Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Isaac Norris, 24 August 1760
From: Norris, Isaac
To: Franklin, Benjamin

            Dear Friend B. Franklin
            24th Augt, 1760

          It is some Time since I wrote last, which I perceive by Your last, was come to hand, being Dated on the 15th April past, Your Several Dates of 9th January, 19th, 21st 29th february and 11th March With Several Copies, got to me in Due Time, and a few Days Ago the 14th June by the Packet, it will be Needless to Say, That all the Letters by Capt. House Miscarried, but I have been inform’d That Several of them were Infamously Picked up, opend and forwarded to Philadelphia. Several Stories are Propagated Concerning Them, to which I give little Credit being long used to the reports of the Gentleman in whose Custody they Are said to be, I have enclos’d a first Bill of exchange No. 1876 Drawn by Col. J. Hunter on Messrs. Thomlinson &c. for £100 Sterl. which pray receive, as it becomes Due. The Proprietarys endeavouring to repeal our late Laws, is Consistent With their Conduct towards us for many Years past, but the Confusion and Ruinous Consequences, the Disallowance of our Mony Bills, especialy Those granting aids to the Crown, Would throw the Province into, I Trust will Protect Them, as well as the reasonableness of the Acts themselves, especialy as they will be strengthen’d, by Governor Hamilton’s Passing our last Supply Bill, of which I advised You in my Last of 15th April. It is Surprising how little the Proprietarys Taxes amounted to, for the Estate they hold, Compard with the Taxes the Inhabitants and other Owners of Lands here are rated. So That I have been inform’d some of the Proprietarys Officers have said the Proprietarys themselves Will Scarcly beleive it, Till Their Accounts are bro’t in, by what I have heard of them they are too Low, but as it was ever my Opinion, we have been Contending for a Matter of Right, rather than Mony, I am pleas’d, the Comissioners and Assessors have err’d on that Side, all our Laws, by exempting the Unlocated Lands, Can never Tax their estate in full Propotion to the other Inhabitants and land holders, but as we are useing our utmost endeavours to Settle A Quota Bill Against our Next Seting, I do not Doubt, we Shall in a little while, Come to as near a Proportion, of the Share of each Particular, as the Nature of Publick Taxes will Admit, at least, as near, as any of the Other Colonies, and Much nearer Than our Mother Country, I need not enlarge on Any General Heads which Concern this Province, because they are so well known to You and we have no doubt of your Care and Abilities to defend us Against those who have an evil eye over us, and yet Unfortunatly, Must have too great a share in Judging our Cause. At our Next Seting, We shall Consider your proposals for the Disposal of Parliamentry Grants, and be Then enabled to provide a remedy and give Orders less Subject to the Objections Made in England, Some of which I apprehend Would have Come into my mind had I been Able to Attend the House in their last Session, When That Law was Pass’d by Governor Denny. That Gent[leman] is going Passenger with Capt. Hamet a few days hence, he has Promisd to Call Upon me before his Departure, and if any thing further occurs worth Notice, I shall add and Commit it to his Care, Governor Hamilton’s Behavour has been very Civil hitherto, he Declares That he has the greatest Inclination to live on good Terms with the People, Acts of Justice Towards them, will soon have all the Good Effects, he, or his Constituents Can Wish or Desire; I am my Good friend, Your Affectionate Assured friend

            I Norris
            Original by Captn. Friend Duplicate by Capt. Hamet First Bill of Exchange N 1876 £100. 0. 0


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from David Hall, 26 August 1760
From: Hall, David
To: Franklin, Benjamin

              Sir,
              Philada. August 26. 1760.

            I received yours, of the 14th of June, with two Protests inclosed for £300 Bills of Exchange, which I immediately presented to the Gentlemen they were drawn by, who seemed a good Deal surprised that they should have come back protested, and shewed me a Letter from the Portis’s telling them they had paid all their Draughts that had been presented to them, amounting to between Eight and Nine Thousand Pounds Sterling; however, they made no Objection to the renewing them, with the Damages, as they were returned; only they observed, that the Bill for £100 was protested for Non-acceptance, and that very often it happens, tho’ a Bill is refused to be accepted, yet when it becomes due, is paid; but they very readily renewed it likewise, upon my promising to refund them, in case their first Draught should be paid.
            Inclosed you have now a fresh Draught from them for £360 Sterling, which is your full Damages, and which I thought myself obliged to send you by the very first Opportunity, as what Bills I remit you, are at your own Risque, and of Course the Damages on any that may be protested, are likewise most justly yours. There is a small Matter for the Protests, which is not included, but that can be settled with them at any Time. They are reckoned very honest Men, and most generous Dealers, consequently meet with a good Deal of Sympathy and Compassion from every Body here, as their Business, no Doubt, must have been interrupted, in some Measure, by their Connections with that House; but it is hoped that every Thing will soon be set to Rights, and that they, in the End, will be no great Sufferers by the Portis’s, which will give great Pleasure to every Body, as they have the general good Wishes of the Place.
            I should have made you a fresh Remittance now, but on speaking to Mrs. Franklin a few Days before the Packet arrived, she advised me not to do it, as she certainly expected you here this Fall; but as it has happened otherwise (which I am sorry for on several Accounts) I shall soon send you another Remittance. I shall be glad to hear from you by Budden, and every other opportunity, while you remain in England; and, during your Stay, shall continue, as I have hitherto done, to do my best for your Interest, as well as my own, which, in our present Situation, I think are inseparable. I am, Sir, Yours, &c.

              D. Hall

            NB. You will please observe the Bill is drawn on Messieurs Allen and Marder, likewise, in case of being refused by the Portis’s.
            To Benjamin Franklin Esqr
            Sent by the James and Mary, Captain Friend.
            Aug. 31. 1760. A Copy sent by the Dragon, Captain Hammit, with the second Copy of the above mentioned Bill inclosed.


Title: William Franklin to Joseph Galloway, 26 August 1760
From: Franklin, William
To: Galloway, Joseph

            My Dear Friend,
            London, Tuesday, Augst. 26. 1760

          The Mail was made up and sent for Falmouth on Saturday last, so that whether this may reach you by that Conveyance is uncertain. But as I imagine you must all be extremely anxious about the Fate of your very important Acts, and glad to know of every Thing relative to them from time to time, I have scribbled over as fast as possibly I could, two Papers which have occur’d since my Father’s last Dispatches, in hopes of getting them to Falmouth by the Post (which is just upon the Point of setting off) before the sailing of the Pacquet. The first is a Copy of the Attorney and Sollicitor Generals Report on the Question (which I some time ago sent to the Speaker) about His Majesty’s Right of repealing particular Clauses in Acts; the other is a Copy of a Letter from my Father to Mr. Pitt, imploring his Protection for the Province. What Intention the Lords of the Committee could have in proposing so strange a Question, it is difficult to say; but some are inclin’d to suspect that it covers a Design that may not be altogether to our Advantage. It’s being referr’d to our Adversaries Council has all along been look’d upon here by some disinterested People as an extreme partial Procedure. They go so far as to say, that as the Attorney and Sollicitor General are the only proper Persons for His Majesty to consult on such Matters, that they ought by no means to be concern’d as Advocates for either Side, as they must in all Probability become so bias’d thereby as not to be able to give His Majesty that impartial Advice the Occasion may require. [Between you and I, it is said, that we may look upon them all to be a Pack of d—d R—ls; and that unless we bribe them all higher than our Adversaries can do, and condescend to do every Piece of dirty Work they require, we shall never be able to attain common Justice at their Hands.] You’ll see that they have acknowledg’d (and it would have been strange indeed if they had not) that His Majesty must exercise his Right of Repeal in the entire, where all the Parts of the Act are relative to the same Subject. But then they go on to make some Distinctions, and to establish some Doctrines, which tho’ somewhat specious, are liable I think to many Objections, and if admitted may be productive of dangerous Consequences. I mean what they say with regard to Laws being void ab Initio, and Laws consisting of different Parts on different Subjects. I have not Time to give you my Sentiments in that respect, but I dare say they and many more will occur to you upon reading the Report. Those 2 Paragraphs, however, tho’ express’d in general Terms, seem to be levell’d against some of our particular Acts now before them, and intended to fix a Precedent for some future Occasion. Whether we may promise ourselves any Advantage by the Application to Mr. Pitt is uncertain; but methinks it can do no Harm. The Words which have a Line drawn thro’ them were sent exactly in the same Manner to Mr. P. that he might see what was in the Writer’s Thoughts to say, if the Occasion had been proper. This is a new Species of Rhetoric, which (as there is no hanging a Man for his Thoughts) would be of considerable Service to those who write and publish Libels, if they could get them printed in that Manner. Many of the Merchants of London who trade to Pensylvania have sign’d a Petition in favour of the Paper money Acts, which will be presented tomorrow. This Matter would have been much more forward had it not been for the cold Water thrown on it by D[avi]d Barclay and Company and I hope the Friends of the Province will remember them accordingly. The Report of the Board of Trade, My Father’s Notes thereon, and the Paper drawn up to induce the Merchants to petition in our Behalf have been all sent you. If after Consideration of them, you and the Speaker, and any other of the Members of Assembly would send us such Observations on them as occur, they may possibly come Time enough to be of Service to my Father, in drawing up what he may find necessary to publish to the World on the Occasion. For that the Plan of Attack must be chang’d from the Proprietors to the Board of Trade seems to me highly probable. Till the iniquitous System of Government which they would establish in the Colonies, for their own selfish Purposes, is fully expos’d, I think we can hope for no good from that Quarter. I write my Sentiments freely to you as I know no undue Use will be made of them.
          The Books of Husbandry which were lost in House, I shall send other Copies of by either Faulkener or McDougal, who sail in a few Days. By the first I have sent you Venus, and I hope her Ladyship will prove acceptable.

          I have not Time to wonder or I should most prodigiously, at not having heard from you this Twelve-month; in which Time I have wrote you 5 or 6 Letters; so that you have repaid all my former Negligences, with Interest.
          There is News this Day come to Town of the K. of Prussia’s having by forc’d Marches from Saxony got before M. Daun into Silesia, and there attack’d General Laudoun and totally defeated Him, having kill’d 7, of 8,000, and taken 4,000 Prisoners, 90 Pieces of Cannon, and all their Baggage. That the Battle to be fought Tomorrow, which is the great and important Day big with the Fate of Pensylvania, may be as successful on our Side, is the sincere and fervent Prayer of, Dear Galloway, Your very affectionate humble Servant

            Wm: Franklin

            P.S. We have received no Minutes of your Proceedings since Governor Hamilton’s Arrival, except a Copy of his propos’d Amendments, and a few Messages relative to the last £100,000 Act inclos’d in a Letter from the Speaker. But the Act itself (which would now be of use) nor any other public Paper has been sent, which I am much surpriz’d at. The Proprietor says he has authentic Accounts of great Injustice done him in the Assessments. Of this we know nothing particular. If he means in Cumberland County I should be inclin’d to suspect it was a concerted Thing in order to throw an Odium on the Assembly, as he and his Party have such Influence there as to be able to procure whatever they Please.

            To Mr. Galloway


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Mary Stevenson, [August 1760 ?]
From: Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson
To: Franklin, Benjamin

            Dear Sir
            [Bristol, August? 1760]

          Since you are pleas’d to say you shall be glad of a Line from me I will find Leisure.
          In my Letter to my Mother, I mention’d I had a Question to ask you. It is this, What is the reason the Water at this place becomes warm by pumping tho it is not so at the spring? Pardon my Impertinence. Goodnatur’d persons have always more impos’d on them than others; yet I believe the satisfaction which they receive from their Actions counterballances their fatigue in performing them. There is my encouragement and my excuse.

          I remember you told me in your last obliging Conversation that the rising of Tides in Rivers was not owing to a greater quantity of Water in them but to the Moon’s attraction. Now my dear Sir it appears to me that the Rivers are augmented by the water flowing into them from the Sea, because they begin to rise first at the part nearest it whether there Course is contrary or the same with the Moon, and are reckon’d saltest at high Water. Whether my last assertion may not be a false one I will not presume to determine, but it is the common opinion, tho I don’t comprehend why there should not retire an equal quantity of fresh as salt Water. I offer my sentiments to you without reserve, trusting to your Candour, and hoping to have my Errors corrected. I hope you know my Heart well enough to believe I do it with becoming Diffidence.
          We purpose leaving Bristol next Thursday. I cannot say I have been entertain’d with the Publick Diversions of the Place tho I have attended the Rooms mo[st nigh]ts and danc’d at the Balls, but I have few Acquaintance. Miss Pitt and I generally quit the Rooms as soon as my Aunt is engag’d at Cards, and spend the remainder of the evening with two Young Ladies who lodge in the same House with us, one of them being in too ill a state of Health to permit her to go out much. We have a sensible agreeable Man of our select party. The Country is delightfully pleasant, as I suppose you will take an opportunity of seeing before you leave England. I was one day at Redcliff Church which is allow’d to be a fine piece of Architecture. There is something very Noble when you enter it, but it stands so disadvantageously that the outside is quite lost. There are some Paintings at the Altar, but I own they did not please me, and I had the satisfaction of hearing them disapprov’d by one who has more Judgment.
          From hence we go to Sir Robert Longs where I intend to write to my Mother but at present this Letter must suffice for both. Therefore my rever’d Preceptor, and honour’d Mother, I hope will together accept the duty and good wishes of their affectionate Pupil and Daughter

            M Stevenson


Title: Order in Council, 2 September 1760
From: Franklin, Benjamin,Charles, Robert
To:

          On July 4, 1760, Francis Eyre, Robert Charles and Franklin’s solicitor, drew up and presented on behalf of his clients a petition to the King in Council asking to be heard in opposition to the Board of Trade report on the nineteen Pennsylvania acts. Then Eyre prepared “long Observations on the Report being 8 close Brief Sheets, in Answer to the several Charges in the Report, to serve by way of Brief,” and during the following weeks held several late evening conferences with the barristers de Grey and Jackson on how to present the Assembly’s case at the forthcoming hearing.
          Meanwhile the Privy Council Committee for Plantation Affairs had begun consideration of the Board’s report. On July 15 the Committee referred the report to the attorney and solicitor general for an opinion on the following question: In case any of these acts contained clauses “not consonant to reason,” or repugnant or contrary to the laws of England, or inconsistent with the King’s sovereignty or prerogative, or contrary to the allegiance due from the Proprietors or inhabitants, or not warranted by the powers granted by the charter for making laws, might the King repeal or annul such clauses without disallowing “other unexceptionable parts” of these acts; and if so, would such repeal be effective immediately? The Committee did not tell the law officers which acts they had specifically in mind, but one, at least, must have been the Re-emitting Act of June 20, 1759, which the Board of Trade had so severely criticized on the score of “tacking.”
          The attorney and solicitor general reported back, August 19, that in general under the Pennsylvania charter the Crown must either accept or reject the whole of an act, although there might be cases in which particular provisions of an act “may be void ab initio,” as when an act of Parliament was contravened or the “legal right of a private subject bound without his consent.” Furthermore, the law officers seemed to believe, though they did not fully commit themselves on the point, that if matters “totally foreign and as much unconnected with one another as any two of the nineteen acts now under consideration” were joined in one act, the King might disallow that part of the act relating to one of the matters it contained. Neither the Proprietors nor the Assembly agents were pleased that the Council Committee had raised this question of a partial disallowance, but the opinion of Pratt and Yorke did not lead to any such action by the Council in the pending controversy.
          The hearing before the Privy Council Committee took place at the Council Office in the Cockpit on August 27 (from noon to five o’clock, according to Eyre) and on the 28th. As at the Board of Trade sessions, Attorney General Pratt and Solicitor General Yorke appeared for the Proprietors and William de Grey and Richard Jackson for the agents, Franklin and Charles. In addition, Eyre engaged a Mr. Cooke to take shorthand notes of the proceedings, but unfortunately neither these notes nor any other detailed records of the hearing have been found. Writing in his autobiography nearly thirty years later Franklin repeated “the purport of what I remember as urg’d by both Sides” regarding the £100,000 Supply Act, and described his private conference with Lord Mansfield (quoted in a footnote below) which led to a sort of compromise on this act. For the rest, the report of the Committee to the plenary session of the King in Council which is contained in the document printed here provides the best indication of what transpired during those two days of debate in the Cockpit.
          Later writers have disagreed as to the extent to which the final determination of the Privy Council was a great victory or a resounding defeat for Franklin. Impartially considered, the truth seems to lie, as usual, somewhere between these extremes. Of the eleven acts opposed by the Proprietors, six were disallowed; one (the Supply Act), also opposed by the Board of Trade, was allowed to stand on a compromise basis, and so was indirectly confirmed when September 13 arrived, six months after its first presentation to the Privy Council; one (the Agency Act), recommended for approval by the Board of Trade, had already been indirectly confirmed on August 16 by the lapse of time; and the remaining three were confirmed by the Privy Council on the recommendation of the Board of Trade. Thus on a strictly numerical basis the Proprietors won the disallowances they sought for six of the eleven laws and Franklin won acceptance for the other five.
          A scorecard, however, is not the most useful device for recording the results of this sort of contest. The acts under dispute were not all of equal importance. By any reasonable scale of values it would be difficult to conclude, for example, that the disallowance of the Act Suppressing Lotteries and Plays was a major political defeat for Franklin and the Assembly, or that the confirmation of the Act to Prevent the Exportation of Bad Staves was a glorious victory. If we may judge by the substance of the acts themselves, the known attitudes of the contending parties towards them, and the relative attention given each at the hearings and in the Board of Trade report, the most important of the measures, in a political and constitutional sense, should be ranked in something like this order: the £100,000 Supply Act, the Re-emitting Act, the Agency Act, the Act for Recording Warrants and Surveys, and the Supplementary Act for Establishing Courts of Judicature. The Penns succeeded in getting disallowed the Re-emitting Act and those concerning warrants and surveys and the judicial system; Franklin got what he and the Assembly wanted with regard to the Agency Act; the Supply Act, certainly the most important of all, resulted in a compromise which requires further comment.
          The issue of the taxation of proprietary estates, repeatedly in dispute since the summer of 1755, was the central point of contention in the Supply Act of 1759, just as it had been by far the most important issue that had sent Franklin to England in 1757. In the course of the struggle the Proprietors had at first stood firmly against any sort of concession to the Assembly view that they or their American estates ought to share in the costs of provincial defense. In the autumn of 1755, after news of Braddock’s disastrous defeat reached England, they yielded to pressure at home to the extent of making a voluntary contribution of £5000 to be paid from the arrears of quitrents as these should be collected in Pennsylvania. Although Thomas Penn privately admitted to his supporters in the colony during the summer of 1756 that the Proprietors might permit a very limited taxation of their personal estates, the instructions to Governor Denny, shown to the Assembly in September 1756, made no such concession. In fact, they went so far as to express intense displeasure that the Assembly should “pretend, by any Act of theirs, to charge the Proprietary Estate in the Province with the Burden of any Taxes.” Then in November 1758, in answer to Franklin’s representations in his “Heads of Complaint” and on the advice of the attorney and solicitor general, they stated in somewhat vague terms that they were willing “to have the annual Income of their Estate enquired into” and were “ready to contribute whatever the said Sum [of £5000] shall fall short of what has been laid on the Inhabitants in general, for every Part of their Estate, that is in its Nature taxable.” When Franklin asked for an explicit statement as to how they proposed the inquiry to be conducted, whether they would consent to a law for the purpose, what parts of their estate they considered taxable, and what other arrangements they had in mind, they refused to give him a direct reply. They had, however, withdrawn some distance from their original position of a total refusal to be taxed.
          The Supply Act of 1759 was the first measure involving a land tax to be passed after the Assembly received word of this concession. While the Board of Trade hearings were in progress Penn learned that Governor Hamilton has passed the £100,000 Supply Act of April 12, 1760, which contained essentially the same provisions as that of 1759 then under consideration. By this time the Proprietors had come to realize that they must submit to having their estates taxed, whether they were willing or not, and Penn’s chief concern had become that it should be done fairly. Writing to the governor, June 6, he declared: “I desire nothing more than to have such parts of the estates of my Family taxed, as are to be taxed, on the same calculation with the estates of other people. It would be knight errantry to desire a more exact calculation, in order to pay more in proportion, and to pay less I should think extreamly scandalous.” Such a statement represents a major retreat from the instructions to Denny four years earlier and even from the answer to the “Heads of Complaint” in November 1758.
          The Proprietors considered, as their supporters in the colony had done when the Supply Act of 1759 was passed, that this law was improper because, among other reasons, it was vague as to whether their unlocated as well as their located estates were to be taxed, because the assessments on their properties were to be determined entirely by officials in the appointment of whom they had no share, and because their governor was in effect excluded from a voice in the expenditure of the money raised by the act. First the Board of Trade and now the Privy Council Committee agreed that these objections were valid. In order to avoid a disallowance Franklin and Charles, therefore, pledged that the Assembly would pass an amending act to remove these criticisms. On this basis the Privy Council allowed the law to stand.
          The primary issue that had taken Franklin to England was now settled by the highest authority in his and the Assembly’s favor: It was proper that the proprietary estates in Pennsylvania should be taxed, as the Assembly had been insisting for several years. Two questions, however, remained for the future to decide: Would the Assembly honor the pledge Franklin and Charles had given and pass an act amending the law of 1759 in accordance with the six points laid down by the Privy Council? And would the Assembly include these provisions in all future bills imposing taxes on the proprietary estates? Immediately after the Privy Council hearing and before the order in council was issued, Thomas Penn wrote Hamilton that the Assembly agents had been told “of the Solemnity of the Engagement, that no Bill shal ever pass for raising any money that shal not be appropriated in this manner, that if the conditions are not complied with the £100,000 Bill [of April 12, 1760] passed by you shal be immediately repealed, without any reference to the Board of Trade, and Parliament applyed to, to do it and to abolish all their encroachments, on the Constitution they are by Charter intitled to.” Penn seemed confident that this was no idle threat. His letters to Pennsylvania during the fall reflect, on the whole, considerable satisfaction with the decision of the Privy Council. Again, unfortunately, Franklin’s letters to Norris about the order in council have disappeared.
          Repeatedly during the next four years Governor Hamilton and his successor John Penn pressed the Assembly for a bill to amend the Supply Act of 1759; the House never categorically refused, but responded each time by saying that, as their examinations of the assessors’ proceedings showed, full justice had been done to the Proprietors in the levying of the tax. Strong complaints about the assessments in Cumberland County during the first year had appeared even before the decision of the Privy Council in 1760, but adjustments seem to have been made and such complaints died away. So long as proprietary government remained in Pennsylvania no Assembly consented to a formal amendment of the act of 1759 or its successor of the next year. The first question remaining in 1760 was answered in the negative.

          In time, however, the representatives gave way on the six points stipulated in the order in council. Bills for a land tax in April 1761 and in March 1762 failed of acceptance by the governor because they did not observe all of these requirements. In March 1762, after the British declaration of war on Spain, and in October 1763, after the outbreak of the Indian uprising called Pontiac’s Conspiracy, the Assembly voted supplies which Hamilton accepted because they used other means than a land tax to fund the bills of credit. Then from January to May 1764, with John Penn, son of Richard and nephew of Thomas, in office as governor, and with Franklin back in his seat in the Assembly, occurred one of the most acrimonious disputes of the whole long series. In view of the grave dangers to the colony from the Indians and the state of domestic turmoil created by the Paxton Boys, the Assembly yielded fully, as a majority of its members believed, to the requirements of the Privy Council’s six points. But the new governor, who had attended the hearings of 1760 as an interested spectator, insisted on what the assemblymen considered a wholly unwarranted and unjust interpretation of one of them. Finally, after Isaac Norris had resigned the speakership on the plea of illness and Franklin had been elected to take his place, the Assembly gave way and amended the bill to incorporate Penn’s interpretation. On May 30, 1764, for the first time, a Pennsylvania governor was able to accept an act which complied fully with the terms laid down by the Privy Council in 1760.
          Early in 1765 Governor Penn had the mortifying experience of reporting to the Assembly that his father and uncle were willing to accept the Assembly’s interpretation of the disputed point after all, and of asking the House to amend the act accordingly. The protracted dispute of 1764, however, had inevitably added to the bitterness against the Proprietors which had been building up within the opposition party; two months before the governor’s recantation Franklin had sailed for England to seek the end of proprietary government. Thus the Proprietors finally got the Assembly to obey, literally as well as in general intent, the terms of the order in council, and the second question still open in 1760 was answered in the affirmative, although at the cost of increased antagonism between the Assembly and the Proprietors.
          In the final analysis, then, the Assembly gained full recognition of the right to tax the proprietary estates, and the Penns won legislative safeguards of the principle that they should not be discriminated against in future taxation. Neither side can be said to have achieved a complete victory on this major point of dispute. The colony as a whole, however, benefited most of all because the matter of taxing the proprietary estates, a barrier to effective government since 1755, was never again a central issue of Pennsylvania politics.

            [Privy Council Seal]
            At the Court at Kensingtonthe 2d: day of September 1760.

          Present
          The Kings most Excellent Majesty

              Arch Bishop of Canterbury
              Viscount Falmouth

              Lord President
              Viscount Barrington

              Duke of Newcastle
              Lord Berkeley of Stratton

              Earl of Cholmondeley
              Lord Mansfield

              Earl of Halifax

          Whereas there was this day read at the Board, a Report from the Right Honourable the Lords of the Committee of His Majestys most Honourable Privy Council for Plantation Affairs, upon considering Nineteen Acts passed in the Province of Pensilvania in the years 1758 and 1759, Which Report is dated the 28th: of last month, and is in the words following Vizt:
          “Your Majesty having been pleased, by Your Orders in Council of the 16th: of February, and the 13th: of March last, to referr unto this Committee, Nineteen Acts passed in the Province of Pensilvania in the years 1758 and 1759, as likewise a Petition of the Proprietaries of the said Province, complaining of Eleven of the said Acts, and praying to be heard thereupon before they received Your Majestys Royal Confirmation. The Lords of the Committee thought it proper to transmit the said Acts, together with the said Petition, to the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, to examine into all the said Nineteen Acts, and to hear the Petitioners upon each of the said Acts, against which they had made their Complaint; And the said Lords Commissioners having accordingly examined into the said Acts, and heard Counsel upon the Petition of the said Proprietaries against Eleven of them, as likewise Counsel on behalf of the House of Representatives of the said Province in Support of the said Eleven Acts, the said Lords Commissioners have made their Report upon all the said Acts to this Committee; And it appearing by the said Report, that the said Lords Commissioners were of Opinion, that Seven out of the said Eleven Acts complained of by the said Proprietaries, were proper to be Repealed by Your Majesty, the Agents for the House of Representatives made Application to this Committee, praying to be heard in Support of the said Seven Acts, and having entered into the usual Security, according to the Rules of the Council Board, to be answerable for Costs, in Case it should be judged necessary to require them to pay the same, the Lords of the Committee thought proper to comply with their request, and accordingly on the 27th: of this Instant, and likewise on this day, took the said Nineteen Acts and Report into Consideration, and heard Counsel on behalf of the said Agents in Support of the said Seven Acts, as likewise Counsel on behalf of the said Proprietaries against the same, and do agree humbly to Report to Your Majesty,

          “That as to the Six following Acts Intituled,
          “‘An Act for Re-emitting the Bills of Credit of this Province heretofore Re-emitted on Loan, and for striking the further sum of thirty Six thousand Six hundred and fifty pounds to enable the Trustees to lend Fifty thousand pounds to Colonel John Hunter Agent for the Contractors with the Right Honourable the Lords Commissioners of His Majestys Treasury, for His Majestys Service. (Passed 20: June 1759)’
          “‘A Supplement to the Act intituled An Act for Re-emitting the Bills of Credit of this Province heretofore Re-emitted on Loan, and for striking the further sum of thirty Six thousand Six hundred and fifty pounds to enable the Trustees to lend fifty thousand pounds to Colonel John Hunter Agent for the Contractors with the Right Honourable the Lords Commissioners of His Majestys Treasury for His Majestys Service. Passed 29: Septr. 1759)’
          “‘An Act for Recording Warrants and Surveys, and for rendering the Real Estates and Property within this Province more Secure. (Passed 7: July 1759)’
          “‘An Act for the more effectual Suppressing and preventing Lotteries and Plays. (Passed 20: June 1759).’
          “‘A Supplement to the Act intituled An Act for establishing Courts of Judicature in this Province. (Passed 29: Septr. 1759).’
          “‘An Act for the Relief of the Heirs, Devisees and Assigns of Persons born out of the Kings Liegeance, who have been Owners of Lands within this Province, and have died unnaturalized. (Passed 20: June 1759)’

          “The Lords of the Committee are of Opinion, that it may be adviseable for Your Majesty to adjudge and declare, under Your Privy Seal, all the said Six Acts to be Void.

          “That as to the Act Intituled
          “‘An Act for granting to His Majesty the Sum of One hundred thousand pounds, and for striking the same in Bills of Credit in the manner hereinafter directed, and for Providing a Fund for sinking the said Bills of Credit, by a tax on all Estates, Real and personal, and taxables within this Province. (Passed 17: April 1759)’

          “The Lords of the Committee were of Opinion that the said Act is fundamentally wrong and unjust, and ought to be Repealed, unless the following Alterations and Amendments could be made therein. Vizt:

          “1. That the Real Estates to be taxed, be defined with Precision, so as not to include the unsurveyed waste Land belonging to the Proprietaries.

          “2. That the Located uncultivated Lands belonging to the Proprietaries shall not be assessed higher than the lowest Rate at which any located uncultivated Lands belonging to the Inhabitants shall be assessed.
          “3. That all Lands not granted by the Proprietaries within Boroughs and Towns, be deemed located uncultivated Lands and rated accordingly and not as Lots.
          “4. That the Governors Consent and Approbation be made necessary to every issue and Application of the money to be raised by Virtue of such Act.
          “5. That Provincial Commissioners be named to hear and determine Appeals brought on the part of the Inhabitants as well as of the Proprietaries.
          “6. That the Payments by the Tenants to the Proprietaries of their Rents, shall be according to the terms of their respective Grants, as if such Act had never been passed.

          “The Proprietaries Thomas Penn and Richard Penn, and Benjamin Franklin and Robert Charles, Agents for the Province, being acquainted with the Opinion of this Committee, the Proprietaries declared, that for the sake of Peace, and to avoid further Contest, they would instruct their Governor to Assent to an Act for discharging the said Debt of One hundred thousand pounds in the form of the said Act now under Consideration, so altered and amended.
          “And the said Agents for the Province, proposed, that in Case this present Act should not be Repealed, they would undertake, that the Assembly will prepare, pass the Assembly, and offer to the Governor, An Act to amend this Act in such manner, as if it had originally been penned according to the Amendments and Alterations above proposed, and will indemnify the Proprietaries from any damage they may sustain by such Act not being so prepared, passed by the Assembly, and offered to the Governor, and have signed such undertaking in the Books of the Council Office in the following words—Vizt.
          “We the undersigned Benjamin Franklin and Robert Charles, Agents for the Province of Pensilvania, do hereby consent, that in Case An Act passed in the said Province in April 1759, Intituled ‘An Act for granting to His Majesty the sum of One hundred thousand pounds, and for striking the same in Bills of Credit in the manner hereinafter directed, and for providing a fund for sinking the said Bills of Credit by a Tax on all Estates, Real and Personal, and Taxable within this Province,’ shall not be Repealed by His Majesty in Council, We the said Agents do undertake that the Assembly of Pensilvania will prepare and pass, and offer to the Governor of the said Province of Pensilvania, An Act to amend the aforementioned Act, according to the Amendments proposed in the Report made by the Lords of the Committee of Council this day (upon the said One hundred thousand pound Act, and other Pensilvania Acts) and We will indemnify the Proprietaries from any damage that they may sustain by such Act not being so prepared and passed by the Assembly, and offered to the Governor. Witness Our Hands this 28th: day of August 1760.
          “Lest some inconveniencies should arise from the Repeal of the said Act in respect of the good purposes thereof, the Lords of the Committee are humbly of Opinion, that your Majesty may rely upon the undertaking for the Assembly of Pensilvania by their Agents, and permit this Act to stand unrepealed, because the Objections upon which this Committee should have founded their Advice for the Repeal, will certainly be removed in a Way more agreable and convenient to the Province.

            “That as to the Eight following Acts, Intituled
            “‘An Act for the continuance of an Act of Assembly of this Province, intituled, A Supplementary Act to the Act intituled An Act for preventing the exportation of Bread and flour not Merchantable, and for the new Appointment of Officers to put the said Law in Execution (passed 27: Septr: 1758).’
            “‘An Act for the further continuance of An Act of Assembly of this Province intituled A Supplementary Act to the Act for preventing the Exportation of Bread and flour not Merchantable, and for the New Appointment of Officers to put the said Law in Execution (passed 19: Octr. 1759)’
            “‘An Act to prevent the Exportation of bad or Unmerchantable Staves, Heading Boards, and Timber (passed 21st: April 1759)’
            “‘A Supplement to the Act intituled An Act for regulating the Hire of Carriages to be employed in His Majestys Service (passed 20th: Septr. 1758)’

            “‘A Supplement to An Act intituled An Act for preventing Abuses in the Indian Trade, for supplying the Indians, friends and Allies of Great Britain, with Goods at more easy Rates, and for securing and strengthening the Peace and friendship lately concluded with the Indians inhabiting the Northern and Western frontiers of this Province (passed 17: April 1759)’
            “‘A Supplement to the Act intituled An Act for granting to His Majesty a Duty of Tonnage upon Ships and Vessels, and also certain duties upon Wine, Rum, Brandy, and other Spirits, and a Duty upon Sugar, for supporting and maintaining the Provincial Ship of War for protecting the Trade of this Province, and other purposes for His Majestys Service (passed 21st: April 1759.)’
            “‘An Act for regulating the Hire of Carriages to be employed in His Majestys Service (passed 21: April 1759.)’
            “‘An Act to continue An Act intituled An Act for directing the Choice of Inspectors in the Counties of Chester, Lancaster, York, Cumberland, Berks and Northampton (passed 29: September 1759.).’

          “The Lords of the Committee do humbly Report to Your Majesty that they have no Objection thereto.
          “And the Lords of the Committee do further humbly Report to Your Majesty that as to the Act Intituled,

          “‘An Act for appointing an Agent to apply for and receive the Distributive share and proportion which shall be assigned to this Province of the sum of money granted by Parliament to His Majestys Colonies in America (passed 29th: September 1759.).’

          “The Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations not having Offered any Objection to this Act, it has been permitted to run out Six months since it was first laid before Your Majesty, and by that means it stands confirmed by Virtue of the Proprietaries Charter.

          “And that with regard to the three following Acts intituled
          “‘An Act in Addition to an Act intituled An Act for regulating the Hire of Carriages to be employed in His Majestys Service (passed 29: September 1759.)’
          “‘An Act for extending several Sections of An Act of Parliament passed in the thirty Second Year of the present Reign, intituled An Act for punishing Mutiny and desertion, and for the better Payment of the Army and their Quarters (passed 21: April 1759)’
          “‘An Act for regulating the Officers and Soldiers in the Pay of this Province (Passed 21: April 1759)’

          “The Lords of the Committee do humbly Report to Your Majesty, that the said three Acts are expired, and that it will therefore be unnecessary for Your Majesty to give any Orders thereupon.”
          His Majesty this day took the said Report into His Royal Consideration, and was pleased, with the advice of His Privy Council, to approve of all that is therein proposed to be done with respect to the said Laws, and having adjudged and declared void the Six Acts first mentioned in the said Report, His Majesty hath thought proper to direct the Lord Privy Seal to prepare and pass under the Privy Seal a proper Instrument, signifying such His Majestys adjudication and declaration of all the said Six Acts to be void. And His Majesty doth hereby further Declare, and Order that with respect to the Act for granting to His Majesty the sum of One hundred thousand pounds and for striking the same in Bills of Credit &ca. the same do stand unrepealed; And as to the Eight following Acts, to which the Lords of the Committee have offered no Objection, His Majesty is hereby pleased to signify His Royal Approbation thereof. And the Proprietaries of Pensilvania, their Lieutenant or Deputy Governor, and the Assembly of the said Province, and likewise all others whom it may concern, are to take Notice and Govern themselves accordingly.

            W: Blair.


Title: Thomas Collinson to His Uncle, 12 September 1760
From: Collinson, Thomas
To:

            Dear Uncle
            London Sept 12th 1760

          As I am no Stranger to the frequency of Petitions that sometimes interrupt your Retirement; I have been ever very cautious not to encrease the Number, by a too liberal Use of the Priveledge you favoured me with; of Recommending my Friends and Acquaintances.
          But as the worthy Gentleman Mr. Benjn Franklin of Philadelphia—the Bearer of this; is a Person every way deserving of a more consequential Esteem than mine; I flatter myself the introducing him to your Acquaintance will be mutually agreeable: as you will find him a very sensible knowing Gentleman of an original Turn and Genius; of great Modesty; and rather delibirate in communicating the Treasures of his Mind, than forward in displaying his Ability.
          He may be esteemed as a second Prometheus who has stolen the Ærial fire, by his invention of extracting the Thunder from the Clouds by the electrical Apparatus of an Iron Bar &c. You know (I fancy) that he is Agent here for the Assembly in opposition to the Proprietors.
          By one Means or another I have been able to collect great Quantities of Goods, without paying you a Visit so early as I first thought would be necessary: But whilst our Family is at Bath, which I believe will be in about a Fortnight, intend running down and accepting of your kind Offer for a few Nights.
          A Letter lately received from Bramshot inform’d us all Friends were well there.
          With all our sincere Loves to you and all yours—remain affectionately Your obliged Kinsman

            Tho. Collinson

            P.S. Warmley will be a very entertaining Sight to Mr. Franklin and Son, who accompanies him and is a very agreeable accomplished Gentleman.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Mary Stevenson, 13 September 1760
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson

            My dear Friend,
            London, Sept. 13. 1760

          I have your agreable Letter from Bristol, which I take this first Leisure Hour to answer, having for some time been much engag’d in Business.
          Your first Question, What is the Reason the Water at this Place, tho’ cold at the Spring, becomes warm by Pumping? it will be most prudent in me to forbear attempting to answer, till, by a more circumstantial Account, you assure me of the Fact. I own I should expect that Operation to warm, not so much the Water pump’d as the Person pumping. The Rubbing of dry Solids together, has been long observ’d to produce Heat; but the like Effect has never yet, that I have heard, been produc’d by the mere Agitation of Fluids, or Friction of Fluids with Solids. Water in a Bottle shook for Hours by a Mill Hopper, it is said, discover’d no sensible Addition of Heat. The Production of Animal Heat by Exercise, is therefore to be accounted for in another manner, which I may hereafter endeavour to make you acquainted with.
          This Prudence of not attempting to give Reasons before one is sure of Facts, I learnt from one of your Sex, who, as Selden tells us, being in company with some Gentlemen that were viewing and considering something which they call’d a Chinese Shoe, and disputing earnestly about the manner of wearing it, and how it could possibly be put on; put in her Word, and said modestly, Gentlemen, are you sure it is a Shoe? Should not that be settled first?
          But I shall now endeavour to explain what I said to you about the Tide in Rivers, and to that End shall make a Figure, which tho’ not very like a River, may serve to convey my Meaning. Suppose a Canal 140 Miles long communicating at one End with the Sea, and fill’d therefore with Sea Water. I chuse a Canal at first, rather than a River, to throw out of Consideration the Effects produc’d by the Streams of Fresh Water from the Land,  the Inequality in Breadth, and the Crookedness of Courses. Let A, C, be the Head of the Canal, C D the Bottom of it; D F the open Mouth of it next the Sea. Let the strait prick’d Line B G represent Low Water Mark the whole Length of the Canal, A F High Water Mark: Now if a Person standing at E, and observing at the time of High water there that the Canal is quite full at that Place up to the Line E, should conclude that the Canal is equally full to the same Height from End to End, and therefore there was as much more Water come into the Canal since it was down at Low Water Mark, as could be included in the oblong Space A. B. G. F. he would be greatly mistaken. For the Tide is a Wave, and the Top of the Wave, which makes High Water, as well as every other lower Part, is progressive; and it is High Water successively, but not at the same time, in all the several Points between G, F. and A, B.—and in such a Length as I have mention’d it is Low Water at F G and also at A B, at or near the same time with its being High Water at E; so that the Surface of the Water in the Canal, during that Situation, is properly represented by the Curve prick’d Line B E G. And on the other hand, when it is Low Water at E H, it is High Water both at F G and at A B at or near the same time; and the Surface would then be describ’d by the inverted Curve Line A H F.
          In this View of the Case, you will easily see, that there must be very little more Water in the Canal at what we call High Water than there is at Low Water, those Terms not relating to the whole Canal at the same time, but successively to its Parts. And if you suppose the Canal six times as long, the Case would not vary as to the Quantity of Water at different times of the Tide; there would only be six Waves in the Canal at the same time, instead of one, and the Hollows in the Water would be equal to the Hills.
          That this is not mere Theory, but conformable to Fact, we know by our long Rivers in America. The Delaware, on which Philadelphia stands, is in this particular similar to the Canal I have supposed of one Wave: For when it is High Water at the Capes or Mouth of the River, it is also High Water at Philadelphia, which stands about 140 Miles from the Sea; and there is at the same time a Low Water in the Middle between the two High Waters; where, when it comes to be High Water, it is at the same time Low Water at the Capes and at Philadelphia. And the longer Rivers have, some a Wave and Half, some two, three, or four Waves, according to their Length. In the shorter Rivers of this Island, one may see the same thing in Part: for Instance; it is High Water at Gravesend an Hour before it is High Water at London Bridge; and 20 Miles below Gravesend an Hour before it is High Water at Gravesend. Therefore at the Time of High Water at Gravesend the Top of the Wave is there, and the Water is then not so high by some feet where the Top of the Wave was an Hour before, or where it will be an Hour after, as it is just then at Gravesend.
          Now we are not to suppose, that because the Swell or Top of the Wave runs at the Rate of 20 Miles an Hour, that therefore the Current or Water itself of which the Wave is compos’d, runs at that rate. Far from it. To conceive this Motion of a Wave, make a small Experiment or two. Fasten one End of a Cord in a Window near the Top of a House, and let the other End come down to the Ground; take this End in your Hand, and you may, by a sudden Motion occasion a Wave in the Cord that will run quite up to the Window; but tho’ the Wave is progressive from your Hand to the Window, the Parts of the Rope do not proceed with the Wave, but remain where they were, except only that kind of Motion that produces the Wave. So if you throw a Stone into a Pond of Water when the Surface is still and smooth, you will see a circular Wave proceed from the Stone as its Center, quite to the Sides of the Pond; but the Water does not proceed with the Wave, it only rises and falls to form it in the different Parts of its Course; and the Waves that follow the first, all make use of the same Water with their Predecessors.
          But a Wave in Water is not indeed in all Circumstances exactly like that in a Cord; for Water being a Fluid, and gravitating to the Earth, it naturally runs from a higher Place to a lower; therefore the Parts of the Wave in Water do actually run a little both ways from its Top towards its lower Sides, which the Parts of the Wave in the Cord cannot do. Thus when it is high and standing Water at Gravesend, the Water 20 Miles below has been running Ebb, or towards the Sea for an Hour, or ever since it was High Water there; but the Water at London Bridge will run Flood, or from the Sea yet another Hour, till it is High Water or the Top of the Wave arrives at that Bridge, and then it will have run Ebb an Hour at Gravesend, &c. &c. Now this Motion of the Water, occasion’d only by its Gravity, or Tendency to run from a higher Place to a lower, is by no means so swift as the Motion of the Wave. It scarce exceeds perhaps two Miles in an Hour. If it went as the Wave does 20 Miles an Hour, no Ships could ride at Anchor in such a Stream, nor Boats row against it.
          In common Speech, indeed, this Current of the Water both Ways from the Top of the Wave is call’d the Tide; thus we say, the Tide runs strong, the Tide runs at the rate of 1, 2, or 3 Miles an hour, &c. and when we are at a Part of the River behind the Top of the Wave, and find the Water lower than High-water Mark, and running towards the Sea, we say, the Tide runs Ebb; and when we are before the Top of the Wave, and find the Water higher than Low-water Mark, and running from the Sea, we say, the Tide runs Flood: But these Expressions are only locally proper; for a Tide strictly speaking is one whole Wave, including all its Parts higher and lower, and these Waves succeed one another about twice in twenty four Hours.
          This Motion of the Water, occasion’d by its Gravity, will explain to you why the Water near the Mouths of Rivers may be salter at Highwater than at Low. Some of the Salt Water, as the Tide Wave enters the River, runs from its Top and fore Side, and mixes with the fresh, and also pushes it back up the River.
          Supposing that the Water commonly runs during the Flood at the Rate of two Miles in an Hour, and that the Flood runs 5 Hours, you see that it can bring at most into our Canal only a Quantity of Water equal to the Space included in the Breadth of the Canal, ten Miles of its Length, and the Depth between Low and Highwater Mark. Which is but a fourteenth Part of what would be necessary to fill all the Space between Low and Highwater Mark, for 140 Miles, the whole Length of the Canal.
          And indeed such a Quantity of Water as would fill that whole Space, to run in and out every Tide, must create so outrageous a Current, as would do infinite Damage to the Shores, Shipping, &c. and make the Navigation of a River almost impracticable.
          I have made this Letter longer than I intended, and therefore reserve for another what I have farther to say on the Subject of Tides and Rivers. I shall now only add, that I have not been exact in the Numbers, because I would avoid perplexing you with minute Calculations, my Design at present being chiefly to give you distinct and clear Ideas of the first Principles.
          After writing 6 Folio Pages of Philosophy to a young Girl, is it necessary to finish such a Letter with a Compliment? Is not such a Letter of itself a Compliment? Does it not say, she has a Mind thirsty after Knowledge, and capable of receiving it; and that the most agreable Things one can write to her are those that tend to the Improvement of her Understanding? It does indeed say all this, but then it is still no Compliment; it is no more than plain honest Truth, which is not the Character of a Compliment. So if I would finish my Letter in the Mode, I should yet add something that means nothing, and is merely civil and polite. But being naturally awkward at every Circumstance of Ceremony, I shall not attempt it. I had rather conclude abruptly with what pleases me more than any Compliment can please you, that I am allow’d to subscribe my self Your affectionate Friend

            B Franklin
            Miss Stevenson


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Mary Stevenson, 16 September 1760
From: Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson
To: Franklin, Benjamin

            My dear Sir
            Draycot Sep. 16. 1760

          Such a Letter is indeed the highest Compliment. What you conclude it with I should think too far strain’d to be sincere if I did not flatter myself it proceeded from the warmth of your Affection, which makes you see Merit in me that I do not possess. It would be too great Vanity to think I deserve the Encomiums you give me, and it would be Ingratitude to doubt your Sincerity. Continue, my indulgent Friend, your favourable opinion of me, and I will endeavour to be what you imagine me.
          I implore your pardon, Dear Sir, for asking you the Reason before I could assure you of the Fact. I promise never again to abuse the liberty you grant me in such a manner. For, tho my chief aim is attain’d when I can procure a Letter from you, I will be careful to avoid Impertinence, lest you should at last be wearied with it and no longer regard me. I confess it was not from my own observation I told you the Water at Bristol, though cold at the Spring, became warm by pumping, I had only heard that it was so. If it is a Fact, that the Water is warmer after they have pump’d for some time, I should account for it in this manner. The Water I imagine springs warm, but being kept long in the Well grows cold; after they have pump’d some time the Water which was in the Well is exhausted, and what they then pump is fresh from the Spring. This I apprehend may be the cause of the Water being warmer after they have drawn a great Quantity. It is I own great Assurance in me to say so much but I hope it will not offend my dear and honour’d Friend. The familiar agreable manner in which you deliver Instruction renders it easy and pleasant; but you must bear patiently with me if I do not always comprehend things as clearly as might be expected. I still conceive that the rising of the Tides in Rivers is not owing to the immediate Influences of the Moon on them, but produc’d from the Effect it has upon the Sea, which is communicated to them in a weaker degree. But I hope soon to have the pleasure of seeing you, or if I cannot have that happiness I shall take an opportunity of writing to you again, therefore I will not add to the length of this Letter. I could not forbear returning my earliest Thanks for the charming Letter I receiv’d yesterday; and am always ready to lay hold of the Privilege you give me of subscribing myself (though I acknowledge it is too presumptuous) Your sincerely affectionate Friend

            M Stevenson
            Dr. Franklin


Title: Henton Brown to Goldney, Smith and Co., 16 September 1760
From: Brown, Henton
To: Goldney, Smith and Co.

            Gentlemen
            London 16 Sept. 1760

          My particular friend Benjamin Franklin Esqr. and his Son of Philadelphia intending in a tour they are going to take to call at Bristol I take the liberty to recommend them to your notice, whose personal merit is so well known that I need add nothing farther, but that I am with great esteem your obliged Friend—if they should have occasion for any money please to supply them and place it to our Account.
          I am for Self and Son Your Obliged Friend

            Henton Brown
            To Goldney Smith & Com: Bristol

          Addressed: To / Goldney Smith & Co: / Bristol


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Sir Alexander Dick, 17 September 1760
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Dick, Sir Alexander

            Dear Sir Alexander
            London, Sept. 17. 1760

          It gave me great Pleasure to learn from Dr. Robertson, that you and Lady Dick and your lovely Bairns, were all well and happy. Now that the long Litigation between our Province and the Proprietaries, which I had the Care of, is finished, I hope to be a better and more punctual Correspondent. My Time will be more my own. I am in debt to my Friends in Scotland for their kind Letters, which I shall endeavour to discharge as soon as I return from a Journey I am just going. Will, too, intends to grow good; and as an Earnest of it, remembers his Promise to Lady Dick and sends the Chapter.

          The Bearer, Mr. Shippen, I beg Leave to recommend to your Countenance and Protection, as an ingenious worthy young Man, and the Son of my Friend. He goes to Edinburgh to improve himself in Physic and Surgery, and hopes to obtain there the Sanction of a Degree, if found to merit it. Your friendly Advice with regard to his Studies, and kind Influence and Interest in facilitating his Affair, will, I am persuaded, be a Favour conferr’d not improperly. With the sincerest Wishes of Health and Happiness to you and yours, I am, Dear Sir, Your most obedient and most humble Servant

            B Franklin
            Sir Alexr. Dick


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Isaac Norris, 20 September 1760
From: Norris, Isaac
To: Franklin, Benjamin

            Dear Friend BF
            Fairhill Septr. 20 1760

          Since my Last 24 and 27 August which acknowledged your Several Letters to the 14 of June last I have received the 27th and PS. 29 June and Copy with addition of the 12th July. These acknowledgments of Dates may be satisfactory to know what Letters have fal’n [fallen] into right Hands for it is certain some of those wrote by Captain House got to Philadelphia and there sent open to the Persons to whom they were directed, at least I know it to be so in my own Case for a few Days ago I received Robt. Charles’ Letter directed to me dated the 1st of November 1759 with the Report of the Lords of Trade and Order to Sir Wm. Johnson upon Our Indian Affairs under Cover and a few Lines from N. Scull and it is as certain that to this Day I have not received your Original Letter by Captain House. It is said that Mr. Chatelleau neglected the Letters after tiring or diverting himself with some of them and that a Son of Ralph Asheton took the Opportunity of securing the rest to divert the People here, but I do not warrant the Story nor do I so much as know the young man.
          It is difficult to assign any Reasons the Chief Justice could have to enquire of my Brother in the Street “whether the Letters which were in Mr. Scull’s Hands belonging to me were ever sent and whether he [my Brother] had seen or heard of any such being sent.” They were not at that Time but came about, a Week after opened as I have said above without any Account or Apology for that Letter’s comming to me in that Manner nor any Information how he came by it, Only barely telling me these Papers had been some Time with him and he was prevented by Sickness from sending them sooner. I have not seen Nicholas Scull since to make further Enquiry, but how he came by those Papers may very easily be guest at, as the Gentlemen could not keep their own Secrets.

          I received besides the Letters I have mentioned above a long encouraging Letter by your Son dated the 15th of July. I have it not by me as I thought it necessary to forward it to Town to stop the Uneasinesses which began to appear in the People under the Fears of having £200,000 of Blank Paper scattered among them instead of Mony. I hope it will have a good Effect, tho’ I had tollerably digested in my own Mind a pretty good Security for sinking most or all those Bills out of the Mony allowed by Parliament with what we have Reason [to] expect the next Year and had drawn a Bill at the Desire of the Committee for that Purpose which is now in the Hands of the Committee and the Mode assented to unanimously by the House by which you will, if they approve of the Bill, have Power to purchase Stocks bearing an Interest till drawn out for the Use of the Publick by Bills of Exchange free from the Objections made by the Bank, who no Doubt are best acquainted with their own Modes, and thought they had sufficient for refusing to take our Mony on the terms of the last Law.
          I am now fully engaged on the short Adjournment the House have made now near the Expiration of the Assembly Year and shall close this Letter, to go by a Vessel via Bristol, especially as the Business of the Assembly is not finished.
          Pray make my Complements to your Son for the seasonable Care he has taken to forward Intelligence of so much importance to us.
          I send inclosed a third Bill of Exchange J. Hunter on Thomlinson &c. No. 1876 for £100. Sterling. I have forborn the purchase of another in Hopes the Exchange might lower a little but I see no signs of it tho’ I think they will not rise. I am &c.

            NB did not send the above but instead thereof wrote the following Letter by a Snow of John Taylors to Bristol vizt.
            NB I sent this Letter to Town hearing the Vessel would sail—but going to Town to the Assembly on the 22d I found it was not [delivered] by CN. so that I took the Letter back and opend it—but did not send it. Instead of which I wrote the Letter that follows this. Via Bristol dated 26. September.
            did not send this Letter


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Isaac Norris, 26 September 1760
From: Norris, Isaac
To: Franklin, Benjamin

            Dear Friend Benjamin Franklin
            Philada. Septr. 26th. 1760

          Since my last of the 24th and PS of the 29th of June last I have received the 27 and P S 29 June and Duplicate with Addition of the 12th of July–with a long Letter from your Son of the 15th and Duplicate from yourself of the 12th and Addition of the 17th of July with the Report of the Board partial and Vissibly tending to encrease the Power of that Board, but as it appears by that Report that the Acts were presented by the Proprietaries on or before the 20th of February their confirmation or disallowance must by the Limited time be over before now.
          We have sent up to the Governor a Bill to enable the Agents to receive the Monies which have been or may be allotted to this Province upon the Parliamentary Grants and if I can keep this Letter till we know the Governors Resolution upon that Bill it shall be added. The Bill gives the Agents Power to receive the Monies and Purchase Stock in their own Names for the Use of the Province subject to the Bills of Exchange to be drawn upon Robert Charles and Your Self by the Trustees when thereto required by the Assembly. and Notice given to you under the Great Seal of this Province of such Drafts to be made by their Order upon which you will have a Power to sell and transfer the said Stocks for the Purpose.
          We are at present among Rocks and Sands in a Stormy Season and it depends on you to do every Thing in your Power in the present Crisis for it is too late for us to give you any Assistance. Had it been in my Power you should not have had so many Difficulties to struggle with, but the House were of another Mind as well in the Tack and other Parts of our Re-Emitting Act, as the Bargain and Engagements with Governor Denny for which there was no Necessity but possibly all may, under Providence, end better than Expectation and for if the Time should be suffered to elapse or the principal Acts be confirmed we shall be made more easy in our Controversies with the Proprietaries for the Future, especially as the War in Canada is at an End and the French entirely subdued in that Quarter.
          The Two Pamphlets, sent I suppose, by Captain House, never came to my Hands but I procured and read them as well as your Judicious Answer to One of them upon which pray receive my Complements among the others, for I approve and value it much. The Chief Justice told me he was of the same Sentiments and by what I can learn it gives general Satisfaction here.
          I send inclosed a third Bill of Exchange N 1876. drawn by J. Hunter on Messrs. Thomlinson &c. for One Hundred Pounds Sterling and a First bill of Exchange No. 1770 Drawn by Col. Hunter on the same Gentlemen for One Hundred Pounds Sterling which please to receive.
          The House have received the Governors Amendment to our Bill for appointing Your Self and R Charles to negotiate our Part of the Parliamentary Grant. I shall enclose a Copy of the Bill and Amendments which need no Comment.
          I am informed the Vessel is just going and am obliged to close. Your Affectionate Friend

            Isaac Norris


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to David Hume, 27 September 1760
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Hume, David

            Dear Sir,
            Coventry, Sept. 27. 1760

          I have too long postpon’d answering your obliging Letter, a Fault I will not attempt to excuse, but rather rely on your Goodness to forgive it if I am more punctual for the future.

          I am oblig’d to you for the favourable Sentiments you express of the Pieces sent you; tho’ the Volume relating to our Pensilvania Affairs, was not written by me, nor any Part of it, except the Remarks on the Proprietor’s Estimate of his Estate, and some of the inserted Messages and Reports of the Assembly which I wrote when at home, as a Member of Committees appointed by the House for that Service; the rest was by another Hand. But tho’ I am satisfy’d by what you say, that the Duke of Bedford was hearty in the Scheme of the Expedition, I am not so clear that others in the Administration were equally in earnest in that matter. It is certain that after the Duke of Newcastle’s first Orders to raise Troops in the Colonies, and Promise to send over Commissions to the Officers, with Arms, Clothing, &c. for the Men, we never had another Syllable from him for 18 Months; during all which time the Army lay idle at Albany for want of Orders and Necessaries; and it began to be thought at least that if an Expedition had ever been intended, the first Design and the Orders given, must, thro’ the Multiplicity of Business here at home, have been quite forgotten.
          I am not a little pleas’d to hear of your Change of Sentiments in some particulars relating to America; because I think it of Importance to our general Welfare that the People of this Nation should have right Notions of us, and I know no one that has it more in his Power to rectify their Notions, than Mr. Hume. I have lately read with great Pleasure, as I do every thing of yours, the excellent Essay on the Jealousy of Commerce: I think it cannot but have a good Effect in promoting a certain Interest too little thought of by selfish Man, and scarce ever mention’d, so that we hardly have a Name for it; I mean the Interest of Humanity, or common Good of Mankind: But I hope particularly from that Essay, an Abatement of the Jealousy that reigns here of the Commerce of the Colonies, at least so far as such Abatement may be reasonable.
          I thank you for your friendly Admonition relating to some unusual Words in the Pamphlet. It will be of Service to me. The pejorate, and the colonize, since they are not in common use here, I give up as bad; for certainly in Writings intended for Persuasion and for general Information, one cannot be too clear, and every Expression in the least obscure is a Fault. The unshakeable too, tho’ clear, I give up as rather low. The introducing new Words where we are already possess’d of old ones sufficiently expressive, I confess must be generally wrong, as it tends to change the Language; yet at the same time I cannot but wish the Usage of our Tongue permitted making new Words when we want them, by Composition of old ones who Meanings are already well understood. The German allows of it, and it is a common Practice with their Writers. Many of our present English Words were originally so made; and many of the Latin Words. In point of Clearness such compound Words would have the Advantage of any we can borrow from the ancient or from foreign Languages. For instance, the Word inaccessible, tho’ long in use among us, is not yet, I dare say, so universally understood by our People as the Word uncomeatable would immediately be, which we are not allow’d to write. But I hope with you, that we shall always in America make the best English of this Island our Standard, and I believe it will be so. I assure you, it often gives me Pleasure to reflect how greatly the Audience (if I may so term it) of a good English Writer will in another Century or two be encreas’d, by the Increase of English People in our Colonies.
          My Son presents his Respects with mine to you and Dr. Monro. We receiv’d your printed circular Letter to the Members of the Society, and purpose some time next Winter to send each of us a little Philosophical Essay. With the greatest Esteem I am, Dear Sir, Your most obedient and most humble Servant

            B Franklin

          [Added in another hand:] Dated Coventry. Sepr. 27. 1760.
          [Endorsed:] 27 Septr. 1760 Dr. Franklin


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Lord Kames, 27 September 1760
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Kames, Henry Home, Lord

            My dear Lord,
            Coventry, Sept. 27. 1760

          We are here upon a Journey which when first proposed was to have extended farther than the Season will now permit; we design’d going over to Ireland, and, having made the Tour of that Country, we were to have cross’d from its Northern Part to Dumfries, or some other Port on your Coast, which would have given us the pleasing Opportunity of seeing once more our Friends in Scotland. This, if we could have left London early in the Summer: But the Litigation between our Province and its Proprietor, in which we were engag’d, confin’d us in London till the middle of this Month. That Cause is indeed at length ended, and in a great degree to our Satisfaction; but by its continuing so long, we are disappointed in our Hopes of spending some more happy Days at Kaims, with you and your amiable Family.
          I do not pretend to charge this to your Account as a Letter. It is rather to acknowledge myself in your Debt, and to promise Payment. It is some time since I receiv’d your obliging Favour of June last. When I return to London, which we intend after seeing Cheshire, Wales, Bristol, and spending some time at Bath, I hope to be a more punctual Correspondent. My Son joins in the sincerest Wishes of Happiness to you and yours, with, My dear Lord, Your Lordship’s most obedient and most humble Servant

            B Franklin

            Our Thanks to Lady Kaims for the Receipt. Inclos’d we send the Chapter.

            Lord Kaims

          [Addressed:] To / The honourable Lord Kaims / Edinburgh / Per favour of / Mr Shippen


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Isaac Norris, 5 October 1760
From: Norris, Isaac
To: Franklin, Benjamin

            Dear Friend BF
            Fairhill 8br. 5. 1760

          I wrote on the 26 and 27 of 7 br. last the First via Bristol and the other intended by our Friend C Kelby who is taking shipping at NY. in the 1st I sent our Agent Bill and the Governors proposed Amendments copied by the Clerk and in the other the Vindication of the Commissioner and Assessors of Cumberland County against the Representation of RH. and RP the Proprietary Rec. General and Secretary in relation to their taxing the Proprietary Estate in that Co. I have not the Opportunity or Time to send Copies—I hope the Original will get to your Hands.
          Our Elections are over and the Old Members, that were alive, generally chosen as far as I have heard the Ch. Justice told me at the last sitting that he should not be in the House this Year—I have not heard from that County. I send inclosed a 3d. Bill of Exchange N 1770 for £100 Sterl. drawn by Col. Hunter on Messrs. Thomlinson &c. and like wise a 1st Bill No. 1798 drawn by the same on the same Gentleman for £100 sterling which I have endorsed payable to your Self—please to receive them.
          The Bill for appointing Agents to receive our Part of the Mony granted by Parliament drop’d upon the Governors proposed Amendments. The Design of those Amendments is too obvious to need any Remarks upon them. The Members of the last Assembly were Unanimous in rejecting them except the C.J. who thought they were reasonable and accordingly reasoned and Voted by himself on that Occasion. It would have been a Noble Fund for paying the present Governor the Salary of his former Administration and the Proprietary Expences in solicting the repeal of our late Acts &c. &c. It is probable the Assembly at their next Setting may make some Order upon it in the best manner they can. It was not proposed at our last Sessions for some prudential Reasons. I am Your Affectionate Friend

            I N

            By the Ship American Captn. Stiles BF recd this—See Letter datd Novr. 22. 1760
            First Bill Excha No 1798 £100.0.0


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from David Hall, 6 October 1760
From: Hall, David
To: Franklin, Benjamin

            Sir,
            Philada. October 6. 1760.

          Yours I received by the Philadelphia Packet, Captain Budden, relating to the two protested Bills of Scott and McMichael’s; but I had got them renewed, with the Damages, and sent them off, before yours came to hand; however, that does not signify much, as the last Sett, of Course, will not be presented for Payment. I am glad to find, as you will see by my Letter, that we were both of a Mind with respect to these Gentlemen, as they are reckoned very honest Men, and most genteel Dealers.
          I am at a Loss what to do as to remitting you, Exchange rises so fast: it is now 70. and it is thought, in a Week or two will be 80. however I will send some more before the Winter sets in, and hope to see you early in the Spring; and am, Yours, &c.

            D. Hall
            To Benjamin Franklin Esq: Sent by the American Captain Stiles. to London


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Isaac Norris, 22 October 1760
From: Norris, Isaac
To: Franklin, Benjamin

            October 22d 1760.

          Since the above, Duplicate of my Last, I have received yours by the Packet of the 22d and PS 23d of August  with the inclosed Papers which bring us down to a preparation for a Hearing upon our Acts on the 27th. where, on this Side the Water, we must leave the Issue under Providence to your Care of which we have no Doubt; I am, however, pleased that the Attorney and Solicitor General have given their Opinion that our Acts cannot be repealed in part; The Contrary of which must have been attended with fatal Consequences and palpable Absurdities.
          Our last sitting produced an Order of the House to receive the Distributive Share of the Parliamentary Grant. The proceedings upon it and the Governor’s refusing to affix the Great Seal to the appointment of our Agents this Year is referr’d to the Committee of Correspondence who will transmit to you, no doubt a full Account of that Transaction.

          The Governor’s Apprehensions seem to arise from the Report of the Board of Trade “that the Mony distributed in the other Colonies in consequence of the Votes of Parliament has frequently been received by the Agents of those Colonies under their general Powers of Agency only.” Tho’ I presume even that has been with the concurrence of the Governors of the respective Colonies; will you take the trouble of explaining this minutely for our future Conduct with respect to the further Parliamentary Grants.
          I am sorry my very ill State of Health prevented my attendance at the House on Governor Denny’s passing that Act, it would have been, had the Act been properly drawn and well considered, a fine provision against the Confusion the repeal of our Mony Grants to the Crown must introduce should we be so extreamly unfortunate as to have those Acts disallowed—which God forbid. I hope the Order of the House which you will receive by this Vessel will be effectual for the Mony already allotted to this Province, and if so I think it might be convenient to get Copper Plate Bills of Exchange struck and sent over for the Use of the Trustees.
          The Commissioners and Assessors of Cumberland County assert, and it is known to be the constant Decission in our Courts of Justice, that a Warrant to survey a Tract of Land from the Proprietarys who at the Time of granting Their Warrant receive above One third Part of the Purchase Mony, and a regular Return of that Survey into the Surveyor General’s Office, does give a just Title to that Land and the Land it Self, whatever Transfers are made from Hand to Hand remains (in the nature of a Mortgage) and Security for the remaining Purchase Mony. This was the Opinion of T. Francis when Attorney General under the Proprietor and all the Justices Judges and Lawyers here generally regulate their Decisions accordingly.
          I perceive the Lords of Trade pretty openly conclude their Report with recommending to the Crown a resumption of the Proprietary Grant, when they assert “that the Rights of his Majesty have been gradually departed from by the Proprietarys and which must always be invaded while the Prerogatives of Royalty are placed in the feeble Hands of Individuals and the Authority of the Crown is to be exercised without the Powers of the Crown to support it.” This Resumption, to me, appears at no great distance; when a sufficient part of the Odium is taken off by the intermediate Powers, which are to be supported for that Purpose. “Then Aaron shall lay both his Hands upon the Head of the live Goat and confess over him all the Iniquities of the Children of Israel and all their Transgressions and all their Sins, putting them upon the Head of the Goat and shall send him away by the Hand of a fit Man into the Wilderness” where, if I judge right, he will never be able to leave his Posterity such Marks of skill in peopling and cultivating it, as his Father has left to him and his Family, at least in so Short a Time. I now inclose a 2d Bill of Exchange for £100 Sterl N 1798 drawn by Colonel Hunter on Messrs. Thomlinson &c. which please to receive. I sent a Power of Attorney by Chas. Beatty as I apprehended you requested it but I can see no use of that Power as I am perfectly satisfied that my Stock continue in your Name, ’till your Return, or other Accident may Make it necessary to transfer it, in which Case, after returning my Complements to Sampson Lloyd junior and his Brother Osgood Hanbury for their kind offer be pleased to transfer it to them in my Behalf. I am Your Affectionate Friend

            I N
            B. FranklinTo BF. by Captn Budden

            By T. Lloyd to whom I gave a Separate Letter to B.F. with a Credit for about £100—if he (TLl) should have Occasion for it. The order dated 8 br. 22. 1760


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Canton, 31 October 1760
From: Canton, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

            Dear Sir
            Spital Square, 31 Octr. 1760

          Having procur’d some thin Glass Balls of about an Inch and a half in Diameter, with Stems, or Tubes of eight or nine Inches in length, I electrified them, some positively on the inside, and others negatively, after the manner of charging the Leyden Bottle, and sealed them hermetically. Soon after, I applied the naked Balls to my Electrometer, and could not discover the least Sign of their being electrical; but holding them before the Fire at the distance of six or eight Inches, they became strongly electrical in a very short time, and more so, when they were cooling. These Balls will, every time they are heated, give the electrical Fluid to, or take it from other Bodies, according to the plus or minus State of it within them. Heating them frequently, I find, will sensibly diminish their Power; but keeping one of them under Water a Week, did not appear in the least degree to impair it. That which I kept under Water was charged on the 22d of September last, was several times heated before it was kept in Water and has been heated frequently since, and yet it still retains its Virtue to a very considerable degree. The breaking two of my Balls accidentally, gave me an Opportunity of measuring their Thickness, which I found to be between seven and eight parts in a Thousand, of an Inch.
          A down Feather in a thin Glass Ball hermetically sealed, will not be affected by the Application of an excited Tube, or the Wire of a charged Vial, unless the Ball be considerably heated. And if a Glass Pane be heated till it begins to grow soft, and in that State be held between the Wire of a Charged Vial, and the discharging Wire, the Course of the electrical Fluid will not be through the Glass, but on the Surface, round by the Edge of it. I am, with the greatest Respect, Dear Sir Your most Obedient humble Servant

            J:C.
            To Benjn. Franklin Esqr.


Title: State of the Transaction at the Exchequer, 4 November 1760
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

            I. N.
            London, Nov. 4. 1760

          State of the Transaction at the Exchequer, relating to the Parliamentary Grant for the Year 1758

              The Sum given to Pennsylvania and the Lower Counties jointly, for their 2727 Men, is
              £29,993
              0
              0

              By General Abercrombie’s Report, there were of these effective Men in the Field,

              From Pennsylvania

              2446

              From Lower Counties

              281

              2727

              Therefore the Proportion to Pensilvania wasto the Lower Counties

              £26,902
              8
              0

              3,090
              12
              0

              29,993
              0
              0

              Paid Fees and Gratuities at the Exchequer, viz.

              To the Tellers
              £73
              19
              8

              Auditor
              35
              0
              0

              Do. Extra. a Gratuity
              5
              5
              0

  Mr. Wilford, Sign Manual and Gratuity
}

              2
              12
              6

              Mr. Lucas
              15
              19
              6

              Mr. Willis

              10
              6

              133
              7
              2

              Remains to be divided between the two Governments
              £29,859
              12
              10

              Of which the Share of Pensilvania is
              £26,782
              14
              10

              Paid to Mr. Barclay that of Lower Counties
              3,076
              18
              0

              £29,859
              12
              10

          Fees at the Treasury still to be paid of which Mr. Barclay is to repay me the Proportion of Lower Counties.

            B Franklin

          Endorsed: State of the Transaction at the Exchequer, London, Nov. 4. 1760 No. 1


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to John Canton, 12 November 1760
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Canton, John

            Dear Sir
            Wednesday Nov. 12 [1760]

          What pass’d at the Society last Thursday night, was chiefly, a Motion for an Address to the King, which was agreed to, and a Committee appointed to make a Draft. The Society adjourn’d to Monday night, to hear the Address and agree upon it, which was also done. On Thursday next at the Meeting we are to be inform’d when it is to be presented. I hope I shall have the Pleasure of seeing you there at that time; and am Sir, Your most obedient Servant

            B Franklin

            P.S. I doubt I shall not be ready with the Paper, but have other Reasons for desiring you not to be absent.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Thomson, 18 November 1760
From: Thomson, William
To: Franklin, Benjamin

            Sir
            Worcester 18th Novr. 1760

          I take this Opportunity to return you my sincere thanks not only for the pleasure your Company afforded me during your short stay in Worcester, but also for the Entertainment I am confident I owe to you after your Departure— The Interest of Great Britain with Respect to her Colonies gave me a more distinct view than I ever had before of our Connexions with our fellow Subjects in distant parts of the Globe; And I hope the methods proposed there, for our mutual Advantage, will be properly attended to by those, whose Duty it is to listen to every Hint or Scheme laid down [for] promoting the Interest of those who intrust them with their [Property,] Liberty, and Life.
          I thought to have commissioned our friend Mr. Small to return thanks to you in my Name, but, for my own Sake, I take the liberty to do it in this manner, as I am glad to embrace every Opportunity of improving the Acquaintance I thought myself so happy in beginning, and of assuring you and Mr. Franklin that I am, with great Esteem, your faithfull and obedient Servant

            Willm Thomson

          Addressed: To / Doctor Franklin
          Endorsed: Dr Thomson Worcester


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Isaac Norris, 19 November 1760
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Norris, Isaac

            Dear Sir
            London, Novr. 19. 1760

          This is just to acknowledge the Receipt of your Favours of August 24 and 27. with the Bill for £100 on Messrs. Thomlinson &c. No. 1876, and to acquaint you, that I have at length receiv’d the Money from the Exchequer and lodg’d it in the Bank as nearly agreeable to the Directions of the Act as I possibly could; for they would not, as I acquainted you before, receive it subject to the Drafts of the Trustees in Pensylvania, it being contrary to their Rules. The House will consider what is to be done with it, and send me the necessary Directions. If I were to advise, it should be to lay it out in the Stocks, which will certainly at a Peace produce a Profit of near 20 per Cent. besides the intermediate Interest. I am applying for the Grant of 1759, but nothing is yet done in it. I shall write more fully per Bolitho. With the greatest Esteem, I am &c.

            B.F.

            P.S. The Sum lodg’d in the Bank belonging to the Province is £26,648 4s. 6d. out of which I have some Fees to pay, of which I have not had the Account.

            To Isaac Norris, Esqr. Speaker (Copy)


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Isaac Norris, 22 November 1760
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Norris, Isaac

            [November 22, 1760]

          The Share allotted by the Lords of the Treasury to Pensylvania and the Lower Counties, of the Parliamentary Grant for 1758, was £29,993. The Rule their Lordships follow’d in the Division of the £200,000 was, to proportion the Sums for each Colony according to the Number of effective Men each had in the Field. These Numbers they took from Gen. Abercromby’s Report. By that Report it appear’d that Pensylvania had 2446 and the Lower Counties 281 in all 2727 Men; for which the Allowance was £29,993, as above. This Sum divided by the same Rule between Pensylvania and the Lower Counties, was

              For Pensylvania

              £26,902
              8
              0

              For the Lower Counties

              3,090
              12
              0

              29,993
              0
              0

              Out of this was paid sundry Fees and Customary Gratuities at the Exchequer,

              viz To the Tellers
              £73:
              19:
              8

              To the Auditor
              35.
              0:
              0

              To Do Extra, a Gratuity
              5:
              5:
              0

To Mr. Wilford, Sign Man. and Gratuity
}

              2.
              12:
              6

              To Mr. Lucas
              15.
              19.
              6

              To Mr. Willis
              —:
              10:
              6
              133:
              7:
              2

              29,859.
              12.
              10

              Of which the Share of Pensylvania is of Lower Counties
              £26,782.
              14.
              10

              3,076.
              18.
              0
              29,859.
              12.
              10

          The above Share of Pensylvania after deducting the Commissions allow’d me by the Act, is lodg’d in the Bank. When the Trustees draw for it, the Drafts must be upon me; for the Bank, as I wrote you before, will have no Account with them.