Title: Scheme for Supplying the Colonies with a Paper Currency, [11–12 February? 1765]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

When Franklin first heard that Grenville had proposed an act of parliament levying stamp duties on the colonies, he wrote Richard Jackson, June 25, 1764, that he thought he “could propose a better Mode by far, both for us and for you, if we were together to talk it over; but a Letter will not suit the Discussion of it.” Franklin’s plan was undoubtedly the same as that outlined in the document printed below. After reaching London on December 10, 1764, he probably discussed it with Jackson and other friends.
When a delegation of four colonial agents waited on Grenville, February 2, to present their objections to the impending bill, the minister replied, according to Jared Ingersoll, one of the agents present, “that he knew of no better way than that now pursuing to lay such Tax, but that if we could tell of a better he would adopt it.” The agents proposed the old method of requisitions on the individual colonies, since “they could raise the Money best by their own Officers &c. &c.” As Franklin told Galloway more than a year and a half later, recalling this and apparently other conferences, Grenville had asked: “Can you Gentlemen that are Agents name any Mode of Raising Money for Publick Service that the People would have less Objection to, if we should agree to drop this Bill?” This question encouraged Franklin to present Grenville with this scheme for a system of colonial paper currency to be enacted by Parliament.

Among the London friends with whom Franklin had probably discussed his plan was Thomas Pownall, former governor of Massachusetts, who had published the first edition of his Administration of the Colonies in the previous March. Pownall was now revising his treatise for a second much enlarged edition, which was in fact published at the end of March 1765. He was interested in Franklin’s proposal—so much so that he considered including it in his new edition—and he apparently asked Franklin for a copy of the paper containing the plan. As the document immediately above indicates, Franklin complied, but he expressed a wish that it be sent instead to the ministry and that the plan might be adopted as a substitute for the proposed Stamp Act. The letter to Grenville that directly follows this paper shows that Pownall accepted this suggestion and joined with Franklin in submitting the proposal for consideration.
Grenville, as is well known, would accept no substitute for his longstanding scheme for stamp duties, but Pownall refrained from including Franklin’s paper in the second edition of his book. Perhaps, when he sent his revised work to the printer he still hoped that Grenville would have a change of heart. In a greatly expanded discussion of the problem of colonial currency he introduced instead a statement that “Some matters which were intended to have been inserted here, are suspended for the present, for reasons which I hope may lead to more public benefit, than the making them public in this work could do.”
Pownall let this statement stand in his third edition, 1766, probably because he thought, as Franklin did, that the Rockingham Ministry, which succeeded Grenville’s, was really friendly to the currency plan. When he was preparing his fourth edition, 1768, however, he decided that nothing was to be gained by further silence, so he included Franklin’s plan in full. Disclaiming “any merit in the invention or framing of it,” he stated that it was “founded on what hath been actually practised in Pensylvania, by the good sense and good policy of the assembly of that province, with success and with benefit to the public.” As adapted to the present situation, the plan “was drawn up some years ago, in conjunction with a friend of mine, and of the Colonies. It was, by us, jointly proposed to government, under successive administrations, in the years 1764, 1765, 1766, during which time, the publication was suspended.” Though the plan had not been supported by any ministry up to the time of writing, Pownall thought it “may yet suggest something that may be of use to better politicians than we pretend to be.”

Pownall’s statement that the plan had been first “proposed to government” in 1764 probably reflects a mistaken memory. Franklin arrived in London only on December 10 of that year and then had been “severely handled by a most violent Cold” for ten or twelve days; the submission to Grenville of such a proposal as this substitute for the Stamp Act so soon after his arrival as the last three weeks of December would, under these circumstances, have been most unlikely. A recent writer, Jack M. Sosin, appears to believe, on the other hand, that Franklin told Galloway later that he had offered his scheme to Grenville specifically at the meeting with a delegation of agents on February 2; there is, however, no basis for attributing such an assertion to Franklin. The letter printed directly following this document establishes that Franklin and Pownall sent the plan to Grenville on February 12.
Franklin’s plan had at least the merit of seeking to bring about two important results: first, the provision to the colonies of a uniform and viable system of legal-tender currency, now that the Currency Act of 1764, combined with that of 1751, had put a stop to all such issues of paper money by colonial assemblies; second, the substitution of a more palatable method of raising a revenue for the Crown in the colonies than the system of direct taxation imposed by the Stamp Act. Whether the colonists in general would have willingly accepted Franklin’s scheme in 1764 and 1765 cannot, of course, be determined now. He himself apparently thought they would, and he continued to press it on later ministries. By 1766, however, after the Stamp Act had thoroughly aroused colonial passions on the whole subject of parliamentary taxation, such a scheme of raising a revenue within the colonies, however indirectly, would certainly have raised “great Clamours” in America, as Galloway told William Franklin very clearly. But the author of the scheme, out of immediate touch with the realities of the situation in the colonies, continued for some time to believe that it offered a possible solution to both the problem of a legal-tender paper currency, as desired in America, and that of a revenue for the Crown, as demanded in Great Britain.

[February 11–12? 1765]
The Paper Money Act of 1739, being the compleatest of the kind, as containing all the Improvements which Experience had from time to time suggested, in the Execution of preceding Acts, an Account of that Act will probably be most satisfactory.
The Sum thereby directed to be printed was £80,000 Proclamation Money, to be emitted on Loan.
Five Persons were nominated Trustees of the Loan-Office, under whose Care and Direction the Bills were to be printed, and emitted.
To suit the Bills for a common Currency, they were of small and various Denominations from Twenty Shillings downwards to One Shilling.
Various Precautions were taken to prevent Counterfeits, by Peculiarities in the Paper, Character, Manner of Printing, Signing, Numbering, &c.
The Trustees took an Oath and gave Security for the due and faithful Execution of their Office.
They were to lend out the Bills on real Security of at least double the Value, for a Term of Sixteen Years, to be repaid in Yearly Quotas or Installments, with Interest at Five per Cent. Thus One Sixteenth Part of the Principal, was yearly paid back into the Office. The Interest was apply’d to Publick Services; the Principal during the first 10 Years, let out again to fresh Borrowers.
The new Borrowers from Year to Year, were to have the Money only for the remaining Part of the Term of Sixteen Years, paying by fewer and of course proportionably larger Installments, and during the last Six Years of the Sixteen, the Sums paid in were not to be re-emitted, but burnt and destroyed, so that at the End of the 16 Years, the whole might be call’d in and sunk, and the Accounts compleatly settled.
The Trustees were taken from all the different Counties of the Province, their Residence in different Parts giving them better Opportunities of being acquainted with the Value and Circumstances of Estates offered them in Mortgage.
They were to continue but Four Years in Office, were to account annually to Committees of Assembly, and at the Expiration of that Term they were to deliver up all Monies and Securities in their Hands to their Successors, before their Bonds and Sureties could be discharged.
Lest a few wealthy Persons should engross the Money which was intended for more general Benefit, no one Person, whatever Security he might offer, could borrow more than One Hundred Pounds.
Thus Numbers of poor new Settlers were accommodated and assisted with Money to carry on their Settlements, to be repaid in easy Portions yearly, as the yearly Produce of their Lands should enable them.
Great Inconveniencies had arisen in other Colonies from a Depreciation of their Paper Money, occasioned by emitting it in too great Quantities.
It was difficult to know before hand, what Quantity would be sufficient for a Medium of Exchange proportion’d to the Trade of the Colony, and not exceed the Occasions.

To prevent the Mischiefs attending an Over Quantity, the Government of Pensilvania began with a small Sum, £15000 in 1723, proceeded to encrease it gradually in following Years, and thus prudently felt for a Proportion they could not previously calculate. And as they never exceeded a moderate Sum, the Depreciation was never so great as to be attended with much Inconvenience.
But The Act being expired, and the Proprietors and People differing about the Terms of renewing it (the former tho’ they and their Deputys had received annual Presents out of the Interest and to near £40,000, yet insisting on greater future Advantages, which the Assembly did not chuse to comply with) this excellent Machine for Settling a new Country now no longer exists.
And as by the late Act of Parliament no more Paper Money can be issued in the Colonies, that shall be a legal Tender, it may perhaps be necessary for Government here to make some Provision of a Currency for the Colonies, since otherwise in a short time there will be no means of satisfying Judgments in Courts of Justice, or of paying either Debts or Taxes.
If this should be thought necessary, the Pennsylvania Scheme which has by long Experience been found so practicable and so useful, may with a few Changes to accommodate it to more general Purposes, be safely and advantageously extended to all the Colonies by an Act of Parliament as follows.
LetMillions in Bills of Credit, be printed here for the Use of the Colonies.
Let a Loan Office be erected in each Colony, to issue the Bills, take the Securities, receive and re-emit the Quota’s or Installments yearly paid in.

Let the Bills be issued for Ten Years, payable a Tenth Part of the Principal Sum yearly, with Interest at 6 per Cent.
Let the Bills be made by the Act a legal Tender in all the Colonies: and the Counterfeiting made Felony of Death.
Let there be no Limitation of the Sum to be borrowed by one Person, but that every one may borrow as much as he can give double Security for by a Mortgage of real clear Estate.
And to prevent an over Quantity existing, let an Interest of 5 per Cent be allow’d for all Sums lodg’d in the Office, during the Time the Owner suffers it to remain there. By this means it is suppos’d the proportion will find itself, and adapt itself from time to time to the Occasions of Commerce.
To keep the Value fixed, Let a Credit be rais’d with the Bank of England, and the Trustees of each Loan Office be always ready to exchange upon Demand any Quantity of the Bills, by giving for them Drafts on the Bank at a fix’d Rate of Exchange, viz. for £133 6s. 8d. Currency One Hundred Pounds Sterling.
The Effects of this Scheme.
The Silver and Gold acquir’d by the Colonies would all be sent to England.
Yet they would have a legal Tender.
They would also have a Sufficiency of Cash current for all Purposes.

They would not have too much Current at one time, as Allowing Interest for Sums lodg’d in the Office would always bring in the Surplus.
The Settlement and Improvement of new Tracts of Land would be greatly encouraged and promoted, Population encreas’d, &c. Trade extended, &c.
The Means of Remittance to Britain, would be always at hand, and the Commerce thereby facilitated.
A great annual Sum continually increasing will arise to the Crown for Interest, to be apply’d to American Purpose.
It will operate as a general Tax on the Colonies, and yet not an unpleasing one; as he who actually pays the Interest has an Equivalent or more in [the use of the principal. But the tax, if it can be so called, will, in effect, spread itself more equally on all property, perhaps more so than any other tax that can be invented; since every one who has the money in his hands, does from the time he receives it, to the time he pays it away, virtually pay the interest of it, the first borrower having received the value of it (to use for his own profit) when he parted first with the original sum. Thus the rich who handle most money, would in reality pay most of the tax.
[These bills having thus full credit, the government can issue, on occasion, any quantity for service, in case of an American war, without needing to send real cash thither, by hurtful contracts.
[Plenty of money thus continued in the Colonies, will keep labour high, and thereby prevent the apprehended danger of interfering manufactures.
[For the more easy ascertaining of titles, there should be a clause in the act, requiring that all transfers, conveyances and incumbrances whatsoever should be recorded,—this of itself would be a great advantage to the Colonies.

[The manner of carrying this proposal into execution may be as follows.
[An office to be established in London, to be managed by two Commissioners, appointed by the treasury; their salariesper annum, withper annum, for clerks and incidents of office, to be paid out of the revenue only, arising from the interest.
[The business of this office to be
[1. The printing of the paper-money.
[2. The signing of it by the Commissioners.
[3. The distribution of it to the offices in America.
[4. The entering of what is sent, according to its number and denomination.
[5. The communication and correspondence with the several loan-offices in the Colonies.
[6. The drawing up the instructions for the same.
[7. The receiving from these offices, accounts of the issuing the paper bills, these accounts to contain, 1. Account of the numbers and dates of bills issued. 2. State of the mortgages and securities. 3. Account of interest received. 4. Account of interest paid for deposited money. 5. Account of government drafts paid by the loan-office, and salaries paid to its several officers. 6. Account of bills exchanged, for those that are over-worn. 7. Account of receipts of principal money by instalments, &c.
[And in general, the Commissioners from the monthly reports of the several offices in America, of every branch of their duty, are to form monthly abstracts and reports for the treasury, of the state of the money current, of the amount of the interest money in the loan-offices, at the government’s disposal, of the state of each office, and the farther regulations from time to time necessary to be made, either by orders from the treasury, instructions from the Commissioners, or further legal powers, or directions by act of parliament, or by instructions necessary to be sent to the governors in America, recommending acts of assembly proper to be made in that country.
[The Commissioners are also to draw up directions and instructions to the Inspectors, whose office will be hereafter described.
[And they are to superintend all the other parts of the administration and execution of this scheme, as will be more particularly pointed out hereafter, in the descriptions of the several offices and officers in America, with their respective duties.
[Loan-Office in each province.
[To consist of Trustees, Solicitor, and Clerk. The province to be divided into districts. A large province into eight districts, a small province into fewer.
[Each district to have a Trustee appointed out of its own resident inhabitants, one who is a freeholder that can give sufficient security to the crown within the province. So that the loan-office of the largest province will consist of eight Trustees, and the smaller in proportion to their districts, into which they are divided, some not having more than two.
[The Trustees to be appointed by act of assembly, and upon their appointment to qualify themselves, by giving the security required to the crown, and taking the usual oaths (or affirmation) and oath (or affirmation) of office.
[Each Trustee to have £100 per annum. out of the interest arising by the loans of the bills.
[The principal acting Trustee to reside in the capital of the province where the office is to be kept, and to have £200 or less in some provinces, for his constant attendance, and the incidents of office, besides his salary in common with the rest.
[The Trustees to be appointed, only for the term of five years, at the expiration whereof, they are to account fully to the governor in council, assisted by one of the inspectors hereafter described, and deliver up all books, deeds, deposited cash, &c. to their successors, upon which they are to receive their quietus.
[All the Trustees are to meet once a month at the office, to sign the bills to be issued, to consider the applications for money, examine the goodness of the security offered, and fix the sum to be lent on each security, not less than a majority of the Trustees to order the loans, and not less than two to sign and date the bills to be issued. They are also to take charge of, and keep in some safe place, the security deeds mortgaged, and they are to chuse a person, skilled in the law of titles, to be their Sollicitor, who is to be paid by the fees arising in the office, viz. 20s. on every mortgage, for which he is to examine, and make extracts of the titles or securities offered, for the inspection of the Chief Justice of the province, if referred to him, and of the Trustees; to prepare the mortgage and counterpart, with the bond and warrant of attorney, and to record the mortgage. He is also to keep a book of applications, noting them down in the order of time in which they are made, the sum desired, and the security offered in mortgage. He is to get blank mortgages printed, of a prescribed form. There are to be triplicates of each mortgage, the first is to be executed by the mortgager, and lodged in the office, the second, an exact copy delivered to the mortgager for his direction, as it contains the times and proportions of payments, both of installments and interest, the third to be kept in a bound book and there made the record.
[The clerk is also to be appointed by the Trustees. He keeps a book of allowances, so called, because therein is put down what sums the Trustees think proper to allow or lend to each applyer, according to their opinion, of the security offered. He also computes the quotas or installments and interest, making together, the sum to be paid each year, by the mortgager, and gives a copy thereof to the Solicitor, to be by him, after the approbation of the Trustees given to it, inserted in the mortgage. He keeps also a day book, in which is noted,
[The emissions and receipts of each day, viz.
[The sums lent in mortgage, and to whom.
[The sums received from each mortgager, distinguishing principal and interest.
[The sums deposited in the office, for which 4 per cent. is to be allowed by the office.
[The returning of such sums, with interest paid.
[The sums of new bills exchanged for old.
[The drafts of government for interest money, as paid by the Trustees.
[The Trustees Salaries, when paid, and the allowance for incidents.
[N.B. The person bringing any money bills to be deposited in the office, for the purpose of receiving the 4 per cent. is to prepare two schedules of said bills, one to be signed by the acting Trustee, and delivered to him, the other to be signed by him and delivered into the office, to be kept by the Trustees. And no sum under £100 is to be deposited on the terms of receiving interest, and the interest must not commence till one month after the deposite made.

[The clerk is to keep a ledger, in which the day book accounts are to be posted up, under their respective heads.
[The Trustees, from these books, &c. are to form monthly abstracts of the whole state of the currency, and the business of the office, and to send the same signed by a majority of the whole number, to the commissioner’s office in England, in order that the commissioners may form states from time to time, as the treasury shall require, of the whole of the currency throughout the continent, as well as of the state of each office in the respective Colonies.
[Provision for check and control of the execution of the office in America.
[1. The direction and instructions of the commissioners residing in England.
[2. Two Inspectors to be commissioned by the treasury, to act under their instructions, and the instructions of the commissioners, and to report to them. They are to visit all the offices in America at least once a year, and to inspect the accounts, cash, &c. as often as they shall see occasion, or shall be directed by their superiors, and to join with the governor and council of each province in the auditing of the accounts of the office. And, if upon any of these inspections, an inspector shall discover any mismanagement which requires immediate remedy, he is not only to report to the commissioners in England, but to the governor of the province, and if it appears to the governor and council necessary, the governor to call together the assembly immediately, in order to the appointing new Trustees, and to order, by advice of council, the prosecution of the delinquent Trustees, to the forfeiture of their securities, and such other penalties as they may have incurred.
[3. The governor and council (the inspector assisting) to audit the accounts of the loan-office within each province annually. The governor and council to be allowedfor their trouble.
[N.B. In those provinces where the governor is not appointed by the crown, perhaps some addition may be thought proper to be made to this board for auditing.
[4. A committee of the assembly to inspect the state of the office, for their own satisfaction and information, that in case they discover any mismanagement or delinquency, they may apply to the governor, that proper steps may be taken to remedy the same.
[When the accounts are to be inspected and settled, the Trustees will be charged with the loan money put into their hands, and discharge themselves by producing mortgages for the whole, or for part, and the remainder in bills.
[They will be charged with the new bills put into their hands, to exchange such as by wearing are become unfit for farther currency, and discharge themselves by producing such worn bills for part, and the remainder in new bills unexchanged.
[They will be charged by the account, of interest received, and discharge themselves by their salaries, by government draughts which they have paid, by interest they have paid on sums deposited, and by producing the remainder in bills in their hands.
[They will be charged with the parts of the principal sums received yearly, as instalments, and discharge themselves by mortgages on which the same was remitted, and the remainder in bills.
[They will be charged with the sums deposited in their hands, to bear interest, and discharge themselves by producing receipts for what they have returned, and for interest paid, and bills in their hands for the sums they have not returned.]


Title: Thomas Pownall and Benjamin Franklin to George Grenville, 12 February 1765
From: Pownall, Thomas,Franklin, Benjamin
To: Grenville, George

Sir
London Feb 12. 1765
We have taken the Liberty to enclose and beg leave to submitt to your consideration a measure calculated for supplying the Colonies with a Paper Currency, become absolutely necessary to their Circumstances, by which Measure a certain and very considerable Revenue will arise to the crown.
We are from our Experience and the having been employed in the Public Service in America, intirely confident and certain of the Effect of this measure; And if we shall be so happy as to see it adopted, We are ready to explain the manner of carrying it into Execution—and beg Leave to offerr our services in the Administration and Execution of it on such Terms as Government upon consideration shall find most conducive to the Public benefit. With the most perfect esteem we have the honour to be Sir Your most Obedient and most humble Servants.
T PownallB Franklin
The Rt. Honble Mr. GrenvilleFirst Lord Commissioner of his Majesty’s Treasury.

Endorsed: 12 Feby 1765 Mr Pownall and Mr Franklin


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, 14 February 1765 (I)
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Deborah

My dear Child
London, Feb. 14. 1765.
Enclos’d is a Letter from Mrs. Stevenson, and Bill of Lading for a Chest of Goods sent you. The Pamphlets in it are to be sent up to Billy. There are some Books for Cousin Cuthbert, not all he wanted, but the rest will be sent as soon as they can be got. I wrote to you per Packet on Saturday. Love to dear Sally and all Friends. In great Haste, Your affectionate Husband
B Franklin

Addressed: [To / Mrs Fra]nkli[n] / Philadelphia


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, 14 February 1765 (II)
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Deborah

My dear Child
London, Feb. 14. 1765.
By Capt. Robinson you will receive a Case Mrs. Stevenson has sent you, with the Blankets, Bed ticks, &c. you wrote for. No new China was to be had that would match the Cup and Saucer; but a Friend who has a Set at the same time with me, spar’d me the Remains of his, which are now sent. In the Case I return Mr. Thomas Wharton’s Woollen Gown, which he was so kind to lend me, and which was so comfortable a Companion in my Winter Passage. Please to deliver it to him with my grateful Acknowledgements. The blue Mohair Stuff is for the Curtains of the Blue Chamber. The Fashion is to make one Curtain only for each Window. Hooks are sent to fix the Rails by at Top, so that they may be taken down on Occasion. I almost Wish I had left Directions not to paint the House till my Return. But I suppose tis done before this time.
I am glad their Pamphlets give you so little Concern. I make no other Answer to them at present than what appears in the Seal of this Letter.
In yours of Decr. 12. which was Wednesday, you say, “I set you down for being in London on Sunday last.” You were very near right. I landed that Day at Portsmouth. So that if you had said England instead of London it would have been exact. A few Hours, however brought me here.
I have seen Mrs. West. She is very well, and desires to be remembred to you and Sally. Mrs. Empson is gone to Ireland. Major Small sends his Compliments. Mrs. Stevenson, who is but poorly, and Polly, send theirs, as do Mr. and Mrs. Strahan. Miss Betsy Graeme lodges not far from me, and is pretty well.
Remember me affectionately to all our good Friends who contributed by their Kindness to make my Voyage comfortable. To Mr. Roberts, Mrs. Thompson, Mrs. Smith, Mrs. Potts, Mrs. Shewell, Messrs. Whartons, Capt. Falkner, Brothers and Sisters Reads and Franklins, Cousin Davenport, and every body.

Let no one make you uneasy with their idle or malicious Stories or Scribblings, but enjoy yourself and Friends, and the Comforts of Life that God has bestow’d on you, with a chearful Heart. Let Sally divert you with her Music. Put her on Practising on the Armonica. Mr. Brenmer with his Violin may assist and improve her there as well as on the Harpsichord. A few Months, I hope, will finish Affairs here to my Wish, and bring me to that Retirement and Repose with my little Family, so suitable to my Years, and which I have so long set my Heart upon. I am, my dear Debby, your ever affectionate Husband
B Franklin
Love to Sally and our other Children. I have seen Amelia Evans. She complains that Sally does not write to her.
I have wrote to Messrs Thomas and Samuel Wharton per Capt. McPharson, under Care of Mr. Meredith.

Addressed: To / Mrs Franklin / Philadelphia


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to John Ross, 14 February 1765
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Ross, John

Dear Sir,
London, Feb. 14. 1765.
I received your obliging Favour of Dec. 20. and am glad to find, that tho’ so distant from them, I still live in the Remembrance of my Friends.
We have been of late so much engag’d in our general American Affairs, that it was necessary to let what related particularly to our Province sleep a little for the present; but it is nevertheless working gradually to its Point, and will, I believe, end as we wish it. For the Quakers, who, to show their Moderation with Regard to the Proprietors, have, (of themselves) undertaken to persuade them to reasonable Measures, will, on finding them obstinate, join their whole Force, and Weight to procure a happy Event to the Petition, especially as they dread nothing more than what they see otherwise inevitable, their Friends in Pensilvania falling under the Domination totally of Presbyterians.
The Changes you mention in the Magistracy indicate the Measures intended, and manifest the Means by which they are to be brought about. The hasty setting aside such able and unexceptionable Magistrates merely for their Political Opinions, was not, however, a Step the most prudent, for I think it will have different Effects from those proposed by it.
The Stamp Act, notwithstanding all the Opposition we have been able to give it, will pass. Every Step in the Law, every Newspaper, Advertisement and Almanack is severely tax’d. If this should, as I imagine it will, occasion less Law, and less Printing, ’twill fall particularly hard on us Lawyers and Printers.
The Parliament will however ease us in some Particulars relating to our Commerce; and a Scheme is under Consideration to furnish us a Currency, without which we can neither pay Debts nor Duties.
It is said here among the Merchants, that North America owes them no less than Four Millions Sterling. Think what a Sum the Interest of this Debt amounts to, and thence how necessary it is for us to practise every Point of Frugality and Industry, that we may be able to——pay them honestly.
Be pleased to present my hearty Respects to our Friends, Potts, Pawling, and Morton. They do not, I dare say, sleep a Jot the worse for their Dismission. There are Times in which
“The Post of Honour is a private Station.”
But those Times, I think, will not long continue: At least nothing in my Power shall be wanting, to change them.
My Respects to Mrs. Ross, and my young Friends of your Family; and believe me, with sincere Regard, Dear Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin
P.S. I send you a Pamphlet, wrote, I have reason to believe, under Direction of the Ministry, with a View to make us Americans easy; which shows some Tenderness for us.
John Ross Esqr

Addressed: To / John Ross, Esqr / Philadelphia


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Sir Alexander Dick, 19 February 1765
From: Dick, Sir Alexander
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Prestonfield February 19. 1765
Sir Alexander Dicks most affectionate, and freindly Compliments to Doctor Franklin. and heartily wishes him Joy, upon his safe arrival again in Britain. He seizes this hasty oppertunity, (which does not allow him time [to] write a Letter) of Mr. Alexanders going unexpectedly to London, to kiss the Doctor’s hands, by this note, and to acquaint him that if he had not been very much weakend by a severe fever, when he first receivd the news of Doctor Franklins arrival he would have sooner saluted his worthy Freind. Sir Alexander begs, the favour that Dr. Franklin would convey, to their Ingenious and excellent freind Doctor Morgan, the Inclosd Slip which he dispatches in the same hurry, not knowing where to direct to him as he is not certain whether the Dr. is saild, or where he stays, if he be still in London.

Addressed: To / Doctor Franklin / At / London / To the care / of Mr Alexander


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Ezra Stiles, 20 February 1765
From: Stiles, Ezra
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Newport, Febry 20. 1765
If I ask too great a favor of you to forward the inclosed Letter to the Sieur Lomonosow at Petersburg, I leave it intirely with you to suppress it. I have taken the Liberty, as you see, of asking an Answer thro’ your hands; if I make too free a use of your name and Friendship, you have it in your power to prevent the Abuse. At least however give me Leave to ask from yourself an Account of the Discoveries of the Polar Voyage, if such an one should be effected. I suppose your Petersburg Correspondance is with Æpinus or Braunius. If the Baltic Voyages should continue to be prosecuted from America as they are begun, I should be glad of an epistolary Connexion at Petersburg. Your Residence in London, and even in this World, will not probably continue many years; I had thought to have availed myself of your Friendship so far as to have asked your introduction to a Correspondence in the philosophic way with some Gentleman in London; but this I leave also to your Humanity.
When you read the inclosed which had I Time I would have recopied more correctly; you may consider it addressed to yourself as well as to the Sieur Lomonozow, particularly as to the Thermometrical Observations here of 1764; which your beneficence has enabled me to make. I have published a Request in the prints, that Gentlemen of Curiosity would furnish themselves with Barometers and Thermometers, and publish like Observations in the respective provinces, that we may particularly be enabled to collect, for 1766, annual accounts of the mercurial Altitudes in several parts of each of the Sixteen continental provinces for four of which we have them already. But I fear this will fail of Success chiefly for Want of Thermometers; unless the Royal Society should condescend to dispense Thermometers over America, as they did over Europe and Asia about 30 years ago. Twenty Thermometers judiciously distributed, besides those we already have here, would answer the End.
Upon reading in the annual Register of 1762, an account of the congelation of Mercury by Mr. Braunius with artificial Cold at Petersburg in Dec. 1759: I ventured yesterday on some of his Experiments of Refrigeration, with common Salt, Aqua fortis, and Spirit Sal. marin. affused upon Snow; tho’ with no view of pursuing them to the fixation of Mercury, least I should break my Thermometer. From Braunius I expected to find the Temperature of the Snow and the external Air the same; but I found it otherwise. On the 19th. Inst. i.e, yesterday, from Xh. to IIh. PM the Therm. in open Air abroad was from 37 to 43 and the Snow dissolving apace: during this Time for four hours, I repeatedly set the Tube or rather the Bulb in snow covered with it to 10 to 20 30 40 degrees, when on every Trial it fell to 32, and then became stationary. And when by artificial cold I had reduced it far below the freezing point, upon removing the Tube to pure fresh unmit snow, the ☿ [mercury] constantly arose and became stationary at 32; yet removing the snow it ascended to 37 and beyond. Bringing the Th[ermometer] into the house it rose to 50, when the bulb being placed in a Glass of Snow brought from abroad, the ☿ instantly descended from 50 and above to 32 and there was stationary. From thence I concluded that, altho’ below the freezing point both Snow and Air might be of the same Temperature; yet when the natural Temperature of the Air is above freezing, it differs from that of snow, which in this case is always stationary at or about 32.
This Morning ☿ being down to 25 abroad, I applied Snow to the Bulb expecting no Alteration, yet it fell half a degree; and at noon there was near a degree’s difference, the Snow a degree colder than the Air, tho the air held the cold of 28½. But perhaps after 20 or 30 degrees descent below the freezing point, there may be a Coincidence of Temperature, as it happened at the Braunian Experiment of congealing Mercury, when he found both Snow and Air at 210 of Deslile corresponding to 40 below o of Fahrenheit, or 72 below his freezing point. This little Occurrence is new to me, who see few other recent physical Discoveries than what are exhib[it]ed in Magazines &c. Had we duly the periodical publications of the several Academies of Sciences in Europe, or those of the London Royal Society only (of which we have here only the first 10 Vol. abr.) I might perhaps save you the Trouble of this Account.
Mr. Watson in his Account of the Braunian Experiment tells us the Mercury fixt at the several Descents of 470, 530, 650, 680, 700, and 800; and yet in another Experiment the fixity did not take place till the amazing Descent of above 1500 (equal I think to 1620 below Farenheit, freezing point for Rain Water): sundry of these Fixations were in the Bulb, and it does not appear by Mr. Watson (in the abstract I saw) that any were not in the Bulb; And yet he speaks of 650 as the mean Term of mercurial congelation. I should be glad to know if ever a Tube has been used of sufficient Length to admit a Dereliction of part of the Thread when the Mercury is totally and centrally congealed: and the Line or degree which the summit of the mercurial Thread should mark, just at the moment when it shall appear the central fixity is effected. The points of initial and final Congelation I should be glad to see determined whether they coincide or not. It appears to me that the altitude of fixity will be found various, the Diameter of the Thread remaining the same and the Quantity of Mercury in the Bulb is increased or diminished. The finer the Thread in proportion to the Diameter of the Bulb, the lower the descent and the longer must be the Tube. And if these be of the Diameters only of either of Thermometers mentioned to have been used in the Braunian Experiment, and the Bulb and Quantity of the Mercury be increased indefinitely, I see not but that, instead of the 1500th, the Descent might proceed to the 15 Thousanth or indefinitely. Had the Thread of Braunius’ Thermometer been larger in proportion to the Bulb, the central Fixation might have been effected, before the whole Thread had been retracted into the Ball; in which case its summit had marked the true degree of central intire Congelation—a point, which perhaps may be found to be as invariably the same in Mercury as in any other fluids and Metals. When it is found how great a Diminution of Bulk is sustained in retracting the dilatation from the boiling to the point of fixity for purified Mercury, whether a Tenth or an Eighth of the Bulk; it will then be found that a columnal Thread, a very little greater than this difference, will not be intirely absorbed in the sphere of the Bulb, but leave an Extremity to mark the freezing point. But while the portion of Thread, intercepted between the boiling and freezing points, is less in Bulk, than the difference above said, (as I suppose was the Case in Mr. Braun’s Thermometers) in freezing, it will be constantly retracted within the Bulbs:—and in this Case the Thermometers may be of different Lengths, and yet in all the mercury be even centrally congealed, at points a thousand or ten Thousand degrees apart, without indicating the true thermometrical degree of Fixation. Such must be the construction that at the Moment of fixing, the Mercury shall more than fill the Bulb. And this may be done with a very short as well as a very long Thermometer. I think I may expect to see Thermometers of a foot or even six Inches long, distinctly and well comprehending both the boiling and freezing or fixing points. For this, I am not certain there is need of any Bulb at all—the Expansion and contraction of the Columnal Thread only may be sufficient. I have sometime thought that sufficient Attention has not been paid to apportioning the Bulk of the Thread, under certain determinable Limits, to the Magnitude and Contents of the Bulb—and that this is necessary to the perfection of Thermometers. I am confirmed in it by the Braunian Experiment: in which I judge he rather sought for lengthened Tubes than diminished Bulbs. Had he diminished the Bulbs, the thread remaining the same, so as that the Bulk of the Thread would have exceeded the freezing diminution of the whole Body of Mercury he might have found the Fixation at different degrees from those he did: unless I should say he found no degrees; he fixed ☿ but at what degree I know not. I certainly think the several degrees for the Congelation he mentions are none of them the points or point of fixing Mercury—in all the variety indeed which he experienced, with this difference that the Ratio would have been determinable from any of the last, but could have been from none of the first: and in fact Mr. Watson left it a problem. He doubtless very justly assumes the boiling point for mercury 414 degrees of Delisle above that of boiling water; but I am at a loss to understand “a mean Term of Congelation” at all or that 650 should be the mean between 470 and above 1500. If we could distinguish the degree the summit of the Thread touches when the exterior congelation of the bulbular mercury commences, from that it touches when the central finishes, the Medium of these may be the mean Term of Congelation. But even in Thermometers so constructed that there would be a portion of Thread remaining at the Moment of central fixity, these points would be very different according to the Diameters of the Bulbs. The degree at the initial Congelation is the true point to be found—this continued will fix any given bulk, and neither rises nor falls. If therefore after a congelation comences the cold be augmented it ceases to be that of mercurial freezing—nor in fixation can any augmented Cold diminish the bulk or retract the Thread lower than it would descend if left to be operated upon by the Cold of its initial Congelation: The different, surprizingly different fixing descents of Braunius’s Mercury are not to be ascribed to the different augmentation of Cold: caet par. with the same degree of Cold ☿ fixes, and with a greater it can do no more—nor in congealing can it indicate more than one degree of cold and that invariably the same. All this is said upon Supposition that Mr. Braun always found the Congelation in the Bulbs—otherwise it is to no purpose. However give me Leave to add on this supposition, that the Rapidity of the last stage, for perhaps a third of the space from natural cold, is easily accounted for; a phaenomenon which might not be exhibited on a Thread too long or large to be swallowed up in the Bulb.
We have had a severe Winter in New England: Janry 27th. at Sunrise my Th[ermometer] stood at five below Cypher; I am told the same morning at Boston it was nine below o. I hope you will not forget to recomend that ingenious and learned Gentleman Mr. Professor Winthrop to the Honors of the Royal Society, now that you are in London. I am Sir your most obedient servant
Ezra Stiles
Dr. Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Peter Franklin, 21 February 1765
From: Franklin, Peter
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Brother
Philada. Feb. 21st 1765
I wrote to you about the Begining of Jany. which gave Account of the weather and wind we Had from the Time of Youre Departure to that Time, Which was Fine and Very Pleasant, Hope you Injoyed the same. Sister and Dear Salley, with a Number of your Frends Lookd for advice From you By the December Packet. But as Youre Ship Had no Business to Touch at Falmouth you would undoubtedley Pas By, and before Letters Could Reach Falmouth from London the Packet mite Gain Half Her Passage and for my own Part I Being Aquaintd with Sea affairs I Had no Dependence on advice So Soon But shall Look Hard By the Jany Packet. We Have Had a Terreble Hard Cold winter with much Snow and Ice. Mr. Foxcrof Sent advice of His being or Coming up for Philadelphia about the Begining of this month, But the Snow Being so Exceding High He’s Pospond His Journey Till Better weather. He writs that His Brother is arivd From England. Wee Cant Expect Him Here before Next may, as He Has Business there of His Brother’s Detains Him. We Dont think it Propper to Let Ephe Leave us so soon as wee Talked to you about. He Has wrote to you and Gives the Pertickler Reasons for It. And as you Have an Office that Lieth Dead in Mr. Parkers Hand, (that, that Cousen Benja Mecom Improvd) Ephe Frann Brown, would be glad to Hire, and if you Consent that He should Have It Pleas to Write to Mr. Parker to Deliver the Same. Sister, Dear Salley and all the Fammily are well. Cousen Billey and His Fammily are we Hear Likewise In Health. My wife with Ephe F Brown Send There Love and Good wishise for youre Health and Happyness with youre Affectnet Brother
Peter Franklin
Pleas to Excuse Deficienteness as the Post Is Just agoing out. PFFor Binjn Franklin Esqr

Endorsed: Bro Peter F.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Richard Stockton, 23 February 1765
From: Stockton, Richard
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
New York, Febry. 23d. 1765
I came to this Town in Expectation of going [torn] in the Packet, but it’s very sudden Departure made [it impos]sible for me to be ready. I was favoured with several Letters from our Governour, which were sent me here yesterday by Express; and he put into my Care a large Packet as well as two Letters directed you, these I have got Mr. [Keller?] to pack up in his Trunk, with a promise to deliver them to you under the greatest Care. I had concluded not to send the inclosed Letters from the Governour, but bring them myself when the next packet may sail: but considering that perhaps they contain some matters of Business necessary to be know speedily, and that some some accident may prevent my coming, have inclosed them to you. It would be unneccessary to inform you of any American Affairs as the Governour no doubt has done it in the best way as a Friend to what I concieve the real Interest of Pennsylvania, I heartily w[ish] you success in your Embassy from that Colony: and am with the greatest Esteem, Sir your most obedient humble Servant,
Richd Stockton
Dr Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Cadwalader Evans, 15 March 1765
From: Evans, Cadwalader
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir.
Philadia. March 15th. 1765
A Vessel from Ireland to New York brought us the most agreeable news of your safe arrival in London the 13th. of Decemr., which occassion’d as great and general a Joy in Pensylvania, among those, whose esteem an honest man woud value most, and as much to the confusion of the rest, as ever I saw; The Bells rang, on that Account till near midnight, Libations were poured out for your Health, success and every other happiness; tho like certain Priests, we drank the Wine instead of the Person it seemed to be intended for—even your old friend Hugh Roberts, staid with us till 11 oclock, which you know was a little out of his common road, and gave us many curious anecdotes, within the compass of your forty years acquaintance.

Dr. Thos. Bond’s tedious indisposition, has occassioned the whole care of the Hospital to fall on me, which together with attendance on my Mother, loaded with age, and infirmities, every week, thro a great part of the Winter, has prevented my writing to you sooner, but as many of your friends have wrote often, and very particularly, I hope you have not wanted any necessary, or entertaining intelligence that coud be sent from Pensylvania.
Relying partly on that, at present, I shall briefly observe, that our Enemies, by unparalled falsehoods, most malignantly propogated, endeavoured to wound us every way they coud; contrary to all rules, of every kind of War, established by the civilized part of mankind. And as they cou’d not be drawn to a trial of skill in fair open fight, it was thought Justifieable to attack them in their own way, with Tomhawk, scalping knife, chewed bullets, or any other barbarous weapons they shoud use. Mr. Hughes in his reply, to the answerer of his advertisement, began the encounter; The exercises at scurrility Hall followed; and Jack Retort by belabouring the Giant General, rendered the Victory as compleat as we cou’d wish. They have been tollerable quiet ever since; the Giant, confining himself almost intirely to his Castle, not dining with the Court or going to the Coffee House as usual; and the poisoner of Characters, is wasted away to a skeleton; looking one side, and t’other as if he thought, Justice was in persuit of him for Treason or Rebellion.
The Inhabitants of Cumberland County, about ten days agoe were Guilty of another act of Rebellion. A Copy of the letter from Mr. Callender, with Affidavits to support it, will be transmitted to you by this Ship, giving a full account of the whole affair. We think this matter, as necessary, will have considerable weight towards effecting a change of Government; or rather of procuring us some Government, instead of Anarchy. A report has sprung from third street, that the Proprietor had, at length, yeilded to the importunity of the Pomfret Family, to sell this Government to the Crown, for a Peerage and £100,000 sterling. I am not anxious about the terms, if the end is obtained. I wou’d request you to make my compliments to Mr. and Mrs. Strahan were I not ashamed, they shoud recollect my ingratitude in not acknowleging, at least, the civilities received at their hands. I hope, next time, to have leisure to write you a more digested letter, but you cannot receive sincerer wishes for your Health, Happiness and speedy return to Philadelphia. I am Your Affectionate friend and Humble Servant
C: Evans.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from James Parker, 22 March 1765
From: Parker, James
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honoured Sir
Woodbridge, March 22. 1765
Not one Word from you yet: No Packet since the December one arrived: But your Friends happily heard of your Arrival in England, by an Article of News brought by a Vessel to New York from Ireland. Otherwise, we should all have been in Pain and Distress about you till this Day: that News arrived 14 Days ago: I wrote you twice or thrice since your Departure containing the most material Things I knew about your Affairs, and presuming you have received them, I refer for their Contents to ’em. Mr. Foxcroft not yet come up from Virginia, tho’ momentarily expected: I went to Philadelphia, the 20th of February, and staid there thirteen Days, in which Time, I examined, and cast up, all the Accounts that I could in that Time. I expected to meet Mr. Foxcroft there, and staid a Day or two longer on that Account. I drew out a State of those Accounts, as far as they went, and expect to go again in a Week or two to proceed and shall then draw out and send you a general State of the Whole, according to your Orders.
Samuel Smith, Esqr of Burlington, has some Years since been composing a History of New Jersey: I had told him seven Years ago, if he had it printed by me, I would go to Burlington to do it. A few Weeks ago, he claim’d my Promise, and as I have not much Work here, and I was otherwise strongly invited thither, upon deliberating of it, I apprehended, that the Printing Materials of Ben: Mecom’s which were in my Store-Room in New York, if you wanted them for any Cause, they would be handier for you at Burlington than at Nyork, but that, if not, I would take them myself and pay you for them: They are indeed valued in B. Mecom’s Book, as they cost new, whereas they are not quite so: However, I apprehended, we should not differ about them; and if you did not chuse to let me have them, I could but allow you for the little Use I might make of them till called for. I went to New York, and this Day Week shipp’d them on board of a Sloop to go round by Water to Philadelphia, in order that they might not be bruised by Land Carriage. I hope they will get there safe tho’ this Month is a precarious Season, but as its but a little Way, I flatter myself they will be safe: tho’ alas! if they are lost, as I have not insured I shall be ruined. I have never yet had Ben: Mecom’s Book which he sent to you; there is a small Debt or two which I might get in: But you will now have an Opportunity to consult the other Creditors, and to give Orders accordingly: Nor do I know where that Book is: The rest of the Things, Books, &c. are still in the Store-Room: Benny Mecom says he gets a good deal of small Work, but does not print a News-paper, he may make shift to rub along, but I believe will never do any great Matter. As I have no Hopes of an great Help from Holt, but must pay all myself, while I have Strength left, I think to go to Burlington to work, as I have it proffered me, and no Work here, is the best Way I can do to extricate myself out of the Troubles and Debts due and expected from me, tho’ I have neither eat or drank them myself: The Governor is also desirous I should come there, in Hopes some Method may be contrived to bring the Post Rider that Way; for tho’ his Duty to you, will not let him make the Claims the former Governors made about the Riders coming thro’ the Places of their Residence, yet I never see him, but he complains of the great Disadvantage and Trouble it is to him. I don’t know, that any Thing can be effected by me especially as the Matters hereafter mentioned may very probably soon interfere: I shall take two or three of my Boys with me, and leave my Wife here, as also my Son with this Printing-Office if happily he may get or do as much Work as will maintain him. It is probable I shall finish in 5 or 6 Months, or perhaps sooner, unless more Work than I expect should offer; and if any such Encouragement should offer, it is not improbable but I may remove thither intirely: I shall qualify my Son to keep this little Post-Office here, whilst I am gone, and I can do all the Business of the Comptroller as well at Burlington as here, and I shall be handier there to step down to Philadelphia, to go on with your Accounts: If I can but rub along thro’ the present Difficulty, of which my Debts to you, and the Addition of this Printing Press, will be the chief, if not the only Ones including those to Mr. Strahan, and can but pay all off, I shall go off the Stage of Life Satisfied. I have had one smart Paroxysm of the Gout this Winter which has been an excessive hard one, but thank God, it did not last long, and I am now in pretty good Health again. I need not enter upon any other Subject at this Time than what follows on to’ther Side: except to tell you, that after about Six Weeks of the severest Cold and deepest Snow known in my Memory we had a slow moderate Thaw for three Weeks successively in the latter End of February, and first Week in March: But we have had smart Weather again for 10 Days past, and it Snows this Day very much, the Ground covered, and like a cold Storm: We were in Hopes of a pleasant early Spring: but it looks now Winter like every where. Abundance of Sheep have died this Winter past by the long Snow, as there was no coming at the Earth, which Sheep are peculiarly fond of. And I think to speak inginuously that a greater Measure of Poverty is really visible throughout this Country, than I have seen or known for many Years—God knows where it will end.
When I was at Philadelphia, Mrs. Franklin having received a Letter directed to you and Mr. Foxcroft, she opened it, and finding something in it that I was mentioned in, and Mr. Foxcroft not being come up, she permitted me to read that Part of it. The Letter was from Mr. Todd, Secretary to the General Office in England, and wrote by Order of the Post-Master General there: That Part, which related to me, as far as I remember, was to this Purport; “That it was expected I should remove to New-York to reside, (as well as Mr. Foxcroft) unless I should chuse rather to keep only the Place of D.P. Master at Woodbridge and that if so, you should not appoint another in my Stead without first having their Direction, &c.” Doubtless you will see a Copy of that Letter yourself: But between you and I, do give me Leave to make some Observations on the Matter. As to the Comptroller’s living in New-York if he has no other Business to support himself by, Eighty pounds Sterl. per Annum will not support him, even in the most frugal Manner, if he has any Family; or if single, he could save Nothing: And tho’ I could fall into some Business there, yet as I never had my Health there, I should rather forego it, than go thither; not that I would prefer the Place of D.P. Master at Woodbridge to it; for their Lordships as well as you might easily judge, whether the small Commissions of this Office, amounting to about a Guinea and a half per Annum, would not be a great Inducement for me to prefer this Place rather than that: But I am not Hypocrite enough to say one Thing, and think another; I confess, I should be willing to keep the Comptroller’s Office, while it shall please my Employers, and I can do it in such Places as it will suit my other Way of Living (and you can’t but be sensible, I can perform the Thing as well where I am, or at any other Place on the Post-Road, as at New-York) so whenever they shall think it inconsistent for me to keep it, without going to New-York, tho’ if I should go there, I could have no Assurance of its being lasting, I shall not make many Objections. As to any Thing else, (and I did not see all in the Letter) I can say little to; only so far should I be from preferring the Place of D.P.M. at Woodbridge, as three Quarters of the small Number of Letters that come into this Office, are for Amboy where I have frequently more Trouble to get the Letters, and afterwards more Trouble to get the Pay than the Whole is worth, to the Office of Comptroller, that if I am deprived of One; I should as certainly be deprived of the other; for the Whole of the Letters that come into this Office (perhaps £8 per An. Sterl. the highest) would be less benificial, considering the Trouble of carrying them so far, and rising out of my Bed three Nights every Week, at 3 or 4 o Clock in the Morning than it would be to wander round the Country picking up old Rags, and commencing Rag-Man: And indeed, this I can aver for Truth, that whilst I have had it, I always lost considerably more than my Commissions, yet whilst I have the Place of Comptroller, which has an adequate Reward to it, I am willing to keep the Post-Office at Woodbridge, even if I had less than I have: for indeed the Commissions are so trifling as scarcely to be worth considering: Perhaps I have been blamed, or blame-worthy for speaking my Opinion too freely, but I can’t help it: If you take the Comptroller’s Commission from me, I have nothing to say against your Pleasure in it, but I could not accept of the Place of D.P. Master of Woodbridge after it, because it would not be worth taking by any Body: There is not a small D.P. Master in all the small Offices but are weary of it, now the Priviledge of franking is taken away, and there is not one small Office on the Road, under equal Disadvantages with this, as the Chief are for Amboy, which you know is near four Miles distant. I shall always be glad to serve both my King and Country, and you; But neither of them can expect me to do it, to my Loss. I have hitherto endeavoured to do all in my Power, with Honesty and Integrity, and shall be glad to continue, but if thought inconsistent I have no more to say.
I have now wrote a long Epistle, perhaps it may be as tiresome for you to read it, as for me to write it: so to ease us both, I conclude with all our Respects Your most obliged Servant
James Parker
P.S. April 2. 1765.
No Packet yet arrived, the printing Materials which I shipp’d round, are arrived safe at Burlington, and I am going to set off for that place: as soon as the Roads will let me; for we have had a dreadful Storm of Snow, the 23d and 24th of March, of upwards of two Feet deep on a Level, and cold and wet: It is now going off, with a Thaw. But the Wind has got about to the North-East, and like for Cold and Wet again. This is design’d to go by a Merchantman, and by Favour of our Friend Hugh Hughes’s Son-in-Law: I have not heard yet that Mr. Foxcroft is arrived at Philadelphia tho’ as he is momentarily expected, you may hear from him before this reaches you.

Endorsed: J Parker March 22 and April 2. 1765


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Wharton, 25 March 1765
From: Wharton, Thomas
To: Franklin, Benjamin

My Esteemd friend Benjamin Franklin
Philada: March 25: 1765
I wrote thee, on the 14th Instant by a Vessell bound for Hull, in which Vessell went Passengers, Capt. Hay and some other Officers, and in that Letter I inclosd thee Four depositions, relative to the Goods (designd for the treaty at Pittsburgh) being burnt and destroy’d by a Number of the Inhabitants of Cumberland County; which Depositions &c. I hope will come safe to hand; but As I apprehend the Matter’s containd in them are of a very Interesting Nature, And will Undoubtedly bring forward the Important Work thou art Engaged in, Judged it most prudent to send thee duplicates thereof, Which now Enclose thee being those of Robert Allison, Elias Davison, James Sampson, James Wilkins and Robert Mc-Farlin.
On the 22d Instant William Bradford publishd in his Paper, a Letter said to be wrote in Cumberland County, Wherein they endeavour to palliate this Attrocious Act, And to throw it on some of the Inhabitants of Maryland; but thou may depend, that the Fact is not so; but that the principal Persons Concern’d therein, reside in that County; I am further informd, And that from those who have seen the Original Letter, that it is Matterially different from, what they have publishd in said News paper; I thought it prudent to say thus Much, as no doubt they’ll send this paper to England;

I shall now give thee another Instance of the disaffection of that County to Paciffic Measures with the Indians, which is related by Richard Tea to be thus; That [blank] Montgomery, One of the representatives for the County, declared in his hearing and before a Number of Persons in One of the Streets of Carlisle, “that was it not, for his Seat in Assembly, He would Join in the destroying those Goods going to Pittsburgh.”
On the 23d the Governor with Rd. Penn, Ba. Chew, L. Lardner &c. sett off for Carlisle, (And as its said) to Inquire into this Matter.
I shall be capable in future of Informing thee, What Steps were taken to bring those Imprudent Men to Justice; in the Night of the 23d and all day Yesterday it Snow’d so hard as to stop (I Judge) their Journey;
Brother Samuel is gone to Sir William Johnson to inform Him of this Affair; And since I wrote the last, We have receiv’d Account from Pittsburgh, that a very great Number of Indians were come in to the treaty, that they Impatiently waited the Arrival of those Goods, not knowing they were distroy’d. And I sincerely wish it may not prove of very disagreable Consequence, as we all know there’s no holding a treaty with Indians, without giving them such Articles as they stand in Need of: Especially as George Croghan is at this treaty, to obtain a passage through their’s And into the Illinois Country, a work which has Already cost the Crown a great Sum tho’ not obtain’d; And from what Information We now have, this treaty promised the most favourable Circumstances for the Completion thereof;
It gives me some concern that I cannot now furnish thee with a Copy of Robert Callender Esqr’s. Letter, it being sent Up to Governor Franklin for his perusal.
I would just inform thee that its mentiond in the printed Extract of the Cumberland Letter, that the Head of one of the Casks fell out, whereby they discovered that Scalping Knives, or as some calld them, pruning Knives were sent Up.
I made full enquiry into this Matter, And am satisfied, that no Other then the Common Cutteau Knives were sent; which Knives are well known in England, And are Used by most Farmers in this province, And are such as the Indians make Use of, to Carve their Victuals &c. but no Stone will be left Unturn’d, wherefrom the party can Expect, the least Advantage will Accrue to their Cause; so in the present Instance they endeavor to throw dirt at others, hoping thereby to draw the Attention of the public from themselves.
Thy Family are all well. I remain thy Sincere and Affectionate Friend
Tho Wharton
The January packet not yet Arrived.

Endorsed: T Wharton, March 25–65


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from James Logan, 30 March 1765
From: Logan, James
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Respected Friend
Saturday Morning, March 30th. [1765]
I received Yesterday some Letters from my Brother via N York tho’ of a prior Date to our last Intelligences from Philada. Yet I thought it would not be improper to mention the following paragraph. “I have but little News to add, save acquainting thee that our Assembly was to have met the Night before last (Janry 7th) but the Deep Snow has prevented the Members getting down so as to make a House yet. Is it not very strange, if the Account be true, that our Governor has received Instructions with other Governors to consider the best Measures, and most probable to accommodate Matters and make Peace with the Indians, and settle the Boundaries between them and us, and to make Report to the Ministry at Home. That he has never yet laid these papers before his Council or mentioned it to them? which is the Case. I have heard some other Governors of the Colonies have laid theirs before their Councils &c: But it’s all of a Piece and so I shall leave it and say no more on public Affairs.” I am with Respect Your Assured Friend &c:
James Logan

Addressed: To / Doctor Franklin / Craven Street
Endorsed: J Logan


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from George Mercer, 4 April 1765
From: Mercer, George
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Poland Street No. 9April 4th. 1765. Thursday
I took the Liberty to wait on you to consult you upon some Quaeries which were sent me from the Stamp Office, which I confess myself incapable to answer. As I would wish to have the Matter properly represented, and am convinced Sir there is no one so capable to instruct me as yourself, I must beg you’ll give me Leave to wait on you to morrow Morning at any Hour that will be most convenient to you with the Quaeries: or if it should interfere with any Appointment if you would be so obliging to allow me a Perusal of your Answer to those sent you, I shall be extreamly thankful for the Favour.
I beg your Pardon for taking this Freedom with you, but really Sir I know no Body else, who can instruct me; I profess myself ignorant, and have been sent to already for my Answer. I am with Respect Sir Your most obedient Humble Servant
Geo: Mercer

Addressed: To / Benja. Franklyn Esqr. / Craven Street


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Nathaniel Falconer, 5 April 1765
From: Falconer, Nathaniel
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honourable Sir
Savannalemar In Jamaica, april the 5: 1765
I have made Bold to Send you a turtle in the Ship hannover packet Capt. Price as also two pair of Spanish Birds Called hear patriges which are much admired hear. I have Directed them to the Care of messrs mildred and Roberts of Lond[on]. I thought not proper to Let the Capt know they whear for you as I well no how matters stand with him. I hope they will Come Savef to hand and this will find you in good health. I Remain Sir your most obedient Humble Servant
Nathl Falconer
To Benjaman Franklin Esqr

Addressed: To / Benjaman Franklin / Esqr / in / London
Endorsed: Capt. Falconer


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Deborah Franklin, 7–12 April 1765
From: Franklin, Deborah
To: Franklin, Benjamin

[April 7, 1765]
Aprill 7 this day is Cumpleet 5 munthes senes you lefte your one House. I did reseve a letter from the Capes senes that not one line. I due supose that you did write by the Jan packit but that is not arived as yit. Miss Wikeof Came and told me that you was arived and was well that her Brother had wrote her he had seen you mr. Neet has wrote that you was well and miss Graham has wrote all so that shee had the pleshuer of a visit from you and several have wrote that you was well all thes a Countes air as plesing as such things Can be but a letter wold tell me hough your poor armes was and hough you was on your voiag and hough you air and everey thing is with you which I wante verey much to know. Mr. Foxcrofte Came to town this day weeke and is to returne agen in a bought a week and as I had got sume of our things in the new house and beads in the uper roomes he lodges in the room fasing the market street and has his writeing thair all so yisterday sume of the Sashes was hung and if I wold alow my selef I Cold find falte but I donte and so we go on but it has bin such bad wather.
This is freyday morning Aprill the 12. Yisterday I reseved yours [of] Desember 10 and 27 Jan 12 all by the packit which was given up for loste but thank God is now safe arived.
As I have but a verey lettel time to write as the rodes is so verey bad, shall only desier to Joyne with you in Senser thanks to god for your presevervashon and safe arivel and what reson have you and I to be thankful for maney mersey we have reseved.
Billey and his wife is in town thay Came to the rases lodge at Mr. Galloway but Spente yisterday at our house as did Mr. Williams Brother. We was att diner. I sed I had not aney thing but vitels for I Cold not get aneything for a deserte but who knows but I may treet you with sum thing from Ingland and as we wor at tabel Mr. Sumain Came and sed the poste had gon by with the letters that the packit had brought so I had the pleshuer of treeting quite grand-indead, and our littel Companey as cherful and hapey as aney in the world none excepted o my dear hough hapey am I to hear that you air safe and well. Hough dus your armes doe was John of servis to you is your Cold quite gon o I long to know. The post is hear I muste levef of. Salley not up as Shee was at the Assembly last night with her Sister and I have spook to more than twenty sense I wrote the a bove. I saw mr. Rhodes this morning. He is well and has a Grandafter named Mary Franklin. Brother and Sister is well. Brother Read is gon to Pittsburg. Debbey sends her Duty to you but is verey poorly in dead. Cosin Devenporte is hear her Doty. Shee is will. Hethcote desier his I donte no that I shold say it but he ses his Duty. I supose moste of your friends write to you.
My love to Good mrs. Stephenson and Polley to our Cusins to mr. and mrs. Strahan and thair whole famely to our good Mr. Collinson to Mr. and Mrs. Weste and to all who I am obligd to for thair kiness to you every one that I have seen desiers to be remember to you and everey one kindess me. Our one famely is well and sendes Duty. I am told that my old naber Mrs. Emson is to be or is in London my love to her and give her a kis for me. Adue my Dear child and take Caire of youre selef for maneys sake as well as your one. I am your a feckshonet wife
D Franklin
Mrs. Potts and Suell send thair Love and Duty to you.

Laste night Capt. Car arived I supose you did not write by him.

Mama had a letter from Susie Write. They were all well a few days ago.

Endorsed: Mrs F answd


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Trevor Newland, 17 April 1765
From: Newland, Trevor
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir.
Holt, 17th: Apll. 1765
Forc’d out of Town at an hours warning by a Gentleman who insisted upon my taking a seat in his carriage to Bath, prevented my Waiting upon you, not only for the Memorandum relative to Lecock, but to say fare well, which I hope you’ll excuse. I now find myself distant from Lecock between five and six miles, I shall have ocasion to go that road verry soon, therefore would be glad to make any enquiry you shall be pleas’d to direct, either there or in any other part of the Country, I find so little to do that it would be a Charity to employ me. I have not got one man this two months, in short I meet with non who are inclin’d to serve our State now, without a pension. I have been Inform’d that Doctor Clark and Mr. Clutterbuck of Bradford has had letters desireing they would enquire for the name of Carinton, in this Country, they say the enquiry is made by a Person in Philadelphia, but wheather it is the person you want to e[n]quire for, I cannot say, but immagin they have done but little in the affair as yet; with Compliments to Mrs. Stevenson I am Dear Sir with the greates regard Your Most Obedient Humble Servant
Trevor Newland
Please to direct to Bradford Wilts

Addressed: To / Doctr. Franklin / at / Mrs. Stevensons Creven Street / Strand / London
Endorsed: [Tre]vor New[la]nd


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, 18 April 1765
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Deborah

Quartering British troops in America was a problem which in 1755 had not been solved to the satisfaction of either the Army or the colonists. From the Army’s point of view the principal difficulty was the colonists’ contention that those sections of the British Mutiny Act that regulated quartering did not apply to them because they had never been specifically extended to America by Parliament. To correct this omission and to acquire legal authority to quarter, Gen. Thomas Gage wrote Secretary of State Lord Halifax, Jan. 23, 1765, enclosing and endorsing a memorandum from Lt. Col. James Robertson, recommending that the Mutiny Act be amended to give the British Army power to quarter troops on private houses in America. Though Halifax supported Robertson’s proposal, the King, Secretary at War Welbore Ellis, and George Grenville were all uneasy about it, the last remarking that “the quartering of soldiers upon the people against their wills is declared by the petition of right to be contrary to law.” The result was that a bill, amending the Mutiny Act, was introduced in the House of Commons about April 1 by Ellis and Thomas Gore, M.P. for Cricklade, incorporating a vague proposal by Grenville that “when neither barracks nor public houses could shelter the troops, then any two magistrates might ‘billet the residue of such Troops and Forces in such manner as hath hitherto been Practiced to billet His Majesty’s Troops in His Majesty’s Dominions in America.’” Since this proposal would have permitted quartering on private houses, the colonial agents and the London merchants trading to America joined forces to try to have it altered. Much of their activity was concentrated during the adjournment of Parliament, April 5–19. During this period Franklin and his old friend Thomas Pownall (above, V, 339 n) devised a substitute for the objectionable proposal, which Grenville accepted and which was incorporated in the Quartering Act passed by the House of Commons on May 3, 1765. The Pownall-Franklin substitute followed as closely as possible a Massachusetts Quartering Act which Pownall had approved in 1758 while he was governor of the Bay Colony. Billeting on private homes was forbidden; instead, the colonial governors with the advice of their councils “were to hire vacant buildings and fit them up as temporary barracks.” The colonial governments were also required to provide at their own expense firewood, bedding, candles, salt, vinegar, cooking utensils, and a daily ration for the soldiers of small beer, cider, or diluted rum. In a letter of Dec. 3, 1765, to Thomas Hutchinson, Pownall claimed major credit for drawing the substitute, while Franklin, in writing Samuel Rhoads, July 8, 1765 (below, p. 205), stated that “I think I may Value myself on having a considerable Part in getting the Clause out, and another put in that may Occasionally save our Province a great Deal of Money.” The postscript to the present letter, tantalizing in its brevity, is Franklin’s earliest mention found of his activity in this matter.

My dear Child,
London, April 18. 1765
I this Morning receiv’d a Letter from you, enclos’d in one from Mr. Hall. I have only time to acknowledge this now, and will answer more fully per next Opportunity. My Love to all. I am well, and Your affectionate Husband.
B Franklin
Very busy about a Bill brought in to authorize Quartering Troops on private Houses in America which we hope to get laid aside.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Peter Collinson, 19 [April or July] 1765
From: Collinson, Peter
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Friday [April or July] 19: 1765
P Collinson Incloses to his Dear Friend the Receipt for the Box of Seeds to Doctor Hope. That and my Letter I Desire He will Inclose in a Frank to the Doctor.
Doctor Pringle no doubt will procure a Frank.
I hope you received a Letter Inclosed to Mee per S: Wharton of Philadelpa:

paid postage
£2:
  6

Charges of the box Seeds to Edinburgh
  2:

  4:
  6


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Whitehurst, 23 April 1765
From: Whitehurst, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Derby 23 April 1765
It gave me great pleasure to hear of Your safe Arrival in England. As I flatter’d my self with hopes of the very great pleasure of seeing You once more, and of hearing your family, and the governers are well. I am extremely obliged to You Sir, for the civilities, You were pleas’d to shew Mr. Tunicliff, and can only reward You by requesting a second favour from You, viz.
The bearer, Mr. Paschall, is going to reside at Hallifax in Nova Scotia, and is greatly at a loss how to get some Cash remited theither; I have therefore taken the liberty of recommending him to Your advice, believing Sir, You are more able to do it than any other person, as well as more willing to do acts of good Nature to those who stand in Need of ’em.
I had the pleasure of hearing by Mr. Cust that You was well, but that You intended leaving soon. If any thing unforeseen, interfere with that resolusion, and you should have leasure from business a short time before Your departure; Mr. Tissington and I shoud think our Selves very happy in waiting of You for an hour or two in Town. I am Sir Your most Obedient Servant
John Whitehurst
P.S. I am this Moment alarmd with the disagreeable News of a Governer being lost, Suppos’d to be Your son, and shall be very unhappy till I hear a better account.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from James Parker, 25 April 1765
From: Parker, James
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honoured Sir,
Burlington April 25. 1765.
In my last to you, I acquainted you of my Intention to remove the Press and printing Materials, late B. Mecom’s, to this Place, and of my having shipp’d them accordingly: By a small Pamphlet you will receive from the Governor—you will perceive it done: I am just now finishing it. I then told you, I apprehended, that if you were desirous of doing any thing else with them, they would be handy here; but if you inclined to part with them, if such Prospect appeared, that I could purchase them, I would: We had some Design of doing a News Paper here, but the News of the killing Stamp, has struck a deadly Blow to all my Hopes on that Head.
Since my last to you, Mr. Foxcroft came to Philadelphia, which he doubtless has informed you of: I waited on him there: He shewed me the Letter from the General Post-Office, wherein it is expressed, that it was expected, I should go and reside in New York, unless I chose to prefer the Place of D.P-M. at Woodbridge to it. I told Mr. Foxcroft I had wrote to you about it; that £80 per An. without any other Business would not maintain any one in New York: that tho’ I could put myself into other Business there, yet as I never had my Health there, it would be no Prudence in me, to go thither on such a Score, as I could have no Assurance of continuing in the Service of the Post Office when there, and other Business could not excite me thither; That the Comptroller’s Business could be done, as well at any Place, where the Post passes through, as at New York; That it could not be thought, I could, if equally offered, prefer the Place of D P.M. at Woodbridge, which scarcely produced a Guinea and half per An to the other: But that as I was in the Hands of you and him, You might do as it pleas’d you; That the Business at Woodbridge was so insignificant besides having 3 or 4 Miles to send or carry above ¾ of the Letters, that it was far more Trouble than the whole was worth: But that while it pleased you to continue one, the other should never be neglected, but if I lose one, the other follows of Course. Mr. Foxcroft seem’d satisfied with those Reasons, and here that Matter rests as yet. He was obliged to return to Virginia, but was to be back again by the Middle of May.
I also told you, that tho’ the Governor here did not appear so dissatisfied, as the former Governors did, at the Posts not going thro’ the Place of their Residence, yet I can perceive it a great Uneasiness to him with Mr. Foxcrofts Consent, we are going to attempt to have the Post go thro’ Burlington: And if we find we can make out, it will give him satisfaction, and be no Difference to the General Post-Office. It is proposed for him to begin the Trial, this Day Week: I should not have come to Burlington, where my Family of Boys only are with me, but for the Governor’s Desire, and a Book I am going to print for Sam: Smith Esquire called The History of New Jersey, which I had promised him to come and do seven years ago, if he proceeded on with it. I might probably have removed for good, as the printing Business is so very frivolous and triffling at Woodbridge, but the Cruel Stamp-Duty has filled me with such Apprehensions, that I conceive, I shall soon drop all the Business entire: If I can once get out of your Debt, I shall never trouble my Brains more about it: Three Days ago Charles Read made me a Present of a Pair of Wooden-Shoes, as a proper Badge of the Slavery the Stamp must soon reduce all Printer[s] in America to: And I shall wear them sometimes for the Sake of contemplating on the Changes of Fortune’s Wheel. I thank God, that we are not yet worse than the Peasants in France, who have yet the Liberty of tilling the Ground, and eating Chestnuts and Garlick when they can get them.
I have not had the Pleasure of one Line from you, since your Departure: I wrote you every Thing I had done in your Affairs: I am too distressed to go on just now, and indeed Mr. Hall is not ready for me to proceed yet. I was down at Phila Yesterday, but as I suppose all your Friends write you better Intelligence than I can, I have Nothing extraordinary: The Posts now go on again pretty regularly, after as hard a Winter as we have had since 1740: And a cold backward Spring; the Blossoms but now puffing out, much as they generally do the first of April: smart Frosts for three or four Mornings past.
When I wrote last, I had not the Pleasure of your Arrival being ascertained, since which have had that Satisfaction, for which I thank God: With all our Respects and my Prayers, I rema[in] Your most obliged Servant
James Parker.

Addressed: For / Dr. Benjamin Franklin / Craven Street / London
Endorsed: Parker April 25 1765


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Wharton, 27 April 1765
From: Wharton, Thomas
To: Franklin, Benjamin

My Dear Friend, Benja: Franklin
Philada. April 27th. 1765.
My last to thee, was on the 13th. Inst. via Dublin; containing Robert Callender Esqr his Letter, and some depositions relative to the destroying those Goods: the Account of which I hope, by this time, has reach’d thee.
Thy very kind and welcome Letter of the 13th. of Febry. I received a few days past; with thy Present of the Pamphlet, wrote in vindication of the measures pursued by P——t. I confess it’s wrote with a great deal of Art, But, We who are like to feel the Effects of such Measures, cannot help thinking that, the Cord is stretched a little too tight, and in the end, will oblige us, to think for ourselves, and become frugal &c. For as the Resolves of the House direct; that, the Monies arrising therefrom, shall be sent home; I cannot see, which Way the Inhabitants of the Colonies, can possible raise Spaecie sufficient to answer It; And at the same time, to struggle under the vast Load of Debt, they owe to England: And altho’ We may be obliged to answer those Duties, I am convinced, they will not suffer us to have their Goods, longer than they find, We can remit therefor: which will oblige Us, at last to manufacture among ourselves.
As Time brings most things to light; so a few days past I had the opportunity of knowing, what scheme the Party had formed, for the clearing of those Men who destroyed the King’s Goods, going to Pittsburgh; and their appearing under Arms before one of his Majesty’s Fort’s, threatning to Level it with the ground.
For the destroying of the goods, they are in the Indictment, to be charged with a Riot.
For appearing before the Fort arm’d, and threatning to Level it with the Ground, &c; They are to be indicted for an unlawfull Assembly.
Thus two of the most atrocious Acts are, to be wiped away by two of the Lowest Charges, which a Subject can be indicted for. And even this is done, only to save Appearances; for it cannot be supposed that, a grand Jury will find either of the Bills. I shall forbear making any Remarks hereon, as this Conduct will appear to thee, in its proper Colours.
I am just now told, that, Joseph Jacobs, (Sadler) return’d yesterday, from Fort Loudon, where He had Business of his own; and says, that as He pass’d thro’ Conoygocheig Settlement, He was stopp’d several times by the Inhabitants and searched, to know if, He had any orders relative to the Goods or the Treaty at Pittsbourgh; declaring if He had, He should not go on. For my part, I dread the consequences, which seem ready to flow from the licentious disposition that, these People are got into; and I am clear if, We have not a change of Government, there will be but little Peace, for Us.
WA— has lately rec’d a Letter from the Pr——r, which his Creatures say, mentions that the Prop—r assures him, He will not part with the govern—t, as long as he lives; and that it cannot be taken from him. That, he had heared of thy being arrived in London, But had not seen thee; nor could he learn, what thou art about. That through my Lord Pompfrett, He had obtained of the King, an Assurance, that he will not take the government; But will strengthen his Hands, to oblige his Tennants to behave, more circumspectly for the future. I do not beleive these declarations; but they certainly have added new Spirits, to their Party: However a little time more will ascertain the Fact.
As to the Affair of spiking the Gunns; It rests thus, the Person who was prosecuting the Manufactury of Pottash, with Doctor Evans, was apprehended, on a Smith (in the Northern Liberties) swearing, He made 8 Pluggs for him; And taken before the Cheif Justice who on Examination declared, He had those Pluggs made to answer somepart of a Loom, He was erecting; and that if they would send to the Pottash house, in a certain place, they would find the 8 Pluggs—where, on search there were 6 Pluggs found. The Man protested his Innocency, but still remains in Goal; nor can I learn that any further Steps, have been taken to discover the Authors.
The Party immediately gave out, that it was done by those Persons who were for a King’s Government; in order to give thee another Plea, for changing the Constitution. Others alledged that, it was done by some of the Paxton-People, or their Friends: But it is true, that the Person apprehended is a Pr——n; And whether the Public will have any further satisfaction in this matter, Time must discover.
The Mode thou mentions, with respect to a Legislative-Council will be very agreeable; and I cannot doubt but, will answer the good Intention of such an Institution.
Most People here are averse to having Representatives, in Parliament; in that their Number will be so small, as to be of little use, in the division of the House. The difficulty of getting Men, independant in Fortune, and whose Interest, as well as Inclination, would Lead them, to Reside in England; would be very great: And whether, the having a few Members to represent America, in Parliament, might not give the M—ry, a better pretence of Laying heavier Burthens upon Us, without so much as letting the Colonies know, the Measure proposed; or offering a method which would be less injurious to them?
We were yesterday informed by some Persons, who came from the Westward, that some of the Inhabitants of Cumberland-County, joined with some Virginians, have formed a settlement 30 or 40 Miles on this side of Pittsbourgh; which they have laid out, on the Principel of the new England settlements; Living in a compact Body, and are determined to defend themselves. This is made on Lands not yet purchased of the Indians, and will if not timely prevented by their being removed, cause another Indian War.
May 1st.—I am told that the Cumberland-County Court is over, and that every one of those Persons charged on Oath with destroying the Goods at Sidelong Hill, were acquitted by the grand Jury of that County. This was brought us by a Person, who came last evening from thence; so that now they have settled this Affair unless the Crown interfeers. And a little while hence, It will be difficult to find a Man, Who was concerned therein, as they are now selling off their Places, and removing, (its supposed) for Carolina.
My Father desires his sincere Respects may be paid thee; And please to accept the same From, Thy Assured Friend
Tho Wharton


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Isaac All, 30 April 1765
From: All, Isaac
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
[Ham]burgh 30th. April 1765
Your favour of the 3d. March I answer’d the 12th. which I hope Came to your hand when I wrote I expected to have had the pleasure of Seeing in a Short time but a Misfortune happening has keept me here Contrary to my expectation on the 8th. Instant in a Very hard gale of wind my Ship was drove on Shore when She was near loaded and At high Water Circumstances which Agravated our distress as we ware Oblig’d to take out All the Cargo and the tide never returning Sufficient to float her as the wind intirely governs the tide here. I am impatiently waiting a Change as it has been Contrary ever Since I have [been] on Shore. I took the liberty to beg your direction Concerning Erecting A rod to Atract the Lightning as there is no part of the Gentlemans House with An upright Side beg to know whether the rod may run Angleing. I hope you have had late letters from home and that every body is well. Pray [torn] when you Write them. I am with Respect Dear Sir Your Affectionate Kinsman and Most Humble Servant
Isaac All

Addressed: To / Benjamin Franklin Esqr. / At Mrs. Stevensons Craven / Street / London


Title: The Colonial Agents: Card to Christopher D’Oyley, 2 May 1765
From: Colonial Agents
To: D’Oyley, Christopher

During April 1765 the pending bill for quartering British troops in America engaged the active attention of the colonial agents and their British merchant allies. They vigorously opposed any provisions that would impose on the colonists requirements to which the inhabitants of England were not also subject under existing law. Of particular concern was the proposal to authorize the quartering of troops in private houses in America, as well as in inns and public houses, since billeting in English private houses had been declared unlawful by the Petition of Right of 1628. In the Gazetteer and New Daily Advertiser, April 11, 1765, appeared a letter by an unidentified writer signing himself “Civis” that attacked the proposed authority. “The laws of England,” he wrote, “call every man’s house, his castle; but surely they never meant it should be garrisoned by hireling soldiers,” and he went on to point out that, if quartering in private houses should be established as legitimate in the colonies, the precedent would create a powerful argument for doing the same in the mother country.
A writer with the initials “C. D.” (identified by the colonial agents as Christopher D’Oyly, formerly first clerk at the War Office, and now deputy secretary at war) replied to “Civis” in the Gazetteer of April 17. He asked his readers whether troops were not necessary to protect the colonies, and if they were he wanted to know where they might be lodged. There were not enough public houses in all the colonies, he said, to accommodate more than one-tenth of the troops, and he singled out Quebec as particularly short of barracks. The obvious answer was to billet the men in private houses, as General Wolfe had done during the last war. D’Oyly knew of “no reason why bakers and butchers (as has been intended) should not receive soldiers, as well as tavern, alehouse, and inn-keepers. Upon the whole,” he concluded, “the point is this, the Americans must either submit to have soldiers billetted upon them; to build barracks every where for them; or defend themselves without any military aid; so let them take their choice.”
This final sentence gave the colonial agents the perfect opening for an answer. Who wrote the “card” reprinted below is not known, but Franklin was one of the agents who had been “very busy,” as he told Deborah on April 18, in opposing the feature of the bill that D’Oyly was defending. If Franklin did not have a direct hand in writing this response, he almost certainly participated in the decision that it should be sent to the Gazetteer as coming from the entire group of agents. Hence it is appropriate to include it among his papers.

[May 2, 1765]
The North-American agents beg you will insert the following card, in answer to Mr. C. D——’s letter in your Saturday’s paper.
The agents of North-America present their most grateful compliments to Mr. C. D. (who they conceive to be the S—— at ——’s first clerk) and are extremely obliged to him for the alternative, which his right honourable master has allowed him to offer. Conceiving themselves the only representatives of America, they most chearfully acquiesce in his last proposition, and hereby declare their choice to defend themselves without any military aid. They dread no enemy but the mother country, and wish to preserve America as an asylum for the wrecks of liberty. Mr. C. D. must pardon the agents if they think his knowledge is inferior to his zeal. There are no want of barracks in Quebec, or any part of America; but if an increase of them is necessary, at whose expence should that be? What is the practice in England? All that the agents contend for is, that the same protection of property and domestic security which prevails in England, should be preserved in America. Let Mr. C. D. or his master, first try the effects of quartering soldiers on butchers, bakers, or other private houses here, and then transport the measure to America. Parental example may produce filial obedience. But no —— at ——, or his clerk, can ever conceive, that the people of America, or those in England, (whose interest depend on a commercial connexion and strictest amity with them) will tamely submit to encroachments on so dear a part of their liberties, which they call on the bill of rights to defend. The people of England and America are the same; one King, and one law; and those who endeavour to promote a distinction, are truly enemies to both.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Strahan, 4 May 1765
From: Strahan, William
To: Franklin, Benjamin

New Street Saturday May 4. [1765 or 1771]
Mr. Strahan presents his affectionate Respects to Dr. Franklin, and begs leave, (as is now the Custom in Affairs of Importance,) to remonstrate with him upon his forgetting his Appointment to drink Tea and spend the Evening with him in New Street last Night. In full Dependance upon the Drs. Promise, Mr. S. engaged Dr. Hawkesworth to give him the Meeting, which was a double Disappointment, as two were thereby disappointed instead of one. If Dr. F. is disengaged tonight, he will find Mr. S. at home, where he has been all Day, and where he will be very happy to see him. If not, he shall have the Pleasure of meeting him on Monday at Mr. Cadell’s.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to James Burrow, 10 May 1765
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Burrow, James

Sir,
Craven Street, May 10th 1765
In the papers you returned to me yesterday, I find a Memorandum that you had “told the Bishop of Worcester of his Relatives in the West Indies, of whom he seemed desirous to be further informed.”

I therefore send you the following short Account of those who live in Philadelphia, which if you think proper may be communicated to his Lordship.
Mrs. Hopkinson, Daughter of Mr. Baldwin Johnson, is greatly esteemed by the People of this Place, as a prudent and good Woman. Her Husband, Mr. Hopkinson, was in Repute as a Lawyer, sometime Judge of the Admiralty Court and one of the Governor’s Council; Great Confidence was plac’d in him wherever he was employ’d, as he was not only an able Man, but of great Integrity. He left her a Widow about 12 years since, with 5 young Children, two sons and three Daughters to bring up. These she has carefully educated, genteelly, but frugally, out of the Income of a small Estate, and I believe without much diminishing their Portions. Her eldest Son, Francis, had a College Education at Philadelphia, where he took his Degree, has since read Law under the Attorney General, but still lives with his Mother, and has not entered into any material Business as yet. He is a very ingenious young Man, and is daily growing in Esteem for his good Morals and obliging Disposition. The oldest Daughter, an amiable Woman, is married to Mr. Duché, a young Clergyman of the Church of England, a Native of this Place and of a good Family. He study’d sometime at Cambridge in England, where I saw him in 1759, a gentleman Commoner. He was ordained here in 1762, and has a Church at Philadelphia, where he is much follow’d as a serious Preacher, and at the same time admir’d for his singular Eloquence in the Pulpit. Another of these valuable Daughters I have heard is shortly to be married to Dr. Morgan, a young Physician, who has distinguished himself by his great Application to his Studies here and at Edinborough, and by his extraordinary Improvement. It is the same that had the Honour of being chosen a Member of our Society a few Weeks since, and is just gone home to America. The other Children are still young, but promising.
Mrs. Hopkinson’s Motive to the enquiry we have made for her, I take to be chiefly that natural Curiosity which People have to know something of their Relations, there being a Satisfaction in learning their Circumstances and hearing of their Welfare, however remote in Degree or Situation. I have therefore been the more particular in this Account of her Family, supposing it will give the same kind of Satisfaction to her Relatives here.
With great Esteem and many Thanks for the Pains you have so obligingly taken in this Affair, I am, Sir Your most obedient humble Servant
B. Franklin