Title: Hannah Quincy Lincoln Storer to Abigail Adams, 27 November 1793
From: Storer, Hannah Quincy Lincoln
To: Adams, Abigail

Boston Novr 27 —93
Had you My respected friend join’d the Small, tho’ social Circle the last Thursday, it would have been an addition to our pleasure, but by your first friend I was Soon prevented Saying Much upon the Subject—[“]as none he Said ought to be present at the parting of Hector and Andromache but the Nurse and Child”—
I have his permission to ask your Company for a day but a Night he would not consent to, as being so long in Boston at a time always made you Sick: I added if you’d Come and Stay with Me you Should eat, drink, and Sleep, as you pleased— the weather is Now very fine, I should be exceeding glad to See you with Miss Smith any day this week that would Sute you—in that Sociable way that I flatter Myself would be grateful to you / and pleaseing to / Your / Affactionate friend
H Storer
P S My Sister Guild and My Daughter calls upon you in their way to Mrs. Cranches Mr Storer desires his Compliments—and joins Me in the above request


Title: Abigail Adams to John Adams, 28 November 1793
From: Adams, Abigail
To: Adams, John

my dearest Friend
Quincy Novbr 28 1793
My early rising still continues, and I am writing by candle light. it is a week this day since you left me. I have rejoiced in the fine weather for your Sake. it has sometimes been cold and Blustering, but the Air has been pure and bracing. on saturday Night we had a plentifull Rain Succeeded by a fine day. I presume you reachd N York yesterday. I hope you found all our Friends well tho I have not heard from mrs Smith for a long time. I could wish if you must go to Philadelphia that you could have gone immediatly to your old Lodgings Brisler could make Breakfast & coffe in the afternoon even if you was provided with dinner in some other place. all accounts however agree that the City is clear from infection. I Sincerely hope it is, but I do not know what cause need be given to so many, as must suffer through anxiety and apprehension for their Friends, when Sitting a few weeks out of the city might remove it.
Cousin Lucy cranch came from Town last Evening and brought your Letter dated Hartford I also received one from Thomas of the 17th. I suppose you will find him in the city upon your arrival there. he writes that dr Rush assures him that he may come with safety.
our people here at home have been engaged some days in getting wood—one at the high ways one in getting sea weed. by the way savil continues every day in bringing two & sometimes 3 Load I do not know how much you agreed with him for, so I have not Stopd him, as I knew you was desirious of getting a quantity I expect he will cart till he has a pretty high Bill
last Night accounts were received of a Bloody Battle between General Wayne and the Indians tis said Wayne kept the Feild tho with the loss of 500 m[en] and that the Indians left as many dead upon the Fie[ld] tis a great point gaind to keep the Feild against them I hope they will now be convinced that we have men enough to fight them—
Mrs Brisler was well yesterday she has been here two days, and went home last evening
Let me hear from you every week it will be the only thing to keep me in spirits.
I am glad the virginians had some sense & some cunning as both united produced a proper measure. the Tone in Boston is much changd of mr Consul. he begins to make his Feasts and to coax & whine like a Hyena, as if having made use of big threatning language he had terrified the puny Americans and now was willing to kiss & make Friends—
present me to all those Friends who have Survived the general calimity, and as ever I am / most affectionatly yours
A Adams


Title: John Adams to Abigail Adams, 28 November 1793
From: Adams, John
To: Adams, Abigail

My Dearest Friend
Col Smiths Cottage, near New York Nov. 28 1793
I arrived here Yesterday, and had the Pleasure to dine with our Children and The Baron: All are very well and send their Duty. Charles is well, fat and handsome, and persists in the Line of Conduct which We so much approved. His Business increases & he will do well.
Accounts from Philadelphia continue to be favourable. Mr Otis has written for his Family to come on, as Mrs Smith informs me. if so I shall be at no loss.
Mr Genet has made a curious Attack upon Mr Jay and Mr King which you will see in the Papers. My Duty to Mother, Love to Brothers Sisters Cousins, particularly Louisa. I go on towards Philadelphia to day. yours
J. A.


Title: John Adams to Abigail Adams, 1 December 1793
From: Adams, John
To: Adams, Abigail

My dearest Friend
Philadelphia Decr. 1. 1793
We may ever remember The Thirtieth of November because it was the Day on which We were absolved from Infamy; in 1782 and because it was the Day on which I entered this City in 1793. Finding by all accounts that the Pestilence was no more to be heard of, and that Mr Otis had returned to his House, I drove directly to Market Street and took Possn. of my old Chamber and bed. The principal Families have returned, the President is here, Several Members of Congress are arrived and Business is going on with some Spirit. The greatest Mortality appears to have been in bad Houses and among loose Women and their gallants among the Sailors and low foreigners. Some Persons of Note have fallen. Dr Hutchinson is thought to have been the Victim of his own french Zeal, by admitting infected Persons and goods from French Vessells from the French West India Islands. if, however the Contagion was imported the State of the air and of the Blood, which was prepared to catch like tinder was not imported.
Mr Otis has written for his Family. Our son Thomas has been once in Town but has returned to Woodbury.
Mr Anthony came in last Evening and gave me an account of his Enquiries, the Result of all is that the Destroying Angel has put up his sword, and Said it is enough.— It will be enough I hope to convince Philadelphia that all has not been well. Moral and religious Reflections I shall leave to their own Thoughts: but The Cleanness of the Streets I shall preach in Season & out of Season.
My Duty and Love where due / yours forever
J. A.


Title: John Adams to Abigail Adams, 5 December 1793
From: Adams, John
To: Adams, Abigail

My dearest Friend
Philadelphia Decr 5. 1793
I wrote you from Hartford, New York and once from Philadelphia: but have not yet had the Pleasure of a Letter from you Since I left home.
The Night before last We had a deep Snow, which will probably extinguish all remaining apprehensions of Infection. We hear of no Sickness and all Seem at their Ease and without fear.
The Presidents Speach will Shew you an Abundance of Serious Business which We have before Us: Mr Jefferson called on me last night and informed me, that to day We should have the whole Budget of Foreign Affairs British as well as French. He Seems as little Satisfied with the Conduct of the French Minister as any one.
Thomas Spent the last Evening with me. He has had an opportunity of Seeing the Courts, Judges Lawyers &c of New Jersey, in the Course of the last fall, and has I hope employed his time to Advantage. This Day he is to be examined and this Week Sworn in. May a Blessing Attend him. Although I have attended and shall attend my Duty punctually in Senate, I shall not run about upon Visits without caution: yet I believe there is little or no danger.
The Viscount Noailles called on me, and I enquired after all his Connections in a Family which I knew to be once in great Power Wealth and Splendor. He Seems to despair of Liberty in France and has lost apparently all hopes of ever living in France. He was very critical in his Inquiries concerning the Letters which were printed as mine in England. I told him candidly that I did not write them and as frankly in confidence who did. He says they made a great Impression upon the People of England. That he heard Mr Windham & Mr Fox Speak of them as the best Thing that had been written, and as one of the best Pieces both of Reasoning and Style they had ever read. The Marquis he says is living, but injured in his health. Your old Friend the Marchioness still lives in France in obscurity in the Country. He thinks that a Constitution like that of England would not last three days in France, and that Monarchy will not be restored in a dozen Years if ever.—
The Partitioning and arbitrary Spirit of the combined Powers will contribute more than any Thing towards Uniting the French under their old Government. Frenchmen cannot bear the Partition of their Country: and rather than see it divided among their neighbours they will unite in something or other.
It will require all the address, all the Temper, and all the Firmness of Congress and the States, to keep this People out of the War: or rather to avoid a Declaration of War against Us, from some mischievous Power or other. It is but little that I can do, either by the Functions which the Constitution has entrusted to me, or by my personal Influence. But that little shall be industriously employed untill it is put beyond a doubt that it will be fruitless, and then I shall be as ready to meet unavoidable Calamities as any other Citizen.
Adieu


Title: Charles Adams to John Adams, 6 December 1793
From: Adams, Charles
To: Adams, John

My dear Father
New York Decr 6 1793.
The very interesting situation of our Country at present cannot fail to call forth the serious reflections of those who are anxious for its wellfare What we are destined to can only with certainty be divulged by the operation of time. Individuals reason from the experience of past ages and often draw different conclusions from the same premises. We are as yet but a young Country. Yet we have gone through some ordeals to gain experience, but we must go through many more before a Government can be established in this Country sufficiently energetic to act with a proper dignity both towards foreigners and our own citizens. We boast of freedom of security to our persons property and reputation and yet we do not find that the laws are always executed in such a manner as to secure what we boast of or to punish invaders upon those rights Through the negligence timidity or design of men who ought to exert themselves to give just and good laws their proper operation we are daily exposed to gross invasions. Through the unwillingness of men of reputation to come forward to State truths to the people we are often exposed to the rash proceedings of an ignorant Mob. Many instances of these serious facts may be exhibited. This City has from time to time subjected to the lawless depredations of the mob, and The instigators have as often been overlooked and have passed without the punishments due to their crimes. The reasons assigned for this lenity are that it is better to let such conduct pass unnoticed than to irritate the minds of people by severe punishment But surely examples ought to be made or the evil will increase with double rapidity. We have of late had an alarming instance fury of a mob in this City A young man was indicted at the last Court of Oyer and Terminer for a rape Upon the trial no evidence was given to convict him of the crime and the jury gave a verdict Not guilty. During the course of this trial The people in the Galleries to applaud or hiss as it suited their fancy The Counsel for the Prisoner were insulted in the most gross manner in open Court Yet the judges either did not dare or neglected to punish this contempt. In the evening a mob collected and very composedly pulled down a half dozen houses The Mayor to whom much praise is due as an active and determined Magistrate did what was in his power to quell the riot but he was hindered in the execution of his office and obtained nothing but bruises and kicks The next day threats were heard in the City against the Counsel for the prisoner They were told their houses would be pulled about their ears One man said he would show them how those things were done in France The Governor promised that the Militia should be called out to protect them. Evening came on and no signs of Militia were seen and they were obliged to quit their houses for safety. It is said the Governor never ordered them out If he did they disobeyed his orders This is not probable as by late appointments he has the Militia officers at his beck all the principal officers being chosen from his band. The mob contented themselves with tearing down six or seven more houses that evening and then disbanded in a very orderly manner. Luckily the freak of pulling down half the City did not take them or I see no impediment to the execution. Notwithstanding all this no prosecutions no indictments no commitments have been heard of. It is said These were houses of ill fame, but they were no less private property and as such should be protected. If once the principle is admitted that the mob according to their whims have a right to destroy and execute their vengeance; whose person or property is safe? But no pains are taken to oppose such conduct and when the Citizens see or hear of such fracâ’s they stare and wonder what has got into the people. Where are we to look for remedies for these outrages if men who have it in their power to prevent them sit still and wink at them? We are in danger of having many evil examples set us by the number of unprincipled foreigners who are daily pouring in upon us and they will no doubt be made tools to serve party purposes If then such violence is not nipped in the bud we have but a melancholy prospect before us—

By The last Federal Militia Law—the appointment of Officers is left to the different States. I have doubts respecting the policy of this measure. If it is true as has been suggested That the office of Governor of a State from its nature leads the persons holding such office to an opposition of the Federal Government is it not placing a very dangerous weapon in the hands of those who unless they are more disinterested than mankind in general will not act with energy in support of the Federal cause? I do not know whether these ideas are perfectly just, they are such as have occured to me and if I am wrong I wish to be corrected.
Adieu my dear Sir / Beleive me your affectionate son
Charles Adams


Title: John Adams to Abigail Adams Smith, 14 December 1793
From: Adams, John
To: Smith, Abigail Adams

My Dear Daughter:
Philadelphia, December 14, 1793.
I thank you for your kind letter of the tenth of this month.
Mr. G. may well be shocked at the Message. It is a thunderbolt. I cannot but feel something like an apology for him, as he was led into some of his enterprises by the imprudence of our fellow-citizens. The extravagant court paid to him by a party, was enough to turn a weak head. The enthusiasm and delirium of that party has involved us, and will involve us, in more serious difficulties than a quarrel with a Minister. There is too much reason to fear that the intemperance of that party has brought upon us an Algerine war, and may compromise us with all the maritime powers of Europe.

It is a very difficult thing for a man to go into a foreign country, and among a strange people, and there act a prompt and sudden part upon a public political theatre, as I have severely felt in France, Holland, and England; and if he does not keep his considering cap always on his head, some party or some individual will be very likely to seduce him into snares and difficulties. This has been remarkably Mr. G.’s unhappy case. Opposition to the laws, and endeavours to set the people against the government, are too gross faults to be attempted with impunity in any country.
The scandalous libel on the President, in a New-York paper, is a proof to me, that foreign politics have had too much secret influence in America; indeed, I have known enough of it for fifteen years to dread it; but this desperate effort of corrupt factions, is more than I expected to see so soon.
Present my love to my two dear boys. You have a great charge upon you, my dear child, in the education of these promising children. As they have not had the regular advantages of public schools, your task in teaching them literature must be the more severe. A thirst for knowledge early excited, will be one of the best preservatives against that dissipation and those irregularities which produce the ruin of so many young men; at the same time that it will prompt them to acquire those accomplishments which are the only solid and useful ones, whether they are destined to any of the liberal professions, to the gallant career of soldiers, or to the useful employments of merchandise and agriculture.
Your mamma complains that she has not received a letter from you in a long time. Remember me to Colonel Smith.
Your affectionate,
J. Adams.


Title: John Adams to Abigail Adams, 15 December 1793
From: Adams, John
To: Adams, Abigail

My dearest Friend
Philadelphia Decr 15. 1793
Having taken a cold which makes it inconvenient to go out this morning I cannot employ myself more agreably than by writing to you. The President and Mrs Washington enquire after you very respectfully every time I see them. Mrs Washington enquires after all of Us and particularly Miss Louisa— She wishes, with an Emphasis and I dare Say very sincerely, that I had brought you along with me.— Mr Dandridge acts at present as The Presidents Secretary and I dont find that he has any other Secretary or Aid de Camp at all. Miss Nelly went over into Maryland in the Course of the Summer and there got the Ague and Fever. The poor Girl looks pale and thin, in Consequence of it: but will soon got the better of it.
Brisler has engaged some Rye Flour for you, but when you will receive it, I know not. Cheesman is not yet Arrived. Yesterday was brought me an Account of which I had not the least Suspicion for above an hundred dollars, from Bringhurst. Will it not be adviseable to sell the Cochee? and the Chariot,? and buy a new Chariot? Perhaps Some Coachmaker in Boston would exchange. We Shall have little Use for the Cochee, and have no Room at present to dispose of the Coach. I only mention this for Consideration. Furniture and Carriages have made Mischief enough for Us.— Rocks are much better, at least they do less harm.
I went to See Mrs Wilson, but she was gone out. The Judge was at home, and is very young notwithstanding his Spectacles and White Hair.— Mrs Hammon looks portly enough for a Lady who has been the Wife of an Ambassador half a Year and more.
I told you in a former Letter that Thomas was examined approved and sworn.
For Want of a virtuous Magistracy or a virtuous Attorney General Pro Tempere, to prosecute convict and punish disorderly Houses at New York, the Sovereign Mobility took the Guardianship of the public morals into their own Hands and pulled down Seven or Eight houses, turning with exemplary Inhumanity many Ladies into the cold Air and open Street. The public was irritated by two or three Charges of Rapes, and the Lawyers treated the Subject with too much Levity, treated virtuous creditable Women with too much indifference and Mother Cary the old Beldam with to much respect. This is what I hear. I am sorry that Mobs should have a plausible Excuse for Setting up for reformers. But I never could feel an intollerable Indignation against the Riots called Skimmington Ridings when they really were excited by gross offences against Morals.
Yours as ever
J. A.


Title: Charles Adams to John Adams, 19 December 1793
From: Adams, Charles
To: Adams, John

My dear father
New York Decr 19th 1793
I received your favour of the 16th yesterday. I am sorry that from what I said in my last to you it should be inferred that I wished to advocate the cause of infamy or that I had partially related circumstances. All I meant by there being no evidence was that was not such evidence as would warrant a jury to find the prisoner guilty of the charge laid against him. I most earnestly request that you would not too easily take up ideas prejudicial to me Your letter if it was intended to give pain had the desired effect but I have to observe that many things have been told respecting me which are false many things reported which I attest Heaven are not true. Lord Hale’s history of the Pleas of the Crown I have read and some of the other authors you have recommended. My attention shall be turned to the others. I do not look upon the French Revolution as a new thing many circumstances have perhaps contributed to make it more replete with crimes than any other. The great ignorance of the mass of the people made them easy tools for the factious and unprincipled demagogues to work with Many men at such periods will arise who are continually endeavoring to promote the reign of anarchy well knowing that their only chance of keeping upon the top of the wheel is in a continued scene of tumult. In France there does not appear to be one two or three or four parties but five or six hundred and most indubitably it is better to have one Cromwell than five hundred. I have lately read a pamplet Entitled Plaidoyer pour Louis seize par Monr Lally Tollendal. It is a morsel of eloquence which I am anxious you should see Much information is to be gathered from it. The history of the author is remarkable. During the reign of Louis 15th his father was executed in a most ignominious manner for surrendering Pondicherry to the English His son found protectors and applied himself to the study of the laws with the intention to vindicate the memory of his father. At the age of 22 he proffered a Memorial to Louis the 16th requesting a revision of the decree against his father. It was granted and he appeared himself as the Solicitor before the parlement of Paris and the memory of his father was releived from disgrace his property and title restored. Such is the man who was anxious to defend his King but was denied the privilege of doing it before the National Convention A man as I am informed [of si]ngular eloquence and most persuasive Oratory.

I have received your kind assistance of an hundred dollars for which accept my sincere thanks.
The people I think show an unusual degree of dejection at the prospect of affairs. Nor are those who have been most instrumental in exasperating the powers of Europe against this Country among the least cast down. Civic feasts. Kicking British Officers out of Coffee houses King killing toasts &ca &ca are things which some begin to think were imprudent. and perhaps not altogether justifiable I see nothing but sad experience that can bring all right.
I am my Dear Sir your dutiful son
Charles Adams


Title: John Adams to Abigail Adams, 22 December 1793
From: Adams, John
To: Adams, Abigail

My dearest Friend
Philadelphia Decr 22. 1793
I went this morning to Dr Greens and this afternoon to St. Pauls where I heard Dr Magaw: but I am not Sure it is prudent to go to Church or to Meeting for if there is danger and can be infection any where it is as likely to be in these Assembleis as in any Place. All the World however says and believes there is no danger.
Our son Thomas opened at the Bar, on Fryday and acquitted himself to his own Satisfaction at least, and that is a great Point. His Cause was a Prosecution of a disorderly house and consequently his Audience was crouded. Two of your sons are thus engaged in the great Work of Reformation and I wish them success. Mr Ingersol thinks, that as Charles is not necessitated to push into the Country for an immediate subsistance, he had better remain in the City where there is the greatest Quantity and Variety of profitable Business. But advises me to let him ride the Circuits in the Summer, to see the Country and the People as well as practice. This Plan upon the whole I approve, among many others for this decisive one, that he will avoid the danger if there should be any in the Summer Months.
I cannot write you upon public affairs. I should write in Shackles. There will be many weak Propositions no doubt. it is even possible there may be some wicked ones: none I hope Stark mad.
The Antifœderal Party by their ox feasts and their civic feasts, their king killing Toasts, their perpetual Insolence and Billingsgate against all the Nations and Governments of Europe their everlasting brutal Cry of Tyrants, Despots, Combinations against Liberty &c &c &c have probably irritated, offended and provoked all the Crowned Heads of Europe at least: and a little more of this Indelicacy and Indecency may involve Us in a War with all the World. on the other hand It is possible the French Republicans may be angry with Us for preventing their Minister, from involving Us in War & Anarchy. The State is in critical Circumstances, and have been brought into them by the Heat and Impatience of the People. If nothing will bring them to consideration, I fear they will suffer Severely for their Rashness. The Friends of the Government have been as blind as its Ennemies in giving Way to the Torrent. Their great Error was in suffering Publicola to be overborn and Paines Yellow Fever to be Spread and propagated and applauded, as if, instead of a Distemper, a putrid, malignant mortal fatal Epidemic, it had been a Salubrious shower of Blessings from on high. It is reported this Luminary is coming to America. I had rather, two more Genets should arrive.
Mrs Dalton and too many others to be named, desire their respects to you.
My office renders me so compleatly insignificant that all Parties can afford to treat me with a decent respect, which accordingly they do, as far as I observe or hear or suspect. They all know that I can do them neither much good nor much harm.
My Health has been pretty well, excepting a Cold, which I regularly have upon entering this City two or three Weeks, every Year.
I am afraid We shall have a long session. But I hope We shall rise in April. My Duty to my Mother & Love where due.
yours unceasingly
J. A


Title: John Adams to Charles Adams, 23 December 1793
From: Adams, John
To: Adams, Charles

Dear Charles
Philadelphia Decr 23. 1793
The Papers, furnish Us this Evening with more flowers of Jacobinical Rhetorick from New York. Crushing Monarchy Confusion to Aristocracy and Monarchy: a Brutus to Tyrants &c are Still not only panting in the Bosoms of the Guests at the new Civic Feast, but they must publish their Breathings to the World.
It is so customary for the Members of the Corps Diplomatick, to make Ex officio representations of Such Ebullitions in Newspapers to the Administration of the Government to which they are Accredited; that it must be acknowledged to be much to the honour of the Gentlemen who are here from Spain Holland and England, that they have not hitherto persecuted the President & secretary of State with Remonstrances against our Newspapers. Their Silence is a Proof of their Moderation, their Patience and their Tenderness for the Freedom of the Press. I Suppose too that they make allowances for our Youth and Inexperience of the World. For Our Ignorance of what in Europe is known and acknowledged to be the Delicacy and Decency, due to all foreign nations and their Governments. We claim a Right, very justly to the form of Government We like best. Every Nation in Europe has the Same Right and if they judge Monarchy to be necessary for their Happiness, What Right have We to reproach, much less to insult them? Supposing ourselves to be Judges of what kind of Government is best for them, a Supposition however which We cannot modestly make and which is certainly ill founded, We should have no right to impose upon them our Ideas of Government, any more than our principles of Religion or systems of Faith. There is an Ungenerosity in this disposition So often displayed by so many of our Countrymen, nearly bordering on meanness of Spirit, and an illiberality, Strongly marked with littleness of Soul.
Should a foreign Minister complain to the President against the grossest of these Libels, and demand that the Printers, Writers &c should be punished, what could he answer? He must answer that he would give orders to the Attorney General to prosecute them: should the Attorney General Prosecute and the Grand Jury not find a Bill or the petit Jury not convict what would be the Consequence? Resentment, Vengeance and War as likely as not. At the present Moment the Combination of Powers is so strong, that We may expect they will be irritable in Proportion to their feeling of their own Superiority of Power. And I am really apprehensive that if our People cannot be persuaded to be more decent, they will draw down Calamities upon our Country, that will weaken Us to such a degree that We shall not recover our Prosperity for half a Century.
What assistance can France give Us, or We afford her in the present Posture of affairs? We should only increase each others Miseries, if We were involved in War, with all her Ennemies.
our People Seem to think they could now go to War with England and be at Peace with all the rest of Europe: a delusion so gross that I am amazed it should have deceived the Sagacity of the meanest of our Citizens: so sure as We go to War at present with any one European Power We must go to War with all, excepting Denmark and Sweeden, and the Consequences of such a War have not I fear been maturely weighed by my dear Countrymen. I am my dear Charles your / affectionate Father
J. A.


Title: Elizabeth Smith Shaw to Abigail Adams, 29 December 1793
From: Shaw, Elizabeth Smith
To: Adams, Abigail

My Dear Sister—
Haverhill Dec. 29th 1793
It is a long time since I have written to you, or received a Line from either of my much loved Sisters— I have done like many others, in the more important Concerns of Life, who, though convinced of their Duty, put off the performance of it, to a more convenient Season—not considering, that the present moment, is the only one we may be favoured with—
I know that my Sister looks back upon the last year, & now sees the close of it, with peculiar gratitude—that Heaven has been pleased to preserve the lives of all her Family—& to spare her Son when surrounded on every side, with that most awful pestilential Dissease which has torn so many Mothers from the arms of their clinging Infants, & with a cruel despotic sway, in quick succession made, “wild Inroads on a Parents Heart—” But he who is the repairer of breaches—who hears the young Ravens when they cry, will not be deaf to the cries of those helpless Infants, but will raise up Friends to those distressed Orphans, who will be the guide of their tender Years—
When the Congress first met, I felt very anxious, & I know your mind must have been much agitated—least the City should not have been properly cleansed—& the air prove prejudicial to your best Friend— I never think of him, but with a petition to heaven, that his most useful Life might be spared, that he might see the blessings of that Government, of which he has been so instrumental,—preserved, inviolate to his Childrens, Children—
A nervous putrid fever has prevaield in the Towns round us, & carried of a number of Persons— Mr Welch, a Class-mate of your Son’s, is among the number—

“Lamented Youth! in life’s first bloom he fell”

He was a young minister beloved by every one—happy in the affections of the People of his Charge—Zealous in promoting the intereste of Religion, without too great a degree of Enthusiasm—meek—& serious—with out affectation—cheerful, without Levity—complacent & affable without familiarity gentle in his manners—excellent in his Morals he enforced, & gave a double weight to his Precepts, by the purity of his Life—which was uncommonly useful, improving in knowledge & virtue— What! though short his date—if it has answered Life’s great end—it is enough— Scarce one year has elapsed since he was united to an accomplished Lady—in the silken bands of Hymen—whom in the pangs of Death, he pressed to his fond faithful Heart—& beged of her Mother, to again receive, & protect both her, & hers, if heaven should be pleased to bless his widowed, pensive solotary mate, with the tender appellation of Parent—which alas! he must never know— It was a Scene almost too tender, for Description— I will say no more than that

“In Sorrow, may I never want a Friend
Nor, when others mourn, a Tear to lend—”

Mr Cranch went away suddenly, & I had not time to finish this—May it find you in health—& the new born year be replete with Blessings—
I wish you would be so kind as to lend me the Rights of Women—the first opportunity— when you write to your Children, please to give my Love to them all— / & accept of the unfeigned Love, & Grati- / tude of your affectionate Sister
E. Shaw—
Please to excuse the writing, as Abby is round all the time chattering like a Mag-pye—


Title: Abigail Adams to John Quincy Adams, 30 December 1793
From: Adams, Abigail
To: Adams, John Quincy

my dear
Quincy decbr 30 1793—
I inclose to you your Brothers Letter I should have Sent for you last saturday but I expected a snow storm. I suppose your Father has written to you. he is vex’d with the Printer for Publishing in three Numbers what ought all to have been in one. he says the writer of Columbus had better publish in a pamphlet by which a printer may get money, and as pamphlets are much in vogue at present. suppose you should hint it to him your Father sends his thanks to the writer, for his masterly defence of the writers upon the Law of Nature and Nations and for laying before the publick such passages as are extreemly to the purpose Genet made him a visit as he did to other Senators who all hastned to return it. he was at home when your Father returnd his. there conversation was confind to inquiries after his mother & sisters, &c and to some discussion about the form of their New constitution. Take Genets Character from one who has long been accustomed “to look quite through the deeds of Men” [“]He appears a youth totally destitute of all experience in popular Governments popular assemblies or conventions of any kind: very little accustomed to reflect on his own or his fellow creatures Hearts wholy ignorant of the Law of Nature & Nations, the civil Law and even of the dispatches of Ancient Ambassadors with which his own Nation and Language abounds A declamatory stile a flitting fluttering Imagination an Ardour in his Temper, and a civil deportment are all the accomplishments or qualifications to be found in him for his place” and this Character I would send to the Printer if I dared. you may if you will venture. it is the most favourable one that is due to him. mr Jefferson treats him I think quite as freely as Columbus Have the Libel which was printed upon the President by Greenleaf & the Resolves which past at the Coffe house in concequence of it, reachd Boston. your Father mentions it in one of his Letters. the P—— finds that there is more than one Church left in America. I dont know where he could find ports enough to make them all into Consuls— I own that is a little spightfull, yet I do Revere respect honour and Love the President.—
I shall send next saturday for you. if you have an opportunity to send to Charles the remaining Numbers do. the Tigers paw will delight him. I felt the down of it when I read it. I do not mean however to single out this beautifull metaphor as the only object worth consideration I have read all the Numbers with attention and consider them a valuable present to the publick tending, to place in a true and just point of view the conduct of a Man who has disgraced his office, and made himself so obnoxious as scarcly to be entitled to common decency. partizans may Rail, but sound reason will enlighten and prevail. I see a scene opening before me which will call for as great exertions from the rising generation as their Fathers have already pasd through. may all those to whom talants and abilities are entrusted qualify themselves for the Guidence and protection of the common Weal. Parties are arising and forming themselves upon Principals altogether Repugnant to the good order and happiness of society. No fire, says an Author I have lately been reading assails a civil edifice so voilently as the Flame of National Passion, for it consumes the very stones of the Fabrick levels merrit to the Ground and makes reason tremble excites tumults and insults and makes way for the triumphant entry of Ambition those Hearts which ought to be cordially united by the Bonds of Brotherly Love Breathe nothing but vengance & Rancour
adieu yours affectionatly
A Adams


Title: Charles Adams to John Adams, 30 December 1793
From: Adams, Charles
To: Adams, John

My Dear Father
New York Decr 30th 1793—
The effusions of our Jacobin spirit had been smothered if some evil minded person in Philadelphia had not published an extract of a letter from one of the party relating the circumstances The whole conduct of the feast had been carefully concealed nor was it possible to procure any information respecting it until the extract appeared. The partisans of Mr Genet fall off daily. some still remain and it is said that most of them will find their purses somewhat lightened by their connection. As to our other Citizens they are very much troubled least the Gentleman should cover himself with the black mantle. Your last letter I have a desire to give it to one of our Printers, but I would not do it without your consent It abounds with such truths as I think must forcibly strike the public mind which now appears open to conviction. It is not difficult to fix upon the author of the peices signed Columbus. They are very highly esteemed and have been reprinted in all our papers except Greenleaf’s in which I should be sorry to see them. He is the veriest imp of sedition that was ever suffered in a City. but he has lately received a lesson which he will not soon forget He published an infamous peice against the President which has cost him dear and excited a general detestation against him. Heavens! what a change! but four year ago and we thought the voice of calumny dared not attack this man. I recollect a conversation I had with you Sir upon this subject before they had commenced their attacks in that quarter. I remember well the apprehension you expressed least they should strike even there. We now see that those apprehensions were not groundless. The consequences are to be feared. How poor a reward for virtuous exertions in the service of our Country.
The high winds for these few days past have prevented the Mails from Philadelphia passing the river. Will it be possible to persuade the State Government to cooperate in the defense of the Country? What alterations are proposed in the Militia law? Fenno does not send me his papers so that I do not obtain regular information from the Seat of Government. At This crisis so interesting and important the papers would be peculiarly acceptable.
My Love to my brother I am glad he has began his carreer with so much propriety.
Adieu my dear Sir beleive me your / affectionate son
Charles Adams


Title: John Adams to Abigail Adams, 30 December 1793
From: Adams, John
To: Adams, Abigail

        My dearest Friend
Philadelphia Decr 30. 1793
This morning I received your favour of the 20th. The House I am in was aired and Smoked with Tar & Powder and the Vaults Slaked with Lime &c before I came in.
I hope with you that Congress will not remain here late in the Spring: but the Extent of Business before Us Seems to be immense. Perhaps the less We do the better. Something however must be done.
When Russell Said “there is but one Man capable of Writing Columbus” he Said what I have thought all along.— The Persons I converse with are too wise to give any Opinions or Say any Thing about Such Writings. most are too wise to read them. I wish Columbus may not be inflated with Vanity and too much emboldened. festinelente. He will have more Influence in his Closet, than upon the Stage.
I Sympathise with you and Louisa. My own health has been better for my Journey: but I have a great Cold every Year, before I have been a fortnight in the City and you know it lasts Six Weeks. I never find any Benefit from any thing I do for it, so I leave it to take its Course
But as Mr Izard and his Wife say “We are grown too old to live Seperate”— Mr Izard is here keeping Batchelors Hall—she at New York with Mrs Marrigold. It is very hard upon me in my old age to be obliged to live from my Family, after having been a slave for thirty Years— Oh Columbus, Columbus you know not what you are about.—
Mrs Washington is here and never fails to make the kindest Inquries and to send the most cordial Regards.
I this day received a Visit from Mr Joseph Priestley the oldest son of Dr Priestley, with a Letter from his Father. The Letter with a Card was left when I was in the Senate: as soon as I came home and found the Letter, I returned the Visit—and found Mr Joseph Priestly with his Wife and his youngest Brother, with another Enlishman whose Name is Colman I believe. I revere the Dr and his sons are likely Men: but they will do no good in America, untill they are undeceived. They are blinded by Ignorance or Error: blinded beyond the most stupid and besotted of our American Jacobins. entre nous. They are young however and will be corrected by Experience.
I like the Drs Plan very well— I can send you, what you may want I hope— There cannot be too much Seaweed, provided the Loads are heavy enough. I hope The Bedding of the Animals is changed often.
We have pleasant Weather here.— We hear nothing of Cheesman— Mrs Dalton Mrs Otis hear nothing of their Adventures which were on board Phillips. There has been terrible Gales at sea and many Small Craft lost. I do not yet despair of Cheesman, but We are in Trouble on his account.
We Shall sooon See The Lt. Governors Speech to the General Court. Some curious metaphisical if not Jesuitical Subtilties I warrant you: The Dotage of a Man who was never equal to the Station he now holds may demand some Excuse. But no Man in that Chair will be independent. Independence is not compatible with popular Elections I fear. These are Truths that even, I, am not independent enough to say to every Body. But although The Popular Voice will overawe every Man in some degree, I hope We shall be able to Steer the Vessell clear of the Rocks and Sands. God knows!
yours
J. A


Title: Abigail Adams to John Adams, 31 December 1793
From: Adams, Abigail
To: Adams, John

my dearest Friend
Quincy Dec’br 31 1793
Your two kind Letters of the 19 & 20th reachd me on the 28th they are my saturday evenings repast. you know my mind is much occupied with the affairs of our Country. if as a Female I may be calld an Idle I never can be an uninterested Spectator of what is transacting upon the great Theater, when the welfare and happiness of my Children & the rising generation is involved in the present counsels and conduct of the principal Actors who are now exhibiting upon the stage. That the Halcion days of America are past I fully believe, but I cannot agree with you in sentiment respecting the office you hold; altho it is so limited as to prevent your being so actively usefull as you have been accustomed to, yet those former exertions and Services give a weight of Character which like the Heavenly orbs silently diffuse a benign influence. Suppose for Instance as things are often exemplified by their contraries, a Man, in that office, of unbridled Ambition, Subtile intriguing, warpd and biased by interested views, joining at this critical crisis, his secret influence against the Measures of the President, how very soon would this country be involved in all the Horrours of a civil War. I am happy to learn that the only fault in your political Character and one which has always given me uneasiness, is wearing away, I mean a certain irritability which has some times thrown you of your Gaurd and shewn as is reported of Louis 14’th that a Man is not always a Hero— Partizans are so high, respecting English and French politicks, and argue so falsly and Reason so stupidly that one would suppose they could do no injury, but there are so many who read and hear without reflecting and judging for themselves and there is such a propensity in humane Nature to believe the worst especially when their interest is like to be affected, that if we are preserved from the Calamities of War it will be more oweing to the superintending Providence of God than the virtue and wisdom of Man. How we are to avoid it with France supposing Genet should not be recall’d I know not. must we Submit to such insults? judging from the manner in which France has carried on the present War, I should not wonder if they feard a Partition of their Kingdom. A Frenchman reminding an English man of the Time when in the Reign of Henry the sixth, the English were almost absolute Masters of France Said sneerlingly to him “When do you think you will again become Lords of our Kingdom?” to which the Englishman replied, [“]When your iniquities shall be greater than ours.” how can any Nation expect to prosper who War against Heaven?
By this time you will have seen all the Numbers of Columbus. I should like to know the Presidents opinion of them, as well as some other Gentlemen who are judges. they assuredly are ably written, and do honour both to the Head and Heart of the writer, who deserves well of his fellow citizens for the information he has thrown upon a subject of so much importance at so critical a period—but their is a “barberous Noise of asses Apes and dogs” raisd by it in the Chronical. nevertheless sound reason and cool Argument will prevail in the end.
Having spun my thread out with respect to politicks I will think a little of our own private affairs. dr Tufts has paid two hundred pounds and become responsible himself for the remainder. I wrote to you his further intention, the 17 of Janry he proposes to discharge two hundreds pounds more. I have closed my account this day I have kept an exact account of my expenditures & payments since you left me, which I inclose to you. mr Cary offerd to bring me an other load of Hay at the same price. what he brought is agreed to be of the first quality, and it was all weighd, but I did not feel myself in a capacity to engage it absolutely. we have heitherto had so little snow that Buisness is dull mr Belcher has cleard of all the sea weed untill some high Tide brings more. he is now getting home the pine wood.
our Friends desire to be rememberd to you. mrs Brisler and family are well. you will present me affectionatly to mrs washington who I respect and Love
My Love to Thomas. I hear he is for fighting the Algerines, but I am not sure that would be the best oconomy, tho it might give us a good pretence [for] Building a Navy that we need not be twichd by the Nose by every sausy Jack a Nips— he had better find Law for his countrymen and prevail upon them to take it.
I am as ever most affectionatly / yours
A Adams


Title: John Adams to Abigail Adams, 1 January 1794
From: Adams, John
To: Adams, Abigail

            My dearest Friend
            Philadelphia January 1. 1794

          I have taken a Sheet of Paper, only to wish you an happy new Year and many happy repetitions of this Aniversary.
          I received yesterday a Letter, and Pacquet of his Liberty Papers and Pamphlets from Mr B. Hollis dated 18. Feb. 1793. Where it has been I cannot guess. He Sends his best Wishes to you and hopes you have recovered your health and Spirits.
          I Suppose Columbus has now done with G— I read his Number 5. yesterday. The Printers are all Poltroons or they would insert the whole in all their Papers; They are afraid of an Antifoederal Party and of a French Party now associated in one, and very powerful with many Readers of Newspapers. If Genet has by his Conduct made many of them afraid to avow their Attachment to him, they Still avoid giving him offence and will come out in his vindication whenever they think they may with Safety.
          Cheesman is not arrived and Brisler is put to more Inconvenience than I am for want of our Trunk. It is feared he is lost, but I still hope he will be heard of, after some time. My Duty Love & Compliments where proper
          yours this Year as last

            J. A.


Title: John Adams to Charles Adams, 2 January 1794
From: Adams, John
To: Adams, Charles

            Dear Charles
            Philadelphia Jan. 2. 1794

          This morning I recd your agreable Letter of the 30. Ult.—I wish you would explain to me what you mean, by “most of them finding their Purses lightened by their Connections[”] with (blank). Have they lent him Money?
          The Letter you mention was written in a careless haste intended for no Eye but yours and I fear not fit for any but a partial one— but if you think it will do any good, you may give an Extract, without any name or hint that can turn the Attention to me. if you do, cutt it out of the Paper and inclose it to me, for I have forgotten almost all about it and have no Copy. have all the five Numbers of Columbus been printed in the N. York Papers? I have not seen any one.
          I have Seen and detested the Libel on the President and observed the Proceedings in Consequence of it. Between you and me, if Virtues descend not by Inheritance, the Printer in Question is a Proof that an ill temper sometimes does. I am sorry however for I feel a regard for the Race who have good Qualities tho obscured by a little ill Nature. Mr Jefferson resigned his Office at the End of the Year and Yesterday was nominated and this day appointed Mr Randolph in his Stead. Mr Jefferson is going to Montecello to Spend his Days in Retirement, in Rural Amusements and Philosophical Meditations— Untill the President dies or resigns, when I suppose he is to be invited from his Conversations with Egeria in the Groves, to take the Reins of the State, and conduct it forty Years in Piety and Peace. Amen. He goes out with a blaze of Glory about his head, at least in Southern Eyes for his astonishing Negotiations with Hammond Genet and Viar. I cannot Say however that I am pleased with his Resignation. He might have worn off his sharp Points and become a wiser Minister than he has been sometimes. His Abilities are good—his Pen is very good—and for what I know the other Ministers might be the better for being watched by him. They will however be watched by other Centinels in sufficient Numbers. I dont dislike a Precedent of Resignation, for I sometimes feel as if it would one day be my own Case and I should be glad to have an Example to quote.
          The Reasonings of Columbus, I am informed have carried Conviction to multitudes whose opinions were very different for Want of

Information. It is indeed a luminous Production. The Writer had better mind his office, there are quantum meruits there. but none in Politicks, for an independent Man.
          My Regards where due.
          Fennos Paper is now a daily Advertising Paper, and whether it will be better than others I dont yet see. You have all in your N. York Papers that appears here and more. Not one Printer in this City has had the sense, Taste or Spirit to reprint a Line of Columbus; an habetude unpardonable.
          You must be very discreet with my Letters— I shall write to you in Confidence Things not fit to be seen by others, as not sufficiently guarded & reserved.
          yours as ever


Title: John Adams to John Quincy Adams, 3 January 1793
From: Adams, John
To: Adams, John Quincy

            My dear Son
            Philadelphia January 3. 1793 [1794]

          The Public Papers will inform you that Mr Jefferson has resigned and that Mr Randolph is appointed Secretary of State. The Attorney General is not yet nominated. Mr Lewis Mr Lawrence Mr Benson Mr Gore, Mr Potts &c have been mentioned in Conversation.
          The Motives to Mr Jeffersons Resignation are not assigned, and are left open to the Conjectures of a Speculating World. I also am a Speculator in the Principles and Motives of Mens Actions and may guess as well as others 1. Mr Jefferson has an habit as well as a

disposition to expensive Living, and as his Salary was not Adequate to his Luxury, he could not Subdue his Pride and Vanity as I have done, and proportion his Style of Life to his Revenue. 2. Mr Jefferson is in debt as I have heard to an amount of Seven thousand Pounds before the War, so that I Suppose he cannot afford to Spend his private income in the Public service. 3. Mr Jefferson has been obliged to lower his Note in Politicks. Pains Principles when adopted by Genet, were not found so convenient for a Secretary of State. 4. He could not rule the Roast in the Ministry. He was often in a Minority. 5. Ambition is the Subtlest Beast of the Intellectual and Moral Field. It is wonderfully adroit in concealing itself from its owner, I had almost said from itself. Jefferson thinks he shall by this step get a Reputation of an humble, modest, meek Man, wholly without ambition or Vanity. He may even have deceived himself into this Belief. But if a Prospect opens, The World will see and he will feel, that he is as ambitious as Oliver Cromwell though no soldier. 6. At other Moments he may meditate the gratification of his Ambition; Numa was called from the Forrests to be King of Rome. And if Jefferson, after the Death or Resignation of the President should be summoned from the familiar Society of Egeria, to govern the Country forty Years in Peace and Piety, So be it. 7. The Tide of popular sentiment in Virginia runs not so rapidly in favour of Jacobinical feelings as it did— though the Party were a Majority and carried every Member at the last Election, there are Symptoms of increasing foederalism in Virginia. a Wise Man like Jefferson foreseeth the Evil and hideth himself— But after all I am not very anxious what were his Motives.— Tho his Desertion may be a Loss to Us, of some Talents I am not sorry for it on the whole, because his soul is poisoned with Ambition and his Temper imbittered against the Constitution and Administration as I think.
          all this is confidential.
          I am, affectionately yours


Title: John Quincy Adams to John Adams, 5 January 1794
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, John

            Dear Sir.
            Quincy January 5. 1794

          I must apologize for not having answered before this your last Letter; but your conjectures with respect to Columbus were not without foundation, and what with politics and Law, what with public and private discussion, I have scarcely had a moment that I could call my own to perform my duties to you.— Columbus has been attacked in the Chronicle by a writer under the signature of Americanus, and defended by another subscribing himself Barneveld. Columbus and Barneveld we are told, are one and the same person, and the discussion is therefore still protracted; though I hope it will soon be closed.
          The public here, have been sufficiently favourable to Columbus: the applause which from many different quarters has been bestowed upon his Letters, in private conversations has been so much superior to their merits, that I dare not repeat the observations which have been reported to me, lest you should suspect the author

of Vanity beyond the limits of common extravagance. In one of the late Centinels there is a Sonnet to the writer of Columbus, which you will probably have seen before this reaches you, and by which you will perceive that even the Muses have promised him the wreath of Glory to entwine his brows. On the other hand the saturnine Genius of the Chronicle has devoted to ineffable contempt the “petulance and affected wit of Columbus and Barneveld most of which (he says) is a sort of litterary plagiarism from Junius[”]; they are called the “aspirations of family pride,[”] and the “Juvenile author” is assured that he will not be rescued from contempt even by the “high station of his Sire.”
          You will not suspect me to be much affected by criticisms like this. But there is one symptom, calculated above all others to congeal every source of future exertion. It is the manner with which these publications are received, by some of my friends, and by many others, who would be clamorous enough in praise of the sentiments, if they were not disposed to check the aspirations of the writer. The public is a Lady having so many admirers, that a favour is not to be obtained from her by one of them with impunity. And even when the favour desired is nothing more than a simple smile of approbation, she cannot grant it, without exciting all the evil energies of those whose ardour aims at much more familiar caresses.
          Yet I cannot write for the common purposes of Ambition. I cannot wish to be the rival of any candidate for public office of any kind. My first, and certainly at present my only object is to run with honour and reputation the career of my profession; and whenever I have joined in the public discussion of political questions, it has certainly been from motives more patriotic than personal. My Country is entitled to my services however small their value may be, and if she will but approve, I shall not ask her to reward them.
          The state of our public affairs assumes an appearance, not only critical, but alarming. Yet I cannot think our greatest danger to be apprehended from external enemies. They may distress us, but we can be ruined only by ourselves. We shall soon have no friends on this side Heaven, and we shall have none but enemies there, unless we heal in some measure our internal divisions.— To conciliate and unite appears to me at the present moment more than ever, the interest and duty of every American.— With respect to Genet, and his frenzies the object is in some measure accomplished. But the prime agent to produce this effect has been his own folly. I wish that the

wisdom of others may extend the principle of reconciliation to the other important interests of the Country.
          The winter vacation has given me some considerable respite from the forms of attending upon Courts: but our Common Pleas commence their Session this week, and for the future three months my attention will again be directed to my own concerns. No Man, I find can serve two Masters, and my professional studies have been somewhat neglected, while I have been perplexing myself with the affairs of the Nation.— The Attorney General is now at home, so that I shall of course be superseded in my official ministration at the Sessions. He looks at me with less complacency than ever, and is said to be the writer of Americanus.— He intends it is said to stand as candidate for Governor, and I have some curiosity to see how he will manage his card so as to keep upon terms with the prophet Samuel, and his party. Both Jacobins; both Frenchmen; both pretending so be the slavish adorers of our Sovereign Lords the people.— It is however conjectured by some that Sullivan, will crouch, and accommodate by taking the second station: this would certainly be his best policy, and would probably unite a strong party in his favour. The oldest head will no doubt wear the Tiara, but his Ambition will perhaps not be contented with a place, which would deprive him of his present office, which is doubly lucrative, and perhaps tie up his tongue at the bar.
          My mother and all our friends here are well.— My Brother Thomas will accept of my affectionate remembrance, and my congratulations upon his opening at the bar. I shall write to him as soon as possible.
          With all filial respect and affection I remain your’s

            J. Q. Adams.


Title: Editorial Note
From:
To:

            Throughout the first half of 1794, John Adams made a concerted effort to instruct his son Charles, and to a lesser extent Thomas Boylston and John Quincy, on the subjects of equality, especially “natural equality,” and the laws of nature and of nations. John believed that his own understanding of natural equality had been best expressed in the first article of the Declaration of Rights appended to the Massachusetts Constitution he himself drafted: “All men are born free and equal, and have certain natural, essential, and unalienable rights.” He emphasized that equality in this instance meant moral, not physical, equality—that all men had equal rights but were not all literally the same (No. II and VI, below). Likewise, he looked to the Golden Rule to explain both the law of nature and the law of nations: “The Law of Nations is only the Law of Nature applied to the Conduct of Nations. The Law of Nature Says to Individuals Thou shalt do no Injury to thy Fellow: Thou Shall do to him as thou wouldst be done by” (Matthew, 7:12; see No. IV, below).
            The letters appear to be John’s attempt to work out for himself—and to help his sons understand—the implications of these ideas for American foreign policy. The earliest are largely theoretical and address issues regarding the nature of government, religious principles, and the meaning of equality. The later ones become more grounded in contemporary events. In particular, John was interested in how the United States should respond to the tensions created by the Anglo-French war, Britain’s increasing belligerence, and the continuing unsettled nature of the French government. Would the law of nations, for instance, support confiscation of property or sequestration of debts? To what extent should the United States support France in its attempt to develop a more equitable political system? Upon what basis could foreign nationals become American citizens and what rights should they have? As the European situation threatened American neutrality, John turned to some of his favorite authors of legal treatises to locate a just and reasonable response.

            This discussion had actually begun earlier, in December 1793, with an exchange between John and Charles on the French Revolution (see vol. 9:462–464, 473–476, 482–483, 491–492), but it was not until early 1794 that John began deliberately and systematically—at least to the extent that John ever wrote anything systematically—to compile writings for his sons on his chosen themes. On 22 January he informed Charles, “As I wish to turn your Attention to those Political Questions which involve Points of the Law of Nature and Nations, and which have lately employed the Deliberations of the Executive Authority of our Government, I have turned to such Books as I have at hand, and made Extracts and References for your Use” (No. III, below).
            John never explained exactly what circumstances led him to feel that Charles specifically needed such tutelage, though he did note to Abigail on 21 January, “[I write] oftener to Charles than to his Brothers to See if I can fix his Attention and excite his Ambition: in which design I flatter myself I shall have Success” (below). A few days later, he told Charles himself, “My Intention is only to give you Some hints that may lead and assist your own Investigations of a Science which embraces the Interests both of this and a future Life.” Likewise, he acknowedged, “Thus you see, my Dear Charles I have a design upon you and have taken the Pains to transcribe all this in order to compel you to read it” (23, 26 Jan., both MHi:Seymour Coll.). Despite repeated statements that Charles had reformed from his more wayward college days, his reputation in his father’s eyes continued to suffer. John simply did not trust Charles to show the same diligence in his legal career as that of his brother John Quincy, and John took it as his own mission to push Charles in the right direction.
            Between 6 January and 8 May, John penned some 27 letters, comprising 117 pages of closely written material, in an extended epistolary essay on the theme of natural equality. These include letters to Charles of 9, 22, 23, 26, 30, 31 January; 1, 13, 19 (2), [22], 24 February; 1, 8, 10, 14 March; [ca. 5], 12, 13, 14, 18, and n.d. April; 8 May (all MHi:Seymour Coll. except 14 March, Adams Papers); to John Quincy of 12 April (Adams Papers); and to Thomas Boylston of 16, 18, and 19 March (all Adams Papers). John also wrote other letters to his sons during this time period, corresponding with them on the usual array of public and private matters, but this particular series of letters forms a coherent group.
            Much of John’s writings, however, was not original. As he had done in his previous efforts to articulate a political philosophy with his Defence of the Constitutions of Government of the United States of America (1787–1788) and Discourses on Davila: A Series of Papers on Political History
(1790–1791)—and as he warned Charles he planned to do—John copied lentghy passages from other sources, interspersed with his own comments on these materials. Among the myriad works he either quoted at length or mentioned were Jean Barbeyrac’s Historical and Critical Account of the Science of Morality; William Laurence Brown’s Essay on the Natural Equality of Men; Jean Jacques Burlamaqui’s The Principles of Natural and Politic

Law; Johann Gottlieb Heineccius’ Methodical System of Universal Law; or, The Laws of Nature and Nations; Samuel, Baron von Pufendorf’s Law of Nature and Nations; George Turnbull’s Discourse upon the Nature and Origin of Moral and Civil Laws; and Emmerich de Vattel’s Law of Nations. John also devoted one entire letter to relevant biblical quotations (13 April, MHi:Seymour Coll.) and another to extracts from U.S. treaties (No. IV, below). Together they represent some of John Adams’ favorite works on the law of nations, many of which can still be found in his library at the Boston Public Library.
            The three letters to Thomas Boylston make up a single unit, all dedicated to reviewing and attacking Jean Jacques Rousseau’s A Discourse upon the Origin and Foundation of the Inequality among Mankind. In the first letter, of 16 March, John commented, “As the Subject is connected with that to which I have lately desired you to turn your attention, and as the Book appears to me to be, full of Errors pernicious to Mankind, I will point out to you, in a series of Letters, some of the most remarkable of them, and I request you to preserve the sheets I may Send you, till time Shall Show either the Value or the Inutility of them” (Adams Papers). Over the next three days, John proceeded to write nearly thirty full pages challenging Rousseau’s notion that equality existed in nature only and that men created inequality through their social and governmental structures. At the same time, John used the letters to promote his own ideas on the need for divided government and his belief that American-style republicanism had little chance of success in Europe. No record of Thomas’ response exists, and it is possible he never saw the letters, though the salutation “Dear Thomas,” written over “Dear Charles,” appears at the top of the first one. The only docketing, in John’s hand, reads “Rousseau J. / Equality,” and John numbered the sheets consecutively to indicate the letters were all part of a single continuous essay.
            That John had the time to prepare so many pages of material speaks to the lack of activity in other parts of his life, most notably his boredom with the work of the vice presidency. While he continued to attend the Senate dutifully and cast tie votes where necessary, he had few formal duties. And with Abigail home in Massachusetts, he did far less socializing and entertaining than in some previous years. In the same way that he indulged his interest in agriculture by obsessing to Abigail about his farm in Quincy, demanding detailed reports and instructing her in the carting of seaweed, he exercised his legal and philosophical muscles through this correspondence with his sons.
            Charles responded to these letters with consistent appreciation and gratitude. If he sometimes found them pedantic or tiresome, he never revealed those feelings in his own writings. He heartily agreed with John’s assessment of the importance of Christianity (see No. I, below) and attempted to respond to John’s queries. But he did so in far smaller quantities: only four letters from Charles to John have been found for this period,

dated 6 January, 17 February, 19 and n.d. April (all Adams Papers). In the end, Charles’ answers mattered far less than John’s opportunity to develop his own thinking on these subjects—this correspondence was more monologue than dialogue.


Title: II. John Adams to Charles Adams, 9 January 1794
From: Adams, John
To: Adams, Charles

              Dear Charles
              Philadelphia January 9. 1794

            I received this Morning your valuable Letter of the 6th and am much pleased with your Observations as well as with your

Researches. but I wish you would examine the Passage in Polybius in Greek. It is the highest Satisfaction to me to perceive that you have so just a sense of the Importance of the Beleif of a Deity and his Providence and moral Government to the Happiness of Nations as well as Individuals. Although your Opinion of the Duration of Christianity is not expressed in Terms so decided, I am also happy to find that you think it promotive of the happiness of Mankind. Let me however recommend to you, not easily to believe that it is in much danger. You may take my Word for it, that if any Gates could have easily prevailed against it, it would have disappeared long ago. If you live to the Age of Man, you will find the Faith in it very little diminished. It is founded on that eternal and fundamental Principle of the Law of Nature Do as you would be done by: and Love your Neighbour as yourself. Equality, Equality is the Element of Christianity, and how the Preachers of Equality of the present day can be so absurd as to quarrell with their best Friend & supporter I know not. You may perhaps be surprized to find me an Advocate for the modern Doctrine of Equality: but your surprize may cease when I tell you that I was one of the earliest and most explicit asserters of it. I drew the Article in the Massachusetts Declaration of Rights, which has given so much offense. All Men are by Nature free And equal. I have heard such Men as Mr Gerry Mr Parsons & Mr Bradbury say lately that they wished this Article out of the Constitution because it is not true. I wondered at this and differed entirely in opinion. It was opposed in Convention and I was called upon to defend and explain it.— I asserted it to be a fundamental elementary Principle of the Law of Nature: and We were then in a state of Nature laying down first Principles. It meant not a Phisical but a moral Equality. common sense was sufficient to determine that it could not mean that all Men were equal in fact, but in Right. not all equally tall, Strong wise handsome, active: but equally Men, of like Bodies and Minds, the Work of the Same Artist, Children of the Same father, almighty. all equally in the Same Cases intitled to the Same Justice.
            How the present Age can boast of this Principle as a Discovey, as new Light and modern Knowledge I know not. as I wish you to look into this subject I will enlarge upon it. But not at present. You may consider this as an Introduction.

              Jan. 10.

            To Day I recd. your Letter without date with the Paper inclosed.
            The Death of the Queen of France, affecting as it is, is not half so shocking as the last Article alledged against her. What will not those People do to render an unfortunate Woman odious.? There is nobody will believe it, but their own Dupes.

                I am your affectionate Father
                John Adams.


Title: V. Charles Adams to John Adams, 17 February 1794
From: Adams, Charles
To: Adams, John

              My dear Father
              New York Feb 17th 1794

            I have duly received your letters up to the first of this month and am grateful for your kindness towards me your extracts from Heineccius and your remarks About three years ago I read this author. I cannot find him in this City our public library is very badly selected in my opinion although it has the effect of all public libraries

that is to make individuals careless of collecting books. The great Doctrine is that “All men are born free and equal” that is to say in a State of Nature they may be. and this is the distinction you have made but how any man of reflection can hold up the idea as it relates to a state of Society is wonderful It is certainly not true that they are born free and equal If it is said they are equally born or that they ought to be born free there may be some plausibility in the pretence
            The purity of Mr Madison’s intentions is a theme much discanted upon. I should however hardly advise to place so much reliance. He cannot wish to injure the Goverment are words which fall from many lips But I think we should do very wrong to fall asleep and trust the Child to such a nurse. What will these Democratic Societies which are establishing in the different States come to Are they not too faithful imitations of the Jacobins? Or are they not in fact branches of that Club Is there no power in our Government to check such associations And if not will not their influence be dangerous and perhaps fatal to the Federal Government? I am fearful that the antifederal party in Congress are gaining too much ground.
            It is a question upon which I have never yet been able to satisfy my mind fully Whether Receiving a minister from France at the time Mr Genet was received was a measure of policy or a measure we were obliged to adopt to support our good faith The Government of France if I recollect right had been decreed to be Revolutionary which in my acceptation of the word means that the six seven or dozen men who could from time to time get uppermost were to govern. We are then to day to receive the Ambassador of Pethion tomorrow of Brissot the next day of Robertspier &c &ca It is said by many who question the policy of the measure that this Country would never have suffered the minister to be rejected that it would have created a fatal fermentation There may be truth in this but I fear we shall be led into more difficulties by the reception than we could have been by refusal. Suppose that monarchy were again to be established in France would not the Court call for the repayment of that part of the debt we have paid to the Soi disant republic? And if we refused would it not be a very plausible pretence to go to war with us? I am aware of the distinction which is made between personal treaties and real treaties but surely we had a good pretext to refuse what by France was demanded Vattel B 2d Chap 12 Sec 197 “The ally remains the Ally of the State notwithstanding the Change which has happened in it. However when this change renders the

alliance useless dangerous or dissagreeable it may renounce it: For it may say upon a good foundation that it would not have entered into an alliance with that nation had it been under the present form of Government.[”] In our present situation we should explain our treaties with different nations so as to make them appear consistent if possible We should not conceive that we owe all to one Nation without examining if we have no duties to discharge toward others we certainly have and we could not perform what is required by the French without breaking our treaties with other nations are we than to suffer an explanation which would involve us in war with most of the great Nations of Europe?

              Feb 19

            I have looked over the Constitutions of the different States I find nothing relative to the right of emigration except in the fifteenth article of the Pensylvania Bill of rights towit That all men have a natural inherent right to emigrate from one State to another that will receive them, or to form a new State in vacant Countries or in such Countries as they can purchase, whenever they think that thereby they may promote their own happiness. This article appears to me to have been made in contradistinction to the doctrine advanced by some writers of Respectability That a man can never relinquish his allegiance to the Country where he was born Sir William Blackstone and Lord Hale appear to me to carry this idea rather too far Yet we are not to suppose that expatriation is a thing of so little moment or that upon the most trifling occasions or upon every momentary impulse we can justifiably divest ourselves of all duty to our Country much less to infringe the Supreme Laws of the Land with impunity. The line should be drawn some where so as neither wholly to preclude our Citizens from emigrating nor permit chichaning pretences to screen them from the arm of the Laws when they commit such acts as endanger the peace and wellfare of the Community. The President by his proclamation declared to the People of the United States the situation of their Country the duties they owed to the respective Powers engaged in the War enjoined a strict neutrality and forbid them to be aiding and abetting &ca This was not a law made for the occasion but a statement that such engagement did exist between the United States and several of the European nations engaged in the war Treaties are Laws of the highest authority Everry Citizen who acts contrary to them becomes liable to punishment and should receive it. I can hardly suppose that

observations of this nature have not been made to the juries who have acquitted several offenders I should rather impute it to the obstinacy of prejudice, but many things go wrong.
            You will perceive by the latter part of my letter that I have received your favor of the 13th inst For which accept the sincere thanks of your Affectionate son

              Charles Adams


Title: John Adams to Abigail Adams Smith, 7 January 1794
From: Adams, John
To: Smith, Abigail Adams

              My Dear Daughter:
              Philadelphia, January 7, 1794.

            Colonel Smith spent the last evening with me, and presented me with your kind letter of the 29th of December. I have seen Mr. G.; he made me a visit which I returned. His conversation was agreeable enough; but he appeared, by all his discourse, to be a young gentleman of much ingenuity, a lively wit and brilliant imagination, enamoured to distraction with republican liberty, but wholly without experience, in any free government, very crude and inaccurate in his ideas of a republic, and as yet totally uninformed of the operations of the human heart and the progress of the passions in all public assemblies, whether of the people at large, or of a representation of them, or of a senate or any other selected few of even the wisest and best men.
            You think I can now judge “whether he has a disposition to involve us in a war” or not. What is his disposition, or what have been his intentions, I know not; but I think it certain, that his conduct, if it had not been checked in its career, would infallibly have brought upon us a war with all Europe, except his constituents, and with the house of Bourbon, all the great families of France, and all their

ecclesiastics and all their adherents, now united, in some degree, with the combined powers.
            I think, too, that his forcible resistance to the execution of our laws, his enlistments of men for any military service by land or sea, his endeavours to set our people against their government, are all unjustifiable, and his uniting with a party inexcusable.
            This party has misled him, and filled his head with prejudices against the President and his Ministers, and, no doubt, against the Vice-President too, which have done him no good nor them any harm. In all my own negotiations abroad for ten years, in three different nations, I made it a constant rule, never to make myself subservient to the friends of any party, nor not even so far as to get credit and confidence with them. Had Mr. G. relied on his cause and his honour, without seeking aid from party passions, he would have had more friends and fewer enemies.
            Your proverb that a tenant of a glass house should never throw stones at the passengers in the street, has great and sound sense. But I am sorry to say, that our people in America have not attended to it. Many have discovered a desire of provoking a war; debtors sometimes find a war convenient to themselves, whatever it may cost their country. The anti-federal party have courted French republicans, in hopes, by their aid in demolishing the Constitution of the United States, and have made a catspaw of the French Minister. But they have all been deceived by their wishes. The body of the people is wise and federal, and wishes to be neutral in foreign wars, and even between the parties in France.
            Return to my dear grandson’s their kind compliments of the season. I wish them long life, and prosperous as well as virtuous courses.
            I am my dear child, / Very affectionately, / Your father,

              John Adams.

            My aged and venerable mother is drawing near the close of a virtuous and industrious life. May her example be ever present with me! May I be enabled to fulfil the duties of life, as well as she has done. I would not exchange her morals, for all the offices, honours, and profits of the world.
            I pray you to present my best thanks to Mrs. Fitch, for her kind present of a turtle; if it had come here, I could have only given it to the President or some of his Ministers. I could have had no use for it.

            There is no doubt in my mind, that General Knox will continue in office. The possibility of a war, which the intemperance of our people has rendered now more than possible, though I still hope for peace, will be excuse enough for the Secretary of War to continue where he is, notwithstanding all the resolutions and declarations of retiring. This, at least, is my opinion.
            The cause of liberty, my dear daughter, is sacred. Your father has spent all his life in it, and sacrificed more to it than millions who now inflame the world. But anarchy, chaos, murder, atheism, and blasphemy, are not liberty. The most dreadful tyranny that ever existed upon earth, is called liberty by people who know no more about liberty than the brutes.
            I fear the next post will bring me the melancholy news of my mother’s departure to meet my father. May they be happy to all eternity. Two purer spirits never came within the knowledge of / Your affectionate father,

              John Adams.


Title: Abigail Adams to George Cabot, 8 January 1794
From: Adams, Abigail
To: Cabot, George

            Dear Sir
            [8 January 1794]

          When I had the pleasure of visiting you in the Summer you may recollect Some conversation which too place respecting a young Gentleman whom You was pleasd to say you wishd to see engaged in writing upon a certain subject as You thought many circumstances concured to render him the most suitable person. at that Time he declined.
          But an opportunity has since offerd to discuss a subject, by which he conceived he might render some service to the publick
          a Number of papers have been printed in Russels Centinal, under the signature of Columbus—begining the 30 of Novbr and closing the 21. of December. if you see them and read them in course you will judge Sir whether a Republication of them in Philadelphia in the News papers or a pamphlet, (as they have become fashionable)

will tend to throw any light upon a Subject which at present occupies much of the publick attention
          you will be sensible why I address myself to you rather than to an other person, to whom I have not even communicated my intention I had rather upon this occasion resign Solely to your judgment and am Sir With Sentiments of respect for you and affectionate Regard to your Lady / Your Humble Servant

            Izabella


Title: Charles Adams to John Adams, 8 January 1794
From: Adams, Charles
To: Adams, John

            My Dear Father
            New York Jany 8th 1794

          Your letter inclosing the Pamphlet, came very safe to hand. I thank you, for your kindness. The Mails between this City and Philadelphia are very safe and secure. I have never heard of any accident happening to anything sent by this conveyance. Many of the communications published in this pamphlet have already appeared in our papers You know Sir that it is an idea cherished by many that a Republic should have no secrets. This doctrine carried to its full extent will no doubt lead us into some disagreable scrapes but I also think that we must pay the price of experience for all the wisdom we are likely to obtain. You letter I transcribed and gave in to the Printers of the Minerva I have taken such precautions that no person can know from whence it came. I gave it in the evening before last, it has not yet appeared. Whether there is anything in it which does not suit their palates I cannot say but I am sure there are truths which ought to be told and which ought to be regarded by Americans. Please to give my Love to Thomas and beleive me your affectionate son

            Charles Adams

            We are told that Genl Knox will resign. where is the man who can, and will supply his place?


Title: John Adams to Abigail Adams, 9 January 1794
From: Adams, John
To: Adams, Abigail

            My dearest Friend
            Philadelphia Jan. 9. 1794

          The Anxiety you express (in your kind Letter of Decr 31 which I received this morning) for your Country and the Happiness of your Children is very amiable. The Prospects of this Country are gloomy, but the Situation of all Europe is calamitous beyond all former Examples. At what time and in what manner and by what means, the Disasters which are come and Seem to be coming on Mankind may be averted I know not. Our own People have been imprudent, as I think and are now Smarting under the Effects of their Indiscretion. But this instead of a Consolation is an aggravation of our Misfortune. Mr Genet has been abusive on the President and all his Ministers beyond all measures of decency, or Obligations of Truth, and in other respects not yet publickly investigated, his Conduct has been Such as to make it difficult to know what to do with him. But I cannot explain myself fully: you must wait for time to bring forth Events and Ecclaircissments
          I have read all the Numbers of Columbus, and although I am pleased with the style and Arrangement, the extent of Learning and force of Reason, I thought in some Places a little less Indignation, might have been more becoming. Whether the President has read them I know not. I have been afraid to ask questions or make Observations to any body lest I should be thought to be too much interested. There are Quantum Meruits in a Lawyers Office, but none in a printing office for an honest Man, any more than in a senate.
          Thomas inclosed to his Brother at Boston a Check on the Bank for 400 Dollars to pay Gen. L.— but has received no Acknowledgment of it.— I must send you Some Money— You must have Hay, and all other Necessaries.— No News of Cheesman.
          Mrs Washington always enquires affectionately after your health, and I never forget to present your Respects.
          The News of this Evening is, that the Queen of France is no more— When will Savages be Satiated with Blood.? No Prospect of Peace, in Europe, and therefore none of internal Harmony in

America. We cannot well be in a more disagreable Situation than We are with all Europe, with all Indians and all Barbary Rovers.
          Nearly one half the Continent is in constant opposition to the other, and the Presidents situation which is highly responsible is very distressing. He made me a very friendly Visit Yesterday which I returned to day and had two Hours Conversation with him alone in his Cabinet. The Conversation which was Extreamly interesting and equally affectionate, I cannot explain even by a hint. But his earnest desire to do, right, and his close Application to discover it, his deliberate and comprehensive View of our affairs with all the World, appeared in a very amiable and respectable Light. The Antifoederalists and the frenchified Zealots have nothing now to do, that I can conceive of but to ruin his Character destroy his Peace, and injure his health. He Supports all their Attacks with great firmness and his health appears to be very good. The Jacobins would make a Sortee upon him in all the force they could muster, if they dared. I run on and say nothing so I will conclude your ever affectionate

            J.A


Title: Abigail Adams to John Adams, 12 January 1794
From: Adams, Abigail
To: Adams, John

            my Dearest Friend
            Quincy Jan’ry 12th 1794

          My Neighbour captain Beals went to Town yesterday and was so good as to bring up, and send me my Letters last Evening, whilst I was sitting mourning that I had no hope of getting them, as the travelling was very bad and the Day stormy. I find the Family an agreable acquisition. we live upon friendly & social terms. I agree with mr Izzard, that we are grown too old to live seperate, and I could literally construe that part of the marriage Service, which says, “what God has put together, let no man put assunder,” for in Youth most people are too young to be Seperated. he understood Humane Nature well; who pronounced that it was [“]not good for Man to be alone” our present seperation is much mitigated by the frequent intercourse we are enabled to hold by Letter. Columbus finishd in his 5th Number, and I mean to hint to Barnevelt to close as soon as possible. Americanus is by no means a match for him, but he is a false, fibbing contemptable antagonist, and will with a Brasen front; affirm that white is black, & black white, and tho the publick may

be benifitted by shewing the Man in his true light and Character, there is no touching pitch without being defiled, and in order to confute him, he must be followd through his windings, and his inconsistences. these two writers may be compared to the Eagle and the Snake “the Side way and oblique motion with which the Snake goes on, points out the deceit he proceeds with. his Breast fix’d to the Earth, shews his adherence to self interest; the various inflexions and foldings of his Body are descriptive of his crooked Soul; and his conceald venom denotes the evil intention he hides.” The generous Eagle aspires to mount through the pure Air, by an honest flight, with his own Native strength, and the shafts which may be thrown at him, will recoil and wound the pursuers. if as you have heard Columbus is republishing both in N york and Philadelphia, he will have opponents sufficient to keep down any vanity which might otherways arise in, his breast. he will find sufficient mortification in beholding so many of his fellow creatures disposed to Ruin and overthrow a Government under which they might live quiet and peaceable Lives. he will see that he has a Herculean task to perform, and as many monsters to contend with. I would not however advise him to notice any of his opponents The Truth of his own arguments cannot fail to carry conviction to every candid inquirer, and like Gold will only shine the brighter the more they are Rub’d. the French Jacobins have united with our dissafected and unprincipald citizens, and will create much trouble I fear. an act of the state of Georgia respecting suits in the Federal Court, breath a spirit of defiance, and Virginia by some of her resolves plainly shews what manner of spirit she is of— the great Body of the people are however contented and happy. we know that they may be wrought up to a Spirit of resistance & madness—but it will not be very easy to impose upon them. general Lincoln tells me that in his late journeys he had much opportunity of conversing with them, and that he did so freely, but found them universally pleasd and happy. I find by the Papers that mr Jefferson has resignd, and that the Virgina corps fill the vacant places. it is prudent perhaps that it should be so; I think I have heard you express a good opinion of the Talants of mr Taylor. I should suppose that it ought to be a distinguishd, & solid Law, Character to fill that office with respectability what ever may be mr Jeffersons motives for resigning, I presume he will not be neglected. most men grow either Avaricious or ambitious as they advance in Life. It is storied of Pausanias that he inquired of Hermocrates how he might become eminent, and was answerd, by taking of

the Head of the most eminent Man; Ambition has not yet reachd that Sumit in this Country, but overturn our Religion, and all the rest would soon follow. if these Jacobin Societyes are permitted and countananced in this Country, from the Strides already made we have every thing to fear.
          In France they have at length added the Murder of the unfortunate Queen to the measure of their Iniquity, whilst Humanity sickens at the recital of their crimes, her Death is less horible than the cruel imprisonment and indignities she has sustaind.
          I think we have great reason to fear that Cheeseman is lost. you had the value of one hundred dollors on board one whole suit of black Broad cloth seven shirts which is a whole peice of Linnen one other coat & waistcoat stockings and your Green damask Gown draws waistcoats &c, and Thomass Boots which I suppose he is in great want of. poor Brisler too is a sufferer—
          Mr Pratt brought me his account last week— I told him previously that I could not pay it till I had written to you. the foot of it is 34£ 10s. 7d. Humphries & Porter call’d upon me for their pay for cutting 22 cords of wood two pounds four shilling, which I dischargd. the payment of this Bill, and some small family demands have left me 0. really in such a situation as I never was before— the Dr will discharge 200 this week and in order to do it he appropriates the whole interest due. I have given my word to Savil that he shall be payd this Month. I believe there will be no risk in sending I am told by your Brother who was in Town last week that a great uneasiness prevails on account of this Jacobine club—and that they have for one object the overturning of the funding system, and an other is to rule the comeing Election. the south end politicians have three candidates whom they mean to set up. the present Lt Governour judge Dana & mr Gerry. I wish we may have as good Men as the two last, one man, who I know not declares that you are the only man he will vote for tho he should stand alone.
          my best Respects to mrs washington with many thanks for the honor done me by her repeated kind inquiries. I honour her for a prudence, which I know I do not possess— I could not keep Silence as she does. to all my other Friends Male and Female present me kindly. I am often with them in imagination.
          In reality I am with every / tender affection yours.

            A Adams

            mrs Brisler is well. Love to Thomas.


Title: Abigail Adams to John Quincy Adams, 12 January 1794
From: Adams, Abigail
To: Adams, John Quincy

            my dear
            12 Janry 1794

          I wish you to direct the inclosed Letter—to your Father I read Barnevelt in Mondays paper. it may be necessary to defend himself, but I look upon his opponent in a contemtable light, and that no honour or reputation is to be obtaind in a contest with him. I therefore wish to see Barnevelt close Your Father is really affraid that columbus may be inflated with vanity and too much emboldened. he writes a hard word for you to construe I suppose. I cannot festine lente Yet he says as much as any one to raise vanity, because we value his judgment. Webster is republishing Columbus in N york in a large handsome Type so he may expect Veritas & Helvidius & cato for his opponents there. a Printer in Philadelphia having heard mr Ames say that Columbus was a very compleat thing, has thoughts of publishing them in Philadelphia. he added that there was but one Man in Boston that he knew of who could write them. I would not however advise columbus to enter the list with any one who may throw him the Gauntlet. if the metal is pure Gold, the more it is Rub’d the brighter it will shine. I believe it will stand the ordeal—
          I know of but one tittle which Americanus has to respect, and that is what nature could not withhold from him, Age. considering that, I thought Barnevelt in his last number discoverd rather too much contempt, both of his knowledge, his abilities, and his Morals

I think it was swift who used to read his peices before he publishd them to an old woman and by her observations he judged how the publick would receive them. perhaps an old woman may be usefull again. I have not however heard any remarks


Title: John Adams to Abigail Adams, 14 January 1794
From: Adams, John
To: Adams, Abigail

            My dearest Friend
            Philadelphia January 14. 1794

          I had Yesterday the Pleasure of yours of January 5. I will Send, to Mr Adams a Check upon the Branch Bank for two hundred Dollars as soon as I can get Thomas to transact the Business for me.
          I am glad to find that you have had Applications for the Farms— I wish you to hear them all and enquire their Characters and Circumstances
          We are all of Us here, very much concerned for Cheesman. he has not been heard of.
          I have not seen Americanus nor Barneveldt. But in the former the latter has to deal with a Man who is the least of a Gentleman of any one in Boston. I hope the latter will not forget that he is one.
          Our son will find the Envy of his Friends, the bitterest Drop in the Cup of Life. He must have a Care however not to give them Advantages by indiscreet Exultations, nor by any unmanly humiliations. Let him take no improper Notice, of what he must see and feel. I could entertain even you with a long History of my own Sufferings in this Way.
          I have read of a People in Antiquity called The Ephesini who

passed a fundamental Law in these Words “Let none of Our Citizens excell others in merit, if he does let him live elsewhere and with others.” For this horrible decree Heraclities pronounced them all worthy of dying in the prime of Life.
          These are Vices to which Democratical Governments are more peculiarly liable than any others. Our son must expect to Smart under them all his Life
          yours affectionately

            J. A.