Title: To John Adams from Thomas Jefferson, 14 October 1816
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Adams, John

  Monticello Oct. 14. 16 Your letter; dear Sir, of May 6. had already well explained the Uses of grief, that of Sep. 3. with equal truth adduces instances of it’s abuse; and when we put into the same scale these abuses, with the afflictions of soul which even the Uses of grief cost us, we may consider it’s value in the economy of the human being, as equivocal at least. those afflictions cloud too great a portion of life to find a counterpoise in any benefits derived from it’s uses. for setting aside it’s paroxysms on the occasions of special bereavements, all the latter years of aged men are overshadowed with it’s gloom. whither, for instance, can you and I look without seeing the graves of those we have known? and whom can we call up, of our early companions, who has not left us to regret his loss? this indeed may be one of the salutary effects of grief; inasmuch as it prepares us to lose ourselves also without repugnance. Dr. Freeman’s instances of female levity cured by grief are certainly to the point, and constitute an item of credit in the account we examine. I was much
			 mortified by the loss of the Doctor’s visit by
			 my absence from home. to have shewn how much I feel indebted to you for making good people known to me would have been one pleasure; and to have enjoyed that of his conversation, and the benefits
			 of
			 his information so favorably reported by my family, would have been another. I returned home on the third day after his departure. the loss of such visits is among the sacrifices which my divided
			 residence costs me.Your undertaking the 12. vols of Dupuis is a degree of heroism to which I could not have aspired even in my younger days. I have been contented with the humble atchievement of reading the Analysis of his work by Destutt-Tracy in
			 200 pages 8vo. I believe I should have ventured on his own abridgment of the work in one 8vo. volume, had it ever come to my hands; but the marrow of it in Tracy has satisfied my appetite: and, even in that, the preliminary discourse of the Analyser himself, and his Conclusion, are
			 worth more in my eye than the body of the work. for the object of that seems to be to smother all history under the mantle of allegory. if histories so unlike as those of Hercules & Jesus, can by
			 a fertile imagination, and Allegorical interpretations, be brought to the same tally, no line of distinction remains between fact and fancy. as this pithy morsel will not overburthen the mail in
			 passing and repassing between Quincy and Monticello, I send it for your perusal. perhaps it will satisfy you, as it has me; and may save you the labor of reading 24 times it’s volume. I have said to
			 you that it was written by Tracy; and I had so entered it on the title-page, as I usually do on Anonymous works whose authors are known to me. but Tracy had requested me not to betray his anonyme,
			 for reasons which may not yet perhaps have ceased to weigh. I am bound then to make the same reserve with you. Destutt-Tracy is, in my judgment, the ablest writer living on intellectual
			 subjects, or the operations of the understanding. his three 8vo. volumes on Ideology, which constitute the foundation of what he has since written, I have not indeed entirely read; because I am not fond of reading what is merely abstract, and unapplied
			 immediately to some useful science. Bonaparte, with his repeated derisions of Ideologists (squinting at this author) has by this time felt that true wisdom does not lie in mere practice without principle. the next work Tracy wrote was the Commentary on Montesquieu, never published in the original, because not safe; but translated and published in Philadelphia, yet without the
			 author’s name. he has since permitted his name to be mentioned. altho’ called a Commentary, it is in truth an elementary work on the principles of government, comprised in about 300. pages 8vo. he has lately published a third work on Political economy, comprising the whole subject within about the same compass; in which all it’s principles are demonstrated with the severity of
			 Euclid, and, like him, without ever using a superfluous word. I have procured this to be translated, and have been 4 years endeavoring to get it printed. but, as yet, without success. in the meantime
			 the author has published the original in France, which he thought unsafe while Bonaparte was in power. no printed copy, I believe, has yet reached this
			 country. he has his 4th. and last work now in the press at Paris, closing, as he concieves the circle of metaphysical sciences. this work which is on Ethics, I have not seen, but suspect I shall differ from it in
			 it’s foundation, altho not in it’s deductions. I gather from his other works that he adopts the principle of Hobbes, that justice is founded in contract solely, and does not result from the
			 construction of man. I believe, on the contrary, that it is instinct, and innate, that the moral sense is as much a part of our constitution as that of feeling, seeing, or hearing; as a wise
			 creator
			 must have seen to be necessary in an animal destined to live in society: that every human mind feels pleasure in doing good to others another; that the non-existence of justice is not to be inferred from the fact that the same act is deemed virtuous and right in one society, which is held vicious & wrong in another;
			 because as the circumstances and opinions of different societies vary, so the acts which may do them right or wrong must vary also: for virtue does not consist in the act we do, but in the end it
			 is
			 to effect. if it is to effect the happiness of him to whom it is directed, it is virtuous, while in a society under different circumstances and opinions the same act might produce pain, and would
			 be
			 vicious. the essence of virtue is in doing good to others, while what is good may be one thing in one society, & it’s contrary in another. yet, however we may differ as to the foundation of
			 morals, (and as many foundations have been assumed as there are writers on the subject nearly) so correct a thinker as Tracy will give us a sound-system of morals. and indeed it is remarkable that so
			 many writers, setting out from so many different premises, yet meet, all, in the same conclusions. this looks as if they were guided, unconsciously, by the unerring hand of instinct.Your history of the Jesuits, by what name of the Author, or other description is it to be enquired for?What do you think of the present situation of England? is not this the great and fatal crush of their funding system, which, like death, has been foreseen by all, but it’s hour, like that of death, hidden from mortal prescience? it appears to me that all the circumstances now exist which render recovery desperate. the
			 interest of the national debt is now equal to such a portion of the profits of all the land and the labor of the island as not to leave enough for the subsistence of those who labor. hence the
			 owners
			 of the land abandon it and retire to other countries, and the laborer has not enough of his earnings left to him to cover his back, and to fill his belly. the local insurrections, now almost general, are of the hungry and the naked, who cannot be quieted but by food & raiment. but where are the means of feeding and clothing them? the landholder has nothing of his own to give, he is but the fiduciary of those who have lent him money: the lender is so taxed in
			 his meat, drink, and clothing, that he has but a bare subsistence left. the landholder then must give up his land, or the lender his debt, or they must compromise by giving up each one half. but will either consent peaceably to such an abandonment of property? or must it not be settled by civil conflict? if peaceably compromised, will they agree to risk another ruin under the same government unreformed? I think not; but I would rather know what you think; because you have lived with John Bull, and know, better than I do the character of his herd. I salute mrs Adams & yourself with every sentiment of affectionate cordiality and respect.Th: Jefferson


Title: From John Adams to François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 23 October 1816
From: Adams, John
To: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan

Dear Sir
Quincy Oct. 23. 1816

Your Letter of the 16th. would occupy me for 12 months, when I know not that I have 12 days to live.
The Outlines of the Life I shall be happy to receive.
Basanistes is a Jeu d’Esprit. There is nothing new in it. It is only like viewing Boston Harbour from Weymouth great Hill by a Man who had often Seen it from Bacon Hill.
The Same “Analysis of Investigation,” might be applied to prove that each of the 12 Apostles was a God; and that the 70, were all Gods.
And that all the Popes Cardinals, Arch Bishops Bishops and Priests from St Peter down to Parson Thayer who lately died in Kentucky, were all Gods.
And that all the Emperors, and Kings who have been anointed with holy Oil, are or were Gods.
For God the Second Sent God the third into his Apostles and the 70: They Sent him in uninterupted Succession down to all the Priests to this 23d. Oct. 16. And they Sent him into all the Monarcks, Emperors and Kings down to the late Congress of Their High Mightinesses at Vienna. How can Napoleon himself be excluded from this Mutitudinicity of Divinities? For He has been acknowledged by the Holy Ghost in the Pope.
If I understand the Doctrine, It is, that if God the first Second or third or all three together are united with or in a Man, the whole Animal becomes a God and his Mother is The Mother of God and his Grand Mother, The Grand Mother of God.
It grivs me: It Shocks me to write in this Style upon a Subject the most adorable that any finite Intelligence can contemplate or embrace: but if ever Mankind are to be superiour to the Brutes, Sacerdotal Impostures must be exposed.
I must passe over Rienzi, Danini and Villani, each of which would cost me a day, and a Sheet of Paper, and alight upon Francesco de Stabili of Ascoli, The Astrologer, who was burned for Subjecting or Submitting Jesus Christ to the Empire of the Stars.
There is a Monsieur Du Puis, a very modern Author who deserves, ten thousand times more, than Cecco did to be burned, for the Same cause. This Man has printed Ten or a dozen huge Volumes Sur “L’origine de tous les Cultes” besides a Volume of Plato. Priestly Says, He is an Atheist. This I cannot Say and Priestly had no right to Say it. Priestly Says, the Work is the Ne plus ultra of Infidelity. This may be true; but I cannot say it. Infidelity may go farther still for what I know.
But this I can Say, I believe this Work contains ten times more Learning than Priestly ever possessed. It is the most learned Production of modern times. What Motive could urge a Man to Spend 16 years in collecting Such a Mass? It has no Effect on my Mind, in deminishing my Affection for Christianity. It only encourages my hopes that the Corruptions which have crept into it, from foreign Superstitions, ancient and modern, will, one day, be Seperated from it. And that Despots and Priests will not be allowed to make of it, what they please.
This Work was first printed in the 3d. Year of he Republick, i.e as I Suppose in 1796. It is Scarcely 20 Years old.
If you can give me any Information concerning this Writer you will much oblige me. I know nothing and can learn nothing of him, but his Work; which deserves more Attention Study and Answers from the Orthodox, Catholicks or Protestants; than all the Writings of Voltaire, Gibbon and Hume. You will never See a Review of it in the Edinburgh or Quarly Journals.
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin W. Crowninshield, 25 October 1816
From: Adams, John
To: Crowninshield, Benjamin W.

Sir
Quincy October 25th 1816

A Lieutenant of the Navy under Commodore Bainbridge on board the Independence, is in a tender state of health, & thinks this climate is too severe for his Constitution in its present condition, he therefore ardently wishes to be ordered to some ship in the Mediterranean. If there is no national vessel Ship going there he would take passage in a Merchant Vessel.
Though I have personal reasons for wishing well to this officer; it against my conscience to ask favours for myself as my friend, because it is the duty of Government to grant none.
It is however my opinion that a compliance with his request, will be a benefit and not an injury to the public service.
I am Sir very respectfully your humble Servant—
John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Henry Colman, 28 October 1816
From: Adams, John
To: Colman, Henry

Dear Sir
Quincy October 28th 1816

Basanists might have gone farther. he might upon the same principles & with the same arguments have produced a greater number of candidate for apotheosis.
By the doctrine of Rome, and of England, the king eternal, immortal, & invisible, the only wise God that is the holy Ghost was communicated to his Apostles by the Son of God, or God the Son, & by them, transmitted down from St. Justin and Saint Papias through all the Catholick Priests, Jesuits & all, to Parson Thayer who lately died in Kentucky. however all the Emperors & Kings have been Hierophants, High Priests, Head of the Church, consecrated by Popes , anointed with holy oil, brought down from Heaven by the Holy Ghost in a phial, in the bill of a Dove.
Basanistes might prove all these to be Gods upon his principles. What a multitudinity!
We had better restore “the High places” and mount up like wild Goats to the summits of the hills, and the sharpest points of the highest rocks & there sacrafice, Bulls & Calves, Rams & Lambs Goats Dogs and Cats, to the Sun moon Planets, fixed stars, and all the wild beasts of the Zodiack all the “Host of heaven” all the milky way: and all the Nebulae of Herschell.
You and I, are enthusiasts; and I defy any human mind that thinks to be less. we ought then to be candid to all our fellows and neither betray or insult each others Rhapsodies
With Esteem and affection /  yours
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Richard Rush, 31 October 1816
From: Rush, Richard
To: Adams, John

					Dear Sir.
					Washington October 31. 1816

				In further answer to your favor of the 20th of last month, I beg leave to say, that I have just returned from the visit I talked of making to Philadelphia.I find it to be as decidedly the opinion of my mother and brothers, as I confess it was my own, that my fathers letters should not be given up for the press.If, therefore, you should write to Doctor Mease, may we venture to ask it of your kindness to say to him, that, with all possible respect for his intentions, you know it to be the wish of the family, that none of the letters in question should go out of your hands.I find things all calm here. The prospect of a war with Spain, does not seem greater than it has been for half a dozen years. To be sure there is ill-blood enough between us, which may one day explode. But the late affair in the gulf is not likely, in itself, to produce such a result. I wish it had been our lot to batter Algiers, instead of Lord Exmouth. Chauncey, with the Independence and Franklin added to his fleet, would have done it as well. However, it has had a battering; and that is a great gain. They will certainly be upon us before long, if they are not already; unless, indeed, the chastisement they have received should completely break them down for a time.Receive, Sir, all the assurances / of my cordial and most / respectful friendship.

					Richard Rush


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Jefferson, 4 November 1816
From: Adams, John
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dr Sir
Quincy Nov. 4 1816

Your Letter of Oct. 14 has greatly obliged me. Tracys Analysis, I have read once; and wish to read it a Second time. It shall be returned to you. But I wish to be informed whether this Gentleman is of that Family of Tracys with which the Marquis La Fayette is connected by intermarriages?
I have read not only the Analysis, but Eight Volumes out of 12 of The Origine de tous les Cultes, and if Life lasts will read the other four.
But, my dear Sir, I have been often obliged to Stop; and talk to myself, like the Reverend, Alegorical, Hierogriphical and Apocaleptical Mr John Bunyan; and say “Sobrius esto John”! Be not carried away by sudden blasts of Wind, by unexpected flashes of Lightening, nor terrified by the Sharpest Crashes of Thunder.”!
We have now, it Seems a National Bible Society. to propagate King James’s Bible, through all Nations. Would it not be better, to apply these pious Subscriptions, to purify Christendom from the Corruptions of Christianity; than to propagate those Corruptions in Europe Asia, Africa and America!
Suppose We should project a society to translate Dupuis into all Languages and offer a Reward in Medals and Diamonds to any, Man or Body of Men who would produce the best answer to it.
Enthusiasms, Crusades, French Revolution are Epidemical or Endemial Distempers, to which Mankind are liable. They are not tertian or Quartan Agues. Ages and Centuries are Sometimes required to cure them.
It is more worth your while to live to read Dupuis than Grim. Of all the Romanes,  and true Histories I ever read, it is the most entertaining And instructive, though Priestley calls it “dull.”
Conclude not from all this, that I have renounced the Christian Religion, or that I agree with Dupuis in all his Sentiments. Far from it. I see in every Page, Something to recommend Christianity in its Purity, and Something to discredit its Corruptions.
If I had Strength, I would given you my Opinion of it in a Fable of the Bees.
The Ten Commandments and The Sermon on the Mount contain my Religion.
I agree perfectly with you, that “The Moral Sense is as much a part of our constitution as that of Feeling,” and in tall that you say, upon this Subject.
My History of the Jesuits, is in 4. Vol: in twelves, under the Title of “Histoire Generale de la naissance et des progres, de la Compagnie de Jesus, et l’analyse de ses Constitutions et Ses Privileges. printed at Amsterdam in 1761. The Work is anonymous; because, as I suppose, the Author was afraid as all the Monarcks of Europe were at that time, of Jesuitical Assassination. The Author however Supports his Facts by authentic Records and known Authorities which the Publick may consult.
This Society has been a greater Calamity to Mankind than the French Revolution or Napoleons Despotism or Idiology. It as obstructed the Progres of Reformation and the Improvement of the human Mind in Society much longer and more fatally.
The Situation of England may be learned from the enclosed Letter, which I pray you to return to me.
Little reason as I have to love the old Lady, I cannot but dread that she is going after France, into a Revolution which will and like that of England in 1660 and like that of France in 1816. In all Events, our Country must rise. England cannot.
We have been long afflicted with a Report that your Books and Harvard Colledge, Books and John Q. Adams’s Ouranologia were lost at Sea. But lo! The Astronomy has arrived in one Ship and Colledge Books in another. We hope your Books are equally safe: but should be glad to know.It seems that Father and Son have been employed in contemplating The Heavens. I should like to sitt down with him and compare Du Puis with his Uranologia
I have been disappointed in the Review Sir John Malcoms History of Persia. Those cunning Edinburghmen break off, at the Point of the only Subject that excited my Curiosity the ancient modern Religion and Government of Persia. I Should admire to read an Edinburg or a Quarterly Review of Du Puis 12. Volumes. They have reviewed Grim who is not of half the importance to Mankind. I suspect the Reviewers evaded the Religion of Persia for fear they Should be compelled to compare it with Du Puis.
A Scrap of an English Paper in which you are honorably mentioned and I am not much abused must close this Letter from your Friend
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from William Tudor, Jr., 6 November 1816
From: Tudor, William, Jr.
To: Adams, John

					Dear Sir,
					Boston November 6th. 1816.

				My Father has communicated to me your letter of yesterday, which he means to answer particularly himself, but in the mean time, I do not wish to lose a moment in assuring you of the gratification I shall feel in being instrumental in communicating to the publick any observations from you on the points you have mentioned. The illustration of American history is with me a very favorite object, because I believe it to be the most important, as I have no doubt it will be at no distant period the most interesting of any nation on earth. Under these feelings you will be willing to believe that I shall set a very high value, on any details & reflections from you on subjects where it may emphatically be said quorum pars magna fuisti—Any communications will be in time for the January Number, if received the first of next month. With the highest respect / I am your hble sert

					W. Tudor jr.


Title: From John Adams to William Tudor, Sr., 7 November 1816
From: Adams, John
To: Tudor, William, Sr.

Dear Sir,
Quincy November 7th. 1816

I like this prompt and quick correspondences, I have received your Sons acknowledgement dated the 6th of my letter to you of the 5th. Your Sons letter has greatly obliged me and I cordially wish him success but he has proposed to me a plan that would increase, my already established reputation for Vanity and Egotism to a mountain as high as blue hill, Wachusett or Monadnock.
Before any “observations” can be made with propriety by me or any one else upon the impeachment of the Judges or the dispute about the Sovereignty of Parliament & the records & Documents relative to both must be collected and collated. I have been the most careless man in the world for preserving documents newspapers, Pamphlets and records. I never began to think of it till Wm Shaw was my private Secretary at Philadelphia & Washington, where I gave to him all that came to my hands, out of which feeble beginnings he has raised a Monument in his Atheneum of more lasting benefit to his country & immortal fame to himself than all the actions of my life.
I possess not a scrap of paper relative to either of the great events & transactions in question The records I hope are preserved and the newspapers of those years, may be found.
The Controversy with Governor Hutchinson concerning the unlimited supremacy of Parliament, was published in a pamphlet, but I have not seen it for more than forty years. The last I heard of it was from Judge Paine and Governor Gerry both of whom mentioned it to me, the former as having then lately read it. possibly it may be found among their collections
Is there no Parson Prince? No Harbottle Dorr? No Johnny Moffat now living in Boston?
In expectation of your answer to my letter of the 5th I am with sincere attachment your friend
John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from William Tudor, Sr., 11 November 1816
From: Tudor, William, Sr.
To: Adams, John

					Dear Sir
					Boston 11th. Novr. 1816

				From your Letter of the 7th. I find some Misconception has arisen between you & the Editor of the N.A. Review. Your note of the 5th. I handed to that gentleman, & told him how fully I agreed with you in the Sentiment that the Hutchinsonian Controversy & the Impeachment of the Judges, if not the Pivots upon which the Revolution turned they certainly urged on & hastened, those Measures which terminated in so glorious a Result. Among the very few surviving Politicians of that trying & eventful Period you, Sir, stand the most prominent, & must possess more of that Species of Intelligence which would be gratifying to reading Men, than any other Man alive. The News Papers from 1760 to the present year are all in the Library of the Historical Society, with many of the Pamphlets of the Times. But of this latter kind of Deposit Athaneum Shaw can furnish the completest series. Now any & every Article of this Sort the Messrs. Shaw & Tudor will cheerfully furnish you with, if We can persuade you to elucidate the Story of those olden times, which Many of the present Generation would rejoice to know, a little more particularly than the Ephemeral Writings of the Day exhibit. They cannot feel as we did & none but those who lived at the interesting & embarrassed Period, can properly describe them. I was too young, at leas,t too giddy, to enter into them sufficiently to now describe them. I want the Enthusiasm & glowing Pen of my Master.Have we ever had the Character of Hutchinson fairly drawn? The times in which he lived & so industriously worked for his Sovereign in Support of his own ambitious Projects are long passed, & with him is buried that Malignity which which portrayed him with such darkened Shades, as must have aggravated those deep Regrets with which he expired in 1780.—His moral, Judicial, & private Character were good. The Character of Franklin which you have so fairly given, leads me to wish again to find the same discriminating Pencil in portraying that of H. whose Talents & Industry were certainly uncommon. You will smile at, if not scold me for this strange Proposal. But we have lived in Days in which Junto & Essex spirit have so willingly abused the leading Characters of the Revolution, that I am desirous of discovering a moral Phenomenon. I want to find a temperate Display of the Character of a Man though an Enemy Who left no Family or Friends to rescue his name in part from the deep political Damnation in which he died.  I see no Danger from the Changes you apprehend. A New Epoch sprung from the Commencement of the Peace of Paris. I therefore designate every Thing previous as the olden times of our Country, & who is to run any Risque in investigation or debating ancient Occurences or Principles?I am, Sir, most faithfully / yours

					Wm Tudor


Title: From John Adams to William Tudor, Sr., 16 November 1816
From: Adams, John
To: Tudor, William, Sr.

Dear Tudor
Quincy November. 16 1816

Your favour of the 11th. has conjured up, in my Imagination so many Ghosts that I am in danger of being frightened as much as the Old Lady of Endor was at the Light of Samuel.—
Many are the Years, in which I have Seriously endeavoured to Strip from my Mind every prejudice, and from my heart every Feeling, unfavourable to Mr Hutchinson. The subject is so familiar to my thoughts that I could draw his Character faster than my Pen could fly, I feel no Animosity against his Memory.—I could write his Life as coolly as that of Alexander or Ceasar. But on a deliberate Second View of my own Portrate of him I should feel doubts of my own Impartiality—
He was a memorable, and an awful Example of Disappointment in the Career of Ambition. Cromwell and Napoleon will be more known, but neither was a more distinct Example.—
You may form some conjecture of my Feelings when I tell you; or perhaps I might more properly say when I remind you, that he Seduced from my Bosom, three of the most intimate Friends I ever had in my Life, Jonathan Sewall Samuel Quincy, and Daniel Leonard;—Every one of these had been as ardent and explicit Patriots as I was—or ever pretended to be.—By means more Artfull but as corrupt as any ever employed by Sir Robert Walpole.—did that Artful Jesuit seduce three of the most Amiable young Men from the cause of their Country to their own Ruin—He practiced all his Arts upon me.—My Constant Answer was “I cannot in Conscience.” I would give the whole History in detail.—But you would Say, and the World would say John Adams is an Old Pharisee thanking God that he is not like other Men—I had rather they should say he is a Publican praying God to be Merciful to a Sinner.—But in either case, poor John would be accused as a Fanatic or a Hypocrite.—
I could not write the Character of Hutchinson, without discribing my 3 Friends Sewall Quincy and Leonard, and many others that would harrow up my Soul; among the rest myself, and this would make me blush.—If you desire it however, and will give me your honour they shall not be published, I will give you a few Anecdotes of the probability of which you shall Judge from your own Recollections.—
You Say, Hutchinson’s moral Character was good “This must be understood with great Exceptions.—
You say his Judicial Character was good “this must be construed with great Limitations.—You say his private Character was good” Of that I know not enough, to say anything.
Of his Litterary Character the World will Judge by his Writings. They are valuable. He had great Advantages from his Birth and hereditary Collections of Pamphlets and Manuscripts and especially from his Family Connections with the Mothers and his Neighbourhood to Mr Prince for writing the History of Massachusetts Bay.—
There was much Affectation much dissimulation and I must add deep Hipocrisy in his Character—Though his Father had made a Fortune by Speculation in a depreciating Paper Currency he had great Merit in Abolishing that Instrument of Injustice in 1750.—But who my Friend? who shall do justice to the Characters of James Otis Samuel Adams and John Hancock? who breathed a torrent of persecution from 1760 to 1715, and ever since? I can Scarcely add the Name of

John Adamsmy hand Shakes so much more than usual this Morning


Title: To John Adams from William Tudor, Sr., 22 November 1816
From: Tudor, William, Sr.
To: Adams, John

					My dear Sir
					Friday 22 Novr.

				In thanking you for your lasting interesting Letter, I have been particularly gratified, in finding you roused to those Recollections which may amuse whilst they recall the Circumstances of that interesting Period which produced those persevering Energies that terminated in the Liberation of our Country.You have given me a Text Book, which others may hereafter descant upon, if Hutchinson’s Character should ever become a subject of Controversy. That he was a finished Hypocrite, two clergymen, long since deceased; gave me the assurance, after the Detection of those ministerial Letters which were so providentially found at his House in Milton. These genuine Copies were so different from those  the originals at the times of their Date to England, as to completely satisfy them of his deep Designs. He must have been a working, if not a weakly cunning man, to have thus been at the Pains of duping two honest Souls, who knew little of the political World, & still less of his nefarious Intrigues. But they in some Degree help’d his Character, within their contracted Circle, untill the Roguery was detected, & he stood confessed the Subverter of His Country’s Freedom; & the Slave of his unqualified ambition. To his steady Jesuitism, were not you & your eagle eyed Compatriots led to those persevering Energies, which might otherwise have been lethargick, and left to a more distant Day, that Combat against the Colonial System, which prudent Conduct, Flattery, & Office, on the  Part of the British Ministry, might have rendered infinitely difficult, if not successless.Hutchinson knew his men, and therefore easily prevailed on the Trio of your Friends You thus lost to aid his schemes. One of them was early rewarded. And the other two, no doubt, were promised greater Things as the Contest became more threatening.Pray give me the anecdotes you mention, & they shall remain a sacred Deposit. I have but little, to bequeath my Children. But it will be something to leave them the Evidence that I continued to posses the Confidence, at the Age of Eighty one of such a Man as President Adams: I am, most truly, your obliged Friend,

					Wm Tudor


Title: From John Adams to Richard Rush, 25 November 1816
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Richard

Dear Sir
Quincy November 25th 1816

I have received your favour of the 18th: and thank you has your “Idea”; Your reasoning upon it is that of a modest prudent philosopher & Statesman. It is more; It is classical enough for a member of the Academy of inscription and Belle letters. I who am neither Philosopher Statesman or Academician, would if I had power cause medals to be struck of every conflagration, Massacre, prison stripe, New York Church &c &c &c of the Revolutionary war, and the late war. If this had been done, an overweening confidence in the honour humanity & civilization of England would not have exposed Washington to its late calamities. All the wormwood the Mother has so profusely spread upon her nipple has not yet weaned the baby. It will still suck & cry, fly away, but soon return to the bosom.—we must be weaned. Medals however ought never to be struck without the most serious deliberation, the most impartial judgement of the most learned men; nor should inscriptions be recorded, which may not bear the severest criticisms of an impartial posterity. I fear we are not sufficiently advanced in these fine arts and profound Sciences, to venture upon too much familiarity with them. Your idea however which has so long fermented in your pericranium deserves to be communicated, to all who have taste, skill or power.
Communicate it modestly to the present, and future Sensorium of our political Head. May it be examined and matured! As I am not learned in Medals, Inscriptions, Epitaphs, or Mottos though I have seen millions of them. I cannot presume to give any advice in the composition of yours
I am with sincere affection your friend
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to William Tudor, Sr., 25 November 1816
From: Adams, John
To: Tudor, William, Sr.

dear Sir
Quincy Novbr 25, 1816

We need not fear that Mr Hutchinsons Character will be injured with Posterity—His every Virtue, and his every Talent and his every Service will be recorded in polite Language, and blazened in Splendid colours; when we, poor Beings who resisted him shall be thrown in Shades of blackness of darkness in the back ground.—
I may not live to see, but you may live to see, or if you should not your posterity will, Hutchinsons History of Massachusetts Bay Continued by himself down to 1780. Posterity will see Memoirs of Chief Justice Peter Oliver; of Treasurer Harrison Gray; of Judge Jonathan Sewall; perhaps of Judge Autchmudy; of Judge Brown; of Judge Leonard; of Solicitor Quincy; of Samuel Fitch; of Blowers; of Cazneau, of Hull and Sam Sewett; of Dr Nat Perkins; of Sam. Waterhouse; of Tom Danforth; of Judge Ben. Gridley; and of others without number, whome it is not worth while to recollect. Many of these, if not all, have sworn 40 years ago, that “Hancock and Adams” “Shall forever be “Words of Shame” and they have already, very nearly accomplished their Oath—
You ask for Anecdotes, and you shall have them. if 46 years Experience of your honour and Fidelity have deceived me, I will still be deceived. But I depend upon your honour that these Anecdotes shall not be published. If they should be published, a Spartacus a Christian or a Rebel, would instantly come out in the Newspapers and say they were gross lies fabricated by an Old bald headed Dotard,
In my last Letter I mentioned Hutchinsons, Seductions of my Friends Sewall, Quincy and Leonard; I will now sketch one of his Attempts upon myself.
Jonathan Sewall, the most cordial Friend I ever had at the Bar, or almost any where else, who came to dine with me, at my Table he said he had something to communicate to me alone. The Lady departed to her Chamber and the Servant was ordered to depart. Mr Sewall said, “I come in the name of Governor Bernard. He sent for me and requested me to call upon you, and request you to accept the Office of Advocate General in the Admiralty.” you know Mr Tudor that this Office at that time was worth 2 or 3 hundred Pounds Sterling a Year, which was a great fortune at that time, besides its being an introduction and recommendation to larger Shares of Ordinary practice at the Bar; and besides its being a sure road to the highest Officers under the Government, not only of the Province but of the Government of Great Britain!—“Mr Sewall said, the Governor had sent for him and requested him to call upon me and request me to accept the Office of Advocate General; that he would send and immediately a temporary Appointment, the only one in his power and would write at the same time to the Ministry to request his Majesty to send me his Royal Commission. That he knew my political sentiments, and had no intention to influence them, that I might retain my own Sentiments, while I might execute the Office Recording to Law. That several Gentlemen had recommended me to him, particularly one for whose Judgment he had great deference.”
Sewall “said the Governor did not name this Gentleman but he had no doubt who it was.” I answered him “Nor have I any doubt that it was the Lieutenant Governor.” Sewall nod’ed assent. Mr Sewall said the office was vacant and much Buisiness was pending and he wished to report my Answer to the Governor as soon as possible.” My answer to Mr Sewall was “my Answer is ready.” I cannot in Conscience accept it.” Be pleased to present my respects to His Excellency and inform him that I am very Sensible of the honour he does me by his proposal; but that it is impossible for me to think of it.” Why said Sewall, why can’t you think of it? you had better not be sudden in your determinations.—Take it into consideration for a few days, and I will call on you again—and we will talk it over more deliberately.”
My Answer was “My Friends It will be in vain! I have cooly and anxiously deliberated upon these Subjects for many yards, and my conclusion and Resolution is unalterable”— But you see, said Sewall, the Governor is willing you Should retain your Principles and Opinions.” I understand that very well—Mr Sewall—But I have seen many years and now more clearly than ever contrived, that the British Ministry and Parliament are pursuing a System in Relation to this Country that I never can approve. In the Office of Advocate General I should be called upon to institute Prosecutions and vindicate Measures that my heart and mind will abhor; and therefore I never can engage in it.”
Mr Sewall went farther and said that the Governor had instructed him, in case I should refuse, to ask my Opinion, who was the most proper Person at the Bar, to be appointed? This was a reach; a Stretch of Complaisance that I did not expect.—However I answered with out hesitation—Mr Fitch’s Principles, are consonant to the prevailing System; his Character is fair, and his Talents are equal to any that remain in that Circle.  I therefore recommend him, but as you Mr Sewall know the Bar, at least as well as I do. Who would you recommend? “Why, if you finally refuse, I suppose Mr Fitch will be appointed.” Two or three Weeks afterwards Mr Sewall came to me again, and asked me, “if I had considered the Proposal of the Governor? I said I had before given him my final Answer, that I expected Mr Fitch would have been appointed; that if I had thought of it since, it had only confirmed me in my first Resolution”—Mr Fitch was appointed by the Judge but never had a Commission from the Crown, nor as I am informed any Appointment from the Governor.
J Adams


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Jefferson, 25 November 1816
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Adams, John

Poplar Forest. Nov. 25. 16. I recieve here, dear Sir, your favor of the 4th. just as I am preparing my return to Monticello for winter quarters; and I hasten to answer to some of your enquiries. the Tracy I mentioned to you is the one connected by marriage with La Fayette’s family. the mail which brought your letter brought one also from him. he writes me that he is become blind & so infirm that he is no longer able to compose any thing. so that we are to consider his works as now closed. they are 3. vols of Ideology. 1 on political economy. 1. on Ethics, and 1. containing his Commentary on  Montesquieu, and a little tract on education. altho’ his Commentary explains his principles of government, he had intended to have substituted for it an elementary and regular treatise on the subject: but he is prevented by his infirmities. his Analyse de Dupuys he does not avow.My books are all arrived, some at New York, some at Boston; and I am glad to hear that those for Harvard are safe also; and the Uranologia you mention, without telling me what it is. it is something good, I am sure, from the name connected with it, and if you would add to it your Fable of the bees, we should recieve valuable instruction as to the Uranologia both of the father & son; more valuable than the Chinese will from our bible-societies. these Incendiaries, finding that the days of fire and faggot are over in the Atlantic hemisphere, are now preparing to put the torch to the Asiatic regions. what would they say were the Pope to send annually to this country colonies of Jesuit priests with cargoes of their Missal and translations of their Vulgate, to be put gratis into the hands of every one who would accept them? and to act thus nationally on us as a nation?I proceed to the letter you were so good as to inclose to me. it is an able letter, speaks volumes in few words, presents a profound view of awful truths, and lets us see truths more awful, which are still to follow. George the IIId. then, and his minister Pitt, and successors, have spent the fee-simple of the kingdom, under pretence of governing it. their sinecures, salaries, pensions, priests, prelates, princes and eternal wars have mortgaged to it’s full value the last foot of their soil. they are reduced to the dilemma of a bankrupt spendthrift who, having run thro’ his whole fortune, now asks himself what he is to do? it is in vain he dismisses his coaches and horses, his grooms, liveries, cooks and butlers. this done, he still finds he has nothing to eat. what was his property, is now that of his creditors. if still in his hands, it is only as their trustee. to them it belongs, & to them every farthing of it’s profits must go. the reformation of extravagancies comes too late. all is gone. nothing left for retrenchment or frugality to go on. the debts of England however, being due from the whole nation, to one half of it, being as much the debt of the creditor as debtor, if it could be referred to a court of Equity, principles might be devised to adjust it peaceably. dismiss their parasites, ship off their paupers to this country, let the landholders give half their lands to the moneylenders, & these last relinquish one half of their debts. they would still have a fertile island, a sound and effective population to labor it, and would hold that station among political powers, to which their natural resources and faculties entitle them. they would no longer indeed be the lords of the ocean, and paymasters of all the princes of the earth. they would no longer enjoy the luxuries of pyrating and plundering every thing by sea, and of bribing and corrupting every thing by land; but they might enjoy the more safe and lasting luxury of living on terms of equality, justice and good neighborhood with all nations. As it is, their first efforts will probably be to quiet things awhile by the palliatives of reformation; to nibble a little at pensions and sinecures; to bite off a bit here, and a bit there to amuse the people; and to keep the government agoing by encroachments on the interest of the public debt, 1. percent of which, for instance, witheld, gives them a spare revenue of 10 millions for present subsistence, and spunges in fact 200. millions of the debt. this remedy they may endeavor to administer in broken doses of a small pill at a time. the first may not occasion more than a strong Nausea in the moneylenders; but the 2d will probably produce a revulsion of the stomach, borborisms, and spasmodic calls for fair settlement and compromise. but it is not in the character of man to come to any peaceable compromise of such a state of things. the princes & priests will hold to the flesh-pots, the empty bellies will seize on them, & these being the multitude, the issue is obvious, civil war, massacre, exile as in France, until the stage is cleared of every thing but the multitude, and the lands get into their hands by such processes as the revolution will engender. they will then want peace and a government, and what will it be? certainly not a renewal of that which has already ruined them. their habits of law & order, their ideas almost innate of the vital principles elements of free government, of trial by jury, habeas corpus, freedom of the press, freedom of opinion, and representative government, make them, I think, capable of bearing a considerable portion of liberty. they will probably turn their eyes to us, and be disposed to tread in our footsteps, seeing how safely these have led us into port. there is no part of our model to which they seem unequal, unless perhaps the elective presidency; and even that might possibly be rescued from the tumult of elections, by subdividing the electoral assemblages, into very small parts, such as of wards or townships, and making them simultaneous. but you know them so much better than I do, that it is presumption to offer my conjectures to you.While it is much our interest to see this power reduced from it’s towering & borrowed height, to within the limits of it’s natural resources, it is by no means our interest that she should be brought below that, or lose her competent place among the nations of Europe. the present exhausted state of the continent will, I hope, permit them to go through their struggle without foreign interference, and to settle their new government according to their own will. I think it will be friendly to us, as the nation itself would be were it not artfully wrought up by the hatred their government bears us. and were they once under a government which should treat us with justice & equality I should myself feel with great strength the ties which bind us together, of origin, language, laws and manners: and I am persuaded the two people would become in future, as it was with the antient Greeks, among whom it was reproachful for Greek to be found fighting against Greek in a foreign army. the individuals of the nation I have ever honored and esteemed, the basis of their character being essentially worthy: but I consider their government as the most flagitious which has existed since the days of Philip of Macedon, whom they make their model. it is not only founded in corruption itself, but insinuates the same poison into the bowels of every other, corrupts it’s councils, nourishes factions, stirs up revolutions, and places it’s own happiness in fomenting commotions and civil wars among others, thus rendering itself truly the hostis humani generis. the principle effect is now coming home to itself. it’s first operation will fall on the individuals who have been practising the chief instruments in it’s corruptions, and will eradicate the families which have, from generation to generation been fattening on the blood of their brethren: and this scoria once thrown off, I am in hopes a purer nation will result, and a purer government be instituted, one which, instead of endeavoring to make us their natural enemies, will see in us, what we really are, their natural friends and brethren, and more interested in a fraternal connection with them than with any other nation on earth. I look therefore to their revolution with great interest. I wish it to be as moderate & bloodless, as will effect the desired object of an honest government, one which will permit the world to live in peace, and under the bonds of friendship and good neighborhood.In this tremendous tempest, the distinctions of whig & tory will disappear like chaff on a troubled ocean. indeed they have been disappearing from the day Hume first began to publish his history. this single book has done more to sap the free principles of the English government constitution than the largest standing army of which their patriots have been so jealous. it is like the portraits of our countryman Wright, whose eye was so unhappy as to sieze all the ugly features of his subject, and to present them faithfully; while it was entirely insensible to every lineament of beauty. so Hume has consecrated, in his fascinating style, all the arbitrary proceedings of the English kings, as the true
evidences of the constitution, and glided over it’s whig principles as the unfounded pretensions of factious demagogues. he even boasts, in his life written by himself, that of the numerous alterations suggested by the readers of his work, he had never adopted one proposed by a whig.But what, in this same tempest, will become of their colonies & their fleets? will the former assume independance, and the latter resort to pyracy for subsistence, taking possession of some island as a point d’appui? a pursuit of these would add too much to the speculations on the situation and prospects of England, into which I have been led by the pithy text of the letter you so kindly sent me, and which I now return. it is worthy the pen of Tacitus. I add therefore only my affectionate and respectful souvenirs to mrs Adams and yourself.Th: Jefferson


Title: To John Adams from William Tudor, Sr., 2 December 1816
From: Tudor, William, Sr.
To: Adams, John

					Dear Sir
					Boston 2. Decr. 1816

				If I don’t reply immediately to your kind Letters, pray attribute it to my being an Inquirer, & have little to communicate in Return; besides I have furnished You with so much Matter to discuss & explain that I have some fears of becoming oppressive.Your last very confidential Letter makes me eager to obtain more of them. When I sported the Character of Hutchinson, I started a Subject which I thought would engage your keenest Recollections. Pray continue his Portrait as a Judge, a Politician & a Hipocryte. That his Massachusetts History will be brought down to the Year 1780 I have confirmed by a gentleman whose temporary Residence at Birmingham in 1814, & who had an Occasion of inquiring of his Son Elisha H. something respecting a Manuscript Copy of Hubbard’s History, in behalf of our historical Library, who told him that his Father’s History to near the Middle of the American War was in the keeping of his older Brother in Devonshire. Sooner after this Acquaintance William T. left England for Boston, & was prevented making farther Inquiries.That another Generation may be told much about Brother Oliver, Treasurer Gray, Judge J. Sewall, & something of the Judges Brown, Leonard, Auchmuty & Solicitor Quincy I think with You, But the rest of the Group you particularise (Blowers perhaps excepted) were too insignificant to stand on Record. You surprize me when you say that Mr. Advocate Fitch never had a Commission.Our Supreme Court is in daily Session, & my Occupation of Course incessant. Permit me then to beg your Indulgence, for the tardy Acknowledgements of your literary Favours.

					Wm Tudor


Title: From John Adams to James Madison, 6 December 1816
From: Adams, John
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Quincy Decr 6. 1816

As I feel a kind of Ambition to introduce to the past present and future Presidents of U.S. Some of our most amiable Men, least bigotted least Superstitious Characters, and most catholic Minds, (in the moral, not Ecclesiastical Sense of the Word) I take the Liberty to introduce to you the Rev. Mr. Henry Colman.
As it was known that he intended a Journey to the Southward for his Health which is delicate, he has been appointed to carry our Massachusetts Votes for President to Washington. He knows they are all for Mr. King and Col. Howard. This Knowledge however has not diminished his Desire to pay his respects to Mr. Madison and Mr. Monroe.
You may depend upon it he is a Man of Honour and Candour; and that you will never have reason to repent of any Civilities you may Shew him.
Such is the State of Minds here, that had Mr. Madison been Candidate, he would probably have had the Votes of Massachusetts and consequently all of New England. Mr. Monroe had not been So long and So well known. And our Orlando Furioso, took Advantage to inflame anew the dying Embers of a Party Spirit. Otherwise you might have Seen Massachusetts voting for Mr. Monroe. I am, Sir with Usual Respect your most obedient
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to William Tudor, Sr., 7 December 1816
From: Adams, John
To: Tudor, William, Sr.

Dear Sir
Quincy Decbr. 7th. 1816.

Knowing as I do the importance of your office & the punctuality with which you fulfill the duties of it, your apology in your favour of the second was unnecessary for me, who have so long known your fidelity, and your friendship.
You ask me to sketch the portrait of Mr Hutchinson. your pencil is more polished than mine; I will enter into contract with you; if you will paint Mr Washington and Mr Hamilton, or either of them I will give you Mr Hutchinson at full length, according to my best remembrance of him. I know no man remaining alive, who knows more of those two dazzling characters, who is more capable of describing them, according to truth than yourself. I have smiled with complacency for some years past at the information I have received “from various quarters of your desire, to bring the old gentleman out.” Here I have always recognised Tudor. But how can the old man get out? there is neither pamphlet or newspaper that will let him out. he can get nothing before the public, ’till the subject is stale and forgotten. Nor is this complaint peculiar to himself. Mr Jefferson has been four years, labouring to get a work upon Montesquieu translated, and commented by himself, printed and published, without success. What shall we say? Is there freedom of the press in this Country for nothing but libels. Mr Hutchinson was the active spirit, the ethereal flame, the animating soul of all the officers of government in the province. his influence spread through every vein, and led most of the old conspicuous families, the Winslows, the Chandlers, the Leonards, the Bournes, the Williams, the Stodards, the Dwights, the Browns, the Danforths, the Saywards, the Halls, the Saltonstalls, to their ruin.  The Quinceysand Thaxters, cannot be wholly excepted. I recollect no exceptions but the Winthrop’s & Otis’s. To discuss the causes of there two exceptions might entering too deep into human nature.
I find I have incautiously used the word “ruin.” I retract it. they are not ruined. Their situation at this hour is better than any of their Antagonists. And such is the force of prejudice & habit, that I believe it impossible to ruin any old celebrated family, while their blood & their name remain united. To the list of young men led astray from the course of that Country which nature and education had destined them one day to govern, I might have mentioned. Ed Winslow, Blowers, Upham, Bliss, and many others. but I have promised you some hints, meaning Mr Hutchinsons judicial character.
Here I must be severe! I must be inexorable in the cause of immutable truth and eternal justice. his Judicial character was conceived in Sin, & brought forth in Iniquity.
His Judicial character originated in a political intrigue, as base and corrupt, as it was deep, and deliberate. This morsel of our history, so disgraceful to the principal Agents in it, Bernard & Hutchinson, & to the timorous, credulous people who dared not expose it, has never been explained before the public. I know not that there is any man, now living who remembers it, or has the faintest idea of it. The facts shall now be stated and if you can conceive a doubt of the accuracy of the minutest circumstance I pray you to suggest it to me; it shall be coolly weighed, impartially considered, & candidly answered.
In November 1760, the superior Court, sitting in Salem received a petition from Cockle, a Subordinate Custom house officer, under the direction of Charles Paxton in Boston, for writs of Assistance, or Assistants (for the Orthography was never settled) to break open houses Sholes, Ships, Cellars, Casks and Bales, in search of prohibited and uncustomed goods. When this petition was read, the Cuort, the Bar, & the Audience were astonished. An Invocation of most horrid form & feature, stared them in the face. Stephen Sewall was Chief Justice a Scholar, a gentleman, a man of honour, Integrity, Independence, & liberality of mind though poor. A more solid character than Hutchinson tho’ probably not much more deeply read in law. Sewall & the other Judges expressed of the legality & Constitutionality of the writ & of the power of the Court to grant it. After deliberation, they ordered these questions to be argued at the next February term in Boston. In the mean time Chief Justice Sewall died. Who should fill the vacancy? Hutchinson knew that the first vacancy on that Bench had been promised by Shirley and Pawnal; the two preceding Governors to Colonel James Otis of Barnstable, James Otis Junior waited on the Lt Governor to remind him of the promises made to his father by preceding administrations to which the Lt. Governor had been a witness. He was received with Courtiers compliments upon his father, & the long friendship he had enjoyed with him but nothing more. the Son soon afterward was informed that the Lt Governor would himself be appointed Chief Justice. His reply was, if that should be the case, it would throw the Province into a flame. Hutchinson was appointed, & his appointment did throw the Province into a flame. but what was that flame? A proud, haughty, domineering overbearing, British ministerial, Gubernatorial faction blowed up a flame of fury against the Otis’s, father & Son & all their friends; & by this conflagration they dissapated into vapour, all the resentment. Indignation & Vengeance, which ought to have been excited by the corrupt appointment of Hutchinson. For that appointment, was a black Conspiracy against the liberties both of the new & the old world. Hutchinson was appointed for the pointed purpose of deciding the question concerning the writs of assistance & all other questions that might arise in favour of the Ministry & against his Country. Enough for the present. if you do not repent of thawing out the old gentleman. I may in my next give some hits of the Chief Justice’s behaviour on the Bench.
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Jefferson, 12 December 1816
From: Adams, John
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir
Quincy Decr 12 1816

I return the Analysis of Dupuis with my thanks for the loan of it. It is but a feignt Miniature of the original.
I have read that original in twelve volumes, besides a 13th. of plates.
I have been a Lover and a Reader of Romances all my Life. From Don Quixotte and Gill Blas to the Scottish Chiefs and an hundred others.
For the last Year or two I have devoted myself to this kind of Study: and have read 15 Volumes of Grim, Seven Volumes of Tuckers Neddy Search and 12 Volumes of Dupuis besides a 13th of plates and Traceys Analysis, and 4. Volumes of Jesuitical History! Romances all! I have learned nothing of importance to me, for they have made no Change in my moral or religious Creed, which has for 50 or 60 Years been contained in four Short Words “Be just and good.” In this result they all agree with me.
I must acknowledge however, that I have found in Dupuis more Ideas that were new to me, than in all the others.
My Conclusions from all of them is Universal Tolleration.
Is there any Work extant so well calculated to discredit Corruptions and Impostures in Religion as Dupuis.
I am Sir, with Friendship, as of old
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from William Tudor, Sr., 13 December 1816
From: Tudor, William, Sr.
To: Adams, John

					Dear Sir
					Boston 13 Decr. 1816

				Was I to draw the Portraits of the two Characters You mention, of the first I should say that he was not a Man of military Genius, but of consummate Discretion. He could rise on Misfortune in an extraordinary Manner & thus obtained the Confidence of his motley Army. But he committed several gross Blunders. The first was at Long Island in 1776. After our the Battle in which we were defeated by the overpowering veteran Force of Sir W. Howe, & in which Lord Stirling & Genl. John Sullivan were captured he threw over the whole of our disposable Force from New York, & lay at Brooklyne & lay there with a very inferior and comparatively undisciplined Army four Days, whilst the Enemy, exulting in Victory, were aided by 28 Sail of Men of War & seven hundred sail of Transports loaded with every Thing an Army could require, occupied the Harbour of New york. And had it not been for the miserable Conduct of the British General a fatal if not final Blow must have given to our revolutionary Struggle. Three Weeks afterwards when we retreated Helter Skelter to Morris Heights three Miles from King’s Bridge. In consequence of the men refusing to submitting to any farther Fatigue Duty in erecting Redoubts, in which they had been employed the whole Summer, & which had never been defended, he declared in his general Orders that Fort Washington should never be surrendered without fighting. He soon after retreated to White Plains, because General Lee who had arrived from South Carolina, told him that an Army without Naval Support, had no Security on an Island. We retreated & left Two thousand discouraged Soldiers to be captured. One third of whom perished during the ensuing Winter in the damp Churches of New York where they were imprisoned. His third great Mistake was committed at Brandywine, when the Enemy completely duped him & got Possession of Philadelphia. I add Nothing about the Blunders of Germantown or Monmouth. The Treaty of Paris covered his mistakes, & Washington is to go down to Posterity as the greatest Soldier of his Age & the Father of his Country (Whilst the rest of you are to be considered as meer Congress Men & ignorant Financiers). That I may be understood—by Discretion, I mean his political and moral Discretion. Of Hamilton I knew Nothing as to his Education or Abilities except what I concluded from his Writings & Newspaper Reports. I left the Army in 1777, & had but a slight Acquaintance with him, & never saw him afterwards. The Attack I once made upon him, arose from his daring Injustice to the Man, who in early Life did me important Services, & had so faithfully, long, & ardently defended the best & highest Interests of my Country. In the present State, of Party Malignity, & audacious Prejudice, Pamphlets & News Papers are but ephemeral Productions. The time will come, I trust, when Justice shall be done to the Character of the second President of the United States. Your Writings of which the Public are possessed will furnish the future Historian with Facts & Reasonings to dignify his Subject—Still let me intreat You to leave some Memoirs that shall instruct Posterity, & illustrate the important Transactions of the Period in which You lived.At present may we not exclaim with CowperBut the Age of virtuous Politicks is pastAnd we are deep in that of cold PretencePatriots are grown too shrewd to be sincereAnd We too wise to trust them.Your obliged Friend

					Wm Tudor


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Jefferson, 16 December 1816
From: Adams, John
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Quincy Decr 16th 1816

Your Letter dear Sir of Nov. 15 from Poplar Forrest was Sent to me from the Post Office the next day after I had Sent “The Analysis with my Thanks to you.
“3. Vols. of Idiology!” Pray explain to me this Neological Title! What does it mean? When Bonaparte used it, I was delighted with it, upon the common Principle of delight in every Thing We cannot understand. Does it mean Idiotism? The Science of Non compos menticism. The Science of Lunacy? The Theory of Delirium? or does it mean the Science of Self Love of Amour propre? or the Elements of Vanity?
Were I in France, at this time, I could profess Blindness and Infirmity and prove it too. I suppose he does not avow the Analysis, as Hume did not avow his Essay on human Nature. That Analysis however does not Show a Man of excessive Mediocrity. Had I known any of these Things two years ago I would have written him a Letter. Of all Things, I wish to see his Idiology upon Montesquieu. If you, with all your Influence have not been able to get your own translation of it with your own Notes upon it, published in four Years, where and What is the Freedom of The American Press.? Mr Taylor of Hazel Wood Port Royal can have his voluminous and luminous Works published with Ease and dispatch.
The Uranologia, as I am told, is a Collection of Plates, Stamp Charts of the Heavens upon a large Scale representing all the Constellations. The Work of Some Professor in Sweeden. It is said to be the most perfect that ever has appeared. I have not Seen it. Why Should I ride 15 miles to see it When I can I see the original every clear night Evening; and especially as Dupuis has almost made me afraid to enquire after any Thing more of it than I can See with my naked Eye in a Starlight night.?
That the Pope will send Jesuits to this Country I doubt not; and the Church of England, Missionaries too. And the Methodists, and the Quakers and the Moravians, and the Sweedenburgers and the Menonists, and the Scottish Kirkers, and the Jacobites and the Jacobins and the Democrats and the Aristocrats and  the Monarchists and the Despotists of all Denominations And every Emissary of every one of these Sects will find a Party here already formed, to give him a cordial Reception; No Power or Intelligence less than Raphaels Moderator can reduce this Chaos to order.
I am charmed with the fluency and rapidity of your Reasoning on the State of Great Britain. I can deny none of your Premisses: but I doubt your Conclusion. After all the Convulsion that you forsee, they will return to that Constitution which you say his ruined them, and I say has been the source of all their Power and Importance. They have as you Say too much Sense and Knowledge of Liberty, ever to submit to Simple Monarchy or absolute despotism on the one hand; And too much of the Devil in them ever to be governed by popular Elections of Presidents, Senators and Representatives in Congress. Instead of “turning their Eyes to Us,” their innate Feelings will turn them from Us. They have been taught from their Cradles to despize Scorn, insult and abuse Us. They hate Us more Vigorously , than they do the French. They would Sooner adopt the Simple Monarchy of France than our republican Institutions. You compliment me, with more knowledge of them that I can assume or pretend. If I should write you a Volume of observations I made in England You would pronounce it a Satyre. Suppose, the “Refrein” as the french call it, or the Burthen of the Song as the English express it; should be, the Religion, the Governmen the Commerce the Manufactures, the Army and Navy of G. B. are all reduced to the Science of Pounds Shillings and Pence. Elections appeared to me a mere commercial Traffick; mere bargain and sale. I have been told by Sober Steady Freeholders, that “they never had been and never would go to the Poll, without being paid for their Time, Travel and Expences.” Now Suppose an Election for a President of the British Empire. There must be a Nomination of Candidates by a National Convension, Congres, or Caucus, in which would be two Parties, Whigs and Tories. Of course two Candidates at least would be nominated. The Empire is instantly divided into two Parties at least. Every Man must be paid for his Vote, by the Candidate or his Party. The only Question would be Which Party has the deepest Purse. The Same Reasoning will apply to Elections of Senators and Representatives too. A Revolution might destroy the Burroughs and the Inequalities of Representatives and might produce more toleration, and these Acquisitions might be worth all they would cost. But I dread the Experiment.
Britain will never be our Friend, till We are her Master. This will happen in less time tan you and I have been Struggling with her Power—provided We remain united. Aye! there’s the rub! I fear there will be greater difficulties to preserve our Union, than You and I, our Fathers Brothers Friends Disciples and Sons have had to form it.
Towards G. B. I will adopt their own Maxim An English Jocky says “If I have a wild horse to brake I begin by convincing him that I am his Master. And then I will convince him than I am his Friend. I am well assured that nothing will restrain G. B. from injuring Us, but fear.
You think that “in a revolution the distinction of Whig and Tory would disappear.” I cannot believe this, That distinction arises from nature and Society; is now and ever will be time without End among Negroes Indians and Tartars as well as Federalists and Republicans. Instead of “disappearing Since Hume published his History,” that History has only increased the Tories and diminished the Whigs. That History has been the Bane of G. B. It has destroyed many of the best Effects of the Revolution of 1688. Style has governed The Empire. Swift, Pope and Hume have disgraced all the honest Historians. Rapin and Burnet Oldmixen and Coke, contain more honest Truth than Hume and Clarendon and all their disciples and Imulators. But Who reads any of them at this day?
Every one of the fine Arts from the earliest times has been inlisted in the service of superstition and Despotism. The whole World at this day Gazes with astonishment at the grossest Fictions because they have been immortalized by the most exquisite Artists. Homer and Milton Phideas and Raphael. The Rabble of the Classic Skies and the Hosts of Roman Catholic Saints and Angells are still adored in Paint and Marble, and verse
Raphael has Sketched the Actors and Scenes in all Apuleus’s Amours of Psyche and Cupid. Nothing is too offensive to morals delicacy or decency, for this Painter
Raphael has painted in one of the most ostentatius Churches in Italy, the Creation. And with what Genius God Almighty is represented, as leaping into Chaos and boxing it about wish his Fists and kicking it about With his feet, till he tumbles it into Order.!!! Nothing is too impious or profane for this great Master who has painted so many inimitable Virgins and Childs.
To help me on in my career of improvement I have now read four Volumes of La Harps Correspondence with Paul and a Russian Minister.
Phylosophers! Never again think of annuling Superstition per Saltum. Festine lente.
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to James Madison, 17 December 1816
From: Adams, John
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Quincy Decr 17. 1816

I beg leave to introduce to You Col. William Sumner; and to Mrs Madison, his Sister, Miss Elizabeth Sumner, Children of our late Governor Sumner. They have requested an Introduction from me. And as I think it right that the President should know, and that his Family Should know Something of the Characters who appear at Washington; I beg leave to say, that Mr Sumner has the Advantages of Education Fortune Station in the Legislature of the State; and above all of a Character of unstained honour and unasuming Modesty, which ought to recommend him wherever he goes. Though he is first Aid du Camps of our ancient Patriot and Hero, once General now Governor Brooks, and not perfectly Accordant with you, and me in Electioneering Politicks: Yet I know You are too tolerant to make this a Mark of Exclusion from Social Communion.


Title: From John Adams to James Monroe, 17 December 1816
From: Adams, John
To: Monroe, James

Dear Sir
Quincy Decr. 17. 1816

All our intelligent Travellers to Washington, I find have an ambition to See both the present, and future President of the United States.
I beg leave to introduce to you Colonelt William Sumner and his Sister, Miss Elizabeth Sumner, Children of our late Governor Sumner. Col Sumner has not only the Advantages of the best public Education at Colledge, and the Bar, but of many years service in our State Legislature, and of the fairest Character: but he has the honour to be first Aid du Camps to your old revolutionary Brother Officer our present Governor, who must have a Friend in you, I presume, because he has a Friend in every Officer and Soldier now living who Served in the Revolutionary War. At least I never knew nor heard of an Exception.
I cannot represent his Sentiments as perfectly conformable to yours, or mine in Elections: but he is as candid as any who differ from us.
If the Ladies of Washington can find any fine Girl from Virginia or Kentucky or Luisiana whom he can fascinate or who can fascinate him: or any young Gentlemen who can obtain the good graces of that model of Innocence and modesty his Sister, they will promote the public good by cementing the Union of the States. But for mercy’s Sake never let them know this Insinuation. they will kill me, if they Should Suspect it. I have the honour to be with much respect / your humble Servant
J. Adams


Title: From John Adams to William Tudor, Sr., 18 December 1816
From: Adams, John
To: Tudor, William, Sr.

Dear Sir
Quincy December 18th 1816

Your kind letter of the 13th contains much truth, and nothing but the truth. I may return to it hereafter, but at present, with your leave, I will continue a few hints on the judicial character of Chief Justice Hutchinson. I pass over that scenery which he introduced, so showy & so shallow, so theatrical & so ecclesiastical, of scarlet and sable robes, of broad bands, & enormous tie wigs, more resembling fleeces of painted merino wool than any thing natural to man and that could breathe with him. I pass over also the question whether he or his Court had legal authority to establish a distinction between Barristers and attorneys? Innovations, though often necessary, are always dangerous.
But to return to writs of Assistance: In February Term 1761 the new Chief Justice and his court ordered Chief Justice Sewall’s question to be argued in the Council chamber & that argument produced the American revolution. Otis, demonstrated the illegality the unconstitutionality, the Iniquity—& inhumanity of that writ in so clear a manner that every man appeared to me to go away ready to take arms against it—No harangue of Demosthenes or Cicero ever had such effects upon this globe as that speech. Such was the impression that the court dared not give judgement in favour of it. Curia advisare voluit.— After many days, the CJ. arose & with that gravity and subtilty, that artless design of face, which will never fade in my memory said “the Court would not at present see any foundation for the writ of assistance, but thought proper to continue the consideration of it, till next term, and in the mean time to write to England, and enquire what was the practice & what were the grounds of it there?”
The public never was informed, what was the Correspondence with England, what was the practice or the grounds of it there. The public never was informed of the judgement of the Court. No Judge ever gave his opinion, or discussed the question in public. After six or nine months we heard enough of Custom-house officers, breaking houses, Cellars Shops Ships Casks & bales in search of prohibited and uncustomed goods, by virtue of writs of Assistance. Is this the conduct of “a good judicial character” in a free country and under a government of laws? Jeffreys himself was never more jesuitical nor more arbitrary.
In my next I may give you more proofs of his “good judicial character” in the trial of Michael Corbett and his three messmates for killing Leiutenant Panton, the Commander of a Pressgang from the Rose Frigate. When Courts of justice dare not speak in open air nor see the daylight, where is life, liberty or property?
Were I writing history, I should not write in this style. I should study a language of more philosophical moderation and dignity. But I now express to you the feelings of my friends and myself at those times, and our opinions too
I am your friend
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Hezekiah Niles, 23 December 1816
From: Niles, Hezekiah
To: Adams, John

					Honored Sir,
					Baltimore, Dec 23, 1816

				As editor of the Weekly Register (a work that I am flattered with a belief has effected a good deal, of his building up a national character for his  country, of which you may have heard) I have been loudly called upon to collect & preserve in an extra volume, a body of the speeches, & neglected or almost forgotten public papers of the times of the revolution—to give to an admiring posterity the best portraiture of the men & things of those memorable days. This is a purpose dear to the heart of many of the yet surviving heroes & sages who participated in labor & toil of giving birth to our nation.I frankly ask your assistance in this praise worthy undertaking; & am led to believe you can furnish me with  much matter for my purpose.At present, I should be desirous of having a list of articles in your possession suitable for the work—with a statement of those you would give me, & of those you would permit me to copy, at my own expence. With your advice as to a general arrangement, & directions to books or persons  where curious things belonging to my purpose may be found.With great respect, venerable Sir,  / I have the honor to subscribe myself / yr sincere friend,

					H NilesEditor of the Weekly Register

					I forward herewith a copy of the number of the Register that contains the original proposition that I should undertake this work. I have reason to believe it so for me with whom you often tabored labored for the republic.


Title: To John Adams from Cresswell and Addams, 24 December 1816
From: Cresswell and Addams
To: Adams, John

					His Excellency J. Q. Adams Esqr. &c &c &c
					Doctors Commons 24th. Decr. 1816

				We have the Honor of your Excellency’s Letter of the 16th. Instant wherein You inform us that you have received Authority from the Secretary of State of the United States to adjust and settle our Accounts for Services authorized by the late Genl. Lyman on the public Account of the United States.We beg to make our best acknowledgments for the Trouble and Interest your Excellency has taken in the Affair and in consequence to transmit you our Bills of Costs in the Appeals of the Ann—P. Howland Mr.Eliza—Cumming Mr. Huron—Hill Mr.Othello—Territt Mr.Comet—Mix Mr.Fame—Ham Mr.the Cases in question as also Copies of the Papers printed for the Hearing of those Appeals which will fully inform your Excellency of their nature— We likewise send you a Statement of the general Account whereby the Balance now due to Us amounts to the Sum of £776.17.11 exclusive of any Interest your Excellency shall think proper to allow (these Bills having been due ever since the 15th. March 1810) but which matter of Interest We submit entirely to the liberal consideration of your Excellency and the Government you RepresentWe have the Honor to remain / Your Excellency’s Most Obdt. Hble Servts.

					Cresswell & Addams


Title: From John Adams to William Tudor, Sr., 30 December 1816
From: Adams, John
To: Tudor, William, Sr.

Dear Sir
Quincy Decbr 30th 1816

I cannot say whether I ought to laugh, or cry, or scold, in reporting the trial of Michael Corbet & his three Comrades. You must remember it. A volume would be necessary to relate this cause as it ought to be, but never will be related. The trial was before a special Court of Vice-admiralty, instituted by a special act of Parliament for the trial of piracy and murder on the high seas. The Court consisted of Governors Bernard and Wentworth, Lieutenant-Governor and Chief Justice Hutchinson, Judge of Admiralty Auchmuty, Commodore Hood, & certain counsellors from Massachusetts Bay, New Hampshire, and Rhode Island, to the number of fifteen—but before I proceed I ought to caution you against myself, my Reminiscences, my feelings, my prejudices, and my little, or great passions: And if you, or any man you know can correct me in the smallest circumstance, I beg that, it may be done. Never in my whole life have I been so disappointed, no mortified, so humiliated as in that trial.
Mr. Otis had been engaged with me in behalf of the prisoners; but his unhappy distemper was then in one of its unlucid intervals, and I could scarcely persuade him to converse with me a few minutes on the subject; and he constantly and finally refused to appear publicly in the cause.
The whole burthen of responsibility was thus cast upon me. You may easily believe I was anxious; the lives of four honest men in my hands, and a sympathizing world looking to me for exertions to preserve them. I  determined to plead to the jurisdiction of the Court, and, if that should be overruled, demand a trial by jury As each of my clients must plead for himself, I was obliged to write four pleas, one for each, and each consisting of sheets of paper setting forth charters, Acts of parliament, common law, and ancient usages, which compelled me to sit up more than one night to transcribe. the Court met; prisoners ordered to the bar. I presented and read my Pleas. No counsel for the Crown ordered to answer these pleas, Not a word said at the Bar or on the bench for them or against them, when Hutchinson, not slow-rising, but starting up, moved that the Court should adjourn to the Council chamber. Every vote was ready, and away went their Excellencies, Honors, and learned Judges, to secret conclave. They sat late, and it was propagated through the town that they had determined to summon a jury. Jonathan Sewall himself, the Advocate-General, said he believed they would grant a Jury.
The next morning, however, the judgment was pronounced by the President, Governor Bernard, that the Court had overruled the pleas to the jurisdiction; no reason was given, not another word was said by the President or any other member of the court, in justification or explication of the decree. The cause was opened and stated by the Advocate-General in a very honorable manner; the witnesses called, examined, and cross-examined: and here I ought to observe, in honour of the morals of seamen, there was no contradiction or variation in the testimonies. British and American sailors, all agreed in every circumstance.
It then became my turn to speak in defence of the prisoners. I had taken more pains in that cause than in any other, before or since; I had appealed to Heaven and Earth. I had investigated all laws, human and divine; I had searched all the authorities in the civil law, the law of nature and nations, the common law, history, practice, and every thing that could have any relation to the subject. All my books were on the table before me: and I vainly felt, as if I could shake the town and the world. A Crowded audience attending, still as midnight, in eager expectation.
I had scarcely risen and said “May it please your Excellencie’s & your Honors; “My defence of the prisoners, is, that the melancholy action for which they stand accused is Justifiable homicide, and therefore no crime at all,” and produced one authority very plump to that purpose. When Hutchinson again darted up, and moved that the Court should adjourn to the Council chamber! No reason was given, not a word was said. the Pope’s bull was implicitly and unanimously obeyed, and away marched their excellencies and honors to the Council chamber. Dismal was the anxiety of the town, dreading a sentence of death the next morning. Alas! for me, my glass bubble was burst! My Boule de Savon was dissolved! all the inflammable Gas had escaped from my Balloon, and down I dropt like Tilator de Rosier.
Never was a more gloomy assembly of countenances painted with terror and horror, than appeared in the audience next morning. The Court appeared; the prisoners were ordered to the bar. The President arose, and pronounced the unanimous sentence of the court,—that the killing Lieutenant Panton was justifiable homicide in necessary self-defence. Auchmuty squealed out, “The judgment of the Court is unanimous,” and not another word was said.
Now Sir, was the conduct of Hutchinson that of a “good judicial character?” You may say, I write romance and satire. I say that true history, in this case, is the most surprising romance and the keenest satire. But I have not yet explained the secret: It is but conjectural and I will not attempt, unless you desire it. I am as usual
John Adams