Title: Board of Trade to the Privy Council Committee, 1 June 1759
From: Board of Trade
To: Franklin, Benjamin

On Feb. 2, 1759, the Privy Council referred Franklin’s petition on behalf of Teedyuscung to its Committee on Plantation Affairs, which referred it in turn to the Board of Trade on April 12. The Board conducted a hearing, May 15, attended by Franklin and his solicitor, Joshua Sharpe, and by the Proprietors with Paris. The next day the Board ordered the preparation of a report. The draft, submitted on May 23, was considered on that day and again on May 29, when the Board agreed to it and ordered it to be transcribed. On June 1 the four members of the Board who were present signed it.

  Whitehall June 1st: 1759.

  To the Right honourable the Lords of the Committee of His Majesty’s most honourable Privy Council for Plantation Affairs.
  My Lords
Pursuant to Your Lordship’s Order dated the 12th. of April last, We have taken into Consideration the humble Petition of Benjamin Franklin Esquire Agent appointed by the Assembly of Pennsylvania relating to the differences subsisting, between his Majesty’s Subjects, and the Indians bordering upon the said Province, concerning large Quantitys of Land, which the said Indians alledge, they have been deprived of without their Consent, or satisfaction made them for the same, particularly, of the Lands which are included within the Forks of the River Delaware, and also of other Lands, on both sides the said River. And having been attended by the Petitioner, and also by the Proprietaries of Pennsylvania, and heard what each Party had to offer upon the occasion, We beg leave to acquaint Your Lordships.
That it appears, from many Letters and authentick Papers in the Books of our Office, that the extensive Purchases of Land made, not only by the Proprietaries of Pennsylvania, but in other Governments bordering on the Indian Country, have, long since, occasioned Disgusts, and Suspicions of Injury, in the Minds of the Indians, and that these Jealousies have been one Principal Cause of their Defection from the British Interest, and of the Hostilitys, which they have committed on the Frontiers of His Majesty’s Colonies.
Sir William Johnson, His Majesty’s Agent for Indian Affairs in the Northern District of North America, has in many of his Letters, declared himself of this opinion in general, and in a Letter to Us, of the 10th. of September 1756, he acquaints us, that he has the greatest Reason to believe, that the Hostilitys which Pennsylvania, in particular, had suffered from the Indians living on the Sasquehanna, had in great Measure, arisen from the large Purchase, made by that Government in 1754, at which, tho’ publickly consented to, and fairly paid for, at Albany, some of the Six Nations appeared to be disgusted, and others to repent of their having consented to it.
This Information, We thought it our Duty immediately to communicate, to the Proprietaries of Pennsylvania, who having in their Answer thereto, made a proposal to appoint Commissioners to treat with the Indians in concert with Sir William Johnson, upon all Points relative to these Affairs, and to hear and determine any Complaints, which might be made, by any Indians, who had committed Hostilitys on the Frontiers of that Province, We transmitted the said Answer and Proposal to Sir Wm. Johnson, directing him to take such Measures as shou’d be most expedient, for carrying the said Proposal into execution.
Accordingly, it appears, that, in July and August 1757, Mr. George Croghan, being deputed by Sir Wm. Johnson for that purpose, did, in conjunction with Mr. Denny (the Proprietaries Deputy Governor) and certain Commissioners, chosen out of, and appointed by, the Assembly, hold a Treaty, with Teedyuscung, Chief of the Delaware Indians, the Complainant mentioned in Mr. Franklins Petition.
From what passed, at the opening of these Conferences, it might reasonably have been hoped, that all Matters, in Dispute with the Delawar Indians, where Hostilitys had so long vexed the Middle Colonys, would have been happily, and speedily, adjusted. Teedyuscung, their Chief, declared himself well pleased with the appointment of Mr. Croghan to hear his Complaints, and willing to submit them to his Decision. But, upon his desiring that the Deeds, by which the Proprietaries hold the Lands, might be produced, read in publick, and examined, that it might be known, from what Indians, they had bought the Lands, and what was the real extent of the Purchase, it appears that Mr. Denny, who, in the beginning, had told Teedyuscung that Mr. Croghan was expressly appointed by Sir Wm. Johnson, to hear and enquire into the Grievances he might have to complain of, now said, that Sir Wm. Johnson was the Person, appointed to hear the particulars of his Charge, and the Proprietaries Defence, that Mr. Croghan had informed him, that he had no Power to suffer any Altercation upon the Complaint, that it must be referred to Sir Wm. Johnson, by whom, alone the Matter could be heard.
This Declaration, put an end to all further proceeding towards an Enquiry into the Matter in Dispute. Teedyuscung refused to go to Sir William Johnson, for many Reasons, but principally, because some of the Indian Nations were there, who had been Instrumental to the Misunderstanding, in selling the Lands in Question. The Deeds, however, were produced; And Teedyuscung then proposed to Mr. Denny, that Copys of them should be sent, to Sir Wm. Johnson, to be by him laid before his Majesty, and caused his own Clerk to send Copies of them, to the Speaker of the Assembly of Pennsylvania, requesting that he, with the Assembly, would look into the Matter, and transmit Copys, to His Majesty, by his Ministers.
Sir Wm. Johnson, in the Letter with which he transmitted to Us Copys of the Conferences held at this Treaty, observes, that as Teedyuscung had refused his Mediation, and made choice of the Quakers for his Advocates and Agents, he had not thought it advisable to press his Mediation upon these Indians any further. But he complains of the extraordinary Conduct of the Assembly, in appointing Members of their own House, to interfere, as Provincial Commissioners, in Indian Treaties, in providing and giving Presents, as from their own Body, distinct from those given by the Governor, and in procuring, by management, their Speaker and themselves, to be appointed Agents, to sollicit Indian Complaints, before his Majesty and his Ministers.
At a Treaty, in October 1758, between the Government of Pennsylvania, and the Delawar’s, and Thirteen other different Nations of Indians, Teedyuscung makes a further Declaration, concerning the Purchases complained of by the Delawars, but this Matter does not appear to have been much agitated; at that Treaty, the principal object and result of which was, the Proprietaries of Pennsylvania relinquishing, to the Six Nations, that part of Land, purchased at Albany in 1754, which lyes to the Westward of the Mountains, and we cannot, without injustice to the Proprietaries, omit acquainting your Lordships, that full satisfaction was given, by them, to the Indians, with respect to this Purchase, which had been the cause of great disgust and discontent.
Having thus Stated, to your Lordships, such Facts as appeared to us to be necessary, for enabling you to form an Opinion, of the Matter in Judgement before You, We must beg leave to observe, that it is impossible to reflect, tho’ but for a Moment, upon the unparalled Distresses, which have been suffered by his Majesty’s Subjects, in the back Settlements of the Middle Colonies, from the cruel Hostilitys and Devastations of the Delaware and other Indians, without seeing the necessity there is, of steadily pursuing every Measure, which may have a tendency to redress and remove those Grievances and Complaints, which are alledged to have been the principal Cause of such Hostilitys; It was, with this Idea, and for this purpose, that we referred it, in 1757, to Sir William Johnson, to examine into the Grievances complained of, by the Delawar Indians; and, in pursuing this Method, we followed what we conceived to have been the view and object of Government, in appointing this Gentleman Sole Agent for Indian Affairs, who might manage and direct our Concerns with them, upon One uniform Plan, and thereby, put a stop to the Mischiefs so long complained of, arising from the irregular and unwarrantable Interferings of particular Provinces, and, in many Instances, of particular Persons.
The Part, which some Members of the Assembly of Pennsylvania appear to have had, in the Transactions with the Indians, in July and August 1757, does in our opinion, seem to be of this kind; and to have been one Principal Cause of the Failure of those Measures, which were taken to examine into, and redress the Complaints of the Indians, at this Meeting. Jealousies and Suspicions appear to have been raised, and excited, in the Minds of the Indians, and, in lieu of that Examination and Redress, which might have been expected, from the Disposition that appeared in all Parties, at the opening of the Conferences, no one essential point was settled, and the whole Result of the Treaty was a proposition made, and assented to, that the Deeds and Writings, concerning the Lands, should be transmitted to Great Britain, to be laid before his Majesty for his determination.
It is difficult to conceive, what Idea, the Indians (unacquainted, as they are, with the Forms of Business) might have, of the Efficacy and Propriety of this proposition, But it is impossible that, either, the Deputy Governor, or the Members of the Assembly, who assisted at the Conferences, should not know, that the proposition, of sending over the Deeds, was as irregular, as the Examination of, and Decision upon them, here, was impracticable.
The Circumstances of Fraud, suggested by the Indians, are, that, in some Cases, the Lands were purchased of Persons who had no Right to sell, and, in other Cases, that greater Quantitys of Land had been surveyed and taken up, than was expressed in the Deeds, which are Circumstances, that can only be judged of, upon the Spot, and by those who are well acquainted with the Persons, and Claims, of different Indians; and it is as impossible, in the Nature of Things, as it would be irregular, in the Course of Business, for the Crown, to judge, of a Matter of this kind, in the first Instance, and before a regular Examination and Report, in Consequence of such Examination, had been made, by the proper Officer.
The Members of the Assembly, who were present at the Treaty, seem clearly to have understood the Matter, in this light, for, altho’ they accepted the proposition from Teedyuscung, and actually received from him, the Treaty and Deeds annexed, in Order to be by them transmitted, to be laid before his Majesty, yet, they never thought proper to transmit them, nor to interpose their Mediation, until the Application, now before your Lordships.
This being the State of the Case, We would humbly propose to your Lordships, that further and more express Orders should be sent, to His Majesty’s Agent for Indian Affairs, to examine into the Complaints of the Delaware Indians, with respect to Lands, which, they alledge, they have been defrauded of, by the Proprietaries; and that, for this purpose, he should take the earliest opportunity of signifying to them, that he has, in consequence of what passed at the Conferences in July and August 1757, received his Majesty’s Orders, to enquire into their Grievances, and press them to appoint such time and place as shall be most convenient to them, for that purpose, That he be directed to give timely Notice of such Meeting to the Commissioners appointed by the Proprietaries, to act on their part, to the End they may come properly instructed and prepared, to support the Claims of their Constituents; and that, when he shall have made a full and particular Enquiry, into the Circumstances of the Case, and heard what all Partys may have to offer, he do transmit his proceedings, in this Business, to be laid before his Majesty, together with his Opinion, of what may be proper to be done thereupon.
Having stated to your Lordships the several Facts, respecting the particular Case, referred to our Consideration, together with our opinion, upon the whole, it is necessary, for us, before we close our Report, to take this opportunity of observing, to your Lordships, That the Frauds and Abuses, with respect to Purchases, and Settlement of Indian Lands, properly so called, and the fatal Effects of such Abuses, are not confined to the Province of Pennsylvania, nor to this particular Tribe of Indians; They have been as much practiced, complained of, and almost as severely felt, in every other Province, and extend to almost every Tribe of Indians with whom we have any intercourse, and tho’ other Nations may not have taken up the Hatchet against us, as the Delawares have done, yet they have not afforded us any effectual assistance in the War in which we are engaged; Their conduct in general has been at best doubtful and equivocal, And they have been more or less our Friends, as the Chances of War have been more or less, in our favour.
It is not to be wondered, that the Indians are tender and Jealous, in a Matter which so essentially concerns their Interest, nay, their very existence. Whilst our Settlements were confined to the Sea Coast, and those of the French to the lower Parts of the River St. Lawrence, the Indians entertained little Jealousy, and did not consider us in the light of Invaders. Their hunting Grounds lay higher up, in the interior parts of the Country, and they not only acquiesced, in our Settlements, but encouraged them, from the advantage they derived from them, in the supply of many wants, which our connections with them had introduced; But no sooner had the prodigious Increase of our People obliged us, and the discovery made of the richness and fertility of the interior parts of the Country, encouraged us, to extend our Settlements, and that Individuals were, from the want of a proper Plan for ascertaining the Mode of acquiring Property, left at Liberty to practice every Fraud and Abuse, in the obtaining excessive Tracts of Land from the Indians, then, they, at once, felt the Embarassment, and grew Jealous of the consequence, of such a Conduct.
In this Situation therefore, the five Nations, who were at the head of a Confederacy of almost all the Northern Nations, and in whom all their Interests were united, did in 1701, resolve upon a Measure, the most wise and prudent, with regard to their own Interest, and the most advantageous, with regard to ours, that could have been framed; they delineated upon Paper, in the most precise and exact manner the Limits of what they called their hunting Grounds, comprehending the great Lakes of Ontario and Erie, and all the circumjacent Lands, for the distance of Sixty Miles around them; The sole and absolute property of this Country, they desired, might be secured to them, and as proof of perpetual alliance, and to support our Rights, against any Claims which the French might make, founded on the vague and uncertain pretence of unlimited Grants, or accidental local discovery, they declared themselves willing to yield to Great Britain, the Sovereignty and absolute Dominion of it, to be secured and protected by Forts, to be erected, whenever it shou’d be thought proper; a Treaty was accordingly enter’d into and concluded, upon these Terms, by Mr. Nansan, then Lieutenant Governor of New York, and a Deed of Surrender of the Lands expressing the Terms and Conditions, executed, by the Indians.
The advantages of such a Concession on the Part of the Indians, were greater than our most sanguine hopes could have expected, and had the Judgement, Zeal and Integrity, of those, whose Duty it was faithfully to execute the conditions of the engagement, been equal, to those, of him, who made it, the Indians might have been for ever secured in our Interest, and all Disputes with France, about American Territory, prevented, but, by neglect of Government, on one hand, and the enormous abuses of Individuals, in the Purchase of Lands, on the other hand, all the solid advantages of this Treaty and Concession were lost, and, with them, the Memory even of the Transaction, itself. The Indians were disobliged and disgusted, and many of them joined with the Enemy in the War, which followed this Treaty, and desolated our Settlements, whilst the French to whom this Transaction pointed out, what their Plan should be, took every Measure to get possession of the Country by Forts and Military Establishments, and altho’ they were compelled, at the Treaty of Utrecht, to acknowledge in express Terms, our Sovereignty over the Six Nations, yet, finding We took no Steps to avail ourselves of such a favourable declaration, either by a renewal of our engagements with the Indians, or taking Measures to support our Sovereignty by Forts erected in proper Parts of the Country, they ceased not to pursue that Plan, in which they had already made so considerable a progress, and it was not, till the year 1725, when they had by their Establishment at Niagara secured to themselves the possession of Lake Ontario, that we saw, too late, our Error, in neglecting the advantages which might have been derived from the Treaty in 1701.
Mr. Burnet, who was then Governor of New York, applied himself, however, with great Assiduity, to recover the Interests and Affections of the Indians, as the only means of defeating the designs of the French, and such was the force of their Inclinations to live well with us, and to renew the antient Covenant Chain, as they express it, that they consented, notwithstanding all the ill Treatment they had suffered from us, to enter into the same Engagement; as they had enter’d into in 1701, and a Treaty was accordingly concluded upon the same Terms, and a new Deed, reciting the former, executed by them.
The Experience We had had, of the Mischiefs which followed, from a want of a proper Regard and Attention to our Engagement in 1701, increased by the Danger which now threaten’d Our Colonies, from the Daily and Enormous Encroachments of the French, ought to have been a lesson to us, to have been, now, more careful of our Interests, but, yet, the same Avidity after Possession of Indian Land, aggravated by many other Abuses, stil remain’d uncheck’d and uncontrolled, by any permanent Plan; no Measures were taken to erect Forts, no proper Places to secure the sovereignty of the Country, and to protect it against the Attempts of our Enemys, And it is to the same Causes, producing the same Effects, that we are now to impute, not only the present unsettled and declining state of our Interests with the Indians, but also those Disputes with France concerning Limits and Territory, which have involved us in a most dangerous and critical War.
By the Success of His Majesty’s Arms, in the late Expedition against Fort DuQuesne, a great and valuable part of the Country, included in the Deeds of 1701 and 1726, have been recovered, to the Dominions of the Crown of Great Britain. As no Circumstances relative to this Event, and the Negotiations with the Indians, in consequence of it, have been communicated to us, We cannot take upon us to say, what Measures it may be proper to pursue, to secure the Dominion of this part of His Majesty’s Territorys, and fix the Indians in our Interest, but we have thought it proper to trouble Your Lordships with this Narrative of Facts, in order to shew how dangerous it may be, to make Grants and Settlements of Indian Lands, which have been ceded for protection, and not Settlement, especially, when all the Political Advantages of such Cession may be obtained, without such Settlement. We are My Lords Your Lordships Most obedient and most humble Servants

Signed
Dunk Hallifax

James Oswald

Wm. Sloper

Soame Jenyns

 Endorsed: Coppy of the Report of the Board of Trade on B Franklins Petition


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to William Heberden, 7 June 1759
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Heberden, William

Tourmaline crystals, brought to Europe from the East by the Dutch early in the eighteenth century, began to attract the attention of electrical scientists when they found that, if heated, they had the power of attracting and repelling ashes and other light substances. The German scientist Aepinus began to study this pyroelectrical property and wrote a paper in 1756, in which he reported that, when a tourmaline was heated in boiling water, one side was electrified positively and the opposite side negatively, and that these charges could also be affected in various ways by other experimental treatments. An Italian investigator, Giovanni Carafa, Duke of Noja, disputed these findings in a paper published in 1759. Franklin’s friend Dr. Heberden became interested in the matter, procured a set of tourmalines, and lent them to various English acquaintances for experimental purposes. Franklin’s letter is the earliest known report on such investigations in England. Since it was not published for ten years, however, or read to the Royal Society, his friends John Canton and Benjamin Wilson, accounts of whose experiments became public later in 1759, gained general priority among English investigators of the subject.

Dear Sir
Thursday June 7. ’59.
I have been so long in determining which to chuse of the two Tourmalines, that I fear you begin to think me unreasonable enough to keep them both. I now return the small one, and beg your Acceptance of my sincerest Thanks for the other, which tho’ I value it highly for its rare and wonderful Properties, I shall ever esteem it more for the Friendship I am honour’d with by the Giver.
I hear that the Negative Electricity of one Side of the Tourmalin when heated, is absolutely denied, and all that has been related of it ascrib’d to Prejudice in favour of a System, by some ingenious Gentlemen abroad, who profess to have made Experiments on the Stone with Care and Exactness. The Experiments have succeeded differently with me; yet I would not call the Accuracy of those Gentlemen in question. Possibly the Tourmalins they have try’d were not properly cut; so that the positive and negative Powers were obliquely plac’d, or in some manner whereby their Effects were confus’d, or the negative Part more easily supply’d by the positive. Perhaps the Lapidaries who have hitherto cut these Stones, had no Regard to the Situation of the two Powers, but chose to make the Faces of the Stone where they could obtain the greatest Breadth or some other Advantage in the Form. If any of these Stones in their natural State can be procur’d, I think it would be right to endeavour finding, before they are cut, the two Sides that contain the opposite Powers, and make the Faces there. Possibly in that Case the Effects might be stronger and more distinct. For tho’ both these Stones that I have examin’d have evidently the two Properties, yet without the full Heat given by boiling Water they are somewhat confus’d; the Virtue seems strongest towards one End of the Face, and in the Middle or near the other End scarce discernible; and the Negative I find always weaker than the Positive.
I have had the large one new cut, so as to make both Sides alike; and find the Change of Form has made no Change of Power, but the Properties of each Side remain the same as I found them before. It is now set in a Ring in such a manner as to turn on an Axis that I may conveniently in making Experiments come at both Sides of the Stone. The little Rim of Gold it is set in has made no Alteration in its Effects. The Warmth of my Finger when I wear it, is sufficient to give it some Degree of Electricity, so that ’tis always ready to attract light Bodies.

The following Experiments have satisfy’d me, that M. Epinus’s Account of the positive and negative States of the opposite Sides of the heated Tourmalin, is well founded.
I heated the large Stone in boiling Water.
As soon as it was dry I brought it near a very small Cork Ball that was suspended by a silk Thread.
The Ball was attracted by one Face of the Stone, which I call A, and then repell’d.
The Ball in that State was also repell’d by the positively charg’d Wire of a Phial; and attracted by the other Side of the Stone B.
The Stone being fresh heated, and the Ball attracted by the Side B, was presently after repell’d by that Side.
In this second State it was repell’d by the negatively-charg’d Wire of a Phial.
Therefore, if the Principles now generally receiv’d, relating to Positive and Negative Electricity are true, the Side A of the large Stone, when the Stone is heated in Water, is in a positive State of Electricity, and the Side B in a negative State.
The same Experiments being made with the small Stone stuck by one Edge on the End of a small Glass Tube with Sealing Wax, the same Effects are produced.
The flat Side of the small Stone gives the Signs of positive Electricity; the high Side gives the Signs of negative Electricity.
Farther,
I suspended the small Stone by a Silk Thread.
I heated it as it hung, in boiling Water.
I heated the large one in boiling Water.
Then I brought the large Stone near to the suspended small one; which immediately turn’d its flat Side to the Side B of the large Stone, and would cling to it.
I turn’d the Ring, so as to present the Side A of the large Stone to the flat Side of the small one.
The flat Side was repell’d, and the small Stone turning quick, apply’d its high Side to the Side A of the large one.
This was precisely what ought to happen on the Supposition that the flat Side of the small Stone, when heated in Water, is positive, and the high Side negative; the Side A of the large Stone positive, and the Side B negative.
The Effect was apparently the same as would have been produc’d, if one Magnet had been suspended by a Thread, and the different Poles of another brought alternately near it.
I find that the Face A of the large Stone being coated with Leaf Gold (attach’d by the White of an Egg, which will bear dipping in hot Water) becomes quicker and stronger in its Effect on the Cork Ball, repelling it the Instant it comes in contact; which I suppose to be occasion’d by the united Force of different Parts of the Face collected and acting together thro’ the Metal.
You have a Right to all the Experiments and Observations I have made or may make on this admirable Stone. I therefore offer no Apology as giving you Trouble, when I only intend performing a Duty, which you may forbid whenever it becomes disagreable. With the greatest Esteem and Respect, I am, Dear Sir Your most obedient and most humble Servant
B Franklin
Dr. Heberden


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Isaac Norris, 9 June 1759
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Norris, Isaac

Dear Sir
London June 9, 1759
It gives me great Pleasure to learn by yours of the 12th. of April, that the Bill taxing the Proprietary Estate would pass. I believe he will not dare to oppose it here; but if he does, I think it will bring the Point to a Decision the shortest Way, and that it must in all Probability be decided against him. The Firmness of the Assembly on this Occasion pleases me much.

We had a Hearing on Tuesday the 15th. past at the Board of Trade, on the Petition relating to Indian Affairs, of which I formerly sent you a Copy. Their Lordships at first seem’d inclin’d to refer the Enquiry to Commissioners to be appointed out of the Neighbouring Provinces, and indeed the Secretary had previously told me they would do so, the Complaint of the Indians seeming too vague and their Claim too uncertain at present for their Lordships to judge of. Paris seeing this, and imagining from some Expressions I dropt in consequence of that Information, that I wanted to waive a present Enquiry, call’d out loudly to have it immediate; declaring his Readiness and Ability to justify the Proprietors instantly from any Charge that could be brought against them, and insisting much on the Hardship of any Delay when the Characters of such good worthy honest Gentlemen were injur’d by so black a Calumny, which he insinuated was forg’d by the Assembly, the Quakers, and your humble Servant, who had stir’d up the Indians to throw it on the Proprietors, with a great deal of more Abuse of the same kind on the Province, the Assembly and myself; and mov’d that Proofs of the Charges against the Proprietors should be immediately demanded of me. I then told their Lordships, that the Notice I had receiv’d to attend the Board, was, to verify the Allegations of the Petition; that the Allegations of the Petition were only these, That the Indians had at certain Treaties made such and such Complaints concerning certain Lands they suppos’d they had been wrong’d of; that at those Treaties it had been stipulated between them and the Proprietaries, that the Deeds by which the Proprietaries claim’d the controverted Lands should be laid before his Majesty, and the Disputes submitted to His Royal Determination; and the Prayer of the Petition was, that His Majesty would be pleased, for the future Safety of the Province, to take the Premises into Consideration, and do therein as to his Wisdom should seem meet: That I had accordingly verify’d those Allegations by producing the Treaties, and reading the Parts wherein it appear’d that such Complaints were made by the Indians and such Stipulation enter’d into by the Proprietaries; that this was all that seem’d incumbent on me to do, the Matter was now before their Lordships, and I imagin’d that on a little further Consideration the Indian Complaint would not be found so vague and uncertain as at first Sight it might appear. For that it appeared by the Treaty they had claim’d all the Land expressly between Tohickon Creek and the Kittochtiny Hills, as taken from them by Fraud; and when the Deeds were laid before their Lordships, they would be able by comparing the Descriptions of the Lands granted with the Plans of the Land Survey’d in consequence of those Grants, to judge whether such Lands were or were not really convey’d by such Grants. I thought therefore their Lordships might bring this Matter to a speedy Conclusion without sending to America to make further Enquiry; and that whenever they should think fit to direct my Attendance for that Purpose, I would readily furnish their Lordships with any Lights in my Power; and ended with moving that their Lordships would call upon Mr. Penn to lay before them his Deeds and the Plans of his Surveys. Paris rashly oppos’d this in Behalf of his Client, saying no Man should be oblig’d to produce his Deeds for his Adversaries to pick Holes in; that I had no other View in moving it, and a good deal more to this Purpose. But their Lordships who had heard me with great Goodness and Attention, were of a different Opinion; and Lord Halifax said, Mr. Franklin only moves they should be laid before us for our Examination; he does not want to see them. No, my Lord, said I, I already have Copies of all that were deliver’d to the Indians, and here they are. Paris then objected to those Copies as not being certify’d under the Seal of the Province; but Lord Halifax observing that they were certify’d by Tedyuscung’s Secretary as true Copies examin’d by him, he said that was sufficient. We then withdrew. What Order their Lordships made on this Hearing is not yet known: As soon as I learn any Thing farther on this Head, I shall communicate it.

On the 29th. I was again at the Board in pursuance of the Notice, a Copy of which I enclose. Their Lordships had conceiv’d an Objection against the Indian Trade Act as prejudicial to the Freedom of Trade, and a kind of Monopoly. Mr. Penn was present. I inform’d their Lordships, That this Act was fram’d in Imitation of a Law of the same kind long in Use in New England, and there found so advantageous as to be repeatedly renew’d: That the Enormities of private Traders made it necessary: That it had been in force a Year, and none of the Inhabitants had complained of it, but all were I believ’d highly pleas’d with it, as conducing to the Peace and Safety of the Province: That it was not a Monopoly in favour of a private Company, but for the Benefit of the whole Country; That were [where] exclusive Companies for Trade were form’d in England, the chief Reason to justify the Exclusion of others, was, that the Company must be at the Expence of maintaining Forts to secure the Trade: That the same Reason held good in this Case; and more strongly: For as the Country must suffer all the Loss and Expence of a War occasion’d by the Wickedness of private Traders, or must support the Forts necessary to secure the Trade and awe the Indians to Peace under all Provocations, it was just that the Public should take the Trade into its own Hands, since all Regulations of it in private Hands had hitherto been evaded, and were by Experience found impracticable. That if it were still to continue open, tho’ a fair Trade should be carried on at the Truck-houses, the private Traders would flock over the Mountains with Horse Loads of Whiskey, make the Indians drunk, and sweep all their Skins, so that they would have Nothing left to buy Goods with, and the old Mischiefs would be renew’d and continu’d; but by the Trade as now directed in this Act, the Indians having less Drink would be able to buy more British Manufactures; and the Lowness of the Price (the Province intending no Profit) would attach the Indians to our Interest in Preference to the French; and draw other Nations over from the French, to the great Increase of the Trade and Demand for English Goods, and Security of His Majesty’s Dominions in those Parts. Mr. Charles observed, that it was but a temporary Act, and if any Inconveniencies were found they would end with the Act, and might be remedy’d in the next. I imagine it will not be disallow’d.
While we were attending in one of the Chambers belonging to the Board of Trade, and were allow’d to search in the Press, containing the Plantation Acts, for the New-England Indian Trade Laws to show their Lordships, my Son cast his Eye on the manuscript Volumes of old Pensylvania Laws formerly transmitted home for Approbation, and found in the Vol. mark’d Pensylvania Laws from 1701 to 1709, the Law of the 4th. of Queen Anne, to ascertain the Number of Members of Assembly and regulate Elections, properly certify’d by the then Governor, and Secretary Logan. He found also in another Volume the private Act for vesting certain Lands in Geo. McCall, &c. So that ’tis certain both those Laws have been transmitted and laid before the Board in due Time after passing, and have never been disapprov’d. I saw them.
The Book relating to the Affairs of Pensylvania, is now publish’d. I cannot send you one per the Pacquet; but you will have them per Bolitho. The Proprietor is enrag’d. When I meet him any where there appears in his wretched Countenance a strange Mixture of Hatred, Anger, Fear, and Vexation. He supposes me the Author, but is mistaken. I had no hand in it. It is wrote by a Gentleman said to be one of the best Pens in England, and who interests himself much in the Concerns of America, but will not be known. Billy afforded great Assistance, and furnish’d most of the Materials. The old Proprietor and some others are set in a Light I could have wish’d not to have seen them in; but the Author contended for the Sacredness of Historical Truth, which ought not to be violated in Favour to one’s Friends; and that it was Time we should all be weaned from a Family determin’d to oppress us, and which will every Day have it more and more in its Power, if our Attachment should continue. I look’d over the Manuscript, but was not permitted to alter every Thing I did not fully approve. And, upon the whole, I think it a Work that may be of good Use here, by giving the Parliament and Ministry a clearer Knowledge and truer Notion of our Disputes; and of lasting Use in Pensylvania as it affords a close and connected View of our Public Affairs, and may spread and confirm among our People, and especially in the rising Generation, those Sentiments of Liberty that one would wish always to prevail in Pensylvania. It is also a full Refutation of Smith’s Brief State and Brief View, without doing the Author the Honour of taking the least Notice of him or his Work. On these Accounts I agreed to encourage the Publication by engaging for the Expence. I hope the Sale may pay great Part of it; to which End I wish it may be encourag’d by our Friends in Pensylvania. Five hundred are sent over to D. Hall to be dispos’d of; and I have order’d 50 for the Assembly, to be distributed where you may think proper.
Smith is still here, aiming I imagine from his late Publication of Sermons, to get into some Living or Preferment on this Side the Water. The Loss of him on your Side, will not, I fancy, be much regretted. The Attorney and Solicitor General I am told will now soon make their Report on his Affair. What it will be I cannot say, but if prejudicial to our Privileges, we shall fight the Battle over again before the Council. How his Finances will support a long Solicitation he best knows, but I believe his Expences must be considerable. He is very close with Mr. Hamilton, who it is said, is to be again our Governor.
The Parliament have voted £200,000 to the Colonies, of which we may in Time expect a Share. I have lodg’d a Memorial in the Treasury, of which enclos’d is a Copy. Both Houses being prorogu’d I shall now shortly make a Journey in to the Country for the better preserving my Health, as the great Offices are little attended in the Summer.
The French threaten us hard with an Invasion. Prudent Precautions are accordingly taking to defend the Coasts; but I do not find that much Danger is apprehended. It would seem an extreamly rash Undertaking for the Enemy to cross the Channel with an Army at a Time when we have so manifestly the Superiority at Sea; and, tho’ they should land we may cut off their Supplies, or their Retreat if they should be worsted. The King of Prussia having succeeded early in the Campaign, in destroying many of the Magazines both of the Russians and Austrians, now turns the Fabius upon Marshal Daun, and hovers over him in the Mountains with his Armies. The French have been long on the Defensive but now begin to advance. The Disputes between us and Holland are still unsettled. It is thought however that Means will be found to prevent a Rupture.
I wrote to you largely by the last Ships to Philadelphia which left Portsmouth the 25th. of April, and I hope are safe arriv’d. Be pleased to present my best Respects to the Assembly, and believe me, with sincere Esteem, Dear Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin
Mr. Norris


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from David Hall, 18 June 1759
From: Hall, David
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir,
Philada. June 18. 1759.
Being just going to set off on a Journey to the Sea Side with my Wife, for the Benefit of her Health, have only Time now to enclose you the first Copy of a Bill of Exchange for Two Hundred Pounds Sterling; for which you will give me Credit, as usual, and Advise, when paid. This Letter I directed to the Care of Mr. Strahan, in case of your being set out for Philadelphia before it reached. The Exchange of this last 50. The Number of the Bill 1167. I am, Sir, Your very humble Servant
David Hall
Sent by the William and Mary, Capt. Nicholson

 NB. I have now sent you in all, exclusive of the protested Bill for One Hundred Pounds Sterling, Fifteen Hundred and Forty-nine Pounds, Twelve Shillings, and Five-pence Sterling.
To Benjamin Franklin Esq:


Title: William Franklin to Peter Schuyler, 19 June 1759
From: Franklin, William
To: Schuyler, Peter

Dear Sir
London June 19, 1759
If I am found among the last in congratulating Col. Schuyler and my Country on his Release from Canada, my Distance must be my Apology. It cannot methinks be attributed to a Want of Regard for either, when ’tis recollected that for the Sake of the latter I last War serv’d as an Officer in its Service, and my Esteem for the former prompted me to become a Volunteer under him when his Regiment was order’d upon what was then deem’d a very hazardous March to Saratoga. This War, ’tis true, I have not been much concern’d in the military Way, having only had the Direction of the Forces sent with my Father to erect some Forts on the Frontier of our Province. But I can assure you, Sir, tho’ I have not been personally engag’d, my Heart has ever accompany’d you and the other Gentlemen of America who have so nobly signaliz’d themselves in its Defence: Nor could I excuse myself to myself for not being one of the Number, were it not for the pleasing Reflection of having been in some Measure instrumental in defending my Country from intestine Foes as dangerous as its foreign Enemies.
But how great soever may be the Proofs of Disinterestedness, and Public Spirit, given by the Gentlemen of N. America, it seems there are some residing among them, who from Jealousy, Envy, or other mean Motives, would rob them of all the Merit due to such Actions. Two flagrant Instances of this, among many others, have lately appear’d in the public Prints in England. One of them said to be a Letter from an Officer in General Abercrombie’s Regiment, the other from an Officer in General Forbes’s Army. The Tendency of these Letters was evidently to make the Provincial Forces in particular, and the Americans in general, appear in a very rediculous nay hateful Light to the Mother Country. It would therefore have been unpardonable if none of the Americans on the Spot where these Aspersions were publish’d, had not stood up in Behalf of the Colonies, and shewn how egregiously Facts had been misrepresented. This Fault, however, cannot be added to the others already laid to their Charge, as you will see by the inclos’d News-paper, which contains as full an Answer to those calumniating Letters as could be well publish’d in that Manner.
To you, Sir, it may be deem’d necessary to make some Apology for the Mention made of your Name and Services on this Occasion: For you are one of those who, as the Poets says,
“Do good by Stealth, and blush to find it Fame.”
But the Author, ’tis to be suppos’d, thought that some Regard was also due to his own Reputation. To speak of the meritorious Actions perform’d by the Inhabitants of N. America, and omit those of Col. Schuyler, would be an Omission not to be justify’d.
Tho’ these Letters have some Appearance of being wrote by Officers of the Regulars, yet I have lately from several Circumstances had great Reason to think, that the first is the Production of Dr. Thompson of N. York, and the second of Parson Smith of Philadelphia. Whether my Conjecture is justly founded or not, you will perhaps be able to determine by what you may hear among the Officers. This I certainly know, that they have on more Occasions than one express’d a very contemptuous Opinion of the Americans, and that they possess a large Share of that Vanity and Self-sufficiency which so particularly distinguishes the lower Class of the Scottish Nation.
We are extremely anxious here to know the Event of the Expedition against Ticonderoga and Quebeck, particularly the latter, which has been represented by those who are no Friends of Mr. Pitt’s Measures as impracticable on Account of the Navigation. For my Part, I think there is nothing in that Objection, and that if any Thing prevents General Wolfe’s Success it must be the Want of a sufficient Number of Men. If that should be the Case, whoever directed the carrying on an Expedition to Niagara, and another to Venango, at the same Time as the two grand Expeditions were on foot, will incur a great deal of Censure. It will be ask’d, If the Taking of Quebec would not render all the others unnecessary? and if so, Should not the chief Part of our Forces have been directed to that Quarter? And certainly it does seem at first Sight, that the Provincial Forces, with a few Regulars, properly employ’d on the Frontiers of New York and Pensylvania would have been sufficient to have defended those Provinces from any Incursions which might be apprehended from Niagara and Venango; or even Ticonderoga, when the Enemy had Reason to expect an Attack upon Quebeck; and that therefore more Regulars should have been spar’d for the latter Service. From dividing the Forces so much, and sending them on so many different Expeditions, which must necessarily add greatly to the Expence of the Nation, some will be led to suspect it is done principally with a View of putting a profitable Job into the Hands of the particular Commanders, who must by this Means have much greater Emoluments arising to them than if they serv’d only in their respective Stations in the Army. Admiral Durell is blam’d for not being sooner in the River St. Lawrence, to prevent the French receiving any Reinforcements. It does not appear that he sent a single Ship there till Saunders’s Arrival, altho’ one of the principal Reasons for his wintering at Halifax was, that he might be there sooner than the French possibly could; and now we have Intelligence of several Store Ships being arriv’d there from Old France: Whether this Conduct of his, is the Result of a Concert between him and the Contractors, or Persons concern’d in fitting out his Majesty’s Navy, who from Motives of Interest are extremely averse to the having any of the Men of War winter out of England, Time perhaps will discover.
I congratulate you on our Success at Guadulope. That Capitulation is, however, not much relish’d here; but I am well convinc’d that with a little prudent Management it may be made a very valuable Acquisition. We have for some Time been threaten’d with an Invasion, but little Danger is apprehended, tho’ much Pains seem to be taken for political Considerations to keep alive and increase our Fears.
There’s here a poor Woman of the Name of James, in whose Prayers I believe you are never forgotten. Her Mouth is ever full of your Praises. She was taken Prisoner in the Year 1755 or 56 by the Indians on the Frontiers of Pensylvania, where she formerly liv’d in good Circumstances, and by them carried to Canada. After a Series of Hardships among them, she was taken to Montreal, where she says you purchas’d her Freedom. From thence she was sent to old France with some other Women in the same Situation. During her Stay there she likewise suffer’d greatly. At length she got over to England in a Cartel Ship, and was for some Time as much distress’d here as in her Captivity, not knowing she had any kind of Knowledge of a single Person in the Kingdom. By Accident she heard of my Father being here, and upon her applying to him, he reliev’d her, and intends sending her by the first Ship home to America.
I have taken the Liberty to send you, by way of Philadelphia one of the Historical Reviews of the Constitution and Government of Pensylvania, of which I desire your Acceptance. It is wrote in Defence of the Liberties of that Province, and I flatter myself will not prove unacceptable to One who has so often risqu’d his Life to preserve the Liberties of America in general.
That this may find you sitting under your own Vine, enjoying the pleasing Satisfaction of having contributed greatly to the Reduction of that Country in which you were once a Prisoner, and which was so highly detrimental to the British Interest, is the ardent Wish of him who is with great Esteem and Respect, Dear Sir, Your most obedient and most humble Servant
Wm: Franklin

P.S. I happen not to have by me one of the News-Papers containing the Vindication of the Colonies, but I suppose you will see it printed in the American Papers. ’Tis sign’d “A New England Man.”
Col. Schuyler.
 Endorsed: Wm Franklin Coll: Ptr: Schuyler London 19 June 1759


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to James Wright, 9 July 1759
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Wright, James

Sir,
London July 9; 1759
When Mr. Hunter came to Town, I conferr’d with him on the Subject of Supporting a regular constant Post between Charles Town in South Carolina and Williamsburgh in Virginia, agreeable to what Pass’d when I had the Pleasure of Meeting you at the General Post Office. He was Concerned to hear, that by the Death of Mr. Fareis who we had appointed to Carry on that Post, and who had undertaken to Procure assistance from the Governments of both Carolinas to Support it, the same had been dropt. Mr. Hunter readily agreed to my Proposal, that we would appoint and Commission such Officers for the Purpose, as should be recommended to us by those Governments, at Charles Town, George Town, Cape Fear, and Edenton, or Such other Places as may be thought more Convenient for the Several Stages; which Officers should keep exact Accounts of all Expences Attending the Affair, Such as the Wages Paid to riders, Hire of Horses, Disbursements for Mails, Bags &ca. together with their own reasonable Salaries, or Allowances for their Care and Trouble in receiving and Dispatching the Mails, Delivering Letters, &ca. and also Accounts of the Sums they have received for the Postage of Letters, all which being fairly drawn, and attested upon Oath by the Officers, shall be yearly Submitted by us to the Inspection of any Persons to be appointed by the said Governments; Provided that those Governments will for the Encouragement and Support of this Post, agree to Pay only the Difficiency, or so much as the receipts shall appear to fall Short of the Expences.
What this Dificiency may be Mr. Hunter could not undertake to say, as he knew not at what rate riders and Horses might be had in those Parts, nor what the Postage of the Letters might amount to: But as Mr. Fareis had made Trial, and Carried on the Several Stages Some time before his Death, the Expence might be found in the Account he kept, which as yet had not been rendred to us.
Mr. Hunter was then going over to America, and Probably is now there. If this Proposal should be agreeable to those Governments he will immediately take the Proper Measures for carrying it into Execution, and we shall jointly use our best Endeavours to have it Conducted in the most Satisfactory and advantageous Manner to the Public.

Whatever the Expence may be, it will Lessen yearly as People, Commerce and Correspondence Encrease, and in a few Years there is no Doubt but the Post will be able to Support itself. Each Government, besides the more easy and expeditious Dispatch of Publick Letters, Will Probably find otherways its Account in encouraging the Post; Since encreasing the Facility of Corresponding and the Opportunities of Sending Orders and receiving Advices is found to be a Means of Encreasing Mutual Commerce. With great Esteem, I am, Sir Your most Obedient Humble Servant
B Franklin
To J. Wright Esqr: Marlborough Street.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jane Mecom, 14 July 1759
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Mecom, Jane

Dear Sister,
London, July 14. 1759
I received your kind Letter of Jany. 31. You are very good in not resenting some Part of my Letter of September 16. which I confess was a little rude; but you fatfolks can’t bear Malice.
Our Cousin Fisher and her Husband are both dead since I saw them. She surviv’d him but a few Days. What she had in her Disposal was but little; and it was divided into 7 equal Shares, among seven of us who were her Relations in equal Degree, viz. three here in England 1. Mrs. Ann Farrow Daughter of our Uncle John Franklin; 2. Mrs. Eleanor Morris, Daughter of our Aunt Hannah: 3. My self. And four in America, viz. 1. Cousin Samuel Franklin. 2. Sister Dowse. 3. Brother Peter. 4. Yourself. Each Share was just £11 8s. 4d. Sterling. I divided what came to me equally between Mrs. Farrow and Mrs. Morris, the two Cousins here, they being ancient Women and poor. The four American Shares are paid into my Hands for the Parties, and I desire you would let me know what will be most agreable to have it sent in. I would have you also visit Sister Dowse, and read her this Letter, and help her to contrive what I shall send hers in. I can now only add, that I am, Your ever Affectionate Brother
B Franklin


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Ebenezer Kinnersley, 28 July 1759
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Kinnersley, Ebenezer

Dear Sir,
London, July 28, 1759.
I received your favour of Sept. 9 and should have answer’d it sooner, but delay’d in Expectation of procuring for you some Book that describes and explains the Uses of the Instruments you are at a loss about. I have not yet got such a Book but shall make further Enquiry. Does not Desaguliers in his Course explain them? You do not mention the Reasons of your being tired of your Situation in the Academy. And if you had, it would perhaps be out of my Power at this Distance to remedy any Inconveniences you suffer or even if I was present. For before I left Philadelphia, everything to be done in the Academy was privately preconcerted in a Cabal without my Knowledge or Participation and accordingly carried into Execution. The Schemes of Public Parties made it seem requisite to lessen my Influence whereever it could be lessened. The Trustees had reap’d the full Advantage of my Head, Hands, Heart and Purse, in getting through the first Difficulties of the Design, and when they thought they could do without me, they laid me aside. I wish Success to the Schools nevertheless and am sorry to hear that the whole Number of Scholars does not at present exceed an hundred and forty.
I once thought of advising you to make Trial of Your Lectures here, and perhaps in the more early Times of Electricity it might have answer’d; but now I much doubt it, so great is the general Negligence of every thing in the Way of Science that has not Novelty to recommend it. Courses of Experimental Philosophy, formerly so much in Vogue, are now disregarded; so that Mr. Demainbray, who is reputed an excellent Lecturer, and has an Apparatus that cost nearly £2000, the finest perhaps in the World, can hardly make up an audience in this great City to attend one Course in a Winter.
I wonder your roughening the Glass Globe did not succeed. I have seen Mr. Canton frequently perform his Experiments with the smooth and rough Tubes, and they answered perfectly as he describes them in the Transactions. Perhaps you did not use the same Rubbers.
There are some few new Experiments here in Electricity which at present I can only just hint to you. Mr. Symmer has found that a new black Silk Stocking worn 8 or 10 Minutes on a new white one, then both drawn off together, they have, while together, no great Signs of Electricity; i.e. they do not much attract the small Cork Balls of Mr. Canton’s Box; but being drawn one out of the other, they puff out to the full Shape of the Leg, affect the Cork Balls at the Distance of 6 Feet and attract one another at the Distance of 18 inches and will cling together; and either of them against a smooth Wall or a Looking Glass, will stick to it some time. Upon Trial, the black Stocking appears to be electris’d negatively, the white one positively. He charges Vials with them as we us’d to do with a Tube. Mr. Delavall has found that several Bodies which conduct when cold, or hot to a certain Degree, will not conduct when in a middle State. Portland Freestone, for Instance, when cold, conducts; heated to a certain degree will not conduct; heated more it conducts again; and as it cools, passes thro’ that Degree in which it will not conduct till it becomes cooler.
This with what you mention of your Cedar Cylinder, makes me think, that possibly a thin Cedar Board, or Board of other Wood, thoroughly dried and heated, might if coated and electrified, yield a Shock as glass Planes do. As yet I have not try’d it.
But the greatest Discovery in this Way is the Virtue of the Tourmalin Stone, brought from Ceylon in the Indies which being heated in boiling Water, becomes strongly electrical, one side positive, the other negative, without the least Rubbing. They are very rare but I have two of them and long to show you the Experiments.
Billy joins with me in Compliments to you and to good Mrs. Kinnersley and your promising Children. I am with much Esteem and Affection Dear Sir, Your most obedient Servant.
B. Franklin.
Mr. Kinnersley.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Isaac Norris, 31 July 1759
From: Norris, Isaac
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Friend Benjn Franklin
Fairhill, July 31th. 1759
Just on closing my last Letter which was on the 14th of June last I added a figure 1 before the 4 though it was actually wrote on the 4th of that Month and being called off from adding a few lines to explain the difference Situation between those Dates it will be incorrect in some Points unless it is read upon its true time and considered in that Light, for about the 14th I got an Order from the Commissioners for Some publick Mony to be paid to Me for discharging the Agents Salarys as well as for a further Supply to your Self if there should be Occasion in pursuance of two Resolves of Assembly of the 3d of February and 1st of April 1757 which will appear by the Votes of that Year.
General Amherst came to Philadelphia on the 9th of April last, and the time for beginning the ensuing Campain pressing, he left us on the 11th before Noon. At his Request I had a long and free Conference with the General on the Tenth and on the same Day the Commissioners waiting upon him he entered immediatly into the Business of the Supplies for the ensuing Year, A Bill then lying before the Governor for that Purpose, the Issue of those Conferences will appear by General Amhersts Letter to our Governor a Copy of which the Governor favoured me with as well as some other Papers of Importance which I shall inclose. No. 1 is a Duplicate of General Amhersts Letter on or rather previous to his passing the Supply Bill. No. 2 is a Copy of a Letter from General Stanwix to pass the ReEmitting Act in the three Lower Counties. No. 3 Gen. Stanwix to Governor Denny to pass Our ReEmitting Act &c. No. 4 is a Letter From General Amherst in vindication of the Governors Conduct in passing The Bill for Reemitting our Mony and lending £50,000 to Colonel Hunter for the Use of the Crown and No. 5 is the Speech Governor Denny made to the Council on resolving to pass the Act for Recording Warrants and Surveys &c.

As the Governor assured me that he would give his assent to our Supply Bill about Five or Six Days before he enacted it into a Law I had the Opportunity of giving you very early intelligence of it by the E[arl] of Leicesters Packet Captain Morris who arrived in thirty Days so that you very probably had Notice of it before the End of May.
The Law for Recording Warrants and Surveys &c. is in my Opinion a Just and equitable Law between the Proprietaries and the People and as it is not connected with any immediate Business or Interest of the Crown it may require more attention and well deserves all possible diligence and Care to get it confirmed by the King in which I think no reasonable Expence should be spared. The ReEmitting Act may have its Merit but all Circumstances considered, it passed the House without any concurrence of mine and I have no Share in it; but as it is a Law of the Province and the repeal of it would involve us in great Difficulties I cannot doubt you will use your best Endeavours to get it approved as well as the Act for the Relief of the Heirs Divisees and Assigns of Persons born out of the Kings Leigeance &c. which I think is a Righteous and valuable Law.
The passing of these Acts, and the Confirmation of them at Home, will go a great way towards settling our Differences with the Proprietors and I hope bring them to a Sence of their true Interest and may probably induce some of them once more to come among us; especially as the Governor assures me he has wrote to Secretary Pitt about ten Months ago to insist on the Proprietors’ being sent over to be answerable for their Own Conduct for he could not under his present Instructions answer for his as a Governor either to His Majesty or the People committed to his Care.
I am now to inform you That no Person whatever either had or could take a Copy of a free paragraph in One of your former letters relating to the Proprietors from me. I know too well the Nature of such open Intelligence and the Ill use which might be made of it to suffer any Thing of the kind; but have been informed you wrote to the same Purport to One of the then Committee and if so it might have been obtained from thence, and yet I must not omitt to say that I thought it my Duty to shew it to the Comittee who had it in their Hands for some Time, but I can and do assure you no Copy was ever taken whilst it remained in My Possession nor at any other Time with my knowledge or Assent, This however may, and I presume will, have its effect upon all those who have a Right to see our publick Intelligences.
I will close this Letter with the Advice of two First Bills of Exchange now Transmitted. John Hunter on Messrs. Thomlinson & Company for £500. each and refer to a further Account of the Bills of Exchange in a Separate Paper: and if any Thing material shall come to my Notice will continue to trouble you as Occasion and Opportunities present themselves. I am with great Respect your Assured Friend
Isaac Norris
PS to the above Letter By the Chippenham Captain Spain

An Account of the Bills of Exchange
  Sterling
1 My Order on the Executors of Doctor Logan
  £200

2 John Hunter on Messrs. Thomlinson & Company No. 732
  300
  0

                3 Anthony Stoker on George Campbell
                £200
                0

                Ditto on Ditto
                131
                8
                0

                Ditto on Ditto
                30
                17
                2

    362
    5
    2

4 John Hunter on Messrs. Thomlinson & Company No. 1049
  200
  0

5 Peter Razor on Richard Partridge
  40
  0

                6 Josha Howell on Messrs. Wm and Richard Baker

              No. 5020
    £1000
    0

        Ditto on Ditto No. 5021
        1000
        0

    2000
    0
    0

                7 John Hunter on Messrs. Thomlinson & Company

              No. 1492
    £ 500
    0
            0

        Ditto on Ditto No. 1493
        500
        0

    1000
    0
    0

    £4102
    5
    2

Of These
No. 1 and 2 are come to Hand per Advice
3 I have already Sent the First Second and Third
  4 I now enclose the Third Bill sent two before
  5 ———— The Third Bill ut supra
  6 I now Send the Second Bills
  7 I send the First Bills herewith

I wrote the above Letter some Days ago we are now come to the 5th of August and have just received an Account of the Reduction of Niagara and Ticonderoga, and that the Forces are landed before Quebeck and are bombarding it, of which you will receive more particular Accounts from N York or directly by Express. This will make our Western Expedition unactive[?] and in all probability successful. ’Tis said that Six Hundred Prisoners were taken on the surrender of Niagara. Col. Amherst sailed in the Packet a few Days ago with an Account of the taking of Ticonderogo. Niagara surrendred since on the 26th of July.
  NB Niagara surrendered on the 24th of July


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, 6 August 1759
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Deborah

My dear Child
London, Augt. 6. 1759
I wrote to you already by this Ship, but have since receiv’d yours and Sally’s of June 18. and 21. which gave me great Pleasure, as your Letters always do; and the greater as it was long that I had not heard from you. I have wrote you several long Letters this Year, and suppose they got to hand at last, tho’ it seems by yours they have been long by the Way: Ships often stay long for Convoy. I think some Letters I wrote in November did not leave England till February; the Pacquets are some times ordered away suddenly and unexpectedly; some Ships sail without my knowing it, (as I suppose the last from N York did without your knowing it, for I had no line from anybody by her;) and when several sail together it seems needless and endless for me to write or send Copies in all; so you must learn not to expect Letters from me every Month, nor by every Ship; and make your self easy if a Ship or Pacquet arrives without a Letter for you; considering it only as a Sign that you are to have a very long one in the next.
You tell me that Smith’s Vessel is arriv’d, but the Captain says there is no Box on board. I suppose that to be only a Mistake, as he might not find them in the List of Bills Lading he had sign’d; the Case being this, the Ship was under Sail when Mr. Neat’s People put those Boxes on board, and no Bill of Lading was taken; but they were certainly shipt, and I hope they were found soon after you wrote. My former Letters will tell you what there was.

Inclos’d is a Bill of Lading for the 2 Boxes sent per this Ship; one of which is for Mr. Gambier at Providence, and to be delivered by you to Messrs. Conyngham & Nesbit. In another Letter I have given you an Account of the Things contain’d in the other.
Being just setting out on my Journey, I can only add, that I am, my dear Child, Your ever loving Husband
B Franklin
P.S. Here is a Person who represents herself to be Wife of Mr. Henry Flower, Watchmaker of Philadelphia. She tells me a very lame Story of her Husband’s sending her over before him with two small Children, to prepare a Place for him, he intending to come here to settle. I cannot understand it; but as the Woman is in Distress, and ready to starve with her Children for want of Necessaries, I have out of Regard to my Townsman, furnish’d her with a little Money. Pray mention it privately to him, and enquire into the Matter, that I may know whether I ought to advance any more on his Account.
When you get Mr. Dunlap to direct your Letters, desire him not to put the Title Honourable before my Name; but direct plainly and simply to B. Franklin, Esqr. in Craven Street, London.
Mrs. Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from David Hall, [c. 14] August 1759
From: Hall, David
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Philada: Augt: [c. 14] 1759
I have only time now to own the receipt of Yours by Simpson, for which I am oblidged, Captain Spain going off a day or two sooner than I expected, And to inclose You the second Copy of a Bill of Exchange for two hundred Pounds Sterling, the first of which was sent You by the William and Mary, Capt: Nicholson. I am glad the Affair of the Bill thought to be lost, is cleared up, shall write you fully by Hamet, who sails next Week. Remember me kindly to Your Son. Give You Joy of Niagara, Ticonderoga, and Crown Point, being Under English Colours and hope to do the same by Hamet with respect to Quebec, and in the mean time Am Dear Sir Yours very Affectionately
David Hall
Copia Sent by the Snow Chippenham Capt: SpainTo B. FranklinNo. of the Bill 1167


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from David Hall, 21 August 1759
From: Hall, David
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir:
Philada: Augt. 21. 1759
In case of Miscarriages, I have sent You the third Copy of a Bill of Exchange for £200 Sterling the first Copy of which I sent You by the William and Mary Capt. Nicholson and the Second by the Chippenham, Capt. Spain who had the Misfortune to spring a Leak at sea, which will cause some Delay in her. But I am told she will sail again in ten days at farthest.
I am glad the Affair of the Bill thought to be lost, is Clear’d up and am Sir Your humble Servant:
D. Hall
Copia per Dragon. HamitTo Mr. B. Franklin


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, 29 August 1759
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Deborah

This letter is the first document connected with the long trip the Franklins took to the north of England and to Scotland in the summer and early autumn of 1759. The honors paid Franklin and the new friends he made mark this journey as one of the high points of his first mission to Great Britain. Documentation is inadequate to provide precise dates for the entire itinerary, but the following chronology shows, with most dates only approximate, the course of the Franklins’ travels:

August 8?: The two Franklins and servant Peter leave London.
August 10? to 29: In Derbyshire, Manchester, and Liverpool.
August 29: Leave Liverpool for Lancaster and the North.
September 1?: Arrive in Edinburgh.
September 1? to 17?: In Edinburgh.
September 5: Franklin admitted burgess and gild brother of city of Edinburgh.
September 8: William Strahan calls on Franklin in the morning.
September 11: Dines with magistrates, the Duke of Argyll, Lord Lyttelton, Strahan, and others.
September 13: Breakfasts with Strahan; dines with Alexander Kincaid.
September 17?: Travels from Edinburgh to Glasgow.
September 17? to October 4?: In Glasgow, then traveling: through Dumbarton, Argyll (Inverary), and Perth, and at St. Andrews in Fife.
September 19: Franklin admitted burgess and gild brother of the city of Glasgow.
October 2: Franklin receives freedom of the burgh of St. Andrews.
October 4?: Returns to Edinburgh.
October 6 to 12: Visits Sir Alexander and Lady Dick at Prestonfield.
October 12: Leaves Prestonfield to start return journey.
“Some weeks” spent on return, visiting Lord Kames in Berwickshire and traveling through Yorkshire and Lincolnshire, arriving in London by November 2.

My dear Child,
Liverpool, Augt. 29. 1759
I wrote to you largely just before we left London; we have been out now almost 3 Weeks, having spent some time in Derbyshire among the Gentry there to whom we were recommended, as also at Manchester and this Place. We shall set out to day for Lancaster. The Journey agrees extremely well with me; and will probably be many ways of use to me. Billy presents his Duty, and Peter. I am not certain whether we shall continue our Route to Scotland or return thro’ Yorkshire and Lincolnshire to London but expect to meet Letters at Lancaster that will determine me. I long much to hear from you and shall endeavour to return early next Spring. My Duty to Mother, and Love to Sally and all Friends. I am, as ever, my dear Debby, Your affectionate Husband
B Franklin
 Addressed: To / Mrs Franklin / at the Post Office / Philadelphia / via New York / per Two Sisters / Capt Pollard


Title: City of Edinburgh: Admission as Burgess and Gild-Brother, 5 September 1759
From: City of Edinburgh
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Edinburgh The Fifth day of September One Thousand Seven hundred and fifty nine Years
The Which Day In Presence of The Rt. Honorable George Drummond Esquire Lord Provost of the City of Edinburgh, George Lind, Andrew Simpson, John Learmouth and John Mansfeild Baillies of the said City John Carmichaell Dean of Gild and the Gild Councill Benjamin Franklin Esquire L.L.D. of Philadelphia in Pensylvania in North-America, Compearing, was and hereby Is admitted a Burges and Gild:brother of this City, as a Mark of the affectionat Respect which the Majestrats and Councill, have to a Gentleman, whose amiable Charecter, greatly Distinguished for usefulness to the Society which he belongs to, and Love to all mankind, had Long ago, reach’d them, Across the Atlantick Ocean. Extracted furth of the Records of the Councill of Edinburgh by me Mr. William Forbes, Clerk thereof. Likeas the seall of the said City is hereto Affix’d
Will Forbes
 For / Benjamin Franklin Esqr. / Burges and Gild:brother of Edinburgh / 1759


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to William Strahan, 6 September 1759
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Strahan, William

Dear Sir
Edinburgh, Sept. 6. 59
Your agreable Letter of the 4th August, is just come to hand, being sent back to me from London hither. I have been a Month on my Journey; but the first Thing I did after my Arrival here was to enquire at Mr. Kincaid’s whether you were yet in Scotland. He told me he believ’d you were out of Town, but not return’d to England, and might be heard of at Mrs. Scot’s. We went there immediately, in hopes at least to have seen Rachie but were disappointed. We left a Note of our Inn; but having now taken Lodgings, I write this Line to inform you that we are at Mrs. Cowan’s in Miln Square, where I hope soon for the very great Pleasure of seeing you: being Dear Friend, Yours affectionately
B Franklin


Title: City of Glasgow: Admission as Burgess and Gild-Brother, 19 September 1759
From: City of Glasgow
To: Franklin, Benjamin

At Glasgow the nineteenth Day of September one thousand seven hundred and fifty nine years:
The which day in Presence of the Right honourable John Murdoch Esquire Lord Provost of the said City Archibald Ingram Walter Brisbane and John Robertson Baillies thereof Colin Dunlap Dean of Gild and sundry of the Gild Council of said City Benjamin Franklin Esquire Doctor Of Laws is admitted and received Burges and Gild Brother of the said City and the whole Liberties Privileges and Immunities belonging to an Burges and Gild Brother thereof are granted to him in most ample form who gives his Oath of Fidelity as Use Extracted furth of the Gild Books of the said City by
Archibald McGilchrist Dep.


Title: The Burgh of St. Andrews: Freedom of the Burgh, 2 October 1759
From: Burgh of St. Andrews
To: Franklin, Benjamin

[October 2, 1759]
Apud Civitatem Sancti Andreae Secunda die mensis Octobris anno partus Salutiferi Millesimo Septingentesimo quinquagesimo nono.
Quo Die Magistratuum illustris ordo et Honorandus Senatorum Coetus Inclitae Civitatis Sancti Andreae Indebiti amoris et affectus tesseram Erga virum valde generosum Benjaminum Franklin Armigerum LLD. de Philadelphia Immunitatibus praefatae Civitatis Societatis etiam ac Fraternitatis Aedilitiae privilegiis Solenni Interveniente Sacramenti de omnibus a Cive necessario exigendis ac praestandis Dona[ve]runt possessione Inaugurali ab Honorabilibus viris Jacobo Lumsdaine de Rennyhill Armigero, Praeposito, Roberto Key Aedili, Jacobo Robertson, Laurentio Gib Mr. Joanne Morison et Davide Rymer Praetoribus Concessa ex fori Judicialis Sancti Andreae Codicibus Extractum per
Patr[icu]m Wilson Cl[ericu]m
 Admissio / Benjamini Franklin / Armigeri / 1759
Endorsed: St. Andrews 2d Oct. 1759


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Sir Alexander Dick, [5 October 1759]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Dick, Sir Alexander

Miln Square, Friday morning, [October 5, 1759]
Dr. Franklin and his Son present their respectful Compliments to Sir Alexander Dick, and shall attend him to Preston-field tomorrow with great Pleasure. They are extreamly oblig’d to Sir Alexander for his kind Invitation to spend some Days at his Seat in the Country, but doubt the short Stay they must make in these Parts will not allow them that Advantage.
 Addressed: To / Sir Alexander Dick / Preston Field


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Isaac Norris, 8 October 1759
From: Norris, Isaac
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Friend B Franklin
Pensylva Octobr 8th. 1759
I have been recovering slowly from a Tedious lurking Fever for some Time tho I do not venture to go much abroad. The frequent bile I have lately been subject to made me think it my Duty to request the Electors of this County to chuse some other person in my stead but tho’ I thot it very reasonable under my present Circumstances I have not been able to prevail and can therefore stand more excused if my ill health should oblige me to discharge my Duty to the publick with more Interruptions than I could wish or desire. I write this chiefly to inclose two Bills of Exchange via Leverpoole and intend to make the publick Business the Subject of a Letter independant of my private Affairs. I shall only add to the trouble I gave you in my last of the 25 Septr. that as I then wrote for a quantity of the best Bark to be joined to a small Quantity of Family Medicines I think it cannot be less than Two pounds which I would have in Powder as they have their Sieves and Utensils better than we have them here. I believe the Electors have gone generally for the Old Members tho’ I have not heard from some of the Back Counties. I am &c.
I N

I am just told that J Hamilton is arrived in a Packet at N.Y. with a Commission for this Government—not much credited. A Law has passed to authorize the Agent to receive any Mony which has been given by the Parliament for this Province. The Clerk informs me he has sent it under the G[reat] Seal—with the other Laws.

3d Bill Jno Hunter on Mr. Thomlinson & Co N 1492.
£500.

  ditto on ditto 1493.
500.

£1000
  —
  —

2d Bill Joshua Howell on Wm. and Richard Baker N 2001 payable to Wm. Henderson endorsed payable to me.
}
  200
  —
  —

Via Liverpoole
B F receivd this Akd. Febry. 1760


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Sir Alexander and Lady Dick: Joys of Prestonfield Adieu!, [15–20 October? 1759]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Dick, Sir Alexander,Dick, Lady Janet

[October 15–20?, 1759]
Verses by Doctor Franklin to Sir Alexander and Lady Dick many years ago wrote at Coldstream on his return to England. ——October 1759

  1
Joys of Prestonfield Adieu!
Late found, soon lost, but still we’ll view
The’ engaging Scene—oft to these eyes
  Shall the pleasing Vision rise!
2
Hearts that warm towards a friend,
Kindness on kindness without end,
Easy converse—sprightly wit
These we found in Dame and Knight.

3
Chearfull meals, balmy rest,
Beds that never buggs molest,
Neatness and Sweetness all around
These at Prestonfield we found.
4
Hear O Heaven a strangers prayer,
Bless the hospitable pair!
Bless their sweet Bairns, and very Soon
Give these a Brother—Those a Son.

Verses addressd to Lady Dick by Robert Alexander Esquire— October 1759
1

What Franklin writes appears so fine,
I wish his thoughts and words were mine,
Why then so cruel coudst thou be,
As send his sprightly lays to me?

2

Alas! I’m of such Jealous mettle
That ever since I ne’er could settle,
Whate’er he feels he can express,
I silent stand—but feel no less.

3

Our prayers and sentiments the same
I love the Knight—adore the Dame
Unlike alone in this our Vow,
He prays for one Son—I for two.

4

But see what’s all he pleased to say
Thy Beauty could not make him stay
A lover gone you’ll understand,
Is not so good as—one at hand.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Williamson, [October 1759]
From: Williamson, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

[October, 1759]
[First part missing] of the Innocent Sort in pensylvany or the plantations will be very acceptable as also an account of what books and Tracts They have write your or Their Correspondence in This particulars will be very acceptab
Let me know how I coud Send letters or Tracts to you and I shall be ready to do it an I think Them worthy and woud be glad that you or any of the above persons of the Innocent way of thinking and living viz. Innocent Towards men and animals; woud do the Same. I rest Sincerly yours &c.
John Williamson
 Endorsed: Memorial To Mr. Franklane octor 1759.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from David Hall, 15 December 1759
From: Hall, David
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir,
Philada. December 15. 1759.
I received yours by Captain Friend, and the Reviews sent by him, in good Order, but I shall never sell them. The Half of the first Parcel you sent me, are yet on my Hands. The Quakers, I am told, don’t like them because of some Reflections they contain on the old Proprietary, which I believe has prevented their Sale.
Inclosed you have now the first Copy of a Bill of Exchange for £200 Sterling, which you will please credit me for, and advise of its being paid, when you have received the Money. This makes in all Seventeen Hundred and Forty-nine Pounds, Twelve Shillings, and Five Pence Sterling, remitted you by me since you left Philadelphia.
I am glad to know that we shall have the Pleasure of seeing you early in the Spring, when, I hope, we shall get our long standing Accounts brought to some Sort of Settlement. Have sent you Poor Richard’s and the Pocket Almanack, and shall be glad if you are pleased with them; and I flatter myself that my Conduct, in general, since you left me, is satisfactory to you, for I can, with great Truth, say, I have never done any thing, either with respect to public or private Business, but with a View to please all Parties; and if I have not altogether succeeded in it, I am sorry for it; it must be imputed to an Error of my Judgment, not of my Will. Remember me kindly to your Son, and believe me to be, Dear Sir, Yours very affectionately
D. Hall
To. B. Franklin Esq;By the James and Mary, Capt. Friend.


Title: Humourous Reasons for Restoring Canada, 27 December 1759
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

News of the British victory on the Plains of Abraham, Sept. 13, 1759, and of the capitulation of Quebec five days later reached London October 16. Together with British victories in other theaters of operation in recent months, this conquest seemed to many observers to promise an end to the war in the near future. Discussion soon began to appear in the public prints about the terms on which Great Britain should make peace. Franklin’s major contribution to that debate was the so-called “Canada Pamphlet,” published in April 1760, which will be reprinted in the next volume of this edition. The present letter to The London Chronicle is, in Verner W. Crane’s words, “a preliminary and ironic sketch of arguments” more fully developed in that pamphlet.

Mr. Chronicle,
[December 27, 1759]
We Britons are a nation of statesmen and politicians; we are privy councellors by birthright; and therefore take it much amiss when we are told by some of your correspondents, “that it is not proper to expose to public view the many good reasons there are for restoring Canada,” (if we reduce it.)

I have, with great industry, been able to procure a full account of those reasons, and shall make no secret of them among ourselves. Here they are. Give them to all your readers; that is, to all that can read, in the King’s dominions.
1. We should restore Canada; because an uninterrupted trade with the Indians throughout a vast country, where the communication by water is so easy, would encrease our commerce, already too great, and occasion a large additional demand for our manufactures,
   *Every Indian now wears a woollen blanket, a linnen shirt, and cloth stockings; besides a knife, a hatchet and a gun; and they use a variety of other European and Indian goods, which they pay for in skins and furs.
 already too dear.
2. We should restore it, lest, thro’ a greater plenty of beaver, broad-brimmed hats become cheaper to that unmannerly sect, the Quakers.
3. We should restore Canada, that we may soon have a new war, and another opportunity of spending two or three millions a year in America; there being great danger of our growing too rich, our European expences not being sufficient to drain our immense treasures.
4. We should restore it, that we may have occasion constantly to employ, in time of war, a fleet and army in those parts; for otherwise we might be too strong at home.
5. We should restore it, that the French may, by means of their Indians, carry on, (as they have done for these 100 years past even in times of peace between the two crowns) a constant scalping war against our colonies, and thereby stint their growth; for, otherwise, the children might in time be as tall as their mother.
   †This reason is seriously given by some who do not wish well to the Colonies: But, is it not too like the Egyptian Politics practised by Pharoah, destroying the young males to prevent the increase of the children of Israel?

6. What tho’ the blood of thousands of unarmed English farmers, surprized and assassinated in their fields; of harmless women and children murdered in their beds; doth at length call for vengeance; —what tho’ the Canadian measure of iniquity be full, and if ever any country did, that country now certainly does, deserve the judgment of extirpation:—yet let not us be the executioners of Divine justice;—it will look as if Englishmen were revengeful.
7. Our colonies, ’tis true, have exerted themselves beyond their strength, on the expectations we gave them of driving the French from Canada; but tho’ we ought to keep faith with our Allies, it is not necessary with our children. That might teach them (against Scripture) to put their trust in Princes: Let ’em learn to trust in God.
8. Should we not restore Canada, it would look as if our statesmen had courage as well as our soldiers; but what have statesmen to do with courage? Their proper character is wisdom.
9. What can be braver, than to show all Europe we can afford to lavish our best blood as well as our treasure, in conquests we do not intend to keep? Have we not plenty of Howe’s, and Wolfe’s, &c. &c. &c. in every regiment?
10. The French
   ‡Histoire Generale de la Nouvelle France, par Charlevoix. Liv. XII.
 have long since openly declar’d, “que les Anglois et les François sont incompatible dans cette partie de l’Amerique;” “that our people and theirs were incompatible in that part of the continent of America:” “que rien n’etoit plus important à l’etat, que de delivrer leur colonie du facheux voisinage des Anglois;” “that nothing was of more importance to France, than delivering its colony from the troublesome neighbourhood of the English;” to which end, there was an avowed project on foot “pour chasserpremierement les Anglois de la Nouvelle York;” “to drive the English in the first place out of the province of New York;” “et apres la prise de la capitale, il falloit (says the scheme) la Bruler et Ruiner le pays jusqu’ à Orange;” “and after taking the capital, to burn it, and ruin (that is, make a desart of) the whole country, quite up to Albany.” Now, if we do not fairly leave the French in Canada, till they have a favourable opportunity of putting their burning and ruining schemes in execution, will it not look as if we were afraid of them?
11. Their historian, Charlevoix, in his IVth book, also tells us, that when Canada was formerly taken by the English, it was a question at the court of France, whether they should endeavour to recover it; for, says he, “bien de gens douterent si l’on avoit fait une veritable perte;” “many thought it was not really a loss.” But tho’ various reasons were given why it was scarce worth recovering, “le seul motive (says he) d’empecher les Anglois de se rendre trop puissans—étoit plus que suffissant pour nous engager a recouvrer Quebec, a quelque prix que ce fût;” “the single motive of preventing the increase of English power, was more than sufficient to engage us in recovering Quebec, what price soever it might cost us.” Here we see the high value they put on that country, and the reason of their valuing it so highly. Let us then, oblige them in this (to them) so important an article, and be assured they will never prove ungrateful.
I will not dissemble, Mr. Chronicle; that in answer to all these reasons and motives for restoring Canada, I have heard one that appears to have some weight on the other side of the question. It is said, that nations, as well as private persons, should, for their honour’s sake, take care to preserve a consistence of character: that it has always been the character of the English to fight strongly, and negotiate weakly; generally agreeing to restore, at a peace, what they ought to have kept, and to keep what they had better have restored: then, if it would really, according to the preceding reasons, be prudent and right to restore Canada, we ought, say these objectors, to keep it; otherwise we shall be inconsistent with ourselves. I shall not take upon myself to weigh these different reasons, but offer the whole to the consideration of the public. Only permit me to suggest, that there is one method of avoiding fairly all future dispute about the propriety of keeping or restoring Canada; and that is, let us never take it. The French still hold out at Montreal and Trois Rivieres, in hopes of succour from France. Let us be but a little too late with our ships in the river St. Laurence, so that the enemy may get their supplies up next spring, as they did the last, with reinforcements sufficient to enable them to recover Quebec, and there is an end of the question. I am, Sir, Yours, &c.
A. Z.


Title: List of Franklin Birthdays, [1759]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

[1759]
The Birthdays of the Children of Josiah and Ann Franklin

Eliz. Franklin,
Mar. 2. 1677/8.
Died Aug. 25. 1759.

Samuel
May 16. 1681
Mar. 30. 1720

Hannah
May 25. 1683
April 3. 1723

Josiah
Aug. 23. 1685
Went to Sea, never heard of

Ann
Jan. 5. 1686/7
June 16. 1729

Joseph
Feb. 6. 1687/8
Died 11th of same Month

Joseph
June 30. 1689
Died July 15. 1689

Ann Franklin the first wife of Josiah Franklin died July 9. 1689.
Josiah Franklin and Abiah Foulger married Nov. 25. 1689

John Franklin born.
Dec. 7. 1690
Died

Peter Franklin
Nov. 22. 1692

Mary
Sept. 26. 1694

James
Feb. 4. 1696/7

Sarah
July 9. 1699.

Ebenezer
Sept. 20. 1701
Died Feb. 5. 1702/3

Thomas
Dec. 7. 1703
Aug 17. 1706

Benjamin
Jan. 6. 1705/6

Lydia
Aug 8. 1708

  Jane
Mar. 27. 1712

Sarah Daughter of Benjamin born at Philadelphia Aug 31. 1743.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Mary Stevenson, [1759?]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson

Cravenstreet, Saturday Evening past 10. [1759]
At length I have found an Hour, in which I think I may chat with my dear good Girl; free from Interruption.
The Attention you have always shown to every thing you think agreable to me, demands my most grateful Acknowledgements. I have receiv’d the Garters you have so kindly knit for me; they are of the only Sort that I can wear, having worn none of any kind for 20 Years, till you began to supply me; but besides their Usefulness, these appear to me the finest, neatest and prettiest that were ever made! Accept my heartiest Thanks, and be assured that I shall think as often of you in the Wearing, as you did of me in the Making, them.
The Question you ask me is a very sensible one, and I shall be glad if I can give you a satisfactory Answer. There are two Ways of Contracting a Chimney; one by contracting the Opening before the Fire; the other, by contracting the Funnel above the Fire. If the Funnel above the Fire is left open in its full Dimensions, and the Opening before the Fire is contracted; then the Coals, I imagine, will burn faster, because more Air is directed through the Fire, and in a stronger Stream; that Air which before pass’d over it, and on each side of it, now passing thro’ it. This is seen in narrow Stove Chimneys, when a Sacheverell or Blower is used, which still more contracts the narrow Opening. But if the Funnel only above the Fire is contracted, then, as a less Stream of Air is passing up the Chimney, less must pass thro’ the Fire, and consequently it should seem that the Consuming of the Coals would rather be check’d than augmented by such Contraction. And this will also be the Case, when both the Opening before the Fire, and the Funnel above the Fire are contracted, provided the Funnel above the Fire is more contracted in Proportion than the Opening before the Fire. So you see I think you had the best of the Argument; and as you notwithstanding gave it up in Complaisance to the Company, I think you had also the best of the Dispute. There are few, tho’ convinc’d, that know how to give up, even an Error, they have been once engag’d in maintaining; there is therefore the more Merit in dropping a Contest where one thinks one’s self right; ’tis at least respectful to those we converse with. And indeed all our Knowledge is so imperfect, and we are from a thousand Causes so perpetually subject to Mistake and Error, that Positiveness can scarce ever become even the most Knowing; and Modesty in advancing any Opinion, however plain and true we may suppose it, is always decent, and generally more likely to procure Assent. Pope’s Rule
To speak, tho’sure, with seeming Diffidence,
is therefore a good one; and, if I had ever seen in your Conversation the least Deviation from it, I should earnestly recommend it to your Observation.
Depend upon it, my dear Girl, your Letters always give me Pleasure. You say you do not mean to beg a Compliment; and I suppress every thing I think of them lest I should seem to be writing Compliments. You made me very happy with a Letter when I was in Scotland. I thank you for the Care and Pains you took in my Affairs when I was absent; you manag’d very well in collecting my Letters; but it was imposing rather too much on yourself, to go to the Coffee House; for me. Present my best Respects to your good Aunts, and to Miss Pitt, and believe me to be, with the sincerest Regard and Esteem, Dear Child, Your affectionate Friend and most obedient Servant
B Franklin
Miss Stevenson


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Peter Collinson, [1759?–1762]
From: Collinson, Peter
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Tuesday Noone [1759?–1762]
Lett not my Dear Friend Forgett that I expect Him and his Son to Morrow being Wednesday to drink Tea and afterwards to spend the Evening which will oblige his sincere friend
P Collinson
Doctor Frankland