Title: To John Adams from Samuel Allyne Otis, 16 November 1796
From: Otis, Samuel Allyne
To: Adams, John

Sir
Philada Novr 16th 1796

After our agreeable journey we arrived here in the midst of Election, and by lies, abuse & bribery the disorganizers will carry their tickets thro the State. This I supposed with the efforts of Massachusetts Jacobins would have given Jefferson the vote—But old Samuels defeat which I think but a prelude to his overthrow, has revived my hopes. The No of Votes 138, 70 makes a Majority—
I count on N H.6  up51Mass16  N. Jersey 7Vermont4  Delaware 3R Island4  Virginia3  some say 5Connet9  S Carolina4N Y12Kentucky151N Carolina  2Maryland5  some say 676This gives 6 votes to spare, and which tis not supposeable Jefferson can obtain. I presume further that these 76 contain 7/8ths the honesty & property, and 4/5ths of the good sense of the Nation—
Ben Beach informs us that the functions of the French Minister cease from this time. This altho Beach says it may be true. Perhaps tis only a prelude to a new appointment, or an attempt to bully us into a quarrell, or preparatory to hostilities. Every thing has been done by our patriots to embroil us with France, and they can by no means be charged with remissness if they do not succeed. I hope & pray however for the peace of our Jerusalem—
The President US is in Town with Mrs Washington. They made kind enquiries after you and Mrs Adams, & appear to contemplate retirement with pleasure. After such a scene of anxiety & labour and at their time of life I dont wonder at it.
your friends hope you will be here early in the Session as it will inevitably be a short one—The town is quite healthy, altho the weather is mild, & the drought sharp beyond any thing known at any season of the year.
Mrs. Otis & Miss Harriet join in respects to yourself & lady.
I have the honor to be / Sir / Your most obedent / humble Sert
Sam A. Otis


Title: From John Adams to John Trumbull, 25 November 1796
From: Adams, John
To: Trumbull, John

Fryday Evening. Nov. 25, 1796

Mr John Adams asks the favour of Mr Trumbulls Company for an hour this Evening at Mr David Bulls. Mr A. would not ask Such a favour on such a Snowy night, but would wait on Mr Trumbull at his house, if he was not much chilled with the cold and much fatigud with a Journey all day


Title: To John Adams from John Quincy Adams, 25 November 1796
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, John

My Dear Sir.
The Hague November 25. 1796.

I received yesterday your favour of August 7. The first time I have had the pleasure of a letter from you since the same date. I have also to acknowledge an unusual interval since my last to you was written. I shall not plead in excuse that a very considerable American correspondence, which I find myself obliged to furnish altogether on my part, with few returns of any kind, and those few containing little more than acknowledgments of my letters having been received, becomes gradually more burthensome, and that I postpone insensibly from day to day the writing of those which can admit of postponement. However justly I might make this apology, I am sensible it would not be sufficient. Continual attention to many inattentive correspondents is possible;  it is therefore a duty; and of all my inofficial correspondents it is most inexcusable that I should have occasion for an apology to you. I shall endeavour to avoid the same fault in future.
The observations which you have suggested in a concern particularly personal and domestic to myself, are received with gratitude, and will be remembered with perseverance. I hope you will always have reason to be convinced that the accounts in my family will be correct, and my resolutions decisive. It is not yet ascertained whether I must wait, untill my own return to America, to make my final family arrangements, though I shall freely confess that if so, it will be much against my own inclination and intentions.
The inconveniences of a foreign mission, which have been mentioned in several of your late Letters, are certainly great. I was not insensible of them when I left my Country. There is another greater than all the rest of which I am equally sensible. It is that of losing the prospects of a profession, and of being displaced from one’s proper station in Society. A premature elevation renders a subsequent descent inevitable. All my prospects in America, are that I shall have the advantage of reflecting upon what I have been.—There is however one article of my Philosophy which I do not apprehend will soon abandon me. It is an indifference to the pursuits of Ambition and Fame, which even your solicitude for me does not altogether remove. I sought not the station which I now hold. I sought not my late errand to England, nor the new appointment to Portugal with which I have been honoured.—Did I ever even wish for them?—not for the English business I think you will readily believe—No—nor for either of the others—When this service shall be sufficiently discharged, I can retire perfectly contented to my books and to silent obscurity; but to the tedious drudgery of the bar, to an Office without Clients; or to invidious labour, and its wretched pittance of retribution, while my juniors during my absence will have not only gained upon me all my advancement, but left me far behind them, to tug again at the Oar, while they enjoy the favours of the gale and stream at once; I will not pretend that I shall readily acquiesce in such a course as that. The first and most strenuous of my endeavours will be to preserve my independence entire. Rather than surrender or impair that I shall submit to any thing, not dishonest or dishonourable: but that preserved, I shall indulge my own inclinations, and adopt a mode of life which will allow me leisure for my favourite pursuits, and literary studies.—Such is at present my hope. If I can return to leisure, I am determined that it shall not be to idleness. But the Americans have in Europe a sad reputation on the article of literature, and I shall purpose to render a service to my Country by devoting to it, the remainder of my life.
In one of your late Letters, you enquire whether in my peregrinations I can find nothing for the University at Cambridge or for the Academy. I do not mean to be forgetful of either, especially the former to which I am personally indebted for much valuable instruction.—Perhaps I might have been more in haste to offer a tribute of my regard and veneration to these Institutions but for a profound aversion in my mind against ambitious donations, and begging Presents. If you will answer for it, that in case I should find something for those Institutions, they will not consider it as a solicitation of their favours, and that they will not confer them upon me, I shall be the more ready to indulge my inclination of shewing the respect for them which I really feel.—You will perhaps think there is too much of pride in the composition of these scruples, but having before me your example of literary honours acquired not by the little artifices of courting notice, but by strong and substantial merits commanding it, I am more disposed to follow that example than depart from it for the sake of an academical degree or fellowship.
Before this Letter reaches you the elections for President and Vice-President will be completed, and it will doubtless decide as to your continuance in the Public Service. The President’s address to the People of the United States, of September 17, arrived here some time since; I imagine it will be translated and published in the Papers of the Country. There are perhaps some characters here who do not perfectly relish it: the observations upon the absurdity of having any favourite foreign Nation are applicable to other Countries, as well as to the United States. Their justice is pointedly felt here, and several persons have mentioned to me the address in terms of the highest satisfaction.—But the foreign Nation here is something more than a favourite, and it requires a degree of courage by no means to universal even to profess any sentiments of Independence.—Upon which subject you may judge from the following anecdote. Some days before the Constitution now before the National Assembly was reported by the Committee, I was witness to a Conversation which took place concerning it, between the french Minister Plenipotentiary whose name is Noël, and several Members of the Assembly and of the Diplomatic Committee; all declared themselves very anxious and curious to know what it would be. Noël at length said he had heard that it would not establish the principle of Unity, and indivisibility. That there would only be nine departments instead of nine Provinces. That in his opinion that would be a great and pernicious departure from the example which France had shewn them, in totally dissolving every principle of federalism; and for his part that he could not approve such an heterogeneous system. He was proceeding to give me further tokens of his dissatisfaction in the same tone, when a Member of the Assembly and Committee, one of the most noted and influential Men in the present Government, interrupts him with a smile. “”Diable! comme vous y alléz!”—Noël then checking himself says, “au reste,” what I say is only the opinion of the Citizen Noël, as to the Minister, to be sure he will find everything that you choose to do, excellent.—Remember it was only the Citizen Noël that was speaking and not the Minister.—“Sans doute”—replied the honest Dutchman “autrement vous sentez bien que je me tairois.”—The subject of conversation was then changed.—But afterwards, since the Constitution has been reported, the member who so candidly confessed that the voice of the french minister would silence him of course, found his tongue to declare that the Constitution is fundamentally bad, not fit even to be made a subject of deliberation, a monster, a federalism, just so far contrary to the rights of men and citizens as it varies from the glorious precedent of France.
The Constitution is not yet published, nor have the Assembly determined as yet whether they will debate it at all. This decision is to be made to morrow. I will write you more about it in the course of a few days. At present I can only say that it abandons in a great measure but without sacrificing entirely the federal principle. The Legislature is to be in two branches. The Executive in a council of State consisting of seven members. The council of State, to have a qualified negative upon the laws, adopted from our Constitution. In my next I shall also enter more largely upon the political state of European affairs in general. The campaign must soon close, and leave the parties nearly where they were when it began. There will be during the Winter much Negotiation, from which the only ground I have to think it possible that a general pacification will ensue, is that every body says it will not.
I remain your dutiful and affectionate Son
John Q. Adams.


Title: To John Adams from Jeremy Belknap, 1 December 1796
From: Belknap, Jeremy
To: Adams, John

My dear Sir
Boston Decr 1 1796

I beg your acceptance of one of these volumes & that you would give the other to the President with the most respectful Compliments of the author
Yr most obedt Servt
Jeremy Belknap


Title: From John Adams to François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 6 December 1796
From: Adams, John
To: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan

Sir
6 December 1796

I have recd your favour of the 10. of Nov. and thank you for the quotations from the Posthumous Works of the late K. of Prussia. The Quotations from Condorcet are Proofs of Insincerity or Inconsistency but the latter may be easily expected from a Person who writes upon a subject he knows nothing of.
I am able unfortunately to give you some Extracts of letters concerning a Man of more Sense, more Learning better principles and more benevolent dispositions than Condorcet who is now under Difficulties I fear, I mean your Friend Luzac. My Son John Quincy Adams writes to this Mother "our Friend Luzac, who I am Sorry to Say is no longer Professor Luzac, is publishing a Collection consisting of the orations which he delivered on entering upon the functions of his Professorship, and on the Expiration of his Administration as Rector magnificus, or Principal of the University of Leyden together with some various and Scientific Dissertations. He had dedicated the whole to my Father in an elegant Latin Epistle which is to appear at the head of the Work."
My Son Thomas Boylston Adams writes me "At the time the National Assembly commenced its career, Several new periodical publications appeared. Two of them were a printed in the French Language, and the Prospectus of each promised that the future Numbers Should furnish regular details of the Proceedings in the national Council, and even proclaimed themselves as the occasional vehicles of political disquisitions, adapted to the temper of the times. Energetic appeals to Patriotism for Patronage, which almost every number contained, Soon discovered Symptoms of abortion, and Shortly after, the undertakers of these Publications were obliged to declare, in the bitterness and Pangs of their labour that Such was the dearth of public spirit, it would not pay even the expences of the midwife. For your Amusement I send you the first and last words of one of those papers; it commenced under the Auspices of the French Minister here and lived nearly Seven weeks; another which bore the Title of ’Monteur Batave’ Survived but a Short time longer and it is remarkable that both, just before their death, Snarled horrible at poor Luzac, because his Paper still went on in the old style. This is a Slight Specimin of the public apathy and Indifference about political Discussions. An anecdote which proves Something more is the Dismission of Mr J. Luzac from his Professorship in the university and with a Prohibition Subjoined against his Superintendance of the Leyden Gazette”April 19. 1797Sir I had written the above to you: but was interrupted and have left the letter I was copying. I have within a few days received your favour of the 4 of March, and I thank you for your kind Congratulations


Title: From John Adams to George Washington, 12 December 1796
From: Adams, John,United States Senate
To: Washington, George

12 December 1796

We thank you, sir, for your faithful and detailed exposure of the existing situation of our country; and we sincerely join in sentiments of gratitude to an overruling Providence for the distinguished share of public prosperity and private happiness which the People of the United States so peculiarly enjoy.
We are fully sensible of the advantages that have resulted from the adoption of measures (which you have successfully carried into effect) to preserve peace, cultivate friendship, and promote civilization, amongst the Indian tribes on the western frontiers: feelings of humanity, and the most solid political interests, equally encourage the continuance of this system.
We observe, with pleasure, that the delivery of the military posts, lately occupied by the British forces, within the territory of the United States, was made with cordiality and promptitude, as soon as circumstances would admit; and that the other provisions our treaties with Great Britain and Spain, that were objects of eventual arrangement, are about being carried into effect, with entire harmony and good faith.
The unfortunate but unavoidable difficulties that opposed a timely compliance with the terms of the Algerine treaty, are much to be lamented; as they may occasion a temporary suspension of the advantages to be derived from a solid peace with that Power, and a perfect security from its predatory warfare; at the same time, the lively impressions that affected the public mind on the redemption of our captive fellow-citizens, afford the most laudable incentive to our exertions to remove the remaining obstacles.
We perfectly coincide with you in opinion, that the importance of our commerce demands a naval force for its protection against foreign insult and depredation, and our solicitude to attain that object will be always proportionate to its magnitude.
The necessity of accelerating the establishment of certain useful manufactures, by the intervention of legislative aid and protection, and the encouragement due to agriculture by the creation of Boards, (composed of intelligent individuals) to patronize this primary pursuit of society, are subjects which will readily engage our most serious attention.
A national university may be converted to the most useful purposes: the science of legislation being so essentially dependent on the endowments of the mind, the public interests must receive effectual aid from the general diffusion of knowledge; and the United States will assume a more dignified station among the nations of the earth, by the successful cultivation of the higher branches of literature.
A military academy may be likewise rendered equally important. To aid and direct the physical force of the nation, by cherishing a military spirit, enforcing a proper sense of discipline, and inculcating a scientific system of tactics, is consonant to the soundest maxims of public policy. Connected with, and supported by, such an establishment, a well regulated militia, constituting the natural defence of the country, would prove the most effectual, as well as economical, preservative of peace.
We cannot but consider, with serious apprehensions, the inadequate compensations of the public officers, especially of those in the more important stations. It is not only a violation of the spirit of a public contract, but is an evil so extensive in its operation, and so destructive in its consequences, that we trust it will receive the most pointed legislative attention.
We sincerely lament, that, whilst the conduct of the United States has been uniformly impressed with the character of equity, moderation, and love of peace, in the maintenance of all their foreign relationships, our trade should be so harassed by the cruisers and agents of the republic of France, throughout the extensive departments of the West Indies.
Whilst we are confident that no cause of complaint exists that could authorize an interruption of our tranquillity, or disengage that republic from the bonds of amity, cemented by the faith of treaties, we cannot but express our deepest regrets that official communications have been made to you, indicating a more serious disturbance of our commerce. Although we cherish the expectation that a sense of justice, and a consideration of our mutual interest, will moderate their councils, we are not unmindful of the situation in which events may place us, nor unprepared to adopt that system of conduct, which, compatible with the dignity of a respectable nation, necessity may compel us to pursue.
We cordially acquiesce in the reflection, that the United States, under the operation of the Federal Government, have experienced a most rapid aggrandizement and prosperity, as well political as commercial.
Whilst contemplating the causes that produce this auspicious result, we must acknowledge the excellence of the constitutional system, and the wisdom of the legislative provisions; but we should be deficient in gratitude and justice, did we not attribute a great portion of these advantages to the virtue, firmness, and talents, of your administration; which have been conspicuously displayed in the most trying times, and on the most critical occasions. It is, therefore, with the sincerest regret that we now receive an official notification of your intentions to retire from the public employments of your country.
When we review the various scenes of your public life, so long and so successfully devoted to the most arduous services, civil and military, as well during the struggles of the American Revolution, as the convulsive periods of a recent date, we cannot look forward to your retirement without our warmest affections and most anxious regards accompanying you, and without mingling with our fellow-citizens at large in the sincerest wishes for your personal happiness that sensibility and attachment can express.
The most effectual consolation that can offer for the loss we are about to sustain, arises from the animating reflection that the influence of your example will extend to your successors, and the United States thus continue to enjoy an able, upright, and energetic administration.

John Adams,Vice President of the United States and President of the Senate.


Title: To John Adams from John Quincy Adams, 17 December 1796
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, John

No 26.
My Dear Sir
The Hague December 17. 1796.

In my last Letter I purposed giving you an account of the measures which have been taken upon the Constitution produced after seven months labour by the Committee appointed to draw it up. But after mentioning the frowns which had been cast upon it while yet in embryo, by the citizen Noël, it would be perhaps superfluous now to relate how soon after its birth it has been overlaid.—The principal object for which the National Assembly was called, was professedly to make a constitution to be presented to the People. A Committee of 21 members therefore was selected from the whole body, a few days after they first met, who from that time until the 10th: of November have been solely, and exclusively occupied upon that work, and have never attended the ordinary deliberations of the Assembly. But at the moment when  of the Committee was made, and before it was read, one of the members made his protest against it, and declared his determination to oppose it in every stage, because it was not founded upon a Principle of unlimited Unity and Indivisibility. It would have been doubtless at once rejected, but for a provision in the Constitution of the Assembly, which directed that if they should reject the plan which should be proposed by the Committee of 21, the same Committee, together with ten more members should draw up another plan, and that both should be presented to the People for their consideration. To defeat the provision of this Article, the Assembly first voted that they accepted the reported plan as the ground-work of their debates, but immediately after decreed that they would debate nothing but what should be founded upon the Indivisibility of the whole Republic, and appointed two new Committees, the one to consolidate the finances and debts of the several Provinces, and the other to make alterations in the Constitution reported conformable to the degree of Indivisibility, authorizing them if they should think proper, to throw aside altogether the plan before them and draw up another entirely different from it. The Committee of 21. therefore has been the mountain to bring forth a mouse. Their work is already treated with every sort of contempt, and the expectations of the public are all renewed to see what the next Committee will report.—I have sent to the Secretary of State a couple of copies of the plan which made such a luckless entry into the world, but as it has been in fact so speedily dismissed from it, I have not thought it worth while to send or make a translation of it.
As to the public news current in Europe, the transactions on the field as they are detailed by the contending parties, fill all the columns of every Newspaper you see, and I have found by my experience for two years, that my letters cannot reach you in Season to give early intelligence. The campaign upon the Rhine will doubtless very soon close; two french armies of seventy, or eighty thousand men penetrated very deep into Germany in the course of the Summer, but they have been driven back to the point from which they started and one of them has been in a great measure destroyed by the operation. I have heretofore informed you that the project contemplated by the french was the junction of the three armies, to march in concert towards Vienna; there was a period at which it appeared probable this Quixotic plan would be realized, but it has eventually been totally defeated, and with such heavy losses on the part of the french, that of their own accord they have sent an Ambassador to Vienna, to negotiate a separate Peace with the Emperor, while at the same time Lord Malmesbury has been sent to treat for a general Peace with them.—Their great object is to make a separate Peace with each of their adversaries and as they hope to remain with Britain alone in the end, they think it will be possible for them then to give her such a deadly blow, as will reduce her to a situation as deplorable as their own.
They keep all their negotiations secret except that with Britain, but from the time of Lord Malmesbury’s arrival at Paris they have immediately published all the official Papers that have past between him and the Minister for foreign affairs De la Croix. The first Notes of the Letter were so insulting, that an universal opinion every where prevailed that they were determined at all Events to break up the negotiation. However the late papers have grown more moderate, although the same object is yet pursued. The public opinion was so strongly pronounced condemning their mode of proceeding that they have found it necessary to change it. They have now formally acceded to the principle for the Negotiation proposed by the British Government, and the specific offers will soon make their appearance unless they should conclude to treat seriously; in which case, I presume they will immediately retire from that publicity which they have affected to give  to this negotiation, while they conduct with all possible secrecy all the others of a similar kind.
It does not appear probable that they have any thing to offer to the Emperor, which can compensate him at once for the cession of the Netherlands, and for the abandonment of his alliance with G. Britain. They have indeed placed much dependence upon their Italian conquests, and are making a Shew in terrorem, of establishing a cispadane and a transpadane Republic, in Lombardy and in the papal Territories. If Mantua should fall into their hands, which at present appears probable and which has indeed already been prematurely announced, they will have a firm footing in Italy, where their possession hitherto has been precarious and where they have maintained themselves by immense sacrifices of Men. In this case the Emperor may be more readily inclined to accept advantageousz terms of Peace, which they will offer him, and leave Britain to fight the remainder of her battles herself.
The Portuguese Minister who had been here from the time of my arrival, is likewise now at Paris endeavouring to negotiate a Peace with for his Government. He has been gone from hence about two months. He meets with similar difficulties to those of the English negotiator, and the Directory still insist upon the exclusion of the British from the ports of Portugal. This has been peremptorily refused, and it is therefore most probable that Portugal, will not succeed in obtaining a Peace, unless in conjunction with G. Britain. They are at present threatened with an invasion by Spain, for having furnished to that power at the commencement of the War, the auxiliary troops which had been stipulated by Treaty.
Great dependence had been placed both in France and here upon a scarcity of money, and commercial distress which existed during some time in the Summer and Autumn in England. An order of the British Council, authorized the payment of interests from their funds, in this Country in the Netherlands and in Italy. It authorized also a free exportation from England to the same Countries in neutral vessels.—Such importations were immediately prohibited here, with such an appearance of exultation that you would have imagined it was the final blow, they were giving to the british commercial power and opulence. The same prohibition was with equal pomposity decreed by the french Legislature.—But food and cloathing is not supplied by a prohibition, the trade which existed even before the British order of Council authorized it has been continued in spite of all the trammels of the french and Batavian Assemblies; and indeed the former have in effect repealed their prohibition by postponing for several months the date at which it is to commence, and the latter have formally repealed theirs so far as to admit all West-India produce. The rest must be introduced by connivance or contraband.
There are many People here anxious to know the Event of the Presidential elections, in America, and who either feel or affect an alarm least under a change of administration the United States will become involved in a War with G. Britain. They tremble for the price of their American Stocks. I have taken all the pains I could to maintain and spread the opinion, that however the elections may turn, there is not the least danger that the United States will deviate from their neutral system of policy, or engage in War with any European Power whatever.—I firmly believe this to be the fact, and  the prevalence of the opinion here is essential to the credit of our funds.
I am with duty and affection, your Son
John Q. Adams.


Title: To John Adams from Timothy Pickering, 19 December 1796
From: Pickering, Timothy
To: Adams, John

Sir
Department of State, Decr. 19th. 1796.

By the direction of the President of the United States, I have the honor to inclose a report of the Director of the Mint, suggesting the expediency of some alterations in its establishment, to render it less expensive to the public, and more accommodating to depositors. The report is accompanied with statements of the gold, silver, and copper coins issued from the mint from its commencement to the 24th. of the last month; accounts of the gold and silver bullion which has been deposited; and an account of wastage and a deficit in the silver coinage, which requires an appropriation of two thousand eight hundred and twenty dollars and seventy one cents, to reimburse depositors.
I am, with great respect, / Sir, / your most obedt. Servant
Timothy Pickering


Title: To John Adams from John Quincy Adams, 24 December 1796
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, John

No 27.My Dear Sir.
The Hague December 24. 1796.

The french Directory have refused to receive Mr: Pinckney as Minister from the United States, and have taken a resolution, that all communication between them and the American Government shall be suspended untill the wrongs of which the French Republic has a right to complain, shall be repaired. The motives alledged for this proceeding are said to be that the Treaty between the United States and Great–Britain, annuls that with France, and that as they have recalled their Minister from the United States, they do not judge it advisable to receive one from thence. Their personal regard for Mr: Monroe seems to have effected hitherto an exception in his favour.
After the recall of Mr. Adet, and the various other circumstances which have occurred in the course of the last Summer, this circumstance is not surprizing. The real motives upon which it is founded, and the designs which it is meant to answer, are well understood by you. Among of many others the advantage of an alternative either to influence the Elections for the next Presidency, or to furnish a material embarassment to the new Administration, is perhaps not the least weighty. If at the time when this Letter shall reach you, the public affairs of the United States should be of any concern to you, besides that of an individual citizen, you will evidently perceive that a concert, which might be termed an alliance has taken place between the present french Government, and the most virulent internal enemies to that of the United States: to defeat the object of this connection which is no less than a Revolution in the Constitution of our Nation, and an abandonment of our engagements with another power, will require all the wisdom and firmness of which our federal executive is susceptible, as well as the support of the People. Of the former I have no doubt, and uniform experience has given me a confidence in the latter, which I hope will not be disappointed.
The newspapers which I send you with this letter will shew  what a representation of the internal state of France, the Directory themselves have presented to the Legislative Assemblies. The wretchedness of the Nation may possibly be exaggerated in this paper, because its apparent object is to elicit from the Legislature some new expedient to raise money for the further support of the War. But with every allowance for such exaggerations, it is certain that the situation of that Country is deplorable in the highest degree, and the People in every part of it pant for Peace. The weariness of the War has also reached their armies which have suffered excessively in the course of the last campaign, and which they find it at present extremely difficult to support.
The french Minister of Finance has called together a commercial deputation from several of the Cities to devise the means of reviving their commerce, or more probably of raising new funds. He has proposed to them the establishment of a Bank, to be made altogether independent of the Government, and a third paper money bottomed upon the confiscated property, and to be denominated cedules hypothecaires. Neither of these proposals was received with much favour and the assembly have expressed as their decided opinion, that a speedy and honourable Peace, must be the necessary preliminary to any practicable attempt whatever for the restoration of the commerce and finances of the Nation.
Meanwhile, the Negotiation of Lord Malmesbury still continues. The tone of the first official papers from the Minister De la Croix spread an opinion almost universal that the Directory were determined to break it off. But at the same time an universal cry arose against them, and sounded so loudly in their ears, that they have evidently softened and moderated their language. It is said also that they have consented to conduct the negotiation in future with the same secrecy which they have observed in their diplomatic dealings with the other coalesced powers. These things are all considered as indications that a serious attempt for Peace will be made, and the publicity which they have purposely given to their Statement of the distressing condition of the Nation contributes to strengthen the opinion.
The Empress of Russia died suddenly on the 17th: of November: of an apoplectic stroke, as it is pretended.—Suspicion however is not silent on this occasion. The french consider it as an Event very favourable to them. She was to have signed on the 19th: a new Treaty with Great Britain. Whether it was signed by her successor is variously reported.—He certainly made no change in the administration of the Russian foreign Department.
I have mentioned that one of the motives of the french Directory in their late proceeding is to influence the American Election, or to embarrass the new Administration. There is an opinion propagated with great zeal and industry in every part of the Europe, that the Union and Prosperity of the United States are dependent altogether upon the personal character, merits and popularity of the present President, and that the moment he shall retire from the government we shall fall into irreconcileable dissensions which will soon be followed by a separation of the Northern from the Southern States. In England and France, perhaps among some people in this Country, these ideas are not simple opinions; they have ripened into hopes. For whatever affections our Countrymen may indulge in their hearts for this or that European Nation, they may assure themselves that they are to all objects of fear and envy. The prosperity of the American People has become a reproach to the rulers of Europe whether monarchical or Republican, and prosperity generates envy among Nations no less than among individuals. A paragraph has appeared  in one of the late English news-papers purporting to be founded on a letter from New–York written in October and announcing that troubles and confusions were expected to take place upon the approaching Election for President. That the solitary advice of the present President’s address to the People did not appear to have made any impression upon them: that in every State there was some particular favourite, but no Union, no public Spirit, and that the division of the States would be the probable consequence of these symptoms. This account has been repeated in one of the Gazette’s here and coming just at the same time with the hostile declaration of the French Directory has gratified or alarmed all those who from sentiment or interest take any notice of our affairs. It has produced an effect upon the stocks, though I have endeavoured as far as I have been able to counteract the impression. I have indeed no Letters from which I can form any opinion whatever upon the State of our public affairs, and all my authentic intelligence is generally six weeks or two months, older than that which is current among the merchants.
The military operations upon the Rhine have not been very important since the retreat of the two French Armies. An Armistice has already partially taken place, and will no doubt be extended the whole length of that River. Mantua is now abandoned to its fate and is like very soon to be taken. The Season must very soon compel a suspension of hostilities, which it is hoped will not again be renewed.
There is a maritime expedition in preparation from France, the direction of which is not known, but supposed to be, a descent in Ireland. There are said to be at Brest 15 ships of the Line and seven frigates, on board of which are embarked 15000 men, with arms, artillery &c for 50,000. They are said to have a concert with the malcontents in Ireland and expect to be joined by them upon their landing. There is another embarkation at Dunkirk destined as it is supposed to join that from Brest. The troops employed appear to be very much dissatisfied with the service. The admiral Villaret Joyeuse, and almost all the commanding Officers have been displaced and others appointed in their stead. The marine Minister is gone to Brest to  pacify an insurrection which has taken place on board the fleet, and reconcile the troops to the expedition. Hoche has the command in chief.
I have informed you heretofore how cavalierly the Constitution lately produced here has been treated, and the appointment of a new Committee to draw up another. There was an inconsistency in the two decrees of the National Assembly, the first, accepting the plan proposed as a ground-work for deliberation, and the second pass’d six days afterwards and setting it altogether aside, at which some people have had the weakness to be surprized. But in order to remove all doubts not only of the cause but of the manner whereby the alteration was effected, two members of the Assembly have published an address to the Batavian People, declaring that they were the persons who brought it to pass. That when they found a Constitution brought to light infected with the venom of federalism and calculated only to call back the Stadholder and slavery, that this Constitution was favoured by a great majority of the Assembly, and that their hapless Country was upon the point of receiving the coup de grace, they united themselves with a very small number of friends to Liberty, and the next moment stepped into a Carriage, went to Paris, and deposited their well-grounded apprehensions in the bosom of the french Government. The consequences they add, are apparent; federalism finds its six months labour fruitless, the haters of liberty spite of the thousand masks under which they strive to conceal their detested faces will be crushed, and Netherland will be free.—Such is the mode of debating Constitutions here.
I am, Dear Sir, in constant duty and affection, your Son
John Q. Adams


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Jefferson, 28 December 1796
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Monticello Dec. 28. 1796

The public and the public papers have been much occupied lately, in placing us in point of opposition to each other. I trust with confidence that less of it has been felt by ourselves personally. In the retired canton where I am, I learn little of what is passing: pamphlets I see never: papers but a few; and the fewer the happier. Our latest intelligence from Philadelphia at present is of the 16th. inst. but tho’ at that date your election to the first magistracy seems not to have been known as a fact, yet with me it has never been doubted. I knew it impossible you should lose a vote North of the Deleware, & even if that of Pennsylvania should be against you in the mass, yet that you would get enough South of that to place your succession out of danger. I have never one single moment expected a different issue, and though I know I shall not be believed, yet it is not the less true that I have never wished it. My neighbors, as my compurgators, could aver that fact, because they see my occupations and my attachment to them. Indeed it is possible that you may be cheated of your succession by a trick worthy of the subtlety of your arch-friend of New York, who has been able to make of your real friends tools to defeat their & your just wishes. Most probably he will be disappointed as to you; & my inclinations place me out of his reach. I leave to others the sublime delights of riding in the storm, better pleased with sound sleep and a warm birth below, with the society of neighbors, friends and fellow laborers of the earth, than of spies & sycophants. No one then will congratulate you with purer disinterestedness than myself. The share indeed which I may have had in the late vote, I shall still value highly, as an evidence of the share I have in the esteem of my fellow citizens. but while, in this point of view, a few votes more or less would be little sensible, the difference in the effect of a few more would be very sensible and oppressive to me. I have no ambition to govern men. It is a painful and thankless office. Since the day too on which you signed the treaty of Paris our horizon was never so overcast. I devoutly wish you may be able to shun for us this war by which our agriculture, commerce and credit will be destroyed. If you are, the glory will be all your own; that your administration may be filled with glory, & happiness to yourself and advantage to us is the sincere wish of one who though, in the course of our voyage through life, various little incidents have happened or been contrived to separate us, retains still for you the solid esteem of the moments when we were working for our independence, and sentiments of respect & affectionate attachment
Th: Jefferson


Title: John Adams, Deposition regarding Mitchell’s Map, 1796
From: Adams, John
To:

Deposition of President Adams—In answer to Interrogatories by the Agent on the part of the United States he deposed, “that Mitchell’s Map was the only Map or Plan which was used by the Commissioners at their public Conferences, tho’ other Maps were occasionally consulted by the American Commissioners at their Lodgings; the British Commissioners at first claimed to Piscataqua River, then to Kennebeck, then to Penobscot, and Length agreed to St: Croix as marked on Mitchell’s Map—one of the American Ministers at first proposed the River St: Johns as marked on Mitchell’s Map, but his Colleagues observing, that as Saint Croix was the River mentioned in the Charter of Massachusett’s Bay they could not justify insisting on Saint Johns as an Ultimatum, he agreed with them to adhere to the Charter of Massachusett’s Bay”—but in Answer to the following Interrogatory by the Commissioners, for the Sake of Explanation, “Whether it was understood, intended, or agreed, between the British and American Commissioners that the River Saint Croix, as marked on Mitchell’s Map should so be the Boundary as to preclude all Enquiry respecting any Error or Mistake in the said Map in designating the River Saint Croix; or whether there was any, and if so what, Understanding, Intent, or Agreement between the Commissioners relative to the Case of Error or Mistake in this respect in the said Map?”—he further deposed, “that the Case of such supposed Error or Mistake was not suggested, and consequently there was no Understanding, Intent, or Agreement expressed respecting it.”


Title: To John Adams from Samuel Griffin, 12 January 1797
From: Griffin, Samuel
To: Adams, John

Richmond 12th January 1797—

Permit me much respected Sir, to congratulate Your Excellency, as well as the good Citizens of America, on Your late election to the Presidency of the United States, and to assure You Sir, that from every information that can be collected, it was the general wish of most of the good people of Virginia, who are attached to order & good Government, that this happy & fortunate event should take place, and I trust (notwithstanding the Newspaper columny) You will in the course of Your administration experience as full and ample Support from I this as from any other State in the Union—
Should You Sir, be in want of a Young Man to live in Your family as a Secretary or for any other purpose, I take the liberty at the request of some friends, to recommend to Your notice, Mr John Griffin a Son of Judge Griffins, he is twenty five Years old, of fair Character & has had a liberal education, has spent two Years in England & nearly the same time in France, and I am told by good Judges understands the french Language tolerably well, his acity to be honord with a place in Your excellencys family has been my principal motive for hazarding this Solicitation—with a fervent prayer for the health happiness and prosperity of Yourself and family I am / with due respect & esteem / Sir / Your Obdt friend & Servt

Saml Griffin


Title: To John Adams from John Quincy Adams, 14 January 1797
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, John

N:29
My Dear Sir.
The Hague January 14. 1797.

I received yesterday your favour of October 23 and it is by several weeks the latest Letter that I have from America.—It tells me that the Elections were going on with as little bitterness as could be expected, and this in the present circumstances is grateful intelligence. But all my American correspondents public and private as they appear to care nothing about the affairs of Europe, seem alike to think us indifferent to those of America. This inattention will eventually produce consequences very serious to our Country and its Government.
There are others who feel the importance of European intercourse and an incessant vigilance towards it, more forcibly, and cultivate it more assiduously. They have at least succeeded to make hard work for the Government of the United States.—In my Letters to you last Summer, will be found as clear an anticipation as my observations could discover and my reflections combine of the Events which are now taking place.—I have not been silent on the subject to the Secretary of State. Of nearly thirty Letters which I have written him since my return from England, I have an acknowledgment that four have been received.—In one of your late Letters it is intimated to me that the correspondence has not been on my part sufficiently frequent with the Treasury department.—I shall endeavour to avoid that complaint in future, but I hope it will be considered just that some suggestion should be made to me of the objects upon which information is desired; some instructions upon which a correspondence can be founded, and some sort of returns to the earnest solicitations which my Letters have contained of measures to direct my conduct and to provide for the punctuality of the United States in this Country.—To an urgent letter from me to the Secretary of the Treasury, written on the 13th. of last June, I am still panting for an answer. The provision which I so long since entreated to be made in Season has been now nearly two months defective; I am assaulted by dunning creditors on one side, by impatient bankers on the other, and month after month elapses in profound silence of advices or remittances from America, while the payments are failing, rumours of troubles and dissensions in the United States spread abroad, the funds depreciate. I am called upon from every quarter to know what the real accounts from thence are, and have only to confess that my accounts are two or three months in arrear of the current course.
It is not for the pleasure of complaining that I mention these circumstances; but on the one hand I regret that a want of these reciprocal communications disenables me from so useful a discharge of my duty, and as my own wishes would dictate, and on the other that I sometimes take great pains to compare and combine symptoms that occur in Europe to announce what an attentive correspondence from America would inform me to be an old Story there, thoroughly understood, and about which all my toils would be perfectly useless. An instance of the last kind, considerably important is that of the suspicions intimated in my letter to you, N. 24—When I wrote it, I had not heard a syllable of the french project upon our western territory. But the concurrence of several circumstances which I then noticed to you, convinced me that something very pernicious to the United States was in agitation; but though I could not precisely divine what it was.—Afterwards from the American Newspapers, when I receive them, and especially from the President’s address to the People, I found that I might spare myself the trouble of endeavouring to detect what was already abundantly discovered, and that it would be needless to lose my self in a chace of probabilities to throw a new mite of conjecture into the settled balance of demonstration.
I have already written you an account of the refusal by the french Directory to receive Mr. Pinckney; and of the apparent alliance between them and the internal Enimies of the American Government. But since my last Letter Mr. Monroe has delivered his letters of recall, and upon that occasion made a speech which was answered by the President of the Directory Barras.—Mr: Monroe’s address indicates what his language and conduct will be upon his return. The same unqualified devotion to the french will, which made him so confidential with Fauchet, upon the parties within the United States, before he set out upon his mission, has influenced him in this last transaction, and at the moment when a national indignity outrageous as it was unprovoked was offered to his Country, he still condescends to flatter them by an eulogy upon the generous services which they themselves have long since publicly and officially declared to have been merely the fruit of a vile speculation; by a declaration as false as it is dishonourable to America, that the principles of their Revolution and of ours were the same; by an exulting reference to his military services in our War, and by an ostentatious avowal of his partiality for the present cause of France: and all this without even hinting the mission of Mr: Pinckney, whose personal and patriotic merits are surely not inferior to his own.—The answer of Barras is such that I scarcely know whether which it inspires most of indignation at the design which it developes, or of contempt for the mode of its execution—In comparison with it, the language of Genet was decency and modesty.—The public opinion concerning it in Europe appears unanimous. I have not heard it mentioned by an individual but with disgust at its thrasonical bombast and ridicule at its bullying menaces.—This tone has been instigated by their American partizans who have suggested to them that the American Government and People must be frightened into a violation of their Treaty with Britain, and of their neutrality. The affectation of parade which was made on this occasion, the display of Ambassadors from Sardinia, from a Duke of Parma, and a Bey of Tunis, the trophies from the battle of Arcole, and the commandant of the national guards, all you may be sure were designed to look and sound very tremendous.—They really think the American People not only as ignorant of Europe as they themselves are of America, but moreover ideots and cowards upon whom tinsel can with the utmost facility be palmed for bullion and with whom a Bey of Tunis or an Infant duke of Parma would furnish as potent a proof of the invincible prevalence of the french power, as the Empires of Austria, Russia or Great-Britain.—In reality their selection of Ambassadors to witness their triumph over Mr. Monroe, has in it something of burlesque.—Tremble O ye People of America! for at the moment when a french Director announces the fury of France against your Government, his Republic rich by her Liberty, surrounded by a retinue of victories, and strong by the esteem of her allies, displays before your eyes her dubious Italian trophies and her expiatory Embassies from the Duke of Parma and the Bey of Tunis!—All this, is in substance is perfectly ridiculous, but coupled with the insolence of Barras’s speech, with his professed distinction between the Government, and the People of the United States, with his compliments to Mr: Monroe, and his recommendation to him to go home and represent the American People there it fully proves that the design of attack upon the Governmen,t by a renewal of Genet’s appeal to the People is prepared and concerted; so as to open upon the commencement of a new Administration.—They very evidently expect great effects from this manoeuvre; their american partizans in Europe already exult as if our rupture with Great Britain was completely effected, and even the friends of our Government are alarmed, and fearful that they will be intimidated into submission, or abandoned by the People, their only support, that this patronage of France will give such weight to the efforts of Faction that they will be no longer resistible, and the system of neutrality will necessarily be overturned.—To say that I myself am without profound anxiety in this respect would be idle and false. The character, temper, and conduct of the two last Houses of Representatives in Congress, have made it impossible to discard apprehensions for the Future and the measures which the popular leaders of the antifederal party have adopted, sanctioned and justified remove every hope that any scruple of independence, patriotism or Justice will interfere between the views of France and their exertions to support them.
I presume however that there is in the American Government a Spirit which will not tamely submit to be bullied out of its system even by the combined insolence of a french Directory with the utmost malignity of internal faction. I presume also that a great majority of the American People will see through the object of this transaction and despise the insidious attempt to separate and discriminate them from their Government. I hope that to the future President of the United States whoever he may be, the Peace of his Country, its honour and its Justice will be as dear as they are to the present, and while every honest voice is uttering admiration and every humane heart ejaculating blessings to the name of Washington, that his successor by exhibiting a continuance of the same wisdom, firmness and moderation, will prove to the sceptics in political speculation that the American soil is fruitful of those Virtues, and the American People determined to support them.
A rupture of our Treaty with Great Britain is in a manner the professed demand upon which the french Directory have made these recent, terrific demonstrations; a suspension of our trade with Britain, will perhaps be required as a condition for a restoration of their good will: that this is their clear design I have long since written you. How far they will go to obtain their end it is impossible to say: it will depend in a great measure upon the support they meet from their party in America. If our Government discover a single symptom of a disposition to yield, or if the House of Representatives for the ensuing Congress, should from its complexion encourage the hopes of obtaining a majority adverse to the system of the Executive, the Directory will not scruple at any measure of hostility which they may imagine or be persuaded, will encrease their influence by the arguments of fear. It is painful to say it, but I am afraid it is true, that they will be instigated from America, to repeat and accumulate hostilities to promote this purpose—But if the Executive should maintain that dignified firmness and moderation which has hitherto distinguished it, and the Representatives more decidedly concur in the established system of neutrality than they have done, the French Government will inevitably retreat, abandon their design of driving us into the War, and be willing to resume their amicable intercourse with that of the United States.
In forming this opinion which is perfectly decided in my mind, I draw the conclusion both from their present mode of proceeding and from their conduct hitherto with all the other neutral Nations. My Letters of last Summer have given you a detail of their proceedings to defeat all the neutrality in Europe, and of their various success according as the neutral State was or was not totally in their power.—In Florence, Venice, Genoa and Lucca, they succeeded; but in Sweden, in Denmark, in Turkey, and even in Prussia, they totally failed.—Their experiment upon Sweden has probably thrown that power permanently into the Russian scale, and had they not desisted from their intrigues and menaces against Denmark they would have met with the same disappointment there.Notwithstanding their refusal to receive Mr: Pinckney, they have authorized a public denial of the report that they had suspended all intercourse with the Government of the United States; At the same time their affectation of courtship to the People of the United States shows that their real object is only to intimidate  and indeed in their present situation however they may bluster they have no inclination to encrease the number of their Enemies.
In order to defeat the views of further hostility which may be urged by the domestic Enemies of the Government, and to deter the Directory from proceding any further it appears to me a very important and very effectual measure would be for the American Government by the means of some official paper to expose in a clear and explicit manner the total want of provocation by them that could palliate the injustice and insolence of the Directory; to shew beyond the power of refutation, as might be done with perfect ease, that France has not the smallest pretext for a rupture: to state the unquestionable right of the United States to contract the engagements of the British Treaty, and to disclaim in the most explicit manner every idea of violating any of the previous engagements with France—To prove that the British Treaty itself protects every previous former stipulation with other powers; and at the same time decisively to repel every pretence that the United States were ever dependent upon France, for any thing more than obligations of reciprocal and equal alliance.—An official paper of this kind, written with coolness and temper like the Letter demanding the call recall of Genet, would have a very favourable effect upon the public opinion of all Europe, and of France in particular where the people are already heartily sick of War, and where upon the appearance of such a Statement, the Directory would not dare take any further violent measures.—For even now, Every body enquires, what the United States have done, or what the occasion is of this conduct of the Directory: nothing is stated to the public but a vague pretence of a more favourable stipulation for military provisionings to the British than to them, and an intimation of studied obscurity that the American Government had condescended to the suggestions of their antient Tyrants.—In the paper mentioned in my last Letter this word suggestions is likewise used when they say that the “fatal” Treaty passed (in the House of Representatives) only by a majority of two notwithstanding wretched suggestions.—Perhaps you may not be aware that they mean by this word to intimate bribery. This is undoubtedly its meaning, and the obliquity of the expression is for the sake of eluding the repulse of a just indignation, which a direct assertion of the same thing would naturally rouse.—But in another paper from the same source, and published alike in the Rédacteur they have produced the lye in all its naked malignity and deformity. For they charge Great Britain for with endeavouring to overthrow the balance of Europe, by abandoning Poland to its Fate, and by enriching herself with the spoils of the French commerce, by a Treaty perfidiously purchased—par un Traité perfidement acheté.”
Indeed, cruel and false as this intimation is, it cannot be surprizing, not only that they should advance, but even that they should believe it.—During several months, if the concurring reports of many different persons may be believed Mr: Monroe made no scruple or hesitation to say in public and mixed companies, that he had not the smallest doubt but Mr: Jay was bribed to sign the Treaty, and to one person he added that to his certain knowledge, when Mr: Jay was employed to negotiate for our Navigation of the Mississipi, he did in fact negotiate against it—The french alas! have but too clearly discovered that at least one Man high in the American Government was not only susceptible of bribery, but capable of begging it, and where they had such satisfactory proof of a readiness for prostitution to them, it cannot be wondered that they should believe the imprudent and iniquitous prejudices of Mr: Monroe’s opinions, of a like propensity in others though towards a different direction.
You will however perceive in the present conduct of the Directory what sort of a disposition they bear towards an Administration at the head of which you may be placed. They know perfectly well how inflexibly you maintained the honour and Interest of America in former times against the insidious policy of Vergennes, and they know equally the consistency & firmness of character which will alike maintain the same cause against their more pernicious designs.—Whatever therefore their artifices working upon popular Passions, and concerted with antifederal partizans can affect, you will take it for granted they will endeavour.—Should the suffrages of the American People impose upon you the burthen of the chief magistracy, it will be necessary to consider this as a settled point; as a source of embarassments and obstacles against which every possible counteracting provision must be made.—If the helm of our public affairs should be committed to other hands, they will certainly be more favoured by the French Directory so long as it shall be under the Government of Sieyés; but I hope they will not be found more ready to sacrifice the welfare of America to the humble pupil of Favier and Franklin, than yours.
The Directory is composed of discordant materials, but they have divided their functions into several departments, and the transaction of all business relative to each particular department is left to one member. The Department of the foreign affairs is thus held by Rewbell a man of strong nerves and weak brain, altogether under the direction of Sieyes, whose cool head, unfeeling heart, and cowardly disposition has been noticed to you in former Letters. He dared not take himself a Seat which was offered him in the Directory, but he knew that the opinions of his old colleague would be at his disposal, and has accordingly always governed him.—This circumstance is well known; for Sieyes having among his other qualities some Vanity, takes care to have it understood that he is the manager of Rewbell. It seems to be a sort of association in which each supplies the qualities denied to the other. One is the Soul and the other the body. One enjoys the profit and parade, with the personal dangers of Office, and the other has its management and conduct, but without its responsibility.—Sieyes bears a personall ill-will to you, a political ill-will to the Prosperity and Union of the United States, and a speculative ill will to yourself the principles of our Constitution, and with all those dispositions concurring together, no proof of malevolence that may hereafter be given will be unexpected to you.—I have formerly suggested that no scruple of morality will interfere to prevent the use of any means by which the french Government may think a desirable end attainable; and my opinion is founded not only upon their uniform conduct through all their Revolutions, but upon the professed principles avowed by the publications of those who have been employed in the direction of their public affairs. The Memoirs of Dumourier, of Madame Roland and of Garat are full of proofs that this idea is not without foundation.
A resolution not to be moved, a candour and moderation not to be angered, a sincere regard for the welfare and wish for the friendship of France, with a temper not to be intimidated by menaces or forced by hostilities, unfolded clearly to the sense and understanding of all the world, I am convinced would go far to disarm them of all the weapons upon the efficacy of which they now place their dependence.—Something must be done, and I beg leave again to repeat the solicitation that a more steady and systematic attention to the affairs of Europe in General may be paid, by the Government. The President indeed has told us, and I am profoundly convinced of the Justice and Importance of the advice, that we ought not to involve ourselves at all in the political system of Europe, but to keep ourselves always distinct and separate from it.—But even to effect this, constant and early information of the current Events, and of the political projects in emb contemplation is no less necessary than if we were directly concerned in them. It is necessary, for the discovery of the efforts made to draw us into the vortex, in Season to make preparations against them. From one of the quotations in this Letter, it is observable that France very formally considers the United States as forming a weight in the balance of Europe. France therefore must necessarily conduct itself towards us upon this supposition. Britain will with equal certainty do the same. It behoves us to be the more cautious and vigilant to counteract all their intrigues and exertions on either side to make us the instruments or the victims of their conquering or plundering Ambition.—The late King of Prussia, always answered with his own hand, every dispatch from every one of his Ministers abroad.—If he had no instructions to give, yet he never failed to acknowledge the receipt of the dispatch and recommend to the Minister a continuance of his zeal and industry.—The mere effect of such an example spreads in more than a geometrical ratio. Negligence on one side creates it on the other, and I know from personal experience how readily indolence and carelessness will creep in upon the steadiest resolutions of Industry, with an apology derived from a reciprocal inattention. Until Mr: Pickering was appointed to the State Department, my Letters were scarcely ever answered; and of more than fifty Letters that I wrote, the receipt not of five was ever acknowledged.—With regard to me and my mission, it might perhaps not be of material consequence; but the case was the same with all the other Ministers of the Government in Europe; all were neglected, and it would have been but natural if many had been tempted thereby to inattention in return.
If this Letter should find you restored to the character only of a private Citizen, its contents will not perhaps be very interesting. If otherwise I do not presume that it will be of any other service than as it may give some little information. The Question is already or must be very soon decided. I hope that the moment of it’s decision and its subsequent results will find you still possessed of the same personal indifference, and public concern which has marked every former part of your political career: and I delight myself with the reflection that the chair of the Union or the farm at Quincy will furnish no other difference than that between the Elevation and the retirement of Wisdom and Virtue.
There is not much authentic news current at this time.—It appears that the new Emperor of Russia, has formally acknowledged the French Republic.—The rupture of the negotiations between France and Britain I have for mentioned in a former Letter—The great naval expedition from Brest was really destined against Ireland. It appears probable that it will not succeed, and one division of the fleet with four or five thousand Men has already returned to Brest.—No certain material intelligence from Italy, except symptoms of discontent, and indiscipline in that as well as in all the other French armies. Here the Assembly are debating their plan of Constitution, one and indivisible
I am with invariable duty and affection, your Son
John Q. Adams


Title: From Thomas Wright Bacot to John Adams, 16 January 1797
From: Bacot, Thomas Wright
To: Adams, John,United States Senate

To the honorable John Adams President & the honorable Members of the Senate of the United StatesThe Petition of Thomas Wright Bacot Post Master at Charleston in the State of South Carolina
Respectfully Sheweth
Charleston November 1796

That your Petitioner was appointed Post Master in this City in January 1792, and trusts that he has performed the duties required of him, as such, with fidelity.

That from the small profits of the Office, particularly for the first three years, your Petitioner has several times determined to resign his appointment, but was induced to continue the same, partly from an expectation that the business would so encrease as to render the commissions allowed an object to him, and partly from the wishes of the late Post Master General, Mr. Pickering, that your Petitioner should not resign, assuring him that he would use his endeavors to obtain an adequate compensation for his services, which, however, he was not able, notwithstanding his just intentions, to effect. he then proposed to your Petitioner a further allowance for extra services rendered the General Post Office, out of the direct line of his duty as Post Master, but he having left the department no additional compensation has ever been made.

The present Post Master General has also interposed his kind Offices, but the new Post Office bill, in which your Petitioner understands that further compensation was provided for the Post Masters, generally, was postponed in the Senate until the ensuing session.

Your Petitioner begs leave to lay before your honorable house a statement of the Amount of his Commissions & the expences of his office, for the last four years, which will clearly shew that he has reced. but the trifling sum of 117 63/100 dollars for his trouble, and his responsibility during that time.

Your Petitioner begs to observe, that Charleston being a considerable Commercial city, where an extensive trade is carried on and regular attendance obliged to be given at the Office: and that two persons are absolutely Necessary to conduct the business with the occasional assistance of a third. And that your Petitioner is obliged to keep his Office in the mercantile part of the City, where rents are extravagantly dear, and are Constantly encreasing.

Your Petitioner, therefore, without urging the justice of a retrospective allowance, prays that you will take his case into consideration, and either grant him, in future, provision for an Assistant and for office rent, or a further compensation in any other manner that in your wisdom you may see fit. And your Petitioner as in duty bound will ever pray.

Thos. W. Bacot.
 Enclosure18 April 1794“The bill for the Post office has taken its form, and will not undergo any material alteration.  No Provision is made for special allowances to touch your case.  none could be devised without opening a door for such numerous claims as would absorb too much of the revenue—I shall be extremely sorry to leave you under the necessity of resigning for want of an adequate compensation.”“You have rendered some services to the General Post Office, & your future Agency in the same line will be useful. I shall think myself authorised to make you a special allowance for such services, and the only reason I have not mentioned it before, has been that the services must be particularly stated with the compensations annexed, which might therefore appear too small to become an object of attention. will you consider this matter and favor me with such a statement?” Enclosure15 May 1794“I shall need your assistance again in forming some of the new contracts. Your compensation is inadequate to the services performed in the direct line of the Post Office at Charleston—I should with pleasure make you an allowance for the collection and payment of monies, and form’g of contracts in behalf of the General Post Office, if I could state those services in a manner that would justify the payment of a sum worthy of your notice—will you favor me with the items for such an allowance for the time past, and do the like, annually, in time to come? I wish to retain in the department a gentleman to whom the management of any extra business may with such entire confidence be committed.” Enclosure

17 June 1796

“Congress adjourned without making any attention in the Post Office law, though a bill passed the House of Representatives for that Purpose, in which further Compensation was provided for the Deputies in the Department—This bill however, was postponed in the Senate until another Session, and of course the Commissions remain the same.”

“I am very confident that the Compensation to the officers are inadequate to their Services—especially where their residence is in expensive Cities and I shall not fail to renew my endeavors at the next Session to obtain more ample Compensations than are now allowed them, in which I hope I shall be successful, especially if they should be backed by Petitions from the Post Masters themselves, with statements of their receipts and expenditures. this I shall recommend to them generally, as a necessary step in aid of my application in their behalf.”

 Enclosure

Post Office Charleston 18th November

per his quarterly Accounts rendered2449.55Out of which he paid his Assistant, Joseph R. M.Cay one third816.504 years office rent @ 128 57/100 per ann.514.28O. Giles for his Services in 179320.Jos. R M.Cay’s board ’92, ’93 & ’94 at 104 D. per ann.312.F. L. Macereau another Assistant, for his}257.14services in 1794 & 1795. @ 128 57/100 per ann.his board in 1794104.his do. in 1795130J. R. McCay’s do. in 1795130their washing (for which I paid) 2 years48.2331.92Dollars117.63

By the above statement it is evident that the Post Master receives only 117.63 cents for four Years Services. The rent that he has charged is low, being only 128 57/100 dolls. per ann.  but his Office is a small one—it is indeed so small, that he will be compelled to procure soon a more spacious apartment for the purpose, and will consequently be obliged to pay a higher rent. and rents in this place encrease continually—This charge of Office rent appeared so reasonable to Colo. Pickering, that he admitted the charge for 2 years. but he was afterwards compelled to deduct the whole amount from the Account of the Post Master.

That the attendance of two persons is absolutely required, must be obvious to any one who would look over the amount of Letters received at and sent from this Office—and the occasional assistance of a third person is acceptable particularly on the delivery of Ship letters.  five mails are received at and dispatched from this office every week—attendance is obliged to be given almost every Sunday, indeed at all times on the arrival of a Vessel.

The board of the two assistants is rated at only what it is supposed their actual expence is, for the Post Master would not have had them in his family were it not to save a much greater expence by boarding them abroad.

By the old post office law Ship letters were a perquisite to the Post Master, but they now receive only a Commission on them, and upon those alone that are taken up, as with the post letters—they get nothing for their trouble with dead Letters.

It was observed on a former occasion, when application was made for a further allowance thro’ Mr. Pickering, that a Provision for rent and an Assistant to this Office, altho justly due, would open a door for too many applications, which would absorb too much of the Revenue.—but surely, a line may be drawn—is it reasonable that large Sea port Towns and Commercial Cities, where living is very expensive, should be placed upon the same footing as small Villages, where in many places, an office may be kept in the corner of a store, and the Clerk of that store may also do the duties of the Office? might not an exception be made with regard to Charleston, Boston, Baltimore & a few other large Cities, as well as Philadelphia and New York? If an allowance of about 500 Dollars per annum can be made for an Assistant and Office rent, this, with perhaps an encrease of business, may make it an Object.

It may not be amiss to observe that by the Present law, the Commissions can never exceed 1800 Dollars per annum, and should they ever amount to that sum, the trouble and expences will be Proportionate thereto.

The Post master has received an extra allowance for forming Contracts and receiving & paying other monies then those collected for postage, but it was so trifling a sum that he did not notice it in his petition.

The Post Master will not trouble Mr. Read with any further Observations as he supposes the foregoing are sufficient to evince the propriety of his claim for a further allowance in future.

TW Bacot Post Master


Title: To John Adams from James McHenry, 17 January 1797
From: McHenry, James
To: Adams, John

Sir
War Department 17 January 1797.

I have the honour to transmit you herewith, a list of Invalid Pension-Applicants, who have been re-examined by Physicians, agreably to a Resolve of Congress of the 18th day of April 1796.
I am with great respect / Sir / your obedient servant

James McHenry


Title: From John Adams to Tristram Dalton, 19 January 1797
From: Adams, John
To: Dalton, Tristram

Dear Sir
Philadelphia January 19. 1797

I received this morning with great Pleasure your friendly Letter of the 16, and thank you for your kind congratulations on an Event which seems determined in the public Opinion, tho not yet legally ascertained
I have lost by the course of years so many of my Friends and so many others in their old Age, have become weathercocks that the Sight of correspondence of a few who have proved invariable, is delightfull to me beyond all Expression
I have seen very little of the trash that was circulated in hand Bills in the late Election, although I am told large quantities of them were sent in every direction, at a great Expence, of Some party or Some Power
The Use made of my Defence gave me no pain.  The more they write and the more they lie, about those Volumes, the more good they do. They have caused them to be read in the last six months, by more Persons than would have than would have read them in an hundred years. It is very difficult to Stimulate People to read such Writings: but Faction has accomplished what Curiosity would never have effected I have been three times tried for those Books by the People of America and as often acquitted, and hope if I should ever see another Election to be tried again. if the French Gentlemen of the best Intelligence, in this place are not much deceived, those Principles will be adopted in France more exactly than ever, very Soon.  They say the Directory will be reduced to one. Those Books have already got the better of Franklins dreams and have raised France out of the vilest Anarchy and dirtiest Sansculottery, to some degree of order and safety of Life and Property. I wish they could excite in the Government a better sense of Justice and Decency towards this Country.  Our Antifeds have had, Emissaries of their own kidney at Paris, who have made the French believe that this Country was so devoted to France as to force its Government to do as she would have them, as soon as she should shew her Resentment. We shall see of what stuff American Souls are made.
If any share in the direction of our Executive should fall to me, I shall stand in need of all the aid my friends can give me.  My Dependence will be upon the Sense, Spirit and Resources of the People under an humble hope of the divine Blessing.
I shall always be happy to hear of your Welfare, and always gratefull for any assistance you may afford me.  I am, with sincere / Affection your Friend

John Adams
P.S. Mr Jeffersons Letters and Declarations are no Surprise to me. We laboured together in high friendship in Congress 1776 and have lived and acted together very frequently since that time. His Talent and Information I know very well, and have and have ever believed in his honour, Integrity, his Love of his Country and his friends. I may say to you that his Patronage of Paine and Freneau, and his Entanglements with Characters and Politicks which have been pernicious, are and have long been a Source of Inquietude and Anxiety to me, as they must have been to you.  But I hope and believe that his Advancement and his situation in the Senate an excellent school, will correct him.  He will have too many French Friends about him to flatter him: but I hope, We can keep him Steady. This is entre nous.
J.A.


Title: From John Adams to Samuel Griffin, 19 January 1797
From: Adams, John
To: Griffin, Samuel

Dear Sir
Philadelphia January 19th 1797

I Received this morning your kind Letter of the 12th and thank you for your obliging Congratulations on an Event which although it is not as yet Legally ascertained Seems to be Settled in the Public Opinion when you assure me it was the general wish of The Friends of Order and good Government In Virginia and that I may Rely upon the Support of that State you not only make me a high Compliment But afford me Solid Confutation as far as my Conduct Shall be Conformable To the Constitution of the United States and faithfuly and industriously Directed To the Public good I shall Confidently Rely on the Support of the Sound Part of That State and all others in the Union and upon no other Conditions Do I wish for The Support of any—
I am much obliged to you for Proposing To me mr John Griffin to live in my family as a Private Secretary I take this young Gentleman’s offer as a Compliment but I have already Engaged all the assistance of that kind that I Shall want if I should have occasion for any give me Leave to Reciprocate all your Good wishes For the helth and happiness of my Family
we have this Day an Important message from the President upon French Affairs with the United States which threaten To Give Employment to all our Patience Prudence and firmness it is Greatly to be Lamented that our Citizens have been So Little informed of the true temper and Character of French Policy towards this Country for twenty years many important Facts have been Concealed from them—Least they Should Conceive Prejudices or Entertain Doubts of their Disinterested friendship and the whole Character of their Government Since their Revolution has been tinged with false Colours in the Eyes of our People By french Emissaries and Disaffected americans—The truth may now be forced upon us to our Sorrow. I have too much Confidence However in the Sense Spirit and Resources of this Country to be appalled at the Prospect of an approaching Storm we must make fair weather if we Can if we Cannot we must Ride it out like good Seamen
I am Sir with Great Esteem / your very Humble Servant—


Title: From John Adams to John Trumbull, 19 January 1797
From: Adams, John
To: Trumbull, John

Dear Sir
Philadelphia January 19. 1797

Col. Wadsworth, upon my inquiring after your health gave me the most agreable and favourable account of it, I have heard for a long time. It rejoiced me very much: and the Information he gave me of your present occupation, in preparing for the Press a new Edition of your Writings, gave me more pleasure than any thing I could have heard of you next to the perfect restoration of your health and your return to your Business and the World.
I should be glad to do any Thing in my Power to procure you a generous subscription and I hope you will avail yourself of the Laws of your Country to make your literary Property productive to you.
I have of late years arrived at Hartford in the night, after you were, probably, abed and departed in the morning before you was up, So that I have been deprived of the Pleasure of Seeing you. But I hope it will not be very long before I shall See you once more.
What think you of the Politicks of France and Spain? Is the system of Brigandage, towards our American Commerce to become universal? And what should be our Conduct under it, or to avert it or to avenge it? It is Mortification and Humiliation to Submit to it.  But sometimes, before honour is humility. Pray what is the meaning to this Proverb? Is it that Humility is more valuable and excellent than honour? or is it that Humility commonly preceeds honour? or in other Words that honour always or commonly follows humility?
I wish you the compliments of the season and am your Friend and / humble Servant
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Welsh, 19 January 1797
From: Adams, John
To: Welsh, Thomas

Dear Sir
Philadelphia January 19. 1797

After wishing you many happy and prosperous returns of the Season, and a Speedy mitigation of the Severity of the Winter, I wish to know whether you have any Letters from my Sons. I have Seen a Short one, from Thomas to his Mother of the 5th Oct. which came I Suppose by the Vessell from Rotterdam and gave me hopes that more, might come by the Same Opportunity.
I Should be obliged to you, if any News Should arrive at the Eastward, concerning the Conduct of the French or Spaniards, towards our Commerce in the West Indies, that you would give me as early notice of it as possible. The Conduct of Spain, in adopting the System of Brigandage hitherto confined to the English and French is the most cool, and unprovoked Injustice that ever was heard of; if it is true. If France should declare War against Us, or force a defensive War upon Us, are the Printers of the Chronicle prepared to emigrate, like Madam Draper. Have the French Tories Stipulated, or obtained Republican Assurances of Compensation, like the old Loyalists in Case of their being obliged to Seek an Assylum in Paris? How many in Boston do you think would join the Sansculotte and Jacobin Standard in Case forty or fifty thousand Mounsieur Citizens should come in forty Ships of the Line and a thousand Transports to Boston or New York, or Charlston or Philadelphia? Do you think Governor Adams would carry his Republican Zeal So far as to put on the tricouloured Cockade? Would James Winthrop in his Zeal for fulfilling Prophecies vote an Act with the Atheists and Deists who are to pull down Antichrist?
Remember how confidential these Sallies must be, as they come from one in the critical Situation of your Friend
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Joseph Habersham, 19 January 1797
From: Habersham, Joseph
To: Adams, John

General Post Office Philada. 19th. Jany 1797.

The Post Master General presents his respectful compliments to the Vice President, and sends him a Map of the United States exhibiting the Post Offices and Roads, with a correct Table of all the Offices now established, and the distance of each Office from the present Seat of Government.


Title: To John Adams from Joseph Wales, 23 January 1797
From: Wales, Joseph
To: Adams, John

Most respected Sir,
Lancaster Jany. 23. 1797

Whilst engaged in more Important concerns,—and contemplating the additional burthen that will soon be on your mind;—I presume your goodness, will readily excuse my soliciting the relaxation of a few moments.—
By a line just received from my worthy friend Mr. Cranch, I am informed of your kindness in so far attending to my situation, as that you have taken with you, a letter I wrote him on the subject, the 7th. of Novr. last—& by which you are made acquainted with my late misfortunes—and that the Author of every good hath seen fit to reduce me to the necessity of asking favor’s of my friends:—This—to an Independant mind, cannot be the most desirable business—but as Mr. Cranch has advised me to address the Vice-President on the subject—permit me most worthy Sir, to give you the trouble of recurring to said letter—and all I can add is—Altho’ my appearance is robust, my constitution is not now, equal to geting a comfortable living by labour on the Farm—and feeling myself capable of serving my Country in almost any Office, where attention and accuracy in keeping Accounts are essential—I respectfully solicit some such appointment as will enable me to gain a support—Should there be a Vacancy—and you think proper to let me fill it—so far as my honest exertions shall be necessary, I trust you will not have to regret a misplaced confidence.
I am Dear sir, with gratful esteem, / and sincere respect, your most / Obedient, and most / humble Servant

Joseph Wales.


Title: From John Adams to United States Congress, 25 January 1797
From: Adams, John,Commissioners of the Sinking Fund
To: United States Congress

January 25th: 1797—

The Commissioners of the Sinking Fund respectfully Report to Congress as follow.
That in pursuance of the powers committed to them by the Act entitled “An Act making provision for the payment of Certain debts of the United States” passed in the last session of Congress, they have authorized Sales of a part of the Capital Stock of the Bank of the United States, belonging to the United States, the proceeds of which have been applied to discharge certain debts according to law.—
The particulars and Amount of the said sales and the measures authorized by the Board, for the execution of their trust, so far as the Same have been completed, are represented in the Report of the Secretary of the Treasury dated the 24th: instant and in the proceedings of the accounting Officers therein refered to, which are herewith transmitted and prayed to be received as part of this report

John AdamsOn behalf of the Board


Title: To John Adams from James McHenry, 27 January 1797
From: McHenry, James
To: Adams, John

Sir,
War department January 27.1797

I have the honor to submit to the Senate reports on the petitions of Mary Hibborn and Michael Van Hleeck.
With the greatest Respect I have the honor to be / Sir / Your most obedt servant

James McHenry


Title: To John Adams from Elbridge Gerry, 30 January 1797
From: Gerry, Elbridge
To: Adams, John

My dear Sir
Cambridge 30th Jany 1797

Nothing could give me greater pleasure than the opportunity I had of annexing my signature to the number of those which have destined you to the “forlorn hope” of the presidential chair, a post the most honorable in the gift of your country, & rendered particularly so at this time by the difficulties attending it. if my conduct in this instance has been erroneous, you must impute it to the want of error in your own conduct, that part of it at least, which in your important political career has fallen under my observation.
Your predecessor in office, when we consider his civil, military, religious, moral, & social qualities, excites in us sentiments of veneration & respect; for his enemies must admit, that there are few such characters in the records of antient or modern times: his best friends nevertheless & he himself are undoubtedly sensible, that in reacting his part, he would be able to correct errors which experience has pointed out to him. in filling his place then, you will naturally take a full & an impartial veiw of his conduct, & derive advantages from observations which could not be seasonably made by the original actor—he has certainly been fortunate in a second, who has uniformly acted in unison with him; for his administration must have been greatly embarrassed, had you joined the party that at different times has been opposed to him. I flatter myself that you will not be less fortunate in mr Jefferson; for, independent of considerations of the private friendship which has long subsisted between you, & of his good sense moderation & candor, should he adopt a similar line of conduct towards you, it will ensure to him the chair when you shall relinquish it; whereas a contrary conduct would be construed into & perhaps really proceed from ambitious veiws of supplanting you in office, & would produce the resentment of those who would be otherwise disposed to support him.
If I have contributed to bring you into a scrape, I will not conduct, as Rogers the indian-warrior did with his parties, leave you to get out of it as you can, for my inclination & sense of duty will lead me to give you all the support in the power of an obscure country farmer.
You enquire Sir my opinion of peace this Spring. I really have not the means of judging, other than the newspapers permit, & these are superficial: but veiwing the embarrassments of all the belligerent powers, & the necessity they are under of rest for recovering breath after such a violent conflict, I flatter myself peace will take place in the course of the Spring or summer, & if it should, it will be a joyful event to the United States of America—
One word more respecting your administration; the success of which, I must confess, I have deeply at heart. early & correct information, respecting the veiws & measures of our own governments & people, & of the governments of foreign nations in my veiw of the subject, is indispensible to the attainment of this important object, & is of itself almost the only aid requisite, with your experience & judgment, for ensuring success in all cases not governed by fortuitous & uncontroulable events.—domestic information, when parties exist, must in the nature of things be very imperfect, if derived altogether from either, & if from both, the truth will generally not be found in but betwixt their statements. when both parties are friendly to the administration, it may not be difficult to obtain the information required, but to attain it when either is unfriendly, hic labor hoc opus est.  the measure is nevertheless necessary & in foreign countries recourse is I presume often had to direct means.  how often have even crowned heads, convinced of this necessity, mixed in disguise with their subjects to obtain perfect information?  they probably found as you sir undoubtedly will, that their best friends sometimes qualified their information with additions & variations to promote their personal veiws, & that at other times they were the dupes of their own prejudices or of the artifices of masqued enemies. but however it may be necessary to guard against the former, the great danger evidently lies with latter. these, if of a courtly turn & frequently in the train of the chief magistrate, are deep in their disguise, plausible in their representations, & destructive in their measures. to hold up to them, when justly suspected, the mirrour of their deformity, may sometimes be impolitic, but to guard against them is indispensible. the hint respecting crown heads I did not mean to apply to yourself, since good information even from unfriendly parties may often be obtained thro a neutral medium—foreign information, for the most part derived from our foreign ministers, will I presume be generally relied on. but if additional sources of information can be opened, they may afford additional light on the most important occasions; & in any event cannot increase the embarrassments of the executive.  after thus suggesting my ideas of part of the difficulties attending the honorable office which you are soon to fill, you will be convinced that I consider it not as a sinecure; but difficult as it is, I have the fullest confidence that your administration will be productive of your own honor & your countrys welfare.
Mr & Miss Gerry present their best respects to you, & be assured my dear Sir that I remain / with the highest sentimts / of esteem & respect your / sincere friend & / very huml sert

E Gerry


Title: To John Adams from John Lathrop, 30 January 1797
From: Lathrop, John
To: Adams, John

Dear & Hond Sir,
Boston 30 Jany 1797

Yours by the post, accompanying Dr. Bancroft’s learned work on permanent colors has been duely recieved. Agreeably to your request, at the meeting on the last Wednesday, the Volume was presented to the Academy, and is considered a valuable addition to the Library.—
On your recommendation I nominated Dr Bancroft for a member, and he was unanimously approved by the Council: at the next meeting, the choice will no doubt be completed, and the certificate of his election will be forwarded by the first opportunity.
As that great and good  Man, who has been at the head of our National Government from the first, has determined to retire, You will permit me Sir, to express the happiness we feel in the choice, which we are informed has been made of a President. The unanimity of all the States at the northward of Philadelphia, is a circumstance which gives great pleasure to the friends of good order and Government.—I wish the aspect of publick affairs, more particularly as it respects foreign relations, was more peaceful.—We must do our duty and rely on a wise and righteous providence.
Should you be pleased to make any communications to me, respecting the publick, they will be gratefully recieved: and according to the apostalick direction, what I may thus freely recieve, shall be freely communicated to my Brethren of the Clergy, of the College, and of the Academy, who are, almost without an exception, your real friends, and the friends of the present Executive
With great respect & esteem / I am / Sir /Your most obedt Servt

John Lathrop