Title: Editorial Note
From:
To:

      Of the eleven states that adopted constitutions during the Revolutionary period, Massachusetts, ratifying its document in 1780, was the last. (Connecticut and Rhode Island, both with corporate charters that granted broad autonomous powers, did not revise their organic law until the nineteenth century.) The General Court had drafted a constitution which it presented to the towns in 1778, but they overwhelmingly rejected it for a variety of reasons, ranging from its lack of a bill of rights to its being written and presented for approval in dangerous times when many voters were away on military service. A few towns asserted that a constitution ought to be drafted by a convention specially chosen for that sole purpose, on the grounds that constitutional law should be superior to mere acts of legislation. Nearly everyone was agreed, even in 1778, that any constitution must have the approval of the people. Responding to these objections, Massachusetts perfected the modern constitutional convention and ratification procedure that has since been used almost exclusively in framing organic law in the United States. In taking this final step, Massachusetts built on the constitutional traditions of Pennsylvania and Delaware, whose 1776 constitutions were drawn up by special conventions that were distinct from the established legislatures of those states, but whose work was not submitted to the voters for approval (J. Paul Selsam, The Pennsylvania Constitution of 1776, A Study in Revolutionary Democracy, Phila., 1936, p. 162–164, 211–212; John A. Monroe, Colonial Delaware, A History, N.Y., 1978, p. 253).
      Massachusetts not only refined the American system of constitution-making, but produced the longest and most detailed constitution of the Revolutionary era. This document contributed several important principles that were adopted by other states as they revised their constitutions as well as by the framers of the United States Constitution. Most of these principles were espoused and articulated by John Adams, who played the key role in drafting a constitution that has lasted to the present day, although it has acquired more than one hundred amendments. The Massachusetts Constitution, with its provision for a strong, independent executive, instituted a true check-and-balance system. The other early state constitutions concentrated power in the hands of legislatures, which in most instances elected their chief executives. Pennsylvania provided for no governor at all, and New York’s independently elected governor had to share his limited veto power with others and exercised more restricted appointive powers than were provided in Massachusetts. Nearly all of the states had sought to create an independent judiciary in their 1776–1777 constitutions by prescribing tenure during good behavior, but John Adams had already played a crucial role in establishing this principle through his Thoughts on Government (1776), which strongly influenced the drafting of several of those early constitutions (vol. 4:65–93).
      The Massachusetts Constitutional Convention met in Cambridge on 1 September 1779. Each town had been authorized to choose as many delegates as it was entitled by law to send to the General Court, but the franchise was opened without regard to property holdings to “every Freeman, Inhabitant of [a] town, who is twenty one years of age” (Journal of the ConventionJournal of the Convention for Framing a Constitution of Government for the State of Massachusetts Bay from ... September 1, 1779, to ... June 16, 1780, Boston, 1832., p. 6). According to the official journal, over three hundred delegates were chosen. Comparison of the delegate list with the roster of representatives to the General Court reveals that towns generally sent far more men to the convention than they sent to the House, a sign perhaps that the task ahead was viewed as serious indeed. The main business during the week-long first session was to name a drafting committee made up of representatives from each county, totaling twenty-seven men, plus four members chosen at large. The actual number selected, however, was only thirty because the two island counties, Dukes and Nantucket, together entitled to one committeeman, sent no delegates to Cambridge. After organizing this committee, the convention adjourned to 28 October, when a full draft constitution was to be presented for consideration.
      The drafting committee, meeting in Boston on 13 September, named a subcommittee, comprised of James Bowdoin, the convention’s president, Samuel Adams, and John Adams, to do the preliminary work. The subcommittee turned the writing of a draft over to John Adams. According to an account he wrote in 1812, Adams’ fellow subcommittee members took exception to only “one Line of no consequence” in his completed draft, and this he deleted. The full drafting committee, again according to Adams, substituted a qualified executive veto for the absolute veto that Adams favored and struck out the governor’s power to appoint militia officers (JA to William D. Williamson, 25 Feb. 1812, MeHi). Adams’ memory was faulty for both these changes were made by the full convention. The committee’s printed Report of a Constitution (the document that follows) includes neither of these alterations.
      The only contemporary clue we have to changes made by the full committee is furnished in two letters, both written by Adams while the convention was meeting in its second session. In answer to Elbridge Gerry’s plea that an executive veto be limited to any attempt by the legislature to “affect the powers of the Executive” (to JA, 12 Oct., above), Adams replied, “I am clear for Three Branches, in the Legislature, and the Committee have reported as much, tho aukwardly expressed” (4 Nov., below). On the same day he wrote to Benjamin Rush: “If the Committee had boldly made the Legislature consist of three Branches, I should have been better pleased” (also below). What Adams meant was that the unqualified veto of the governor made him in effect a third branch, giving him the critical checking power that a “Reservoir of Wisdom” should have over the legislators, who comprised a reservoir of liberty (to Gerry, 4 Nov.). Despite the absolute veto that the Report of a Constitution gives to the governor, it specifically declares, in Chapter II, Section I, Article I, that “The department of legislation shall be formed by two branches.”
      John Adams’ remarks to Gerry and Rush are the only evidence known to the editors which suggests that his draft was significantly altered by the committee before it was printed and offered to the convention. He did disclaim authorship of Article III of the Declaration of Rights, which provided tax support for religion, and we know from other sources that Chapter VI, Section I, which protected the interests of Harvard College, was largely drafted by a committee appointed by that institution (JA to William D. Williamson; JA, WorksThe Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, ed. Charles Francis Adams, Boston, 1850–1856; 10 vols., 4:258, note 2). But until contrary evidence appears, we can only assume that Adams’ draft, with the exceptions noted, was largely that of the printed Report.
      In stating that the committee’s draft was virtually Adams’ own, it should be understood that it was not all original. John Adams was pleased to have a role in designing a new constitution, which he had long urged his political colleagues in Massachusetts to do, but he recognized that it was “impossible for Us to acquire any Honour, as so many fine Examples have been so recently set Us” (JA to Benjamin Rush, 10 Sept., above). Adams borrowed liberally from these examples. Formal bills of rights had been written for the constitutions of five of the original states in 1776—Virginia, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, and North Carolina—and for Vermont in 1777, and several states without such formal bills included similar rights in their descriptions of governmental agents and their powers (Thorpe, ed., Federal and State ConstitutionsFrancis N. Thorpe, ed., The Federal and State Constitutions, Colonial Charters, and Other Organic Laws of the States, Territories and Colonies Now or Heretofore Forming the United States of America, Washington, 1909; 7 vols.; Max Farrand, “The Delaware Bill of Rights of 1776,” AHRAmerican Historical Review., 3:641–649 [July 1898]). In drafting Massachusetts’ Declaration of Rights, Adams was greatly influenced by the order of listing and some of the language found in Pennsylvania’s declaration. Virginia, Maryland, and Delaware also offered several ideas. All of the states had before them the great state papers of English history—Magna Charta and its revision, the Great Charter of 1225, the Petition of Right (1628), the Bill of Rights (1689), and the Act of Settlement (1701). In drafting the Frame of Government, Adams drew upon the Massachusetts Charter of 1691, his own Thoughts on Government, and even the rejected Constitution of 1778 for some of his language.
      If Adams borrowed, he also made significant contributions of his own. The true check-and-balance system, originally described by him in Thoughts on Government, with its independent executive and independent judiciary, has already been mentioned. Less often noticed by historians has been Adams’ organization of the Frame of Government into chapters, sections, and articles, which makes the Massachusetts Constitution much easier to read and refer to than the simple consecutive listing of articles or sections that characterizes every other early state constitution. This major innovation was incorporated into the New Hampshire constitution (1784) and the United States Constitution. Adams also changed the basis of representation in the House from the number of voters to the number of ratable polls, which included, with some exceptions, all free males sixteen years of age and above. This change would allow counting for representation purposes those who were too young or who had too little property to vote, but who had to

      pay a tax or have their father or master pay it for them. Thereby apprentices and grown sons still living on the family farm would become part of the population that Adams thought the representative body should reflect.
      Adams himself was pleased with the convention’s acceptance without change of his second section under Chapter VI, “The Encouragement of Literature, &c.,” which spelled out in broad terms a positive role for government in promoting education, science, and the arts in both public and private institutions. One immediate object that he had in mind as he drafted this section was an academy of men interested in the arts and the natural sciences, and especially the natural history of America, that would be based in Massachusetts and would rival the American Philosophical Society in Philadelphia and emulate the great academies of England and France. He had suggested founding such an academy to Samuel Cooper in August 1779, shortly after his return to America, and the hint was soon taken up (JA to Benjamin Waterhouse, 7 Aug. 1805, MHi). In 1780 the Commonwealth of Massachusetts chartered the American Academy of Arts and Sciences.
      Three less conspicuous innovations deserve mention. Taking language from the 1691 charter, Adams detailed the powers of the legislature far more specifically than was done in other early state constitutions. He also called for limits on the legislative power to suspend habeas corpus. Only Georgia among the other states had even mentioned this important right, and Georgia did not address the problem of suspension. The power of the General Court in this area became one of the most hotly debated issues in the convention; a twelve-month time limit for suspension was added to Adams’ article, but some delegates were greatly disappointed that the convention did not further limit this suspensive power. Finally, Adams gave the governor and Council and the Senate power to request a judicial opinion upon important questions of law. The convention extended this power to the House as well, while confining the right to give such an opinion to the Supreme Judicial Court. This legislative power was not found in the other state constitutions.
      The number and significance of the alterations that the convention made in Adams’ draft are greater than usually realized and need passing mention if only to place his authorship in proper perspective. As noted above, Adams himself singled out as particularly important, if unfortunate, two revisions: the two-thirds legislative vote that could override a governor’s veto, which New York had employed in 1777 and which was adopted in the United States Constitution; and the election of officers by members of the militia in preference to appointment by the governor. The convention also rejected Adams’ proposed rotation in the office of governor, a feature common to nearly all of the 1776 constitutions. This clause would have prevented a man from serving more than five one-year terms out of seven. The explicit requirement that major officeholders be Christians was limited by the convention to the governor and his lieutenant, but the oath of office for councilors and legislators required swearing or affirming a belief in the truth of the Christian religion. In addition, the convention broadened Adams’ proposed property qualifications for legislators to include personal property as well as freeholds of stated value. And in the Declaration of Rights the convention dropped the reference to the right of free speech which Adams had copied from the Pennsylvania declaration, although the delegates retained liberty of the press. They also provided for compensation when private property was taken for public purposes.
      Some of the convention’s additions corrected Adams’ oversights. For example, he neglected to provide for the House the right to judge the qualifications of its members, and for the Senate, a quorum. He made no provision for amendments, although he was quite aware that any constitution would require them. One of the convention’s more significant additions was the inclusion of a definition of town inhabitancy that was in line with traditional practices, which were designed to keep indigent and disorderly outsiders from claiming to be inhabitants of a town. And the convention was far more specific than Adams in guarding against plural officeholding, an abuse much complained about in the provincial period.
      Finally, the convention rejected Adams’ scheme of allowing towns with too few ratable polls for representation in the House to associate with larger towns in jointly choosing a representative, a device Adams had adapted from the Constitution of 1778. Small towns themselves felt that in associating, their influence would be lost; they wanted every town to have at least one representative, regardless of size. The convention, however, would yield no more than making provision for travel pay out of the public treasury to encourage small and poor towns already enjoying a right to representation to continue to send a member to the House.
      The Massachusetts Constitution of 1780 occupies a central position both in America’s constitutional tradition and in John Adams’ thought. The long months of drafting, revision, and ratification greatly refined America’s constitution-making procedure, and prepared the way for the United States Constitution. In its principles and its structure, Massachusetts’ document was the culmination of that process of turning away from legislative-centered government to embrace a system of checks and balances, strong, popularly elected executives, and independent judiciaries. This tradition, advanced so effectively by Adams himself in Thoughts on Government, had gradually gained momentum, particularly with the adoption of New York’s constitution of 1777. After 1780, Americans faced a clear choice between Pennsylvania’s legislative-centered form of government and the tripartite Massachusetts model, a choice resolved in Massachusetts’ favor with the ratification of the United States Constitution in 1787–1788.
      For John Adams, too, Massachusetts’ new constitution marked both a culmination and a turning point. As political thought and organic law, Adams’ Report of a Constitution summarized nearly two decades of reading, thinking, and writing about balanced constitutions and just, durable governments. Its sources were varied, ranging from Greek, Roman, and British political thinkers whom Adams had long admired, especially James Harrington, to his own published writings and a wide range of American constitutions. These last-named included documents that Adams revered, like the Massachusetts Charter of 1691, and those he thought serviceable, like the Virginia and Maryland constitutions of 1776 and Massachusetts’ own rejected Constitution of 1778, but also those of which he was highly critical, notably Pennsylvania’s Constitution of 1776. John Adams left no doubt in his correspondence that he thought the American constitutional tradition was vigorous and healthy, and he believed that America’s best constitutions were far superior to those in operation in Europe, as he would argue at great length in his Defence of the Constitutions of the United States (1787–1788).
      At the same time, however, Adams was disappointed that the convention proved unreceptive to his absolute executive veto. Writing to Elbridge Gerry, he declared that without this power the executive, a sound government’s “Reservoir of Wisdom,” would be run down by an aggressive legislature “like a Hare before the Hunters” (4 Nov., below). This disappointment seems to foreshadow the decline of John Adams’ political optimism and of his receptivity to further constitutional innovation, as well as his growing concern that aristocracies in all forms threatened the vitality of balanced republican government. And his mounting anxiety over this concern would soon color his political thought so strongly that by the late 1780s he had moved out of the mainstream of America’s still evolving constitutional tradition, a tradition to which he had contributed so much. What he left behind was America’s most carefully balanced state constitution, the last great practical statement of the classical British commonwealth tradition and, not incidentally, the oldest functioning written constitution in the English-speaking world.
      John Adams wrote the substance of the Report of a Constitution between 13 September and mid-October 1779, largely in Braintree, and presented it for revision to his subcommittee colleagues, and then to the full drafting committee, in mid- and late October. He presumably attended the full drafting committee sessions in October, and probably the full convention sessions of 28–30 October and 1–3 November as well. His attendance in the week after 4 November, when his correspondence resumes and he was preparing to sail again for Europe, seems less likely. No manuscript notes, rough drafts, or finished copies of Adams’ text, or any detailed references to the committee sessions, are known to the editors.
      The Report of a Constitution was distributed to the convention delegates in two parts. The first fifteen pages, through the end of the Declaration of Rights, were passed out to the members on order of the convention on Friday morning, 29 October. The entire pamphlet of fifty pages, upon which the text below is based, was distributed on Monday, 1 November. Only the Library of Congress is known to have a copy of the fifteen-page first section, lacking the portion of the Frame of Government which begins on the bottom half of page fifteen. Copies of the complete pamphlet survive in several libraries and archives, often with annotations made by the delegates who first received them. When Adams departed for Europe on 15 November, he took with him several copies of the Report, which he gave to various acquaintances and officials in France and Holland, and even to some in England. He arranged for the Report to be printed in London and Paris in the spring of 1780, and later that year he had the adopted constitution printed in England, France, and the Netherlands (JA to Edmé Jacques Genet, 26 Feb., below; Thomas Digges to JA, 14 April 1780, Adams Papers; JA, Diary and AutobiographyDiary and Autobiography of John Adams, ed. L. H. Butterfield and others, Cambridge, 1961; 4 vols., 2:413; Adams Family CorrespondenceAdams Family Correspondence, ed. L. H. Butterfield and others, Cambridge, 1963–, 3:228, 349; 4:267). His preliminary version of the Massachusetts Constitution provoked much interest and admiration abroad.
      The annotation below indicates specific sources that Adams drew upon, as well as all major alterations to the Report made by the convention. Most minor changes of phrasing are not noted. And since the focus is on John Adams, only occasional account is taken of the debates in the convention, of the proposals that failed, or of the sharpness of division in the votes on some provisions. For a fuller description of the convention’s work, see Robert J. Taylor, “Construction of the Massachusetts Constitution,” Amer. Antiq. Soc., Procs., 90 (1980):317–346. The Massachusetts Charter of 1691 and the Revolutionary-era constitutions of all the states can be found in Thorpe, ed., Federal and State ConstitutionsFrancis N. Thorpe, ed., The Federal and State Constitutions, Colonial Charters, and Other Organic Laws of the States, Territories and Colonies Now or Heretofore Forming the United States of America, Washington, 1909; 7 vols.; volume three gives the Massachusetts texts. For the rejected Constitution of 1778, see Robert J. Taylor, ed., Massachusetts, Colony to Commonwealth, Chapel Hill, N.C., 1961, p. 51–58.


Title: To John Adams from Bidé de Chavagnes, 1 November 1779
From: Chavagnes, Bidé de
To: Adams, John

       Mon cher monsieur
       a bord de la sensible ce 1er 9bre 1779

      Je me faisois une grande feste, samedy dernier, D’avoir Ihonneur de vous voir, de diner avec vous et de boire a votre santé chez monsieurs alain, mais 1’utilité de votre travail pour le bien public m’a fait supporter plus aisement cette privation, j eus cependant eté bien content de pouvoir vous parler moy même au sujet des besoins urgents ou commence a se trouver la fregatte du roy de france que j ay vu avec tant de plaisir destinée a vous transporter et les votres en France. J avois deja eu Ihonneur de vous prevenir que sous peu les farines et le biscuit nous manqueroint, n en ayant plus que pour 20 ou 25 jours. II me seroit impossible de prendre la mer avec ce peu de vivres, monsieur de valnais et tous les françois en cherchent inutilement depuis 4 jours. II fait en consequence aujourdhuy une demande au conseil de 25 barils de farine et 50 quintaux de biscuit. La confiance qui vous est si legitiment acquise parmy vos concytoyens le credit que vous vez auprès du conseil me font esperer que vous voudrez bien appuyer cette demande et je ne doute point du succès s il n’est impossible.
      J eus eté bien aise aussi de vous demander conseil au cas d’evenement sur une chose tres importante pour moy. Las voicy. On a eu connoissance dans la baye de 2 fregattes angloise une de 44 canons, I autre de 40. Les 5 fregattes qui sont icy doivent partir incessamment. On m’a donné un avis incertain que le conseil d’apres la nation pourroit me faire la demande de sortir avec elles, ceque j eus certainement prevenu tant par honneur que par le grand desir que j aurois d estre utile a votre nation, d un autre coté si la vieille sensible avoit un choc ou un coup de vent un peu appuyé dans ce moment je ne repondrois plus de pouvoir de cette année entreprendre la traversée d europe. J ay mandé a monsieur le chevalier de la luzerne que je vous demanderois dans tout cecy votre appuy et vos conseils. II ma donné a vous je l’en remercie.
      J attends par monsieur de fleury qui vous remettra cette lettre un mot de vous en consequence, des nouvelles de votre santé que m’est chere ainsi que celle de votre famille. Heureux pour moy le moment qui me procurera le bonheur de vous posseder a bord de la sensible et de vous y reiterer de vive voix les sentiments du sincere et respectueux attachement avec lesquels j ay lhonneur d’estre Mon cher monsieur Votre tres humble et tres obeissant serviteur.

       Bidé de chavagnes


Title: Bidé de Chavagnes to John Adams: A Translation, 1 November 1779
From: Chavagnes, Bidé de
To: Adams, John

       My dear sir

      Aboard La Sensible, 1 November 1779
      I was greatly looking forward to having the honor of seeing you, dining with you, and drinking to your health at Mr. Allen’s house last Saturday, but the usefulness of your work for the public good has allowed me to bear this deprivation more easily. And yet, I would have liked to have been able to speak with you personally about the urgent needs that are beginning to be felt by the frigate of the King of France, which I have seen with great pleasure destined to carry you and your family to France. I already had the honor of informing you that we will soon be out of flour and biscuits, having only enough to last 20 or 25 days. It would be impossible for me to to go to sea with so few provisions. Mr. de Valnais and all the Frenchmen have been searching in vain for the last four days. As a result, he is asking the Council today for 25 barrels of flour and 50 quintals of biscuits. The reputation which you have so legitimately acquired among your fellow citizens and your influence with the Council makes me hope that you will agree to support this request, the success of which I do not doubt unless it is absolutely impossible to grant.
      I would also have liked to ask your advice on another matter of great importance to me. Alas, here it is. Two British frigates are known to be in the bay, one of 44 guns, the other of 40. The five frigates anchored here are to leave immediately and, although it is not certain, I have learned that the Council, on behalf of the nation, might ask me to go out with them. I am certainly predisposed to this as much by the honor as by my great desire to be useful to your nation, but on the other hand, if the old Sensible had an engagement or encountered a storm, even a little prolonged, I would be unable to guarantee that it could undertake a crossing to Europe this year. I have informed the Chevalier de La Luzerne that I would request your support and advice on this matter. He put me at your service, for which I am grateful.
      I await, through Mr. de Fleury who will deliver this letter, word from you giving me news of your health, which is so dear to me, as well as that of your family. Happy will be the moment when I have you aboard La Sensible and can reiterate personally the sentiments of sincere and respectful attachment with which I have the honor to be, my dear sir, your very humble and very obedient servant.

       Bidé de Chavagnes


Title: To John Adams from James Lovell, 1 November 1779
From: Lovell, James
To: Adams, John

      Dear Sir

       Novr. 1st. 1779

     Your Favor of Octr. 17th. came this day to hand by the Post and contains such flattering Sentiments in regard to my subserving your Mission as almost to intoxicate me into a Wish that I had not spurned much personal Honor and family Emolument in pursuing a comparitively evident public Interest. But, nearly drunken as you have made me, depend upon it I am sober enough to distinguish between the Champaign with which my Regale began and the adulterated Cup which you hold out to me while you pledge yourself, in Case of future Correspondence, not to be in debt more than by the Difference in the intrinsic Value of the Letters will be unavoidable. Let me ask you where you learnt such Language. It is not roman, it is not even french, and I am sure it is not such english as you were accustomed to talk before you travailed into strange Countries. Be that as it may, un peu égaré, you recover your whole Self again shortly after, in the Affair of Mr. Iz. I shall pursue your Injunctions.
     I sat about giving you some Idea of the Temper of Congress as to the Ultimata by extracting the Propositions and offered Amendments, but I found myself soon bewildered. You may by a little Conversation with our Friend S A know more than a great deal of my Fatigue in the Way mentioned would convey. In short the great Difference sprung from our varying Quantum of Obsequiousness to the Dictations of a Foreigner as they were retailed to us through the mouths of either Fear or Roguerey, and not from our being wide of each other in Opinion of our Rights, if we were in Condition to assert them or if our Ally would consent to join in a determined Assertion. But this said some must be quite on new Ground and not on the subsisting Treaties, for the whole End of these is the Assurance of our Independence formally or tacitly. And France to be sure would never think, at least would never insist that a common Right in the Fishery was included in our Independence in Matters of Commerce. For if this should be done, the Principle established would let in other nations, which France and England would both chuse not to do. I am greatly pleased with the Confirmation by your travailed Experience to Sentiments springing from my own natural Temper—that the way to insure the lasting Regard of France is by showing independent Virility instead of colonial Effeminacy.

       Novr. 2d.

     The Bearer unexpectedly calls me to seal. I see my Correspondence with Portia is all over. She cannot write because I should see the mark of the Tear on the Paper.
     Heaven bless you both

      J L

      I do not think it will be easy for me to send you the Vols. you wish by Way of Boston but if you can borrow a few Sets there I will be upon Honor to repay them as Opportunity serves and I will attend to chances from this River but I cannot promise 20 setts.


Title: From John Adams to Elbridge Gerry, 4 November 1779
From: Adams, John
To: Gerry, Elbridge

      My Friend
      Braintree Novr. 4. 1779

     Yours of Octr. 12 has been, seven days, by me. Am happy to learn that my Accounts and Vouchers arrived Safe, by Mr. Lowell. I know not how the Board will explain, the three Months after Notice of Recall, as applied to me. If they were to allow three Months after my Arrival, it would be no more than just.
     Mr. Dana, I presume will accept, and sail with me, in seven a few days.
     I am clear for Three Branches, in the Legislature, and the Committee have reported as much, tho aukwardly expressed. I have considered this Question in every Light in which my Understanding is capable of placing it, and my Opinion is decided in favour of Three Branches. And being, very unexpectedly called upon to give my Advice to my Countrymen, concerning a Form of Government, I could not answer it to myself, to them, or Posterity, if I concealed or disguised my real Sentiments. They have been received with Candor, but perhaps will not be adopted. In such a State as this, however, I am perswaded, We never shall have any Stability, Dignity, Decision, or Liberty, without it. We have so many Men of Wealth, of ambitious Spirits, of Intrigue, of Luxury and Corruption, that incessant Factions will disturb our Peace, without it. And indeed there is too much reason to fear with it. The Executive, which ought to be the Reservoir of Wisdom, as the Legislature is of Liberty, without this Weapon of Defence will be run down like a Hare before the Hunters. But I have not Time to enlarge.
     I am more Solicitous about the Means of procuring, the salary you mention, than the sum of it. I can make it do, if I can get it. But I wish I had Power to borrow Money, and also Power to draw upon, Dr. Franklin, or the American Banker, in Case of Necessity. I should get it, in that Way.
     Mr. Jay, will have no Difficulty, for Spain will undoubtedly, furnish him, as they did Mr. Lee, who I believe, but am not certain, has some Spanish Money remaining in his Hands. I know not how much, and may be mistaken in Supposing he has any.
     You think my Appointment ought not to be divulged: but it was public in Boston and in every Bodys Mouth upon Change, before I heard a lisp of it. If it is generally approved I am happy. Happy and blessed indeed shall I be if I can accomplish my Errand, and give general Satisfaction in the End.
     Let me beseech you by every Feeling of Friendship as well as Patriotism, to continue your Favours, and transmit me the Journals, News Papers, Pamphlets, as well as your Advice, from Time to Time. My Importance in that Country will depend much upon the Intelligence, that shall be sent me by my Friends, more than you can imagine. If you intend that I shall do you any good, keep me constantly informed, of every Thing. The Numbers, the Destinations of the Army, the state of Finance. The Temper of the People—military operations. The state and the Prospects of the Harvests, the Prices of Goods—the Price of Bills of Exchange—the Rate between silver and Paper. Nothing can come amiss. The Growth or decline of the Navy, the Spirit and success of Privateers, the Number of Prizes,—the Number, Position, Exertions and designs of the Enemy.
     Your Election comes on, this Month, and it is sure. I wish I was as sure of getting safe to France. God bless you.


Title: From John Adams to James Lovell, 4 November 1779
From: Adams, John
To: Lovell, James

      Dr sir
      Braintree Novr. 4. 1779

     Yours of Octr. 14, and 19, are received. The Exposé des Motifs, is indeed news to me. I dislike, the Experiment, as much as you, and am equally happy, the offer did not suc was rejected.
     Mr. Jay, will find no Embarrassment, I presume, for Spain has all along furnished Mr. Lee with Money, in very considerable sums, and will continue it, I doubt not to the Minister. But I shall have precarious subsistance, without Authority to borrow Money, and even with such a Power, without that of drawing on Dr. F. or the American Banker, for the Amount of my salary. Mr. Dana the same. I would not make Use of such a Power, but in Case of Necessity, and I have no doubt Dr. F. and the French Ministers, would in such Case contrive to supply me. If France was to grant a larger subsidy sums than she has, even a large subsidy, it would be no new Thing. She has done it many a Time for much smaller Motives. I am confident the Court have no Aversion to me. They would on the Contrary be, pleased to supply me, if it went to further. As to private Letters of Credit, I know not where to procure them. But I shall run the Risque.
     Mr. Lowell, had no Authority from me, nor had any other Person to drop the Hint you mention. He hinted it as his opinion, or conjecture I Suppose. I never made any peevish Speeches, or came to any Resolution or made any Promisses about it. It is very true I had laid aside all Expectations or Thoughts about any Employment abroad, and was running fast into my old private Business, and should have certainly been removed to Boston with my family, in order to pursue it, in all its Branches, if I could possibly have got an House. As to going to Holland, or on any other Errand to any other Court, I should like it very well. But it must be as you judge best.

      Adieu.


Title: From John Adams to John Lowell, 4 November 1779
From: Adams, John
To: Lowell, John

      Dear sir
      Braintree Novr. 4. 1779

     I thank you for your Favour of the 12 Oct. and for the Trouble you took in conveying my Accounts and Vouchers to the Treasury.
     I am too fond of the Approbation of my Country men, to refuse, or to hesitate about accepting an appointment made with So much Unanimity, after all the Contests about foreign affairs and I am too nearly of your Opinion in some other Points too.
     No Man knows better than you, how much my private Interest has suffered by my Inattention to my Business: how this new Appointment will operate, I know not. I shall be in a better Situation, than before because I know, what to depend upon. I hope I shall be able to support my Family. It is too late for me to think of great Things, in Point of Fortune.

     The friendly sentiments you express, are reciprocal. They were conceived early in life, and will not easily wear out.
     I must commit my family, in Some measure to your Care. My dear Mrs. Adams will have occasion, perhaps for your Advice, which I know you would readily offer her. I am with much Esteem, yours

      John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 4 November 1779
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

      My dear Sir
      Braintree Novr 4. 1779

     Your favours of Octr. 12 and 19 are before me. I should not have left the first Seven days unanswered, if had not been for my new Trade of a Constitution monger. I inclose a Pamphlet as my Apology. It is only a Report of a Committee, and will be greatly altered no doubt. If the Committee had boldly made the Legislature consist of three Branches, I should have been better pleased. But I cannot enlarge upon this subject.
     I am pained in my inmost soul, at the unhappy Affair, at Coll Wilsons. I think there ought to be an Article in the Declaration of Rights of every State, Securing Freedom of Speech, Impartiality, and Independance at the Bar. There is nothing on which the Rights of every Member of Society more depend. There is no Man so bad, but he ought to have a fair Tryal, and an equal Chance to obtain the ablest Council, or the Advocate of his Choice, to see that he has fair Play, and the Benefit of Truth and Law.
     Dont be dismayed, you will yet find Liberty a charming Substance. I wish I had Leonidas, cant you send it, after me?
     Thank you, for your Congratulations, on my new and most honourable Appointment. If it is possible, for Mortals to honour Mortals, I am honoured,—with an Honour, however, that makes me, tremble. Pray, help me, by corresponding constantly with me, and sending me, all the Pamphlets, Journals, News &c. to a little success, as well as honour.
     Your Congratulations on the Count D’Estaings operations, are conceived in Terms flattering enough. I will please myself, with the Thought, untill the contrary appears, that I had Some Share in bringing him here. If he only liberates Georgia and Rhode Island, which Seems to be already done, it is a great success. Altho I go to make Peace, yet if the old Lady, Britania will not suffer me to do that, I will do all I can in Character, to Sustain the War, and direct it in a sure Course. I must be prudent, in this, however, which, I fear is not enough my Characteristick, but I flatter myself, I am rather growing in this Grace. In this Spirit, I think, that altho, We have had Provocations enough to excite the warmest Passions against Great Britain, yet it is our duty to silence all Resentments in our deliberations about Peace, and attend only to our Interests, and our Engagements with our allies.
     Nothing ever gives me So much Pleasure, as to hear of Harmony in Congress. Upon this depends our Union, Strength, Prosperity and Glory. If the late Appointments give Satisfaction I am happy, and if the Liberties and Independance of our Country, are not safe in my Hands, you may Sware it is for Want of Brains, not of Heart. The Appointment of Mr. Dana, could not be mended. He will go, and I shall be happy. You have given me Pain by your Account of the Complaints against the Director. I am sorry, very sorry!
     What will you say, if I should turn your Thoughts, from Politicks to Philosophy? What do you think of Dr. Franklins Theory of Colds. He is fixed in the opinion that We never take Cold, from the cold Air. And wants the Experiments of Sanctorius tried over again. Suppose you should make a Statical Chair, and try, whether Perspiration is most copious in a warm bed, or stark naked, in the open Air. I assure you, these Branches of Physicks, come within the Circle of the Sciences of the statesman, for an unlucky Cold (which I have been much subject to all my days) may stop him, in his Career, and dash all his schemes; and it is a poor Excuse to say, he foresaw and provided against every Event, but his own sickness.
     My Partner, whose tender Health and numerous Family, will not permit her, to make me, as happy, as Mr. Jay, joins with me, in the kindest Compliments to you and Mrs. Rush. Adieu

      John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Elbridge Gerry, 8 November 1779
From: Adams, John
To: Gerry, Elbridge

      My dear sir
      Braintree Novr. 8. 1779

     The Letters inclosed on the Spirit and Resources of G.B. were written by Edmund Jennings Esq. Perhaps it will be well to publish them.
     Be so good as to deliver the Essex result to the Chevalier, who is curious to collect Things of This kind. I hope he is well beloved among you.
     We are told here that Silver is exchanged in Philadelphia for Paper. Will you be so good as to inform my dear Portia, from time to time of the Rate, at which such Exchanges are made? She and I too have been, plaguyly jockied, here in this Matter.
     Adieu


Title: To John Adams from Thomas McKean, 8 November 1779
From: McKean, Thomas
To: Adams, John

      My dear Sir
      Philadelphia. Novemr. 8th. 1779

     On my return from the circuit a few days ago I was honoured with your letter of the 20th. Septemr. last, and proud to find that I was not forgotten by one I so much esteem. You must have had your difficulties in these times, I know, I too have had my full share of the anxieties cares and troubles attending the present war. For sometime I was obliged to act as President of the Delaware State and as Chief Justice of this; General Howe had just landed Aug. 1777 at the head of Elk River, when I undertook to discharge those two great trusts. The consequence was to be hunted like a fox by the enemy and envied by those, who ought to have been my friends. I was obliged to remove my family five times in a few months, and at last fixed them in a little Log house on the banks of the Susquehanna above an hundred miles from this; but safety was not to be found there, for they were soon obliged to remove again, occasioned by the incursions of the Indians. In decemr. 1777 I went again into Congress, where for some months the United States had but nine voices and thirteen members, sometimes only eleven.  their affairs almost desperate. When the war is over we shall talk of these matters more at large. Cur jubes me renovare dolorem.
     Since the date of your letter I suppose you have been fully informed of what has passed in Congress respecting our foreign Ministers, and particularly yourself. You might have been Minister to Spain, which would have been a more permanent Appointment than that of Minister Plenepotentiary to negotiate a peace, but your friends had a greater regard to the interest of their Country than to your’s; however I rest assured you will have peace (if to be obtained at all) on such terms, as will intitle you to the gratitude of that Country, and to secure such a proof of it as to render the present employment not only more honorable but more beneficial than the other.
     You have escaped the obliquy but not the jealosy of all one of the parties in Congress, tho’ the latter is almost done away. I have not been able to find that any of your Colleagues have censured you; they have been rather silent respecting you, tho’ Doctor Arthur Lee seems to considers you as an honest man and as his friend. In short he seems willing to submit his conduct abroad to your decision. Upon the whole I really think he has been not well treated either by Messrs: Franklin or Dean, or by Congress. His fate almost renders it dangerous to serve in a public character abroad.
     Do not my friend be discouraged by what I have said; difficulties, public and secret attacks, will eternally attend public Characters and high Stations. The man who discharges his Trust with fidelity and according to the best of his abilities will always have the consolation of his own mind (a consolation the world cannot give) and he may be happy in the approbation of his country, but will never be miserable in the want of it—he will always also find a distinguishing, a worthy few, to support and applaud him.

     Doctor Franklin, I really believe, would have been recalled last April only for myself. The intention in some Gentlemen in Congress appeared to me to be the removal of all our foreign Ministers in order to make way for themselves. My fears were, that a change of men, at that critical period, would imply both in Europe and America a change of measures, and I was reluctant to give up old servants for new men, whom I would not so well confide in.
     Doctor Franklin still continues Minister Plenepotentiary at the court of Versailles, Colo: Laurens (the son of the late President of Congress) is appointed his Secretary. Mr. Jay is appointed Minister to the court of Madrid and Mr. Carmichael his Secretary. Mr. Laurens was appointed last Monday Commissioner to the United Provinces for the purpose of negotiating a treaty of Amity and Commerce, but particularly a Loan of money, and he has the nominating his own Secretary. Your’s is the Post of danger, and of honor; Our friend Mr. Dana is appointed your Secretary. Nothing is yet done, but some Consuls must be appointed.
     You percieve the freedom with which I write to you. I correspond with none, except officially, but in this way, tho’ I am induced to be more free with you, because, notwithstanding I hereby compliment myself, I am certain we have had the same views throughout this whole contest, the good of our country and the happiness of mankind; we have also acted openly and without guile. It will give me great pleasure to hear from you often, and when you are on t’other side the Atlantic I will as frequently communicate what passes here.
     Count D’Estaing has not been heard from since the 4th. of October, nor have we had a line from General Lincoln, but we flatter ourselves all is well.

      I am, dear Sir, with sincere esteem, Your most obedient humble servant
      Tho M:Kean


Title: To John Adams from Bidé de Chavagnes, 12 November 1779
From: Chavagnes, Bidé de
To: Adams, John

       Mon cher monsieur

        12 Nov. 1779

      D’après lespece de certitude que m’avoit donné monsieur allaine que j aurois Ihonneur et le plaisir de vous voir jeudy et de diner chez luy avec vous ce qui en grande partie m’a fait remercier monsieur déné a cambridge pour le même jour. Je me flattois de pouvoir prendre avec vous les arrangements qui vous eussent convenus pour votre embarquement qui reglera avec les vents notre depart.
      J eusse eté bien aise aussi de vous confier une reflexion qui m’est venue et qui m’a paru d’une tres grande importance pour la sureté de votre mission, pour vos personnes pour toutte la fregatte. Enfin, voicy la chose. Dans la saison avancée comme elle l’est sujette a de gros coups de vents d un jour a lautre; ayant d ailleurs le projet de passer dans le Sud du Banc de st. georges pour eviter les 2 grosses fregattes angloises donts 2 batiments nous ont assurés la croisiere a peuprès fixée dans le nord du dit banc. Si de 50 a 100 lieues d’icy le moindre combat ou evenement malheureux nettoit, comme cela est tres possible la fregatte dans le cas de relacher dans un de vos ports du nord ou du Sud de cette baye ou côte jusqu’a rhodes ysland, avec des cartes peu exactes, personne icy qui connoisse ces atterrages, les dangers me paroitroint evidents. Dans la journée de demain qui me paroit vous estre necessaire pour vos affaires a boston, et qui, par des retardements que nous avons eprouvés pour quelques petites affaires definitives, ne pourra que contribuer au meilleur ordre de la fregatte, ne vous seroit il pas possible de nous procurer un genereux cytoyen pilotte de ces côtes qui put en venant en france avec vous, servir en votre nom sa patrie pour laquelle vous vous sacrifiez si genereusement. Je regarde cela d une si grande consequence que pour n’avoir rien a me reprocher je ne puis pas me dispenser de vous entretenir de cela le plutot possible.
      Si cela peut vous convenir je mettray surement a la voile dimanche a midy precis et demain je me propose D’avoir lhonneur de vous voir a votre commodité, le matin ou le soir ou vous voudrez si vous voulez me le faire dire, et de vous reiterer les sentiments sinceres et respectueux avec lesquels j ay lhonneur d’estre Mon cher monsieur. Votre tres humble et tres obeissant serviteur.

       Bidé de chavagnescapne. des vaux. du roy.

       Amoins que je ne recoive ce soir vendredy les effets que vous avez la bonté de me faire procurer jusquicy, je nay rien revenir.


Title: From John Adams to Oliver Wendell, 14 November 1779
From: Adams, John
To: Wendell, Oliver

       Novr. 14. 1779

     Mr. Adams, has this Moment Mr. Wendells Billet, and in answer Says, that Mr. Brattle came to Paris when I was there, soon after my Arrival and spent some Weeks there. He was in Company with Mr. Joseph Waldo. Mr. Brattle expressed on all occasions, the best affections to the American Cause, and was treated with Civility by the Commissioners. During the whole Time of my Residence at Paris, I frequently heard of Mr. Brattle in London, and of his Piety to his Country and Charity to many American Prisoners. I was well informed that several of these were relieved from great Distress by Mr. Brattle at a considerable Expence, from his private Purse. If this may be of any Use, Mr. Brattle is very welcome to it, being all that I know.

      John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Arthur Lee, 4 December 1779
From: Lee, Arthur
To: Adams, John

      Dear Sir
      Paris Decr. 4. 1779

     You had an opportunity of seeing the commencement of this business of Jones and the Alliance, of which I enclose you the suite. Capt. Landais has been orderd from Amsterdam to Passy by Dr. Franklin where the Doctor, M. Chaumont and Dr. Bancroft have held a Court of Enquiry upon his conduct, and their report, I am told, is to be transmitted to Congress. In the mean time Jones has taken possession of the Alliance, and it is much if she ever sees America more. I make no remark upon the whole of this business. Woud to God such proceedings coud be prevented rather than punished! The Pallas belongs to a company at Nantes. The Bon Homme Richard was also private property. They both had Privateers Commissions. Yet a Ship of war of the United States was put in partnership with these Privateers and her Captain subjected to the orders of the Captain of Chaumonts Privateers. All this was done with the disagreement between the Captains notorious, and in spight of repeated applications from Mr. Izard, Commodore Gillon, and myself, to let her go as convoy to the supplies and Merchandise for America, and assist in protecting our Coast and Commerce from the depredations of the Enemy. The first excuse was, that she was not mannd, and this after you had written that she had a good Crew; the last was that the Squadron was not under his, Dr. Franklin’s, direction.(a) These excuses are under his hand.
     The fleets and Armies on both sides have retird into winter quarters. Not a word of or from D’Estaing on whose success our weal or woe so much depends. I am waiting here in great anxiety and impatience for instructions from Congress. I cannot too strongly recommend the utmost vigilance and fortitude to save our Country from the calamities with which she is threatend from a continuance of the war with the rage of open enemies on the one hand and the wickedness of pretended friends on the other.
     With very great regard, I am Dear Sir Your most Obedient & very Humble Servant
     (a)His words were—“Capt. Jones’s Squadron is not under my direction; I only lent them the Alliance, in consequence of a request which I coud not well refuse.” Probably this request will turn out to be from the same person that requested Jones of us. Independent of Dr. Franklin’s knowing this request to be a mere contrivance, to cover the job; it was so unjust as well as so unworthy that he coud and ought to have refusd it. He has read the Bible, and can quote it when it suits his purpose; and Nathan woud have furnished him with a proper answer to such a request.
     They write me from Amsterdam that M. Chaumont has dissmissd Jones from the command of the Privateers, who has taken command of the Alliance, where, I am confident, he will soon raise a mutiny.


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Franklin, 8 December 1779
From: Adams, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

      Sir
      Ferrol Decr. 8. 1779

     I have the Honour to inform your Excellency, that Congress having judged it proper to appoint me to a new Mission in Europe I embarked on the thirteenth of November, at the Instance of The Chevalier de La Luzerne and Mr. Gerard, on Board the same Frigate that carried me to America. Soon after We got to sea a formidable Leake in the ship discovered itself so as to oblige Us to keep two Pumps, constantly going by Night and Day, which induced the Captain to think it necessary to put into this Place, where We have just now cast Anchor.
     Whether I shall go to Paris by Land or wait for the Frigate is uncertain; I believe the former, as the latter might detain me, four or five

     Weeks. I have dispatches for your Excellency from Congress, which I shall carry with me, and News papers. These latter contain little remarkable save the Evacuation of Rhode Island by the Enemy, and the Compte D’Estaings Progress in Georgia, in Cooperation with General Lincoln, which was in a fair Course of success.
     I hope the Confederacy, which sailed from Philadelphia, three or four Weeks before Us, with Mr. Gerard and Mr. Jay, who is appointed Minister plenipotentiary for Spain, has happily arrived, and made it unnecessary for me to enlarge upon the general state of Affairs in America, which were upon the whole in a favourable Train. I hope to have the Honour of saluting you at Passy in a few Weeks, and am with sir, your most obedient servt

      John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Elbridge Gerry, 11 December 1779
From: Adams, John
To: Gerry, Elbridge

      My dear Sir
      Ferrol Decr 11. 1779

     I have escaped, the Rage of the Sea and the Vigilance of British Men of War, and the Treachery of a Leaky ship: but have got the Mountains of Asturias, and the Pyrenees to pass with all the Snows. It is a monstrous Journey to Paris, at least three hundred and twenty Leagues. The Roads, Taverns, Mules and every Thing inconvenient as We are told, and the Expence great enough.
     This Part of the World is filled with Rumours as well as yours. They talk much of Commotions in Ireland &c. &c: but I can get nothing certain here. The Removal of D’Orvillier occasions much Speculation: But Duchauffaud is universally allowed to be an excellent officer.
     I cant see a Ray of Hope of being much employed untill after another Campaign, in Negotiations for Peace: But I see that some Seeds may be advantageously sown, wherever I go. There are many mistaken notions concerning our Affairs which are easily rectified, and much Information may be given and received.
     Nothing is of more Importance than to give the French and Spaniards just Ideas of the Resources they may draw from the United States, by carrying on the War with Vigour, in the American Seas. They have as yet no adequate Conception of the Advantages they have of the English, in that Quarter—in the facility of procuring Supplies of materials, Artisans, and Provisions, at a time when the English must draw all from Europe.
     It now appears to me, very easy to reduce the English in N. York. A Superior Fleet, Stationed at Rhode Island, or cruising on the Coast of America, or playing between the Continent and the Islands, would cutt off their supplies so as to ruin them.
     This Port of Ferroll is a grand Thing. I had no Idea of it. The Works are astonishing.
     I find much Civility here, and many Professions of good Will to the states. Some of the Spaniards, have not yet got out of their Heads the Idea, of mauvaise Exemple: But when they are led to consider the Difference between their Colonies and the English, that there is no Probability or Possibility of their ever undertaking as the English did, to subvert the fundamentals of an Established Government—and the Nature of their Governments which can suppress in an instant the first Symptom of discontent, they easily give it up. I am in great Haste, yours

      John Adams


Title: From John Adams to the President of the Congress, No. 1, 11 December 1779
From: Adams, John
To: President of Congress,Huntington, Samuel

     El Ferrol, Spain, 11 December 1779. Dupl in John Thaxter’s hand PCC, No. 84, 1, f. 227; docketed: “No. 1 J Adams Esqr original by Capt. Trask from Corunna to Newbury Port, Mass. Bay. Duplicate of Decemb 11th 1779 Original receivd. Recd. May 15. 1780 orig read March 27.” The “original” has not been found. LbC Adams Papers. LbC in JA’s and in Thaxter’s hand Adams Papers; notations: “Recd in Congress Oct. 15. Triplicate.”; by Thaxter: “No. 1.” For a discussion of the presence of two Letterbook copies in the Adams Papers, see part 2 of the Introduction: “John Adams and his Letterbooks” (above).
     John Adams informed the congress of the reason for the emergency landing at El Ferrol, his good treatment at the hands of French and Spanish officials, and the necessity of traveling overland to Paris. He reported on the condition of French and Spanish fleets, Du Chaffault’s appointment as commander of the Brest fleet, and John Paul Jones’ capture of “a Forty four Gun Ship” (the frigate Serapis). Finally, he advised the congress that he did not expect to be able to initiate negotiations for peace soon and dismissed the rumor that Russia and Holland were seeking to act as mediators.


Title: From John Adams to James Lovell, 16 December 1779
From: Adams, John
To: Lovell, James

      My dear Friend
      Corunna Decr. 16th 1779

     Providence has favoured me, with a very unexpected Visit to Spain. It is somewhat of a Contretems, to be sure, that the Minister for Spain should be at this Time in France, where I hope he is, altho’ We have no Account of his Arrival: and the Minister of Peace, who ought to be in Paris, in the remotest part of Spain. But so it is—The Captain of the Sensible, finding the Leak in the Ship dangerous, was determined to put into the first port, and I cannot blame him, altho’ I did not advise him to it, and here I am, with the prospect of the Mountains of Asturias and the Pyrenees before me.
     If the Business of my Commission is not retarded by my accidental Journey, through Spain, I shall have no Reason to regret it. I have been treated with as much Civility, and with a more studied Attention and Respect, in this Country, than I ever was in any other. If I had Time, there is nothing but what I could have the fairest opportunities to see, in Company with the first People of the Country.
     I really dont know whether to go through Madrid or not—whether it will be most respectful to this Nation in my Situation to go to Madrid or to avoid it.
     I shall inclose to Congress all the News Papers, I can beg or find, or I had almost said steal: but there is not much News. No great Things have been done in Europe, excepting keeping the English Fleet in Torbay—that indeed is a great thing.
     The English Maxim is to make themselves terrible at Sea to all the Nations of Europe—read Thompson’s Brittannia. But cooped up in Torbay, they are not dreaded by any Body. They will be less dreaded next Year than this.
     The Eyes of Europe are turned upon Ireland next to America. There are many Reports—that France has sent over large Sums of Money—ten thousand Stands of Arms &c. &c. &c.: but I pay little Attention to such Tales. Ireland will give England Inquietude, but I have not much Faith as yet in the Menaces of Revolt and Independence and Insurrections and all that.
     Nothing is more delusive than the private Letters and paragraphs of Letters, that are read in the great Towns of Europe from Paris, London, Amsterdam, Madrid &c. unless it be the Articles of News in the Newspapers. There is this Difference—the private Letters are the Errors of Ignorance—those of the Gazettees are the Impostures of Knavery—both equally false and deceitful.
     My Journey from Ferrol to Paris will be vastly expensive, and I must intreat that Congress would not delay to make some provision for supplying me, with means to discharge this as well as all other Expences. Mr. Jay, I think will find no Difficulty. His Wants will all be supplied and he will enter soon on business. I shall, I fear, find great difficulty to get Cash to bear my Expences, and have nothing in direct Consequence of my Commission to do for a long time. I hate to be idle.
     My Love, and Duty &c. where due—particularly to your Colleagues. You have a new Sett probably e’er now.

      I am with much Affection Your’s


Title: From John Adams to the President of the Congress, No. 2, 16 December 1779
From: Adams, John
To: President of Congress,Huntington, Samuel

     La Coruña, Spain, 16 December 1779. RC in John Thaxter’s hand PCC, No. 84, I, f. 231.; docketed: “No. 2 Letter from J. Adams Corunna Decr. 16. 1779 Read March 27. 1780.” LbC Adams Papers. LbC in Thaxter’s hand Adams Papers; notations: “Recd in Congress Oct. 15. Triplicate.”; by Thaxter: “No. 2.” and “NB. Nos. 1 & 2 were sent by Captain Trask bound to Newbury Port from Corunna.” For a discussion of the presence of two Letterbook copies in the Adams Papers, see part 2 of the Introduction: “John Adams and his Letterbooks.”
     John Adams reported his arrival in Spain, journey from El Ferrol to La Coruña, and answers to numerous questions from Spanish officials about the progress of the war and the appointment of an American minister plenipotentiary to Spain. He noted the “prevailing Opinion,” mistaken as it turned out, that Spain would receive the American minister, recognize American independence, and conclude a treaty. He then described measures taken to improve the coordination between the French and Spanish fleets and stated his belief that war would last at least another year. Finally, Adams reported rumors of a Russian mediation and his opinion that Russia, as a preliminary, would insist on British recognition of American independence, a concession he believed Britain would make with even greater reluctance than the cession of Gibraltar to Spain.


Title: From John Adams to Don Pedro Martin Cermeño, 18 December 1779
From: Adams, John
To: Cermeño, Don Pedro Martin

      Saturday 18. December 1779, at Corunna

     Mr. Adams presents his Compliments to the Governor of Corunna, and informs him according to his desire, express’d last Evening, that the Names of the Persons for whom he requests a Passport, from His Excellency, the Governor of this Province, are as follow
     John Adams, a Ministre, plenipotentiary from the United States of America
     The Honourable Francis Dana Esqr., Secretary, to Mr. Adams’s Commission, a Member of Congress, and a Member of the Council of the Massachusetts Bay.
     Mr. John Thaxter, private Secretary to Mr. Adams

     John Quincy Adams a Son of Mr. Adams of about twelve Years of Age
     Charles Adams another Son of Mr. Adams, near 10 Years of Age.
     Mr. Jeremiah Allen a private Gentleman, of Boston in the Massachusetts accidentally travelling in Company, he is a Merchant travelling with a View of establishing a private Commerce in Spain as well as France.
     Samuel Cooper Johonnot, another Infant of 10 or 11 Years of Age, a Grandson of a particular Friend of Mr. Adams’s in Boston going to Paris for an Education in the University there.
     Joseph Stevens a Servant of Mr. Adams
     John William Christian Fricke a Servant of Mr. Dana
     Andrew Desmia a Servant of Mr. Allen
     Mr. Adams requests a Passport for all these Persons to go to Madrid, and from thence to Bilbao and from thence to Bayonne in their Way to Paris, with Liberty at the Same Time to go directly to Bayonne by the nearest Road without going to Madrid or to Bilbao, as it is uncertain whether Mr. Adams will have the Time to gratify his Inclinations with the Sight of those Cities or not.


Title: From John Adams to Michel Lagoanere, 18 December 1779
From: Adams, John
To: Lagoanere, Michel

      Sir
      Corunna December 18. 1779

     I thank you for your ready Answer to my Letter of the Sixteenth and for the Itinerary.
     After deliberating as maturely as I can, upon the Contents of your Letter of the 17th, I have concluded, to go to Madrid, and therefore request that you would hire a Coach of four Places, and a Cabriolet of two Places, and Mules for the other four Persons as soon as possible. If a Cabriolet cannot be had there must be two other Mules.
     We are all determined to Strip ourselves as bare of Baggage as possible and carry nothing but what is of indispensable Necessity. The rest We shall leave here in Chests which We shall ask the favour of the french Consul to send on Board the frigate the Sensible, to be transported to Brest there to be left in the Care of Mr. Constintin the American Agent, or Mr. Moylan at L’orient, or Mr. Schweighauser at Nantes or Mr. Bonfield at Bourdeaux, either of which Gentlemen will inform me at Paris of the Receipt of them. Captain Chavagne will readily take this Trouble upon himself. Or if the Consul can send them by any other Frigate it will be as well.
     I shall Submit it to you entirely to make the best Bargain you can for the Carriages and Mules, and to give me a Copy of the Contract in Writing. And I pray, if it is possible that We may be ready to sett off, upon our Journey by Monday Morning. I have the Honour to be, with much Respect, sir your most obedient Servant


Title: From John Adams to M. Detournelle, 19 December 1779
From: Adams, John
To: Detournelle, M.

       Sir

       Corunna December 19 1779

      I have received So many Civilities, of various Kinds from you, and the Vice Consul at Ferrol, that I shall ever hold myself under particular obligations to both, and I take this Method to express to you and to him my Thanks.

      I should be obliged to you, if you would make a Memorandum of the Cash furnished me by the Vice Consul, and which may be furnished me by you, as also of all the Expences you have been at, on my Account and that of my family and let me have it, as soon as possible, that I may give you, some proper Voucher to insure you the Repayment of it.

      Let me beg one favour more, and that is a List of the Titles of those Books you mentioned to me, concerning the Rights, Powers and Duties and Obligations of Consuls and Embassadors.


Title: To John Adams from Michel Lagoanere, 26 December 1779
From: Lagoanere, Michel
To: Adams, John

       Monsieur
       La Corogne le 26 Xbre. 1779

      J’ai crû devoir differer de repondre a la depeche que Vôtre Excellence m’a fait l’honneur de m’adresser le 18 du Courant jusqu’a ce que je pusse rendre compte de Succès de mes demarches pour l’execution de Ses ordres. Je n’ai rien negligé pour y parvenir, mais j’ai eu la mortification d’éprouver que tous mes soins n’ont pas été suffisants a cet égard et qu’il ne m’a pas été possible de faire preparer les choses aussi promptement que Vôtre Excellence le desiroit pour Son départ.
      Le Carosse qui S’attendoit de Madrid en cette ville et qu’un homme que j’avois envoyé a Betanzos pour l’arreter afin d’en avoir la préférence a attendu inutillement pendant deux jours S’en étoit retourné avant d’y arriver. II ne m a plus resté de ressource pour le remplacer que celle de Louer des chaises. J’ai envoyé a St. Jacques pour entraiter avec un particulier d’ici nommé Ramon Sanz qui en tient de Louage et qui étoit alors dans la ditte Ville et a Son arrivée je Suis convenu avec lui qu’il en fourniroit trois pour le prix de trente doublons ou quatre Vingt dix piastres fortes chacune jusqu’a Madrid sous les différentes conditions que contient le contrat que j’ai l’honneur de remettre a Vôtre Excellence avec la traduction. J’ai payé d’avance et a Compte au dit Ramon Quatre Vingt dix piastres fortes.
      J’ai loué également trois mulets de selle pour les trois domestiques a trente piastres fortes chacune pour aller a Madrid ou a Bayonne sous la condition de payer une piastre forte de plus pour chaque jour que Vôtre Excellence jugera a propos de s’arretter dans la route et en outre Six reaux vellon par jour jusqu’a l’arrivée a Madrid ou a Bayonne pour raison de nourriture a chacun des deux garçons qui partent pour avoir Soïn de ces trois mules et de celle du guide que M Le Consul de France vous a procuré. Sans rien de plus, La nourriture des mules et tous autres fraix, S’il y en a, devant être a la charge des Conducteurs a qui il a été payé d’avance et a Compte quarante Cinq piastres fortes.
      Le Nommé Michel Martinez qui doit vous Servir de guide, de pourvoyeur, et d’interprette dans la route jusqu’a Madrid ou Bayonne est ajusté pour le prix de cinquante piastres fortes dans lequel est Compris le Loyer et la nourriture de Sa mule qui est a Sa charge et quant a Sa nourriture personnelle il a été convenu qu’il l’a prendroit avec les Domestiques. Il a aussi reçu d’avance et a Compte Quinze piastres fortes.
      J’ai encore Loué au Maragato nommé antoine Arecs deux mulets qui doivent Suivre les voitures et porter jusqu’a la Concurrence de Six quintaux pezant jusqu’a Astorga pour le prix de Dix piastres fortes et en outre deux piastres fortes qu’il a été Convenu de lui allouer pour Sa détention ici pour ne partir qu’avec les voitures et les Suivre faisant en tout Douze piastres fortes Sans rien de plus pour quelque raison que ce soit Si ce n’est dans le cas ou Vôtre Excellence jugeroit a propos de le détenir dans la route que Sa depense et celle de Ses mulets devra être payée pendant tous le temps de Sa détention a moins qu’il ne fut lui même forcé de Se detenir par la neige ou le mauvais temps. II a reçu d’avance et a Compte 2 piastres fortes.
      Monsieur Le Consul de france S’est chargé de faire embarquer les côffres et les malles que Vôtre Excellence lui a laissé Sur la premiere frégate ou Vaisseau de guerre qui sortira de ce port pour france aux adresses qui y Sont mises et j’aurai Soin d’écrire pour prevenir les personnes qui devront les retirer pour les tenir a la disposition de Vôtre Excellence.
      J’ai l’honneur de remettre a Vôtre Excellence un état des debours qui ont été faits par moi qui comprend Les Deux cents piastres fortes que lui a compté le Vice Consul de france au ferrol, l’argent que je lui ay compté moi même et les payements que j’ai fait ici Le tout montant a Soixante mille reaux de veillon ou Trois mille piastres fortes, et comme je me trouve dépositaire de fonds provenants des prises faites par le Cutter La Revanche Sous le Commandement de M Gustavus Conyngham qui sont Saisir en mes mains par la justice de pays et dont la propieté d’un autre Coté est elle même contestée je laisse a la justice et a la pénetration de Vôtre Excellence de prendre les arrangements qui lui paroitront les plus convenables pour me mettre a l’abri de toute espece d’evenement soit qu’il faille justifier de l’emploi de cette quantité vis a vis des propriétaires qu’els qu’ils soient soit que je Sois forcé en justice de représenter immediatement la somme totale Saisie dans mes mains.
      Je remets également a Vôtre Excellence la lettre pour MM Pre. Casamayor et Companie Banquiers a Madrid et celle pour MM Cabarrus Pere et fils Jeune negociants a Bayonne qu’elle a bien voulu me permettre d’avoir l’honneur de lui présenter.
      Il ne me reste qu’a Souhaiter a Vôtre Excellence le plus heureux voyage a lui demander Sa protection, et a desirer qu’elle veuille bien me procurer les occasions de lui prouver ma reconnoissance mon Zele et le respect profond avec lequel Je Suis Monsieur Votre tres humble et très obeissant Serviteur

       Michel Lagoanere


Title: Michel Lagoanere to John Adams: A Translation, 26 December 1779
From: Lagoanere, Michel
To: Adams, John

       Sir
       La Coruña, 26 December 1779

      I thought that I should postpone answering the letter of 18 December, which Your Excellency did me the honor to send, until I could give you an account of the success of my efforts in the execution of your orders. I neglected nothing, but am mortified to find that all my pains have been insufficient and it has been impossible to prepare things as promptly as Your Excellency wished for his departure.

      Anticipating the coach from Madrid, I sent a man to Betanzos to intercept and reserve it. He waited for two days, to no avail, and returned before its arrival. My only recourse then was to rent chaises. I sent to St. Jacques to negotiate with Ramon Sanz, a man from here who rents them and was then in the said town, and on his return we agreed that he would furnish three chaises at thirty doblons or ninety pesos fortes each to go to Madrid in accordance with the various stipulations in the contract, which I have the honor to remit to Your Excellency with a translation. I paid the said Ramon, in advance and on account, ninety pesos fortes.
      I have also rented three saddle mules for the three servants at thirty pesos fortes each, to go to Madrid or Bayonne on condition of paying one additional peso for each day Your Excellency stops along the way and another six reals de vellon per day until your arrival at Madrid or Bayonne to feed the two boys in charge of the mules, and the guide obtained by the French consul. That is all, the feeding of the mules and other expenses that might occur being the responsibility of the boys, who were paid in advance and on account forty-five pesos fortes.
      Michel Martinez, who is to serve as your guide, supplier, and interpreter on the road to Madrid or Bayonne, has agreed to the sum of fifty pesos fortes, which includes the rental and feeding of his mule and, in regard to his own food, he has agreed to take his meals with the servants. He also has received, in advance and on account, fifteen pesos fortes.
      In addition, I rented from a Maragato, Antoine Areca, two mules, which will follow the chaises and carry up to six quintals as far as Astorga, for the price of ten pesos fortes and an additional two pesos fortes has been agreed upon to allow for his remaining here until the departure of the chaises, and then to follow them, making in all twelve pesos fortes with no additional charges, unless Your Excellency wishes to stop on the road in which case he will be reimbursed for his own expenses and for his mules during the period of his detention unless he, himself, was detained because of snow or bad weather. He has received, in advance and on account, two pesos fortes.
      The French consul has taken it upon himself to put the chests and trunks Your Excellency left with him aboard the first frigate or man-of-war leaving this port for France and the addresses marked on them, and I will write to ensure that the people who receive them will hold them for Your Excellency’s disposition.
      I have the honor to remit to Your Excellency a statement of disbursments made by me, which includes the two hundred pesos fortes furnished by the French vice consul at Ferrol, the money I provided, and the payments that I have made here, the whole amounting to sixty thousand reals de vellon or three thousand pesos fortes. And as I find myself custodian of the funds arising from the prizes taken by the cutter Revenge, Captain Gustavus Conyngham, which were entrusted to me by the courts of the country, and of which the ownership is being contested, I leave to Your Excellency’s justice and sagacity the arrangements which will seem to him most appropriate to protect me from any difficulties that might arise were we forced to justify the use of these funds to the owners, whoever they may be, and were I forced to produce in court these funds, which are known to be in my hands.
      I send also the letters for Messrs. Pre. Casamayor and Company, bankers in Madrid, and for Messrs. Cabarrus, father and son, merchants at Bayonne, which you wished me to convey to you.
      It only remains for me to wish Your Excellency the happiest of trips, ask God’s protection, and hope that you will give me every occasion to prove to you my gratitude, zeal, and the profound respect with which I am, sir, your very humble and very obedient servant

       Michel Lagoanere


Title: To John Adams from Richard B. Lloyd, 28 December 1779
From: Lloyd, Richard B.
To: Adams, John

      Dear Sir
      London 28th. December 79

     Having just heard of your being returned to Paris, I take the earliest opportunity to offer you my sincere congratulations on your safe arrival in Europe, and I flatter myself you left Mrs. Adams and Family perfectly well.
     On my departure from Paris you gave me a small commission to execute in this City, but your quitting that Metropolis almost as soon as I had reached London deprived me of the pleasure of sending you what you desired. I beg leave again to be favoured with your commands and be assured if I can be of use to you while I remain here, it will be a real pleasure to me. My stay in England will be but a few months. I shall at all events embark in the Spring for America, and if you know of a good opportunity by which I can convey my family across the Atlantic I shall be much obliged to you to mention it. Any news that you may think proper to communicate will be very thankfully received. Mrs. Lloyd unites with me in best respects, and believe me to be, Dear Sir, with very great esteem yr. obt. humble Servant

      Richard B. Lloyd

      Direct for me at No. 41 Somerset Street Portman Square London.


Title: To John Adams from Samuel Adams, 13 January 1780
From: Adams, Samuel
To: Adams, John

      My dear Sir
      Boston Jany 13. 17780

     I gladly embrace the first opportunity I have had of writing to you since you left this Country. Mr. Jona. Loring Austin is the Bearer of this Letter. He is appointed by the General Assembly to negociate an Affair in Europe which will be communicated to you by a Letter written to you by the President of the Council and signd in their Name. The Measure is the favorite offspring of the House of Representatives, and was adopted by many Members of the Council, I wish it may succeed to their Expectation.
     The Assembly has been sitting five or six Weeks, and it is probable will rise tomorrow. Among other things, they have passed an Act for securing to their own officers and Soldiers in the Army of the United States, a Compensation for the Depreciation of their pay. It is done in a Mode agreable to a Committee of Officers from the Army, so that there is no Doubt but the Rest of the Officers and the Soldiers will be satisfied with it. Money has been sent to the Army to inlist those whose three years are expired, and who may be inclind to continue in the Service. And we are well assured that great Numbers have engagd, so that there is a good Prospect of our States Batallions being well filled. Indeed there is all imaginable Reason to expect that the General will be furnished in the Spring with an Army better disciplined than even those which have proved their Superiority to the Enemy in several Campaigns. The more they are inured to actual Service, the more perfect they will be in Discipline; and the Courage of a Soldier in the Time of Action, in a great Measure arises from a Confidence in his military Knowledge. What Events may take place in the Spring we cannot certainly predict. An Army we know will be necessary, either to fight the Enemy, or to give Assurance and Stability to the skillful Negociator of Peace. The Plan you mentiond to me as having been proposd by you to Monsr. —— the last October was a twelvemonth, if it could be fully accomplishd, might in one of the ways above mentioned or the other, secure to us the Objects which I know your heart is much set upon as well as mine. Independence is a mere Charm, unless by Arts or by Arms we secure to our selves those Advantages we may not have the Fortitude to assert it as we ought, but by which alone we shall be enabled, under God, to maintain it. You have the Parchments and for my self I confide both in your Wisdom and Integrity.
     You will see by the inclosd Paper that our Convention is adjournd. The Roads thro the Country are so blockd up by incessant and heavy Snows, that it has been impracticable for the Members to attend. It is proposd to keep it alive by short Adjournments till a sufficient Number shall arrive to proceed to the Business. Those among us who can rember the year 1717 say there has not been so much Snow on the Ground since that Time.
     Mr. L informs me that Colo. Laurens the younger has declind going to Europe. “The little Gentleman” (he will pardon me the Joke) will, if he recollects, help you us to guess who will probably obtain the next choice.
     The Delegates in Congress for the last year are again chosen excepting General Ward in the Room of Mr. Dana. I own it is not becoming an old Man to be mutable—and yet I am intimately acquainted with one who took his Leave of his good Friends in Philadelphia with almost as much Formality as if he was on his dying Bed soon after resolving to visit them once more. In your horrid Catalogue of evil Dispositions with which Age is infested we do not find Vanity. This perhaps may be common to the old and the young, tho I confess it is the more pardonable in the latter. It is difficult for a Man in years to perswade himself to believe a mortifying Truth that the Powers of his Mind whether they have been greater or less, are diminishd.
     Pray assure Mr. Dana of my affectionate Regards, and Colo. Laurens if you meet with him. I am informd he is gone or going to Europe. My old patriotick Friend Mr. A Lee, I am perswaded is before this time on his Passage to America. But if not, let him know that the Hopes of seeing him at Philadelphia is a strong Inducement to me, otherwise against my Inclination, to visit Philadelphia once more.
     A Letter from Genl. Heath dated at Head Quarters Decr. 21 says “the health and Spirits of the Troops are not to be parralled. The Enemy at N Y are undoubtedly embarking a large Body of Troops from 8 to 10,000—they would have saild before this Time but have been under Apprehension that the Coast was not clear. Their Destination is said to be to the Southward but some say to the W.I. most probably both.”


Title: Massachusetts Council to John Adams and Francis Dana, 13 January 1780
From: Massachusetts Council,Powell, Jeremiah
To: Adams, John,Dana, Francis

      Gentlemen
      Council Chamber Boston January 13th. 1780

     The General Assembly having for many Reasons, and for purposes appearing to Them advantagious, taken the Resolution to negociate a Loan of One hundred and fifty Thousand Pounds Sterling in Europe, to be conducted agreeable to the enclosed Instructions given to the Agent Jonathan Loring Austin Esqr. appointed for that purpose.
     The Success of this undertaking is important to This State, and We Wish to guard against every Event that may take place to defeat it. The Consequences in Case of his Death or Captivity, we design to guard against, by this Application to you. If he arrives he will want the Assistance of your Advice and Influence. If he does not, We beg you to undertake, and transact this Business (if consistent with your present Character and Engagements) otherwise appoint some suitable Person for that purpose—That the Expectations of this State be not disappointed, for which we consider this Letter as vesting either of you with sufficient Powers.

      I am, In the Name & behalf of the Genl. Assembly With great Esteem, Gentn. Your most Obedt hble Servt
      Jer: Powell Presidt


Title: From John Adams to M. Detournelle, 16 January 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Detournelle, M.

      Sir
      Bilbao January 16. 1780

     The United States of America have experienced so much Friendship from the French Court and Nation, and I have myself as their Representative heretofore received so many Civilities from many Gentlemen of your Nation, that those I had the Honour to receive from you at Ferrol and Corunna, Instances of Politeness and Attention from a french Gentleman were nothing new to me: But the particular Marks of Attention that I had the Honour to receive from the French Consul at Ferrol and Corunna, was Marked with so much Kindness, that I think it my ought to return you my best Thanks, which I beg Leave to do in this manner, and to request you to accept them as the only Return I am at present able to make you.
     I shall ever have an agreable Remembrance of the Social Hours, I was so happy as to pass with you at Ferrol and Corrunna as well as on the Way from the one to the other: and a grateful one of that Assiduity with which you exerted yourself for my Assistance. If it should ever be in my Power either in Europe or America, of returning to you or any of your Friends, similar Civilities, and Assistance, I beg you would command me, and believe me to be with great Esteem and Respect, sir, your most obedient and most humble servant.


Title: From John Adams to Michel Lagoanere, 16 January 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Lagoanere, Michel

      Sir
      Bilbao Jany 16. 1780

     We arrived here last night, all alive, but not very well having all taken, in Spight of all the Precautions in our Power, very great Colds. Mr. Michel Martinus, our Guide and Mr. Raymond San, and the other People with them, have done all they could, for our Comfort, and We have been well satisfied with their Conduct.
     We have concluded to dismiss them at this Place and mount on Mule back for Bayonne, as the Distance will be lessend more than half in Point of Place and more than four times in point of Time.
     We have had the Pleasure to find in Mr. Gardoqui and sons at this Place Friends ready to assist Us, in all respects. This however does not lessen our Obligations to you, for that particular Attention and Essential Assistance which you did Us the Honour to render Us at Corunna for which I beg you to accept of my Thanks, and my assurances, that if it should ever be in my Power to return the Obligation either in Europe or America, I should do it with the highest satisfaction. I shall take another Opportunity to answer more particularly your Letter to me. I am with great Respect and Esteem, sir your most humble and obedient servant.


Title: From John Adams to the President of the Congress, No. 3, 16 January 1780
From: Adams, John
To: President of Congress,Huntington, Samuel

     Bilbao, Spain, 16 January 1780. RC in John Thaxter’s hand PCC No. 84, I, f. 234; docketed: “No. 3 Letter from John Adams Bilbao Jany 16 1780 Read April 7.” LbC Adams Papers. LbC in Thaxter’s hand Adams Papers; notations: “Recd in Congress Oct. 15. Triplicate.”; by Thaxter: “No.3.” For a discussion of the presence of two Letterbook copies, see part 2 of the Introduction: “John Adams and his Letterbooks” (above).
     Adams described the hardships of his journey through Spain and the reasons for his decision to bypass Madrid. He then wrote at length about the civil and military institutions of the Province of Galicia and the potential for trade with the United States if obstacles could be removed. He also commented on the special privileges of the three Basque provinces (although he did not call them that), and on the trade with other countries that they enjoyed, suggesting what markets America might find there if successful negotiations could be entered into.


Title: From John Adams to Joseph Gardoqui & Sons, 20 January 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Gardoqui, Joseph, & Sons (business)

       Gentlemen

       Bilbao, ante 20 January 1780

      If you will be so good as to send to America, on Board of Either each of the Vessells now here to the Amount of Twenty Pounds sterling in Articles for the Use of my Family, and consign them to my Adress, and to the Care of Isaac Smith Esq of Boston, I will pay your Bills, with Pleasure and hold myself obliged besides. The Articles I wish to have sent are, become very scarce in America

       one Piece of common Linnen

       a few Dozens of Glass Tumblers

       half a dozen plain Glass Decanters.

       a few Dozens of Silk Handkerchiefs

       two Dozens of common Table Knives and Forks.

       Half a Dozen large and fine Blanketts.

       half a Dozen Pounds of Green Tea.


Title: From John Adams to Joseph Gardoqui & Sons, 24 January 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Gardoqui, Joseph, & Sons (business)

      Gentlemen
      Bayonne Jany. 24. 1780

     I have but just Time to inform you by the Return of our Guide, that We all arrived in safety and in rather better Health than When We took our Leave of you, at this Place, last night. After 8 or 9 Leagues of bad Way, We found the Roads excellent, and the Accommodations at the Taverns all the Way, very comfortable. I assure you We discovered two or three fine Chimneys, besides that which you mentioned to Us, which contributed not a little to our Health and Comfort.
     We were all much pleased with the Appearance of the Country through Biscay and Guipuscoa, the Houses Seeming commodious, and properly distributed about upon the Farms, instead of appearing in little Villages of Mud Walls mouldering into Ruins. We could not help reflecting that Liberty produces similar Effects, upon the Happiness of human Kind wherever you find it.
     Mr. Dana, Mr. Thaxter and Mr. Allen, with all the Children join with me in presenting to your House, our most sincere Thanks for the Thousand Civilities and the essential assistance We received at Bilboa. I have the Hono
     Our Guide and his People, behaved extreamly well, and did everything in their Power for our Accommodation. I have the Honour to be with much Respect and Esteem, Gentn. your most obligd & obedient sert


Title: From John Adams to Michel Lagoanere, 24 January 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Lagoanere, Michel

      dear sir
      Bayonne Jany. 24. 177980

     We have arrived Safe at this Place, but very much fatigued with our Journey and We have the Pleasure to inform you that We have received the politest Treatment from the House of Messrs. Cabarrus Pere et Fils, to whom We had the Honour to be recommended by you. The Roads, the Accommodations and our consequent state of Health has been such as to make our Journey somewhat longer than We expected, and our Expences run much higher than our Computation, We have therefore, Mr. Dana and I, received of that House the Amount of one Hundred Louis D’ors, on the Account of yours in Addition to the Three Thousand Dollars, We receivd from you at Corunna and Ferrol &c.
     We have been emboldened to receive this on your Account, rather than on that of any other, because you were so kind as to inform Us, you had some Money in your Hands of the United States, altho it was under an Attachment in your Hands. There is no manner of Doubt that the Congress, to whom We shall render an Account of the Receipt of this Money, will readily discharge you for so much. As to taking any Measures to get the Attachment taken off, We would readily undertake it, if We knew the Nature of the Attachment and the Measures proper to be taken, of which We are at present ignorant but desire to be informed by you. We have the Honour to be, with great Respect & Esteem, sir your most obligd & obedient servants


Title: From John Adams to John Bondfield, 31 January 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Bondfield, John

      Sir
      Bourdeaux 31. January 1780

     At Bayonne, I had the Honour of yours of the 25. Decr. last, which was delivered me by Mr. Dufour, whom you desired to assist me with whatever I should want particularly with Money. Mr. Dufour politely offered me, Supplies of Cash, and services of any sort in which he could be usefull to me, and I was very sorry that I could not have the Opportunity of forming an Acquaintance with him: but my stay was necessarily too short at Bayonne.
     You will please to accept of my Thanks, for your kind Attention to me, and for your Attachment to the Honour of the united states: But as I was supplied with Funds Sufficient for my Purposes then, I shall defer making Use of your generous Offer untill some future Opportunity when it may become more necessary.
     I thank you, sir for the Intelligence contained in your Letter. I have suffered the Utmost Anxiety, on Account of the Confederation, not only on Account of the ship and the great Number of very respectable Characters on Board, but on Account of the delay of a most important Embassy to Spain. Yet I am not without hopes that she put back and that We shall still have a good Account of her. I have the Honour to be with great Respect & Esteem, sir your obliged and obedient servant


Title: From John Adams to Pedro Casamayor & Company, 31 January 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Casamayor, Pedro, & Company

      Gentlemen
      Bourdeaux January 31. 1780

     On the 29th of this month, on my Arrival at this Place, I had the Honour of a polite Letter from your House, offering me your services and Assistance, particularly in the necessary Article of Cash, in Consequence of Recommendations from Mr. Lagoanere at Coruñna and Mr. Montgomery at Alicante. I am much obliged to you for the Honour you have done me by this Letter, and to Mr. Montgomery and Mr. Lagoanere for their Recommendations: But as many Circumstances conspired, to deprive me of the Pleasure which I very much desired of a Visit to Madrid, I had no Occasion, to trouble your House, to which I should certainly have paid my Respects, if I had gone there.
     I am extreamly unhappy, to find there is no Intelligence of the Confederation, on Board of which Frigate Mr. Jay was embarked who is destined to Madrid. I have the Honour to be with much Respect, your most humble servant


Title: To John Adams from Jonathan Williams, 1 February 1780
From: Williams, Jonathan
To: Adams, John

      Dear sir
      Nantes Feb. 1. 1780

     I heartily congratulate you on your safe Return to Europe and thank you for your obliging Care of my Letters from my Friends, which I received last Post from Bilboa.
     I shall be greatly obliged to you if you will employ a leisure half Hour in giving me a little Sketch of our public Affairs in America, so far only as is prudent for you to communicate, and proper for me to know. Please to let me know if anything has passed in Congress relative to my Accounts and public Conduct; I am extreemly sensible in whatever concerns my Reputation, and I should be very unhappy if any Stain was on it in the Opinion of that respectable Body. Doctor Franklin will inform you that I have passed through a very rigid Examination, and he will show you my Accounts as they have been re-stated and the Award of my Arbitrators on them. I hope no Testimony is neccessary to fix your Opinion of me, but notwithstanding this I beg you to cast your Eye on my Accounts and the Award.
     Now my Reputation is restored I have no Enmity to any person, nor will I ever be concerned in any Party. I shall be always ready to serve my Country whenever it is in my Power to do so, but as my Object in this is more her welfare than my own Emolument I never can solicit any public Employ, and I shall always wish the Good of America may be the only point considered in the Choice of all her Officers.
     I hope you will allow me to consider you in the same familiar Friendly Light you have hitherto allowed me to do and believe me to be with sincere Respect Dear Sir Your most obedient & most humble Servant

      Jona Williams


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Tolmond, 2 February 1780
From: Tolmond, Thomas
To: Adams, John

     The Humble Petition of Thomas Tolmond

      My Lord
      Bordeaux february the 2nd 1780

     Humbly Sheweth that your Petitioner is a poor american just arived from Marttanico to Rochal in a french frigat. At my arival I got my Disscharge, and from that I travild by Land hear to, Bordeaux. A few days after I Came hear I Was taken Very Ill in the Small pox. I being a stranger in this City, not knowing Where to go, or what to do for any Quarters to Lay my Self Down in this Dissorder Which happend to me in this Contaray, I applied to the american Agant to try If it Were possable for me to get to the Hospattall. He Replied to me, that they took in no people in that Dissorder, So I was Obledge to go father. And as I was awalking along the Street A man of Some humanity I Chance to meet that took Compassion on me, altho he being a poor man, Likewise an English man. He took me in and provided Quarters for me Likewise a Doctor to atend me all on his own Expence I being Disstitute of Money when he took me in he himself being a poore man and having a great Charge on him, and I being not Capable at present to make him the Leat Satissfaction for his goodness.
     I hearing of your Lordships being in town I humbly make my adress to your Lordship hoping that your goodness will take this of my great Misfourtine into Consideration, and grant me such as your Lordship Shall think nessacary for me to Satissfy the poore man Who took Compassion on me, ... I am in Duty Ever Bound to Pray

      Thomas Tolmond