Title: From John Adams to William Stephens Smith, 22 February 1815
From: Adams, John
To: Smith, William Stephens

Dear Sir
Quincy Febuary 22d 1815

I rejoice in your Recovery from Sickness and wish a perfect restoration of your health—I think I may Congratulate you on the Glorious termination of the War. The Rejoicings here are enthusiastic, If Such Rejoicings here are at my Peace with France in 1800, had been Exhibited, would the Condition of our Country at this hour however have been better?
Tallard when he had been beaten and taken Prisoner, by Marlborough, was very dull “Fie! Count Said the Duke, never mind these Accidents: you know the Nature of War. We have committed an hundred Faults in this Campaign, and you have Committed an hundred and one. that is all the difference between Us.—What is to be the future destiny of my Son John and your Son William, I should be glad to know.—
All things considered, We have got out of the Scrape, very cleverly. This Country is a Cat, that always falls upon her feet whooever throws her Up.
When France a War between France and England breaks out again, the Old Lady will again blockade, Capture and impress and then We, must have at her again, It is good for a Nation to have quasi War, once in ten or twelve years, so farewell for the present

John Adams—


Title: To John Adams from William Cranch, 23 February 1815
From: Cranch, William
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Near Alexandria feb. 23d. 1815

I congratulate you on the news of Peace; and thank God that you and my most excellent Aunt have lived to see this happy day. Although we have suffer’d much we have gain’d wisdom; and, I hope, honour. Our Country has learnt the value of a navy, and the imbecility of commercial restrictions as a measure of coercion. The embarrassments of the Administration have taught them the inexpediency of declaring war in the face of so strong an opposition, and that loans are an inadequate resource to carry on a war.
I am sorry that the principle respecting the impressment of sea men on board our vessels has not been settled, and that our fisheries have been abandon’d; unless indeed the recognition of the old treaty of peace as it regards boundaries can be construed into a tacit recognition of all its provisions.
My Sister informs me you have paid her 7 Dols. to be paid to the Carters (book sellers at Georgetown) which I will pay them, and also for the National intelligencer.
With the greatest respect & gratitude / I am Dr. Sir yr. affectionate / Nephew,
W. Cranch


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to Harriet Welsh, 24 February 1815
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Welsh, Harriet

My dear Harriet
Quincy Febry 24th 1815

It was not untill after Susan returnd last evening, that I received your Letter of Saturdays date, oweing to the Severity of the Storm, we neither got our Saturdays, Patriot, nor yet our Wednesdays altho we Sent to the office for it. accordingly I never Saw the extract; we never wanted to see the papers more than last week, and never were more dissappointed. the news of Peace seemd to distract the mind. when I get the Letter which I mentiond to you I will give you the extract in confidence. there are many difficult points to Settle, which if they had been made the Subject of a Treaty would have protracted the War an other year certainly; and perhaps longer, to the loss of many valuable Lives, and great burdens upon the people.
I find they begin to peek at the Treaty, that is to be expected; and by those very people, who were for giving up fisheries and every thing Else to England not long Since. If the Town of Boston had been attacked last Summer; and Sat gen’ll Brooks had defended it as Skillfully, and as Bravely as Gen’ll Jackson has New orleans. what would be their feelings, if the Legislature of N york Should refuse a vote of thanks to him and his Army!!
Oh New England, New England! wouldst thou know, the things, which belong to thy honour & glory
I make you an extract of a Letter from a Member of Congress, a Federilist, and one belonging to what has been calld the Peace Party.
“The inclosed hand Bill will fully inform you of the Success of our Arms at New orleans—I congratulate you most Sincerely on the important Event. there can be no Man so dead, to the Emotions of Benevolence as not to feel a congratulating glow of soul when his country is carried  with Success If there is, I wish not to associate with him, I diseasd the cold unfealing politician, who can laugh to hear a Nation Groan”
I consider the defense of N orleans and the battle fought there; with all its attending circumstances, as reflecting more honour upon our Country, than any since the commencement of the War, upon the land, and the Severest blow Sustaind by Great Britain The Temple of Janus is now closed, and so may it remain, so long as I live.
The president said to day, if I was Ambassador I would make Harriet my Secretary. Remember that, I presume he meant private—
I have to think you for the Sermons, the two last I admire. I have read them more than once; and I regret, that any Root of bitterness should Spring up amongst you. and from what I hear, I fear mr ’s usefullness will be impared. he must Study what is Duty.
now for the Subject of Buisness; the Cloth I like my only fear is that there Should not be enough—I inclose a pattern with a request that you would match it, as near in coulour as you can, and get one yard and quarter for overalls, one Skain Twist 1 doz half of best mettal Buttons, 1 of dark blew Silk, 2 yd half brown holland like that which you got for the president. I intend to Send george to Town to have his coat cut out.
I inclose thirty 5 Dollars. you will be so good as to take Receits, as I must account for the money—I will Send a bag next week. be so good as to get for me 2 yd & half of Sattin Ribbon like that which Susan bought, at Dews 9 pence pr yd
affectionatly your / Friend
A Adams


Title: From Levett Harris to Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams, 25 February 1815
From: Harris, Levett
To: Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson

            Madam, Paris 13/25 Febry 1815I hasten to acknowledge the receipt of the letter you did me the honor to write me from Riga, dated the 5th. inst. from R o.S. and I rejoice to learn by it that your journey to that place has been both expeditious & made without difficulty or accident.I shall not fail to inform Mr de Kazadaedeff, as you have requested, of the high Sense you have of the attentions his orders procured you on the road, & to return him your due acknowledgments on this occasion. The Marquis Paulucci & his Lady you doubtless found most amiable people and I am sure they will have been equally assiduous to render your stay at Riga satisfactory. Mr. Mitchell has written Mr. Meyer that you were anxious to continue your journey & that he had not the oppy to shew you all the attentions that were due to you. I trust that you may find yourself equally pleased with the persons to whom you have been recommended in Prussia and that you may reach the end of your journey at an agreeable Season and in the enjoyment of your health.Your valet de Chambre brought me at different times Since your departure 110 Raubles, being, as he Stated, for Sales of Sundry Articles of old furniture left in the appartment—Some remaining things he transported to Mr. Lewis’s, who will of course advise you thereof—Your Account with Mrs. Krehmer has been balanced by her taking the wood you left, and your money transactions with me, which have been transferred to Messrs. Meyer & Bruxner, are as follow

            Jany. 30—deposited with these Gentln.  5000.—Feby 2 do— do— 1500.—12do— do— 110.— 6610.—Cr.Jany. 30 Paid for Padanagna 8 horses to Polangen 136Advertizing in the news papers— 26Servants for making visits— 25187

            Balance Ru. 6423. remaining with Meyer & Bruxner and passed to the credit of Mr. AdamsWith my best regards to my young friend Charles I remain with Sentiments of very respectful consideration Madam


Title: From John Adams to John Quincy Adams, 25 February 1815
From: Adams, John
To: Adams, John Quincy

My dear Son
Quincy Febry 25th 1815

I have received your Letter of October. 27. 1814. and that of 26 of November. I congratulate you on the harmony between you and your Colleagues, an inexpressible Felicity of which I have not always been so fortunate as to enjoy the Sweets. I congratulate you also on the Peace and the glorious moment in which the News of it arrived. The Raptures of Joy I leave the Newspapers to describe. It is my Opinion, as it is yours that the Rights and Liberties to the Fisheries, and to the navigation of the Mississippi, remain by your Treaty, whatever maybe their value to either party, precisely as they were by the Treaty of 1783.—It will be very impolitick in the English as well as very injurious to put a different construction upon it: for the construction will be illegal, will not be obeyed and will infallibly produce another War and a Stronger Incentive to Us to augment our Navy. The metaphysical distinction between a Right and a Liberty is not obvious: A Right is a Liberty, and a Liberty is a Right. They may as well say that the War has extinguished our Right to Fish on the grand Bank and all the other Banks of Newfoun Newfoundland as our Liberty to fish on the Coasts, &c
I know not what Price, Great Britain may sett upon their right to navigate the Mississippi: but whatever it is, it is hers. Our Rights and Liberties in the Fisheries, I know to be so valuable that they never will be Surrendered. Our Right to the Fisheries is no Grant from Great Britain; We do not claim it, from the Treaty of 1783. We only demanded and insisted that She should explicitly acknowledge under her hand and Seal, and under Oath in the Name of the Holy and undevided “Trinity” our Rights and Liberties in the Fisheries—
Neither Nature nor Art, have distributed the Sea, into Empires, Kingdoms, Republicks, or States as they have the Land. There are no Dukedoms or Earldoms or Baronies or Knight’s fees there.—There are no Farms, Pleasure Grounds, Ornamented or unornimated Treeholds, Gardens Parks Groves or Forrests their, Appropriated to Nations or Individuals, The Oecian is the common Property of all Mankind.—We insisted farther, that We shou on our natural Right, in common with all mankind to navigate the Oecian and to fish in it, when ever and wherever we pleased.—
We insisted farther, that we had a right as subjects of the British Empire, while We were under its Jurisdictions, in common with all other British Subjects to fish in all Places in the Sea, where British Subjects had fished or had a right to Fish.—
We asserted moreover, that We had a Stronger and clearer Right than any Britons or Europeans had or could have; for they were all indebted to Us and our Ancestors for all these Fisheries. We had discovered them; we had explored them; We had Settled the Country at our own expence Industry and Labour, without assistance from Britain; We had possessed, occupied, exercised and practiced them from the beginning. We had done more towards exploring the best fishing Grounds and Stations, and all the Harbours; Bays, Inlets, Creeks, Coasts, and Shores where fish were to be found and had discovered by Experiments the best means and Methods of preserving, curing drying and perfecting the Article and done more towards perfecting the Commerce in it than all the Britons and all the rest of Europe.—
Again we asserted that we had conquered Cape Briton and Nova Scotia had dispssessed the French both hostile and Neutral, and done more in proportion towards the Conquest of Canada, than any other Portion of the British Empire: and would and could have done the whole at an easier Expence to ourselves both in Men and Money if the British Government would have permitted that Union of the Colonies which we projected planned, earnestly desired and humbly petitioned. In short we had done more in proportion than any part of the British Empire towards protecting and defending all these Fisheries against the French. For all these Reasons, if there was a people under Heaven who could advance a coelour of a Pretention to exclusive Priviledges in the Fisheries, or any Rights, in one Nation more than in another, that People were the Inhabitants of the United States of America and Especially of New England. But we sett up no such partial Claims. We assert only equal Rights. These we do assert and these we will have.—
Such, my dear Son, were the constant, Topicks of my dayly and hourly conversation in Private Companies as well as in more public Conferences with Oswald with Fitzherbert, with Whiteford, and afterwards with Hartley and his Boy Hammond.—I was too fluent for them. Not a Man of them could deny a Fact, or question the Consequences to be drawn from it. I added, if you insist on excluding Us from the Fisheries or any Punctillio of them you will be the Dupes of French Finess. For, depend upon it, in proportion as you quarrel with Us against our Rights in the Fisheries, in the Same proportion we shall join with the French in quarrelling against your Pretensions. Let Us alone in the Possession and Enjoyment of all we have possessed and Enjoyed in the Fisheries and We will leave you to chicane with the French, as long as both of you please.
Of the importance of the Fisheries, my dear Son, I have a Volum to write. But how can I write it? The Fisheries on the Coast of Labradore of Cape Breton, of Nova Scotia of Newfoundland are of immense importance.—Look into the Book of Geography, under the Words Labradore, Cape Breton Nova Scotia, Belisle, Newfoundland: Even Morses Geography which you may easily obtain in England or from England, will give you some Ideas—
But of the immense Consequence to Us, of all these Fisheries, I must write to you hereafter. We must not yeild an Iota. We must insist demand assert and maintain, even at the hazard and certainty of War, the whole extent of our Rights and Liberties in the Fisheries established by the Treaty of 1783.
As to their Equivalent if their Navigation of the Mississippi, is not enough they have a right to fish on all our Coasts from Nova scotia to Louisiana
But I must Pause, I hope you will not return to Petersburg—the first wish of my heart is to have you with near to your Affectionate Father
John Adams


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to Elizabeth Smith Shaw Peabody, 26 February 1815
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Peabody, Elizabeth Smith Shaw

My dear Sister
Quincy Feb’ry 26th 1815

your Letter of Feb’ry 15th, lies yet unacknowledged
My Spirits have been in a whirl, the intelligence from new orleans, of the total defeat of the British forces, with the circumstance of Such Slaughter amongst the assailants, and Such unheard of protection of our Troops, ought Surely, by every Moral and Religious people, to be asscribed unto that Being, unto whom we pray, to “teach our hands to war, and our fingers to fight,” and unto whom if there is any gratitude, in our Hearths, we ought to asscribe praise, and thanks giving
The temple of Janus is closed, with our green laurels around the Brows of genll. Jackson, who with consumate Skill planed and led on his Brave Army, to defend, in concert with the inhabitants, the Territory of New orleans, a Name immortalized in History. May the vanquished Brittons, learn humanity from their conqueror and respect for their Enemies.
While the joy occasiond by this Signal Smile of providence upon our Arms, was Still vibrating in our Ears, and thrilling in our hearts, the Still more gratefull, and pleasing intelligence reachd us, that we might beat our Swords into plough Shares, and our Spears into pruning hooks, for that peace was restored to our Land! This news so unnexpected as to Time, “flew upon the wings of the Wind” and in the words of Shakspeare we might Say
“Now is the Winter of our discontent
Made glorious Summer by the Men of Ghent”
Joy beamed from every countenance and every tongue, resounded with, peace, peace, May we use it, as we are directed to use the world, without abusing it—
of all the States in the union New England has the least reason to complain. if any of her rights are brought into question or abridged, to her want of National feeling to her various contracted policy, to her misconduct in the war, to her turbulent factious party Spirit, and her open and a  avowed hostility to the National Government, She may asscribe it.
It Says my A. She had been true to herself, Great Britain would not have dared to hang the issue of peace or war, upon two pints which he names, but which I am not at liberty to state, and which if they had not finally agreed to leave to future negotiation, he would have persisted, in refusing his Signature to the Treaty.
Great Harmony subsisted between him and his Colleigues, and upon most points they were unanimous. May the Blessing of the Peace Makers be theirs, but I know it will not, and there will be found discontented partizens to find fault & condemn, every measure however wise just and upright, while they have not the supreem command. for this “is a lust in Man, no charm can tame”
Mr Adams writes me, that he Should go to Paris in about ten days and Send to mrs Adams to join him there, that he Should wait there for further orders from the President.
I know pretty well what his destination was to be, if peace took place—Alass! Alass Shall I never See him again
It is a Singular circumstance in our Family History, that both Father & Son Should make peace with the Same nation at the distance of 30 years.
Your query upon buisness I have not replied to; I think you had better empower your Son to purchase Some Stock for you as your agent. I hope he will secure to himself some real estate. I will converse with him upon the Subject. pray write to me for your Letters always do good to Your affectionate Sister
Abigail AdamsAll my Family request a kind remembrance to yours—


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to John Quincy Adams, 28 February 1815
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Adams, John Quincy

My Dear Son
Quincy Feb’ry 28th 1815

Your Letter of Nov’br 23d No 66. came by way of England and reachd me on the 12th of this Month. at the Same time we received the News that a Treaty of peace between America and Great Britain was signed upon the 24th of December. A Blessing I hope. altho ardently desired, was not so soon expected, from the Hostile attitude which Britain had taken, and the nature of her demands, as exhibited in the dispatches.
I rejoice as a Lover of peace, harmony and humanity, that a termination is put to the War, and I rejoice that it has terminated so gloriously for our Country, in the defeat, and discomforture of our Enemies, in their attack upon New orleans. a portion of our Country, which they flatterd themselves; would be an easy conquest. This War, has created Gen’lls and would soon have made Armies, too formidable for our Enemies, and perhaps dangerous to ourselves. as it has closed, it has instructed us, that we can defend ourselves against the most formidable powers—and conquer both by sea & Land, when insulted beyond forbearance— I hope the rage of foreign conquest, will not ever seize upon Americans. when you read the account of the defence of New orleans, you will at first find it hard to Credit. what is authenticated by the pen of many witnesses; and finally, by the official Letter of Gen’ll Jackson. That While whole British Ranks, the bravest, and most experienced Veterans; were mowed down like a shok of corn before the Reapers; by Hundreds, and even by thousands, only six, or seven, of our troops fell; and about 20 were wounded in the Battle of the 8th of Jan’ry but not one officer.
Well may we adopt the words of the Psalmist, “It is the Lords doings, and it is Wonderous in our Eyes.” We have now fully achived the disgrace attached to us, at the commencement of the war. The distrunction of the Capitol, roused every National feeling, and excited, even in this degenerate State, a determination to expell from us every invader—a Leader to unite them, and a Head to direct them, only was wanting, and those we Should have found, if we had been brought to extremities. why need I recount to you, the causes the motives, the Springs of action, which have been the means of disgracing our native State. they were all in opperation before you left it. they were arraying themselves against the National Government, and your opposition to them, produced your over through; as it had done that of your Fathers. Ephraham is Joined unto Idols the Love of power, is a lust in Man, no charm can tame.
I hope the peace has come in time to Save us from further dishonour.
you complain that mr Boyed carried no Letters from me. the first intimation that I received that mr Boyed was gone out, was a notice in a Paris paper, that he was arrived there. I did not write by the dutch Ship; as I believed the negotiation closed, and that you had returned to St Petersburgh;
I have written you twice this winter and sent my Letters to the Secretary of State, requesting that they might be Sent with the public dispatches. they may be Still there—I have not had any other way to communicate with you, but if you continue abroad, my Heart Sinks at the thought. I hope our intercourse will be more frequent, and Safe—
I need not Say to you, that your Father is near four score, your Mother, three Score and ten. Once their Lives can be of little further Service to the world: and having, not lived for themselves, they cannot complain that their Children have followd their example. yet like old Jacob I have a longing desire, to See my Joseph again.
I have felt very anxious for mrs Adams this Winter, left alone, as she must have been, Since mr and mrs Smith left her. She must have had a dreary winter, and you much anxiety upon her account. If the importence of the Negotiations in which you have been constantly engaged, left you any Space, for private, and domestic concerns, and what duty have you neglected? I beleive your conscience is clear.
You would have been delighted to have seen Johns rosy face; and sparkling Eyes, this morning after the News of peace.His preceptor mr Kemble gave him a Sleigh ride, to pass the day with us, and he was quite elated in describing the turning out of their companies, the Thanksgiving oration upon the occasion by mr Coleman, the illumination which was to take place in Hingham, the dinner and Ball &c no one could more ardently engage in the joy and festivity, of the occasion. the rejoycing has been universal. the News Papers will give you an ample recital of them—at the Same time they will tell you; that we have not obtained any thing by the war, for which it was declared one  ofthem admits, that we have gained what we did not go to war for, that is glory.
I wrote you in Several of my former Letters, that my Dear Caroline was happily married, Since Which, the young Thing of 16 has married a Staid and respectable Gentleman, Johnson by name, who fell in Love with her as she went to School with her Books in her hand, and having made known his wishes, after an acquaintance of about three Months, with the approbation of his parents, and her Mother, they were united. Susan thinks it a little out of the order of Nature, that the youngest Sister should be first married.
Your Brother I presume will write to you, he and his Family are well. there is a vacation now and your Sons both here.
George is Studying hard to qualify himself to enter colledge this year—I have written you that he is of the Stature of a Man—in my mind and judgment , he is too young for colledge; and a year or two abroad under your inspection, will be more advantage to him, than entering colledge at present, however reluctantly I Shall feel to part with him, and with John, I Shall consider it for their benifit, and as in all former instances yeald.
I Shall write to you again in the course of a few days. I am as ever your affectionate / Mother
Abigail Adams


Title: To John Adams from William Stephens Smith, 28 February 1815
From: Smith, William Stephens
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir—
Congress Hall / Tuesday Feby. 28th. 1815

I have the pleasure to inform you that the President sent the nomination to the senate yesterday of John Quincy Adams as Minister Plenipotentiary to the Court of Great Britain— I am Well thank God—
Yours Sincerely,
W: S: Smith


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to Harriet Welsh, February 1815
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Welsh, Harriet

Dear Harriet
Feb. 1815

I inclose to you mr Adams’s Letter of Novbr 23. the peace was it seems as unexpected to him a month previous to its taking place, as it has been to us—
The passage markd begining “it is mortifying to” &c to the close which is also marked, you may give to the public, as an extract of a Letter from an American gentleman abroad to his Friend in America, and that respecting washington.— you will be kind enough to return the Letter as Soon as you can, pr post if no better opportunity offers—
I presume we Shall have  later Letters soon— when articles full. Let me
I want a blue Broad Cloth for George . . . not chuse to go beyond ten dollars, an American cloth if I can get a good one. will you ask your Brother to look out for one
I beleive old mother Britain found when she  came to find according to their own estimate, that they must send seventy Thousand Seamen to America, and that they now fill thirty Millions in debt, and must find as much more to pay & subsist their Army here & that it was a war without profit and without honour, it would be best to do justice and make Friends. You will observe mr Adams Says they must make peace & upon terms which they we can accept—
Yours affecti’ly
Let mr Foster See the Letter


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams, 1 March 1815
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson

N: 79.
My dear Wife.
Hotel du Nord. Rue de Richelieu, Paris 1. March 1815.

Your Letter N. 8. dated 31. January, which I received on Sunday last has explained the mistake in the date of the preceding number—If you left St Petersburg so soon as 5. February, it is doubtful whether my last, dated the 19th: of last Month and enclosed to Messrs: Schwenk and Koch at Königsberg, will reach that place in time to meet you there; or whether the present will find you at Berlin—Your numbers 4 and 6, I have not yet received.—I hope you will not fail of writing to me from both those Cities—I now calculate upon your arrival here between the 15th: and 20th: of this Month, and shall be prepared with lodgings to receive you at that time—I am very well satisfied with the house where I now lodge, but I have only one small chamber, and they have no apartments unoccupied which would be sufficient for our accommodation after your arrival—Mr and Mrs Smith have taken apartments for a Month in the neighbourhood of where I am, and I hope to procure lodgings for ourselves in the house of my present Landlady’s Mother—If you inform me by what road you intend to proceed from Berlin hither I shall write to you again, directing the letter to remain at the Post-Office at some town through which you will pass.
Mr Bayard and Mr Clay leave this City for London, in three or four days—Mr Gallatin has not yet returned from Geneva—Our news from America is not pleasant—We have lost the frigate President, and it is said, New Orleans—No account yet of the Treaty.
Love to Charles—Ever faithfully your’s
A.


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to Harriet Welsh, 1 March 1815
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Welsh, Harriet

Dear Harriet
Quincy March 1st a Beautifull mor’g 1815

I shall send George tomorrow by the stage and will be much obliged to your Father if he will go with him to the Tailors. I think the cloth had better be spunged, but he can be measured and the Coat snt out afterward. the patterns you sent were not equal to the cloth you procured before. I Should like to have the cloth fine as Can be had for ten dollars pr yd.
cannot you send me Caroline’s Letter I Send you the Letter you requested.
I am anxious to know what the President means to do with mr Adams. you know it was said if peace was made, he was to go to England to make a commercial Treaty, and he must have had some direction of that kind, or he would not have gone to Paris to wait there. If he goes there he desires his Sons may be sent to him, and I should be very desirious to send them by the Congress, if I could know in season. I presume the President must be written to for leave to take them, and I fear we shall be straitned for time. there are so many persons going in the congress that I should feel easy, to intrust them to that I Should feel Shoud be dissappointed in not being able to send them out.
The pattern of calico I inclose I wish you to get 14 yds of, if not so much to be had only Seven.
Susan says she knows not any offence committed against her, so she quits scores with you—
I inclose ten dollers you will keep my accounts and Georges seperate. Yours affecly
A AdamsI wish you had been here this morning to kelp hunt papers upon the Fisheries—and study treaties. I have had a torment of it—our foolish printers had better leave the subject to alter negotiatees


Title: To John Adams from William Stephens Smith, 2 March 1815
From: Smith, William Stephens
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir—
Washington March 2d. 1815

I receive with great satisfaction your congratulations on the peace, dated the 22d. ulto. the day of the great rejoicings in Boston, I have noticed the detail of the processions, and ceremonies, they must have been great indeed—The Bostonians have always been remarked, as doing things upon a great Scale.
I suppose you did not see, the regular confusion, or hear the enthusiastic shouts of the multitude.
Our friends in England, I mean the Bull family, must roar hideously on the arrival of Jackons Victory at Orleans The whole world will receive it with astonishment, indeed it is most wonderfull—And the actors merit the most unbounded applause—The appropriation Bills for the current year passed the house yesterday, upon a very expanded scale—Our Squadron convoy’s our trade to the mediterranean; avowedly to chastise the Algerine, it is to consist of two 74’s.—4 frigates, 6 sloops of War and several smaller armed Vessels, the military peace establishment is reduced to six thousand, vastly too small in my opinion
To the astonishment of the political World, here, the President sent to the Senate yesterday the nomination of Major General Henry Dearborne, once more as Secretary of War—Great opposition is expected in the Senate, it will be determined this day—The question of an extra meeting of Congress will be also decided to-day—the proposition is, to meet again on the 4th. Monday of May. there has been such lengthy debates, that much important business remains unfinished, the members are very garrulous, have alway’s been so, and no doubt will continue to be—
With great respect, I am Dr. Sir, yours affectionately
W: S: Smith


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to Harriet Welsh, 3 March 1815
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Welsh, Harriet

Dear Harriet
Quincy March 3d 1815

I beleive the post Man thinks us very importent correspondents, as we observed that it was well the P had the priviledge of Franking. I have no Scruples upon that head as it is the only gratuity his country ever bestowed upon him. I mean to place a high value upon it, by as frequent a use of it as I have occasion for—George got home Safe altho through mud Snow and water. the day is now delightfull and the Birds feel its cheering influence, and greet it with Sweet melody. I want to have you come and pass as much time with us as you can Spair to us—as Soon as the roads are good Susan shall come in for you—
I return Carolines Letters and did as you desired. I Send you one to read from mr Vanderkemp and the one from mr A, which you may show your Father and return by tomorrows post or mr Marston if he comes up—but Thayer Says he will not go to Town again in a Sleigh—and wheels cannot pass—
I thank you for all your kind attentions and would have 7 yd more of the calico & 4 & half of the pattern inclosed. I think 90 cts enough for it as others go—you may State the balance in your hands upon Georges Bills which I think to be rather more than three dollors 4 dollors, and carry it to my Credit, which will be better than Sending in the Money as I know not whether the post will get in. your account as Stated is correct. the Money for the Bill came safe. I hope it is all current. when the walking is good will you ask the price of plain yellow white plates and ground bottom plain Tumblers—I have broken my only common Sugar pot. Such an one I want much—when I think it will do for me to come to Town I will leave of tormenting you
He who gives willingly, gives quickly Says the proverb. now If I was Jackson, I Should think myself, more honourd in the omission than in the grudging manner thanks are bestowed by our wise Legislature. that foolish vote of mr Q—hatching, respecting Lawrence hung about their necks, and they could not Swallow a generous acknowledgment, but must, “damn with faint Praise” and give a dash at the Administration—o fie upon my Native State I must blush for you, and wish for the waters of Letha to drown the last three years of your existance—
The thanks of Congress were not withheld a moment. the only difference in opinion was, that all Should be included, Militia as well as Regulars
The fisheries are not relinquishd why do our wiseheads talk about what they do not understand—The P. says that the treaty of 1783 is as binding as tho no war had taken place—and we have as undoubted a Right to them as to our Soil. this was mr Madisons opinion, accordingly he instructed his ministers not to admit a discussion upon the Subject. the British I beleive mean to try it, but this must be Settled by negotiation, and by a permitted discussion. If they insist, we Shall persist, and then the weakest must ward off. the President has been looking into the Subject, and he has written to mr Adams fully: you know how he contended for it, and finally obtaind what he will not permit a doubt, or a question upon—
I think it was right to make Peace altho this Subject was not Settled in the minds of the British ministry—Some ask the Question what have we obtaind by the war? I answer we have proved to GB and the World, that She is not all powerfull upon the ocean—and that we will not in future be insulted with impunity. we have proved that we can with our own Government, free and republican as it is both make War, and Peace—If we have occasion to make war again, experience will instruct us to be more Provident and better prepared. the war has created us fine officers brave Soldiers, and invincible Sailors—it has built us a Small Navy. it has fortified many of our Sea ports—it has given us confidence in ourselves and with all our blunders, it has given us Rank and respect with foreign Nations, and I hope the Back woods Men have taught the Atlantic States no more to reproach them, or to be So vain as to think that they only can fight Battles
The Victory obtaind at New orleans, if the war had continued, would So have inspired our Nation, that I beleive they would have fought without money and without price, or and trusted their country to have rewarded them at the close of it—
Come dear Harriet, let us kiss and be friends altho we do differ about the merrits of this war—
You have two Ears, and Friends on both Sides of for whom you have both Love and respect, and amongst / that Number is your Friend

A Adams
   Note in a different hand: “That is a fine promise.”
Written in a different hand: quite a good letter, considering GM has been but 15 minutes writing it; she wants one yard of fine cotton cambrie, yd, and half wide, for a pair of sleeves, and waist of a gown, if you have enough money—the pattern enclosed is a gown for me, I should rather have had a blue, if I could have Seen a handsome pattern, as I am afraid this does not look so well, in the peice, but I trust to your judgement. Good bye lovey.


Title: From John Adams to William Cranch, 3 March 1815
From: Adams, John
To: Cranch, William

Dr Sir
Quincy March 3, 1815

Our Fisheries have not been abandoned. They cannot be abandoned. They Shall not be abandoned. We hold them by no Grant Gift, Bargain or Sale or last Will and Testament nor by hereditary descent from Great Britain. We hold them, in Truth, not as Kings and Priests claim their Rights and Power by hypocrisy and Craft, but that is from God and our own Swords.
1 The Author of Nature and common Father of Mankind, has made his Ocean free and common to all his human Children. We have therefore as clear a moral and divine Right to the Fisheries, at least as the English Scotch Irish or any other People.
2 We have all the Rights and Liberties of Englishmen in the Fisheries, in as full and ample manner, as We had before the Revolution. We have never forfeited Surrendered, alienated or lost any one Punctillio of those Rights or Liberties, on the contrary We compelled the British Nation to acknowledge them in the most Solemn manner, before God and the World, in the Treaty of Peace of 1783.
3. We have Stronger, clearer, and more perfect Right than the Britons or any other Nation of Europe, or on the globe: for they were all indebted to Us and our Ancestors for all these Fisheries. We discovered them; We explored them; We discovered and Settled the Countries round about them; at our own Expense, Labour, risque and Industry, without Assistance from Britain; We have possessed, occupied, exercised and praticed them from the beginning. We have done more, towards exploring the best fishing grounds and Stations, and all the Bays, Harbours, Inlets, Creeks, Rivers, Shores and Coasts, where Fish of all Sorts were to be found, and discovered by Experiments the best means and Methods of curing, preserving, drying and perfecting the Commodity, as well as extending and improving the Commerce in it, than all the Britons and all the rest of Europe.
4. If Conquest can confer any Right, our Right is at least equal and common with Englishmen in any Part of the World. Indeed it is incomparably Superior. For we conquered all the Countries round about the Fisheries. We conquered Cape Breton We conquered Nova Scotia, and dispossessed the French both hostile and Neutral; We did more in proportion towards the Conquest of Canada, than any other portion of the British Empire, and could, and would, and should, have done the whole, at an easier expence to ourselves both of Men and Money, if the British Government would have permitted that Union of the Colonies which We projected, planned, earnestly desired, and humbly petitioned in 1754. In short We have done more in proportion, than any other part of the British Empire, towards protecting, and defending, all these Fisheries against the French. For all these Reasons, if there is a People under Heaven, who could advance a Colour of Pretention, to any exclusive Priviledges, or any Rights of one Nation, more than another in Fisheries; that People were are the Inhabitants of the United States of America, and especially of New England. But We Sett up no Such partial Claims. We demand only those equal Rights, and Liberties, that We have always held, possessed and enjoyed. These We assert, and these We will have. They are of more importance to Us than to any other Nation. It would be ill natured in the English to deprive Us of them, if they had the Power which they have not. There is room enough and Fish enough for both Nations.
As you are famous for indefatigable Research; I wish you would ransack all the Books and all the Rules for the Construction of Treaties, and concerning the dissolution and Renovation of Treaties, to Shew that the Article in the Treaty of 1783 is Still in force. I Say as it is an Acknowledgment only of an antecedent Right, it is of eternal Obligation. Love to all
John Adams


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to Harriet Welsh, 5 March 1815
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Welsh, Harriet

Dear Harriet
Quincy March 5th 1815

Last Evening I received your Letter with the inclosurs. I wrote to you on fryday, but the post did not go, and the Letters were taken in yesterday mor’g by Thayer: I presume you got it after you had written to me— Mr Adamss Letter was written the day the peace was signd. it contains this passage which I should like to have inserted in the paper, as an extract from one of the Ministers to his Friend. Ghent 24 December.
“of the peace which we have at length concluded, it is for our Government, our Country and the World to judge.—It is not Such as under more propitious circumstances might have been expected, and to be fairly estimated, must be compared, not with our desires, but with what the Situation of the parties and of the World, at and during the negotiation made attainable—we have abandoned no essential right, and if we have left every thing open for future controversy, we have at least Secured to our Country the power, at her own option to extinguish the War.”
The Letter is Short, and came I presume by the Transit. Carolines I inclose to you, and a Letter which I wish may be sent by way of Liverpool the first Safe conveyance. if your Father thinks best, let it be put into the Bag. I Shall write again by the Gallen. Mr Marston did not get out yesterday. Thayer went in only in a small wagon & would not take out, or in passengers
I do not expect you will get this till Tuesday I Should like coulourd Silks, one Crimson Skain I want to mend my cushings—we make a famine of paper here. I Should like a quire Shortly, but I must renew my means, before I multiply wants—
have you heard mr E this day? I am very Sorry he has been so impudent. I had almost Said uncivil. I cannot pardon him under present impressions—“truth is truth”, we say, “let it come as it will. but how Sweet, “when truths divine come mended from the Tongue”—the heat and warmth with which mr Whitney has enterd into politicks from the pulpit, has injured his usefullness with many of his Society. I do not hear him with the pleasure and respect I used to, yet I try to divest myself of these feelings, and consider him only as a minister of the Gospel.
do you see the National Intelligencer? there are some Speeches there upon the resolves to Thank Genll Jackson and his Army which would make you feel most keenly, I could not read them loud. Mr Fromentin mr Brown’s and mr Ingersolls are the three which I refer you to under date of 21 Febry.—
I am dear Harriet ever / your
A A


Title: From Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams to John Quincy Adams, 5 March 1815
From: Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson
To: Adams, John Quincy

My Best friend
Berlin March 5 1815

After a very troublesome and tedious journey we have happily arrived at Berlin where I expected to have found Letters from you but I am cruelly disappointed and am impatiently waiting for the next Post which will not arrive untill tomorrow evening
Yesterday I visited some of our old friends here who received me in the Kindest manner possible Countess Bhrul is very much alter’d but Miss Bishopwerder looks as well as ever Pauline Neale was not at home but I expect her at twelve o’clock as I only arrived at two oclock yesterday I think I have made dispatch, to day I propose to see Countess Golowkin & Madame de Bruges—
Poor Norman has been confined to his bed four Months I went to see him yesterday in his Chamber and propose to do so while I stay I much fear it will be long e’re he recovers if ever. he appears to be in a deep consumption. he tells me he travelled in an open Carriage and it rained incessantly two days and nights which occasion’d his illness. Nothing would be more advantageous to him than the sight of his Son, he sees nobody and being naturally timid his spirits are entirely depressed, he says he has very good attendance and excellent Physicians—but no friends—
Mr. N. informs me that Mr. Harris is appointed Minister Plenipotentiary to Russia that he received this news from England dated the 21 of February I presume you have got your recall and that you next will give me some positive information as to our future destiny Mr. Ormsbie whom I met on the road at a Small tavern where I had to pass the Night informed me that Mr. & Mrs. Smith had left Ghent and accompanied you to Paris You will there have found several of my Letters and become acquainted with my proceedings I deliver’d your Message to the Empress and she said when a Man sent so far for his Wife he had no intention to return I am a poor diplomat for she said joy sparkled in my eyes and she had never seen a Woman so alterd in her life for the better—
God Bless you my best friend Charles is so improved by the journey he is not like the same Child in appearance but I fear he will have  in regards his learning in the course of  fifteen days I hope once more to press you to the heart of your ever affectionate Wife

L. C. Adams.


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to John Quincy Adams, 8 March 1815
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Adams, John Quincy

My Dear Son
Quincy March 8th 1815

yesterdays Mail brought us the Nominations to foreign Courts, yours of course, was to England. altho no event could have been so agreable to me, as your return to America. I feel a relief that that you have left the cold region of the North; and come so much nearer to me, where I can hope, with the return of peace, a freer intercourse with you, the only solace left me, to compensate for your absence, which I hope will not exceed an other year.
According to your request; I shall prepare your sons to go to you, as soon as the Season will give us a prospect of a favorable passage. I feel as old Jacob did, When he said “and will you take Benjamin also?”
George has grown to Mans Nature, and like all overgrown Boys—he does not know, how to use his Limbs—he is quite a companion, with a very amiable disposition I think, ready to listen to reason, and advise. his Grandfather will miss him very much
I consider it an opportunity which may be of great utility, to him: John is ardent, active zealous full of fire and spirit, which requires a steady hand to direct, but he has not that eager desire for Literature, which is Georges meat and drink; he is too volatile for it, George feels some qualms at the thought of leaving us, and John thinks it will be very hard. they cannot however feel as I do, when I think that I shall see their faces no more.
I have written to you once since the News of peace, by a mr. Wright, Son of Deacon Wright of Boston who sails for Liverpool. this is to go by Captain Glover of this Town—The Favorite was the vessel which bore the olive Branch to us—and never was peace haild with greater Enthusiasm, and demonstrations of Joy—in every State from which I have heard—no one Stoped to inquire, What Were the terms of the Treaty? The dispatches which had been previously published had convinced them, that it could not be a dishonorable one to America. Such was their confidence in the Negotiaters—and in their Hearts in the Administration, although they will not allow it; The junto say—mr Madison has given up all that he declared War for, Sailors Rights, paper–Blockade and some say, our Rights to fish, as by the peace of 1783. this last is however questiond. I have seen most of the federal papers, and altho they will not praise, they do not censure; the unanimous vote of the Senate, and its speedy ratification; is proof enough; that it is consider’d an honorable peace—
If the success of our Arms at New orleans had been previously known, at the time the peace was made, we might perhaps have obtaind more advantageous terms, the News of peace following immediately after the glorious Victory obtaind at New Orleans, exalted mr Madison, and placed him upon high ground, while the destruction of the Capital, is almost forgotten, in the Union, and stimulous which it gave to our Armies; and the Success, which has ever since followed them—
I presume the British Will not call the loss of four or five thousand Men, and their retreat to their Shiping with the dead Bodies of their commander in chief, and other Gen’lls a Victory. While we cannot count, one Man to a hundred, in all that were wounded or Slain; upon our side—it was a defence, and a Victory with all the circumstances attending it, which has not its like!
The Transit arrived last week. by it I received your Letter of 24th december: mr Huges was much surprizd when he came; to find that he was not the first to bring the Treaty, but that it had not only arrived: but was ratified , and returnd, and all the public exhibitions of rejoicing Balls illuminations &c were over—
I shall be anxious to learn that mrs Adams and Charles have arrived—your Brother has been writing to you, and your Father says he will—he has written by mr Wright. we are all in comfortable Health.
Your affectionate Mother
A Adams—


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to Harriet Welsh, 9 March 1815
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Welsh, Harriet

Dear Harriet
Sunday Evening 9 March 1815

Louisa is just gone to Bed, She has not been So well to day. her flesh all rises upon her in puffs, & her feet swell, cough is better. but her limbs pain her Sadly She cannot take a mouthful Bread, tried it—to day & worried her Sadly—dr forbids her—I have fears for her which I do not express. I Send the Review, but have not had time to looke into it, you will return it me when you please
Mr Mc & Son are here, Henry had rather be below the Hill, but the old gentleman Says—no—beware—you are too young, not in business—So take care—good advise—would young people but follow it!—
I had much to say just now, but am So hurried that I have lost it—have you read the two Letters written 63 years since? published in Nantucket—what will they not make up—I beleive I will make a bond fire of mine, least I they should some hundred years hence be thought of consequence enough to publish—
I Shall write to caroline this week—I do not know whether you will hear again from me this week mr Adams is gone to  Court
yours as ever
A


Title: From John Adams to John Quincy Adams, 10 March 1815
From: Adams, John
To: Adams, John Quincy

My dear Son
Quincy March 10th 1815

I wrote you on the 25th of February on our American Title to all the Rights and Liberties of Englishmen in all the Fisheries, which We derive not from any Grant Gift Cession or Concession or Conveyance from the Government or People of Great Britain, but from the impartial Benevolence and Bounty and Benevolence of the Author of Nature and Father of Mankind, who has given the Ocean and all its Treasures alike to all his Children.
2 From our Character as Englishmen and British Subjects before the Revolution which as far as it relates to the Rights and Liberties of Fishermen, We never have relinquished abandoned or neglected, as was Solemnly acknowledged by G. B. in the Treaty of 1783
3 By original Discovery of the Country, its Bays Harbours Inlets, Rivers Coasts Shores &c
4 By Conquests i.e by defence of them, and the Countries in the Neighbourhood of them, from the French.
I wish now, my son to Say Something on the Importance of those Fisheries to the U.S. and especially to New England and more particularly Still to our beloved Massachusetts. When the Fisheries in 1782 were Sharply contested by the British Ministers, in London and Paris and all their Agents Emissaries Secretaries Clerks, Runners Riders and Adherents; and when the Compte de Vergennes betrayed an insidious desire to deprive Us of them, as ardent as that which the English avowed openly; I thought it incumbent on me, as an Apology to my own Colleagues as well as to the English Ministers and even to the Court of France to represent the Importance of them to the best of my Knowledge: In the Course of Seventeen Years practice at the Bar I had been much conversant with King Hooper Col. Lee and your Uncle Isaac Smith, the three greatest Conductors of the Fisheries in the Salem Marblehead Newbury in Short in the County of Essex. I had also attended Courts in Plymouth Barnstable, Marthas Vinyard; and been concerned in many causes in which the Fisheries of Whale and Cod and all other Sorts down to Seals, Mackrell Salmon, Alewives and Smelts had come in question, I thought myself tolerably acquainted with the Importance of the Fisheries and represented it accordingly: but I found, my Representations were not received with implicit belief even by own Colleagues, much less by the British Agents at first, and not at all by the French. They all Seemed to think me pleading my own cause, and too sanguine and ardent. They Seemed to think that I overrated the Value of the Fisheries in comparison with Peace and the Acknowledgment of our Independence. In the midst of these discussions I heard of the Arrival in Amsterdam of Some of our Sea captains, from Nantuckett Coffins or Roches. I wrote immediately to them, requesting, and immediately by return of Post received ample explanations of the Fisheries on the Coast of Labrador, Newfoundland, Nova Scotia, Cod Fisheries, Seal Fisheries &c and of the importance of them. These Letters I Shewed to my Colleagues and to the British Ministers. They were left, I believe with the Secretary of our Commission: if not I know not where to find them. You know my Son that I have never had a house or home. And I See little probability that  you will be more fortunate than your Father in this respect, The Fisheries enter into every branch of our Commerce, with Spain Portugal Italy, the West India Islands, our Southern States, Our Trade and Remittances to England. New England Commerce would be not worth a groat I had like to have said, certainly not worth much to Great Britain if We were excluded from the Fisheries.
But these Fisheries are Nurseries of Seamen! True. But are they not Nurseries of Seamen to G.B. as well as to the US.? And have not We as much reason to love Seamen and to dread Rivals as G.B.?
My Son, you must be cool candid, and decently and respectfully and civilly frank with those Britons. We wish them no ill. But they must not oppress Us. They cannot. They have not the Power; and the more they attempt it, the more they will be convinced of their Error. They Seem not to be Sensible that if they could drive Us to Extremities, which they cannot, We Should Seek the Friendship of their Enemies over the whole Globe. And whatever they may think of it, they have Enemies enough.
Of the Value and importance and necessity of the Fisheries on the coasts of Labradore, with the Streights of Bel Isle on the Coasts of Newfoundland Nova Scotia &c of Seals Salmon Cod &c I will write you again. We have Seen your Appointment to England. Your Sons Shall be Sent to you
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to John Quincy Adams, 11 March 1815
From: Adams, John
To: Adams, John Quincy

My dear son
Quincy March 11. 1815

I have a rich Budget to send you by the next Ship. I have no time to prepare it by the Milo. I would send you some Newspapers but am told a Collection for the Months past is prepared for you Mr E. Copland Junr will present this. He is first Clerk to Degrand.
You have all the Treaties and Projects of Treaties I presume but Britain and U. S. I presume from 1782 to 1815 Jays, Monroes Erskines and your own and will make an Analysis of them.
The Fisheries and Missisippi you apprehend will be brought into discussion, and it is probable there will be much Chicanery spent upon them, I hope they will not be the subject of another War. The importance of the Fisheries to New England is beyond calculation. It is your Destiny as it has been mine, to be Sent upon all the forlorn hopes; the discussions the most Scabreux. And the worst of it is our Countrymen think it all easy pleasant and profitable.
Your Umost Vigilence, caution Patience and Prudence will be in requisition: and how to reconcile conflicting Interests, mutual Jealousies and jarring Passions I know not. Reason Equity and public Laws are very Obvious. All the Rights Liberties of Englishmen, in the Fisheries are ours, beyond all doubt, and under no Limitations, but those in Treaty of 1783. You Seem now to be near home, We Shall long to hear that your Wife and Son have joined you,
Probably Mr and Mrs Smith and my Great Grand Daughter will go with You to England: But I know not how they are to live.
We shall be looking out for the most advantageous Conveyance for your Sons, but We know not what you are to do with them there. I am as ever
A.


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to Harriet Welsh, 15 March 1815
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Welsh, Harriet

Dear Harriet
Quincy March 15 1815

you and your Mother have been So frequently in the pratcise of fitting out your Brothers for voyages that you know better than I do, what will be necessary for the Boys; will you recollect, and tell me. I have been thinking, one Suit of cloaths, beside those which they will wear at Sea, will be enough. George must have a new great Coat, and John can take his. how many Shirts a peice will be necessary. will they want Gowns? of what kind? I Should not like to have them go untill I could hear again from their Father; and know when he will be in England, for to Send them there, at Random, without any person to consign them too, will not do.
I have a curious pursuit to put you upon now: but all for the common good. you See by mr Adamss Letters how anxious he is to procure every information respecting the fisheries, without exciting too much Speculation about them, and as this State more than any other is interested in them, it behooves every one concernd, to transmit to him, or his Father every information in their power, for altho both the President and mr Adams consider them held by the Treaty of 83, the British will Strive, to juggle us out of it, or insist upon an Eqivalent, while we consider them as our Right. I have heard that the Gentlemen of the Law, give it as their opinion, that vessels, cannot go to the Coast, and Labrador fisheries, as formerly, and that the Merchants cannot get their vessels insured. “Now it is on the other hand, thus considerd, that the Treaty of 83, has not been annihilated by the existance of the war, because the parties at Ghent, have not only, not agreed to abrogate it, but have expressly referrd to it, and in the Treaty made a provision to carry the Stipulation as to boundaries of the treaty of 83 more fully and explicitly into effect.— now it being an uncontroverted principle of the Law of Evidence, that the whole must be admitted if a part is received, unless Some reciprocal and mutual agreement exists to the Contrary, and as no Such Stipulation does exist in the present case, the Treaty of 1783 is even by the Shewing of the British commissioners themselves, Still in existance, with all the Rights and Liberties incident to it, and of concequence with the full and free use, to the inhabitents of the united States of the fisheries, as formerly recognised, and Secured to the U S by the Treaty” and it was upon this ground no doubt, that mr Adams finally agreed to Sign the Treaty—
Now what is wanted of you Dear Harriet, is to ask of mr Keating all the information he can give, respecting the importence, of the Fisheries, to this State. we have learnt that he has been engaged in them. first, the Bank fisheries, the Size Tonage and number of Men employd—the fares they make in a Season, the quantity of fish taken the value of them, the markets to which they are Sent?
2ly The Coast and Labrador fisherie. the Number of vessels employd annually, their Size Number of Men employd, quantity of fish usually taken, its value, and the Markets to which they are Sent—the Same with respect to the Salmon and Mackarel fisheries and the whale also?
you See by mr A’s Letters which you have read, his anxiety to get every information possible upon this Subject. Since the year 83. many Changes have taken place; and these fisheries for which his Father so earnestly contended: and so Successfully Secured; have acquired Still greater importence, and further extention—being the Staple Commodity of this State, not So fully understood, by the Statesmen of the South, nor So highly appreciated by them—as you See by mr A’s Letter
It is highly proper that the Gentlemen engaged in this buisness Should transmit to him every information they possess upon a Subject of So great interest to the country and this State in particular. it is a Subject which will come into discussion with the British Government, and if not Legally firmly and positively insisted upon; and you  them, will create an other war between the two countries at no very distant period.
which Heaven avert, it is not wished to make a public Stir, upon the Subject. there are persons who would gladly See them Surrenderd to the British, if we may judge from News paper speculations.
you may transcribe as much of this Letter as you thing proper, and read to mr Keating, or read him the original If your Father or Brother can obtain from any one else information upon this Subject, the Sooner mr A. can be in possession of it, the better in the mean time, I hope the merchants will Send out their vessels as usual, and take for granted that they are Safe. If they hesitate it will be tacitly yielding the point. at least it will be bringing into a trial.
Susan has compleated her task. She Sends the patterns. we have had a fine rain, which for the present increases the Mud. the Roads were never worse
I am glad to See the Sun Beams, to enliven the ordinations ceremony, which is this day to take place in Chancy place—where you will find a Successor to mr Everet I know not.
Let me know how Caroline is. what date is her Letter?
Yours affectionatly
A Adams


Title: From Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams to John Quincy Adams, 17 March 1815
From: Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson
To: Adams, John Quincy

My Best friend
Frankfurt 17th March 1815

I write you from this place where I arrived last evening and where I have again met with a severe disappointment in not receiving Letters, more especially as the public News renders my situation extremely unpleasant—
I shall leave this place for Mayence this Evening and propose to sleep there to Night and continue my rout tomorrow morning at five o’Clock I shall in all probability find you somewhere in Paris therefore I shall drive directly to the Hotel du Nord in the hope of finding your address as I shall travel Night and day you must expect me very soon.
Since writing the above I have seen Mr. Bethman who tells me that I must not think of going to Mayence but that I must go by Strasbourg and it will lengthen and add to the expence which has already frighten’d me.
God Bless you my best friend and believe me ever most affectionately yours
Louisa C Adams


Title: From John Adams to John Quincy Adams, 18 March 1815
From: Adams, John
To: Adams, John Quincy

My great and good Son
Quincy March 18th 1815

If Parson Nelson could call that Composition of Alexander, Petrarch and Werter, The Admiral, “Great and good, Surely it may be excusable in me, to make free with the Same Epithets. But away with Badinage.
Be it known to you that I am in Correspondence, with your Rival; your victorious Rival; and what is more marvelous, a friendly correspondence.
One of his Letters is inclosed, copied by your Neice Miss Susan, who is good and ingenious, and if I live a few years longer, for what I know, I may, I may call great. She deserves a Kiss for this Copy, which I hope you will give her, when you return.
Now for Something Serious. You must be a more punctillious Phylosopher than I fear you are. You must not Suffer to escape You, the most distant hint or Allusion to the National debt of Great Britain, You must not Squint at the Naval Superiority of G.B. to all the Maritime World. You must not betray the least Consciousness of the Splendid Victories of your Country by Sea by Lake or by Land. You must treat all Mr Bulls prejudices will great delicacy: and that in all Companies. Hackney and Birmingham, Cambden and Richmond, Fox and Burke had them as rank as Edinborough Mansfield and North.
I must be candid, and explicit with you, my dear Son. I know the Candour and Integrity of your Soul, cannot deny or refuse to Great Britain any of her Just Rights; nor can it yield one Particle of the Rights and Liberties of your Country.
Such are the Collisions of Interests, Passions, Prejudices and Caprices between the two Nations, that I am apprehensive, you will loose in England as I did, all the Popularity you have acquired by Such hazards, Such Labours, Such Services!
If this Should happen, I advise you to retire to Quincy as I have done; the World forgetting, by the World forgott. dedicate the rest of your the days to your Children, to Litterature to Science, and let the Dogs bark as they will. I assure you in the Sincerity of a Father, the last fourteen years have been the happiest of my Life.
Pray! Is our Independence given Up? Are We Still Subjects of G.B. and his Prince Regent? According to the English Doctrine, the Treaty of 1783 was annulled by the War. Our Independence was a grant. Therefore now void. Our Coast Fisheries in the Gulph of  St Laurence, Streights of Bell Isle, Bay of Fundy, Newfoundland, Labradore Coast, Nova Scotia were a gracious Grant ere mero motie et Speciali gratiâ; from Superabundant Benevolence, Complaisance and Curtesy; nay perhaps from maternal Tenderness Affection and Partiality.
I Say on the contrary, The United States had been for seven or Eight Years, then were in 1782 and of right ought to be, free, Sovereign and independent States, and We only demanded an explicit Acknowlegement of it from the King of G.B. to stop forever the Mouths of his captious chicaning Subjects. I Say also the Right of Fishing on all the Shores as however near to low or high Water mark, ever had been, then was, and of right ought to be, our indisputable Right as clear, certain, and unlimited, as that of any Inhabitant of Nova Scotia, Canada Cape Breton, or of England Scotland or Ireland. This Right We asserted and demanded as a sine qua non; as an Ultimatum, and We demanded an explicit Acknowledgment of it from the King of Great Britain under Oath, and that again to stop forever the mouths of his metaphysical and jesuitical Subjects. We Solicited no Gift Grant or Indulgence from him. We claimed only from God, our New England Ancestors and our own Swords.
I Shall write you incessantly. Probably ISshall the same things over and over. Answer me, briefly at least, as punctually and promptly as you can. We are all well
A.


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Abigail Smith Adams, 19 March 1815
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

N: 70.
My dear Mother.
Paris 19. March 1815.

Yesterday Morning I received the first information of the ratification, by the Government of the United States of the Treaty of Peace concluded at Ghent on the 24th: of last December—The Ratification was received at London last Monday Evening the 13th: instant, and the Communication of the Event by Lord Castlereagh to the Lord Mayor was made about eleven O’Clock that Night—It was brought by the Favourite, Corvette the same vessel which had taken the British Ratification to the United States. Lord Fitz-Roy Somerset the British Minister at this Court wrote a Note to Mr Crawford the Evening before last, informing him of the Event—There had been a rumour in circulation the preceding day that the Ratification in America had been refused. It is stated in the English Newspapers that the advice of the Senate to the Ratification was unanimous—a Circumstance which if authentic will be the more gratifying to me, as I had not flattered myself with the hope that it would be so. I have no letters yet from England since the arrival of the Favourite; and know not whether she brought despatches or Letters for me or for any of my Colleagues. If there are none, doubtless in the course of a few days we shall receive orders or Instructions, by other opportunities—As the Treaty was ratified on the 17th: of February, all hostilities upon the American Coast were to cease on the first of this Month, and this day puts an end to them on the Atlantic Coasts of Europe and in the British and Irish Channels—Peace upon the Ocean will at least for a moment be restored—Whether longer than for a moment, will depend upon Events, of which I can form no rational and confident anticipation—After all the strange, unforeseen, and wonderful vicissitudes which the annals of Europe have exhibited during the last twenty-five years, the turn which affairs have just now taken, and the aspect of the Country where I am are more strange, more astonishing and more unexpected than any thing that had yet occurred—The Sovereigns of Europe were just terminating at Vienna their Negotiations; all the objects of important interest which had been in discussion among them had been settled by a Convention to which all the great Powers were parties—Europe had the prospect of a long and profound Peace; when on the first day of this Month Napoleon Buonaparte landed with eleven hundred and forty men and four pieces of Cannon at Cannes in the department of War, not far from Marseilles. It is five hundred miles distant from Paris; and I am afraid you will think I am sporting with credulity when I assure you that now, at the moment when I am writing, the impression almost universal throughout Paris, is that within six days he will enter this city as a conqueror, without having spent an ounce of gunpowder on his march.
I have not yet brought myself to that belief—I am no longer indeed confident that it is impossible, because the progress that he has undoubtedly made has by the simple fact disproved the correctness of my anticipations.—At the first news of his landing, I considered it as the last struggle of desperation on his part; I did not believe that he would be joined by five hundred adherents, and fully expected that he would within ten days pay the forfeit of his rashness with his life—
But on the tenth day after his landing, he entered Lyons, the second City of France, after a march of two hundred miles—All the troops sent against him had either joined his standard, or refused to fire upon his troops. At Grenoble which was surrendered to him without resistance he found a depot of Artillery, Arms and Ammunition—The King’s brother, Count d’Artois, the Duke of Orleans, and Marshal Macdonald, who were immediately dispatched from Paris to assemble troops and oppose the invader, arrived at Lyons barely in time to ascertain that the attempt to resist him there would be fruitless and returned to Paris to see if any thing more effectual can be done here—After passing two days at Lyons, Napoleon proceeded on his march, and on Friday last the 17th. was at Auxerre; not more than one hundred Miles from Paris.
In the mean time nothing is seen or heard here, but manifestations of attachment and devotion to the king, and the house of Bourbon—In the Streets, at all the public places, in all the newspapers one universal Sentiment is bursting forth of fidelity to the king, and of abhorrence and execration of this firebrand of civil and foreign War—The two chambers of the Legislative Body, the principal Tribunals of Justice—the municipal Administrations of the Departments and Cities; the National guards, the Marshals, Generals, Officers and garrisons of almost every City in the kingdom are flocking to the Tuileries with addresses of inviolable attachment to Louis 18. and of their readiness to shed their blood in his cause—If the slightest reliance could be placed upon the most boisterous and unanimous expressions of public feeling, the only conclusion would be that here are twenty-five millions of human beings contending against one high-way robber—In private conversation, the universal expectation is that Buonaparte will enter Paris, as he entered Lyons; without opposition—But that the inevitable consequence will be a foreign and civil War.
Of his proceedings; of the force now with him, and of the manner in which he has advanced scarcely any thing authentic is known—He has issued several Proclamations, to which all the newspapers of Paris daily allude, and reply with great vehemence; but none of which have been suffered to be published—After stating that he landed with only one thousand men, they affirm that he entered Lyons with not more than four thousand five hundred, and that his troops are daily deserting from him in prodigious numbers.—On the road between Lyons and this City there have been insurrections of the populace in his favour; but one of the extraordinary features of this Romance is, that the Cities through which he marches as soon as he has passed through them immediately return to the Royal Authority—This has already happened at Grenoble, and at Lyons.—
The defection in the troops of the army is unquestionably very great, and if not universal, is scarcely less formidable than if it were—For the Government knows not what troops it can trust—The Soldiers all cry Vive le Roi without hesitation. They permit their officers to pledge them to what they please—They march wherever they are ordered; but not a regiment has yet been found that would fire upon the Soldiers of Buonaparte—They will not use their arms against their former fellow-soldiers—The vast majority of them are willing to be neutral.
Notwithstanding the general opinion I do not believe that he will enter Paris without bloodshed—Nor even that he will reach Paris at-all. The Government has been collecting a force upon which they can depend which will meet him before he can arrive here, and the first actual resistance he meets will I think determine his fate. At the same time I must admit that the facts have hitherto turned out so contrary to all my expectations that my confidence in my own judgment is shaken—At all events the week will not pass over without some decisive result.
I enclose with this a Letter which I wrote you in October last, when I expected that Mr: and Mrs Smith would sail in the Neptune from Antwerp, then going to Brest—I afterwards informed you that they had concluded to remain at Ghent, and since then that they are here—As the Neptune is still detained at Brest they have preferred taking passage in the Fingal, now at Havre, and bound to New-York. She has been waiting only for the Ratification of the Treaty and the cessation of hostilities—But most of Mr Smith’s baggage is on board the Neptune, and must go in that vessel—The liners and cambrick which I sent for you and my children is also there—I suppose the Neptune will sail in the course of a Month or six weeks—Messrs. Gallatin, Bayard and Russell are here—Mr Gallatin goes in a day or two for London—Mr Clay went last week—Mr Bayard is confined with a severe indisposition, and has been dangerously ill.—Mr Crawford has also been very unwell but has now recovered.
My wife and Son Charles left St: Petersbourg on the 12th of February—I have a Letter from her of the 5th: instant from Berlin—She then expected to be here at the latest by this day; and I am now in hourly expectation of her arrival.
Monday Morning 20th: March 1815.
The king left the Palace of the Tuileries at one O’Clock this Morning, taking a direction to the Northward—Napoleon is expected to enter Paris this day or to-morrow—Yet nothing but unanimity in favor of the Bourbons is discernible—How it will be to-morrow I shall not anticipate—Affectionately your’s
A.


Title: To John Adams from John Quincy Adams, 21 March 1815
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, John

N. 37.
My dear Sir.
Paris. 21. March. 1815.

I wrote you a short Letter by Mr. Storrow, who left this City to embark at Havre for the United States at the end of the last Month, and I enclosed with it a file of the Journal des Débats from the time of my arrival at Paris until then—A fortnight afterwards I received a line from Mr Storrow at Havre mentioning that he was still detained there, and offering to take any further dispatches or Letters that I might have ready—I had barely time to write to the Secretary of State, and to enclose to you a second file of the Newspaper down to the 14th: instant—This second file is more interesting than the other, as it contains the first official indications here of a new series of Events unfolding itself to the astonishment of mankind—Mr and Mrs Smith have concluded to embark at the same Port of Havre in the Fingal, which has been waiting there, only for the news of the American Ratification of the Ghent Treaty—They are to leave Paris to-morrow, if it be allowed, and with this Letter I shall send you a third file of the Newspaper which will bring the first part of this new Drama to its denouement. I wrote my Mother the day before yesterday, a short and very general narrative of the apparition of Napoleon Buonaparte on the first day of this Month at Cannes, a small port in the South of France, 500 Miles distant from Paris—That he landed with 1140 Men and four pieces of Cannon, coming with that force to conquer the kingdom of France, and that in ten days after that time he had entered without resistance the City of Lyons, at the head, not of 1140 but of not more than ten or twelve thousand men—I further wrote that it was the universal opinion, of all the persons here with whom I conversed that he would enter Paris, also without resistance before the end of this week—That I did not share in this belief—That I not only believed that he would meet with resistance, but that he would not reach Paris at all—The king and royal family were then here—three days before the king had pledged himself to the two chambers of the Legislature that he was ready to die in defence of the Country—Addresses from both the chambers, from the judicial Courts, and from all the civil and military authorities of the kingdom, from whom there had been time to hear had been presented to the king with protestations and proffers of lives and fortunes, in support of Louis le Desiré, and nothing but the most devoted attachment to him and his cause, was to be seen or heard in this City—The night of the same day when I thus wrote, Napoleon slept at Fontainebleau—At one O’Clock yesterday Morning the king and royal family left the Tuileries, and took the road to Lille. The king issued a proclamation which was only published yesterday Morning, after his departure, closing the Session of the two Legislative Chambers which he had convoked immediately on being informed of the landing of Napoleon—It convoked them both anew, to meet at a place to be pointed out to them hereafter—It adds that by the defection of a part of the army the enemy had succeeded in approaching the Capital, and that although sure of the attachment of the immense majority of the inhabitants of Paris the king had determined by a temporary retirement to a different part of the kingdom, to avoid the calamities which might befal the metropolis by resistance before it—In the course of the morning of yesterday a detachment of Napoleon’s advanced guard entered the City amidst the acclamations of the same Multitude which had been for the last fortnight making the atmosphere ring with the cries of Vive le Roi—They took possession of the Tuileries, where the three coloured flag is now waving in triumph; and last Evening the walls of all the public places were covered with the proclamations of Napoleon, par la grace de Dieu, et les Constitutions, Empereur des Francais, addressed to the People, and to the army, pasted over the proclamations scarcely dry of Louis 18. declaring Napoleon Buonaparte a traitor and rebel, and commanding all civil, and military authorities and even every individual Citizen to seize and deliver him up to a court martial to identify his person and apply the penalties of the Law—Between ten and eleven o’clock last Night, I saw in the garden of the Palais-Royal, a huge bonfire of all the proclamations, Indignations, Execrations, addresses, Verses, and Appeals to the People and Army against the Corsican Monster and Tyrant, which had been loading the Columns of the Arches the preceding fortnight, and many of which had been stuck up there the same morning; probably by the identical hands which were now with shouts of thunder committing them to the flames.
It was expected that Napoleon himself would have entered the City last Evening, but it is said that there is to be a triumphal entry at Noon this day.—
I had written thus far when the Journal de l’Empire of this day was brought in to me—When the allied forces entered Paris this time last year, the Journal l’Empire was in one Night metamorphosed into the Journal des Débats—On my arrival in Paris I subscribed for it—Last Night it underwent the counter-metamorphosis, and this morning it is again the Journal de l’Empire, though it still bears the Timbre Royal—You will find it in the file, and if you will take the trouble of comparing the contents of the Jounal des Débats of Yesterday, 20 March, with those of the Journal de l’Empire of this day, March 21. you will see an epitome of what is taking place at Paris; and perhaps throughout France—The other public Journals do not even think it worth while to change their name.
It appears by this paper that the Emperor Napoleon arrived at the Palace of the Tuileries last Evening about eight O’Clock, and it may give you some idea of tranquility with which he entered, that it was not until I received the paper, that I knew he was in the City—He entered Grenoble and Lyons about the same hour, and in the same manner, with a report circulating that he was not to come until the next day—There may be a particular motive for this—Not more than four or five regiments of troops have entered the City with him, and it is not yet possible to say what the numbers of the troops who have joined him amount to—This much however appears to be certain; that on the first day of this Month, at the moment of landing he announced himself to the Nation and the Army as their Emperor, and that he has been recognized as such by all that portion of both who have come in his presence—That no legitimate and universally acknowledged Sovereign, ever traversed his dominions with more perfect acquiescence and submission on the part of his Subjects than he has found throughout the whole road, or was ever received in his Capital with more tranquility and unresisting obedience—It now remains to be seen whether the partizans of the Bourbons in any other part of the Country, will manifest at the moment of crisis an attachment more active and energetic than has been found in their friends at the Metropolis.
The Newspaper says it is not known what road the family of Bourbon took, on leaving Paris. But it is well known that they took the road towards the North—A notification was sent to the accredited foreign Ministers that the Court was about to remove to Lille, and inviting them to join it there; with the option however of returning to their own Governments—The garrison of Lille has been among the most ardent in their protestations of fidelity to the king; but whether he will trust himself to their hands may be doubted; and if he does whether it will be safe for him to remain long with them.
At present, the prospect is that in a very few weeks all France will be ranged once more, under the domination of Napoleon—I can scarcely offer a conjecture what part will be taken by the other Powers of Europe on this occasion—Napoleon holds out the olive branch to them in the remark that the French must forget they have been the Masters of other Nations, but he holds out the sword in the declaration that foreign Nations must not be suffered to intermeddle in the affairs of France—At all Events, the Settlement of European affairs at the Congress of Vienna cannot be considered as definitive.
In some of the Letters which I received from you last year, you made enquiries for certain books, which I did not find it possible to procure before my arrival here—I now send you by Mr Smith, the Timaeus of Locris and Ocellus Lucanus, with the translations and Commentary of the Marquis d’Argens; and I add to them another piece of antechristianity, of the same translator and commentator; the defence of Paganism by the apostate Julian—Scaliger’s prophecy of Enoch it has been impossible for me to find even here, though I have hunted for it at all the classical shops and stalls of the City.
My wife has not yet arrived; and as she has had ample time to come since she wrote me on the 5th: instant from Berlin, I am anxious for her arrival—Since the approach of Napoleon towards Paris, vast numbers of foreigners, and many others have left the City and taken flight in all directions—They have employed all the Post-horses on the road so that I am apprehensive my wife may have been detained for want of them. Possibly there may be some momentary impediment to the Passage of travellers at the frontiers—I hope to be relieved from anxiety before Mr Smith goes.
I am ever affectionately, your Son.
A.


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to Julia Stockton Rush, 23 March 1815
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Rush, Julia Stockton

My Dear Madam
Quincy March 23 1815

It is a very long time Since I have had the pleasure of hearing from you; but I have not been unmindfull of you or of yours. I have had much anxiety for the valuable Life of the Attorney General, and have now, many congratulations to offer you upon the prospect of his recovery. This is my first Subject, of congratulation—
“Friends, Country first, and
Then all Human Race”
And what Nation, or people, have greater reason for gratitude to heaven than America?
Their Arms crowned with victory, in circumstances unparalled, by any other Nation; their Navy triumphant, and peace restored to the Nation, upon honorable Terms; not any of her Rights, having been given up, or relinquished. what ever Grumblers may Say, for we must not estimate the Peace according to our desires, but to be fairly estimated, the Situation of the Parties, and of the world, at and during the Negotiation, must be taken into consideration, and
“Shall he alone when Rational we call
Be pleased with nothing, if not blest with all?”
That our Country was most critically Situated, no one will deny, and altho I beleive we Should have Weatherd the Storm; it might have cost us, much Blood, and not a little turbulence—Heaven has kindly interposed; and Sent us peace, with healing upon her wings—long may we enjoy it—
I hope my Dear Madam, that it will give you the opportunity, of again enjoying the Society of your daughters, and their Families, a pleasure I am not like myself to enjoy; the President having assignd my Son, J Q Adams, further services abroad. His two Sons, whom he left under the care of their grand-Father, and myself, he has now requested, may be Sent to him, and they will embark early next Month for England. I am ready to Say with the old Patriarch, and will you take Benjamin also? I find it very hard to part with them, the Eldest now 14teen—I consider it for their benifit; and for what else do we Live?
I have also parted with two of my Granddaughters Since I had last the pleasure of addressing you, Caroline Amelia Smith, the only Daughter of my dear lamented Daughter, is agreably married, and returnd to her Native State of Nyork. then followd, Abbe Louissa Smith Adams, whom you may recollect with her Mother, when she resided at Philadelphia; young indeed, but married to a Gentleman in Nyork, very Eligibly, and agreable to her Friends.
we Stand now like a tree in a plain Striped of of its Branches, a few young Scions left, whom we cannot expect to live, to See their maturity.
I feel however some releif at the consideration that my Son J Q A will be So much nearer to me, with his Family, than when he resided in the Cold Region of the North, and that the Peace, will give me the opportunity of frequent, and safe communication with him. I ask no apology for Saying So much of myself, and Family. I only ask, in return, a similar account of you and yours. the Ancient and Steady Friend of your Family unites with me, in friendly Salutations to yours.
Abigail Adams.


Title: From John Adams to John Quincy Adams, 1 April 1815
From: Adams, John
To: Adams, John Quincy

My dear sir
Quincy April 1. 1815

We live in dayly, hourly hopes of Letters from you at Paris. I wrote you by the Milo Capt Glover, and have written by the New Packett Captain Bronson, who is to carry your Sons under the care of Mr Samuel G. Perkins and his Lady. Two of our belle Esprits, the Greek Professor and Mr Ticknor, go in the Same Ship. The opportunity is favourable for our young Gentlemen, as far as We can judge.
The Coast Fisheries agitate, distress, perplex and torment me as much now as they did thirty years ago. The grand Bank is of small importance in comparison with them. Not one Particle of them must be given Up. No! Att every hazard! At the certainty of eternal War, they must not be relinquished.
Upon Principles of present Interest Great Britain will gain more than We shall by our amplest Enjoyment of this Right. The Truth is New England has no other means of remittance for her immense consumption of British Manufactures, than the Profitts or rather proceeds of these Fisheries, We have no other Staple. Every Guinea We get by them goes to Great Britain to pay for her Toys. Deprive New England of these Fisheries and We have but two Resources. One is to become, altogether a Manufacturing People; the other to emigrate in a body to Mississippi, Ohio, New york and the Borders of the Lakes. Commerce, Navigation and Fisheries, are the only preventatives of New England from becoming Manufactures, or Emigrants. Once convert New England into Manufacturers and Great Britain will See the Effects. They will be Such as she does not foresee. If G.B. has any Friends left in America, they are in New England. If New England is allienated, North America will Seek the Ennemies of G.B. in all quarters of the Globe and unite with them against her.
She will Say, “the coast Fisheries are a Nursery of Seamen. True. But are they not as good a Nursery to G.B. as  they are to Us? Have We not as urgent, irritating, provoking, insupportable Causes of Jealousy of the Seamen of G.B. as She has of ours? It will not do for G.B. to look too far into futurity. She as well as We must conform to the Constitution and Course of Nature. I will not Say, a Revolution is on the Eve of taking place, on this whole Globe. You my Son, must not Speculate. You must do your duty, obey your Instructions, or renounce your office and come home. Dearly as I love you and every Sprigg from your Stem, I had rather hear you were all Sunk in the Ocean than See your Name to a resignation of one Particle or Iota of our Rights and Liberties in the Fisheries. If you are instructed to the contrary, resign your Commission and come home. Whether these are Prejudices, Feelings, Passions or Reasonings, I deliver them to you as the deliberate Advice of your Father
John Adamsare ye not of more value than many sparrows?


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to John Quincy Adams, 1 April 1815
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Adams, John Quincy

my dear Son
Quincy April 1st 1815

The Galen, Capt Tracy, is ready to sail, and by her I write you a few lines altho much in haste. to say that we are all well, and preparing your sons; to send to you, in the crew packet. Captain Branson for Liverpool; he is from Hingham, and well known by the Children, which renders it much more agreable to them, than going with a Stranger. I hoped to have heard from you again, before we sent them out, but as your request, was repeated, in two letter, “that if you were appointed to England, to send them to you,” we have not lost any time since that event, to comply with your request.
It is rather early in the season but our inducement to send them in this vesel, is that Mr Thomas Samuel G Perkins Lady and Son, mr Edward Everetts late pastor in Brattle Square Church, now elected Greek professor in the university of Cambridge whose fame is in all our Churches, are passengers in this vesel, and mr George Tickner, whose Father you knew; a gentleman of a fine mind, good morals, amiable, Manners, and Shining talents, who knowing once, you will wish to know more of. These have all agreed to take your sons, under their care: but the particular Family one of them, is commited to mr and mrs Perkins; who have engaged to take them under their Eye; and consider them as part of their own Family, and keep them with them, untill they hear from you—and may god send you a happy meeting. the parting with them, is another trial added to the many of the kind, which I have had to encounter through Life. their benefit, is that which reconciles me to it, and knowing that in the course of Nature, they must soon part with me in that event, I should feel happier to know that they were left under your immediate Eye. I have not any Letters from you of a later date than 24 december—a memorible day for America. by giving as a peace, tho not all we could wish, yet under all circumstances, such as the Nation we are satisfied with, this was proved by the universal joy which it inspired, and the testimony of every Heart, a few grumblers there will be, who are never satisfied, and who envy’d the present Rulers the Glory they have acquird. I am ready to ask in the Language of the Poet.
“Shall man alone whom rational, we call
Be pleased, with nothing, if not blest with all?”
I most ardently long to hear that you are joined by mrs Adams and Charles, and if I live to hear my dear Boys are Safely arrived, it will indeed gladen my Heart, to know that you are so much nearer to me, than you have been for the last five years: and that I can communicate with you, with so much greater facility, will render your long absence less urksome—
I inclose a letter which should have gone by the Milo Captain Glover for Liverpool. George labours under many disadvantageous, from a growth beyond his years.—his disposition is such, that you may easily shew him, and he is very desirious of doing right, ready to confess a fault or an error. John is the most ardent volatile active being you can conceive, free of the kindlessness of—gay spirits, with a good capacity, wanting a watchful guide and governeur—the training them to virtue, and usefulness, is very near my Heart, and cannot be less so to yours—that you may be successfull in the arduous undertaking— / Is the prayer of your truly affectionate / Mother

Abigail Adams

If mrs Adams is with you give my love to her and say I shall write soon to her—P.S. The new packet is expected to be ready to sail, in 10 days—. Mr: G B Adams a is in Boston to make arrangements for George & John.


Title: From Elizabeth Smith Shaw Peabody to Abigail Smith Adams, 1 April 1815
From: Peabody, Elizabeth Smith Shaw
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

					My dear Sister,
					Atkinson April 1st. 1815

				will be so good as to send the enclosed to Dr Tufts, & she will oblige me—I have not time now only to request you to give our love to the dear Lads, who  are going to the arms of the best of Parents—May they reach him in safty, & rejoice his heart—My dear Brother, & Sister, have long sacrificed private feelings, to the publick Interest—Though I regret the satisfaction you are deprived of, in not having him return to his Country, & the bosom of his family, at present, yet we must   all highly approve of the Presidents appointment.The Stage is come  adieu—

					E P


Title: From John Adams to William Stephens Smith, 4 April 1815
From: Adams, John
To: Smith, William Stephens

Dear Smith
Quincy April 4th 1815

Washington used to say Sometimes “They work me hard” Sam. Allen Otis said a day or two before his Death “They work me two hard” And I who have not the Honor to be “Father of my Country” nor Secretary of the Senate, might now say in my Octoginary year, that John Taylor and a dozen others, some of them greater and some of them less Men, now work me confoundedly hard: but I will not say it. I Scorne to say it. No! I hold them all at arms length and, I will not be worked harder than I please. But I want some body to Copy my Letters to the great Taylor. Think not however, that this is a motive with me to invite you to Quincy. No! I should be very glad to see you, if your Obligations to your Family and your Constituents will permit you to make the Visit before the next meeting of Congress: and I will not ask you to Copy a Letter, unless your Curiosity should prompt You to wish to do it.
We shall now I hope, have a freer Communication, with our Blood in Europe. I really wish to see you. I have things to say to you about Fisheries and Missippi Navigation and other Subjects: about which this Nation is fast asleep, or I am raving distracted—

PS can you furnish me with a Copy of Hamiltons Letter in answer to Miranda’s? in what Journal, Magazine, Review or Newspaper is it deposited. It is of more importance to you and me, than you imagin, that I should know the exact Truth, concerning that Letter, than you are aware.—
John Adams—


Title: To John Adams from Stephen Peabody, 9 April 1815
From: Peabody, Stephen
To: Adams, John

					Hond. Sir,
					Sunday morning April 9th. 1815

				With a trembling hand, I inform you of the removal of my dear Companion and best friend, by the stroke of death, this morning, between three & 4 OClock. She was seiz’d with a lung-complaint, was yesterday unwell but not confind; went to bed comfortable, and slept till after midnight, waked in distress, and soon was call’d without any peculiar struggle, in the full exercise of reason, I trust to a better world! My loss is irreparable!May Heaven support me, and all her mourning Friends!—We propose to have the funeral on Wednesday next, wish for the presence of such of our friends, as are able to attend, “to mourn with those who mourn! Let me have your prayers, that I may be supported under this sore bereavement!—Wishing the surviving  Sister divine consolations, I / am dear Sir, / Your distressed Brother—

					S. Peabody