Title: From John Quincy Adams to Charles Francis Adams, 21 August 1809
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Charles Francis,Adams, George Washington,Adams, John

1.
(Letters to my Children.)
21. Augt: 1809.

It is related of Augustus Caesar, that being upon his death-bed, he turned just before he expired to the friends who were standing around, and asked them what they thought of the part which he had acted on the scene of human life—They express’d their admiration as their feelings or their prudence inspired—Then said he “Plaudite”.
In the article of Death, Augustus was what he had been throughout life; a theatrical performer—The ideas which clung to his “last sand” were inseparable from Representation—He was still acting a part, in death, and this expression while it indicates a coolness and self-possession, at the moment when the generality of mankind have lost all the faculties both of mind and body at the same time proves the consciousness of him who used it that he had been through the whole course of his existence a man in a mask—The Roscius or AEsopus of real life.
The character of Augustus Caesar is not one, which I should ever recommend to you as a model for imitation. I do not altogether approve even of this idea with which he closed his life—It is only in a qualified sense that we can admit that all the “World’s a Stage; and all the men and women merely players.”— But thus far it is admissible, and may be useful; that you should each of you, consider yourself, as placed here to act a part— That is to have some single great end or object to accomplish; towards which all the views and all the labours of your existence should steadily be directed.
The generality of mankind are under little embarrassment in fixing upon this purpose of existence—Since the sentence upon our first parent that he should live by the sweat of his brow, toil has been the ordinary price of subsistence, and the labour of a man’s life, is appropriated by Providence to its own support—At the entrance upon the threshold of life, your principal concern will be to procure to yourself the supply of your wants, and this may be sufficient for the exercise of all your faculties—If successful in this, as you advance on the stage, your relations with human Society will multiply—One of the Laws of Nature requires that after having enjoyed the blessing of existence yourself, you should perform your part in communicating the same blessing to others—As a great portion of the enjoyment of life consists in the Society of the sexes, there is an obligation upon you, to share your pleasures with a partner—These two moral duties are naturally connected with each other; if by the means of industry and frugality, the most essential of all the virtues to youth, you acquire the means not only of providing for your own necessities, but a superfluity which may be applied to the support of others; then commences the obligation of matrimony; which once contracted opens a field upon which the most steady and bounteous prosperity may lavish all its Stores.—The participation of your own worldly comforts with a companion for life, and with the children who may be given to the Union, is but the natural expansion of that first object of life, which has, been mentioned—the procurement of the means of subsistence—To your children however, there is another duty, not less sacred than that of giving them bread—the duty of Education—Of training them up in the way they should go—Of preparing them for the conflicts which they may have in their turn to sustain with the world—Thus then the object of life, as it presents itself in the ordinary course of Providence to man, stands in this graduation—the means of subsistence for himself—of comfortable subsistence for himself and his wife—of subsistence, nurture and education for a family of children— These are the first and the closest ties of human Society—Without all these human Society could not exist—they are founded on the universal law of self-preserbation as applied to the individual and to the species—By providing for his own wants the individual can only support his own existence, and if you suppose the cares of every individual confined to this object, the species would perish whenever this race of individuals should be extinct—The species can be preserved only by the provision made by every generation for the birth, nurture, and support to a certain stage of life, of the generation next succeeding—It is the debt which every generation owes to its predecessors, and which not being in the nature of things payable to them must be discharged to their order. It is the link between the first Parents of our race, and their remotest posterity—The tie by which we belong at once to past and future ages.
These means of subsistence for the individual, and of preservation to the species, constitute the great end of existence to a great majority of mankind—They fill the ordinary measure of duties and obligations—They are to be obtained in civil society only by some mechanic art or some laborious profession—Whatever that may be, it requires the exercise of a virtue which employs the principal part of the individual’s time—I mean Industry—Most of these occupations, employ the individual, not immediately in labours for his own use, but for the use of others—And hence arises a new and copious source of further obligations—The relations of man are no longer confined to his own family, but extend to his neighbours and fellow-citizens—The exchange of mutual wants produces the complicated system of contracts, and with it, an enlarged field of ethics—To the duties of self-preservation, it adds those of Justice, and fidelity to others; but does not materially affect the end of the individual’s existence—He exchanges the superfluity of his own labour for an equivalent supply to his own wants; and the greater his ingenuity, his industry, his fidelity, and his integrity, the more completely in the ordinary course of things, will his time be absorbed, and the necessary end of his existence attained.
But there are two causes opposite to each other in their nature, which require corresponding modifications in the purpose of life—The one Success—and the other failure in the profession which he has assumed—These contingencies apply less to that class of man whose employment is agriculture, than to any others—The tiller of the soil, barely as such seldom fails to procure his subsistence, and that of his family by his Industry, and as seldom can he expect to procure anything more. But when men are congregated in populous cities, the multitude of occupations, which arise from that state of things, renders the procurement of subsistence more precarious to every single individual, while it accumulates superfluous prosperity upon one part of the Community, by contribution levied upon the rest—Hence the extremes of riches and poverty, both of which affect in the highest degree the occupations of individuals, and modify the ends of their existence—In proportion as poverty increases, the social obligations of the individual diminish, untill they centre again in the first law of self-preservation—When the individual becomes incompetent to the supply of his necessary wants, there results to his family, or to Society an obligation to provide the means of subsistence for him, in consideration of which however they acquire the right of employing him in such suitable labour as he is able to perform—Of such persons however, little need here be said, as ceasing in some sort to be responsible beings; the end of their being can thenceforth be no other than physical existence; as comfortable as the humanity of their fellow creatures can make it.
But as indigence diminishes so prosperity multiplies the relations and the duties of social life. He to whom success in his occupation has brought a surplus of the means of subsistence beyond that which is necessary for himself and his family, contracts the obligation of correcting the iniquities of Fortune—of disseminating that Prosperity with which he has been blest; of becoming the benefactor of his fellow mortals, beyond the circle of his own family.—It is perhaps impossible to mark the line, where this special obligation commences—but it certainly begins long before any special modification to the object of existence becomes necessary—Besides the immediate family with the support of which the individual is charged under the primary law of self-preservation, there are remoter domestic relations, relations of good neighbourhood, of friendship, of patriotism and of philanthropy, which bind in looser ties every individual to his fellow creatures—These are not only reconcileable with those primary obligations of duty, which mark out the object of existence, but are in many respects inseparable from them. The good offices of social benevolence, depend much in their application, upon the circumstances in which the individual is placed, and are modified by them—There are also the duties of a Citizen to his Country, which are binding upon all, and more forcibly binding in a Republican Government than in any other—The principle of all other Governments supposes that the great interests of the community, are by the operation of certain Institutions, exclusively or at least principally committed to a certain number of individuals; and that the duties of all others towards the body politic, are a burden which they may decline, or which perhaps they are forbidden to assume— But upon the Republican principle, every individual has a stake, an interest and a voice in the common Stock of Society, and consequently lies under the obligation of attending to and promoting that common interest to the utmost of his power; compatibly with the discharge of his more immediate duties of self-preservation, and preservation of his kind—These duties of Patriotism and Philanthropy, may become predominant, and indicate the very object of existence, when the primary obligations, are discharged already at a man’s hands, or so facilitated as no longer to employ a material portion of the individual’s toil & time.
When by the success of his own exertions, or by the exuberance of Prosperity inherited from his fathers, the first and necessary object of existence has been accomplished, the obligation upon the individual is by his own voluntary act to substitute another object for his pursuit—One of the reasons why the rich, the great and the prosperous appear in such unfavourable colours is that not possessing the Understanding to select, the spirit to assume or the perseverance to effect any such steady object of pursuit, they pass their lives in idleness, or in dishonourable occupations—mere burdens of human Society; mere cumberers of the ground.—And as employment is necessary both to the body and mind of man, none being provided for them, and they being under a moral incapacity to provide any for themselves, their existence is as burdensome to themselves as it is useless to others.
Take it then as a general principle, to be observed as one of the directing impulses of life, that you must have some one great purpose of existence— And if you should ever be relieved from that which is imposed upon you, that of providing for yourself, let it be one of your most earnest solicitudes, to select another, which may best promote your own well-being, and the happiness of your fellow-creatures. Obvious as this principle is when thus express’d in general terms; it is not without its difficulties when we attempt to carry it into practice— How to employ our faculties in such a manner, as shall produce the greatest quantity of human happiness is a problem of no easy solution— Good intention is but one step towards its solution. The good which an individual can do to his fellow-creatures, is seldom proportioned to his dispositions; and the inclination to do good itself, unless enlightened by a clear perception, guided by a discriminating judgment, and animated by energetic and active Resolution, evaporates in the dreams of Imagination, or proves a poison instead of a healing balm.
There are two different modes by which an individual possessed of a sufficient competency for his own wants, may employ his time, for the benefit of his Country and of mankind—The first, by taking a share in the public administration of the Government—The second by cultivating the Arts and Sciences.— As to the first, there are Countries where many persons under these Circumstances, are by the political Constitutions of the Country, invested by hereditary right with a portion of the public authority—But in ours, the principle of Government is elective, and the attainment of any situation in the public Administration depends upon the will of others—Still further—with a very few exceptions, the public offices are not only elective, but for short periods of time—So that neither their first acquisition, nor their permanent possession depends upon the will of the individual—From this state of things you may infer certain corresponding axioms.
The object of existence, when selected by yourself, should be as much as possible within your own controul— For if you choose that which depends upon the will of others, you not only prepare for yourself probable disappointment, but you diminish your means of usefulness by rendering them precarious—You weaken your power of doing good, by placing the capacity of doing it at the disposal of others—You place not only your self and your own happiness, but your beneficent energies under tutelage.—It is therefore dangerous to connect the principal end of existence, with the participation in the Government—Much more dangerous would it be, to place it in the attainment of public office—This can of itself contribute very little to your own happiness and nothing to that of others.—Yet an invariable determination to reject this participation of authority is neither commanded by virtue, nor compatible with it—The public service to a man of Independent Patriotism, is neither to be solicited, nor refused—He must be neither obtrusive nor disdainful—He ought not to ask, what he cannot want; but to hold himself ever ready at the call of his Country.—This call, when it occurs, must doubtless to a certain extent modify that which he chooses to make the end of his existence—Public Office brings with it much necessary occupation, and must give some of its colours to individual existence—The duties of the Office, must be faithfully discharged; and at the same time the enquiry ought ever to be present to the Officer’s mind, how he can make himself yet more useful to his Country. There are talents and qualifications which belong to every public Station, and the performance of its functions, is generally susceptible of improvement.—There is a species of knowledge important if not indispensable to every public officer, and although the appointment or election presupposes competent qualifications in the person chosen, yet whoever is ambitious of performing well his part, will find that he has useful employment for much time, in fitting himself better for the station which he has already attained.—Public Office is of various kinds—There are offices merely ministerial, and of a subordinate character, easily filled, and requiring labour rather than talents to be filled in the best manner—These are usually sought after as a means of subsistence, and they ought to be reserved exclusively for meritorious indigence.—They may be wanted, but can never be desired— But the offices of high trust and responsibility Legislative—Executive and Judicial, all require continual supplies of information, and have within themselves ample sources for constant employment to those by whom they are held.
The cultivation of the Arts and Sciences, affords an inexhaustible and never failing resource for employment; and it is the most honoured occupation which the leisure of opulence can assume—But the field is so wide, that there is danger of wandering over it to no purpose; unless some specific object of pursuit is voluntarily proposed.—Miscellaneous, and undirected application to study, is a more innocent pastime, than Wealth or Grandeur usually find, but is after all but an idle Industry—The mind of Man is too limited in its powers to embrace all art and Science in general—Superior excellence in one department of Art or Science may be attained by a concentration of effort, which more diffusely exerted though in equal degree, will secure nothing more than mediocrity.
The real and only difficulty, to be overcome, is that of fixing upon the special object of application—There is sometimes an impulse of natural Genius so clear and strong, that it needs neither stimulus nor direction—It forces its own way, and carries the individual along with it—But as these persons are a Law to themselves they are of no use as example to others—The ordinary race of mortals must make themselves a channel in which their desires and energies may flow—Instead of following a transient propensity which they will find constantly changing its object, their merit will consist in counteracting it—The common man, and as such you must consider yourself, will find his inclinations, leading him constantly not to the object of his pursuit but from it—[This is one and perhaps the only cause, which has prevented  in any part of Art or Science.]—Let me however suggest a few principles, which may by the aid of your own reflections lead you to a correct decision in the choice, which I suppose you may be called to make.
1. Let the chosen object of your existence, be such as naturally will engraft itself upon the necessary one—Such as may have within itself a capacity of expansion and of contraction, according to the good or ill-success which may attend its pursuit—When Cortez landed with his troops, to undertake the conquest of Mexico, he burnt his ships, to take from his companions all hopes of safety in a retreat—This was rather the resort of desperation than of magnanimity—It suited the ferocious character of Cortéz, and success has enrolled it in the annals of heroism—But the ordinary policy, of the greatest heroes is not to cut off, but to secure the means of safety by retreat—The most ordinary mistake of political adventurers in our Country, is, like Cortez, at their entrance upon public life, to burn their ships—to cut off their own retreat; and in the first instance of failure, which is sure to befall them, to plunge headlong over the precipice of ruin—Should your Fortune, ever lure you into the thorny paths of public life, let your first and most inflexible Resolution be, to keep your retreat open—to prepare yourself for an independent retirement, and to keep your mind always ready to return to the humble and safer pursuits of private life.
2. In selecting a specific branch of Art or Science, for your peculiar assiduity of cultivation, do not waste too much time in deliberation—Let your choice be made coolly; but let it not be postponed from year to year, untill the chance of choice, or the leisure of pursuit shall be lost.
3. To guide your choice, consult your own Genius, with the Spirit of enquiry, and if possible with the Judgment of impartiality. Consult your friends, if friends you have, capable of estimating the importance of the object, and the considerations which ought to influence your decision—Discard, unless you have a very clear and forcible vocation, the abstract Sciences, because they are much more difficult to be made practically useful to others, by any use that you can make of them—Discard the mechanical Arts, because the exercise of them can scarcely ever be made pleasing to yourself, or of any important advantage to others—The physical Sciences, Natural History, Astronomy, Ethics, Oratory and Poetry, with all the varieties of polite literature, may divide your attention, and the accidents of life as they occur may point you more particularly, to any one subordinate division for that extraordinary toil and care of cultivation, which a thrifty and industrious farmer would bestow upon his garden.
4. Accustom yourself to meditate and to write, upon the subjects to which you devote your special attention— Writing, says Lord Bacon, makes a correct man—Reflect upon what you read; and converse upon the topic of your enquiry, with those who understand it best. Methodize your studies; and form some general plan upon which you can resume or lay aside any particular study, without retarding or arresting your general pursuit.
5. Finally let the uniform principle of your life, the “frontlet between your eyes,” be how to make your talents and your knowledge, most beneficial to your Country, and most useful to mankind.


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to Anonymous, 25 August 1809
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Anonymous

My Dear Madam,—
Quincy, August 25th, 1809.

Inclosed is a Letter which came under cover to the president. I take an early opportunity to forward it to you. I presume it is, from your son. At the same time I avail myself of the occasion, and write my sympathy, with that which I know you must feel, at the destination of our Children to a foreign Country. The appointment is no doubt an honorable one, and in a public light, I consider it, an acquisition to the Country, having been so frequently exercised in the lesson, of sacrificeing private happiness to the public good. I submit to the destination tho not without the most painfull sensations. At the Age to which both his Father and I have arrived, we can faintly hope to meet again, the loss of his society to us, is no common loss. May the blessing of God Almighty attend them.
I had flattered myself with the hope of seeing you here this summer, the tye is broken but should you have an other inducement to come to Boston, I hope you will pass some time with us at Quincy. We have two Branches to console us for the absence of their parents. John is the youthfull Image of his Dear Mother, a lovely Boy. George is a careless wise Boy very much like his Father. Charles whom they have taken with them is a Stout fellow—resembling both parents—present me to all your family. Most affectionatly your Friend
Abigail Adams.


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to Elizabeth Smith Shaw Peabody, 27 August 1809
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Peabody, Elizabeth Smith Shaw

My dear Sister
August 27th ca. 1809

your Letter of july 26th has lain by me unanswerd untill now. your own mind will easily suggest to you the multiplied cares and anxieties through which I have passt since that date and plead my excuse.— the destination of my dear son and family to a foreign country, at this period of the lives, of both his Father and Mother has been a trial to us of the most a most painfull & tender kind we can barely stretch out our hands to the Anchor of hope, with the prospcet of living to see his return even should providene spair his Life— we know and feel that we are cut off from that society which was our delight, from that fillial attention which soothd smoothed the rugged road of Life, and sweatend the cup  it supported our declineing years. it was an appointment which did honour both to the giver and receiver circumstanced as he stood, he conceived it his duty not to decline the service of his Country, from whatever party calld, He embraced the whole— if is his Country the interest and welfare of that is his objcet, without one consideration of party distinctions— his soul feels no such contraction—
Remember man, the universal cause
Acts not by partial, but by gen’ral laws;
And makes what Happiness we justly call
subsist not in the good of one but all
Friend parent Neighbour, first should be embraced
His Country next; and next all human race;
They left me the two dear Boys as a consolation and solace—and they are placed at their uncle Cranch— the day before they sailed Mrs T B A gave us an other Grandson— she has not been so well as formerly, and at three weeks has not been out of her chamber—She is now getting better— we hope for the pleasure of mr Peabodys company & my dear Neice with him this week. we have plenty of room for her, and shall take plasure in having her with us— let her stay a Month, and then do you favour us with a visit—
I ought e’er this to have thanked you for not only the whole half but the whole of the good cheese your furnishd. a morsul in the evening is the supper of the president. the puny mice as you term them, are good judges, and follow a natural propensity, for why should mice not love cheese as well as man! but there are other interlopers who poison all they love? touch— and whose  I would dispute with fire and knife—if I had known what you most wanted the inclosed should have purchased it—I had a Letter from Mrs Smith the last week. she desires to be rememberd to you. pray write to her and I will convey it to her. she has had her own desires fullfilld as it respected williams accompanying his uncle tho she could not see him first, indeed we all had but one wish—as he was at Nyork when he first learnt that his uncle was appointed minister to Russia and there was not time for him to go home and return—
you must come and make us a visit. do not adjourn it to short col days and cold weather— with sincere Love & affection / I am ever your
Abigail Adams—


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to Abigail Amelia Adams Smith, 3 September 1809
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Smith, Abigail Amelia Adams

my dear daughter:
Sunday, September 3d, 1809.

To cheer the gloom which, in despite of my efforts to dispel, will hang about my heart upon the return of this day, which used to be endeared to me by the presence of your brother, I must have recourse to my pen and write about him, whilst my imagination follows him upon the ocean, sometimes wafted by gentle gales, and sometimes buffeting the winds and the waves. You, too, have your anxieties for a beloved and deserving son—you may live to see him return! but to me, the separation appeared like the last farewell.
“God from all creatures hides the book of fate.”
It is enough for me to know,
“That he cannot go, where universal love smiles not around,
Sustaining all yon orbs, and all their suns.”
And unto that Being, who has heretofore protected me and mine upon the mighty waters, and in foreign climes, and returned us in safety, so that not one of us has been wanting, I again commit those most dear to us, beseeching for them the same protecting arm: yet I must be insensible if I did not know that what I relinquish is no common loss. To superior powers of mind, were united taste, refinement, and fancy, as well as deep research into science. The late public performances at our commencement, were allowed by every scientific man to be superior to any thing ever before exhibited there; and they did your brother the justice to ascribe to him the principal merit of them, by the pains he had taken, and the method he had pursued in his lectures upon oratory.
I attended his farewell lecture at Cambridge: as I heard the first, I was determined to hear the last. It had not been customary to admit ladies. I was not alone on this occasion; the chapel was crowded, every aisle and avenue. I must copy for you a passage, which was felt like an electrical shock. I saw the effect upon the whole audience:
“At no hour of your life, my young friends, will the love of letters ever oppress you as a burden, or fail you as a resource.
“In the vain and foolish exultation of the heart, which the brighter prospects of life will sometimes excite, the pensive portress of science shall call you back to the sober pleasures of her holy cell. In the mortifications of disappointment, her soothing voice shall whisper serenity and peace. In social converse with the mighty dead of ancient days, you will never smart under the galling sensation of dependence upon the mighty living of the present age; and in your struggles with the world, should a crisis ever occur, when even friendship may deem it prudent to desert you; when even your country may seem ready to abandon herself and you; when even priest and levite shall come and look on you and pass by on the other side; seek refuge, my unfailing friends, and be assured you will find it in the friendship of Laelius and Scipio; in the patriotism of Cicero, Demosthenes, and Burke; as well as in the precept and example of Him whose whole law is love, and who taught us to remember injuries only to forgive them.
“Finally, gentlemen, though my inclination still lingers at the word, I must, however reluctantly, bid you, one and all, adieu. I have heard of two lovers, who, upon being separated from each other for a length of time, and by a distance like that to which I am bound; among the contrivances, which the ingenuity of affection devised to bring them in fancy nearer to each other, mutually agreed, at a given hour of every day to turn their eyes towards one of the great luminaries of the heavens; and each of them, in looking to the sky, felt a sensation of pleasure at the thought that the eyes of the other at the same moment, were directed towards the same object. Let me cherish the hope, that between you and me there will be some occasional, nay frequent remembrance, reciprocated by analogical objects in the world of mind. Whenever the hour of studious retirement shall point our views to those luminaries of the moral heavens, which shine with such benignant radiance for our benefit and delight; when the moralists, the poets, and the orators, of every age shall be the immediate objects of our regards; let us in the visions of memory behold one another engaged in the same ‘celestial colloquy sublime.’
“Let us think of one another as fellow-students in the same pursuit. Let us remember the pleasant hours, in which we have trod together this path of wisdom and of honour; and if at that moment the sentiment of privation should darken the retrospect, may it be your consolation, as it will be mine, that the only painful impression which resulted from our intercourse arises from its cessation, as the only regret with which the remembrance of you can ever be associated, is that which I now experience in bidding you farewell.”
Write to me, my dear daughter; you cannot write an hundredth part so often as you are thought of, by / Your affectionate mother,

A. Adams.


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Thomas Boylston Adams, 24 September 1809
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Thomas Boylston

24. September 1809.

The original of which the within is a duplicate, was dispatched to you on the 16th: of August, by the Dove, a fishing vessel belonging to Plymouth, which we spoke on that day—As she had been laying only one week on the Grand Bank, and expected to continue there four or five weeks longer, it is doubtful whether you have yet received our letters forwarded by her; but not having had an opportunity to write since, they will probably give you the most recent intelligence from us—After leaving the Grand Bank we proceeded with the usual vicissitudes of wind and weather, and without speaking to any other vessel, for about a month—On the 15th: instant we spoke to a Ship called the Edward from New-York, bound to Breman, which had been out only two days less than ourselves—The 16th: early in the morning we saw the first European land—The island of Rona, and the 16th: we pass’d between Fair Isle and the Orkneys—The 17th: an armed brig brought us to, and hailed us in English—ordering our Captain to go on board of her, because the wind and sea ran so high that she did not dare to put out a boat herself—It was found impossible for our boat to reach her, and she finally left us, without shewing any Colours.
The 18th: we made the land on the Coast of Norway and the 19th: in the morning were successively boarded by two British armed brigs, the officers from which only examined our papers and suffered us to proceed. The harbour of Christiansand was in sight, and having a head wind and an approaching gale, Captain Beckford concluded to touch there, procure some fresh stores and wait for a more favourable wind—After we had a pilot on board, came a two mast boat, with a swivel, a Danish lieutenant, and about twenty men armed with swords, and boarded us—He insisted upon taking us into Christiansand; upon which Captain Beckford told him he would not go in at all; wore his ship about and stood to sea—The lieutenant ordered his men in the boat to come on board; the Captain ordered his crew to keep them off; and pikes and swords and axes were in immediate opposition to each other—The Lieutenant finding himself the weakest made a signal to his men to stop, and none of them came on board—His boat was immediately cast off, and as we were standing to sea, he and the pilot became excessively alarmed, fearing that we were disguised English, and would carry them off—The Captain then after consulting me concluded still to go into harbour, which we did under an Island called Flackeroe; about four miles from Christiansand. The equinoctial gales came on and detained us there untill yesterday afternoon, when we again made sail, and are now within twenty leagues of Elseneur; which place we hope to reach to-morrow morning.
We found at Christiansand about four hundred of our Countrymen, the masters, supercargoes and crews of thirty-six American vessels captured by danish privateers between the Months of April and August, and still detained for trial in the Admiralty Courts. About half of them have been condemned in the lower Court, and those which have been cleared have been subjected to the payment of heavy costs and other expenses. The grounds of condemnation have generally been frivolous, and some expectation of more substantial Justice is entertained from the final decision in the Court of appeal in Christiana, where none of the Causes have yet been decided.—Those unfortunate sufferers have requested some interposition on my part, which though without authority, I shall hazard if I land at Copenhagen—Probably to no purpose, but to discharge the duties of humanity, and not to suffer them to fail of relief for want of any possible exertion of mine—
We are all well, and have borne the irksomeness of a long passage as well as could be expected. We have had very little bad weather, but frequent calms and more than an ordinary proportion of adverse winds.—At Christiansand we found a family by the name of Isaachson from whom we received the warmest and most cordial hospitality—To our distress’d Countrymen they have shewed attentions and rendered services of much higher importance.
The intercourse between that part of Norway, and the rest of Europe is so precarious and interrupted that the general European news we found there is not later than you have probably received before this—The armistice between France and Austria, with the resignation of the Archduke Charles, appear to be the most important Events of which we had not before heard—The war in Spain continues with equivocal and alternate success on both sides, and the English have carried the War again into the Netherlands by an expedition to the island of Walcheren, of which they have taken possession—The crown of Sweden has been offered to the Prince of Holstein uncle to the king of Denmark, and as we are told has been accepted by him upon certain conditions.
If we stop at Copenhagen, I shall write again; and my wife will write also to my mother—should the wind favour us however we shall not come to anchor—
your’s
A.
P. S.—List of Persons
To whom I wish you to present copies of my Lectures when published, in the name of the Author.
1. My Father
2. My Mother
3. Yourself
4. Judge Davis
5. Mr: Emerson
6. Mr: Buckminster
7. Mr: Boylston
8. Mr: W. S. Shaw
9. The Academy of Arts and Sciences
10. The Historical Society
11. The Athenaeum
12. Dr: Saml: L. Mitchell—New-York.
13. Mr: Hopkinson
14. Dr: Rush
15. Mr: Meredith
16. Mr: Ewing
17. Mr: Jos: Dennis
18. Mrs: Johnson at Washington.
19. Mr: T. B. Johnson at New-Orleans.
20. Mr: S. W. Dana of Connecticut—Member of Congress.
21. Mr: Noah Webster of New-Haven.
22. The President of the United States.
23. Chief Justice Marshall
24. Judge W. Cranch
25. Revd: Mr: Whitney—of Quincy.
26. Dr: Smith—President of New-Jersey College.
27. William Plumer Esqr. Epping—New-Hampshire
28. Dr: Morse of Charlestown
29. Mr: Quincy
30. Dr: Waterhouse
31. Dr: Welsh.
You will perhaps not easily find opportunities for sending the books which are to go to a distance from Boston—And I do not wish you to give yourself unnecessary trouble—You can wait untill the occasions offer—Send me one copy for myself, and reserve one for each of my children—Keep the remainder for further disposal.


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to Catherine Nuth Johnson, 15 October 1809
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Johnson, Catherine Nuth

my Dear Madam
Quincy october 15th 1809

I requested judge Cranch, when he returnd to washington, to apologize to you; for my not replying sooner, to your obligeing favour of Septr 17th. and to give you the reason for it; which was a very bad finger upon my Right hand, which prevented my holding a pen. altho the cause is not wholy removed, I cannot deny myself the pleasure of incloseing to you a Letter from our daughter: written at Sea, at the same time I have been almost tempted to break the seal that I might learn from under her own hand the State of her Health, and that of her dear Boys. but I have contented myself with the Letter from my son, written from the 9th to the 13 and 16th day. by my Letter, it appears that for the 5 first days, they had fine winds, and a smooth Sea, altho foggy, and that they had a Run of 500 miles, after which they had a calm of two days, then head winds, so that upon the 16th they had made but little further progress. upon the banks of Newfoundland, they spoke a fishing vessel belonging to plymouth by which they sent their Letters; Mr A writes that the Ladies had been sick, and Charles fractious, but that they were getting over it, that they had a civil obligeing Captain, a good ship and the best supplied of any ship in which he ever before was a Passenger. upon the 21 they were boarded by a British Ship of war, which afterward arrived at Halifax, by which I heard that they were all well. this will shorten the time, and give us hopes of hearing again from them. I shall feel anxious to learn that they have arrived. you inquire for a mode of conveyance to them almost every place is closed to us, by our good Friends the English and French—and our own Non intercourse Law. I should suppose that the Secretary of State would be the most likely person to inform you of a mode of conveyance to mr Pitcarn at Hamburgh I would cover Letters when any opportunity offers: you ask me a question respecting Mrs Adams, to which I reply, from her own Authority a few days before She left Boston, in the Negative—how is Mrs Buckhannah Buckanna I have not heard since mrs Adams went away? Mr Pope told me that Mr Boyed had returnd from new orleans, that he arrived from in Boston and went immediately to washington. Mr Pope I have met with more than once. he dinned with us a Quincy—I think him a very sensible intelligent gentleman; I hope he is pleased with his visit to New England. he desired to see John and George, and I had them from school on purpose. they are both very well and desire me to present their duty to you—
I think you have decided wisely for Eliza—to the Gentleman personally no objection could be made but she must have been unhappy. Educated in tastes habits and manners, alltogether foreign to a Clergymans wife, contracted in circumstances as he must be upon a sallery so small—and no prospect of obtaining more—I hope it will not prove an injury to either of the parties—I hear no censures upon you in concequence of it. present me kindly to your Family, and let me hear often from you—was it at Berlin Mr and Mrs Jackson became acquainted with mr and Mrs Adams? I hope he has come to bring peace, not to add to the many, very many causes of complaint, which already harass and distress our country
I feel satisfied that the President will make no sacrifices, inconsistant with the honor independence and dignity of the Country—I think he has an arduous task Mr and Mrs  Adams desire to be kindly rememberd to you they have three  children. I have with me beside, new Charles Adams and her two daughters, and upon Sundays the two Boys so that we make up a pretty numerous Family—you must write me the State of your Family from time to time that I may as often as often as opportunity offers, convey it to the absent Members of it, by which means they will sometimes get intelligence, tho I fear we are shall be much embarressed in that respect.
adieu my dear Madam / affectionatly Yours,
Abigail Adams
you will be so good as to communicate any thing interesting in the inclosed Letter.


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Abigail Smith Adams, 21 October 1809
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

My dear Mother.
Cronstadt 21. October 1809.

The seventy-ninth day since our departure from Boston, and not yet in Petersburg—But we are on land, within twenty miles of it, and at the end of our voyage in the ship Horace.—We have indeed had a very long passage, and it has not been without its interesting incidents, had I but the time of narrating them—But to you as well as to us, the most interesting of them is, that we are all, thanks to a gracious Providence safely landed at this place; from which we shall proceed to-morrow or the next day to Petersburg.—There are several vessels which have cleared out for America; and intending to sail to-morrow—By one of these I take the opportunity of writing you this.—I wrote to my brother from Christiansand and from Elseneur; and I hope to have further opportunities of writing, before the winter sets in. We have hitherto seen neither snow nor ice—but wind, hail and storms rushing amain down, enough to remind us more than once of Watts’s Sapphic.
I have not time to say more at present, but my best love to all friends, and my blessing to my dear boys George and John.
Ever affectionately your’s
John Quincy Adams.


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Thomas Boylston Adams, 28 October 1809
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Thomas Boylston

Number two.
My dear Brother.
St: Petersburg 16/28 October 1809.

At length, after eighty days of tedious and dangerous navigation, we are all safely landed at the place of our destination—I have written to you twice upon our passage—first, from the Grand Bank of Newfoundland, and once in the Cattegat, the night before we expected to arrive at Elseneur—From that time, I shall now continue the narrative of our voyage, which though address’d to you, is for all the fireside at Quincy; and for all the friends to whom you may think it worth being communicated—But once for all let me intreat you to be very reserved in yielding any of our letters or parts of letters to publication.
The date of my last, which was added as a Postscript to a duplicate of my letter from the Banks, was of 24. September—We had then every prospect and every hope of being anchored at Elseneur, by ten O’Clock the next morning—This prospect continued through the night, and at 4 in the morning we were abreast of Koll point, the entrance of the Sound, on the Swedish side of the Coast, and distant only six leagues from Elseneur—Here we were first becalmed, and after two or three hours had a wind, which though light, and not altogether favourable, would have carried us up to Elseneur by two or three in the afternoon, but for the incident which I shall now relate—About six miles up the sound from Koll Point, directly in the centre of the passage which is there not more than three leagues across from land to land, lay a British sixty-four gun ship; the Stately, Admiral Bertie—and a Sloop of War called the Curlew—As we approached the passage, a boat from the Admiral’s ship, with a Lieutenant came on board our vessel, examined the papers, ordered the men to be mustered, examined them by learned interrogation as to the places of their nativity; compared the shapes of their noses and the colour of their eye-brows, with the descriptions of them in their Protections; and threatened hard to take away one man, a native of Charlestown, Massachusetts, because he thought the correspondence between his person, and his Protection, not sufficiently accurate.
After amusing himself as much as he thought proper, with the alarm excited by this menace, he concluded to let the man go; but told Captain Beckford, that they were there to blockade the passage of the Sound, and that we could not proceed—He was then told of the purpose for which the ship was fitted out, and of the capacity in which we were Passengers on board—Upon this case he was not qualified to decide—But he offered us the use of the Boat in which he came to go on board the Admiral’s ship; he staying in the mean time on board of our vessel—I therefore went with Captain Beckford, and Mr: Smith on board the Stately, and had an interview with Admiral Bertie—In the first instance he refused in the most decided and peremptory manner to let us pass—But he told Captain Beckford, that he might go back, and take the benefit of a British convoy from Gottenburg through the Belt; or he might send on shore on the Swedish Poast, and procure a Pilot—That the passage through the Belt was a very safe and easy one, and would not delay us on our voyage more than eight or ten days—That all the Ports in the island of Zealand were in a state of rigorous blockade, and that he had the most precise and positive Instructions not to suffer any vessel whatsoever to pass.
I then represented to him that the ship was fitted out for the purpose of conveying me to St: Petersburg—That our object was merely passage, and not trade with any Port in the Island of Zealand; and I appealed to the usages of Nations, among whom I told him I understood it not to be customary to stop a Public Minister on his way, to the place of his destination—After some consideration, and some hesitation he admitted that this was a mark of respect due to the character which I bore, and said that he should take it upon him to consider it as a case not included within the purport of his Instructions—That we might pass, on condition however that I would give him my word of honour that we would not go in to any Port of the Island of Zealand so as to commit a violation of the blockade—I accordingly gave him my word, as far as depended on me, that we would not voluntarily go into any Port of Zealand to break the blockade, but I told him that I could not answer or pledge myself to any resistance against any Fort or Boat authorized by the Danish Government, which might take us in—He appeared extremely apprehensive not only that they would take us in, but that they would keep us—He said the Danes for many months past had taken and condemned every American vessel they could catch, and although he should now leave it at my option whether to proceed or turn back, he should advise me to the latter course, as very probably the Danes might condemn the ship and Cargo, merely for having had any communication with him—I observed to him that I should certainly avail myself of his permission to pass, and although I thought it not improbable that the Danes would take us into Port, I should rely upon their shewing the same respect to the character with which I was cloathed, as was now manifested by him—As I had many time in the course of my life had occasion to appeal to the sentiment of civilized Nations on this subject, and never yet had known the appeal to fail of its effect,— He replied that certainly the character of a Public Minister ought to be respected, and was so, by every liberal Nation—That the Danes had formerly been such, but that of late their conduct had shewn them to be far otherwise—However that this was my consideration—He would not obstruct our passage—This was sufficient for us, and we returned on board our own ship.
In this transaction we had occasion to observe in Admiral Bertie’s conduct certain peculiarities, which I consider rather as national than as belonging individually to him—When it is considered that I was on board of a merchant-vessel, and that my mission was to a Sovereign, at War with Great-Britain, the Admiral’s expedient to let us pass, by considering the case as not included within the intent of his Instructions, was undoubtedly liberal—It was carrying the Courtesy of Nations towards the Diplomatic character further perhaps than in the rigour of right could be claimed, as far as the most generous usage could require, and as far as could be necessary for our purpose— In substance he complied with all I could desire; but in form he did it with so ill a grace that he kept us all standing in his Cabin, during the whole time of our conference with him; and we left him, without having been offered a chair—The Danish Admiral, Vischer, Commander of all the Naval force in Norway, whom I had seen at Christiansand, had been more obliging in substance, and far more courteous in form—He had taken the trouble to come six miles in a boat, from Christiansand to Fleckeröe on board our ship, to pay me a visit, and had given me under his own hand a written order to all the officers under his command, to let me pass without impediment or molestation—If the liberality of Nations, in the treatment of Ambassadors were to be measured by the proceedings of the British and of the Danish Officer, towards me, there would certainly be no ground for the reproach upon the Danes, which the British Admiral thought they deserved.
Admiral Bertie merely allowed us to pass—and that upon a condition, which was the occasion of some inconvenience, and some loss of important and precious time to me afterwards. It was by the special blessing of Heaven that the detention to which we were subjected, by the necessity of going on board his ship, did not cost us ship-cargo and the lives of us all—The time consumed by this occurrence, brought it to so late an hour, that it became impossible for us to reach Elseneur that Night—We were obliged to anchor in the passage, not far from Admiral Bertie’s ship. In the night came on what the seamen call a blow; and for about thirty-six hours our ship was drifting from one, two, and at last three anchors sometimes nearly foul of the Admiral’s ship; sometimes in the same dangers from other vessels anchored in the roads, and all the time close upon a reef of rocks, and an inevitable lee-shore—At the end of that time, having with extreme difficulty got in two of our anchors, and beginning to drag the third we cut away the cable, and stretching out as close by the wind as the ship could go, just succeeded in clearing the land of Koll Point, when about four in the afternoon came on the heaviest gale of Wind, we had upon the voyage, and one of the most violent while it lasted, that I ever witness’d—At the beginning of it we carried away our fore-yard, which in the attempt to bring the ship in stays, snap’d short in the middle like a pipe-stem. This was the only disaster which then befell us, for our ship lay-to during the tempest, and outrode it to admiration—We have been informed since our arrival here, that a great number of vessels were lost in the Cattegat that same Night; and among the rest a vessel belonging to Newbury-Port called the Mary, with which we spoke in the midst of the gale, has not been heard of since—
The storm subsided about two in the Morning of Thursday 28. September—We had drifted before it about six leagues in the Night; and the wind in the morning being moderate and favourable, we proceeded on our passage, and pass’d by Admiral Bertie’s ship without opposition—As we approached within a league of Cronburg Castle which guards the passage of the Sound at Elseneur, a Danish Gun-Boat came out, with a number of men; and a Pilot, who came on board, took possession of the ship and about 3. in the afternoon of the same day, anchored her safely in the Road of Elseneur.
Here are hair-breadth escapes enough for one letter—I shall continue and conclude my narrative in my next—Of the anxious hours which I have pass’d upon the mighty waters, I remember none with a keener sensation of gratitude to Providence for preservation from danger than those which pass’d between my visit to Admiral Bertie on the 25th: and my arrival at Elseneur on the 28th: of September 1809.—
Affectionately your’s
A.


Title: From Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams to Abigail Smith Adams, 28 October 1809
From: Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

St Petersberg October 28th. 1809

At length my dear Madam we have arrived in this splendid City and find ourselves plunged into the midst of difficulties, and expences from which nothing but a return to our own Country can extricate us, unless the American Government will double the present appointments, which I am almost certain will never take place—
Mr Adams has not yet been presented owing to the indisposition of the Emperor which has confined him to his apar entirely he however dines with the Chancellor Count Romanof Romansof to day and we think it not improbable he may be presented tomorrow—
We are all pretty well but most miserably lodged and have no prospect of meeting with a house to suit us for some time every thing here as to price exceeds any thing you can form an idea of and a foreign Minister is so shackled by Ettiquette that he cannot even select his own society
The time is so short allowed us for writing I must hasten to trouble you with some commissions I will thank you to procure me six pieces of Cambric Cotton at a bout a Dollar and 7s. 6d. a yard yd half Wide 1 Piece of yd Wide do Muslin for Cravats some fine Cotton stockings 4 8 some of the Clear Net Muslins which are very fashionable here though very cheap and not much worn with you in short any thing light or gauzy and 6 yd of Lace Muslin (White) with a Piece of Dimity of the Cambric kind with some Pink and blue Ginghams—
Adieu my dear Madam I will offer no apology for troubling you with these commissions and will thank you to offer my most affectionate love to all my P Kind friends both in Quincy and in Boston for my Children I daily offer up my prayers to Heaven and nothing but the conviction I feel of the happiness  they enjoy in your protection could reconcile me to support my present situation which I am convinced already will prove extremely irksome once more my dear Mother believe me your daughter most sincely and affectionately

L C Adams—
P.S. I forgot to mention some knit Drawers which may be had at Mrs Spragues they must worsted yarn


Title: From Elizabeth Smith Shaw Peabody to William Smith Shaw, October 1809
From: Peabody, Elizabeth Smith Shaw
To: Shaw, William Smith

My Dear Son,
Friday morn— Oct. 1809

I am going to Quincy with your Sister this forenoon—& shall be in Town on monday A—M—to attend Mr Stewart—I feel an anxiety respecting the price, your affection for me, may exceed the bounds of your circumstances, & that makes me regret that it was ever thought of—Mr Stewart was very polite, appeard sensible, & entertaining, but I did not say a word to him about the price, as you desired me not to—but I hope you have, I suppose he has different prices, let mine be among the lesser—I have no ambition but that it should be expresive of my benevolence to Creation, & my maternal affection for my beloved Children—for these are sentiments which ever glow in my Bosom & I hope illumine my countenance—But I felt so dissagreeably to set down to be looked at, & to look up in a Strangers Face, that I fear little of my true lineaments will be seen—
I intend seeing Dr Tufts, & hope to get some assistance to defray this enormous expence—
The Cotton I got for you last year was intended for winter Shirts—If you wish to have finer, for Summer your Sister will make them up this winter, for Another warm Season—
May heaven bless, & prosper you my dear Son, is the wish of your very affectionate Mother—
E— P—Mr Fosters hand is much the same, he is patient as possible a man could be—


Title: From Elizabeth Smith Shaw Peabody to William Smith Shaw, 15 November 1809
From: Peabody, Elizabeth Smith Shaw
To: Shaw, William Smith

Edr.
My Dear Son,
Atkinson Nov. 15th. 1809

I was very sorry to leave Boston without seeing, or even informing you, I was going—But I had been from home a week longer than I first intended, & as the Vacation was ended, I knew I was much wanted in my Family I, & Abby, went on Friday Eve to Mr Craigies, where I am ever received with cordiality, & affection. Sister Shaw seems as if she never could do enough to oblige, & make one happy—It is really a lovely Family—They regret that you do not call upon them oftener—I feel a debt of Gratitude, for their attentions to your Sister—She never passes her time more pleasantly, than in their delightful Retreat; where may be enjoyed the literary Society of priviledges of a Town, free from Noise & Bustle,—all the Sweets of rural Scenes, & Walks;—all the advantages of a Country Life, without seclusion from polished Circles, & the most refined Friendship.
I never can leave such places without a Sigh, nor can your Sister, without a Tear—Indeed she is now just at an age when social Circles, & amusements appear in there most fascinating garb— And I am perfectly willing to indulge her all in my power—But I do not wish her; (if she possessed the requisites) to shine, or be the Belle of gay Circles—It is a dangerous preminence—No—“It is to the Household gods, that I would have her pour Libations, study household good,—by gentleness, & complacency add lustre to every domestic Virtue, “Man’s Home, his best delight to make,—This be the female dignity & praise”—
Notwithstanding my zeal to get home the Saturday after I left you, I was so unfortunate as not to reach Atkinson till the Monday after—The rain came on, the clouds collected, & looked as gloomy as poor Abby felt—nothing portended sunshine, or smiles to the female Traveller—all was dreary—For Abby knew all this before—knew I should be detained at Andover, or its Environs—that I should not get home till monday or Tuesday—but I was cruelly deaf to her predictions, and did not believe she had the gift of Prophecy, any more than the Trojans credited Cassandra & so like that infatuated Nation, I suffered for my Infidelity, for we both sadly increased our colds, by being out Saturday, & all day a monday in the rain—
I hope my Son, that you find yourself agreeably situated in your new habitation—I cannot but say, I felt anxious when I heard you say, your were going to remove to her House—For it formerly was said of her Boarders, that they would be up at late hours, & were very dissapated; rich, & extravagant, not minding what they expended, & it was said, it was enough to ruin any young man, to think of living in such a way—ruinous to their health & property—Whether it was just, or not, this was the Character of the House—If such a set of Boarders were dissagreeable to her; to have them, she must consider herself as very unfortunate—& to you, if any such, are still there—Hitherto, I trust, you have been very happy, & it has been no small comfort to me, that you have been in families where the morning & Evening incense has been daily offered. Unless it is, we are too apt to forget that gracious Being, in whom we live & move, whose unremitting protection, & Blessing we constantly need—And may you share largely of the rich mercies of Heaven—
My Dear Son, I should have been glad to conversed with you, before I left Town, respecting Mr Peabodys, & my Portrait Mr Stewart wanted to see you, to know if you liked what he had done—Respecting the Payment, I feel anxious—I wanted to talk with you about the Farm at Medford—The rent, &cc—The Tenant ought to pay quarterly—It always used to be done—You have let your Sister have some money last year, & this—But there must be yet, a considerable sum I wish you to appropriate what is now due to the payment of Mr Stewart—& to the getting of a frame for my Portrait—such a one as will be decent, for neither Mr Peabody, nor I, can afford anything that would be extravagant—& it would not look well not to have them alike—I could not see Mr Johnson, but requested Mrs Smith, to ask him, if he did not think the face of Mr Peabodys rather too broad, & large—the hair was done well—I thoughts & the whole a tolerable likeness—only rather too broad, & red—I wish you would see it, & in a civil soft way, ask him if he could not make it less—my paper will only let me say, I am ever your affectionate Mother
E P—


Title: From Elizabeth Smith Shaw Peabody to Abigail Smith Adams, 20 November 1809
From: Peabody, Elizabeth Smith Shaw
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

My Dear Sister,
Atkinson Nov 20th—1809

I have been hoping every day since since I got home, that I should have more leisure tomorrow, for writing—But every day brings something to mind, company, & Care—& I am determined not to wait another moment, but immediately let you know that we set out for home, the Friday after I left Quincy, & arrived at Atkinson monday Eve—The Vacation was ended, & I knew I was much wanted in my family—Mr Peabody had a turn of dizzyness that I felt alarmed about, & I was anxious to get home upon that, as well as other accounts—So I went & lodged at Mr Craigies, a Friday, & set out Saturday for home—But I had not gone far, before the Clouds collected, & began to rain just as it did last year—Mr Cragies urged me much not to move from his house—And Abby knew certainly it would rain—for the Sun had risen clear, & soon was hid behind a Cloud—but I told her, all signs failed in so dry a Season—& I thought it my duty to pursue our homeward Journey— But sad experience has taught me, never again to set out on a days Journey, when the Sun rises clear, & is immediately enveloped in Clouds—It portends no smiles to the female Traveller—that is certain—
Neither could I have any from Abby,—for her countenance was dreary as the Atmosphere, I knew mamm it would rain, & that you could not get home, was all the consolation I could receive from her—Indeed it proved just as she said—But I did not believe she had the Gift of Prophecy, & did not credit her Predictions, any more than the Trojans did those of Cassandra, supposing they were the result of inclination, more than of foresight, & so like that infatuated Nation, I suffered for my Infidelity—we both increased our colds by being out so long in rain, & damp air—& were quite sick for more than a week after—Since our return we have been wounded by hearing of the Death of one of my former Boarders—Mr John Merrill, a Junior at Dartmouth Colledge—It was but two weeks before I went to Quincy, that he went from here in fine health, & spirits—But was taken soon after with the putrid Fever, laid in great pain, & distress twenty six days, when his nature could endure no more & expired, to the great regret of his Family, & all his acquaintances & Friends, who were many—He was a sensible sober-minded—virtuous Youth—He strove hard to obtain an Education, through many Obstacles—but his Collegiate Course was but short—his purposes were broken—He was a dutiful Son—most affectionate Brother, & a kind, obliging faithful Friend—We shall feel, & mourn his loss—
But precious is the memory of such a Youth—I have been to Mr Littles, & parceled out six Cheeses for you—He says he will let them go for ten Cents pr pd—& cannot afford such under—though she is much indebted to the Book I lent to her, upon the mode of making Cheese, which you was so good as to give me—She has gone much into that practice with her Dairy, & finds she can sell her Cheese, two Cents pr pd, more than her Neigbours—Mr Little will box up an hundred weight, & send on by the stage, I believe next week—If convenient you can find the money by your Daugter Adams, when she comes to Thansgiving, as I told him, I believed she would—
We are all in tolerable health—colds are frequent here—I got something in one of my Eyes that has worried me much—Abby has been more than a week at Andover, I expect her at home tomorrow, or next day—
Mr Peabody joins in presenting most respectful regards to the President—to Brother Cranch & Sister—
Accept of every thing your self, which you can conceive grateful, & affectionate, from Dear Sister / Your ever obliged
E— Peabody
PS—my love to all the branches of your dear family


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to John Adams Smith, 26 November 1809
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Smith, John Adams

my Dear John
Quincy Novbr 26 1809

I received your Letter of the 19th. I had written you a few hasty lines by mr Beals in which I exprest my anxiety at not hearing from your Mother for a long time—the day after I received a Letter from her and found all was well with them. I was about to write to her, when I was Seazd in my Right Eye with a disorder they call an ophtheil ophthalacy, which is thus described, an inflammation in the coats of the Eye, proceeding from Arterious Blood gotten out of the Vessels. it has proved very troublesome to me, and is yet So that I am obliged to have it bound up, and feel it dangerous to exercise them much—but feel I am so desirious of replying to your Letter, that I am tempted to risk them. you have I think judged wisely and determined judiciously with respect to your removal. it has always been the opinion of your Grandfather, that a young Lawyer Should commence his practise in the country, unless he has wealth & powerfull connections to bring him forward in a city—the city is generally the residence and resort of old and able Practioners, who to whom as in Physick those who have weighty causes to be decided will as naturally apply as the Sick to the most experienced Physicians, so that a young Man must labour and toil to roll up the Stone like Syssaphus which is apt to recoil upon him without great Mental powers or other exterior aid—in the Country he will be more like to rise without So many competitors. he will have less temptations to amusements, more quiet leisure for study, and opportunities for learning men and Manners in their native characters than in a city—to the city he can always resort when he finds it his interest always to do so. mr Hubbart I know nothing of but from Letter from your Mother in which she mentiond
we may Say of a city what Dryden Says of a court, it is necessary for the polishing of manners to have breathed that air, but it is infectious even to the best Morals to live always in it—but the blessings of a country Life, are not compleat without an improvement of knowledge. the mind craves food as well as the Body
“Strength of mind is exercise not rest” with a foundation of learning good Sense and a cultivation of learning you will find in the retirement of a country Life, Seasoning to render the blessings Sweet. I cannot my dear child give you better advise than by transcribing the a part of your uncle’s farewell Lecture to his pupils—which was in these words
If I may be permitted to use with you the freedom, as I feel for you the solicitude of a parent, and to express in the form of advice, these ardent wishes for your future happiness which beat with every pulsation of my heart, I would intreat you to cherish & to cultivate in every Stage of your lives, that taste for literature and Science, which it first Sought here as in their favorite abodes. I would urge it upon you as the most effectual means of extending your respectability and usefullness in the world. I would press it with still more earnestness upon you, as the inexhaustable Source of enjoyment and of consolation"s
These Lectures are in the press. they will form two vol’ms and by your uncles direction a Set of them will be Sent to you as Soon as they are out. His whole Library making 5 thousand vol’ms he has lent to the Atheneum the directors of that Institution have purchased a large building and fitted it up. your uncles Books occupy one whole Story of it and form a valuable collection the institution does honour to the Town and will be a memorial to perpetuate the name and Character of mr Shaw who altho Silver and Gold he had not, his Zeal application and industery have been more usefull to the institution than the precious Metals which others have had bestowed to encourage and promote it. he may realy be stiled the Father of it—
I have Sent you the 4 Numbers of your Grandfathers Letters which are yet published. you will feel a double interest in them, not only for their being an Authentic History of the negotiations for that peace which established America as an independent Nation, but for your being so nearly allied to the one of principle Characters engaged in it. you will be able to form some Idea of the dangers the difficulties and the hazards encounterd in accomplishmenting it, and witness from the documents presented, firmness decision and unremitting dilligence and application—all of these Letters are now coppied with his own hand. you will not wonder that he has not much time for private correspondence—Let me hear from you my dear John your welfare is near my heart the Heart of your affectionate / Grandmother
Abigail Adams


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to Catherine Nuth Johnson, November 1809
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Johnson, Catherine Nuth

my Dear Madam
 ca. November 1809

upon my return from Boston where I passt a few days I found your very agreable Letter of october 28th for which accept my thanks. it afforded me much entertainment. the contrast between the Simplicity of Republicanism and the plain the, and then Manners, contrasted with the Stile of magnificence you describe affords ample scope for reflection, not that I consider it improper or unfit that the presidents House Should be magnificiently furnishd. the Stile of the Building, the Rank of the personage the office, the wealth and oppulence of the Country, and our connection with foreign Countries, all demand a very different establishment from the present to Support the dignity of the first Majestrate of a Great and powerfull Nation— nev when we consider how powerfull much mankind both high and low are influenced by appearence + Let us look to the Temple of Soloman I cannot be Supposed to have any personal views when I say that I would give my vote for a hundred Thousand dollers as a Sallery to the chief Majestrate, rather and have him Elected only once in 12 years—I believe it would give more Stability to our Government, and be less productive of intrigue and cabal than the frequent Elections which keep us always at varience and in a warfare of Ambition and intrique—do not however let those whose conduct is in conformity to these opinions—talk of Republican Simplicity—Genet said that he never found any Republicans amongst the Ladies  I agree with pope if by Republicanism is meant that equality So much coveted by Some I am of mr Popes mind when he says all natures difference makes all natures peace; it is a hypocritical bait thrown out to catch Gulls—Pray is the report we have in the public papers true that the Emperor Napolean has adopted the Son of Jerom and made him a prince of the Realm! that he has made created Mrs Jerome a Dutchess and given her an establishment of 40 Thousand Crowns pr An We all know what a facility he has had of making Kings & Queens spring up like Mushroons—and we are very apt to think our Americans Blood as pure as any that flows in the veins of any of his dukes & Dutchesses Some of which may have “creapt through scraondles ever Since the flood”—Mr Jackson does not come here under the most favorable circumstances—the Government know what is due to the Character of a Ambassador, and as Such he may rest assured of protection. our Newspapers will take British licence, and even exceed their original—
Colbet Callender & Carpenter & a host of other venal hirelings do the dirty work of their employers—
Mrs Jackson who was So much acquainted with mrs Adams, was a Mrs de valeour and my son Thomas knew her well when in Berlin She is of French extract.—I recollect Mrs Adams mentioning her loosing a Brother who was an officer—at a dance where he died suddenly—I acknowledge my omission in not noticeing Kitty in my last Letter. I was conscious of it after I had closed my Letter, but my finger was So painfull that I was put to much difficulty to write at all. yes my dear Madam I do love Kitty Sincerely. I think her a charming Girl and tho not the most beautifull of your family, she is not the less amiable, from the her improved mind wit Sprightlynessof her manners  & the easy affibility of her Manners she was noticed caresed and esteemed by all her acquaintance—I think She has stronger marks of her decent from you than any of your other daughters—I Solicited and encouraged her accompanying  her sister—how solitary must she have been in a foreign country without a Single female companion? my Heart Sinks within me when the Idea  occurs to me that I I Shall See them no more—if God should spair my Life for a di a few years longer & bless me with their return years and infirmities must be added in the course of nature to deprive me of Some of those enjoyments I might have Shared with them—but heaven knows what is best—their Dear Boys are in fine Health—very orderly and good. George is growing as fond of Books as his fathers heart could desire—and John is getting on, to use his own expression when he read to me to day, very well—Mr Ripley is to be ordained the 20 of this month—I feel Sorry for his dissapointment, altho I think it best for both parties. it is Said here that Eliza is to get absolution from the Pope—I hope however it will not be by doing pennance—my Love to mrs Buckhanna I am sorry for her misfortune—I fear She has too much anxiety of mind for her health—Since I wrote you I have heard of mr Boyed arrival in Boston after a tedious voyage and many dissapointments a perfet Stranger. when he found mr Adams gone he Should have inquired for us—any aid we could have renderd him would have been cheerfull afforded—Mr Harrod mrs T B Adams’s Brother is about returning to new orleans and will take Letters to your Son if you can forward them Soon. tShe mr & Mrs Adams desire to be rememberd to you Louisa also presents her Regards, and Susan who is grown to the Stature of a Woman her respects—your Grandson Send duty—the Campaign will Soon be opened. I Shall be happy to learn from your pen whatever occurs worthy observation, for tho retired from the world I like to know what is passing in it—especially if I can obtain it from one who is no common observer of Li So capable of describeing Life & Manners. with a kind remembrance to your whole every branch of your family I am dear Madam your Friend
Abigail Adamsdevoid of decent Show
How Soon would power to trampled weakness grow
How Soon base minds the feeble judge deride
And beggard rulers quake at wealthy pride


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to Caroline Amelia Smith De Windt, 9 December 1809
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: De Windt, Caroline Amelia Smith

my dear caroline:
Quincy, Dec. 9th, 1809.

Thursday, 30th November, was our Thanksgiving Day; I was not able to attend church, owing to my eye, which I regretted: our good minister is always excellent upon particular occasions; I am told he was upon this.
At dinner I looked round, I hope with a thankful heart, but alas! how many of my dear children were absent, not one of them to give pleasure to the festive table; the young shoots and branches remained; I had two from each family; these promising successors of their dear parents rejoiced over their plum-puddings without knowing what were the reflections and anxious solicitude of their grandmother, respecting some of their absent parents.
For health, food, and raiment, for peace, and for society, and unnumbered other favours, may my heart pour forth its grateful effusions, and in the words of the poet I may say,
“When all thy mercies, O my God!
My rising soul surveys,
Transported with the view, I’m lost
In wonder, love, and praise.”
That no inroad has been made by death amongst any of my near and dear connections, is a sincere source of grateful remembrance; may the lives and health of every branch be prolonged, until, like a shock of corn fully ripe, we may be gathered to our fathers.
No apology is ever necessary to my dear C. for any serious reflections which may fall from the pen of her aged grandmother; reflection becomes all ages, and she does not the less delight in the innocent gayety and vivacity of youth;
“She still remembers that she once was young.”
I am rejoiced to find that you intend to turn your spinning wheel; the more we are qualified to help ourselves, the less dependent we are upon others; from the present temper of old England, it looks as if we should be less her customers than formerly. I would recommend the use of them in every family. We had better return to the pastoral age, than suffer the domination of any foreign power.
It is said, that the Emperor Augustus wore no clothes but such as were made by the Empress and her daughters; and Olympias did the same for Alexander.
The web of Penelope is well known to you, as related by Homer in his Odyssey; her maids who attended her are admonished by Ulysses to retire with her, and with a delicate reprimand for their delay—
“To whom the king. Ill suits your sex to stay
Alone with man! ye modest maids, away!
Go with the Queen, the spindle guide or cull,
(The partners of her cares) the silver wool.”
Thus, my dear girl, you have before you some of the most ancient, illustrious examples to excite your ambition and imitation. Your mother accuses me of a neglect in her education upon this head, and I plead guilty to the charge; I would, by my advice to you, endeavour to rectify my deficiency towards her. I might have added to my list of worthies, Solomon’s virtuous woman, who seeketh wool and flax, and worketh willingly with her hands.
I have long been indebted to you for a letter, but my finger at one time, and my eye at another, have prevented my writing—the evening would be valuable to me for my correspondence if my eyes would bear me out. Old age with its infirmities assail me. I have reason to be thankful that my senses are so much in action, that my hearing is not at all impaired, but my memory and recollection are not what they once were. My heart is still warm, and my affections fervent towards my dear children and friends: when they cease to beat for their welfare and happiness, nature itself will expire, and the cold hand of death close the eyes of your affectionate grandmother,

A. A.


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Thomas Boylston Adams, 14 December 1809
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Thomas Boylston

Number 4.
14. December 1809.

The messages from the Governor of the island of Bornholm, which I mentioned in my last were sent and received, in the midst of a brisk gale of wind, while we were stretching to and from the shore of the island, under close reefed top-sails—Close under the high lands of the Coast, the boats were able to come out to the ship, but she could not lay to there without drifting beyond the length of the whole island, and whenever we got without the shelter of the hills we found a Sea and a Storm under which the ship had as much as she could do to live and be wholesome—As Night came on, we could no longer stretch in under the shore—I had sent a promise to the Governor that if we should remain wind bound the next day, I would go on shore to pay my respects to him, and return in person my thanks for his civilities—I saw that if I should go on shore, the Ball would be unavoidable, and that would occasion our detention not only for that day, but probably for a great part of the next—I therefore now consented to the Captain and Pilot’s earnest intreaties, to stand off, before the wind, and go to Kiel, unless a favourable change of the wind before our arrival there should enable us again to face out true destination—We had about two days sail to Kiel—But we pursued our retrograde cause only about sixty miles, for in the course of the same Night (Saturday 14. October) the Storm died away—the next day we had a calm, and the day following a favourable wind for proceeding up the Baltic—On the first appearance of the change I summoned the Captain to his promise, with which he immediately, though reluctantly complied—On Monday the 16th: of October, we finally pass’d the islands of Bornholm and Christiansoe—About 25 leagues Northeast of these, on the passage up the Baltic, lies the Island of Oland; next to which, about as much farther is that of Gothland celebrated in the middle ages for its commerce, and the Capital of which, Wisby, is yet well known to all our lawyers, by its code of maritime laws—Our Pilot and Captain were anxious to get a sight of these islands especially the last, in order to get what they call a fresh departure—For in navigating the Baltic, the currents are so variable both in their force and direction that a continual recurrence to land-marks is necessary to ascertain where you are—The 17th: of October we had again a headwind; and the Captain’s inclination to go to Kiel returned. To this however I did not consent, though he put upon me the responsibility for the Ship and Cargo, by the consequences of persisting in the voyage—Still more fortunately for the ship and Cargo, than for ourselves, I did persist; and after about 36 hours we had a return of fair wind again—But the weather was thick and gloomy—Four days in succession, no observation of the Sun could be obtained; and no sight not only of Oland or Gothland, but even of Oesel or of Dago, which last is the island at the entrance of the gulph of Finland—An inspection of any map of the Baltic will shew you this gauntlet of islands between which a vessel must wind before reaching this terrible gulph—In the long days and mild weather of Summer, it is not more dangerous than other seas, but in the night almost total which reigns after the autumnal equinox, and the tempestuous weather of approaching Winter it is formidable indeed—Our anxieties too were the greater from an uncertainty whether any of the usual lights were kept at the most difficult and dangerous passes—For a British fleet had been stationed at the mouth of the gulph during the whole Season of Navigation, and we knew that the Russian lights had in that interval been extinguished—About midnight of the 19th: of October we were overtaken by an American ship, the Ocean of New-York; bound like ourselves to Cronstadt, and with whom from that time we sailed in Company—The 20th: after having been all day straining every eye on board the ship for sight of Dago island, we spoke at the dusk of Evening, with a small Mecklenburg vessel which was standing out, and from which we obtained information that we had pass’d all the islands which had so obstinately eluded our sight, and were advanced about fifteen leagues up the gulph—That the lights on the Russian Coast were all again lighted, and that in the course of two hours we should make that of Odensholm which she had seen since noon of the same day—At this intelligence (magna componere parvis,) we felt as Columbus did, at the sight of the light ashore, on his first voyage.—We found the information exact, and made the light just as it had been told us we should make it—With a fine fresh breeze, and a moonlight night, we ascended the gulph, and pass’d five or six different light-houses before morning—Then came a sweeping gale at North-east which cleared the skies of every cloud and vapour, but kept us the whole day as near the wind as possible, and most of it under short sail—About eight that evening we pass’d the island of Hogland, lighted by two fires, which are kept instead of light-houses—This is perhaps the most dangerous spot in the gulph—Hogland is a rock rather than an island, situated in the middle of the gulph, with shallows on both sides, and the passage between it and a shoal on its north-side is not two miles wide—We pass’d it in a mild, beautiful moonlight Evening, with just breeze enough to carry us slowly through, and to give us a distinct idea of what it is—The next day—Sunday 22. October at Noon, we anchored in Cronstadt roads, but could not procure a pilot to carry the ship that Night into the Mole—I landed however that Evening with all the family excepting Mr: Smith, who remained on board expecting to go in with the ship the next Morning—At Cronstadt we presented ourselves to the Admiral of the Port, who received and treated us with great civility; but it was with the utmost difficulty, that we got a lodging for the Night, which we were ultimately obliged to take, at the house of Mr: Sparrow who is the agent for American vessels at Cronstadt—The same Night a violent gale of wind came on which continued the whole of the next day and which made it impossible either for the ship to get into the mole, or to send a boat on board for Mr Smith—But as the wind was fair for coming to St: Petersburg, and as the Admiral obligingly offered us a government cutter to bring us up we accepted of the opportunity, and in about three hours of time accomplished the passage—We landed on the quay of the river Neve just opposite the magnificent equestrian Statue of Peter the Great, at 3. in the afternoon of the 23d: of October; the eightieth day from that of our embarkation at the wharf in Charlestown.
You have now a narrative too minute for any eye but that of the most intimate friendship, of a voyage, not the least interesting whi of those which have diversified thirty years of my life—Landed by the blessing of a kind Providence, at the very place of our destination, after a long and very dangerous Navigation, with all my family safe and in the enjoyment of health, I shall now allow you a short pause of intermission—The life which we are compelled to lead here is such a consuming fire of Time, that I shall not, however inclined be so frequent or voluminous a correspondent as I was from Berlin—But I shall continue to write you by every opportunity that I can find or make.—I shall send you a cypher, which will be necessary for our correspondence, and which I did not recollect to leave with you—
Give my blessing and their mother’s to my darling boys, and ask that of my father and mother for us—I have just received your letter of 11. August, sent by Mr. I. S. Smith—It was the first from America, since we left it and grateful as a draught of water in the deserts of Arabia—Mr: Smith landed in Norway, and is at Stockholm, coming on by land—I do not expect him here in less than six weeks.


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to Catherine Nuth Johnson, 19 December 1809
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Johnson, Catherine Nuth

my dear Madam
Quincy December 19 1809

Since I had the pleasure of writing to you, I have received further accounts from our Children, which I hasten to communicate to you, knowing from my own feelings, what a cordial for low spirits agreable news from a far Country is. The Letter from my Son is written at sea, and is a continuation of that which we before received from the Banks of Newfoundland. he writes, that after leaving the Banks, they proceeded with the usual vissisitudes of wind and weather, and without speaking to any vessel for a month
upon the 15 of sep’br. they spoke a ship called the Edward, from Nyork, bound to Bremen, which had been out only two days less that the Horace, upon the 16th early in the morning, they saw the first European land, the Island of Mona, and upon the 16 they passt between Fair Isla and the orkneys—The 17th an armed Brig brought them to, and hailed them in English, ordering their captain to go on Board of her, because the wind of sea ran so high: that she dare not put out a Boat. it was found impossible for their Boat to reach her, and she finally left them, without showing any coulours. The 18 they made the Land on the Coast of Norway, and on the 19th were Successively Boarded by two British armed Brigs. the officers from which examined their papers, and sufferd them to proceed. The harbour of Christiansand was in sight, and having a head wind, they took a pilot on Board, after which a two mast Boat with a swival, a danish lieutenant, and about 20 Men, armed with axes with Swords and pikes boarded them. he insisted upon taking them in to Christiansand—upon which Captain Beckford told him, he would not go in at all were his Ship, about and stood to Sea. the Lieutenant orderd his Men in the Boat to come on Board. the Captain orderd his Men to keep them off, and pikes and swords and axes, were opposed to each other
The Lieutenant finding himself the weakest made a Signal to his Men to stop, and none of them went on Board, his Boat was immediately cast off, and as the Captain was standing to Sea, the Lieutenant and pilot became excessively allarmd, fearing that they were disguised Englishmen, and would carry them off—
The Captain consulted mr Adams, and concluded to go into the harbour, which he did under an Island called Flackeroe; a bout 4 miles from Christiansand. The Equinoctial gales came on and detaind them untill the 24th when they again made sail, and when he wrote, they were within 20 leagues of Elseneaur
we have seen an account in the papers of their passing Elsineur upon the 29th—he mentions that at Christiansand he met with many distresst Americans, who had been captured by the Danes, and their vessels condemnd under frivoles pretences, many of them obliged to pay heavey cost, many waiting trial, that he was applied to by them to appear in their behalf. he adds that if he should stop at Copenhagen, he should use his best endeavours for them, but as he had not any public Authority, he feard he should have little Success. he will no doubt as soon as he arrives, make a representation to his Government he mentions the Number of 400 Americans there—
He says that they met with a Family by the Name of Isaacson, who received them with great kindness and Hospitality—and that they had been very kind to all the Americans who had been in distress there in many ways—
He writes that they were all as well as could be expected after so long a voyage, and that mrs Adams would write, if they stoped at Copenhagen—
Since I heard from you my dear Madam some very unpleasent occurences have taken place at the seat of government. I shall make no comments upon the late Rupture, further than to observe, that every real American will support the Government of his Native Land: founded upon justice honour and Truth—when will the unruly passions of Man, yeald to reason, and that Member, which we are told is set on fire of hell, cease to stir up wrath, which leads to Blood, and is allayed only by sword and pistol. our Country is disgraced, Religion outraged by the frequent duells which stain our annals.
are we a  civilized people? and give countanence to so savige a custom!
Let me hear from you soon—tender my Regards to every Branch of your Family, and accept
the sincere affection of / Your Friend
Abigail Adams


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to Mercy Otis Warren, 31 December 1809
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Warren, Mercy Otis

Dear Madam
Quincy December 31st 1809

Standing as we do upon the confines of the other world, you at the age of four-score, and I at three score and near a half, no other sentiment ought to posses our Bosoms but those of benevolence and good will towards each other. A Friendship upon my part was instilled into my mind by one who knew you earlier in life and who estimated your virtues, and talents as they justly deserved—
And from a judgement which I respected, and qualities, which I found upon acquaintance so worthy to be cultivated and cherished, my regard was matured into a Friendship and intimacy which I fondly hoped, would end, but with our Lives.
A difference in my opinion upon the great political questions, which have divided, and still agitate the Nation, might have subsisted between us, without imparing our Friendship. If in a History to be transmitted to posterity you had not misrepresented and mis-construed, not merely facts, but principles, views, and designs, all together foreign to the Character you have delineated, and whom from a long and intimate acquaintance and a frequent correspondence with him, I should have supposed it, impossible you could have thus mistaken.
But what I have still thought more unkind, is, that when those Errors were pointed out, and means furnished you for rectifying them, not a Solitary line ever acknowledged the receipt of a Letter or any disposition to retract. It was this which? dried up the which dired up the fountain of my ink, and withheld my hand, when my Heart most tenderly Sympathized with you, on the bereavement you sustained of the companion of your Life endeared to you by every tender tie which a long course of years, and the fondest and tenderist affection could bind.
I most Sensibly feel your loss and longed to pour the balm of consolation into a Bosom whose wound time may heal but never can close—and which religion alone can mitigate—
A letter received last evening from a Friend who lately visited you and who was too unwell to stop with us, upon his return to Cambridge mentions his visit to you, and did in writing deliver your verbal messag viz to give your love to your former Friend, and say to him, and say to him there was no man living you more respected.” I feel myself much affected by this message and presumed you could not have said this without a conviction that you had misrepresented him—I can assure you my dear Madam there has not been any change in his political Sentiments, as they respect our National honour and the independence of our Country, from the period of your early acquaintane to this day
I determined once more to address you, and with a disposition to forgive, as I hope to be forgiven—and to assure you that there Still exist the S ancient Friendship in the Bosom of
Abigail Adams


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to Hannah Storer Green, 1809
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Green, Hannah Storer

my dear Friend
1809

I know not how to acknowledge the date of your last Letter to me. one thing I know, that it is not so ancient as the date of our Friendship, that commenced with our first knowledge of each other, and has Subsisted undiminished through all the various Scenes through which each of us have passed I may add in a long Life in a checkerd State from the juvenile days of Caliope & diana, to the advanced period of the present day—when each of us looking back upon the past, have reason to Say, thus far the Lord hath helped us—and it is of his Mercy that we are yet amongst the living, whilst at our side nearly all of our early acquaintance are numberd with the great congregation our Fathers & our Mothers. where are they? with the spirits of the just made perfet I trust anticipating our arrival at no distant period—
I read a circular Letter from you my much valued Friend at mr Smiths last week in Boston it breathed the Same Love and benevolence, the Same gratitude and thankfullness which you have ever manifested in trouble and in joy. whilst you feel the decays of nature & Suffer under bodily infirmities, you have abundent cause of thankfullness that your mental powers as are so vigorus and animated. may they be continued a blessing to you as they are a high enjoyment and gratification to those Friends who share them. So long as the So long as the vital Spark animmates the Clay, and Still continue to minister to the gratification of your Friends
I have been thinking for some time of addressing a Letter to you. I often inquire concerning you and as the our Lamp of Life is nearly burnt out, I feel a cold Sympathy drawing me nearer & nearer to those dear Surviving Friends who began the race with me, and who are yet upon the ground—every year lessens the Number and who as mr Pope Says would wish to Stand the last surviveing column of the whole fabrick of Friendship?—
I know it will give you pleasure to hear that my dear Sister Cranch is well and bears her Age with as usual fills every hower hour with Some usefull occupation; her Spirits lively and her faculties Still vigorus—judge Cranch now arrived to the Age of 83 is really a wonderfull Man—he writes as correctly as ever he did and tho deaf, appears to enjoy Life in better health than in former days—I have around me a young Group who as Goldsmith says come tottering on tho not disposed to Shove me off the Stage, yet ready to Supply my place. I have five Grandchildren who live with me from  3 Years of Age to Six Months, and two Sons of my


Title: From Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams to Dolley Payne Todd Madison, 1809
From: Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson
To: Madison, Dolley Payne Todd

My Dear Madam
ca. 1809

There are feelings of such a nature, as no language is adequate to express, and it is only such hearts as the President, and yourself possess, that are capable of defining; and fully understanding, the grateful feelings with which mine at this moment swells; vain indeed, would be any attempt, to convey an idea of the gratitude inspired for so essential a benefit, and to that God alone, from whom cometh all good, do I appeal, to reward you for your Kindness to a cruelly persecuted family. My hitherto unfortunate Brother, is at length by your goodness, raised from adversity, and will at last be enabled, to render the declining  years of a tenderly cherish’d, and highly respected Parent, easy if not happy, and being elevated to that rank in society from which misfortune alone had thrown him, I fondly flatter myself will become an ornament to the station he fills, and an honor to his Patron—
Permit me, my dear Madam, to offer my best wishes for the health, and prosperity, of the President, and yourself, and respects, to Mr. & Mrs Cutts, in which, Mr Adams requests to be united; and believe me, while life remains, your grateful / and Obedient Servant
L. C. Adams


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to Abigail Amelia Adams Smith, 1809
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Smith, Abigail Amelia Adams

To Mrs. Smith.
March 5th.

Yesterday your father received a letter from William. We rejoice to learn that you are well; and I have the pleasure to inform that we are all getting better, and that I intend to dine below to-day. I congratulate you that the embargo is like to be raised. I hope the non-intercourse bill will be lost; and the merchantmen send out frigates to convoy the trade, molest no one, and defend themselves as neutrals against all agressors; pay no tribute; take no licenses; claim the right to navigate the ocean freely; do no wrong; receive no insult that can be avoided; repeal all embargoes, non-intercourse, &c.; calm the just fears and apprehensions of the people; disarm party-spirit if possible. That I fear is the hardest labour of all, whilst pride, envy, and ambition, are the predominant passions of man. Now you have my system of politics.
A. A.