Title: From George Washington to Benjamin Harrison, 10 October 1784
From: Washington, George
To: Harrison, Benjamin

[10 October 1784]

Editorial Note
   GW’s letter to Governor Harrison marks his return to public life as the leader of a movement to form a public company for improving the navigation of the upper Potomac and linking it with the waters of the Ohio. He first became deeply involved in schemes for opening up the Potomac in the early 1770s (see particularly the source note and its references in Thomas Johnson to GW, 18 June 1770). His determination to use the Potomac to tie the burgeoning transmontane West to the states along the Atlantic seaboard was renewed in the spring of 1784 after his return to Mount Vernon in his exchange of letters with Thomas Jefferson (see Jefferson to GW, 15 Mar., and GW to Jefferson, 29 Mar. 1784, and notes). One of the main purposes of GW’s recent trip into Pennsylvania had been to confirm the feasibility of making the upper Potomac navigable and of linking it by means of short land portages with navigable streams flowing into the Ohio (see DiariesDonald Jackson and Dorothy Twohig, eds. The Diaries of George Washington. 6 vols. Charlottesville, Va., 1976–79., 4:1–71). After writing this letter to Harrison on his return from the West, GW in the next few weeks also corresponded about the Potomac with, among others, Stephen Sayre, George Plater, Jacob Read, and Normand Bruce (see Sayre to GW, 15 Oct., Plater to GW, 20 Oct., GW to Plater, 25 Oct., GW to Read, 3 Nov., and Bruce to GW, 13 Nov.). On 2 Nov., presumably on GW’s initiative, a notice was printed in the Alexandria newspaper calling for any gentlemen living “contiguous to Potomack” in both Virginia and Maryland who “wish to see an attempt made to open and extend the navigation of that River” to meet in Alexandria on 15 Nov. (the notice is quoted in note 4, GW to Read, 3 Nov.).
Before the meeting was held, at Lomax’s tavern in Alexandria, GW left for Richmond, arriving there on 14 November. The purpose of his trip to the capital was to meet Lafayette and to persuade key members of the house of delegates, then in session, to adopt a scheme for forming a Potomac River company. (For GW’s reception in Richmond, see the notes in GW’s address to the Officials of the City of Richmond and to the Virginia House of Delegates, both 15 Nov.). Governor Harrison probably had given GW’s letter of 10 Oct. to the house of delegates at the opening of its session, on 1 or 2 Nov., but there is no indication in its journals that the house took any action on the letter before GW’s arrival (see Harrison to GW,

13 Nov., n.1). While in Richmond, GW discussed the Potomac River project with the leader of the house of delegates, James Madison, and with other members. He left on 21 or 22 Nov. with Lafayette for Mount Vernon.
A letter that Henry Lee wrote to GW from Alexandria on 15 Nov., the day of the “very numerous and respectable Meeting of the Gentlemen of this State and Maryland” has not been found, and Lee’s letter of 18 Nov. enclosing the meeting’s petition to the Virginia and Maryland legislature and its draft of a bill for forming a Potomac River company did not reach GW before he left Richmond. (A report on the meeting in Alexandria which appeared in the Virginia Journal and Alexandria Advertiser on 25 Nov. is printed in note 1, Lee to GW, 18 Nov.). After Lee’s letter and the enclosed documents finally caught up with him at Mount Vernon, GW on 28 Nov. forwarded to Madison the draft bill and petition, neither of which has been found (see GW to Madison, 28 Nov., and particularly note 1 of that document).
Immediately after writing Madison on 28 Nov., GW left Mount Vernon with Lafayette for Annapolis where he conversed “with some of the leading characters in the different branches of the Legislature of Maryland, on the subject of inland navigation, and the benefits which might arise from a commercial intercourse with the Western Territory.” GW “was happy to find them so forcibly struck with the importance of these objects; and that there appeared the most favorable disposition to give encouragement to them” (GW to Madison, 3 Dec). His conversations with the leaders of the Maryland and Virginia legislatures confirmed GW in his opinion that he could not look to public funds to finance his great Potomac project, and so after his return from Annapolis on 2 Dec, he wrote Madison to urge that one or more members of the Virginia legislature be appointed to meet with a man or men chosen by the Maryland legislature for the purpose of devising a bill for creating a Potomac River company composed of private investors. The bill would be one that each of the legislatures could consider simultaneously and hence adopt before adjournment (see GW to Madison, 28 Nov., n.1, and 3 Dec.).
In the meantime, Madison had received GW’s letter of 28 Nov. with the enclosed draft of a bill, and a committee of the house of delegates had begun work on a Potomac River bill, presumably based upon the (missing) bill drawn up by the Alexandria meeting on 15 November. The house canceled a scheduled debate on the committee’s bill (also missing) after Madison received GW’s letter of 3 Dec, and on 13 Dec.

the delegates adopted GW’s suggestion that the legislature appoint commissioners to meet with Maryland commissioners and draft a Potomac River bill that could be immediately enacted by both legislatures (see GW to Madison, 28 Nov., n.1, and GW to Madison, 3 Dec, and notes).
   The acting governor of Virginia, Beverley Randolph, wrote GW on 15 Dec. sending him resolutions of the Virginia legislature supporting the establishment of a Potomac River company and naming GW one of three commissioners to meet with Maryland commissioners to draft a Potomac River company bill (see note 1 in Beverley Randolph’s letter). On 19 Dec. GW forwarded a letter to Gov. William Paca of Maryland about the proposed meeting, which Randolph had enclosed in his letter. GW also informed the other Virginia commissioners that the meeting with their Maryland counterparts in Annapolis had been set for 22 Dec. (see GW to Paca, 19 Dec, n.1, GW to Beverly Randolph, 20 Dec, and Thomas Blackburn to GW, 20 Dec). GW met, alone for most of the time, with the four Marylanders, and in six days they drafted a Potomac River bill which GW forwarded to James Madison on 28 Dec. (see GW to Madison, 28 Dec, and notes, and GW and Horatio Gates to the Virginia Legislature, 28 Dec, and its three enclosures and notes).
GW’s report of the proceedings in Annapolis and the drafted bill were given to the Virginia house of delegates on 31 Dec, and the next day William Grayson introduced in the house GW’s Potowmack Company bill. The bill received its final passage on 4 Jan. (see Madison to GW, 1 Jan. 1785, and notes). An identical bill had been introduced on 27 Dec. in the Maryland legislature where it passed on 28 Dec. (see GW to Madison, 28 Dec, n.6). On 9 Jan., Madison wrote GW to inform him of the passage of the act creating the Potowmack Company and of a similar act creating the James River Company. He also enclosed a copy of the Potowmack Company act and copies of “several kindred measures” adopted by the Virginia legislature (see Madison’s letter and notes and enclosures).
Upon the receipt on 17 Jan. of Madison’s copy of the Potowmack Company act, GW had the two men who were named in the act to serve as managers in Alexandria; they were to compare the texts of the Virginia and Maryland acts and to have one hundred copies of the act printed (see GW to John Fitzgerald and William Hartshorne, 18 Jan. 1785, and Fitzgerald and Hartshorne to GW, 21 Jan. 1785). GW by this time also had received, to his dismay, notice from Speaker Benjamin Harrison and from Gov. Patrick Henry that the Virginia legislature had voted to give him fifty shares in the Potowmack

Company and one hundred in the James River Company (see note 1 and its references, Harrison to GW, 6 Jan. 1785). Before the end of the month, fearing that Gov. William Paca of Maryland had not been properly informed of the actions taken by Virginia with regard to the Potowmack Company, GW took it upon himself to write Paca and to send him a copy of the Virginia act (see GW to Paca, 31 Jan.).
At its first meeting in Alexandria on 17 May 1785, the Potowmack Company elected GW its president, a position he held until his election to the presidency of the United States under the new constitution in 1789. (An account of the meeting of May 1785 and of the action that its shareholders took is printed in note 1, GW to Thomas Johnson and Thomas Sim Lee, 18 May 1785). GW was to devote a great deal of time and attention for the next four years to the management of the company, the actual work of which got underway in the summer of 1785 (see GW to James Rumsey, 8 Aug. 1785, and DiariesDonald Jackson and Dorothy Twohig, eds. The Diaries of George Washington. 6 vols. Charlottesville, Va., 1976–79., 4:170–81, and references).

Dear Sir,
Mount Vernon 10th October 1784

Upon my return from the western Country a few days ago, I had the pleasure to receive your favor of the 17th ulto—It has always been my intention to pay my respects to you before the chance of another early & hard winter should make a warm fire side too comfortable to be relinquished. and I shall feel an additional pleasure in offering this tribute of friendship & respect to you, by having the company of the Marqs de la Fayette, when he shall have revisited this place from his Eastern tour; now, every day to be expected.
I shall take the liberty now, my dear sir, to suggest a matter, which would (if I am not too short sighted a politician) mark your administration as an important œra in the Annals of this Country, if it should be recommended by you, & adopted by the Assembly.
It has been long my decided opinion, that the shortest, easiest & least expensive communication with the invaluable & extensive Country back of us, would be by one, or both of the rivers of this State which have their sources in the apalachian mountains. Nor am I singular in this opinion—Evans, in his Map and Analysis of the middle Colonies which (considering the early period at which they were given to the public) are done with amazing exactness. And Hutchins since, in his topographical

description of the Western Country, (good part of which is from actual surveys)—are decidedly of the same sentiments; as indeed are all others who have had opportunities, & have been at the pains to investigate, & consider the subject.
But that this may not stand as mere matter of opinion or assertion, unsupported by facts (such at least as the best Maps now extant, compared with the oral testimony, which my opportunities in the course of the war have enabled me to obtain); I shall give you the different routs & distances from Detroit, by which all the trade of the North Western parts of the United territory, must pass; unless the Spaniards, contrary to their present policy, should engage part of it; or the British should attempt to force nature by carrying the trade of the upper Lakes by the river Outawaies into Canada, which I scarsely think they will or could effect. Taking Detroit then (which is putting ourselves in as unfavourable a point of view as we can be well placed, because it is upon the line of the British territory) as a point by which, as I have already observed, all that part of the trade must come, it appears from the statement enclosed, that the tide waters of this State are nearer to it by 168 miles than that of the river St Lawrence; or than that of the Hudson at Albany by 176 miles.
Maryland stands upon similar ground with Virginia. Pennsylvania altho’ the Susquehanna is an unfriendly water, much impeded it is said with rocks & rapids, & nowhere communicating with those which lead to her capital; have it in contemplation to open a communication between Toby’s Creek (which empties into the Alleghany river, 95 miles above Fort Pitt) & the west branch of Susquehanna; & to cut a Canal between the waters of the latter, & the Schuylkill; the expence of which is easier to be conceived than estimated or described by me. A people however, who are possessed of the spirit of Commerce—who see, & who will pursue their advantages, may atchieve almost anything. In the meantime, under the uncertainty of these undertakings, they are smoothing the roads & paving the ways for the trade of that Western World. That New York will do the same so soon as the British Garrisons are removed; which are at present insurmountable obstacles in their way, no person who knows the temper, genius & policy of those people as well as I do, can harbour the smallest doubt.

Thus much with respect to rival States—let me now take a short view of our own; & being aware of the objections which are in the way; I will enumerate, in order to contrast them with the advantages.
The first & principal one is, the unfortunate Jealousy, which ever has & it is to be feared ever will prevail, lest one part of the State should obtain an advantage over the other part (as if the benefits of trade were not diffusive & beneficial to all)—then follow a train of difficulties viz:—that our people are already heavily taxed—that we have no money; that the advantages of this trade are remote; that the most direct rout for it is thro’ other States, over whom we have no controul; that the routs over which we have controul, are as distant as either of those which lead to Philadelphia, Albany or Montreal; that a sufficient spirit of commerce does not pervade the Citizens of this Commonwealth; that we are in fact doing for others, what they ought to do for themselves.
Without going into the investigation of a question, which has employed the pens of able politicians, namely, whether trade with Foreigners is an advantage or disadvantage to a country. This State as a part of the confederated States (all of whom have the spirit of it very strongly working within them) must adopt it, or submit to the evils arising therefrom without receiving its benefits—common policy therefore points clearly & strongly, to the propriety of our enjoying all the advantages which nature & our local situation afford us; and evinces clearly that unless this spirit could be totally eradicated in other States, as well as in this, and every man made to become either a cultivator of the Land, or a manufacturer of such articles as are prompted by necessity, such stimulas should be employed as will force this spirit; by shewing to our Countrymen the superior advantages we possess beyond others; & the importance of being upon a footing with our Neighbours.
If this is fair reasoning, it ought to follow as a consequence, that we should do our part towards opening the communication with the fur & peltry trade of the Lakes; & for the produce of the Country which lies within; & which will, so soon as matters are settled with the Indians, & the terms on which Congress mean to dispose of the Land, & found to be favourable, are announced —settle faster than any other ever did, or any

one would imagine. This then when considered in an interested point of view, is alone sufficient to excite our endeavours; but in my opinion, there is a political consideration for so doing, which is of still greater importance.
I need not remark to you Sir, that the flanks & rear of the United States are possessed by other powers—& formidable ones, too; nor, how necessary it is to apply the cement of interest, to bind all parts of the Union together by indissoluble bonds—especially that part of it, which lies immediately west of us, with the middle States. For, what ties, let me ask, shou’d we have upon those people? How entirely unconnected with them shall we be, and what troubles may we not apprehend, if the Spaniards on their right, & Gt Britain on their left, instead of throwing stumbling blocks in their way as they now do, should hold out lures for their trade and alliance. What, when they get strength, which will be sooner than most people conceive (from the emigration of foreigners who will have no particular predilection towards us, as well as from the removal of our own Citizens) will be the consequence of their having formed close connexions with both, or either of those powers in a commercial way? It needs not, in my opinion, the gift of prophecy to foretell.
The Western settlers, (I speak now from my own observation) stand as it were upon a pivot—the touch of a feather, would turn them any way—They have look’d down the Mississippi, until the Spaniards (very impoliticly I think, for themselves) threw difficulties in their way; & they looked that way for no other reason, than because they could glide gently down the stream; without considering perhaps, the fatigues of the voyage back again, & the time necessary to perform it in: & because they have no other means of coming to us but by a long Land transportation & unimproved roads. These causes have hitherto checked the industry of the present settlers; for except the demand for provisions, occasioned by the increase of population, & a little flour which the necessities of Spaniards compel them to buy, they have no excitements to labour. But smooth the road once, & make easy the way for them, & then see what an influx of articles will be poured in upon us—how amazingly our exports will be encreased by them, & how amply we shall be

compensated for any trouble & expence we may encounter to effect it.
A combination of circumstances makes the present conjuncture more favourable for Virginia, than for any other State in the Union, to fix these matters. The jealous & untoward disposition of the Spaniards on one hand, & the private views of some individuals, coinciding with the general policy of the Court of Great Britain, on the other, to retain as long as possible the Posts of Detroit, Niagara, Oswego &c. (which, tho’ they are done under the letter of the Treaty, is certainly an infraction of the spirit of it, & injurious to the union) may be improved to the greatest advantage by this State; if she would open her avenues to the trade of that Country, & embrace the present moment to establish it—It only wants a beginning—the Western Inhabitants wou’d do their part towards its execution. weak as they are, they would meet us at least half way, rather than be driven into the arms of, or be made dependant upon foreigners; which would, eventually, either bring on a separation of them from us, or a War between the United States & one or the other of those powers—most probably with the Spaniards. The preliminary steps to the attainment of this great object, would be attended with very little expence; & might, at the same time that it served to attract the attention of the Western Country, & to convince the wavering Inhabitants thereof of our disposition to connect ourselves with them & to facilitate their commerce with us, would be a mean of removing those jealousies which otherwise might take place among ourselves.
These, in my opinion, are; to appoint Commissioners, who from their situation, integrity & abilities, can be under no suspicion of prejudice or predilection to one part more than to another. Let these Commissioners make an actual survey of James River & Potomack from tide water to their respective sources—Note with great accuracy the kind of navigation, & the obstructions in it; the difficulty & expence attending the removal of these obstructions; the distances from place to place thro’ the whole extent; and the nearest & best Portages between these waters & the Streams capable of improvment which run into the Ohio; traverse these in like manner to their junction with the Ohio, & with equal accuracy—The navigation of this river

(i.e. the ohio) being well known, they will have less to do in the examination of it; but nevertheless, let the courses & distances of it be taken to the mouth of the Muskingum, & up that river (notwithstanding it is in the ceded lands) to the carrying place with Cayahoga—down Cayahoga to Lake Erie, & thence to Detroit. Let them do the same with big Bever creek, although part of it is in the State of Pennsylvania; and with the Scioto also—In a word, let the Waters East & West of the Ohio, which invite our notice by their proximity, & the ease with which Land transportation may be had between them & the Lakes on one side, & the rivers Potomac & James on the other, be explored—accurately delineated, & a correct & connected Map of the whole be presented to the public. These things being done, I shall be mistaken if prejudice does not yield to facts; jealousy to candour—& finally, that reason & nature thus aided, will dictate what is right & proper to be done.
In the mean while, if it should be thought that the lapse of time which is necessary to effect this work, may be attended with injurious consequences, could not there be a sum of money granted towards opening the best, or if it should be deemed more eligible, two of the nearest communications, one to the Northward & another to the Southward, with the settlements to the westward? And an act be passed (if there should not appear a manifest disposition in the Assembly to make it a public undertaking) to incorporate, & encourage private Adventurers if any should associate & sollicit the same, for the purpose of extending the navigation of Potomac or James river? and, in the former case, to request the concurrence of Maryland in the measure—It will appear from my statement of the different routs (and as far as my means of information have extended, I have done it with the utmost candour) that all the produce of the settlements about Fort Pitt, can be brought to Alexandria by the Yohoghaney in 304 Miles; whereof only 31 is land transportation. And by the Monongahela and Cheat river in 360 miles; 20 only of which are land carriage. Whereas the common road from Fort Pitt to Philadelphia is 320 Miles, all Land transportation; or 476 miles, if the Ohio, Toby’s Creek, Susquehanna & Schuylkill are made use of for this purpose: how much of this by land, I know not; but from the nature of

the Country it must be very considerable. How much the interests & feelings of people thus circumstanced would be engaged to promote it, requires no illustration.
For my own part, I think it highly probable, that upon the strictest scrutiny (if the Falls of the Great Kanhawa can be made navigable, or a short portage had there)—it will be found of equal importance & convenience to improve the navigation of both the James & Potomac. The latter I am fully persuaded affords the nearest communication with the Lakes; but James river may be more convenient for all the settlers below the mouth of the Gt Kanhawa, & for some distance perhaps above, & west of it: for I have no expectation that any part of the trade above the falls of the Ohio will go down that river & the Mississippi, much less that the returns will ever come up them; unless our want of foresight & good management is the occasion of it. Or upon trial, if it should be found that these rivers, from the before-mentioned Falls, will admit the descent of Sea vessels; in which case, & the navigation of the former’s becoming free, it is probable that both vessels & cargoes will be carried to foreign markets & sold; but the returns for them will never in the natural course of things, ascend the long & rapid current of that river; which with the Ohio to the Falls, in their meanderings, is little if any short of 2000 miles. Upon the whole, the object, in my estimation is of vast commercial and political importance: in these lights I think posterity will consider it, & regret (if our conduct should give them cause) that the present favourable moment to secure so great a blessing for them, was neglected.
One thing more remains, which I had like to have forgot, and that is the supposed difficulty of obtaining a passage thro’ the State of Pennsylvania. How an application to its Legislature would be relished, in the first instance, I will not undertake to decide; but of one thing I am almost certain, such an application would place that body in a very delicate situation. There is in the State of Pennsylvania at least 100,000 souls west of the Laurel hill, who are groaning under the inconveniencies of a long land transportation; they are wishing, indeed they are looking for the improvement & extension of inland navigation; & if this cannot be made easy for them, to Philada (at any rate it must be lengthy), they will seek a Mart elsewhere—the consequence

of which would be, that the State, tho’ contrary to the policy & interests of its Sea-ports, must submit to the loss of so much of its trade, or hazard not only the trade but the loss of the Settlement also: for an opposition on the part of Government to the extension of water transportation, so consonant with the essential interests of a large body of people, or any extraordinary impositions upon the exports or imports to, or from another State, would ultimately bring on a separation between its Eastern & Western Settlements—towards which, there is not wanting a disposition at this moment in that part of it, which is beyond the mountains.
I consider Rumsey’s discovery for working Boats against stream, by mechanical powers (principally) as not only a very fortunate invention for these States in general, but as one of those circumstances which have combined to render the present epocha favourable above all others for fixing, if we are disposed to avail ourselves of them, a large portion of the trade of the Western Country in the bosom of this State irrevocably.
Lengthy as this letter is, I intended to have written a fuller & more digested one, upon this important subject, but have met with so many interruptions since my return home, as almost to have precluded my writing at all—what I now give is crude; but if you are in sentiment with me, I have said enough; if there is not an accordance of opinion I have said too much, & all I pray in the latter case is, that you will do me the justice to believe my motives are pure, however erroneous my judgment may be on this matter, & that I am with the most perfect esteem & friendship Dr Sir Yrs &c. &c. &c.

G: Washington


Title: To George Washington from Edward Newenham, 13 October 1784 [letter not found]
From: Newenham, Edward
To: Washington, George

Letter not found: from Edward Newenham, 13 Oct. 1784. On 20 Mar. 1785 GW wrote to Newenham: “I regret very much that your letters of the 2d and 13th of October should have been detained.”


Title: To George Washington from Stephen Sayre, 15 October 1784
From: Sayre, Stephen
To: Washington, George

Sir
Georgetown [Md.] 15th Octo. 1784

When I did myself the honor of laying before your Excellency such thoughts as then occur’d to my imagination on the importantance of opening this River, it was not my Intention to have given you the trouble of a Reply; but I am not ashamed to acknowledge myself happy in the honorable Correspondence.
It is my wish, that every Idea, leading to accomplish the great Object may be made public, and have reason to beleive the money may sooner be raised by Tontine, than in any other way, not only from the success such a mode has generally met with in Europe, but from the approbation of every Individual I have conversed with on the subject. Nor is there any other method which so fairly discharges posterity from the Toll, doing equal Justice to Creditors. I conceive also, that the early profits or enviable payments which the Toll will make to the Lenders will create an ardent disposition in the public to see Inland navigation extended to its utmost stage of improvement. It is reported, and I hope truly, that your Excellency will be at Annapolis; about the 1t of novr  I propose being there also at the same time, when I shall, unreservedly communicate my Ideas, and I trust, prove to conviction, that as to the work, nothing is more practicable than a good, safe, & convenient navigation thro the great & Little Falls, without a single Lock—to my understanding, all Idea of Locks ought to be renounced & exploded forever—perhaps in all cases of navigation; but surely in this River. The single difficulty, in case the two States agree, is to raise the Funds. I am clearly persuaded that £50000 Maryland Cury would make a good navigation, & upon a plan that would never require repairs. I am, most respectfully Yours &c. &c.

Stephen Sayre


Title: To George Washington from Pusignan, 16 October 1784
From: Pusignan, Alexandre-César de Genevy de
To: Washington, George

Sir,
Roan in the Forest 16th October 1784

Anxious to partake of the military honors, with the Officers of your Country, where I served under Count Rochambeau, during the stay of the French Army in America; I addressed myself to Doctor Franklin, persuaded you had commissioned him to admit into the Order of Cincinnatus, those who were entitled to it. He told me I must apply to you, the President of the Order—I should not Sir, have sollicited this honor of you, if I had not seen it conferred on so many French Officers. I must inform you truly Sir, that I was not a Captain when wounded at Yorck—But this consideration has not operated so, as to withold the Kings favors from me, as you will observe by the Ministers letter; which I must entreat your Excellency to return to me —Immediately after the Siege however, my Captain went to France, and the Command of the Company, of the Brigade of Soissonois devolved on me, and the care of eight field pieces—On my arrival in France, I was immediately made a Captain. I have so much confidence in your goodness, as to hope, you will not exclude me from the honor I ask—I am with the greatest respect, Your Hble & Obt Sert

De Surignan, Captain of the regiment of Auxerne of the Royal Corps of Artillery.


Title: To George Washington from Benjamin Lincoln, 18 October 1784 [letter not found]
From: Lincoln, Benjamin
To: Washington, George

Letter not found: from Benjamin Lincoln, 18 Oct. 1784. On 5 Feb. 1785 GW wrote to Lincoln: “Not until these few days have I been favored with your letter of the 18th of Octr.”


Title: To George Washington from James Rumsey, 19 October 1784
From: Rumsey, James
To: Washington, George

Dear General
Alexandria [Va.] octr 19th 1784

I have been geting of Mr Herbert a few Coarse Clothes for my workman, and A Few materials towards Building, and has Taken the Liberty to Draw on you in his favour, for forty pounds Curencey payable at twenty Days Sight. I thought It my Duty to give you notice of it—The honor you Did me at Bath by giveing me So ample a Certificate I Shall Eve[r] most greatfully acknowledge  It Convicts almost Every person that Sees it and puts Quite a new face on my Scheme I Long to have the Opertunity of Convinceing those that Remain Unbeleivers that you are not mistaken in your opinion I am with perfect Esteem your Obt hbe Servt

James Rumsey


Title: To George Washington from George Plater, 20 October 1784
From: Plater, George
To: Washington, George

Dear Sir
Oct. 20th 1784

Since I had the Honor of visiting you I have been revolving in my Head the Subject of our Conversation respecting the opening the Potowmack, Advancing the Trade of the back & new settled Countries [in] this these middle States & the more I consider it, the more I am impressed with the Utility & Advantages resulting therefrom—So much so, that I am determined to press the Measure in our Assembly, which will soon meet, & I

hope we shall be joined by Virginia —To enable me to do it with more Effect, I take the Liberty to entreat the Favor of you, in some Leisure Moment, to give me as concisely as you please, some Description of the Waters in the back Country, the Land Carriage unavoidably necessary, & what other Information you may deem important—Your Letter sent to Mrs Digges will come safe to Hand —Mrs Plater joins me in warmest Respects to your Lady & you, & I have the honor to be with the highest Regard & Esteem—Dear Sir—Yr most aff: & obt hume Servt

Geo. Plater


Title: To George Washington from Lafayette, 22 October 1784
From: Lafayette, Marie-Joseph-Paul-Yves-Roch-Gilbert du Motier, marquis de
To: Washington, George

My dear General
Boston octobr the 22d 1784

On My Arrival at Boston I Have Been So kindly Received that No Words Can Express My lively, Affectionate Gratitude—to those Enjoyements I Have added the Heartfelt pleasure to Contemplate the Effect, a Sudden Appearance of your picture, Had Upon a people whose love to You is as Great at least as in Any part of the World —Circumstanced as I am Here, I Could not with Any propriety set out So Soon as I expected—I am Sorry our Meeting Again is differd—But When You are absent, I Endeavour to Guess What You Would Have Advised me to do—and then to do it—I am sure You Would advise My staying Here some time longer—I therefore Will not go Untill the first or Second of next Month—and then I embark from Boston in

the Nimph frigat to Go to York—monsieur de grandchain Who Commands Her Begs to Be Most Respectfully Remembered to You, and as He expects Reaching York about the 8th or tenth, He Will in Compagny with me Wait upon You whereever You May be found—the Bearer I Send to Mount vernon in order I may Receive Your Commands at the Moment I Arrive—So late in the Season, I think You Will Advise my Going immediately to Richmond—I Hope you Will let me know where We are to Meet —and I also Hope, My dear general, You will not deny My affectionate pressing Request to induce Your Visiting with me our friends in Philadelphia—the chev.’s respects and Mine wait upon mrs Washington and Wish to Be Remembered to all the family—Adieu, My dear General, With the Most Affectionate and devoted Sentiments of filial love and Respect I Have the Honor to Be Your

Lafayette


Title: From George Washington to George Plater, 25 October 1784
From: Washington, George
To: Plater, George

Dear Sir,
Mount Vernon 25th Oct. 1784

Your letter of the 20th did not reach me until yesterday afternoon. I am now set down to acknowledge it, and shall be happy if from any information I can give, you should derive satisfaction, or the public benefit.
To describe the usefulness of water transportation, would be a mere waste of time, every man who has considered the difference of expence between it, & land transportation, and the prodigeous saving in the article of draught cattle, requires no arguments in proof of it. and to point out the advantages which the back Inhabitants of Virginia and Maryland would derive from an extension of the inland navigation of the river Potomk, (even supposing our views did not extend beyond the Apalachian Mountains) would be equally nugatory.
But I consider this business in a far more extensive point of view—and the more I have revolved it, the more important it appears to me; not only as it respects our commerce, but our political interests, and the well being, & strength of the Union also.
It has long been my opinion, that the shortest, easiest, and least expensive communication with the invaluable and extensive Country back of us, would be by the river Potomack; and in this opinion I am not singular; Evans in his map and analysis of the middle Colonies, which (considering the early period at which they were given to the public) are done with surprizing exactness—and Hutchins since, in his topographical description of the Western Country (some parts of which are from actual Surveys) are of the same sentimts; as indeed all others who have had opportunities, & taken the pains to investigate & consider the subject, also are.
But that this may not appear a European scheme, or as an opinion unsupports by facts, I will give you the different routs & distances from Detroit, by which the Fur & Peltry trade of the lakes, even as far as that of the Wood, must pass; unless the Spaniards contrary to their present policy should open their Ports to it—or Great Britain, to divert it from us, should endeavor to force nature by carrying it along the river Outawaies into Canada, which I scarcely think they will attempt, or could

effect if they did, as the Lakes are as open to our Traders as theirs, and the way easier from them.
These routs and distances are given from the best maps extant, corrected by actual Surveys in many instances, and by such oral testimony as my opportunities during the war have enabled me to obtain.
Taking Detroit then (which is putting ourselves in as distant a point of view as we can be placed, because it is on the Northwestern line of the United territory) it appears from the enclosed statement, that the tide water of Potomack is nearer to it, by 168 Miles than that of the river St Lawrence—or that of the Hudson at Albany, by 176 Miles.
Maryland as it respects the navigation of Potomack stands upon similar ground with Virginia—Pensylvania, altho’ the Susquehanna is said to be an unfriendly water, much impeded by rocks & rapids, and disgorging itself into Chesapeak bay, have it, I am told, in contemplation to open a communication between Tobys Creek (which emptys into the Alligany river 95 Miles above Fort Pitt) and the West branch thereof; and to cut a canal between the latter, that is the Susquehanna, and the Schuylkill—the expence of which is more easy to be conceived than estimated or described, but a people possessed of the spirit of Commerce—who see—and who will resolve to pursue advantages, may atchieve almost any thing. In the meanwhile, under the uncertainty of these undertakings, they are smoothing (as I have been informed) the roads, and paving the ways for the trade of that western world, to their capitol—That New York will do the same, so soon as the British Garrisons are removed, which at present are insuperable obstacles in their way, none who are as well acquainted with the genious & policy of those people as I am, can harbour the smallest doubt—any more than they will of the difficulty of diverting trade, after connections are once formed, & it has flowed for any length of time in one channel into that of another.
I am not for discouraging the exertion of any State to draw the Commerce of the Western Country to its Seaports. The more communications are opened to it, the closer we bind that rising world (for indeed it may be so called) to our interests; and the greater strength shall we acquire by it. Those to whom nature affords the best communication, will, if they are wise &

politic, enjoy the greatest share of the trade, all I would be understood to mean therefore, is, that the gifts of Providence may not be neglected, or slighted. These when viewed upon a commercial scale, are alone sufficient to excite our endeavors; but the political object is, in my estimation, immense.
I need not remark to you Sir, that the flanks and rear of the United territory are possessed by other powers, and formidable ones too. nor how necessary it is to apply the cement of interest, to bind the several parts of it together; for what ties let me ask, should we have upon those people, and how entirely unconnected shall we be with them, if the Spaniards on their right, or Great Britain on their left, instead of throwing stumbling blocks in their way as they now do, should envite their trade, & seek alliances with them? what, when they get strength, which will be sooner than is generally imagined (from the emigration of foreigners, who can have no predeliction for us, as well as from the removal of our Citizens) may be the consequence of their having formed close connections with both, or either of those powers in a Commercial way? needs not the gift of prophecy to foretell.
The Western settlers—I speak now from my own observations—stand as it were upon a pivet; the touch of a feather would almost incline them any way—they looked down the Mississipi until the Spaniards (very impoliticly I think for themselves) threw difficulties in their way; & for no other reason that I can devise, than because they glided gently down the stream without considering perhaps the length of the voyage, & the time necessary to perform it in. & because they had no other means of coming to us, but by a long land transportation, and unimproved roads.
These causes have hitherto checked the industry of the present Settlers, for except the demand for provisions, occasioned by the encrease of population; and the little flour which the necessities of the Spaniards have compelled them to buy; they have no excitements to labour—But open the road once, & make easy the way for these, and see what an influx of articles will be poured in upon us. how amazingly our exports will be encreased by them, and how amply we shall be compensated for any trouble and expence we may encounter to effect it.
A combination of circumstances make the present conjuncture

more favorable than any other, to fix these matters—The crusty & untoward disposition of the Spaniards on one side, and the private views of some individuals coinciding with the policy of the Court of G. Britain on the other, to retain the Posts of Oswego, Niagara, Dretroit &ca (which though they are done under the letter of the treaty, is certainly an infraction of the spirit of it, and injurious to the Union) may be improved to the greatest advantage by the States of Virginia & Maryland if they would open their arms, and embrace the means which are necessary to establish the trade—It wants but a beginning—the Western Inhabitants would do their part towards its execution. Weak as they are at present, they would meet us half way rather than be driven into the arms of, or be dependent upon, foreigners; the consequence of which would be, a seperation or a war—the way to avoid both, fortunately for us, is, to do that, which our most essential interests prompts us to; and which, at a very small comparitive expence, is to be effected, that is, to open a wide door to their commerce, & make the communication as easy as possible for their produce.
This, in my judgment, would dry up the other sources, or if any part should flow down the Mississipi from the Falls of the Ohio, by means of Vessels built for the sea, & sold with their Cargoes, the returns for them, I conceive, would go back this way.
I consider Rumseys discovery for working Boats against the stream, by mechanical powers principally, as not only a very fortunate invention for these States in general, but as one of those circumstances which have combined to render the present epocha favorable above all others, for fixing, if we are disposed to avail ourselves of them, a large portion of the Peltry & Fur trade of the lakes, and the commerce within, irrecoverably, to these two states.
Lengthy as this letter is, I might have enlarged, but company prevents me—If there are any ideas in it which may be improved upon, I shall feel happy in having obeyed your commands, if there are not, your request must be my apology for having troubled you with these observations. My best respects, in which Mrs Washington joins me, are tendered to Mrs Plater. and I am—Dear Sir Yr Most Obedt Hble Servt

Go: Washington


Title: From George Washington to George Rindfleisch, 25 October 1784
From: Washington, George
To: Rindfleisch, George

Sir,
Mount Vernon 25th Octor 1784

Herewith is a copy of the Plat you desired. Permit me to remind you that this tract, & my other Lands in the neighbourhood of it, have been offered to be leased, and may soon, in part, be engaged.
The sooner therefore you determine whether to take it or not, the better chance there will be of having it wholly for your own use, or the benefit of your friends, which, no doubt would be more agreeable to you, or them, than to be mixed with strangers. I am Sir Yr most Obt Servt

G: Washington


Title: To George Washington from Walter Stewart, 26 October 1784
From: Stewart, Walter
To: Washington, George

Dear Sir,
Philadelphia Octr 26th 1784

Not meeting with an Opportunity of forwarding Your Excellency a Letter has been the only Cause of my not writing since my return from the Havannah.
I have in the most sincere manner to thank Your Excellency for the kind Introduction You gave me to the Governor, it was paid every Attention to I could Possibly wish, and was the Cause in a great measure of my getting the business on which I went Effected.
My detention Exceeded every Idea I had when I left America, it was Occasion’d by a difference which has long Existed between

the Governor, Admiral, and Intendant; Individually they wish’d to do every thing in their power for me, but Collectively they Could not Agree on the mode.
I was fortunate in setting an Account of near twelve thousand Dollars with our Agent there. He has return’d to America where his losses and other distresses has reduced him to the Necessity of Calling his Creditors together; they have granted Him a length of time to settle his affairs and pay his debts.
The Season got so far Advanced before I return’d, that our friends have persuaded us not to go to Ireland untill the Spring; Indeed matters are becoming more and more Serious in that Quarter every day, And by that time I think We must Ascertain what is Meant by each Party.
The Marquis la fayette is at the Indian Treaty Where he made a Speech to those who had met, I am informed that the number was by no means equal to what was Expected, or could be wished & it is fear’d nothing of Consequence will be done.
Mrs Stewart Joins in respectful Compliments to your Excellency and Mrs Washington, and in hopes that you both enjoy perfect Health.
Inclos’d I forward a Letter from Governor Unzaga And Am Dr sir With the greatest respect & Esteem Yr Excellency’s Most Obedt Servant

Walter Stewart


Title: To George Washington from Melancton Smith, 27 October 1784
From: Smith, Melancton
To: Washington, George

Sir
New York Octr 27th 1784

I have the honor of inclosing you a Copy of an Invoice of plate &c, shipped from London by order of Daniel Parker Esqr. Mr Parker before he left Philadelphia authorized me to receive them, and forward them to you. They arrived here the

Latter part of Summer, since which no oppurtunity has offered to Ship them to you. A Friend of mine now Ships a number of Goods to go to Alexandria by way of Philadephia and by this way I have sent the Case, and wish it safe to hand. Inclosed is an Accot of the Freight & other charges paid on the Case—The amount of the cost and charges Mr Parker requested you will send to me. As I am to make remittances to Messrs Joy & Hopkins for them. If it would be convenient to send it in a good Bill of Exchange upon London, it would best suit me.
Mr Henry Wyckoff and myself have entered into business in this place under the firm of Smith & Wyckoff, & should you have any business to transact here in the mercantile line we should be happy to execute it with fidelity & dispatch. I am with the highest respect Your Obed. Sert

Malancton Smith


Title: From George Washington to Stephen Bloomer Balch, 30 October 1784
From: Washington, George
To: Balch, Stephen Bloomer

Sir,
[Mount Vernon] 30th Octr 1784.

If you will now, or at any other time, furnish me with an account of the expences which have been incurred for schooling, boarding & clothing of my Nephews, I will transmit you the money. Such of the latter as are proper for them, I hope will be obtained on the best terms, as the cost of them shall be regularly paid.
I think it would be very proper to have them taught the French language & such parts of the Mathematics as will bring them acquainted with practical Surveying, which is useful to every man who has landed property. As they are fatherless & motherless children, I commit them to your benevolent care & protection. I am Sir &c.

G: Washington


Title: From George Washington to Robert Anderson, 3 November 1784
From: Washington, George
To: Anderson, Robert

Sir,
Mount Vernon 3d Novr 1784.

Your letter of the 15th of Octor is at hand, & is the first I have ever received from you. Persons as well acquainted with Husbandry, in its various branches, as you profess yourself to be, & have credentials of, must no doubt be an acquisition to any Country, & meet with encouragement in this. I should be glad to employ a Man who has a perfect knowledge of Agriculture—skilled in the rotation of crops, & who understands feeding horses, Cattle, sheep &c. But before I would be under any legal, or honorary engagement, or put you to the trouble or expence of coming this way, I should be glad to know precisely your terms, wages &c. To which I wou’d give you an answer by the return of the Post. It may not be amiss to inform you, that it is a head or Director only I want; hands I could furnish from my

own Estate to occupy any farm I have unengaged at present. I am Sir &c.

G: Washington


Title: From George Washington to Clement Biddle, 3 November 1784
From: Washington, George
To: Biddle, Clement

Dear Sir,
Mount Vernon Nov. 3rd 1784

I have not yet received a statement of my Acct with you. It would give me pleasure to have it at full length—and soon.
I wish you would add to it 100 lbs. of fresh & good (red) clover seed, to be sent by the first vessel to Alexandria, as I should be glad to receive it before Ice may impede the navigation of this or Delaware river.
I requested the favor of Mr Bourdinot (late president of Congress[)] to send me from New Jersey as much of the Orchard grass seed as would sow ten acres; and if no opportunity should offer from New York immediately to Alexandria to address it to your care, should the latter be the case I pray you to forward it by the first conveyance after its arrival.
Last spring you were unable to get me English grass seed, but if it is to be had now, it would be very convenient for me to receive as much as would sow five acres (say 50 lbs.) The grass I mean has different names, which may be a reason of your unsuccessful enquiries before. By some it is called English Grass, by others Goose Grass, By others spear grass, but the kind I want is that which affords the best turf for walks and lawns, and is the purpose for which I want it. Could these seeds be had from a Farmer, or of the growth of the country there would be more certainty of its coming up. Imported seeds even (when no pranks are played with them) often get heated in the ship & vegetation thereby destroyed.
At what prices pray could good Ticklenburg be had in Philadelphia, Nails, Paints, and in short course goods, are goods in

general cheap or dear with you. I am Dr Sir Yr most Obedt Servt

G. Washington


Title: From George Washington to Elias Boudinot, 3 November 1784
From: Washington, George
To: Boudinot, Elias

Dr Sir,
Mount Vernon 3d Novr 1784.

Mrs Washington & I have heard with great pleasure of Miss Boudinot’s restoration to health, & change of condition; on both which events we join in sincere compliments of congratulation to you, Mrs Boudinot & the young couple.
Will you permit me my good Sir, to request the favor of you (if it should not be attended with inconvenience) to purchase as much of the Orchard grass seed for me, as will sow about ten acres of Land, & forward it by any Vessel which may be coming from New York to Alexandria—or if opportunities from thence are rare—to Colo. Biddle in Philadelphia, with a request to forward it to me without delay, that I may be certain of getting it for early seeding in the Spring. You would add to the favor if the Seed should be accompanied by the direction of a

good farmer, with respect to the quantity which should be given to an Acre, & the manner of sowing it. I will remit the price of the Seed with thanks, so soon as you shall inform me of the cost of it.
You were so obliging some years ago as to furnish me with a little of this seed; but like most other things which belonged to me it was neglected. I want to try it now under my own management. With very great esteem & regard, I am Dr Sir, Yrs &c. &c.

G: Washington


Title: From George Washington to William Gordon, 3 November 1784
From: Washington, George
To: Gordon, William

Dear sir,
Mount Vernon 3d Novr 1784

The last post brought me your favor of the 18th ulto, & gave me the pleasure to hear you were well.
My return from our Western territory was sooner than I expected when I left home. The Indians from accounts were in too discontented a mood to have rendered an interview with them agreeable, if chance should have thrown us together. I therefore returned from the Neighbourhood of Fort Pitt, where I found part of my property (Lands) in possession of others, & myself under the necessity of bringing ejectments for the recovery of it. To that which was more remote I did not go, for the reason above. Another year—& I may find it in like predicament. But as the Land cannot be removed, I did not think any attempts which might be made in the meanwhile, sufficient inducement to expose myself to the insults of Savages; & having no other objects in view, I returned three weeks sooner than I expected when I set out on the tour.
In my absence I had a very sickly family, but no deaths—Mrs Washington has been very unwell—Miss Custis very ill—and your friend Tub a good deal reduced by a diarrhaea—he has got perfectly well, & is as fat & saucy as ever. Mrs Washington is

pretty well recovered, but Miss Custis remains in a puny state. The family unite in best wishes for you, & I am &c. &c.

G: Washington


Title: From George Washington to Jacob Read, 3 November 1784
From: Washington, George
To: Read, Jacob

Sir,
Mount Vernon Novr 3d 1784.

The last Post gave me the honor of your letter of the 22d Ulto from New York and the little Tract which it enclosed. for both, you have my thanks.
My tour to the Westward, was less extensive than I intended. The Indians, it was said, were in too discontented a mood, for me to expose myself to their insults; as I had no object in contemplation

which could justify any risk; my property in that Country having, previously, undergone every species of attack and diminution, that the nature of it would admit. To see the condition of my Lands which were nearest, & settled—and to dispose of those which were more remote, & unsettled, was all I had in view. The first I accomplished. The other I could not; and returned three weeks sooner than I expected.
You are pleased, my good Sir, to request that I would furnish you with such observations as I might have made in this tour, respecting “the Western Territory, Posts, or in general on Indian Affairs.” with respect to the first and last, I had abundant reason to convince me, that the predictions of a letter, which I wrote on the 7th of Septr 1783 to a Committee of Congress, (at their request) in part, are already verified—and that the rest, if the treaty which is now depending with the Indians, does not avert them, are upon the point of being so. And with respect to the Posts—two other letters of mine—the first on the 2d of May last year, the other of the 8th of Septr following—addressed (by desire) to the Committee appointed to form a Peace establishment for the Union, contain my Sentiments on that Subject; fully, & clearly.
As these letters were addressed to Committees, at their own request, ’tis possible the members only of them, may have seen them—this must be my apology therefore for the reference, instead of a recital.
What may be the result of the Indian Treaty I pretend not to say; equally unacquainted am I with the Instructions, or Powers of the Commissioners; but if a large cession of territory is expected from them, a disappointment I think will ensue; for the Indians, I have been told, will not yield to the proposal. Nor can I see wherein lyes the advantages of it, if they would—at a first purchase—unless a number of States, tho’ thinly Inhabited, would be more than a counterpoize in the political Scale, for progressive & compact settlements.
Such is the rage for speculating in, and forestalling of Lands on the No. West side of the Ohio, that scarce a valuable spot within any tolerable distance of it, is left without a claimant. Men in these times, talk with as much facility of fifty, a hundred, and even 500,000 Acres as a Gentleman formerly would do of 1000 acres. In defiance of the proclamation of Congress,

they roam over the Country on the Indian side of the Ohio—mark out Lands—Survey—and even settle them. This gives great discontent to the Indians, and will unless measures are taken in time to prevent it, inevitably produce a war with the western Tribes. To avoid which, there appears to me to be only these ways. Purchase, if possible, as much Land of them immediately back of us, as would make one or two States, according to the extent Congress design, or would wish to have them of; and which may be fully adequate to all our present purposes. Fix such a price upon the Lands, so purchased, as would not be too exorbitant & burthensome for real occupiers, but high enough to discourage monopolizers. Declare all steps, heretofore taken to procure Lands on the No. Wt side of the Ohio, contrary to the prohibition of Congress, to be null & void. and that any person thereafter, who shall presume to mark—Survey—or settle Lands beyond the limits of the New States, & purchased Lands, shall not only be considered as outlaws, but fit subjects for Indian vengeance.
If these, or similar measures are adopted, I have no doubt of Congress’s deriving a very considerable revenue from the Western territory; but Land, like other commodities, rise or fall in proportion to the quantity at market. consequently a higher price may be obtained by the acre, for as much as will constitute one or two States, than can be had if ten States were offered for Sale at the sametime, besides extending the benefits, and deriving all the advantages of Law & Government from them at once; neither of which can be done in sparse settlements, where nothing is thought of but scrambling for Land, which more than probably would involve confusion & bloodshed.
It is much to be regretted, that the slow determinations of Congress involve many evils. It is much easier to avoid mischiefs, than to apply remedies after they have happened. Had Congress paid an earlier attention to, or decided sooner on Indian Affairs, matters would have been in a more favorable train than they now are—and if they are longer delayed, they will grow worse. Twelve months ago the Indians would have listened to propositions of any kind with more readiness than they will do now. The terms of Peace frightened them, and they were disgusted with Great Britn for making such. Bribery, and every address which British art could devise have been practiced

since to sooth them—to estrange them from us—and to secure their Trade.
To what other causes can be ascribed, their holding our Western Posts so long, after the ratification of the Treaty, contrary to the spirit tho they do it under the letter of it. To remove their Garrisons and Stores is not the work of a week; for if report be true, they have only to shift them to the opposite side of the line. but it is now more than a year since I foretold what has happened; & I shall not be surprized if they leave us no Posts to occupy; for if they mean to surrender them at all, they may fix upon a season, or appoint a short day perhaps for the evacuation, which would preclude all relief—especially as I beleive you are in no condition to possess them—To do it properly, requires time; ordnance, stores, Provisions, and other articles, no more than Garrisons, are to be established in a moment; even where Boats & other conveniences (of which I dare say you are deficient) are at hand to transplant them. Supposing this to be the case, their will be an interregnum, during which the works will be left without guards, and being obnoxious to British policy, & Indian prejudices, will, by accidental fires, or Indian Drunkeness end in conflagration.
There is a matter which tho’ it does not come before Congress wholly, is in my opinion, of great political importance, and ought to be attended to in time. It is to prevent the trade of the Western territory from settling in the hands, either of the Spaniards or British. if either of these happen, there is a line of seperation at once drawn between the Eastern & Western Country. The consequences of which may be fatal. To tell any man of information, how fast the latter is settling—how much more rapidly it will settle, by means of foreign emigrants, who can have no particular predeliction for us; of the vast fertility of the Soil—and the population the Country is competent to, would be futile—and equally nugatory to observe that it is by the cement of inte⟨rest⟩ only, we can be held together. If then the trade of that Country should flow through the Mississipi or St Lawrence—If the Inhabitants thereof should form commercial connexions, which lead, we know, to intercourse of other kinds—they would in a few years be as unconnected with us, indeed more so, than we are with South America; and wd soon be alienated from us.

It may be asked how we are to prevent this? Happily for us the way is plain—and our immediate Interests, as well as remote political advantages, points to it; whilst a combination of circumstances renders the present Epocha more favorable than any other, to accomplish them—Extend the inland navigation of the Eastern waters—communicate them as near as possible (by excellent Roads) with those which run to the Westward. open these to the Ohio—and such others as extend from the Ohio towards Lake Erie; and we shall not only draw the produce of the Western Settlers, but the Fur & peltry trade of the lakes also, to our Ports (being the nearest, & easiest of transportation) to the amazing encrease of our Exports, while we bind those people to us by a chain which never can be broken.
This is no Utopean Scheme—it can be demonstrated as fully as facts can ascertain any thing—that not only the produce of the Ohio & its waters, at least to the falls, but those of the lakes also, as far even as that of the Wood, may be brought to the Sea Ports of the United States by routs shorter, easier, and less expensive than they can be carried to Montreal or New Orleans. if we would be at a little trouble and expence to open them. I will acknowledge that the most essential part of this business comes more properly before individual States than the Union; but there is one part of it, which lyes altogether with the latter—and that is, to have actual Surveys of the Western territory; more especially of the Rivers which empty into the Ohio on the North West side thereof, which have the easiest & best communications with Lake Erie—reporting the nature of these waters—the practicability of their navigation, & expence in opening of them. This, in my opinion, is an important business, and admits of no delay—it would shew the value of those Lands more clearly—it would attract the attention of the Settlers, and the Traders—it would give the Ton[e], & fix ideas that at present are as floating as chaos.
You see Sir I have obeyed your commands—my sentiments are delivered with freedom—the worst construction they will admit of, is, that they are errors of judgment; for sure I am, I have no private views that can be promoted by the adoption of them. Mrs Washington thanks you for your polite remembrance of her, and joins me in best respects. I am with esteem & regard Dr Sir Yr most Obt Hble Servt

Go: Washington


Title: To George Washington from John Preston, 6 November 1784
From: Preston, John
To: Washington, George

Hond Sir
Novr 6th 1784.

In consequence of receiving your Excellency’s favour dated Rockingham Octr 1st 84, I gave the necessary attention due to your business, & have examined all the records of my Office deligently, but find nothing relating to your Lands only the enclosed Warrent of 2000 Acres, a copy of the entry & survey thereon: All warrents granted by Lord Dunmore agreeable to the Proclamation of 1763, Which were recd into the Surveyors Office of Fincastle, where immediately registered; among those I have search’d for yours of 5000 Acres, but cannot find it, which gives me reason to suppose this War[ran]t was neglected or miscarried & never came into my Fathers hands: Possibly it

was put into the care of some of the deputies acting under my Father, who not finding suitable Lands to locate it on, never lodged it in the Office, but still kept it in their possession, This is only a bare supposition of my own, & have no grounds for it: But if the person to whom you delivered it could be known, he might give some satisfaction on this head, & such Information as would make known where the War[ran]t is & a line from you on this subject I shall endeavour to procure it, & transmitt it you immediately.
Your apoligy for any trouble you can give me is wholly unecessary, for be assured in this or any other request wherein I can be servicable to you, I shall most chearfully comply. I am with the utmost respect Your Excellencys most Obt Servt

J. Preston


Title: To George Washington from David Humphreys, 11 November 1784
From: Humphreys, David
To: Washington, George

My dear General
Paris Novr 11th 1784.

Colonel le Maire who is this moment Setting off for Virginia affords an opportunity for communicating the latest & most important intelligence respecting European politics.
The Emperor & the Dutch have gone so far in their quarrel

about the navigation of the Scheld that there is hardly a possibility that either should recede—indeed the act of recalling their Ministers amounts in the estimation of the world to a declaration of war—besides this, each party is making every hostile preparation; and the Emperor is said to have put 60,000 men in motion towards the quarter which must be the theatre of action: on the other hand, it is supposed the Dutch must have been morally certain of receiving Succour from this nation & from Prussia, or that they would not have proceeded to such lengths as they have done.
Prince Henry the Brother of the King of Prussia has been here some time, his visit is thought to involve some political objects in it—two days ago it was reported he had a private rendevouz with the King at Fontainbleau—it is also rumored that a Camp of 50,000 Men is immediately to be formed in this Kingdom; & that Mr de Vergennes will probably go out of office. but these I give as reports only.
If the war should commence it is likely that almost all Europe will first or last be engaged in it. How happy that our local situation does not require that we should become a party in the quarrels of other nations. And what a wonder that Britain could not have conjured up such a storm before our frail Bark had safely arrived in Port!
In Ireland the troubles do not seem to have subsided—Notwithstanding the interference in Dublin to prevent the election of Members to attend the National Congress, the election has taken place, & Sir E. Newenham who is one, writes Dr Franklin that the Congress will certainly convene —I have the honor to be my Dr Sir your most obedt Servt

D. Humphreys


Title: To George Washington from George Clinton, 12 November 1784 [letter not found]
From: Clinton, George
To: Washington, George

Letter not found: from George Clinton, 12 Nov. 1784. On 25 Nov. GW wrote to Clinton: “A few days ago I had the pleasure to receive your favor of the 12th Instt.”


Title: To George Washington from Benjamin Harrison, 13 November 1784
From: Harrison, Benjamin
To: Washington, George

My Dear Sir,
Rich[mon]d [Va.] Novr 13th 1784

I was in great hopes of seeing you here before this that I might have acknowledged the rect of your favor of the 10th of last month in person, and have told you how much I approve your plan for opening the navigation of the western waters. The letter was so much more explicit than I could be that I took the liberty to lay it before the assembly, who appear so impress’d with the utility of the measure that I dare say they will order the survey you propose immediately and will at their next sitting proceed to carry the plan into execution.
My time of service is so near expiring that I must remove my family and effects next week or my successor will elbow me out perhaps which would not be quite so comfortable, indeed there is a vacancy for an assembly man in Chs city and I shall endeavour to fill it and it seems there is such opposition to me that unless I go down a few days before the election there is a probability of my being disappointed. Mrs Harrison joins me in compliments to your good lady, who she had hopes of seeing here when last down to have renew’d an acquaintance of very long standing but which has been so much interruped of late years. I am with every sentiment of esteem and regard Dr Sir your affect. and obedt servt

Benj. Harrison


Title: From George Washington to Officials of the City of Richmond, 15 November 1784
From: Washington, George
To: Officials of the City of Richmond

[Richmond, Va., 15 November 1784]
To—The Worshipful the Mayor, Recorder, Aldermen, & Common Council of the City of Richmond.Gentlemen,

I derive great honor from your congratulatory address; the language of which, is too flattering not to have excited my utmost gratitude.
To the Smiles of Heaven—to a virtuous & gallant Army—and to the exertions of my fellow Citizens of the Union—(not to superior talents of mine) are to be ascribed the blessings of that liberty, Independence, & Peace, of wch we are all now in the enjoyment. Whilst these are afforded us, & while the advantages of commerce are not only offered but are solliciting our acceptance, it must be our own fault indeed if we do not make them productive of a rich & plenteous harvest—and of that National honor & glory, which should be characteristic of a young, & rising Empire.
That this growing City may enjoy all the benefits which are to be derived from them, in the fullest extent—that it may improve such as nature has bestowed—and that it may soon be ranked among the first in the Union for population, commerce & wealth is my sincere and fervent wish.

Go: Washington


Title: From George Washington to Virginia House of Delegates, 15 November 1784
From: Washington, George
To: Virginia House of Delegates

Gentlemen
[Richmond, Va., 15 November 1784]

My sensibility is deeply affected by this distinguished mark of the affectionate regard of your honble House. I lament upon this occasion that my powers of utterance will not do justice to

my feelings; and shall rely upon your indulgent report to supply the defect; at the sametime I pray you to present for me the strongest assurances of unalterable affection & gratitude for this last pleasing & flattering attention of my Country.


Title: To George Washington from Charles Washington, 16 November 1784
From: Washington, Charles
To: Washington, George

Dear Brother,
Berkeley [Va.] Novr 16th 1784

The Death of Mr Nourse, renders it Necesary, for some Person to Succeed him in the guardian Ship of the two Little Boys,

who I understand are at School at George Town. wishing them not to be Neglected, am Prevailed upon by my Brother John, to undertake that Office. but the distance being great, aded to some Infurmatives which I labour under, makes it very Inconveniant for me [to] Ride that distance—this fa[vo]re I would beg of you (if not Disagreable) through The Assistance of Mr Lund Washington, when Conveniant, to make Inquiry into there Necesary Wants and those to be Supply’d, as well as other Demands against them—I would by know means wish you to be in advance on there Acct, as there Annual Income will greatly overgo there Expenditures, and therefore would Deposet, so much Money in your Hands, so as to answer every purpose—Should this be disagreble or Inconveniant to you, I would then beg your advice, whether you would think it Prudent to remoove them to Mr Booths Academy, which at present stands in the highest Reputation, and from the great Regard he Expreses for our Family, I know the greatest justice wou’d be done them. Aded to this I have my Own Little Son there, which of Course calls upon me to see every Attention paid to him, and therefore the same Trouble wou’d do for the three.
A few Lines Lodged in the Post Office at Alexandria, Directed to the Care of Capt. Benjn Beeler (A Nabour of mine) & where the Post mak a Stage will Come safe and soon to hand Should you of hear’d any thing from my Son since I had the pleasure of seeing you, shall take it kind  of you to let me know, by the last Letter I had from him I had reason to believe he wou’d been in this State by this Time, which gives me reason to Believe his state of Health is the Cause of it. I am Dear Sir with the Greatest Regard And Esteem your Affecte Brother

Chas Washington


Title: To George Washington from Henry Lee, Jr., 18 November 1784
From: Lee, Henry Jr.
To: Washington, George

My dear Genl
Alexand[ri]a [Va.] Novr 18th 84.

I did myself the pleasure of writing to you on the 15th Since which the meeting have concluded their business. they determined to send the petition to the representatives of this county, I beleive, & to trouble you with their bill for perusal, & then to place it in proper hands. However the express who will deliver this, is sent purposely by the meeting with our papers, & will bear a letr to you from the chairman. Thus you will receive the matter fully explained. This would have superceded the necessity of any communication from me, did I not think it proper to suggest to you two changes in the bill which appear to many, unsurmountable objections—if they strike you so, it would be well to communicate them, that they may be altered—the one is, the taxing the company with recompensing individuals for all new damages which may arise from or by means of the canal locks &c.—the 2d is the authorizing the company to purchase & erect mill seats water works &c.—the first of these will prevent subscriptions—the 2d permits monopoly, which is disgusting—as the tolls are in the first of the bills decided to be adequate compensation for the expence & in accomplishing the object, it appears mercenary to pray the addition of extra privileges—However the changes will speak for themselves.
The hurry which attended the whole business subjects the bill to many grammatical errors & omissions—this can easily be amended by the gentlemen to whom it may be entrusted. I hope it may strike the assembly in the same manner, the inhabitants of this country view it, & that success may attend the plan in every stage of it. I am my dear Genl with unalterable respect & affection Your friend & ob. servt

Henry Lee Junr


Title: To George Washington from Richard Henry Lee, 20 November 1784
From: Lee, Richard Henry
To: Washington, George

Dear Sir,
Trenton in N. Jersey Novr 20. 1784

I should sooner have done myself the honor of writing to you, if it had been in my power to have communicated any thing agreeable—But I could only have informed you that we had not, have not, nor can we say when, Members enough will be assembled to make a Congress. As yet we have but four States convened. This lassitude in our public councils must afflict our friends, and encourage the hopes of our Trans-Atlantic foes, who look at us with an evil eye. Mr Wolcott arrived here yesterday with the Treaty made at Fort Stanwix with the Six Nations, and he informs us that the other two Commissioners have proceeded to Pittsburg to treat with the western Tribes. He thinks (from the satisfaction that appeared among some Shawanese Chiefs who were at Fort Stanwix) that the Commissioners will not find much difficulty in their treaty with the western Indians. I have the honor to inclose you a copy of the Northern treaty, and shall be happy to know your opinion of it.
I understand from Mr Wolcott, that the Commissioners of the United States met many difficulties thrown in their way by N. York, which they overcame at last by firmness and perseverance. It is unfortunate when individual views obstruct general measures, and more especially when a State becomes opposed to the States; because it seems to confirm the predictions of those who wish us not well, and who cherish hopes

from a discord that may arise from different interests. Colo. Monroe, of our delegation, who is lately returned from a Tour to Montreal, Niagara, and Lake Erie, informs us that he learnt in his journey, that the western posts were to be detained from us; and that the reason assigned was, because of the conduct of N. York and Virginia. The former for pushing the law of confiscation beyond the terms of peace, and Virginia for not repealing the laws that impede the recovery of British debts. The Governor of N. York told Colo. Monroe, that it was a mistaken charge upon them, for that they had not confiscated since the provisional articles. It is to be lamented that any pretext should be furnished for injuring us in the essential manner that the detention of these posts will do. The Parliament, it seems, is prorogued without touching the subject of their trade with us, altho a committee of the privy Council upon the petition of the West India merchants and planters, had reported an approbation of all the silly, malign principles of Lord Sheffield respecting our trade with the B.W. Indies. This book of Lord Sheffields has been ably answerd by several writers in G. Britain. My respects, if you please, to your Lady—I hope that she has recoverd her health. I have the honor to be dear Sir your most obedient and very humble servant

Richard Henry Lee


Title: From George Washington to George Clinton, 25 November 1784
From: Washington, George
To: Clinton, George

Dear Sir,
Mount Vernon 25th Novr 1784

A few days ago I had the pleasure to receive your favor of the 12th Instt. Altho’ I felt pain from your Silence, I should have imputed it to any cause rather than a diminution of friendship. The warmth of which I feel too sensibly for you, to harbour a suspicion of the want of it in you, without being conscious of having given cause for the change—having ever flatterd myself that our regards were reciprocal.
It gives me great pleasure to learn from yourself, that the State over which you preside is tranquil. Would to God it may ever remain so, and that all others would follow the example. Internal dissentions, and jarring with our Neighbours, are not only productive of mischievous consequences, as it respects ourselves, but has a tendency to lessen our national character, & importance in the eyes of European powers. If any thing can,

this will expose us to their intrieguing politics, & may shake the Union.
It has been my avowed & uniform opinion, ever since the interview between Baron de Steuben & Genl Haldimand last year, that whilst a pretext could be found, the Western Posts would be withheld from us; and I do not think I should hazard a false prediction, were I to add, that they never will come into our hands in the condition they now are. When pretexts can no longer put on a decent garb, a season may be named for the surrender, in which it would be impracticable for us to plant a garrison, or transport provisions & stores. an interregnum would then follow, during which the Indians by innuendos, may reduce them to ashes. I wish it may be otherwise, but these are my opinions.
I am sorry we have been disappointed in our expectation of the Mineral Spring at Saratoga—and of the purchase of that part of the Oeriskeny tract on which Fort Schuyler stands; but I am glad you have succeeded upon such advantageous terms in the purchase of 6,000 acres adjoining—for you certainly have obtained it amazingly cheap. Be so good, my dear Sir, along with the other information you have kindly promised me, to signify whether you have any prospect of borrowing (on interest) money for the payment of my moiety (as was talked of between us) or whether I am to provide it in any other manner; that I may take measures accordingly. The time is also come for the payment of interest due on the old score—and I shall do it with as little delay as possible.
It gave great pain to Mrs Washington and myself, to hear of Mrs Clintons indisposition, and of the sickness and accidents with which your little flock have been afflicted—our best, and sincere wishes are offered for them; and we hope, shortly, to hear of their perfect restoration; for we have a most affectionate regard for them all, & feel ourselves interested in every thing which concerns them.
Give me leave now, my dear Sir, to thank you for your recollection, and attention to the small articles which I begged you to provide for me. Whenever you conceive the season is proper, and an oppertunity offers, I shall hope to receive the Balsam trees; or any others which you may think curious, and exoticks with us; as I am endeavouring to improve the grounds about

my house in this way. If perchance the Sloop Pilgrim is not yet Sailed from your Port, you would add to the favor you mean to confer on me, by causing a number of grape vines sent me by an Uncle of the Chevr de la Luzernes—brought over by Captn Williamos—and deposited by him in the Garden of a Mr Beakman near the City, to be forwarded by that Vessel. They consist of a variety of the most valuable eating grapes of France—a list of the kinds, & distinction of them, no doubt accompanied the Sets. I pray you to take some of each sort for your own use, & request Mr Beakman to do the same—with my thanks for his care of them.
I thank you for the interest you take in the welfare of my Nephew, and for his letter which you were so obliging as to send me—Poor young fellow! his pursuit after health is, I fear, altogether fruitless. Ever since the Month of May he has been traversing the Seas, from Island to Island, to very little purpose—When he last wrote he was about to Sail for Charleston, where he proposed to spend the Winter; and if no salutary effects resulted from it, to come hither & resign himself to his fate, in the Spring. Mrs Washington unites with me in every kind & affectionate regard for you, Mrs Clinton & family—and with sentiments of warmest friendship and respect I am My dear Sir Yr most obedt & obliged

Go: Washington

P.S. Tell Walker that Mrs Washington & I not only congratulate him on his matrimonial connexion, but wish him all the joy & comfort which is to be derived from a good wife.


Title: From George Washington to David Humphreys, 25 November 1784
From: Washington, George
To: Humphreys, David

My dear Humphreys
Mount Vernon 25th Novr 84.

I have had the pleasure to receive two letters from you since your arrival in France, and cannot let the Marquis de la Fayette depart without an acknowledgement of them, altho’ his doing it is Sudden, & I at the same time am surrounded with Company.
When I have a little more leizure (if that ever should be) I will give you all the occurrences of this quarter that have come under my view & recollection—at present I shall content myself with informing you, that we are all very well, & join very sincerely in every wish for your health, welfare & happiness; and that I am with the most affectionate esteem & regard Dr Sir Yr sincere friend & Obedt Servt

Go: Washington


Title: From George Washington to Anastasie de Lafayette, 25 November 1784
From: Washington, George
To: Lafayette, Anastasie-Louise-Pauline du Motier de

[Mount Vernon] 25th Novr 1784.

Permit me to thank my dear little correspondent for the favor of her letter of the 18th of June last, & to impress her with the idea of the pleasure I shall derive in a continuation of them. Her Papa is restored to her with all the good health, paternal affection & honors, her tender heart could wish.
He will carry a kiss to her from me, (which might be more agreeable from a pretty boy) & give her assurances of the affectionate regard with which I have the pleasure of being her well wisher,

G: W——n


Title: From George Washington to Adrienne, Marquise de Lafayette, 25 November 1784
From: Washington, George
To: Lafayette, Marie-Joseph-Paul-Yves-Roch-Gilbert du Motier, marquis de

Madam,
Mount Vernon 25th Novr 1784

If my expression was equal to my sensibility, I should in more elegant language than I am Master of, declare to you my sense of the obligation I am under for the letter you did me the honor to write me by the Marqs de la Fayette, & thanks for this flattering instance of your regard. The pleasure I received in once more embracing my friend could only have been encreased by your presence, & that opportunity I should thereby have had of paying, in my own house, the homage of my respectful attachment to his better half. I have obtained a promise which the Marqs has ratified to Mrs Washington, that he will use his influence to bring you with him to this Country, whenever he shall visit it again. When the weight of so powerful an advocate is on our side, will you My Dr Marchioness deny us the pleasure of accompanying him to the shores of Columbia? In offering our mite, we can only assure you that endeavours shall not be wanting on our part to make this New World as agreeable to you as rural scenes & peaceful retirement are competent to. The Marquis returns to you with all the warmth & ardour of a newly inspired lover—We restore him to you in good health, crowned with wreaths of love & respect from every part of the Union. That his meeting with you, his family & friends, may be

propitious, & as happy as your wishes can make it—that you may long live together revered & beloved—& that you may transmit to a numerous progeny the virtue which you both possess—is consonant with the vow & fervent wish of your devoted & most respectful Humble Servant

G: Washington

N.B. In every good wish for you Mrs Washington sincerely joins me.


Title: From George Washington to Friedrich Anton Mesmer, 25 November 1784
From: Washington, George
To: Mesmer, Friedrich Anton

Sir,
Mount Vernon 25th Novr 1784

The Marqs de la Fayette did me the honor of presenting to me your favor of the 16th of June; & of entering into some explanation of the Powers of Magnetism—the discovery of which, if it should prove as extensively beneficial as it is said, must be fortunate indeed for Mankind, & redound very highly to the honor of that genius to whom it owes its birth. For the confidence reposed in me by the Society which you have formed for the purpose of diffusing & deriving from it, all the advantages expected; & for your favourable sentiments of me, I pray you to receive my gratitude, & the assurances of the respect & esteem with which I have the honor to be Sir, Yr most obedt humble servt

G: Washington


Title: To George Washington from William Roberts, 25 November 1784
From: Roberts, William
To: Washington, George

Sir
Mount Vernon Mills Novr the 25th 1784

This is to acquint your Exsellency that I maid Aplacation to Mr Lund Washington Near three Months ago to Know if I was to Stay a nother Year in your Imploy or not, his Reply was that he New Nothing to the Contrary that He Amagend I was to Contenew As you had Said Nothing Conserning My Going Away, Which Caused me to Rest Quiet—But to acquint your

Exsellency that in your Absence to Richmon My Wife & I have had a Most unhapy falling out Which I Shall not Troble you with the Proticlers of No farther than this, I hapned To Git to Drinking one night as She thought Two much, & From one Cross Questune to a nother Matters were Carred to the Langth it has been Which Mr Lund Washington will Inform you For My part I am hartely Sorry in my Sole My wife appares to me to be the Same & I am of Apinion that we Shall Live More Happy than we have Dun for the fewter But My Time is Now Run out & Mr Washington Says hel Not Imploy Me any More for fare it Shold be against your Inclanation—Sir. I Shold think it hard to be Turnd out of Dors at this Seson of the year without the Lest Notes—Howaver I Shall Leve it to your Exsellencys Goodness as I have had no Notes to Git Into other Imploy Whather to Imploy Me one year More or Not—if you Mean to Imploy Me Pray Send me A Line As I may be out of pane For I Raly Doe Not want to Leve you, As I Have Livd So Long in the Imploy Without Flatery it has Caused Me to have A Real Regard for your Salf & Famaly —For the many past Favours that you have Dun Me a My first Comming to Virgenia. From Sir, your Exsellencys Most obt Servt

W:M. Roberts


Title: From George Washington to George Augustine Washington, 26 November 1784
From: Washington, George
To: Washington, George Augustine

Dear George,
Mount Vernon Novr 26th 1784

I have received two letters from you at Barbadoes, & three from Burmuda. The last informing me of your intention to embark for Charleston, which I much approve of.
I have not wrote to you since you left Mount Vernon, first because I did not know where to direct to you & next because I was on the Western waters when your first letters from Burmuda came to this place. My best wishes however have constantly attended you; and such aids of fresh provisions & other articles would have been sent you, as you appear to have stood in need of, had I returned in time from the back Country, & could have met with any conveyance.
I flatter myself the eruption in your Neck—the Season which followed—your voyage to South Carolina—and stay there the Winter, will restore you to health—Your friends sincerely wish it, but none more than myself. March is a disagreeable Month to travel in, either by Land or Water, I think therefore you had better let it pass over before you commence your Journey for this place.
I am just returned from Richmond, where I saw Fanny Bassett. She has not escaped the Fall fever (which has been very prevalent in all parts of Virginia & indeed in the neigbouring States also)—but she was pretty well at the time I left her; and will, as soon as her father can be spared from the Assembly, come up here & stay with Mrs Washington. In my way up I saw (at Fredericksburgh) Colo. Ball who informed me that your Sister was well—She has lost one, & got another Child lately, a boy; Your father, Mother, and family were well a few days ago—My Brother John & family who came from Berkeley a few days since, brought this acct—Bushrod, who I left at Richmond, is also well.
The Marquis La Fayette with whom I was at Richmond & with whom I returned on Wednesday last, is now here; but sets out on Monday next on his return to France; via New York. He is in good health, and speaks of you affectionately.

I would gladly send the cloathing you require, if there was any direct way of doing it; but this not being likely, you had better get a fresh supply—and for this and other purposes for which you may want money (as I presume your finances must, by this, have run low) I have requested my namesake Colo. Wm Washington to obtain you a credit & I will see it answered. I am much hurried in dispatching many letters before the Marquis leaves this which, and having few things interesting to add I must conclude—Mrs Washington, Mrs Stuart and the little folks are all well at this time tho’ most of them have been Sick—they all cordially join in best wishes for your perfect restoration to health & your friends with Dr George Yr Most Affecte

Go: Washington


Title: From George Washington to James Madison, 28 November 1784
From: Washington, George
To: Madison, James

Gentlemen,
Mount Vernon 28th Novr 84

After the several conversations we have had on the subject of inland navigation; and the benefits which would, probably, be derived from a commercial intercourse with the Western territory; I shall make no apology for giving you the trouble of the enclosed.
It is matter of regret to me, however, that I cannot accompany them with some explanations & observations. It was intended these Papers should have met me at Richmond. They missed me on the road thither—travelled back to Baltimore—returned—and were put into my hands at the moment I was setting off for Annapolis; to which place I mean to accompany the Marqs de la Fayette on his return to New York where he expects to embark, about the middle of next month, for France.

I could not think of withholding these Papers until my return, as I shall probably accompany the Marquis from Annapolis to Baltimore. Therefore, in the order I receive, I send them to you. Your own judgments in this business will be the best guide. but in one word, it should seem to me, that if the public cannot take it up with efficient funds, & without those delays which might be involved by a limping conduct, it had better be placed in the hands of a corporate Company—What encouragements, and what powers, to give this Company, deserves all that consideration which I persuade myself you, Gentlemen, will bestow.
The Maryland Assembly is now sitting—If I should return in time, I will have the honor of writing to you again on this Subject —in the meanwhile, if your leizure will permit, I should be glad to know your Sentimts on, and what will be the issue of, this business—With very sincere esteem and regard I have the honor to be Gentn Yr most Obedt Hble Servt

Go: Washington

P.S. As your Assembly are upon a Militia Law, I send you the thoughts of the Baron de Steuben which I found here upon my return from Richmond. G.W.