Title: The Colonist’s Advocate: IV, 15 January 1770
From: Colonist’s Advocate
To:

To assume the Title of the Colonist’s Advocate, is to undertake the Defence of Three Millions of the most valuable Subjects of the British Empire, against Tyranny and Oppression, brought upon them by a wrong-headed Ministry. It is to call the Attention of Government to the Injuries of the brave and free Emigrants from these Realms, who first, without the least Charge to us, obtained, and have, for many Years, at the Expence of their Sweat and their Blood, secured for themselves, and the Mother Country, an unmeasurable Territory, from whence Riches, Power, and Honour have, for many Centuries, been flowing in upon us; and (had not the evil Genius of England whispered in the Ear of a certain Gentleman, “George! be a Financier”) would, for Ages to come, have continued to flow in the same happy Channel. I beg Justice for those brave People, who, in Confidence of our Protection, left their native Country, pierced into Woods, where no humanized Foot had, from the Creation, trod; who rouzed the deadly Serpent in his Hole, the Savage Beast in his Den, and the brutal Indian in his Thicket, and who have made us the Envy and the Terror of Europe. The Colonists have made our Merchants Princes, while themselves are, for the most Part, Farmers and Planters. They have employed our Hands, increased our People, consumed our Manufactures, improved our Navy, maintained our Poor, and doubled, or trebled our Riches. Our Exports to Pensylvania were,

£
  s.
  d.

In 1723,
15,992
19
4

In 1742,
75,295
3
4

In 1749,
238,637
2
10

In 1744, to all the Northern Colonies,
640,114
12
4

In 1748,
830,243
16
9

In 1754,
1,246,615
1
11

In 1758,
1,832,948
13
10

In 1744, to the West-India Islands,
796,112
17
9

In 1758,
877,571
19
11

Is not this a stupendous Mart for British Manufactures? But if this was not getting [rich] fast enough by our Colonies, let us proceed a little farther.
By the Easiness of settling and maintaining a Family in America, it is found, that the People do, merely by natural Population, exclusive of Additions from Europe, from whence great Numbers are continually emigrating double their Numbers every twenty Years. If, therefore, in 1758, our Exports

  To the American Continent, were
1,832,948
13
10

  And to the Islands,
877,571
  19
  11

  Together,
  2,710,520
  13
  9

Supposing the Exports to the Islands not to increase, but to continue the same; by the mere Increase of the People on the Continent, our Exports to both Islands and Continent, might have been expected in 1778, only seven Years hence, to amount to £4,543,469 7s. 7d. But the above Figures shew, that our Exports do much more than double themselves every twenty Years, and that the Demands of the Colonists, for our Manufactures, have grown as the Wealth and Luxury of the Colonists has increased. It is certain, that, in a short Time, the Colonies would have wanted more of our Luxuries and Manufactures, than all the working Hands in the Mother-Country could have furnished. Instead of which, in an accursed Hour comes, to use my Lord Chatham’s Expression, “A wretched Financier boasting, that he can bring into the Treasury a Pepper-Corn, at the Risque of Millions to the Nation.” Let the Day of his Birth be a Darkness! For, what, in the Name of all that is voracious and insatiable, what would the Taxers of our Colonies have? Does not all the Wealth of these industrious People already centre in Britain? Would our Financiers have more than their All? Supposing the Colonists ever so willing to submit to Taxation without Representation, and that they could command a Sufficiency of Money for the Purpose, neither of which is their Case, what should we gain by having a Pittance from them in the Shape of Taxes? We should only have their All in two Ways, instead of one; a Part in the Commercial Way, and the Remainder in Payment of Taxes: But, if by wresting from them, unjustly, a pitiful Pittance in the Form of a Tax, while we may, with a Good-will, obtain Millions on Millions by fair Commerce; if, by such dirty Doings, we are to enrage them against us; if, by a few Cutters stationed to prevent their Trade on the Spanish Main, and, by making a few Places for our needy Court-Danglers, we are to force them into Resolutions against our Manufactures, and hasten them into working for themselves, hundreds of Years before the Time, how do we shew ourselves wiser than the Savages of Louisiana, who, to come at the Fruit, cut down the Tree?


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Thomas Vernon, 16 January 1770
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Vernon, Thomas

Dear Sir
London, Jan. 16. 1770
The Bearer Mr. Bowman, intends for New York; and as he will be intirely a Stranger in Rhodeisland, I beg leave to recommend him to your Civilities as a young Gentleman of good Character, for whom I interest myself. Your Advice may be useful to him; and every Regard you shew him, will be acknowledg’d as an Obligation confer’d on, Dear Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin
Thos Vernon Esqr


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Whitehurst, 18 January 1770
From: Whitehurst, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Derby 18 Jan, 1770
The natural tendency of philosophical minds to promote useful knowledge, seems to render an apology to you quite needless for the favour I’m going to request.

I’m inform’d Sir, that the truely eminent Artist Mr. West is one of that Class of men who cultivates the Science he professes for the Sake of the Art only. A most laudable example indeed.
A Young artist, who I humbly conceive has some merit, has expressd a strong desire of being a Student under Mr. West, but is destitute of a friend to interceed for him. His Name is Powell, a Sober worthy Youth, and Extremely Assiduous to attain a degree of Emenence. If you could with propriety name Mr. Powells inclination, to Mr. West, I verily believe, it woud give that Worthy Gentleman pleasure to see the progress he has made. But previous to your taking that Step, I presume it would be agreeable to you to see a Specimen of Mr. Powells performance. Shoud this proposal meet your approbation, Mr. Powell will wait on you when ever you are pleased to Address a line to him at Mr. Hurlstones in Cary Street, whose Son has the Honour of being a Studient at this time, and Can speak to his moral Character.
Mr. Tissington tells me you propose leaving England in the Spring, which gives me some Concern as well as my worthy friend. We purpose doing our Selves the pleasure to take leave of you in London, and shoud hope to be favourd with a line a few weeks before your departure.
I hope Mrs. Stevenson is well, to whom please to present my Complements And that I hope she will spend some weeks with me when she comes down into Derbyshire who am Sir Your Most Obedient Servant
John Whitehurst
PS I hope you received a Hare by the derby Stage on Wednessday morning last. Pray Sir, what will be done about the duties imposed on the North Americans? I shoud Esteem it a Singular favour to know your Sentiments on that head.

Addressed: To / Benj. Franklin Esqr / Mrs. Stevensons  Craven Street / the Strand / London


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Mary Stevenson, 22 January 1770
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson

Dear Polly,
Craven street Jan 22. —70
I received your Favour of Saturday early this Morning, and am as usual much obliged by the kind Readiness with which you have done what I requested.
Your good Mother has complain’d more of her Head since you left us, than ever before. If she stoops or looks or bends her Neck downwards on any Occasion, it is with great Pain and Difficulty that she gets her Head up again. She has therefore borrowed a Breast and Neck Collar of Mrs. Wilkes, such as Misses wear, and now uses it to keep her Head up. Mr. Strahan has invited us all to dine there tomorrow, but she has excused herself. Will you come and go with me? If you cannot well do that, you will at least be with us on Friday, to go to Lady Strachan’s.
As to my own Head, which you so kindly enquire after, its Swimming has gradually wore off, and to day for the first Time I felt nothing of it on getting out of Bed. But as this speedy Recovery is, (as I am fully persuaded,) owing to the extream Abstemiousness I have observed for some Days past at home, I am not without Apprehensions, that being to dine abroad this Day, to morrow and next Day, I may inadvertently bring it on again, if I do not think of my little Monitor and guardian Angel, and make use of the proper and very pertinent Clause she proposes, in my Grace. Here comes a Morning Visitor. Adieu. My best Respects to Mrs. Tickel. I am, my dear Friend, Yours affectionately
B Franklin

Endorsed: Jan 22 –70
  27


Title: The Colonist’s Advocate: V, 25 January 1770
From: Colonist’s Advocate
To:

In my last Paper I shewed, from authentic and known Estimates, that, had not the Course of our Trade with the Colonies been interrupted by the Inventions of the Grenvillians, we were in the Way to have carried it, in the Space of a few Years, to such a Length, that the Mother-Country would have gained by it annually the amazing Sum of Five Millions; and that their Wants must soon have employed more manufacturing Hands than all Britain contains. Yet these People, who are of such Consequence to us, we shew ourselves indifferent how we treat. We put the whole People of America to Expence and Trouble, merely to put a little Money into the Pockets of a few Portugal Merchants. The Colonists must not import directly Wine, Oil, or Fruit from Portugal, but must have them, loaded with the Expences of a Voyage 3000 Miles round, by Way of England, which enhances every Article 30 per Cent. in War Time, empoverishes the Colonies, disables them from paying their Debts, and makes them the worse Customers to ourselves. We empty on them our Gaols, and fill their Country with our Rogues. Our restraining them from the Use of Slitting Mills, and Steel Furnaces, with the Design of preventing their manufacturing of Nails, Edge-Tools, &c. is copied from the tyrannical Politicks of the Philistines with the People of Israel. The Act for prohibiting the cutting of white Pines, invented on Pretence of preserving them for the Use of the Navy, has proved the Destruction of many noble Trees fit for Masts. For the Custom of the Log-men, when they go into the Woods to search for Trees for the Mills, is, to cut down as many as they can, in order to secure their Property in them. This occasions their destroying many more than they really want; and their sawing into Boards many, which, but for the injudicious Prohibition, they would have disposed of for Masts; by which they would have got more, and we should likewise have saved the ready Money we now send to Norway for Masts. It is now too late to regulate this Article in New-England, but not in Canada.
Again, how rigorous are our Regulations, which oblige them to bring us all their Products at our own Price, though they might find better Markets Abroad? How severe to prohibit their manufacturing a Variety of necessary Articles, or their purchasing them of other Nations, only that they may be obliged to have them of us at an advanced Price; for we can afford nothing at a moderate Price, loaded as we are with the yearly Interest of 135 Millions of Debt, incurred chiefly by warring in Germany; which Interest is to be paid by the Consumers of our Manufactures. Thus we make the Colonists sell as cheap, and buy as dear as we please. The Carthagenians obliged the People of Sardinia (Væ victis!) to buy all their Corn of them, and at the Price they set upon it. But we do not hear, that those tyrannical Conquerors forced the enslaved Sardinians to sell them all their Products at a Price of their own fixing. This Law we impose, not on a conquered People, but on our own Children, who have always shewn themselves dutiful, and have never complained of these Regulations, ’till we began to lay direct Taxes on them; direct Taxes, I say, because these Regulations are indirect Taxes, and severe ones, too, as we would think them, if we found our Trade hampered by a People beyond the Ocean, in the Manner we restrain that of our Colonists; which is, in many Instances, rigorous, useless, and impolitick.
Whenever we find ourselves encumbered with a needy Court-Dangler, whom, on Account of Connections, we must not kick down Stairs, we kick him up into an American Government. Many of these have proved Men of arbitrary and rapacious Dispositions. They have not, as Kings, an Interest in the Countries they govern, on Account of Children who are to succeed them. They are generally Strangers. They come only to make Money as fast as they can. Their Situation enables them to be very vexatious and injurious. (See the Complaints of the House of Representatives of Massachusett’s Bay, in their Petition to the King against Sir F.B.— Providence Gazette, No. 296.) Yet, we have endeavoured to make their Governors wholly independent on them, by obtaining for them a fixed Salary, extorted from the People, without Intervention of their Assemblies. An admirable Scheme for making their Assemblies useless, and for rendering the Governors indifferent about calling them, as having nothing to hope, and perhaps something to fear, from their meeting.
The Judges we give them, being appointed from hence, and holding their Commissions, not during good Behaviour, but during Pleasure, all the Weight is thrown into one of the Scales, if the Salaries are to be paid out of Duties raised upon the People, without their Approbation, or Disapprobation of the Behaviour of the Judges.
The Admiralty-Courts, whereby we allow Cognizance to be taken of all Offences against our Revenue-Acts, which deprives the People of the inestimable Advantage of being tried by Juries, are a heavy Grievance.
In reckoning up the Hardships we lay on our Colonists, the Difficulty consists not in finding Matter, but in the great Abundance of Matter, to range and dispose it in such Manner as to give some Idea of it that may be tolerably distinct. In the above-quoted Gazette I find some of them stated as follows:
“Raising a perpetual Revenue, without Consent of the People, or their Representatives, in violation of the sacred Rights of Representation.
“General Warrants, under which any Officer, or Servant, in the Customs, may break open a Man’s House, Closet, Chest, &c. at his Pleasure.
“Establishing the arbitrary and oppressive Powers of Excise, by appointing Judges during Pleasure, to try all Revenue Causes without Jury.
“Compelling his Majesty’s Subjects to Trial, in all Revenue Causes, out of their respective Colonies.
“A Secretary of State sending a Requisition to the Assembly at Boston, with Threats, tending to force their Determinations, which, by the Constitution, ought to be free.
“Threatening and punishing the American Assemblies for attempting to petition the King, though the Act of Settlement expressly secures this Right, unlimited to the Subject.
“Raising a Revenue by Prerogative [Articles ordered to be furnished the Troops] with arbitrary Impositions; another Violation of an express Article in the Act of Settlement.
“Misapplication of the permanent Revenue granted by several Assemblies in America for the Support of Government, and of the Revenue granted by Act of Parliament.
“Empowering the Crown to seize, and send over to Britain, the American Subjects without any legal Indictment, or Bill found by a Jury.
“Suspending the Legislative Power of the Assembly of New York, so as to destroy that Freedom of Debate and Determination, which is the necessary, unalienable, and constitutional Right of such Assemblies.
“Quartering Soldiers by Violence in the Town of Boston, in Defiance of an Act of Parliament.”
This is our Way of treating a People, who have been the Means of our gaining Millions.


Title: A Conversation on Slavery, 26 January 1770
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

To the Printer of the Public Advertiser.
Sir,
Broad-Street Buildings, Jan. 26, 1770.
Many Reflections being of late thrown out against the Americans, and particularly against our worthy Lord-Mayor, on Account of their keeping Slaves in their Country, I send you the following Conversation on that Subject, which, for Substance, and much of the Expression, is, I assure you, a real one; having myself been present when it passed. If you think it suitable for your Paper, you will, by publishing it, oblige Your Friend,
N. N.

A Conversation between an Englishman, a Scotchman, and an American, on the Subject of Slavery.
Englishman. You Americans make a great Clamour upon every little imaginary Infringement of what you take to be your Liberties; and yet there are no People upon Earth such Enemies to Liberty, such absolute Tyrants, where you have the Opportunity, as you yourselves are.
American. How does that appear?

Eng. Read Granville Sharpe’s Book upon Slavery: There it appears with a Witness.
Amer. I have read it.
Eng. And pray what do you think of it?
Amer. To speak my Opinion candidly, I think it in the Main a good Book. I applaud the Author’s Zeal for Liberty in general. I am pleased with his Humanity. But his general Reflections on all Americans, as having no real Regard for Liberty; as having so little Dislike of Despotism and Tyranny, that they do not scruple to exercise them with unbounded Rigour over their miserable Slaves, and the like, I cannot approve of; nor of the Conclusion he draws, that therefore our Claim to the Enjoyment of Liberty for ourselves, is unjust. I think, that in all this, he is too severe upon the Americans, and passes over with too partial an Eye the Faults of his own Country. This seems to me not quite fair: and it is particularly injurious to us at this Time, to endeavour to render us odious, and to encourage those who would oppress us, by representing us as unworthy of the Liberty we are now contending for.
Eng. What Share has that Author’s Country (England I mean) in the Enormities he complains of? And why should not his Reflections on the Americans be general?
Amer. They ought not to be general, because the Foundation for them is not general. New England, the most populous of all the English Possessions in America, has very few Slaves; and those are chiefly in the capital Towns, not employed in the hardest Labour, but as Footmen or House-maids. The same may be said of the next populous Provinces, New-York, New Jersey, and Pensylvania. Even in Virginia, Maryland, and the Carolinas, where they are employed in Field-work, what Slaves there are belong chiefly to the old rich Inhabitants, near the navigable Waters, who are few compared with the numerous Families of Back-settlers, that have scarce any Slaves among them. In Truth, there is not, take North-America through, perhaps, one Family in a Hundred that has a Slave in it. Many Thousands there abhor the Slave Trade as much as Mr. Sharpe can do, conscientiously avoid being concerned with it, and do every Thing in their Power to abolish it. Supposing it then with that Gentleman, a Crime to keep a Slave, can it be right to stigmatize us all with that Crime? If one Man of a Hundred in England were dishonest, would it be right from thence to characterize the Nation, and say the English are Rogues and Thieves? But farther, of those who do keep Slaves, all are not Tyrants and Oppressors. Many treat their Slaves with great Humanity, and provide full as well for them in Sickness and in Health, as your poor labouring People in England are provided for. Your working Poor are not indeed absolutely Slaves; but there seems something a little like Slavery, where the Laws oblige them to work for their Masters so many Hours at such a Rate, and leave them no Liberty to demand or bargain for more, but imprison them in a Workhouse if they refuse to work on such Terms, and even imprison a humane Master if he thinks fit to pay them better; at the same Time confining the poor ingenious Artificer to this Island, and forbidding him to go abroad, though offered better Wages in foreign Countries. As to the Share England has in these Enormities of America, remember, Sir, that she began the Slave Trade; that her Merchants of London, Bristol, Liverpool and Glasgow, send their Ships to Africa for the Purpose of purchasing Slaves. If any unjust Methods are used to procure them; if Wars are fomented to obtain Prisoners; if free People are enticed on board, and then confined and brought away; if petty Princes are bribed to sell their Subjects, who indeed are already a Kind of Slaves, is America to have all the Blame of this Wickedness? You bring the Slaves to us, and tempt us to purchase them. I do not justify our falling into the Temptation. To be sure, if you have stolen Men to sell to us, and we buy them, you may urge against us the old and true saying, that the Receiver is as bad as the Thief. This Maxim was probably made for those who needed the Information, as being perhaps ignorant that receiving was in it’s Nature as bad as stealing: But the Reverse of the Position was never thought necessary to be formed into a Maxim, nobody ever doubted that the Thief is as bad as the Receiver. This you have not only done and continue to do, but several Laws heretofore made in our Colonies, to discourage the Importation of Slaves, by laying a heavy Duty, payable by the Importer, have been disapproved and repealed by your Government here, as being prejudicial, forsooth, to the Interest of the African Company.
Eng. I never heard before of any such Laws made in America. But the severe Laws you have made, on Pretence of their being necessary for the Government of your Slaves (and even of your white Servants) as they stand quoted by Mr. Sharpe, give us no good Opinion of your general Humanity, or of your Respect for Liberty. These are not the Acts of a few private Persons; they are made by your Representatives in your Assemblies, and are therefore the Act of the whole.
Amer. They are so; and possibly some of them made in Colonies where the Slaves greatly out-number the Whites, as in Barbadoes now, and in Virginia formerly, may be more severe than is necessary; being dictated perhaps by Fear and too strong an Opinion, that nothing but extream Severity could keep the Slaves in Obedience, and secure the Lives of their Masters. In other Colonies, where their Numbers are so small as to give no Apprehensions of that Kind, the Laws are milder, and the Slaves in every Respect, except in the Article of Liberty, are under the Protection of those Laws: A white Man is as liable to suffer Death for killing a Slave, though his own, as for any other Homicide. But it should be considered, with regard to these severe Laws, that in Proportion to the greater Ignorance or Wickedness of the People to be governed, Laws must be more severe: Experience every where teaches this. Perhaps you may imagine the Negroes to be a mild tempered, tractable Kind of People. Some of them indeed are so. But the Majority [are] of a plotting Disposition, dark, sullen, malicious, revengeful and cruel in the highest Degree. Your Merchants and Mariners, who bring them from Guinea, often find this to their Cost in the Insurrections of the Slaves on board the Ships upon the Coast, who kill all when they get the upper Hand. Those Insurrections are not suppressed or prevented but by what your People think a very necessary Severity, the shooting or hanging Numbers sometimes on the Voyage. Indeed many of them, being mischievous Villains in their own Country, are sold off by their Princes in the Way of Punishment by Exile and Slavery, as you here ship off your Convicts: And since your Government will not suffer a Colony by any Law of it’s own to keep Slaves out of the Country, can you blame the making such Laws as are thought necessary to govern them while they are in it?
Eng. But your Laws for the Government of your white Servants are almost as severe as those for the Negroes.
Amer. In some Colonies they are so, those particularly to which you send your Convicts. Honest hired Servants are treated as mildly in America every where as in England: But the Villains you transport and sell to us must be ruled with a Rod of Iron. We have made Laws in several Colonies to prevent their Importation: These have been immediately repealed here, as being contrary to an Act of Parliament. We do not thank you for forcing them upon us. We look upon it as an unexampled Barbarity in your Government to empty your Gaols into our Settlements; and we resent it as the highest of Insults. If mild Laws could govern such People, why don’t you keep and govern them by your own mild Laws at home? If you think we treat them with unreasonable Severity, why are you so cruel as to send them to us? And pray let it be remembered, that these very Laws, the cruel Spirit of which you Englishmen are now pleased so to censure, were, when made, sent over hither, and submitted, as all Colony Laws must be, to the King in Council for Approbation, which Approbation they received, I suppose upon thorough Consideration and sage Advice. If they are nevertheless to be blamed, be so just as to take a Share of the Blame to yourselves.
Scotchman. You should not say we force the Convicts upon you. You know you may, if you please, refuse to buy them. If you were not of a tyrannical Disposition; if you did not like to have some under you, on whom you might exercise and gratify that Disposition; if you had really a true Sense of Liberty, about which you make such a Pother, you would purchase neither Slaves nor Convict Servants, you would not endure such a Thing as Slavery among you.
Amer. It is true we may refuse to buy them, and prudent People do so. But there are still a Number of imprudent People, who are tempted by the Lowness of the Price, and the Length of the Time for which your Convicts are sold, to purchase them. We would prevent this Temptation. We would keep your British Man-Merchants, with their detestable Ware, from coming among us: But this you will not allow us to do. And therefore I say you force upon us the Convicts as well as the Slaves. But, Sir, as to your Observation, that if we had a real Love of Liberty, we should not suffer such a Thing as Slavery among us, I am a little surprised to hear this from you, a North Briton, in whose own Country, Scotland, Slavery still subsists, established by Law.

Scotchman: I suppose you mean the heretable Jurisdictions. There was not properly any Slavery in them: And, besides, they are now all taken away by Act of Parliament.
Amer. No, Sir, I mean the Slavery in your Mines. All the Wretches that dig Coal for you, in those dark Caverns under Ground, unblessed by Sunshine, are absolute Slaves by your Law, and their Children after them, from the Time they first carry a Basket to the End of their Days. They are bought and sold with the Colliery, and have no more Liberty to leave it than our Negroes have to leave their Master’s Plantation. If having black Faces, indeed, subjected Men to the Condition of Slavery, you might have some small Pretence for keeping the poor Colliers in that Condition: But remember, that under the Smut their Skin is white, that they are honest good People, and at the same Time are your own Countrymen!
Eng. I am glad you cannot reproach England with this; our Colliers are as free as any other Labourers.
Amer. And do you therefore pretend that you have no such Thing as Slavery in England?
Eng. No such Thing most certainly.
Amer. I fancy I could make it appear to you that you have, if we could first agree upon the Definition of a Slave. And if your Author’s Position is true, that those who keep Slaves have therefore no Right to Liberty themselves you Englishmen will be found as destitute of such Rights as we Americans I imagine.
Eng. What is then your Definition of a Slave? Pray let us hear it, that we may see whether or no we can agree in it.
Amer. A Slave, according to my Notion, is a human Creature, stolen, taken by Force, or bought of another or of himself, with Money; and who being so taken or bought, is compelled to serve the Taker, or Purchaser, during Pleasure or during Life. He may be sold again, or let for Hire, by his Master to another, and is then obliged to serve that other; he is one who is bound to obey, not only the Commands of his Master, but also the Commands of the lowest Servant of that Master, when set over him; who must come when he is called, go when he is bid, and stay where he is ordered, though to the farthest Part of the World, and in the most unwholesome Climate; who must wear such Cloaths as his Master thinks fit to give him, and no other, though different from the common Fashion, and contrived to be a distinguishing Badge of Servitude; and must be content with such Food or Subsistence as his Master thinks fit to order for him, or with such small Allowance in Money as shall be given him in Lieu of Victuals or Cloathing; who must never absent himself from his Master’s Service without Leave; who is subject to severe Punishments for small Offences, to enormous Whippings, and even Death, for absconding from his Service, or for Disobedience to Orders. I imagine such a Man is a Slave to all Intents and Purposes.
Eng. I agree to your Definition. But surely, surely, you will not say there are any such Slaves in England?
Amer. Yes, many Thousands, if an English Sailor or Soldier is well described in that Definition. The Sailor is often forced into Service, torn from all his natural Connections. The Soldier is generally bought in the first Place for a Guinea and a Crown at the Drum-Head: His Master may sell his Service, if he pleases, to any foreign Prince, or barter it for any Consideration by Treaty, and send him to shoot or be shot at in Germany or Portugal, in Guinea or the Indies. He is engaged for Life; and every other Circumstance of my Definition agrees with his Situation. In one Particular, indeed, English Slavery goes beyond that exercised in America.
Eng. What is that?
Amer. We cannot command a Slave of ours to do an immoral or a wicked Action. We cannot oblige him, for Instance, to commit MURDER! If we should order it, he may refuse, and our Laws would justify him. But Soldiers must, on Pain of Death, obey the Orders they receive; though, like Herod’s Troops, they should be commanded to slay all your Children under two Years old, cut the Throats of your Children in the Colonies, or shoot your Women and Children in St. George’s Fields.


Title: The Colonist’s Advocate: VI, 29 January 1770
From: Colonist’s Advocate
To:

I have shewn, that our Gains by our Colonies have been immensely great [and], but for the Grenvillian Taxation Scheme, would have soon come to be equal alone to the Whole of our necessary annual Expences of Government in Times of Peace. If so, how absurd are the Cavils of some among us, who argue, That we have been at great Expences for the Advantage of our Colonists; and that, consequently, it is very ungrateful in them to refuse to contribute to the general Exigencies of the State. It is an Insult on common Sense to affect an Appearance of Generosity in a Matter of obvious Interest. Is it Generosity that Prompts the Rustick to feed his Cow, which yields him Milk? Could we have been enriched by our Colonies, if we had not defended them from the common Enemy? Did we not know, that if we had left them a Prey to France, the very Accession of such a Dominion, with the additional Naval Force necessarily consequent, must have over-turned the British Empire, and unbalanced Europe? How absurd is it, then, to make a Merit of fighting our own Battles, and driving the Enemy from our Doors! Was it not the obvious Interest of both Mother-Country and Colonies to oppose the Attacks of France against whatever part of the Empire they were directed? Suppose the Inhabitants of Middlesex, and of Surrey, to raise a certain Sum of Money, and a certain Contingent of Men, respectively on Occasion of an Apprehension of a flat-bottomed Invasion, would the Middlesex Men have a Claim to the Thanks of the Inhabitants of Surrey, or the People of Surrey to those of the Middlesex Men? The Cause being common, neither one nor the other could, with Propriety, be said to have either conferred or received an Obligation. The Case with the Mother-Country, and Colonies, with Respect to the common Enemy, is the same; but with this material Difference, to the Disadvantage of the former in the present Dispute, that while we pretend to be ruined by the Defence of our Colonies, it is notorious, that the enormous Load of Debt, which sinks us almost to Perdition, is brought upon us by our romantick European Continental Connections; and, that we pretend to have borne alone the Burthen and Heat of the Day, while the Colonies have sat still, and, as if they had known their Throats to be Steel-proof, left us to defend them; whereas, the Truth is that the Colonists have never been wanting to their own Defence. New-England alone maintained, in the late War, at an Average of one Year with another, 15,000 Men, and lost, in the Course of the War, no less than 30,000. The Town of Boston paid, for several Years, Twelve Shillings in the Pound. The whole Contribution raised by New-England alone, amounted to almost Half a Million Sterling. Our Government has been so sensible of the Generosity of the Colonists on such Occasions, as to make them Remittances for reimbursing them some Part of their excessive Expences; yet they continue, to this Day, loaded with Debt. And, in the foregoing War, the taking of Louisbourg by the New-England Forces, was the only Feat that was done against the Enemy. In which Action the brave Waldo, and others, laid out, for the Good of their Country, more than they could afford; and, instead of being rewarded with Places or Pensions, as we every Day see one execrable Court-Tool or other, for doing a worthless Minister’s dirty Drudgery, after spending many Years, and large Sums of Money, in endeavouring to obtain Reimbursement, were obliged to return home, disappointed and disgusted. This very Conquest, gained by New-England’s Blood and Treasure, was all we had to offer the Enemy, in order to obtain a Peace on any Terms; so scandalously was that War conducted. And this Conquest was accordingly sacrificed to the Duke of Newcastle’s blundering Management, who would probably have conducted the late War to the same disgraceful Issue, had not Mr. Pitt taken the Reins into his abler Hand. Let us not, then, for Shame’s Sake, any longer pretend, that the Colonists have been sparing of their Men, or their Money, in the common Cause. Let us, on the contrary, ingenuously allow their Merit it’s due Praise, and be modestly contented with their All in the Way of Commerce, without grasping at somewhat besides, in the Form of Taxes.
Or, if it should still be said, “Our Colonies have cost us so dear in defending them, that we are justified in loading them with Taxes for our Indemnification,” let us carry on this Reasoning. Let it be considered, what Taxes we ought to lay on Portugal, whose Defence against Spain has cost us a large Expence, and has never yielded us an Advantage to be compared with that we have long been gaining (and, if G.G. had never been born, might have gone on gaining, no one knows how long, or to what Degree) by our Colonies; and whose Commerce we never had in exclusive Monopoly, as we have had that of our Colonies. Let us, in short, go roundly to work: Let us tax all Europe, excepting France. For it is at our Expence of Men and Money chiefly, that the Balance of Europe has been kept even, and that France has not established her favourite Scheme of universal Tyranny.
Were there nothing to be said against a ministerial Scheme for taxing the unheard and unrepresented Colonies, besides the Disgrace which the Injustice of such a Proceeding would bring on the Government, and Nation, in the Sight of all Mankind, one would imagine the generous Heart of every true Englishman would revolt against the Proposal. But when it is remembered, that it is an old Artifice of the Enslavers of Kingdoms to begin with the more distant Parts, surely every free-born Subject on this Island ought to be alarmed at the late bold Attempt on the Liberties of our brave Fellow-Subjects in America, and to think, with Horror, of the bare Possibility of it’s Success. For, should an encroaching Administration prevail in enslaving the Colonies, would they not thence be emboldened to subject the Mother-Country to their Iron Rod? To tax the Colonies, without giving them, in any Shape, the Power of assenting or dissenting in the Disposal of their own Property, is not using them better than it would be to tax the Mother-Country by Royal Edict, which is declared, I. William and Mary, to be the Subversion and Extirpation of the Laws and Liberties of this Kingdom, and is expressly provided against in the Bill of Rights, &c.
I will conclude this Paper with the Words of the great Sidney’s Discourse on Government, “Asiatic Slaves usually pay such Tributes as are imposed on them. We own none but what we freely give, [none is] or can be imposed on us, unless by ourselves. We measure our Grants according to our Will, or the present Occasion, for our own Safety. The Happiness of those who enjoy the like Liberty, and the shameful Misery they lie under who have suffered themselves to be forced, or cheated out of it, may persuade, and the Justice of the Cause encourage us to think nothing too dear to be hazarded in Defence of it.”


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Robertson, 30 January 1770
From: Robertson, William
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
College of Edinburgh Janry 30th 1770
By some unlucky accident I could find no person to take the charge of Dr. Haven’s Diploma. I have therefore got my Brother to put it into a box which he was sending by the waggon to his correspondents Messrs. Poole & Buckenton Jewellers in Bartholemew Closs. I suppose it will be in London by the time you receive this letter, and if you take the trouble of sending for it to those Gentlemen, they will deliver it to your servant. Do me the justice to believe that I am, at all times, very happy in obeying your commands, for I am with great sincerity and respect Dear Sir your affectionate and most humble Servant
William Robertson


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Isaac Winn, [before 1 February 1770]
From: Winn, Isaac L.
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
[Before February 1, 1770]
  Tis a common and I am afraid just complaint, that Seamen are exceedingly backward in availing themselves of the discoveries which Men of Science have made, and the directions which they have given for their benefit and safety. Notwithstanding the pains several eminent Philosophers have taken, to bring Conductors into general use, as well in Ships as houses, ’tis too true that very few Vessells are furnish’d with them, tho’ scarce a year passes that does not afford us Instances, (some of them terrible ones) of Ships being struck by Lightning. For my part I am never without a Conductor in my Ship. I have had them of various constructions: that which I now use is a Chain of copper wire as described in the annex’d plate: that such a Chain, so disposed may conduct the lightning, and prevent a Stroke that might destroy a Ship, has often been demonstrated: but a circumstance that occurred in my last Voyage may perhaps have greater weight with some Seamen than all the reasoning of the Electricians: If it should be a means of perswading them to make use of Conductors my Intention will be answer’d. In April last, as we approached the Coast of America we met with strong Southwesterly Gales: they had continued several days, when exceeding dark heavy clouds arose in the opposite quarter, forced against the wind that blew with us till they had cover’d all the North Eastern half of the Hemisphere; the Struggle then between the two winds was very extraordinary, sometimes one prevailing, sometimes the other. I was apprehensive we should have much Lightning, and got my Conductor in order; when in hauling up the Main Sail the sheet Block struck violently against the back stays, to which the Chain was fasten’d (EE in fig: I) and, as I found afterwards, broke the latter which occasion’d the Phenomenon I am going to describe. It was near midnight and very dark, when I first observed a pale bluish light a few feet above the quarter rail; at first I thought it proceeded from the light in the Binnacle, but finding that it frequently dissapear’d and return’d again precisely in the same place, and that it sometimes emitted Sparks not unlike those of a small Squib, I began to suspect that it proceeded from the Conductor. To be certain, I order’d all the lights to be put out below, and that no ray of Light might issue from the Binnacle I cover’d it entirely with my Cloak. I was presently confirmed in my conjecture, that the light and Sparks which I had observed, proceeded from the Chain; for, placing myself near it during the Space of two hours and a half, I saw it, frequently emit continued Streams of Rays or Sparks (See fig: 4) sometimes single drops as it were slowly succeeding to each other, and sometimes only a pale feeble light. On examining next morning I found the Chain broken at B, half the eye of each Link being quite gone, and the points of the remaining halves about three fourths of an Inch asunder: luckily the Chain was fasten’d to a small rope (fig: 2) above and below the Eye of each link which prevented that part of the Chain below B from falling into the water, or of being separated from the part above B beyond the striking or attracting distance. I am with the greatest respect Sir Your Obliged Humble Servant
I. L. Winn

References to the Plate

AAA
The Conductor, a Chain of Copper Wire of the thickness of the Barrel of a small quill, the uppermost and lowest links of which terminate in fine points

B. Fig. 1.
The broken Links, in passing between which the lightning became visible.

C
An Eye in the uppermost link, to which the pendant halliards are fastened.

D Fig. 3
The pendant halliards which pass over a sheave in the truck on the top gallant mast head, and are fastened to the eye at C, and hoists up the chain, till the point of the uppermost link is a foot or two above the truck

E E
The maintop mast backstay to which the chain is stopped to prevent its swinging about.

B. Fig. 4.
Appearance of the lightning passing between the broken limbs.

Endorsed: Capt. Winn’s Acct. of the Appearance of Lightning in his Conductor. Received Feb. 1, 1770. March 2 A Letter to Dr. Benjamin Franklin giving an account of the appearance of lightning on a conductor fixed from the summit of the mainmast of a ship Down to the water by Capn. I. L. Winn.


Title: The Colonist’s Advocate: VII, 1 February 1770
From: Colonist’s Advocate
To:

Walpole, who declared in the House of Commons that he did not well understand foreign Affairs, who was as quick at smelling out where Money might be had as any Minister could well be imagined, and whose Difficulties in keeping his Place were such, that it was alledged he would have swept the Bottom of the Ocean for a Guinea, if he could: Even Walpole had Humanity enough to reject the Proposal often made to him by his hungry Hangers-on, of taxing the Colonies. He had Sense enough, though far from possessing the Talents which form an able Statesman, to know that all the Colonists could raise centered in Britain, and that the Mother Country could but have their All, tho’ G.G. seems to think they have two Alls.
The Manner of doing Things is of great Consequence in national Concerns. Had the good old Way of Requisition been tried, and found ineffectual, there might then have been some Pretence for having Recourse to more rigorous Methods of Exaction. In better Times, and under wiser Administrations, the Colonists gave and granted, on Requisition, liberally, viz. in the Years 1756, 1757, 1758, 1759, 1760, 1761, 1762.
Government must depend for it’s Efficiency either on Force or Opinion. We have been taught by our Forefathers to look upon the British Government as free. What our Sons may call it is not yet certain. Free Government depends on Opinion, not on the brutal Force of a Standing Army. What then are we to think of a British Statesman who could find in his Heart to run the desperate Hazard of shaking and overturning that on which Government depends, for the Sake of obtaining by authoritative, not to say arbitrary, Means, what might have been had more abundantly, with a good Grace, in the good old Way, and nothing moved out of it’s Place.
In the Year 1710 the Colony of New York omitted levying certain Monies granted by their Assembly. The Governor, incommoded in his Proceedings in Consequence of this Deficiency, sent to the Ministry a Representation of this Affair. They threatened the Colony with a Bill for taxing them in Parliament. This put the New York People to their Trumps; and they immediately proceeded to effectual Measures for raising the Money. The Bill was dropped, and the good old Way of Requisition resumed, which has been kept to ever since till the inauspicious Day that G. G. put forth his Decree, that “all the World should be stamped,” not because the Colonists had refused to tax themselves, but because he would assert the ministerial Power of taxing them without their own Consent.
I have shewn in some of my former Papers, that our Laws for regulating our Colonies, and their Commerce, have not always been framed according to the purest Principles of Wisdom, Justice, and Humanity. These Errors ought to convince us, that our Parliaments (what are P——s but Assemblies of fallible Men?) are but incompetent Judges of the State and Abilities of our remote Fellow-Subjects and should teach our Ministers Modesty in their Opinions concerning the Expediency of loading them with Taxes modelled in this Country. The Truth is, the Colonists are not at present in a Condition for bearing any Taxes worth the laying on; tho’ their Inability is not the Principal Argument against our taxing them. At the Time when the famous Stamp Act, of blessed Memory! was invented, the Colonies were said to be indebted to Britain to the Amount of no less than Four Millions, occasioned merely by Want of Ability to make Remittances. The Colonists are almost all Farmers, depending on the Produce of their Lands, contented till lately, and happy, but in no Condition to pay us Taxes, otherwise than by their enabling us to pay our Taxes out of the great Advantage we gain by them, as I have shewn in my former Papers. How poor in Cash must those Countries be where the Sheriffs, in raising the annual Levies, are often obliged to make Returns into the Treasury of Goods taken in Execution for Want of Cash, which Goods cannot be turned into Cash for Want of monied Purchasers! where Men of the best Credit cannot raise Money to pay Debts, inconsiderable, when compared with their Estates! where Creditors, when they sue to Execution, obtain Orders for Sale of Lands and Goods, and though they offer those Lands and Goods for almost nothing, they are often nothing the nearer being reimbursed, because there are no monied Men to purchase after repeated Advertisements of the Sales; and when Sales can be made, the Debtor is stripped, and the Creditor not paid, and they break one-another all round. The more of this certainly the worse for us; and this Distress has been aggravated by those very Ministers whose Taxation Schemes particularly required all Measures to be used which were likely to promote a Circulation of Cash. Thus the Colonists, at their best, can hardly be said to be equal to the Taxes laid on by their own Assemblies; accordingly several of them are plunged into Debts, out of which they know not when they shall be able to extricate themselves. To help them the backward Way, “Come (the Grenvillians crying out) you shall pay us additional Taxes whether you can pay those laid on by your own Assemblies or not; and you shall give over your Trade to the Spanish Main. You shall make the full Tale of Bricks whether you can find Straw or Not.” This System of Politics puts me in mind of Milton’s Description of Chaos, where every Thing is inconsistent with, and contrary to every Thing.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Strahan, [4 February? 1770]
From: Strahan, William
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Sunday Even. 9 o’Clock [February 4, 1770?]
I inclose this unfinished that I may have your Opinion whether it is, or is not, the thing. I can add or alter what you shall point out. Please to let me have it early in the Morning. I will call in the Afternoon and bring it with me finished, with what I can recollect of Politics, and of that Days Debate. Pray send also the other Paper for the Chronicle which we must have very early, or it will not be time enough. I am sorry I missed you in the House of Lords. I am Dear Sir Your most obedient Servant
W.S.


Title: The Colonist’s Advocate: VIII, 5 February 1770
From: Colonist’s Advocate
To:

Lord Chatham, in his Speech on the Repeal of the Stamp-Act, said, That Debate was the most important that had come before the House since the Revolution. How differently that great Man, of whom, with all his Faults, we may well say, “We ne’er shall look upon his like again,” thought of this Matter, from our Grenvillianised Ministers, it is curious to observe. Whether he or they have judged, in the soundest Manner, must be left to public Decision. Was our Ministry in Want of Money for the necessary Uses of Government (I will not say for gratifying a Set of Court-Harpies) how much better had it been to raise a few Thousands (it was but a few we expected to raise by taxing our Colonies) by taxing Luxury and Vice among ourselves, than to think of plundering our brave Colonists, the Discoverers and Settlers of a new World, from whence, as from an inexhaustible Source of Wealth and Plenty, the Means of Power, Greatness, and Glory, inconceiveable to our Ancestors, have been pouring into this Kingdom for Ages past. How much wiser to reduce exorbitant Salaries, abate, or abolish extravagant Perquisites, annihilate enormous Pensions, and useless Places, reform an odious and dangerous standing Army, lay Taxes, new, or additional, on Carriages, Dogs, Livery Servants, Cards, Assembly and Play-House Tickets? How much wiser for the Heads of the Nation to drink honest Port, instead of French Wine, to keep to their Wives, or at least to debauch at a moderate Expence, than to enrage Three Millions of People, drive the national Commerce out of it’s Channel, and endanger public Credit. We have shewn our Colonists, that we think almost any Thing of more Consequence than their Friendship. We have treated them in such a contemptuous Manner, as we might reasonably suppose would irritate them to the utmost Pitch. And now we stand aghast at their shewing the Spirit of Men, of free-born British Subjects; the Spirit, which if they had not shewn, we might well have called them Bastards, not Sons. For, what their Disposition, with Respect to the Mother-Country, was, before the Year 1763, is well known to the Public, and justly described, in the following Words, by a Gentleman, who has done great Honour, and important Service to his Country by his manly Defence of her Liberties.
“The Disposition of the Americans was the best that could be. They submitted willingly to the Government of the Crown, and paid Obedience, in all their Courts, to Acts of Parliament. Numerous as the People are in the several old Provinces, they cost nothing in Forts, Garrisons, or Armies, to keep them in Subjection. They were governed by this Country at the Expence of a little Pen, Ink, and Paper. They were led by a Thread. They had not only a Respect, but an Affection, for Great Britain; for it’s Laws, it’s Customs, and Manners, and even a Fondness for it’s Fashions, which very much increased the Trade with them. Natives of the Mother-Country were always treated with particular Regard. To be an Old-England-Man was of itself a Character of some Respect, and gave a Kind of Rank among them.” [See Exam. of B. Franklin, Esq; before the House of Commons.]
Their sending constantly their Children home (for that was the affectionate Term they always used when speaking of England) for Education, was both a very convincing Proof of their Respect for the Principles and Manners of the Mother-Country, and was likewise a powerful Means of attaching them to us from Generation to Generation. For there is no stronger Attraction than to the Place where we pass our most innocent and happiest Days; nor are any Friendships stronger than those contracted at Places of Education. The Expence laid out among us by the Colonists on this Account, was likewise no inconsiderable Object. It is already lessened, and probably will be still farther reduced, and perhaps, together with our other Gains by them, may never more rise to their former Amount.
How malignant must, therefore, be the Spirit of those who labour to persuade us, that our Colonies have long been desirous of breaking off all Connection with us! Does any just Parent apprehend the Defection of his Child? A Philip, a Herod, a Solyman, may drive his Children to seek the Protection of Strangers: But it is not surely the natural Disposition of Englishmen to compel their remote Fellow-Subjects to wish themselves rather connected with other Nations, than with that Country, where their venerable Ancestors drew their first Breath. Wo to the fatal Machinations of those unnatural and churlish-hearted Men (unlike the noble Genius of this Land of Liberty) who, needlessly, wickedly and madly sowed the first Seeds of Discontent between Britain and her Colonies! But for them, Peace and Harmony would have reigned between the different Parts of this mighty Empire from Age to Age, to the unspeakable and inestimable Advantage of both. Those Men make a mighty Noise about the Importance of keeping up our Authority over the Colonies. They govern and regulate too much. Like some unthinking Parents, who are every Moment exerting their Authority, in obliging their Children to make Bows, and interrupting the Course of their innocent Amusements, attending constantly to their own Prerogative, but forgetting the Tenderness due to their Offspring. The true Art of governing the Colonies lies in a Nut-Shell. It is only letting them alone. So long as they find their Account in our Protection, they will desire, and deserve it. This our Experience confirms. So long as they find their Advantage, upon the Whole, in carrying on a Commerce with us, preferably to other Countries, they will continue it. Nay, unless we compel them to the contrary by our unnatural Treatment of them, they will shew a Prejudice in our Favour. Whenever they find Circumstances changed to the contrary, taxing and dragooning will only widen the Breach, and frustrate what ought to be the Intention of both Countries, viz. mutual Strength, and mutual Advantage.


Title: On Governor Pownall’s Departure from Massachusetts, 6–8 February 1770
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

To the Printer of the London Chronicle.
Sir,
The people of the Massachusetts Bay in America, are represented here, by their enemies, as factious, quarrelsome, averse to government, &c. As a proof of the contrary, and to shew, that when they have a Governor who does not seek to raise his own character at the expence of theirs; who does not in his official letters forever lessen their loyalty to magnify his own, and describe them as ungovernable to excuse his own inability or mismanagement; when they have a Governor who knows how to unite the service of the Crown with a just regard to the privileges and interests of the People; then they can live in harmony with him while he stays among them, treat him with respect and affection, and lament his leaving them as a public misfortune. I say, to demonstrate this, I send you the following last parting Addresses of the Council and General Assembly of the same Province to Sir Francis Bernard’s immediate Predecessor, with his Answers, which I wish you to republish in your Chronicle. The world may thence judge, whether it is likely that so great a change could so suddenly happen in the temper and disposition of the inhabitants of a whole country; or whether when we see the departure of one Governor attended with benedictions, and that of another pursued with execrations, the difference is not more probably in the man than in the people.
N. N.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Joseph Smith, 6 February 1770
From: Smith, Joseph
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Respected Friend
Burlington Febry 6. 1770
I inclose thee printed Copies of the Acts pass’d last Session of Assembly among which is the Act for striking £100,000 in Bills of Credit. I wish the Kings Assent may be obtaind to it before the breaking up of Parliament. I suppose a Copy of this Bill has long since been sent to the Board of Trade by our Governor. This is sent for thy own information.
The Committee of Correspondence woud be glad to hear from thee in answer to their Letter. I am very Respectfully Thy Friend
Jos Smith
Doctr. Franklin

Endorsed: Mr Smith  Burlington  Feb 6. 1770


Title: On Partial Repeal, 7 February 1770
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

For the Gazetteer.
Permit me to make a few short remarks on what is said in your paper of Feb. 5, by one who signs himself A Merchant. He begins by observing, “It is very extraordinary to hear people crying out, ‘we are all ruined for want of a trade to America; and if the late acts respecting it are not totally repealed, we must all starve or leave the country.’” Thus he acknowledges this general cry to be an existing present fact; and if it be nevertheless true, that “The trade of this country was never in a more flourishing state,” as he roundly asserts, I must agree with him, that there being such a cry is, indeed, “very extraordinary.”
If the working hands in the manufactories have been, as he says, for some time fully employed, let me ask him, may not that be partly owing to the public declarations of the Ministry, immediately after the late sessions of parliament, that early in the ensuing sessions the anti-commercial duties should be repealed? Has not this encouraged the employers to keep their hands at work, that they might have a stock of goods beforehand, to pour into America as soon as the trade should be opened? If they gave credit to those declarations, is it right not to disappoint them, by a total non-compliance, or an inefficient compliance by halves? Will such a conduct prevent a very grievous loss to all such deluded employers? Will it restore the lost business and affluent commissions of the merchants of London trading to that country? Is it certain, that the West Indian islands (at present a great market for our manufactures) will not another year accede to the North American agreements, either voluntarily with a view of recovering their rights, or of necessity, from the North Americans refusing otherwise to trade with and supply them.
Having informed us that the journeymen of all trades are now in full employ, he founds upon it this important advice: “Let not this great kingdom give up that prerogative, which the most solemn determinations have confirmed its right to assert.” Does not this writer know, that repealing a particular tax, is by no means giving up a right to tax where we have such a right? Does he not know, that the declaration of the Ministry was, that they would propose the repeal of the duties, as being anti-commercial, not as being contrary to the rights of America, nor in favour of the people there, or in compliance with any demand or request of their’s? Is it then to be wondered at, if they should not be quite satisfied with an incompleat repeal, which was never intended to satisfy them? But what does he mean by solemn determinations confirming our rights? One would imagine the point had been litigated before some indifferent impartial Tribunal, which, after due hearing of the parties, had decided against America in favour of Britain. If one of the parties, without overhearing the other, has determined for itself that it is in the right, can it be supposed that the other will ever conceive itself bound by such determination? But he apprehends “the Americans will rise in their demands, in proportion as they find our government disposed to attend to their complaints, and that nothing less than giving up all right to tax the colonies, will ultimately satisfy them.” And suppose we should give them this satisfaction, together with a clear, intelligible constitution, that we and they may know what we are henceforth to do and expect for and from each other; if thereby a good understanding is established between the two countries; if mutual commerce is restored; if by this commerce, and by their voluntary grants, we gain infinitely more from them with their good will, than we could have levied by force; and if the general strength of the nation is at the same time increased by our union, to the terror of our enemies; where will be the great damage of our relinquishing a right we can never exercise to advantage; and by which, in only attempting to exercise it, we have already lost more in one year, than we are likely to gain in fifty?
The Grenvillenians, who have done all this mischief, would terrify us (in case of a repeal) with the apprehensions of imaginary future demands from the Americans. If I am well informed, as I think I am, they desire no more than to be put into the situation they were in before these new-fangled projects took place; I mean with regard to the exercise of their rights. I do not believe they will insist, as some suppose, on our refunding the money we have extorted from them (as they call it) under colour of law; they know it is all consumed in the new officers salaries, and that there is no ripping of guts; and they may well fear it would put us into too great a passion. A collector on the King’s highway, who had rifled the passengers in a stage coach, desirous to shew his great civility, returned to one a family seal, to another a dear friend’s mourning ring, which encouraged a third to ask a watch that had been his grandmother’s? “Zounds, says he, have you no conscience? presently you will all expect your money again! a pack of unreasonable dogs and b——s; I have a great mind to blow your brains out.”
Another Merchant


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Michael Collinson, [8 February 1770]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Collinson, Michael

Dear Sir
[February 8, 1770]
Understanding that it is intended to give the Publick, some Account of our dear departed Friend Mr. Peter Collinson, I cannot omit expressing my Approbation of the Design, as the Characters of good Men are exemplary, and often stimulate the well-disposed to an Imitation beneficial to Mankind, and honourable to themselves. And as you may be unacquainted with the following Instances of his Zeal and Usefulness in promoting Knowledge, which fell within my Observation, I take the Liberty of informing you, That in the year 1730, a subscription Library being set on foot in Philadelphia, he encouraged the same, by making several very valuable Presents to it, and procuring others from his Friends; And as the Library Company had a considerable Sum arising annualy to be laid out in Books, and needed a judicious Friend in London to transact the Business for them, he voluntarily and chearfully undertook that Service, and executed it for more than 30 years successively, assisting in the Choice of the Books, and taking the whole Care of Collecting and Shipping them, without ever charging or accepting any Consideration for his Trouble. The Success of this Library (greatly owing to his kind Countenance and good Advice) encouraged the erecting others in different Places, on the same Plan; and it is supposed there are now upwards of 30 subsisting in the several Colonies, which have contributed greatly to the Spreding of useful Knowledge in that part of the World, the Books he recommended being all of that kind, and the Catalogue of this first Library being much respected and followed by those Libraries that succeeded. During the same time he transmitted to the Directors the earliest Accounts of every new European Improvement in Agriculture and the Arts, and every philosophical Discovery: Among which, in 1745, he sent over an Account of the new German Experiments in Electricity, together with a Glass Tube, and some Directions for using it, so as to repeat those Experiments. This was the first Notice I had of this curious Subject, which I afterwards prosecuted with some Diligence, being encouraged by the friendly Reception he gave to the Letters I wrote to him upon it.
Please to accept this small Testimony of mine to his Memory for which I shall ever have the utmost Respect, and believe me, with sincere Esteem, &c Dear Sir Your most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin

Endorsed: To Michael Collinson Esqr


Title: The Colonist’s Advocate: IX, 12 February 1770
From: Colonist’s Advocate
To:

The Grenvillians labour to persuade us, that there is an Inconsistency in the Colonists refusing to submit to British Taxation, at the same Time that they acknowledge themselves obliged to obey the Laws of the Mother-Country. The Enemies of the Colonists must be very shallow Politicians, if they be really and sincerely at a Loss to understand, that, in a free Country, paying Taxes is, and always must be, giving a Part of their Property. But how can the Colonists be said to give what is taken from them by Force, and against their own Consent? In former Times, the Commons of England had no Legislative Power. The Kings called them together only that they might settle among themselves what they could afford to contribute for the Expences of Government. And when this was settled, they were dismissed. But does any Body, on that Account, doubt whether the People, in those Times, thought themselves obliged to obey the Laws? Our Fathers, therefore, saw a clear Difference between Legislation and Taxation, though our Grenvillians cannot, or rather will not. So lately as Queen Elizabeth’s Time, that sagacious Princess used to boast, that she had seldom called Parliaments; which was saying, in other Words, that she had seldom called on her Subjects for Money. It was, in former Times, often mentioned in the Preambles of the Writs for calling of Parliaments, that it was proper that they, who were to raise the Money, should meet, and settle how much they could raise. Even in our Times, the King directs that Part of his Speech which relates to the raising of the Supplies, to the Gentlemen of the House of Commons; because the House of Commons are representatively the Persons who are to contribute the Money. A Money Bill must not originate in the House of Lords. It must not be amended, or undergo the least Alteration in the Upper House. The Lords can only pass, or reject it. And why all this Delicacy about Money-Bills, but because Property, in a free Country, is a very delicate Affair? The Peers, with all their High Honours and Privileges, and the Power of deciding all Suits about Property, finally, and without Appeal, are not permitted, by the Constitution, to intermeddle in Grants of Money, because it is supposed, that the Proportion of the Taxes, contributed by them, is inconsiderable, and because giving them Power in disposing of what is not, in any considerable Proportion, their Property, was, by the Wisdom of our Forefathers, thought unjust and unsafe.
Thus the Grenvillian Notion of a necessary Connexion between Subjection and Taxation, appears to strike at the very Root of that important Part of our Constitution, which secures to us the Possession of our Property; and is therefore to be abhorred and opposed by every free-born Englishman, who ought to be ready to die in Defence of Lord Chatham’s truly constitutional Doctrine, That Taxation, without Representation, is Slavery.
If the Lords are not allowed to originate a Money-Bill, because they are to pay but a small Part of the Tax, on what Principle of Liberty or Property, do the Grenvillians argue, that the House of Commons of England may originate an American Money-Bill, of which they are to pay no Part, nay, which will serve to lessen the Burthen upon themselves? If the Lords may put a Negative upon a Money-Bill, merely because otherwise, they might alledge, they are taxed against their Will, ought not, by Parity of Reason, Three Millions of People (by whom we have been such Gainers, as I have shewn in former Papers) to have the Power of rejecting a Bill for taxing them, because otherwise they too may alledge, they are taxed against their Will?
Our Kings, in their Speeches, at the Conclusions of Sessions, are wont to thank the Commons for raising Supplies. Why? Because the Supplies granted are out of their own, and their Constituents Property. When the Commons lay a Tax on America, whom is the King to thank, the House for giving what is neither their own Property, nor that of their Constituents? Or the Americans, for being deprived of their Property, without and against their Consent? Would not either of these be a Mockery unworthy of the King, or of the House?
With what View were the Colony-Assemblies originally instituted? What has been all along the Business of those Assemblies? Why are they called Assemblies of Representatives? Why have the People all along submitted to be taxed by them? Are they to meet hereafter only to settle the Assize of Bread, and the Rates of Labour by the Day? The Grenvillians say, We are but ill-represented in Parliament, where we are taxed. Is that a Reason why the Colonists must be taxed where they are not represented at all? The Colonists have all along laboured under the same Hardship as we in England. They are not represented in an adequate Manner in the Provincial Assemblies, in which they have always been taxed. Is this Grievance to be redressed by taking from them their inadequate Representation, and giving them, instead of it, no Representation?
Forty Shillings Freehold a Year in England, gives Representation in the Assembly which has the Power of Taxation. On Grenvillian Principles, Forty Thousand a Year give no Right to an American. His All may be voted away without his Knowledge. Yet the Grenvillians will tell him, he is a free British Subject, and enjoys every Privilege enjoyed by the Inhabitants of the Mother-Country. Whether this is not an Insult on Common-Sense, is submitted to the Judgment of the Reader.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to William Mickle, 15 February 1770
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Mickle, William

William Mickle, the Scottish poet (1735–88), had abandoned his Edinburgh brewery in 1763 and moved to London to be a man of letters. In 1765 he took a position with the Clarendon Press in Oxford; while there he clearly met and became friendly with Ephraim Brown, the adopted son of Benjamin Franklin’s brother Peter and the subject of this letter. Brown seems to have been constitutionally unable to save money, like several others of Franklin’s young relatives; when he died after a long illness in the autumn of 1769, he left considerable debts. Mickle’s attempt to get Franklin to help discharge them elicited the courteous refusal that follows.

Sir,
London, Feb. 15. 1770
I received yours of the 5th Instant, and in answer would acquaint you, that I have not, nor ever had, any Effects of Mr. Brown’s in my Hands, out of which to pay any Debts that may be due from him. Nor have I ever been in any kind of Connection with him that should make it in the least incumbent on me to discharge any such Debts. During his long Illness he from time to time acquainted me with his Distresses and Wants, which I relieved by permitting him to draw on me, to the Amount of 26½ Guineas in the whole, believing that if he recovered, he would in time repay me, as I esteemed him an honest well-disposed Man. But now that he is dead, I have not the least Expectation of ever receiving Sixpence of it, his Mother, the only Relation he has left, that I know of, being a very poor Woman. As to the particular Debt you mention, that to the Apothecary, I cannot think that you will be under any Necessity of paying it. No one would recommend an Apothecary to a Patient, if by so doing he became responsible for the Bills. Mr. Stevens can hardly be so unreasonable as to think of punishing you for your Friendship to him; and as he has receiv’d a Guinea out of his Bill of £115s. 0d., I suppose the first Cost of his Medicines must be nearly paid, and that his Humanity will receive full Satisfaction for the rest, in the Reflection that by his kind Care and Attention, he made more comfortable some of the last Hours of a poor sick Stranger. I am, Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin
Mr. Mickle


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Thomas Viny, 16 February 1770
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Viny, Thomas

Dear Sir.
London, Feb. 16. 1770
I received your Favour of the 13th past, which I ought to have acknowledg’d sooner, but much Business and some Indisposition have occasion’d the Delay. I can easily conceive the Difficulty a Man in your Situation, with such Connections, and so well esteem’d and belov’d among them, must have in resolving to leave them with an Intention of Settling in a distant Country. And I do not wonder that your Regard for them should determine you to remain where you are. I was indeed of Opinion, from my Knowledge of that Country and of you, that if you should remove thither with your Family and Substance you would not only do extreamly well yourself, but have better Opportunities of establishing your Children in the World. Therefore I did not dissuade you when you appear’d to have such an Inclination. But at the same time, tho’ I own I should have a Pleasure in adding such worthy Inhabitants to my Country as you and Mrs. Viny, and should be very happy in having you there for my Neighbours; yet as your Removal would give Pain to your good Brother here, whom I love and to many others that love you, I cannot, without extreme Reluctance think of using any Arguments to persuade you. Let us then leave that Matter where we found it.
Possibly, however, as you are likely to have many Children, you may hereafter judge it not amiss, when they are grown up, to plant one of them in America, where he may prepare an Asylum for the rest, should any great Calamity, which God avert, befal this Country. A Man I knew, who had a Number of Sons, us’d to say, he chose to settle them at some Distance from each other, for he thought they throve better; remarking that Cabbages growing too near together, were not so likely to come to a Head. I shall be asleep before that time, otherwise he might expect and command my best Advice and Assistance. But as the Ancients who knew not how to write had a Method of transmitting Friendships to Posterity; the Guest who had been hospitably entertain’d in a strange Country breaking a Stick with every one who did him a kindness; and the Producing such a Tally at any Time afterwards, by a Descendant of the Host, to a Son or Grandson of the Guest, was understood as a good Claim to special Regard besides the Common Rights of Hospitality: So if this Letter should happen to be preserv’d, your Son may produce it to mine as an Evidence of the Good will that once subsisted between their Fathers, as an Acknowledgement of the Obligations you laid me under by your many Civilities when I was in your Country and a Claim to all the Returns due from me if I had been living. Pray make my best Respects acceptable to good Mrs. Viny, and give my Love to your Children. Be so good, too, as to remember me respectfully to your Sister and Brother-in-Law, to Mr. Stace and Family, and to Mr. Hancock; and believe me ever, with sincere Regard, Dear Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant,
B Franklin


Title: The Colonist’s Advocate: X, 19 February 1770
From: Colonist’s Advocate
To:

The Grenvillians have endeavoured, by various Publications, in Pamphlets and News-papers, to support the Wisdom of taxing the Colonies, by sometimes alledging, that the British Trade with America is but an inconsiderable Object. It has never yet, they say, in any one Year, been worth to the Mother-Country quite Three Millions clear Gain. And what are Three Millions Gain to Britain? The Court has as much in her Gift; and there is not a Placeman, or a Pensioner, in the three Kingdoms, who will not tell you, he himself, and his Friends, have too little, and that the Three Millions a Year given away by the Court, are a mere Bagatelle, insufficient for producing the least Effect on the Minds, or in the Measures of the very honorable Persons who enjoy them, as appears manifestly from our [their] unbiassed and obstinate Adherence, on all Occasions, to the true Interest of their Country.
Others of that Party, taking up the Argument by a different Handle, labour to persuade us, that whatever may have been the Importance of our Commerce with our Colonies, it will not be at all affected by the late Revenue-Acts. It is true, those Gentlemen have not given us any Proofs of their possessing the Spirit of Prophecy. But this is no Reason why any Person, so disposed, may not be good-natured enough to give them Credit for what they pretend to. Others, indeed, of a less tractable Temper, may dispute the Matter with them, and argue, that though it were true, that hitherto our Commerce and Manufactures have felt no Diminution from the Grenvillian Measures, it does not, by any means follow, that the Case will not hereafter be found very fatally different. It is enough, they will alledge, to shew, that our offending the Colonists does naturally tend to alienate their Affections from us, and to force them upon striking into Tracks of Manufactures and Commerce very unfriendly to those of the Mother-Country.
But what will our Grenvillians find sufficient to invalidate the Reasonings of those, who bring Facts to prove, that the Revenue-Acts have already produced Effects very materially prejudicial to the British Navigation and Manufactures? Are not the Merchants judges of this Matter? Do not they feel a Stagnation of Trade, occasioned by the late fatal Measures? If all is going on as usual, what moves those grave and prudent Men to quit their Accounting-Houses, and Warehouses, and assemble together for the Purpose of drawing up Petitions to the Legislature for repealing the late Revenue-Acts? Do they not know, that such of them as have signed the Petition, will be examined upon the Allegations contained in it, and obliged to prove them? Do we see the Merchants of London engage themselves in such foolish Attempts as this would be, if they could not produce sufficient Reasons for the Request they make? At Bristol, when a Petition, concerning the Middlesex Election, was first proposed, some of the Merchants observed, that the Rupture with our Colonies was an Object of as great, if not greater, national Importance, than that which occasioned the numerous Petitions then preparing, and since presented; and they expressed a greater Inclination to sign a Petition for restoring Commerce, than on any other Subject. Are there not now Two Hundred Ships in the River, rotting for Want of Freights to America? Are not all the Commissions from thence conditional? “No Repeal; no British Goods.” Are not the American Stores (Warehouses) full of British Goods, which they only keep for a short Time, with the express Design of returning them, if the late Revenue-Acts are not repealed? Have we not Ships come back loaded with the Goods they carried out? Is not the Exchange between America and England, which used to be from 170, to 175, now fallen to 162? What has produced this Effect, but the Decline of our Commerce with America? An Insurance of Tea, to the Value of £6000 Sterling, from Holland to New-York, alone, has been made in London within these few Weeks. A great many Six Thousand Pounds will amount to the whole Value of our late gainful Trade to America. What will the Grenvillians say, if they should quickly hear of such commercial Projects as the following, for indemnifying America of the Sums we are to raise by our noble Taxation-Schemes, and punishing us for our ill Policy and Injustice? What will they say when they find, that Ships are actually fitted out from the Colonies (they cannot, I suppose hinder their fitting out Ships) for all Parts of the World; for China, by Cape Horn; for Instance, to sail under Prussian, or other Colours, with Cargoes of various Kinds, and to return loaded with Tea, and other East India Goods? A Master of a Vessel can go from America to France, can legally charter her from thence for Eustatia, and load her with every Species of Goods for the American Consumption. He can leave them at Eustatia ’till Winter, when it will be extremely easy to smuggle them into all Parts of North America in small Vessels. The whole Navy of England, if stationed ever so judiciously, cannot prevent smuggling on a Coast of 1500 Miles in Length. Such Steps as these will soon be taken by the Americans, if we obstinately go on with our unjust and oppressive Measures against them. And they will soon shew us, that they have it in their Power to carry Manufactures to much greater Lengths, and in a shorter Space of Time, than our Grenvillians would have us believe; of which more in my next Paper. There is no American Merchant, or Manufacturer, who does not already feel a considerable Diminution of Trade, in Consequence of the late Revenue-Acts. The fatal Innovation, which has given the Colonists such great and just Offence, is yet but recent. And it is a great while before a whole People come to act in concert on Occasion of unexpected Emergencies. It is likewise notorious, that several temporary Circumstances have partially contributed to prevent that Distress from coming upon our working Manufacturers, which otherwise they must, by this Time, have felt more severely than they do; as an unusual Trade to France, Spain, and Russia, and the Resolutions made by the Colonies to receive British Goods, and store them up, and of some Provinces to go on longer than others.
In short, it has been proved, by innumerable Writers, that taxing the Colonies, without Representation, is so unjust, that it ought not to be done, were it ever so prudent, and so impolitic, that it ought not to be done, were it ever so unexceptionably just. But if the Ministry be for the Measure, they will find Men to defend both it’s Policy and it’s Justice.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from James Parker, 20 February 1770
From: Parker, James
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honoured Sir
Newyork Feb 20. 1770
The 2d of this Month I wrote you per Capt. Munds, who was then purposing to sail, but for some Reasons known only to the Owners, he is not yet sail’d, tho’ the Letter having been put in his Bag, I cannot get it back and he is expected to sail soon; probably this will come to hand first. In that I sent the first of each of the three Bills, I now send the second of viz. One from Quebec, for £200 Sterling drawn by J. Drummond, on Harly & Drummond, dated 5 Dec. 1769——the two others from Rhode-Island, One for £20 Sterling 60 Days sight dated Jamaica 20 June 1769 drawn by Alex. Findleter on Wm Cunningham, Esqr near Glasgow; the other for £52 Sterling 90 Days sight, dated Newport Jan 9. 1770 drawn by Hays and Polock on Dav. Milligan of London. Mr. Vernon says they are the best he can get, I hope them safe to Hand and all acceptable.
Yours of the 10th December per this Packet I received. I have resigned the Custom-House Business, and have got my pay. For your Amusement I send you the Account of the Attorney. I have now done with them, but I cannot help thinking it hard, as well as absurd that the Officers must appoint such Attorney as the Commissioners please to direct and that Attorney have 5 per Cent, for receiving the Money, and paying it away, or rather only delivering it to Order. The Attornies of the Officers in England never had but 2½ per Cent, and this Tool of the Board has 5——whereas Mr. Hubbart would have received it for me for Nothing. This Man must suck the Blood of about 200 Poor Officers, and make double of what any of them can make: the King runs the Risk of the Money going to Boston, and every Officer in America, run the risk of it coming back to them. Such Absurdity is to me inconceivable. To England an Officer could sell his Bills to Advantage, but to Boston, only the Money itself must come generally. But Is done. I wonder a good deal what is become of Robinson; he has not even wrote to his Wife, she says.
The Affair of Mecom’s Books, I mention’d in mine per Munds, since which have proceeded to have them all sold at Auction. Inclosed is a Catalogue of the Auction: All in this Catalogue to No 103 were Mr. Bell’s own, Mecom’s begins at No 104 and continues to No 309, the last 10 Numbers are another’s Parcel. The Sale is finished, but the Auctioneer has not settld the Account yet. By Act of Assembly, there is a Duty on Goods sold at Auction here, and I was the Auctioneer’s Security for that Duty, which is first to be settled. As soon as we can get it done, I will take the Ballance and immediately purchase a Bill for it, and send it you, with the particular Account of Sales &c. which you will probably have by the next Packet if I am alive. I have thought I have done the best by such Auction but if it should be thought otherways by the Parties concerned, I shall be very sorry. My Reasons I give you in my Letter per Capt. Munds.
My Health is much as it was, I can walk about; but so emaciated and torn by the Gout, that all the Springs of Nature fail. I think I am drawing nigh to the Grave with a good deal of Rapidity. God only knows how soon my Course will be finished: I am desirous to resign my Will to his. All our best Respects await you and Mr. Foxcroft, whilst I am your most obliged Servant
James Parker

Addressed: For / Dr Benjamin Franklin / Craven-Street / London / per Halifax Packet / Capt. Boulderson
Endorsed: Parker  Feb. 20 1770


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Noble Wimberly Jones, 21 February 1770
From: Jones, Noble Wimberly
To: Franklin, Benjamin

In the Commons House of Assembly Savannah in Georgia
Sir
21st Febry 1770
I am directed by the House of Assembly to desire you will please to purchase for the use of the House a Mace to be made of Silver and double gilt to cost a Sum not exceeding £100 Sterling also two Gowns [in margin: 5 foot 8 inches, 5 foot 10 inches, size of persons] such as you think would be proper for the Speaker and Clerk of an American Assembly. So soon as I can be acquainted by you what the whole expence will amount to I shall take Care to have it immediately remitted, as there is a Vote of the House to provide a Sum for that purpose, I have only at present further to inform you that the Ordinance for your Reappointment as Agent has passed both Houses of Assembly. As to other matters I shall reserve myself till another Opportunity and am in the mean time with great respect Sir Your most Obedient Humble Servant
Noble Wimberly Jones Speaker
Benjamin Franklin Esqr

Endorsed: [N. W.] Jones Speaker of Georgia. Mace and Gowns Feb. 21. 1770.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Joshua Babcock, 26 February 1770
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Babcock, Joshua

Dear Sir,
London, Feb. 26. 1770
It is a long time since I have had the Pleasure of a Line from you; indeed I have not deserv’d it; for I am a Debtor on Account of several of your Favours that remain unanswer’d. The Truth is, I have too much Writing to do. It confines me so much, that I can scarcely find time for sufficient Bodily Exercise to keep me in Health. Hence I grow more and more averse to Writing; and sometimes almost wish I had never learnt to write. The Consequence is, that when I have many Letters to answer, I take the Liberty of postponing those to Friends on whose Goodness in excusing me I can most rely. I never fail, however, of enquiring after you and yours of every one I meet with that can give me Information, and I was glad to hear by your Son, that you continue well and prosperous.
I wish I could send you an Account by this Opportunity of the Redress of all our Grievances by Parliament. But tho’ some here are sanguine enough to expect it this Session, I cannot say I think they have much Foundation for their Hopes. We have lately lost out of the Cabinet almost every Man that was in the least favourably dispos’d towards America; and it will be strange if our Relief should come spontaneously from our Adversaries.
Be so good as to make my Respects acceptable to Mrs. Babcock, remember me affectionately to the Colonel, and believe me ever, with great Esteem, Yours sincerely
B Franklin
Joshua Babcock Esqr


Title: Ordinance of Georgia Reappointing Benjamin Franklin as Agent, 27 February 1770
From: Jones, Noble Wimberly,Habersham, James
To: Franklin, Benjamin

[February 27, 1770]
Whereas leave was Given by the late house of Assembly to bring in an Ordinance for reappointing Benjamin Franklin Esquire to be agent for Soliciting the affairs of this Province in Great Britain And Whereas the Dissolution of the said Assembly immediatly following prevented the said Ordinance from going through its regular forms And Whereas the said Benjamin Franklin notwithstanding the Want of Such an Appointment hath Continued to Transact the Business of this Province in Great Britain, Be it therefore Ordained And it is hereby Ordained by his Excellency James Wright Esquire Captain General and Governor in Chief of his Majestys Province of Georgia by and with the Advice and Consent of the Honourable Council and Commons house of Assembly of the said Province in General Assembly met and by the Authority of the same that the said Benjamin Franklin be and he is hereby declared Nominated and Appointed Agent to represent sollicit and Transact the affairs of this Province in Great Britain.
And be it further Ordained that the said Benjamin Franklin shall be and he is hereby fully Authorized and empowered to follow and pursue all such instructions as he shall from time to time receive from the General Assembly of this Province or from the Committee herein after appointed to Correspond with him.
And be it further Ordained That the Honourable James Habersham, Noble Jones, James Edward Powell, Lewis Johnson and Clement Martin Esquires, The Honourable Noble Wimberly Jones Esquire John Mullryne John Milledge Archibald Bullock, William Ewen, Charles Odingsall, Philip Box, William Young, and Richard Cunningham Crooke Esquires untill others shall be Appointed or any Seven of them two of Which to be of the Council Provided Nevertheless that after being Summoned in Consequence of an Order from any of the Committee by the Clerk or other person appointed by them for that purpose to meet the Committee they shall refuse or Neglect to attend then any Seven of the persons before named shall be and they are hereby Nominated and appointed a Committee to Correspond with the said Benjamin Franklin and give him such orders and Instructions from time to time as they shall Judge to be for the service of this Province.
And be it further Ordained That there shall be Allowed and paid unto the said Benjamin Franklin for his Agency the sum of One hundred pounds Sterling money of Great Britain over and above his reasonable Charges and disbursements on his Application to the several Offices and Boards in Negociating the affairs of this Province.
And be it further Ordained That the said Benjamin Franklin shall be and Continue Agent for this Province untill the first day of June in the year of Our Lord One Thousand Seven hundred and Seventy
By Order of the Commons house of Assembly
N W Jones Speaker

By Order of the upper house of Assembly
James Habersham President

Council Chamber 27th February 1770  Assented to
Ja Wright


Title: Editorial Introduction
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

From Daniel Roberdeau: Five Letters
These letters illustrate the complexities—perhaps increased by the writer’s nature—of trying to negotiate a transatlantic sale of land. Daniel Roberdeau wanted to dispose of his plantation in the Antilles; he believed that he had one potential buyer in London, and hoped that he might find several who would vie with each other. To save himself a journey to England he sent a power of attorney to Franklin, Dr. Fothergill, and his cousin Charles Pearce, and with it this bevy of letters to tell them how to act. In the first, addressed to all three, he explained the situation in general terms. There were complicating factors, however, not all of which he wanted to confide to Pearce; the most important was the difference between his asking price and what he would settle for if need be. He explained these factors in a second letter, of the same date, intended originally for Franklin but then readdressed to him or Fothergill; a third, to Franklin alone, followed at once to explain the readdressing. As if this were not complicated enough, Roberdeau added another twist. Instead of authorizing his agents to reduce the price, if they had to, by stages to his minimum figure, he put the authorization into two separate letters, enclosed in that to Franklin or Fothergill, and dated them March 20 and April 30. The dates were of course spurious; both were written and sent in February.


Title: From Daniel Roberdeau to Benjamin Franklin, 27 February 1770
From: Roberdeau, Daniel
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Philada. Feby. 27th. 1770
After writing the rough draft of a Letter to you this day at very considerable length, I was informed by a friend that it was highly probable that you would return by next June, which occasioned me to accomodate that Letter to that Circumstance and to direct it to you or Dr. John Fothergill refering him in a private Letter to the same. I among the Croud of your friends shall be very glad of an Opportunity most cordially to wellcome you to our shore, when you can be spared from attending on the important Businesses you are imployed in, but from motives I confess entirely selfish I cannot but hope that your Continuance in London may be a little longer for I hope to avail myself of your friendship in an Affair, the subject of the above cited Letter, to which please to be refered. I know no Gentleman on whose integrity as well as abilities I have greater reliance, I also am no stranger to your condescending disposition, therefore in an Affair of the highest Importance to my temporal Interest I hope to obtain your pardon in seeking for your friendship in a strange land. Was my business merely merchantile or was it lucrative I need not have troubled you, but although I flatter myself it will not be attended with much trouble, it requires some attention and more address and adroitness than to be committed into every hands. If this should happily meet with you and you condescend to undertake for me, my utmost wish would be satisfied and while I live I will thank you and my Children after me I am with unfeigned Regard Dear Sir Your Affectionate and obedient humble Servant
PS Joseph Reed Esqr. the bearer has orders to deliver the above mentioned letter to you if in London, and he probably may be of further service if you should require it of his profession.
Doctor Benja. Franklin


Title: From Daniel Roberdeau to Benjamin Franklin, John Fothergill, and Charles Pearce, 27 February 1770
From: Roberdeau, Daniel
To: Franklin, Benjamin,Fothergill, John,Pearce, Charles

Dear Sirs
Philada. March 20th. [i.e., February 27] 1770
Please to be refered to what I wrote you the 27th. Ulto, on considering the possibility of your not obtaining £6,500 Sterl. for my Estate the Sum by which you were then limited, and as I would not have my purpose mared by failing of the above sum, and in Case you cannot obtain an intermediate Sum I even consent to take Six Thousand pounds Sterl. which I have no doubt you will obtain, and for which this is your Authority. I am with high Regard, but great haste, which I hope you’ll excuse Dear Sir Your most obedient and obliged humble Servant

Doctor Benja. Franklin
}

Doctor John Fothergill and

Charles Pearce Esqr


Title: From Daniel Roberdeau to Benjamin Franklin, John Fothergill, and Charles Pearce, 27 February 1770
From: Roberdeau, Daniel
To: Franklin, Benjamin,Fothergill, John,Pearce, Charles

Dear Sirs
Philada. April 30th. [i.e., February 27] 1770
If by this time you have not succeeded in [the sale of my Plantation,] according to what I wrote you the 27th. Feby. and 20th. March, as [I am anxious to] transfer my Property from the West-Indies to the more eligible Situa[tion of my] own residence, and as a last effort, although I have little doubt that by [the time] this gets to your hands, that you will have obtained at least £6,000 sterling my last Limitation, yet as you and I have taken such pains I would not for some hundreds that our Labour should prove fruitless, therefore you have now my Authority to make such an abatement of Price, as that I shall receive clear of all Charges in negotiating and paying, Five thousand five hundred Pounds Sterl., which is the last offer I shall make. I am with high sense of the obligation you have laid me under Dear Sirs Your much obliged and obedient humble Servant
Daniel Roberdeau
Doctor Benja. Franklin Doctor John Fothergill and Charles Pearce Esqr.