Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 2 September 1810
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

Quincy, Sept. 2, 1810.

Petition to the Burgomasters and Regents of Amsterdam.
The subscribers, all merchants and manufacturers of this city, with all due respect, give to understand, that the difference arisen between the kingdom of Great Britain and the United States of America, has not only given occasion for a long and violent war, but that the arms of America have covered themselves with a success so happy, that the congress, assisted by the courts of France and Spain, have so well established their liberty and independence, and reduced Great Britain to extremities so critical; that the house of commons in England, notwithstanding all the opposition of the British ministry, have lately formed the important resolution to turn the king from an offensive war against America, with no other design than to accelerate, if it is possible, a reconciliation with America.
That to this happy revolution in the dispositions of the English in favor of the liberty and independence of America, according to all appearances, the resolution taken by the congress, towards the end of the last year, to wit, to forbid in all America the importation of British manufactures and productions, has greatly contributed: a resolution, of which they perceive in England, too visibly, the consequences ruinous to their manufactures, trades, commerce and navigation, to be able to remain indifferent in this regard. For all other commercial nations, who take to heart ever so little, their own prosperity, will apply themselves ardently, to collect from it all the fruit possible. To this effect, it would be unpardonable for the business and commerce of this republic, in general, and for those of this city in particular, to suffer to escape this occasion so favourable for the encouragement of our manufactures so declined, and languishing in the interior cities, as well as that of the commerce and navigation in the maritime cities; or to suffer that other commercial nations, even with a total exclusion of the mercantile interests of this republic, should profit of it, and this upon an occasion, when, by reason of the war equally unjust and ruinous, in which the kingdom of Great Britain has involved this republic, we cannot, and ought not to have the least regard or condescention for that jealous state; being able even to oblige this arrogant neighbor, in the just fear of the consequences, which a more intimate connection between this republic and North America would undoubtedly have, to lay down the sooner her arms and restore tranquility to all Europe.
That the petitioners, notwithstanding the inclination they have for it, ought not nevertheless to explain themselves farther upon this object, nor make a demonstration in detail of the important advantages which this republic may procure itself by a connection and relation more intimate with North America: both because that no well informed man can easily call the thing in question, or contradict it; but also because the states of Friesland themselves have very lately explained themselves in a manner, so remarkable in this respect. And which is still more remarkable, because in very different circumstances, with a foresight which posterity will celebrate by so much the more as it is attacked in our time by ill-designing citizens, the lords your predecessors thought four years ago, upon the means of hindering this republic from being excluded from the business of the new world, and from falling into the disagreeable situation in which the kingdom of Portugal is at present: considering that according to the information of your petitioners, the congress has excluded that kingdom from all commerce and business with North America, solely because it had perceived that it suffered itself to be too strongly directed by the influence of the British court. But this example makes us fear with reason, that if the propositions made in the name of America by Mr. Adams, to this Republic, should remain as they still are, without an answer, or that, if contrary to all expectation, they should be rejected, in that case, the republic ought not to expect a better treatment.
That for these reasons and many others, the petitioners had flattered themselves that we should long ago have opened negotiations and a closer correspondence with the United States of America. But that this important work appeared to meet with difficulties with some, as incompatible with the accession of this republic to the armed neutrality, and in course, with the accepted mediation, while that others cannot be persuaded to make this so necessary step, in the opinion, that we cannot draw any advantage, or at least of much importance, from a more strict connection with America: Reasons, according to the petitioners, the frivolity of which is apparent to every one who is not filled with prejudice, without having occasion to employ many words to point it out. For, as to the first point, supposing for a moment that it might be made a question, whether the republic, after her accession to the armed neutrality, before the war with England, could take a step of this nature, without renouncing at the same time, the advantages of the armed neutrality which it had embraced; it is at least very certain, that every difficulty concerning the competency of the republic to take a similar step, vanishes and disappears of itself at present, when it finds itself involved in a war with Great Britain; since from that moment she could not only demand the assistance and succour of all the confederates in the armed neutrality but that thereby she finds herself authorised for her own defence, to employ all sorts of means, violent and others, which she could not before adopt nor put in use, while she was really in the position of a neutral power which would profit of the advantages of the armed neutrality. This reasoning, then, proves evidently, that in the present
situation of affairs, the republic might acknowledge the independence of America, and notwithstanding this, claim of full right, the assistance of her neutral allies; at least, if we would not maintain one of the two following absurdities: that, notwithstanding the violent aggression of England, in resentment of our accession to the armed neutrality, we dare not defend ourselves, until our confederates shall think proper to come to our assistance; or, otherwise, that being attacked by the English, it should be permitted us, conformably to the rights of the armed neutrality, to resist them in arms, whether on the Doggersbank or elsewhere, but not by contracting alliances, which certainly do no harm  or injury  to the convention of the armed neutrality, notwithstanding even the small hope we have of being succoured by the allies of the armed confederation. The argument of the mediation is still more contrary to common sense, in this that it supposes, that the republic by accepting the mediation has also renounced the employment of all the means, by way of arms or alliances, or otherwise, which it might judge useful or necessary to annoy her enemy; a supposition, which certainly is destitute of all foundation, and which would reduce it simply to a real suspension of all hostilities, on the part of the republic only, to which the republic can never have consented, neither directly nor indirectly.
Besides this last argument, the petitioners ought to observe, in the first place, that by means of a good harmony and friendship with the United States of America, there will spring up not only different sources of business for this Republic, founded solely on commerce and navigation, but in particular the manufactures and trade will assume a new activity in the interior cities; for they may consume the amount of millions of our manufactures in that new country, of so vast extent. In the second place, abstracted from all interests of commerce, the friendship or the enmity of a nation, which, after having made prisoners of two English armies, has known how to make herself respectable and formidable, if it were only in relation to the western possessions of this state, is not, and can not be in any manner indifferent for to this republic. In the last place it is necessary that the petitioners remark farther in this respect, that several inhabitants of this republic, in the present situation of affairs, suffer very considerable losses and damages, which at least hereafter might be wholly prevented, or in part, in case we should make with the United States of America, with relation to vessels and effects recaptured, a convention similar to that which has been made with the crown of France, the last year; for, venerable Regents, if a convention of this nature had been contracted in the beginning of this war, the inhabitants of the republic would have already derived important advantages from it, considering that several ships and cargoes, taken by the English from the inhabitants of this state, have fallen into the hands of the Americans. Among others, two vessels from the West Indies, richly loaded, and making sail for the ports of the republic, and both estimated at more than a million of florins of Holland, which, captured by the English at the commencement of the last year, were carried into North America, where after the capitulation of General Cornwallis, they passed from the hands of the English into others.
That although the petitioners are fully convinced, that the interests of the commerce of this country, and of this city, have constantly, but especially in these last years, attracted, and still attract every day, a great part of the cares of the venerable regency; nevertheless, having regard to the importance of the affair, the petitioners have thought that they might, and that they ought to take the liberty to address themselves by this petition to you, venerable Regents, to inform you, according to truth, that the moments are precious, that we cannot lose any time, how little soever it may be, without running the greatest risque of losing all; since by hesitating longer, the republic, according to all appearances, would not derive any advantages, not even more than it has derived from its accession to the armed neutrality; because that in the fear of British menaces, we did not determine to accede to it, until the opportunity of improving the advantage of it was lost.
For these causes, the petitioners address themselves to you, venerable Regents, respectfully soliciting, that your efficacious influence may condescend, at the assembly of their noble and grand Mightinesses, the States of this Province, to direct affairs in such a manner, that upon this important object, there may be taken, as soon as possible, and, if possible, even during the continuance of this assembly, a final and decisive resolution, such as you, venerable Regents, and their noble and grand Mightinesses, according to their high wisdom, shall judge most convenient: And if, contrary to all expectation, this important operation should meet with any obstacle on the part of one or more of the confederates, that in that case, your venerable regents, in concert with the province of Friesland, and those of the other provinces, who make no difficulty to open a negotiation with America, will condescend to consider the means which shall be found proper and convenient to effectuate, that the commerce of this province as well as that of Friesland and the other members, adopting the same opinion, may not be prejudiced by any dilatory deliberations, nor too late resolved for the conclusion of a measure as important as necessary.
Amsterdam.
Address of the Merchants, &c. to their Regency.

Noble, great, and venerable Lords,
It is for us a particular satisfaction, to be able to offer to your noble and great lordships, as heads of the regency of this city, this well-intentioned address, that a multitude of our most respectable fellow citizens have signed. It was already prepared and signed by many, when we learned as well by the public papers as otherwise, the propositions of a particular peace, with an offer of an immediate suspension of hostilities on the part of Great Britain, made to the state, by the mediation of the Russian ambassador. This is the reason why no mention was made of it in the address itself. It is by no means the idea, that these offers would have made any impression upon the merchants, since we can on the contrary, in truth assure your noble and great lordships, that the unanimous sentiment nearly of the exchange of Amsterdam, as much as that is interested in it, is entirely conformable to that which the merchants of Rotterdam have made known in so energetic a manner.—That consequently we have  the greatest aversion to like offers, as artful as dangerous, which being adopted, would very probably throw this republic into other situations very embarrassing, the immediate consequences of which would be to ruin it totally. Whereas, on the other hand, these offers shew, that we have only to deal with an enemy, exhausted, whom we could force to a general and durable peace in the end, by following only the example of France, Spain, and North America, and by using the means that are in our hands. It is improper for us, however, to enlarge further upon this project, important as it may be, being well assured, that your noble and great lordships see those grievous consequences more clearly than we can trace them.
The merchants continue to recommend their commerce and the navigation to the constant care and protection of your noble and great lordships; and to insist only, that in case these offers of the court of England, should be at any time the cause, that the affair of the admission of Mr. Adams, in quality of minister plenipotentiary of the United States of America, should meet with any difficulty or delay, on the part of the other confederates, that your noble and great lordships, conformably to the second article of our requisition, inserted in this request, would have the goodness to think upon measures which would secure this province from the ruinous consequences of such a proceeding.
To the foregoing, was joined the address presented to the burgomasters and the counsel, which is of the following tenor.
Noble, great, venerable, and noble and venerable Lords!
The undersigned merchants, citizens, & inhabitants of the city of Amsterdam, have learned with an inexpressible joy, the news of the resolution taken, on the twenty-eighth of March last, by their noble and grand mightinesses, the lords, the states of Holland and West Friesland. Their noble and grand mightinesses have thereby, not only satisfied the general wishes of the greatest and best part of the inhabitants of this province, but they have laid the foundation of ulterior alliances and correspondences of friendship and of good understanding with the United States of America, which promise new life to the languishing state of our commerce, navigation, and manufactures. The unanimity with which that resolution was decided in the assembly of Holland, gives us grounds to hope, that the states of the other provinces will not delay to take a similar resolution; whilst the same unanimity fills with the most lively satisfaction the well-intentioned inhabitants of this city, and without doubt, those of the whole country, in convincing them fully, that the union among the sage and venerable fathers of the country increases more and more; whilst that the promptness and activity, which it hath been concluded, make us hope with reason, that we shall reap in time, from a step so important and so necessary for this republic, the desired fruits. Who then can call in question or disavow that the moment seems to approach nearer and nearer, when this republic shall enter into new relations with a people, which finds itself in circumstances, which differ but little from those in which our ancestors found themselves two centuries ago; with a people who conciliates more and more the general affection and esteem.
The conformity of religion and government which is found between us and America, joined to the indubitable marks that she hath already long since given of the preference that she feels for our friendship, makes the undersigned not only suppose, but inspires them with a confidence that our connections with her will be equally solid, advantageous and salutary to the interests of the two nations. The well-being and prosperity, which will very probably result from them; the part which you, noble, great, venerable, and noble and venerable lords, have had in the conclusion of a resolution so remarkable; the conviction that the venerable counsel of this city had of it, upon the proposition of the noble, great, and venerable lords almost consented to, before the request relative to this project, presented not long since to you, noble, great and venerable lords, had come to the knowledge of the counsel; finally, the remembrance of that which was done upon this matter in the year 1778, with the best intentions and most laudable views, finding itself at present crowned with an approbation as public as it is general, indispensably oblige the undersigned to approach you with this address; not only to congratulate you upon so remarkable an event, but to thank you at the same time, with as much zeal as solemnity, for all those well-intentioned cares and those well concerted measures, for that inflexible attachment, and that faithful adherence to the true interest of the country in general, and of this city in particular, which manifest themselves in so striking a manner, in all the proceedings and resolutions of your noble, great and venerable lordships, and of the venerable counsel of this city, and which certainly will attract the esteem and veneration of the latest posterity, when comparing the annals and events of the present with those of former times, it shall discover that Amsterdam might still boast itself of possessing patriots, who dared to sacrifice generously, all views of private interest, of grandeur and consideration, to the sacred obligations that their country requires of them.

We flatter ourselves, noble, great, and venerable, noble and venerable lords, that the present public demonstration of our esteem and attachment, will be so much the more agreeable, as it is more rare in our republic, and perhaps it is even without example, and as it is more proper to efface all the odious impressions that the calumny and malignity of the English ministry, not long ago so servilely adored by many, but whose downfall is at present consummated, had endeavored to spread, particularly a little before and at the beginning of this war: Insinuations which have since found partisans in the united provinces, among those who have not been ashamed to paint the exchange of Amsterdam, that is to say the most respectable and the most useful part of the citizens of this city, and at the same time the principal support of the well being of the united provinces, as if it consisted in a great part, of a contemptible herd of vile, interested souls, having no other object than to give aloose to their avidity, and to their desire of amassing treasures, in defrauding the public revenues, and in transporting articles against the faith of treaties; calumniators, who have had at the same time, and  still have, the audacity to affront the most upright regency of the most considerable city of the republic, and to expose it to public contempt, as if it participated by connivance and otherwise, in so shameful a commerce; insinuations and accusations, which have been spread with as much falsehood as wickedness; and which ought to excite so much the more the indignation of every sensible heart, when it is considered, that not only the merchants of this city, but also those of the whole republic, have so inviolably respected the faith of treaties, that to the astonishment of every impartial man, one cannot produce any proofs, at least no sufficient proofs that there has ever been transported from this country, contraband merchandizes; while the conjuncture, in which imputations of this kind have been spread, rendered the proceeding still more odious, seeing that it has been done it at an epocha, when the commerce and navigation of Amsterdam, and of the whole republic, would have experienced the first and almost the only attack of an unjust and perfidious ally, for want of necessary protection, upon which you, noble, great, venerable, and noble and venerable Lords, have so often and so seriously insisted, even before the commencement of the troubles between Great Britain and the United States of America; at an epocha, when the merchant formed for enterprizes, was obliged to see the fruit of his labour and of his cares, the recompense of his indefatigable industry, and the patrimony destined to his posterity, ravaged from his hands by foreign violence and an unbounded rapacity; at an epocha finally, when the wise and prudent politicians, who had exhausted themselves and spared no pains for the public good, saw their patriotic views dissipated, and their projects vanish.
Receive then, noble, great, venerable and noble and venerable Lords, this solemn testimony of our lively gratitude, as graciously, as it is given sincerely on our part. Receive it as a proof of our attachment to your persons; an attachment which is not founded upon fear, nor an exterior representation of authority and grandeur; but which is founded upon more noble and immovable principles, those of esteem and respect, arising from a sentiment of true greatness and generosity. Be assured, that when contemptible discord, with its odious attendants, artifice and imposture, could effectuate nothing, absolutely nothing, at the moment when the present war broke out to prejudice in the least the fidelity of the citizens of the Amstel, or to shake them in the observance of their duties, the inconveniences and the evils, that a war naturally and necessarily draws after it, will not produce the effect neither. Yes, we will submit more willingly to them, according as we shall perceive, that the means, that God and nature have put into their hands, are more and more employed to reduce and humble a haughty enemy. Continue, then, noble, great, venerable, noble and venerable lords, to proceed with safety in the road you follow, the only one, which in our opinion can, under the divine benediction, tend to save the country from its present situation. Let nothing divert or intimidate you from it. You have already surmounted the greatest difficulties, and most poignant cares. A more pleasing perspective already opens. Great Britain not long since so proud of her forces, that she feared not to declare war against an ancient and faithful ally, already repents of that unjust and rash proceeding; and, succumbing under the weight of a war, which becomes more and more burthensome, she sighs after peace, whilst the harmony among the members of the supreme government, increases with our arms, according as your political system, whose necessity and salutary influence were heretofore less acknowledged gains every day more numerous imitators. The resolution lately taken by the states of Friesland, and so unanimously adopted by our province, furnishes, among many others, one incontestable proof of it, whilst the naval combat, fought the last year on the Dogger’s bank, hath shewn to astonished Europe that so long a peace, hath not made the republic forget the management of arms. But, that on the contrary, it nourishes in its bosom warriors, who tread in the footsteps of the Tromps and Ruiters, from whose prudence and intrepidity, after a beginning so glorious, we may promise ourselves, the most heroic actions; that their invincible courage, little affected with an evident superiority, will procure one day to our country, an honorable and permanent peace, which, in eternizing their military glory, will cause the wise policy of your noble, grand, venerable, and noble and venerable lordships, to be blessed by the latest posterity.

John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 4 September 1810
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

Quincy, September 4, 1810.

The resolution mentioned in my last of Holland and West Friesland, is as follows—
Extract of the resolutions of the lords, the states of Holland and West Friesland, taken in the assembly of their noble and grand mightinesses, Thursday, March 28, 1782.
Deliberated by resumption, upon the address and the ulterior address of Mr. Adams, made the fourth of May, 1781, and the ninth of January, 1782, to the president of the states general, communicated to this assembly the ninth of May, 1781, and the twenty–second of last month, to present his letters of credence, in the name of the United States of America, to their high mightinesses; by which ulterior address, the said Mr. Adams hath demanded a categorical answer, that he may acquaint his constituents with it: deliberated also upon the petitions of a great number of merchants, manufacturers and others inhabitants of this province, interested in commerce, to support their request presented to the states general, the twentieth current, to the end, that efficacious measures might be taken to establish a commerce between this country and North America—Copy of which petitions have been given to the members the twenty–first; it hath been thought fit and resolved, that the affair shall be directed on the part of their noble and grand mightinesses, at the assembly of the states general, and that there shall be made the strongest instances, that Mr. Adams be admitted and acknowledged, as soon as possible, by their high mightinesses, in quality of ambassador of the United States of America. And the counsellor pensionary hath been charged to inform under hand the said Mr. Adams of this resolution of their noble and grand mightinesses.
The Hague, March 26, 1782—wrote to Dr. Franklin—“One day last week I received a note from Diggs, inclosing two letters to me, from Mr David Hartley. The card desired to see me upon business of importance; and the letters from Mr. Hartley contained an assurance that to his knowledge, the bearer came from the highest authority. I answered the card, that in the present situation of affairs here and elsewhere, it was impossible for me to see any one, from England without witness; but if he was willing to see me in presence of Mr. Thaxter, my Secretary, and that I should communicate whatever he should say to me to Dr. Franklin and the Comte de Vergennes, I would wait for him at home at ten o’clock; but that I had rather he should go to Paris without seeing me; and communicate what he had to say to Dr. Franklin; whose situation enabled him to consult the French court, without loss of time.
At ten however he came and told me a long story about consultations with Mr. Penn, Mr. Hartley, Lord Beauchamp, and at last Lord North: by whom he was sent, finally, to enquire of me, if I, or any other, had authority to treat with Great Britain of a truce? I answered that I came last to Europe, with full powers to make peace: that those powers had been announced to the public upon my arrival, and continued in force, until last summer, when congress sent a new commission containing the same powers to five persons whom I named; that if the king of England were my father, and I the heir apparent to his throne, I would not advise him ever to think of a truce; because it would be but a real war, under the simulated appearance of tranquility; and would soon end in another open and bloody war, without doing any real good to any of the parties.
He said that the ministry would send some person of consequence over; perhaps General Conway, but they were apprehensive that he would be ill treated or exposed. I answered, that if they resolved upon such a measure, I had rather they would send immediately to Dr. Franklin, because of his situation near the French court. But there was no doubt if they sent any respectable personage properly authorised, who should come to treat honourably, he would be treated with great respect: but that if he came to me, I could give him no opinion upon any thing without consulting my colleagues; and should reserve a right of communicating every thing to my colleagues, and to our allies.
He then said that his mission was finished; that the fact to be ascertained was, simply, that there existed a commission in Europe to treat and conclude; for that there was not one person in Great Britain who could affirm or prove that there was such a commission, although it had been announced in the Gazettes.
I desired him and he promised me not to mention Mr. Laurens to the ministry, without his consent, & without informing him that it was impossible he should say any thing in the business; because he knew nothing of our instructions; and because, although it was possible that his being in such a commission might induce them to release him, yet it was also possible it might render them more difficult concerning his exchange.
The picture he drew of the situation of things in England, is gloomy enough for them. The distresses of the people and the distractions in administration and parliament, are such as may produce any effect almost that can be imagined.
The only use of all this, I think, is, to strike dicisive strokes at New–York and Charleston. There is no position so advantageous for negotiation, as when we have all an enemies armies prisoners.
I must beg the favour of you, sir, to send me, by one of the Comte de Vergennes’ couriers to the Duke de la Vauguion, a copy in letters of our peace instructions. I have not been able to decypher one quarter part of mine. Some mistake has certainly been made.
Ten or eleven cities of Holland have declared themselves in favour of American independence, and it is expected that to day or tomorrow this province will take the decisive resolution of admitting me to an audience. Perhaps some of the other provinces will delay it for three or four weeks; but the prince has declared that he has no hopes of resisting the torrent, and therefore he shall not attempt it.
The duke de la Vauguion has acted a very friendly and honourable part in this business, without, however, doing any ministerial act in it.”
The resolution of Holland, on the 28th of March, 1782, has been before inserted. Another was passed on the following day.
Resolution of their noble and grand mightinesses, the lords and states of Holland and West Friesland.
Die Veneris, 29 Maart, 1782—It has been judged fit and resolved, that the affair be directed on the part of their noble and grand mightinesses, at the generality, to such an end, and that they there insist in the strongest manner, that Mr. Adams be admitted and acknowledged as soon as possible, by their high mightinesses, as the ambassador of the United States of America; and that the counsellor pensionary is charged to give knowledge under hand to the said Mr. Adams of this resolution of their noble and grand mightinesses.
AMSTERDAM, March 31, 1782—wrote to Peter Van Bleiswick, counsellor pensionary, commonly called grand pensionary of Holland.
Sir—I have received the letter which you did me the honor to write me, on the thirtieth, inclosing the resolution of the states of Holland and West Friesland, taken on the twenty eighth of this month, upon the subject of my admission to the audience, demanded on the fourth of May and ninth of January last.
I am very sensible, sir, of the honor that is done me by this instance of personal attention to me, in their noble and grand mightinesses; and I beg of you, sir, to accept of my acknowledgments for the obliging manner in which you have communicated to me their resolution.
But, sir, my sensibility is above all affected, by those unequivocal demonstrations, which appear every where of national harmony and unanimity, in this important measure; which can not fail to have the happiest effects: in America and in all Europe, even in England itself as well as in this republic; and which there is great reason to hope, will forcibly operate towards the accomplishment of a general peace.
In the pleasing hope, that all the other provinces will soon follow the examples of Holland and Friesland, I have the honor to be, with great respect, sir, &c.
Amsterdam, April 3, 1782—wrote to Mr. Jenings: “Last night I received your letter of March 31st, inclosing a receipt from some American Prisoners, for money advanced them. Let me beg of you, sir, to point out in what way I may remit this money. I am ready to pay a bill upon sight, or to purchase a bill here and transmit it, whichever is most agreeable.
The new British ministry will only plunge their country into deeper misfortunes if they spend time to negotiate a separate peace. It is not less extravagant and insolent than the project of conquest entertained by their predecessors. America stands at present upon so high ground, that even the continuance of the war will be a blessing to her: if war can ever be called a blessing. It will be a constant source of wealth and power. It cannot therefore be expected of her, that she should abate an iota of her pretensions.
Pray how do you like the petitions from the Dutch merchants and manufacturers? They appear to me to have given a reputation to the American cause, which will be an increase of strength and power, equal to a great army or navy; for one need not read Hobbes to learn that reputation is power.
The Amsterdam Requête was drawn by my friend Kalkoen, tho’ he has admitted into it some mistakes; that of Leyden by my friend Luzac; that of Rotterdam by my acquaintance Van Zoon of the Hague. But there is scarcely a city in the republic which has not followed the example.
You know some of the ploughing, hoeing and harrowing, which has prepared the ground: You know some of the seed that has been sown; and that it was Humphrey Ploughjogger who sowed it, but the crop has exceeded Humphrey’s most sanguine expectations. Nature you know has almost always occasion for a midwife. I wonder what may be the sentiments of some people against whose judgments, exhortations and warnings, all this mischief has been done. Will they deny sentiments that can be produced under their hands?”
[N.B. In 1810. The exultation & vulgar familiarity of this letter, though written to a very intimate and confidential friend, is vain enough, to be sure; I pretend not to justify it. But I shall suppress nothing of the kind. May it be a warning to others hereafter to keep a more constant and vigilant guard over their feelings.]
OVERYSSEL.
Extract from the Register of the resolutions of the Equestrian order, and of the cities composing the states of Overyssel. Zwoll, April 5, 1782.
Mr. the grand Bailiff of Saaland, and the other commissions of their noble Mightinesses, for the affairs of finance, having examined, conformably to their commissorial resolution of the 3d of this month, the Address of Mr Adams, communicated to the assembly the 4th of May, 1781, and the 22d of Feb. 1782, to present his letters of credence to their high Mightinesses, in the name of the United States of America; as well as the resolution of the Lords the states of Holland and West Friesland, dated the 28th of March, carried the 29th of the same month, to the assembly of their high Mightinesses, for the admission and acknowledgement of Mr Adams, have reported to the assembly that they should be of opinion, that the Lords, the Deputies of this Province, in the states general, ought to be authorised and charged to declare in the assembly of their high Mightinesses, that the Equestrian orders, and the cities judge, that it is proper to acknowledge as soon as possible; Mr Adams in quality of minister of the United States of North America to their high Mightinesses. Upon which, having deliberated, the Equestrian order and the cities have conformed themselves to the said report.
Compared with the aforesaid register.
Signed,DERK DUNBAR.
Amsterdam, April 6, 1782.—Wrote to Mr Samuel Andrews, hotel de petit champ rue neuve des petite champs, “I have received your two letters, and should be glad to do you any service in my power. I will endeavor to speak to the noble man you mention upon the subject; but as I know nothing of the merits of your cause, you must be sensible that there is little prospect of succeeding. He is a very good character, and I flatter myself is disposed to oblige me, but it will seem odd to him to write to Versailles at my desire, about a subject that I understand not. He is at present, besides, very full of cares, public and private. I will endeavor, however, to do you all the service I can, being &c.”
Amsterdam, April 6, 1782.—Wrote to Major General the Marquis de la Fayette, “My dear general, I am just now honoured with your letter of 27th March. All things were working rapidly together here for our good, until on the third inst. The Russian minister at the Hague presented the memorial which you have seen in the gazettes. This will set twenty little engines to work to embroil and delay; but I believe that in the course of four or five weeks we shall triumph over this, which I believe to be the last hope of the Anglomanes. The voice of this nation was never upon any occasion, declared with more unanimity; and the numerous petitions have already done an honor and a service to the American cause, that no artifice can retract or diminish.
As to the visit, Dr Franklin is informed of the whole. It is nothing. The new British ministry are in a curious situation. There is but one sensible course for them to take and that is to make the best peace they can with all their enemies. We shall see whether they have resolution and influence enough to do it.
As to credit here, I am flattered with hopes of it, provided a treaty is made; not otherwise. Whether that will be done and when, I know not. I can never foresee any thing in this country—no, not for one day; and I dare not give the smallest hopes.
Your confidential letter had better be sent by the Comte de Vergennes’s express to the Duke De La Vauguion. I hope we shall soon have a good account of Jamaica.
I am extremely sorry that Mr Jay meets with so much delay in Spain. The policy of it is totally incomprehensible.
[N.B. In 1810—i.e. “Incomprehensible,” upon any equitable, candid and honorable principles of a common interest among the allies—but very comprehensible upon the principles of pediars and jockeys, on which the Comte de Vergennes too often acted in American affairs.—The letter goes on—]
Am happy to find that your sentiments correspond with mine, concerning what we ought to do, and have no doubt that all will be well done in time. What is there to resist the French and Spanish force in the W. Indies? or, in the channel? or, in North America? or, in the East Indies?—If my Dutchmen, fairly concert operations with France and Spain; and the seas are kept with any perseverance, all the commerce of Great Britain is at stake. Yet your caution not to be too sanguine, is very good. Spain does not seem to be yet sufficiently awake: and the English admirals under their new ministry will do all they can. I fancy they will try the last efforts of despair this summer: but their cause is desperate, indeed. Never was an empire ruined in so short a time & so masterly a manner. Their affairs are in such a state that even victories would only make their final ruin the more complete. With great affection and esteem, I have the honor to be, &c.”
[N.B. in 1810.—The affection and esteem expressed in this letter to the marquis were sincere. I believed him to be a gallant and honorable youth, sincerely attached to America. I knew his connections, the Duke de Mouchy, the Duke de Ayen, the Prince de Poix, the Viscount de Noailles, &c in short the whole family of Noailles, which contained six Marshals of France, as I was told: in a few words the whole family of Bourbon had not so much real influence in France as this family of Noailles. I was then fully convinced that this letter would be communicated to the court. I have reason to believe it was communicated to the King in person, for the Marquis wrote me, that the king had expressed to him a high esteem of me.]
Amsterdam, April 6, 1782—wrote to the Baron Vander Capellen de Poll: “Upon my return home, to day, I found your favor of the fifth inst. That of the 31st ult. I had received before.
I am curious to know what use will be made in the states of Overyssel of the memorial of the Russian minister. Will it be used as a pretext for delay? It is really a serious t, that great affairs should be thus obstructed by little ones. This memorial promises more than Mr. Fox’s letter authorises. The armistice proposed, is but a proposal of a breach of faith already pledged to France.
Will this republic abandon France and America, and throw themselves alone on the mercy of England? Is there one regent in the republic who would advise it?
As to the affair of your friend Valk, I can only say that I should be happy to have it in my power to serve any man upon your recommendation; but in this case I have no power.
If a treaty should be made, I presume congress will send a consul to this republic. But that consul will be an American. This I take to be the fixed resolution of congress, to send as ministers and consuls abroad, her own sons; and she expects to receive from her allies, as ministers and consuls, their own native citizens. This you will readily agree is the best policy on both sides, and indeed the only policy that can give mutual satisfaction. Congress will not certainly multiply agents, and will have no occasion probably for more than one consul in this republic. This consul may have occasion for a correspondent in each maritime city; but the choice will lie with him; and it will necessarily be sometime before he is appointed and can arrive.
But alas! are we not speculating before the time? An ecclesiastical order, which is a non entity, can delay the measures that are judged necessary by the cities and nobles in Utrecht: The nobles, perhaps in Overyssel may delay matters there: a single city, or a first noble (i.e. the Prince of Orange, the statholder) in Zealand, may obstruct the decision of that province; and of Groningen we hear nothing at all.
Patience! upon Patience! is necessary. When a resolution appears upon the point of being taken, some new device appears to throw all aback. But when one magazine of Patience is exhausted, we must open a new one, until the last fails. With great respect, I have the honor to be, &c.”
[N.B. in 1810—I heard a gentleman in the Senate Chamber ask my friend Mr. Izzard, who upon some occasion was somewhat impetuous, “have you no patience?” Izzard replied, very quickly, “I believe I have a great deal for I have never used any of it.”]
I am somewhat apprehensive that posterity will think the reverse of this true with regard to me: and that I had occasion for so long a course of years to draw so largely on my magazine, that in the latter part of my public life it became scarce and almost exhausted.
Amsterdam, 7th of April, 1782—wrote to Monsieur Baraux, Director of the Royal and Imperial privileged company of Trieste and Fiume. “Sir, I have communicated your letter, which you did me the honor to write me, on the 24th ulto to Messrs. Ingraham & Bromfield of this city, who have furnished in the inclosed letter, a List of merchants as you desired, to which I beg leave to add Richard Cranch, Esq. of Boston.
There will probably be after a peace, a considerable trade between the several ports of the United States of America, and Trieste, through which place, I fancy, several American productions will find their way into the interior of the Austrian dominions. I should be obliged to you, for your sentiments of this trade, and what commodities Americans may dispose of, in that quarter, and what they may receive in return.”

John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 6 September 1810
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

Quincy, September 6, 1810.

AMSTERDAM, April 7, 1782, wrote to Mr Dubbledemutz at Rotterdam: “I have received your favour of yesterday inclosing a Gazette with a new petition or address to the magistrates of the city of Rotterdam.
While the people entertain such sentiments and hold such a language, their liberties and prosperity can never be essentially in danger.
I should be very happy to see you at any time while I stay in Amsterdam or after my removal to the Hague. If I should come to the Hague the latter end of this week or the beginning of next, I should be glad to receive you there; but I cannot at present indicate the day. With much respect, &c.”
Amsterdam, April 7th, 1782—wrote to Mr. Hodinpyl, of Rotterdam: “I have received your favor of the 30th of March, and am much obliged to you, for your kind congratulations on the flattering prospect of public affairs.
The formation of commercial and political connections between our countries, is ushered in with so much solemnity; it is accompanied with such elaborate discussions, of the propriety of the measure; and triumphs at last in such an unanimity; as will form an epocha in the history of both republics. It must have a striking effect, and make a deep impression upon all Europe.—If it produces a universal peace, it will be glorious: but if the war continues, the two republics will cement their commercial and political relations by it, increase their naval power, and make themselves more respected and courted by all other Nations.
I expect every hour the arrival of some vessels, which may bring us news of your brother Commodore Gillon; as soon as I receive any I will send it you with pleasure. With much esteem, &c.
Zealand.
Extract of the resolutions of their high mightinesses the states general of the united provinces, 8th of April, 1782.
The deputies of the province of Zealand, have brought to the assembly and have caused to be read there, the resolution of the states of that province, their principals, to cause to be admitted, as soon as possible, Mr. Adams, in quality of ambassador of the congress of North America, according to the following resolution.
Extract from the register of the resolutions of the lords the states of Zealand, the 4th of April, 1782.
It hath been thought fit and ordered, that the lords, the deputies of this province at the generality, shall be authorised, as it is done, by the present, to assist in the direction of affairs at the assembly of their high mightinesses, in such a manner, that Mr. Adams may be acknowledged, as soon as possible, as ambassador of the congress of North America; that his letters of credence be accepted; and that he be admitted in that quality, according to the ordinary form: enjoining further upon the said lords the ordinary deputies, to take such propositions, as shall be made to this republic by the said Mr. Adams, for the information and deliberation of their high mightinesses, to the end to transmit them here as soon as possible. And an extract of this resolution of their noble mightinesses shall be sent to the lords their ordinary deputies to serve them as an instruction.
(Signed) J.M. Chalmers.
Upon which having deliberated, it hath been thought fit and resolved to pray by the present, the lords the deputies of the provinces of Guilderland, Utrecht and Groningen and Ommelanden, who have not yet explained themselves upon the subject, to be pleased to do it as soon as possible.
Groningen.
Extract from the register of the resolutions of their noble mightinesses, the states of Groningen and Ommelanden, Tuesday, 9th of April, 1782.
The lords, the states of Groningen and Ommelanden having heard the report of the lords the commissioners for the petitions of the counsel of state and the finances of the province, and having carefully examined the demand of Mr. Adams, to present his letters of credence from the United States of America to their high mightinesses, have, after deliberation upon the subject, declared themselves of opinion, that in the critical circumstances in which the republic finds itself at present, it is proper to take, without loss of time, such efficacious measures, as may not only repair the losses and damages, that the kingdom of Great Britain hath caused in a manner so unjust, and against every shadow of right, to the commerce of the republic, as well before as after the war, but particularly such as may establish the free navigation and the commerce  of the republic, for the future, upon the most solid foundations; as may confirm and reassure it, by the strongest bonds of reciprocal interest; and that, in consequence, the lords the deputies at the assembly of their high mightinesses ought to be authorised, on the part of the province, as they are by the present, to admit Mr. Adams to present his letters of credence from United States of America, and to receive the propositions which he shall make; to make report of them to the lords the states of this province.
(Signed) E. Lewk, Secretary,
The states general having deliberated the same day upon the resolution have resolved, that the deputies of the province of Guilderland, which has not yet declared itself upon the same subject, be requested to be pleased to do it as soon as possible.
Utrecht.
Extract of the resolutions of their noble mightinesses, the states of the province of Utrecht, 10th April, 1782.
Heard the report of Mr. De Westerveld and other deputies of their noble mightinesses for the department of war, who, in virtue of the commissorial resolutions of the 9th of May, 1781, 16th of January, and 20th of March of the present year, 1782, have examined the resolution of their high mightinesses of the 4th of May, 1781, containing an overture, that the President of the assembly of their high mightinesses, had made, “that a person styling himself John Adams, had been with him, and had given him to understand, that he had received letters of credence for their high mightinesses from the United States of America, with a request, that he would be pleased to communicate them to their high mightinesses; as well as the resolution of their high mightinesses of the 9th of January, containing an ulterior overture of Mr.  the President—That the said Mr. Adams had been with him, and had insisted upon a categorical answer, whether his said letters of credence would be accepted or not; finally, the resolution of their high mightinesses of the 5th of March last, with the insertion of the resolution of Friesland, containing a proposition to admit Mr. Adams, in quality of minister of the congress of North America.”
Upon which, having deliberated and remarked that the lords the states of Holland and West Friesland, by their resolution carried the twenty-ninth of March, to the states general, have also consented to the admission of Mr. Adams in quality of minister of the congress of North America, it hath been thought fit and resolved, that the lords the deputies of this province, in the states general should be authorized, as their noble mightinesses authorise them by the present, to conform themselves in the name of this province, to the resolution of the lords the states of Holland and West Friesland and of Friesland; and to consent, by consequence, that Mr. Adams be acknowledged and admitted as minister of the United States of America. Their noble mightinesses being at the same time of opinion, that it would be necessary to acquaint her majesty the empress of Russia, and the other neutral powers, with the resolution to be taken by their high mightinesses upon this subject, in communicating to them as much as shall be necessary, the reasons which have induced their high mightinesses to it, and giving them the strongest assurances, that the intention of their high mightinesses is by no means to prolong thereby the war which they would have willingly prevented and terminated long since; but on the contrary, that their high mightinesses wish nothing with more ardor, than a prompt re-establishment of peace; and that they shall be always ready on their part, to co-operate in it, in all possible ways, and with a suitable readiness, so far as that shall be any way compatible with their honour and their dignity, and for this end an extract of this shall be carried by missive to the lords the deputies at the generality.
Amsterdam, April 11th, 1782—wrote to Mr. Abbema: “Your favor of this morning, announcing the unanimous resolution of the states of Utrecht, taken yesterday, in favour of American independence, is just come to hand. I had received a few minutes before, a French Gazette of Utrecht containing the same article. But I am very happy to receive it in a more authentic manner from a gentleman of so distinguished a reputation for patriotism. The unanimity and ardour with which this measure is adopted by the whole nation, is to me an affecting circumstance, and an augur of much good to both nations. With great esteem and consideration, I have the honor to be, &c."
Amsterdam, April 11th, 1782—wrote to Mr. Freeman: “I have just now received your kind favor of the ninth, and thank you for the communication of Dr. Waterhouse’s letter, which has been a very agreeable entertainment to me. I am very glad of Gillon’s success, and that so candid and sensible a judge as the Doctor is, still retains his charity for him.
Am much obliged by your congratulations on the prosperous appearance of our affairs. I have just received authentic information of the unanimous resolution of the states of the province of Utrecht, taken yesterday in favor of my admission to an audience. Guilderland and Groningen are all that remain, and I hope that ten or twelve days, at farthest, will produce a perfect unanimity.”
Amsterdam, April 10, 1782—wrote to the Duke de la Vauguion: “I have this moment received the letter, which you did me the honor to write me yesterday, with a letter inclosed from Mr. Franklin.
The approbation of Monsieur le Comte de Vergennes, is a great satisfaction to me; and I shall be very happy to learn from you, sir, at Amsterdam, the details you allude to.
I have a letter from Diggs, at London, the 2d April, informing me that he had communicated what had passed between him and me to the earl of Shelburne; who did not like the circumstance that every thing must be communicated to our allies. He says, that Lord Carmarthen is to be sent to the Hague to negotiate a seperate peace with Holland. But according to all appearances, Holland, as well as America, will have too much wit to enter into any seperate negotiations.
I have the pleasure to inform you, that Gillon has arrived at the Havana with five rich Jamaica ships as prizes. Mr. Le Roy writes that the English have evacuated Charleston.
The inclosed fresh requete of Amsterdam, will show your excellency that there is little probability of the Dutchmen being deceived into seperate conferences. With the most profound respect, I have the honor to be, &c.
Amsterdam, April 11th, 1782—wrote to Mr. Joh. Ulr. Pauli. “I am honoured with your letter of the 5th instant, and thank you for your polite invitation to Hamburg—a journey which it would give me pleasure to make, but which various occupations will oblige me to postpone for some time.
In Answer to your inquiries, sir, I have only to say, that at present I have no powers from the United States of America, to treat with the Hanseatic cities; but their situation is such, that there will be infallibly a considerable trade between them and America. And therefore I can have no objection against the congress entering into negotiations with them. If any gentleman authorized by them should have any proposals to make, I will transmit them with pleasure to congress for their consideration; only desiring that they may be either in the English or French language, as the German is unknown to me, and to most of the members of congress.
Amsterdam, April 11, 1782—wrote to the Honourable James Searle, Esq. “I am long in your debt, and therefore must beg your patience, on account of bad health and many occupations. The rapid revolution in the mind of this nation, and the unaccountable ardor and unanimity, which has at last seized upon them for connecting themselves with America; have occasioned me so many visits to receive and return, and so many complimentary letters to answer; as, added to other more important affairs have been more than I could perform. Five provinces, Friesland, Holland, Zealand, Overyssel and Utrecht, have already decided with an unanimity that is astonishing: and the two others, Guilderland and Groningen, it is supposed will determine as soon as they meet, which will be the sixteenth current, so that I suppose we shall have one ally more in a short time.
I know not, of how much importance this acquisition may be thought by others, but I have ever considered it as a leading step; and hope it may be followed by other nations. At least it will be a refutation of the many frivolous arguments, with which some people have been long employed in doing mischief.
Gillon has been fortunate at last. His prizes at the Havana, it is said, will sell for eighty thousand pounds sterling.
If the whole body of Dutch merchants do not understand their own interest, and the nature and connections of commerce, it will not be easy to name any body who is a master of it. Their requetes are a complete refutation of all the anglomany in Europe, if sound reason can refute it.”
Amsterdam, April 16, 1782—“Yesterday noon, Mr. William Vaughan of London, came to my house, with Mr. Laurens, the son of the president, and brought me a line from the latter, and told me that the President was at Haerlem and desired to see me, I went out to Haerlem and found my old friend, at the Golden Lion.
Mr. Laurens informed me that he was come partly for his health and the pleasure of seeing me; and partly to converse with me, and see if he had at present just ideas and views of things; at least to see if we agreed in sentiment, and having been desired by several of the new ministry to do so.
I asked him if he was at Liberty? He answered no: That he was still under parole: but at liberty to say what he pleased to me. I told him that I could not communicate to him, being a prisoner, his own instructions; nor enter into any consultation with him as one of our colleagues in the commission for peace; that all I should say to him would be as one private citizen conversing with another; but that upon all such occasions, I should reserve a right to communicate whatever should pass to our colleagues and allies.
Mr. Laurens said that Lord Shelburne, and others of the new ministers, were anxious to know, whether there was any authority to treat of a seperate peace; and whether there could be an accommodation upon any terms short of independence? That he had ever answered them that nothing short of an express or tacit acknowledgment of our independence, in his opinion would ever be accepted, and that no treaty ever would or could be made seperate from France. Mr. Laurens asked me if his answers had been right? I told him I was fully of that opinion.
Mr. Laurens said that the new ministry had received Digg’s report, but his character was such that they did not choose to depend upon it. That a person by the name of Oswald, I think, set off for Paris to see you, about the same time that he came away to see me.
I requested him, between him and me, without saying any thing of it to the ministry, to consider whether we could ever have a real peace, with Canada or Nova Scotia in the hands of the English? and whether we ought not to insist, at least upon a stipulation, that they should keep no standing army, or regular troops, nor erect any fortifications upon the frontiers of either.
That at present I saw no motive that we had to be anxious for a peace: and if the English nation were not ripe for it, upon proper terms, we might wait patiently till they should be so.
I found the old gentleman perfectly sound in his system of politics. He has a very poor opinion both of the integrity and abilities of the new ministry as well as the old. He thinks they know not what they are about. That they are spoiled by the same insincerity, duplicity, falsehood and corruption, with the former. Lord Shelbourne still flatters the king with ideas of conciliation, and seperate peace, &c. Yet the nation he says, and the best men in it, are for a universal peace and an express acknowledgment of American independence, and many of the best are for giving up Canada and Nova Scotia.
His design seemed to be, solely to know how far Digg’s report was true. After an hour or two of conversation, I returned to Amsterdam, and left him to return to London
These I fear are all but artifices to raise the stocks; and if you think of any method to put a stop to them, I will cheerfully concur with you. They now know sufficiently, that our commission is to treat of a general peace, and with persons vested with equal powers. And if you agree to it, I will agree to it, never to see another messenger who is not a plenipotentiary.
It is expected that the seventh province, Guilderland, will this day acknowledge American independence. I think we are in such a situation now, that we ought not, upon any consideration to think of a truce, or any thing short of an express acknowledgment of the sovereignty of the United States. I should be glad, however, to know your sentiments upon this point.
April 17, 1782—Guilderland.
Extract from the record of the ordinary diet held in the city of Nimeguen in the month of April, 1782. Wednesday, the 17th April, 1782.
The requisition of Mr. Adams, to present his letters of credence to their high mightinesses, in the name of the United States of America, having been brought to the assembly, and read, as well as an ulterior address made upon this subject, with a demand of a categorical answer, by the said Mr. Adams, more amply mentioned in the registers of their high mightinesses, of the date of the 4th of May, 1781, and of the 9th of January, 1782; moreover the resolutions of the lords the states of five other provinces carried successively to the assembly of their high mightinesses, and all tending to admit Mr. Adams in quality of ambassador of the United States of America to this republic; upon which their noble mightinesses, after deliberation, have resolved to authorize the deputies of this province at the generality as they authorise them by the present, to conform themselves in the name of this province to the resolution of the lords the states of Holland and West Friesland, and to consent by consequence, that Mr. Adams may be acknowledged and admitted in quality of ambassador of the United States of America, to this republic. In consequence an extract of the present shall be sent to the said deputies, to make as soon as possible, the requisite overture of it, to the assembly of their high mightinesses.
In Fidem Extracti,
(Signed) J. In De Retouw.
The resolution of the states general will appear in the next letter.

John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Rush, 8 September 1810
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

My dear friend,
Philadelphia Septr: 8th. 1810

Mr Denny is the principal writer in the portfolio. He is precluded from introducing politicks into it by its proprietor Mr Sam Bradford, but—not from traducing the works of Whig, and American Authors. One of his Coajutors is a Dr Chapman a former pupil of mine and who owes me many—very many Obligations. He is the son of a Virginia Tory. After failing in getting into business, and suspecting probably that his former Connection with me was a bar to his success with that Class of people in our city who possess patronage in every thing but power, he began to calumniate me. For this he has been rewarded cherished by the all the our physicians in our city who are opposed to my system of medicine, for “parties, as genl: Gates used to say, like armies, receive all able bodied men.” He has publickly insulted my renounced my medical principles, and said “all that I have ever written is fit only to rot upon a dunghill.” I am not moved by this instance of ingratitude, for I am accustomed to much greater, nor can I think so lowly of my writings as he now does, when I look around me and see every practitioner of medicine in Philada even my most implacable enemies among them, obsequiously adopting my modes of practice, nor am disposed to renounce my principles in medicine by the censure the Edinr: Reviewers have uttered against them. My son James who passed last winter in Edinr: treats the lectures given there with great contempt, as do all the young men who have studied there that after studying in Philadelphia. They all, I should suppose from what I have heard from them, believe “there would be no great diminution of medical knowledge if that University were annihilated.” I have sometimes amused myself by enumerating the different kinds of hatred that operate in the world. They are the “odium theologicum,” the “odium politicum,” the “odium philologicum” & the “odium medicum.” It has been my lot,—I will not call it my misfortune,—to be exposed to them all. The divines hate me for holding tenets that they say lead to materialism, and that are opposed to the rigid doctrines of Calvin.—The politicians hate me for being neither a Democrat nor a monarchist, neither a frenchman, nor an Englishman,—the philologists hate me for writing against the dead languages;—and the physicians, for teaching a system of medicine that has robbed them by its simplicity of cargoes of technical lumber by which they imposed upon the credulity of the world. The last I believe is the most deadly hatred of them all. Cobbett acknowledged when he left Philada: that he was not my enemy,—he even spoke well of me, but he and said that all he had written against me was dictated to him by three physicians. The publications thus dictated against me in the year 1797 were compared by a Clergyman in the Delaware State to the “mouth of hell being opened against me.”—
It would be criminal in me to close my letter with out an offering of gratitude and praise to that Being who has preserved me from the rage & malice of all the classes of enemies that I have mentioned, and even caused me in my many instances to triumph over them. “non nobis, non nobis” shall be my song during the few remaining years of my life—if years be allowed me—and let all my family, and all my friends who believe in the power and goodness of God say, Amen—
I return to one of the subjects of your letter. Mr Walsh went to is the son of an Irish Catholic in Baltimore. He was educated in the College lately established at Baltimore by some refugee Catholic french priests. He went to England as private Secretary to Mr Pinkney, and after spending some time in England, Scotland and France returned highly accomplished to his native country. He married the only daughter & child of Jasper Moylan Esqr: a worthy Catholic lawyer of this city, and has since become a citizen of Philadelphia. My son Richard who has read, he and who admires the ingenuity & eloquence of his pamphflet says “it ought to be answered, but that there is but one man in the United States capable of doing it, & that is John Quincy Adams.” I agree with you in your opinion of your Son’s lectures. They will add to your family name in our Country, as well as abroad, when the names & scriblings of all his enemies will be unknown.
I know nothing of Mr Bristed.
I am just About to Commit a Volume of introductory lectures to the press. They will give employment to the Criticks in Edinr: as well as in Philadelphia. I forgot to mention before that in the a student of medicine in the University of the former city, wrote to his friend & fellow citizen in Virginia “if he came to Edinr never to mention the name of his friend Rush, for that his doctrines were scouted from the university in that place.” I shall send you a copy of the lectures as soon as they are published. Some of them may possibly amuse Mrs: Adams.
In the catalogue of hatreds, to which I have been exposed I neglected to mention the “odium mercatorium” and the “odium Sanguiphobum.” The former has rendered me so obnoxious to our merchants they that some of them have proposed to drown me, or drum me out of the city. My offence against them was deriving the yellow fever from domestic sources. The “Odium sanguiphobum” has rendered me an object of more than hatred,—of honor to many of our citizens. Some have said they felt fainty at the sight of my carriage, and others have left sick rooms as soon as I entered them to avoid my company. This species of hatred against me has abated very much in Philadelphia in consequence of the practice which provoked it having become general. I am now the physician of a family, the mistress of which has since confessed that she had often left company as soon as I came into it, only because my presence gave her pain. I was her “raw head & bloody bones.”
But where am I?—and with what have I stained my paper? Alas! with a worthless subject—that is myself, but my pen has ran away with me. With love & respects as usual in which the faithful Companion of my persecutions & triumphs joins me I am Dr Sir / ever yours

Benjn: Rush
PS: I send you herewith the second part of the Backerawash of Capt: OBrien.


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 12 September 1810
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

					Quincy, September 12, 1810.

				AMSTERDAM, 26th April, 1782—The following note to Mr. Hodshon, omitted in the order of its date must not be ordered here because it is connected with one of the most intricate and vexatious transactions that I ever found to puzzle me in all my life.Mr. Hodshon is desired to make the necessary inquiries, and as soon as he will give me under his hand his engagement to furnish congress with four or five millions of guilders, by the last day of July next, so that I may write forthwith to congress, that they may draw for that sum, I will agree to his opening the loan upon the terms we have agreed on. J. ADAMS.The Hauge, May 16, 1782—wrote to Mr. Livingston, Secretary of State of congress: “On the twelfth of this month, I removed into the hotel des Etats Unis de l’Amerique, situated upon the canal called the Flewelle Burgwal, at the Hague; where I hope the air will relieve my health, in some degree, from that weak state to which the tainted atmosphere of Amsterdam has reduced it.The American cause has gained a signal triumph in this country. It has not persuaded an ancient rival and an avowed, natural, hereditary enemy, to take a part against Great Britain; but it has torn from her bosom, an intimate, affectionate friend and a faithful ally of an hundred years continuance. It has not persuaded an absolute monarch to follow the dictates of his own interest and glory, and the interest and the unanimous wishes of his people, by favoring it; but, availing itself only of the still, small voice of reason urging general motives and national interests; without money, without intrigue, without imposing pomp or more imposing fame it has prevailed against the utmost efforts of intrigue and corruption, against the almost unanimous inclinations of persons in government, against a formidable band of capitalists; and the most powerful mercantile houses in the republic, interested in English funds and too deeply leagued in English affairs.Although these obstacles have been so far overcome that an acknowledgment of our national independence has been obtained; yet it is easy to see that they are not annihilated; and therefore we cannot expect to receive such cordial and zealous assistance as we might enjoy if the government and people had but one heart.I wish it were in my power to give congress, upon this occasion, assurances of a loan of money. But it isnot. I have taken every measure in my power to accomplish it, but I have met so many difficulties, that I almost despair of obtaining any thing. I have found the avidity of friends, as great an obstacle as the ill will of enemies. I can represent my situation in this affair of a loan, by no other figure than that of a man in the midst of the ocean negotiating for his life among a school of sharks. I am sorry to use expressions which must appear to you severe; but the truth demands them.The title of American Banker, for the sake of the distinction of it, the profit of it, and the introduction to American trade, is solicited with an eagerness past all description. In order to obtain it, a house, (a mercantile house) will give out great words and boasts of what it can do. But not one will contract to furnish any considerable sum of money. And I certainly know, let them deceive themselves as they will, and as many others by their confident affirmations, as they may; that none of them can obtain any considerable sum. The factions that are raised here about it; between the French interest, the republican interest, the statholderian interest, and the anglomane interest, have been conducted with an indecent ardor, thwarting, contradicting, calumniating each other; until it is easy to foresee the effect of it will be, to prevent us from obtaining even the small sums that otherwise might have been found. But the true and the decisive secret is, there is very little money to be had. The profits of their trade, have for several years been annihilated by the English. There is therefore no money but the interest of their capitalists; and all this is promised for months and years beforehand, to bookkeepers, brokers and undertakers; who have on hand loans open for France, Spain, England, Russia, Sweden, Denmark, for the states general, the states of Holland, the states of Friesland, the East and West India companies, &c. &c.

Moreover, the circumstance which will be fatal to my hopes at this time, is this, there is just now unexpectedly opened a loan of nine millions of guilders, for the India company under the warranty of the states; in which they have raised the interest one per cent above the ordinary rate. I had obtained an agreement of the undertakers for two millions of guilders; but before it was completed, this loan appeared and frighted the undertakers so as to induce them to fly off. I must therefore entreat congress to make no dependence upon me for money.There is one subject more, upon which I beg leave to submit a few hints to congress. It is that of Mr. Dumas, whose character is so well known to congress, that I need say nothing of it. He is a man of letters and of good character; but he is not rich, and his allowance is too small at present for him to live with decency. He has been so long known here to have been in American affairs, although in no public character, but that of an agent or correspondent appointed by Dr. Franklin, or by a committee of congress upon the recommendation of Dr. Franklin, that now our character is acknowledged, it will have an ill effect if Mr. Dumas remains in the situation he has been in. To prevent it in some measure I have taken him and his family into this house (and furnished all their maintenance at my private expence.) But I think it is the interest and duty of America to send him a commission as secretary of legation and charge des affaires, with a salary of five hundred a year, while a minister is here, and at the rate of a thousand a year, while there is none.There is another gentleman, whose indefatigable application to the affairs of the U. States, and whose faithful friendship to me, in sickness and in health, demand of me, by the strongest claims of justice and of gratitude, that I should mention him to congress and recommend him to their favour. This gentleman is Mr. Thaxter, whose merit in my estimation is greater than I dare express.Edmund Jennings, Esq. of Brussells, has honored me with his correspondence, and been often serviceable to the United States, as well as friendly to me. His manners and disposition are very amiable and as his talents are equal to any service; I cannot but wish that it might be agreeable to the views of congress to give him some mark of their esteem.How shall I mention another gentleman, whose name perhaps congress never heard, but who, in my judgment, has done more decided and essential service to the American cause and reputation, within these last eighteen months, than any other man in Europe.

It is Mr. A. M. Cerisier, one of the greatest historians and finest political writers in Europe, author of

the Tableau de l’histoire des provinces unis du pays bas, author of the Politique Hollandais, and many oilier writings in high esteem: by birth a Frenchman, educated in the university of Paris, but possessed of the most genuine principles and sentiments of liberty; and exceedingly devoted by principle and affection to the American cause. Having read some of his writings and heard much of his fame, I sought and obtained his acquaintance, furnished him with intelligence and information in American affairs; and introduced him to the acquaintance of most of the Americans who have come to this country, from whom he has picked up much true information concerning our affairs, & perhaps some mistakes. His pen has erected a monument to the American cause, more glorious and more durable than brass or marble. His writings have been read like oracles, and been echoed and re–echoed in Gazettes and pamphlets, both in French and Dutch, for fifteen months. The greatest fault I know in him, is his too zealous friendship for me; which has led him to flatter me, with expressions, which will do him no honor, however sincerely or disinterestedly they might flow from his heart.Congress must be very sensible that I have had no money to lay out in secret services, to pay pensions, to put into the hands of continental agents, or in any other way to make friends. I have had no money but my salary, and that has been never paid me without grudging. If I have friends in Europe, they have not, most certainly been made by power, nor money, nor any species of corruption. Nor have they been made by making promises, or holding out alluring hopes. I have made no promises nor am under any obligation but that of private friendship and simple civility to any man. Having mentioned such as have been my friends, because they have been the friends to the United States, and I have no others in Europe at least, and recommended them to the attention of Congress, as having rendered important services to our country and able to render still greater, whatever effect it may have, I have done my duty. if some small part of those many millions which have been wasted by the most worthless of men, could have been applied to the support and encouragement of men of such great value, it would have been much better. It is high time, it is more than time, that a proper discernment of spirits and distinction of characters were made; that virtue should be more clearly distinguished from vice; wisdom from folly; ability from imbecility, and real merit from proud, imposing impudence, which, while it pretends to do every thing, does nothing but mischief.The treaty of commerce is under consideration and will not, that I foresee, meet with any obstacle.”Amsterdam, June 9th, 1782.—Wrote to Secretary Livingston, “The admiralty have reported to their high mightinesses, their remarks upon the plan of a treaty of commerce, which I had the honor to lay before them, together with such additions and alterations as they propose. This report has been taken ad referendum, by all the provinces, except Overyssell, which has determined to vote as Holland shall vote, the latter being the principal maritime province, and the former inland.

The forms of proceeding, according to this constitution, are so circuitous that I cannot expect this treaty will be finished and signed in less time than three months, though some of the most active members of the government tell me they think it may be signed in six weeks.I have not yet proposed the treaty of alliance because I wait for the advice of the duke de la Vauguion. His advice will not be wanting, in the season for it, for his excellency is extremely well disposed.I have, after innumerable vexations, agreed with three houses, which are well esteemed here, to open a loan. But the extreme scarcity of money will render it impossible to succeed to any large amount. I dare not promise any thing, and cannot advise Congress to draw. I shall transmit the contract for the ratification of Congress, as soon as it is finished,

and then I hope to be able to say, at what time, and for how much Congress may draw.This nation is now very well fixed in its system and will not make a separate peace. England is so giddy with Rodney’s late success in the West Indies, that I think she will renounce her ideas of peace for the present.The conduct of Spain is not at all changed. This is much to be lamented, upon public account, and indeed on account of the feelings of my friend, Mr Jay, for I perfectly well know by experience the cruel torment of such a situation: And I know too, that he has done as much and as well as any man could have done in that situation.The late president Laurens made me a visit at the Hague last week, on his way to his family in France. He informed me that he had written to Dr. Franklin, from Ostend, declining to serve in the commission for peace. I had great pleasure in seeing my old friend perfectly at liberty, and perfectly just in his political opinions. Neither the air of England, nor the seducing address of her inhabitants, nor the terrors of the tower, have made any change in him.P.S. I hope Congress will receive a collection of all the resolutions of the provinces, and the petitions of the merchants, manufacturers, &c. respecting the acknowledgment of American Independence, and my reception as minister plenipotentiary of the United States by their high mightinesses. I shall transmit duplicates and triplicates of them as soon as health will permit. But Mr. Thaxter has been sick of a fever, and myself of the influenza; ever since our removal from Amsterdam to the Hague. This collection of resolutions and petitions, is well worth printing together in America. It is a complete refutation of all the speculations of the half torified politicians among the Americans, and the malevolent insinuations of anglomanes, through the world against the American cause. The partisans of England, sensible of this, have taken great pains to prevent an extensive circulation of them.”[N.B. In 1810.—This pamphlet was reviewed in London by the ordinary reviewers and gravely pronounced to be a forgery. And the credulity of the kingdoms, swallowed this opinion with great delight.]Amsterdam, June 10th, 1782.—Wrote to Dr. Franklin, “I have the honor to inform you, that I have this day drawn upon your excellency in favor of Messrs. Fizeau, Grand & Co. for my salary, for one quarter of a year, which you will please to charge to the United States, according to the resolutions of Congress. I hope I shall not have occasion to draw upon your excellency for any further sums for my salary, because, although I have no sanguine hopes of obtaining a loan very suddenly, for any large sum, yet I am led to expect somewhat.”1782, June 13—Drew an order for eight ducats, in favor of William Alcock, an American prisoner, escaped, on Messrs. Willinks &c. and desired them to take three notes to president of Congress to serve for one.The Hague, June 14th, 1782.—Wrote to Secretary Livingston, “The court of Petersburgh is very industrious in her endeavors to accomplish a separate peace between England and Holland. Her minister at Versailles has made an insinuation to the French court, that her majesty would be much obliged to the king, if he would not make

any further opposition to such a separate peace.To this insinuation the following wise and firm answer has been given:The king is very sensible of the confidence, of which the empress of Russia gives him a fresh proof in communicating to him her measures and ideas respecting a separate peace, between England and the states General. His majesty has therein acknowledged the sentiments of humanity which animate her imperial majesty; and he is zealous to answer with the same frankness, to that which relates to him particularly, in the verbal insinuation, made by the prince Baratinski.The king, faith to the law which he has prescribed to himself, not to influence the conduct of any power, has not sought to direct the deliberations of the states General, either to lead them to war, or to hinder them from making a separate peace. England having unexpectedly attacked the united provinces of the low countries, his majesty has made haste to prevent her by all good offices which depended upon him. His services have been gratuitous; his majesty has never required any acknowledgment on their part.If the states General think that the obligations which they owe to his majesty, as well as the interest of the republic, imposes upon them the duty, not to separate their cause from that of the king and his allies; the empress of Russia is too enlightened and too just, not to acknowledge that it is not for his majesty to dissuade them from such a resolution, and all that he can do, is to refer it to their wisdom to consider what is convenient for them in their situation.The empress is not ignorant that the circumstances have led the states General to establish and concert operations with the king. His majesty fltters himself that the design of this princess is not to engage him to desist from this arrangement, which is the necessary results of the situation of the two powers, relatively to England, and which oughtt naturally to contribute to the re–establishment of the general tranquillity which is the object of the wishes of her imperial majesty, as it is of those of the king.”

					John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Waterhouse, 17 September 1810
From: Adams, John
To: Waterhouse, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Quincy Septr. 17 1810

I know that Mother Harvard had Power to make D.D. M.D. and LLD as well as Batchelors and Masters: but never knew till now that She possessed the Prerogative of making Princes. It is a notable Epocha in our History. Why may she not make Dukes, Marquisses, Viscounts, Earls Barons Knights, and Esquires?
If the Republicans wish and expect from me an History of the Rise and Progress of The Essex Junta they know not what they wish. I do not like the appellation of Essex Junta. It is old Toryism, and is common to every State City town and Village in the United States. There was not one without a Tory Junta in it, and their  Executors administrators, Sons Cousins &c. compose at this day an Essex Junta in every one of them. An History of the Essex Junta then would require an History of the whole American Community for fifty years. Let The Republicans remember, that it must contain at the same time an History of Democracy and Jacobinism, two Sects to whom The Essex Junta owe their Power and Importance. The Characters of Hancock Adams Bowdoin, Warren, and an hundred others must come in. The Republicans would be as much offended as the Federalists by my History. But alass, neither my Life would be long enough nor my Talents weight enough to accomplish one Year of the Fifty of such an History.
I rejoice to hear that The Governor is better.  His Life and Health are very precious to this Country at this time.
I read Las Casas: and Said  Erasmi &c. The style is fine. Not one of our Anthological Writers better.
I have read The Heads of your Lectures and wish them success.
In my own Time: In my own Way I will communicate what I please. But I will not be The Gladiator of a Faction: No Nor of a Party. Not one of the limb many Limbs that are limed for me shall catch The Bird, if I can avoid it.
J. Adamsturn over
The Speaker of The House of Commons is often called in Latiin in other Parts of Europe, Orator, and often Prolocutor. The Man who is sett up in our Town Meetings and Ecclesiastical Counsells to be looked at and talk’d at is called Moderator. I wish there could be a Moderator of The Senate and House too. Is it not passing Strange that I should become a Preacher of Moderation? In short Waterhouse, in speaking of Titles of any kind in this Country as Discriminations of Station, or Condition I can do nothing but pun and droll as you do.