Title: To John Adams from John Morgan, 19 February 1776
From: Morgan, John
To: Adams, John

      Dr Sir
      Camp at Cambridge Febry 19. 1776

     On my Arrival at Cambridge Mr. Craigie waited on me and sollicited my appointing of him Apothecary to the General Hospital. He represented that he had been in that Station, from the beginning of the War, and had continued so ever since. He was informd the Appointment rested in me, and begged my continuing him in that Station. At the time, I had overlooked that part of the Copy of the Establishment for a general Hospital, in which it was Resolved that the Appointment of the Apothecary was left to the Director General, and had listened to a report, “that the Congress had reserved to themselves that Appointment, and that Intrest was making for some persons to fill the place.” Believing this to be true I told him so. I had no design to deceive him; or lull him into any Security, for had I known, or attended, to the true fact, viz that the Appointment was left with me, I should not have hesitated a Moment to have told him that I had brought with me a Young Gentleman, a Pupil of my own, on whose Ability and Fidelity I could rely, to fill that Station with Credit and Honour to himself and the good of the Service, and that if that place, being vacant, was at my Disposal, I should Prefer him to every other person to fill it, be the pretentions or recommendations of the other what they might. But supposing Mr. Craigie to be a person of Address and Abilities, and claiming some regard, on Account of the Application he had procured to be made to me, and on Account of the representation, (rather let me say Misrepresentation) of his having been appointed from the beginning by Dr. Church and recognized as such by Dr. Foster; (in short of his having been regularly appointed and Continued as Apothecary ever since) I spoke to General Washington in his behalf, that in case the Appointment of the Apothecary was reserved by the Congress to be at their Disposal, and the place not fill’d up, he would be pleas’d to recommend Mr. Craigie to the Place. Immediately after Mr. Craigie produced to me the Inclosed letter to you, Solliciting your Intrest to have him appointed Apothecary and would have me to forward it. I told him I would consider of the Matter. This I looked upon as a necessary Step to avoid Imposition, or in other Terms, finding on my Arrival a Multitude of Solicitations in favour of Posts and Places which people here imagined connected with the Hospital, and at my disposal, I was determined to do Nothing by Surprize, or in haste, that I might afterwards repent at Leisure; for I might be Impos’d on, very innocently, or without any Design, by those Gentlemen who were prevailed with to sollicit in favour of a person, from their being missled by the representation of the Applyer, themselves: I therefore told Mr. Craigie what I had done, by Applying to General Washington, in his favour, which I thought the most likely Method to succeed, and upon the whole, did not approve of any other mode of Application. This was the sincere Advice of one who was, at that time, disposd to Serve Mr. Craigie, supposing the Appointment to be, as already mention’d, that and which I believed to be verily the Case. But I soon found that the Gentlemen who had signed the Letter in favour of Mr. Craigie had been themselves deceived. Several of Dr. Church’s Books were deliverd up to me, by his Brother in law Mr. Cookson; among the rest, one Containing the Appointment of all the Officers employ’d in the Hospital, that were at the Disposal of the Director General, first the Surgeons then the Apothecary, as follows Surgeons.
     Dr. Isaac Foster
     Dr. John Warren
     Dr. Samuel Adams
     Dr. Charles McKnight
     Apothecary Dr. Benj: Allen.
     About this time having had a little leisure to look into the state of the Hospital, and to assume the Management of my Department, his Excellency General Washington thought proper to order Dr. Foster (who had acted as Pro Tempore Director General from the time of Dr. Churches Confinement till my Arrival) to deliver up all his Accounts to me, in order to pass them. In looking over these, I found Dr. Allen had not only been Considered as Apothecary to the Hospital, but actually received pay as Such, nor was the least notice taken of Dr. Craigie, as Such, in Dr. Churches Books, nor had he ever received any pay as Apothecary; I enquired of Dr. Foster, if he had appointed him to that Station, after Dr. Church’s Confinement. He assured me he had not. This opened my Eyes, with respect to Dr. Craigie’s Artifice, and his Imposition on the Gentlemen who had Written the Letter to you in his favour, by which they were induced to give such a representation as would Incline a reader to believe he had been duly Appointed Apothecary, for the Hospital, by Dr. Church, and Acknowleged as such by Dr. Foster, as a Plea for his Continuance in that Office. This led me also to examine more minutely into his practice, in the Hospital, with a View to find out how far he had conducted with Wisdom, Prudence and Judgment in an Office he seem’d to have taken such pains to Intrude into. I ordered him to make out a list of all the Drugs &c. in the Medicinal Store, which I found extremely ill Supply’d, Some Accounts he gave me of Medicins, certified to be deliverd to the Hospital, and endeavourd to pass others on me, as if bought, or absolutely engaged for the Hospital which of course I was bound to pay, but I had some reason to think this an Imposition. I found many Articles charged at such an extravagant price, that being, unwilling to impute it to any other Cause, I was obliged, (as the most charitable supposition) to ascribe it to his ignorance and Inability to fill the place of Apothecary. Shall I take up your time in pointing out a few of those Articles contained in one single Account Viz.

      Mr. Andrew Craigie bought of James Jones

      Pen Currency

      Rad Rhoei 60 lb at 6 Dollars a pound

      £185.

      Mosch Chine in grain an Oz 15 Dollars

      5.
      12.
      6

      Sal glaub 70 lb eql. to 5/12 of a Dollr. or 2/6 lawf. currency

      10.
      18.
      9

      P: Cort peruv 8 lb at 7 Dolls. 1/3 a lb
      }
      on an average 6 Doll 5/6
      }
      82.

        ″  ″ 24 ″ at 6 Do. 2/3 ″ ″

      283.
      11.
      3

      About a Year ago I bargained for 2000 Wt. of as good Rhubarb at 2/3 of a Dollar per lb but afterwards by agreement gave up the bargain. I believe this to be part of the same parcel; but Supposing 300 Per Cent is allowed as an advance on Account of the time this will make it amount to 2 Dollars per lb; 60 lb. Wt. then is equal to 120 Dollars, or

      }
      45.
      0.
      0

      I have since my Arrival bought 3 oz. of good Musk at exactly 1/2 the price, which is per Oz

      }
      2.
      16.
      3

      If I mistake not Sal Glaubn. always sold at Philadelphia for about 1/ Currency per lb by the quantity; be that as it may, I know the London Invoice of Sal Glaub is about 3d Sterling a pound, but I will suppose it to be Pens. Curency @ 1/3: 70 lb will then be

      }
      4.
      7.
      6

      As to the P: Cort Peruv: I believe what was bought of Marshall of Philadelphia, on a Average, did not stand the Continent in more than 2 Doll. a pound. I will Suppose this bark better, and the price Double, Viz 4 Dolls. Then 32 lb will be

      }
      48.

      100.
      3.
      9

      Difference almost 2/3 of this whole

      183.
      7.
      6

      £283.
      11.
      3

   I could produce other similar Instances, but let these Suffice, as Specimens, of Dr. Craigies fitness for the Station to which he aspires. A pretty piece of Work. At this rate no Sum of Money could be thought of, adequate to the enormous expence of supplying the whole Army. Is it to be wondered at, then, that I should lose all Confidence in Mr. Craigie. When I Charged him with it he was so sensible of his Misconduct, that he humbly intreated me to allow him to withdraw the Rhubarb. He pleaded his being deceived himself (but I suppose his meaning was that it should not Appear against him,) which I granted. By this time, Certainly knowing that the Appointment of an Apothecary rested with me, I determined to Acquaint Mr. Craigie he need not flatter himself with being appointed to that Office, and to Appoint Mr. Giles to it, in whose Integrity, as well as Ability to fill up the Place, I could repose Confidence. Mr. Craigie urged, in his own behalf, that it was a bad time of the Year to be Discharged; and that to be Idle would be an injury to him. Was it another season of the Year, it would be less Matter; Having no design to injure Mr. Craigie, I gave him to understand, if he Chose to remain in the Quality of an Assistant, till he could provide better for himself, he was wellcome: This he declined. He insisted on receiving pay as Apothecary, from the beginning of the Service to that Day, which I thought I was scarcely Justified to pay him, as Dr. Allen had received pay as such; and if I paid two, it was at my own risk; however, I concluded to pay him his full demand, as on Enquiry from Dr. Foster I Learned that Dr. Allen would acquiesce, and knew that if it should not be allowed, I could make Mr. Craigie refund.
     Mr. Craigie then strenuously insisted on my delivering him up the inclosed Letter to you, as a Certificate to the publick, of his Character, alledging my not Appointing him Apothecary would be a reflection on him, which that letter might tend to clear up. I mildly reply’d to him that I should keep that letter as some Justification, for having acted contrary to my better Judgment, in allowing him the pay of an Apothecary; and as to his Character being necessarily enjured from my not appointing him, I told him there was no room for it, the place being at my disposal, and I was not responsible to him for Chusing whom I thought fittest for the Place. On the Whole my Intention was to pay him all his Demands for Services, that he might have no Complaint; and to let him down gently; nor was I willing to expose to the World my want of Confidence in him, leaving his future success to be determined by the Opinion his friends had of him, and his own future good Conduct; wherefore I gave a formal, but Cold, Certificate of his having acted Well in which my Cooler Judgment tells me I was to blame, but Charity for him was the Motive, which I mention least he should make an ill use of It. I suppressed the letter, because had I even given it to you, or to him, it would have forced from Me an explanation, that I thought it best, for his sake, to avoid; but I find he has taken so much pains to misrepresent facts, that Justice to myself requires I should Assign the Reason of my Conduct toward him; I am told he has made a stir, among some worthy Gentlemen here, who think from his partial Account he has been hardly treated and have advised him to Apply to You to get his grievances represented to Congress, he giving as a reason for my behavour to him, that I put Mr. Giles in, as being an Apprentice of mine, with a View of putting the pay into my own Pocket.
     I beg leave to ask wether the Circumstances of Mr. Giles being educated with me as an Apprentice, (provided he is fit for the place and discharges the trust reposed in him with Ability and fidelity,) is to disqualify him from reaping the advantage of his Abilities; or are the engagements Into which I entered with Mr. Giles as my Pupil, before ever I thought of entring into the publick service, (which are binding me) to be disregarded because Mr. Craigie wishes to thrust himself into the Place. If that is an argument why Mr. Giles should not receive pay for his service, will not the same Operate against the surgeons of the Hospital, (who are Allowd to chuse their own Mates,) that have employ’d their Apprentices as Mates and who are supposed equally entitled to pay, with any Others, if, on Examination; they are found Qualified. In our late examination of Hospital Mates this was allowed to be matter of right and Justice, and admitted Accordingly. However Mr. Giles has drawn no pay yet, as Apothecary; and if the Congress see fit to disallow it, I shall submit to their determination, and Acquaint the Surgeons with their disallowance, as the cases are similar, but I shall still Insist on my right of appointing the Apothecary.
     I ought to apologize for my Troubling you with so long a letter; yet if you Consider the Matter, I depend on your Candour to excuse it. Should Mr. Craigie trouble either You or Messrs. Hancock or Sam: Adams or any other of the delegates with his Complaints, I flatter myself that you will do me the Justice to Communicate to them the particulars of the Information, I now lay before you, but not Otherwise, further than you think proper, (in Case you hear of the Matter,) to do Justice between Man and Man.
     You will further pardon me Sir for asking you a Question by way of Remark, on the Stress Mr. Craigie puts on his having gone into Boston, at some risk, to get out his Medicins, and throwing them into the publick Stock for the Use of the Army, (as mentioned in the Inclosed letter). Did Mr. Craigie go in for the sake of serving the publick, Merely? Or did he run that risk, as other people do the like risk every Day, in Order to secure his own property, and for his own Emoluments. If he threw his Medicins into the Common Stock, was he not paid for them, or did he not put his own price on them, and if he had sold his stock in trade, how does it hinder him from purchasing another? I Own I cannot see any great force, in such fine spun reasoning; but I quit the subject being sorry to take up so much of your time, on a private Matter, when Business of much greater Importance Calls for both Yours and My Attention, and when I have matters of Consequence to lay before you, which I must now defer, till Another Opportunity, in the mean while, with my best Compliments to Col. Hancock and Mr. Adams and to Messrs Lynch and Rutledge, whom I shall probably trouble with a similar Letter, and with Assurance of the Most perfect Regards for you and wishes for your Prosperity I remain Dr Sir Your most obedient and very humble Servant,

      John Morgan


Title: To John Adams from Joseph Palmer, 19 – 24 February 1776
From: Palmer, Joseph
To: Adams, John

      My dear Sir
      Watertown, Febry 19th. 1776

     Your Family were pretty well yesterday; also Mr. Cranches and mine; N Q has a bad cold. I have been sick a few days, but am now better, so as to be abroad again.
     Yesterday a Gentleman arrived here, said to be a Prussian Knight, from France to the W Indies, thence bound to Philadelphia, but brot on upon the back of the Cape, from thence hither, and now at head Quarters, has many Letters for Dr. Franklin, a Packet for the President of the Congress, and another for the Secretary of ditto. Tis Supposed that the Vessel was bound into Boston, ‘tho’ he took passage for Philadelphia. ’Tis likely you will know more about it before you receive this. The Enemy threaten us hard at Braintree; but I hope to rouse the Sleeping Bear: Our Companies there have done hard duty, and are Somwhat discouraged by not having been commissionated; but I expect to obtain Commissions for ’em this Week, and to get a Major appointed over the 4 Companies: S Spear is moving off the Women and Children, and I expect others will move; but if the enemy don’t attack us there, within 2 or 3 days, we Shall Stop the panic, which is not great. I have Stolen a few hours from the Night, one time and another, to draw some imperfect Plans of Forts, and have presented them to the Court, in order to lead them to think seriously of making proper defences for Magazines, Harbours &c.
     I heartily thank you for your present of common Sense; it is very welcom, and I believe no person was ever more eagerly read, nor more generally approved: People Speak of it in rapturous praise. Union among ourselves, and independency respecting Europe, seems to be the ardent wish of almost all. One of the Hall’s is dead, and the other dangerous, otherways it would have been re-printed: I intend to Speak to Edes about it tomorrow; it wou’d admit of a large impression.

      20th

     I’ve heard more about this Stranger, Monsr. LeBaron &c. &c. &c. He is a native of Dantzick, has been many years in the K of Prussia’s Service, is one of the Knights of Malta, has 2 Letters for Dr. F., one for Mr. Secretary Thomson, and many others; he is a Gentleman and a Politician; and says, that all Europe wish our Prosperity; and that the House of Bourbon in particular wish the Colonies to declare for independency, so that they may have nothing to fear from the English. The Baron took passage at the Mole, in a French Vessel bound to Philadelphia, as he understood it; but I suppose she was bound for Nantuckett; and we are credibly informed, that there are 6 or 7 more soon expected: There not being English Vessels to take off their Melasses, they send it in their own Bottoms. This Vessel was loaded with Melasses, and 1 hhd. Sugar; she got upon the Sholes within Sight of Nantuckett, lost both Anchors and Cables, and great part of her Sails, and then drifted on upon the back of Chatham; both Vessel and Cargo will be saved, as ’tis supposed.
     I don’t particularly recollect what I wrote to you in my last; but since that time, conversation has much turn’d upon Independency; and after having considered the matter as fully as opportunity admited, I am Satisfied in my mind, that this Colony wou’d rejoice most heartily in a Declaration by Congress in favor of it; and it is clear in my mind, that, upon such a Declaration, Trade ought to be regulated so that we may be our own Carriers; this will encourage Ship building, be a nursery for Sea-Men, and will prevent Foreigners obtaining any great knowledge of our Coasts and Harbours; and if possible, and I think ’tis possible, let us not enter into any Treaty offensive and defensive, with any European Power, so that we may avoid being involved in their Wars. I depend upon it, that if we declare for independency, F and S will soon attack G B, but they will not do it ’till the breach between her and the Colonies is incurable. In the mean time we Shall grow in Military Strength and Knowledge, and once the Enemy are dislodged from Boston, and we can obtain a Sufficient Stock of Powder and other military Stores, there will be very little danger of their ever possessing it again; for it can’t be long before our own Manufactures will furnish all necessary Stores in the Military way; and inspired by our cause, we Shall very soon equal, if not exceed Our Enemies in Military knowledge. The infamous Colo. Jones of W is dead; ’tis said that he was reduced very poor, and that his Widow is ill, and also poor: I feel for their distresses, notwithstanding their wickedness: I believe we had not a more inveterate enemy; had his power been = equal to his will, he would have matched a Hun. The enemy have burnt 6 or 7 Houses on Dorchester Neck, and stolen two or 3 of the Guards.

      24th

     Since the above, the Night before last, our people Stole a Corporal and 2 privates who were Centinels at the ruins of Browns House on the Neck; ’tis said that there was not a Gun fired, our folks Steping in between the 2 Centinels, took off, in a Storm, the outermost, without any alarm.
     Our Court is adjourned to the 13th Mar:; in the recess I am to go to Middletown in order to obtain further knowledge of Smelting &c.
     I am to inclose to Mr. Hancock, the Report of the Committee upon Lead &c., which is not reported in full, as you will See. We are endeavouring to obtain, in the recess, all the late Acts of Court, and such Resolves as may be tho’t useful for the Congress, in order to transmit ’em thither as soon as possible.
     This is the time, for declaring independency; we never have had such a favourable moment before, and ’tis not likely we ever Shall have such another, if we neglect this: Such a Declaration, with a good Test-Act, will be a foundation to build a good Constitution upon; without these, many will be Squinting at the Constitution of 63; and so long as men (I ask pardon for calling ’em so) have an Eye to Such a reconsiliation, they never will act with firmness and Spirit against our enemies. I fell into chat, this day, with Majr. F of N, who is a retailer of other Men’s politicks; and when Speaking of independency, he asked whether Such a declaration wou’d not make G B more angry, and more determined to execute their Plans upon us: Such Questions have a bad tendency, which is very obvious, but a Declaration for Independence wou’d put a total Stop to all Questions of this kind. I have not time to add, only that I remain with great affect., my dear Sir, Yr. Frd. and Servt:,

      J P


Title: To John Adams from Isaac Smith Sr., 29 February 1776
From: Smith, Isaac Sr.
To: Adams, John

      Mr. Adams
      Salem Feby: the 29. 1776

     I wrote you One or two letters not knowing of your being coming home all that time. We have nothing Material in this quarter. By some people a few days since Out of Boston they seem to think they will move off soon, As the Transports seem to be in readiness to receive any thing On board, and that there are Apprizements on the Friends of goverments Estate but I apprehend itt differantly that is that in case of any Attack upon them they may have everything ready to imbark, and that incase of the distructions of Estates in a day of reckoning they may be Accounted for, but att present dont see any end can be Answer’d by itt was such a thing ever to be put in Execution as itt would not put an end to the disputes. The Newbury Yankey Hero has taken Another White Haven Man. By a paper of the 16 Novr. has some things in itt which we have not had before which suppose you will have from the General. Is there any probability of a trade being open to foreighn ports. The brig of Mr. Gearey fited Out by our Goverment has met with such an imbaresment as am of Opinion wont be Allowed to return there being a dificulty in the Customs which iff referd to Madrid which I suspect is the case of course Our Minister will know of itt and put a stop to her coming itt being now more than three Months when Nothing else hinderd her.
     We have two ships stationd here and Marblehead, Manley and One or two believe will sail to day iff can get by.

      Our family are well and your hum. servant,
      Isaac Smith

      P.S. A few Nights Ago seven people belonging to One of the Above ships Tenders took the boat and got ashore att Manchester, there being but 10 more Aboad, she is gone up to Boston to get more hands.


Title: To John Adams from William Tudor, 29 February 1776
From: Tudor, William
To: Adams, John

      Dr Sir
      Cambridge 29th. Feby. 1776

     We have Nothing here sufficiently important to communicate, As it is hardly worthwhile to tell you that a Vessel was last Sunday taken by one of our Privateers loaded with coals and Potatoes; or that a Night or two ago we had one or more Deserters, from the Enemy. Preparations have been for some Time silently making for an important Manoevre, and from the Contents of General Orders for several Days back the Army are in hourly Expectations of being call’d to Action. The Season is certainly precious and I hope in God will be improved and that I shall be enabled within 10 Days to acquaint You with News as satisfactory as Interesting. I cannot think of the Destruction of my native Town without Pain, yet if it might serve for the General funeral Pile of the Paricides who infest it I could view the Conflagration without much Regret.
     The Pamphlet called Common Sense is read with great Avidity. The Doctrine it holds up is calculated for the Climate of N. England and though some timid pidling Souls shrink at the Idea 99 in 100 wish for a Declaration of Independence from the Congress. This Peice has been attributed to You, some make Dr. Franklin the Author and others suppose it the Product of a Triumverate; be this as it may, the bold Conceptions of the Author who has convey’d them in the most energetic Language, at once astonish, convince and please Us.
     I must beg Sir as a particular Favour that You would send me (as I suppose it will be printed) Dr. Smith’s funeral Oration on Genl. Montgomery. I am with great Respect Yrs. &c.,


Title: To John Adams from Joseph Frye, 4 March 1776
From: Frye, Joseph
To: Adams, John

      Sir

       March 4th: 1776

     Capt. Gordon Hutchins the bearer hereof, being a Man of Experience in Military Service, the late war with France, had a Company the last year in the Continental Army, and is very desireous of entering the Same Service again. I therefore take leave to recommend Him to you for that Purpose, if there Should be any room for His admittance. If that Should be the Case, and your Honour Should please to afford Him your Countenance in the affair, I trust it will be of Service to the Cause we are Engaged in, and will be received as a favour By your Honrs: most obedient Humble Servt.

      Joseph Frye


Title: From John Adams to John Thomas, 7 March 1776
From: Adams, John
To: Thomas, John

      Dr sir
      Philadelphia March 7, 1776

     The Congress, have determined to send you to Canada. They have advanced you one Step, by making you a Major General, and have made an handsome Establishment for a Table.
     Your Friends the Delegates from your native Province were much embarrassed, between a Desire to have you promoted and placed in so honourable a Command, on the one Hand, and a Reluctance at loosing your Services at Roxbury or Cambridge on the other. But all agreed that you ought to be placed where you could do the most service, and Canada was thought by all to be very important and by some the most important Post in America.
     You will have excellent Advice and Assistance in the Committee we are sending Dr. Franklin, Mr. Chase Mr. Carroll and his Relation.
     Mr. Walker, Mr. Price and Mr. Bondfield, will be in Canada too, as soon as you. General Wooster and Arnold will give you, the best Information. The Department to which you are destined has been in Great Confusion, and every Gentleman who has come from thence has given a different account.
     General Schuyler, who is an honest Man and a good Patriot, has had a Politeness about him towards Canadian and British Prisoners, which has enabled them and their ministerial Friends to impose upon him in some Instances. This has occasioned some Altercation between him and Wooster. But Wooster has done that in Canada which Schuyler could not have done. He has kept up an Army there through the Winter.
     Schuylers head Quarters will be at Albany, I suppose and he will be of vast service, in procuring and forwarding Supplies, and in many other Ways in promoting the service, but his Health will not permit him to go into Canada.
     I wish I could write you a Volume,—for to give you the Characters of Persons in Canada of whom we have heard, and some of whom We have seen, and to explain to you every Thing which has been opened here relative to that Province would fill one. But these Hints must suffice. Your huml. sert.,

      John Adams

      Let me beg of you to write me, if you can Spare the Time. It is of great Importance that the Delegates from New England should be truly informed, of the Course of Things in Canada.


Title: To John Adams from Horatio Gates, 8 March 1776
From: Gates, Horatio
To: Adams, John

      Dear Sir
      Head Qrs: 8th: March 1776

     Monday Night Two Thousand men under the Command of Brigadier General Thomas took possession of Dorchester Heights; a vast Quantity of Materials being previously Collected, especially Chandiliers, and Fascines, our Troops were soon covered, and long before day, began to Break Ground to thicken their defences against The Enemys Cannon.
     To Conceal our design, and divert the Enemys Attention, a very Heavy Service of Cannon, and Mortars, began to play upon the Town between ten, and Eleven, Saturday night, from our Three Fortified Batteries at Cobble Hill, Letchmere Point, and Lambs Dam; this was continued all that night, and the two Succeeding; The Enemy returned The Fire constantly, but allways ceased as we did in the Mornings. Our Shot must have made Great Havock amongst the Houses, as I am confident they Swept the Town, what Loss, otherwise suffer’d by the Enemy, we are Ignorant; as neither Townsman, nor Deserter, has yet come in to acquaint us! Monday morning at Sun rise, expecting The Enemy would attempt to Force our New Works upon the Heights, everything was prepared for their proper Reception; and a large Body of Troops were drawn up near Cambridge River, with Orders upon a Signal Given, to Embark on board the Flat Bottom’d Boats, and in Two Divisions push into Boston; but the Enemy disappointed us by remaining Sullen and Sulkey in Boston, suffering Our Works upon the Heights to be carried on without any other molestation, than now, and Then, a Feint Cannonade upon Dorchester Neck; and even this, ceased with the day; for neither side have since Fired a Shott at each other! By monday morning our Redoubts will be Finish’d, and Barracks for 600 Men; so all that Peninsula, may now be called Ours, as the Cannon on the Heights Commands the whole of it; The behaviour of The Enemy since Monday strongly indicates their intention of removing from Boston; as their Heavy Cannon, Powder, &c. has been seen, and heard, Transporting from Bunkers Hill, and the upper parts of The Town, to the Wharfs next the Shiping, for  several days past; and this morning a Quantity of Beding is Observed pulling on board Transports at the Long Warf: before we are quite ready to advance our Batteries upon Dorchester Point, I suspect the Enemy will Embarque. A few days will shew if I am, or am not mistaken; I was disappointed in not receiving your High Mightiness’s Act of Independency by the Last Post.

      The Middle way, the best, we sometimes call,
      But ’tis in Politicks no way at all;

     Shew this immediately to my Worthy Friend T. Johnson, and remember I have begun to fullfill my Promise to you. I am Dear Sir with great esteem Your Affectionate Humble Servant,

      Horatio Gates


Title: To John Adams from Mercy Otis Warren, 10 March 1776
From: Warren, Mercy Otis
To: Adams, John

      Dear sir
      Plimouth March 10 1776

     As your time is so Much Devoted to the Service of the publick that you have Little Leasure for Letters of friendship or Amusement And Conscious of Incapacity to write anything that would be of the smallest utility to the Common Weal, I have been for sometime Ballancing in my Mind Whether I should again Interrupt your Important Moments, but on Reperusing yours of January 8th I find a query unanswered. And though the asking my opinion in So Momentous a question as the Form of Government to be prefered by a people who have an opportunity to shake off the fetters both of Monarchie and Aristocratic Tyrany, Might be Designed to Ridicule the sex for paying any Attention to political Matters, yet I shall Venture to Give you a serious Reply.
     And Notwithstanding the Love of Dress, Dancing, Equipage, Finery and Folly, Notwithstanding the Fondness for Fasshion, predominates So strongly in the Female Mind, I hope Never to see an American Monarchy, However Fashionable in Europe, or However it Might Coincide with the taste for Elegance And pleasure in the one sex, or Co opperate with the Interest, or passions of the Other.
     I have Long been an Admirer of A Republican form of Goverment, And was Convinced Even before I saw the Advantages Deliniated in so Clear and Concise A Manner by your Masterly pen, that if Established upon the Genuine principles of Equal Liberty, it was A Form productive of Many Excellent qualities, and Heroic Virtues in Human Nature, which often Lie Dormant for want of opportunity for Exertions, And the Heavenly Spark is smothered in the Corruption of Courts, or its Lustre obscurr’d in the Pompous Glare of Regal pageantry. It is an Observation of the Celebrated Bourge, "that Almost all political Establishments are the Creatures of Chance Rather than of Wisdom, and that There are few Instances of A people Forming for themselves a Constitution from the Foundation, that the Common Course has been to Blend with the New system of politics the Errors and Deficiencies that had Cript into the old." Therefore there is Scarcly any Example of Such a phenomenon as a perfect Common Wealth. But we will hope the present period will Leave one to posterity, and that the American Republic will Come as Near the standard of perfection as the state of Humanity will Admit, and that Listning to the Dictates of Common sense the Amphyctionic Body will not be Obliged to yeald to the Violence of party or to the Blindness of private, or provincial prejudices, and Leave the Work half Finished. Shall the Fabrick which they now have the power of Compleating with a Facility which may never again take place be Left tottering under Its own Weight, to be showered up and Cemented with the Blood of Succeding Generations.
     But However we may Indulge the pleasing Reverie And Look Forward with Delight, on the well Compacted Goverment, and Happy Establishment of the Civil police of the unite’d Colonies, yet with you sir I have my fears, that American Virtue has not yet Reach’d that sublime pitch which is Necessary to Bafle the arts of the Designing, and to Counteract the Weakness of the timid, as well as to Resist the pecuniary temtations And Ambitious Wishes which will arise in the Breasts of More Noble minded and Exalted Individuals, if not Carefully Gaurded.
     But we shall soon have A test. And iff the union of the Colonies, and A Steady Opposition to the Disgraceful Idea of Foreign shackles still subsists, after Negotiating with Men picked for the purpose of Flattering, Terefying and Cajoleing the Colonists into Compliances which Their principles, Their Interest Their Honour, and Even Their strength forbids, I shall have hopes that America has more than one politician who has Abilities to Make the Characters of His people, to Extinguish the Vices and Follies He finds, and to Create the Virtues He sees wanting.
     Many among us are Ready to Flatter themselves that an Accomodation with Britain is Easey and that we shall soon see the Return of Halcyon Days.
     But I believe sir, you have Little Expectation that, the Commissioners from A Haughty, Venal and Luxurious Court Acting in the Name of A Despotic prince will submit to such Humiliating Terms as the safety, the Happiness, and the justice of America Demands.
     I Agree to the Bargain you propose and I think sir you Cannot Retract, when A Lady has accepted your Conditions.
     But I Must Ingeniously tell you, the pleasure you may Expect to Reap, will be very Inadequate, to the Advantage I promiss myself by the Compliance.
     I Expect to be made Acquainted with the Genius, the taste, and Manners, not only of the Most Distinguished Characters in America, but of the Nobility of Britain. And perhaps before the Conflict is Ended, with some of those Dignifyed personages who have held the Regalia of Crowns And Scepters, and in the zenith of power are the Dancing puppets of other European Courts. While the sphere of Female Life is too Narrow to afford any Entertainment to the Wise and Learned, who are Called to Exhibit some of the most Capital scenes in the Drama. And who dare to tread the Theatre, when not only A World! are the Spectators, but the Stage so Conspicuous and the part so Interesting that all posterity will scrutinize their steps, and Future ages Censure or Applaud according to the Imbecility, the Vigour, or Magnanimity that Marks the Conduct of the philadelphian actors.
     The subject I have touched is so Difusive that I have been Imperceptably Lead to Detain you Longer than I designed, and after uttering Every wish for the Happiness of you and yours, that Friendship Can dictate, I will only add I should be Gratifyed with a Line if it was only an assurance of pardon for the Fredom and Length of this from

      Marcia


Title: To John Adams from Joseph Ward, 14 March 1776
From: Ward, Joseph
To: Adams, John

      Sir
      Camp at Roxbury 14 March 1776

     The 2 instant at night we began a cannonade and bombardment upon the Enemy, and continued it three nights successively; on the 4th at night we threw up works upon the heights on Dorchester Point. The next morning the Pirates in Boston and in the Harbour appeared to be in great agitation, and every day and night since have been preparing (according to our observations, and the information from Town) to leave Boston. During our fire upon them they returned it warmly with Shot and Shells, but thro’ the good Providence of God, we lost but one Subaltern and four privates in this Camp, and one private only in Cambridge. Several were slightly wounded. A sally was generally expected from the Enemy when we took post on Dorchester Point, but there has been very little appearance of such a design. Since we are possessed of the heights which command the Town, it is generally apprehended the Pirates will go to New York or the Southern Colonies. May all the winds of Heaven oppose them. If the Enemy leave Boston, I trust measures will be immediately taken to prevent them from being able ever to come into the Harbour again.

     No important occurrences have taken place which you have not been acquainted with. The Army is ordered to be ready to march in case the Enemy should remove. Genl. Ward’s health being so precarious he talks of resigning; if he should, what post will be assigned for me or whether any, I know not; if any thing either in the Civil or Military should offer, wherein I could serve my Country, I shall continue in the public Service.
     Our Privateers continue successful; and every appearance and the general state of things, affords, I think, an encouraging prospect; and if we persevere I cannot doubt but we shall soon see our Country in Freedom Peace and Safety.
     I hope Common Sense will convince every doubting mind with regard to the propriety and necessity of forming a Government in America; it is a glorious performance, and I think I see strong marks of your pen in it. I am perswaded the war would not be long if those sentiments were adopted, and that America would soon be the admiration and glory of the World. I trust Heaven will direct to it, and for which I ardently wish.
     Genl. Ward desires his Compliments to you and to your worthy Colleagues in Congress.

      May the God of our Fathers direct all the Councils of America. I am Sir With great Respect Your most Obedient Humble Servant,
      Joseph Ward


Title: To John Adams from John Sullivan, 15 – 19 March 1776
From: Sullivan, John
To: Adams, John

      Dear Sir
      Winter Hill March 15th 1776

     Your very Acceptable Favour of the 7th Instant Came to hand this Day. You could not have Conferred a greater obligation on me than by giving yourself the Trouble to write me; but when you give me to understand that my Services are acceptable in Your Eyes and in the Eyes of the Congress in General I already Esteem myself fully rewarded for all my toils; and cannot but persevere in my Endeavours to Deserve the good opinion of the Congress and my Country.

     The Enemy after having been Severely handled by our Shot and Shells for a few nights found us in full possession of Dochester Heights. This Threw them into the utmost Consternation. They Endeavoured to Elevate their Cannons So as to Breach our works by Sinking the Hinder wheels of the Cannon into the Earth but after an unsucesful Fire of about two Hours, they grew weary of it and Desisted. They then ordered Lord Piercey with 3000 Troops on board the Transports and to proceed to the Castle from whence he was to Come and attack our works on the South while the Granadier and Light Infantry were to Land from Boston on the North Point of Dochester Called Nook Point and attack our Lines on the other Side: This was no more than we Expected and had therefore prepared Signals at Roxbury to notify us of the Enemys movement and upon their making an Attack at Dochester we were to Land in our Boats on the North of Boston And Carry the Town Sword in hand. I was appointed to Command the first Division, and General Green the Second. General Heath was to Remain in Cambridge with the Troops left here and the attack was to be made by 4000 we not having Boats to Carry more. Our Boats were prepared and men Paraded by them Ready to Embark and all Seemed to be in Longing Expectation for the Signal: but the Reknowned Lord Piercey Disappointed us for he Instead of his Prospect Glass took a Multiplying Glass and viewd our people from the Castle and made them fifty thousand when in fact we only Sent our four thousand. This prevented their attack and Deprived us the pleasure of Walking the Streets of Boston for that time. The Troops then thought of nothing but Quitting the Town and have been Ever Since preparing for their Departure.

      Sund Tuesday June i.e. March18 19th 1776

     Dear Sir I had not time on the 15 Inst. to finish my Letter and now beg Leave to give you Some further Intelligence viz. on Saturday Evening our People took possession of Nook Hill near Boston. They Continued a Cannonading all night without hurting a Man. In the morning they found the Approaches So near and being Suspicious that we were about taking possession of Noddles Island they Embarked Early on Sunday morning and fell Down to the Castle. We Saw the Ships under way about 8 in the morning and the River full of Boats with Armed Soldiers. This gave an Alarm as Some Suspected they were about to Land at Dochester but having a full view of them with a Glass from Plowed Hill I found they were going on board the Ships. I then took my Horse and Rode Down to Charlestown Neck where I had a Clear view of Bunkers Hill. I Saw the Sentrys Standing as usual with their Firelocks Shouldered but finding they never moved I Soon Suspected what Regiment they belonged to and upon taking a Clear view with my Glass found they were only Effigies Set there by the flying Enemy. This Convinced me that they were Actually fled for if they meant to Decoy us they would have taken away Every appearance of Men. By this time I was Joined by Colo. Mifflin who with my Brigade Major agreed to go up Sending two persons Round the works to Examine whether there was any of them in the Rear of the works while we went up in the front. I at the Same time Sent for a Strong party to follow us on to the Hill to assist us in Running away (if necessary). We found no persons there and bravely Took a fortress Defended by Lifeless Sentries. I then brought on the party to Secure what we had So bravely won and went Down to the other works where we found all Abandoned but the works not Injured in any part. We hailed the ferry Boat which came over and Informed us that they had abandoned the Town. We then gave Information to the General who ordered me with the Troops under my Command to take possession of Charlestown and General Putnam with 2000 men to take possession of the works in Boston and on Monday morning his Excellencey Make his Entry into Boston and Repaired to Mr. Hancocks House where we found his Furniture Left without Injury or Diminution. Indeed General Grant Sent for the man Left in Charge of the House and Desired him to Examine whether any of the Furniture was Damaged which he Said was not (Though I believe the Brave General had made free with Some Articles in the Cellar). Indeed the Buildings Except the old wooden ones have Suffered but very Little by the Rebel Army. We found about forty good Cannon, a fine 13 Inch mortar and great Quantity of Stores which they in their Hurry have Left for our use. They Spiked up the Cannon but we can Easily Clear them. I Shall this Day visit your House or rather mine and Inform you what State it is Left in and for your Sake and the Lady who gave it me as well as my own Shall see that no Injury is Done to it in future. Till I can have the pleasure of Seeing you and your family in full possession. I Expect to march for New York in two or three Days part of our Army having marched Some Days Since and the whole is to follow to prevent them getting possession of that Important Post.
     I have Seen Common Sense and admire it and wish that your Bretheren had a Sufficient share of it. It Takes well with the Army and the People in General and I hope So Rational a Doctrine will be Established throughout the Continent as the only Doctrine which will work out the Salvation of America. You ask me if we have any Colonels fit for Brigadiers and who they are. I will undertake to Recommend one Viz Colo. Stark who is an old veteran and has better pretensions than any other Colonel in the Army though by Down right Dint of Blunder he was Ranked below other Colonels in the Army when by the very Principles the Committee pretended to go upon he Should have been the first. This Recommendation I Submit to your wise Consideration. I beg you to make my most Respectful Compliments to Colo. Hancock, Mssrs Adams, Pain and Garey and believe me to be Dr Sir with much respect your most obedt. Servt.

      Jno Sullivan


Title: From John Adams to James Warren, 21 March 1776
From: Adams, John
To: Warren, James

      My dear sir

       March 21. 1776

     I have not received more than one Letter from you since I left you and that was a very Short one. I have written as often as I could.
     If you get a sight of the New York and Philadelphia News Papers you will see what a mighty Question is before the Tribunal of the Public. The Decision is yet in suspence, but a Guess may be formed what it will be.
     The Day before Yesterday the Committee of Observation of this City a virtuous brave and patriotic Body of Men 100 in Number voted with only one dissentient Voice, to petition their assembly now sitting, to repeal their deadly Instructions to their Delegates in Congress. This assembly, a few days ago upon a Petition from the Same Committee and some other Bodies, has voted seventeen additional Members, in order to make the Representation of this Province more adequate.
     You will soon see, a sett of Resolutions, which will please you. The Continental Vessells the Provincial Vessells, and Letters of Marque and Privateers will be let loose upon British Trade.
     I hope and believe it will not be long before, Trade will be open. Foreign Nations, all the World I hope will be invited to come here, and our People permitted to go to all the World except the Dominion of him, who is adjudged to be Nerone Neronior. I think the Utmost Encouragement must be given to Trade—and therefore We must lay no Duties at present upon Exports and Imports—nor attempt to confine our Trade to our own Bottoms, or our own seamen. This for the present.
     We have so much Work to do, by sea and Land, and so few Hands to do it, that We shall not be under any Necessity nor will it be good Policy, I think, to attempt such Restrictions as yet.
     The Act of Assembly here for seventeen additional Representatives, will give a finishing Blow to the Quaker Interest in this City—at least to its ascendency. It will strip it of all that unjust and unequal Power, which it formerly had over the Ballance of the Province. The Tories here, attribute this Maneuvre to your Friends to whom you are sometimes so partial. If the Charge is true the Posterity of Pensylvania will have cause to bless your Friends from Generation to Generation. You cant think how much I am flattered with it. As I have the Pleasure of a particular Acquaintance, and frequent friendly Conversations with Several Gentlemen of this city belonging to the Committee of Observations, I am inclined to hope, that a small Portion of this Merit, is due to me. But I would not be too vain and proud of it.


Title: To John Adams from Joseph Ward, 23 March 1776
From: Ward, Joseph
To: Adams, John

      Sir
      Boston 23 March 1776

     The 17th Instant the Pirates all abandoned their Works in Boston and Charlestown and went on board their Ships, and on the 20th they burnt and destroyed the works on Castle Island. They now lye in Nantasket Road waiting for a fair wind; we keep a vigilant eye over them lest they should make an attack on some unexpected quarter. The particulars with regard to the Seige, the Stores taken, &c. you will receive from better authority, therefore it is unnecessary for me to mention them. Our Troops behaved well, and I think the flight of the British Fleet and Army before the American Arms, must have a happy and very important effect upon the great Cause we engaged in, and greatly facilitate our future operations. I wish it may stimulate the Congress to form an American Government immediately. If, after all our exertions and successes, while Providence offers us Freedom and Independence, we should receive the gloven cloven foot of George to rule here again what will posterity, what will the wise and virtuous through the World say of us? Will they not say, (and jusly) that we were fools who had an inestimable prize put into our hands but had no heart to improve it! Heaven seems now to offer us the glorious privilege, the bright preeminence above all other people, of  being the Guardians of the Rights of Mankind and the Patrons of the World. It is the fault of the United Colonies (a rare fault among men) they do not sufficiently know and feel their own strength and importance. Independence would have a great effect upon the Army, some now begin to fear that after all their fatigue and hazards in the Cause of Freedom, a compromise will take place whereby Britain may still exercise a power injurious to the Liberty Peace and Safety of America: Cut the Gordian knot, and the timid and wavering will have new feelings, trimming will be at an end, and the determined faithful friends of their Country will kindle with new ardour, and the United Colonies increase in strength and glory every hour.
     Yesterday I saw your Brother, who informed that Mrs. Adams and your Children were well.
     General Ward, on account of his declining health, has wrote his Resignation to the President of the Congress. I expect the greatest part of the Army will march for New York, or the Southern Colonies as soon as the Fleet is gone to Sea; and the Troops that remain here will be employed in fortifying the most advantageous Posts to defend the Town and harbour. I do not much expect the Enemy will make any attempts to regain possession of Boston, for I think they are sufficiently convinced that they cannot penetrate the Country in this part of America; ’tis probable they will try their fortune to the Southward and if they fail there the game will be up with them. We hear many accounts about Commissioners coming from Britain to treat with the Colonies separately, or with the Congress. Many fear we shall be duped by them, but I trust the congress is too wise to be awed by the splendor or deceived by the cunning of British Courtiers.
     I know not of one discouraging circumstance attending either our civil or military affairs in this part of the Continent. I have lately heard with pleasure that the Farmer is become an advocate for Independence.

      Wishing the Congress that Wisdom which is from above, I am Sir with much Respect Your most Humble Servant,
      Joseph Ward


Title: To John Adams from Jonathan Trumbull, 25 March 1776
From: Trumbull, Jonathan
To: Adams, John,Wythe, George

      Gentlemen
      Lebanon 25th March 1776

     Two accounts of loss by hostilities committed by the Ministerial Navy, which came to hand since my last, are enclosed.
     I do most sincerely congratulate you on General Washington’s success—And on the shameful retreat of our Enemies from Boston—Which demand our humble admiration and praise of the supream Director of all Events, for His marvellous interposition for our help.
     Tyranny and oppression have a natural tendency to move the Colonists, to a seporation from Great Britain. Nothing else could induce them to an Event so distant from their thoughts or designs. Burning and destroying our Towns, robbing our property, trampling on and profaning places dedicated to divine Worship and Service, and cruel treatment of the persons so unhappy as to fall into their hands, are injuries of the first magnitude. The prisoners in our custody meet generous entertainment. Is it not time the law of retalliation should take place? Every subtile art, as well as Arms are used against us. May God prevent their Operations, and turn their counsels to foolishness—preserve and increase the union of His American people, grant them Wisdom, and guide their public Councils.

      I am, with great Esteem and Regard Gentlemen Your most obedient humble Servant.
      Jonth; Trumbull


Title: Editorial Note
From:
To:

      One of the most influential of Adams’ Revolutionary writings was the pamphlet Thoughts on Government, Applicable to the Present State of the American Colonies. In a Letter from a Gentleman to His Friend, Philadelphia, 1776 (T. R. Adams, American IndependenceThomas R. Adams, American Independence: The Growth of an Idea. A Bibliographical Study of the American Political Pamphlets Printed Between 1764 and 1776 . . . , Providence, R.I., 1965., No. 205a; EvansCharles Evans and others, comps., American Bibliography: A Chronological Dictionary of All Books, Pamphlets and Periodical Publications Printed in the United States of America [1639–1800], Chicago and Worcester, 1903–1959; 14 vols., No. 14639). Actually its influence began before it appeared in print, for it took earlier form as letters to two other friends who made use of it during the deliberations regarding a government for North Carolina. The genesis of the pamphlet is a confused story, the confusion arising from Adams’ imperfect memory of events to which he did not attach great importance at the time.
      Adams’ earliest, and thus most nearly accurate, account of the composition of the Thoughts was given in a letter to James Warren of 20 April (below). William Hooper and John Penn, delegates to the congress from North Carolina, had each been urged to return home to take part in the drafting of a plan of government for that colony and bring with him ideas on the subject. They applied separately to Adams for suggestions. In his own words, Adams “concluded to borrow a little Time from his sleep and accordingly wrote with his own Hand, a Sketch, which he copied, giving the original to Mr. Hooper and the Copy to Mr. Penn.” When George Wythe of Virginia saw the sketch, he wanted one for himself. Adams obliged, as he said, by writing one out from memory. The same thing happened when Jonathan Dickinson Sergeant of New Jersey put in his request, although this time the author “enlarged and amplified a good deal.”
      Taking the account to Warren literally, Adams produced four manuscripts, the first two of which would be as nearly identical as one could expect from a laborious copying of five or six pages, and the third would reveal differences because it was done from memory. The fourth, expanded as it was, would show the greatest difference from the others. Adams told Warren that he had made five copies although he specifies only four. It has been postulated that the fifth may have been the letter Adams wrote to Richard Henry Lee the preceding November, but the lapse of months would seem to make that unlikely (Adams to Lee, 15 Nov. 1775, above). Adams probably miscounted (John E. Selby, “Richard Henry Lee, John Adams, and the Virginia Constitution of 1776,” VMHB Virginia Magazine of History and Biography. , 84:394–395, note 20 [Oct. 1976]).

      It is not surprising that when Richard Henry Lee also asked for a copy of Adams’ latest composition, the hard-pressed author borrowed Wythe’s, and Lee “put it under Types.” The pamphlet, then, probably reproduced the Wythe copy, though we cannot be certain, for the Wythe MS has not been found, nor, for that matter, has the Sergeant copy. As Adams wrote to Warren, it was a pity that Wythe’s copy was used for the printer, for Sergeant’s was “longer and more compleat, perhaps more correct.”
      A comparison of the letters written to Hooper and Penn and the letter to Wythe as printed shows that Adams did not copy his initial effort, as he first claimed. Each proposal, though containing passages identical with one or both of the other versions, shows some difference in ordering of ideas and contains passages unique to it. Yet, given the nature of some of the verbatim passages, one can justifiably conclude that Adams had a set of notes or a rough draft, apparently no longer extant, on which he could draw in answering the separate requests for a plan of government. Although he declared the Sergeant version the most accurate and complete, even that in Adams’ eyes was only a temporary expedient, for he was careful to note in all three extant versions of the Thoughts that the conditions of 1776 would change and that, as stress and danger eased, legislators might well want to alter several features of the original scheme. What those modifications might be are only hinted at, but the hints account for some of the differences from plan to plan. Most of these will be left to annotation, but a few general comments are appropriate here.
      The letter to Penn is approximately two hundred words longer than that to Hooper, but the one to Wythe is perhaps one thousand words longer than that. The greater length of the third version is largely owing to the elaboration of some ideas and the introduction of topics not covered earlier: for example, the addition of a sixth and summary reason for the dangers of unicameralism, the discussion of the composition and command of the militia, the advisability of sumptuary laws, and the quorum for the Council when it acts as adviser to the governor.
      Besides these additions there are other differences of substance. Thus, only the Hooper letter mentions an alternative to basing representation on numbers or geographic area—quantity of property. Although the Hooper letter is unique in this respect, the principle of basing representation on property was incorporated in 1779 in Adams’ draft of the Massachusetts Constitution and was retained in the final version of 1780. The number of senators from specially designated districts was to be proportional to the taxes paid by the inhabitants of the district (The Report of a Constitution or Form of Government for the Commonwealth of Massachusetts . . . , Boston, 1779, p. 18; Constitution of 1780, ch. I, sect. II). Only the Wythe letter mentions the possibility of terms of office running three or seven years, or even for life, although Adams in all three letters makes plain his strong preference for annual elections. Here, as elsewhere, however, he would leave the decision to the people. The Wythe letter also enlarges somewhat the sphere of the congress. That it should provide for a post office is not surprising, but Adams’ additional thought that the unappropriated royal lands should come under congressional jurisdiction shows his awareness of the issue of ownership of western lands. Virginia was particularly concerned with this issue because of its vast claims north and west of the Ohio River which overlapped the claims of other colonies (see Madison, PapersThe Papers of James Madison, ed. by William T. Hutchinson, William M. E. Rachal, Robert A. Rutland (from vol. 8), and others, Chicago, 1962- , 2:72–77). Obviously there was some development of Adams’ thought even in the space of a few days; in this light the disappearance of the Sergeant letter is especially regrettable.
      A very rough estimate of the length of the final version of the Thoughts may be extrapolated from Adams’ statement to both Abigail (JA to AA, 15 April, Adams Family CorrespondenceAdams Family Correspondence, ed. L. H. Butterfield and others, Cambridge, 1963– ., 1:383) and Warren that he had used ten sheets of paper to produce the four copies. Whenever Adams used a full sheet for a letter, he folded it in half to make four pages; hence if one makes no allowance for unfilled pages, his copying effort produced forty pages of writing. Extant MS versions for Hooper and Penn use five and seven full pages respectively. The printed Wythe version must have taken about twelve pages, for a total of twenty-four pages for the three versions we know. This means that the Sergeant version was about sixteen pages in length.
      Not only did Adams create confusion about whether two of his letters were merely copies of the original, but with the passage of time he insisted upon a different order of composition. In 1814 John Taylor of Caroline co., Virginia, John Penn’s son-in-law, published An Inquiry into the Principles and Policy of the Government of the United States, in which appeared an undated letter by Adams on government. Extracts from this letter, according to Taylor, had been printed some years before in newspapers (An Inquiry . . . , repr. New Haven, 1950, p. 452–458). When Adams saw the letter he was convinced that Taylor had written a confused account of its nature and wrote him “an unvarnished explanation,” stating that in January 1776 he and Wythe had had an evening’s conversation about government. After Adams had put his ideas into writing at Wythe’s request, Lee had secured Adams’ permission to have the piece published on condition that the author’s name be suppressed. Some weeks later the delegates from North Carolina called on Adams, bearing a letter from their state legislature requesting his advice on a form of government, a request he fulfilled with a letter that was never published in whole or in part (JA to Taylor, 9 April 1814, MHi: Washburn Papers). The letter in Taylor’s book, of course, was that to John Penn. Adams had forgotten that he had written to Penn and to Hooper, not to the North Carolina legislature. This second account of the genesis of Thoughts on Government, erroneously making Wythe’s the earliest version, parallels one that Adams had entered in 1811 on the flyleaf of Norton Quincy’s copy of the Thoughts ([Feb.–April], Adams Papers, and see JA, WorksThe Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, ed. Charles Francis Adams, Boston, 1850–1856; 10 vols., 4:191). Several years later still, Adams described the letter printed by Taylor as “an imperfect copy” of the Wythe letter (JA to Hezekiah Niles, 28 April 1817, Niles Weekly Register, 12:161 [March–Sept. 1817]).
      Close examination of several letters that Adams wrote in the spring of 1776 permits establishment of an approximate chronology for the letters that led to the pamphlet. One can say at once that Adams did not have a conversation with Wythe in January 1776, since Adams did not return to Philadelphia until 8 February (JA to AA, 11 Feb., Adams Family CorrespondenceAdams Family Correspondence, ed. L. H. Butterfield and others, Cambridge, 1963– ., 1:345). Furthermore, he apparently did not put down his ideas on government until after 19 March. On that day he answered Abigail’s request for his opinion of Common Sense, which he had sent her from New York several weeks before. In noting that some people thought that he was the author, Adams remarks, “But altho I could not have written any Thing in so manly and striking a style, I flatter myself I should have made a more respectable Figure as an Architect, if I had undertaken such a Work. This Writer seems to have very inadequate Ideas of what is proper and necessary to be done, in order to form Constitutions for single Colonies, as well as a great Model of Union for the whole” (JA to AA, 19 March, italics supplied, sameAdams Family Correspondence, ed. L. H. Butterfield and others, Cambridge, 1963– ., 1:363).
      The italicized clause indicates that Adams had not yet written his plan of government. Yet, on 27 March, Hooper and Penn left Philadelphia to attend the North Carolina convention, so that, given the account of events that Adams wrote to Warren on 20 April, Adams must have written out his scheme for Hooper and Penn before they left the city (Burnett, ed., Letters of MembersEdmund C. Burnett, ed., Letters of Members of the Continental Congress, Washington, 1921–1936; 8 vols., 1:lviii). That fact would date the earliest versions of the Thoughts between 19 and 27 March. The Wythe version may well have been composed soon after 27 March, for Wythe saw either the Hooper or the Penn version before the men left Philadelphia; the Sergeant version followed, completed at the latest by 15 April, when Adams told Abigail he had used up ten sheets of paper. We know that on 11 April, Sergeant requested that Adams send to him a “Copy of a Paper I spoke with You about the Evening before I left Town,” which was very likely one of the first three versions of Thoughts on Government (Sergeant to JA, 11 April, below).
      Put into pamphlet form by John Dunlap of Philadelphia, Thoughts on Government was advertised for sale on 22 April in the Pennsylvania Packet. Some months later a reprint was made available in Boston by John Gill, who gave notice in his Continental Journal of 10 October that it would be published on the 12th. Gill may have sensed a market for Adams’ work. In Massachusetts for some time there had been agitation for a constitution to replace the makeshift government under which the province was operating. What had begun as opposition in Berkshire and Hampshire counties to continuation of the charter became after 4 July more general, and the House of Representatives in September asked the towns if they wanted the General Court to draft a constitution (Robert J. Taylor, Massachusetts, Colony to Commonwealth: Documents on the Formation of Its Constitution, 1775–1780, Chapel Hill, 1961, p. 36, 41). Moreover, on 31 August the Rev. William Gordon had begun a series of letters to the Independent Chronicle in which he discussed the features that a constitution should contain. In his first letter he quoted from Thoughts on Government the arguments of Adams against unicameralism. His series of letters ran through September and into October and was continued in the spring of 1777 (Independent Chronicle, 5, 12, 19, 26 Sept.; 3 Oct. 1776; 20, 27 March; 3, 10 April 1777). While Massachusetts towns in the fall of 1776 were voting overwhelmingly to give the General Court authority to draft a constitution, if one can judge by the returns preserved in the state archives, the first newspaper printing of Thoughts on Government, presumably taken from the Boston edition, appeared in the Newburyport Essex Journal of 1 November.
      Similarly, local issues brought another printing of the Adams proposal. Writing as “Ludlow” in the Pennsylvania Journal, Benjamin Rush, who despised his state’s constitution, quoted from the Adams pamphlet four of the reasons (nos. 1–3 and 6) why unicameralism was dangerous. “Whitlocke,” whose identity remains unknown, answered Rush in the Pennsylvania Gazette. He made the telling point that in the passage cited by Rush, Adams had inveighed not against vesting all legislative power in one body, but against centering all legislative, executive, and judicial power in a single assembly. Rush did leave out a key phrase in quoting Adams’ sixth reason for opposing unicameralism: “execute all laws arbitrarily for their own interest” (Pennsylvania Journal, 28 May 1777; Pennsylvania Gazette, 4 June 1777; for an analysis of the debate over the Pennsylvania constitution see Robert L. Brunhouse, The Counter-Revolution in Pennsylvania, 1776–1790, Phila., 1942, p. 28–33, 240). The Gazette printed the text of Thoughts on Government to allow readers to see for themselves what Adams had said, but in doing so it omitted the last paragraph, which had requested suppression of the author’s name.
      In quoting, Rush became the first person publicly to assign authorship of the pamphlet to John Adams; moreover, he said Adams was addressing one of his friends in North Carolina, although the pamphlet makes no mention of that state and was, in fact, addressed to Wythe of Virginia. Somehow Rush had learned of one or both of the letters addressed to Hooper and Penn. (Rush’s letters on the constitution were collected as Observations upon the Present Government of Pennsylvania in Four Letters to the People of Pennsylvania, Phila., 1777, the quotations from Adams being at p. 5–6.) When Adams learned how his proposal for government was being put to use in Pennsylvania, he was unhappy, for he did not want “to be impressed into the service of one Party.” However much he deplored unicameralism, he believed above all else that choice of governmental forms should be left to the people for decision (JA to AA, 4 June 1777, Adams Family CorrespondenceAdams Family Correspondence, ed. L. H. Butterfield and others, Cambridge, 1963– ., 2:255; JA to Patrick Henry, 3 June 1776, below).
      Thoughts on Government had influence apart from early reprintings. Its most obvious impact came in Virginia, where it called forth an ineffectual rebuttal: Carter Braxton’s Address to the Convention of the Colony and Ancient Dominion of Virginia, (Phila., 1776), designed, Adams said, “as an Antidote to the popular Poison, in ‘Thoughts on Government’” (JA to James Warren, 12 May, below). Patrick Henry described it as “an Affront and Disgrace” to Virginia (to JA, 20 May, below). His ire was probably provoked by Braxton’s too-great admiration for British forms and his attack on republican government as based on the impossible ideal of disinterestedness and equality. Quoting from Adams, Braxton held that he had confused public and private virtue. Braxton called for a governor elected by the House of Representatives to serve during good behavior and a Council, or second branch of the legislature, to serve for life. The representatives of the people were to be elected every three years (Force, Archives[Peter Force, ed.,] American Archives: Consisting of a Collection of Authentick Records, State Papers, Debates, and Letters and Other Notices of Publick Affairs, Washington, 1837–1853; 9 vols., 4th ser., 6:748–754). Although Braxton’s pamphlet was reprinted in Dixon and Hunter’s Virginia Gazette of 8 and 15 June, it appeared too late and was too far from the spirit of men’s thinking to carry any weight.
      Julian P. Boyd has demonstrated that George Mason, chief architect of the Virginia Constitution of 1776, was influenced by both Thoughts on Government and Adams’ letter to Richard Henry Lee (Jefferson, PapersThe Papers of Thomas Jefferson, ed. Julian P. Boyd and others, Princeton, 1950– ., 1:334–335, 369, note 6). John Selby’s study of Lee and the Virginia Constitution reproduces the long-unidentified handbill on government that Lee ordered made up and that is based on, but not identical in substance to, the letter from Adams of 15 November 1775. The evidence is clear that the printing of Lee’s handbill preceded the publication of Thoughts on Government by a week or two; nonetheless, Adams’ pamphlet was in the hands of a number of Virginians before they attended the state convention. Lee became an ardent advocate of the Adams plan insofar as it demonstrated that government could be established in a form Virginians were used to even though independence was to be declared. Selby makes the important point that some Virginians had feared such a declaration might lead to “internal disruption.” Adams’ work eased their fears and made them the more ready to embrace many of its features (VMHB Virginia Magazine of History and Biography. , 84:393–396).
      In North Carolina, according to Elisha P. Douglass, Thoughts on Government was invoked by those who opposed a democratic faction that sought greater popular control in government, even to the extent of electing judges (Rebels and Democrats, Chapel Hill, 1955 [repr., Chicago, 1965], ch. 8). Douglass, unaware of the Hooper and Penn letters, confined his attention to the printed pamphlet, which arrived too late to exert much influence on the convention that met in April (same, p. 124–125). In fact, Hooper and Penn were put on the committee to prepare a constitution as soon as they arrived at the convention on 15 April (William L. Saunders, ed., The Colonial Records of North Carolina, 10 vols., Raleigh, 1886–1890, 10:516). Adams’ letter to Hooper was copied into the executive letterbook, and Penn wrote to Adams that “We are endeavouring to form a Constitution as it is thought necessary to exert all the powers of Government, you may expect it will be a popular one” (Penn to Adams, 17 April, below). What Penn meant by “a popular one” apparently differed from what some North Carolinians meant, for a democratic group in the convention wanted a two-house legislature and a president and council functioning as the executive that would be directly elected by the people. Conservatives, according to Douglass, wanted the plan of Adams more closely followed (Rebels and Democrats, p. 120, 124, 125, note 30). As mentioned earlier, Adams had insisted that his specific proposals were temporary and in his letter to Penn had suggested that in time people might prefer direct election of a governor by the people at large and of councilors by the freeholders. Thus, Adams was not so conservative as Douglass’ analysis would imply. The outcome in North Carolina, however, was a more democratic government than men like Hooper and Penn desired (same, p. 129–135).
      No study has yet been made of the precise impact of Thoughts on Government on constitution-making in New Jersey. Jonathan Dickinson Sergeant is credited with having written a draft before a committee of the provincial congress designated for the purpose could get started. The committee worked but two days to produce a constitution, and it was adopted on 2 July. John E. Pomfret has described it as following “the colonial model . . . throughout,” as not “a revolutionary document.” All officers, executive and judicial, were chosen by joint ballot of the two houses for terms that were brief, even for judges. The lack of judicial tenure and of a veto for the governor was an important departure from Adams’ plan, but annual elections and bicameralism were significant parts of his scheme. Since familiar forms shaped Adams’ thinking, the lack of revolutionary change would not necessarily rule out his influence (Pomfret, Colonial New Jersey, A History, N.Y., 1973, p. 261–264).
      For the rest, there are but scattered hints that Thoughts on Government continued to be influential. Adams’ recollection is that the pamphlet was useful in New York. In his Autobiography he remarks that John Jay and James Duane attended the New York Convention, “as I suppose for the Purpose of getting a Plan adopted conformable to my Ideas, in the Letter to Mr. Wythe.” When Duane returned to the congress and learned that Adams had seen New York’s constitution (of 1777), he asked “if it was not agreeable to Adams’ Ideas.” Adams responded that it was “by far the best Constitution that had yet been adopted” (Diary and AutobiographyDiary and Autobiography of John Adams, ed. L. H. Butterfield and others, Cambridge, 1961; 4 vols., 3:398).
      In Massachusetts the pamphlet was pressed into service again in 1778. That year the state’s voters overwhelmingly rejected a constitution that the General Court had drafted. Among the reasons given for the rejection, the best known are those supplied by a county convention held in Ipswich, which were published and are familiarly known as the Essex Result. It quoted from and paraphrased those sections of Thoughts on Government dealing with equality of representation, the dangers of unicameralism, and the tenure of judges, as well as giving heavy emphasis to the system of checks and balances (Taylor, ed., Massachusetts, Colony to Commonwealth, p. 73–89, but esp. p. 81, 82, and 85). Writing about 1800, Adams remarked that the Essex Result was “in general agreable to the Principles” of Thoughts on Government, but that no credit was given to its author because his name was not known at that time. He added somewhat petulantly, “The Essex Junto however, need not be so vain glorious as to arrogate to themselves the honor of being the Founders of the Massachusetts Constitution” [Feb.–April 1776], Adams Papers).
      While the state constitutional convention was meeting in 1779 to draft what would become the Constitution of 1780, John Gill reprinted Thoughts on Government in his Continental Journal of 23 September. It was preceded by a note, probably written by Adams, which identified the author of the pamphlet and said in part: “the Plan of Government was rather intended to familiarize to the people a way of making the transition from the old Governments to the new, and to set abler pens to work than as anything well digested. It was written in too great a storm, and by a person too much employed in business to be thoroughly considered.”
      Additional reprintings in the 18th century are found in the Gazette of the United States for 29 September and 2 October 1790 and in the Universal Asylum and Columbian Magazine, 5:392–397 (Dec. 1790). Although the magazine gives no explanation for its reprinting, the reappearance of Thoughts on Government in the Gazette may have been timed to coincide with the final adoption of the Pennsylvania Constitution of 1790, which in turning to bicameralism and a single executive more nearly exemplified Adams’ ideas than had the first constitution of the state (Brunhouse, Counter-Revolution in Pennsylvania, p. 226–227). At the same time the Gazette was serializing Discourses on Davila, also by the then Vice President, John Adams.
      In commenting in 1776 and afterward upon his efforts to sketch a plan of government, Adams always stressed that he had done the job in a hurry, that his proposals were meant to be temporary, that what he had written was “a poor scrap,” even that the plan was meant for southern governments only, which he regarded as likely to favor less popular government than New England would. For example, he did not expect the people of Massachusetts to accept a governor with a veto power (JA to James Warren, 12 May, and to Francis Dana, 16 Aug., below). Yet what he wrote did not spring full-blown from his mind. For some months he had been thinking about the form independent governments should take. In his Autobiography he claimed to have discussed this subject with friends as early as the spring of 1775 (Diary and AutobiographyDiary and Autobiography of John Adams, ed. L. H. Butterfield and others, Cambridge, 1961; 4 vols., 3:351). Even if we set this claim aside as typical of his tendency in old age to push back in time his commitment to American independence, the evidence is incontestable that what he wrote down for Hooper and the others was an elaboration of earlier ideas. It has been mentioned that in 1775 Adams in a letter to Richard Henry Lee briefly sketched a plan of government that anticipates some of the ideas in Thoughts on Government, including bicameralism, a strong executive, and tenure during good behavior for the highest judges at least. Adams even suggested that when times were easier, the people might directly elect the governor and the upper branch of the legislature.
      About a year before he wrote to Lee, Adams came into possession of an anonymous proposal to the Boston Committee of Correspondence which suggested annual elections, bicameralism, a strong executive, the election of governor and council by the house of representatives, and the appointment of officials other than treasurer, secretary, and captains of forts by joint action of the governor and legislature—all features, even though crudely stated, of Thoughts on Government (JA, PapersPapers of John Adams, ed. Robert J. Taylor and others, Cambridge, 1977– ., 2:178–185). These similarities are not surprising, for all the plans draw heavily upon institutional forms long familiar in Massachusetts. But the emphasis in them upon the balancing of the elements of government expressed Adams’ deeply held conviction that freedom under government could be achieved in no other way. As far back as 1763 we find him extolling the power of checks and balances, even that of the voters’ power to check the legislature: “We Electors have an important constitutional power placed in our hands: We have a check upon two branches of the legislature, as each branch has upon the other two; the power I mean of electing, at stated periods, one branch, which branch has the power of electing another” (same, 1:81). The emphasis on checks and balances was to remain central in Adams’ thought, based as it was upon his conviction that men are easily corrupted by power.


Title: III. Thoughts on Government, April 1776
From: Adams, John
To:

       My dear Sir,

        April 1776

      If I was equal to the task of forming a plan for the government of a colony, I should be flattered with your request, and very happy to comply with it; because as the divine science of politicks is the science of social happiness, and the blessings of society depend entirely on the constitutions of government, which are generally institutions that last for many generations, there can be no employment more agreeable to a benevolent mind, than a research after the best.

         Pope flattered tyrants too much when he said,
         “For forms of government let fools contest,
         That which is best administered is best.”

        Nothing can be more fallacious than this: But poets read history to collect flowers not fruits—they attend to fanciful images, not the effects of social institutions. Nothing is more certain from the history of nations, and the nature of man, than that some forms of government are better fitted for being well administered than others.
      We ought to consider, what is the end of government, before we determine which is the best form. Upon this point all speculative politicians will agree, that the happiness of society is the end of government, as all Divines and moral Philosophers will agree that the happiness of the individual is the end of man. From this principle it will follow, that the form of government, which communicates ease, comfort, security, or in one word happiness to the greatest number of persons, and in the greatest degree, is the best.
      All sober enquiries after truth, ancient and modern, Pagan and Christian, have declared that the happiness of man, as well as his dignity consists in virtue. Confucius, Zoroaster, Socrates, Mahomet, not to mention authorities really sacred, have agreed in this.
      If there is a form of government then, whose principle and foundation is virtue, will not every sober man acknowledge it better calculated to promote the general happiness than any other form?
      Fear is the foundation of most governments; but is so sordid and brutal a passion, and renders men, in whose breasts it predominates, so stupid, and miserable, that Americans will not be likely to approve of any political institution which is founded on it.
      Honor is truly sacred, but holds a lower rank in the scale of moral excellence than virtue. Indeed the former is but a part of the latter, and consequently has not equal pretensions to support a frame of government productive of human happiness.
      The foundation of every government is some principle or passion in the minds of the people. The noblest principles and most generous affections in our nature then, have the fairest chance to support the noblest and most generous models of government.
      A man must be indifferent to the sneers of modern Englishmen to mention in their company the names of Sidney, Harrington, Locke, Milton, Nedham, Neville, Burnet, and Hoadley. No small fortitude is necessary to confess that one has read them. The wretched condition of this country, however, for ten or fifteen years past, has frequently reminded me of their principles and reasonings. They will convince any candid mind, that there is no good government but what is Republican. That the only valuable part of the British constitution is so; because the very definition of a Republic, is “an Empire of Laws, and not of men.” That, as a Republic is the best of governments, so that particular arrangement of the powers of society, or in other words that form of government, which is best contrived to secure an impartial and exact execution of the laws, is the best of Republics.
      Of Republics, there is an inexhaustable variety, because the possible combinations of the powers of society, are capable of innumerable variations.
      As good government, is an empire of laws, how shall your laws be made? In a large society, inhabiting an extensive country, it is impossible that the whole should assemble, to make laws: The first necessary step then, is, to depute power from the many, to a few of the most wise and good. But by what rules shall you chuse your Representatives? Agree upon the number and qualifications of persons, who shall have the benefit of choosing, or annex this priviledge to the inhabitants of a certain extent of ground.
      The principal difficulty lies, and the greatest care should be employed in constituting this Representative Assembly. It should be in miniature, an exact portrait of the people at large. It should think, feel, reason, and act like them. That it may be the interest of this Assembly to do strict justice at all times, it should be an equal representation, or in other words equal interest among the people should have equal interest in it. Great care should be taken to effect this, and to prevent unfair, partial, and corrupt elections. Such regulations, however, may be better made in times of greater tranquility than the present, and they will spring up of themselves naturally, when all the powers of government come to be in the hands of the people’s friends. At present it will be safest to proceed in all established modes to which the people have been familiarised by habit.
      A representation of the people in one assembly being obtained, a question arises whether all the powers of government, legislative, executive, and judicial, shall be left in this body? I think a people cannot be long free, nor ever happy, whose government is in one Assembly. My reasons for this opinion are as follow.
      1. A single Assembly is liable to all the vices, follies and frailties of an individual. Subject to fits of humour, starts of passion, flights of enthusiasm, partialities of prejudice, and consequently productive of hasty results and absurd judgments: And all these errors ought to be corrected and defects supplied by some controuling power.
      2. A single Assembly is apt to be avaricious, and in time will not scruple to exempt itself from burthens which it will lay, without compunction, on its constituents.
      3. A single Assembly is apt to grow ambitious, and after a time will not hesitate to vote itself perpetual. This was one fault of the long parliament, but more remarkably of Holland, whose Assembly first voted themselves from annual to septennial, then for life, and after a course of years, that all vacancies happening by death, or otherwise, should be filled by themselves, without any application to constituents at all.
      4. A Representative Assembly, altho’ extremely well qualified, and absolutely necessary as a branch of the legislature, is unfit to exercise the executive power, for want of two essential properties, secrecy and dispatch.
      5. A Representative Assembly is still less qualified for the judicial power; because it is too numerous, too slow, and too little skilled in the laws.
      6. Because a single Assembly, possessed of all the powers of government, would make arbitrary laws for their own interest, execute all laws arbitrarily for their own interest, and adjudge all controversies in their own favour.
      But shall the whole power of legislation rest in one Assembly? Most of the foregoing reasons apply equally to prove that the legislative power ought to be more complex—to which we may add, that if the legislative power is wholly in one Assembly, and the executive in another, or in a single person, these two powers will oppose and enervate upon each other, until the contest shall end in war, and the whole power, legislative and executive, be usurped by the strongest.
      The judicial power, in such case, could not mediate, or hold the balance between the two contending powers, because the legislative would undermine it. And this shews the necessity too, of giving the executive power a negative upon the legislative, otherwise this will be continually encroaching upon that.
      To avoid these dangers let a distant Assembly be constituted, as a mediator between the two extreme branches of the legislature, that which represents the people and that which is vested with the executive power.
      Let the Representative Assembly then elect by ballot, from among themselves or their constituents, or both, a distinct Assembly, which for the sake of perspicuity we will call a Council. It may consist of any number you please, say twenty or thirty, and should have a free and independent exercise of its judgment, and consequently a negative voice in the legislature.
      These two bodies thus constituted, and made integral parts of the legislature, let them unite, and by joint ballot choose a Governor, who, after being stripped of most of those badges of domination called prerogatives, should have a free and independent exercise of his judgment, and be made also an integral part of the legislature. This I know is liable to objections, and if you please you may make him only President of the Council, as in Connecticut: But as the Governor is to be invested with the executive power, with consent of Council, I think he ought to have a negative upon the legislative. If he is annually elective, as he ought to be, he will always have so much reverence and affection for the People, their Representatives and Councillors, that although you give him an independent exercise of his judgment, he will seldom use it in opposition to the two Houses, except in cases the public utility of which would be conspicuous, and some such cases would happen.
      In the present exigency of American affairs, when by an act of Parliament we are put out of the royal protection, and consequently discharged from our allegiance; and it has become necessary to assume government for our immediate security, the Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, Secretary, Treasurer, Commissary, Attorney-General, should be chosen by joint Ballot, of both Houses. And these and all other elections, especially of Representatives, and Councillors, should be annual, there not being in the whole circle of the sciences, a maxim more infallible than this, “Where annual elections end, there slavery begins.”
      These great men, in this respect, should be, once a year

         “Like bubbles on the sea of matter borne,
         They rise, they break, and to that sea return.”

        This will teach them the great political virtues of humility, patience, and moderation, without which every man in power becomes a ravenous beast of prey.
      This mode of constituting the great offices of state will answer very well for the present, but if, by experiment, it should be found inconvenient, the legislature may at its leisure devise other methods of creating them, by elections of the people at large, as in Connecticut, or it may enlarge the term for which they shall be chosen to seven years, or three years, or for life, or make any other alterations which the society shall find productive of its ease, its safety, its freedom, or in one word, its happiness.
      A rotation of all offices, as well as of Representatives and Councillors, has many advocates, and is contended for with many plausible arguments. It would be attended no doubt with many advantages, and if the society has a sufficient number of suitable characters to supply the great number of vacancies which would be made by such a rotation, I can see no objection to it. These persons may be allowed to serve for three years, and then excluded three years, or for any longer or shorter term.
      Any seven or nine of the legislative Council may be made a Quorum, for doing business as a Privy Council, to advise the Governor in the exercise of the executive branch of power, and in all acts of state.
      The Governor should have the command of the militia, and of all your armies. The power of pardons should be with the Governor and Council.
      Judges, Justices and all other officers, civil and military, should be nominated and appointed by the Governor, with the advice and consent of Council, unless you choose to have a government more popular; if you do, all officers, civil and military, may be chosen by joint ballot of both Houses, or in order to preserve the independence and importance of each House, by ballot of one House, concurred by the other. Sheriffs should be chosen by the freeholders of counties—so should Registers of Deeds and Clerks of Counties.

      All officers should have commissions, under the hand of the Governor and seal of the Colony.
      The dignity and stability of government in all its branches, the morals of the people and every blessing of society, depends so much upon an upright and skillful administration of justice, that the judicial power ought to be distinct from both the legislative and executive, and independent upon both, that so it may be a check upon both, as both should be checks upon that. The Judges therefore should always be men of learning and experience in the laws, of exemplary morals, great patience, calmness, coolness and attention. Their minds should not be distracted with jarring interests; they should not be dependant upon any man or body of men. To these ends they should hold estates for life in their offices, or in other words their commissions should be during good behaviour, and their salaries ascertained and established by law. For misbehaviour the grand inquest of the Colony, the House of Representatives, should impeach them before the Governor and Council, where they should have time and opportunity to make their defence, but if convicted should be removed from their offices, and subjected to such other punishment as shall be thought proper.
      A Militia Law requiring all men, or with very few exceptions, besides cases of conscience, to be provided with arms and ammunition, to be trained at certain seasons, and requiring counties, towns, or other small districts to be provided with public stocks of ammunition and entrenching utensils, and with some settled plans for transporting provisions after the militia, when marched to defend their country against sudden invasions, and requiring certain districts to be provided with field-pieces, companies of matrosses and perhaps some regiments of light horse, is always a wise institution, and in the present circumstances of our country indispensible.
      Laws for the liberal education of youth, especially of the lower class of people, are so extremely wise and useful, that to a humane and generous mind, no expence for this purpose would be thought extravagant.
      The very mention of sumptuary laws will excite a smile. Whether our countrymen have wisdom and virtue enough to submit to them I know not. But the happiness of the people might be greatly promoted by them, and a revenue saved sufficient to carry on this war forever. Frugality is a great revenue, besides curing us of vanities, levities and fopperies which are real antidotes to all great, manly and warlike virtues.

      But must not all commissions run in the name of a king? No. Why may they not as well run thus, “The Colony of  to A. B. greeting,” and be tested by the Governor?
      Why may not writs, instead of running in the name of a King, run thus, “The Colony of  to the Sheriff, &c.” and be tested by the Chief Justice.
      Why may not indictments conclude, “against the peace of the Colony of  and the dignity of the same?”
      A Constitution, founded on these principles, introduces knowledge among the People, and inspires them with a conscious dignity, becoming Freemen. A general emulation takes place, which causes good humour, sociability, good manners, and good morals to be general. That elevation of sentiment, inspired by such a government, makes the common people brave and enterprizing. That ambition which is inspired by it makes them sober, industrious and frugal. You will find among them some elegance, perhaps, but more solidity; a little pleasure, but a great deal of business—some politeness, but more civility. If you compare such a country with the regions of domination, whether Monarchial or Aristocratical, you will fancy yourself in Arcadia or Elisium.
      If the Colonies should assume governments separately, they should be left entirely to their own choice of the forms, and if a Continental Constitution should be formed, it should be a Congress, containing a fair and adequate Representation of the Colonies, and its authority should sacredly be confined to these cases, viz. war, trade, disputes between Colony and Colony, the Post-Office, and the unappropriated lands of the Crown, as they used to be called.
      These Colonies, under such forms of government, and in such a union, would be unconquerable by all the Monarchies of Europe.
      You and I, my dear Friend, have been sent into life, at a time when the greatest law-givers of antiquity would have wished to have lived. How few of the human race have ever enjoyed an opportunity of making an election of government more than of air, soil, or climate, for themselves or their children. When! Before the present epocha, had three millions of people full power and a fair opportunity to form and establish the wisest and happiest government that human wisdom can contrive? I hope you will avail yourself and your country of that extensive learning and indefatigable industry which you possess, to assist her in the formations of the happiest governments, and the best character of a great People. For myself, I must beg you to keep my name out of sight, for this feeble attempt, if it should be known to be mine, would oblige me to apply to myself those lines of the immortal John Milton, in one of his sonnets,

       “I did but teach the age to quit their cloggs
       By the plain rules of ancient Liberty,
       When lo! a barbarous noise surrounded me,
       Of owls and cuckoos, asses, apes and dogs.”