Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Robert Morris, 17 April 1782
From: Morris, Robert
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir,
Office of Finance, Philadelphia, April 17th., 1782.
In consequence of the communications made to me by his Excellency the Chevalier de La Luzerne since his return from Virga., I shall proceed to draw Bills upon Monsieur Grand to the Extent of Livs. five hund: thousd. monthly; so that Computing the Months of Jany., Feby., March, and Apl., I have now to draw for two Millions of Livs.; as I hope and expect that the Livres 500,000 already drawn may be provided for out of the ballance due on the dutch Loan. This Supply Comes most seasonably, and at a more leisure moment you will be charged with the proper Acknowledement to the Court. I must however repeat that the Sum requested for the service of this year, will be necessary to enable me to support the Campaign and perfect my arrangements; it will be my constant study to draw forth our own resources and lessen our demands on France, but these things require time. I find it will be advantageous to draw upon Holland and Cadiz as well as on Paris, and therefore I request that you will desire mr. Grand to give immediate Orders to Messieurs Fizeaux Grand & Co. in Amsterdam, to honour any Bills I may draw on them, with directions to take their reimbursement on him, for account of the United States. He must also give similar Orders to Messieurs Harrison & Company of Cadiz, and I shall furnish Mr Grand with regular Advice of every Bill I draw, whether on himself or either of those housses; my Bills in the whole wil not exceed the sums to which I am limited, and the Commission those Houses charge will be paid by mr. Grand, I expect it will not exceed a half per Cent respecting which I shall write to them. I am induced to draw on those places because the sale of Bills will thereby be extended and the price better supported. I have the honour to be, your Excellency’s most obedient & most humble Servant
Robt Morris
His Excellency Benjamin Franklin Esquire Minister, &ca

Endorsed: Mr Morris April 17. 1782. Money & Drafts


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to the Earl of Shelburne, 18 April 1782
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Shelburne, William Petty, Earl of

My Lord,
Passy Apl. 18. 1782.
I have received the Letter your Lordship did me the honour of writing to me the 6th. Instant. I congratulate you on your new Appointment to the honourable & important Office you formerly filled so worthily; an Office which must be so far pleasing to you as it affords you more Opportunities of doing Good, and of serving your Country essentially in its great Concerns.— I have conversed a good deal with Mr Oswald, & am much pleased with him. He appears to me a Wise & honest Man. I acquainted him that I was commission’d with others to treat of and conclude a Peace. That full Powers were given us for that purpose, and that the Congress promised in good Faith to ratify, confirm, & cause to be faithfully observed the Treaty we should make; but that we could not treat separately from France; and I proposed introducing him to M. le Comte de Vergennes, to whom I communicated your Lordship’s Letter containing Mr. Oswald’s Character, as a Foundation for the Interview. He will acquaint you that the Assurance he gave of his Britannic Majesty’s good Dispositions towards Peace, was well received, and assurances returned of the same good Dispositions in his most Christian Majesty.— With regard to Circumstances relative to a Treaty, M. de Vergennes observed, that the Kings Engagements were such as that he could not treat without the Concurrence of his Allies; that the Treaty should therefore be for a general not a partial Peace; that if the Parties were disposed to finish the War speedily by themselves, it would perhaps be best to treat at Paris, as an Ambassador from Spain was already there, and the Commissioners from America might easily and soon be assembled there. Or if they chose to make use of the proposed Mediation, they might treat at Vienna: But that the King was so truly willing to put a speedy End to the War; that he would agree to any Place the King of England should think proper. I leave the rest of the Conversation to be related to your Lordship by Mr. Oswald; and that he might do it more easily and fully than he could by Letter, I was of Opinion with him that it would be best he should return immediately and do it vivâ voce. Being myself but one of the four Persons now in Europe, commission’d by the Congress to treat of Peace, I can make no Proposition of much Importance without them; I can only express my Wish, that if Mr Oswald returns hither, he may bring with him the Agreement of your Court to treat for a General Peace, and the Proposal of Place and Time; that I may immediately write to Messrs. Adams, Lawrens & Jay. I suppose that in this Case your Lordship will think it proper to have Mr Lawrens discharged from the Engagements he enter’d into when he was admitted to bail. I desire no other Channel of Communication between us than that of Mr Oswald, which I think your Lordship has chosen with much Judgment. He will be Witness of my acting with all the Simplicity & Good Faith which you do me the honour to expect from me; and if he is enabled when he returns hither to communicate more fully your Lordships Mind on the Principal Points to be settled, I think it may contribute much to expedite the blessed Work our Hearts are engaged in.
By the Act of Parliament relative to American Prisoners, I see the King is empower’d to exchange them. I hope those you have in England & Ireland may be sent home soon to their Country in Flag’s of Truce, and exchanged for an equal Number of your People: Permit me to add, that I think some Kindness mix’d in such a Transaction would have good Effects in America. Those poor unfortunate People have been long absent from their Families & Friends, & rather hardly treated.
With great & sincere Respect, I have the honour to be, My Lord, Your Lordship’s most obedient and most humble Servant
B Franklin
Rt. Honourable Earl of Shelburne

Endorsed: No. 2 18 April 1782 Dr. Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Castries, 18 April 1782
From: Castries, Charles-Eugène-Gabriel de La Croix, marquis de
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Versailles le 18 avril 1782.
J’ai l’honneur Monsieur, de Vous envoyer une liste de trois americains pris sur batimens de cette Nation et qui sont revenus d’angleterre sur le Paquebot anglois la Molly arrivé à Cherbourg. Le commissaire de Plymouth demandant en échange trois anglois dont les noms sont portés sur la même liste j’ai cru devoir vous envoyer cette piece.

J’ai l’honneur d’etre avec la considération la plus distinguée, Monsieur, Votre trés humble et trés obeïssant serviteur
Castries
Mr. franklin ministre des Etats unis de l’amerique, à Paris.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Silas Deane, 19 April 1782
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Deane, Silas

Sir,
Passy, April 19. 1782.
I received the Letter you did me the honour to write to me the 30th. past, and will write to the purpose you desire respecting your Accounts. I hope the Method you propose for settling any disputable points in them will be approved and ordered. I received also your very long political Letter. The Multiplicity of Business on my Hands, on which Account you are so good as to excuse my not answering it, really makes it impossible for me to enter into the voluminous Discussions that would be necessary to do it fully. I can only say at present that I am not convinced; that perhaps my answer would not convince you; but that I think Time will. I am really sorry on your Account that you have written so much of the same kind to America. The Publication of those Letters has done great Prejudice to your Character there, and necessarily diminish’d much of the Regard your Friends had for you. You are now considered as having abandoned the Cause of your Country, and as having with Arnold espoused that of its Enemies. To me it appears that your Resentments and Passions have overcome your Reason and Judgment; and tho’ my ancient Esteem & Affection for you induce me to make all the Allowances possible, in considering the Circumstances that have attended you since you first left France, yet the Lengths you have gone in endeavouring to discourage and diminish the Number of the Friends of our Country and Cause in Europe and America, and to encourage our Enemies, by those Letters, make it impossible for me to say with the same Truth & Cordiality as formerly that I am, Your Affectionate Friend & humble Servant.
B Franklin
Honble. Silas Deane Esqe.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Margaret Stevenson and Mary Hewson, 19 April 1782
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Stevenson, Margaret,Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson

Paris, April 19. 1782
I wrote to you, my dear dear Friends, very lately, and directed my Letter to Cheem in Surrey. Mr Whitefoord tells me that you are removed to Kensington Square, and I fear that my Letter may therefore not find you. I sent it under Cover to Mr William Hodgson, Mercht in Coleman street, which I mention that in case it has not come to hand, you may there enquire for it; tho’ it continues [contains] little worth the Trouble, as it only expresses what you always knew, that I love you both, very much and very sincerely. Mr Whitefoord will inform you how I live, & that I am very well, as happy as the Situation of public Affairs will permit, only capable of being made more so if you were here with me; being ever your truly affectionate Friend
B Franklin
Mrs Stevenson & Mrs Hewson

Endorsed: Paris Apr 19—82 37


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Franklin Read, 19 April 1782
From: Read, Franklin
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Hond. Sir
Cape Francoys Aprill 19th. 1782—
I have not had it in my Power to give You aney Acount of my Procedings relative to what you recomended me when I had the Honour of your Favour (untie now). I found on my Return home that my Business was dull and as I had gained Experience in the Sea way that it was much more to my Advantage to follow it. It would be a great Satisfaction for me to Stay at home with my Famely, but as Cercomstances are I find it quite Imposible. I have been something unfortunate this War but am now in a fairer way. I have just Come up from Jaimaica on Parole. I was Prisoner near three Months, but Expect to be Exchanged in a day or too, and shall Return home Imediately where I Shall have a good birth in a Ship of twenty Guns and Bound to Europe. If I have the Fortune to go Safe will I hope make amends for my past misfortune. I hope you will forgive me for my not Writing to you before as I never have had an Oppertunty mostly being from home. I beg to be Remember’d to Young Mr Bache & Mr Temple and Bilieve me your Afectionate Nephew
Franklin Read
Benj’n Franklin Esqr.

Endorsed: Franklin Read Cape François 19th. April 1782


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Wright, 19 April 1782
From: Wright, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Friend
London 19th of 4th mo (April) 1782
I embrace with Satisfaction the opportunity which offers of writing to thee whom for many years I have been used to consider as a valuable sincere friend to myself in particular and to mankind in general and have often regretted the Cause of thy Seperation the unhappy cause which has so long deprived this once happy & beloved Country of thy presence assistance & advice. But I trouble thee now chiefly to beg leave to introduce to thy notice the bearer William Rawle Son of the late Francis Rawle of Philadelphia who has been here to finish his Studies & is returning home to whom I doubt not thy giving thy kind countenance & protection.
Suppose thou mayst have heard that our old ffrds Brown Collinson & Trittons House have failed to the surprise & Injury of many though our house is happily quite Clear. Its yet uncertain how their affairs will turn out— Hope thou hast no Concern but if thou hast I beg leave to tender our service to exhibit the proof of Debt &c. James Brown the son of Hinton Brown has been deceased abot. 12 mos. so my poor relation Ths. Collinson & his nephew Tritton Grandson of Hinton are left to endure the Storm of affliction & trouble. T. C. brot. a hansome fortune with him to that House which with all that the House was once or was supposed possessed of is sunk & gone through some unaccountable Conduct owing principally it seems to the Credulity & weakness of the late James Brown in trusting people with unwarrantable sums particularly one House viz Rabone & Crinzo’s for £140.000 who stopped on the 6th. & that obliged them to Stop on the 7th. Ultimo So much for this unpleasant subject.
As to publick matters they wear a more agreable aspect It is thought. The new ministry appear determined to proceed on true Constitutional principles & the K—— seem most cordially to enter into the Idea which I hope Will have the most salutary effects & that peace & prosperity may in due time insue.
I trust in thy former indulgence to excuse this freedom & if there is any impropriety in writing after this manner under present circumstances it may not be deemed impertinent but rather attributd. to want of knowledge. I should esteem a letter a favr from thee & also to receive thy Commands but permit me to say that seeing thee here again would afford the highest satisfaction & pleasure to abundance of thy ffrds as well in the highest as lower departments of life and to None more than to me in particular who am with great Esteem Thy Respectful Friend
John Wright
Dr. Benjamin Franklin

Addressed: Dr. Benjamin Franklin / at / Paris / per favr. of William Rawle
Endorsed: Hotel de Montgomery Rue de Colombier
Notation: John Wright, London 19. April 1782.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Vergennes, 20 April 1782
From: Vergennes, Charles Gravier, comte de
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Vlles le 20. Avril 1782.
M. le Cte. de Vergennes a l’honneur d’envoyer à Monsieur franklin un Memoire qui lui a été adressé par l’ambassadeur du Roi en Suisse. Il le prie de vouloir bien lui faire parvenir dans le temps la reponse dont il le croira susceptible.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to John Adams, 21 April 1782
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

Sir,
Passy April 21. 1782.
I have just received the Honour of yours dated the 16th. Instant, acquainting me with the Interview between your Excellency and Mr Lawrens. I am glad to learn that his political Sentiments coincide with ours; and that there is a Disposition in England to give us up Canada and Nova Scotia.
I like your Idea of seeing no more Messengers that are not Plenipotentiaries; But I cannot refuse seeing again Mr Oswald, as the Minister here consider’d the Letter to me from Lord Shelburne as a kind of Authentication given that Messenger, and expects his Return with some explicit Propositions. I shall keep you advised of whatever passes.
The late Act of Parliament for Exchanging American Prisoners as Prisoners of War according to the Law of Nations, any thing in their Commitments notwithstanding, seems to me a Renunciation of the British Pretensions to try our People as Subjects guilty of High Treason, and to be a kind of tacit Acknowledgement of our Independency. Having taken this Step, it will be less difficult for them to acknowledge it expressly. They are now preparing Transports to send the Prisoners home. I yesterday sent the Pass-ports desir’d of me.
Sir George Grand shows me a Letter from Mr Fizeaux, in which he says, that if Advantage is taken of the present Enthusiasm in favour of America, a Loan might be obtained in Holland of Five or Six Millions of Florins for America, and if their House is impower’d to open it he has no doubt of Success; but that no time is to be lost. I earnestly recommend this Matter to you, as extreamly necessary to the Operations of our Financier Mr Morris, who not knowing that the greatest Part of the last Five Millions had been consumed by Purchaces of Goods &ca in Europe, writes me Advice of large Drafts, that he shall be obliged to make upon me this Summer. This Court has granted us Six Millions of Livres for the current Year; but it will fall vastly short of our Occasions, there being large Orders to fulfill, and near two Millions & an half to pay M. Beaumarchais, besides the Interest Bills &ca. The House of Fizeaux & Grand is now appointed Banker for France by a special Commission from the King, and will on that as well as on other Accounts be in my Opinion the fitter for this Operation. Your Excellency being on the Spot can better judge of the Terms, &ca. and manage with that House the whole Business, in which I should be glad to have no other Concern, than that of receiving Assistance from it when press’d by the dreaded Drafts.
With great Respect, I am, Sir, Your Excellency’s most obedient and most humble Sert
B Franklin
His Exy. J. Adams Esqr.

Endorsed: Dr Franklin April 21 1782


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Henry Wyld, 21 April 1782
From: Wyld, Henry
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Most Excellent sir
Hatherlow 21st. April 1782
I recd. your kind reply to the requests of the Company by mine to forward the things which were thought to be sufficient for our passage, are very sorry to hear that your Authority for granting such things is recalled, for the reasons assigned in my last, we having wholly fixed, and given up our imployments in pursuance of such things. To impose upon your excellency we should think ourselves to have forfeited all human Confidence, If you think the Hazard so great we must comply, always making our resolves (however detrimental) subserviant to superior Judgment, joined to experience, therefore we desire you will give us the most early account of a prospect to emigrate, as we ernestly desire, to be the first persons who may arrive there in the Capacity of Manufacturers in our Branches, and we are fully satisfied that our abilities are such as would gain the notice and esteem of any state where such manufactores are wanted.
Your assurances of serving us with your abilities give new life to our undertaking, and in hopes of which and satisfying you that we are every thing we pretend to be I am for myself and Friends your excellencies most obliged and very humble Servant
Henry Wyld

Addressed: To his Excellency Benjm. Franklin / LLD. Minister plenipotentiary / from the United states of America / at Passey near Paris / France
Notation: H. Wyld 21 April 1782.


Title: “Supplement to the Boston Independent Chronicle,” [before 22 April 1782]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

When Franklin saw that serious peace negotiations were possible, his rage at the cruelties of the war resurfaced. He had heard that Great Britain desired a reconciliation. The cessation of hostilities was not the same as a reconciliation, he maintained, and peace without reconciliation would never be durable. It would take more than a “mere Peace” to erase the memory of the atrocities that innocent Americans had suffered at the hands of the British and their Indian allies. As he insisted to Oswald on April 19 (just hours before Oswald returned to London), Great Britain should offer reparations.

By April 22, Franklin had printed this hoax, a purported supplement to a Boston newspaper. Not since he and Lafayette had drawn up a “List of British Cruelties” in 1779 had he written in such detail about the savage acts visited upon American citizens. If Franklin could get the articles reprinted in England, he wrote John Adams, “it might make them a little asham’d of themselves.” It might also influence public opinion as the peace negotiations got under way.
Franklin printed two versions of the “Supplement.” The preliminary one, which we have no evidence of his having circulated, consisted only of the one-page purported letter from a Capt. Samuel Gerrish. We suspect that he wrote this piece in the days following Oswald’s departure, though the lack of any manuscript versions of these pieces renders our speculations tentative. He filled the remaining space with five fictitious advertisements. Franklin then decided to add an additional article, the purported letter from John Paul Jones to Sir Joseph Yorke, and thus take advantage of the second side of the sheet. It is not known whether he drafted this piece anew or printed something he had written earlier. In any case, he removed the advertisements and replaced them with the beginning of the Jones letter, continuing that letter on the verso. To fill out the second page, he reinstated the first two of the original five advertisements. This double-sided version was the one Franklin sent to Adams on April 22, to John Jay on April 24, to Dumas on May 3, and to James Hutton in July.
The form of the hoax was nearly perfect, from the newspaper’s number (No. 705 of Boston’s actual Independent Chronicle and Universal Advertiser was issued in March, 1782) down to the convincingly worded notices of land for sale in Medford and of a missing horse in Salem. The typography would attract no attention except to the most discerning reader, who might have noticed that the type was French rather than English. When he added the John Paul Jones letter, however, Franklin could not resist a subtle clue that would have piqued the curiosity of any printer: he set several elements in the unique italic script that Fournier had cut exclusively for him, and which, unbeknownst to the British, was a hallmark of his Passy Press.

 Horace Walpole needed no such typographic trickery to guess the identity of the author when the hoax (or part of it) found its way into the British press five months later. “Have you seen in the papers the excellent letter of Paul Jones to Sir Joseph Yorke?” Walpole wrote to a friend on October 1. “Elle nous dit bien des vérités! I doubt poor Sir Joseph cannot answer them! Dr. Franklin himself I should think was the author.” The Jones letter had appeared on September 27 in The Public Advertiser, where the publisher speculated that if the piece had not been written by Jones himself, its “contemptuous insolence” proved that it was “the Production of some such audacious Rebel.” The Public Advertiser did not print the first item, the letter from “Capt. Gerrish” quoting one from “James Craufurd.” The publisher may have felt, as James Hutton did, that the news it reported was so exaggerated as to be inconceivable, even by the barbaric standards of this war. Most of the piece, however, ending with Craufurd’s signature, appeared in The Remembrancer; or Impartial Repository of Public Events for 1782, part II, pp. 135–6, where it was attributed to the Boston Chronicle.

[before April 22, 1782]
Numb. 705.SUPPLEMENT
TO THE BOSTONINDEPENDENT CHRONICLE.
BOSTON, March 12.
Extract of a Letter from Capt. Gerrish, of the New-England Militia, dated Albany, March 7.
The Peltry taken in the Expedition [See the Account of the Expedition to Oswegatchie on the River St. Laurence, in our Paper of the 1st Instant.] will as you see amount to a good deal of Money. The Possession of this Booty at first gave us Pleasure; but we were struck with Horror to find among the Packages, 8 large ones containing SCALPS of our unhappy Country-folks, taken in the three last Years by the Senneka Indians from the Inhabitants of the Frontiers of New-York, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Virginia, and sent by them as a Present to Col. Haldimand, Governor of Canada, in order to be by him transmitted to England. They were accompanied by the following curious Letter to that Gentleman.

May it please your Excellency,
Teoga, Jan. 3d, 1782.
“At the Request of the Senneka Chiefs I send herewith to your Excellency, under the Care of James Boyd, eight Packs of Scalps, cured, dried, hooped and painted, with all the Indian triumphal Marks, of which the following is Invoice and Explanation.

No. 1.
Containing 43 Scalps of Congress Soldiers killed in different Skirmishes; these are stretched on black Hoops, 4 Inches diameter; the inside of the Skin painted red, with a small black Spot to note their being killed with Bullets. Also 62 of Farmers, killed in their Houses; the Hoops red; the Skin painted brown, and marked with a Hoe; a black Circle all round, to denote their being surprised in the Night; and a black Hatchet in the Middle, signifying their being killed with that Weapon.

No. 2.
Containing 98 of Farmers killed in their Houses; Hoops red; Figure of a Hoe, to mark their Profession; great white Circle and Sun, to shew they were surprised in the Day-time; a little red Foot, to shew they stood upon their Defence, and died fighting for their Lives and Families.

No. 3.
Containing 97 of Farmers; Hoops green, to shew they were killed in their Fields; a large white Circle with a little round Mark on it for the Sun, to shew that it was in the Day-time; black Bullet-mark on some, Hatchet on others.

No. 4.
Containing 102 of Farmers, mixed of the several Marks above; only 18 marked with a little yellow Flame, to denote their being of Prisoners burnt alive, after being scalped, their Nails pulled out by the Roots and other Torments: one of these latter supposed to be of a rebel Clergyman, his Band being fixed to the Hoop of his Scalp. Most of the Farmers appear by the Hair to have been young or middle-aged Men; there being but 67 very grey Heads among them all; which makes the Service more essential.

No. 5.
Containing 88 Scalps of Women; Hair long, braided in the Indian Fashion, to shew they were Mothers; Hoops blue; Skin yellow Ground, with little red Tadpoles to represent, by way of Triumph, the Tears or Grief occasioned to their Relations; a black scalping Knife or Hatchet at the Bottom to mark their being killed with those Instruments. 17 others, Hair very grey; black Hoops; plain brown Colour; no Mark but the short Club or Cassetete, to shew they were knocked down dead, or had their Brains beat out.

No. 6.
Containing 193 Boys’ Scalps, of various Ages; small green Hoops; whitish Ground on the Skin, with red Tears in the Middle, and black Bullet-marks, Knife, Hatchet, or Club, as their Deaths happened.

No. 7.
211 Girls’ Scalps, big and little; small yellow Hoops; white Ground; Tears; Hatchet, Club, scalping Knife, &c.

No. 8.
This Package is a Mixture of all the Varieties above-mention’d, to the Number of 122; with a Box of Birch Bark, containing 29 little Infants’ Scalps of various Sizes; small white Hoops; white Ground; no Tears; and only a little black Knife in the Middle, to shew they were ript out of their Mothers’ Bellies.

With these Packs, the Chiefs send to your Excellency the following Speech, delivered by Conejogatchie in Council, interpreted by the elder Moore, the Trader, and taken down by me in Writing.

Father,
We send you herewith many Scalps, that you may see we are not idle Friends.
A blue Belt.

Father,
We wish you to send these Scalps over the Water to the great King, that he may regard them and be refreshed; and that he may see our faithfulness in destroying his Enemies, and be convinced that his Presents have not been made to ungrateful People.
A blue and white Belt with red Tassels.
Father,
Attend to what I am now going to say: it is a Matter of much Weight. The great King’s Enemies are many, and they grow fast in Number. They were formerly like young Panthers: they could neither bite nor scratch: we could play with them safely: we feared nothing they could do to us. But now their Bodies are become big as the Elk, and strong as the Buffalo: they have also got great and sharp Claws. They have driven us out of our Country for taking Part in your Quarrel. We expect the great King will give us another Country, that our Children may live after us, and be his Friends and Children, as we are. Say this for us to the great King. To enforce it we give this Belt.
A great white Belt with blue Tassels.
Father,
We have only to say farther that your Traders exact more than ever for their Goods: and our Hunting is lessened by the War, so that we have fewer Skins to give for them. This ruins us. Think of some Remedy. We are poor: and you have Plenty of every Thing. We know you will send us Powder and Guns, and Knives and Hatchets: but we also want Shirts and Blankets.
A little white Belt.
I do not doubt but that your Excellency will think it proper to give some farther Encouragement to those honest People. The high Prices they complain of, are the necessary Effect of the War. Whatever Presents may be sent for them through my Hands, shall be distributed with Prudence and Fidelity. I have the Honour of being
Your Excellency’s most obedient And most humble Servant,
JAMES CRAUFURD.”

It was at first proposed to bury these Scalps: but Lieutenant Fitzgerald, who you know has got Leave of Absence to go for Ireland on his private Affairs, said he thought it better they should proceed to their Destination; and if they were given to him, he would undertake to carry them to England, and hang them all up in some dark Night on the Trees in St. James’s Park, where they could be seen from the King and Queen’s Palaces in the Morning: for that the Sight of them might perhaps strike Muley Ishmael (as he called him) with some Compunction of Conscience. They were accordingly delivered to Fitz, and he has brought them safe hither. To-morrow they go with his Baggage in a Waggon for Boston, and will probably be there in a few Days after this Letter.
I am, &c.
SAMUEL GERRISH.

BOSTON, March 20.
Monday last arrived here Lieutenant Fitzgerald abovementioned, and Yesterday the Waggon with the Scalps. Thousands of People are flocking to see them this Morning, and all Mouths are full of Execrations. Fixing them to the Trees is not approved. It is now proposed to make them up in decent little Packets, seal and direct them; one to the King, containing a Sample of every Sort for his Museum; one to the Queen, with some of Women and little Children: the Rest to be distributed among both Houses of Parliament; a double Quantity to the Bishops.

Mr. Willis,
Please to insert in your useful Paper the following Copy of a Letter, from Commodore Jones, directed
To Sir Joseph York, Ambassador from the King of England to the States-general of the United Provinces.

SIR,
Ipswich, New-England, March 7, 1781.
I Have lately seen a memorial, said to have been presented by your Excellency to their High Mightinesses the States-general, in which you are pleased to qualify me with the title of pirate.
A pirate is defined to be hostis humani generis, [an enemy to all mankind]. It happens, Sir, that I am an enemy to no part of mankind, except your nation, the English; which nation at the same time comes much more within the definition; being actually an enemy to, and at war with, one whole quarter of the world, America, considerable parts of Asia and Africa, a great part of Europe, and in a fair way of being at war with the rest.
A pirate makes war for the sake of rapine. This is not the kind of war I am engaged in against England. Our’s is a war in defence of liberty. … the most just of all wars; and of our properties, which your nation would have taken from us, without our consent, in violation of our rights, and by an armed force. Your’s, therefore, is a war of rapine; of course, a piratical war: and those who approve of it, and are engaged in it, more justly deserve the name of pirates, which you bestow on me. It is, indeed, a war that coincides with the general spirit of your nation. Your common people in their ale-houses sing the twenty-four songs of Robin Hood, and applaud his deer-stealing and his robberies on the highway: those who have just learning enough to read, are delighted with your histories of the pirates and of the buccaniers: and even your scholars, in the universities, study Quintus Curtius; and are taught to admire Alexander, for what they call “his conquests in the Indies.” Severe laws and the hangmen keep down the effects of this spirit somewhat among yourselves, (though in your little island you have, nevertheless, more highway robberies than there are in all the rest of Europe put together): but a foreign war gives it full scope. It is then that, with infinite pleasure, it lets itself loose to strip of their property honest merchants, employed in the innocent and useful occupation of supplying the mutual wants of mankind. Hence, having lately no war with your ancient enemies, rather than be without a war, you chose to make one upon your friends. In this your piratical war with America, the mariners of your fleets, and the owners of your privateers were animated against us by the act of your parliament, which repealed the law of God— “Thou shalt not steal,”—by declaring it lawful for them to rob us of all our property that they could meet with on the Ocean. This act too had a retrospect, and, going beyond bulls of pardon, declared that all the robberies you had committed, previous to the act, should be deemed just and lawful. Your soldiers too were promised the plunder of our cities: and your officers were flattered with the division of our lands. You had even the baseness to corrupt our servants, the sailors employed by us, and encourage them to rob their masters, and bring to you the ships and goods they were entrusted with. Is there any society of pirates on the sea or land, who, in declaring wrong to be right, and right wrong, have less authority than your parliament? Do any of them more justly than your parliament deserve the title you bestow on me?
You will tell me that we forfeited all our estates by our refusal to pay the taxes your nation would have imposed on us, without the consent of our colony parliaments. Have you then forgot the incontestible principle, which was the foundation of Hambden’s glorious lawsuit with Charles the first, that “what an English king has no right to demand, an English subject has a right to refuse?” But you cannot so soon have forgotten the instructions of your late honourable father, who, being himself a sound Whig, taught you certainly the principles of the Revolution, and that, “if subjects might in some cases forfeit their property, kings also might forfeit their title, and all claim to the allegiance of their subjects.” I must then suppose you well acquainted with those Whig principles, on which permit me, Sir, to ask a few questions.
Is not protection as justly due from a king to his people, as obedience from the people to their king?
If then a king declares his people to be out of his protection:
If he violates and deprives them of their constitutional rights:
If he wages war against them:
If he plunders their merchants, ravages their coasts, burns their towns, and destroys their lives:
If he hires foreign mercenaries to help him in their destruction:
If he engages savages to murder their defenceless farmers, women, and children:
If he cruelly forces such of his subjects as fall into his hands, to bear arms against their country, and become executioners of their friends and brethren:
If he sells others of them into bondage, in Africa and the East Indies:
If he excites domestic insurrections among their servants, and encourages servants to murder their masters:———
Does not so atrocious a conduct towards his subjects, dissolve their allegiance?
If not,—please to say how or by what means it can possibly be dissolved?
All this horrible wickedness and barbarity has been and daily is practised by the king your master (as you call him in your memorial) upon the Americans, whom he is still pleased to claim as his subjects.
 During these six years past, he has destroyed not less than forty thousand of those subjects, by battles on land or sea, or b starving them, or poisoning them to death, in the unwholesome air, with the unwholesome food of his prisons. And he has wasted the lives of at least an equal number of his own soldiers and sailors: many of whom have been forced into this odious service, and dragged from their families and friends, by the outrageous violence of his illegal press-gangs. You are a gentleman of letters, and have read history: do you recollect any instance of any tyrant, since the beginning of the world, who, in the course of so few years, had done so much mischief, by murdering so many of his own people? Let us view one of the worst and blackest of them, Nero. He put to death a few of his courtiers, place-men, and pensioners, and among the rest his tutor. Had George the third done the same, and no more, his crime, though detestable, as an act of lawless power, might have been as useful to his nation, as that of Nero was hurtful to Rome; considering the different characters and merits of the sufferers. Nero indeed wished that the people of Rome had but one neck, that he might behead them all by one stroke: but this was a simple wish. George is carrying the wish as fast as he can into execution; and, by continuing in his present course a few years longer, will have destroyed more of the British people than Nero could have found inhabitants in Rome. Hence, the expression of Milton, in speaking of Charles the first, that he was “Nerone Neronior,” is still more applicable to George the third. Like Nero and all other tyrants, while they lived, he indeed has his flatterers, his addressers, his applauders. Pensions, places, and hopes of preferment, can bribe even bishops to approve his conduct: but, when those fulsome, purchased addresses and panegyrics are sunk and lost in oblivion or contempt, impartial history will step forth, speak honest truth, and rank him among public calamities. The only difference will be, that plagues, pestilences, and famines are of this world, and arise from the nature of things: but voluntary malice, mischief, and murder are from Hell: and this king will, therefore, stand foremost in the list of diabolical, bloody, and execrable tyrants. His base-bought parliaments too, who sell him their souls, and extort from the people the money with which they aid his destructive purposes, as they share his guilt, will share his infamy,—parliaments, who to please him, have repeatedly, by different votes year after year, dipped their hands in human blood, insomuch that methinks I see it dried and caked so thick upon them, that if they could wash it off in the Thames which flows under their windows, the whole river would run red to the Ocean.
One is provoked by enormous wickedness: but one is ashamed and humiliated at the view of human baseness. It afflicts me, therefore, to see a gentleman of Sir Joseph York’s education and talents, for the sake of a red riband and a paltry stipend, mean enough to stile such a monster his master, wear his livery, and hold himself ready at his command even to cut the throats of fellow-subjects. This makes it impossible for me to end my letter with the civility of a compliment, and obliges me to subscribe myself simply,
JOHN PAUL JONES,whom you are pleased to stile a Pirate.

TO BE SOLD,
A CONVENIENT Tan-Yard, LYING IN Medfield, on the Post Road, Half a Mile from the Meeting-House, with a good Dwelling-House and Barn, and about 20 Acres of Land, consisting of Mowing, Plowing, and Pasturing, and an excellent Orchard. For further Particulars enquire of Adam Peters, on the Premises.

TO BE SOLD,
A LARGE Tract OF LAND, LYING PARTLY IN Oxford, and partly in Charlton, in the County of Worcester. It is situated on a great Country Road, about Half a Mile from Charlton Meeting-House, and is capable of making a Number of fine Settlements. For further Particulars enquire of Joseph Blaney, of Salem, or Doctor Samuel Danforth, of Boston.

[Advertisements from the first edition, not included in the second:]
All Persons INDEBTED TO, OR THAT HAVE ANY Demands on, the Estate of Richard Greenleaf, late of Newbury-Port, Esq; deceased, are requested to bring in their Accounts to Moses Frazier and Mary Greenleaf, Executors to the last Will and Testament of the deceased, for an immediate Settlement.

TO BE SOLD,
A SMALL NEW Brick HOUSE, TWO ROOMS on a Floor, at the South Part of the Town.— Enquire of the Printer.
Strayed OR STOLEN FROM THE Subscriber, living in Salem, a Bay Horse, about seven Years old, a stocky well set Horse, marked I. C. on his off Thigh, trots all. Whoever shall take up said Horse and return him to the Owner, shall be handsomely rewarded.
HENRY WHITE.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to William Alexander, 22 April 1782
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Alexander, William

Dear Sir,
Passy, April 22. 1782
I am much oblig’d by the Confidence you place in me by communicating your Plan, & by your kind Intentions in it of serving America. Please to accept my thankful Acknowledgements, and excuse my declining to engage in the Scheme, for Reasons that I will some time or other give you. If you think fit to propose it to this Court, I would advise your conferring on it with Mr Grand, whose Opinion if he should approve of it, would have weight with the Ministry, as would also that of his Brother Sir George Grand, lately commission’d by the King as Banker to France in Holland, at present in Paris. I return’d the Papers enclos’d, & am ever, dear Sir, Yours most affectionately
B F.—
Mr Alexander


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to John Jay, 22 April 1782
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Jay, John

Dear Sir,
Passy, April 22. 1782.
I have undertaken to pay all the Bills of your Acceptance that have come to my knowledge, and I hope in God no more will be drawn upon us, but when Funds are first provided. In that Case your constant Residence at Madrid is no longer so necessary. You may make a Journey either for Health or Pleasure without retarding the Progress of a Negociation not yet begun. Here you are greatly wanted, for Messengers begin to come & go, and there is much talk of a Treaty proposed, but I can neither make or agree to Propositions of Peace without the Assistance of my Colleagues. Mr. Adams I am afraid cannot just now leave Holland; Mr Jefferson is not in Europe, and Mr Lawrens is a Prisoner, tho’ abroad on Parole. I wish therefore that you would resolve upon the Journey, and render yourself here as soon as possible. You would be of infinite Service. Spain has taken four Years to consider whether she should treat with us or not. Give her Forty. And let us in the mean time mind our own Business. I have much to communicate to you but chuse rather to do it vivâ voce, than trust it to Letters.— I am ever, my Dear Friend, Yours most affectionately
B Franklin
His Exy. J. Jay Esqre

Addressed: A Monsieur / Monsieur Jay, Minister Pleni- / potentiaire des Etats Unis de / l Amerique a la Cour d’Espagne / à Madrid
Endorsed: Doct Franklin 22 Ap. 1782 Recd 3 May Do. and [answered] 8 Do / Recd 3 May 1782


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Barclay, 22 April 1782
From: Barclay, Thomas
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Amsterdam 22 April 1782
I had the honour to write Your Excellency the 11th. since which nothing of any Consequence has happen’d. The Ship is not yet arrived and as the premium of Insurance against the risk of the sea will not be above one or one and an half per Cent I have given orders to have her Cover’d— I was principaly induced to do this, as I have never received your Excellencys approbation or An approbation of the purchase.
The half of the Vessell belonging to Congress will be filled with their goods, the other half shall excepting about 30 or 40 Tons be likewise taken up with the public stores. The freight to be adjusted and paid in America by the Agent of Congress on the Customary terms. I expect every day the Cloathing, it Consists of about 3400 suites for Privates, Sergeants, Drummers and Corporals, the Amount will be under £2400 Sterg. But when I receive them I shall Value on you for that sum, as the ship will require some Disbursement here.
I Cou’d purchase about 1000 suites more at 10 s/(?) for the privates but I have declined it, as I beleive I may be able to make better terms. I expect to hear from Ostend on the subject in a few posts. These goods are lying there. It wou’d gratify me much to have your Excellencys sentiments of this Engagement. Mr Adams had his Audience of the States General at the Hague the day before Yesterday.

I have the honour to be with great respect Sir your Excellencys most obedt Servant
Thos. Barclay
His Excellency Benjamin Franklin Esq. at Passy

Endorsed: April 22.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Anne Ogle, 22 April 1782
From: Ogle, Anne
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sr.
Boulogne Sur Mer April 22d 1782
I hope you will excuse the liberty I take in applying to you to procure an order for my grand[son] to be permitted to reside with me at Boulogne—he is [the] son of Mr Ridout of Maryland and came with me to [Eng]land Nine years ago for his education and is soon to [ret]urn to America, thus circumstanced, I do not imagin the [men] in power here would refuse to admit him, but I wish [not] to aske any favours of them, if my Nephew Mr Lowndes [be] included in the order it will be more agreable.
I am Sr. your Most Obediant Servant
Anne Ogle

Addressed: A Monsieur / Monsieur Franklin / Ministre Plenipotentiaire / des Estats Unis de L’Amerique / A Passy / prés Paris


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to John Jay, 23 April 1782
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Jay, John

Dear Sir,
Versailles, April 23. 1782.
I wrote a few Lines to you from Passy to go by the Post of this Day, pressing you to come hither as soon as possible. I have just mention’d it to M de Vergennes, who is of Opinion it will be proper to leave Mr. Carmichael there, that it may not seem as if we abandon’d that Court. As I understand a Courier is just setting out from hence for Madrid, I add this Line to inform you of this particular, having great regard to the Judgment of this Minister. Let me know by a previous Line if you conclude to come, & if, as I hope, Mrs Jay will accompany you, that I may provide for you proper Lodgings. I am, with great & sincere Esteem, Dear Sir, Your most obedient & most humble Servant
B Franklin
His Excelly. J. Jay Esqe.

Endorsed: Dr Franklin 23 Ap. 1782 Recd 1 May Do and [answered] 8 Do


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Francis Coffyn, 23 April 1782
From: Coffyn, Francis
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur
Dunkerque ce 23 avril 1782.
J’ai l’honneur de vous ecrire la presente, laquelle vous Sera remise par les Sieurs John Kemp & Alexr. findals tous deux americains; le premier Capitaine & l’autre pr. Lieutenant de la goelette le Greyhound sur laquelle ils ont été pris par la fregate le Rawley, et conduits en Angletterre, d’ou ils se sont sauvés des prisons, et sont arrivés ici manquant de tout. Et comme ils Desirent de retourner en Amerique, Je leurs ai fourni pour le Compte de votre Excellence une Somme de Deux Cent seize livres pour payer les frais de leur route, suivant leur Double reçû.
Je suis avec un tres profond respect Monsieur Votre tres humble & tres obeissant Serviteur
F. Coffyn

Addressed: A Son / Excellence Monsr. Bn Franklin / Ministre plenipotentiaire des etats unis de / l’amerique Septentrionale a la Cour de / France / a Passi pres Paris
Notation: Coffyn Dunkerque 23. April 1782.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Aimé(Amé)-Ambrose-Joseph Feutry, 23 April 1782
From: Feutry, Aimé-Ambroise-Joseph
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur
ce 23 avril, 1782.
J’ai osé espérer, d’après toutes vos bontés pour moi, que vous voudriez bien rendre le Service, à une Mere respectable, de faire parvenir la Lettre, ci-jointe, à Son Fils, à Boston. Je vais partir, Monsieur, pour ma retraite de châtillon-Sur loing, Le 10 mai, au plus tard. J’aurai, certes, L’honneur d’aller prendre congé de vous, et de vous renouveller Les témoignages sinceres de la vive reconnoissance, et du respect mérité, avec lesquels Je serai toute ma vie, Monsieur, votre très humble et très obeissant serviteur
FEUTRY

Notation: Feutry 3. avril 1782.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Vergennes, 23 April 1782
From: Vergennes, Charles Gravier, comte de
To: Franklin, Benjamin

À Versailles le 23 Avril 1782.
Monsieur le Bon. de Bloôme, Monsieur, vint de m’addresser le mémoire ci-joint, et le Seul usage que je puis en faire, c’est de vous le communiquer, dans la persuasion que vous voudrez bien le faire parvenir au Congrès.
J’ai l’honneur d’être très sincèrement, Monsieur, Votre très-humble et très-obeissant Serviteur./.
De Vergennes
Mr. franklin./.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to the Comte de Creutz, with Franklin’s Account of Their Conversation, 24 April 1782
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Creutz, the Comte de

Sir,
Passy, April 24. 1782.—
I find that I have Powers to treat and conclude in the Affair you did me the honour yesterday of proposing to me. I am ready therefore to confer with your Excellency on the Subject at any Time and Place you shall please to appoint. With great & sincere Esteem & Respect I have the honour to be Sir, Your Excellency’s most obedient & most humble Servant
B Franklin

Answer to the Question put to me yesterday at Court by the Swedish Ambassador, whether I had Powers enabling me to make a Treaty with Sweden of Commerce &c. He told me the King his Master was very desirous of it, and had charg’d him to tell me, that it would be particularly pleasing to him, to make the Treaty with me, un homme si, &c and desir’d it might be taken notice of in favour of Sweden that it was the first Power not at War with England that had sought our Alliance.
  His Excelly the Count de Creutz Ambassador from Sweden


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to John Jay, 24 April 1782
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Jay, John

Dear Sir
Passy, Apl. 24. 1782.
The Prince de Massaran, being so good as to desire carrying a Letter to you, I sit down to write you a few Lines, tho’ I hope soon to see you.

Enclosed I send a Copy of one of Mr. Deanes Letters. I shall show you more when you come.
In consequence of a Proposition I sent over, the Parliament of Britain have just passed an Act for exchanging American Prisoners. They have near 1100 in the Goals of England & Ireland, all committed as charged with high Treason. The Act is to impower the King, notwithstanding such Commitments to consider them as Prisoners of War according to the Law of Nations, and exchange them as such. This seems to be giving up their Pretensions of considering us as rebellious Subjects, and is a kind of Acknowledgment of our Independence. Transports are now taking up to carry back to their Country the poor brave Fellows who have borne for Years their cruel Captivity, rather than serve our Enemies; and an equal Number of English are to be deliver’d in Return. I have upon Desire furnish’d Passports for the Vessels.
I believe you will find the Marquis D’Yranda the surest Friend upon Occasion; and his Connection with our Banker here, makes the Money Transactions more easy than with another. But I hope those perplexing Affairs are over. You will be right in taking the Arrangements with the Marquis which you mention in yours of March 29.
Our Affairs in Holland are en bon Train, we have some Prospect of another Loan there; and all goes well here.
The Proposal to us of a separate Peace with England, has been rejected in the manner you wish, and I am pretty certain they will now enter into a General Treaty. I wrote you a few Lines by last Post, and on the same Day a few more by the Court Courier. They were chiefly to press your coming hither to assist in the Affair.
With great & sincere Esteem, I am ever, Dear Sir, Your most obedient and most humble Servant
B Franklin

I inclose what I suspect to be a pretended American Paper, which, however, tho’ it should be found fictitious as to the Form, is undoubtedly true as to the Substance. For The English cannot deny such a Number of Murders having been really committed by their Instigation.
  His Exy. J. Jay Esqre.

Endorsed: Doct Franklin 24 Ap 1782 Recd 9 May 1782


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to De Thun, 24 April 1782
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Thun, Ulrich, baron de

Sir,
Passy, April 24. 1782.
No Person of the Description given has hitherto applied to me. If he appears here, I shall certainly cause him to be arrested, and give you immediate Notice.—
With sincere Respect I have the honour to be Sir, Your most obedient and most humble Servant
B Franklin
M. le Baron de Thun.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Alexander, 24 April 1782
From: Alexander, William
To: Franklin, Benjamin

My Dear Sir
st Germain 24 april 1782
I thank you for your Attention in returng my papers So early, and have no doubt but you have solid reasons for declining the Execution of the plan, without pretending even to Conjecture what they may be, It is obvious that a Commonwealth shoud be Governd by different Maxims from a Monarchy.
I am exceedingly obliged to you for Suggesting to me the most likely means of rendering it Successfull Elsewhere but I shall not think of trying them for the present. The Men you indicate woud I doubt not be ready enough to adopt it— But I am Satisfied that such a Confidence woud very Essentialy Affect the Success, for it may not be Improper to Inform you that one of Them viz the Dutch Man is as thorough a Jobber as is in the Alley.
Their Information might be taken without Impropriety in answering General questions that woud serve to decide The Rationality of the Enterprize, But the Man who relies upon others for forming his Judgments, when the facts are Ascertaind will be Continualy a dupe in Business to their Interrested policy— One of my Girls will deliver you this. Two of Them go to town to morrow. One of Them to pass a week at the Tuileries with Madme de La Marke a Lady whom it may be usefull for you or your Son to know—the other passes Some days wt Madme Helvetius— I am with the most sincere Attachment Dear Sir Your most obt hble ser
W: Alexander

Addressed: To His Excellency / Ben: Franklin Esqre / Passy


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Mary Hewson, 25 April 1782
From: Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Kensington Ap. 25. 1782
We this day received your kind favour by Mr Whitefoord. After a silence of more than a year we hardly expected ever to hear from you again. We are always happy to learn you are well, which Mr W. assures us you were when he saw you. I was much surprised to find you did not know of our removal to this place, as Mr Alexander saw us here in Feby. last. He slipt away without paying us a second visit, or we should have sent you a letter by him.
Mr Whitefoord gives us a pleasing description of your situation and so flattering an invitation from you, that we could almost resolve to undertake the journey. My mother sees no obstacles; but I confess the expence we must incur and the difficulties we must incounter in travelling so far through a foreign land without a friend to assist us on the way are considerations which make me shrink from the attempt. My mother has of late been much out of health, & her spirits are bad; I believe indeed nothing could do her so much good as being with you; I wish there were no obstacles in our way, for I have no doubt but I should be well pleased at the end of the journey. But I hope you will come to us, and that will be better.
I and my children thank God! are well. My boys are still at Cheam, I know of no better school. My girl remains with me. She has begun to learn French of a woman whom Hutton recommends. She learnt to write a little while before we left Cheam, and I intend she shall have music & dancing very soon, the rest I take upon myself. A trip to France would certainly compleat her.
I must dispatch my letter immediately so cannot add more than that I am as ever your obliged & affecte
Mary Hewson

Addressed: Dr Franklin


Title: Jacques-Donatien Le Ray de Chaumont and Franklin: An Exchange About Accounts, [before 26 April 1782]
From: Chaumont, Jacques-Donatien Le Ray de,Franklin, Benjamin
To:

Franklin received Robert Morris’ request for copies of the public accounts in September, 1781. He assumed that Thomas Barclay would examine them, but Barclay—who finally reached Europe in November—was detained in Holland for longer than he expected. In February, 1782, when Barclay’s arrival in Paris seemed imminent, Franklin approached Matthew Ridley about assisting in the accounts’ examination. On March 4, with Barclay still delayed, Franklin sent to Morris an unverified copy of at least some of the public accounts (probably his account with the French government, kept by Ferdinand Grand). He must also have asked Chaumont to review the account that he had drawn up and signed on July 1, 1781, for transactions between Chaumont and the American commission.

Trying to settle Chaumont’s account proved to be an infuriating process, and one that occupied Franklin sporadically from April through July. Chaumont submitted multiple versions of his claims, altering them seemingly at whim, and refused to be bound by the decisions of the arbitrators he himself helped select. Understanding their dispute—which Franklin let drop in July, and only picked up again in May, 1784—requires a close examination of the individual undated documents that comprise Accounts XIX and XXVI, as well as alternate versions of those items and other related material now scattered in various public and private archives. Nine of the key documents bear the numbers that Ferdinand Grand assigned them as he reviewed the stages of the dispute and tried to bring both parties into agreement. Grand’s descriptive list of these items, entitled “Etat des pieces Concernant Le Compte de Mr De Chaumont,” has assisted us in putting these documents in order. We offer below an overview of these financial negotiations.
The account that Franklin signed on July 1, 1781, labeled by Grand “No. 1”, began by citing an unpaid draft on Chaumont for repairs to his ill-fated packet La Mère Bobie. Jonathan Williams, Jr., had sent the draft to Passy on June 12, 1777, and (according to the account entry) Franklin gave it to Chaumont on October 8, 1779. Also from 1779 were two bills of exchange totaling 50,000 l.t. In 1780, Franklin ordered Grand to issue Chaumont 750,000 l.t. in three equal installments, and on November 10 he loaned Chaumont another 200,000 l.t. toward freighting the Marquis de Lafayette. In the first quarter of 1781, Franklin paid twenty different drafts drawn on Chaumont by both Jonathan Williams, Jr., and Fizeaux, Grand & Cie., for which he had not yet been reimbursed. Along with the interest that had accrued on these expenditures (a separate list of which is labeled by Grand “No. 2” ), Franklin totaled Chaumont’s debt as approximately 1,530,812 l.t. Deducting four items from that sum—the drafts that Jonathan Williams, Jr., drew on Chaumont during 1780; the cloth Chaumont purchased that same year by drafts on Congress; the value of officers’ uniforms supplied in January, 1781; and the 240,000 l.t. that Jonathan Williams., Jr., owed Chaumont for freighting the Marquis de Lafayette on May 23, 1781—Franklin figured that Chaumont owed him 95,415 l.t. 15 s. 10 d.
Chaumont disagreed. His version of their account, document (I), below, acknowledged receipt of only six of the nine sums Franklin claimed to have furnished, and he debited Franklin for fifteen items as compared to the four Franklin had listed. Of those four, Chaumont left three as they were, but inflated one (the amount owed him for supplying uniforms to the American army) by adding on a hefty commission. According to Chaumont’s calculations, Franklin owed him 91,733 l.t. 18 s. 6 d.
Franklin reviewed the new claims carefully, first sketching out his responses under the heading “Articles charged by M. de Chaumont qui ne sont pas dans ma Compte.” He then delivered to Chaumont an item-by-item reply (labeled by Grand “No. 4”) consisting of brief but polite statements. With one exception (the 600 copies of an engraving) Franklin either disallowed the charges altogether or requested further explanation or documentation. Chaumont countered with a new version of credits (now missing) that included two additional items, bringing their number to seventeen. It evidently provided some of the explanatory material Franklin requested, but demanded more detailed explanations for the expenses Franklin was disallowing. Franklin’s response to this new version is document (II), below, which Grand labeled “No. 5.”
At this point, Franklin and Chaumont evidently agreed to submit their paperwork to Ferdinand Grand. On April 26, Grand’s son told Matthew Ridley that his father was trying to settle this dispute, in which each man claimed that the other owed him a balance. Grand completed his report, we believe, on May 7; the “award,” as Franklin called it, is published below under that date. Chaumont, however, refused to comply with this award, which settled matters in Franklin’s favor. He eventually accepted Franklin’s suggestion of adding a second arbitrator whom Chaumont could select, and on July 7 the two men signed an agreement for arbitration by Grand and Dangirard (below). There is evidence that Franklin prepared a revised account on July 1, though that manuscript has been lost. Chaumont revised his version of what Franklin owed him on July 9, dropping certain items but inflating others. We publish excerpts from that revision below, as well as Franklin’s exasperated private reactions.
Rather than submit these revised accounts to arbitration, however, Franklin simply let the matter drop. Chaumont’s financial desperation was driving him to increasing levels of irrationality, and to press things further would have been embarrassing and, ultimately, counterproductive. Besides, having just learned of Shelburne’s appointment as prime minister, Franklin needed to focus on the negotiations. It was not until the spring of 1784 that he attempted a final settlement. Explaining to Chaumont that he had desisted from pressing his advantage out of friendship, he gently proposed that they now try to settle their account amicably. This time it worked. With Grand’s guidance, the two men signed an agreement on May 28, 1784. What they approved, in fact, was the very account that Grand had drawn up on May 7, 1782, with an adjustment for the subsequent two years’ rent. Franklin endorsed his copy, “Mr Grand’s Award May 1782 and the Acceptance of it May, 1784”.

I. Chaumont’s Initial Claim
[before April 26, 1782]
Monsieur le Docteur Franklin son Compte avec M. Le Ray de Chaumont à Passy,
Doit,

Pour Solde du précédant Compte avec les Deputes du Congrès lequel a été remis à M. Deane qui est encore à l’arrêter
3849.13.1.

Payé le 5 Avril 1780. à Rogé pour frais de course de Passy à Nantes
  193.10.

Idem le 9. dit pour 600 Exemplaires d’une planche representant un Sujet Americain
  63.—

Tenu Compte à Bersolle de Brest le 22 may dit pour frais à 11. Balles de Toile à voile et 100 Ballots d’Habillemens chargés dans le Navire le petit Cousin Capitaine Carouge
  1803. 9.3.

Idem le 5. Juillet dit pour frais à la Reception et Expedition de 239. Ballots Habillemens
5847.16.6.

Pour prix de 11. Balles de Draps achetées par M. Jon Williams de Nantes et cédées pour l’habillement des officiers de l’Armée américaine suivant les deux factures du dit Sieur des 3 Juillet et 26 Septembre 1780.
  25970. 6.

Pour escompte au payement des dites deux factures et commission sur icelles
  626. 2.5.

Pour indemnité au Sujet du Paquebot la Mere Bobie Capne. Charles Glayo de la Chenaye qui a été renvoyé en France sur son Lest par le Congrès pour y apporter ses Depeches la dite indemnité reglée à
12000.—

Pour le montant des Traites faites sur moi par M Jon. Williams de Nantes pour compte de l’habillement des Troupes Américaines

Commission à ½ pour cent sur
741095.18.4.
  }

  649322.1.2 payés par les mains de Banquier
3246.12.3.

744342.10.7.

Pour la traite à mon ordre de M. Jon. Williams de Nantes du 19. Decembre 1780 à 10 Jours de vue sur M. Franklin pour le prix des Draperies cedées au Congrès
  428330. 2.8.

Pour la traite à mon ordre de M. Jon. Williams à Nantes du 24 may dernier à vue sur M. le Dr. Franklin pour le montant du fret du Vaisseau le Marquis de Lafayette envoyé à l’Amerique Septentrionale
240000.—

Payé à M. Grand pour frais de courtage a ⅛ % sur les 400,000 l.t. ci contre suivant sa reconnoissance du 22. Décembre 1780.
500.—

Pour [blank] années de loyer de la maison qu’il occupe depuis le [blank] jusqu’au [blank] à raison de [blank] par prix convenu

Pour Commission de Banque a ½ pour Cent sur les 25970 l.t. 6 s. de traites de M. Williams de Nantes en remboursement des deux factures de Draps d’officiers cédés au prix coutant
  129.17.

Pour le prix des Marchandises livrées par le Capitaine Maniville au général Lincoln et la valeur de 10. Caisses et 2 Barils médicamens portés par le Navire le petit Cousin Capitaine Carrouge dès le Commencement de l’Année 1780. le payement desquels objets a été sollicité par M. Holker fils auprès du Congrès qui n’y a point satisfait, par les Raisons annoncées dans sa Lettre dont l’original est en mes Mains
  70000.—

  1533656. 7.6.

1441922.19.

91733.18.6.

Avoir,

Reçu de M. Le mandat sur M. Grand du 19. Mars 1780.
  250000.—

  Idem du [blank] Juillet dit
  250000.—

  Idem du 20 Septembre 1780. pble. 15 Novbre. du susdit
  250000.—

  Reçu de M. Grand sur ma reconnoissance du 4 Decbre. 1780.
  400000.—

  Pour mes acceptations aux traites de M. Jon. Williams de Nantes pour Compte de l’habillement des Troupes Americaines qui ont été acceptées par M. Grand qui aura à me les remettre
  91922.19.

  Mes Traites du 10. Novembre 1780. à 4 u/ces à mon ordre sur M. Franklin à valoir sur le fret du Vaisseau le Marquis de la Fayette pour l’Amerique Septentrion.
  200000.—

  £1,441,922.19.

II. Franklin’s Reply to Chaumont’s Answer
[before May 7, 1782]
Mr Franklin’s Reply to Mr Chaumont’s Answer, respecting the Observations of Mr Franklin on his Account.—

  Article 1.
    The Charge of 3189.13.4. l.t. Ballance of Mr. Deane’s Acct. with M. de Chaumont.Mr F. has seen two Copies of this Account, in which the Ballance differs widely. It does not appear by any Evidence produc’d in Writing or otherwise that Mr Deane has been acquainted with and approv’d of this Demand against him. On the contrary he has told Mr F. that M. de Chaumont owed him a considerable Sum of Money, which from the then present Situation of Mr. C’s Affairs could not be obtained, & which oblig’d him to ask a Loan of Money from Mr F.— And as Mr F. finds in the said account against Mr Deane many Articles which appear to him to relate to particular Speculations & Adventures in Business between M. de Chaumont & him, that do not at all concern the Public: and it farther appears that the Sums actually credited in that Account as paid to Mr de Chaumont by Mr Deane & Mr Franklin as Commissioners of Congress exceed the Value of the Supplies charg’d therein as furnish’d for the Congress; Mr. F. conceives that the Charge of the Ballance in Question is not well placed in an Account against the United States; and that he cannot without Authority from Mr Deane undertake to settle the private Part of Mr Chaumont’s Account against him or to admit that the said Ballance is due from him. Mr Deane resides at Ghent, and Mr C. may settle the Matter with him by Writing.

  Art. 2.
193. 1.0. l.t.
Mr. F. cannot understand this without seeing the Account.

  Art. 3.
  63
Is just.

  — 4.
  1803. 9.3.
Allow’d

  — 5.
  5847.16.6.
Allow’d.

  — 6.
  25970. 6.0.
Allow’d.

  — 7.
  626. 2.5.
Allow’d

  Art. 8.
  12,000.
Indemnité sur la mere Bobie. This Charge appears to me very high. I do not think it right to estimate it by Tobacco; there being none at Boston to be shipp’d on such Terms. They were allow’d from Maryland, but the Risque there was greater. I leave this however to the Judgment of Mr Grand.

  Art. 9.
  741,095..16..4.
Allow’d.

  2d. Art. 9.
  3246.12.3.
pour Commission, &c. Submitted to the Judgment of Mr Grand.

  Art. 10.
  428,330..2..8.
Allow’d

  Art. 11.
  240,000. 0.0.
Allow’d

  Art. 12.
  500. 0.0.
Courtage submitted to Mr Grand— M. Franklin not understanding the Answer of M. de Chaumont concerning the Exchange.

  Art. 13.
Rent.
Mr Franklin leaves this intirely to M. Grand, and shall be content if fix’d as M. Chaumont propos’d to him.

  Art. 14.

To be decided by Mr Grand

  Art. 15.
  70,000.
Mr Franklin had never intimated to Congress that M. Chaumont owed him any thing. It seems therefore unintelligible to him that they should give Mr Holker such a Reason for not paying. Mr Holker might however have obtain’d their Drafts on Mr Franklin if they had approv’d of the Account. Genl. Lincoln might have purchas’d the Goods partly on the public Account, & partly for himself & officers. Mr F. knows nothing of the Matter, has receiv’d no Orders relating to it, And he thinks that Persons in one Department, especially at so great a Distance, should not be apply’d to for Payment of Debts contracted by those in another.

  Art. 16

Mr F. does not understand this, and leaves it to Mr Grd.

  Art. 17.

This also is for the same reason left to the Judgmt of Mr Grand, with which Mr F. will be satisfied.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Leopold Caldani, 26 April 1782
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Caldani, Leopold Marcantonio

Sir
Passy, April 26. 1782
I am extreamly sensible of the Honour done my [me] by your Academy, in admitting me one of its Foreign Members, and I beg they would accept my thankful Acknowledgements: Your City has been famous many Ages for its successful Cultivation of the Sciences, & for the Number of Great Men it has produced. This augments the Honour of being associated to its Academy. I wish it may be in my Power to promote in any degree the Design of their very laudable Institution. I shall be able however to communicate to the new World the Lights they may furnish by the Publication of their Memoirs;— and if when I return thither I can be useful to any of the Members by Informations relating to our Natural History, or by sending Specimens, Seeds, &c. or in any other manner, it will give me infinite Pleasure.
With great Respect, I have the honour of being, Sir, Your most obedient and most humble Servant
B Franklin


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Edmund Clegg, 26 April 1782
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Clegg, Edmund

Sir,
Passy, April 26. 1782.
Your Letter dated April 4. came to my hands but a few Days since. I apprehend from some Passages in it, that there has been a Misunderstanding between Mr. Wyld and me, or that he has misrepresented what passed between us. I certainly never undertook to provide a Vessel to carry him and his Friends over, and therefore could have no occasion to “send a special Messenger to acquaint them when all things were ready”. On the contrary, I advised their not attempting to go till Peace should be established. Or if they were resolved to go in time of War, that they should send to Ireland some Person acquainted with such Business, to hire and victual a Vessel for them there. He inform’d me they were People of Substance sufficient to bear their own Expences. I should certainly have great Pleasure in seeing a Set of honest industrious People as your Company is describ’d to be, made happy by a Settlement to their Minds in our new Country, but I have no Orders to advance any publick Money for the Purpose of conveying them thither; and indeed if it had ever been the Practice to give that assistance to New Comers, which it has not, the immense Charge of the War would at this time forbid it. The particular Recommendations and Passports you desire I should give you willingly if I had a List of the Names Characters &c. But if you are all determin’d to go Suddenly there may not be time, and in that Case, I would have you apply to Mr. Laurens and request them of him. You would also do well to ask and take his Advice with regard to the whole of your Proceedings. I send you enclos’d a general Recommendation to the Government of Pennsylvania, requesting they would favour your Establishment; and also a Passport for the Company and their Effects; advising you withal to be careful not to attempt sheltering under that Passport any English Goods sent over by others for Sale, all the Manufactures of England being at present prohibited there and seizable: and such an Attempt would hurt you exceedingly.
As to the Silk produced in America, concerning which you desire Information, I take it to be much the same with that which you have from Savoy. When I was in London I had several Trunks of it consign’d to me for sale, and I remember it fetched at a publick Sale as high a Price within 6d. in the pound weight, as the Italian sold at the same time. I think you will do right to take with you some of the Chains you mention. As to the Reeds if you cannot easily take them, I believe you may get them made there. I wish you Success, but fear you are too hasty; and think that if one of your Company had first gone over to inspect the State of things, obtain the proper Informations, send you his Advice & prepare for your Reception, the Operation would have had a better Chance of Succeeding, and been attended with less Inconvenience.
I am, Sir, Your most obedient and most humble Servant
B Franklin
Mr. Edmund Clegg.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to William Hodgson, 26 April 1782
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Hodgson, William

Dear Sir
Passy April 26. 1782.
Your two Favours of the 9th Instant came to my hands but a few days since. I had written so fully to you by the preceeding Post, sending at the same time the Passports and Powers you had demanded, which I hope will be sufficient, that I find little left to answer.
I am much pleas’d with the memorial you presented respecting the Prisoners, and thank you heartily for the Pains you have so kindly taken in that affair.
As to the Expence of the Transports and Provisions, I would just remark, that a great Number of our People, made Prisoners in America, instead of being exchanged there, were cruelly and unnecessarily sent by Admiral Rodney to England in Irons, & pack’d together in the unwholesome Holds of the Ships, which kill’d many. The Provisions for those taken in these Seas, should I think in Justice be compensated by an equal Quantity delivered in America to the Prisoners we shall give in Exchange to be returned in Europe. The Transport Vessels would perhaps go in their Ballast, as they will be wanted probably in America to recieve the exchanged Men, or to remove their Garrisons; & if your Government will accept my first Proposition, and deliver our men to me here, I would save it the Expence of hiring Ships for transporting them to America, as I could easily find the Means of doing it in our own or French Ships.
Having mentioned these Ideas, I confide the whole Transaction to your Judgement and Equity, and shall be satisfied with any Agreement you make, for I know you will do what is right and obtain for us every Advantage we ought to expect. Lord Shelburne’s intended Kindness to the Prisoners, so as to render their Voyage comfortable, gives me great Pleasure, not so much on Account of an Expence to be saved by that means, but because I know it will have an excellent Effect in America, by its Tendency to conciliate; which I think a material Point that merits the attention of both Sides at present: for a Peace may be made by merely agreeing to cease fighting; and that may be without Reconciliation; in which Case the Peace will be less advantageous & of a short Duration. Whatever Allowance his Lordship makes for the Purpose abovementioned to the Prisoners in England, I suppose he will extend also to those in Ireland.— If not, I request you will desire your Friends at Kinsale to furnish it, and I will pay the Account upon Sight. Be so good as to present my best Respects and Thanks to his Lordship, for this Instance of his Humanity & Benevolence towards our poor People, and assure him I shall always retain a gratefull Sense of it.
With great Esteem I have the honor to be, Dear Sir, &c. &c.
B. Franklin.
Mr. Hodgson.Copy of a Letter from Dr. B. Franklin to Mr Hodgson. dated Passy, April 26. 1782. (Copy)


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Margaret Stewart, 26 April 1782
From: Stewart, Margaret
To: Franklin, Benjamin

London 26 April 1782
I longe Since, hoped; & expected; to have the honor of hearing from Your Excellency; particularly, as Mr Ray of Ostend; wrot me that he Sent You, the Copy of my Brothers Work, in Decr last, I flatered myself that by Your protection; & recomendation, it cou’d not fail of Sucess; as You was so good to Writ; me in the Year Seventy four; that You wou’d be happy at any time, to render me any Service; I never Wanted asistance More than at present; for an Expencive Law Suit, & a Longe illness; has reduced me Much; I had the honor of writing to Your Excellency in Janr last; but Suppose that affairs of consequence prevented my having an enswere; but earnestly beg I may now & that You will, give me Some asistantance & have the honor to be Your Excellency’s Obliged humble Servant
M Stewart

PS please to direct for me No 26 union Street Near great Tichfeild Street

Addressed: Son Excellance Dr Franklin / a Passy Pres / de Paris
Notation: Stwart Mr. M. London 26. apl. 1782.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from the Comte de Barbançon, 27 April 1782
From: Barbançon, Augustin-Jean-Louis-Antoine du Prat, comte de
To: Franklin, Benjamin

A Varennes par Noyon ce 27. avril 1782.
On ne sorait ètre, Monsieur, plus reconoisant que je le suis de la bonté que vous avez bien voulu avoir de me faire venir un tresor imanse des Grenes les plus rares, Je ne puis assé vous exprimer conbien je suis sensible a tout la grace que vous y aves mis, je regrete infiniment, Monsieur, que Mon séjour a la campagne me prive du double aventage d’aller vous en remercier de vif voix et de cultiver votre connoissance; je vous prie d’en être bien persuadé, ainsi que des sentiments d’attachement les plus sinceres avec les quels j’ay l’honneur d’être Monsieur, Votre très humble et très obéissant serviteur
Le Cte. DE Barbançon

Notation: Comte de Barbançon Varennes 27 Avril 1782


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from the Comte d’Estaing, 27 April 1782
From: Estaing, Charles-Henri, comte d’
To: Franklin, Benjamin

à Passy ce samedi 27. avril 1782.
Mr. D’Estaing est si accoutumé a devoir des Remercîments à Monsieur franklin, et il a tant de plaisir a les lui faire, qu’il a eû L’honneur d’aller hier chez lui pour former sa Demande de graine. Il lui Renvoye l’Etat qu’il a eû la Bonté de lui Confier. Les articles marqués d’une Croix sont Ceux qu’il desire. La Confiance de Mr. D’Estaing est une excuse de son indiscretion.
Si Monsieur franklin est visible aujourd’hui a une heure après-midi, Mr. D’Estaing aura L’honneur de lui Rendre ses devoirs, et de s’assûrer de la possibilité, et du succès de sa Demande.

Notation: Mr. Destaing 27. avril 1782.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Anthony Barons and Alexander Cummings, 28 April 1782
From: Barons, Anthony,Cummings, Alexander
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Au haver De Grase Aprele the 28 17[82?]
Sir this Is the humble petiton of seventeen Americans now in this plase in A very Low Condition Jus come from england wheair wee have had the most long and sevear imprisonment that the subgects of Any cuntry has Been this war for the want of Cloaths and every necary of Life now wee your humbl Petitioners and Cuntrymen mak as Bold to aqueant you of our needsisity at this time hoping that you will Look upon your Cuntrymen that has Been fighting for our Cuntry and has Been ther Most of us in prison tow years and some mor But few of us Looss when wee arived hear wee had Passports for Luriant and Differant ports of france but not Being able to persed on our Journy we was obliged to Continue in this plas And the will not Lett us hav a pass to go to Sea In any ship without paying the money that wee have received from them wee hae Been advised to aquent you of our Condition And the Consell told us that hee maid no Doubt but you would help us in the Low Sitation that wee ar now in the most of us hav got wives and familis in America And hav paid [?]ats and Evrything Acord to our stayton And it is very hard if wee can Not bee Rileved out of our Distress by our Contry wee must go to parts of the worled upon tha Acount of not being sent home that very posible wee never shall Bee able to geet home tow our wives Any mor or forevr and Wee hope that thiss Letter will put you Remembrance of your poore Contrymen And If the power is invested in you to help them to Some Little money you And in so Doing you will hav the thanks of your humbl petitinors And their prayres Likways
Anthony BaronsAlexer Cummings

Addressed: Son Excellence / Monseigneur francklin / ministre des Etats unis de / L’amerique septentrionalle / en Son hotel / à / Paris


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from François-Félix Nogaret, with a Note from Elisabeth Nogaret, [on or after 28 April 1782]
From: Nogaret, François-Félix,Nogaret, François-Félix
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur et bon ami
[on or after April 28, 1782]
Vous trouverés cy Joint une Lettre que mon ministre ma fait le plaisir d’ecrire pour moi à M. Le Mis. de Serent de qui dépend une place de Lecteur de Mgr Le Duc de Berry que je demande. M Le Mis. de Castellanne et M. Le Mis. de Montbel qui ont de même ecrit pour moi, m’ont donné un fort bon Conseil: comme cette place exige des connaissances, ils m’ont dit que Je ferais bien de me faire recommander aussi par des gens de Lettres: Je demande a M. de Buffon par cet ordinaire d’ecrire pour moi, et je Suis sûr de lui. Rendés moi je vous prie et à ma femme le service de temoigner par ecrit à M. Le Mis. de Serent que vous prenés à nous quelqu’interêt; je vous en serai sensiblement obligè. Le plutot que vous Le pourrés faire sera Le mieux: Je vous demande en grace d’ecrire de votre main et en anglais. M de Serent scait cette Langue. Votre Lettre peut être mise à la poste.
Ma femme vous presente son respect. Agrées je vous prie les assûrances du mien et pardonnés La liberté avec laquelle J’ose me dire, Monsieur et bon ami votre très humble et très obeissant Serviteur
FELIX Nogaret

[In the hand of Elisabeth Nogaret:] Md nogaret prie bien monsieur Le docteur de vouloir bien obliger son mari pour Cette place qui ne donne guerre qu’un titre honnorable Car pour de Largent il ny en a guerre

Notation: Nogaret.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from the Earl of Shelburne, 28 April 1782
From: Shelburne, William Petty, Earl of
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Shelburne House 28th. April 1782.
I have received much Satisfaction in being assured by you, that the Qualifications of Wisdom & Integrity which induced me to make Choice of Mr. Oswald, as the fittest Instrument for the renewal of our Friendly Intercourse, have also recommended him so effectually to your Approbation & Esteem. I most heartily wish that the Influence of this first communication of our mutual Sentiments may be extended to a happy Conclusion of all our Public Differences.—
The Candour, with which Monsieur le Comte de Vergennes expresses his most Christian Majesty’s Sentiments and Wishes on the Subject of a speedy Pacification is a pleasing Omen of its accomplishment. His Majesty is not less decided in the same Sentiments & Wishes, and it confirms his Majesty’s Ministers in their Intention to act in like manner, as most consonant to the true Dignity of a great Nation.
In consequence of these Reciprocal Advances Mr. Oswald is sent back to Paris for the purpose of arranging & settling with you the preliminaries of Time and Place, and I have the Pleasure to tell you, that Mr Laurens is already discharged from those Engagements, which he enter’d into, when he was admitted to Bail.
It is also determined that Mr Fox, from whose Department that Communication is necessarily to proceed, shall send a proper Person, who may confer and settle immediately with Monsr de Vergennes the further Measures and Proceedings, which may be judg’d proper to adopt towards advancing the Prosecution of this Important Business. In the mean time Mr Oswald is instructed to communicate to you my Thoughts upon the principal Objects to be settled.
Transports are actually preparing for the purpose of conveying your Prisoners to America to be there exchanged, and we trust, that you will learn, that due Attention has not been wanting to their accommodation & good treatment.—
I have the honour to be with very sincere Respect, Dear Sir, Your faithful & obedient humble Servant
Shelburne


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Benjamin West, 28 April 1782
From: West, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
London April 28th. 1782.
Your friendly remmbrences of me by the bearer of this is so flattering, I could not permit his return to you without making my Acknowlegments by letter for so pleasing a marke of your esteem, It allways gave me and Mrs. West the greatest satisfaction to hear of your health—a confirmation of which I have not only recived by our friend, but have now before in a Bust; which he procured two or three days past, the likeness is strong and time seems to have made but little impression on the Origenal (as he apeared some years past in Craven Street) but in my family he has rought great changes since you ware with us— My Eldest son now in his Sixteenth year has increased in hight two inches above his father; and the Other (your Godson) now in his tenth year, bids faire to do the Same, they with Mrs. West are in health and desire to be most affectionately remmembred to you— My Eldest has greatly improved in painting, and I have determined to do my utmost to cultivate those talents which apear in him; that they may some day I hope be an Orniment to the profession, my Other son is at school, and shews great phicility in larning; what is to be his lott or profession is not yet determined; In reguard to my own Situation our mutual friend Mr. Whiteford can best discribe, in his interview with you—his arrend is to me a pleasing one, and I pray every blessing may attend it, and your joint endavours to affect the wished for end— my kind complts to your Nephew—and be Assured I am with great reguard and respect Dear Sir Your Obliged and Obedt. Humble Servant
Benjn. West
Dr. Franklin—

Notation: West Benjamin, London apl. 28. 1782.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Barclay, 29 April 1782
From: Barclay, Thomas
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
29 april 1782. Amsterdam
Since I had the honour of addressing Your Excellency last post I heard from Mr. Adams that a Cartel is settled for the Exchange of Seamen between America and Great Britain, and that some ships are getting ready in England to Transport the prisoners that are Now there. As we shall be in great want of some to Man the Ship that is going out, I wish it were possible to get about forty or fifty of them either to Ostend or this place. I have already written to Dunkirk and Ostend to Collect and send hither all that are there, but an addition of either of the above Numbers wou’d Accommodate Us Compleately. I am not Clear in the practicability of the Measure, but I thought I wou’d submit it to your Excellencys Consideration. We shall want a Commission to intitle Captain Samuel Smedley to make prize of any of the Enemys vessells that possibly may fall in his way, which I will be obliged to you to send and if it is Necessary to go through any forms here I shall do it. The ship is Now Called the Heer Adams, Burthen 250 Ton, American built, and will sail with Sixteen guns and about Sixty Men. Mr. Peter Le Pool of this place requests me to write to your Excellency for such an other Commission for his Brigantine General Green, Edward Bacon Master, will Carry 10 Guns & 30 men. Perhaps the short way wou’d be to send some to Mr. Adams to be deliver’d when wanted.
I have the honour to be with great respect Sir Your Excellencys Most Obed
Thos Barclay

Endorsed: April 29. 82


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Monsieur and Madame de Baussan, 29 April 1782
From: Baussan, ——,Baussan, Madame N.
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Ce 29 avril [1782]
Mr et Me de Baussan espere que la résolution du papa pour ne point diner a paris n’est pas encore bien préte et quil Voudra bien Leur faire l’honneur de Venir diner chès eux avec Monsieur Son petit fils lundy prochain 6 may. Si M. et Me Caillot Se trouvoit libre et que le tres bon papa Voulut les ammener M. et Me de Baussan seroit ravis de les voir, ils ont l’honneur doffrir leur Tendre hommage a Ce tres aimable papa.

Addressed: A Monsieur / Monsieur francklin ministre / plénipotentiaire des états unis de lamérique / a passy


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Michael Hillegas, 29 April 1782
From: Hillegas, Michael
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dr Sir
Philada. April 29. 1782.
Your favour of the 17th. June last introducing Mr. Beyerle, was handed me about 10 or 12 days ago by that Gentleman immediately after his arrival at this place— It gave me great pleasure to hear of your health— And I pray God may continue you in the same whilst on Earth, and to grant you everlasting happiness in the World to come.— As to Mr. Beyerlé, you may rest assured, I shall give him that attention which your reccommendation and the great esteem I have for you, entitle him to.
Altho’ I am sencible of your time being so very much taken up in public business, yet knowing the goodness of your Heart I am prevailed on by a poor Widow of this City to request the favour of your endeavours some way or other to obtain the Releasement or Exchange of her Son John Claypoole, who was taken Prisoner on Board the Ship called the Luzerne commanded by Captain Bell Bound from L’Orient for this place, (on Board of which he was in the Character of Steward) was carried into Ireland and from thence to England and committed to Mill Prison near Plymouth. I understand he is a clever fellow, and was the only support of his Mother—his liberation would therefore be an Act of Charity.
A very particular friend of mine has requested me to solicit you to inform me, For what Sum, A Compleat set of the Encyclopædia can be purchased in France? of the best Edition in handsome binding.— Also whether the Work entituled Histoire des Arts et Mettiers, differs materially from the Encyclopædia— And at what price they are to be procured in bindings similar to those above described.
I am with the most profound respect & esteem Your most Obedient and most humble Servant
M. Hillegas

P.S. Mrs. Hillegas requests me to present you with her best Respects.
  His Excellency Benja. Franklin Esqr.

Addressed: His Excellency / Benjamin Franklin Esquire / Embassador from the United States of / America at the Court of Versailes / Passy


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Francis Hopkinson, 29 April 1782
From: Hopkinson, Francis
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear sir.
Philada. April 29th. 1782
I am told there is a most valuable Work in the Press at Paris, entitled Encyclopdia Methodique, to be published in yearly Volumes, & that the Subscription will in the whole amount to about 100 Dollars. I am very desirous of having this Compendium of human Knowledge, & request the favour of you to enter me as a Subscriber. If you will be so good as to advance the first Deposit for me I will repay it to Mr. Bache or otherwise as you shall direct; or my friend Mr. Barclay will make the necessary Advance which I will repay to any of his Correspondents here.
I am, dear Sir Your ever affectionate
Fr. Hopkinson
Honb. Dr. Franklin

Addressed: To The Honourable / Doctor Franklin / at Passy / near Paris
Notation: F. Hopkinson 29. April 1782.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jonathan Williams, Jr., 30 April 1782
From: Williams, Jonathan Jr.
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear & hond sir
Nantes April 30. 1782.
Mr James Moore Brother to Mr Philip Moore of Philadelphia has been some Time in this Town. He came hither from Scotland intending for America, but finding that through his Brothers Connexions he can fix himself advantageously in Business here he has determined to stay & enter into the american Trade. I advised him first to take the Oath of Allegiance to the United States which he had not the smallest Objection to do, & would have set off immediately for Paris to take it in your Presence, but I apprehended the signing one before Witness might answer the Purpose, I therefore send it inclosed & request to know if it is sufficient because otherwise he will go to Paris immediately. I shall write you more fully respecting this Gentleman in a few days & request your Friendship for him. I have not yet recd your Answer about the Prisoners who are on Board here at my Expence, I have done nothing more than their necessities require & I doubt not you will think this a Charge rather on the Public than me.
I am as ever Your dutifull & affectionate Kinsman
Jona Williams J
have the seeds at last come to hand?

Notation: Jona. Williams 30 Apl. 1782.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jean-Pierre Blanchard, [c. April 1782]
From: Blanchard, Jean-Pierre-François
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur
ce jeudy soir [c. April, 1782]
Monsieur de sarsfield m’ayant annoncè que vous me feriez l’honneur de venir voir mon vaisseau Volant dèmain. J’ay l’honneur de vous donner avis, qu’ayant commencé a faire mettre la couverture de carton vous ne verrez absolument rien d’interessant la meccanique etant enfermée par cette envelope. Je ne pouray percer la place des Glaces et en ouvrir la porte que dans environ 8 jours, alors Monsieur sy a cette époque vous vouliez choisir un jour et une heure jauray l’honneur de vous recevoir, j’ay celuy dêtre très parfaitement Monsieur Votre très humble serviteur
Blanchard

Addressed: A Monsieur / Monsieur franklin / a Passy / Blanchard


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Charles James Fox, 1 May 1782
From: Fox, Charles James
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir,
St. James’s 1. May 1782
Though Mr. Oswald will no doubt have informed you of the nature of Mr. Grenville’s Commission, yet I can not refrain from making use of the opportunity his going offers me, to assure you of the esteem and Respect which I have borne to your character, and to beg you to believe that no change in my situation has made any in those ardent wishes for reconciliation which I have invariably felt from the very beginning of this unhappy Contest. Mr. Grenville is fully acquainted with my sentiments upon this subject, and with the sanguine hopes which I have conceived that those with whom we are contending are too reasonable to continue a contest which has no longer any object either real or even imaginary.—

I know your liberality of mind too well to be afraid lest any prejudices against Mr. Grenville’s Name may prevent you from esteeming those excellent qualities of heart and head which belong to him, or from giving the fullest credit to the sincerity of his wishes for Peace in which no Man in either country goes beyond him. I am with great truth and Regard, Sir, your most obedient humble Servant
C. J. Fox
Benjamin Franklin Esq.