Title: From John Adams to Oliver Wolcott, Jr., 17 May 1800
From: Adams, John
To: Wolcott, Oliver, Jr.

75.
Sir
Philadelphia May 17. 1800

I thank you for your Report of the Sixteenth of this month, and for your early Attention to the important subject of the Loan. I have Subscribed, and Send you with this, an Authorization to borrow to the amount of the Law: but if the public Exigencies can be Satisfied with a part of it, your own public Spirit of Œconomy will induce you to confine your Self to Such part.
The Rate of Interest is a subject of great Anxiety to me. When I recollect, that I borrowed for this Country near a Million sterling, at a Rate of Interest from four and a half to Six Per Cent or thereabout, more than fifteen years Ago, when this nation had not two thirds of its present Population, when it had a very feeble Government no Revenue, no Taxes, by barely pledging the faith of the People which faith has been most punctually and religiously kept, I cannot but suspect that some Advantage is taken of this Government by demanding exorbitant Interest. As Great Britain, with her immense Burdens after so long and so wasting a War is able to borrow at a moderate Interest, I entertain a hope that We may at least abate somewhat of a former Interest
As I know your Zeal for the Interest of your Country to be equal to my own, I have entire Confidence in your exertions, that We may take up as little as possible of the Sum, and at as low an Interest as can be obtained.
With great Esteem I am sir your most / obedient Servant

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Collin Gillespie, 18 May 1800
From: Adams, John
To: Gillespie, Collin

Sir
Philadelphia May 18th 1800

Mr. Dayton the senator has presented me from you, a letter from your father, with an elegant present of a monument, in honor of the memory of Gen. Washington. I pray you to convey the inclosed letter, expressing my gratitude, to Glasgow, & to accept of my thanks for your care.
I am Sir your obliged & obedient humble ser.


Title: From John Adams to William Gillespie, 18 May 1800
From: Adams, John
To: Gillespie, William

Sir
Philadelphia May 18th 1800

I have lately received the letter you did me the honor to write me from Glasgow on the 14th of March. The letter is a very handsome testimonial in honor of my friend & predecessor, & I must consider it as a very elegant compliment to me. I pray you to accept of my hearty thanks, for a valuable monument, in a handsome guilt frame of our deceased General, whose memory deserves to be preserved, whereve his name was known, by all the means that art can employ.
I have the honor to be, Sir, your obliged & obedt. sert.


Title: To John Adams from William Lewis, 19 May 1800
From: Lewis, William,Dallas, Alexander James
To: Adams, John

Sir,
May 19th. 1800

In compliance with your request, we shall now proceed briefly to communicate the points and Authorities, which we intended to urge in the case of the U.S. vs. Fries, if the Conduct of the Court had not unexpectedly deprived us of every hope of Success from these Means of defence. It may be proper to premise, that on the Morning appointed for the Trial, the Presiding Judge in the Presence of the , the Jury, and a numerous Audience, delivered to the Clerk a Paper, which he said contained the Opinion of the Court, formed, after mature deliberation, upon the Law of Treason; directed Copies of the Papers to be given to the Attorney of the District and the Prisoner’s Counsel; and declared his Intention to present a Copy of it to the Jury, as soon as the Case was opened on the part of the U.S. He referred likewise, in Terms of disapprobation to the Arguments, which (as he was informed) had been used in favour of the Prisoner on the former Trial, and announced a determination to prevent his Counsel from citing any Authorities at Common Law, or indeed any Authorities prior to the English Revolution. The Cause thus prejudged, the province of the Advocate thus circumscribed, and the Mind’s of the Jury thus prejudiced, we deemed it a duty that we owed to the Prisoner, to the Public, and to Ourselves, to surrender the Task which the Court had previously assigned to Us: for as there existed no Controversy in relation to the facts, and as the Jury would naturally rely on the Judgement of the Court in relation to the Law, we had not the Vanity to suppose that any Effort on our part, could do more than give to the trial the form and ceremony of a Defence, while our Acquiescence might afford some sanction to the establishment of a Precedent, hostile to the rights of the Citizens, ruinous to the Trial by Jury, and degrading to the Character of the Profession. The Candor and Humanity which have induced You to interpose in the present mode, have also however influenced our Decision. Allowing therefore for the different Effect of Arguments publicly delivered, before a Jury entitled in a capital case to pass both on the Law and the Fact, and with whom even a doubt would lead to an acquittal, we offer for your Consideration the following general positions;
1. That there has been a Mis-trial,
2. That the Offence charged was not Treason,
3. That a new Trial ought to have been awarded.
I. That there has been a Mis-trial.

            1.By the Judiciary Act it is declared, “That in Cases punishable with Death, the Trial shall be had in the County where the Offence was committed, or where that cannot be done without great Inconvenience, 12 Petit Jurors, at least shall be summoned from thence.” 1. Vol. p. 67 S. 29. Swifts Edit.2.The Offence was committed by Fries in the County of Northampton, but his Trial was in the County of Philadelphia.3.The Language of the Act is mandatory, “the Trial shall be had in the County where the Offence is committed,” and some “great inconvenience” must appear Judicially to the Court, before they can exercise the discretion of ordering a Trial in any other County. No such inconvenience was suggested on the Record, or even stated at the Bar, and if it existed in the present instance, it must forever exist in all future Cases, and this Clause of the Law be rendered altogether useless. 4.It is true, that an ineffectual Motion was made on the first Trial, to change the place of Trial, but it was over-ruled on Grounds which have no Application to the second Trial: 2. Dall. Rep. 513. For 1.There was no inconvenience owing to the riotous state of the County of Northampton at the time of the second Trial.2.And the Court, (being bound to notice every thing that was essential to the exercise of Jurisdiction,) might have ordered the Trial in the proper County, before it was commenced in Philadelphia, by a finding of the new Indictment, a Nol-pros having been entered on the Old one.5.For any Mis-trial on account of Jury Process, or on any other Account, the Verdict must be set aside. 6. Co. 14.b Hawk. P.C. 13:2. Ch. 47. S. 11. Ibid. 13. 2. ch. 27 L. 108.

            II. That the Offence charged was not Treason.

            1.The Constitution defines Treason to be “Levying War against the United States, &ca”, and the Act of Congress inflicts the punishment of Death on the person convicted of the Crime. 1. Vol. p. 16. Const. Art. 3. L. 3. Ibid. 100. L. 1.2.As the Spirit of the Constitution is opposed to implied powers, and constructive Expositions, we are bound to take the plain, manifest meaning of the Words of the Definition, independent of any glossary, which the English Courts, or Writers, may have affixed to the Words of the English Statute.3.The plain manifest meaning of the Words then, is—“a forcible Opposition to the Power of the Government, with the Intent to subdue and overthrow it.”4.This Meaning may embrace a forcible attack upon the Legislature, (or perhaps any other principal Department of the Government,) to compel the repeal of a Law.5.But it does not embrace the Case of an Opposition to the Execution of a particular Law.6.It seems indeed, upon principle, to be a confusion of Crimes, to include in the same class a forcible attempt to subvert and overthrow the power of the Government, and a mere resistance of subordinate Agents, in carrying a particular Law or regulation into effect.7.If Fries and his Companions had opposed in Arms the Troops that were sent against them, it would clearly have been an Act of Treason: but in the Conduct which they pursued, we can only perceive Sedition, Riot and Rescue. 1. Hal. P. C. 146. Fost. 219.8.Such likewise has been the Legislative Construction and Discrimination between the Cases; for unquestionably the Penal Law and the Sedition Act define and punish the Offences committed by Fries and his Companions, as distinct from the Offence of Treason, and when an Offence is classed under a particular head in the penal Code, it is inconsistent to search for it and punish it, under another head. 1. Vol. p. 109. S. 22. L. 23. 11 Hal. P.C. 151. Keyl. 75. Fost. 200. 201.9.But even if the English Decisions and Writers are considered as giving a construction for our use to the same words employed in the Statute of Edw. 3., they do not extend so far as to pronounce an opposition to the execution of a particular Law to be Treason, by levying of War.10.At Common Law there is not a single Case or dictum to support such a doctrine, though indeed in the reign of Hen. 8. rescue was made Treason by a statute, which was afterwards repealed.11.Under the Statute of Edw. 3. there have been many wild constructive Treasons, by levying War, of which Coke, Hale, Blackstone &ca, solemnly complain, but none, even in the bad times of the Juridical History of England, have gone so far as the present Case.12.We cannot trace a single instance of a  riot, in opposition to the execution of a particular Law, being prosecuted as Treason in England; though the History of that Nation abounds with such Insurrections.13.The constructive cases in England turn upon Universality of Object in opposition to the power of the Government. The Case of Damarree and Purchase was decided on that Ground; for if the rising had been to suppress all Bawdy Houses, it would have been equally within the principle, as the rising to suppress all Meeting Houses. 4. St. Tr. 844. 900

So a rising to alter or reform religion, which can only be done by force on the Legislature, is Treason. 4. B. Co. 81. 1. Hawk. P.C. Ch. 17. L. 25.
But Ld. George Gordon’s trial and acquittal establish the Doctrine for which we contend. It is true, Ld Mansfield there declares an Opposition to the Militia Law, to be Treason,  but we apprehend the reason of this is, because it is in effect the same to oppose the Militia or the Execution of the Militia Law, as to oppose the regular Forces, which has always been held to be Treason, and the Expression, used by Lord Mansfield, is confined to an Opposition to the Execution of this particular kind of Law, and does not extend to any others as would, we think, have been the case, had the rule been the same in other Cases.
            III. That a new Trial ought to have been awarded.

            1.After the Jury were sworn, and the Evidence partly given, one of the Jury separated from his Brethren, and slept at his own Lodgings.2.During this Separation he conversed with one Person on the subject of the Trial,—“ declaring that the Evidence of a certain Witness went hard against the Prisoner” Affida. of Mr. Barnet and being told by another Person, that “he supposed the Evidence would go hard against Fries.” Affida. of Isaac Roush.3.Hence, in the contemplation of the Law, he was committed by an Expression of his own Opinion, and influenced by the Expression of the Opinion of another.4.The Law and practice of Pennsylvania, (in the Federal, as well as State Courts,) have uniformly opposed the separation of the Jury in a capital case, though Necessity has compelled an Adjournment of the Court.5.The Law of England is peremptory, that a Jury in a capital case cannot be discharged without giving a Verdict, and that they cannot give a privy Verdict: From Foster 25 & 28 it appears, that the Meaning of the Expression, “cannot be discharged” is, that the Jury cannot be permitted to separate, and the reason, why a privy Verdict cannot be received in a capital Case, is, for fear of tampering and Corruption, which is much stronger than the Case of separating before they have agreed. Co. Litt. 227.b. Hawk. P.C. 132. C. 47. l. 1. 2. 4. B. Co. 360. 2. Stra. 984. 3. B. Co. 390. 2. Hal. 296. Keyl. 57.6.It is true that a separation in civil Cases works only a punishment of the delinquent Juror; and in Misdemeanors the rule is not strictly enforced, though an able Counsel has given a formal Opinion, that the Separation would be a Mis-trial even in a Misdemeanor.7.The Cases put by Hale will be found to admit of a clear Explanation, consistent with our present position. 1. Hal. P.C. 295.b.1.The first case is not stated to have been a capital one, and if it was a capital one, the Jury were discharged, in consequence of the Separation, & a new Jury sworn. 2. Hal. 295.2.The second is either a case of Misdemeanor, or of trespass, & the whole proceeding was Matter of Consent. Ib. 296.8.But the Law has been adjudged. On the question, “whether after a Prisoner is upon his Trial, and the Evidence for the Prosecution is given, the Jury may separate for a time, which is the consequence of an adjournment to another day,” the Judges of England were decidedly in the Negative. 4. H. Tri. 232. Harg. Edite. Ld. Delamere’s Case. 3. Inst. 30.9.And on the principle of this Decision, the Lord High Steward declared, that a Verdict and Judgement, given after such Separation, would be erroneous, void and liable to be reversed.10.This remained the Law of the Land, so that there could not be either an adjournment of the Court, nor a Separation of the Jury, in a capital case, till the late trials of Hardy, Looke &ca, But the Alteration, then introduced, was confined to the Necessity that called for it—to an adjournment of the Court,—not to a Separation of the Jury. Accordingly, in none of these Instances did the Jury separate. Hardy’s Trial pa. 252. 8 Looke’s Trial 167 to 171. O’Connor’s case Stone’s case.

We are, / Sir, / Your most hble servts

Wm. LewisA. J. Dallas


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Stoddert, 20 May 1800
From: Adams, John
To: Stoddert, Benjamin,Wolcott, Oliver, Jr.,Lee, Charles

Philadelphia May 20. 1800

Questions
1. Among the three Criminals under sentence of death is there any discrimination in the essential Circumstances of their Cases which would would justify a determination to pardon or reprieve one or two and execute the other?
2. Is the Execution of one or more, so indispensably demanded by public Justice and by the Security of the public Peace, that Mercy cannot be extended to all three or any two or one?
3. Will the national Constitution acquire more Confidence in the Minds of the American People by the Execution than by the Pardon of one or more of the offenders?
4. Is it clear beyond all reasonable doubt that the Crime of which they Stand convicted, amounts to a Levying of War against the United States, or in other Words to Treason?
5. Is there any Evidence of a secret Correspondence or Combination with other antifederalists of any denomination in other States in the Union, or in other parts of this State, to rise in force against the Executive of the Law for Taxing Houses &c or for opposing the Commissioners in general in the Executive of their office?
6. Quo Animo was this Insurrection? Was it a design of general Resistance to all Law, or any particular Law? or was it particular? to the Place and Persons?
7. Was it any Thing more than a Riot, high handed, aggravated daring and dangerous indeed, for the purpose of a Rescue? This is a high Crime, but can it Strictly amount to Treason?
8 Is there not great danger in establishing such a Construction of Treason, as may be applied to every Sudden, ignorant, inconsiderate heat, among a Part of the People, wrought up by political disputes and pretend or party Animosities?
9. Will not a career of capital Executions for Treason, once opened, without actual bloodshed or hostility against any military force of Government inflict a deep Wound in the minds of the People, inflame their animosities, and make them more desperate in Sudden heats and thoughtless Riots, in Elections and on other occasions where political disputes run high, and introduce a more Sanguinary disposition among them.
10 Is not the Tranquility in the Western Counties since the Insurrection there, and the subsequent Submission to Law, a Precedent in favour of Clemency?
11. Is there any Probability that a capital Execution will have any tendency to change the political Sentiments of the People.
12. Will not Clemency have a greater Tendency to correct their Errors?
13 Are not the Fines and Imprisonments, imposed and suffered a sufficient discouragement for the present, of such Crimes?

John Adams14 May not the long Imprisonment, of Fries the two solemn Awful Trials his Acknowledgment of the Justice of his sentence, his professions of deep Repentance and promises of obedience, be accepted and turned more to the Advantage of Government and the public Peace than his Executive?


Title: To John Adams from Aaron Putnam, 20 May 1800
From: Putnam, Aaron
To: Adams, John

Respected Sir,
Charlestown 20 May 1800

immediately after I had the honor of an interview on Tuesday about noon 29th April I enter’d the stage, and by riding all night arrived at New York at 8.OC. the next morng, from whence I took the liberty to write you, which I hope you receiv’d  in due course—on my arrival here I found my suggistions in that communication fully verified with respect to the anxious solicitude of my Constituents, to know the result of the business of my embassy
I have endeavour’d to observe as much circumspection as possible—from the permission you gave of communicating to you any thing that should turn up respecting this business I now avail myself of that indulgence altho: nothing very material has arisen, I beg leave Sir to remind you of the observations I made respecting the purchase of the lands, that I conceived it would be expedient to purchase as soon as possible of all those proprietors that would sell at or near the prices specified on the plan as the probable value, that there was a probability, with a little address, of settling with all except two which would place a relative value on the lands of those two when appraised—I am now fully convinced of the propriety of those observations, their expectations of the establishment and having time to compose notes with each other daily increases the value of the lands in their own minds and will render its more difficult to effect a settlement without compulsions—our Legislature will be in Session in about ten days, I beg leave Sir to ask whither it would not be expedient to Direct an early application, and that the whole lands contemplated should be included in that application least some proprietor not now suspected should prove refractory, all this Sir is presuming that you have made your determination, if you have not I beg leave to observe that whilst at Phila and since my return here I have conversed with a great number of Persons whom I think the best informed and intirely disinterested, and have never found one, the secy of the Navy & Mr. Humphreyes excepted, that have not given a decided preference to this place for the Dock as well as Navy Yard & have conceive it inconsistent to seperate the Dock from the Navy Yard, that great inconveniences would arise on account of materials of every kind, that there would be nearly double the expence in Leabourers Officers to superintend & every thing relative to the business, that from Boston & the vicinity Salem & N. Port as many workmen as should be wanted on an emergency could be procur’d and then dismissed at pleasure, joined to this the perfect safety of the place from a marine Enemy nature having done every thing in that respect we could wish, being in the midst of population that any number of men that should be wanted for defense might be assembled at Pleasure—Materials brot: to the Spot by the Midd: Canal, in fact all circumstances sum to combine in painting out this as the most eligible place for the Dock as well as Navy Yard, these and everey other circumstance relating to this business are well known to you Sir and much more perfectly estimated than I have the power to describe—I blush Sir when I think of the incorrect Scrawl I committed to paper in such hurrey that morng  I left Phila. which I renewedly request you to pardon—
The Elections of Mass: have terminated very favourably, no short I verily believe to be the true interest of America is better known at the present time, and the people of New England more limited in measures to obtain & support the same, than they have been for several years past—
I most devoutly pray that the elections of this year may be as auspicious to America as those of this spring are to Massachusetts—I should esteem it Sir a particular indulgence to receive your desicion by the earliest opportunity with my most respectful complaints to Mrs. Adams
I have the honor to be Sir with the greatest respect / & esteem your devoted Friend and H Servant
Aaron Putnam


Title: From John Adams to Charles Lee, 21 May 1800
From: Adams, John
To: Lee, Charles

Sir
Phildelphia May 21. 1800

I received Yesterday the opinion of yourself the Secretary of the Treasury and the Secretary of the Navy on the Case of the Prisoners under Sentence of death for Treason, formed, as I doubt not under the full Exercise of Integrity and humanity. Nevertheless as I differ in opinion, I must take on myself alone the responsibility of one more appeal to the humane and generous natures of the American People.
I pray you therefore to prepare, for my Signature this morning a Pardon for each of the Criminals John Fries, Frederick Hainey and John Gettman
I pray you allso to prepare the Form of a Proclamation of a General Pardon of all Treasons and Conspiracies to commit Treasons heretofore committed in the three offending Counties in opposition to the Law laying Taxes on Houses &c that Tranquility may be restored to the Minds of those People if possible.
I have one request more, that you would consult the Judge and the late and present Attorneys of this district concerning the Circumstances of Guilt and Punishment of those now Under sentence for fines and Imprisonment and report to me a List of the Names of Such, if there are any, as may be proper Object of the Clemency of government. With great Esteem / I am, Sir your most obedient Servant

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Charles Lee, 21 May 1800
From: Adams, John
To: Lee, Charles

Sir
Philadelphia May 21st 1800

I have read your report of the 17th of May relative to the conduct of Dr Stephens and Mr. Mayer & the documents under the labell useful. I have also read the report of the late Secretary of State of May 12th on the same subject & agree with both, that the conduct of Dr. Stephens ought to be approved and that Mr Mayer ought to be removed from his office. Mr. Hammond may be appointed to succeed him.
I am &c.


Title: To John Adams from Samuel B. Malcom, 21 May 1800
From: Malcom, Samuel B.
To: Adams, John

Sir,
New York May. 21st. 1800

Informed that the office of Surveyor for this Port and district is about to become vacant by the resignation of its present possessor, I have taken the liberty to recommend (as a Successor) to the notice of Government Mr. William Morris son of the late General Morris—An intimacy of considerable length of time having rendered me well acquainted with his Character, and pretensions I candidly suggest it as an opinion Supported by those with whom he is more intimately connected in official duty. That he is well qualified for the office, and that his appointment would received by the public, with respect and applause. persuaded of his attachment to Government, morality, Industry and abilities I have Considered it my duty to him and to the public to give you these assurances, which are respectfully Submitted by your most Ob Servt
Sam B Malcom


Title: From John Adams to Alexander Hamilton, 22 May 1800
From: Adams, John
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Sir
Philadelphia May 22. 1800

Inclosed is a Copy of a Letter, recd this morning from Col. Smith. I am at present at a loss to judge of it.—Will you be so kind without favour or affection, to give me, your candid opinion of it.—Whether his request can be granted in the whole or in part without injustice to other officers. And whether it is consistent with the military Ideas. I pray your Answer as soon as possible. I am, Sir with great Esteem, your most / obedient humble servant

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to James McHenry, 22 May 1800
From: Adams, John
To: McHenry, James

                            Philadelphia May 22d 1800

                        The President requests the candid opinion of the Secretary of War, upon the project in the inclosed letter of Col Smith. Whether his request can be granted in whole or in part consistent, with military & political justice & propriety without favor or affection. The P. prays Mr. McHenry to return Smith’s letter.


Title: From John Adams to James McHenry, 23 May 1800
From: Adams, John
To: McHenry, James

Sir
Philadelphia May 23d 1800

I have received your note of this date & have read all the papers. This whole business is so entirely new to me, that I have read the documents with great surprize. I highly approve of the proposed enquiry & of your letter to Messrs Shepherd Parks & Ely
I am Sir with great esteem


Title: From John Adams to Samuel B. Malcom, 23 May 1800
From: Adams, John
To: Malcom, Samuel B.

Dear Sir
Philadelphia May 23d 1800

I have just received your favor of yesterday & thank you for the communication. Mr Morris’s merits shall be impartially considered with all the other candidates in due time. Mrs. Adams will be soon in N York. When she passes, will you be so good as to give me the news of her
I am Sir yours as usual


Title: To John Adams from James McHenry, 23 May 1800
From: McHenry, James
To: Adams, John

War Department May 23d. 1800.

The Secretary of War has the Honour to submit for the Consideration of the Heads of Departments, the propriety of the President’s selecting & authorizing a qualified person to visit and examine into the actual State of the Garrisons, Indian Trading Houses or Factories, and public property of every description, with the manner of preserving or disposing of the same for use or Consumption, in the North Western Territory, on the Missisippi, and on the Frontiers of Tennessee & Georgia
It is stated.—that it has been the practice throughout the Western Frontier of the United States for Military Commandants to hold Talks with the Indians; to issue Rations to them,  occasionally to supply them with ammunition and cloathing, and sometimes to make them other presents, and this without any precise Restriction. That the Secretary has given Orders to restrain the Issues of Rations at military Posts; to abstract as far as practicable Military Commandants from interference in Indian Concerns; and to confine these exclusively, if possible, to the Colonial or Territorial Governors and other particular Superintendants of Indian Affairs. That the intent of these Orders was not only to lessen the public Expenditure, by curtailing the issues of Rations, and presents of public property to Indians, but to obviate the ill consequences and confusion to be feared from two distinct authorities—Military Commandants and Indian Superintendants acting at the same time, and without concert, on the same Subjects—and to secure a more perfect Controul over the Indians, by an uniform System, to be acted upon by one and the same authority, to which such concerns were solely committed.
That, so far as these orders have been observed, beneficial Effects have apparently resulted. But certain Military Officers have notwithstanding suggested the impossibility of resisting the Applications of Indians for Rations and Presents, and that powerful Reasons exist, why Military Commandants should not be precluded from their heretofore usual Connection with the Indians, or from the power of retaining them in their Interests by Acts of Bounty.
That a Question accordingly presents, and requires to be definitively settled—Whether Military Commandants, except in cases of extraordinary urgency, or absolute necessity, and upon their strict and exclusive responsibility, should be permitted to issue Rations or present public property to Indians, at Military Posts, unless upon the express Requisition of a Colonial or Territorial Governor, or other Superintendant of Indian Affairs.
It is submitted whether a satisfactory Solution of this Question cannot best be obtained by an Examination into facts, and existing Circumstances, along the Western Frontier, by an intelligent, upright and disinterested person, authorized to make and to report the Result of his Inquiries.
It is also stated, that it is conceived indispensable to correct information, that Government should from time to time, receive statements of the actual Situation of Garrisons, and all public Property, and of the quantities and qualities of the latter, through other Channels than the responsible Officers or Agents entrusted: and that, to an intimate knowledge in particular of the Manner in which the Indian Factories or Trading Houses, established at Tellico BlockHouse and upon the Oconee, have been conducted, of the Stock on Hand, and of the prospect of continuing them so as to comport with the Intentions of Congress, expressed in the Law for their Establishment, that the Capital Stock furnished may not be diminished, information obtained otherwise than through the Agents or Factors themselves is absolutely necessary.
It is submitted, whether an actual Examination by the same intelligent and disinterested person, respecting the last mentioned objects, authorized to make the same and to report the Result of his Inquiries, would not be extremely beneficial to the public, and useful to the succeeding Secretary of the Department of War, by furnishing in one view, a mass of Information more complete than is otherwise attainable, and certainly in an imperfect Degree without considerable research and experience in the Department; and whether it would not give him the clearest Conviction of Errors where they have occurred, or faults where they have been committed, in order to their Remedy.
All which is respectfully submitted

James McHenry


Title: To John Adams from James McHenry, 23 May 1800
From: McHenry, James
To: Adams, John

War Department May 23. 1800

The Secretary of War respectfully submits the enclosed Draught of a Letter to General William Shepherd, General Warham Parks, and Justine Ely Esquire, and the Documents connected therewith to the President of the United States, for his Determination & Orders.


Title: To John Adams from James McHenry, 23 May 1800
From: McHenry, James
To: Adams, John

Sir
War Department 23d May 1800

I received your note yesterday afternoon, inclosing a letter to you, from Wm. S Smith Lt. Colonel of the 12th Regiment of Infantry dated the 21st instant.
You request my candid opinion upon the project contained in the letter inclosed. Whether his (Col. Smiths) request can be granted in whole or in part, consistent with military and political justice and propriety, without favour or affection.
Col. Smith solicits by his letter, that you should appoint him to the command of the 2d. Regiment of Artillerists and Engineers, and also allow him to select from the union Brigade, a Major and full battallion of Officers and men, to complete the said Regiment of Artillerists, suggesting that the Officers and soldiers of the union Brigade are well instructed in the duties of their profession, and that it would be greatly beneficial to the public, to retain or reengage, as many of them for service as may be requisite to fill up the corps government have concluded to keep on the establishment.
It will be recollected, on the 7th of May 1799, I had the honour of writing to you, and take the liberty of referring now to the letter—that previous to any ultimate step relative to presenting the names of persons, to officer the battallion added to the 2d Regiment of artillerists and Engineers, by an act of Congress, I had thought it advisable to take the opinion of the Attorney General—Whether existing laws, or the constitution itself, vested authority in the President, under all circumstances, to appoint officers to the said additional battalion, considering the offices in it created during a session of Senate, and never filled, as vacancies happening, either during the session or otherwise? That the Attorney General had given his opinion, which I inserted vz. An office created during a session of the Senate, and not filled by appointment, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, must be considered as a vacancy happening during the session which the President cannot fill during the recess—by the powers vested in him by the Constitution, without a Legislative act of Congress enabling him to do it. That this Legislative act was passed on the 3d of March 1799—entitled “An act authorising the President of the United States to fill certain vacancies in the army and navy.” for the expressions were large enough to embrace old offices in the army and navy, while having been filled had become vacant during the session, and also to embrace new offices created during the session, which never had been filled, but remained vacant on the 3d of March 1799.”
I took the liberty to differ from this opinion for reasons detailed in my said letter which you acquiesced in, and the appointments to the additional battallion in question were accordingly post poned.
The reasons which induced to my former conclusions are still operative on my mind. I still consider offices created, and never filled, as presenting no vacancies relative to which either the Constitution or the act of Congress of the 3d of March 1799 (if still in force) could operate.
But, Sir, the act of the 3d of March 1799 will be found to extend the authority given by it, only to appointments to fill vacancies in the army and navy, which happened during the (then) present session of the Senate.
The uniform opinion I have ever held on the subject of appointments to fill the offices created in the additional battallions allowed by Law, in the 2d Regiment of Artillerists and Engineers, is precisely the same. I have always supposed to have been practised upon, respecting all other original offices created but never filled. Does not this practice seem to establish a belief in a general impression, that to the first appointment to fill an original or newly created office—the concurrence of the Senate is necessary;—and does not this impression seem strengthened, by the Constitutional provision, which is solely intended, to provide against a stagnation of public business in the recess of Senate, in consequence of vacancies then happening in offices once filled, and the care taken to limit the duration of the Commission.
I am therefore candidly of opinion that altho’ express and valid authority might have been given by law, to appoint absolutely to the offices of the additional battallion as has been the case with respect to other corps, yet that no such authority was in fact given by the act now expired of the 3d of March 1799—no satisfactory construction applying to cause these offices to be considered vacancies happening during a session of Senate:—nor has authority been given by any other act  within my knowledge with respect to this battallion.—And that the vacancies if considered as having happened at all, must have happened during a session, consequently the Constitutional proviso does not operate upon them.
What precedes—it will be observed, has reference only to the battallion offices. But it is presumed to be expected my opinion should extend, to the measure of preferring Lt. Col. Smith to the office of Lt. Colonel Commandant of the 2d Regiment of Artillerists & Engineers.
I here take the liberty to mention, that in the revolutionary war, from the situations in which I was placed, I had good opportunities of observing the military qualifications of Lt. Col. Smith. I then considered him to be a brave, active, and intelligent Infantry officer. I still consider, that his general knowledge of tactics, of the movements of troops, and general operations of a campaign, give him a fair claim to be placed high on the list of our military characters. But, I must add—that in no service, if my recollection is correct, has it been practiced to take an officer of an Infantry Regiment to command one of Artillery—Altho officers of the latter have frequently been taken to command Infantry their original acquirements comprehending the essential duties of Infantry and also others peculiar and indispensible to the Artillerist and Engineer.
My opinion however must be an abstract one. The office of Commandant of this Regiment was never exercised. John Doughty was appointed to it (he was of the Artillery during our revolutionary war) on the 1st of June, and absolutely declined it on the 2d of July 1798. It is properly a subject for legal men to determine whether the mere appointment altho’ afterwards declined—constituted a filling of an office, and thereafter declination a vacancy of it.—but in the present case if so determined—the vacancy happened during a session and not in the recess, of the Senate, for the Senate continued in session at least until the 16th July 1798. and Major Doughty, absolutely declined the acceptance on the 2d of the same month, so that in fact and in no view I can take of the subject, will the constitutional authority of the President now extend to this appointment.
It may be permitted me, to add that it was contemplated to draw a fit character from abroad, to fill the office of Commandant of the 2d Regiment of Artillerists and Engineers, and also that of Inspector of Artillery, and that with your approbation both offices were offered to a distinguished character in Europe—himself an American, that I have very lately mentioned to you, that I never understood this idea to be abandoned—altho’ conformably to the proposition intimated to me respecting Major Lewis Tousard and I reported him the oldest Major of Artillery in service. That the plan for a military Academy—which would enable by a new modification advantagiously to lay asside the additional battallion of the 2d. Regiment, as well as an existing Battallion of Artillerists—reported to you by me and by you to Congress and not decided upon but postponed late in the session, had induced a delay in the presenting to offices for the additional battallion, and as I could not but indulge the hope, that Congress would establish the Academy, and permit the modifications recommended, at this next session—that I thought it best the appointment should not be made as well as more conformable to the œconomical views, which seemed to prevail at the present day.
Since writing the above, I have had my attention called to “an act giving eventual authority to the President of the United States to augment the army”, the 1st Section of which provides for a battallion of Artillerists and Engineers, and the 2d section   authorises the President whenever it shall appear to him expedient, if during the session of the Senate, with their advice and consent, if in their recess alone to appoint and commission all officers for the said troops, provided that the general and field officers who may be appointed in the recess, shall at the next meeting of Senate, be nominated and submitted to them for their advice and consent. I observe however that the whole authority given by the sections of this act cited, to the President, with respect to raising and officering troops in addition to the other military force of the United States was discretional, and to be exercised only in case a war should break out between the United States and a foreign European power, or in case of imminent danger of invasion discovered in his opinion to exist, and that the 11th. or last section of the same act provides that the powers given by the first and second sections of the same to the President of the United States shall cease at the expiration of the session of Congress next ensuing the present, unless they shall be by some future law continued in force for a longer time—and that as I do not know of any future law continuing in force the specific powers given by the first and second sections of this act, I cannot suppose they now interfere with the conceptions I have had the honour candidly to exhibit for your consideration in the first part of this letter.
I have the honour to be with perfect consideration &c / your most ob st

James McHenryI return Col. Smiths letter.


Title: To John Adams from Alexander Hamilton, 24 May 1800
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Adams, John

Sir
Camp Scotch Plains May 24. 1800—

I had the honor of receiving, an hour since, your letter of the 22d instant, with the copy of one to you from Colonel Smith.
I am happy to think that the question presented is on mere military principles a very simple one. The rule of promotion, by succession, does not in any service, as far as my knowlege goes, apply to a new corps, in its first organisation. Officers for such a corps, it is understood, may be found whensoever it is thought fit; without regard to those of the antecedent establishment. This rule has been repeatedly and recently acted upon in this country, and is necessary and right.
The regularity of complying with the wish of Col Smith depends then on the fact—whether the second Regiment of Artillerists has even been organised. I believe that it never has been—never yet having had a commandant. And I have supposed that this state of the thing was the reason why the eldest Major of the two Regiments was not long before this appointed as a matter of right.
If I am correct in the fact (of which the Secretary of War can give precise information) the conclusion is that the appointment of Colonel Smith will violate no military rule nor the right of any other officer.
It may and probably will contravene expectations entertained on reasonable grounds; but this is a different thing from the infraction of a right.
But except on the principle, that the Regiment was never organized, Colonel Smith, an officer of Infantry, could not be placed in the command of it, in exclusion of the Majors of the Corps, without departing from military ideas.
The Major and other Officers of the additional batalion may doubtless, with strict regularity, be appointed from among the officers on this ground, if it shall be thought expedient.
What has been said is I, imagine, a full answer to the Inquiry you have been pleased to make. And perhaps I ought to say no more. Yet, if I did stop here, I should not be satisfied that I had fulfilled all that Candour and Delicacy require of me. I will therefore take the liberty to add a few words.
There are collateral considerations affecting the expediency of the measure, which I am sure, will not escape your reflection; and if after weighing them duly, you shall be of opinion that they ought not to prevail as obstacles, you will, without doubt, anticipate criticism.
I trust, this remark will not be misunderstood. The opinion I have of Col. Smith’s military pretensions, my personal regard for him and my sensibility to his situation conspire to beget in me sentiments very different from a disposition to throw the least impediment in the way of his success
With perfect respect & esteem / I have the honor to be Sir /  Your obed serv

A Hamilton


Title: To John Adams from James McHenry, 24 May 1800
From: McHenry, James
To: Adams, John

Sir,
War Department, May 24. 1800

The pressing solicitations of Major Tousard oblige me to represent to you, that the Season is now arrived for prosecuting with activity the Defences contemplated at Rhode Island, and other places to the Eastward.
That without the funds he expects to derive from a settlement of his accounts for former extra Services as an Engineer—it will be impracticable for him to meet the expences, consequent upon rendering his Services in the same line in future.
That the claims of this Officer, are with many others, delayed in their settlement, by the late principle adopted by the Accounting Officers and submitted by me for your decision upon some time since.
And that as Major Tousard drafted the plans for the defences at Rhode Island and has in part superintended their execution, the public Interest must suffer by his longer detention, from the same Services.
I have therefore respectfully to request your decision upon the principle which prevents an equitable settlement of his accounts in order that he may be delayed as short a time as possible from returning to the places, where his Services are indispensible.
I have the honor to be with the greatest respect /  Sir, your most obedt. servt:

James McHenry


Title: To John Adams from Yusuf Karamanli, 25 May 1800
From: Karamanli, Yusuf
To: Adams, John

				Translated extract from a letter of the Bashaw of Tripoli to the President of the United States.

					May 25, 1800.

				After having cultivated the branches of our good will, and paved the way for a good understanding and perfect friendship which we wish may continue forever, we make known that the object and contents of this, our present letter, is, that whereas your consul, who resides at our court in your service, has communicated to us, in your name, that you have written to him, informing him that you regarded the regency of Tripoli in the same point of view as the other regencies of Barbary, and to be upon the same footing of friendship and importance. In order to further strengthen the bonds of a good understanding, blessed be God, may he complete and grant to you his high protection! But, our sincere friend, we could wish that these your expressions were followed by deeds and not by empty words. You will, therefore, endeavor to satisfy us by a good manner of proceeding. We, on our part, will correspond with you, with equal friendship, as well in words as deeds. But if only flattering words are meant, without performance, every one will act as he finds convenient. We beg a speedy answer, without neglect of time, as a delay on your part cannot but be prejudicial to your interests. In the mean time, we wish you happiness.Given in Tripoli, in Barbary, the 29th of the moon Hegia, the year of the Hegira 1214, which corresponds with the 25th May, 1800.


Title: From John Adams to James McHenry, 26 May 1800
From: Adams, John
To: McHenry, James

Sir,
Philadelphia, May 26. 1800.

In answer to your Letter of the 24, I can only say that I have referred the Papers relative to extra Services to the Secretary of the Treasury who has not yet reported. That I cannot determine any Thing on Major Tousard’s Claim nor Mr. Dinsmores till some general rule is settled,—Major Tousard however and Mr Dinsmore will have Justice done them.
If you approve of the Measure you may send a Commission for my Signature to promote Major Tousard to be a Lieut. Colonel and another to appoint him Inspector. These two Commissions with their Emoluments will be sufficient in future without extra Allowances. The past will be considered. I pray you to give him, a Certificate of what you think ought to be allowed him.
I am &c

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to James McHenry, 26 May 1800
From: Adams, John
To: McHenry, James

Sir,
Philadelphia, May 26. 1800.

I have received your letter of 23 of this month relative to Col. Smith’s Letter: your letter of this 26th relative to appointments for Major Tousard: Your letter of this date. I shall omit appointing any officer in the Artillery at present excepting Mr: Robins Chamberlain. Your Letter also of this date inclosing a Petition from Robert Gilmore, Esqr: Chairman of the Committee, &ca. All these Subjects are of two much importance Delicacy and difficulty to be determined in haste. I shall refer them all therefore to Mr: Stoddert, who is to succeed you when you leave the office, or to his Successor when he shall arrive.
I am Sir with great Esteem / Your humble Sert:

John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from James McHenry, 26 May 1800
From: McHenry, James
To: Adams, John

Sir,
War Department, 26. May 1800.

Since my last on the subject of the appointment of Lt. Col. Smith to the command of the 2nd. Regiment of Artillerists and Engineers, I have had the honour to receive a communication from you authorizing me to send a Commission for your signature, if I approve, of the measure, to promote Major Tousard to be a Lieutenant Colonel, and another to appoint him Inspector.
I have respectfully to represent, that, I must presume—the promotion intended for Major Tousard, is to give him the command of the 2nd. Regiment of Artillerists, my last communication detailed my reasons why I considered this appointment could not be made. This office was never exercised—John Doughty was appointed to it while the Senate were in Session on the 1st. of June, and absolutely declined it on the 2nd. of July 1798 before the adjournment of Congress. If my position be true, that offices created and never filled require to the first appointment to them, the advice and consent of the Senate, the constitutional provision cannot apply to the present office unless Mr. Doughty’s appointment is considered a filling of the office, altho’ he declined acceptance, and did the latter in the recess of Senate—his non-acceptance however was transmitted and received during a Session of Senate—and if it made a vacancy it was not in the recess of Senate.
With respect to appointing this Officer Inspector, (as is presumed to be intended) of Artillery, I must also candidly express a doubt, if not a decided opinion, that this cannot be done. It is an original Office never filled—the provision for it is found in the 9th. Section of “An Act to augment the Army of the United States, and for other purposes,” in these words—“That there shall be appointed an Inspector of Artillery,” but no special or exclusive authority is given to make the appointment—which therefore it is presumed must take the usual constitutional course of nomination to the Senate.
At the same time I feel compelled respectfully to state my opinions, I feel an unfeigned regret, that as I conceive, present circumstances should obstruct the president’s wishes, and the laudable expectations of a meritorious Officer.
I have the honor to be, / with perfect consideration, sir, / Your obedt. servant,

(signed) James McHenry


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Stoddert, 26 May 1800
From: Adams, John
To: Stoddert, Benjamin

Sir,—
					Philadelphia, 26 May, 1800.

				I hereby request you on the 1st of June, or whenever Mr. McHenry shall leave the war office, to take upon you the charge of that office, and I hereby invest you with full power and authority to exercise all the functions of secretary of the department of war, and charge you with all the duties and obligations attached by law to that officer, until a successor regularly appointed and commissioned shall appear to relieve you.

I am, &c.

					John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from Christopher Gore, 27 May 1800
From: Gore, Christopher
To: Adams, John

Sir
Boston 27. May 1800—

I think it probable that my stay in this Country will not be protracted beyond the 10th June, & finding that you have gone to Washington, I fear I shall not have the honor of again paying my personal respects, before my return to Europe. Should you incline to commit to my charge letters for your son, or any other person, I will endeavour to convey them in safety, & shall esteem myself honourd by being the bearer—
A settlement of the existing differences between the United States & Great Britain, as to the 6th article, may be delayed for some time, & in the mean while the proceedings of our Board will remain suspended—This state of things cannot fail to render the time irksome to me, & myself useless to the public—If, Sir, I could be renderd serviceable by employment in any part of Europe I should be gratified, & should feel happy in being relieved from the listless situation in which circumstances, not under our controul have placed, & may continue, for years, to hold the Commission—I hope, Sir, in thus submitting to you my fears as to the fate of the commission, & my disposition to be actively employed, I shall not be considerd as intrusive, and especially as I can say with sincerity I have no wish to interfere with the desires of men more meritorious, or more capable—And I feel a satisfaction in making this statement from a conviction, that whatever might be wishes, or however expressed, they would not, as they ought not to have the smallest influence on you in selecting me, if in your judgment there should not be in the measure a probability of promoting the public good—
I am, Sir, with the most perfect / respect, your obedt humble servant

C. Gore


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Stoddert, 28 May 1800
From: Stoddert, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

Sir
Navy Depart. 28 May 1800

Mr Marshalls letter of acceptance arrived this morning. Mr Lee has written, but lest one letter should not overtake you, & knowing you will be anxious on this subject, I have taken the liberty, to address one note to you, at York Town, another at Fredk. Town.
I have the honor to be / with the highest respect / and esteem sir yr most / Obed Servt.
Ben Stoddert.


Title: To John Adams from Charles Lee, 29 May 1800
From: Lee, Charles
To: Adams, John

Sir
Baltimore 29th. May 1800

Yesterday morning I had the honor to write to you from Philadelphia that a letter from Genl. Marshall had been received at the office of State expressing his respectful acknowledgements for the honor you had conferred on him in appointing him Secretary of State, which he had accepted. As this letter may not meet overtake you, I now repeat a peice of intelligence  very important to the United States and which cannot fail on this account to make you extremely happy, as it has almost every person whom I have seen. I shall write to him urging his coming to Washington immediately, and he will doubtless be there in the course of next week; probably on thursday next. No answer has been received from Mr. Dexter; nor has any letters from Europe of any consequence been received since you left the city.
With perfect respect I have the / honor to remain Sir / your most obedient Servant

Charles Lee


Title: To John Adams from James McHenry, 31 May 1800
From: McHenry, James
To: Adams, John

Sir
War Department 31 May 1800

I have the honor to transmit copy of a letter, I have left in the Office—addressed to my successor in the Department of War—detailing & explaining certain measures which have been taken in my administration—and recommending certain objects to his peculiar attention.
I have the honor to be with perfect consideration, Sir, / Your Obedient Servant

James McHenry


Title: To John Adams from James McHenry, 31 May 1800
From: McHenry, James
To: Adams, John

War Department, 31st. May 1800.

The Secretary of War respectfully takes the Liberty to transmit to the President of the United States, a statement of his recollection of the substance and incidents of the Conversation which passed between them the evening preceding the Resignation of his office, committed to Writing immediately afterwards.
He also transmits Copies of sundry papers having reference to certain parts of that  Conversation, to wit;
A. Wm. Barry Grove’s Letter to the Secretary of War, dated 8th instant.
B. Governor Davie’s List of persons in North Carolina, to whom it would be proper to grant Commissions in the Army.
C. Extracts of Letters from General Pinckney relative to the Selection & List aforesaid, dated 17th Jany. & 10th Febry. 1799.
D. Secretary of War’s Letter to Major Stagg at New York, dated 24th inst.
E. Major Stagg’s Reply, dated 26 inst.
F. Letters to General Darke, dated 19th August, 14th Sept. & 18th December 1798.

James McHenry Enclosure
                                                Sir,War Department, 31st May. 1800.

I respectfully take the Liberty to state to you my recollection of the substance and incidents of the conversation which passed between us on the evening (the 5th inst) preceding my resignation of the Office of Secretary for the Department of War.
I dined on the same day with Mr. Nicklin, and was at table when informed that my Servant waited at the Door to see me. He brought me a Note which had been sent to my House from you, “requesting Mr. McHenry’s Company for one minute”.
I immediately waited upon you at your own House, and being shewn into the common sitting room, found you there alone. After desiring me to sit down the Conversation commenced as follows.
President. I sent for you to request you would make a proposition to Mr. Jonathan Williams. I did not understand before this morning the pretensions of Mr. Israel Whelen, who has filled important stations in the State of Pennsylvania, and is pressed upon me by the most respectable characters in the city.
Secretary. Mr. Williams, you know, Sir, has been with your express approbation appointed provisional Purveyor.
President. I am determined to appoint Mr Whelen Purveyor, unless Mr. Williams will stipulate to appoint him on the removal of the Government to the Federal City, his Agent in Philadelphia, on a Salary of 1000 or 1200 Dollars, and Mr. Whelen should agree to the proposal. I have a regard for Mr. Williams, he is a Boston Boy. I have known him from a Child, and always considered him very honest. He was Franklin’s Friend in France. Lee brought up charges against his accounts there, which were referred to me to examine. I found them perfectly right. Mr. Roberdeau is another Candidate for the Office. His Father was my dearest and best Friend. I loved him, and can never forget him nor overlook his Son.
Secretary. I have heard young Mr. Roberdeau well spoken of.
President. You will make the proposal to Williams, and inform me in the morning.
Secretary. I shall see Mr. Williams and will send for Mr. Whelen or Mr. Waln, his friend, in the morning, and communicate the result as soon as known.
The Conversation now paused, and I was about to take leave, when you introduced a new subject.
President. I have understood you are the only person among the Heads of Departments, who is desirous to retain his Office after the next election for President.
Secretary. I do not know that I am so desirous to remain in office.
President. (with great warmth) Hamilton has been opposing me in New York. He has caused the loss of the election. No head of a Department shall be permitted to oppose me. I desire you to inform me of the fact.
Secretary. I have heard no such conduct ascribed to General Hamilton, and I cannot think it to be the case.
President. I know it, Sir, to be so, and require you to inform yourself, and report. You are subservient to him, Sir. It was you who biassed General Washington’s mind (who hesitated) and induced him to place Hamilton on the List of Major Generals, before Generals Knox and Pinckney. I have the General’s Letter to that effect.
Secretary (recollecting to have given to the President, General Washington’s Letter, written and addressed to the Secretary himself, when at Mount Vernon, in which he expressed his hesitation and the motives inducing to his placing Hamilton first on the List of Major Generals)—I can with great Confidence assure you I had no Agency in producing the determination, and I am confident, the Letter (alluded to) will confirm my Assertion.
President. Even General Washington’s Death, and the Eulogiums upon him have been made use of as engines to injure and lower me in the eyes of the public, and you know it, Sir.
Secretary. I have read very few of the Eulogiums.
President. You too, Sir, have played the same game. In your reports you have eulogized Washington, and attempted the same of Hamilton.
Secretary. With respect to General Hamilton, you know, Sir, I expunged from the report referred to, the praise which attached to him.
President. I cannot overlook your arrogant and dictatorial behaviour to me in the comment you made on the anonymous Letter I shewed to you some time since. That Letter recommended it to me to take the chief command of the Army from General Hamilton, and to give it to some one of the other Gentlemen named in it. You erected yourself on your chair, you rose and swelled up, (imitating the manner in which you represented me to have swelled) and said, the advice of the Letter Writer, if followed, would put between Hamilton and me eternal enmity. I felt at your observation the utmost indignation, and could hardly forbear ordering you out of the Room.
Secretary. I considered the advice given in that Letter at the time it was shewn to me, to be mischievously intended. I then expressed myself to that effect. And altho’ I suspected the Writer, from the Handwriting and other Circumstances, all the observations I made were meant to be merely political; but as some of them appear now to be considered as expressed in an offensive manner, I could wish they had not be used.
President. Hamilton is an intriguant—the greatest intriguant in the World—a man devoid of every moral principle—a Bastard, and as much a foreigner as Gallatin. Mr. Jefferson is an infinitely better man; a wiser one, I am sure, and, if President, will act wisely. I know it, and would rather be Vice–President under him, or even Minister Resident at the Hague, than indebted to such a being as Hamilton for the Presidency. But I can retire to Quincy, and, like Washington, write Letters and leave them behind me. You are subservient to Hamilton, who ruled Washington, and would still rule if he could. Washington saddled me with three Secretaries who would controul me, but I shall take care of that. Wolcott is a very good Secretary of the Treasury, but what do any of you know of the diplomatic interests of Europe? You are all mere children, who can give no assistance in such matters.
Secretary. I am very ready to acknowledge your superior opportunities and experience in affairs of Diplomacy, and, if you please, my own comparative ignorance.
President. How could such men presume to advise in such matters, or dare to recommend a suspension of the mission to France? You too joined in the Advice, and are too subservient to Wolcott and Pickering. I demand, Sir, to be informed who it was called Judge Elsworth & Hamilton to Trenton to attempt to persuade me to suspend the mission. Judge Elsworth, whom I called upon on my way to Trenton, said he did not intend being there. I saw him notwithstanding, and Hamilton, who could have no business there.
Secretary. I had no knowledge of General Hamilton’s intention to be at Trenton, until, one or two days previous to his arrival, it was made known to me by a letter from him, advising that General Wilkinson had returned to New York, and that they would be in a few days at Trenton, in order to settle definitively with me, certain arrangements respecting the Western Army.
President. Governor Davie, I will do him the Justice to say, always considered it proper the mission should proceed.
I omit what you said of several members of Congress; of the distractions which you represented to prevail in Massachusetts, and might end in distracting the Union, all of which you ascribed to a dispute for political preeminence between Mr. Goodhue and Mr. Dane, and the precise words of your declaration importing that you would make the Senate bend to you. I omit also your injunction that no further printing business should be given to Fenno.
President. You, Sir, (the manner in which this was spoken to me will no doubt be recollected) left out of the List of Officers appointed from North Carolina, the only one among its Electors who voted for me, and afterwards had him appointed a Lieutenant, which Office he refused. I desire, Sir, that in future you will lay before me every letter of Recommendation for appointments.
Secretary. I can assure you, Sir, the Circumstance mentioned and the pretensions of the Gentleman were wholly unknown to me, at the time the list of names for appointments from North Carolina, was transmitted to you for your approbation. I beg to be indulged to state the facts. When the Generals of the Army, Washington, Hamilton & Pinckney, were called to the seat of Government, (and they afterwards met at Philadelphia) part of the business to be submitted to them, was to prepare a List of Names for Offices in the New Army, to be presented for you ulterior approbation. To enable them to do this, I laid before them a List of all applicants for military appointments from each state, taken from the Registers of the Names on the Books of the War Office, together with all the Letters of recommendation, including those from North Carolina. You, Sir, will perhaps recollect that the materials for a proper selection of Officers from North Carolina, being at that time thought inadequate, it was recommended and with your concurrence committed to General Pinckney, to be assisted by Governor Davie, to make a Selection for the proportion of Officers to be drawn from that state, which it was expected their personal knowledge of characters would facilitate the Execution of. I furnished those Gentlemen with a List of all the Candidates from North Carolina, and their Letters of recommendation. They returned me a List accordingly, formed partly from the Names furnished, and others whom they either had personal knowledge or received unquestionable Recommendations of, and this List was signed by each of the Gentlemen, transmitted to you, and received your approbation. I certainly did not know at this time, nor indeed ‘till long after the appointment of the Gentleman in question to a Lieutenancy, of his pretensions. They were mentioned to me by Mr Grove, since the meeting of the present Congress.
President. It was not Mr. Grove who informed me.
Secretary. I certainly had no Agency whatever in the Omission.
President. A Letter of yours is quoted all over the Continent, assigning to me a determination to appoint Tories to Office, and to exclude all those who are not decided favourers of the Administration.
Secretary. That Letter has been greatly misrepresented for evident political purposes.
President. I have not been informed of the places chosen for cantoning the Army, or of the Land that has been purchased for the Army to hut upon. I heard nothing from you respecting those things.
Secretary. The Instructions given to Generals Hamilton & Pinckney were formally submitted to and approved of by you. Those Instructions specified the places at, or in the Vicinity of which the four Grand Divisions of the troops were to be stationed. Certainly, Sir, fixing upon the particular Spots of Ground, where the encampments or huts were to be, was incidental to the general power to canton and called for no new Authority. Any subsequent Reference to the Department of War could not be necessary. Besides, the choice of ground for an encampment or Winter Quarters, is a subject, in a military point of view, exclusively within the province of the Quarter Master General, under the direction of the Commander of the Troops.
President. Business, Sir, is delayed in your Department. Every Body says so. You neglected furnishing me with a List of the appointments made during the late recess. I had to ask for it from you two or three times before I could get it.
Secretary. My Clerks have been much employed. Mr. Jones, the Clerk who keeps the Register of military appointments and resignations, complained to me he could not get time to extract the Names, and make out the List for you sooner, without neglecting other Business, which was extremely pressing. I intended, I assure you, no Disrespect by the delay you are pleased to notice.
President I understand you turned out the Chief Clerk, Major Stagg, to make room for your Brother in Law.
Secretary. You have, Mr. President, been misinformed on this Subject. I neither turned Major Stagg out of Office, nor obliged him by my Behaviour to resign. It was a Determination purely his own, to better his situation by going into Business in New York. He is still my friend, and I am persuaded he will confirm what I say.
President. Sir, Your Clerks are more in number than are necessary, or have any thing to do: bring me a list of their names tomorrow, and a detailed account of their respective duties.
Secretary. One of them is pretty constantly employed, during the Session of Congress, at least, in examining claims for military Lands.
President. (interrupting) I have but one Clerk myself. I sign thousands of patents and Commissions, and find him quite enough. In Boston, two Writers in a Lawyer’s Office will do more writing than all your Clerks put together.
Secretary. I can only say, both my Clerks and myself find always abundant employment.
President. I must know more of your business. I desire that you will lay before me daily all the Letters you receive.
Secretary. I certainly, Mr. President, have never failed, in any instance, to lay before you every letter of Importance. I receive or write very few private Letters.
President. I do not want to see your private Letters.
Secretary. I shall lay all public Letters before you in future.
President. You have advertised for proposals for cutting out Cloathing for the Army, when the Troops are naked and require their Cloathing. The Officers of the Army all complain against your department.
Secretary. Permit me, Sir, to state to you facts. The recruiting Service for the new Army began, partially, about twelve months since, and has been suspended some time ago. This Army was provided in Season with Cloathing equal to its full complement of Men. Now, Sir, as less than half the number ordered to be raised have been enlisted, there must be an ample Supply on hand to furnish it with Cloathing for twelve months yet to come. If the Troops composing this Army are to be disbanded shortly, which is probable, there will remain a surplus to be applied to the Troops on the old Establishment. Should there be any of the Soldiers naked, it is their own, or their Officers’ Fault, and ought not to be ascribed to the Secretary of War. I have, it is true, notwithstanding this expectation of a surplus of Cloathing, invited proposals to cut out a certain number of Suits, but these are intended for the next year’s Cloathing of the old Army, and to guard against Events.
President. The Cloathing which has been furnished to the Soldiery is of the worst kind of Cloth.
Secretary. If the Representation made to you on this head is true, the fault is not to be ascribed to me. It was provided and made up under the Direction or Superintendance of the Purveyor. I am however disposed to believe, that, if indifferent Cloth has been employed, it was because none of a better quality at a reasonable and the usual price could be obtained. I recollect there was a scarcity of Blue Cloth, and it was impracticable to obtain the necessary quantity of White, which induced having recourse to Substitutes.
President. Why was the Purveyor kept so long in Office? Was it the Weight and influence of the Willing & Bingham families, who are making through the means of the Bank of the United States monstrous fortunes, and look as if they were to get possession of all Pennsylvania, &ca. that intimidated the Heads of Departments from advising his Removal. Through all parts of the Country, Sir, Your conduct in the Department is complained of. Every Member of Congress I have spoken with, except General Lee, tells me that you want capacity to discharge its duties. When I crossed the North River, I saw some Soldiers, and understood from their Officer, they had cloathing due to them. You cannot, Sir, remain longer in Office.
Secretary. To the opinion which you say is entertained of my Capacity I can make little reply. It is however the first Intimation you have been pleased to communicate on the Subject, and I have not been able to anticipate it from any Intercourse I have had either with the Officers of the Army or Members of Congress. You, Sir, have had ample opportunities to form an opinion whether I possess Qualifications necessary to conduct a department of the Government with advantage to the public, without having Recourse to the Information of others. My Letters and other official papers which have been so often before you, must have enabled you to judge for yourself, whether the opinion you represent to be entertained is actually founded. The Slowness or otherwise of my mental powers must have long since been evinced to you, by the time I have usually spent in preparing plans, and between the receipt of a Letter or Governmental Questions and the answers thereto. But whether the opinion of my Incapacity be ill or well founded, it is enough that you say the opinion exists to produce the proposed Result. I shall certainly resign.
President. Very well, Sir. For myself, I have always, I will acknowledge, considered you as a man of Understanding and of the strictest Integrity, and I have had no Reasons to be dissatisfied with the proofs you have given of your Capacity, in your official Intercourse with me, nor with your general Behaviour towards me.
Secretary. It would give me pleasure to know if there are any points relative to my official Conduct, other than those you have mentioned, of an exceptionable Nature, that I may have an opportunity of explaining them before I leave the Office.
President. If any Explanations should be wanted you can always obtain the papers you may require.
Secretary. I am very well satisfied to trust my official conduct to the Strictest Scrutiny. I cannot however help expressing a wish that it had accorded with your Arrangements to have intimated your desire I should resign, previous to my engaging a House in the City of Washington, and making dispositions for the Removal of my Family; circumstances you were fully acquainted with.
President. I was sorry at the time to see you enter into those engagements.
Secretary. Considered in a pecuniary point of view, they are of little moment, and certainly shall not delay my determination; as, however, you might expect explanations on some parts of my official Transactions, which may require a resort to official papers, and can be best given while the motives and reasons inducing to them are fresh in my Recollection, I shall send in my Resignation in the Morning, to take place, if you please on the first of June.
President. You may make your own time.
Secretary. I wish you a good night, Sir.
President Good Night.
I take permission to add that I sent in my Resignation the next morning, requesting it might be accepted to take place on the first of June. You signified to me, the day following, that “my requests were reasonable, and readily agreed”.
I have the Honour to be, / With perfect Consideration / Sir, / Your obedient Servant

James McHenry

                     Enclosure
                                                From Charles Leeca. May 1800

The Secretary of State presents most respectfully to the President a volume containing the letters from Genl. Pinckney.
That of the 20th of Decr. 97 was receivd on the 23d of March 98 & that on the 6th. of Jany. 98, on the same day.
The letter of the 15th. of Jany. was receivd on the 4th. of April & that of the 24th. of Jany. on the 18th. of May. The letter of the 20th. of Decr. shows the rejection of Genl. Pinckney & contains the speech of Barras


Title: From John Adams to Sc., Citizens of Georgetown, 31 May 1800
From: Adams, John
To: Georgetown, Sc., Citizens of

				To the Citizens of George-Town on the Potomack.
					Gentlemen,
					Union Tavern, George-Town, June 4, 1800.

				I receive with much esteem, affection and gratitude, this obliging address. The approbation, you have the goodness to express, is both a reward and an encouragement. I congratulate you, gentlemen, on the translation of the government to the City so near you. As the country, between the former seat and the present, is beautiful and fertile in a high degree, I hope that all the reluctance which remained against the change will soon be removed, and that the virtues and talents of the United States may here be displayed forever, for the preservation and perfection of our country.

					John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from James McCubbin Lingan, 1 June 1800
From: Lingan, James McCubbin
To: Adams, John

Sir,
George town 1st. June 1800.

The Citizens of this Town are anxious to pay every possible mark of Respect to the President and many of them propose meeting and escorting Him into Town. I am requested by a Committee of the Citizens to ask the favor of you to inform Mr. Maccubbie (by whom this will be delivered) the probable time of his reaching this place. Be so obliging as to inform him, that I may receive the necessary Notice.
I have the honor to be very Respectfully / Sir / Your Obedient humble Sert

Jam Lingan


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Thompson, 1 June 1800
From: Thompson, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

Sir,
Royal Institution, Albemarle Street, London, 1st June, 1800.

The Managers of the Royal Institution of Great Britain have directed me to transmit to the American Academy of Arts and Sciences the enclosed Prospectus; I have therefore the honour to forward the same to your Excellency, and to request that you would lay it, or cause it to be laid, before that learned and respectable Body.
I have likewise the honour, in conformity to the Instructions I have received, to request that the American Academy of Arts and Sciences may be assured of the sincere desire of the Managers of the Royal Institution of Great Britain to cultivate a friendly Correspondence with them, and to cooperate with them in all things that may contribute to the advancement of Science, and to the general Diffusion of the Knowledge of all such new and useful Discoveries and mechanical Improvements as may tend to increase the Enjoyments, and promote the Industry, Happiness, and Prosperity of Mankind.
I have the honour to be, with great Respect, / Your Excellency’s / most Obedient, / and most Humble Servant,

Rumford


Title: To John Adams from Nathan Rice, 2 June 1800
From: Rice, Nathan
To: Adams, John

Sir
Oxford June 2d 1800

Many and numerous applications I apprehend are made to your Excellency in consequence of the dislanding the twelve additional Regiments:—I exceedingly regret that any circumstances should impell me to encroach on your Time, or again solicit your attention.—
The Government stands fully acquited from every charge of breach of faith or promise, to the army—Yet from the generally received idea that our very extensive frontiers, and Seacoast, with the frequent perturbed statee of our Citizens (often causing great and heavy expence to Government,) would render a body of troops equal to the present establishment, at all times necessary induced a belief that it was a permanent establishment: And very many most certainly relinquished pursuits which were profitable, and incured considerable expence, on entering the service.—
I do not Sir, make these observations, as a foundation of a claim on Government, but as an apology for our feeling a disappointment.—Nor would merely the disappointment which I feel alone, have induced me again to trouble you—Considerations of a pecuniary nature, make it my duty, to offer myself as a Candidate for such an office, as you may judge me deserving of—
I flatter myself that my exertions, (as far as opportunity has permited) to promote the interest of my country, has not been withheld:—How far they have succeeded those best can judge, under whose observation and inspection they have more immediately fallen.—Should your Excellency feel sufficiently interested in my concerns to induce an enquiry into my conduct, and Satisfaction and approbation be the result—permit me to hope, you will place me in the list of Candidates for a civil or military appointment which now is or may be hereafter become vacant—
With sentiments which / inspire esteem & respect / I am yr. Excellency’ / Obt Servt

N: Rice


Title: To John Adams from Anthony Haswell, 3 June 1800
From: Haswell, Anthony
To: Adams, John

Sir,
Vermont, Bennington goal, June 3d:1800.—

I address you with freedom as the supreme executive of the nation of which it has ever been my boast to be a citizen, and my aim, as far as my abilities allowed, to support its inestimable privileges; having fought for its independence, rejoiced in its emancipation from the tyranny of Britain, and exulted in the establishment of the best constitution, in my estimation, at present operative in the world.—
On an action laid at Common Law by the U.S. against me, I am now Sir condemned for publishing in my paper, the Vermont Gazette, an introduction to the scheme of a lottery, sent to me for publication, and written by Elias Buel and James Lyon whose names were published in the advertisement annexed, the one as Manager, the other as Clerk of the Lottery; conceived in the words following.—
To the enemies of political persecution in the western district of Vermont.—
Your representative is holden by the oppressive hand of usurped power, in a loathsome prison, deprived almost of the light of heaven, and suffering every indignity that can be heaped on him by a hard-hearted savage, who has to the disgrace of federalism been elevated to a station where he can satiate his barbarity on the misery of his victims.—But in spite of Fitch and all the rest, and to their sorrow, time will pass away, the ninth of February will come, and will it bring liberty to the defender of your rights? No, without exertion it will not, eleven hundred dollars must be paid for his ransom. This money it is impossible for Col. Lyon to raise in an ordinary way.—A contribution is talked of, but this is an uncertain, humiliating, and precarious method. Col. Lyon has adopted a plan, which coincides with his feelings; and he hopes it may with those of his friends.
The plan is this, he has purchased the grant of a lottery, upon which he has formed a scheme, whereby he designs to sell his tickets for money, to the amount of his fine, and consequent losses, and pay the prizes in lands, houses, and such property as he wishes to dispose of.
May we not hope that his measure will answer the desired purpose, and that our representative shall not languish a day in prison, after the measure of federal vengeance is filled up.—
There was a second count in my indictment, for republishing an extract from the Aurora, remarking on a letter of Secretary McHenry, to General Darke of Virginia, conceived in the following terms.
“At the same time your administration publicly notified, that tories, men who had fought against our independence, who had shared in the desolation of our towns, the abuse of our wives, sisters, and daughters, were men worthy of the confidence of the government.”
On being obliged, by the prosecution, to affix a meaning to these publications, I adduced in evidence a conversation I had personally holden with Judge Patterson, in which he said, that the Marshal was not obliged to put Col. Lyon into a common prison, but that he might assign to him any decent apartment commodious room, perhaps his own parlour; but doubtless common politeness would induce him to accommodate him with a decent apartment.
In point of usurpation of power, and oppressive authority, I proved that the Marshal (or his deputy, expressly by his order) had denied Col. Lyon, for a term after his commitment, the use of pen, ink, and paper.—That he had likewise, which he owned, obliged his Col. Lyon’s visitants to set down their names and places of abode with the goaler, which had deterred many from visiting him in his loathsome cell. On the second count I produced the correspondence between Secretary McHenry and General Darke.
I have thus, sir, undisguisedly laid my case before you; my sentence is to endure two Calendar months imprisonment, and to pay two hundred dollars fine, and costs amounting to nearly one hundred.—The imprisonment commenced May 9th at ten o’clock in the morning.
I am, sir, a man low in property, the father of a large and expensive family, having been much troubled with sickness, and at present having one son, a promising youth of about fifteen years of age, who for near three months past has lain dangerously ill of a fever sore, and who wants all the consolation in my power to bestow, and much more succour than my circumstances can afford.
If, Sir, on reviewing the whole matter, you should deem a remission of my fine, and a dismission from my prison, to be an eligible measure, I shall gratefully acknowledge the favor, if not, I shall at least have discharged a duty, which for some days has laid upon my mind, that of striving to the utmost of my power, to avert impeding ruin from a family consisting of a wife and nine children, at present deprived of their principal support, the industry of an infirm father.
As a citizen of common education, neither understanding ceremony nor despising of it, unless when I esteem it derogatory to a freeman, /   I am sir, Your fellow citizen

Anthony Haswell.—


Title: From John Adams to Uriah Forrest, 4 June 1800
From: Adams, John
To: Forrest, Uriah,Dorsey, William

To the Citizens of George Town, on the Potomac
Gentlemen
Union Tavern, George Town June 4, 1800

I receive with much Esteem Affection and Gratitude this obliging Address. The Approbation you have the goodness to express is both a reward and an Encouragement.
I congratulate you, Gentlemen on the translation of the Government to the City so near you. As the Country between the former Seat and the present is beautifull and fertile, in a high degree, I hope that all the Reluctance which remained to against the Change, will Soon be removed, and that the Virtues and Talents of the United States may here be displayed, forever, for the Preservation and Perfection of our Country.

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Elbridge Gerry, 4 June 1800
From: Gerry, Elbridge
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir,
Cambridge 4th June 1800

I had the honor, this morning of paying my respects to your Lady, & the pleasure of finding her & the family in excellent health: happy should I be, if this was the case with Mrs Gerry, who is slowly recovering from a long & dangerous illness. being informed that you are by this time in Washington, I take the liberty to suggest, that since your departure, last fall from Quincy, I have received no information whatever, in regard to the liquidation of my account.
Mrs Gerry presents her best respects to You, & be assured dear Sir that with sincere attachmt. and respect—I remain your most obedt. / & very huml. sert.

E Gerry


Title: To John Adams from Citizens of Washington City, 5 June 1800
From: Washington City, Citizens of
To: Adams, John

Sir,
5 June 1800

The Inhabitants of the City of Washington rejoice in the Opportunity which your Presence this day affords them of paying to you their unfeigned Respect, and of giving You a Welcome to the City which, by the Acts of the Union has become the Metropolis of the United States.
We have long anticipated this day: We consider this your first Visit to Columbia, as a high Gratification, and look forward with satisfaction to the period, when we shall behold you, opening the Congress in the Capitol.
We cannot be insensible to the Blessings which Providence has been pleased to bestow, in a particular manner, on this situation, in the enjoyments of which knowing that our Government is on the point of participating.
In offering our Gratulations on your arrival, we join in wishes, that you may spend among us, the Evening of a long, as you have spent in other places the Morning of an useful and Honorable Life.—


Title: From John Adams to Citizens of Washington City, 5 June 1800
From: Adams, John
To: Washington City, Citizens of

To the Inhabitants of the Citizens of Washington

Fellow CitizensCity of Washington At the Capitol June 5th 1800.

I receive with pleasure, in this address, your friendly welcome to the city and particularly to this place.—I congratulate you, on the blessings, which providence has been pleased to bestow, in a particular manner, on this situation, and especially on its destination to be the permanent seat of government. May the future councils of this august temple be forever governed by truth and liberty, friendship, virtue and faith, which as they are themselves, the chief good and principal blessings of human nature, can never fail to insure the union safety, prosperity and glory of America.

JA


Title: To John Adams from Jacob Eÿermann, 5 June 1800
From: Eÿermann, Jacob
To: Adams, John

Philada. June 5th. 1800

We the Undersigned, prisoners in the Goal of Philadelphia, beg leave to present their Humble Petition & Prayer to your Excellency—
It is with deep Reverence and Humility we address ourselves to Your Excellency—We look upon You as a kind Father, permit us therefore to speak as Children that have gone astray and who are justly punished for their folly and Wickedness but who now feel and see the dire Consequences of their Criminal Conduct—We now know perfectly well what an atrocious part we have acted in opposing a Government, the mildest in the Universe—We now plainly see that a Conduct as ours has been, naturally brings down Misery upon the Perpetrators themselves and leads to Anarchy, Confusion and Bloodshed—It is far from us to extenuate our Crimes, we acknowledge the Punishment, the Laws of our Country have inflicted upon us, to be just; but we cannot suppress, we must pronounce the feelings of our Hearts—We feel happy, That Your Excellency is our President, who by the Law of the Land has Power to extend Mercy for Judgment over poor, deluded ignorant Transgressors.
Permit us to assure Your Excellency with true sincerity that we are sorry for what We have done, we reflect with abhorrance on our past Conduct and make the sacred Promise as before God, that in future through his Grace we will demean ourselves not only on our own part as peaceable and obedient Citizens but use all our Endeavours to encourage amongst our Neighbours the same spirit of true Citizenship—We are convinced of the tender feelings of Your Excellency’s heart and therefore will not hurt You with a long and woeful Detail of our Misery—The most of us are fathers of families, who now are destitute of the Comforts, that a father ought to be to them. Some of us have entirely ruined ourselves—But what oppresses some of us most is the Impression our Conduct must have made on our poor Children and how thankful should we for ever be to Your Excellency, if Your Humanity would extend itself over us so as to remit our Punishments and grant us a Release from Imprisonment, that we might be able to wipe off the Stain on our Characters by good Advice to our Children which might else corrode their yet innocent Hearts and as in Duty bound / We shall every pray &ca.
of Northampton County imprisoned upwards of a Year before their Trial— {J. J. EÿermannIndous RäslarPhilip InpfJacob AlninHenry Jarrett,}of Northampton County imprisoned since the second of May lastfour other namesConrad Mard}of Bucks County imprisoned upwards of One Year before their Trailone nameJacob Alnin,}of Bucks County imprisoned since the second of May lastDaniel Alnintwelve other namesJacob Gablethree other namesof Montgomery CountyHenry Smith


Title: To John Adams from John Sinclair, 5 June 1800
From: Sinclair, John
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir,
London 29 Parliament St. 5 June 1800.

You will herewith receive, Copies of a Publication, in which I am persuaded you will feel yourself deeply interested, & which, I trust, will be viewed by the People of America in General, in a favourable light; I mean the letters of your illustrious Countryman General Washington, on Agricultural and other interesting topics. It is the only work, hitherto published, in any Age or Country, where so many Fac Simile Copies of letters in the hand Writing of one Individual, were ever communicated to the Public. But I considered it to be a Compliment, justly due, to the merit of a Character, so uncommonly great, & so justly celebrated.
I am persuaded, that it is unnecessary for me, to recommend this work, to your particular Attention. The Letters are such, as would do credit to any Man, and will be a singular curiosity some years hence. Indeed, I cannot conceive a more valuable property in any family, than to have Fac Simile Copies, of so many interesting Letters, in the hand Writing of that illustrious Personage, to whom America owes so many important Obligations. The Object of the publication, namely, that of executing some proper tribute of respect to the Memory of this great Man, will, I trust, meet with the approbation of every American Gentleman.
Permit me to request your particular Attention, to one part of the Correspondence herewith transmitted, namely, the erecting of a Board of Agriculture in America. I hope that you will enforce the recommendation of your great Predecessor, and that by your influence, the necessary arrangements for that purpose, will be made by the Government of America.
With my best Wishes for the prosperity of the United States, and the continuance of a good Correspondence, & sincere friendship, between the two Nations / I have the honour to be, / with very great respect, /and regard, / Dear Sir / Your faithful and / Obedient Servant

John Sinclair


Title: To John Adams from Tristram Dalton, 5 June 1800
From: Dalton, Tristram
To: Adams, John

Sir
City of Washington June 5th: 1800

The Inhabitants of the City of Washington rejoice in the opportunity which Your Presence this day affords them of paying to You their unfeigned respect, and of giving You a welcome to the City, which, by the Acts of the Union, has become the Metropolis of the United States.—
We have long anticipated this day—We consider this, Your first, visit to Columbia as a high gratification, and look forward, with satisfaction, to the period when we shall behold You opening the Congress in this Edifice, the Capitol of our Country.—
We cannot be insensible to the blessings which Providence has been pleased to bestow, in a particular manner, on this situation; in the enjoyments of which, we have the felicity of knowing that, our Government is on the point of participating.—
In offering our gratulations on Your arrival, we join in wishes that You may spend among us the Evening of a long, as You have spent, in other places, the Morning of an useful and honorable Life.—
Tristram Daltonby Order


Title: To John Adams from Sc., Citizens of Georgetown, 5 June 1800
From: Georgetown, Sc., Citizens of
To: Adams, John

An entertainment was given to the President of the United States, by the citizens of George-Town, on Friday last, at Mr. McLaughlin’s Tavern.
A numerous company sat down to dinner, after which the following TOASTS were drunk:
1. The United States,
2. Public gratitude—May it ever be the reward of the firm and distinguished Patriot.
3. Congress—May there be no competition among the members except that which will prompt them how they shall best promote the prosperity of their country.
4. The State of Maryland.
5. The State of Massachusetts—Our elder sister in the cause of Freedom—May she continue to be the nurse of patriots and Heroes.
6. The City of Washington—“May the virtues and talents of the United States be there forever displayed for the preservation and perfection of our country.”
7. The memory of our late departed friend George Washington may the citizens of America ever keep in view his last political advice.
8. May the Spirit that atchieved our independence watch over and perpetuate the present constitution and government of the United States.
9. The rights of hospitality—May they exclusively be conferred on the virtuous stranger who visits our country with honest intention.
10. To all nations at war, peace, and to all nations at peace prosperity.
11. Our treaties with foreign powers—May they be observed with good faith and vindicated with firmness.
12. Public spirit—while it rouses us against foreign hostility, may it secure us against foreign intrigue.
13. The triumph of religion and order, over infidelity and confusion.
14. The Navy and the Army of the United States.
15. May the zeal, promptitude and discipline of the militia, supercede if possible the necessity of regulars.
16. The agriculture, manufacturers and commerce of the United States.
17. The fair daughters of America—May their smiles excite deeds of worth and reward them.
By the President.
George.Town—May its prosperity equal the ardent enterprize of its inhabitants, and the felicity of their situation.
After the President had retired.
JOHN ADAMS—The early, the uniform, the steady and unshaken friend of his country.
The utmost harmony and conviviality prevailed at this entertainment, which was given, to the Chief Magistrate of the Nation, as a testimony of respect for his office, gratitude for his numerous and important services and veneration for his eminent talents and virtues.


Title: To John Adams from Alexander Brodie, 7 June 1800
From: Brodie, Alexander
To: Adams, John

Sir,
New York 7th: June 1800.

Considering myself as a person altogether unimportant, nothing grieves me more sensibly than the divisions which continue to exist among the people on my account. Were it possible in the nature of things that one so inconsiderable as I am could render essential services either to the Government or to the people of the United States, I might be persuaded to wait for a change in the public sentiment although such an event is not within my plan of happiness; but convinced by a more perfect knowledge of myself that I have not the talents for such a task, and that even in attempting the public good, I might endanger the public quiet, and shake the public confidence, and therefore a judicious public did well to oppose me, I have concluded with all due submission to your superior judgement, to decline every civil Trust, and now take the liberty to inclose a Letter of Renunciation in terms of the Nomination remaining in my favour, which I hope will be acceptable.
That you may long enjoy the high Dignity which you so eminently adorn, and that the memory of your illustrious virtues may survive in the hearts of a grateful and affectionate Country, immortal as the fame of Washington, is the sincere wish of one, who presumes to subscribe himself, most respectfully /  Sir, / Yr. most obedient, / most obliged, / & most humble Servt.

A: BrodieI Alexander Brodie of Pennsylvania Do by these presents Release, Renounce, and Resign all right and claim to the appointment of Accountant for the War Department, Vice William Simmons of New York: and also all right and claim to the Nomination depending in the Senate of the United States, in terms aforesaid.
Done on Staten Island, State of New York, the seventh day of June, one thousand eight hundred, John Adams then president of the United States.
A: Brodie