Title: From John Adams to Robert R. Livingston, 6 November 1782
From: Adams, John
To: Livingston, Robert R.

Triplicate
Sir.
Paris. 6th. Novemr: 1782.

Two days ago arrived, by Capn: Barney, the letters you did me the honor to write me, the 22d. 29th. 30, Triplicate of May, 4th. July, 29th. Augst: & 15th. Septemr:—
I was unconditionally recd. in Holland & promised, upon record, Conferences and Audiences whenever I shd. demand them, before I entered into any Treaty; and without this I shd. never have entered into any: And full Powers were given to the Committee for foreign affairs, before I entered into any Conference with them. I have ventured to act upon the same principle in the affair of Peace, & uniformly refused to come to Paris untill our Independence was unconditionally acknowledged by the K. of G. B. Mr: Jay has acted on the same principle with Spain & with G. Britain. The dignity of the united-States, being thus supported, has prevailed in Holland & G. Britain; not indeed as yet in Spain; but we are in a better situation, in relation to her, than we shd. have been if the principle had been departed from— The advice of the C. de Vergennes has been contrary; but, however great a Minister he may be in his own department, his knowledge is insufficient & his judgement too often erroneous in our affairs to be an American Minister—
Intelligence fm. Holland, thro’ France, is impossible: Events in Holland can seldom be foreseen one day. When they happen they are inserted in the Gazettes, transferred to the Courier de l’Europe, the English & French Gazettes & get to America before it is possible for me to transmit them directly. Besides Sir, I have sometimes thought, that my time was better employed in doing business that might produce other events, then in multiplying Copies & Conveyances of Dispatches, wh: cod contain nothing but wt. I knew the News-Papers wd. announce as soon. My reputation may not be so well husbanded by this method; but the Cause of my Country is served— I am not insensible to reputation, but I hope it has not been a principal object— perhaps it has not been eno’ an object—I see so much of the Omnipotence of Reputation, that I begin to think so. I know very well however, that, if mine cannot be supported by facts, it will not be by Trumpeters—
If it were in my power to do any thing for the honor of the department, or Minister of foreign Affairs, I would chearfully do it, because I am a friend to both; and to this end you will, I am sure, not take it amiss, if I say, that it is indispensably necessary for the service of Congress & the honor of the office, that it be kept impenetrably secret fm. the French Minister in many things. The Office will be an engine for the ruin of the reputation of your Ministers abroad, & for injuring our Cause in material points, the Fishery, the Western Lands & the Mississippi &c: if it is not.—
I thank you, Sir, for your hint abt. the English Language. I think with you that we ought to make a point of it; and after some time I hope it will be an instruction fm. Congress to all their Ministers—

As to the Negotiations for Peace, we have been, night & day, employed in them, ever since my arrival on the 26th: October. Dr: Franklin, without saying any thing to me, obtained of Mr: Jay a promise of his vote for Mr: W. T. Franklin to be Secrey. to the Commission for Peace, and as the Dr. & his Secrey. are in the same house, & there are other Clerks eno: I suppose he will transmit to Congress details of the Negotiations. I shall be ready to lend them any assistance in my power; and I will endeavor, as soon as I can, to transmit them myself. But, after spending forenoon, afternoon & evening in discussions, it is impossible to transmit all the particulars. No man’s Constitution is equal to it—
The English have sent Mr. Oswald, who is a wise & good man, & if, untrammeled, would soon settle all—& Mr. Strachy, who is a keen & subtle one, altho’ not deeply versed in such things—and a Mr: Roberts who is a Clerk in the Board of Trade— and Mr: Whithead, who is private Secry. to Mr. Oswald—These Gentlemen are very profuse in their professions of national friendship; of earnest desires to obliterate the remembrance of all unkindnesses, & to restore Peace, Harmony & Friendship, and make them perpetual, by removing every seed of discord. All this, on the part of Mr: Oswald personally, is very sincere—on the part of the nation it may be so, in some sense, at present; but I have my doubt whether it is a national dispostion, upon wh: we can have much dependence, and still more, whether it is the sincere intention of the Earl of Shelburne. He has been compelled to acknowledge American Independence, because the Rockingham Administration had resolved upon it, &, by Carleton’s & Digby’s letter to Gen. Washington, had make known that resolution to the world—because the nation demanded that Negotiations shd. be opened with the American Ministers, & they refused to speak or hear, untill their Independence was acknowledged, unequivocally & without Conditions—because Messrs: Fox & Burke had resigned their Offices, pointedly on account of the refusal of the K. & my Ld. Shelburne to make such an acknowledgement & these eloquent Senators were waiting only for the Session of Parliament to attack his Ld. ship on this point— it was therefore inevitable to acknowledge our Independence & no Minister cod. have stood his ground without it—
But still I doubt whether his Ld. ship means to make a general Peace. To express my self more clearly, I fully believe he intends to try another Campaign, & that he will finally refuse to come to any definitive agreement with us upon articles to be inserted in the general Peace.—
We have gone the utmost lengths in our power to favor the Negotiations— We have at last agreed to Boundaries with the greatest moderation. We have offered ’em the choice of a line thro’ the middle of all the great lakes, or the line of 45°. of N. latitude, the Mississippi, with a free navigation of it, at one end, & the River St. Croix, at the other— We have agreed that the Courts of Justice be open for the recovery of British Debts, due before the war— To a general amnesty for all the Royalists, agst. wm. there is no judgement rendered, or prosecution commenced. We have agreed that all Royalists, wh. may remain at the evacuation of the States shall have 6. mo. to sell their Effects & to remove with them. These are such immense advantages to the Minister, that one wd. think he cd. not refuse them. The agreement to pay British debts, will silence the Clamors of all the Body of Creditors & separate them fm. the Tories, with wm. they have hitherto made common Cause. The amnesty & the term of 6. mo. will silence all the Tories, except those who have been condemned, banished & confiscated— Yet I do not believe they will be accepted— I fear they will insist a little longer upon a compleat Indemnification to all the Refugees; a point, wh. without express instructions fm. all the States, neither we, nor Congress can give up, & how the States can ever agree to it, I know not, as it seems an implicit Concession of all the religion & morality of the war. They will also insist upon Penobscot as the Eastern boundary. I am not sure that the Tories, the Ministry & the nation are not secretly stimulated, by french Emissaries, to insist upon Penobscot, & a full Indemnification to the Tories. It is easy to see that the french Minister, the Spanish & Dutch ministers wd. not be very fond of having it known thro’ the world, that all points for a general Peace were settled betwn: G. B. & America, before all parties were ready. It is easy to comprehend how French, Spanish & Dutch Emissaries in London & in Paris & Versailles may insinuate, that the support of the Tories is a point of national & royal honor, and propagate so many popular arguments in favr. of it, as to embarrass the British Minister. It is easy to see that the French may naturally revive their old assertions, that Penobscot or Kennebec are the Boundary of Nova-Scotia, altho’ against the whole stream of British Authorities & the most authentic Acts of the Governors Shirley, Pownal, Bernard & Hutchinson. Mr: Fitzherbert, who is constantly at Versailles is very sanguine for the Refugees. Nevertheless, if my Ld. Shelburne shd. not agree with us, these will be only ostensible points—he cares little for either. It will be to avoid giving any certain weapons against himself to the friends of Ld. North & the old Ministry.
The Negotiations at Versailles, betwn. the C. de Vergennes & Mr: Fitzherbert, are kept secret, not only fm. us, but fm. the Dutch Ministers & we hear nothing abt. Spain— In general I learn that the French insist upon a great many fish— I dined yesterday with Mr: Berkenrode, the Dutch Ambassador, & Mr: Brantzen, his Colleague. They were both very frank & familiar, and confessed to me, that nothing had been said to them, & that they cod. learn nothing as yet of the progress of the Negotiation. Berkenrode told me, as an honest man, that he had no faith in the sincerity of the English for peace as yet; on the contrary, he tho’t that a part of Ld. Howe’s fleet was gone to America & that there was something meditated against the French West India Islands. I doubt this however; but we shall soon know, where my Ld. Howe is. That something is meditating against the French & Spaniards, & that they think of evacuating N. York for that end, I believe. Berkenrode seemed to fear the English & said, like a good man, that, in case any severe stroke shd. be struck against France, it wod. be necessary for Holland & America to discover a firmness. This observation had my heart on its side—But, without an evacuation of N York, they can strike no blow at all, nor any great one with it—
Mr: Oswald has made very striking overtures to us—To agree to the evacuation of N York—to write a letter to Gen. Washington & another to Congress, advising them to permit this evacuation—to agree that neither the people, nor the army shd. oppose this evacuation, or molest the British army in attempting it—nay further, that we shd. agree that the Americans shd. afford them all sorts of aid & even supplies of Provisions—These propositions he made to us, in obedience to an Instruction fm. the Minister—and he told us their army were going agst: W. Florida, to reconquer that fm. the Spaniards. Our answer was, that we cod. agree to no such things; that Gen. Washington cod. enter into a Convention with them, for the terms, upon wh: they shd. surrender the City of N York, & all its dependencies, as Long Island & Staten Island &c: to the arms of the U: S:— All we cod. agree to was, that the Effects & Persons of those, who shd. stay behind, shd. have 6. mo. to go off, nor cod. we agree to this, unless as an article to be inserted in the general Peace—
With great respect I have the honor to be, Sir, / Your humble: servant,
J. Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Robert Morris, 6 November 1782
From: Adams, John
To: Morris, Robert

Sir
Paris Nov. 6. 1782

Captain Barney, arrived here, on the fifth Instant with the Letters you did me the Honour to write me on the 23. 25. 27 September and 7 of October.— Captain Barney Shall have all the Attention due to his Character and Recommendation.— Mr Paulus, has not asked the Kind of Assistance you mention in my name, I hope.— in all Such Cases I mean only an Introduction and to ask the Hospitality, which you delight to Shew to Strangers.
I have transmitted from the Hague my Accounts, Some time ago, which I presume have arrived before now.— I have not transmitted the Account of the Bills I accepted in Holland, having transmitted them from time to time to Dr Franklin who paid them, and will consequently transmit them as his Vouchers and in his accounts.— I will however transmit them, upon my Return to the Hague, if it is necessary, but there is nobody now there who can do it and I cannot do it here.
your Arrangement by which I was to draw upon Dr Franklin for my Salary, I Suppose was made, upon a Supposition that I had obtained no Money in Holland.— I cannot do this without an additional and unnecessary Commission, to the Drs Banker, and therefore would wish to recieve it from Messrs Willinks &c at Amsterdam. The Dr So far from having Cash to pay my Salary is calling upon me to pay the Interest of the French Loan of Ten Millions in Holland, and even to pay Bills you draw upon him.— I must however obey the Resolutions of Congress and have as little to do with Money as possible.
I am much obliged to you for the Copies of your Letters to Congress and to Dr Franklin. They are masterly Performances, and let us far into the State of our Affairs.— I have communicated them to the Marquis de la Fayette, and propose to consult with the Dr upon them immediately. I would return to Holland, and apply to the States if necessary: But I cannot rely upon any Influence of my own, nor what is much greater the Influence of our Cause, or the common Cause, enough to give you hopes of Success.— if you Suppose that my Loan of five Millions is full, you are mistaken. The Direction will inform you how much is obtained, not yet two Millions of guilders to be Sure. I fear not more than one and an half. There are so many Loans open, for France, Spain, England Russia and almost every other Power—for the States General the States of the Separate Provinces, the East and West India Companies, Several of which under the Warranty of the States, and these are pushed with such Art and Ardour, that I cannot promise you any Success. There is Scarcely a Guilder but what is promised before hand. France and Spain as well as England are so pressed for Money, that I know not what to hope for.
The King of G. Britain has acknowledged the Sovereignty of the United States, but whether any Thing more will follow from it, than a few Efforts to get Something to excuse the further Prosecution of the War, and to Silence Clamours I know not.— It is to me, very clear that the British Ministry do not intend to make a Peace with France Spain and Holland this Year, and America will not make a Separate Peace, if England would come to her Terms, which in my present Opinion the present Minister does not intend.— The Probability is, that he intends to evacuate New York, but whether to go against the French or Spaniards is the Question.— If the French and Spaniards permit them to evacuate New York, a good Riddance for Us, but they will do Mischief or at least give Trouble and cause great Expence.— France might have taken them all Prisoners, with the Utmost Certainty and Ease, but choose to go against Jamaica and Gibraltar, and met with the Success that every Man who knew those Places, and the Attachment of the English to them foresaw.
With great Esteem, I have the Honour to be


Title: To John Adams from Lewis R. Morris, 6 November 1782
From: Morris, Lewis R.
To: Adams, John

Sir
Philadelphia 6th: November 1782.

Since January last Bills drawn Quarterly for the amount of your Salary have been transmitted to Doctor Franklin by every Conveyance— I have now the honor of sending one drawn for the amount of the sum due you—from the United States from the first of July 1782. to the 30th: Septr: following, the amount of which draft is sixteen thousand, six hundred and sixty six Livres thirteen sols Tournois; this Bill has been purchased at the same price as those sent Doctor Franklin Vizt six shillings and three pence currency for five Livres—
Duplicate Copies of the Letters I had the honor to address you on the subject of the Bills drawn for your Salary in favor of the Honorable Robt: R Livingston and endorsed over by him to Doctor Franklin you will find enclosed—the Bills being drawn in his name makes him accountable to the United States for their amount, and renders your receipt indispensably necessary for his security— you will be so obliging as to send an account of the Salary you allow your private Secretary and the contingent Expences of your Office
I have the honor to be / with great Respect / your most obedt. humble servt.
L R Morris

State of Mr Adams’s Account

Salary due from the first day of July to the thirtieth of September
}

2777.68 Dolls.

Exchange at 6/3 Currency for 5 Livres
16666₶.  13s.


Title: From John Adams to Robert Morris, 7 November 1782
From: Adams, John
To: Morris, Robert

Sir
Paris November 7. 1782

Yesterday Mr Le Couteulx, called upon me in order to communicate to me, the Contents of his Letters from you, concerning the Remittance of the Money from Holland. I told him he must write to Messrs Willinks &c the Directors of the Loan upon the Subject, and that the whole matter being under your Direction; you and the Bankers must negotiate it. He Said your Desires could easily be complied with and very advantageously for the United States.— He had written to the Dr and recd an Answer that he could not yet Say whether he could comply or not. Soon after Mr Grand came in to Shew me your Letter of Credit, upon Messrs Willinks &c and Shewed me a State of his Accounts by which he would be a Million of Livres in Advance, after paying the Interest of the Ten Millions of Livres borrowed by the King in Holland.
This Morning I went out to Passy to consult with the Dr, about your Letters. He told me, he was preparing a Memorial to the King as Strong as he could pen, but could not foresee what would be his Success. There are great Complaints of Scarcity of Money here, and what there is, is Shut up.— The Kings Loans dont fill.— The War has lasted so long and Money has been Scattered with so much Profusion, that it is now very Scarce in France, Spain and England as well as Holland. If I could quit the Negotiations for Peace and return to the Hague, I have great doubts of Success with the States General.— And an Application to them which must be taken ad referendum, became the Subject of deliberations and drawn out into an unknown Length, and perhaps never obtain a Unanimity which is indispensible, would immediately cast a damp upon my Loan already opened, or any other that I might open in the Same Way, perhaps put an entire stop to it. So that after reflecting upon the Subject as maturely as I can, it Seems to me Safest, to trust to the Loan already opened. The Influence of Such an Application to the States in a political View, upon England, and the Neutral Powers, would not be favourable.
The Measure you have taken, in drawing the Money out of Holland will have an unfavourable Effect.— a Principal Motive to lend Us, has been to incourage a Trade between Us and them, but when they find that none of the Money is to be laid out there in Goods, I fear We shall get little more.
If I were to lay a Memorial before their High Mightinesses, and had Authority to propose a Treaty to borrow a sum of Money and pay the Interest Annually in Tobacco Rice or other Produce of America deliverd at Amsterdam, and to pay the Capital off in the same manner I am not very clear in my Expectations of success. But I have no Instructions for this, nor do I know that Congress would approve it.
In Short Sir I can give you no hopes, nor make any Promises but to do as well as I can.
With the greatest Respect, &c


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 7 November 1782
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

Dear Sir,
Paris Novr. 7th. 1782.

Accept of my thanks for your favor of 28th. Septr.— The Analogy of Religion & of Manners are undoubtedly not less advantages in the Connection with Holland, than those of Commerce and Republicanism.
The Influence of the Stadtholder & his Court, the Intrigues of the English; the Weight of a numerous, wealthy & powerful English Party; the secret and open Negotiations of Neutral Powers, were not the only Obstacles I had to encounter. Secret dark Insinuations against my personal Character from a Quarter from whence they ought not to have come, embarrassed me more than all the rest. Patience & Perseverance, however, at last overcame them all.
My first Object was to hear the public Voice, and to discover the national Sense. I had soon Information from a Variety of Sources, which satisfied me beyond a doubt. I ventured to presume upon it, knowing a little of the Constitution of the Country. It is perhaps the only Country of much Consequence in Europe, where I should have hazarded so much. The Course I took would by no means succeed any where else
The Advantages arising from it are, 1st. a little Money for our able Financier— 2dly. the prevention of a separate Peace. 3dly. Occupation for a considerable Squadron of the British Navy for a considerable part of the Campaign. 4thly. A little less Dependence on France. 5thly. more Zeal & Necessity in England for Peace. 6thly. a little more Inclination in Spain to strike with us. 7thly. more Disposition in the Neutral Powers to a share in our Commerce and Confidence, and to admit us into the Neutral Confederation. 8thly. more Consideration to our Ministers in every Court. 9th. more Dignity to our Cause in the Eyes of all Nations.
You have been a little too busy in your Profession of late, and are getting Money too fast for my Comfort. I have read the Speculations on a Navy with vast pleasure. The Subject & the Author were enough to interest me, if the Execution had been less able.
I am, dear Sir, your’s


Title: The American Peace Commissioners to Richard Oswald, 7 November 1782
From: Adams, John,Franklin, Benjamin,Jay, John
To: Oswald, Richard

Sir,
Paris 7th. November 1782.

In answer to the letter you did us the honor to write on the 4th. inst. we beg leave to repeat what we often said in Conversation, viz. that the Restoration of such of the Estates of Refugees, as have been confiscated, is impracticable; because they were confiscated by Laws of particular States, &, in many instances, have passed by legal titles through several hands— Besides, Sir, as this a matter evidently appertaining to the internal Polity of the separate States, the Congress, by the nature of our Constitution, have no authority to interfere with it—
As to your demand of Compensation to these Persons, we forbear enumerating our Reasons for thinking it ill founded. In the moment of conciliatory Overtures, it would not be proper to call certain Scenes into view, over which, a variety of Considerations should induce both Parties, at present to draw a veil. Permit us therefore only to repeat, that we cannot stipulate for such Compensation, unless, on your part, it be agreed to make retribution to our Citizens for the heavy Losses they have sustained by the unnecessary Destruction of their private Property—
We have already agreed to an Amnesty, more extensive than Justice required, and full as extensive as Humanity could demand— We can therefore only repeat, that it cannot be extended further—
We should be sorry if the absolute Impossibility of our complying further with your Propositions on this head, should induce Great-Britain to continue the War for the sake of those, who caused & prolonged it; but, if that should be the Case, we hope that the utmost Latitude will not be again given to its rigours—
Whatever may be the Issue of this Negotiation, be assured Sir, that we shall always acknowledge the liberal, manly, and candid manner, in which you have conducted it; and that We shall remain, with the warmest Sentiments of Esteem and Regard, / Your Most Obedt: / humbl: Servants.
John Adams.
B Franklin
John Jay


Title: From John Adams to Francis Dana, 8 November 1782
From: Adams, John
To: Dana, Francis

Dear Sir
Paris November 8. 1782

The King of G. Britain, by Patent under the Great Seal of his Kingdom has created Richard Oswald Esq, to be his Minister Plenipotentiary to treat with the Ministers of the United States of America. Thus G. B. is the 3d Power in Europe, to acknowledge our Independence, She can no longer therefore contend that it is a Breach of the armed Neutrality or an Hostility against her to acknowledge American Independence. This is so essential a change in the State of Things that I think and Mr Jay thinks you will now have a reasonable Ground of expect Success. The K. of Sweeden has some time ago made some Advances to treat with Dr Franklin and Congress have sent him a Commission to treat with that Prince.— I See not why Neutral Vessells may not go freely to America now.— You will not mention my Name in these matters but in Confidence. Jay is as you would wish him, wise, and firm.
I am directed by an order of Congress Signified to me by their Secretary at War, to transmit them a State of the Pay Rations and subsistance of the Troops of the states General, of Russia Prussia and all the northern Powers. Will you be so good as to assist me in this? My Love to your Ward.—
Yours sincerely.


Title: From John Adams to C. W. F. Dumas, 8 November 1782
From: Adams, John
To: Dumas, C. W. F.

Dear Sir,
Paris Novr. 8th. 1782.

The News that Mr. Brantzen wrote to our Friends before I left the Hague was true The King of Great Britain under the Great Seal of his Kingdom has by Patent constituted Richard Oswal Esqr. his Minister Plenipoy. to treat with the Ministers of the United States of America. Who would have thought that G. B. would be the 3d. Power in Europe to acknowledge the Independence of America— You may write this to Manson, but conceal me.
G. Britain can no longer pretend that it is a Breach of the Neutrality or an Hostility against her, to acknowledge the Independence of America or make Treaties with them.
I am directed by an Order of Congress, signified to me by their Secretary at War Genl. Lincoln, to procure them a State of the Pay, Rations and Subsistence of the Troops of the States General, of Prussia, Russia & all the northern Powers. Will You be so good as to procure that of the Republick & any other that You can & send it to me.
Respects to Made. & Mademoille. Dumas, & to all friends, particularly Mr. Gyselaer & Mr. Fisher—
Yours sincerely.


Title: From John Adams to Jonathan Jackson, 8 November 1782
From: Adams, John
To: Jackson, Jonathan

Sir
Paris November 8. 1782

In one of your Letters you Suppose that I have an open avowed Contempt of all Rank, give me leave to say you are much mistaken in my sentiments.— There are Times, and I have seen many Such when a Man’s Duty to his Country demands of him the Sacrifice of his Rank, as well as his Fortune and his Life, but this must be an Epocha, and for an Object worthy of the Sacrifice.— In ordinary Times the same Duty to his Country obliges him to contend for his Rank, as the only means indeed sometimes, by which he can do Service, and the Sacrifice would injure his Country more than himself.— When the World Sees a Man reduced to the Necessity of giving up his Rank merely to serve the Publick they will respect him and his Opinions will have the more Weight for it, but when the Same World sees a Man yeild his Rank for the sake of holding a Place, he becomes ridiculous.— This you may depend upon it will not be my Case—

Rank and Titles and Ettiquette, and every Species of Punctilios even down to the Visits of Cards, are of infinitely more Importance in Europe than in America, and therefore Congress cannot be too tender of disgracing their Ministers abroad in any of these Things, nor too determined not to disgrace themselves.
Congress will Sooner or later find it necessary, to adjust the Ranks of all their Servants, with Relation to one another, as well as to the Magistrates and officers of the separate Governments.
For Example, if, when Congress abolished my Commission to the King of Great Britain and my Commission for Peace, and issued a new Commission for Peace in which they associated four other Gentlemen with me, they had placed any other at the Head of the Commission they would have thrown a Disgrace and Ridicule upon me in Europe, that I could not have withstood.— It would have injured me in the Minds of Friends and Ennemies, the French and Dutch as well as the English—
It is the Same Thing with States.— If Mr Jay and I, had yeilded the Punctilio of Rank and taken the advice of C. de Vergennes and Dr F. by treating with the English or Spaniards, before We were put upon the equal Footing that our Rank demanded, We should have Sunk in the Minds of the English French Spaniards Dutch and all the Neutral Powers. The C. de Vergennes certainly knows this. if he does not, he is not even an European statesman, if he knows it, what Inference can We draw but that he means to keep us down if he can.— to keep his Hand under our Chin, to prevent Us, from drowning, but not to lift our Heads out of Water.
The Injunctions upon Us to communicate, and to follow the Advice that is given Us, Seem to be too strong and too universal.— understood with reasonable Limitations and Restrictions they may do, very well.
For Example. I wrote a Speculation and caused it to be printed in the Courier du Bas Rhin, Shewing the Interest Policy and Humanity of the Neutral Confederation acknowledging American Independence and admitting the United states to subscribe to the Principles of their marine Treaty. This was reprinted in the Gazette of Leyden, the Politique Hollandois, the Courier de L’Europe, and all the Dutch Gazettes. at the Same Time I caused to be transmitted to England some Pieces upon the Same subject, and further shewing the Probability that the Neutral Powers might adopt this Measure, and the Impolicy of Great Britain in permitting all the Powers of Europe to get the start of her, and having more merit with America than she by acknowledging her Independence first. These Pieces were printed in the English Papers, in the form of Letters to the Earl of shelburne, and can never be controverted because they are in Writing and in Print with their Dates. These Fears thus excited Added to our Refusal to treat on an unequal Footing, probably produced his Lordships Resolution to Advise the King to issue the Commission under the Great Seal to Mr Oswald, by which Great Britain has got the start and gone to windward of the other European Powers. No Man living but my self knew that all these Speculations, in various Parts of Europe came from me.— Would it do for me to communicate all this to the French Ministers? Is it possible for me to communicate all these Things to Congress. Believe me it is not. and give me Leave to Say, it will not do to communicate them to my Friend the Chevalier de la Luzzerne nor my Friend Mr Marbois.— if they should be, long Letters will lay all open to the C. de Vergennes, who I assure you I dont believe will assist me or any body else in such Methods of serving our Country. When the French Ministers in America or Europe communicate every Thing to Us, We may venture to be equally communicative with them. But when every Thing is concealed from Us more cautiously I believe than it is from England, We shall do ourselves Injustice if We are not upon our Guard.—
If We conduct ourselves with Caution, Prudence, Moderation and Firmness We shall Succeed in every great Point, but if Congress, or their Ministers abroad Suffer themselves to be intimidated, by Threats, slanders or Insinuations, We Shall be duped out of the Fishery the Missisippi much of the Western Lands, Compensation to the Tories and Penobscot at least if not to Kennebeck.— This is my solemn Opinion, and I will never be answerable to my Country Posterity or my own Mind, for the Consequences that might happen from concealing it.
It is for the determinate Purpose of carrying these Points that one Man, who is submission itself, is pressed up to the Top of Jacobs Ladder in the Clouds, and every other Man depressed to the Bottom of it in the Dust. this is my Opinion.— if it is a Crime to hold this Opinion let me be punished for it, for assuredly I am guilty.
With great Respect and Esteem I have the Honour to be sir your most obedient & humble / servant
J. Adams.
This was intended for another But I send it to you, as I do the Translation wh I have from Mr Jay who has sent two Copies of it before to Congress,


Title: To John Adams from C. W. F. Dumas, 8 November 1782
From: Dumas, C. W. F.
To: Adams, John

Monsieur,
La Haie 8e. Nov. 1782

J’ai été charmé de recevoir enfin la nouvelle de votre heureuse arrivée.— Je com̃ence par vous obéir, en rendant compte à V. Exce. de ce qui se passe ici. Pour cet effet, je crois ne pouvoir mieux faire que de soumettre à votre inspection ma Lettre ci-jointe No. 7 à Mr. Livingston, laquelle vous voudrez bien, après l’avoir lue, & accompagnée des correctifs que vous paroîtront nécessaires, fermer & faire passer à Mrs. Barclay & Moylan à l’Orient, pour être expédiée delà à sa destination. Je n’ai presque rien à ajouter à cela, & à ce que la Gazette de Leide, que vous pouvez avoir à Paris, vous apprend successivement, sinon, que, très-probablement, le triomphe de Mr. De C——le du Pl. en O——l, va être suivi de celui de Mr. V——B——l à A——m, & qu’il reparoîtra le 20 ici à l’Asslée. plus radieux que jamais.
En suivant littéralement les ordres de la Lettre de Mr. Thaxter du 30e. Oct, je crois devoir vous acheminer en même temps les Lettres arrivées pour vous depuis votre départ. J’ai répondu à celles que m’ont écrit ceux qui vous savoient absent, & qui ne contenoient rien de bien essentiel aux grandes affaires.
J’espere que vous avez reçu la Médaille & Lettre de Mr. Holtzhey d’Amst., que Son Exc. Mr. le D. de la Vauguion a bien voulu donner de ma part à un Courier qu’il a expédié il y a 15 jours.
La personne de la part de laquelle vous aurez reçu une Lettre par le même Courier, languit fort de pouvoir aller, en toute liberté, vous entretenir, Monsieur, de choses importantes, & agir tout de suite en conséquence.
Il me reste entre les mains un paquet reçu depuis peu de l’Orient, venant de l’Amérique, & qui a couté 17 florins de port. Com̃e vous m’aviez permis en partant d’ouvrir ces paquets d’Amérique, je l’ai fait. Il n’y a aucune Gazette; mais
1°o Trois Lettres pour V. Exce. de Mr. Livingston du 29 May 30 May & 4 Juillet, No. 7 & 8 triplicate, & No. 9 & une de Mr. L. R. Morris du 5e. Juillet. Com̃e j’ai lieu de présumer que vous avez déjà des copies de ces Lettres, elles m’ont paru devoir rester dans votre Secretaire ici, au moins jusqu’à nouvel ordre.
2°o Une Lettre à cachet volant de Mr. Livingston du 29 May, No. 5 Triplicate, accompagnée d’une de Mr. L. R. Morris, pour Mr. F. Dana à Petersbourg.— Une autre, plus grosse, cachetée, pour le même.— J’attends là-dessus aussi vos ordres, pour savoir s’il faut lui expédier l’une & l’autre, par quelle voie & sous quelle adresse.
Je ne vous parle aujourd’hui que d’affaires publiques. La poste va partir, & je differe les autres, qui ne pressent pas, pour la semaine prochaine. Il suffira donc de vous dire, que tout va bien dans la maison, que l’on a nettoyée depuis ces derniers jours, afin que vous retrouviez de l’ordre & de la proprété par-tout, & spécialement dans votre appartement que nous tenons constam̃ent & soigneusement fermé. En attendant, nous nous y comparons, mon Epouse & moi, qui vous présente ses honneurs, com̃e le vox clamantis in deserto.
Je suis avec le plus sincere respect, / Monsieur / Votre trèshumble & très / obeissant serviteur
Dumas

Vraisemblablement vous verrez bientôt L. Exc. Mr. l’Ambr. & Made. L’Ambassadrice.

Translation
Sir
The Hague, 8 November 1782
I was delighted to learn at last of your safe arrival. I begin, as you instructed, by informing your excellency of events taking place here. To this end I think it best to submit for your perusal my enclosed letter, no. 7, to Mr. Livingston; after you have read it and appended the corrections you deem necessary, please seal it and have it forwarded to Mr. Barclay and Mr. Moylan at Lorient, to be sent on. I have almost nothing to add to this and to what you can learn subsequently from the Gazette de Leyde, readily obtainable in Paris, except that in all probability Mr. Van der Capellen tot den Pol’s victory in Overijssel will soon be followed by that of Mr. Van Berckel in Amsterdam, and that on 20 November he will reappear here in the assembly, more radiant than ever.
If I am to follow literally the orders Mr. Thaxter gave me in his letter of 30 October, I think I must forward with the above all the letters that have come for you since your departure. I have answered those written me by people who knew you had left, and which contained nothing of major importance.
I hope you received the medal and letter from Mr. Holtzhey of Amsterdam, which his excellency the Duc de La Vauguyon was kind enough to send by way of the courier he dispatched fifteen days ago.
The person who sent you a letter via the same courier longs to be able to come and talk to you freely about important concerns and to act at once accordingly.
I still have a package, originally sent from America, that arrived recently from Lorient and cost seventeen florins in postage. Since you authorized me when you left to open these parcels from America, I did so. It contained no newspaper, but:
1. Three letters for your excellency from Mr. Livingston, dated 29 May, 30 May, and 4 July, Nos. 7 and 8 triplicate, and No. 9, and a letter from Mr. L. R. Morris dated 5 July. Since I have reason to suppose you already have copies of these letters, it seemed to me they should remain in your writing desk, at least until I hear otherwise.
2. A letter with a loose seal from Mr. Livingston, dated 29 May, No. 5 triplicate, accompanied by one from Mr. L. R. Morris for Mr. Dana in St. Petersburg, and another larger letter, sealed, for the same person. Again, I await your instructions to know if I should send them both to him, by what path, and to what address.
Today I am only informing you of public business. The post is about to leave, and I am postponing news of other matters, which is not urgent, until next week. Suffice it to say that all is well with the house, which has been cleaned in the last few days, so that you will find everything in a state of order and cleanliness, especially your apartment, which we are careful to keep locked. Meanwhile my wife, who sends her respects, and I compare ourselves to the vox clamantis in deserto.
With sincere respect, sir, I remain your very humble and very obedient servant
Dumas
It seems likely you will soon be seeing his excellency the ambassador and his wife.


Title: To John Adams from Wilhem & Jan Willink, 9 November 1782
From: Willink, Wilhem & Jan (business)
To: Adams, John

on the Heeregraft near the blaauwhuys in d’Arend.Amst: 9 Nov: 1782.
Sir

We beg Leave to acknowledge gratefully your Excellency’s marks of Friendship, and thank you in the best manner for your confidence your Excellency’ll permit us to Lay down before him that we’d be able to make a better employ of a news of such an importance, if we were acquainted with it before it was generally known, this makes us take the Liberty to pray you, if an important news happen’d either of the firm Agreement between all Parties to sign the Preliminaries of a general peace, or of an appointed Congress or Suspension of hostilities or if unhappily the Conferences were broke off that we get no peace but a continuance of war, your Excellency might be pleased to Shew us that kindness as to give us the information of it by an Extraordinary of whch. we’d with pleasure pay the Expence and we assure your Excellency beforehand, of our most sacred discretion and Secrecy
We were told that the preliminaries of peace between America france and England were signed, without either Spain or Holland were comprehended in it, we Can give no Credit to it the more as Mr Jay, who prays us to make Compliments to your Excellency, do assure us Such a thing to be impossible
Many people Seem yet in opinion that we are not yet so near a general peace, as the multitude and appearence give reason to hope.
We recommend our selves to your valuable remembrance and have the honour to remain with respectfull consideration.
Sir Your Excellency most Humble / and most Obedient Servants
Wilhem & Jan Willink


Title: From John Adams to Robert R. Livingston, 11 November 1782
From: Adams, John
To: Livingston, Robert R.

Sir,
Paris. Novemr: 11th. 1782.

On my first arrival at Paris I found my Colleagues engaged in Conferences with Mr: Oswald. They had been before chiefly conducted by Mr: Jay, Mr: Franklin having been mostly confined for 3. mo. by a long & painful illness: At this time, however, he was so much better, altho’ still weak & lame, as to join us in most of the subsequent Conferences; and we were so constantly engaged, forenoon, afternoon & evening, that I had not been out to Versailles, nor anywhere else. On Saturday last the Marqs. de la Fayette called upon me, & told me he had been to Versailles, & the C. de Vergennes had sd. to him, that he had been informed, by the returns of the Police, that I was in Paris, but not officially, & he shd. take it well if I wod. come to see him. I went to dine with Mr: Franklin the same day, who had just returned fm. delivering his memorial & repeated to me the same message. I sd. to both, I wd. go the next morning, & accordingly on Sunday, 9th. I went to make my Court to his Excellency. He recd. me politely & asked me questions abt. our progress. I answd. him, that the English Minister appeared to me to divide with us upon ostensible points; that I still doubted of his intentions to make an universal Peace; that the cry of the Nation was, for something to be done or sd. with the American Ministers, & to satisfy this, the K. of G. B. had been advised to be the 3d. Power in Europe to acknowledge our Independence. As this was a Royal act, under the great Seal of his Kingdom, it cod. never be denied, or revoked; but still it did not render the nation unanimous, & to avoid finally disgusting any great party, the Minister wd. still pursue his usual studied obscurity of Policy: Points must be conceded to the Americans before a compleat agreement cod. be made with them, even on terms to be inserted in the universal peace, wh. wd. open the full cry of a powerfull party upon him, among wh. were the Refugees. It cod. not be supposed that the Refugees & Penobscot were such points with the nation, or Minister that they wd. continue the war for them only, if they were ready to strike with France, Spain & Holland.—
The C. then asked me some questions respecting Sagadahoc, wh. I answd. by shewg. him the records, wh. I had in my pocket, particularly that of Govr. Pownal’s solemn act of possession in 1759; the Grants & settlements of Mount Desert, Mechias & all other townships East of Penobscot River: the orig: Grant, of James 1st. to Sir Wm. Alexander, of Nova-Scotia, in wh. it is bounded on St. Croix River; (This grant I had in Latin, French & English;) the dissertations of Govr. Shirley & Hutchinson, & the authority of Govr. Bernard, all shewg. the Right of the Massa: to this tract to be incontestible. I added, that I did not think any British Minister wd. ever put his hand to a written Claim of that, tract of land, their own national Acts were so numerous & so clear against them.—
The C. said, Mr: Fitzherbert had told him that it was for the Masts that a point was made of that tract; but the C. said Canada was an immense resource for masts. I said there were so few masts there, that this cod. not be the motive; that the Refugees were still at the bottom of this. Several of them had pretensions to lands in Sagadahoc, & the rest hoped for Grants there.—
The C. said, it was not at all surprizing that the B. Ministry shd. insist upon Compensation to the Tories, for that all the Precedents were in their favor: in the case of the united Provinces with Spain, all were restored to their possessions; & that there never had been an example of such an affair, terminated by treaty, but all were restored. He said, it was a point well-settled by Precedents. I begged his Excells. pardon for this, & tho’t there was no precedent in point—a restitution of an Estate, not alienated, altho’ confiscated to a Crown, or State, cod. not be a precedent in point; because, in our case, these estates had not only been confiscated, but alienated by the State, so that it was no longer in the power of the State to restore them. And when you come to the Question of Compensation, there is every argument of national honor, dignity of the State, public & private Justice & Humanity, for us to insist upon a Compensation for all the Plate, Negroes, Rice, Tobacco, stole, and Houses & Substance consumed, as there is for them to demand Compensation to the Tories; and this was so much the stronger in our favor, as our Sufferers were innocent people, and theirs guilty ones.—
Mr: Rayneval; who was present, said something about the K. & Nation being bound to support their adherents. I answd. that I cod. not comprehend this doctrine. Here was a set of People whose bad faith & misrepresentations had deceived the K. & deluded the nation to follow their all-devouring ambition, untill they had totally failed of their object; had bro’t an indelible reproach on the British name & almost irretrievable ruin on the nation, and yet that nation is bound to support their deceivers and ruiners: If the national honor was bound at all, it was bound still to follow their ambition, to conquer America, & to plant the Refugees there in pomp & power; and, in such Case, we all know whose estates wd. be confiscated and what Compensation would be obtained. All this Mr: Rayneval said was very true—
The Compte asked me to dine, which I accepted, and was treated with more attention & Complaisance than ever, both by him and the Comtess.—
As it is our duty to penetrate, if we can, the motives & views of our Allies, as well as our enemies, it is worth while for Congress to consider what may be the true motives of these intimations in favor of the Tories. History shews that Nations have generally had as much difficulty to arrange their affairs with their Allies, as with their Enemies— France has had as much, this war, with Spain, as with England. Holland & England, whenever they have been Allies, have always found many difficulties; and, from the nature of things, it must ever be an intricate task to reconcile the Notions, Prejudices, Principles &c. of two Nations, in one Concert of Councils and Operations.—
We may well think, that the French would be very glad to have the Americans join with them in a future war. Suppose for example, they should think the Tories, men of Monarchical principles, or men of more ambition than principle, or men corrupted & of no principle, and should therefore think them more easily seduced to their purposes, than virtuous Republicans, is it not easy to see the policy of a French Minister in wishing them Amnesty and Compensation? Suppose a French Minister foresees, that the presence of the Tories in America will keep up perpetually two parties, a french & an english party, and that this will compell the patriotic & independant men to join the french side, is it not natural for him to wish them restored? Is it not easy too to see, that a french Minister cannot wish to have the English & Americans perfectly agreed upon all points, before they themselves, the Spaniards & Dutch, are agreed too? Can they be sorry then to see us split upon such a point as the Tories? What can be their motives to become the advocates of the Tories? It seems the french Minister at Philadelphia has made some representations to Congress in favor of a Compensation to the Royalists, and that the Comte de Vergennes’ Conversation with me was much in favor of it. The Comte probably knows, that we are instructed against it, & that Congress are instructed against it, or rather have not a constitutional authority to make it; that we can only write about it to Congress, & they to the States, who may, and probably will deliberate upon it a year, or 18. months, before they all decide, and then every one of them will determine against it. In this way, there is an insuperable obstacle to any agreement between the English & Americans, even upon terms to be inserted in the general Peace, before all are ready, and indeed after.— It has been, upon former occasions, the constant practice of the French to have some of their Subjects in London, and the English, some of theirs in Paris, during Conferences for Peace, in order to propagate such sentiments as they wished to prevail. I doubt not there are such there now. Mr: Rayneval has certainly been there. It is reported, I know not how truly, that Mr: Gerard has been there, and probably others are there, who can easily prompt the Tories to clamor, and to cry that the King’s dignity and Nation’s honor are compromised to support their demands—
America has been long enough involved in the Wars of Europe. She has been a football between contending Nations from the Beginning, and it is easy to foresee, that France & England both will endeavor to involve us in their future wars. It is our Interest and Duty to avoid them as much as possible, and to be compleatly independent, and have nothing to do with either of them but in Commerce— My poor tho’ts & feeble efforts have been, from the beginning, constantly employed to arrange all our European Connections to this end, and will continue to be so employed, whether they succeed or not. My hopes of Success are stronger now than ever they have been, because I find Mr: Jay precisely in the same sentiments, after all the Observations & Reflections he has made in Europe, and Mr: Franklin, at last, appears to coincide with us.—
We are all three perfectly united in the affair of the Tories, and of Sagadahoc, the only points, in which the British Minister pretends to differ from us—
The enclosed Papers will show Congress the substance of the Negotiations.— The treaty, as first projected between Mr: Oswald, on one side, and Mr: Franklin & Mr: Jay, on the other, before my arrival.— The Treaty, as projected, after my arrival, between Mr: Oswald, & the three American Ministers, my Lord Shelburne having disagreed to the first.— Mr: Oswalds letter and our answer— Mr: Strachey’s letter & our answer— Mr: Strachey is gone to London with the whole, and we are waiting his return, or the arrival of some other, with further Instructions—
If Congress should wish to know my conjecture, it is, that the Ministry will still insist upon Compensations to the Tories, and thus involve the nation, every month of the war, in an expence, sufficient to make a full Compensation to all the Tories in Question. They would not do this, however, if they were ready wth France & Spain.—
With great respect I have the honor to be, Sir, / Your most Obedt. / huml: servant.
J. Adams—


Title: To John Adams from Henry Laurens, 12 November 1782
From: Laurens, Henry
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir,
London 12th November 1782.

An untoward Circumstance had hurried me from Bath, where I had been about a Month in the progress of health; I was waiting the Determination of this Court, whether I might, upon terms consistent with my honor, return & continue in the same pursuit during the Winter Months, or be obliged at all hazards to withdraw immediately from the Kingdom. In this dilemma, I had this afternoon the honor of recieving your letter of the 6th. Instant, accompanied by an Act of Congress of the 17th. of September.
My Country enjoins & condescends to desire, I must therefore, also at all hazards to myself obey & comply. Diffident as I am of my own Abilities, I shall as speedily as possible proceed & join my Colleagues.
For the rest, the Wound is deep, but I apply to myself the consolation which I administered to the Father, of the Brave Colonel Parker. “Thank God I had a Son who dared to die in defence of his Country.”
My Dear freind / Adieu.
Henry Laurens.


Title: To John Adams from Wilhem & Jan Willink, 14 November 1782
From: Willink, Wilhem & Jan (business)
To: Adams, John

Sir
Amsterdam 14 Nov 1782

We have before us your Excellency’s esteem’d favour of 2 inst, we shall when Mr Dumas furnishes the accts. you are pleased to mention of, pay and charge the same in conformity of your order and write the amount to your Excellency.
We have received with pleasure the dispatches from Congress, we are but sorry not to be so much advanced as his Excellency Mr. Morris Seems to Suppose, and as we’d be much afflicted to be without Stocks at the drafts of Said Gentleman, we considered your Excellency at Leisure to regulate with Messrs Le Couteulx & Co. & Mr Grand (reserving a Sum for Said purpose), the amount we are to pay out at their disposal of the object in cash for Congress, to each of said houses.
We want to Observe to your Excellency we dare not flatter ourselves with such an encouraging succes we heartily wish, because the scarciety of money, and concurrency of other Loans, put an hindrance to it, in the Meanwhile we shall employ our best endeavours to promote the succes as much as possible, a happy turn in political affairs Should be conducive to it and by the Paragraph of your Excellency’s favour we guess to be approaching of that desirable moment, if we may beg without indiscretion some informations from time to time, your Excellency’ll augment the obligations already due to your goodness.
We inclose the Copy of the goods invoice Send to Milady Adams, of whch. the Amount is charged to your Excellency’s Acct.
the different inclosed packets are carrefully forwarded.
We have the honour to be with the greatest respect / Sir / Your Excellency’s Most / Humble & Obedient Servants
Wilhem & Jan Willink

The letter to your Excellency of the three Houses not being to be dispatched this night Shall be sent without fault with the Extraordinary to morrow.


Title: To John Adams from Edward Bridgen, 15 November 1782
From: Bridgen, Edward
To: Adams, John

London Novr 15 1782

The last post I had the honour to forward to your Excellency a letter from our very distressed Friend who desires I would inform you that he hopes to be able to attend his Duty soon and to set out for that purpose next week.
His health was somewhat better for Bath but the loss of his son has been a most severe stroke indeed and I fear much that his proposed Journey to Paris will not assist in his recovery: as to his spirits they are, this day, more Calm and I am in hopes that his entering on buisness again, may help to divert his thoughts, but if much hurry he must enter upon, on his arrival, I am certain it will greatly hurt him. This Sir I take the liberty to hint, not from Mr L, I assure you, but from my observations while in the Tower & since his Liberation, which you Sir and the rest of the Gentlemen employ’d I fear that ye will be witnesses to.

I flatter my self that your Excellency will pardon this freedom in behalf of my Worthy distressed friend and do me the honour to present me Affectionately to the Good Dr F: and respectfully to Mr Jay & believe me to be Sir with great regard & esteem / Yr: Excellency’s / most Obedt: Hum: Servt:
Edwd: Bridgen

Since writing the above I am just informed that Mr L: has receiv’d a Large packett but I know nothing more—than that it contained little more than the American news papers with the particulrs of the unfortunate event.


Title: From John Adams to Robert Morris, 17 November 1782
From: Adams, John
To: Morris, Robert

Sir
Paris November 17. 1782

A few days Since, at Passy, in Conversation with Dr Franklin, concerning the Clerkship of our offices, I asked him, what Sum he had allowed to his for a Salary.
He told me that with regard to his Grandson, he had been at a Loss, untill he Saw in the Proceedings of Congress that they had allowed Mr stockton 300£ st. a year, upon which he had allowed to his Grandson that Sum. I told him, that I had been at a Loss, what Sum to allow Mr Thaxter, upon which the Dr Said, he thought he ought to be allowed as much.
Mr Thaxters Age Family, Education, Profession, having been bred to the Law and begun the Practice, his Industry and Fidelity, would suffer by no Comparison that could be made in this Case, and therefore I rely upon it, that the Same allowance will be made to him.
No Clerk or Under secretary what ever, in the service of Congress, has had more Drudgery to do, or has done it with more Patience and Perseverance.
I have paid Mr Thaxter only an 100 a year, but have always Supposed that this dificiency would be made up to him by Congress.
In my Accounts transmitted to Congress from the Hague, I have submitted to them to allow to me the 100£ I have paid, each year for 3 years, ending the 13 of this Month, and have recommended Mr Thaxter to Congress for their favour
I beg leave to propose to you, Sir, further, that Six hundred Pounds should be allowed to Mr Thaxter, in Addition to what I have paid him, for the 3 years that are past, and, if it is necessary to take the further sense of Congress upon it, that you would do me the favour to lay this Letter before them.
young Mr Franklin is now secretary to the Commission for Peace by the Appointment of Mr Franklin, with the Consent of Mr Jay, obtained by Letter to Madrid, with out asking my Consent, or even giving me the least notice. considering the Character in which I came out, and Mr Thaxters Connections with me in it, his Pretentions to this Honourable and Lucrative Appointment, I think would have been better, than those of the present Incumbant, tho the Pretentions of neither are equal to the just ones of Some others, particularly of Mr Jennings of Maryland. But I have made no difficulty, about it, and Shall Say no more of it, than to make use of it as an illustration of the just Claims of Mr Thaxter.
With the greatest Respect &c


Title: From John Adams to Robert R. Livingston, 18 November 1782
From: Adams, John
To: Livingston, Robert R.

Sir
Paris November 18. 1782

The Instruction from Congress, which directs Us to pay So Strict an Attention to the French Ministry, and to follow their Advice is conceived in Terms So universall and unlimited, as to give a great deal of Anxiety to My Mind.
There is no Man more impressed with the Obligation of Obedience to Instructions. But in ordinary Cases, the Principal is so near the Deputy, as to be able to attend to the whole Progress of the Business, and to be informed of every new Fact and of every Sudden Thought. Ambassadors in Europe can Send Expresses to their Courts, and give and receive Intelligence, in a few days, with the Utmost Certainty. In Such Cases, there is no Room for Mistake, Misunderstanding or Surprize. But in our Case, it is very different. We are at an immense distance.— Dispatches are lyable to foul Play, and Vessells are Subject to accidents.— New Scenes open, the Time presses, various Nations are in Suspence and, Necessity forces Us to act.
What can We do? If a french Minister advises Us, to ceede to the Spaniards, the whole River of Missisippi, and five hundred miles of Territory to the Eastward of it are We bound by our Instruction to put our Signature to the Cession, when the English themselves are willing We should extend to the River, and enjoy our natural Right to its Navigation? If We Should be councilled to relinquish our Right to the Fishery, on the grand Bank of Newfoundland, when the British Ministry are ready by Treaty to acknowledge our Right to it, are We obliged to relinquish it? If We are advised to restore and compensate the Tories, are We to comply?— If We know or have Reason to believe that Things which will have Weight upon The Minds of the British Ministry, against Us upon Some Points, will be communicated to them in Some Way or other Secret or open, if We communicate it to this Court, are We bound to do it.?
I can not think, that a Construction So litteral and Severe was ever intended to be put upon it. and therefore I see no Way, of doing my Duty to Congress but to interpret the Instruction, as We do all general, Precepts and Maxims, by Such Restrictions and Limitations as Reason, Necessity and the Nature of Things demand.
It may Sometimes be known to a deputy, that an Instruction from his Principal was given upon Information of mistaken Facts. What is he to do.— When he knows, that if the Truth had been known, his Principal would have given a direct Contrary order, is he to follow that which issued upon Mistake.? When he knows, or has only good reason to believe that if his Principal were upon the Spot, and fully informed of the present State of Facts, he would give Contrary directions, is he bound by Such as were given before?
It cannot be denied that Instructions are binding, that it is a Duty to obey them, and that a departure from them cannot be justified.—
But I think it cannot be denied on the other hand, that in our peculiar Situation Cases may happen in which it will might become our Duty, to depend upon being excused, or if you will pardoned, for presuming that if Congress were upon the Spot they would judge as We do.—
I presume not to dictate, nor to advise, but I may venture to give my opinion as I do freely and with much real Concern for the Public, that it would be better if every Instruction in being were totally repealed, which enjoins upon any American Minister to follow the Advice, or ask the Advice, or even to communicate with any French or other Minister or Ambassador in the World. it is an inextricable Embarrassment every where.— Advice would not be more seldom asked, nor Communication less frequent.— it would be more freely given. a Communication of Information or a request of Council would then be recd as a Compliment and a mark of Respect. it is now considered as a Duty and a Right. Your Ministers would have more Weight and be the more respected through the World.— Congress cannot do too much to give Weight to their own Ministers, for they may depend upon it great and unjustifiable Pains are taken to prevent them from acquiring Reputation, and even to prevent an Idea taking root in any Part of Europe, that any Thing has been or can be done by them.— and there is nothing that humbles and depresses, nothing that shackles and confines, in Short nothing that renders totally useless all your Ministers in Europe, So much as these Positive Injunctions to consult, and communicate, with French Ministers upon all occasions, and to follow their Advice.— And I really think it would be better, to constitute the Count de Vergennes our Sole Minister, and give him full Powers to make Peace and treat with all Europe, then to continue any of Us in the service under the Instructions in being if they are to be understood in that unlimited sense which Some Persons contend for.
I hope, that nothing indecent, has escaped me upon this Occasion. if any Expressions, appear too Strong, the great importance of the Subject and the deep Impression it has made on my Mind and Heart, must be my opology.
With great Respect and Esteem I have &c


Title: To John Adams from Thomas McKean, 18 November 1782
From: McKean, Thomas
To: Adams, John

Sir
Philadelphia. Novemr. 18th. 1782.—

This will be handed to you by Mr: Randell, a merchant formerly of New-York; he is recommended to me by His Excellency the present President of Congress as a friend to his Country: As such permit me to introduce him to your acquaintance, which he has warmly sollicited.
I have little news to communicate, and the sudden departure of the Bearer prevents your knowing what there is from me, but I shall refer you to him. You have no doubt learnt that the Enemy long since evacuated Savannah in Georgia; you may believe they have done the same by Charlestown about the Beginning of this month, tho’ we as yet have no official or certain account of it. New-York is still in their possession, but we have just heard they are at present in great consternation there; the cause we can scarce form a conjecture about. Our army is better cloathed, better disciplined, in better spirits and more effective than at any period of the war; Congress is still composed of virtuous men; and the people in general are such as you wish them to be. Money seems to be our greatest want, and salutary steps are prosecuting concerning it; I flatter myself funds will soon be established sufficiently productive for the public exigences, but if this should in part fail, we must rely somewhat on our Allies, our industry, œconomy & integrity.—
We long to hear from you, having received no official Accounts from Europe since the 5th. Septemr.— The last was from Mr. Laurens— His most amiable son, Lieutt. Colo: Laurens, was killed in a battle near Charlestown. You may expect soon our old friend Mr: Jefferson of Virginia at Paris, as a Commissioner of Peace.
I am, Sir, with every possible regard / Your Excellency’s / most obedient humble servant
Tho M:Kean

P.S. The army is gone into Winter Quarters.—


Title: To John Adams from Eliphalet Brush, 19 November 1782
From: Brush, Eliphalet
To: Adams, John

Sir
Bordeaux 19th Novr: 1782

An apology, I think, wou’d be Unnessary for addressing you; and I shall make no other than the regard I have for you. The time since I left America put’s it out of my power to give You any late inteligence from that Country.— I left Boston last May, & have been approaching Europe by degrees ever since, by the way of the west Indies & Spain.— I took the Earliest Oppy: on my Arrival in Ameracca, Last year, to send your despatches to Congress, which (was done thro’ the Medium of Gov Hancock) and to call Mrs. Adams; I had the pleasure of seeing her frequently at your friend Genl Warren’s.
I most sincerely Congratulate you on your Successful Negociations at the Dutch Court; it Affords me sensible pleasure, not only for the Advantage it may be to our Country, but particularly for your Sake, as I know your Efforts were great, & am happy they are crown’d with Sucess.—
I have here the Minerva Capt. Hallet, Movg 16 Six pounders & 40 men, will Sail in the Course of 4 or 5 weeks for Boston. In Case I can Oblige you by forwdg: your letters, or any Matters to your family or friends, by the above Vessel, you have only to Command me. my address is to the Care of Mess. V. P. French & Nephew Merchts. here.

I have forwd: by this post, to the Marquis De Castries at Versailles, a pacquet from Mr. LEscallier the Kings Intendent & ordonnateur at Demerary, with whom I have had Considerable business, & have Contracted to build a Ship & load with provisions for the kings Garrison at that place &c in a manner there made it necessary to write him on the Subject; & shou’d he Enquire of you Respg. me You’l oblige me much to tell him simply What you know of me; being from America, on business of our house there, that is I’m in Compy with Mr Saml Broome, who your are Acquainted with. I shall be very happy in hearing from you at any time it may Suit your Conveniance.—
I am with Real Esteem & Attachment / Sir / Your Most. Obt. Humb Set
Eliphalet Brush


Title: To John Adams from C. W. F. Dumas, 19 November 1782
From: Dumas, C. W. F.
To: Adams, John

at the Hague Nov. 19th. 1782.
Honoured and Dear Sir,

Yr. Excy. will see by the inclosed Letter for Mr. Livingston, what we are doing here. After having perused it you will be so Kind as to close and send it under cover to our worthy friend, Mr. Barclay at l’Orient, to be forwarded from thence by the 1st. opportunity.— The other Letter, from Nantes, I’ve found at my return here from Dort.
I am just now confidently told, that the business of peace goes backward at Paris, because the British won’t consent in the absolute Liberty of Navigation.
Respect and honour, Sir, due to your private and personal As well as public character, and our own conscience, com̃and us, tho’ repugnantly, to tell you roundly between us, that Yr. servant Jb. is a very bad and dangerous one. Mrs. Dumas, under whose watchfull eye the conduct of yr. servants passes every day, found him out very early; and her just Suspicions about him have turned successively into compleat proofs, which we have in our hands from people that no more either to fear or to hope from him. Rough and awkward in appearence, he is a conceited hypocrite, Sly and subtle to get what he aims at. He is a cunning fellow, a true Knave, Knowing perfectly well when it is proper for him to creep, and when to be daring and impudent. He has whored in every corner of yr. house with yr. female servants, and swilled with Jn: and others, not only for his lust, but also to make them subservient to his Knaveries— He has pretexted yr. respectable name and orders, Sir, to get horses for carrying yr. dispatches to Delft, run as far as Rotterdam, and came back with the horse nearly Killed. What he did there is unknown.— To extort if possible from the owner of yr. horses 6 Ducats, he threatened him to witness against him before the Magistrate for having unlawfully let his horses to yr. Excy.— These are facts of which we have signed and witnessed Depositions, and after which we think it needless to quote a great many of others daily observed by Mrs. Dumas.— In short, there is not the least doubt with us, that he will be ready to do every thing for money, of which he is passionately fond, and of which he has but lately been observed to have a great deal; and being asked by Mrs. Dumas how he came at, he answered that he had got it and much more (800 gilders was his saying) in the service of his late Master. We are sorry to trouble yr. Excy. with such disagreeable stuff; but we must be utterly undeserving yr. trust & esteem, if we did conceal from you the danger, as great at least abroad as here (where he was and would be continually busy to spoil every right measure of Mrs. Dumas for keeping all your servants and household in good & decent order) of Keeping and trusting such a corrupt & bad fellow. He has been observed dictating to one of his acquaintances here a memorial of several old pretended expences, amounting to a considerable sum, which he intends to present to yr. Excy. for paiment, opportuns tempore captando.
I have but a moment left, to profess myself with great respect Sir Yr. Exc. / most humble & obedt. servt.
Dumas


Title: From John Adams to Robert R. Livingston, 21 November 1782
From: Adams, John
To: Livingston, Robert R.

Sir
Paris Nov. 21. 1782

We live in critical Moments. Parliament is to meet and the Kings Speech will be delivered on the 26.— if the Speech announces Mr Oswalds Commission, and the two Houses in their Answers, thank him for issuing it, and there Should be no Change in the Ministry, the Prospect of Peace will be flattering. Or if there Should be a Change in the Ministry, and the Duke of Portland with Mr Fox and Mr Burke Should come in, it will be Still more so. But if Richmond, Cambden, Keppell and Townsend Should retire, and my Lord North and Company, come in, with or without the Earl of Shelburne the appearances of Peace will be very unpromising. My Lord North indeed cannot revoke the Acknowledgment of our Independance, and would not probably renounce the Negotiations for Peace, but ill Will to Us is so habitual to him and his Master, that he would fall in earnestly with the Wing-clipping System; join in attempts to deprive Us of the Fisheries & the Missisippi, and to fasten upon Us, the Tories, and in every other measure to cramp, Stint, impoverish and enfeeble Us. Shelburne is not So orthodox as he should be, but North is a much greater Heretick in American Politicks.
It deserves much Consideration, what Course We should take in Case the old Ministry Should come in, in whole or in Part. It is certain at present, that to be obnoxious to the Americans, and their Ministers is a very formidable popular Cry, against any Minister or Candidate for the Ministry in England, for the Nation is more generally for recovering the good Will of the Americans then they ever have been.— Nothing would Strike Such a Blow to any Ministry as to break off the Negotiations for Peace. if the old Ministry come in, they will demand Terms of Us, at first, probably that We can never agree to.
It is now 11 or 12 days Since the last Result of our Conferences were laid before the Ministry in London. Mr Vaughan went off, on Sunday noon the 17. So that he is no doubt, before this Time with my Lord Shelburne.— He is possessed of an ample Budget of Arguments to convince his Lordship, that he ought to give up, all the remaining Points between Us. Mr Oswalds Letters will Suggest the Same Arguments in a different Light; and Mr Stratchey, if he is disposed to do it is able to enlarge upon them all in Conversation.
The fundamental Point of the Sovereignty of the United States being Settled in England the only Question now is, whether they Shall pursue, a contracted or a liberal, a good natured or an ill natured Plan towards Us. If they are generous, and allow Us all We ask, it will be the better for them. if Stingy, the worse. That France dont wish them to be very noble to Us, may be true. But We Should be Dupes indeed, if We did not make Use of every Argument with them to shew them, that it is their Interest to be so. And they will be the greatest Bubbles of all, if they Should Suffer themselves to be deceived by their Passions, or by any Arts to adopt an opposite Tenor of Conduct.
With great Esteem I have the Honour / to be, Sir your most obedient and / most humble servant
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Wilhem & Jan Willink, 21 November 1782
From: Willink, Wilhem & Jan (business)
To: Adams, John

Sir
Amst 21 Nov: 1782

We in particular gratefully acknowledge your Excellency’s marks of Confidence, on our Strickest secrecy you may always depend, and be assured of our utmost endeavours of taking advantage of every favourable circumstance for the benefit of the Loan.
We take a most heartily Share in this happy event and congratulate your Excellency with it, desirous to See the Other European powers embrace this opportunity to do justice and homage to the protectors & defenders of liberty, who may in Short enjoi the fruits of their Laudable dealings in peace and happiness
We shall be obliged to your Excellency to be informed, if merchandises utensils &c of English fabriks can now be imported Safe in America, as Several Comodities, to whch. your Country is used, can be brought on better terms, and so as we suppose be more to the Taste of the Nation, than of other Fabricks.
We suppose that it would not be prudent to Send for as yet ships or goods to Charles town, before the English troops are retired, and we Shall always esteem to receive your Excellency’s advice on this head.
We have the honour to remain with great esteem / Sir / Your most Humble and most / Obedient servants
Wilhem & Jan Willink


Title: The American Peace Commissioners to the Marquis de Lafayette, 25 November 1782
From: Adams, John,Franklin, Benjamin,Jay, John
To: Lafayette, Marie-Joseph-Paul-Yves-Roch-Gilbert du Motier, marquis de

Sir,
[25] November 1782.

We have received the Letter you did us the honor to write on the 25th. Inst.
Our Country has had early and repeated Proofs both of your Readiness and Abilities to do her Service. The Prospect of an inactive Campaign in America, induced us to adopt the Opinion, that you might be more useful here than there, especially in Case the Negotiation for Peace on the Part of France in England, should be committed to your Management; for your Knowledge of our affairs and Attachment to our Interest, might have been very advantageous to us on such an Occasion. But as an Opportunity now offers of your being instrumental in producing a Cooperation, which would probably put a glorious and speedy Termination to the War in America, we for our Part, perfectly approve of your going with Count d’Estaing in the manner proposed.
We have the Honour to be, &c. &c.


Title: To John Adams from Francis Dana, 25 November 1782
From: Dana, Francis
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
St: Petersbourg Novr: 14/25 1782.

By the time this comes to your hands I hope you will have received a letter from your Son from Stockholm, as I charged him to write you without fail from thence. I had one from him dated Helsingfors Novr: 8th. N. Stile advising me of his arrival there the day before, and that he shou’d set off on the 9th. for Abo the Town in Finland from whence they embark to cross the Haf for Stockholm. I have written to him three times since his departure to press upon him an attention to the cautions & instructions I had given him verbally. I believe he will not meet with any difficulties on his way. I presume this Northern tour tho’ not attended with all the advantages we had promised ourselves, will not be unprofitable to him, especially if he goes without loss of time to his old Instructor at Leyden, for whom he seems to have a regard & respect.
By this time you must have perceived whether the parties to the present negotiations have brought proper dispositions with them to treat of Peace in good faith. I entreat you as my only friend, that you wou’d not leave me ignorant of the prospect which is before you in general: & particularly whether you meet with any difficulty touching the matter about which I transmitted you a copy of a certain State-Paper from here in my letter of the 11/22 of July last, or that spoken of in the letter of our friend Geary to me, which I sent you enclosed in mine to Mr: Thaxter of the 10/21. of Octr: last. Shou’d you happily conclude upon preliminary articles, pray furnish me with a copy of them by the same Courier which in such a case will bring one to the Marqus: de Verac. But according to the rumour your negotiations are like to fail for the present; and we shall see, it is said, another Campaign. I confess I am not wholly of this opinion: if it is well founded let me know it; because I shall form my conduct accordingly. I will not stay here for the issue of another campaign: nothing but the hope of a peace in the course of this Winter, determined me to spend it in this Country.
The following is a paragraph of a late letter of mine to Mr: Livingston “If the present negotiations for a peace shoud happily succeed, I shall have occasion for the money mentioned in my letter No: 5. before I can expect an answer from Congress upon that subject, and shall apply to Doctr: Franklin & Mr: Adams to advance it between them. It may not be amiss again to inform you that by the express allowance & order of Her Majesty, there are to be paid by every Power entering into any Treaty with her, Six Thousand Roubles to each of her Ministers who shall sign the same. And it is now understood that there shall be Four signatures on the part of Her Majesty viz that of Count Osterman the Vice Chancellor, Count Worrontzow President of the College of Commerce. Mr: Bakounin Vice President of the College of Finances, and Mr: Besborodko Secretary for the private affairs or particular Cabinet of Her Majesty. Matters of this sort were formerly secret and gratuitous. They have now changed their nature, become public, and are demanded as of right: at least no Treaty can be otherwise obtained. And care is taken to make it the Interest of most Powers to form a commercial Treaty with this Empire, by declaring in the new Tarif which is just published, that all Nations not having such a Treaty shall pay the duties, one half in Rix Dollars at 125 Copeaks, and the other in the money of the Country. This has heretofore under the old Tarif, been the rule for all Nations except the British who by their Treaty obtained the privilege of paying all the duties in the money of the Country. This privilege is extended to Denmark by their late Treaty, and will doubtless be made common to all Nations which chuse to enter into a commercial Treaty with Her Majesty: and thus the British will loose the principal benefit of their Treaty before it expires, viz 1786.”— I thought it adviseable to give you the above paragraph entire that you might be informed fully of the grounds upon which I make the application mentioned in it to you, to advance the moiety of the sum necessary (if the supposed case shou’d happen.) which will be from Twenty Three to Twenty five hundred pounds sterlg: as the Course of Exchange may be. You will doubtless consult Doctr: Franklin upon this matter (to whom I shall make the same application by this or the next post) as it will be necessary that both of you shou’d determine upon it. Perhaps the course of events may give time for me to receive the answer of Congress. You will not think this application amiss I presume, as I ought to be prepared to meet all events, as far as possible. I have thought it my duty to make it. You will judge whether in the Case supposed, it is consistent with your’s to grant it. I shall hope for your answer as soon as may be convenient to you
I am, my dear Sir, Your much obliged Friend and / Obedient humble Servant
FRA DANA


Title: Draft Peace Treaty Presented by Richard Oswald to the American Peace Commissioners, 25 November 1782
From: Oswald, Richard
To: Adams, John,Franklin, Benjamin,Jay, John

Monday Nov. 25. 1782.

The Three Commissioners Adams, Franklin and Jay, met at Mr Oswalds Lodgings at the Hotel de Muscovie, and after Some Conferences, Mr Oswald delivered them the following Articles, as fresh Proposals of the British Ministry, Sent by Mr Stratchey. vizt.
Articles agreed upon, by and between Richard Oswald Esquire, the Commissioner of his Britannic Majesty, for treating of Peace, with the Commissioners of the United States of America, in behalf of his Said Majesty, on the one Part, and John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, and John Jay, three of the Commissioners of the Said States, for treating of Peace, with the Commissioner of his Said Majesty, on their Behalf, on the other Part. To be inserted in, and to constitute the Treaty of Peace, proposed to be concluded, between the Crown of Great Britain, and the Said United States, but which Treaty is not to be concluded, untill the Terms of a Peace, Shall be agreed upon between Great Britain and France, and his Britannic Majesty shall be ready to conclude Such Treaty accordingly.
Whereas reciprocal Advantages and mutual Convenience, are found by Experience, to form the only permanent foundation of Peace and Friend Ship between States, it is agreed to form the Articles of the proposed Treaty on Such Principles of liberal Equity and Reciprocity, as that partial Advantages (those Seeds of Discord) being excluded, Such a beneficial and Satisfactory Intercourse, between the two Countries may be established, as to promise and Secure to both, perpetual Peace and Harmony.

Article 1st.
His Britannic Majesty acknowledges, the Said United States, vizt New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pensylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia to be free, Sovereign, and independent States, that he treats with them as Such, and for himself, his Heirs and Successors, relinquishes all claims to the Government, Propriety and territorial Rights of the Same, and every Part thereof, and that all Disputes which might arise in future on the Subject of the Boundaries of the Said United States may be prevented; it is hereby agreed and declared, that the following are and shall be their Boundaries. vizt

Article 2.
From the North West Angle of Nova Scotia, vizt. that Angle which is formed by a Line drawn due North from the Source of St Croix River to the High Lands, along the Said High Lands, which divide those Rivers that empty themselves into the River St Laurens from those which fall into the Atlantic Ocean, to the North Western most Head of Connecticut River, thence down along the Middle of that River, to the 45 Degree of North Latitude; from thence by a Line due West on Said Latitude untill it Strikes the River Iroquois or Cataroquy; thence along the middle of Said River into Lake ontario, through the middle of Said Lake untill it Strikes the Communication by Water between that Lake and Lake Erie, thence along the middle of Said Communication, into Lake Erie, through the Middle of Said Lake, untill it arrives at the Water Communication between that Lake and the Lake Huron; thence along the Middle of Said Water Communication into the Lake Huron; thence through the Middle of Said Lake to the Water Communication between that Lake and Lake Superiour; thence through Lake Superiour northward of the Isles Royal and Philipeaux to the Long Lake; thence through the middle of Said long Lake, and the Water Communication between it, and the Lake of the Woods, to the Said Lake of the Woods; thence through the Said Lake to the most Northwestern Point thereof, and from thence on a due western course to the River Missisippi, thence by a Line to be drawn along the middle of the Said River Missisippi untill it Shall intersect the Northern most Part of 31st. Degree of North Latitude.
South by a Line to be drawn due East from the Determination of the Line last mentioned, in the Latitude of 31 Degrees north of the Equator to the Middle of the River Apalachicola, or Catahouchi; thence along the middle thereof to its Junction with the Flynt River, thence Strait to the Head of St Marys River; and thence down along the middle of St Marys River to the Atlantic Ocean.
East, by a Line to be drawn along the middle of the River St Croix from its mouth in the Bay of Fundy to its Source; and from its Source directly north to the aforesaid High Lands, which divide the Rivers that fall into the Atlantic Ocean, from those which fall into the River St Laurens; comprehending all Islands within twenty Leagues of any Part of the Shores of the United States, and lying between Lines to be drawn due East from the Points where the aforesaid Boundaries between Nova Scotia on the one Part and East Florida on the other Shall respectively touch the Bay of Fundy and the Atlantic Ocean; excepting Such Islands as now are or heretofore have been, within the Limits of the Said Province of Nova Scotia.

Article 3.
The Citizens of the Said United States Shall have the Liberty of taking Fish of every Kind on all the Banks of Newfoundland, and also in the Gulph of St. Laurence; and also to dry and cure their Fish on the Shores of the Isle of Sables and on the Shores of any of the unsettled Bays, Harbours, and Creeks of the Magdalene Islands, in the Gulph of St Laurence, So long as Such Bays, Harbours and Creeks Shall continue and remain unsettled; on Condition that the Citizens of the Said United States do not exercise the Fishery, but at the Distance of three Leagues from all the Coasts, belonging to Great Britain, as well those of the Continent as those of the Islands Situated in the Gulph of st Laurence. And as to what relates to the Fishery on the Coasts of the Island of Cape Breton out of the Said Gulph, the Citizens of the Said United States, Shall not be permitted to exercise the Said Fishery, but at the Distance of fifteen Leagues from the Coasts of the Island of Cape Breton.

Article 4.
It is agreed that the British Creditors Shall meet with no lawful Impediment to the Recovery of the full Value in Sterling Money of Such bona fide Debts as were contracted by any Persons who are Citizens of the Said United States before the Year 1775.

Article 5.
It is agreed that Restitution Shall be made of all Estates, Rights and Properties in America, which have been confiscated during the War.

Article 6.
There Shall be a full and entire Amnesty of all Acts and offences, which have been or may be Supposed to have been committed on either Side by reason of the War, and in the Course thereof; and no one Shall hereafter Suffer in Life or Person, or be deprived of his Property, for the Part he may have taken therein. All Persons, in Confinement on that Account, Shall immediately on the Ratification of the Treaty in America, be Set at Liberty: all Prosecutions which may be depending in Consequence of any of the Said Offences, Shall cease, and no fresh Prosecutions Shall at any time hereafter be commenced thereupon.

Article 7.
There Shall be a firm and perpetual Peace, between his Britannic Majesty and the Said States, and between the Subjects of the one, and the Citizens of the other.; Wherefore all Hostilities both by Sea and Land Shall then immediately cease: All Prisoners on both Sides Shall be Set at Liberty; And his Britannic Majesty Shall with all convenient Speed, and without causing any Destruction, withdraw all his Armies Garrisons and Fleets from the Said United States, and from every Port, Place, and Harbour within the Same, leaving in all Fortifications the American Artillery, that may be, therein. And Shall also order and cause all Archives, Records, Deeds and Papers, belonging to any of the Said States or their Citizens, which in the Course of the War, may have fallen into the Hands of his Officers to be forthwith restored and delivered to the proper States and Persons to whom they belong.

Article 8.
The Navigation of the Missisippi, from its Source to the Ocean, Shall forever remain free and open to the Subjects of Great Britain and Citizens of the United States.

Seperate Article.
It is hereby understood and agreed, that in Case, Great Britain, at the End of the present War, Shall be, or be put, in Possession of West Florida the Line of North Boundary, between the Said Province and the United States, Shall be a Line drawn from the Mouth of the River Yassous, where it unites with the River Missisippi, due East to the River Apalachicola.


Title: From John Adams to Eliphalet Brush, 26 November 1782
From: Adams, John
To: Brush, Eliphalet

Sir,
Paris Novr. 26th. 1782.

Your favor from Bourdeaux of the 19th., I have had the pleasure to recieve, & congratulate You on your successful Voyages. I thank You too for your Care of my Dispatches and kind Attention to me.
The Dutch have been induced to make common Cause with Us, but have not yet exerted themselves in it with so much Unanimity & Zeal as might be wished for their own sakes as well as ours— Yet it makes a material Odds to have them for Us, rather than against Us. Your Friends in Holland are all well, as are those at Boston, from whence we have Letters to the 10th. of October.
If any Questions should be asked me on the part of M. de Castries or others, relative to your Affairs, I shall not fail to give all the Light in my Power. Mr. Broom I know very well & have a great Esteem for him. If I can find a safe Conveyance to Bourdeaux, I shall be glad to send a few Letters by your Vessel.— My Respects if You please to Mr. Bondfield, Mr. Price, and any other Acquaintance at Bourdeaux.
I have the honor to be, Sir, &c


Title: To John Adams from C. W. F. Dumas, 26 November 1782
From: Dumas, C. W. F.
To: Adams, John

Monsieur,
Lahaie 26e. Nov. 1782

J’espere que Vous avez reçu toute mes précédentes, que j’ai adressées selon les directions que Mr. Thaxter m’a données de votre part; & qu’il a aussi reçu les siennes que j’ai envoyées à lui-même pour lui & pour Mr. Storer. Je suppose aussi que vous avez reçu la Médaille de Mr. Holtzhey, dont un Exprès de Mr. le Duc de la V. étoit chargé de ma part pour vous, pendant que vous étiez encore en route.
Ma derniere renfermoit une Lettre pour Mr. Livingston.
La semaine derniere s’est passée ici à refaire Mr. le Gd. Pensre. pour un 3e. quinquennium.
Nos amis ici, à qui j’ai fait vos complimens, & qui vous les retournent cordialement, me chargent de vous dire, qu’ils s’attendent que vous ne vous montrerez pas trop facile dans les concessions à exiger de l’ennemi, & à lui accorder. Ils vous prient aussi de me mander, si vous êtes sur le pied d’une bonne & cordiale Intelligence avec Mr. Brantzen; S’il est com̃unicatif, com̃e le lui enjoignent ses Instructions; quelles sont ses allures; si vous en êtes content?— Ils insistent à présent fortement, pour faire arranger & résoudre la nomination & l’envoi d’un Ministre de la Rep. en Amérique, afin qu’il puisse y aller le printemps prochain.
La poste, qui va partir, me laisse à peine le temps de vous assurer du respectueux attachement avec lequel je suis, Monsieur / Votre très-humble & très / obeissant serviteur
Dumas

Translation
Sir
The Hague, 26 November 1782

I hope you have received all my previous letters, which I addressed according to Mr. Thaxter’s instructions; and that he has also received his own correspondence, which I sent on for him and Mr. Storer. I suppose too that you have by now received Mr. Holtzhey’s medal, which the Duc de La Vauguyon included in an express sent off while you were still en route.
My last communication contained a letter for Mr. Livingston.
Last week was taken up with creating a third five-year term for the grand pensionary.
Our friends here, to whom I gave your greetings, respond cordially in kind. I am to tell you that they expect you not to appear too accommodating in the concessions you exact from the enemy, or in those you grant. They would like you to inform them whether you are on good terms with Mr. Brantsen and if you have a cordial understanding; if he is communicative, as instructed; how he conducts himself; and whether you are satisfied with him. They strongly insist that arrangements be made to appoint and dispatch a minister of the republic to America, to arrive there next spring.
The post, being about to depart, scarcely leaves me time to assure you of my respectful attachment; I remain, sir, your very humble and very obedient servant
Dumas


Title: Draft Article on Loyalists, [ca. 26 November 1782]
From: Adams, John,Franklin, Benjamin,Jay, John
To:

[ca. 26 November 1782]

Congress will recommend to the Legislature of each of the thirteen States to appoint Commissioners to be under Oath to appraise at a just Value, at this Time the Estates that have been confiscated, and to make Provision, in a reasonable Time, not exceeding two Years for the a Compensation, to those of the Refugees who have not taken an active Part in the War against the United states, and of those who having taken an active Part have conducted themselves like civilized Ennemies, and have governed themselves by the Law of Nations.
And to extend Amnesty to all excepting Such as were the most culpable & Instrumental in bringing on the War, and Such as shall appear, to have been guilty of Cruelties, Devasations Depredations and other Crimes Excesses, in the Prosecution of the War, not warrantable nor excuseable by the Laws of War.