Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 25 December 1797
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear SirOrange Decr. 25. 1797
I have let Col. Monroe know that you was furnished with a draught on a House in Philada. for 250 drs. & finding that it would be convenient to him, have authorised him to draw on you for that sum. I have also given him a draught on Genl. Moylan, of which the inclosed is a letter of advice. I reserve the note of Bailey towards covering the advance made by you, unless it should be otherwise settled by Col. Monroe & yourself, as he intimated a desire that it might be. Perhaps it wd. save delay & trouble to Mr. B. if you should find a convenient opportunity to drop a hint to his friend Van Cortland that the note was in your hand; as it is more than probable he may be the channel of taking it up.
According to the bill of nails given in by the Workman I shall want from your Nailory, 50,000 sixes, 3,000. eights, 20,000 tens, 5,000 twentys, & 12,000 flooring Brads. I shall also want 50,000. fours for lathing, 4,000 sprigs sixes, & 3,000 do. eights. You can inform me whether these are also made at your shops, or whether it would be better to get them in Philada. I shall write as you suggested to Col. Bell; but it may not be amiss for you to confirm the orders for having the supply prepared for me, according to the above list.
We have had a great proportion of cold weather since you passed us. The Thermr. however has not been lower than 10°. It was at this point, on the morning of the 21st. instant. The drought also is equal to the cold. Within the last 31 days the fall of water has been but 1¼ inches only. Of snow there has been none. This cold & dry spell succeeding the dry fall & late seeding, gives to the Wheat fields the worst of appearances.
You will not expect political occurrences from this quarter. The objects of enquiry here are Liston’s Plot—the envoyship to France, and Monroe’s publication. The delay of this last occasions some surprize. I observe that the President, has laid hold of t⟨he⟩ late endemic [sic] at the seat of Govt. as an occasion for getting the prerogative of prorouging the Legislature. Fortunately the Constitution has provided an important barrier in this case, by requiring a session at least within every year. But still the power may in unforeseen emergencies, be made an instrument of party or of usurpation; & it is to be hoped will not therefore be granted. I have not examined it in a constitutional view, but that also merits Attention. Ambition is so vigilant, and where it has a model always in view as in the present case, is so prompt in seizing its advantages, that it can not be too closely watched, or too vigorously checked.
When you do me the favor to write, let your letters leave Philada. in the mail of friday morning. They will then come without any halt. Adieu


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 3 January 1798
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Dear SirJany. 3. 1798.
Your’s of Dec. 25. came to hand yesterday. I shall observe your directions with respect to the post day. I have spoken with the Depy. Post. M. Genl. on the subject of our Fredericksburg post. He never knew before that the Fredsbg. printer had taken the contract of the rider. He will be glad if either in your neighborhood or ours some good person will undertake to ride from April next. The price given this year is 330. D. & it will go to the lowest bidder who can be depended on. I understand (tho not from him) that Wyatt will be changed; and in general they determine that printers shall not be postmasters or riders. Before the receipt of your letter, I had informed Colo. Monroe of the paper you had put into my hands for him. The draught was accepted & paiment will be made at the proper term. Genl Van Cortlandt lodging in the same house with me, I had shewn him Bailey’s note, & he said he would let him know that I was the holder of it. All the nails you desire can be furnished from Monticello. I will give directions accordingly by my letter of this day. But as we can furnish the whole demand at any time in 3. weeks, and I presume you will not want them till your walls are done, I shall only direct that they go about them whenever they receive notice from you that you will soon want them. If you can give the second notification one month before your actual want, they will be in readiness. Our weather here has been as with you, cold & dry. The thermometer has been at 8°. The river closed here the first week of December, which has caught a vast number of vessels destined for departure. It deadens also the demand for wheat. The price at New York is 1.75 & of flour 8.50 to 9. Tobacco 11. to 12 D. There need be no doubt of greater prices. The bankruptcies here continue; the prison is full of the most reputable merchants, & it is understood that the scene is not yet got to it’s height. Prices have fallen greatly. The market is cheaper than it has been for 4. years. Labour & house rent much reduced. Dry goods somewhat. It is expected that they will fall till they get nearly to old prices. Money scarce beyond all example.
The Representatives have rejected the President’s proposition for enabling him to prorogue them. A law is past putting off the Stamp act till July next. The land tax will not be brought on. The Secretary of the Treasury says he has money enough. No doubt these two measures may be taken up more boldly at the next session when most of the elections will be over. It is imagined the Stamp act will be extended or attempted on every possible object. A bill has past the Repr. to suspend for 3. years the law arresting the currency of foreign coins. The Senate propose an amendment continuing the currency of the foreign gold only. Very possibly the bill may be lost. The object of opposing the bill is to make the French crowns a subject of speculation (for it seems they fell on the President’s proclamation to a Dollar in most of the states) and to force bank paper (for want of other medium), through all the states generally. Tenche Coxe is displaced, & no reason even spoken of. It is therefore understood to be for his activity during the late election. It is said that the people from hence quite to the Eastern extremity are beginning to be sensible that their government has been playing a foul game. In Vermont Chipman was elected Senator by a majority of one against the republican candidate. In Maryland Loyd by a majority of one against Winder the republican candidate. Tichenor chosen Governor of Vermont by a very small majority. The house of Representatives of this state is become republican by a firm majority of 6. Two counties it is said have come over generally to the republican side. It is thought the republicans have also a majority in the N. York H. of representatives. Hard elections are expected there between Jay & Livingston, & here between Ross & Mckean. In the H. of Representatives of Congress the Republican interest has at present on strong questions a majority of about half a dozen as is conjectured & there are as many of their firmest men absent; not one of the Antirepublicans is from his post. The bill for permitting private vessels to arm, was put off to the 1st. Monday in February by a sudden vote & a majority of 5. It was considered as an index of their dispositions on that subject, tho’ some voted both ways on other ground. It is most evident that the Antireps wish to get rid off [sic] Blount’s impeachment. Many metaphysical niceties are handing about in conversation to shew that it cannot be sustained. To shew the contrary it is evident must be the task of the Republicans, or of no body. Monroe’s book is considered as masterly by all those who are not opposed in principle, and it is deemed unanswerable. An answer however is commenced in Fenno’s paper of yesterday under the signature of Scipio. The real author not yet conjectured. As I take these papers merely to preserve them, I will forward them to you, as you can easily return them to me on my arrival at home; for I shall not see you on my way, as I mean to go by the Eastern shore & Petersburg. Perhaps the paragraphs in some of these abominable papers may draw from you now & then a squib. A pamphlet of Fauchet’s appeared yesterday. I send you a copy under another cover. A handbill is just arrived here from N. Y. where they learn from a vessel which left Havre about the 9th. of Nov. that the emperor had signed the definitive articles, given up Mantua, evacuated Mentz, agreed to give passage to the French troops into Hanover, and that the Portuguese Ambassador had been ordered to quit Paris on account of the seisure of fort St. Julian’s by the English, supposed with the connivance of Portugal. Tho’ this is ordinary mercantile news, it looks like truth. The latest official intelligence from Paris is from Taleyrand Perigord to the French Consul here (Letombe) dated Sep. 28. saying that our envoys were arrived & would find every disposition on the part of his government to accommodate with us. My affectionate respects to mrs. Madison; to yourself health & friendship. Adieu


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 21 January 1798
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear SirOrange Jany. 21. 1798
When your favor of the 3d. instant arrived I was on a journey to the neighbourhood of Richmond, from which I did not return till the 18th. The mail on the day following brought me the packet of Newspapers under your cover. Col. Bell has written me, that the nails ordered as stated in my last to you, are all ready for me. I had not requested them to be prepared in parcells as I shall use them, because I want some for out-houses immediately, and I wished to avoid the necessity of more than one trip. The attack on Monroe’s publication evidently issues from or is aided by an official source, and is a proof that the latter bites. I have not yet seen a copy of it, and was astonished to learn in Richmond, where I passed a day, that a single copy only had reached that place, which from the length of it, not more than 2 or 3 persons had read. By them it was said that if this did not open the eyes of the people, their blindness must be incurable. If a sufficient number of copies do not arrive there before the adjournment of the Assembly, the only opportunity of circulating the information in this State, will be lost for a year, that is till the subject has lost its flavor. The enormous price also was complained of as a probable obstacle to an extensive circulation. You will have seen in the Newspapers, the proceedings on the Amherst Memorial, on the Glebes & Churches, and on the proposition for revising the Constitution. The first was the only test of party strength, and so far deceptive as it confounds scrupulous Republicans with their adversaries, in the vote agst. a legislative censure on the Grand jury. I did not understand the presentment was vindicated positively by a single member in the debate. The unfavorable accts. as to our three Plenipos. got to Richmond while I was there by the way of Norfolk. It seemed to give extreme uneasiness to the warm & well informed friends of Republicanism, who saw in a war on the side of England, the most formidable means put into the hands of her partizans, for warping the public mind towards Monarchy. This consideration certainly merits the strictest regard as an argument for peace, as long as we have a fair choice on the question. The public will have a right to expect also from our Ex. & the Negociators, the fullest communication of every circumstance that may attend the experiment if it should miscarry. The British Treaty has placed such difficulties in the way of an adjustment, that nothing but the most cordial dispositions on both sides can overcome them; and such have been the indications on the side of our Executive, even during the negociation, that it will not be easily believed, in case of a rupture, that it was not promoted, if not caused, by our own Counsels.

We have had a fine spell of open weather with plentiful rains at proper intervals. This has been favorable to our winter operations, but otherwise to some of those of Nature, particularly in our Wheat fields which continue to present the most unpr⟨om⟩ising aspect. Accept the most affectionate farewel⟨l>’.


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 24 January 1798
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Philadelphia Jan. 24. 98.
I wrote you last on the 2d. inst. on which day I recieved yours of Dec. 25. I have not resumed my pen because there has really been nothing worth writing about but what you would see in the newspapers. There is as yet no certainty what will be the aspect of our affairs with France. Either the Envoys have not written to the government, or their communications are hushed up. This last is suspected because so many arrivals have happened from Bordeaux & Havre. The letters from American correspondents in France have been always to Boston: & the experience we had last summer of their adroitness in counterfeiting this kind of intelligence, inspires doubts as to their late paragraphs. A letter is certainly recieved here by an individual from Taleyrand, which says our envoys have been heard, that their pretensions are high, that possibly no arrangement may take place, but that there will be no declaration of war by France. It is said that Bournonville has written that he has hopes of an accomodation (3. audiences having then, Nov. 3. been had) and to be himself a member of a new diplomatic mission to this country. On the whole I am entirely suspended as to what is to be expected. The Representatives have been several days in debate on the bill for foreign intercourse. A motion has been made to reduce it to what it was before the extension of 1796. The debate will probably have good effects in several ways on the public mind, but the advocates for the reformation expect to lose the question. They find themselves decieved in the expectation entertained in the beginning of the session, that they had a majority. They now think the majority is on the other side by 2. or 3. and there are moreove[r] 2. or 3 of them absent. Blount’s affair is to come on next. In the mean time the Senate have before them a bill for regulating proceedings in impeachment. This will be made the occasion of offering a clause for the introduction of juries into these trials. (Compare the paragraph in the constitution which says that the trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury, with the VIIIth. amendment which says that in all criminal prosecutions, the trial shall be by jury.) There is no expectation of carrying this; because the division in the Senate is of 2. to 1. But it will draw forth the principles of the parties, and concur in accumulating proofs on which side all the sound principles are to be found. Very acrimonious altercations are going on between the Spanish minister & Executive, and at the Natchez something worse than mere altercation. If hostilities have not begun there, it has not been for want of endeavors to bring them on by our agents. Marshall of Kentuckey, this day proposed in Senate some amendments to the constitution. They were barely read just as we were adjourning, & not a word of explanation given. As far as I caught them in my ear, they went only to modifications of the elections of President & V. President, by authorising voters to add the office for which they name each, & giving to the Senate the decision of a disputed election of President & to the Representatives that of Vice-President. But I am apprehensive I caught the thing imperfectly, & probably incorrectly. Perhaps this occasion may be taken of proposing again the Virginia amendments, as also to condemn elections by the legislatures themselves, to transfer the power of trying impeachments from the Senate to some better constituted court &c. &c.
Good tobo. here is 13. Doll. flour 8.50 Wheat 1.50 but dull, because only the millers buy. The river however is nearly open & the merchants will now come to market & give a spur to the price. But their competition will not be what it has been. Bankruptcies thicken, & the height of them is by no means yet come on. It is thought this winter will be very trying. Friendly salutations to mrs. Madison. Adieu affectionately.
Jan. 25. I inclose Marshall’s propositions. They have been this day postponed to the 1st. of June, chiefly by the vote of the Antirepublicans under the acknoleged fear that other amendments would be also proposed, and that this is not the time for agitating the public mind.


Title: To James Madison from James Monroe, 6 February 1798
From: Monroe, James
To: Madison, James

Dear SirAlb: Feby 6. 1798.
We are very thankful for the articles yr.self & Mrs. M. were so good as send us. They are really rarities and of importance in our present situation. We shod. however be very sorry if you reduc’d yr. own stock so as to feel the want of them.
We send you two mattresses—one of hair & another of wool. 4. dozen of the better kind of diaper napkins & 2. of infr., very useful for common purposes. 4. table cloths 2. of the size for a room of 18. feet—2. others of great length wh. may each be cut either in two or three—new—we wod. add many more if you had desird, but that may still be done at another time. We have not more of kitchen furniture that will be sufficient for two families. I shall not dispose of any pt. for the present so that you may have what you want. The waggon is in great haste so that I have only time to request our best regards to Mrs. M. yr. father & family. Sincerely yr. friend & servant
Jas. Monroe


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 8 February 1798
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Philadelphia Feb. 8. 98.
I wrote you last on the 25th. Ult. since which yours of the 21st. has been recieved. Bache had put 500. copies of Monroe’s book on board a vessel, which was stopped by the early & unexpected freezing of the river. He then tried in vain to get them sent on by fifties at a time by the stage. The river is now open here, the vessels have fallen down and if they can get through the ice below, the one with Bache’s packet will soon be at Richmond. It is surmised here that Scipio is written by C. Lee. Articles of impeachment were yesterday given in against Blount; but many knotty preliminary questions will arise. Must not a formal law settle the oath of the Senators, forms of pleadings, process against person & goods &c. May he not appear by attorney? Must he not be tried by jury? Is a Senator impeachable? Is an ex-Senator impeachable? You will readily concieve that these questions to be settled by 29. lawyers are not likely to come to speedy issue. A very disagreeable question of privilege has suspended all other proceedings for several days. You will see this in the newspapers. The question of arming was to have come on on Monday last. That morning the President sent in an inflammatory message about a vessel taken & burnt by a French privateer near Charleston. Of this he had been possessed some time, and it had run through all the newspapers. It seemed to come in very apropos for spurring on the disposition to arm. However the question is not come on. In the mean time the general spirit, even of the merchants, is becoming adverse to it. New hamp[s]hire & Rhode island, are unanimously against arming. So is Baltimore. This place becoming more so. Boston divided & desponding. I know nothing of New York. But I think there is no danger of the question being carried, unless something favorable to it is recieved from our envoys. From them we hear nothing. Yet it seems reasonably believed that the Executive has heard, & that it is something which would not promote their views of arming. For every action of theirs shew they are panting to come to blows. Walker’s bill will be applied to answer a draught of Colo. Monroe’s on Barnes. I have not heard yet from Bailey. I wrote to you about procuring a rider for the Fredsbg. post. The propositions should be here by the 14th. inst. but I can get it kept open a little longer. There is no bidder yet but Green the printer. £100. Virga. will be given. Giles is arrived. My friendly salutations to mrs. Madison. Adieu affectionately.


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 12 February 1798
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear SirOrange Feby. 12. 1798
The last mail brought neither letters nor papers from Philada. By the preceding one I recd. your favor of Jany. 24. and a bundle of the Gazettes down to the 25th. inclusive, with an omission only of that of the 23d. which it may be proper for you to supply in order to keep your Sett entire. Your account of the probable posture of the negociation at Paris, is less decisively unfavorable than the reports prevailing here. It will be happy if a good issue should result from the crisis: But I have great apprehensions from two sources; 1. the spirit in which the negotiation will be conducted on the side of our Executive, if not on the other side also; 2. the real difficulties, which the British Treaty has thrown in the way. It is pretty clear that France will not acquiesce under the advantage which that insidious instrument gives to her enemy, and the House of Representatives at the last Session admitted that the condition of the two nations ought to be equalized. How can this now be done? in one of two ways only; either by dissolving the British Treaty, or by stipulating with France that she may plunder us as we have stipulated that Britain may plunder us. To the first mode the objections on the American side are obvious. To the second, will not France refuse so far to sanction the principle that free ships do not make goods free, as to enter into a positive stipulation to that effect, chusing rather to equalize her own situation on the principle of retaliation which indirectly supports instead of surrendering her favorite object. Should this be her course, the U. States will have no option but to go directly to war in defence of the British Treaty which was adopted as a defence against war, and in defence of the principle that free ships do not make free good[s], in opposition both to their own principles & their essential interests—or to go indirectly to war, by using the frigates as convoys and arming private vessels of which the owners & mariners will often be British subjects under American colours—or to try some defensive regulation of a commercial nature. The first will not be done, because the people are not yet confided in to tolerate it. The last will not be done because it will be difficult to frame such a regulation as will not injure Britain as well as ourselves more than France. The second expedient I conclude therefore will be persisted in; and as there is likely to be a majority ready to back the hostility of the Executive; the best that can be done by the Republicans, will be to leave the responsibility on the real authors of whatever evils may ensue. I am not surprised at the extremity to which the dispute at the Natchez is pushed. I never had a doubt that in proportion as war with France is contemplated, a war with Spain will be provoked by the present administration. The former would not be relished even by the New England private[e]rs, without the prospect of plunder presented by the latter. A war with Spain would also be a most convenient grave for the misdemeanours of Liston and his partizans.
I returned from Albemarle on Monday last, where I consulted with your Nailor on the subject of the Sprigs & lathing nails not included in the parcels prepared for me. I found that the cutting machine has never been reestablished, & I did not request that this slight kind of nails should be made in the common way. If you mean however that the machine shall be set up again, or it be a part of your plan to make such nails in the common way, there will be time eno’ for either before I shall want them. I was at Mr. Randolphs & found all well there, as you will doubtless learn to be the case from himself. I was astonished to find that even Monroe himself, had not yet seen a printed copy of his publication. In the mean time Scipio’s midrepresentations [sic] & sophistries are filling the public mind with all the poison which P.s malice can distil into it. Where the book is not seen first, & an antidote does not quickly follow from the same center which gives circulation to the poison, innocence & truth can not have fair play. Present my friendly respects to Mr Giles who I hear has gone on to Phia. also to Mr Tazewell & Mr. Dawson. I have been sorry to hear of the ill health of the former. As I perceive by the votes in the Senate that he has resumed his seat, I hope he is well again. Yrs always & affecy.


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 15 February 1798
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Philadelphia Feb. 15. 98.
I wrote you last on the 8th. We have still not a word from our envoys. This long silence (if they have been silent) proves things are not going on very roughly. If they have not been silent, it proves their information if made public would check the disposition to arm. I had flattered myself, from the progress of the public sentiment against arming, that the same progress had taken place in the legislature. But I am assured, by those who have better opportunities of forming a good judgment, that if the question against arming is carried at all, it will not be by more than a majority of two: & particularly that there will not be more than 4. votes against it from the 5. eastern states, or 5. votes at the utmost. You will have percieved that Dayton is gone over compleatly. He expects to be appointed Secretary of war in the room of McHenry who it is said will retire. He has been told, as report goes, that they would not have confidence enough in him to appoint him. The desire of inspiring them with more seems the only way to account for the eclat which he chuses to give to his conversion. You will have seen the disgusting proceedings in the case of Lyon. If they would have accepted even of a commitment to the Serjeant it might have been had. But to get rid of his vote was the most material object. These proceedings must degrade the General government, and lead the people to lean more on their state governments, which have been sunk under the early popularity of the former. This day the question of the jury in cases of impeachment comes on. There is no doubt how it will go. The general division in the Senate is 22. and 10. And under the probable prospect of what they will for ever be, I see nothing in the mode of proceeding by impeachment, but the most formidable weapon for the purposes of a dominant faction that ever was contrived. It would be the most effectual one for getting rid of any man whom they consider as dangerous to their views, and I do not know that we could count on one third on an emergency. It depends then on the H. of Representatives, who are the impeachers: & there the majorities are of 1. 2. or 3 only & these sometimes one way & sometimes another: in a question of pure party they have the majority, & we do not know what circumstances may turn up to increase that majority temporarily if not permanently. I know of no solid purpose of punishment which the courts of law are not equal to, and history shews that in England, Impeachment has been an engine more of passion than justice.
A great ball is to be given here on the 22d. and in other great towns of the Union. This is at least very indelicate, & probably excites uneasy sensations in some. I see in it however this useful deduction, that the birthdays which have been kept have been, not those of the President, but of the General. I inclose with the newspapers the two acts of parliament passed on the subject of our commerce which are interesting. The merchants here say that the effect of the countervailing tonnage on American vessels, will throw them completely out of employ as soon as there is peace. The Eastern members say nothing but among themselves. But it is said that it is working like gravel in their stomachs. Our only comfort is that they have brought it on themselves. My respectful salutations to mrs. Madison & to yourself friendship & Adieu.


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, [ca. 18 February] 1798
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir[ca. 18 February 1798]
Since my last I have recd. yours of Feby. 8. with a continuation of the Gazettes down to that date, with the exception only mentioned already, of the gazette of Jany. 23. I am glad to find the public opinion to be taking the turn you describe on the subject of arming. For the public opinion alone can now save us from the rash measures of our hot-heated [sic] Executive; it being evident from some late votes of the House of Reps. particularly in the choice of Managers for the Impeachment, that a majority there as well as in the Senate are ready to go as far as the controul of their Constituents will permit. There never was perhaps a greater contrast between two characters, than between those of the present President & of his predecessor, altho’ it is the boast & prop of the latter, that he treads in the steps of the former: The one cold considerate & cautious, the other headlong & kindled into flame by every spark that lights on his passions: the one ever scrutinizing into the public opinion, and ready to follow where he could not lead it: the other insulting it by the most adverse sentiments & pursuits: W. a hero in the field, yet overweighing every danger in the Cabinet—A. without a single pretension to the character of Soldier, a perfect Quixotte as a Statesman: the former cheif Magistrate pursuing peace every where with sincerity, tho’ mistaking the means: the latter taking as much pains to get into war, as the former took to keep out of it. The contrast might be pursued into a variety of other particulars—the policy of the one in shunning connections with the arrangements of Europe, of the other in holding out the U. S. as a makeweight in its Balances of power: the avowed exultation of W. in the progress of liberty every where, & his eulogy on the Revolution & people of France posterior even to the bloody reign & fate of Robespierre—the open denunciations by Adams of the smallest disturbance of the antient discipline order & tranquility of Despotism, &c &c &c. The affair of Lyon & Griswold is bad eno’ every way; but worst of all in becoming a topic of tedious & disgraceful debates in Congress. There certainly could be no necessity for removing it from the decision of the parties themselves before that tribunal, & its removal was evidently a sacrifice of the dignity of the latter, to the party-manœuvres of ruining a man whose popularity & activity were feared. If the state of the House suspended its rules in general, it was under no obligation to see any irregularity which did not force itself into public notice—and if Griswold be a man of the sword, he shd. not have permitted the step to be taken; if not he does not deserve to be avenged by the House. No man ought to reproach another with cowardice, who is not ready to give proof of his own courage. I have taken some pains but in vain to find out a person who will engage to carry the Mail from Fredg to Charlottesville. When I was in the neighbourhood of the latter I suggested the propriety of an effort there for the purpose, but do not know that it will be more successful. Our Winter has continued without snow & rather dry, and our Wheat-fields wear the most discouraging aspect. Adieu


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 22 February 1798
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Philadelphia Feb. 22. [1798]
Yours of the 12th. is recieved. I wrote you last on the 15th. but the letter getting misplaced, will only go by this post. We still hear nothing from our Envoys. Whether the Executive hear we know not. But if war were to be apprehended, it is impossible our envoys should not find means of putting us on our guard, or that the Executive should hold back their information. No news therefore is good news. The countervailing act, which I sent you by the last post, will confessedly put American bottoms out of employ in our trade with Gr. Britain. So say well informed merchants. Indeed it seems probable, when we consider that hitherto, with the advantage of our foreign tonnage, our vessels could only share with the British, and the countervailing duties will, it is said, make a difference of 500 guineas to our prejudice on a ship of 350. tons. Still the Eastern men say nothing. Every appearance & consideration render it probable that on the restoration of peace, both France & Britain will consider it their interest to exclude us from the ocean by such peaceable means as are in their power. Should this take place, perhaps it may be thought just & politic to give to our native capitalists the monopoly of our internal commerce. This may at once relieve us from the danger of wars abroad and British thraldom at home. The news from the Natchez of the delivery of the posts, which you will see in the papers, is to be relied on. We have escaped a dangerous crisis there. The great contest between Israel & Morgan, of which you will see the papers full, is to be decided this day. It is snowing fast at this time, and the most sloppy walking I ever saw. This will be to the disadvantage of the party which has the most invalids. Whether the event will be known this evening I am uncertain. I rather presume not, & therefore that you will not learn it till next post. You will see in the papers the ground on which the introduction of the jury into the trial by impeachment was advocated by mr. Tazewell, & the fate of the question. Reades motion, which I inclosed you, will probably be amended & established so as to declare a Senator unimpeachable, absolutely, and yesterday an opinion was declared that not only officers of the state governments but every private citizen of the US. is impeachable. Whether they will think this the time to make the declaration I know not, but if they bring it on I think there will be not more than two votes North of Patowmac against the universality of the impeaching power. The system of the Senate may be inferred from their transactions heretofore, and from the following declaration made to me personally by their oracle. ‘No republic can ever be of any duration, without a Senate, & a Senate deeply & strongly rooted, strong enough to bear up against all popular storms & passions. The only fault in the constitution of our Senate is that their term of office is not durable enough. Hitherto they have done well, but probably they will be forced to give way in time.’ I suppose their having done well hitherto alluded to the stand they made on the British treaty. This declaration may be considered as their text: that they consider themselves as the bulwarks of the government, and will be rendering that the more secure, in proportion as they can assume greater powers. The foreign intercourse bill is set for to-day: but the parties are so equal on that in the Repr. that they seem mutually to fear the encounter.
Tho’ it is my intention, & the orders I left were, that the cutting machine should be repaired, yet I think it would not be adviseable for you to depend on it, as to your sprigs & lathing nails if you want them before my return: as at my present distance, I could not rely sufficiently on the execution of my orders. Immediately on my return my own wants will oblige me to recommence cutting. I imagine that by this time a large cargo of Monroe’s book has arrived at Richmond, as the vessel which had them on board got out during the short interval the river was open. My friendly salutations to mrs. Madison & the family. To yourself friendly adieux.


Title: To James Madison from John Dawson, 1 March 1798
From: Dawson, John
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir!Philadelphia March 1st. 1798.
I thank you for your letter without date, & have had the enclosure deliverd agreeably to your request.
The degrading business between Griswold and Lyon has at length come to an end, without even an censure on either—those gentlemen who were so loud in favour of the expulsion of Lyon, voted against even a censure, when it was to expand to their favourite Griswold, who had committed a more violent outrage—while we were in favour of reprobating both.

We have passd today a bill repealing the law laying a duty on stampd vellum, parchment, & paper by a majority of about 52 to 36—whether the Senate will agree to it is very doubtful; nothing but the voice of the people can force them to do it.
On yesterday we resumd the debates on the approbriations [sic] for the foreign intercourse, & are now engagd in them—I fear that there will be a small majority against the reduction—it is the only question of any consequence which we have had, & of more, in my judgement, than we shall, probably, have during the Session.
We have not one word from our commissioners at Paris, & there is good reason to believe that Spain has taken steps to run the boundary line, agreeably to treaty.
I lament that you have recievd not a copy of Monroes book—Mr Jefferson told me he had forwarded one, or I shoud have attempted it.
If you see Messrs. F. or R. Taylor inform them that their patents are making out & shall be forwarded. Colo Whites survey is defective & shall be returnd to him pointing out the defect.
I beg you to present me to your friends, & to accept the best wishes of Your friend [and] Sert
J Dawson


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 15 March 1798
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Philadelphia Mar. 15. 98
I wrote you last on the 2d. inst. Your’s of the 4th. is now at hand. The public papers will give you the news of Europe. The French decree making the vessel friendly or enemy according to the hands by which the cargo was manufactured has produced a great sensation among the merchants here. It’s operation is not yet perhaps well understood; but probably it will put our shipping out of competition because British bottoms which can come under convoy will alone be trusted with return cargoes. Our’s losing this benefit would need a higher freight out, in which therefore they will be underbid by the British. They must then retire from the competition. Some no doubt will try other channels of commerce and return cargoes from other countries. This effect would be salutary. A very well informed merchant too (a Scotsman entirely in the English trade) told me he thought it would have another good effect, by checking & withdrawing our over-extensive commerce & navign. (the fruit of our neutral position) within those bounds to which peace must necessarily bring them. That this being done by degrees will probably prevent those numerous failures produced generally by a peace coming on suddenly. Notwithstanding this decree the sentiments of the merchants become more & more cooled & settled down against arming. Yet it is believed the Representatives do not cool: and tho’ we think the question against arming will be carried, yet probably by a majority of only 4. or 5. Their plan is to have convoys furnished for our vessels going to Europe, & smaller vessels for the coasting defence. On this condition they will agree to fortify Southern harbours & build some gallies. It has been concluded among them, that if war takes place, Woolcot is to be retained in office, that the P. must give up McHenry; & as to Pickering they are divided, the Eastern men being determined to retain him, their middle & Southern brethren wishing to get rid of him. They have talked of Genl. Pinckney as successor to McHenry. This information is certain. However I hope that we shall avoid war & save them the trouble of a change of ministry. The P. has nominated J. Q. Adams Commissioner Plenipoty. to renew the treaty with Sweden. Tazewell made a great stand against it on the general ground that we should let our treaties drop, & remain without any. He could only get 8. votes against 20. A trial will be made to day in another form which he thinks will give 10. or 11. against 16. or 17. declaring the renewal inexpedient. In this case, notwithstanding the nomination has been confirmed, it is supposed the P. would perhaps not act under it, on the probability that more than a third would be against the ratification. I believe however that he would act, & that a third could not be got to oppose the ratification. It is acknoleged we have nothing to do but to decide the question about arming. Yet not a word is said about adjourning, and some even talk of continuing the session permanently; others talk of July & August. An effort however will soon be made for an early adjournment. My friendly salutations to mrs. Madison, to yourself affectionate Adieux.


Title: To James Madison from Henry Tazewell, 18 March 1798
From: Tazewell, Henry
To: Madison, James

Dear SirPhiladelphia 18th. March 1798.
Soon after my arrival here, I recd. your favour with several inclosures. The inclosed Letters were delivered, as directed, and I should have acknowledged the receipt of your Letter at an earlier period—but for an indisposition which has kept me very much confined during the whole Winter. As the Weather becomes more mild, and the Climate more like that to which I have been accustomed—my health is experiencing a benificial change. I wish, instead of contemplating that object I had formerly located myself in your part of the Country. The experience which I have had of the Soil & Climate, have strongly, and do still strongly, persuade me to that measure. The pleasure I should feel in your Society, would dissipate every objection which has occurred agt. the adoption of this Scheme—but some personal considerations arising out of arrangements that my Children have made, which temporarily apply to me, imperiously forbid any sudden Act of that sort. If no unforeseen events occur I will however in the course of the next Fall taste some of the pleasures which your Neighbourhood possesses, and at a different Season, when I am at home, I think you yourself would be gratified, and I am sure you would gratify many of your friends, by a visit to our part of the World.
I presume you are well advised of the occurrences of a political nature, which are passing here—but as new veiws are presented, new effects are produced, even when growing out of the same facts. While I have my pen in my hand, therefore, you will excuse the trouble I give you, in perusing the following remarks. The late Act of the French Government relative to the british Commerce you have no doubt seen. It is what might have been expected, and yet acts like a thunderbolt on those whose Conduct has solicited it—recovering from the Shock, it is about to be used as an additional circumstance of irritation agt. France. It is whispered that a manifesto is preparing in the Cabinet to give to this circumstance its highest colouring, and thro. the means of Congress to make it public. If this be so, we shall have it in a few days. If Timothy can transfuse into it his own Spirit, it will want no addition. Allowing GB to have been the first Aggressor on neutral rights in this War—(and that fact is well estab[l]ished) the principle asserted by her, seems to be, that whatever can contribute to aid or benifit her Enimy, may by her, be prohibited. She applied this principle first to the provisions of Neutrals bound to France—then to the whole trade of Spain. If it was broad enough to cover these Acts, it must be broad enough to cover british merchandize, when used by another nation. The measure of France is therefore but a just act of retaliation, with respect to GB it is but the reaction of her own principle. With respect to Neutrals it claims protection under that impartiality which is the essence of their neutrality. For having submitted to the british aggression, resistance to this measure of France, would be denying to one nation in the War the use of a Weapon permitted to the other. It would be allowing a favour to the one, which would be denied to the other, and would therefore be such a breach of neutrality as would afford a just Cause of War. The Aggression on the part of GB was an outrage agt. the Law of Nations, as well as against her subsisting Treaties. That of France may be allowed to stand on the same footing, differing only as it is a measure of retaliation, for an aggression which had been acquiesced in by Neutrals. If possible the UStates stand upon a worse footing in this respect than any other neutral nation—for existing [sic] the british aggression they recognized, and assented to the british principle, at least as to provisions by their Treaty made by Mr Jay. The measure of France striped of all these considerations seems to address all Neutrals thus—You have quietly submitted to an aggression on your rights by GB. when that aggression operated extremely to our injury. We now are about to retaliate—but we will make the Act, as little injurious to you as possible. We will not injure your trade in any thing else, but in british merchandize. That you must consent to give up, or carry on at your peril. Our Act of retaliation is less injurious to you than the first act of aggression to which you submitted. Our object is to reduce that naval Strength of GB. which has enabled her to trample on your rights—and to force her into the admission that free ships shall make free Goods. These things are as benificial to you, as to us. You can now obtain them without war, without impairing your Commerce in any other respect than surrendering it for a time in british Merchandize. By acquiescence you will not violate any of your engagements with GB—and even if our measure is injurious to you, no nation can justly complain when you exercise your right of submitting to it. Resistance must manifest a paramount interest which you take in the british welfare—not only over ours, but even your own—and if that feeling exists we had rather have you for open Enimies, than covert friends. Remember however if you do resist—that you not only endanger your whole Commerce during the War, but you run the risque after its close of having a shackled, instead of a perfectly free Commerce. Under these circumstances make your election.
Our Executive have gone so far, that they would elect war, in preference to the proposed surrender of our Trade in british Merchandize. It is a problem, whether Congress—will not cooperate with their wishes. As yet, every conjecture about the event, would be too uncertain, to allow the committment of them, to paper. It is said privately that Mr. Adams had recd. yesterday a Messenger from Rufus King, but the tidings he brings are unknown. Some suppose that the Messenger is to caution him on the present critical situation of GB. others that it is to hasten a resistance to the French measure as to british merchandize. Time will unfold to us, the result.
A few days ago—Mr Adams nominated his son to negotiate a Treaty with Sweden, in the following very extraordinary terms—“Insinuations having been repeatedly made, in the name of the Court of Sweden, of an inclination to renew the connection between the US & that power—I sent in the recess of the Senate, to our Minister at Berlin, a full power to negotiate that business with such alterations as might be agreeable to both parties—but as that commission, if not renewed with the advice and consent of the Senate would expire with the end of the present Session of Congress—I now nominate J. Q. Adams to be a Commissioner with full powers to negotiate a Treaty of Amity and Commerce with his majesty the King of Sweden.” This being a new office, and not the annexation of a new power to an old office, I denied the constitutionality of the Commission given in the recess—and objected to the confirmation of the appointment because from the terms of the message it must amount to a sanction of that act. I also objected to the policy of renewing our Treaty with Sweden which is about to expire upon the ground principally that we had better withdraw as fast as possible from connections in Europe, and not further entangle ourselves by new Engagements. In discussing this latter point—it leaked out, that the object was, to form alliances, to enable us to resist France. And I am persuaded this is the present policy of the Executive. The Executive party in the Senate first explained away the term Advice in the Constitution as preceeding Consent in the case of Treaties—by urging that a concurrence in the nomination of a Minister to treat was a sufficient check on the President in executing the Treaty power. When they had got enough precedents to destroy as they suppose, the effect of that expression—they then set to work to justify the president in naming a Minister, and making a Treaty in the recess of Congress—by which they even deny to the Senate that Check which at first they allowed to exist. After this Conduct what is the Constitution? Any thing, or nothing, as the rulers chuse. You will remember that this was a proceeding with closed Doors.
It is reported, and I beleive the fact—that Marshall and Pinkney are on their way home from France. Gerry is to stay, in order to read a little more in the Chapter of Accidents. The truth is—that Gerry has been veiwed as a Republican—and altho. not intirely without distrust, yet he has met with marks of attention beyond the others. He stays in France—and from it, with temper here, good might be expected. The fever however in France created by the project of invading England, has risen to such an height, that it is reasonably to be expected that it cannot be cured by the annihilation of the british Government. We expect with anxiety the next intelligence from that quarter. The tameness with which the Congress at Rastadt has deprived GB of her German possessions, augurs no good to her, and I verily beleive she will be surrendered by all Europe, to the chastisement of France. Mr Pickering’s prowess is the only support she can expect.

The Men and measures of the present Congress exhibit a melancholy prospect. I will not detail to you many incidents of either. The true portrait may be seen in the features of a few. The Senate have passed a Bill appointing Commissioners to negotiate with Georgia for the sale of her western Territory—and with the individual purchasers under Georgia for their rights, and whether they succeed or not to send a territorial Govr. into that Country. You know that this business has been long brewing. The party persuing the object have constantly been increasing—by what means, you can tell as well as I can. At length they have converted Congress into a Company of Land Speculators. Connecticut has sold what was called her reserve—for 1,200,000. dollars—she now offers to cede the Jurisdiction over it to the US, if they will confirm her sale. Her right is the most unfounded that I ever examined. Yet connecting the business with other subjects of Speculation, and there is no saying whether this proposition may not be accepted. These two occurrences will give you a sufficient history of the present Congress, and they ought at least to draw from you a sigh.
Mr Adams is shaping his course in such a way, as that he must inevitably destroy himself. The littleness of Connecticut is one of the Springs from whence he draws p[l]entifully his rules of Conduct—political principles are made the test in the settlement of all public claims—and in all appointments to office flowing from the Executive, or Executive agents. Honesty & a fitness for employment, have but small influence—and by Lloyd from Maryland it was asserted in the Senate that a friendship for the present administration was a preferable recommendation to the loss of both arms in the service of America during the late revolution as the papers have stated, & I beleive truly. Men who seek not employment, and would not possess it under these terms, must feel disgust at this avowed principle—and while he thinks to make converts by it, he may certainly rely on a different operation from his Conduct. Altho. I have an high personal regard for Mr Adams—yet there is something in the new England character which he seems to possess—to which I cannot reconcile myself, and with which I am every day more and more dissatisfied.
Are you not tired of being at home? Will you go into our Ass: if you


Title: Circular Letter from John Dawson, 20 March 1798
From: Dawson, John
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir,Philadelphia, March 20, 1798.
After fourteen days delay, on yesterday the President sent to us the inclosed important, intemperate, and unconstitutional Message, which is referred to a Committee of the whole on the State of the Union.
Circumstances prove clearly to my mind, that the fixed policy of our Administration will involve us in the war on the part of Great-Britain—an event which I very much dread, but which I fear we shall not be able to avert.
On a former occasion, the expression of their sentiments by the people produced a good effect, and I submit to your wisdom the propriety of obtaining them, in your county and district, on the present. War is a dreadful thing, and we ought to prevent it by every exertion in our power! With esteem, Your friend and servant,
J Dawson
N. B. I presume you have the message, & Mr. Jefferson sends you by this mail Pains letter.


Title: To James Madison from John Dawson, 29 March 1798
From: Dawson, John
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir!Phila. March 29th. 1798
I have recievd your favour & attended immediately to its contents. We are now in committee of the whole on the president’s message of the 19th. Int., on which three resolutions which I presume you have seen, have been brought forward & I believe will be agreed to—it certainly will be highly important to collect the sentiments of the people, & forward them as soon as possible.
New England begins to move in opposition to the measures recommended by the president. Yrs. with much esteem
J Dawson.
The Chavelier d. Yrujo is to marry Miss McKane in 8 or ten days.


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 29 March 1798
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Philadelphia Mar. 29. 98.
I wrote you last on the 21st. Your’s of the 12th. therein acknoleged is the last recd. The measure I suggested in mine of adjourning for consultation with their constituents was not brought forward; but on Tuesday 3. resolutions were moved which you will see in the public papers. They were offered in committee to prevent their being suppressed by the previous question, & in the commee. on the state of the Union to put it out of their power, by the rising of the commee. & not sitting again, to get rid of them. They were taken by surprise, not expecting to be called to vote on such a proposition as ‘that it is inexpedient to resort to war against the French republic.’ After spending the first day in seeking on every side some hole to get out at, like an animal first put into a cage, they gave up that resource. Yesterday they came forward boldly, and openly combated the proposition. Mr. Harper & mr. Pinckney pronounced bitter Philippics against France, selecting such circumstances & aggravations as to give the worst picture they could present. The latter on this, as in the affair of Lyon & Griswold, went far beyond that moderation he has on other occasions recommended. We know not how it will go. Some think the resolution will be lost, some that it will be carried, but neither way by a majority of more than 1. or 2. The decision of the Executive, of two thirds of the Senate & half the house of representatives is too much for the other half of that house. We therefore fear it will be borne down, and are under the most gloomy apprehensions. In fact the question of war & peace depends now on a toss of cross & pile. If we could but gain this season, we should be saved. The affairs of Europe would of themselves relieve us. Besides this there can be no doubt that a revolution of opinion in Massachusets & Connecticut is working. Two whig presses have been set up in each of those states. There has been for some days a rumor that a treaty of alliance offensive & defensive with Gr. Britain is arrived. Some circumstances have occasioned it to be listened to; to wit the arrival of mr. King’s Secretary, which is affirmed, the departure of mr. Liston’s secretary which I know is to take place on Wednesday next, the high tone of the executive measures at the last & present session, calculated to raise things to the unison of such a compact, and supported so desperately in both houses in opposition to the pacific wishes of the people & at the risque of their approbation at the ensuing election. Langdon yesterday in debate mentioned this current report. Tracy in reply declared he knew of no such thing, did not believe it, nor would be it’s advocate. The Senate are proceeding on the plan communicated in mine of Mar. 15. They are now passing a bill to purchase 12. vessels of from 14. to 22. guns, which with our frigates are to be employed as convoys & guarda costas. They are estimated, when manned & fitted for sea, at 2. millions. They have past a bill for buying one or more founderies. They are about bringing in a bill for regulating private arming, and the defensive works in our harbors have been proceeded on sometime since. An attempt has been made to get the Quakers to come forward with a petition to aid with the weight of their body the feeble band of peace. They have with some effort got a petition signed by a few of their society. The main body of their society refuse it, Mclay’s peace motion in the assembly of Pensylvania was rejected with an unanimity of the Quaker vote, and it seems to be well understood that their attachment to England is stronger than to their principles or their country. The revolution war was a first proof of this. Mr. White from the federal city is here, solliciting money for the buildings at Washington. A bill for 200,000. D. has passed the H. R. & is before the Senate, where it’s fate is entirely uncertain. He is become perfectly satisfied that mr. A. is radically against the government’s being there. Goodhue (his oracle) openly said in commee. in presence of White, that he knew the government was obliged to go there, but they would not be obliged to stay there. Mr. A. said to White that it would be better that the President should rent a common house there, to live in; that no President would live in the one now building. This harmonises with Goodhue’s idea of a short residence. I write this in the morning, but need not part with it till night. If any thing occurs in the day it shall be added.
P.M. Nothing material has occurred. Adieu.


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 2 April 1798
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear SirApril 2d. 1797 [1798]
Since my last I am in debt for your two favors of the 15th. & 22, the Gazettes of the 3. 67 & 8 Ulto, with a regular continuation to the 22d—two statements from the Treasury Department, and Payne’s letter to the French people & armies. The President’s message is only a further developement to the public, of the violent passions, & heretical politics, which have been long privately known to govern him. It is to be hoped however that the H. of Reps. will not hastily eccho them. At least it may be expected that before war measures are instituted, they will recollect the principle asserted by 62 vs. 37. in the case of the Treaty, and insist on a full communication of the intelligence on which such measures are recommended. The present is a plainer, if it be not a stronger case, and if there has been sufficient defection to destroy the majority which was then so great & so decided, it is the worst symptom that has yet appeared in our Councils. The constitution supposes, what the History of all Govts. demonstrates, that the Ex. is the branch of power most interested in war, & most prone to it. It has accordingly with studied care, vested the question of war in the Legisl: But the Doctrines lately advanced strike at the root of all these provisions, and will deposit the peace of the Country in that Department which the Constitution distrusts as most ready without cause to renounce it. For if the opinion of the P. not the facts & proofs themselves are to sway the judgment of Congress in declaring war, and if the President in the recess of Congress create a foreign mission, appt. the minister, & negociate a War Treaty, without the possibility of a check even from the Senate, untill the measures present alternatives overruling the freedom of its judgment; if again a Treaty when made obliges the Legis: to declare war contrary to its judgment, and in pursuance of the same doctrine, a law declaring war, imposes a like moral obligation, to grant the requisite supplies, until it be formally repealed with the consent of the P. & Senate, it is evident that the people are cheated out of the best ingredients in their Govt. the safeguards of peace which is the greatest of their blessings. I like both your suggestions in the present crisis. Congress ought clearly to prohibit arming, & the P. ought to be brought to declare on what ground he undertook to grant an indirect licence to arm. The first instructions were no otherwise legal than as they were in pursuance of the law of Nations, & consequently in execution of the law of the land. The revocation of the instructions is a virtual change of the law, & consequently a Usurpation by the Ex. of a legislative power. It will not avail to say that the law of Nations leaves this point undecided, & that every nation is free to decide it for itself. If this be the case, the regulation being a Legislative not an Executive one, belongs to the former, not the latter Authority; and comes expressly within the power to “define the law of Nations” given to Congress by the Constitution. I do not expect however that the Constitutional party in the H. of R. is strong eno’ [to] do what ought to be done in the present instance. Your 2d idea that an adjournment for the purpose of consulting the Constituents on the subject of war, is more practicable because it can be effected by that branch alone if it pleases, & because an opposition to such a measure, will be more striking to the public eye. The expedient is the more desirable as it will be utterly impossible to call forth the sense of the people generally before the season will be over, especially as the Towns &c. where there can be most despatch in such an operation are on the wrong side; and it is to be feared that a partial expression of the public voice, may be misconstrued or miscalled, an evidence in favor of the war party. On what do you ground the idea that a decln. of war requires ⅔ of the Legislature? The force of your remark however is not diminished by this mistake, for it remains true, that measures are taking or may be taken by the Ex. that will end in war, contrary to the wish of the Body which alone can declare it.


Title: To James Madison from John Dawson, 5 April 1798
From: Dawson, John
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir!Philadelphia. April 5. 1798.
I have recievd your favour of the 26th. ultimo, & now enclose you an insurance & a letter for Mrs. Madison, to whom I beg you to present me with much respect.
You have seen that on the 19th. of the last month the president sent to us a message, & that in consequence of a request from our house his instructions, & all the despatches from our commissioners were sent to us confidentially—for three days we have been debating, with shut doors, on the propriety of making them public, & were today at 9 ock, & when there was certainly a large majority of our house against it, informd that the Senate had resolvd to publish the despatches.
They will therefore come out & I will forward to you a copy, only observing at this time, that the quarter from whence their publicity comes creates a doubt that they are not very favourable to peace, in their estimation. I hope we shall not go to war on account of an intemperate Speech from a President, or the dishonest conduct of a minister of foreign relations.
We have nothing late from Europe—our commissioners were in Paris on the 4. February. With much esteem Your friend & Sert
J Dawson.


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 5 April 1798
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Philadelphia Apr. 5. 98.
I wrote you last on the 29th. ult. since which I have no letter from you. These acknolegements regularly made and attended to will shew whether any of my letters are intercepted, and the impression of my seal on wax (which shall be constant hereafter) will discover whether they are opened by the way. The nature of some of my communications furnishes ground of inquietude for their safe conveyance. The bill for the federal buildings labors hard in Senate, tho’ to lessen opposition the Maryland Senator himself proposed to reduce the 200,000 D. to one third of that sum. Sedgwick & Hillhouse violently opposed it. I conjecture that the votes will be either 13 for & 15 against it, or 14 & 14. Every member declares he means to go there, but tho’ charged with an intention to come away again not one of them disavowed it. This will engender incurable distrust. The debate on mr. Sprigg’s resolutions has been interrupted by a motion to call for papers. This was carried by a great majority. In this case, there appeared a separate squad, to wit the Pinckney interest, which is a distinct thing, and will be seen sometimes to lurch the President. It is in truth the Hamilton party, whereof P. is only made the stalking horse. The papers have been sent in & read, & it is now under debate in both houses whether they shall be published. I write in the morning, & if determined in the course of the day in favor of publication, I will add in the evening a general idea of their character. Private letters from France by a late vessel which sailed from Havre Feb. 5. assure us that France classing us in her measures with the Swedes & Danes, has no more notion of declaring war against us than them. You will see a letter in Bache’s paper of yesterday which came addressed to me. Still the fate of Sprigg’s resolutions seems in perfect equilibrio. You will see in Fenno two numbers of a paper signed Marcellus. They promise much mischief, and are ascribed, without any difference of opinion, to Hamilton. You must, my dear Sir, take up your pen against this champion. You know the ingenuity of his talents, & there is not a person but yourself who can foil him. For heaven’s sake then, take up your pen, and do not desert the public cause altogether.
Thursday evening. The Senate have to-day voted the publication of the communications from our envoys. The House of Repr. decided against the publication by a majority of 75. to 24. The Senate adjourned over tomorrow (good Friday) to Saturday morning: but as the papers cannot be printed within that time, perhaps the vote of the H. of R. may induce the Senate to reconsider theirs. For this reason I think it my duty to be silent on them. Adieu.


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 6 April 1798
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Apr. 6. 98.
So much of the communications from our envoys has got abroad, & so partially that there can now be no ground for reconsideration with the Senate. I may therefore consistently with duty do what every member of the body is doing. Still I would rather you would use the communication with reserve till you see the whole papers. The first impressions from them are very disagreeable & confused. Reflection however & analysis resolves them into this. Mr. A’s speech to Congress in May is deemed such a national affront, that no explanation on other topics can be entered on till that, as a preliminary is wiped away, by humiliating disavowals or acknolegements. This working hard with our envoys, & indeed seeming impracticable for want of that sort of authority, submission to a heavy amercement (upwards of a million sterl.) was, at an after meeting suggested as an alternative which might be admitted if proposed by us. These overtures had been through informal agents; and both the alternatives bringing the envoys to their ne plus, they resolve to have no more communication through inofficial characters, but to address a letter directly to the government, to bring forward their pretensions. This letter had not yet however been prepared. There were interwoven with these overtures some base propositions on the part of Taleyrand through one of his agents, to sell his interest & influence with the Directory towards smoothing difficulties with them in consideration of a large sum (50,000 £ sterl.) and the arguments to which his agent resorted to induce compliance with this demand were very unworthy of a great nation (could they be imputed to them) and calculated to excite disgust & indignation in Americans generally, and alienation in the republicans particularly, whom they so far mistake as to presume an attachment to France, and hatred to the Federal party, & not the love of their country, to be their first passion. No difficulty was expressed towards an adjustment of all differences & misunderstandings or even ultimately a paiment for spoliations, if the insult from our Executive should be first wiped away. Observe that I state all this from only a single hearing of the papers, & therefore it may not be rigorously correct. The little slanderous imputation before mentioned has been the bait which hurried the opposite party into this publication. The first impressions with the people will be disagreeable, but the last & permanent one will be that the speech in May is now the only obstacle to accomodation, and the real cause of war, if war takes place. And how much will be added to this by the speech of November is yet to be learnt. It is evident however on reflection, that these papers do not offer one motive the more for our going to war. Yet such is their effect on the minds of wavering characters, that I fear that to wipe off the imputation of being French partisans, they will go over to the war-measures so furiously pushed by the other party. It seems indeed as if they were afraid they should not be able to get into war till Great-Britain will be blown up, and the prudence of our countrymen from that circumstance have influence enough to prevent it. The most artful mis-representations of the contents of these papers were published yesterday, & produced such a shock on the republican mind as has never been seen since our independance. We are to dread the effects of this dismay till their fuller information. Adieu.
P.M. The evening papers have come out since writing the above. I therefore inclose them. Be so good as to return Brown’s by post, as I keep his set here. The representations are still unfaithful.


Title: To James Madison from John Dawson, 12 April 1798
From: Dawson, John
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir!Philadelphia. April 12. 1798.
I herewith enclose you a copy of the late communications from our envoys [in] Paris—& send a copy of the instructions to your brother William—both have been publishd by the Senate contrary to the sense of a very large majority of our house—I leave it to you to determine on their object.
Altho things have an unpleasant aspect, owing in my judgement, to the infamy of some individuals, & to the imprudence of our commissioners in having any intercourse with them, I cannot help indulging a hope that matters are now in a train of accomodation—I calculate much on the dinner which Talleyrand proposd to take with them, & on their letter to be written on the 10th. of January, especially as we do know that they were in Paris one month after that date.
I believe we shall expend a good deal of money in providing for internal defence, but still think we shall be able to reject the other plans recommended by the President. My best wishes to your family & friends. Yours, with much esteem
J Dawson.


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 12 April 1798
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Philadelphia Apr. 12. 98.
I wrote you two letters on the 5th. inst. since which I have recd yours of the 2d. I send you, in a separate package, the instructions to our envoys & their communications. You will find that my representation of their contents, from memory, was substantially just. The public mind appears still in a state of astonishment. There never was a moment in which the aid of an able pen was so important to place things in their just attitude. On this depends the inchoate movement in the Eastern mind, and the fate of the elections in that quarter, now beginning & to continue through the summer. I would not propose to you such a task on any ordinary occasion. But be assured that a well digested analysis of these papers would now decide the future turn of things which are at this moment on the creen. The merchants here are meeting under the auspices of Fitzsimmons to address the President & approve his operations. Nothing will be spared on that side. Sprigg’s first resolution against the expediency of war, proper at the time it was moved, is now postponed, as improper. Because to declare that, after we have understood it has been proposed to us to buy a peace, would imply an acquiescence under that proposition. All therefore which the advocates of peace can now attempt is to prevent war-measures externally, consenting to every rational measure of internal defence & preparation. Great expences will be incurred; & it will be left to those whose measures render them necessary to provide to meet them. They already talk of stopping all paiments of interest, & of a land tax. These will probably not be opposed. The only question will be how to modify the land-tax. On this there may be great diversity of sentiment. One party will want to make it a new source of patronage & expence. If this business is taken up it will lengthen our session. We had pretty generally, till now, fixed on the beginning of May for adjournment. I shall return by my usual route, & not by the Eastern shore, on account of the advance of the season. Friendly salutations to mrs. Madison & yourself. Adieu.


Title: From James Madison to John Dawson, ca. 15 April 1798
From: Madison, James
To: Dawson, John

Letter not found. Ca. 15 April 1798. Mentioned in Dawson to JM, 8 May 1798. Requests that Dawson deliver a letter from Dolley Madison and pay $10 to Benjamin Franklin Bache.


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 19 April 1798
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Apr. 19. 98.
I wrote you last on the 12th. & then acknoleged your last at hand of the 2d inst. The sensations first occasioned by the late publications have been kept up and increased at this place. A petition from the merchants & traders & others was so industriously pushed as to have obtained a very extensive signature. The same measure is pursuing in New York. As the election of their governor comes on next Tuesday, these impressions will just be in time to affect that. We have no information yet of their effect to the Eastward. In the mean time petitions to Congress against arming from the towns of Massachusets were multiplying. They will no doubt have been immediately checked. The P’s answer to the address of the merchants here you will see in Fenno of yesterday. It is a pretty strong declaration that a neutral & pacific conduct on our part is no longer the existing state of things. The vibraters in the H. of R. have chiefly gone over to the war party. Still if our members were all here, it is believed the naval-bill would be thrown out. Giles, Clopton & Cabell are gone. The debate commenced yesterday, & tho’ the question will be lost, the effect on the public mind will be victory. For certainly there is nothing new which may render war more palatable to the people. On the contrary the war-members themselves are becoming alarmed at the expences, & whittling down the estimates to the lowest sums. You will see by a report of the Secretary at war which I inclose you that he estimates the expences of preparation at seven millions of Dollars; which it is proposed to lower to about 3. millions. If it can be reduced to this, a stoppage of public interest will suffice & is the project of some. This idea has already knocked down the public paper, which can no longer be sold at all. If the expences should exceed 3. M. they will undertake a land tax. Indeed a land tax is the decided resource of many, perhaps of a majority. There is an idea of some of the Connecticut members to raise the whole money wanted by a tax on salt; so much do they dread a land tax. The middle or last of May is still counted on for adjournment.
Colo. Innes is just arrived here, heavily laden with gout & dropsy. It is scarcely thought he can ever get home again. The principles likely to be adopted by that board have thrown the administration into deep alarm. It is admitted they will be worse than the English, French & Algerine depredations added together. It is even suggested that, if persevered in, their proceedings will be stopped. These things are not public. Your letter, by occasioning my recurrence to the constitution, has corrected an error under which a former one of mine had been written. I had erroneously concieved that the declaration of war was among the things confided by the constitution to two thirds of the legislature. We are told here that you are probably elected to the state legislature. It has given great joy, as we know your presence will be felt any where, and the times do not admit of the inactivity of such talents as yours. I hope therefore it is true, as much good may be done by a proper direction of the local force. Present my friendly salutations to mrs. Madison & to yourself affectionately Adieu.

P.M.
The inclosed was sealed before I recollected that I have mentioned a petition instead of an address to the President, which is to be corrected. A nomination of Govr. Secretary & three judges to the Missisipi territory is sent in to the Senate, four of whom are agents, or interested in the land speculations of that country, two of them bankrupt speculators, & the 5th. unknown. The Senate demur, and are going into an enquiry. The nomination is George Matthews governor, Millar of Connecticut Secretary, Wetmore of Mass. Clarke of the Missi. district (a merchant who married a daur. of Adam Hoops) and Tilton of N⟨ew⟩ Hampshire judges.


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 22 April 1798
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear SirApl. 22 1798
My last was on the 15th. and acknowledged your preceding letters. I have since recd. that of the 12. under the same cover with the Gazettes; and the instructions & despatches, under a separate cover. The interruptions of company added to the calls of business have not left me time as yet to read over the whole of those papers. A glance at them, with the abstracts given of their contents, fully account for the state of astonishment produced in the public mind. And yet the circumstance that ought to astonish most perhaps, is the publication of them by the Ex. & Senate. Whatever probability there may be of individual corruption within the pale of the French Govt. the evidence is certainly very insufficient to support such an attack on its reputation in the face of the world, even if we could separate the measure from its inevitable effect in blasting every chance of accomodation, if it should reach France before terms shall be finally settled. After this stroke in the politics of those two Branches of our Govt. no one who has not surrendered his reason, can believe them sincere in wishing to avoid e⟨x⟩tremities with the French Republic; to say nothing of the internal views to which they mean also to turn this extraordinary manœuvre. There has not been time for any impressions on the public sentiment in this quarter, which the Despatches are calculated to make. The first will no doubt pretty much correspond with those made elsewhere: But the final impressions will depend on the further & more authentic developments which can not be far behind, & wch. may by this time be arrived where you are. I find that in several places the people have turned out with their protests agst. the war measures urged by the Ex: Whether the proceeding will be general is what I can not pretend to decide. In this County a Petition is to be handed about, which will I presume be pretty fully signed, if sufficiently circulated; unless the disaffected few among us, should be embolded by the present crisis to circulate along with it, the impressions emanating from the Despatches wch. may stop the hands of wavering or cautious people. Altho’ the thermo[me]ter on the mornings of the 15 & 16 inst: was at 31 & 32°. the fruit was not materially injured except in low situations—but having sunk during the night following to 24°. vegitation of every kind seemed to feel the blow. The Peaches & Cherries appear to [be] totally destroyed, and most of the Apples. Even the young Hickory leaves are in considerable proportion compleatly killed. The weather has since been more natural to the season.


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 29 April 1798
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear SirApl. 29. 1798
My last was on the 22d. Yours recd. by the last mail was of the 19th. instant. The despatches have not yet come sufficiently to the knowledge of the bulk of the people to decide the impression which is to result from them. As far as I can infer from the language of the few who have read the Newspapers, there will be a general agreement as to the improper views of our own Executive party, whatever difference of opinion there may be as to the purity of the French Councils. Indeed the reflexion of others as well as my own traces so many absurdities & improbabilities in many of the details that the injustice seems equal to the temerity of publishing such a libel on the French Government. Col. Monroe lodged with me last night on his way to the District Court at Fredg. He considers the transaction as evidently a swindling experiment, and thinks the result will bring as much derision on the Envoys, as mischief [on] the Country. I am sorry to learn that the naval bill is likely to be carried, & particularly that any of our friends should by their leaving Congs. be accessary to it. The public sentiment here is unquestionably opposed to every measure that may increase the danger of war. Petitions expressive of it will be signed by all to whom they are presented, with such exceptions only as may be guessed at. It appears however that the crisis is over for their effect on Congs. if there were a disposition there to listen to them.
I take the liberty of subjoining a list of a few articles not to be got out of Philada. & so important to my present object, that I break thro’ every restraint from adding to the trouble of which you have more than enough. I hope the commission may be facilitated by your previous acquaintance with the places at which they are to be had, and that you will be able to make use of the time of others chiefly for the purpose. If J. Bringhurst should be in the way, he will readily relieve you from all attention to the details. I wish them to be forwarded “to Fredg. to the care of Robert Dunbar Esqr. at Falmouth.” The inclosed draught will be a fund for the purchase. Adieu affly.
Js. M. Jr.

Inches

100 Panes Window Glass
15½ by 12½ precisely.
 80 do.
12⅝ by 12½ do.
 10 do.
17½ by 9½– do.

3. Brass locks of good size & quality—3 do of smaller size—with screws &c. Brass spiral Hinges for 8 doors with do.


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 3 May 1798
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Philadelphia. May 3. 98
I wrote you last on the 26th since which yours of the 22d. of April is recieved acknowleging mine of the 12th. so that all appear to have been recieved to that date. The spirit kindled up in the towns is wonderful. These and N. Jersey are pouring in their addresses offering life & fortune. Even these addresses are not the worst things. For indiscreet declarations and expressions of passion may be pardoned to a multitude acting from the impulse of the moment. But we cannot expect a foreign nation to shew that apathy to the answers of the President, which are more Thrasonic than the addresses. Whatever chance for peace might have been left us after the publication of the dispatches is compleatly lost by these answers. Nor is it France alone but his own fellow-citizens against whom his threats are uttered. In Fenno of yesterday you will see one wherein he says to the Address from Newark ‘the delusions & misrepresentations, which have misled so many citizens, must be discountenanced by authority as well as by the citizens at large,’ evidently alluding to those letters from the representatives to their constituents which they have been in the habit of seeking after & publishing. While those sent by the Tory part of the house to their constituents are ten times more numerous, & replete with the most atrocious falsehoods & calumnies. What new law they will propose on this subject has not yet leaked out. The citizen bill sleeps. The alien bill proposed by the Senate has not yet been brought in. That proposed by the H. of R. has been so moderated that it will not answer the passionate purposes of the war-gentlemen. Whether therefore the Senate will push their bolder plan, I know not. The provisional army does not go down so smoothly in the R. as it did in the Senate. They are whitling away some of it’s choice ingredients, particularly that of transferring their own constitutional discretion over the raising of armies to the President. A commee. of the R. have struck out his discretion, and hang the raising of the men on the contingencies of invasion, insurrection, or declaration of war. Were all our members here the bill would not pass. But it will probably as the house now is. It’s expence is differently estimated from 5. to 8. millions of dollars a year. Their purposes before voted require 2. millions above all the other taxes, which therefore are voted to be raised on lands, houses, & slaves. The provisional army will be additional to this. The threatening appearances from the Alien bills have so alarmed the French who are among us that they are going off. A ship chartered by themselves for this purpose will sail within about a fortnight for France with as many as she can carry. Among these I believe will be Volney, who has in truth been the principal object aimed at by the law. Notwithstanding the unfavorableness of the late impressions, it is believed the New York elections, which are over, will give us two or three republicans more than we now have. But it is supposed Jay is re-elected. It is said Hamilton declines coming to the Senate. He very soon stopped his Marcellus. It was rather the sequel that was feared than what actually appeared. He comes out on a different plan in his Titus Manlius, if that be really his. The appointments to the Missisipi territory were so abominable that the Senate could not swallow them. They referred them to a commee. to enquire into characters, and the P. withdrew the nomination, & has now named Winthrop Serjeant Governor, Steele of Augusta in Virginia, Secretary, Tilton &  two of the judges, the other not yet named. As there is nothing material now to be proposed, we generally expect to rise in about three weeks. However I do not yet venture to order my horses. My respectful salutations to mrs. Madison. To yourself affectionate friendship & Adieu.
Perhaps the P’s expression, before quoted, may look to the Sedition bill which has been spoken of, and which may be meant to put the Printing presses under the Imprimatur of the Executive. Bache is thought a main object of it. Cabot of Massachusets is appointed Secretary of the navy. It is said Hamilton declines coming to the Senate.


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 5 May 1798
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear SirMay 5. 98
I have to thank you for your favor of the 26th Ult: My last was of the 29th. The success of the War party in turning the Despatches to their inflammatory views is a mortifying item agst. the enlightened character of our Citizens. The analysis of the Despatches by Sidney, can not fail to be an effectual antidote, if any appeal to sober reflexion can prevail agst occurrences which are constantly addressing their imaginations & feelings. The talents of this writer make it lucky that the task has not been taken up by other hands. I am glad to find in general that every thing that good sense & accurate information can supply is abundantly exhibited by the Newspapers to the view of the public. It is to be regretted that these papers are so limited in their circulation, as well as that the mixture of indiscretions in some of them should contribute to that effect. It is to [be] hoped however that any arbitrary attacks on the freedom of the Press will find virtue eno’ remaining in the public mind to make them recoil on the wicked authors. No other check to desperate projects seems now to be left. The Sanguinary faction ought not however to adopt the spirit of Roburespierre without recollecting the shortness of his triumphs & the perpetuity of his infamy. The contrivance of Jay for reproducing Hamilton into office & notice suggests, no doubt, a variety of conjectures. If the contrivance is to be ascribed chiefly to Jay, it probably originated in the alarm into which the consequences of the Treaty have thrown its author, & the new demand for the services of its champion. Events have so clearly demonstrated the great objects of that Treaty to have been, to draw us into a quarrel with the Enemies of G. B. and to sacrifice our navigation to hers, that it will require greater efforts than ever to skreen the instrument & author much longer from the odium due to them. The late acts of the B. Parlt. would before this, have unmasked the character of the Treaty even to the people of N. Engd. if adventitious circumstances had not furnished its partizans with fresh dust for their eyes. A tax on land, with a loss of market for its produce, will put their credulity & blindness, to a test that may be more dreadful to the Deluders. We have had a dry spell latterly which succeeding the effects of the frost, will affect every species of crop that depends on the favor of this Season. I write to Mr. Dawson by this post for a small balance, between 30 & 40 dollars which I beg you to receive. Should the funds in your hands admit, you will further oblige me by havg my brother William’s name subscribed to Cary’s paper & paying the necessary advance, the paper to be sent to Orange Court House.


Title: From James Madison to John Dawson, ca. 5 May 1798
From: Madison, James
To: Dawson, John

Letter not found. Ca. 5 May 1798. Mentioned in JM to Jefferson, 5 May 1798. Requests from Dawson a small balance—between $30 and $40—to be given to Jefferson.


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 10 May 1798
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

May 10. 98.
I wrote you last on the 3d. inst. since which yours of Apr. 29. is recieved. A day or two after I arrived here J. Bringhurst called on me. Since that moment I have never seen him nor heard of him. He cannot therefore be here. But I have put your letter & draught into the hands of mr. Barnes, & desired him to get Bohemian glass from Donath. I will myself look to the locks & hinges. But both articles would have been better with further explanation. ‘Brass locks.’ Do you mean mortise-locks, or locks cased in brass and to be screwed on the outside of the door. The former are generally preferred, but require a thick door. ‘Brass spiral hinges.’ I do not know what these are, by that name; but perhaps the shop-keepers can tell me. If you mean the dove-tail rising hinge, which raises the door as it opens, I can assure you from my own experience as well as that of others that they do not answer. The weight of the door raised by the dovetail joint wears it out very soon, and often (if there happens any little obstruction) bursts off the axis. The hinges now universally used are 5 inch butt hinges screwed on the edge of the door with stout screws. They shew only the joint which is of polished iron. Mortise brass hinges are still somewhat in use. They shew only their joint. As I shall probably be here till you can send an answer to this, if you do it by return of post, I will defer getting the locks & hinges in hopes of further explanation.
No bill has past since my last. The alien bill now before the Senate you will see in Bache. I shall make no comment on it. The first clause was debated through the whole of Tuesday. To judge from that we cannot expect above 5 or 6. votes against it. We suppose the lower house will throw it out & proceed on that which they have prepared. The bill for the provisional army is under debate. It will probably pass or be rejected by a very minute majority. If our members were here it would be rejected with ease. The tax on lands, slaves & houses is proceeding. The questions on that will only be of modification. The event of the N. York elections is not yet absolutely known, but it is still believed we have gained 2. more republicans to Congress. Burr was here a day or two ago. He says they have got a decided majority of whigs in their state H. of R. He thinks that Connecticut has chosen one whig, a mr. Granger, and calculates much on the effect of his election. An election here of town-officers for Southwark, where it was said the people had entirely gone over to the tory side, shewed them unmoved. The whig ticket was carried by 10. to 1. The informations are so different as to the effect of the late dispatches on the people here that one does not know what to conclude: but I am of opinion they are little moved. Some of the young men who addressed the President on Monday mounted the Black (or English) cockade. The next day numbers of the people appeared with the tricoloured (or French) cockade: yesterday, being the fast day, the black cockade again appeared. On which the tricolor also shewed itself. A fray ensued, the light horse were called in, & the city was so filled with confusion from about 6. to 10. oclock last night that it was dangerous going out. I write in the morning & therefore know nothing of the particulars as yet. But as I do not send my letter to the post office till night, I shall probably be able by that time to add some details; it is also possible some question may be taken which may indicate the fate of the provisional army. There is a report, which comes from Baltimore, of peace between France & England on terms entirely dictated by the former. But we do not hear how it comes, nor pay the least attention to it.
P.M. By the proceedings in Senate to-day, I conclude the alien bill will pass 17 to 6. The Provisional army has been under debate in the lower house. A motion was made to strike out the first section, professedly for the purpose of trying the fate of the bill. The motion was lost by 44. to 47. Had all the members in town been present, and the question in the house instead of the committee, the vote would have been 45. against the bill & 46. for it. No further particulars about the riot appear. Barnes has recieved for you from Moylan 158.33 D which he will place to your credit in account. The ironmongers to whom I have been since writing in the morning know nothing of spiral hinges.


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 13 May 1798
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear SirMay 13. 1798
I have recd. your favor of the 3d. instant. My last acknowledged your preceding one. The successful use of the Despatches in kindling a flame among the people, and of the flame in extending taxes armies & prerogative, are solemn lessons which I hope will have their proper effect when the infatuation of the moment is over. The management of foreign relations appears to be the most susceptible of abuse, of all the trusts committed to a Government, because they can be concealed or disclosed, or disclosed in such parts & at such times as will best suit particular views; and because the body of the people are less capable of judging & are more under the influence of prejudices, on that branch of their affairs, than of any other. Perhaps it is a universal truth that the loss of liberty at home is to be charged to provisions agst. danger real or pretended from abroad. The credit given to Mr. A. for a spirit of conciliation towards France is wonderful, when we advert to the history of his irritations from the first name in the Envoyship, down to his last answer to the addressers. If he finds it thus easy to play on the prepossessions of the people for their own Govt. agst. a foreign, we ought not to be disappointed if the same game should have equal success in the hands of the Directory. We have had little or no rain for a month, and the evil has been increased by much windy & cold weather. The Thermr. yesterday morning was at 38°. and the frost such as to kill the leaves of tender trees in low situations. I hope now you will soon be released from the thorny seat in which you are placed, and that I shall not be disappointed of the pleasure of seeing you on your way. You must so arrange your time as to be able to ride a mile while with me to see a Threshing machine I have lately built on Martins plan. It is worked & attended by five or six hands at most, and I think promises more for general use than all the other modifications. I shall not describe it, because your own inspection will so soon give you a more perfect idea of it. Yrs. always & affey
Js. Madison Jr
I recd. no paper by last mail but Fenno’s. I hope the bridle is not yet put on the press.