Title: To John Adams from James Otis, Jr., 4 April 1795
From: Otis, James, Jr.
To: Adams, John

Sir
Newbt Port. April 4th. 1795.

A conviction of your goodness, induces me to address you on a subject that nearly interests me.—You have done me the honor, to listen to my unfortunate tale, when I was last in Philadelphia, and may possibly recollect that the only property I was able to save from the wreck of my affairs, was an acknowledgment from the Government of Hispaniola that they owed me 55 or 60,000 livres Currency, for provisions furnish’d them at Cache price.—
I am now induced to address Mr. Monroe, at the Court of france, on the subject and shall forward him the necessary papers; but as I am not particularly acquainted with that Gentleman, I am induced to request you wou’d favor me with a line to him, shewing that pretensions are founded on the grounds of justice, & integrity, and that I am a sufferer by the destruction of the Island of St. Domingue.—
Begging permission to request an answer as soon as possible, and your pardon for makg. use of an amanuensis. I am, with sentiments of the utmost respect, / Sir, / Your very Huml Servt.
Jam. A. Otis, Junr:


Title: To John Adams from Jeremy Belknap, 15 April 1795
From: Belknap, Jeremy
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Boston 15 April 1795

I regret that Mr Thomson’s Letter did not come to hand till after the others were printed; but I believe there is enough to prove the misinformation of Dr Kippis.
Several copies have been printed separately from the Collections of the Historical Society, three of which I enclose; if you wish for any more, you shall have them. If it be agreeable to you I could wish one may be sent to your Son in Holland with a request that it may be translated and published in that Country.
I am with great respect / yr very hble servt

Jeremy Belknap


Title: To John Adams from James Sullivan, 23 April 1795
From: Sullivan, James
To: Adams, John

Sir
Boston 23d April 1795

I am honoured with your letter of this date, and am highly flattered by your expressions of approbation on my book called the history of the district of maine. I should have not imposed the task of that work on myself, with my other avocations, if I could have procured any other person to undertake it.
I have attended to your remark on the sentiment in page 299: and should be exceedingly greived if any thing had escaped my pen which should hurt your feelings, or give you the least uneasiness: for in addition to the respect I have for your character, I intended to write that book, and thought I had written it in such a manner, as not to deserve a place in any political side, and in such a manner as would not hurt the feelings of any man in united America. I must however confess, that when I wrote the sentiment which you particuliarly notice, I had in my mind the description of the fate of Marcellus and others, as contained in your defence of the constitutions of the united States. I am not possessed of health to mention any more instances if it was necessary. Perhaps the expression “A multitude of instances” is too strong. The words “without intention to prove &c” were only intended as an assertion that the learned writer did not write, with a purpose to prove the fact, evidence of which incidentally opened from the facts he mentioned in order to complete his work. My own sentiments were as freely given on the subject, that patriotism and Valour have been rewarded with calumny and disgrace in a nearly all the governments of the past ages: but we have reason to hope from the degree of light and information possessed by the people of this country, and the many singular advantages which our people possess that it will not be so here.
I am Sir with great respect / and friendship your Most / obedient and most humble / Servant
Ja Sullivan


Title: From John Adams to François D’Ivernois, 26 April 1795
From: Adams, John
To: D’Ivernois, François

Sir
Quincy near Boston April 26. 1795

In hopes of obtaining Information more satisfactory both to you and to myself, I have delayed an Answer to your Several favours to this time.
I communicated your Papers, immediately after the Receipt of them to The President, The Secretary of State and Mr Jefferson, and to Several others, and the History was published as you desired.
I have not been able to obtain from any Person, the Smallest Encouragement of Assistance from the United States or from any individual state to an Emigration of The Accademy of Geneva.  All Acknowledge the Honour it would do Us, and the Advantages which would result to Us: but the Thing is by all thought to be wholly impracticable.  To enter into Details would be useless.
The History is by all allowed to be incomparably well written, and has done a great deal of Good in this Country.  Inclosed is a Letter to you from Mr Jefferson upon the same Subject.
I go mourning, my dear Sir, all the Day long over Suffering Humanity, and the judicial Blindness and Infatuation of Men.  The more they Suffer from their Ignorance, Folly and Vice, the more ignorant, foolish and vicious they grow.
The deplorable Martyrdom of Rochefaucault and Condorcet to Turgot and Franklins Absurdity, and the thousands of other Victims to it, only Seem to have Attached The French more and more to it: and in all probability it will ultimately defeat all the Efforts for Liberty.
I pray God to permit Mankind to be once convinced that their Passions must have some Controul in a free Government. With great and / Sincere Esteem I have the Honour to / be, Sir your most obedient and / obliged

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from John Quincy Adams, 4 May 1795
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, John

N. 8.Dear Sir,
The Hague May 4. 1795.

Mr: Wilcox has not yet been here but sent me from Hamburg your favour of February 11. which was the first letter I have been happy enough to receive from you since we left America. When he comes here, I shall be happy to shew him every civility in my power.
It is extremely pleasing to hear that the elections for the ensuing completion of the Senate have been so favourable. I believe the time is approaching, when even the triple brass of political impudence will melt away before the wisdom of the pacific and neutral system, which struggled with so many interests and so many Passions before it could gain a firm establishment. Only one letter from me had been received by the Secretary of State, when you wrote. I had at that time written nearly thirty; twenty of which might have reasonably been supposed by me to have arrived on the 11th: of February. I have sent my letters not only by every vessel that has been known to me from this Country; (and I have taken particular pains to be informed of every opportunity) but from France, from England, from Hamburg and from Bremen:—How many of my letters, miscarry in the conveyance it is impossible for me to say; but the state of Europe since I came here, and especially the situation of this Country has been such, as renders the transmission of letters extremely precarious. For the last four months almost, we have been secluded from the regular means of communication with all Europe, excepting France, and no dependence to be placed upon the security of that. Nothing can be committed to Post Offices, where the practice of reading the Letters is so openly professed that nobody thinks of sealing a paper sent through that channel.—Entrusting dispatches to the care of individuals, is but little more safe. It exposes them often to delays, to carelessness and even to total failure. With all these inconveniences I have sent since my arrival, nearly forty letters to the department of State alone, and shall continue to write by every opportunity that occurs from hence, and as frequently as may consist with common prudence through France and England.
The information that my first letter was satisfactory was extremely pleasing to me; because it shews that it was received with an indulgence, which all my correspondence will need. I have indeed had little apprehension of incurring the censure of writing too little. My principal fear has been lest the charge of an opposite fault should be applicable; that of repeating many times the same observations and descending too much into the detail of minute circumstances; In spite of the best possible inclination too, and notwithstanding admonition from you, and intimation from Mr. Randolph, I have sometimes given a latitude to opinions upon actors and events, which perhaps will be thought indiscreet.—However this may be, I presume the style of my correspondence must be tolerably well known by this time, and if any material variation is desired, it will doubtless be intimated to me.
The political sufferings of Messrs: Van Staphorst had no more effect to the detriment of our credit than their present power has in its favour. It did not indeed affect their personal credit or property. Mr: Nicholas Van Staphorst, who on my arrival here had privately withdrawn from the pursuit of the then Government, is now a member of the States–General, and employed in some of the most important executive Committees. He is one of the most respectable men engaged in the public affairs at present
If the situation of an American Minister at the Hague was not in its nature and on all common occasions tolerably insignificant, it would have been rendered so by the particular situation of the Country since I have been in it. When I first arrived the Government was an agonizing patient in the hands of Lord St: Helen’s. His skill was ineffectual however to save; the patient soon expired; but its soul survives and waits in impatient expectation of a glorious resurrection.—The very name of Anglomane had been long since lost: I assure you I have not heard the word pronounced since I have been in the Country. And indeed as the circumstances were, that name would have been ridiculous. As well might the Helots of Lacedemon have been called Spartomanes.
At that time my situation was as unpleasant as it was unmeaning. It was impossible for me not to perceive that I was surrounded with that sort of malevolence which a West–India faithful African may be supposed to bear towards the enemy of his Master. It appeared in every shape; it was shewn by the whole hierarchy of servitude from the President of the States–General to the hair dresser; from the Grand-Pensionary to the laquais de louage. To this general fact, the only total exception that I can mention, was the Stadholder himself.—I had no business to transact with him; saw him only as a point of form, and not more than three or four times. I had every reason to be satisfied with his reception. From all the rest it was ill-will always covered with forms of decency; often aiming at the disguise of politeness, but never successfully concealed.
Since the arrival of the french armies all these appearances have changed. A friendly disposition, a desire to accommodate, a respect and regard for the United States, really felt and professed with pleasure distinguish the present from the past possessors of power. Personally my situation is far more agreeable than it was; but nothing is to be done. The Country is conquered: its forms of Independence have hitherto been more or less preserved, but they may be laid aside whenever their friends shall think proper, and have already been many times in contradiction with the substance. The Government rose upon the basis of french protection; that alone continues its existence; and with that it would infallibly vanish. It has become almost universally odious to the people, who consider it as in fact more oppressive than that which preceded. The french Convention have not acknowledged it, and may withdraw their protection which is the breath of its life, whenever they find it for their interest so to do.
The restoration of the Stadholder sooner or later is inevitable. And with him must come again the subserviency to the mistress of the Sea. In every political point of view this Republic will in future be nothing more than a part of France or of Britain. I am expecting orders from the Secretary of State for my own regulation; and until I shall receive them, I shall not venture to transact any business whatever.
Since I wrote you last the Peace between France and Prussia is the most important event that has taken place. The Baron de Stael has been received by the french Convention as Ambassador Extraordinary from the King of Sweden.
The scarcity of provisions is great all over Europe; in France it amounts very nearly to a famine. The proximity of the Harvest may possibly afford a relief for the present Season; but unless the fertility of the ensuing harvests should be extraordinary, a real famine will be suffered in Europe the next Winter and Spring.
Among the mille et une Revolutions of France, the union of the Jacobins and the Royalists is one of those at which our Jacobins will perhaps be or affect to be the most surprized. That they are at present united in the object of their pursuit is unquestionable: that they will succeed is far from being improbable. The alliance of Anarchy and Despotism is perfectly natural, and the leading members of the Convention are convinced at length that Democracy will answer the purposes of declamation much better than those of Government. “Il faut se dépouiller des prejugés de la Revolution,” says Thibaudeau, “car si la Revolution a détruit des prejugés, elle en a aussi enfanté.” But they have not yet got over their passive obedience to the opinion publique of the moment; and of course they still proscribe what they adored, and adore what they proscribed in the interval of a single day. Such a system may properly be styled a Democracy; but to call it a Government would be making a violent misapplication of words.
I am Dear Sir, in all duty and affection your Son.
John Q. Adams.


Title: To John Adams from Giuseppe Ceracchi, 8 May 1795
From: Ceracchi, Giuseppe
To: Adams, John

Sir
Philadelphia 8 May 1795

The confidence I put in the persuation of the most high Caracters of this Country, which have all at once retracted from there promises of promoting the plan of a National Monument puts me in the necssity of taking the prudent step to returne to Europe directely
My expences having been of graet consideration, and increased by my application in the Noble monumental plan I am in the necessity of calling for the sommes of my works, which I cant give them as a donation as I had proposed to do, for the said circumstances
An immoral man would , for the same  reason and upon the same principles of which those high–caracteristic Gentilmen have acted in withdrawing themself for promoting the plan, as they had constantely promised.
Therfore I shall take the Liberty to draw upon you and in favor of Mr George Meade the somme of 1350. Dollars price of your medallion in Alabaster Originaly performed by me
Reckoning upon your  with honoring your Signature I am with consideration Sir / yor most obt. Ser

Jos Ceracchi


Title: To John Adams from John Quincy Adams, 22 May 1795
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, John

N:9.
My Dear Sir.
The Hague May 22. 1795.

My last Letter acknowledged the receipt of your favour of February 11. That of December 2. has since reached me. By the same opportunity, I have Letters from my brother Charles of March 12. And I have seen Boston papers to the 1st of April. Our information from America, is yet generally indirect, and our means of conveyance few, difficult and uncertain.
The appointment, which places me here is undoubtedly respectable, much beyond the line of my pretensions, and the advantage of seeing Europe at the present moment, is personally a subject of particular gratification to me. The situation which I was obliged to abandon for this gave me nothing, or very little in possessions but a fair and national prospect, infinitely more pleasing than those now before me. My sacrifice was merely of an expectancy, but a very valuable one in every point of view. It was independence, usefulness, and personal consideration; but above all the encreasing attachment of friends, which every probability led me to expect would be durable. The benefit of your advice and instructions, the society however interrupted and partial of my mother and the rest of the family, though I feel severely the loss of them, were yet so inevitable, and of impossible consistency with an absence beyond the atlantic that I do not reckon them in the account.
As it respects my Country; that has certainly gained nothing by the exchange. To speak the sentiments of my heart without equivocation, an American Minister at the Hague, is one of the most useless beings in creation. The whole Corps diplomatique here according to french production of considerable merit, "n’est plus qu’une assemblee de nouvellistes," and the actor must have not an humble but a degraded idea of himself, who can be satisfied with the part of receiving the pay of a Nation, for the purpose of penetrating the contents of a newspaper.
As a single private individual, I flatter myself that my mite of contribution to the public service in America was more valuable than any that I can render at present. The retribution is equally inconsistent with propriety. At present I am liberally paid for no service at all. There my only reward for considerable labour, and some political courage, was abuse, sometimes upon myself, which was of very little consequence to me, but much more frequently upon an object entitled to all the veneration of the whole people, as much as he was possessed of mine; and who was persecuted for my offences, with a malignancy and brutality, such as among mankind is experienced only by virtue and integrity; but which real crimes and infamy are too much respected ever to suffer.
At length after four months of suspense upon the fate of this Country, a Treaty to acknowledge the Independence and Sovereignty of the Batavian People without a Stadholder was signed on the 17th: instt: by two members of the french Committee of Public Safety (Rewbell and Sieyes) and four deputies from the States General.
This Treaty will undoubtedly be published in the American Newspapers before my letter can reach you; and I hope it will be a subject of serious reflection to every American. It shews in the clearest light, at what price the friendship and assistance of France as a Republic is estimated by her own Government. Let it be remembered that from the Commencement of the War, they have declared themselves the enemies of the Stadholder and his Government, but the friends and Allies of the Dutch People. These friends and Allies, after considering this Territory during four months as a conquest, and treating it accordingly, though with all possible civility and some generosity, finally exact as conditions for acknowledging the Liberty and Independence of their friends and Allies, a very considerable dismemberment of Territory, a perpetual pledge of political subserviency, and one hundred millions of florins in cash.—"Non tali auxilio."
These facts are the more deserving of consideration, because I have several reasons to suppose that the policy of the french government at present is to make use of the United States, as they are now making use of these Provinces; that is as an Instrument for the benefit of France, as a passive weapon in her hands against her most formidable enemy.—Being at a distance from Paris, and having no regular connection with any members of that Government, I am unable to trace the causes of my suspicions to a very certain source: I have not the means of ascertaining any considerable variety of facts, from the combination of which a conclusion to warrant any affirmative declaration could be drawn, and the communication with France itself is so liable to accident that I am unable to correspond with Mr. Monroe so confidentially as would be necessary to determine how far my conjectures are founded.
From the occurrences of the last year, it is certain that a prodigious alteration in the relative position of the European powers towards one another has taken place. The Center of combination has been equally removed by the Victories of France, and by the misfortunes of Poland. The drunken madness of political fanaticism has subsided surprizingly. The ruin of France remains therefore the only center of union to the coalesced powers, but this principle is no less repulsive on one side than it is attractive on the other. New interests have arisen to form different combinations from those of the War as it began, and they have already been productive of a considerable Revolution of Policy, discovered in many public events, and distinguishable from other circumstances.
The tendency of these new interests is to unite the efforts of Austria, Russia, and Britain for the present moment in one common pursuit; but it unites equally all the rest of Europe against them.
This combination is unquestionably formidable, and it has an immense advantage in the pecuniary resources of Great Britain. They remain at least for present occasion in undiminished vigour while those of France are exhausted in proportion to the violence of those exertions that have acquired her splendid triumph.
It is not to be doubted but that France intends to unite against her three remaining rivals and Enemies, as many European Powers as possible. The policy has been indeed clearly discovered in speeches made to the National Convention by members of the Executive Committee, in which mention has escaped of Nations "which had observed a neutrality wise in its principles but which has become insufficient," where subsidies to be given for the purpose of causing a diversion have been suggested, and where numerous observations have been made to prove that Spain, Prussia and Holland are all deeply interested in the future success of the french cause.
The intention of employing the United States likewise as an useful enemy to Great Britain, has not been so openly avowed. And long since the arrival of the French Armies in this Country the Representatives with whom I have had occasion to converse have declared themselves to be entirely satisfied with the neutrality of the United States. They do not at present say expressly the contrary, but they observe that it is very extraordinary that the Treaty signed by Mr. Jay last November should yet be kept secret.
It is impossible that they should imagine there is any thing in that Treaty, with which France can have any pretence to interfere; it is therefore the Treaty itself which does not suit their views, because they consider it as the means of terminating differences which their own interest leads them to wish may terminate in a rupture.
If these conjectures have as much foundation as I apprehend, the whole french influence in America, will exert itself with more than usual activity to prevent the Ratification of the Treaty, and to produce at all Events a War between the United States and Great Britain: not assuredly from regard to our interest, which they respect as much as they do that of their friends and Allies the Hollanders, but because they are sensible of how much importance our Commerce is to Great Britain, and suppose that the loss of it would make that Nation outrageous for Peace, and compel the Minister to make it upon the terms they are disposed to dictate.
It was probably the intention of the Brissotine party, the Executive Council who sent Genet to America, to involve the United States in a War with Britain, but in such a manner as should be imperceptible to ourselves as should have the appearance of being entirely a War of our own, and should have France free from all engagements at full liberty to make her own peace whenever she might think proper and leave us to extricate ourselves as we could. This plan was not successful in its execution, and perhaps was abandoned by the executive Committee which rose upon the ruins of the Council. To them the neutrality of the United States was at least as beneficial as any assistance they could expect from them in a state of War, or at least by appearing to pursue a different policy they meant to make it an instrument of odium against the party they had then defeated. That Committee has been sacrificed in its turn. Every thing done by them is an object of execration. They are Jacobins, Terrorists, Royalists, drinkers of blood, Robbers, scourges of the human race, every thing that a victorious party can make of one that is defeated. The truth of the fact seems to be that the Brissotine party have resumed their superiority in the Convention, and have derived among the people some consideration, more from the detestation of their predecessors than from their own merits. They have resumed the principles and the policy which the decemviral Government had abandoned, and among the rest perhaps the design of fomenting a War between America and Great Britain. They have sent to America a new Minister to take the place of Fauchet. A Man who has been heretofore employed by them in their revolutionary Manoeuvres at Geneva, and who as one of the Representatives lately a member of the Committee of public safety told me was substituted instead of the other whose "talents and experience are found to be not equal to the importance of the mission."
I have considered it as an indispensable duty that I owe to my Country to express to you Sir, my ideas and suspicions upon a subject of so much importance; in my public correspondence I have scarcely hinted at them, because they are but suspicions and because there is another source from which more accurate information is to be expected, and will doubtless be received. At least if my conjectures are groundless they will be harmless because the state of affairs in America will prove them to be fallacious; if they are well founded it may not be useless that the symptoms breaking forth in this quarter of the world should be known to you, and combined with those that will discover themselves in America.
If their present views really are to draw the United States into a War with Britain, their only motive for it must be to accelerate their own Peace. The General Sentiment of the french at the present moment, if I mistake not, is less cordial towards the Americans than it has been. They envy us the immense advantages we have derived from our neutrality, they think we have grown rich upon their impoverishment; that we have drained them of their specie, and they do not scruple to charge our merchants who have supplied their most urgent necessities with having taken advantage of their events to extort extravagant profits upon their commerce. Peace has become an object of extreme necessity to them, their finances, their commerce, their manufactures, their agriculture, their population, all by an inseparable chain are connected in a dependence upon the return of Peace. Yet the brilliancy of their victories and especially the security of the prevailing party makes it indispensably necessary to them to insist upon conditions to which their enemies in the present state of affairs will certainly not submit. It is for their benefit alone therefore that they wish to see us engaged, and should they succeed in this intention, the principal perhaps the only use they will make of their success will be to obtain more glorious terms of peace for themselves.
The President of the United States has so decidedly adopted and maintained the policy of neutrality and it has passed so advantageous to the Country, that it is perhaps an idle apprehension that can imagine it will again be endangered. Before this letter reaches you the question upon the ratification of the Treaty signed in November will undoubtedly be decided. The dye will be cast: the point of peace or enmity with Britain settled, if by a ratification of the Treaty, perhaps a coolness on the part of France will again be discernible, but from which no ill consequences whatever are to be dreaded; if the Treaty should be rejected, the french influence and french intrigue, always so active and powerful among us will become much more busy than they have ever been before.
On the first supposition their disappointment will have no serious consequence, because they have still great need of our supplies: because the policy of their Government under every possible variation will always be to conform to the style of their pretentions in their political relations with us, to the degree of firmness or of acquiescence discovered on our part, and because our friendship and neutrality must be more agreeable and advantageous to them than a state of variance. Failing in their favourite object they will eventually content themselves with that which they consider as the next best, and very possibly the situation of their internal concerns may once more make it the interest of a prevailing faction to alter the system of external policy, in order by the restoration of cordiality with their neighbours to cast an odium upon their rivals at home.
If the Treaty should not be ratified the french will exert themselves; for the purpose of hurrying us into a War, which may hasten their means of making Peace, and in which they may be under no obligation of making a common cause with us. Their partizans perhaps in declamations or in newspapers will promise wonders from their co-operation: their official characters possibly may employ a great number of what they call phrases, but will have no power to contract any substantial engagements; we shall be friends, brothers, allies, fellow-freemen, loaded with all the tenderness of family affections, introduced by a political Prosopopoea into national concerns, and the final result of the whole matter will be that all this tender sympathy, this amiable fraternity, this lovely coalescence of liberty, will leave us the advantages of being sacrificed to their interests, or of purchasing their protection upon the most humiliating and burdensome conditions, and at the same time of being reduced to the condition of glorying in our disgrace, and hailing the instrument of our calamity as the weapon of our deliverance. I wish that the situation of affairs in America may be such as shall afford a full demonstration that these are ideas merely visionary; and above all I wish that we may never have occasion for any political connections in Europe. The alarming prospects of Famine, which threaten every part of this Hemisphere may perhaps contribute more than any other circumstance to a general pacification, which if it should be effected will in truth be nothing more than a suspension of arms.
The internal state of France is critical and will probably experience a considerable change in the course of the present year. It is impossible however to anticipate at this distance what turn it will take. They are weary of their revolutionary Government and universally convinced that the Constitution which has been accepted can never be carried into execution in its present state. As they do not yet venture to lay it entirely aside, they have contrived to propose a supplementary addition under the name of organic Laws. A Committee of eleven members has been chosen by the Convention to prepare them, and the result of their labours will soon be presented to the assembly. The weakness of their present Government is the principal subject of complaint at this time, and the principles of moderation are found incompetent to repress the movements of popular indignation and revenge. The execution of sixteen persons formerly composing part of the Revolutionary tribunal under the government of Robespierre has recently taken place at Paris with the sanction of legal forms, but at Lyons the impatience of the people has anticipated the decision of Justice, and on the 4th: of this month the sanctuary of the prisons was again violated, and sixty or seventy persons were sacrificed by the people as an atonement for the cruelties of which they had been heretofore the principal agents.
I am in all duty and affection, your Son

John Q. Adams.


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Jefferson, 27 May 1795
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Monticello May 27. 1795

I inclose you a letter from our friend D’Ivernois according to his request expressed in it. our geographical distance is insensible still to foreigners as they consider America of the size of a garden of which Massachusetts is one square & Virginia another.  I know not what may have been your sentiments or measures respecting the transplantation of the science of Geneva to this country. if not more successful than mine, the mission of their commissaries  will make a bad matter worse. in our state we are already too  wise to want instruction either foreign or domestic, and the worst circumstance is that the more ignorant we become the less value we set on science, & the less inclination we shall have to seek it.—.  we have had a hard winter & backward spring.  this injured our wheat so much that it cannot be made a good crop.  by all the showers of heaven which are now falling down on us exactly as we want them. our first cutting of clover is not yet begun. strawberries not ripe till within this fortnight, and every thing backward in proportion.  what with my farming & my nail manufactory I have my hands full.  I am on horseback half the day, & counting & measuring nails the other half. I am trying potatoes on a large scale as a substitute for Indian corn for feeding animals.  this is new in this country but in this culture we cannot rival you. Present my sincere respects to mrs Adams and accept assurances of the respect & attachment of Dear Sir / Your most obedt. / & most humble servt.
Th: Jefferson


Title: To John Adams from Pierce Butler, 24 June 1795
From: Butler, Pierce
To: Adams, John

Wednesday the 24th. of June 1795

Mr. Butler returns His thanks to the V President for His Defence of the American Constitutions—Mr. B. had by him the 2d. and 3d. Vols., but in the too frequent moving, had lost the 1st. He wished to have the Whole Complete, to form a Valuable part of His Library; and to put into the hand of His Son


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Huntington, 13 July 1795
From: Huntington, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

Sir
Norwich July 13th 1795

At the Request of Capt Ledlie of Hartford who will Wait on you with this I have preferred to trouble your Excellency with a Line in his Favour as he thinks your Advice in a business he has on hand will be Important.
Capt Hugh Ledlie is a Gentleman who formerly was much Engaged in Mercantile Concerns in this State & by his Industry Economy and punctuality Punctuality in Business obtained a large Property and formed good Connections in business and an Intensive Acquaintance with many Gentlemen of Rank and Reputation in this and the Neighbouring States & among other Transactions he unfortunately bcame Concerned with General Lyman and others in a Grant of Lands on the East Bank of the Missisippi about Soon after the Close of the last French War in which he had served some Years with Reputation as a Captain in the Provincial Service. By some means the Grant Obtained by General Lyman never was Settled among the Aventurers before the Death of that Gentleman—Capt Ledlie will lay the Business before you with his Papers and wishes for Advice in his Claim, what steps can be taken to Obtain his Just Right and whether it can Probably be obtained or not—
I am with Great Respect and Regard / your Excellencys most humle Servt

Benj Huntington


Title: To John Adams from John Sinclair, 18 July 1795
From: Sinclair, John
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir.
Whitehall 18th. July 1795.

I take the Liberty of inclosing the Plan of an Agreement which I am anxious should be entered into by the powers of Europe and the United States of America for the purpose of rewarding those who make any discovery of General benefit to Society.
Having endeavoured in the inclosed Paper to delineate the Nature and importance of Such a measure, it is unnecessary for me to trouble you with attempting to enter into any further detail. I cannot however hesitate to express my hopes that Such a measure will be acceptable to those who wish well to the Interests of Humanity, & cannot fail therefore of meeting with your approbation
Being extremely desirous That it Should be taken up by the united States of America, I hope that you will recommend it to your government as a measure in the Succiss of which America is deeply interested.
with great regard / I have the Honor to be / Dear Sir / your most obedient / humble Servant.
John Sinclair
PS. I have also Sent you the outlines of our 15th. chapter of the intended General Report of the Board of Agriculture which relates to that important Branch of Husbandry Manures as it is but a sketch I shall be greatly obliged by your communications and remarks on this very interesting subject.—


Title: To John Adams from Jeremy Belknap, 24 July 1795
From: Belknap, Jeremy
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Boston July 24. 1795

The enclosed was left with me by Mr Ledlie to be sent to you, He did not receive it till after he had made his visit to you.
I have recd another letter from Mr Tucker of Williamsburg stating the difficulties attending the emancipation of the blacks in Virginia and requesting my advice—The letter is now not in my hands or I would enclose it, When I get it again I will send it to you & shall be happy to receive a line from you on the subject.
With great Respect I am Dr Sir / Yr most obedt servt.

Jeremy Belknap


Title: To John Adams from François D’Ivernois, 29 July 1795
From: D’Ivernois, François
To: Adams, John

					Monsieur
					Kensington ce 29 Juillet 1795

				Ce n’est que tres dernierement que j’ai reçu la lettre que vous m’avez fait l’honneur de m’adresser le 26 May; & quoique votre long silence m’eut préparé à son contenu, vous m’auriez cependant tiré de bien des anxiétés si vous aviez pu me l’adresser plutot. Je me suis empressé de la communiquer en Suisse, où j’espere quelle arrivera à tems pour arréter le départ de nos agens qui me paraissent moins préparés que moi à un contretems pareil, & qui ne doutaient point que l’Amérique n’accœuillit mes propositions, surtout depuis que la Compagnie que j’avais proposée, & à la formation de la quelle ils travaillaient, avait fait disparaitre la difficulté d’obtenir chez vous des avances pécuniaires pour y fonder notre Université. Je déplore bien amerement Monsieur, que les circonstances n’ayant point pu permettre à l’Amérique de séconder une si noble entreprise dans le succès de la quelle j’avais mis toutes mes affections, & dont je ne puis m’empécher de croire qu’elle aurait recœuilli des fruits prompts & durables. Puisque cette derniere planche que nous avions espérée dans le naufrage de notre liberté nous échappe; il n’est que trop évident que le sort de mes malheureux compatriotes les lie indissolublement à Geneve toute souillée qu’elle a été. Je vous envoye un nouvel ouvrage que je viens de publier sur ce triste sujet, & qui, comme vous le verrez aisement Monsieur, est destiné à élever un premier cri de résurection pour elle. J’en joins un autre que j’ai publié ici il y a quelques semaines, & où vous verrez mon opinion sur l’Amérique & sur les hommes qui la gouvernent. Puissent-ils pour son bonheur, etre longtems placés à la tête de son administration, & la faire échapper à la tourmente des passions qui déchirent l’Europe?Je suis avec respect / Monsieur / Votre tres humble / & tres obéissant serviteur

					F d’Ivernois


Title: To John Adams from Jeremy Belknap, 31 July 1795
From: Belknap, Jeremy
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Boston July 31 1795

Enclosed is the Letter of Mr Tucker which I mentioned to you the other day.  The good sense & humanity of the writer make a very agreeable impression on my mind but the case appears extremely embarrassed—It is probable that you have resolved it in your mind, & I wish you would impart to me such tho’ts as may occur, for as the Gentleman has condescended to ask my opinion & advice I wish to avail myself of every advantage in forming an opinion on the subject.
I am Sir with great Esteem & Respect / Yr. obliged & obedt servt.

Jeremy Belknap


Title: From John Adams to George Washington, 10 August 1795
From: Adams, John
To: Washington, George

Dear Sir
Quincy August 10th. 1795

The inclosed Letters No. 6. 7. 8 and 9, especially the last, contain Information of so much Importance that, although they are written in great confidential Freedom from a Son to a Father, I think it my Duty to transmit them to you.
I beg the favour of having them returned to me at your Leisure by the Post.
The unnatural Effervescence against the Treaty which broke out in Boston has made little progress in the Country and is fast evaporating.  What Efforts may be made in the Southern States, We are not yet informed. But as The Faith and Honour both of the President and Senate are clearly pledged, what but a total overthrow both of the constitution and Administration can be aimed at, by the opposition I cannot conceive. With great Respect / and a Strong attachment I have the / Honour to be, Dear Sir your Friend and / Servant

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from George Washington, 20 August 1795
From: Washington, George
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir,
Philadelphia 20th. Augt 1795

I have received your favor of the 10th. inst. with its enclosures.—They contain a great deal of interesting matter;—and No. 9 discloses much important information, and political foresight.—For the proof of your kindness, and confidence, I pray you to accept my best, & most cordial thanks.—
Mr. J. Adams, your son, must not think of retiring from the walk he is now in:—his prospects, if he continues in it, are fair:—and I shall be much mistaken if, in as short a period as can well be expected, he is not found at the head of the Diplomatique Corps;—let the government be administered by whomsoever the people may chuse.—
The embarrassment into which he was thrown, by the unforeseen events which so soon took place in Holland, after he had received his first instructions, & had arrived in that country, have long since been removed; and he can be at no loss now, as to the course he is to pursue.—
Long before this letter can have reached you, my answer to the Boston Resolutions will, I presume, have made its appearance in the Gazettes of that place, notwithstanding the delays it met with in getting thither–first, from a mistake of the Postmaster in Alexandria; who, mixing it with the dispatches which were addressed to me returned it by the messenger who carried my letters to his office—this necessarily detained it three days;—and the immense falls of rain, and destruction of bridges which followed, prevented all travelling for at least three days more.
Whether it was from the spark which kindled the fire in Boston, that the flames have spread so extensively;—or whether the torch, by a pre-concerted plan was lit, ready for the explosion in all parts, so soon as the advice to ratify the treaty should be announced, remains to be developed, but as the ratification thereof, agreeably to the advice of the Senate, has passed from me, these meetings in opposition to the constituted authority, are as useless, as they are at all times improper and dangerous.—
My best respects to Mrs. Adams and with sincere regard and friendship / I am, Dear Sir / Your affecte. Hble Servt

Go: Washington


Title: To John Adams from Isaac Lothrop, 22 August 1795
From: Lothrop, Isaac
To: Adams, John

Sir
Plymouth Augt. 22d. 1795

This will be delivered you by John Davis Esqr. who is honored with the appointments of Comptroler of the treasury under the federal Government, is now on his way to Phila. in order to enter on the duties of that office & wishes to pay his respects to you Sir, and as it appears to me right & proper he should so do, I have thus taken the Liberty to recommend him to your kind notice.—mr Davis is a Gentleman bred to the Law, in much esteem with all good men, where he is known, and I doubt not (upon a more intimate acquaintance) you will find him well deserving of it, and shall be made exceeding happy for whatever civilities you may be pleased to shew him
You will be pleased to make my most respectful compliments acceptable to your good Lady, whom I have a great desire to see, not having had that pleasure for many years—you will also accept my warmest wishes for your a continuance of your own happiness & that of all yours
with very great sincerity, and the most profound regard & esteem I have the Honr. to be / Your Honor’s / mo Obdt hble Servt
Isaac Lothrop


Title: To John Adams from John Quincy Adams, 27 August 1795
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, John

My dear Sir.
The Hague August 27. 1795.

The bearer of this Letter Mr: Montfort is a clergyman who being compelled to leave his Country, has for some time past found a refuge in this; but is at present obliged also to retire from hence. He has some expectation of going to America; and being unacquainted with the Language and altogether unknown there, he has requested some Letter that should bear testimony in his behalf. Without having had any further than a slight acquaintance with him; I can only say that as far as any thing I know or have heard of him, his conduct here has been irreproachable and his character respectable.
His misfortunes and his situation recommend him to the good offices of humanity. If you can serve him by making known to him any source of employment for which he is qualified, and that can afford means of subsistence, it will be a great benefit to him, and I believe an act of charity to an object deserving of it. Perhaps it would be more easy for some person of his own belief to assist him, and if you can recommend him to any Gentleman of that religion who may be able to serve him the purpose of benevolence will be answered.
I am with every sentiment of duty & affection / your Son.


Title: To John Adams from Stephen Higginson, 5 September 1795
From: Higginson, Stephen
To: Adams, John

Sir
Boston Sepr. 5: 1795

I mention’d to mr. Pickering, Secretary at War, the Letter from your Son, which I saw, & recommended his reading it with attention, as I thought the information it contained would be very useful to him in Judging of political questions &c which might fall in his way.  he writes me that he enquired for it & found it had been returned a few days before, & no copy of it was retained.  Mr. Woolcot & he are very desirous of seeing it, & I think it may be of great Service for them to see & to have it by them—it will explain & elucidate many things which they do not now well understand, & will corect some Ideas which they may now entertain.—
If you think so too & have no objection I will thank You to let me have the Letter to copy, leaving out the name & the place if you think best.  I wish indeed to have a copy to show to mr. Cabot mr. Gore mr Lowell & a few others, for it gives information which they can not elsewhere get, & exhibits a View of European politics & persuits that is new & instructive.—
With much respect I am Sir / Your very huml Serv

Stephen Higginson


Title: To John Adams from John Quincy Adams, 12 September 1795
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, John

N: 13.My Dear Sir.
The Hague September 12. 1795.

I received two days ago your letter from New-York of June 29. It gratified my highest ambition as it testifies the approbation of the President and the Secretaries, upon my conduct and correspondence, and my strongest affections as it informed me of the health of my dearest friends.
At the same time I received a letter from my brother Charles, and papers, with accounts of popular movements in opposition to the Treaty, which give me great anxiety. They were not indeed unexpected to me, because I have long since been satisfied that the most powerful engines of influence among us would be set at work upon this occasion. My letters from the month of May to this time, will give you my opinions and conjectures on the subject; they are corroborated by the accounts that we now receive from America, and they give me great solicitude, as they renew the danger of War, which I had hopes was blown over for the present. It is a danger so much the more formidable because I believe the intention is to draw the United States into it, merely to make tools of them; in order to procure advantageous terms for others who would leave us in the well, after using our weight to get themselves out of it. It would be a War in which we should have every thing to lose and nothing to gain; a war commenced against the will of almost the whole people, and which therefore under such a government as ours could not be carried on with success. The chain of consequences which present themselves to my mind as inevitable from such a source can afford but a wretched contemplation, and my greatest hopes of a more favourable futurity arise from the firmness and resolution of the Government.
The conduct of the British Government is so well adapted to the encrease our danger of War, that I cannot but suppose they are secretly inclined to produce it. An American cannot know without seeing Europe to witness the fact, with what pleasure and exultation all the partizans of Monarchy receive accounts of any popular commotions in America. The insurrection of the last Summer was a delicious feast for them, and they did not fail to make the most liberal use of it; they will undoubtedly do the same upon this occasion. They are all inimical to the Government of the United States, because it furnishes a constant example to those who maintain the superior excellence of a Republican system; they wish to see some proof of extravagance or folly in America which they can have the pleasure of attributing to the prevalence of republicanism, as they have done very successfully with respect to the frenzies of France.
As to the Treaty itself, the objection to the condition of the 12th: Article, appears to be well grounded; it was not in the plan, which was shewn to me when I was in London, and of which I wrote you from thence, and I should have been surprized had it been submitted to, on any account whatever. But in every other respect it still appears to me, as it did at that time, preferable to a War; I will even add at present that it is in my mind preferable to no agreement at all upon the principal subjects to which it refers.—But when people among us talk of Britain’s being at her last gasp, and of her being totally ruined if the United States should fall upon her, we can only but hope for the credit of the speaker that his assertion is only unfounded & the result of ignorance.
The force of Great Britain is so far from being exhausted, that her maritime power was never at any period so great as it is at present. Her naval superioty is every where so indisputably established, that in the mediterranean, on the ocean, in the channel or in the north sea, a french or a Dutch armed vessel can scarce venture out of an harbour without being intercepted. Scarce a week passes by without the coasts of this Country’s being insulted by her men of war, and in France there is not the smallest resistance attempted against the landing of Emigrant expeditions from England, although one considerable corps of them has been exterminated after their descent was effected. The french frigates which during the last Season, were very successful against the british Commerce, have all been taken or dare not keep the sea, and for several months past there has been scarce a single capture made by them, while all the ships of the Dutch East India Company, are falling into the hands of the British their enemies, the helpless victims of the maritime impotence opposed against the British power.
The state of their finances is equally far from being exhausted; and equally superior to those of France or of Holland. A loan of twenty-four millions sterling for the present year does not even diminish the price of their funds, a single farthing. They have kept up to the present time when the Season is almost past, and if twenty-four millions more should be called for in the course of three or four months, they will be found with the same facility.—This profusion will be ruinous and destructive in its consequences I believe; but for the present it gives them a mischievous strength with which it would not be safe to contend; and the only good American policy, is to keep as much as possible out of its reach; to remain aloof while the convulsive energy is operating, and to wait for the inevitable moment of subsequent weakness
The acting Government has likewise a power within the Country, which meets with no controul. The parliamentary opposition has scarcely gained a fraction since the beginning of the war, and although there is a party in London, and in some other commercial towns, restless and which may become formidable yet in general throughout the Country the popular voice is unequivocally favourable to the ministerial system.
On the other hand, I am very doubtful whether the french Government would be disposed to contract any engagements, which would bind them to a common cause with us. They would give us as many fair words as we could wish, but would stipulate nothing without a consideration more than adequate to it. But if they should even tempt us by the most unlimited obligations of inseparable participation, the present state of their affairs is such as can inspire but little confidence in the permanency of their cooperation. They continue still to be victorious by land, and they may perhaps make advantageous Treaties of Peace with all the powers with which they are still at War, except Britain. But their internal situation is as unsettled, the parties among them are as numerous as violent and as ready to extinguish one another in blood, as they have ever been. There is no confidence in the new Constitution by any of the parties, and the popular opinions, are so wide from the present system of Government, that the Convention appear to place all their dependence in the armies; the intention to employ them to the purpose of containing the people is attributed to the Convention, and has indeed been in some measure acknowledged by some of the governing members. The tendency of their politics is towards a military Government, but it will certainly not be firmly established without numerous struggles, and violent convulsions. The policy of pursued by all the European powers with whom they are now at Peace is to live with them in a simple state of Peace, but to form with them no engagements the validity of which would depend upon the permanency of the present order of things. Their future prospects exhibit a mere chaos of uncertainty; and it is not possible to form a rational opinion whether they will settle into any quiet and peaceable course of Government, or whether they will continue to float alternately between anarchy and despotism as the breath of their successive factions shall impel them. One thing alone is indubitable; it is, that their present state will not be permanent. The only safe connection that can exist with them is that which would not be liable to follow the fate of their internal Revolutions.
I enclose herewith a copy of their Constitution as it has been agreed to by the Convention, and is now before the people and the armies for acceptance. It is presumed it will be adopted. You will observe that it has exploded many of the doctrines which but two or three years since were articles of political faith, that were not even susceptible of discussion. The sacred duty of Insurrection has disappeared; the popular societies are constitutionally annihilated; the legislature is divided. The executive is invested with pomp and splendor and power, and even the heresy of checks and balances is very near becoming an article of orthodox creed. The Constitution is indeed not so absurd as the two former, but it will meet with the same fate.—In America, the great difficulty is to unite the people in the acceptance of a Constitution; but when once accepted it has at least some force and operation. In France nothing is easier than to procure the adoption of a Constitution, but this adoption is the only effect it produces.
The present Convention however in establishing this Constitution intend to continue themselves in possession of the legislative power; and the primary assemblies are commanded to choose two thirds of the members into the first legislature. This decree is said to be extremely unpopular: not so much because it is violating every constitutional principle, by the first act with which the Constitution is to commence, as because there are said not to be two thirds, nor a tenth part of that number, among the members of the Convention who possess any of the confidence of the people. It is scarcely possible indeed to conceive how unpopular the Assembly is with all parties, and the most conspicuous members at this time, are not more exempt from the public censure than the rest.
Their arms have not ceased to be victorious however, and within these few days they have effected the passage of the Rhine which has long been expected, and taken Dusseldorf. They have also recently concluded and ratified a Treaty of Peace with the Landgrave of Hesse-Cassel.
The State of Affairs in this Country is equally unsettled, and depends entirely upon the nature of the changes that may take place in France. The great object of solicitude here is the formation of a National Convention; as this measure would by the simple fact dissolve the federal union of their old Constitution, it meets with great opposition among in some of the Provinces. The parties have grown warm and by mutual irritation will soon kindle into factions. In this Province the antifederal party is almost unanimous, and the word of federalist is rendered as odious as it has been in France, or as the opposite word has been in America.
The present Government which has from necessity connected its fate with the success of the french, lives in constant terror of Prussia on the one side and of Britain on the other. They are doomed to see their lot ascertained by the progress of events in which they have no participation, and to expect in helpless imbecility the issue which shall proscribe them as culprits, or fix them in their seats as the rulers of the Land. The hundred millions of florins they are paying to France, absorbs all the supplies derived from the extreme resources to which they have already recurred. They have made what they call a junction of their naval forces; that is of the squadrons of the Texel and of Zeeland: their newspapers say that the whole number of their armament thus united amounted to upwards of twenty vessels great and small; but I have been assured that most of them were mere hulks that could scarcely keep above water, and they have long since taken refuge in the Texel from the danger of an English fleet, which now cruises on the coast, and is frequently seen from the shore at Scheveling.
A Minister Plenipotentiary from the french Republic has arrived here a few days since. We have hitherto visited only by cards, in the style of etiquette still preserved in their diplomacy, so that I have not seen him. The corps diplomatique here is already very much reduced. The Minister from Denmark is already gone; those of Portugal and Sweden will soon follow: they go upon various pretexts; but the real motive in all probability is to avoid the necessity of acknowledging the Convention that is impending. I shall then be the only accredited Minister remaining; but I have my instructions, and shall therefore be at ease.
They have determined here to recall Mr: Van Berkel, who is to be directed to take leave in the most friendly manner, with giving the express assurance that his recall is owing solely to the intention of their High Mightinesses to send another person in his stead. That other person is a Mr: Van Polanen, a Zeeland Patriot, who is already in America, having some years ago, found a refuge there from public oppression and private misfortune. I have seen his Lady here; who is much esteemed; he is also as well spoken of as the virulence of parties will admit.
Mr: Van Berkel’s recall I understand is owing to his having dismissed or suspended a Dutch consul, for rejoycing at the emancipation of this Country. At least that is the reason given. But they have in general recalled all their ministers who were attached to the former Government.
Mr: Van Lynden who was Ambassador at London is now appointed to the Court of Denmark.
Mr: Dumas has finally obtained from the States General a resolution for erasing from their registers that which was formerly pass’d containing a censure upon him; and the present resolution bears honourable testimony to his patriotism and his irreproachable conduct. He intends to send you this vindication of his integrity, himself. He is now ready to say his nunc dimittis.
I remain, with invariable affection and gratitude, Dear Sir / Your Son

John Q. Adams


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Lincoln, 14 September 1795
From: Lincoln, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

My Dear sir
Hingham Sept 14th 1795

I return your letters with my most cordial thanks for the sight of them—In the perusal I have been highly gratified and informed and have been confirmed in the idea that if our Jacobins intend to sap the foundation of our present constitution and thereby bring on a serious contest now is the momint for them to attempt their mad pursuit while the powers of Europe have full employ at home and our Citizens are enjoying unimpaired   the fruits & blessings of their own government &c—
A few friends will dine with me tomorrow a two oClock. Mrs. Lincoln joins me in respectful regards and in the request that you and Mrs. Adams would honour us with your company
Believe me my dear sir /  all that towards you /  which the highest /  esteem can generate /  and confidence /  preserve

B. Lincoln


Title: From John Adams to Oliver Wolcott, Jr., 16 September 1795
From: Adams, John
To: Wolcott, Oliver, Jr.

Dear Sir
Quincy September 16. 1795

Inclosed is a Letter and Power to Mr Jones who did me the favour last year at the request of my Son to receive for me a Quarters Salary, which I beg the favour of you to deliver him and at the same time to give him a Warrant, that he may remit the Money to me by a Post Note.
The Treaty opperates in Boston like the Hogsheads of Lime which I am putting under Earth and Weeds and Mud and Straw to make manure. It occasions some Smoke and some Dust and some hissing, but will end in reducing all to one rich mould I hope.
I am Dear Sir with great / Esteem and Affection yr Friend & / humble Servant
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Samuel Allyne Otis, 7 October 1795
From: Otis, Samuel Allyne
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Boston Octr 7th 1795

In answer to your favour of yesterday, when I hinted at keeping bachelors-hall together I contemplated leaving my family in Boston this winter, but under all circumstances, find it will be  expensive to carry them back to our old habitation; re, the pleasure I have had in your company, & a sincere wish to render your situation agreeable, are strong inducements to your accommodation, but for the late addition to my family, & the insuperable difficulty of obtaining tollerable attendants. I shall however take the earliest opportunity of communicating your wishes to Mr Frances, and every one in my power, of rendering you a gratification.
Mrs. Otis joins me in respects to your good lady, & a promise of personally presenting them, prior to our departure, which will probably be in a week or ten days.
I have the honor to be / Sir / Your most humble Sert
Sam A. Otis


Title: To John Adams from John Hinckley Mitchell, 13 October 1795
From: Mitchell, John Hinckley
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Charleston 13 October 1795

The great politeness and many Civilities I Received from you in London, during your Embassy there, has induced me to take the liberty of addressing this Letter to you—Requesting your Countenance and Support to Succeed Mr. William Henry Dessauisure in the direction of the Mint of the United States—who I understand either has or is about to resign.
In the year 1790, I made some proposals for Supplying the United States with a Copper coinage—which were thought inadmissible as the work was to be carried on in a Foreign Country—In May 1791. when the President was in Charleston I applied to him personally, to be employed in the Direction of the Mint—who informed he had referred the whole business to Mr. Jefferson the then Secretary of State—and my application to him was too late, and Mr. Rittenhouse was appointed before he received my Communications—Should I be Successful in this application I can in a very short time furnish a Machine on an entire new Construction, worked by fire and much more regularly than can be done by hand, which Strikes both faces of the Coin, with the letters on the Edge at the Same blow—and which works with great expedition, and will save the United States a great expence it being worked with only 2 or 3 hands—
In fine I can Venture to Affirm that the Coin will be Superior to any yet issued by any Country—
You will Confer a very great obligation on me—if you will be so good as to Second this my application, and shoud it be necessary will immediately Set out for Philadelphia—I shall be extremely obliged if you will honor me with your Sentiments on this Subject—and hope you’ll excuse the liberty I have taken in addressing this Letter to you—With my most Respectful compliments to Mrs: Adams / I Remain Your much obliged Huml Servt.

John H Mitchell


Title: To John Adams from Jeremy Belknap, 17 October 1795
From: Belknap, Jeremy
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Boston Oct 17 1795

The pamphlet enclosed with this was left with me for you by one of the owners of the McClary.
I will be obliged by your returning Judge Tucker’s Letter respecting the slavery in Virginia, of which I have no Copy.
I am Sir with great Respect / yr very hble servt

Jere Belknap


Title: From John Adams to Jeremy Belknap, 22 October 1795
From: Adams, John
To: Belknap, Jeremy

Dear Sir
Quincy October 22. 1795

Inclosed is the Letter of Dr Tucker.—If I should agree with him in his Maxim Fiat Justitia ruat Cœlum the question would still remain what is Justice. Justice to the Negroes would require that they should not be abandoned by their Masters and turned loose upon a World in which they have no Capacity to procure even a Subsistance. What would become of the old? the young? the infirm? Justice to the World too would forbid that such Numbers should be turn’d out to live by Violence or Theft or fraud.
I believe no better Expedient will be found than to prohibit the Importation of new Negroes, and Soften the Severity of the Condition of old ones, as much as possible, untill the increasing Population of the Country shall have multiplied the whites to such a Superiority of Numbers, that the Blacks may be liberated by Degrees, with the Consent both of Master and Servant
your Sincere
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Henry Knox, 12 November 1795
From: Knox, Henry
To: Adams, John

sir
Boston 12th Novr 1795.

This letter will be delivered to you by Capt. Roberts of New-Hampshire. He is a Candidate for the vacancy in the Navy occasioned by the death of Capt. Barry Every information respecting the Gentlemen indicates his entire suitableness for the Office he requests.  Upon this ground I have the honor of introducing him to your acquaintance with the assurance that you will be pleased to give that Countenance to his claim which your own judgement may dictate, and his merits, may deserve
I have the honor to be / sir with perfect respect / Your Most Obedient Servt

H Knox


Title: To John Adams from John Quincy Adams, 17 November 1795
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, John

N. 15. I think.
My Dear Sir
London November 17. 1795.

After a detention of twenty days at Helvoetsluys, and a pleasant passage of twenty four hours from thence to Margate I arrived here on the morning of the 11th: instt: The state of the business on which I came, will be known to you before the receipt of this Letter.
An English paper that I saw at Rotterdam on the day of my departure from the Hague gave me the first information of Mr: Randolph’s resignation. On my arrival here I found a story of its supposed occasion, for which I fear there is too much foundation though I think it must have received high aggravations from those who make little scruple of divulging it. At present I can only suspend my judgment upon the degree of misconduct chargeable on him, and still hope that he was never influenced by motives more criminal than those of a misguided party spirit. I shall reserve for a future letter some observations relative to the means of influence used by a foreign power in the United States and confine myself in this to such observations as have occurred to me on the state of affairs in those parts of Europe the most interesting to our Country.
The new french legislature assumed its functions on the 27th: of last month. No account of any very important transaction by them has yet reached this Country. The members of the Executive directory are Lareveillere Lepeau, Letourneur, Rewbell, Barras, and Carnot. The last was chosen to replace Sieyes who was in the first appointment by a small majority, and declined.
Carnot was a member of Robespierre’s Committee of public safety; and I think the only one remaining alive who has not been under arrest by order of the Convention; a fate which he very narrowly escaped not more than four months ago. He was then spared as was said on account of his military merit, as the design of the campaign which terminated in the conquest of the Netherlands is attributed to him.
The fluctuation of fortunes and reputations is equally remarkable in the choice of the other members, and even in the consideration of persons who were not chosen. Boissy d’Anglas, Cambaceres, Lanjuinais, Henry Lariviere, the demi-gods of the month of June, are out of the question. The reason is that they were not forward in support of the decrees of reelection, which produced the late convulsion; and the most recent services are the only ones remembered.
If the tone of the Directory can be anticipated by any consideration of the character of its members, it will not be remarkable for stability or harmony. The only man whose personal character can give him any pretensions to power, the only one whose conduct has a system for its basis, Sieyes, refused the seat that was offered him. It was a place he said which required that its holder should possess the general confidence, and no man could be more unfit for it, than him, against whom all the parties without exception since the beginning of the Revolution had pointed as a mark.
Did Sieyes imagine that any other man in France, possessed the general confidence, or ever could possess it more than three months together?—No; for independent of his experience, it is not understanding or sagacity that are his deficiencies. Could he be serious when he represented himself as having been the special mark of all the successive factions?—he?—Sieyes?—the only man of note whom every successive faction has spared. The only man extant, who from the day when the first Constituent Assembly met to the present, has been openly or unseen concerned in the most important affairs. The man whose mere existence at this day, is a standing miracle, and amounts to proof that there are no universalities in nature, and that every thing has an exception? No. No. he certainly knew better.
But he was determined to refuse, and some reason he must give. This was a very good one to profess; it contained an eulogium of himself without offending others. It had a natural tendency to increase his influence with those who believed his assertion, if any such there were, and as to those who did not believe him, it may be supposed they were very indifferent whether he spoke the truth or not.
From my arresting your attention so long, and repeatedly upon the motions of this one Man, I hope you will not think I give him an importance that he does not deserve. To speak my mind freely, I consider him as the main spring of the french external policy. I believe further that his policy as respects the United States, is of a tendency as pernicious to them, as if it had been invented in the councils of the Prince of Darkness.
In the present instance he avoids a station of show, as he has always uniformly done; he remains in the Council of five hundred, and will be satisfied with having the great portion of Executive management really in his hands. He is so much of a metaphysician that he values the substance more than the appearance of power, and he secures to himself the advantage of protection from the most imminent hazards that may attend new Revolutions.
The new Legislature did not assemble under the fairest auspices that could be wished. A civil war in the heart of Paris, but a few days before stifled in blood, a paper currency depreciated to the lowest extreme of sufferance; an expence of more than an hundred daily millions to support, and defeat, a word of which they had almost lost the use attending their armies. Internal discord can scarcely be mentioned as one of their distresses, because it has become their ordinary state, and its evils have lost their horror in their frequency, but dissension with their new allies, may be added to the list of the embarassments under which they have yet the courage to retain a compulsive hold of the public helm.
The armies of Sambre and Meuse and of Rhine and Moselle, commenced the campaign, by a splendid passage of the Rhine; the Austrians retreated before them, until they had drawn them out into great dispersion, by the extent of territory they abandoned to them. Raised to the highest pitch of imprudence the security which fifteen months of victory had inspired, and finally fell upon them with such a concentered impetuosity, that it may be doubted whether the Rhine itself will again suffice them for a frontier.
The alliance with the Dutch Republic was a Treaty between the Lion and the Lamb; they dictated its terms; they made the conditions as burdensome to their friends and as profitable to themselves, as was within the sphere of possibility; they have been rigorous in exacting the payment of the stipulated tribute, even beyond the force of the compact, and they still openly complain that the Hollanders do not fulfill their engagements.
With all this, the patriotic administration in the Netherlands, still celebrate as of course the first year of Batavian Liberty. They are however at length seriously alarmed. They expect an attack from a corps under the hereditary prince of Orange; they are afraid of Prussia, afraid of England; afraid of their own people, and complain that even their supplications to France for help, do not meet with proper success. Just before I came away the Provincial Assembly of Holland had resolved upon several measures as energetic, as they ventured to adopt, in order to call forth the force of the Country in their own defence. All this is well enough for those who are now in place; but that Republic, politically speaking, is to use the french phraseology, essentially an obedient, not a deliberative body. Their necessary character is merely passive.
The prospects of France and of Holland appear under an aspect so gloomy, that if considered only in that point of view, they might be expected soon to be at the mercy of their enemies, and the high church politicians of Europe, do not cease to hope that it will very shortly prove so; that the french revolution will close with as much violence and rapidity as it commenced, and that the visionary vapours of Republicanism will vanish without leaving a particle behind them to obscure the glowing meridian of Royalty.
If I fully participated in the opinion of this probability, it would be a subject of real anxiety to my mind. I know too well the real disposition of the anti-republicans of Europe, towards the United States to wish them a complete eventual triumph in their present contest. Their principles are as hostile to our interests as the policy of their antagonists. An American who has nothing but the real welfare of his Country at Heart can only say to them "a curse plague on both your Houses."
But in observing the situation of this Country there are many other circumstances that enter into the consideration of the probable event. The democratic principles in their wildest extreme, are widely diffused among the people. The war between the different orders of Society exists in the heart of every individual, and it is the more inveterate because it is still compressed.—The last Harvest has been indifferent, and before the revolution of the Season, a great scarcity of provisions, if not a real famine is considered as inevitable. The uneasiness and discontent which has been produced by the War has naturally mingled with the revolutionary principles and designs; but hitherto an occasion had been wanting to connect them closely with the pursuits of the opposition leaders. That occasion seems to be now furnished, and it gives a consistency to the party adverse to the Government, that is really formidable.
Since the acquittal of the persons who were tried about a twelve-month since for high treason, the revolutionary partizans have renewed their efforts with a vigour and industry animated by that event. Petitions for Peace have been made the occasion of frequent popular meetings, and the system of degrading the Government in the public opinion has been followed, with considerable ability and success. The king was insulted in a manner hitherto without example on the first day of the present Session of Parliament: the Ministers were alarmed, and have introduced two bills the one for the security of the royal person, and the other for preventing seditious meetings and assemblies. These measures tend so materially to abridge the right of political discussion, that the leaders of Opposition have thought they would furnish the means of exciting a flame throughout the kingdom. The parliamentary minority against the bills, as far as yet appears is extremely feeble. In the Lords it does not amount to ten, and in the Commons barely exceeds forty. But the popular opinion in the capital especially seems strongly decided against the bills, and yesterday a meeting of the inhabitants of Westminster was held, and a petition against the bills was agreed to. The meeting was held in the open air before Westminster Hall, and I had an opportunity of observing a specimen of English Democracy. The number of people assembled, is said by one party to have amounted to fifty or sixty thousand and by the other to have been less than four thousand. The difference discovers what opposite effects a party spirit produces in opinions. My own judgment before I heard the statement on either side was that there might be about ten thousand.
The Duke of Bedford, Fox, Sheridan and Grey harangued the People, amid their continual acclamations. I could not hear a syllable of what they said, and many of the loudest applauders, were in the same predicament. The approbation which was intended for the general object, must have been transferred upon trust to the particular sentiments that were uttered.
Similar petitions will be obtained from other parts of the Country. The effects of the measures upon the feelings of the People at any distance from the metropolis cannot yet be known; they will probably not be so favourable to the opposition as in the Capital, nor be sufficient to divert the Ministers from their purpose.
The opposition in Parliament have gone so far as to say that the bills are violations of the fundamental privileges of the Nation, and to express their hopes that if they should pass into Laws, the People will resist their execution. From various circumstances it appears not improbable that this will be attempted; that an appeal to the military force of the Government will become necessary, and it has been hinted to me that the dependence upon the disposition of the troops is precarious.
It was an appeal to the military, which was imprudently made in France that first betrayed the weakness of that Government and produced the Revolution. With so recent an example before their eyes it can scarcely be supposed that the Ministry here will venture upon recurring to that resource without being fully convinced that the urgency is great, and without taking all the measures in their power at least to render it effectual. The experiment alone will be a strong proof of extremity in the times, and among the friends of the Government there are some who do not disguise the opinion that there is something of desperation in the measures that are adopted, and which they say will inflexibly be pursued.
All the branches of the Government are firm, united, and determined. Yet it is undeniable that their situation is violent: the only danger to which they are exposed is a popular convulsion in the capital; but when it is considered to what a head the disaffection here has progressed, and what the further effect of a probable distressing scarcity may be, it is impossible to say that their strength will hold out until the resources of their external enemies shall be entirely exhausted so as to leave them altogether at their discretion.
This view of European affairs is given with as much accuracy and impartiality, as my own judgment can warrant, and I must confess that it coincides with the opinions of scarcely any one person with whom I have occasion to converse. The hopes and expectations of one party, designated above by the denomination of high church politicians, have already been mentioned. On the other hand if the opposite partizans were to be believed, the final and unqualified triumph of the french Republic over all her enemies must be at hand, and a total Revolution of Government in this Country would be infallible before the close of the year. Believing these opinions on both sides to be widely distant from the truth, I cannot but observe with pain that the latter is too generally shared by those of my Countrymen, with whom I meet. Their accounts to their friends in America must differ essentially from mine, and time alone will discover whether their statements will be justified by the course of Events.
The speech of the british king, at the opening of Parliament indicates the determination to continue the War. Should the french armies be compelled to recross the Rhine entirely, it is probable that the Emperor will not listen to any terms of Peace that France can at this time be expected to propose; and as soon as it shall appear what resource the french Government can substitute instead of the Assignats, which must soon totally fail an opinion may be formed whether more than a single campaign is still to be anticipated.
The Austrian Netherlands by one of the last decrees of the Convention were annexed to the french Republic. There is not the smallest probability that the Emperor will submit to such a condition for a Peace, and it is unquestionable that the general disposition of the People in those Provinces is altogether adverse to such an union. The restoration of Corsica, an indemnity of four millions sterling, and a stipulation to limit the naval force of this island, are mentioned as the terms upon which the french government have declared their disposition to conclude a Peace with Britain. They know little of the dispositions of any party in this Country, if they seriously think of demanding the last or even the second of these points. Two Commissioners came over some time since, whose ostensible object was an exchange of prisoners. One of them is yet here: the other is said to have returned to Paris for further instructions. It is questionable however whether their mission extended to the power of negotiating for Peace.
I remain as usual, with the most grateful affection, your Son.
John Q. Adams.


Title: To John Adams from John Quincy Adams, 29 November 1795
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, John

My Dear Sir.
London 29. November 1795.

I have entered upon my business, and have many things to say to you, but find myself at present, pressed for want of time.
The newspapers to this date are enclosed. By the next opportunity I hope to write you largely, and I wish it may then be in my power to give you an opinion more favourable, of the dispositions entertained here towards the United States than my present expectations will warrant.
Your affectionate Son
John Q. Adams.


Title: From John Adams to François D’Ivernois, 11 December 1795
From: Adams, John
To: D’Ivernois, François

Sir
Philadelphia Decr 11. 1795

I have recd your kind Letter of the 29th. of July, and have presented the two Pamphlets to the President as you desired. Accept of my best Thanks for those you were so good as to inclose for me. I have read nothing for a long time with so much pleasure as the Refexions sur la Guerre. It seemed to me like the returning dawn of Reason among Mankind. While I am flattered with the Compliment you are pleased to bestow upon me, I am not at all obliged to you for applying to me the Epithet “Apostate Republican.” I am no Apostate. I never was a Republican in any other sense of the Word, than is explained in my “Defence.” on the contrary I always differd in Congress from Franklin, and his Superficial Disciples, as early as 1775 and 1776, concerning the best form of a Republic, and always openly Advocated, both in Writing and in Congress and in our State Congress and Conventions, a Sovereignty in three integral Branches, particularly in the Convention of the Massachusetts, which in 1779 framed the Constitution of that State.
I have long been astonished, that such Writers as Paine and a thousand others have been suffered to rave about Representative Government, without being called upon to shew that Representative Government differs from Elective Government, and also to shew how the Peace Liberty & Safety of the People in a great Nation can be preserved in an Elective Sovereignty. Dans un grand Empire la Vacance de la premiere Place est un foyer toujours allumé de discordes, de contentions et de guerres civiles. And you might have Added in a Small Empire too.—In our little American Empire it is already a source of discords and divisions. The French device of five Directors, which they borrowed from De Mably will not answer their End. Among these Emulation will soon produce division, Division Contention, Contention Hatred, Hatred Rage and Rage Civil War. Emulations too will start up, between the great Leaders in the Council of Ancients and of 500, and the five Directors. These Emulations will instantly produce Envy & Jealousy, these opposition, Opposition Party Spirit, and a Party Spirit Sophistry, Chicanery, Intrigue Corruption Hatred Rage Civil War.—
The Executive Power, in the new Constitution is exactly like Daniel in the Den of Lions, or Shadrack & Co the Fiery Furnace, if they are not torn in Pieces or consumed in the Flames, they must be preserved from such destruction by a miraculous Interposition of divine Power. An hungry Wolf will not fly at an innocent Lamb, with more certainty than a Legislative Power at an Executive, provided the  latter has not a Veto with which to defend itself. I write thus freely to you in Confidence that no Use will be made of it, to my Disadvantage. I pretend not to the degree of Information necessary to form a general Judgment of French affairs: but there are certain Essentials in a free Government with which I am sure it cannot long endure.
I regret with you that America cannot avail herself of the Science and Literature of the Genevan University: but the compleat Impossibility of it is absolutely certain.
I am greatly obliged to you for the kind Communications you have made to me from time to time: But I am not able to make you suitable Returns. Comte Sarsefield once Said to me, Monsieur “Il ne vaut pas un sous d’etre votre Ami.” It was a great Truth. The Comforts of genuine Republicanism are everlasting Labour and fatigue. No time for Pleasure, little for study, less for Profit, and without even the convenient Accommodations of Life. All this, and a sacrifice of forty years out of  Sixty of my Life, I chearfully Submit to, and I wish rather than hope that my Country may find others to do the same after me.
I am sir with great Esteem your very / good friend and most humble sert

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to George Washington, 11 December 1795
From: Adams, John,United States Senate
To: Washington, George

Sir,
In Senate, December 11th: 1795

It is with peculiar satisfaction that we are informed by your Speech to the two Houses of Congress, that the long, and expensive war in which we have been engaged with the Indians North west of the Ohio, is in a situation to be finally terminated; and though we view with concern the danger of an interruption of the peace so recently confirmed with the Creeks, we indulge the hope, that the measures you have adopted to prevent the same, if followed by those Legislative provisions that justice and humanity equally demand, will succeed in laying the foundation of a lasting peace with the Indian tribes on the Southern as well as on the Western frontiers.
The confirmation of our treaty with Morocco, and the adjustment of a treaty of peace with Algiers, in consequence of which our fellow Citizens shall be delivered from slavery, are events that will prove no less interesting to the public humanity, than they will be important in extending and securing the navigation and commerce of our country.
As a just and equitable conclusion of our depending negotiation with Spain, will essentially advance the interest of both nations, and thereby cherish and confirm the good understanding and friendship, which we have at all times desired to maintain, it will afford us a real pleasure to receive an early confirmation of our expectations on this subject.
The interesting prospect of our affairs with regard to the foreign powers, between whom and the United States controversies have subsisted, is not more satisfactory, than the review of our internal situation: if from the former we derive an expectation of the extinguishment of all the causes of discord, that have heretofore endangered our tranquility, and on terms consistent with our national honor and safety, in the latter we discover those numerous, and wide spread tokens of  prosperity, which in so peculiar a manner distinguish our happy country.
Circumstances thus every way auspicious demand our gratitude, and sincere acknowledgements to Almighty God, and require that we should unite our efforts, in imitation of your enlightened, firm and persevering example, to establish and preserve,  the peace, freedom, and prosperity of our country.
The objects which you have recommended to the notice of the Legislature will in the course of the Session receive our careful attention, and with a pure zeal for the public welfare, we shall cheerfully cooperate in every measure that shall appear to us best calculated to promote the same.

John AdamsVice President of the United States and President of the Senate


Title: To John Adams from Charles William Frederic Dumas, 11 December 1795
From: Dumas, Charles William Frederic
To: Adams, John

					Monsieur
					La haie 11e. Xbr. 1795.

				Grace au Roi des Siecles (le seul que je revere & que j’aime, parce qu’il est le seul sage & le seul bon), ce qui a constamment fait ma consolation au milieu des persécutions, fait maintenant mon triomphe: les hauts & puissants ψευδόμενοι
qui ont voulu me honir & flétrir par leur résolution du 23e. 7br. 1788, sont flétris, par une autre du 14e. Août 1795; & je suis déclaré le μακάριος de l’Evangile, Matth. V, 11.—Quand vous aurez jeté les yeux  sur les papiers ci-joints, mon préambule n’aura pas besoin de Comentaire. Quoique je les aie envoyés au Département des Affaires étrangeres, j’ai cru devoir vous les comuniquer aussi directement, à cause de la Lettre que vous écrivit en 1787 le Greffier Fagel de la part de ses maîtres, de la réponse que vous y fites, & de la bonté que vous eutes alors de me faire parvenir copie de ces deux pieces, lesquelles, ainsi que leur propre résolution du 23 7br 1788, viennent de servir à les prostituer selon leurs mérites.—Je remets la présente à Mr. Votre fils Thomas, qui voudra bien vous la faire parvenir.—J’apprends que le Successeur de Mr. Jefferson a résigné. Il est le premier du Département qui n’ait pas daigné m’accuser la réception de mes Lettres, lesquelles je n’ai point discontinuées. J’espere que son Successeur se souviendra mieux de l’ancien serviteur des Etats-Unis en Europe depuis leur berceau. Veuillez faire agréer mes respects à Made. votre chere & digne Epouse, come aussi à Mr. Jn. Jay aujourd’hui Gouverneur de N. York.—Je ne vous parle pas de notre malheureuse Europe: toujours livrée au conflit de l’oligarchie & de l’anarchie, elle ne mérite assurément pas de servir de modele aux Américains. Ce qu’elle deviendra finalement, est encore un profond secret de la providence, que j’adore; la priant seulement de préserver les Etats-unis, sous les auspices d’une bonne éducation (la plus générale possible) de leur jeunesse, des maux causés depuis tant de siecles à l’ancien continent par des corps de prêtres imposteurs, de militaires brutaux, & de prétendus nobles.—Je suis avec grand respect, Monsieur, Votre très-humble, & / obéissant serviteur

					Cwf Dumas