Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Richard Jackson, 1 September 1764
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Jackson, Richard

Dear Sir,
Philada. Sept. 1. 1764
I wrote a few Lines to you the 9th. of last Month, expressing some Impatience that I had miss’d hearing from you by two Packets. But soon after I had the Pleasure of receiving yours of June 4, and 14. the last by Mr. Allen. I am glad to learn that our Construction of the Article relating to the Proprietor’s located uncultivated Lands is not like to be controverted in England. As to the Prosecution of the Petition, which you seem a little unwilling to engage in while more general American Affairs are on the Anvil, much will depend on the Complexion of the next Assembly. The Proprietary Party have taken true Pains, as it behov’d them, to represent the Change as dangerous to our Privileges, and made the Assembly odious for proposing it. The Irish Presbyterians, too, piqu’d at the Reflections thrown on them by the Quakers for the late Riots and Murders, have join’d the Proprietary Party, by which they hope to acquire the Predominancy in the Assembly, and subdue the Quakers. Hence the approaching Election will probably be a warm one, and the Event is uncertain: But if a Majority of the old Members continue, as I apprehend they may, the Measure will, I believe be prosecuted, notwithstanding the Bugbears Mr. Allen endeavours to terrify us with about the Expence, which he says he had in charge from you to tell me would be £100,000 Sterling that the Parliament will oblige us to pay, and saddle us besides with a Salary to be paid by us to a King’s Governor of £5000 Sterling per Annum more. I can scarcely conceive that you sent me such a Message, nor can I believe that so absurd a Thing would be propos’d by the Ministry, that we should pay the Purchase Money for the Government, unless we were to buy it for ourselves. It was not done in the Case of Carolinas, nor in any other Case of the kind that I have heard of. Mr. Allen adds, that Lord Halifax says our Resolves are Rebellion! And that Lord Mansfield said to Mr. Penn, “Now is your Time to make a good Bargain for your self. Put these refractory People into our Hands, and we’ll soon make them feel the Difference between a Proprietary and a Royal Government!” Is it possible that so high an Officer of the Crown should speak in that Manner of Royal Government, to intimidate the King’s Subjects from putting themselves more immediately under its Care and Protection? Telling us these Stories seems to be treating us like Children. You kindly wish a good Understanding could be obtain’d between Mr. Allen and me. I visited him upon Receipt of your Letter, to congratulate him on his Arrival, intending it as an Overture to that End; and then it was that he entertain’d me with the above Discourse, and deliver’d me the Message as from you before all the Company. I have not since seen him. You know I always spoke respectfully of him. Has he done the same by me? I respect even the Ashes of a departed Friendship. But he is at this time abusing me to the Quakers, as many as come in his Way, by a very unfair Account of some private Conversation that pass’d between us many Years ago, when we were great Friends. With me therefore a second Confidence is impossible where the first has been betray’d. Our Assembly is to sit the 10th. when I shall lay your Letter before them; and write by the next Opportunity what passes. I suppose Mr. Dickinson’s Speech against the Change has been sent you. With this you will receive Mr. Galloway’s in Answer to it. I must own to you that the Preface was written by me. It may possibly to cooler People seem too severe: But it was not without great Provocation. I bore the personal Abuse of five scurrilous Pamphlets, and three Copperplate Prints, from the Proprietary Party, before I made the smallest Return; and they began to think they might continue to affront me with Impunity. You will, on the whole, I believe, be of my Opinion, that the Breach is now become irreparable, and the Difference between the Proprietaries and the Province irreconcileable, unless they can get an Assembly of a different Cast, which I think they will not.
To drop this disagreable Subject, let me tell you a little News. The Publick Papers will have inform’d you that Sir William Johnson had held a Treaty at Niagara, and made a Peace with all the Indians except the Delawares and Shawanese, who did not appear. Yesterday came an Express from Col. Bradstreet, with Advice, that after that Treaty he had advanc’d with the Forces under his Command to Presqu’isle, where there met him Ten Deputies from the Shawnese, Delawares, Hurons of Sandusky, and those Indians of the 5 Nations that inhabit the Plains of Scioto, and other Rivers between Lake Erie and the Ohio. These presented him, he says, first with a String and a long Compliment. 2dly. A String, with a Request that they might have Leave to speak, and might be favourably heard. 3dly. A Belt, desiring to know the Reason of his moving that way with so great a Force. To all which he answer’d. 1st. with Thanks for their Compliment. 2dly. Gave them Leave to speak, and promis’d them a fair Hearing. 3dly. Told them that he was going to revenge on the Indians who had refus’d to treat of Peace, all the Injuries that had been done the English. They then said, that immediately on hearing a Peace was propos’d, they had call’d in all their Warriors. That they were very sensible they had injur’d the English, by making War on them without Cause, were very sorry for the same, and were come to beg for Mercy and Forgiveness, and that a Peace might be granted them. He told them that he was surpriz’d at their Begging for Peace so soon after the insolent Letter they had sent to the Treaty. But however, since they profess’d Sorrow for their past Conduct, he would grant them Peace on the following Conditions.
1st. That all the Prisoners they had among them should immediately be collected and brought to Sandusky (where he should directly proceed) and there be deliver’d up to him. This to be perform’d in 25 Days. None to remain on Pretence of Marriage Adoption, or otherwise. The Unwilling to be forc’d away among the rest.
2dly. That all the Posts the English now have in their Country, shall be ceded to us; that we shall be at Liberty to build as many more Forts and Trading Houses as we please wherever we shall think it necessary to protect the Trade; and that they shall yield to us forever as much Territory round each Fort as a Cannon Shot can fly over; that so the People of the Forts may have Lands to raise their own Provisions.
3dly. That if any of the Tribes renew the War, and kill or plunder any Englishman, the rest should join us to punish them. And if particular Murderers are delivered up to prevent a War, they shall be tried by the English Law, only that half the Jury shall be Indians of the same Nation with the Prisoner.
4thly. That Six of the Deputies should remain with him as Hostages, while the other four, with an English Officer and an Indian go to acquaint the Chiefs of the several Nations with these Terms, and return with their Ratifications of the Peace.
The Deputies accepted these Terms with Thanks. And he is gone on to Sandusky, and has wrote to Col. Bouquet, to stop his Army who are on their March from this Province against the same People, till he hears again from him. But Col. Bouquet will, I believe, continue his March till Orders come to him from the General; for he disapproves this hasty Peace, as it stipulates no Satisfaction for the Robberies committed on the Goods of our Merchants, and the bloody Injuries the Indians unprovok’d have done our Nation.
To tell you my Opinion of this Transaction; I doubt the Indians mean no more than to parry our Blow, till they have got in and hid their Corn,
   *The Indian Corn is not ripe till October generally.
 which they fear our two Armies may destroy; and that then they will renew their Hostilities. But I hope I am mistaken. Tho’ I cannot but wish they had felt a little more from our just Resentment, before a Peace had been granted them. With sincere Esteem and Respect, I am, Dear Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant.
B Franklin
P.S. You speak of a Reconciliation between us and the Proprietaries on Terms that may be agreable to us. Have any such been talk’d of? We hear nothing of them here.
R. Jackson Esqr.

Endorsed: 1 Sepr 64 B. Franklin Esqr


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to [Peter Templeman], 2 September 1764
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Templeman, Peter

Sir
Philada. Sept. 2. 1764
Furman & Co. Merchants of this Place, send by Capt. Caton, 60 Keggs of Sturgeon, which they hope will be found so well cured as to obtain the Society’s Approbation, and a Premium. They have desired me to introduce their Claim to you by a Line in its favour; but I have told them the whole will depend on the Merits of their Fish when it comes to London. I can only say, that what I have tasted of it here, was excellent. America can furnish any Quantity; but for our Encouragement methinks the foreign Duty should be taken off. With great Esteem for your self, and best Wishes for the Prosperity of the Society, I am, Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin

Endorsed: Septr. 2d. 1764.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Anthony Todd, 2 September 1764
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Todd, Anthony

Sir
Philada. Sept. 2. 1764
We have just receiv’d some important News from Presqu’isle on Lake Erie, which it is my Duty to take this first Opportunity of communicating thro’ you to his Majesty’s Postmaster General.
The Public Papers, before this can come to hand, will have inform’d you, that Sir William Johnson had held a Treaty at Niagara, and concluded a Peace with all the Indian Nations or Tribes that were at War with us, the Delawares, Shawanese, and other Ohio Indians excepted, who had haughtily refused to send Deputies to the Congress. We were much concern’d to hear of their standing out, as by their Situation they were most capable of injuring this and the neighbouring Provinces, and had actually committed all the late Ravages on the Frontiers of Pensilvania and Virginia. But those People being inform’d, that Col. Bouquet from this Province with 1000 of our Provincials, besides Regulars, was on his March towards their Country; and that Col. Bradstreet, with a considerable Force of Regulars, and New York and New Jersey Provincials was advancing along the Back of their Territories by Lake Erie, they suddenly chang’d their Resolution of continuing the War, and sent ten of their principal Men as Deputies, who met Col. Broadstreet at Presqu’isle, and in the most submissive Manner acknowledg’d their Fault in commencing this War on the English without the least Cause or Provocation, and humbly begg’d for Mercy and Forgiveness, and that a Peace might be granted them. The Colonel, after severely reproving them, granted them Peace on the following Terms,
1. That all the Prisoners now in their Country should be immediately collected, and delivered up to him at Sandusky within 25 Days; none to remain among them under any Pretence of Marriage, Adoption or otherwise; and the Unwilling to be forc’d away.
2. That they should cede to the English, and renounce for ever all Claim to the Posts or Forts now or late in our Possession in their Country. And that we should be at Liberty to erect as many new Forts or Trading Houses as we pleased, wherever we thought them necessary for Security of our Trade: And that round each Fort now or hereafter to be built, they should cede to us forever as much Land as a Cannon could throw a Shot over, to be cultivated by our People for the more convenient furnishing Provisions to the Garrison.
3. That in Case any one of the Tribes should hereafter renew the War against the English, the others should join us in reducing them and bringing them to Reason. And that particular Murderers hereafter given up to preserve Peace, should be tried by the English Law, the Jury to be half Indians of the same Nation with the Criminal.
4. That Six of the Deputies should remain with him as Hostages, till the Prisoners were restor’d, and these Articles confirmed.
These Terms were thankfully accepted and signed by the Deputies with their Marks as usual; they declaring themselves fully authorized for that purpose by the Shawanese, Delawares, Hurons of Sandusky, and the other Tribes inhabiting the Plains of Scioto, and all the Countries between Lake Erie and the Ohio.
The other four Deputies with an English Officer and an Indian, were immediately dispatch’d to acquaint the Nations with what had pass’d, and inform them that the Colonel would not discontinue his March but proceed to Sandusky, where he expected their Chiefs would meet him and ratify the Treaty; otherwise they should find two Armies of Warriors in their Country, and no future Proposals of Peace would be hearkned to, but they should be cut off from the Face of the Earth.
If this Peace holds, it will be very happy for these Colonies. We only apprehend, that the Savages, obtaining a Peace so easily, without having suffered the Chastisement they deserved for their late Perfidy, and without being oblig’d to make any Restitution or Satisfaction for the Goods they robb’d our Merchants of, and the Barbarities they committed (except the Cession of those small Tracts round Forts) will more readily incline to renew the War on every little Occasion.
Be pleased to present my Dutyful Respects to the Post-master General; and believe me, with much Esteem, Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin
Antho. Todd Esqr

Endorsed: Copy of a Letter from Deputy Post Master of North America to Mr Todd.
In Mr Todds of the 13 Octr 1764.


Title: Benjamin Franklin and John Foxcroft: Power of Attorney to Tuthill Hubbart, 17 September 1764
From: Franklin, Benjamin,Foxcroft, John
To: Hubbart, Tuthill

[September 17, 1764]
  Know all Men by these Presents, That we  Benjamin Franklin and John Foxcroft Esquires his Majesty’s Deputy Postmaster General for North America,  have made, ordained and constituted, and by these Presents do make ordain and constitute, and in our Place and Stead put and depute our trusty and loving Friend  Tuthill Hubbard Esqr., Postmaster of Boston in New England to be our true and lawful Attorney, for us, and in our Name, and for his Majesty’s Use, to ask, demand, sue for, recover and receive all such Sum and Sums of Money, Debts, Goods, Wares, Dues, Accounts and other Demands whatsoever, which are or shall be due, owing, payable and belonging to us, as Receivers for his Majesty of the Revenue of the Post Office in America or detained from us by any Manner of Ways or Means whatsoever, by John Sherburne Esquire, of Portsmouth in New hampshire Executor of the Testament of the late Ellis Huske, Esqr. Postmaster of Boston aforesaid; hereby revoking and making null and void all former Powers for the same purpose by us given to any Person whatsoever, and  giving and granting unto our said Attorney, by these Presents, our full and whole Power, Strength and Authority in and about the Premises, to have, use and take all lawful Ways and Means, in our Name for the Recovery thereof. And upon the Receipt of any such Debts, Dues, or Sums of Money aforesaid, Acquittances, or other sufficient Discharges, for us and in our Name, to make, seal and deliver. And generally, All and every other Act or Acts, Thing and Things, Device and Devices in the Law whatsoever needful and necessary to be done in and about the Premises, for the Recovery of all or any such Debts or Sums of Money aforesaid, for us and in our Name to do, execute and perform, as fully, largely and amply, to all Intents and Purposes, as we ourselves might or could do, if we were personally present, or as if the Matter required more special Authority than is herein given. And attornies, one or more, under him for the Purpose aforesaid to make and constitute, and again at Pleasure to revoke. Ratifying, allowing, and holding for firm and effectual all and whatsoever our said Attorney shall lawfully do in and about the Premises by Virtue hereof. In Witness whereof we have hereunto set our Hands and Seals, this Seventeenth  Day of  September  Annoque Domini, 17 64

  Signed, sealed and delivered in the Presence of
  B FranklinJ. Foxcroft

The Words, as Receivers for his Majesty of the Revenues of the Post Office in America, being first interlined. As also the Words (his Majesty’s)
Mary PittsJane Parker

Philadia. Sept. 18. 1764. The within named Benjamin Franklin and John Foxecroft personally appearing, acknowledged the within Instrument to be their Act and Deed. Before me
I Jones


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Richard Jackson, 20 September 1764
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Jackson, Richard

Dear Sir
Philada. Sept. 20. 1764
I receiv’d your Favour of June 30. but no Line by this Pacquet. Things are here as they have been for some time past: Except that the Proprietary Party begin to doubt the Success they promis’d themselves at the next Election. Mr. Allen has exerted himself in the House to persuade a Recall of the Petition, but as far as I can perceive, without the least Effect. The Bugbears he would frighten us with, are rather laught at. No Concessions, however, on the Part of the Proprietaries have yet been propos’d to us. This per Packet. I shall write you more fully by Budden, who sails on Sunday next. With great Respect, I am, Dear Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin

Addressed: To / Richard Jackson, Esqr / Inner Temple / London / via N. York / per Packet
Endorsed: from Phila: under Mr Franklin’s Cover to Alexr. Colden 20 Sept 1764 Benjn. Franklin Esqr.


Title: Benjamin Franklin and John Foxcroft to Anthony Todd, 21 September 1764
From: Franklin, Benjamin,Foxcroft, John
To: Todd, Anthony

Sir
Philada. Sept. 21. 1764
We wrote you pretty fully of the 4th. Instant, and sent our Letters to New York to be ready for the Packet that has been some time expected. She did not arrive till the 17th. and we have now just receiv’d yours of July 14. with Copies of your preceding Letters and Duplicates of the Papers that accompanied them. Those that were proper for Publication we had before caused to be inserted in all the Newspapers on the Continent, and given Directions to all our Officers strictly to observe and execute the several Acts of Parliament therein referr’d to.
We are concern’d that our Account of the State of the Office was delay’d so long beyond our Intentions. The Reasons will appear in our Letters. Accidents, Sickness, and our Distance from each other contributed to that Delay. But we have now settled the Offices in so good a Way that we hope to have the Accounts rendred to us more regularly; and that such a long hazardous Journey will not be again necessary for some Years, and the latter Inconvenience will be removed by our living hereafter nearer together.

The Rule of Charging 2d. or 16 grains of Silver on every Letter coming from on Ship board, has been observ’d in America we believe from the first Establishment of the Office here. Mr. Franklin, who is now by much the oldest Officer in America, found it the Practice, [and remembers?] to have seen it in Tables of Rates printed long before his Time. He knows not on what it was originally founded, (being sensible that the Act mentions but a Penny) unless it were on the Considerations that have satisfied him in the Continuance of the Practice, viz.
In America most of the Letters received from on board a Ship, are delivered in the Capital Towns where the Ships arrive. The Law obliges the Office to give a Penny for every Letter coming from on board a Ship.
If the Office demands but a Penny for each such Letter, then the Attendance is given and the Business is transacted for nothing. Nay, for less than nothing; for all the Letters so paid for, not being taken up, the Dead Letters would be so much clear Loss to the Office.
Wherever a Law enjoins a Service, and appoints no Reward, for that Service, the Person who performs the Service in obedience to the Law has a Right to a Quantum meruit for the same, from the Person benefited by that Service.
What the Quantum meruit in this Case is, may be gathered from the same Law, which allows a Penny to be taken for the Service of putting a Letter on board a Ship. Now supposing that the Trouble of receiving a Letter and putting the same on board a Ship, is not greater than the Trouble of receiving a Letter from on board a Ship and delivering the same on shore, then the latter Service deserves a Penny as well as the former.
This Penny to the Office, added to the Penny paid the Captain, makes the Twopence to be paid for the Letter.
We knew not but that the same was practis’d in England. It seems now otherwise, by your requiring this Explanation. The Postmaster General will direct us how we are to proceed for the future. But should a Law more effectually enforce the Delivery of Ship Letters by all Captains to the Office hereafter, if we pay a Penny for each, and deliver them for the same we conceive the Advantage to the Office will be much less than we think it ought to be, and than it may be here without occasioning any Complaint. And this brings us to Amendments we would propose to the present Office Laws, on considering the Clauses you have sent us.
We think, that for the Security of Correspondence, as well as for the Advantage of the Revenue, ALL Ship Letters should be delivered to the Deputy of the Post Master General in the Port where the Ship arrives, those belonging to Owners of the Vessel or of any Part of the Cargo, as well as others: because the Exception of the former, makes it difficult to detect and hazardous to prosecute upon the Act; since, tho’ we may prove the Captain or Passengers delivering Letters, it is not easy to prove that these Letters did not relate to the Cargo.
That for every Ship Letter or Packet of Letters, deliver’d in the Town or Port where the Ship arrives and not sent by Post, should be taken and receiv’d Two pence. The Addition of a Penny for every additional Letter in a Packet and 4 pence for every ounce after the first might perhaps appear too high in some Pacquets. And yet we think some such Addition should be made, to prevent Peoples Pacqueting their Letters to avoid Paying.
That a Certificate from the Postmaster of his having receiv’d the Ship Letters should be produced by the Captain to the collector or Naval Officer, before he is permitted to break Bulk.
The Inland Postages directed by the Act, do not seem to be well proportioned. For Instance, A Letter from New York to any Place (generally) within Sixty English Miles is fourpence; and yet when particular Places are named, A Letter from New York to Perth Amboy (which is but 30 Miles) is Six pence. And so in other Instances. Then the added Postages practis’d here, which were explain’d in Mr. Franklin’s Letter of April 12. and seem authoriz’d by the Act, do not appear equal or reasonable. For Instance, A Letter from Boston to New York (near 300 miles) is One Shilling; and if it is but One [hundred miles] further viz. to Philadelphia, it pays Nine pence more; which is out of Proportion. We would therefore propose, that instead of the many different Rates of Postage between different Places named in the Act, one general Rule should be made, in the new Act without naming any Places, viz

All Letters and Packets carried by Post in America to any Place not exceeding Sixty English Miles
{
S
4
pence

D
8
pence

T
12
pence

Ounce
1s.
4d.

  [To any Place exceeding] 60 Miles and not exceeding 100 Miles
  {
S.
  6
pence

D.
  12
pence

T.
  18
pence

Ounce
  2s.

  And to any Place exceeding 100 Miles and not exceeding 200 Miles
  {
S.
  8
pence

D
  16

T.
  2s.

O
  2s.
8d.

And so the same Addition, of two pence, in every additional 100 Miles.

This Rule would make the Postage from New York to Charlestown, much what it is now by the Act, viz. 18 Pence it being about 900 Miles. And it would moderate most of the other Postages, which are now generally deem’d too high and complain’d of; it would probably occasion more Letters to be sent per Post, so that the Revenue might gain in the Number of Letters more than is abated in the Price: And such an Abatement would be grateful to the People, and tend to lessen the Murmuring that might be occasion’d by the greater Strictness with regard to Ship Letters. And as some late Acts of Parliament restraining the Trade of the Colonies have seem’d severe to the Merchants here, an Act that has the Appearance of Lenity and operates to the Ease of Commerce and Correspondence, may be of use to conciliate Minds to those public Measures, and diminish Discontents.
Thus we have, with the Freedom requir’d of us, given our Sentiments; which we submit to our Superiors. And are, with great Esteem, Sir, Your most obedient humble Servants
B. F.J. F.

[On additional pages in Franklin’s hand:]

For All Letters and Pacquets carried by Post in America any Distance not exceeding Sixty English Miles
  {
Single
4
pence

D
  8

T
  12

Ounce
  1s.
4d.

For all &c. exceeding 60 Miles and not exceeding 100 Miles
  {
Single
  6
pence

D.
  12

T.
  1s.
6d.

Ounce
  2s.

For all &c. exceeding 100 Miles and not exceeding 200 Miles
{
Single
8
pence

D.
  1s.
4d.

T.
  2s.

Ounce
  2s.
8d.

With the like Addition of 2 pence in every additional 100 Miles

The Bulk of the Postage of N. America arises out of the 3 great trading Towns Philadelphia, New York and Boston.
By the above proposed Rates, the present Postage between those Places will be abated as follows,

Present
Postage
future
Abated

Between Philadelphia and New York

9 pence
6
  pence
3 pence

[Struck through: Between New York and Boston
}
1s. 0d.
  10
  pence
  2

Between Philadelphia and Boston

1s. 9d.
  1s.
  0d.
9 pence

These Abatements are very considerable being between 30 and 40 per Cent. will be thought very favourable by the Trading People, and I fear that if the Rates are reduc’d so much lower as to be equal with the Rates in England, the Posts can hardly be supported in a Country where Labour and Service of all kinds is so much dearer; at least some of the new Stages, which at present do not produce sufficient to defray themselves, but are supported by the old ones, must be dropt; for tho’ the Number of Letters will undoubtedly encrease, yet I doubt their encreasing in so great a proportion, and I apprehend that ’tis more for the Advantage of the Trading People to keep those new Stages up, than it will be to make a farther Abatement in Postage.
The Offices in America have sometimes employ’d Letter Carriers to deliver Letters in the Towns and directed them to demand a penny for delivering each Letter; but the Right to demand such Penny above the Postage being frequently disputed and complain’d of as an Imposition and the Practice on that Account occasionally dropt, the Deputy Postmaster General some time since directed the Delivery of Letters in the several Towns gratis. This however is not generally comply’d with, being found very burthensome to the Office: but the Inconvenience may perhaps be remedied either in the Penny post Clause, or by a Clause for the purpose.
It is the Opinion of many People here that lowering the Rates of Postage would encrease the Revenue.
Suppose a General Rule, as the Distances are pretty well known.

  All Letters and Packets carried by Post to any Place not exceeding Sixty English Miles
{
Single
4
pence

Double
8
pence

Treble
12
pence

Ounce
1s.
4d.

  All &c. exceeding 60 Miles and not exceeding 100 Miles
  {
Single
6
pence

D
12

T
16

O
2s.

And to any Place exceeding One Hundred Miles and not exceeding 200 Miles
  {
S
8
pence

16

24

32

And the same Addition of two Pence in every additional Hundred Miles

Letters to be deliver’d to the Postmaster and his Certificate to be produced to the Custom House Officer before he be permitted to break Bulk.


Title: Pennsylvania Assembly: Instructions to Richard Jackson, 22 September 1764
From: Pennsylvania Assembly
To: Jackson, Richard

A quorum of the Assembly gathered on September 11 to begin the short final session before its dissolution. The next day Speaker Franklin laid before the House an extract from the journal of the Massachusetts House of Representatives, June 13, 1764, together with the letter to himself from that body’s committee, June 25, regarding the Sugar Act and the proposed Stamp Act (above, pp. 242–3). The Pennsylvania Assembly ordered these papers to “lie on the Table for the Perusal and Consideration of the Members.” On the 18th the House took up the matter and, “after some Time spent therein,” appointed a committee of nine members to draw up instructions to Richard Jackson “to use his utmost Endeavours, in Conjunction with the Agents for the other Colonies,” to secure a repeal of the Sugar Act, and to remonstrate against a stamp duty and any other intended taxes “repugnant to our Rights and Privileges as Freemen and British Subjects.” The committee reported its draft on September 22; “after some Alteration,” the Assembly agreed to it, and Franklin signed it as speaker. On the 28th he wrote to the Massachusetts committee reporting on his Assembly’s actions (below, pp. 365–6).
These instructions heavily emphasize the rights of the colonies to tax themselves. While not going quite so far as to deny explicitly the authority of Parliament to impose taxes upon them, the document comes very close to doing so. It points out that it would be “as great Injustice” to deprive the Pennsylvanians of rights conferred by their charter “as to disfranchise the People of England” of their rights under Magna Carta. It also insists that Parliament, in which the colonies were unrepresented, could not “lay such Taxes and Impositions with Justice and Equity” upon areas which differed greatly from one another. As events were to show, such an approach to the matter was futile. George Grenville seems to have “dismissed in advance all objections to the authority of Parliament,” though he was willing “to listen to any other kind of objections from the colonies,” and others in the House of Commons seem to have shared his sentiments. It is doubtful whether the members of the Pennsylvania Assembly appreciated the strength of this sentiment, or, if they had, whether they would have modified to any significant degree their instructions to Jackson. One fact remains clear: in Pennsylvania as in several other colonies at about the same time, the issue of constitutional rights of British subjects residing in America was already being raised six months before the actual passage of the Stamp Act.

Sir,
September 22, 1764.
The Representatives of the Freemen of the Province of Pennsylvania, in General Assembly met, having received Information of the Resolutions of the House of Commons respecting the Stamp Duties, and other Taxes, proposed to be laid on the British Colonies, do most humbly conceive, that the Measures proposed as aforesaid, if carried into Execution, will have a Tendency to deprive the good People of this Province of their most essential Rights as British Subjects, and of the Rights granted to them by the Royal Charter of King Charles the Second, and confirmed by Laws of this Province, which have received the Royal Approbation.
That by the said Charter, among other Privileges, the Right of assessing their own Taxes, and of being free from any Impositions but those that are made by their own Representatives, is fully granted to the People of this Province: And, besides, we apprehend that this is the indubitable Right of all the Colonists as Englishmen.
That the said Charter and Laws are certainly of the same Validity, with respect to the Rights thereby granted to the People here, as the Laws and Statutes of England, with regard to the Privileges derived under them, to the People in England; and that it appears to us as great Injustice to divest the People of this Province of the Privileges held under the former, as to disfranchise the People of England of those Rights they claim under Magna Charta itself, or any other Law in Great-Britain.
That the Colonists here have paid a valuable Consideration to the Crown for the said Charter and Laws, by planting and improving a Wilderness, far distant from their Mother Country, at a vast Expence, and the Risque of many Lives from the savage Inhabitants, whereby they have greatly increased the Trade and Commerce of the Nation, and added a large Tract of improved Country to the Crown, without any Aid from, or Expence to Great-Britain in the said Settlement.
These, with other Reasons, and in particular the Information we have received, that the Ministry are desirous of consulting the Ease, Interest and good Will of the Colonies, prevail on us to hope, that an humble and dutiful Remonstrance to the Parliament, pointing out the Inconsistency of those Measures with the Rights and Privileges thus purchased, and solemnly granted and confirmed to the People of this Colony, may have its Use in prevailing on the Parliament to lay aside their Intention of imposing Stamp Duties, or laying any other Impositions or Taxes whatsoever on the Colonies, which may be destructive of their respective Rights.
The House of Assembly therefore most earnestly request you will exert your utmost Endeavours with the Ministry and Parliament to prevent any such Impositions and Taxes, or any other Impositions or Taxes on the Colonists from being laid by the Parliament, inasmuch as they neither are or can be represented, under their present Circumstances, in that Legislature: Nor can the Parliament, at the great Distance they are from the Colonies, be properly informed, so as to enable them to lay such Taxes and Impositions with Justice and Equity, the Circumstances of the Colonies being all different one from the other.
This we request you will do, either by an humble Address to the British Parliament, or in any other Manner, which to you shall appear to promise the most Success.
But as it may be contended, that there is a Necessity that some Plan should be formed to oblige the Colonies, in Time of Danger, to grant the necessary Aids to the Crown, and to contribute to their general Defence, and it may be expected that some Remedy should be proposed, on the Part of the Colonies, adequate to these Purposes, you will be pleased to take the proper Methods of informing the Ministry and Parliament, that we humbly are of Opinion such a Plan may be formed, without destroying or infringing the natural and legal Rights of the Colonies, or affecting those of the Mother Country; that such a Plan has been under the Consideration of this House, and will be transmitted with all Expedition for your Consideration, and which will, as we conceive, fully preserve the Rights of the Crown in America, and the Liberties of the Colonists: This Plan, if approved of, may be established by a temporary Act of Parliament.

You will also be pleased to exert your Endeavours to obtain a Repeal, or at least an Amendment, of the Act for regulating the Sugar Trade, which we apprehend must prove extremely detrimental to the Trade of the Continental Colonies in America, particularly in the Prohibition of exporting Lumber to Ireland, and other Parts of Europe, and deeply affect the Interest of the British Merchants and Manufacturers, as it will greatly disable us in making Returns to Britain.
After all in this Letter observed, the Assembly are well aware of the Impossibility, at this Distance, of giving all the proper and necessary Hints on this important Business; but this Difficulty is greatly alleviated by the high Opinion they entertain of your extensive Knowledge in the Affairs of America in general, and of this Province in particular; and of your Integrity and sincere Inclination to serve the Colonies, in which they have the fullest Confidence. Upon the whole, they submit these Affairs entirely to your Management and Discretion, and doubt not but you will conduct every Matter for the Interest of the Colonies in the best Manner possible, wherein perhaps it may not be amiss to unite with the Agents of the other Provinces.
Signed by Order of the House,Benjamin Franklin, Speaker.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Peter Collinson, 24 September 1764
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Collinson, Peter

Dear Friend,
Philada. Sept. 24. 1764
I received your kind Letter of June 29. We hear nothing here of the Proprietary”s relenting. If any have it in charge from him to offer Concessions for Peacesake (as we are told from your side the Water they have) they keep them back in hopes the next Election may put the Proprietaries in a Condition not to need the proposing them. A few Days will settle this Point.
I receiv’d the Medal, and have sent it forward to Mr. Elliot.
I shall endeavour to procure you some more of the Natural Buttons as soon as possible. I am glad my Remarks that accompany’d them give you any Satisfaction.
Our Friend John Bartram has sent a very curious Collection of Specimens of all the uncommonly valuable Plants and Trees of North America, to the King. He was strongly persuaded by some to send them thro” the Hands of the Proprietary as the only proper Channel; but I advis’d him not to pass by his old Friend, to whom it must seem a Neglect. He readily concurr’d with my Opinion, and has sent the Box to you. I am assur’d you have Means enough of introducing his Present properly; but as John seem’d willing to have as many Strings as possible to his Bow, for fear of Accidents, I mention’d Dr. Pringle to him, as a good Friend of the Arts, and one who would lend any Assistance in the Matter if necessary. He is Physician to the Queen; and I have, in my Letter hinted the Matter to him; to prepare him if you should think fit to advise with him about it. I wish some Notice may be taken of John’s Merit. It seems odd that a German Lad of his Neighbourhood, who has only got some Smatterings of Botany from him, should be so distinguish’d on that Account, as to be sent for by the Queen, and our old Friend, who has done so much, quite forgotten. He might be made happy as well as more useful, by a moderate Pension that would enable him to travel thro’ all the New Acquisitions, with Orders to the Governors, and Commanding Officers at the several Outposts, to forward and protect him in his Journeys.
Please to acquaint Mr. Canton that I acknowledge the Receipt of his Letter, and shall write to him shortly. I am, my dear Friend, Yours affectionately
B Franklin

Addressed: To / Peter Collinson Esqr / Gracious Street / London


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to William Strahan, 24 September 1764
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Strahan, William

Dear Mr. Strahan,
Philada. Sept. 24. 1764
I wrote to you of the first Instant, and sent you a Bill for £13 and a little List of Books to be bought with it. But as Mr. Becket has since sent them to me, I hope this will come time enough to countermand that Order. The Money, if you have receiv’d it, may be paid to Mrs. Stevenson, to whom we have wrote for sundry Things.
I thank you for inserting the Messages and Resolutions intire. I believe it has had a good Effect; for a Friend writes me, that “it is astonishing with what Success it was propagated in London by the Proprietaries, that the Resolutions were the most indecent and undutiful to the Crown, &c. so that when he saw them, having before heard those Reports, he could not believe they were the same.”
I was always unwilling to give a Copy of the Chapter, for fear it should be printed, and by that means I should be depriv’d of the Pleasure I often had in amusing People with it. I could not however refuse it to two of the best Men in the World, Lord Kaims and Mr. Small, and should not to the third, if he had not been a Printer. But you have overpaid me for the Loss of that Pleasure, by the kind things you have so handsomely said of your Friend in the Introduction.
You tell me, that the Value I set on your political Letters, is a strong Proof that my Judgment is on the Decline. People seldom have Friends kind enough to tell them that disagreable Truth, however useful it might be to know it. And indeed I learn more from what you say than you intended I should; for it convinces me that you have observ’d that Decline for some time past in other Instances, as ”tis very unlikely you should see it first in my good Opinion of your Writings—but you have kept the Observation to yourself—till you had an Opportunity of hinting it to me kindly under the Guise of Modesty in regard to your own Performances. I will confess to you another Circumstance that must confirm your Judgment of me, which is, that I have of late fancy’d myself to write better than ever I did; and farther, that when any thing of mine is abridg’d in the Papers or Magazines, I conceit that the Abridger has left out the very best and brightest Parts. These, my Friend, are much stronger Proofs; and put me in Mind of Gil Blas’s Patron, the Homily-maker.
I rejoice to hear that Mrs. Strahan is recovering, that your Family in general is well, and that my little Woman in particular is so, and has not forgot our tender Connection. The Enlarging of your House, and the Coach House and Stables you mention, make me think of living with you when I come; for I love Ease more than ever; and, by daily using your Horses, I can be of Service to you and them, by preventing their growing too fat, and becoming restif.
Mrs. Franklin, and Sally, join in best Wishes for you and all yours, with Your affectionate
B Franklin

Dear Sir,
I wrote a few Lines to you by this Opportunity, but omitted desiring you to call on Mr. Jackson of the Temple, and pay him for the Copying a Manuscript he sent me, which he paid the Stationer for doing on my Account. Yours affectionately
Wm: Franklin

Addressed: To / Mr William Strahan / Printer / Newstreet, Shoe Lane / London.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Moffatt, 24 September 1764
From: Moffatt, Thomas
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Newport Rhode Island Sept 24th 1764.
I return you thanks for sending me Dr. Heberdens method of inoculating the small pox of which perhaps to you it may not be necessary to say that it bears every mark of Jud[g]ment candour and benevolence. The attention and regard shewn to this treatise in New England by the Authority and these in practise especially at Boston lately will to some very well account for the use of mercury not being yet known or introducd into Britain in inoculation of the small pox. At the Anniversary meeting of the university here Our Governor was chosen Chancellor several other Great or Senatorial officers were also elected so that learning makes a great progress and figure here. If I can serve or oblige you here it will be a great pleasure to Sir Your most Obedient Servant
Thomas Moffatt

To / Benjamin Franklin Esqr / Philadelphia


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to the Freemen of Pennsylvania, 28 September 1764
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Freemen of Pennsylvania

Governor Penn had asked the Assembly for a militia bill on Feb. 4, 1764, and the House sent him one on the 28th. After conferring with his Council the governor returned the bill on March 12 with a series of proposed amendments, but when the House considered the matter on the 17th it took no formal action on his proposals. In the “Necklace of Resolves” adopted on March 24, four resolutions (nos. 17–20) explained briefly the Assembly’s objections to Penn’s amendments, and in Franklin’s “Explanatory Remarks,” March 29, he elaborated on the first of these objections.
Penn made his initial request at the time when the Paxton Boys were beginning their march on Philadelphia, and he seems at the moment to have wanted the bill only as a means of dealing with civil disorder. The men who were creating that disorder came from the frontier counties. After the Paxton Boys had gone home and the immediate threat was ended, however, it was easy for Penn and his supporters to cite the Assembly’s failure to pass an acceptable militia bill as another illustration of the Quaker party’s refusal to adopt any constructive measure for the general protection of the colony. The most vehement complaints of the Assembly’s “do-nothing” attitude in matters of defense came from the frontier counties. In the election campaign of 1764 the proprietary party was therefore able, paradoxically enough, to use the failure of the militia bill as an argument for political support from the very areas that had first provoked Penn into asking for the bill.
Franklin and his friends were obviously sensitive to the criticism. What particular attack led him to produce this broadside as a defense of the Assembly’s rejection of the governor’s amendments is not certainly known. It is possible, as the opening lines suggest, that some deputation of citizens waited upon him with a specific request for a statement. More probably, he adopted this form as a convenient way of presenting his reply to one of the charges generally circulating among the voters during the final days of the campaign. He may have been moved to this last contribution to the debate by a note appended to an unsigned address “To the Freeholders and Electors Of the Province of Pennsylvania” printed in a Supplement to the Pennsylvania Journal, Sept. 27, 1764. Specifically charging Galloway and Franklin, “these pretended Sticklers for Liberty,” with a desire to have regiments of British regulars stationed in the city and province, the writer declared that these men “would dragoon you into their Measures had they sufficient Power, tho’ they are even now alarming you with groundless apprehensions of a Militia in order to promote their own purposes.”

To THE FreemenOF Pennsylvania
Gentlemen,
Philadelphia, September 28, 1764.
Your Desire of knowing how the Militia Bill came to fail in the last Assembly, shall immediately be comply’d with.
As the Governor press’d hard for a Militia Law, to secure the internal Peace of the Province, and the People of this Country had not been accustomed to Militia Service, the House, to make it more generally agreeable to the Freeholders, form’d the Bill so as that they might have some Share in the Election of the Officers, to secure them from having absolute Strangers set over them, or Persons generally disagreeable.
This was no more, than that every Company should chuse, and recommend to the Governor, three Persons for each Office of Captain, Lieutenant, and Ensign; out of which three, the Governor was to commission one that he thought most proper, or which he pleased, to be the Officer. And that the Captains, Lieutenants, and Ensigns, so commissioned by the Governor, should in their respective Regiments, chuse and recommend three Persons for each Office of Colonel, Lieutenant-Colonel, and Major; out of which three, the Governor was to commission one, which ever he pleased, to each of the said Offices.

The Governor’s Amendment to the Bill in this Particular, was, to strike out wholly this Privilege of the People, and take to himself the sole Appointment of all the Officers.
The next Amendment was to aggravate and enhance all the Fines. A Fine that the Assembly had made One Hundred Pounds, and thought heavy enough, the Governor required to be Three Hundred Pounds. What they had made Fifty Pounds, he required to be One Hundred and Fifty. These were Fines on the Commission’d Officers for Disobedience to his Commands; but the Non Commission’d Officers, or common Soldiers, who, for the same Offence, the Assembly propos’d to fine at Ten Pounds, the Governor insisted should be fin’d Fifty Pounds.
These Fines, and some others to be mention’d hereafter, the Assembly thought ruinously high: But when, in a subsequent Amendment, the Governor would, for Offences among the Militia, take away the Trial by Jury in the common Courts, and required, that the Trial should be by a Court Martial, compos’d of Officers of his own sole appointing, who should have Power of sentencing even to Death; the House could by no Means consent thus to give up their Constituents Liberty, Estate, and Life itself, into the absolute Power of a Proprietary Governor; and so the Bill failed.
That you may be assur’d, I do not misrepresent this Matter, I shall give you the last mention’d Amendment (so call’d) at full Length; and for the Truth and Exactness of my Copy I dare appeal to Mr. Secretary Shippen.
The Words of the Bill, P. 43. were, “Every such Person so offending, being legally convicted thereof,” &c. By the Words legally convicted, was intended a Conviction after legal Trial, in the common Course of the Laws of the Land. But the Governor requir’d this Addition immediately to follow the Words [convicted thereof] viz. “by a Court Martial, shall suffer Death, or such other Punishment as such Court, by their Sentence or Decree, shall think proper to inflict and pronounce. And be it farther enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That when and so often as it may be necessary, the Governor and Commander in Chief for the Time being, shall appoint and commissionate, under the Great Seal of this Province, sixteen commissioned Officers in each Regiment, with Authority and Power to them or any thirteen of them to hold Courts Martial, of whom a Field Officer shall always be one, and President of the said Court; and such Courts Martial shall and are hereby impowered to administer an Oath to any Witness, in order to the Examination or Trial of any of the Offences which by this Act are made cognizable in such Courts, and shall come before them. Provided always, that in all Trials by a Court-Martial by Virtue of this Act, every Officer present at such Trial, before any Proceedings be had therein, shall take an Oath upon the holy Evangelists, before one Justice of the Peace in the County where such Court is held, who are hereby authorized to administer the same, in the following Words, that is to say; I A. B. do swear, that I will duly administer Justice according to Evidence, and to the Directions of an Act, intituled, An Act for forming and regulating the Militia of the Province of Pennsylvania, without Partiality, Favour or Affection; and that I will not divulge the Sentence of the Court, until it shall be approved of by the Governor or Commander in Chief of this Province for the Time being; neither will I, upon any Account, at any time whatsoever, disclose or discover the Vote or Opinion of any particular Member of the Court Martial. So help me God. And no Sentence of Death, or other Sentence, shall be given against any Offender, but by the Concurrence of Nine of the Officers so sworn. And no Sentence passed against any Offender by such Court Martial shall be put in Execution, until Report be made of the whole Proceedings, to the Governor or Commander in Chief of this Province for the time being, and his Directions signified thereupon.”
It is observable here, that by the common Course of Justice, a Man is to be tried by a Jury of his Neighbours and Fellows, impannelled by a Sheriff, in whose Appointment the People have a Choice; the Prisoner too has a Right to challenge twenty of the Pannel, without giving a Reason, and as many more as he can give Reasons for Challenging; and before he can be convicted, the Jury are to be unanimous, they are all to agree that he is guilty, and are therefore all accountable for their Verdict. But by this Amendment, the Jury (if they may be so called) are all Officers of the Governor’s sole Appointing; and not one of them can be challenged; and tho’ a common Militia Man is to be tried, no common Militia Men shall be of that Jury; and so far from requiring all to agree, a bare Majority shall be sufficient to condemn you. And lest that Majority should be under any Check or Restraint, from an Apprehension of what the World might think or say of the Severity or Injustice of their Sentence, an OATH is to be taken, never to discover the Vote or Opinion of any particular Member!
These are some of the Chains attempted to be forg’d for you by Proprietary Faction! Who advis’d the G-----r is not difficult to know. They are the very Men, who now clamour at the Assembly for a Proposal of bringing the Trial of a particular Murder to this County, from another where it was not thought safe for any Man to be either Juryman or Witness; and call it disfranchising the People! who are now bawling about the Constitution, and pretending vast Concern for your Liberties! In refusing you the least Means of recommending or expressing your Regard for Persons to be plac’d over you as Officers, and who were thus to be made your Judges in Life and Estate, they have not regarded the Example of the King, our wise as well as kind Master, who in all his Requisitions made to the Colonies, of raising Troops for their Defence, directed that “the better to facilitate the important Service, the Commissions should be given to such as from their Weight and Credit with the People, may be best enabled to effectuate the Levies.”
   *See Secretary of State’s Letters in the printed Votes.
 In establishing a Militia for the Defence of the Province, how could the “Weight and Credit” of Men with the People be better discovered, than by the Mode that Bill directed, viz. by a Majority of those that were to be commanded, nominating three for each Office to the Governor of which three he might take the one he lik’d best?
However, the Courts Martial being establish’d, and all of us thus put into his Honour’s absolute Power, the Governor goes on to enhance the Fines and Penalties: Thus in Page 49 of the Bill, where the Assembly had propos’d the Fine to be Ten Shillings, the Governor requir’d it to be Ten Pounds: In Page 50, where a Fine of Five Pounds was mention’d, the Governor’s Amendment required it to be made Fifty Pounds. And in Page 44, where the Assembly had said, “shall forfeit and pay any Sum, not exceeding Five Pounds,” the Governor’s Amendment says, “shall suffer Death, or such other Punishment, as shall, according to the Nature of the Offence, be inflicted by the Sentence of a Court Martial!”
The Assembly’s refusing to admit of these Amendments in that Bill, is one of their Offences against the Lord Proprietary, for which that Faction are now abusing them in both the Languages of the Province, with all the Virulence that Reverend Malice can dictate, enforc’d by numberless barefac’d Falshoods, that only the most dishonest and Base would dare to invent, and none but the most Weak and Credulous can possibly believe.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to the Massachusetts House of Representatives Committee, 28 September 1764
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Massachusetts House of Representatives Committee

Gentlemen,
Philada. Sept. 28. 1764
I received duly your Letter of the 25th. of June, directed to the Speaker of our Assembly; but the House not meeting till the tenth Instant, I could not sooner acquaint you with their Sentiments on the Matters by you recommended to their Consideration. I have now the Pleasure of informing you, that they concur intirely with your Assembly in the Ends you have in View, and in the Means proposed to obtain them. They have accordingly wrote fully to their Agent on the Subject, and directed him to join with the Agent of your and the other Provinces in the Steps to be taken.
I heartily wish them Success, and have the honour of subscribing myself Gentlemen, Your most obedient &c.
B F.

Endorsed: Letter from Boston Assembly 1764


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Henry Bouquet, 30 September 1764
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Bouquet, Henry

Dear Sir
Philada: Sept. 30. 1764
I have been so totally ocupied with the Sitting of the Assembly and other urgent Affairs, that I could not till now do my self the pleasure of writing to you, since the Receipt of your obliging Favours of Aug. 10. and 22. and a subsequent one relating to Broadstreet’s Peace, of which I think as you do.
I thank you cordially for so readily complying with my Request. Your Letter was quite full and sufficient, and leaves me nothing to desire by way of Addition, except that if any Letter of yours relating to the present Expedition is like to be seen by the Secretary of State, you would take occasion just to mention me as one ready on that and every other Occasion to promote the Service of the Crown. The Malice and Industry of my Adversaries, have, I find, made these Precautions a little necessary.
Your Sentiments of our Constitution are solid and just. I am not sure that the Change now attempted will immediately take place, nor am I very anxious about it. But sooner or later it will be effected. And till it is effected, we shall have little internal Quiet in the Administration of our Publick Affairs.
I have lately receiv’d a Number of new Pamphlets from England and France, among which is a Piece of Voltaire’s on the Subject of Relegious Toleration. I will give you a Passage of it, which being read here at a Time when we are torn to Pieces by Factions religious and civil, shows us that while we sit for our Picture to that able Painter, tis no small Advantage to us, that he views us at a favourable Distance.
“Mais que dirons-nous, dit il, de ces pacifiques Primitifs que l’on a nommés Quakres par dérision, et qui avec des usages peut-être ridicules, ont été si vertueux, et ont enseigné inutilement la paix aux reste des hommes? Ils sont en Pensilvanie au nombre de cent mille; la Discorde, la Controverse sont ignorees dans l’heureuse patrie qu’ils se sont faite: et le nom seul de leurville de Philadelphie, quileur rapelle a tout moment que les hommes sont freres, est l’exemple et la honte des peuples qui ne connaissent pas encor la tolérance.”
The Occasion of his Writing this Traité sur la Tolérance, was what he calls “le Meurtre de Jean Calas, commis dans Toulouse avec le glaire[glaive] de la Justice, le 9me Mars 1762?” There is in it abundance of good Sense and sound Reasoning, mix’d with some of those Pleasantries that mark the Author as strongly as if he had affix’d his Name. Take one of them as a Sample. “J’ai aprens que le Parlement de Toulouse et quelques autres tribunaux, ont une jurisprudence singuliere; ils admettent des quarts, des tiers des sixiémes de preuve. Ainsi, avec six ouindire[sic] d’un côte, trois de l’autre, et quatre quarti de présomption, ils forment trois preuves complétes; et surcette belle demonstration ils vous rouent un homme sans misericorde. Une légère connoissance de l’art de raisonner sufirait pour leur faire prendre une autre méthode. Ce qu’on apelle une demipreuve ne peut être qu’un soupcon: Il n’y a point, à la rigueur, de demi preuve; ou une chose est prouvée, ou elle ne l’est pas; il n’y a point de milieu. Cent mille soupçons réunis ne peuvent pas plus etablir une preuve, que cent mille zéros ne peuvent composer un nombre. Il y a des quarts de ton dans la musique, encor ne les peut-on exécuter; mais, il n’y a ni quart de vérité, ni quart de raisonnement.”
I send you one of the Pamphlets, Jugement rendue dans l’affaire du Canady, supposing it may be the more agreable to you to see it, as during your War with that Colony you must have been made acquainted with some of the Character concern’d. With the truest Esteem and Affection, I am, Dear Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin

Endorsed: Mr. Franklin 30th Septr. 1764 Received in Janry 1765Answered 14th March


Title: Papers from the Election Campaign, [September 1764]
From:
To:

The election campaign of 1764 and the events and controversies that preceded it brought forth more political “literature” than had appeared in any previous year in Pennsylvania’s history. Party lines became sharply drawn, candidates for election to the Assembly were aligned with one faction or another more distinctly than ever before, and supporters of each group rushed to the press with letters to the newspapers, pamphlets, and broadsides, intended to win over the voters to their side and to denounce the leaders of the other party.
Some of the writers managed to stay clear of personalities and to discuss the central issue on its merits: should Pennsylvania at this time continue to seek a change in government to one directly under the Crown, or should it repudiate the petitions already sent to the King asking for the change? As matters stood, however, personalities became quite as important as policies: the seemingly grasping personality of Thomas Penn, for example; that of his nephew, the young Governor, John Penn; and the personalities and behavior of other proprietary officials and spokesmen, such as William Allen, William Smith, and some Presbyterian ministers; or, on the other hand, those of such Assembly leaders as Joseph Galloway and, above all, Benjamin Franklin.
During the last few weeks of the campaign, people, not principles, appear to have emerged as the most important consideration; predictably the writings, carried about from tavern to tavern and distributed from door to door of the householders, focused increasingly on men, individually or as groups. The anonymous writers seem to have vied with one another as to which could produce the most scurrilous attacks on the characters and the past behavior of their enemies. Sometimes the authors desisted from their attacks just long enough to defend their own leaders, but for the most part the scribblers were merely spurred on to more violent blasts against their opponents.
Writers on the proprietary side considered Franklin vulnerable on several counts, most of which had little or nothing to do with the issue of a change in government. He was, indeed, charged with wanting royal government because he hoped to be made the first governor under the King. But he was also accused of having secured a handsome income for himself while living at public expense as Assembly agent in England, 1757–62. Contrary to the Assembly’s orders, he had invested in British stocks the parliamentary grant for Pennsylvania’s wartime expenses, and had thereby caused the province a substantial loss when he had to sell the stocks on a falling market. To win over the German voters his opponents industriously circulated his unfortunate statement of 1751 in Observations Concerning the Increase of Mankind in which he had called these immigrants “Palatine Boors.” And then the fact that he had fathered an illegitimate son (a circumstance which had been no secret in Philadelphia) was sneeringly advanced as a reason for voting against him and his party. A maidservant named Barbara was said to have been William’s mother, and Franklin was accused of cheating her of her wages and, when she died, of consigning her body to an unmarked grave.

To reprint in this volume all the writings on both sides that formed a part of this election campaign—or even only those that referred directly to Franklin—would require an amount of space far in excess of what the plan of this series would warrant. So far as firm evidence can be found, everything that Franklin himself wrote for the public from January through September of 1764 has been included in earlier pages of this volume. It is possible that some of the other writings came from his pen, but careful investigation has established nothing more than a mere possibility in the case of any piece not heretofore reproduced. None of these, therefore, can justifiably be called a real part of the Franklin papers.
Yet to pass over in complete silence this considerable body of material would result in failure to give a true picture of what may well be regarded as the most important election campaign of Franklin’s entire career. For this reason a sampling of these writings is presented here—four pieces reproduced in full or in extract, equally divided between the two contending parties. They should convey at least the bitter flavor of the rest.
None of the authors of the documents has been certainly identified, and only the first can be precisely dated. Probably the other three appeared at various times during the last six weeks before the election. Two, one from each side, are entirely in prose. The other two employ, wholly or in part, a literary form introduced into the contest by the prefaces to the printed speeches of Dickinson and Galloway. William Smith had composed an epitaph for William Penn, lauding his services and expressing the Pennsylvanians’ gratitude and affection. Franklin had responded in the same “Lapidary Stile” with an epitaph for Thomas Penn, but this one was a scathing denunciation of the man and his actions. These effusions caught the fancy of other writers, and “Lapidary Characters” quickly attained what one of the authors called “a high Vogue.” As the two examples reprinted here show, however, the imitators took their lead from Franklin, not from Smith, for they employed the device wholly to attack the men they were memorializing. All these epitaphs were originally printed in the manner in which they might have been carved on stone, with lines of varying lengths, each centered in the appropriate space. As reprinted below, however, they are set in solid lines with diagonals to show where the original line breaks came. It is hoped that this method of reproduction will not lessen unduly the impact of their often libelous words.

ITo the Freeholders and ElectorsOf the Province of Pennsylvania.
Friends and Countrymen,
The Day is now approaching, when your free Choice is to determine whether this Province is to continue the miserable Seat of Discord, and its admirable Constitution and Charter be at last sacrificed to private Ambition and personal Rancor; or whether, by delegating your Powers to Persons of known Independency, attached to our Constitution, and free from all Party-Animosity, we shall at length be restored to our wonted Peace and Prosperity.
Words would fail me to recount all the self-interested Views and wicked Purposes of a few Men who, having been chosen your Servants, now aspire to become your perpetual Masters. You have too long suffered and bled under their Misconduct to stand in Need of such a Recapitulation. [To provide a parallel the writer here quotes at considerable length from a speech by Memmius recorded by Sallust and indicates that he could apply it “(too closely, alas!) line by line, to our own State!”]
This last Attempt to change our Government and deliver up our Charter, had we no other Charge against them, is enough to make the Cup of their political Iniquity run over. It is so base in its Nature and Circumstances, that dropping the Multitude of other Matters against them, I shall confine the Remainder of my Arguments chiefly to this Point.
First then I would observe that it was by pretending a sovereign Regard to our Liberties and Privileges that these men first got themselves recommended to Power. With the Cry of our Constitution and Charter-Rights constantly in their Mouths, they fixed themselves in their Seats, and enriched themselves at our Expence. But when they thought they could enrich themselves yet farther, and were become too great for Opposition, their cry became—“down with the Charter and Constitution,” as the useless Scaffolding and Lumber about a Building. The Detail of their Conduct in this Matter is worth observing.
By trifling Disputes, industriously and virulently worked up almost beyond a Possibility of Reconciliation, the chief Projector of this Scheme, got himself appointed on an Embassy to England. While he was employed there, his trusty Associates here, to keep them in humour, had the Management of our publick Treasure, to purchase unjust Laws of a corrupt Governor, each securing to himself a lucrative Post.

   *Mr. G-----y is a provincial Commissioner and got a lucrative Office, torn from the grey Hairs of an old Man, by the re-emitting Act.

   Mr. F-----x got the Office of Barrack-Master, had the particular Patronage of Indians committed to him, and the Fingering their Presents, and is a Provincial Commissioner also. Some lesser Members got lesser Matters, some embezzled the public Money and died vast Sums in the Province Debt.

   Mr. H-----hs got a most profitable Office by the Act for recording Warrants and Surveys; was made a Provincial Commissioner and a Judge; and from a poor B-----r, soon became a very great Man; by the Possession of these old Papers, and the help of his Associate the Lawyer, trumping up Titles to immense Tracts of Land that has been long possessed and honestly paid for, by many poor industrious Men. When this Law was repealed by his Majesty, and the Transcripts which this Man had made of the old Warrants, were ordered by the Assembly to be put into sealed Chests and lodged in their Library Room, the Seals were soon after broken by some body, and such Papers taken out as were tho’t necessary. These Papers and some others found in an old Chest belonging to Thoms Holmes, are like to be more fatal than Pandora’s Box to many good Men.

   And here I could unfold such a Tale, and lay open such a Combination——But I will wait a little, hoping these Men will be led by their own Conscience, if they have any, to fly from our public Affairs, and trouble their Country no longer. Besides the Time for making the right Use of these trumped up Titles is not yet quite come. Mr. H-----hs’s Associates are not yet in full Power. Mr. G-----y is not yet chief Justice, nor Mr. F-----n Governor and high Chancellor of Pennsylvania.

 Nor did our Treasures suffer less from our Ambassador in England; for after spending us immense Sums there, for several Years, he at last returned, leaving the Province in deeper Disgrace than he found it, as well with his Majesty and his Ministers, as with the Nation in general. And well were it for this poor injured Province, if these were the worst Effects of his Embassy. But if we may believe the dark Hints he has lately thrown out,  both in Assembly and out of it, he entered (while eating our very Bread) into bargain for the Sale of our Charter, and received Encouragement in it from some great Men, whom he says he is not at Liberty to mention, but you may take his Word for the Truth of it. The Price of this Bargain on his Part, must no doubt have been the Government of the Province to himself, and a Security of high Offices to his Associates already mentioned. But they must have been some second or third rate great Men, who would enter into such a foolish bargain as this, and did not know that tho’ our great Projector be Lord of the People of Pennsylvania, and could give away their Charter, yet there is another Charter in the Way, over which he has no power. That they must have been great Men of this Stamp, we cannot doubt, since it is well known, (and shall be made appear before we conclude) that his Majesty’s present Ministers look with the utmost indignation, as well upon this unwarrantable attempt to break thro’ our Charter, as upon the scandalous Resolves that led to it.
[Here the writer devoted approximately 2000 words to a review of the controversy over the interpretation of the Privy Council stipulation on taxation of the Proprietors’ located but unimproved lands, of the petition for a change in government, and of related events. He cited William Allen as having quoted Richard Jackson’s opinion that to buy out the proprietary rights of government would cost at least £100,000 and that the colony would be expected to pay this sum since the change was to be made at its request.]
And who are these Men who have thus endeavoured to trample on our Charter Rights, and to scandalize the good People of this Province? They are all known sufficiently; and I doubt not but the same Pen, that dignified the poor Germans with the Appellation of “Boors Herding Together”
   *See a Paper in an English Magazine Signed B---- F-----n.
 did likewise draw these shameful Instructions [to Jackson regarding the petition]. His old Friends and his new Allies have alike shared his abuse. He has before now held up his Hands in passing the Quaker-Meeting, and declared that more Mischief was hatched in that Place than in a meeting of Jesuits at St. Omers. And he made it his late Boast, that he has wholly destroyed the Quaker Principles, and got the Government of them, by setting the Sons against the Fathers, and the Fathers against the Sons. And certainly he has Room to make this Boast, if it be true that he has brought any Number of them into a Party, to overset a Constitution which their Fathers built up with so much Care. We find the serious Part of them, at their late Meeting have openly disavowed the Attempt to change our Government; and we shall know more of their Sentiments upon this matter, on the Day of Election.
[The paper concludes with an extended appeal to “crush this base faction” and elect the members of the opposing ticket. The names of the preferred candidates from Philadelphia County and City are listed and several of them singled out for praise and approbation.]

IITo the Freeholders and other Electors for the City and County of Philadelphia, and Counties of Chester and Bucks.
Gentlemen,
The first of October, 1764, being the anniversary Day for electing Members of Assembly, &c. That great and important Day, big with the Fate of your Country. You will therefore deliberately determine, whether you will chuse for Representatives, those honest and firm Freemen who have faithfully served you a great Number of Years; whether you will refuse to be advised by your old Friends, and turn out those zealous Supporters of your Rights and Privileges, or whether you will adopt the Measures of P--------y Officers, and their Tools, and make an almost total Change of the late Members of Assembly; for it seems these Enemies to your Welfare propose to have but three of the old Members continued. As there are two Parties, we find that each of them, to gain your Votes and Interest, profess a zealous Concern for the preservation of the Rights and Privileges of the good People of this Province. It is therefore incumbent on us, as your faithful Friends, to give you an Account of the Conduct and present Views of the Party for the new Ticket, that you may judge for yourselves, and not be deceived. Let us then intreat you to review for a Moment, their former Transactions.
Among them you will find, almost to a Man, the People that opposed the Friends of the Constitution, when they in a peaceable Manner came to vote at the Knock down Election, in the year 1742, by encouraging an armed Mob, whom they afterwards, in the Face of the Inhabitants of this City, screen’d from Punishment, altho’ they had knock’d down and wounded many of the worthiest Men of this Province, whose Lives were from thence in great Danger.

The same Men who encouraged the wantonly inlisting and robbing you of your Servants, in the two last Wars, and billeting Soldiers on private Houses, are all for the new Ticket.
The same Men who have left no Stone unturned to blacken and abuse the former Assemblies, for the noble stand they made, in contending that the Proprietaries Estate should be tax’d in the same just and equal Manner with those of the Peoples, are to a Man for the new Ticket.
The same Men who to recommend themselves to the P--------rs, by screening their enormous Estates from being taxed by a Law, meanly offer’d to pay their Tax out of their own Pockets, these are all of them for the new Ticket.
The same great Men, and their Creatures, who have been of late Years continually using their Interest and Arguments against our having Paper Money continued to us, and that you shou’d pay more of it to them for one Shilling Sterling Money, that to other People, are all of them for the new Ticket.
The same Men who supported the P--------s in the iniquitous Scheme of getting one Hundred Thousand Pounds of Paper Money, condemned by the King in Council, in your Hands, that you might be deprived of so much of your Property, and thereby be the more easily reduced to P--------y Slavery, which would have been done, had not your worthy Agent Benjamin Franklin, Esq; averted the fatal Blow, by pledging his own Fortune to indemnify the P--------s from an ill-grounded Suspicion of Injustice, said to be intended by you against them.—All these Men are for the new Ticket.
The same Men who advocated and palliated the horrid Crimes of the Paxton Rioters, murdering in cool Blood, the Indians at Conestogo Manor, and at Lancaster, and in their marching to this City, all are to a Man for the new Ticket.
Those who contend that without any regard to their Numbers, or the Proportion of the public Tax they pay, each of the back Counties, should have as many Members to represent them as either of the three old populous and wealthy Counties of Philadelphia, Bucks and Chester,—these are to a Man for the new Ticket.
The People holding Commissions of all Sorts, depending on the mere Will and Pleasure of the P--------s, from the C— J— down to the Nine-penny Justice, a few upright worthy Souls excepted, whose Spirits cannot brook being the despicable Tools to the Party, some of whom have even by S----h and Al-ss-n had Hints of the Loss of their Commissions, for refusing to do as they bid them, while those irreverend Gentlemen have behaved as if they had Commissions of the Peace at their Command, as much as they have Marriage Licenses;—all these Men are for the new Ticket.
Parson S----h, and his Supporters, who wrote the Brief State, and Brief View Pamphlets, published in London some Years ago, blackening the Characters of you and your Representatives, in the most impudent and base Manner, in order to deprive you of your Privileges and aggrandize the Proprietaries on your Ruin, all these are for the new Ticket.
The Corporation of the City of Philadelphia, from the M-y-r down to the lowest Common Council Man (a few worthy Souls excepted) are none of them chose by the Freeholders of the City, but are generally by Directions of some great Man or Men, whom we have before pointed out. They are elected chiefly to answer the Purpose of constantly opposing the Rights and Privileges of you and your Representatives; wherefore they are become so despicable and odious to their Fellow Citizens, to whom they never account for the large Sums they raise by Rent of the Market Stalls, Ferries, free Wharffs, Vendue Master’s Place, &c.—a Revenue of at least three Thousand Pounds a Year—that they are convinced the Electors in this City, who know them, will not take their Tickets, and therefore ’tis on you that they expect to impose them. —Of these Men beware,—as they are all Enemies to the old Assembly, and to a Man are for the new Ticket.
The P--------y Officers have kept the Land-Office shut, to the great Injury of the industrious Farmer, while they, and certain great Men and their Dependents, have taken up prodigious large Tracts of the best Land; some of which they have immediately sold, at very exhorbitant Rates, and by their baseness and Injustice, have prevented the quick Settlement of the Province, and compell’d Thousands of Families to settle in other Places.—Beware therefore of these Engrossers, for they are all for the new Ticket.
[The paper goes on, at almost the same length again, to list and describe some of the views of the supporters of the “new Ticket” and some of the measures they plan to get enacted if they win control of the next Assembly. The writer specifically mentions schemes of general injustice and others prejudicial to the people of the city and the three oldest counties.]

III
What is Sauce for a Goose is also Sauce for a Gander. Being A small Touch in the Lapidary Way. Or Tit for Tat, in your own Way. An Epitaph On a certain great Man. Written by a departed Spirit and now Most humbly inscrib’d to all his dutiful Sons and Children, Who may hereafter chose to distinguish him by the Name of A Patriot. Philadelphia, printed in Arch-Street 1764.
An Epitaph &C.
TO the much esteem’d Memory of / B------F------Esq; L. L. D; / The only man of his day / In Pennsylvania, / Or perhaps of any age or in any country, / Whose ingrate Disposition and Badness of Heart / (These enormous Vices) / Ever introduced to / Popularity. / As he was the first Philosopher / Who, contrary to any known System, discovered / How to maltreat his / Patrons / Without Cause, / And be angry without Reason, / He may be justly styl’d / A stupenduously surprizing / And a Great Man. / By assuming the merit / Of other mens discoveries, / He obtain’d the name of / A Philosopher. / By meanly begging and some Times buying / Honorary Degrees, / From several Colleges and Universities, / He obtain’d the Character of / A Man of Learning. / From an early Desire, that portended / Greatness, / Implanted in his original / Stamina. / To have Power lodged / In his own Hands, / He most tyranically opposed, / And even insulted / The highest order of Men. / And by an Address, peculiar to himself, / He found the Way to climb to Promotion / Upon the Shoulders of Friends / Whom a few Years before / He proposed to, and even boasted that he would, Ruin. / Thus, rising by degrees / From the meanest Circumstances / To a Politican of the first Magnitude, / He became perfectly acquainted / With every Zig Zag Machination, / And triming

   *Although we would not tire our Readers with a train of Circumstances, yet the following instances of the Great Doctor’s Triming we are oblig’d to mention, out of pure Respect to Truth, which some of his Advocates, at Times, do not seem to Venerate sufficiently.

   It can be made appear upon Oath, That when the Counties of York and Berks were set off, and were contrary to Charter allow’d but one or two Representatives a piece. Mr. F.------said, in Vindication of the Measure, “That a Majority of Dutch lived in those Counties, it was not proper to allow them to sit in the Assembly in an English Government.”

   At another Time, in a Piece that he published in the Gentleman’s Magazine, concerning peopling the Colonies, He loudly complains “That so many Palatine Boors are suffered to swarm into our Settlements, and by herding together, establish their Language and Manners,” And yet he pretends to be the Friend and Patron of those people.

   It is also well known, that he once proposed to a very considerable Gentleman in this City, that they should Unite in Order to demolish the Quakers entirely; and he never forgave that Gentleman for refusing him. Even when he was last in England, tho’ supported by the Influence of those very People, He privately made a Merit of it, That he had effectually put an End to their growth in this province.

 Contrivance, / Peculiar to that Science. / Quick as the Flashes of Lightning, / Darted from a Cloud, / He would sometimes level / All Distinctions, / Pull down the very Walls / Of Power, / And fatally destroy the Safeguards / Of Justice. / Blasting with the same Breath, / Every necessary Subordination; / And sitting [sic] at nought the Executors / Of Law and Order. / But in finally aiming to overturn / The best of Governments, / And dispossess the People of / Their Charter Rights, / And inestimable Privileges, / He fell beneath Himself, a lingering Martyr. / To the Loss of popular Applause; / Oh mortifying Consideration! / Yet studious and artfull, tho’ conscious / of his Guilt, / He struggled hard, but in Vain, / To screen his Sins / From the Sight of the People; / While, with an Effrontery surprising, / He loudly bellow’d and vehemently complain’d / That Magistracy, / Which he had trampled on and Wounded, / Was impotent and feeble. / Possessed of many lucrative / Offices; / Procured to him by the Interest of Men / Whom he infamously treated. / And receiving enormous Sums / from the Province, / For Services / He never performed; / After betraying it to Party and Contention, / He lived, as to the Appearance of Wealth, / In moderate Circumstances. / His principal Estate, seeming to consist, / Till very lately, / In his Hand Maid Barbara / A most valuable Slave, / The Foster-Mother / Of his last Offspring, / Who did his dirty Work,— / And in two Angelic Females, / Whom Barbara also served, / As Kitchen Wench and Gold Finder.
   *We are sorry to give the Reader trouble, but if he will be pleased to consult Dyche’s English Dictionary for his first Definition of Gold-Finder, it will Convey that very Idea which we have of the old Women [sic] Barbara, the Drs. Hand Maid. Tho’ we cannot help confessing that some Authors have positively asserted that Barbara is that Species of Animal which the Marylanders call a Powne, the Scots a Gallowe: and the English by some other Name. However it be, Posterity are welcome to decide the Controversy.
/ But alas the Loss! / Providence for wise, tho’ secret Ends, / Lately depriv’d him of the Mother / Of Excellency. / His Fortune was not however impair’d, / For he piously witheld from her / Manes, / The pitiful Stipend of Ten Pounds per Annum, / On which he had cruelly suffered her / To Starve; / Then stole her to the Grave, in Silence, / Without a Pall, the Covering due to her Dignity, / Without a Groan, a Sigh or a Tear. / Without a Tomb, or even / A Monumental Inscription. / Reader behold this striking Instance of / Human Depravity and Ingratitude; / An irrefragable Proof, / That neither the Capital Services / Of Friends, / Nor the attracting Favours of the Fair, / Can fix the Sincerity of a Man, / Devoid of Principles and / Ineffably mean; / Whose Ambition is / Power; / And whose Intention is / Tyrany / Remember then O Friends and Freemen, / And be intreated to consider, / That in the howling Wilderness / When we would guard ourselves against / The covered Wolves of the Forest, or / The stinging Snakes of the Mountains, / Our Maxim should be / Beware of taking them to our / Bosoms. / Finis.

IV
The Scribbler, Being a Letter From a Gentleman in Town To his Friend in the Country, concerning the present State of Public Affairs; with a Lapidary Character (n.p., 1764).
A Letter, &C.
Sir,
The pleasant laconic Manner, in which you have sometimes accounted for the many Divisions, that have rent this unhappy Province, has never struck me with so much Conviction as of late. The Knavery of a few, and the Folly of many are now so apparent, as not to escape the notice of the most common unprejudiced Understanding: And it is really amazing as well as affecting, to see what iniquitous and silly Arts, the designing Few, notwithstanding all their pretensions to Wisdom and Goodness, make use of to deceive and inflame the Crowd.
[The Proprietors have for many years been “wresting from the People their Charter-Rights and Privileges” and the people “have not only seen these practices, and designs in their proper Colours … but have likewise abhorred the Men, who pursued them.” The only solution is to seek a change in government when the proper moment comes, and our representatives have concluded that that moment has arrived.] Those who hold Offices under a Proprietary Governor, those who have gathered Estates, and those who still expect to make their Fortunes under Proprietary favour resolve to think otherwise: … These State-Jobbers, fearing on a Change that the Posts of Honour, and Profit will be disposed of by a Royal Governor only to Men of Merit, seem prodigiously averse to it: and it is difficult for you, who are buried in the obscurity and quiet of a Country-Life, to conceive what a Racket they make to prevent it. [They have circulated a counter-petition; are trying “with might and main, to force out of the House” all the members who promoted the first petition; and have “wrote, and lied, and swore that the Assembly were all Quaker Politicians” and that they themselves were the “Champions of Liberty.”]
 … And such innocent Arrogance might be past over with a laugh, if they had stopt here [but the people would not believe them, so] their ill Success has transported them to personal Abuse. So long as the Characters of a Pliny and a Sejanus are not grossly misrepresented, there will be a striking contrast: while a F-------n continues to support the Rights of his Constituents, it will be impossible for servile Minions to destroy his popular and good Name. They must have recourse to the base Means of every sinking Cause, groundless Slander: this is an easier Task, and better suits their Genius; for those Polithicks [sic], which have their Foundations in Scurrility and Lies, require no great deal of Finess. Every Parrot is able to prate Rogue and Whore.
It happened unluckily for the Cause of Liberty, that Mr. F------n once wrote a small Essay on the increase of Mankind, and the peopling of Countries; which was published nine years since in the Gentleman’s Magazine. In that Piece with great justice he observed, that the vast number of Germans who flocked into this Province settled together in particular Parts of it; and established their own Customs and Language to the exclusion of ours. For this and some other obvious Reasons, the P--y Faction have chosen to single him out, as the most proper Person to discharge their Artillery against, and without any regard to decency or Truth have they attacked him. In short, from the tall Knaves of Wealth and Power, to the sneaking Underlings of Corruption, they seem to a Man like Annibal jurati ad aras, sworn to load him with all the Filth,
   *See an Epitaph called Tit for Tat.
 and Virulence that the basest Heads and basest Hearts can suggest. …
See, much esteemed Sir, what it is to be conspicuous! Your noble Spirit, and the Truths which you have told, have drawn upon you much Malice, and many Lies. You cannot be answered, and therefore ’tis fit to abuse you. Your Slanderers are indeed for the most Part sufficiently contemptible: But it is worth considering who set them at work, and what palpable Falshoods, and gross Nonsense the poor Creatures are taught to utter.
To begin with those, who have no other Reason to say an unkind word of you, but envy of your superior Abilities. There are but few Men who are pleased with the Excellencies of others; vulgar Souls are provoked by them. Great Sir, you have galloped away so far before this Class of your Enemies to the Goal of Honour, that the poor Vermin conscious of their own Heaviness, can do nothing but crawl after you at a great Distance, and curse you.
But there are others who have more cause to complain. You have discharged all the Duties of a Parent to your Offspring; you and your Children may reciprocally delight in the Connection. The good Education of your only Son has made him worthy the notice of his Sovereign. To his hands have been committed the Reins of——permit me to say, that I do not mean a Chariot——But an Honourable Government; which he directs with care to the Subject, and glory to his Royal Master. Here you shine and rejoice in the Character of a Father; while the illegitimate Progeny of your Adversaries are so numerous so scandalous and so neglected, that the only Concern of the Parents is least their unhappy By-Blows should commit Incest.
[Further encomiums on Franklin and his public services follow.] Lastly you have, as with an electrical Charge shock’d the Sensibility of those profane Blockheads, who dared to touch your Lightning. Hence, what do they say? faith I don’t know, except that “Powne and Gallowe” are synonymous Terms. …
[The writer here went into the exploitation of the passage on the “Palatine Boors,” declaring that Franklin’s enemies have dispersed “carloads of pamphlets,” but they fail to point out that William Smith’s Brief State (which had also attacked the Germans) “is still in being, an irrefragible proof of their Insincerity.” Smith had called the Germans disloyal subjects and “a proud brutal Mob.” The writer then devoted five pages to an attack on the Presbyterian clergy essentially because of their opposition to the petition to the King and their support of the proprietary party.]
You have now Sir, the best Account of the Conduct of our P-----y Partisans, and their Auxiliaries that my present Circumstances permit me to give you. It is very imperfect; yet may serve to acquaint you that, altho’ the Friends of Liberty struggle hard to throw off the galling Yoke of Tyrrany; there are some selfish Wretches, who for private Advantages wish to continue under it; and others who from base, uncertain Views, are ready to act as Understrappers to that venal Tribe. I remain, &c.
As Lapidary Characters are now in high Vogue, I send you one for your amusement: There were a great Number of Incidents at Hand, but I have selected only a few of the most striking.
  In Memory / Of the ill-thought of, and much disesteem’d / W— S— / Who by an incessant perseverence / In all the growling Arts / Of a consumate Sycophant, / By the dint of indefatigable Lying, / And Back-biting at one Party, and / A servile fawning and cringing to another, / Has brought himself to the secret Scorn of his Friends, / As well as the more open contempt of Others. / This Irreverent Parson, / Work’d thro’ many difficulties to arrive at / The Pinnacle of Publick Odium. / The perpetual Operations of a sinister cunning, / A brazen Effront’ry / And an unparrellel’d Impudence, / A superior Uniformity in Knavery, / And a Tongue bick’ring with slander / Join’d to a Heart bloated with infernal Malice, / Have been the noxious Clues / Which have convey’d him thro’ the Labyrinth / Of an obscure Birth, / Drain’d of his primary penurious Blood, / And enabl’d him to surmount his / Original abject Circumstances. / The Unhappy Father / Of this / Ordain’d Image of Insincerity, / Was a poor, but as it is said, an honest Blacksmith; / He gave his Son some Learning, / (According to the custom, even of the poorest of his Country,) / And as it has unfortunately turn’d out, / Sent him abroad to be a Ch at. / A few Years ago, he came a Raw-stripling / Into a neighbor’ing Government; / And was hous’d by a Gentleman there; / Who allow’d him a Stipend of / Twenty Pounds, Currency per Annum, / For taking care of his Children. / He began presently after his Arrival to discover / That promptitude to Party Feuds, / Which seems to be inherent in his blood, / And which has so greatly distinguish’d him since. / When he first sojourn’d in this City, / He made his Court / To some of the Principle Gentlemen in it, / By assuring them a Portion in the skies, / Bepraising them in a lard of Poetry

   *When gentle H-lt-n shall grace our Skies, And with A-ll-n, P-t-rs, F--kl--n rise.   A Poem on visiting the Academy

 / One of which Gentlemen, he has since perceiv’d, / To be “ineffably mean” / Instead of a Sky-Lark. / And as a suitable Return for his / Pristine Civilities, / Has overwhelm’d him in a torrent of infamous abuse. / The Gentleman who has been thus grossly treated / Being the original Promoter of / That Institution, / Which has been the Creation of this ungrateful / Defamer; / And enabl’d him to rise on / The Stilts of Academical Dignity. / He was early taken notice of / By the Ass-----bly of this Province, / They being under the necessity of ordering him / To Goal, / For his forward Impertinence to them. / Besides a long and regular series of blackening Lies / In England as well as America, / (Venomous as from the Tooth of a Serpent.) / It is notorious that in / This City, he added P------- to his Character. / He has also discovered the strange perturbations, / And strong Itchings to Illegal V----y. / He once asserted in a Work
   *American M--g--ne
 of his / Concernment, / Of a Gentleman of establish’d Reputation / In the literary World, / That he had usurp’d the Honour of some discoveries / In natural Philosophy, of which, he was not / The Author, but another Gentleman was. / By which other Gentleman the falsity of that Assertion / Was immediately afterwards publickly avow’d. / And he now again repeats / With a consummate Assurance, / That Lye which has been heretofore so totally o’erthrown. / His depraved Example, / Has been instrumental, / In corrupting almost / The whole Body of P--sts of another Community / In this Province. / Egg’d on by his dual Tricks, / Till they have expos’d Themselves to Public Ridicule; / By quitting their Parsonic gravity, / For the preposterous Employment / of State Politicasters. / Imperious as tho’ he were a Sovereign, / Does this highstomach’d Pedagogue, / Carry himself to his Equals and Inferiors, / But before his proud Superiors, opinionated as he is, / He sinks low! / And then / No sneaking Parasite can more pliantly / Buckle, flatter and fawn. / Oh! disdainful Reader! / If thou art mov’d with this, / Imagine not that no Service or Instruction / Is to be gain’d from such a Character. / It may convince Thee, that / Neither the Surplice, Gown nor Band, / Not the composing of flatulent Preachments, / Nor the Head devoted to Sanctity / By the venerable Hand of a B---p, / Not the pompous appellation of / D.D. / Can command our Love or Respect, / To a Man, that is / A Stranger to Godliness and devoid of Piety / And in whom no Vestige appears of / Grace, Truth or Honesty. / Finis.