Title: From George Washington to the United States Senate, 17 December 1790
From: Washington, George
To: United States Senate

United States December 17th 1790
Gentlemen of the Senate.

Since your last Session I have appointed Robert Morris Judge of the District of New Jersey, in place of David Brearly deceased; and John Heth of Virginia an Ensign in the Troops of the United States, in place of Richard Archer who has declined his appointment.
As these appointments expire with your present Session, I nominate Robert Morris to be Judge of the District of New Jersey, in place of David Brearly deceased; and John Heth of Virginia to be an Ensign in the Troops of the United States, in place of Richard Archer who has declined his appointment.
I likewise nominate John Sitgreaves to be Judge of the District of North Carolina in place of John Stokes deceased.
William Hill to be Attorney for the United States in the District of North Carolina, in place of John Sitgreaves, if his nomination as Judge meets your concurrence.
Zachariah Rowland to be Surveyor of the Port of Richmond in the State of Virginia, in place of Corbin Braxton who has resigned his appointment—and
Jeremiah Nicols to be Collector of the Port of Chester in the State of Maryland, in place of John Scott deceased.

Go: Washington


Title: From George Washington to George Augustine Washington, 17 December 1790 [letter not found]
From: Washington, George
To: Washington, George Augustine

Letter not found: to George Augustine Washington, 17 Dec. 1790. In a letter to GW, dated 28 Dec. 1790, George Augustine Washington refers to letters of “the 15th & 17th Inst.”


Title: From George Washington to Burgess Ball, 19 December 1790
From: Washington, George
To: Ball, Burgess

Dear Sir
Philadelphia Decr 19th 1790

  Your letter of the 7th instt came duly to hand, but the multiplicity of matters that pressed upon me at the time, prevented an earlier acknowledgment.

  I write to you now respecting an exchange of Lands because you wished to hear from me soon, on that subject—not because I think there is the least probability of such an exchange taking effect; I judge so from the ideas I have formed (from the tenor of your letter) indicative of your expectations; first, because the land I alluded to, lying on Bullskin in the County of Berkeley, most congenial I suppose to your wishes, is, all of it, under leases, and secondly (supposing that to be the tract you had in contemplation, & was knowing to the quantity contained in it—viz.—between 1500 & 2000 Acres) because you have, in my estimation, greatly underrated the value of my land, or over-rated that of your own, by supposing money is to be given to make up the difference. Lands of the quality of those I hold in Berkeley sell currently at from £3.10 to £5 pr Acre, which is full as high, I conceive, as yours do. How far the leases might impede the Sale, if I was disposed to sell, I know not; but after what you have said, it is incumbent on me to inform you, that I have no land between the Blue ridge and the Western Waters which are not leased.
In the County of Fayette, 40 miles this side Pittsburgh on one of the Roads leading thereto from Winchester, & in a thick settled & secure Country, I have a tract of about 1700 Acres equal to any whatever, with good plantations thereon (one of which is large) & other appendages. In the County adjoining—viz.—Washington, and about 16 miles from Fort Pitt, I have another tract of estimable land, rather over 3,000 Acres; with 15 or 16 farms on it, well watered and Meadowed. This tract is also in a thick settled, & perfectly secure Country. Both lye in the State of Pensylvania, and my Agent near the premises had been authorized to let the tenements for 5 or 7 years (I do not recollect which) but whether he has done it, or not, I am unable to say. For the first of these tracts I could once have recd 40/ Pensa Curry pr Acre, and for the other 30/ like money; but like all other landed property they have fallen in value; tho’ I never yet have offered them for less.
Beyond these, on the Great Kanhawa, halfway between Pittsburgh or Fort Pitt & Kentucky; and on the Ohio above the Kanhawa; I hold the most valuable River bottoms in all that Country & of considerable extent, on both those Waters; nearly opposite to which, on the No. Wt side of the Ohio, respectable Settlements are formed, and forming.

  I mention these circumstances with no other view than, should your thoughts extend to the Country beyond the Alligany, you may have the greater variety of prospects & offers to chuse from. Mrs Washington unites in best wishes for yourself & Mrs Ball and I am Dr Sir Yr Affecte &. Obedt Servt

Go: Washington


Title: From George Washington to James Craik, 19 December 1790
From: Washington, George
To: Craik, James

Dear Sir,
Philadelphia, December 19th 1790.

By a letter which I received on thursday last from my nephew George S. Washington, in answer to one which I had written to him on the 15th instant it does not appear that his Brother Lawrence is to come on with him to this place. As it is my intention that they should both enter the College together, I have written to George to bring his Brother with him, if he should get my letter before he leaves Alexandria—But, as he expected to set off from thence on monday I am afraid the enclosed will be too late for him, in which case, if Lawrence has not come on, I must request the favor of you, my dear Sir, to send him on the stage as soon after the receipt of this letter as he can be prepared to come.
Mrs Washington joins me in best wishes for Mrs Craik, yourself, and family. I am dear Sir, Your affectionate friend and obedient servant

G. Washington


Title: To George Washington from the Continental Army Veterans, 21 December 1790
From: Continental Army Veterans
To: Washington, George

May it Please yr Excellency:
December 21st 1790

A Person who had the Satisfaction of Serving as a Soldier (during the last War) under yr Excellency’s Command—begs leave for himself and his late Soldiers to address yr Excellency on a Subject which nearly concerns us—(Viz.) The plan for the Regulation of the Militia which we understand is now before Congress. Our Humble request is that yr Excellency would be pleased to use your Influence that those N.C. Officers & Soldiers who were Inlisted during the War be exempted from Serving in the Militia at least so long as this Country shall remain Unmolested by foreign powers—We ask not this favor from partial motives nor from a desire of being placed upon a Better footing on the whole than the rest of our fellow Citizens for if we were motivated from either of those views we should Immediately despair of having the least attention paid to us by yr Excellency—but we humbly believe it to be not Inconsistent with the principles of Justice and equity Especially when it is considered In the first place. that the greater part who engaged during the War only had at an Early period of the Continental establishment—consequently their Bounties were Small in Comparison of those who engaged at a later period and for a limited term. Secondly. the term of our engagement being uncertain (during life for ought we knew) divested us entirely of those principles of economy so essential in private life—and We believe yr Excellency will acknowledge that the true character of a Common Soldier is Inconsistent with the temper of a Rigid Oeconomist—Consequently we may venture to declare that not one in a hundred of us are in Possessio⟨n of⟩ the Certifica⟨tes⟩ granted us for our pay—neither have ⟨we⟩ even Recd any thing valuable

for them—but after parting with them for a trifle we are now obliged to pay our equal proportion of those Certificates to persons generall⟨y⟩ speaking whose merit during the War was very Small. Therefore we have need of training days for our own use or employment in order to obtain a Subsistence.
Thirdly we find Instances in Ancient times That those who Served the Common Wealth were in Some way or other distinguishd. but we conceive that we are known no other Ways than by our Scars and Poverty—even among the superstitious Mussulman one Pilgrimage to Mecca is sufficient to secure their everlasting Salvation—Surely then our seven years Pilgrimage Worse than marching through the deserts of Arabia might exempt us for the short term of our Continuance upon Earth at least so long as we are not Invaded by foreign foes.
fourthly It appears to us Inconsistent and Contrary to the nature of things to place persons who have Served a Seven years apprenticeship on a footing with those many of whom have never Spent a day in that Profession and fifthly it appears also entirely unnecessary for it is evident that the design of the Bill is to discipline the Militia that in case of an Invasion we may be in some manner prepared for it—If we do not under stand Baron Steubens Regulations we never shall—Therefore any further Instructions are needless as we conceive.
Many more considerations might be offered but it is unnecessary to trouble yr Excelleny any farther especially when we consider that the character to whom this is addressd has been perfectly acquainted with our Situation.
We hope yr Excellency will not dispise this address because it comes from poor Soldiers—and Consequently not sanctioned by authority—but that it may have its due Weight for we want nothing more—and we hope that truth may always be considered as truth by the Supreme authority of the land let it come from whom it will and we humbly conceive that we have a claim for an examination on the subject for Reasons which are very Obvious.
But we hope this will not be construed as a Proof of an uneasy disposition—for it shall always be our Study whether we are heard or not to Behave as good Citizens as far as is in our Power—and that yr Excellency may Long Remain a Blessing to the United States is our Sincere and hearty prayer.


Title: From George Washington to John Eager Howard, 21 December 1790
From: Washington, George
To: Howard, John Eager

Sir,
Philadelphia December 21st 1790

  I have had the honor to receive your Excellency’s letter of the 5th of November, enclosing a certificate of the late election of Representatives for the State of Maryland in the Congress of the United States, which certificate I have caused to be delivered to Mr Beckley, Clerk of the House of Representatives. With due consideration I have the honor to be, yr Excellency’s most Obedt Sert


Title: To George Washington from John Nicholson, 21 December 1790
From: Nicholson, John
To: Washington, George

Sir,
Decembr 21st 1790

I have the honor to inclose you a Statement of the finances of one of those states over whom you have been unanimously called to preside⟨.⟩ It may be that at some moment of leisure from the duties of your elevated station you may incline to peruse it, inasmuch as the wealth and prosperity of the several parts contribute to that of the whole. I am with the highest respect

And Greatest Esteem sir your Most Obedient And Most humble servant

Jno. Nicholson


Title: To George Washington from John Carlile, 23 December 1790
From: Carlile, John
To: Washington, George

Sir
Harford Maryland Decr 23rd 1790

I can be of use to you in the execution of the duties of Inspector to the Malitia of Maryland, If your Excellency thinks me worthy of the Appointment, I am confident that I can give Satisfaction to yourself and the State—I am very respectfully Yr Excellency’s Mo. Ob. servt

John Carlile

If necessary any recommendation can easily be obtained.


Title: To George Washington from John Coulter, 23 December 1790
From: Coulter, John
To: Washington, George

Sir
Balt[imo]re Town Decr 23d 1790

In the probability that Congress will enact a general Quarantine Law this session & that a Health Officer or Visiting Physician will be appointed for this Port; I beg leave to offer myself for your Excellency’s Approbation.
I am one of the Oldest Practitionors in this Town, & my Residence being at the Point, is a Situation most suitable for exercising the Duties of such an Office.
My public Services, I hope will be found not inferior to any that may apply; & I have no doubt of obtaining Letters, from Gentlemen well acquainted with them as soon as such may become necessary.
I beg, Sir, you will excuse the Liberty I have taken at so early a Stage of the Business, & I hope it will not be consider’d premature, as there are some others desirous of the Appointment who no doubt will be proferring their Claims. If Doctr McHenry can be so far drawn into public Life as to write a public Letter, I have Reason to expect from his knowing my Services in the public Revolutions, & his well known Character, that he will not refuse me his Testimony—I am with the highest Respect & most sincere Attachment your Excellency’s Obedt Hble Sert

John Coulter


Title: To George Washington from Alexander Hamilton, 23 December 1790
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

Treasury Department [Philadelphia] December 23d 1790.

The Secretary of the Treasury has the honor respectfully to submit to the President of the United States the propriety of appointing a Keeper for the Light-house at Portland in the District of Maine. The enclosed recommendations from that quarter were transmitted to the Superintendant of the Light-houses of Massachusetts under the idea that the appointment was to be made by him. An enquiry of the member of the house of representatives from that District he appears to be unacquainted with any objections to Mr Delano, but seems to be of opinion that Capt: Greenleaf possesses the qualifications requisite to the satisfactory discharge of the duties of the appointment.
The Secretary begs leave humbly to observe that the latter (Capt. Greenleaf) is said to be a man conversant in nautical affaires,

which may on some occasions render him useful to the navigation, as well as to the revenue of the United States.
The Collector of Boston observes in the letter which covered these testimonials, “that he does not know either of the persons in nomination; Mr Fox & Mr McLellen in very strong terms recommend Mr Delano. Many other gentlemen have been equally warm in their recommendations of Capt: Greenleaf.”

Alexander Hamilton


Title: To George Washington from Thomas Jefferson, 23 December 1790
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Washington, George

Thurday. 3. oclock. P.M. [23 December 1790]

Th: Jefferson has the honour to inform the President that a gentleman leaves town early tomorrow morning for New-York from whence a vessel sails on Monday for Liverpool, on board which will go a passenger who may be trusted with any letters for London.
Th: J. proposes to make up his packet to-night, can the President give him previously a half hour, for the communication of the letter to Johnson in it’s final form, and for another subject? he will be at Mrs House’s till five oclock where he will recieve his orders, or as he returns from thence home.


Title: To George Washington from Timothy Pickering, 23 December 1790
From: Pickering, Timothy
To: Washington, George

Sir,
Philadelphia Decr 23d 1790.

In obedience to your orders of the 4th of September last, I took the necessary steps for holding a conference with the Logstown Chiefs & warriors of the Seneca Nation of Indians; relative to the murders of two of their people at Pine Creek in Pennsylvania. I wrote to them by the express who at the same time carried a letter from the president of Pennsylvania. In my letter I informed them, “that all business between them & the citizens of these states was, in future, to be conducted by the authority of the United States, through their President, or Great Chief: that I was appointed by him to wash off the blood of their murdered brothers, & wipe away the tears from the eyes of their friends: that for those purposes I would meet the relations of the deceased at Tioga, on Monday the 25th of October, then next: that the President desired the Chiefs of the Turtle tribe (to which the deceased belonged) and other great men of their nation

would on that day come to Tioga, with the relations of the deceased, to be witnesses to the above transaction, to receive the assurances of his good will toward them, and of the friendship of the United States: and that then also the chain of friendship between us should be brightened.”
At the same time I wrote to Mr Phelps, & to Joseph Smith whom I engaged as an interpreter, requesting them to use their endeavours to prevent the assembling of a multitude; & informing them that you deemed it unnecessary to assemble more than the relations of the deceased & a few of their chief men. On the 27th of September, by the return of the express, I received an answer from Mr Phelps, informing me that he was on his way to New England: but had advised Mr Smith to use his influence to prevent the coming of the Indians in great numbers. He at the same time intimated that their number might amount to 500.
On the 17th of October I set off for Tioga, to make provision for the Indians against their arrival. By the 23d the necessary supplies were in readiness. But it was the 29th in the evening, before an Indian arrived. The next morning the War Chief Little Billy, accompanied by four other runners, came to my quarters & delivered a message from their Chiefs. They informed me that the Indians would meet me at Tioga, agreeably to my request; & that great numbers woud come to see me; and requested me to help them on their way by having provisions prepared for them at the Painted Post & Newtown Point. I agreed to their request; telling them I did it to enable the Indians to travel with more speed & convenience: but that no more would be furnished at those places than wd be absolutely necessary to bring them forward to Tioga.
Two runners were then sent back to meet the Indians, to inform them of the provision which wd be ready for them at the Painted Post & Newtown Point; and to hasten them on.
It was the 9th of November before the Runners returned. In the afternoon Little Billy came with them to deliver me an answer from the body of Indians, who were now advancing. When mentioning the causes of delay, He said “Many stories had been told among the Indians which occasioned their holding councils; and so they were delayed.” I have now reason to believe that this was the principal, if not the sole cause of their delay.

The main body of the Indians arrived the 14th of November; a few stragglers fell in afterwards which made the whole number great & small, amount to about 220.
The subsequent proceedings appear in the papers herewith presented. Some circumstances which I have noted may seem too minute & unimportant: It was the novelty of the scene which led me to ⟨mention⟩ them but so far as they mark any peculiar traits in the Indian character, I trust they will be forgiven: and if hereafter communicated to any other agent to whom the scene should be equally novel, the detail may be useful. With every great respect I am sir yr most obdt servt

T. Pickering


Title: From George Washington to the United States Senate and House of Representatives, 23 December 1790
From: Washington, George
To: United States Senate and House of Representatives

United States December 23d 1790

It appearing by the Report of the Secretary of the Government North West of the Ohio, that there are certain cases respecting Grants of Land within that territory, which require the interference of the Legislature of the United States; I have directed a copy of said Report and the papers therein referred to, to be laid before you; together with a Copy of the Report of the Secretary of State upon the same subject.

Go: Washington

N.B. As the foregoing Report and papers were very voluminous, one Copy only was made out, and that delivered to the House

of Representatives with a request to the Speaker that they might be communicated to the Senate.


Title: To George Washington from James Wynkoop, 23 December 1790
From: Wynkoop, James
To: Washington, George

Sir
Philadelphia Dec. 23d 1790

The Constitution of the united States having rendered it expedient to resort to the federal Government for such prudent regulations as may best tend to secure the different Ports of the United States from the Introduction of pestilential Diseases by Sea, and a law for this purpose having been already agitated in the House of Representatives in Consequence of a Petition, drawn up by my much respected Friend Doctor McHenry—The Establishment of Health officer for the Port of Baltimore among other things seems to be a necessary Consequence of such Regulations—The Petition to which I have the honor to allude, signed by a number of my fellow Citizens contains a proof of their good wishes for my personal Success in the application I now have the honor, with great defference & respect, of making to your Excellency, to solicit most humbly, the appointment of inspecting Physician for the Port of Baltimore, when the System is carried into Effect.
I have the further honor of inclosing to your Excellency the within Papers, as Testimonies of the Idea Gentlemen of the Faculty and others are pleased to entertain of my fitness and ability to perform the Duties of this important Office. I am, with the greatest Defference and Respect, Your Excellencys Most obt Sert

Jas: Wynkoop


Title: To George Washington from Josef Ignacio de Viar, 25 December 1790
From: Viar, Josef (José) Ignacio de
To: Washington, George

Sir
New York 25th Decr 1790

Being some time past indisposed with Rehumatic pains, which prevent me of the Honor of presenting my Respects to you personaly, I cannot less than benefit of the only means, that of writing, to wish you all happiness with the Compliments of the Season in Company of your Lady. I am with perfect Respect Sir Your most obt & humble Servt

Joseph Ignat[iu]s Viar


Title: From George Washington to Elizabeth Haynie, 27 December 1790
From: Washington, George
To: Haynie, Elizabeth

Dear Cousin,
Philadelphia December 27. 1790.

Your letter of the 19 of October never reached my hands until a few days ago —I am very sorry to hear of the distressed situation in which you are; and have written to Mr Muse, to whom the management of my Tenements of Berkeley, Frederick, Loudoun and Fauquier is committed to let you have any one of them, that may be unoccupied, rent free during your own and

the life of your Daughter Sally Ball Haynie and moreover to afford you some aid towards putting the place in order.
It is incumbent on me however to observe to you that if there are not in either of those Counties abovementioned any vacant lots belonging to me, it is out of my power to assist you in this way—first because I have no lands in either of the Counties abovementioned except such as have been laid off into Tenements and offered on leases—and secondly because the lands, round about my dwelling house in Fairfax-County, are occupied by Negroes for my own support.
My Nephew Major George Auguse Washington will endeavor to see and deliver this letter to you, if you live any where in the neighbourhood of his Father in Berkeley County, and will receive from you, and report to me a more particular statement of your circumstances than your letter has done. In the interim I can assure you of the good dispositions towards you of Your affectionate Kinsman

G. Washington


Title: To George Washington from M. Lory, 27 December 1790
From: Lory, M.
To: Washington, George

Monsieur
Paris le 27 decembre 1790

J’étois encore jeune Etudiant quand j’aimai une personne aimable à bien des égards; et aujourd’hui quoi que je Sois agé de 28 ans, j’ignore le moment où je pourrai sans imprudence me réunir à elle. Car ici quand on n’a pas un certain êtat une certaine fortune, on doit redouter la fecondité comme le plus grand des malheurs, on doit craindre d’aller mourir à l’hôpital, soi, sa femme et Ses enfans.
Chez vous au contraire Monsieur, La fécondité est une Source d’aisance: celui qui a beaucoup d’enfans est bientôt un homme riche et puissant; puisant parce qu’il a suffisamment de bras pour exploiter une quantité de terre plus que suffisante pour sa subsistence; riche parce qu’il a des bestiaux, du bled &a. les seules, les veritables richesses, de quoi satisfaire à ses besoins.
J’ai vu dans les papiers-nouvelles une note sur la Colonie de l’Euphrate près de Philadelphie; elle n’est composée que de gens qui s’occupent de la culture de leur champ et de la Divinité, Les uns sont célibataires Les autres sont mariés. C’est du nombre de ces derniers que je désire étre. Dans cet asile paisible et heureux je desire passer ma vie avec celle que le Ciel m’a don⟨née⟩ en vivant du travail de mes mains. Je sais que les morceaux ne viendront point à ma bouche tout prep⟨arés⟩ je sais que ce n’est

qu’à force de travaux et de fatigues que je viendrai à bout de faire produire des fruits à la terre et d’améliorer mon sort; mais au moins je me verrai récompensé de mes peines et ce ne sera pas inutilement que j’aurai travaillé. Je pourrai subsister des fruits de mon travail et goûter en famille la paix du coeur qui n’est faite que pour les hommes simples, contens de peu, aimant le travail et la frugalité, et vivant dans la pratique de la vertu.
Je suis né à la campagne de parens pauvres et honnêtes, j’ai élevé d’une manière simple et austère: Les travaux de la campagne et de l’agriculture ne me sont point etrangers, ils ont exercé mes bras; et aujourd’hui quoi que je passe dans les sciences entre quatre murailles les ⅞ de ma vie je manie cependant la bêche du jardin. Mon Pere ayant une charge de huit enfans je ne puis compter sur le peu qui doit me revenir de ma Légitime. mes économies ne se montent qu’à 600th y compris celles de mon Amante; aussi suis-je embarrassé sur Le passage et sur l’achat de quelques acres de terre. Je vous supplie avec instance, Monsieur, de me donner tous les renseignemens et toutes les facilités possibles sur ces deux objets.
Dépuis plus de trois ans j’occupe une place de 300th il ne tient qu’à moi de la conserver; mais elle ne sauroit me mener à mon but, c’est-à-dire me réunir à ce que j’aime Le particulier que je Sers étant pour le célibat et le viager.
Des motifs sans nombre m’ont déterminé à mettre tout en oeuvre pour passer chez vous, Monsieur, pour échanger ma plume contre une bêche. La ⟨illegible⟩ respirera, mais avant il faut que la génération pa⟨sse.⟩ Si donc je veux m’occuper sincèrement du bonheur de ce que j’aime, si je veux servir l’espece humaine il faut que je m’expatrie.
J’ai l’honneur d’être avec un desir sincère d’être au nombre de vos compatriotes, mon epouse se joint à moi, Monsieur, Votre très humble & très obéissant serviteur

Lory Secrétaireavenue du Château de Meudon près Paris


Title: To George Washington from Thomas Jefferson, 28 December 1790
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Washington, George

Dec. 28. 1790.

The Secretary of State has the honor of presenting to the President a copy of the Report he read to him on the Mediterranean trade, the original of which he has made up for the Speaker of the house of representatives.


Title: To George Washington from Thomas Jefferson, 28 December 1790
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Washington, George

[28 Dec. 1790]

The Secretary of State, having had under Consideration the Situation of the Citizens of the United States in Captivity at Algiers, makes the following Report thereupon to the President of the United States.
When the House of Representatives, at their late Session, were pleased to refer to the Secretary of State, the Petition of our Citizens in Captivity at Algiers, there still existed some Expectation that certain Measures, which had been employed to effect their Redemption, the Success of which depended on their Secrecy, might prove effectual. Information received during the Recess of Congress, has so far weakened those Expectations as to make it now a Duty to lay before the President of the United States, a full Statement of what has been attempted for the Relief of these our suffering Citizens, as well before, as since he came

into Office, that he may be enabled to decide what further is to be done.
On the 25th of July 1785, the Schooner Maria, Captain Stevens, belonging to a Mr Foster of Boston, was taken off Cape St Vincents, by an Algerine Corsair: and five Days afterwards, the Ship Dauphin, Captain Obrian, belonging to Messieurs Irwins, of Philadelphia, was taken by another Algerine, about 50 Leagues Westward of Lisbon. These Vessels, with their Cargoes and Crews, twenty one Persons in Number, were carried into Algiers.
Congress had, some Time before, commissioned Ministers Plenipotentiary for entering into Treaties of Amity and Commerce with the Barbary Powers, and to send to them proper Agents for preparing such Treaties. An Agent was accordingly appointed for Algiers, and his Instructions prepared, when the Ministers Plenipotentiary received Information of these Captures. Though the Ransom of Captives was not among the Objects expressed in their Commissions, because at their Dates the Case did not exist, yet they thought it their Duty to undertake that Ransom, fearing that the Captives might be sold and dispersed through the interior and distant Countries of Africa, if the previous Orders of Congress should be waited for. They, therefore, added a supplementary Instruction, to the Agent, to negociate their Ransom. But while acting thus without Authority, they thought themselves bound to offer a Price so moderate as not to be disapproved. They, therefore, restrained him to Two hundred Dollars a Man; which was something less than had been just before paid for about Three hundred French Captives, by the Mathurins, a religious Order of France, instituted in ancient Times for the Redemption of Christian Captives from the infidel Powers. On the Arrival of the Agent at Algiers, the Dey demanded Fifty nine thousand four hundred and ninety six Dollars for the Twenty one Captives, and could not be brought to abate but little from that Demand. The Agent, therefore, returned in 1786, without having effected either Peace or Ransom.
In the Beginning of the next Year, 1787, the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States, at Paris, procured an Interview with the General of the religious Order of Mathurins, before mentioned, to engage him to lend his Agency, at the Expence of

the United States, for the Redemption of their captive Citizens. He proffered, at once, all the Services he could render, with the Liberality and the Zeal, which distinguish his Character. He observed that he had Agents on the Spot, constantly employed in seeking out, and redeeming the Captives of their own Country; that these should act for us, as for themselves; that Nothing could be accepted for their Agency; and that he would only expect that the Price of Redemption should be ready on our Part, so as to cover the Engagement into which he should enter. He added, that, by the Time all Expences were paid, their last Redemption had amounted to near Two thousand five hundred Livres a Man, and that he could by no Means flatter us that they could redeem our Captives as cheap as their own: The Pirates would take advantage of it’s being out of their ordinary Line. Still he was in hopes they would not be much higher.
The Proposition was submitted to Congress, that is to say, in February 1787, and on the 19th of September, in the same Year, their Minister Plenipotentiary, at Paris, received their Orders to embrace the Offers of the Mathurins. This he immediately notified to the General, observing, however, that he did not desire him to enter into any Engagements till a sufficient Sum to cover them should be actually deposited in Paris. The General wished that the whole might be kept rigorously secret, as, should the Barbarians suspect him to be acting for the United States, they would demand such Sums as he could never agree to give, even with our Consent, because it would injure his future Purchases from them. He said he had Information from his Agent at Algiers, that our Captives received so liberal a daily Allowance as to evince that it came from a public Source. He recommended that this should be discontinued; engaging that he would have an Allowance administered to them, much short, indeed, of what they had hitherto received, but such as was given to his own Countrymen, quite Sufficient for physical Necessaries, and more likely to prepare the Opinion, that, as they were subsisted by his Charity, they were to be redeemed by it also. These Ideas, suggested to him by the Danger of raising his Market, were approved by the Minister Plenipotentiary, because, this being the first Instance of a Redemption by the United States, it would form a Precedent; because, a high Price given by us, might induce these Pirates to abandon all other Nations, in pursuit of

Americans, whereas the Contrary would take place, could our Price of Redemption be fixed at the lowest Point.
To destroy, therefore, every Expectation of a Redemption by the United States, the Bills of the Spanish Consul at Algiers, who had made the Kind advances, before spoken of, for the Sustenance of our Captives, were not answered. On the contrary, a Hint was given that these advances had better be discontinued, as it was not known that they would be reimbursed. It was necessary even to go further, and to suffer the captives themselves and their Friends to believe, for a while that no Attention was paid to them, no Notice taken of their Letters. They are still under this Impression. It would have been unsafe to trust them with a Secret, the Disclosure of which might forever prevent their Redemption, by raising the Demands of the Captors to Sums, which a due Regard for our Seamen, still in Freedom, would forbid us to give. This was the most trying of all Circumstances, and drew from them the most afflicting Reproaches.
It was a Twelvemonth afterwards before the Money could be deposited in Paris, and the Negociation be actually put into Train. In the meantime the General had received Information from Algiers of a very considerable change of Prices there. Within the last two or three Years the Spaniards, the Neapolitans, and the Russians had redeemed at exorbitant Sums. Slaves were become scarce, and would hardly be sold at any Price. Still he entered on the Business with an Assurance of doing the Best in his power, and he was authorized to offer as far as Three thousand Livres, or Five hundred and fifty five Dollars a Man. He wrote immediately to consult a confidential Agent at Marseilles, on the best Mode of carrying this Business into Effect; from whom he received the Answer No. 2. hereto annexed.
Nothing further was known of his Progress or Prospects when the House of Representatives were pleased, at their last Session, to refer the Petition of our captives at Algiers, to the Secretary of State. The preceding Narrative shews that no Report could have then been made without risking the Object, of which some Hopes were still entertained. Later Advices, however, from the Chargé des Affaires of the United States, at Paris, inform us, that these Measures, though not yet desperate, are not to be counted on. Besides the Exorbitance of Price, before feared, the late Transfer of the Lands and Revenues of the Clergy, in France, to

the Public, by withdrawing the Means, seems to have suspended the Proceedings of the Mathurins in the Purposes of their Institution.
It is Time, therefore, to look about for something more promising, without relinquishing, in the meanwhile, the Chance of Success through them. Endeavours to collect Information, which have been continued a considerable Time, as to the Ransoms which would probably be demanded from us, and those actually paid by other Nations, enable the Secretary of State to lay before the President the following short View, collected from original Papers now in his Possession, or from Information delivered to him personally.
Passing over the Ransoms of the Mathurins, which are kept far below the common Level, by special Circumstances;
In 1786, the Dey of Algiers demanded from our Agent 59,496 Dollars for 21 Captives, which was 2,833 Dollars a Man. The agent flattered himself they could be ransomed for 1200 Dollars a piece. His Secretary informed us, at the same Time, that Spain had paid 1600 Dollars.
In 1787, the Russians redeemed at 1546 Dollars a Man.
In 1788, a well informed Inhabitant of Algiers, assured the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States at Paris, that no Nation had redeemed, since the Spanish Treaty, at less than from 250 to 300 Pounds sterling, the medium of which is 1237 Dollars. Captain Obrian, at the same Date, thinks we must pay 1800 Dollars, and mentions a Savoy captain, just redeemed at 4074 Dollars.
In 1789, Mr Logie, the English Consul at Algiers, informed a Person who wished to ransom one of our common Sailors, that he would cost from 450 to 500 Pounds Sterling, the Mean of which is 2137 Dollars. In December of the same Year, Captain Obrian thinks our Men will now cost 2920 Dollars each, though a Jew Merchant believes he could get them for 2264 Dollars.
In 1790, July 9th a Mr Simpson, of Gibraltar, who at some particular Request, had taken Pains to find for what Sum our Captives could be redeemed, finds that the Fourteen will cost 34,792 28/38 Dollars, which is 2485 Dollars a Man. At the same Date, one of them, a Scotch Boy, a common Mariner, was actually redeemed at 8,000 Livres, equal to 1481 Dollars, which is within 19 Dollars of the Price Simpson states for common Men:

and the Chargé des Affaires of the United States at Paris is informed that the Whole may be redeemed at that Rate, adding Fifty per Cent on the Captains, which would bring it to 1571 Dollars a Man.
It is found then that the Prices are 1200. 1237. 1481. 1546. 1571. 1600. 1800. 2137. 2264. 2485. 2833 and 2920 Dollars a Man, not noticing that of 4074 Dollars, because it was for a Captain.
In 1786, there were 2200 Captives in Algiers, which in 1789 had been reduced by Death or Ransom to 655. Of ours six have died, and one has been ransomed by his Friends.
From these Facts and Opinions some Conjecture may be formed of the Terms on which the Liberty of our Citizens may be obtained.
But should it be thought better to repress Force by Force, another Expedient, for their Liberation, may, perhaps, offer. Captures made on the Enemy, may, perhaps, put us into Possession of some of their Mariners, and Exchange be substituted for Ransom. It is not, indeed, a fixed Usage with them to exchange Prisoners. It is rather their Custom to refuse it. However, such Exchanges are sometimes effected, by allowing them more or less of Advantage. They have sometimes accepted of two Moors for a Christian, at others, they have refused five or six for one. Perhaps Turkish captives may be Objects of greater Partiality with them, as their Government is entirely in the Hands of Turks, who are treated, in every Instance, as a superior Order of Beings. Exchange too, will be more practicable in our Case, as our Captives have not been sold to private Individuals, but are retained in the hands of the ⟨Government⟩.
The Liberation of our Citizens has an intimate Connection with the Liberation of our Commerce in the Mediterranean, now under the Consideration of Congress. The Distresses of both proceed from the same Cause, and the Measures which shall be adopted for the Relief of the one, may, very probably, involve the Relief of the other.

Th: JeffersonSecretary of state


Title: From George Washington to the Seneca Chiefs, 29 December 1790
From: Washington, George
To: Seneca Chiefs

[Philadelphia, 29 December 1790]

I, the President of the United States, by my own mouth, and by a written speech signed with my own hand, and sealed with the seal of the United States, speak to the Seneka Nation, and desire their Attention, and that they would keep this speech in remembrance of the friendship of the United States.
I have received your Speech with satisfaction, as a proof of your confidence in the justice of the United States—and I have attentively examined the several objects which you have laid before me, whether delivered by your Chiefs at Tioga point in the last month to Colonel Pickering, or laid before me in the present month by the Cornplanter and the other Seneka Chiefs now in Philadelphia.
In the first place I observe to you, and I request it may sink

in your minds, that it is my desire, and the desire of the United States that all the miseries of the late war should be forgotten and buried forever. That in future, the United States and the six nations should be truly brothers, promoting each other’s prosperity by acts of mutual justice & friendship.
I am not uninformed that the six nations have been led into some difficulties with respect to the sale of their lands since the peace. But I must inform you that these arose before the present government of the United States was established, when the separate States, and individuals under their authority, undertook to treat with the Indian tribes respecting the sale of their lands.
But the case is now entirely altered—the general government only has the power to treat with the Indian nations, and any treaty formed and held without its authority will not be binding.
Here then is the security for the remainder of your lands—No state nor person can purchase your lands, unless at some public treaty held under the Authority of the United States. The general Government will never consent to your being defrauded—But it will protect you in all your just rights.
Hear well, and let it be heard by every person in your nation, that the President of the United States declares, that the general government considers itself bound to protect you in all the lands secured to you by the treaty of Fort Stanwix, the 22d of October 1784, excepting such parts as you may since have fairly sold to persons properly authorized to purchase of you.
You complain of John Livingston and Oliver Phelps have obtained your lands, assisted by Mr Street of Niagara, and they have not complied with their agreement.
It appears, upon enquiry of the Governor of New York, that John Livingston was not legally authorized to treat with you, and that every thing he did with you has been declared null and void, so that you may rest easy on that account.
But it does not appear from any proofs yet in the possession of government, that Oliver Phelps has defrauded you.
If, however you should have any just cause of complaint against him, and can make satisfactory proof thereof, the federal Courts will be open to you for redress, as to all other persons.
But your great object seems to be the security of your remaining lands, and I have therefore upon this point, me[a]nt to be sufficiently strong and clear.

That in future you cannot be defrauded of your lands—That you possess the right to sell, and the right of refusing to sell your lands.
That, therefore, the sale of your lands in future, will depend entirely upon yourselves.
But that when you may find it for your interest to sell any parts of your lands, the United States must be present by their Agent, and will by your security that you shall not be defrauded in the Bargain you may make.
It will, however, be important, before you make any further sales of your land, that you should determine among yourselves, who are the persons among you that shall give sure conveyances thereof as shall be binding upon your nation, and forever preclude all disputes relative to the validity of the sale.
That besides the before mentioned security for your land, you will perceive by the law of Congress, for regulating trade and intercourse with the Indian-tribes, the fatherly care the United States intend to take of the Indians. For the particular meaning of this law, I refer you to the explanations given thereof by Colonel Pickering at Tioga, which with the law, are herewith delivered to you.
You have said in your Speech that the game is going away from you, and that you thought it the design of the great spirit, that you should till the ground. But before you speak upon this subject, you want to know whether the United States meant to leave you any land to till?
You know now that all the lands secured to you by the treaty of Fort Stanwix, expecting such parts as you may since have fairly sold are your’s, and that only your own Acts can convey them away—speak therefore your wishes on the subject of tilling the ground. The United States will be happy to afford you every assistance in the only business which will add to your numbers and happiness.
The murders that have been committed upon some of your people, by the bad white men, I sincerely lament and reprobate—and I earnestly hope that the real murderers will be secured and punished as they deserve. This business has been sufficiently explained to you here by the Governor of Pennsylvania, and by Colonel Pickering on behalf of the United States, at Tioga.

The Senekas may be assured, that the rewards offered for apprehending the murderers, will be continued until they are secured for trial, and that when they shall be apprehended, that they will be tried and punished as if they had killed Whitemen.
  Having answered the most material parts of your speech, I shall inform you, that some bad Indians, and the outcast of several tribes who reside at the Miamee Village, have long continued their murders and depredations upon the frontiers laying along the Ohio. That they have not only refused to listen to my voice inviting them to peace, but that upon receiving it, they renewed their incursions and murders with greater violence than ever. I have therefore been obliged to strike those bad people, in order to make them sensible of their madness. I sincerely hope they will harken to reason, and not require to be further chastised. The United States desire to be the friends of the Indians, upon terms of justice & humanity—But they will not suffer the depredations of the bad people to go unpunished.
My desire is that you would caution all the Senekas and six nations to prevent their rash young men from joining the Miamee Indians. For the United States cannot distinguish the tribes to which bad Indians belong, and every tribe must take care of their own people.
The merits of the Cornplanter and his friendship for the United States are well known to me, and shall not be forgotten—And as a mark of the esteem of the United States, I have directed the Secretary of War to make him a present of Two hundred and fifty dollars, either in money or goods, as the Cornplanter shall like best—And he may depend upon the future care and kindness of the United States—And I have also directed the Secretary of War to make suitable presents to their other Chiefs present in Philadelphia—and also that some further tokens of friendship to be forwarded to the other Chiefs now in their nation.
Remember my words, Senekas, continue to be strong in your friendship for the United States, as the only rational ground of your future happiness—and you may rely upon their kindness and protection.
An Agent shall soon be appointed to reside in some place convenient to the Senekas and six nations—He will represent the United States—apply to him on all occasions.

If any man brings you evil reports of the intentions of the United States, mark that man as your enemy, for he will mean to deceive you, and lead you into trouble. The United States will be true & faithful to their engagements. Given under my hand, and the Seal of the United States at the City of Philadelphia, this twenty ninth day of December, in the year of our Lord One thousand seven hundred & ninety one, and in the fifteenth year of the sovereignty & Independence of the United States.

G. Washington


Title: To George Washington from Henry Knox, 30 December 1790
From: Knox, Henry
To: Washington, George

War Office, 30th December 1790.

The secretary of War, to whom the President of the United States was pleased to refer the Memorial of David Mead and other inhabitants of Cusewauga on french Creek.
Respectfully reports,
That the object of the said memorialists, representing about thirty families, is, that the garrison of the troops of the United States, occupying Fort Franklin, near the mouth of French Creek, where it joins the Allegheny river, may abandon the said Fort Franklin, and be placed in their settlement, thirty miles up the said Creek.
The secretary of War observes on this memorial, that as the people of the whole frontier on the east of the Allegheny consider themselves as greatly protected by the said post against any incursion of Indians down the said Allegheny that it would be highly improper to remove the garrison.
That Fort Franklin has been constructed at the expence of much trouble, and is in itself considered as an excellent defence against indian attacks, which would in addition to its situation be a good reason against evacuating of it.
It is probable in a short process of time, that the United States may think proper to establish a garrison at Presque Isle on Lake Erie in which case the settlers high up French-Creek may receive cover from the troops of the United States.
The secretary of War therefore submits the opinion, that a letter written by him to the memorialists informing them, that their memorial cannot be granted at present.
All which is submitted to the President of the United States.

H. Knoxsecy of War


Title: To George Washington from Nicolas Pike, 30 December 1790
From: Pike, Nicolas
To: Washington, George

Sir,
State of Massachusetts Newbury PortDecr 30th 1790

With the most profound Respect I beg leave once more to approach you, though with apprehensions that it may be intruding on that time, which is of so great Importance to the Public.
My Wish, Sir, is to solicit a Favor, provided it may be granted consistently with the Good of the Community; which I should not have presumed to do, had I not known that others, in similar Cases, had been advised by their Friends in Congress to do the same.
I find, Sir, by the Militia Bill now before Congress, that Inspectors are proposed for the several Districts, whose duty will be to inspect the Militia, & make Returns of its Situation to the President of the United States.
I am very sensible, Sir, that, as the President cannot be supposed

to have a personal knowledge of the Characters of all those who offer themselves as Candidates for Offices, he must rely for information on those Gentleman, principally, who recommend them, & that consequently those who have the most numerous Connexions in Congress generally succeed in their Applications; It is therefore an unfortunate circumstance that there is but one Gentleman in Congress, whose particular friendship I can claim; I mean Mr Goodhue, who, being my Classmate at the University: & our Acquaintance having been continued to the present time, is able to give Information respecting my private Character.
I have also the honor of an Acquaintance with Mr Dalton & Mr King: but have no claim on their Friendship in this Respect.
From your known Candour, Sir, I hope I shall not be thought vain or presumptuous by adding that I am & have been a steady and active friend of the late Revolution, & the present federal Government, and that although I have not had the honor of serving my Country in the Army; my exertions in a Civil Capacity & with my Property, the greater part of which I loaned to Government early in the Contest, have not been wanting.
I can exhibit no better proof of my political principles than by presenting an Order of the Council of this State, which I have enclosed to Mr Goodhue for your inspection.
My life, since leaving the University, has been principally devoted to the Instruction of Youth in the languages & Mathematicks, & in a civil employment under the Government of this State: but as I experience the Necessity of more Relaxation than a School will admit of, & as kind Providence has been pleased to favour me with such a Competency as will procure a decent subsistance, I purpose to lay it aside. And as I am, from principle, an enemy to Idleness, which I consider as baneful to Virtue & Morality, I should be very thankful might I be permitted to employ my time & ⟨several⟩ Abilities in the Service of that Government of which I consider myself happy in being a Subject.
I have always taken peculiar delight in military Matters, & for several years immediately preceeding the late War devoted my leisure hours daily in disciplining several Companies of young Gentlemen in the County of York, where I then resided, some of which were judged to be as regular in their exercise, marchings,

Wheelings & Maneouvres as the British Troops. Should you, therefore, Sir, see fit to honor me with this Appointment, no exertions on my part shall be wanting towards a consciencious performance of the Duties of it. I have the Honour to be, Sir, your most Respectful, Obedient & humble Servant

Nicolas Pike


Title: To George Washington from Benjamin Putnam, 30 December 1790
From: Putnam, Benjamin
To: Washington, George

Most honorable Sir,
Savannah Georgia Decr 30th 1790

The best Apology I am able to offer your Excellency for this Intrusion on your invaluable Moments, is a Belief of its having been the undoubted Intention of our early Congresses to hold in favorable Memory the Merits of those, who in time of Danger voluntarily stept forward in Sacrifices of Fortune & Wealth in the Defence of this Country—On the Principles of these Intentions shoud Your Excellency in your great Condescention adjudge it reasonable to note my constant Services as Surgeon of Hospitals & Regiments in the Continental Army, of the Latter Commd by Colo. Jno. Nixon of Massachusetts, Phillip B. Bradley of Connecticut, & Josiah Parker of Virginia, it would enlargen my Hopes of being bro’t forward on an equal footing with other Candidates at a time when your Excellency shall distribute such honorary Places in this State as, may at any time be created by the hon. the Congress.
I beg leave with great Submission to suggest the Probability of an immediate establishment of an Excise-Officer & a Surgeon of the Seamens Hospital the latter being Professional wou’d claim a bare Preference—the hon[orab]le Genl Jackson & ⟨mutilated⟩ Gun from this Place, the honble Rufus ⟨illegible⟩ Fisher Ames from Massachusetts & the ho⟨illegible⟩ Col. Josiah Parker

from Virginia being present with your Excellency which Gentlemen I have the honor of Acquantance I pray may be recd as a sufficient Apology for not bringing forward a List of Recommendations. I beg leave, ever to be most unfeignedly

Benj. Putnam


Title: From George Washington to United States Senate and House of Representatives, 30 December 1790
From: Washington, George
To: United States Senate and House of Representatives

United States December 30th 1790
Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives.

I lay before you a Report of the Secretary of State on the subject of the Citizens of the United States in captivity at Algiers, that you may provide on their behalf what to you shall seem most expedient.

Go: Washington


Title: To George Washington from Mary House, December 1790 [letter not found]
From: House, Mary
To: Washington, George

Letter not found: from Mary House, c. December 1790. On 28 Dec. 1790 Tobias Lear wrote to Alexander Hamilton, transmitting a letter from Mary House, soliciting an appointment on one of the cutters for her son George House.


Title: Memorandum from Henry Knox, 1790
From: Knox, Henry
To: Washington, George

[1790]

Governor St Clairs proposal of obtaining a cession of territory from the Wabash Indians at this peculiar time, seems liable to several objections.

1st It is not for the interest of the United States to extend their territory at present. They possess abundantly more Land, than they can profitably sell.
But was there a market for more Land the policy of scattering our people in distant thin settlements may be justly disputed. It will be our true wisdom to condense our population instead of dispersing it. Besides the expence of protecting such distant settlements greatly exceeds the value of them, whether considered as purchasers of the Land, as consumers of articles contributing to the revenue, or as constituting a strength of any real use to the empire.
2dly To grasp at additional territory will give the expedition an avaricious aspect. In this point of view it will disgrace the government.
The motives of the expedition ought to appear as they really are—A clear and uncompounded dictate of Justice to punish a bandetti of robbers, and murderers, who have refused to listen to the voice of peace and humanity, and as a terror to warn other tribes against the commission of similar crimes.
It will not materially lessen the charge to assert the United States propose to pay the Indians for the lands. Because it is a well known fact, that unless they could be civilized, and learn the arts of agriculture, the taking away their lands for the usual pitiful considerations, is taking away the means of supporting their lives.
But it would be a difficult circumstance to convince the people of the United States, of the propriety of paying any considerable sums to the obnoxious tribes, whose enormities have caused the expence of so much treasure, and blood.
To obtain Lands of the Wabash Indians at this time, either by conquest or by purchase would afford such of the people of Georgia, as are dissatisfied with the creek treaty, and the Yazous and Tennessee companies, with cause for impeaching the rectitude of the General Government for extending its own territory and circumscribing the States.
If deputies from the hostile tribes should be sent to Fort Washington as the Governor supposes, they must be fed while they remain at that post, and upon their departure they might receive some blankets. But nothing more at present. They ought to be made to feel the inconveniencies of their conduct.

It would have an absurd appearance, to raise an army at great expence to destroy the Indians corn, and upon the objects being effected, to replace the corn which had been so Destroyed.


Title: Editorial Note
From:
To:

   Under the terms of the Residence Act, GW was directed to select the site for the permanent seat of the federal government on the Potomac and to appoint commissioners to superintend the planning of the Federal City and the construction of the necessary federal buildings. Before he arrived in Philadelphia on 27 Nov. 1790, GW apparently had decided on the location of the federal district and seems to have selected the area adjacent to Georgetown between Rock Creek and Tyber, or Goose, Creek for the site of the Federal City He had also apparently obtained the agreement of David Stuart and Thomas Johnson to serve as commissioners for the federal district. GW had also probably approached Daniel Carroll of Rock Creek about serving on the commission, although Carroll’s reluctance to accept the post while still a member of the House of Representatives suggests that Carroll had not committed himself to serve.

   During the four months between his arrival in Philadelphia and his departure on the Southern Tour, GW formally appointed the commissioners, announced the location of the federal district, dispatched a surveyor to run the boundaries of the district and an engineer to survey the site proposed for the city, and engaged in indirect negotiations with local landowners in an effort to secure land on which to establish the city and construct the principal federal buildings. This flurry of activity reached a climax at the end of March 1791, when GW met with local landowners in Georgetown and concluded an agreement by which the proprietors committed themselves to cede their land to the federal government in return for lots in the new Federal City.
     The documentary record of these activities is unusually complex. Many of the crucial decisions regarding the fixing of the federal district and the location of the city apparently were made in private meetings between GW, Jefferson, and Madison in New York and at Mount Vernon in August and September 1790, about which the documentation is very limited. GW toured alternative sites for the Federal City along the Potomac in October 1790 but arrived in Philadelphia at the end of November without having made a public commitment to any of them. GW’s letter to Jefferson of 2 Jan. 1791 is the first known reference to the placement of the Federal City in his correspondence, although the matter clearly had occupied a considerable amount of his attention since the summer of 1790. The difficulties posed by the silence of the documentary record are compounded by the absence of a large number of letters and an equally problematic number of missing enclosures, including maps and surveyor’s notes needed to make some letters fully intelligible. To these problems must be added GW’s apparently deliberate efforts to disguise his true intentions about the placement of the Federal City from William Deakins, Jr., and Benjamin Stoddert, the Georgetown merchants he engaged to help him acquire land in the federal district.
   The documentary record for the first months of 1791 is even further complicated by the difficulty of separating the activities of GW relating to the federal seat from those of Thomas Jefferson. During the hectic closing weeks of the First Congress, when GW was equally occupied with legislative activities related to the admission of Vermont to the Union, military preparedness on the northwest frontier, the establishment of the excise service, and the passage of the bank bill, Jefferson prepared the draft of GW’s proclamation announcing the location of the federal district, drafted letters for GW to Deakins and Stoddert, and prepared instructions to Andrew Ellicott and Pierre L’Enfant on GW’s behalf. He met with GW to discuss the federal seat on several occasions and advised GW about nearly every aspect of the project.

   Jefferson’s interest in city planning, his knowledge of surveying, and his abilities as an architect were invaluable to GW in planning the Federal City, but Jefferson’s vital role in this phase of the undertaking should not disguise the fact that the most important decisions regarding the federal seat—decisions about the appointment of commissioners, the boundaries of the federal district, the location of Federal City, the disposition of the public buildings, and the terms under which the federal government acquired land from local property owners—were GW’s to make and ultimately were made by him alone.
   The Residence Act provided for the location of the permanent seat of the federal government in “a district of territory not exceeding ten miles square.” GW apparently believed that this provision required that the district be a square ten miles on each side, although Jefferson, construing the act more broadly, argued that GW was authorized to select “100 square miles in any form.” The act further specified that the district should be located between the mouths of the Eastern Branch and Conococheague Creek. The site GW selected for the federal district was a square ten miles on a side, with the lower apex of the square at the mouth of Hunting Creek, a short distance below the town of Alexandria and some five miles below the mouth of the Eastern Branch. Thus constituted, the district would include the towns of Alexandria and Georgetown, both shores of the Potomac from Alexandria upriver to the vicinity of Little Falls, and both shores of the Eastern Branch. About one-fifth of the chosen area, however, was below the downriver limit set by the Residence Act. To fix the district below the limit specified by Congress, GW was forced to seek amendatory legislation from Congress to permit him to include the southern shore of the Eastern Branch and the town of Alexandria within the boundaries of the district.
   Placing the location of the federal district once again before Congress risked the possibility that Congress might reconsider locating the federal seat on the Potomac or might specifically direct that the district be located above tidewater, as many of the members seem to have intended. Rather than risk placing the matter entirely in the hands of Congress, GW fixed the location of the portion of the proposed federal district lying above the mouth of the Eastern Branch in his proclamation of 24 Jan. 1791, reserving the location of the remainder of the district until the will of Congress should be made known. James Madison had anticipated the possibility of such action in his memorandum to GW of 29 Aug. 1790, when he asked “whether it will not be convenient to accept in the first instance so much less than 10 miles square as will allow places to be afterwards taken in, which may not now be attainable, or it may not be prudent now to accept.” Jefferson proposed

   this strategy in his report to GW of 14 Sept. 1790, when he asked, “Would it not be well, if a position below the little falls should be decided on, to begin the 10. miles just above the commencement of the canal; and accept from Maryland, for the present, only from thence down to the Eastern branch, supposed about 7. miles.” These queries demonstrate that GW had privately suggested a site partly below the lower limit set by Congress as early as August 1790, when he engaged Jefferson and Madison as his agents to negotiate with the landowners in the vicinity of Georgetown. In September, however, Jefferson assumed that GW was at liberty to include land on the Virginia side as far down as Hunting Creek, and that he need only seek amendatory legislation to extend the lower limit set by the Residence Act to include land on the Maryland side of the river below the mouth of the Eastern Branch.
   Immediately after sending his proclamation to Congress, GW directed Andrew Ellicott to proceed to Georgetown to survey the tenmile square. GW also contacted the French-born engineer Pierre-Charles L’Enfant, then residing in New York, about surveying the ground between Rock Creek and the Eastern Branch selected for the Federal City to determine the most eligible sites for the principal federal buildings. L’Enfant accepted the commission and arrived in Philadelphia at the end of February or the beginning of March for instructions; he was immediately dispatched to Georgetown to begin his work.
   GW also wrote to Georgetown merchants William Deakins, Jr., and Benjamin Stoddert, engaging the pair as his confidential agents to purchase land in the area between Rock Creek and Tyber Creek for the Federal City. These efforts, the subject of several letters between GW and Deakins and Stoddert, were ultimately unsuccessful, leading GW to pursue the plan described at his meeting with local proprietors at Georgetown on 28–30 Mar. 1791 of accepting land from the proprietors in exchange for lots in the Federal City and direct payments for lots taken for public use.
   Charles Carroll introduced a bill in the Senate to amend the Residence Act by extending the lower limit for the district to the mouth of Hunting Creek on 17 Feb. 1791. Consideration of the bill was postponed until 25 Feb. 1791. On that date a second effort to postpone the bill was defeated by a vote of 14–12, and the measure passed the Senate on 26 Feb. 1791. The House of Representatives approved the bill by a vote of 39–18 on 1 Mar. 1791, and GW signed the act on 3 Mar. 1791. The amendatory act specified that that portion of the Residence Act that “requires that the whole of the district of territory not exceeding ten miles square to be located on the river Potowmac for

   the permanent seat of the government of the United States shall be located above the mouth of the eastern branch, be and is hereby repealed, and that it shall be lawful for the President to make any part of the territory below the said limit, and above the mouth of hunting Creek a part of the said district, so as to include a convenient part of the eastern branch and of the lands lying on the lower side thereof and also the town of Alexandria, and the territory so to be included, shall form a part of the district.”
   The boundaries of the federal district were predicated on locating the Federal City on the Maryland shore of the Potomac somewhere between Rock Creek and the Eastern Branch, a ten- to twelve-square-mile area of gently rolling land marked by a few low hills and bisected by a small stream known as Goose or Tyber (sometimes Tiber) Creek. This was an area far larger than any contemporary American city, and landowners in the federal district assumed that the city would occupy only a part of it. Within this area two possible sites presented themselves. The first was the area immediately adjacent to Georgetown between Rock Creek and Tyber Creek. Much of this site was occupied by the proposed town of Hamburgh. The other available site for the city was near the mouth of the Eastern Branch, in the vicinity of the proposed town of Carrollsburgh. GW seems to have preferred the area adjacent to Georgetown. All of the negotiations with local landowners between August 1790 and March 1791 pointed toward this site, as did the rough plans for the city presented by Jefferson. The possibility that the city might be laid out near the mouth of the Eastern Branch was not raised until early in 1791. GW may have regarded the Eastern Branch site as a suitable alternative if the proprietors of land near Georgetown refused to agree to suitable terms, or he may have merely held out the possibility of locating the city on the Eastern Branch as a way to bring the Georgetown area landowners to favorable terms.
   The documentary record for August 1790–February 1791 suggests that GW envisioned a city of modest size, but when he met with the proprietors of the federal district at Georgetown on 28–30 Mar. 1791, he announced that the city would include all of the land between Rock Creek and the Eastern Branch. The land embraced by his proposal, formalized in an agreement with the proprietors, amounted to some 6,110.94 acres, an area of 9.5 square miles, all to be laid out in streets and city lots. This would make the new federal seat a city of unprecedented size. The apparent change in GW’s plans for the city can only be attributed to the vision of Pierre L’Enfant, who proposed, in a memorandum apparently delivered to GW when he arrived in Georgetown, that the city be planned on a grand scale.


Title: To George Washington from John Rice, 2 January 1791
From: Rice, John
To: Washington, George

Sir
Boston January 2nd 1791

Perceiving by the public Papers, that Congress are about laying an Excise in the several States & being desirous of offering myself to your consideration as a Candidate for Office in that Department, I beg leave to submit to your Notice a few particulars in support of this measure. In the year 1774 I compleated my academic Studies in the Colledge at Cambridge, the then unsettled Affairs of this Country puting it out of my power to engage in any regular pursuit; untill the breaking out of the War in 1775; in July of which year I engaged in the service of my Country, & continued therein, excepting about one year, untill the conclusion of Hostilities; my Employments were in the line of the Army, in the Commissary Department, in the military Staff, in General Heath’s Family as his secretary, & lastly in the Quarter Masters Department.
Upon the expiration of the war I connected myself with the Commissioner for setling accounts between the State of Massachusetts & the Continent; in this Situation was my time employed, when Mr Lovell (who at that period was appointed Naval Officer in this District) offered me the place of Deputy Naval Officer, of which I accepted, upon his appointment as Collector of Impost & Excise, he continued me as his Deputy: in that line was my time engaged, when the appointment of General Lincoln as Collector for this District took place the General was pleased to appoint me his Deputy, I have continued with him from that period to the present.
Thus Sir have I laid open my several Employments, from the Age of twenty one untill this moment. I plead no merit from

them, my only Intention is to submit to you the long Course of my employments on the public Service, & to mention the impractacability of my pursuing any other mode of business with any probability of success: How far I may be entitled Sir to your protection & notice I beg leave to submit; for my Knowledge in business, Integrity & Industry, I also beg leave to refer to the several Gentlemen with whom I have been connected; more particularly to General Lincoln, with whom I have the Honor now to be. with the most perfect Respect I have the Honor to be Sir your most Obedt Servant

John Rice


Title: From George Washington to Arthur St. Clair, 2 January 1791
From: Washington, George
To: St. Clair, Arthur

(Private)
Dear Sir,Philadelphia Jany 2d 1791.
In the Journals of the Proceedings of the Executive in the North Western Territory, there appears to be certain regulations made by the Executive under the Articles of the 25th of April—6th 28th & 29th of June last, which can, with propriety, only be established by Laws.
In noticing these, my mind naturally recurred to your letter to me dated at Cahokee on the first of May last, wherein you observe, that the absence of the Judges had embarrassed you a great deal; and after waiting for them as long as possible, that you had been under the necessity of directing by proclamation certain regulations suited to the peculiar circumstances of the Country. These you had no doubt would be soon confirmed by law—and the necessity of the case offered an excuse for having exceeded your proper Powers.
The imperfect State in which the Legislation of the North Western Territory is—the want which the Executive has often

felt of the necessary coadjutors to adopt even the most urgent Laws—and the peculiar situation of a frontier Country, are circumstances which may not strike every one who will observe that the Executive has gone beyond i⟨ts⟩ proper powers. It therefore becomes a matter of high importance that the utmost circumspection should be observed in the conduct of the Executive; for there are not wanting persons who would rejoice to find the slightest ground of clamour against public Characters—and paying no regard to the absolute necessity of the case which caused a momentary stretch of power—nor the public good which might be produced by it, they would seize the occasion of making impressions unfavorable to Government & possibly productive of disagreeable effects.
I have therefore thought it best to give you this intimation in a private and friendly letter, that by circumspection Ma⟨lice⟩ itself may be disarmed. With complim⟨ents⟩ of the Season and great esteem & regard I am—Dear Sir Your Most Obedt Servt

Go: Washington


Title: To George Washington from John Adlum, 3 January 1791
From: Adlum, John
To: Washington, George

Philadelphia January 3rd 1791

The Memorial and Petition of John Adlum Most Respectfully Sheweth,
That your Memorialist stands informed that an appointment of Agent for Indian affairs for the Northern department, is about to be made—And your Memorialist being well acquainted with the greatest part of the Country inhabited by the six nations, and personally known to many of the Chiefs of that people—and acustomed to their manners, Concieves himself qualified to act in that office—Your Memorialist craves leave to refer your Excellency to the Honourable Robert Morris, William Maclay, George Clymer, and James Wilson for his Character—Conscious of a disposition to exert his best endeavours to fulfil

such trust as may be committed to his care—He begs leave to offer his Petition That he may be appointed Agent of Indian affairs for the Northern department—And he as in duty bound will Pray.

John Adlum


Title: To George Washington from Diego de Gardoqui, 3 January 1791
From: Gardoqui, Diego Maria de
To: Washington, George

My Most Worthy President
Madrid 3rd January 1791.

I have been honored with your much esteemed letter of the 10th August Ulto, which was delivered to me a few days ago by our good friend Colo. Humphreys. The emotions of joy with which my heart overflowed ⟨illegible⟩ my interview with this Gentleman, can much better be conceived than expressed. Permit me Sir to assure you that of the various agreeable Information I receiv’d from said Gentn, none gave me so much real pleasure as that of the perfect good health you enjoy the importance of which to that Country is no doubt of the utmost consequence. I therefore hope and most ardently wish, that the protecting hand of Providence may preserve you for a Series of years in the peaceful possession of so invaluable a blessing.

Should Col. Humphrey’s business here, afford an opportunity of my being Servicable to him be assured Sir, it will give me Singular Satisfaction at the same time that it will enable me to convince you in some degree of my sincere wishes to serve you.
I beg leave to assure you Sir that your peculiar sentiments of congratulation on my new appointment are truly flattering, & I hesitate not a moment in believing the sincerity with which you are so good as to rejoice in my prosperity, for which be pleased to accept of my warmest thanks.
I cannot omit mentioning, that however gratifyed I may have felt at the time of my being elected Director of the Department of Commerce &ca the disappointment I met with in the expectation I entertained of returning to that Country, naturally produced sensations of the most disagreeable nature in my mind, seeing I must be for ever deprived of the pleasure of enjoying the Company of my friends there but the change cannot be now avoided, and we must all conform Ourselves to the lot assigned us by Providence. If however, in my actual Situation I may in any respect have it in my power to promote the mutual interest of them States and this Nation it will afford me inexpressable satisfaction. I assure you Sir, It is an object I shall not lose sight of as I well know the great benefits that would result to both Countrys if once united by the solid bonds of friendship and Commerce.
As I am persuaded that whatever tends to my advancement will be agreeable to you, I take the liberty of acquainting you, that His Majesty has been pleased to approve of my Services in the most flattering terms, And as a more Signal proof of His Royal approbation He has created me Knight of the Order of Charles the III. the Cross of which I beg leave to offer at your disposal. All which cannot but be pleasing to my mind, being conscious of having on every occation used my utmost endeavours to advance the Interest of my Country.
My Son who is now on his travels thro France, Switzerland & Germany, joins me in presenting our best respects to your worthy Lady & family, and with assuring you of my sincere regard & wishing you many happy new Years, in the perfect enjoyment of health & all other blessings, I remain Sir Your most Obt & very Humble Servt

James Gardoqui

Since writing the foregoing, the Bearer Mr Joseph Jaudenes has been appointed by His Majesty to return to that Country He takes his Nephew Mr Joseph Santayana, with him, as assistant to the Commission. And as he first, lived in my family during my residence there, I make no doubt you will recollect having known him. The private virtues and Amiable Character of these young Gentlemen have attached me to them in a particular manner. I therefore take the liberty of Introducing them to you, as worthy of your kind attention, & assuring you that any civilities you may be pleased to shew them will always be acknowledged & esteemed as if conferred on Sir Your most obedient & most Humble Servant

James Gardoqui


Title: From George Washington to the United States Senate and House of Representatives, 3 January 1791
From: Washington, George
To: United States Senate and House of Representatives

United States January 3d 1791.
Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives.

I lay before you a copy of an exemplified Copy of an Act passed by the Legislature of the State of New Jersey, for vesting in the United States of America the jurisdiction of a Lot of Land at Sandy Hook in the County of Monmouth; and a Copy of the letter which accompanied said Act, from the Governor of the State of New Jersey to the President of the United States.

Go: Washington


Title: From George Washington to Thomas Jefferson, 4 January 1791
From: Washington, George
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Tuesday [4 January 1791]

The P. begs to see Mr Jefferson before he proceeds further in the Proclamation. From a more attentive examination of some Papers, in his possession, he finds that it is in his power to ascertain the course & distance from the Court House in Alexandria to the upper & lower end of the Canal at the little Falls with as much accuracy as can be known from Common Surveying if not to mathematical truth.

If Mr Jefferson is not engaged with other matters the President will be at home at nine Oclock.


Title: To George Washington from Beverley Randolph, 4 January 1791
From: Randolph, Beverley
To: Washington, George

Sir,
Council Chamber [Richmond, Va.] Jany 4th 1791.

In conformity to a Resolution of the General Assembly of this State herewith inclosed, I do myself the honour to transmit a Memorial from the Representatives of the Frontier Counties, & the Proceedings of the Executive respecting a temporary System of defence for the Western Frontier. I beg leave also to lay before you copies of two other Resolutions of the General Assembly together with the Petition of sundry Officers of the Virginia Line on Continental Establishment on the subject of the Bounty Lands allotted to them on the Northwest side of the Ohio. I have the Honour to be with the highest respect Your Obedt Servant.

Beverley Randolph


Title: To George Washington from John Steele, 4 January 1791
From: Steele, John
To: Washington, George

Sir,
Philadelphia January 4th 1791

I concieve it my duty to communicate to Your Excellency the inclosed, and following information.
One of these papers will shew the fate of a motion made in the General Assembly of No. Carolina the other a premeditated attempt to draw that state into a contest with the Union.
About the same time a bill was introduced, to authorise the Marshals to make use of the Jails of that State should occasion require it, which was rejected by a very large majority
I am also sorry to observe that nothing is more common than to hear demagogues on all public occasions, in different parts of that state, declaiming furiously against Congress, their proceedings, the administration, and even against the constitution itself. All this popular rage might be prevented, in my humble opinion by administering the oath to the state officers. If it is not checked shortly, and any measures shou’d be adopted in the present sessions of Congress which might further irritate the minds of the people, I deplore the consequences.
I therefore with great deference submit to Your Excellency the expedient of commanding the Governor (who has not firmness enough to do it himself) to take the oath before a proper officer, and that he should also cause it to be administered to others. A sincere desire that this Government which has cost the best people in America, so much pains and trouble to establish might not be injured by illtimed and illjudged opposition, has

dictated this letter. If it is improper, or unnecessary I hope to be excused. I have the Honour, Sir With the highest respect to be, Your Excellency’s Most Obedient Servant

Jno. Steele


Title: To George Washington from Alexander Hamilton, 5 January 1791
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

Treasury Department January 5th 1791

The Secretary of the Treasury has the honor respectfully to inform the President of the United States that in pursuance of his instructions, due public notice was given in the Gazettes of Virginia and of the principal sea ports of the United States, that proposals would be received at the Treasury Office untill the 31st Ultimo, for building by Contract a Light-house, and the necessary appurtenances at Cape Henry, a copy of which notification is among the papers in this enclosure—That in consequence of this measure seven setts of propositions have been delivered or transmitted by Companies or Individuals which will also be found among the papers enclosed and are numbered from 1 to 7. that on due examination of the terms proposed, those marked No. 1—No. 2—No. 3. No. 5. & No. 6. do not appear, as the Secretary humbly conceives, at all consistent with the interest of the United States—that the propositions marked No. 4 & No. 7. not only appear to be more advantageous, but to be on terms more favourable than those on which the two similar establishments of New York & Philadelphia were erected before the revolution. In examining these two it will be perceived that although the proposals of Mr Clarke are the lowest, yet his building contains much fewer cubic feet of wall, than that of Mr

Macomb, & consequently will cost him considerably less; and that its base at the surface of the Earth is but three fourths of that required; which on a sandy foundation, and in a very exposed situation may hazard the whole structure. The buildings specified in the proposition of Mr Macomb would undoubtedly cost much less if reduced to the size of those of Mr Clarke. They are nearly such as those erected on Sandy-hook and Cape Henlopen, the latter of which has been in a great measure taken as a model. These establishments appear to have borne the test of repeated examination, and the trial of time. They are on ground similar to Cape Henry, and there can be no doubt, but that the extent of their bases contributes to their stability. Of the two propositions contained in No. 4. that for hewn stone at 15,200 dollars, on account of the superior weight & strength of that material, will probably be found most capable of going through those trials by wind & weather to which such buildings are peculiarly subjected. It remains for the President to determine whether the hazard of a more contracted diameter on a sandy foundation and in a situation of extreme exposure; is not sufficient to deter from a plan untried, as far as is known, in any but a covert situation, and to give a preference to a building like that designated in the notification; and finally to signify his pleasure, which, or whether either, of the several proposals now submitted, shall be accepted.

Alexander HamiltonSecy of the Treasury


Title: To George Washington from John Bankson, 6 January 1791
From: Bankson, John
To: Washington, George

May it please your Excellency
January 6th 1791.

Being encouraged by a number of my Military and other friends among whom are (Doctor James McHenry, and General Otho H. Williams) am induced to offer myself to your Excellency as a Candidate for the Office of an Inspector of the Militia for the State of Maryland.
It may Sir, be thought from the duties incident to the appointment much knowledge and information, together with a thorough acquaintance with the nature and form of returns are truly indispensable and requisite to render that person competent, who should, be honor’d with the appointment.
Aware of these qualifications have maturely consider’d the same, and would remark, that upon the true and faithful discharge of the duties annexed to this appointment much depends.
As a great part of the services performed by me in the late revolution, were of a nature similar to those requisite for an Inspector, have taken the liberty to subjoin a short narrative of the same, and, beg leave further to add, that I am in possession of the printed forms &c. incident to the resspective Stations, which I have had the honor to fill.
I would with all deference submit the same to your Excellency, praying, should the appointment, be vested in you—I may be honor’d with your confidence Your Excellency’s most obedt Servt

Jno. Bankson


Title: To George Washington from Alexander Hamilton, 6 January 1791
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

Treasury Department. January 6th 1791

The Secretary of the Treasury has the honor respectfully to transmit to the President of the United States an account of the cost of a seal for the use of the District Court of Maine, on which he begs leave to remark, that there does not occur any reason to deem it immoderate. The Legislature having by their resolution of the 2nd of August last assigned a part of the fund provided for the contingent expences of government by their Act of the 26th day of March last to the discharge of this species of claim upon the United States and having committed that sum entirely to the President, he will be pleased to signify whether this account shall be paid at the Treasury, & charged there to that account.

Alexander HamiltonSecy of the Treasury


Title: To George Washington from Joseph Anderson, 7 January 1791
From: Anderson, Joseph
To: Washington, George

Sir
Philada 7th Jany 1791

Although extremely unwilling to take up one moment of your Excellencys time the whole of which must be necessarily employed in the more momentous affairs of State; Yet I am taught to believe, that the Respectful address of a Soldier will never be Ungrateful to the ears of his General.
When I last had the Honor of addressing your Excellency; I endeavored to aduce a chain of circumstances, respecting my Public account, which I had a hope, might lead to a belief that my Public accounts, had in Effect been setled.
If aught in that address, either as to the Language or Tense of it, was incompatible, with the Respect, I owe your Excellency; I most Humbly crave your Excellency’s forgiveness, and beg leave to assure you Sir, that no error of the Heart, will ever permit me to swerve, from the deference and respect your dignity and Character demand.
I must beg your Excellencys indulgence, for again troubling you, on the Subject of business, in which I am alone interested. Immediately after I presented my last letter to your Excellency, at New York, in the month of June; I left the City with intention to Recover my Pay Books and make a final settlement of my accounts with the General Pay Office. But after a long search and finding my books, I found a settlement—with the present Commissioner impracticable; as one of the Pay Books, (by some fatality) had receipts torn out of it, to the amount of near fifty thousand Dollars. Under this Misfortune I have been necessitated to Memorialize Congress—Of which I beg leave to acquaint your Excellency.

I formerly gave your Excellency an account of the manner in which I conceived my Public account had been settled.
I now beg leave to suggest a Reason, why it might have remained unclosed. By what Remain of my Receipt books, it appears, that I have receiv’d from the General Pay Office and paid to the Regiment, upwards of twenty thousand dollars, more than I am charged with. To this Circumstance, I apprehend it may be owing that my accounts in the General Pay Office, Remain open—Mr Pearce probably not being able to satissfy himself respecting it, or to account to the Public, for so great a difference, between the sums charg’d to me as Pay Master, and the sums for which, I then had reciepts—which I apprehend Mr Pearce must have noticed, when going over my Pay books, with the Pay Master whom I supposed had finally setled my accounts—To account to your Excellency how the mistake of twenty thousand Dollars, might have happened; I am necessitated to mention, that in the Campaign of Eighty (at the instance of the field officers) (tho their Pay Master) I took Command of a Company of Light infantry, under the Marquis de la Fayette; the nature of this Campaign, Precluded the Regular System of filing abstracts of Pay; I was therefore Obliged to draw the money for the Regiment on Account, and sometimes through the Channel of other officers. The sum in which the mistake has happened, was drawn by Colonel Barber, on a warrant from your Excellency, bearing date the twenty eighth day of August, seventeen hundred and eighty, but it is not charged to me as Pay Master nor has it ever been accounted for by Colonel Barbers Agent on Settlement of his account with the United States—Of those circumstances, I have obtained a Certificate which I would now inclose to your Excellency, but have been obliged to lay it, with other documents, before the Secretary at War, to whom, Congress have refered my Memorial—Conscious of never having designedly neglected my duty in any Public Character, and being much hurt, at the Circumstances of appearing a Delinquent, respecting my Public account, I beg your Excellencys indulgence, for attempting to account in the most probable manner for the Cause; and hope your Excellency will acquit me, of any Voluntary Omission; my Reputation aided by Humble Abilities, being now, my sole dependence—I would therefore beg leave to acquaint your Excellency that should I succeed, with Congress,

in obtaining a settlement of my Public account, I mean with Humble hope once more to offer myself, to your Excellencys Patronage, for such Public appointment (if any should then be Vacant) as your Excellency may think proper to Confer—I would beg leave to Observe it has been suggested to me, that the Office of a Judge (in the Government South of the Ohio,) for which I formerly Solicited your Excellency, is at present Vacant, by the Resignation of Mr Perry; If it shou’d remain so, until the settlement of my Public account is Effected—I hope your Excellency, will not think me presumptious, if I Again Solicit you, for that Appointment.
My fortune at present, is Humble, my real friends are Consequently few, and I have never yet mov’d, in the Sunshine of favour. with every Sentiment, of the most pure Respect, I am your Excellency’s most Obedt Servt

Joseph Anderson


Title: Tobias Lear to John Field, 7 January 1791
From: Lear, Tobias
To: Field, John

Sir,
Philadelphia 7th January 1791

The President of the United States having observed in the papers of this morning that a number of respectable citizens have engaged in a benevolent plan for the relief of such persons as the inclemency of the season and other circumstances had reduced to great distress, he has directed me to transmit ten pounds to you as the Treasurer, to be applied in such a manner as may best answer the benevolent purpose for which it is intended. I have the honor to be, very respectfully Sir, your Most Obt Servt

Tobias LearS. P. U. S.

P.S. It has often happened that donations of this kind from the President have been published in the News-Papers—You will therefore excuse my observing that this circumstance is not agreeable to the President.

T. Lear


Title: To George Washington from John Francis Gaullier, 7 January 1791
From: Gaullier, John Francis
To: Washington, George

Your Exelency
Westmorland County [Va.] January 7th 1791

As God Listen to the prieres of men, do not disdain to peruse an humble petition Which could not have been dicted but by the utmost despair; the boldness of it Shews, that after him my only hope is in your Exelency.
O! cast an Eye of mercy on a distressed family Who are on the brinks of ruin and destruction!! I am a Frenchman who has had the honnor to Serve his Prince thirteen years with Some distinction; & my duty has brought me here under the command of the General Rochambeau: my name is too obscure for have ever reached your Ears tho’ I had the honnor to Spoke to your Exelency at phillipsburgs camp, and at the Siege of york. having returned in this country after peace from the West indies I have taugh the french Language, fencing, & dancing for livehood; my conduct in these Stations has deserved me the best testimonial from New-york, where I have resided three years; and Since four that I live in Virginia I was allways Employed by the most respectable families: Mr Richard H. Lee could (if he was at Philadelphia) tells you Something of me. the utmost Endeavour to Strive are not always successful; a Spell of Sikness of Eighteen months, has not only runs me in debts, but yet hinders me to pay Some I had before. I have no propriety, I hold no lands, I am a tenant. However I have pay’d last Sumer out of the produce of my Schools hundred and ninty pounds! it is an imense Sum considering my business, and truely for pay’d it, I was obliged to take upon the wery necessary of my family; (for I have a Wife, and a child.) in So much Mr Wllm A. Washington out of Goodness has advanced me Corn for our Subsistance!!! I fear

to trespas on your Exelencys patience Enfin I owe Still thirty pounds to a merchant who has a Suit against me, twenty to another, and ten to one, to whom I have pay’d lately nine. it is all my debts, which I suppose with the cost will amount to £70.
I am Sued again by the man of ten pounds, to the district court in april, and unable to Give Security for my apparence I must Go to Goal till then perhaps longer, deprive my family of my Support, hinders me to Employ the only means I have to pay! but humanity is your, and the favourite Vertue of Heros: See my Wife in tears my Childs cries, when the merciles creditor tore away their Sole hope! in this dilema I Crie to you, O! Justice and mercy my General! I ask not forgiveness for a crime, never the idea of one has enter in my Soul; unconduct even has no past in my misary. I have no rigth, but I am Worthy of your commisseration.
I am poor. I am a Stranger, I have no friends, helas! the unfortunat have none, o! Save me, Screen me from the ignominie of a Gaol, do more be my Security!!! (despair itself Sujested me Such a thought) Send an order that one year, or Eighteen months, Shall be Granted to me without interuption for paying, then I Will and could pay.
The prieres of a distressed family, will rise to Heaven for the priservation of your days, and my unlitimed Gratitude Shall be forever, With the utmost respect of Your Exelency The most humble and obediant Servant

John Francis GaullierWestmorland County

P.S. if I could caried complaints at your feet (Writtings would be too tedious,) I[’]ll prove to your Exelency I could rise that money, coming from my wife certificats, that a man keeps injustly in his hands, but too poor to procede against him, I am forced to take patience. my hopes are your Exelency will not Suffers an unhappy under his Governement, and a distressed frenchman.


Title: To George Washington from John Kilby Smith, 7 January 1791
From: Smith, John Kilby
To: Washington, George

New Glocester [District of Maine] Jany 7th 1791
May it please Your Excellency

Haveing had the honor of serveing under you through the whole of the late War, I have presumed to take liberty to address your Excellency on the following subject.
By the late arrangement of the Militia by Congress, it appears that Inspectors of the same are to be appointed in the several Districts throughout the States.
Permit me Sir—to offer my service to fill said Office in the District of Main, state of Massachusetts: should it be consistant with your pleasure and the Public Good. With great respect & esteem Your Excellencys Most Obedient Humble Servent

John Kilby Smith