Title: Remarks, 1787–1788
From: Washington, George
To: Humphreys, David

[1787–88]

It was rather the wish of my eldest brother (on whom the general concerns of the family devolved) that this shd take place & the matter was contemplated by him—My father died when I was only 10 years old.
He was not appointed Adjutant General of the Militia of Virginia untill after his return from the expedition to Carthagena. Nor did he Command the Colonial troops on that occasion. these were under the Orders of Sir Wm Gooch Lt Govr of Virginia—He was no more than the Senior Officer of those which were raised in this Colony & wch with those of the other Colonies formed what was called the American Brigade—under Sir William Gouch—he was scarcely of age when he went on this expedn.
and from whom he had received many distinguished marks of patronage & favor.
Not all—for the second Son (Augustine) left many childn, sevl of whom are now living; and inherit a very large portion of his Fathers Estate. perhaps the best part.

Before he was 20 years of age.
He was then more than 21 years—as will appear from dates.
at a most inclement Season, for he travelled over the Apalachean Mountains, and passed 250 miles thro an uninhabited wilderness Country (except by a few tribes of Indians settled on the Banks of the Ohio) to Presque Isle within 15 Miles of Lake Erie in the depth of winter when the whole face of the Earth was covered with snow and the waters covered with Ice; The whole dist[anc]e from Wmsburgh the then seat of Governmt at least 500 miles.
It was on this occasion he was named by the half-King (as he was called) and the tribes of Nations with whom he treated—Caunotaucarius (in English) the Town taker; which name being registered in their Manner & communicated to other Nations of Indians, has been remembered by them ever since in all their transactions with him during the late war.
This is a task to which G. W. feels himself very incompetent (with any degree of accuracy) from the badness of his memory

—loss of Papers—mutilated state, in which those of that date were preserved—and the derangement of them by frequent removals in the late war & want of time to collect and methodize them since. However accordg to the best of his ⟨recollection:⟩ by the indefatigable Industry of the Lt Colo. and the Officers who seconded his measures the Regiment was in great forwardness at Alexandria (the place of general rendezvous) early in the spring of 1754 and without waiting till the whole should be compleated—or for a detachment from the Independant Companies of regulars in the Southern Provences (which had been ⟨reqsd⟩ by the Executive of Virginia for this Service) or for troops which were raising in North Carolina and destined in conjunction to oppose the Incroachment of the French on our Western frontiers—He began his March in the Month of May in order to open the Road, and this he had to do almost the whole distance from Winchester (in the County of Frederick not more than 80 miles from Alexandria to the Ohio)—⟨For⟩ deposits—&ca—and for the especiall purpose of siezing, if possible, before the French shd arrive at it, the important Post at the conflux of the Alligany and Monongahela; with the advantages of which he was forcibly struck the preceeding year; and earnestly advised the securing of with Militia, or some other temporary force—But notwithstanding all his exertions, the New, and uncommon difficulties he had to encounter (made more intolerable by incessant Rains and swelled waters of which he had many to cross) he had but just ascended the Lawrel Hill 50 M: short of his object: after a March of 230 Miles from Alexa. when he received information from his Scouts that the French had in force, siezed the Post he was pushing to obtain; having descended from Presque Isle by the Rivers Le beouf and Alligany to this Place by water with artillery &ca &ca—The object of his precipitate advance being thus defeated—The detachmt of regulars, wch had arrived at Alexa. (by water) and under his orders being far in his rear—and no Acct of the Troops from No. Carolina—it was thought advisable to fall back a few miles, to a place—known by the name of the great meadows—abounding in Forage more convenient for the purpose of forming a Magazine & bringing up the rear—and to advance from (if we should ever be in ⟨force⟩ to do it) to the attack of the Post which the enemy now occupied; and had called Du Quesne—At this place, some days

after, we were joined by the above detachment of regulars; consisting (before they were reduced on the March by desertion, Sickness &ca) of a Captn (McKay a brave & worthy Officer)—three Subalterns—and 100 Rank & file. But previous to this junction the French sent a detachment to reconnoitre our Camp to obtain intelligence of our strength & position; notice of which being given by the Scouts G. W. marched at the head of a party, attacked, killed 9 or 10; & captured 20 odd. This, as soon as the enemy had assembled their Indian allies, brought their whole force upon him; consisting, according to their own compared with the ⟨best accts⟩ that could be obtained from others of about 1500 Men. His force consisted of the detachment above mentioned, and between two and 300 Virginians; for the few Indians which till now had attended ⟨him,⟩ and who by reconnoitering the enemy in their March had got terrified at their numbers and resolved to retreat as they advised us to do also but which was impracticable without abandoning our Stores—Baggage—&ca as the horses which had brought them to this place had returned for Provision & had left us previous to the Attack. About 9 Oclock on the 3d of July the Enemy advanced with Shouts, and dismal Indian yells to our Intrenchments, but was opposed by so warm, spirited, & constant a fire, that to force the works in that way was abandoned by them—they then, from every little rising—tree—Stump—Stone—and bush kept up a constant galding fire upon us; which was returned in the best manner we could till late in the afternn when their fell the most tremendous rain that can be conceived—filled our trenches with water—wet, not only the ammunition in boxes and firelocks, but that which was in a small temporary Stockade in the middle of the Intrenchment called Fort Necessity erected for the sole purpose of its security, and that of the few stores we had; and left us nothing but a few (for all were not provided with them) Bayonets for defence. In this situation & no prosp⟨ect⟩ of bettering it[,] terms of capitulation were offered to us by the ene⟨my⟩ wch with some alterations that were insisted upon were the more readily acceded to, as we had no Salt provisions, & but indifferently supplied with fresh; which, from the heat of the weather, would not keep; and because a full third of our numbers Officers as well as privates were, by this time, killed or wounded—The next Morning we marched out with the honors of War, but

were soon plundered contrary to the articles of capitulation of great part of our Baggage by the Savages. Our Sick and wounded were left with a detachment under the care, and command of the worthy Doctr Craik (for he was not only Surgeon to the Regiment but a lieutt therein[)] with such necessaries as we could collect and the Remains of the Regimt, and the detachment of Regulars, took up their line for the interior Country. And at Winchester met 2 Companies from No. Carolina on their March to join them—These being fresh, & properly provided, were ordered to proceed to Wills’s Creek & establish a post (⟨afterwards⟩ called Fort Cumberland) for the purpose of covering the Frontiers⟨,⟩ Where they were joined by a Company from Maryland, which, about this time, had been raized—Captn McKay with his detachment remd at Winchester; & the Virginia Regiment proceedd to Alexandria in order to recruit, & get supplied with cloathing & necessarys of which they stood much in need. In this manner the Winter was employed, when advice was recd of the force destined for this Service under the ordrs of G. B. and the arrival of Sir Jno. St Clair the Q: Mastr Genl with some new arrangement of Rank by which no officer who did not immediately derive his Comn from the King could command one who did—This was too degrading for G. W. to submit to; accordingly, he resigned his Military employment; determining to serve the next campaign as a Volunteer; but upon the arrival of Genl Braddock he was very particularly noticed by that General—taken into his family as an extra-Aid—offered a Captns Comn by brevet (which was the highest Grade he had it in his power to bestow⟨)⟩ and had the compliment of several blank Ensigncies given him to dispose of to the Young Gentlemen of his acqe to supply the vacancies in the 44 and 48 Regts which had arrived from Ireland.
In this capacity he commenced his second Campaign and used every proper occasion till he was taken Sick & left behind in the vicinity of Fort Cumberland to impress the Genl, & the principal Officers around him, with the necessity of opposing the nature of his defence, to the mode of attack which, more

than probably, he would experience from the Canadian French, and their Indians on his March through the Mountains & covered Country but so prepossed were they in favr of regularity & discipline and in such absolute contemp⟨t⟩ were these people held, that the admonition was suggested in vain.
About the middle of June, this Armament consisting of the two Regiments from Ireland—some Independant Companies and the Provincial troops of Virga Maryld & North Carolina, began to move from Fort Cumberland whither they had assembled—after several days March; and difficulties to which they had never been accustomed in regular Service, in Champaign Countries; and of whh they seemed to have had very little idea—the Genl resolved to divide his force, and at the head of the first division which was composed of the flower of his Army, to advance; and leave Colo. Dunbar with the second division & the heavy Baggage & Stores, to follow after. By so doing, the first division approached the Monongahela 10 miles short of Fort Duquesne the 8th of July; at which time and place having so far recovered from a severe fever and delerium from which he had been rescued by James’s powder, administed by the positive order of the Genl as to travel in a covered Waggon, he joined him and the next day tho’ much reduced and very weak mounted his horse on cushions, & attended as one of his aids.
About 10 Oclock on the 9th, after the Van had crossed the Monongahela the second time, to avoid an ugly defile (the season being very dry & waters low) and the rear yet in the River the front was attacked; and by the unusual Hallooing and whooping of the enemy, whom they could not see, were so disconcerted and confused as soon to fall into irretrievable disorder. The rear was forced forward to support them, but seeing no enemy, and themselves falling every moment from the fire, a general panic took place among the Troops from which no exertions of the Officers could recover them—In the early part of the Action some of the Irregulars (as they were called) without direc⟨t⟩ns advanced to the right, in loose order, to attack; but this unhappily from the unusual appearance of the movement being mistaken for cowardice and a running away was discountenanced—and before it was too late, & the confusion became general an offer was made by G. W. to head the Provincials, & engage the enemy in their own way; but the propriety of it was not seen into until

it was too late for execution[.] after this, many attempts were made to dislod⟨ge⟩ the enemy from an eminence on the Right but they all proved eneffectual; and fatal to the Officers who by great exertions and good examples endeavourd to accomplish it. In one of these the Genl recd the Wd of which he died; but previous to it, had several horses killed & disabled under him. Captns Orme & Morris his two Aids de Camp having received wounds which rendered them unable to attd G. W. remained the sole aid through the day, to the Genl; he also had one horse killed, and two wounded under him—A ball through his hat—and several through his clothes, but escaped unhurt—Sir Peter Halket (secd in Command) being early killed—Lieutt Colo. Burton & Sir Jno. St Clair (who had the Rank of Lt Colo. in the Army) being badly wounded—Lieutt Colo. Gage (afterwards Genl Gage) having recd a contusion—No person knowing in the disordered State things were who the Surviving Senr Officer was & the Troops by degrees going off in confusion; without a ray of hope left of further opposition from those that remained G. W. placed the Genl in a small covered Cart, which carried some of his most essential equipage, and in the best order he could, with the ⟨last⟩ Troops (who only contind to be fired at) brought him over the first ford of the Monongahela; where they were formed in the best order circumstances would admit on a piece of rising ground; after wch, by the Genls order, he rode forward to halt those which had been earlier in the retreat: Accordingly, after crossing the Monongahela the second time and ascending the heights, he found Lieutt Colo. Gage engaged in this business to whom he delivered the Genls order and then returned to report the situation he found them in—When he was again requested by the Genl whom he met coming on, in his litter with the first halted troops, to proceed (it then being after sundown) to the second division under the command of Colo. Dunbar, to make arrangements for covering the retreat, and forwarding on provisions & refreshments to the retreating & wounded Soldiery—To accomplish this, for the 2d division was 40 odd miles in the rear it took up the whole night & part of the next morning—which from the weak state in which he was, and the fatigues and anxiety of the last 24 hours, rendered him in a manner wholly unfit for the execution of the duty he was sent upon when he arrived at Dunbars Camp—To

the best of his power however, he discharged it, and remained with the secd division till the other joined it. The shocking Scenes which presented themselves in this Nights March are not to be described—The dead—the dying—the groans—lamentation—and crys along the Road of the wounded for help (for those under the latter descriptions endeavoured from the first commencement of the action—or rather confusion to escape to the 2d divn) were enough to pierce a heart of adamant. the gloom & horror of which was not a little encreased by the impervious darkness occasioned by the close shade of thick woods which in places rendered it impossible for the two guides which attended to know when they were in, or out of the track but by groping on the ground with their hands.
Happy was it for him, and the remains of the first division that they left such a quantity of valuable and enticing baggage on the field as to occasion a scramble and contention in the seizure & distribution of it among the enemy for had a pursuit taken place—by passing the defile which we had avoided; and they had got into our rear, the whole, except a few woodsmen, would have fallen victims to the merciless Savages—Of about 12 or 13 hundred which were in this action eight or 9 hundd were either killed or wounded; among whom a large proportion of brave & valuable Officers were included—The folly & consequence of opposing compact bodies to the sparse manner of Indian fighting, in woods, which had in a manner been predicted, was now so clearly verified that from hence forward another mode obtained in all future operations.
As soon as the two divisions united, the whole retreated towards Fort Cumberland; and at an Incampment near the Great Meadows the brave, but unfortunate Genl Braddock breathed his last. He was interred with the honors of war, and as it was left to G. W. to see this performed, & to mark out the spot for the reception of his remains—to guard against a savage triumph, if the place should be discovered—they were deposited in the Road over which the Army, Waggons &ca passed to hide every trace by which the entombment could be discovered. thus died a man, whose good & bad qualities were intimately blended. He was brave even to a fault and in regular Service would have done honor to his profession—His attachments were warm—his enmities were strong—and having no disguise about him, both appeared

in full force. He was generous & disinterested—but plain and blunt in his manner even to rudeness—After this event, the Troops continued their March for, and soon arrived at Fort Cumberland without molestation: and all except the P[rovincia]ls immediately resolved to proceed to Philadelphia; by which means the Frontiers of that State but more especially those of Virginia and Maryland were laid entirely open by the very avenue which had been prepared. Of the direful consequences of this measure G. W., in a visit wch he immediately made to Williamsburgh for the purpose brought the Govr & Council of Virga acquainted—But In vain did they remonstrate against the March of the B. Troops to that place to the Officer comdg them. They proceeded to augment their own: the command of which under a very enlarged & dignified Commission, to Command all the Troops now raised, or to be raised in the Colony, was given to him with very extensive powers, and blank Commissions to appoint all New Officers. About this time also or soon after it the discontents and clamours of the Provincial Officers, and the remonstrance of G. W. in person, to Genl Shirley, the then Comr in chief of the British Forces in America and through the Govr & Council to the Kings Minister with respect to the degrading Situation in which they were placed[,] a new arrangement took place by the Kings order, by which every Provincial Officer was to rank according to the Comn he bore, but to be junr to those of the same grade in the established Corps.
As G. W. foresaw, so it happened, the frontiers were continually harrassed—but not having force enough to carry the war to the gates of Du Quesne, he could do no more than distribute the Troops along the Frontiers in Stockaded Forts; more with a view to quiet the fears of the Inhabitants than from any expectation of giving security on so extensive a line to the settlements. During this interval in one of his tours along the frontier posts—he narrowly escaped, according to the acc. afterwards given by some of our People who were Prisoners with them, and eyewitness at the time ⟨illegible falling⟩ by an Indian party who had waylaid (for another purpose) the communication along which

with a small party of horse only he was passing—the road in this place formed a curve—and the prey they were in weight for being expected at the reverse part, the Captn of the party had gone across to observe the number [and] manner of their movemt &ca in order that he might make his disposition accordingly leaving orders for the party not to take notice of any passengers the other ⟨way⟩ till he returned to them—in the mean time in the opposite direction I passed & escaped almt certain destruction for the weather was raining and the few Carbines unfit for use if we had escaped the first fire—This happened near Fort Vass. Never ceasing in the mean time in his attempts, to demonstrate to the Legislature of Virga—to Lord Loudoun—&ca that the only means of preventing the devastations to which the middle states were exposed, was to remove the cause. But the war by this time raging in another quarter of the Continent all applications were unheeded till the year 1758 when an Expedition against Fort Du Quesne was concerted, and undertaken under the conduct of Genl Forbes; who tho a brave & good Officer, was so much debilitated by bad health, and so illy supplied with the means to carry on the expedition, that it was November before the Troops got to Loyal hanning: 50 or 60 miles short of Duquesne & even then was on the very point of abandoning the Exhibition when some seasonable supplies arriving the Army was formed into three Brigades took up its March—and moved forward; the Brigade Commanded by G. W. being the leading one.
Previus to this, and during the time the Army lay at Loyal haning a circumstance occurred wch involved the life of G. W. in as much jeopardy as it had ever been before or since[.] the enemy sent out a large detachment to reconnoitre our Camp, and to ascertain our strength; in consequence of Intelligence that they were within 2 Miles of the Camp a party commanded by Lt Colo. Mercer of the Virga line (a gallant & good Officer)

was sent to dislodge them between whom a Severe conflict & hot firing ensued which lasting some time & appearing to approach the Camp it was conceived that our party was yielding the ground upon which G. W. with permission of the Genl called (for dispatch) for Volunteers and immediately marched at their head to sustain, as was conjectured the retiring troops. led on by the firing till he came within less than half a mile, & it ceasing, he detached Scouts to investigate the cause & to communicate his approach to his friend Colo. Mercer advancing slowly in the meantime—But it being near dusk and the intelligence not having been fully dissiminated among Colo. Mercers Corps, and they taking us, for the enemy who had retreated approaching in another direction commenced a heavy fire upon the releiving party which drew fire in return in spite of all the exertions of the Officers one of whom & several privates were killed and many wounded before a stop could be put to it. to accomplish which G. W. never was in more imminent danger by being between two fires, knocking up with his sword the presented pieces.
When the Army had got within about 12 or 15 miles of the Fort the enemy dispairing of its defence, blew it up—having first embarked their Artillery Stores & Troops—and retreated by water down the Ohio to their Settlements below—thus ended that Campaign, a little before Christmas in very inclement weather; and the last one made during that War by G. W. whose health by this time (as it had been declining for many months before occasioned by an inveterate disorder in his Bowels) became so precarious as to induce him (having seen quiet restored by this event to the Frontiers of his own Country which was the principal inducement to his taking arms) to resign his Military appointments—The sollicitation of the Troops which he commanded to Continue—their Affecte farewell address to him, when they found the Situation of his health and other circumstances would not allow it affected him exceedingly and in grateful sensibility he expressed the warmth of his attachmt to them on that, and his inclination to serve them on every other future occasion.
I beleive about 7,000 Bushls of Wheat and 10,000 bushels of Indn Corn which was more the staple of the farm.

Whether it be necessary to mention that my time & services were given to the public without compensation, and that every direct, and indirect attempt afterwards, to reward them (as appeared by the Letter of G. Mifflin—and the vote of 50 shares in each of the Navigations of Potomack & James River by the State of Virga who knew that I would refuse any thing that should carry with it the appearance of reward[)]—you can best judge.
(1). once a week is his fixed hunts tho sometimes he goes oftner.
(2) and many others in this Country
(3) remarking the state of the Weather—nature of the Soil &ca


Title: From George Washington to Thomas Jefferson, 1 January 1788
From: Washington, George
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir,
Mount Vernon [1 January 1788]

I have received your favor of the 15th of August, and am sorry that it is not in my power to give you any further information relative to the practicability of opening a communication between Lake Erie and the Ohio, than you are already possessed of. I have made frequent enquiries since the time of your writing to me on that subject while Congress were sitting at Annapolis, but could never collect any thing that was decided or satisfactory: I have again renewed them, and flatter myself with better prospect of success.
The accts generally agree as to its being a flat country between the waters of Lake Erie & Big-Beaver; but differ very much with respect to the distance between their sources—their navigation—and the inconveniencies which would attend the cutting a canal between them.
From the best information I have been able to obtain of that Country, the sources of the Muskingham & Cayohoga approach nearer to each other than any water of Lake Erie does to Big-Beaver: But a communication by this River would be more circuitous & difficult; having the Ohio in a greater extent, to ascend; unless the latter could be avoided by opening a communication between James River and the Great Kanhawa—or between the little Kanhawa and the west branch of Monongahela, which is said to be very practicable by a short portage—As testimony thereof, the States of Virginia & Maryland have opened (for I believe it is compleated) a road from the No. branch of Potomack, commencing at, or near the mouth of Savage River, to the Cheat River, from whence the former are continuing it to the Navigable water of the little Kanhawa.
The distance between Lake Erie & the Ohio, through the Big-Beaver, is, however, so much less than the rout through the Muskingham, that it would, in my opinion, operate very strongly in favor of opening a canal between the Source of the nearest water of the Lake & Big-Beaver, altho the distance between them should be much greater and the operation more difficult than to the Muskingham. I shall omit no opportunity of gaining every information relative to this important Subject;

and will, with pleasure, communicate to you whatever may be worthy of your attention.
I did myself the honor to forward to you the plan of Government formed by the Convention, the day after that body rose; but was not a little disappointed, and mortified indeed (as I wished to make the first offering of it to you) to find by a letter from Commod[or]e Jones, dated in New York the 9th of Novr that it was, at that time, in his possession. You have, undoubtedly recd it, or some other ’ere now, and formed an opinion upon it. The public attention is, at present, wholly engrossed by this important subject. The Legislatures of those States (Rhode Island excepted) which have met since the Constitution has been formed, have readily assented to its being submitted to a Convention chosen by the People. Pensylvania, New Jersey, & Delaware are the only States whose Conventions have as yet decided upon it. In the former it was adopted by 46 to 23 and in the two latter unanimously. Connecticut and Massachusetts are to hold their Conventions on the 1st & 2d tuesdays of this Month—Maryland in April, Virginia in June, and upon the whole, it appears, so far as I have had an opportunity of learning the opinions of the people in the several States, that it will be received. There will, undoubtedly, be more or less opposition to its adoption in most of the States; and in none a more formidable one than in this; as many influencial characters here have taken a decided part against it, among whom are Mr Henry, Colo. Mason, Govr Randolph and Colo. R. H. Lee; but from every information which I have been able to obtain, I think there will be a majority in its favor notwithstanding their dissention. In New York a considerable opposition will also be given.
I am much obliged to you, my dear Sir, for the Acct which you gave me of the general state of affairs in Europe. I am glad to hear that the Assemblée des Notables has been productive of good in France. The abuse of the finances being disclosed to the King, & the Nation, must open their eyes, and lead to the adoption of such measures as will prove beneficial to them in future. From the public papers it appears that the Parliaments of the several Provinces, & particularly that of Paris, have acted with great spirit & resolution. Indeed the rights of Mankind, the priviledges of the people, and the true principles of liberty, seem

to have been more generally discussed & better understood throughout Europe since the American revolution than they were at any former period.
Altho’ the finances of France and England were such as led you to suppose, at the time you wrote to me, would prevent a rupture between those two powers, yet, if we credit the concurrent accts from every quarter, there is little doubt but that they have commenced hostilities before this. Russia & the Porte have formally began the contest, and from appearances (as given to us) it is not improbable but that a pretty general war will be kindled in Europe. should this be the case, we shall feel more than ever the want of an efficient general Government to regulate our Commercial concerns, to give us a National respectability, and to connect the political views and interests of the several States under one head in such a manner as will effectually prevent them from forming seperate, improper, or indeed any connection, with the European powers which can involve them in their political disputes. For our situation is such as makes it not only unnecessary, but extremely imprudent for us to take a part in their quarrels; and whenever a contest happens among them, if we wisely & properly improve the advantages which nature has given us, we may be benefitted by their folly—provided we conduct ourselves with circumspection, & under proper restriction, for I perfectly agree with you, that an extensive speculation, a spirit of gambling, or the introduction of any thing which will divert our attention from Agriculture, must be extremely prejudicial, if not ruinous to us. but I conceive under an energetic general Government such regulations might be made, and such measures taken, as would render this Country the asylum of pacific and industrious characters from all parts of Europe—would encourage the cultivation of the Earth by the high price which its products would command—and would draw the wealth, and wealthy men of other Nations, into our own bosom, by giving security to property, and liberty to its holders. I have the honor to be with great esteem & regard Dear Sir Yr Most Obedt & Most Hble Servt

Go: Washington


Title: To George Washington from Lafayette, 1 January 1788
From: Lafayette, Marie-Joseph-Paul-Yves-Roch-Gilbert du Motier, marquis de
To: Washington, George

My dear General
Paris january the 1st 178[8]

I am fortunate in this Opportunity to wish you a Happy New year, and to devote the first Moments of this day to the Heartfelt pleasure to Remind you, My Beloved General, of your Adoptive Son and Most Affectionate, devoted friend. I Beg you will present My Best Respects to Mrs Washington. Madame de Lafayette joins in the Most tender Compliments to you and to Her and I Hope, My dear General, that you will Be so kind as to Mention me Very Affectionately to All the family and friends.
It is Needless for me to tell you that I Read the New proposed Constitution with An unspeackable Eagerness and Attention. I Have Admired it, and find it is a Bold, large, and solid frame for the Confederation. The Electionneering principles with Respect to the two Houses of Congress are Most Happily Calculated. I am only Affraid of two things—1st the want of a declaration of Rights 2dly the Great powers and possible Continuance of the president, who May one day or other Become a State Holder. Should My observations Be well founded, I still am Easy on two Accounts. The first that a Bill of Rights May Be Made if wished for By the people Before they Accept the Constitution—My other Comfort is that you Cannot Refuse Being Elected president—and that if you think the public vessel Can stir without such powers, you will Be able to lessen them, or propose Measures Respecting the permanence, Which Cannot fail to insure a Greater perfection in the Constitution, and a New Crop of Glory to Yourself—But in the Name of America, of Mankind at large, and Your Own fame, I Beseech you, my dear General, Not to deny your Acceptance of the office of president for the first Years—You only Can settle that political Machine, and I foresee it will furnish An Admirable Chapter in your History.
I am Returned from the provincial Assembly of Auvergne, Wherein I Had the Happiness to please the people and the Misfortune to displease Governement to a very Great degree—the

Ministry Asked for an Encrease of Revenue—our province was Among the few who Gave Nothing, and she Expressed Herself in a Manner which Has Been taken Very Much Amiss. the internal Situation of france is Very Extraordinary—the dispositions of the people of which I Gave you a picture are working themselves into a Great degree of fermentation—But Not without a Mixture of levity and love of ease. the parliaments are every day passing the boundaries of their Constitution, But are Sure to be Approuved By the Nation, When, Among Many Unrational things, they Have the Good policy to Call for a General Assembly. Governement See that the power of the Crown is declining, and Now want to Retrieve it By an ill timed and dangerous Severity. they Have Monney Enough for this year—so at least they think—for My part, I am Heartily wishing for a Constitution, and a Bill of Rights, and Wish it May Be effected with as much tranquillity and Mutual satisfaction as it is possible.
The Emperor Has Made a foolish Attempt on Belgrade—But Cannot fail to take it an other time—and at the Entrance of the Spring the two imperial Courts will oppen a Vigourous and No doubt successfull Campaign against the turks. these Have Been led into a war by Great Britain, and should france take a decisive part, it is more probable she will side with Russia. But this Governement will avoid Being Committed in the affair, and perhaps will not Be the Better for it. the king of Prussia is Now Courting france, and proposes, I think, to Withdraw His Regiments from Holland. But this is A very insufficient, and probably a very Useless Reparation.
Enclosed, My dear General, are an Arrêt of the Council, and a letter to Mr Jefferson Both of which after long Negotiations we Have Had the Satisfaction to Obtain. I expected it Might Be finished Before My journey to Auvergne, But New difficulties Have Arose and Mr jefferson and Myself Have But lately ended the Business. I am More and More pleased with Mr jefferson. His abilities, His Virtues, His temper, Every thing of Him Commands Respect and Attracts Affection. He Enjoys Universal Regard, and does the Affairs of America to perfection it is the Happiest choice that Could Be Made. Adieu, My dear General, with filial love and Respect I Have the Honour to Be Your devoted and Affectionate friend

Lafayette


Title: To George Washington from Lafayette, 2 January 1788
From: Lafayette, Marie-Joseph-Paul-Yves-Roch-Gilbert du Motier, marquis de
To: Washington, George

My dear General
Paris January the 2d 1788

I Have writen to You By way of England, and will only inclose a duplicate of the arrêt of the Council and letter to Mr Jefferson which I Hope May Serve the Commerce of the United States—I Am the More wishing for an Encrease of intercourse Betwen the two Nations, as Mr Jefferson and Myself Have pledged ourselves with the Ministry that it would Be the Case. And indeed it is Equally Necessary to Keep up the dispositions of france, and

Change those of Great Britain, who now Have all the profits, while they Grant No favours. You see, my dear General, that a wide field is Now oppened to the Speculations of American Merchants.
The Emperor is determined on a war Against the turks. How far this winter’s negotiations May adjust Matters I don’t know. But it is probable that the ottomans will Have to fight with the two imperial Courts, and Cannot fail very dearly to pay for the sport. European politics have much changed Since the King of prussia and Grand Signor Gave themselves up to British influence—An alliance with the imperial Courts would Now Better suit france, and She Could not Be a looser in the Bargain. But Her first Aim will Be to Avoid a War. the internal Situation of this Country is Rather Embarassing for Governement, who, alt[h]o they Have insured the Service for the whole year, must still Be a little Busy in Managing a Spirit of opposition Sometimes unrational in the parliaments and A Spirit of freedom in the people which will occupy the Stage untill it is filled By a National Assembly where public affairs will Be Set to Rights. in the Mean while the provincial Assemblies are doing Much good. and I hope that the Constitution of france is improving a Great deal—Adieu, My Beloved General, My Respects to Mrs Washington. Remember me to the family and all friends. Most Affectionately, Most Respectfully, and Gratefully Your devoted and filial friend

lafayette


Title: From George Washington to Benjamin Fitzhugh Grymes, 5 January 1788
From: Washington, George
To: Grymes, Benjamin Fitzhugh

Dear Sir
Mount Vernon Jany 5th 1788

As you have not yet sent for your Jenny, the presumption is that the many letters which have been written to you requiring of it, have all miscarried; and therefore, you have the trouble of this. She is now in good order, and with foal, which may be lost (as several of my own have been) from the number that are together, struggling for what little I have it in my power from the scantiness of my last years Crop to give them.

I do not mean to charge you for the use of my Jack; nor for the time or expence your Jenny has incurred, but wish she was now taken away; for I again repeat it, that I think she runs a considerable risk by remaining here. I have already lost several Mule Colts, and the Night before last a Jack Colt, from one of my imported Jenny’s, for which I would not have taken a large sum of money had he come to maturity. I am Dr Sir Yr Most Obedt Servt

Go: Washington


Title: From George Washington to Peterson & Taylor, 5 January 1788
From: Washington, George
To: Peterson & Taylor

Gentlemen,
Mount Vernon January 5th 1788.

When I wrote to you last upon the subject of furnishing me with scantling, Plank &c. agreeable to the enclosed bill we could not come to any determination with respect to the matter, because the price of herrings, in which I proposed to make payment, could not be fixed. I now make the following proposal, viz.—I will allow you 6/ per Hundred for the scantling, reduced measure, 6/ per Hundred for the inch plank & 7/6 pe[r] do for inch and quarter do—As I understand you will want a large quantity of herrings in the fishing season—you shall give a preference to my landing for a supply provided a price can, at that time, be agreed upon between us; if it cannot, I will pay you for the scantling &c. in Cash after the fishing season is over as I have allotted the fish, or the money arising from the sale of them to supply me with the enclosed bill of scantling. The scantling must be furnished & delivered at my Landing by or before the first of march as I must have the frame &c. prepared before the season for cutting Grass comes on whe[n] my Carpenters will then be obliged to go into the field.
If you acceed to the above proposal and will supply the scantling at the time mentioned you will write me a line by the bearer

that will put the matter upon a certainty. I am Gentlemen Yr Most Obedt Sert

G. Washington

P.S. If you cannot furnish the scantling so soon as mentioned above you will be so good as to let me know the earliest period in which you can supply it.


Title: To George Washington from Charles Willson Peale, 6 January 1788
From: Peale, Charles Willson
To: Washington, George

Dr Sir
Baltemore Town Jany 6. 1788

Having bussiness in the line of my Profession which will detain me some time in this Place, therefore I take the liberty of intimating, that in case any of your rare Birds should die, that you will oblige me much by sending their remains directed to the care of Captn Elliott of this Town. I am with the greatest regard Dr Sir your much obliged Humble Servant

C.W. Peale


Title: From George Washington to Samuel Athawes, 8 January 1788
From: Washington, George
To: Athawes, Samuel

Sir,
Mount Vernon Jany 8th 1788.

I have received your letter of the 20th of July last informing me of the death of our much esteemed & worthy friend, George William Fairfax Esqr. I sincerely condole with you and his other friends in England upon the occasion. Altho’ the precarious state of his health for several years past must have prepared his friends, in some measure, for his death, yet the event could not take place without being sincerely lamented by all who knew him.
The appointment of Executors & Trustees in each Country for his estates & affairs in each, seperately and without any dependence upon each other, was, in my opinion, a very judicious & necessary step; for the delays and inconveniences which the distance must unavoidably produce, would have been an insuperable objection to their being joined, not to mention the difficulties which must have arisen from the difference of the laws, upon this point, in the two Countries.
The small case which you directed to the care of Colo. Burwell was forwarded by him and came safe to hand. I have sent the watch to Mr Fairfax and the letters to their respective addresses.
Notwithstanding the long & uninterrupted friendship which subsisted between Colo. Fairfax and myself, and however desireous

I may be to give every proof of my affection for him & his amiable relict, yet I must decline acting as an executor for his estate here. The deranged situation of my own private affairs, occasioned by my long absence from home during the late war, and the continual applications which are made to me for information, advice or assistance, in consequence of the publick office which I sustained, require my constant & unremitting attention, and would prevent a faithful discharge of the trust, on my part, if I should accept of it. I am, Sir, Yr most Obedt Hble Servt

Go: Washington


Title: From George Washington to Mauduit Du Plessis, 8 January 1788
From: Washington, George
To: Mauduit du Plessis, Thomas-Antoine, chevalier de

Sir,
Mount Vernon January 8th 1788

I have to acknowledge the reception of your three letters, viz. of the 12th of Feby the 26th of March and the 20th July. I was exceedingly sorry to hear of the disasters which you met with after you left this place, before you reached Georgia, and was very unhappy to find, when you arrived there, that your expectations, with respect to your property were so much disappointed, and that your misfortunes were aggravated by the death of your family. I sincerely regret the causes which induced you to Return to Europe, not only on account of the loss which America will sustain of a person who would have been a most valuable citizen, but that a worthy man should leave the country with unfavourable impressions and wounded feelings.
I congratulate you upon your safe arrival in France and hope you will receive that degree of happiness and satisfaction in your return to your family and friends which will compensate for the misfortunes you sustained here.
Mrs Washington has recd the fans which you were so polite to send to her from Charleston and begs you would accept her best thanks for them. I have likewise received the Ribbon which you did me the honor to send to me and request you to accept my warmest acknowledgements for that as well as for your obliging offer to execute any thing which I might have occasion to do in France, and the very polite expressions with which your letters abounded.
It would give me a particular pleasure to comply with your request by sending you an engraved copy of my portrait similar to the one which you saw in my dining Room, but as that was a present to me from the Engraver, Mr Brown of London, and the only one of the kind that I ever saw, it is not in my power to gratify your wish.
When I was in Philadelphia last summer I signed a number

of Deplomas for the foreign officers, members of the Cincinnati, which were sent by the Secretary General to the Counts De Estaing and Rochambeau this, I presume, will supercede the necessity of my sending one to you as you desired. I have the Honor to be with great esteem and regard Yr most Obedt Hble Sert

G. Washington


Title: From George Washington to Edmund Randolph, 8 January 1788
From: Washington, George
To: Randolph, Edmund

Dear Sir,
Mount Vernon January 8th 1788

The letter which you did me the honor of writing to me on the 27th Ulto, with the enclosure, came duly to hand. I receive them as a fresh instance of your friendship and attention. For both I thank you.
The diversity of Sentiments upon the important matter which has been submitted to the People, was as much expected as it is regretted, by me. The various passions and medium by which men are influenced are concomitants of falibility—engrafted into our nature for the purposes of unerring wisdom; but had I entertained a latent hope (at the time you moved to have the Constitution submitted to a second Convention) that a more perfect form would be agreed to—in a word that any Constitution would be adopted under the impressions and Instructions of the members, the publications which have taken place since would have eradicated every form of it—How do the sentiments of the influencial characters in this State who are opposed to the Constitution, and have favoured the public with their opinions, quadrate with each other? Are they not at varience on some of the most important points? If the opponants in the same State cannot agree in their principles what prospect is there of a coalescence with the advocates of the measure when the different views, and jarring interests of so wide and extended an Empire are to be brought forward and combated.
To my Judgement, it is more clear than ever, that an attempt to amend the Constitution which is submitted, would be productive

of more heat, & greater confusion than can well be conceived. There are somethings in the new form, I will readily acknowledge, wch never did, and I am persuaded never will, obtain my cordial approbation; but I then did conceive, and now do most firmly believe, that, in the aggregate, it is the best Constitution that can be obtained at this Epocha; and that this, or a dissolution of the Union awaits our choice, & are the only alternatives before us—Thus beliving, I had not, nor have I now any hesitation in deciding on which to lean.
I pray your forgiveness for the expression of these sentiments. In acknowledging the receipt of your Letter on this subject, it was hardly to be avoided, although I am well disposed to let the matter rest entirely on its own merits—and mens minds to their own workings. With very great esteem & regard—I am &c.

G. Washington.


Title: From George Washington to Rochambeau, 8 January 1788
From: Washington, George
To: Rochambeau, Jean-Baptiste Donatien de Vimeur, comte de

My dear Sir,
Mount Vernon January 8th 1788

I have recd your letters of the 28th of June 1786 & 12th of may 1787. In the former you mentinon your having just returned from Holland and were so obliging as to give me an account of the state of political affairs in that Country. Since the time of your writing their intestine disputes have been brought to a crisis and appear to have terminated rather against the Patriots; What changes may be made in their Government—what revolutions in their political aconomy—and how far their connections with the several powers in Europe may be effected by the termination is yet unknown to us.
I am very glad to here that the Assemblée des Notables has been productive of good in France; the State of your finances was really alarming and required a strict investigation and the sanative hand of the nation to restore them to their proper tone.
I now begin to hope that the period is not very distant when this country will make a more respectable figure in the eyes of Europe than it has hitherto done. The constitution forme[d] by the late Convention appears, as far as my information extends, to be highly acceptable to the people of these States. Jersey, Delawere

& Pensylvania having already decided in its favor, the two former unanimously and the latter by a majority of two to one; the Conventions in the other States have not yet determined upon it but their dispositions are very favourable. Whenever this Government is established we shall regain thus confidence and credit among the European powers which a want of energy in the present confideration has deprived us of; and shall likewise feel the benefit of those commercial and political advantage which our situation holds out to us. This event must be extreemly pleasing to every friend of humanity and peculiarly so to you and others, who must feel interested in the happiness and welfare of this country, from the part which you took in establishing her liberty and independence.
I lament with you, my dear Sir, that the distance between us is so great—as to deprive us of the pleasure and satisfaction of a frequent and regular communication by letter, for it often happens either through the inattention of the person to whom letters are committed, or from some other cause, that they do not come to hand till months after their date. You will please to accept the compliments of the season with my sincere wishes for many happy returns of it to you. and believe me to be With the greatest respect My dear Sir, Yr Most Obedt & Most Hble Servant.

G. Washington


Title: From George Washington to Nicholas Simon van Winter and Lucretia Wilhelmina van Winter, 8 January 1788
From: Washington, George
To: Van Winter, Nicholas Simon,Van Winter, Lucretia Wilhelmina

[Mount Vernon 8th Jany 1788]

I have recd your letter of the 26th of Feby accompanied by a Poem entitled Germanicus. I consider your sending the latter to me as a mark of polite attention which merits my warmest acknowledgment, and I beg you to accept my thanks for that, as well as for the many obliging expressions in your letter.
The Muses have always been revered in every age, & in all Countries where letters & civilization have made any progress. As they tend to alleviate the misfortunes, and soften the sorrows

of life, they will ever be respected by the humane & virtuous. I am Yr most obedt Hble Servt

Go: Washington


Title: From George Washington to Wakelin Welch & Son, 8 January 1788
From: Washington, George
To: Welch, Wakelin

Gentn
[Mount Vernon, 8 January 1788]

I have recd your letter of the 7th of March and 14th of July, the former enclosing my acct current, in which my drafts upon you &c. are justly and properly Stated.
The seeds, Ploughs &c. sent by the Mary Capt. Andrews, arrived safe, but some of the former were injured by being put into the hold of the Vessel; they were in casks, and the Capt. said he did not know the contents of them or they should have been deposited in a more suitable place; however, upon the whole, they arrived in much better order than those things generally do.
I thank you for your attention to Mr Youngs two drafts for £11.12 & £9.12.6 should I have occasion to apply to that Gentn for any thing more I shall advice you thereof, and your further attention to his bills will be very obliging.
Mrs Bloxham’s receiving £10.1.10 of you, which she had paid to Mr Peacey for seeds on my acct was perfectly agreeable to me. while I was in Philadelphia last summer I drew upon you for £100 in favor of Robert Morris Esqr. and advised you regularly thereof. I am Gentn yrs &c.

G. Washington


Title: From George Washington to John Fitzgerald, 9 January 1788
From: Washington, George
To: Fitzgerald, John

Dear Sir,
Mount Vernon January 9th 1788

In a card I sent you the other day, at the sametime that I enquired if your express brought any answer from Govr Johnson and Lee I requested to be informed at what precise spot the meeting of the directors was appointed to be held, I should be glad now to know.
I had made my arrangements for setting of on Saturday to proceed on this side of the River; and will do so if I am able but having taken a very severe cold this day Senight in a night ride from Alexandria I have been confined almost ever since getting little rest from a continual cough (which has greatly disordered my breast) and by slow fevers which has constantly attended it.
As I am very desirous that this should be a full meeting, I will make it a point to attend, if the State of my health on Saturday will in any degree enable me to encounter the ride—cold houses and Bad Beds; If it should not I will thank you for assigning the reason (when you get up) for my non attendance—Every paper which we may have occasion for, I hope will be carried. Colo. Humphreys proposed to accompany me. Colo. Gilpin (with Mr Smith) I am informed propose doing some work in their way on the other side of the river. How far it will be convenient to you, to Join our party (If I should be able to go[)], you are best able to decide—of the pleasure we should have in your Company you can have no doubt. I am &c.

G. Washington


Title: To George Washington from Benjamin Lincoln, 9–13 January 1788
From: Lincoln, Benjamin
To: Washington, George

Boston Jany 9[–13]th 1788

I have, my dear General, been some time in this town with my son Benjn who has been exceedingly sick for about four weeks. On thursday last we thought his days were fully numbered, and that his last moments were rolling rapidly on and that they would have been terminated before the evening; but in the afternoon he revived, he yet lives, his situation, we trust, is not so critical as it has been, and we cannot help flattering ourselves that there are hopes of his recovery. A bystander might wonder that I should commence a letter to your Excellency on so goolmy a subject, but the part you have always taken in what ever has nearly interested me intitles you to the information and would therefore make an apology as improper as unnecessary.
Our convention meets this morning to take into consideration the proposed plan of government for the United States. Whether it will be adopted or not, in this State, the most prophetic spirit among us cannot certainly determine, I cannot but hope, however, that it will be received here. Whether this hope is well grounded or whether it exists from an ardent wish that it may be, I cannot say, for when we become anxious for the success of any particular proposition we too often weigh with partiality arguments in favor as well as too inattentively those against the measure. I must experience a very great change or I shall give it my most hearty assent.
The constitution has very potent adversaries in this State, it is said that Mr S. Adams, General Warren & Mr Gerry are among them the former only is in convention—All the Gentlemen you know.
I hope and trust that the business will be conducted with moderation candor & fairness, otherwise we may bear down the opposition but we shall never sooth and quiet their minds to do which I consider as a matter of very great importance for it will require all the wisdom aid and attention of all the lovers of order and a good government to bring the system, if adopted into

exercise and to avoid that confusion and misery which has too often masked the progress of the various governments now established in the world.
After I had finished my public commission in the western counties I went in June into the eastern one and remained untill about the middle of Novr where I left one son to inspect our saw mills &c. he is very happy in that country and intends to fix there. I think it a valuable part of this State, and as no person has attempted the subject, I have ventured a few observations on the advantages to be enjoyed by settlers in it and have hinted at some measures which should be pursued to bring forward a settlement of it &c. Knowing the great attention your Excellency has paid to obtain a knowledge of the different parts of the United States I have inclosed a copy of my observations (They will also apply pretty generally respecting to the soil produce &c. to New Brunswic only as that is a little farther north) If they shall serve as an hour of amusement, when nothing more interesting shall offer it self, I shall think my self most amply compensated.

 13th Since writing the above which I intended for the last post my son has, I think a little recruited tho he yet remains in a very critical situation.
We have been four days in convention organizing the house attending to disputed elections &c. these things being pretty fully over we expect tomorrow morning to have the proposed constitution read & to proceed afterwards upon a discussion of it. I am now as much at a loss to know what will be its fate as I was the first day we met. Should any thing of importance turn up I will have the pleasure of advising you of it by the next post.
Permit me to solicit that my most respectful regards may be presented to Mrs Washington and to assure you My dear General that I am with the highest esteem & warmest affection your Excellencys most obedient servant

B. Lincoln

My regards to Mr Lear tell him, however unwelcome the news may be of the situation of his friend.
 N.B. The Docrs are this moment here and they will [not] say that they think my son has gained any for the eight last days I am distressed for his safety.


Title: From George Washington to Richard Butler, 10 January 1788
From: Washington, George
To: Butler, Richard

Dear Sir,
Mount Vernon January 10th 1788

I have received your letter of the 30th of November accompanied by the Indian Vocabulary which you have been so obliging as to forward to me. I am so far from thinking any apology necessary on your part for not having furnished me with the Vocabulary at an earlier period, that I assure you it is a matter of surprise to me to find that you have been able to compleat a work of such difficulty and magnitude, as this appears to be, in so short a time, under the pain which you must have suffered and the delays occasioned by your misfortune in breaking your leg.
The pleasing satisfaction which you must enjoy from a reflection that you have exerted yourself to throw light upon the original history of this Country—to gratify the curiosity of the Philosopher—and to forward the researches into the probable connection and communication between the northern parts of America and those of Asia must make you a more ample compensation for the laborrious task which you have executed than my warmest accknowledgments, which, however I must beg you to accept.
The observations contained in your letter respecting the different tribes of Indians inhabiting the Western Country, The traditions which prevail among them, and the reasoning deduced therefrom, are very valuable and may lead to some useful discoveries. Those works which are found upon the Ohio and other traces of the country’s being once inhabitted by a race of people more ingenious, at least, if not more civilized than those who at present dwell there, have excited the attention and enquiries of the curious to learn from whence they came, whither they are gone and something of their history; any clue, therefore,

which can lead to a knowledge to these must be gratefully received.
As you have had opportunities of gaining extensive knowledge and information respecting the western territory—its situation—rivers and the face of the Country, I must beg the favor of you, my dear Sir, to resolve the following quæries, either from your own knowledge, or certain information (as well to gratify my own curiosity, as to enable me to satisfy several Gentlemen of distinction in other Countries who have applied to me for information upon the subject.) viz.
1st What is the face of the Country between the sources or Canoe navigation of the Cayahoga (which empties itself into Lake Eire) and the Big-Beaver—and between the Cayahoga and the Muskingum?
2d The distance between the waters of the Cayahoga and each of the two rivers above mentioned?
3d Would it be practicable (and not very expensive) to cut a canal between the Cayahoga and either of the above rivers so as to open a communication between the waters of lake Eire & the Ohio?
4th Whether there is any more direct; practicable, and easy communication between the waters of lake Erie and those of the Ohio (by which The Fur and Peltry of the Upper Country can be transported[)] than these?
Any information you can give me relative to the above quæries, from your own knowledge, will be most agreeable, but if that is not suffiecently accurate for you to decide upon, the best and most authentic accounts of others will be very acceptable.
Your letter to the Marquis de la Fayette shall be particularly attended to and forwarded with mine. I am Dear Sir—With esteem & regard, Yr most Obedt Hble Sert

G. Washington


Title: From George Washington to Henry Knox, 10 January 1788
From: Washington, George
To: Knox, Henry

My dear Sir,
Mount Vernon Jany 10th 1788

I beg you to accept of my thanks for your obliging favor of the 11th Ult.; which, owing to the dullness of the season, and want of matter to amuse you, has lain unacknowledged till this time.
Three States—to wit—Pensylvania New Jersey, and Delaware having adopted the New Constitution in so decisive a manner and those of New Hampshire, Massachusetts & Connecticut having discovered such favourable sentiments of it, places the final Success of it, in my judgment, upon unequivocal ground. Maryland, most unquestionably, will adopt it; from No. Carolina (so far as accts have been received in this quarter) the disposition of the People towards it is favourable; from the States South of it I have no direct intelligence; but in the Situation Georgia is, nothing but insanity, or a desire of becoming the Allies of the Spaniards or Savages, can disincline them to a Governmt which holds out the prospect of relief from its present distresses. The opposition in this State, tho’ headed by very influencial characters, is not, in my opinion (tho’ I may be an incompetent judge, never going from home, & seeing nobody except those who call upon me) much to be apprehended. My opinion of the matter is, that the New form on the final decision in our Convention, will be acceded to by a large majority. The determination of New York, of all others, seems most problematical; and yet, I can hardly entertain an idea that She will be disposed to stand alone, or with one or two others, if the States bordering on her should Confederate.
Whether War or Peace will be the issue of the dispute between France and England, seems as yet undecided. If the former, we shall certainly get involved, unless there is energy enough in Government to restrain our People within proper bounds; and that the power of the present Government is inadequate to accomplish this, I believe none will deny.
Mrs Washington joins me in offering compliments of congratulation to Mrs Knox and yourself on the increase of yr family by the birth of a son, and I pray you to accept the acknowledgment of my sense of the honor you have conferred on me by giving him my name. I hope he will live to enjoy it long after I have

taken my departure for the world of Spirits and that he may prove a blessing and comfort to you both in your declining years. With sentiments of the greatest esteem & regard I am—My dear Sir Yr Most Obedt & Affecte friend

Go: Washington

P.S. Colo. Humphreys has lost no flesh since he came to Virginia. He undertakes a journey to morrow with me to the upper falls of this River whither I am called on business of the Potomack Company. How far this ride—The cold weather &ca may effect a change can best be determined after our return in about ten days.


Title: From George Washington to James Madison, 10 January 1788
From: Washington, George
To: Madison, James

My dear Sir,
Mount Vernon Jany 10th 1788.

I stand indebted to you for your favors of the 20th & 26th Ult.; and I believe for that of the 14th also, & their enclosures.
It does not appear to me that there is any certain criterian in this State, by which a decided judgment can be formed of the opinion which is entertained by the mass of its Citizens with respect to the New Constitution. My belief on this occasion is, that whenever the matter is brought to a final decision, that not only a majority, but a large one, will be found in its favor.
That the opposition should have gained strength, among the members of the Assembly in Richmond, admitting the fact, is not to be wondered at when it is considered that the powerful adversaries to the Constitution are all assembled at that place, acting conjunctly; with the promulgated sentiments of Col. R.H.L. as auxiliary. It is said however, and I believe it may be depended upon, that the latter (tho’ he may retain his sentiments) has with-drawn, or means to withdraw his opposition; because, as he has expressed himself, or as others have done it for him, he finds himself in bad Company; such as with M——r Sm—th’s &ca Scca. His brother, Francis L. Lee on whose judgment the family place much reliance, is decidedly in favor of the new form, under a conviction that it is the best that can be obtained, and because it promises energy—stability—and that security which is, or ought to be, the wish of every good Citizen of the Union.
How far the determination of the question before the debating club (of which I made mention in a former letter) may be considered as auspicious of the final decision in Convention, I shall not prognosticate; but in this Club, this question it seems, was determined by a very large majority in favor of the Constitution; but of all the arguments which may be used at this time, none will be so forcible, I expect, as that nine States have acceded

to it. and if the unanimity, or majorities in those which are to follow, are as great as in those which have acted, the power of these arguments will be irrisistable.
The Governor has given his reasons to the Publick for with holding his signature to the Constitution. A copy of them I send you.
Our Assembly has been long in Session—employed chiefly (according to my information) in rectifying the mistakes of the last, and committing others for emendations at the next. Yet, “who so wise as we are”—We are held in painful suspence with respect to European Intelligence—Peace or War, by the last accts are equally balanced a grain added to either scale will give it the preponderancy.
I have no regular corrispondt in Massachusetts; otherwise, as the occasional subject of a letter I should have had no objection to the communication of my sentiments on the proposed Government as they are unequivocal & decided. With the greatest esteem & regd I am My dear Sir Yr Most Obedt & Affe. Ser⟨vt⟩

Go: Washington

P.S. I have this momt been informed, that the Assembly of No. Carolina have postponed the meeting of the Convention of that State until July—This seems evidently calculated to take the Tone from Virginia.


Title: From George Washington to William Irvine, 11 January 1788
From: Washington, George
To: Irvine, William

Dear Sir,
Mount Vernon January 11th 1788

When I had the pleasure to see you in Philadelphia last summer, I think (if my memory serves me) that you mentioned, in the course of conversation, your having lately been in that part of the Western Country which lies between the sources of the Cayahoga, the muskingum and Big-[Beaver] River. As I am desireous of learning some particulars relative to that part of the Country (as well to gratify my own curiosity as to enable me to satisfy several Gentlemen of distinction in other countries who have applied to me for information upon the subject), I shall take it as a particular favor if you will resolve the following quæries—viz.
1st What is the face of the Country between the sources, or Canoe navigation of the Cayahoga (which discharges itself into Lake Eire) and the Big-Beaver—and between the Cayahoga and the Muskingum?

2d The distance between the waters of the Cayahoga and each of the two rivers above mentioned?
3d Would it be practicable (and not expensive) to cut a canal between the Cayahoga and either of the above rivers so as to open a communication between the waters of Lake Eire and the Ohio?
4th Whether there is any more direct; practicable, and easy communication between the waters of Lake Eire and those of the Ohio (by which the Fur and Peltry of the upper Country can be transported) than these?
Any information you can give me relative to the above quæries, from your own knowledge, will be most agreeable; but if that is not sufficiently accurate for you to decide upon, the best and most authentic accounts of others will be very acceptable.
As a determination of the points here referred to, may tend to promote the commerce, population and welfare of the Country, I know it will, to you my dear Sir, be a Suffi[ci]ent apology for any trouble which this letter may give. I am Sir, Yr most Obedt Hble Sert

G. Washington.


Title: From George Washington to John Francis Mercer, 11 January 1788
From: Washington, George
To: Mercer, John Francis

Sir,
Mount Vernon January 11th 1788

The People on board Mr Spriggs Vessel have been already supplied with Provisions, and shall receive every other aid they may require, and I can give. The conduct either of the Skipper, or your Overseer, has been egregiously wrong. The Vessel, it seems, came up in the night of thursday; but not till near dusk on friday had I any information of it, and then by [way] of enquiry from your People after their Overseer, whom they said was put on shore at my point, opposite to Mr Digges and had

not at that time Joined them. In strong terms I then urged them to go immediately on board and get the Vessel as near as possible to my warf that night as there was every appearance of a severe frost. Instead of doing this the Vessel kept her position (more than a mile of,) and, as I expected, was frozen up next morning and unable to deliver a grain of the Corn until the afternoon of Saturday Then but 16 Barriels whereas had they stopped on thursday the whole might have been landed before friday evening & the Vessel discharged, as I had a large Boat of my own and had collected my Plantation Carts (as soon as I was advised of the Vessels being here) to expedite the work.
Mr Whites, letter is returned to you and I should be glad to know precisely whether I am to expect any and what part of the £200 on which you assured me in Philadelphia I might absolutely rely and the half of which you informed me in november should be sent to me by your Servant in ten days if you could not get the residue? I have put the Sheriff of this County off 3 times—if he comes again—I must if I have no further expectn from you suffer him to make distress, as I raised nothing last year for sale, and allotted this money for the payment of my taxes.
Mrs Washington and myself would have been glad to have seen you and Mrs Mercer here—This she would do still—In the morning I shall leave home for a meeting of the Directors of the Potomack Co. at the Falls of Shanandoah from whence I do not expect to be returned in less than ten days. I am Sir Yr most obedt Sert

G. Washington


Title: To George Washington from Henry Knox, 14 January 1788
From: Knox, Henry
To: Washington, George

My dear Sir
New York 14 January 1788

Some time has elapsed since my writing to you as I had nothing to offer but what you were acquainted with through the medium of the public papers.
The new constitution has hitherto been as well received as could have been expected, considering the various existing opinions prejudices, and parties in the respective states.
In addition to Delaware Pensylvania, and New Jersey, Connecticut has adopted the Constitution by a noble majority of 127 to 40. This event took place on the 9th instant. I call the majority a noble one because it included every character in the convention of any real importance excepting Genl James Wadsworth, whom you may remember commandant of a brigade of Connecticut militia in the year 1776. Colonel Wadsworth writes me that the present Governor and Lieutenant Governor The late Governor, The judges of the supreme Court and the Council were of the convention and all for the constitution excepting Jas Wadsworth.
The Massachusetts Convention were to meet on the 9th. The decision of Connecticut will influence in a degree their determination and I have no doubt that the Constitution will be adopted in Massachusetts—But it is at this moment questionable whether it will be by a large majority.
There are three parties existing in that state at present, differing in their numbers and greatly differing in their wea[l]th and talents.
The 1st is the Commercial part, of the state to which are added, all the men of considerable property, The clergy—the Lawyers—including all the judges of all the courts, and all the officers of the late army, and also the neighbourhood of all the great Towns—its numbers may include 3/7th of the State. This party are for the most vigorous government perhaps many of them would have been still more pleased with the new Constitution had it been more analagous to the british Constitution.
The 2d party, are the eastern part of the state lying beyond New Hampsher formerly the Province of Main—This party are cheifly looking towards the erection of a new state, and the Majority of them will adopt or reject the New Constitution as it may

facilitate or retard their designs, without regarding the merits of the great question—This party 2/7ths.
The 3d party are the Insurgents, or their favorers, the great majority of whom are for an annihilation of debts public & private, and therefore they will not approve the new constitution—This party 2/7ths.
If the 1st and 2d party agree as will be most probable, and also some of the party stated as in the insurgent interest, the Constitution will be adopted by a great majority notwithstanding all the exertions to the Contrary.
Mr Samuel Adams has declared he will oppose it in the Convention, to the very great disgust of the people of Boston his constituents It is said Boston were about to take some spirited measures to prevent the effect of this opposition.
You will see by the enclosed paper that the affairs between france & England are accomadated. I am my dear Sir Your affectionate

H. Knox

Mrs Knox unites in presenting our affectionate compliments of the season to you & Mrs Washington and Also to Colo. Humphreys.


Title: To George Washington from James Madison, 14 January 1788
From: Madison, James
To: Washington, George

Dear Sir
N. York Jany 14. 1788

The Daily Advertizer of this date contains several important articles of information, which need only be referred to. I enclose

it with a few other late papers. Neither French nor English packet is yet arrived; and the present weather would prevent their getting in if they should be on the Coast. I have heard nothing of Consequence from Massachusetts since my last. The accounts from New Hampshire continue to be as favorable as could be wished. From South Carolina we get no material information. A letter from Georgia, of the 25. of Decr says that the Convention was getting together at Augusta and that every thing wore a fœderal complexion. N. Carolina it seems, has been so complaisant to Virginia as to postpone her Convention till July. We are still without a Congress. With perfect esteem & attachment I remain Dear Sir Your Obedt humble servt

Js Madison Jr


Title: From George Washington to David Stuart, 15 January 1788
From: Washington, George
To: Stuart, David

Dear Sir,
Mount Vernon January 15th 1788

In answer to your enquiries in behalf of Mr Custis and which you requested I would commit to writing, you will please to receive and convey, the following information.
Namely. That the lands which I have to dispose of beyond the Alligany mountains, are contained in the following tracts.
2314—Acres in Botteteurt County on the Ohio—beginning about 4 miles below the mouth of the little Kankawa and bounded by the Ohio 1720 poles. being the first large bottom on the East side of that River, below the mouth of the little Kankawa.
2448—Acres in the same rout and on the said river about 16 miles below the above tract being the 4th large bottom on the east side, below the little Kankawa. this tract is bounded by the Ohio 1012 poles—has a fine Creek running through it which (as I am informed) Mill seats.
4395—Acres, in the same County, and on the Ohio also about 3 Miles below the past mentioned Tract and on the same that is

the East side & above the great bend which is about 25 Miles from the mouth of the Great Kankawa bounded by the River 1670 poles.
In all 9,157 Acres on the Ohio; betwn the great and little Kankawa.
10,990—Acres, on the great Kankawa, West side of it in Montgamery County—Beginning about 2 or 3 Miles from its Conflux with the Ohio. Bounded by the former, that is the Kankawa, 5491 poles or 17 Miles and 51 poles. Having many valuable streams passing through it.
7276—Acres, about 2 Miles above the latter on the other or East side of the said river in Green brier County and bounded thereby. 3947 poles or 12 1/2 Miles.
2000—Acres about 6 Miles above the last mentioned tract on the west side of River laying in the fork of the Kankawa and Coal River—binding on the first 1400 and on the latter 588 poles.
2950—Acres on the east side of the Kankawa in Green brier County part whereof is opposite to the last mentioned tract. this is bounded by the River 1939 poles.
In all 23,216 Acres on the Great Kankawa—and on the Ohio 9.157
Total 32.373 on both Rivers.
That these several tracts, some from my own observation, and all from good information, are of the richest low grounds; being the first choice of the Country, by a competent Judge and are well watered, and superabounding in fine meadow.
That the whole are to be let, on the Conditions hereafter mentioned.
That the two first mentioned on the Ohio—and the two last named on the Kankawa may be purchased—as indeed all of them may if any one person for himself or in behalf of a number, will strike for the whole. without this and not because they are of inferior quality, but because what remains will be more concentered I incline to sell those that are farthest apart first.
That if I sell these, I shall expect (considering the quality of the Soil there situations on navigable waters; and the advantages they possess on account of Fish wild fowl &c.) Twenty Shillings pr Acre—part of the monies to be paid down, and such credit as can be agreed upon, given for the residue. I have been in treaty with some foreigners (thro’ there agent Mr Charson) who

have large tracts of land back of or in the vicinity of some of these Lands of mine and who know them perfectly well for the whole of them at the price of 30,000 guineas—but as they are not yet returned from Europe and the time is elapsed in which they ware to have given me a difinitive answer, I do not consider myself bound any longer to them—tho’ it has been the cause (in a great measure) of the lands remaning unsold.
That the enclosed Gazette will explain my ideas of what I conceive the Rents ought to be. but as this, it seems, is not the mode which is practiced by, and most agreeable to, the people in that Country possible from the scarcity of money or want hitherto must conform to the custome of it and of established markets. I have accordingly within the course of the last month authorized Colo. Thomas Lewis who lives (at Point Pleasent, a town at the mouth of the Great Kankawa in which I am told 30 or 40 families are settled and which) in the center between my several tracts to let them on the following terms—that is to say.
First—With an exemption from the payment of rent 3 years. provided in that time a reasonable quantity of land is cleared and cultivated; a comfortable House, or houses for the accomodation of a family is built and a reasonable number of frute trees planted. And provided also (if it be customary) that the Land tax of whatever the tenant may be inclined to hold is paid by them.
Second—That after the expiration of the third year Rents shall commence and as the custom of the Country is to be received in the specific articles that are raised on the tenement and in the proportion of one third, by my Collector, or agent beaing near the premises.
Third—That under this tenure the tenant may have a certainty of holding their places (if they incline to remain and will continue to improve them) for a certain number of years (but not for lives) which may be agreed on.
Fourth—That all mines and minerals; with free egress and regress, shall be reserved, and an extra allowance made for Mill-Seats, or a reservation of them if there is not.
Altho’, in the hands of Industrious tenants, and a good & faithful Collector, Rents paid in this manner and proportion, would far exceed what I have required in my printed proposals, yet I must confess that it is not a pleasing thing to me to let them on these terms because there is no certainty in the revenue

which will arise from it. Idle tenants will pay little—dishonest ones will cheat me—and indolent, or speculating Collecter, will make poor returns. Otherwise as I have already observed no money rents that can be fixed would be so productive—for Instance—Suppose a farm of 100 acres (which of such land is enough for any man who has only a wife and their children to assist him) and ten only of these for the land is most easely cleared, is in cultivation, Corn we will say at the expiration of the 3d year—this it is agreed on all hands, will yield from 60 to 100 Bushels to the acre—but call it 50 only, it makes 500 Bushels the 1/3 of which is 166 bushels—the demand for which in a Country whose population is encreasing every year by thousands of emegrants will hardly ever let this article be under a Shilling; but was it not more than half, which is scarcely within the bounds of possibility, it would amount to £4.3 ⅌ Hundred Acres.
If Mr Custis, or his neighbours of whom you made mention to me has any inclination [to] buy or rent any of my Lands here discribed—It would not be improper to suggest to them that the sooner something is resolved on the better; for as well formerly as lately, it has been told me, that I may soon fill my lands, with tenants agreeably to the terms on which Colo. Lewis has been empower’d to grant them; and on which if nothing more pleasing to both parties can be agreed, Mr Custis’s neighbours may have them.
Should these circumstances, & conditions on which I have offered to sell part or Rent the whole of these lands induce Mr Custis to take a trip by water, or land, to this place, I will shew him the plats of the several tracts, the manner in which the land lays—give him a more ample description of the advantages which attends it and if any terms can be agreed upon between us will endeavour in time to prevent the seating of them by Colo. Lewis, by whose agreements I must be bound, if he makes any, as I have given him full powers to let the Land. I am &c.

G. Washington


Title: To George Washington from Charles Carter, 17 January 1788 [letter not found]
From: Carter, Charles
To: Washington, George

Letter not found: from Charles Carter, of Ludlow, 17 Jan. 1788. GW wrote Carter on 22 Jan. about letters he was “so obliging to forward to me under cover of the 17th.”


Title: From George Washington to David Stuart, 18 January 1788
From: Washington, George
To: Stuart, David

Dear Sir,
Mount Vernon Jan: 18th 1788

As the enclosed will be transmitted to Mr Custis, I will blend nothing else ⟨w⟩ith it; but beg, for the reason therein as⟨si⟩gned that you would contrive it by the first ⟨sa⟩fe conveyance.
The Certificates which I thought had ⟨b⟩een sent to you, are found—I suppose, after ⟨th⟩e list was taken, it was found unnecessa⟨ry to⟩ send them, & they were, consequently, with⟨h⟩eld.
When Mrs Stuart was here, I inform⟨e⟩d her that Peters year, according to his own ⟨a⟩cct, which is all the acct I have; was up at ⟨C⟩hristmas, and she would direct what ⟨w⟩as to be done with him—She answered, he ⟨m⟩ight stay here till you returned—when th⟨is hap⟩pened, the hurry we were both in occasi⟨one⟩d my forgetting to mention it to you—he ⟨n⟩ow waits your orders.
Patcy has been a little unwell bu⟨t mutilated⟩ better, all join in love & best wishes ⟨to⟩ Mrs Stuart & the family with Dear Sir Yr affecte Hble Servt

Go: Washington


Title: From George Washington to Charles Carter, 20 January 1788
From: Washington, George
To: Carter, Charles

Dear Sir,
Mount Vernon January 20th 1788

Your favor of the 21st of last month, came to my hands last neight only. where it has been resting, or through whose hands it has passed, I know not. I wish it had reached me in time for the prevention of the hasty and indegested sentiments of my former letter, going to the press. not, as I observed in my last, because I had the least repugnance to the communication of them in a proper dress accompanied with reasons for there support if any person whatever was desireous of knowing them.
You give me some reason to hope for the result of your thoughts, or experiments, on a more eligable system of agriculture. To receive it would afford me pleasure. That the one which is now in general practice (if it can be called a system) is beyond description ruinous to our lands, need no other proof of the fact than the gullied, and exhausted State of them, which is every where to be met with—but what chanse  is most likely to restore the land with such means as is in our power to apply which will at the same time be productive to the Proprietor, is the question—and an important one. a question too which admits of no other satisfactory solution than such as is derived from a course of experiments by intelligent and observant farmers; who will combine things and circumstances together—Theoratical opinions should have no share in the determination and what is good, and profitable husbandry in one Country, may not be so in another—Articles which are very saleable in Europe might find no market in america and if produced abundently would answer no other end than to encumber our Barns, or Graneries. Consequently two things must be engrafted into our plan 1st Crops which are useful on our farms, or saleable in our markets—& 2d the intermixing these c[r]ops by such ralations and

with such dressings as will improve, instead of exhausting of our lands. To effect these is the great desederata of Farming, and ought to be the pursuit of every farmer. on this ground every experiment is a treasure—and the authors of them valuable members of Society. Hence also the Societies which are formed for the encouragement, and promulgation, of these experiments in other Country’s have rendered such assential services to the imp[r]oved and improving States of agriculture in the old world and are so worthy of imitation in the vew. My best respects, in which Mrs Washington Joins, is offered to Mrs Carter and your family. I am Dr Sir &c.

G. Washington.


Title: To George Washington from Benjamin Lincoln, 20 January 1788
From: Lincoln, Benjamin
To: Washington, George

My dear General
Boston Jany 20, 1788

In my last, I mentioned to your Excellency the critical situation in which I consdeered my son though I entertained hopes that appearances were in his favor; my hopes were alive untill friday morning last; a manifest change then took place in him—He died at four in the afternoon.
In him I have lost a beloved son, an agreeable companion, and a sincere and confidential friend—With him expired the fond and pleasing hope that he would have lived a support to me in the evening of life.
My feelings which are alive on this occasion are rendered, if possible, more poignant when I see the distressed situation of my daughter, the widow, with two babes in her arms and observe the silent grief of a tender and most affectionate mother—our loss is great our wound is deep—I must not proceed I must not cause a momentary uneasiness in your mind—We have a source

from which we may draw the most substantial consolation if we reflect justly.
Having been detained from convention for a number of day[s] I requested one of my friends to give me a general state of matters which statement I do my self the pleasure to inclose with the last papers from them—your Excellency will learn in what stage the business of convention is in—I hope the constitution will be adopted I think matters wear a better face than they did.
My dutiful respects to Mrs Washington & regards to my young friend—I will write again next week. With sincere esteem & affection I have the honour of being My Dear General Your obedient servant

B. Lincoln


Title: To George Washington from James Madison, 20 January 1788
From: Madison, James
To: Washington, George

Dear Sir
N. York Jany 20. 1788.

The Count de Moustier arrived here a few days ago as successor to the Chevr de la Luzerne. His passage has been so tedious that I am not sure that the despatches from Mr Jefferson make any considerable addition to former intelligence. I have not yet seen them, but am told that this is the case. In general it appears that the affairs of Holland are put into pacific train. The Prussian troops are to be withdrawn, and the event settled by negociations. But it is still possible that the war between the Russians & Turks may spread a general flame throughout Europe.
The intelligence from Massachusetts begins to be very ominous to the Constitution. The antifederal party is reinforced by the insurgents, and by the province of Mayne which apprehends greater obstacles to her scheme of a separate Government, from the new system than may be otherwise experienced. And according

to the prospect at the date of the latest letters, there was very great reason to fear that the voice of that State would be in the negative. The operation of such an event on this State may easily be foreseen. Its Legislature is now sitting and is much divided. A majority of the Assembly are said to be friendly to the merits of the Constitution. A majority of the Senators actually convened are opposed to a submission of it to the Convention. The arrival of the absent members will render the voice of that branch uncertain on the point of a Convention. The decision of Massachusetts either way will involve the result in this State. The minority in Penna is very restless under their defeat. If they can get an Assembly to their wish they will endeavor to undermine what has been done there. If backed by Massts they will probably be emboldened to make some more rash experiment. The information from Georgia continues to be favorable. The little we get from S. Carolina is of the same complexion.
If I am not misinformed as to the arrival of some members for Congress, a quorum is at length made up. With the most perfect esteem & attachment I remain Dear Sir Your obedt humble servant

Js Madison Jr


Title: To George Washington from George Mason, Jr., 21 January 1788
From: Mason, George Jr.
To: Washington, George

Dr Sir
Lexington 21st Jany 1788

Some time ago Mr Massey sent me his Subscription papers (as sent herewith) I never untill very lately showed them to any Person as I wished to decline the Office of Collector & Solicitor but finding I cou’d not do it without giving offence I have been obliged to submit—Mr Massey wrote me yesterday to know if I had received any Money for him as he had engaged some Corn to be delivered the middle of this Week—in consequence of this I send the Bearer into your Neighbourhood & have desired him to call on you if convenient you will please send by him the

amount of your last years Subscription—With much respect I am Yr Most Hbe St

G. Mason Jr


Title: From George Washington to Charles Carter, 22 January 1788
From: Washington, George
To: Carter, Charles

Dear Sir,
Mount Vernon January 22d 1788

I return the letters which you were so obliging as to forward to me under cover of the 17th—I am satisfied you had no agency in publishing the extract of my letter to you which is now to be traced through all the news Papers, and am sorry that I signifyed any concern on this occasion, as it has given you so much trouble. With very great esteem and regard I am—Dear Sir, Yrs &c.

G. Washington


Title: To George Washington from John Rumney, Jr., 22 January 1788
From: Rumney, John Jr.
To: Washington, George

Sir
Alexandria 22d Jany 1788

I now inclose you all the Papers that I have recd from Mr Swan of Baltimore respecting the Estate of Mr Colville deceas’d, for your Perusal, also a Letter from Mr Scorer of Whitehaven to myself on the same Business. If there is any Thing remaining after the Discharge of the Debts, I believe it would be of great Use to the Claimants. You have inclosed the Opinion of Council, respecting their Claim, which I wish may prove satisfactory. With the greatest Respect I am Sir Yr most obt Servt

John Rumney


Title: From George Washington to David Stuart, 22 January 1788
From: Washington, George
To: Stuart, David

Dear Sir:
Mount Vernon, Jan’y 22d, 1788.

As you have no immediate occasion for Peter in the only line in which he will be useful to you, I shall be very glad to keep him, as well on acct of my Jacks, Stud Horses, Mares, etc., as because he seems unwilling to part with his wife and Children.
When you are in this way (and if it is not more profitable to you, than it is to me, you had better keep out of it) he may be serviceable, but hardly in any other, as he will do nothing but peddle about the stables, and conceives it to be a kind of degradation to bestow his attention on horses of plebean birth. With great esteem and regard, I am, Dear Sir, Yr Obedt and affect. Serv.,

G. Washington.


Title: From George Washington to Clement Biddle, 24 January 1788
From: Washington, George
To: Biddle, Clement

Dear Sir,
Mount Vernon January 24th 1788.

I wrote to you on the 3d Ulto and as I have not received any answer to my letter of that date, I am led to suspect that it never reached your hands; I therefore enclose you a duplicate of it.
My reason for requesting you to pay Mr Pettit £18.5s.1d. (as mentioned in the enclosed duplicate) when I was not certain of your having money of mine in your hands to that amount, was in consequence of his informing me, in his letter, that you had offered to discharge it at the time the Backs & Jambs were shipped, but he then declined accepting it, not knowing how far it might comport with my arrangements to do so; and I likewise expected that a sum of money would, very shortly after my writing to you, have been lodged in your hands, on my account, by Thomas Smith Esqr.—If you have not paid the money to Mr

Pettit & should find the smallest inconvenience in so doing I wish you to inform me of it that I may convey it to him through some other channel.
I will thank you to forward the enclosed letter to General Butler by the first safe & direct conveyancce, & am, Dear Sir, Yr most Obedt Hble Servt

Go: Washington


Title: To George Washington from Moustier, 24 January 1788
From: Moustier, Eléanor-François-Elie, comte de
To: Washington, George

Sir,
New York 24th January 1788

In order to have rendered the satisfaction which I felt upon my arrival in the United States compleat, I should have landed near enough to the place where you reside, to have immediately gratified the desire, which I have long since had, of seeing the man, to whose virtues & talents these States are so much indebted. My departure from Paris was hasty in consequence of the anxiety which I felt to reach the place of my destination. From this cause I am not charged with those marks of acknowledgments & remembrances which I should otherwise have been loaded with from my Countrymen, who have been sensibly struck with your goodness from the time that they have had an opportunity of admiring you & profiting by the Example which you have given to your Cotemporaries & to posterity. The Marquis de la Fayette, more provident than others, has just been able to seize a moment to favor me with the two letters which accompany this—The Chever de la Luzerne has likewise charged me with a letter. If I had been so happy as to have handed these letters to you myself—I should have been at the same time the interpreter of those two persons who were formed to be precious & dear to you.
I earnestly wish that some favourable circumstance may hasten the moment of fulfiling the desire which I have so long

formed of having the satisfaction to ask your friendship which I wish I might deserve. I shall never be able, but in a very imperfect manner, to express the sentiments of esteem, admiration, & I ought to say veneration, with which I have the Honor to be Sir, Yr very Hbe & Obedt Servt

Le Cte de Moustier