Title: [December 1775]
From: Adams, John
To:

      1775. Decr. 9th.

       Having Yesterday asked and obtained Leave of Congress to go home, this Morning I mounted, with my own Servant only, about twelve O Clock, and reached the red Lyon about two where I dine. The Roads very miry and dirty, the Weather pleasant, and not cold.

   This is the first regular entry since 29 Oct. in JA’s Diary. Why he failed to keep a record of either personal or congressional affairs during the last six weeks he attended Congress is unexplained except by the number of committees on which he sat and the amount of writing that some of them, notably the so-called naval committee, required. His correspondence also fell off. On 25 Nov. he wrote to Mercy Warren:

            “I wish it was in my Power to write to you oftener than I do, but I am really engaged in constant Business from seven to ten in the Morning in Committee, from ten to four in Congress and from Six to Ten again in Committee. Our Assembly is scarcly numerous enough for the Business. Every Body is engaged all Day in Congress and all the Morning and evening in Committees” (Adams Papers).

   In respect to JA’s activities in Congress the gap in the Diary is at least partially supplied by his Autobiography, which states that he sought a leave at this time because he was “worn down with long and uninterrupted Labour.”

   JA’s itinerary and expenses on this return trip from Philadelphia are recorded in meticulous detail in his Account with Massachusetts, Aug.-Dec. 1775, q.v. above. He arrived in Braintree on 21 December.

       Sarah Yard’s Bill for Board.

     John Adams to Mrs. Yard Dr.

      To Board from Septr. 12 to Decr. 8 at 30s. per Week
      18:
      17:
      0

      To a Servants Board for same Time at 15s. per Week
      9:
      8:
      6

      To Clubb in Punch and Wine at Dinner and in your own Room
      11:
      0:
      0

      To Sperma Ceti Candles at .05s. per Week
      3:
      0:
      0

      To Firewood for 8 Weeks at 7s: 6 per Week
      1:
      10:
      0

      To Cash paid for the Post
      0:
      3:
      0

      43:
      18:
      6

      20:
      0:
      0

      23:
      18:
      6

   By Cash recd, the Above in fool Sarah Yard> December 9th 1775Philad

   M-Ar: vol. 210. In JA’s hand except the dated acknowledgment of payment, which was written and signed by Mrs. Yard. At foot of page are some arithmetical calculations by JA, apparently irrelevant, and a highly relevant notation by the legislative committee appointed to report on JA’s accounts converting £23 18s. 6d. Philadelphia currency to £19 2s. gd. lawful money; see JA’s Account with Massachusetts, Aug.–Dec. 1775, above, and note 3 there.

      1775. Decr. 10. Sunday.

       Rode from Bristol to Trenton, breakfasted, rode to Princetown, and dined with a Captain Flahaven, in Ld. Sterlings Regiment, who has been express to Congress from his Lordship.

       Flahaven’s Father lives in this Province. He has lived in Maryland. Says that the Virginia Convention granting the Scotch Petition to be neutral has done all the Mischief and been the Support of Lord Dunmore. He says the Scotch are in some Parts of Virginia powerfull—that in Alexandria he has heard them cursing the Congress and vilifying not only their public Proceedings but their private Characters. He has heard them decrying the Characters of the Maryland Delegates particularly Chase and the Virginia Delegates particularly Lee, Henry and Washington.
       Last Evening, when I dismounted at Bristow, the Taverner shewed me into a Room, where was a young Gentleman very elegantly dress’d, with whom I spent the Evening. His name I could not learn. He told me, he had been an Officer in the Army but had sold out. I had much Conversation with him and some of it very free.
       He told me, We had two valuable Prizes among the Prisoners, taken at Chambly and St. Johns—a Mr. Barrington Nephew of Lord Barrington, and a Captain Williams who he says is the greatest Officer in the Service. He gives a most exalted Character of Williams as a Mathematician, Phylosopher, Engineer, and in all other Accomplishments of an Officer.
       In the Evening Mr. Baldwin came to see me. We waited on Dr. Witherspoon the President of the Colledge where we saw Mr. Smith and two other of the light Horse from Philadelphia going to the Camp with a Waggon.

       Joseph Bass’ Bills to John and Samuel Adams.

     John Adams Esqr. to Joseph Bass Dr.

      AD 1775

      Sepr. 11
      For bording at Mr. Dibleys
      0:
      8:
      5

      Oct.
      For one pr. of Quality binding
      0
      4
      0

      Paid to the Sadler
      0
      2:
      3

      Paid for triming of the horses
      0
      5:
      0

      For one Quir of paper
      0
      3:
      6

      For one Dito
      0
      3:
      6

      For one stick of sealing wax
      0:
      1:
      0

      For one Comb
      0
      2
      6

      For one Quier of paper
      0
      3:
      6

      £
      s
      d

      Pen. Curr.
      £1
      13
      8
      =
      1:
      7:
      0

      L.M.

        Recd. the above Joseph Bass

       Mr. Adamses bill

     Mr. Adams Dr. to Joseph Bass

      £
      s
      d

      To my Wages from 28th. Aug. to 21. Deer. 1775 @ £3 per Month
      11:
      5:
      0

        Recd. the above in full Joseph Bass

     Honl. Samuel Adams, & John Adams Esqr. to Joseph Bass Dr.

      AD 1775

      £
      s
      d

      Nor. 8
      For travling Charges to Philidelpha
      19:
      18:
      0

      To one doz of pipes
      0:
      15:
      0

      For hors hier
      1:
      3:
      9

      Nor. 28
      For one doz of pipes
      0:
      18:
      0

      To half a doz Dito
      0:
      3:
      0

      To two pound of tobacow
      0:
      18:
      0

      Old Tenor
      £23:
      15:
      9

        Recd. one half of Mr. J. Adams £1:1 is: 6 L.M.
        Joseph Bass

   M-Ar: vol. 210. Endorsed by JA.


Title: 1776 Jany. 3d. Wednesday.
From: Adams, John
To:


Title: 1776. January 24. Wednesday.
From: Adams, John
To:

       Began my Journey to Phildelphia, dined at Colonel Mifflins at Cambridge with G. Washington, and Gates and their Ladies, and half a Dozen Sachems and Warriours of the french Cocknowaga Tribe, with their Wives and Children. Williams is one, who was captivated in his Infancy, and adopted. There is a Mixture of White Blood french or English in most of them. Louis, their Principal, speaks English and french as well as Indian. It was a Savage feast, carnivorous Animals devouring their Pray. Yet they were wondrous polite. The General introduced me to them as one of the Grand Council Fire at Philadelphia, upon which they made me many Bows, and a cordial Reception.


Title: 1776. Jany. 25. Thursday.
From: Adams, John
To:

       About 10 Mr. Gerry called me, and we rode to Framingham, where We dined. Coll. Buckminster after Dinner shewed us, the Train of Artillery brought down from Ticonderoga, by Coll. Knox. It consists of Iron—9 Eighteen Pounders, 10 Twelves, 6. six, four nine Pounders, Three 13. Inch Mortars, Two Ten Inch Mortars, one Eight Inch, and one six and an half. Howitz, one Eight Inch and an half and one Eight.
       Brass Cannon. Eight Three Pounders, one four Pounder, 2 six Pounders, one Eighteen Pounder, and one 24 Pounder. One eight Inch and an half Mortar, one Seven Inch and an half Dto. and five Cohorns.
       After Dinner, rode to Maynards, and supped there very agreably.


Title: 1776 Jany 26. Fryday.
From: Adams, John
To:

       Stopped at Sternes’s Stearns’s in Worcester, and dined with Mr. Lincoln at Mr. Jonathan Williams’s. In Putnams Office where I formerly trimm’d the Midnight Lamp, Mr. Williams keeps Laws Works and Jacob Behmens, with whose Mistical Reveries he is much captivated.


Title: [January 1776]
From: Adams, John
To:

      1776 Jany. 3d. Wednesday.

   This heading without text is the last entry in D/JA/24.

   After a week in Braintree JA resumed his seat, 28 Dec., in the Massachusetts Council, which was sitting in Watertown. A payroll record in the Council Papers (M-Ar: vol. 164) indicates that he attended sixteen days between then and 24 Jan., the day before he set out once more for Congress, and was paid £5 10s. 10d. for travel and services. His work on committees was as intense as it had been in Congress; see the Council Journal for this session as printed in Force, Archives[Peter Force, ed.,] American Archives: Consisting of a Collection of Authentick Records, State Papers, Debates, and Letters and Other Notices of Publick Affairs, Washington, 1837–1853; 9 vols., 4th ser., 4:1219–1312. One of his committee assignments led to a very characteristic composition from JA’s pen, a proclamation “By the Great and General Court of the Colony of Massachusetts-Bay,” dated 23 Jan. 1776 and designed to be read “at the opening of the several Courts of Justice through this Colony, and at Town-Meetings” (Ford, Mass. Broadsides, No. 1973, with facsimile facing p. 272; MS in M-Ar: vol. 138; see Council Journal, Force, Archives[Peter Force, ed.,] American Archives: Consisting of a Collection of Authentick Records, State Papers, Debates, and Letters and Other Notices of Publick Affairs, Washington, 1837–1853; 9 vols., 4th ser., 4:12–46, 1268–1270; Mass., House Jour.Journals of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts [1715– ], Boston, reprinted by the Massachusetts Historical Society, 1919– . (For the years for which reprints are not yet available, the original printings are cited, by year and session.), 1775–1776, 3d sess., p. 189–92). Others took him to headquarters in Cambridge for consultations with Gen. Washington and formal councils of war. His surviving correspondence with Washington, together with the Council Journal, shows that he was repeatedly at headquarters in January, and the next entry in the Diary records that he dined with a party of officers, including the commander in chief, and their ladies at Cambridge on the day before he started for Philadelphia.

      1776. January 24. Wednesday.

       Began my Journey to Phildelphia, dined at Colonel Mifflins at Cambridge with G. Washington, and Gates and their Ladies, and half a Dozen Sachems and Warriours of the french Cocknowaga Tribe, with their Wives and Children. Williams is one, who was captivated in his Infancy, and adopted. There is a Mixture of White Blood french or English in most of them. Louis, their Principal, speaks English and french as well as Indian. It was a Savage feast, carnivorous Animals devouring their Pray. Yet they were wondrous polite. The General introduced me to them as one of the Grand Council Fire at Philadelphia, upon which they made me many Bows, and a cordial Reception.

   First entry in D/JA/25 since 30 Oct. 1775. The following entries, through 29 Jan., are from the same booklet.

   On 15 Dec. 1775 the General Court elected the two Adamses, Hancock, and Paine to another year’s term as delegates to the Continental Congress, but replaced Thomas Cushing with Elbridge Gerry—an action that disturbed conservatives both in Massachusetts and in Congress. See Mass., House JourJournals of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts [1715– ], Boston, reprinted by the Massachusetts Historical Society, 1919– . (For the years for which reprints are not yet available, the original printings are cited, by year and session.), 1775–1776, 3d sess., p. 44; Samuel Adams to James Warren, 8 March 1776, Warren-Adams LettersWarren-Adams Letters: Being Chiefly a Correspondence among John Adams, Samuel Adams, and James Warren (Massachusetts Historical Society, Collections, vols. 72–73), Boston, 1917–1925; 2 vols., 1:211–212. But JA was pleased by it and had the company of Gerry on the road to Philadelphia, where the two arrived on 8 Feb. and took their seats in Congress next day (JA to AA, 11 Feb. 1776, Adams Papers; see also JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 4:122).

   On the Caughnawagas, who had come to offer their services to the Americans, see Washington to Philip Schuyler, 27 Jan. 1776 (Writings, ed. FitzpatrickThe Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources, 1745–1799, ed. John C. Fitzpatrick, Washington, 1931–1944; 39 vols., 4:280–281).

      1776. Jany. 25. Thursday.

       About 10 Mr. Gerry called me, and we rode to Framingham, where We dined. Coll. Buckminster after Dinner shewed us, the Train of Artillery brought down from Ticonderoga, by Coll. Knox. It consists of Iron—9 Eighteen Pounders, 10 Twelves, 6. six, four nine Pounders, Three 13. Inch Mortars, Two Ten Inch Mortars, one Eight Inch, and one six and an half. Howitz, one Eight Inch and an half and one Eight.
       Brass Cannon. Eight Three Pounders, one four Pounder, 2 six Pounders, one Eighteen Pounder, and one 24 Pounder. One eight Inch and an half Mortar, one Seven Inch and an half Dto. and five Cohorns.
       After Dinner, rode to Maynards, and supped there very agreably.

   The documents relative to Knox’s transportation of the great train of artillery from Fort Ticonderoga to the American camp outside Boston are printed by Alexander C. Flick in N.Y. State Hist. Assoc., Quart. Jour., 9:119–135 (April 1928). They include Knox’s own inventory of the guns, with which JA’s list closely corresponds and which has been helpful in interpreting JA’s confusing punctuation in this passage.

   A singular or plural form according to OEDThe Oxford English Dictionary, Oxford, 1933; 12 vols. and supplement.. Knox’s list has the more conventional term “Howitzers.”

      1776 Jany 26. Fryday.

       Stopped at Sternes’s Stearns’s in Worcester, and dined with Mr. Lincoln at Mr. Jonathan Williams’s. In Putnams Office where I formerly trimm’d the Midnight Lamp, Mr. Williams keeps Laws Works and Jacob Behmens, with whose Mistical Reveries he is much captivated.

   This Jonathan Williams (d. 1780), Harvard 1772, had been a law clerk in JA’s office. He was a cousin of the better-known Jonathan Williams (1750–1815), Benjamin Franklin’s great-nephew, who a little later crossed JA’s path when serving as American agent at Nantes and who became first superintendent of the military academy at West Point; see DABAllen Johnson and Dumas Malone, eds., Dictionary of American Biography, New York, 1928–1936; 20 vols. plus index and supplements.. On JA’s law clerk see “Suffolk Bar Book,” MHS, Procs.Massachusetts Historical Society, Collections and Proceedings., 1st ser., 19 (1881–1882):151; Harvard Quinquennial Cat.;Harvard University, Quinquennial Catalogue of the Officers and Graduates, 1636–1930, Cambridge, 1930. John Thaxter to JA, 7 Aug. 1780, Adams Papers.

   William Law, author of A Serious Call to a Devout and Holy Life, 1728, and other religious works, was an English disciple of the German mystic Jakob Boehme or Behmen; see DNBLeslie Stephen and Sidney Lee, eds., The Dictionary of National Biography, New York and London, 1885–1900; 63 vols. plus supplements. under Law.

      1776. Sunday. Jany. 28.

       Mr. Upham informs that this Town of Brookfield abounds with a Stone, out of which Allum, Coperas and Sulphur are made. Out of one Bushell of this Stone, he made five Pounds of Coperas. He put the Stone into a Tub, poured Water on it, let it Stand 2 or 3 days, then drew it off, and boiled the Liquor away—let it stand and it shot into a Kind of Christals. Adding Chamberly and Alkaline Salts to the Coperas and that makes Allum.
       We made some Sulphur, by Sublimation. We put 4 Quarts of the Stone into an Iron Kettle, laid a Wooden Cover over the Kettle leaving an Hole in the Middle. Then We put an Earthern Pot over the Top of the Kettle, and cemented it with Clay—then made a fire under the Kettle, and the Sulphur sublimated. We got about a Spoonfull.
       We have found a Bed of yellow Ocre in this Town. I got 12,00 Wt. We make Spanish Brown by burning the yellow Ocre.

   Chamber-lye (variously spelled, 1500–1800): “Urine; esp. as used for washing, etc.” (OEDThe Oxford English Dictionary, Oxford, 1933; 12 vols. and supplement.).

   JA could hardly have participated in these experiments, and so it must be assumed that this and the following paragraph are direct discourse by Upham. CFA supplied quotation marks around this passage.

      1776 Monday. Jan. 29.

       Rode to Springfield, dined at Scotts. Heard that the Cannon at Kingsbridge in N. York were spiked up. That dry Goods, English Goods were sent round to N. York from Boston, and from N. York sold all over N.E. and sent down to Camp. That Tryon has issued Writs for the Choice of a new Assembly, and that the Writs were likely to be obeyed, and the Tories were likely to carry a Majority of Members.


Title: [Notes of Debates in the Continental Congress] 1776. Feb.[16]
From: Adams, John
To:

       In Committee of the whole.
       Cant we oblige B. to keep a Navy on foot the Expence of which will be double to what they will take from Us. I have heard of Bullion Spanish Flotas being stoppd least they should be taken—But perishable Commodities never were stopped. Open your Ports to Foreigners. Your Trade will become of so much Consequence, that Foreigners will protect you.
       Wilson. A Gentleman from Mass, thinks that a middle Way should be taken. That Trade should be opened, for some Articles, and to some Places, but not for all Things and to all Places.
       I think the Merchants ought to judge for themselves of the danger and Risque. We should be blamed if We did not leave it to them.
       I differ from the Gentleman of Massachusetts. Trade ought in War to be carried on with greater Vigour. By what means did B. carry on their Tryumphs last War? The United Provinces their War vs. Spain.
       If We determine that our Ports shall not be opened, our Vessells abroad will not return. Our Seamen are all abroad—will not return, unless We open our Trade. I am afraid it will be necessary to invite Foreigners to trade with Us, altho We loose a great Advantage, that of trading in our own Bottoms.
       Sherman. I fear We shall maintain the Armies of our Enemies at our own Expence with Provisions. We cant carry on a beneficial Trade, as our Enemies will take our Ships. A Treaty with a foreign Power is necessary, before We open our Trade, to protect it.
       Rutledge.
       Harrison. We have hobbled on, under a fatal Attachment to G.B. I felt it as much as any Man but I feel a stronger to my Country.
       Wythe. The Ports will be open the 1st. March. The Q. is whether We shall shutt em up. Faece Romuli non Republica Platonis. Americans will hardly live without Trade. It is said our Trade will be of no Advantage to Us, because our Vessells will be taken, our Enemies will be supplied, the W.I. will be supplied at our Expence. This is too true, unless We can provide a Remedy. Our Virginia Convention have resolved, that our Ports be opened to all Nations that will trade with us, except G.B., I. and W.I. If the Inclination of the People, should become universal to trade, We must open our Ports. Merchants will not export our Produce, unless they get a Profit.

       We might get some of our Produce to Markett, by authorizing Adventurers to Arm themselves, and giving Letters of Mark—make Reprisals.
       2d. by inviting foreign Powers to make Treaties of Commerce with us.
       But other Things are to be considered, before such a Measure is adopted. In what Character shall We treat, as subjects of G.B.—as Rebells? Why should We be so fond of calling ourselves dutifull Subjects.
       If We should offer our Trade to the Court of France, would they take Notice of it, any more than if Bristol or Liverpool should offer theirs, while We profess to be Subjects.—No. We must declare ourselves a free People.
       If We were to tell them, that after a Season, We would return to our Subjection to G.B., would not a foreign Court wish to have Something permanent.
       We should encourage our Fleet. I am convinced that our Fleet may become as formidable as We wish to make it. Moves a Resolution.


Title: [Memorandum of Measures to Be Pursued in Congress, February? 1776.]
From: Adams, John
To:

       Mem.
       The Confederation to be taken up in Paragraphs.
       An Alliance to be formed with France and Spain.
       Embassadors to be sent to both Courts.
       Government to be assumed in every Colony.
       Coin and Currencies to be regulated.
       Forces to be raised and maintained in Canada and New York. St. Lawrence and Hudsons Rivers to be secured.
       Hemp to be encouraged and the Manufacture of Duck.
       Powder Mills to be built in every Colony, and fresh Efforts to make Salt Petre.
       An Address to the Inhabitants of the Colonies.
       The Committee for Lead and Salt to be fill’d up, and Sulphur added to their Commission.
       Money to be sent to the Paymaster, to pay our Debts, and fullfill our Engagements.
       Taxes to be laid, and levied, Funds established. New Notes to be given on Interest, for Bills borrowed.
       Treaties of Commerce with F. S. H. D. &c.
       Declaration of Independency, Declaration of War with the Nation, Cruising on the british Trade, their East India Ships and Sugar Ships.
       Prevent the Exportation of Silver and Gold.


Title: [Draft Resolves Concerning the Secret Committee of Correspondence and a Plan of Confederation, February? 1776.]
From: Adams, John
To:

       Resolved that the Committee of Secret Correspondence be directed to lay their Letters before this Congress.
       Resolved that  be a Committee to prepare a Draught of firm Confederation, to be reported as soon as may be to this Congress, to be considered and digested and recommended to the several Assemblies and Conventions of these united Colonies, to be by them adopted, ratified and confirmed.


Title: [February? 1776.]
From: Adams, John
To:

       3. Jer. 12. Go proclaim these Words towards the North. Return thou backsliding Israel and I will not cause my anger to fall upon you, for I am merciful and will not be angry forever.


Title: [February? 1776.]
From: Adams, John
To:

       Any Goods or Commodities, except Staves for Sale, may be exported, from the united Colonies to any other Part of the World, not subject to the Crown of G.B.


Title: [February 1776]
From: Adams, John
To:

      Notes of Debates in the Continental Congress 1776. Feb.16

       In Committee of the whole.
       Cant we oblige B. to keep a Navy on foot the Expence of which will be double to what they will take from Us. I have heard of Bullion Spanish Flotas being stoppd least they should be taken—But perishable Commodities never were stopped. Open your Ports to Foreigners. Your Trade will become of so much Consequence, that Foreigners will protect you.
       Wilson. A Gentleman from Mass, thinks that a middle Way should be taken. That Trade should be opened, for some Articles, and to some Places, but not for all Things and to all Places.
       I think the Merchants ought to judge for themselves of the danger and Risque. We should be blamed if We did not leave it to them.
       I differ from the Gentleman of Massachusetts. Trade ought in War to be carried on with greater Vigour. By what means did B. carry on their Tryumphs last War? The United Provinces their War vs. Spain.
       If We determine that our Ports shall not be opened, our Vessells abroad will not return. Our Seamen are all abroad—will not return, unless We open our Trade. I am afraid it will be necessary to invite Foreigners to trade with Us, altho We loose a great Advantage, that of trading in our own Bottoms.
       Sherman. I fear We shall maintain the Armies of our Enemies at our own Expence with Provisions. We cant carry on a beneficial Trade, as our Enemies will take our Ships. A Treaty with a foreign Power is necessary, before We open our Trade, to protect it.
       Rutledge.
       Harrison. We have hobbled on, under a fatal Attachment to G.B. I felt it as much as any Man but I feel a stronger to my Country.
       Wythe. The Ports will be open the 1st. March. The Q. is whether We shall shutt em up. Faece Romuli non Republica Platonis. Americans will hardly live without Trade. It is said our Trade will be of no Advantage to Us, because our Vessells will be taken, our Enemies will be supplied, the W.I. will be supplied at our Expence. This is too true, unless We can provide a Remedy. Our Virginia Convention have resolved, that our Ports be opened to all Nations that will trade with us, except G.B., I. and W.I. If the Inclination of the People, should become universal to trade, We must open our Ports. Merchants will not export our Produce, unless they get a Profit.

       We might get some of our Produce to Markett, by authorizing Adventurers to Arm themselves, and giving Letters of Mark—make Reprisals.
       2d. by inviting foreign Powers to make Treaties of Commerce with us.
       But other Things are to be considered, before such a Measure is adopted. In what Character shall We treat, as subjects of G.B.—as Rebells? Why should We be so fond of calling ourselves dutifull Subjects.
       If We should offer our Trade to the Court of France, would they take Notice of it, any more than if Bristol or Liverpool should offer theirs, while We profess to be Subjects.—No. We must declare ourselves a free People.
       If We were to tell them, that after a Season, We would return to our Subjection to G.B., would not a foreign Court wish to have Something permanent.
       We should encourage our Fleet. I am convinced that our Fleet may become as formidable as We wish to make it. Moves a Resolution.

   First entry in booklet “26” (our D/JA/26), a pocket memorandum book stitched in red-brown leather covers and containing scattered notes of debates in Congress from February to April (possibly early May) 1776.

   The day on which the present debate took place can be assigned with some confidence because Richard Smith summarized in his Diary under 16 Feb. a debate of “4 or 5 Hours ... in Grand Comee. committee of the whole on Trade,” which corresponds at essential points with JA’s fragmentary notes (Burnett, ed., Letters of MembersEdmund C. Burnett, ed., Letters of Members of the Continental Congress, Washington, 1921–1936; 8 vols., 1:350–52; see JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 4:154). See note 4, below.

   JA does not indicate whose speech this was.

   Following Edward Rutledge’s name there is a blank in the MS amounting to two-thirds of a page. JA probably intended to supply notes on Rutledge’s speech but failed to do so.

            “Wyth ... offered Propositions whereof the first was that the Colonies have a Right to contract Alliances with Foreign Powers, an Objection being offered that this was Independency there ensued much Argument upon that Ground. a leading Question was given Whether this Proposn. shall be considered by the Comee. it was carried in the Affirmative 7 Colonies to 5. then it was debated and postponed” (Richard Smith, Diary, 16 Feb., Burnett, ed., Letters of MembersEdmund C. Burnett, ed., Letters of Members of the Continental Congress, Washington, 1921–1936; 8 vols., 1:350–351).

          See also JA’s Memorandum of Measures to Be Pursued in Congress, Feb.? 1776, following.

   From this point until he sailed for France in Feb. 1778, JA’s Diary is so fragmentary that it is scarcely practical to indicate, even in summary form, the events in his personal and political life which he failed to record. In compensation, however, one may turn to his Autobiography, where the record for the year 1776 is remarkably full, for when he came to deal with that climactic year he read the published Journals of Congress closely, quoted from them copiously, and commented on them with characteristic freedom. (His own extensive collection of the Journals, Phila., 1777–1788, and early reprints, survives in the Boston Public Library; see Cat. of JA’s LibraryCatalogue of the John Adams Library in the Public Library of the City of Boston, Boston, 1917., p. 60–61.) What is more, he occasionally dipped into his files of old correspondence, as he had not done at all up to this point in the Autobiography, to support his commentary. The result is that about half of the entire text of Part One of the Autobiography is devoted to the first ten months of 1776 alone, ending with his departure from Congress in October of that year.

       Memorandum of Measures to Be Pursued in Congress, February? 1776.

       Mem.
       The Confederation to be taken up in Paragraphs.
       An Alliance to be formed with France and Spain.
       Embassadors to be sent to both Courts.
       Government to be assumed in every Colony.
       Coin and Currencies to be regulated.
       Forces to be raised and maintained in Canada and New York. St. Lawrence and Hudsons Rivers to be secured.
       Hemp to be encouraged and the Manufacture of Duck.
       Powder Mills to be built in every Colony, and fresh Efforts to make Salt Petre.
       An Address to the Inhabitants of the Colonies.
       The Committee for Lead and Salt to be fill’d up, and Sulphur added to their Commission.
       Money to be sent to the Paymaster, to pay our Debts, and fullfill our Engagements.
       Taxes to be laid, and levied, Funds established. New Notes to be given on Interest, for Bills borrowed.
       Treaties of Commerce with F. S. H. D. &c.
       Declaration of Independency, Declaration of War with the Nation, Cruising on the british Trade, their East India Ships and Sugar Ships.
       Prevent the Exportation of Silver and Gold.

   Regrettably it is impossible to date this important memorandum with certainty. In the MS (D/JA/25) it appears on two facing pages between the entries of 26 and 28 Jan. 1776, which, disregarding other considerations, should indicate that it was written during JA’s return journey to Philadelphia. This may be the case, but for reasons pointed out elsewhere the editors have learned to distrust the physical position of undated entries in the Diary as clues to their dates of composition. JA’s list displays such familiarity with issues current in Congress that it is extremely doubtful that he could have prepared it on his way back to Philadelphia. It is far more likely that he drew it up after he had resumed his seat on 9 Feb. and had tested the temper of his fellow delegates and, through them, the temper of the country, especially those sections of it beyond New England — which he now felt certain, to use Jefferson’s phrase, was ready to fall “from the parent stem” (Papers, ed. BoydThe Papers of Thomas Jefferson, ed. Julian P. Boyd and others, Princeton, 1950– ., 1:313). What he found was that, except for Virginia, most of the other colonies were not matured to that point of ripeness, and his task was, in conjunction with others of his mind in Congress, to bring them to that point. As the notes below indicate, many of the measures listed can be identified as resolutions introduced in Congress by JA and other leaders of the independence party during the weeks immediately following his return; others were not put forward until late spring or early summer, or at least did not get beyond the talking stage and so are not recorded in the Journal.

   The most plausible supposition is that JA compiled his list of agenda, which has the appearance of being composed at one sitting, after conferring with Samuel Adams, Richard Henry Lee, and others with advanced views and agreeing with them on what measures should be pressed, soon after taking his seat, very probably between 10 and 15 Feb. and certainly before 23 Feb. (see note 7, below). If this is a sound conjecture, this paper may be regarded as minutes of a caucus among members who favored American independence.

   On 21 July 1775 Franklin had laid before Congress a draft plan of “Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union,” but the subject was so touchy that no record of it was made in the official Journal. Copies of Franklin’s plan circulated in the colonies and even reached print, but without noticeable effect (Burnett, Continental CongressEdmund C. Burnett, The Continental Congress, New York, 1941., p. 91–92; Jefferson, Papers, ed. BoydThe Papers of Thomas Jefferson, ed. Julian P. Boyd and others, Princeton, 1950– ., 1:179–180). On 23 Dec. 1775 Jefferson, as chairman of a committee to ascertain the unfinished business before Congress, entered the “Report of the Proposed Articles of Confederation (adjourned from August last)” as the first item, but it was struck from his list, probably by the committee before reporting (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 3:454–456; Jefferson, Papers, ed. BoydThe Papers of Thomas Jefferson, ed. Julian P. Boyd and others, Princeton, 1950– ., 1:274–275). According to Richard Smith’s Diary there were “considerable Arguments” on the floor of Congress, 16 Jan. 1776, “on the Point Whether a Day shall be fixed for considering the Instrument of Confederation formerly brought in by a Comee. it was carried in the Negative [and so not recorded in the Journal]. Dr. Franklin exerted Himself in Favor of the Confederation as did Hooper, Dickinson and other[s] agt. it” (Burnett, ed., Letters of MembersEdmund C. Burnett, ed., Letters of Members of the Continental Congress, Washington, 1921–1936; 8 vols., 1:313; and see Samuel Adams to JA, 15–16 Jan. 1776, Adams Papers; same, p. 311–312). The Journal of Congress is silent on this subject until 7 June, when the Virginia Resolutions “respecting independency” were brought in, one of which proposed “That a plan of confederation be prepared and transmitted to the respective Colonies for their consideration and approbation,” and after debate extending over several days a committee was appointed “to prepare and digest the form of a confederation to be entered into between these colonies” (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 5:425, 431, 433). For later developments see entries of 25 July and following, below.

   A proposal approaching this was made by George Wythe on 16 Feb. 1776; see JA’s Notes of Debates of that date, preceding, and note 4 there.

   JA’s main objective (and accomplishment) in the spring of 1776. See his Notes of Debates, 13–15 May, below, and notes there.

   On 19 April 1776 a committee, of which JA was a member, was appointed by Congress “to examine and ascertain the value of the several species of gold and silver coins, current in these colonies, and the proportions they ought to bear to Spanish milled dollars” (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 4:294). Its report, largely the work of George Wythe, was brought in on 22 May and tabled (same, p. 381–383). For its later history see Jefferson, Papers, ed. BoydThe Papers of Thomas Jefferson, ed. Julian P. Boyd and others, Princeton, 1950– ., 1:511–518).

   This proposal was introduced by JA and adopted by Congress in an enlarged form in March; see JA’s Draft Resolutions for Encouraging Agriculture and Manufactures, Feb.–March, below.

   These proposals, together with the next but one in the present list of agenda, emerged in a series of four important resolutions, adopted by Congress on 23 Feb., to promote the production of military supplies, and ordered to be published (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 4:170–171). Richard Smith in his Diary noted that “these were presented by John Adams” (Burnett, ed., Letters of MembersEdmund C. Burnett, ed., Letters of Members of the Continental Congress, Washington, 1921–1936; 8 vols., 1:361). They were printed in the Pennsylvania Gazette of 28 Feb. 1776.

   A committee of five members had been appointed on 24 Jan. to draft such an address (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 4:87). All of its members were conservatives (Dickinson, Wilson, Hooper, Duane, and Alexander), and the draft they submitted on 13 Feb., largely the work of Wilson, was a conservative paper that disavowed independence as an American aim (same, p. 134–146; C. Page Smith, James Wilson, Founding Father, 1742–1798, Chapel Hill, 1956, p. 74–76). This address was in fact part of a campaign by conservative leaders, begun two weeks earlier, to smoke out those in Congress who were secretly working for independence; see Burnett, ed., Letters of MembersEdmund C. Burnett, ed., Letters of Members of the Continental Congress, Washington, 1921–1936; 8 vols., 1:304, 311, 326, 334, 348. Proceeding on the assumption that the present notes were the product of a caucus of delegates determined on strong measures, this item could appear among their agenda only because they wished either to alter the proposed address drastically or to suppress it entirely. When it was presented on 13 Feb., they succeeded in tabling it, and it was never resurrected. But while these facts are all consonant with the date of mid-February suggested for JA’s memorandum, they do not help to date it any more precisely.

   France, Spain, Holland, Denmark.

   On 23 March Congress after some days of debate passed a series of resolutions authorizing “the inhabitants of these colonies ... to fit out armed vessels to cruize on the enemies of these United Colonies” and establishing regulations concerning prizes taken by such privateers (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 4:229–233). The committee that reported a draft of these resolutions (in the form of a “Declaration”) consisted of Wythe, Jay, and Wilson, but their report was amended in Congress, and JA with little doubt contributed to its final form as published (except for a secret paragraph) in the Pennsylvania Gazette, 27 March; see his Autobiography under 19, 22, 23 March 1776. On the day of its adoption JA told a friend that it amounted to at least “three Quarters of a war” against Great Britain (to Horatio Gates, NHi; Burnett, ed., Letters of MembersEdmund C. Burnett, ed., Letters of Members of the Continental Congress, Washington, 1921–1936; 8 vols., 1:405–406).

       Draft Resolves Concerning the Secret Committee of Correspondence and a Plan of Confederation, February? 1776.

       Resolved that the Committee of Secret Correspondence be directed to lay their Letters before this Congress.
       Resolved that  be a Committee to prepare a Draught of firm Confederation, to be reported as soon as may be to this Congress, to be considered and digested and recommended to the several Assemblies and Conventions of these united Colonies, to be by them adopted, ratified and confirmed.

   It is impossible to date with certainty these draft resolutions, which JA perhaps introduced in an unrecorded session of a committee of the whole. In the MS they follow his notes of debates assigned to 16 Feb. and precede the quotation from Jeremiah which follows the present entry. But it was not until 10 May that Congress “Resolved, That the Committee of Secret Correspondence be directed to lay their proceedings before Congress on Monday next, withholding the names of the persons they have employed, or with whom they have corresponded” (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 4:345). And it was not until 11–12 June (as a result of the Virginia Resolutions of 7 June) that a committee was agreed to and appointed to prepare a plan of confederation (same, 5:431, 433; see Memorandum of Measures to Be Pursued in Congress, preceding, and note 2 there).

       February? 1776.

       3. Jer. 12. Go proclaim these Words towards the North. Return thou backsliding Israel and I will not cause my anger to fall upon you, for I am merciful and will not be angry forever.

   On 17 Feb. Congress “Resolved, That a committee of three be chosen to prepare instructions for the committee appointed to go to Canada”; and the members chosen were JA, Wythe, and Sherman (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 4:159). They reported a draft on 9 March, which after amendments and additions was finally adopted and spread on the Journal on 20 March (same, p. 193, 215–219). Doubtless JA recorded this appropriate Scriptural passage while engaged in this assignment, which he considered to be of the utmost importance; see his Autobiography under 17 Feb., 20 March 1776.

       February? 1776.

       Any Goods or Commodities, except Staves for Sale, may be exported, from the united Colonies to any other Part of the World, not subject to the Crown of G.B.

   Written on an otherwise blank front leaf in D/JA/26, this is evidently tentative phrasing for an article in the report of the committee of the whole on American trade. From 16 Feb. on, this committee discussed from time to time the opening of American ports, and on 6 April Congress voted certain regulations including the present one, though in different language (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 4:154, 257).


Title: [Draft Resolutions for Encouraging Agriculture and Manufactures, February–March 1776.]
From: Adams, John
To:

       Resolved, That it be recommended to the several Assemblies, Conventions, Councils of Safety and Committees of Correspondence and Inspection, that they use their utmost Endeavours, by all reasonable Means to promote die Culture of Flax, Hemp, and Cotton and the Growth of Wool in these united Colonies.
       Resolved That it be recommended to the Assemblies, Conventions, and Councils of Safety, that they take the earliest Measures for erecting in each and every Colony a Society for the Encouragement of Agriculture, Arts, Manufactures and Commerce, and that a Correspondence be maintained between such Societies, that the numerous natural Advantages of this Country for supporting its Inhabitants may not be neglected.
       Resolved that it be recommended to the said Assemblies, Conventions and Councils of Safety that they consider of Ways and Means of introducing the Manufactures of Duck and Sail Cloth into such Colonies where they are not now understood and of increasing and promoting them where they are.
       Resolved that  be a Committee, to receive all Plans and Proposals for encouraging and improving the Agriculture, Arts, Manufactures and Commerce both foreign and domestic of America, to correspond with the several Assemblies, Conventions, Councils and Committees of Safety, Committees of Correspondence and of Observation in these united Colonies upon these interesting Subjects.
       That these be published.


Title: 1776 March 1.
From: Adams, John
To:

       How is the Interest of France and Spain affected, by the dispute between B. and the Colonies? Is it the Interest of France to stand neuter, to join with B. or to join with the C. Is it not her Interest, to dismember the B. Empire? Will her Dominions be safe, if B. and America remain connected? Can she preserve her Possessions in the W.I. She has in the W.I. Martinico, Guadaloupe, and one half of Hispaniola. In Case a Reconciliation should take Place, between B. and A. and a War should break out between B. and France, would not all her Islands be taken from her in 6 Months?
       The Colonies are now much more warlike and powerfull than they were, during the last War. A martial Spirit has seized all the Colonies. They are much improved in Skill and Discipline. They have now a large standing Army. They have many good officers. They abound in Provisions. They are in the Neighbourhood of the W.I. A British Fleet and Army united with an American Fleet and Army and supplied with Provisions and other Necessaries from America, might conquer all the french Islands in the W.I. in six Months, and a little less more Time than that would be required, to destroy all their Marine and Commerce.


Title: Monday March 4. 1776.
From: Adams, John
To:

       Resentment is a Passion, implanted by Nature for the Preservation of the Individual. Injury is the Object which excites it. Injustice, Wrong, Injury excites the Feeling of Resentment, as naturally and necessarily as Frost and Ice excite the feeling of cold, as fire excites heat, and as both excite Pain. A Man may have the Faculty of concealing his Resentment, or suppressing it, but he must and ought to feel it. Nay he ought to indulge it, to cultivate it. It is a Duty. His Person, his Property, his Liberty, his Reputation are not safe without it. He ought, for his own Security and Honour, and for the public good to punish those who injure him, unless they repent, and then he should forgive, having Satisfaction and Compensation. Revenge is unlawfull.
       It is the same with Communities. They ought to resent and to punish.


Title: [March 1776]
From: Adams, John
To:

      1776 March 1.

       How is the Interest of France and Spain affected, by the dispute between B. and the Colonies? Is it the Interest of France to stand neuter, to join with B. or to join with the C. Is it not her Interest, to dismember the B. Empire? Will her Dominions be safe, if B. and America remain connected? Can she preserve her Possessions in the W.I. She has in the W.I. Martinico, Guadaloupe, and one half of Hispaniola. In Case a Reconciliation should take Place, between B. and A. and a War should break out between B. and France, would not all her Islands be taken from her in 6 Months?
       The Colonies are now much more warlike and powerfull than they were, during the last War. A martial Spirit has seized all the Colonies. They are much improved in Skill and Discipline. They have now a large standing Army. They have many good officers. They abound in Provisions. They are in the Neighbourhood of the W.I. A British Fleet and Army united with an American Fleet and Army and supplied with Provisions and other Necessaries from America, might conquer all the french Islands in the W.I. in six Months, and a little less more Time than that would be required, to destroy all their Marine and Commerce.

   This entry and that dated 4 March which follows are presumably private reflections by the diarist. At any rate they have no discernible connection with proceedings in Congress of 1 or 4 March. No committee of the whole sat on either of those days.

      Monday March 4. 1776.

       Resentment is a Passion, implanted by Nature for the Preservation of the Individual. Injury is the Object which excites it. Injustice, Wrong, Injury excites the Feeling of Resentment, as naturally and necessarily as Frost and Ice excite the feeling of cold, as fire excites heat, and as both excite Pain. A Man may have the Faculty of concealing his Resentment, or suppressing it, but he must and ought to feel it. Nay he ought to indulge it, to cultivate it. It is a Duty. His Person, his Property, his Liberty, his Reputation are not safe without it. He ought, for his own Security and Honour, and for the public good to punish those who injure him, unless they repent, and then he should forgive, having Satisfaction and Compensation. Revenge is unlawfull.
       It is the same with Communities. They ought to resent and to punish.


Title: [Notes on Relations with France, March—April 1776.]
From: Adams, John
To:

       Is any Assistance attainable from F.?
       What Connection may We safely form with her?
       1 st. No Political Connection. Submit to none of her Authority—receive no Governors, or officers from her.
       2d. No military Connection. Receive no Troops from her.
       3d. Only a Commercial Connection, i.e. make a Treaty, to receive her Ships into our Ports. Let her engage to receive our Ships into her Ports—furnish Us with Arms, Cannon, Salt Petre, Powder, Duck, Steel.


Title: [Draft Resolution Concerning Instructions to Delegates, March—April 1776.]
From: Adams, John
To:

       Whereas, the present State of America, and the cruel Efforts of our Enemies, render the most perfect and cordial Union of the Colonies and the utmost Exertions of their Strength, necessary for the Preservation and establishment of their Liberties, therefore
       Resolved. That it be recommended to the several Assemblies and Conventions of these united Colonies, who have limited the Powers of their Delegates in this Congress, by any express Instructions, that they repeal or suspend those Instructions for a certain Time, that this Congress may have Power, without any unnecessary Obstruction or Embarrassment, to concert, direct and order, such further Measures, as may seem to them necessary for the Defence and Preservation, Support and Establishment of Right and Liberty in these Colonies.


Title: [Residences of Delegates in Philadelphia, April? 1776.]
From: Adams, John
To:

       Coll. Whipple lodges at Mrs.  in Walnut Street.
       Mr. Hancock, Messrs. Adams’s, Paine and Gerry at Mrs. Yards in 2d Street.
       Mr. Hopkins at
       Mr. Sherman, Coll. Wolcott and Coll. Huntington at Mr. Duncans in 3d.
       Mr. Duane at the Collectors in Markett Street, next door to Coll. Reads.
       Gen. Livingston, Mr. De Hart in Second Street.
       Mr. Serjeant at Dr. Ewing’s.
       Mr. Moreton at
       Mr. Wilson at
       Mr. Johnson at
       Mr. Alexander at
       Mr. Goldsborough at
       Mr. Tilghman at his Brothers.

       Coll. R. H. Lee at
       Coll. F. L. Lee at the Corner opposite Mr. George Clymers.
       Mr. Wythe in Chesnutt Street.
       Coll. Harrison at Randolphs.
       Mr. Braxton at
       Mr. Hewes, at, in 3d Street—lives alone.
       Mr. Rutledge at Mrs. Yards.
       Mr. Lynch at
       Mr. Lynch Junr. at


Title: [Notes of Debates in the Continental Congress, 13–15 May 1776.]
From: Adams, John
To:

       Mr. Duane moves that the Delegation from N. York might be read.
       When We were invited by Mass. Bay to the first Congress an Objection was made to binding ourselves by Votes of Congress.
       Congress ought not to determine a Point of this Sort, about instituting Government. What is it to Congress, how Justice is administered. You have no Right to pass the Resolution—any more than Parliament has.
       How does it appear that no favourable Answer is likely to be given to our Petitions? Every Account of foreign Aid, is accompanied with an Account of Commissioners.
       Why all this Haste? Why this Urging? Why this driving?—Disputes about Independence are in all the Colonies. What is this owing to, but our Indiscretion?
       I shall take the Liberty of informing my Constituents that I have not been guilty of a Breach of Trust. I do protest vs. this Piece of Mechanism, this Preamble.
       If the Facts in this Preamble should prove to be true, there will not be one Voice vs. Independence.

       I suppose the Votes have been numbered and there is to be a Majority.
       McKean. Construes the Instructions from N. York as Mr. Sherman does, and thinks this Measure the best to produce Harmony with G. Britain. There are now 2 Governments in direct Opposition to each other. Dont doubt that foreign Mercenaries are coming to destroy Us. I do think We shall loose our Liberties, Properties and Lives too, if We do not take this Step.
       S. Adams. We have been favoured with a Reading of the Instructions from N. York. I am glad of it. The first Object of that Colony is no doubt the Establishment of their Rights. Our Petitions have not been heard—yet answered with Fleets and Armies and are to be answered with Mirmidons from abroad. The Gentleman from N. York, Mr. Duane, has not objected to the Preamble, but this—he has not a Right to vote for it. We cant go upon stronger Reasons, than that the King has thrown us out of his Protection. Why should We support Governments under his Authority? I wonder the People have conducted so well as they have.
       Mr. Wilson. Was not present in Congress when the Resolution pass’d, to which this Preamble is proposed. I was present and one of the Committee, who reported the Advice to Mass. Bay. N. Hampshire, Carolina and Virginia, had the same Advice, and with my hearty Concurrence.
       The Claims of Parliament will meet with Resistance to the last Extremity. Those Colonies were Royal Governments. They could not subsist without some Government.
       A Maxim, that all Government originates from the People. We are the Servants of the People sent here to act under a delegated Authority. If we exceed it, voluntarily, We deserve neither Excuse nor Justification.
       Some have been put under Restraints by their Constituents. They cannot vote, without transgressing this Line. Suppose they should hereafter be called to an Account for it. This Province has not by any public Act, authorized us to vote upon this Question. This Province has done much and asked little from this Congress. The Assembly, largely increased, will not meet till next Monday. Will the Cause suffer much, if this Preamble is not published at this Time? If the Resolve is published without the Preamble. The Preamble contains a Reflection upon the Conduct of some People in America. It was equally irreconcileable to good Conscience Nine Months ago, to take the Oaths of Allegiance, as it is now. Two respectable Members last February, took the Oath of Allegiance in our Assembly. Why should We expose any Gentlemen to such an invidious Reflection?
       In Magna Charta, there is a Clause, which authorises the People to seize the King’s Castles, and opposes his Arms when he exceeds his duty.
       In this Province if that Preamble passes there will be an immediate Dissolution of every Kind of Authority. The People will be instantly in a State of Nature. Why then precipitate this Measure. Before We are prepared to build the new House, why should We pull down the old one, and expose ourselves to all the Inclemencies of the Season.
       R. H. Lee. Most of the Arguments apply to the Resolve and not to the Preamble.


Title: [May 1776]
From: Adams, John
To:

       Notes of Debates in the Continental Congress, 13–15 May 1776.

       Mr. Duane moves that the Delegation from N. York might be read.
       When We were invited by Mass. Bay to the first Congress an Objection was made to binding ourselves by Votes of Congress.
       Congress ought not to determine a Point of this Sort, about instituting Government. What is it to Congress, how Justice is administered. You have no Right to pass the Resolution—any more than Parliament has.
       How does it appear that no favourable Answer is likely to be given to our Petitions? Every Account of foreign Aid, is accompanied with an Account of Commissioners.
       Why all this Haste? Why this Urging? Why this driving?—Disputes about Independence are in all the Colonies. What is this owing to, but our Indiscretion?
       I shall take the Liberty of informing my Constituents that I have not been guilty of a Breach of Trust. I do protest vs. this Piece of Mechanism, this Preamble.
       If the Facts in this Preamble should prove to be true, there will not be one Voice vs. Independence.

       I suppose the Votes have been numbered and there is to be a Majority.
       McKean. Construes the Instructions from N. York as Mr. Sherman does, and thinks this Measure the best to produce Harmony with G. Britain. There are now 2 Governments in direct Opposition to each other. Dont doubt that foreign Mercenaries are coming to destroy Us. I do think We shall loose our Liberties, Properties and Lives too, if We do not take this Step.
       S. Adams. We have been favoured with a Reading of the Instructions from N. York. I am glad of it. The first Object of that Colony is no doubt the Establishment of their Rights. Our Petitions have not been heard—yet answered with Fleets and Armies and are to be answered with Mirmidons from abroad. The Gentleman from N. York, Mr. Duane, has not objected to the Preamble, but this—he has not a Right to vote for it. We cant go upon stronger Reasons, than that the King has thrown us out of his Protection. Why should We support Governments under his Authority? I wonder the People have conducted so well as they have.
       Mr. Wilson. Was not present in Congress when the Resolution pass’d, to which this Preamble is proposed. I was present and one of the Committee, who reported the Advice to Mass. Bay. N. Hampshire, Carolina and Virginia, had the same Advice, and with my hearty Concurrence.
       The Claims of Parliament will meet with Resistance to the last Extremity. Those Colonies were Royal Governments. They could not subsist without some Government.
       A Maxim, that all Government originates from the People. We are the Servants of the People sent here to act under a delegated Authority. If we exceed it, voluntarily, We deserve neither Excuse nor Justification.
       Some have been put under Restraints by their Constituents. They cannot vote, without transgressing this Line. Suppose they should hereafter be called to an Account for it. This Province has not by any public Act, authorized us to vote upon this Question. This Province has done much and asked little from this Congress. The Assembly, largely increased, will not meet till next Monday. Will the Cause suffer much, if this Preamble is not published at this Time? If the Resolve is published without the Preamble. The Preamble contains a Reflection upon the Conduct of some People in America. It was equally irreconcileable to good Conscience Nine Months ago, to take the Oaths of Allegiance, as it is now. Two respectable Members last February, took the Oath of Allegiance in our Assembly. Why should We expose any Gentlemen to such an invidious Reflection?
       In Magna Charta, there is a Clause, which authorises the People to seize the King’s Castles, and opposes his Arms when he exceeds his duty.
       In this Province if that Preamble passes there will be an immediate Dissolution of every Kind of Authority. The People will be instantly in a State of Nature. Why then precipitate this Measure. Before We are prepared to build the new House, why should We pull down the old one, and expose ourselves to all the Inclemencies of the Season.
       R. H. Lee. Most of the Arguments apply to the Resolve and not to the Preamble.

   First entry in D/JA/27, a pocket memorandum book stitched into red-brown leather covers and containing scattered notes of proceedings in Congress from this date through 2 Aug. 1776. On the date of the present debate see the next note.

   That is, the instructions to the New York delegates issued by the New York Provincial Convention, 12 April 1775. The delegates were instructed “to concert and determine upon such measures, as shall be judged most effectual for the preservation and reestablishment of American rights and priviledges, and for the restoration of harmony between Great Britain and the Colonies” (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 2:15–16; italics added). The New York delegates were not released from this instruction until 9 July, after independence had been voted and the Declaration adopted (same, 5:560).

   On 10 May, according to the Journal,

            “Congress then resumed the consideration of the report from the committee of the whole [on the state of the United Colonies], which being read was agreed to as follows:
            “Resolved, That it be recommended to the respective assemblies and conventions of the United Colonies, where no government sufficient to the exigencies of their affairs have been hitherto established, to adopt such government as shall, in the opinion of the representatives of the people, best conduce to the happiness and safety of their constituents in particular, and America in general.
            “Resolved, That a committee of three be appointed to prepare a preamble to the foregoing resolution:
            “The members chosen, Mr. J[ohn] Adams, Mr. [Edward] Rutledge, and Mr. R[ichard] H[enry] Lee” (same, 4:342).

   The resolution for instituting new governments, which JA in his Autobiography pronounced “an Epocha, a decisive Event,” had been debated in committee of the whole for some time, though it is not clear just how long. The assumption, frequently encountered, that it formed part of the report of a committee of the whole on 6 May cannot be verified. As for its authorship, we have the statement by JA in his Autobiography that “In the Beginning of May I procured the Appointment of a Committee, to prepare a resolution recommending to the People of the States to institute Governments. The Committee of whom I was one requested me to draught a resolve which I did and by their Direction reported it.” Though JA was undoubtedly a prime mover of this business, this account, written from memory, misleadingly blends the resolution adopted on the 10th with the preamble adopted on the 15th.

   The committee to prepare a preamble reported a draft on 13 May, “which was read, and postponed till to morrow”; two days later it was taken “into consideration [and] agreed to” in the form spread on the Journal (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 4:351, 357–358). Both the resolution and the preamble were published in the Pennsylvania Gazette of 22 May.

   The debate recorded in the present notes was clearly over the preamble, the language of which was much stronger than that of the resolution it accompanied, since it called for the total suppression “of every land of authority” under the British crown. This debate must have taken place between 13 and 15 May. Carter Braxton, a conservative member from Virginia, wrote on 17 May to Landon Carter that the resolution and preamble, taken together, fall

            “little short of Independence. It was not so understood by Congress but I find those out of doors on both sides the question construe it in that manner. The assumption of Governt. was necessary and to that resolution little objection was made, but when the Preamble was reported much heat and debate did ensue for two or three Days” (Burnett, ed., Letters of MembersEdmund C. Burnett, ed., Letters of Members of the Continental Congress, Washington, 1921–1936; 8 vols., 1:453–454).

   See James Duane to John Jay, 11 May 1776 (same, p. 443).

   Carter Braxton said on 17 May that the vote on the preamble was “I think ... 6 to 4” (same, p. 454). James Allen, a member of the Pennsylvania Assembly, recorded in his Diary on 15 May that it “was carried by a majority of 7 Colonies to 4” (PMHBPennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography., 9:187 [July 1885]). If Allen was right, this would mean that one colony was divided. (Georgia had no delegates present until 20 May.)

   Dash supplied in this sentence for clarity.

   “Advice” to throw off royal authority and assume the powers of government, June 1775; see JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 2:81, 83–84, and JA’s Autobiography under 7 June 1775. Similar advice was given to other colonies when they sought it of Congress later in the same year.

   Inadvertent omission in the MS.

   Wilson proved a true prophet. The current measures of Congress effectually destroyed the proprietary government of Pennsylvania, a primary target of the independence party in Congress, and led directly to the formation of a new state government. See J. Paul Selsam, The Pennsylvania Constitution of 1776, Phila., 1936, ch. 3.


Title: [Notes of Debates in the Continental Congress on the Articles of Confederation] July 25. 1776.
From: Adams, John
To:

       Art. 14. of the Confederation.
       Terms in this Article, equivocal and indefinite.
       Jefferson. The Limits of the Southern Colonies are fixed.... Moves an Amendment, that all Purchases of Lands, not within the Boundaries of any Colony shall be made by Congress, of the Indians in a great Council.— Sherman seconds the Motion....
       Chase. The Intention of this Article is very obvious, and plain. The Article appears to me to be right, and the Amendment wrong. It is the Intention of some Gentlemen to limit the Boundaries of particular States. No colony has a Right to go to the South Sea. They never had—they cant have. It would not be safe to the rest. It would be destructive to her Sisters, and to herself.
       Art. 16 i.e. 15....
       Jefferson. What are reasonable Limits? What Security have We that the Congress will not curtail the present Settlements of the States. I have no doubt, that the Colonies will limit themselves.
       Wilson. Every Gentleman has heard much of Claims to the South Sea. They are extravagant. The Grants were made upon Mistakes. They were ignorant of the Geography. They thought the S. Sea within 100 Miles of the Atlantic Ocean. It was not conceived that they extended 3000 Miles. Ld. Cambden considers the Claims to the South Sea, as what never can be reduced to Practice. Pensilvania has no Right to interfere in those claims. But she has a Right to say, that she will not confederate unless those Claims are cut off. I wish the Colonies themselves would cutt off those Claims....
       Art. 16.
       Chase moves for the Word deputies, instead of Delegates, because the Members of the Maryland Convention are called Delegates, and he would have a Distinction.—Answer. In other Colonies the Reverse is true. The Members of the House are called deputies.
       Jefferson objects to the first of November.— Dr. Hall moves for May, for the time to meet.— Jefferson thinks that Congress will have a short Meeting in the Fall and another in the Spring.— Hayward thinks the Spring the best Time.— Wilson thinks the fall—and November better than October, because September is a busy Month, every where.
       Dr. Hall. Septr. and Octr. the most sickly and mortal Months in the Year. The Season is forwarder in Georgia in April, than here in May.
       Hopkinson moves that the Power of recalling Delegates be reserved to the State not to the Assembly, because that may be changed.
       Art. 17.
       Each Colony shall have one Vote.


Title: [Notes of Debates on the Articles of Confederation, Continued] July. 26.
From: Adams, John
To:

       Rutledge and Linch oppose giving the Power of regulating the Trade and managing all Affairs of the Indians, to Congress. The Trade is profitable they say.
       Gwinnett is in favour of Congress having such Power.
       Braxton is for excepting such Indians as are tributary to any State. Several Nations are tributary to Virginia.
       Jefferson explains it to mean the Indians who live in the Colony. These are Subject to the Laws in some degree.
       Wilson. We have no Right over the Indians, whether within or without the real or pretended Limits of any Colony.... They will not allow themselves to be classed according to the Bounds of Colonies. Grants made 3000 miles to the Eastward have no Validity with the Indians. The Trade of Pensilvania has been more considerable with the Indians than that of the neighbouring Colonies.
       Walton. The Indian Trade is of no essential service to any Colony. It must be a Monopoly. If it is free it produces Jealousies and Animosities, and Wars. Carolina very passionately considers this Trade as contributory to her Grandeur and Dignity. Deerskins are a great Part of the Trade. A great difference between S. Carolina and Georgia. Carolina is in no danger from the Indians at present. Georgia is a frontier and Barrier to Car. G. must be overrun and extirpated before Car. can be hurt. G. is not equal to the Expence of giving the Donations to the Indians, which will be necessary to keep them at Peace. The Emoluments of the Trade are not a Compensation for the Expence of donations.
       Rutledge differs from Walton in a Variety of Points.—We must look forward with extensive Views. Carolina has been run to an amazing expence to defend themselves vs. Indians. In 1760 &c. fifty thousand Guineas were spent. We have now as many Men on the frontiers, as in Charlestown. We have Forts in the Indian Countries. We are connected with them by Treaties.
       Lynch. Congress may regulate the Trade, if they will indemnify Car. vs. the Expence of keeping Peace with the Indians, or defending Us vs. them.
       Witherspoon. Here are two adjacent Provinces, situated alike with respect to the Indians, differing totally in their Sentiments of their Interests.
       Chase. S. Carolina claims to the S. Sea. So does North, Virginia, and Massachusetts Bay. S. Carolina says they have a Right to regulate the Trade with the Indians. If so 4 Colonies have all the Power of regulating Trade with the Indians. S.C. alone could not stand alone vs. the Indian Nations.
       Sherman moves that Congress may have a Superintending Power, to prevent Injustice to the Indians or Colonies.
       Willson. No lasting Peace will be with the Indians, unless made by some one Body. No such language as this ought to be held to the Indians. We are stronger, We are better. We treat you better than another Colony. No Power ought to treat, with the Indians, but the united States. Indians know the striking Benefits of Confederation— they have an Example of it in the Union of the Six nations. The Idea of the Union of the Colonies struck them forcibly last Year. None should trade with Indians without a Licence from Congress. A perpetual War would be unavoidable, if every Body was allowed to trade with them.
       Stone. This Expedient is worse than either of the Alternatives. What is the meaning of this Superintendency? Colonies will claim the Right first. Congress cant interpose untill the Evil has happened. Disputes will arise when Congress shall interpose.


Title: [Notes of Debates on the Articles of Confederation, Continued] July 30. 1776.
From: Adams, John
To:

       Dr. Franklin. Let the smaller Colonies give equal Money and Men, and then have an equal Vote. But if they have an equal Vote, without bearing equal Burthens, a Confederation upon such iniquitous Principles, will never last long.
       Dr. Witherspoon. We all agree that there must and shall be a Confederation, for this War. It will diminish the Glory of our Object, and depreciate our Hope. It will damp the Ardor of the People. The greatest danger We have is of Disunion among ourselves. Is it not plausible, that the small States will be oppressed by the great ones. The Spartans and Helotes—the Romans and their Dependents.
       Every Colony is a distinct Person. States of Holland.
       Clark. We must apply for Pardons, if We dont confederate....
       Wilson.... We should settle upon some Plan of Representation.
       Chase. Moves that the Word, White, should be inserted in the 11. Article. The Negroes are wealth. Numbers are not a certain Rule of wealth. It is the best Rule We can lay down. Negroes a Species of Property—personal Estate. If Negroes are taken into the Computation of Numbers to ascertain Wealth, they ought to be in settling the Representation. The Massachusetts Fisheries, and Navigation ought to be taken into Consideration. The young and old Negroes are a Burthen to their owners. The Eastern Colonies have a great Advantage, in Trade. This will give them a Superiority. We shall be governed by our Interests, and ought to be. If I am satisfied, in the Rule of levying and appropriating Money, I am willing the small Colonies may have a Vote.
       Wilson. If the War continues 2 Years, each Soul will have 40 dollars to pay of the public debt. It will be the greatest Encouragement to continue Slave keeping, and to increase them, that can be to exempt them from the Numbers which are to vote and pay.... Slaves are Taxables in the Southern Colonies. It will be partial and unequal. Some Colonies have as many black as white.... These will not pay more than half what they ought. Slaves prevent freemen cultivating a Country. It is attended with many Inconveniences.

       Lynch. If it is debated, whether their Slaves are their Property, there is an End of the Confederation. Our Slaves being our Property, why should they be taxed more than the Land, Sheep, Cattle, Horses, &c. Freemen cannot be got, to work in our Colonies. It is not in the Ability, or Inclination of freemen to do the Work that the Negroes do. Carolina has taxed their Negroes. So have other Colonies, their Lands.
       Dr. Franklin. Slaves rather weaken than strengthen the State, and there is therefore some difference between them and Sheep. Sheep will never make any Insurrections.
       Rutledge.... I shall be happy to get rid of the idea of Slavery. The
       Slaves do not signify Property. The old and young cannot work. The Property of some Colonies are to be taxed, in others not. The Eastern Colonies will become the Carriers for the Southern. They will obtain Wealth for which they will not be taxed.


Title: [July 1776]
From: Adams, John
To:

      Notes of Debates in the Continental Congress on the Articles of Confederation July 25. 1776.

       Art. 14. of the Confederation.
       Terms in this Article, equivocal and indefinite.
       Jefferson. The Limits of the Southern Colonies are fixed.... Moves an Amendment, that all Purchases of Lands, not within the Boundaries of any Colony shall be made by Congress, of the Indians in a great Council.— Sherman seconds the Motion....
       Chase. The Intention of this Article is very obvious, and plain. The Article appears to me to be right, and the Amendment wrong. It is the Intention of some Gentlemen to limit the Boundaries of particular States. No colony has a Right to go to the South Sea. They never had—they cant have. It would not be safe to the rest. It would be destructive to her Sisters, and to herself.
       Art. 16 i.e. 15....
       Jefferson. What are reasonable Limits? What Security have We that the Congress will not curtail the present Settlements of the States. I have no doubt, that the Colonies will limit themselves.
       Wilson. Every Gentleman has heard much of Claims to the South Sea. They are extravagant. The Grants were made upon Mistakes. They were ignorant of the Geography. They thought the S. Sea within 100 Miles of the Atlantic Ocean. It was not conceived that they extended 3000 Miles. Ld. Cambden considers the Claims to the South Sea, as what never can be reduced to Practice. Pensilvania has no Right to interfere in those claims. But she has a Right to say, that she will not confederate unless those Claims are cut off. I wish the Colonies themselves would cutt off those Claims....
       Art. 16.
       Chase moves for the Word deputies, instead of Delegates, because the Members of the Maryland Convention are called Delegates, and he would have a Distinction.—Answer. In other Colonies the Reverse is true. The Members of the House are called deputies.
       Jefferson objects to the first of November.— Dr. Hall moves for May, for the time to meet.— Jefferson thinks that Congress will have a short Meeting in the Fall and another in the Spring.— Hayward thinks the Spring the best Time.— Wilson thinks the fall—and November better than October, because September is a busy Month, every where.
       Dr. Hall. Septr. and Octr. the most sickly and mortal Months in the Year. The Season is forwarder in Georgia in April, than here in May.
       Hopkinson moves that the Power of recalling Delegates be reserved to the State not to the Assembly, because that may be changed.
       Art. 17.
       Each Colony shall have one Vote.

   This being the first entry since May, we have nothing in JA’s Diary or his notes of proceedings in Congress to indicate the part he played in the final struggle for political independence or the nature of his labors in Congress in the weeks that followed. Among his many assignments that summer, the most taxing was his service at the head of the Board of War and Ordnance, a standing committee appointed on 13 June (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 5:438), to which all routine military business was thereafter referred. In his Autobiography, under date of 15 June 1776, JA lists the duties of the Board, and he did not exaggerate in saying that “From this time, We find in Almost every days Journal References of various Business to the Board of War, or their Reports upon such Things as were referred to them.” The MS reports of the Board of War from the summer of 1776 to Oct. 1777 fill a volume in PCC, No. 147.

   A summary account of efforts, July 1775—June 1776, to arrive at a plan of confederation has been given above in a note on JA’s paper called Measures to be Pursued in Congress, Feb.? 1776. On 12 June a committee consisting of one member (not including JA) from each colony was appointed “to prepare and digest the form of a confederation to be entered into between these colonies”; exactly a month later this committee reported a draft composed by John Dickinson, which was read and ordered to be printed exclusively for the use of members (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 5:433. 546–556). On 22 July the printed draft was taken up in a committee of the whole, which debated the articles at intervals from then until 20 Aug., when a revised text or second draft was reported to Congress by the committee and a second confidential printing was ordered for later consideration (same, p. 600, 674–689). JA’s Notes of Debates which follow record in a fragmentary way the discussions in committee of the whole from 25 July to 2 Aug., inclusive. They are paralleled and supplemented by similar notes taken by Jefferson on the debates in committee on two critical articles in Dickinson’s plan during the three days 30 July—1 Aug. (Jefferson, Papers, ed. BoydThe Papers of Thomas Jefferson, ed. Julian P. Boyd and others, Princeton, 1950– ., 1:320–327).

   Article XIV of the Dickinson draft dealt with the mode of purchasing land from the Indians (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 5:549).

   The suspension points, both here and below in this series of notes on the debates concerning confederation, are in the MS.

   For the full text of Jefferson’s amendment, written on a slip affixed to the MS of the Dickinson draft, see Jefferson, Papers, ed. BoydThe Papers of Thomas Jefferson, ed. Julian P. Boyd and others, Princeton, 1950– ., 1:181–182. The whole of Article XIV was omitted in the revised text, or second draft, of 20 Aug. (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 5:679–680).

   Article XV dealt with boundaries of colonies or states, but was dependent on a clause in Article XVIII granting Congress the power to fix these boundaries (same, p. 549). Debate on this subject was resumed in committee of the whole on 2 Aug., q.v., below.

   Article XVI in the Dickinson draft dealt with the mode of choosing and recalling delegates, the times Congress would convene, &c. (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 5:549–550).

   Article XVII in the Dickinson draft reads: “In determining Questions (in Congress) each Colony shall have one Vote” (same, p. 550). Jefferson’s Notes of Proceedings do not indicate that this important article came up at all until 30 July. If it did come up on the 25th, it was quickly passed over, but see 30 July and 1 Aug., below.

      Notes of Debates on the Articles of Confederation, Continued July. 26.

       Rutledge and Linch oppose giving the Power of regulating the Trade and managing all Affairs of the Indians, to Congress. The Trade is profitable they say.
       Gwinnett is in favour of Congress having such Power.
       Braxton is for excepting such Indians as are tributary to any State. Several Nations are tributary to Virginia.
       Jefferson explains it to mean the Indians who live in the Colony. These are Subject to the Laws in some degree.
       Wilson. We have no Right over the Indians, whether within or without the real or pretended Limits of any Colony.... They will not allow themselves to be classed according to the Bounds of Colonies. Grants made 3000 miles to the Eastward have no Validity with the Indians. The Trade of Pensilvania has been more considerable with the Indians than that of the neighbouring Colonies.
       Walton. The Indian Trade is of no essential service to any Colony. It must be a Monopoly. If it is free it produces Jealousies and Animosities, and Wars. Carolina very passionately considers this Trade as contributory to her Grandeur and Dignity. Deerskins are a great Part of the Trade. A great difference between S. Carolina and Georgia. Carolina is in no danger from the Indians at present. Georgia is a frontier and Barrier to Car. G. must be overrun and extirpated before Car. can be hurt. G. is not equal to the Expence of giving the Donations to the Indians, which will be necessary to keep them at Peace. The Emoluments of the Trade are not a Compensation for the Expence of donations.
       Rutledge differs from Walton in a Variety of Points.—We must look forward with extensive Views. Carolina has been run to an amazing expence to defend themselves vs. Indians. In 1760 &c. fifty thousand Guineas were spent. We have now as many Men on the frontiers, as in Charlestown. We have Forts in the Indian Countries. We are connected with them by Treaties.
       Lynch. Congress may regulate the Trade, if they will indemnify Car. vs. the Expence of keeping Peace with the Indians, or defending Us vs. them.
       Witherspoon. Here are two adjacent Provinces, situated alike with respect to the Indians, differing totally in their Sentiments of their Interests.
       Chase. S. Carolina claims to the S. Sea. So does North, Virginia, and Massachusetts Bay. S. Carolina says they have a Right to regulate the Trade with the Indians. If so 4 Colonies have all the Power of regulating Trade with the Indians. S.C. alone could not stand alone vs. the Indian Nations.
       Sherman moves that Congress may have a Superintending Power, to prevent Injustice to the Indians or Colonies.
       Willson. No lasting Peace will be with the Indians, unless made by some one Body. No such language as this ought to be held to the Indians. We are stronger, We are better. We treat you better than another Colony. No Power ought to treat, with the Indians, but the united States. Indians know the striking Benefits of Confederation— they have an Example of it in the Union of the Six nations. The Idea of the Union of the Colonies struck them forcibly last Year. None should trade with Indians without a Licence from Congress. A perpetual War would be unavoidable, if every Body was allowed to trade with them.
       Stone. This Expedient is worse than either of the Alternatives. What is the meaning of this Superintendency? Colonies will claim the Right first. Congress cant interpose untill the Evil has happened. Disputes will arise when Congress shall interpose.

   The debate in committee of the whole this day relates to a clause in Article XVIII of the Dickinson draft granting Congress the power of “regulating the Trade, and managing all Affairs with the Indians,” which was incorporated in the second draft of 20 Aug. with a minor modification (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 5:550, 682).

      Notes of Debates on the Articles of Confederation, Continued July 30. 1776.

       Dr. Franklin. Let the smaller Colonies give equal Money and Men, and then have an equal Vote. But if they have an equal Vote, without bearing equal Burthens, a Confederation upon such iniquitous Principles, will never last long.
       Dr. Witherspoon. We all agree that there must and shall be a Confederation, for this War. It will diminish the Glory of our Object, and depreciate our Hope. It will damp the Ardor of the People. The greatest danger We have is of Disunion among ourselves. Is it not plausible, that the small States will be oppressed by the great ones. The Spartans and Helotes—the Romans and their Dependents.
       Every Colony is a distinct Person. States of Holland.
       Clark. We must apply for Pardons, if We dont confederate....
       Wilson.... We should settle upon some Plan of Representation.
       Chase. Moves that the Word, White, should be inserted in the 11. Article. The Negroes are wealth. Numbers are not a certain Rule of wealth. It is the best Rule We can lay down. Negroes a Species of Property—personal Estate. If Negroes are taken into the Computation of Numbers to ascertain Wealth, they ought to be in settling the Representation. The Massachusetts Fisheries, and Navigation ought to be taken into Consideration. The young and old Negroes are a Burthen to their owners. The Eastern Colonies have a great Advantage, in Trade. This will give them a Superiority. We shall be governed by our Interests, and ought to be. If I am satisfied, in the Rule of levying and appropriating Money, I am willing the small Colonies may have a Vote.
       Wilson. If the War continues 2 Years, each Soul will have 40 dollars to pay of the public debt. It will be the greatest Encouragement to continue Slave keeping, and to increase them, that can be to exempt them from the Numbers which are to vote and pay.... Slaves are Taxables in the Southern Colonies. It will be partial and unequal. Some Colonies have as many black as white.... These will not pay more than half what they ought. Slaves prevent freemen cultivating a Country. It is attended with many Inconveniences.

       Lynch. If it is debated, whether their Slaves are their Property, there is an End of the Confederation. Our Slaves being our Property, why should they be taxed more than the Land, Sheep, Cattle, Horses, &c. Freemen cannot be got, to work in our Colonies. It is not in the Ability, or Inclination of freemen to do the Work that the Negroes do. Carolina has taxed their Negroes. So have other Colonies, their Lands.
       Dr. Franklin. Slaves rather weaken than strengthen the State, and there is therefore some difference between them and Sheep. Sheep will never make any Insurrections.
       Rutledge.... I shall be happy to get rid of the idea of Slavery. The
       Slaves do not signify Property. The old and young cannot work. The Property of some Colonies are to be taxed, in others not. The Eastern Colonies will become the Carriers for the Southern. They will obtain Wealth for which they will not be taxed.

   The committee of the whole was now debating Article XVII of Dickinson’s draft, which provided that each colony or state would have a single vote in Congress. (See entry of 25 July and note 8 there.) Compare Franklin’s speech as recorded here and also Witherspoon’s (which follows) with Jefferson’s report of the same speeches in his PapersThe Papers of Thomas Jefferson, ed. Julian P. Boyd and others, Princeton, 1950– ., 1:324–325.

   JA omits but Jefferson reports an important speech by JA himself on this topic this day, immediately following Witherspoon’s (same, p. 325–326).

   Here follows a short interval of space in the MS, the only indication provided by the diarist that in what follows the committee had shifted to a different and equally important issue, namely the provision in Article XI of Dickinson’s draft that the money contributions of the states should be “in Proportion to the Number of Inhabitants of every Age, Sex and Quality, except Indians not paying Taxes” (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 5:548).

   There is reason to believe that JA failed to note not only a change of subject but also a change in date between what precedes and what follows this break in his MS notes. That the method of establishing tax quotas was debated on 31 as well as 30 July seems clear from Jefferson’s Notes (Papers, ed. BoydThe Papers of Thomas Jefferson, ed. Julian P. Boyd and others, Princeton, 1950– ., 1:320), but JA passes over the 31st silently. More telling is the reference by Hooper, under 1 Aug., below, to the “Rule that was laid down Yesterday, that the Riches of a Country are in Proportion to the Numbers of Inhabitants.” This almost certainly refers to the opening of JA’s own remarks reported by Jefferson; see the following note.

   Debate on Article XVII was resumed on 1 Aug., q.v., below.

   Compare Chase’s speech as reported by Jefferson in his PapersThe Papers of Thomas Jefferson, ed. Julian P. Boyd and others, Princeton, 1950– ., 1:320–321. The Chase amendment was not agreed to by the committee; see entry of 1 Aug., below, and note 2 there.

   JA omits but Jefferson reports a speech by JA himself following Chase’s (Jefferson, Papers, ed. BoydThe Papers of Thomas Jefferson, ed. Julian P. Boyd and others, Princeton, 1950– ., 1:321–322). For reasons mentioned in the preceding note it is likely that this speech was given on 31 July, though since Jefferson divides his report of the debates on confederation by topic rather than by date, this supposition cannot be verified.

   Compare Wilson’s speech as reported by Jefferson in his Papers,The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, ed. Julian P. Boyd and others, Princeton, 1950– . 1:322.


Title: [Notes of Debates on the Articles of Confederation, Continued] Aug. 2d.
From: Adams, John
To:

       Limiting the Bounds of States which by Charter &c. extend to the South Sea.
       Sherman thinks the Bounds ought to be settled. A Majority of States have no Claim to the South Sea. Moves this Amendment, to be substituted in Place of this Clause and also instead of the 15th Article— No Lands to be seperated from any State, which are already settled, or become private Property.
       Chase denys that any Colony has a Right, to go to the South Sea....
       Harrison. How came Maryland by its Land? but by its Charter: By its Charter Virginia owns to the South Sea. Gentlemen shall not pare away the Colony of Virginia. R. Island has more Generosity, than to wish the Massachusetts pared away. Delaware does not wish to pare away Pensilvania.
       Huntington. Admit there is danger, from Virginia, does it follow that Congress has a Right to limit her Bounds? The Consequence is not to enter into Confederation. But as to the Question of Right, We all unite against mutilating Charters. I cant agree to the Principle. We are a Spectacle to all Europe. I am not so much alarmed at the Danger, from Virginia, as some are. My fears are not alarmed. They have acted as noble a Part as any. I doubt not the Wisdom of Virginia will limit themselves. A Mans Right does not cease to be a Right because it is large. The Question of Right must be determined by the Principles of the common Law.
       Stone. This Argument is taken up upon very wrong Ground. It is considered as if We were voting away the Territory of particular Colonies, and Gentlemen work themselves up into Warmth, upon that Supposition. Suppose Virginia should. The small Colonies have a Right to Happiness and Security. They would have no Safety if the great Colonies were not limited. We shall grant Lands in small Quantities, without Rent, or Tribute, or purchase Money. It is said that Virginia is attacked on every Side. Is it meant that Virginia shall sell the Lands for their own Emolument?
       All the Colonies have defended these Lands vs. the K. of G.B., and at the Expence of all. Does Virginia intend to establish Quitrents?

       I dont mean that the united States shall sell them to get Money by them.
       Jefferson. I protest vs. the Right of Congress to decide, upon the Right of Virginia. Virginia has released all Claims to the Lands settled by Maryland &c.