Title: To George Washington from Edmund Randolph, 24 July 1795
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Washington, George

            (Private)
            Philadelphia July 24. 1795.9 o’clock A.M.
            Sir

          You will see in Bache’s paper of this morning names upon the committee for preparing the address to you, of a very respectable kind. Whether they were present at the meeting, and whether they will act, I cannot yet learn. Mr McKean is understood, however, to be acrimonious against the treaty beyond measure.
          I hinted in a past letter, that there was something mysterious in one part of the business. What I allude to is; that the advice, given to you from New-York, as to the witholding of a ratification, until the order for seizing provisions, was rescinded, does

not appear to have been circulated among the particular friends of the gentleman, from whom the advice came—Permit me, sir, to suggest the propriety of knowing, how far the same views have been taken by others. I have the honor to be sir with the most respectful and affectionate attachment yr mo. ob. serv.

            Edm: Randolph.


Title: To George Washington from Edmund Randolph, 24 July 1795
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Washington, George

            Sir
            Department of State July 24. 1795.

          After a very mature consideration, we are unanimously of opinion, that an answer be returned to the papers, inclosed in the letter, which you honored me with from Baltimore on the 18th instant. At first, the sentiments contained in the sketch (No. 1.) seemed to prevail wi⟨th⟩ a majority. But the prospect of more and more popular meetings has converted us all to the idea, that an answer may be framed, as a text, around which temperate men may rally. Mr Wolcott and Colo. Pickering have both made draughts; and each is well done upon the principle, on which each proceeds. But we have thought that a mixture of the two would be preferable. This morning we shall sit again upon the composition; and I shall forward it so as at least to overtake the stage at Baltimore.
          I have the honor of forwarding the memorial (No. 2). and

the rough of a ratification (⟨No. 3⟩). They indicate the sentiment only; and it is not my wish, ⟨even⟩ after you shall have perused them once, to put them out of my hands, until you shall have seen them a second time in the final dress, which I shall give them. The instructions will be transmitted, as soon as the meeting of Philadelphia on the morrow shall have exhibited a very laboured address to you, which, I am told, will contain every thing, which can be objected to the treaty.
          Nothing has transpired from Europe since my last; not yet from any of the Ministers here. I have the honor to be with the highest respect Sir yr mo. ob. serv.

            Edm: Randolph.


Title: To George Washington from William Thornton, 24 July 1795
From: Thornton, William
To: Washington, George

          Letter not found: from William Thornton, 24 July 1795. On 29 July, GW wrote to the commissioners for the District of Columbia: “The memorial dated the 24th instt … came duly to hand; as did Doctr Thornton’s letter of the same date.”


Title: To George Washington from Philadelphia Citizens, 25 July 1795
From: Citizens of Philadelphia
To: Washington, George

            Philadelphia 25th July 1795.

          The Memorial of the Citizens of Philadelphia, the Northern Liberties and District of Southwark, in the State of Pennsylvania,
          Respectfully sheweth.
          That your Memorilists, sincerely and affectionately attached to you, from a sense of the important services, which you have rendered to the United States, and a conviction of the purity of

the motives, that will forever regulate your public administration, do, on an occasion, in which they feel themselves deeply interested, address you as a Friend and Patriot: as a Friend, who will never take offence at what is well intended; and as a Patriot, who will never reject what may be converted to the good of your Country.
          That your Memorialists entertain a proper respect for your constitutional Authority; and whatever may be the issue of the present momentous question, will faithfully acquiesce in the regular exercise of the delegated powers of Government; but, they trust, that in the formation of a compact, which is to operate upon them and upon their posterity, in their most important internal, as well as external, relations; which, in effect, admits another Government to controul the Legislative functions of the Union; and which, if found on experience to be detrimental, can only be repealed by soliciting the assent, or provoking the hostilities, of a Foreign power; you will not deem it improper, or officious, in them, thus anxiously, but respectfully, to present a solemn testimonial of their public opinion, feelings, and interest.
          That under these preliminary acknowledgements, of the duty, and of the design, of your Memorialists, the following objections to a ratification of the Treaty lately concluded between Lord Grenville and Mr Jay, are submitted, with implicit confidence, to your consideration.
          The Treaty is objected to,
          1. Because it does not provide for a fair and effectual settlement of the differences, that previously subsisted, between the United States and Great Britain; inasmuch as it postpones the surrender, and affords no compensation for the detention, of the Western Posts; inasmuch as it cedes, without affording any equivalent, an indefinite extent of territory to the settlers under British titles, within the precincts and jurisdiction of those Posts; inasmuch as it waves a just claim for the value of the Negroes, who were carried off at the close of the war, in violation of positive compact; and inasmuch as it refers all the hopes of indemnity, for the recent spoliations, committed on the commerce of the United States, to an equivocal, expensive, tedious, and uncertain process.
          2. Because by the Treaty the Federal Government accedes to restraints upon the American commerce and navigation,

internal as well as external, that embrace no principle of real reciprocity, and are inconsistent with the rights, and destructive of the interests, of an Independent Nation; inasmuch as it unreasonably fetters the intercourse with the West Indies, with India, and with the American Lakes by means of the navigable waters belonging to the British; inasmuch as, in many instances, it circumscribes the navigation of the United States to a particular voyage; and inasmuch as some of our staple commodities (exempted by the Treaties with France, Holland, Prussia and Sweden) it makes liable to confiscation, as contraband; and others, that are exempted by the Law of Nations, it makes liable to seizure, upon payment of an arbitrary price; as articles useful to the enemies of Great Britain.
          3. Because the Treaty is destructive to the domestic Independence and prosperity of the United States; inasmuch as it admits Aliens, professing a foreign allegiance, to the permanent and transmissible rights of property, peculiarly belonging to a Citizen; and inasmuch as it enables Great Britain to draw an invidious and dangerous line of circumvallation round the territory of the Union, by her fleets on the Atlantic, and by her settlements from Nova Scotia to the mouth of the Mississippi.
          4. Because the Treaty surrenders certain inherent powers of an Independent Government, essential in the circumstances of the United States to their safety and defence; and which might, on great emergencies, be successfully employed to enforce the neglected claims of justice, without making the last dreadful appeal to arms, inasmuch as the right of sequestration; the right of regulating commerce in favor of a friendly, and against a rival power; and the right of suspending a commercial intercourse with an inimical nation, are voluntarily abandoned.
          5. Because the Treaty is an infraction of the rights of Friendship, Gratitude, and Alliance, which the Republic of France may justly claim from the United States; and deprives the United States of the most powerful means, to secure the goodwill and good offices of other nations; inasmuch as it alters, during a war, the relative situation of different nations, advantageously to Great Britain, and prejudicially to France; inasmuch as it is in manifest collision with several Articles of the American Treaty with the French Republic; and inasmuch as it grants to Great Britain certain high, dangerous, and exclusive, privileges.

          And Your Memorialists, having thus, upon general ground, concisely, but explicitly, avowed their wishes and opinions, and forbearing a minute specification of the many other objections that occur, conclude, with an assurance, that by refusing to ratify the projected Treaty, you will, according to their best information and judgment, evince an exalted attachment to the principles of the Constitution of the United States, and an undiminished zeal to advance the prosperity and happiness of Your Constituents.

              Signed by Order of the General Meeting:

              John Barker
              W. Shippen jr Chairman

              Abraham Coats
              Thos M:Kean

              Stephn Girard
              Chas Pettit

              A. J. Dallas
              Moses Levy.

              Blair McClenachan
              J. Swanwick.

              Fredk A. Muhlenberg
              Wm Coats

              Tho. L. Shippen
              John Hunn


Title: To George Washington from Oliver Wolcott, Jr., 26 July 1795
From: Wolcott, Oliver Jr.
To: Washington, George

            Sir
            Philadelphia July 26. 1795

          I went to the State House yard last Saturday for the purpose of observing the proceedings—there were not in my opinion fifteen hundred persons present—and one half of this number took no part in what was done—the persons who voted, were of the ignorant & violent class of the community.
          Doct. Shippen was Chairman, & Dallas[,] Pettit, Swanwick, Muhlenbergh, McClenaghan[,] Barker, & Judge McKean ostensible leaders, who were mounted on a Stage—the latter was introduced late in the meeting by Dallas & Pettit.
          A memorial was read twice, & passed as the sense of the meeting without opposition or debate. Hamilton Rowan was introduced or named, by McClenaghan & recd with three cheers. the Treaty was thrown to the populace, who placed it on a pole; a company of about three hundred then proceeded to the French Ministers house, before which some ceremony was peformed— the mob then went before Mr Hammonds house & burnt the Treaty with huzzas & acclamations, the same was done before Mr Bonds & Mr Binghams houses. some Glass was broken by the mob of Mr Binghams house.
          In all this farce McClenaghan is said to have been a leader. The F. Minister denied himself to the mob, & has I believe in every respect conducted [himself] with strict propriety.

          Keen sensations are excited in the City at this villanous conduct—I cannot speak with certainty of the opinion of the City as to the treaty, but I am confident that their feelings are temperate & that they feel intire confidence in the President & will support his decision. I am in haste with the most perfect respect Sir, your obedt serv.

            Oliver Wolcott Jr.


Title: To George Washington from Baltimore Citizens, 27 July 1795
From: Citizens of Baltimore
To: Washington, George

            To the President of the United States.
            [27 July 1795]

          We the undersigned Citizens of the United States, inhabitants of Baltimore Town, beg leave respectfully to represent. That the Treaty lately negotiated with Great Britain, and anounced to us thro the public prints, has Excited in our minds the most serious apprehension and alarm, for the Interest and Safety of our commerce, the rights of our fellow citizens, and the dignity of our Government. Under these impressions, convinced as we are of your unremitting concern for the Interest and happiness of America, we think it our duty to disclose to you freely our Sentiments, on the subject, lest our Silence might be interpreted into an approval of the act, and to prevent as far as the influence of our opinions may operate, a ratification of it.
          A Treaty that professes to establish a firm lasting and inviolable peace, and Sincere friendship between the contracting parties, without referring to their respective complaints, and as far as may be removing them, wants that evidence of a pacific and friendly disposition which is necessary to give it effect; and leaves room for doubts and Jealousies incompatible with its object: in this respect the Treaty with great Britain appears essentially defective. our complaints are not redressed, nor is Such effectual provision made for removing them, as might have been under every circumstance of the case, and which Justice and good faith required Should have been made. Our Territory and Frontier posts, the Subject of frequent

reclamation, and held in violation of a Former Treaty, are to be Surrendered at an unnecessarily distant period. A remote hope of recovery after much expence and perplexity, in the usual mode of legal proceedings, and much injury from the deprivation of their capitals; is the only compensation procured for our Suffering Merchants, who have been unjustly deprived of their property in the prosecution of a fair trade; nor has any effectual provision been made to remedy the evil, or prevent future Spoliations of our commerce, under like frivolous pretexts—no restitution whatever is made, or contemplated to be made, for a large amount of property carried off from the Southern States, contrary to the treaty of peace—our Seamen, citizens of the United states, arbitrarily and unjustly taken from our Ships and detained on board British Ships of War, are not restored; nor is any Security contemplated against future aggressions of the same kind. proper concessions on these points, and provisions of adequate remedy for these evils, would have been indicative of a just and friendly disposition; and ought, we conceive, to have accompanied the act of pacification. But we have other objections to the treaty: it contemplates an inconsistant establishment, or colony of men, within the Territory and Jurisdiction of the united States, injoying Some of the most important priveleges of citizens, but exempt from the burthens, and owing no allegiance to its government—many mischiefs we concieve might result from such an establishment; among which from the evident want of reciprocity in the advantages of Navigation ceded in the lakes and other Western Waters, may Justly be apprehended, the monopoly of a lucrative fur trade, by this discription of settlers. from the admission of British Ships to be the carriers of our bulky products, on terms of perfect equality with our own, we anticipate a material loss in the value of our Shipping, and consequently great injury to a numerous class of people imployed in Ship building, and in the manufacture of Cordage, Iron, and other articles necessary to this extensive branch of business; and we fear what is contemplated as an equivalent for this important Sacrifice, will not be found Such in fact—we cannot view, but with the most lively concern and regret, an article of the Treaty which authorizes the Seizure of Enemies property in Neutral Ships; this is a cession of Vast importance to America as a trading nation Situate as She is,

remote from the powers of Europe, pacific in the temper and disposition of her Citizens and in the principles of her Government, she is not likely to be embroiled in Wars; the advantages then, that would result from her being the carrier of property for the contending nations, are too evident to require elucidation, and too important to be given up without an equivalent; the principle of free Ships making free goods, has been formally acknowledged by the government of the United States, to other neutral powers, when She was engaged in War; it has been granted to us by treaties with different nations, it has been long contended for, and has been acknowledged by Several of the respectable powers of Europe—by giving up this power to a Nation So frequently engaged in Wars, we give our consent to the most vexatious and injurious restrictions on our commerce, and of our Natural rights as a neutral nation, without any thing that can be called an equivalent: America is not in a condition to benefit, by the apparent reciprocity in this article of the Treaty, or likely Soon to be in a Situation that will require it—we have doubts of the policy on our part, of agreeing to that article which precludes the United States from entering into Treaties, inconsistant with some of its provisions, whereby America would be prevented from a renewal of her beneficial treaties, existing with the French republic and other European powers; and from making Such other treaties at any future period as might be deemed Advisable.
          To enumerate minutely, the many evils which may be apprehended from a treaty So partial and unequal in its provisions, and wherein many of our just complaints are intirely unnoticed; would be unnecessarily to trespass on your time, and to point out defects, which we are persuaded will not have escaped your notice; we therefore content ourselves, with the observations we have already made; adding only that we retain the most gratefull remembrance of your Steady enlightened patriotism, which has Saved our republic from impending ruin, on many memorable occasions; and that we look to you, as our only hope of deliverance from the evils we anticipate in an adoption of the proposed Treaty; earnestly intreating you to withold the Sanction of your name from a compact So evidently unjust and So Derogatory to the Interest and dignity of America.

            [signed by 1,154 citizens]


Title: To George Washington from Bartholomew Dandridge, Jr., 27 July 1795
From: Dandridge, Bartholomew Jr.
To: Washington, George

            Dear Sir,
            Williamsburgh [Va.] 27. July 1795.

          In the afternoon of the day after your departure from Philada I went on board the vessel bound for Alexandria & did not reach the chesapeake ’till Saturday last & landed at Hampton yesterday morning. Owing to calms & head winds the passage was unusually long. On my arrival at Hampton I determined, as you thought it best, to visit my friends in New Kent in my way to Mount Vernon, & am accordingly thus far on my journey & mean to proceed immediately. As it was not fixed that I shou’d take this rout, I did not ask you how long you could conveniently permit my absence; & must therefore request you to inform me by a line to be left at New Kent Court House, which will be punctually attended to. Inclosed I send a list of Articles which are on board the vessel I came in & which the Captain (Gardiner) has promised to land at Mt Vernon. I also enclose a letter for my brother at Geo: town, which I ask the favor of you to forward to

him. Be pleased to present me affectionately to my Aunt & be assured that with the truest respect & attachment, I am Dr Sir Your obt Servt

            Bw Dandridge


Title: From George Washington to George Lewis, 27 July 1795
From: Washington, George
To: Lewis, George

            Dear Sir,
            Mount Vernon 27th July 1795.

          Your letter of the 18th instt from Fredericksburgh, was received on thursday, and I should have answered it by the Post of Saturday, but was hurried in preparing letters for the northern mail, which I was obliged to dispatch on that day.
          I thank you for the enquiries you made concerning my land on Green River, in Kentucky, and am glad to hear the reports of it continue to be favorable. I can hardly think it possible that Genl Lee could so far forget what was due to his own character as to sell the land I had purchased of him, to Genl Spotswood; for I not only have deeds for it, but his letters also, as evidence of my title to the two tracts of which I furnished you with copies of the Surveys.
          The deeds (to the best of my recollection, for they are at Philadelphia) issued from the Land Office in Richmond, in my own name, at his request, several years ago; to save the expence & trouble of double conveyances—first to him—and from him to me. To suspect Genl Lee of fraud in this transaction I cannot; and, as it is almost as improbable that it should be the result of forgetfulness, I conceive (unless you have compared the courses & distances of my Surveys with those he has sold to Genl Spotswood) that the two sales cannot be for the same land. General Lee had, as I have been informed, a good deal of land in that part of the country; and tracts of the same size, and on the same waters, may be mistaken one for the other. Certainty, however, may easily be obtained, by comparing the courses &ca as

above, and descriptions of Genl Spotswoods Surveys with those you have of mine.
          Mine I shall not relinquish, but for the full value of the land; and if that value would be increased by the purchase of the 300 acres belonging to Mr Wodrow, I hereby authorise you to make the purchase upon the best terms you can; taking care, however, to be under no mistake with respect to its value—and its contiguity to my land. Give me advice of what you do, & I will provide for paymt.
          I wrote to Colo. Marshall early in the Spring, by Mr Obannion, requesting him to enter these tracts of mine with the Commissioners; and to pay the taxes due thereon: If he has not done it, I would thank you for causing it to be done; and the cost shall be paid to your order.
          Let me pray you, to continue your enquiries respecting the circumstances, quality, situation and value of these lands of mine; and, from time to time, advise me of the result. When you go out again, as I understand you mean to do this fall, I will give you a conditional power of Attorney to sell the whole property, if in your judgment, upon a view thereof, an adequate price can be obtained for the same; and I will allow you a commission for so doing.
          Unless business should require my presence in Philadelphia sooner (and then I shall go thither alone) it is not likely I shall leave this place until the end of September. If, therefore, you & Mrs Lewis; my Sister & Harriot; or any of you, can make it convenient, and agreeable to yourselves to favor us with a visit, we should be happy in seeing you. Your aunt joins me in love to you all, and with very great regard I am—Dear Sir Your Affecte friend & Uncle

            Go: Washington


Title: From George Washington to Robert Lewis, 27 July 1795
From: Washington, George
To: Lewis, Robert

            Dear Sir
            Mount Vernon 27th July 1795

          Not having heard from you for sometime, I am desirous of knowing whether you have purchased any of my Berkeley, or Frederick Leases? and if not, whether the prospect of doing it is so favorable as to amount almost to a certainty of accomplishing the measure? If neither, I desire you would give up the idea of purchasing, and let me have the money you have collected; with the names of the persons from whom it has been received; as I am in want, and have only deprived myself of the use of it from the hope of its laying the foundation of a better annuity; which my heavy expenditures very much need.
          Unless business should require my attendance at the seat of government sooner, it is probable I shall remain at this place until the end of September. With great esteem & regard, and best wishes to Mrs Lewis in which your aunt &ca unite, I remain— Your Affecte Uncle

            Go: Washington


Title: From George Washington to Timothy Pickering, 27 July 1795
From: Washington, George
To: Pickering, Timothy

            Dear Sir
            Mount Vernon 27th July 1795.

          On Saturday morning I received your letter of the 21st instt; with its enclosures. The Post of tomorrow from Alexandria is the first by which I could answer it.
          If the meeting of the Commissioners, appointed to treat with the Onondagoes, Cayugas and Oneida Indians took place at Albany on the 15th instant, as was expected by the extract of Genl Schuylers letter to the Governor of New York; any further sentiment now on the unconstitutionality of the measure would be recd too late. If it did not take place, according to expectation It

is my desire that you would obtain the best advice you can on the case and do what prudence, with a due regard to the Constitution and laws, shall dictate.
          With respect to the meeting which is proposed to be held with the St Regis Indians the proposition of Govr Jay is regular; and I can think of no better character than Colo. Wadsworth or Mr Boudinot to attend it on the part of the U. States. If both should decline the service any other respectable & well known disinterested character would meet my approbation equally.
          The extract from Mr Higgenson’s letter, which you were so obliging as to send me, places the proceedings of the town at Boston in a different point of view than might have been entertained from the resolutions wch were sent to me by Express, accompanied with a letter from the Selectmen of that place. But (much indeed to be regretted!) party disputes are now carried to that length, and truth is so enveloped in mist, and false representation that it is extremely difficult to know through what channel to seek it. This difficulty to one, who is of no party, & whose sole wish is to pursue, with undeviating steps a path which would lead this Country to respectability, wealth & happiness is exceedingly to be lamented. But such (for wise purposes it is presum’d) is the turbulence of human passions in party disputes; when victory, more than truth, is the palm contended for “that the Post of honor is a private Station.” With much esteem & regard I am—Affectly yours

            Go: Washington


Title: To George Washington from Timothy Pickering, 27 July 1795
From: Pickering, Timothy
To: Washington, George

            Sir,
            War Office July 27. 1795.

          By the time this reaches Mount Vernon, you will have received the memorial of the philadelphia meeting against the treaty with Great Britain.
          I attended as a spectator, to see the mode of proceeding and to make an estimate of the number present. The memorial, I suppose, will be presented to you as expressive of the sense of the citizens of Philadelphia, the Northern Liberties and the District of Southwark, at a general and numerous meeting. Nothing can be more false than this representation. The meeting was neither general nor numerous. From the opinions of some as expressed a little before business began, I conclude the numbers will be estimated at about a thousand: I should state them at 1500 at the extreme, of whom probably one third were spectators and Frenchmen. Of the remaining two thirds, judging from their appearance, I should venture to say that at least one fourth or one third had never read the treaty. Supposing the meeting thus reduced to six or seven hundred, there were not probably two hundred whom the Chief Justice McKean would deem qualified to serve on a jury to judge of a common act of assembly after it had been explained by the lawyers and defined in his own charge. Yet these few men, with a mixed company still less qualified, or totally unqualified, are impudently brought forward by their leaders to express the sense of the great city of Philadelphia! To declare the meaning and effect of a long and intricate treaty—intricate from the objects it embraces, utterly beyond the knowledge of the mass of the small meeting of citizens who pronounced upon its merits! and this without the least explanation or discussion!
          The men who mounted the stage as the leading actors in this ridiculous farce were the Chairman, Dr Shippen—Mr Swanwick—F. Muhlenberg, speaker of the house of representatives of the U. States, Blair McClenachgan, the noted Colo. Barker, Colo. William Coats an insignificant justice in the northern liberties and two or three more whom I did not know after the business had begun, Mr Dallas Charles Pettit, & the Chief Justice mounted the Stage. The treaty was afterward burnt with insults towards the British Minister and Consul, by doing it before their houses. I understand that Blair McClenachgan headed this mob,

the remnant of the meeting. I have not time to add, but that I am most respectfully sir your obt servt

            T. Pickering


Title: From George Washington to Edmund Randolph, 27 July 1795
From: Washington, George
To: Randolph, Edmund

            Mount Vernon 27th July 1795Monday Evening—late
            Dear Sir,

          My letters for the Post office in Alexandria, had been sent off some hours before the enclosed dispatches were put into my hands, by the young Gentleman whose name is mentioned in Govr Clintons letter to me, also forwarded.
          Not willing to lose a Post day, I hasten to send the resolutions above alluded to, late as it is, to Alexandria; to go on tomorrow— with a request similar to the one made from Baltimore. A day or two more will, I presume, bring, to me, the result of the meeting proposed to be held in Philadelphia; which, probably, will be followed by one, from Baltimore, and other towns; altho’ I have no advice thereof further than the Papers contained, as being in agitation at Baltimore before I left Philadelphia. If one comes from the last mentioned place (Phila.) and is immediately published, as the others have been, before delivery, let an answer thereto if answers are advisable follow it with[ou]t waiting for my request. I have no time to add more, than that the Commercial part of the treaty as far as my information goes is generally disliked. Yours always

            G. Washington

            P.S. What says Mr Adet, upon the Subject of the Treaty, and the movements thereupon?


Title: To George Washington from Edmund Randolph, 27 July 1795
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Washington, George

            Philadelphia July 27. 1795.½ past five A.M.
            PrivateSir

          Saturday evening was appointed for the last meeting on the treaty in the state-house yard; and five o’clock was the hour. I waited in town until After six, in hopes of hearing the result. But nothing having transpired, I went into the country, where the rumors of the proceeding were very various and extraordinary. I returned last evening, when I found a letter from Mr Hammond, complaining generally of an insult, and desiring a conference, that he might ascertain, what measures the government will take respecting it. As soon as I read the letter, I gave him his choice of last evening or this morning for an interview. He has preferred 10 o’clock this morning.
          The best accounts, which I have been able to collect, are nearly to this purport. The greater part of the committee, appointed to draw the address, (Mr Ingersoll being the only one named of any conspicuousness, who did not appear) mounted the stage, which was erected. The address was read and approved clause by clause; and at the close of the reading was huzzaed. There was very little speaking, tho’ Mr Mclenachan is said to have made an harangue of great splendor and pith, to this effect. “Friends and fellow-citizens. Here is the treaty. It is a damnable treaty. Take it; and kick it to the devil. And give three Cheers for Hamilton Rowan, a friend to the rights of man.” He threw the treaty among the people. They replied with the cheers, which he requested; and about 250 of them marched with the treaty upon a pole up Chesnut Street, and down Market Street, until they came opposite to Mr Hammond’s, where they burnt it. He and his whole family were standing at the windows during the transaction. No violence was offered, as far as I yet learn. Probably some intemperate language was uttered. Something of the like nature occurred before Mr Bond’s door.
          I am told, that the meeting consisted of but a few,

(comparatively speaking). It is supposed, that the whole number in the yard did not exceed one thousand; of whom two thirds were spectators standing aloof, and attending from pure curiosity.
          I believe, sir, but do not vouch for, this statement.
          Since I wrote the foregoing, Bache’s paper of this morning has been delivered. Having heard, that Mr W. and Colo. P. were in the state house-yard on saturday, I suspected, that they would be struck at. I was informed by Mr Harrison, that those gentlemen, himself and Mr Habersham were there. I do not know, that the thing is of importance in any way; but it can do no public service.
          Mr Desaussure brought me on saturday several half eagles. They are most beautiful; far more so than the guinea. I have desired him to send down to you three or four; which he has promised to do—He goes on with spirit and effect. I have the honor to be sir with the most respectful and affectionate attachment yr mo. ob. serv.

            Edm: Randolph.


Title: To George Washington from Burgess Ball, 28 July 1795
From: Ball, Burgess
To: Washington, George

            Dear sir,
            Bigg Spring near Leesburg [Va.] 28th of July 95.

          Having heard that you had return’d to Mount Vernon, I take the liberty of troubling you with this Scroll. My Wife being alarm’d at the Idea of going to Sea, we have declined that Excursion, and now intend going over the Ridge, purposing to spend a few Weeks at Bath (and probably as much at the Sweet Springs) and then travelling about on that side of the Mountain, unconfin’d to any Spott. I reciev’d a Letter from the Secretary of War a few days ago, informing me that my Place had been determin’d as less elegeble than others for an Arsinal—I must confess that I am rather pleas’d than otherwise, as I am confident I can appropriate the Property to much greater advantage for my Posterity.
          I am now daily exchanging my Early wheat @ 1 for 1½, and hope my Crop will turn out well.
          Can I venture to touch on Politics? I begg you’ll excuse me for so doing, as I am actuated by no Motives but what are perfectly pure, being uninfluenc’d by Party or Neighbourhood. Thus then, as far as I can form any Judgment, not only Anties (as generally term’d) but the best Federalists and friends to Government, are pointedly oppos’d to the Treaty, and, ’tho two thirds of the Senate have given their Assent to it, yet, I do think no one thing that cd be devised, wou’d meet with so universal an Opposition—We are

happy sir, (as all Classes say & acknowledge) that it was not agreeable to your directions, and we flatter ourselves that you never will concur with the Senate in a Matter so disagreeable to the People—Knowing your situation in Life excludes you from mixing with the Populace & thereby forming a Judgment of their Sentiments, induces me thus freely to write to you, and I hope you’ll excuse the freedom. That I am & ever was a true friend to Government everyone who knows me must be sensible of, and, that I ever was & will be attached to your person & Principles I hope I never have or can Err in—On you sir, we all look up to, and the present Crisis is perhaps as great as most which you’ve surmounted: Popularity, a common term, is a thing gain’d by the most underserving, but, the Will & Interest of the People must be your greatest Wish and ever has been your peculiar study—I do not think two thirds of the Senate have spoken their real Sentiments that is, of the People. As I mention’d before I am not influenc’d by Neighbourhood—No, I despise their general Politics, but in the present Case, they have the Advantage—I have seen & convers’d with Persons from different Counties & States, and I may say, not one man has ever attempted to Justify the Treaty. You sir, is possess’d of every Information pro & Con, and whatever desicion you make I doubt not will proceed from the purest Motives, & will ultimately redound to our Welfare. Fanny unites in wishing you & yours every filicity & I am Dear with real Esteem Yr mo: Obt Servt

            B: Ball


Title: From Samuel Bayard to Bartholomew Dandridge, Jr., 28 July 1795
From: Bayard, Samuel
To: Dandridge, Bartholomew Jr.

            Dear Sir.
            London. 28. July 1795.

          By the Adriana, Captn Fitzpatrick you will receive a complete, & exact model of the Bastile, made from the very materials of this

once celebrated fortress. It is a present from Mr Slade a gentleman of eminence in Doctors Commons, who is charg’d with conducting a considerable proportion of the appeals under my care, to the President of the United States—to one whose character he has ever revered and loved, & to whom, he trusts, this testimony of his respectful & sincere regard will not be unacceptable.
          The model sent by the present conveyance is admitted to be the only one of the kind in existence, except those made by order of the National Assembly for each of the Departments of France.
          Mr Slade happening to be in Paris at the time these were constructing had interest sufficient to procure the one now forwarded by the Adriana to be made for him by the same hand that was employed in making those for the 83. departments.
          Gentn who have seen it here consider it as a valuable curiosity & worthy of being deposited in some national Museum or in the hands of some distinguished friend of liberty. On seeing it I express’d a desire of having a copy made from this model for the purpose of sending to the Chief Magistrate of the United States. Being in possession of the keys of the famous prison I presumed that the President, would be gratified in possessing also a true resemblance of the Bastile itself. Mr Slade however no sooner learn’d the use I intended making of the copy, than he insisted on my sending the model itself.
          With it you will please to present my most affectionate regards to the President, my cordial wishes also for his & Mrs Washington’s continued health & happiness in which Mrs Bayard desires to join. I remain Dr Sir Your mo. obdt servt

            Saml Bayard

          Fig. 5. Image of Bastille model. (Courtesy of Mount Vernon Ladies’ Association)


Title: From George Washington to Boston Selectmen, 28 July 1795
From: Washington, George
To: Boston Selectmen

            Gentlemen,
            United States. 28th July 1795.

          In every act of my administration, I have sought the happiness of my fellow-citizens. My system for the attainment of this object has uniformly been, to overlook all personal, local and partial considerations: to contemplate the United States as one great whole: to confide, that sudden impressions, when erroneous, would yield to candid reflection: and to consult only the substantial and permanent interests of our country.
          Nor have I departed from this line of conduct on the occasion which has produced the resolutions contained in your letter of the 13th instant.
          Without a predilection for my own judgment, I have weighed with attention every argument which has at any time been brought into view. But the Constitution is the guide which I never can abandon. It has assigned to the President the power

of making treaties, with the advice and consent of the Senate: It was doubtless supposed that these two branches of government would combine, without passion, and with the best means of information, those facts & principles, upon which the success of our foreign relations will always depend: that they ought not to substitute for their own conviction the opinions of others; or to seek truth thro’ any channel but that of a temperate and well informed investigation.
          Under this persuasion, I have resolved on the manner of executing the duty now before me. To the high responsibility, attached to it, I freely submit; and you, gentlemen, are at liberty to make these sentiments known, as the grounds of my procedure. While I feel the most lively gratitude for the many instances of approbation from my country; I can no otherwise deserve it than by obeying the dictates of my conscience. With due respect I am—Gentlemen Your Obedient

            Go: Washington


Title: To George Washington from “A Friend to the People,” 28 July 1795
From: “A Friend to the People”
To: Washington, George

            Sir,
            Baltimore July 28th 1795.

          There has been a meeting in this town, for the unmeaning purpose of attempting to shake your opinion, on the subject of our late negociation. I deem it not improper to notice, that the men appointed, as actors, to shape the resolutions, are composed of that order in society, who are Confessedly unqualified, for want of information, to examine the subject on which they judged with such hasty decision. all of them indeed being men incapable, of giving the shadow of support, to any national question that may be agitated.

            A Friend to the People


Title: To George Washington from Friedrich von Poellnitz, 28 July 1795
From: Poellnitz, Friedrich Charles Hans Bruno, baron von
To: Washington, George

            Sir
            Wraggtown, South Carolna the 28th July 1795.

          I venture an essay on a select mode to increase the wealth and greateness of America, I fancy not unacceptable, because it exhibits a favourite topick, of your heart.
          Sir the path I am to point out is untrodden, inquiry into nature have only lately opened it, thus Sir, by less liberality than Yours, I would have to aprehend that by holding out new doctrines, I will be thought in love with novelty, conceit, and impertinence; therefore, and because that few are unprepossessed Judges of what is so contrary to manny received Ideas, I hardely ever have mentioned anny thing about what I am now to say.
          Sir a favourite expression which European ministers make use of is, that Agriculture, and commerce, are the pillars of wealth and population; and altho Sir, byonth the Atlantic this is but fashionable cant, nevert[h]eless the saying itself containes indisputable Actioms; the one is the origine, and the other the conveyance of all enjoyements.
          I was persuaded Sir by your speach in congress at new york, that You had these Actioms in view for to be the ground work of american felicity, but congress could perhaps in the first periode of the new modelled federal Governement not do otherwise but so as they did, to frame bills after the finance plans of Europe; and indeed they improved their models; had it however been in their power, to take the plain dictates of nature for guide, it would have fully secconded your intentions.
          Sir in all other countries, exept in this Commonwealth, the first purpose of finance plans is to get money, the next consideration how to do the business with craft, but the effect they will have upon society is left to chance.
          Altho the way to raise a revenu both satisfactory, and beneficial, to the common intrest is a late discovery, there is in Europe no want of ministers who akenowledge this new sciance to be a compass to steer the vessel of the State by, but to put the rules she prescribes in practice they have neiter will nor power, because the despotisme of the Souverainety, the political hierarchy, the fiscal laws, the custome house depredations, the national debts, the treaties and guaranties, are obstacles not to be overcome by minds subjected like theirs, but I go on.

          Sir verry likely a few laws serve as levers to moeve manny things in the heavens, as well as upon earth for phisiological and moral leaders; we see plain that God has given to animals, even to vegetals innate rules of conduct, to Man in lieu of innate rules was given reason to observe nature, to inquire into some of her secrets, and to learne from her how to behave; something of this was felt by men of genius, but they look’d out for such a discovery among methaphisical speculations, or among the tales of tradition, until tired by the extravagancy of their own Ideas, they cast humbely with Dr Franciss Quesnay their eyes to the earth, when they was convinced by him, that, that part of the Law of nature which furnishes rules for the conduct of society, derives from Cultivation.
          Sir there is a voice in Nature which seemingly speaks to man, work or die; this is a general law, and the foundation of all what is great and Usefull among men; the gradual consequences of this law are, personal liberty to provide for our subsistance; the right to store up anny surplus gained by our labour establishes the right of property; a desire to multiply the gifts of nature becomes the origine of improvement, and landed property; personal intrest thus raised obliges man to mutual aide, such a intercurse forms society; Society gives finally birth to cultivation the parent of All; population, governement, laws, finance, commerce, sciance, Arts, manufactorys, trade, wealth, power, and every enjoyement, such are the consequences of this Law, Work or die.
          Sir to explaine the above mentioned, and other consequences arrising from this law is not my plan, but I shall be particular, and survey under two heads, what is imediately connected with the raising of a revenu beneficial to society, and to Governement.
          1st Society cannot subsist without a Governement and Governement not without a revenu; cultivation allone fournishes this revenu, but cannot do so and be perfect exept, that all human industry gos hand in hand with Cultivation.
          2d head to consider is, Governement and the Liberty of the People cannot be permanent, except, that public instruction is supperintended an[d] paid for by Governement.
          Sir upon the 1st I say, cultivation pay’s all, revenu, rents, sallary’s, profits &c: &c: because all riches of a nation come out of the earth, and waters, by labour at home, or by the same process

Abroad—Commestibles stand in the first rank of riches, because food is the 1st necessity and the universal regulator of human actions—Raw materials are also original riches, but of a inferior Kind, because they are but the consequences of previous Commestibles, and valued only in proportion to the quantity of eatables; in sum, the wealth of a nation is that what is constantely reproduced by labour from, or out of the earth and waters.
          Against this prevailes a Idea, that, the merchant, artist the manufactorer, create the riches of a nation, as well as cultivation; the first, by gathering commodities from different quarters, the others by raising the worth of raw materials when shaped to various uses; tho this is universally taken for granted, moreover a particular retrospect of the origine of things will prove these Ideas to be a prepossession. Alowe me Sir a digression and seeming triffling comparison, because it illuminates the question, and leads to great conclusions.
          Sir, I suppose society in its infancy. John cultivated wheat, his neighbour Pieter flax, his 2d neighbour Paul raised cattle, was a huntsman, and melted Iron ore; John had wheat to spare he exchanged it for flax, cattle, hides, and Iron; such, or similar cases give birth to a exchange I call commerce, of which, cultivation is the cause. The 3d neighbour of John is a tanner, the 4th a Shoemaker, the 5th a Weawer, and the 6th a blacksmit, these four beeing no proprietors of land got wheat from Jhon for shaping the raw materials to their various uses; want of bread made them mechaniks; here again cultivation is the cause; industry, art, and manufactory the effect of it; real wealth was got by cultivation, Commodities (but no increas of wealth) by art and manufactory.
          Sir, the natural distinction in this infant society is John, Pieter, and Paul are the Productive class because, by harvesting more than they can consume themselves, they create the riches of this infant society. The mechanniks are The unproductive class, because, altho raw materials receive a raise in their hands which is a addition to their original estimation, this raise of estimation is no increase to the riches of a nation, it is only the addition of the sallary which was paid with what is annually produced by the productif class, and this sallary has been consumed, nay even if the mechanniks lay something up from their wages, that does not alter the case.

          Now I suppose again, time has extended this society, the productive, and the Unproductive class have spread over a large territory, and population is multiply’d in proportion, henceforth commerce from one neighbour to annother, cannot satisfy both demande and intrest, this gives birth to a different mode of exchange, I call Trade, distinguished from commerce, by beeing carried on in various ways by agents, calld merchants—these also belong to the Unproductive class.
          Sir, merchants will say, we fetch commodities nay even nutrimental necessary’s from east and west, we enrich the English, the Dutch, we procure a ballance in cash, to anny nation where trade is considered as the great object of national concernes; by Us, governement is enabled to draw a revenu from exports, and imports; We give life to navigation; we are the verry soul of riches and prosperity &c: &c: &c. and You call us unproductive! Yes gentlemen, because, You cannot pay, exept with the riches of the earth produced, and reproduced, by the productive class, because, you are but the agents who provide the wants of every boddy, by gathering produces from at home, or from abroad, in a raw, or in a manufactored state, because all your charges are paid with what is raised by the productive class, because the goold and silver aquired by You in trade, serves but for You, either to increase Your expences, or Your trade; the ballance in money for the nation so much talkd of, has nowhere existance; and money, tho a representatif of things, is not the thing itself; it is a manufactored material of a more extensive Use than others, but of less importance than it is generally thought of.
          To the surprise of the advocates of money, I can prove what I have marked out by number of instances, place will not allowe it, but for two recent, and short cases: A favourite boast of the english nation is, money, money, money is all! query, Who has more money than the dutch had, and what nation has lately been easier conquered1 what is, or what will become of their money? every boddy can tell, and so can I; but I could likewise tell, what will become of the money of the Boaster, but I better not. A seccond case of this country—A charleston merchant gained last year 3000 dollars, he lived upon 1500 dllrs and laid up the rest, the bushel of corn was then at the market 2 shllg strlg other commestibles, so as allways, in proportion to bread; this Year; he gained again 3000 Dllrs, but the price of the corn is four and

five shillgs strlg the bushel; from this modesty itself may venture the inference, that the value of money is overated.
          Sir, what has been stated evidences, that the riches of a nation are got by the productif class, that noboddy can pay, but with what is raised and reproduced by the same Class, that money is a merchandise of less value to a nation than other goods, and of less value to the merchant himself, for one and the same reason, because, the import and export of goods, is more beneficial, than the import or export of money; should this be calld a system, a impartial examen will prove it to be, the system, and order of Nature.
          One word more about the merchant, that (notwithstanding his peculiar merit) he belonges to the unproductive class, because he produces nothing, to the contrary, he rises the price of things, to defray himself, by which operation he may become rich, but he does not increase the riches of the nation; but when society is regulated by the order of nature, his merit becomes to be Conspicuous, of which more hereafter in the general plan of the classes of society.
          What has been said will cast light, upon the closser examen of the assertion, that “cultivation is to furnish all revenu &c: &c: but cannot do so and be perfect, exept, that all branches of human industry, go hand in hand with cultivation.”
          Sir, if none can make payment but with riches produced by cultivation, it followes, that none but the productive class who rises the riches, ought to be taxed.
          Altho it is pretended in most countries, not to lay all taxes upon cultivation, it is no less true, that anny dutty laid upon consumption, trade, manufactory, navigation, be it domestic or foreign, is not paid by the foreigner, the merchant, or the monnied man against whom it was leveled but at home by the productive class, and what is more distressing, she pays not immediately, but only after that this mode of raising a revenu, has first, favoured monopoly’s, fraude, exactions, stagnation in trade, in agriculture, in all kind of industry and in cultivation; then only, and after much more mischief, it falls with redubbeled weight upon the productive class.
          Because, the manufactorer, the artist, the foreign and the native merchant, charge on their goods the dutties with intrest, the smuggeler charges his goods as of he had paid the

dutty; this causes a deficiency in the revenu, which must be refunded by new dutties, the productive class has to bear all the before mentioned charges, and overcharges, she has to bear the decay in cultivation, resulting from it, she has to pay a custome house fleet; the expence, insufficiency of which, is well Examplify’d by
          The english to prevent smuggeling have in time of peace fifty sails vizt: sloops, cutters, among which 5 fregates; they sometimes fight with their own merchant men, and often get beat, this occasioned after the american war a motion in the parliament, to increase the number of fregates.
          This Sir, is a description, but of part of the evils, when the rules indicated by nature are paid no regard to; but they are sufficient to draw this conclusion, that, “in the customary way of raising a revenu, no Art can give to it a fair direction, nor heale the wounds given in that way to Cultivation.[”]
          But if to the contrary, you let all revenu be paid, in a direct line by the productive class, matchless will the prospect, as well as the imediate benefit of it; provided, You let all Your sea ports be free, and open, to all nations; provided, You let the foreigner enjoy in these ports, imports, and exports free, and all the privileges equal with Your citizens; then, and not before, Concurrence will take place.
          Sir, this concurrence will establish, a vaste circulation every blessings of Art and nature; order, wealth, easy administration &c: &c: will go hand in hand with cultivation; but, for various reasons, america in particular would increase in every thing, more rapidely than anny other country: especially, in the present politicall situation of Europe, flocks of foreigners, not alltoegether redemptioners, but men of property, habilities, and spirit would increase population; a raise of the value of apropriated, and unapropriated land would take place; commodities, would be from 25 to 50 procent cheaper, and the revenu would increase with cultivation.
          These Sir, are but part of the consequences of Concurrence; yet Sir, let me dwell a little longer upon Concurrence; the verry word Sir deserves to stand above the gates of our temples of worship, in letters of goold; it is the spur of emulation, of laudable ambition of social virtues; it will improve every thing; it is common intrest itself; it will strenghten the arm of Governement to

ground upon a rock of adamant permanent liberty, and to raise Cultivation to that perfection, to which it is preordained by God, as the fauntain of human felicity—such Sir will be the effect, of a revenu raised according to the rules of nature.
          Sir much more remaines yet to say, about the evils of the first description, and the benefits of the seccond, wich time will not allowe to enumerate; but in short.
          The first description is the customary order established by the sword; this nouriches the seeds of war abroad, and prepares for new disturbances at home, this order makes governement unpopular, nay often involves it in war with his own citizens &c: &c: &c.
          The seccond description, containes simple Ideas the fruits of a inquiry in nature; her rules, are of a easy execution, and seem to be the voice of Providence calling mankind, to Union, to Peace, and to abundance, by one, and the same Common Intrest. Annexed Plan, containes the division of society in classes, a division, warranted, by the reproduction, and natural distribution, of the riches of the earth and waters; this division pondered, will coroborate, that cultivation allone is to pay all revenu &c: &c.
          Sir, to determine what part of the reproduction is to be calld the riches of a nation, and what part of these riches is taxable property, is the business of governement; a short recital of which is.
          The general produce of the earth and waters must be ascertained, and valued, at a probable and low market price every Year.
          1st—From this is to be deducted, the intrest of the prime cost of the estate, the intrest of buildings requisit to cultivation or farming business, intrest of working cattle and what belonges to that head, not beeing luxury.
          2d—From the general produce must also be deducted, the whole comsumption of bread an Corn for the family and cattle, the whole expence of cultivation, or of anny kind, or of seeds; for the ensuing year.
          The surplus is the positive statement of the riches, power, and political consequence of the nation; of this governement may without hurt to anny boddy take for his revenu Twenty say 20 from the hundred, the remainder, becomes in the hands of the

productive class, a vehicle, which renewes the general Circulation &c: &c.
          Sir, this mode of raising a revenu is no arbitrary one, because it is grounded upon arithmetical inquiry into the capacity of society.
          It is no injust taxation, because, it taxes but what is exuberant.
          It is no repugnant, or inconsistent taxation, because, that, what can be spared, will be given gratefully for protection of all what can be dear to man.
          It is no uneven taxation, because, Tho paid by the productive class only; she has renewed the powers to pay, every year, by nature, by concurrence, and by the general industry of society; moreover she pays, but, in proportion to the harvest.
          This taxation lays heavy upon nobody, because, the poor man pays nothing, the man who produces largely pay’s a round sum, but as he has occasion of manny implements, merchandise, commodities, nay even luxuries, these, he pays from 25 to 50 procento less than now, consequently, this mode of taxation in lieu of beeing heavy, will be gain to him.
          And finally It is no unpopular Taxation, because, when it is explained to the citizens at large, how this will promote their wealth, how much they will pay less in this mode, than in anny other, how the rich pays all, and how the poor benefits, and how this will enlarge cultivation, the majority for it, will overrule, monopolists; and selfish people who allone have a intrest, to oppose a simplicity which defeats their speculations.
          The Seccond head to consider is.
          “Government, and the liberty of the people cannot be permanent, exept, that public instruction is superintended, and paid for by Governement.[”]
          Sir, In the order of nature, every human beeing is entiteled to a education, adapted to his genius, and to the call in life he is fit for: to obtaine this, governement ought to pay suitable institutions, and to superintend educaiton: It is the intrest of governement to do so.
          Because, a instructed people will cherish his constitution, because, among such a people great men will raise, a ornament and even benefactors to their country: because, at present, manny geniusses remain incultivated. for want of such a institution and

inspection: because a learned people will be a honest people, by whom fraude, and vice will be forthwith detected, and more generally despised. And finally, the liberty of such a people will be permanent, because, it cannot be, by anny designing Caracter juggeled out of it.
          Sir, I have now finished to give a cursory view, of what is requisit, To raise a revenu beneficial to society, and to governement, I must repeat, that these Doctrines draw their origine, from the law of nature.
          The energy Sir of the law of nature is such, that whenever nations have paid Les, or no regard to it, in the 1st case, they have drawn upon themself endless difficulties, and in the seccond, ruine. That until now hardely anny regard has been paid to her, is demonstrated, by their constant change of operations, by War, and by overtrow of Empires.
          But, should anny great nation adopt (was it only) the rules here in mentioned, she will experience, that the limmits of the fertility of the soil, and of the ingenuity of man, cannot be ascertained: she will experience, that a people, governed by such principles, challanges all events; and nothing, but a overtrow of nature, can distroy his felicity.
          This letter Sir, containes momentous objects, and to appearance bold assertions; yet part, I can justify by the history of nations; and part, by arithmetical demonstration, tho at present neither the limmits of this scrawl, nor leisure will allowe it.
          Sir, should you after a cool examen, find, that I am in the right, I am sure, you will not be displeased with trouth because it flowes from a humble source; and you will pardon the boldness of what I am now to say.
          Sir, if your mind gets convinced, consider than at your leisure, that altho change of measures are matters of a most delicate nature, and in account of some particular circumstances would require great prudence in this country; Altho in general the difficulties to overcome prepossessions are giantic undertakings, They are not invincible: Consider Sir, that altho by wisdom, and military skill, You have laid in america, the foundation of the independency of Europe, that yet, more may be done; by making america thus greater, You lay in this country, the foundation of a general intrest for all nations, the consequence of which must be, peace, plenty, and fraternity, for future generations allover

the Globe; this Sir, will give You, not a paltry crown of goold, but one of glory shining for centuries, and proclaime You, the benefactor of mankind; forgive Sir if I have uttered to much.
          About my motives of Intrusion, I beg, indulge me Sir to appologise; no views of self have guided my pen, theoretical and practical Agriculture, satisfy both my mental and corporal wants; I am urged Sir, by the opinion I have of your superiorety to anny caracter I am akwainted with; therefore I beg, to receive these lines, as a Homage paid in consequence of such a impression; and of the most respectfull attachment, with which I am for ever Sir, your, most obiedient, and most humble servant,

            F. C. H. B. Poellnitz

            Excuse Sir, the manny faults in a linguage foreign to me; should I be honoured with a note of receipt, I hardely thinck I shall get it, without some particular order or direction, as Wraggtown where I reside, lays in a detached nek of great Pedee; here I am solitary, unknown, cut of[f] from ordinary communication, and often surrounded with the overflow of the river, at the distance of 14 miles from Grenville, Marleborough county.


Title: To George Washington from Samuel Vaughan, 28 July 1795
From: Vaughan, Samuel
To: Washington, George

            Dear Sir,
            London 28th July 1795.

          It is with pleasure I take up my pen to renew an acquaintance with an Illustrious Character I have ever respected & admired, and to introduce to You my Son Benjamens amiable family who are embarking in the Ocean Capt. Howard for New York. My amiable Daughter in Law & seven Children are accompanied by my Daughter Sarah and the Revd Mr Merrick, a worthy & respectable character, who has resided for some time in my Sons family to superintend the Education of the elder branches of his Children.
          Permit me to request Your kind attention towards them, and I hope it will not be long before my Son will have the honor of paying his personal respects to Your Excellency.
          As a sincere friend to America, I hope it will long keep out of the troubles that are agitating in Europe, & enjoy the fruits of that peaceful System, which will give health Vigor and strength to a Country and a Constitution that are fast advancing to a Maturity superiour to any in the Annals of History.
          In proportion as we correct our own Commercial Systems, we shall I trust form a stronger tie and connection with America, but we have yet to make some sacrafices to our selves, & to our own habits & prejudices, before we can liberalize our own plans, for our own benefits; & as all are directed by a wise over ruling

providence, it will I trust lead us at last to the Blessings of peace and to the cultivation of those objects that are calculated to promote the happiness & welfare of Society. That You may long enjoy the pleasing reflextions of having so essentially contributed Your share to these great purposes is my sincere wish & am with respectful compliments to Mrs Washington. Dear Sir, Your assured & obedt hble Servt

            Saml Vaughan


Title: From George Washington to the Commissioners for the District of Columbia, 29 July 1795
From: Washington, George
To: Commissioners for the District of Columbia

            Gentlemen,
            Mount Vernon 29 July 1795.

          On friday last I received your several dispatches with different signatures; and should have answered them by monday’s

post; but Doctr Thornton promising to assign his reasons for the dissent he had given to the proposed regulations respecting wharves & water lots, I postponed giving any opinion thereon until I should receive these—which I did yesterday morning. Since which I have been so extremely hurried with one dispatch & another, that I have not been able to attend to the business of the federal city.
          I propose to be in Alexandria on Monday, & shall proceed to Georgetown in the afternoon, when, or very early next morning, I will meet you & decide upon all the matters referred to

            Gentlemen Yr &c.Go. Washington.


Title: From George Washington to the Commissioners for the District of Columbia, 29 July 1795
From: Washington, George
To: Commissioners for the District of Columbia

            Gentlemen,
            Mount Vernon 29th July 1795

          The memorial dated the 24th instt and subscribed by Messrs Scott & white, with other papers relating to water lots, and for regulating the buildings on wharves, in the federal City, came duly to hand; as did Doctr Thornton’s letter of the same date, informing me that he had dissented in some respects from his colleagues on these topics; but, that he had not time by that Post, to assign his reasons for doing so.
          By the Post on Monday I recd them. Since which, I have given the whole subject the best consideration the pressure of other dispatches would enable me to do. The result is—to leave the matter where the Maryland Act has placed it; to the decision of the Commissionrs.
          I perceive no material difference in your opinions; nor are any of them wide from mine; which, to avoid detail, may be summed up in a few words, thus—To let the proprietors of the grounds adjacent to the water, do as they please with the Water opposite

to them; under the following restrictions—1st that they shall not injure the navigation by the extension of their wharves; 2dly that they shall not interrupt, by any buildings thereon, any of the Streets, either North or South—or East and west, if it be practicable to avoid it, and 3dly, that they shall be subject to genl, or at least to proper regulations.
          In complying with the first, no difficulty will occur; and if the second can be accomplished without involving inconveniences, and an expence, of which I have not an accurate knowledge neither the health, nor the beauty of the city would be affected even if the Wharves and buildings thereon were to extend to the channel of both waters; which, in time I have no doubt will be the case; for on Commerce, more than to any other cause, the City must depend for its growth and importance. Whatever may be the determination of the Board on these points, the sooner they are announced to the public the better, as an idea has gone forth not favorable, or pleasing to the seekers of Water lots.
          I have no desire myself to alter the appropriation of any of the public sqrs; I only wished that the propriety of their designations might be well considered before they were ultimately fixed. And for the reasons which have been assigned in some of your former letters, strengthned by the report of Mr Dermot, I approve of the Site for the mint. The square, I conceive, is sufficiently large; and the water is essential.
          In a letter recd from the Secretary of State, in answer to one I wrote him from hence, respecting the funds of the city; & a representation to be made thereon to Messrs Morris & Nicholson; he replies thus, in a letter dated the 25th instt. “Morris and Nicholson inform me, that a part of their arrearages will be immediately paid up; and that they have made a provision for furnishing the balance in a short time.” With esteem & regard—I am Gentn Your Obedt Hble Servt

            Go: Washington


Title: From George Washington to Alexander Hamilton, 29 July 1795
From: Washington, George
To: Hamilton, Alexander

            (Private)
            My dear Sir,
            Mount Vernon 29th July 1795.

          Your letters of the 20th and 21st Instt found me at this place, after a hot & disagreeable ride.
          As the measures of the government, respecting the treaty, were taken before I left Philadelphia, something more imperious than has yet appeared, must turn up to occasion a change. Still, it is very desirable to ascertain, if possible, after the paroxysm of the fever is a little abated, what the real temper of the people is, concerning it; for at present the cry against the Treaty is like that against a mad-dog; and every one, in a manner, seems engaged in running it down.
          That it has received the most tortured interpretation, & that the writings agt it (which are very industriously circulated) are pregnant of the most abominable mis-representations, admits of no doubt; yet, there are to be found, so far as my information extends, many well disposed men who conceive, that in the settlement of old disputes, a proper regard to reciprocal justice does not appear in the Treaty; whilst others, also well enough affected to the government, are of opinion that to have had no commercial treaty would have been better, for this country, than the restricted one, agreed to; inasmuch, say they, the nature of our Exports, and imports (without any extra: or violent measures) would have forced, or led to a more adequate intercourse between the two nations; without any of those shackles which the treaty has imposed. In a word, that as our exports consist chiefly of provisions & raw materials, which to the manufacturers in G. Britain, & to their Islands in the West Indies, affords employment & food; they must have had them on our terms, if they were not to be obtained on their own; whilst the imports of this country, offers the best mart for their fabricks; &, of course, is the principal support of their manufacturers: But the string which

is most played on, because it strikes with most force the popular ear, is the violation—as they term it—of our engagements with France; or in other words, the prediliction shewn by that instrument to G. Britain at the expence of the French nation. The consequences of which are more to be apprehended than any, which are likely to flow from other causes, as ground of opposition; because, whether the fact is, in any degree true, or not, it is the interest of the French (whilst the animosity, or jealousies betwn the two nations exist) to avail themselves of such a spirit, to keep us & G. Britain at variance; and they will, in my opinion, accordingly do it. To what length their policy may induce them to carry matters, is too much in embryo at this moment to decide: but I predict much embarrassment to the government therefrom—and in my opinion, too much pains cannot be taken by those who speak, or write, in favor of the treaty, to place this matter in its true light.
          I have seen with pleasure, that a writer in one of the New York papers under the Signature of Camillus, has promised to answer—or rather to defend the treaty—which has been made with G. Britain. To judge of this work from the first number, which I have seen, I auger well of the performance; & shall expect to see the subject handled in a clear, distinct and satisfactory manner: but if measures are not adopted for its dissimination a few only will derive lights from the knowledge, or labour of the author; whilst the opposition pieces will spread their poison in all directions; and Congress, more than probable, will assemble with the unfavorable impressions of their constituents. The difference of conduct between the friends, and foes of order, & good government, is in nothg more striking than that, the latter are always working like bees, to distil their poison; whilst the former, depending, ofte⟨n⟩ times too much, and too long upon the sense, and good dispositions of the people to work conviction, neglect the means of effecting it. With sincere esteem & regard I am your Affecte

            Go: Washington


Title: To George Washington from Anna La Caux, 29 July 1795
From: La Caux, Anna
To: Washington, George

            Carlow Ireland July 29th—95

          Your Excellency will doubtless be surpris’d at being address’d by a Stranger, & particularly from so distant a part of Europe as Ireland, but distant as it is, the Universal Benevolence of General Washinton’s Character is well known, & his firm attachment to the welfare of mankind, & even to individual right & happiness, has embolden’d me to lay before Your Excellency the Cause of two Orphans, having no other method of conveying a Letter to Citizen Barthelemy, the French Ambassador at Basle in Swisserland. I am therefore Oblig’d, I fear very improperly, to have recourse to Your Excellency’s kind assistance, to order one of Your Secretaries, to forward the inclos’d, as by a direct transmission, it would most Certainly be intercepted, which to me & my Sister would be the perpetual loss of a Considerable Estate, forfeited by our Grandfather, at between 15 & 16 Years Old, for no Crime! but that of being a protestant in the Reign of that Excreable Tyrant! Louis the 14th.
          A Decree has pass’d the National Assembly for restoring to the decendants of French protestant Refugees, the properties of their ancestors, but they were limitted to lay in their Claims within 5 Years of the Date of the Decree; which limit expires January—96—Sir that Decree was never repeal’d. I beg leave to

send the inclos’d unseal’d, for the Honor of Your Excellcy’s perusal; & most humbly intreat Your pardon, for my presumption in troubling you with this Letter. I shall feel every Anxiety least this should not reach Your Excellency’s hand, as my fate almost depends on it. I have the Honor to be Sir with the highest Respect Your Excellency’s Most Obedient Huble Servt

            Anna La Caux


Title: To George Washington from Edmund Randolph, 29 July 1795
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Washington, George

            Philadelphia July 29. 1795.7 o’clock a.m.
            Private.Sir

          As soon as I had the honor of receiving your letter of the 24th instant, I conferred with the secretaries of the treasury and of war upon the necessity or expediency of your return hither at this time. We all concurred, that neither the one nor the other existed: and that the circumstance would confer upon the things, which have been, and are still, carried on, an importance, which it would not be convenient to give them.
          The newspapers present all the intelligence, which has reached me, relative to the treaty. Dunlap’s of yesterday morning conveys the proceedings at Charleston. The conduct of the intended Chief Justice is so extraordinary, that Mr Wolcott and Colo. Pickering conceive it to be a proof of the imputation of insanity. By calculating dates, it would seem to have taken place, after my letter, tendering the office to him was received; tho’ he has not acknowledged it.
          I shall take another opportunity of impressing upon Messrs Morris and Nicholson the consequences of their failure; tho’ I presume, that they will add nothing to what I communicated to you from them in my letter of Saturday last. Mr Morris appeared to be very firm in his expectations of furnishing a Sum of money immediately, and the balance in a short time.
          The translation of the French letter will shew it to be, only thanks for some information, transmitted from my office by your direction.
          Mr Hammond yesterday received his letters of recal[l]. He came over to state to me, that he had several things to communicate, by order, relative to the treaty, on the supposition of its being ratified; and that he would impart them to me in a few days; as he expects to be ready for his departure in about a fortnight or three weeks. We entered into some conversation on the occurrences at Charleston; upon which he spoke with moderation; and declared, that he should represent, when he returned

to England, the sincerity of this government in the business of the treaty.
          For two days past I have been so much indisposed, as without being ill, to be disqualified for any matter of consequence. I am prepared with the instructions; and wait only to know your sentiments on the memorial, to conform them to it.
          It is said, that a petition is circulating for the purpose of obtaining signatures, to counteract the memorial, forwarded to you from Philadelphia. I do not know the fact; tho’ I believe it to be probable on the information of Mr Bingham. I have the honor to be sir with the most respectful and affectionate attachment yr mo. ob. serv.

            Edm: Randolph.


Title: From George Washington to Oliver Wolcott, Jr., 29 July 1795
From: Washington, George
To: Wolcott, Oliver Jr.

            Dear Sir
            Mount Vernon 29th July 1795

          I am obliged to you for the acct given, in your letter of the 27th of the meeting which was had in the State house yard, the saturday before; and such information as you may receive, & can rely upon, respecting the sentiments of the People of that city, and other places, relative to the treaty between this country & G. Britain I shall receive with satisfaction.
          It is an interesting subject; and to know the sense of the people generally on it, or that of cool & dispassionate men who are judges of the subject, without prejudice or partiality, would be very agreeable to me. With esteem & regard I am—Dr Sir Your Affecte

            Go: Washington


Title: To George Washington from Oliver Wolcott, Jr., 29 July 1795
From: Wolcott, Oliver Jr.
To: Washington, George

            Treasury Department July 29th 1795

          The Secretary of the Treasury has the honor most respectfully to represent to The President of the United States, that by an Act entitled “an act making further appropriations for the military and naval establishments & for the support of Government,” passed on the 3d day of March 1795, The President of the United States is empowered to borrow of the Bank of the United

States or of any other body politic, person or persons, a sum not exceeding the sums following—vizt

               The sum appropriated for the support of the military establishment during the year 1795
              1,469,439.29

               The sum appropriated for defraying the expense of a detachment of Militia lately under the command of Major Genl Morgan
                100,682.

               The sum appropriated for the paymt of military pensions durg the year 1795
                 85,357.04

               The sum appropriated for the Contingent Expenses of Government
                 10,000.

               Amounts in the whole to Doll[ar]s
              1,665,478.33

               In part of the sums before mentioned a Loan has been obtained of the Bank of the United States under a special Commission from the President for that purpose dated the 21st day of March 1795 for the sum of
                500,000.

              which being deducted leaves the sum which the President is authorised by the said recited Act to borrow, in case the exigencies of the public service should render it necessary, being
              1,165,478.33

          In addition to the current & ordinary expenses of the Government & the payments of Interest on the Domestic Debt, the following sums will shortly be demandable—vizt
          By the Bank of the United States for six per Cent stock sold to the late Secretary of the Treasury for the purposes of a remittance on account the principal & Interest of the Dutch Debt, payable at the following periods.

               On the 1st of August next
                100,000

               On the 1st of Septembr
                100,000.

               On the 1st of October
                100,000.

               On the 1st of November
                200,000.

                500,000.

               By the holders of bills drawn by the late Minister of France, accepted at the Treasury & payable on the 3d of Septr next
                272,250.

               By the holders of bills drawn and accepted in like manner, payable on the 5th of November next
                181,500.

               There will also become due to the Bank of New York in the course of the present year, the amount of a Loan obtained in October last, being
                200,000.

               In addition to the foregoing sums there will be payable to the Bank of the U. States by three instalments on the first of Novr Decr & Jany next ensuing the balance of a Loan of four hundred thousand dollars made of the sd Bank on the 25 of May 1792, amounting to
                300.000.

               Making in the whole—Dollars
              1,453,750.

          As it is certain that the product of the ordinary revenue will be inadequate to the demands for the current service, & to the reimbursement of all those capitals, the Secretary requests the permission of the President to borrow the sum of Five hundred thousand Dollars which he will endeavour so to apply as to prevent an accumulation of Debt bearing interest, & he accordingly transmits a form of a power for that purpose.
          All which is most respectfully submitted by

            Olivr WolcottSecry of the Treasy


Title: To George Washington from Samuel Miller, 30 July 1795
From: Miller, Samuel
To: Washington, George

            Sir,
            New York, July 30 1795.

          I do myself the honor to transmit to You, a Sermon delivered in this City, on the last Anniversary of American Independence: And also a Discourse delivered at the request of, & before the Grand Lodge of this State, on the late Festival of St John the Baptist.
          Be pleased, Sir, to receive these trifling productions, not as in themselves worthy of Your attention; but as a small testimony of that high Respect, & profound Veneration, which every American Citizen, & indeed, every lover of man, owes to your exalted character. I have the honor to be, Sir, your most obedient & most humble Servant,

            Saml Miller.


Title: To George Washington from Thomas (Robert Treat) Paine, 30 July 1795
From: Paine, Thomas (Robert Treat)
To: Washington, George

            May it please your excellency!
            Boston; July 30th; 1795.

          The accompanying Poem was composed, by the appointment of the rev. president Willard. The wish of many friends induced its publication.
          As a mite of public gratitude, it was dedicated to the First of men. As a tribute of private veneration, it is laid at his feet. By his most obedient, & devoted humble servant,

            Thomas Paine.


Title: To George Washington from Richmond, Va., Citizens, 30 July 1795
From: Citizens of Richmond, Virginia
To: Washington, George

            Richmond, (Virginia) July 30th 1795
            To George Washington President of the United States

          The citizens of Richmond respectfully beg leave to enclose a copy of their proceedings of their meeting of yesterday and this day and to give their reasons in support of the principles therein laid down.
          They deem the said Treaty to be insulting, Because—
          At a time when we were most grievously oppressed by the British Nation on the High Seas, contrary to all the rules of national law and equity—at a time when the non-compliance of the same people with a prior treaty for upwards of ten years, and additional subsequent encroachments also made on our territory, had been patiently borne by us—at a time when the completion of the said treaty on our part was perfect—at a time too when our internal quiet was greatly disturbed by savage nations evidently encouraged, cherished, and supported by the British to carry on against us the cruel and destructive warfare they are known to practise: at such an era, when we sent to demand reparation for unwarrantable spoliations; to demand a compliance with solemn engagements entered into, and which ought to have been fulfilled ten years before, we are offered a procrastinating and humiliating paper, placing us on the footing of mere dependents; not even deigning to speak of compensation, or to apologize for the immense robbery committed in carrying away negroes, and other property, contrary to treaty; and yet having the effrontery to demand a guaranty of British debts.
          They deem it injurious to our interests, Because—
          Our trade is greatly shackled by actual restraints on us, in the first place, and by unbounded priveleges and benefits in favor of the British Commerce, in the second. Reciprocity, tho’ often delusively held out in this treaty, exists not in reality; and if commerce was at all to be beneficial to us, the very means by which it was to be obtained and extended, to wit, our shipping, is reduced to a contemptible State indeed, evidently calculated to prevent increase of ships or seamen to this country, thereby placing our persons and property, at all future times, dependent on the british nation for the transportation and consequent purchase of

our produce, and for the peaceful enjoyment of all our aquatic frontiers: Besides, british subjects, whether resident on our territory or not, having the free use of the most important passes and places of trade, on our, as well as their own, side the lakes and rivers, will consequently derive all the advantages arising from that trade so as to amount to a compleat monopoly; reciprocity being, herein, done away.
          They deem it dangerous to the security of the united states— Because The boundary lines of our country are thrown open, as if on purpose to produce cavil and dispute whenever a favorable moment shall present itself, unless indeed we consent to a surrender of a great part of our now acknowledged territory—Because—Aliens may enjoy our soil—nay—because, by the second article, a british colony may be established within our country; for not having full power over british subjects, to whom the right in the soil is secured, the sovereignty of the state in which this may take place will be thereby greatly lessened, if not totally annihilated. Does the Constitution admit of such a power to any department whatever formed under that instrument?
          This they say is not a forced construction of that article, for, if the Posts a thing not denied, be within our lines, if the inhabitants at and around those posts (and God only knows how far they mean to claim precinct or jurisdiction for they have cautiously avoided boundaries here) have and may keep possession of the lands, and within twelve months after the surrender, should this ever peaceably happen, they may make their election to stay or go, and may, if they please, remain british subjects—we ask— from whom have they obtained our land? to whom do they owe full obedience? does not it seem, then, that they are to be continued there, that they may be ready at all times to attempt that, which, fortunately for us, hitherto they have been unable to accomplish? They have stipulated for the indians too, as if we were unable to treat with those people ourselves, and have thereby endeavored, and no doubt flatter themselves with some prospect of succeeding, to attach those tribes to the British cause, in order, should they ever find a seeming opportunity, to use them against us.
          ’Tis observable likewise that, in this treaty, there is the greatest uncertainty relative to almost every thing which could redound to our benefit; to wit, our boundary lines; the precincts and

jurisdiction of the posts; the compensation for spoliations on our commerce; the right to take our provisions under a supposition that they may be contraband, and the great benefit we are to derive is payment of cost with a reasonable profit, which they will be the judges of, while they make an almost unbounded profit on the same articles, which may turn out not to be contraband? on the other hand, they are most cautiously guarded; indeed we are, by the 10th Article, on no account whatever to touch a shilling of their money, or a particle of their property. Here let us look on which side nineteen twentieths of property is like to be, and then let us again ask for reciprocity? Let us ask more, British property being thus held sacred, while ours may as above, be sported with, what security have we for a compliance on their part with any terms they may enter into? Have we fleets and armies to enforce? Have they not? Have we not kept our word? Have they? This tenth article then, however specious is certainly delusive, by no means equal, nay, dangerous in the extreme, when totally yielded. However proper it may become, on future emergencies, to exercise Congressional discretion over the property of enemies within our reach, should this treaty be ratified, on a rupture with Britain, that discretion cannot be exercised without violation of a supreme law of the land, and the resources of our country will be drained a consequent sudden blow to our credit take place to aid the operations of an enemy.
          They deem it repugnant to the constitution—Because—
          If the Executive and Senate only can encrease, lessen or alter duties laid by Congress, and make any or all the regulations respecting commerce, then tis needless and unnecessary, nay improper for Congress (of which body they beg leave to say the Executive is no part) to take any steps therein, lest they be contradictory; which may be the case, if a treaty can contravene, or stipulate for; duties on the vessels or imports from foreign nations.
          The Constitution in the 1st Section of the 1st Article defines Congress expressed to be “the Senate and House of representatives”—the 8th Section of the same act gives Congress the power to lay duties, to regulate commerce with foreign nations, and between the several States, and with the indian Tribes—to define and punish piracies. The power then vested in Congress is totally destroyed, if only one branch thereof can do all these

things; or undo what both branches, united, have done. It will be said no doubt that in the 2d section of the 2d article the President shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate to make treaties—granted—but certainly they must relate to such subjects only, as are not specifically placed under the power of Congress; for in the same article, the president by and with the advice and consent of the senate shall appoint ambassadors &c. Will any one say that in consequence of this power, the President and senate could stipulate that themselves or their Ambassador might accept of any title of nobility from any King, Prince, or foreign State without the consent of Congress; and yet, if the power to make treaties be unqualified, why not the president and senate do this, as well as regulate commerce, and define piracies &c. Again, the Congress itself in the first article is prohibited the suspension of the Habeas Corpus, unless where in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it. Must not Congress then declare the cause, before the suspension can be lega? And yet, by this treaty, Piracies are constituted, and murder authorized. Let it be asked, how then is a citizen to have the benefit of the Habeas Corpus? Thus by a short hand mode life and property may be wrested from our citizens.
          The citizens flatter themselves sufficient proof is given of this treaty’s being insulting, injurious, dangerous, and repugnant to the constitution of the United States. They will therefore only make a few further observations in support of this position; and proceed to prove it
          delusive and impolitic.
          Much has been said of great benefits to be derived from the East India Trade. What productions of our country are exported in that line? very few indeed. Silver coin is the principal article, nay comparatively speaking, almost the only thing—What do we get in return? Articles which, in general, we can do very well without—Is this trade, then, which takes away specie, our only legal circulating medium, in an extraordinary proportion indeed; and which brings us little besides superfluities; so much to be prized, as for us to yield up substantial benefits, nay, to surrender essential Rights? The West India article of trade as offered, being suspended; the Citizens have not wasted time in speaking

of; considering it too degrading for a free people to think of; and yet the mighty boon in the East savours strongly too of the western bounty.
          They have Studiously sought for one article in this treaty which would place us on a better footing than that on which we now stand. To their astonishment and mortification the search has been in vain, while numberless objections all well founded, arise on every side.
          Did they suppose it necessary to state all their objections of impolicy, great and numerous would they be, yet they cannot pass over the idea, that by allowing persons resident in our country to remain British subjects, they are placed on a much better footing than our own citizens and consequently will ever remain subjects of great britain, and as such may become extremely dangerous to our internal tranquillity. It must also be observed that tho’ the Treaty is recommended by 20 Senators, whereby the constitution most evidently meant two thirds of the Citizens of the United States, yet agreably to the census there is but a trifling majority when ascertained by Senatorial vote; while the fact certainly is, that a very great majority, (it is believed, one hundred for one of the Citizens) are evidently opposed to the Treaty; an opinion warranted by the public prints throughout the United States and private communications. They cannot withhold expressing a conviction that this treaty may deprive us of the power of entering into future beneficial regulations with other Nations, and no doubt will be supposed to violate engagements already entered into with those to whom we owe much on the score of gratitude and friendship, and thereby lessen, if not lose us, that esteem and regard so warmly manifested to us by a great and magnanimous republic; an injury, if sustained, not to be repaired in the old world, but may perhaps be severely felt in the new.
          Thus far they have endeavoured, cooly and dispassionately, yet freely, to consider the said Treaty, and now pass over numerous other objections all of weight. And tho’ they most seriously consider, that the horrors and calamities of war or dissention should by every cool, rational, and possible means, be averted; and with a sincere wish and steady hope that we may never be drawn into that unfortunate situation by any power on earth—Yet, with a thorough conviction of the insult, injury, and danger to the United States by the Offered Treaty, which they think

much more likely to create than prevent a war: with a firm reliance on the rectitude of their own intentions: with a full hope and belief of a coincidence of opinion on your part; They add a confident expectation that this treaty, altho’ recommended conditionally by twenty Senators! will not meet your approbation or ratification; but that, if we are to have treaties with foreign nations (a thing perhaps very problematical as to securing or promoting the peace and happiness of these United States) They express again a full hope, that all such treaties will be formed on constitutional principles; on principles very different from those they have been condemning; and not on specious, delusive and insecure grounds, but that of mutual benefit and reciprocal advantage.

            By desire of the meetingsigned G. Wythe, chairman.