Title: From Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams to Abigail Smith Adams, 24 January 1808
From: Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

My Dear Mother
Washington Jan 24th. 1808

I have delay’d answering your very kind letter owing to my Baby’s having been very seriously sick and requiring all my attention during a fortnight. He is now entirely recover’d and has two teeth—
I much fear it will be a long time before I shall be permitted to see you as every thing appears to be in such a state of confusion and hostility that it is impossible to form any idea of the time that Congress may remain in Session. Since Mr Rose’s arrival the cry for War seems to redouble, and it is generally supposed impossible to avoid it with one or other of the contending Powers—but the present system so evidently inclines to France the Negociation with G.B. is not likely to terminate very amicably of this however very little has transpired and it is only from  common reports that we hear any thing on the subject—
The Presidential Election is a subject which likewise furnishes a large proportion of our present conversation parties are becoming extremely violent and there is a decided opposition between Clinton and Madison which I think is likely to produce a complete division of the present Party there are now evidently four distinct parties of which Mr M’s is undoubtedly at present much the strongest. it appears to me in the present desperate situation of Public affairs it will not prove an enviable station and as the path is so thickly strew’d with thorns that the few flowers with which it is decorated only serve to conceal the poison by which it is surrounded—Our situation here this winter is not very pleasant as it is universally believed your Son has changed his party and the F., are extremely bitter about his talents are of too much real importance for them to venture publickly to throw him off but in private they circulate reports very much to his disadvantage he bears it with great fortitude and keeps up his health & spirits surprizingly indeed our time now so short that I myself do not feel very anxious although I almost impatiently anticipate the moment of our release—
We are very solicitous to hear from you. Sister T. B. must I think be confined ere this, and I wish much to know how my dear Mrs Smith is, and if she, and her family, are still with you—I will thank you to make my love to all and particularly to Louisa tell her that Mrs Buchanan has had a misfortune so she need not  part of the work she promised though I dare say it will not be long before it is wanted Mrs B. has nearly recover’d her health but is still delicate
I hope my dear Mother as I am conscious of not shining very much in the art of letter writing that you will confine the perusal of this to yourself Kiss my lovely Boy remember me to Mrs Cranch and believe me very respectfully and affectionately

L. C. Adams


Title: To John Adams from John Quincy Adams, 27 January 1808
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, John

My dear Sir.
Washington 27. Jany: 1808.

I have already written you a very long letter in answer to your favour of the 8th: instt:—and after writing it, upon reading it over concluded the best disposition I could make of it would be to burn it—Accordingly the flames have consumed it, and I must begin again.
Your answers and observations upon my inquiries respecting the impressment of our seamen by the British are of the highest interest—But this general question has been absorbed by the new decrees of the great contending belligerent powers—Right and wrong are no longer subjects of discussion in our concerns with the European Nations—They appear to be agreed in the determination that there shall be no more neutrality, and our only choice is, which of the two we will resist.
I am very sensible of that situation in which you consider me to stand, and that being now wholly unsupported by any great party, the expiration of my present term of service will dismiss me from my public Station—By this Event my vanity may be affected; but in every other respect it will be a relief—Deeming it inconsistent with my duties ever to shrink from the service of my Country, I have always adhered to the principle that I should not solicit any of its favours—The present time, and the prospects of the Nation are such that a seat in the public Councils, cannot be an object of my desire—My literary profession and the Education of my children will occupy all my time in a manner which will furnish me duties enough to discharge—I shall also resume the practice of the Law, as far as that will resume me, and although this is a business for which I know myself to be indifferently qualified, I shall still pursue it as far as my circumstances will admit.
Notwithstanding the critical situation of the Country, the two Houses of Congress are acting very much at their leisure, and from their present proceedings one would imagine we were in a state of profound peace—The Presidential Election engrosses the principal attention of the Members—About one half the members of both houses here, have declared in favour of Mr: Madison; and to re elect the Vice-President.—In the Legislature of Virginia also the friends of Mr: Madison have outnumbered those of Mr: Monroe nearly three to one—I understand that by way of making a temporary provision for Mr: Monroe, he is to be chosen Governor of Virginia.
I think you mentioned to me before I came on here, that there were two of the notes due at Hingham, which you would wish to have discharged the next Spring—I will therefore if it is agreeable to you enable and request Mr. Shaw, at the end of the present quarter (which will be I think the 22d: of March) to pay you so much of the debt I owe you, as will reduce it to 4000 dollars—It is now a little more than 6000.—Of course he will pay you upwards of 2000 dollars of the principal, which will be sufficient to discharge two of the Notes, as far as I recollect—If this arrangement should suit you, I will thank you to let me know, as early as convenient—That I may give directions in season to Mr: Shaw.
I remain, Dear Sir, ever faithfully yours.
J. Q. Adams
P.S. My wife and child have been afflicted with colds, but are now well, and present their duty—The boy has two teeth—We received two days ago a letter from my Mother, to whom we offer our best affections—


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to Sarah Smith Adams, January 1808
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Adams, Sarah Smith

My dear daughter
ca. January 1808

I will not delay a single hour to replie to your Letter of Jan’ry 8th just recived, and to acknowledge the receipt of that of Novbr which ought not to have lain so long unanswerd; Since Mrs Smith has been with me I have not been in the habit of writing, and when once a reluctance to the pen commences, it increases by time with time untill it becomes urksome. I know I ought to have written to you.  my pen has not performd its duty. my mind has best been occupied about you and yours, and your future prospects—equally tho not perhaps so anxiously as for Mrs Smith and her family now destined to the wilderness—tho from her natural disposition to submit with chearfullness to whatever situation she is calld to share and participate with her family She may be inclined to considering it as blosomeing like the Rose and be disposed to accommodate her mind to her situation. her Friends cannot consider view it in in any other way other light, than a deprivation and sacrifice of social enjoyment, and a seclusion from the world. patience and good humour will mitigate every sacrifice—and serve as a panacea to heal all the wounds the rubs and Scratches one receives in this rough world. It will make a smooth road where the pickaxe has never levelled the inequalities, and soften the mattress and pillow—I strive to reconcile myself to it, but find it a hard task. If you have received Susans Letter you will find that your Brother came on with the first snow, and took Mrs. Smith and Caroline with him to Chenang. It was so late in the Season before the house was compleated, that I thought it best Mrs. Smith and should pass the winter with me, and go up in the spring—I had prevaild upon her to write thus, but your Brother came as far as Albany, and wishd her to meet him there. I could not consent that She should go in the Stage, and he took advantage of the first snow and came on for her. When that was the case I could do no otherways than consent to her going. You may easily suppose how sensibly I feel her loss and that of Carolines who is a most amiable child William remains with us. John left us in October...William is engaged for the winter Months as an assistant to mr Whitney—not to preach, but to assist him in his by taking those scholars to instruct who were learning arithmatic. this gives him some employ, and will qualify him for going into a store which he is desirious of, in the Spring, if buisness Should revive and peace continue—William is an amiable modest engageing youth, and I hope will make his way in the world—but through the unsuspecting credulity of his Father, he has been placed in a perilious and Situation and his Father deprived of the means of supporting himself and family nor can he hope or expect to be any way employd under the present Administration. he has pursued the wisest course left him to follow withdrawn to the wilderness—there with his own hands and by the Sweat of his Brow to earn his Bread. May success crown his honest endeavours.—he appeard very pleasent and happy, and assured me that he did not feel a wish to quit his situation—I have had a very huge family through the Summer Seldom less than 22—and you know where the care falls to to whose lot the care falls—I have been blest with more health than usual, and should have enjoyd my family as much as I could consistant with the anxiety I have felt for their future subsistance—
I ask not why the world has delt thus hardly with us; we have lived in perilious times—and tho we reap not the full Harvest we have earnd—I presume future generation will feel the benifit of the sacrifices we have made and do justice to the memory of those who have sufferd much and endured much for their benefit. At present they seem disposed to sacrifice all the blessings of independence
I rejoice that you have a kind sister to whom you can be mutually beneficial. I hope she has quite recoverd her Health, and will never forget the hand which healed her. the world looks very different to us when surrounded with pleasures and allured by its temptations—we pass heedless on. In sickness we feel our dependence and our obligations.
Susan is very well. She does not attend any school now. She has made a considerable proficiency in arithmatic which she pursues at home. She has also some knowledg in drawing. My greatest difficulty is to convince her of the utility of order method and diligence towards improvement. She may properly be calld an outsizd girl for she is already as tall as her cousin Louissa, and almost as large, and a woman already tho not yet 12 years of age. all these things are dissadvantages because the world expect the maturity of years and discretion from a girl not yet in her teens—She is I think improveing. I have been distresst least she should be crooked for she would stoop in spight of constant admonition and  out her head, which gave her a very awkard appearence—but Caroline who you know is a fine figure has been of much service to her, and she has improved in her Shape for the last Six months—She will never be half as handsome in her face as Abbe, but I think her form will be Majestic. I hope time will fashion her manner and disposition to my mind, but she was not born with that femenine softness and yealding disposition which some children possess. I hope it will be compensated to her in strength of mind, and sound judgment—She will write to You again soon as I shall and inclose you a remittence, which I should have done now, but I wishd to assist mrs Smith as much as I could when she left me—I am my &
Louisa, Mrs T B Adams Sister Cranch and all your old acquaintance desire to be rememberd to you
My Love to my dear Abbe/  from her affectionate Grandmother
A Adams


Title: From Elizabeth Smith Shaw Peabody to Mary Smith Cranch, January 1808
From: Peabody, Elizabeth Smith Shaw
To: Cranch, Mary Smith

My Dear Sister,
Jan—1808 Atkinson

Abby was indeed very happy to receive a letter from so worthy, beloved, & good an Aunt—& it gives me sincere pleasure to find you were able to take your pen in hand, & convey Instruction & entertainment to your Friend—The long turn of cold weather has been very unfavourable for retiring into a chamber, for any literary pursuit, even at the other end of the room the Ink would freeze The only way we had was to make a great fire, & by a well heated Parlour, make as many of the family as comfortable as we possibly could—And with such a number of Boarders it has been work enough—I desire to be thankful to a kind Providence that thus far through the winter, we have been favored with a  good share of health. This with food, the necessaries of Life, contented, & intelligent Faces smiling upon me should, & does lighten the many Cares, with which I am involved, by the unremitted attention, Duty demands should be payed to a youthful family— It calls for Precept upon Precept, for Wisdom & Judgment to know how & when to convey the gentle remonstrance, the kind monition—& to convince them that our whole aim, is their improvement, honour, reputation, & Usefulness in life—
How happy for us that in the midst of company, business, & care, the mind unseen can be employed in the kindest wishes, for our dear absent Friends, & beloved relatives, when no leisure, or place can be found for our hands to write, or convey the warm wish, the benevolent purpose, a salutory cordial, to the equally glowing heart—
The Situation of your health my Sister last Fall, & the advanced age of the Husband of your youth, the dear Partner of your Joys, & Griefs—& my own often Infirmities, led me to fear the time could not be far distant, when flesh & heart must fail, & a separation take place, perhaps, of a much longer date—And when I bid you adieu, it excited those emotions, & thoughts which an affectionate virtuous mind, ever experiences upon similar occasions— But Hope, sweet Hope, cheered & solaced me on my homeward way, & bid me “look beyond the grave”—


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Thomas Boylston Adams, 6 February 1808
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Thomas Boylston

My dear Brother.
Washington 6. Feby: 1808.

I am indebted to you, I believe for two letters; but there is so much in the last, of what parson Gardner in one of his Sermons said was called in the barbarous jargon of modern times quizzing, that I hardly know how to answer it at-all—For the use or abuse of my name in the newspapers, whether from friend or foe, in good or in evil I hope I shall not be held accountable—Neither do I suppose any of my friends, nor even the nearest of my relations can expect or wish that for every malicious or every silly paragraph which either federalists or republicans can find a motive for pointing at me, I am bound to explanation—to admission—or to denial. Because a certain portion of federalists have thought fit to connect the fortunes of their Cause with that of Admiral Berkley, and with that of Emperor Burr, and because in these two hopeful projects of theirs, I have thought it my duty not only to abandon them but to take a part active and decided against them, I am not at-all surprized to see the whole pack of their blood-hounds opening upon me—I expected it, and am as well prepared for it as I could be for any trial of that description—But I did suppose that I had friends in the world who had knowledge of my general character and confidence in the stability of my principles enough to be satisfied that my course of conduct as a public man never was and never would be regulated or governed by any base motive or any selfish consideration.
The Coalition of the Berkley-ites and the federalists, at the commencement of the present Session of Congress was highly exasperated against me, for what was termed my Bill—They began immediately to shew their teeth, but had generally the wit to restrain their rage for that time—My vote upon the embargo increased their virulence, but they still thought some measures with me were to be kept—They knew perfectly well that with regard to that measure I was responsible for much more than my vote—for all the influence, and all the exertions I could use—But they still reserved much of their resentments in petto.
The Coalition of the Burrites and of the federalists, which is nearly the same with the other, but which includes some individuals of consequence who dared not pledge themselves quite so far, was driven to the last extremeties by my report on the case of John Smith—Since then, they have avowedly excluded me from the ranks of federalism—have endeavoured by sly insinuations in Congress, and by open denunciations in the public prints to impute every false and atrocious motive to my conduct, and among others of their ingenious devices, have bent no small portion of their anxiety to inform the world that I am professor of Rhetoric and Oratory at Cambridge—They have attacked my Report for its style—for its principles—for its argument—for every thing that it did, and for every thing that it did not contain—They have amused me with insulting anonymous letters, and are very assiduous in the common routine of slander and invective, by which a man’s character is hunted down by these doughty champions of order and good Government.
All this as I have before told you is no more than I expected—But this very Berkleyan-Burrite-Federal violence against me, has produced a counteraction, which I believe years of mere public service, would never have obtained—It has made their opponents not only willing to number me on their side, but to give me a puff upwards for every blast downwards of their antagonists—It has given me a standing of Consideration in the Senate, certainly more distinguished than I ever before possessed; and has even led some of them in newspapers and Caucuses, to talk about me for Offices to which I have neither pretension, expectation nor wish.
You have seen, and by the manner in which you mention the Circumstance, it seems to have given you pain if not suspicion, newspaper intelligence from supposed Caucuses here; in which it was asserted that the Monroe party talked of linking me, for the Vice-Presidency with him, as President—and this in opposition to Madison, with Genl: Dearborn—I have also seen these news-paper Publications, and I know nothing more of them than you do—I never received the most distant intimation from any one of Mr: Monroe’s friends, that could warrant a supposition that such an idea had ever been entertained by them—I did attend, by invitation the Caucus or Convention of Members which recommended Madison for President & Clinton for Vice-President, and voted at it. But in other respects I took no part in the proceedings—I was a mere Spectator and Hearer—You may be assured that if any suggestion of connecting my name with that of Mr: Monroe upon this occasion had been made to me, I should have discountenanced it without hesitation, and in the most pointed mannerI do not think that he ought to be chosen President, and I have made no scruple of saying so at any period of the present Session—
Intimations from other quarters (not from either of the candidates) I have received—It is unnecessary for me to say any thing more to you about them than this—I have explicitly declared that in any support which I have given or may hereafter give to this or to any other administration, I have no personal views or expectations whatsoever—Nothing to ask—nothing even to wish—That the only reason upon which I have supported or may support the Administration, is a conviction that they are struggling to maintain the best interests and rights of the Country—Whether this answer was satisfactory or not, is unimportant—You may perhaps hear less of my prospects for the Vice-Presidency, or for any thing else, than you have hitherto, but you may rely that I neither am nor ever will be pledged to any thing but to the interest of my Country.
The laborious part of our public business, in the Senate, is now chiefly transacted in Committees, and there have been but two Committees on any subject of national importance yet raised this Session, of which I have not been a member—The time I have spent in the Committee-Room has I believe exceeded in quantity that in which the Senate has been sitting, and the time employed in my own chamber upon the subjects discuss’d in Committee has perhaps been more than either—I have therefore had very few moments that I could have devoted to the canvass of election had it been a sort of occupation congenial to my taste—But I am observing not inattentively the attack and defence, the mines and countermines of the political combatants, and I find in them ample materials for reflections upon human nature and human Events, as well as considerable insight into the recesses of individual character—In this respect I am a mere by-stander, and without taking a hand myself find amusement and instruction in overlooking the Cards.
The subject for the last four or five days which has engaged the deliberations of the House of Representatives has been a proposal of Mr: Sloan for removing the Seat of Government to Philadelphia— It is not yet decided, but the probability seems to be that the project will not succeed. I suspect its real and principal object is to produce an effect on the Election—We had also two days ago a new Yazoo Petition—from New-York—presented in Senate by Dr: Mitchill, who has heretofore always voted against those claimants—Warm debate on the question whether the petition should be received—taken at last by yeas and nays—You have seen in the newspapers how the memorial from the Massachusetts Legislature was treated in the other house—Perhaps the New-York Legislature may take it up next—Congress may refuse to hear those People, untill they will find inducements to listen stronger than the naked sense of Justice—It is now one of the most powerful electioneering Engines that has yet been brought into play. The Extinguishment of the State Balances has also been worked for the same purpose, but that was at length dismiss’d from the Senate by a bare majority—
The Negotiation with Mr: Rose is said to have been suspended, and nearly broken off ten days ago, by his requiring as a preliminary the repeal of the President’s interdicting Proclamation—His legation certainly then did talk of going home immediately, and the Berkleyans in Congress were writing paragraphs for publication at home charging our Administration with the rupture of the Negotiation—The rumour of departure has since subsided, but it is said Mr: Rose is negotiating with others besides Mr: Madison— I believe there is foundation for the report.
My wife and child are well—I hope the same of yours, and ask affectionate remembrance to the whole fire-side.
Your’s.

P.S.—If you should discover in this Letter an unreasonable number of metaphors too incorrect for the Professor of Rhetoric, get Shaw to ask the favour of the Anthology-Reviewer of the pamphlet called the British Treaty to correct them.


Title: From John Adams to John Quincy Adams, 12 February 1808
From: Adams, John
To: Adams, John Quincy

My good Son
Quincy Feb. 12. 1808

Since you will not allow me the whole of Parson Nelsons Epithets for his Son I will insist upon retaining the better half of them. Nothing was farther from my intention than to underrate the Character of Admiral Nelson. I can Subscribe to all that you Say in his praise: yet I would not exchange Sons with the Parson, though the Admiral were still living with all his Wealth, Virtues, Titles and Victories.
The proposed Amendment to the Constitution, to make the Judges removeable by Address of the two houses alarms me. The Question was debated in Boston yesterday in our H. of Reps. I have not heard the Result. I am grieved to see that you favour the Amendment! What can be at the bottom of this Maneuvre? Is it for the express or implied Purpose of removing Marshall Cushing and Chace? According to present Appearance if that Amendment was now in Force, those three Judges at least would be discarded before Congress would rise. The Independence of the Judges is fortified in our national Constitution beyond all former Example. So much the better. It is the only Security of our Lives, and Liberties. Our Executive is the Creature of a Party: our Legislature in both Houses is the Creature of a Party: nothing remains but the Judiciary which has any Appearance of independence of Party. The Spirit of Party is insatiable. If this Amendment is embraced it will not be long before others will be proposed, to make their Commissions during pleasure, to limit them to a few Years, or to make the Judgs eligible by Congress or by the People for Six Years, for four Years, for two Years, or for one. To this Part of the Constitution I say esto perpetua.
Educated and living for fifty Years in a profound Veneration for the Rules of Evidence and the order of Proceedings, the ordo Judiciorum of the Common Law in our Trybunals of Justice I lamented what I thought too much Levity of Expression relative to those Subjects in your Report in the Case of John Smith. Though the discretion of the Senate may be above the Law I would never exercise it but according to Law.
But to return to the Judiciary. The Independence of the Judges appears to me to be our best Security against the Passions and Power of Parties. The great division of our Country into a northern and a Southern Interest, will be a perpetual Source of Parties and Struggles. Sometimes one and sometimes the other will predominate, and independent Judges will be the best protectors against the Violence and Excesses of the prevailing Party. In Addition to this formidable Cause of discord, We have all others which other Nations have experienced. We have the great divisions of the rich and the poor, Creditors and Debtors. In England the Prerogatives of the Crown, have been able to ballance these Parties and restrain the Excesses of both by independent Judges, by prohibiting Usury and by Bankrupt Laws. An American Statesman ought every Year of his Life to read the Roman History: especially Dionysius Hallicarnassensis. Livy is manifestly too much of an Aristocrat, though in general he agrees with Dionysius. The Creditors in Rome, threw Cassius down the Tarpeian Rock, killed Mælius without Judge or Jury by Cincinnatus’s Master of the Horse, and precipitated Manlius down the Tarpeian Rock from the Principle of Patrician Envy and the Jealousy of Camillus. The Grachi afterwards fell in a Similar Struggle. All these Things were done by the Struggles between Debtor and Creditor. Patricians like Cincinnatus and Camillus and many others, by abstaining from Usury, by professing Poverty and a Contempt of Riches, gained the Esteem of Plebeians and Debtors and at the same time asserting in the highest Tone, the Authority of the Senate and the Claims of Creditors, became Consuls, Generals and Dictators and sacrificed all their Rivals, who presumed to compassionate the People.
It was a Principle established at Rome from the foundation of the City that Debtors who could not pay should be delivered to their Creditors, as Slaves. The Creditors, all Usurers, practised intollerable Cruelties on their Debtors the description of which cannot be read without horror. These Cruelties first produced the Secession of the People to the Sacred Mountain.
Fifty Years afterwards by the Law of the Twelve Tables, the Creditors had the same Rights over their Debtors. If the Debt was not paid, the Debtor was condemned to loose his head, or be Sold as a Slave. This was not all. The Creditors were permitted to cutt the Body of a Debtor to pices and divide him among them. All this was pretended to be to inspire horror for the breach of Faith, in the commerce of the World and civil Society. The Principle was good and ought to be held Sacred: but the application and abuse of it, was execrable. These Oppressions augmented continually. “Repleri vinctis nobiles domos.” “Ubicumque Patricius habitet, ibi carcerum privatum esse.” Forty Years after a Law passed to give Creditors a right over the fortune only, and not the Persons of the Debtors. Livy condemns this Law “Victum eo die, ob impotentum injuriam unius, ingens vinculum fidei. This Law was no Bulwark against the avarice of Creditors, for forty Years afterwards it was necessary to revive it when the People retired to Janiculum. This Subject of Debts continued to excite Troubles to the End of the Commonwealth. The Senate always favoured the Creditors instead of opposing their Extortions and Oppression, upon the Principle that the Sacred Pledge of public faith, ought never to be retrenched from human Society. Cicero, in his offices, as you well remember, maintains the same Principle “If Faith be not observed, no Commonwealth can subsist: and there is no faith where Debtors, can exempt themselves by from paying their debts.” Another Cause of continual Broils was a new distribution of lands. In later times Cicero says, “to discharge Debtors by Authority, or to pass the Law for the distribution of Lands, is to sap the two principal foundations of the State, of which the one is peace and the other Justice.” “So many Efforts were never made as in my Consulship, for remitting Debts. Arms were taken up and Troops raised, and persons of all Ranks and Conditions, Cataline and Caesar among others entered into the Conspiracy. But they found so vigorous an Opposer in me, that the Commonwealth was entirely deliverd from that danger.” There never were So many debtors, nor were ever payments made with more fidelity. When People saw themselves incapable of Using fraud they thought only of discharging themselves. In all this Cicero was right. Nevertheless Usury was at a most horrid Excess. The Patriots Pompey, Brutus &c. And the Philosopher Seneca had Money at Interest and some of them at the rate of twelve per Cent a month. In Such a State of Things how was it possible that the Debtors and Plebeians should not find a Cæsar to lead them and throw of the Yoke. Notwithstanding Ciceros boast of his Efforts and Success the Evil was not eradicated, as he soon found at the expence of his head and Lands.
Our Situation resembles that of Rome, if it is not worse. We have no permanent Senate to keep the People Steady. Our old Families and great fortunes are grasping at immense Tracts of wild Lands, to lay the foundations for great Estates for their Posterity: desperate Debtors and unthinking Plebeians wander into the Wilderness, Seize upon Lands wherever they please, without title, clear a few Acres, build log houses, sell these Improvements to new Comers and remove to commit fresh Trespasses and Intrusions. The Proprietors fill the Courts with Actions of Ejectment, Combinations are formed to resist the Laws. Our Eastern People are on the Point of Insurrection. The Pensylvania Rebellion was excited by this cause more than by the excize Law or Stamp Act, and the Frontiers are kept in a State of Effervescence from St. Croix to Missisippi. This is one Cause of a growing Envy and Hatred of the common People against the Gentlemen. our Paper Money our Banks and Corporations are made the Instruments of Accumulating Wealth, which is loaned at two per Cent a Month. Fortunes of Creditors grow up like Musrooms and impoverished Debtors break by dozens and others by hundreds live in continual fear of failing. This is another Source of Envy and hatred of the common People against the Gentry.
Washington like Camillus and Cincinnatus, by professing disinterestedness as sincerely as either, gained an immense Popularity among the common People, and by espousing the Cause of Proprietors and Creditors acquired an equally transcendant Applause among them. Hamilton by professing a disinterest which no body believed, but by aiding and abetting the Creditors, became their Idol.
Jefferson and Madison and Burr, by seeming to favour the Debtors and by opposing the Claims of the Creditors, undermined their Influence and became the favourites of the Debtors. Burr too by the Same System obtained his Popularity: but he could Speculate and form a Manhattan Bank, the great Catapulto that beat down the Walls of federalism, and preserve his popularity with the Debtors at the same time. He got rid of his great rival Hamilton, not quite so clerverly or legally as Cincinnatus did of Mælius and Camillus of Manlius, but very effectually and has hitherto Sett the Laws at Defyance. our Parties will perpetually produce such Characters and such revolutions and as our Legislature and Executive will be always under the Influence of the prevailing Party, I say We have no Security, but in the total and absolute Independence of the Judges. I cannot but consider the Acquittal of Burr as the Effet of this independence and a proof of its importance. Our Treason Laws may be defective, but I believe Marshalls Conduct strictly and correctly legal as the Laws now Stand. I am therefore zealously against any innovation, though our Senate have agreed to the Amendment and you will probably have instructions to vote for it. I know not how you will think yourself obliged to vote, and pretend not to advise you. But I shall forever lament the prevalence of Party Spirit so far as to shake this Pillar of our Constitution.
I write Letters too, fit only to be burnt. Inclosed is one which I determined to burn, and I desire you to do it, or send it back to me for that purpose for I am ashamed to send it where it was intended.
My dear Son, I can do nothing for You or my Country but pray for the Prosperity of both as I do very Sincerely. To the Wisdom and Goodness of divine Providence I resign both, imploring its direction in this very difficult time.


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to John Quincy Adams, 15 February 1808
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Adams, John Quincy

My dear Son
Quincy Feb’ry. 15 1808

I take it for granted that you will neither in public or private Life do any thing which you are unwilling to own, or to affix your Name. I write to ask you if uninvited you attended the Caucus at Washington of which mr Bradley was President?
It is not the scandalous publication in Jacksons Register at Philadelphia, which has induced me to ask this question, but because I have considerd it as inconsistant both with your principles, and your judgment, to have countananced Such a meeting by Your presence. the Constitution having expresly excluded any Representative or Senator from being an Elector. I should suppose delicacy would forbid their presumeing to dictate to their constituents in a matter of Such high importance, and consider it, as an infringment upon the freedom and purity of Elections, if I May apply Such words to our Elections at the present period. in the next place I Should not have Expected, that you would have been an invited Guest, much less, that you would have appeard there an unvited Spectator.
My Solisitude to know the Truth, arises from some persons giving credit to the report, whom I know to be your Friends, and have staggerd my beleif. If you was present, I can only say, thinking as I do, I can never cease to regreet it.—As I Shall most Sincerely, a decision in favour of the Removal of the Judges, by a petition from both Houses of Congress. If through Age or imbecility, some judges may continue upon the Bench, longer than the powers and faculties of their minds are equal to their Situations, is it not a less evil, than would result, from making them dependent upon Legislative power?
You must have considerd this Subject upon a larger Scale than I have; yet I have been taught to consider an independent judiciary as our Surety against arbitary power, our only best Security for Life Liberty and property. I regret that death has deprived you of so valuable a Friend as Mr Tracy, without supplying his place. to confer freely with a confidential Friend, gives Strength and confidence to opinions, of which we may be doubtfull. King Solomon Sanctiond this Sentiment when he declard that two were better than one—
The abuse thrown out against you, and so liberally bestowed in anonymous publications in newspapers, or private Letters, some of which I have seen, particularly from Newyork—where it is presumed Burr yet has Friends, and an English party powerfully prevails. I would pay no further attention to them, than to See if any truth was containd in them, which might prove usefull as admonition or reproof, never refuseing to profit even by the advise of an Enemy.
It is Said of Fabius in the Roman history that he patiently Sufferd the most injurious and unmerited reproach; saw his reputation torn in peices; and exposed himself to universal censure and reproach, for observing the only conduct capable of preserving the State; Saw the most important Services repaid with the most cruel ingratitude by an whole people. Yet he departed not from his plan or his duty in the midst of so many, and so sensible Subjects of discontent. This adds the Historian must be confessd to be the effect of a force and constancy and nobleness of Sentiments much above the common. this Love of the public good was the Soul of his actions and continually inspired him with that inflexible firmness and constancy for the Service of his Country, against which he never deviated into the least resentment, what ever injury he received from it—
This is a Character worthy of imitation, which cannot fail to transmit itself to futurity, and receive from ages to come the just applause it deservedly merits, tho the Spirit of party may now obscure its Lusture, and envy through over it her darkest Shade.
Altho You may differ from some of your nearest and best Friends in your judgment, and opinions upon important Subjects I Should much sooner Suspect the Soundness of their judgments, than the purity and uprightness of your intentions—So long as you live, may you hold fast your integrity, is the sincere and / fervent prayer of / your affectionate Mother
A Adams


Title: From John Quincy Adams to William Smith Shaw, 18 February 1808
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Shaw, William Smith

Dear Sir.
Washington 18. Feby: 1808.

I wrote you some time since and enclosed an order on the Branch Bank at Boston, to be placed to my credit; since which I have not heard from you.
I have now only time to request you to pay to my father two hundred and ninety dollars, on my account—being $250. Divd: on ten Shares in N. E. Mc Insurance Company & $40. for do: on ten Shares in Boston Bank.—I expect in a few days to give you an order and the means to make him a larger payment; but must first hear for from him.
I remain, my dear friend, ever affectionately your’s
John Quincy Adams.


Title: From John Adams to John Quincy Adams, 19 February 1808
From: Adams, John
To: Adams, John Quincy

My dear Son
Quincy Feb. 19. 1808

In Answer to your Letter of the 27 of January I request you to make Provision for Advancing me, by Mr Shaw one thousand one hundred and twenty five dollars and fifty Cents, or thereabout, which is the amount of an Obligation I owe to Miss Thaxter, or if you choose and I think there is but one remaining due to that Family.
Your Mother has written you on the Subject of Caucus’s. I am not of her opinion. Among the Romans the Patricians often held Caucus’s, the Senators had Caucus’s and so had the Plebeians. The Town of Boston has held Caucus’s time out of mind and So have all other popular assemblies. They cannot be avoided. Bradley to be Sure made too much Pomposity of it, and therby exposed it to criticism. I blame not your Attendance nor your Vote. You ought to go on with your System. You will be instructed to vote for the alteration in the Tenure of the Judges offices, and I cannot blame you for obeying your Instructions, tho I Sincerely lament them. The dinner given in London to Mr Munroe, will not give him in my opinion the preference to Mr Madison. If this latter Gentleman is chosen he will not continue more than four Years. He will be turned out as I was. One System cannot last more than twelve years. The present System will not Shine in History. Its measures have not been wise, nor its morals pure nor its Religion divine; if it has had any. I apprehend it will not redound to your Popularity or mine to support it. But it must be supported, however unpopular it may be hereafter. We have no other Way to defend ourselves against the Sharks and Panthers.
Mr Madisons bias towards the French has always been too great but I never suspected him of Corruption. On the contrary the bias of all the Federalists to my certain Knowledge, even of my friend Mr Jay is too Strong against France and in favour of England.
If I were Alexander the great and had absolute Power like him I would declare War against England France and Spain all at once and Soon have the Floridas and Mexico too, and have Commerce by Sea at least by captures. That River Louisiana Missisippi I fear will cost Us much blood. I always expected it would involve Us in War. It is the very nettle that tingles in the veins of England, and that of France and Spain too. But it is ours and We must defend it.
May the divine blessing attend you, fortify your heart against the rude blasts you must endure, and conduct you and your Country into a Safe harbour. So prays your affectionate Father
John Adams


Title: From Thomas Boylston Adams to John Quincy Adams, 19 February 1808
From: Adams, Thomas Boylston
To: Adams, John Quincy

Dear Brother
Quincy 19th. February 1808

I received, Yesterday your favor of the 6th instant, for which I thank you. The letter, which upon mature consideration, I burnt, as I informed you in the cover of a letter from my Mother, sent a few days ago, was on the subject of the proposed alteration of the Constitution, as to the tenure of judicial Offices; but my ideas upon paper Suited me less than when they were revolving in my mind, and as there appeared to be no originality in them, I concluded to frank them, up the Chimney, with a blaze, instead of illuminating your thoughts, by sending them in the Mail. After the paper on which they were written had taken fire, a sudden draught of wind took the sheet at once out of sight and I never expected to hear or see more of it; them but, to my great surprize and alarm, two or three days from the time when they were committed to the regions of soot & smoak, while I was sitting quietly by the fire, down came the half burnt and lacerated dispatch, covered with a quantity of the chimney ingredients, the weight of which had caused its unexpected descent. I thought it was the Ghost of the Judiciary that had so long haunted my imagination, and by the colour and general complexion I took it to be a pretty correct representation of the features of our National Judiciary, as they will appear, whenever two thirds of the States shall have sanctioned the scheme of removing the Judges upon the address of both houses of Congress—Smoak-dried—discoloured and besooted as it was; here a dark stain, there a spot more luminous & legible, interspersed with a few yawning holes, where the voracious element had entirely consumed its texture, I examined it for an instant, in a state of suspence, ruminating whether, should I send it to its original destination in that doleful plight, it would not present a more perfect picture of my true reflections than in its first estate. A second thought impelled me to complete the work of destruction, and I have the satisfaction now to confirm the once premature tidings of its total consumption. I believe that a fertile fancy might have wrought these materials into an instructive Allegory, but to me it is not given to weave a web like the brain-born Goddess. I shrink from the experiment lest mine should be the fate of the fabled Arachne.
I am aware of the difficulties under which you labour in your political career; the envy, malice and humiliated pride of furious partizans must find a vent somewhere, and you will be covered with the sparks of their effervescence. For any of our family to aid the measures of the present Administration, however congenial those measures may be with the true interests of the Nation, will be looked upon as damnable heresy, by those who call themselves federalists; and to be accused of apostacy, time serving and treachery is the least that can be expected from them. Selfish views and interested motives are ascribed without exception to every man who takes pains to distinguish himself in publick life. In our virtuous Republick, these are the wages of preferment, and yet how many are eager to receive this Salary and to prize it in proportion to the quantities of gilding with which it is surrounded. I was fully convinced before I had the assurances from you, that you had never encouraged the Association of your name with that of Mr. Munroe, for any purpose whatever, Nor did I believe, that you had attended the Caucus and voted for yourself as Vice President in your own hand-writing, as the immaculate Major Jackson would have it in his Register. I did not believe you thought so meanly of yourself as to give put in for Vice President, when there was a poll open at the same place for President. Nor, some how or other, did I believe, that you would have assisted, at all, at such a Caucus. But herein I reckoned without mine host, and upon a little self-examination I began to doubt whether I might not have attended, through curiosity, and have been called a Jacobin, as I did on another occasion, when you were appointed to Office, and baptised at the same time. Now, it seems that the old Spanish proverb, that a man is known by the company he keeps, applies to all who are seen within the walls of a Caucus Room, notwithstanding there may be some spies & some interlopers among them. I remember, one or two instances of federal Caucuses, when suspicious members gained admittance—Much staring and whispering. Is he a Fed? Who knows that man? & many more such questions flew round the Room, when, at last, somebody who knew him, and could vouch for his political creed, being interrogated, instantly dispelled the gloom of jealousy, and appeased the dismay of suspicion. It is supposed that there will be a considerable division among the Republicans, in consequence of Mr. Munroe’s pretentions to the Chair. It will be a laughable coincidence of circumstances, should Monroe be supported by the Tories, the Burrites and Federalists. But what can we do? We must have a candidate. Clinton has some friends, but he is too old for some many; and the general opinion appears to be that he must stay where he is, or decline a re-election. There will be twelve States, at least in favor of Madison for President, unless a change should take place before the fall. New York, if we may judge by the behaviour of their Representation in Congress, is displeased at the preference given to youth, talents and activity, in the person of Madison, to the humiliating exclusion of their favourite old General. I should give my vote for Madison sooner than any Candidate that has been mentioned or thought of: but I should prefer John Jay to any man in the Union. He is out of the question, as much as if he had been dead for a Century.
I have read some of the attacks in the New York papers upon your report. The criticism in Coleman’s Herald has been ascribed to a man, once of Senatorial rank, and upon comparing it with a review of the Declaration of Independence, which was published some years ago in the Gaz. U.S. I have concluded that the same hand produced them both. Among a few sound remarks in this last performance there is an abundance of malignant and illiberal severity. Our writers, in Boston have only talked about it queerly. Friend S—— when I shall shew him your postscript will understand it, perhaps, better than I do. The Review you mention I have since read in order to take your meaning; but, saving that it appears to be from a british patriot, I can discern no clue to your allusion.
My wife & children are well. I presume you will learn the news of an increase of our family from some quarter or other, before this will inform you. My daughter Elizabeth will be a fortnight old, on Tuesday. With best love to your wife and all our Washington friends, I am truly yours.
T. B. Adams


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Abigail Smith Adams, 24 February 1808
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

My dear Mother.
Washington 24. Feby: 1808

I have just received your affectionate letter of the 15th:— and do not a moment delay to answer your question—
I did attend the meeting of members at the Capitol on the 23d: of last Month— but not without invitation— I received the same invitation, which was given to the other members— And besides that I was also personally urged to attend, by another member of the Senate— I did not attend without due reflection upon what was proper for me to do— That it should have met your disapprobation I can never cease to regret— But I cannot see the force of the objection against the Constitutionality of this proceeding.
The Constitution has forbidden members of Congress from being Electors—but it has not forbidden them from giving their votes for Electors— They enjoy in this respect the common right of their fellow-Citizens, nor can any provision in the Constitution, excluding an individual from a privilege possessed by the community in general, be extended by argument and inference beyond the force of the excluding terms. Members of Congress cannot be Electors; but they are not forbidden as I conceive, from having their opinions, or from expressing them with regard to the person whom they think, best fitted, for the Office of President, or upon whom at a difficult and dangerous period, it is most expedient for the National welfare that the election should fall.— The question I believe has never before been raised; and in the years 1792—1796—and 1800 the right was I believe practiced by the federal members of Congress, as well as by their opponents.
I am sensible that there are objections of principle against all Caucusing, previous to Elections— Yet the difficulty of effecting a concert of opinions, and a combination of efforts— of harmonizing the will of great numbers of individuals actuated by the same public principles, in any other manner, has perhaps produced the necessity of resorting to measures of this kind— they are constantly resorted to by all parties, and with some inconveniences they have the advantage of rendering Elections less tumultuous, and more peaceable than they would be without such preparatory precautions.
I do not consider a recommendation to the people, made by a number of their public Servants— made professedly in their individual capacities, as the result of a comparison of sentiments among themselves, on a subject important to all, as an attempt to dictate to the People, whom they shall choose— The People will certainly choose as Electors, whom they please— excepting that they cannot choose those who make the recommendation—
It is undoubtedly to a certain extent the exercise of influence, but being merely advisory, I cannot think it more unconstitutional, than for the father or mother of a Member of Congress to advise him and express their wishes to him how he shall vote upon important questions, in his official situation— The influence of a Parent upon a Son, must certainly in the heart and mind of every man who feels as I do, be much greater than that of a Senator or Representative over the vote of his Constituent; yet I think myself obliged to my Parents for their advice upon any subject upon which I am to deliberate and vote; nor do I think it unconstitutional to admit any influence they think fit to exercise upon my will, as far as my own sense of duty can be made reconcileable with it.
Having said thus much, I must now add that the numerous newspaper Publications, which have been directed against me since the present Session of Congress, were not unexpected to me— My situation has been difficult— my conduct, governed by my best judgment, under a deep conviction of the perilous State of the Nation, and of my own duties, in the Station where I have been placed— I could wish to please my Country— I could wish to please my Parents— But my duty, I must do— It is a Law far above that of my mere wishes.
The proposal for an Amendment to the Constitution making the judges of the United States removable by Address of the two Houses, has been recommended by the Legislatures of five or six States, but not yet as far as I know by that of Massachusetts— I do not expect that it will pass in Congress by the Constitutional Majority, the present Session— when it comes to deliberation I shall certainly give the subject all the attention that I can bestow upon it, and shall eventually vote, as upon all other questions, according to my sincere and imperious sense of duty.
I write you in the midst of an important debate, upon Mr. Giles’s Treason-Bill— I am afraid my letter will partake of the broken attention, which this Circumstance occasions— But I could not delay even till Night an answer to your letter— My wife and child are well— I will answer my father’s letter, as soon as possible.
With unchanging duty and affection, I remain ever your’s.


Title: From John Adams to John Quincy Adams, 5 March 1808
From: Adams, John
To: Adams, John Quincy

My dear Son
Quincy March 5th. 1808

Livy in his 42. Book and chapters 29 and thirty, as an introduction of his History of the War between the Romans and Perseus King of Macedonia, says that all the Kings and States of Europe and Asia had their Attention fixed upon those two powerfull Nations upon the Point of engaging in War. He first explains the Views of the Kings Eumenes, Prusias, Ariarathes, Antiochus, Ptolomy, Massinissa, Gentius and Cotys, and their dispositions towards the two belligerent Powers. This will amuse you when you have a moment of Leisure to read it. But when he comes to the Republicks he will interest you. He says the Multitude, who usually take the worst Side, inclined towards the Macedonians. The Principal Citizens, were divided into three Classes.
Some attached themselves with so much Servility, devotion and Partiality, that they lost all Credit with their Fellow Citizens: few of these were influenced by the Justice of the Roman Government; the major part regarded only their own Interest, convinced they should have credit in their own Cities, only in proportion to the Services they should render the Romans.
A Second Class was of those who were decidedly devoted to the King: some because their debts made them wish for Change; others, because their natural Vanity, and fondness for Noise and Ostentation, determined them to Side with the Multitude, who had openly declared for Perseus—
A third Class, consisting of the most prudent and judicious, if it had been absolutely necessary to take either Side, and they had been at Liberty to choose between the two, would have preferred the Romans to the King: but they desired still much rather, if that had been possible, that neither of the two Powers should much augment their Strength, by the destruction or reduction of the other, and that retaining a kind of Equality and ballance, they should be at Peace with each other; because, in that case, one of the two taking the weak States under there its protection which the other might be for oppressing, would render their Condition much more tranquil and secure. In this kind of indeterminate neutrality, they considered, as from a place of Safety, the battles and dangers of those, who had joined either with the one or the other.—We shall see, after the War is terminated that they were much mistaken in believing themselves safe by this Conduct.
Cato, in a Speech to the Senate, on a Complaint against the Rhodians, after the War says, I believe indeed the Rhodians did wish, that the Romans had not conquered Perseus: but that desire is only common to them, with all other States. This is not the Effect of Enmity to the Romans, but love of their own Liberty, for which they have just reason to fear, if there be any no longer any power capable of ballancing ours, and of preventing Us from doing all that We think fit.—The Conduct of the Romans soon demonstrated that this observation of Cato was as prophetical as it was honest and candid.
Livy 45. C. 18. 21. Among the Principal Persons of each City, there were three Parties. The one was entirely devoted to the Romans, another was in Amity with the Kings; and both making their Court to their Protectors with abject Flattery, rendered themselves powerful in their Cities, which they greatly oppressed. The third Party of the Citizens opposite to the two others, observed a kind of Medium, espousing the Party neither of the Kings Romans nor of the Kings, but devoted themselves to the defence of their Laws and Liberty. These last, at bottom were much esteemed and beloved in their respective Cities, but had no Authority in them. All Offices, Embassies, Distinctions and Rewards after the defeat of Perseus, were conferred on those who had followed the Party of the Romans, and they employed their Credit to ruin those inevitably, who were not in the same Interest.
These Tools of a Party succeeded too well, in their Intrigue and procured the Banishment, not to Botany Bay nor to Cayenne, but to Rome and from thence to different Places in Italy from whence not more than one third of them ever returned and that not till after seventeen years of misery.
The same Game was played afterwards in Achaia, and Polybius was one of the Banished Quids. But he found Protectors in the Scipios, whom he has well rewarded in his History. You will find in the twenty sixth Book of Rollins Roman History Vol. 5. p. 465. to 491. a good Account of all this Villany and the perfect Resemblance to our own times and our own Country in Relation to France and England, makes it interesting at this moment to you and me, who are precisely in the Case of Polybius and all the Neutrals in Ætolia and Achaia.

J. AdamsWe are all well


Title: From John Quincy Adams to William Smith Shaw, 7 March 1808
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Shaw, William Smith

Dear Sir.
Washington 7. March 1808.

I will thank you to pay to my father, for me, on or before the 22d: of this month eleven hundred and seventy two dollars and forty-nine cents—being $1081.27. for part principal of a debt due from me to him and $91.22. for a quarter’s interest on the same debt—As you have probably not funds sufficient in your hands to make this payment I enclose you an order to receive the money due to me at the New-England Insurance Office—This however will leave a large surplus in your hands, and if my father can without inconvenience receive a thousand dollars more of the principal which I owe him, it will be most agreeable to me—If he has any debt running upon interest which this additional sum would go to discharge, it might be useful both to him and to me—If not, you will oblige me by depositing the balance in the Bank, to await my return home, when I can employ it to discharge some other debt—In the present and probable State of the Country, to be as soon as possible free from debt, will be one of my earnest anxieties.
The last Letter I received from you was of 5. Jany:—I have written to you two or three times since; and shall be glad to hear from you at your leisure—Like myself, I suppose however that you have not much of that—I hope to see you at Boston in the course of a month or six weeks, and in the mean time remain / your’s affectionately
John Quincy Adams.


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Thomas Boylston Adams, 12 March 1808
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Thomas Boylston

My dear Brother.
Washington 12. March 1808.

I begin by congratulating you upon the birth of your daughter Elizabeth, of which I had never heard, untill I received your letter of 19th: ulto: although we had been three or four weeks in daily expectation of receiving the news, and as this is intelligence of peculiar interest to the Ladies, there was scarcely a day pass’d, but upon my return home, my wife’s enquiries were, of advices from Quincy, and the increase of the family—I pray that this newcomer together with her elder sister, may prove a comfort to your succeeding years, and in due time the happiness of another’s youth, and the promise of succeeding generations.
Your alarms and anxieties on the subject of the judiciary, are more earnest than the occasion requires—I refer you, for my sentiments to a long letter, which I wrote a few days since to your father—My faith in the theory of judicial Independence has been somewhat staggered, by the batteries of experience; but I have not yet abandoned it altogether, and I am willing to try the experiment a little longer—This disposition is also felt by so many members of both Houses of Congress, that no Judges will be unseated during the present Session—What the next will bring forth, is not given to me to say.
Your reasoning upon the report, transmitted by Major Jackson’s Correspondent, that I had voted for myself, at Bradley’s meeting was very sound as far as it went—If I had been capable of voting for myself, I should hardly have had the modesty to wait untill the second ballot—The truth is that I did attend the meeting, but not without invitation—that I did vote, but not for myself—Who it was that put in the ballot bearing my name, I am utterly ignorant, as well as of his motive—Who was Major Jackson’s Correspondent I do not absolutely know, but I can shrewdly conjecture—His motives I understand tolerably well; and thereby hangs a tale—
Mr Bradley’s printed circular to convene the meeting was dated the 19th: of January—On the 20th: he address’d one of them to me, and delivered it personally to me—I read it—asked no questions; and told him I would attend—I knew not who else was invited, or whether other federalists besides myself were included in it under the denomination of Republican members—Between that day, and the 23d. (when the meeting was held) I heard more than one federal member ask Mr: Bradley for an invitation, in a jocular manner indeed, but apparently with an inclination to obtain it, and with obvious disappointment, at his eluding the solicitation—The disposition to favour Mr: Madison’s election was not even concealed in this courtship of invitation; but I know not wherefore—It did not succeed—Some days after the meeting, when it was generally known, that I had been the only federalist invited, I asked Mr: Bradley why he had invited me—He said it was because I had received marks of confidence from the Republicans among my own Constituents, and referr’d immediately to the meeting at the State-House in Boston last Summer, and to my name appearing on the Committee appointed upon that occasion—
Jackson’s Correspondent I take to have been one of these Gentlemen, who had asked invitations for themselves—they too had enquired of Bradley, why they should not receive an invitation, since he had sent one to me—Bradley, to get rid of their importunity, said to one of them that he had not sent me an invitation; and although the person to whom this was said knew very well, what Bradley meant, yet on these words, he wrote to Jackson that I had attended, without invitation—The rest of the Story, about my vote in my own hand-writing, was all of his own invention.
In the Gazette of the United States there appeared a contradiction of this miserable slander, in reply to which Jackson’s Correspondent took the field again—I know not who was the writer of the piece in Bronson’s paper, and knew nothing of it untill its appearance in print—You will observe the bullying style of the reply, and the readiness which the writer professes to maintain his words like a Gentleman—Now the distinction upon which this Gentleman, insists upon his charge that I attended the meeting without invitation is this—Bradley told him that he had not sent me an invitation; but he added, or at least the Gentleman knew, that Bradley had delivered the invitation to me himself. But he takes post at the word sent, to charge me with attending the meeting without invitation, and finding this contradicted, renews the charge, affirms that Bradley told him he had not sent me an invitation; that I attended without such invitation, and that he is ready to exchange names with Bronson’s Correspondent; whom he has reason to believe to be me, or rather Bradley, at my instance—Whether this itch for shooting me down in a duel, would have stood the test of a determination on my part to gratify it, is perhaps not perfectly clear—The same dueling itch in a bad cause, and probably in the same person, has cost Gardenier, all but his life—For Gardenier as I am well informed would not have fought, but for a stimulus from the same quarter—However this may be, upon the best reflection I could give the subject, I concluded to take no notice of the publication—
You may perhaps think it extraordinary, that on an occasion of so little significancy, and where my only real offence against this valiant federalist was, that I had received an invitation to Bradley’s meeting, which he could not obtain, even by asking for it, there should have arisen a malignity so absurd, and so rancorous in his mind against me—To explain this, it would be necessary for me to give you the history, of at least the last and the present Session of Congress, and also of some secret and personal history, which I am not at liberty to tell. There are federalists, who in the present state of Affairs, are anxious to negotiate themselves into favour with Mr: Madison and his friends—They have been very desirous to obtain admission into the corps of his supporters—Now according to their mode of reasoning, an invitation to Bradley’s Meeting was the test of this Admission, and when they found me thus admitted, and themselves excluded, if you will trace the workings of certain passions, upon souls at once aspiring and groveling, you will discover the key to the letters from Major Jackson’s correspondent—They fancied that I too had been negotiating for the same purpose as themselves, and they were stung to the heart, at the thought that my negotiation had succeeded, while theirs had failed—They found selfish motives at the bottom of their own system of public conduct, and they imputed them to me—They knew themselves; but they did not know me—The truth is, that while they were making advances, I was receiving them—While they were soliciting pledges of personal support and local influence, I was rejecting them—while they were offering themselves to Market, I was explicitly declaring, that in any support I might ever give to this or any future Administration, I had no personal views whatsoever—Nothing to ask—nothing to wish. This Answer I was giving, to overtures of no equivocal nature.
I have sent you the newspaper, containing the protest, against Mr. Bradley’s Convention, and against the nomination of Mr. Madison, signed by seventeen members of Congress, four of whom are from Virginia, six from Pennsylvania, six from New-York, and one from South-Carolina—The stamp of the composition is that of Mr. John Randolph, and it is understood to be the signal of a coalition between the supporters of Messrs: Clinton and Monroe—There are some other facts and some rumours in circulation connected with the appearance of this protest, which I shall now mention for your amusement, and which I commit to your discretion—
The lieutenant-governor of Virginia, Mr: M’Rae, one of the principal friends of Mr: Monroe is here—deputed (as is said) for the purpose of forming the coalition—The first proposition (as alledged; though I can hardly credit this) was that Mr. Clinton should agree to serve as Vice-President, Mr. Monroe to be substituted instead of Mr. Madison for the Presidency—This however, if made, was rejected, and ultimately the order was reversed—Mr. Clinton to be supported, for the great house—and Mr. Monroe to come in as Vice President—This point however seems to be conditionally conceded; and the protest is in the nature of a manifesto, proclaiming the principles of the association—The proscription of federalists, and of any yazoo compromise, are to be the fundamental articles of the compact—It is remarkable that about three weeks since, a Yazoo Petiton, came for the first time from New-York, and was presented in Senate by Dr. Mitchell—The Vice-President then in conversation with me, express’d himself fully in favour of a compromise of this claim, as he had often done before—Whether the protest is to pledge him against it, Time will perhaps discover—It is also known as a fact, that hitherto, much of Mr. Monroe’s expectation in Virginia, has been of support from federal assistance; which Madison’s canvassers have used as a heavy engine against Monroe—The inference then seems to be, that the Monroe party in Virginia, having abandoned all hopes of success in running him for the Presidency, are now resolved to put up with the second place for him, and entirely to discard that federal assistance upon which they had previously relied.
The inveteracy between the Monroites and the Madisonians in Virginia, is great and daily increasing. Mr. Monroe is to publish a Book—A view of the conduct of the Executive, number two—This is to open the eyes of the Nation to the faults of Mr. Jefferson’s administration of late years, in relation to foreign Affairs—It is to shew that Mr. Monroe was compell’d to sign the obnoxious Treaty of 31. Decr: 1806. because nothing better could be obtained—That nothing better could be obtained because at the critical moment, when Mr: Monroe was on the point of getting every thing we could  colleague was sent out to defeat him; and that the colleague was sent out to defeat him, by Mr: Madison’s influence, and for the purpose of getting the start of Monroe, in the race of popularity, which was to terminate in the presidential chair—
The Coalition, if really settled and understood, to the extent, which I have some reason to believe it is, will constitute a formidable phalanx against Mr. Madison’s election—One of its first effects must be to compel Madison’s friends, to change their candidate for the Vice-Presidency—Else they might be placed in a very perplexing dilemma—For if they vote for Mr: Clinton as Vice-President, while his own friends vote for him as President, and Monroe as Vice-President, unless Madison should obtain a majority of the whole number of Electors, Mr. Clinton may become at once one of the three candidates from among whom the house of Representatives must select the President, and one of the two, from whom the Senate will have to chuse the V.P—and by declining the latter, may leave Monroe to the certainty of being Vice-President, and oblige the house either to prefer him to Madison for the Presidency, or to have both the Offices at once fill’d by Virginians. This is a thing so manifestly contrary to the intent of the Constitution, that I have always thought it expressly prohibited; which however it is not.—The Madison men are now confident of a full majority of the Electors; but of this I have my doubts—I question whether they will trust to it themselves—Yet they cannot drop their nomination for Vice-President without inconsistency—nor without weakening their canvas for the Presidency.
I know not whether Shaw, will have understood my reference to the Anthology-reviewer, any better than yourself—But my meaning was this—That a Report of a Committee, might ask indulgence for incorrect metaphors, nearly as much as a familiar letter—That such papers were written currente calamo, and that their style, was a circumstance usually suffered to pass without notice—I did think it probable that Shaw’s very microscopic scrutiny into the accuracy of the metaphors in my Report was in its origin Anthology Criticism; and that it proceeded from a disposition so much displeased with the substance, as to be ready to nibble more than was necessary at the form—It was the same disposition, which at New-York thought to degrade the Report, by proclaiming that the Author was a Professor of Oratory—The real fact is that in the composition of that Report, I paid scarcely any attention to the style at-all—It was written at short intervals of leisure from a most laborious investigation of the facts, and of the principles upon which it was founded—Written at different times, and printed from a rough draft, with scarcely a correction other than several erasures—Yet the style was very designedly unusual—My purpose was to command attention—To make the Report be read; and I knew so well the character of the American reading public, that I was sure nothing would contribute so much to get readers, as here and there a flash of declamatory lightening—A mere dry logical state paper would have pass’d uncensured, and unread—This object I believe was very effectually obtained—But as to the correctness of the metaphors, I must abandon that to the critics, for I never stop’d to examine one of them.
Mr. Rose is not yet gone, but is said to be upon the wing—There are so many false reports in circulation respecting the progress and termination of his mission that I scarcely can tell you any that is near the truth—You see the federalists, in and out of Congress storming the Executive for information—papers—foreign correspondence—Mr: Armstrong’s letters—&c &c &c—You and I know what it is, for American Ministers abroad to have all their official communications liable to be divulged to all the  a  call of papers from Congress—Mr. Jefferson holds a tighter hand upon foreign papers than was possible  I am glad he does—If what he has communicated were published, it would aid him more than it would his anglo-federal enemies; but I believe his real apprehension is that it would exasperate the people against England more than he yet wishes to see them.
I think Congress will adjourn in the course of next month—The members are becoming very impatient to go home—nothing keeps them together but the wish before they go to repeal the Embargo—They might indeed give the President a discretionary power to remove it during the recess, but he does not chuse to have it. The Senate have pass’d a bill for raising six thousand men; with two brigadier-generals and no commander in chief.
Affectionately your’s.


Title: From Thomas Boylston Adams to John Quincy Adams, 15 March 1808
From: Adams, Thomas Boylston
To: Adams, John Quincy

Dear Brother.
Quincy 15th: March 1808.

I have received from Messrs: Curtis & Adams to whom I sold your Wood near the Mill pond, the amount of price agreed for; viz $160.0. for forty Cords which it turned out on measurement. I am now some what perplexed with your farm, as well as my own. My Tenant says I must consider him this year, since times & prospects are so dull and no market for produce, and I expect the greater part of your lands, which I let in parcels last year, will be turned upon my hands, this Spring. Your Tenants Cook & Wilson are desirous of remaining in the house another year, but I shall hope & try to do better. Curtis will hire the pasture another year and would take a lease of it for three or four years, but I think it would not be worth while to let it for a longer term than one year. I shall advertise all the land and the House to let at publick or private bargain in the course of a few days; it would have been done sooner, but that I was in hopes to make a bargain for the whole, having had some talk to that intent with one of our neighbours—He has not yet made up his mind and is possibly expecting to do best at Auction. Landlords will be called upon to consider their tenants, pretty generally, but on whom can the Landlords call to consider them? I suppose we must cloath ourselves with the mantle of patriotism and submit with a good face to these surly looking times. If we must fight ourselves free from these Shackles, I can use a Musket or a Rifle, with tolerable skill, and whenever law as well as Commerce is under embargo, I must enter the ranks and seek my way to promotion in the tented field. I know of no other employment, which is so easily learnt as that of a Soldier, as to the mere mechanical duties of his profession; but for a soul to endure all manner of hardships, privations & sufferings—that must be intuitive. Our Country is destined to another war, according to the appearance of things—I see no way to avoid it, but by submission to degrading conditions; such as I hope no Administration will tolerate; and whether we must fight one or all the powers of Europe in defence of our National Sovereignty, is to me a matter of indifference. Since it has come to this, whether the Proclamation of the President interdicting British Ships of war from entering our ports & harbours, or that of King George—must yield, I have no hesitation which side I ought to take. I have said very little on these subjects of late, not knowing how soon I might be called upon to act; but I have had the honor to be classed very lately on the side of the Democrats, as I have been credibly informed, notwithstanding my reserve. A great rumpuss & fuss is now abroad on the subject of a letter from a certain “venerable” Gentleman or personage. The Venerable has come out in antique costume, or as the Chronicle has it, “Timothy is at his old tricks again.” I have read the letter once, but saw nothing in it so extraordinary as to excite the zeal & industry with which it is circulated. We have generally had a Circular from a Caucus Committee previous to Election for Governor, and this year it is written by a Senator in Congress—This is all I can make of the thing. To be sure, it bears a little hard upon the Embargo, for which his Colleague voted, in spite of the unpopularity of it among the minority of his Constituents; hence, occasion is taken to say and infer, that the venerable meant a slur upon his brother Senator—I shall hear something on these topicks when I go to Boston, but not much, since I am looked upon as on the point of coming or going round—What is the reason that you and I can’t think for ourselves without giving such mighty offence to the Nabobs? We never have been Nabobs ourselves—At least, I have not, and never expect to be; the truth of the matter is——I think I know what it is, but I wont write it down.
March 18th: Yesterday I was in Boston and was invited to dine with Wm Sumners in company with Charles Paine; Samuel Welles & J. W. Hulbert, whose name at least you will recollect—We talked no politicks, till the bottle began to circulate freely and then every one was so full of the matter that, as it is in Congress, it was very difficult to get the floor. The Embargo was the sole subject of Comment and dispute, but the young gentleman from Berkshire had to contend against the whole phalanx, who drove him up in a corner rather unexpectedly to him, as he had been the day before in a large Company at Mr. Gore’s where he found them unanimously Anti-Embargo. It was conceded by some of our Company, that the measure seemed to be the result of french influence and intended to distress G. B. but in its consequences it was thought to bear harder upon France than England, which was concluded to be an oversight on the part of the french. In order to enlighten their benighted intellect, I produced & read to them your letter to J. Hall of the 9th. The feelings of all, except the worthy member, late from Sheffield, were in unison with the opinions and sentiments of the writer; even he expressed a very strong conviction of the integrity and purity of his principles, but he could not see through the necessity, of the Embargo—There is, in Boston, among the federalists considerable clashing of opinion upon this subject, and some warm debates, not to say disputes have recently taken place, at the Insurance Offices, between gentlemen, who have usually thought alike on other questions. Mr: Jonathan Mason, I hear, is quite as decided in his sentiments & as zealous in his conversation in favor of your course of policy, as our friend Hall. It is the earnest wish of many, who have seen or heard your last letter that it might be printed. I should be for printing it, with your approbation, but neither A. or myself are willing to take upon ourselves the responsibility, because from the circumstance of its having been already communicated to numbers, it must be published intire and with your signature. This course is advised by some of your nearest connections, but it will not do without your permission and by the time your answer could be received, the moment would have gone by, for it to produce the effect of an antidote to the “Venerable’s” alarm of an unnecessary and ruinous war.
We see in the federal prints nothing but eulogium and puffing on the subject of this letter. It is extolled as a master piece of profundity; surpassing in sagacity and penetration every thing yet seen or heard of from the pen of a federalist. Since “Monsieur Paschal say so, I suppose it must be so,” but for the life of me I can’t see so far.
I have seen your letter to my father in answer to one of his wherein he expresses an opinion upon the Constitutional independence of the Judges—He thinks it a formidable vindication of the sentiment of favour which you expressed toward the projected modification in the judiciary department; and I am ready to confess, that I am almost persuaded to think that original sin may be made plausible & even palatable by the help of sound logick.
Farewell.

PS. Sunday 20th. You have doubtless heard of my good fortune in the birth of another Daughter. This day week we took her to Meeting and exhibited her to the Congregation while the parson baptised her by the name of Elizabeth Coombs. She is a likely child & folks say very much favors her father.
My Wife and the family send love to you and yours.


Title: From Hannah Phillips Cushing to Abigail Smith Adams, 17 March 1808
From: Cushing, Hannah Phillips
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

My Dear Madam
Washington March the 17th. 1808.

We were blessed with fine weather & roads from Providence to Phila., where we staid a fortnight; & from thence here as good as usual in Jany. My Husbands health daily increasing, & my own entirely restored from the anxious & destressing winter, & summer, I had just passed through, also having heard as late as the 26th. Novr of the welfare of our dear Relatives at New Orleans, my spirits were revived, & I was pleasing myself with the hope of having an agreeable winter, when lo we had been in this our pleasant Chamber but five days when the sudden death of my beloved & only Brother, came as a faithful monitor, to warn us of the frailty of all human enjoyments. But blessed be Heaven since the first day & night my mind has been wonderfully composed & resigned, being fully persuaded that his days were then numbered & finished, that, that was the way ordered by the great Ruler of the Universe for him to depart out of this World, into I hope & trust a Heavenly region. I have mentioned him but seldom to you my bosom Friend, but he was very near my heart, & if I could have ransomed him from death a few years longer, by living on bread & water the remainder of my days, I would have most cheerfully have done it. His heart was truly benevolent, for the milk of human kindness flowed around it. He took no delight in speaking ill of any one, & the tongue of slander he put far from him. He has left a bright example of patience, & fortitude, under great trials, & reverse of fortune. Often have I viewed him with astonishment & delight rising superior to them all, & labouring hard for his daily bread; at the same time my heart has been sorely grieved for him, & if I had been possessed of a fortune, with how much satisfaction would it have been bestowed. While I lament & bewail the departure of one so deservedly dear to all his connexions, I reverence the hand which inflicted the blow, & bow with submission to the will of the most High; Believing that there is a time to come when we shall be reunited where no revolutions of nature shall ever separate us more. The excellent sentiments contained in your good letter, which I received in May last at Phila., often occur to solace me in this great affliction, & I have not yet expressed to you how much satisfaction the receipt of it gave me. I have a propensity often, when most obliged to say the least. I have received a letter from my dear afflicted Sister Phillips. She is under very great affliction, but strives to be submissive. Religion seems to be her all & only consolation, & it is in that all Balm of comfort, that I must resort to for the healing of this & every other sorrow, that Heaven sees fit to inflict upon me. I will endeavour all in my power to fulfil what would have been his last worldly wish could he have expressed it, Do what you can my Sister for my Wife, & two darling Children. The eldest is not eight years old. Court finished yesterday. My Husband sat six weeks daily, two days excepted. They went in at 11 O C & sat till 4, generally, which was trying to a feeble constitution; & last sabbath after we came from the Capitol He was taken with chills. I sent immediately for Dr May who recommended a dose of six Lockyer Pills, which had a good effect. We had intended a visit to Mount Vernon to see Mrs Judge Washington. She too has had great affliction since we parted in N York last June, having lost her Father, & a Son of her Brothers, whom the Judge & her self had adopted for their own, also a Son of her Sisters, & a Miss Washington, Niece of the Judges. The last three were buried in less than three weeks by the side of each other. Notwithstanding I am so strongly drawn by the cords of nature, & love, to hasten my return to my dear & sorrowing Sisters, to sympathise with, & console each other, for the death of our dear departed Brother; yet it is with heart felt regret that I relinquish the idea of first seeing Mrs Washington, & also some dear Friends in Alexandria. But Dr May advises us to set our faces to the North without delay, & my own fears coincided, least we should have the same scene to go through as that of last winter. The Dr request me to give his best respects to you & the President. Judge & Mrs Cranch have just called to see us; they are both in good health. It is some days since I saw Mrs Adams, but presume that She, & Mr Adams, are well.
Baltimore the 20th. Sunday. We came to Rosses 9 miles the 18th. & yesterday reached here. The roads never were better, having had remarkable fine weather for some time. Vegetation is coming on rapidly. It is three weeks since the buds of the Lombardy Poplars began to swell. I have seen or heard but very little of what has been going on in the City this winter. Having neither dined or taken Tea out of my room once. Contrary accounts have frequently circulated respecting Mr Rose, & it was confidently asserted ten days since that the Negotiation was at an end, But I called to see Mrs Madison yesterday week, who told me it was not so; That Mr Madison had finished his part of the Buisiness, & that it remained for Mr Rose to close it. That when it was committed to paper which was nearly done, it would be immediately laid before the Public. She observed that to be sure She was not let into the secret, yet as the Negotiation was going on in her drawing room, (Mr Ms. ill health not permitting him to leave it) She could not help hearing more than she wished. I told her that is was said Mr Rose only had power to settle the Chesapeak affair. She said that was not true. My Husband whose veneration & respect, with mine will be as lasting as life for you, & The President, wishes to be respectfully remembered to you both, also to Judge & Mrs Cranch. I often think of Mrs Adams, & Miss Smith, & wish to be mentioned to them with esteem. I have delayed writing to you my bosom Friend, much longer than I intended; my dear Connexions being separated, & residing in so many different places, & all of them anxious to hear often from us, engrosses most all my time that I have for writing. We hope to be in Middleton by 10th. of April; a letter from you my Dear Madam will be gratefully received by your Friend
 H Cushing


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to Abigail Amelia Adams Smith, 18 March 1808
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Smith, Abigail Amelia Adams

my dear daughter
Quincy March 18th 1808

William has been so punctual in writing to you every week, that I have been more remiss. I cannot write in an Evening; the only time in which I feel a disposition to use my pen is the forenoon. You know how buisily that is generally occupied, and more so now Louisa is in Boston, and the Farm buisness is just commencing. mrs dexter is going to housekeeping. I know not where to supply her place, but her family increases mine, and the Embargo distresses us all. yet is it a measure that I am convinced was the mostbest calculated to avert the horrors of war, of any which prest on all Sides, as our Government were, could have been resorted to, cruelly oppressive as it appears, and hard as it is to be borne. we had better suffer temporary privations, than the calamities of War, which when once commenced, no one can calculate or estimate. You have expresst your surprize that your Brother attended the Caucus at Washington. William has coppied a Letter and inclosed to you in replie to one which I wrote under the same impression which you felt at the report; as he says he weighd well the Subject before he went, I presume he considerd mr. Madison the fittest man upon that side of the Question, and one of the most sensible and candid of virginians, a moral man unexceptionable in private Life. In the present State of our Country, Union is essentially necessary to our very existance, and so small is the federal weight in the political scale that there is not the least probability of their succeeding in any federal Character they might nominate. to obtain the Best and least exceptionable on the other Side is a desirable object. These were the reasons I have not a doubt which induced your Brother to attend the caucus which has subjected him to so much falshood and calumny from the federal party: for they could always perform their part, not quite so hardily however as the Antis.
In a Letter of late date, March 9th he says, I have no partialities in favour either of Britain or France. I do not believe that either of them is fighting the battles of the world, or sacrificing itself for the Liberties of Man Kind—during the present war the first aggression against Neutral Rights was :committed by Great Britain She it was, who by her pretended rule of the War of 1756 undertook to interdict the trade of neutrals with her Enemies colonies——for the purpose of monopolizing it herself. Scarcly two Years have elapsed since Congress was besieged with petitions and memorials from all the Merchants of the United States against this usurpation upon the most unquestionable Neutral rights, a Resolution of the Senate unanimously declared it, an unprovoked aggression upon the property of our Citizens, a voilation of their Neutrals rights an encroachment upon our national Independence”. It was in consequence of a memorial from Boston on this subject that a special mission was sent, to England—That special mission you know has failed. It terminated in a treaty so derogatory to our Rights that the President did not even lay it before the Senate. A Treaty which would in substance “have surrenderd to Great Britain the whole of her principle against which we had so formerly, and so justly protested.”
with respect to foreign influence he observes thus—the speculative opinions and personal feelings of the President & Secretary of State, have perhaps always inclined too much towards France; as the opinions and feelings of other Statesmen equally distinguished have inclined too much towards England—there are few, very few indeed, in this great political conversion of the world whose Hearts have not taken a Side in the Struggle; but it has been, and still is my candid opinion, that so far as relates to public conduct, and official acts, the neutrality of the present administration has been as fair and impartial as it was under either of those which preceeded, and during the former war—The administration is and must be charged with the duty of asserting, and maintaining the Rights of the Nation, but this duty it can never discharge, unless the Nation itself give it countenance and Support in its measures.—
“Speaking of the embargo, he writes, I consider it as the last anchor of our peace, and if it can preserve us that Blessing, heavily as it bears upon our country, I shall always rejoice at my vote in its favour, as contributing to the extent of my power to the best interest of the Nation. There is no Smart like that which is felt, that we may have no opportunity to compare by this scale of actual feeling the sufferings, of war with those of Embargo, I do most fervently wish, but if we should, I have no doubt of the result. The little finger of war will be heavier than the loins of embargo.”
I wish I could transcribe the whole of the Letter, but do not feel at Liberty to, as it is written tomr Hall, and only lent to me; it Breaths through the whole a Spirit of candour and impartiality, and integrity which is the true Character of the Man and which is a Source of never failing Satisfaction to me.
with respect to mr Roses Negotiation, I do not believe from the statement given, that it can terminate to the Satisfaction of the Government. He says, I told Mr. Roses principle companion, (who was an old acquaintance of mine at Berlin) that if he & I had the negotiation to conduct, and I had unlimited powers—I would ask of him one single word, and give him Carte Blanche—The word was Reciprocity. but Great Britain has no Idea of that.
I know how much you feel interested in whatever affects the Characters of those nearly connected with you—and I could not so ably defend your Brothers against the base attacks made upon It, by attributing to him views which never enterd his mind, and conduct which he scorns, as by transcribing his Letter, and giving you fully his Sentiments—you can form an opinion by what is before you—
William this day has finishd his School much to the Satisfaction of his employers—his attention has been unremitting and his Success will Speak his praises. He appears averse to the Law, the Embargo is an obstical to all commercial enterprize, the Army Seems to be his object, and his Grandfather has told him that he should not have any objection to writing both to the President and mr Madison and the Secretary of War. I have also told him that I would write to the President. Several young Gentlemen have gone from Boston to Washington for the purpose of engageing in the Service. upon this Head, he will consult both his Father and you—I feel loth he should leave us, but know not what to advise him to do—
Tell Caroline I will attend to her commission to her Brother, and that I shall write soon to her. Mrs Adams has had a fine getting up, scarcly sick a day. her little Girl grows finely and is quiet. They both went to meeting last Sunday, Elizabeth Coombs is its Name,—Abbe grows daily more and more interesting—dresses herself up and shakes her hand with a good by Mamma, by Grandmamma, go and see Aunt Miff and Caroline which She has now learnt to pronounce—She is very fond of the Baby, call it precious Sister—and teazes it so with her caresses that her Mamma cannot keep her with her— My paper is almost full, Yet I have many more things to say. Your Father had a Letter from John this week who was well. Susan has written to Caroline. What kind of a Letter I know not as she would not let me See it— I inclose it however. Pheby is so much better that She hobbles about House—With Love to all I am your truly affectionate
Mother—


Title: From John Adams to John Quincy Adams, 18 March 1808
From: Adams, John
To: Adams, John Quincy

Dear Son
Quincy March 18. 1808

Your luminous Letter of the 27th of Feb. and 6. March are is before me. Was this an homogenious Nation under a consolidated Government, the Provision in the Constitution of Massachusetts would be Sufficient. But in a Confederation like ours there is danger. In Holland they have thought unanimity necessary in all most every Thing. Under our old Confederation, a Concurrence of nine States out of the thirteen in the Appointment of Ambassadors and many other things was thought necessary. The Struggles between the Northern and the Southern States have always been so vehement, that more than a Majority have been thought indispensible to Safety and to Justice. As you are now instructed by our Legislature, I Suppose you will think it your Duty, as I do, to vote for an Amendment: but I am rejoiced to learn that the Inclination of the Senate is to postpone this very interesting Subject as long as possible and that they are generally averse to Innovations and Alterations of the Constitution. The Judges in England are adjugded to hold Estates for Life in their Offices, defeasible on Misbehaviour and on an Address of the two Houses of Parliament. I hope the Idea of Estates for Life, in their offices will be preserved. For the Sake of Equity and Humanity, I pray that We may not have Judges Elective or for a term of Years. Nothing will be Safe. Perhaps I may differ from many in my deffinition of the Word Misdemeanor.—Non feasance is as really a Misdemeanor in Office as Malfeasance. Neglect of Duty from Ideotism, Intemperance Imbecility or Incapacity, or from willfull Idleness, may may be liable to Impeachment, as well as Corruption and the more heinous Crimes. In Such Cases, therefore, if I am right the present Constitution is Sufficient. Surely it cannot be Said, that a Man who is grossly and Scandalously negligent of his duty, or incapable of performing it, behaves well in his office. Is a Man in no case, ever indictable for gross Negligence, Non feasance, or Non Performance of his Duty in a public office?
If any Alteration should be introduced, and the Judges made removable upon an Address of the two houses I Should wish the present Majority in both should be preserved, or at least as much of it as possible. It is not however my intention or my Wish that this or any other Opinions or Intimations of mine should influence or have any Weight in the decision of your Judgment, any further than to induce you to consider the Subject.