Title: “Helvidius” Number 4, [14 September] 1793
From: Madison, James
To:

[14 September 1793]
The last papers compleated the view proposed to be taken of the arguments in support of the new and aspiring doctrine, which ascribes to the executive the prerogative of judging and deciding whether there be causes of war or not, in the obligations of treaties; notwithstanding the express provision in the constitution, by which the legislature is made the organ of the national will, on questions whether there be or be not a cause for declaring war. If the answer to these arguments has imparted the conviction which dictated it, the reader will have pronounced, that they are generally superficial, abounding in contradictions, never in the least degree conclusive to the main point, and not unfrequently conclusive against the writer himself: whilst the doctrine—that the powers of treaty and war, are in their nature executive powers—which forms the basis of those arguments, is as indefensible and as dangerous, as the particular doctrine to which they are applied.
But it is not to be forgotten that these doctrines, though ever so clearly disproved, or ever so weakly defended, remain before the public a striking monument of the principles and views which are entertained and propagated in the community.
It is also to be remembered, that however the consequences flowing from such premises, may be disavowed at this time or by this individual, we are to regard it as morally certain, that in proportion as the doctrines make their way into the creed of the government, and the acquiescence of the public, every power that can be deduced from them, will be deduced and exercised sooner or later by those who may have an interest in so doing. The character of human nature gives this salutary warning to every sober and reflecting mind. And the history of government, in all its forms and in every period of time, ratifies the danger. A people therefore, who are so happy as to possess the inestimable blessing of a free and defined constitution, cannot be too watchful against the introduction, nor too critical in tracing the consequences, of new principles and new constructions, that may remove the landmarks of power.
Should the prerogative which has been examined, be allowed in its most limited sense, to usurp the public countenance, the interval would probably be very short, before it would be heard from some quarter or other, that the prerogative either amounts to nothing, or means a right to judge and conclude that the obligations of treaty impose war, as well as that they permit peace. That it is fair reasoning, to say, that if the prerogative exists at all, an operative rather than an inert character ought to be given to it.
In support of this conclusion, there would be enough to echo, ⟨“that the prerogative in this active sense, is connected with the executive⟩ in various capacities—as the organ of intercourse between the nation and foreign nations—as the interpreter of national treaties” (a violation of which may be a cause of war) “as that power which is charged with the execution of the laws of which treaties make a part—as that power, which is charged with the command and application of the public force.”
With additional force, it might be said, that the executive is as much the executor as the interpreter of treaties: that if by virtue of the first character it is to judge of the obligations of treaties, it is by virtue of the second, equally authorised to carry those obligations into effect. Should there occur for example, a casus federis, claiming a military co-operation of the United States, and a military force should happen to be under the command of the executive, it must have the same right, as executor of public treaties to employ the public force, as it has in quality of interpreter of public treaties to decide whether it ought to be employed.
The case of a treaty of peace would be an auxiliary to comments of this sort. It is a condition annexed to every treaty that an infraction even of an important article, on one side extinguishes the obligations on the other: and the immediate consequence of a dissolution of a treaty of peace is a restoration of a state of war. If the executive is “to decide on the obligation of the nation with regard to foreign nations”—“to pronounce the existing condition (in the sense annexed by the writer) of the nation with regard to them; and to admonish the citizens of their obligations and duties as founded upon that condition of things”—“to judge what are the reciprocal rights and obligations of the United States, and of all and each of the powers at war:”—add, that if the executive moreover possesses all powers relating to war not strictly within the power to declare war, which any pupil of political casuistry, could distinguish from a mere relapse into a war, that had been declared: With this store of materials and the example given of the use to be made of them, would it be difficult to fabricate a power in the executive to plunge the nation into war, whenever a treaty of peace might happen to be infringed?
But if any difficulty should arise, there is another mode chalked out by which the end might clearly be brought about, even without the violation of the treaty of peace; especially if the other party should happen to change its government at the crisis. The executive, in that case, could suspend the treaty of peace by refusing to receive an ambassador from the new government, and the state of war emerges of course.
This is a sample of the use to which the extraordinary publication we are reviewing, might be turned. Some of the inferences could not be repelled at all. And the least regular of them must go smoothly down with those, who had swallowed the gross sophistry which wrapped up the original dose.
Every just view that can be taken of this subject, admonishes the public, of the necessity of a rigid adherence to the simple, the received and the fundamental doctrine of the constitution, that the power to declare war including the power of judging of the causes of war is fully and exclusively vested in the legislature: that the executive has no right, in any case to decide the question, whether there is or is not cause for declaring war: that the right of convening and informing Congress, whenever such a question seems to call for a decision, is all the right which the constitution has deemed requisite or proper: and that for such more than for any other contingency, this right was specially given to the executive.
In no part of the constitution is more wisdom to be found than in the clause which confides the question of war or peace to the legislature, and not to the executive department. Beside the objection to such a mixture of heterogeneous powers: the trust and the temptation would be too great for any one man: not such as nature may offer as the prodigy of many centuries, but such as may be expected in the ordinary successions of magistracy. War is in fact the true nurse of executive aggrandizement. In war a physical force is to be created, and it is the executive will which is to direct it. In war the public treasures are to be unlocked, and it is the executive hand which is to dispense them. In war the honors and emoluments of office are to be multiplied; and it is the executive patronage under which they are to be enjoyed. It is in war, finally, that laurels are to be gathered, and it is the executive brow they are to encircle. The strongest passions, and most dangerous weaknesses of the human breast; ambition, avarice, vanity, the honorable or venial love of fame, are all in conspiracy against the desire and duty of peace.

Hence it has grown into an axiom that the executive is the department of power most distinguished by its propensity to war: hence it is the practice of all states, in proportion as they are free, to disarm this propensity of its influence.
As the best praise then that can be pronounced on an executive magistrate, is, that he is the friend of peace; a praise that rises in its value, as there may be a known capacity to shine in war: so it must be one of the most sacred duties of a free people, to mark the first omen in the society, of principles that may stimulate the hopes of other magistrates of another propensity, to intrude into questions on which its gratification depends. If a free people be a wise people also, they will not forget that the danger of surprise can never be so great, as when the advocates for the prerogative of war, can sheathe it in a symbol of peace.
The constitution has manifested a similar prudence in refusing to the executive the sole power of making peace. The trust in this instance also, would be too great for the wisdom, and the temptations too strong for the virtue, of a single citizen. The principal reasons on which the constitution proceeded in its regulation of the power of treaties, including treaties of peace, are so aptly furnished by the work already quoted more than once, that I shall borrow another comment from that source.
“However proper or safe it may be in a government where the executive magistrate is an hereditary monarch to commit to him the entire power of making treaties, it would be utterly unsafe and improper to entrust that power to an elective magistrate of four years duration. It has been remarked upon another occasion, and the remark is unquestionably just, that an hereditary monarch, though often the oppressor of his people, has personally too much at stake in the government to be in any material danger of being corrupted by foreign powers. But that a man raised from the station of a private citizen to the rank of chief magistrate, possessed of but a moderate or slender fortune, and looking forward to a period not very remote, when he may probably be obliged to return to the station from which he was taken, might sometimes be under temptations to sacrifice his duty to his interest, which it would require superlative virtue to withstand. An avaricious man might be tempted to betray the interests of the state to the acquisition of wealth. An ambitious man might make his own aggrandizement, by the aid of a foreign power, the price of his treachery to his constituents. The history of human conduct does not warrant that exalted opinion of human virtue, which would make it wise in a nation, to commit interests of so delicate and momentous a kind as those which concern its intercourse with the rest of the world, to the sole disposal of a magistrate, created and circumstanced, as would be a President of the United States.”
I shall conclude this paper and this branch of the subject, with two reflections, which naturally arise from this view of the Constitution.
The first is, that as the personal interest of an hereditary monarch in the government, is the only security against the temptation incident to a commitment of the delicate and momentous interests of the nation which concern its intercourse with the rest of the world, to the disposal of a single magistrate, it is a plain consequence, that every addition that may be made to the sole agency and influence of the Executive, in the intercourse of the nation with foreign nations, is an increase of the dangerous temptation to which an elective and temporary magistrate is exposed; and an argument and advance towards the security afforded by the personal interests of an hereditary magistrate.
Secondly, As the constitution has not permitted the Executive singly to conclude or judge that peace ought to be made, it might be inferred from that circumstance alone, that it never meant to give it authority, singly, to judge and conclude that war ought not to be made. The trust would be precisely similar and equivalent in the two cases. The right to say that war ought not to go on, would be no greater than the right to say that war ought to begin. Every danger of error or corruption, incident to such a prerogative in one case, is incident to it in the other. If the Constitution therefore has deemed it unsafe or improper in the one case, it must be deemed equally so in the other case.
Helvidius.


Title: From James Madison to James Monroe, 15 September 1793
From: Madison, James
To: Monroe, James

Dear SirSepr. 15. 93.
Since I parted from you I have had several letters from Mr. J. in which all the facts involving Genét are detailed. His conduct has been that of a madman. He is abandoned even by his votaries in Philada. Hutcheson declares that he has ruined the Republican interest in that place. I wish I could forward the details I have recd. but they are too confidential to be hazarded by the casual conveyance to which this is destined. They ought however to have no other effect on the steps to be pursued, than to caution agst. founding any of them on the presumed inculpability of Genét. As he has put himself on such unjustifiable ground, perhaps it is fortunate that he has done it in so flagrant a manner. It will be the more easily believed here that he has acted agst. the sense of his Constituents, and the latter will be the less likely to support him in his errors. I find that the Anglicans & Monocrats from Boston to Philada. are betrayed by the occasion into the most palpable discovery of their real views. They already lose sight of the Agent; and direct their hostilities immediately agst. France. This will do good, if proper use be made of it. You will see by the late papers that G. B. has made war on our commerce, by intercepting uncontraband articles bound to unblockaded ports, and taking them to herself at her own price. This must bring on a crisis with us, unless the order be revoked on our demand, of which there is not the least probability. I understand that the malignant fever in Philada. is raging still with great violence; and all the inhabitants who can, flying from it in every direction. The mortality at first was in the ratio of 3 out of 4. It had been reduced to 1 out of 3. Mr. J. is in raptures with the performance of our friend in C—l—n—e. He means to have it appear about two weeks before the meeting of C——s. This will not coincide with the plan of the Author, who wished its publication to be in time for the meeting of the State Legislature. Think of this & let me have your ideas. On my return home I found a letter from Mr. Jones wch. I inclose as the shortest way of making you acquainted with what he wishes. With all due respects to Ms. Monroe. I am Yrs. affey.
Js. Madison Jr


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 15 September 1793
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Schuylkill Sep. 15. [1793]
I have to acknolege yours of Aug. 27. & Sep. 2. The fever in town is become less mortal, but extends. Dupont the Fr. Consul is dead of it. So is Wright the painter. His wife also. Lieper is said to be dead, but that is not certain. J. Barclay ill. Ham. and his wife recovered. Willing on the recovery. The banks are not shut up, as I had been falsely informed when I wrote you last. I have some expectation to set out tomorrow, and shall make it eight days to your house; but it is very possible I may yet be detained here two or three days. The arrangement on which I had consented to remain another quarter was that the President was to be absent three weeks, and after that I was to be absent 6. weeks. This got me rid of 9. weeks of the 13. and the remaining 4. Congress would be setting. My view in this was precisely to avoid being at any more councils as much as possible, that I might not be committed in any thing further. This fever by driving me off sooner, will bring me back sooner, & so far counteract my view. But I need not take the trouble of writing on this subject, as I shall see you as early as you will get this letter. Adieu.


Title: To James Madison from James Monroe, 25 September 1793
From: Monroe, James
To: Madison, James

Dear SirAlbemarle Sepr. 25. 1793.
I am still doubtful whether I shall visit Fredericksburg this term—if I do will call on you as I go down perhaps on Monday—but I shall in case I do not sit out on that day for Richmond, so that I shall not have the pleasure of se[e]ing you here till the week after.
I found at Staunton impressions had been made by letters from Richmd. Mr. M. had written to Gl. Jones who was there to promote an address correspondent with that from the metropolis. The letters however I took with me effectually changed the current and gave it a direction against the anti-republican faction. A meeting took place & resolutions were passed in a tone of sentiment perfectly correct & proper. Messrs. Jay & King were put upon the same footing with the French minister in a resolutn. whose object was to conciliate France & express the attachment of the place to her revolution. They were enclosed to Mr. Gamble to be handed the Printer but as yet have not appeared.
I return’d home sick of the Influenza & was indisposed thro’ the court here. W. Nicholas was unwell & did not come up till the day the ct. adjourned. Gilmer was in Rockingham—and the clerk was averse & circulated resolutions of a different complexion. Finally a notice was put up for a meeting of the freeholders on the last day of the court—but few met so that the project failed, very much to the chagrin of all who did, & indeed of every one who heard of it, except a few only. It is however to be renewed at the next county court when it is intended to part the pro’s & con’s. A little incident has given me some pain—being sick & hearing the Clerk had shewn some improper resolutions, & that he likewise disapproved those of Staunton, I furnished Bell, who called on me, with those we had approved to be copied & given to Mr. Randolph that the latter might alter the style. This was done, but unfortunately a schism took place in that family, between those drawn there and the original set—Peter Carr prefering the latter—so that both were shewn, & I am told that since those from Caroline have appeared, their correspondence with these, has been notic’d. I shall adjust this matter in the best manner possible.
Mr. Jefferson I hear is arrived. I shall see him this morning. I have written a piece for Richmond but doubt the propriety of its publication—as upon a review it bears the aspect of too pointed an attack upon a certain personage—& likewise treats with too much asperity G. Morris. Very affectionately I am yr. friend & servt
Jas. Monroe


Title: To James Madison from John Taylor, 25 September 1793
From: Taylor, John
To: Madison, James

Dr. SirBowling Green Sepr. 25. 1793
Yours of the 20th. is this instant handed to me.
Had you been present, & wielding the pencil of a Hogarth, you might have depicted a lively sensation of human nature, on having the approbation it relates, announced to it.
The approbation of the good, is only inferior to a consciousness of having served mankind, in the pleasurable emotions it excites.
The emendation of the paper, is not only permited, but highly approved of, by me.
But I observe that Freneau is publishing extracts from it. This is both unwise and indelicate. Unwise, as mutilated anticipations, will weaken its effect, if it should appear in a pamphlet. Indelicate, as in that event, the performance will exhibit the ludicrous aspect, of a compilation from his news papers.
Instantly on the receipt of yours from Albermarle, notifications were dispersed, and in five days; resolutions were formed by a very numerous meeting. They are in some papers, and will appear in others. I hope you will approve of them. I wish they may differ enough from those of Stt., to avoid a suspicion of their being coined in the same mint. I was obliged to come forward in a speechification. But, as I thought best, the chairman fathered & conducted, the whole business. Be happy.
J. T.


Title: To James Madison from James Maury, 26 September 1793
From: Maury, James
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir,Liverpool 26 Septr 1793
It is long since I had this pleasure. With this you have the review of last month, in which I wish you may find Something entertaining. It is with great anxiety we Wait Intelligence from America subsequent to your being informed of the Instructions from this Government to their Cruizers. Many of our Vessells have been Captured & brought in—principally from the Suspicion of there being French property on Board: but the process in the Court of Admiralty is not ended in any case, where the captured have defended themselves.
As to the Contest on the Continent; I refer you to the News papers. Today there are some Accounts of considerable Advantages gained by the Antirevolutionists, which, in some Measure, counterbalance those lately obtained over the combined Armies before Dunkirk—where the Carnage has been dreadful. By this Days accounts vast Bodies of the Convention Troops were collecting in the Neighbourhood of Toulon in order to recover that place. This Great people united among themselves would be equal to all their Enemies at least.
The Glimmering of a Rupture with the United States aided by some other Circumstances have lately mended the Article of Tobaccoe a little. I have availed of it by disposing of some of your’s which had remained on hand since last year. I am with particular Esteem & Regard dr Sir Yr most obt Servant
James Maury
3 ⅌ Ct Consols 74 & a fraction
Exchange with paris 8 5/8d Sterg
for 3 It Tournuis
Say 8 5/8d Sterg for 3 Livres assignats


Title: To James Madison from Abram Trigg, 1 October 1793
From: Trigg, Abram
To: Madison, James

SirMontgomery County October 1st. 1793
I take the liberty to inclose you a Copy of sundry charges which have been forwarded to the President of the United States against Captain William Preston touching his conduct in an Election, held for a representative in Congress each charge having a reference to such part of the deposition’s with which they were accompany’d as seem to support it.
Will you Sir be so good as to favour me with your direction’s how to proceed for avoiding the said Election, or if practicable to obtain my seat. It is with great diffidence I make the application; but the Occasion I hope will justify the intrusion; as I conceive essential to the existance of a republican Government that Election’s of representatives of the people should be absolutely free, and that therefore this attempt by a military force to prescribe to free men who they shall choose will meet with your disapprobation. I beg leave further to observe that in Washington County, indirect measures were used in diver’s respect’s particularly a number of person’s were poll’d that lived in the state of Kentuckey & in the Territory of the United States South of the River Ohio and the poll continued open the second day without any legal cause existing, other than its being Court day & the votes of that County mostly running in Mr. Preston’s favour; when in other County’s within the district the polls were closed on the first day of the Election to the exclusion of a sufficient number of votes to have given me the majority who actually appeared before sun set, and tendred their votes in my favour, All Which doing’s is considered to be contrary to the Letter & Spirit of the Constitution, and flagrant breach of the rights of freemen.
Your Friendship and Friendly Offices in this business will imprint upon my mind the most lasting impressions of Gratitude & Esteem. I am Sir with the greatest Respect your Most Obedient Servant.
Abram Trigg.


Title: To James Madison from Harry Toulmin, 11 October 1793
From: Toulmin, Harry
To: Madison, James

Sir,Alexandria Octr. 11. 1793
It is with pleasure I recollect the few hours in which I was so happy as to enjoy your company though I regret that a little indisposition, which was then beginning, & which terminated in a bilious fever, prevented it me from enjoying it so much as I should otherwise have done. I had then some distant thoughts of extending my little tour to the western country—and you were so obliging as to offer to introduce me to your friends in Kentucky, should I determine upon carrying this idea into execution. I am now on my return from Carlisle and Lancaster to Winchester in this state, where it would afford me great pleasure to be favoured with a line from you to any gentleman in Kentucky, for I mean to proceed from Winchester to that country in about the space of a fortnight.
I have much reason to acknowledge with thankfulness, similar favours which you have already conferred upon me. Mr Belmain has been peculiarly obliging and friendly.
My first object in going to Kentucky is to procure some knowledge of the country for the information of friends in England: and as my partiality for America, makes me rather desire to continue here, than to return to my native country, my second object is to see if there be any prospect of my establishing myself there as an instructor of youth in classical knowledge & other branches of liberal education. At present indeed I am connected with a society in England as a minister of religion: but I believe my faith is too simple to admit of any similar connection in America.
I have great reason, however, to speak of the liberality of some worthy men with whom I have been so fortunate as to form an acquaintance, & especially Mr Belmain. With the highest esteem, I am, Sir Your obliged and most respectful Sert
H. Toulmin.


Title: To James Madison from Robert R. Livingston, 20 October 1793
From: Livingston, Robert R.
To: Madison, James

Dr SirClerMont 20th. Octr 1793
Mr. Adair the bearer of this having done me the favor to spend a few days here I found so much pleasure in his society that I am persuaded that I shall do you a mutual favor in bringing you acquainted with each other. He proposes to pass some months in Virginia. You will find him extremely well informed on most subjects & particularly so in every branch of natural history & chymistry. He will communicate to you some new discoverys & improvments which have not yet reachd us in the ordinary channels. You will not be less pleased with his politics than with his philosophy since he is a firm & decided friend to the rights of man & thinks with us on the subject of popular governments. I condole with you upon the disstress of Philadelphia. Would it not be prudent to order the offices to remove some time before the meeting of Congress so that they may perform the necessary quarantine & remove the objections which may other wise arise to their reception at such place as Congress may think proper to adjourn to. I am extreamly anxious for their meeting which I think shd. have been long since. I am Dr. Sir with greatest esteem & regd. Your Most Obt hum: Servt
Robt R Livingston


Title: From James Madison to George Washington, 24 October 1793
From: Madison, James
To: Washington, George

Dear SirOrange October 24th. 1793.
Your letter of the 14th. instant did not arrive till sunday night, and being not then at home, I did not receive it till last night. I now lose not a moment in complying with its request; tho’ I foresee it cannot reach you before you will have left Mount Vernon, and before you will probably have made up a final determination on some if not on all the questions proposed. These are
1. Ought the President to summon Congress at a time and place to be named by him? or,
2 If the President has no power to change the place, ought he to abstain from all interposition whatever? or
3. Ought he to notify the obstacle to a meeting at Philadelphia, state the defect of a regular provision for the exigency, and suggest his purpose of repairing to  as a place deemed most eligible for a meeting in the first instance?
4. What is the place liable to fewest objections?
From the best investigation I have been able to make in so short a time, the first expedient, tho’ most adequate to the exigency, seems to require an authority that does not exist under the Constitution and laws of the U. States.
The only passage in the Constitution in which such an authority could be sought is that which says “The President may, on extraordinary occasions, convene both Houses, or either of them.” But the obvious import of these terms is satisfied by referring them to the time only at which the extraordinary meeting is summoned. If indeed they included a discretion as to the place as well as the time, it would be unnecessary to recur to the expedient of altering the time in order to get at an alteration of the place. The President could as well alter the place without interfering with the time, as alter the time without interfering with the place. Besides; the effect of a change as to place would not be in all respects similar to a change as to time. In the latter case, an extraordinary session running into the period of an ordinary one, would allow the ordinary one to go on under all the circumstances prescribed by law. In the former case, this would not happen. The ordinary part of the Session would be held out of the place prescribed for it—unless prevented by a positive act for returning to it.
The obvious meaning here assigned to the phrase is confirmed by other parts of the Constitution. It is well known that much jealousy has always appeared in every thing connected with the residence of the General Government. The solicitude of the Constitution to appease this jealousy is particularly marked by the 1st. paragraph of section 6th & the 3d. paragraph of section 7th. of article I. The light in which these paragraphs must be viewed cannot well be reconciled with a supposition that it was meant to entrust the Executive alone with any power on that subject.
Laying aside the Constitution and consulting the law, the expedient seems to be no less inadmissible. The Act of July 1790 “establishing the temporary & permanent seat of the Government of the U. S.” cannot be understood to leave any such power in the President. And as the power, if exercised so as to interfere with the provision relating to the temporary seat, might beget an alarm lest, in the hands of a President unfriendly to the permanent seat, it should be turned on some pretext or other against that arrangement, prudential reasons unite with legal ones, for avoiding the precedent.
The 2d mode of treating the difficulty would seem to be best, if the danger at German Town were out of the way. A voluntary resort to that place might be relied on; and the members of the Legislature finding themselves together and with the President, might legalize the necessary steps, or if that should be thought wrong might deliberate and decide for themselves on the emergency. But as the danger might defeat such an expectation, it results that,
The 3d expedient is called for by the occasion; and being sufficient, is all that can be justified by it.
The 4th. point to be considered is the delicate one of naming the place.
In deciding this point, it would seem proper to attend first to the risk of the infection. This consideration lies, as you observe, against Trenton & Wilmington: secondly, to Northern and Southern jealousies. This applies to N. York and Annapolis: thirdly, to the disposition of Pennsylvania, which is entitled to some regard, as well by her calamity, as by the circumstance of her being in possession of the Government.
In combining these considerations we are led to look for some place within the State of Pennsylvania not materially different from Philada. in relation to North and South. Lancaster and Reading appear to have occurred. With the former I am but little acquainted. The latter I never saw. If the object of the Executive should be merely to put Congress in the most neutral situation possible for chusing a place for themselves, as would have been the case at German Town, Reading seems to have the better pretensions. If the object should be to provide a place at once marking an impartiality in the Executive, and capable of retaining Congress during the Session, Lancaster seems to claim a preference.
If the measure which my present view of the subject favors, should be deemed least objectionable, something like the following form might be given to it.
“Whereas a very dangerous and infectious malady which continues to rage in the City of Philada. renders it indispensable that the approaching Session of Congress should be held, as well as the Executive Department be for the present administered, at some other place: And whereas no regular provision exists for such an emergency; so that unless some other place be pointed out, at which the members of Congress may assemble in the first instance, great embarrasments may happen: Under these peculiar circumstances I have thought it incumbent on me to notify the obstacle to a meeting of Congress at the ordinary place of their Session; and to recommend that the several members assemble at  in the State of  at which place I shall be ready to meet them.
G. W. P. U. S.[”]
With sentiments of the highest respect and attachment I remain, Dear Sir, your affectionate humble servant
Js. Madison Jr.


Title: To James Madison from Edmund Randolph, 28 October 1793
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Madison, James

My dear friendGerman Town October 28. 1793
I am satisfied, that there will be great manœuvring about the place of congress for the next session. New-York seemingly declines a visit from them; but steps are taken to distract preparations in this state, and produce a kind of necessity to go thither, as being the only spot, where accommodations can be found at short notice. A precedent, too is much wished by some, for violating the compact concerning the final residence, by shewing the power of congress over the temporary. I beseech you to be here the day before the appointed time. Yrs. afftely
Edm: Randolph.


Title: From James Madison to James Monroe, 29 October 1793
From: Madison, James
To: Monroe, James

Dear SirOcr. 29. 1793
Inclosed are two Newspapers one of which contains the Resolutions proposed at Fredg. and a letter from Bourdeaux which is not uninteresting. You will find also two pieces one from Alexanda. & another answering it which as connected with the present crisis may be worth reading. At Culpeper Court, the proposed meeting took effect, Genl. Stephens in the Chair. The result as stated to me, is not censurable if at all on the score surmised. It has not the smallest tincture either of Anglomany or Aristocracy. I am informed that one of the Resolutions which speaks of the attempts to alienate America from France, in the past as well as future tense, was carried in the Come. after considerable debate, and confirmed by the people on a motion to amend. The Resolutions in Fauquier are said to be a servile eccho of those in Richmond. When you come on pray bring with you such of Davis’s papers as may have been recd. since I left you. I send the little balance of Tea due to Mrs. Monroe which I intended but failed to procure before my late trip. As you are becoming a worshipper of Ceres I add an Ear of Corn which is forwarder by three weeks than the ordinary sort; and if given to your overseer may supply a seasonable dish on your return next summer. Mr. Jefferson is so delighted with it that he not only requested me to forward some of it to Mr. Randolph but took an Ear with him to be brought back on his return, that there might be no possible disappointment. Should you have an oppy. after you know the day of your setting out, be so good as to drop me notice of it. My Compliments to Mrs. Monroe. Yrs. Always & Affey.
Js. Madison Jr


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 2 November 1793
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Dear SirGermantown Nov. 2. 1793.
I overtook the President at Baltimore, & we arrived here yesterday, myself fleeced of seventy odd dollars to get from Fredericksburg here, the stages running no further than Baltimore. I mention this to put yourself & Monroe on your guard. The fever in Phila. has so much abated as to have almost disappeared. The inhabitants are about returning. It has been determined that the President shall not interfere with the meeting of Congress. R. H. & K. were of opinion he had a right to call them to any place but that the occasion did not call for it. I think the President inclined to the opinion. I proposed a proclamn. notifying that the Executive business would be done here till further notice, which I believe will be agreed. H. R. Lewis, Rawle &c all concur in the necessity that Congress should meet in Phila. & vote there their own adjournment, if it shall then be necessary to change the place. The question will be between N. York & Lancaster. The Pensylva. members are very anxious for the latter, & will attend punctually to support it as well as to support Muhlenburg & oppose the appointment of Smith (S. C.) speaker, which is intended by the Northern members. According to present appearances, this place cannot lodge a single person more. As a great favor I have got a bed in the corner of the public room of a tavern: and must so continue till some of the Philadelphians make a vacancy by removing into the city. Then we must give from 4. to 6 or 8. dollars a week for cuddies without a bed, and sometimes without a chair or table. There is not a single lodging-house in the place. Ross & Willing are alive, Hancock is dead. Johnson of Maryld has refused. Ru. L. & Mcl. in contemplation. The last least. You will have seen Genet’s letters to Moultrie & to myself. Of the last I know nothing but from the public papers; and he published Moultrie’s letter & his answer the moment he wrote it. You will see that his inveteracy against the President leads him to meditate the embroiling him with Congress. They say he is going to be married to a daughter of Clinton’s. If so, he is afraid to return to France. Hamilton is ill, & suspicious he has taken the fever again by returning to his house. He of course could not attend here to-day. But the Pr. had shewed me his letter on the right of calling Congress to another place. Adieu.


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 9 November 1793
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Germantown. Nov. 9. 93.
The stages from Philadelphia to Baltimore are to be resumed tomorrow. The fever has almost disappeared. The Physicians say they have no new subjects since the rains. Some old ones are still to recover or die, & it is presumed that will close the tragedy. The inhabitants, refugees, are now flocking back generally; this will give us accomodation here. The Pr. sets out tomorrow for Reading, & perhaps Lancaster to return in a week. He will probably remain here till the meeting of Congress, should Philadelphia become ever so safe, as the members may not be satisfied of that point till they have time to inform themselves. Toulon has surrendered to Engld. & Spain. Grand Anse in St. Domingo to England. The British have recieved a check before Dunkirk, probably a great one, but the particulars cannot yet be depended on. It happened about the 10th of September. When Monroe & yourself arrive here, come to Bockeus’s tavern (sign the K. of Prussia) I will have engaged beds there for you for your temporary accomodation. Adieu.


Title: To James Madison from George Nicholas, 15 November 1793
From: Nicholas, George
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir,
Novr. 15th. 93
I thank you for your friendly letters dated in March and August last.
We have been in a great state of anxiety on account of the French, but our fears begin to subside and give way to our hopes for their success. Their cause is so good and their conduct in the general so great that we are naturally inclined to overlook their imprudencies. It is more than probable that many things which appear so to us at this distance proceed from the peculiarity of their situation. The difference of our manners may also make many things seem strange to us that are natural to them. However as I am always inclined to think well of a man tho’ some of his actions will not bear a strict examination provided they in general are good, so I am willing to overlook what is improper in their conduct, and most ardently wish them success.
The situation in which America stands respecting them is delicate. Prudence forbids her taking an active part, but I doubt honour and gratitude would speak another language. At any rate the delicacy of our situation was such as in my opinion to make it proper to say as little about it as possible. In this point of view the proclamation was certainly wrong; as far as I can judge it was unnecessary and could answer no good purpose as it gave no additional efficacy to the existing laws on the subject. But if as I conceive it was contrary to the impressions which we ought to have felt, it is a dishonourable acknowledgment that we are void of those sentiments. Supposing that the President could be justified by the duty of his office, what apology can be made for the numerous addressers who have voluntarily stept forward on this occasion. Cloak their real sentiments as they will it must be obvious to all that the profits which they expect from the neutrality are what stimulate them to this conduct; and altho’ these addresses come only from the mercantile part of America yet the silence of the farmers prove that they have imbibed the same sentiment. How few of them say any thing about the French revolution, and how faint are the expressions of regard to their cause in those few, when compared with their approbation of a measure which they suppose will keep up the price of their wheat. The thinking part of the present age must despise such conduct, and posterity will regret that their ancestors should so soon tarnish the reputation they have acquired as lovers of liberty.
The game that is playing by the two parties to make French politicks answer their purposes in our internal divisions is as disgraceful to those who are concerned in it as it is insulting to the understandings of the people of America. The longer I live the more I am convinced that man will always be a dupe. The senseless multitude who are concerned in these addresses have no idea that they will be used to strengthen the hands of those who are the advocates of measures which they detest. This tho’ will certainly be the case and this proclamation with the use that will be made of it, if I am not deceived will have a great effect on all the measures of the next Congress. The object of Jay and King was so apparent that I am astonished that it did not defeat them. Let Genet’s conduct have been ever so improper it was highly unbecoming America as a nation to take any notice of it. There is some mystery in that business which it would have been more to the honour of the President to have cleared up.
You will probably hear something said of an attempt being made here to raise an army to go against the Spaniards. The history of that business is shortly this. Genl. Clarke in February last wrote to the French minister offering his services for that purpose and stating the practicability of effecting something considerable if he had power given him to appoint the proper officers, and if he was furnished with three thousand pounds sterling. In June last he received a commission of Major General in the French service with power to appoint his officers and to draw under certain restrictions for the money. When Clarke wrote it is supposed that he was influenced by O Fallon who had married his sister, before he received an answer they had parted. When the French agent got to Clarke he found him totally incapable of conducting such a business, and entirely without influence. Clarke having also lost his counsellor has become very cool in the business, expressed his own doubts of the success of it, and declared that some who had induced him to propose it had deserted him. The agent then sounded different characters in this country, but finding no disposition to engage in such an enterprise, he gave it up and has returned.
This proposition of Clarke’s altho’ it has ended without producing the effect which he and the French minister expected from it, will be attended with the most serious consequences. It has shewn us unquestionably that the French may be induced to join us in procuring what we are now satisfied our government wants inclination and spirit to obtain for us. The want of inclination we infer from the conduct of the former Congress and the silence of the present one. The want of spirit may be sufficiently proved from the late addresses. We can have no reason to suppose that a people who make money their god will enter into a war to procure a just right for a particular part of America when the greater part besides the expences of the war suppose that this right will be prejudicial to them. Our eyes are opened on this subject; you will hear plain truths, do not despise them. We have but one Voice on the occasion. You must determine whether America shall continue united or whether a division shall take place, which will necessarily be attended with applications to foreign powers for support. We must we will have what we are entitled to: we will no longer be amused with negociations that may be spun out for ages. When we demand a right there is no occasion for supplications either to our government or that which with holds the right from us. The Western country united can bid defiance to the rest of America and to the Spaniards too.
Would our government have been quiet so long if the Delaware had been blocked up by a foreign nation! What is the difference between the two cases in point of right and duty! We retain our affection for our brethren in America and for it’s government; but it is not a childish one depending on mamas: it proceeds from an opinion that that affection is reciprocal, and that mutual advantages may be derived from the government. Convince us (and that is nearly done) that this is a delusion and we would sooner be united to the savages who you court in vain than remain as a part of a government from which we derive no benefits.
It is time for our rulers to think seriously on this subject; a connection like our’s if once dissolved is scarcely ever renewed. Great Britain would before the close of the war have granted twice as much to America as she refused with disdain at the beginning of it. If policy will not influence their conduct how will they reconcile it to justice to suffer a part of their fellow citizens to be oppressed and injured by a tyrant. The day for asserting the rights of nations is now come; the opportunity is favorable; our all is at stake for we can never be a flourishing people until we have what we demand and we had better lose what we possess in attempting to get what is necessary to it’s free enjoyment than hold it in the terms we now do.
I have written to Col: John Taylor my ideas respecting the operations against the Indians. To him I refer you for all the information I can give on this subject.
Much is expected from, and much depends on the next session of Congress. Much national good and reputation, or much evil and discredit will result from their deliberations. It is to be lamented that when all the wisdom of America would be necessary to enable her to act properly that her councils should be distracted and divided by parties. But is not this one of the things which will always attend human governments, and a tax which all must submit to.
Wishing you health and happiness, and a sufficient number of honest members to assist in doing what is right, I am Dr. Sir, with the greatest respect and regard; yr. most obdt. servt.
G. Nicholas.


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 17 November 1793
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Germantown. Nov. 17. 1793.
I have got good lodgings for Monroe & yourself, that is to say, a good room with a fire place & two beds, in a pleasant & convenient position, with a quiet family. They will breakfast you, but you must mess in a tavern; there is a good one across the street. This is the way in which all must do, and all I think will not be able to get even half beds. The President will remain here I believe till the meeting of Congress, merely to form a point of union for them before they can have acquired information & courage. For at present there does not exist a single subject in the disorder, no new infection having taken place since the great rains the 1st. of the month, & those before infected being dead or recovered. There is no doubt you will set in Philadelphia, & therefore I have not given Monroe’s letter to Seckel. I do not write to him, because I know not whether he is at present moving by sea or by land, & if by the latter, I presume you can communicate to him. Wayne has had a convoy of 22. waggons of provision & 70. men cut off 15 miles in his rear by the Indians. 6. of the men were found on the spot scalped, the rest supposed taken. He had nearly reached Fort Hamilton. R. has given notice that he means to resign. Genet by more & more denials of powers to the President and ascribing them to Congress, is evidently endeavoring to sow tares between them, & at any event to curry favor with the latter to whom he means to turn his appeal, finding it was not likely to be well received with the people. Accept, both of you, my sincere affections.


Title: From James Madison to George Nicholas, 18 November 1793
From: Madison, James
To: Nicholas, George

Dear Sir
Orange Novr. 18. 1793.
Mr. Toulmin will either hand you this, or see you in consequence of it. He is lately from England, and very warmly recommended to me by Mr. Maury our Consul at Liverpool as meriting particular attention. His primary object in visiting Kentucky is to procure a knowledge of the Country for the information of his friends in England who have an eye to America as a more eligible portion of the Earth than their native spot is at present. His next object is of a more personal nature. His partiality to our Country makes him anxious to settle in it: and as he is not likely to find a Religious Society with which he could connect himself as a Minister professing the Unitarian System taught by Priestly & others, he wishes to see if there be any prospect of his establishing himself as an instructor of youth in classical knowledge and other branches of liberal education; for which he is probably well qualified. Any friendly offices you may find it convenient to render him will be of much service to him in his plans, and will moreover be acknowledged by Dear Sir Your mo: Obedt. hble servt.
Js. Madison Jr.


Title: From James Madison to John Breckinridge, 19 November 1793
From: Madison, James
To: Breckinridge, John

Dear Sir
Orange Novr. 19. 1793
I take the liberty of making known to you the Revd. Mr. Toulmin who visits Kentucky with a view to transmit its character to a body of his friends in England who wish to exchange their native Country for some part of ours. He has a secondary view of trying whether he can be engaged on acceptable conditions as an Instructor of youth in classical and other liberal branches of education. At present he is connected with a Religious Society in England of the principles taught by Docr. Priestly and other Dissenting Clergymen; but he supposes his faith too simple to admit of any similar connection in this Country. He has been very strongly recommended to me, and every other circumstance within my knowledge has contributed to vouch his merits. Your counsel and civilities will I am persuaded be of much use to him, and I hope you will pardon my freedom in asking them f⟨or⟩ him. With very sincere esteem & regard, I am Dr Sir your mo: obed: hble servt.
Js. Madison Jr.


Title: From James Madison to Henry Lee, 22 November 1793
From: Madison, James
To: Lee, Henry

Letter not found. 22 November 1793. Offered for sale in Emily Driscoll Catalogue No. 8 (1949), item 58, which notes that the letter introduces James Makittrick Adair: “I ask your attentions for him … with an assurance that they will be both merited & repaid.” Acknowledged in Lee to JM, 23 Jan. 1794.


Title: To James Madison from Maria Butler, 23 November 1793
From: Butler, Maria
To: Madison, James

Sir
Pittsburgh Novb th 23–1793
I hope you will be indulgent, to the liberty I am about to take, in an address to you on a subject; that I hoped my Country would have saved me the pain of Mentioning.
Deeply interested for the present, and future wellfare, of A Little helpless charge, that has been left to my care Alone, from the fatal Fourth of Novb—When I with them, was removed in a moment, from the sunshine of prosperity, and the pleasing Anticipation, of gliding down life streams in Ease and competency—To the shade of Affliction dispair and comparative Want.

Succeeding misfortunes, owing to the first great Loss, in the fall of Genl Butler, has compled me to seek the Influence of some of the Worthy Members of Congress—for A compensation to the Family, of an Old and Brave Soldier—whose best days was spent in Camps and Siges, to the satisfaction of his Countery, though finally his Blood has flowd in vain, on the plains of Miami, and the Malignancy of Fortune deny him A grave, in the land he fought for. I hope with his children, to be Embraced by the liberallity of a Goverment, he spent sleepless Nights to Obtain.
It may be suggested by some, economists in Goverment, that we cannot be left unprovided for; But I answer to it, our property, being chiefly in unproductive lands, and they lieing in the paths of the savage, that they can neither be cultivated or sold at present to any advantage. And bad health, precludes any exertion, on my part, to create, a living to my Children. All the hope that remains to light the solitary Hou[r]s of repining and grief, is that my Countery will not pass me by in silance.
They [sic] Members of this state, will generaly be in favour of my Wish—and I hope it will be the case with those of yours though I am well aware; it is an unfavourab[l]e Crisis, for such Appli[c]ations Whilst so much War is to be dreaded, but I hope it will be remembered, that Common Wealths may Florish, whilst Individuals are ruined forever.
Nothing Sir but a great Anxiety to rais my Children has caused me to trouble you on this subject, which you must pardon, as being directed to you as A Man of Worth and Sensibility—From the Effervescence of a Heart full of the Bitterness of this World Whilst I am with respect your
Maria Butler


Title: From James Madison to James Madison, Sr., ca. 23 November 1793
From: Madison, James
To: Madison, James, Sr.

Letter not found. Ca. 23 November 1793. Mentioned in JM to James Madison, Sr., 25 Nov. 1793: “I wrote from Fredg. by Col: Monroe’s servant & informed you that I had left with Mr. Jones £18–12–5 which would be del[i]vered to your order.”


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 24 November 1793
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir
Fredg. Novr. 24. 93.
I have your 3 letters. The last of the 17th. fell into my hands here when I arrived on friday night. Col. Monroe was a day before me. Accept our thanks for your provision in our behalf at Germanto[w]n. We set off in 5 Minutes in a machine we have procured here, & which we shall keep on with till it fails us, or we can do better. I hope we shall be with you by sunday evening, or monday morning. Giles & Venable being before us, they will give you the intelligence from Richmond. The inclosed paper contains a scrap which may be of later date. If the Senate rejected as we understand, the vote relating to the procln., the answer of the Govr. jointly to the Come. of the two houses is a curious one. Yrs. affly.
J. M. Jr


Title: From James Madison to James Madison, Sr., 25 November 1793
From: Madison, James
To: Madison, James, Sr.

Hond Sir
Dumfries Novr. 25. 93
Having procured at this place a substitute for Daman I shall send back Sam, after going a few miles just to try the new arrangement. He will be in Fredg. tonight and will thence make the best of his way home. A letter red. at Fredg. from Mr. Jefferson says that the fever has entirely vanished. Another of the 20th. from a gentleman in Philada confirms it in the most decided terms. And I understand here from S. Carolina gentlemen returning from their Northern Tour, that it is expected the Legislature will meet at once in Philada. Our present plan is to go to Germantown in the first instance. If we change it, it will be in consequence of the fuller information we receive as we approach the end of the journey. I wrote from Fredg. by Col: Monroe’s servant & informed you that I had left with Mr. Jones £18–12–5 which would be del[i]vered to your order. I have a letter from Mr. Maury of Liverpool of Sepr. 26, which says the carnage on the British & allied troops in the late actions at Dunkirk was dreadful & that the Republican forces were advancing to recover Toulon; but that some advantages had been gained (according to report) by the counterrevolutionalists within. I forgot to leave direction for Sawney to let M. C. have the White Horse as soon as the waggon is finished: be so good as to supply the omission. Yrs. affy.
Js. Madison Jr.
Memorandm. for Majr. Lee who is requested to send J. M. jr.
Coffee-nuts, as many & as soon as can be convenient.
A few peccan nuts, if to be had without trouble.
A few of the nuts or seeds of such of trees of Kentucky, as are in any degree peculiar to the Western Country.