Title: From Benjamin Franklin to William Franklin, [12 September 1766]
From:
To:

[September 12th, 1766]
I have just received Sir William’s open letter to Secretary Conway, recommending your plan for a colony in the Ilinois, which I am glad of. I have closed and sent it to him. He is not now in that department; but it will of course go to Lord Shelburne, whose good opinion of it I have reason to hope for; and I think Mr. Conway was rather against distant posts and settlements in America. We have, however, suffered a loss in Lord Dartmouth, who I know was inclined to a grant there in favor of the soldiery, and Lord Hillsborough is said to be terribly afraid of dispeopling Ireland. General Lyman has been long here soliciting such a grant, and will readily join the interest he has made with ours, and I should wish for a body of Connecticut settlers, rather than all from our frontiers. I purpose waiting on Lord Shelburne on Tuesday, and hope to be able to send you his sentiments by Falconer, who is to sail about the twentieth.
A good deal, I imagine, will depend on the account, when it arrives, of Mr. Croghan’s negotiation in that country. This is an affair I shall seriously set about, but there are such continual changes here, that it is very discouraging to all applications to be made to the ministry. I thought the last set well established, but they are broken and gone. The present set are hardly thought to stand very firm, and God only knows whom we are to have next.
The plan is I think well drawn, and I imagine Sir William’s approbation will go a great way in recommending it, as he is much relied on in all affairs, that may have any relation to the Indians. Lord Adam Gordon is not in town, but I shall take the first opportunity of conferring with him. I thank the Company for their willingness to take me in, and one or two others that I may nominate. I have not yet concluded whom to propose it to; but I suppose our friend Sargent should be one. I wish you had allowed me to name more, as there will be in the proposed country, by my reckoning, near sixty-three millions of acres, and therefore enough to content a great number of reasonable people, and by numbers we might increase the weight of interest here. But perhaps we shall do without.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Sir William Johnson, 12 September 1766
From:
To:

Sir
London, Sept. 12. 1766
I am honoured with yours of the 10th. of July, just come to hand, with that for Mr. Secretary Conway under a flying Seal, which I have clos’d and forwarded. He is now in another Department, but it will go of course to Lord Shelbourne, who I think is rather more favourably dispos’d towards such Undertakings.
I have long been of Opinion that a well-conducted western Colony, if it could be settled with the Approbation of the Indians would be of great National Advantage with respect to the Trade, and particularly useful to the old Colonies as a Security to their Frontiers. I am glad to find that you, whose Knowledge of Indian Affairs and the Temper of those People far exceeds mine, entertain the same Sentiments, and think such an Establishment in the Ilinoias Country practicable. I shall not fail to use my best Endeavours here in promoting it, and obtaining for that purpose the necessary Grants; and I am happy that this Occasion introduces me to the Correspondence of a Gentleman whose Character I have long esteemed, and to whom America is so much obliged.
It grieves me to hear that our Frontier People are yet greater Barbarians than the Indians, and continue to murder them in time of Peace. I hope your Negociations will prevent a new War, which those Murders give great Reason to apprehend; and that the several Governments will find some Method of preventing such horrid Outrages for the future. With sincere and great Regard, I have the Honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient, and most humble Servant
B Franklin
Sir William Johnson

Endorsed: London Septbr. 12th. 1766 Benjmn. Franklin Esqrs. Letter


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Ann Penn, 16 September 1766
From:
To:

Sir
Dublin septbr the 16 1766
I hope you are Recoverd. from your late fatigue and indisposition, my dear Springett has been very Ill of a fever I had 2 the most Eminent Physicians to attend him. He is better, but is very weak. I have him in the Country for the air, he would write to you himself but it would fatigue him to much, but joyns with me in in our best wishes for your self and family your Humble servant
A Penn

Please to direct as usuall.
Please to give our Compliments to mrs. Stephenson who I hope with her daughter is well.

Addressed: To / Benjamn. Franklin Esqr. / att Mrs Stephensons, / In Craven Street In / the Strand / London
Endorsed: [Mrs.] Penn Sept. 16. 1766


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Joseph Priestley, 21 September 1766
From:
To:

Dear Sir
Warrington 21 Sepbr. 1766.
I wrote to Mr. Price last post, in which I desired him to remind you of your promise to procure me Beccaria’s work, which you said you thought you could do of Mr. Delaval. Fearing he might not see you soon, I write to desire you to get it for me, if possible, without loss of time. Otherwise, I must reserve his experiments for an Appendix, for, by the references I meet with to them, I find my book absolutely must not come abroad without them. I am in such haste, as we have already begun to print, and have done five sheets. The whole work will make betwixt 400, and 500 pages 4to, and we shall not have done quite so soon as Christmas. For the same reason, I must beg you would also send me, as soon as you conveniently can, the two last numbers of the work, which I left in the hands of Dr. Watson, to be transmitted to you. I am now wholly employed in revising and correcting. I defer drawing up the account of my own experiments, till I have some more in pur[s]uance of them, and several others. In about a week I shall betake myself to experiments in good earnest, but I have no expectation of doing much more than I have done. Upon Mr. Price’s letter, I sent the mark that was actually made by a chain when a discharge was sent thro it. I have several times since I came home got three, and almost always two concentric circles, upon the metal knobs with which I make discharges. If I verify your experiments on the electrified cup, and animal fluids, may I publish them as yours, in some proper place in my work? I shall soon go about them. Have you procured the list of books written on the subject of electricity, or the remainder of Wilke’s treatise. Dr. Watson has sent me a curious tract of Johannes Franciscus Cignas which I am now digesting. In your notes [on] one of my former Numbers you say, you question whether Æolipyle will turn the same way whether it draw in [or] throw out the water. I had tried it before I wrote [the] paragraph, you may depend upon the fact. I hope to find more of your excellent remarks upon the two numbers in your hands. I am, Dear Sir, your most obliged humble servant
J Priestley

Since I wrote the letter, I have made a discharge, through a chain that lay on this side of it. At the moment of the discharge, the whole appeared like a bright flame. From (a) when the chain was returned, it was thrown back as far as (b). I have tried the same several times since, laying one half of a chain parallel to the other, and marking exactly how far it reached upon the table; and always found the middle part pulled back about an inch and a half [as] if a sudden jerk had been given [to] it. Indeed it was manifest, by comparing the links with the marks, that every link had moved a little. Must not that have been effected by the links repelling one another, while the shock was passing? Is not the paper really burnt? Was not the chain made superficially hot? and does not the electric shock pass chiefly over the surfaces of bodies? so that small bodies will be melted, because they have most surface in proportion to their bulks. nb The fa[int] marks, at a distance from the rest, are not made [by] handling. They are just as the discharge left them. Indeed, you will find they are not easily effaced. nb The wire of the chain is not so thick as the marks.

Addressed: To / Doctor Franklin / at Mrs Stephens / in Craven Street in the Strand / London


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to William Franklin, [27 September 1766]
From:
To:

[September 27th, 1766]
I have mentioned the Ilinois affair to Lord Shelburne. His Lordship had read your plan for establishing a colony there, recommended by Sir William Johnson, and said it appeared to him a reasonable scheme, but he found it did not quadrate with the sentiments of people here;
   *I fancy, but am not certain, that his Lordship meant Lord Hillsborough, who, I am told, is not favorable to new settlements.
 that their objections to it were, the distance, which would make it of little use to this country, as the expense on the carriage of goods would oblige the people to manufacture for themselves; that it would for the same reason be difficult both to defend it and to govern it; that it might lay the foundation of a power in the heart of America, which in time might be troublesome to the other colonies, and prejudicial to our government over them; and that people were wanted both here and in the already settled colonies, so that none could be spared for a new colony. These arguments, he said, did not appear to him of much weight, and I endeavoured by others to invalidate them entirely. But his Lordship did not declare whether he would or would not promote the undertaking; and we are to talk further upon it.
I communicated to him two letters of Mr. Croghan’s, with his journal, and one or two of yours on that subject, which he said he would read and consider; and I left with him one of Evans’s maps of the middle colonies, in the small-scale part of which I had marked with a wash of red ink the whole country included in your boundaries. His Lordship remarked, that this would coincide with General Lyman’s project, and that they might be united.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Charles Thomson, 27 September 1766
From:
To:

Dear Friend and Neighbour
London, Sept. 27. 1766
I received your very kind Letter of May 20. which came here while I was absent in Germany. The favourable Sentiments you express of my Conduct with regard to the Repeal of the Stamp Act, give me real Pleasure; and I hope in every other matter of publick Concern, so to behave myself as to stand fair in the Opinions of the Wise and Good: What the rest think and say of me will then give me less Concern.
That Part of your Letter which related to the Situation of People’s Minds in America before and after the Repeal, was so well exprest, and in my Opinion so proper to be generally read and understood here, that I had it printed in the London Chronicle. I had the Pleasure to find that it did Good in several Instances within my Knowledge.
There are Claimers enow of Merit in obtaining the Repeal. But if I live to see you, I will let you know what an Escape we had in the Beginning of the Affair, and how much we were obliged to what the Profane would call Luck, and the Pious Providence.
You will give an old Man Leave to say My Love to Mrs. Thomson. With sincere Regard, I am, Your affectionate Friend
B Franklin
Mr. Thomson

Addressed: To / Mr Charles Thomson / Mercht / Philadelphia
Endorsed: Letter from B F. Sept. 27. 1766


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Daniel Wister, 27 September 1766
From:
To:

Dear Friend,
London, Sept. 27. 1766.
I received your Favour of June the 7th. with the German Paper enclos’d. I am exceedingly oblig’d to my Friends for the constant Care they take of my Good Name in my Absence in defending it from the Slanders of my Enemies. Among the rest, I beg you would accept my thankful Acknowledgements for the generous Part you have always taken in that kind Work, and that you will be assured I shall never forget your Kindness.
I travell’d a good deal, for my Health, in Germany this Summer, which I found a very fine Country, and seemingly not so much hurt by the late War as one might have expected, since it appears every where fully cultivated, notwithstanding the great Loss it sustained in People. It should seem their Numbers are inexhaustible; since the Empress of Russia is now inviting into her Country such Germans as are willing to leave their own, and obtain’d no less than Forty Thousand of them last Year, who are to settle on the Volga, near the Caspian Sea. She bears all the Charges of their Journey.
I cannot comprehend what Mr. Allen could mean by charging me with opposing the Repeal of the Stamp Act. The contrary is well known here to everyone that knows me; and in Truth, besides opposing the Act before it was made, I never in my Life labour’d any Point more heartily than I did that of obtaining the Repeal.
I thank you for your good Wishes, which I pray may be fulfill’d sevenfold on you and yours, being, with real Regard and Esteem Dear Friend, Yours affectionately
B Franklin

My Respects to your good Father and Mother.Mr. D. Wister

Addressed: To / Mr Daniel Wister / Merchant / Philadelphia


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Heberden, [Before 29 September 1766]
From:
To:

[Before September 29, 1766]
Dr. Heberden sends his compliments to Dr. Franklin and desires the favor of his company at dinner on monday next (Sept. 29th.) at half an hour past three.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to William Franklin, [30 September 1766]
From:
To:

[September 30th, 1766]
I have just had a visit from General Lyman, and a good deal of conversation on the Ilinois scheme. He tells me, that Mr. Morgan, who is under-secretary of the Southern department, is much pleased with it; and we are to go together to talk to him concerning it.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Benjamin Kent, [c. September 1766]
From:
To:

Much Honour’d and Blov’d Sir
[c. September, 1766]
I Assure you I am not so mercinary as to expect the undeserv’d favour of A Line from you; but agreable to An old Observation, on which I much rely viz Non animam Mutant qui trans mare Currunt I shall make my self as free with you, as when you used to flatter me, with the kind appellation of, “Brother” Ben. And If these should Interrupt your grand Concerns and Entertainment, you may thank your Self, for your own former freedoms which in my oppinion intitles me to this. I wrote you Some time Since (from the Love as well as veneration I bear to Mr. Pitt, now Lord Chatham) that we have found a root, call’d by the Indian (who communicated its virtue to us) Cauhouse which being Steept, in good Madira or in good Jamaica Spirit, taking about a Jill, at once infallibly carrys off any fit of the gout. I have this assurance from several Gentlemen who have try’d it. Our Secretary Oliver’s oldest Son last Month informed me that it never fail’d him, but very lately he was determin’d to make a more thoro’ tryal. The fit came on, his foot greatly inflamed, but he bore the pain, untill he was Sure it was well fixed, according to all his former Experience he took the potion went to bed, had a breathing Sweat all over, but his gouty foot Sweat very profusely, soon got to sleep, was well refreshed and got up in the Morning perfectly well. I believe you Know Middlecott Cook Esq; the Clerk of Our Common Pleas. Last week or a week before, he was Seiz’d with a Violent fitt of the Gout, was ill three or four Days and could not bare to be stirr’d in his Bed, he took the Dose, (tho his root was steep’d in Spirit) I saw him the next day walking about his Chamber quite free of the gout, tho’ as he told me he could not stir hand or foot the evening before. Mr. Cook has been for above 20 years past more afflicted with that disorder than ever I knew any one to have been. An other Gouty Gentleman of my Acquaintance has lately found the Same releif, by the Same Medicine. I know the plant, it grows wild in Many Low Lands, and in plenty. I have heard that one or two Gentlemen have wrote Home concerning this wonder working Plant, which has fairly baffled the Maxim of the Physician viz Nescit Medicina Podagram, but I tho’t my mentioning the same thing might be a benefit, to many excellent Men and to his Lordship particularly. And I am So confident of the Virtue of that plant, I would venture a Voyage to England upon the Credit of it. But I suppose Some of the Faculty will find it out, keep it a Secreet as they have done the Method of American Inoculation, and then run away with the Profit and Credit of it too.
So much for Cauhouse.
Your Friends and relations in Boston are all well, and are exceedingly rejoyced, that you design for America next Spring. And before you come we wish you would put a Commission for the Government in your Pocket, but if you don’t chuse to be at the Trouble; pray befriend your Native Town, and Province, so much as to procure it, for Some good man, who will deserve More Honour and Love than ever our present G--r has had, or ever will have. This Province is a Large and I hope a Respectable Family but if we have a G--r disproportiond to the station of a Father, the Family in time may be ruined, by the bad hearts of those who grant Posts of Trust without a due reguard to Merit. It is well known that the best preaching, and the best Laws have not half the Tendency, to make a people Virtuous and wise, as One great and good Man has, at the Head of a Society. Virtue and Wisdom must be Inspired from our Betters, and they must be our Rulers too, or we shall never Attain it. Pray Sir If John Wilks Esqr. be the Author of that Most Divine Book, call’d Epistles Philosophical and Moral, please to be so kind as to mention it in some one of your Letters, to some Friend of yours with whom I have the pleasure to be acquainted in Boston. That God, would bless you above even your wishes is the Sincere desire of your Friend
Benja. Kent

Addressed: For The Honble. / Benjamin Franklin Esq; / Doctr of Laws / at the Pensylvania, or New England / Coffee House / London / By Capt. Scott.
Endorsed: B Kent


Title: Remarks on the Plan for Regulating the Indian Trade, [September 1766-October 1766]
From:
To:

During June 1764 the Board of Trade had spent considerable time and effort preparing a “Plan for the Future Management of Indian Affairs,” and on June 15 it ordered that copies be sent for comment to the superintendents of Indian affairs and the royal governors on the North American continent. On July 10 drafts of the Board’s explanatory letters to these officials were read and approved for signature. The Plan to which the letters referred has consequently been usually cited by this date: July 10, 1764.
Sir William Johnson sent back an article-by-article commentary on this Plan with an accompanying letter dated October 8, and several governors also wrote their opinions. The Board of Trade read these communications and from time to time considered doing something with the Plan, but never carried the discussions beyond the point of talk. In the autumn of 1766, when Lord Shelburne had taken office as secretary of state for the Southern Department, he became definitely interested in placing the management of Indian affairs on a more systematic and effective footing. As one move toward this end he asked Franklin and Richard Jackson to examine the Plan of July 10, 1764, and submit to him their comments.
Just when Franklin prepared the draft “Remarks” printed below is not certain, but the date can be approximated. He wrote his son William on September 12 that he was to have a conference with Shelburne the following Tuesday, that is on the 16th; on October 11 he told Galloway that he had “occasionally had several Conferences lately” with the secretary of state. On the second page of this draft (now transferred to near its start) he jotted down several memoranda of “Things to be mentioned to Lord Shelbourne,” that had come to Franklin’s attention in recent months. It seems highly probable, therefore, that this paper represents the draft of a document he planned to present to Shelburne during one of their “several Conferences” in September and October 1766. Jackson, who was out of town during the early autumn, dated his report in November 1766.
The Plan on which Franklin was commenting consisted of forty-three numbered paragraphs or articles, and a final unnumbered one on financial matters to which Franklin referred in his comment as “44.” He discussed less than a third of the articles, but these he examined with complete freedom. Characteristically, he seemed most interested in the workability and practical operation of the arrangements and regulations proposed. To make his remarks as intelligible as possible, each of his comments is preceded by a summary (or occasionally a direct quotation), set in brackets, of the corresponding article of the Board of Trade’s Plan.

[September–October 1766]
Remarks on the Plan for Regulating the Indian TradeWritten at the Request of Lord S.
The Regulations in this Plan seem to me to be in general very good; but some few appear to want Explanation, or farther Consideration.
Things to be mentioned to Lord Shelbourne.
Map of proposed Colony
Demand of Traders who suffered before the first War, and at breaking out of the second.
Att[orne]y Generel of Virg[ini]a.
Petitions relative to Gov[ernmen]t of Pennsylvania Paper Currency
—— Islands in Delaware

—— Mr. Croghan’s Demand
Mr. Cox’s Demand.
[3. No trade to be allowed with Indians in Southern District except in towns belonging to tribes included in the district, and in the Northern District trade is to be fixed “at so many Posts and in such Situations” as thought necessary.]
3. Is it intended by this Clause to prevent the Trade that Indians living near the Frontiers may chuse to carry on with the Inhabitants by bringing their Skins into the Settlements? This Prevention is hardly practicable, as such Trade may be carried on in many Places out of the Observation of Government, the Frontier being of great Extent, and the Inhabitants thinly settled in the Woods remote from each other. The Indians too do not every where live in Towns sufficiently numerous to encourage Traders to reside among them, but in scattered Families here and there often shifting their Situation for the sake of better Hunting; and if they are near the English Settlements It would seem to them very hard to be obliged to carry their Skins for Sale to remote Towns or Posts, when they could dispose of them to their Neighbours with less Trouble and to greater Advantage, as the Goods they want for them are and must be dearer at such remote Posts.
[4. “That all Laws now in Force in the Several Colonies for regulating Indian affairs or Commerce be repealed.” ]
4. Those Laws are the Result of long Experience, made by People on the Spot interested to make them good, and it seems they should be well considered before they are repealed to make way for new untried Schemes.
By whom are they to be repealed? By the Colony Assemblies? or by Parliament? Some Difficulty will arise here.

[13. No order to be issued by the governor or by an officer with military command of any fort in the Indian country for stopping the trade with any tribe in either district without the concurrence or consent of the agent or superintendent for Indian affairs in the district.]
13. The Districts seem too large for this. The Indians under the Care of the Northern Superintendant border on the Colonies of N Scotia, Quebec, New Hampshire Massachusets, Connecticut New York, New Jersey, Pensilvania, Maryland, Virginia. The Superintendents Residence remote from several of these may occasion great Inconvenience, if his Consent is always to be necessary in such Cases.
[14. The agents or superintendents or their deputies are to visit all the posts or tribes in their districts once a year or oftener to take account of the behavior of their subordinates, to hear appeals or redress complaints of the Indians, to make proper presents, and transact all affairs relating to the Indians.]
14. This seems too much to be done, when the Vastness of the District is considered. If there were more Districts and smaller this might be more practicable.
[15. That the agents or superintendents and the commissaries at each post be empowered to act as justices of the peace with all usual powers and also authority to commit offenders in capital cases. In civil actions the commissaries may try “in a summary way” disputes between traders and Indians or between traders, up to £10 sterling, with liberty of appeal to the agent or superintendent or his deputy, whose judgment is final. 16. The evidence given by Indians is to be accepted under proper regulations in all criminal and civil cases as above, and admitted by courts of justice in the colonies in criminal cases under the normal rules concerning false evidence.]
15 and 16. Are these Agents or Commissaries to try Causes where Life is concerned? Would it not be better to send the Criminals into some civil Government for Trial, where good Juries can be had?
[18. The Indians in each town of every tribe in the Southern District are to choose a “Beloved Man” to be approved by the agent or superintendent and to take care of the mutual interests of Indians and traders of the town. These “Beloved Men” of the tribe’s towns are to elect “a Chief for the whole Tribe who shall Constantly reside with the Commissary in the country of each Tribe, or occasionally attend” on the agent or superintendent, as guardian of the Indians and protector of their rights. The chief is to be entitled to be present at all hearings or trials relating to the Indians before the agent, superintendent, or commissary, and give his opinion on all matters under consideration.]
18. Chief for the whole Tribe who shall constantly reside with the Commissary, &c. Provision must then be made for his Maintenance, as particular Indians have no Estates but live by Hunting, and their Public has no Funds. Being us’d to Rambling, it would perhaps not be easy to find one, who would be oblig’d to this constant Residence.
[22. The agent or superintendent and the commissaries are to take oath before a governor or chief judge of a colony in their district for the due execution of their trust. They and all subordinate officers are to be forbidden under proper penalties to carry on any trade, personally or in trust for others, or to accept any grants of land from the Indians.]
22. If the Agent and his Deputies and the Commissaries are not to trade, should it not be a Part of their Oath, that they will have no Concern in such Trade directly or indirectly? Private Agreements between them and the Traders for Share of Profits should be guarded against. And the same between them and Purchasers of Lands from Indians.
[31. Persons trading with the Indians without a license and without previously giving security as required in an earlier section of the plan, “or trading at any other posts or places than those expressed in their licenses,” are to forfeit the goods they are found trading with, pay a fine, and suffer imprisonment.]
31. or trading at any other Post, &c. This should be so express’d as to make the Master liable for the Offence of the Servant; otherwise it will have no Effect.
[33. All trade with the Indians to be carried on by tariffs settled by the commissaries at the posts or truckhouses or in the countries of the tribes, in concert with the traders and Indians.]
33. I doubt the Settling such Tariffs will be a matter of Difficulty. There may be Differences of Fineness, Goodness and Value in the Goods of different Traders, and the like in the Peltry of different Indians, that cannot be properly allow’d for by general Tariffs: It seems contrary to the Nature of Commerce for Government to interfere in the Prices of Commodities. Trade is a voluntary Thing between Buyer and Seller, in every Article of which each exercises his own Judgment and is to please himself. Suppose either Trader or Indian is dissatisfied with the Tariff, and refuses to barter on those Terms: Are the Refusers to be compell’d? If not, Why should an Indian be forbidden to take more Goods for his Skins than your Tariff allows if the Trader is willing to give them; or a Trader more Skins for his Goods if the Indian is willing to give them? Where there are a number of different Traders, the separate Desire of each to get most Custom will operate in bringing their Goods down to a reasonable Price. It therefore seems to me, that Trade will best find and make its own Rates. And that Government cannot well interfere, unless it would take the whole Trade into its own Hands, as in some Colonies it does, and manage it by its own Servants at its own Risque.

[38. “That no Trader shall sell or otherwise supply the Indians with Rum or other spirituous Liquors, Swan Shot or riffled Barrell’d Guns.” ]
38. I apprehend that if the Indians cannot get Rum of fair Traders, it will be a great Means of defeating all these Regulations that direct the Trade to be carried on at certain Posts. The Country and Forests are so very large it is impossible to guard every Part, so as to prevent unlicens’d Traders drawing the Indians and the Trade to themselves by Rum, and other Spirituous Liquors which all savage People are so fond of. I think they will generally trade where they can get Rum preferably to where it is refus’d them; and the propos’d Prohibition will therefore be a great Encouragement to unlicens’d Traders, and promote such Trade. If the Commissaries or Officers at the Posts can prevent the Selling of Rum during the Barter for other Goods, and until the Indians are about going away, it is perhaps all that is practicable or necessary. The Missionaries will doubtless among other things endeavour to prevail with them to live soberly and avoid Drunkenness.
[39. In Indian trade no credit to be given for goods beyond the value of 50 shillings, and no debt for a larger amount shall be recoverable by law or equity.]
39. The Indian Trade so far as Credit is concerned has hitherto been carried on wholly upon Honour: They have among themselves no such Thing as Prisons or Confinement for Debt. This Article seems to imply that an Indian may be compelled by Law to pay a Debt of 50s. or under. Our legal Method of Compulsion is by Imprisonment. The Indians cannot and will not imprison one another, and if we attempt to imprison them, I apprehend it would be generally dislik’d by the Nations, and occasion Breaches. They have such high Ideas of Personal Liberty, and such slight ones of the Value of personal Property, that they would think the Disproportion monstrous between the Liberty of a Man and a Debt of a few Shillings and that it would be excessively inequitable and unjust to take away the one for a Default in Payment of the other. It seems to me therefore best to leave that Matter on its present Footing, the Debts under 50s. to be as irrecoverable by Law as this Article proposes for the Debts above 50s. Debts of Honour are generally as well paid as other Debts. Where no Compulsion can be used, it is more disgraceful to be dishonest. If the Trader thinks his Risque greater in trusting any particular Indian, he will either not do it, or proportion his Price to his Risque.
[44 (Actually unnumbered in the Plan). The estimated annual expense of supporting the proposed establishment, providing presents, and meeting other contingencies, is £20,000. It is proposed to defray this charge by a duty on the Indian trade: either as an export duty on skins or furs, or payable by the traders at the trading posts, whichever may be determined on further inquiry to be most practicable and least burdensome to trade.]
44. As the Goods for Indian Trade all go from England, and the Peltry is chiefly brought to England perhaps it will be best to lay the Duty here on the Exportation of the one, and the Importation of the other and avoid meddling with the Question of Right to lay Duties in America by Parliament here.
If it is thought proper to carry this Plan into Execution, would it not be well to try it first in a few Posts to which the present Colony Laws of Indian Trade do not reach, that by Experience its Defects may be discovered and amended before it is made general and those Laws repealed to make way for it?
If the Indians find by Experience that they are better us’d in their Trade at the Posts under these Regulations, than at other Places may it not make them desirous of having the Regulations extended to other Places, and when extended better satisfy’d with them upon Reflection and Comparison.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Abbot Upcher, 4 October 1766
From:
To:

Reverend Sir,
Cr. Street London, Oct. 4. 1766
Since my Return from abroad I have been inform’d of your good Purpose to purchase a land[ed?] Estate in America of the Value of One Thousand Pounds and to apply the Rents and Profits thereof to the Support of Schools for the Instruction of Negro Children. And I have been desired by the Associates to consider the Matter, and give my Opinion where, and in what Manner the Purchase may best be made. I do accordingly acquaint you, that I think the best Province to make the Purchase in is Pennsylvania, where Titles are generally clear, and that it would be well to impower three Persons in Philadelphia to purchase Ground Rents within that City and other safe and profitable Estate in or near the same, as Bargains may offer, in Trust for the Purposes you mention; drawing for the Money here from time to time as the Purchases are made; the Money remaining at Interest here till so drawn for. And the Rents as receiv’d by such Trustees to be applied as you direct. Any farther Advice or Assistance that I can give in the Choice of Trustees or otherwise, shall not be wanting: being respectfully, Reverend Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant
B F.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Joseph Galloway, 11 October 1766
From:
To:

Dear Sir,
London, Oct. 11. 1766
I received your Favour of Aug. 23. almost the only one I had by that Packet. It gives me great Pleasure to learn that our Friends keep up their Spirits, and that you have little doubt of the next Election. I have occasionally had several Conferences lately with our present Secretary of State, Lord Shelbourne, and some on the Affair of the Petitions. He was pleas’d to assure me that he was of Opinion Mr. Penn ought to part with the Government voluntarily, and said he had often told him so; but however that might be, he said that the Relation between them could and should have no Influence with him, in the Disputes subsisting between the Proprietors and People, as possibly some might suppose, &c. Mr. Jackson is not yet come to Town, nor is the Season of Business yet come on; but nothing in my Power shall be wanting to push the Matter vigorously to a Conclusion if possible this Winter; for besides my Concern for the Publick, I really want to be at home and at Rest.
You see by the late Papers that we have had several Changes in the Ministry this Summer. I was in hopes now Mr. Pitt was in, that we should have had a Ministry more firm and durable; for really these frequent Changes are extreamly discouraging to all who have Business to transact with the Government: but they begin now to whisper that we are not yet fix’d, and that before the Meeting of Parliament, we shall see fresh Overturnings. This, however, I do not give much Credit to. There may be some Changes, but I hope not considerable ones.
You take notice, that in the London Merchants Letter there is mention made of a Plan for a general Currency in America, being under Consideration of the Ministry; and you wish it may suit the Temper of the Americans. I will let you into the History of that Plan. When we were opposing the Stamp Act, before it pass’d, Mr. Grenville often threw out to us, that the Colonies had had Notice of it, and knew it would be necessary for Government here to draw some Revenue from them, and they had propos’d nothing that might answer the End and be more agreable to themselves: And then he would say, Can you Gentlemen that are Agents name any Mode of Raising Money for Publick Service that the People would have less Objection to, if we should agree to drop this Bill? This encourag’d me to present him with a Plan for a General Loan Office in America, nearly like ours, but with some Improvements effectually to prevent Depreciation; to be established by Act of Parliament, appropriating the Interest to the American Service, &c. This I then thought would be a lighter and more bearable Tax than the Stamps, because those that pay it have an Equivalent in the Use of the Money; and that it would at the same time furnish us with a Currency which we much wanted, and could not obtain under the Restrictions lately laid on us. Mr. Grenville paid little Attention to it, being besotted with his Stamp Scheme, which he rather chose to carry through. But the Successors of that Ministry, when it fell into their Hands, took a fancy to it, and a good deal of Pains in considering it, had frequent Conferences with me upon it, and really strengthened one another and their Friends in the Resolution of Repealing the Stamp Act, on a Supposition that by this Plan of a Loan Office they could raise a greater Sum with more satisfaction to the People. However, when the Stamp Act was repeal’d, I did not press the other, but advis’d that when they had settled the Plan to their own Minds, they should send Copies to the several Governors and Assemblies in America, to the End they might receive all their Opinions, Objections and Improvements, that it might, whenever carried into Execution, be as perfect as possible, and, (if it might be) with general Consent, as it was a Matter of great Importance. In the meantime, I drew a Bill for our present Relief (at the Request of a Member) to take off the Restraint on our legal Tenders by the late Act. I send you a Copy of it inclos’d. Nothing was done on it, the Session being nearly at an End. I wish for your Sentiments on it.

With this Bill among my Papers I find the inclos’d Draft of a Petition I gave Mr. Jackson to present against the Bill for extending to Scotland the Act for transporting Felons to America. He did not think fit to present it, (and indeed it was not fit to be presented without some Alterations which I propos’d to make if it had been presented it being rather too ludicrous.) but he show’d it among the Members, and it occasion’d some Laughing; but it was said, the Way to get the Transportation of Felons abolish’d, would be for all the Colonies to remonstrate against it.
It is certainly high time, as you observe, that our publick Debts were discharged; but I hope no Consideration of your Agents will induce the House to any Compliances inconsistent with the Publick Good, in order to obtain an Act for discharging those Debts.
As soon as any thing of consequence occurs, I shall not fail writing to the Committee. Present my Respects to them, and believe me ever, Dear Friend, Affectionately yours,
B Franklin
My kindest Respects to our Friends Mr. Hughes, and the Whartons, to whom I cannot now write.
Jos. Galloway Esqr

Endorsed: Benja. Franklin Esqr  Oct. 11. 1766


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Franklin, 11 October 1766
From:
To:

Sir
Lutterworth Octr 11 1766
I have Received all the Letters You have been so good as to Send and am not Able to Express my Self with humble thanks to you for all these great favours I and My Daughter Receive from you Likewise humbly thank Mrs. Stevenson for all her E[x]terordinary Goodness to my Daughter. It is joyfull news to me to hear my Daughter is getting better I Bless God for it, I have made bold to Send My Daughter a few Lines in Your Letter for I could not tell which would be most proper to send a Letter to her or to Write in Yours as I have I hope you and Mrs. Stevenson are Well as I am att this time and Conclude With all humble thanks to you and Mrs. Stevenson for all your great Goodness and am, Your Obedient humble Servant:
Thos: Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from James Parker, 11 October 1766
From:
To:

Honoured Sir
New-York, October 11. 1766
Notwithstanding you have not pleasured me with one Line now three Packets, yet will I not refrain writing till forbid; though I wish I could write more agreeable Matters than I generally do: As your Friends from Philada. doubtless inform you of political Matters, I have little to say to them: In my Letters of May and June last I informed you of my coming to this City and the Situation of my Affairs with Regard to Holt, &c. I am yet in the very same Case neither any Settlement or Account from him, nor Money: I should have been glad of a little of your Opinion on those Letters, as Affairs stand, about beginning any News-paper: but finding Nothing to be done with him, I am thinking to begin next Week; notwithstanding all the Depressions and Disadvantages I am under, which are numerous; for there are these. Some Popularity he has acquired by the Writing about the Stamp-Act; all his Works new; the Books and Customers all in his own Hands; the Unpopularity of my Offices, especially in the Custom-House; all these are Disadvantages that I think would but whet and animate me the more and I should encounter them with Pleasure, as the greater the Difficulty, the more the Satisfaction in over-coming, but the Depressions that most discourage me, is the Hand of God upon me; the Sickness and Distress of my Family now full Sixteen Months since I have constantly had the Doctors to deal with, whose Bills are more than the Butchers. My Daughter [has] now been sick 32 Days, and not the best Prospect of soon recovering: my little Grand-Daughter, now about a Year old, has had the Fever-and-Ague excessive hard for four Weeks, and still racks her to pieces, she is too little to physick—her Mother has been poorly, but is a little on the Recovery. One of my Prentice now lies in the same Condition—one or other of us has been constantly down, ever since June was a year. Sometimes five of my Family at once: My poor Son I told you of before. He was advised to go off to Sea a little, I sent him to my Brother: I heard four Days after he went out, that he was poorer than when he sail’d, which was the second Day of September, and I have not heard a Word of him since: I have not had a Shillings Worth of Work since I came here but Stock-Work and of that have not sold as much as will pay the Paper only—I sell a few Things now in the Shop which gets me a little Market Money: Indeed the Times seem very bad here: but the Worst is we have had the wettest Summer ever remembered, and it has occasioned universal Sickness both in City and Country; so much in the Country as to disable the Farmers and Labourers from doing their usual Work, and many I am assured have not sowed their Grain yet which should generally be in the Ground the Beginning of September. Till within three Days past, we have not had two Days for four Weeks without Rain more or less, and some times Abundance: this has prevented both Wood-Cutters and Carters from bringing Wood to Market, and some Cool Weather now coming on, the Country all sick, Wood has surprizingly rose 5 and 6s. in a Cord in one Day only and is now as high as generally in the hardest Winter: this affects the Publick in general, and me as an Individual only: but it adds a little to the particular Distress of my Family. Amidst these Troubles I am thankful to God, that I myself enjoy such a tolerable Share of Health. Perhaps when all the Storms are over, a Calm may come; tho’ I can safely say that since the first of May last my Expences have been more than all my Incomes, and I have not bought me one Rag of Cloaths, nor fitted any Thing for the Winter: and thus to begin a Paper I am afraid will look like Madness, when I have not Money to purchase Paper for to carry it on: but I am now like the Lepers at the Gate of Samaria: If I continue thus, I shall be ruined, and I can but be ruined if I venture: but if I succeed I shall be saved: This seems to edge me on: The Lot is cast, but the Disposal thereof is in the Lord. Amidst these Affairs, will it give offence, if I once more ask, if my Allowance in the Office could not be enlarged a little more according to Mr. Foxcroft’s Opinion. There being several more Offices now than there were three or four Years ago, and it adds considerably to the Business: Quebeck and Montreal Offices which we apprehended would scarce quit Cost, brings in a pretty considerable Sum, which helps the Revenue, as well as adds to my Business: If it could be advanced a little, it would greatly help me; in this very dear Place and if I fail in a News-paper, I have no other Dependance: However that God who has hitherto preserved me, will I am persuaded, point out some Way for my Escape from Ruin: The New-Haven Affair is not ended: I have had a Writ for Holt out these 5 Weeks, but tis said he has the Gout: However he is [not] to be seen: nor is he, I am afraid Worth much if taken and it grives me much to arrest any one. I told you before the New Haven Affairs, tho’ I shall get but little of B. Mecom, as he does little, yet assoon as all Holt’s Time is accounted for to me, I will account to Hunter for all I get of B. Mecom; but I fear Holt has spent all due to [me at] that Place: and I think since I can’t come upon Holt for it, Col. Hunter should consider me, (but this I wrote of before).
You never sent the Bill of Lading for the Electrical Machine yet, so we cannot get it: There that rests yet. Mr. Hughes keeps close yet: but keeps a School still: The Parcel of Stationary you sent over for him, which I took, and I told you would be willing to pay you Interest for from the Beginning of May, which is the Time I took them—very little else of it sells, except the Paper and Bound Books: and if you would (for I have not Money now to send) procure me—as much more Paper and Books only as there were in that, from two Quire to 6 Quire—bound, marbled Edges, except instead of two Ream of Small Post, to send two Ream of thick Post: and to add, one Ream of demi, and a Ream of Medium also a Roll of good Parchment: Also the same Quantity of Wafers in Boxes Sealing Wax and Ink-powder, as in that Invoice, but no other Stationary, as those are all the Articles I have sold any Thing of, and need supplying or all in any Likelihood of going: Paper you know never comes amiss to a Printer, only as that Cargo was all cut Paper it would suit better was most of it not cut. The chief Reason I ask this of you, is that I may owe you all I do owe; and I had as leive pay you Interest as another, and that you know the Interest is higher here than there: But if it be too inconvenient to you, I shall not be offended if you decline it—If you send any, and the Box or Case should want something to fill up, either a Ream or two more of Paper or Six of Entick’s Dictionaries, a Doz. or so of small Testaments, or some Common Prayer Books: but none of Dilworth’s Histories sell here, as they are 8s. Sterl. per Doz. when Chapmen’s Books are sold here by Merchants for 12s. 6d. per Doz. this Money, they say they cost them but 5s. 6d. Sterl. per Doz. and are as good as Dilworth’s. Indeed few Books will sell here now, as Rivington, Noel and Gaine have all large Stores of them, But enough of this.
I have never ask’d, or ever heard, who was to pay me any Thing for the Office of Land Waiter: If its to be paid there, please to let me know. I shall order it all to you, if you are there when any of it comes due, tho’ I know no more about it than the Mogul. If any Thing is to be done about the Post Office in Consequence of my coming to keep it here shall be glad of your Orders and Directions: I continue to go on as usual, in the best Manner I can tho’ am often getting new Post-Masters, for now the Privilege of franking is taken away, it is a hard Matter to get a Person to take it: And as hard to get the Money from some of them after they have taken it. However we keep doing; tho’ Money is really scarcer than ever I knew it here, and every Thing as dear as if we found Money in the Streets. The City is too great for the Country.
I have now almost exhausted my Budget, and indeed considering how little I can say to any Purpose, its a Wonder I have so much to say of any Kind. But so it is, the Sickness of my Family, the Difficulties that seem to surround me sometimes throws my Mind into gloomy Thoughts, at other Times, my Spirits revive in full Hopes and Confidence I shall not be left destitute; that I ought patiently and contentedly to submit to the Will of Heaven: knowing I am but a Creature of a feeble Make: Indeed, was the Strength of my Body equal to those Sallies of Spirit, I could do well: but I feel not the Ability I had to undergo Hardships, I once did. A little more Struggling thro’ Life will probably carry me out of it, and Oh: if we do but go out with a cleer Conscience, a humble Mind, and the Satisfaction of having done our Duty here: we have no more to fear, but a joyful Hope of a Rest from all our Labours.
I have now only to add: all my best Wishes for your safe Return: My Wife and Daughter from her Sick Bed send their humble Salutations: May my next be more agreeable both to you and to Your most obliged Servant
James Parker.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Timothy Lane, 15 October 1766
From:
To:

Sir
[Aldergate-Street,] October [15,] 1766
Being employed in some Electrical Enquiries about the beginning of the year 1762 it occured to me, that many Experiments on this Subject might be made with a much greater degree of precision if we could determine with any tolerable accuracy the comparative quantity of Electric Fluid, with which for any given Experiment, the Coated Phial is impregnated.
An In[s]trument, which I have contrived for this Purpose, may not improperly be called an Electrometer. I have herewith sent you a drawing thereof, with the Machine
   *This Portable Machine is the contrivance of Mr. Read Mathematical In[s]trument Maker at Knight[s]brid[g]e near London.
 to which it is fixed.

Fig 1.

A
The Cylindrical Glass of the Machine used instead of a Globe.

    The Cylindrical part of the Glass is 6 inches in lenth and 16 in circumference.

B
The Wheel at every turn of which the Cylindrical Glass revolves 4 times.

C
The Conductor

D
The Coated Phial

E
a Brass Wire Loop, passing through the wood work to a Tin Plate on which the Coated Phial stands

F
The Pillar of the Electrometer made of Wood bored cylindrically about ? of its lenth and rendred Electrical by being long baked in an oven and then boiled in Linseed Oil and again baked. At first the Pillar was made of Brass which tho it served very well to determine the Electric Stroke for Medical purposes, yet was defective in many Experiments, as the Table thereby became a ready Conductor.

G.
Brass Work, having its lower part inclosed within the Bore of the Pillar

H.
a Screw which passes through the Brass Work near the Bottom and fixes it in the Pillar

I
a Groove for the Screw H to move in when the Electrometer is moved higher or lower, as the different hights of different Condensing Phials may require.

K
a well polished haemispherical piece of Brass fixed to the Conductor

L
a Steel Screw passing through the Top of the Brass work, whose threads are distant nearly 1/24 of an Inch from each other.

M
a well polished spherical piece of Brass fixed to the Screw L and opposite to K. As the polish of K and M will often be destroyed by large Electrical explosions, the Polish should again be restored, particularly where the Expe[riments] require accuracy.

N
a Scale with divisions equal to each turn of the Screw.

O
a Circular Plate fixed to and moving with the Screw, pointing at each turn to the Division upon the Scale. This Plate is also divided into 12 to denote the parts of each Turn.

The Principle on which the Electrometer acts, is very simple, being merely this. The Coated Phial is hereby rendred incapable of accumulating and retaining any more than a certain quantity of the Electric Fluid, for any intended Experiment when a Metallic or Non Electric communication is made from the Screw H to the wire loop E of the Machine. And that quantity will be proportionate to the distance of K and M from each other, and consequently the Explosion and stroke will thereby be regulated.
Thus if a Person holds a wire fastened to the Screw H in one hand, and another Wire fixed to the Loop E in the other, he will perceive no Stroke, if K and M are in contact notwithstanding the Cylindical Glass A acts strongly. But if by turning the Screw L. the Ball M is distant from K 1/100 part of an Inch a very small stroke will be perceived, with an Explosion from K to M, and if K and M are distant one inch from each other, the quantity of the Electric Fluid, at the time of the Explosion will be increased 100. times. For example it appears by Experiment that if the Explosion happens after 4 Turns of the Wheel B. when M is distant from K 1/24 of an Inch or 1 turn of the Screw, the same will happen at 8 turns of the Wheel when M and K are distant 2 turns of the Screw or 1/12 of an Inch. And if K and M are distant 3 turns of the Screw, the turns of the Wheel will be twelve at the time of the Explosion, the same proportion will continue so far as the distance K and M is equal to the condensing Power of the Coated Phial without wasting. By wasting I mean when the Phial is so fully charged that part of the Electric Fluid escapes from the mouth of the Bottle, or from the Conductor into the air or to some adjacent non Electric.
The Number of Turns of the wheel, when K and M are at any of the above distances, will be more or less in proportion to the state of the Air, the Cylindrical Glass, the Cushion against which the Glass is rubbed, or the Coated Phial which last will not give so great an explosion when the Air is damp as when dry.

The fewer the Number of Turns of the wheel at any given distance, the better the Machine worketh. Thus a Comparative difference between any two Machines may be determined.
A Wire in general is better than a Chain, unless the Chain is held very tight, particularly in very small Strokes the Electric fluid will be lost in passing from Link to Link of the Chain. By Experiment it also appears, that the quantity of Electric Fluid at every Explosion will be proportionate to the quantity of Coated Glass, either as to the size of the Coated Phial or to the Number of Phials added. For Example. If the Phial D has half of the Coating on each side of the Glass taken off the Explosion will happen after half the Number of Turns of the Wheel, at any of the above distances and if a Phial with twice the quantity of Coated Glass, is employ’d instead of D, the turns of the Wheel will be double the same will happen if two Coated Phials each equal to D are used, and if three Phials the Number of Turns will be triple &c.
The Phial D used in the following Experiments contains about 80 Square inches of Coating on the inside and also on the outside of the Glass, the mouth being stopped with wood prepared like the Pillar and the Coating not so near the mouth of the Phial as usual to prevent the Electric Fluids wasting, and thereby the Phial may be more fully charged.
As K is part of the Conductor and M of the Electrometer, the distance between them is the distance of the Electrometer from the Conductor, whence it will be readily understood, when I relate the distance of the Electrometer in any Experiments for Example. The Electrometer at 20, that is M is 20 turns of the Screw distant from K or 20/24 of an Inch.
That Lightening and Electricty are of very near affinity, if not the same, evidently appears from the many discoveries you have made. And as the following Experiments tend to confirm the same as well as to illustrate the use of the Electrometer I hope they will not be unacceptable.
  Experiment i. A Peice of Moist Tobacco Pipe Clay rolled cylindrically, a. Fig 2. about an inch in lenth and about 2 or 3/10ths of an inch in diameter, having a Peice of Wire thrust into each end bb, distant from each other about 1/10 of an Inch with the solid Clay between and the end of one of the Wires cc fixed to the Loop of the Machine E and the other fixed to the small Screw of the Electrometer H will with an Explosion at 20 of the Electrometer, be inflated as in Fig. 3, or if the Clay is too dry or the quantity of Electricity too great, it will burst in Peices leaving only the Clay concave near the ends of the Wires. And tho the Experiment will in appearance differ, yet it will always leave evident signs of an Explosive Power or sudden rarefaction, excepting when the wires in the Clay are at too great a distance from each other, then the Electric Fluid will only run over its moist surface. If instead of Clay a Mucilagenous vegetable paste is used, as wheat flower and Water &c. the Experiment will appear the same.
Experiment 2. A peice of common hard baked smoaking Tobacco Pipe about an inch in lenth with the bore in the Middle filled with Clay and Wires put into each end as in Fig 2 and applied in the same manner to the Machine will burst into many peices, at 20 of the Electrometer, sometimes the peices will be driven near ten feet from the Machine.
Experiment 3. A small Square peice of Portland Stone with holes drilled at each end so as to admit the wires, was in like manner burst in peices, when a second Coated Phial was added to increase the Stroke.
The Iron cramps in stone Buildings are similar to the Wires, and when a Building is struck by Lightening produces a similar effect. I observed that when the Tobacco Pipe or stone was damp the Experiment succeeded better than when dry, and I frequently found that either of them after being first dipped in Water would be broken with a less explosion than before.
This observation, is different from the received opinion of many, not well acquainted with Electricity, that Lightening is less likely to do mischeif after a Shower of Rain than before. So far may be true that the Rain will bring down some of the Lightening, and also render Thatched Houses &c. less likely to take fire; but will not assist Buildings that have Metallic Ornaments near their Tops, as the Weather Cocks of Churches &c. As a metallic Conductor from the Tops of Buildings to the Earth will prevent the effects of Lightening on them, so will the smallest wire prevent the effects of Electricity on the Stone or Tobacco Pipe when in contact with the two wires cc. Fig 2.
If the Tobacco Pipe instead of Clay is filled as above with an Electric Substance as Wax, Powderd Glass or with any non Electric substance inferior to Metals as a Conductor, it will be burst in Peices, with nearly the same quantity of the Electric Fluid.
As the above Experiments succeeded better when the Stone or Clay were previously dipped in Water than before, I was induced to try Water only.
Experiment 4. Having made a hole without any cracks on the side thro the bottom of the Phial a Fig 4, which may easily be done if the Phial is conical at the bottom as in the Figure, by holding the Phial inverted in one hand and with the other strikeing a Pointed Steel Wire against the Apex of the Cone.
Through this hole I passed a Wire b. and filled the bottom c with melted Sealing Wax leaving the other end of the Wire out at d. When the Wax was cold, the Phial was about ¾ ths filled with water, and stopped with a Cork thro which a Wire e. was passed downwards, till the Points of the two wires were distant from each other about 1/10 of an Inch as near as my Eye could determine: a Wire from the Electrometer was fixed to e and another from the Loop of the Machine was fixed at d. By an Explosion, at 20 of the Electrometer, the Phial burst in peices, the Top falling from the Bottom near the point of the lower Wire. Another Phial was fitted in the same manner and the Cork cut longitudinally that the air might freely pass at the time of the Explosion, but this made no sensible difference. Often times the Phial is so cracked as to resemble Radii from a Center.
If Oil is used instead of water, the Event will be the same.
The quantity of Electricity necessary to burst the Phial; appears to vary more in proportion to its thickness than its size. Many Phials of various sizes may be broken at 10 of the Electrometer while others nearly of the same size remain sound with a Stroke at 30 or even more.
I generally found Green Glass more difficult to break than white.
When the Phial is not broken by the Electric Stroke, the agitation of the Water may be sensibly observed at the instant of the Explosion, and the Electric Spark evidently seen to pass through the water from the point of one wire to the other.

This remarkable appearance of the Electric fluids passing through water may be observed, when the Electrometer is at a smaller distance from the Conductor, if the wires are nearer to each other.
I have broken many Phials by the Electric Strokes as above mentioned when the wires have been at the various distances, of above one inch to 1/20 of an inch from each other, as near as my Eye could determine. But the distance of about 1/10 of an Inch I usually prefer. The above experiments I have often repeated and may therefore be relied on: Want of leisure has prevented me from pursuing them more minutely. But I hope they will serve as hints to others of more abilities and leisure than Your respectfull Humble Servant
[T Lane]


Title: Pennsylvania Assembly Committee of Correspondence to Richard Jackson and Benjamin Franklin, 18 October 1766
From:
To:

Gentlemen,
[October 18, 1766]
You will perceive by the inclosed Resolves, that you are appointed joint Agents of this Province for the ensuing Year, to solicit and transact the Affairs thereof in Great-Britain, and that we are the Committee of Correspondence, to whom you will be pleased to communicate, from Time to Time, such Information as may be necessary to be laid before the House of Representatives.
The present House concurring in Opinion with the three last preceding Assemblies, that it is necessary the present Government should be changed, from Proprietary to Royal, and being earnestly desirous that this Measure may be accomplished with all convenient Speed, in case all their Charter and legal Rights and Privileges may be preserved and secured, it is therefore by their Order, that we instruct you to prosecute the Petitions, for this Purpose, to an Issue, before His Majesty in Council; but at the same Time, they direct and enjoin, that you strictly observe the Instructions on this Head, relative to the Preservation of all those civil and religious Privileges, which the People of this Province have a Right to enjoy, under the said Charter and Laws, which you have before received from the several preceding Assemblies, and to which we refer; and further, that in case the said Petitions should be finally rejected by His Majesty in Council, that you do not of yourselves, without first having the Approbation of Assembly, petition the Parliament on this Occasion.
The House have taken into their Consideration the Act of Parliament passed at the last Session, for repealing certain Duties in the British Colonies and Plantations, &c. and although the last Assembly by their Committee fully instructed you, respecting the Mischiefs which will attend the Execution of this Statute, yet they conceive it a Matter of so much Importance to the Welfare of the Colonies, that they have ordered us to renew those Instructions, and to press you to exert your utmost Industry and Abilities, at the next Meeting of Parliament, to obtain a Repeal of such Clauses of that Statute as tend to restrain the Trade between Ireland and the American Colonies.
It is difficult to describe the Distress which this Province, as well as other Colonies, labour under for Want of a Paper Currency, and it is no small Addition to the Concern of the Representatives of the People, on this Occasion, to find that this Distress is daily growing greater, and must continue to increase, until the present Restriction on striking Bills of Credit in the Colonies is taken off; it is therefore by Order of the House, that we earnestly desire that you will endeavour to make all the Interest in your Power with the House of Commons, to obtain a Repeal of the Act of Parliament prohibiting the making Bills of Credit lawful Tender in the Colony Debts, agreeable to the Petition now before the House of Commons from the last Assembly; and we cannot suffer ourselves to doubt but that you will be joined in this Measure by every Merchant in London trading to America; as without it their Exportation must be greatly diminished, and the People here compelled to go into Manufactures, which otherwise they might never attempt: We also hope you will not be inattentive to the Introduction of Fruit, Wine, and Oil directly from Spain, Portugal and Italy, into the Colonies, and the Exportation of Iron from thence to foreign Ports, as they are Regulations which our Merchants have much at Heart, and which are really necessary to the true Interest of Great-Britain and her Colonies.
We conclude that the Governor, agreeable to the Directions of the Royal Charter, has before this Time transmitted to His Majesty in Council, the several Laws passed by the last Assembly, and as some of them are of great Importance to the People, particularly the Act for regulating our Elections, that for erecting an House of Employment for the Poor, &c. and a Third for the Regulation of Pilots, we doubt not you will do every Thing in your Power to obtain their Confirmation. We are, Your assured Friends,

Joseph Galloway,
James Pemberton,

Joseph Richardson,
John Ross,

Thomas Livezey,
Isaac Pearson.

Joseph Fox,

P. S. We inclose a Copy of the Letter from the Committee of Correspondence of the last House, respecting the Trade with Ireland.
To Richard Jackson, and Benjamin Franklin, Esqrs, Agents for the Province of Pennsylvania, in London.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jonathan Potts, 22 October 1766
From:
To:

Worthy Sir
Liverpool October 22d: 1766
You will receive by this post several Letters in my favour from Gentlemen of your Acquaintance in Philadelphia and by the first Vessels from Pennsylvania you will receive Letters, in favour of my Good friend and Relation Mr. Rush and myself from your Son the Govenour of the Jerseys (who has honoured me with a Letter to Sir Alex: Dick of Edinburgh) and also from my Father, should you think proper to write to any Gentlemen in Edinburgh in favour of both Mr. Rush and Myself it shall be acknowledged as a particular favour confered upon Sir your most Obedient and very humble Servant
Jonathan Potts.

PS Please to enclose any Letters in our favour to me in Edinburgh.
To Benjamin Franklin Esqr.

Addressed: To / Benjamin Franklin Esqr. / Craven Street / London / per post / paid.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Ronayne, 22 October 1766
From:
To:

[Illegible] Sir
Corke (in Ireland) October 22. 1766
[Illegible] of last July I received your kind Letter bearing date of April 20th. together with your Book of Whirlwinds, Waterspouts, &c. which I should have acknowledg’d before now but that I was in daily Expectation of having opportunities for offering these Remarks.

As to what you observe how any large body electrified may cause smaller ones to be electrified the Reverse of what itself is, that might have often been the case when I had a Tin Tube which did not end in a sharp Point but the one I describ’d to you does, beside I made observations of several changes from Negative to positive and viceversa when I stood on a cake of Wax with a Pole in my hand round which a Wire
   *The Wire went beyond the Pole and was broken so it would not act in the Manner of Points.
 was twisted during the passing of what seem’d one Cloud and that not very extensive, so that if there was a succession of Clouds the Electricity of each must have been very great.
I have read your experiments in pursuance of those of Mr. Canton. They together with your ingenious Conjectures in your letter shew how in some circumstances the Electricity may be changed in contrarium when the Lightning strikes to the Earth without supposing Electricity in the Earth to be the cause of Thunder as Beccaria Seems to think.
I have since discoverd that the Reason why Electrical Experiments do not succeed in damp weather is owing to Silk imbibing Moisture from the Air; for bodies insulated by Sealing Wax or gum lac retain Electricity very well at all times, and the Moistest Air conducts very slowly as I found by Electrifing it in a Room.
I also discover’d that Silk dryed and dipt in [illegible] melted, if kept in ones pocket is convenient to have [in rea]diness, but the best way of insulating bodies is thus, [torn] a Piece of Sealing Wax, or Gum lac at each end making a hole transversely through which you may put Silk, or even Twine. With two pieces in this manner a prime Conductor can be insulated.
I should have mentiond an Experiment favouring your principles, Viz. Let a pair of Cork balls suspended by dry silk be electrified by Glass, or wax, approach them with the Same and it will never close them; so that the cause of the encrease or decrease of repulsion is not the Different density of internal and external Electricks Fluid, but what you said.
In a letter I wrote to you before I receivd your letter I conjecturd that Vapour, or a Cloud when electrified is more or less capable of exploding as ’tis more or less compress’d, this follows from your principles as it doth that Vapour can receive more Electricity than the same quantity converted into Water, therefore some Part of a Cloud may conduct much better than others at the same time; this perhaps may account for the changes during the Passing of what seems one Cloud or Nimbus, it may also serve to shew that when the Electricity upon a Flash appears and disappears the Equilibrium of any Cloud with the Earth may not be restor’d, and explain several Phenomena in Lightning, and variations in the Noise of Thunder; but I cannot to much recommend the Signals &c.
The foremost Clouds of a Shower &c. are generally Negative. In a Shower of Snow the Electricity tho on and of[f] at different times yet was always Negative, till after the Shower was just past there was a weak positive Electricity, discoverable only by Mr. Cantons Electrometer. In haste I am Most excellent Sir Your most obedient humble Servant
Thos. Ronayne

P.S. I attempted the Experiment I mentiond to you of the Wax to try whether hot Air at the Surface is what only makes Electricks per se seem conductors or not; the Experiment seem’d to favour the Affirmative tho not so small a Quantity of Wax would not keep in such perfect fusion as I could wish.

Addressed: To / Benjamin Franklin Esqr / Cravenstreet, Strand / London


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from James Parker, 25 October 1766
From:
To:

Honoured Sir
New York, Octob. 25. 1766.
Notwithstanding, I have not yet had the Pleasure of one Line from you this great while, and I have nothing worthy Notice to write, yet I must continue to scribble a little.
 Whether you have received any of my Letters wrote since I have been in this City, I cannot say: but suppose you have them all, therefore to them must refer for many Things: Finding no Prospect of getting Mr. Holt to a Settlement, notwithstanding all the Concessions I made to him, and that in the present Method of Life I was in, I must decline, and the Moment I should be removed from my Offices, I should be ruin’d, I have began a Paper, tho’ under all the Disadvantages that could be conceived: A real Dulness of Times as well as News; Powerful Antagonists, Holt having acquired some Popularity by the Stamp-Act, and I in an unpopular Condition from perhaps too many concurring Circumstances, it must be next to a Miracle if I succeed: This is the second Paper I have printed; and I have yet got but 20 single Subscribers in this City: and about as Many in the Country: yet I am not discouraged upon that Score, not doubting but Resolution, Perseverance and Diligence will work Wonders: But my greatest Discouragement is the Hand of God upon me, in the continual Distress and Sickness of my Family: having a Doctor continually in tow: My Daughter has been down sick now 7 Weeks, and is a little on the mending Hand; after taking two Vomits, sundry other Physick, and 30 Doses of the Bark: My Son poorly ever since last Winter, he was advised to go to Sea, eight Weeks ago he went to North-Carolina, and I have not heard a Word of him since, only 4 Days after he sail’d he was worse God only knows if he be alive: His Wife and Child have been sick above 5 Weeks past, and both my ’Prentices, have been sick: I bless God, I have had so little myself since I been here, only a very small Paroxysm of the Gout now above six Months: the Doctor’s Bills are as large, and much worse than the Butcher’s: We having had a very wet Summer, has made it generally very sickly: I heard from Burlington that your Son had a Spell of it also, but is getting better again: This has thrown this City in my Imagination into a Distress they will be sensible of before Spring: Wood rose in 24 Hours near 10s. on a Cord: Oak-Wood, that used to be 16 and 18s. per Cord, is now 25s. and Hickory that was 28 to 30s. per Cord is now 40s.—And not plenty at that Rate; occasioned by the Country-People not able to cut and cart it, for the Fevers and wet Roads. In this very dear Place I find it hard to live; having not had 20s. worth of Employ from others since I have been here: only my Almanacks, and 4 other Printers here printing Almanacks also, I shall be well off, to get above a Fifth of the Whole: I am a little in Hopes, that while I live in this City, as Comptroller to the Office, that you will consent to add the £20 Sterl. per An. to the Allowance for that Office; as Mr. Foxcroft thinks it will be but reasonable: It would please me, would the Allowance for the Land-Waiters Office, be made a little more adequate to the Trouble: for tho’ £50 Sterl. was a very Considerable Allowance as that Office used to be attended a few year’s ago, yet now as the Surveyor General of the Customs has given peremptory Orders for the continual reconnoitering the Harbour &c. it has rendered it the most laboroious Office in the Customs; however, I do not repine at it, it is perhaps more than the Benefits of the Office to the Crown; yet I should be glad if that could be a little enlarged; as it would help me to pay off my Doctor’s Bills. I think I told you, that I know not who pays the Allowance I am to have, or where I am to look for it, having never asked any of the Custom-House Officers about the Pay; being desirous rather to hear from you about it: If it is to be paid there, and you will acquaint me of the Manner of it, I will order it into your Hands, if you are there at the Time of it: for you first to pay yourself, the Charges and Expences you have been at, and if any Thing further towards paying you, for the Stationary you have or may send to me; and if you please to order the Stationary as per annexed List to be sent, such Payments shall be made as I may be able, or Interest paid to you for it; As I would gladly have all the Debts I owe, in one Hand only: Now, I do not know what to do with Holt on many Accounts, amongst which is that of Hamilton & Balfour of Edinburg; he having never settled Nothing about them, tho’ he says he has many of the Books he had of them upon Hand—I have not been on speaking Terms with him for some Time, having issued a Writ 6 Weeks ago, but the Sheriff delays taking him, or he keeps close tho’ tis said it is with the Gout: I know not how it is, but thus stands the Case: The New England Affair undetermined yet—nor can I get any Thing from thence. B. Mecom makes still but a poor Hand, and I am afraid, I shall never get much by him: But by a random Guess at the Business, during Holt’s Partnership there there should be several Hundred Pounds coming to me, which Holt has spent: And I think Col. Hunter should be concerned either to see a Settlement made, or adequate Allowance: It seems Mr. Green accounted to Holt, tho’ Holt never accounted to me, and Green in a Letter to me says the Business did not neat to him, who was to have half of but little more than £100 per An. clear. On the Supposition, that it yielded no more the 3 or 4 Years Green had it, would have neated me near £200: and the three Years and a Half Holt had it; it should have neated me as much: ’Tis true as B. Mecom now carries it on, he can’t pay a Rent of only 30 Dollars per An. altho B. Goddard paid Green for his Types, 100 Dollars. However when Holt’s Share is accounted for to me, I will answer for one Half of the Rent B. Mecom is to pay me, whether ever I get it or not; which is all can be reasonably expected of me:
I am now in this City, agreeable to the Orders of the Post-Master General: I should be glad to know, if there be any Appendages to my Duty in the Post-Office other than what was usual at Woodbridge, or any other or different Duty, Behaviour or Carriage; for [methinks?] I seem to be a very insigificant Animal here in it, and I could full as well do all the Duties at Burlington—or Woodbridge—as here: I should indeed have been glad to have spent the small Remains of Life I have at Burlington; and but for this Office should I believe have staid there: but it Matters little where I spend it, so I do it with Credit, and a good Conscience; If I could clear the World honourably, with a slender Prospect of a Competency for Life, I would not bustle so thro’ it: but believe Providence knows best what is best for me, and I submit with Patence.
I this Day got home your Box, with the Electrical Machine from Capt. Berton, and paid him a Dollar and a half: Mr. Hughes does not chuse to take it till he can purchase and pay for it, so it lays in my Store Room, till further Orders from you: Hughes continues to keep close yet, and keeps a School, has a pretty large one; Indeed, Money seems very scarce, Trade very dull the City too full for the Country: The only Hopes seems to me is a very visible Retrenchment in many of the Luxury that too much abounds: Punch-Houses and Taverns not so full as usual, and every Thing very dear. Weyman, tis said keeps close: I am told, he owes but every Body, he has an Opportunity to owe. Capt. Berton sails for London in about a Week after this Vessel perhaps I shall hear from you before that Time: Now let me conclude, with asking your Opinion, Shall I launch into Business; get Stock again buy and sell, push forwards, strive hard in my old Age, or be content with small Matters, and live as I do, without getting a-head; or, could I but have this or any equivalent Office in Burlington, I would chuse that: but am determined to sacrifice my Will, let it be what it may, to your Advice and Opinion, tho’ with all the ill Presages that could be conceived: If I am to push, you will send me the annexed Stationary; if not, you will decline it.
I forgot to tell you, that a Day or two ago Lewis Jones, the young Man whom I paid a Passage for, and took your Assignment, left me, and got among the Soldiers, and I hear is listed for a Drummer: I don’t know that the Loss of his Time would have given me any great Concern, but to descend so low: I don’t know any Difference we have had and I was preparing to get him Cloaths, &c. only some Months ago, I two or three Times miss’d some small Matters, and I had Room to suspect him; therefore catechised him about, and remonstrated to him the Evil Consequences that would follow such a Conduct; but I did never strike him: It seems he told my other Lad, he never liked the Business, that he was forced in it, and he would not follow it: I had some Hopes even yesterday of getting him again, but to-day think it in Vain: He loves Drink rather too much, and he is now to be a Flogger and Drummer in the Army: so he is lost to Goodness and Virtue: and I have lost the Money and Service due to me: This seems to be a small Help to the Discouragements I labour under.
If I should continue a News-paper, (which I really doubt from the very slender Encouragement I have a Prospect of) will you be so good as to send those I send you to some Coffe-House, or Person that would send me a Paper in Return; or would you speak to some Person to send me one of the best Weekly Papers &c.—and I would try to pay them: but I shall write again either per Capt. Berton or the next Packet, and shall know further. Mean while we all send our humble Compliments, whilst I am your most obliged Servant
James Parker.

Addressed: Dr B [half the page torn away] / per the Britannia / Capt. Jeffries


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Sir Alexander Dick, 28 October 1766
From:
To:

Dear Sir,
Prestonfield Octr. 28. 1766
Your Letter of the 11th. gave me and all my Family the greatest pleasure it being so long since we heard from your self of your and your familys wellfare and particularly your Son the Governor.
I return you and your Son my most hearty thanks for the very great friendship you have shown to me and my friend Mr. Swinton in taking so much effectual pains to be at the bottom of what he wishd to know about his claim. He was not come to Edinburgh when your Letter arrivd else I had sooner made this return to you, but so soon as he came and got the papers you enclosd than he very joyfully said I thank God I have now got by your means a real friend in America to put me at my witts end whither my Family shall lose their Estate there or not. You may depend on Mr. Swinton as being most gratefull excellent man and will long to return this great favour. Lord Kaims has a great regard for him and indeed he is his near neighbour in the Country. A propos our worthy friend Kaims is in the Country Still else I had shown him your Letter: I know he puts the greatest value upon a Letter from you of any of all his numerous correspondents. He is more active if possible than ever and the great accession to his Estate by the death of Lady Kaimss Brother Mr. Drummond of near 2 thousand pounds a year has only given a keene edge to his Love for his Country and his friends.
I beg that my most hearty good wishes and all my familys may be made acceptable to you and yours and in a particular manner to your Son the Governor who I hear is the darling of the World. I ever remain Dear Sir your most obligd and obedient humble Servant
Alexander Dick

P.S. Enclosd is Mr. Swintons Letter who desires you may draw on him for what ever has been laid out to serve him. Mr. Alex[ande]r will pay it. He is often here and begs his best Complimts to you all.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Joseph Galloway, 28 October 1766
From:
To:

Dear Sir
Philada. Octr. 28th. 1766.
It was with real Concern, we received the News of a Change of Ministry, as we conclude it will Retard, and, we fear will totally prevent the Change of Government, which we have made so noble a Struggle to obtain. Our Proprietary Enemies hesitate at Nothing that tends to discourage every further Application for Relief. The C.J. is continually publishing the great Interest of the Proprietaries with Lord Shelbourne, and his great Friendship for them—His Intermarriage with a Neice of Lady Juliana &c. &ca., And a few Days ago in the Course of the Debates in the House, he declared, that he had received a Letter from a Gentleman of undoubted Credit, (whose Name he took Care to conceal, tho called on to mention it) assuring him That you had applied to Secretary Conway for a Hearing on the Petitions at the last Season of Buisiness, “That the Secretary Rebuked you on the Occasion”, and told you, “that the Petitions were laid aside by his Majesty in Council sine Die, with an Intent never to be resumed, desired that you woud not again attempt to obtain any further proceedings on them, For if you did, you might depend, you wou’d meet with such an Answer as woud be neither agreable to you or to the Assembly you represented.” Altho the Chief Part of our Friends do not beleive this Declaration or any thing else that comes from the same Quarter without some Proof to Support it, Yet as it has some weight with the Weak and Credulous, I should be glad to have it in my Power to deny it. Be so good therefore, if it be not improper, to inform me in this Matter—and further how the Petitions for a Change of Government is likely to be affected by the Change of Ministry—What is the Prospect of the Change? What Course it is likely to take, and where effected, if it shoud be effected? And particularly if any thing is wanting, which the Assembly can do, to Strengthen your Hands. Because from the present Temper of both Assembly and People, I think they will leave nothing undone, to get rid of the present Government, provided their priviledges remain safe. And if any other Mode shall be thought more likely to be crownd with Success, than the present I am confident, they will do all in their Power to effect their Purpose. Shoud you think it prudent to commit the Information I have mentioned to writing, you may be assured, whatever you communicate to me shall be confined to the Limits (whatever they be) prescribed by your Self and not one Iota further. And yet, the Propriety of doing this, is entirely Submitted to you, who, being on the Spot where the thing is to be Transacted, must be the best Judge. Beleive me, my Dear Friend, with great Sincerity yours Affectionately
Jos. Galloway
Benja. Franklin Esqr.

[In the margin:] I enclose with this a Letter to Mr. J. open, which be pleased to Seal and deliver to him unless you think he may think I am forward in giving the Explanation of the Sense of the House. Then retain it.

November 5th.
I received your Favor per Capt. Chancellor on Saturday last—I was not uneasy about the Copies of my Letters, I was much so on Account of our poor Friend H —who of his own Hand, without consulting his Friends, I fear has wrote many indiscreet things to the Commissioners of the Stamps and the Treasury and they as indiscreetly have suffered them to become publick. He is now truly distressed—and much disliked by the People of both Parties. A few of his Friends are determined to support him, and I hope in a Short Time, he will recover his Spirits, tho not his Popularity. Humanum est errare—But it is the Nobility of Humanity to pass over with Tenderness the Mistakes of our Friends. You will have Seen before this comes to hand, what wicked Pains have been taken to Slander him and my Self. Their Venom affected him, but has raised me still higher in the Favor and Opinion of my Country. I wish some Method coud be fallen on to raise him once More above the Malice of his unrelenting Enemies.
Our Friends never discovered greater Firmness or more Activity than in the last Election—The Wharton Family in particular Your Antient and my late, worthy friend Mr. Roberts, &c. &ca. &ca. And so Complete has our Victory been, that it is generally thought, the Proprietary Party another Year will not attempt an Opposition. Dear Friend once more Adieu.
J G.

Our new Mode of Electing is acknowledged by Both Parties to be a very good one. It gives great dispatch, and prevents much Perjury and Fraud, so that we hope it will meet with the Royal Approbation.
Our Worthy Friend Joseph Wharton the Elder just now comes in and desires to be kindly remembered to you, and that I would assure you of his best Prayers and wishes.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to [Daniel Burton], [October 1766]
From:
To:

Reverend Sir
[October 1766]
At the Request of Mr. Spencer I take the Liberty of mentioning to you, that if the venerable Society shall think fit to appoint him to Spotswood in New Jersey, a new Mission which he tells me is under Consideration, I will recommend him to the Countenance and Protection of the Governor of that Province.
My Friend the Revd. Mr. Sturgeon of Philadelphia writes to me, that his Health has been so much on the Decline, as to oblige him to retire into the Country, and that he should think him self happy if the Society would appoint him to succeed Mr. Campbel at Burlington. I suppose Trenton which is not far distant would equally suit him which if vacant, and I imagine he would be very agreable to the People there. Will you be so good as to excuse my intermeddling in these Matters, and believe me to be with great Esteem and Respect, Revd Sir


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from [Joseph] Johnson, 4 November 1766
From:
To:

Paternoster row Nov 4. 1766.
J. Johnson’s compliments to Dr. Francklin and sends those MSS for his inspection by order of Dr. Priestley who will esteem himself much oblig’d to the Dr. for looking over them as soon as possible.

Addressed: To Dr. Francklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Francois Willem de Monchy, 4 November 1766
From:
To:

Honour’d sir
Rotterdam the 4 Nov. 1766.
With no small pleasure did I recive your kind letter of the 23 Oct. where for I am much oblig’d to you.
I confess, that the care you have taken of my friends commission is very great, and that I do’nt know any think to recompence it.

Being come home last week from England, I have spoken with my friend and shew’d him your letter, who like wise return’d his thanks to you, at the same time he ask’d me to write you about the following questions.
1° How much the Iron Cylinder 30.9 Inch in Diam. 110. 0 Inch in Length and 00. 5? Inch in Thickness Cost?
2° How much the same Cylinder made of brass?
3° How much a Cylinder 30.9 Inch in diam. 80. 0 Inch. in Length and 00. 3? Inch. in Thickness?
4° How much the saem and made of brass?
5° How much the bottom and sucker[?] ?
6° How much the whole machine without pumps, Iron, and wooden Pipes?
7° How much the same made of brass?
My father desir’d his Compliments to you. I am with great estime Honour’d Sir, Your most humble and Obedient servant
F: W DE Monchy

P.S. Pray give my compliments to Sir John Pringle, and tell him if you please that I will not fail to write him with the next post.
Mr. B. Franklin

Addressed: To / Dr. B. Franklin at Mrs. Stevenson / Craven Street / in / London
Endorsed: De Monchy Queries concg. Fire Engin[e]


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Pennsylvania Assembly Committee of Correspondence, [8 November 1766]
From:
To:

[January 14, 1767]
Mr. Speaker laid before the House a Letter received from Benjamin Franklin, Esq; in London, dated November the 8th, 1766, acquainting the Committee of Correspondence, that the Chancellor of the Exchequer had given him Assurances, that he had ordered a short Bill to be drawn for amending the Clause in the late Act of Parliament requiring Commodities intended for Ireland, to be first landed in Britain; and that he would himself present it to Parliament, as soon as they met, having no Doubt of its passing. That with Respect to the Restraint laid by the late Act of Parliament on our making Paper Money a legal Tender, the Agents have Hopes of obtaining a Repeal of the said Act.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jane Mecom, 8 November 1766
From:
To:

Boston, Novr. 8 1766
You wonce tould me my Dear Brother that as our Numbers of Bretheres and Sisters Lessened the Affections of those of us that Remain Should Increes to Each other. You and I only are now Left, my Affection for you has all ways been So grate I see no Room for Increec, and you have Manifested yours to mee in such Large measure that I have no Reason to suspect Itts strength, and therefore know it will be agreable to you to hear that my self and the childrin I have the care of are in no wors situation than when I last wrot you, and should Rejoyce to heare the same of you since I understand by sister you were in an Ill state of Helth and thought Proper to travel for the Recovery of it. I hope in god you have Recovered it and will Live Long to make your Inemies ashamed, your Answrs to the Parlement are thought by the best Judges to Exeed all that has been wrot on the subject and being given in the maner they were are a Proof they Proceeded from Principle and suficent to stop the mouths of all gain-sayere—the vile Pretended Leter which no Doubt you have seen gave me some uneaseyness when I heard of it before I could git a sight of it, as considering when a grat Deal of Durt is flung some is got to stick but when I Read it I see it was filld with such bare faced falshoods as confute them selves, Thire [their] treetment of you among other things makes the world Apear a misereable world to me not withstanding your good opinyon of it, for would you think it our General Court has sett all most a Fortnight cheaffly on the subject of Indemnifieing the sufferers by the Late Mobs and cant yet git a Vote for it tho they sitt Late in the Evening and the friends to it strive hard to git it acomplishd. I have six good Honist old souls who come groneing Home Day by Day at the Stupidety of there Bretheren. I cant help Interesting my self in the case and feel in mere Panicke till they have Brought the matter to a conclution.
I writ this in hopes you will be in England when this gits there and that you will find time to writ me a few Lines by the barer Capt. freeman when he Returns.
And I have a small Request to ask tho it is two trifeling a thing for you to take care of. Mrs. Steevenson I Dont Doubt will be so good as to do it if you will give her the meterals it is to Procure me some fine old Lining or cambrick (as a very old shirt or cambrick hankercheifs) Dyed into bright colors such as red and green a Litle blew but cheafly Red for with all my own art and good old unkle Benjamins memorandoms I cant make them good colors and my Daughter Jeney with a little of my asistance has taken to makeing Flowrs for the Ladyes Heads and Boosomes with Prity good acceptance, and If I can Procure them coulars I am In hopes we shall git somthing by it worth our Pains if we live till Spring. It is no mater how old the Lining is I am afraid you never have any bad a nouf.
Present my Compliments to mrs. Steevenson and Excuse my Presuming to give her this troble.
I have had a Respectfull Leter from Gouvernor Franklin this sumer with a Present of Six Barrils of flower amounting to sixty odd Pounds old tenor which was a grat help to me and his notice of me a grat satisfaction, all our Relations and friends hear are well as useal my Daughters Desire there Duty to you. I am Dear Brother your ever affectionat sister
Jane Mecom

Addressed: To Doctor Benjamin Franklin / at Mrs. Stevensons in Cravin / Street att / London / per favour of Capt. Freeman
Endorsed: Sister Mecom Nov 8. 1766 answer’d per Capt Freeman and sent a Box of Millenery.