Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 14 July 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

					Sirs,
					Quincy, July 14, 1809.

				I mentioned in a former letter that Congress had separated from me my friend, Mr. Dana, and sent

him as a public minister to the court of Russia, from whence he communicated to me the following

correspondence.A Letter from the French Minister at St. Petersburgh, to Mr. Dana,St. Petersburgh, August 22, O. S. 1781.Sept. 2, N. S.Sir,I have received the letter which you did me the honor to write me yesterday, and I cannot too forcibly

express to you how sensible I am to the mark of confidence which you are so good as to give me, by

communicating to me the views which the Congress of the United States of America entertained, when

it determined to send you to the Court of Russia, as its Minister Plenipotentiary to the Empress. You

know, Sir, all the interest which the King takes in the cause of the United States, and you ought not to

doubt that I am very zealous to render you, here, all the services which depend upon me, and which the

circumstances of the place and the persons leave at my disposition. In the present moment I cannot

better answer to your confidence, than by explaining to you the general dispositions of her Imperial

Majesty, with relation to all the powers who are actually at war. From the moment when the first

hostilities took place, this sovereign has made it a point of honor to hold the balance perfectly equal

between the different parties; she has determined, scrupulously, to manifest no kind of preference, by

avoiding, with care, every step which might indicate the smallest partiality in favor of one of the

belligerent powers to the prejudice of the other. It is this conduct, equitable and perfectly impartial,

which has determined the Court of the House of Bourbon as well as of London, and the States general,

to accept the offers of this Princess, when she proposed to terminate their differences by her mediation,

conjointly with that of the Emperor. And you are surely not ignorant, Sir, that her first plan of

pacification has been sent to all the Courts which are interested in it. I shall even confide to you, that

the United States of America enter into it for something, and that the august mediators desire that your

deputies be admitted to the Congress which is to regulate the pretensions of the belligerent powers,

that they may there debate themselves, and discuss their interests. Behold, Sir, in a few words, the

situation of things at the Court of Russia, and you comprehend that her Imperial Majesty, not willing to

disoblige the Court of London any more than those of Versailles and Madrid, has abstained, with the

greatest care, from discovering any particular inclination for the American cause.In these circumstances, Sir, it is very doubtful, whether the Ministry of her Imperial Majesty, will

consent to recognize the minister of a power which has not as yet, in her eyes, a political existence,

and expose herself to the complaints which the Court of London would not fail to make against a mark

of favor so public. I ought, therefore, to pray you to reflect very seriously, before you think of

displaying the character with which you are invested, least you engage yourself in a measure which may

become much more hurtful than advantageous to the success of your views. Here, Sir, it is not as a

minister of the king that I have the honor to speak to you, but as a man to whom a residence of one

entire year has given local knowledge, which you cannot have acquired. If, however, you should get

over this difficulty and commence a negociation with the Russian Ministry, and if they do me the honor

to give me notice of it, you ought not to doubt that I shall labour very cheerfully to second you in every

thing which shall concern the common interests. Be persuaded, moreover, that on all occasions in

which I shall think it my duty to remain inactive, it will be because I shall be very sure that any steps on

my part would be hurtful to one, without any advantage to the other.I can add nothing to the sincerity of those wishes which I form for the success of your mission, nor to

those distinguished sentiments with which I have the honor to be, Sir, your most humble and most

obedient servant,The Marquis of Verac.I ought to inform you that the Count Panin and the Count D’Osterman, understand not the English,

which will render your communications with those ministers very difficult.Letter from the French Minister at St. Petersburgh, to Mr. Dana, September 12, 1781, N. S.St. Petersburgh, Sept. 12, 1781.Sir,In the letter which I had the honor to write you, on the second of this month, I made but a transient

mention of the article of the plan of pacification proposed by the Courts of Vienna and of Petersburgh,

which relates to the admission of Deputies of the United States to the Congress. Persuaded that it is the

intention to admit the American Ministers, in such a manner that their public character shall be, at the

first moment of their arrival, acknowledged, not only by the belligerent powers, but also by the

mediating powers, your reasoning is perfectly just, when you say that they cannot admit and

acknowledge the minister of a power, without acknowledging, at the same time, the independence and

political existence of that power. And you conclude from this, that it is very possible that the Court of

Petersburgh is in the disposition to acknowledge, voluntarily, the character with which you are invested.

This reasoning, Sir, discovers equally the accuracy of your understanding, and your knowledge in matters of public law. And it is I, only, who was in the wrong in not entering in greater detail, concerning the article which you have stated as a principle, upon which, indeed, I did not think it

necessary to dwell, because I supposed you had a perfect knowledge of it. I cannot better supply my

first omission than by transcribing, here, that article, as it has been sent to the Courts of Versailles,

Madrid and London. “There shall be treaties at Vienna, by the united cares of the two Imperial Courts,

concerning all the objects of the re-establishment of peace, &c. And there shall be a treaty, at the same

time, between Great-Britain and the American Colonies, concerning the re-establishment of peace in

America, but without the intervention of  any other of the belligerent parties, and even without that of

the two Imperial Courts, at least, unless their mediation shall have been formally demanded and

granted upon this object.”The mediating courts understand by this, that your Deputies shall treat simply with the

English Ministers, as they have already treated in America with the commissioners of Great-Britain, in

1778. That the conclusion of their negotiations shall teach the other powers upon what footing they

are to be regarded, and that their public character shall be acknowledged without difficulty, from the

moment when the English themselves shall no longer oppose it.—This disposition (Tournure) has been

imagined to reconcile very opposite pretensions.—Have the goodness, Sir, to remark, that I do not say

that I approve of this disposition; I confine myself to say, that the august mediators have taken it, in

giving you an account of the reasons which have determined them. It is then clear that their design is to

avoid committing themselves, by acknowledging the independence of the United States, until England

herself shall have pronounced such an acknowledgment.You perceive, Sir, that nothing could be more conformable to my wishes, than to see the Court of

Russia acknowledge the independence of the United States. You are well convinced, that if it depended

on me to extort from it such an acknowledgment, you would soon have reason to be satisfied perfectly

with my cares. In one word, you cannot doubt of all the interest which is taken in your cause by the

Minister of His Most Christian Majesty in Russia. But the more I desire your success, the more I think

myself obliged to apprise you of the difficulties you have to surmount. And I should believe that I

betrayed my duties if I should voluntarily leave you in ignorance upon so important a point. Clothed, as

you are, with a public character, on that part of a power whose rights and perfect independence I make

it a duty to acknowledge, it does not belong to me to direct your procedures; but the alliance of that

power with the King, my Master, invites me to communicate to you of all the knowledge which I have

acquired of this country, which can interest you.—It is with the greatest pleasure, Sir, that I fulfil this

duty, repeating, at the same time, what I had the honor to say to you in my first letter, that if you

should be able to surmount the difficulties which you will find in obtaining an acknowledgment of your

public character at this Court, you will find me entirely disposed to second you in every thing which will

regard the common interest of our countries, when it shall be probable that my intervention will be

agreeable to the Ministry of her Imperial Majesty.You are too enlightened, Sir, that my counsels, and still less my approbation, should be necessary to

you. I shall confine myself, therefore, to inform you of facts, which shall come to my knowledge, and

which may be interesting to you, leaving to your information and discernment the care to combine

them, in order to draw from them, the plan of conduct which you shall judge to be most convenient,

well persuaded, that that which you shall adopt will be the best, and the most conformable to your

interests. I believe, therefore, that I ought to inform you, in confidence, at this time, that we expect, in

a short time, the answer of France, and that of Spain, to the plan of pacification. We shall then know

how they mean to consider the article which concerns your Deputies, at the Congress, and we shall see

how those observations will be received at Petersburgh. It is for you, Sir, to judge whether, in these

circumstances, you ought to display, in this country, your political character.I have the honour to be, with the most distinguished sentiments, Sir, your most humble and most

obedient servant,The Marquis of  Verac.P. S. This answer has been delayed for too long a time, and I ask your pardon for it. This delay has

been wholly owing to an embarrassment in the translation of your letter, the Marquis de la Coste, my

son in law, being the only one in my house who reads a little English.These letters of the Marquis of Verac to Mr. Dana, are so perfectly concordant, paragraph by paragraph,

and almost word for word, with the conversations of the Duke de la Vauguion with me, at the Hague,

many months before, that I have no doubt both were dictated at Versailles by the Count de Vergennes

and his confidential secretary, Mr. De Rayneval. It is to be regretted that those conversations were not

reduced to writing at the time. But the Duke endeavoured to avail a written correspondence on the

subject, and I had very powerful reasons for not forcing him to it. I will not venture to say that the

advice to both was not wise, I leave it to the judgment of more learned and experienced statesmen. I

did not see or feel the force of it, at the time, and ventured to proceed in opposition to it; and my

temerity was rewarded with success, and even beyond my own expectations.In my next you will have the answer of the Court of France to the articles of the Imperial Courts.

					John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 14 July 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

					Sirs,
					Quincy, July 14, 1809.

				Not long after the foregoing letter, but I know not
how long, the Marquis of Verac communicated to Mr.
Dana the following:
Exract from the Answer of the Court of France to the Propositions made on the subject of the re-establishment of
Peace by the Courts of Petersburgh and of Vienna.PROPOSITION.Il Sera traité á Vienne, entre la Grande Bretagne, et
les Colonies Americaines, du retablissment de la Paix en
Amerique mais Sans l’intervention des Puissances belligerentes.
ANSWER.The two Imperial Courts cannot flatter themselves, that
they can conduct the mediation to an happy conclusion,
if they do not provide against the subterfuges, the subtleties, and the false interpretations, which any of the belligerent powers may employ, for understanding according
to its views, the preliminary propositions. There is the
difficulty which would infallibly occur, if we do not determine, beforehand, the sense of the expressions which
relate to the Americans. The Court of London, who
will elude as much and as long as she can, any direct and
indirect avowal of the Independence of the United States,
will take advantage of the general terms we employ in
speaking of them, to maintain that she is not obliged to
treat with her ancient colonies, as with a free  and independent nation: That she is not, consequently, in a situation to admit a plenipotentiary on their part: That she
is the mistress to see nothing in their representative but
the Deputy of a portion of her subjects, who appear to sue
for pardon: From which it would result, when the mediation should be in activity, and the question should be to
open and commence the negotiations, that they would begin to contest concerning the character which the American plenipotentiary may display: That the King of England will not regard him, but as his subject, while the
Congress shall demand that he be admitted as the representative of a free people; by which means the mediation
will find itself arrested in its first step.
To prevent this inconvenience, it seems, that, before all
things, the character of the American agent ought to be
determined in a manner the most precise and positive, and
that the Congress ought to be invited to confide its interests to the mediation. This invitation is so much the
more indispensable, as the negotiations relative to America, must march with an equal step with that which the
Courts of Versailles and Madrid will pursue; and by
consequence, these two negotiations, although separate,
must be commenced at the same time.
But who will invite the Congress to treat with England? The King cannot do it, because the preliminary
articles exclude him from the negotiation. This task
then, cannot be fulfilled but by the mediators themselves.
All that the King can do, and that he will do, with equal
pleasure and good faith, that is, exhort the Americans to make
peace and to  all the facilities to that end, which they
shall believe compatible with their essential interests. But
that the king may take this step with safety, with the hope
of success, and with a certainty of not rendering himself
suspected, by the Americans, it is necessary that he should
know beforehand the determinations of the mediators
concerning the observations which are here submitted to
their consideration, and that such determination be proper to assure the American Provinces, concerning their
political existence. The two high mediators and their ministers are too enlightened not to perceive, that without
these previous conditions the congress will send nobody
to Vienna; and that the king cannot make any attempts
to persuade them to send any one, without running the
risque of compromising himself. By means of which, as
has been already observed, the mediation would find itself
at a full stop, from its first attempt at motion. This reflection seems to merit the most serious attention, on the
part of the mediating courts.
As to the propositions of an armistice and of a disarmament, let it be observed, that even supposing that all parties were agreed upon these two points, there still will remain another which is not less important, and that is the
statu quo. Neither France nor Spain have cause to reject
it, as it concerns them personally; but it is not so with
the Americans. To be convinced of this, it is only necessary to cast an eye upon the points which the English
forces occupy, at present, upon the Continent of North
America. It will be necessary to have the consent of the
United States, and this consent cannot be demanded of
them but by the two mediating courts, for the reasons
which have already been explained.
It is scarcely necessary to remark that every idea of this
answer, and almost every expression in it, is taken from
my answer to the same article, and my letters of the 18th
and 19th of July, 1791, to the Comte De Vergennes.
Had his excellency condescended to give me the smallest
intimation of the king’s approbation or his own, of these
principles, he would have spared me many anxious hours
and months. The knowledge of such a conformity of
sentiment between the king of France and his ministers on
one part, and me on the other, would have made me very
happy. It may not be easy to explain the cause of this
midnight silence, which would not express approbation,
disapprobation or doubt. But I suppose the true reason
was, his excellency was at that moment negotiating with
Congress, through his ambassador, the Chevalier De La
Luzerne, and his Secretary of Legation, Mr. Marbois, to
get my commissions revoked, and a new one for peace instituted. He knew that if he shewed me the king’s intended answer, or any marks of approbation of my sentiment, though he had adopted them all, I should transmit
them to Congress, where they might give so much satisfaction as might embarrass his views. Many months afterwards, when he had carried his point, at least as far as
he ever expected to carry it, though not yet quite to his
satisfaction, he might permit the Marquis of Verac to
communicate to Mr. Dana, at Petersburgh, what he did
not choose to communicate to me at Paris. But I rather
think still that the Marquis of Verac committed an indiscretion in communicating this paper without the Comte’s
permission, a paper that was intended to be concealed
forever from America. This, however, is but conjecture.
My next letter will give the answer of the mediating
courts to the belligerent courts.

					John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from Elias Boudinot, 17 July 1809
From: Boudinot, Elias
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir—
Boston 17h. July 1809

Mrs: Bradford & myself arrived here on friday Evening last—among the principal Objects we had in View in this long Journey, the honor of waiting on Mrs. Adams & your self was one. As the distance is so considerable, and the disappointment would be great, should you be from home, will you be so kind as to drop one a line by the Post, to let us know if you will be at home, the begining of the next week—
Mrs. Bradford joins me in the most respectful Compliments to Mrs. Adams & yourself—
I have the honor to be with great Sincerity / Dr Sir / Your very Hble Servt

Elias Bondinot


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 18 July 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

					Sirs,
					Quincy, July 18, 1809.

				Project of an answer to the three Belligerent Courts.
Answer Mutatis Mutandis.THE courts of Versailles and of Madrid, having caused to be transmitted to the two Imperial Courts, their respective answers to the articles to serve as a basis to the negotiation which had been communicated to them, as the
court of London had communicated her answer to them
on the 15th of June last, they think they ought not to delay to communicate them reciprocally to the three courts respectively, as necessary for their mutual directions. And
 they have consequently charged their ambassadors and ministers to the said courts, to present copies of them to
 their ministries.Their Imperial Majesties have perceived, with great satisfaction, in that which his Most Christian Majesty has
transmitted to them, the assurance of the gratitude and
zeal with which he had received the said articles; but they could not but be so much the more afflicted (peinées) at the
exposition of the reasons which have appeared to his Majesty, to oppose themselves to their acceptation.It appears to them convenient, in the present state of   things, to refer to other times and other circumstances, the observations of which they are susceptible, and which it would probably be useless to disclose at this moment;  but that which is not (useless) neither for the present nor
 for the future, is that the belligerent powers may contemplate in a true point of view, the articles which have been
proposed to them, and consequently appreciate them at
 their just value.
The mediating powers ought not to allow themselves,
either any of those propositions which have wounded the dignity or the delicacy of one or the other of the parties;
nor any of those which might antecedently have drawn
after them, explicitly or implicitly, decisions which can
 only be the result of consent, obtained by the way of negociations.
They ought, consequently, to confine themselves, to seek and to find some means proper to place the belligerent powers in a situation to be able to assemble their respective plenipotentiaries at the place of the congress, there  to labor, under the mediation of the two Imperial Courts,
for the amicable arrangement of all the differences which are the causes of the present war; and to the end, that,
once assembled and furnished with instructions for all possible events, they may be there continually ready and authorised to seize one or another of those happy moments,
which circumstances sometimes present, and which frequently are lost forever, or at least for a long time, when men have not been vested with power to take advantage of them. They have not perceived in this plan any other inconvenience possible, than perhaps that of the progress of a negociation not altogether so rapid as it would no   doubt be desirable that it should be. The idea of a suspension of arms and the fixation of a statu quo, in itself
independent of the rest of the propositions, may be adopted or not adopted, at pleasure. And as it has consequently appeared to them, on weighing with the greatest
impartiality the possible advantages and the inconveniences
of the acceptation of their propositions, that nothing was more convenient to the respective interests of the belligerent parties, as well as to their general and particular circumstances; they persist in this opinion, and by this means, from the sincere interest which they take in the circumstances of all the belligerent parties, they cannot
but wish that they may still admit among themselves,
with the modifications which they wish to subjoin, the articles which have been proposed to them; which, as is very justly observed by his Most Christian Majesty, are not, in fact, preliminary articles, as by the nature of things they could not be, but are not, the less a measure which may cause to succeed, in some moment or other, not only
an arrangement of preliminaries, but perhaps even an accomplishment of peace, the most prompt possible return of which is for so many reasons so desirable.
The two Imperial Courts have thought it due to the
confidence with which his Most Christian Majesty has
yet explained himself in regard to them, in his answer, to
manifest that with which they expose to him in return,
the manner in which they consider the measure of their proposition of the articles, which they have caused to be
communicated to him; as well as the wishes which they
persist to entertain, provided the belligerent parties can
still adopt those which have been proposed to them, or
at least if that cannot be done, communicate to them some other idea proper to produce the same effects, or still happier effects, if that be possible.His Most Christian Majesty may be assured before hand,
that in this case, with all possible zeal, they will exert
themselves to make such use of it, as shall appear to them
may be the most useful and the most convenient; nothing
being more certain than the sincerity of those sentiments,
  with which they will take care to justify, on all occasions,
the confidence which has been reposed in them by the
high belligerent parties, by accepting their mediation.Answer of His Most Christian Majesty to the reply of the two Imperial Courts.January, 1782.The King has received, with equal sensibility and gratitude, the answer of the two mediating courts. His Majesty regards it as a new proof of their amity for him; of
the justice they render to his confidence in their impartiality, and in the genuine interest they take in the prompt
re-establishment of peace. The King has not wavered, nor will he vary in his desire
 to second views so salutary, and the two high mediators may be assured, that nothing will be wanting in any thing which concerns his majesty, to place them in a situation  to give a free course to their beneficent zeal.But the court of London deprives the king of all means
 and of all hope, in this respect, by her invariable resolution, to regard and to treat the Americans as her subjects.
Such a resolution renders useless every attempt that can be made to accomplish a peace. It destroys from the foundation, the plan of the two mediators, since it prejudges in the most peremptory manner, the question which makes the subject of the quarrel, and the direct or indirect decision of which ought to be the preliminary basis
of the future pacification.In this situation of things, the king judges that the conferences proposed by the two mediating courts, would be
at this moment without an object, and that the assembly
of the respective plenipotentiaries would only be a vain
phantom (simulaire) which would neither diminish nor
abridge the horrors of war, and which might compromise the dignity of their Imperial Majesties. The king is really afflicted to see that things have taken a turn so contrary to his wishes, and to the expectations
of their Imperial Majesties; and if it were in his power to change it, he would do it with a zeal which would
demonstrate to them the purity of his intentions.—But
 his Majesty thinks he ought to observe, that he has allies,
with whom he has inviolable engagements; that he would
betray them by abandoning the American cause; and
that he would abandon it if he should consent to negociate a separate peace, independently of the United States.
The high mediators have perceived the impossibility of this procedure, since they have themselves proposed to
cause to march with an equal step, the negotiations of the
king and that of the United States.But on the supposition that the king could make an
abstraction of the affairs of America; that he could prevail upon himself to transact his own personal interests alone and leave to the Americans the care of accomodating with their ancient metropolis, what would result from this conduct? It would result, that the peace would be illusory; that it would be a figment of imagination;’  in fact, if, as is most evident, the Americans would persist in their refusal to return under their obedience to the British crown, the war would continue between England and her ancient colonies; the king would be obliged in that case, as he is at present to assist them; the king of  Spain, on his part would be in the case, to assist his majesty, so that France and Spain would find themselves, after the signature of their particular treaties, in the same state in which they are at present.These considerations appear to the king to be of the
greatest weight, and his majesty does too much justice to the information and penetration of the two high mediators, not to be convinced beforehand, that they will perceive them in the same point of view and that they will
give their entire approbation to the reserved conduct which they compel him to pursue.The king ardently wishes to find himself in a situation
to change it; and it is in consequence of this sentiment
that he invites the high mediators to employ all their influence with the court of London to engage her to manifest dispositions proper to convince, that she is, finally resolved to give her hand in good faith to a prompt and
equitable peace.
The king believes he ought to inform the high mediators that his Ambassador at Vienna, is from this time authorized to hear all the overtures and all the expedients tending to this end, whether they come from the court of
London, or are proposed by their imperial majesties.
 And he is even authorised to connect the negotiation, if
they present to him sufficient foundations, for conducting
it surely to a happy conclusion, under the auspices of
their imperial majesties.It is certain that if the king of France had given me a
commission and full power to conduct the negotiation in
behalf of his majesty, I could not have composed any
thing more conformable to the sentiments I had expressed in my answer to the articles, and letter to the Comte De
Vergennes, than is expressed in these answers, and replies
of the Court of France to the two imperial courts. Nor
could I have expressed my own sentiments so much to my
own satisfaction. Yet all these papers were carefully concealed, not only from me but from Dr. Franklin, and
Mr. Jay. I know not that Dr. Franklin ever knew them,
or that Mr. Jay knows them to this hour. I knew nothing of them till after the peace was concluded. If I had
known them in season, I should have sent them to Dr.
Franklin and Mr. Jay, when the question arose whether
we should treat with Mr. Oswald before commissions were
exchanged, and they would undoubtedly have united Dr.
Franklin in opinion with me and Mr. Jay. But of this,
more hereafter.Finding no prospect of any illucidations from the Comte
De Vergennes, I returned to Holland, where I was persuaded that more might be done to accelerate peace, than in
France. Anxiety concerning the state of my affairs in
Holland, and zeal to be doing something to obtain a loan
and a treaty with that republic, excited me to presume
too much upon my strength, and I rode day and night.
The unwholesome damps of the night and the excessive
fatigue, threw me into a nervous bilious fever, which
brought me as near to death as any man ever approached
without being grasped in his arms. At least this was the
opinion of one of the ablest physicians in that country
Doctor Osterdyke, professor of medicine in the University
of Utrecht, and of all my friends who attended me.—This
fever shook my constitution to the centre, and left me in
the situation of Lord Chesterfield, who in one of his letters describes himself aster such a sickness in the same
country. I did not, however, cure myself by brine from
the salters, but by obstinate perseverance in walking. The maxim "Si velis Pacem, para bellum," which I
believe is as ancient as national politics or war, induced me to think that a loan of money and a political connection with Holland and the maritime confederacy of Europe, would accelerate peace more than mediations of any
other kind.—The principal hopes of England were founded on our want of pecuniary resources.

					John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Elias Boudinot, 20 July 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Boudinot, Elias

Dear Sir
Quincy July 20 1809

I received the favour of your kind Letter of the 17th but Yesterday: and having an opportunity by my Grand Son William Steuben Smith to answer it this morning sooner than I could by Post, I embrace with Pleasure the Conveyance by him, that I may give him the Priviledge of paying his Respects to Mr Bowdinot and Mrs Bradford
Mr And Mrs Adams will be very happy if Mr Bowdinot and Mrs Bradford will do them the favour to dine and Spend the day with them on Tuesday the 25th of this month
Our whole Fireside Salute Mr Bowdinot and Mrs Bradford and hope there is less necessity for a Fire in Boston, during this præter natural Storm than there is in Quincy.
With great Esteem and regard / I have the Honor to be, Sir your / most humble

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Elihu Phinney, 21 July 1809
From: Phinney, Elihu
To: Adams, John

Honored Sir,
Otsego July 21, 1809.

Elihu Phinney was ever an admirer of your Unshaken patriotism, your eminent talents, your Steadfast Integrity, and your universal knowledge. I felt the loss of your election in 1801, deeply; altho the latter part of your administration occasioned some unpleasant reflections, you have more than healed them, by your late letters—They have restored a fund of knowledge, the lack of which had formed a hiatus in my historical calendar; and, has removed every doubt of your patriotism
I pray you, sir, not to suspect any flattery from me, for I am sincere. At the close of your administration, I was a federalist. Since that time I have been accused of apostatizing, because, as I say, I would not become an antifederalist, but submitted like a true federalist, to the constituted authorities.
I have; hond. sir an ardent desire that you would condescend to write me a letter, containing your ideas respecting the views of the leaders of the Essex Junto, which has been lately toasted at a federal meeting—of the policy of laying the Embargo, and a general brief view of the last administration, and the late arrogant pretentions of Junto federalists, of producing the late honorable peace with G. Britain—A letter from a gentleman of character and eminence, in the political and literary world, would brighten the eyes of many true federal republicans, in Otsego, and I have reason to believe would be productive of much good.
The writer is the Editor of the “Otsego Herald.” One of the oldest papers in the Union 747 Numbers have been printed weekly, 14 & 1/3 years. He was left out of the commission of Judge &c. When your administration closed; because he was a federalist; he has been Treasurer of the county 13 years—is 54 years of age. Was one of the first to enlist, to go to the northward in 1775.—was next year at the surrender of New York, and assissted, after undescribable hardships, at the capture of the Hessians at Trenton, &c. &c. &c. was born in Lebanon Connecticut, 1755. This is not said for any other purpose than to convince you, sir, that a letter from you to me, would not degrade you. If you knew the high estimation in which I have ever held your character, you would be the more inclined to indulge me.
As a small specimen of my writing, I enclose you a few pages of a book I am publishing. The “Doc. in captivity,” is a piecce of low humor, which occasioned much mirth, at the time and place of its origin. But relaxation is pleasant, to the Hero, the STATESMAN, and the philosopher, and as a part thereof covered the death of Washington, and as my curiosity is ever damped when I see a part, only, of a thing, I concluded to send the last 4 pages—It is not worth the perusal, but I think “Washington Lives,” is. My  turn of mind is rather serious—occasionally facitious, fond of knowledge (where is it?) and true Wit, even in an enemy,—began “the world” $20 in debt, am now worth Thousands of dollars,  gained by my own industry and attention to business You, sir, have, now, a sketch of my character.
I have often felt a pride in hearing that you sir, was, once, a School master, for I began my little career as a country pedagogue. I have seen Washington Maddison, Clinton, &c. but have never, to my knowledge, seen JOHN ADAMS;—his name ever commanded respect, and his late letters have endeared him to me, and afforded great satisfaction, as I found that my federalism resembled his. As I grow old, I am fond of communicating with the aged. I think you are some years the start of me; but my health is not good, and I shall probably arrive in paradise, before you. Hell was not ordained for Elihu Phinney, nor the great and good John Adams.
Should you write, be so good as to say when your illustrious son did or will sail for Russia.
I am, sir, with great respect and cordiality, / your real friend.

E: Phinney.
   I would give many of them for an hour or two, spent alone with John Adams, but I am unable to travel much.


Title: To John Adams from William Cunningham, 24 July 1809
From: Cunningham, William
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir.
Fitchburg. July 24.th. 1809.

To my letter of the 30th. ult. I have not been favoured with an answer. I feel an uncertainty, from which I wish to be relieved, whether that letter got to your hands.
When I gave you the name of my informer, that your Family were in opposition to your making public any elucidations, I thought it incumbent on me to apprise him of it; accordingly, in a day or two after the date of my last. I made Mr. Cushing a visit, and gave him the amount of the information I had communicated to you. He would lament being the occasion of the least interruption of harmony but you and Mr. Whitney; but in a moral view of the subject, he acquiesced in my having given you the information. He adhered, without alteration, to his first relation, but it was not from Mr. Whitney of Quincy, but from his Father of Northborough, that Mr. Cushing had his intelligence. At the first communication, he spoke of Mr. Whitney, without designation of residence, and as no other occurred to me than your minister, I may be pardoned for the mistaken application. Mr. Cushing is a gentleman of unquestionable veracity, and if merit was the sole guide to literary distinction, he would, before now, have been doctorated—but our Universities, like our Cabinets, resemble too much the gazers at a sight, who can see nothing but what the varee-show-man holds up to view.
Permit me to congratulate you on the appointment of Mr. Adams as our Representative to Russia. There are but a few men whose virtues are of that solid and shining kind, that they cast back, inoperative on their own firmness, the glare of a corrupt and brilliant Court. Mr. Adams has proved his virtues to be of this order:—“It was,” says Necker, “because Telemachus was accompanied by a Divinity, that he could, without danger, visit the sumptuous Courts of Sesostris, and the enchanting abodes of Eucharis and Calypso.” Allow me, Sir, to pass through you my respects to your Son, and the expression of my wishes for his safety and good fortune. I could express another wish—but it were vain.
What is this new freak of England? Can it be that we are only acting a farce of “Who’s the Dupe?” If so, we can stop the play, and exhibit, “Venice preserved, or the Plot Discovered.” Can she think, that if we refuse to march directly to a point, she can bring us to it by carrying us, nolens-volens, “through Pimlico into Holborn, and through Pall-mall into Finsbury Square?” Can she think that, after the manner of a certain Persian Monarch, she can crop off our noses, and that we will remain content because our heads are spared? We must consider our Country as our Parent, and in any difficulty, we must be emulous towards it of the conduct of the son of Anchises towards his Father. Or, like Manlius, we will give to its accuser the option of death, or its exemption from dishonour. Mr. Erskine’s Letters, though a more full, may prove a less faithful sign of friendship, than Cressida’s glove given to To Tro Troilus, on her departure from Troy for the Grecian camp—”Ubi jus incertum, ibi jus nullum.”
I beg leave to correct a lapsus penna in the last page of my last letter, where I used a pronoun in the feminine gender for that sea-beaten, and long-bearded god Neptune. In whatever gender we speak of any of the figures of the Pantheon, they are all toys.
With veneration and esteem, / I am, Dear Sir, / Your most obliged Friend

Wm. Cunningham J


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 27 July 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

					Sirs,
					Quincy, July 27, 1809.

HAVING laid together the negociations with the
Comte De Vergennes, relative to that sublime machine for
demolishing our independence, the mediation of the two
Imperial Courts and the congress at Vienna, I shall now
go back to my first arrival in Holland. Mr. Laurens had been long appointed agent to borrow money, and I expected to meet him in Holland, and consult with him on every thing connected with American affairs; but I was
disappointed. On the 14th of August I wrote to the
President of Congress.Amsterdam, August I4, 1780.Sir,On the 27th of July, I sat out from Paris on a journey
to Amsterdam.  I left Mr. Dana and Mr. Thaxter at Paris, who will regularly transmit to Congress, whatever
shall occur of importance to the United States to know.
They will also enclose all the English, French and Dutch
Gazettes.They are exerting themselves in this republic to man
their ships of war, in which, as they give very great premiums for seamen, as far as sixty ducats a man, they have
great success.The Russian men of war are arrived and anchored in
sight of the Texel, and several of the officers have been ashore in this city. The plenipotentiaries are gone to Petersburg. Sweden and Denmark have adopted the declaration of Russia. It is whispered that the Dutch ministers to the congress at Petersburg are shackled with instructions, to insist on a warranty of their possessions in
the East and West-Indies, previous to their acceding to
the confederation of the maritime powers; but this instruction produced a protest of the city of Amsterdam,
with such reasons against it, that it is tho’t the opposite
party will not venture to take upon themselves the consequences of a refusal to join in the confederation—so that  it is expected the treaty will take place!It is universally considered as a great misfortune to us,
by all with whom I converse here, that Mr. Laurens is not
arrived. Some prudent person, authorised by Congress,
is earnestly desired here. He would not be publicly received, at least until the States shall take a decided part
with the other maritime powers against England—This case, however, may soon happen.—But there is not in Europe a better station, to collect intelligence from France, Spain, England, Germany and all the northern parts;
nor a better situation from whence to circulate intelligence, through all parts of Europe, than this. And it may be depended on, that our cause has never suffered
from any thing more than from the failure of giving and
receiving intelligence. A minister here from Congress would be considered as the centre of communication between America and this and many other parts of Europe.
And I have, since my arrival here, been more convinced
than ever, that Congress might open a considerable loan here, and be supplied from hence with stores and with
cloathing, and at the same time be gradually extending
the commerce between this country and America, to the
great advantage of both.I have had a great deal of conversation upon the subject of a loan, and shall have more. I am sure that a loan
 might be obtained by any one, with powers from Congress. But there are no powers as yet arrived in Europe, that will ever succeed here.We are still in daily hope and expectation, that Mr.
Laurens will arrive; but should he decline to come, or
in case any accident has befallen him, I most earnestly
recommend to Congress, the appointment of some other
gentleman, with a proper commission, with full powers,
and especially to borrow money, and to sign proper promissory notes for the payment of it.The remainder of this letter was filled with the declaration of the king of Sweden, of the 30th of July, and that
of the king of Denmark of the 8th of July, in favor of
the maritime confederation in support of neutral rights.And let me here observe, that I translated from the
French, and regularly transmitted to Congress, every public document relative to the armed neutrality. These
papers are all before me, but to publish them would extend these letters to an immeasurable length. I shall
therefore omit them for the present. I suspect, however,
that a more complete collection of these state papers than
any hitherto published, would be useful. That which
has been published in England, under the title of  "A
Collection of Public Acts and Papers relating to the principles of Armed Neutrality, brought forward in the years
1780 and 1781," is not only a party pamphlet, but the
documents are incomplete. The Italian collections may
be more perfect. One is thought to be partial on the
other side.—Another is said to be more complete and
more impartial.On the 17th of August, 1780, I wrote to Mr. Dana, “Manley’s letter I wish you would answer and shew to
Dr. Franklin.—How much money does he want? I
would run a risque to let him and Cunningham have
some, if the Doctor declines."I expect soon to get into a way of receiving the papers,
but the winds have been so long contrary, that nothing
has come from London, except some stockjobbers expresses. Here is a great body of Jews, who are very busy
in the English stocks. If America would establish funds
and a stockjobbing system, she would soon make a figure among the Israelites. But this kind of bubbles I hope they will avoid. There are many respectable people
here, who profess a regard to America; but I hear many
curious doctrines.On the same day I wrote to Dr. Franklin, "I never
was more amused with political speculations than since my
arrival in this country. Every one has his prophecy.
One says, America will quit France, and give her the
go-by. Another, that France and Spain will abandon
America. A third, that Spain will forsake France and
America. A fourth, that America has the interest of all
Europe against her. A fifth, that she will become the
greatest manufacturing country, and thus ruin Europe.
A sixth, that she will become a great military and naval
power, and will be very ambitious, and terrible to Europe.”I answer the first, that if France would release America
from her treaty, and England would agree to our independence, on condition we would make an alliance offensive and defensive with her, America ought not and
would not accept it; because she will in future have no
security for peace, even with England, but in her treaty
with France.I ask the second, whether they think the connection of
America of so little consequence to France and Spain, that
they would lightly give it up?Of the third, I enquire whether the family compact
added to the connection with America is a trifling consideration to Spain?To the fourth, my reply is, that their paradox is like
several others in modern times, viz. that Bacchus and
Ceres did mischief to mankind when they invented wine
and bread; that arts, sciences and civilization have been
general calamities to the human race, &c. That upon
their supposition, all Europe ought to agree to bring away
the inhabitants of America and divide them among the
nations, to be maintained as paupers, leaving that quarter
of the globe, to grow up again with trees and bushes, and
become again the habitation of bears and Indians, forbidding all navigation to it, in future, forever. That mankind in general, however, are probably of a different
opinion, believing that Columbus, as well as Bacchus and
Ceres, did a service to mankind: and that Europe and
America will be rich blessings to each other, the one supplying a surplus of manufactures, and the other a surplus
of raw materials, the productions of agriculture.To the fifth I say, that America will not make manufactures enough for her own consumption.And to the sixth, that we love peace and hate war, so
much that we can scarcely keep up an army necessary to
defend ourselves against the greatest of evils, and to secure our independence which is the greatest of blessings:
and therefore, while we have land enough to conquer
from the trees and wild beasts we shall never go abroad
to trouble other nations.It is very plain however, that speculation and disputation can do us little service. No facts are believed but
decisive military conquests: no arguments are seriously
attended to in Europe, but force. It is to be hoped our
countrymen instead of amusing themselves any longer
with delusive dreams of peace, will bend the whole force of
their minds to augment their navy, to find out their own
strength and resources, and to depend upon themselves.On the same day, 17th August, 1780, I wrote to a
gentleman in London, with whom I had a correspondence
under feigned names, and who sent me regularly pamphlets and newspapers: with whom however I was not
sufficiently acquainted ever to write without reserve."Pray what do the politicians on your side the water
think of the plan of Russia, Sweden, and Denmark?
Do they believe that the Dutch will accede to it? These
have contended an hundred years for the principle of free
ships, free goods: Is it thought they will refuse it now?
Do you find much comfort in the news from America?
Are the people there ripe to declare for England? Is the
capture of Charleston the conquest of the States? Is the
American mind wholly subdued? Have they lost sight
of the pleasures of self government? Do they begin to
despise a free trade? To think the ministry just, honest wise & good? The parliament uncorrupt? The nation
virtuous? The national debt a blessing? The French alliance a calamity? Is my Lord North prepared with his
ways and means for next winter? How many millions
are proposed to be borrowed next? What interest is to
be given? Are the Israelites all ready? How is Gibraltar
to be supplied? How are the Grenadas and Floridas to
be regained? Do the politicians see their way clear
through the labyrinth? Is the American commerce quite
annihilated with France, Spain, Holland, Denmark, Sweden and the West Indies? How fare the fisheries this year? which gets the most,  the English or the Americans?
Does the nation still adore the administration for their
wisdom, their sublime plans and their wonderful success?August 22, 1780, I wrote again to congress and inclosed a translation of his Most Christian Majesty’s declaration in answer to the declaration of Sweden, in conformity to that of Russia. It is dated Versailles 4th of August, 1780.And the explanation which the Court of Sweden demanded relative to the proposal which the court of Russia
had made for the reciprocal protection and navigation of
their subjects.And the answer of the court of Russia, both of which
were published in London on the 15th of August.22d of August wrote to Mr. Luzac. “At a time when
the British emissaries are filling all Europe with their confident assertions of the distress of the Americans, the enclosed papers shew that both at Philadelphia and at Boston,
the people are so much at their ease, as to be busily employed in pursuits of the arts of peace; and in laying
foundations for future improvements in science and literature. If you think it worth while to publish these proceedings they are at your service. I have also received
the new constitution of Massachusetts. If you think it of
any use to translate it and publish it, it is at your command. Mr. Luzac accordingly translated and published
in the Leyden Gazette, the law of Massachusetts: establishing the academy of arts and sciences: The proceedings of the Philosophical Society at Philadelphia: with a sensible and elegant introduction.”August 23, 1780, wrote to Congress from Amsterdam.
“The errand of Mr. Cumberland to Madrid, is a mere
finesse of the British ministry intended to favor the canvasses for elections, keep up the stocks, aid the stockjobbers and the loan, and lull the belligerent powers, while
they prepare their measures for future enterprizes and another campaign. They have carried this plot so far, that
I see some paragraphs in the foreign papers, which seem intended to counteract it.The truth is according to my information, orders are
already sent out, by the British cabinet, to prosecute the
war with vigor in North Carolina and Virginia, the ensuing fall, winter and spring. Gen. Provost is about to sail
with some frigates to aid their operations on Cape Fear
River. It is said at the same time, that they are sounding
the house of Bourbon, through Sardinia, and have made
some loose propositions of accommodation, the ground
work of which is the sacrifice of America. And there is
no doubt they would yield to France and Spain, very
great things to carry their point against the United States,
who may depend upon the utmost exertion of their malice and revenge. But all this will not succeed. France
and Spain are now responsible for their conduct to the
rest of Europe, especially the Northern powers; and besides this, the separation between America and England
is an object of more pressing importance to France and
Spain, than any concessions that England can make them—so that America need not be under any apprehensions
of being deserted. If, however, she were to be deserted
by all the world, she ought seriously to maintain her resolution to be free. She has the means within herself. Her
greatest misfortune has been that she has never yet felt
her full strength, nor considered the extent of her resources.I cannot but lament, however, that there is no representative of Congress in this republic, vested with powers
to borrow money. This would be a double advantage. We should avail ourselves of a loan, and at the same
time lessen the loan of England. A loan once begun
here would rapidly increase, so as to deprive the English
of this resource. This is the method in which commerce
may be extended between the two republics, and the political sentiments and system of Holland changed. I fancy that several very solid houses here might be persuaded
to become security for the payment of interest. And that
contract might be made with them to send them remittances in produce, either to Europe, St. Eustatia, or St.
Thomas’s, &c. to enable them to discharge the interest.
Might not merchants be found in Philadelphia, Boston
and many other places, who would enter into contracts
with the public, to remit such a sum as should be agreed
on, in the produce of the country, to such houses here?
This method, if Congress should think it expedient to fall
in the way of sending fleets of merchantmen under convoy,
would easily succeed. The safe arrival of the Fier Roderigue, with so large a number of vessels under her care,
gives great encouragement to this plan."August 23, wrote to Mr. William Lee, at Brussells.
“There are opportunities enough by which I shall put
America on her guard against the plan you mention. The
plan of dividing which, which they have constantly pursued these fifteen years, has succeeded most admirably.
It has succeeded so far as to divide all mankind decisively
from them, excepting Holland and Portugal, and these
keep aloof, because they dare not come near. These are
unable to do more than they do at present. One lends
money, the other affords a harbor in Lisbon. But it
is our negligence, that we do not take away the money
from the former. Have you heard that Denmark has
made St. Thomas’s a free port?”I shall continue to send you extracts of letters, by which
the rise, progress and conclusion of our connection with
Holland may be in some degree understood; a connection
that accelerated the peace, more than the capture of
Cornwallis and his army.

					John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 30 July 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

					Sirs,
					Quincy, July 30, 1809.

				Though I thought I was negociating for peace, to better purpose in Holland than I could in France, yet as I could not be responsible for that, I was obliged to depart. The adventure of a journey, which, in the hands of Sterne, would make a sentimental romance, are of no importance here.On the 7th day of July, 1781, I wrote the following note to the Comte de Vergennes.Versailles, July 7, 1781, Hotel de Jouy.Sir,I have the honor to inform your excellency, that upon an intimation from you, signified to me by Mr. Berenger (secretary of legation) and afterwards by the Duke de la Vauguion, that the interests of the United States required me here, I arrived last night in Paris, and am come to-day to Versailles to pay my respects to your excellency, and receive your farther communications. As your excellency was in council when I had the honor to call at your office, and as it is very possible that some other day may be more agreeable, I have the honor to request you to appoint the time which will be most convenient for me to wait on you.I have the honor to be, with great respect, sir, your most obedient and most humble servant,John Adams.His Excellency the Comte De Vergennes.The foregoing letter I sent by my servant, who waited until the Comte descended from council, when he delivered it into his hand. He broke the seal, read the letter, and said, "he was very sorry he could not see Mr. Adams, but he was obliged to go into the country immediately after dinner, but that Mr. Adams seroit dans le Cas de voir Mr. De Raineval (i.e. Mr. Adams might see Mr. De Raineval) who lived at such a sign in such a street.After dinner, I called on Mr. De Raineval, who said, Monsieur de la Vauguion has informed you that there is a question of a pacification, under the mediation of the Emperor of Germany and the Empress of Russia, and that it was necessary that I should have some consultations, at leisure, with the Comte De Vergennes, that we might understand each other’s views—That he would see the Comte, to-morrow morning, and write me when he would meet me—That they had not changed their principles, nor their system—That the treaties were the foundation of all negociation.I said that I lodged at the Hotel De Valois, (Rue de Richlieu) where I did formerly; that I should be ready to wait on the Comte when it would be agreeable to him, and to confer with him upon every thing relative to any propositions which the English might have made. He said, ‘the English had not made any proposition; but it was necessary to consider certain points, and make certain preparatory arrangements, to know whether we were British subjects, or in what light we were to be considered,’ smiling. I said, I was not a British subject; that I had renounced that character many years ago, forever; and that I should rather be a fugitive in China or Malabar, than ever re-assume that character.On the 9th of July was brought to me, by one of the Comte de Vergennes’s ordinary commissaries, a billet, of which the following is a translation.Versailles, 9th July, 1781.I have the honor to inform you, sir, that M. the Count de Vergennes would desire to receive you, and that you will give him a pleasure if you will be so good as to come here on Wednesday next, at nine o’clock in the morning.Expecting the honor of seeing you, I have that of being, with a sincere attachment, sir, your most humble and most obedient servant,GERARD DE RAYNEVAL.Mr. Adams.My answer was returned by the same commissary.Paris, 9th July, 1781.Sir,I have this moment the honor of your billet, of this day’s date, and will do myself the honor to wait on his excellency the Comte De Vergennes, at his office, on Wednesday next, at nine of the clock in the morning, according to his desire. I have the honor to be, with much esteem, sir, your humble and obedient servant,John Adams.Mr. Rayneval.Accordingly, on Wednesday I went to Versailles, and met the Count at his office, with Mr. Rayneval, at nine o’clock. They communicated to me the following articles, proposed by the two Imperial Courts—That Spain had prepared her answer: that of France was near ready: did not know that England had yet answered.Articles to serve as a foundation of the Negociation for the re-establishment of Peace.Article I. There shall be a treaty between Great Britain and the American Colonies, concerning the re-establishment of peace in America; but without the intervention of any of the other belligerent parties, nor even that of the two Imperial Courts, at least unless their mediation should be formally demanded, and granted, upon this object.Art. II. This particular peace shall not, however, be signed, but conjointly and at the same time with that of the powers, whose interests shall have been treated by the mediating courts. The two peaces, by this means, although they may be treated separately, not being to be concluded, the one without the other, they shall take care constantly to inform the mediators, of the progress and the state of that which regards Great Britain and the colonies, to the end that the mediation may be in a situation to be able to regulate itself, in the prosecution of that which is confided to it, according to the state of the negociation relative to the Colonies; and the one and the other of the two pacifications which shall have been concluded, at the same time, although separately, shall be solemnly warranted by the mediating courts, and every other neutral power whose warranty the belligerent parties may judge proper to demand.Art. III. For rendering the pacific negociations independent of the events, always uncertain, of war, which might stop or at least interrupt the progress of them, there shall be a general armistice between all the parties, during the term of one year, to be computed from the —— day of the month of —— of the present year, or of —— years, to be computed from the —— of the month of —— of the year 1782, if it should happen that the general peace should not be established in the course of the first term. And during the continuance of one or the other of these two terms, all things shall remain in the state in which they shall be found to have been, on the day of the signature of the present preliminary articles.These articles were given me in French, and they graciously condescended to let me see the original communication from the two Imperial Courts as far and no farther than these three articles extended. All the rest was carefully covered up with a book. I desired to see and have a copy of the whole; but no, that could not be permitted.I returned to Paris, where I was alone. Congress had taken from me my bosom friend, my fellow traveller and fellow sufferer, in whose society I always found satisfaction, and in whose enlightened counsels, ample assistance and confidence, Mr. Dana, and sent him on a mission to Russia. My private secretary, Mr. Thaxter, I was obliged to leave in charge of my family and affairs in Holland. I had therefore every thing to write, translate and copy with my own hand. Having an opportunity to send a letter to Congress, I enclosed the foregoing articles in this letter.Paris, July 11, 1781.Sir,I have only time, by Major Jackson, to inform Congress, that upon information from the Comte De Vergennes, that questions concerning peace, under the mediation of the two Imperial Courts, were in agitation, that required my presence here, I undertook the journey, and arrived last Friday night, the sixth of the month, and have twice waited on the Comte De Vergennes, at Versailles, who this day communicated to me the enclosed propositions.These propositions are made to all the belligerent powers by the courts of Petersburg and Vienna, in consequence of some wild propositions made to them by the court of London, that they would undertake the office of mediators, upon condition, that the league, as they call it, between France and their rebel subjects in America, should be dissolved, and these left to make their terms with Great Britain, after having returned to their allegiance and obedience.France and Spain have prepared their answers to these propositions of the Empress and Emperor, and I am desired to give my answer to the articles enclosed. It is not in my power, at this time, to enclose to Congress my answer, because I have not made it, nor written it; but Congress must see that nothing can come of the manœuvre, at least for a long time. Thus much I may say, that I have no objection to the proposition of treating with the English separately, in the manner proposed, upon a peace with them, and a treaty of commerce, consistent with our engagements with France and Spain—but that the armistice never can be agreed to by me. The objections against it are as numerous as they are momentous and decisive. I may say farther, that as there is no judge upon earth of a sovereign power but the nation that composes it, I can never agree to the mediation of any powers however respectable, until they have acknowledged our sovereignty so far at least, as to admit a Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States as the representative of a free and independent power. After this we might discuss questions of peace or truce with Great Britain, without her acknowledging our sovereignty, but not before.I fancy, however, that Congress will be applied to, for their sentiments, and I shall be ever ready and happy to obey their instructions, because I have a full confidence that nothing will be decided by them but what will be consistent with their character and dignity.Peace will only be retarded by relaxations and concessions, whereas firmness, patience and perseverance will insure us a good and lasting one in the end.The English are obliged to keep up the talk of peace, to lull their enemies and sustain their credit. But I hope the people of American will not be deceived. Nothing will obtain them real peace but skillful and successful war. I have the honor to be, &c.John Adams.President of Congress.In some future letters I shall give you my answers to the French minister and the propositions of the Imperial courts.

					John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to William Cunningham, 31 July 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Cunningham, William

Dear Sir,
Quincy, July 31, 1809.

I received in season your favour of the 30th June as well as that of July 24th, and thank you for both.
The first is full of the candour and frankness of true friendship, and deserves my mature consideration. I have not been able to answer it, for I have been very busy, and my son’s destination and preparations for departure, have claimed all my attention. It is an heartrending stroke to me. I may see him no more. I hope his absence will not be long. Aristides is banished because he is too just. He will not leave an honester or abler man behind him.
I am in a fair way to give my criticks and enemies food enough to glut their appetites. They spit their venom and hiss like serpents. But no facts are denied, no arguments confuted. I take no notice of their billingsgate. Let it boil and broil. I have had their secret hatred for ten years, for twenty years, for all my life indeed. And I had rather have their open hostility than their secret. I never hoped for mercy from British Bears and Tory Tigers. Their system would lead this country to misery and I will not follow it.
Yours sincerely,
John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 31 July 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

					Sirs,
					Quincy, July 31, 1809.

				On the 24th of August, 1780, transmitted to Congress,
by another conveyance, duplicates of the declarations of
Sweden, Denmark, &c. relative to the maritime confederation.September 4th, wrote to Congress, news that the outward bound West-India fleet of 52 sail, and five East-Indiamen, on the 9th of August, fell in with the combined
French and Spanish fleets, about sixty leagues from Cape
St. Vincents, and were most of them taken, the frigates
and four East-Indiamen alone having escaped. This is
the account: we may possibly hear of some deductions.
But the account in general is authentic, and of very great
importance, as the value of the property taken is large,
the number of soldiers and seamen considerable, and the
disappointment to the fleets and armies of our enemies in
the East and West Indies and in North America, difficult
to be repaired. This news has been from the 22d of
August to the 3d of September, in travelling from London to Amsterdam, where it makes a very great sensation
indeed. We had at the same time news of the capture
of most of the Quebec fleet by an American frigate and
two brigantines.September 1, 1780, wrote from Amsterdam to Mr.
Luzac. I have received a copy of the constitution of
Massachusetts, of which I beg your acceptance. It has
not yet been published in Europe, as it now appears accepted by the convention, although the report of the committee was printed in the Courier de L’Europe, some
months ago, and in the Remembrancer, as well as the
newspapers in London. I find many gentlemen here are
inquisitive concerning the American forms of government; so that, if you could find room to print it, by
small portions at a time, in your paper, you would not
only gratify the curiosity of many of your readers, bur
perhaps do a public service to a cause which is honored
with your approbation.To tell you the truth, as I had some share in the formation of this constitution, I am ambitious of seeing it
translated by the editor of the Leyden Gazette, which,
without a compliment, I esteem the best in Europe, both
in point of style and method.Mr. Luzac accordingly translated arid published it.September 2, wrote to Mr. William Lee, at Brussells.
“A packet has arrived at Bilboa from America, with
news of the arrival of De Terney, at Rhode-Island. A
vessel has arrived here yesterday from Philadelphia, and
another from Virginia. The enemy have retreated from
New-Jersey to New-York, driven back by the militia.
The people are in high spirits; trade very brisk; and
privateering successful. I am so much of your opinion,
that I wish Congress had a minister plenipotentiary at the
Hague, Petersburg, Stockholm, and Copenhagen.”September 4th, wrote to my correspondent in London, “I have only time to acknowledge the receipt of yours of
the 25th and 29th ult. which were very acceptable, and
to enclose two newspapers and the act of Massachusetts
establishing an academy of arts and sciences.”September 5th, wrote to Mr. Dana, at Paris, “The
news of the capture off St. Vincents is confirmed in abundance from London, and we have news at the same time
of an American frigate and two privateer brigs taking most
of the Quebec fleet. You will see General Washington’s
and General Green’s accounts of Kniphausen’s defeat
and retreat from the Jersies. There are associations for
forming banks at Philadelphia and another at Boston.
The Massachusetts constitution is accepted by more than
two thirds of the people, and is to take place the first of
October.”Same day, wrote to Mr. Dumas, at the Hague, “the
capture of the British fleet is of great importance in itself,
on account of the property, the men, and the disappointment to the enemy—But when we consider it as a precedent, it is more interesting still. This is the only wife
method of warring with Great Britain. When France
and Spain shall adopt the policy of convoying their own commerce, and cruising for that of the enemy, this war
will soon be brought to a conclusion. Such a capital
success in one of their first essays will be likely to convince
the two courts, as well as their marine officers, of the
utility of such measures, and induce them to pursue them,
which I wish with all my heart.I saw with pleasure the revival of the American Philosophical Society at Philadelphia, and the establishment of
an academy of arts and sciences at Boston. In a new
country and a young society, such institutions are perhaps
more useful and necessary, than in older nations. But in order to render them more useful to the world, would it
not be proper to promote some connection and correspondence between them and the academies of Europe?
Would it be unworthy of any scientific or literary company
to send these infant societies copies of their printed memoirs and transactions? Science and literature are of no
party nor nation. They belong to the great commonwealth of mankind. I hope that one of the first objects
of the new societies in America, will be the formation of
botanical gardens, and collections of the birds, beasts and
fishes, as well as trees and plants, which are peculiar to
that country, in order to a natural history of it. An
ample field this.Is it not wonderful, that it does not occur to the friends
of England in the United provinces, that the best means
they can use to shew their friendship to her, is to convince
her of her error. She is rushing like a madman down a
precipice. Is it humanity or friendship to spur her on?It is amazing that avarice itself does not stimulate the
misers who lend her money, to stop their hands. The
only chance English credit has for salvation is to stop
short, acknowledge American independence—make peace,
and secure as great a share as they can of American commerce, before it becomes established in other channels.Can it be friendship to England to fill the universe with
she most abominable lies, in order to keep up a false idea
of her power and the weakness of America?”September 5th, wrote to Mr. Luzac. “Inclosed is an
abridgment of a pamphlet published in London, last winter. I beg your attentive perusal of it, and your candid
opinion whether it would be of service to our cause, which
is the cause of mankind, and especially of Europe, to
publish it.”This was Governor Pownal’s memorial to the sovereigns of Europe, which I had procured to be translated, by a masterly hand, into very good French. Mr. Luzac
published it, and it was much read and admired. It was
thought to be highly favorable to the American cause.Though the idle sport of imagination in my next letter
was as little to my purpose then, as it is now, yet whimsical as it is, I will not suppress it.September 5, 1780, wrote to congress. "As eloquence is cultivated with more care in free republics than
in other governments, it has been found by constant experience, that such republics have produced the greatest
purity, copiousness and perfection of language. It is not
to be disputed, that the form of government has an influence upon language, and language in its turn influences
not only the form of government, but the temper, the
sentiments and the manners of the people. The admirable models which have been transmitted through the world
and continued down to these days, so as to form an essential part of the education of mankind, from generation
to generation, by those two ancient towns, Athens and
Rome, would be sufficient, without any other argument,
to shew the United States the importance to their liberty,
prosperity and glory, of an early attention to the subject
of eloquence and language.Most of the nations of Europe have thought it necessary
so establish, by public authority, institutions for fixing and
improving their proper languages. I need not mention
the academies in France, Spain and Italy, their learned
labors nor their great success. But it is very remarkable,
that, although many learned and ingenious men in England have from age to age, projected similar institutions
for correcting and improving the English tongue, yet the government have never found time to interpose in any
manner—so that, to this day, there is no grammar nor
dictionary extant, of the English language, which has the
least public authority, and it is only very lately, that a tolerable dictionary has been published even by a private
person, and there is not yet a passable grammar enterprized by any individual.The honor of forming the first public institution for
refining, correcting, ascertaining and improving the English language, I hope, is reserved for Congress. They have
every motive that can possibly influence a public assembly
to undertake it.It will have a happy effect upon the union of the States,
to have a public standard to which all persons in all parts
of the continent may appeal, both for signification and
pronunciation of all their words in the most predominant
language.The constitutions of all the States in the Union are so
democratical, that eloquence will become an instrument
for recommending men to their fellow-citizens, and a
principal mean of advancement, through the various gradations and offices of society.In the last century, Latin was the universal language of
Europe. Correspondence among the learned, and indeed
between merchants and men of business, and conversation
of strangers and travellers, was generally held in that
dead language. In the present century, Latin has been
too generally laid aside, and French has been substituted
in its place; but has not yet become universally established, and according to present appearances, it is not probable that it will be. English is destined to be in the next
or succeeding century, more generally the language of the
world, than Latin was in the last, or French is, in the
present age. The reason of this is obvious; because the
increasing population in America, and their universal
connection and correspondence with all nations, will, aided by the influence of England in the world, whether that
be greater or smaller, force their language into general use, in spite of all the obstacles that may be thrown in
the way, if any such there should be.It is not necessary to enlarge farther, to shew the motives which the people of America have to turn their
thoughts early to this subject: they will naturally occur
to Congress in a much greater detail than I have time to
intimate.I would therefore submit to the consideration of Congress the expediency and policy of instituting by their authority, a society, under the name of the American Academy, for ascertaining, improving and refining the English language.The authority of Congress is necessary to give such a
society reputation, influence and authority, through all
the states and with other nations. The number of members of which it shall consist; the manner of appointing
them; whether each state shall have a certain number of
members, and the power of appointing them; or whether
Congress shall appoint them; whether after the first appointment the society itself shall fill up vacancies; these
and other questions will easily be determined by Congress.It will be necessary that the society should have a library, consisting of a complete collection of all writings concerning languages, ancient and modern; they must have
some officers, and some expenses, which will require some
funds as indispensable. Upon a recommendation of Congress, there is no doubt the legislature of every state in
the confederation would readily pass laws making such a
society a body politic; entitle it to sue and be sued, and
to hold an estate real or personal, of a limited value in
that state.I have the honor to submit these hints to the consideration of Congress, and to hope that nothing in them will
give offence to them or their allies.I ask leave to subjoin a few facts in explanation of this
letter, and of a paragraph in my letter to Mr. Dumas, of
the 5th of September, 1780, relative to natural history and botanical gardens.In travelling from Boston to Philadelphia, in 1774, 5,
6, and 7, I had several times amused myself at Norwalk,
in Connecticut, with the very curious collection of birds
and insects of American production made by Mr. Arnold—a collection which he afterwards fold to Governor
Tryon, who sold it to Sir Ashton Leder, in whose
apartments in London I afterwards viewed it again—This collection was so singular a thing, that it made a deep
impression upon me, and I could not but consider it a
reproach to my country, that so little was known even to
herself of her natural history.When I was in Europe, in the years 1778 and 1779,
in the commission to the king of France, with Dr. Franklin and Mr. Arthur Lee, I had opportunities to see the
king’s collections and many others, which increased my
wishes that nature might be examined and studied in my
own country as it was in others.In France, among the academicians and other men of
science and letters, I was frequently entertained with enquiries concerning the Philosophical Society of Philadelphia, and with eulogiums on the wisdom of that institution, and encomiums on some publications in their transactions. These conversations suggested to me the idea of
such an establishment at Boston, where I knew there was
as much love of science and as many gentlemen who were
capable of pursuing it, as in any other city of its size.In 1779, I returned to Boston in the French frigate
Le Sensible, with the Chevalier de La Luzerne and Mr.
Marbois. The corporation of Harvard College gave a
public dinner, in honor of the French ambassador and his
suite, and did me the honor of an invitation to dine with
them. At table, in the Philosophy Chamber, I chanced
to sit next to Dr. Cooper. I entertained him during the
whole of the time we were together, with an account of
Arnold’s collections, the collections I had seen in Europe,
the compliment I had heard in France upon the Philosophical Society at Philadelphia, and concluded with proposing that the future legislature of Massachusetts should institute an academy of arts and sciences.The Doctor at first hesitated—thought it would be difficult to find members who would attend to it; but his
principal objection was, that it would injure Harvard College by sitting up a rival to it, that might draw the attention and affections of the public in some degree from
it. To this I answered, first, that there were certainly
men of learning enough that might compose a society
sufficiently numerous; and secondly, that instead of being a rival to the University, it would be an honor and
advantage to it. That the president and principal professors would no doubt be always members of it, and the
meetings might be ordered, wholly or in part, at the College, and in that room. The Doctor at length appeared
better satisfied, and I entreated him to propagate the idea
and the plan, as far and as soon as his discretion would
justify—The Doctor accordingly did diffuse the project
so judiciously and effectually, that the first legislature under the new constitution adopted and established it by
law.Afterwards when attending the convention for forming
the constitution, I mentioned the subject to several of the
members, and when I was appointed by the sub-committee
to make a draught of a project of a constitution to be laid
before the convention, my mind and heart was so full of
this subject that I inserted the chapter fifth, section second,“The encouragement of Literature.“Wisdom and knowledge, as well as virtue, diffused
generally among the body of the people, being necessary
for the preservation of their rights and liberties: and as
these depend on spreading the opportunities and advantages of education, in the various parts of the country,
and among the different orders of the people, it shall be
the duty of the Legislatures and Magistrates, in all future
periods of this Commonwealth, to cherish the interests of
literature, and the sciences, and all seminaries of them;
especially the University at Cambridge, public schools
and grammar schools in the towns; to encourage private
societies and public institutions by rewards and immunities, for the promotion of agriculture, arts, sciences, commerce, trades, manufactures, and a natural history of the
country; to countenance and inculcate the principles of
humanity and general benevolence, public and private
charity, industry, frugality, honesty and punctuality in
their dealings: sincerity, good humour, and all social affections & generous sentiments among the people.”I was somewhat apprehensive that criticism and objections would be made to the sections, and particularly that
the “natural history” and the “good humor” would be
stricken out; but the whole was received very kindly,
and passed the Convention unanimously, without amendment. This gave me great encouragement to hope that
a natural history of the country would soon be commenced under public authority: But it has been only within
four or five years, that any thing has been undertaken in
earnest, and that by private subscription, aided however
with a generous grant, by the legislature, of a township of
land, which it is to be hoped will be followed by other
and more efficacious assistance—for the public property
is never more honorably or profitably employed, than in
promoting establishments of such extensive and permanent
benefits to the present age and to posterity.

					John Adams.