concluded you had agreed with me in sentiment that nothing Co. Mercer could say was worth your notice after I had furnished you with Capt. Campbells & my answer to a piece of his, filed in the Printing Office at Annapolis & which he suffered to pass unnoticed: & I had put it in that point of view the only time I heard the subject mentioned, that is, the close of your corrispondence with him. I still think the same. If you can make up your mind to determine in favor of my opinion it would be right to put it in my power to ascertain it, if the subject should ever again be introduced, as he has yet some political friends in this Neighbourhood & you of course some political enemies.
Mr. Monroes application for the reasons of his recall, was a surprize, it being so directly in opposition to the principles of our Government; but this surprize has vanished when it is found by your Publication that he thinks nothing of sacrificing the happiness of a private family, to his Party-views: for if he should be able to show he was not a voluntary means of the Publication yet his conduct in obliging you to answer it or admit yourself a dishonest man will ever be sufficient to condemn him & prevent his being considered as a man of honour even if he had not evaded as he has done your charges of Malignancy & dishonour. This is the general sentiment here & I may with truth say universal with the friends of Government so far as has come to my knowledge.
Your Publication has also confirmed impressions made here by a private letter of Mr. Jefferson, since his being Vice President, which does not approve of the change in our Representation it being in favor of Government & addressed to one, in a district that elected a federal member & who was opposed to his election; and this has done away the hopes some had from his Speech as V-President, that he meant to support the measures of the Executive—or at least would have restrained any observations on that representation that has been its support.
Little is to be expected from Partizans, but with those who are yet open to conviction, your Publication is thought will have a happy influence & prevent their rallying round any other Standard than that of their own Government.
I am Dr Sir   Your friend & obedt. Servt.

David Ross
Alexander Hamilton


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Robert Morris, 27 October 1797
From: Morris, Robert
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Alexander Hamilton EsqrNew York
Hills [near Philadelphia] October 27th 1797
Dear Sir

In my last letter to you I said I saw the means of discharging my debt to you in consequence of the purchase made of the Indians and that your influence might be usefull in the recovery of the money, it is thus; Doctor Craigie in Co with Watson & Greenleaf purchased of Mr Saml. Ogden with my consent 100000 acres of Genesee land for which they paid, except $12500 Watson and Greenleaf were half and Doctr Craigie half, unfortunately at the solicitation of Greenleaf when he was settling accounts with Mr Watson I released the latter of his responsibility and took Greenleaf’s Bond for their half. Doctor Craigie is to pay me the other half in specie or in certain Bonds which he then held of mine those Bonds I have satisfied by a sale of lands to him since; therefore he is to pay me $6250 in specie in 60 days after the Indian title is acquired to the 100000 Acres of land, that title was acquired on the 15th day of September last being the date of the Indian Deed of conveyance for the whole Country of which that 100000 Acres is a part and none of the Indian reservations are near it. I wrote to Mr Craigie last Week and enclosed a Copy of the instructions I gave for the survey and sent that letter open under cover to his relation and Agent Mr Seth Johnston of New York but have not heard from either of them. I do not Know of or suspect any demur to this payment unless they or either of them should have possessed themselves of some of the notes in circulation on which unfortunately my Name is. I think you have influence with both these Gentln and in your last letter dated the 5th inst. you promise the exertion of it. I request that you will apply to them upon this subject as if the debt was assigned to you and prevail on them to pay without any attempt at defalcation. If they agree I will send you an order or assignment as you may think best, you had best in your first application only to mention that you are to receive this Money & hear what they have to say, if they agree to pay all is well, if they make any objections I will send you the papers on which the debt rests. There are two orders in the hands of Mr Hazlehurst amount to about £500 to £600 which I am to get up or they will stop the Amot. these I expect to obtain in time. I shall await your Answer and remain   Dr Sir yrs

RM


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from James T. Callender, [29 October 1797]
From: Callender, James Thomson
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[Philadelphia, October 29, 1797]
Sir

I have perused your observations on the history of 1796. As the facts which you there bring forward, and the conclusions which you attempt to draw from them, do not appear Satisfactory to me, I intend introducing a reply to them in a volume upon your administration, that I am now engaged in writing. My object in this letter is, to request that you will give an order to a friend of mine and myself to inspect the papers lodged with Mr. Bingham, that I may judge what credit is due to them. Such an order, I conceive from your own words in the Observations, to be necessary to obtain a perusal of them; and if they appear to be genuine, I Shall be as ready to confess my conviction to the public, as I was to declare my former opinion, I hope that there is nothing improper in this application. I am Sure that I have no personal enmity at you, nor any pleasure in giving you uneasiness. The freedom which I take with all parties ought to have convinced you that I am the “hireling” of none.
With sincere admiration of your Superior talents,   I am Sir Your most obedt servt.

Jas Thomson CallenderCorner of Walnut andeleventh Street
PhiladelphiaOctr. 29. 1797

P.S. The treatment which I have got from Some of your friends, while I was writing defences of your right to attend the western army, and in Such a guarded and candid Stile that I have no reason at this time to disavow them, was of a nature so monstrous that they left me no terms to keep with them, and when I began to search I did find what I had not expected. If an answer is to come to this letter, I would think it a favour to Send it soon, as I mean in a few days to print a prospectus of my new Volume. I have always Spoke of your talents as of the highest class. This was a tribute that I Could not help paying.
Permit me to State one palpable mistake, as I Judge it to be. In No. 5 of the documents you tell of visiting her at Inskeep’s. The George never was a house of that sort. Inquiry was made at the time, and it was affirmed that neither Mrs. R. nor you ever had been there. Besides, in the letters there is no trace of Such a thing. I tell You honestly and as a friend, that this has an air of inconsistency; and I would gladly, if you can give me a reconcilement of it, save you the trouble of inserting one in your Second pamphlet; for that you must come out again I firmly believe. I might mention other things, but perhaps have already Stretched my letter to a disagreeable length.


Title: Conversation with Robert Liston, [28 October 1797]
From: Liston, Robert,Hamilton, Alexander
To:

[New York, October, 1797]

“It remains to be considered whether His Majesty’s Service might not reap considerable advantage from a general stipulation for the restitution of deserters in nearly the same terms with those employed in the French Treaty. Our friends in this Country think it would, and they strongly advise that an article of that tenour should be concluded. Among the number of these is Colonel Hamilton of New York, who expressed to me his opinion that we ought carefully to avoid urging the American Ministry to any stipulations which might add strength to that imputation of partiality to Great Britain which has of late been cast upon them by the Democratic Party.”


Title: Enclosure: Robert Morris to John B. Church, 1 November 1797
From: Morris, Robert
To: Church, John B.

John B. Church Esqre New York
Hills near Philada Novr 1st 1797
Sir

I informed you some time since that I was in Treaty for money to pay the interest due to you, it so happened that I could not bring the agreement to a close before the Citizens of Philadelphia began to disperse on account of the Yellow fever, and since they did so, it has been next to impossible to get any business done. They are now returning to their homes and I shall renew my negotiations and doubt not but in a short time I shall be able to secure the money to pay the interest due as well as that which is coming due. Under this expectation I request your patience for a little longer time and you shall hear from me again I hope with the remittance. I shall not object to pay interest for the delay of the payment which ought to have been made on the 1st Jany last.
Yrs.

RM


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Stephen Van Rensselaer, 8 November 1797
From: Van Rensselaer, Stephen
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Albany, November 8, 1797. “I take the liberty of sending for your examination & opinion a Deed which was given to me by Mr. Hoffman as an indemnification against any losses I might sustain by reason of my endorsement for him. The security is ample if the instrument is valid. I wish it not to be made public unless it may be necessary for my security. I however submit this to your discretion. I shall be happy to hear from you on this subject.”


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Robert Morris, 20 November 1797
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Morris, Robert

[New York, November 20, 1797. On November 23, 1797, Morris wrote to Hamilton: “I have this minute received your favour of the 20th inst.” Letter not found.]


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Oliver Wolcott, Junior, [20 November 1797]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Wolcott, Oliver, Jr.

[New York, November 20, 1797]
Dr Sir

Give me leave to remind you of your promise to send me the documents and information which authenticate the situation of Mr. Beaumarchais as to the unaccounted for Million.

Allow me also to mention to you another point. I hear there is a plan among the Directors of the Bank to transfer the management of their concerns from the House of Cazenove to that of Baring. When the arrangement was originally upon the Tapis, I felt some preference to the House of Baring as of more known solidity. But after its having taken a different course I should regret a change unless upon grounds which I am persuaded do not exist—circumstances of insecurity in the conduct or affairs of the existing Agents. I verily believe they unite prudence & solidity. The change might, without cause, injure their credit and do them positive harm. It was one thing to have entrusted them in the first instance. It is another to recall that trust; which neither Justice nor the Reputation of the Bank will countenance but for valid reasons of change of Opinion. My friendship for Mr. Cazenove the Father corresponds with my sense of Propriety, to induce the wish that you may see fit to exert your influence in every proper way to prevent a change.
Yrs Affectly

A HNov 20. 1797
O Wolcott Junr Esq


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Jeremiah Condy, 22 November 1797
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Condy, Jeremiah

[New York, November 22, 1797. Hamilton endorsed the letter Condy wrote to him on November 21, 1797: “Ans 22 Nov.” Letter not found.]


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Ezekiel Gilbert, 30 November 1797
From: Gilbert, Ezekiel
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Hudson [New York] November 30, 1797. “I took Occasion Some weeks ago, at the Desire of Doctor Benton, to enclose a Copy of a Note for 5000 Dols given him by Pierpoint Edwards Esqr of New Haven, with an Intimation that in case Mr Edwards could be taken within New York, Dr Benton’s wish was that you would issue process and pursue the suit for him. Not having heard from you, the Doctor requests me to gain some Information from you, and your Advise respecting the business.”


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Elisha Boudinot, 4 December 1797
From: Boudinot, Elisha
To: Hamilton, Alexander

New Ark [New Jersey] December 4, 1797. “I am anxious to consult you relative to a particular friend & connection of mine—Mr. Griffith a gentleman of the bar in this State.… He has had several severe fits of sickness.… This has induced him to think of moving into a City, if practicable.… As I know of no Gentleman in the City whose candor on this subject I would put so much confidence in as yours and none who I would choose to lay under obligations to, but yourself—I have therefore taken the liberty of asking your friendly advice on the occasion—whether under your rules, he could get admittance at your bar and whether you know of any Gentleman who would like to connect himself with him.… I only mention that he was not only in full practice as a lawyer—was surrogate of the County but within a year has published a book on the office of a Justice of the peace—Exrs &c which has gone thro’ two editions already.… I will, if the weather permits call on you to morrow with him.… Independant of the particular business which interests him—I should like to introduce (as if by accident) the conversation he has lately had with Tench Coxe, who dined with him—Justifying himself for his conduct. This Janus (enter nos) will not be in office many days.…”


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Mathieu Dumas, 8 December 1797
From: Dumas, Mathieu
To: Hamilton, Alexander

LehmKuhl [Holstein] 8 Xbre. 1797
Monsieur

Un intervalle de 17 années écoulées depuis l’époque ou J’eus l’avantage de faire votre Connoissance, et des occasions plus fréquentes de la cultiver pendant la Campagne de 1781, n’en a point affaibli le souvenir. Les orages de la révolution française, nos efforts pour Conquérir et fixer notre liberté, nos malheurs même m’ont souvent ramené vers ces temps heureux ou nous concourions a achever la révolution américaine, ou nous appercevions l’aurore des prosperités auxquelles vous aves eû depuis tant de part, et comme Citoyen, et comme homme public.
je n’ose me flatter que Vous m’ayés distingué dans cette foule de personnes que la Confiance de leurs concitoyens a mis dans une fûneste ou périlleuse évidence; mais j’ai cette Confiance que si dans les débats auxquels j’ai dû prendre part, mes opinions m’ont retracé quelquefois à Votre pensée, Vous y aurés retrouvé les principes que dans ma jeunesse, j’allai puiser près de Vous à leur Veritable Source. la place que Vous m’aurés vû occuper sur les nouvelles tables de proscription Confirmera sans doute ce jugement favorable.
Depuis long temps je me proposais d’avoir l’honneur de Vous écrire, je dois Vous solliciter pour une affaire qui m’interesse personellement, et du succés de laquelle dependent le sort futur de mes enfants, la réparation de ma fortune deux fois renversée. Je ne pouvais commencer cette Correspondance sous un auspice plus favorable que celui de ma réunion avec notre ami commun Le Gal. Lafayette que je suis venû joindre ici aprés sa résurrection du tombeau d’olmuttz.
Vous Conoissés monsieur, Les réclamations constantes et jusqu’à présent infructueuses de Mr. de beaumarchais, tant auprés du gouvernement qu’auprés de l’état de Virginie en particulier: Je vois par les dernières correspondances que l’acte de justice que Vous avés exercé comme ministre ne vous permet pas d’en poursuivre Vous même la Consequence naturelle, et trop differee, mais vous avés fait espérer à beaumarchais par Le canal de ses amis MMrs Chevalier & Rainetaux de Newyork que Vous emploiriés Vos bons offices auprés de Mr. Le ministre des finances: L’opposition qu’a mis Mr. Walcot, et son délai à faire rechercher et produire la preuve que beau marchais a reçu un fort a-compte, arrête la Conclusion de son procés avec l’état de Virginie. Ce procés déjà jugé favorablement pour nous a la cour de la Chancellerie ne peut être terminé à la Cour d’appel ou la Cause a été évoquée, que lorsque cette opposition, qui n’a accun fondement, aura été levée.
Mon beau-frêre Edouard delarûe (l’un des aides-de camp du général Lafayette) a épousé la fille unique de Mr. de beaumarchais L’un de mes plus anciens amis; sa fortune en europe a été avec La mienne presque détruite par les sequestres les confiscations: telle est la communauté d’intéret qui éxiste entre nous, que Le payement des créances d’amerique, créances si bien prouvées, si sacrées par leur origine, est aujourdhuy la seule espérance des deux familles.
J’ajoutterai que dans l’etat présent des affaires si ce payement s’effectûait; de quelque nature que fussent les valeurs et Les termes, nous ne songerions pas à deplacer notre fortune, mais bien plutot à en aller jouir en bons et vieux américains d’adoption, sur la terre natale de la liberté, ou je serais trés heureux de Vous revoir.
Veuillés bien offrir mon hommage respectueux à Madame hamilton & à Madame Church, et recevoir celui de L’estime la plus constante, et du plus sincére dévouement.

Mathieu Dumas

P. S. Si Vous avés la bonté de me répondre veuillés bien addresser Votre lettre à Mr. Elias funck, chés MMs Bellamy, Riccé & Co. a hambourg.
J’ai preferé de Vous écrire en français n’ayant point oublié la perfection et L’aimable préférence avec lesquelles Vous parliés notre langue, mais je n’ai pas entièrement perdu l’usage de la langue américaine.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Marquis de Lafayette, 8 December 1797
From: Lafayette, Marie-Joseph-Paul-Yves-Roch-Gilbert du Motier, marquis de
To: Hamilton, Alexander

LehmKuhl. holstein. Xber the 8th. 1797
my dear hamilton

As my former letters have already given, and you shall in posterior ones find a regular account of every thing relating to me, give me leave to-day to confine myself to one very interesting object, which being highly momentous to the future welfare of gal. dumas, & his brother, cannot be considered as foreign to me, & has of course a right to your attention.
Dumas himself has during the war deservedly obtained your personal friendship and regard. He continued, on his return to france to be confidentially & honourably employed down to the time when on the ruins of the bastille, we founded a popular government. There also dumas entered into a course of important services to our cause, among which I Shall only mention the first & the last viz that to him I am under great obligations from the organisation of the national guards, & that on the overthrow of the national constitution in 1792, being at that time one of the ablest members of the legislative body, he Conducted himself with a firmness So Conspicuous & persevering, that it not only exposed him to the greatest dangers, but forced a tribute of praises from the very enemies whom it had been his duty to resist.
When liberty began to revive in france, the nomination of dumas to the council of elders, was one of the first effects of the restored freedom of elections, as in that third & the ensuing one you may (among Some Choices which from a Spirit of indignation against the jacobins were in the other extreme very bad) you may, say I, find the names of several strenuous friends to liberty & legal order who had miraculously escaped the Snare & the axe of tyrannical anarchy.
To these honest Senators in both houses, fully impressed with the rights of national Sovereignity, & the religion of a civic oath, it had become a Sacred obligation to Support the republican Constitution of the third year. Some did it from duty—others from inclination & I would have been among the latter—all who were my personal friends, whatever be the motive, did it in earnest whether others have, or have not acted otherwise, it has nothing to do with the object of this letter. Nor is it necessary with you who have read the arguments pro & con the revolution of the 18th fructidor to expatiate on the nature of those measures. Suffice it to say that one of its consequences whas to throw dumas into the same country where you know that we have found it convenient & even necessary on account of our, & particularly my wife’s health, to fix our winter quarters.
His brother delarûe, my aide de camp in the national guards one of the cleverest & best young men I ever knew, has married beaumarchais’s daughter—both he & his brother in law are to divide between themselves the payement of the Sums which in the united States are düe to the young lady’s father. I have for twenty years often heard, yet I know very little of that affair—this I am told that on the one part of it, the States of Virginia have favourably decided, & that on the other article the two brothers are willing to abide by the decision which you as a minister have given. I do not presume to discuss, much less to decide in this business—but I am bound by friendship to interest myself in the welfare of dumas, & his brother, the more So as the faithfull good Will of both, & the exertions of the former in my behalf during my captivity entitle them to my gratitude.
My most affectionate respects wait on Mrs. hamilton & Mrs. Church—remember me most friendly to their father her husband, & all your families—adieu, my dear hamilton.
your affectionate friend

Lafayette


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from John Laurance, 10 December 1797
From: Laurance, John
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Philadelphia Dec 10 1797
My dear sir

I have sent our Friend R Lennox 2000 Dollars on account of the obligation given by us to J Mark payable this Month. I have remitted the Sum on Condition it is Credited on the Mortgage of J Mark to R Gilchrist and indorsed on the Note as being so. My intention was, to have paid also, 2000 Dollars more, without any determination on the Interest I shall eventually hold in the purchase, but because I could have done it: but in addition to the Sums I have paid for T Cooper I had a Note from Ogden Hoffman Indorsed by his Father, for that amount. This Note I supposed would be paid but it was protested the 14th of November and now lies unpaid at the Branch Bank.
I have paid, on the purchase from J Mark, before the remittance to R Lennox upwards of 10.100 Dollars, exclusive of Interest on the same from 9 Jany 1796 and the present remittance will make my payment in full, or very near it: provided your Interest and mine are equal, but not so, if I am to take the quantity you suppose: however if that Note had been paid I should have applied the Money that way, which would have exceeded my Share. You offered me a Loan of 1500 Dollars in case I took the quantity you supposed I ought to take. I hope therefore you will not be embarrassed, in making such payment as will satisfy Mr Lennox. I am confident he will be very well disposed to grant any indulgence that may not be unreasonable. I am satisfied the question of Interest, between us, should remain open; for I am not indisposed to hold the Interest you think I ought to take, but the heavy payments I have made for T Cooper added to the disappointment of payment of the Note from Messrs Hoffmans have drained me of nearly all my active Funds, and money from the Country, although I have much due to me, is very tardy in its progress. Pry how are the affairs of Ogden Hoffman and his Father circumstanced? I have proposed Ogden an arrangement but have not heard from him. If he can’t make it, and can make any with you, so that the produce of the Note can come into your hands to be applied to the payment of R Lennox to be credited on the Mortgage and indorsed on the Note aforesaid as being so, I shall be well satisfied, leaving the question of Interest, in the purchase from J Mark still open between us. It may be in your power to do it, as I have understood some Friends meant to come forward with a Loan to extricate Ogden & his Father. The Note lies under protest in the Branch Bank is for 2000 Dollars with Interest from 14 Novr last and charge of protest.
I am   My dear sir   very sincerely yours

John Laurance
Col A Hamilton


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Oliver Wolcott, Junior, 10 December 1797
From: Wolcott, Oliver, Jr.
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[Philadelphia, December 10, 1797. Wolcott endorsed the letter Hamilton wrote to him on November 20, 1797: “ansd. Decr. 10.” Letter not found.]


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from William Duer, [11 December 1797]
From: Duer, William
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[New York, December 11, 1797]
Dear Sir,

I was in hopes not to have troubled you again on any Subject of a Pecuniary, but my Necessities constrain me to sollicit the Loan of Fifteen Dollars. In the Course of three or four Months I shall have it in my Power to reimburse this, and the former Advances you was so obliging to make me. I know you have use for all your Profession brings in, but Necessity constrains me to borrow out of your small Stock.
I am Dear Sir, Your Affectionate Humble servt.

W Duer.
New York Dec. 11th. 1797


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from John Ferrers, 12 December 1797
From: Ferrers, John
To: Hamilton, Alexander

New York, December 12, 1797. “The Friendly attention with which you have at all times received any application from me, has encouraged me to assure myself, that you will not think me troublesome, in requesting from you a piece of information.… Having been inform’d that Mr. Bayard the Agent from the United States in England, intends to return in the Spring, I am desirous of knowing if any other Appointment will be made on the Business of British Captures in his Stead.… The purport of the application I now trouble you, with is to request you will procure for me, through the Secretary of State, the information I have mention’d, and to favour me also with your Friendly opinion, as it respects the propriety of such an application on my part, which will be received and attended to, with the utmost respect.”


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Robert Morris, 26 December 1797
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Morris, Robert

[New York, December 26, 1797. On January 17, 1798, Morris wrote to Hamilton: “I have been a long time possessed of your letter of the 26 Decemr.” Letter not found.]


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Cornelius I. Bogert, 1 January 1798
From: Bogert, Cornelius I.
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[New York] January 1, 1798. “Permit me to request your attention to the case of Bull agt Armstrong & Barnewall.…”


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from James Monroe, 1 January 1798
From: Monroe, James
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[Albemarle, Virginia, January 1, 1798. In January, 1798, Hamilton wrote to Monroe and referred to “your letter of the first instant.” Letter not found.]


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Timothy Pickering, [1 January 1798]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Pickering, Timothy

[New York, January 1, 1798]
Dr. Sir

By some unaccountable delay the inclosed which came in a letter to me has been extremely postponed. I hope not injuriously for the interest of the party concerned. Do me the favour to acknowlege its receipt.
Yrs. with esteem & regard

A HJany. 1. 1798


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Isaac Gouverneur, 7 January 1798
From: Gouverneur, Isaac
To: Hamilton, Alexander

New York, January 7, 1798. “The cause which has been so long depending between Louis le Guen and my commercial house in this city, has excited so much attention … I can only address you on the subject through the medium of a public newspaper.… To satisfy me more fully on the subject … I resorted to Philadelphia to take further advice from three more gentlemen that were thought most eminent in the law in that place, whose opinions will herewith accompany this letter.…”


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Moses Lopez, 7 January 1798
From: Lopez, Moses
To: Hamilton, Alexander

New York, January 7, 1798. “… I am informed you intend going to Albany in a day or two with Mr. Le Guen. My long confinement of 2 years the 19th Instant will I trust … induce you to see Mr. Le Guen, and come to some conclusion in his consenting to my discharge on Common Bail, which Mr. Livingston is Ready to do in behalf of Mr. Governeur.…”


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Isaac Gouverneur, 9 January 1798
From: Gouverneur, Isaac
To: Hamilton, Alexander

New York, January 9, 1798. “I had the honor to pay my respects to you on the 7th inst. to give the opinions of the able counsellors at the bar in Philadelphia, on the case of Le Guen’s.… I think you, as a professional man of the law, should act with more caution in committing yourself with a mistaken opinion; for it frequently acts as a spur to make individuals unreasonably obstinate afterwards. It would also be more becoming in the practice, to be less abusive. I remember at the pleadings of the last tryal in this cause of Le Guen’s, in order to move the feelings of the jury, that you spoke of his sufferings in a very sympathetic manner … and that you finally compared me to the odious character of ‘Shylock in the Play.’ I felt extremely hurt upon this observation, my dear Colonel, because I thot you was wounding yourself, as I am not without a regard for you.…”


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Elizabeth Hamilton, [14 January 1798]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Hamilton, Elizabeth

Rhinebeck [New York]½ past twelve. [January 14, 1798]

This moment my Dear Eliza, we descended from the carriage—after a journey, so far, much more comfortable than we could possibly have anticipated. It makes me repent that we had not pursued our original plan. But we must console ourselves with the hope of a speedy reunion which you may be assured I do every thing in my power to accelerate—For I give up too much of my happiness by my absence not to be anxious to abridge it. I rely on your promise to compose your dear heart; and to be as happy as you can be. Give my love to Angelica & kiss my dear Children for me.
Adieu my excellent & beloved Betsy

A H.Jany 14th.
To Mrs. Elisabeth HamiltonNo 26 BroadWayNew York.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Robert Morris, 17 January 1798
From: Morris, Robert
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Hills [near Philadelphia] Jany 17th. 1798
Dear Sir

I have been a long time possessed of your letter of the 26 Decemr without replying, which has been Occasioned by my waiting to hear from my Son Thomas whether he had made any arrangement for paying the debt I owe you. It seems he wrote to me at New York on the 4th. inst but his Servant instead of putting the letter in the Post Office, put it with some others into his Trunk and took it to Albany from whence I have received it this day and thereby learn that an agreement has taken place between you which I find to be indulgent to him, for which I am thankfull. Mr Rees is possessed of the Deed of Conveyance of the Lands for which my Son is to pay & the Sum he assumes to pay you on my Account is in part thereof, Mr Rees will be the bearer of the Deed and on his arrival you & my son can finish the business. The explanation contained in your letter of Mr Church’s proceedings is the only one I have received and it was very satisfactory So far as it conveys the Idea that you were not the Willing instrument of his Severity, for I was much shocked at the first contrary Idea that was held out.
This ought to be considered as a proof of my respect for you, since the experience I have acquired leads me to disregard very much the Conduct of those whom I have not found cause to esteem.
The Complaint you make of delay in providing for the payment of the balance is but too well founded, I often thought of it and made many efforts that you’re not acquainted with because they did not succeed. The horrid usury of the times, threw difficulties in my way in every attempt to raise Money and I have frequently been without what was necessary for the Market. Property would not sell or serve, as formerly, as the basis for Loans, and I may truely Say, that I am a Martyr to the times, had the State of things remained as formerly I would not have trespassed on you, nor have had my property Advertized, Sold, Sacrificed & plundered in the manner it has. As to your Ultimate safety, that was never in danger for I had included you in an Arrangement for Securing all who had lent me Money or Names disinterestedly I would sooner perish than let one such Creditor suffer. You surprize me by the manner in which you mention Mr Cragies debt & the Occurrence respecting it. I do not know what kind of suspicion you can have taken up on that subject. When I first wrote to you I certainly expected that the Money was to be received by me, otherwise why should I have written at all about it, my only fear was that he might have bought Paper and would oppose that to the payment, but being Seperated from my Papers and it being a transaction of many years standing I had really forgot that upon agreement the Bond had been assigned to Mr Ogden. My design Certainly was to have put that Money into your hands which I think should rather carry conviction of my desire to pay, than have given rise to any sentiment that should Weaken Confidence. I will send on by Mr Rees the Account exactly Stated and you will find the balance of the principal to be as I formerly made it in an Acct sent you, the Interest will increase it I mean the Legal interest for I dare not propose any other for fear of Offending a disinterested Mind, altho I should be very ready to make additional Compensation for the delay. I am Sensible that I have lost the Confidence of the World as to my pecuniary ability, but I believe not as to my honor or integrity and I shall certainly deem myself unhappy if yours is diminished in any respect; for I remain with sincere attachment Dr Sir
Your faithful Friend & humble Servant

Robt Morris
Alexr Hamilton Esqrat New Yorkor Albany


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to James McHenry, [27 January–11 February] 1798
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: McHenry, James

[New York, January 27–February 11] 1798

It may serve to prepare the way for a direct answer to the questions stated by the President to make some preliminary observations.

1   It is an undoubted fact that there is a very general and strong aversion to War in the minds of the people of this Country—and a considerable part of the community (though even this part has been greatly alienated from France by her late violent conduct towards this country) is still peculiarly averse to a War with that Republic.
2   A formal rupture between the two countries ipso facto carries matters to the greatest extremity, and takes all the chances of evil which can accrue from the Vengeance of France stimulated by success.
3   A mitigated hostility leaves still a door open to negotiation and takes some chances, to avoid some of the extremities of a formal war.
4   By a formal war with France there is nothing to be gained. Trade she has none—and as to territory, if we could make acquisitions they are not desireable.
These premisses if just lead to this conclusion, that in the event of a failure of the present attempt to negotiate, a truly vigorous defensive plan, with the countenance of a readiness still to negotiate, is the course adviseable to be pursued.
Then if one or more of our Commissioners remain in Europe it may be expedient to leave them there (say in Holland) to have the air of still being disposed to meet any opening to accommodation.
If they all Return, there is an end of that question, for they certainly are not to be sent back.
The further measures presumed to be expedient for the Government in the event supposed are—
1   To give permission to Merchant Vessels under proper guards to arm for defence.
2   To prepare as fast as possible a number of Sloops of War, say Twenty of from 10 to 20 guns each. Vessels already built may be procured fit for the purpose and perhaps in sufficient number.
3   To complete as fast as possible the three remaining Frigates.

4   To give authority to the President in case of open rupture to provide equip &c by such means as he shall judge best a number of ships of the line not exceeding ten in number. Tis not impossible these may be procured from G B—to be manned & commanded by us. A provisional negotiation for this purpose may be opened. The authority ought to be broad enough, though covert in the terms, to permit the contracting with a foreign power to take such a number of its navy into the pay of our Government.
In the first instance our Merchant & other armed vessels should be authorised to capture and bring or send in all vessels which may attack them and all French privateers which they may find hovering within  leagues of our Coast. The Vessels to be condemned & the crews liberated.
5   To this end and for more important reasons the Treaties of Alliance & Commerce between the UStates & France to be declared suspended.
6   A substantial regular Force of 20,000 men to be at once set on foot and raised as soon as may be. Of these not less than 2000 to be cavalry. An auxiliary provisional army to be likewise constituted of 30000. Infantry on the plan heretofore suggested.

7   To furnish the means all the sources of revenue to be immediately seized and put in action with boldness & a loan to the requisite extent on computation to be authorised.
The more Revenue we have the more vigour evidently we can act with & by taking a rank hold from the commencement we shall the better avoid an accumulation of debt. This object is all important nor do I fear any serious obstacles from popular opposition.
The measures to be taken by the Executive will therefore be—
To communicate to Congress with manly but calm and sedate firmness & without strut, the ill success of the attempt to negotiate & the circumstances attending it—
To deplore the failure of the measure—
To inculcate that the crisis is a very serious one & looking forward to possible events in Europe may involve the safety liberty & prosperity of this Country—
That the situation points out two objects 1 measures of immediate defence to our Commerce and 2 of ulterior security in the event of open Rupture. Towards these the abovementioned measures to be recommended but without detail as to numbers of Ships troops &c.
The idea to be thrown in that the hope of an accommodation without proceeding to open Rupture ought not to be abandoned or precluded while measures of self preservation ought not to be omitted or delayed & ought to be prosecuted with a vigour commensurate with the present urgency & eventual greatness of the danger.
The further idea ought to be thrown out that France by formally violating has in fact suspended the Treaties—that they ought consequently ad interim to be suspended by us—since the observance on one side & not on the other can only produce inconvenience & embarrassment.
The necessity of ample provision of revenue & force ought to be dwelt upon with emphasis accompanied by strong allusions to great future possible dangers. In all this a stile cautious, solemn, grave, but free from asperity or insult is all important.

An Embargo seems now to be out of place & ineligible.
With regard to Spain nothing more seems adviseable at present than to instruct our Minister at that Court to make respectful but energetic representations pressing the fulfilment of the Treaty. The less is done with her Officers here the better.
With regard to Holland or Portugal it is not perceived that any thing is requisite except to endeavour to continue & cultivate good understanding.
As to England it is believed to be best in any event to avoid alliance. Mutual interest will command as much from her as Treaty. If she can maintain her own ground she will not see us fall a prey—if she cannot, Treaty will be a feeble bond. Should we make a Treaty with her & observe it we take all the chances of her fall. Should France endeavour to detach us from a Treaty if made, by offering advantageous terms of Peace it would be a difficult & dangerous Task to our Government to resist the popular cry for acceptance of her terms. Twill be best not to be entangled.
Nothing more therefore seems proper to be done than through Mr. King to communicate the measures in Train—to sound as to cooperation in case of open Rupture, the furnishing us with naval force—pointing the cooperation to the Floridas Louisiana & South American possessions of Spain, if rupture as is probable shall extend to her. To prevail on Britain to lodge in her Minister here ample authority for all these purposes; but all this without engagement or commitment in the first instance. All on this side the Missippi must be ours including both Floridas. Twill be best to charge with the instructions a confidential Messenger.
In addition to these measures Let the President recommend a day to be observed as a day of fasting humiliation & prayer. On religious ground this is very proper—On political, it is very expedient. The Government will be very unwise, if it does not make the most of the religious prepossessions of our people—opposing the honest enthusiasm of Religious Opinion to the phrenzy of Political fanaticism. The last step appears to me of the most precious importance & I earnestly hope, it will by no means be neglected.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to James Monroe, [January 1798]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Monroe, James

[New York, January, 1798]
Sir

A resolution long formed to act with deliberation in any case which should involve the extremity, to which I am now driven, has occasionned me to defer my reply to your letter of the first instant.
Though I have it in my power completely to satisfy any candid mind, that I never give a shadow of cause for the resentment you avow; yet the indelicate doubt of the veracity of my representation to you, and the deliberate spirit of animosity, which are manifested in your letter, forbid any further attempts on my part to pursue the road of explanation.
I therefore acquiesce in the necessity you impose on me.
And have accordingly authorised  who will deliver you this, and who will act as my friend in the affair, to adjust with you a time and place of meeting for such a decision of the matter as you appear to desire.
I am Sir   Your humble servant


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Theodore Sedgwick, 4 February 1798
From: Sedgwick, Theodore
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Philadelphia, February 4, 1798. “I hope you will be able to procure a dismissal of the injunction in the case of Morris and Bacon, and I am the more anxious, as I have lately heard there is some doubt of the solidity of the circumstances of Mr. Morris.…”


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Francisco de Miranda, 7 February 1798
From: Miranda, Francisco de
To: Hamilton, Alexander

a Londres ce 7. Fevrier 1798.

il-y-a quelque tems mon respectable et cher ami que j’eûs le plaisir de vous ecrir de Paris, et de vous envoier en même tems une Certaine Correspondence du ministre Diplomatique Munrroe—ainsi que une histe. de la Revolution française par Desodoard. je n’ai reçü aucune repponse encore; ce qui ne me surprends pas, atendü la suitte des evenements: et sur tout ma nouvelle proscription du 18. frutidor, que je crois être le Coup-de-grace pour toutte ⟨es⟩pece de Liberté en france—à moins d’un miracle!!! mais c’est le conti⟨ne⟩nt Americain tout entier qui semble se preparer à secour le joug d’une maniere sage et raisonable—et de former un corps d’allience avec les EtatsUnis, et l’Angleterre. C’est sur cet objet que je suis venü ici. je ne peus pas vous dire davantage pour le moment; mais J’espere que bientôt vous en sçaurez plus. Le Pamphlet de Harper est une chose excelente, et qui s’accorde parfaitement avec nos dispositions, et celles de ce pais-ici. Conduisez vous en consequence—et je crois que nous aurons gain de Cause à la fin, tant pour le bonheur du nouveaux monde, que pour la tranquilité de celui-ci. Mr. King votre ministreici, me parait un homme excelent, et fort instruit. Je le frequente avec plaisir, et je commence à lui faire quelques confidences sachant qu’il vous est ataché—ecrivez lui à ce sujet, et envoiez moi vos Lettres sous son addresse.
je n’ai pas le tems aujour’hui d’ecrir à notre Ami le Genl. Knox, ni au Col: Smith— faisez moi le plaisir de leurs dire mille choses de ma part, et de leurs communiquer la partie que vous jugerez à propos de celle-ci. mes compliments respectueux a mad. Hamilton.
à Dieu.   yours sincerely

F. de Miranda.
Alexander Hamilton, Esq.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Henry Sheaff, 10 February 1798
From: Sheaff, Henry
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Philadelphia, February 10, 1798. “Mr Robert Morris by Art and address has nearly Ruined me.… I have paid Ten Thousand Dollars have yet to pay Seven Thousands.… It was suggested to me by applying to you, as Mr. Morris holds large quantity of Lands in your State, you have it in your power to put me on Some plan to Secure my Debt.… Any mode you can devise for me will be thankfully Received.…”


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from James McHenry, 12 February 179[8]
From: McHenry, James
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Philad. 12 Feby 179[8]
My dear Sir

I have recd. the result of my request to you and cannot be otherwise than pleased with it and thankful to you for it.
The inclosed is my first conceptions on certain past transactions in which you were a participator and perhaps adviser. I believe every thing was then conducted as it has been since, after due deliberation and for the best. It is however no easy matter to account for the great expenditures that have taken place beyond what had been expected, and not involve predecessors in some censure, and at the same time insinuate a belief or expectation that similar expences may in future be avoided, thereby to encourage to the prosecution of the same object. Will you run over the pages and make such notes or alterations as may appear to you proper. I have no copy of what I send. It is the first draught. I pray you therefore not to lose any of the sheets and to return it as soon as may be with your commentary.
Will it not be proper to subjoin to my letter certain propositions for consideration. Such as
The expediency of using the timber that has been procured for the purposes for which it was obtained or
2. The propriety of making a provision for a permanent navy yard and gradual or prompt purchase of timber &c proper for building and equipping ships of different rates &c.
Give me some reflexions on this point.
Yours affectionately

J McHenry


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to James McHenry, [13 February 1798]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: McHenry, James

[New York, February 13, 1798]
My Dear Sir

Yours of yesterday with its inclosure are come to hand & will be attended to as speedily as possible.

I take the liberty to trouble you with the inclosed to receive the amount (which though the accumulated interest on all my Stock from the beginning of the funding system will be short of 200 Dollars). When received, pay yourself one hundred, our friend Lewis seven, & deliver the rest to Wolcott who has lately been paying for some books for me.
This idea, drawing my attention to this little object, as the sum is not worth retaining, has induced me to make sale of the principal to Le Roy Bayard & McEvers. While at the Notary’s & not having previously consulted them, I put your name in the power to transfer the Stock. This power they will send you. Pray comply with it & excuse this almost indecorum on my part.
Yrs. truly

A HFeby 13. 1798
James Mc.Henry Esq


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Robert Morris, 17 February 1798
From: Morris, Robert
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Alexr Hamilton Esqr
Philada Feby 17th 1798
Dear Sir

The bearer hereof Mr James Rees takes with him the deed for the genesee land which is to be lodged with you for my son Thomas and it may either be lodged with you as an Escrow to secure in the first instance the payment of the bala due to you which is $6002 as ⅌ the accot which is forwarded to Thomas so that you and he may settle and the remainder of the purchase money is to be paid to me but if Tom wants the deed not to be lodged as an escrow, for my part I shall be content with such arrangements as you & he may agree for
Your Obedt hble servt

RM


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to James McHenry, [20 February 1798]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: McHenry, James

[New York, February 20, 1798]
My Dear Friend

I regret that my occupations have not permitted me to give your report more than a cursory reading, before my being obliged to leave the city for Albany. I have put it under a cover addressed to you. If it cannot conveniently wait my return, which will be in a fortnight, it will be sent you upon a line directed to Mr. “James Inglis at Col Hamilton’s No. 26 Broad Way N York.” desiring him to forward you the Packet left in his care for you which will be done.
Interpret favourably & forgive
Yr. Affect

A HamiltonN York 20 Feby 1798


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Marquis de La Tour du Pin, 21 February 1798
From: La Tour du Pin, Marquis de
To: Hamilton, Alexander

London, February 21, 1798. “… J’ai bien plus de pardons a vous demander pour un objet particulier. Je desire vendre ma ferme d’albany.… Les bontés a jamais pretieuses, qu’ont eues pour nous, la famille de Madame hamilton, me font esperer qu’à votre Sollicitation elle voudra bien encore nous rendre le Service de faire vendre ce petit objet.…”


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Oliver Wolcott, Junior, 24 February 1798
From: Wolcott, Oliver, Jr.
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[Philadelphia] Feby 24. 1798
Dr. Sir

I have recd. a Letter from Mr. Josiah Meigs one of the Professors of Yale College, informing me that he has been offered one half of the establishment of the Daily Advertizer published in your City, which it is proposed should be edited & conducted jointly by Mr. Meigs & Mr. Morten the present Proprietor. To enable Mr. Meigs to accept the proposal it will however be necessary for him to advance by the first of May next, the Sum of Eight Thousand Dollars, which he wishes to obtain on Loan to be repaid in four annual Installments with Interest at seven per Centum per Annum—On condition that the property purchased together with the monies & debts to be recd. shall be pledged to the lenders as security.
As the success of the publication & of course the security of the Lenders will in a great measure depend on the talents & discretion of the Editor, it is important that the character & qualifications of Mr. Meigs should be known, and with this view I address you.
Mr. Meigs & myself were Classmates at Yale College; he is unquestionably a man of talents & was early distinguished as a literary & scientific proficient; as a man of honour he has ever [been] highly esteemed by his acquaintance.
I believe Mr. Meigs to be well qualified to be the Editor of a paper; he has had some experience in this line; a paper conducted by him at New Haven about ten years since was deservedly esteemed one of the best printed at that time; & it certainly contributed considerably to establish in the scene where it circulated the principles & opinions upon which the present Government rests for support.
But candour requires me [to] say that Mr. Meigs has been latterly considered as opposed to the leading measures of the Government; In what degree the report is well founded I cannot say: It is probable that his feelings were irritated during a residence in Bermuda in the years 1793 & 1794, when he was a witness to the violent & unjust conduct of the British Cruizers & may have thought that different measures ought to have been adopted by the Govt. It is my opinion notwithstanding any contrary suggestions that entire reliance may be placed in the good sense & candour of Mr. Meigs that he will not suffer a paper edited under his direction to assume a complexion justly displeasing to the friends of the Government, whose opinion may be different from his own.
I make this communication that you may so far as may be convenient as you shall judge proper obviate any obstacle to the success of his plan, on the score of erroneous political sentiments.
I am Dear Sir with perfect respect, y

O W.
A Hamilton Esq


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Effingham Lawrence, 1 March 1798
From: Lawrence, Effingham
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Flushing, New York, March 1, 1798. Seeks to retain Hamilton as his attorney in a case involving patent rights for a brickmaking machine.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Timothy Pickering, 17 March 1798
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Pickering, Timothy

New York March 17. 1798
Dr. Sir

I make no apology for offering you my opinion on the present state of our affairs.
I look upon the Question before the Public as nothing less than whether we shall maintain our Independence and I am prepared to do it in every event and at every hazard. I am therefore of opinion that our Executive should come forth on this basis.
I wish to see a temperate, but grave solemn and firm communication from the President to the two houses on the result of the advices from our Commissioners. This communication to review summarily the course of our affairs with France from the beginning to the present moment—to advert to her conduct towards the neutral powers generally, dwelling emphatically on the last decree respecting vessels carrying B Manufacture⟨s⟩ as an unequivocal act of hostility against all of them—to allude to the dangerous and vast projects of the French Government—to consider her refusal to receive our Ministers as a virtual denial of our Independence and as evidence that if circumstances favour the plan we shall be called to defend that Independence our political institutions & our liberty against her enterprizes—to conclude that leaving still the door to accommodation open & not proceeding to final rupture. Our duty our honor & safety require that we shall take vigorous and comprehensive measures of defence adequate to the immediate protection of our Commerce to the security of our Ports and to our eventual defence in case of Invas⟨ion⟩ with a view to these great objects calling forth and organising all the resources of the Country. I would at the same time have the President to recommend a day of fasting humiliation and prayer. The occasion renders it proper & religious ideas will be useful. I have this last measure at heart.
The measures to be advocated, by our friends in Congress to be these—
I   Permission to our Merchant Vessels ⟨to⟩ arm and to capture those which may ⟨attack⟩ them.
II   The completion of our frigates & the provision of a considerable number of sloops of war not exceeding 20 Guns. Authority to capture all attacking & privateers found within 20 leagues of our Coast.
III   Power to the President in genera⟨l⟩ terms to provide and equip 10 Ships of the line in case of open rupture with any foreign power.
IV   The increase of our military establishment to 20000 & a provisional army of 3000⟨0⟩ besides the Militia.
V   The efficacious fortification of our principal ports say Portsmouth Boston New Port, New London, N York, Philade⟨lphia⟩ Norfolk Baltimore Wilmington NC Charlest⟨on⟩ Savannah. Tis waste of money to be more diffusive.
VI   The extension of our Revenue to all the principal objects of Taxation & a loan commensurate with the contemplated expenditure.
VII   The suspension of our Treaties with France till a basis of Connection shall ⟨be⟩ reestablished by Treaty.
In my Opinion bold language & bold measures are indispensable. The attitude of calm defiance suits us. Tis vain to talk of Peace with a Power with which we are actually in hostility. The election is between a tame surrender of our rights or a state of mitigated hostility. Neither do I think that this state will lead to general rupture, if France is unsuccessful ⟨and⟩ if successful there is no doubt in my mind tha⟨t⟩ she will endeavour to impose her Yoke upon us.
Yrs. with true esteem

A Hamilton

Dr Sir   If Robert Troupe resigns his office of District Judge The President cannot make a better choice than of Samuel Jones Esqr. the present comptroller of the State. I understand he will accept.

Timothy Pickering Esq


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Pierre Charles L’Enfant, [20 March 1798]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: L’Enfant, Pierre Charles

[New York, March 20, 1798]
Dr. Sir

On my return from Albany, I received a letter referring to one I sometime since received from you. I am ashamed to tell you that the extreme pressure of my engagements has hindered my attending hitherto to your wish. I shall in the course of this week pay such attention to it as my relative situation permits, guided by a real desire to be useful to you.
Yrs. with regard

A HamiltonMarch 20 1798
Major L’Enfant.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Timothy Pickering, [23 March 1798]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Pickering, Timothy

[New York, March 23, 1798]
My Dear Sir

I understand that the Senate have called upon the President for papers. Nothing certainly can be more proper; and such is the universal opinion here. And it appears to me essential that so much, as possibly can, be communicated. Confidence will otherwise be wanting—and criticism will ensue which it will be difficult to repel. The observation is that Congress are called upon to discharge the most important of all their functions & that it is too much to expect that they will rely on the influence of the Executive from materials which may be put before them. The recent examples of the British King are cited. Pray let all that is possible be done.
Yrs. truly

A HamiltonMarch 23. 1798
T Pickering Es


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Timothy Pickering, 25 March 1798
From: Pickering, Timothy
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Philadelphia March 25. 1798.
Dear Sir,

I duly received your letter of the 17th. No apology will be necessary for a communication of your opinion at any time; and at the present crisis your opinion is peculiarly acceptable.
Prior to the receipt of your letter, the President had determined to recommend the observance of a general fast; and had desired one or both the chaplains of Congress to prepare the draught of a proclamation. This has since been issued.
The idea of a solemn and firm communication from the President to the two Houses of Congress, on the state of our affairs with France, had occurred to me; with this addition, that it might be more impressive if delivered personally by the President himself from the Speaker’s chair, as at the opening of a session. That this speech should comprehend as brief a statement of our relations to France as would consist with an adequate representation of our good faith and of her perfidy and hostile acts, from the commencement of the French Revolution to the present moment. This paper should be prepared by me: I wish I were able to do full justice, to the subject. A proper time to deliver this communication would be when the letters from our envoys should be laid before Congress: for a motion has been made in the Senate for that purpose; & it is expected a like motion will be made in the House: but independently of these motions, it is really desirable that not Congress only but the people at large should know the conduct of the French Government towards our Envoys, and the abominable corruption of that Government; together with their enormous demands for money. These are so monstrous as to shock every reasonable man, when he shall know them. It pretended that the Directory was vastly exasperated against the American Government for some expressions in the President’s speech to Congress on the 16th of May last; that those expressions, or their application to the Government of France, must be disavowed. This however was a bold pretence only, as the means of extorting moneys; for after it had been said that the Directory for its own honor and the honor of the Republic would insist on this reparation, our Envoys were plainly told that there was a practicable substitute, more valuable than both. They asked what? Money! Money! was the answer. This reparation when it should be made, was only paving the way for new and I may say unlimited demands of more money—a sum equal to all the spoliations of the French on our commerce! to enable the Republic to pay our merchants? No! for the present use of the Republic. Then a mode might be agreed on for the liquidation of the merchants claims, to be compensated at some future period—and in the mean time, until the treaty should be concluded, (which that government might procrastinate indefinitely) their depredations were not to be restrained! Besides this, we must purchase promptly 32 millions of Dutch inscriptions (12,800,000 dollars) at par, and rely on the existence and ability of the Batavian Republic to redeem them. The sum of all was, in the words of the agent “Il faut de l’argent—il faut beaucoup d’argent;” and without this our envoys were explicitly told, by the secret but unofficial agents, that if they remained in Paris six months longer, they would not advance one step.
You will be aware that I communicate these important facts to you in perfect confidence; for as you interest yourself so deeply in public affairs and are so obliging as to communicate your opinions, I thought you should be possessed of facts. I communicate them of myself, without the privity of any one.
Yet after all these inadmissible demands, and the peremptory declaration with which I closed the above detail, the envoys meant to make one more formal application by letter to Talleyrand, on the 10th of January; 2 days after their last letter to me which you have seen was communicated to Congress, and in which they say “there existed no hope of their being officially recd. or in any way accomplishing the object of their mission.” These objects they meant to state and discuss, as if they had been formally received. There is but one solution of this measure of the envoys, & of their long suffering patience in their mortifying situation—To convince all their countrymen that it was not possible to adjust our differences with the present government of France. We do not know the result of this intended application; nor whether the envoys have left France: and it is these uncertainties which prevented the President’s displaying this scene of insults, extortion, ambition & iniquity, by communicating the envoys letters before Congress and the country.
I must assure you further that Portugal purchased her peace— that the very money paid by her in hand, enabled the triumvirs in the Directory to march troops and effect the revolution of September 4th: and yet the day after they received the intelligence of the peace finally concluded with the Emperor, these same villains declared the Portuguese treaty void. Doubtless they now demand more money to renew it than Portugal can conveniently muster; and probably nothing would satisfy the monsters, short of the riches of Lisbon, and the pillage of the Churches, and the subversion of the kingdom. Then will come the turn of Spain, of whom they have demanded the cession of Louisiana—and pressed their demand until the Prince of Peace knows not how any longer to resist it. And in order to plunder Spain and subvert the monarchy, unprincipled men will not want pretences—perhaps this will be sufficient—that Spain has not contributed as she ought to the common warfare, as an ally bound by a league offensive as well as defensive.
What ought we to do, in respect to Louisiana? A Letter this day recd. from Colo. Humphreys dated at Madrid the 4th of January renders it probable that the information we have had from New Orleans is true—that Gayoso has recd. orders to evacuate the posts. His information (Colo. Humphreys’) was from a man employed in a public office conversant in American affairs; and Colo. H. considered it almost certain. Perhaps these orders may have resulted from Spain’s seeing or fearing the necessity of ceding Louisiana to France—and hence concluding that she might as well do a grateful thing to us before the surrender. Louisiana is easy to be defended by a force commanding the Mississipi at its mouth, another at the English Turn (half way between New Orleans and the mouth of the river) and at the entrance from the sea into the lake Pontchartrain. The Spanish force in all Louisiana is small—probably not rising to a thousand men, from the Bellize to the Missouri. The deepest channel of the three mouths of the Mississipi does not exceed fifteen feet of water; and it requires a pretty strong breeze to advance against the current.
I have one more important fact to mention—That since Lord Malmsbury’s negociation was broken off by the French, that Government has offered more advantageous terms to the British administration than Lord Malmsbury demanded—on the single condition of a douceur of one million sterling—to be divided among the Directory and the ministers: Talleyrands share was to be one hundred thousand pounds sterling, for his department! I might have mentioned, that these miscreants had the modesty to ask of our envoys a douceur of but fifty thousand pounds sterling. Merlin was to have no part of the 50,000. because the privateersmen had paid him liberally for his opinions against our vessels and those of other neutrals. This reminds me of another very important omission in my preceeding details—In regard to the adjustment of our claims for spoliations, all the vessels condemned for want of the rôle d’equipage were not to be brought into view: their condemnations were to be admitted as irrevocable—because Merlin had written a treatize to justify their condemnation!! Were there ever such devils out of pandemonium? There was afterwards some relaxation on this point—Claims might be made for such vessels—and if Citizen Merlin could be convinced they were just—why they might be considered.
Of the measures you recommend
1. Permission to arm merchant vessels is given by the President’s withdrawing his restriction: but there should be a law to regulate them. The opposition are very angry with the president’s act on this point.
2. The frigates are to be completed: but the providing of a number of sloops of war will be vehemently opposed.

3. To authorize the President to provide ten ships of the line would be still more opposed. I have supposed they might easily be obtained of Great Britain: and that even for the bare act of victualling such a fleet by us, the British would keep one on our coast—and perhaps subject them to our orders, the British Minister concurring: but to command them fully, they must be our own.
4. There would be equal opposition to an increase of our military establishment.
5. There would perhaps be little opposition to a better, perhaps to a formidable fortifying of our principal ports. Where are the Engineers? The Frenchmen in general employed in 1794 only wasted our money: almost any artillery officer of our revolution army would probably do better. Colo. Vincent’s plans at NewYork are probably a fortunate exception.
6. The revenue will not be extended but on the adoption of the defensive measures that will make additional revenues indispensible.
7. Instead of a suspension, I have for some time thought we should declare the annihilation of all our treaties with France. The repeated infractions of them on her part would justify us in making void the whole.
A disclosure of our actual situation with France, by communicating the Envoys letters, would, I presume, detach so many of the adherents to opposition leaders as to enable the real friends to their country to take promptly all the requisite measures. On these details, favour me with your opinions.
Truly & respectfully yours,

T. Pickering.
Alexander Hamilton Esqr.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Timothy Pickering, 25 March 1798
From: Pickering, Timothy
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Philaa. March 25. 1798.
Dr. Sir

The inclosed I wrote last evening for your information. This morning I received your open letter of the 23d. As soon as a vessel shall be dispatched for France with letters of recall to our envoys, I presume the President will communicate their letters to Congress—whether demanded or not. If the envoys or any of them should be found in France (of which there is a bare possibility) they are to demand their passports and return—unless they shall have concluded a treaty, or are actually in treaty with persons vested with equal powers, and that the treaty proceeds with candour on the part of the French Government. This vessel will probably sail the ensuing Thursday.
What shall we say to the British Government? You hint at nothing. The opposition party have often insinuated that a treaty offensive & defensive has doubtless been already concluded with Great Britain—a friend of mine yesterday told me that he was asked if such a treaty had not arrived. The truth is, that not one syllable has been written to Mr. King or any one else upon the subject. I confess it to have been for some time my opinion that provisional orders should be sent to Mr. King. Mr. King in one of his latest letters desires to be particularly instructed. The dispatch boat may be diverted to go from France to England with such instructions (which will be in cypher) or may go directly to Falmouth, and there may ascertain whether our Envoys are or are not in France.
Your ideas communicated on this subject, and on the facts stated in the inclosed, will be highly acceptable to me: I wish to receive them on Wednesday.
Very truly & respectfully yours

T. Pickering
Alexander Hamilton Esq


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Timothy Pickering, 27 March 1798
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Pickering, Timothy

[New York] March 27. 179810 oClock Tuesday
My Dear Sir

I have this moment received your two favours of the 25th. I am delighted with their contents; but it is impossible for me to reply particularly to them so as to reach you tomorrow as you desire.
I will therefore confine myself to one point. I am against going immediately into alliance with Great Britain. It is my opinion that her interest will ensure us her cooperation, to the extent of her power, and that a Treaty will not secure her further. On the other hand a Treaty might entangle us; public opinion is not prepared for it—it would not fail to be represented as to the point to which our previous conduct was directed and in case of offers from France satisfactory to us the public faith might be embarrassed by the calls of the people for accommodation & peace.
The desideratum is that Britain could be engaged to lodge with her Minister here powers commensurate with such arrangements as exigencies may require & the progress of Opinion permit. I see no good objection on her part to this plan. It would be good policy in her to send to this Country a dozen frigates to pursue the directions of this Government.
If Spain would cede Louisiana to the UStates I would accept it, absolutely if obtainable absolutely, or with an engagement to restore if it cannot be obtained absolutely.
I shall write again tomorrow.
Yrs. truly

A Hamilton
T Pickering Esq


Title: Account with Robert H. Dunkin, [30 March 1798]
From: Dunkin, Robert H.,Hamilton, Alexander
To:

[New York, March 30, 1798]

Upon an Order of R H Dunkin & Wife dated the 14 of March for £384.10 NYC—I have paid Mrs. Watkins 936 Dollars & 25 Cents this being the sum actually received by me on her account.
NY March 30. 1798A Hamilton


Title: The Stand No. I, [30 March 1798]
From: “Titus Manlius”,Hamilton, Alexander
To:

[New York, March 30, 1798]

The enlightened friend of America never saw greater occasion of disquietude than at the present juncture. Our nation, thro its official organs, has been treated with studied contempt and systematic insult; essential rights of the country are perseveringly violated, and its independence and liberty eventually threatened, by the most flagitious, despotic and vindictive government that ever disgraced the annals of mankind; by a government marching with hasty and colossal strides to universal empire, and, in the execution of this hideous project, wielding with absolute authority the whole physical force of the most enthralled, but most powerful nation on earth. In a situation like this, how great is the cause to lament, how afflicting to every heart, alive to the honor and interest of its country, to observe, that distracted and inefficient councils, that a palsied and unconscious state of the public mind, afford too little assurance of measures adequate either to the urgency of the evils which are felt, or to the magnitude of the dangers which are in prospect.
When Great Britain attempted to wrest from us those rights, without which we must have descended from the rank of freedom, a keen and strong sense of injury and danger ran with electric swiftness thro the breasts of our citizens. The mass and weight of talents, property and character, hastened to confederate in the public cause. The great body of our community every where burnt with a holy zeal to defend it, and were eager to make sacrifices on the altar of their country.
If the nation, with which we were called to contend was then the preponderating power of Europe; if by her great wealth and the success of her arms she was in a condition to biass or to awe the cabinets of princes; if her fleets covered and domineered over the ocean, facilitating depredation and invasion; if the penalities of rebellion hung over an unsuccessful contest; if America was yet in the cradle of her political existence; if her population little exceeded two millions; if she was without government, without fleets or armies, arsenals or magazines, without military knowlege;—still her citizens had a just and elevated sense of her rights, were thoroughly awake to the violence and injustice of the attack upon them, saw the conduct of her adversary without apology or extenuation; and, under the impulse of these impressions and views, determined with little short of unanimity to brave every hazard in her defence. This magnanimous spirit was the sure pledge, that all the energies of the country would be exerted to bring all its resources into action, that whatever was possible would be done towards effectual opposition; and this, combined with the immense advantage of distance, warranted the expectation of ultimate success. The event justified the expectation and rewarded the glorious spirit from which it was derived.
Far different is the picture of our present situation! The Five tyrants of France, after binding in chains their own countrymen, after prostrating surrounding nations, and vanquishing all external resistance to their revolutionary despotism at home, without the shadow of necessity, with no discernible motive, other than to confirm their usurpation and extend the sphere of their domination abroad—These implacable Tyrants obstinately and remorselessly persist in prolonging the calamities of mankind, and seem resolved as far as they can to multiply and perpetuate them. Acting upon the pretension to universal empire, they have at length, in fact tho not in name, decreed war against all nations not in league with themselves; and towards this country, in particular, they add to a long train of unprovoked aggressions and affronts the insupportable outrage of refusing to receive the extraordinary ambassadors whom we sent to endeavor to appease and conciliate. Thus have they, in regard to us, filled up the measure of national insult and humiliation. ’Tis not in their power, unless we are accomplices in the design, to sink us lower. ’Tis only in our own power to do this by an abject submission to their will.

But tho a knowlege of the true character of the citizens of this country will not permit it to be suspected that a majority either in our public councils or in the community can be so degraded or infatuated; yet to the firm and independent lover of his country, there are appearances at once mortifying and alarming.
Among those who divide our legislative councils, we perceive hitherto, on the one side unremitting efforts to justify or excuse the despots of France, to vilify and discredit our own government, of course to destroy its necessary vigor, and to distract the opinions and to damp the zeal of our citizens, what is worse, to divert their affections from their own to a foreign country: on the other side, we have as yet seen neither expanded views of our situation, nor measures at all proportioned to the seriousness and extent of the danger. While our independence is menaced, little more is heard than of guarding our trade, and this too in very feeble and tremulous accents.
In the community, though in a sounder state than its representatives, we discover the vestiges of the same divisions which enervate our councils. A few, happily a contemptible few, prostituted to a foreign enemy, seem willing that their country should become a province to France. Some of these dare even to insinuate the treasonable and parricidal sentiment, that in case of invasion, they would join the standard of France. Another and a more considerable part are weak enough to appear disposed to sacrifice our commerce, to endure every indignity and even to become tributary, rather than to encounter war or increase the chances of it; as if a nation could preserve any rights, could even retain its freedom, which should conduct itself on the principle of passive obedience to injury and outrages; as if the debasement of the public mind did not include the debasement of the individual mind and the direlection of whatever adorns or exalts human nature; as if there could be any security in compounding with tyranny and injustice by degrading compliances; as if submission to the existing violations of our sovereignty would not invite still greater, and whet the appetite to devour us by the allurement of an unresisting prey; as if war was ever to be averted by betraying unequivocally a pusillanimous dread of it as the greatest of all evils.
This country has doubtless powerful motives to cultivate peace. It was its policy, for the sake of this object, to go a great way in yielding secondary interests, and to meet injury with patience as long as it could be done without the manifest abandonment of essential rights; without absolute dishonor. But to do more than this is suicide in any people who have the least chance of contending with effect. The conduct of our government has corresponded with the cogent inducements to a pacific system. Towards Great-Britain it displayed forbearance—towards France it has shewn humility. In the case of Great Britain, its moderation was attended with success. But the inexorable arrogance and rapacity of the oppressors of unhappy France barr all the avenues to reconciliation as well as to redress, accumulating upon us injury and insult till there is no choice left between resistance and infamy.
My countrymen! can ye hesitate which to prefer? can ye consent to taste the brutalizing cup of disgrace, to wear the livery of foreign masters, to put on the hateful fetters of foreign bondage? Will it make any difference to you that the badge of your servitude is a cap rather than an epaulet? Will tyranny be less odious because Five instead of One inflict the rod? What is there to deter from the manful vindication of your rights and your honor?
With an immense ocean rolling between the United States and France—with ample materials for ship building, and a body of hardy seamen more numerous and more expert than France can boast, with a population exceeding five millions, spread over a wide extent of country, offering no one point, the seizure of which, as of the great capitals of Europe, might deside the issue, with a soil liberal of all the productions that give strength and resource, with the rudiments of the most essential manufactures capable of being developed in proportion to our want, with a numerous and in many quarters well appointed militia, with respectable revenues and a flourishing credit, with many of the principle sources of taxation yet untouched, with considerable arsenals and the means of extending them, with experienced officers ready to form an army under the command of the same illustrious chief who before led them to victory and glory, and who, if the occasion should require it, could not hesitate again to obey the summons of his country—what a striking and encouraging contrast does this situation in many respects form, to that in which we defied the thunder of Britain? what is there in it to excuse or palliate the cowardice and baseness of a tame surrender of our rights to France?
The question is unnecessary. The people of America are neither idiots nor dastards. They did not break one yoke to put on another. Tho a portion of them have been hitherto misled; yet not even these, still less the great body of the nation, can be long unaware of the true situation, or blind to the treacherous arts by which they are attempted to be hood winked. The unfaithful and guilty leaders of a foreign faction, unmasked in all their intrinsic deformity, must quickly shrink from the scene, appalled and confounded. The virtuous whom they have led astray will renounce their exotic standard. Honest men of all parties will unite to maintain and defend the honor and the sovereignty of their country.
The crisis demands it. ’Tis folly to dissemble. The despots of France are waging war against us. Intoxicated with success and the inordinate love of power, they actually threaten our independence. All amicable means have in vain been tried towards accommodation. The Problem now to be solved is whether we will maintain or surrender our sovereignty. To maintain it with firmness is the most sacred of duties, the most glorious of tasks. The happiness of our country, the honor of the American name demands it. The genius of Independence exhorts to it. The secret mourning voice of oppressed millions in the very country whose despots menace us, admonish to it by their suffering example. The offended dignity of man commands us not to be accessary to its further degradation. Reverence to the Supreme governor of the universe enjoins us not to bow the knee to the modern Titans who erect their impious crests against him and vainly imagine they can subvert his eternal throne.
But ’tis not enough to resist. ’Tis requisite to resist with energy. That will be a narrow view of our situation which does not contemplate, that we may be called, at our very doors, to defend our independence and liberty, and which does not provide against it, by bringing into activity and completely organizing all the resources of our country. A respectable naval force, ought to protect our commerce, and a respectable army ought both to diminish the temptation to invasion, by lessening the apparent chance of success, and to guarantee us, not only against the final success of such an attempt, but against the serious tho partial calamities, which in that case would certainly await us, if we have to rely on militia alone against the enterprises of veteran troops, drenched in blood and slaughter and led by a skillful and daring Chief!

Titus Manlius.


Title: [Marcellus No. I and No. II], [31 March 1798]
From: “Marcellus”,Hamilton, Alexander
To:

[New York, March 31, 1798]

Gazette of the United States, and Philadelphia Daily Advertiser, March 31, 1798.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Philip Schuyler, 31 March 1798
From: Schuyler, Philip
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[Albany] Saturday 31st March 1798
My Dear Sir

I learned with great Satisfaction that altho you had experienced much fatigue in your Journey, you arrived in perfect health and found my Dear Eliza and the Children so.
After a fortnights confinement to my bed room I am so well recovered as to return to the hall,—the wounds in my leg are on the point of being healed. The inner bark of the London or Bass wood was applied on Sunday last and in twenty four hours I was relieved from the most excruciating torments and have since had less pain, then in any equal number of days for Six months past. Indeed I have hardly any pain at all and my Appetite is gradually restoring—please to communicate this to my Children.
The Chancellor is here and he and his friends are Assiduous in blackening Mr Jays Character. The Chancellor called on me Yesterday Morning and began a Conversation on the State of our Affairs in relation to france, he imputed the impending rupture to the Intemperance of our Government, which wished to connect Itself with britain to the prejudice of France, I asked for the proof, he replied that Mr Jay was instructed to yield every thing, and had done So. Chagrined I replied that altho I was already an Old and Infirm man I was not yet so much of a Child as to have an Assertion so notoriously false made to me—that he must reserve Such assertions to be made to Idiots That If a rupture with france should Ensue It was Undoubtedly to be imputed to the Antifoederalists, and to such foederalists as had apostatized, and Joined them in all their nefarious Scheme to reduce America to a disgraceful dependance on france,—he attempted to Justify the directory for banishing Pitchgrou & the other Members of their Legislature, and supposed the directory apprehended If their deputies had been brought to Trial their friends would [have] caused an Insurrection. I exposed the weakness of Such a reason, and observed that If It was a really good and Justifiable measure, and that he believed It, I must conclude he would applaud ⟨the Executive of the⟩ U. States If he should Send thirty or forty members of Congress to some inhospitable shore, there to perish by famine and disease. The Man my dear Sir has worked himself up to such a pitch of Enmity against our Government as approaches to Madness.
A   I hope every exertion will be made In Your quarter to ensure Mr Jays Election. I fear the result in Dutchess County as I [do] not recollect Since Mr Radcliffs departure thence that we have any Active Influencial friend there. I wish Mr Radif could go into that County—or at least that he would write to his friends.   B
Mrs. Schuyler and all here are well and Join in love to you My Eliza & Mr & Mrs Church and the Children of both families. God bless you
Yours ever most Affectionately
Alexr Hamilton Esqr
If Colo Hamilton is from Home Mrs. Hamilton will please to Extract the paragraph marked A to B. and give It to Colo. Troup as from me.

P S.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Henry A. Williams, 31 March 1798
From: Williams, Henry A.
To: Hamilton, Alexander

New York, March 31, 1798. “I am again necessitated to write you from this gloomy place (Viz. the Goal) where a trifling sum … holds me. You will therefore I hope excuse me for Troubling you and as Imediately as possible take the Necessary Steps to Recover that Money.…”


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Oliver Wolcott, Junior, 5 April 1798
From: Wolcott, Oliver, Jr.
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Private
Phila. Apl. 5. 1798
Dear Sir

I recd your note and delivered the enclosure to Fenno who will publish it with its Successors. I hope it will do good, for if the Country cannot be roused from the Lethargy into which it fell in consequence of the miserable conduct of Congress last Summer, the Government will not in one year be worth defending.
The papers relative to the Negotiation which has been attempted with France have been laid before Congress. Many in both Houses I believe find that the gratification of their curiosity has made them responsible, for the management of a pretty difficult subject. The disclosure was I suppose necessary, though I regret the necessity. The dose will kill or cure, and I wish I was not somewhat uncertain which; not that I doubt the expediency of what the Government had done, or attempted, but I believe Faction & Jacobinism to be natural & immortal Enemies of our system. It is some satisfaction however to know, that the instructions & the conduct of the President generally in this affair, have enlisted the reluctant approbation of our most inveterate opposers.
A few days will determine whether the Legislature can act with that decision & energy which the Crisis demands. Nothing further by way of impression can be done except recourse is had to the desperate & doubtful remedy of a popular appeal.
The Revenue does not decline so much as I expected, but the management of the Treasury becomes more & more difficult. The Legislature will not pass laws in gross. Their appropriations are minute. Gallatin to whom they all yield, is evidently intending to break down this Department by charging it with an impracticable detail. The duties are high, the merchants are embarrassed. There is some considerable smuggling in places where correction is difficult. In common with the rest of the Country, the public Officers have grown lazy or dishonest. The sum which has been lost by delinquencies of the Revenue Officers would alarm you—see below.# I have done all in my power, the delinquents are dismissed promptly & without mercy—and yet new discoveries are making. I pray God, that we may not find that most of the old fashioned honesty has left the Country. But I will complain no more at present.
I am assuredly yours

Oliv Wolcott.

see above # Randolph embezled 50.000 Dolls while Secy of State besides which, there ought to be 200.000 Dollars in the Treasy which rests in the Accounts of Revenue Officers—most of this money will be lost. You will at first suspect that I have been careless in suffering the money to remain too long in their hands. The fact however is that in most instances I have been imposed on by fictitious accounts or by other frauds equally alarming.

O. W.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Francisco de Miranda, 6 April [–7 June] 1798
From: Miranda, Francisco de
To: Hamilton, Alexander

à Londres ce 6. Avril [–June 7] 1798

Celle-ci vous sera remise, mon Cher et respectable Ami, par mon Compatriote D. Pedro Josef de Caro, chargé des Depéches de la plus haute importance pour le President des Etats Unis: il vous dirà Confidentiellement ce que vous voudrez apprendre sur ce Sujet. Il paroit que le moment de nottre emancipation aproche, et que l’etablissement de la Libertè sur tout le Continent du Nouveaumonde nous est confiè par la Providence! Le seul danger que je prevois c’est l’introduction des principes-français, qui empoisonnerai la Libertè dans son berçèau, et finirai pour en detruir bien-tôt la votre; mais si nous prenons des Sages precautions à tems, tout pourrà fort bien-y reussir. Qu’il vous fasse voir mes instructions à cet egard, et vous pourriez-y ajouter ce qui me serait echapè.
On est convenü d’avance d’une forme de gouvernement mixte, qui me parai pourrà fort bien convenir au Pays: J’aurois l’honneur de vous le Soumetre à tems; mais je vous previens, que nous voudrions vous avoir avec nous pour cet important object, et que c’est le Veux de ceux de mes Compatriotes à qui j’ai parlè sur cette affaire; ainsi J’espere que Vous ne nous refuserez pas quand le moment Arriverà—vottre Greque predecesseur Solon, ne l’aurai pas fait au moins J’en suis sur! et il serà possible que J’aille bien tôt vous prendre moimême—il-y-a une autre Persone chez vous, qui m’est connüe de reputation, et que je crois, pourroit fort bien nous rendre des services tres important dans la partie militaire; c’est le general H. Lee de la Virginie. Come je reçüs au Commencement de la Revolution en france (par mon ami le Co: W. Smith) une Letter de lui Souhaitant d’entrer au Service de la Repl. alors; je me flatte qu’il ne nous refuserà non plus, quand il s’agit de la vrai-Libertè, que nous aimons tous et du bonheur de ses Compatriotes du Perou et du Mêxique—fairezmoi le plaisir de le presentir d’avance pour qu’il se prepare à nous acompagner, lui recomandant toujours toute la reserve qu’est indispensable—Nottre ami Knox voudra-t-il venir? J’en serois bien charmè, mais je crains que non.
Enfin Portez-vous bien mon Cher Ami—donnez-moi des vous nouvelles, sous l’adresse de Mr. King votre ministre Plenipe. ici—presentez mes compliments respectueux à Made. Hamilton—et croyez moi toujours avec un atachement inviolable votre sincere Ami.

F. de Miranda.
Alexr. Hamilton, Esqe. New-York.

P.S. ce 7. Juin 1798.
Mr. Caro est parti en droiture au Continent Americain, par des circonstances pressantes qui nous ont force à cette demarche. Les evenements pressent, et tout se prepare pour notre grande enterprise. J’ai vü vos Lettres à Mr. King, inclusivement jusques au 5. may dernier—je vous prie de repondre le plus-tôt possible, et de me communiquer vottre avis sur tout de qui regarde toutte l’Amerique. à Dieu
yours,

M——a.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Timothy Pickering, 9 April 1798
From: Pickering, Timothy
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Philadelphia April 9. 1798.
Dear Sir,

This morning the dispatches from our envoys are published, and I inclose a copy.
In your letter of March 27th in answer to mine of the 25th just then received, you say, “I shall write again to-morrow.” I have received no letter from you since that of the 27th. which I mention on the presumption that you may have written, and because if you have, it is important on every account that it should be known.
You will readily imagine what apologies our internal enemies make for the French Government. Jefferson says that the Directory are not implicated in the villainy and corruption displayed in these dispatches—or at least that these offer no proof against them. Bache’s paper of last saturday says “That M. Talleyrand is notoriously anti republican; that he was the intimate friend of Mr. Hamilton, Mr. King and other great federalists, and that it is probably owing to the determined hostility which he discovered in them towards France, that the Government of that country consider us only as objects of plunder.”
I am very truly yours

T Pickering
Alexander Hamilton Esqr.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from David Ford, 11 April 1798
From: Ford, David
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Morris Town [New Jersey]April 11th. 1798
Dear Sir

The endeavours & industry of the Enemies of America, The French Faction, is becoming every day greater. Nothing bounds their Ambition, but a total over throw of the Government, to this end evry possible scheem of villany is used. Now under the Spacious pretence of Peace, they are in evry part of this state, endeavouring to raise distrust towards the Gouvernment. Our Town Meetings in this part of New Jesey are held by law the 2d. Monday in April. On that day by a concerted plan the demons came forward at allmost evry pole and surprized the People with a Remonstrance as they called it against War. These in general were drawn so as to Criminate our own Chief Magistrate & those who support him—and in Most places the Idea of its being a Petition for Peace, obtained it support. All this is a prelude to the succeeding Election in Octr., for Members of Congress.
But the greatest evil that prevades our Country is the Country Presses, these have been many of them set up & supported by the Democratic party in different places, and those not Actually raised by their Private Collections of Money Have been as it were siezed, or hired, by the party to retail scandal against the Gouvernment, so that 9 tenths of the Presses out of the great towns in America to the South of the Hudson are Democratic & most of them in direct pay, or by influences. While the opposes of the Gouvernment are doing all this & ten times as much by misrepresentation—The Wealth Information & Abilities of our Country, are not Exalted at all, or very little indeed. But not at all to my knowledge by establishing & supporting with Money good Presses throughout the Country, whereby the People would be truely informed for I am bold to say if they knew the Truth the French faction may sink. But there is an Attatchment for Paper printed among ourselves, and it is easily got & Cheap, by this means there is a Constant stream of misrepresentation overwhelming the people. And those rightly disposed at last are corrupted. I know of no other way to remedy this evil than for the Gentlemen of the Federal Interest to become subscribers in the different out Towns to these Papers, and then Write for them, so as that evry paper should contain a good piece or two in favor of Gouvernment. It is very singular yet True, that the People of Elizabeth Town are Federal, & Yet there Issue from that Town, as infamous & inflamatory a Paper as any in the Country. Your Wisdom & advice will best decide what is to do. If something is not speedily & spiritedly done, I fear we shall have some Jacobins elected.
My Present Ideas are that now is a very favorable Opportunity for the Federal Interest to rally & by Public County or Town Meetings, give that tone & current which the late dispatches so fully furnish, now the Spirit is up, Keep it up by addresses ⟨in⟩ the Public Papers & Mee⟨ting⟩s, the Rascally French are down, but they will make out a set of lies to at least palsey the Proceedings of Gouvernment.
I hope You will excuse this Liberty of addressing You, but I know of no man whose Abilities & Interest is sufficient to Stem the torrent—unless You exert yourself.
With Great Respect & Esteem   I am Dear Sir   Your Very Hle.Sert

David Ford
Alexr. Hambleton Esqr