Title: Franklin’s Contributions to a History of the British Colonies in America, [before 20 May 1773]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

In the spring of 1773 William Strahan published a volume of American history, presumably in the hope of capitalizing on the current interest in the colonial question. The book is essentially a compilation of the work of earlier writers. Franklin contributed a few passages and subsequently marked them in his copy, which is now in the Boston Public Library. The passages are printed below with a bracketed résumé of the context in which each appears, and bracketed pagination.

[Before May 20, 1773]
[During the French and Indian War a naval force was created on Lake Ontario, and the colonies from Virginia northward raised between them more than ten thousand men.] Although the union of the Colonies was a measure recommended to them by the crown, yet when a plan for that purpose was so readily concerted by the commissioners, it seems that a jealousy arose, lest such an union might in time render them formidable even to the mother-country. Their plan, therefore, which was to form a general council composed of deputies from the assemblies of all the Colonies, wherein should preside a governor-general to be appointed by the crown, with a power in the council to lay and levy general taxes, and raise troops for the common defence, and to annoy the enemy, was not approved by the ministry. But a new one was projected in England, wherein it was proposed, that the provincial governors appointed by the crown should be impowered to meet, and order such troops to be raised, forts built, expeditions undertaken, and other expences incurred, as they should judge necessary; for which they should draw on the treasury in England, which should be reimbursed by future taxes on the Colonies, to be raised by act of parliament. This the Colonies did not approve of; so neither of them were carried into execution. Had the first been agreed to, probably no farther expence on the part of Britain would have been necessary than what related to the fleet, as by land the Colonies united would have been much too strong for the French, when their succours from Europe were intercepted or prevented. [Pp. 24–5.]
[Virginia and North Carolina were unrepresented at the Albany Congress, but their Governors strongly recommended that the assemblies grant supplies and enter a union for mutual defense.] The assembly of Virginia granted £30,000 Maryland £6,000 and North Carolina £8,000 toward the common cause: the assembly of Pennsylvania also passed a bill for granting £25,000; but their governor, who is appointed by the Penns, proprietors of that province, and instructed by them, refused his assent to it, unless they would exempt the proprietary estate from taxation towards that sum. This they thought unjust and unreasonable, as the proprietary estate was to be defended as well as the estates of the people. The grant, therefore, was rendered ineffectual; but the assembly nevertheless gave, out of money they could dispose of, £5,000 to trustees, to be by them laid out for purchasing fresh victuals, and such other necessaries as they should think expedient, for the use of the king’s troops: and £10,000 more for the general service of the crown, and then adjourned. But the danger became so alarming before the end of the next year, that the proprietors consented to contribute, and the assembly granted £60,000 more, and established a militia in the Colony. [P. 26.]
[The colonists have many privileges: (1) they make their own laws, provided that their acts do not conflict with those of Parliament; (2) they tax themselves; (3) a Parliamentary statute made after the colonies were founded applies to them only when so stipulated,] and even that is disputed, some contending that no British act is in force there, unless expressly adopted by some act of their own. [P. 70.]
[Transportation by land and sea is far more economical in New York than in Pennsylvania, and farming is consequently thirty percent more profitable.] Such is the account given of the advantage of their situation by the New York writers. But when these facts are considered, that New York was a well-advanced colony long before William Penn began to settle his province; that though there have been always in the territory of New York great tracts of land unsettled, strangers have rather chosen to sit down in Pennsylvania; that numbers of families, particularly the Germans, have actually abandoned the former for the latter; that most of the emigrants from New England crossed the province of New York to settle beyond it; that Pennsylvania now far exceeds it in population; and that wheat, though equally good, is generally cheaper at Philadelphia market than at that of New York; it seems as if those boasted advantages were either much exaggerated, or over-balanced by some disadvantages accompanying them, or by greater advantages in Pennsylvania, which these writers do not mention. [P. 78.]
[The Quakers, soon after they first appeared in Massachusetts in 1656, began to foment opposition to the secular and religious order established in the colony; military defense, they claimed, was unlawful for Christians.] This doctrine was deemed particularly dangerous to an infant state surrounded by Indian enemies: on which account they were imprisoned, and their books ordered to be publickly burnt. [P. 119.]


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Rebecca Haydock Garrigues, 20 May 1773
From: Garrigues, Rebecca Haydock
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Esteem’d Freind
Philadelphia 5th Mo 20th 1773
Thy favour of Captain All came safe to hand with the Silk in good Order, which merits my sincere Thanks. I shall always esteem myself much obliged by Doctor Franklin’s kindness, in taking so much Trouble as he has done in getting the Silk made. My Father has paid Neighbour Franklin the ballance on account of the Silk, agreeable to thy Order. I am very respectfully Thy assured Freind
Rebecca Garrigues

Addressed: To / Benjamin Franklin Esqr. / Craven Street / York Buildings / London. / Favord by Capt. Sutton


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jacques Barbeu-Dubourg and Thomas-François Dalibard, [on or before 25 May 1773]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Barbeu-Dubourg, Jacques,Dalibard, Thomas-François

Mes Chers Amis,
[On or before May 25, 1773]
Ma réponse à vos questions sur l’attendrissement des viandes par l’électricité ne peut être fondée que sur des conjectures; car je n’ai pas des expériences suffisantes pour garantir les faits. Tout ce que je puis donc dire pour le présent, c’est que je suppose qu’on peut employer l’électricité pour produire cet effet, en vous donnant ce qui suit comme des observations ou des raisons qui me le font présumer.
On a observé que le tonnerre, en raréfiant et réduisant en vapeurs l’humidité contenue dans un bois solide, un chêne, par exemple, a séparé par force ses fibres, et les a brisées en filandres: qu’en pénétrant intimement les plus durs métaux comme le fer, il en a séparé les parties en un instant de façon à faire d’un solide, un liquide. Il n’est donc pas hors de vraisemblance que la même matiere subtile, en traversant des corps animaux avec rapidité, ait une force suffisante pour produire dans leur substance un effet àpeu-près semblable.
La chair des animaux récemment tués à la maniere ordinaire est ferme, dure, et peu en état d’être mangée, parce que leurs parties adhérent fortement les unes aux autres. Au bout de quelques tems leur union est affoiblie, et en avançant vers la putréfaction qui tend à une séparation totale, la viande est dans un état que nous appellons tendre, ou au point le plus convenable pour être apprêtée en aliment pour notre usage.
On a souvent remarqué que les animaux tués par le tonnerre se putréfient tout d’un coup. Ce ne peut pas être toujours le cas, parce qu’une quantité de tonnerre suffisante pour tuer peut bien n’être pas assez considérable pour déchirer et diviser les fibres, et les parcelles des chairs, et leur procurer ce tendre qui est le préalable de la putréfaction. De-là vient qu’entre les animaux tués ainsi, les uns peuvent se garder plus long-tems que d’autres. Mais la putréfaction a été quelquefois d’une promptitude surprenante. Un homme de considération m’a assuré qu’il avoit une parfaite connoissance d’un exemple remarquable en ce genre. Tous les moutons d’un troupeau rassemblés en foule sous un arbre en Ecosse, ayant été tués par un grand coup de tonnerre, le soir un peu tard, le propriétaire voulant en sauver quelque chose, envoya le lendemain matin des gens pour les écorcher; mais la pourriture étoit si grande et l’infection si abominable que les gens n’eurent pas le courage d’exécuter cet ordre, desorte que les corps furent enterrés avec leurs peaux. … Il y a lieu de présumer qu’entre leur mort et le terme de cette putréfaction, il y eut un tems où leur chair auroit pu ne se trouver que tendre, et tendre au degré le plus propre pour être servie sur table. Ajoutez à cela, que quelques personnes qui ont mangé des volailles tuées par notre drôle de petit tonnerre, (l’électricité,) et accommodées sur le champ, ont certifié qu’elles en avoient trouvé la chair singulierement tendre.
Le peu d’utilité de cette pratique a peut-être fait qu’on ne s’est pas beaucoup occupé de la suivre plus loin. Car quoiqu’il arrive quelques fois qu’une compagnie survenant tout-à-coup dans une maison de campagne où l’on ne s’y attendoit pas, ou une quantité extraordinaire de voyageurs dans une auberge, mette dans la nécessité de tuer des animaux, pour les apprêter tout de suite; cependant comme les voyageurs ont ordinairement bon appétit, on n’a pas fait grande attention à l’inconvénient des viandes dures. Néanmoins comme cette espece de mort est la plus subite et conséquemment la plus douce de toutes, si c’étoit un motif pour la faire préférer par les personnes compatissantes pour les animaux qui doivent être immolés à leur service, voici comment on pourroit s’y prendre.
Ayant préparé une batterie de six grandes jarres de verre (contenant chacune vingt à vingt-quatre pintes) comme pour l’expérience de Leyde, et établi une communication de l’intérieur de chacune au premier conducteur, comme à l’ordinaire; et les ayant chargées en plein (ce qui peut être exécuté en peu de minutes avec une bonne machine, et vérifié au moyen d’un électrometre) il faut prendre une chaîn communiquante avec leur extérieur, et en entourer les cuisses de la volaille; après quoi l’opérateur la tenant par les ailes renversées et rejointes ensemble sur le dos, doit l’élever autant qu’il faut pour que la tête reçoive le choc du premier conducteur. Elle meurt dans l’instant. Qu’on lui coupe alors la tête, pour la faire bien saigner; cela fait, on peut la plumer et la faire cuire aussitôt. On suppose cette quantité d’électricité suffisante pour un dindon de dix livres pesant, et peut-être pour un agneau. L’expérience seul peut nous instruire des proportions requises pour des animaux de différentes tailles, et de différens âges. Il en faut peut-être autant pour attendrir un petit oiseau, s’il est fort vieux, que pour un gros qui seroit plus jeune. Il est facile de donner des quantités d’électricité aussi différentes qu’on le desire, en y employant plus ou moins de jarres.
Mais comme six jarres déchargées à la fois sont capables de donner un terrible coup, celui qui fait l’opération, doit être trèscirconspect, crainte qu’il ne lui arrive, par accident, ou par inadvertance, de mortifier sa propre chair au lieu de celle de sa poularde. Je suis, &c.
B. Franklin


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jacques Barbeu-Dubourg, 28 May–1 June 1773
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Barbeu-Dubourg, Jacques

Dear Sir,
London, May 28 [-June 1]. 1773
I have received your Favour of the 13th Instant with several Packets of the Sheets. I have examined more of them, and hope to finish examining the rest before next Post, when I shall send you what Remarks have occur’d to me, towards furnishing your Errata.
I much like the Letters you propose to insert, as written from you to me; and am oblig’d to you for them, as they will adorn my Work. An Answer to one of them went in Tuesday’s Packet; but I am afraid ’tis written with too serious an Air. Mould it as you please. Some Observations on the others may soon follow. At present I confine myself, to what you seem most desirous of having immediately, my Remarks on the Translation of the Papers relating to the Powder Magazines. The Difficulty lies in the technical Terms used by Builders. To explain these, I must try to make a little Sketch of one of the Magazines.

aa is what in my Papers is called the Ridge of the House, and what appears you would call in French Sommet, ou faîte, and not corniche, as that would go along under the Eaves, as at bb.
The Shaded part from a to a, represents the bent Plate of Lead 22 Inches wide which covers the Ridge, from End to End, 11 Inches on each side, to prevent the Entrance of Rain where the Slates meet at top. This Plate of Lead, which in English we call a Coping, I suppose you would call Plaque or chaperon perhaps and not entablement. c is the Wall. d the Conductor [in margin: extending above the Ridge, but well united with the Plate of Lead at a].
Thus I imagine you would say at the Beginning of Section 2d of the Letter to Major Dawson, (but in better French than mine) “Que le batiment qui a une plaque [ou chaperon] de plomb le long du Sommet [ou faîte] peut etre garanti, &c. communiquant avec cette plaque [ou chaperon]” &c. And at the End of the same Section; instead of le plomb qui couvre la corniche, say, la plaque du plomb qui couvre le sommet du comble. In the 3d Section, where mention is made of corniches revetues de plomb, perhaps it may be right instead of corniches to say, faîtes, ou sommets. And near the End, instead of entablements to say plaques, and instead of corniche, to say faîte, ou sommet. But as I am not Sure that I understand your Term arcboutans, I have endeavoured to give you the Form of these 4 Roofs, by a Sketch, wherein ab is the Ridge covered with Lead; ca and da are what we call the Hip-Joints, or Joinings of the Sloping Roof of the End with the sloping Roof of the Sides, which Joinings are also covered with Lead, to prevent the Entrance of Rain where the Slates meet. In this Form of Roof, the Proposal is, that the Iron Conductor should rise from the Wall e, as high as f, and thence extend its Arms to c and d. Thus the pointed Rod being erected at a would communicate with the Iron Conductor by means of the leaden Coping on the Hip Joints ac and ad.

In the Note after the Letter to Major Dawson, I would omit the Words à faire le frais du reste. The Idea of the Board being only this that they should be better justified in the Public Opinion, if they obtain’d the Sentiment of the Royal Society in favour of the Project, than if they acted upon the Advice of a single Person. As to the Expence, it was entirely in their own Power.
In the Report of the Committee near the Beginning of the second Paragraph for entablement de plomb, I suppose it should be plaque de plomb; and in the same line, for corniche, say faîte, or sommet du comble. Again in the 4th Paragraph, for entablement de plomb le long des goûtiêres, perhaps it might be, plaques de plomb le long les jointures du toit, jusques les goutieres, qui sont aussi de plomb, d’ou descendent, &c. I see my French must be abominable, but I hope you will understand it better than my English. Near the End of the 7th Paragraph, for corniche read sommet twice. In the 8th Parag. for grosseur read roideur, for corniche read sommet, and perhaps for l’entablement, read plaque; but I begin to think I do not rightly comprehend the meaning of your Word entablement; and that it may be proper in this Place. Towards the End of the 9th Paragraph for étendûë sur le comble, &c. read, étendûë sur le toit, [or, au travers du toit] avec la plaque de plomb du sommet, cette plaque de plomb étant absolument semblable a celle du sommet. In Paragraph 10. for corniche, read faîte, twice. All the rest seems to be right.
I suppose you have Copies of the Translations, you sent me, and that therefore I need not return them, as they would swell the Packet. I am, ever, with Love to Mrs. Dubourg, Your affectionate humble Servant
B Franklin

P.S. June 1. [I] wish with you, that some Chymist, (if he is at the same time an Electrician, so much the better) would, from the excellent Hints in your Letter, work on Glass with your Views. With a thorough Knowledge of that Substance as to its electric Qualities, we might go to work with greater Certainty in making our own Experiments, and in repeating those made by others in different Countries; which latter have I think, often succeeded differently, by the Use of different kinds of Glass, and thereby occasioned Misunderstandings and a Contrariety of Sentiments.
There is another Desideratum in Glass, that it should not be liable to break through when highly charg’d in the Leiden Experiment. In 20 Bottles discharg’d together I have known 8 so destroy’d, in 35, 12. The Loss on these Occasions is very discouraging to Electricians that would accumulate a large Force, necessary for some Experiments. What the Cause is, of this Rupture, has not yet been explained. The first Thought naturally is, that the Positive Electricity accumulated on one Side of the Glass, bursts through to supply the Deficiency on the other and restore the Equilibrium. But I conceive this cannot be the Case, when I consider, that where a Number of Bottles are so united that they may be charg’d and discharg’d together, the Bursting of one alone would discharge the whole Number; and therefore, that if it depended on some Weakness in the Glass, it is not probable that 8 should have precisely the same degree of Weakness, so as all to break at the same Instant, but that the weakest would break first and thereby secure the rest. That when a certain Effect is to be produced, by the whole Quantity passing in the destin’d Circuit, as the Melting of a Wire for Instance, if the Charge instead of passing in the Circuit should burst thro’ the Sides of the Bottles the intended Effect must fail, which however does not happen. For these Reasons, I suspect that there is in the Substance of the Glass either some little Air Bubble, or some Particle of unvitrified Sand or Salt, into which a Quantity of the Electric Fluid may be forced during the Charge, and there confin’d, till the general Discharge, when the Force being suddenly taken off, its elasticity acts on the confining Glass from which it cannot so soon escape and therefore bursts it. This I offer only as a Conjecture for others to examine.
The Globe I had which could not be excited, tho’ from the same Glass house with others that were excellent, was not out of the same Pot. The common Glass made there was a little Greenish, and work’d up chiefly for Windows and Bottles. But the Workmen once attempted to make a Pot of White Glass, and the above-mentioned Globe was out of that Pot. The Glass prov’d not of a clear white, was therefore not lik’d, and therefore they gave over that Attempt. I suspected that there was too much Salt in the Composition; but I am ignorant of those matters.
Your Para Tonnerre is ingeniously contrivd. And tho’ the Chance is small that any one Person walking abroad shall be struck by Lightning, yet as it sometimes happens, and some may think the Chance, small as it is, worth guarding against, I know not how they can do better than use your Contrivance. Perhaps [remainder missing.]
M. Dubourg.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Edmé-Louis Daubenton, 31 May 1773
From: Daubenton, Edmé-Louis
To: Franklin, Benjamin

au jardin du Roy ce 31. may. [1773]
M. Daubenton le jeune a l’honneur de presenter son hommage à Monsieur franklin et de l’assurer de son respect en lui envoyant les nouveaux Cayers des oiseaux enluminés qui lui manquent pour completer son exemplaire. Il aura grand soin de mettre a part ceux qui restent à faire et de les envoyer à Monsieur franklin.

Addressed: A Monsieur / Monsieur franklin / membre de plusieurs academies / pres de la Muette / à Passy


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Strahan, [May 1773?]
From: Strahan, William
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
New Street Thursday Afternoon [May, 1773?]
Dont forget your Appointment tomorrow at 3, or soon after. I send you herewith the 10th. Vol. of the Statutes; but the American Tea Act is not yet printed, but will be done in a Day or two. I am Dear Sir Most affectionately Yours
Will: Strahan

Addressed: To / Dr. Franklin / Craven Street
[In another hand] At Mr Nelson’s / In Bush Lane / Scotch Yard / Cannon Street.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Alexander Colden, 2 June 1773
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Colden, Alexander

Dear Sir
London, June 2. 1773.
I received yours of April 7. inclosing Coningham and Nesbit’s Bill on D. Harvey & Co for £200 with which your Account is credited. In my last I acknowledged the Receipt of Christie’s renew’d Bill for £338 17s. 2½d.
I am glad the last Years Accounts are to come by the next Packet, for then we shall have the whole settled and pass’d together, there having been a Delay for some time occasioned by the Mislaying of a preceding Account at the Office. If at the Settlement, any thing new should be required in the Mode of rendring your Accounts I shall acquaint you with it.
I admire your good Father’s rare Felicity in retaining so long his Health, and Spirits, and particularly that Vigour of his mental Faculties which enables him still to amuse himself with abstruse philosophical Disquisitions. For my own part, every thing of difficult Discussion, and that requires close Attention of Mind, and an Application of long Continuance, grows rather irksome to me; and where there is not some absolute Necessity for it, as in the Settlement of Accounts, or the like; I am apt to indulge the Indolence usually attending Age, in postponing such Business from time to time: tho’ continually resolving to do it. This has been the Case with regard to your Father’s Philosophical Piece on the Principles of Vital Motion, which he did me the Honour some time since to desire my Opinion of. I have read it cursorily and long intended to read it with close Attention, and still intend it, but what with Business that takes up so much of my Time, Interruptions of various kinds, and the Indolence I have above confessed, I have hitherto put it off. In my Voyage home, which I am now preparing for, I promise my self to study it thoroughly, so that if I have the Happiness once more of meeting him, we may discourse of it together. In the mean time, present my best Respects to him, and believe me, with great Regard, Dear Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant
B F
Mr Colden


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Thomas Cushing, 2 June 1773
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Cushing, Thomas

Sir,
London, June 2. 1773.
Since my last, which was of the 6th past, I have been honour’d with yours of March 6. and 24. inclosing a Petition to the King, and a Letter to Lord Dartmouth. On considering the whole, I concluded that a longer Delay of presenting the first Petition and Remonstrance was not likely to answer any good Purpose, and therefore immediately waited on Lord Dartmouth, and deliver’d to him the Letter, and the second Petition, at the same time redelivering the first, and press’d his Lordship to present them to his Majesty, which he promised to do. Enclos’d I send you the Answer I have just received from him, this Day’s Pacquet, (the Mail for which is to be made up and dispatch’d in a few Hours) being the earliest Opportunity, as the Ships for Boston do not sail till the Beginning of next Week. By one of them I shall send a Copy with what Observations occur to me on the Occasion, which the Time will not now permit me to write. In the mean while I would just beg leave to say, that I hope the House will come to no hasty Resolves upon it. The longer they deliberate, the more maturely they consider, the greater Weight will attend their Resolutions. With great Respect, I am, &c.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Lord Dartmouth, 2 June 1773
From: Dartmouth, William Legge, Earl of
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Since the previous summer the grievances of Massachusetts had been working their way toward the throne. The petitions from the House of Representatives in July, 1772, and March, 1773, had arraigned the Townshend Acts and their implementation as violating the colony’s charter, and had demanded a return to the old system whereby the General Court controlled officials’ salaries. The demand revealed how hollow was the dream, long shared by Franklin and other Americans, that the empire was a league of states with a common sovereign and coequal legislatures. The empire was not, and could not be without profound constitutional change at home. In British eyes the King had no option about implementing a Parliamentary statute; refusing to do so would have revived the dispensing power and defied the Bill of Rights. Crown and Parliament were in this respect inseparable, and the claim that a colonial charter limited their sphere of action was one that no British government could accept.
Once the claim was raised, as Dartmouth was well aware, it could not be compromised. He had therefore persuaded Franklin to delay delivering the first petition, in the faint hope that the House would reconsider; instead a second petition was added to the first. The Secretary had no alternative to forwarding both, and the letter that follows was the King’s reply. It was categorical: the supreme and unlimited imperial authority was the crown in Parliament.

Sir,
Whitehall June 2d: 1773.
I have not failed to lay before the King the Petition and Remonstrance to His Majesty of the late house of Representatives of the Province of Massachuset’s Bay, resolved upon in general Assembly on the 14th. of July 1772. and also their Petition to His Majesty resolved upon in general Assembly on the 6th. of March last, which Petitions and Remonstrance you delivered to me on the 14th. instant.
His Majesty commanded me to read them to Him, and having well weighed and considered the Subject Matter thereof, and the Expressions contained therein, was graciously pleased to declare, that as on the one hand His Majesty would ever attend to the humble Petitions of His Subjects, in all parts of His Dominions, and be most forward to redress, as far as depended upon him, every real Greivance they might have to complain of, so on the other hand His Majesty was determined to support the Constitution, and to resist with firmness every Attempt to derogate from the Authority of the Supreme Legislature.
That His Majesty considered His Authority to make Laws by and with the Advice and Consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons of Great Britain in Parliament assembled, of sufficient Force and Validity to bind His Subjects in America in all Cases whatsoever, as essential to the Dignity of the Crown, and a Right appertaining to the State, which it was His Duty to preserve entire and inviolate, and therefore His Majesty could not but be greatly displeased with the Petitions and Remonstrance of the late Representatives of the Province of Massachuset’s Bay, in which Petitions and Remonstrance that Right is drawn into question.
That His Majesty was unwilling to suppose that the Sentiments of His faithful Subjects in general in the Province of Massachuset’s Bay corresponded with the unwarrantable Doctrines held forth in the said Petitions and Remonstrance, but imputed the same to the Artifices of a few who seek to create groundless Jealousy and Distrust, and to disturb that Harmony and Union, the Preservation of which is so essential for the mutual Interest both of the Mother Country and of the Colonies. I am &c.
Dartmouth
Dr. Franklin, Agent for the late Representatives of the Province of Massachuset’s Bay.

Notation: Drat. to Dr. Franklin, Agent for the late Represenves: of the Province of Massachuset’s Bay. Whitehall June 2d: 1773.
Entd.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, 2 June 1773
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Deborah

My dear Child,
London, June 2. 1773.
I received yours per Capt. All. This is just to let you know I am well, as all our other Friends here are: I have been so hindred to day, that I can only add my Love to our Children, and that I am ever, Dear Debby, Your affectionate Husband
B Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Alexander Colden, 2 June 1773: résumé
From: Colden, Alexander
To: Franklin, Benjamin

<General Post Office, New York, June 2, 1773: Wrote him on May 5 and sent the accounts through April 5 last; also sent first bills of exchange, of which he now encloses seconds: John Bonfield on Quarles Harris, £80; Thomas Boylston on Champion & Dickason, £100; George Erwin on Lane, Son & Fraser, £120; Benjamin Ogles on James Anderson, £83 10s. 3d.; William Maxwell on Rowland [?] Williams, £67; total, £450 10s. 3d. Also encloses a first bill of Willing & Morris on Harris & Co. for £15, “being the Bill Mr. Foxcroft sent me for Wm. Taylors Protested Bill which you returned me, and I mentioned Mr. Foxcroft had Omitted to Endorse.” The Lord Hyde, packet, has not arrived. >


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Samuel Cooper, 4 June 1773
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Cooper, Samuel

Dear Friend,
London, June 4. 1773.
I can now only acknowledge the Receipt of your much esteem’d Favours of March 15 and Apr. 23. which gave me great Satisfaction. By the next Opportunity I purpose to write to you fully, and among other Things give you my Thoughts on the Warming of your Meeting-house.
I send you a french Pamphlet containing some liberal Sentiments on Taxes, Commerce, &c. And another that contains a little System of Morals; both written by Friends of mine in Paris. With best Wishes for the Establishment of your Health, and with sincere Esteem, I am ever, Dear Sir, Yours most affectionately
B Franklin
Revd Dr Cooper.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Samuel Mather, 4 June 1773
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Mather, Samuel

Reverend Sir,
London, June 4. 1773
I received your respected Favour of March 18. with the valuable Pamphlets it enclosed for which I thank you: By the next Opportunity I shall do myself the Honour of writing to you fully. At present I can only add that I am, with great Esteem and Respect, Reverend Sir, Your obliged and most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin

[In the margin:] I send you a Pamphlet, that shows the Spirit of some Missionaries towards the Colonies that encourage them. And a French one wherein you will find some liberal Sentiments on Commerce, Taxes, &c.
Mr Mather


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jonathan Williams, Sr., 4 June 1773
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Williams, Jonathan Sr.

Dear Cousin
London, June 4. 1773
I have just time to acknowledge the Receipt of yours of April 15. with the £50 Bill, (Ross and Mills) part of the Money you receiv’d for me of Hall. I have purchased the Things for my Sister directed in her Invoice, and they go by this Ship. I shall do you every Service in my Power relating to the Commission Business, &c. Tell Jonathan I received his Letter, and deliver’d that to Miss Barwell, who will serve him whenever she can; as will also Your affectionate Uncle
B F

I write in great haste. Love to my dear Sister and to your Family. The Invoices are in the Trunk.
Mr Williams
Per Capt Hatch, the Nicholas


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Samuel Cooper, 14[–15] June 1773
From: Cooper, Samuel
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir,
Boston 14th[-15]. June. 1773.
I wrote you on the 15th. March and 23d of April last, and mention’d in these Letters, which I hope you have receiv’d, the most important Political Occurrences among us, particularly the grand Discussion, in the last Session of Assembly between the Governor and both Houses, and the great Effect it had upon the Minds of the People. I have seen high Eulogiums upon the Replies of our Council and Commons from Gentlemen of the most respectable Characters in the other Colonies, where there evidently appears an increasing Regard for this Province, and an Inclination to unite for the common Safety.
Virginia has led the Way, by proposing a Communication and Correspondence between all the Commons Houses thro the Continent. The Letter from their Committee for this Purpose was receiv’d here with no little Joy, and the Proposal agreed to in the most ready and respectful Manner. Rhode-Island, Connecticut, and N. Hampshire have already chosen Committees, so that all N. England is now united with Virginia in this salutary Plan, and the Accession of most if not all the other Colonies is not doubted. This opens a most agreable Prospect to the Friends of our common Rights.
In my last I mention’d to you my having had a Sight of some Letters that had been sent to the Speaker, with Leave to communicate them to me and some others in Confidence. I soon apprehended from the Nature of the Contents, and the Number of Persons to whom they were directed to be shewn, that they could not long remain secret. However, I have preserv’d inviolate the Trust reposed in me. Some, not named by you as Confidents, had Hints from London that such Letters were come, or on their Way to us, and began to suspect they were concealed in Favor of the Writers. The Secret was kept till the Meeting of the General Court, when so many Members had obtain’d such general Intimations of it as to render them extremely inquisitive and sollicitous. At last it was thought best to communicate them, to the House with the Restrictions that accompanied them here. The House could not act upon them with these Restrictions; but the Substance of them was now known ev’ry where, and the Alarm given. Soon after Copies of them were brought into the House, said to have come from England by the last Ships. Many Members scrupled to act upon these Copies while they were under such public Engagements to the unknown Proprietor of the Originals. As the Matter was now so publick, and the Restrictions could answer no good End, no View of the Sender, but on the contrary might prevent in a great Measure a proper Improvement of the Letters for the public Benefit, and for weakning the Influence and Power of the Writers and their Friends it was judg’d most expedient by the Gentlemen to whom they were first shewn to allow the House such an Use of the Originals, as they might think necessary to found their Proceedings for the common Safety. By whom, and to whom they were sent is still a Secret, known only to three Persons here, and may still remain so, if you desire it. I forgot to mention that upon the first Appearance of the Letters in the House they voted by a Majority of 101 to 5, that the Design and Tendency of them was to subvert the Constitution and introduce arbitrary Powr. Nothing could have been more seasonable than the Arrival of these Letters. They have had great Effect: they make deep Impressions wherever they are known. They strip the Mask from the Authors who under the Profession of Friendship to their Country have been endeavoring to build up themselves and their Families upon it’s Ruins. They and their Adherents are shock’d and dismay’d. The Confidence reposed in them by many is annihilated; and Administration must soon see the Necessity of putting the Provincial Pow’r of the Crown into other Hands. This is at present almost the Universal Sentiment. The House have this Day sent up the Letters to the Board which I believe will concur with them in the Substance and Spirit of their Proceedings.

We are highly indebted to our Friends in London, and to you Sir in particular, for so important a Communication, and hope while it supports the Cause of Truth and Justice, and promotes the Deliverance of this abused and oppressed Country, it will be attended with no Disadvantage to them. The Inconveniences that may arise accidentally from such generous Interpositions, are abundantly compensated by the Reflection that they tend to the Security and Happiness of Millions. I trust, however, that Nothing of this Kind will occur to disturb the agreable Feelings of those, who in this Instance, have done such extensive Good. I write in great Hast not having had early Notice of this Opportunity and am with great Esteem and Affection &c. Your &c
S. Cooper


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Cushing, 14 June 1773
From: Cushing, Thomas
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Boston June. 14. 1773.
  I am now to Acknowledge the receipt of your Favors of the 9th March and the 3d. of April togather with the News Papers and the Bishop of St. Asaph’s Sermons for which I am much obliged to you. The reply to the observations made upon a Speculation signed Junias Americanus is highly approved of; The Bishop’s Sermon is also much liked as it discovers a Catholic Spirit and sentiments very favourable respecting America. I have endeavoured inviolably to keep to your Injunctions with respect to the papers you sent me, I have shewn them only to such Gentlemen as you directed, no one person excepting Dr. Cooper and one of the Committee of Correspondence know from whom they Come or to whom they were sent. I have constantly avoided mentioning your name Upon the Occasion so that it never need be known (if you incline to keep it secret) who they Came from or to whom they were sent and I desire so far as I am Concerned my name may not be mentioned, for as I hold an office in the Government subject to the Governor’s negative, it may be a damage to me. Notwithstanding all my Care and precaution it is now publicly known that such Letters are here; the Governor suspects they were brought over by Mr. William Storey; Considering the number of Person’s who were to see them (not less than Ten or fifteen) it is astonishing to me they did not get Air before. When I first received them I was in great doubt whether to Communicate them to one single person or not, for when I considered the number of Persons I was directed to Communicate them to, I apprehended, it would be almost Impossible to Keep them secret, however I considered further that they Contained matters of Importance that very nearly affected the Government, that they were sent as much to the Persons named in your Letter as to my self and consequently that they had as good a right to determine what Improvement was to be made of them. Besides one of the Gentlemen to whom they were to be Communicated had advice of their being sent before they were Communicated to him, if not before their arrival, and it was strongly suspected for some time by his Informer that they were secreted on purpose to preserve the Governor, so that If I had determined it not to be prudent to reveal them under the restrictions I was laid, it would have been out of my power to have prevented it’s being known that such Letters were sent, however they were kept very secret till the annual Election when it generally got abroad that such Letters were come and as some of the Persons to whom they were sent were members of the Court they thought they were Obliged to mention that they had seen such Original Letters, this made the rest of the Members very sollicitous to have a sight of them and they talked of moving the House to send for Persons and papers as they said they had a right to such knowledge and Intelligence as very nearly and Essentially affected the public and rather than have any public order about it and by that means let the House have the Entire possession of the Letters, it was thought adviseable by those to whom they were sent to Communicate them to the House provided they would engage they should not be printed nor Copied in whole or in part and that they Should return them again after a Convenient time when called for, which Engagement the House Entered into and they were read, upon which the House resolved it self into a Committee of the Whole House and after due Consideration the Committee reported to the House that it was their opinion that it was the design and Intention of these Letters to overthrow the Constitution of this Government and to Introduce arbitrary Power within this Province, which report was accepted by the House–101 Members for it, but 5 against it, and then the Letters were Committed to a Committee of nine to Consider what was proper to be done thereupon. While this matter was under Consideration of the House several Vessells arrived from London by Whom, it was reported, that Copies of these very letters were arrived and Wednesday the 9th Instant Mr. Hancock Informed the House that he had received a Number of Letters which were said to be Copies of those that were before the House, and as the House were under some Engagements with respect to the Letters that had been Communicated to them, he moved that the Copies he had received might be Compared with those before the House and if they proved to be true Copies the House might have them and make what use of them they thought proper. This was a great releif to the House as they were under some Difficulty about proceeding upon the other Letters under their present Engagements as they were thereby prevented from taking any Copys of them in whole or in part. What determinations the House will Enter into I cannot at present say, but it is universally apprehended that the G–v–r will never be able to recover the Confidence of this People and that his Usefullness is at an End. I have done all in my power strictly to Conform to your restrictions, but from the Circumstances above related you must be sinsible it was Impossible to prevent the Letters being made public and therefore hope I shall be free from all Blame respecting this Matter. I conclude with great respect Your most humble Servant
Thomas Cushing
Benja Franklin Esqr.

Addressed: To / Benjamin Franklin Esqr LLD / Craven Street / In / London


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Cushing, 16 June 1773
From: Cushing, Thomas
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir:
Boston June 16. 1773
Inclosed you have a report of a Committee upon the Letters lately laid before our House of Representatives, they have not as yet pass’d upon them. The Time assigned for Considering this Report is at 3 o Clock this afternoon. It is probable the most if not all of them will Pass by a great Majority.
To Benj Franklin Esq.

Notation: Thos Cushing to Dr. Franklin June 16. 1773


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Hannah Walker, 20 June 1773
From: Walker, Hannah
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Most Honoured Sir
Westbury June [20, 1773]
I return you thanks for your Goodness in freeing my Letters. I Should have wrote before now but I have been quite ill and quite uncapable of all things. At Sometimes notwithstanding I Strove to keep my Spirits up but it was not in my Power. Trouble would overcome them but hope I Shall now get the Better for as my Son has wrote to me and Seems to like his trade and Place at Present and hope he will behave himself well and Mrs. Willams has wrote me so kind a Letter that I find great consolation in my Self for She is so kind to let me know they gave him his choice to return to England or to choose a trade and She Sees him often and Desires him if he wants for any thing to let her know and She has talked with his Master Several times and Says She has the Pleasure to acquaint me that his Master gives him a very good Charracter. Sir I Humbly beg the Favour of your goodness to do me the Favour to Send these Letters to Boston my Husband joyns me in begging the acceptance of our Humble Duties to your Self and good Mrs. Stevenson from your most Humble and most obedient Servant
Hannah Walker


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Cushing, 25 June 1773
From: Cushing, Thomas
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir,
Province of Massachusetts Bay, 25 June, 1773
The House of Representatives have lately had divers letters, signed Thomas Hutchinson, Andrew Oliver, &c., laid before them, attested copies of which, you have enclosed; and, after maturely considering their contents, they have voted as their sense, that the tendency and design of said letters appear to have been to overthrow the constitution of this government, and to introduce arbitrary power into this province; and have passed sundry resolves respecting these letters, which accompany this letter. They have also agreed upon and passed a petition to his Majesty, which you will receive with this enclosure, praying that his Excellency Thomas Hutchinson, governor, and Andrew Oliver, lieutenant-governor, of this province, be removed from the posts they hold within this government; which petition you are desired, as soon as possible, to present to his Majesty; and, as the persons aforenamed have by this their conduct rendered themselves very obnoxious, and have entirely lost the confidence of this people, you are desired to use your interest and influence to support said petition, that it may have its desired effect; and you are further directed to employ Arthur Lee as counsel upon this occasion, and any other counsel you may think proper.
You are desired also to take effectual care, that the several petitions, relative to the governor and judges of the Superior Court receiving their support from the crown, independent of the grants of the people, may be (if they have not already been) immediately laid before his Majesty, and strenuously supported; as they are matters that very nearly and essentially affect our happy constitution, the preservation of which in a great measure depends upon their meeting with a favorable reception and answer. I have the honor to be, &c.
Thomas Cushing, Speaker.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Marie Catherine Biheron, 26 June 1773
From: Biheron, Marie-Catherine
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur,
de Paris ce 26 juin 1773
J’ay remit à notre Amis le depots de papie dont vous m’aviez fait l’honneur de me charger concernant la Traduction de vos excelents ouvrages de phisique. Jespert en proffiter des premiere. Cette étude me sera d’autant plus agreable que je la tiendray de vous et de notre amis Dubourg. Lui et sa chere Epouse Mademoiselle Bassenporte, Mr. Dalibart et tous ceux qui ont le bonheur de vous connoitre vous presente leurs compliments. Je vous suplie de ne me pas oubliés auprès de Monsieur Pringle et de penser quelque fois à celle qui au dela des mers conservera éternelement le souvenir de vos attantions pour elle. Mesdames Stevenson, Hewson, et Monsieur Hewson voudrons bien agrer compliments et remerciment de l’amities qu’il m’ont marque et dont je suis tres reconnoisante.
Mes balots ont passé la mer tres heureusement et son partis de Calais pour paris le 18e du courant pour arriver demain dimanche. Monsieur Dalibart paroît enchanté de laquisition que vous lui avez fait sans l’avoir encore vüe. En vous remerciant il saisira loccasion la plus prochaine pour vous faire tenir le montant de cette glasse.

Il y à un jeune chirugien de beaucoup de merite qui se propose de partir pour Londres au commancement de la semaine prochaine pour profiter des lumieres de vos artistes en se genre. Joze le recommander à Mr. Hewson. Jay l’honneur de vous avertir en confidance que Mademoiselle Guion de St. Marie est tres peut connu à Paris et que quelqu’un qui s’enterresse à vous est venu me trouvé pour vous engagé à vous en méfier. Elle paroît avoir dupée le pere Bertier par sa langue. Un de nos ministre à diton écrit à Mr. le Conte de Guine pour faire revenir un homme de condition agée de trente ans que jay vüe avec elle qu’elle détourne depuit du temps d’une famille à qui il semble tres cher à les en croire. Comme nous n’avont pas besoin d’ens savoir d’avantage vous en feray l’usage que votre prudance vous dictera. Je vous suis trop attaché pour ne pas vous informé de cela en vous reiterant les assurances de mon attachement. Croyés moi pour la vie, Monsieur, votre tres heumble et obeisante servante
Biheron
Permeté sil vous plait que je salue Mr. fevre.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jonathan Williams, Jr., 28 June 1773
From: Williams, Jonathan Jr.
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honoured Sir
Boston June 28. 1773
My Father received your Favour the Evening before last, and accordingly delivered your Letter to the Speaker. Altho’ you will no doubt receive from him the Resolves and proceedings of our Council relative to the Governors conduct &c &c, I inclose the Gazette, having it in my hand, as the more ways a thing is sent, the more likely it is to arive Safe. I shall be obliged if you will please to present my duty to my Uncle, and let him have the perusal of the Inclosed Papers, with those I sent in my last. I then desired you would please to give directions for the Making of a hand Organ, such an one as you had made for Mr. Foxcroft, and also that you would please to collect a number of Pieces according to your own fancy to be put on the Barrells, which I shall be much oblig’d if you will please to do for me. I am with the greatest Esteem and Respect Your dutiful and affectionate Kinsman
Jona Williams Junr

Addressed: To / Benjamin Franklin LLD FRS / at Mrs Stevensons /in / Craven Street / Strand / London
Endorsed: Jona. Williams jun  June 28.73


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jacques Barbeu-Dubourg, 29 June 1773
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Barbeu-Dubourg, Jacques

Dear Friend,
London, June 29. 1773
I wrote to you by favour of M. Poissonnier, on the 22d Instant, since which I have received yours of the 20th. with some more Sheets.
I have now gone through all that are come to hand, and the following are all the Corrections that occur to me to propose for your Errata, some of which are scarce worth Notice.

      Premiere Partie

      Page
      295
       line
      11.
      from the Bottom, choc, in the same Sense you sometimes use coup, which methinks is better, but you know best.

      ––
      300
       line
      8.
      from the Bottom, for moins, read, plus. This is a material Error, as it totally alters the Sense. The Discharges being more frequent is the Reason that the Quantity is less at each Discharge.

    Seconde Partie.

      Page
      4.
       line
      5.
      for reçoivent, read, donnent à l’air, another material Error.

      ––
      26.
      ––
      4.
      for tube, read, cuve.

      ––
      29
      ––
      20.
      for tube, read, cuve.

      ────────

      21.
      for tube, read cuve.

      It seems to me that tube conveys the Idea of a small narrow Vessel, and my Meaning is a Vessel of large Diameter, to give room for a Current from the Circumference to the Center.

      ––
      35
      ––
      19.
      lumiere, does that Word express Lightning?

      ––
      76
      ––
      17.
      et quand je vis, &c. to the End of the Paragraph. On examining the Original I see that my English is obscure, and therefore you might easily mistake the Meaning, which is this. It had been a common Opinion that a Shot fired thro’ a Whirlwind would break it. I try’d to break the little one by striking my Whip thro’ it, which had no Effect. And I afterwards saw when it grew larger that great Trees passing thro’ the Body of it, did not break it. The Trees indeed stand still and the Whirlwind has the progressive Motion, but their Effect on the Whirl, if any, must be the same whether they move to it, or it to them. If you look once more at the English, page 357 line 3 from the Bottom, and consider the word which as relating to Whirl, (the immediate antecedent,) and not to Trees, you may perceive what I intended.

      ––
      79
      ––
      14.
      for 9, read 11. This is a material Error, as it takes away the Ground of the Observation.

      ––
      80
      ––
      11,
      12, for de derriere, read, qui entre. back to the Door, signifies not behind the Door but back against the Stream that moves from the Door to the Chimney.

      ────────
      21,
      22. for nord-ouest au sud-est, read, nord-est au sud-ouest.

      ––
      81
      ––
      2,
      from the bottom, for on, read ou.

      ––
      87
      ––
      14.
      fraîcheurs, does this french Word express the Distemper we in English call a Cold? If a Person has a swell’d Face, with a Pain in the Jaws, we call it a Cold in the Head. But our Ideas of a Cold are so various and so inconsistent, that I do not wonder if the French Language should scarce afford adequate Expressions for them.

      ––
      94
      ––
      12.
      for comble, read, front.

      ––
      109
      ––
      8
      from the bottom, delete en entrant.

      ––
      115
      ––
      17.
      I know not whether mine de plomb, is French for black Lead; what we call by that Name is not the Ore of Lead, it cannot be flux’d and reduc’d to any Metal, and is unfit for crucibles; it is what Pencils are made of, for Drawing: I think you call it Crayon. It is mention’d again line 5 from the bottom.

      ––
      116.
      ––
      2,
      from the bottom, The motive for turning the Smoke down behind the Air Box was to heat the other Side of it, and so obtain more Heat to the Air that passes thro’ it. I mention this only to account for it to you, not to propose any Erratum here.

      Page
      161,
       line
      14.
      for d’usage, read, utile.

      ––
      183
      ––
      16.
      for evavorant, read, evaporant.

      ––
      199
      ––
      9.
      from the bottom, for 800, read 80. This is a material Error. I believe no Mine in the World ever went so deep as 800 fathoms below the Sea. If this were to pass, I should seem to romance exceedingly.

      ––
      272
      ––
      10.
      for industie, read, industrie

      ––
      279
      ––
      5,
      for concentriques, read, excentriques

      ––
      291
      ––
      7.
      for A, H, F, G, read A, H, F

The English Edition was sold for half a Guinea in boards, or what you call broché; but yours contains more Pieces, and more Plates.

I have not time now to write what I intend upon the Cause of Colds, or Rheums, and my Opinions on that Head are so singular here, that I am almost afraid to hazard them abroad. In the mean time, be so kind as to tell me, at your leisure, whether in France, you have a general Belief that moist Air, and cold Air, and damp Shirts or Sheets, and wet Floors, and Beds that have not lately been used, and Clothes that have not been lately worn, and going out of a warm Room into the Air, and leaving off a long worn Wastecoat, and wearing leaky Shoes, and sitting near an open Window or Door, or in a Coach with both Glasses down, are all or any of them capable of giving the Distemper we call a Cold, and you a Rheum or Catarrh? Or are these merely English Ideas?
Inclos’d I send you the Engraving of my new Stove: The Description must be postpon’d for want of Time, and I had rather it should not be published at present. It is fit only for burning Pit-coal, and therefore can be of little or no Use with you who generally burn Wood.
If M. LeRoy means that some Glass is permeable to the Electric Fluid, I have acknowledg’d it in several Places. If he means all Glass, I doubt it. Tho’ I would not be positive; Experience must determine.
My Love to your good Spouse and to Mlle. Biheron. I hope she had an agreable Journey, and arrived in good Health. I am ever, with the greatest Esteem and Respect, Dear Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant
B F
M Dubourg


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Cushing, 30 June–7 July 1773
From: Cushing, Thomas
To: Franklin, Benjamin

With the letter below Speaker Cushing enclosed another, from the two houses of the General Court to Lord Dartmouth. On June 28 the houses, as their last act of the session, appointed a drafting committee; the letter was composed the following day and dispatched the day after. Its purpose seems to have been to shake Dartmouth’s conclusion, which Franklin had reported in his letter of May 6, that the houses had declared their independence of British authority. The trouble between the colony and mother country began, the letter asserted, after Bernard’s appointment as governor: he and his coterie used their influence to secure Parliamentary taxation and prevent remonstrances against it from being heard; the working of this influence had just come to light in Hutchinson’s and Oliver’s letters. When Parliament seemed to be moving toward repeal of the Townshend Acts under Dartmouth’s guidance, furthermore, Hutchinson challenged the House and Council on fundamentals of the constitution. Ignoring his challenge would have meant tacitly accepting a status akin to slavery; hence he left them no choice but to contradict him, sorry as they were to do it. The people of the province were loyal subjects, the letter continued, who would rejoice to see harmony reign again. But that could not happen until their charter rights, particularly that of paying royal officials, were respected again as they had been at the end of the last war. The houses pinned their faith on Dartmouth to work for this end, and to frustrate the machinations of Bernard “and other known enemies of the peace of Great Britain and her colonies.”
The point underlying these arguments, if we read them correctly, was that Whitehall’s view of the situation was the reverse of the truth. Controversy in Massachusetts was due not to a small group of radicals, as Hutchinson and other officials had persuaded the government, but to those very officials and their henchmen, who out of self-interest were hoodwinking the King and his ministers to turn them against a loyal province. Hutchinson had first labored surreptitiously for this end and then, when repeal of the Townshend Acts seemed imminent, had made repeal politically impossible by forcing a confrontation with the houses. Here was a hint that exposing his letters offered, as Franklin contended, the means of bringing peace. The Governor and his coterie were trying to destroy peace, which could be restored only by undoing their evil work and returning to the traditional status quo. This hope of curing the ills of the present by resurrecting the past was not new. Abandon Parliamentary taxation and revert to the old ways, Franklin had said over and over again, and all would be well. The two houses concurred, and the hope proved to be long-lasting. It survived the Coercive Acts and came to the fore in the first two Continental Congresses; it underlay Burke’s and Chatham’s and North’s eleventh-hour efforts to avoid conflict. Until 1776 many men, in England and America, believed that the only way to save the empire was to put back the clock.

Sir
Boston June 30 [–July 7] 1773
I have received your Favour of the 6th: of May last, am obliged to you for the Intelligence therein Contained. I communicated the same to some few Freinds with a caution not to divoulge the contents, but one of them inadvertently mentioned to some of the members his having seen such a Letter and it soon got among the members that I had received a Letter from you relative to our publick affairs and it being a Time of general expectation and the members being very sollicitous to hear in what manner our dispute with the Governor the last session was received at home. Especially as you had wrote no Letter to the House I expected to have no rest till I had given them some inteligence or another. I therefore thought it best, in order to keep the conversation you had with Lord D. as secret as possible, to give them an extract of your Letter containing only the first and last Paragraphs; which satisfied the House and kept the other part of it from publick Veiw. I hope the necessity I was under, at such a critical time to communicate some parts of the Letter will be a sufficient apology for my going thus far; before I leave this Subject I would just mention that it would be very agreeable to the House more frequently to hear from you while matters of so interesting a nature are depending at the Court of Great Britain, and this amoung others was one reason why I communicated to the House such parts of your Letter of the 6 May last as I did. I conducted it in such a manner as to have it considered as a publick Letter as by that means I apprehended I should place you in a more favourable light with the House.
By this Conveyance the Secretary will forward to you or mr. Bollan a Letter from the Two Houses to Lord Dartmouth which is of a conciliating nature and hope will have a happy affect and tend to extricate his Lordship and the rest of the administration out of their Embarrasements on account of our late Dispute with the Governor upon the Supream authority of Parliament. His Lordship was mistaken in saying we had asserted our Independency of G. Britain, it is True we gave the opinion of our Forefathers upon this Subject but carefully avoided Expresly declaring our own and his Excellency in his reply takes notice of it and says he was glad to find we avoided it. In great haste I conclude with Sincere regard and respect Your Most humble Servant
Thomas Cushing

P.S. You was quite right in informing his Lordship that it would be impossible for us to withdraw or rescind our answer to the Governor till he withdrew or rescinded his Speach, it can never be done, the Sentiments contained in those answers were well weighed and thoroughly considered before they were delivered.

July. 7. 1773
Inclosed you have an attested Copy of a Letter from both Houses dated June 29. 1773 to Lord Dartmouth which I wish safe to hand.
Copy

Addressed: To / Benjamin Franklin Esqr LLD / In / London / per Capt. Moth


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jonathan Shipley, [June? 1773]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Shipley, Jonathan

[June? 1773]
Extract from Kalm’s Travels into America.
“It has been found repeatedly that these Trees [Peach Trees] can stand the Frost much better on Hills than in the Vallies; insomuch that when those in a Valley were killed by the Frost, those on a Hill were not hurt at all. It is remarkable that in cold Nights, all the Leaves to the height of 7 and even of 10 feet from the Ground, have been killed by the Frost, and all the Top remained unhurt. Further it is observable that the cold Nights which happen in Summer never do any hurt to the high Grounds, damaging only the low and moist ones.” Vol. II. page 83.

The above Extract shows that the Phenomenon mentioned by my dear good Friend is not uncommon in North America. I remember to have once travelled thro’ a Valley there, on both sides of which the Leaves on the Trees were killed to a certain height, the Line of the Blast appearing very even and level as far as the Eye could reach, all below the Line being blasted, and all above green. I think I have heard it observed here, that Frost in a dry Night does not hurt so much as when the Leaves have been wet. Fogs sometimes lie on low Grounds, and one can see over them from the Side of a Hill. Perhaps a Frost with such a Fog may affect the Trees immers’d in it more than those above it. In a hilly Country, too, tho’ the Valleys are warmest in the Day-Time, while the Sun shines, from the many Reflections of his Rays; yet as soon as he is set, the contrary takes place; the cooler Air of the Hills settles into the Vallies, and the warmer Air of the Vallies ascends to the Hills: This I have frequently observed in little Excursions from Philadelphia in the Summer Season. Riding out in the Day I have been swelter’d in the Vallies, notwithstanding the Thinness of my Dress, and refresh’d when passing over the Hills. Returning in the Evening, the same Thinness of Dress made me sensible of a chilling Coolness in the Vallies, while the Air on the Hills was agreeably warm.
Your very kind Invitation to Twyford, with the strong Impression I have from Experience, of the Happiness I might enjoy there, in a Family I so truly love, almost staggers my Resolution of visiting America this Summer. But I grow exceedingly homesick. I long to see my own Family once more. I draw towards the Conclusion of Life, and am afraid of being prevented that Pleasure. Besides, I feel myself become of no consequence here. I find I cannot prevent nor alter Measures that I see will be pernicious to us all. But there, where my Opinion and Advice is a little more regarded, I imagine I may still be of some Use, in diminishing or retarding the Mischief. It is true my Country pays me well for residing here: But I think a meer Labourer, tho’ paid as usual for a Days-work, would not be satisfied to turn a Grindstone all Day, where nothing was to be ground.
Please to present my respectful Compliments to good Mrs. Shipley, and all the amiable young Ladies, with your valuable Son, who, I hear by Mr. and Mrs. Jackson, is at present with you. I had a little of the Pleasure of their Company before they set out for Spa.
I have not yet heard from America how the Sermon was received there: But expect it will have several Editions in different Places, and be greatly applauded, as indeed it is here among all the Friends of Liberty and the Common Rights of Mankind. I think even the New Englanders will for once have a good Opinion of a Bishop. With the sincerest Esteem and most affectionate Respect, I am, My Lord, Your much obliged and most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin
Bishop of St. Asaph


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Matthew Maty, 1 July 1773
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Maty, Matthew

Sir,
Craven street, July 1. 1773
Our ingenious and worthy Brother Mr. Walsh, having long had an Intention of drawing up from his Minutes a full Account of the numerous Experiments he made on the Torpedo, which Intention his other Avocations have not permitted him to execute, it is but lately that I have obtain’d his Permission to lay before the Society what he had in the meantime been pleased to communicate to me on that very curious and interesting Subject, or I should sooner have put it into your Hands for that purpose: I wish you may now have time to read them before the Recess. With great Esteem, I am, Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin
Dr Maty, Secry. to the Royal Society.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Walsh, 1 July 1773
From: Walsh, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir,
Chesterfield-Street, July 1, 1773.
I am concerned that other engagements have prevented me from giving to the Royal Society, before their recess, a complete account of my experiments on the electricity of the Torpedo; a subject not only curious in itself, but opening a large field for interesting inquiry, both to the electrician in his walk of physics, and to all who consider, particularly or generally, the animal œconomy.
To supply the deficiency in the best manner I am now able, I will request the favour of you to lay before the Society my letter from la Rochelle, of the 12th July 1772, and such part of the letter I afterwards wrote from Paris, as relates to this subject. Loose and imperfect as these informations are, for they were never intended for the public eye, they are still the most authentic, and so far the most satisfactory I can at present offer, since the notes I made of the experiments themselves remain nearly, I am sorry to say it, in that crude and bulky state in which you had the trouble to read them.
Letter from Mr. Walsh to Dr. Franklin, dated la Rochelle, 12th July 1772 …
Extracts of a letter from Mr. Walsh to Dr. Franklin, dated Paris, 27th August, 1772 …

A clear and succinct narrative of what passed at one of the public exhibitions, alluded to in the last letter, appeared in the French Gazette of the 30th October 1772. As it came from a very respectable quarter, not less so from the private character of the gentleman, than from the public offices he held, I must desire leave of the Society to avail myself of such a testimony to the facts I have advanced, by giving a translation of that narrative.
Extract of a Letter from the Sieur Seignette, Mayor of la Rochelle, and second perpetual Secretary of the Academy of that City, to the publisher of the French Gazette.
“In the Gazette of the 14th August, you mentioned the discovery made by Mr. Walsh, Member of the parliament of England, and of the Royal Society of London. The experiment, of which I am going to give you an account, was made in the presence of the Academy of this city. A live Torpedo was placed on a table. Round another table stood five persons insulated. Two brass wires, each thirteen feet long, were suspended to the ceiling by silken strings. One of these wires rested by one end on the wet napkin on which the fish lay; the other end was immersed in a basin full of water placed on the second table, on which stood four other basins likewise full of water. The first person put a finger of one hand in the basin in which the wire was immersed, and a finger of the other hand in the second basin. The second person put a finger of one hand in this last basin, and a finger of the other hand in the third; and so on successively, till the five persons communicated with one another by the water in the basins. In the last basin one end of the second wire was immersed; and with the other end Mr. Walsh touched the back of the Torpedo, when the five persons felt a commotion which differed in nothing from that of the Leyden experiment, except in the degree of force. Mr. Walsh, who was not in the circle of conduction, received no shock. This experiment was repeated several times, even with eight persons; and always with the same success. The action of the Torpedo is communicated by the same mediums as that of the electric fluid. The bodies which intercept the action of the one, intercept likewise the action of the other. The effects produced by the Torpedo resemble in every respect a weak electricity.”
This exhibition of the electric powers of the Torpedo, before the Academy of La Rochelle, was at a meeting, held for the purpose in my apartments, on the 22d July 1772, and stands registered in the journals of the Academy.
The effect of the animal was, in these experiments, transmitted through as great an extent and variety of conductors as almost at any time we had been able to obtain it, and the experiments included, nearly, all the points, in which its analogy with the effect of the Leyden Phial had been observed. These points were stated to the gentlemen present, as were the circumstances in which the two effects appeared to vary. It was likewise represented to them, That our experiments had been almost wholly with the animal in air: That its action in water was a capital desideratum: That indeed all as yet done was little more than opening the door to inquiry: That much remained to be examined by the Electrician as well as by the Anatomist: That as artificial electricity had thrown light on the natural operation of the Torpedo, this might in return, if well considered, throw light on artificial electricity, particularly in those respects in which they now seemed to differ: That for me, I was about to take leave of the animal, as nature had denied it to the British seas; and that the prosecution of these researches rested in a particular manner with them, whose shores abounded with it.
The Torpedo, on this occasion, dispensed only the distinct, instantaneous stroke, so well known by the name of the electric shock. That protracted but lighter sensation, that Torpor or Numbness which he at times induces, and from which he takes his name, was not then experienced from the animal; but it was imitated with artificial electricity, and shewn to be producible by a quick consecution of minute shocks. This, in the Torpedo, may perhaps be effected by the successive discharge of his numerous cylinders, in the nature of a running fire of musketry: the strong single shock may be his general volley. In the continued effect, as well as in the instantaneous, his eyes, usually prominent, are withdrawn into their sockets.
The same experiments, performed with the same Torpedos, were on the two succeeding days repeated before numerous companies of the principal inhabitants of La Rochelle. Besides the pleasure of gratifying the curiosity of such as entertained any on the subject, and the desire I had to excite a prosecution of the inquiry, I certainly wished to give all possible notoriety to facts, which might otherwise be deemed improbable, perhaps by some of the first rank in science. Great authorities had given a sanction to other solutions of the phœnomena of the Torpedo; and even the Electrician might not readily listen to assertions, which seemed in some respects, to combat the general principles of electricity. I had reason to make such conclusions from different conversations I had held on the subject with eminent persons both at London and Paris. It is but justice to say, that of all in that class you gave me the greatest encouragement to look for success in this research, and even assisted me in forming hypotheses, how the Torpedo, supposed to be endued with electric properties, might use them in so conducting an element as water.
After generally recommending to others an examination of the electric powers of these animals when acting in water, I determined, before I took my final leave of them, to make some farther experiments myself with that particular view; since, notwithstanding the familiarity in which we may be said to have lived with them for near a month, we had never detected them in the immediate exercise of their electric faculties against other fish, confined with them in the same water, either in the circumstance of attacking their prey, or defending themselves from annoyance: and yet that they possessed such a power, and exercised it in a state of liberty, could not be doubted.
A large Torpedo, very liberal of his shocks, being held with both hands by his electric organs above and below, was briskly plunged into water to the depth of a foot, and instantly raised an equal height into air; and was thus continually plunged and raised, as quick as possible, for the space of a minute. In the instant his lower surface touched the water in his descent, he always gave a violent shock, and another still more violent in the instant of quitting the water in his ascent; both which shocks, but particularly the last, were accompanied with a writhing in his body, as if meant to force an escape. Besides these two shocks from the surface of the water, which may yet be considered as delivered in the air, he constantly gave at least two, when wholly in the air, and constantly one and sometimes two, when wholly in the water. The shocks in water appeared, as far as sensation could decide, not to have near a fourth of the force of those at the surface of the water, nor much more than a fourth of those intirely in air.
The shocks received in a certain time were not, on this occasion, counted by a watch, as they had been on a former, when fifty were delivered, in a minute and a half, by the animal in an insulated and unagitated state: But from the quickness, with which the immersions were made, it may be presumed there were full twenty of these in a minute; from whence the number of shocks, in that time, must have amounted to above an hundred. This experiment, therefore, while it discovered the comparative force between a shock in water and one in air, and between a shock delivered with greater exertion on the part of the animal and one with less, seemed to determine, that the charge of his organs with electricity was affected in an instant, as well as the discharge.
The Torpedo was then put into a flat basket, open at top, but secured by a net with wide meshes, and, in this confinement, was let down into the water, about a foot below the surface; being there touched, through the meshes, with only a single finger, on one of his electric organs, while the other hand was held, at a distance, in the water, he gave shocks, which were distinctly felt in both hands.
The circuit for the passage of the effect being contracted to the finger and thumb of one hand, applied above and below to a single organ, produced a shock, to our sensation, of twice the force of that in the larger circuit by the arms.
The Torpedo, still confined in the basket, being raised to within three inches of the surface of the water, was there touched with a short iron bolt, which was held, half above and half in the water, by one hand, while the other hand was dipped, as before, at a distance in the water; and strong shocks, felt in both hands, were thus obtained through the iron.
A wet hempen cord being fastened to the iron bolt, was held in the hand above water, while the bolt touched the Torpedo; and shocks were obtained through both those substances.
A less powerful Torpedo, suspended in a small net, being frequently dipped into water and raised again, gave, from the surface of the water, slight shocks through the net to the person holding it.
These experiments in water manifested, That bodies, immersed in that element, might be affected by immediate contact with the Torpedo; That the shorter the circuit in which the electricity moved, the greater would be the effect; And that the shock was communicable, from the animal in water, to persons in air, through some substances.
How far harpoons and nets, consisting of wood and hemp, could in like circumstances, as it has been frequently asserted, convey the effect, was not so particularly tried as to enable us to confirm it. I mention the omission in the hope that some one may be induced to determine the point by express trial.
We convinced ourselves, on former occasions, that the accurate Kæmpfer, who so well describes the effect of the Torpedo, and happily compares it with lightning, was deceived in the circumstance, that it could be avoided by holding in the breath, which we found no more to prevent the shock of the Torpedo, when he was disposed to give it, than it would prevent the shock of the Leyden Phial.
Several persons, forming as many distinct circuits, can be affected by one stroke of the animal, as well as when joined in a single circuit. For instance, four persons, touching separately his upper and lower surfaces, were all affected; two persons likewise, after the electricity had passed through a wire into a basin of water, transmitted it from thence, in two distinct channels, as their sensation convinced them, into another basin of water, from whence it was conducted, probably in an united state, by a single wire. How much further the effect might be thus divided and subdivided into different channels, was not determined; but it was found to be proportionably weakened by multiplying these circuits, as it had been by extending the single circuit.
Something may be expected to be said of the parts of the animal immediately concerned in producing the electrical effect. The engraving, which accompanies this letter, while it shews the general figure of the Torpedo, gives an internal view of his electric organs. The Society will, besides, have a full anatomical description of these parts from the ingenious Mr. John Hunter, in a paper he has expressly written on the subject at my request. It would therefore be superfluous for me to say any thing either in regard to their situation or structure.
I have to observe, however, That in these double organs resides the electricity of the Torpedo, the rest of his body appearing to be no otherwise concerned in his electrical effect than as conducting it: That they are subject to the will of the animal; but whether, like other double parts so controlable, they are exercised, at times, singly as well as in concert, is difficult to be ascertained by experiment: That their upper and under surfaces are capable, from a state of equilibrium with respect to electricity, of being instantly thrown, by a meer energy, into an opposition of a plus and minus state, like that of the charged Phial: That, when they are thus charged, the upper surfaces of the two are in the same state of electricity; as are the under surfaces of the two, though in a contrary to that of the upper; for no shock can be obtained by an insulated person touching both organs above, or both below: And that the production of the effect depends solely on an intercourse being made between the opposite surfaces of the organs, whether taken singly or jointly.
All the parts bordering on the organs act, more or less, as conductors, either through their substance or by their superficies. While an insulated person, placing two fingers on the same surface of one or both organs, cannot be affected; if he removes one of his fingers to any such contiguous part, he will be liable to a shock: but this shock will not be near, perhaps not half, so violent, as one taken immediately between the opposite surfaces of the organ; which shews the conduction to be very imperfect.
The parts, which conduct the best, are the two great lateral fins bounding the organs outwardly, and the space lying between the two organs inwardly. All below the double transverse cartilages scarcely conduct at all, unless when the fish is just taken out of water and is still wet, the mucus, with which he is lubricated, shewing itself, as it dries, to be of an insulating nature.
The organs themselves, when uncharged, appeared to be, not interiorly we might suppose, but rather exteriorly, conductors of a shock. An insulated person touching two Torpedos, lying near one another on a damp table, with fingers placed, one on the organ of one fish, and another on the organ of the other, was sensible of shocks, sometimes delivered by one fish, and sometimes by the other, as might be discovered by the respective winking of their eyes. That the organs, uncharged, served some way or other as conductors, was confirmed with artificial electricity, in passing shocks by them; and in taking sparks from them, when electrified.
The electric effect was never perceived by us to be attended with any motion or alteration in the organs themselves, but was frequently accompanied with a little transient agitation along the cartilages which surround both organs: this is not discernible in the plump and turgid state of the animal, while he is fresh and vigorous; but as his force decays, from the relaxation of his muscles, his cartilages appear through the skin, and then the slight action along them is discovered.
May we not from all these premises conclude, that the effect of the Torpedo proceeds from a modification of the electric fluid? The Torpedo resembles the charged Phial in that characteristic point of a reciprocation between its two surfaces. Their effects are transmitted by the same mediums; than which there is not perhaps a surer criterion to determine the identity of subtile matter: They, besides, occasion the same impression on our nerves. Like effects have like causes. But it may be objected, that the effects of the Torpedo, and of the charged Phial, are not similar in all their circumstances; that the charged Phial occasions attractive or repulsive dispositions in neighbouring bodies; and that its discharge is obtained through a portion of air, and is accompanied with light and sound; nothing of which occurs with respect to the Torpedo.
The inaction of the electricity of the animal in these particulars, whilst its elastic force is so great as to transmit the effect through an extensive circuit and in its course to communicate a shock, may be a new phænomenon, but is no ways repugnant to the laws of electricity; for here too, the operations of the animal may be imitated by art.
The same quantity of electric matter, according as it is used in a dense or rare state, will produce the different consequences. For example, a small Phial, whose coated surface measures only six square inches, will, on being highly charged, contain a dense electricity capable of forcing a passage through an inch of air, and afford the phænomena of light, sound, attraction, and repulsion. But if the quantity condensed in this Phial, be made rare by communicating it to three large connected jars, whose coated surfaces shall form together an area 400 times larger than that of the Phial (I instance these jars because they are such as I use); it will, thus dilated, yield all the negative phænomena, if I may so call them, of the Torpedo; it will not now pass the hundredth part of that inch of air, which in its condensed state it sprung through with ease; it will now refuse the minute intersection in the strip of tinfoil; the spark and its attendant sound, even the attraction or repulsion of light bodies, will now be wanting; nor will a point brought however near, if not in contact, be able to draw off the charge: and yet, with this diminished elasticity, the electric matter will, to effect its equilibrium, instantly run through a considerable circuit of different conductors, perfectly continuous, and make us sensible of an impulse in its passage.
Let me here remark, that the sagacity of Mr. Cavendish in devising and his address in executing electrical experiments, led him the first to experience with artificial electricity, that a shock could be received from a charge which was unable to force a passage through the least space of air.
But, after the discovery that a large area of rare electricity would imitate the effect of the Torpedo, it may be inquired, where is this large area to be found in the animal? We here approach to that veil of nature, which man cannot remove. This, however, we know, that from infinite division of parts infinite surface may arise, and even our gross optics tell us, that those singular organs, so often mentioned, consist like our electric batteries of many vessels, call them cylinders or hexagonal prisms, whose superficies taken together furnish a considerable area.
I rejoice in addressing these communications to You. He, who predicted and shewed that electricity wings the formidable bolt of the atmosphere, will hear with attention, that in the deep it speeds an humbler bolt, silent and invisible: He, who analysed the electrified Phial, will hear with pleasure that its laws prevail in animate Phials; He, who by Reason became an electrician, will hear with reverence of an instinctive electrician, gifted in his birth with a wonderful apparatus, and with the skill to use it.
However I may respect your talents as an electrician, it is certainly for knowledge of more general import, that I am impressed with that high esteem, with which I remain, Dear Sir, Your affectionate and obedient servant,
John Walsh.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, 6 July 1773
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Deborah

  West Wickham, the Seat of Lord Le Despencer, Bucks
  My dear Child,
July 6. 1773.
I am here in my Way to Oxford, where I am going to be present at the Installation, and shall stay a few Days among my Friends there. By Capt. All who sails next Week I shall write fully to you, and to Friends in Philadelphia. This is my only Letter per Packet. Love to our Children, and to Benny Boy. I am, Thanks to God, very well and hearty, and ever Your affectionate Husband

Addressed: To / Mrs Franklin / at / Philadelphia / via N. York / per Packet / B Free Franklin
Notation: Old Letters


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Thomas Cushing, 7 July 1773
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Cushing, Thomas

Sir,
London, July 7. 1773.
I am favoured with yours of April 20, and May 6. The Letters communicated to you were not merely to “satisfy the Curiosity” of any, but it was thought there might be a Use in showing them to some Friends of the Province, and even to some of the Governor’s Party, for their more certain Information concerning his Conduct and Politicks, tho’ the Letters were not made quite publick. I believe I have since wrote to you, that there was no Occasion to return them speedily; and tho’ I cannot obtain Leave as yet to suffer Copies to be taken of them, I am allowed to say that they may be shown or read to whom and as many as you think proper. Mr. George Grenville, who was the Centre to which flow’d all the Correspondence inimical to America, to whomsoever directed, had these Letters put into his Hands, as the Writers probably expected or intended they should be. He lent them to another, and dying before they were return’d gave an Opportunity for their falling in ours. More may possibly be obtained if these do not make too much Noise.
I thank you for the Pamphlets you have sent me, containing the Controversy between the Governor and the two Houses. I have distributed them where I thought they might be of Use. He makes perhaps as much of his Argument as it will bear; but has the Misfortune of being on the weak side; and so is put to Shifts and Quibbles, and the Use of much Sophistry and Artifice to give Plausibility to his Reasonings. The Council and Assembly have greatly the Advantage in point of Fairness, Perspicuity and Force. His Precedents of Acts of Parliament binding the Colonies, and our tacit Consent to those Acts, are all frivolous. Shall a Guardian who has impos’d upon, cheated and plundered a Minor under his Care, who was unable to prevent it, plead those Impositions, after his Ward has discovered them, as Precedents and Authorities for continuing them? There have been Precedents, time out of mind, for Robbing on Hounslow Heath; but the Highwayman who robb’d there yesterday, does nevertheless deserve a Hanging.
I am glad to see the Resolves of the Virginia House of Burgesses. There are brave Spirits among that People. I hope their Proposals will be readily comply’d with by all the Colonies. It is natural to suppose, as you do, that if the Oppressions continue, a Congress may grow out of that Correspondence. Nothing would more alarm our Ministers; but if the Colonies agree to hold a Congress, I do not see how it can be prevented.
The Instruction relating to the Exemption of the Commisioners from Taxes I imagine is withdrawn; perhaps the other also, relating to the Agents; but of that I have heard nothing. I only wonder that the Governor should make such a Declaration of his Readiness to comply with an Intimation in acting contrary to an Instruction, if he had not already or did not soon expect a Repeal of those Instructions. I have not and shall never use your Name on this or any similar Occasion.

I note your Directions relating to publick and private Letters, and shall not fail to observe them. At the same time I cannot but think all the Correspondence should be in the Speaker’s Power, to communicate such Extracts only as he should think proper to the House. It is sometimes extreamly embarassing to an Agent to write Letters concerning his Transactions with Ministers, which Letters he knows are to be read in the House, where there may be Governor’s Spies, who carry away Parts, or perhaps take Copies, that can be echo’d back hither privately, if they should not be, as sometimes they are, printed in the Votes. It is impossible to write freely in such Cases, unless he would hazard his Usefulness, and put it out of his Power to do his Country any farther Service. I speak this now, not upon my own Account, being about to decline all publick Business, but for your Consideration with regard to future Agents.
And now we speak of Agents I must mention my Concern, that I should fall under so severe a Censure of the House, as that of Neglect in their Business. I have submitted to the Reproof without Reply in my Publick Letter, out of pure Respect. It is not decent to dispute a Father’s Admonitions. But to you in private permit me to observe, that as to the two things I am blam’d for not giving the earliest Notice of, viz. the Clause in the Act relating to Dock Yards, and the Appointment of Salaries for the Governor and Judges, the first only, seems to have some Foundation. I did not know, but perhaps I ought to have known, that such a Clause was intended. And yet in a Parliament that during that whole Session refused Admission to Strangers, wherein near 200 Acts were passed, it is not so easy a Matter to come at the Knowledge of the Purport of every Clause in every Act, and to give Opposition to what may affect one’s Constituents, especially when it is not uncommon to smuggle Clauses into a Bill whose Title shall give no Suspicion, when an Opposition to such Clauses is apprehended. I say this is no easy matter. But had I known of this Clause it is not likely I could have prevented its passing, in the then Disposition of Government towards America, nor do I see that my giving earlier Notice of its having passed, could have been of much Service. As to the other concerning the Governor and Judges, I should hardly have thought of sending the House an Account of it, even if the Minister had mentioned it to me, as I understood from their first Letter to me, that they had already “the best Intelligence of its being determined by Administration to bestow large Salaries on the Attorney-General, Judges and Governor of the Province.” I could not therefore possibly, as their Agent, “give the first Notice of this impending Evil.” I answered, however, “that there was no doubt of the Intention of making Governors and some other Officers independent of the People for their Support, and that this Purpose will be persisted in if the American Revenue is found sufficient to defray the Salaries.” This Censure, tho’ grievous does not so much surprize me, as I apprehended from the Beginning, that between the Friends of an old Agent, my Predecessor, who thought himself hardly us’d in his Dismission, and those of a young One impatient for the Succession, my Situation was not likely to be a very comfortable one, as my Faults could scarce pass unobserved.
I think of leaving England in September. As soon as possible after my Arrival in America, I purpose, God willing to visit Boston, when I hope to have the Pleasure of paying my Respects to you. I shall then give every information in my Power, and offer, humbly, every Advice relating to our Affairs, not so convenient to be written, that my Situation here for so many Years may enable me to suggest for the Benefit of our Country. Some time before my Departure, I shall put your Papers into the Hands of Mr. Lee, and assist him with my Counsel while I stay, where there may be any Occasion for it. He is a Gentleman of Parts and Ability; and tho’ he cannot exceed me in sincere Zeal for the Interest and Prosperity of the Province, his Youth will enable him to serve it with more Activity. I am, Sir, very respectfully, Your obliged, and most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin
PrivateHonourable Thomas Cushing, Esqr

Endorsed: Benjn Franklin London July 7. 1773