Title: Commonplace Book, 1759–1772
From: Madison, James
To:

Editorial Note
This manuscript volume is in part a copybook and in part a notebook, all written by JM in his youth with the exception of the final six lines. On the one hand, there are nearly accurate transcriptions of poetry from two magazines, and, on the other, notes upon selections from three fairly difficult books, supplemented by JM’s comments and other interpolations. At the top of the first page of the notes, JM wrote “Dec. 24. 1759,” a date falling within his ninth year of age. Long afterward, Miss Cutts accepted this as the time when her uncle began to enter the material in his notebook. Although the present editors cannot convincingly explain why JM wrote that date, they cannot agree with her interpretation of its significance. Unwilling to charge JM with mistakenly writing “1759” for “1769,” they are driven to the surmise that he was merely recording when he received the notebook as a Christmas gift.
The dating problem might be somewhat less complex if it were not for the fact that the selections show no progression from rather elementary to more difficult reading. There are, however, a few indications (cf. nn. 3 and 24, below) that JM copied at least some of his notes from rough jottings made earlier; and hence the sequence of material may not necessarily indicate the order in which he did the reading. In other words, it is entirely plausible that, as a labor of love or as an assignment for the improvement of his penmanship, a precocious youngster, eight years old, mechanically copied poetry, even though in his old age he recalled that the Spectator first attracted him in 1763, or when he was about at the age of twelve (n. 103, below). On the other hand, it is incredible that an eight- or twelve-year-old boy had the thorough knowledge of Latin, the comprehensive acquaintanceship with works in that tongue, and the maturity of thought, emphasis, and selectivity exhibited by some of the comments and interpolations scattered among his notes on the more difficult reading.
Furthermore, JM apparently knew no Latin before he entered the school of Donald Robertson (1717–1792) near Dunkirk in King and Queen County, Virginia, in 1762, and was not sufficiently versed in that subject to make some of the comments in his notebook until well toward the end of his sojourn there five years later, or perhaps not until he was a student at the College of New Jersey. Besides its occasional entries of “Deo Gratia & Gloria” when bills for tuition and textbooks were paid, Robertson’s “Account Book,” now in the Virginia Historical Society, lists many, and perhaps all, of the volumes in his library. This roster makes clear that, while under Robertson’s tutelage, JM could have taken the notes on Montaigne’s Essays and, incidentally, have gained his initial acquaintance with Montesquieu’s The Spirit of the Laws and Locke’s An Essay Concerning Human Understanding. Moreover, he studied there almost all the Latin classics from which he quotes in his notebook, as well as others he found no occasion to cite. The “Account Book” reveals “Jamie” Madison buying works by Virgil, Horace, Justinian, and Cornelius Nepos, and probably also reading others by Caesar, Tacitus, Lucretius, Eutropius, and Phaedrus. With Robertson as his mentor, JM used selections from the writings of Plutarch, Herodotus, Thucydides, and Plato in his study of Greek. Abel Boyer’s The Compleat French Master for Ladies and Gentlemen may have introduced JM to the French language (Robertson’s “Account Book,” pp. 11, 30, 65–66, 69, 72, 74, 78, 80–81, 132–37, 143). If the missing letters of Robertson to JM’s father could be found, they might help to determine whether JM took any or all of his notes while in Robertson’s school. These letters were apparently in existence as late as 1836 (statement by John C. Payne inclosed in a letter from Dolley P. Madison to John Quincy Adams, 3 August 1836, Massachusetts Historical Society). Although each of the volumes from which JM gleaned the material in his “Commonplace Book” was accessible at the College of New Jersey, only the Spectator, insofar as is known, was ready at hand at Montpelier (below, n. 103).
In spite of the “Dec. 24. 1759” mentioned above, the editors conclude that little if anything in the copybook is so early in its origin, and that the notes probably reflect samples of JM’s reading and thought between 1762 and 1772, with the second half rather than the first half of this decade as the more likely time when he made most of the entries.
The notes are probably much more indicative of JM’s intellectual interests during those years than is his “A Brief System of Logick” (q.v.). Unlike the latter’s mechanical and emotionless organization of material, this “Commonplace Book” usually reveals what passages from hundreds of pages of text JM deemed particularly worthy of record. The notes also mirror his interest in generalizations about social and individual conduct rather than his need to accumulate factual data about some definite subject or transient problem. In this characteristic they sharply contrast with most of the jottings made by JM on his reading in later years.
The five works which he either transcribed or took notes upon in the “Commonplace Book” are all in the domain of polite literature, noteworthy for their style, their ease of expression, or their emphasis upon manners and morals. In his note-taking, JM was attracted toward the authors’ epigrammatical statements about the nature of man or men and rarely toward the historical situation which elicited these comments. Being also concerned to master the art of writing well, he occasionally experimented with an epigram of his own and often refashioned the authors’ sentences in an effort to heighten their clarity, precision, and conciseness. Moreover, his notes demonstrate his analytical skill, the maturity of his “asides,” and his ability to discern the pith of a matter presented at length and to summarize effectively the main thought of an involved passage. Even when the author provided English translations of his Latin quotations, Madison copied the Latin into his notebook, and sometimes drew upon his memory for additional “pat” phrases in that language, and for references to ancient Roman writers not mentioned in the text.
Any assessment of the influence of this reading upon his thought and action during his public career is at best highly speculative. Perhaps, for example, it was sheer coincidence that many years later James Kirke Paulding told of often recalling the Memoirs of Cardinal de Retz while listening to Madison reminisce about his share in events of national moment (LC: William C. Rives Papers, p. 7 of MS entitled “Our Presidents” by Paulding). This may merely signify that Madison referred to de Retz when talking with Paulding. However this may be, the Cardinal’s stress upon the need for prudence and caution when holding a public office, and upon the ruinous effect of a close union of church and state, calls to mind Madison’s known outlook upon these same subjects a few years later. In like manner, the Critical Reflections of Abbé Du Bos may have stimulated Madison to ponder upon the meaning and sources of “national character,” and how differently it expressed itself in one country as compared with another. Montesquieu’s De l’Esprit des Lois, however, could have directed Madison’s thought into a similar channel.
Finally, the notes in this “Commonplace Book” on de Retz and Du Bos, and above all those on Montaigne, and the transcriptions from the Spectator and the American Magazine, may indicate that Madison’s interest in systematic and weighty discourses in the realm of political philosophy did not monopolize his student years. During that period, in other words, because he adapted much of his reading to the prevailing literary fashion and even composed Whig Society doggerels (q.v.) while at the College of New Jersey, he was by no means as unworldly and concentrated in his scholarly interests as tradition has pictured him. These “polite” memoirs and essays, with their frequent observations about human nature, society, citizenship, and government, may merit attention, along with the works of Montesquieu, Locke, and their kind, as possible sources of some of Madison’s views about those subjects.
In the following copy, parentheses inclose what JM bracketed in the original, while brackets designate editorial inserts.

[1759–1772]

Abstracts from the Memoirs of the Cardinal de Retz. Dec. 24. 1759

Nothing is more Subject to Delusion than Piety. All manner of Errors creep and hide themselves under that Veil. Piety takes for sacred all her imaginations of what sort soever. My Father’s predilection for his Eldest Son, & their view of the Archbishoprick of Paris for me were the true Causes of his endeavouring to tye to the Church the Soul in the World perhaps the least Ecclesiastical, & yet he neither believed it nor felt it. I dare say he would ha[ve] sworn, that he was led to all this by no other motive than the Spiritual good of my Soul, & the fear of the danger to which it might be exposed in any other Profession. [I, 5–6]
Strength of Mind or Resolution is much more necessary for great actions than stoutness of Heart. Vol 1. p. 34.
Cardinal Richlieu was a Pedant in Love, but a Gentleman in every thing else. [I, 14–17]
The fittest Persons to be employed in Popular commotions are those whose condition is bad enough to desire a change in the administration, but not so low as to reduce them to beg in Publick. For the Rich are afraid of Changes, & known Beggars raise in other People an apprehension of being Pillaged. Vol. 1. p. 46.
Irresolute minds waver most when they are upon the point of Action. Vol. 1. p. 47
Secrecy is not so rare among Persons used to great affairs, as is believ’d. Vol. 1. p. 51.
Secrets that are discovered make a noise; but these that are kept are Silent. p.
The President de Thou was in the right to say that we have no true Histories but such as have been written by Men sincere enough to speak the truth in what relates to themselves. p. 60.
A Grave Air hides many defects. p. 61
I knew a Man who had but small defects, and every one of these defects was either the product or the cause of some good Qualities in him. And it may be true too, as I once said of Card. Richlieu, that a man may have not one great Qualification, but what is either the Product or Cause of some great defect in him. p. 63
Narrow Minds are full of suspicions & difficulties. p. 68.
The King of France intended the Archbishoprick of Paris for the Abbot de Retz, ever since he heard of the two adventures of Pin-maker’s Niece & of Coutenau. Judge you says the Cardinal what relation those two trifling matters have with the archbishoprick of Paris. And yet this is the manner most things are brought about in. p. 71.
De Retz upon promotion to the Archbishoprick preached before a great Concourse of Parisians, who had rare seen their Archbishops in the Pulpit. [I, 73]
The great Secret says he, for those that enter into employments, is at first to sieze upon Peoples fancy by an Action which some circumstances make peculiarly their own. [I, 73]
To act ill designedly is beyond comparison most criminal before God, but without doubt the wisest as to the World. For when you act in that manner, you always take some previous measures that will cover part of the ill action. p. 74. To descend to the lowest is the surest way to become a Match for the highest p. 75. communis infimis, par principibus. C. Nepos.
Persecution to Persons of High Rank stands them in stead of an eminent Virtue. p. 81.
The Clergy who was always foremost in showing themselves friends to Slavery, preached it to the People under pretence of preaching obedience to them. Vol. 1. p. 88.
The Coadjutor of Paris having succeeded in a dispute with the D. of Orleans, found that even those who had blamed him during the dispute, after his success fancied they had only pitied him. The like observation he says he has made on a thousand other occasions [I, 103]
One is oftner deciev’d by mistrusting People than by confiding in them. p. 104.
The King’s and the People’s rights never agree better than by not being spoken of. p. 119
Some People fall into such circumstances, as by consequence compell them to commit new Errors. This is always by their own fault: fortune has nothing to [do] with it. p. 132.
It is more unbecoming a Minister to speak foolishly than to act foolishly. [Ad]vices when they come from a Man out of favour are looked upon as Crimes. p. 141.
It is as dangerous and almost as criminal with Princes, to have the Power to [do] good, as to have the Will to do Evil. p. 144.

A Blind Rashness and an excessive timorousness cause the same Effects when the Danger is not known. p. 146. For both endeavour to persuade themselves that the Danger is not real.
Flattery is dangerous to a person in fear. The desire he has of removing that fear from him makes him reject all measures that might remedy the Evil Vol. 1. 147
There is a wonderful Sympathy between some minds. Like Unisones, they are moved alike, and move one another. [I, 148]
It is much more natural for fear to consult than to determine. Vol 1 p. 149
A Citizen clapt his Musquetoon to my head, & tho he was altogether unknown to me, I thought it best to make him think otherwise, I cried to him, Ah Wretch! if thy Father saw thee! It startled him. He stopt & fancied I was his Father’s best friend, tho I knew the Father as little as I knew the Son. Vol. 1. p. 152
I appeased the mob without any great Pain, because Suppertime drew near. For at Paris in Popular commotions the most inflam’d are unwilling to lose a Meal. Vol. 1. p 154, 198, 291.
I have all my Life time esteem’d Men more for what they forbore to do than for what they did. Vol. p. 156.
Nothing is of greater Consequence in popular commotions, than to make the[m] believe, even when they are attacking, that they are only defending themselves. p. 161.
People are mistaken to imagine that a Party without a Head is not to be fear’d. Chiefs may arise in the night. P. 172.
In some Cases it is harder to please those of our own Party than to act against our Adversaries. p. 177.
The greatest Dangers have something pleasing in them, if even a M[is]carriage be attended with Glory. But slight dangers are horrible, if ill Success be attended with the loss of Reputation. Extremes are always dangerous; but they become wise means, when they are necessary. There is that comfort in them, that they never work by halves, but will always decide the matter one way or other. P. 178
One did purely out of fear one of the boldest Actions that has perhaps ever been spoken of. p. 179.
In some conjunctures it is even an Act of Prudence to rely on Accidents. p. 182
There is a Critical Minute in every thing, & the master-piece of Good Conduct is to perceive it and take hold of it. If it is miss’d, chiefly in revolutions of State, ’tis odds if it can be met with or percieved again. p. 195.

It is a Maxim necessary to Princes, To look on small Matters as Victimes only, which ought always to be sacraficed to greater Affairs. Small Articles should be observ’d even with ostentation as a Cloke to violation of Greater. p. 197.
Caution is most necessary with regard to the People, because Nothing is more unruly: but that caution is most carefully to be conceal’d from them, for nothing is more distrustful. P. 236.
Credit with the People, if long cultivated and deeply rooted, never fails to overcome Slight & accidental demonstrations of Publick Love. p. 238.
Weak Men never yield at the time they ought to yield. p 242
Nothing touches and moves the common People and even Companies who resemble them, so much as a variety of Spectacles. The Duke de Longueville first entered and offered to serve the Parlmt. under the Prince of Conti: soon after the D. of Bouillon entered & in the like manner offered his Service; & lastly the Marschal de la Mothe entered & made the same compliment. These three successive Pushes determin’d the Company to confer the supreme command upon the Prince of Conti, more effectually than if the three great Men had made their offers conjunctly. The thing was not accidental but concerted by a foresight of the event. p. 242.
In great affairs the Head signifies nothing without the heart. p 245
Molé was a man of the greatest courage and a true Patriot, but he carried every thing to extremes, & I have observ’d that he always judged of Actions by Men, & never or seldom of Men by their Actions. p. 256. Vid. p. 339.
Posterity will hardly believe, that a Princess of England, Granddaughter to Henry the Great, wanted a Faggot in the Month of January to get out of Bed, in the Louvre and in the Eyes of a French-Court. We read in Histories with Horror, of Baseness less monstrous than this; & yet most People heard this with little concern. Examples of past times move Men beyond comparison more than those of their own times. We accustom ourselves to what we see; & I question whether the Consulship of Caligula’s Horse would have surprized so much as we imagine. p. 262.
Companies appointed for the establishment of Tranquility can never be proper for War. They are obstinate in adhering to their Usual Forms in Affairs that are inconsistent with formality. p. 265. Dant operam ut cum ratione insaniant. Ter.
I never knew but One, who never contested what he believ’d he could not obtain. p. 280.

There is no greater Proof of a solid Judgment, than to be able to chuse when the Inconveniences are great on both sides. p. 285.
The properest and surest way of bringing any extraordinary matters to pass in such assemblies (as the Parliament) is to stir up the Young Counsellers against the Old. p. 286.
Tho a Private Cabal direct an Assembly, it puts a Period to the Power of the Cabal when their secret management is known. p. 291.
In Disputes be quiet when Your Answer is weaker than the Objection, & exert Yourself when the O[b]jection is weaker than Your Answer. p. 289.
Popular power is never believed but when it is felt: because those in whose hands it ought naturally to lodge by reason of their Character, love to flatter themselves that they possess it still, when they have really lost it; But it is often more profitable, as well as more honourable, for the Leaders of the People to have the Popular power rather believ’d than felt. p. 299
The Old Prince of Orange used to say that at the time we recieve the best News about the most important Matters, we ought then to give the greatest attention to the smallest matters in Hand. P. 310.
Credit with the People makes us answerable for all that they do even against our Consent. p. 316.
One of the greatest Inconveniences of a Civil War is, that one ought to study with greater care what is to be hid from ones Friends, than what is to be done against one’s Enemies. p. 318.
The Malignity of Vulgar Souls is not always able to take away from extraordinary Men the credit which in some occasions they even deserve to lose. p 339. Vid p 256.
By means of the Parliamt. you hold the People, who are never more your’s, than when you hold them by other Hands than your own. p. 342
A Desire to act cunningly, frequently prevents a Man’s acting Wisely. p. 34[9]
One Inconveniency of Civil Wars is, that one is often forced to commit faults that proceed from good Conduct. p 358.
A Man shows himself greater by being capable [of] owning a fault, than by being incapable of committing it. p. 369.
It happens sometimes that a Man is not thanked if he executes an Affair, & yet blamed if he does not. p. 387.
Tis not always a sure Game to refuse Gratifications from Persons that are above us. p. 390.

What appears hazardous & is not really such fails to be a wise choice. p. 400.
Monsr. de Bouillon with the Physiognomy of an Ox had the Perspicacity of an Eagle. p. 403.
The Reputation of Power is Power. Vol. 2. p 8.
There are times when some Persons are ever in the right. Mazarin by a contrary reason was ever thought in the Wrong. p. 10.
Nothing serves better to persuade Persons of little Sense, than what they dont understand. p. 12.
Whatever is necessary ought not to be hazardous. p. 13.
Patience works greater Effects than Activity. P. 25.
In Publick affairs Morality is not so strict as in Private ones. But that Liberty should be used with extreme caution; because nothing justifies it but Success; for which who can be answerable? p. 29.
Fear, when it is once come to a certain Pitch, causes the same Effects as Temerity. p. 42.
The imagination, while it is hot, will never yield. p. 42.
Nothing is more capable of occasioning Distrust in New Reconciliations than to show an Averseness of being obliged to those with whom we are reconciled. p. 61.
We Princes, says the D. of Orleans, reckon words for nothing, but we never forget Actions. He thought it seems, that all Princes had the like Sentiments upon certain Matters. V. 3. p. 63.
The Duke instead of answering me, answer’d himself; & it always happens in this case, that he, that does so, never percieves it, which makes the Conversation go on without an End. p. 70.
The Generality of Mankind are less able to distinguish the real from the Specious in the Virtue [of prudence] than in any other Virtue. p. 74
In respect to Calumny, all that does not hurt the Person calumniated is advantagious to him. Vol. 3. p 92.
There is a pleasure in discovering People’s Wickedness under the name of Zeal, & their impertinence under the disguise of Penetration. p. 92.
The most ordinary cause of Peoples mistakes is their being too much frigh[te]ned at the present Danger, & not enough so at that wch. is remote. p. 33.
Men naturally fancy that they will amuse others by the same means that would amuse themselves. p. 24. Many vainly imagine that others have the same imperfections as themselves, & think & act in the same Circumstances as they would themselves. p. 25.

The World desires to be decieved. p. 52. Si populus vult decipi, decipiatur.
To lessen Envy is the greatest of all Secrets. p. 116.
Policy, as well as Civility, requires that Persons in superiour Stations should make the first advances to Friendship. p. 117.
The D. of Orleans was, of all Men I have ever seen, the most liable to fall into false steps by his fear of falling into them: being in that like unto Hares. p. 135.
There are conjunctures wherein it is impossible to act well. p. 143.
Nothing is so dangerous as Proposals that appear mysterious & are not so: for they raise Envy & defeat themselves. p. 154.
The Prince of Conde, reading a Pamphlet written against himself, said to one of his Attendants, I read this with Great Pleasure, since it tells me my faults, which none of you dare to do. p. 147.
Men are often Valued for Actions which they ought the most to be blamed for. p. 177.
Experience alone can teach Men, not to prefer a present Pleasure to what would be afterwards a much more real one. p. 180.
Enmities that are the worst grounded are the most obstinate. p. 269.
Except Religion & Good Manners every thing else is indifferent. p. 273.
The E. of Montrose was the only Man in the World that recalled in me the Ideas of some Heroes who are now to be found only [in] Plutarch’s Lives. Vol 2 p. 75.
One of the greatest misfortunes which the despotic Power of the Ministers of the last Age has brought upon the State, is the Custom wch. their private (but mistaken) Interest has introduced, ever to support the superiour against the Inferiour. That Maxim is one of Machiavel’s, whom most of his readers do not understand, and whom others take to be a great Politician for no other reason but for having ever been Wicked. p. 78.
I never knew a Man who respected truth so little as Mazarin. p. 83.
The Cardinal had no reason to complain of me, & I was unwilling to complain of him though I had reason: It is easier for those who are in this last disposition to be reconciled, than for those who complain without cause. p. 91.
We ought not to be so much offended at our Friends faults, as to give thereby an Advantage to our Enemies. p. 109.
The Talent of insinuating is more useful than that of persuading. The for[mer] is often successful, the latter very seldom. 118

In matters which in themselves are not favourable, any unnecessary Alteration becomes pernicious, because it is odious. p. 123.
All Interlocutory Proceedings appear wise to irresolute Minds, because they incline to avoid (as long as possible) the coming to a final Resolution. Knowing the Duke’s foible to be timorousness, I always fancied that the best way was to animate & encourage him, but Caumartin’s Scheme was better, to keep his Eyes always open by moderate & Succesive fears. For Persons naturally Weak should be shown precipices on all sides, & then they go onto the first Path, which you keep open for them. ibid. [pp. 141–42]
Every thing possible ought to be ventured upon when one can take advantage even of want of Success. p 143.
When Persons have been for a long time in suspence about undertaking a thing, for fear of a disappointment, the impression which that fear leaves in their mind commonly makes them afterwards go on too fast in managing the same undertaking. p. 152.
It is less imprudent to act like a Master, than not to speak like a Subject. p. 153.
It is very difficult for irresolute Men to determine upon the means, tho they are determined upon the End. p. 155. This defect is one of the worst causes of the false steps which Men take. p. 168.
Card. Mazarin always believed that a back door was kept open, when there was least Room for it. When you deal with Men of that Character; make them believe you intend to decieve those, whom you really intend to serve. p. 182.
The averseness which most Men have to part with their Money is the cause that they never did it [in] time enough, even in conjunctures when they are most resolved to do it. Vol. 4. p. 9
In Italy the discredit of passing for a Dupe is greater than any where else. ib. p. 10.
Cardinal Barberini, whose Life was A[n]gelical, had an Oddness of Humour, that rendered him, as they say in Italy, Inamorato de l’impossibile, delectatus Impossibilitate. Vol. 4. p. 15.
Hypocrisy may decieve, but it cannot do it long when able Persons undertake to unmask it. Vol. 4. p. 18.
In a short conversation he showed himself more reserved and wise (Savio col Silentio, sapiens cum silentio) than any Man I ever knew. p 21 He showed his wisdom by saying nothing.
All the World is, & will be for ever decieved in things which flatter their Passions. p. 22. facile credimus quod valde volumus.
It is impossible to keep one’s self so much upon the Reserve, as never to discover any thing of one’s Natural Temper. p. 24. A Man’s being addicted to trifles discovers not only a small Genius, but a low mind. The least things are sometimes more distinguishing Marks of a Man, than the Greatest. ib.
Those, who are expecting the Papal Dignity with the greatest impatience, appear the most surprized when it comes. p. 38.
In the Conclave they are so far from suspecting any thing like those sorts of Revenges, which common errors charges the Italians with, that it is pretty common for the Cardinal elected to drink at his Dinner Wine sent him in the Morning by the excluded Cardinal. p. 44.
Great Men have great weaknesses, & are not exemp[t] even from small ones. But there are some sorts of weaknesses, of which they are not capable, & I have never seen a Great Man, for example, begin his entrance into a great Employment with trifling matters. p. 49.
Pope Alexander VII’s true Genius was to make use of Finisses in every thing. A Great defect, & so much the greater when it is met with in great Dignities; because in such men there is no hopes of a Reformation. For hearing no complaints from timorous Inferiours, they fancy their finesses, how palpable soever, to be always unpercieved. p. 53
In great affairs especially, deny yourself the Pleasure of Raillery. This Pleasure has on many occasions cost the Pr[ince] of Condé dear. Words spoke often engage more than Actions. In great Affairs the least Words cannot be too nicely weighed. p. 62
The best man in the World at finding out Expressions the most promising & the least significant. p 63.
It is an inffallible rule of acting with cunning Men, to give them such Answers as will oblige them to explain themselves p. 65.
Nothing but a Continuation of Your good Fortune can secure you most Men’s friendship. (cum fueris felix &c) Every body thinks he does honour to a disgraced Man [by] serving him. This borders upon Gratitude. Those who are guilty of Ingratitude, seldom percieve it, because they first lessen in their own thoughts the Obligations they have recieved from their Benefactors. p. 76. The Friends of Unfortunate Persons are a little hard to please. ib.
A Prudent Man ought always to keep his natural Goodness under some restraint: And a Person of great Quality, whose Soul can never be too much inclined to Goodness, ought by his Good conduct to keep it carefully hid, & not disclose but with precaution, that he may preserve the dignity of it chiefly during his Disgraces. The Cardinal’s familiarity & Generosity to his Domestics during his Prosperity enclined them still more to murmer and be dissatisfied with him in his Adversity. p. 79, 80

Men by a pretended Gratitude to Some screen themselves from the imputation of being really ungrateful to others. For Mankind give but a slight attention to Ingratitudes in which they are not concerned. p. 104.
The only or at least [the best] Remedy agt. the uneasiness occasioned by Ingratitude, is never to do good for the sake of Good itself. ib. Nothing is greater than to bestow favours upon those who have been wanting to us: Nothing in my opinion is weaker than to recieve any from their Hands. [p. 103]
All Kings are Ravenous Beasts, said Cato. He did not see that the Roman People were as Rapacious & oppressive as any Tyrant. How could he think, that that was glorious in many Men, which was detestable in one? Hobbes.

From Mont. chiefly.

He may well go afoot who leads his Horse in his hand. Prov.
People use Pleasures more rarely and sparingly, when they have them entirely at Command. People of Easy Circumstances are commonly most temperate. Restraint begets desire. Our Nature is Elastic. Those who have pleasure a[t] command are apt to amuse themselves with other things, keeping that as a Treasure in reserve. Others are eager to snatch the opportunity. Abundance begets satiety, & want begets an Appetite. Many People have [lived?] in London for many Years without seeing many Curiosities, which Strangers take care to see in a Week.
My Thoughts sleep, if I sit still: My fancy does not go by itself; My Legs must move it: & all those who study without a Book are in the same condition.
I think it more supportable to be always alone than to be never alone, Mo[nt]
Nunq̄m minus Solus, q̄m cum Solus. Scipio.
Our passions are like Torrents which may be diverted, but not obstructed. Time is the Sovereign Physician of our Passions, & gains its End chiefly by supplying our imaginations with other & new Affairs; wearing out the Old by new Impressions. Mont.
A Mathematician looks with contempt upon the Pursuits of others, as Pleasure, Title, Pomp or Money: & what are his Diagrams & Demonstrations when his Hand & Brains are for ever scattered in the Dust?
Pleasure is a Quality of very little Ambition; it thinks itself rich enough of itself without any Addition of Repute; & is best pleased where most obscure. Mont. And why? Is it conscious of its own weakness & asham’d to be seen? Or is it afraid of Envy & a Rival? It cannot endure another to enjoy even the sight of the Transports of the Beloved.
Few will quarrel with the Liberty of my writings, who have not more to quarrel with in the licence of their own thoughts; I conform well enough to their Inclinations, but I offend their Eyes. I dare to say, what I dare to do; & the worst of my Actions & Qualities do not appear to me so foul, as I think it foul & base not to dare to own them. Every one is wary & discreet in confession but Men ought not to be so in Action. Mont.
I know a Man, reputed moderate, just & devout, who is a Mortal Enemy to Auricular confession. And why? Is he conscious of some extraordinary & atrocious Qualities? or does he desire to appear much better than he really is? People who pretend to Religion cannot help confessing in general that they are Sinners; but they conceal or disown all Particulars. Why should I be so unwilling to confess even my Particular faults to men? Since they have the same faults or Equivalent. They may well admire my Sincerity or (if you will) my Impudence; but they cannot be surprized at my Wickedness. I am Humble before God, but confident before Men.
Quare vitia sua nemo confitetur? quia etiam nunc in illis est. Somnium narrare vigilantis est. Sen. Epist. 53.

Those who conceal their Vice from others commonly conceal it from themselves; & do not think it covered enough, if they them selves see it. Mont
A Man should not delight in Praises that are not his due, nor be uneasy at Slander. The Praise or blame aim at another Person. The Object is mistaken. Socrates being told that People [spoke] ill of him, not at all, said he, there is nothing in me of what they say. Mont.
People who are too tender of their Reputation, & too deeply piqued by Slander, are conscious to themselves of some inward Infirmity. I am suspicious of some guilt, when I hear the most earnest Vindications. A Reputation grounded on true Virtue is like the Sun that may be clouded, but not extinguished. Plato, being slandered, said, I shall behave so as Nobody shall believe it.
Bashfulness, says Aristotle is an Orniment to Youth, but a reproach to old Age. Mont.
Assurance is a Vice, if Natural, & a Virtue, if acquired.
If a Man does not always his Duty, he ought at least to love & acknowledge it. Mont.

A Woman may yield to such a Man as she would by no means have married, not only for the condition of his fortune, but the dislike of his Person. Mont. Mollia tempora. Few Men have made a Wife of a Mistress, that have not repented it. Mont.

A Poem published in the American Magazine upon the Tropes of Rhetoric.

A Trope a Sovereign Pow’r o’er Language shows,
And upon words a foreign Sense bestows,
God is a Rock, & guards his Saints from ill:
Herod’s a Fox, & will be cruel still.

A Metaphor compares with out the Sign
   as, like &c.

Virtue’s A Star, & shall for ever shine.

An Allegory in a length of Chain
Will the redoubling Metaphor detain.
A Vine was rescued by the Almighty’s hand
From Egypt’s wast[e] & Placed in Canaan’s Land:
Fenced round by Heaven, the fruitful Branches grew,
Blessed the warm Sun, & drunk th’ enliv’ning Dew:
But now the Trampling Bull & hungry Boar,
Wild from the Woods, the lovely Tree devour.
Fence, Clusters, Boughs, one general ruin share,
And Fire consumes what Savage Monsters spare.
Look, gracious Heaven! on this thy mourning Vine,
And let thy Guardian-care attest it thine.

A Metonymy will for kindred sake
The name of one thing for another take.
Causes effects intend:—His Sin will find
Th’ offender out, and rack his guilty mind[.]
Effect the cause denote:—Pale Death destroys
Gay giddy Youth, & withers all its Joys.
Subjects for Adjuncts stand:—Friends, take the Cup,
And, thankful for its blessings, drink it up.
Adjuncts the Subjects mean:—Mankind despise
Virtue alive, but wail it when it dies.

A Metalepsis throng’d with Tropes appears;}Post aliquot mea regna videns mirabor aristas. Vir. Ecl. 1.
The Spikes of Corn denote the Golden Ears,
The Ears the Crop, the Crop the Summer means,
Summer the Year in all its various Scenes.

Antonomasia for a common name
Bestows a proper.—He in virtuous fame
Is quite a Socrates.—On th’ other hand,
A Proper for a common name shall stand.

The Thunder of the
   Cicero.
Orator controuls
The Senates will, & vanquishes their Souls.

Synecdochè our Style diversifies,
And at her call unnumbered Bea[u]ties rise.
The Whole intends a Part:—The Silver Thames
Eager we drank, and quenched our raging Flames.
A Part denotes the Whole:—’Twas Marlborough
At Blenheim fought, & crushed the Gallic Foe.
Generals for Specials stand:—New Life proclaim
To every Creature in the Saviour’s Name.
Specials a General mean: The East Wind raves,
And heave[s] th’ Atlantic in ten thousand Waves.

An Irony in soft mellifluent Phrase
Strikes an invenomed Sting of Deep disgrace.
Ye are the Men of all Mankind most Wise,
And when Ye die, no doubt all Wisdom dies!

Sarcasm is Irony in its excess,
King of the Jews we humbly Thee address;
Low at thy feet, we bend submissive down;
Revere thy Reed, & hail thy thorny Crown.

Hyperbolè the Truth will oft neglect
By bold excess, or by as bold Defect.
Mark how it Rises:—Yon’ tall Mountain Shrouds
Its height in Heaven, & tow’rs above the Clouds.
Again it sinks:—Shall man his Grandeur boast.
An Atom of an Atom World at most.

A Catachresis thro’ the want of Words
Or the sweet Charms which Novelty affords,
Most boldly breaks Expressions wonted Fence,
And make the Reader tremble for the Sense.
For me the Wheat’s fat Kidneys crown the Plains
And mine’s the Blood the mellow Grape contains.

If tempted with the whistling of a name,}Mr. Pope.
See Cromwell damn’d to everlasting Fame.

Farewell! My Friend, with forc’d Praise do not damn,
But dare to Censure what is worthy blame.Sent from London to Mr. Davis from a Co-respondent.

Extracts from the Abbe de Bos’s Critical Reflections On Poetry & Painting

The Arts of Poetry & Painting are neve[r] more applauded than when they are most successful in moving us to Pity. Vol. 1. C. 1. A Tragedy is one of the Principal Entertainments for a Company assembled for their Diversion. Vol. 1. p. 2.
The Natural Pleasures of Men are always the fruits of Indigence. The most delicious Banquet without an appetite is insipid. Ch. 1.
Solitude and a Stagnation of Mind are to most if not all People, more intolerable than the toil of Business & the tumults of the Passions. ib.
Men are more addicted to Levity than Hypocrisy; & frequently they are only guilty of inconstancy, when they are charg’d with dissimulation.
The Romans were fond of the Bloody Spectacles of the Amphitheatre, the Spaniards of Bull-fighting, every body to see a Duel, a Shipwreck, a Battle where the Event is dangerous, if not tragical. What is the reason of this Pleasure, which is always attended with Horror & Pity? The mere emotion of the mind, occasioned by the sight of these things, is the attracti[on]. Even Gentlemen of Sense & Honour are fond of Gaming, & chiefly of Hazard, not from Avarice, but merely from the violent Emotion of the Passions; which gives such an enchanting Pleasure, as makes them undervalue the Ruin & Poverty into which they are running. Ch. 2.
It is the opinion of several, that Laziness alone prevents more wicked Actions than All the Virtues put together. ib.
Of all Talents proper for raising Man to a State of Empire and Command, A Superiority of wit & knowledge is not the most effectual. ’Tis the art of moving men, as one Pleases; An Art that is acquired chiefly by a person’s seeming to be moved & penetrated with those very Sentiments he intends to inspire. (si vis me flere dolendum est primum ipsi tibi). At an Assembly, we take notice of those Gamesters who play highest, rather than those who play best. These affect us most, who are most affected themselves. If a Rope-dancer dances on a Rope, a foot or two from the Ground, he will not move us so much as if he danced a dozen or 20 foot from the ground. C. 4. It should seem that Ca[e]sar excell’d Cicero in the Art of Persuasion.
Those pieces, which move our Passions, please us more, than those wch. inform the Understanding. It seems more difficult to keep up a correspondance with the mind than with the Heart. C. 8. As Heaviness (Tedium vitae) is more burthensome & disagreeable than Ignorance, we prefer the Pleasure of being moved to that of being instructed. C. 9.
The mind has but an imperfect Notion of Passions wch. the Heart never felt. The Heart attains to its full strength much earlier than the Mind; & it is almost impossible, methinks, for a Man of 25 Years of Age not to have felt all those Passions, of which his constitution can be Sensible. C. 17.
Major e longinquo Reverentia. Tac. Adita Visis laudamus libentius. V. Pater. Virtutem incolumen odimus; Sublatam ex oculis quaerimus invidi. Hor.

No Man deserves our admiration unless he be viewed at a certain Distance. One says smartly that Heroes Valet[s] a Chambres are the greatest Enemies to the[ir] Glory. C. 20
The Strongest & Soundest Minds often possess the weakest & most sickly bodies. The Knife cuts the Sheath as the French express it. Dr. Molyneux to Mr. Locke.
—— says, she has had a Melancholy Christmas, having been at two Burials. Not so I judge, but from the Teeth forwards; for she heartily loves a Fuss & a Feast; & who are not glad to see others not so happy as themselves?
Suppose two Men equally Ingenius & Skillful, of whom one has had a Regular Education, & the other has acquired his Skill by the dint of his own Labour; the former is more capable than the latter to communicate his Knowledge to another. Mr. Snodgrass.
Poetae & equi alendi sunt, non saginandi. Charles IX of France.

Nothing makes one say & commit so many Silly things as the desire of appearing witty. Ch. 24.
The Passion we have for one kind of Painting or Poetry more than for another arises not from reason but from Taste, & our Taste depends on the organization of our bodies & the dispositions or situations of our Minds. When our Taste happens to change, it is not owing to Argument or Persuasion, but to some Physical Alteration in our Bodies, or to some prevailing & aspiring Passion of the mind. Ch. 49.
Sometimes we impute to an unlucky or cross Accident those chagrins, whose origin is entirely in the intemperature of our humours or in some disposition of the Air that oppresses our Machine. Vol. 2. Ch. 13.
Virtutes iisdem temporibus optime ostimantur, quibus facillime gignuntur. Tac. Vit. Agric.

National Characters.

The Spartans & Spaniards have been noted to be of small dispatch. Mi [ven]ga la muerte di Spagna, mihi veniat mors ex Hispania. The French are wiser than they seem, & the Spaniards seem wiser than they are. Bac. Ess.
Englishmen go to France for their finishing stroke of Breeding. The French are much addicted to Grimace. The British Climate more than any other, requires such Entertainmts. as disperse Melancholy & put our Faculties in good humour. Spect. 179.
Querulus, incertum suo an Gentis vitio, said by a Dutchman of a Englishman. Were an English Comedian to show so much Vivacity in his Gesture, such disquiet in his visage, such eagerness in his Countenance, such frequent Exclamations as an Italian Comedian, he would act his part very ill: because the English who ought to be his Model, have not that behaviour & Gesture. That which is sufficient to move an Italian makes no Impression upon an Englishman. An Englishman receiving Sentence of Death, appears with less agitation than an Italian condemned to a small pecuniary fine. Abbè du Bos.
No Workmen in the world have a greater Beauty in the Execution, or manage their Tools better than the English. But they have not been able as yet to attain to that taste in their designs which the foreign Artists carried over with them to London; where it has never stirr’d out of their Shops. Id. The English own themselves to be more capable of improving than of inventing.
The Goldsmiths Trade, whether in Large or small Work, and all those Arts whose value is raised by the design, are more perfect in France than in any other Country. Abbè du Bos. A Spanish Grandee squanders his Money in Intrigues & Galantry: but a Polish Palatine’s profusion consists in Wine & Brandy. The Influence of Climate is stronger than that of Origin & Blood. Abbè du Bos.
Difference of Climate has a very sensible effect upon Vegetables, why not also upon the Tempers & Genius of Mankind. Fontenelle.
It is easier to bear Hatred than contempt. For this reason, others, as well as Princes, forgive Injurious sooner than contemptuous Words.

On Orpheus, written by Antipater

No longer, Orpheus, shall thy sacred strains
Lead Stones, and Trees, and Beasts along the Plains;
No longer sooth the boisterous winds to sleep,
Or still the Billows of the raging Deep.
For thou art gone, the Muses mourn’d thy Fall
In solemn strains, thy Mother most of All.
Ye Mortals, idly for your Son, ye moan
If they a Goddess could not save her own.

On Homer, by Alpheus of Mytilene

Still in our ears Andromache complains,
And still in sight the fate of Troy remains:
Still Ajax fights, still Hector’s dragg’d along,
Such strange Inchantment dwells in Homer’s Song;
Whose Birth could more than one poor Realm adorn,
For all the world is proud that he was born.

On Euripides, by Ion

Divine Euripides, This Tomb we see
So fair, is not a Monument for thee.
So much as thou for it, since all will own
Thy Name and lasting praise adorns the stone.

On Sophocles, by Simonides

Winde, Gentle Ever-green, to form a Shade
Around the Tomb where Sophocles is laid.
Sweet Ivy winde thy Boughs, and Intertwine
With Blushing Roses and the clustring Vine.
Thus will thy lasting leaves, with Beauty hung,
Prove gratefull Emblems of the lays he sung;
Whose Soul, excelled like a God of wit
Among the Muses and the Graces writ.

On Menander, the Author unnamed

The very Bees, O sweet Menander hung
To taste the Muses spring upon thy Tongue
The very Graces made the Scenes you writ

Their happy point of fine expression hit.
Thus still you live, you make your Athens shine,
And raise it’s Glory to the Skies in thine.

On the Author of the above who in some publication hinted his possession of a spark of Homer—

Gibbon & Homer how they sound
A farthing & a thousand pound
An atom & a brilliant star,
A cock boat & a man of War—


Title: Notes on a Brief System of Logick, 1766–1772
From: Madison, James
To:

Editorial Note
If JM had prepared an outline of his notes, it might have resembled the one which follows. The page numbers below are taken from the copybook. Wherever quotation marks are omitted, the headings or summaries have been supplied by the editors.
Introduction (pp. 1–2)
Definition of “Logick or Dialectick” and brief summary of its content.

Part IOf Ideas and their Signs
Sec. I.
“Of Ideas” (pp. 2–18) Definition of an idea; source of ideas (perception, imagination, apprehension, remembrance); ideas vary in type according to the “Senses” which give them birth; meaning of a “sense” (internal [hunger, thirst, pain, pleasure, “the soul”] or external [seeing, hearing, smelling, tasting, and feeling]); difference between a clear and obscure idea, between a partial and adequate idea, between an abstract and concrete idea, between ideas produced by sensation and reflection, between single and complex ideas, and between ideas of entities and “non entities”; difference between spiritual and material “substances” and the “modes” (qualities) of each; difference between the essential and accidental properties of a substance; meaning of “Ideas of Relations”; meaning of “genus,” “species,” “Ens or being,” “differencia,” “proprium,” “accidens”; how abstract or general ideas arise; Aristotle’s ten categories of ideas.
Sec. II.
“Of the Signs of Ideas” (pp. 18–31) Definitions of natural, arbitrary, and artificial signs; types of words (noun, verb, participle; univocal and equivocal; proper and figurative); causes of disagreement between men (diversity and conflict of ideas; varying standards of value; ambiguity in the connotation of particular words, similes, metaphors); means of clearing the ground for rational discussion (preliminary definition, description, division, and explanation).

Part II“Of Judgment and Proposition”
Sec. I.
“Of Judgment” (pp. 32–34) Definitions of judgment, error, doubt, certainty, and of a “judicious man.”

Sec. II.
“Of Proposition” (pp. 34–49) Definition of true, false, and “probable” propositions; logical and ethical propositions; affirmative and negative propositions; universal, particular, and singular propositions; categorical and hypothetical propositions; exclusive, reciprocal, opposite, “subalternate,” and “subcontrary” propositions; eleven types of compound propositions; metaphysical, mathematical, physical, natural, moral, collective, and distributive universalities.

Part III“Of Discourse & Syllogism”
Sec. I.
Of Discourse (pp. 50–55)Definitions and examples of discourse or argumentation, judgment, inference, and syllogism.
Sec. II.
“Of Categorical Syllogisms” (pp. 55–84)Analysis of a syllogism and its possible “modes”; nine “axioms”; seven “General Theorems” with example of each.
Sec. III.
“Of the Other Forms of Syllogisms” (pp. 84–94)Hypothetical, enthymena, disjunctive, dilemma, prosyllogism, sorites, and epichirema, with example of each.
Sec. IV.
“Of the Invention of Middle Terms or Arguments of common places or Topicks” (pp. 95–112)Definition of “middle term” and “topick”; twenty types of argument with an example of each; observations about the effects of argument upon the mind.
Sec. V.
“Of False reasonings or Sophisms” (pp. 113–22)Three types of “parallogisms” with example of each; illustrations of seven types of fallacious syllogisms arising from “impertinence, or falsehood, or ambiguity of Premises.”

One reason for presenting this outline is to make clear the traditional nature of the notes, both in their arrangement and content. Hobbes (p. 26) and Locke (p. 12) are briefly mentioned, and Part I owes more to Locke than this meager reference to him suggests. In the main, the author hews closely to a line of logic which extends back from Isaac Watts’s popular textbook through the works of Peter Ramus and the scholastics, to those of Aristotle and Plato, including Plato’s reports of what Socrates said. Isaac Watts’s Logick was levied upon for the formulation of several points of logic, for a few fairly long passages, and for a goodly number of illustrative examples. Both in their allusions and examples, the notes have a pronounced classical, biblical, and Christian flavor. In a word, they lack originality both in organization and thought. They do not even suggest the personality of their author, except that he was methodical and painstaking, something of a pedant, and a devout Christian well versed in Latin and acquainted with at least a few Greek words.

   For the conclusions expressed in this paragraph the editors are much indebted to Professors Ronald Crane and Warner Wick of the University of Chicago.

Although the notes were written by JM, they were not the product of his mind except in the sense that he may have collated the material after extracting it from a number of books. In the judgment of the editors, however, he more probably was summarizing the lectures of a teacher, or, because of his occasional cross-references to earlier pages in the copybook, transcribing rough notes taken in class. Furthermore, the many misspellings support the conclusion that he was recording oral discourse. He would hardly have erred so often in this regard if he had taken the notes from printed texts. Whatever may have been their source, these notes owe to JM at the most their arrangement, and at the least the patience of his pen. Because they are not “Madison,” except to this very limited extent, the editors confine their publication of the notes to four extracts, one from each of the first two main parts and two from the long concluding section.
The drawings on the final fourteen pages of the copybook run sequentially as follows: (1) design of a fort whose main feature is a hexagon separated from its inclosing twelve-sided polygon by a “Fousse, Moat, Trench or Ditch”; (2) a half-circle marked to show “the Line of Chords,” “The Line of Secants,” “The Line of Signs,” and “The Line of Tangens”; (3) an elaborately annotated sundial, adjusted to latitude 38° north, approximately that of Montpelier; (4) “The Solar System from Copernicus,” consisting of the sun at the center with six concentric circles around it—one circle for each planet marked with its time of circumsolar rotation and its distance from the sun; the outermost circle, that of Saturn; the more remote planet, Uranus, not having been discovered until 1781; (5) overlapping eastern and western hemispheres, each showing the continents and main lines of latitude and longitude; (6) “The Sphere [Earth] projected on the Plane of the Meridian,” marked with the “Ecliptic or Zodiac” and degree numbers on the circumference and equator, as well as with the other lines of No. 5; (7) “The Sphere projected on the Plane of the Horizon,” marked similarly with No. 6, but with the North Pole in one hemisphere and the South Pole in the other located about halfway between the center and the circumference on the left; (8) “The Sphere projected on the plane of the Equinoctial [Equator],” similar to No. 7, except for the altered projection; (9) apparently an incomplete drawing, identical with No. 8 in its projection but designed to show the altered location of the “Ecliptic or Zodiac” when, in opposite fashion to that in No. 8, the South Pole is at the center of the hemisphere on the right rather than of the one on the left; (10) a diagram showing the sun in its effect upon the moon as the latter revolves about the earth; (11) seemingly an uncompleted tryout of No. 10; (12) merely eight squares of varying sizes—apparently an unsatisfactory start toward No. 13; (13) “A Square dra[wn] in Perspective,” with an indicated “Point of Sight” and “Point of Distance”; (14) “A Hexagon drawn in Perspective & Elevated [?],” with the two “points” of No. 13 also shown.
From what books, if any, JM derived these drawings or his ideas for them is not known. All of them, with the exception of No. 3, are similar to diagrams customarily found in eighteenth-century textbooks on geography, geometry, or astronomy. For this reason the subjects of the drawings, including the one of the sundial, are of but slight help in determining whether JM made them at Robertson’s school, at Montpelier, or at the College of New Jersey. From their elementary nature, as compared with that of “The Brief System of Logick,” they suggest exercises appropriate to Robertson’s classroom; and it is known that JM studied arithmetic, algebra, geometry, and geography there. Yet only two of the sketches could have been based upon illustrations in volumes owned by the schoolmaster—if the surviving list of them is complete.

   No. 6 could have been derived from a drawing following the text of Thomas Salmon, A New Geographical and Historical Grammar (4th ed.; London, 1756). In like manner No. 10 might have been based upon a sketch opposite page 22 of the fourth volume of Noël Antoine Pluche, Nature Delineated: Being a Translation of those Universally-admired Philosophical Discourses, entitled Spectacle de la Nature (4 vols.; London, 1739). No. 4 is reproduced in Brant, MadisonIrving Brant, James Madison (6 vols.; Indianapolis and New
        York, 1941–61)., I, opposite p. 65.

 The library at the College of New Jersey, on the other hand, could readily have supplied JM with the models needed to make these diagrams in his notebook.

[1766–1772]

Aristotle and after him the Scholastics have divided all Ideas into ten parts, which they call Predicaments or Categories. For they say every thing imaginable or concievable is either Substance, or Quality, or Quantity, or Relation, or Action, or Passion, or Place, or Time, or situation or Cloathing.

Part 1st. Sect. 2nd.Of the Signs of Ideas
A Sign in general is a thing that gives notice of something different from itself. As the cause may signifie, that is, be a sign of the effect to follow: or vice versa. The effect may be the sign of the cause; as Smoak is the sign of fire: Or Concomitants may reciprocally be the signs of one another.
The signs or external marks of our internal Ideas, with which alone we are now concernd, are either Natural or Arbitrary and artificial.
The Natural signs are such as, smiling, Laughing, the indications of Joy; Dejection of countenance, weeping, wailing, the indications of Sorrow; paleness, trembling, the signs of Fear, Blushing the sign of Shame &c.
These being the Language of Nature, have been always the same with inconsiderable variation in every person, age, & Country. And by these an Acute Man may penetrate far into the most secret sentiments and affections of others: Notwithstanding Politicians and other cunning Men of Business, by great and refin’d dissimulation, have in great measure confounded and stifled the natural Indications of their inmost thoughts.
The arbitrary signs of Ideas have been invented & instituted by Men for the communication of their thoughts to one another, & discover their not being Natural but artificial by their being in various Countries and Ages, various and changeable.

The Brute creation have nothing but the Language of Nature, which is intelligible to all those of the same species; but being given only for necessary Uses, makes their conversation and correspondence very narrow and confin’d.
Men alone have contrived a more extensive communication of thoughts by inventing several Signs; which in[?] company have agreed to use & understand commonly as expressive of the same sentiments.
These signs are partly similar to the Ideas of the mind as pictures and the most ancient Hieroglyphycks, partly dismission, as words either spoken or written; which have no manner of resemblance to the Ideas which they are intended to represent.
Speech of all these Inventions, if it be an human invention, & not rather a divine Lesson, is by far the most excellent & has contributed chiefly to exalt the human species above the Brutes.

Universal Terms may denote, either a Metaphysical, a Physycal, or a Moral Universality.
A Metaphysical or Mathematical Universality, admits of no exception. As, all Circles have a Center and circumferen[ce.]
A Physical or Natural Universality admits of some accidental and Praeternatural Exceptions. As, all men use words to express their thoughts, yet dumb Persons are excepted.
A Moral universality admits of many exceptions being a sort of Hyperbole, As all men are govern’d by affecti[ons] more than by reason. The Cretes are always Lyars. An universal term is sometimes taken collectively for all its particular Ideas united together; and sometimes distributively meaning each of them single and alone.
1. Collectively: as, all these Apples will fill a Busshel: all the Hours of the night are sufficient for Sleep: All the rules of Grammer overload the memory. In these Propositions it is evident, that the Predicate belongs not to the Individuals seperately, but to the whole collective Idea: for we cannot say, one Apple, or every Apple will fill a Busshel. &c. Wherefore such a Proposition is properly singular.
2. Distributively: when you may turn the word all into every: and the Predicate belongs to every Individual: which makes the Proposition truly and properly universal. As, all Men are mortal, which you may turn into every Man or any Individual Man is Mortal.
But of these Distributive Universals there are two kinds. For sometimes they include all the Individuals distributively; as, every sickness has a tendency to Death, i,e, Every individual Sickness.
Sometimes they are restricted to every Species or kind; As, every Disease was heal’d by Christ, i,e, every kind of Disease. The first of these is call’d by Logicians the Distribution of an universal in Singula generum, and the second in genera Singulorum.
Propositions are either Single or compound. Single Propositions are the same as categorical which have been explained already Vide. P. 37 &c.
A compound Proposition is made up of two or more Subjects or Predicates, or both: and contains two or more single Propositions, explicit or implicit.
Of compound Propositions we shall recken up Eleven different sorts. In the first six, the composition is plain and express’d, in the others only implyed.
There is yet another Method of arguing remaining; call’d the Socratic from the celebrated Socrates, who employ’d it for the instruction of Scholars & company, & for the entrapping & confutation of the Sophists of his time. This manner was, when he intended to confute or convince any one, to introduce some Topick suitable to his Design, never to declare his own opinion but to ask Questions as if he desir’d instruction, having his mainpart in view, & wheeling the Stream of the Discourse Slyly to his Purpose; till at last by a sudden turn he surpriz’d his Opponent into sudden conviction or an absurdity. This is a very captitious & insiduous Method: for when you are [ac?]costed[?] in this manner, having no suspicion of an attack, or [at] least not knowing where the Push is to be made, you may expose yourself unwarily, & make such concessions as the Adversary will not fail to turn to his advantage. I own this Method may do very well between a Master & his Scholars: and so it was us’d among the Philosophers, whom their Scholars heard with reverence, and bore to be confuted without being offended. But to interrogate others in this manner is not well taken; and probably help’d to kindle & blow up that hatred against Socrates, which put a violent Period to his Life[.]
To exemplify this Method let us suppose a Dialogue between a Theist and an Atheist: imagine the Atheist to have returnd from his Travels & the Theist to accost him in the Socratic way as follows.
Theist. I would gladly know, Sir, what is [the] finest Place you have seen in your Travels.
Atheist. Why really Sir, the Place that most took up my fancy was the King of France’s Palace & Gardens at Versailles.
The. I have heard a great deal of the magnificence & beauty of that place; & so did you I suppose, before you saw it; but when you did see it, did it answer your expectation.
Athe. It far exceeded it. For till I saw it I could not imagine the greatness of the whole, the Symmetry of the Parts, the ornaments of architecture, the rich paintings, the magnificent furniture, especially the Pleasant Gardens, with their Statues, Canals & Jett-d’Eaux.
The. I suppose ingenious men of Taste find some defects & superfluities, which they themselves could supply or retrench.
Athe. It may be so. But these who laid & executed this Plan are deservedly admir’d for their ingenuity and Grand Taste.
The. No doubt they did their best: but it is possible it may be exceeded. If I should tell you of a Fabrick that for magnificence & Taste is ownd by Good Judges to be superior, what would you say?
Athe. I suppose you mean some old Roman building or St. Peters at Rome: There may be Heroes in architecture I suppose as well as in arms.
The. You Judge of the mind[,] the contrivance, the ability of the architect—by the greatness & ingenuity of his Work.
Athe. To be sure, to Judge of a man by his actions is the best way.
The. Well then look at this Fabrick of the universe: lift up your Eyes to the cupola of the Sky. Consider.
Athe. Aha, Sir, are you got upon the old Topic? I can make a difference between the works of art, & the necessary effects of Plastic nature.
This like every other argument, [is] easily reducible to regular Syllogisms.
There is no danger from plain and glaring Equivocations: But[,] however[,] the ambiguity of Words is the cause of the greatest controversies and perplexities: different People very often affixing very different Ideas to the same Words, and squabbling not about a disagreement of Sentiments but of Words. Therefore to avoid being impos’d upon or confuted by arguments of this fallacious kind, there is a necessity often to make nice distinctions, that is, to show nicely the ambiguity of Words and their various meanings: that you may discern in what Sense the Proposition is true, & in what it is false.
These Sophisms are not so difficult to be detected either by Natural Sagacity or by the Rules of Logick, as it is hard to determine a Question in Oeconomy, Policy & other cases, where the arguments on both sides are weighty, Solid and far from being Sophistical. As it happen’d in the dispute [between] Cato the Censor, & Scipio Nasica: of whom the former was of opinion that Carthage should be destoy’d for the advantage and security of Rome: the latter insisted that to declare an irreconcileable War again[st] a People who had not given even a plausible pretence, was inconsistent with the Rules of Honour and Justice. In this dispute the arguments of Cato’s side were drawn ab Utili, and those of the other ab Honest[um] & it came to this issue, whether the Utile or the Honestum is to be preferr’d when they come in co[nflictio]n with one another. Wherefore if you fall into a controversy of this sort and your adversary has pr[o]ved his advice to be useful: Your business is not so much to confute his Argument, for perhaps that cannot be done, as to show the superiour [adv]antage or the Honour and Justice of your own opinion. And to be sure Honour and Justice should carry it against Utility, or a greater of Utility should carry against a lesser: for when there are Arguments in both Scales, the greater Weight must cast the Balance.
Of this Nature [was] the Question proposed by Rehoboan to his old & his Young Counsellers [whet]her he should answer the tumultuous People mildly or imperiously. The old Men recommended mildness & complyance, till the King having got into the Saddle might establish his full authority: The young men advis’d the contrary: because commonly Inferiours seeing their Govirnours timorous, are ready to encroach mo[re] and more. The Arguments are both good: but the circumstance of the occasion, & especially the event determin’d in favour of the Old Men.
Finis.


Title: From James Madison to Reverend Thomas Martin, 10 August 1769
From: Madison, James
To: Martin, Thomas (Reverend)

Revd. Sir,
Nassau-Hall. August 10th. 69

I am not a little affected at hearing of your misfortune, but cannot but hope the cure may be so far accomplished as to render your journey not inconvenient. Your kind Advice & friendly cautions are a favour that shall be always gratefully remembered, & I must beg leave to assure you that my happiness, which you and your brother so ardently wish for, will be greatly augmented by both your enjoyments of the like blessing.
I have been as particular to my father as I thought necessary for this time, as I send him an account of the Institution &c &c of the College wrote by Mr. Blair the Gentleman formerly elected President of this place, you will likewise find two Pamphlets entitled Britannia’s intercession for John Wilks &c, which if you have not seen, perhaps may divert you.
I am perfectly pleased with my present situation; and the prospect before me of three years confinement, however terrible it may sound, has nothing in it, but what will be greatly alleviated by the advantages I hope to derive from it.
The Grammars, which Mr. Houston procured for you amount at 2/10 each to 17/. Your brothers account with Plumb. to 6/7. and Sawneys expences 4/2 the whole 1 . . 7 . . 9, Inclosed you have 15/. the overplus of which you may let Sawney have to satisfy those who may have been at any trouble on his account.
The near approach of examination occasions a surprising application to study on all sides, and I think it very fortunate that I entered College immediately after my arrival, tho’ I believe there will not be least danger of my getting an Irish hint as they call it, yet it will make my future studies somewhat easier, and I have by that means read over more than half Horace and made myself pretty well acquainted with Prosody, both which will be almost neglected the two succeeding years.
The very large Packet of Letters for Carolina I am afraid will be incommodious to your brother on so long a journey, to whom I desire my compliments may be presented & conclude with my earnest request for a continuance of both your friendships and sinsere wishes for your recovery, and an agreable journey to your whole Company.
I am, Sir, your obligd friend & Hl. Ser
James Madison

P. S. Sawne tells me that your Mother and Brothers are determined to accompany you to Virginia; my friendship and regard for you entitle them to my esteem, and assure them that with the greatest sincerity I wish, after a pleasant journey, they may find Virginia capable of giving them great Happiness.

J. M


Title: From James Madison to Richard Paterson, 24 March 1770
From: Madison, James
To: Paterson, Richard

March 24th. 1770.

Recievd of Mr. Richard Patterson by order of Mr. Adam Hoops twenty two Shillings and six pence on acct. of Mr. Robert Patterson.
James Madison


Title: From James Madison to Richard Paterson, 3 April 1770
From: Madison, James
To: Paterson, Richard

April 3d. 1770

Mr. Richard Patterson Please to let the bearer Mr. Wm. Livingston have fifteen Shillings on acct of your
Obliged Humble Servant
James Madison


Title: From James Madison to James Madison, Sr., 23 July 1770
From: Madison, James
To: Madison, James, Sr.

Hond. Sir,
Nassau Hall. July 23d. 1770

I reciev’d yours dated June 4th. & have applied to Mr. Hoops as you directed; he says you must suit yourself in paying him, & if you should let him have a bill of Exchange it must be on your own terms: Forty Pounds £40. New Jersey Currency is the Sum I shall have of him before I get home. my frugality has not been able to keep it below that, consistant with my staying here to the best advantage. I should be glad, if it should be convenient for you, to have my next year’s stock prepared for me against I come home, for I shall not be able to stay in Virginia more than 4 weeks at most. Half Jos. pass here to the greatest advantage. I have spoken to several of the present senior class about living with you as Tutor, but they will determine on nothing unless they knew what you would allow them, as it would not be proper for them to remain in suspense ’till I should return here; If you should recieve this [in] time enough to send me an answer by the middle of September & let me know the most you would be willing to give, I think there would be a greater probability of my engaging one for you[.] Inclosed are the measures of my Neck & rists. I believe my Mother need not hurry herself much about my shirts before I come for I shall not want more than three or four at most. I should chuse she would not have them ruffled ’till I am present myself. I have not yet procured a horse for my Journey, but think you had better not send me one as I cant wait long enough to know whether or not you’ll have an opportunity without losing my chance, most of the horses being commonly engaged by the Students sometime before vacation begins. If I should set off from this place as soon as I expect you may look for me in October perhaps a little before the middle if the weather should be good. We have no publick news but the base conduct of the Merchants in N. York in breaking through their spirited resolutions not to import, a distinct account of which I suppose will be in the Virginia Gazete before this arrives. their Letter to the Merchants in Philadelphia requesting their concurrence was lately burnt by the Students of this place in the college Yard, all of them appearing in their black Gowns & the bell Tolling. The number of Students has increased very much of late; there are about an hundred & fifteen in College & the Grammar School, twenty two commence this Fall, all of them in American Cloth.
With my love to all the Family I am Hond. Sir Your Affectionate Son
James Madison


Title: Notes on Commentary on the Bible, 1770–1773
From: Madison, James
To:

[1770–1773]

[Th]e Acts

18.Rulers & great Men are like looking Glasses in the places where they live, by which many dress themselves. v. 8 &c.
St. Paul went to the Feast at Jerusalem, not to observe the Ceremony but to Preach to a larger Multitude that he knew would be there v. 21. &c.
Apollos, though mighty in the Scriptures, yet disdained not to be instructed farther by Aquila & Priscilla, for he knew only the Baptism of John. 24 &c
Learned Men, it was a custom among the Jews to allow them a liberty, tho’ no Priests, to teach in their Synagogues. ib[id].
Ch. 19Holy Ghost. have ye recd. the Holy Ghost since ye Believed. the Apostle does not mean in its Sanctifying operations, but in its miraculous Gifts v. 2d.
Spirit of Prophecy, departed (as the Jews believe) from Israel after the Death of Haggai, Zachariah & Malachi. v. 2d.
Baptizm, Christ’s & John’s were the same for Substance 2d.
Apostles did greater Miracles than Christ, in the matter, not manner, of them v. 11
Evil Spirits, none were, that we read of in the old Testament, bodily possessed of, but many in the New, v. 13
Conjuring Books burnt by the believing Jews & Greeks at Ephesus amounted to 50 000 pcs. of Silver; £800
Saints fall, intimated by Alexander the Copper Smith turning Apostate. v 33

Ch. 20.Sunday, why kept by the Christians, for the Sabbath v. 7
Sleepers under Gods word (at a Sermon), their wretched contempt of it. v. 9
St. Paul’s travelling on foot from Troas to Assos: an happy example for all the Ministers of Christ. v. 13. &c
Tempt. to neglect the means for our own preservation is to Tempt God: and to trust to them is to neglect him v. 3 &c. Ch. 27. v. 31
Humility, the better any man is, the lower thoughts he has of himself v. 19

Ministers to take heed to themselves & their flock. v. 28
Believers who are in a State of Grace, have need of the word of God for their Edification & Building up therefore implies a possibility of falling v. 32.
Grace, it is the free gift of God. Luke. 12. 32–v. 32
Giver more blessed than the Receiver. v 35

Ch. 21.Affections, Spiritual, are stronger than the natural. v. 1.
Clouds governed by Providence. v. 3d &c.
Sins, or Faults, committed before conversion should not be related to the prejudice of the late Sinner v. 8
Isaiah, going barefoot, the reason of it. v. 11. Isa 20
Ezekiel, packing up his Stuff to remove. v. 11. Ezek. 12
Agedness, how Honourable. v. 16.
Jews, 1000ds & 10 000ds of them believed in St. Pauls days, so, not a few, in the litteral sence, but probably many more saved. v. 20.
Turky & Spaniards alluded to. v. 37 &c.
St. Paul, a Jew by Birth, & a Roman by immunity & privilege v. 39

Ch. 22.Baptism necessary to be complyed with. v. 16
Carnal Reason, when against the command of God, should be laid by. v. 19

Ch. 23Conscience[:] it should be inform’d as well as followed. v. 1.
Herod mentioned ib[id].
Magistrates, are not to be treated with ill words, nor flattered v. 4
Sadducees, deny the Resurrection & the existence of Angel or Spirit v. 8
Titles of civil Honour & Respect given to persons in place & power, are agreable to the Mind & will of God. v. 25 Ch. 26. v. 25
Magistrates must do nothing blindfold or blindly. Should know a Cause before they give sentence or Judgment about it. v. 35.

Ch. 24.Persecution, a persecuting Spirit claps Wings to a Person[.] it makes him swift in his Motions & Zealous in his application & Endeavours. v. 1.
Flattery. Tis Hell and Death to flatter Sinners, or suffer ourselves to be flattered by them v. 2 &c
Judgments & Plagues are staved off for the sakes of God’s holy & faithful Servants v. 5 &c.

Sedition may be committed three ways; by the Head, by the Tongue, and by the Hand. v. 10 &c
Church of Rome mentioned. v. 14

Ch. 25.Politicians (Carnal) do not so much consider what is Just & Righteous in it’s own nature as what is of use & Advantage to themselves be it Right or wrong v. 9 &c
Dung-hill Cocks of the World know not the Worth of the pearl of Price v. 19 &c.

Ch. 26.Hope is the great excitor of Industry and Endeavour}v. 6 &c.
Expectation puts it upon Action
Power[:] there is a compelling power and constraining Force in Example v. 11.
Ministers[:] great is the dignity of Gospel Ministers they are God’s Messengers v. 16. &c.
Unconverted has little reason to expect to convert others by their Ministry

Ch 27.St. Paul’s hazardous voyage to Rome, alluded to the Church in her Militant State here on Earth. v. 12. &c. and the danger of spending our youthful days in folly &c.
Ch. 28.Sinful inferrences are drawn from sorrowful premises. v. 4
Charity[:] no duty more certainly rewarded in another World; so is it frequently rewarded in this, as was Publius, by the miraculous cure perform’d on his Father for his Charity to Paul. v. 8.
Ministers of the Gospel[:] it is the great Duty of them, prudently to prevent, if possible, or presently to remove all Prejudices which may be taken up by their People against their Persons, knowing that, if they have a prejudice against their persons, they will never relish their Doctrine, nor be benefitted by their Ministry. v. 20.
Hope (for the) [sake?] of Israel I am bound: That is; for the Object of Israel’s Hope, or the Messiah which they so long expected, & so much hoped for. v. 20.
Sun, the same that softens the Wax hardens the Clay v. 24 See St. Mark. Ch. 14 V. 66 &c.
Gospel stiled the Salvation of God v. 28. & why.
Inquisition & Rome, mentioned, at the end.

Gospels.

Mat. Ch 1stJesus is an Hebrew name and signifies a Saviour v. 1.
Christ is a Greek name and signifies Anointed. v. 1

Pollution[:] Christ did by the power of his Godhead purify our nature from all the pollution of our Ancestors v. 5. &c
Until signifies in Scripture as much as never. v 25
Virgin Mary had no other Child (probably) but our Saviour. v. 25

Ch. 2Bethlehem signifies the House of Bread v. 4 &c.
Rachel is not here the name of a Person but a place v. 18

Ch. 3Ministers, none to assume the Office before they are sent v. 1.
Papists mentioned v 3. & concerning Auricular confession v. 6
Hermits lives not supported from the instance of John the Baptist preaching in the Wilderness
Sacrament. bad persons upon a profession of Repentance & promise of Amendment may be admitted to the Sacrament. v. 6.
Sins of Omission as Damnable as Sins of Commission v. 10. neglects of Duty as Damnable as Acts of Sin.
Grace, where there is most, there is the greatest sense of the want of it. v. 14.

Ch. 4.Adoption[:] Satans grand design is first to tempt the children of God to doubt of it. v. 3

Ch. 5.Christians who allows themselves in the least Transgression, either of omission, or commission is in a Damnable State. v. 19.

Ch. 6.Prayer, a form o[b]served by our Saviour & which ought to be used by us. v. 9.
Forgiveness, an indispensable Duty. v. 14

Ch. 7.Gifts, distinguished from Grace. v. 21 &c.

Ch. [8.]Marriage not censured nor condemned in Ministers of the Gospel nor the Apostles v. 14

St: Matt. Ch. 9.Souls, departed are under the conduct of Angels, good or bad to their places of Bliss or Misery. perhaps at their seperation they are not, immediately fi[xed in?] their eternal Mansions v. 24.
Shepherds, or Labourers in Christs Harvest; the idle & lazy, are not so in his Acct. 3[6 &c.]
He who doth not instruct his Flock & feed them with the sincere Milk of the Word, from an Heart full of Love to God, & compassion to Souls, deserves not the Name of a true Shepherd
Dr. Whitby.

Ch. 10.Apostles, they were Disciples, before they were Apostles. v. 1
Grace, the want of it doth not disannul a Ministers Office, nor hinder the Lawfulness of his Ministry. Judas, though a Traitor, was yet a Lawful Minister. V. 4.
Lost Sheep, the Israelites so call’d because they were lost in themselves & were in great Danger of being eventually & finally lost, by the Ignorance & Wickedness of their spiritual Guides v. 6.
Preachers, must not be strikers v. 10
Soul, dies not with the Body. 28 V.
Christ’s coming. We must distinguish betwixt his intentional Aim, & the accidental Event of it. v. 34
Reward, There is some special & eminent Reward due to the faithful Prophets of God above other Men. v. 41
Ch. 11.Teaching is in order to the Conversion of Sinners:}v. 1.
Preaching in order to the Edification of Saints.
Punishment, there are Degrees of it among the Damned. v. 24
Ch. 12.Idle words are such as savour nothing of Wisdom nor Piety v. 38 36

Ch. 13.Unbelief obstructs Christs gracious works in Heaven. v. 58

Ch. 21.All reformation of manners must begin first at the House of God. v. 13

St. Luke, Ch. 2d.—the idle are fit for nothing but Temptation to work on. v. 8 &c.
—Such Women whom God has blessed with safety of deliverance should make their first visit to the Temple of God to offer up their Praises & thanksgivings there v. 22d. &c
It is said of some Turks that after they have seen Mahomets Tomb, the[y] put out their Eyes, that they may never defile them after they have seen so glorious an object. v. 29.
Parts & abilities for the ministerial function are not sufficient to warrant our undertaking of it without a regular Call

Some Proverbs of Solomon.

Chap. 9.V. 7. He that reproveth a scorner getteth to himself Shame &c.
8. Reprove not a Scorner, lest he hate thee.

10..17 ———; but he that refuseth reproof, erreth
26 As Vinegar to the Teeth, and smoke to the Eyes, so is the Sluggard to them that send him.

XI.13. A Tale-bearer revealeth Secrets: but he that is of a faithful Spirit concealeth the Matter 12: v. 23
15. He that is surety for a Stranger shall smart for it: & he that hateth suretyship, is Sure. VI. 1. XVII:18
25. The liberal Soul shall be made Fat &c.

XII.22. Lying Lips are abomination to the Lord: but they that deal truly are his delight.

XIII.12 Hope deferred maketh the Heart Sick &c.
24 He that Spareth his Rod hateth his Son: But he that loveth him chasteneth him betimes

XIV.29 He that is Slow to wrath is of great understanding: but he that is hasty of Spirit exalteth folly.

XV.Argumt. Ceremonies to be retained for 3 Reasons from Melancthon
1. A Soft Answer Turneth away wrath: but grievous words stir up anger
3 The Eyes of the Lord are in every Place, beholding the evil and the Good.
5 A Fool despiseth his Father’s Instruction: but he &c

XVI5. Every one that is pround in heart, is an abomination to the Lord. &c
11 A Just weight & balance are the Lord’s: all the weights of the bag are his work
16 How much better is it to get Wisdom than Gold: & to get understanding rather to be chosen than Silver
24. Pleasant Words are as an Honey-comb, sweet to the Soul & health to the Bones
25. There is a way that seemeth right unto a Man, but the end thereof are the ways of Death—XIV. 12.
28. ———; a Whisperer seperateth chief Friends
32. He that is Slow to anger, is better than the Mighty; &c

XVIII8. The Words of a Tale-bearer are as Wounds, & they go down into the innermost parts of the Belly

13. He that Answereth a Matter before he heareth it, it is folly & shame unto him.
21. Death & Life are in the Power of the Tongue; & they that love it, shall eat the fruit thereof.
22 Whoso findeth a Wife findeth a good thing, & obtaineth favour of the Lord.

XX3 ’Tis an honour for a Man to cease from strife: but a fool will be medling;
9 Who can say I have made my Heart clean; I am pure from my sin
10 Divers weights and measures are abomination to the Lord. v. 23
14 It is naught, it is naught, saith the buyer: but when he is gone his way then he boasteth

… In one of these notes, referring to a chapter of the Acts of the Apostles, where the Bereans are mentioned as “more noble than those in Thessalonica, in that they received the word with all readiness of mind, and searched the Scriptures daily whether these things were so,” he commends their conduct “as a noble example for all succeeding Christians to imitate and follow… .”
In a paraphrase on the Gospel of St. John, referring to the passage in which Mary Magdalene is represented as looking into the Holy Sepulchre and seeing two angels in white, one sitting at the head and the other at the feet, where the body of the Saviour had lain, he makes the following reflection:
“Angels to be desired at our feet as well as at our head—not an angelical understanding and a diabolical conversation—not all our religion in our brains and tongue, and nothing in our heart and life.”
In the same spirit, commenting on the chapter of Acts, where Jesus says to St. Paul, who had fallen to the earth under the light which shined round about him from heaven, “Arise, and go into the city, and it shall be told thee what thou shalt do,” he subjoins this as the proper deduction from the passage: “It is not the talking, but the walking and working person that is the true Christian.”
On doctrinal points, the following brief memoranda and references taken from many others of a like character, may serve to show both his orthodoxy and his penetration:
“Omnisciency—God’s foreknowledge doth not compel, but permits to be done.” Acts, ch. II. v. 23.

“Christ’s divinity appears by St. John, ch. XX. v. 28.”
“Resurrection testified and witnessed by the Apostles. Acts, ch. IV. v. 33.”


Title: From James Madison to John Boyle, 17 May 1771
From: Madison, James
To: Boyle, John

Sir,
Princton May 17th. 1771

I wrote to you not long since by Mr. Armstrong but as it is uncertain whether you have seen him, I take this opportunity by Mr. Wallace to acquaint you with a mistake you made in a piece of Cloth I bought of you last winter, occasioned I believe by your giving me the remnant accidentantly instead of the measured piece. When I carried it to the Taylors I found it to be one whole yard short of what I paid you for, that is, 2¼ instead 3¼. If you will please to rectify the mistake by sending the value of the Cloth 34/ by Mr. Wallace who will call on you with this letter, you will much oblige
Yr. Humbl. Sert.
James Madison


Title: Collegiate Doggerel, [June 1771–April 1772]
From: Madison, James
To:

[June 1771–April 1772]

The aerial Journey of the poet Laureat of the cliosophic Society

The rising sun his beams had shed
And each affrighted star had fled
When tuneful Spring in rural lays
Began to mourn his doleful case

New-englands sons around him came
And many a wanton ruddy dame
Who view’d him nigh a purling stream
Rais’d on a stump to sing his dream.
That very dream in which they say
His soul broke loose from mortal clay
And sought the muses dome on high
Resolv’d with all his art to try
To steal a spark of wit from thence
A scourge for whiggish impudence.
But hear the very words he spoke
As from his quivering lips they broke
“Hail gentle shepherds of the grove
Your flocks about this mead may rove
While you attend my mournful tale
And echo sounds it thro’ the vale
Soon as the lamp of day was gone
And evening shades oerspread the lawn
Tir’d with the business of the day
Down on the tender grass I lay.
When sleep had clos’d my slumbering eyes
I spurn’d the earth & peirc’d the skies
Thro’ unknown tracts of air I flew
And pas’d by worlds of various hue
Beseeching every thing to tell
The place on which the Muses dwell.
At length, when coasting thro’ the spheres
Apollo’s song invades my ears
With all the sweet harmonious nine
Whose warbling notes in concert join.
Then by degrees their domes I spy’d
Which blaz’d around on every side
Straight to apollo’s hall I went
Half dead with fear, my breath quite spent
Hoping somehow to lurk beneath
And rob him of a laurel wreath
And then a poet laureat rise
The dread of whigs of every size
But while I walk’d about the hall
apollo with the muses all

Came rushing in upon the thief
I cry’d in vain for some relief
The god of day provok’d to find
A villain of so base a mind
Seiz’d on a cudgel rough & great
& mash’d my jaws & crazy pate
Euterpe then a dishclout brought
With grease & boiling water fraught
And well [beswitched?] my sides & back
Which lost its hide at every whack
Urania threw a chamber pot
Which from beneath her bed she brought
And struck my eyes & ears & nose
Repeating it with lusty blows.
In such a pickle then I stood
Trickling on every side with blood
When Clio, ever grateful muse
Sprinkled my head with healing dews
Then took me to her private room
And straight an Eunuch out I come
My voice to render more melodious
A recompence for sufferings odious
She brought me to the earth again
And quel’d the Tumults of my brain
Softly wispering in my ear
While she dropt the parting tear
[‘]Dear friend accept this last behest
Conceal thy folly in thy breast
Forbear to write & only sing
And future sons shall talk of Spring
But mark me well if e’er you try
In poetry with Whigs to vie
Your nature’s bounds you then will pass
And be transformed into an ass[’]
Then brother shepherds pity Spring
Who dares not write but only sing—[”]
—When thus he finished his complaint
He quit the stump & off he went
But soon forgot what Clio said
And wrote an ode & then essay’d

to sing an hymn & lo! he bray’d
And now he stands an ass confess[ed]
Of every scribbling fool, the Jest
Maddison

Clio’s Proclamation

Whereas a certain mongrel race
of tawney hide & grizly face
Have dar’d to prostitute my name
To raise the scribbling fools to fame
I hereby send this Proclamat[io]n
To every land & every nation
Declaring it my full intention
To free the world from this convention
And as a sanction to my word
I’ll drive the dogs with fire & sword
Hedlong down to Pluto’s coast
There in boiling flames to roast
And then their bodies I’ll resign
To gnawing worms & hungry swine
Or to manure the farmers field
For much of dung their trunks will yeild
Very like it in their nature
As sprung from every filthy creature
But first selecting from McOrkle

And every other stinking mortal
Whateer may be of use to those
From whom the wicked wretches rose
The poet Laureat head who scoops
May make a drum for yankey troops

B’ing quite as empty & as sounding
His skull full thick to bear the pounding
While eckley’s skin & jakes together
When tan’d will make a side of leather
Just fit to cloath McOrkle bum

Which now becomes a battering ram
And plac’d before a city wall
Will ward of[f] many a whizzing ball
And by its monstrous stench may save
Ten thousand yankes from the grave.

Great Allen founder of the crew
If right I guess must keep a stew
The lecherous rascal there will find
A place just suited to his mind
May whore & pimp & drink & swear
Nor more the garb of christians wear
And free Nassau from such a pest
A dunce a fool an ass at best.
J. Maddison

A poem against the Tories.

Of late our muse keen satire drew
And humourous thoughts in vollies flew
Because we took our foes for men
Who might deserve a decent pen
A gross mistake with brutes we fight
And [goblins?] from the realms of night
With lice collected from the beds
Where Spring & Craig lay down their heads
Sometimes a goat steps on the pump
Which animates old Warford’s trunk
Sometimes a poisonous toad appears
Which Eckley’s yellow carcuss bears
And then to grace us with a bull
Forsooth they show McOrkles skull
And that the Ass may not escape
He takes the poet Laureat’s shape
The screetch owl too comes in the train
Which leap’d from Alexander’s brain
Just as he scratch’d his grisly head
Which people say is made of lead.
Come noble whigs, disdain these sons
Of screech owls, monkeys, & baboons
Keep up you[r] minds to humourous themes
And verdant meads & flowing streams
Untill this tribe of dunces find
The baseness of their grovelling mind
And skulk within their dens together
Where each ones stench will kill his brother;
J. M.


Title: From James Madison to James Madison, Sr., 9 October 1771
From: Madison, James
To: Madison, James, Sr.

Hond. Sir
Princeton October 9th. 1771

In obedience to your requests I hereby send you an answer to your’s of the 25th. of Sept. which I recieved this morning. My Letter by Dr. Witherspoon who left this place yesterday week contains most of what you desire to be informed of. I am exceedingly rejoiced to hear of the happy deliverance of my Mother & would fain hope your rheumatic pains will not continue much longer. The Bill of exchange was very acceptable, Though I cannot say I have been as yet very much pressed by my creditors. Since I got the Bill I have been making a calculation of my past & future expences & find it nothing more than a bare competency the reason of which I dare say you will not ascribe to extravagance when you read my letter of last week. If I come home in the Spring the purchase of a horse & travelling expences I am apprehensive will amount to more than I can reserve out of my present Stock for those purposes so that it would not be amiss perhaps if you were to send a few Half-Jos: by Dr. Witherspoon or Colo. Lewis’s sons if they return, or some safe hand afterwards as best suits you. I should be glad if your health & other circumstances should enable you to visit Dr. Witherspoon during his stay in Virginia. I am persuaded you would be much pleased with him & that he would be very glad to see you. If you should not be able to see him nor send to him[,] Colo. Lewis or any other Gentleman in Fredericksburgh would advance what money I am to have at the least intimation from you. If you should ever send me any Bills hereafter, it will be best for you to make them payable to Dr. Witherspoon, which will give him an opportunity to endorse them, & greatly help me in selling them, if it should so happen that you see him, please to mention it to him[.] I was so particular in my last with regard to my determination about staying in Princton this Winter coming that I need say nothing more in this place, my sentiments being still the same. I am sorry Mr. Chew’s Mode of Conveyance will not answer in Virginia. I expect to hear from him in a few days by the return of a man belonging to this Town from New London & shall then acquaint him with it and get it remedied by the methods you propose. Mr James Martin was here at Commencement & had an opportunity of hearing from his Brothers & friends in Carolina by a young man lately come from thence to this College however I shall follow your directions in writing to him immediately & visiting him as soon as I find it convenient. You may tell Mrs. Martin he left his Family at home all well. If you think proper that I should come back to this place, after my journey to Virginia, in the Spring, & spend the Summer here, you may send the Cloth for my coat which I am extremely pleased with & could have wished it had come time enough to have used this Summer past, if you chuse rather I should remain in Virginia next Summer it will be unnecessary.
I am Dr. Sr. Your Affecte. Son
James Madison


Title: Notes on Salkeld, 1771–1774
From: Madison, James
To:

[1771–1774]

Editorial Note
In an autobiographical sketch sent to James Kirke Paulding in January 1832 (LC: William C. Rives Papers), JM stated that, following his graduation from the College of New Jersey in the autumn of 1771, he devoted much of his time, both at Princeton and later at Montpelier, to a “course of reading” which “mingled miscellaneous subjects with the subjects intended to qualify him for the Bar.” JM added, however, that he “never formed any absolute determination” to become a lawyer. Perhaps in this sketch JM predated the beginning of his excursion into the law. On 1 December 1773 (q.v.) he wrote, “I intend myself to read Law occasionally and have procured books for that purpose.” On 24 January 1774, writing as one who spoke from experience, he characterized legal studies as “coarse and dry.”
Hearing that William C. Rives was preparing a biography of Madison, Inman Horner, a lawyer of Warrenton, Virginia, informed Rives by letter on 27 November 1858 (LC: William C. Rives Papers) that he owned the “Manuscript Digest” which JM had made of William Salkeld (1671–1715), Reports of Cases Adjudged in the Court of King’s Bench: With some Special Cases in the Courts of Chancery, Common Pleas, and Exchequer, alphabetically digested under proper heads; From the First Year of King William and Queen Mary, to the Tenth Year of Queen Anne (2 vols.; London, 1717–18). In his comment upon this “Digest,” Horner remarked to Rives: “I have found some in which the Language of the Reporter [Salkeld] has been copied, and some in which it has been abridged and greater precision adopted. But the comparison demonstrates that Mr. Madison is not to be esteemed a mere copyist, that his purpose was to gather the learning of the Judges and their decisions, to separate the wheat from the chaff, or to extract the cream. By my hasty inquiry I am persuaded that his work will be worthy of preservation as a memorial of industry, patience and clear, strong and discriminating mind.”
In spite of Horner’s judgment of its worth, the “Digest” seems no longer to be extant. In the McGregor Library of the University of Virginia, however, there are four sheets of notes—and a fifth sheet containing only one line of writing—which Horner apparently made in 1858 on the first twenty-nine pages of the “Digest” before informing Rives of its quality, as quoted above. Although Horner indicated that these twenty-nine pages contained summaries of selections from the first 299 pages of Salkeld, and that these twenty-nine were followed by a précis of the next 320 pages of this work, he failed to mention the total length of the “Digest” and the date on it, if any. Moreover, since the original is missing, it cannot be known whether the notes were in JM’s youthful hand. Therefore to conclude that he took them when he was reading law in the early 1770’s is at best no more than a reasonable assumption.
To reproduce here the notes made by Horner would appear to be unwarranted since, in most instances at least, he merely summarized or commented upon, rather than copied, what Madison had written. The following sample will suffice.
Hill & Al. v. Lewis. Man[uscript]. Page 16.
1. Salk Page 131
This Report occupies two & a half pages in Salkeld, the points are clearly and tersely stated by him, and yet in the Manuscript all the marrow is extricated, and eight separate propositions plainly and fully expressed, are deduced in the Manuscript. It furnishes evidence of an acute, strong and discriminating intellect.
Griffith v. Harrison. Man. P. 20. 1 Salk. P. 197.
Mr. M. has in this case copied the Report.
Horner was, above all, impressed by JM’s ability to compress the main points of a complicated case, as reported in Salkeld, into a lucid summary filling only a few lines of the notebook. “If he had adopted the Law as a profession,” Horner concluded, “his rank at the Bar would have been coequal with his eminence as a Statesman.”