Title: To George Washington from Charles MacIver, November 1784
From: MacIver, Charles
To: Washington, George

Sir
Alexandria [November 1784]

If Affairs of infinite Consequence had not engaged your Excellency’s Time & Attention an Address on the following Subject

would probably have been directed to you at an earlier Period. Had I the Honour of your Acquaintance, most probably it would have first sought your Patronage.
Your Excellency will now give me Leave to acquaint you that I was early imbued with certain Principles repugnant to Oppression and Tyranny, and one of the most forward & zealous Instigators of Emigration from the Highlands of Scotland. My Designs were benevolent and hazardous. They proved unfortunate. I incurred the Resentment of the opulent Part of my Countrymen and Relations, (as well as of the British Tories in general[)], and received no Support nor Patronage on this Side. I regret still more that many of the Emigrants revolted from that Freedom they formerly courted, and that neither the one nor the other received the Benefit intended. On these Accounts I entertained Doubts whether I should ever take Concern in such Matters again. Instead of a Kind of circular Letters, I at last confined my Advices to one Gentleman, whose Age & Infirmities, concurring with other Circumstances, will retard his usual Activity among his oppressed Countrymen. Four young Gentlemen, of natural Influence and personal Popularity, accompanied with an enthusiastic Ardour in the Cause of Freedom, individually bid fair to outstrip him in Exertion and Success. Their Letters on Emigration are not directed to me, because the Accounts they received of me during the latter Part of the War were uncertain. They refer me to later Emigrants, and to some new Comers; none of whom has overcome national Prejudices. In short, they are all averse to Emigration, and will probably discourage it with Success, unless some powerful Patronage is discovered. Without the Aid of such, I shall lay still, as I have for several Years. Is it not natural for one who desires to know what may be expected in this Way, to wish for the Honour of Access to your Excellency, for Information?
The young Gentlemen above-mentioned represent that Oppression is reduced to a System, and are ready to imbarque their own little Property in an approved Plan of Emigration. Repeatedly and cordially have they congratulated the Americans, first on the near Prospect, and since on the actual Enjoyment of Liberty and Independence. Three of them are Clergymen, and being so well disposed to this Country, seem to merit Encouragement in a Settlement of Highlanders; especially,

as they detest the Principles of the Scotch Aristocracy, and will oppose their influence against any Man who may dare to advance them in a Land of equal Liberty. But these Gentlemen are not wealthy, & consequently cannot support the thousands who will wish to accompany them, and the thousands who will wish to follow them. The Number of poor Emigrants will probably be very great. It is submitted whether they merit the Patronage of Men of publick Spirit, who should make it a Point to with-draw them from every Degree of Aristocratical Influence. If Landmongers of great Property could be recompenced in Land, clear of Taxes for a limited Time, they might support very beneficial undertakings in this Way. Population would keep Pace with Commerce, & Debts nobly incurred would be honourably discharged. Tho the Success of any Part I may take in this Business may depend on total Silence till the Expiration of the accompanying Tour, and I have accordingly exercised great Caution on the Subject of late Years, yet have I discovered Reason to suppose that your Excellency could not want respectable Associates to second any Designs of this Sort you may think proper to patronize. Your Excellency’s Humanity will lead you to consider how far the Benefit of the Emigrants, the Benefit of their Patrons, & the Benefit of the Publick may be made to coincide. The same Disposition will lead you to consider whether the Risques & Trouble of Emigration will be amply recompenced to the Emigrants by any Amendment of their Condition on this Side: And whether our Constitutions promise them more ample and permanent Privileges than they already enjoy: or, in other Words, whether the Powers of Government are more properly bounded, & the Liberties of the People better secured by our Constitutions, than in their own Country.
Tho I lost most of my Mss. & Letters, since the Year 1773, I have now some before me, mostly Scrolls and short Memorandums wrote in 1774, & since; political Hints, some of which were printed and approved; a large Ms. which was intended for the Press; a Lecture intended to promote the Honour, Happiness and Security of the united States, including a close and interesting Application to the present Circumstances and future Prospects of this new World.
These Writings consist of several Hundred Pages, which the

Circumstances of my Health & Affairs will not allow me to transmit; especially as they consist of first Thoughts, often irregularly disposed, amidst the Distractions of a laborious Business. Even on the Subject of Emigration, to which I have such Ambition to draw your Excellency’s Attention, I am stinted, for Health and Time, to send the present.
Almost every Thing in Ms. No. 25, containing near 100 folio Pages, was a vain Attempt to secure the most shining Members of the Minority of the British Parliament in our Interest. I have Reason to think it contributed to prolong the Opposition of a few Individuals. When no Hopes of Peace or Reconciliation remained, I suspended all attempts of this Sort, & was provoked to attempt a political Pamphlet, including, among numerous Topics, an attempt to explain the Resources of America to support a War, and inculcating the great, & almost evident, Probability of foreign Assistance.
In Order to be honest & intelligent, as well as confident, during the British Part of the accompanying Tour, the Promoter of Emigrations should be well acquainted with the Quality of Lands, Usages, political Institutions, & all Matters of Importance respecting this Country. With the Support of an easy Patronage, for a short Time, I should hope to acquire the necessary Information in this Way.
Tho I have been accustomed to expect the greatest Crouds from the Highlands, yet I little doubt of procuring valuable Individuals in the Rest of my British Tour, and contributing to promote a Spirit of Emigration, which promises to increase the Wealth & Population of the united States. Some Highlanders who acted on the Highlands in Consequence of my Letters, brought many Passengers also from Ireland, & other Parts.
I shall be very happy and highly honoured in knowing your Excellency’s Opinion on this Matter, or hearing that you will consider of it, & send me your Opinion with all convenient Speed. It is evident that my Plans must undergo a very great, if not a total Change, if I should revise them myself. But, under your Excellency’s Patronage, they might be rendered perfectly correct & consistent. After what I have said of the Advantage of keeping my Concern in the Matter a Secret till a proper Opportunity, I need add no more at this Time, than that I am, with

the most profound Respect, Your Excellency’s most devoted humble Servant
Chas MacIver at the Printing-office in Alexandria.


Title: To George Washington from Nathanael Greene, 2 December 1784
From: Greene, Nathanael
To: Washington, George

Dear Sir
Newport [R.I.] Decem. 2d 1784

Mr Watson by whom this will be handed you having some things for you brought with him from England and having it in

contemplation to call at Mount Vernon it gives me an opportunity to inform you of my safe arrival with my family. I found Mrs Greene and the children all in good health.
I hope the Marquis arrivd safe in Virginia. A report prevails here that his Frigate is cast away near the Hook; but this must have happened if true since the Marquis landed in Virginia. I wish to see him before he returns to France and would meet him in New York if he embarks from that place. I hope he will return to France well pleasd with the reception he has met with in America and advocate our cause tho we little deserve it in many respects. Congress are dilatory in meeting and I fear little will be done to restore public credit. I have not been at home long enough to learn the present temper of the people of this State. Many begin to be alarmed at the proposition of Connecticut; and I can but hope if Congress persist in the Plan of finance it will finally succeed. However we are such a heterogeneous body that it is difficult to draw conclusions from any general principles which influence human conduct.
Mrs Greene joins me ⟨mutilated⟩ affectionate complemen⟨ts⟩ to you and Mrs Washington to Doctor Steward and his Lady—I am dear Sir with esteem & regard Your Most Obedt humble Serv.

Nath. Greene


Title: To George Washington from Richard Varick, 2 December 1784 [letter not found]
From: Varick, Richard
To: Washington, George

Letter not found: from Richard Varick, 2 December. On 26 Sept. 1785 GW wrote Varick: “I have received your other letter of the 2d of December.”


Title: To George Washington from William Carmichael, 3 December 1784
From: Carmichael, William
To: Washington, George

Sir
Madrid 3d Decr 1784

In the course of the last month I reed a letter from Mr Richard Harrison established at Cadiz requesting me to use my endeavours to procure the permission to extract a Jack Ass of the best breed, which you wished to import into America. In consequence of this application, I mentioned in a Conversation with his Excy the Ct de Florida Blanca the Minister of State, my desire to render you this Little Service. The Abovementioned Minister seemed pleased to have this occasion of proving his esteem for a character which is not less dear to his Countrymen, than it is revered by Foreigners. Actuated by this Sentiment he wrote me the note of which I have now the honor to transmit you the Copy & the Translation. I must confess sincerely that I shall be uneasy until I have your Approbation. The glory that you have acquired needs not the attention of a Monarch to augment it. But you are now a Citizen of the United States and as such will interest yourself in the Smallest circumstance that can contribute to its prosperity. This Mark of Attention to the Late Cheif of the Union, considered in this point of view, will while it adds another proof to the Many you have recd of General approbation, evince the desire of the head of a Nation, of which we are the Neighbour, to cultivate their good will, by paying that attention, (which his own fellow Citizens accord) to the Person whose services rendered their Country Independant. I inclose this Letter to the Marquis de la Fayette[.] The Share that I had in making him known to you is a much better claim to interest a heart like yours in my favor, than any assurances that I can make you of the high respect & affection with which I have the honor to be Sir Your Most Obedt & Most Humble Sert

Wm Carmichael


Title: Enclosure: Floridablanca to William Carmichael, 24 November 1784
From: Floridablanca, José Moñino y Redondo, conde de
To: Carmichael, William

Sir
S[a]n Lorenzo 24th Novr 1784

The King has not only condescended with pleasure to permit the extraction of the Jack Ass which you sollicit on acct of General Washington But further his Majesty desirous that this Commission should be executed to the entire Satisfaction of so distinguished a personage, has ordered me to look out for & place at your orders two of the best of those Animals, in case that an accident should happen to one on the passage. I shall advise you when they are ready, & in the mean time I renew my Desires to be of use to you & pray God to preserve you many years. I am & &c.

(Signed) Count of Florida Blanca


Title: From George Washington to James Madison, 3 December 1784
From: Washington, George
To: Madison, James

Mount Vernon 3d December, 1784.

Gentlemen: I returned yesterday from Annapolis, having conducted the Marquis La Fayette that far on his way to New York, and left him proceeding on the road to Baltimore, on Wednesday last.
This trip afforded me opportunities of conversing with some of the leading characters in the different branches of the Legislature of Maryland, on the subject of inland navigation, and the benefits which might arise from a commercial intercourse with the Western Territory.—I was happy to find them so forcibly struck with the importance of these objects; and that there appeared the most favorable disposition to give encouragement to them.
Like us, they have two interests prevailing in their assembly—or rather in the present instance like ourselves have two ways by which the same interest is to be effected. The ill-grounded jealousies arising therefrom serves in some degree to

embarrass this measure of public utility. The Baltimore interest has already obtained an act to encourage, and to empower a corporate company to remove the obstructions in that part of the Susquehanna, which lie within the territory of Maryland.—And this, I perceive, is all that can be obtained in behalf of Potomac, from that quarter.
As no public money, therefore, is likely to be obtained from that State, and as little chance perhaps of getting it from this—should not the wisdom of both assemblies be exerted without delay to hit upon such a happy medium as will not on the one hand, vest two much power and profit in a private company;—and on the other to hold out sufficient inducements to engage men to hazard their fortunes in an arduous undertaking?—If the act does not effect this the object of it is defeated; and the business of course is suspended; which, in my opinion, would be injurious; as the present moment is important, favorable, and critical; and the spirit for enterprize greater now than it may ever be hereafter.
It is to be apprehended the money lenders among the class of private gentlemen are but few; resort, therefore, must be had to mercantile funds, from whence nothing can be extracted if there is not a prospect of great gain, present or future—but to you gentlemen, these observations are unnecessary, as you are better acquainted with public funds, and the circumstances of individuals than I am; and I am sure are not to learn that the motives which predominate most in human affairs is self-love and self-interest.
The bill I sent you is exceptionable in some parts, and gives discontent in others—so I am informed,—for it came to my hands at a moment when I could not read, much less consider it. Would it not be highly expedient, therefore, as the session of both assemblies must soon draw to a close, for each to depute one or more members to meet at some intermediate place, and agree, (first knowing the sentiments of the respective assemblies,) upon an adequate bill to be adopted by both States? This would prevent dissimilar proceedings, as unproductive as no bill—save time—and bring matters at once to a point. A measure of this kind is consonant, I know, with the ideas of some of the leading members of the Maryland Assembly, who requested

me to suggest it to my friends in our assembly, and inform them of the result.
From what I can learn, there was in the meeting held at Alexandria too great a leaning to local advantages on one part, and too much compliance on the other part, to obtain general approbation of the bill which proceeded from it—I shall not pronounce on either side, but imperfections, if they really exist, at the meetings proposed, may be rectified; and a liberal plan adopted which shall have no eye to the interested views of a few individuals to the prejudice of the majority; who rather than damp the spirit which was up, resolved, it is said, to submit, to any plan, rather than impede the undertaking.
At such a meeting as has been suggested, of delegates from the two assemblies of Virginia and Maryland, might it not prove a politic step for them to agree upon a representation to be made by their respective Assemblies to the State of Pennsylvania, of the political advantages which would flow from a close connection with the Western Territory; and to request their concurrence to make the communication through their State As Easy And As Diffusive As Possible?—pointing to the consequences which in the course of things must follow, if we do not open doors for their produce and trade. That State has many Delegates in the Assembly who would relish such a proposition highly.—It would on our parts, appear attentive and respectful; and if rejected on theirs, place them (at least in the eyes of those people) in the wrong—and excite their reiterated applications, which most assuredly would effect it.
Another thing, in my opinion, should also be the object of this meeting, and that is to agree upon a sum, to be advanced by the States of Virginia and Maryland, for the purpose of opening a road between the Eastern and Western Waters.—The Company, (if one should be formed,) and the bill, having nothing to do with this—and the Western settlers are not in circumstances to effect it themselves. With very great esteem and regard, I am, gentlemen, Your most obedient humble servant,

G.W.


Title: To George Washington from John Filson, 4 December 1784
From: Filson, John
To: Washington, George

Sir
Philadelphia Decr 4th 1784

Permit me by these lines to express the sentiments of a grateful heart, in testifying the happiness I sensibly feel in addressing your Excelly. I am not So happy as to have a personal acquaintance with you Sir, and hope you will excuse the freedom of my pen. I inform You Sir, that I have the pleasure to be the author of a late publication in Substance a Narrative and Map of Kentucke; I made bold to dedicate the map to the honourable

Congress, and Your Excelly, which I presume You will chearfully patronise. I have desired Mr John Page of Rosewel to whom I consigned a number, to present you with a book and map from me, which I expect you will do me the honour to receive. This impression of 1500 have in the Course of a few weeks met with a rapid sale, which encourages me to offer the publick a Second edition of this book, which I intend in the Course of this winter. I lately had the pleasure to be acquainted with Mr Claybourn a gentleman from Richmond, with whom I supose you are acquainted; I informed him of my intentions, at which Mr Claybourn expressed his Sattisfaction, desireing me to write requesting you Sir, to form your sentiments in a letter indicative of the probability and Convenience of a Communication in trade, with the eastern & western waters, by the Sources of Potowmac, and the waters that form the Aleghany, particularly Cheat river; a publication of this Nature he said would Certainly be Sattisfactory to you, I therefore request you Sir, if agreeable, to be explicit on the subject and Send it to me at Dunlaps printing office in this City, with all Convenient expedition, which you may depend I Shall add in your own Sentiments to this my second edition of the Kentucke history, which I intend Commiting to the press about Christmas, perhaps I may delay a few days for your letter if it Comes not before that time. I wrote you a letter with the books, I Sent to Colo. Harvey, and Mr Page, a few days ago: I expect Mr Page will soon receive the books if they arrive safe at Richmond. This request Sir I Sincerely desire you will grant, your Compliance will do me honour, and Verry much oblige your humble Servt

John Filson

P.S. Your particular acquaintance with the Counties between Fayatte in Kentucke, and the pensylvania line, will enable you to give me the Natural & topographical history of them also Comprehensively which I request in the letter. J. F——


Title: From George Washington to Henry Knox, 5 December 1784
From: Washington, George
To: Knox, Henry

My Dr sir,
Mt Vernon 5th Decr 1784.

Apologies are idle things: I will not trouble you with them—that I am your debtor in the epistolary way I acknowledge—and that appearances indicate a disposition to remain so, I cannot deny; but I have neither the inclination nor the effrontary to follow the example of Great Men or St—s to withhold payment altogether. To whatever other causes therefore my silence may be attributed, ascribe it not I beseech you to a want of friendship, for in this, neither time nor absence can occasion a diminution; & I regret that fortune has placed us in different States & distant climes, where an interchange of sentiments can only be by letter.
When your letter of the 26th of July came here, I was upon the eve of a tour to the Westward which ended in the neighbourhood of Fort Pit, altho’ my original plan took in the Great Kanhawa. I found from information, that the Indians were in too discontented a mood to render it prudent for me to run the risk of insult: to see the condition of the property I had in that Country, & the quality of my Lands, were all the objects I had in view. Those in the vicinity of Fort Pitt (for which I have had patents more than ten years) I found in possession of people who set me at defiance, under the claim of pre-occupancy. Another

year, & I may find the rest seized under the like pretext; but as the land cannot be removed, altho’ the property may be changed, I thought it better to return, than to make a bad matter worse by hazarding abuse from the Savages of the Country.
I am now endeavoring to stimulate my Countrymen to the extension of the inland navigation of the rivers Potomac and James—thereby, & a short land transportation, to connect the Western Territory by strong commercial bands with this—I hope I shall succeed, more on account of its political importance—than the commercial advantages which would result from it, altho’ the latter is an immense object: for if this Country, which will settle faster than any other ever did (and chiefly by foreigners who can have no particular predilection for us), cannot, by an easy communication be drawn this way, but are suffered to form commercial intercourses (which lead we all know to others) with the Spaniards on their right & rear, or the British on their left, they will become a distinct people from us—have different views—different interests, & instead of adding strength to the Union, may in case of a rupture with either of those powers, be a formidable & dangerous neighbour.
After much time spent (charity directs us to suppose in duly considering the matter) a treaty has at length been held With the Six Nations at Fort Stanwix: much to the advantage it is said of the United States, but to the great disquiet of that of New York: fruitlessly, it is added by some, who assert that the Deputies on the part of the Indians were not properly authorized to treat—How true this may be, I will not pretend to decide; but certain it is in my opinion, that there is a kind of fatality attending all our public measures—inconceivable delays—particular States counteracting the plans of the United States when submitted to them—opposing each other upon all occasions—torn by internal disputes, or supinely negligent & inattentive to every thing which is not local & self interestg & very often short sighted in these, make up our system of conduct. Would to God our own Countrymen, who are entrusted with the management of the political machine, could view things by that large & extensive scale upon which it is measured by foreigners, & by the State[s]men of Europe, who see what we might be, & predict what we shall come to. In fact, our fœderal Government is a name without substance: No State is longer bound by its edicts,

than it suits present purposes, without looking to the consequences. How then can we fail in a little time, becoming the sport of European politics, & the victims of our own folly.
I met the Marqs de la Fayette at Richmond—brought him to this place—conducted him to Annapolis—saw him on the road to Baltimore, and returned. About the middle of this month he expected to embark at New York for France—He tells us that Mrs Knox was about to add to your family—We hope ’ere this we may congratulate you both on a son, or daughter, according to your desires. Mrs Washington joins me in every good wish for you & Mrs Knox; & with every sentiment of esteem, regard & friendship, I am My D. Sir &c. &c.

G: Washington

P.S. Had you an agreeable tour to the Eastward? Are the State-societies in the New England Governments making any moves towards obtaining Charters? If they are, with what success?


Title: From George Washington to La Luzerne, 5 December 1784
From: Washington, George
To: La Luzerne, Anne-César, chevalier de

Sir,
Mount Vernon 5th Decr 1784

Your early attention to me after your arrival at the Court of Versailles, amidst scenes of gaiety & the gratulations of friends, does me great honor & excites my warmest acknowledgments. That your august Sovereign, his amiable consort, & the Princes his brothers, should deign to interest themselves in, & wish to be acquainted with the circumstances of my life, is one of the most flattering incidents of it; & affects my sensibility beyond any expression I have of my feelings. If any thing could overcome the present difficulties which impede my desires to pay my respectful homage at your Court, it would be the wish which you say these august personages have been pleased to express

to see me there, & the welcome reception I should meet from the nation at large, especially from those characters to whom I have the honor of a personal acquaintance; but I fear my vows & earnest wishes are the only tribute of respect I shall ever have it in my power to offer them in return.
It gave me great pleasure to learn from your letter (of the 12 th of Septr) that the sword which had been so lately sheathed, was likely to remain in the scabbard for some time—other information according with appearances, seemed rather to indicate an approaching storm in the United Netherlands; which, in its consequences, might touch the torch, which would kindle the flames of a general war in Europe. How far British policy may yield to Irish claims, is not for me to determine. The first, it should seem, have had too much of civil contentions to engage, without some respite, in fresh broils; & the other is too near, & too much divided among themselves, to oppose effectually without foreign aid—especially maritime. But I know not enough of their politics, or their expectations, to hazard an opinion respecting the issue of their disputes. That they slumbered during the favourable moment, none I think can deny, & favourable moments in war, as in love, once lost are seldom regained.
We have lately held a treaty with the Six Nations at Fort Stanwix, advantageously it is said for the United States, tho’ the issue of it is not pleasing to that of New York—The Commissioners were by the last accounts, proceeding via Fort Pitt, to Cayahoga to a meeting of the Western Tribes, who every now & then have bickerings with our Settlers on the Ohio, in which lives and property have been lost. At the eclaircissement which is about to be had with them, it is to be hoped a proper understanding will take place—the causes of discontent removed, & peace & amity perfectly reestablished.
The honor of your correspondance I shall ever set a high value upon, & shall thank you for the continuation of it—the occurances of Europe cannot come thro’ a better informed channel, nor from a more pleasing pen. Such returns as can flow from the cottage of retirement, I will make you: these indeed will be inadequate; but to a mind generous as yours is, there is more pleasure in conferring than in receiving an obligation.

If sir, the name of your Sovereign has been committed to your letter by his approbation or authority, you will know how far my respectful acknowledgments are due, & can be offered with propriety. I wish not to obtrude myself; nor to step over that line which custom has drawn—altho’ feeling more respect & veneration for the King & Queen of France than I have powers to utter, I should in that case rest more on your abilities & their goodness to disclose them, than upon my own faint endeavours. To the military characters with whom I have the honor of an acquaintance, I present my best wishes & affectionate regards, at the same time that I never can too often repeat to you the assurances of the esteem & attachment with which I have the honor to be sir Yr Most Obedt and most hble servt

G: Washington


Title: From George Washington to George Clinton, 8 December 1784
From: Washington, George
To: Clinton, George

Dear Sir,
Mount Vernon 8th Decr 1784.

When the Marqs de la Fayette left this place, he expected to embark abt the 14th or 15th Instt on board the Nymph frigate, at New York, for France. Therefore, as this event may have taken place before this letter gets that far, I take the liberty of putting the enclosed packet under cover to you, with a request, if he should have Sailed to forward it by the first French Packet which follows.
In looking into Millers Gardeners Dictionary, I find, besides transplanting, that the Pine-tree and evergreens of all kinds, are to be raised from the Seed. As this may be an easier way of helping me to the balm of Gilead—Spruce—White pine—or Hemlock, than by Stocks. I would thank your Excellency when it may be convenient (if not too late in the Season for it) to forward me some of these Seeds—especially the first, extracted from the Cone, & put in Sand—a thimbleful or two of each would suffice, & this might, at any time, come by the Stage—first to the care of Colo. Biddle in Philadelphia—who would forward it to me. Mrs Washington joins me in best wishes for Mrs Clinton, yourself & all the family—With great truth & sincerity I am—Dr Sir Yr Most Obedt & Affecte Servt

Go: Washington


Title: From George Washington to Lafayette, 8 December 1784
From: Washington, George
To: Lafayette, Marie-Joseph-Paul-Yves-Roch-Gilbert du Motier, marquis de

My Dr Marqs,
Mount Vernon 8th Decr 1784.

The peregrination of the day in which I parted with you, ended at Marlbro’: the next day, bad as it was, I got home before dinner.
In the moment of our separation upon the road as I travelled, & every hour since—I felt all that love, respect & attachment for you, with which length of years, close connexion & your merits, have inspired me. I often asked myself, as our Carriages distended, whether that was the last sight, I ever should have of you? And tho’ I wished to say no—my fears answered yes. I called to mind the days of my youth, & found they had long since fled to return no more; that I was now descending the hill, I had been 52 years climbing—& that tho’ I was blessed with a good constitution, I was of a short lived family—and might soon expect to be entombed in the dreary mansions of my father’s—These things darkened the shades & gave a gloom to the picture, consequently to my prospects of seeing you again: but I will not repine—I have had my day.
Nothing of importance has occurred since I parted with you; I found my family well—& am now immersed in company, notwithstanding which, I have in haste, produced a few more letters to give you the trouble of—rather inclining to commit them to your care, than to pass them thro’ many & unknown hands.
It is unnecessary, I persude myself to repeat to you my Dr Marqs the sincerity of my regards & friendship—nor have I words which could express my affection for you, were I to attempt it. My fervent prayers are offered for your safe & pleasant passage—happy meeting with Madame la Fayette & family, the completion of every wish of your heart—in all which Mrs

Washington joins me, as she does in complimts to Capt. Grandcheau & the Chevr of whom little Washn often speaks—With every sentimt wch is propitious & endearing—I am &c. &c. &c.

G: Washington


Title: From George Washington to George Plater, Charles Carroll, John Cadwalader, and Samuel Chase, 11 December 1784
From: Washington, George
To: Plater, George,Carroll, Charles,Cadwalader, John,Chase, Samuel

Sir,
Mt Vernon 11th Decr 1784

The Gentn who will have the honor of presenting this letter to you, is a Nephew of mine, heir to my Brother who was one of the Partners in the Principio Company, and to whose Will I was appointed an Executor, though circumstances put it out of my power to qualify.
He is about to offer a petition to your honble Assembly, from the Execrs of my Brother, to obtain the Estates proportion of the property belonging to the company and sold by Commissioners, appointed under the Act, for confiscating British property —The petition is explanatory of the Justice on which it is

founded, and so full that it Leaves nothing for me to add, further, than as it was by misconception or misinformation, that the Estates proportion of the Bonds, got into the hands of the Intendant, so I am persuaded it only requires to be known, to obtain an order for the Assignment of them to the Exectrs, as the Act of your Assembly reserved the Estates interest therein, absolutely and clearly; and only a punctilio of the Intendant could possible be the cause of the delay, which, for the reasons assign’d in the petition, is exceedingly distressing to the Execrs & injurious to my Nephew, you will excuse me I hope, for the freedom of this address, and do me the justice to believe that I am Sir Yr most obt & very Hble Sert

Go: Washington


Title: To George Washington from Chastellux, 12 December 1784 [letter not found]
From: Chastellux, François-Jean de Beauvoir, marquis de
To: Washington, George

Letter not found: from Chastellux, 12 Dec. 1784. On 5 Sept. 1785 GW wrote Chastellux: “I am your debtor for two letters—one of the 12th of Decemr.”


Title: From George Washington to George Mason, 13 December 1784
From: Washington, George
To: Mason, George

Dr Sir,
[Mount Vernon] 13th Decr 1784.

My brother John is much in want of four, five or six hundred pounds which he is desirous of borrowing on Interest. If it is in your power to supply him, I will become security for the fulfilment of his agreement. He seems to have little expectation that money in these times, can be had at the common interest; & his own words will best express what he is willing to allow.
“I believe I mentioned to you before” (when he was last up) “that I was willing to receive ninety pounds for an hundred, & pay interest for the latter sum from the date, provided I could be allowed to retain the principal two years. If I could receive 4, 5, or 6 hundred pounds on these terms, it would be a real convenience & happiness for me; because it would enable me to observe that punctuality in dealing I always wished to do, & without which I am miserable. If you cou’d prevail upon Colo. Mason, or any other Gentleman to furnish me with the above sum on these terms, you would confer a very great favor, and I would attend at a time to be appointed to give Bond & receive the money.”
To this, I can add nothing but my wishes for his success, & an expression of my own inclination to have supplied his want, if I had been in circumstances to have done it. I am Dr Sir Your most obedt & very humble servt

G: Washington


Title: To George Washington from Elias Boudinot, 14 December 1784 [letter not found]
From: Boudinot, Elias
To: Washington, George

Letter not found: from Elias Boudinot, 14 Dec. 1784. On 31 Jan. 1785 GW wrote to Boudinot: “I was honored with your favor of the 14th of last Month.”


Title: From George Washington to Richard Henry Lee, 14 December 1784
From: Washington, George
To: Lee, Richard Henry

Dear Sir,
Mount Vernon 14th Decr 84

The letter which you did me the honor to write to me on the 20th of last Month, only came to my hands by the Post preceeding the date of this.
   For the copy of the treaty held with the Six Nations at Fort Stanwix, you will please to accept my thanks. These people have given, I think, all that the United States could reasonably have asked of them; more perhaps than the State of New York conceive ought to have been required from them, by any other, than their own Legislature. I wish they were better satisfied. Individual States opposing the measures of the United States—encroaching upon the territory of one another—and setting up old and obsolete claims, is verifying the predictions of our enemies; and, in reallity, is truly unfortunate. If the Western tribes are as well disposed to treat with us as the Northern Indians have been, & will cede a competent district of Country North West of the Ohio, to answer our present purposes, it would be a circumstance as unexpected, as pleasing to me; for it was apprehended, if they agreed to the latter at all, it would be reluctantly. but the example of the Six Nations who (if they have not relinquished their claim) have pretensions to a large part of those Lands, may have a powerful influence on the Western gentry, & smooth the way for the Commissioners, who have proceeded to Fort Pitt.
It gave me pleasure to find by the last Gazettes, that a sufficient number of States had Assembled to form a Congress, and that you had been placed in the Chair of it—On this event, permit me to offer my Compliments of congratulation. To whatever causes the delay of this meeting may have been ascribed, it most certainly has an unfavorable aspect—contributes to lessen—(already too low)—the dignity and importance of the fœderal government. and is hurtful to our National character, in the eyes of Europe.
It is said (how founded I know not) that our Assembly have repealed their former act respecting British debts. If this be true, & the State of New York have not acted repugnant to the terms of the treaty, the British government can no longer hold the western posts under that cover; but I shall be mistaken if

they do not intrench themselves behind some other expedient, to effect it; or, will appoint a time for surrendering them, of which we cannot avail ourselves—the probable consequence whereof will be, the destruction of the Works.
The Assemblies of Virginia and Maryland have now under consideration the extension of the inland navigation of the rivers Potomack & James; and opening a communication between them, and the Western Waters. They seem fully impressed with the political, as well as the commercial advantages which would result from the accomplishment of these great objects; & I hope will embrace the present moment to put them in a train for execution—Would it not at the same time, be worthy the wisdom, & attention of Congress to have the Western Waters well explored; the Navigation of them fully ascertained; accurately laid down; and a complete & perfect Map made of the Country; at least as far Westerly—as the Miamies, running into the Ohio & Lake Erie; and to see how the Waters of these communicates with the river St Joseph, which emptys into the Lake Michigan, & with the Wabash? for I cannot forbear observing that the Miami village in Hutchins Map, if it and the Waters are laid down with accuracy points to a very important Post for the Union—The expence attending such an undertaking could not be great—the advantages would be unbounded—for sure I am Nature has made such a display of her bounties in those regions that the more the Country is explored the more it will rise in estimation—consequently greater will the revenue be, to the Union.
Would there be any impropriety do you think Sir, in reserving for special Sale, all Mines, Minerals & Salt Springs in the general grants of land, from the United States? The public, instead of the few knowing ones might, in that case, receive the benefits which would proceed from the Sale of them; without infringing any rule of justice that occurs to me, or their own laws—but on the contrary, inflict just punishment upon those who, in defiance of the latter, have dared to create enemies to disturb the public tranquility, by roaming over the Country marking & Surveying the valuable spots in it, to the great disquiet of the Western tribes of Indians, who have viewed these proceedings with jealous indignation.
To hit upon a happy medium price for the Western Lands,

for the prevention of Monopoly on one hand—and not discouraging useful Settlers on the other, will, no doubt, require consideration; but ought not in my opinion to employ too much time before the terms are announced. The Spirit of emigration is great—People have got impatient—and tho’ you cannot stop the road, it is yet in your power to mark the way; a little while, & you will not be able to do either—It is easier to prevent, than to remedy an evil.
I shall be very happy in the continuation of your corrispondence—& with sentiments of great esteem & respect I have the honor to be Dr Sir Yr Most Obedt Hble Servt

Go: Washington


Title: From George Washington to George Chapman, 15 December 1784
From: Washington, George
To: Chapman, George

Sir,
Mount Vernon 15th Decr 1784.

Not until within a few days have I been honor’d with your favor of the 27th of Septr 1783 accompanying your treatise on Education.
My sentiments are perfectly in unison with yours sir, that the best means of forming a manly, virtuous and happy people, will be found in the right education of youth. Without this foundation, every other means, in my opinion, must fail; & it gives me

pleasure to find that Gentlemen of your abilities are devoting their time & attention in pointing out the way. For your lucubrations on this subject which you have been so obliging as to send me, I pray you to accept my thanks, & an expression of the pleasure I felt at the declaration of your intention to devote a further portion of your time in so useful a study.
Of the importance of education our Assemblies, happily, seem fully impressed; they establishing new, & giving further endowments to the old Seminaries of learning, and I persuade myself will leave nothing unessayed to cultivate literature & useful knowledge, for the purpose of qualifying the rising generation for patrons of good government, virtue & happiness. I have the honor to be &c.

G: Washington


Title: To George Washington from James Duane, 16 December 1784
From: Duane, James
To: Washington, George

Dear Sir
Trenton [N.J.] 16th Decemr 1784

I entertained the pleasing hope of meeting you at this place; on no better authority indeed than report; and yet I feel the disappointment in proportion to my affection for your Person, my gratitude for your publick Services, and the kind attention with which you have always indulged me.
Be pleased to take in good part the Address which I have the honor to transmit with the Freedom of our City in a golden box. It can add nothing to your Glory; but we flatter ourselves it may not be unacceptable as a permanent Testimony of the Esteem and Gratitude of Citizens who, of all others, have been most distinguished by your Care and Sollicitude.
I once flatterd myself that the Dignity of our Government would have born some proportion to the illustrious atchievements by which it was succesfully established—but it is to be deplored that fœderal attachment, and a sense of national obligation, continue to give place to vain prejudices in favour of the Independance and Sovereignty of the individual States. I have

endeavourd, in pursuance of the great Motive which induced me to continue in publick life, to inculcate more enlarged and liberal principles; but the Spirit of the times seems opposed to My feeble efforts, and I have lost credit with our Assembly, tho’ I hope not with the world. If opportunity offers I shall take the liberty to submit to your perusal the Judgement pronounced in the Court where I preside which has produced the Censure promulgated in the papers—“in effect that we had the presumption to controul the operation of an act of the Legislature from a respect to the Treaty of peace and the Law of Nations.”
I trust you know me too well to think that I can be otherwise concerned for this Event than as it may injure the reputation of my native State, of which I have so long been a faithful and confidential Servant.
Mr Jay, Mr Dickenson, and other great men, from publick Considerations, have honor’d us with the highest Approbation. Their comments are calculated for the publick Eye, and will appear when they can do the greatest good.
I have too long been indulged in writing to you with unreserved freedom and confidence to suppress this detail, and if it was ever so immaterial your Goodness wou’d pardon it.
Do me the honor to make my most respectful Compliments acceptable to Mrs Washington and to assure her that in the Circle of her numerous Friends there are none who remember her with more sincere regard than Mrs Duane and all the branches of our Family. With every Sentiment of the most perfect and affectionate attachment—I have the honor to be—Dear Sir your most obedient and very humble Servant

Jas Duane


Title: To George Washington from Udny Hay, 16 December 1784
From: Hay, Udny
To: Washington, George

Sir,
New York 16th December 1784

In the fullest confidence that your Excellencys love of Justice will induce you to forgive the trouble of this Letter, I shall without further hesitation enter at once on the subject thereof.
My Brother Charles Hay was, with some circumstances of extreme rigour, confined in Canada in a common Jail upwards of three years on suspicion of treasonable Practices; When Governour Haldeman was by the Secretary of State in England ordered either to release or exhibit specifick charges against

him, the three following were transmitted by the Governours order, viz:
⟨1⟩st That he was suspected of corresponding with the Rebels by message or otherwise.
⟨2⟩nd That he was formerly connected in trade with a Brother who was now in high office with the Rebels.
⟨3⟩d That he was known to be an arrant Rebel at his Heart.
As my Brother is determined to seek redress in England, and as none but the first of these charges can possibly be supposed to have any weight even with a prejudiced Jury, he being at the same time conscious that this charge, if attempted to be supported at all, can only be so either by Witnesses of a known infamous Character or by very slender circumstantial Evidence, he has been advised to counteract such an attempt by the best negative proof which the nature of the case will admit of. I have therefore made an affidavit and Governour Clinton and General Greene have been so oblidging as give certificates Copies of all which I have enclosed for your perusal, and must now take the liberty of requesting your Excellency will be so good as add one from yourself and transmit it to Charles Hay at Mr John Thompsons Merchant, Cheswick, near London.
Permit me to wish that your Excellency and Lady may long enjoy that tranquillity and domestick happiness, without the smallest interruption, which the world seems pleased in your having already tasted, and which even your late public Enemies do not hesitate to confess you have so justly merit a continuation of, and believe at same time that I am with the most sincere and Heart-felt Gratitude, Your Excellencys, most obedient and most humble Servant

Udney Hay


Title: To George Washington from Joseph Palmer, 16 December 1784
From: Palmer, Joseph
To: Washington, George

Dear Sir
Germantown [Mass.] 16th Decr 1784.

I sincerely congratulate you on having Seen an end to the late destructive War, in which you have acted so conspicuous a part; so much to your own honor, & the honor & benefit of these States. And I thank God for having endow’d you with Such a high degree of Wisdom, courage & prudence; & preserving your life to this time. May you be still eminent for private & public Virtue; & die in peace, in a good old Age, ripe for immortal Glory.
The known goodness of your Heart, & extensive knowledge of the internal parts of the Country, lead me to request of your Exellency, to inform me of any Salt Springs; or ⟨fossile⟩ Salt; in any parts of these States; where Situated; whether to be purchased, or not; if to be Sold, at what rate, & how to apply; with all such other circumstances as you shall judge useful.
This application arises from the ruin brought upon myself & Son by the operations of the late War; a concise sketch of which follows. Previous to the War, I had large concern in the manufacture of Spermaceti Candles, in which my all was involved; & that War put an end to the business. I then employ’d all my powers, in the support of our common Cause; & indeed had done so for several preceding years. The Resolves of the County of Suffolk, before the War commenced, Show that I was early engaged. In the course of the war, I sunk much money, in the investigation of the Salt Manufactures; & brought the manufacture of white Salt, to a greater degree of perfection, as

I think, than is known in Europe; & had, as I suppose, the largest Boilery in America; & produced as good Epsom Salts, as any imported. And from a full conviction of the propriety or raising, & manufacturing, within ourselves, all things necessary for support & defence, in order to being truly independent, I not only encouraged the White Salt business, but also, Manufacturing in general, & that of Bay Salt in particular; but the latter wanted public encouragement, which cou’d not, then, be obtain’d. I also sank large Money, in the Support of the Credit of our paper Currency. But what compleated our ruin was the Resolve of Congress, recinding a former Resolve for drawing Bills on Europe at 25 for one; this sunk its Thousands. And now, at about 66, or 67 years of age, with a weakly family, & little to set out with, I am to begin the World again; either in the spermaceti manufacture; or ⟨in⟩ the Salt way. The first will require, perhaps 7 or 8ooo£ Stock; which probably will be out of my p⟨ower⟩ to obtain, as I have little besides my character to build upon: And the latter, to me, & mine, under ⟨pres⟩ent circumstances, must yeild a gloomy prospect, especially if in the Wilderness; but if driven to that, & can set up the works, on a good Spring, or, where there is plenty of Sal Gemma; & a sufficient demand for the Salt; & safety from the Indians; we may obtain a comfortable living, especially as the annual Stock will cost but little. The Maps mention Salt Springs at Kentucky; also 50, or 60 miles NW from Fort Pitt. And also in the onondago Country. Whose is the property, I know not. Wherever are Salt Licks, there is Salt, either Rock-Salt, or Springs.
You will doubtless consider the manufacturing of Salt, in any considerable quantities, in the internal parts of the Country, as an object, a matter of public utility. And you will wish to relieve, in some degree, the distresses of those who have been thus ruin’d. These considerations will doubtless lead your Excellency to reply to this, as soon as conveniently may be, & will excuse my application.
You will please to present my very respectful Compts to Mrs Washington, & assure her that our best wishes always attend her. You will please to direct for Joseph Palmer, at Germantown, near Boston, & it will come Safe to your Sincere friend & most humle Servt

J: Palmer


Title: From George Washington to Thomas Blackburn, 19 December 1784
From: Washington, George
To: Blackburn, Thomas

Dr Sir,
Mount Vernon 19th Decr 1784.

The Express who brought me the resolves of our Assembly, & is going to Annapolis with dispatches for Govr Paca, informs me that he deliver’d others to you —It only remains therefore for me to add, that Thursday next, the 23d is the day appointed for the commissioners to meet at Annapolis. I shall go to our Court tomorrow, & proceed from thence. I am Dr Sir &c.

G: Washington


Title: From George Washington to William Paca, 19 December 1784
From: Washington, George
To: Paca, William

sir,
Mount Vernon 19th Decr 1784.

   The enclosed letter came under cover to me, after Sun-down this evening; I have the honor to inform your Excellency that I propose to be at Annapolis at the time appointed. Genl Gates will also attend, & I will give Colo. Blackburn notice of the appointed time. I have the honor to be &c.

G: Washington


Title: To George Washington from Thomas Blackburn, 20 December 1784
From: Blackburn, Thomas
To: Washington, George

Dear Sir!
Rippon Lodge [Va.] Decr 20th 1784.

Your Favor of Yesterday’s Date came to Hand this Morning.
I intended to have done myself the Honor to have waited on You Today, to confer with You on the Subject of the Dispatches I received by Yesterday’s Express; but the Intervention of your Letter, & the Badness of the Weather, will excuse me.
I am sorry to inform You, that it is not in my power to attend the Meeting of the Commrs on the Day You mention, being engaged, as an Administrator, in the Sale of the late revd James Scott’s personal Estate, in a few Days after; which I must, of Necessity, attend.
I am informed that Genl Gates is with You, and can have no Doubt of his Attendance on this Business; I am happy to think it will not be retarded by my Inability to attend. I am, most respectfully, Dr Sir Yr most obt humble Servt

T. Blackburn.


Title: From George Washington to William Gordon, 20 December 1784
From: Washington, George
To: Gordon, William

Dear sir,
Mount Vernon 20th Decr 1784.

I am indebted to you for several letters; & am as much so for the Fish you kindly intended, as if it had actually arrived, & I was in the act of paying my respects to it at table—the chance, however, of doing this would be greater, was it at Boston, than in York-town in this State, where, I am informed it was landed at the time the Marqs de la Fayette did; who proceeded from thence to richmond, where I met him, & conducted him to Annapolis

on his way to New York; the place of his intended embarkation for France, about the middle of this month.
I am glad to hear that my old acquaintance Colo. Ward is yet under the influence of vigorous passions—I will not ascribe the intrepidity of his late enterprize to a mere flash of desires, because, in his military career he would have learnt how to distinguish between false alarms & a serious movement. Charity therefore induces me to suppose that like a prudent general, he had reviewed his strength, his arms, & ammunition before he got involved in an action—But if these have been neglected, & he has been precipitated into the measure, let me advise him to make the first onset upon his fair del Tobosa, with vigor, that the impression may be deep, if it cannot be lasting, or frequently renewed.
We are all well at this time except Miss Custis, who still feels the effect, & sometimes the return of her fever—Mrs Lund Washington has added a daughter to her family—She, child and husband are well, & become house keepers at the distance of about four miles from this place.
We have a dearth of News, but the fine weather keeps us busy, & we have leisure for cogitation. All join in best wishes for you. Doctr & Mrs Stuart are of those who do it. I am Dr sir yrs &c.

G: Washington


Title: From George Washington to Alexander Henderson, 20 December 1784
From: Washington, George
To: Henderson, Alexander

Dr Sir
[Mount Vernon] 20th Decr 1784.

I will thank you for presenting the enclosed. If it is not immediately paid, or a moral certainty that it will be before you leave

the Assembly: be so good as to return it to Mr Rumsey if in richmond, or to me if he is not, by Post —I persuade myself you will excuse this trouble, & believe that I am &c.

G: Washington


Title: Editorial Note
From:
To:

 With the aid of Sir James Jay, Lady Huntingdon in 1784 developed a proposal to send out from Britain at her expense pious men and women to settle on the American frontier. There, by example and by their efforts, they would convert the Indians to Christianity and at the same time improve the conditions in which the Indians lived. Even before she developed this plan, Lady Huntingdon had sought to involve GW in bringing help to the Indians. On 20 Feb. 1783 she wrote a letter to GW, to be conveyed to him by Henry Laurens, in which she informed GW that she had taken the liberty of naming him “one of my Executors for establishing a foundation in America principally intended as a college for a Mission to the Indian nations.” She went on to say that she had “a claim to your acceptance of this as done to a relation in which you certainly stand connected with me—Washington Earl Ferrers being my Father, whose mother was a Washington.” (The quotations are from a draft of the letter in the manuscript collections in Chestnut College, Cambridge.) In his reply of 10 Aug. 1783, GW assured her ladyship that “so far as my general Superintendence, or incidental attention can contribute to the promotion of your Establishment, you may command my assistance.” He also conceded that his “Ancestry being derived from Yorkshire in England,” it was indeed likely that they were kin. GW, however, did not learn of Lady Huntingdon’s specific plans for western settlement until 17 Jan. 1785 when he received James Jay’s letter of 20 Dec. 1784 (doc. I). Jay enclosed in this letter of 20 Dec. a letter from Lady Huntingdon of 8 April (doc. III) with its enclosed copies of both her plan (doc. V) and her circular letter to the governors of North Carolina, Virginia, Pennsylvania, and New York (doc. VI). GW wrote Jay on 25 Jan. 1785 expressing approval of Lady Huntingdon’s scheme. He pointed out that of the four states that she was approaching, only New York held extensive unsettled lands in close proximity to the Indians. He suggested that land held by the United States beyond the Ohio would best serve her purposes. On 8 Feb. 1785 GW sent Lady Huntingdon’s letter of 8 April 1784 and its enclosures to the president of Congress, Richard Henry Lee, expressing his hope that Congress would set aside land for Lady Huntingdon’s use north of the Ohio. He then wrote Lady Huntingdon (on 27 Feb.) to tell her of his support of her project and of what he had done with regard to Congress. He also suggested to her that as a “dernier resort” she might consider taking his own land south of the Ohio for her people. On the same day, Richard Henry Lee wrote GW to tell him of the rejection by Congress of the plan,

explaining that Congress could dispose of land only to secure revenue and that, in any case, it was opposed to placing on the frontier “those religious people” who “were remarkable in the late war for an unanimous and bitter enmity to the American cause.” None of the four states made land available for Lady Huntingdon’s settlers, and the scheme came to nothing. Selina Hastings, the countess of Huntingdon (1707–1791), daughter of Washington Shirley, Earl Ferrers, was an early convert to Methodism and became a close associate of Charles and John Wesley. Upon George Whitefield’s return from America in 1744, she became Whitefield’s patron and chief sponsor in his ministry to the aristocracy. At his death in 1770, Whitefield left to the countess his school and orphanage in Savannah, called Bethesda. It was this that first engaged her in mission work in America. Her friend James Jay (1732–1815) of New York, the brother of John Jay and a medical doctor trained at Edinburgh, was knighted in 1763 for his success in raising money in London for the benefit of King’s College (later Columbia) in New York. Jay returned to America in 1778 from England, where he had been living, but he was captured by the British in 1782 in New Jersey, by prearrangement, and taken back to England. In the summer of 1784, he returned to New Jersey, where he lived until the time of his death.


Title: I: From James Jay, 20 December 1784
From: Jay, James
To: Washington, George

Sir
New York Decr 20. 1784.

I would have sent you, before now, the Papers enclosed with this letter, if I had not been in expectation that I should have the pleasure of delivering them in person to you in Virginia; and of conversing with you on the subjects of them. I still entertain some expectation of the kind, but it becomes more uncertain whether I shall be able to realize it. I have suffered so much by an unbounded zeal for the public welfare; and by an implicit confidence in the public faith; that the situation of my affairs, or to speak more plainly, the situation of my finances, too often supercedes my intentions—Thus circumstanced, I think it improper to delay any longer the transmitting the Papers to you.
The subjects involved in those papers, appear to be of great importance. The pious and humane Design set forth in them,

needs no illustration. There are other things which require explanation, and seem to deserve very serious consideration.
I have known Lady Huntingdon upwards of twenty years. I well know the Line of her Connexions, and the nature of her influence. Both are extensive and great. Animated, even to Enthusiasm, with a desire to convert and civilize the Indians of North America, She was at a Loss how to proceed in order to accomplish that favorite Object. Whitfield had left her the Orphan House, the College or Schools, and all the other property he had in Georgia. Her Design was to have Indian & white children educated in those Seminaries, to serve as Missionaries and Schoolmasters among the Indians. She communicated her intentions to me. On considering the matter in various lights, its connexions and consequences, and knowing the materials in her power for a truly great Undertaking; and being convinced that those materials could be brought forth to accomplish such an Undertaking; I helped her to work her ideas into the Plan now sent to you. Besides the reasons detailed in her papers in favour of the plan, others, of a political nature, had their weight with me. Some of those reasons, such as the forming a good Frontier, increasing our Indian interest, and our Indian Trade, &c. will readily occur to you Sir. But there is another Object which I had in view that does not appear in her Ladyship’s papers; and may not, though a consequence of her Design, present itself to gentlemen who have not paid peculiar attention to the subject in Europe. It appears however to me so worthy the consideration of the States, that I thought it proper to enlarge upon it in a letter I have written, and shall send by this opportunity, to the Governors of the respective States to whom her Ladyship has applied on the business. For the same reason, I take the Liberty to trouble you with the following Extract, or, as it may rather be called, Copy of that letter.
[At this point, Jay copied his letter to the four governors, which is printed here as doc. VII.]
Thus much for the Extract. I have been so much taken up with my own Affairs, and so much out of the way of learning the State of Continental Affairs, that I am unable to judge whether the Plan should be laid before Congress, and made a Continental Object. I should be glad to know your sentiments on that head, and on every part of the plan, and on every thing

relative to it. If you should be of opinion that it ought to be laid before Congress, I beg you would do it. By that means, time will not only be saved, but the sanction of your approbation will ensure it due attention.
I shall send, by this Post, her Ladyship’s papers, with a Copy of the letter of which I have given you so long an Extract, to the Govr of your State. I think it proper to acquaint you with this circumstance, that you may, if the plan meets your ideas, be better able to take measures in favour of it.
You will observe, Sir, in perusing her Ladyship’s Papers, that neither the number nor the occupations of the intended Settlers are specified. General, indefinite expressions only are used. This was purposely done, in order to avoid raising alarms in England, in case the particulars were mentioned, and a copy of the Papers, as it probably would do, should find its way to that Country. I shall however be explicit with you, and leave it to your discretion to communicate the information to such persons as you may think proper. The number of Settlers from England, Scotland, & Ireland, will be very great indeed. I am clear that in five years we may get over above ten thousand people; in five years more a much greater number. Besides farmers and common labourers, it will be in our power to get a great number of Mechanics & Manufacturers in any branch we please. These are the people I had chiefly in view, and in regard to whom the above precaution was taken. Difficult as it may now appear to you, and any other gentleman, to get over such a number of people, particularly the Mechanics & Manufacturers, considering the Laws in England to prevent it, you would readily see it is very feasible, did you but know the Connexions and ways & means there are for executing that part of the Plan. I candidly informed her Ladyship, that though I wished well to her peculiar Objects in the Plan, I was as much induced to promote it for the advantages which the States would derive from it in a political way, and particulary for the opportunity it would afford of getting over a number of Mechanics & Manufacturers, and establishing several useful Manufactures in the Country. Notwithstanding I frequently talked to her in the same frank manner, I am persuaded she does not see to what a length this matter of getting over Workmen, and establishing manufacturies, may be carried by us by the means proposed for executing her own Design.

Should the Plan be adopted and vigorously pursued, it would soon prove very beneficial to our Country. It would soon lessen the importation of several Articles from Europe. In a few years, it would not only put a stop to the importation of such articles, but enable us to export them. Manufactures may be brought forwards expeditiously as well as Plants. In several of the States, we have Iron equal to any in the world. We have or can produce many other raw materials as cheap as they are to be had in Britain. Cotton, the manufactures of which are so convenient & are so much in use, thrives, as I have been informed, very well in the Southern States. Consider a moment, Sir, that many things in Manufacturing, which are generally thought to be performed by manual labour, are done by Machines; and that it is chiefly owing to those mechanic contrivances, not merely, as is commonly thought, to the cheapness of manual labour in England, that they can afford their goods at so cheap a rate. The manufacture of Cotton is an instance of the truth of this observation. They have a Machine which goes by water, and is attended by one or two persons, that cards as much as a dozen women can do in the same time in the common way. Their method of spinning Cotton is nearly equally advantageous. These things are in general use. Within a few years, they have likewise invented a Machine which goes by water, and both cards & spins, and in some cases, even weaves. There are not above 3 or 4 of these Machines in England: The proprietors of them taking great care to conceal their structure, and having a Patent to secure the invention to themselves. This Machine spins faster than can be done in any other way yet known: and the threads spun by it, are much more even than can be done by the hand. When we know they have such Contrivances, can we be surprised at the cheapness of their Cotton goods? Knowing they employ similar Machinery in other branches of manufactury, is it astonishing that they can supply not only us with many Articles cheaper than we can make them, but also several Countries in Europe where labour is lower, and the raw materials cheaper, than in England? In those manufactures therefore where machinery is so advantageously employed, may we not hope for success? Considering the greater cheapness of some raw materials, the superior cheapness of provisions in America than in England, the expence of freight, Commissions, Insurance &c. attending the importation of foreign manufactured

goods, may we not even advantageously introduce and establish such Manufactories among ourselves; and thereby keep in the States the money annually sent out of them for such commodities?
The idea held by some gentlemen, that manufactories can only suceed in populous Countries, where there are more hands than can be employed in Agriculture, and where labour is therefore cheap; and that our Country should be well peopled before we attempt to introduce Manufactories, appears to be ill founded. It seems even contrary to fact. France is as populous as England, and labour there is cheaper, yet France is certainly far behind England in Manufactures. Ireland is extremely populous, labour is also lower there than in England, but excepting the Linnen manufactory, there is none of consequence in the country. This perhaps may be thought to be owing to the restraints and discouragements that kingdom has been laid under by England; but if that be admitted, how has it happened that Scotland, which since the Union has been free from such restraints and discouragements, and where labor is likewise cheaper than in England, hath made, comparatively speaking, so little progress in manufacture? Holland, on the other hand, is, in proportion to its extent, more populous than England, and labour in general is dearer than in England, yet it abounds in Manufactories. If we look through Europe, we shall find that cheapness of labour and of provisions are insufficient, of themselves, to give rise to, or to support, various and great manufactories in a Country.
It is almost impossible that such a combination of circumstances as concur at present, in consequence of Lady Huntingdon’s very peculiar situation and influence, to favour our introducing sundry Manufactories into America, should ever happen again. Should She die before the Plan is adopted, and some leading Measures taken to carry it into execution, we should lose the advantage of this combination. But should her death happen soon after such steps are taken, it will make no material difference. She is old and declining, yet possesses a strong and active mind. If we therefore enter soon on the business, in a way agreeable to her, every thing could be put into a train that would ensure success, even if we should lose her shortly afterwards.

I beg my best respects to Mrs Washington: and wishing you both the Compts of the approaching season, I remain, Sir Your Most Obedt & Very humble Servt

James Jay


Title: II: From the Countess of Huntingdon, March 1784
From: Huntingdon, Selina Hastings, countess of
To:

[c.March 1784]

I have long looked with pain and compassion on the unhappy condition of the poor Indians in America; a people destitute of religion or addicted to Idolatry; given to revenge, bloodshed, and cruelty. I have often regretted that so little pains have been taken to bring them from darkness to light, to make them Christians, and good and useful Citizens. I rejoice to think that something may now be done towards accomplishing

those desirable ends. Justice & humanity interested me warmly in favour of America. I trust in god that religion & benevolence will interest the Rulers of America in behalf of those poor Savages. One great & good effect of the late revolution I hope will be, to open a way for this conversion and civilization. It seems to me, that the changes which have taken place in the Government & political situation of America, will greatly facilitate Undertakings for those benevolent purposes. I enclose you the Outlines of a Plan which I have much at heart to attain those Objects. There is a happy circumstance in it. With the conversion & civilization of the Indians, it combines the liberty & welfare of great numbers of good, religious people in these kingdoms, who have all along been the friends, and would be glad to become Citizens of America. To doubt that any State, or that even any individual in America would be backward to encourage & cooperate in a great and solid plan for these purposes, would be to doubt their attachment to the great Cause of Universal liberty, the glory of their Country, as well as to the precepts of our holy religion & the dictates of humanity. I have no such doubt. I am persuaded of the contrary, and in that persuasion, I feel no difficulty in sending a Copy of the Plan, & in freely & sincerely explaining myself further on the subject, to the Governors & Legislative Bodies of those States which appear to me, from their local circumstances, to have it greatly in their power to encourage and cooperate in the Plan. My design in addressing myself to several States, and not to one only, is to acquire the fullest information, and to induce an extensive cooperation. From their opinion and advice, and the degree of encouragement they may severally be disposed to give to the Undertaking, I shall be able to judge, better than I now can do, whether it will be best to plant all the Settlers in one large Settlement in one of the States, or to divide them into lesser Settlements in several States. I wish to act in a way that will be most effectual, and of the most general utility, and I make no doubt but every benevolent person, whether in a public or private station, will take up the matter in the same large way, and act accordingly.
Though you have apprized me of your intention to retire from public life; and though I, like thousands more, acquiesce

for your own sake in what we cannot, for the general welfare, but regret; I am confident the Design will not want any assistance you can give it. I am confident of this, because I am confident that the man who is the Christian & the Soldier cannot be insensible to the duty and to the glory of extending the knowledge of religion and Civil Life to heathen & savage Nations; and of making useful Arts and peaceable industry flourish where ignorance & barbarity now prevail. I have requested Sr J.J. to take an active part in this business, and he has candidly promised me to do it as far as his own Affairs will permit. I have desired him to forward this to you; and to send a letter from me, containing a Copy of the enclosed paper, to the Governors of North Carolina, Virginia, Pennsylvania & New York. I have desired him to correspond with you Sir and with the Govrs of the above States, and if it be possible for him, to confer with you & them & the Members of the several Legislatures on the Subject. I have desired him also to take the opinions of judicious Individuals; and to acquaint me with the result of the application to the States & of his own Enquiries. I rely much on his activity & judgment. The knowlege he has of both Countries must render him very useful in combining a variety of circumstances in this Country & in America into a solid & useful Plan. We have often conversed on the Subject. The Outlines I send you, is the product of our joint deliberations. He knows my views, & I have given him all the necessary information; so that he can judge very well of what may be done in these kingdoms. He also knows my mind so well in regard to the Land & other Matters depending on America, that I am inclined to think that whatever may be offered on these heads by any of the States and should appear proper to him, will meet my approbation & consent. I beg therefore that you would freely consult & communicate with him on this great business.


Title: IV: From the Countess of Huntingdon, 8 April 1784
From: Huntingdon, Selina Hastings, countess of
To: Washington, George

Sr
Bath [England] Apl 8 1784

I live in hopes that before this you must have Received, by the means of our mutual & most excellent friend Mr Fairfax, the gratefull acknowledgements of my heart for your most Polite, & to my feelings the yet more Welcome Testimony of your kind & Friendly letter —an excuse therefore for this further Trouble must be due, & which arises from the Kindness of Sr James Jay’s offering to take the Charge of My Packets to the several Governors of these States of America to Whom I have applied relative to my most anxious wishs for the poor Indians, & I felt it quite impossible to let any thing go out of my hands that did not mean to Communicate my Intentions to You Previous to all others—I have in Consequence of this taken the liberty of sending you with this—a Copy of my letter to the Governer of each of those States together with the Plan, or rather outlines thrown together, to Convey some Idea of my views upon this subject, & which in my other letter to you is rendred so much more Intelligable for your most Just & wise Consideration as

only now to occasion me to beg your forgiveness & with my very best Compts to Mrs Washington I remain with the greatest respect & esteem Dr Sr Your most obligd Friend & most Faithfull & obedient Humble Sert

S: Huntingdon


Title: V: Lady Huntingdon’s Plan for Settlement, 8 April 1784
From: Huntingdon, Selina Hastings, countess of
To:

8 April 1784

To the Friends of Religion and Humanity, in America the Address of Selina Countess of Huntingdon.
To introduce the benevolent Religion of our blessed Redeemer among Heathen & Savage Nations; to lead them from Violence & Barbarity, to the Duties of Humanity and the arts of civil Life; to provide a Refuge for pious, industrious People, who wish to withdraw themselves from scenes of Vice and irreligion, to a Country where they may spend their Days in the pursuits of honest Industry, and in the practice of Religion and Virtue. These are Objects, in which the Glory of the Almighty, and the happiness of a great Number of our fellow Creatures are so eminently combined, that I trust you will chearfully concur and assist in a design expressly formed for the attainment of them.
Experience has shewn, that the sending a few Missionaries, and establishing a few Schools among the Indians of America, have been very inadequate to the great Object of their Conversion & Civilization. It is reasonable to think that no great Progress can be made in converting a Savage People, thinly scattered over an extensive Country, & often wandering, in single Families or small Bodies, to distant places, until they can be brought to live in a more settled and social manner; or, unless the works of Conversion and Civilization can be made to go Hand in Hand.
It is a peculiar Happiness therefore, that these different Objects of Converting and Civilizing the Indians, and of providing

Settlements for orderly Religious People, so perfectly coincide, that there is the greatest Reason to think we shall succeed better in our endeavours to attain both, if we unite them into one great Concern, and proceed accordingly than if we were, to undertake & pursue them each independently of the other.
The People I wish to provide a Settlement for, are not loose idle Vagabonds, but decent, industrious, Religious People, of exemplary Lives and Manners, and attached to the cause of Liberty. If these People can be settled in a proper place among the Indians, where they and the Indians may have a free and easy intercourse, they may not improperly be considered as so many Missionaries and School-Masters among them. From a Sense of Religious Duty, they will kindly entertain those poor ignorant People; they will do them every good Office; they will take pains to gain their Esteem & Affection and to cultivate a good Correspondence with them. Their more comfortable way of living, their inoffensive & friendly Manners, their Modes of Cultivation and their Mechanic Arts, will be constant Examples to them. Some part of these things may be gradually, though insensibly, imbibed. Reason tells us, that little change is to be expected in a Savage Indian, while he is able to pursue his wonted course of Life. Yet even in that case, something may engage his Attention, and excite his imitation. On those Indians who are past enjoying the active Scenes of Life, or are restrained therefrom by Infirmity or Accident, greater impressions may be made. But it is not unreasonable to think that the Women and Children may be induced to mix more in Society with the Settlers, to join with them occasionally in some little work of Agriculture, or of the Mechanic kind, if it be only to amuse themselves and pass away time. When People are neither compelled nor confined to work, but on the other hand, are at liberty to leave off at pleasure, and are encouraged to go on, or to return another time to the same or a similar Employment; they are less averse to Labour. Frequent practice may become habitual, and insensibly induce habits of useful Industry under the notion of amusement. The Progress that would naturally be made in this way, would gradually soften their manners, influence their Morals and lead them into social Life.
Several worthy Clergymen, of well known Character for Religious Zeal and Integrity of Manners, will accompany the

Settlers. Their Duty will be, according to their Talents and Personal Health & Strength, to keep up the Spirit of Religion and Piety among their own People; and by means of Interpreters, to Preach the glad Tidings of Salvation in the Wilderness, to bring the Inhabitants of those benighted Regions from Darkness to Light, to the Knowledge of the true God, and of Jesus Christ.
Schools will also be established. Children will be Educated in them to Religion and Virtue, in a liberal manner, agreeably to that great principle of Christianity, Love to God, Universal Charity and Good will to all Mankind. They will also be instructed in useful knowledge, so that they may become good Christians, and useful Members of the Community. One great Object will be, to endeavour to induce the Indians to suffer their Children to go to such Schools; and to permit them, for the greater Convenience, to live in such Families of our People, as the Parents or the Children themselves shall chuse. Regulations will be made, on the most solid Footing in regard to the Clergy, and the Schools; but independently of regular Arrangements for those Purposes; as there will be among the Settlers, several discreet People of good Understanding, Clergy and others, zealous in the cause of Religion, great hopes are entertain’d, that every Measure will be taken, which good Sense, Zeal, and Industry can employ, to accomplish the important Objects in view.
To carry the Plan into Execution it will be necessary that a quantity of Land, answerable to the Magnitude of the Undertaking, be granted for the Purpose in one or more of the united States: that the Land be among the Indians, or very near to them, and so situated, in regard to the bulk of the more distant Indian Nations, that there may be an easy communication by Water with those Nations, in Order that the Clergy may, with tolerable ease, and without loss of time, go among them; and that the Indians may be tempted, by the facility of the communication, to have frequent Intercourse with the Settlements.
As I have no other view in the Undertaking than what I have frankly declared—as I mean not to have any property myself in the Land to be granted, nor that any Person should acquire any in it, except in the same way, and on the same Conditions, which shall be laid down for all Settlers upon it: as I heartily wish to guard against every abuse and departure from the true

Spirit of the Undertaking: it is my earnest desire, that the Land be granted on such Terms, and under such Restrictions and Precautions, as the Legislature of the State which shall make the Grant, shall think best suited to promote the Design, and to prevent all abuses. My Idea of the Matter is in general this; that a Tract of Land be laid out for a considerable Number of Families, that Protestants of all denominations be admitted to settle upon it; that no Persons shall settle upon it, but such as shall severally bring a Certificate & Recommendation from Me or from the Trustees which I shall appoint in England, Scotland, and Ireland; so that the Settlers shall not be liable to have bad People obtrude upon them; That one or more Persons be appointed by the State to grant Warrants of Settlement to People having such Certificates; that the Persons so to be appointed by the States, shall be Residents in the State and shall be accountable to the Legislature, that no Settlers shall, on any Account or pretence, have a Warrant for more than 500 Acres: that no Person shall have a right to sell his Land, without the consent of the Person appointed by the Legislature to issue Warrants of Settlements unless he shall have resided  Years upon the said Land; and that no Person be permitted to purchase such Lands, except such Persons, who have obtained Certificates as above mentioned; that the Tract or Tracts be laid out in Townships by the Persons I shall appoint to Survey and lay out the same; that they set a part places for one or more Cities or Towns; that the residue of the Lands be divided into Farms of different sizes to accomodate greater or lesser Families: that the Places for Cities or Towns be laid out in streets and Lots of certain Dimensions for Public and private Uses; that the Farms be subjected to pay, after being settled a certain Number of Years, a moderate acknowledgement per Acre Annually to the State: that the Lots in the City be granted by Certificate and Warrant in the same manner as the Farms; that they also pay an annual acknowledgement to the State; that the acknowledgement commence  Years after the Grant: that no Person have a grant for a Second or Third Lot, until the former has a Dwelling House that is inhabited, or a Work Shop that is used upon it: that from the Farms which shall not be settled by the Number of People for which they were granted within Three Years after the Warrants were issued a proportionable Number of Acres

shall be deducted: that those deducted Acres, and all Farms which shall not be settled, and all Lots which shall not be built upon within the same Period shall revert to common Stock; that a certain number of Farms & City lots, as many as the Legislature shall think sufficient, be reserved as an Estate, to be let out & improved, for the purpose of supporting Public Schools, the Clergy, and other public Establishments.
As it is impossible that For my Friends in this Kingdom who are Strangers to the local Circumstances of America, can immediately fix on a suitable Spot or Spots of Land, and form a compleat Plan for the Execution of this great Work, I wish to have the most Authentic and ample Information on this Subject, from the Friends of Religion and Humanity in America. The most eligible Method of obtaining that, appears to be, to lay the Design before the Legislature of these States which seem to lay most convenient for the Purpose. I have requested Sir James Jay to perform this Office for me, to lay these Outlines of the Plan before them, to learn their Sentiments of it, their Disposition to encourage it, and to communicate the result to me.
When one contemplates the Revolution which Providence hath wrought in favor of the American States, that great Work seems but a prelude to the completion of yet more gracious Purposes of Love to Mankind. This Idea fills the Soul with joy, and raises it to the most solemn Devotion. Yet it is not for us frail Mortals, to determine on the Councils of the most High. With humble submission to the Divine Will, let us do our Duty. Let us endeavour to spread his Name among the Heathen: let us endeavour to obey his Divine Precepts, and to follow his gracious Example of Benignity to mankind.
Unite with me then my Friends, in this glorious Cause; you who have seen and felt the mercy and goodness of the Almighty, who have been supported by him in the Days of Trial and Adversity; and were at last delivered from Bondage; and raised to Liberty and Glory.

S: Huntingdon


Title: VII: James Jay’s Copy of His Letter to the Governors of North Carolina, Virginia, Pennsylvania, and New York, c.20 December 1784
From: Jay, John
To: Governors of North Carolina, Virginia, Pennsylvania, and New York

[c.20 December 1784]

If the Plan be adopted, it will give us an opportunity of getting over, with the other Setlers, a number of good manufacturers in any branch of manufactury we please: and of course it will enable us to introduce and establish such manufacturies among us, as the circumstances of our Country will admit of doing with success and advantage.
It is an obvious Truth, that a Nation, in order to be independent,

safe, and happy, ought to have, within itself, the means of furnishing its Citizens with every Article that is indispensably necessary to those Ends. To depend on Foreigners for every such necessary article that can be as well and as cheaply made in the Country, is a palpable absurdity. The policy of Britain subjected us to that hardship in many instances; and employed every method to entail it upon us. It is still the interest of the manufacturing nations in Europe to keep us in that state; but it evidently is our interest to emancipate ourselves, with the utmost expedition, from a dependence that is both injurious and disgraceful to us.
Every article, indispensably necessary, that is imported among us, but which can be as advantageously made in our own Country, may justly be considered as a Tax upon every person in the country; a Tax which no œeconomy or frugality can avoid; a Tax laid upon us by foreigners for their own sole benefit; and which constantly works a detriment to the Country in proportion to the demand for such Articles. Were we to consider, Sir, the prodigious quantity of common necessary Clothing, and also of the common necessary articles of Iron & Steel, that is annually imported among us, it would give us some idea of the magnitude of the Evil, and evince the necessity of using our best endeavours to lessen it.
The preceeding observations lead us to a question of great importance, vizt—whether it is possible for us to introduce and establish manufacturies for any of the above Articles? This is a Question that no man can decide properly upon, unless he has a competent knowledge of the method of fabricating the particular Article which may come under discussion. I do not mean a knowledge of the way of making any such article in this Country; but of the method in which great Manufacturies for the purpose are carried on in Europe; and by which the Europeans are able to undersel us in our own country with every advantage in our favour. I am aware, Sir, that a general objection may at this moment occur to you: vizt—that the price of labor being so much dearer among us than in Europe, is an insurmountable Obstacle to any undertaking of the kind. Allow me to observe, Sir, that the objection is true in many respects, but that, like other general positions or general rules, it has its exceptions. There are indeed many exceptions in the present Case.

This assertion cannot be directly proved, without entering into a minute consideration of each manufacture to which the Objection is not applicable. But there is a circumstance which furnishes very substantial and satisfactory Evidence in favour of it; evidence the more to be regarded, because it is a tacit confession of the Parties interested against us, and who are, unquestionably, competent Judges in the Case. The Parliament of England have from time to time passed Acts which tended, directly or indirectly, to prevent and discourage manufacturing in America: and it may be fairly presumed they would not have taken those measures, unless they were well satisfied that we could manufacture sundry Articles as cheap as was done in Britain, or even cheaper, and to so great an amount as materially to injure their Trade with us. But, Sir, in asserting the practicability of establishing certain useful manufacturies with advantage in this Country, I speak not at random. A fondness for mechanic Arts & manufactures, led me to embrace every favorable opportunity of enquiring into them. A long residence and much travelling in Europe, furnished me with frequent opportunities to indulge my taste; and it is from information derived from those Sources that I form my opinion.
There is reason to think that in some of those parts of the Country to which the Plan has respect, the establishment of Manufacturies will greatly tend, if not be absolutely necessary, to make those Districts flourish, and render them more beneficial to the Nation at large than they otherwise are likely to be. If, for instance, some of the back Lands I allude to, shoud be inhabited merely or principally by Farmers, population will indeed increase, but those remote Citizens will, comparatively speaking, contribute but little, in other respects, to the general weal. The difficulty & expence of bringing the produce of their farms to market, will discourage their raising more than will be requisite for their own use. Experience shews that manufactures, unless where Measures are taken to introduce and establish them, spring up but slowly in any Country, that at first they are but few in number, and that it is a long time before they exceed the wants of the neighbourhood, and supply matter for internal or foreign Commerce. But where the difficulty and expence of carrying country produce to a distant market, is a discouragement to cultivation and commerce, would it not be

sound policy to create a market for it on the spot? And what better method can be fallen upon for that purpose, than the planting a number of Manufacturers upon it? They would flourish themselves, and make the farmers flourish also. The productions of the manufacturer, are, in general, more valuable, in proportion to their bulk, than the produce of the Land, and can therefore better support the expence of transportation. In a fertile District, where the Farmer has a difficult or expensive transportation, provisions will be cheap; but where provisions are cheap, the price of labor is moderate; and where these two circumstances concur, and there is a sufficient demand, either in the way of home consumption or foreign exportation, for manufactured goods, Manufactures will flourish: because, as more money will be got by manufacturing than by farming, the people will naturally go into the former instead of the latter. In the well setled parts of this State, where grain and other country produce can be carried to market at little expence, the farmer can afford to pay a journeyman manufacturer as much for laboring on his farm, as the man could earn by working at his own trade; and therefore it becomes a matter of indifference to the hired person, whether he works at his Trade or in the field. The same thing may perhaps obtain, under similar circumstances, in other States. Hence arises the difficulty so frequently met with, of keeping journeymen Mechanics to their proper work; a circumstance which has proved, and must for a long time prove, an impediment to the regularly and advantageously carrying on any manufactury in such parts of the Country. But where Agriculture labours under the preceeding disadvantages, and depends solely on the consumption on the spot, a laboring person will earn more, and support his family better, by working at Manufacture than at Agriculture; and of course will find it his interest to follow his own Trade.
These general observations on Cultivation & Manufacture, may, I think, be regarded as general Truths. The application of them however is another Matter; and can only be judiciously done by those who are well acquainted with the local circumstances of a Country. For this reason, I presume not to be a competent Judge whether it would be proper for your State to adopt the principles laid down, and to attempt to carry them into effect. It seems pretty evident however, that the State

would lose or risque nothing by coming into her Ladyship’s proposals, because it may be provided that all the Land which shall not be setled within the time limitted, shall revert to the State.


Title: To George Washington from La Luzerne, 20 December 1784
From: La Luzerne, Anne-César, chevalier de
To: Washington, George

Sir.
Paris December 20th 1784.

Mr de Chateaufort, Consul of France for the State of So. Carolina, intends, on his Journey from Newyorck to Charlestown, to wait upon Your Excellency and to present You this letter. Permit me to recommend him to your attention. He is quite a stranger in America, but he belongs to a nation for whom You have always shewn the greatest partiality, and his personal merit will, I doubt not, render him worthy of your notice. Permit me to thanck You beforehand for the Kind reception you will be pleased to honor him with.
Since my arrival in France I have had the honor to address to Your Excellency several letters and I hope that at least one of them is come to your hand. I shall therefore only repeat here that I shall always be happy in an opportunity to convince you of the respectful and inviolable attachment with which I have the honor to be Sir Your Excellency’s Most obedient and very humble Servant,

le che. de la Luzerne


Title: From George Washington to Beverley Randolph, 20 December 1784
From: Washington, George
To: Randolph, Beverley

Sir
Alexandria 20th Decr 1784

The letter you did me the honor to write to me the 15th Inst. was not delivered until late yesterday Evening—I filled the Blank in the letter to Govr Paca and forwarded it; and am now on my way to annapolis. I named the 22d, which at the rate your Express travels, is as soon as the Govr can lay your letter before the Assembly of Maryland and Commrs be appointed to meet those from this State—Genl Gates will attend; & I have given Colo. Blackburne notice of the time & place.
As soon as the business of the meeting is finished a report shall be made. I have the honr to be Sir Yr most obt Servt

Go: W.