Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 24 September 1810
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

Quincy, September 24, 1810.

The Hague, June 15, 1782—Wrote to Secretary Livingston. “This morning, I made a visit to the grand pensionary of Holland, Mr Van Bleiswick, and had a long conference with him, concerning the plan of a treaty of commerce which is now under consideration, and endeavored to remove some of his objections; and to explain to him the grounds and reasons of certain articles which have been objected to by others, particularly the article which respects France and that which respects Spain. He made light of most of the objections which had been stated to the plan and thought it would be easy to agree upon it; but there must be time for the cities to deliberate.
I asked the grand pensionary if their high mightinesses did not intend to do us the honor soon of sending an ambassador to congress? and consuls, at least to Boston and Philadelphia. He thought it would be very proper to do both, but said they had some difficulty to find a man who was suitable and at the same time willing to undertake so long a voyage. I asked  if it would not be convenient to send a frigate to America, to carry the treaty, their ambassador and consuls altogether, when all should be ready. The pensionary answered, he could not say whether a frigate could be spared.
Very well, said I, smiling and pointing to the prince’s picture in his apartment, I will go and make my court to his highness and pray him to send a frigate to Philadelphia with a treaty, an ambassador and two consuls, and to take under her convoy, all merchant vessels ready to go. Excellent! said Mr Van Bleiswick, I wish you good luck.
We had a great deal of conversation too, concerning peace, but as I regard all this as idle, it is not worth while to repeat it. When a Minister shall appear at Paris or elsewhere, with full powers from the king of England to treat with the United States of America, I shall think there is something more than artifice to raise the stocks and lay snares for sailors to be caught by press gangs.
The Hague, July 5th 1782.—Wrote to the Secretary Livingston. “Soon after my public audience by their high mightinesses, the body of merchants of the city of Schiedam were pleased to send a very respectable deputation from among their members to the Hague to pay their respects to congress and to me as their representative, with a very polite invitation to a publick entertainment in their city, to be made upon the occasion. As I had several other invitations, from various places and provinces, (particularly from the city of Amsterdam) about the same time, and  too many affairs upon my hands to be able to accept of them, I prevailed upon all to excuse me, for such reasons as ought to be and I suppose were satisfactory. The deputies from Schiedam requested me to transmit from them the inclosed compliment to congress, which I promised to do. I was much affected with the zeal and ardor of these worthy gentlemen & their constituents, which with many other things of a similar kind, convinced me that there is in this nation a strong affection for America and a kind of religious veneration for her just cause.
The Hague, July 5, 1782—Wrote to Secretary Livingston. “I have the honor to inclose to Congress, copies in Dutch and English of the negociation which I have entered into for a loan of money. My commission for borrowing money promises to ratify what I should do; and the money lenders require such a ratification which Messrs. Willinks, Van Staphorsts, and de la Lande and Fynje have engaged, shall be transmitted. Authentic copies of the original contracts in Dutch and English are enclosed for the ratification of congress which I must entreat them to transmit by various opportunities, as soon as possible, that we may be sure of receiving it in time; for I suppose the gentlemen will not think it safe for them to pay out any considerable sum before it arrives.
Although I was obliged to engage with them to open the loan for five millions of guilders; I do not expect we shall obtain that sum for a long time. If we get a million and an half by christmas it will be more than I expect.
I shall not venture to dispose of any of this money, except for the relief of escaped prisoners, the payment of the bills heretofore drawn on Mr Laurens, which are every day arriving, and a few other small and unavoidable demands; but leave it entirely to the disposition of congress, whom I must entreat not to draw until they receive information from the directors of the loan how much money they are sure of, and then to draw immediately upon them.
These Directors are three houses, well esteemed in this republick, Messieurs Wilhem and Jan Willink, Nicholas and Jacob Van staphorst and de la Lande and Fynje.
I have made the contract upon as good terms as I could obtain, five per cent Interest—Two per cent to the house or rather to the society of houses—Two per cent to the undertakers—and half per cent for brokerage and other charges. This four and an half per cent, together with one per cent for receiving and paying of the annual interest, is to include all the expences of the loan of every sort. These are as moderate terms as any loan is done for. France gives at least as much and other powers much more.
I must beg that the ratifications of the obligations may be transmitted immediately by the way of France as well as Holland, by several opportunities.
The form of ratification must be submitted to congress. But would it not be sufficient to certify, by the Secretary in congress upon each of the copies inclosed in English and Dutch, that they had been received and read in congress, and thereupon resolved, that the original instruments executed by me, before the said notary, be, and hereby are ratified and confirmed.
The form of the obligations is such as was advised by the ablest lawyers and most experienced notaries, and is conformable to the usage when loans are made here for the seven provinces. It is adapted to the taste of this country, and is therefore long and formal; but it signifies no more in substance, than that the money being borrowed must be paid.
The Hague, July—, 1782, wrote to ——, “Sir, this war has already continued so many years, extended to so many nations, and has been attended with so many unnatural and disagreeable circumstances, that every man who is not deficient in the sentiments of philanthropy, must wish to see peace restored, upon just principles to mankind. I shall therefore make no other apology for the liberty I take to writing this letter; not in a public ministerial character, but in a private confidential manner, so that it is not expected or desired, that you should make any further use of it, than for your private amusement; unless you should judge it proper to take any public steps in consequence of it, in which case you are at liberty to make what use of it you think proper.
All the world professes to wish for peace—England, France, Spain, Holland and America, all profess such a desire. The neutral powers profess it, and some of them are giving themselves much trouble by negotiations and offers of mediation to accomplish it, either generally or at least partially. All the nations at war with England seem to be very well agreed in the sentiment, that any partial or separate peace would only retard a general peace, and therefore do more harm than good. And this opinion is, past all doubt, perfectly just.
What measures then, can, with any plausible appearance of probability, be taken, to bring about a general peace?
Great Britain is in a situation as critical as any nation was ever known to stand in. Ireland and all her foreign dominions discontented, and almost ripe to follow the example of the United States of America, in throwing off their connections with her. The nation at home nearly equally divided between the old ministry and the new: and between the old system and the new; so that no party has an influence sufficiently clear, to take any decided step. A sentiment of compassion for England, and a jealousy of the growing commerce and naval power of their enemies; may take place in some of the neutral powers, and after some time, induce them, especially if any new motive should spring up, to become parties to the war, and thus involve all nations in the flame.
America has perhaps the least to dread; perhaps the most to gain, by such an event, of any of the nations of the world. She would wish however to avoid it. but the question is, in what manner?
If England could be unanimous in the only plan of wisdom, she might easily resolve this question; by instantly declaring the United States of America, a sovereign and independent state; and by inviting them, as such, to a congress, for a general pacification, under the mediation of the two imperial courts, as was proposed last year. But the present British ministers are not sufficiently seated in the confidence of the king or the nation, to venture upon so striking a measure. The king would be displeased; the nation alarmed; and the old ministry and their partisans would raise a popular cry against them; that they had sacrificed the honor and dignity of the crown and the essential interests of the nation.
Something is therefore wanting, to enable the government in England, to do what is absolutely necessary to be done, for the safety of the nation. In order to discover what that is, it is necessary to recollect a resolution of congress of the 5th of October, 1780, in these words:
Her imperial majesty of all the Russias, attentive to the freedom of commerce, and the rights of nations, in her declaration to the belligerent and neutral powers, having proposed regulations founded on principles of justice, equity and moderation, of which their most christian and catholic majesties, and most of the neutral maritime powers of Europe have declared their approbation, congress willing to testify their regard to the rights of commerce, and their respect for the sovereign, who hath proposed and the powers who have approved the said regulations.
Resolved, that the board of admiralty prepare and report instructions for the commanders of armed vessels, commissioned by the United States, conformable to the principles contained in the declaration of the empress of all the Russias, on the rights of neutral vessels.
That the ministers plenipotentiary from the United States, if invited thereto, be and hereby are respectively empowered to acceed to such regulations, conformable to the spirit of the said declaration as may be agreed upon by the congress expected to assemble in pursuance of the invitation of her imperial majesty.
This resolution, I had the honor, on the eighth of March, 1781, of communicating to their high mightinesses, and to the ministers of Russia, Sweden and Denmark, residing at the Hague, and to inform them that I was ready and desirous of pledging the faith of the United States to the observance of the principles of the armed neutrality, according to that resolution of congress.
Now I submit  to your consideration, sir, whether the simplest and most natural method of bringing this war to a general conclusion is not for the neutral powers to admit a minister from congress to acceed in their name to the principles of the marine treaty of neutrality, in the same manner, as France and Spain have done.
But it will be said this is acknowledging the sovereignty of the United States of America!—Very true.—And for this very reason it is desirable; because it settles the main question of the controversy; it immediately reconciles, all the ill disposed part of the English nation to the measure, it prepares the way to the two imperial courts to invite the ministers of the United States of America to a congress, for making peace under their mediation; and enables the British ministry to reconcile the king and the present opposition, to an act of parliament, declaring America independent; and most probably is the only method of saving Great Britain herself from all the horrors of an internal civil war.
This great point once decided, the moderation of the belligerent powers and the impartial equity of the two imperial mediating courts, would leave no room to doubt of a speedy, general peace.
Without some such interposition of the neutral powers, the war will probably be prolonged until a civil war breaks out in England, for which the parties there appear to be nearly ripe. The vanity of that nation will always enable artful men to flatter it with illusory hopes of divisions among their enemies, of reconciliation with America, and of separate peace with some, that they make take vengeance on others. But these are all delusions. America will never be unfaithful to her allies, nor to herself.
I wish therefore, sir, for your advice: whether it would not be prudent for the sates general to take some steps; to propose this matter to the consideration of the empress of Russia, the emperor of Germany, and all the other neutral courts; or at least to instruct their ambassadors at all those courts, to promote the admission of the United States of America, to become parties to the late marine treaty.
N. B. in 1810. This letter in the substance of it, was afterwards transformed into “A memorial to the sovereigns of Europe,” and published in the gazette of Leyden, and from that into many other journals, without any names.
The Hague, July 8, 1782.—Wrote to Mr. Jay, just then arrived at Paris from Madrid. “The Duke de la Vauguion has this moment kindly given me notice that he is to send off a courier this evening at eleven, and that the Dutch fleet has sailed this morning from the Texel.
I shall take advantage of the courier, simply to congratulate you on your arrival at Paris, and to wish you and Mrs. Jay, much pleasure in your residence there. Health, a blessing which is sought in vain among these meadows and canals, you can scarcely fail of enjoying in France.
Shall I beg the favor of you to write me, from time to time the progress of the negociation for peace? The states of Holland are to deliberate upon my project of a treaty on the 10th current, and I do not foresee any obstacle to the completion of it—slowly however. After which I fancy I shall make a further proposal with great modesty and humility, as becomes me, but which the English, if not the Russians and the Danes will think very forward and assuming.
How the loan here is likely to succeed I cannot as yet inform you. I am flattered with hopes of getting a million and an half, but I dare not depend upon one quarter part of that sum; nor indeed upon any part of it, till the money is received. Appearances in this country are not less uncertain now than they were in the times of D’Avaux and D’Estrades.
I hope in God that your Spanish negociation has not wrecked your constitution as my Dutch one has mine. I would not undergo again what I have suffered here in body and mind, for the fee simple of all their spice Islands. I love them, however, because with all their faults and under all their disadvantages, they have at bottom a strong spirit of liberty, a sincere affection for America and a kind of religious veneration for her cause.
There are intrigues here which originate in Petersburg and Copenhagen, which surprise me. They succeed very ill—but they are curious. Have you discovered any coming from the same sources at Madrid or Versailles? Whether the object of them is to stir up a party in favor of England to take a part in the war, or only to favor her in obtaining moderate terms of peace, or whether it is only to share some of her guineas by an amusement of this kind—like a game at cards, is a problem.
As to peace, no party in England seems to have influence enough to dare to make one real advance towards it. The present ministry are really to be pitied. They have not power to do any thing. I am surprised they do not all resign. If they dissolve parliament, I do not believe they would get a better. Is Mr. Carmichael with you at Paris, or does he continue at Madrid?”
(N. B. in 1810. A single hint will explain not only this letter but the history of that time. Lord Shelbourne was an Irishman, and although equal at least, if not superior, as a statesman, to all, at least to any of either of the other parties, he was equally hated by the Scotch and the English parties. To my knowledge Fox and Burke hated him as much as North and Bute.)
I must now throw together a few miscellaneous anecdotes omitted in their order, because I cannot ascertain their precise dates.
1. One last effort was made to defeat me in Holland, a very absurd and stupid attempt to be sure; but it was hazarded:

When the cities and provinces of the Batavian confederation were in the midst of their deliberations and a vast majority of them had already determined on my admission; when every day brought us fresh assurances from every quarter that the states would be unanimous in a few days—Mr. De Neufville, jun. made me a visit & with great gravity and a sort of melancholy, begged leave to communicate to me some important information and advice. His advice to me was “to desist and give up my hopes and pursuits.” Of all the oddities I had seen, this struck me with the most surprise. Mr. De Neufville advise me to desist and give up! Could his father be privy to this strange suggestion? in contradiction to every word and action of their lives, I had ever seen, heard or understood. I was determined, however, to be upon my guard. What can be your reason, Mr. D’Neufville? are not the cities and provinces very harmonious and unanimous? “Aye, but the states general cannot acknowledge you.” Why not? “We are so small and so weak.” Small and weak! Are you great and strong enough to go to war with France, Spain, America, and perhaps the emperor of Germany, and possibly the armed neutrality all together? “I am told it will not do; you must give up.” By whom are you told this? “By one of the first men in this city.” Who is he? “I cannot tell you, but he has abilities and influence equal to any man among us.” Why will you not tell me his name? “Because I must not.” If you will let me know who he is, I will send him a decent and respectful answer. “No, I am forbidden to say who it is, but he is one of the first men in the city.” By this time I was convinced it was Burgomaster Rendorp. But I answered, if you will not let me know who he is, I will tell you he is a fool and thinks me a fool. “Oh no.” But then he repeated again what he had said before about their weakness, and that I must wave my pretensions. I repeated again that he was a fool. He repeated the same things several times and I as often answered that his adviser was a fool—and thus we parted. This anecdote got wind and excited much ridicule—not at my expence, however
2. After Diggs’ visit and Mr. Laurens’ visit, a third was sent over to me, in the person of Mr S. Hartley, a respectable character, brother of Mr D. Hartley. He brought me a letter from the latter couched in a mysterious kind of language, with which that of the former concurred. The sense of both, as far as I could comprehend or conjecture, was to find out whether there was any hopes of obtaining a separate peace with America, and whether we could be induced to wave our treaty with France. I was very explicit with Mr Samuel Hartley and declared to him from first to last, that the United States would never be guilty of such a breach of faith and violation of honor; and that as far as my vote and voice could go, I would advise perpetual war, rather than stain our character with any such foul imputation. Mr. David Hartley’s letter I answered only in these words—“Peace can never come but in company with Faith and Honor; when these three can unite, let Friendship join the amiable and venerable choir.” Mr D. Hartley wrote me in answer, “that the sentiments in my letter were eternal and unchangeable,” and when I afterwards met him at Paris, he told me that he never meant we should break our faith with France, but hoped that France would consent to wave her treaty with us, and that we should treat separately from her. This convinced me that Mr. Hartley knew little of the policy of France or America.
I had several long conversations with Mr. Samuel Hartley on various subjects. Among others, concerning the great mercantile house of Hope. He said he considered Mr Hope, not only as an Englishman in his heart, but as a British officer—that is, that he was employed by the British ministry in so many ways that the profits he made in their service amounted annually to four or five thousand pounds; so that he doubted not Mr Hope would think it his duty to communicate to the British government any information that might come to his knowledge, &c. I said to Mr Hartley, that though this was true, as I believed from all I had heard in Holland, Mr Hope ought to be an American, for he was born in Boston or Braintree—His mother was an American lady, whose name was Willard; she had a sister who married a Mr John Baxter, in the same parish of Braintree with me and Mr Hope had a sister, Miss Harriot Hope whom I had often seen in America—That these connections ought to make him less hostile to America than he was. I could have enumerated more circumstances of this Mr Hope’s relations in Boston and Braintree, but I desisted here.
3. The loan! When the prospect of my public reception and a treaty of friendship began to dawn and brighten, the loan of money began to be seriously meditated. I had tryed the house of De Neufville and found it wanting. I had learned enough of its real circumstances and distresses to know that if I opened a new loan with them alone, I should ruin the credit of the U. States. Though the house had money, many friends, and many instruments, among Americans as well as others, to raise a clamor, I was determined at all risques, not to commit myself entirely to them. I received offers and solicitations which I need not name. But the house of Nicholas and Jacob Van Staphorst, and the house of De la Lande and Fynje, were the most importunate, next to the De Neufvilles. Both as far as I had been then informed, were respectable, but neither was considered as a great house, neither was an ancient house, and antiquity among mercantile houses and houses of capitalists, is in Amsterdam a distinction as much regarded as it is among princes and nobles in France or England. In the midst of all these solicitations, I received a letter from Dr. Franklin, at Passy, and another from the Duke de la Vauguion, at the Hague, most earnestly recommending to me the house of Fizeau and Grand, Sir George Grand as we called him, because he was a knight of St. Louis, was a brother of Mr Ferdinand Grand of Paris, our American banker, both of them gentlemen from Switzerland. Sir George had lived in Sweden, and kept a public house in Stockholm, at which the compte De Vergenes had met the leaders of the Revolution in 1770, and had acquired the friendship of that minister to such a degree as to obtain the cross of St. Louis, and favor as a banker. I knew very well that Dr Franklin’s letter and the duke de la Vauguion’s, originated in the same source, the compte de Vergennes’ recommendation. What should I do? Disoblige Dr Franklin? Disoblige the duke de la Vauguion? Disoblige the comte de Vergennes? Disoblige the two Grands? Disoblige the De Neufvilles, the Van Staphorsts and de la Lande & Fynje, as well as several other houses? After long deliberation, I wrote a letter to four houses, Fizeau & Grand, De Neufville, Van Staphorsts, and de la Lande & Fynje, offering to associate all of them in a joint company. Every one of them refused to unite with Mr. De Neufville
(To be continued)
John Adams.
To open a loan in the French home of Fizeau & Grand, though it was very respectable, and had always behaved towards me and all Americans with unexceptionable civility; I knew would furnish Versailles and Passy with information of every guilder I might from time to time obtain; and I had seen enough of the intrigues and waste from that quarter, to be determined at all risques not to open a loan in that house singly. Moreover all my most faithful and intelligent Dutch friends had uniformly warned me against opening my loan in a French house. They said it would lessen my reputation and materially injure the credit of the United States. If I wished a solid and lasting credit for my country, in Holland, I must select a house or houses, purely Dutch.
In the midst of all my anxiety and uncertainty an American captain of a ship by
the name of Grinnel happened to dine with me, and conversing on our want of a loan, he asked me if I had consulted Mr John Hodshon? The answer was in the negative. I had not supposed that Mr Hodshon, so easy as he was, and such a millionary, would be willing to accept it, or even advise me in it. Grinnel replied that Mr Hodshon had been so long and so extensively engaged in American commerce, had so many correspondents in America and so general an acquaintance with Americans in Europe, that he thought it very probable he would assist me, at least with his advice. He added, that if I would give him leave he would converse with Mr. Hodshon upon the subject. He did so, and brought so favorable an answer that I agreed to meet Mr. Hodshon. In several interviews, he entered very freely and candidly into conversation; said that as our Independence was now acknowledged, a loan was an object of importance and might be of utility to both countries. He doubted not that the most substantial houses in the republic might be
induced to favor it, even the house of Hope. If Mr Hope would undertake it or countenance it, success would be certain. No opposition would be made to it from any quarter. I thought Mr Hodshon knew less than I
did concerning Mr. Hope’s sentiments of American affairs. However, I have reason to think he did sound Mr Hope and received from him only such observations as I had heard reported from him several times before, viz: That America was too young to expect to borrow money at any ordinary interest, or at any interest less than the Batavian republic
had been obliged in her infancy to give: i.e. ten or twelve per cent. However this might be, Mr Hodshon said no more about Mr Hope’s assistance or countenance. He undertook the loan himself, and after adjusting all the terms, we mutually executed a contract in form, and the plan was made public. The next day upon change, he received the customary congratulations from the principal merchants and capitalists, and I thought I was very happy in so solid a connection. Mr Hodshon undertook to remove my family and furniture from Amsterdam to the Hague, and every thing was done with an order, punctuality and exactness that could not be exceeded; and his charges for every thing he did and furnished were extremely moderate.
Mr Hodshon had visited me from the beginning and had uniformly treated me with as much respect and civility as any of the other gentlemen who had traded to America. Neither myself nor my country were under any obligations to any other house that I know of, more than to his. He was very rich, worth many millions; entirely free from debt, his credit equal to any house unless that of Hope, was to be excepted, and even that, though possessed of immense resources, was much in debt and lately in the great turn of affairs, much embarrassed. Mr Hodshon had several brothers and many other relations in various parts of the republic who were very rich capitalists; so that he could have commanded a very respectable loan in spite of all the opposition that could have been made.Not many days passed however, before a clamour arose upon change in the city and pretty extensively in various parts of the republic. Mr Van Berckel told me Mr Hodshon was envied. There seemed to be a conspiracy of English and French emissaries, of Stadtholderians and patriots, of the friends and connections of Mr De Neufville, Fizeau & Grand, Van Staphorts, De la Lande & Fynje and many others, to raise a cry against Mr Hodshon. He was “anglomane;” he “was a Stadtholderian;” he “was an enemy to America,” &c. &c.—not one word of which was sufficiently well founded to make any reasonable objections against his employment in this service. However, I saw that there was a settled plan to make it a party affair, if not an engine of faction. I said nothing, but determined to let the bubble burst of itself. When I was attacked, as I sometimes was, pretty severely, in company, for the choice I had made of an house for my loan. I justified every step of my conduct in it, by such facts and reasons as not one man ever attempted to contradict or confute.
Nevertheless, in a few days Mr Hodshon came to me and said, “You cannot be ignorant sir, that an uneasiness has been excited in the city and country against yourself and me, on account of the American loan.” I answered, that I had heard and felt enough of it; but that having experienced much more formidable popular clamours in my own country, and seen that they soon subsided, I had not laid this much to heart. It had not shaken my confidence in him or in his contract. Mr Hodshon said “the opposition that was made, could not prevent him from obtaining a considerable sum of money; but it might prevent so large a loan as he and I wished, and as congress expected, and that it might expose me to reflections and misrepresentations in America, as well as in Holland, and even in England as well as France;” and added, “if you have the least inclination to be disengaged, or if you have the smallest probability of doing better for your constituents, I will readily release you from your contract.” I thanked him for his generosity, and added, that I was very willing to risque all the consequences of perseverance, and had no doubt we should succeed as well at least as I could hope to do, in any other connection I could form. But if he pleased, I would make some further enquiries. He wished I would—he was advanced in years, was infirm in his health, easy in his circumstances, perfectly clear and unembarrassed in his business and wished for repose rather than to engage in squabbles: but he would not forsake me. If I could not do better, he would proceed. We agreed to consider and enquire. In the course of my
enquiries, I was informed of a new house—that is, new to me; for I had never seen either of the gentlemen nor heard their names. The house of Wilhelm & Jean Willink, two young merchants of large capital, amiable characters, much esteemed and beloved, of very rich connections, obnoxious to no party, was suggested to me as willing to engage in
this business. I made every enquiry in my power and received the most ample satisfaction and assurance of their characters, circumstances and connections. They were willing to engage with the Vanstaphorsts and De la Lande & Fynjee. I informed Mr Hodshon of this, and he cheerfully resigned his contract, gave me his account, received his balance and my thanks.—(And I now add, in 1810, in every transaction I had with him, I found the most perfect integrity, candour, and I must add, generosity.)
I then completed a new contract with the three houses, Wilhem and Jean Willink, Nicholas and Jacob Vanstaphorst, and De La Lande and Fynjee. In the two former houses, the Willinks and Vanstaphorsts, I was not disappointed. De La Lande and Fynjee, in a few years failed. If I have reason to complain of any thing I met in Holland, it was the general recommendation of this house. No suspicion of its insolidity was every intimated to me. The Willinks and Vanstaphorsts continue, for any thing I know, to this day, 1810, bankers of the United States. I found them men of honor, and they borrowed for me, before I left Europe, nine millions of guilders, which enabled me to send, through the house of Le Couteure in Paris, by the way of the Havana, very large
sums in dollars, to Mr. Robert Morris, the financier of congress; which enabled me not only to maintain myself in Holland, France and England, but to maintain Dr Franklin and Mr Jefferson in France. Not a livre could Dr. Franklin obtain from the French court, not even for his daily bread, after it was known that I had money in Holland. Through the house of Van Ren Yvers at Paris, and the house of the Pullers in London, I drew the money from my bankers in Amsterdam, not only to maintain myself and all my colleagues in Europe, but to answer the continual presentations of bills of exchange from congress and their financier at Philadelphia. This cost me very dear, however. It cost me many very fatiguing journeys from France to Holland and from Holland to France; and many very dangerous and very uncomfortable voyages from England to Holland and from Holland to England.

John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 26 September 1810
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

Quincy, September 26, 1810.

July, 1792. It appeared to me of some importance that my countrymen should be informed of the constitution of the bank of Amsterdam, and to this end I made all the enquiries in my power, in times that could be spared from other more important occupations, and prepared for congress the following sketch, which with the notes upon it, contained, as I was informed, a correct account of it.
A Memorial concerning the Bank of Amsterdam.
The bank of Amsterdam is much more simple than the denomination implies, in general, in the ideas of foreigners. It differs widely from those of Venice, of London and others, which have a capital formed by proprietors, (actionaries) to whose profit, those banks operate.
That of Amsterdam makes neither commerce nor loan, but
upon real specie; upon their intrinsic value; and upon matters in lingots, bars, or masses of gold and silver.
This bank was erected in 1609. The magistrates of the city, opened the project of the bank, for the convenience of the merchants; but it is probable, that it was invented by the merchants themselves, as a remedy for the difficulty of payments, which became more and more considerable and embarrassing.
1. Because there was a good deal of foreign money in the city, with which they made payments reciprocally, amidst eternal disputes, concerning the value to be given or received.
2. Because, in the great number of coins struck by the states, diversely ordered, and singularly divided, they had not all, a constant circulation; notwithstanding the orders of the sovereign; some were declined, even below the fixed value, and others were worth more.
3. The external cashiers, whom the merchants employed in those times, as they do at present, to receive the money which is due to them in the city, and to pay in their turn what they owe, profited of the two inconveniences before mentioned, to make themselves gain, which augmented the disorder and the vexation of payments, as well as in writings.
The merchants contrived then to make reciprocal payments by a simple
transposition of debit, from one to the credit of the other; but to
this end it was necessary to assure the validity of payments made in
this manner by a known and real value and solidly placed under the
authority and warranty of the city. The magistracy lent themselves to
arrangements, which answered to all these conditions; so that a number
of merchants and cashiers, deposited, at first, at their pleasure, a sum
in specie more or less considerable; which were then designed by the
commissaries of the bank as ducats or rix dollars and others; which
money was placed in one of the vaults of the state-house, under the
department assigned for the carrying on this bank. Those who
carried there their money, were credited for it upon a leaf of the
great book, which was shewn to them; and from that time they might
make reciprocal payments, as is practised at this day, without
handling any cash; with this simple formula, viz. “Gentlemen, the commissioners of the bank—please to pay N. N. five
thousand florins. Amsterdam, this—. Signed P. G.”
By means of which, the book-keepers had not, and have not still
any thing to do but to debit P. G. with 5000 florins, and
credit N. N. for the same sum. So that, if they had deposited, each one,
ten thousand florins in cash, there would remain of it to the credit
of P. G. only five thousands, and N. N. would have fifteen
thousands to his; whereof he might dispose in his turn the
next day in favour of one, or more others, having accounts open in
bank. This manner of making payments, was found so convenient, and they
took such a confidence in it, that all the bankers and merchants, even
down to the petty traders, made haste to open an account and to carry
there money, more or less, relatively to approaching payments, which
they had to make in bank. So that there was soon a sufficiency of
specie deposited, for a foundation of all the payments, which they had to make in bank, viz.—All the bills of exchange
of above three hundred florins, drawn by foreigners upon Amsterdam,
and in Amsterdam upon foreigners; all the merchandizes of the East
Indies, the wools of Spain and some other articles.
It happened then, that they ceased to carry thither, the monies of
Holland, because the merchants having occasion, alternately, some, of money in bank for current money, and some of current money for
money in bank, they found a great facility in selling one for the
other. From thence arose a commerce of Agiotage (pour L’Agio), which
had been already prepared; because it had been resolved, for good
reasons, without doubt, as in case of a flood of specie, &c. that the
bank would not receive the monies they would deposit, but at
five per cent below the current value.—So that to have a thousand
florins in bank to one’s credit, it was necessary to deposit one
thousand and fifty florins in current cash. Behold thus, this agio
established, and the money in bank worth five per cent more
than the current money. This value of five per cent soon varied,
because some one, who found that he had too much money in bank, and
was in want of current cash sought to sell the first for the second, found
a purchaser, who would not give him more than four and seven eighths per
cent, that is to say one thousand and forty–eight florins and fifteen
stivers, for a thousand in bank. Thus of the rest; in such sort, that
at all times, when one would buy or sell the money in bank, there is
no question but to agree upon the price of the agio, which is subject
to a perpetual variation, and which is more or less high according to
the wants of epochas. As for example, when the company makes its sales,
the merchants have greater want of money in bank, to pay their
purchases, which raises the agio; which falls again when the company
would sell that which is come in to them, for current money, in which
all payments are made, for fitting out of vessels.
The payment of bills of exchange, being to be made, as it has been
said in bank money, the price of all exchanges of current money,
which were heretofore fixed in bank money; for example, a crown
tournois, of sixty sols, the intrinsic value of which founded upon
the price of the money mark amounted to fifty–seven sols and
three fourths current money of Holland, was placed at fifty–five sols
of bank money. And thus of all other exchanges with all foreign
countries. From whence it results, that having sold merchandizes of a
man of Bordeaux the account of which produces net f. 1050 current; or the credit of f. 1000 bank, (the agio at
105;) when they make him a remittance, or when he
draws, they purchase so many crowns as are necessary for the 1000 f. It at fifty–five sols fifteen deniers, which comes
to the same thing as if they bought crowns for 1050 f. current, at fifty–seven sols and three fourths current.
 When any one would open himself an account in bank, he goes there himself,
and puts his signature upon a book, to make it known; and they give him
the page upon which his account shall be opened, which he ought always
to place at the head of the billet, by which he pays.
They begin with debiting him with ten florins, once for all; after
which he pays no more to the bank, but two sols for each bill that he
writes, with which they debit him, twice a year, when they make the
balance of the books, namely, in January and July; at which epochas, each
one is obliged, to settle equally, his account with the bank; and to go and demand
his pay, to see if they proceed in accord with the bank, under penalty, after
six weeks, if they fail or neglect, of paying a fine of twenty–five
florins. The bank is shut at these epochas, and continues shut during
fourteen or fifteen days, during which time, the bills of exchange
sleep; and although they fall due, the first day of the shutting, or
any day following, they cannot be protested, until the second or third
day after the opening. There are other little shuttings of the bank
at the feasts of Christmas, Lent, Pentecost, and at the Fair, which
continue but a few days. One cannot dispose, till the next day of the
money which enters by the bank, except the second day after the
two great openings, and that of Pentecost. They call these days the “returns of
bills” (revirement des parties) or “the recounting,” because they pay
with that which they receive. One ought to take care, not to dispose
beyond one’s credit, for not only all the draughts whereof one has
disposed, are that day stopped, that is to say they are invalid; but
one is condemned, and obliged to pay a fine of triple of the whole
which one has disposed of, more than that which one has in bank.
The person who writes ought himself to carry his draught to the bank,
or at least his attorney, between eight and eleven o’clock in the
morning. Those who come after until three o’clock, pay six sols fine,
for each draught. The merchants ordinarily pass a procuration which it
is necessary to renew once a year, to one of their clerks to carry
their draughts and demand their payments, which no other person can do.
They transfer every day in the week, except Sunday, and during the
shuttings, which are announced some weeks before hand.
For accommodating the merchants, and also for favoring and maintaining the
price of matters and specie, of gold and silver, both foreign and that
of the country, which in strictness are not but of mere commerce as our
ducats and rix dollars, the bank receives them at a value determined
and relative to the weight and the title known by the paymaster of
the bank; but the sum which they there receive ought not to be below
2500 florins. The bank gives receipts for the
specie, &c. which they deposit there for six months, which are to the
bearer; so that within the time, if the specie or matters exceed,
the proprietor may sell his receipt to another, who pays him the
surplus of what they are worth of the price at which the bank has
received them; and this receipt may thus pass through several hands,
as often happens, by the idea which they form of the excess or of the
deficiency. He who is the bearer of this receipt, may go and take away
these matters or specie when he will, in paying at the bank the value
which it has advanced to him who has deposited them, and moreover
one half of a florin for keeping them the six months, both upon
gold and upon bars of silver; and one quarter of a florin upon Mexican
dollars, rix dollars and some other species of money. When this term
is expired, one may cause to be renewed the receipts in paying at the
bank the one half or one quarter of a florin due. Thus from six months to six: but if one lets pass that time without taking away his deposit
or without renewing it, it is devolved to the bank which keeps it to
its profit.
The bank is governed under the inspection of the burgomasters, by six
commissaries chosen & named by the burgomasters from among the
magistrates and principal merchants, under the care of whom is the
deposited treasure. They furnish every year, in the month of February,
a balance of the bank to the burgomasters, the youngest of whom goes
down with them into the vaults, to verify and take account of the
number of sacks and of the specie contained in the said ballance, and
forming the real and effective fund that each one has in the bank. And
whatever may have been said or suspected upon this subject, it is very
certain that the fund, rolling through the bank, is really there
deposited in specie, lingots, and bars of gold and silver. This
treasure is not, however, so immense as many people imagine.
Some
authors have written (without doubt by estimation) that it went as
far as three hundred millions of florins, which is not credible, when
we consider the returns of the bills (revirement des parties) which
are continually made, between those who have reciprocal payments to
make among themselves. We know very nearly, that there are scarcely
more than two thousand accounts open upon the books of this bank, so
that in order to make three hundred millions of florins, it is
necessary that these two thousand persons should have one with
another, one hundred and fifty thousand florins each, in bank, which is
beyond all probability, especially, if we consider that A and B having
there each, ten thousand florins, might reciprocally pay
themselves sixty thousand florins per week, and thus make a
circulation of transposition of one hundred and twenty thousand per
week, with twenty thousands of sign effective, so that reducing the
year to forty weeks of payment on account of the intervals which
take place in the times of the shuttings, which is too large an
allowance, it would result that with fifty millions, there might be
made twelve thousand millions of florins of payment per annum.
According to this, and considering that the money in bank brings no
profit, it is easy to imagine that there is not much more than is
necessary for the circulation of payments in bank, and that its
treasure cannot be so considerable as many people imagine.
The bank never lends upon any species of merchandize nor discounts
any paper nor makes any other profit than the one half or one fourth of a
florin, upon the gold and silver there deposited, and which added to
the ten florins for the opening of accounts and two stivers for each
draught of which I have spoken, serves to pay all the expense of clerks
and others, which is occasioned by the bank. The overplus, which is
not very considerable, goes to the profit of the city.
No arrest or attachment can be made of any monies which are in the bank,
under any pretext. The commissaries, book–keepers and others, who are
in the service of the bank are bound by oath to say nothing of what
passes there.
No man has a right to require of the bank the
reimbursement in specie of the sum with which he is credited.*
Each one having his account only, in the receipts of the commissaries,
which are in the term of six months. It is certain, that the primitive
fund, the receipts for which they have suffered to be extinguished, is
no longer demandable; and that one cannot force the commissioners to
give species. But it is not therefore the less true that this fund
exists really, and one ought not and cannot doubt that if the city
was threatened with an inevitable invasion and if the merchants
should require their money to place it elsewhere in safety, that the
burgomasters would cause it to be paid by giving so many florins in
current money or value in bars or lingots with which one should be
credited.
[* Note—The author is here mistaken, (or rather has not explained himself with sufficient precision.) All those who have an account in
Bank, may demand to be paid in ready money, but they cannot require
the agio. By consequence, while the bank shall have credit, and there
shall be commerce at Amsterdam, which cannot be carried on without the
money of the bank, and while there shall be consequently an agio, no
man will go and demand in ready money a sum which is worth five per
cent more.The author has not well distinguished between the sum of
money, or rather the specie which one may redeem and in the term of
six months, by means of a receipt and the money for which one is
credited in bank. Behold the difference.]
When they have received at the bank a certain quantity of gold or
silver, whether in money or in bars, for the value of which the bank
has credited upon its books the proprietor, not according to the
value which this money has in commerce, but according to its weight
and denomination; in this case, the depositary, or he who holds the
receipt, has the right, by means of this receipt and in restoring to
the bank the sum for which the first depositary had been credited, to
withdraw this gold or silver, paying one half per—for the
keeping. But the six months elapsed, the receipt becomes useless, the
gold and silver remains in propriety to the bank, and the depositary
must content himself to have received in its place, the sum which this
gold or silver has been valued at, by which sum he has been credited
upon the books, and whereof he might have disposed as he saw good. It
is this sum that he has the faculty of redemanding in ready money
when & as often as he judges appropos, and as he is acknowledged upon
the books to be a creditor for that sum, but they are not bound to
restore him more than the nett sum without agio.
No man will be by consequence, mad enough to cause himself to be paid
four or five per cent less than the money of the bank is worth in
commerce. But if the money of the bank should be so discredited, that
there should be no longer an agio, in that case, all the world would
have a right to come and demand at the bank, the amount of the sum
for which he is credited; and the bank, whose credit would be
ruined, would be obliged, without controversy, to make this payment
or to commit bankruptcy. It can never acquire a right of propriety in
the capitals, for which it has given credit upon its books. But in case of
restitution it is not obliged to restore the same matters or the
same money for which it originally gave these credits. Over these the
right is lost, with the expiration of the time established for the
duration of the receipts; but it is held to the restitution of the
amount of the credits, such as they appear upon the books.

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from William Bentley, 28 September 1810
From: Bentley, William
To: Adams, John

Sir,
Salem. September. 28. 1810.

I have the great pleasure of sending you a portion of the Pears, collected from the Endicott Tree. It is an additional pleasure, that among the increasing demands, Capt E. assures me, that this is the only portion spared from the family, & that I have the direction of it. In Gratitude only are our exclusive faverers rich to us, & this gift I intend as the testimony of my grateful recollection of the Benefacter of my Country. It is beyond the reach of my bounty, but I am happy in blessing him. The kind notice I received, & the confidence it expressed, enriched me.
Believe me, Sir, with sincerity, & / with the highest veneration / of your great talents & immortal services, / your devoted Servant,

William Bentley.


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Rush, 8 October 1810
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir,
Philadelphia Octobr 8th 1810

I enclose you a small publication which contains an account of a new auxillary or palliative remedy for madness. It will serve perhaps be acceptable to some of your medical friends. You will I have no doubt amuse yourself and your fire side by wishing that it could be applied for the relief of napoleon,—George the third, and all the mad federalists & democrats in our country.—
From Dear Sir / ever yours

Benjn Rush


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 26 October 1810
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

        Quincy, October 25, 1810

    I had prepared a memorial to the states general according to my instructions,
        but as the French ambassador procrastinated and the prospect of a negociation for peace with
        England opened, I grew daily more and more indifferent about the triple or quadruple
        alliance, and said no more upon the subject.
    The project which was written but never presented, was in these words:
    High and mighty lords,
    The subscriber, minister plenipotentiary of the United States of America, has the honor to propose to your high mightinesses, that by the tenth article of the treaty of alliance between the said United States and the crown of France—

“Le roi tres chretien et les etats unis sont convenuv d’inviter de concert ou d’admettre les puissances, qui auront des griefs, contre l’Angleterre, a faire cause commune avec eux, et, a acceder a la presente alliance, sous les conditions qui seront librement agreees et convenues, entre toutes les parties.”
    In consequence of which article, the United States in congress assembled, having taken into consideration the numerous “griefs” of this republic, “contre l’angleterre,” and the benefit of an intimate concert of the counsels and arms of the powers at war, engaged in the same interests, against a common enemy, have thought fit to transmit to the subscribed, their express instructions to propose, and he has accordingly the honor to propose accordingly, to your high mightinesses, a treaty of alliance between his most christian majesty, the states general of the United Netherlands, and the United States of America, having for its object and limited in its duration, to the present war with Great Britain and conformed to the treaties subsisting between the crown of France and the United States.—That the conditions of this alliance be, that your high mightinesses shall expressly acknowledge the sovereignty and independence of the United States of America, absolute and unlimited as well in matters of government as of commerce—that the war with Great Britain shall be made a common cause, each party exerting itself, according to its discretion, in the most effectual hostility against the common enemy, and that no party shall conclude either truce or peace with G. Britain, without the formal consent of the whole first obtained, nor lay down their arms until the sovereignty and independence of the said United States shall be formally or tacitly assured by G. Britain in a treaty which shall terminate the war.
    John Adams.
    The Hague, August 18, 1782.—Wrote to secretary Livingston, “I have the honor to enclose for the information of congress, a copy of Mr. Fitzherberts commission. It has been sent to the states general by Mr De Berkenrode, the Dutch ambassador at Paris, and has been communicated to me by a friend.
    [N.B. in 1810.—This essential document was not communicated to me by the Comte De Vergennes, nor by the Duke De La Vauguion, nor by Dr. Franklin, nor Mr. Jay—but by a member of the states general, in confidence. This occasioned me no small embarrassment. What could I write about it to my colleagues, who wrote nothing of it to me?]
    The commission was in these words:
    Georgius Rex
    Georgius tertius, Dei gratia, Magnæ Britaniœ, Franciæ, et Hiberniœ Rex, Fidei Defensor, Dux Brunvicensis et Luneburgensis, Sacri Romani Imperii Archi-Thesaurarius, et Princeps Elector Etca Omnibus et Singulis, ad quos presentes hæ Literæ, pervenerint, Salutem.
    Cum, Belli incendio, jam nimis diu diversis orbisterrarum partibus flagrante, in id quam maxime incumbamus, ut Tranquilitas publica, lot titibus Controversii que rite compositis, reduci et Stabiliri possit, cumque ea de causa, virum quendam tanto negotio parem, ad bonum fratrem nostrum, Regem Christianissimum, mittere decrevimus.
    Sciatis igitur, quod Nos, Fide, Industria, Ingenii perspicacia et Rerum usu, fidelis et delecti nobis, Alleini Fitzherbert, Armigeri, plurimum confisi, eundem nominavimus, fecimus, et constituimus, nostrum verum certum et indubitatum commissarium procuratorem et plenipotentiarium, dantes et concedentes eidem, omnem et omnimodum potestatem facultatem authoritatemque, nec non Mandatum generale, pariter ac speciale (ita tamen ut generale speciali non deroget, nec e contra) in Aula prædicti boni Fratris nostri Regis Christianissimi, pro nobis et nostro nomine, una cum Legatis Commissariis Deputatis et Plenipotentiarus, tam celsorum et Præpotentium Dominorum, ordinum Generalium Fæderati Belgii, quam, Quorumuonque Principum et Statuum quorum interesse poterit, sufficiente authoritate instructis, tam singulatim ac divisim, quam aggregatim ac conjunctim, congrediendi et colloquendi, atque cum ipsis de pace firma et stabili, sinceraque Amicitia et concordia quantocius restituendis, conveniendi, tractandi, consulendi et concludendi, eaque omnia, quæ ita conventa et conclusa fuerint pro nobis et nostro nomine subsignandi; superque conclusis Tractatum Tractatusve, vel alia instrumenta, quotquot, et qualia necessaria fuerint, conficiendi, mutuoque tradendi, recipiendique omnia alia quæ ad opus supra dictum feliciter exequendum pertinent transigendi, tam amplis modo et forma, ac vi, effectuque pari, ac si nos, Si interessemus, facere et præstare possemus; spondentes, et in Verbo Regio promittentes, nos omnia et singula, quæcunque, a dicto nostro plenipotentiario transigi et concludi contigerint, grata, rata, et accepta, omni meliori modo habituros, neque passuros unquam, ut in toto vel in parte, a quoniam violentur, aut ut iis in contrarium eatur.
    In quorum majorem Fidem, et Robur, præsentibus, manunostra regia signatis, magnum nostrum Magnœ Britanniœ Sigillum appendi fecimus; quæ dabentur in Palatio Nostro Divi Jacobi, vicissimo quarto die, mensis Julii Anno Domini Millessimo, Septingentissimo, Octogessimo Secundo, Regnique Nostri, Vicessimo Secundo.
    The words “Quorumuinque Statuum quorum interesse poterit” include the United States, according to them, and in their sense, but not according to the king who uses those words: so that there is still room for evasion. How much nobler and more politic was Mr. Fox’s idea, to insert “the ministers of the United States of America” expressly.
    The states general have appointed Mr. Brantzen their minister plenipotentiary to treat concerning peace, and he will set off for Paris in about three Weeks. His instructions are such as we should wish.
    [For my own part I will be very explicit with congress. If I were now the sole minister for treating of peace, I should decidedly refuse to enter into any conferences, with any one whatever, without full and express powers to treat with the U. S. of America. If I had been alone when the first messengers were sent over, I mean when Mr. Diggs and Mr. Oswald came over, my answer would have been clear, that I never would treat, but with such a plenipotentiary. If my opinion had been asked by Dr. Franklin, I should have given him the same. If this only wise and manly part had been taken, we should have had such a minister, long e’er now to have treated with, and Mr. Fox’s system would have prevailed. But instead of this, Dr. Franklin sends over to England, Mr. Alexander, and he tells them that no such acknowledgement of our independence will be insisted on. Thus it is that all American affairs are conducted by Dr. Franklin. I have not refused to act in the commission with him, because I tho’t it possible that I might do some little good in it, or prevent some evil. But I despair of doing much, to such a degree, that I beg congress would release me from this tie, and appoint another minister of that commission in my room.
    At least this is my humble opinion—if we ever gain any advantage from modern Britons, by relaxing, in one iota, from our principles and just pretensions, I am wholly mistaken in their character.]
    The states of Holland and West Friesland have determined the last week upon our project of a treaty of commerce, and I expect to enter into conferences with the states general this week in order to bring it to a conclusion. I hope for the ratification of the contract for a loan, which has been sent to congress five different ways. Upon the receipt of this ratification, there will be thirteen or fourteen hundred thousand guilders ready to be paid to the orders of congress by Messeurs Wilhem & Jean Willink, Nicholas & Jacob Vanstaphorst, and De la Lande & Fynje.
    The states and the regencies are taking such measures with the Stadholder, by demanding his orders and correspondences about naval affairs, and by re-assuming their own constitutional rights in the appointment of officers, &c. as will bring all things to right in this republic, which we shall find an affectionate and an usefull ally.
    The communication of the following instructions to me, is such a proof of friendship and such a mark of confidence, as makes it my duty to request of congress that it may be kept secret.—
    Instructions projected and passed for Mr. the ambassador Lestevenon de Berkenrode and Mr. De Brantzen.
    1. His most christian majesty, having manifested, in the most obliging manner, by his ambassador extraordinary, Monsieur Le Duc De La Vauguion who resides here, his favorable intention to have an eye to the interests of the republic, in the negociations for a general peace. The aforesaid ministers will neglect nothing, but on the contrary will employ all their diligence and all their zeal to preserve and fortify, more and more, this favorable disposition of his majesty towards this State.
    2. To this end these gentlemen in all which concerns the objects of their commission, or which may have any relation to them, will act in a communicative manner, and in concert with the ministry of his said majesty, and will make confidential communications of all things with them.
    3. They will not enter into any negociation of peace between the British court and the republic, nor have any conferences thereupon with the ministers of said court, before they are assured beforehand in the clearest manner and without any equivocation, that his Britannic majesty has in fact, and continues to have, a real intention to acquiesce, without reserve, that the republic be in full possession and indubitable enjoyment of the rights of the neutral flag and of a free navigation, in conformity to and according to the tenor of the points enumerated in the declaration of her imperial majesty of Russia, dated the 28th of February, 1780.
    4. When these gentlemen shall be certain of this, and shall have received the requisite assurances of it, they shall conduct in such a manner in the conferences which shall then be held thereupon, with the ministers of his Britannic majesty: as to direct things to such an end that in projecting the treaty of peace and friendship between his said majesty and the republic; all the points concerning the free navigation be adopted word for word, and literally from the said declaration of her imperial majesty, and inserted in the said treaty. And moreover, in regard to contraband; upon the subject of which, the said declaration refers to the treaties of commerce then subsisting between the respective powers: that they establish henceforward a limitation so precise and so distinct, that it may appear, most clearly, in future, that all naval stores (les munitions ou mattieres navales;) may not by any means be comprehended under the denomination of contraband. As also, that with regard to the visitation of merchant vessels, they shall establish the two following rules, to wit. 1. That the masters (patrons) of merchant ships shall be discharged upon exhibiting their documents, from whence their cargoes may be known, and to which faith ought to be given, without pretending to molest them by any visitation. 2. That when merchant vessels shall be convoyed by vessels of war, all faith shall be yielded to the commanding officers, who shall escort the convoy, when they shall declare and affirm upon their word of honour, the nature of the cargoes; without being able to require of vessels convoyed, any exhibition of papers and still less to visit them.
    5. These gentlemen shall insist also, in the strongest manner and as a condition, sine qua non upon this, that all the professions conquered from the republic by the ships of war or privateers of his Britannic majesty, or by the arms of the English East India Company, during the course of this war, or which may be further conquered from it, before the conclusion of the peace, be restored to it, under the eventual obligation of reciprocity; and this, as far as possible, in the same state in which they were, at the time of the invasion.
    And whereas the greatest part of these possessions have been retaken from the common enemy, by the arms of his most christian majesty, these gentlemen will insist in the strongest manner with his majesty and his ministry, that by the promise of the restitution of these possessions to the state, immediately after the conclusion of the peace, the republic may receive real proofs of the benevolence and of the affection, which his majesty has so often testified for it.
    6. These gentlemen will insist also, in the strongest manner, upon the just indemmnification for all the losses unjustly caused by Great Britain, to the state and to its inhabitants both in Europe and elsewhere.
    7. In the affairs concerning the interest of the company of the East Indies of this country, these gentlemen ought to demand and receive, the considerations of the commissaries, who are now at Paris on the part of the company and act in concert with them,in relation to these affairs.

    8. In all respects, these gentlemen will hold a good correspondence with the ministers of the other belligerent powers, and it is very specially enjoined upon them, and recommended to direct things to this, that in the said negotiations, there be given no room to be able to conclude or resolve either treaty or cessation of hostilities, if it be not with the common and simultaneous concurrence of all belligerent powers.

    9. Finally, and in general. These gentlemen, during the course of all this negotiation, will have always before their eyes, that the conferences at Paris, at least for the present, ought not to be looked upon as preparatory and preliminary: and that the decision of points which may remain in litigation, ought to be reserved to a general congress, together with the adjustment final of the definitive treaty of peace: the whole, at least, until their high mightinesses further informed of the success of these negotiations, and of the inclination of the belligerent powers, shall find good to qualify these gentlemen for the final and peremptory conclusion of a treaty.

    These Instructions will shew congress in a clear light, the disposition of this republic to be as favorable for us and our allies as we could wish it.

    Secretary Livingston.
    The paragraphs in the foregoing letter included within crochetts, thus, [from the words—for my own part, to the words wholly mistaken in their character] I omitted in my letter to Mr. Livingston, upon more mature reflection. The reasons will be explained in course. But as I must now enter on the most disagreeable part of my business in Europe, if not in my whole life, I must beg the patience, candor and indulgence of your readers.

        John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 31 October 1810
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

					Quincy, October 31, 1810.

				The president De Thou introduces his history with “Pro veritate historiarum mearum deum ipsum obtestor.” Although I shall not follow the example of this great historian in this solemn appeal, in which perhaps he is singular, yet no man ought to commit any thing to writing as history, or as memorials to serve for history, without a strict regard to truth. I shall therefore designedly conceal nothing which is necessary to enable the reader to form a just judgement, nor assert nor insinuate any thing which I do not believe to be true, on whomsoever approbation or censure may fall.To explain all the considerations that influenced my mind, when I wrote the paragraphs in my last letter, enclosed within crotchets, would require the publication of all my correspondence with Congress and others, in 1778 and 1779, while I was accredited to the king of France with Dr. Franklin and Mr. Arthur Lee. This would fill your paper for a year or two and you and I too, are two weary to enter upon new tracts. It may suffice to say, that when I arrived in France in 1778, I found the Americans had been divided into parties with Dr. Franklin and Mr Deane at the head of one, and Mr. Arthur Lee and Mr. Ralph Izzard at the head of the other. And although I have been buffeted between parties all my life time, I have never known any who discovered more rancour and bitterness towards each other. It was soon made manifest to me that the Comte De Vergennes and Mr. De Sartine, with most of their secretaries, clerks (comis) and confidential friends, were decidedly on the side of Dr. Franklin and Mr. Deane. Infinite pains were taken by both parties to proselyte me. I soon saw that to be a favorite of either, I must give it implicit faith and a blind obedience. I soon perceived, that to be upon smiling terms with the Comte De Vergennes and Mr. De Sartine, it was necessary to give my vote always as Dr. Franklin did, and comply with all the solicitations of the humble friends of those ministers. As “honesty is the best policy” and “nullius additus jurare in verba magistri” had always been considered by me as sacred maxims, I determined to be the fool of no party, but examine every question and give my judgement with the strictest impartiality, according to justice. Many questions were brought before us. Dr. Franklin and Mr. Lee generally gave their opinions in direct contradiction to each other. Sometimes one appeared to me to be right and then I voted with him; sometimes the other and then I agreed with him. The consequence was, as it always is in similar cases, the impartial umpire has not the entire confidence and affection of either side. I must farther acknowledge that as Mr. Lee’s opinions appeared to me to be conformable to truth, equity and the public interest, and less dictated by party feelings and private sinister motives, oftener than the other, I gave my vote more frequently with him. Although I had uniformly treated all parties and every individual with all the respect and civility imaginable; I soon found that great genius had little passions: and was so fully convinced that our system in France would be injurious to our cause, that I wrote to my friends in congress to recall us all but one, Dr. Franklin. This was accordingly done. Mr. Lee had a mission to Spain. I returned to Boston on the 3d of August, 1779, after a residence at the French court of about fifteen months. The French ambassador and his secretary of legation came over with me.I had no expectation of ever seeing Europe again; but I was soon informed that congress at the insinuation of the French ambassador were contemplating a fresh mission to Spain and a new mission of an ambassador to assist in conferences for peace whenever they might be proposed and opened. Great debates ensued upon the instructions to be given to this minister. The limits of the United States, but especially fisheries and the refugees, excited divisions and heats. The French court recommended great moderation. The fisheries especially, were discussed and contested with obstinacy. The French legation, privately at least, recommended a relinquishment of them; and nearly one half of congress were for complying with the wishes of France; or rather of the Comte de Vergennes. Mr. Jay was then president of congress. His situation precluded him from debate, and he was not called to explain his sentiments: but it is certain that the party in favor of the fisheries considered him as their enemy, and as cordially united with the opposite party; which was the cause of their promoting his appointment to Spain, in order to carry me for the commission for peace.Whenever Mr. Jay had been in congress, which was not often when I was there from 1774 to 1778, I had preserved a civil and a friendly intercourse with him, and conceived an high opinion of his talents and accomplishments, his profound reflection and keen discernment. But we had different systems and belonged to different sects. For sects and parties there have always existed; and I have never known this nation or its government more united than they are now. Mr. Jay’s talents and eloquence were united with those of Mr. Dickenson, Mr. Livingston, of N. Jersey, Mr. Duane and others, in opposition to all measures which they imagined had a tendency to independence. These gentlemen however, like good citizens, fell in with independence after it was declared, and supported it with integrity. I was always convinced, with Mr. Samuel Adams, Mr. Patrick Henry, Mr. Richard H. Lee, Mr. Gerry & others, that independence would be indispensible for the establishment of government at home, for the defence of our liberties against Great-Britain and for the formation of connections abroad; and for these and many other reasons, had uniformly supported and promoted it, in public and in private, to the utmost of my power. I knew moreover, that Mr. Jay had always been in habits of intimate friendship with Mr. Deane, Mr. Robert Morris, General Schuyler and others, gentlemen whom I had always respected while in congress, though they were not exactly of my political denomination.From all these considerations together, I concluded that Mr. Jay would concur with Dr. Franklin and make a majority against me. Mr Laurens was in the tower, and Mr. Jefferson was not arrived nor likely to arrive.But upon more mature consideration, I could not believe that Dr. Franklin or Mr. Jay had authorised Mr. Alexander to make any such declaration in London. I knew Mr. Alexander to be an intimate friend of Dr. Franklin and thought it not improbable that he might have indiscreetly expressed such an opinion according to the information I had received both from Prague and England. Yet I had no such positive evidence of it as would justify me in giving such a report to congress. Nor was there time for my resignation to arrive and another minister to come from congress to Europe.Upon the whole, I thought it my duty to remain, go to Paris as soon as a proper commission should arrive there from England, join Dr. Franklin and Mr. Jay, and do all in my power to preserve all our just claims. I knew Mr. Jay to be a gentleman and fully believed in his integrity, and that he would have candour enough to hear me patiently and weigh my arguments. The paragraph was accodingly stricken out.To explain still more clearly the situation I was in, I must here insert some long letters which had long before this time been received by me from my invariable friend, Mr. Lovel, then a very active member of congress. The first letter is from Mr. Level himself, dated June 21, 1781.Sir—France appears to be most perfectly satisfied with the present mediators, yet [here follow eight figures in the cypher, which I could never decypher] for an arrangement final of the most moderate terms, [here follow two figures in the cypher, that I could not explain] Franklin, Jay, H. Laurens and Jefferson are added to you. You would be made very happy by such an event being grounded on a desire to alleviate the distress of a great discretion, but blush, blush, America.Consult and ultimately [here follow twenty-two figures that I could not decypher, but I suppose they meant the instruction of congress to their ministers for peace, to do nothing without consulting the ministers of his most christian majesty, and previously obtaining their advice and consent] according to the tenor of our alliance. [then follow seventeen figures that I could not decypher.] Mr. Lovel’s letter proceeds: I might have mentioned a circumstance not very material in the present turn of affairs. [then follows another line or two cyphers.] It is a satisfaction to me and others alike interested, that your other parchments are untouched. I hope therefore that we may conclude our haddock safe. I presume you will be at very little loss to come at the clue of this labyrinth. Gravier, now persuaded of the absolute necessity of the most cordial intercourse between him and you, strongly pressed for orders of that kind, and suppleness knew not where to stop, especially when under the spur of at least Marbois. It is needless to turn well-digger on this occasion; the whole is at the superfices.Your last letter is still October 24th.N.B. in 1810—By this it appears that of all the letters I had written and duplicate and triplicates of all of them, and quadruplicates and quintuplicates of many of them, not one of them had arrived, so great was the difficulty of communication, from Oct. 24, 1780, to June 21, 1781.Another letter will cast light on this dark subject. An original letter from Count Vergennes to Dr. Franklin, which must be followed by a translation.
A Versailles, le 30 Juin, 1780.
Je n’ai rec,u qu’hier, Monsieur, la lettre que vous m’avez fait l’honneur de m’ecrire le 24 de ce mois.Vous demandez, en consequence de l’invitation que vous en a faite M. Adams, que les ordres donnés a M. Le Chev. de la Luzerne relativement a la Resolution du congres du 18 mars dernier soient revoques ou au moins suspendus, parceque ce Plenipotentiaire est en état de prouver que ces ordres ne sont fondés que sur de faux rapports.M. Adams m’avoit adresse des le 22 une tres longue discuss on sur la matiere dont il s’agit; mais elle ne renferme que des raisonnements abstraits, des hypoteses, et des calculs qui n’ont que des bases ideales, ou, tout au moins, etrangeres aux sujets du Roi, enfin des principes qui ne sont rien moins qu’analogues a l’alliance qui subsiste entre sa majeste et les Etats-Unis. Vous pouvez juger par la, Mr. que les pretendues preuves annoncéees par M. Adams ne soient point de nature à nous faire changer de sentiment, ni, par consequent à operer la revocation ou la suspension des ordres donnés a M. le Cheva. de la Luzerne.Le Roi est si persuade, Monsier que votre opinion personelle sur les effets de la resolution du congres, pour ce qui concerne les etrangers, et surtout les Francois, differe de celle de Mr. Adams, qu’il n’aprehende pas de vous mettre dans l’embarras en vous requerant d’appuyer aupres du congrés les representations que son ministre a été chargé de faire à ce senat; et pour que vous puissiez le faire, avec une entiere connoissance de cause, sa majeste m’a ordonné de vous envoyer copie de ma lettre a Mon: Adams, des observations de ce Plenipotentiaire, et de la Reponse que Je viens de lui faire.Le Roi s’attends, que vous mettrez le tout sous les yeux du Congrès, et sa Majeste se flatte que ce senat imbu d’autres principes que ceux que M. Adams a dévelopès, convaincra sa Majesté qu’il juge les Francois dignes de quelque attention de sa part et qu’il sait aprecier les marques d’interêt que sa Majesté ne cesse de donner aux Etats-Unis.Au surplus, Mons. Le Roi n’indique pas au Congrès les moyens qui pourroient etre emploies pour indemniser les Francois porteur de papier mounope; sa Majeste s’en rapiorte entierement a cet egard a l’Equité, comme a la sagesse de cette assemblee.J’ai l’honneur d’etre tres parfaitement, Mons. votre tres humble et tres obeissant serviteur.De Vergennes.M. Franklin.Translation.Versailles, the 30th of June, 1780.I received but yesterday, sir, the letter which you did me the honor to write me, the 24th of this month.You request, in consequence of the invitation which Mr. Adams has given you, that the orders to Mr. the Chevalier de la Luzerne, relatively to the resolution of congress of the 18th of March last, be revoked, or at least suspended, because that plenipotentiary is in a condition to prove that these were not founded but upon false reports.Mr. Adams had addressed to me, on the 22d, a very long discussion upon the matter in question; but it contains only abstract reasonings, hypotheseses, and calculations, which have only ideal foundations, or at least, foreign to the subjects of the king; in fine, principles which are in nothing less than analagous to the alliance which subsists between his majesty and the United States. You may judge by this, sir, that the pretended proofs announced by Mr. Adams, are not of a nature to make us change our sentiments, nor, by consequence to operate a revocation or suspension of the orders given to Mr. the Chevalier de la Luzerne.The king is so persuaded, sir, that your personal opinion, of the effects of the resolution of congress, as it respects foreigners, and especially the French, differs from that of Mr. Adams, that he is not apprehensive of placing you in any embarrassment, by requiring you to support with congress the representations which his minister has been charged to make to that senate: and that you may be able to do it, with an entire knowledge of the subject, his majesty has commanded me to send you a copy of my letter to Mr. Adams, of the observations of that plenipotentiary, and of the answer, which I have made to him.The king expects that you will lay the whole before the eyes of congress, and, his majesty flatters himself, that that senate impressed with other principles than those which Mr. Adams has developed, will convince his majesty, that they judge the French worthy of some attention on their part, and that they know how to appreciate the marks of interest which his majesty does not cease to give to the United States.Moreover, sir, the King does not indicate to congress the means which may be employed to indemnify the French bearers of paper money; his majesty refers himself entirely in this respect to the equity as well as to the wisdom of that assembly.I have the honor to be, most perfectly, sir, your most humble and most obedient servant.De VergennesM. Franklin.One would have thought that such a sharp shot as this would have been sufficient to kill so simple a bird as I was: but it seems the sportsmen were not satisfied. A month afterwards, another volley of more deadly comments must be discharged—Of this in my next.

					John Adams.