Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 2 August 1810
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

Quincy, August 2, 1810

Amsterdam, Feb. 24, 1782—wrote to Mr. Dumas: “Your favor of the 23d is just come to hand. Thank you for your care and skill in the purchase of the house; and will do honour to your bills whenever they appear, by paying the cash. Madame La Comtesse de Wickrad, according to your relation, made me and our state a most elegant compliment, for which you will be so good if you please to make my acknowledgments. Can it not be made convenient for me to receive possession of the house forthwith? I should prefer that, and would pay the remainder of the money immediately, in which case I would remove some furniture into it immediately.”
Amsterdam, Feb. 25, 1782—wrote to Mr. Lovell, in congress—(secret and confidential.)
Dear Sir—“In my letter to congress of the 16th of May, inclosing my memorial, I observed, that the bravery of our countrymen in Carolina, De la Motte Piquet’s captures, and the Spanish operations at Gibraltar, had contributed to raise the spirits of this nation from that gloom into which the capture of St. Eustatia, Essequibo and Demerara had plunged them. I did not then conceive it possible that I could be called upon to apologize for the paper enclosed; If I had, I could have added, that that memorial contributed more than all the rest, to the reassurance of the nation.
In order to judge what the state of mind was, that the people were in; we should know, that they lived in daily expectation and dread of a mob. I was told expressly by one of the most learned and prudent men in this republic, a professor at Leyden, that he was then, every day, and had been a long time in expectation of something breaking out, that would be very disagreeable. I had intimations of this from various other quarters. I knew that Mr. Van Berckel had been intimidated, or rather the regency, on his account. I knew that the Baron Van der Capellen de Poll, had thought himself obliged to fly to another province. I knew that Mr. de Neufville had chosen to leave the republic, for a time. And I saw that three mighty houses, Hanover, Brunswick, and Orange, (the three great champions of European liberty and the protestant church) had levelled their policy, as by a family compact, to raise mobs in Amsterdam.
There was a gloomy silence. Nobody dared to talk or speak. They recollected very well the circumstances of the mobs in Amsterdam in 1748; but they dared not speak of them till lately. In one thousand seven hundred and forty-eight, the populace arose in Amsterdam to demand that the city should vote for joining England, and constituting an hereditary statholder. Innumerable houses were pillaged; all the furniture, and they say, millions of ducats thrown into the canals. They were obliged at last, to fire upon the people, and whole crouds were driven headlong into the canals, where hundreds perished in mud and water.
Upon this occasion, was it not plain, that Sir Joseph York’s policy was to excite a similar fury against Temmink and Van Berckel? Was it not plain, by the prince’s laying before the states Mr. Laurens’ papers; in a manner so unnecessary, so impolitick in the sense of good men, that he was giving aid, wittingly or inadvertently, to Yorke’s system? I know there are persons who believe that the plan was concerted between the two courts of London and the Hague. A gentleman of excellent character and profound discretion, as well as learning, told me within this week, “we were saved by miracle. If Sir Joseph Yorke had advised his master to have declared war against Amsterdam alone, we should have been undone past all remedy. Your memorial contributed somewhat to our salvation. It was a good antidote to Yorke’s poison.” The prince’s frequent exclamations “on a conjuré la Perte de ma Maison. Ne parle point d’Amsterdam ou de Monsieur le Baron de Vander Capellen: on a jonjuré la Ruine de ma Maison,” are marks of the anxiety and distress of the court, at the same time.
My memorial, contrived as it was, and coming out as it did, compelled all parties to speak in its praise. The courtiers themselves were obliged to say, “It is cunningly drawn up; it is sensible; it is eloquent; it is fine; it is elaborate.” &c. &c. The opposite Party cryed, “It is admirable; it is excellent; it is noble; it is the best thing that ever was written.” I am well informed that the common people read it and heard it read with the utmost eagerness and with tears in their eyes. [There was nothing in the memorial that merited these commendations: but the jealousies of both parties of each other, and their mutual terror of the people compelled them to speak in this manner.]
I do not believe that any letters which have gone from hence, have spoken much in its praise. The friends of liberty dare not.—Letters from the opposite party may have condemned it in America, although they dared not to disapprove it here.
In short, if I am not delirious enough for Bedlam, this memorial instead of requiring a justification on my part, deserved in justice and sound policy the  thanks of congress.
(Conclusion of this letter in our next.)
I had other reasons still. Mr. Deane and one of his friends, have been employed for this year and an half, in representing American affairs, in the most deplorable, desperate light, directly contrary to the truth, in all companies in France, Flanders and Holland. I thought it would be very well, for somebody, who was supposed to know something of America, to hold up her cause in a true light. And it had in this respect a good effect. Pray what is to be done about Mr. Deane’s letters? Is he to be still thought in Europe an American Evangelist?  I hope the eyes of congress will be opened, sometime or other.
If you look into my letters, written to congress from Braintree, when I was last at home, you will find that I had apprehensions of the emperor’s joining England. When I drew the memorial I was not wholly without such suspicions, although they were much fainter than when I wrote from Braintree:  indeed upon the whole I was convinced that he would take no part against us.—The English debates in parliament as well as their Gazette’s, were full of a conceit, that the emperor would declare in their favor against America. When I wrote in that memorial those  words, “A system (that of making equitable treaties of commerce, with all the commercial powers, without being governed or monopolized by any) from which the congress never will depart, unless compelled by some powers declaring against them, which is not expected,” I had the emperor and him alone in view. When he saw that memorial, was it not natural for him to say, the manner in which my mother received the American minister, Mr. Lee, and the continual puffs of the English have made the Americans suspect me.—Whom else, except Portugal, can they suspect? All the other powers have declared themselves in their favour or neutral. I will remove this jealousy. I will even see this memorialist. I will join the armed neutrality. I will visit my maritime towns, and make regulations to favour their commerce with America. Nay more, I will do America a greater honour than even France has done. I will adopt their sublime system of reason, philosophy and civilization, by introducing into my dominions, their code of religious liberty, by which I shall favour my commerce with them, as much as I shall do them honour. I will do this memorialist the honour to shew him and all the world that I am of his opinion, that it is of vast importance, that the freedom of enquiry, the right of private judgment, and the liberty of conscience, should be imparted to all mankind.
When the emperor was at Spa, he made a point of doing honour to the Abby Raynal; he admitted him often into his company; and afterwards he pursued the same policy at Brussells. He has lately caused to be written, a letter “Des Fiscaux aux Curés,” in these words: “Monsieur, Le Gouvernment est informe que le Prince Eveque de Liege a fait adresser aux officiaux de son Diocese, des exemplaires d’un imprimè, portant La proscription d’un ouvrage intitulè La Nymphe de Spa, a L’Abbe Raynal, á Ceffet de les remettre aux Curés de leur district: mais comme il est de Regle, dans ce pays, qu’aucune espece d’ouvrage ne peut y etre proscrit, autrement que par l’autorité souvereigne. Leurs Altesses Royalles, nous out charge de vovs faire connoitre, Monsieur, que Leur intention est, que vous ne fassiez, en maniere quelconque, usage des exemplaires de l’imprimerie, portant proscription de l’ouvrage susmentioné, que vous pouvez avoir reg du Prince Eveque de Liege.” These are very illustrious honors done to the Abby Raynal. A gentleman in Holland, one of the greatest historians in Europe, has received a letter from a gentleman at Brussells, informing him of a conversation he had with the Abby verly lately, in which the Abby said—“John Adams est un des plus grands Hommes D’Etat de cette Siecle.” Every person I see who has lately seen the Abby, brings me assurances of his respect and esteem. I have a letter from him, within a few days, in which he says—“I’honore vas talents, le respect votre charactere, et I’aime votre personne.” Surely there are some connections in things; and I should not have all these flattering testimonials if it was thought that I had done any material harm to my country, or to any good cause, by that memorial.
I have one thing more to say to you, my dear friend, in confidence, and then I have done. I saw myself ill-treated and persecuted by a set. I own I seized with pleasure, so fair, so great an opportunity, of giving to my own character a reputation and publicity, which should place it out of the reach of all the little shafts of malice, envy and revenge. I abhor every thing that is personal, and ever did. Through all our contests in Massachusetts, and in congress, I ever avoided, to the utmost of my power, personalties; and I shall never indulge myself in them in Europe. But the die is cast. I may be recalled: but recalling now will not disgrace me.”
Amsterdam, March 1, 1782, transmitted to congress, the following Extract, from the Register Book of the lords the states of Friesland.
The requisition of Mr. Adams, for presenting his letters of credence from the United States of America to their high mightinesses, having been brought into the assembly, and put into deliberation, as also the ulterior address to the same purpose, with a demand of a categorical answer, made by him, as is more amply mentioned in the minutes of their high mightinesses of the 4th of May, 1781, and the 9th of January, 1782: whereupon, it having been taken into consideration, that the said Mr. Adams would probably have some propositions to make to their high mightinesses, and to present to them the principal articles and foundations upon which the congress on their part, would enter into a treaty of commerce and friendship, or other affairs to propose, in regard to which dispatch would be requisite.

It has been thought fit and resolved, to authorize the lords the deputies of this province at the generality, and to instruct them, to direct things at the table of their high mightinesses, in such a manner, that the said Mr. Adams be admitted forthwith, as minister of the congress of North America; with further order to the said deputies, that if there should be made moreover, any similar propositions by the same to inform immediately their noble mightinesses of them. And an extract of the present resolution shall be sent for their information that they may conduct themselves conformably. Thus resolved at the province House, the 26th Feb, 1782. Compared with the aforesaid book to my knowledge.
(Signed) A.J.V. Sminia.
Amsterdam, February 27, 1782—wrote to the honorable Robert H. Livingston, Secretary of State for foreign affairs. “Friesland has at last taken the provincial resolution to acknowledge the Independence, of which United America is in full possession.
It is thought that several cities of Holland will soon follow their example; and some say, it will be followed forthwith by the whole republic. The first burgomaster of this city, has said within a few days past, that in six weeks at farthest, the independence of America would be acknowledged by all seven of the united provinces. But I have no expectation of such haste. This government does nothing with such celerity.
By what I hear and read of their speculations, it seems to me that the general sense is, at present not to shackle themselves with any treaties, either with France or Spain; nor to make any treaty of alliance with America; nor to make even a treaty of commerce with America as yet, for a considerable time; but for the several members of the sovereignty, one after another to acknowledge the independence of America, in the manner that Friesland has done; and for the states, the prince, and the admiralties to exert themselves in preparing a fleet to command the north sea; & wash out some of the stains in their character, which the English have thrown upon it, in their blood. There is a loud cry of vengeance—a stern demand of a fleet and a battle with the English; and if the court contrive to elude it, the stadtholder will run a great risque of his power.
Sensible and candid men tell me, we wait for Spain, and we wait for Russia. We will not make any treaty with you. It is of no great importance to us,  or to you. We see there is a tremendous power rising in the west. We cannot meddle much: but we will in all events be your friends. Whoever quarrels with you, we will not.
In short, I expect no treaty. I do not expect that our independence will be acknowledged by all the provinces for a long time.
Nevertheless it appears to me of indispensable importance, that a minister should reside constantly here, vested with the same powers from congress with which they have honored me. For which reason, having the offer of a large and elegant house, in a fine situation, on a noble spot of ground, at the Hague, at a very reasonable rate, I have in pursuance of the advice of Mr. Barclay, Mr. Dumas, and other friends, purchased it, and shall remove into it, on or before the first of May. In case I should be recalled, or obliged to go away upon other services, any minister that congress may appoint here in my room, will find a house ready furnished, at the Hague ready for him. The negotiation for the purchase was conducted secretly: but when it came to be known, I am informed it gave a great deal of satisfaction in general.
To pay for it, I have applied all the money I had of Mr. de Neufville’s loan, and some cash of my own, which I brought with me from America; and for the second payment I must borrow of a friend, if Dr. Franklin cannot furnish the money: for which indeed, as he has so many demands from every quarter, I do not love to ask him. The house, including purchase and charges, will amount to about sixteen thousand guilders; ten thousand of which I paid yesterday. I have been obliged to take the title in my own name; but shall transfer it to the United States as soon as they are acknowledged, and the account can be settled, provided congress approve the transaction. Otherwise I shall take the risque upon myself, and sell it again. I shall live hereafter, at a smaller rent than I ever did before, though in a house much superior.”
Amsterdam, Feb. 28, 1782—wrote to Mr. Jay: “I have the pleasure to inform you that Friesland has taken the provincial resolution to acknowledge the sovereignty of the United States of America, and  admit their minister to an audience; and have instructed their deputies in the assembly of their high mightinesses at the Hague, to make the motion in eight days from this.
The states of Holland have also taken my last requisition, and transmitted it to the several cities; and to-morrow it is to be taken into consideration in the regency of Amsterdam.
Dort has made a motion in the states of Holland, to acknowledge American independence and admit me to an audience.—Their high mightinesses have encouraging news from Petersburg, and from the East and West Indies: so that, at present, there are appearances that our affairs will go very well here, and come to a speedy treaty. If any thing should delay it, it will be the example of Spain. But I believe even that will not, a great while. One thing is past a doubt; if Spain should now make a treaty with you, this republic would immediately follow the example; which, if any thing can, would accelerate the negotiations for peace.
By the tenth article of the treaty of alliance between France and America, the parties agree to invite in concert, other powers to make common cause, and accede. Will you permit me to suggest an idea? Suppose you write to the French ambassador at Madrid, and cite the words of that tenth article, and request him to join you in an invitation to the king of Spain. Excuse this freedom. You will judge whether it will do.
With great esteem, &c.

John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Homans, 6 August 1810
From: Adams, John
To: Homans, Benjamin

Gentlemen
Quincy August 6 1810

The Procrastination of Age is the best Apology I can make for my long neglect to acknowledge your favour of the 12. July.
Be pleased to accept of my Thanks for your acceptable Present of the Sprightly Oration of our ingenious Young Friend Mr Lincoln, which I have read, as I heard it, with the more pleasure, as His Father though not my Eleve, was in Some sort my Protegé in his Youth; and His Grand Father was one of my habitual Social Friends in the Ancient Whig Clubb in The Town of Boston, where, as Tradition Says and History perhaps ought to Pay the Independence of America originated.
With much Respect to The Association you represent and many Thanks for your Politeness in communicating their Wishes I am Gentlemen very respectfully your / obliged and humble servant

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Alexander Townsend, 6 August 1810
From: Adams, John
To: Townsend, Alexander

Sir
Quincy August 6. 1810

I have to acknowledge my obligations to you for your oration on the 4th. of July.
Although I may not perfectly agree with you in every Sentiment, I do not recollect to have read any oration upon that occasion, more directly pertinent to the Subject.
The Motives, Principles and Feelings which led to the Revolution, have not yet been investigated in all their Extent; and perhaps never will be. The whole History of our Country, must be ransacked: and the Motives Principles and Feelings of our Ancestors in their first Emigration to this Country ought to be explored. This perhaps will forever be impracticable. The only Adequate Source of Information upon this great Subject, which was Mr Princes Library in the Balcony of the Old South Church in Boston has been long Since Scattered and annihilated.
I am, Sir, with much Esteem for your Talents / your obliged humble Servant

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Henry Guest, 20 August 1810
From: Guest, Henry
To: Adams, John

                            Honrd. Sir,
                            20th Augt 1810 New Brunsw East Jersy—

I have to acknowledge, that I have been a long time in arriere with you for your last letter; the reason is, that about receiving it, I understood that you were engaged in publishing your sentiments on public affairs, and was loth to interfere, with what amusement I could give you.—Supposing you more at liesure, be pleased to accept the following,—We have had sufficient accounts from Spain, that the people would rise in mass, to clear their country from their deadly foe, but that they had no arms.—Eight years back I formed an instrument that would strike 30 deadly strokes in a minute and remain charged, and offered to the (then) secretary of war, to shew it, to any person, whom he should for that purpose for his judgement; but, as he took no notice of my offer, I kept it from the sight of all my friends, as a deposit for time of need.—Some time after the Chavalier De Onis, ambassador from Spain, arrived here. I opened this matter to him, informed him that I was an old man, and had disorders that prevented travelling, or I would wait on him with pleasure.—I thought it a good opportunity, by these instruments, to check the carrier of the destroyer of mankind, and relieve the Spanish nation, from their deadly foe. That I was possessed of such an instrument, and a coat of mail, that secured the breast, and bowels, from the power of swords of any description, and the keenest bayonet, weighing about two pounds. About a dozen of each is gone to Spain, as samples, in different Vessels. I have recommended that they should be immediately made in Spain, and 100,000 put in the hands of the Peasantry; that is, if military Gentlemen there, approve of them. On his way lately to N. York, I had the pleasure of an afternoon’s conversation with the Chevalier, and a gentleman from Piata, on the coast of the South Sea, that I understand, lately arrived at Boston with a cargo of real money. I have the pleasure to think that my remarks on the conduct of the tyrant Bonaparte greatly pleased them; and when he I remarked, that it was my opinion that every honest man in the World, who United States, wished well to Spain, & the destruction of the french cause—That in the last letter, I had the honour to receive from you, that you closed a paragraph on the war in Spain, with these words. “The patriots in Spain, have my heart, The bright blue eyes of the Chevalier shone with pleasure.—He will set out, about the first of next month for Boston, probably I shall see him on his way. Shall I tell him, that I think you will be glad to see him? He speaks english so as to be understood—Is it for fear of the tyrant, that our government does not recognize him, as Ambassador for Spain?——I trust they are not such Dastardly Cowards.
So far my Little Grand Daughter for My Aged trimbling hand—There was last fall a Mr Quincy from Boston in this town, that sent his Complemts  by his Landlord  to  me and  informed that if his time admitted  he would have Called to see  me, I thank him for the Statues of  me and if it is     be pleased to inform him that I think his  time would rather  to his Country if he Should give me the honour to call on me Next Meeting of  Congres I am Honoured Sir truly your /  much respected Humble Servt—

Henry Guest


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 21 August 1810
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

Quincy, August 21, 1810.

 Amsterdam, March 5, 1782—wrote to Mr. Bergsma: “Sir, I have received from the hand of Mr. Menkema, the resolution of the states of Friesland of the 26th of February.
I beg you would accept of my best thanks for the honor you have done me, in communicating to me, so early, this important measure—a resolution which does so much honor to that spirit of liberty, which distinguishes your province; and is so apparently equitable, that the example cannot fail to be followed by all the other provinces.

The situation of this republic is such, that it cannot rationally expect peace, upon any terms, consistent with her honor and essential interests, until there is a general peace. Great Britain will never agree to a peace with this nation, but from motives, that will equally stimulate her to make peace with America. She will never make peace with either, while she entertains a hope of any advantage in continuing the war; and there is every reason to believe, that nothing would contribute more to extinguish such hopes, than a decided acknowledgment of American sovereignty by this republic.

Such an acknowledgment too, will probably have a great influence with Spain, and with all the powers which are parties to the armed neutrality. In short there is no event which would have a stronger tendency to accellerate a general peace, so much wished for by mankind.

The true system of this republic is to be neutral as much as possible, in the wars of Europe. This will also be the true system of America; and an intimate friendship between the two republics, will enable each to assist the other in maintaining their neutrality.

The Province of Friesland will have the honor with posterity, of having first penetrated into the true plan of policy for the republic: and she is indebted for this advantage to no man more  than Mr. Bergsma.

I congratulate you and the province upon the occasion, and to subscribe myself, with very great respect and esteem, &c.
Amsterdam, March 5, 1782—wrote to Mr. Teglaer: “Major Porter says that he will either repay you the money by a remittance or a bill of exchange upon  is to say, either by a bill drawn by the French agent in America, upon the treasurer of the marine at Paris, or by a bill drawn by congress upon the American banker at Paris, or he will give you a bill of exchange for it now, upon his father, or he will give you his obligation to pay it to any merchant, or other gentleman in America, as you shall chose; in either of which cases I have no doubt you will be safe.”

Amsterdam, March 10, 1782—wrote to Robert R. Livingston Esq. Secretary of foreign affairs: “By the address of the house of commons to the king, his majesty’s answer, and the resolution of the house in consequence of it, “that he would be highly criminal and an enemy to his country, who shall attempt to carry on an offensive war in America against the sense of the house; by the surrender of Minorca and the disastrous face of British affairs in Ireland, as well as in the East and West Indies, and by the uncommon difficulties, which my Lord North finds in raising the loan; I think, we may fairly conclude that the United States are not to expect those horrid scenes of fire and sword in future; which they have so often seen heretofore. Among the causes which have operated this effect, may be reckoned the late ordonance of congress against British manufactures, and the prospect which has been opened to them in Holland, of a sudden revival of the Dutch manufactures of Delft, Leyden, Utrecht, and indeed all the other cities of the republic.
The English have found all their artifices to raise mobs in their favour in this republic, to be vain; they found that there began to be an appearance of danger of popular tumults against them. They have seen their friends in this country driven out of all their strong holds, and forced to combat on retreat. They have found that the American cause gained ground upon them every day; and that serious indications were given of a disposition to acknowledge our independence for the sake of reviving the manufactures of the Netherlands and extending their commerce. All these things together have raised a kind of pannic in the nation, and such a fermentation in parliament as has produced a formal renunciation of the principle of the American war.
The question now arises what measures will the cabinet of St. James’s pursue? Will they agree to the Congress at Vienna? I believe not.—Will they treat with the American peace makers, now in Europe? I fancy not.—They will more probably send agents to America, to propose some mad plan of American Vice roys, American Nobility and what not, except common sense and common utility.

I presume with submission however, that Congress will enter into no treaty or conference with them; but refer them to the American ministers in Europe.

France and Spain, upon this occasion, cannot, I think, mistake their interest and duty;  which is to strike the most decided strokes, to take the British armies in New-York and Charleston prisoners. Without this, in all probability before another revolution of the seasons, every part of the United States will be evacuated, the British forces sent to Quebec, Halifax and the West India islands, where it will cost France and Spain, more time, blood and treasure, to dispose of them, than it will this campaign to capture them in New-York and Charleston.”
    Amsterdam, March 10, 1782—Wrote to the Marquis de La Fayette, at Paris. “My dear General,—The proceedings of late, in the British Parliament, I think, abundantly prove that the British troops will evacuate New-York and Charleston, provided they can escape in the course of the ensuing summer, and go to Quebec, Halifax and the West India islands.
    It cannot be a question with any sensible man whether it will cost to France and Spain, more time, blood and treasure, to take them all prisoners, where they now are, or to fight them in detail, in the West India islands. No man knows better than you, what is necessary in order to strike this sublime stroke, and thus finish the war, viz. a superior fleet and a good sum of money, (i.e. a loan.)

    The province of Friesland has taken the resolution to acknowledge the sovereignty of the United States of America, and to give audience to their minister; and have communicated their resolution to the states general. Holland has committed the same subject to their committee of great affairs; and the body of nobles and all the cities, have it under deliberation. Guilderland, Zealand, and Overyssel too have taken the resolution of Friesland into consideration.

    Amsterdam, March 10, 1782—wrote to Dr. Franklin: “Should the British forces now in New-York and Charleston, evacuate those places and go to the West India Islands, they might give a great deal of trouble to the French and Spanish possessions there. It would cost those powers many men and ships, and a great deal of money as well as time to manage them: whereas a fleet and a sum of money, now well directed, would infallibly make prisoners of the whole.

    After the address and resolutions of the commons, can it be thought the court will be so stupid, as to keep their armies inactive in New-York and Charleston? If they do, it will be merely to protect commissioners, whom they may send to propose terms of a seperate peace with congress. In this case, the short and easy method with the dissenters will be, to take warriors and peace makers, altogether, prisoners, in New-York.

    Amsterdam, March 11, 1782—wrote to Robert R. Livingston, Esq. Secretary of State to congress: “The promise which was made me, by Mr. Bergsma, that I should have an answer from the province of Friesland in three weeks, has been literally fulfilled. This gentleman, who, as well, as his province, deserves to be remembered in America, sent me a copy of the resolution in Dutch, as soon as it passed. It is now public, in all the Gazettes. It is conceived in these terms. Here follows a copy of the resolution, as before inserted, of the 26th Feb. 1782.

    This resolution has, by the deputies of Friesland, been laid before their high mightinesses at the Hague; and after deliberation, the deputies of the provinces of Guilderland, Zealand, Utrecht and Groningen, have taken copies of it, to be communicated more amply to their constituents. In the states of the province of Holland and West Friesland, the requisition of the ninth of January, has been committed to the committee of great affairs, and taken into deliberation, by the body of nobles, and ad referendum, by all the eighteen cities.

    The sovereignty of the United States of America, would undoubtedly be acknowledged by the seven united provinces, and their minister received to an audience in state, in the course of a few weeks, if the regency of the city of Amsterdam had not visibly altered its sentiments. But all things are embroiled. The opposition to Mr. Van Berkel and the glittering charms of an embassy to St. Petersburg or Vienna, which have been artfully displayed, as it is said, before the eyes of one man, and many secret reasonings of a similar kind, with others, have placed the last hopes of the English and Dutch courts, in a city, which had long been firm in opposition to the desires of both.—The public in general, however, expect that the example of the Frisians will be followed. Wherever I go, every body almost, congratulates me upon the prospect of my being soon received at the Hague. The French Gazettes all give their opinions very decidedly that it will be done, and the Dutch Gazettes all breath out, “God gave, that it may be so.” I confess, however, that I doubt it: at least I am sure that a very little thing may prevent it. It is certain that the court will oppose it, in secret, with all their engines; although they are already too unpopular to venture to increase the odium, by an open opposition.

    Friesland is said to be a sure index of the national sense. The People of that province have been ever famous for the spirit of liberty. (They alone, of all the seven provinces, had preserved any portion of democracy in the constitution.) The feudal System never was admitted among the.: They never would submit to it. And they have preserved those privileges, which all others have long since surrendered. The regencies are chosen by the people. And on all critical occasions, the Frisians have displayed a resolution and an activity, beyond the other members of the state. I am told that the Frisians never undertake any thing but they carry it through; and therefore that I may depend upon it, they will force their way to a connection with America. This may be the case, if the war continues and the enemies of Great Britain continue to be successful: but I have no expectation of any thing very soon; because I have much better information than the public has of the secret intrigues both at the Hague and Amsterdam. Patience, however, and we have nothing to fear. Courtiers and aristocrats as well as the people, all say you know very well we love the Americans, and will ever be their good friends. This love and friendship consists, however, rather too much in mere words, “be ye warmed, &c.” and a strong desire of gain by our commerce.”
    Amsterdam, March 13, 1782.—Wrote to Mr. Dumas: “I have received your two letters, both without date, and one without a name. My respects and thanks to Mr. Carmichael. I have some of the resolutions of congress, touching that department, but cannot say whether I have all.

    I have had last evening, an agreeable interview with the two worthy gentlemen you mention. They are both of opinion, that it is better to wait and see what will be proposed by “the grand Besogne.” (i. e. the committee of great affairs of the regency of Amsterdam.) As to any ministerial step to be taken by me, at present, it had better be omitted. Let us leave the members to their own enquiries, reflections and judgment.

    As to the conciliatory project I have an utter detestation of it, between you and me. Besides, Friesland will not agree to it, so that it cannot pass, if Holland should adopt it. Friesland has set the right example, and will be followed by all, in time. The members of the regency here, are thinking very seriously; and will determine right in the end, if we do not furnish them with an excuse, by talking of conciliatory propositions.

    I shall fall naturally in the way of several mercantile houses here, and shall see if their aid can be obtained in their way.

    The late visit of the Ambassador here, and his conversation with several persons, will have a good effect. The British cause will become more and more disgusting, contemptible and ridiculous, every day. There is no danger of proselytes to that side: so that all must come into the sentiments of Friesland, ere long. Do not let us be impatient. It is not possible to make right and wrong meet half way. Is not the grand pensionary at the bottom of the conciliatory project? I have altered my design of coming to the Hague. Shall not come on Saturday, perhaps not for some weeks.

    In proportion as the probability of my obtaining the object so long pursued increased; the activity of my disguised enemies redoubled their secret intrigues. Whether Mr. Dumas was drawn in, to assist in this project of reconciliation, the design of which was merely procrastination, by any insinuations from any gentleman of the French legation, (for the compt Vergennes was certainly mortified at my prospect of success) or whether the grand pensionary, Mr. Van Bleiswick had any agency in it, or whether the burgomaster Rendorp of Amsterdam, who thought himself sure of an embassy to one of the empires if he could recommend himself at court by defeating, had employed in a round about manner, any of his confidential instruments to raise doubts in the mind of Mr. Dumas; I shall leave to the conjectures of your readers. Indeed all these causes might unite. Nor was this the last effort of the kind.”

    Amsterdam, March 19, 1782—transmitted to congress through their secretary of state, copies of the resolution of Friesland of 26th Feb. 1782; and of the proceedings of the county of Zutphen, at Nimeguen, the 23d of Feb. 1782.
    On the 18th of March was presented the following Petition of Leyden.
    To the noble, great and venerable lords of the grand counsel, of the city of Leyden.
    The undersigned, all manufacturers, merchants, and other traders of this city, most respectfully give to understand, that it is a truth, as melancholy, as it is universally known, that the declension of manufactures, which all well disposed citizens have remarked with the most lively grief, from the beginning of this century, has increased more and more for several years; and that this principal branch of the subsistence of the good citizens, has fallen into such a state of languor, that our city, once so flourishing, so populous, so celebrated on account of its commerce and its trades, appears to be threatened with total ruin; that the diminution of its merchant’s houses on one hand, and on the other, the total loss, or the sensible decrease of several branches of commerce, furnish an evident proof of it; which the petitioners could demonstrate by several examples, if there were need of them to convince. Your noble and grand lordships, to whom the increase of the multitude of the poor, the deplorable situation of several families, heretofore in easy circumstances, the depopulation of the city which one cannot observe without emotion in the ruins of several streets once neat and well inhabited are fully known; will recollect no doubt upon this occasion with grief, that this state of languor must appear so much the more desperate, if your noble and grand lordships will take into consideration, that in this decay of trades and manufactures, we find a new reason of their further fall; considering that from the time that there is not continual employment and an uninterrupted sale, the workmen desert in such manner, that when considerable commissions arrive, we cannot find capable hands, and we see ourselves entirely out of a condition to execute these orders.

    That the petitioners, with all the true friends of their country, extremely affected with this all alarming situation of so rich a source of the public prosperity, have indeed sought the means of a remedy, in amending some defects from which it seemed to arise at least in part, but that the measures taken in this view, as is well known to your noble and grand lordships, have not had the desired effect; at least that they have not produced a re-establishment so effectual, that we have been able to observe a sensible influence in the increase of the sales of the manufactures of Leyden, as appears most evidently, by a comparison of the pieces fabricated here, which have been heretofore carried to the diverse markets of this city, with those which are carried there at this day; a comparison, which a true citizen cannot consider without regret.

    That experience has also taught the petitioners, that the principal cause of the decay of the manufactures of Holland, particularly those of Leyden, is not to be found in any internal vice either in the capacity, or the œconomy of the inhabitants, but in circumstances, which have happened abroad, and to which it is consequently, beyond the power of the petitioners, or of any citizen whatsoever, to apply a remedy. That we might cite, for example, the commerce of our manufactures with Dantzick, & through that commercial city, with all Poland; a commerce which was carried on with success and advantage heretofore in our city, but is absolutely interrupted at this day, and vanished, by the revolution that has happened in that kingdom, and by the burthensome duties to which the navigation of the Vistula has been subjected.But that, without entering into a detail of similar particular shackles, of which we might reckon a great number, the principal cause of the languishing state of our manufactures consists in the jealous emulation of the neighbouring nations, or rather of all the people of Europe, considering that in this age, the several princes and governments, enlightened in the real sources of public prosperity, and the true interests of their subjects; attach themselves with emulation, to revive in their kingdoms and states, the national industry, commerce and navigation; to encourage them, and promote them even by exclusive privileges, or by heavy impositions upon foreign merchandises; priveleges and impositions, which tend equally to the prejudice of the commerce and manufactures of our country, as your noble and grand lordships will easily recollect the examples in the Austrian states and elsewhere. That in the midst of these powers and nations emulous or jealous, it is impossible for the citizens of our republic, however superior their manufactures may be in quality and fineness, to resist a rivalry, so universal; especially considering the dearness of labor caused by that of the means of subsistence; which in its turn, is a necessary consequence of the taxes and imposts, which the inhabitants of this state pay in a greater number, and a higher rate than in any other country; by reason of her natural situation, and of her means to support herself. So that by the continual operation of this principal, but irreparable cause of decline, it is to be feared, that the impoverishment and the dimunition of the good citizens, increasing with want of employment, the Dutch nation, heretofore the purveyor of all Europe, will be obliged to content itself with the sale of its own productions in the interior of the country, (and how much does not even this resource suffer by the importation of foreign manufactures?) and that Leyden, lately so rich and flourishing, will exhibit desolated quarters, in its declining streets; and its multitude disgraced with want and misery, an affecting proof of the sudden fall of countries, formerly overflowing with prosperity.

    That, if we duly consider these motives no citizen whose heart is upright (as the petitioners assure themselves) much less your noble and grand lordships, whose good dispositions they acknowledge with gratitude, will take it amiss, that we have fixed our eyes on the present conjuncture of affairs, to enquire whether these times might not furnish them, some means of reviving the languishing manufactures of Leyden; and that after a consideration well matured, they flatter themselves with a hope (a hope which unprejudiced men will not certainly regard as a vain chimera) that in fact, by the present circumstances, there opens in their favour an issue, for arriving at the re-establishment desired.

    That from the time, when the rupture between Great Britain and the colonies upon the continent of North America appeared to be irreparable, every attentive spectator of this event perceived, or at least was convinced, that this rupture, by which there was born a republic, as powerful as industrious in the new world, would have the most important consequences for commerce and navigation, and that the other commercial nations of Europe would soon share in a very considerable commerce, whereof the kingdom of Great Britain had reserved to itself, until that time, the exclusive possession by its act of navigation, and by the other acts of Parliament prescribed to the colonies. That in the time of it, this reflection did not escape your petitioners; and they foresaw, from that time, the advantage that might arise in the sequel; from a revolution so important for the United Provinces in general; and for their native city in particular. But that they should have been afraid to have placed this favourable occasion before the eyes of your noble and grand Lordships at an epoch when the relations which connected our Republic with Great Britain, her neighbour, seemed to forbid all measures of this nature, or at least ought to make them be considered as out of season.

    That in the mean time, this reason of silence has entirely ceased; by the hostilities which the said kingdom has commenced against our Republic, under pretenses and in a manner the injustice of which has been demonstrated by the supreme government of the State, with an irrefragable evidence in the eyes of impartial Europe. While the petitioners themselves, by the illegal capture of so large a number of Dutch ships; and afterwards by the absolute stagnation of navigation, and of voyages to foreign countries; have experienced in the most grievous manner, the consequences of this hostile and unforeseen attack; and feel them still, every day, as is abundantly known to your noble and grand Lordships. That since that epoch, a still more considerable number of workmen have remained without employment; and several fathers of families have quitted the city, abandoning to the further expence of the treasury of the poor, their wives and children, plunged in misery.

    That during this rupture, which has subsisted now for fifteen months, there has recurred another circumstance which has encouraged the petitioners still more, and which appears to them of such a nature, that they would be guilty of an excessive indifference, and an unpardonable negligence towards the city, towards the lower class of inhabitants, towards their own families, and towards themselves; if they should delay any longer to lay open their interests to your noble and grand Lordships, in a manner the most respectful and the most energetic.—To wit, that the United States of America, have very rigorously forbidden, by a resolution of Congress agreed to, in all the thirteen States, the importation of all English manufactures, and in general, all the merchandises fabricated in the dominions which yet remain to G. Britain. That the effect of this prohibition must necessarily be a spirit of emulation between all the commercial nations, to take place of the British merchants and manufactures in this important branch of exportation which is entirely cut off from them at this day. That nevertheless, among all the nations, there is none which can entertain a hope better founded and more sure, in this respect, than the citizens of this free Republic, whether on account of the identity of Religion, the fashion of living, the manners, whether because of the extent of its commerce and the convenience of its navigation, but above all by the reason of the activity and the good faith which still distinguishes (without boasting too much) the Dutch nation above all other people; qualities in consideration of which, the citizens of United America are inclined, even at present, to prefer, in equal circumstances, the citizens of our free states to every other nation.

    That nevertheless, all relations and connections of commerce between the two People, cannot but be uncertain and fluctuating as long as their offers and reciprocal engagements are not fixed and regulated by a treaty of commerce. That at this day, if ever, (according to the respectful opinion of the petitioners) there exists a necessity the most absolute, for a conclusion of a similar treaty of commerce, there where we may say with truth, that there arises for the Republic, for our Leyden especially, a moment which once escaped, perhaps, never will return: since the national assembly of Great Britain, convinced by a terrible and fatal experience of the absolute impossibility of re-attaching United America to the British Crown, has laid before the throne its desire to conclude a necessary peace with a people free at this day at the price of their blood.—So that if this peace should be once concluded, the Dutch nation would see itself perhaps excluded from all advantages of commerce with this new Republic, or at least would be treated by her with an indifference, which the small value which we should have put upon its friendship in former times, would scorn to merit.

    That supposing for a moment, that a peace between England and United America were not so near as we have reason to presume not without probability, there would be found in that case, nations enough who will be jealous of acquiring, after the example of France, the earliest right to commerce with a country, which, already peopled by several millions of inhabitants, augments every day in population in a manner incredible; but as a new people, unprovided as yet with several necessary articles, will procure a rich, even an immense outlet for the fabrics and manufactures of Europe.
    That however manifest the interest which the petitioners, and all the citizens of Leyden would have, in the conclusion of such a treaty of commerce, they would moreover have made a scruple, to lay before the paternal eyes of your noble and grand Lordships, the utility or rather the necessity of such a measure in respect to them: if they could believe that their particular advantage would be in any wise, contrary to the more universal interests of all the Republic. But as far as the Petitioners may judge as citizens, of the situation and the political existence of their country, they are ignorant of any reasons of this kind. But on the contrary, they dare appeal to the unanimous voice of their fellow-citizens, well intentioned in the other cities and provinces, even of the regents the most distinguished. Since it is universally known, that the province of Friesland has already preceded the other confederates by a resolution for opening negociations with America. And that in other provinces, which have an interest less direct in commerce and manufactures, celebrated regents appear to wait merely for the example of the commercial provinces for taking a similar resolution.
    That the petitioners will not detain the attention of your noble and grand Lordships by a more ample detail of their reasons and motives; since on one hand they assure themselves that these reasons and motives will not escape the enlightened and attentive judgment of your grand and noble Lordships, and on the other they know by experience, that your grand and noble Lordships are disposed not to suffer any occasion to pass for promoting the well being of their city, for advancing the prosperity of the citizens, to render their names dear to their contemporaries, and make them blessed by posterity.

    In which firm expectation, the petitioners address themselves to this grand council, with the respectful, but serious request, that it may please your noble and grand Lordships to direct, by their powerful influence, things in such a sort, that in the Assembly highly respected of their noble and grand Mightinesses, the Lords the States of Holland and West Friesland there be opened deliberations; or, already opened carried as speedily as possible to an effectual conclusion, such as they shall find the most proper for obtaining the lawful end, and fulfilling the desires of the petitioners, or as they shall judge conformable to the general interest.”
    These honest Leydeners have laid open, in general terms, the causes of the decline and fall of Holland; but they dared not reveal the whole truth. It would have enraged a very powerful party , if they had said what they very well knew to be true, that British influence, by discouraging the martial spirit by sea and land, by discouraging their agriculture, manufactures, and commerce, and especially by neglecting their naval power, and by encouraging banking, speculating, and gambling spirits, and the miserly spirit of usury, by which they had made all the spendthrifts of Europe tributary at the shrine of their mammon, had undermined all the foundations of their power and independence. This was the truth and the whole truth and nothing but the truth.

John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 25 August 1810
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

					Quincy, August 25, 1810.

				Soon after the petition of Leyden, I transmitted to Congress the following address of thanks with a further petition.To the noble, great and venerable Lords, the great Counsel of the city of Leyden:The undersigned manufacturers, merchants and other traders interested in the manufactures and fabrics of this city, give respectfully to understand—That a number of the undersigned having taken, on the 18th of March, the liberty to present to your noble and grand Lordships, a respectful request to obtain the conclusion of connections of commerce with United America, the petitioners judge, that they ought to hold it for a duty as a agreeable as indispensible, to testify their sincere gratitude not only for the gracious manner in which your noble and great Lordships have been pleased to accept that request, but also for the patriotic resolution that your noble and great Lordships have taken upon its object: a resolution in virtue of which the city of Leyden (as the petitioners have the best reason to suppose) hath been one of the first cities of this province, from whose unanimous co-operation has originated the resolution of their noble and grand Mightinesses of the date of the 28th of March last, “to direct things on the part of their noble and grand Mightinesses in the Assembly of the States General, and to make there the strongest instances to the end that Mr. Adams may be admitted, and acknowledged as minister of the United States of America.”That the petitioners regard with all honest hearted citizens, the present epocha, as one of the most glorious in the annals of our dear country; seeing that there has been manifested, in a most signal manner, on one hand, a confidence the most cordial, of the good citizens towards the regents, and on the other, a paternal attention and defference of the regents to the respectful but well founded prayers of their faithful citizens; and in general, the most exemplary unanimity, throughout the whole nation, to the confusion of those, who, having endeavored to sow the seeds of discord, would have rejoiced if they could say with truth, that a dissention so fatal had rooted itself, to the ruin of the country and the people.That the petitioners, feeling themselves penetrated, with the most pleasing emotions, by an harmony so universal, cannot pass over in silence the reflection, that your noble and great lordships, taking a resolution the most favourable, upon the said request, have discovered thereby, that they would not abandon the footsteps of their ancestors, who found in the united sentiments of magistrates and citizens, the resources necessary to resist a powerful oppressor who even would not have undertaken that difficult, but glorious task, if they had not been supported by the voice of the most respectable part of the nation.That encouraged by this reflection, the petitioners assure themselves that your noble and great Lordships will honor with the same approbation, the step which they take to day, to recommend to your noble and great Lordships, in a manner the most respectful but at the same time the most pressing, the prompt and efficacious execution of the aforesaid resolution of their noble and grand Mightinesses of the 28th of March last, with every thing which depends thereon; a proceeding which does not spring from a desire on the part of the petitioners, to raise themselves above the sphere of their duties and vocations, or to interfere indiscreetly, in the affairs of government, but only from a conviction, that it cannot but be agreeable to well intentioned Regents, (such as your noble and great Lordships have shewn yourselves by deeds to your good citizens) to see themselves applauded in their salutary efforts and patriotic designs, and supported against the perverse views and secret machinations of the illdisposed, who, however small their number, are always found in a nation.That although the petitioners may be convinced, that their noble and grand mightinesses, having taken a resolution so agreeable to all true patriots will not neglect to employ means to carry it to an efficacious conclusion among the other confederates, and to procure to the good citizens the real enjoyment of the commerce with United America, they cannot, nevertheless, dissemble, that lately some new reasons have arisen, which make them conceive some fears respecting the prompt consummation of this desirable affair. [N.B. This alludes to the embarrassments in the regency of Amsterdam, occasioned by the intrigues of the ambitious burgomaster Rendorp.]That the probability of an offer of peace, on the part of Great Britain to United America, whereof the petitioners made mention in their former request, having at present become a full certainty by the Revolution arrived since, in the British ministry; they have not learned, without uneasiness, the attempt made at the same time by the new ministers of the court of London, to involve this state in a negotiation for a separate peace: the immediate consequence of which would be, (as the petitioners fear) a cessation of all connections with the American republic, whilst that in the mean time, our republic, deprived on the one hand of the advantages which it reasonably promises itself from these connections, might on the other hand be detained by negotiations spun out to a great length, and not effect till late, perhaps after the other belligerent powers, a seperate peace with England.That in effect the difficulties which oppose themselves to a like partial pacification, are too multiplied for any to promise themselves to see them suddenly removed; such as the restitution of the possessions taken from the state and retaken from the English by France, a restitution that has become thereby impracticable; the indemnification of the immense losses that the unexpected and perfidious attack of England hath caused to the Dutch nation in general, to the petitioners in particular; the assurance of a free navigation for the future, upon the principles of the armed neutrality, and conformably to the law of nations; the dissolution of the bonds which, without being productive of any utility to the two nations, have been a source of contestations always springing up, and which in every war between Great Britain and any other power, have threatened to involve our republic in it, or have, in effect done it; the annihilation if possible, of the act of navigation, an act which carries too evident marks of the supremacy affected by England over all other maritime people, not to attract attention at the approaching negociation of peace; finally, the necessity of breaking the yoke that Great Britain would impose on our flag, to make hers respected in the Northern Ocean, as the seat of her maritime Empire; and other objects of this nature, which as the petulent proceedings of the court of London have given rise to them, will certainly furnish matter for claims and negociations.That, as by these considerations, a speedy consummation of a separate peace with England is out of all probability especially when one compares with them the dubious and limited manner, in which it is offered: on the other hand a general peace appears not to be so far distant, as that to obtain a more prompt reconciliation with England, the republic hath occasion to abandon its interests relative to North America, seeing that the British government hath resolved, upon the request of the national assembly, even to discontinue offensive hostilities, against the new republic. And that even under the present administration of the new ministers, it appears ready to acknowledge positively its independence; an acknowledgment, which, in removing the principal stumbling block of a negotiation of a general peace, will pave the way to a prompt explication of all the difficulties between the belligerent powers.That the petitioners should exceed much, the bounds of their plan, if they entered into a more ample detail of the reasons which might be alledged upon this subject, and which certainly will not escape the political penetration of your noble and grand lordships; among others the engagements recently entered into with the court of France, and which will not be violated by our republic, which acknowledges the sanctity of its engagements, and respects them; but which will serve much rather to convince the empress of Russia of the impossibility of entering, in the present juncture of affairs, into such a negotiation as the court of London proposes, when even it will not be permitted to presume, but that sovereign will feel herself, the change of circumstances, which have happened with regard to America since the offer of her mediation, by the revolution in the British ministry, and that she ought ever to regard a separate peace between our state and England, as the most proper mean to retard the general tranquility that she hath endeavoured to procure to all the commercial nations now in war.That from these motives the petitioners respectfully hope that the aforesaid offer of England will occasion no obstacle which may prevent, that the resolution of their noble and grand mightinesses, to acknowledge the independence of North America, and to conclude with that power a treaty of commerce, may not have a prompt execution; nor that even one of the other confederates, will suffer itself to be diverted thereby from the design of opening, unanimously with this province and the others which have declared themselves, conformably with Holland, negotiations with the United States, and of terminating them as soon as possible.That the favourable resolutions, already taken for this effect, in Zealand, Utrecht, Overyssell, and at present (as the petitioners learn) in the province of Gronningen, after the examples of Holland and Friesland confirm them in that hope, and seem to render entirely superfluous, a request, that in every other case, the petitioners would have found themselves obliged to make with the commercial citizens of the other cities, to the end, that by the resistance of one province not immediately interested in commerce and navigation, they might not be deprived of the advantages and of the protection, that the sovereign assembly of their proper province had been disposed to procure them, without that; but that, to the end to provide for it, their noble and grand mightinesses, and the states of the other provinces in this respect unanimous with them, should make use of the power, which belongs to each free state of our federative republic, at least in regard to treaties of commerce, of which there exists an example in 1649, not only in a treaty of exemption of the toll of the sound, but also, in a defensive treaty concluded with the crown of Denmark by the three provinces of Guilderland, Holland and Friesland.But as every apprehension of a similar dissention, among the members of the confederation, appears at present absolutely unreasonable, the petitioners will confine themselves rather to another request, to wit, that after the formation of connections of commerce with North America, the effectual enjoyment of it may be assured to the commercial citizens of this country, by a sufficient protection of their navigation, without which the conclusion even of such a treaty of commerce would be absolutely illusory.—That for a long time, especially the last year the petitioners have tasted the bitter fruits of the defenceless state in which the Dutch flag has been incessantly found; as they have already said conformably to the truth, in their first request, that by the total stagnation of the navigation, and of expeditions, they have felt in the most painful manner, the effects of the hostile and unexpected attack of Great Britain, and that they feel them still every day. That in the mean time this stagnation of commere, absolutely abandoned to the rapacity of an enemy greedy of pillage and destitute of all protection whatever, hath appeared to the petitioners as well as to all the other commercial inhabitants, yes, even to all true citizens, so much the more hard and afflicting, as they not only have constantly contributed with a good heart, to all the public imposts, but that at the time, even when the commerce was absolutely abandoned to itself and deprived of all safeguard, it supported a double charge to obtain that protection which it hath never enjoyed: seeing that the hope of such a protection (the republic being not entirely without maritime force) hath appeared indeed, more than once, but has always vanished in the most unexpected manner, by accidents and impediments, which, if they have given rise, perhaps wrongfully, to discontent and distrust, among the good citizens, will not nevertheless be read and meditated by posterity without surprise.That without intention to legitimate in any manner the suspicions arising from this failure of protection, the petitioners believe themselves, nevertheless, with all proper respect warranted, in addressing their complaint on this head to the bosoms of your noble and great Lordships, and (seeing that the commerce with North America cannot subsist without navigation, no more than navigation without a safeguard) in reckoning upon the active direction, the useful employment and prompt augmentation of our naval forces, in proportion to the means which shall be the most proper, effectually to secure to the commerce of this republic, the fruits of its connections with United North America.For which reasons, the petitioners returning their solemn thanks to your noble and great Lordships, for the favorable resolution taken upon their request, the 18th of March last, address themselves anew to you on this occasion, with the respectful prayer, that it may graciously please your noble and great Lordships, to be willing to effectuate by your powerful influence, whether in the illustrious assembly of their noble and grand Mightinesses, whether among the other confederates or elsewhere, there, and in such manner as your noble and great Lordships shall judge most proper, that the resolution of their noble and grand Mightinesses of the date of the 28th of March last, for the admission of Mr. Adams in quality of Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America, be promptly executed; and that the petitioners with the other commercial citizens, obtain the effectual enjoyment of a treaty of commerce with the said republic, as well by the activity of the marine of the state and the protection of commerce and navigation, as by all other measures, that your noble and great Lordships with the other members of the sovereign government of the republic, shall judge to tend to the public good, and to serve to the prosperity of the dear country, as well as to the maintenance of its precious liberties. So doing, &c.N.B. This petition was not presented probably till some day in the beginning of April. But as many of these papers were published without dates, and not in any order of their true dates it is difficult to ascertain them precisely.Amsterdam. March 15th, 1782—wrote to Mr. Dana: “Your favor of the 10th, 21st of February, arrived last night, and I thank you for the copy enclosed. I think that if the court of St. James is capable of taking a hint, she may see herself advised to acknowledge the sovereignty of the United States, and admit their ministers to the congress.

There seems to be a change of system in England; but the change is too late. The kingdom is undone, past redemption. Minorca, St Kitts, Demerara, Essequibo, &c. gone; fleets combining to stop the channel; and what is worse than all, deficits of taxes to pay interest, appearing to the amount of half a million sterling in three years; and stocks at fifty-four or fifty-three. French and Dutch united too in the East Indies against them. The French have nothing to do but take prisoners. The garrisons of New-York and Charlestown. The volunteers in Ireland again in motion.The Dutch are now occupied in very serious thoughts of acknowledging American Independence. Friesland has already done it. This is the second sovereign state in Europe that has done it; but a certain foreign faction are exhausting all their wiles to prevent it. But, would you believe it? All their hopes are in Amsterdam. What can be the meaning of these people? How do they expect to get their Islands? How do they expect to exist?—We shall soon see something decisive.I am of late, taken up so much with conversations and visits, that I cannot write much; but what is more, my health is so feeble, that it fatigues me more to write one letter, than it did to write ten, when we were together at Paris. In short to confess to you a truth that is not very pleasant, I verily believe your old friend will never be again the man he was. That hideous fever has shaken him to pieces, so that he will never get firmly compacted together again.I have bought an house at the Hague, fit for the Hôtel des Etats Unis; or if you will, L’Hotel de nouveau monde. It is in a fine situation, and there is a noble spot of ground. This occasions great speculations: but my health was such, that I could not risque another summer the air of Amsterdam.—The house will be for my successor, ready furnished. I shall live in it, but a short time.I see no objection against your attempt as you propose, to find out the real dispositions of the empress, or her ministers. You cannot take any noisy measures like those I have taken here. The form of government forbids it. You can do every thing that can be done in secret. I could do nothing here in secret. Thank God, public measures have had marvellous success.My son should translate Sallust, and write to his father. Charles sailed the 10th of December from Bilboa, in the Cicero, capt. Hill. Does John study the Russian language?Pray what is the reason, that the whole armed neutrality cannot agree to declare America independent, and admit you, in behalf of the United States, to acceed to that confederation? It is so simple, so natural, so easy, so obvious a measure, and at the same time so sublime and so glorious! It is saying, let there be light and there was light. It finishes all controversies at once, and necessitates an universal peace, and even saves old England from total destruction, or the last stages of horror and despair. It is so much in the character, and to the taste of the emperor and empress, that it is amazing, that it is not done. However, we have no particular reason to wish for peace. The longer the war continues, now, the better for us. If the powers of Europe will, in spite of all reason and remonstrance, continue to sport with each other’s blood, it is not our fault. We have done all in our power to bring about peace. One thing, I think certain, that the British forces will evacuate the United States, if not taken prisoners this season.I cannot get a copy of the miniature of George Washington, made for less than twelve ducats: but will have it done, notwithstanding, if you persist in the desire.—We will also endeavour to send you a secretary, and to execute your other orders as soon as we can.

Adieu, my dear friend, Adieu.”Amsterdam, March 16, 1782—wrote to Mr. Grand: “Your letter of March the eleventh, which I received last night, is totally incomprehensible to me.My account was to be made up for two year’s salary, ending the 13th day of last November, amounting to . Every farthing of money I have received, including my last receipt for 400l, amounts to but about that sum. I transmitted you the account between us stated with all possible exactness. You do not acknowledge the receipt of it. There is now due to me, the whole of my salary, or very near the whole, from the thirteenth day of November last, now about four months, which I must soon draw for, to pay my debts already contracted.

Why so much difficulty is made about the plainest thing in nature I know not.

The balance due to me, on the 12th of October last, as stated in the account transmitted you, is 8901. livres, five sols and eleven deniers.—Since which I have received of Messrs. Fizeaux and Grand, the 400l sterling, for which I gave the receipts you mention. The difference between  8901. livres, 5s. 11d. and 400l st. added to the 63 livres, 4 sols paid Chevanne de Giraudiere, is the sum, that I have received towards my third year’s salary.

This is the only way, in which I can ever settle the account: and it is very odd to me, that the simple payments and receipts of about five thousand pounds, should cost as much writing of letters and negotiation, as to make a war or peace.—With great respect and esteem, I have the honor to be, &c. your friend and servant,

					John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 30 August 1810
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

Quincy, August 30, 1810.

Amsterdam, March 19, 1782—Mr. Adams is very sensible of the honor done him in the polite card of Madam Van Berckel of this day’s date; but has the mortification to be conscious, that he is not the anonymous person alluded to, and therefore has no title to the genteel acknowledgments for the present or the billet.
The happy auspices of a future connection between the two nations, which appear at this time in the city, are extremely grateful to Mr. Adams; because it has been, for a long time, upon the best principles, one of the most ardent wishes of his heart.
The constant friendship of Mr. Van Berckel to a young country struggling against oppression, and his long continued endeavors to form a friendship between two nations; which have the best reasons to esteem each other, and the clearest interests to be united; have erected a monument to him in every American heart.
Mr. Adams has had in the course of his life, too much experience of the inexpressible consolation, to be derived from a companion whose public sentiments and affections are in perfect harmony with his own; and has been too sensible of the cruel mortification of being deprived of it for so many years; to be inattentive to the obligations which his country is under to Madam Van Berckel, although he had not the honor to send or know any thing of the present alluded to.
Amsterdam, March 20, 1782—wrote to Mr. J. Luzac: “This morning I received the letter, which you did me the honor to write me on the 19th of this month, with the two copies inclosed, of the petition of the merchants, manufacturers and traders of Leyden, to the great counsel of that city, praying for the conclusion of the commercial connections with the United States of America.
You will be pleased to present my acknowledgments to the respectable body whose intentions you execute, for their obliging attention to me, which does me much honor; and it is with great sincerity that I join in their wishes, and rejoice in the pleasing prospect of seeing the two republics acknowledged to be sisters; which cannot fail to have the most favorable effects upon the manufactures, commerce and prosperity of Leyden.
Accept of my particular thanks, sir, for the affectionate and obliging manner in which you have made the communication to me, and believe me to be with sincere esteem and great respect, sir, your most obedient &c.”
Amsterdam, March 21, 1782—Mr. Adams will stay at home for the gentleman in Number 10, whom he will receive at ten o’-clock this day, sans ceremonie; provided the gentleman is content, that the conversation should pass in presence of Mr. Thaxter, Mr. Adams’ secretary.
But such is the situation of things here, and elsewhere, that it is impossible for Mr. Adams to have any conversation with any gentleman from England, without witness.
 Indeed, Mr Adams’ advice to the gentleman is to proceed forthwith to Paris, and communicate, whatever he has to say to Dr Franklin and the Comte de Vergennes, in the first place, without seeing Mr Adams; who will certainly think himself bound to communicate whatever may be made known to him, without loss of time to those ministers; as he has no authority to treat, much less to conclude, but in concert with them and others.”
Amsterdam, March 22, 1782—wrote to Mr. Dubbledemuts: I have received the letter which you did me the honor to write me the eighteenth day of this month, with a copy enclosed of the petition of the committee of the merchants of the city of Rotterdam to their magistrates, presented last Saturday. You will please to accept of my thanks, for this very acceptable present, and of my hearty congratulations upon that remarkable harmony and unanimity in the sentiments of the various cities and provinces of the republic, concerning the present subject of their deliberations—a treaty with America.
The unanimity of the republic in this important measure, and the forcible arguments adduced in support of it, by the bodies of merchants and manufacturers in the several cities, will probably have a great influence, even in England, for a general peace. In such case, the commerce will be free, and the city of Rotterdam, from her situation, will have as large a share, at least in proportion, as any other.
 I wish it all the prosperity it can desire, and beg leave to subscribe myself, very respectfully, sir, &c.”
The petition inclosed by Mr. Dubbledemuts was as follows:
 Petition of the merchants, insurers and freighters of Rotterdam, to the regency of that city.
Give to understand, in the most respectful manner, that it is sufficiently notorious, that the inhabitants of this republic have as well as any other nation, an interest, that they give us an opportunity to open a free communication and correspondence with the inhabitants of America, by making a treaty of commerce, as Mr. Adams has represented in his memorial; to which they add, that the advantages, which must result from it, are absolutely the only means of reviving the fallen commerce of this country; for re-establishing the navigation, and for repairing the great damages, which the perfidious proceedings of the English have, for so many years, caused to the commercial part of this country.
That with all due respect, they represent to the venerable regency, the danger we run, in prolonging farther the deliberations, concerning the article of an alliance of commerce with North America; being moreover certain, that the interposition of this state, cannot add any thing more to the solidity of its independence; and that the English ministry has even made to the deputies of the American congress, propositions, to what point they would establish a correspondence there to our prejudice, and thereby deprive the inhabitants of this country, of the certain advantages which might result from this reciprocal commerce. And that thus we ought not to delay one day, nor even one hour, to try all our efforts, that we may pursue the negotiation offered by Mr. Adams, and that we may decide finally upon it.
Whereupon the petitioners represent, with all the respect possible, but at the same time with the firmest confidence, to the venerable regency of this city, that they would authorize and qualify the lords their deputies at the assembly of their noble and grand mightinesses, to the end, that they insist in the manner the most energetic, at the assembly of their noble and grand mightinesses, that the resolution demanded may be taken without the least delay, to the end, that on the part of this province, it be effected at the assembly of the states general, that the American minister, Mr. Adams be as soon as possible admitted to the audience which he has demanded, and that they take with him the determinations necessary to render free and open to the reciprocal inhabitants the correspondence demanded. So doing, &c.
Amsterdam, March 20, 1782—The petitions of the merchants, and manufacturers of Haerlem, Leyden and Amsterdam, which were presented on the twentieth of March to their high mightinesses, were accompanied with another to the states of Holland and West Friesland, conceived in these terms.
The subscribers, inhabitants of this country, merchants, manufacturers, and others living by commerce, give, with all respect to understand, that they have the honor to annex hereto a copy of a petition presented by them to their high mightinesses, the states general of the united low countries.—The importance of the thing which it contains, the considerable commerce which these countries might establish in North America, the profits which we might draw from it, and the importance of industry and manufactures, by the relation which they have with commerce in general, as well as the navigation to that extensive country: all these objects have made them take the liberty to represent, in the most respectful manner, this great affair for them, and for the connections which the petitioners may have in quality of manufacturers, with the merchants, most humbly praying your noble and grand mightinesses, for the acquisition of those important branches of commerce, and for the advantage of all the manufactures and other works of labour and of traffic, to be so good as to take this petition, and the reasons which it contains, into your high consideration, and to favour it with your powerful support and protection; and by a favourable resolution, which may be taken at the assembly of their high mightinesses, to direct, on the part of this province, things in such a manner, that for obtaining this commerce so desired and so necessary for this republic, that there be concerted such efficacious measures as the high wisdom and patriotic sentiments of your noble and grand mightinesses may find convenient for the well-being of so great a number of inhabitants, and for the prejudice of their enemies. So doing, &c.
Amsterdam, 20th March, 1782—At Dordrecht there has not been presented any petition. But on the twentieth of March, the merchants, convinced by redoubled proofs of the zeal, and of the efforts of their regency, for the true interests of commerce, judged it unnecessary to present a petition, after the example of the merchants of other cities; they contented themselves with testifying verbally their desire, that there might be contracted connections of commerce with the United States of America: that this step had been crowned with such happy success, that the same day, the 20th of March, 1782, it was resolved by the ancient counsel, to authorize their deputies at the assembly of Holland, to concur in every manner possible that without delay, Mr. Adams be acknowledged in his quality of minister plenipotentiary; that his letters of credence be accepted, and conferences opened upon this object.
Amsterdam, March 20, 1782—About this time appeared without a date, the Petition of
Zwoll in Overyssel,
The subscribers, all merchants, manufacturers and factors, of the city of Zwoll, give respectfully to understand, that every one of them in his private concerns, finds by experience, as well as the inhabitants of the republic in general, the grievous effects of the decay into which commerce and the manufactures of this country are fallen little by little; and above all, since the hostile attack of the Kingdom of England against this State. That it being their duty to their country as well as to themselves, to make use of all the circumstances which might contribute to their re-establisbment, the requisition made not long since by Mr. Adams to the republic; to wit, to conclude a treaty of commerce with the United States of North America, could not escape their attention. An affair whose utility, advantage and necessity for these provinces are so evident, and so often proved in an incontestable manner: that your petitioners will not fatigue your noble Lordships by placing them before you; nor the general interests of this city, nor the particular relations of the petitioners, considering that they are convinced in the first place, that England, making against the republic the most ruinous war, and having broken every treaty with her, all kind of compliances for that Kingdom is unreasonable.
In the second place, that America, which ought to be regarded as become free at the point of the sword, and as willing, by the prohibition of all the productions and manufactures of England, to break absolutely with that Kingdom; it is precisely the time, and perhaps the only time in which we may have a favourable opportunity to enter into connection with this new and powerful republic, a time which we cannot neglect without running the greatest risque of being irrevocably prevented by the other powers and even by England. Thus we take the liberty respectfully to supplicate your noble Lordships, that having shewn for a long time, that you set a value upon the formation of alliances with powerful states, you may have the goodness at the approaching assembly of the Nobility and of the cities forming the states of this province, to redouble your efforts to the end, that in the name of this country it may be decided in the generality, that Mr. Adams be acknowledged, and the proposed negociations opened as soon as possible. So doing, &c.
[As the three following petitions from Amsterdam were published without any dates, it is impossible to ascertain precisely the day of presentation of either of them; but they were all between the 18th of March and the beginning of April.]
Petition of Amsterdam,
To their High Mightinesses, the States General of the United Provinces: the undersigned merchants, manufacturers and others, inhabitants, living by commerce in this country: give respectfully to understand—
That although the petitioners have always relied with entire confidence upon the administration and the resolutions of your high Mightinesses, and it is against their inclinations to interrupt your important deliberations; they think however, that they ought at this time, to take the liberty, and believe, as well intentioned inhabitants, that it is their indispensable duty in the present moment, which is the most critical for the republic, to lay humbly before your high Mightinesses, their interest.
What good citizen in the republic, having at heart the interest of his dear country, can dissemble or represent to himself without dismay, the sad situation to which we are reduced by the attack equally sudden, unjust and perfidious of the English? Who would have dared two years ago, to foretell, and notwithstanding the dark clouds which even then began to form themselves, could ever have imagined that our commerce, and our navigation, with the immense affairs which depend upon them, the support and the prosperity of this republic could have fallen and remained in such a terrible decay? That in 1780 more than two thousands of Dutch vessels having passed the sound, not one was found upon the lists in 1781.
 That the ocean, heretofore covered with our vessels, should see at present scarcely any? And that we may be reduced to see our navigation, formerly so much respected and preferred by all the nations, pass entirely into the hands of other powers? It would be superfluous to endeavor to explain at length, the damages, the enormous losses, which our inhabitants have sustained by the sudden invasion and pillage of the colonies and of their ships: disasters which not only fall directly upon the merchant, but which have also a general influence, and make themselves felt in the most melancholy manner, even by the lowest artisans and labourers, by the languor which they occasion in commerce. But how great soever they may be, it might perhaps be possible, by the aid of the paternal cares of your high Mightinesses, and by opposing a vigorous resistance to the enemy already enervated, to repair in time all these losses, (without mentioning indemnifications) if this stagnation of commerce was only momentary, and if the industrious merchant did not see beforehand the sources of his future felicity dried up. It is this gloomy foresight which in this moment afflicts, in the highest degree, the petitioners; for it would be the height of folly and inconsideration, to desire still to flatter ourselves and to remain quiet in the expectation that, after the conclusion of the peace, the business at present turned out of its direction, should return entirely into this country, for experience shews the contrary in a manner the most convincing; and it is most probable, that the same nations who are actually in possession of it will preserve, at that time the greatest part of it. Your alarmed petitioners throw their eyes around every where to discover new sources, capable of procuring them more success in future; they even flatter themselves, that they have found them upon the new theatre of commerce, which the United States of America offer them. A commerce, of which, in this moment, but in this moment only, they believe themselves to be in a condition to be able to assure to themselves a good share, and the great importance of which, joined to the fear of seeing escape from their hands, this only and last resource, has induced them to take the resolution to lay open respectfully their observations concerning this important object to your high Mightinesses, with the earnest prayer, that you would consider them with a serious attention, and not interpret in ill part, this measure of the petitioners, especially as their future well-being, perhaps even that of the whole republic, depends on the decision of this affair.
No man can call in question, that England has derived her greatest forces from her commerce with America; those immense treasures, which that commerce has poured into the coffers of the state; the uncommon prosperity of several of her commercial houses; the extreme reputation of her manufactures; the consumption of which in quantities beyond all bounds, contributes efficaciously to their perfection, are convincing proofs of it. However it may be, and notwithstanding the supposition too lightly adopted, that we cannot imitate the British manufactures; the manufacture of painted linens of Rouen, those of wool of Amiens, of Germany, of Overyssel, the pins of Zwoll, prove visibly, that all things need not be drawn from England; that on the contrary, we are as well in a condition or soon shall be, to equal them in several respects.
Permit us, high and mighty lords, to the end to avoid all further digression, to request in this regard the attention of your high mightinesses, to the situation of commerce in France at the beginning of the war. Continual losses had almost ruined it altogether, like ours. Several of her merchants failed of capitals, and others wanted courage to continue their commerce; her manufactures languished; the people groaned; the one word, every thing there marked out the horrors of war. But, at present, her maritime towns overpeopled, have occasion to be enlarged; her manufactures having arrived at a degree of exportation unknown before, begin to perfect themselves more and more, in such a degree, that the melancholy consequences of the war are scarcely felt in that kingdom. But since it is incontestible, that this favorable alteration results almost entirely from its commerce with America; that even this has taken place in time of war, which moreover is ever prejudicial, we leave it to the enlightened judgment of your high mightinesses, to decide, what it is that we may expect from a commerce of this nature, even at present, but especially in time of peace. In the mean time, we have had the happiness to make a trial of short duration, it is true, but very strong in proportion to its continuance, in our colony of St. Eustatia, of the importance of the commerce, though not direct, with North America. The registers of the West India Company may furnish proofs of it, very convincing to your high mightinesses; in fact their productions are infinitely suitable to our market, while on our side, we have to send them several articles of convenience and of necessity from our own country or from the neighbouring states of Germany. Moreover, several of our languishing manufactures, scattered in the seven united provinces, may perhaps be restored to their former vigour, by means of bounties or the diminution of imposts. The importance of manufactures for a country is sufficiently proved by the considerable gratifications promised and payed by British policy for their encouragement, and by the advantages which that kingdom has procured to itself by this means, even beyond what had been expected.
The petitioners know perfectly well, the obstacles, almost insurmountable, which always oppose themselves to the habitual use of new manufactures, although certainly better in quality; and they dare advance without hesitation, that several of our manufactures are superior to those of the English: a moment more favourable than the present can never offer itself, when by a resolution of congress, the importation of all the effects of the produce of Great Britain and her colonies is forbidden; which reduces the merchant and purchaser to the necessity of recurring to other merchandizes, the use of which will serve to dissipate the prejudice conceived against them: It is not only the manufactures, high and mighty lords, which promise a permanent advantage to our republic: the navigation; for it is very far from being true (as several would maintain) that the Americans, being once in tranquil possession of their independency, would themselves exercise with vigour these two branches, and that in the sequel we shall be wholly frustrated of them. Whoever has the least knowledge of the country of America, and of its vast extent, knows that the number of inhabitants is not there in proportion. That even the two banks of the Mississippi, even the most beautiful tract of this country, otherwise so fertile, remain still uncultivated; and as there are wanted so many hands, it is not at all probable to presume that they will or can occupy themselves to establish new manufactures; both because of the new charges which are thereunto attached, and because of the shackles which they put upon the augmentation and exportation of their productions.
It is then for these same reasons, the want of population that they will scarcely find the hands necessary to take advantage of the fisheries, which are the property of their country; which will certainly oblige them to abandon to us, the navigation of freight.—There is not therefore any one of our provinces, much less any one of our cities, which cannot enjoy the advantage of this commerce. No, high and mighty lords, the petitioners are persuaded that the utility and the benefit of it, will spread itself over all the provinces and countries of the generality.—Guilderland and Overyssel cannot too much extend their manufactures of wool of swan-skin and other things; even the shoemakers of mayoralty and of Lang-Street, will find a considerable opening; almost all the manufacturers of Utrecht and of Leyden will flourish anew. Hærlem will see revive its manufactures of stuffs, of laces, of ribbons, of twist, at present in the lowest state of decay. Delft will see vastly augmented the sale of its earthen ware, and Gouda that of its tobacco pipes.
However great may be the advantages foreseen by the petitioners from a legal commerce duly protected with America, their fear is not less, lest we should suffer to escape the happy moment of assuring to them, and to all the republic, these advantages.—The present moment must determine the whole. The English nation is weary of the war; and as that people run easily into extremes, the petitioners are afraid, with strong probable appearances, that a complete acknowledgment of American independence will soon take place; above all, if the English see an opportunity of being able still to draw from America some conditions favourable for them, or at least something to our disadvantage. Ah! what is it, which should instigate the Americans in making peace and renewing friendship with Great Britain, to have any regard for the interests of our republic? If England could only obtain for a condition, that we should be obliged to pay duties more burthensome for our vessels, this would be not only a continual and permanent prejudice; but would be sufficient to transmit to posterity, a lamentable proof, of our excessive deference for unbridled enemies.
The petitioners dare flatter themselves, that a measure so frank of this republic, may powerfully serve for the accelleration of a general peace. A general ardor to extinguish the flames of war, reigns in England; an upright and vigorous conduct, on the part of the republic, will contribute to accellerate the accomplishment of the wishes for peace.
We flatter ourselves, high and mighty lords, that we have in this regard, alledged sufficient reasons for an immediate decision; and that we have so visibly proved the danger of delay, that we dare to hope, from the paternal equity of your high mightinesses, a reasonable attention to the respectful proposition which we have made. It proceeds from no other motive, than a sincere affection for the precious interests of our dear country; since we consider it as certain, that as soon as the step taken by us, shall be known by the English, and that they shall have the least hope of preventing us, they will not fail, as soon as possible, to acknowledge American independence. Supported by all these reasons, the petitioners address themselves to your high mightinesses, humbly requesting that it may please your high mightinesses, after the occurrences and affairs above mentioned, to take for the greatest advantage of this country, as soon as possible, such resolution as your high mightinesses shall judge most convenient. This doing, &c.

John Adams.