Title: [September 1786]
From: Adams, John Quincy
To:

      Friday September 1st. 1786.

       Studied Algebra all the forenoon. Took books from the Library, Brydone’s Tour vol: 2d. Ossian’s Poems, and Boswell’s Corsica. The weather begins to grow quite cold. This morning I shivered, almost all prayer Time. It is however to be hoped it will not set in, so soon.

   Patrick Brydone, A Tour Through Sicily and Malta..., 2 vols., London, 1774; The Works of Ossian, The Son of Fingal, Transl. from the Gaelic by James MacPherson, London, 1762, or 3d edn., London, 1765; James Boswell, An Account of Corsica, The Journal of a Tour to that Island...., London, 1768 (Harvard, Catalogus Bibliothecae, 1790[Isaac Smith, comp.], Catalogus Bibliothecae Harvardianae Cantabrigiae Nov- Anglorum, Boston, 1790., p. 73, 143, 55).

      2d.

       I have been too busily employ’d, to have much to say. Study, does not afford, a rich source for description. We had a moot Court in the afternoon at Fiske’s Chamber. Packard was condemned. Mr. and Mrs. Cranch were here.

      3d.

       Mr. Hilliard gave us a Sermon in the forenoon from Isaiah LV. 6. Seek ye the Lord while he may be found, call ye upon him while he is near, and in the afternoon from John V. 22. For the Father judgeth no man; but hath committed all judgment unto the Son. I do not believe that Mr. H. has one new idea, in ten Sermons upon an average. Some of his argumentation this afternoon appeared to militate with the Trinitarian System. He said we ought to take it a peculiar favour, that we were to be judged by Christ, because he had a practical knowledge of our natures, and would make allowance for the frailty of humanity. Now this appears to bring the Question to a Point. If Christ was God he was omniscient and consequently wanted no practical knowledge of mankind. But as he was not omniscient, the Consequence is plain, and may be easily deduced from Mr. H’s own Concessions. But all religious sects have their absurdities. It is with them as with man. That which has the least faults is the best.

   That is, “lacked.”

      4th.

       We were to have had a Class meeting, by Rights: but no one thought to obtain Leave. As we have no metaphysical Tutor, here at present, we supposed, that, for the ensuing fortnight we should have no reciting. But the government have determined that we should continue to attend Mr. Reed in S’Gravesande’s. This is not an agreeable Circumstance; a Person who does not belong to the University, and hears only the word reciting, naturally concludes, that the Scholars are an idle set of fellows, because they are always averse to recitations. Now the Fact is just the Contrary. A Person fond of study, regards the Time spent in reciting as absolutely lost. He has studied the Book before he recites, and the Tutors here, are so averse to giving ideas different from those of the author, whom they are supposed to explain, that they always speak in his own words, and never pretend to add any thing of their own: Reciting is indeed of some Service to idle fellows; because it brings the matter immediately before them, and obliges them, at least for a short Time, to attend to something. But a hard Student will always dislike it, because it takes time from him, which he supposes might have been employ’d to greater advantage.
       We had a mathematical Lecture from Mr. Williams, this afternoon, upon Dialling. Probably the last we shall have this Quarter, as he Proposes setting out in the Course of this week upon a Journey. He expects to be gone about six weeks. I was at Little’s Chamber in the Evening somewhat late. Freeman came from Sever’s Chamber, and display’d such a brilliancy of wit, that I could scarcely come away. Beale and White endeavoured obtaining leave to go to Providence; to Commencement; but were refused.

   Tutor John Hale had resigned (entries for 6 May and 21 Aug., above).

   A method of surveying.

      5th.

       Anniversary of the ΦBK, Society. The members were, on that account excused from reciting. At 11. we met at The Butler’s chamber. Harris and Beale were received, after which we proceeded on business. Mr. Paine, and the Orator, went first, and the others after them according to the order of admission. Mr. Andrews gave us a spirited, and well adapted Oration upon friendship. After it was finished, we returned to the Butler’s Chamber. Packard then informed the Society, that there was in Town, a young Gentleman from Dartmouth College, by the name of Washburne; a Senior Sophister; who was very desirous of having the Society established there, and he was commissioned also, to express the same desire from several others of the same Class. It was questioned whether we had any right to grant a charter without consulting the Fraternities at New Haven, and Williamsburg. A number of arguments were used on both sides, and when it was put to vote there were 8 for consulting them, and 8 against it. It was again debated for some time, and, finally determined, by a considerable majority, that we should consult the brethren at New Haven, and Williamsburg; and at the same Time enquire whether it is their Opinion that each fraternity has a right to grant Charters out of their respective States. These debates took up more than an hour; after this we proceeded to choose our Officers. Mr. Paine was elected President, Mr. Ware Vice President, Little Secretary, and Fiske Treasurer. At about half past Two, we went to Mrs. Nutting’s, and had a very good Dinner. Wit and Wine, the Bottle and the Joke, kept nearly an equal Pace. When the Prayer Bell rung we broke up, and attended Prayers.
       We dansed in the evening at Mason’s chamber till 9 o’clock.

   Harvard’s chapter was incorporated 5 Sept. 1781 (Catalogue of the Harvard Chapter of Phi Beta Kappa..., Cambridge, 1912, p. 100).

   A letter, dated 20 Nov., was sent to New Haven, asking for their opinion on the subject, but it was not received until the following May; in the meantime, the Yale chapter sent Harvard a similar letter (CtY: Phi Beta Kappa Records; Catalogue of the Harvard Chapter, p. 111; entry for 21 Feb. 1787, below).

      6th.

       This day the annual Dudleian Lecture was preach’d by Mr. Symmes of Andover; the subject was the validity of Presbyterian Ordination. There are four subjects which are alternately treated the first Wednesday in September. They are Natural Religion, Revealed Religion, The errors of the Romish Church, and that above mentioned. The founder was Mr. Dudley: who gave a Sum the annual interest of which is 12£ and is given to the Person who preaches the Lecture. The person is appointed by the President, the Professor of Divinity, the Senior Tutor, and the Minister of Roxbury, but they cannot choose a Person under 40 years old. Mr. Symmes’s Lecture was a very good one, and the Sentiments he expressed were very liberal, though he was extremely severe in some places upon the Church of England.
       Mr. Cranch was here all the afternoon.
       I was admitted into the Handel Sodality; and attended in the evening at Cranch’s Chamber.

   Paul Dudley, a provincial Massachusetts judge, willed to Harvard £133 6s. 8d. for an endowment to be known as the Dudleian lectures (Sibley-Shipton, Harvard Graduates,John Langdon Sibley and Clifford K. Shipton, Biographical Sketches of Graduates of Harvard University in Cambridge, Massachusetts, Cambridge and Boston, 1873- . 4:52–53).

   Unlike most other Dudleian lectures, Symmes’ was never printed (same, 12:586).

      7th.

       No reciting. Cranch went to Boston.
       The Commonwealth is in a State of considerable fermentation. Last week at Northampton, in the County of Hampshire, a body of armed men to the number of three or four hundred, prevented the Court of common Pleas from sitting, and bruised the high-sheriff dangerously, as it is reported. The same Court was likewise stopp’d the day before yesterday, at Worcester by 400 men. The Court went to a Tavern, and adjourned till yesterday. They were again prevented from proceeding yesterday, and adjourned without a day. The militia it seems could not be raised to quell them. The Governor issued a Proclamation, calling upon the People at large to support the Constitution, attacked in such a flagrant manner, and directing the State’s Attorney, to prosecute the abbettors of these Riots. The Militia in the Town of Boston, have already offered their Services, and declared their determination to support the government with their Lives and Fortunes. Where this will end Time alone, can disclose. I fear, it will not before some blood is shed. The People complain of grievances; the Court of Common Pleas, the Senate, the Salaries of Public Officers, the Taxes in general, are all grievances, because they are expensive: these may serve as pretences, but the male-contents, must look to themselves, to their Idleness, their dissipation and extravagance, for their grievances; these have led them to contract debts, and at the same time have, rendered them incapable of paying them. Such disturbances if properly managed may be productive of advantages to a Republican Government, but if they are suffered to gain ground, must infallibly lead to a civil war, with all its horrors. This will not I believe be the Case at present; but such struggles seldom end without the loss of some Lives. Such commotions, are like certain drugs, which of themselves are deadly Poison but if properly tempered may be made, highly medicinal.

   This event marked the first violence in what was to become Shays’ Rebellion.

   Printed in Massachusetts Centinel, 6 Sept.

      8th.

       I went in the evening to see Mrs. Dana; there was a large Company there, and I escaped as soon as I could. I intended to make a number of Sage Reflections, this evening, but I feel so ill-natured, that I will not attempt it.

      9th.

       The inferior Court, is to sit according to Law, next Tuesday, at Concord; it is said, that the same People, who stopp’d it at Worcester, are determined to join others, and proceed in the same manner at Concord. And they will probably carry their Point; for the People that are sensible, what evil Consequences must attend these disorders, yet are unwilling to use any exertions for putting a stop to them. We are now in a perfect State of Anarchy. No laws observed, and no power to Punish delinquents; if these treasonable practices, are not properly quelled, the Consequences must be fatal to the Constitution, and indeed to the Common-wealth.
       The Parts for the next exhibition, were given out this afternoon. Freeman, has the English Oration, Bridge the Latin, Adams and Cranch, a Forensic disputation, on the Question Whether inequality among the citizens be necessary, to the preservation of the Liberty of the whole?Beale, Burge, Fiske, Harris, Little, and Packard have the mathematical Parts. The President told us to be ready, by a fortnight from next Tuesday, as the Corporation might possibly meet, then.
       We had a beautiful Evening; I walk’d out with Cranch, round the Common, and on the Road till near 11.

   The exhibition was given on 26 Sept. At this time Harvard held exhibitions semiannually, and the various parts were assigned by the college government to members of the junior and senior classes. As the program outlined in JQA’s entry here and that of 26 Sept. suggests, participants displayed their oratorical skills as well as their literary, classical, and mathematical learning. The exhibitions were open to all in the college and to interested outsiders and parents; about four hundred later attended the exhibition (Benjamin Homer Hall, A Collection of College Words and Customs, Cambridge, 1856; Mary Smith Cranch to AA, 28 Sept., Adams Papers).

   JQA spoke on the side affirming the necessity of inequality for liberty. Speakers were apparently given strips of paper each with the title of his part. See entry for 26 Sept., note 1 (below).

      10th.

       Mr. Porter the Minister of Roxbury, preach’d here; he is a pretty good Speaker. His discourse in the forenoon was from Revelations XI. 17th. We give thee thanks O, Lord God Almighty, which art, and wast, and art to come; because thou hast taken to thee thy great Power, and hast reigned. And in the afternoon from John I. 45, 46. Philip findeth Nathanael, and saith unto him, We have found him of whom Moses in the Law, and the Prophets, did write, Jesus of Nazareth, the Son of Joseph? And Nathanael said unto him, Can there any good thing come out of Nazareth? Philip saith unto him, Come and See. Mr. Porter’s Language is Good, and his manner of preaching better than Common. But I suppose him not to be very deep, as a divine; he is indeed yet a young Man. Cranch and myself dined at the President’s. Mrs. Willard is as different in her manners, from the President, as can be. They form quite a contrast. Mrs. W. is easy, and unaffected: and appears not to be made for Cerimony. He is stiff and formal; attached to every custom, and trifling form; as much as to what is of Consequence; however, he was quite sociable; much more so indeed than I should have expected.

   Eliphalet Porter was ordained at Roxbury in 1782 and remained there throughout his life (Walter Eliot Thwing, History of the First Church in Roxbury, Massachusetts, 1630–1904, Boston, 1908, p. 178, 184).

      11th.

       We recite again to Mr. Read this week, and shall probably the whole of this Quarter. I finished the first part of my forensic. We had in the Evening, a meeting of the A. B. We had no Oration, Abbot 2d. being necessarily detained. Little and Cranch gave us a Forensic. I read my N: 3. (p: 38.) Several other Pieces were read, after which we determined to admit Abbot, Gordon, and Dodge, of the Junior Class; and finally adjourned to next Monday, evening.

   Punctuation in the preceding two sentences has been editorially supplied.

   See entry for 28 Aug. (above).

      12th.

       Rain’d hard almost all day. We had a Class meeting, after Prayers for determining the matter, concerning a Valedictory Oration. By dint of obstinate impudence, Vociferation, and noise; the minority so wearied out those on the other side, that several of them went out, after which, a Vote was pass’d, ratifying the proceedings of the last meeting. Johnson, Sever, and Chandler 3d. were then chosen as a committee to inform the President of the proceedings in the Class, and the meeting was dissolved. We had a meeting of the ΦBK, at Burge’s Chamber. Bridge, and Abbot, read a forensic, on the Question, “whether internal tranquillity, be a proof of Prosperity in a Republic.” Freeman and myself Adams were the extemporaneous disputants. The Society then adjourned till this day fortnight, when they are to meet at Little’s Chamber, immediately after Prayers.

      13th.

       Finished my Trigonometry.
       Immediately after Prayers in the Evening, the military Company, assembled, on the Common, and Captain Vose harangued them. He gave them a pretty Oration upon Patriotism. It contained several brilliant thoughts, and a well adapted Quotation from Cicero. After the Speech, the Company, went through the manual exercise, which was very well performed. After Commons the Sodality met, at Foster’s Chamber; and play’d several Tunes. Broke up, as is customary at 9 o’clock.

      14th.

       White went to Haverhill. I determined with Little upon two Pieces, to publish in the next Magazine for the A B. Concluded my Forensic, for the exhibition. Weather begins to be quite cold.

      15th.

       I copied a part of Fiske’s Oration, upon Patriotism, to be printed in the next Boston Magazine, from the A B. Finished reading Jenyns’s Disquisitions. I think they show great judgment and deep penetration. I know not that I ever read, so small a volume that gave me greater Pleasure.
       Abiel Abbot, was 20. the 14th. of last December. He is one of the good scholars in our Class, and a pretty writer. His disposition is amiable, and his modesty so great, that it gives him a poor opinion of himself, which he by no means deserves. He proposes for the Pulpit, and has I believe every Qualification necessary to make him, a good Preacher: and his example, I have no doubt, as well as his Precepts, will recommend all the moral Duties.

   The Boston Magazine ceased publication with a combined November-December issue and without Fiske’s article.

   Soame Jenyns, Disquisitions on Several Subjects, London, 1782.

   “Abbot 2d,” after studying theology in Andover, returned to Harvard as tutor, 1794–1795. Following some years of preaching in Coventry, Conn., he became principal of Governor Dummer Academy, Byfield, Mass., in 1811 and later was minister at Peterborough, N.H. (Abiel Abbot and Ephraim Abbot, A Genealogical Register of the Descendants of George Abbot..., Boston, 1847, p. 7–8).

      16th.

       Copied off my Forensic for the Exhibition, and prepared it, to carry for Approbation to the President. I received in the forenoon, a Letter from Delia. White return’d this Evening from Haverhill.

   Letter not found. Delia was the name JQA gave to Nancy Hazen in his poem, “An Epistle to Delia,” which he completed on 12 Dec. 1785 after resolving to put an end to his feelings toward her. The name may have been derived from the collection of 16th-century sonnets by Samuel Daniel about another Delia, the love of the poet’s youth (M/JQA/28, Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel No. 223).

      17th.

       Mr. Hilliard preach’d in the forenoon from Isaiah V. 12. But they regard not the work of the Lord, neither consider the Operation of his hands. It might be a political Subject, and relate, to the Times, but I know not whether it really was. His Text in the Afternoon, was from Hebrews XII. 1. Wherefore seeing we also are compassed about with a great Cloud of Witnesses, let us lay aside every weight, and the Sin, which doth so easily beset us, and let us run with Patience the Race that is set before us. I seldom hear much of Mr. H’s Sermons, except the Texts. Dined at Mrs. Dana’s. She laugh’d at a certain Class mate of mine, who all at once, wears green silk before his Eyes, as if they were injured by hard Study. But certainly every one, who knows him, will exculpate Study from that fault.
       After Prayers I went with Mead, and pass’d the evening at Professor Pearson’s. Mr. and Mrs. Rogers were there. The Professor, is a much more agreeable, and indeed a more polite Man, than I should have suspected, from what I have heard. I have not seen any Person belonging to the Government, so polite to Scholars, or show so few Airs. Mrs. Pearson is likewise very agreeable.

   Mrs. Daniel Denison Rogers was a sister of Henry Bromfield Jr., whom JQA met in Amsterdam. Their sister Sarah was the wife of Prof. Eliphalet Pearson (Daniel Denison Slade, “The Bromfield Family,” NEHGR,New England Historical and Genealogical Register. 26:38–39, 142 [Jan., April 1872]).

      18th.

       I have been so unwell all Day, that I have not been able to attend to any Studies at all. We had a Class meeting after Breakfast. The Committee that was Sent to inform the President of the proceedings of the Class, informed that he had said he feared he should be obliged to direct the Class to have the Oration in Latin; notwithstanding this it was voted by a majority of two, that the Class should still persist. I went in the forenoon to the President’s to have my forensic approbated. I rode over the Bridge through Boston, and returned by Roxbury, before dinner. The Sodality met in the Evening at Abbot’s Chamber, to play over the Tunes for exhibition.

      19th.

       Unwell again, so that I have not been able to Study. I have felt a kind of dizziness, which very much resembles Sea-sickness. I have been however much better than I was yesterday. Rain’d almost all day.

      20th.

       This Evening, immediately after prayers, the President inform’d us that the Government, and Corporation, had chosen Mr. Jonathan Burr, for a Tutor, he had accepted the Office, and was to be attended accordingly. I went with Sever, to Mr. Tracy’s and to Mr. Gerry’s, but neither of them was at home. Attended the musical Society at Mayo’s chamber, till 9 o’clock.
       Jonathan Amory, was 16. the 7th. of last July. His disposition is good and very easy. But he is too young to be possess’d of that steadiness and Reflection, which a Person just going into the world, ought to have. From the instances of Persons now in College, that came so very young, I think it may be concluded, that in general, it is a disadvantage to enter College before the age of fifteen; very few of those that come, before that age, make any considerable figure, in a Class.

   Amory became a Boston merchant. He was first in the countinghouse of his uncles Jonathan and John Amory, then engaged in business with James Cutler, and finally went into partnership with his eldest brother, Thomas Coffin Amory (“Memoir of the Family of Amory,” NEHGR,New England Historical and Genealogical Register. 10:64 [Jan. 1856]).

      21st.

       I really do not know what I have done this day. I am always sensible, that what with one trifle and another I lose too much of my Time, and yet I do not know how to employ more of it. I believe it is a disadvantage to have so many public exercises to attend. It is impossible to get seriously and steadily fixed down to any Thing. As soon as I get in a way of thinking or writing upon any Subject, the College Bell infallibly sounds in my Ears, and calls me, to a Lecture, or to recitation or to Prayers. This cannot certainly suffer any one, to engage in profound Study of any kind.

      22d.

       Mr. Read sent for me this morning, informed me, that the Exhibition was to come on next Tuesday; and offered to excuse me, from the recitations till then, in Case, I was not prepared, as the Time, that had been given for getting ready was so short. But as it happened I was not in want of more Time. I made tea for our Club.

      23d.

       I have done nothing all this Day. Every Day thus lost doubles the obligation of improving the next; but I fear if I was held to perform the Obligation, I should soon become a Bankrupt. Pass’d the Evening at Bridge’s Chamber. We had considerable Conversation, as we frequently have, concerning our future Prospects. He is ambitious, and intends to engage in Politics. He expects more happiness from it, than he will ever realize I believe. But he is form’d for a political Life, and it is he will? probably show to advantage in that Line.

      24th.

       Mr. Hilliard gave us an occasional Sermon, occasioned by the Death of Mr. Warland, a young Man, belonging to this Town. His Text was from Job. XIV. 1. 2. Man, that is born of a Woman, is of few days, and full of Trouble. He cometh forth like a flower, and is cut down; he fleeth also as a Shadow, and continueth not. It was one of the best Sermons I have heard from Mr. H: The idea that the diseases of the Body, are so many arrows taken from the Quiver of God Almighty, appears however, to be an instance of the Bathos.
       In the afternoon, a Mr. Foster preach’d from Isaiah LIII. 1. Who has believed our report? And to whom is the arm of the Lord revealed? I never heard a more extravagant fellow. His Discourse was a mere Declamation, without any connection, or train of Reasoning. He said that Religion, ought never to be communicated by raising the Passions, and mentioned it as a peculiar advantage of the Christian System, that it speaks to the understanding. Yet he made an Attempt, (a most awkward one I confess) to be Pathetic: talk’d, of a Grave, a winding sheet, and a Place of Skulls, all of which amounted to nothing at all, which was likewise the Sum total, of his whole Sermon. Yet this Man, is a Popular preacher, in the Place where he is settled. For the maxim of Boileau will hold good in all Countries, and in all Professions

        Un Sot trouve toujours, un plus sot qui l’admire.

   Probably Jacob Foster, minister at Nelson, N.H., 1781–1791. Foster was regarded as a moderate Calvinist (Sibley-Shipton, Harvard Graduates,John Langdon Sibley and Clifford K. Shipton, Biographical Sketches of Graduates of Harvard University in Cambridge, Massachusetts, Cambridge and Boston, 1873- . 13:407–410).

   Nicholas Boileau-Despréaux, “L’art poétique” from Oeuvres choisies, 2 vols., Paris, 1777, 2:[11]. JQA quotes the last line of the first song.

      25th.

       Almost all this Day was employ’d in preparing for the exhibition. The musical Parts take up some time. We had in the afternoon a Lecture from Mr. Pearson, upon Philosophical Grammar.

      26th.

       The exhibition began at about a quarter after 12, with, the Latin Oration by Bridge, it was a Panegyric upon the military institution which has lately been established. The forensic between Cranch, and me, came next. I read as follows. The second Part refers, to Cranch’s reply.

          “Conscious of the insufficiency of my ability to perform the task allotted to me, I would fain implore the Indulgence, and Candour of this respectable Audience. But Apologies of this kind, are seldom of much avail, especially when they have any foundation: I shall therefore without any further Preamble, introduce the Question, Whether inequality among the Citizens, be necessary to the Preservation of the Liberty of the whole?
          There are two views in which the word Inequality, as relating to the Citizens of a State, may be considered. Inequality, of Fortune, or of Rights, Privileges and Dignities. In the Case of Riches, the Inequality arises in the natural Course of Things; Nor is there an Instance of a State of any Consequence, subsisting without it. There were indeed several sharp Contests in the Roman Republic, with Respect to an equal distribution of Lands; but they were never of any Service, to the People, and were always attended, with the most unhappy Consequences. The Question appears therefore to be, in other Words, whether a pure democracy be the most favourable Government to the Liberties of a People.
          It is a very general political maxim, that Men can never possess a great degree of Power without abusing it. Hence, so few Instances of despotic Monarchs, who have not been the scourges of their People. In an aristocratic government, the Power being in a number of hands, this tyrannical disposition becomes more dangerous, and extends wider its baneful Influence. But of all Tyrannies, the most dreadful, is that of an whole People; and in a Government, where all men are equal, the People will infallibly become Tyrants. What Protection can any Laws afford a Citizen in a State where every individual, thinks he has a right of altering and annulling them at his Pleasure, and where nothing is wanting, but the capricious whim of a vile Rabble, to overturn all Laws and Government? If a Prince is oppressive, at least he has been taught in some measure, the Art of governing an Empire, and has commonly been educated, for it. The same may be said of an Aristocracy, they will at least endeavour to support the Dignity of a State, and will take proper Measures for the safety of the majority, of the People, though they may be unjust to individuals. But when the Passions of a People, conscious of their Liberty and strength are raised, they hurry them into the greatest extremities: an enraged multitude, will consult nothing, but their fury; and their Ignorance serves only to increase their Obstinacy, and their Inconsistency.
          The most simple forms of Government, are probably the most ancient: But Mankind soon perceived, the great inconveniences which naturally arise from a despotic Monarchy, an arbitrary Aristocracy, and an inconstant Democracy. They endeavoured therefore to form Constitutions, which might unite all the advantages, severally possessed by each of those Systems, without having their Defects. Such was the Constitution which raised a petty Village of Italy to the Empire of the World; and such in more modern Times was the Constitution which enabled Great Britain, to make such a splendid figure, in three Quarters of the Earth, and to prescribe terms of Peace to two combined Kingdoms, whose natural Advantages were so much superior to her own: happy would it have been for her, if Prosperity had not introduced Luxury and Corruption, which have undermined the Pillars of her excellent Constitution, and exposed her to the Contempt and Derision of those very Nations by whom she was formerly view’d with Terror.
          I am sensible, my Friend, that you have the popular Prejudice in your favour; and that in declaring against equality I am combating the Sentiments, of perhaps a large majority of the Inhabitants of this Common wealth. It is the Duty of every Person, and more especially of an unexperienced Youth, to show a proper Deference, and Respect for the Opinions of Mankind in general, and of his Countrymen in particular. But when his Reason tells him that these Opinions would lead him to a manifest absurdity, I think he has a Right to refuse his Assent to them, at least untill sufficient Arguments are brought to support them. Now, as Nature has in every other Particular, created a very great inequality among Men, I see not upon what grounds we can found the Supposition, that they ought all to share an equal degree of Power. And that too great a degree of equality among the Citizens, is prejudicial to the Liberty of the whole, the present alarming Situation of our own Country will I think afford us a sufficient Proof.

          Part 2d.
          It appears, my Friend, that you yourself are sensible of the weakness of your Cause, by your endeavouring to prove, what I never pretended to dispute, what I am as firmly persuaded of as you are, and indeed what I have already granted viz. That the People cannot be free in a despotic Monarchy, nor under an aristocracy; and that if the Proportion of wealth, possessed by Individuals, be unequal to a great degree, the Liberty of the Nation will be in Danger. I plead not for an excess of inequality, but I still maintain that a perfect equality is contrary to Nature and to Reason.
          “In this Commonwealth” you say “The People apprehend some Persons have amassed too large a Proportion of Wealth, and acquired too large a share of Power, and thinking themselves injured have arisen, and demanded Satisfaction?”
          But why do they think themselves injured? Is it because they have suffered Tyranny or Oppression? No! It is because other Persons have been more industrious, more prudent and more successful than they. When, regardless of every Principle which binds Man to Man, they laid violent hands on Justice herself, by stopping the proceedings of the Courts of Law, in diverse Places, was it because they had been injured by those Courts, and could not obtain Redress? No. It was because they were conscious they had injured others; and they wished therefore to put a stop to all means of obtaining redress. Now had the Notions of those People concerning equality been a little lower, and had there been really a greater degree of inequality among the Citizens, the Commonwealth would not have been thrown into a State of anarchy and Confusion, and instead of rebelling against the Laws and Government, those People would have sought in Oeconomy and Industry, that relief which they now endeavour to wrest by Violence.
          If by Equality among the Citizens could be meant an equal right to Justice, and to the Protection of the Laws, certainly no Person, whose Soul is not debased by Slavery could object to it; but this construction cannot be put upon the word; it must be considered as relating to wealth or Dignity and in both Senses, I still must think inequality absolutely necessary for the Liberties of a People.
          But here I would not be considered as an Advocate for hereditary Distinctions. Wealth may with Propriety be transmitted from Father to Son. But Honour and Dignities, should always be personal. The Man who to the greatest natural and acquired Abilities unites the greatest Virtues, should certainly not be view’d as on a Par with a vicious Fool, but the absurdity would I confess be equally great, if any one was obliged to enquire who were the Ancestors of a Citizen, to know whether he be respectable.
          The History of Lacedemon certainly can produce no Argument in favour of equality. For 1st. it was an hereditary Monarchy. Two branches of a Family descended from Hercules were in Possession of the Throne for nine hundred years. 2dly. There was a Senate composed of 28 persons who formed an aristocratic Body with Power equal to that of the Kings; and 3dly. the Authority of the Ephori, who were chosen annually among the People was superior even to that of the Monarchs. So that in this Respect, the Spartan Constitution was similar to the Roman, and the British, which, I have already agreed were excellent. But Heaven forbid there should ever arise in our Country a Legislator to establish by Force, a Constitution which could form nothing but Warriors. The fine feelings of the Heart which render human Nature amiable, were entirely excluded from the System of Lycurgus. Many of his Laws, display a barbarous Cruelty, and beauteous Science, whose persuasive Voice, calms the impetuous Passions of Youth, sooths the cares, and asswages the infirmities of age, was discarded from within the walls of Sparta by this savage Legislator.
          I doubt whether these arguments have convinced you, my Friend, of the necessity of inequality; but however we may differ in Opinion in this Respect, I am sure you will unite with me, in addressing to Heaven the most fervent Petition, that whatever the Constitution of our own Country may be, she may enjoy genuine Liberty and real Happiness forever.”

       After I read this Part Cranch concluded with a reply. The next Thing that came on, was the Syllogistic dispute, by the Juniors Grosvenor, Dodge, Clark, and Adams 3d. It was on the Question, Whether there is a Sense of morality innate in the human Mind. A Dialogue upon Eloquence from Fenelon by Gordon and Lincoln succeeded, and after that the Greek Oration by Abbot 3d. the Hebrew by Gardiner, and finally the English by Freeman, which obtained an universal Clap, the first, known at an Exhibition. It was upon the political Situation of our affairs, and was delivered extremely well. The Oration would not read so well as Little’s, but taken altogether would please almost any audience better.
       We had Commons immediately after the exhibition. There were no Tutors Present, and there was a sad Noise in the Hall.
       After Commons the Martimercurean band, escorted the President, with the Committee of the Overseers, over to the Steward’s, where they performed the manual exercise. I pass’d part of the afternoon at Freeman’s Chamber. Sullivan who took his degree this year was there.
       I had Company to tea at my Chamber. Deacon Smith and his Son, Dr. Welch, and his Lady. Mrs. Otis. Mrs. Cutts, and Betsey Smith.
       The Tea Club, who have formed a small Society for dancing, were here in the Evening till 9.
       I had a very bad head ache, and retired to rest immediately after they went away.

   Between leaves of JQA’s Diary at this point there is inserted a loose piece of paper, written in Joseph Willard’s hand, which reads: “2. A forensic disputation upon this question—‘Whether inequality among the citizens be necessary to the preservation of the liberty of the whole’? By Adams and Cranch.” Presumably this strip of paper was handed out by President Willard at the time parts were distributed on 9 Sept.

   Cranch’s reply and rebuttal have not been found.

   Fénelon, François de Salignac de La Mothe, Dialogues Concerning Eloquence in General; and Particularly, That Kind Which is Fit for the Pulpit..., transl. William Stevenson, London, 1722 (Harvard, Catalogus Bibliothecae, 1790[Isaac Smith, comp.], Catalogus Bibliothecae Harvardianae Cantabrigiae Nov- Anglorum, Boston, 1790., p. 149). According to the faculty records, Gordon and Lincoln 1st were to give “an English dialogue between Demosthenes and Cicero, from [Fénelon, Archbishop of] Cambray’s dialogues of the dead” [Dialogues des morts anciens et modernes, avec quelques fables..., 2 vols., Paris, 1752] (MH-Ar: Faculty Records, 5: 237).

      27th.

       I feel quite indolent as I have finally got rid of the affair which has kept me employ’d this fort’night. Was part of the forenoon at Bridge’s Chamber. The Sodality met in the Evening, at Putnam’s. Rather Unwell.

      28th.

       We had a meeting of the ΦBK, in the morning at Little’s Chamber. Chandler read a Dissertation, Harris and Cushman a Forensic. Bridge and Cranch were the extempore disputants. Went with Freeman to Boston: paid a number of Visits; we dined at Mr. Sullivan’s, in Company with Mr. Bartlett, Mr. Johonnot, and George Warren. Took a long walk with Johonnot in the afternoon. Return’d to Cambridge with Freeman, before 8. We had a very good supper at Mason’s Chamber, after which we took a walk, and return’d there again; finally retired, between 11 and 12 o’clock.

      29th.

       It is a most unhappy Circumstance, for a Man to be very ambitious, without those Qualities which are necessary to insure him Success in his Attempts. Such is my Situation,

          If it be a Sin to covet Honour
          I am the most offending Soul alive.

         But I have not the faculty of convincing the persons that compose the small Circle in which I move, that my deserts are equal to my pretentions and disappointment must naturally follow. I often wish I had just Ambition enough to serve as a Stimulus to my Emulation, and just Vanity enough to be gratified with small Distinctions. But I cannot help despising a fellow of such a Character. I esteem a Man who will grasp at all, even if he cannot keep his hold, but one who in the fifth or sixth Station can be content, whilst he has an equal Chance of obtaining the first must be despicable. May that Spirit, which inspires my Breast never be bent into an evil Course; and above all may Envy never find a corner of my Heart to lurk in!
       These Lines have been suggested by an Event which happened this Day: If any one should read them except myself; I request he would not consider them as a proof, of my intolerable Vanity and self-conceit; but that he would think my heart is sometimes so full, that it spontaneously dictates to my hand Sentiments, which many would endeavour to conceal, with the utmost Care, and for which I must at Times condemn myself.
       I went with Sever, passed the Evening, and supped, at Mr. Gerry’s. Mrs. Gerry was not at home, Mrs. and Miss Thompson were there, and a Coll: Glover, a very curious sort of a Man. Miss Thompson, has a very Innocent Countenance, is pretty, and sensible of it, like all other fine Women.

   King Henry V, Act IV, scene iii, lines 28–29.

   Mrs. James Thompson, wife of a New York merchant and mother of Ann Thompson Gerry (entry for 9 Aug. 1785, note 3, above).

   John Glover, Marblehead merchant, brigadier general in the Continental Army, and political intimate of Elbridge Gerry (George A than Billias, General John Glover and His Marblehead Mariners, N.Y., 1960, p. 35–37, 131).

      30th.

       I see not why I should not relate what anecdotes I can collect concerning myself; and why I should not be at Liberty to record the Panegyrical speeches, that I hear made, by Chance. Grosvenor the Junior told my Class mate and neighbour, Abbot 1st., (without thinking I heard him,) that in his Opinion, Adams’s forensic at the last Exhibition was the meanest that was ever delivered in the Chapel. It would not have been easy to express the Sentiment with more Energy, however I must bear it and only hope, that the generality of the Audience were more favourable.
       Mr. and Mrs. Cranch were here in the Afternoon, the weather has been uncommonly warm ever since last Sunday. Learned was with me part of the Evening, and paid me several Compliments, which had they been true might have consoled me for the ill Opinion of Grosvenor.


Title: Sunday October 1st. 1786.
From: Adams, John Quincy
To:

       Mr. Paine, preached here, in the forenoon from Acts IV. 12. Neither is there salvation in any other, and in the afternoon from I of Corinthians XVI. 14. Let all your things be done with Charity. The morning discourse was doctrinal, and therefore not so pleasing a Subject as the other; which was excellent. His arguments in favour of Charity, were such as naturally arise from the Subject, but well arranged, and in a very agreeable Stile. His delivery is good, but his length of Stature is such, as prevents his appearing so graceful as he otherwise might. Upon the whole he drew my attention more than any preacher I have heard for several months.
       Bridge passed the evening in my Chamber.


Title: 2d.
From: Adams, John Quincy
To:

       We recite this week to Mr. Burr the new Tutor; but he was absent this Day. The A B Society met this Evening. The Juniors Bancroft and Lincoln were received; Abbot, and Dodge, were received the last meeting. The first Piece read, was the forensic between Fiske and myself upon the Question whether, a republican Government, be the most favourable for the advancement of Literature. I denied it, and read the following Arguments in the negative:
       A. B. N 4.

          There is no Proposition however absurd, that will not be adopted and defended by some Man or other: and when an assertion is made contrary to all Sense or Reason, an ingenious Man can sometimes convince an Audience, that it is true, by representing only one side of the Question, and using only those arguments which incline towards that Side.
          These Reflections naturally arise in my Mind, when I see you, Sir, endeavouring to show that a Republican Government, is the most favourable to Literature. You begin by laying down several of the most extraordinary premises that I ever heard: from these you draw natural Conclusions it is true, but which prove Nothing; for the Scriptures you know, tell us that an house built on the sand, must fall at the first blast. Your whole System seems to stand upon this maxim, that the very Idea of a republican Government presupposes the Inhabitants in the highest State of Civilization. I am willing my good friend, that you should presuppose whatever you please, if you will confess the fact to be far otherwise.
          Without recurring to Athens or Sparta, Carthage or Rome, for Common Place arguments, as is too frequently done, let me ask whether at the present day the most civilized Nations are not subjected to Despotic monarchs: and whether Republics are not rather remarkable for being backward in the progress of civilization? And as to the scope, which a popular form of Government gives to Ambition, I should conceive that Circumstance more proper to form wise Politicians than men of deep learning. There cannot be in popular governments encouragements to literary genius equal to those which are given by Princes, who have themselves a Taste for the fine arts. They grant such rewards as kindle the latent sparks of genius, and enable it to shine with the brightest splendor. This is so consonant with experience, that the most distinguished aera’s in the History of Literature are found in the Times and Countries of an Augustus, a Charles the 2d., and a Lewis the 14th. Indeed the prospect which every citizen in a free Government, has, of obtaining Offices of State, appears to me rather prejudicial than advantageous to Literature. A Man engaged in the Affairs of his Country can pay but little attention himself to the Art and Sciences; but when the desire of shining as a Statesman, or as a general is entirely restrained, and an ambitious man, has no other method to render his Name illustrious, than by his literary productions, all his attention will of Course be turned that way, and it must naturally follow, that his Exertions will be attended with Consequences more favourable to Literature than in a State where it is but a secondary Object, or (if I may so express it) an Instrument by which the Citizens raise themselves to public Employments.

          Part 2d.
          I have always supposed, my worthy Friend, that however certain a young Man might be of any Proposition, Decency and Modesty required he should not make it, with all that assurance, and confidence, which might be proper in a man of years and experience. I likewise suppose when I made the Question, which, I know not for what Reason, has not, I think been answered, that the Fact itself was so plain and Evident, as would oblige you yourself to answer in the affirmative. Had you done this your System must consequently have fallen; but rather than contradict a Proposition, which is next to self-evident, you have prudently avoided giving any answer at all, and have rested your Cause upon a Distinction, which would better suit a pleading at the Bar, than a candid Enquiry after Truth, viz. that a Question is no Argument. But since you can be convinced with nothing but positive assertions, I willingly indulge your inclination; and affirm, that the Idea of a republican government does not presuppose the highest degree of Civilization, and I trust I can prove it from your own Concessions. You grant that the most civilized Nations extant are governed by despotic Monarchs. It must follow that republics are not so much civilized; how then can you say, that republics have the greatest degree of civilization? It is just as reasonable, as if you should say, a yard is longer than a foot, but yet a foot, is longer than a yard.
          To my other Question you reply, that had I confined my Attention to America, I must be sensible the answer would be in the negative: but Sir, suffer me to observe, that America, is not the only Republic now extant, and that the Question is not concerning the American but the republican form of government. You think my Distinction between a man of deep learning and a wise Politician is something new; I am happy to find that in the course of our Dispute, one new Idea has arisen, and I believe most of our hearers will agree that it is a just one. Politics and Literature are as different from one another as war and Literature; Nor is a very extensive acquaintance with the fine arts, more requisite for a Statesman, than for the general of an Army. You seem to think that Literature is like any particular Science, and that a small acquaintance with it is sufficient, if it can raise a Citizen to public Employments. I agree, it is sufficient for the Purpose of an ambitious citizen, but it is not sufficient for the promotion of Literature itself. Let us run a parallel between the progress of a man of genius in a republic and in a Monarchy. In both Cases, he will be employ’d while young in the pursuit of literature. In the republic, he will soon be called upon to serve the public, and from that time forth, he will be obliged to relinquish the Study of the Arts and Sciences, because the affairs of the Nation will employ all his Time. But in a Monarchy, his Talents will acquire him respect, reputation, and perhaps fortune, but they will not introduce him to a Situation which shall induce him to neglect the Sciences. On the contrary he will be continually improving his literary faculties, and his productions will do honour to himself and to his Country. This is my idea of the promotion of literature, and this is what a republic can seldom boast of. There is only one more argument of your’s, that I shall endeavour to refute: (for I fear our friends that are present, will think I have taken too much time to prove a thing so evident.) You say we must not judge of the improvements of a nation by a few individuals, but by the People at large, and reasoning from this principle you conclude, that the progress of literature is greater in America than in any other country on earth. Let us examine your train of reasoning. “In America the common people can make out to read a chapter in the Bible by spelling about half the words. In Europe nine tenths of them cannot read at all. Here they can most of them write their names, there they are obliged to make a mark. Therefore, literature has made greater progress here than in Europe.” If literature consisted in reading the Bible, or in writing a name, I should certainly concur in Opinion with you; but as the life of Man is barely sufficient to form a person deeply versed in literature, its progress must be the greatest, where there are Men, who can employ all their days, in cultivating the Arts and Sciences.

       One or two Dissertations were read, and a character of Mr. James by Bridge, extremely well done. Abbot gave us an Oration upon Patriotism. We determined for the future to meet Sunday evenings, and then we all retired.


Title: 4th.
From: Adams, John Quincy
To:

       We had this morning a forensic given out, to be read next week, on the Question whether the diversities in national characters arise chiefly from Physical Causes. I am to support the affirmative, and think upon the whole it is the best side of the Question.
       Our musical Society met in the evening at Vose’s chamber.


Title: 5th.
From: Adams, John Quincy
To:

       A very bad cold, has prevented my studying much, this day.
       In the morning we finished reciting in Reid. We went over more than 300 Pages at this recitation. The next book we are to study, is Burlamaqui, which is said to be very good. I made tea for the Club. Bridge had a small dispute with me, upon the nature of Physical Causes. He thought the effects produced by sensual Appetites, could not be attributed to physical causes. I was of opinion that they must be. We appealed to Mr. Burr, and his Sentiments confirm’d mine.


Title: 7th.
From: Adams, John Quincy
To:

       I have been studying almost all day what to write for a Forensic; the subject is so copious, that I find a great difficulty, in shortening my arguments, and making them concise. Charles went down to the Castle.


Title: 8th.
From: Adams, John Quincy
To:

       Mr. Hilliard preached in the morning from Ephesians V. 1. Be ye therefore followers of God, as dear children. A poor subject. His afternoon text was from Psalm XXX. 7. Thou didst hide thy face, and I was troubled. The Sermon appeared like an address to lunatic People; and to tell those who were so despondent, as to think they had committed the unpardonable Sin. There is not I believe much danger on that side; and that his Cautions were quite unnecessary.
       Dined at Mr. Dana’s. He got home from the Southward yesterday.
       The A B, met in the Evening. We had several essays, and Orations from Beale and Harris, both upon, writing and Eloquence. We finally chose officers. Fiske president again. Little and Harris Secretaries. We adjourned before 9 o’clock to the first Sunday next quarter.


Title: 9th.
From: Adams, John Quincy
To:

       No reciting. Mr. Burr is engaged to preach several Sundays at Hingham, and does not return early enough for the next morning recitation. We had a Lecture from Mr. Pearson, upon words and Letters: he enumerated all the different sounds of the 26 letters of the English alphabet. Mr. Williams who returned yesterday from his Journey, gave the Class a Lecture, upon Trigonometry. Pass’d the evening with Bridge.


Title: 10th.
From: Adams, John Quincy
To:

       The ΦBK. met at Burge’s chamber at 11 o’clock. Beale and Burge read dissertations. The extempore disputants were Packard and Chandler. We voted to admit White. Mr. Wigglesworth gave a Lecture in the afternoon. Several fellows in the two lower Classes were very indecent and noisy. The dancing Club met at Bridge’s Chamber. After they broke up, I remained there; took a walk by the fine moon-light; and retired at about 11.


Title: 11th.
From: Adams, John Quincy
To:

       The Class from 9 to near twelve were reading their forensic; I read in the affirmative as follows.

          “Whether the diversities of national character, (taking the word, character, in its most extensive Sense) arise chiefly, from physical Causes ?”
          The many Arguments which naturally present themselves to defend each side of this Question, created in my mind, (and perhaps not in mine alone) a small difficulty. That many of the diversities of character, which distinguish so much one Nation from another, proceed from Religion, Government, or the intercourse between neighbouring States is what no Person can deny. That many others derive their origin from physical Causes, is what every man of sense and Candor must acknowledge: whether the moral or the physical are predominant, is an enquiry worthy the discussion of men of more experience and judgment, than are to be found among the students of this university: every one however must chuse one side of the question; and I have therefore adopted that which appears to me, to be the most probable. National character is the assemblage of those qualities which are predominant in the minds of the individuals who form a Nation; and by diversities are here meant (I imagine) those peculiar traits which distinguish so greatly the inhabitants of one Country from those of any other on Earth.
          Should we consider the question, as relating to primary and original Causes, it would appear that there are none but physical; for a short reflection will convince us that moral Causes themselves are but the Effects of physical causes. A proof of this may be drawn from the national character of the Hollanders. Should the question be put to any one of our opponents, whence the three great characteristics of that Nation, (cleanliness, industry, and avarice) arose? probably he would answer, from moral Causes; and he would alledge the great power of education and habit. These I confess may at this day, serve to maintain, and may have served heretofore to increase those qualities; but they never can be said to have been the original Causes. The situation of the country, which is continually exposed to the encroachments of the surrounding Ocean, and the Climate which is so moist as causes, every thing that is not constantly kept clean, to moulder, absolutely require great neatness, industry and economy; and I am convinced in my own mind, that were the present inhabitants to migrate, and in their stead was a colony from any other nation to settle there, in the course of one century the new settlers would be distinguished by the same virtues and Vices, which now form the dutchman’s character. But without taking all the advantages which the question seems to present, I will consider only the immediate causes of diversities in national characters, and even these, are, I believe, chiefly physical.
          Let us single out from the european nations two, which notwithstanding their proximity to each other, and notwithstanding the constant intercourse between them, are so remarkable for their difference of character. The characteristics of the french nation are, contentment, vivacity, and a certain degree of levity; those of the English are thoughtfulness, melancholy, and a continual restless, uneasy disposition, whatever, their situation may be: In this case, we cannot imagine the difference to be owing to moral causes; for it would be natural to suppose, that a form of government which insures to every man his property, and personal safety, and a religion founded upon humanity and toleration, was calculated to make a nation happy, and contented; and on the other hand; that a Government in which the fortune, and even the Life of every individual depends upon the caprice of a despot, and a religion which enervates the mind, and corrupts the heart would render a nation miserable if it could be effected by moral causes. But when we consider the different physical causes which operate upon the minds of the French and English we can easily account for the facts as they stand.
          Few Nations are favoured with a sky so serene, and a climate so temperate as the French. The air which they breathe is pure, and they are exempted from both the extremes of heat and cold. Their diet is generally light and salubrious; and from the Throne to the Cottage they are remarkably temperate. But the atmosphere of England is almost always loaded with vapours, there, the heart is seldom cheered, the spirits are seldom enlivened by the genial rays of the Sun; and the climate is so variable and unsteady; that frequently the resolution of the Seasons seems to be performed in the course of a day. The diet of the inhabitants is heavy and oppressive to the stomach; and they are too much addicted to the use of spiritous liquors: in both these instances it is evident, that the physical and moral causes counteract each other. But the contest is too unequal; the physical are so powerful that they destroy the influence of the moral, and yet appear to act, with as much force, as they could do, even if they met with no opposition. Arguments of a similar nature might be applied to other nations; but they could not be more conclusive, and would carry me beyond the limits prescribed to exercises of this kind. I shall therefore endeavour to refute some other objections which might be raised against the influence of physical causes.
          It is evident that the characters of the same nations, have been very different at different periods. The modern Greeks and Romans, for instance are supposed to be as different from the ancient, as they possibly could be even if they did not live in the same countries. The alteration has been undoubtedly produced by a concurrence of physical and moral causes; and at first sight we should be led to think, the latter were chiefly influential: but it must be remembered that the physical causes have undergone a great change: the diet is extremely different, and the climates are most probably, far from being the same: if we were to judge of the Campania di Roma, from the enthusiastic accounts given of it by Pliny and Florus, we should suppose it to be a terrestrial Paradise; but this self same spot is now so unhealthy that it is intirely uninhabited, although the soil be as fruitful as any in Italy. This last Circumstance affords a presumption that the present situation of the country was the effect, not the cause of the alteration in the climate. If physical causes have operated so surprising a change upon one part of the country, we may reasonably conceive that the climate of the whole, has been in some measure effected by them. Why then should we expect to find in the Greeks and Romans of the present day, those characteristics, which distinguished the masters of the World?
          I shall take notice but of one argument more, which might be used on the opposite side of the question. It respects the Jews. They have been for many Centuries, and still are dispersed all over the earth, yet they maintain to a great degree the same national character; but admitting that they have uniformly preserved the same peculiarities, whether the causes be moral or physical, they cannot be applied to any other Nation: it is by a particular dispensation of the Deity who for wise purposes has seen fit to keep them seperate and distinct from the rest of the world. But in fact the immediate causes may properly be called physical. They never mingle with other Nations, by intermarriages, which probably produce great effects, on the bodily frame, and they never make use of any animal food but what is prepared in their own peculiar manner.
          But after all, it is in vain for Man, to attempt separating what the God of nature has united; the connection between the human mind and body is so intimate; that possibly whatever affects the one must necessarily have influence over the other; and perhaps after investigating the matter clearly and deeply, we should have reason to conclude, that physical and moral causes are really and essentially the same”

       Johnson, whose great pride is in being singular, found fault with the question; and said he could not understand it. The only conclusion I can draw from his confession is that he is a very stupid fellow.
       Mr. Shaw was here in the forenoon. Mr. Williams gave us a lecture upon the dimensions of the Earth.
       The sodality met at Baxter’s chamber in the evening. White brought me a couple of letters up from Boston. One from my mother, and the other from my Sister, signed A. Smith. She was married it seems the 12th. of June.


Title: 13th.
From: Adams, John Quincy
To:

       Had a great deal of fuss about some Tea spoons, which I lost some days since. I have found most of them however in an extraordinary manner. But it made me in manner lose all this day; as great part of it has been employ’d in making researches.


Title: 15th.
From: Adams, John Quincy
To:

       Was excused from attending meeting this day: being somewhat unwell. Finished the first volume of Burlamaqui in the forenoon. Bridge was at my chamber after dinner.


Title: 16th.
From: Adams, John Quincy
To:

       We recite two or three times more, in s’Gravesande’s, but next quarter, we shall begin upon Ferguson’s Astronomy. Mr. Williams had a lecture, upon Trigonometry, very few of the Class attended. Charles went to Boston in the morning, and at length, brought the books, which are mostly upon philosophical subjects. Mead was at my Chamber in the evening. About half the Class are gone. I declaimed this Evening, a piece from Blair’s Lectures vol. 1. p: 14, 15, 16. on the cultivation of taste.


Title: 17th.
From: Adams, John Quincy
To:

       Charles and my Cousin, went away in the morning, immediately after commons. Tom, went to Boston, and brought back Dr. Tufts’s Chaise. Soon after dinner we set off, in the midst of the rain. We got to Braintree, just at five o’clock. We found Mr. and Mrs. Shaw here.


Title: 18th.
From: Adams, John Quincy
To:

       Loitered away, a great part of my Time, as I most commonly do in vacation Time. I intend however to read considerable, before I return to College. Mr. Shaw and his Lady, this morning, left us to return homeward. Was down in my father’s library part of the afternoon. The weather begins to be quite cold, and the leaves are all falling from the trees.


Title: 19th.
From: Adams, John Quincy
To:

       Spent the day, in alternately reading, writing, walking, and playing. This is dull life, and convinces me, how grossly the whole herd of novel and romance writers, err, in trumping up, a Country life. Let them say what they will: the most proper situation for man, is that which calls forth the exertion of faculties, and gives play to his passions. A negative kind of happiness, like that of the brutes, may be enjoyed in the Country, but the absence of pain or anxiety is not sufficient for a man of sensibility. The passions of the mind, are what chiefly distinguish us from the brute creation, and as a country life tends to diminish their influence, it brings us nearer a par with them, and is therefore derogatory to the dignity of human nature.


Title: 20th.
From: Adams, John Quincy
To:

       My two brothers were gone all the morning on a gunning party. My cousin and I went, in the afternoon, but we were unsuccessful. All kinds of game are scarce here, as there are several persons in the town that persecute the animals so much, that they have driven them all away.


Title: 21st.
From: Adams, John Quincy
To:

       Mr. Thaxter stop’d about half an hour, this morning, on his return from Hingham, where he has been this week. In the afternoon I went with my cousin, and drank tea, at my uncle Quincy’s. Just after we return’d, Leonard White and his Sister came in. Mr. and Mrs. Cranch arrived about an hour after. Leonard brought me a letter.


Title: 22d.
From: Adams, John Quincy
To:

       Mr. Tread well, preach’d in the forenoon from Matthew XI. 15 “he that hath ears to hear, let him hear;” and in the afternoon from Psalm IV. 4. commune with your own heart. Mr. T. appears to be a sensible man; but by no means a good speaker. In common conversation his voice, and manner of speaking is agreeable; but if he begins to pray or to preach, he immediately assumes a most disgusting cant. He spent the evening here; and talk’d of his Son, who is at college, in the junior class. He appears to have juster ideas of him, than parents commonly have of their children.


Title: 23d.
From: Adams, John Quincy
To:

       Mr. Cranch went this morning to Boston. His Son, went with him, and will proceed to Haverhill, for his Sister Lucy. Leonard and Peggy White, return’d to Boston. Thayer one of Charles’s classmates, dined here, and after dinner they both set off to go to Scituate. Thus from a numerous company, we are all at once reduced to a very small party; I went down in the afternoon to the library. Miss Betsey Apthorp spent the evening here.


Title: 25th.
From: Adams, John Quincy
To:

       Thayer and Charles returned from Scituate this afternoon. Mr. and Mrs. Hilliard came to pass the night here. Mr. H appears much more to advantage in private conversation than he does in the pulpit. He appears to be a very sensible man.


Title: 27th.
From: Adams, John Quincy
To:

       Mr. Read came here in the afternoon, to spend a day. Though he cannot entirely lay aside the Tutor, but retains a little of the collegiate stiffness, yet he endeavours to be affable, and is very sociable. These people when distant from their seat of Empire, and divested of that Power, which gives them such an advantageous idea, of their own superiority, are much more agreeable, than, they are, when their dignity puts them at such an awful distance from their pupils. Mr. Read conversed much upon several subjects and with a great deal of complaisance; but with most ease, and pleasure upon subjects which form part of the studies at the university.


Title: 29th.
From: Adams, John Quincy
To:

       Mr. Wibird preach’d all day from John I, 47. Jesus saw Nathanael coming to him, and saith of him, Behold an Israelite indeed in whom is no guile! Mr. W. is said to be so fond of his ease, that he seldom writes new Sermons, but preaches his old ones over and over, frequently. But this was new, and one of the best that I ever heard him deliver, full of judicious reflections, and wise instructions, which proves that if he is not of great service to the People, of this parish, as a moral teacher, it is not for want of sufficient abilities. The family here, are in affliction, on account of the Death of Mr. Perkins in Virginia, a young gentleman, who resided in the house some months, and endeared himself to the whole family. A more particular attachment between him, and Eliza, renders his loss more distressing to her, than to the rest; and her great sensibility deepens the wound. Her grief is silent, but is painted expressively on her countenance.


Title: 30th.
From: Adams, John Quincy
To:

       Snow’d all the morning. Mr. Cranch went to Boston and Charles with him: he return to Cambridge. As the supreme judicial Court is to sit there this week, there will be two or three companies of militia, in order to prevent riots; for the insurrections of this kind, are not yet quelled, and indeed I know not when they will be. There is not sufficient energy in the government, and the strength of the party opposed to it is increasing. Unless some vigorous measures are taken the constitution of the commonwealth must infallibly fall.