Title: Vices of the Political System of the United States, April 1787
From: Madison, James
To:

Editorial Note
Long before the deputies assembled at Philadelphia in May 1787, JM had begun mentally “to revolve the subject” to be discussed at the Federal Convention (JM to Washington, 16 Apr. 1787). No other delegate came to that historic meeting so well prepared as JM, ready to confront the complex problems of establishing an energetic national government based on republican principles. His many years of public service on both the state and continental level had provided JM with an unrivaled knowledge of American affairs. Yet what distinguished JM from his fellow delegates, apart from his superior intellectual gifts, was not so much his firsthand experience in public life—extensive though it was—as his diligent effort to apply to that experience a scholarly study of the principles of government. Blending “together the profound politician, with the Scholar,” JM took the lead on nearly every great question at the convention and consistently came forward as “the best informed Man of any point in debate” (William Pierce, “Character Sketches of Delegates to the Federal Convention,” in Farrand, Records of the Federal Convention, III, 94).
JM’s intellectual preparation for the Federal Convention had begun at the College of New Jersey, where he imbibed the ideas and principles of the Scottish Enlightenment under the tutelage of Dr. Witherspoon. But not until 1786 did he undertake a systematic course of reading in political history with the apparent purpose of applying his learning to the problems besetting the American Confederation. The result was JM’s Notes on Ancient and Modern Confederacies, prepared in the spring of 1786, many months before he knew there would be a convention at Philadelphia. In the spring of 1787 he followed this study with another memorandum, Vices of the Political System of the United States. In addition, his letters to Jefferson (19 Mar. 1787), Randolph (8 Apr. 1787), and Washington (16 Apr. 1787) contained “the first shoot in his thoughts of a plan of Federal Government” (Adair, ed., “James Madison’s Autobiography,” WMQWilliam and Mary Quarterly., 3d ser., II [1945], 202). These letters were the basis of those resolutions submitted by Governor Randolph to the convention on 29 May 1787 which became known in history as the Virginia Plan. Indeed, many of the ideas and supporting facts that JM put forward in his speeches at Philadelphia, his numbers of The Federalist, and his speeches at the Virginia ratifying convention were but an extension and refinement of the research and insights embodied in the memorandums and letters he wrote before the Philadelphia meeting. The period between the spring of 1786 and the spring of 1787 was perhaps the most creative and productive year of JM’s career as a political thinker.
Although (according to the docket on the Ms) JM wrote Vices of the Political System in April, he probably worked on it intermittently from the time he returned to Congress in February. He apparently left his observations unfinished, for there is a blank space opposite the last vice in his list. As the title suggests, this memorandum was a logical complement to JM’s previous studies of ancient and modern confederacies, to each of which (excepting the Lycian Confederacy) he had appended a section entitled “Vices of the Constitution.” The two memorandums are different in style and structure, however. The earlier work is a heavily annotated series of fragmentary and incomplete notes based on a distillation of ancient and modern history. The analysis of the American federal system has more the quality of a polished essay, in which JM blended together personal experience and theory in masterful fashion.
Among the vices of the American political system, JM included the impotence of the Confederation government: its inability to collect requisitions and to prevent the states from encroaching on its authority, violating treaties, and violating the rights of each other; its lack of control over commerce; and in general its lack of coercive power. Yet the dominant theme of Vices of the Political System was not the structural defects of the Articles of Confederation; the emphasis was rather on the deficiencies and derelictions of the state governments. More than half the work was devoted to the “multiplicity,” “mutability,” and “injustice” of the laws of the states. “The evils issuing from these sources,” JM remarked to Jefferson after the convention, “contributed more to that uneasiness which produced the Convention, and prepared the public mind for a general reform, than those which accrued to our national character and interest from the inadequacy of the Confederation to its immediate objects” (JM to Jefferson, 24 Oct. 1787, Boyd, Papers of JeffersonJulian P. Boyd et al., eds., The Papers of
          Thomas Jefferson (19 vols. to date; Princeton, N. J., 1950——)., XII, 276). JM’s chief concern was the unrestricted power of majorities in state legislatures to pass laws that violated the rights of individuals and minorities. Thus the great task of reform in his view was both to strengthen the national government and to provide “justice” for private individuals (see Edward S. Corwin, “The Progress of Constitutional Theory between the Declaration of Independence and the Meeting of the Philadelphia Convention,” AHRAmerican Historical Review., XXX [1924–25], 512–13, 533–36).
It was JM’s lasting contribution to the work of the Federal Convention to base the argument for an invigorated national government on the greater security it would afford to private rights. He arrived at this conclusion in his discussion of the “Injustice of the laws of the States,” the longest and most theoretical section of Vices of the Political System. Here he brought “into question the fundamental principle of republican Government, that the majority who rule in such Governments, are the safest Guardians both of public Good and of private rights.” It was the inexorable tendency of majorities, he observed, to tyrannize over minorities. Yet this oppression, he added, was more likely to occur in a small political unit, such as a town or a state. On the other hand, the rigors of majority rule could be mitigated by extending the sphere of government to include a multitude of factions and interests that would constantly check each other. In this situation “a common interest or passion” would less easily be felt, and the “requisite combinations” less easily formed, than in a constricted geographical area. Logically, then, a republican government which would effectively protect minority rights could operate only over a large territory. These ideas, so “contrary to the prevailing Theory,” remained only partly developed in Vices of the Political System; a full treatment would come in JM’s letter to Jefferson of 24 Oct. 1787 and in numbers 10 and 51 of The Federalist (Boyd, Papers of JeffersonJulian P. Boyd et al., eds., The Papers of
          Thomas Jefferson (19 vols. to date; Princeton, N. J., 1950——)., XII, 276–79; The Federalist [Cooke ed.], pp. 63–65, 351–53).
The problem of reform was thus reduced to a single question: how could the American system of government be transformed into one extended republic? The present system did not qualify, for it was merely a league of thirteen independent republics, in which the vicious effects of majority factionalism could not be effectively controlled. In the system he proposed, sovereignty would be securely lodged in the general government, which would operate over individuals instead of through the intermediary states. The general government would have additional positive powers, including the regulation of trade and the power to tax both imports and exports. A government of expanded powers would have to be divided into separate departments: a national executive and judiciary, as well as a national legislature. Moreover, the principle of representation would have to be changed so that a vote of Delaware or Rhode Island would not have “the same effect and value” as one from Virginia or Massachusetts (JM to Washington, 16 Apr. 1787). Ratification of the new instrument of government by the people would establish an authority “clearly paramount” to that of the state legislatures (JM to Jefferson, 19 Mar. 1787).
Of all the changes JM proposed in his sketch of a new system of government none was of greater significance than the power to be given the central government to negative state laws “in all cases whatsoever,” the prerogative held by the king of Great Britain over the legislation of the former colonies (JM to Washington, 16 Apr. 1787). This federal veto was to be the foundation of the new system, the means by which thirteen independent states would become one indivisible sovereignty. JM regarded this proposition as “the least possible abridgement of the State Soveriegnties,” without which all the positive powers granted on paper would be “unavailing” (JM to Randolph, 8 Apr. 1787). The absence of such a provision, he later told Jefferson, “seems to have been mortal to the antient confederacies, and to be the disease of the modern.” JM’s historical studies, confirmed by his own experience, had convinced him that the tendency of federal systems was “rather to anarchy among the members, than to tyranny in the head” (The Federalist No. 18 [Cooke ed.], p. 117). From his perspective in 1787 this problem far outweighed the problem of controlling the central government. Yet JM consistently maintained that the purpose of the negative was not simply to reverse the trend toward anarchy. By establishing supremacy in a general government that would operate over an extended sphere, the negative would also have the “happy effect” of providing greater security for private and minority rights. The negative power would fulfill the “great desideratum” of government by acting as a disinterested & dispassionate umpire in disputes between different passions & interests in the State” (JM to Washington, 16 Apr. 1787). Convinced that a federal power to disallow state laws would serve the end of liberty and justice, JM was a persistent but unsuccessful advocate of such a control at the Federal Convention.

[April–June]

April. 1787

Vices of the Political system of the U. States
Observations by J. M. (a copy taken by permission by Danl. Carroll & sent to Chs Carroll of Carrollton)

1. Failure of the States to comply with the Constitutional requisitions.
1. This evil has been so fully experienced both during the war and since the peace, results so naturally from the number and independent authority of the States and has been so uniformly examplified in every similar Confederacy, that it may be considered as not less radically and permanently inherent in, than it is fatal to the object of, the present System.

2. Encroachments by the States on the federal authority.
2. Examples of this are numerous and repetitions may be foreseen in almost every case where any favorite object of a State shall present a temptation. Among these examples are the wars and Treaties of Georgia with the Indians—The unlicensed compacts between Virginia and Maryland, and between Pena. & N. Jersey—the troops raised and to be kept up by Massts.

3. Violations of the law of nations and of treaties.
3. From the number of Legislatures, the sphere of life from which most of their members are taken, and the circumstances under which their legislative business is carried on, irregularities of this kind must frequently happen. Accordingly not a year has passed without instances of them in some one or other of the States. The Treaty of peace—the treaty with France—the treaty with Holland have each been violated. [See the complaints to Congress on these subjects]. The causes of these irregularities must necessarily produce frequent violations of the law of nations in other respects.

As yet foreign powers have not been rigorous in animadverting on us. This moderation however cannot be mistaken for a permanent partiality to our faults, or a permanent security agst. those disputes with other nations, which being among the greatest of public calamities, it ought to be least in the power of any part of the Community to bring on the whole.

4. Trespasses of the States on the rights of each other.
4. These are alarming symptoms, and may be daily apprehended as we are admonished by daily experience. See the law of Virginia restricting foreign vessels to certain ports—of Maryland in favor of vessels belonging to her own citizens—of N. York in favor of the same.

Paper money, instalments of debts, occlusion of Courts, making property a legal tender, may likewise be deemed aggressions on the rights of other States. As the Citizens of every State aggregately taken stand more or less in the relation of Creditors or debtors, to the Citizens of every other States, Acts of the debtor State in favor of debtors, affect the Creditor State, in the same manner, as they do its own citizens who are relatively creditors towards other citizens. This remark may be extended to foreign nations. If the exclusive regulation of the value and alloy of coin was properly delegated to the federal authority, the policy of it equally requires a controul on the States in the cases above mentioned. It must have been meant 1. to preserve uniformity in the circulating medium throughout the nation. 2. to prevent those frauds on the citizens of other States, and the subjects of foreign powers, which might disturb the tranquility at home, or involve the Union in foreign contests.

The practice of many States in restricting the commercial intercourse with other States, and putting their productions and manufactures on the same footing with those of foreign nations, though not contrary to the federal articles, is certainly adverse to the spirit of the Union, and tends to beget retaliating regulations, not less expensive & vexatious in themselves, than they are destructive of the general harmony.

5. want of concert in matters where common interest requires it.
5. This defect is strongly illustrated in the state of our commercial affairs. How much has the national dignity, interest, and revenue suffered from this cause? Instances of inferior moment are the want of uniformity in the laws concerning naturalization & literary property; of provision for national seminaries, for grants of incorporation for national purposes, for canals and other works of general utility, wch. may at present be defeated by the perverseness of particular States whose concurrence is necessary.

6. want of Guaranty to the States of their Constitutions & laws against internal violence.
6. The confederation is silent on this point and therefore by the second article the hands of the federal authority are tied. According to Republican Theory, Right and power being both vested in the majority, are held to be synonimous. According to fact and experience a minority may in an appeal to force, be an overmatch for the majority. 1. If the minority happen to include all such as possess the skill and habits of military life, & such as possess the great pecuniary resources, one third only may conquer the remaining two thirds. 2. One third of those who participate in the choice of the rulers, may be rendered a majority by the accession of those whose poverty excludes them from a right of suffrage, and who for obvious reasons will be more likely to join the standard of sedition than that of the established Government. 3. Where slavery exists the republican Theory becomes still more fallacious.

7. want of sanction to the laws, and of coercion in the Government of the Confederacy.
7. A sanction is essential to the idea of law, as coercion is to that of Government. The federal system being destitute of both, wants the great vital principles of a Political Cons[ti]tution. Under the form of such a Constitution, it is in fact nothing more than a treaty of amity of commerce and of alliance, between so many independent and Sovereign States. From what cause could so fatal an omission have happened in the articles of Confederation? from a mistaken confidence that the justice, the good faith, the honor, the sound policy, of the several legislative assemblies would render superfluous any appeal to the ordinary motives by which the laws secure the obedience of individuals: a confidence which does honor to the enthusiastic virtue of the compilers, as much as the inexperience of the crisis apologizes for their errors. The time which has since elapsed has had the double effect, of increasing the light and tempering the warmth, with which the arduous work may be revised. It is no longer doubted that a unanimous and punctual obedience of 13 independent bodies, to the acts of the federal Government, ought not be calculated on. Even during the war, when external danger supplied in some degree the defect of legal & coercive sanctions, how imperfectly did the States fulfil their obligations to the Union? In time of peace, we see already what is to be expected. How indeed could it be otherwise? In the first place, Every general act of the Union must necessarily bear unequally hard on some particular member or members of it. Secondly the partiality of the members to their own interests and rights, a partiality which will be fostered by the Courtiers of popularity, will naturally exaggerate the inequality where it exists, and even suspect it where it has no existence. Thirdly a distrust of the voluntary compliance of each other may prevent the compliance of any, although it should be the latent disposition of all. Here are causes & pretexts which will never fail to render federal measures abortive. If the laws of the States, were merely recommendatory to their citizens, or if they were to be rejudged by County authorities, what security, what probability would exist, that they would be carried into execution? Is the security or probability greater in favor of the acts of Congs. which depending for their execution on the will of the state legislatures, wch. are tho’ nominally authoritative, in fact recommendatory only.

8. Want of ratification by the people of the articles of Confederation.
8. In some of the States the Confederation is recognized by, and forms a part of the constitution. In others however it has received no other sanction than that of the Legislative authority. From this defect two evils result: 1. Whenever a law of a State happens to be repugnant to an act of Congress, particularly when the latter is of posterior date to the former, it will be at least questionable whether the latter must not prevail; and as the question must be decided by the Tribunals of the State, they will be most likely to lean on the side of the State.

2. As far as the Union of the States is to be regarded as a league of sovereign powers, and not as a political Constitution by virtue of which they are become one sovereign power, so far it seems to follow from the doctrine of compacts, that a breach of any of the articles of the confederation by any of the parties to it, absolves the other parties from their respective obligations, and gives them a right if they chuse to exert it, of dissolving the Union altogether.

9. Multiplicity of laws in the several States.
9. In developing the evils which viciate the political system of the U. S. it is proper to include those which are found within the States individually, as well as those which directly affect the States collectively, since the former class have an indirect influence on the general malady and must not be overlooked in forming a compleat remedy. Among the evils then of our situation may well be ranked the multiplicity of laws from which no State is exempt. As far as laws are necessary, to mark with precision the duties of those who are to obey them, and to take from those who are to administer them a discretion, which might be abused, their number is the price of liberty. As far as the laws exceed this limit, they are a nusance: a nusance of the most pestilent kind. Try the Codes of the several States by this test, and what a luxuriancy of legislation do they present. The short period of independency has filled as many pages as the century which preceded it. Every year, almost every session, adds a new volume. This may be the effect in part, but it can only be in part, of the situation in which the revolution has placed us. A review of the several codes will shew that every necessary and useful part of the least voluminous of them might be compressed into one tenth of the compass, and at the same time be rendered tenfold as perspicuous.

10. mutability of the laws of the States.
10. This evil is intimately connected with the former yet deserves a distinct notice as it emphatically denotes a vicious legislation. We daily see laws repealed or superseded, before any trial can have been made of their merits; and even before a knowledge of them can have reached the remoter districts within which they were to operate. In the regulations of trade this instability becomes a snare not only to our citizens but to foreigners also.

11. Injustice of the laws of States.
11. If the multiplicity and mutability of laws prove a want of wisdom, their injustice betrays a defect still more alarming: more alarming not merely because it is a greater evil in itself, but because it brings more into question the fundamental principle of republican Government, that the majority who rule in such Governments, are the safest Guardians both of public Good and of private rights. To what causes is this evil to be ascribed?

These causes lie1. in the Representative bodies.
2. in the people themselves.

1. Representative appointments are sought from 3 motives.   1. ambition   2. personal interest.   3. public good. Unhappily the two first are proved by experience to be most prevalent. Hence the candidates who feel them, particularly, the second, are most industrious, and most successful in pursuing their object: and forming often a majority in the legislative Councils, with interested views, contrary to the interest, and views, of their Constituents, join in a perfidious sacrifice of the latter to the former. A succeeding election it might be supposed, would displace the offenders, and repair the mischief. But how easily are base and selfish measures, masked by pretexts of public good and apparent expediency? How frequently will a repetition of the same arts and industry which succeeded in the first instance, again prevail on the unwary to misplace their confidence?

How frequently too will the honest but unenligh[t]ened representative be the dupe of a favorite leader, veiling his selfish views under the professions of public good, and varnishing his sophistical arguments with the glowing colours of popular eloquence?

2. A still more fatal if not more frequent cause lies among the people themselves. All civilized societies are divided into different interests and factions, as they happen to be creditors or debtors—Rich or poor—husbandmen, merchants or manufacturers—members of different religious sects—followers of different political leaders—inhabitants of different districts—owners of different kinds of property &c &c. In republican Government the majority however composed, ultimately give the law. Whenever therefore an apparent interest or common passion unites a majority what is to restrain them from unjust violations of the rights and interests of the minority, or of individuals? Three motives only 1. a prudent regard to their own good as involved in the general and permanent good of the Community. This consideration although of decisive weight in itself, is found by experience to be too often unheeded. It is too often forgotten, by nations as well as by individuals that honesty is the best policy. 2dly. respect for character. However strong this motive may be in individuals, it is considered as very insufficient to restrain them from injustice. In a multitude its efficacy is diminished in proportion to the number which is to share the praise or the blame. Besides, as it has reference to public opinion, which within a particular Society, is the opinion of the majority, the standard is fixed by those whose conduct is to be measured by it. The public opinion without the Society, will be little respected by the people at large of any Country. Individuals of extended views, and of national pride, may bring the public proceedings to this standard, but the example will never be followed by the multitude. Is it to be imagined that an ordinary citizen or even an assembly-man of R. Island in estimating the policy of paper money, ever considered or cared in what light the measure would be viewed in France or Holland; or even in Massts or Connect.? It was a sufficient temptation to both that it was for their interest: it was a sufficient sanction to the latter that it was popular in the State; to the former that it was so in the neighbourhood. 3dly. will Religion the only remaining motive be a sufficient restraint? It is not pretended to be such on men individually considered. Will its effect be greater on them considered in an aggregate view? quite the reverse. The conduct of every popular assembly acting on oath, the strongest of religious Ties, proves that individuals join without remorse in acts, against which their consciences would revolt if proposed to them under the like sanction, separately in their closets. When indeed Religion is kindled into enthusiasm, its force like that of other passions, is increased by the sympathy of a multitude. But enthusiasm is only a temporary state of religion, and while it lasts will hardly be seen with pleasure at the helm of Government. Besides as religion in its coolest state, is not infallible, it may become a motive to oppression as well as a restraint from injustice. Place three individuals in a situation wherein the interest of each depends on the voice of the others, and give to two of them an interest opposed to the rights of the third? Will the latter be secure? The prudence of every man would shun the danger. The rules & forms of justice suppose & guard against it. Will two thousand in a like situation be less likely to encroach on the rights of one thousand? The contrary is witnessed by the notorious factions & oppressions which take place in corporate towns limited as the opportunities are, and in little republics when uncontrouled by apprehensions of external danger. If an enlargement of the sphere is found to lessen the insecurity of private rights, it is not because the impulse of a common interest or passion is less predominant in this case with the majority; but because a common interest or passion is less apt to be felt and the requisite combinations less easy to be formed by a great than by a small number. The Society becomes broken into a greater variety of interests, of pursuits, of passions, which check each other, whilst those who may feel a common sentiment have less opportunity of communication and concert. It may be inferred that the inconveniences of popular States contrary to the prevailing Theory, are in proportion not to the extent, but to the narrowness of their limits.

The great desideratum in Government is such a modification of the Sovereignty as will render it sufficiently neutral between the different interests and factions, to controul one part of the Society from invading the rights of another, and at the same time sufficiently controuled itself, from setting up an interest adverse to that of the whole Society. In absolute Monarchies, the prince is sufficiently, neutral towards his subjects, but frequently sacrifices their happiness to his ambition or his avarice. In small Republics, the sovereign will is sufficiently controuled from such a Sacrifice of the entire Society, but is not sufficiently neutral towards the parts composing it. As a limited Monarchy tempers the evils of an absolute one; so an extensive Republic meliorates the administration of a small Republic.

An auxiliary desideratum for the melioration of the Republican form is such a process of elections as will most certainly extract from the mass of the Society the purest and noblest characters which it contains; such as will at once feel most strongly the proper motives to pursue the end of their appointment, and be most capable to devise the proper means of attaining it.

12. Impotence of the laws of the States


Title: From James Madison to James Madison, Sr., 1 April 1787
From: Madison, James
To: Madison, James, Sr.

Hond. Sir
N. York April 1. 1787.
I have received your favor of the 17th. Feby. and have made enquiry as to the Andover Works, not indeed thro’ the channel you suggested, but through one still more direct & authentic. I find that the works are not pursued with such alacrity at present as to promise the supply you wish, that it is uncertain whether it would be delivered at Philada. at all, and that the price is at present unfixed. I shall have an opportunity of seeing in Trenton on my way to the Convention, the man who is connected with these works, and will collect any further information that he may be able to give.
Congress have remained very thin ever since my arrival, and have done but little business of importance. The general attention is now directed towards the approaching Convention. All the States have appointed deputies to it. except Connecticut, Maryland, and Rho. Island. The first it is not doubted will appoint, and the second has already resolved on the expediency of the measure. Rho. Island alone has refused her concurrence. A majority of more than twenty in the Legislature of that State has refused to follow the general example. Being Conscious of the wickedness of the measures they are pursuing they are afraid of every thing that may become a controul on them. Notwithstanding this prospect of a very full and respectable meeting, no very sanguine expectations can well be indulged. The probable diversity of opinions and prejuduces, and of supposed or real interests among the States, renders the issue totally uncertain. The existing embarrassments and mortal diseases of the Confederacy form the only ground of hope, that a Spirit of concession on all sides may be produced by the general chaos or at least partition of the Union which offers itself as the alternative.
N. Carolina, and N. Jersey have followed the example of Virginia in giving instructions in favor of the Missippi. Penna. has not done so as was expected, but she has appointed a Delegation which thinks differently from her last on the subject.
I am anxious to hear from my brother A. on the subject of the Tobacco. It will at farthest I hope arrive within the current month in Philada. With affecte. regards to my mother & the family I remain Yr dutiful son
Js. Madison Jr


Title: From James Madison to John Dawson, 1 April 1787
From: Madison, James
To: Dawson, John

1 April 1787. Mentioned in John Dawson’s letter to JM, 15 April 1787. Apparently concerned the congressional resolve of 21 March 1787 which urged states to repeal all acts repugnant to the peace treaty of 1783 with Great Britain.


Title: From James Madison to Edmund Randolph, 2 April 1787
From: Madison, James
To: Randolph, Edmund

My dear Sir
N. York April 2d. 1787
I have your favor of the 15th. inst. All of preceding date have been already acknowledged. The information which you wished to go to Mr. Guardoqui has been communicated. The real impression made by it cannot easily be seen thro’ the political veil. If he views the state of Western affairs in the true light, his representations to Spain, must convince her that she has no option but between concession and hostilities. It is to be lamented that so many circumstances have concurred to enlist her pride on the side of the latter alternative.
The papers accompanying the advice of the Council as to Clarke have been laid before Congs. Similar communications have also been made from N. Carolina. The impression they have made is not unfriendly I conjecture to the Rights of Western peoples and it is probable that a rediscussion of these may be produced by the occasion. Our strength however is unequal to any effectual vote. A Reinforcement from either Maryland or S. Carolina would I believe supply the defeat; Pennsylvania having lately appointed Armstrong in the place of Pettit which throws that State into the right Scale. We have some hopes also as to Rh. Island. She begins to see the policy of some States in her neighbourhood, in excluding the federal territory from the Market at which they offer their own. N. Jersey has entered fully into this view of the matter, and feels no small indignation at it.
Rhode Island has negatived a motion for appointing deputies to the Convention by a majority of 22 votes. Nothing can exceed the wickedness and folly which continue to reign there. All sense of Character as well as of Right is obliterated. Paper money is still their idol, though it is debased to 8 for 1. Yrs affy.
J. M.


Title: Virginia Delegates to Edmund Randolph, 2 April 1787
From: Virginia Delegates
To: Randolph, Edmund

Sir,
New York April 2d. 1787
I do myself the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your Excellencies favor of the 15th. Ult. to the Delegation. Any additional information which may be acquired upon the subject of Mr. Van Berkels Memorial will be punctually transmitted.
I lament exceedingly the Situation into which our Trade is thrown under the late Laws. It will occasion a deminution of the Revenue which we are in no condition to bear. This circumstance evinces the impossibility of Managing the Trade of America by State arrangements, and necessity of Vesting the foederal Head, with full Authority over that, and every Interest of the like general nature. Until this is the case, State Schemes will be pursued with Surreptitious views against each other, which must eventually destroy a source of Revenue that might be immensely valuable to the whole Union; and every effort prohibitory of foreign Articles will also be vain.
The Resolutions upon the proposed Convention between the States of Virginia, Maryland and Pensylvania, have been laid before Congress, and referred to a Committee, who have reported favourably. The proposition is, however viewed with a Coolness which will retard the decision, nor can I venture an opinion as to the issue.
Congress last week had under consideration the civil list establishment, and made some considerable reductions therein. Inclosed your Excellency will receive the resolutions upon that subject. This measure in some instances resulted rather from necessity than choice.
The House of Assembly of New York have passed an Act to Authorise the Delegates of that State in Congress, to accede to, ratify and confirm the Independence and Sovereignty of Vermont, and it is understood that it will pass the Senate and Council of revision. The enclosed papers contain the principles and arguments upon which the measure is founded—as soon as the Act is Compleat it shall be transmitted. It is suggested that there may arise a difficulty upon the point of a participation in the public burthens, heretofore incurred.
By some late acts of Rhode Island it appears that the current of Madness in that State has not yet compleated its course. The Assembly have decided by a Majority of upwards of twenty, not to send Deputies to the Convention—and, by the same majority, they have declined to aid the State of Massachusetts in apprehending the Insurgents who have taken refuge amongst them.
The Board of Treasury still decline sending the Indents—this conduct is founded upon the information of the loan Officer that the funds for complying with the requisition are inadequate—the Act of Congress makes the Indents issuable upon condition that adequate funds shall first have been provided, and the Board alledge, that having no data on which to found an opinion of their own, they are obliged to conform to that of the Loan Officer. Perhaps upon an interview between the Executive and the loan Officer this difficulty might be removed. The Indents now to be issued would not, I beleive be receivable in the Tax now collecting, but that of 1787 will be coming on, and it is of some consequence that the people should have it in their power to get the Indents in time for it.
The Treaty with Sweden is enclosed. I have the Honor to be with due respect Your Excellencies Most Obedt. Servt.
Ed. Carrington


Title: To James Madison from Edmund Randolph, 4 April 1787
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Madison, James

My dear sir
Richmond April 4 1787.
Genl. Washington is prevailed upon to agree to go to Phila. if his health will permit. He is at present afflicted with the rheumatism, so as to be unable to move himself in his bed sometimes, and often to raise his hand to his head. He purposes to travel earlier than for the meeting, that he may apologize to the Cincinnati for his refusal of their presidency.
Mr. Jay’s report on the treaty will bring the question to a crisis. But will not this add a fresh reason here against the reform of the confedn.? I rejoice for our national honor, that it has been confirmed by congress; and therefore assist it with readiness altho’ it might have been better to postpone it to the end of the year, if our foreign connections would have permitted.
But does the establishment of the treaty as a law provide certainly for the recovery of the debts? Ought it not to be paramount to law; or at least to be one of those laws, which are in my opinion beyond repeal, from being combined with a compact? Again how will the Virginia debts not reduced to specialties be proved? The declaring of the treaty to be a law will not revive the 5. Geo. 1.

Colo. R. H. Lee refuses to join us; alledging for excuse his feeble health, the impossibility of leaving home before June, and his purpose to press to congress. He says however that he is willing to confide himself to his associates.
Marshall is elected by a great vote: and the other elections will proceed from different prospects in the voters. Paper money or not seems to agitate the generality of the counties. In Albemarle J. Nicholas has surrendered from despondence. Mr. Edwd. Carter will succeed him, and it is doubtful, whether Colo. Nicholas’s instalments have not endangered his election. Mr. Brackenridge is his competitor.
It is believed, that Mr. H. has convinced the people of P. Edwd, that an emission is necessary.
Adieu—see the public letters for papers.
P. S. Shd. the Maryland assembly have risen, (as it is said) witht. appointg deputies, and be called only on the 20th of May, need I go on to be at Phila. earlier than the time of the probable junction of their delegates? I ask this, as I rather wish to carry my family, than to leave them to follow.


Title: Edmund Randolph to Virginia Delegates, 4 April 1787
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Virginia Delegates

Gentlemen
Richmond April 4. 1787.
There is every reason to believe, that Genl. Washington will be present at the convention in May. Indeed he says, that the want of health alone shall prevent him. I trust that the rheumatism, with which he is afflicted severely, will be speedily baffled.
The Cherokees have begun to be troublesome in our country; and may become more so, in their expected passage thro’ Russell county, in the course of the spring. We have been obliged to direct some soothing steps to be taken on the part of Virginia, all of which (as you will perceive by the next mail) may not be consentaneous to the letter, but certainly is, to the spirit of the confederation, from the urgency of the danger. If we have trangressed it, we request you to excuse us to congress. But it is really grievous, that the continental agent for Indian affairs will not correspond with us, who are so deeply interested in the grand movement of the Cherokees.
Colo. R. H. Lee declines his appointment as a deputy to Phila, intending to rejoin congress as soon as possible, after May. A successor is not nominated, and it may be doubtful, whether the vacancy will be supplied, as the rest of those named will probably be at Phila.
Designing men have frequently circulated reports of the progress of law being stopped in some of the courts by malcontents. Perhaps they may have reached your ears. I [further?] am confident after every inquiry from intelligent persons, whom I have accidentally met here, that such a measure ha[s] never been submitted to, or even openly requested. I have the honor gentlemen to be with great esteem & respect yr. mo. ob. serv.
Edm: Randolph


Title: Edmund Randolph to Virginia Delegates, 4 April 1787
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Virginia Delegates

Richmond April 4. 1787.
Delegates in congress. Gentlemen

I do myself the honor of transmitting a list of the Virginia pensioners, chargeable to the united states. The instances, in which the kind and degree of disability has not been ascertained, have proceeded from a personal examination of them, and the want of an accurate entry in our books. In future a stricter attention will be paid to the subject.


Title: To James Madison from Edmund Pendleton, 7 April 1787
From: Pendleton, Edmund
To: Madison, James

7 April 1787. Pendleton had noted on the cover of JM’s letter to him of 24 February 1787, “Answd. April 7th.” The list probably kept by Peter Force (DLC: Madison Miscellany) also indicates that Pendleton had written a two-page letter from Edmundsbury on this day. The summary reads: “The Eastern insurgents. The approaching Convention at Philadelphia. Elections in Virginia. The seizures on the Mississippi. Indian war expected on the Ohio. The impost plan for a revenue. The power to regulate trade. [A limited monarchy best calculated to produce the happiness of the people ⟨societies⟩.] Mr. Pendleton’s veiw of a limited monarchy and a republican form of Government.” (Square brackets indicate words crossed through; word within angle brackets was interlined, then crossed through.)


Title: Motion on Congressional Rule of Order, [10 April] 1787
From: Madison, James
To:

[10 April 1787]
That the right of a State under the 22d. article of the Rules of the House, to put off the decision of a question, shall be construed to relate only to the final question on the entire Ordinance or proposition depending, and not to any motion for amendment.


Title: Notes on Debates, 11 [10] April 1787
From: Madison, James
To:

see Journals till
Teusday April 11. [10] [1787]
Mr. Kerney moved that Congs adjourn on the last friday in April to meet on the—day of May in Philada. Georgia N. C. Va. Delre. Pena. N. Jersey & R. I. were for it. The merits of the proposition were not discussed. The friends to it seemed sensible that objections lay agst. the particular moment at which it was proposed, but considering the greater centrality of Philada. as rendering a removal proper in itself—and the uncertainty of finding 7 States present & in the humor again, they waved the Objections. The opinion of myself was that the meeting of the ensuing Congs. in Philada. ought to be fixed, leaving the existing Congs. to remain throughout the federal year in N. York. This arrangemt. wd. have been less irrita[t]ing, and would have had less the aspect of precipitancy or passion, and wd. have repelled insinuations of a personal considerations with the members. The question was agd. to lie over till tomorrow.


Title: To James Madison from Edmund Randolph, 11 April 1787
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Madison, James

My dear sir
Richmond April 11. 1787.
I have the pleasure to acknowledge your favor of the 2d inst.
The election for Hanover is over; Mr. Parke Goodall being returned, after a positive and unalterable declaration in public of his affection for paper money. His colleague Mr. Thos. Macon is supposed from the influence of his father over him to be an enemy to it.
It is doubtful, what part Mr. Henry has taken in communicating his sentiments on this subject. But upon the whole it is rather certain, that he openly advocates it. His election is sure. In short every day gives a fresh discovery of its unexpected friends, and I hold it to be safe to make my arrangements, upon the idea that the evil will come at the next session.
Colo. Ben: Harrison is elected for Chas. city by a majority of 22. He disclaimed paper-money in the streets of Richmond on the 2d. of this month. Sed de hoc quaere.
Mr. Beckley designs to visit Phila. in may, and hinted a wish to act as our secretary. I told him, that some person on the spot would probably succeed, altho’ that the office could have no lucre annexed, I promised however, to mention his wishes to you, that if a proper opportunity should offer, his name may be notified. Adieu—yrs afftely
E. R.
See Newspaper in the packet
P. S. It is said, that our friend Merriwether Smith is in the bounds for a debt, due to Mr. Wm. Lee and that he has made over the whole of his property for a british debt. Altho’ I cannot affirm this fact of my own knowledge, I believe it to be true, on the respectability of my informer.


Title: Edmund Randolph to Virginia Delegates, 11 April 1787
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Virginia Delegates

Gentlemen
Richmond April 11. 1787.
I do myself the honor of acknowledging the receipt of your favor of the 2d. instant, and thank you for its inclosures.
Reductions of salaries are in such high fashion here, that congress have risen in character from the reform. But the resurrection of the prophets would not convince british debtors, that those ought to be clothed with an increased authority, who could enforce the british treaty. Such is the lamentable conflict between justice and knavery, that in many instances he is branded with the appellation of toryism, who declares it to be right honestly to pay our debts.
The arms, & other military stores sent from this state to Kentucky left Redstone old Fort on the 18th. of March. Capt. Jouitt who undertook to conduct them to the mouth of Dick’s river writes that they are in bad order, and has retained so many men in this service, that a suspicion is deduced from thence of the danger of an attack. The lead, which was to go from the Blockhouse to Kentucky will be escorted by a guard from Washington county. I mention these things as amounting to a decided symptom, that an Indian war will rage in the course of this spring very diffusively.
The publication of the names of persons indebted for duties has increased the money of the treasury very rapidly, and if it should not injure mercantile credit, will at all times quicken payment.
I will talk to the loan officer concerning the indents, but fear that they cannot come early enough for our relief.
We have heard nothing of Mr. Fox since my letter to you on that Illinois debt. I have the honor gentlemen to be with very great respect yr. mo. ob. serv.
Edm: Randolph.


Title: Notes on Debates, 12 [11] April 1787
From: Madison, James
To:

Wednesday April 12. [11] [1787]
Mr. Varnum moved that the motion for removing to Philada. should be postponed generally. As the assent of R. I. was necessary, to make seven States, no one chose to [pr]ess a decision: the postponement wa[s] [th]erefore agd. to nem. Con. and the proceedings of yesterday involving the yeas & nays on some immaterial points struck from the Journals.


Title: Virginia Delegates to Edmund Randolph, 12 April 1787
From: Virginia Delegates
To: Randolph, Edmund

Sir
New York Apl. 12. 1787
Your Excellencies favor of the 4th. Instant this moment came to hand. The post is just going out, and therefore I have not time to say more, in addition to this acknowledgement, than that Congress yesterday appointed Mr. John Pierce, late Paymaster General, to succeed Mr. Fox who has resigned, and he will set out immediately to Virginia. I shall do myself the Honor to write you more fully tomorrow, and will then inclose the resolution for this appointment. I have the Honor to be your Excellencies Most Obt. Servt.
Ed. Carrington


Title: Virginia Delegates to Edmund Randolph, 13 April 1787
From: Virginia Delegates
To: Randolph, Edmund

Sir
New York April 13. 1787
A misapprehension as to the tour of correspondence with your Excellency, which I understood to be weekly, instead of monthly, occasioned me to neglect writing last Monday, and I must beg the favor of you to pardon me for the neglect.
I now do myself the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of the 22d. Ult. The Act of the Executive upon the subject of the Illinois Accounts, was laid before Congress, together with some communications from Mr. Fox to the Board of Treasury, requesting an Augmentation of his pay and signifying his intention to decline any further attendance in case of refusal, whereupon the inclosed resolutions were adopted for sending the Commissioner of Army Accounts upon that business. Mr. Pierce has served for many years as Paymaster General & Commissioner of Army Accounts, and is distinguished for his abilities and integrity.
The reduced State of our Treasury has rendered it advisable to discharge all the Troops that have been enlisted under the Resolutions of the 20th. of October 1786, except two companies of Artillery, to be formed out of those raised in Massachusetts. These are to be stationed, at present, at Springfield and West Point. This is a disgusting measure to the disbanded Troops, and it was distressing to Congress to adopt it, but had they been retained the event must have been met at last, under accumulated inconveniencies and embarrassments to both parties. We are considerably in arrears to those stationed on the Ohio, nor have we a prospect of paying them.
The February packet of his Most Christian Majesty, arrived here last Monday Morning from Havre de grace. Colo. Franks the bearer of the public dispatches from Paris, informs that before the sailing of the Packet, accounts were received at Havre, of the death of the Count Vergennes—our letters from Mr Jefferson mention his indisposition, and that it occasioned great anxciety.
His Most Christian Majesty has adopted the measure of a general convention upon the national concerns. The meeting of the Notables was to have been on the 29th. of January, but was put off to the 7th. or 8th. of February. This is an important event from which, it is said, some expect great things, others nothing. Our Friend the Marquis de la Fayette was originally placed on the list, afterwards his name disappeared, but was finally reinstated. It seems his education in the American School draws on him the jealous Eye of some whose principles are more assimulated to their own despotic government. He has, however, the favourable disposition of the King, and the good will of the people. He is the Youngest Man upon the list of Notables except one, whose office placed him there. This is a distinction no less honourable and flattering to us than him.
Mr. Jefferson observes that the Tumults in America have not produced those unfavourable effects upon the public opinion in Europe, which might have been expected. On the contrary the small effect they had, and the interposition of the people on the side of government, have given an additional confidence in the firmness of our governments.
The inclosed papers contain a Speech of a Mr. Harrison against the Vermont Bill, or rather in behalf of non residents who held lands there, and one of Colo. Hamiltons in Answer thereto. I have the Honor to be with great respect & esteem—your Excellencies Most Obt. Servt.
Ed. Carrington

Mr. Jeffersons public letters have not yet been laid before Congress—they are accompanied by some papers which are in French, and these are translating. Should these dispatches contain any thing of consequence you shall receive it by next Mail.


Title: Edmund Randolph to Virginia Delegates, 14 April 1787
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Virginia Delegates

Gentlemen
Richmond April 14. 1787.
Permit me to remind you of my letter of the first day of last december. It contained a resolution of our assembly for a meeting between Maryland & Virginia commissioners, to which the concurrence of congress was rendered necessary. The commrs of Virga. wish to know the sense of your honorable body. I have &c with the greatest respect &c


Title: To James Madison from John Dawson, 15 April 1787
From: Dawson, John
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Fredericksburg April 15, 87
I am honourd with your letter of the 1 Int. and must request you to receive this, not as a piece of cold formality, nor simply as a return for yours but as a testimony of a much dearer principle; a principle of honest friendship—our acquaintance I esteem too high ever to forget it—I wish it continued. I wish it cultivated. I flatter myself the desire may be mutual and with pleasure did I receive your promise of doing it by a familiar correspondence.
From a persuasion that a large majority of the citizens of this state are warmly opposed to the payment of British debts I am apprehensive that the act of congress will be but cooly receivd, tho I presume in their letter they will give reasons of sufficient weight to convince the disinterested. I assure you that matters here wear a very disagreable aspect. The people of caroline, have, I am informd, enterd into an association and are determind to purchase no property sold by execution. The extreme scarcity of hard money is the reason urged, and indeed there is too much weight in it. Three days since I attended a Sheriffs sale in this county when very likely negroes, such as before the war, woud have brought eighty pounds, were sold for thirty. In most of the counties petitions to the next assembly will be handed about, for the payment of debts either in property, or by installments, and shoud both be refusd, and the scarcity of money continue, I know not what may be the consequence, as I am informd that in some of the low counties they talk boldly of following the example of the insurgents in Massachusetts and preventing the courts proceeding to business.
Much depends on the convention in May—the attention of almost every person is fixd on that body—and shoud the issue not be successful, wh[ich] I am very sorry to find you suspect, I fear there will be an end to the General confederacy. You have I presume heard that Genl Washington has consented to attend—about that time I expect to have the pleasure of seeing you in Philadelphia. As my object is to gain information of many political points, which I presume will be investigated in the ablest manner, and wh[ich] will be very useful to me in the next assembly, I must renew a request I before made, that if it can be done with propriety, you will permit me to hear the debates—if it can not, I am sure you will give me any information in your power and I shall ever thank you, if you will, in case you arrive before me, engage a room in the house you put up at, convenient to yours.
Our friend Monroe is elected for this county contrary to the expectations of almost every body. Mr. Pages conduct during the last assembly, and his opposition to the tobacco bill lost him his election. Old Mr. Harrison, I am informed is also elected. Mr. Marshall and young L. Lee are acquisitions to the house but the loss of R. B Lee a disadvantage. Mr. Smith, I hear will probably be left out.
Mr. W. Stanard, a friend of mine, is in want of a school-master to teach 4 or 6 small boys Latin and Greek. He will give £50 pr an: furnish a horse and board him in his family. If, Sir, you know any person who you think woud answer, and who is willing to come to Virginia on those terms, will you be kind enough to engage and direct him to me in this place. With much esteem I am Your Friend & hm: Sert
J Dawson


Title: From James Madison to George Washington, 16 April 1787
From: Madison, James
To: Washington, George

Dear Sir
New York April 16 1787
I have been honoured with your letter of the 31 of March, and find with much pleasure that your views of the reform which ought to be pursued by the Convention, give a sanction to those which I have entertained. Temporising applications will dishonor the Councils which propose them, and may foment the internal malignity of the disease, at the same time that they produce an ostensible palliation of it. Radical attempts, although unsuccessful, will at least justify the authors of them.
Having been lately led to revolve the subject which is to undergo the discussion of the Convention, and formed in my mind some outlines of a new system, I take the liberty of submitting them without apology, to your eye.
Conceiving that an individual independence of the States is utterly irreconcileable with their aggregate sovereignty; and that a consolidation of the whole into one simple republic would be as inexpedient as it is unattainable, I have sought for some middle ground, which may at once support a due supremacy of the national authority, and not exclude the local authorities wherever they can be subordinately useful.
I would propose as the ground-work that a change be made in the principle of representation. According to the present form of the Union in which the intervention of the States is in all great cases necessary to effectuate the measures of Congress, an equality of suffrage, does not destroy the inequality of importance, in the several members. No one will deny that Virginia and Massts. have more weight and influence both within & without Congress than Delaware or Rho. Island. Under a system which would operate in many essential points without the intervention of the State legislatures, the case would be materially altered. A vote in the national Councils from Delaware, would then have the same effect and value as one from the largest State in the Union. I am ready to believe that such a change would not be attended with much difficulty. A majority of the States, and those of greatest influence, will regard it as favorable to them. To the Northern States it will be recommended by their present populousness; to the Southern by their expected advantage in this respect. The lesser States must in every event yield to the predominant will. But the consideration which particularly urges a change in the representation is that it will obviate the principal objections of the larger States to the necessary concessions of power.
I would propose next that in addition to the present federal powers, the national Government should be armed with positive and compleat authority in all cases which require uniformity; such as the regulation of trade, including the right of taxing both exports & imports, the fixing the terms and forms of naturalization, &c &c.
Over and above this positive power, a negative in all cases whatsoever on the legislative acts of the States, as heretofore exercised by the Kingly prerogative, appears to me to be absolutely necessary, and to be the least possible encroachment on the State jurisdictions. Without this defensive power, every positive power that can be given on paper will be evaded & defeated. The States will continue to invade the national jurisdiction, to violate treaties and the law of nations & to harrass each other with rival and spiteful measures dictated by mistaken views of interest. Another happy effect of this prerogative would be its controul on the internal vicisitudes of State policy; and the aggressions of interested majorities on the rights of minorities and of individuals. The great desideratum which has not yet been found for Republican Governments, seems to be some disinterested & dispassionate umpire in disputes between different passions & interests in the State. The majority who alone have the right of decision, have frequently an interest real or supposed in abusing it. In Monarchies the sovereign is more neutral to the interests and views of different parties; but unfortunately he too often forms interests of his own repugnant to those of the whole. Might not the national prerogative here suggested be found sufficiently disinterested for the decision of local questions of policy, whilst it would itself be sufficiently restrained from the pursuit of interests adverse to those of the whole Society? There has not been any moment since the peace at which the representatives of the union would have given an assent to paper money or any other measure of a kindred nature.
The national supremacy ought also to be extended as I conceive to the Judiciary departments. If those who are to expound & apply the laws, are connected by their interests & their oaths with the particular States wholly, and not with the Union, the participation of the Union in the making of the laws may be possibly rendered unavailing. It seems at least necessary that the oaths of the Judges should include a fidelity to the general as well as local constitution, and that an appeal should lie to some national tribunals in all cases to which foreigners or inhabitants of other States may be parties. The admiralty jurisdiction seems to fall entirely within the purview of the national Government.
The national supremacy in the Executive departments is liable to some difficulty, unless the officers administering them could be made appointable by the supreme Government. The Militia ought certainly to be placed in some form or other under the authority which is entrusted with the general protection and defence.
A Government composed of such extensive powers should be well organized and balanced. The Legislative department might be divided into two branches; one of them chosen every  years by the people at large, or by the legislatures; the other to consist of fewer members, to hold their places for a longer term, and to go out in such a rotation as always to leave in office a large majority of old members. Perhaps the negative on the laws might be most conveniently exercised by this branch. As a further check, a council of revision including the great ministerial officers might be superadded.
A national Executive must also be provided. I have scarcely ventured as yet to form my own opinion either of the manner in which it ought to be constituted or of the authorities with which it ought to be cloathed.
An article should be inserted expressly guarantying the tranquillity of the States against internal as well as external dangers.
In like manner the right of coercion should be expressly declared. With the resources of Commerce in hand, the national administration might always find means of exerting it either by sea or land; But the difficulty & awkwardness of operating by force on the collective will of a State, render it particularly desirable that the necessity of it might be precluded. Perhaps the negative on the laws might create such a mutuality of dependence between the General and particular authorities, as to answer this purpose. Or perhaps some defined objects of taxation might be submitted along with commerce, to the general authority.
To give a new System its proper validity and energy, a ratification must be obtained from the people, and not merely from the ordinary authority of the Legislatures. This will be the more essential as inroads on the existing Constitutions of the States will be unavoidable.
The inclosed address to the States on the subject of the Treaty of peace has been agreed to by Congress, & forwarded to the several Executives. We foresee the irritation which it will excite in many of our Countrymen; but could not withold our approbation of the measure. Both, the resolutions and the address, passed without a dissenting voice.
Congress continue to be thin, and of course do little business of importance. The settlement of the public accounts, the disposition of the public lands, and arrangements with Spain, are subjects which claim their particular attention. As a step towards the first, the treasury board are charged with the task of reporting a plan by which the final decision on the claims of the States will be handed over from Congress to a select set of men bound by the oaths, and cloathed with the powers, of Chancellors. As to the Second article, Congress have it themselves under consideration. Between 6 & 700 thousand acres have been surveyed and are ready for sale. The mode of sale however will probably be a source of different opinions; as will the mode of disposing of the unsurveyed residue. The Eastern gentlemen remain attached to the scheme of townships. Many others are equally strenuous for indiscriminate locations. The States which have lands of their own for sale, are suspected of not being hearty in bringing the federal lands to market. The business with Spain is becoming extremely delicate, and the information from the Western settlements truly alarming.
A motion was made some days ago for an adjournment of Congress for a short period, and an appointment of Philada. for their reassembling. The excentricity of this place as well with regard to E. and West as to N. & South has I find been for a considerable time a thorn in the minds of many of the Southern members. Suspicion too has charged some important votes on the weight thrown by the present position of Congress into the Eastern Scale, and predicts that the Eastern members will never concur in any substantial provision or movement for a proper permanent seat for the national Government whilst they remain so much gratified in its temporary residence. These seem to have been the operative motives with those on one side who were not locally interested in the removal. On the other side the motives are obvious. Those of real weight were drawn from the apparent caprice with which Congress might be reproached, and particularly from the peculiarity of the existing moment. I own that I think so much regard due to these considerations, that notwithstanding the powerful ones on the other side, I should have assented with great repugnance to the motion, and would even have voted against it if any probability had existed that by waiting for a proper time, a proper measure might not be lost for a very long time. The plan which I shd. have judged most eligible would have been to fix on the removal whenever a vote could be obtained but so as that it should not take effect until the commencement of the ensuing federal year. And if an immediate removal had been resolved on, I had intended to propose such a change in the plan. No final question was taken in the case. Some preliminary questions shewed that six States were in favor of the motion. Rho. Island the 7th. was at first on the same side, and Mr. Varnum one of her delegates continues so. His colleague was overcome by the solicitations of his Eastern brethren. As neither Maryland nor South Carolina were on the floor, it seems pretty evident that N. York has a very precarious tenure of the advantages derived from the abode of Congress.
We understand that the discontents in Massts which lately produced an appeal to the sword, are now producing a trial of strength in the field of electioneering. The Governor will be displaced. The Senate is said to be already of a popular complexion, and it is expected the other branch will be still more so. Paper money it is surmised will be the engine to be played off agst. creditors both public and private. As the event of the Elections however is not yet decided, this information must be too much blended with conjecture to be regarded as matter of certainty.
I do not learn that the proposed act relating to Vermont has yet gone through all the stages of legislation here; nor can I say whether it will finally pass or not. In truth, it having not been a subject of conversation for some time, I am unable to say what has been done or is likely to be done with it. With the sincerest affection & the highest esteem I have the honor to be Dear Sir Your devoted Servt.
Js. Madison Jr.


Title: Virginia Delegates to Edmund Randolph, 16 April 1787
From: Virginia Delegates
To: Randolph, Edmund

Sir
New York Apl. 16. 1787
Your Excellencies favor of the 4th Inst. enclosing a list of Pensioners came to hand this morning together with the talk to the Cherokee Indians alluded in that which I had the honor to acknowledge the receipt of a few days past.
We shall do ourselves the honor to lay before Congress all the intelligence you have been pleased to transmit respecting the Cherokee Indians, as the best excuse for the steps you have pursued. It is certainly the duty of the Indian Agents to Correspond with the Governors of the different States, in cases where they may, respectively, be concerned, and I cannot account for the neglect of Doctor White, within whose district the Cherokees are, in the present instance, except that his time and attention have been engrossed by the more Southern Nations, whose Hostilities upon the Frontier of Georgia, more especially occasioned his appointment. We shall take care to call the attention of Congress to this circumstance. Congress, last week, agreed to a circular letter to the States, upon the subject of the Treaty with Great Britain, which your Excellency will receive from the President. I have the Honor to be with great respect Your Excellencies Most Obedt. Servt
Ed. Carrington


Title: Notes on Debates, 18 April 1787
From: Madison, James
To:

See Journal till April 18th [1787] Wednesday
It having appeared by the Report of Mr. Jay on the instruction agreed to monday the 2d. inst & on information refd. to him concerning the discontents of the western people: that he had considered the act of 7 states as authorising him to suspend the use of the Misspi. and that he had accordingly adjusted with Mr. Guardoqui an article to that effect; that he was also much embarrassed by the ferment excited in the western Country by the rumored intention to cede the Misspi. by which such cession was rendered inexpedient on one side; and on the other side, by the disinclination in another part of the Union to support the use of the River by arms if necessary: It was proposed by Mr. Madison as an expedient which if it should answer no other purpose would at least gain time: that it should be Resolved “that the present State of the Negociations with Spain [meaning the step taken under the spurious authority of seven States] and of the affairs of the U. S. [meaning the temper & proceedings in the Western Country], renders it expedient that the Minister Plenipo. at the Court of France should proceed under a special commission, to the Court of Madrid, there to make such representations, and to urge such negociations as will be most likely to satisfy the said Court of the friendly disposition of the U. S and to induce it to make such concessions relative to the Southern limit of the sd. States, and their right to navigate the river Misspi. and to enter into such commercial Stipulations with them as may most effectually guard against a rupture of the subsisting harmony, and promote the mutual interest of the two nations: And that the Secy. of F. A. prepare & report the instructions proper to be given to the said Minister, with a proper commission & letter of credence; and that he also report the communications and explanations which it may be advisable to make to Mr. Guardoqui relative to this change in the mode of conducting the negociations with his Court.”
Mr. King said he did not know that he should be opposed to the proposition as it seemed to be a plausible expedient, and as something seemed necessary to be done; but that he thought it proper that Congs. should before they agreed to it, give the Secy. for F. A. an opportunity of stating his opinions on it, and accordingly moved that it should be referred to him.
Mr. Clarke & Mr. Varnum opposed the reference, it being improper for Congs. to submit a principle for deciding which no further information was wanted, to the opinion of their Minister. The reference being however at length acceded to by the other friends of the proposition on the principle of accomodation, it had a vote of seven States.


Title: Account with the Commonwealth of Virginia, [20 April] 1787
From: Madison, James
To:

Editorial Note
By an act of the October 1785 session of the Virginia assembly, delegates to Congress from Virginia were allowed a salary of “six dollars per day while attending on, travelling to, and returning from Congress,” to be paid quarterly (Hening, StatutesWilliam Waller Hening, ed., The Statutes at
          Large; Being a Collection of All the Laws of Virginia, from the First Session of the
          Legislature, in the Year 1619 (13 vols.; Richmond and Philadelphia, 1819–23)., XII, 48–49). Computation of the wages due was complicated by the conversion of Virginia currency into pounds. The ratio of pounds to Virginia dollars was three-tenths, or three and one-third dollars to the pound (New-York Directory, 1786, pp. 16–17). The amount in pounds was determined by multiplying the number of dollars by three-tenths. Thus the factor “3” in the manuscript is really 0.3, which gives a sum in pounds and tenths of pounds. The tenths of pounds was then converted to shillings. The clerk who prepared JM’s account below did not write down the intermediate steps in the conversion. As an example from the document: $542 multiplied by 0.3 equals 162.6. Six-tenths of a pound equals 12 shillings. The final figure, £162.12.0, is the correct equivalent of $542.

[20 April 1787]
1787
Dr. Js. Madison Jr. in Account with the Commonwealth of Virginia Cr.

1787

To advance on the 12th. of Jany. under Auditors warrant.—164.0.0
By wages due for Travelling to and attending on Congress, from Jany. 21. to April 20 inclusive, 90 days at 6 drs. per day
Dollars

540.

  3

162. 0

162.12

224.12

E[rror]s E[xcepte]d Js. Madison Jr.

Debit

To advance of one quarter, as
Delegation — £162. 0. 0

a delegate commencing on the
Js. Madison — 174.12. 0

20th. of April 1787—Ds. 542

  3

162.12.

E. E. Js. Madison Jr


Title: From James Madison to Edmund Pendleton, 22 April 1787
From: Madison, James
To: Pendleton, Edmund

My dear Sir
New York April 22. 1787
The period since my last has afforded such scanty materials for a letter that I have postponed it, till I have now to thank you for yours of 7th. inst: which came to hand two days ago. I always feel pleasure in hearing from you, but particularly when my concern for your doubtful health is relieved by such an evidence in its favor. At the same time I must repeat my wishes to forego this pleasure, whenever it may interfere with the attention which you owe to your ease, your business, or your other friends.
I do not learn that any symptoms yet appear of a return of the insurgent spirit in Massts. On the contrary it is said that the malcontents are trying their strength in a more regular form. This is the crisis of their elections, and if they can muster sufficient numbers, their wicked measures are to be sheltered under the forms of the Constitution. How far their influence may predominate in the current appointments is uncertain, but it is pretty certain that a great change in the rulers of that State is taking place; and that a paper emission, if nothing worse is strongly apprehended. Governor Bowdoin is already displaced in favor of Mr. Hancock, whose acknowledged merits are not a little tainted by a dishonorable obsequiousness to popular follies. A great change has also taken place in the Senate, and a still greater is prognosticated in the other branch of the Legislature.
We are flattered with the prospect of a pretty full and very respectable meeting in next month. All the States have made appointments except Connecticut Maryland & Rd. Island. The last has refused. Maryland will certainly concur. The temper of Connecticut is equivocal. The turn of her elections which are now going on, is said to be rather unpropitious. The absences of one or two States however will not materially affect the deliberations of the Convention. Disagreement in opinion among those present is much more likely to embarrass us. The nearer the crisis approaches, the more I tremble for the issue. The necessity of gaining the concurrence of the Convention in some system that will answer the purpose, the subsequent approbation of Congress, and the final sanction of the States, presents a series of chances, which would inspire despair in any case where the alternative was less formidable. The difficulty too is not a little increased by the necessity which will be produced by encroachments on the State Constitutions, of obtaining not merely the assent of the Legislatures, but the ratification of the people themselves. Indeed if such encroachments could be avoided, a higher Sanction than the Legislative authority would be necessary to render the laws of the Confederacy paramount to the Acts of its members.
I inclose a late Act of Congress which will shew you the light in which they view and inculcate a compliance with the Treaty of peace. We were not unaware of the bitterness of the pill to many of our Countrymen, but national considerations overruled that objection. An investigation of the subject had proved that the violations on our part were not only most numerous and important, but were of earliest date. And the assurances on the other part are explicit that a reparation of our wrongful measures shall be followed by an immediate and faithful execution of the Treaty by Great Britain.
Congress are at present deliberating on the most proper plan for disposing of the Western lands, and providing a criminal and civil administration for the Western settlements beyond the Ohio. The latter subject involves great difficulties. On the former also opinions are various. Between 6 & 700,000 acres have been surveyed in Townships & are to be sold as soon as they shall be duly advertised. The sale was at first to have been distributed throughout the States. This plan is now exchanged for the opposite extreme. The sale is to be made where Congs. sit. Unquestionably reference ought to have been had in fixing on the place, either to the Center of the Union or to the proximity of the premises. In providing for the unsurveyed lands, the difficulty arises from the Eastern attachmt. to townships, & the Southern to indiscriminate locations. A Copper Coinage was agreed on yesterday to the amount of upwards of two hundred thousand dollars. 15 PerCt. is [to] be drawn into the federal Treasury from this operation.
Our affair with Spain is on a very delicate footing. It is not easy to say what precise steps would be most proper to be taken on our side, and extremely difficult to say what will be actually taken. Many circumstances threaten an Indian war, but the certainty of it is not established. A British officer was lately here from Canada, as has been propagated, but not on a mission to Congress. His business was unknown, if he had any that was important.
I am extremely concerned though not much surprised at the danger of a paper emission in Virginia. If Mr. H. shd. erect the standard he will certainly be joined by sufficient force to accomplish it. Remorse and shame are but too feeble restraints on interested individuals, agst. unjust measures, and are rarely felt at all by interested multitudes. Wishing you all happiness I remain, Dear Sir Your affect. humble servant
Js. Madison Jr.


Title: From James Madison to Edmund Randolph, 22 April 1787
From: Madison, James
To: Randolph, Edmund

My dear Sir
New York April 22. 1787
I have the pleasure of your’s of the 11 inst. acknowledging mine of the 2d. In some of your letters I observe you do not say whether any have been recd. from me or not. I have not omitted to write in a single instance since our correspondence commenced.
The time approaches so nearly now when I shall have an opportunity of asking verbal communications on confidential points that I forbear to commit them to paper.
Congs. are deliberating on the plan most eligible for disposing of the western territory not yet surveyed. Some alterations will probably be made in the ordinance on that subject, in which the idea of townships will not be altogether abandoned, but rendered less expensive. An Act passed yesterday providing for the sale of the surveyed lands, under the direction of the Treasury board. The price is to be one dollar at the lowest. The sale is to be duly advertised in all the States, but the office is to be opened & held where Congs. shall sit. The original plan of distributing the sale through all the States was certainly objectionable. To confine it to one place, and that so remote as N. Y. is both from the center of the Union, and the premises in question, can not be less so.
The inhabitants of the Illinois complain of the landjobbers, particularly Pentecost, & Clarke, who are purchasing titles among them. Those of St. Vincents complain of the defect of criminal and civil justice among them, as well as of military protection. Those matters are before Congs. and are found to be infinitely embarrassing.
A copper coinage was agreed on yesterday to the amount of two hundred & odd thousand dollars. It is to be executed under a contract between the Treasury board & the Coiner, and under the inspection of a person to be appointed on the part of the U. S. 15 PerCt. is to be drawn from this operation into the federal Treasury.
A great revolution is taking place in the Administration in Massts. Bowdoin is displaced in favor of Hancock. A great proportion of the Senate is already changed, and a greater is expected in the other branch of the Assembly. A paper emission there also is much feared by the friends of Justice. I find that the fetter originally put on the deputies from that State to the Convention was taken off in consequence of the recommendatory act of Congs. & the commission adjusted to that act.
Connecticut has not yet been in assembly, and of course has not decided on the convention. I am told the changes which are taking place in her elections are far from strengthening the probability of her concurrence.
If Mr. Beckley has no other view in coming to Philada. than that of the secretaryship to the Convention, I suspect the chance of his success ought hardly to recommend the trip. Other solicitations will certainly oppose him, backed by services in a more conspicuous & in the common opinion, more meritorious line. Yrs. affy.
Js. Madison Jr.


Title: To James Madison from John Pendleton, 24 April 1787
From: Pendleton, John
To: Madison, James

Sir
Audrs. Office Apl. 24. 1787.
By the inattention of the Book Keeper who handed me the amount of the advance made to you in January you receive now £14. more than was due on your Account; I did not discover this error until the money was paid & entered at the Treasury & therefore defer rectifying the mistake till the end of the present quarter.
Be pleased to observe the statement subjoyned which will shew the error I mention. I have the honor to be Sir your most obt Servt.
J. Pendleton

Dr

Cr.

1st. advance
£ 164. 0. 0
Attendance in Congress

2d.
  174:12. 0
from 21 Jany. to 20 July £224. 12. 0

£ 338.12: 0

  224. 12: 0

£  14. 0. 0

Note. Acct. sent, for attendance from July 20 to Octr. 20—92 days. (the £14. being deducted) £151–12.


Title: Notes on Debates, 26 April 1787
From: Madison, James
To:

Thursday April 26. [1787]
The question on the motion to repeal the rule was called for. After some little conversation Mr. Clarke moved that it might be postponed, which was agreed to.
Nothing further was done in this business till Wednesday May 2. when I left N. York for the Convention to be held in Philadelphia.
It was considered on the whole that the project of shutting the Mississippi was at an end; a point deemed of great importance in reference to the approaching Convention for introducing a Change in the federal Government, and to the objection to an increase of its powers foreseen from the jealousy which had been excited by that project.


Title: From James Madison to James Monroe, 30 April 1787
From: Madison, James
To: Monroe, James

Dear Sir
New York April 30. 1787.
Seeing little chance of a direct conveyance of your furniture to Fredg. we have availed ourselves of one to Norfolk for which it embarked a few days ago under address to the care of Col. Parker. It was accompanied with a certificate protecting it from the duties. I inclose the charges here, which amount to £89..12. of this currency. I did not add the side board, because I wished not to obtain it from Cowdry, and the workmanship of another hand would have destroyed the uniformity of appearance; and because I think it not improbable that you will follow the hint I lately dropt of disposing of the sett in Virga. and ordering a new one; in which case a side-board can be included of a piece with the other articles. Shoud you chuse however to have one provided & sent, I shall feel great pleasure in obeying your orders in that, and every other instance. I have also omitted the windsor chairs, thinking as the charges so far exceed your estimate, it would be well to let you make a comparison with those in Virga. before you advance farther in purchases here. Correct me however in this case also, if I have mistaken your wishes.
I learn from the Assignees of Mordicai that his effects will not pay more than 5/. in the pound. No information yet as to the expected remittance from S. C.
Congs. are now reduced to seven States & do nothing. The Legislature here have adjourned without deciding on the act of Congs. relating to the Treaty of peace. They have done the same as to Vermont. The new elections in Massts. have shifted the Legislative power into the hands of the discontented party, and it is much feared that a grievous abuse of it will characterize the new administration. I shall set off in a few days for Philada. from which my future letters will be dated; and to which I beg yours to be addressed. With the sincerest affection I am Dr Sr Yr friend & servt.
Js. Madison Jr


Title: Virginia Delegates to Edmund Randolph, 30 April 1787
From: Virginia Delegates
To: Randolph, Edmund

Sir.
April 30th. 1787 New York.
The delegation have received your Excellencys letr. of the 14th.
Nothing yet has been done relative to the meeting of the commissioners deputed by the states of Maryland and Virginia, nor will this business be brought forward untill Congress assemble in more strength.
The enclosed resolution will shew the sense entertained by the united states relative to the unauthorized possession of Post St. Vincent, and their determination to punish the abettors of this insult to the foederal government. Least the leaders of this sedition may learn the intentions of Congress & prepare themselves to continue & extend their opposition, the Executive will please to hold this communication intended only for their own information. I have the honor to be Sir with due consideration & respect your Excellency[’s] most obt srt
Henry Lee Jun


Title: From James Madison to William Irvine, 5 May 1787
From: Madison, James
To: Irvine, William

Dear Sir
Philada. May 5th. 1787
When I left N. York which was on thursday last nothing had been done in the business which you had particularly at heart. A motion was made soon after you left us, to the effect which you urged. It was referred to the department to which the subject of it belonged. The report disapproved of the expedient and it was found needless to pursue it farther in Congress. The next proposition was that the invalidity of the unconstitutional vote, should be declared, as an instruction to the proper department. To the admission of this proposition, the rule formerly entered into, was urged in bar. It was then proposed that the rule should be repealed. This also was refused by those whose concurrence in so thin a Congs. was necessary. No final vote therefore was taken on any of the motions, and in this State I left the matter. Whether any further attempt will be made in the present thin state of Congs. or when a full Congs. will be together, are questions which I can not answer. Most of the other business remained in the state you left it. I shall not return to N. York before the meeting of the Convention which is to commence on monday week. Maryland has appointed deputies to this assembly. R. Island had refused to appt. before you set out from N. York. Connecticut has not yet decided on the subject. All the other States as you know have concurred. With sincere esteem & regard I am Dear Sir. Your mo: obt. hb[e Servt?]
Js. Madison Jr.


Title: To James Madison from William Nelson, Jr., 7 May 1787
From: Nelson, William
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Wmsburg May 7th. 1787.
In consequence of your polite promise to take charge of any letters that I might wish to send to my friend Mr. Short, I take the liberty of troubling you with the inclosed, and beg the favor of you, to have it put into the mail at New York, which goes by the French-packet. Mr. Wythe and Mr. Blair sailed from York this morning for the head of Elk. May not a favorable effect be hoped from the appointments to the foederal convention being so general? Yet, I wish Rhode-Island may not again attempt to shew, how the machine may be retarded, by one of it’s most trifling wheels refusing to perform it’s office. The apprehensions of paper-money are daily diminishing in this state. The rejection of the measure in Maryland will no doubt have considerable weight even with those, who were favorers of it before; and there are various reports as to the sentiments of the people in some of the southern counties, where the warmest zeal for the plan was supposed to prevail. Some go so far as to say, that pointed instructions against it will be sent from the county, which is represented by the patron of the scheme, and that he has declared that he shall not vote for it, unless in[s]tructed to that purpose, and even then that he shall give it a silent vote. Of this, however, the gentlemen, whom you will meet from Richmond, will give you more exact information. With the warmest wishes for success to the deliberations of the convention, and the highest personal esteem, I am, Sir, yr. obedt. Serv
Wm Nelson jr


Title: To James Madison from William Short, 7 May 1787
From: Short, William
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Paris May 7. 1787
One imprudence frequently begats a second, & I feel that it is the liberty I took of writing to you by the last packet, which emboldens me in some measure in writing by this. Mr. Crevecoeur the French Consul at New-York & who sails in the present Packet for that place, tells me he will not leave me until I put him in some way of being introduced to your acquaintance when he shall arrive there—this favor he intended to have asked of Mr. Jefferson, but in his absence addresses himself to me. You may well suppose Sir that my pride would not permit me to let M. de Crevecoeur or any body here believe that I was not well enough acquainted with you to give a letter of introduction. If you have read the Article Etats-Unis in the new Encyclopaedia, you will not be surprized either at Mr. Crevecoeur’s earnestness to cultivate your acquaintance or my unwillingness not to contribute to it. There is no body whom I would introduce to you more readily Sir than M. de Crevecoeur, because there is no body more capable of explaining to you the present ideas of France with respect to America— because there is no body who understands more perfectly the interests of the two countries as they relate to each other, & none more zealous to promote them mutually, as he has uniformly manifested during his late residence in Paris. You will find him an indefatigable searcher after useful knowlege, & an enthusiast for improvements in the useful arts & well acquainted with all which have taken place in this part of Europe during his stay here. Such a man cannot fail being agreeable & useful to you Sir, at New-York, whether considered as a member of the foederal head or as a private philosopher. This I hope Sir will induce you to excuse the liberty I have taken, & to which I confess I have been impelled by a mixture of vanity with desire to oblige M. de Crevecoeur.
He will be able to give you so particular an account of every thing passing in this country that it would be impertinent for me to trouble you with it; yet I must add, what relates to America more particularly, that her credit is treated with contempt in the Assemblee des notables. The Marquis de la fayette exerts every nerve to prevent the present unfavorable ideas from increasing & he is reproached every day with the want of faith, if not the bankruptcy of America. Their want of money makes them [feel] too sensibly at present our want of punctuality. It is in vain that the Marquis tells them they ought not to be surprized at the deranged finances of a young country, just rising from the devastations of war, since so old a government as France, & that in time of peace, should find itself in its present situation. Arguments like this Sir, are of little avail except with a few thinking men, & will not be able to counteract the ill effects of the clamors of those foreign officers disp[ersed] in every part of the Kingdom, who served in America, & who think themselves ruined by Congress because the interest of their pay is not furnished them—nor of the murmurs of the treasury here because they [have] not received the annual interest & a part of the principal of the American debt. How glorious would it be for our country my dear Sir if we could stop the mouths of all these people by the interest & the whole of the principal of all their debts. It is base in New-York to be alone in preventing it—the impost once well established & there would be no difficulty in borrowing in Holland a sufficient sum for this purpose. Shall I add also what makes an unfavorable impression of our punctuality in the discharge of our foreign debts. It is the ordinances of Congress on several occasions—such as that for establishing a mint & for the raising of troops […] here [Con]gress would not give themselves the trouble of establishing a mint & fixing the salaries of its officers. Congress could not raise troops—if they had not money—& if they have why not pay either the principal or interest of debts long ago contracted & already due.

These are the opinions of our foederal circumstances—but the circumstances of the states taken individually make a very different impression—& of no state, more than Virginia. It is but just to mention it to you Sir, who have contributed so much by your exertions in the legislature, to the fame she has acquired in every part of Europe—even in England where all ranks of people from the crown to the shop-keeper may be considered as in a state of war with whatever is American. The Act respecting Kentucky—that on religion, & the almost unanimous refusal either to emit a paper currency—or meddle with the certificates of public credit—have acquired our State Sir, a degree of eclat & of honor of which it is difficult to form an idea. The Philosophical legislation of Virginia is in the mouths of all the learned of this place, & quoted by all the advocates of the lumieres de la Philosophie. The pleasure I derive from this would be multiplied twelve-fold if the rest of the states would shew the same dispositions towards a liberality of conduct, & a scrupulous preservation of public faith. I beg pardon Sir, for having so long interrupted your attention to more important objects. I will do it no longer than to tell you Mr. Jefferson has passed the Alps—penetrated as far as Genoa & is now on his return from thence—& that I am with those sentiments which you never fail Sir, to inspire, Your friend & servant
W Short


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 15 May 1787
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir
Philada. May 15th. 1787
I am just furnished by Mr. Pollock with a box containing a few Peccan Nuts, which Mr. Jno. Vaughan of this City undertakes to forward by a Vessel just sailing for France.
Monday last was the day for the meeting of the Convention. The number as yet assembled is but small. Among the few is Genl. Washington who arrived on Sunday evening amidst the acclamations of the people, as well as more sober marks of the affection and veneration which continues to be felt for his character. The Governor, Messrs. Wythe & Blair, and Docr. McClurg are also here. Col. Mason is to be here in a day or two. There is a prospect of a pretty full meeting on the whole, though there is less punctuality in the outset than was to be wished. Of this the late bad weather has been the principal cause. I mention these circumstances because it is possible, this may reach you before you hear from me through any other channel, and I add no others because it is merely possible. Adieu
Js. Madison Jr.


Title: From James Madison to William Short, 16 May 1787
From: Madison, James
To: Short, William

Dear Sir
Philada. May 16th 1787
The inclosed letter came to my hands a few days ago from Mr. W. Nelson, with a request that I would forward it. Being apprehensive that no opportunity may soon offer, of sending it by a French packet, I make use of a private conveyance which I hope will be equally safe and more expeditious.
By the same conveyance you will I understand be furnished with a commission for taking depositions in a Suit depending here between Jno. B. Haron and others. At the instance of some gentlemen of my acquaintance who are friends to the parties I take the liberty of observing that the suit is of very considerable importance, and that you will render a very valuable service, if you can reconcile an acceptance of the trust with superior claims on your time and attention. Under this requisite condition your own goodness will I am persuaded ensure to the gentlemen concerned, the object of their wishes. With great & sincere esteem I have the honor to be Dear Sir, Your Obedient & humble servant
Js. Madison Jr.