Title: Notes on Debates, 9 April 1783
From: Madison, James
To:

Wednesday April 9.
A memorial was recd. from Genl. Hazen in behalf of the Canadians who had engaged in the cause of the U.S. praying that a tract of vacant land on L. Erie might be allotted to them.
Mr. Wilson thereupon moved that a Come. be appointed to consider and report to Congress the measures proper to be taken with respect to the Western Country. In support of his motion he observed on the importance of that Country, the danger from immediate emigrations of its being lost to the public; & the necessity on the part of Congress of taking care of the fœderal interests in the formation of New States, which could not take place by the authority of any particular States.
Mr. Madison observed that the appointment of such a Come. could not be necessary at this juncture & might be injurious, that Congs. were about to take in the report on Revenue &c. the only step that could now be properly taken, viz to call again on the States claiming the W. Territory to cede the same; that until the result sd. be known every thing wd. be premature & wd. excite in the States irritations & jealousies that might frustrate the Cessions; that it was indispensable to obtain these cessions in order to compromise the disputes, & to derive advantage from the territory to the U. S.; that if the motion meant merely to prevent irregular settlements, a recommendation to that effect ought to be made to the States, that if ascertaining & disposing of garrisons proper to be kept up in that Country was the object it was already in the hands of the Come. on the peace arrangements; but might be expressly referred to them.
Mr. Mercer supported the same ideas.
Mr. Clarke considered the motion as no wise connected with peace arrangements; his object was to define the western limits of the States which Congs. alone cd. do, and which it was necessary they sd. do in order to know what territory properly belonged to the U. S. and what steps ought to be taken relative to it. He disapproved of repeatedly courting the States to make cessions wch. Congs. stood in no need of.
Mr. Wilson seemed to consider as the property of the U. S. all territory over which particular States had not exercised jurisdiction particularly N. W. of Ohio, & said that within the Country confirmed to the U. S. by the Provisional articles, there must be a large Country over which no particular claims extended.
It was answered that the exercise of jurisdiction was not the criterion of the territorial right of the States; that Pa. had maintained always a contrary doctrine; that if it were a criterion Va. had exercised jurisdiction over the Illinois & other places conquered N. W. of the Ohio: that it was uncertain whether limits of the U. S. as fixed by the Prov:l. Arts: did comprehend any territory out of the claims of the individual States: that sd. it be the case a dicision or examination of the point had best be put off till it sd. be seen whether Cessions of the States wd. not render it unnecessary; that it cd. not be immediately necessary for the purpose of preventing settlemts. on such extra lands, since they must lie too remote to be in danger of it.
Congress refused to refer the motion to the Come. on peace arrangents, and by a large majority referred it to a special Come. viz Messrs. Osgood, Wilson, Madison, Carrol & Williamson; to whom was also referred the Meml. of Genl. Hazen.
On the preceding question Cont. was strenuous in favr. of Mr. Wilsons motion.
A motion was made by Mr. Dyer to strike out the drawback on salt fish &c.. Mr. Ghorum protested in the most solemn manner that Massts. wd. never accede to the plan without the drawback. The motion was very little supported.


Title: Notes on Debates, 10 April 1783
From: Madison, James
To:

Thursday Apl. 10.
Letters rcd. from Genl. Carlton & Admiral Digby inclosing British proclamation of cessation of arms &c also Letters from Docr. Franklin & Mr. Adams, notifying the conclusion of Preliminaries between G. B. & F. & Spain, with a declaration entered into with Mr. Fitzherbert applying the epochs of cessation to the case of G. B. & U. S. These papers were referred to Secy. of F. A. to report a proclamation for Congs. at 6 OClock—at which time Congs. met & recd. report nearly as it stands on the Journal of Friday, Apl. 11. After some consideration of the Report as to the accuracy & propriety of which a diversity of sentiments prevailed, they postponed it till next day. They Secy also reported a Resolution directing Secy. at War and Agent of Marine to discharge all prisoners of war.


Title: Virginia Delegates to Benjamin Harrison, 10 April 1783
From: Virginia Delegates
To: Harrison, Benjamin

Sr.
Philadelphia April 10th 1783
We take the opportunity by a Gentn. who sets off to North Carolina tomorrow; and whose route lays through Richmond to Communicate to Yr. Excellency copies of Papers sent by Sr. Guy Carleton & Admiral Digby and brought by an Aid of the Former Yesterday to the Office of Foreign Affairs. we believe them to be Perfectly Authentic and as they are a full Confirmation of what we have before informd your Excelly they need no further Comment.

We sincerely congratulate Your Excelly and our fellow Citizens on the Happy Event
We take the liberty to inform Your Excelly that the State of New York has made an offer to Congress of a tract of land included in the boundaries of the Township of Kingston or Esopus on the North River, accompanied by a provisional act of Incorporation, granting certain Privilidges of Jurisdiction in civil matters—except in cases concerning the Property of the Soil &c. the Policy of which is to Induce Congress to fix their residence in that State.
The Delegates of Virginia and Maryland, conceiving that a more Central Situation for Congress, accompanied with other equal or superior advantages might possibly be more agreeable, and that an Offer of a Small tract of Territory by Virginia & Maryland in the Neighbourhood of George Town on Potowmack might meet with the Acceptance of Congress in Preference to that offerd by New York, especially if a more ample and Enlarged Jurisdiction shd be Annexd thereto—have Conceived it their Duty to inform their states respectively of the steps taken by New York—that if they think proper they may Conjointly adopt such p[o]licy as they may deem most Eligible to Induce Congress to fix their Residence in a Place which we Humbly Conceive wd. be not only more Generally agreeable to the States, but wd. be so manifestly advantageous to the states Immediately in the Vicinage of the Seat of General Government.
We shall endeavor to procure before the Assembly sits a copy of the Grant of New York with the Boundaries therein assigned for the Jurisdiction of Congress, which will be transmitted to your Excelly to be laid before them
Since writing the above, Official dispatches from Mr. Adams, Mr. Franklin & Mr. Jay, have arrived announcing the Signature & ratification of the Preliminary Articles by the Belligerent Powers, as mentiond in the Enclosed Proclamation, and an agreement between the Said Powers, to an Arm[i]stice, which we Expect will this day be Proclaimed by order of Congress and transmitted to the Respective States. the same dispatches inform us, that the Definitive treaty is not yet signed, the terms not yet having been adjusted between the Court of Great Britain & the Seven U. Provinces.
The British Prints inform us that in a Division on a debate in their House of Commons, on a Paragraph in their address to their King for approving the Peace a Majority of Sixteen were against the approbation—North & Fox violently opposing the Ministry. the vote for approving was carried in the Lords. how this temper of the Commons may effect the Politics of Europe, or the Ministry of Great Britain time must determine
with the most perfect respect we are Yr. Excelly’s most obedt. Serts.
(Signed in behalf and at the request of the Delegates)
Theok. Bland jr.


Title: Notes on Debates, 11 April 1783
From: Madison, James
To:

Friday. Apl. 11.
This day was spent on discussing the Proclamation which passed. Mr. Wilson proposed an abreviation of it which was disagreed to. The difficultys attending it were that 1st. the Agreemt of our Ministers with Fitzherbert that the Epochs with Spain as well as France sd. be applied to U S. to be computed from the ratifications which happened at different times, the former on the 3d. the latter the 9th. of Feby. 2d. the circumstance of the Epochs having passed at wch the Cessation of hostilities was to be enjoined. The impatience of Congs. did not admit of proper attention to these & some other points of the Proclamation; particularly the authoritative stile of enjoining an observance on the U.S. the Govrs. &c. It was agst. these absurdities & improprities that the solitary no of Mr. Mercer was pointed. See the Journal.


Title: Notes on Debates, 12 April 1783
From: Madison, James
To:

Saturday Apl. 12.
A letter of the 16th. of Decr. O. S. was rcd. from Mr. Dana, in which he intimates that in consequence of news of peace taking place & independance being acknowledged by G. B. he expected soon to take his proper station at the Ct. of St. Petersburg, & to be engaged in forming a Commercial Treaty with her Imperial Majesty.
Mr. Madison observed that as no powers or instructions had been given to Mr. Dana relative to a Treaty of Commerce, he apprehended there must be some mistake on the part of Mr. Dana, that it wd. be proper to enquire into the matter & let him know the intentions of Congs. on this subject. The letter was committed to Mr. Madison Mr. Gorhum & Mr Fitzsimmons.
Mr. Rutlidge observed that as the instructions to Foreign Ministers now stood it was conceived they had no powers for commercial stipulations other than such as might be comprehended in a definitive Treaty of Peace with G. B. He said he did not pretend to commercial knowledge but thought it wd. be well for the U. S. to enter into commercial Treaties with all nations & particularly with G. B. He moved therefore that the Come. sd. be instructed to prepare a general report for that purpose.
Mr. Madison & Mr. Fitzsimmons thought it wd. be proper to be very circumspect in fettering our trade with stipulations to foreigners, that as our stipulations wd. extend to all the possessions of the U. S. necessarily—& those of foreign Nations havg. colonies to part of their possessions only; and as the most favd. nations enjoyd greater privileges in U. S. than elsewheres, The U. S. gave an advantage in Treaties on this subject, & finally that negociations ought to be carried on here, or our Ministers directed to conclude nothing without previously reporting every thing for the sanction of Congs. It was at length agreed that the Come. sd. report the general State of instructions existing on the subject of commercial Treaties
Congress took into consideration the report of Secy. for F. A. for immediately setting at liberty all prisoners of war, & ratifying the provisional articles. Several members were extremely urgent on this point from motives of Œconomy. Others doubted whether Congs. were bound thereto, & if not bound whether it would be proper. The first question depended on the import of the provisional articles, which were very differently interpreted by different members. after much discussion from which a general opinion arose of extreme inaccuracy & ambiguity as to the force of those articles, the business was committed to Mr. Madison, Mr. Peters & Mr. Hamilton who were also to report on the expediency of ratifying the said articles immediately.


Title: To James Madison from Jacquelin Ambler, 12 April 1783
From: Ambler, Jacquelin
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Richmond Virginia 12th April 1783
The Auditors, to my great surprize, excuse themselves from issuing Warrants on Account, to the Delegates in Congress, unless their respective Accounts are first transmitted; so that I have only the Certificate sent me in your last as my Voucher for the payment of the £500. the Act requires no more of me than to pay them on their order at the Treasury quarterly, as the means may be in my power; but, sensible of the difficulties which would result to them at so great a distance in being left on the same footing with the Officers of Government here, I have taken the liberty to vest the Money in what I conceived to be a better remittance:—if, the Gentlemen Delegates have leizure & inclination to transmit their Accounts quarterly to the Auditors, it will indeed save them an entry or two more on their Books; & the Receipts in the Treasury will be more regular on the Auditors issuing their warrants. if otherwise, I have no doubt but the Assembly on being informed of the circumstances, will admit such a Certificate as you sent me a sufficient Voucher.
I had great expectations of being able to remit another £500. by this days Mail; but the Bill cannot be procured until next Week.
Mr. Digby has not yet made a sufficient fortune I suppose, & wishes a few more Prizes. I hope he will be disappointed.
I am Dr Sir Yr. Affect. Serv.
J. A.


Title: Benjamin Harrison to Virginia Delegates, 12 April 1783
From: Harrison, Benjamin
To: Virginia Delegates

Gentlemen
Council Chamber April 12th. 1783.
Severe rheumatic Pains prevent my doing more than acknowledge the receipt of yours favor of the 1st. Instant and informing you that I shall lay it before the Assembly if you desire it but I really do not know what they can do more than is already done, the Treasurer is directed to Pay your Salarys quarterly out of any Money that shall come to his Hands, if it is not done the fault must either be in him or your Agents.
I am with respect Gentlemen yrs: &c.
B. H.


Title: Notes on Debates, 14 April 1783
From: Madison, James
To:

Monday April 14.
The Committee on the report of Secretary of foreign Affrs. reported as follows, Mr. Hamilton dissenting:
1. That it does not appear that Congress are any wise bound to go into the ratification proposed. “The Treaty” of which a ratification is to take place, as mentioned in the 6th. of the provisional articles, is described in the title of those articles to be “a Treaty of peace proposed to be concluded between the Crown of G. B and the said U. S. but which is not to be concluded until terms of peace shall be agreed upon between G. B. & France”; The act to be ratified therefore is not the provl. articles themselves; but an act distinct, future, and even contingent: again altho’ the Declaratory act entered into on the 20th Jany. last, between the American & British Plenipotentiaries relative to a cessation of hostilities, seems to consider the contingency on which the provl. articles were suspended as having taken place, yet that act cannot itself be considered as the “Treaty of peace meant to be concluded[”]; nor does it stipulate that either the provl. articles or the act itself should be ratified in America; it only engages that the U. S. shall cause hostilities to cease on their part, an engagement which was duly fulfilled by the Proclamation issued on the 11th. instant—lastly it does not appear from the correspondence of the American Ministers, or from any other information either that such ratification was expected from the U. S. or intended on the part of G. B: still less that any exchange of mutual ratifications has been in contemplation.
2. If Congress are not bound to ratify the articles in question, the Come. are of opinion that it is inexpedient for them to go immediately into such an act; inasmuch as it might be thought to argue that Congress meant to give to those articles the quality & effect of a definitive Treaty of peace with G. B. tho neither their allies nor friends have as yet proceeded farther than to sign preliminary articles; and inasmuch as it may oblige Congs. to fulfil immediately all the stipulations contained in the provl. articles tho’ they have no evidence that a correspondent obligation will be assumed by the other party.
3. If the ratification in question be neither obligatory nor expedient, the Come are of opinion, that an immediate discharge of all prisoners of war on the part of the U.S. is premature and unadvisable; especially as such a step may possibly lessen the force of demands for a reimbursement of the sums expended in the subsistance of the prisoners.
Upon these considerations the Come. recommend that a decision of Congs. on the papers referred to them be postponed.
On this subject a variety of sentiments prevailed:
Mr. Dyer, on a principle of frugality was strenuous for a liberation of the Prisoners.
Mr. Williamson thought Congs. not obliged to discharge the prisoners previous to a definitive treaty, but was willing to go into the measure as soon as the public honor would permit. He wished us to move pari passu with the British Commander. He suspected that that place would be held till the interests of the Tories should be provided for.
Mr. Hamilton contended that Congress were bound by the tenor of the Provl. Treaty immediately to Ratify it and to execute the several stipulations inserted in it; particularly that relating to discharge of Prisoners.
Mr. Bland thought Congs. not bound.
Mr. Elseworth was strenuous for the obligation and policy of going into an immediate execution of the Treaty. He supposed that a ready & generous execution on our part wd. accelerate the like on the other part.
Mr. Wilson was not surprized that the obscurity of Treaty sd. produce a varity of ideas. He thought upon the whole that the Treaty was to be regarded as “contingently definitive.”
The Report of the Come. being not consonant to the prevailing sense of Congs. it was laid aside.


Title: Virginia Delegates to Benjamin Harrison, 15 April 1783—Missing Letter
From: Virginia Delegates
To: Harrison, Benjamin

Editorial Note
15 April 1783. After Congress had ratified the provisional articles of peace with Great Britain (JM Notes, 15 Apr. 1783, and n. 2), JM and Theodorick Bland, on behalf of all the Virginia delegates, apparently sent a brief letter, now missing, to Governor Harrison, informing him of the ratification (Anderson Galleries [New York] Catalogue, No. 1581 [2–3 May 1921], item 34).


Title: From James Madison to Edmund Randolph, 15 April 1783
From: Madison, James
To: Randolph, Edmund

My dear Sir
Philada. Apl. 15. 1783.
My letter by a private hand who left this place a few days ago together with late public letters will have fully apprized you of the decisive events which have taken place in favor of peace. The paper inclosed will amuse you with the bickerings in the British parliament on that subject.
Genl. Carlton is very importunate for an immediate execution of the provisional articles on the part of Congress in the two points of liberating the prisoners, and recommending restitution to the Loyalists. On his part he has set the example in the first point, but says nothing of executing the other important conditions which are in our favor. This proposition has led Congs. into a critical discussion of the import of the provl. articles, in which the opinions are almost as numerous as the articles themselves. Some think that the instrument was converted by the signature of preliminary articles between F. & G. B. into the Treaty of peace, of which a ratification in America is alluded to in the 6. art: others think that it was conditioned no otherwise on terms of peace between those powers, than that such an agreement rendered it a lawful & necessary foundation for a Treaty of peace between the U.S. & G. B. Some again suppose that the provl. arts need no ratification from Congs. but that they ought to wait for the Treaty to be grounded on them. Others suppose that a ratification is essential, or at least proper. The latter description again are divided, some proposing to ratify them as articles still contingent others to ratify them as having taken effect in consequence of the preliminary articles between G. B. & F. This variety & contrariety of interpretations arise in great measure from the obscurity & even contrariety of the articles themselves.
Mr. Jefferson left us on saturday last & will probably be with you by the time this gets to hand.
I am Dr Sir &c &c.
J. M.


Title: Notes on Debates, 16 April 1783
From: Madison, James
To:

Wednesday April 16th.
Mr. Hamilton acknowledged that he began to view the obligation of the provl. Treaty in a different light and in consequence wished to vary the direction to the Commander in cheif from a positive to a preparatory one as his motion on the Journal states.


Title: Amendment to Report on Restoring Public Credit, [17 April] 1783
From: Madison, James
To:

Editorial Note
Prior to 17 April 1783 this suggested amendment is not mentioned in Charles Thomson’s committee book, in the journal of Congress, in JM’s notes on debates, or, except for the docket quoted above, in any other contemporary source known to the editors. For this reason it seems more appropriate to use the date on which the proposal was debated than that on which it was read to Congress and apparently tabled for six days.
To avoid duplication, JM’s copy of the amendment, which he included in his notes on debates for 17 April, will be omitted. Disregarding minor differences in abbreviations, capitalization, and punctuation, seven footnotes of the present item record the contrasts in phraseology between the two versions.

[17 April 1783]
The Come. to whom was recomd. the 10th. clause of the Report on Revenue &c, report the following addition thereto: “And to the end that convenient provision may be made for determining in all such cases, how far the expences may have been reasonable, as well with respect to the object thereof as to the means for accomplishing it, thirteen Commissrs. namely one out of each State, shall be appointed by Congress any seven or more of whom (having first taken an oath for the faithful & impartial exercise of their appointment) who shall concur in the same opinion, shall be empowered to determine finally, on the reasonableness of all claims for expences incurred by particular States as aforesaid. And that such determinations may be expedited as much as possible, instructions shall be given to the Commissrs. for adjusting accounts between the U. S. and individual States, to examine all such claims and report to Congress such of them as shall be supported by satisfactory proofs, distinguishing in their reports the objects and measures as to which the expences shall have been incurred; provided that no balances which may become due to any State in consequence of this regulation or of the Resolutions of the  day of  shall be deducted out of the preceding revenues; but shall be discharged out of separate requisitions to be made on the States for that purpose.


Title: Notes on Debates, 18 April 1783
From: Madison, James
To:

Friday April 18.
Application was made from the Council of Pa. for determination of Congs. as to the effect of the acts terminating hostilities, on Acts to be inforced during the war. Congs. declined giving any opinion.
The motion of Mr. Bland for striking out recommendation to States which had agreed to cede territory to revise & compleat their Cessions raised a long debate. In favor of the motion it was urged by Mr. Rutlidge that the proposed Cession of Va. ought to be previously considered & disallowed; that otherwise a renewal of the recomendation wd. be offensive; that it was possible the Cession might be accepted in which case the renewal wd. be improper. Virga. he observed alone could be alluded to as having complied in part only.
Mr. Wilson went largely into the subject. He said If the investigation of right was to be considered, the U. S. ought rather to make cessions to individual States then receive Cessions from them, the extent of the Territory ceded by the Treaty being larger than all the States put together; that when the claims of the states come to be limited on principles of right, the Alleghany Mountains would appear to be the true boundary: this could be established without difficulty before any Court, or the Tribunal of the World. He thought however policy reqd. that such a boundary sd. be established as wd. give to the Atlantic States access to the Western Waters. If accomodation was the object, the clause ought by no means to be struck out. The Cession of Virga. could never be accepted because it guaranteed to her the country as far as the Ohio, which never belonged to Virga. [here he was called to order by Mr Jones]. The question he sd. must be decided. The indecision of Congs. had been hurtful to the interests of U. S. If compliance of Va. was to be sought she ought to be urged to comply fully.
For the vote in the affirmative, with exception of Virga. & S. Carol: see Journal.
The plan of Revenue was then passed as it had been amended; all the states present concurring except R. I. wch. was in the Negative & N. Y. wch. was divided Mr Floyd ay & Mr. Hamilton no.


Title: To James Madison from Jacquelin Ambler, 19 April 1783
From: Ambler, Jacquelin
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Richmond 19. April 1783
I have not the pleasure of a line from you by the last Mail. The return of Peace I doubt not spreads Joy & Gladness through out America. I sincerely congratulate you on this happy event.
I send another Bill of five hundred pounds Virga. Curry. which the Gentlemen of the Delegation will be pleased to divide as they think proper, transmitting the Vouchers necessary for my justification. I am
Dear Sir with great regard Yr. affect Servt
J. Ambler


Title: Benjamin Harrison to Virginia Delegates, 19 April 1783
From: Harrison, Benjamin
To: Virginia Delegates

Gentlemen
Richmond April 19th. 1783.
I received your favor by the last Post. It appears to me astonishing that Nathan should give you so much trouble, when he must know his Debt can be paid no where but at this Place[;] this his Agent has been told, and that there are no funds as yet establish’d for that Purpose; I shall lay the Award of the Arbitrators before the next Assembly, who will no doubt provide for the Payments. You must consult your own Prudence in the Affair of Pollock, the Assembly have refer’d it to you to take proper Security, and it will probably behove you to be cautious, as I have additional reasons (lately received) to those I formerly had for thinking he has been at least the most imprudent Man in the World; great Part of his demand is for Bills taken up by him after the receipt of a Letter from Col: Todd from the Illinois a Copy of which I have for-biding him to Pay them and informing him they were drawn by Adventurers who had no right to draw and who were procuring Money in that way for their Private Purposes.
I am waiting for a Public Express with official Accounts of the Confirmation of Peace. your Proclamation is arrived by a Private Hand but of that I can take no official Notice. I am with respect
Gentlemen Yrs: &c.
B. H.


Title: Notes on Debates, 21–22 April 1783
From: Madison, James
To:

Monday. April 21.
The Motion was made by Mr. Hamilton 2ded by Mr. Madison to annex to the plan of the 18th. instant the part omitted relating to expences incurred by individual States, on the question, N. York, Pena. & Virga. alone were in the affirmative, Cont. & Georgia not present.
Teusday Apr. 22. see Journal


Title: Virginia Delegates to Benjamin Harrison, 22 April 1783
From: Virginia Delegates
To: Harrison, Benjamin

Sr.
Philada. April 22d 1783
Your two Favors of April 5th & 12th came both to hand by yesterdays Post. little Interesting has happend Since our last, except that Congress have agreed to a Modification of the Recommendation to the States, for Vesting in Congress a revenue adequate to the funding the Public Debt, which being limited in its duration, and divested of some other exceptionable conditions, containd in the former requisition, We anxiously hope will for the Public good, and our National Honor & Credit be speedily and generally complied with by the States. A Frigate (the Active) arrived last night from France, at Chester. her dispatches are not yet come up. We hope in our next to Inform your Excelly. of their Contents. We shall endeavor to procure your Excelly. a Copy of the recommendation above mentiond, but if disappointed in this, we expect you will soon receive it officially from Congress. The Comr. in Chief and the Secy. at War have orders to make arrangements with Sr. Guy Carleton for receiving possession of the Posts occupied by the British in the United States, and for delivering up the land Prisoners in our possession. the Naval ones on both Sides are already set at Liberty. We are sorry to add that late advices from New York inform us that no steps are taken there which Indicate a Speedy evacuation of that Place. we are with perfect respect
Yr. Excellys. most obedt. Sevts.
J. Madison JrTheok. Bland
P. S. Since the above Sr. G: Carleton has written to Congress, to request some person or persons may be sent to N. York to take possession of the Negroes & Publick property in conformity to the 7th article of the Preliminary Articles


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 22 April 1783
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir
Philada. Apl. 22. 1783.
Your favor of the 14. inst: written on the Susquehanna with the several letters inclosed were safely delivered to me. I did not fail to present as you desired your particular compliments to Miss K Your inference on that subject was not groundless Before you left us I had sufficiently ascertained her sentiments Since your departure the affair has been pursued Most preliminary arrangements although definitive will be postponed untill the end of the year in congress At some period of the intervail I shall probably make a visite to Virginia The interest which your friendship takes on this occasion in my happiness is a pleasing proof that the disposetions which I feel are reciprocal
The report on funds &c. passed Congress on Saturday last with the dissent of R. Island and the division of N. York only. The latter vote was lost by the rigid adherence of Mr. Hamilton to a plan which he supposed more perfect. The clause providing for unauthorized expenditures, could not be reinstated, and consequently no attempt was made to link all the parts of the act inseparably together. As it now stands it has I fear no bait for Virga. which is not particularly interested either in the object or mode of the revenues recommended, nor in the territorial cessions, nor in the change of the constitutional rule of dividing the public burdens. A respect for justice, good faith & national honor is the only consideration which can obtain her compliance.
We have recd. no intelligence from abroad which deserves to be noted, since your departure. The interval between the preliminary & definitive Treaties has produced several nice & interesting questions. One is whether laws prohibiting commerce with British Ports during the war, have expired with the cessation of Hostilities. A similar one is whether the soldiers enlisted for the war are entitled to a discharge. At least half of the army under Genl. Washington are under this description and are urgent for such a construction of their engagements. A third question is whether the preliminary treaty between F. & G. B. has given such effect to the provisional articles between the latter & the U. S. as to require an execution of the stipulations in the 6 & 7 artics. or whether a definitive Treaty only can produce this effect.
The system for foreign affairs is not yet digested: and I apprehend will be long on the anvil, unless the actual return of our Ministers from Europe should stimulate Congs. on the subject.
I am charged with many compliments from the whole family for yourself & Miss Patsy, which you will accept with an assurance of sincere friendship from
Yr Obt. & Hble Servt.
J. Madison Jr.


Title: To James Madison from George Washington, 22 April 1783
From: Washington, George
To: Madison, James

Editorial Note
Except for a brief note of referral written about three years earlier (Papers of MadisonWilliam T. Hutchinson, William M. E. Rachal, et al., eds.,
          The Papers of James Madison (6 vols. to date; Chicago,
        1962——)., II, 13), this letter and the reply by JM on 29 April (q.v.) mark the beginning of the correspondence between him and Washington. The next exchange also was initiated by Washington on 12 June 1784, addressing to JM a plea on behalf of Thomas Paine (Fitzpatrick, Writings of WashingtonJohn C. Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of George Washington,
          from the Original Sources, 1745–1799 (39 vols.; Washington, 1931–44)., XXVII, 420–21). Thereafter until the close of 1796, Washington and JM communicated frequently with each other, both orally and in writing.

Sir,
Newburgh 22d. April 1783
Major McHenry, formerly an Assistant Secretary to me, & afterwards Aid de Camp to the Marqs. de la Fayette, informs me, that, Congress are about to appoint official Secretaries for their Ministers abroad; & expresses a wish to go in that character to the Court of Versailles—or London.
Justice, if I could divest myself of the inclination to serve this Gentleman, would compel me to represent him as a Man of Letters & abilities,—of great integrity, sobriety & prudence. In a word, a Man of strict honor; possessing all those good qualities (without a bad one that I am acquainted with) necessary to fit him for such an office. He would, I am persuaded, render the Minister with whom he might be connected, very happy in the appointment, as he is of an amiable & obliging temper. His property too lyes in this Country.

I have now to entreat your excuse for the freedom of this recommendation; a desire to serve a man who has followed my fortunes, and shared in my perplexities, has prompted me to it; but these considerations alone, would not induce me to recommend a person for an office whom I did not believe was fully competent to discharge all the duties required of him.
I have the honor to be Sir, Yr Most Obedt. & Hble Ser[vt.]
Go. Washington


Title: Notes on Debates, 23–24 April 1783
From: Madison, James
To:

Wednesday April 23.
The resolution permitting the soldiers to retain their arms was passed at the recommendation of Genl. Washington see letter in the files.
The resolution for granting furloughs or discharges was a compromise between those who wished to get rid of the expence of keeping the men in the field, and those, who thought it impolitic to disband the army whilst the British remained in the U. S.
Apl. 24. see Journal


Title: Report on Address to the States by Congress, [25 April] 1783
From: Madison, James
To:

Editorial Note
On 18 April, after adopting the plan for restoring public credit, Congress appointed a committee, JM chairman, Oliver Ellsworth, and Alexander Hamilton, to prepare an address to the states (NA: PCC, No. 186, fol. 95). Congress expected to print the address and the plan, and have President Elias Boudinot enclose copies in his circular letter to the executive of each state (JM Notes, 18 Apr., n. 7; Delegates to Harrison, 22 Apr. 1783, and n. 4; JCCWorthington Chauncey Ford et al., eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789 (34 vols.;
        Washington, 1904–37)., XXV, 986).
Although JM disagreed with several recommendations in the plan and regretted that several others had been rejected, he had voted for it as being the most satisfactory compromise which could be reached among the divergent sectional interests within the Confederation and the rival groups of creditors of Congress (Report on Restoring Public Credit, 6 Mar., n. 1; JM Notes, 18 Apr., n. 7; JM to Jefferson, 22 Apr. 1783, and nn. 10, 11). For this reason and because his aim in the address was to persuade every state legislature to approve the plan, JM naturally minimized its shortcomings and emphasized its virtues, along with the difficulties attending its adoption by Congress and the need of the states to ratify it for the sake of justice, national honor, and the continuance of the Confederation (JM to Randolph, 22 Jan., and n. 8; 25 Feb.; JM Notes, 21 Feb. 1783, and n. 16).
Nine years later, when JM and Hamilton were at odds on matters of fiscal policy, Hamilton chose to assume, although his memory could hardly have been so unreliable, that the address to the states demonstrated JM’s approval of all recommendations in the plan of 1783, and hence his inconsistency in opposing the somewhat similar proposals of Hamilton during the first administration of President Washington. In a letter of 26 May 1792 to Edward Carrington, Hamilton remarked that “the evidence of Mr. Madisons sentiments at one period is to be found in the address of Congress of April 26th 1783, which was planned by him in conformity to his own ideas and without any previous suggestions from the Committee and with his hearty cooperation in every part of the business” (Syrett and Cooke, Papers of HamiltonHarold C. Syrett and Jacob E. Cooke, eds., The Papers of
          Alexander Hamilton (15 vols. to date; New York, 1961——)., XI, 427). See also JM Notes, 20 Feb. 1783, n. 6; and n. 35, below.

[25 April 1783]
The Come. appd. to prepare an address to the States, on the subject of the recommendations of the 18th. instant, submit the following
Address to the States by the United States in Congress Assembled

April 26. 1783
The prospect which has for some time existed, and which is now happily realized, of a successful termination of the war, together with the critical exigences of public affairs have made it the duty of Congress to review and provide for the debts which the war has left upon the U. S. and to look forward to the means of obviating dangers which may interrupt the harmony and tranquility of the Confederacy. The result of their mature and solemn deliberations on these great objects is contained in their several recommendations of the 18th. instant herewith transmitted. Although these recommendations speak themselves the principles on which they are founded, as well as the ends which they propose, it will not be improper to enter into a few explanations and remarks, in order to place in a stronger view the necessity of complying with them.
The first measure recommended is effectual provision for the debts of the U. S. The amount of these debts as far as they can now be ascertained is 42000375 Dollars, as will appear by the Schedule No 1. To discharge the principal of this aggregate debt at once or in any short period is, evidently, not within the compass of our resources, and even if it could be accomplished, both the true interest and the ease of the community would require that the debt itself should be left to a course of gradual extinguishment, and certain funds be provided for paying in the mean time the annual interest. The amount of the annual interest, as will appear by the paper last referred to, is computed to be 2415956 Dollars. Funds therefore which will certainly and punctually produce this annual sum at least, must be provided.
In devising these funds Congress did not overlook the mode of supplying the common Treasury provided by the articles of confederation. But after the most respectful consideration of that mode, they were constrained to regard it as inadequate and inapplicable to the form into which the public debt must be thrown. The delays and uncertainties incident to a revenue to be established and collected from time to time by thirteen independent authorities, is at first view irreconcileable with the punctuality essential in the discharge of the interest of a national debt. Our own experience, after making every allowance for transient impediments, has been a sufficient illustration of this truth. Some departure therefore in the recommendations of Congress from the fœderal constitution, was unavoidable; but it will be found to be as small as could be reconciled with the object in view, and to be supported besides by solid considerations of interest and sound policy.
The fund which first presented itself on this, as it did on a former occasion, was a tax on imports. The reasons which recommended this branch of revenue, have heretofore been stated in an act of which a copy No. 2 is now forwarded, and need not be here repeated. It will suffice to recapitulate, that taxes on consumption are always least burdensome, because they are least felt, and are borne too by those who are both willing and able to pay them; that of all taxes on consumption, those on foreign commerce are most compatible with the genius and policy of free States; that from the relative positions of some of the more commercial States, it will be impossible to bring this essential resource into use without a concerted uniformity; that this uniformity cannot be concerted through any channel so properly as through congress, nor for any purpose so aptly as for paying the debts of a Revolution, from which an unbounded freedom has accrued to commerce.
In renewing this proposition to the States we have not been unmindful of the objections which heretofore frustrated the unanimous adoption of it. We have limited the duration of the revenue to the term of 25. years: and we have left to the States themselves the appointment of the officers who are to collect it. If the strict maxims of national credit alone were to be consulted, the revenue ought manifestly to be co-existent with the object of it; and the collection placed in every respect under that authority which is to dispense the former, and is responsible for the latter. These relaxations will we trust, be regarded on one hand as the effect of a disposition in Congs. to attend at all times to the sentiments of those whom they serve; and on the other hand as a proof of their anxious desire that provision may be made in some way or other for an honorable and just fulfilment of the engagements which they have formed.

To render this fund as productive as possible and at the same time to narrow the room for collusions and frauds, it has been judged an improvement of the plan, to recommend a liberal duty on such articles as are most susceptible of a tax according to their quantity and are of most equal and general consumption; leaving all other articles, as heretofore proposed, to be taxed according to their value.
The amount of this fund is computed to be 915956 Dollars. The estimates on which the computation is made, are detailed in paper No. 3. accuracy in the first essay on so complex & fluctuating a subject is not to be expected. It is presumed to be as near the truth as the defect of proper materials would admit.
The residue of the computed interest is 1500000 Dollars, and is referred to the States to be provided for by such funds as they may judge most convenient. Here again the strict maxims of public credit gave way to the desire of Congress to conform to the sentiments of their constituents. It ought not to be omitted however with respect to this portion of the revenue, that the mode in which it is to be supplied, varies so little from that pointed out in the articles of confederation, and the variations are so conducive to the great object proposed, that a ready and unqualified compliance on the part of the States may be the more justly expected. In fixing the quotas of this sum Congs. as may be well imagined, were guided by very imperfect lights and some Inequalities may consequently have ensued. These however can be but temporary, and as far as they may exist at all, will be redressed by a retrospective adjustment, as soon as a constitutional rule can be applied.
The necessity of making the two foregoing provisions one indivisible and irrevocable act is apparent. Without the first quality, partial provision only might be made where complete provision is essential; nay as some States might prefer & adopt one of the funds only, and the other States the other fund only, it might happen that no provision at all would be made: Without the second, a single State out of the thirteen might at any time involve the nation in bankruptcy, the mere practicability of which would be a fatal bar to the establishment of national credit. Instead of enlarging on these topics, two observations are submitted to the justice and wisdom of the Legislatures. First: The present Creditors[,] or rather the domestic part of them, having either made their loans for a period which has expired, or having become creditors in the first instance involuntarily, are entitled on the clear principles of justice & good faith, to demand the principal of their credits, instead of accepting the annual interest. It is necessary, therefore, as the principal can not be paid to them on demand, that the interest should be so effectually and satisfactorily secured, as to enable them if they incline, to transfer their stock at its full value. Secondly: if the funds be so firmly constituted as to inspire a thorough & universal confidence, may it not be hoped, that the capital of the domestic debt which bears the high interest of 6 perCt., may be cancelled by other loans obtained at a more moderate interest? The saving by such an operation would be a clear one and might be a considerable one. As a proof of the necessity of substantial funds for the support of our credit abroad we refer to paper No 4
Thus much for the interest of the national debt: For the discharge of the principal within the term limited, we rely on the natural increase of the revenue from Commerce, on requisitions to be made from time to time for that purpose, as circumstances may dictate, and on the prospects of vacant territory. If these resources should prove inadequate, it will be necessary, at the expiration of 25 years to continue the funds now recommended or to establish such others as may then be found more convenient.
With a view to the resource last mentioned, as well as to obviate disagreeable controversies, and confusions, Congress have included in their present recommendations, a renewal of those of the 6th day of Septr. and of the 10th. day of October 1780. In both those respects a liberal and final accomodation of all interfering claims of vacant territory, is an object which cannot be pressed with too much solicitude.
The last object recommended is a constitutional change of the rule, by which a partition of the common burdens is to be made. The expediency and even necessity of such a change has been sufficiently enforced by the local injustice and discontents which have proceeded from valuations of the soil in every State where the experiment has been made. But how infinitely must these evils be increased, on a comparison of such valuations among the states themselves! On whatever side indeed this rule be surveyed, the execution of it must be attended with the most serious difficulties. If the valuations be referred to the authorities of the several States, a general satisfaction is not to be hoped for: If they be executed by officers of the U. S. traversing the Country for that purpose, besides the inequalities against which this mode would be no security, the expence would be both enormous and obnoxious: If the mode taken in the act of the 17 day of feby last which was deemed on the whole least objectionable, be adhered to, still the insufficiency of the data to the purpose to which they are to be applied, must greatly impair, if not utterly destroy all confidence in the accuracy of the result; not to mention that as far as the result can be at all a just one, it will be indebted for the advantage to the principle on which the rule proposed to be substituted is founded. This rule altho’ not free from objections, is liable to fewer than any other that could be devised. The only material difficulty which attended it in the deliberations of Congress, was to fix the proper difference between the labor and industry of free inhabitants, and of all other inhabitants. The ratio ultimately agreed on was the effect of mutual concessions, and if it should be supposed not to correspond precisely with the fact, no doubt ought to be entertained that an equal spirit of accomodation among the several Legislatures, will prevail against little inequalities which may be calculated on one side or on the other. But notwithstanding the confidence of Congress as to the success of this proposition, it is their duty to recollect that the event may possibly disappoint them, and to request that measures may still be pursued for obtaining & transmitting the information called for in the act of 17 feby. last, which in such event will be essential.
The plan thus communicated and explained by Congress must now receive its fate from their Constituents. All the objects comprized in it are conceived to be of great importance to the happiness of this confederated republic, are necessary to render the fruits of the Revolution, a full reward for the blood, the toils, the cares and the calamities which have purchased it. But the object of which the necessity will be peculiarly felt, and which it is peculiarly the duty of Congress to inculcate, is the provision recommended for the national debt. Altho’ this debt is greater than could have been wished, it is still less on the whole than could have been expected, and when referred to the cause in which it has been incurred, and compared with the burdens which wars of ambition and of vain glory have entailed on other nations, ought to be borne not only with cheerfulness but with pride. But the magnitude of the debt makes no part of the question. It is sufficient that the debt has been fairly contracted and that justice & good faith demand that it should be fully discharged. Congress had no option but between different modes of discharging it. The same option is the only one that can exist with the States. The mode which has after long & elaborate discussion been preferred, is, we are persuaded, the least objectionable of any that would have been equal to the purpose. Under this persuasion, we call upon the justice & plighted faith of the several States to give it its proper effect, to reflect on the consequences of rejecting it, and to remember that Congress will not be answerable for them.

If other motives than that of justice could be requisite on this occasion, no nation could ever feel stronger. For to whom are the debts to be paid?
To an Ally, in the first place, who to the exertion of his arms in support of our cause, has added the succours of his Treasure; who to his important loans has added liberal donations; and whose loans themselves carry the impression of his magninimity and friendship. For more exact information on this point we refer to paper No. 5
To individuals in a foreign country in the next place who were the first to give so precious a token of their confidence in our justice, and of their friendship for our cause; and who are members of a republic which was second in espousing our rank among nations. For the claims and expectations of this class of Creditors we refer to paper No. 6
Another class of Creditors is that illustrious & patriotic band of fellow Citizens, whose blood and whose bravery have defended the liberties of their Country, who have patiently borne, among other distresses the privation of their stipends, whilst the distresses of their Country disabled it from bestowing them; and who even now ask for no more than such a portion of their dues as will enable them to retire from the field of victory & glory into the bosom of peace & private citizenship, and for such effectual security for the residue of their claims as their Country is now unquestionably able to provide. For a full view of their sentiments and wishes on this subject we transmit the paper No. 7. and as a fresh & lively instance of their superiority to every species of seduction from the paths of virtue & of honor, we add the paper No. 8
The remaining class of Creditors is composed partly of such of our fellow Citizens as originally lent to the public the use of their funds, or have since manifested most confidence in their Country by receiving transfers from the lenders; and partly of those whose property has been either advanced or assumed for the public service. To discriminate the merits of these several descriptions of creditors would be a task equally unnecessary & invidious. If the voice of humanity plead more loudly in favor of some than of others; the voice of policy, no less than of justice pleads in favor of all. A wise nation will never permit those who relieve the wants of their Country, or who rely most on its faith, its firmness and its resources, when either of them is distrusted, to suffer by the event.
Let it be remembered finally that it has ever been the pride and boast of America, that the rights for which she contended were the rights of human nature. By the blessing of the Author of these rights on the means exerted for their defence, they have prevailed against all opposition and form the basis of thirteen independant States. No instance has heretofore occurred, nor can any instance be expected hereafter to occur, in which the unadulterated forms of Republican Government can pretend to so fair an opportunity of justifying themselves by their fruits. In this view the Citizens of the U. S. are responsible for the greatest trust ever confided to a Political Society. If justice, good faith, honor, gratitude & all the other Qualities which enoble the character of a nation, and fulfil the ends of Government, be the fruits of our establishments, the cause of liberty will acquire a dignity and lustre, which it has never yet enjoyed; and an example will be set which can not but have the most favorable influence on the rights of mankind. If on the other side, our Governments should be unfortunately blotted with the reverse of these cardinal and essential Virtues, the great cause which we have engaged to vindicate, will be dishonored & betrayed; the last & fairest experiment in favor of the rights of human nature will be turned against them; and their patrons & friends exposed to be insulted & silenced by the votaries of Tyranny and Usurpation.
By order of the United States in Congress assembled


Title: To James Madison from Edmund Randolph, 26 April 1783
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Madison, James

My dear friend
Richmond April 26. 1783.
For four weeks past I have been so hurried by the general court, that I have not had leisure to write a page, irrelative to law. Indeed the calmness of our times cuts off almost every thing worthy of communication.
Our assembly will be composed of good men in general. Mr. Thomson Mason, Colo. Nicholas, Colo. J. Taylor, Gen: Lawson, Mr. Wm. Nelson and several others who have either never been elected, or not lately, will take their seats. From the conversation of Mr. Jefferson I should hope for his return to the legislature; and it is certain, that Mr. Edw: Carter will disqualify himself in order to introduce him. The circulation of the proceedings of the army, has demonstrated the necessity of consigning to congress a fund, independent of the breath of individual states: and many of those, who at first were vehement, are reconciled to the expedient.
But satisfaction is by no means generally diffused, with regard to the stipulations concerning confiscated property, in the provisional articles. Indeed some, who conceive, that Virginia has not fully parted from the power of peace and war to congress, are inclined, (as if our legislature were omnipotent) to move at the next session for a repeal of those stipulations. Such a measure as this will surely immortalize the understanding of the mover. It is probable, that the late proclamation of congress has excited a jealousy of their high powers, and pointed out the propriety of wresting from them some of their constitutional authority. I have more than once endeavoured to conceive the author of this singular composition: and I hope my conjectures are not right, when I suppose that it came from the pen of the s——cr——y of fo——gn aff——rs.

The delinquencies of the sheriffs are very great, in the business of collecting. Motions have been made against them this court for about 70,000 £. A great sum in a little revenue: But the excuses, which they have made, argue the poverty of the country. They have distrained, they say, but cannot sell for ¼ of the value of the thing taken, even in produce. The courthouse of papers of Lunenburgh has been burnt, partly to prevent the obtaining of those documents, which are necessary to execute the tax.
Mr. Pendleton came to town last night, to enter upon his duty as a chancellor.


Title: From James Madison to George Washington, 29 April 1783
From: Madison, James
To: Washington, George

Sir
Philada. Apr. 29. 1783.
I have been honored with Your Excellency’s favor of the 22d. inst: bearing testimony to the merits & talents of Mr. McHenry. The character which I had preconceived of this Gentleman was precisely that which your representation has confirmed. As Congress have not yet fixed the peace establishment for their foreign affairs and will not probably fill up vacancies unless there be some critical urgency, until such an Establishment be made, it is uncertain when an opportunity will present itself, of taking into consideration the wishes & merits of Mr. McHenry. Should my stay here be protracted till that happens, which I do not at present expect, I shall feel an additional pleasure in promoting the public interest from my knowledge that I at the same time fulfill both your Excellency’s public judgment & private inclination.
I have the honor to be with perfect respect & sincere regard yr. Excelly’s Obt. & hble Servt.
J. Madison Jr.


Title: To James Madison from Jacquelin Ambler, 3 May 1783
From: Ambler, Jacquelin
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Richmond Virga. 3. May 1783
Another Week is elapsed, and Mr. Newton has failed to forward the thousand pound Bill which he informed me is due to this State from some Gentlemen in Philad. & both he & the other Commissioners were anxious to pay into the Treasury. I regret exceedingly having given you reason to expect it. You cannot be more disappointed than I am on this score. As the Assembly should meet the day after tomorrow I must conclude Mr. Newton means to bring up the Bill himself; if he does, I know no mode so likely of your availing yourself soon of a part of the balance due you from the State than by drawing a greater proportion than others from that remittance. I hint this because Mr. Jones will be here & expects to receive Money while at Richmond I am told, & most of the other Gentlemen are of so much shorter standing at Congress that I presume the State cannot be much if at all in arrears to them; however you can judge better of this than I can & will write your sentiments freely. We are told several British Merchantmen are arrived but it seems they are not allowed to break bulk until the Law is repealed
Yrs
J. A.


Title: Benjamin Harrison to Virginia Delegates, 3 May 1783
From: Harrison, Benjamin
To: Virginia Delegates

Gentlemen
Richmond May 3d. 1783.
I duely received your favor of the 22d. of last Month, and anxiously wait for the News by the French Frigates, a report prevails here that Lord Shelburne has said in the House of Lords that as there is no Time fixed by the Treaty for the evacuation of New York, he means not to do it till the Americans shall have given Satisfaction to the Refugees, can this possibly be true?
British Vessels are arrived from the West Indies with valuable Cargoes which cannot be landed under our present Laws as I suppose there are some of them at Philadelphia you will oblige me by letting me know whether they are permitted to trade or not.
Please to inform my Friend Charles Thomson that I will send him a Copy of the Cession of the back Country by the next Post and with it a Copy of another Resolution repealing it, which may perhaps be a lesson in future not to refuse a good Offer when Men are in the Humor for giving.
I am Gentlemen with respect Yrs: &c.
B. H.


Title: Thomas Walke to Virginia Delegates, 3 May 1783
From: Walke, Thomas
To: Virginia Delegates

Gentlemen
Philadelphia May 3d 1783.
In consequence of the 7th: article of the treaty between America, and England; I, with a number of others, have been to New-York; in order to reclaim our slaves that were wrested from us by the British enimy; supposing there cou’d be no obstacle to our recovering, at least such of the slaves as we cou’d find and prove to be our property, but contrary to our expectations, the event has proved the reverse, in as much as, that having discover’d the numberless difficulties attending this matter, we thought it most expedient to apply to Sir Guy Carlton, that through his means the business might be rendered more practicable, than we had before found it; upon which application, we recieved for answer, from his aid de camp, that no slaves were to be given up, who claimed the benefit of their former proclamations for liberating such slaves as threw themselves under the protection of the British government, and that he thought it unnecessary for us to wait longer on business of that nature. This appears to me to be such a glareing piece of injustice, and open violation of the above mentioned article of the treaty, that I think it my duty as well as interest to acquaint you of this matter, that you may lay it before Congress, who will I flatter myself as speedily as possibly, take the necessary steps for preventing a further injury being done to the citizens of this country: if there is not an immediate check put to the proceedings of the British General in this matter, the injury will be inconcieveable, as I am well assured several hundreds of the above mentioned slaves sailed during the last weik to Nova Scotia. I am with the utmost respect and regard
Your Most Obedt. Servt:
Thos Walke


Title: To James Madison from Edmund Pendleton, 4 May 1783
From: Pendleton, Edmund
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Virga. May 4. 1783
I am now to acknowledge the rect. of yr. two favrs. of the 8th. & 22d. past, Mr. Jones being, as I suppose from his letter, by this time in Virginia: this circumstance will increase your trouble, but I must reiterate former injunctions, that when it will be particularly inconvenient to you to write, you make free in leaving me unaddressed. The doubt whether the War is discontinued until the signing of the definitive treaty, has reached our Executive, & suspended the admitting to Entry a British Ship arrived here, until that event, or until our Assembly, who meet tomorrow, shall alter the Law. we are told that an embargo on all ships for America, is laid in London, probably on Acct. of this doubt, tho’ that circumstance, & their manifesting no preparation for the evacuation of New-York, excites Suspicions of some intentions not honourable on their part. Congress will no doubt be on their guard, & I hope the Assemblies will not take up the Subject of the Treaty in any part until it has it’s definitive force.
I am sorry to hear that Congress in the final adjustment of their plan have rejected any thing wch. had a tendancy to sooth the Minds of our Assembly, who I am afraid wanted not provocatives to relish the whole but badly: I find a fix’d Aversion in some Gentn. to putting an independent Revenue into the hands of Congress, which say they, is necessary for no other purpose than to give them the appointment of a number of Officers dependent on them, & so to gain an undue Influence in the States: besides that the Nature of Man & former experience justifies a suspicion that a Number of unnecessary Offices may be created, to make room for Relations and favourites, by wch. much of the Revenue may be diverted from the payment of our debts. The impost they approve, but can’t be perswaded but that it may be collected & remitted to the Continental Treasury, by our Naval Officers & Treasurer, without the Intervention of any new Officer. these are the sentiments of most of the few Members I have conversed wth., what will be the result of a full discussion of the Subject, I can’t pretend to foretel, but you’l perceive it was rather unlucky for the Plan, to withhold any part that had an aspect favourable to Us. My hopes of any thing good from that unhappy youth C. T., have been for some time at an end, & therefore I am the less affected by his last Imprudent step, for such I have no doubt it will turn out to be. I am
My Dr. Sir Yr. mo. Affe. & Obt.
Edmd Pendleton


Title: Notes on Debates, 5 May 1783
From: Madison, James
To:

No. XIV
Monday May 5.
Mr. Bland & Mr. Mercer moved to erase from the Journal the resolution of Friday the 2d. inst. applying for an addition of three Millions to the grant of six millions by H. M. Xn Majesty, as in part of the loan of four Millions requested by the Resolution of Sepr. 14. 1782. As the resolution of the 2d. had been passed by fewer than nine States, they contended that it was unconstitutional. The reply was that as the three Millions were to be part of a loan heretofore authorized, the sanction of nine States was not necessary. The motion was negatived The two movers alone voting in the Affirmative.


Title: Notes on Debates, 6 May 1783
From: Madison, James
To:

Tuesday May 6.
A motion was made by Mr. Lee, to recommend to the several States to pass laws indemnifying Officers of the Army for damages sustained by individuals from Acts of such officers rendered necessary in the execution of their military functions: It was referred to Mr. Lee, Mr. Williamson & Mr. Clarke.
He proposed also that an Equestrian Statue should be erected to General Washington
A report from the Secy. of For: Affairs of a Treaty of Commerce to be entered into with G. Britain, was referred to Mr. Fitzimmons, Mr. Higginson, Mr. Rutlidge, Mr. Hemsley, & Mr. Madison


Title: From James Madison to Theodorick Bland, 6 May 1783
From: Madison, James
To: Bland, Theodorick

May 6. 1783
Recd. of Col: Bland three hundred thirty two dollars fifteen ninteenths, being one fifth of five hundred pounds Virginia Currency remitted in a bill drawn by David Ross of Virga. on John Ross of Philada. in favor of J. Madison & by him endorsed to Col: Bland,
J Madison Jr.


Title: Virginia Delegates to Benjamin Harrison, 6 May 1783
From: Virginia Delegates
To: Harrison, Benjamin

Sir
Philada. 6. May 1783.
Your Excellency’s favor of the 25th. Ulto. came duly to hand yesterday. A commercial intercourse is under present circumstances carried on freely from other States with our late Enemy, and as far as an advantage can be drawn from it, Virginia must certainly be equally entitled to share in it.
Congress have recd. no further intelligence relative to the final treaty of peace, nor any other material intelligence from Europe.
The plan to be recommended to the states for funding the national debt, has been at length concluded, and with the documents proper to explain & urge it, will be forwarded as soon as the whole can be duly prepared.
We inclose your Excelly. a letter addressed to us from Coulougnac & Cie, representing their transactions with Penet.
We have the honor to be with sentiments of due respect Yr. Exclly’s Obt. & hbl serts.
J. Madison Jr.


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 6 May 1783
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir
Philada. May 6. 1783.
Your favor of the 21. Ult. written at Col: Pendleton’s was brought to hand by the post of last week. Col: Floyd’s family did not set out untill the day after it was received. I accompanied them as far as Brunswick, about 60 miles from this, and returned hither on friday evening. Mr. Jones will attend the Assembly, and proposes to begin his journey this afternoon, if the present rain should cease. Mr. Lee also means to set out for the same purpose in a few days.
Congress have received a long and curious epistle from Mr. Adams dated in February addressed to the president not to the secretary for foreign affairs. He animadverts on the revocation of his commission for a treaty of commerce with Great Britain[,] presses the appointment of a minister to that court with such a commission[,] draws a picture of a fit character in which his own likeness is ridiculously and palpable studi[e]d[,] finaly praising and recomending Mr. Jay for the appointment provided injustice must be done to an older servant.
Letters from the Marquis de la Fayette and Mr. Carmichael shew that the Court of Spain has become pretty tractable since the acknowledgment of our Independence by G. B. The latter has been treated with due respect, and the Court has agreed to accede to the territorial limit fixed for W. Florida in the provisional Articles. The navigation of the Mississippi remains to be settled.

My absence from Congs. the past week disables me from giving you the exact information of their latest proceedings. I am told that in consequence of Mr. A—— letter the secretary of foreign affairs has been instructed to project a treaty of commerce with Great Britain which will probable bring the attention of Congress to the general department of foreign affairs
Under the same cover with this are two letters for Miss Patsy[,] one from Mrs. Trist, and the other from Miss Floyd with the copy of a song. I beg that my compliments may be accepted along with them.
I am Dear Sir your sincere friend
J. Madison Jr.


Title: Notes on Debates, 7 May 1783
From: Madison, James
To:

Wednesday May 7.
The Resolution moved yesterday by Mr. Lee for indemnifying military Officers, being reported by the Committee was agreed to
The Committee on a motion of Mr. Dyer, reported “that the States which had settled with their respective lines of the army for their pay since Aug. 1. 1780, should receive the Securities which would otherwise be due to such lines.”
The report was opposed on the ground that the settlements had not been discharged in the value due. The notes issued in payment by Connecticut were complained of, as being of little value.
The Report was disagreed to. see Journal.


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 7 May 1783
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Tuckahoe May 7: 1783.
I rec[eived] your favor of Apr. 22. and am not a little concerned at the alterations which took place in the Report on the impost &c. after I left you. the article which bound the whole together was I fear essential to get the whole passed; as that which proposed the conversion of state into federal debts was one [pa]latable ingredient at least in the pill we were to swallow. this proposition being then hopeful, I never consulted you whether The paiment of our Western expenditures, annexed as a condition to our passing the articles recommended, would not be acceded to by Congress; more especially when one of those articles is the cession of that very territory for the acquisition & defence of which these expenditures have been incurred. if I recollect rightly, Congress offered this in their first proposition for a cession. I beg your sentiments however on this subject by return of the first post. notwithstanding the unpromising form of these articles, I have waited a fortnight in the neighborhood of Richmond that I might see some of the members. I passed yesterday in associating & conversation with as many of them as I could the attorny has cooperated in this work. This is the view I form at present of the leaders. A. Lee R. H. Lee M. Page Taylar will be against them. so will Thruston and White if elected and even an Arthur Cambel[l] is thought worthy of being named with these as having some infloence in the south west quarter. In their favor will probable be Tylar Taz[e]well General Nelson W Nelson Nicholas & a Mr. Stewart a young man of good talents from the West Henry as usual is involved in mistery Should the popular tide run strongly in either direction, he will fall in with it Should it not he will have a struggl[e] between his enmity to the Lees & his enmity to every thing which may give influence to Congress T Mason is a meteor whose path can not be calculated all the powers of his mind seem at present concentrated on one singl[e] object the producing a convention to new model the Constitution this is a subjec[t] much agitated and seems the only one they will have to amuse themselfs with til they shall  receive your proposetions These should be hastened as I think the session will be short.
I have seen mr. Wythe. he has none of his amendments or notes on the Confederation.
Mr. Short has desired me to suggest his name as that of a person willing to become a legatine secretary should these offices be continud. I have apprized him of the possibility that they may not. you know my high opinion of his ableties and merits I will therefore only add that a peculiar talent for prying into facts seems to mark his character as proper for such a business He is young & little experienced in business tho well prepared for it these defects will lessen dayly should persons be proposed less proper on the whole, you would on motives of public good, knowing his willingness to serve give him a nomination & do justice to his character.
I rejoice at the information that Miss K. and yourself concur in sentiments I rejoice as it will render you happier and will give to me a neighbor on whom I shall set high value You will be continued in your delegation till the end of three years from the completion of the Confederation. You will therefore model your measures accordingly You say nothing of the time when you shall pay your visit to Virginia. I hope you will let me know of your arrival as soon as it happens should the call be made on me, which was sometimes the subject of our conversation and be so timed with your visit as that you may be the bearer of it I shall with great pleasure accomodate my movements to yours so as to accompany you on your return to Philadelphia
I set out this morning for Monticello. my affectionate compliments to the ladies & gentlemen of the house and sincere friendship to yourself. Adieu


Title: Notes on Debates, 8 May 1783
From: Madison, James
To:

Thursday May 8.
Mr. Bland suggested that the Prisoners of War should be detained, until an answer be given as to the delivery of slaves, represented in a letter from Mr. Thomas Walke, to be refused on the part of Sr. Guy Carlton.
On his motion seconded by Mr. Williamson it was ordered that the letter be sent to Gen: Washington for his information, in carrying into effect the Resolution of Apl. 15; touching arrangements with the British Commander for delivery of the posts, negroes &c.
A Portrait of Don Galvez was presented to Congress by Oliver Pollock.


Title: Motion of Instruction to the President, [9 May] 1783
From: Madison, James
To:

Editorial Note
Closely following the tally of votes by which the plan for restoring public credit was adopted on 18 April 1783, there is printed in the Gaillard Hunt edition of the journals of Congress John Rutledge’s undated and undocketed motion of almost the same tenor as the present one of JM. Rutledge probably did not offer his resolution on 18 April, for otherwise he would not have left that date to be inserted in his opening clause, “That the resolutions of the instant be transmitted to the several states” (NA: PCC, No. 36, II, 23; JCCWorthington Chauncey Ford et al.,
        eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789 (34
        vols.; Washington, 1904–37)., XXIV, 261–62). Rutledge’s motion may also date on 9 May. If he did introduce it, he probably withdrew it after being reminded that, although he was a strong advocate of state rights, he had confined the role of state legislatures only to taking “the measures necessary for complying with the requisitions of Congress.”

[9 May 1783]
That the Presidt. at the time of transmitting copies of the recommendations of Congs. of  the day of  &c. to the Executive authorities of the several States, inform them that it is the earnest desire of Congress, that such of the Legislatures as are neither sitting, nor about to meet in a short Time, may be convened with all possible expidition.


Title: Notes on Debates, 9 May 1783
From: Madison, James
To:

Friday May 9.
A question on a Report relating to the occupying the Posts when evacuated by the British was postponed by Virginia in right of a State.
Mr. Dyer moved a recommendation to the States to restore confiscated property conformably to the Provisional Articles. The motion produced a debate which went off without any positive result. Adjourned to Monday


Title: Benjamin Harrison to Virginia Delegates, 9 May 1783
From: Harrison, Benjamin
To: Virginia Delegates

Gentlemen
Richmond May 9th. 1783.
I duly received your favor of the 29th. of last Month. In my last I requested you to let Mr. Thompson know I would send by this Post an Act of Assembly repealing the Cession of the Western Teretory. I then thought there had been one, but the Clerk of the Delegates informs me I was mistaken, which you’l please to let him know, if you have delivered the Message.

I find private Letters frequently full of interesting Intelligence respecting the Politics of Europe, and the fears and expectations of Congress from that quarter, and many other things of Moment which would be of advantage to the State if known to the Executive, to obtain such Communications, appears to me to have been the principal Intention in establishing a weekly Correspondence between the Governor and the Delegates, and that without them it is scarcely worth the Continuance. I would not be understood to entertain a wish to be let into Secrets which ought not to be devulged, or to trespass so far on your Time, as to take you from the Duties of your Appointment, but I think as you write in turn, the Member to whose lot it falls might spend a few Minutes each Day between the Posts, in such Communications, which would be particularly useful to me during the setting of the Assembly as I am frequently applied to by the Members for Intelligence on Subjects which they know have been received by particular Gentlemen and on which they expect at least as full Information from their Governor as they can obtain from others.
There are not Members of Assembly enough met to proceed to Business, nor will there be before Munday, from the Tember of those I have conversed with it is to be apprehended, the Article of British Debts in the Treaty, will be but illy digested, tho’ I have my Hopes they will not enter on that Subject this Session.
I am with respect Gentlemen Yrs: &c.
B. H.


Title: To James Madison from Edmund Randolph, 9 May 1783
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Madison, James

My dear sir
Richmond May 9. 1783.
The due arrival of your friendly attention by every post has not been requited, in the manner most agreeable to my own feelings. My engagements in the forum from the 1st. Ulto. to this day, and the barrenness of intelligence must serve as my apology.
Monday last was the day appointed for the meeting of the assembly: and a larger number of members appeared, than has been seen for some years on the first day of the session. Among them was Mr. Henry. He is earnest in the reduction of the taxes; alledging the inability of the people, and scarcity of cash. These facts have received strong support from the motions, made at the last general court, against delinquent sheriffs to the amount of about £50,000. Their excuses in general consisted of the impracticability to find purchasers for the property seized.
Whether this temper predicts much in favor of the recommendations of congress, now on the road, I have not yet determined. It does not of necessity become an Obstacle to them, as the impost in most parts is supposed to fall heaviest upon men of opulence, for whose sakes the diminution of the taxes is by no means intended.
Some of those, with whom I have conversed, argue thus: “Our consumption exceeds our ability [in?] annual income: that of the other states does not: these therefore will by the impost pay according to their wealth, while we thereby render the yearly excess of our yearly revenue still more ruinous.” This objection shall not long keep its ground.
The cession of our western country, as recommended, beyond the assignment already made to the U. S, when connected with the delivery of a capital fund into the hands of congress, gives birth to difficulties of every complexion. It revives in the minds of some the ardor of congress to grasp that territory, and the possibility of this fund being diverted to offensive measures again [st] it. It is supposed to diminish our power, wealth and importan[ce] at the same time, that the impost itself will daily lessen our pecu[niary] talents. The labour will be severe indeed, which shall ex[pel?] the conviction of some individuals: for with them argument derived from the posture of our affairs, and the necessity of yielding something, altho’ to our disadvantage, to the cause [of] peace and the harmony of the union, pass under the appe[lla]tion of misdirected zeal, or ill-founded fears.
Mr. R. H. Lee arrived yesterday without his brother the Dr. My business has prevented me from conversing with him at all, and indeed with a[ny] other member, as fully as I wish.
We are much alarmed at the purpose of sending the definitive treaty to the imperia[l] courts before its completion. We have been too muc[h] injured by the war, not to dread its return. Perhaps i[t] would not be easy to find precedents of the abortion o[f] a treaty of peace, which has been carried as far as the ra[ti]fication of preliminaries: but a fresh opposition may b[e] artfully excited in these courts by G. B, who is now per[haps] led to hope something from Morris’s letter and the spir[ited] movements of the army.
Several british vessels have a[rri]ved in our rivers: some of which affect to intitle themsel[ves] to an entry by distress, and others in right of commerce upon t[he] cessation of hostilities. The executive have adjourned thei[r] cases to the assembly; before whom several zealous Scotch will appear, as I am told, urging the indulgence. An indulg[ence] it must be called; for a final consummation of the war dep[ends] as it would seem to me, upon the definitive treaty alone. I [am] somewhat surprized at the difficulties, which you sugges[t] in the construction of the phrase “during the war.” Howsoever active enmity may have been suspended by the preliminaries, the state of war appears still to exist.


Title: To James Madison from Jacquelin Ambler, 10 May 1783
From: Ambler, Jacquelin
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Richmond, Virga. 10th. May 1783
To my great mortification Mr. Newton is not yet come to the Assembly and, altho’ I wrote pressingly to him last week to send me the Bill, I have received no Answer. I hinted in my last the probability of your drawing from Mr. Newton’s Bill a part of the Arrears due to you, supposing some of the Gentlemen of the Delegation to have received nearly the amount of their Salaries: will you write me your Opinion as to the practicability of your being ava[i]led in this way. I find Mr. Mercer, as well as Mr. Jones, has given directions to their friends here to draw in their behalf when the Treasury is in Cash; by this it should seem they prefer this mode to that which I had adopted of purchasing Bills on the joint Accot. & remitting them to Philada. it must be obvious to them that both cannot be done.
Bills, such as I approve, are become scarce, if this was not the case, I confess I should be at a loss to know how to act, as some of the Gentlemen prefer the receiving their proportions here. Yours[,] Mr. Randolph will remit, unless you direct the contrary, whenever the Circumstances of the Treasury will enable me to make a dividend.
Yr friend & Servt
J. A.


Title: To James Madison from Edmund Pendleton, 10 May 1783
From: Pendleton, Edmund
To: Madison, James

Dr Sir
Richmond, May 10, 1783
I have no favr from you to acknowledge since my last, but have one from our friend Mr Jones of the 29th past, who from former Lres I expected had left Philada before that Period. I am sorry to learn from him, that determinations in the British Courts of Admiralty (I suppose at N. York) have extended the period of legalising Captures at Sea to two Months from the ratification of the Preliminary Articles, which appears to me wholly unwarrantable by the terms of those Articles; besides the loss of much American property, such a glaring stretch of Judicial Rapacity gives an impression unfavourable to the Spirit of Conciliation held out by their King, which meeting with something of the same impression in the revival of Committees in the East for sending back Refugees as fast as they appear, has not that healing Aspect, wch Peace was expected to produce, and may suddenly rekindle the flames of War, even before the definitive treaty is signed; an event the British Parliament do not, from their debates, seem very averse to: It is a serious subject, but I will suppres further thoughts on it, leaving it to those to whom it belongs and who from a view of the whole are better enabled to form a Judgment on it. We yet want 11 members to make an House of Delegates, which they expect will be compleated on Monday next. many Projects of a Political nature, as well as relating to finance, are in Embryo, but I will not trouble you with the Indigested heap, which even the authors do not appear to have brought to any Point. my future letters will probably state them, as they shall be brought forth. In the mean time our trade is almost at a stand, many Vessells lying in the Rivers, not yet permitted to an Entry. We have had some fine Rains—which has relieved us from the dread of a famine, from a remarkable drought in April.
I am My D Sr yr very Affe
Edmd Pendleton


Title: Notes on Debates, 12–13 May 1783
From: Madison, James
To:

Monday May 12. See Journal

Tuesday May 13. No Congress.


Title: Virginia Delegates to Benjamin Harrison, 13 May 1783—Missing Letter
From: Virginia Delegates
To: Harrison, Benjamin

Editorial Note
13 May 1783. In a letter of 20 May to Edmund Randolph (q.v.), JM mentioned a “letter from the Delegation by the last post to the Govr.,” asking him to inform the General Assembly of the expected negotiations “for a Treaty of Commerce” with Great Britain and of the delegates’ wish to know “the final sense of the State” on that subject. Governor Harrison referred the letter to the House of Delegates on 22 May (JHDV(1828 ed.). Journal of the House of
          Delegates of Virginia, Anno Domini, 1776 (Richmond, 1828)., May 1783, pp. 16, 17). See also Instruction to Delegates, 23–24 May 1783.


Title: From James Madison to Edmund Randolph, 13 May 1783
From: Madison, James
To: Randolph, Edmund

Dear Sir
Philada. 13. May. 1783.
By Mr. Lee who set out yesterday afternoon I sent you a pamphlet collecting into one view all the acts & documents relative to the National debt &c which Congress have prepared for the Legislatures. For still more minute information on the subject, I refer you to Mr. Jones who is now on his way to Virga. and will be at Richmond a few days after Mr. Lee. I refer you to him rather than to the latter gentleman because the task will coincide more with his sentiments as to the measure.
Genl. Washington & Genl. Carlton have had an interview on the subject of the provisional treaty which was interrupted by the indisposition of the latter. It wd. seem from the conversation which passed that altho’ a sincere intention is professed of evacuating N.Y. & all the other posts, the time at which it may be expected is very uncertain; and that a shameful evasion of the article for restoring the slaves will be practiced. Carlton did not deny that numbers of them were going off from N.Y. and attempted to justify the indulgence by a most outrageous misconstruction of the Treaty; and by the [professed?] necessity of adhering to the tenor of the proclamations under which the Negroes had resorted within the British lines. He said that in case a different construction of the Treaty sd. be established a compensation would be made to the suffering owners, and that the precaution of keeping Registers of all Negroes which should leave N.Y. would be accordingly observed. An ominous sample of candor & good faith in our New friends!
We have no further advices of the definitive Treaty. The sweets of peace begin to be amply enjoyed notwithstanding its delay. All foreign commodities have fallen to a price almost below example whilst the produce of the Country has proportionally risen beyond former prices. Salt is already down at 1/4 Dr. per bushel & wheat up at 8/. perdo. I hope a removal of all legal obstacles to a share of these blessings, will claim the first attention of the Assembly. Their proceedings on that & other matters will furnish you with ample means I trust for resuming your correspondence as soon as your forensic labours will admit of a respite. With great affection I am Dr. Sir Yr. fr[i]end & Sert.
J. Madison Jr.
The letter from the Govr. signifies that the territorial cession of Virga. has been revoked. Is this the fact? ascertain it & let me know.


Title: To James Madison from Edmund Randolph, 15 May 1783
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Madison, James

My dear friend
Richmond May 15. 1783.
The assembly have plunged into business without delay; and the important question of the impost has occupied their first attention. Mr. Henry is its strenuous supporter, and was the author of the resolution, by which an impost is declared to be fit for adoption under certain limitations and restrictions. What those limitations & restrictions shall be remain unknown, as they are left to the preparation of the committee, appointed to bring in the bill, to be founded on that resolution. It is unfortunate that this subject has been discussed under the aspect, in which congress formerly presented it to the different legislatures. The odious parts of the scheme, which the new recommendations will correct, furnish a topic of declamation, if not of solid argument against it. The committee will therefore probably defer their report, until the arrival of Mr. Jones, or some other bearer of the late proposals, relative to the impost.
Mr. H——y being fixed in his opinion, little need be apprehended from the Leeward quarter. I am informed, that much was said of the danger of introducing continental officers for the collection of the impost, and much was complained of this alteration for supplying the treasury of the U. S. against the provisions of the confederation. To these objections Mr. Henry ludicrously offered an easy remedy, by drawing the teeth and cutting the nails of the officers of revenue. The incroachment on the confederation met no serious answer.
I wish for the sake of national honor, that the legislature had not been so rapid as they have been in repealing the acts against british merchandize. You will perceive, how eagle-winged they were in this business. I should be sorry for the eagerness after these proscribed commodities, if they did not tend to shew a determination to conform to the spirit of the treaty.
The wiser opinion concerning the offensive branches of the treaty seems to be, at least to postpone any steps concerning them until the whole is laid open by the definitive one. Some ill-digested minds are daily belching out crude invectives, and determinations to oppose the collection of british debts. These however are checked by the moderation of better heads, which, howsoever they lament the recovery of these debts, will not violate the treaty; or in other words will not subject british executions to other impediments, than are imposed on those of our own citizens.
An exclusion of certain refugees is popular with some. Mr. H——y rejects with indignation every resentment against petty objects, as being unworthy of legislative enmity, and being too likely to put aside from the view of the members of the assembly the wide-extended field of legislation.
Religion, which has been hitherto treated with little respect by the assembly, was yesterday incorporated into their proceedings. Mr. H——ry moved for a chaplain; and that a prayer should be composed adapted to all persuasions. The prayer has not been reported, tho’ several trials, I am told, have been made.
I have denied the mission of Payne to Rhode Island by an act of congress, as far as I was authorized so to do by the information, which I have as yet received. I wish to be authorized to go farther, even to a positive contradiction. For it carries an unfavourable impression. It leads the adversaries of congressional powers to declaim roundly against tampering &c.
Colo. Nicholas has obtained leave to bring in a bill against the eligibility of members of congress to the assembly. It will succeed.
I shall send you a copy of the journal, of every week, if the industry of the printer will suffer me. This second sheet is the only one relating to real business.


Title: Notes on Debates, 16–17 May 1783
From: Madison, James
To:

Friday May 16. see Journal

Saturday May 17. no Congress.


Title: To James Madison from Jacquelin Ambler, 17 May 1783
From: Ambler, Jacquelin
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Richmond Virga. 17. May 1783
Mr. Newton has at length sent the first Bills which I now transmit you, two of £500. each. I was alarmed at the first view of them, being drawn at a very long period after sight, but I observe they were accepted as long ago as September last & of course payable immediately. As Mr. Mercer’s order for £100. has been paid here; & Mr. Jones, I presume, will also expect to draw Money out of the Treasury on his arrival, I think it highly reasonable you should draw, in addition to your share of the present Remittance, a part of the arrears due to you. this I hope you will be able to effect. in aid of this Mr. Attorney has drawn by warrants upon the Auditors £300. on your Accot. which he has commissioned Mr. Webb to remit to you. I had procured three Bills of £100. each on Messrs. Inglis & Co. not doubting but the Auditors would on Mr. Randolph’s first application issue warrants for £300. on your Accot. but it seems they have lost the Account I was at so much trouble to state for them & they now fancy the Balance due to you even to this time does not exceed the £200. I kept no Copy of that Accot. but I hope you have & shall be obliged to you to send it by next post. I hope on sight of it to be able to satisfy the Gentlemen that you are under the Mark. The extreme hurry of business must apologize for this scrawl.
Be so good as forward an acknowledgment from the Gentlemen of the Sums each have drawn in the several Genl. Dividends & request the favor of them to state their Accots. to the 31st March inclu. & transmit them to the Auditors directing warrants to be made out. there is no other mode of adjusting their Accounts


Title: Benjamin Harrison to Virginia Delegates, 17 May 1783
From: Harrison, Benjamin
To: Virginia Delegates

Gentlemen
In Council May 17th. 1783.
I have nothing of Consequence to communicate to you by this Post[.] a sufficient Number to constitute an Assembly met on Munday last, but the great Business of the Session is not sufficiently open’d to enable me to form a conclusive Judgment on the Steps that will be taken to improve the present happy Moment.
I could wish you to hasten the determinations of Congress on the Subject of a revenue as much as possible or they may come too late for the necessary discussion and therefore go perhaps unattended to. You some Time ago promised to send me a Copy of the Offer made by N. York of a Teretory to Congress, for the purpose of building a Town for their reception, and to hold their meetings in[,] which has slip’d your Memory, I wish you again to think of it and to send it forward with any proposal that may be made by Maryland, as I like the Idea of fixing it at George Town and have no doubt of our Assembly’s coming into any reasonable Proposition that shall be made to them.
I am with respect Gentlen: yrs: &c.
B. H.


Title: Notes on Debates, 19 May 1783
From: Madison, James
To:

Monday May 19.
Spent in debating the Report recommending provision for Tories according to the Provisional Artics. of peace.


Title: Motion of Instructions to Peace Commissioners, [20 May] 1783
From: Madison, James
To:

[20 May 1783]
That the sd. Ministers be instructed also to endeavor to insert in the Difinitive Treaty of peace between U. S. & G. B, reasonable provision for the interests of such of the Inhabitants of Canada as may have suffered by confiscations or sequestrations of their effects, in Consequence of their engaging in the service of the U. S.
That the sd. Ministers be further instructed to contend for an express stipulation in the difinitive Treaty of peace providing for a fair liquidation of all charges for subsistance of prisoners of war and other just purposes, & for discharge of the balances which may appear to be due.


Title: Notes on Debates, 20 May 1783
From: Madison, James
To:

Tuesday May 20.
On the proposal to discharge the troops who had been enlisted for the war (amounting to ten thousand men) from the want of means to support of them.

Mr. Carroll urged the expediency of caution, the possibility that advantage might be taken by G. B. of a discharge both of prisoners and of the army, and suggested the middle course of furloughing the troops.
Mr. Dyer was strenuous for getting rid of expence; considered the war at an end: that G. B. might as well renew the war after the definitive Treaty as now; that not a moment ought to be lost in disburdening the public of needless expence.
Mr. Rutlidge viewed the conduct of G. B. in so serious a light that he almost regretted having voted for a discharge of Prisoners. He urged the expediency of caution, and of consulting the Commander [in] chief. He accordingly moved that the Report be referred to him for his opinion & advice. The motion was seconded by Mr. Izzard.
Mr. Clarke asked whether any military operation was on foot that the Commander in Chief was to be consulted. This was a national question, which the National Council ought to decide. He was agst. furloughing the men because they would carry their arms with them: He said we were at peace, & complained that some could not separate the idea of a Briton from that of cutting throats.
Mr. Ellsworth enlarged on the impropriety of submitting to the Commander in Chief a point on which he could not possess competent materials for deciding. we ought to discharge the men engaged for the war or to furlough them. He preferred the former.
Mr. Mercer descanted on the insidiousness of G. B. and warmly opposed the idea of laying ourselves at her mercy, that we might save fifty thousand dollars; altho’ Congress knew that they were violating the Treaty as to Negroes.
Mr. Williamson proposed that the Soldiers be furloughed. Mr. Carroll seconded him, that the two modes of furlough & discharge might both lye on the table.
By general consent this took place.
The Report as to confiscated property, on the Instructions from Virga. & Penna. was taken up, & agreed to be recommitted, together with a motion of Mr. Madison to provide for the case of Canadian refugees, & for settlement of accts. with the British, and a motion of Mr. Hamilton to insert, in a definitive Treaty a mutual stipulation not to keep a naval force on the Lakes.