Title: From John Quincy Adams to Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams, 27 September 1814
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson

N. 39.
My Dear wife.
Ghent 27. September 1814.

If you keep the file of my Letters, and will look back to that of 5. August. you will find it contains an incartade against the Post-Office, for treating you and me so ungraciously, by its caprices and delays in the transmission of our Letters to each other.—It is very agreeable to me to find that my next Letter after that, to you, was delivered at the proper day the Wednesday, for the first time, and that your answer to it, dated 2. September, has also been this day regularly delivered to me. I had on Saturday last received your’s of 30. August. and on this day last week, as then acknowledged, your’s of 25. August—We have thus gained the great point of prevailing upon the Post-Office, to deliver our Letters as we write them, twice a week; and on the presumption that this favour, now it has once been granted will be continued, I venture to send the present, though a Tuesday’s Letter, addressed directly to you, without enclosing it as I have those of the three last weeks, under cover to Amsterdam.—I think it was Anaxagoras, but at any rate it was one of the Grecian philosophers, who is said to have died at the age of 96 years, lamenting that he must go out of the world, when he had just had time enough to learn how to live in it—Though I shall certainly not regret leaving Ghent, when that departure will be coupled with the prospect of returning to you yet I feel something of the philosopher’s sentiment, in wishing that this kind indulgence of the Post-Office had been extended to us, when we should have had more opportunities of enjoying the advantage of it.—My greatest apprehension however now is, of enjoying these advantages longer than I had expected, and much longer than I should wish. It is already nearly a month since I requested you to cease writing to me, on the full conviction, that I should not be here to receive your Letters—
In my last I desired you, to begin writing again, for that we may very possibly be detained here three Months longer—It appears to me to be the policy of the British Government to keep the American War, as an object to continue or to close according to the Events which may occur in Europe or in America—If so they will neither make a Peace, nor break off the negotiation; and the Circumstances may be such as to detain us here the whole Winter—Yesterday, we sent the Answer to the third Note of the British Plenipotentiaries, as I wrote you last Friday I expected we should—Observe that our Conferences have been suspended, ever since the 19th: of last Month; nearly six weeks, and that all we have been during that interval been discussing is merely preliminary; whether we shall or shall not treat at-all, upon the former differences between the two Nations—We have not yet come to the real objects of Negotiation. Mr Gallatin now inclines to the opinion that this will not be our last Communication—I have suggested a proposal, to which my Colleagues have assented, and in our present Note it has been made—They think it will be accepted, and if it is, the Negotiation will proceed, and the conferences probably be resumed—If it is not accepted I hope it will at least bring us to a point, which will prevent further dilatory proceedings—
We are still unanimous in the grounds we take—Our Adversaries have hitherto taken ten days to answer each of our Notes, and we have answered each of theirs in five—But in truth we have to deal not only with the three Plenipotentiaries, one of whom was amply sufficient for five American Negotiators, but with the whole British privy Council, who have taken cognizance of every one of our Communications; and have prescribed the answers to them—Our joint Notes have hitherto been principally composed by Mr Gallatin and myself—the other Gentlemen altering, erasing, amending and adding to what we write, as they think proper. We then in a general meeting, adapt together the several parts of each draft to be retained, discard what is thought proper to be rejected, criticise and retouch until we are all weary of amendment, and then have the fair copy drawn off to be sent to the Chartreux, the residence of the British Plenipotentiaries—
In this process, about seven eights of what I write, and one half of what Mr Gallatin writes, is struck out. The reason of the difference is that his composition is argumentative, and mine is declamatory. He is always perfectly cool, and I in the judgment of my Colleagues, am often more than temperately warm. The Style of the papers we receive is bitter as the quintessence of wormwood—Arrogant, dictatorial, insulting, and we pocket it all with the composure of the Athenian who said to his adversary “Strike, but hear!”—Now in all this tranquillity of endurance, I finally acquiesce, because it may be more politic to suppress than to exhibit our just indignation—But when I first write I indulge my own feelings, well knowing that the castigation my draft has to pass through, will strip it of all its inflammible matter—It happens sometimes also that I have views of the subject in discussion not acceptable to some of my Colleagues, and not deemed important by others—There is much more verbal criticism, used with me too, than with any other member of the Mission, and even it you had been inclined to gratify me with a compliment upon my talent at writing, I have it too continually disproved by the successive demolition of almost every sentence I write here, to permit myself to be elated by your partiality—The result of all this is, that the tone of all our Papers, is much more tame than I should make it, if I were alone, and yet the English Gazettes pretend that we have taken it high and spirited. On the other hand I am thought sometimes to go too far in concession; to give him the adversary advantages in the argument which might be inconvenient; and to speak of the British Nation, in terms which might gratify their Pride all such passages are inexorably excluded—All this winnowing and sifting would be of the highest advantage to myself, if I was at the improving period of life—At present I consider its principal advantage to be that it effectually guards against the ill-effect of my indiscretions.—Mr Gallatin keeps and increases his influence over us all—It would have been an irreparable loss, if our Country had been deprived of the benefit of his talents in this Negotiation.
With my last Letter I enclosed you one from Mrs Smith—They have taken private chambers, within a few doors of the Hotel Lovendighem; (the house in which we live) and he has concluded to go home in the Neptune. It would be very injudicious in him, as well as very expensive to return to St: Petersburg with the Prospect of holding his office only till next Summer, and then to have no certain means of returning to the United States—As he is duly commissioned he is yet entitled to his Salary, and I shall take upon myself to pay it to him untill the end of the next Quarter, that is to the end of the year—It will defray the expences of the voyage, and the circumstances of his case will give him some claim to the consideration of Government, and may contribute to place him in a situation more congenial to his character than that he has held in Russia.
There was a great dinner yesterday of more than forty persons, of both sexes at Mr Meulemeaster’s—Mrs Smith was there; and indeed I suppose the party was given principally for her.—We spent the Evening there, until near Midnight according to the custom of the Country. The Evening amusement is Cards, and almost everybody plays; but no high play.
The day after to-morrow we are to have an Evening Tea and Card party at our house—We have sent cards of invitation to seventy or eighty persons, half of whom we scarcely know by name—It is not to be a formal Ball, but there will be I suppose some dancing. We invited the British Ministers and their family, but they do not come and have sent excuses—They are going to Antwerp that day.—This looks as if we should soon part.
The English Newspapers of the 21st. have General Drummond’s official Report of the Battle of 25th: July, which was most obstinately fought, and probably lost by us, only because our Generals Brown and Scott, were both, severely wounded.
Love to Charles—Yours ever affectionately
A.


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams, 30 September 1814
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson

N. 40.
My dearest friend.
Ghent 30. September 1814.

Who of all the world should bolt into my bed-chamber yesterday-morning before 8 O’Clock, but George Boyd!—He comes as bearer of Dispatches to us, and to Mr Crawford, from the Department of State—Left Washington the 12th: and New-York the 16th: of August. in one of the swift-sailing Baltimore Schooners, arrived at Bordeaux, the 17th: of this Month, at Paris the 23d: and here about 6 O’Clock yesterday Morning, having travelled from Paris, Night and Day—He came from America without a Cartel, the British Admiral commanding on the station having refused to grant one, saying that after that he had given for the Chauncy, he thought that would be sufficient, until the American Government, should hear from us. The vessel he came in is the Transit, Captain Richardson—He had not more than twelve hours Notice, when he was dispatched from Washington, and brought for me, only one private Letter, from Mr Hellen—He had also the enclosed Letter for you; which consisting of two sheets of paper, I took the Liberty of opening, on the expectation that there would be a Letter within it for Mrs Smith—Finding there was none, I have not read the Letter myself, but as I saw it was from Mrs Buchanan, I presumed you would approve my permitting Mrs Smith to read it—I therefore at her request sent it to her this morning, and she has read it—I have not seen her since; but she sent me word by Mr Smith that the person to whom Caroline Smith is to be married is a Mr DeWint of New-York, whom Smith says he well knows—a Young man of about his age—a lawyer—and with a handsome property.
My letter from Hellen croaks more than ever—The British have burnt down one of his houses in Calvert County; and he writes me only to tell me that if we do not make peace, the Country is ruined for ever, and past all redemption. He says his health is worse than ever, and that he believes it will not be possible for him to hold out much longer. His Letter would have alarmed me more, if Boyd had not relieved me from part of my concern—He says he thinks Hellen would soon be well, if Peace were made; and that he is not so sick as he thinks himself—Mrs Hellen it seems has a boy, four Months old.
The Battle of Bridgwater 25th: July was one of the most sangwinary conflicts of modern times—In proportion to the numbers engaged, equal to any thing in the Wars of the French Revolution—Chauncey was confined by a fever at Sacket’s harbour, and the fleet could not go out. General Drummond therefore was enabled to re-inforce Riall, by fresh troops from Kingston, by water—They had 5000 men engaged, though Drummond in his official account says he had not more than 2800. Our troops were not more than 4000—they stormed the British Posts and took all their Artillery; but for want of horses could bring away only one piece of Cannon—Our troops retired to Fort Eri, because the two Generals highest in command, Brown and Scott were both severely wounded—The British soon after invested and summoned Fort Eri, and thus affairs stood when Boyd came away—But we have this day accounts from London of still later dates and of more important events.—A vessel has arrived in England which sailed from Bristol, Rhode-Island the 28th: of August—On the 15th: of that Month, the British attempted to take Fort Eri by storm—They attacked at 2 O’Clock in the Morning, and were repulsed with a loss of 600 men, killed, wounded and prisoners—The loss on our side in killed and wounded was not more than thirty. In this affair, which was in the highest degree brilliant on our side, we were also favoured by the Fortune of War, which in the Battle of Bridgwater had been severely against us—The British scaling ladders were too short; and they had 200 men killed by the blowing up of a Magazine—They charged with the bayonet, and came on with such confidence of success that they had taken the flints out of their Guns—The British after their defeat retired upon Fort-George, and were said to be already pinched for want of provisions—Chauncey was at last out, on the Lake, and blockaded the British at Kingston so that they could send no succours—Our sangwine tempers here have already made up a capitulation for Drummond’s force—If wishes could realize hopes I should share in these expectations.
Admiral Cochrane has arrived in the Chesapeake Bay, with his expedition from Bermuda, ten ships of the line, fourteen frigates 45 transports and six or seven thousand men—He arrived there 18th: August, and the Attack was expected at Washington or Baltimore, in the course of a week or ten days—The probability is that Washington will be taken; and this news we may expect in the course of a fortnight—We must say as Kutuzoff wrote to the Emperor Alexander, when he lost Moscow—Washington is not America.
The British Plenipotentiaries have again sent our Note to England, as we supposed they would—They expect the answer next Monday or Tuesday—Their tour of duty appears to be much easier than ours—for since the Conference of 9. August they have had little or nothing else to do than to seal up and open dispatches—The extent of their authority is to perform the service of a Post-Office between us and the British privy-Council—If they get the news of their troops having taken Washington or Baltimore before they transmit to us their next Note they may perhaps undertake to dismiss us—If not they may prepare for us materials for another Note—I wrote you that they did not accept our invitation for a tea-party last Evening, but went to Antwerp I suppose purposely to avoid it.
Our party turned out to be, what I had anticipated—a Ball.—We had invited nearly 150 persons, and almost all of them came—The elderly Ladies and Gentlemen had Cards, and the young People danced—The Ball was très animé, and finished with a romping Boulangère, at three this morning—It was more like one of your Boston-Balls than any thing I ever saw any where else—Mr Gallatin and myself were, as Boyd says, the Ringleaders. We had never seen, and knew not the names of about half the company; but they all appeared to be highly pleased with their entertainment—Our garden was illuminated, and at a central gate there was the following inscription—
Gand voudroit dans ses murs,
Voir, par un desir sincère,
Regler les destins futurs
De l’Amérique et l’Angleterre.
Ah! Puisse enfin l’arbre de Pallas
Fleurir sur le sol des deux Mondes,
Ah! sur la terre at sous l’Onde,
Repose toi, Dieu des Combats!
There was also a line or two of Latin, but that I did not see—If you think the French Poetry as flat and déplacé as I do, you will have enough of that without the Latin—We had no part in either—But if the British mission had been here it would have been not so much amiss—Adieu, my love! I have more to say; but it must be for the next Post—Boyd sends you a thousand kind remembrances—He was much disappointed in not meeting you here—I enclose a Letter from Mrs Smith.—Love to Charles.—
A.


Title: From Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams to John Quincy Adams, 30 September 1814
From: Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson
To: Adams, John Quincy

My best Friend
St: Petersburg Septbr. 30 1814

I had entirely left off writing under the idea that you would have been on your way home very shortly after writing your Letter of the 2d which I answer’d and sent to Dresden.
You appear to be under great anxiety about my discretion, and I am very uneasy likewise because every thing that you right write me is know before your letters arrive not from your letters but from England and I am always in fear that you will think it owing to my fault as to the hint you give about speculations I really do not know what you mean or why you should have suggested such an idea I believe since I have known you I have never given you reason to imagine that you I would do any thing of the kind indeed I have ever been so cautious that I have never enjoy’d the trifling privileges which your situation entitled me to and which would added have added many comforts to my life.
Should this Letter reach and you should have to remain I wish you to me nothing whatever concerning the business and only to mention the time of your return when it is positively fixed.
Charles has again his Winter Cough, and I have a fluxion which makes me feel quite sick I shall move into Town in a few days as it both Snows and rains: and it begins to be very cold and disagreeable.
Should Mrs. Smith be with you give my love to her, and tell her how very sorrow I am that I urged them to leave Russia. when I read her letter I felt as if I had caused all her sufferings, but reflexion convinced that I could not have acted otherwise with propriety.
God Bless you and make you as happy as I wish you
L. C. Adams


Title: From Charles Francis Adams to John Quincy Adams, 6 October 1814
From: Adams, Charles Francis
To: Adams, John Quincy

No: 6Dear PapaSt Petersburg October 6th 1814
As you desired I left off writing although I had prepared a letter. As Mama has just recieved your Letter of the 23 September permitting us to write again I send you an extract from my Journal because I have so much to do for my Masters I cannot get a letter ready for the next Post.
You will be surprised to learn that I have acted a part in a french play which was performed at Mrs: Krehmers on Mr Krehmers birthday.
Thursday October 6th: 1814
This morning we played before the Chevalier de St: Bernard. We sat down 24 Persons to dinner; and at seven O’clock we began our performance, which went off very well, there was a large company. I was very much frightened at first but soon got over it. The Scene represented a garden. The Chevalier was prompter. The play was l’Avengle de Spa. the characters as follows, Madame Aglebert Mrs. Krehmer, Lady Semur, Miss S Fock, Felicie. Miss Gaselet. Goton Mrs: Fisher Jeannette Sophie Krehmer Louison Betsy. Pere Antoine George and Marie myself. The After-peiece, was la Bergere Bienfaisante. la Bergere Miss Fock, Sophie Babet, Betsy Fanchette, and George Le viellard. Between the plays Julia recited some Verses. The evening closed with a dance Mama and I came to town, to Sleep in her new House. I hope you will be here to see us act on the 8 of January, as it would give me much more pleasure to play before you. I am Dear Papa your Dutiful Son
Charles Francis Adams


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams, 7 October 1814
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson

N. 42.My dearest friend.
Ghent 7. October 1814.

Captain Bates arrived here yesterday morning, from Amsterdam, and has lent me a number of American Newspapers, of the month of August, and to the first of September inclusive—They were brought by the Dutch vessel, the Prince of Orange, arrived at the Texel—The same that had touched at Havre de Grace—The Dutch Minister, Mr Changuion had gone in her to America, conveyed by the Ajax, a Dutch vessel of War. The Ajax has not yet returned. I have been much disappointed in receiving no Letters from Quincy by this opportunity; but it is said that almost every body else is in the same predicament—Not a letter to any member of our Mission has come—The vessel is said to have sailed sooner than was expected, though precisely on the day, of which notice had been given.
The newspapers contain a great variety of details respecting the fall of Washington, and the destruction of buildings and of property public and private affected by the Enemy—The whole transaction is much more disgraceful to the British than it is injurious to us. The destruction of the Capitol, the President’s House, the Public Offices and many private houses, is contrary to all the usages of civilized Nations, and is without  example even in the Wars that have raged during the French Revolutions—There is scarecely a Metropolis in Europe, that has not been taken in the course of the last twenty-Years—There is not a single instance in all that time of public Buildings like those, being destroyed—The army of Napoleon did indeed blow up the Kremlin at Moscow; but that was a fortified Castle; and even thus the act has ever been and ever will be stigmatised, as one of the most infamous of his deeds.
It has indeed been conformable to the uniform experience of mankind, that no Wars, are so cruel and unrelenting as civil Wars; and unfortunately every War between Britain and America must and will be a civil War; or at least will bear most of its peculiar characters—The ties of Society between the two Nations are far more numerous between them than between any two other Nations upon Earth—they are almost as numerous as if they continued to be what even in our day they have been, under the same Government—But whenever these ties are burst asunder by War, the conflicting passions of the parties, are multiplied and exasperated in the same proportion; in the moral as well as the physical world the principles of repulsion are exactly proportioned to those of attraction. We must therefore expect that the excesses of War committed by the British against us, will be more outrageous than those they are guilty of against any other people; and we must be neither surprized nor dejected at finding them to be so—The same British Officers who boast in their dispatches of having blown up the Legislative Hall of Congress and the dwelling-house of the President, would have been ashamed of the act instead of glorying in it, had it been done in any European City—The exultation at this Event in England is just such as to prove that the passions of malice, and envy and revenge, which prompted their military and naval officers to the exploit are prevailing universally throughout the Nation—The Times and the Courier, rave and foam at the mouth about it. The Morning Chronicle to justify the Destruction of the Capitol and other public buildings calls it a mitigated retaliation for some private houses burnt by our troops in Canada—But Lewistown, French-town, Havre de Grace, Hampton, and many other scenes of British barbarism and brutality, preceded any irregular act of that nature, on our part. The first example of every Savage feature in the War, has been shewn by the British—The feelings excited by such atrocities among our people could not be restrained—they retaliated; and now the British retaliate upon retaliation—In this contest of ferocious and relentless fury we shall ultimately fall short of the British, because we have not so much of the Tyger in our composition—A very strong evidence of this has been shown in the history of the destruction of Washington—It seems that after having effected their purpose, the terror of the British was so great, of being cut off in their retreat, and their flight was so precipitate, that they left their own dead, unburied on the fields, and their own wounded, as prisoners, at the mercy of the very people whose public edifices and private habitations they had been consuming by fire—If those wounded prisoners have not been gibbeted on the trees between Bladensburg and Washington, to fatten the region kites, and to swing as memorials of British valour and humanity, it has not been because the provocation to such treatment was insufficient, but because it belongs to our national character to relent into mercy towards a vanquished and defenceless enemy.
The next point of attack, it appears by letters from on board of Cochrane’s fleet of which we have heard, was supposed to be Norfolk—There are also indications, threatening New-Orleans, New-London, New-York and Boston—At the same time on the side of Canada the reinforcements from Bordeaux had already nearly reached Kingston upon Lake Ontario—The three-decker, which was to give them the superiority on that Water was nearly finished—General Izard was at or near Sacket’s Harbour, with a force yet superior to the British at Kingston, but doing Nothing. Chauncey was flouncing about upon the Lake, but doing Nothing. A momentary glory shone upon our arms on the Niagara frontier, where Brown, Scott, and Gaines have proved themselves worthy of their brethren in arms upon the Ocean—In the attack of 15. August upon Fort Erie, the loss of the British exceeded probably 1000 men—The gallant Coll: Drummond, was shot dead, almost in the very act of crying out to his troops “Give the damned Yankees no Quarter.”—They pretend they had been deceived as to the numbers of our Garrison at Fort Erie; by the reports of some deserters from the Fort, and that after their defeat, they hung the deserters—doubtless for the encouragement of desertion.
General Brown’s official account of the battle of Bridgewater 25 July, is one of the handsomest military dispatches I ever read—He appears to be an officer of the highest order of character—It was a deplorable misfortune that both he and Scott were wounded in the action—It would otherwise have been on our side a Victory as decisive as it was glorious—Alas! all this will be unavailing—Sacket’s Harbour will be taken—Izard will be beaten; our fleet on Lake Ontario will be totally destroyed— and... I pray you, my dear  Louisa, not to be dismayed, or disheartened, when this news comes—I am prepared to receive it, and yet, not to abate a jot of heart or hope.
We have not yet received the reply from the British Plenipotentiaries to our last note, although twelve days have past since we sent it to them—The accounts from America have probably contributed to delay the Communication from them, but they may finally give them a decisive character, which is all that I can now wish. While this uncertainty continues, it is impossible for me to say when I shall have the happiness of returning to you—The Voyage by Sea is no longer practicable; nor can I now expect to be with you sooner than the last of November. It is too late for me to say any thing to you on the subject of a House for the Winter—I hope that you concluded to take that of Mr. Gisborne as you intended, until March—One great motive of my wish for which is that you will be so near to Mr and Mrs Krehmer—
Love to Charles—Mrs: Smith promised to send me a letter for you this Evening; but Caroline is a little unwell, and this may have prevented her mother from writing. I spend an hour or two with them every Evening—
Ever affectionately yours
A.


Title: Three party indenture for distribution of property between JA and AA et al., 7 October 1814
From: Adams, Abigail Smith,Adams, John
To:

                            October 7, 1814

                        This indenture of three parts made and concluded this seventh day of October in the year of our Lord One thousand eight hundred & fourteen by and between John Adams Esquire and Abigail his wife in her right, of Quincy in the County of Norfolk & Commonwealth of Massachusetts, Richard Norton of Alexandria in the District of Columbia Esquire, William Norton of Weymouth in said County of Norfolk, Gentleman, Jacob Norton, Edward Norton, Thomas Norton, Elizabeth Norton, Mary Norton, Lucy Norton all of Weymouth aforesaid minors by their Guardian Jacob Norton of Weymouth aforesaid Clerk; William Cranch of Alexandria aforesaid Esquire; John Greenleaf of Quincy aforesaid Gentleman & Lucy his wife in her right; Stephen Peabody of Atkinson in the state of New Hampshire Clerk and Elizabeth his wife in her right—on the first part—Cotton Tufts Junior of Weymouth aforesaid Esquire on the second part; and Celia Thaxter, Elizabeth Thaxter, Thomas Loring merchant and Joanna his wife in her right, Thomas Thaxter Gentleman and Anna his wife in her right, & Quincy Thaxter Gentleman all of Hingham in the County of Plymouth & Commonwealth aforesaid on the third part. Witnesseth—That whereas the persons above named are seized infer simple & hold as tenants in common in the following proportions to wit—The said John Adams & Abigail his wife in her right, Richard Norton, William Norton, Jacob Norton, Edward Norton Thomas Norton, Elizabeth Norton, Mary Norton, Lucy Norton, William Cranch, John Greenleaf & Lucy his wife in her right & Stephen Peabody and Elizabeth his wife in her right—one full third part; the said Cotton Tufts Junior one other full third part; & the said Celia Thaxter, Elizabeth Thaxter, Thomas Loring & Joanna his wife in her right, Thomas Thaxter and Anna his wife in her right & Quincy Thaxter the other third part of a tract of land lying in Braintree in said County of Norfolk containing about eighty three acres & three quarters, known by the name of Aldrich’s farm & bounded as follows to wit, begining at the Southerly corner of said land at a Stake and a heap of stones and runing North sixty six degrees East by Capt French’s land ninety Seven rods to a stake; thence runing North twenty four degrees and an half west twenty four rods & twelve links to a heap of stones; thence runing North twenty two degrees east one hundred & seventeen rods by land of T. Hollis to a heap of stones, thence runing South seventy four degrees & an half West one hundred & forty five rods by land of Benjamin Beale to a stake and stones; thence runing south fifteen degrees east eighty two rods by land of Capt T. Hollis to a stake & stones; thence runing South seventy seven degrees west nineteen rods & fifteen links to a heap of stones; thence runing Southeasterly by a Cedar Swamp fifty rods & eighteen links to the bounds first mentioned—And whereas the said parties have concluded to hold their respective third parts thereof in severalty—It is therefore covenanted granted and agreed by and between the said parties, for himself & herself & for his, her & their heirs, executors & administrators & they do hereby severally & respectively covenant, grant & agree to & with the others their several & respective heirs & assigns that a partition of the same shall be & is hereby made and determined in manner following—that is to say—1st That the said party of the first part their heirs and assigns shall & may from henceforth have, hold, possess and enjoy to them in severalty thirty five acres and one quarter of the tract of land above described, bounded as follows, to wit; begining at the distance of thirty two rods & a third from the South corner of said tract of land, on land of Capt French & runing thence thirty two rods & a third, then turning and runing through said tract of land north nine & a quarter degrees east to Benjamin Beale’s land; thence runing by said Beale’s land South seventy four & an half degrees west sixty rods & eight links; then turning and runing through said land south three and an half degrees east to the point first started from.2d. That the said party of the second part his heirs and assigns shall & may from henceforth have, hold, possess and enjoy to him in severalty twenty seven acres & three quarters, being the westerly Side of said Tract of land & bounded as follows to wit—begining at the Southerly corner of said land & runing north sixty six degrees east thirty two rods & one third; then turning and runing north three and an half degrees west through said tract of land to land of Benjamin Beale; then turning and runing by said Beale’s land South seventy four & an half degrees west forty one rods twenty two links to a stake and stones at the northwesterly corner of said land—thence runing South fifteen degrees east eighty two rods to a stake & stones; thence South Seventy seven degrees west nineteen rods fifteen links to a heap of stones; thence Southeasterly by a Cedar Swamp fifty rods eighteen links to the point first started from.3d. That the said Party of the third part their heirs and assigns shall & may from henceforth have, hold, possess & enjoy to them in severalty Twenty acres & an half being the easterly part of said land & bound as follows vizt: Begining at the northeasterly corner of said land at a heap of Stones & runing South seventy four degrees & an half west by Capt B. Beale’s land forty two rods twenty links, then turning & runing through said land South nine and a quarter degrees west to land of Capt French; thence runing by said French’s land north sixty six degrees east thirty two rods & a third to a stake being the Southeasterly corner of said land; then runing north twenty four and an half degrees west twenty four rods & twelve links to a heap of stones; thence runing north twenty two degrees east one hundred & seventeen rods to the point first started from.And to each of the said parties their heirs and assigns forever, the other two for themselves, their heirs, executors and administrators respectively, do by these presents grant, release & confirm the part & portion of the said tract of land set off to them & him as aforesaid, as & for their & his full share, part & proportion of, in and to the tract of land above described. To have & to hold the same, with all the priveleges & appurtenances thereof to them & him, their & his heirs & assigns forever, in severalty in manner as aforesaid & to their only use & behoof forever.And with each of the said parties, their & his heirs, executors & administrators and assigns the other two parties do hereby for themselves & their respective heirs, executors and administrators covenant & grant, that they & he shall and may henceforth forever, peacably & quietly have, hold, use, occupy, possess & enjoy the same, free and discharged of all right, title, claim & demand whatsoever of them or either of them or of their heirs or assigns, or of any person or persons claiming by, from or under them or any of them—In witness whereof the said John Adams & Abigail his wife in her right, Richard Norton, William Norton, Jacob Norton, Edward Norton, Thomas Norton, Elizabeth Norton, Mary Norton, Lucy Norton, (the said Jacob, Edward, Thomas, Elizabeth, Mary & Lucy by their Guardian Jacob Norton as aforesaid) William Cranch, John Greenleaf & Lucy his wife in her right, Stephen Peabody & Elizabeth his wife in her right, Cotton Tufts Junr Celia Thaxter, Elizabeth Thaxter, Thomas Loring & Joanna his wife in her right, Thomas Thaxter & Anna his wife in her right & Quincy Thaxter and also Nancy wife of said William Cranch, Mercy Wife of said Cotton Tufts Junr & Elizabeth wife of said Quincy Thaxter in token of their relinquishment of their respective rights of dower in the premises have hereto interchangeably Set their hands & seals the day & year first above writen—
                            C. Thaxter Celia ThaxterE T	Elizabeth ThaxterT L Thos. LoringJ L	Joanna LoringT T Thomas ThaxterA T Anna ThaxterQ T Quincy ThaxterE T Elizabeth ThaxterJ A John AdamsA A Abigail AdamsL G Lucy GreenleafS P Stephen PeabodyE P Elizabeth PeabodyC T J Cotton Tufts JnrM T Mercy TuftsJacob Norton as guardian and Attorney.—J G John Greenleaf

                            Signed, Sealed & delvd in presence of us The word “granted” being first interlined on the second page.
                        Eben Gay,John ThaxterWitnesses to the party of the third partCommonwealth of Massachusetts, Plymouth Ss. 13th October, 1814.Then Celia Thaxter, Elizabeth Thaxter, Thomas Loring and Joanna his wife, Thomas Thaxter & Anna Thaxter his wife, Quincy Thaxter and Elizabeth his wife, severally acknowledged the above instrument to be their free act & deed before me.Eben Gay Jus. PeaceNorfolk Ss. October 14th: 1814Then John Adams and Abigail Adams his wife, Jacob Norton for himself and as Guardian and Attorney to Richard Norton, William Norton, Jacob Norton, Edward Norton Thomas Norton, Elizabeth Norton, Mary Norton, Lucy Norton; John Greenleaf & Lucy Greenleaf his wife, severally acknowledged the above instrument as their free act and Deed, before meThomas B Adams Jus: Peace—WitnessThomas B AdamsLouisa C SmithState of New hampshire Rockingham Ss Atkinson Nov. 1, 1814.Stephen Peabody & Elizabeth Peabody personally acknowledged the above instrument to be their voluntary act & deed, before me,John Vose, Justice Peace.Abigail Adams ShawJohn VoseWitnesses to the signing of Stephen Peabody & Elizabeth Peabody


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams, 11 October 1814
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson

N. 43.My dearest friend.
Ghent 11. October 1814.

No letter from you, since that of 10. September, which I received, this day week—The next Post-day was Saturday, when there came one from Mr Harris of 14 September; but none from you. I have some apprehension, that on receiving mine of 19. August, and the newspaper accounts from England which must have reached you about the same time, you ceased writing to me, on the persuasion that I should not be here to receive your Letters, even before I requested that you would—If so I shall be deprived of the happiness of hearing from you even longer than I had anticipated from my own premature request.—It was indeed impossible to imagine that we should at this moment still be here, when I wrote you that request—And now, the chances are, of our being confined here, if not the whole Winter, at least several weeks, and probably months longer—On Saturday Evening came a Note of 15. pages again, hot from the British privy Council; for the Plenipotentiaries have no other duty, as it would seem to perform than that of engrossing Clerks.—This note is in the same domineering, and insulting style, as all those that have preceded it, but it contains much more shew of argument, falsehoods less liable to immediate and glaring exposure, misrepresentations more sheltered from instant detection, and sophistry generally more plausible than they had thought it worth while to take the trouble of putting into the former Notes—The essential part of it is, however that they have abandoned almost every thing of their previous demands which made it impossible for us to listen to them, and have now offered as their ulitimatum, an Article of a totally different description—You can conceive with what kind of grace they retreat from nine tenths of their ground, when you know that they take care to hint that at this stage of the War, their concession must be taken for magnanimity.
What we shall do with this Article, I cannot yet pronounce; but the prospect is that we shall have many other points to discuss, and as their object of wasting time has now become manifest beyond all possible doubt, there is less appearance than at any former period, of its the immediate and abrupt termination of our business.—The Accounts from America, and the progress of affairs in Europe have hitherto flowed in a copious and uninterrupted stream favourable to their policy in the conduct of this Negotiation—That such would be their course of events it was impossible not to foresee—My own expectation was that in the exultation and insolence of their success they would have broken it off upon the grounds first taken by them in such a peremptory manner, and which we decisively rejected. It appears however that the British Ministers have not shared in all the delusions of their populace in regard to their late atchievement at Washington—They are perfectly aware that as injury to us it scarcely deserves to be named as and important occurrence of War—that as national humiliation, its tendency is to unite all parties in our Country against them, to exasperate all the passions of our people, and to create that very energy of defence, which it so effectually proved to be wanting.—They were so much elated by the event that they had their Gazette accounts of it translated into all the principal languages, and transmitted to every part of Europe; but the sensation produced by it upon the Continent, so far as we have had the opportunity of remarking it has been by no means creditable to them—The destruction of Public Buildings, of no character connected with War, that of private dwelling houses, the robbery of private property, and the precipitate flight of their troops leaving their wounded officers and men at the mercy  of the people whom they had so cruelly outraged, tells by no means to their glory—Here, we have heard but one sentiment expressed upon the subject—that of unqualified detestation—But here, the English are universally hated; the people dare not indeed openly avow their sentiments; but we hear them—“curses, not loud but deep”—In France, the public Sentiment has been more openly expressed—In two of the daily Public Journals of Paris remarks equally forcible and just upon the atrocious character of this transaction have been published, and even in some of the London Newspapers and Magazines, a feeble and timid expostulation has appeared against deeds paralleled only by the most execrable barbarities of the french revolutionary fury, or by the Goths and Vandals of antiquity—A defence as despicable as the actions it attempts to justify has been brought forward in one of the English Newspapers; and its only artifice, is to diminish the infamy by depretiating the importance of their vaunted exploit. They are compelled to urge how small and insignificant the destruction was which they could accomplish to ward off the shame of having destroyed every thing in their power—The Capitol they now say was only an unfinished building—The President’s house was properly demolished because the scoundrel Madison had lived in it; and to be sure they could not be blamed for having destroyed a Navy-Yard—Let them lay this flattering unction to their souls—The ruins of the Capitol and other public Buildings at Washington, will remain Monuments of British Barbarism, beyond the reach of British destruction, when nothing of their oppressive power will be left but the memory how much it was abused.
We are in daily expectation of the return of Mr Boyd from Amsterdam—He will make a very short stay here, and proceed to Paris. We have not yet received the Passport for the Herald, for which we applied more than a month ago—The Cartel ship Jenny, is to sail from Dartmouth, on the 15th.—Mr Lewis, Mr Snow, the two Messrs: Giraud, and a French Quaker named Grêlet, who has long lived in America, left this place yesterday and the day before to go to England, and obtain a passage if possible in that Vessel. I gave Mr Lewis some dispatches and Letters—Todd could not finish his Letters until after they were gone, and so is gone to Ostend to overtake them. We expect him back to-morrow.—Mr and Mrs John Gore are here, and promised last Evening to dine with us this day—But this morning they have sent an excuse, being under engagements to meet Mr and Miss Bond this Evening at Bruxelles.
Your favoured of 13. September, numbered 30. though it should be 32, is brought me this moment, as I am writing—You judged but too correctly that we should be kept pinioned to this place, and I now see no prospect of our being released from it until something comes from America, that will make our enemies start some new insupportable pretension and adhere to it so that it must effect the rupture—They will do this precisely at the moment which will suit their own purposes, and as we know not when that will happen we shall be always on the point of departure without knowing when to depart—Such is the Will of Heaven, and it is useless to repine.
Mr and Mrs: Smith are well—The child continues ailing, but not sick—I am again disappointed in not receiving a Letter from Charles—He had perhaps reason to think my last Letter addressed to him as more for  you than for himself but he ought nevertheless to have answered it—Give my love to him notwithstanding—If the Princess Michel comes here she will meet a rival in almost every Lady of Ghent—Our Colleague is a universal lover; and as universal a favourite—most especially to the Princesses, derriére les Coulisses.—Adieu—Blessings rest upon you.
A.


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams, 14 October 1814
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson

My dearest wife,
Ghent 14. October 1814.

Mr Boyd returned last Evening from Amsterdam, and is to proceed in the course of two or three days to Paris—As you are acquainted with his character and disposition you will not be surprized to learn that he found nothing congenial to them in Holland—He says he would not live at Amsterdam for all the money in the Country, and he complains of having been cheated and imposed upon from the hour that he left Ghent until that of his return—The most serious part of the affair was that he told me that he had been obliged to give a threshing to one fellow, a soldier, on the road—The rascal obstinately persisted in getting up behind the carriage, and after repeated warnings from the Postilion, and from himself, which produced no effect, he was compelled to get out of his Carriage, to seize the fellow by the throat, to pull him down from his seat, and give him a sound chastisement with his cane. There was a party of five or six other soldiers in company with this stubborn intruder, a short way behind the Carriage, and approaching to it all the time while he was administering this punishment—He was sometime doubtful whether they might not perhaps take part with their Comrade, but as they came up they only laughed at him; so that Boyd quietly got into his Carriage again, and drove on.—He told me all this very coolly, but I was a little startled at it, as you may imagine—Not that in itself, there was any thing in the transaction but what appeared perfectly  just, and proper, but because the vivacité, that it manifested, gave me some cause to apprehend that it may break out on occasions when the right will not be so unquestionable on the side of the cudgel, and when the companions of the offender may not be so equitable as to observe an impartial neutrality.
We this day send our answer to the fourth Note form the British Plenipotentiaries: the Note, as I have told you, is by far the most laboured, the best written, and the most deserving of a complete and solid answer, of any one that we have received from them—The peculiarity of its character is, that in giving  up almost every thing for which they have contended as a preliminary, they finally insist upon something that I am very unwilling to yield, and they dwell with bitterness and at great length upon unfounded and most insidious charges against the American Government—I have acquiesced in the determination of my Colleagues, to yield, on the particular point now required by the British as their ultimatum—They think we concede by it, little or nothing—I think the concession so great, that I should have been prepared to break off rather than just give it up—But the ground upon which I differ from them the most is, that they are forgiving the go-by to all the offensive and insulting part of the British Note, for not replying at all to much of it, and for giving a feeble and hesitating answer to the remainder—My principle would have been to meet every one of their charges directly in the face; to retort upon them without hesitation, both of which we might do with the strictest truth and justice; and to maintain as we have done hither to a tone as peremptory as theirs—All this we might have done, and yet finally have conceded the point upon which the continuation of the negotiation now hinges—But the other policy has been thought more advisable—In making the concession it is thought best to consider and represent it as a trifle, or indeed as nothing at all; and that it may have its full effect of conciliation, it is concluded to say very little upon the other topics in the Note, to decline all discussion that would lengthen our answer, and above all to avoid every thing having a tendency to irritate—I submit to this decision; but I think it will not be long before we discover that our enemy is not of a temper to be propitiated either by yielding or by shrinking; and my greatest concern is that when we have once begun to yield and to shrink, there is no knowing where and when we shall be again prepared to make a stand—I sacrifice however the more readily my opinion to that of my colleagues in this case, because they are unanimous in theirs, and because they promise me, not only that they will not yield any thing of essential importance hereafter, but that They will both parry and thrust if it finally comes to a rupture, with as much earnestness, and with more vigour than I should wish them to do now—It must indeed have been for some of my own sins, or for those of my Country, that I have been placed here to treat with the injustice and insolence of Britain, under a succession of such news as every breeze is wafting from America—When  Napoleon took Moscow, Alexander declared to the world, that he would drain the last dregs of the  cup of bitterness, rather than subscribe to a Peace dishonourable to his Empire—We have told the British Government that we will if necessary imitate this illustrious example—They have taken our Capital—They have destroyed its public, and many of its private buildings, and the information is brought to us, at one of the critical moments of the negotiation—this is the point of time at which we are required to bend or to break—we have chosen to bend—not so, did Alexander—May we be more fortunate in our imitation of his example hereafter!
The taking of Washington, to use an expression of Boyd’s, has started our timbers—Lawrence’s last words, which you tell me you did not know, were “don’t give up the Ship”—The Ship was given up, not by him, but in consequence of his mortal wound—It was in the agony of death, when all sense and sentiment of the fatal reality was fled, that his heroic soul took wing for eternity, still dwelling on the image of his duty to his country, still cheering his companions to the defence of their trust—Now you may judge whether there was any meaning in the toast, when it was given—Oh! if every American were a Lawrence; what should we have to fear from all the malice, backed by all the power of Britain?
The feeling of the outrage upon the Laws of War at Washington will be deep and lasting. The Chevalier says it ought never to be forgotten—That it should make every American take his children to the altar, and swear them to eternal hatred of England—I do not go so far in the theory as the Chevalier—but I am charmed to find him on this occasion, American to the quick.—The day before yesterday we had a tête à tête after dinner over a bottle of Chambertin, till ten at Night—He was perfectly friendly and confidential—He reasoned with all the clearness and all the energy of his Mind—I heartily concurred with all his principles—I could not resist his persuasions, with regard to  the point upon which we were labouring—I finally came down to the prevailing sentiment of the Mission—God grant that its result may be an honourable Peace!
At all Events, it will probably detain us several weeks longer, for you know that we are in substance yet to begin the negotiation—Hitherto we have only been discussing whether we should treat at all—May it please od, to forgive our Enemies, and to turn their hearts!
I am with my love to Charles, your ever affectionate husband
A.


Title: From William Stephens Smith to Abigail Smith Adams, 14 October 1814
From: Smith, William Stephens
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

My dear madam—
Washington Octr. 14th. 1814.

I have your letter of the 1st. inst. and yesterday visited Mr. Hellen & his family, they are all well and received no injury from the late invasion, they all however retired into the Country for a few day’s under great terror, the enemy however did not approach  their house nearer than the Palace, distant about one mile—I enclose the report of the naval Committee expressive of the gallant conduct of Capt. McDonough on the lake and with sincerity return your congratulations—I enclose also a letter I have received from our dear Caroline, in which she expresses herself in terms of great satisfaction—Tomorrow come on the great question for the temporary removal of the seat of Government from the City of Washington, and from appearances to-day I think it possible it will pass the House—after very evas and animated debate extended from day to day untill language is exhausted and patience wore out, I send you the Bill for your contemplation and amusement I address’d a Report to the Judge, I originally intended it for the President, but having in the first instance inadvertedly franked it, I could not address it, as I at first proposed, it will however answer the same end as you have no doubt had the perusal of it—
I am more pleasantly situated than I was the last Meeting of Congress, myself & two friends have taken the rooms formerly occupied By Mr. Otis & his family to the exclusion of all others
The Committee of ways and means have reported and the Subject is made the order of the day for monday next, the sine qua nons of the British administration have united all parties, and the tax bills will pass, I shall vote for them, and leave the administration to account to the nation for their expenditure—It however appears to me primary essention that the removal of the seat of Government should first be attained, least the treasure of the nation might be expended, in the premature rebuilding of the ruins of this devoted City—I than our dear Susan for her post cript, my love & respects to all—Yours truely and affectionaly
W.S. Smith


Title: From John Adams to John Quincy Adams, 16 October 1814
From: Adams, John
To: Adams, John Quincy

My dear Son
Quincy October 16. 1814

I am happy to have recd. your No. 30. No. 33. and No. 34. It is impossible to express the pleasure I have felt in reading these Letters, those to your Mother Sons and Brother, or the pain from the consciousness of my physical as well as Spiritual Inability to answer them as they deserve.
Last night Mr T. Greenleaf Sent his Son, to read to me your Dispatches by Mr Dallas, ten thousand Copies of which are printed and dispersed by Congress
Britain changefull as a Child at play, cannot bear prosperity any better than Napoleon, or than the U.S.—I believe you have often heard me Say, that human Nature cannot bear Prosperity. It invariably intoxicates Individuals and Nations. Adversity is the great Reformer. Affliction is the purifying Furnace. Prosperity has thrown our dear America into an easy trance for 30 years. The dear delights of Riches and Luxury have drowned all her intellectual and physical Ennergies. But there are symptoms, that the Germ of Virtue is not destroyed. The Root of the matter is Still in us, and alive.
I have lately read, through, the Anabasis of Xenophon, and advise you to read him again. With all his eternal Fame, and his immortal litterary Merit, I have not much more veneration for him than for Alexander.
I have also read through, Quintus Curtius, and advise you to read him again. Napoleon, was a Saint, in comparison with Alexander. But none of these could bear Prosperity.
De l’absolu pouvoir, vous ignorez l’Yvress. Boileau has expressed this great Truth in denser language than any in Pope.
My Love to your Wife Your Son, Mr Smith & Mrs. Smith and my Great Grandaughter, and to my dear Charles to whom I am ashamed to acknowledge my Obligations for two beautiful Letters, without the ability as yet of answering either of them.
If you return next year, I beg you to embark, as soon as the Debacle will admit.
J. A.


Title: From Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams to John Quincy Adams, 16 October 1814
From: Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson
To: Adams, John Quincy

My best Friend
St Petersburg October 16 1814

I had left off writing entirely from the idea that you would have left England Ghent befor a Letter of mine could reach but from all the accounts which we here recieve I find that it is possible you may remain at Ghent half the Winter therefore I have resolved to write again and trust to chance for the return of my Letters in case you should be on your way—
I have moved into Town and made every arrangement for your return I fear not much to your satisfaction The House in which I now live was formerly inhabited by Mr. Gisborne I have engaged it by the Month at 200 R. it is small and attended with some inconvenience but I have made it as comfortable as possible and hope that you will be pleased with my arrangements of this however I dare not flatter myself being generally very unsuccessful but as I have the consciousness of at least trying to do my best I must endeavour to support whatever may occur with philosophy and if from want of judgement or habit of management I have injured my Children’s property  I must submit to their reproaches as I have for many years submitted to yours of this I am perfectly assured I have never wilfully done any thing which can in the smallest degree injure you or them and that on the contrary my life has  been a perpetual sacrifice of every pleasure often of comport to adjust in promoting what you have consider’d their welfare my expences have been heavy and perhaps having the means I have gratified myself too liberally but what is passed cannot be mended and it will at least be a Lesson to you not to leave me with a large establishment in a foreign Country another time as you know that when I am with you this gratification is impossible.
As you gave me no directions about the purchase of Wood I delayed it as long as possible and then enged some at eleven R. a Sagene but the Man of whom I had engaged it finding he could get more for it sold it and I was left without I have been obliged to pay 12 1/2 and glad to get it at that price as it is sold commonly at 14 and 15 I have taken 60 Sagenes at this rate and a commoner kind at 11 for the Kitchen and Servants Rooms—
The Snow has been laying on the tops of the Houses these three days and it is very cold There is an account in the Conservateur of Yesterday of a terrible battle fought between the English and Americans at Niagara both appear to claim the Victory but Riall and 20 Officers are said to have been made prisoners by the Americans at least if this battle was lost it was bravely fought and we have at length lost without disgrace I could almost wish I were a man in these times for I feel that sort of ardour and enthusiasm in the cause which I think in a man would produce great things one of the principle things we want is a great name with that I have no doubt we should soon produce a great spirit which our naval affairs has pretty clearly proved is not wanting in the Nation.
Adieu The Papers inform us that you and Mr. Goulbourne are to remain alone at Ghent. you understand this I suppose better than I do, I am still in possession of the Trunks left by Lauristou, the French Ambassador did not know there were such papers in existance Mr H. charges him 30 R. a month for Lecessis
L C Adams


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to John Quincy Adams, 18 October 1814
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Adams, John Quincy

My dear Son
Quincy october 18th 1814

The john Adams arrived last week at Nyork, with mr dallas and brought me your Letters, which have been missing, viz No 57. March 30th No 58 April 28th; No 59 May 12th and August 15th. No 62—I have before acknowledged No 60, June 30th, and upon the 21 of Sepbr 1814 I received your No 50, just the day year, upon which it was written. My numbers are now nearly compleat, your Letters are all carefully preserved, to be left by me as a Legacy to your Children, and may form in some future day interesting pages in History:
Before you can receive this Letter you will have learnt, the Capture of Washington by Genll. Moss and Cockburn, Moss has since paid the forfeit of his Life, in the attack upon Baltimore
The defeats of the British fleet upon Lake Champlain, and of Genll prove’s at Plattsburgh, is marvelous in our Eyes literally it may be said, one Man put a thousand to flight. I inclose you the official Letters of Macdonough & Macomb. Macdonough is from the State of delaware, and mr Bayard may feel proud, that the Same State, gave birth to both of them. Macomb is the Son of mr Macomb of Nyork, who lives in Broad way, and whose second wife, is mrs Rutger, who was in Paris and England when we were there. and whom you not no doubt recollect, a young Man of 30. thus has providence raised up to us: Heroes, and champions, to Supply the place of the revolutionary patriots, who fought and bled to obtain that independence, which their ospring must now defend, with their Blood, and treasure. Heaven grant that the Sons, pray prove worthy of their sire’s.
From the dispatches received from you and your colleigues, I See not any chance for peace—perhaps it was best that Great Britain Should Show herself, thus haughty, overbearing and Insolent, to unite all parties, in execrating her government, and holding her in as much abhorence as the Exiled Tyrant at Elba, that she has it in her power greatly to distress us; we see, and we feel most heavily, but she must Conquer us before we can submit to such humiliating terms, and by gods blessing. She shall not conquer us: She is sewing the Seeds of hatred and vengance, where harmony, and Friendly intercourse might dwell. we engage at great odds—our best citizens; against her mercenary Troops
Boston is strongly fortified—and the Labour, has been, the free will offering of the Citizens of our Country, of every class, and description; as the Song I inclose, which is literal truth, will show you, not for its poetic Merit, but its truth.
we have had for a month past, about ten thousand Troops under arms, training and dissiplined, in Boston, and near it, a Company of young men light Infantry to the number of 40 all in uniform from this Small Town are of the number; and about 20 more drafted Militia.
I take it for granted, that you have returnd to St Petersburgh—I shall therefore put my Letters under cover to mr russel, and I must send them off immediatly to go by the mail to the Secretary of State.
I have not time to write to my daughter nor to charles from whom I have recived two pretty Letters. I will do it Soon, tho I fear with little prospect of sending them—
our dear Caroline was married on Sunday Evening the Eleventh of Sepbr and on Monday the 12th. I left me for Newyork. She arrived at mr de wints Seat, calld ceadar grove fishkill the Saturday following, and was affectionately recived by his Mother and Friends.
I have received Letters from her every week, Since. She expresses her intire satisfaction with her situation.
John A Smith, is the orderly Sergant of a company call’d the Iron Greys, formed of the best Blood and families in Nyork. they take their Name from their uniforms.
If William is still with you, remember me affectionatly to him, and to Mrs Smith, I hope they may have the Life of their daughter, and that they will name it for his dear mother, whose last words were, “I shall never see my dear William more.”
Mrs James Foster had a daughter born the week before the death of your sister. She named the child Abigail Smith it had the hooping Cough this Summer, and fell a sacrifice to it. the last month it is gone to join its kindred spirit, a Brother whom they  named for you, who died about the same Age.
we have been, not a little anxious for your Brothers youngest child, about seventeen months old. who has the hooping Cough is teething, and attacked with the full complaint. We hope however that he is better.
I know Mrs Adams must be anxious to learn something respecting her connexions in washington. I hope they will so inform her. I have written, but have not received any answer to my inquiries. Congress are sitting there, not very easy however.
Your sons went from here this morning, they come home on Saturdays, and remain untill Monday. they are very buisy prepareing for an examination, which is to take place on wednesday
I have so much to say, that I know not when to stop— the fear that I shall not get this ready for the mail obliges me to close
But not without the renewal of my / tenderest affection / Yours as ever
AA—


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams, 18 October 1814
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson

N. 45.
My dearest wife.
Ghent 18. October 1814.

First for the news from America. I had not closed my last Friday’s Letter to you, when the Times, of the 10th. and 11th. were brought to me. They had been sent to us by the British Plenipotentiaries, who receive the Newspapers by their special messengers, twice a week, sooner than they can come by the Post, and who very obligingly communicate them to us. The papers of which I now speak were almost entirely filled with a Gazette Extraordinary containing the reports of Sir J. C. Shanbrooke, and Admiral Griffith of the result of their expedition—They have taken possession of the country from the frontiers of New-Brunswick to Penobscot river—That is of the County of Washington in the State of Massachusetts—The frigate Adams, which had just returned from a cruize, and had struck upon a reef of rocks, was in the river, and was destroyed to prevent her being captured. The Brigadier General of the Militia, John Brewer, and the Lieutenant-Colonel commanding the 1st: regiment of the same militia, capitulated for all the militia of the County, engaging not to bear arms against Great-Britain, during the present War—All this was effected I think with the loss of one man—It all amounts to very little stripped of all the British exaggerations—They talk of being opposed by superior numbers, and beating a force of fourteen hundred men—But there were no regular troops there; and the whole militia of the County does not amount to 1400 men—The worst feature of the transaction is that the capitulation appears to have been proposed by our own people.
We had already heard of the capitulation of the island of Nantucket, the people of which being separated from all communication with the continent, and deprived of their usual subsistence by fishing, were at the mercy of the enemy—They have stipulated to remain neutral during the present War; which as they are all quakers is no more than they would have been without the stipulation; and to deliver up all the public property, on the Island—that is to say, nothing at all—But all this furnishes materials for a Gazette as good as if New-York or Philadelphia were taken—The whole of this official News has given me very little concern—Not so of the accounts from the Canadian frontier—They are not official, but precede official accounts of far other importance, which very probably will reach St: Petersburg even before you receive this Letter—Our expedition against Michillimackinac has failed—Thus much  for the fact—The British Accounts say it consisted of 900 men, and was defeated by 50 Indians—which is embroidery—But, Sir G. Prevost, with a force said to be of twelve thousand men has entered the State of New-York and taken Plattsburg; General Izard retreating before him—The expedition against Sacket’s Harbour was already detached—Chauncey had returned into the port, to assist in its defence leaving thereby the Lake at the command of the British—They say he had intercepted a Dispatch in which the design of the attack was disclosed; and was thus induced to return—But how, if the dispatch was written on purpose to be intercepted? The British three decker was launched and nearly ready to sail—350 seamen had been sent from Montreal partly to man her—General Drummond had received reinforcements, and the surrender of Fort Erie was hourly expected—The Catastrophe in that quarter is near at hand.
In the mean-time, we continue to be watching the movements of the political weathercock in the British Cabinet—Our Note, which as I wrote you was sent to the Plenipotentiaries last Friday was dispatched by them the next day to England—We cannot expect a reply to it before next Monday; and I have now no hopes that it will finish our business—We must drink the cup of bitterness to the dregs—The chances are about even that we shall pass half the winter here; or at least until all the great arrangements at Vienna shall be completed—The Congress of Vienna, I have no doubt will prolong the general Peace in Europe, but if it is to finish in six weeks all its business, it may be questioned whether it will settle this continent very firmly on its new foundations—There is some fermentation yet in France, where in the midst of grave deliberations about the liberty of the press, half a dozen printers of pamphlets have just been arrested—The author of one of those pamphlets is Carnot, who would also have been arrested, but for the fear of producing too strong a sensation. On the other hand Mr Chateaubriant has become a Government writer, and there is a long Article composed by him, published in the Journal des Débats, and now circulating over Europe, on the happiness of France since the restoration of the Bourbons—He proposes that Louis le desiré should be called Louis le Sage—It is rather early to pronounce him so emphatically wise, but in the acts of his Government, hitherto there has generally been a character of discretion well suited to his situation—Buonaparte had made a strong and energetic Government so odious by the excess to which he carried it, that Louis has only to discern how far it may be relaxed, and where he must stop, that it may not degenerate into the opposite vice of weakness—This appears to be precisely the object of his endeavours, and although many of his measures must under this system be experimental, and many of his experiments unsuccessful, he has yet undertaken nothing which could have a serious effect in shaking the stability of his authority, and when he has found himself running foul of the public opinion, he has always prudently and seasonably yielded to it. The great difficulty for him will be to manage the army, and to check their martial propensity—They have been deeply humiliated without being humbled—They have all the pride of their former successes with the galling sensation of their late disasters—They look with a longing eye to their former chief, who is now but a shadow; and fortunately for the Bourbons there is no other leader who has any ascendancy over them, and who could draw their tottering allegiance to himself—The king has pursued the policy of his own interest, by showering his favours upon the Marshals, without suffering himself to be infected by their passion for War.
The Chauncey is to sail from Ostend about the 25th: of this Month—But I shall be very glad if she gets away by the first of the next—We have not yet received a Passport for the Herald, and we hear the Lords of the Admiralty have determined they will grant no more Passports for Passengers—Mr Boyd is to leave this place to-morrow for Paris; and Mr Eli goes in company with him—Mr Shaler is also going to Paris—as we have always an interval of leisure, when we send a Note to the British Ministers, some of us are getting into the habit of employing it, in making excursions about the Country—Mr Gallatin and his Son, set out this day, and Mr Bayard and Mr Hughes to-morrow, for a tour to Bruxelles, and Antwerp—I am the only immovable, belonging to the Legation.
Give my love to Charles, though he yet owes me a Letter; and believe me with unalterable affection, your husband
A.


Title: From Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams to John Quincy Adams, 18 October 1814
From: Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson
To: Adams, John Quincy

My best Friend
St Petersburg October 18 1814

Some how or other By some mistake I think I misdated my last Letter to you and it is only to day that I discover’d it. Had yours last of the 23d of Septr. not been accompanied by one from Mrs. Smith I should have been extremely uneasy, at the great depression of Spirits under which you appear to labour. The melancholy situation of our Country, warrants almost any degree of apprehension, and we have no resource, but in the mercy of a divine Providence, which is ever ready to support us through great calamities, when our  faith is sincere. Of the talent on our side I have no sort of doubt, and of the trifling I can likewise form a pretty correct idea: by the manner in which time was employed at St. Petersburg. There are few Men in the world gifted with that firm perseverence in their duties, which you  have ever practiced, or rather whose principles are sufficiently strong, to enable them to avoid the common temptations which are ever in their path. The very convictions how very few there are capable of sacrificing what are termed the pleasures of the World, must teach you to be lenient, and not to expect what it is evident from its great rarity, it is so difficult to perform.The Emperor it said will return here the end of this Month, and almost all the Crown’d Heads of Europe are to visit Petersburg. great marriages are likewise talked of, The Duc de Berry to the Grand Dutchess Anne, the Grand Duke Nicholas to the Princess of Prussia, and Some say the Arch Duke Charles to the Grand Dutchess Catherine; the truth of all this time will prove: it is likewise said that an heir to the Throne is on the way, which will give cause for much rejoicing. Of the Corps Diplomatic I can say nothing, as I have not seen one of its members, and still have all the things in my possession that you left. The Ambassador has taken Count Orloffs House into which he has not yet moved, but has been residing at the Hotel de l’Europe ever since his arrival. Mr Bordeaux the Dutch Minister says he knew me very well in Berlin. Mr Guedes is not married, but matters remain in status quoMr. Harris has been dangerously ill, but is now quite recover’d. I have likewise been very sick, am still weak but getting well fast. I fear my last letters were a little tinctured by my indisposition, as I felt sick, low spirited, and cross, at the loss of all the kind attentions I have on these occasions been accustomed to. I have however received so much kindness from Mrs. Krehmer, Mrs. Fisher, Mrs. Colombi, and Mrs. Bettancourt, that I should be very happy. but I could not help thinking how often you used to come to my bedside and kiss my hand—and then I was very foolish—We have a sort of Influenza going about, which though not very violent is very troublesome. it occasions two days severe sickness, and ends in a cough which continues a fortnight. Poor Charles has had it as usual, and though he is quite well now, he looks very pale. he has written you a letter to inform you of his having performed a part in a french play, he succeeded perfectly, and has acquired great fame.God Bless you my best friend, that your endeavors for the service of your Country may prove successful, is the ardent prayer of your sincerely affectionate
L C A.


Title: From Henry Warren to Abigail Smith Adams, 19 October 1814
From: Warren, Henry
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

My dear Madam
Plymouth Oct. 19. 1814

The friendships of early youth never cease but with the dying breath.—“Tell my Dear Mrs: Adams to write me or see me very soon, else we only meet in Heaven”—was one of the last expressions of your departed friend & my ever to be respected mother.—Her constant, ardent, almost sisterly affection imposes it on me as an earliest duty to inform you that death has made another inroad on your friendships—that they drop around you from year to year; but I well know your ideas feelings & sentiments—both relatively & religiously are so much beyond any suggestions of my own mind that I am only still.—
I pray that the President—yourself & family will accept the respectful & friendly sentiments of Mrs: W—my brother & self
I am, Dear Madam— / very respectfully / Your afflicted friend
Henry WarrenThe last sad duties to my deceased mother will be performed on saturday


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams, 21 October 1814
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson

N. 46
My dearest Louisa.
Ghent 21. October 1814.

Nothing from you since your Letter of 13. September, from which I conclude that you ceased writing, after receiving mine of 23. August. I cannot expect that you wrote again, until you received mine of 23. September, so that I have the prospect of being a full month without hearing from you—I have a Letter of 21. September from Mr Harris, and it reached me the twenty-second day from its date—quicker than any other I have had from St: Petersburg; but it is altogether upon public business and does not mention you—According to my calculations the first Letter I can now anticipate from you, will be dated the 15th: of this Month, and if the Post-Office will be indulgent I may receive it on the 8th: of November—I trust it will not be delayed beyond the 11th. It is possible I may then not be here to receive it; but for the present, I do not expect to leave this place at an earlier day—According to present appearances I may make up my mind to a winter’s journey; but it will be cheered with the pleasure of returning to you.
Mr Boyd left us yesterday morning for Paris—I wrote you that the Transit, in which he arrived at Bordeaux, was obliged to come from America without a Cartel—We applied for one, for her return; but have not yet received the answer to our application—Nor have we yet received the Passport for the Herald, though it was applied for on the 7th: of September—The English Newspapers have been very busy about the Transit, and as usual, give a mixture of truth and of lies in their account of her.
We have English Papers to the 15th. and there had arrived a Spanish vessel from New-York with newspapers to 4. September—Alexandria had been taken by a capitulation on the 29th: of August—Fort Warburton had been blown up, by our own officer stationed there, without necessity; but as he alledges by order from General Winder—There is the official report from Winder to the Secretary of War of the transactions immediately preceding the capture of Washington—It proves the total want of preparation for an attack, which it was impossible not to have foreseen as in the highest degree probable—Armstrong upon whom the blame appears principally to attach, has resigned, and the War Department has devolved upon Mr: Monroe—Baltimore, Philadelphia, and New-York, were panic struck to such a degree that if Cockburn and Ross with their four thousand men had had the Spirit to march against them, it is about an even chance that they would have all capitulated—The Banks for several days stopped their payments of Specie—The Governor of Pennsylvania ordered out the militia of several Counties for the defence of Philadelphia, there was a muster of militia too at New-York, and as the papers latest from both those Cities begin to blusters, it may be taken for granted that the danger was over—The President had returned to Washington.
There is nothing authentic from the Canadian side—The attack by the British on Fort Erie, on the 15th: of Augt. was more disastrous to them than General Gaines’s first account had announced—Drummond’s official report, acknowledges a loss in killed wounded and missing, of 900 men—but he received a reinforcement of three regiments two days after; and the surrender of Fort Erie was still expected—There are rumours that before the British took Plattsburg there was a battle in which they lost 2000 men—I have told you the news that will come from that quarter—It will be more important that the affair at Washington.
Mr Gallatin and his son, Mr Bayard and Mr Hughes, are gone upon an excursion to Antwerp, and perhaps to Bruxelles. We expect them back this Evening.—The Neptune is ordered to sail immediately for Brest, and Mr and Mrs: Smith have determined to go in her—They will go to Antwerp to embark in two or three days—Their embarrassments and mine concerning them are not at an end—Their return to Russia would have made them ten-fold greater—Before I left St: Petersburg I had supplied him amply, according to his own calculation, with the means of returning to the United States—You know what he obtained from you.—He arrived at Amsterdam, and wrote me, that he had neither the means of staying there nor of moving—I continue to pay him his full Salary to the end of the year; and he is yet pressing for more—By going to Brest in the Neptune they must incur the risk of staying there perhaps two or three Months; but if they do not go now they must eventually go there by land, probably in the dead of Winter, and at an enormous expence; for notwithstanding every thing that has happened he has not yet acquired one idea of economy. If they should miss the opportunity by the Neptune they would have no other means of getting home, for the British Admiralty have refused any more Passports for passengers by our Cartels, and with his wife and child, the danger would be too great to embark, exposed to the chance of capture—When they are once safely landed in America, I shall be relieved from one great trouble
A Letter from Mr Beasley is this instant brought to me dated the 17th: at half past six P.M—He says a Sloop of War had just arrived from the American Coast, with an account of an attempt to take Baltimore—The British loss stated to be between 3 and 400 and ours about 1000 killed and wounded—General Ross killed—The failure said to be owing to our having sunk some Vessells in the River which prevented the co-operation of the Fleet—He adds that the Secretary of the Transport Office had just told him that the same vessel brought American Papers containing the Account that we had totally destroyed the British fleet on lake Champlain.—Beasley writes in extreme haste, and in so few words that I hardly know what part of his news is official, and what mere newspaper rumour—The failure of the attack on Baltimore, I hope is certain, but how it should fail with a loss of less than 400 men, and with a loss on our side of 1000, is very strange—I hope it will turn out that there is on both sides a misstatement with respect to the numbers—Possibly the casualty, as they call it of Ross’s being killed, may have been a damper to the Spirit of his troops—but how they should fail, and be suffered to lose only 400 men, is strange—passing strange! The Times the other day called upon the British Government to make Ross a Lord—Baron Washington, of the Potomack—Ross is said to have been a very distinguished officer, but he disgraced himself by his barbarism at Washington—It is a great pity the ball of justice had not hit Cockburn too—or at least that he could not have been among the wounded left at the mercy of our People.
The news about the fleet on lake Champlain I dare not yet trust—God grant it may prove true!—never, since the national existence of my Country, has it been in a situation of so much peril, and with prospects so terrible before it—No resource, but in our own energies, no reliance, but upon ourselves and upon Heaven! Let us trust and pray that our strength may be proportioned to our trial; and that the virtues suited to the occasion will eventually be brought into action, and lead us to safety and honour.
We are invited to dine with the British Plenipotentiaries next Wednesday—But for this news, how could we have looked them in the face?—Blessing upon you! & my dear Charles!
A.


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Abigail Smith Adams, 22 October 1814
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

N. 64.
My dear and honoured Mother
Ghent 22. October 1814.

A dutch Vessel, called the Prince of Orange, which had taken out to America the Minister, Mr. Changuion, arrived on the first of this month at the Texel, from Boston, after a passage of thirty days. She brought Boston newspapers to the first of September, but very few private letters, and to my great disappointment, none for me—Mr Boyd had arrived here, a day or two sooner, with dispatches direct from Washington—He had left that City on the 12th: of August—upon so short notice, that you could have had no information of his departure in season to write by him. He told me however, that a day or two before he was dispatched, Mrs. Buchanan had received a Letter from you, and that all the family at Quincy were in good health. The last Letter that I have from yourself directly is dated 1. May.
Since my arrival here, I have written to you, by the Saratoga, which sailed from England as a Cartel about the 15th: of July—By the John Adams which sailed on the 28th: of August from the Texel, and by the Jenny, another Cartel, sailed, or about to sail from Dartmouth in England—These are all the opportunities of which I have had any knowledge, and some of the Letters which I sent by them I have I hope reached you before this time.—I now write you by Mr Smith, who is going immediately to embark in the Neptune at Antwerp, with his wife and child, and Martha Godfrey, the young woman who came with my wife from America. The Neptune is to proceed as soon as possible to Brest, and there to wait the termination of our Negotiation, and until those of us, who propose returning in her to the United States, shall be ready to embark—Mr: and Mrs Smith came by water from Cronstadt to Amsterdam, where as I have written you heretofore they arrived just after the John Adams had sailed—From Amsterdam they came on to this City and have been here upwards of a month—They will probably be obliged to wait some time at Brest, but the inconvenience and expence of a journey thither by land in the winter, would with such a family be much greater, and if they should miss the opportunity of going by the Neptune, it is impossible to foresee when they would have another.
The Chauncey is to sail in the course of a few days from Ostend, and the Transit, the vessel in which Mr Boyd came, and is to return, will probably go within a Month from Bordeaux.—When my Colleagues take their departure, I shall avail myself of the occasion to write you again by the Neptune, and will therefore shorten this Letter.
I send by Mr: Smith three pieces of linen, one of which I request you to accept, and the others are for my sons George and John—There is also the cambrick assorted to the linen, and half a dozen handkerchiefs is for each of the boys.
The aspect of our Negotiation has changed in some respects since I wrote you last, which was on the 10th: of September—The British Government whose policy appears to have been neither to break off nor to conclude the peace have found and made various occasions for delay, bringing forward and abandoning successively several preliminary propositions to which it was impossible for us to accede—We have at length agreed to their ultimate proposal of that nature, but have not yet entered upon the discussion of the only subjects upon which it was supposed the Negotiation would have turned—Our prospects are not more promising than they have been from the beginning. You can easily judge how all our exertions are effected by the accounts that are daily arriving from America.
My last Letters from my wife, are of 13. September. She and Charles were then well—Present my duty and affection to my father, brother, children, and friends, and believe me your ever affectionate Son.
John Quincy Adams.


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to Caroline Amelia Smith De Windt, 23 October 1814
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: De Windt, Caroline Amelia Smith

my ever dear caroline:
Quincy, Oct. 23d, 1814.

If you find as many joyful faces to receive you, as you have left sorrowful hearts behind you, you will have no reason to complain. When upon former occasions you have been separated from me, it was always with the expectation of having you again with me; since I have considered you as mine, you have been to me one of the chief props and supports of my declining years. By your watchful attention, and cheerful readiness to prevent even my wants, you have rendered yourself so necessary to me, as to be the solace of my days. It is natural to feel a privation in proportion to our enjoyments; what then, think you, is the void left in my breast? True, I have other comforts in the faithful and constant attention of Louisa, and the sprightly vivacity of Susan.
Your letter to my venerable friend, Mrs. Warren, was received by me and forwarded to her. “Tell my dear Mrs. Adams to write to me, or to see me very soon, else we only meet in Heaven,” was one of the last expressions of your departed friend, my ever to be respected mother. Thus writes her son to me upon the 19th: “Upon the 18th the imprisoned spirit ascended from the decayed and ancient fabric. She had but a few days of suffering.”
I may with truth say, that take her all in all, we shall not look upon her like again. String after string is severed from the heart; the lamp of life burnt bright to the last. Dr. Freeman told me she wrote him a letter upon the 6th of the present month, when she entered her 87th year. I rejoice that you visited her; your remembrance of her will always be pleasant. Seldom does old age wear so pleasing, so instructive an aspect. To me she was a friend of more than fifty summers ripening.
Yesterday completed half a century since I entered the married state, then just your age. I have great cause of thankfulness that I have lived so long, and enjoyed so large a portion of happiness as has been my lot. The greatest source of unhappiness I have known in that period, has arisen from the long and cruel separations which I was called in a time of war, and with a young family around me, to submit to.
My pen runs on, “but,” as the gallant Adam said to Eve, “with thee conversing I forget all time.” That you and the rest of my posterity may enjoy as large a share of felicity as has fallen to me, is the sincere wish and prayer of your affectionate grandmother,
A. A.


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Abigail Smith Adams, 25 October 1814
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

N. 65.
My beloved Mother.
Ghent 25. October 1814. Tuesday.

This is the day of jubile! the fiftieth year since your marriage is completed! By the blessing of Heaven, my dear father can look back to all the succession of years since that time, with the conscious recollection that it was a happy day—The same pleasing remembrance I flatter myself is yours; and may that gracious being who has hitherto conducted you together through all the vicissitudes of an eventful life, still watch over you! Still reserve for you many years of health, of comfort, and of mutual happiness!
I wrote you a few days since a Letter, in the expectation that Mr Smith would have embarked at Antwerp in the Neptune, which is ordered round to wait for my Colleagues at Brest—He has however determined to stay here, at present, and to travel eventually by land, to join the vessel at that place. This Letter will be taken by Mr Connell, who goes in the Chauncey, with dispatches from our joint mission to the Government.
It is much to be lamented that such earnest and sanguine expectations of Peace, have been entertained in America from the present Negotiation. The desire of Peace, though in itself the proper and laudable, was unfortunately in the circumstances of our Country and of the times the greatest obstacle to its own object. It has been considered by our Enemies that we were or should be prepared to make any sacrifice, even of our Union and Independence to obtain it—This is not the Spirit that will secure Peace to us—Peace is to be obtained, only as it was after the war of our Revolution; by manifesting the determination to defend ourselves to the last extremity— It is not by capitulations like those of Nantucket, and of Washington County in the State of Massachusetts, and of Alexandria, that we shall obtain Peace—The capitulation of Alexandria, is so inexpressibly shameful that People here, who would gladly be friends of our Country, ask us whether it is not a forgery of our enemies, and whether there really existed Americans base enough to subscribe to such terms—They say that the infamy of submitting to them was greater than that of exacting them.
Of Peace, there is at present, no prospect whatever—The British Government have sufficiently disclosed their intention of reducing again to subjection as large a portion of the United States as they can occupy—They have taken possession of our Territory as far as Penobscot river; and now they make no scruple of demanding it.
But it does not appear to be their intention to break up this negotiation: they keep us here, raising one extravagant and insulting pretension after another, ready to insist upon it, or to recede from it, according as they may find their interest to dictate, or the circumstances to warrant; and here we are reasoning and expostulating with them, intreating them to consent to a Peace, and above all dreading to break off the negotiation because Peace, Peace, is the cry our Country; and because we cannot endure the idea of disappointing it.
While we have the miniature of a Congress here for the affairs of England with the United States, there is a great one at Vienna, which is to settle the future destinies of Europe. There too England appears inclined to take the lead and direction of all affairs, but it is probable that France also will have something to say in those arrangements—The Prince of Talleyrand, the French Ambassador there, has stated in a memorial that as France has consented to be reduced to her dimensions of 1792, it is but justice on her part to expect that the other great European powers will follow her example—This declaration appears to have been quite unexpected, and to have given rise to so many new ideas among the assembled potentates and Ambassadors that is had been agreed to postpone the opening of the Congress until the first of November.
My letters from my wife, are of 30 September, when the Winter at St: Petersburg was already setting in—I present my dutiful remembrance to my father; my affectionate regards to my boys and am your ever devoted Son
John Quincy Adams