Title: To Alexander Hamilton from George Cabot, 29 November 1800
From: Cabot, George
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Brookline [Massachusetts] Novr. 29. 1800
My dear sir

It is too late to use the letter you enclosed me in Vermont & here it is unnecessary. I am satisfied the votes in this State & New Hampshire will be all for A & P. you will have seen with some pleasure that our Legislature have conducted in the manner was predicted by our friend Mr. Lowell junr —to his efforts indeed much of the success may be attributed. Some fears are entertained lest the Electors in Rhode Island, tho’ decidedly federal, will not all vote for P——. to avert such a misfortune Ames has written earnest expostulations which will be communicated to the Electors or some of the influential ones, & Mr. Mason who will be at Providence on Monday carries with him a copy of a letter just received by me from Mr. Wolcott containing a paragraph from Judge Washington extremely well calculated to induce a fair & equal vote for Pinckney in New England.
admitting that your friends are “dismay’d” by your letter concerning Mr. A it is nevertheless possible you may be right in publishing it. I am of opinion that no publication of the kind cou’d have been well received at this time in any part of the U S & this opinion is manifestly supported by the fact—
“truths woud you teach or save a sinking land
all shun, none aid you & few will understand.”
So said the man who had more good sense than commonly falls to the lot of a Poet. I don’t think the case exactly parallel, yet I cannot omit to remind you of “Burke’s Reflections” which were reprobated almost universally when they first appeared —even those who approved the Sentiments thought the avowal of them imprudent & the publication of them untimely. I wish some one, who is more in the world than I am & who feels, if possible, as much interest in every thing that affects you as I feel, wou’d furnish you with correct information of all the opinions which are expressed by sensible men & especially by your friends; while I cannot conceal that some of these wou’d be unpleasant to hear I am persuaded that most of them are explicable on the principle of human nature & do not in the smallest degree inculpate the writer. men are easily made angry with the messinger of ill News—& they who love their ease listen with great impatience to those who tell them they must no longer indulge it. some who felt great dislike to Mr. Adams are disappointed that you have treated him with so much moderation, they opened your book with the expectation of seeing Mr. Adams convicted of designs to involve the country in war with G B that he might thus secure to himself the support of those numerous but mistaken people whose animosity to Britain is ardent & inveterate. they expected you wou’d describe in just but glowing colours his pernicious jealousy of Washington’s superior merits & fame, & the intolerance of such a spirit toward all men who enjoy a great degree of public confidence. they expected you wou’d have analysed him so effectually as to prove that he is & must be but little attached to the support of public credit & the rights of property, & that his ideas respecting Commerce & the use it may be put to in our foreign politicks are more unsound than even Jefferson’s or Madison’s—in a word that war with England privateering & paper money with all their baneful appendages & consequences are viewed by him not as evils to be deprecated but resources to be preferrd to that stable condition aimed at by the Washington System which he hates & which he has been constrained by circumstances to support. Yet the men who looked for all this acknowledge it wou’d have been highly impolitic & injudicious if you had executed it. There are others, but they are not numerous, who think you have done too much already in the crimination of Mr Adams—all agree that the execution is masterly, but I am bound to tell you that you are accused by respectable men of Egotism, & some very worthy & sensible men say you have exhibited the same vanity in your book which you charge as a dangerous quality & great weakness in Mr. Adams. I shou’d have left it to your Enemies to tell you of the Censures of your friends if I was not persuaded that you cannot possibly mistake my motives or doubt of the sincerity of my affection or the greatness of my Esteem.
Yours faithfully

George Cabot


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Madame Caradeux Lecaye, November [1800–1803]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Caradeux Lecaye, Madame

New York Nov [1800–1803]

This is the fifth letter, Madam, that ⟨I shall⟩ have written to you, without yet having had ⟨the pleasure⟩ of knowing that one has reached your hands. This ⟨situation⟩ is matter of no small regret to us, and it would be still more perplexing and painful did we not understand th⟨at⟩ others of your friends are in a like situation. Being a common misfortune, we cannot impute it to any forgetfulness of us, but merely to obstacles arising from your local position. This however is a mitigation only; it is not a consolation. Your friends here think of you with ⟨too⟩ lively an interest not to be much chagrined at so entire a privation of intercourse. They had flattered themselves that frequent occasions of hearing from you would in some degree alleviate the loss of your Society.
They will not however renounce the hope of seeing you in the Spring as you have intimated; and it will not be their fault if you are not prevailed upon to adopt this country for your permanent residence. If the most sincere and cordial friendship can atone for other disadvantages, you are likely no where to find a preferable home. Tis said that the “absent are always in the wrong” but you are an “exception to the rule.” Your importance to us is much more felt and better understood than when you were among us. We have not discovered how to supply your place; and the void which has been created in the circle of our enjoyment is too great not to leave us very anxious to see you speedily reoccupy your station.
The events of St Domingo chagrine us. Besides other motives, the disappointment to your views in that quarter contributes to render us extremely sensible to the disasters of that Colony. Where will this disagreeable business end? But when would our interrogations finish, if we should attempt to unravel the very intricate and extraordinary plot in which the affairs of the whole world are embroiled at the present inexplicable conjuncture? We have nothing for it but patience and resignation and to make the best of what we have without being over solicitous to ameliorate our conditions. This is now completely my philosophy.
Kitty, who is looking over my shoulder, insists there is one exception and that you as well as herself can guess it. Shall I confess that she is right?
Adieu Madam Accept the best wishes of Mrs. H and myself

AH


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from James McHenry, 1 December 1800
From: McHenry, James
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Baltimore 1 Decr. 1800
My dear Hamilton.

What is past and cannot be amended between friends had better be forgotten. Let it be so if you please. I am content.
I have since your last reflected upon the policy & necessity of your replying to the answers to your animadversions on the character & conduct of the President, and incline to beleive that it would be wiser to suspend, for the present any further publication on the subject.
Until all the answers appear can a Judgment be formed whether a reply to all or any of them is expedient? Until Mr Adams shall display himself more fully on the contents of your letter must not any answer be defective and premature? You will also perceive, that there is not the least chance, at the present moment of your making a new or more forcible impression on the public mind. Besides, what object is to be obtained? It cannot prevent his election and may work no good to yourself in the public mind. On the whole I should advise a suspension. Mr Wolcott is also of the same opinion.
Mr Wolcott writes me, “I will find out the state of things, the substance of the two letters by the President written when minister in England, and if I can will comply with your request.”
Our electors are 5 and 5. and it is not improbable but influence will be exerted to have one vote at least of these five abstracted from Gen Pinckney.
Yours always

James McHenry
Alexr Hamilton Esq


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from James Gunn, [11 December 1800]
From: Gunn, James
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[Washington, December 11, 1800]
D. Sir,

I have Seen a list of the names of the So. Carolina Electors. They will all Vote for Jefferson and Col. Burr. Genl. Pinckney will not get one vote.
Yours Sincerely

James Gunn
Genl. Hamilton
Six oClock Washington Decr. 11th. 180⟨0⟩


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from James Gunn, [13 December 1800]
From: Gunn, James
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[Washington, December 13, 1800]
D. Sir,

The Issue of the Election of President, and vice-President, so far as it depended upon the Individual States, is at length Settled. Jefferson, and Burr have the Major vote, and it may with Truth be Said, that, John Adams has Dam’d our Cause, for the double Chance was lost, in So. Carolina, owing to Genl. Pinckney Refusing to give up Mr. Adams. The Federalist appear to have no plan, common danger will make them unite, Adams is no longer the mar-plot, and your aid is necessary. With this idea of the Subject permit me to offer for your consideration, the polici of the Federal party extending the Influence of our Judiciary, if neglected, by the Federalist, the ground will be occupied by the enemy the very next session of Congress, and, Sir, we Shall See Monroe, and many other Scoundrals, placed on the Seat of Justice. Within two years the Senate will be Democratick—at the commencement of Jeffersons administration the Senators will Stand 17 Federal and 15 Anti-Fedl.
Men of sense, in every State, must go into the State Legislatures, and use their endeavours to prepar the publics mind for future events, with the aid of some Judicious management the Federal party will unite in every quarter, and, in future, men of Sense will be prefered, and the bloated pride of an Individual Treated with disdain.
Genl. Davie arrived, with the Treaty, last evening. I learn from him, that, Mr. Ellsworth has landed in the British empire, and intends returning to France for the benefit of his health.
It is the opinion of all well informed men, in europe, That a Treaty of partition, will be concluded by the great powers, and the lesser powers used as Small Change.
Yours Sincerely

James Gunn
Washington, Decr. 13th 1800
Genl. Hamilton


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Aaron Ogden, 15 December 1800
From: Ogden, Aaron
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Elizabethtown [New Jersey] December 15, 1800. Complains that he cannot collect from the Government the money he spent for the public service while he was in the Army. Asks Hamilton to certify that the vouchers for Ogden’s expenditures be allowed.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Jean Xavier Bureaux de Pusy, 16 December 1800
From: Bureaux de Pusy, Jean Xavier
To: Hamilton, Alexander

New York, December 16, 1800. “Le General me Permet—I de lui rappeller qu’il a bien voulu me promettre une petite portion de l’une de ses Soires, pour lui rendre compte de mes idees Sur la defense Sont la Rade Et le port de New York Sont Susceptibles? … quelle Serait l’heure la moins incommode pour lui?”


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Oliver Wolcott, Junior, 16 December 1800
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Wolcott, Oliver, Jr.

New York Decr. 16. 1800

It is now, my Dear Sir, ascertained that Jefferson or Burr will be President and it seems probable that they will come with equal votes to the House of Representatives. It is also circulated here that in this event the Fœderalists in Congress or some of them talk of preferring Burr. I trust New England at least will not so far lose its head as to fall into this snare. There is no doubt but that upon every virtuous and prudent calculation Jefferson is to be preferred. He is by far not so dangerous a man and he has pretensions to character.
As to Burr there is nothing in his favour. His private character is not defended by his most partial friends. He is bankrupt beyond redemption except by the plunder of his country. His public principles have no other spring or aim than his own aggrandisement per fas et nefas. If he can, he will certainly disturb our institutions to secure to himself permanent power and with it wealth. He is truly the Cataline of America—& if I may credit Major Wilcocks, he has held very vindictive language respecting his opponents.
But early measures must be taken to fix on this point the opinions of the Fœderalists. Among them, from different motives—Burr will find partisans. If the thing be neglected he may possibly go far.

Yet it may be well enough to throw out a lure for him, in order to tempt him to start for the plate & thus lay the foundation of dissention between the two chiefs.
You may communicate this letter to Marshall & Sedgwick.
Let me hear speedily from you in reply.
Yrs. Affectly

A Hamilton
Ol Wolcott Esq


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from James Gunn, [18 December 1800]
From: Gunn, James
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[Washington, December 18, 1800]
D. Sir,

I presume some of your friends will present you with a copy of the French Convention. The thing is detestable—The Independance of our country humbled to the dust.
The President this day nominated Mr. Jay Chief Justice —Mr. Elsworth resigned. Mr. Jay having once declined the office of Chief Judge it is no compliment to re-appoint him to that office, nor was it decent to wound the feelings of Judge Patterson. Either Judge Patterson, or Genl. Pinckney ought to have been appointed, But both those worthies are your friends.
Jefferson and Burr, as yet, have an equal vote, and it is genly. believed they will each have Seventy-Three votes. It is probable that the Federalists will have to Choose among Rotten Apples.
Yours Sincerely

James Gunn
Washington Decr. 18th. 1800
Genl. Hamilton.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to James Ross, 18 December 1800
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Ross, James

New York December 18. 1800
Dear Sir

I have heared with much regret that the Senate have hesitated to confirm the appointment of Col Smith as Surveyor of this Port on the suggestion of some malconduct in his pecuniary affairs.
The suggestion has come to me in various shapes. The truth is Col Smith has been engaged in large and various pecuniary transactions and the consequence was that his affairs became extremely embarrassed. In the course of a struggle with great pecuniary difficulties—things of questionable shape never fail to occur. If Col Smith has not escaped this consequence, it is not wonderful. The affair, of which I have heared, bearing hardest upon him is one with Major Burrows, in which a transaction respecting Constable was cited. Constable has acquitted Col Smith of ill intention and the result of my inquiry is that this acquittal was just.
On the whole, I am satisfied that Col Smith has meant well amidst a vortex of perplexing circumstances & that no objection from want of pecuniary fidelity ought to prevent his appointment. In other respects there will be no question.
Besides—nothing new I believe has occurred since he was appointed Col of ye. 12th. Will it be said that a man was fit for so honorable an office and not fit for that of Surveyor of a Port—integrity being the question?!
I sincerely hope that the objection may be relinquished & that he may be confirmed. A thousand considerations recommend it. Let me entreat your good offices.
Yrs. with the truest regard

A Hamilton
James Ross Esqr


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Gouverneur Morris, 19 December 1800
From: Morris, Gouverneur
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Washington 19 Decr. 1800
My dear Sir

In Company this Day I heard much said about the Treaty brought to us by Mr. Davie, wherefore as it is a Subject of public Conversation those Restraints which I had impos’d on myself are remov’d and I take the earliest Opportunity of saying one Word about it to you.
The Negotiation appears to have been very well conducted on the Part of France and the Result is probably equal to her Wishes. It contains among other Things a Stipulation that as the Parties cannot agree about the old Treaties nor the Indemnities mutually due or claimed they will negotiate further about them at a convenient Period and untill they shall have agreed on those Points the Treaties shall have no Operation but the Relations of the two Countries be regulated by that Convention. That public Ships which have been or may be taken shall be mutually restor’d. That Property capturd and not yet definitively condemned shall be restor’d on Proof of Ownership. That Debts shall be paid. That the Vessels of the two Nations and their Privateers as well as their Prizes shall be treated in the respective Ports of each other as those of the Nation the most favored. That free Ships shall make free goods and the Converse. That where merchant Ships are convoyed the Word of the Officer commanding the Convoy shall be taken and no Visit allowed. That when armed Ships shall be permitted to enter with their Prizes they shall not be oblig’d to pay any Duty nor shall the Prizes be seized nor shall the Officers of the Place make Examination concerning the Lawfulness of such Prizes but this Stipulation is not to extend beyond the most favored Nation. That Privateers belonging to an Enemy shall not fit their Ships sell or exchange their Prizes or purchase Provisions except what may be needful to go to the next Port of their own Country. Finally this ⟨con⟩vention is unlimitted in it’s Duration. Such my dear ⟨Sir⟩ is the Result of our french Negotiation which evidently ⟨pla⟩ces us in a critical Situation.
It is suppos’d that Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Burr will have equal Votes, and various Speculations are made and making on that Subject. It was propos’d to prevent any Election and thereby throw the Government into the Hands of a President of the Senate, it even went so far as to cast about for the Person. This appear’d to me a wild Measure and I endeavored to dissuade those gentlemen from it who mentioned it to me; it seems now to be given up. The Object with many is to take Mr Burr & I should not be surpriz’d if that Measure were adopted. Not meaning to enter into Intrigues I have meerly exprest the Opinion that since it was evidently the Intention of our fellow Citizens to make Mr Jefferson the President it seems proper to fulfill that Intention. The Answer is simple and in meer Reasoning conclus⟨ive⟩ but it is not conclusive to unimpassioned Sentim⟨ent.⟩ Let the Representatives do what they may they will not want Argument to justify them, and the Situation of our Country (doomed perhaps to sustain unsupported A War against France or England) seems indeed to call for a vigorous practical Man. Mr Burr will it is said come hither, and some who pretend to know his Views think he will bargain with the Federalists. Of such Bargain I shall know Nothing and having declar’d my Determination to support the constitutionally appointed Administration so long as it’s Acts shall not in my Judgment be essentially wrong my personal Line of Conduct gives me no Difficulty but I am not without serious Apprehensions for the future State of Things.
The Antifederal Party is beyond Question the most numerous at present and should they be ⟨d⟩isappointed in their Expectation as to the President ⟨t⟩hey will generally I believe oppose the Government with embittered Rancor. The best Federalists will I apprehend support but feebly a Man whom (unjustly perhaps) they consider as void of Principle, and a Government whose Force lies in public Opinion will under such Circumstances be critically situated. I should do Injustice to my Opinion of your intuitive Judgment should I dilate any farther. You are better acquainted with Characters and Opinions than I possibly can be and your Ideas will have Weight on the minds of many here, should you think proper to transmit them thro some accustomed Channel of Communication. The Subject is certainly of high Consideration and the Circumstances of the moment are of peculiar Delicacy.
As ever I am truly yours

Gouvr Morris
Alexander Hamilton Esqr.New York


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to James Gunn, 24 December 1800
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Gunn, James

[New York, December 24, 1800. On January 9, 1801, Gunn wrote to Hamilton: “I have received your favor of the 24th. Ult. Letter not found.]


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Oliver Wolcott, Junior, 25 December 1800
From: Wolcott, Oliver, Jr.
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Washington Decr. 25. 1800
Dr. sir
(Private)

I have recd. your favours of the 16th. & 17th. —that of the 16th I communicated to Mr. Marshall & Mr. Sedgwick; the first has yet expressed no ⟨op⟩inion; the last mentioned Gentleman has been inclined to support Mr. Burr & this I find appears to be a prevailing & increasing sentiment of the Federalists—with what degree of seriousness the intention is formed & whether it can succeed are ⟨po⟩ints upon which no opinion can be given—it will be well to bring the attention of our ⟨e⟩astern friends to the subject, that their ⟨i⟩deas may be seasonably communicated to the Gentlemen in Congress.
An attempt will be made to enact the new Judiciary Bill —it is probable that it will succeed—but what appointments shall we have?
You will be afflicted on reading the Treaty with France, Mr. Ellsworths health ⟨is⟩ I fear destroyed —he has resigned his office & the President has sported a nomination of Mr. Jay, who will n⟨ot⟩ accept the appointment—it is probable that the Treaty, will undergo some modification by the Senate,
yrs with great reg⟨ar⟩d

Oliv Wolcott
Alexander Hamilton Esqr


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Gouverneur Morris, 26 December 1800
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Morris, Gouverneur

New York 26 Decr. 1800
Dr Sir

The post of yesterday gave me the pleasure of a letter from you. I thank you for the communication. I trust that a letter which I wrote you the day before the receipt of yours will have duly reached you as it contains some very free & confidential observations ending in two results—1 That The Convention with France ought to be ratified as the least of two evils 2 That on the same ground Jefferson ought to be preferred to Burr.
I trust the Fœderalists will not finally be so mad as to vote for the latter. I speak with an intimate & accurate knowlege of character. His elevation can only promote the purposes of the desperate and proflicate. ⟨If t⟩here be ⟨a man⟩ in the world I ought to hate it is Jefferson. With Burr I have always been personally well. But the public good must be paramount to every private consideration. My opinion may be freely used with such reserves as you shall think discreet.
Yrs.   very truly

A H
G Morris Esq


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to James A. Bayard, 27 December 1800
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Bayard, James A.

New-York December. 27th. 1800.
Dear Sir

Several letters to myself & others from the City of Washington, excite in my mind extreme alarm on the subject of the future President. It seems nearly ascertained that Jefferson & Burr will come into the house of Rs. with equal votes, and those letters express the probability that the Fœderal Party may prefer the latter. In my opinion a circumstance more ruinous to them, or more disastrous to the Country could not happen. This opinion is dictated by a long & close attention to the character, with the best opportunities of knowing it; an advant[ag]e for judging which few of our friends possess, & which ought to give some weight to my opinion. Be assured my dear Sir, that this man has no principle public or private. As a politician his sole spring of action is an inordinate ambition; as an individual he is believed by friends as well as foes to be without probity, and a voluptuary by system, with habits of expence that can be satisfied by no fair expedients. As to his talents, great management & cunning are the predominant features—he is yet to give proofs of those solid abilities which characterize the statesman. Daring & energy must be allowed him but these qualities under the direction of the worst passions, are certainly strong objections not recommendations. He is of a temper to undertake the most hazadrous enterprizes because he is sanguine enough to think nothing impracticable, and of an ambition which will be content with nothing less than permanent power in his own hands. The maintenance of the existing institutions will not suit him, because under them his power will be too narrow & too precarious; yet the innovations he may attempt will not offer the substitute of a system durable & safe, calculated to give lasting prosperity, & to unite liberty with strength. It will be the system of the day, sufficient to serve his own turn, & not looking beyond himself. To execute this plan as the good men of the country cannot be relied upon, the worst will be used. Let it not be imagined that the difficulties of execution will deter, or a calculation of interest restrain. The truth is that under forms of Government like ours, too much is practicable to men who will without scruple avail themselves of the bad passions of human nature. To a man of this description possessing the requisite talents, the acquisition of permanent power is not a Chimæra. I know that Mr Burr does not view it as such, & I am sure there are no means too atrocious to be employed by him. In debt vastly beyond his means of payment, with all the habits of excessive expence, he cannot be satisfied with the regular emoluments of any office of our Government. Corrupt expedients will be to him a necessary resource. Will any prudent man offer such a president to the temptations of foreign gold? No engagement that can be made with him can be depended upon. While making it he will laugh in his sleeve at the credulity of those with whom he makes it—and the first moment it suits his views to break it he will do so.
   A recent incident will give you an idea of his views as to foreign politics. I dined with him lately. His toasts were “The French Republic.” “The commissioners who negotiated the convention.” “Buonaparte” “The Marquis La Fayette.” His doctrines that it would be the interest of this country to permit the indiscriminate sale of Prizes by the Belligerent powers & the building & equipment of vessels; a project amounting to nothing more nor less (with the semblance of equality,) than to turn all our naval resources into the channel of France, and compel G. Britain to war. Indeed Mr Burr must have war as the instrument of his Ambition & Cupidity. The peculiarity of the occasion will excuse my mentioning in confidence the occurrences of a private Table.
 Let me add that I could scarcely name a discreet man of either party in our State, who does not think Mr Burr the most unfit man in the U. S. for the office of President. Disgrace abroad ruin at home are the probable fruits of his elevation. To contribute to the disappointment and mortification of Mr J. would be on my part, only to retaliate for unequivocal proofs of enmity; but in a case like this it would be base to listen to personal considerations. In alluding to the situation I mean only to illustrate how strong must be the motives which induce me to promote his elevation in exclusion of another. For Heaven’s sake my dear Sir, exert yourself to the utmost to save our country from so great a calamity. Let us not be responsible for the evils which in all probability will follow the preference. All calculations that may lead to it must prove fallacious.
Accept the assurances of my esteem,

A Hamilton.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Louis Le Guen, 27 December 1800
From: Le Guen, Louis
To: Hamilton, Alexander

New york 27. decembre 1800
cher Géneral

Je Vous remet inclus La Lettre que Vous Ecrit Le Cel. Burr, par la quelle il doit Vous faire payer Pour Mon Compte—apres demoin Lemoy 29.—Dollars 6000.—

Voicy Ensuitte La Maniere dont il doit regler Avec Moy.
Apres avoir fixée avec Moy, (des Onoraires Pour tous Ses Soins dans mes affaires Contre la maison Gouvr. et Kemble à Sa Satisfaction) il s’est reconnue Mon d’Ebiteur de $—12539.41, dont il me Payera de la Manière et Conditions Suivantes.
Savoir

6000—6539.41.
dollars ComptantEn Son Obligation à Mon Ordre, payable avec interest Le 1er. Juin 1801. a la Banke de pensilvanie à philadelphia dont L’interet des Cinq Mois ajoutés de $190.72. férra enssemble $6730.13.

Et Pour Sécuritée Laissera En Vos Mains Les titres et Morgages des deux Maisons Et y adjoutera En Outre, d’autres Morgages, a Votre Entière Satisfaction a Cèlle de Mrs. harison et Ogden, trustis ainsy que Vous, Pour Les interest de Madame Le Guen qui Exsigent La Plus Grande Securitée. Les quels titres et Morgages ne Lui Seront remis q’apres l’aquit de Sa dite Obligation de $6730.13. Bien Entendue, que Le Morgage qu’il avoit fourney Pour Securitée, au Prèst que je lui avois fair de 10,000. dollars Lui Serra remis.
Voilla Cher Genéral La Maniere dont Nous avons—deffinitivement terminée Mr. Burr Et Moy, et a la quelle Je Vous prie davoir Le Plus Grand Egard.
Jay L’honneur D’Estre avec la Plus parfaite Conssideration Votre tres humble Et Obéissant Serviteur

L. Le Guen
Alexander Hamilton Esqre.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from James McHenry, 31 December 1800
From: McHenry, James
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Baltimore 31 Decr. 1800
My dear Sir.
Private.

I have recd. a letter from Mr. W. this morning in which he says.
“I have made enquiry respecting the declaration of Mr. Adams while in London in Nov. 1783—it seems he thought negociations could be better conducted there than in a foreign country, and observes—‘Here with the most perfect politeness to ministers we may keep them in awe; a visit to a distinguished member of opposition, even though nothing should be said at it, would have more weight than all our arguments. Mr Jay, I believe also thinks so.’ The above is I believe a true extract though the idea which you possessed was correct, yet you will see the mode of expression is different.”
So much for my recollection of a letter read about seventeen years ago.
What think you of the crisis? Seneca, or somebody for him observes, “Whatever happens, think that it ought to happen, and cast no reproach upon nature.” Some of our Federalists, who have been here on a christmas visit seemed inclined, if not determined to run Mr. Burr notwithstanding his letter to Genl. Smith. They do not consider Mr. Burrs declarations in this letter as committing him—not to accept of the Presidency if elected by the House of Representatives. They hope, by the attempt, should it even fail of sucess to plant the seeds of disunion between him and his party; and should it succeed, to get in him a man who will not suffer the Executive power to be frittered into insignificance. For myself, I do not calculate upon their succeeding to elect him, and I believe besides, that he will not make terms with them to obtain a chance for the Presidency. Is it, in the present state of things, an attempt that ought to be made? If made and fails, how will it affect the federal cause in the opinions of the great body of the people?
We undoubtedly are threatened with a change in some most essential points in government and our national affairs; but who will venture to say, that equal evils did not await us, had Mr. Adams been elected. The case at least affords us this kind of consolation.
Let me hear from you, and believe me always & affectionately yours

J McHenry
Alexr Hamilton Es


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Louis Le Guen, [1800]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Le Guen, Louis

[New York, 1800]
My Dear Sir.

In announcing to you Mrs. Hamilton’s acceptance of your obliging present and conveying to you the acknowlegements which she charges me to make to you I abandon the reluctance which I might otherwise feel to my sensibility at a mark of your attention so delicately conveyed.
The discharge of my professional duty towards you with all the zeal which the nature of the case demands has no ⟨claim upon your gr⟩atitude; but the sentiments ⟨you man⟩ifest towards me, will insure you ⟨– – –⟩ on a principle more ⟨– than⟩ that of duty.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from John Marshall, 1 January 1801
From: Marshall, John
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[Washington] Jany 1st. 1801
Dear Sir

I receivd this morning your letter of the 26th of Decr. It is I believe certain that Jefferson & Burr will come to the house of representatives with equal votes. The returns have been all receivd & this is the general opinion.
Being no longer in the house of representatives & consequently compeld by no duty to decide between them, my own mind had scarcely determind to which of these gentlemen the preference was due. To Mr. Jefferson whose political character is better known than that of Mr. Burr, I have felt almost insuperable objections. His foreign prejudices seem to me totally to unfit him for the chief magistracy of a nation which cannot indulge those prejudices without sustaining debt & permanent injury. In addition to this solid & immovable objection Mr. Jefferson appears to me to be a man who will embody himself with the house of representatives. By weakening the office of President he will increase his personal power. He will diminish his responsability, sap the fundamental principles of the government & become the leader of that party which is about to constitute the majority of the legislature. The morals of the Author of the letter to Mazzei cannot be pure.
With these impressions concerning Mr. Jefferson I was in some degree disposd to view wiith less apprehension any other character & to consider the alternative now offerd us as a circumstance not to be entirely neglected.
Your representation of Mr. Burr with whom I am totally unacquainted shows that from him still greater danger than even from Mr. Jefferson may be apprehended. Such a man as you describe is more to be feard & may do more immediate if not greater mischief. Believing that you know him well & are impartial my preference woud certainly not be for him—but I can take no part in this business. I cannot bring my self to aid Mr. Jefferson. Perhaps respect of myself shoud in my present situation deter me from using any influence (if indeed I possessd any) in support of either gentleman. Altho no consideration coud induce me to be the secretary of State while there was a President whose political system I believd to be at variance with my own, yet this cannot be so well known to others, & it might be suspected that a desire to be well with the successful candidate had in some degree governd my conduct.
With you I am in favor of ratifying our treaty with france tho’ I am far very far from approving it. There is however one principle which I think it right to explain. Our Envoys were undoubtedly of opinion that our prior treaty with Britain woud retain its stipulated advantages & I think that opinion correct. Was our convention with any other nation than France I shoud feel no sollicitude on this subject. But France, the most encroaching nation on earth, will claim a literal interpretation & our people will decide in her favor. Those who coud contend that a promise not to permit privatiers of the enemy of France to be fitted out in our ports amounted to a grant of that privilege to France woud not hesitate to contend that a stipulation giving to France on the subject of privatiers & prizes the privileges of the most favord nation placd her on equal ground with any other nation whatever. In consequence of this temper in our own country I think the ratification of the treaty ought to be accompanied with a declaration of the sense in which it is agreed to. This however is only my own opinion.
With very much respect & esteem   I am dear sir your Obedt

J Marshall


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to John Rutledge, Junior, 4 January 1801
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Rutledge, John, Jr.

Confidential
New York Jany. 4. 1801
My Dear Sir

My extreme anxiety about the ensuing election of President by the House of Representatives will excuse to you the liberty I take in addressing you concerning it without being consulted by you. Did you know Mr. Burr as well as I do, I should think it unnecessary. With your honest attachment to the Country and correctness of views, it would not then be possible for you to hesitate, if you now do, about the course to be taken. You would be clearly of opinion with me that Mr. Jefferson is to be preferred.
As long as the Fœderal party preserve their high ground of integrity and principle, I shall not despair of the public weal. But if they quit it and descend to be the willing instruments of the Elevation of the most unfit and most dangerous man of the Community to the highest station in the Government—I shall no longer see any anchor for the hopes of good men. I shall at once anticipate all the evils that a daring and unprincipled ambition wielding the lever of Jacobinism can bring upon an infatuated Country.
The enclosed paper exhibits a faithful sketch of Mr. Burr’s character as I believe it to exist, with better opportunities than almost any other man of forming a true estimate.
The expectation, I know, is, that if Mr. Burr shall owe his elevation to the Fœderal party he will judge it his interest to adhere to that party. But it ought to be recollected, that he will owe it in the first instance to the Antifoederal party; that among these, though perhaps not in the House of Representatives, a numerous class prefers him to Mr. Jefferson as best adapted by the boldness and cunning of his temper to fulfill their mischievous views; and that it will be the interest of his Ambition to preserve and cultivate these friends.
Mr. Burr will doubtless be governed by his interest as he views it. But stable power and Wealth being his objects—and there being no prospect that the respectable and sober fœderalists will countenance the projects of an irregular Ambition or prodigal Cupidity, he will not long lean upon them—but selecting from among them men suited to his purpose he will seek with the aid of those and of the most unprincipled of the opposite party to accomplish his ends. At least such ought to be our calculation. From such a man as him, who practices all the maxims of a Catiline, who, while despising, has played the whole game of, democracy, what better is to be looked for. Tis not to a Chapter of Accidents, that we ought to trust the Government peace and happiness of our Country. Tis enough for us to know that Mr. Burr is one of the most unprincipled men in the UStates in order to determine us to decline being responsible for the precarious issues of his calculations of Interest.
Very different ought to be our plan. Under the uncertainty of the Event we ought to seek to obtain from Mr. Jefferson these assurances   1   That the present Fiscal System will be maintained.   2   That the present neutral plan will be adhered to.   3   That the Navy will be preserved and gradually increased.   4   That Fœderalists now in office, not being heads of the great departments, will be retained. As to the heads of Departments & other matters he ought to be free.
You cannot in my opinion render a greater service to your Country than by exerting your influence to counteract the impolitic and impure idea of raising Mr. Burr to the Chief Magistracy.
Adieu My Dear Sir   Yrs. with sincere esteem & regard

A Hamilton
J Rutledge Esqr.


Title: Enclosure: Opinions on Aaron Burr, [4 January 1801]
From:
To:

Confidential
A Burr
1   He is in every sense a profligate; a voluptuary in the extreme, with uncommon habits of expence; in his profession extortionate to a proverb; suspected on strong grounds of having corruptly served the views of the Holland Company, in the capacity of a member of our legislature
   He cooperated in obtaining a law to permit Aliens to hold & convey lands.
; and understood to have been guilty of several breaches of probity in his pecuniary transactions. His very friends do not insist upon his integrity.

2   He is without doubt insolvent for a large deficit. All his visible property is deeply mortgaged, and he is known to owe other large debts, for which there is no specific security. Of the number of these is a Judgment in favour of Mr. Angerstien for a sum which with interest amounts to about 80,000 Dollars.
3   The fair emoluments of any station, under our government, will not equal his expences in that station; still less will they suffice to extricate him from his embarassments & he must therefore from the necessity of his situation have recourse to unworthy expedients. These may be a bargain and sale with some foreign power, or combinations with public agents in projects of gain by means of the public monies; perhaps and probably, to enlarge the sphere—a War.
4   He has no pretensions to the Station from services. He acted in different capacities in the last war finally with the rank of Lt. Col in a Regiment, and gave indications of being a good officer; but without having had the opportunity of performing any distinguished action. At a critical period of the War, he resigned his commission, assigning for cause ill-health, and went to reside at Paramus in the State of New Jersey. If his health was bad he might without difficulty have obtained a furlough and was not obliged to resign. He was afterwards seen in his usual health. The circumstance excited much jealousy of his motives. In civil life, he has never projected nor aided in producing a single measure of important public utility.
5   He has constantly sided with the party hostile to fœderal measures before and since the present constitution of the U States. In opposing the adoption of this constitution he was engaged covertly and insidiously; because, as he said at the time “it was too strong and too weak” and he has been uniformly the opposer of the Fœderal Administration.
6   No mortal can tell what his political principles are. He has talked all round the compass. At times he has dealt in all the jargon of Jacobinism; at other times he has proclaimed decidedly the total insufficiency of the Fœderal Government and the necessity of changes to one far more energetic. The truth seems to be that he has no plan but that of getting power by any means and keeping it by all means. It is probable that if he has any theory ’tis that of a simple despotism. He has intimated that he thinks the present French constitution not a bad one.
7   He is of a temper bold enough to think no enterprize too hazardous and sanguine enough to think none too difficult. He has censured the leaders of the Fœderal party as wanting in vigour and enterprise, for not having established a strong Government when they were in possession of the power and influence.
8   Discerning men of all parties agree in ascribing to him an irregular and inordinate ambition. Like Catiline, he is indefatigable in courting the young and the profligate. He knows well the weak sides of human nature, and takes care to play in with the passions of all with whom he has intercourse. By natural disposition, the haughtiest of men, he is at the same time the most creeping to answer his purposes. Cold and collected by nature and habit, he never loses sight of his object and scruples no means of accomplishing it. He is artful and intriguing to an inconceivable degree. In short all his conduct indicates that he has in view nothing less than the establishment of Supreme Power in his own person. Of this nothing can be a surer index than that having in fact high-toned notions of Government, he has nevertheless constantly opposed the fœderal and courted the popular party. As he never can effect his wish by the aid of good men, he will court and employ able and daring scoundrels of every party, and by availing himself of their assistance and of all the bad passions of the Society, he will in all likelihood attempt an usurpation.
8   Within the last three weeks at his own Table, he drank these toasts successively 1 The French Republic 2 The Commissioners who negotiated the Convention 3 Buonaparte 4 La Fayette; and he countenanced and seconded the positions openly advanced by one of his guests that it was the interest of this Country to leave it free to the Belligerent Powers to sell their prizes in our ports and to build and equip ships for their respective uses; a doctrine which evidently aims at turning all the naval resources of the UStates into the channel of France; and which by making these states the most pernicious enemy of G Britain would compel her to go to War with us.
9   Though possessing infinite art cunning and address—he is yet to give proofs of great or solid abilities. It is certain that at the Bar he is more remarkable for ingenuity and dexterity than for sound judgment or good logic. From the character of his understanding and heart it is likely that any innovations which he may effect will be such as to serve the turn of his own power, not such as will issue in establishments favourable to the permanent security and prosperity of the Nation—founded upon the principles of a strong free and regular Government.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Gouverneur Morris, 5 January 1801
From: Morris, Gouverneur
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Washington 5 Jany. 1801
My dear Sir

I have received your favors of the 24th. and 26th of last Month. I am much oblig’d by both.
The Convention with france will be ratified sub Modo. Such at least is my Opinion. I wish 1st to strike out the 2d & 3d Articles 2dly. to fix a Limitation of Time. The 2d Art. ⟨by⟩ suspending the Operation admits the Existence of former ⟨Tr⟩eaties. The Restitution of our Trophies stipulated by the 3d Art: may damp the Spirit of our Country. That Nation which will permit Profit or Convenience to stand in Competition with Honor is on the steep Descent to Ruin. If with the Exception of those Articles and a Limitation of Time the Convention be mutually ratified I shall think it no very bad Bargain. Will the french Consul ratify it when so curtaild and limited? Perhaps if his Affairs are prosperous he will not. Some Gentlemen propose adding a Clause to declare that it shall not prejudice former Treaties. This appears dangerous because, if afterwards ratified without that Clause, such Ratification may be construed as an assent to the Conduct which the Declaration was intended to obviate.
On the Election between Messrs. J. & B. there is much Speculation. Some, indeed most, of our Eastern friends are warm in Support of the latter. And their Pride is so much up about the Charge of Influence that it is dangerous to give an Opinion. I trust they will change or be disappointed for they appear to be moved by Passion only. I have, more at the Request of others than from my own Motion, suggested certain Considerations not quite unworthy of Attention but it is dangerous to be impartial in Politics. You who are temperate in drinking have never perhaps noticed the awkward Situation of a Man who continues to be sober after the Company are drunk.
Adieu My dear Sir   God bless you and send you many happy Years

Gouvr Morris
Alexander Hamilton Esqr.New York


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from James A. Bayard, 7 January 1801
From: Bayard, James A.
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Washington 7. Jany. 1801.
Dear Sir.

I have been but a few days in this City, but since my arrival have had the pleasure to receive the letter which you did me the honor to write on the 27. Ult. I am fully sensible of the great importance of the Subject to which it relates and am therefore extremely obliged by the information you have been so obliging as to communicate.
You have probably Seen a letter addressed by Col. Burr to General Smith constituting him his Proxy to disavow the least design on his part to interfere with the intention of his Party to place Mr. Jefferson in the chair of President. I mention this letter merely for the opportunity of stating, that it is here understood to have proceeded either from a false calculation as to the result of the electoral votes or was intended as a cover to blind his own Party.
By persons friendly to Mr. Bur it is distinctly Stated that he is willing to consider the Federalistes as his friends & to accept the office of President as their gift. I take it for granted that Mr. B would not only gladly accept the office, but will neglect no means in his power to secure it. Certainly he cannot succeed without the aid of the Federalists, and it is even much to be doubted whether their concurrence will give him the requisite number of States. It is considered that at least in the first instance Georgia N. Carolina Virginia Tennessee Kentucky Pennsylvania N Jersey & N York will vote for Mr. Jefferson. It is probable that Maryland & Vermont will be divided. It is therefore counted that upon the first ballot, it would be possible to give to Mr. Bur, Six votes. It is calculated however and strongly insisted by some gentlemen that a persevering opposition to Mr. J. would bring over N. York. N Jersey & Maryland. What is the probability relative to NY your means enable you to form the most correct opinion. As to N Jersey & Maryland it would depend upon Mr. Lynn of the former and Mr. Dent of the latter State.
I assure you Sir there appears to be a strong inclination in a majority of the federal Party to support Mr. B. The current has already acquired considerable force and is manifestly increasing. The vote which the representative of a State enables me to give would decide the question in favor of Mr. J. At present I am by no means decided as to the object of preference. If the federal Party Should take up Mr. B, I ought certainly to be impressed with the most undoubting conviction before I separated myself from them. With respect to the personal qualities of the competitors, I should fear as much from the sincerity of Mr. J (as he is sincere) as from the want of probity in Mr. Bur. There would be really cause to fear that the government would not survive the course of moral & political experiments to which it would be subjected in the hands of Mr. Jefferson.
But there is another view of the subject which gives me some inclination in favor of Bur. I consider the State ambition of Virginia as the source of present Party. The Faction who govern that State aim to govern the UStates. Virginia will never be satisfied, but when this state of things exists. If Bur should be the President they will not govern, and his acceptance of the office which would disappoint their views which depend upon Jefferson, would I apprehend immediately create a Schism in the Party which would soon rise into open opposition.
I cannot deny however that there are strong considerations which give a preference to Mr. Jefferson. The subject admits of many and very doubtful views and before I resolve on the part I shall take, I shall wait the approach of the crisis which may probably bring with it circumstances decisive of the event.
The federal Party meet on friday for the purposes of forming a resolution as to their line of conduct. I have not the least doubt of their agreeing to support Bur.
Their determination will not bind me, for tho it might cost me a painful struggle to disappoint the views & wishes of many gentlemen with whom I have been accustomed to act, yet the magnitude of the subject forbids the sacrifice of a strong conviction.
I cannot answer for the coherence of my letter as I have undertaken to write to you from the chamber of Representatives with an Attention divided by the debate which occupies the House.
I have not considered myself at liberty to shew your letter to any one, tho I think it would be serviceable if you could trust my discretion in the communication of it.
I am with great consideration   your very Obt. Sert.

James A Bayard


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from James Gunn, [9 January 1801]
From: Gunn, James
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[Washington, January 9, 1801]
D. Sir

I have received your favor of the 24th. Ult. It is probable a rejection of the French convention would excite some unpleasant feeling in America; But its Ratification would be Dishonorable. The Second and Third Articles were rejected by very large majorities. Genl. Armstrong voted against the Second Article, which alarmed the Jacobins. With Some other exceptions, it is believed, the thing will be ratified by the unanimous vote of Senate.
On the Subject of Chosing a President, some Revolutionary opinions are gaining ground, and the Jacobins are determined to resist the Election of Burr at every hazard—most of the Jacobin members will be instructed not to vote for Col. Burr. I have Seen a letter from Mr. Madison to one of the Virginia Representatives, in which he Says that in the event of the present House of Representatives not Choosing Mr. Jefferson President that the next House of Representatives will have a Right to Choose one of the two having the highest number of votes; and that the nature of the case, aided with the support of the great body of the people will Justify Jefferson and Burr Jointly to call together the Members of the next House of Representatives previous to the 3d of Decr. next, for the express purpose of Choosing a President, and that he is Confidant they will make a proper Choice. In other parts of his letter he Speaks of America being degraded by the attempt to Elect Burr President. What say you my friend? The little Virginian must have been a little furious at the time he wrote to his friend. I am confidant the present House will not Elect Col. Burr; and am persuaded the Democrats have taken their ground with a fixed resolution to Destroy the government sooner than yeald their point.
Genl Smith had an interview with Burr, at Philadelphia, last Sunday. Smith is a man of Small talents, but he has a passion for low intrigue, and wishes to be Secretary of the navy.

I fear Some of our friends have Committed themselves by writing improperly to Burr. We know the man, and those who put themselves in his power will repent their folly.
yours Sincerely

James Gunn
Washington Jany. 9th. 1801
N B I have not time to copy.
Genl. Hamilton.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Gouverneur Morris, 9 January 1801
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Morris, Gouverneur

New York Janry. 9. 1801

I have lately, My Dear Sir, written to you two letters. As they contained some delicate topics, I shall be glad to know that they got to hand.
It has occurred to me that perhaps the Fœderalists may be disposed to play the game of preventing an election & leaving the Executive power in the hands of a future President of the Senate. This, if it could succeed, would be for obvious reasons a most dangerous and unbecoming policy. But it is well it should be understood that it cannot succeed. The Antifœderalists as a body prefer Jefferson, but among them are many who will be better suited by the dashing projecting spirit of Burr and who after doing what they will suppose to be saving appearances, they will go over to Mr. Burr. Edward Livingston has declared among his friends that his first ballot will be for Jefferson his second for Burr.
The present is a crisis which demands the exertions of men who have an interest in public Order.
Adieu Yrs

A H
G Morris Esqr


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Gouverneur Morris, 10 January 1801
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Morris, Gouverneur

New York Jany 10. 1801

I thank you, My Dear Sir, for your letter of the 5 instant.
The scruples you express about the ratification of the Convention are very respectable. No well informed man can doubt that it is an exceptionable instrument; but I continue of the opinion that it is best upon the whole to ratify it unconditionally.

It does not appear to me that on fair construction the existence of the old treaties is recognised; though a right of mutual indemnities as to the past is admitted. But inasmuch as it is declared that they shall hereafter have no effect until a future agreement, this appears to me to amount to the consent of France that they shall become inoperative and null unless they shall be revived by the consent of the UStates. So far I think something is gained: For the right of one party to annul a Treaty is a litigious right, never consummated till the other party waves its opposition. This is now in substance done by France. And in my opinion to have advanced so far is a matter of considerable importance.
The indemnification for spoliations is, I admit, virtually relinquished as the price of a waver of the Treaties; but considering our situation and the immense and growing power of France, that price is not too great. Further, there are such potent obstacles in the nature of things to the obtaining of effectual indemnification that it is my will to leave it to the Chapter of Accidents.
The restoration of Ships of War is an unpleasant and I will not deny rather a humililating thing—But as it is in form reciprocal, it does not seem to me that unequivocal species of dishonor which ought to induce us to run great risks. Our conduct heretofore has gone on the ground that though we ought not to submit to unequivocal disgrace; yet we ought not to be too susceptible or over curious and nice. In this spirit we have borne a great deal, sometimes too much, from all the Belligerents. Circumstances do not now invite to a different course. Our rapid progress to strength will ere long encourage to and warrant higher pretensions.
You seem to have gotten over the difficulty of the supposed collision between the Convention and our Treaty with Britain. You already know that this accords with my opinion. Yet it seems to me the most thorny point, as it draws into question our faith towards a third power. This gotten over, there is not in my apprehension any remaining obstacle to a full ratification which may not be overcome.
The limitation of the Treaty as to Time is doubtless desireable; but we may be sure it will not be eternal in fact. Perpetual Peace will not exist. A war cuts the knot and leaves us free to renew or not, to renew absolutely or with qualifications.
With this view of the subject I do not consider the objections to a simple ratification to be strong enough to countervail the dangers of a qualified one which certainly will leave it in the Option of the other party to recede. It is possible that in the pride of success our backwardness to ratify may be the pretext of a rupture to punish the presumption. Under existing circumstances such an event would be disastrous—if not for the evils which the arms of France might inflict yet for the hazard of internal scism and discord. The mania for France has in a great degree revived in our country and the party which should invoke a rupture would be likely to be ruined.
Perhaps with the administration we are going to have there may be less danger of rupture than with one of a different cast; yet not much reliance can be placed on this circumstance, and there is another side to the question which deserves attention.
If the present Convention be ratified our relations to France will have received a precise Shape. To take up the subject anew and mould it into a shape better according with Jacobin projects will not be as easy, as finding the whole business open to give it that shape. I think it politic therefore to close as far as we can.
Again, it will be of consequence to the Fœderal cause in future to be able to say—The Fœderal Administration steered the vessel through all the storms raised by the contentions of Europe into a peaceable and safe port. This cannot be said if the contest with France continues open.
Inclosed you have some recent intelligence which seems to strengthen the argument for a simple ratification. G Britain stands on a precipice. The misfortune for her is that there are manifest symptoms of a depreciated and depreciating paper currency. This may cut deep.
The result is that good understanding with the UStates is more than ever necessary to G Britain. She will not lightly take umbrage While France is in a position to ride a high horse. These facts cannot prudently be excluded from the calculation.

So our Eastern Friends want to join the armed neutrality and make war upon Britain. I infer this from their mad propensity to make Burr President. If Jefferson has prejudices leading to that result he has defects of character to keep him back. Burr with the same propensities will find the thing necessary to his projects and will dare to hazard all consequences. They may as well think to bind a Giant by a cobweb as his ambition by promises.
Adieu My dear Sir

A Hamilton

⟨–⟩ the Country


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Theodore Sedgwick, 10 January 1801
From: Sedgwick, Theodore
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Washington 10th. Jany. 1801.

I delayed my dear sir, an answer to your Letter of the 22nd ult. purposely, because from it I was induced to beleive I was soon to be favored with another containing additional observations on the convention. On that subject, at present, I shall say nothing.
It is not doubted that the votes for Jefferson and Burr have been equally given, and that from one of those the House must select the next President of the united states. It is known that all the democratic Representatives are decidedly in favor of Jefferson—these will give seven certainly, possibly eight votes; but it is believed he cannot be elected without the concurrence of the federalists; and we entertain no doubt that should we prefer Burr, they will not dare to persevere in voting for Jefferson & thereby prevent any election. How, then, shall we determine?—the question is difficult & the result doubtful. No decision is yet had, tho there is, I beleive, a strong preponderance of opinion against Jefferson.
In his favor it is said that it was the intention of all those electors who voted for him & Burr, that he should be elected. This, beyond all doubt, as to a large majority of those electors, is true. But, wherefore, it is asked, was this preference given to him? because, it is answered, he was known to be hostile to all those great systems of Administration, the combined effect of which is our national prosperity, and all we possess of national character & respectability; because he is a sincere & enthusiastic democrat in principle, plausible in manners, crafty in conduct, persevering in the pursuit of his object, regardless of the means by which it is attained, & equally regardless of an adherence to truth as is demonstrated by his letter to mazzei, his declaration in the senate on his first taking his seat there, &ca., &ca.; because he is known to be devoted to the views of those men, in his state whose unceasing efforts it has been & is to reduce, in practice, the administration of this government to the principles of the old confederation, in which that state by her numerous representation, & the influence which she has on surrounding states, will be the dictatrix, because he is known to be servilely devoted to one foreign nation, under any form of government & persuing any system of measures, however hostile to this country; and unrelentingly hostile to another nation; and those the two nations, on earth, with which we have the most interesting relations, and with which it is most important to preserve an equal & impartial regard. Ought we then to respect the preference which is given to this man from such motives & by such friends?
As to the other candidate there is no disagreement as to his character. He is ambitious—selfish—profligate. His ambition is of the worst kind—it is a mere love of power, regardless of fame but as its instrument—his selfishness excludes all social affections & his profligacy unrestrained by any moral sentiment, and defying all decency. This is agreed, but then it is known that his manners are plausible, that he is dextrous in the acquisition & use of the means necessary to effect his wishes. Nothing can be a stronger evidence of this than the situation in which he stands at this moment—without any pretention from connections, fame or services, elevated, by his own independent means, to the highest point to which all those can carry the most meritorious man in the nation. He holds to no pernicious theories, but is a mere matter-of-fact man. His very selfishness prevents his entertaining any mischievous predilections for foreign nations. The situation in which he lives has enabled him to discern and justly appreciate the benefits resulting from our commercial & other national systems; and this same selfishness will afford some security that he will not only patronize their support but their invigoration.

There are other considerations. It is very evident that the Jacobins dislike Mr. Burr, as President—that they dread his appointment more than even that of General Pinkney. On his part he hates them for the preference they give to his rival. He has expressed his displeasure at the publication of his letter by General Smith. This jealousy, and distrust, and dislike will every day more & more encrease and more & more widen the breach between them. If then Burr should be elected by the federalists agt the hearty opposition of the Jacobins the wounds mutually given & received will, probably, be incurable—each will have commited the unpardonable sin. Burr must depend on good men for his support & that support he cannot receive but by a conformity to their views.
In these circumstances then to what evils shall we expose ourselves by the choice of Burr which we should escape by the election of Jefferson? It is said that it would be more disgraceful to our country and to the principles of our government. For myself I declare I think it impossible to preserve the honor of our country or of the principles of our constitution. By a mode of election which was intended to secure to preeminent talents & virtues the first honors of our country, & forever to disgrace the barbarous institutions by which executive power is to be transmited thro’ the organs of generation, we have at one election placed at the head of our government a semi-maniac, a man who in his soberest senses is the greatest Marplot in nature; and at the next a feeble & false enthusiastic theorist; and a profligate without character and without property—bankrupt in both. But if there remains any thing for us, in this respect, to regard, it is with the minority in the presidential election. And can they be more disgraced than by assenting to the election of Jefferson?—the man who has proclaimed them to the world as debased in principles, and as detestable & traiterous in conduct? Burr is indeed unworthy, but the evidence of his unworthiness is neither so extensively known, nor so conclusive as that of the other man.
It must be confessed that there is ⟨a⟩ part of the character of Burr more dangerous ⟨than⟩ that of Jefferson. Give to the former a probable ⟨ch⟩ance & he would become an usurper; the latter might not incline, he certainly would not dare, to make the attempt. I do not beleive that either would succeed, & I am even confident that such a project would be rejected by Burr as visionary.

At first, I confess, I was strongly disposed to give Jefferson the preference, but the more I have reflected, the more have I been inclined to the other. Yet, however, I remain unpledged even to my friends, tho’ I beleive I shall not seperate from them.
I am ever yours, most sincerely

Theodore Sedgwick


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from James McHenry, 12 January 1801
From: McHenry, James
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Baltimore 12 Jany 1801.
My dear Sir,

I received your letter of the 4th inst on Saturday last.
After giving as much consideration as I could to the subject of the election of a President, which I perceived from conversation with some of the members of Congress who were here at christmas was likely to assume a serious form, it appeared to me that the proper line for the federal party to pursue in the case, was, to acquiesce with a good grace in the election of Mr Jefferson, or if they made any new demonstrations of opposition, to use it only to draw from Mr Jefferson declarations and assurances that he would support existing systems and the policy of the Washington administration as it respected foreign powers. I wrote to some of my friends in Congress, at length, accordingly, and am extremely happy to find my opinions corroborated by yours. I went into some reasoning upon the possible and probable consequences of a different course particularly of any serious attempt to create Burr President of whose character we do not think differently.
Yours truely & affly

J McH
Alex Hamilton Es
I have had no answer to my letters from the City. I would write you more fully but for the pain exerted by the motion in my left hand the wrist of which has been dislocated a few days ago.


Title: Receipt to Louis Le Guen, [15 January 1801]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Le Guen, Louis

[New York, January 15, 1801]

I acknowledge to have received of Louis Le Guen in deposit for the purposes of his marriage contract and the surplus for his particular use Eighteen thousand Dollars in Cash a Bond of Aaron Burr conditioned for the payment of Six thousand seven hundred and thirty Dollars and thirteen Cents secured by the assignment of five leases and one mortgage in Fee also two notes of the said Aaron Burr included in the said Bond and a conveyance of an Interest of one Eighth, in a tract of sixty four thousand Acres held be Nicholas Olive. Note most of these articles have been some time since deposited.
New York Jany 15. 1801


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Aaron Ogden, 15 January 1801
From: Ogden, Aaron
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Eliz. Town. [New Jersey] Jany. 15. 1801.
Dear Sir

I enclose the within power, confiding that the Trustees agree in an opinion, that no investment in real property, should be assented to, unless, in such, as would be productive to Mrs. Le Guien, in case of accident to her husband. If the power be not sufficiently ample, or in proper form, be pleased to cause such an one to be sent to me, as you may judge requisite & I will return it duly executed.
I have the honor to be   with the highest respect   Your mo. ob. Servt

Aaron Ogden
Alexander Hamilton Esquire


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Gouverneur Morris, 16 January 1801
From: Morris, Gouverneur
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Washington 16 Jany. 1801
My dear Sir

I have yours of the 9th. I had already replied to those which it refers to. The Idea that a Division of the Votes would bring over the Aristocrats who call themselves Democrats to vote for Burr is unfounded. Were it otherwise a Number ⟨of⟩ Federalists, that is of Republicans would urge the Experiment and therefore the only Use I could make of your Letter was to communicate the Contents of it to one of the opposite Party. The Conviction that they will not abandon their Man may induce the Republicans to unite with the Adversary and give Mr Jefferson an unanimous Vote. I have hinted that should they find the Opposition to him ineffectual it might be advisable openly to declare that “unable to estimate the respective merits of the Candidates whose Virtues they are equally ignorant of the Republicans will join in the Choice of the Person whom they may designate.” Under present Circumstances this appears to me the best Expedient for avo[i]ding all Responsability at the Bar of public opinion and that is important for let the Choice fall as it may many will be displeased. The present moment is indeed of high Interest but Prudence seems to be more necessary than any Thing else. Not the cold quality which avoi⟨ds⟩ mistakes but the active Virtue which corrects the Evil of mistakes already made. Nil desperandum.
As ever I am truly yours

Gouv Morris
Alexander Hamilton Esqr.New York


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Elizabeth Hamilton, [18 January 1801]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Hamilton, Elizabeth

[January 18, 1801]Thirty three Miles fromN York
I intended to have reached Croton this Evening and would have done it without difficulty had not a very violent shower of Rain obliged me to stop at this place. If the storm subsides I hope to be at Albany on Wednesday.
The roads are too bad for you to venture this part of the road in your carriage if you can possibly avoid it. The plan of going to Poughkepsie is best.
Dont forget to visit the Grange. From what I saw there it is very important the drains should be better regulated. There must be one from the South side into that already made & I fear one from the Northern Quarter into the high road. The Clay if to be had must by no means be neglected. And sand must be brought for the next Springs work.
You must leave in particular charge of Philip what you cannot yourself accomplish.
Adieu my very dear Eliza

A H
Sunday Evening5 oClock


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Theodore Sedgwick, 21 January 1801
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Sedgwick, Theodore

Albany Jany 21. 1801
Dr Sir

Being in a hurry to leave New York for this place, I comprised in a letter to Bayard some observations which had I had time I should have put in a reply to your last. I requested him to communicate it to you & I beg you as you love your country, your friends and yourself to reconsider dispassionately the opinion you have expressed in favour of Burr. I never was so much mistaken as I shall be if our friends, in the event of their success, do not rue the preference they will give to that Cataline.
Adieu

AH


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Gouverneur Morris, 26 January 1801
From: Morris, Gouverneur
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Washington 26 Jany 1801
Alexander Hamilton Esqr.New York
Dear Sir

I have now lying before me your Letter dated the  instant. It contains important facts with many of which I had previously become acquainted but I dare not communicate the Contents because the Idea that two States will on a second Ballot come over forms already a Reason with the federal Members in the House of Representatives for supporting Mr Burr. They now seriously and generally after much Advisement prefer that Gentleman to Mr. Jefferson. They consider the Candidates as equal in Worth or (if you like the other Mode of Expression best) as equally void of it with this Difference that Mr Burr’s Defects do not arise from Want of Energy and Vigor. They beleive that to Courage he joins Generosity and cannot be branded with the Charge of Ingratitude but they consider Mr. J. as infected with all the cold blooded Vices and as particularly dangerous from the false Principles of Government which he has imbibed. They look moreover with Abhorrence at a Chief Magistrate of America who shall be the Slave of Virginia. They consider it as indisputable that immediately upon Mr. Burr’s Election he will be abandoned by many of the southern Demagogues. And however they may be mistaken in other Points in this I believe they are right. On counting over the Senate after March next it appears that out of thirty two there will be fifteen of each Party with two feeble Members on whom no Dependence can be placed. Under these Circumstances it is conceived that Mr. Burr will be able to decide as Vice President all questions in that Body and of Course that the Appointment to all Offices will be compleatly in the Hands of Messrs J. & B. The Majority in the House of Representatives will be clear of Course the Legislative authority must be alike unchecked and subject to their Control. It seems to be certain on the other hand that if the ancient Dominion be depriv’d of her favorite Chief, she will continue her Opposition to Government and that several of her Dependants will join her of Course that the federal Men if United can decide during the next two years Administration. They beleive moreover that whatever may be Mr Burr’s conciliatory Disposition it will be impossible for him to aswage the Resentment of the Virginians who will consider his Acceptance as a Treachery, for Virginia cannot bear to see any other than a Virginian in the President’s Chair. You know my opinions but I beleive unless Something new turns up Mr. J. will not be chosen.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Henry Glen, 27 January 1801
From: Glen, Henry
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Washington, January 27, 1801. Requests a certificate indicating that his son, Lieutenant John Glen, performed extra service on Hamilton’s orders. States that his son needs this certificate to obtain “his pay Rations & Extra Allowances.”


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Henry Lee, 6 February 1801
From: Lee, Henry
To: Hamilton, Alexander

W[ashington]. Feby. 6th. 1801.
dear sir

Yr. favor was duely recd& would have been replied to immediately, had not the subject it regards been so momentous & was I not solicitous to communicate my final decision to you thereupon.
It is certainly cause of no little regret in my mind to find myself in opposition to you on any occurrence, especially on one so important as that which now presents itself.
But really my friend after much deliberation on the business I am decidedly convinced that our best interests will be jeopardized shd. Mr J succeed. That a different result may not happen under the guidance of Mr. B is to be rationally expected for he must lean on those who bring him to the chair, or he must fall never to rise again. His own side will abandon him excepting those few whom personal considerations may bind to him.
What will be the issue is very uncertain. Mr. Jefns friends are Confident. Six states at most can be counted on for Mr B, but I believe if they adhere with firmness, victory will attach to them.
In any event I feel disturbed for our poor country, but in every vicissitude I shall hope for the best, resign to the public will, & continue affcy. to regard you.
Adieu

H Lee

Accidentally calling on the S of S, he read to me yr. letter. I feel its force, but am not convinced. In morality both are alike, in the power of doing ill, the Virginian surpasses. We have lost the battle of Marengo, & like Melas you are for giving all up.
I wish to continue the action by a diversion in the enemys country. Be of better chear.
Yrs
H L


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Edward Livingston, 10 February [1802]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Livingston, Edward

[New York] February 10 [1802]. States that he is “of Counsel” in the case of Steinbach adm United States and asks Livingston for permission to examine the witnesses “de bene esse.”


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Edward Tilghman, 11 February 1801
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Tilghman, Edward

[New York, February 11, 1801. On February 12, 1801, Tilghman wrote to Hamilton: “Your Favor of Yesterday is before me.” Letter not found.]


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Edward Tilghman, 12 February 1801
From: Tilghman, Edward
To: Hamilton, Alexander

February 12, 1801. Acknowledges Hamilton’s letter of February 11, 1801. Discusses several lawsuits involving the capture and resale of American-owned vessels by foreign nations and the settlement of the cases in United States courts.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from George and Jacob Gilbert, 16 February 1801
From: Gilbert, George,Gilbert, Jacob
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Philadelphia February 16th. 1801.
Sir
As the period when Congress will rise is close at hand, and the opportunity of your saving us from ruin by a fair representation of facts must then, in all probability, cease, we take the liberty, with great respect, of praying your attention, to the Letter we address’d you some time since, and remain
Your Most obedient & very humble servants.
George and Jacob Gilbert
General Hamilton


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Elizabeth Hamilton, 20 February [1801]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Hamilton, Elizabeth

Poughkepsie [New York] FridayFeby. 20 [1801]
We have reached this place for the night, after a very tolerable journey. I am in much better health than Spirits. The swiss-malady grows upon me very fast—in other words I am more and more homesick. This added to some other circumstances that do not give me pleasure at the present moment makes me rather heavy hearted. But we must make the best of those ills which cannot be avoided. The occupation I shall have at Albany will divert my mind from painful reflections and a speedy return to my dear family (for which I shall endeavour) will bring me a cure. Write me often and receive every wish that is due to the best of women. Kiss my Children for me.
Adieu Yrs. ever
A H
Mrs. Hamilton


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Elizabeth Hamilton, 21 February 1801
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Hamilton, Elizabeth

[Albany, February 21, 1801. “I wrote to you my beloved from Poughkeepsie by post yesterday immediately on my arrival by Mr. Ephraim Hart of the tribe of Benjamin or Judah.… Mr. Burr, as a proof of his conversion to Federalism, has within a fortnight taken a very active and officious part against Renssalaer in favour of Clinton. Tell this to Mr. Church. And let me tell you what is of much more importance to you that I am in very good health though not in as good spirits as when I am with my beloved family.” Letter not found.]


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to James A. Bayard, 22 February 1801
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Bayard, James A.

Albany Feby. 22nd 1801
Dear Sir.
After my ill success hitherto, I ought perhaps in prudence to say nothing further on the subject. But situated as things now are I certainly have no advice to give. Yet I may without impropriety communicate a fact. It is this—Colonel Burr is taking an active personal part in favour of Mr Clinton against Mr Rensselaer as Governor of this State. I have upon my honor direct & indubitable evidence that between two & three weeks past, he wrote a very urgent letter to Oliver Phelps of the Western parts of this State, to induce his exertions in favour of Clinton. Is not this an unequivocal confirmation of what I predicted, that he will in every event continue to play the Jacobin Game? Can anything else explain his conduct at such a moment & under such circumstances? I might add several other things to prove that he is resolved to adhere to & cultivate his old party, who lately more than ever have shewn the cloven foot of Rank Jacobinism.   Yrs with esteem
A H


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Benjamin DeWitt, [25 February 1801]
From: DeWitt, Benjamin
To: Hamilton, Alexander

To Alexander Hamilton Esqr
[Albany, February 25, 1801]
Sir
I have the honor to inform you, that at A meeting of the Society for the promotion of Agriculture Arts & Manufactures Held in the Senate Chamber on the 11th Feby 1801 You was duly elected a Member thereof.
B. DeWitt Secry.
Albany 25th Feby 1801


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Elizabeth Hamilton, 25 February 1801
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Hamilton, Elizabeth

Albany TuesdayFebruary 25 1801
My Dear Eliza
Your Sister Peggy has gradually grown worse & is now in a situation that her dissolution in the opinion of the Doctor is not likely to be long delayed. The Lt Governor sends the bearer to bring home his Child. I have not time to add more.
Adieu My Eliza
A H
Mrs H


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Nathaniel G. Ingraham, 26 February 1801
From: Ingraham, Nathaniel G.
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[New York, February 26, 1801. On March 6, 1801, Hamilton wrote to Ingraham and acknowledged the receipt of “Your letter of the 26th of February.” Letter not found.]


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Nathaniel G. Ingraham, 6 March 1801
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Ingraham, Nathaniel G.

Albany, March 6, 1801. Acknowledges receipt of Ingraham’s letter of February 26, 1801. Regrets that he cannot serve as Ingraham’s attorney because of unavoidable delay in Albany.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from James A. Bayard, 8 March 1801
From: Bayard, James A.
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Wilmington [Delaware] 8 March 1801
Dear Sir
I left Washington the 5th. and arrived here last evening. The letter which you did me the honor to write the 22d Ult. reached me on the 4th when I was occupied in arrangements for leaving the Seat of government. I remained in Washington on the 4th. thro’ necessity tho not without some curiosity to see the inauguration & to hear the speech. The scene was the same as exhibited upon former occasions and the speech in political substance better than we expected; and not answerable to the expectations of the Partizans of the other side.
After the inaugural ceremony, most of the federal gentlemen paid their respects to the President & the Vice, and were received with very decent respect. Mr. Adams did not attend, he had been Sufficiently humbled to be allowed to be absent. Your views in relation to the election, differed very little from my own, but I was obliged to yeild to a torrent which I perceived might be diverted, but could not be opposed.
In one case I was willing to take Burr, but I never considered it as a case likely to happen. If by his conduct he had completely forfeited the confidence and friendship of his Party and left himself no resort but the support of the federalists, there are many considerations which would have induced me to prefer him to Jefferson. But I was enabled soon to discover that he was determined not to shackle himself with federal principles and it became evident that if he got in without being absolutely committed in relation to his own Party, that he would be disposed & obliged to play the game of McKean upon an improved plan and enlarged scale.
In the origin of the business I had contrived to lay hold of all the doubtful votes in the House which enabled me according to views which presented themselves to protract or terminate the controversy.
This arrangement was easily made, from the opinion readily adopted from the consideration, that representing a small state without resources which could supply the means of self protection I should not dare to proceed to any length which would jeopardize the constitution or the safety of any state. When the experiment was fully made, I acknowleged upon all hands to have completely ascertained, that Burr was resolved not to commit himself, and that nothing remained but to appoint a President by law, or have the government without one. I came out with the most explicit & determined declaration of voting for Jefferson. You cannot well imagine the clamour & vehement invective to which I was subjected for some days. We had several caucuses. All acknowleged that nothing but desperate measures remained, which several were disposed to adopt, & but few were willing openly to disapprove. We broke up each time in confusion and discord, and the manner of the last ballot was arranged but a few minutes before the ballot was given. Our former harmony however has since been restored.
The public declarations of my intention to vote for Jefferson to which I have alluded were made without a general consultation, knowing that it would be an easier task to close the breach which I foresaw, when it was the result of an act done without concurrence than if it had proceeded from one against a decision of the Party. Had it not been for a single gentleman from Connecticut, the eastern states would finally have voted in blank in the same manner as done by S. Carolina & Delaware. But because he refused, the rest of the Delegation refused and because connecticut insisted upon continuing the ballot for Burr New Hampshire Massachusetts & Rhode Island refused to depart from their former vote.
The means existed of electing Burr, but they required his cooperation. By deceiving one Man (a great blockhead) and tempting two (not incorruptible) he might have secured a majority of the States. He will never have another chance of being President of the U.states and the little use he has made of the one which has occurred gives me but a humble opinion of the talents of an unprincipled man.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Elizabeth Hamilton, 8 March 1801
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Hamilton, Elizabeth

[Albany, March 8, 1801. On March 9, 1801, Hamilton wrote to his wife: “Yesterday, My beloved Eliza, I wrote you.” Letter not found.]


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Elizabeth Hamilton, [9 March 1801]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Hamilton, Elizabeth

[Albany, March 9, 1801]
Yesterday, My beloved Eliza, I wrote you by water to the care of a Capt Boyed. I in that letter informed you of my painful detention here by the slow progress of the Court and of my extreme anxiety to be with you.
Your Sister Peggy had a better night last night than for three weeks past and is much easier this morning. Yet her situation is such as only to authorise a glimmering of hope. Adieu my beloved. A thousand tender wishes for you.
Yrs. ever
A H
Monday 9th March


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Elizabeth Hamilton, 10 March [1801]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Hamilton, Elizabeth

[Albany] TuesdayMarch 10th [1801]
My beloved Eliza
The Senate has refused on account of the interference with other business to hear any more causes this session; so that were it not for the situation of your Sister Peggy, her request that I would stay a few days longer and the like request of your father and mother, I could now return to you. But how can I resist these motives for continuing a while longer?
Things must change this week but at all events I set out for New York the beginning of the next. I cannot resolve to be longer kept from you and my dear Children.
There has been little alteration either way in Peggys situation for these past four days.
Adieu My Charmer
A H


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Abraham Van Vechten, [13–21 March 1801]
From: Van Vechten, Abraham
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[Albany, March 13–21, 1801]
I am enjoined by the genl. Committee to tax your Goodness to prepare a short, temperate & pertinent supplementary Address by way of reply to that of our Opponents. This tax will be levied & collected without communicating whence it is derived.
Yours &c.
A. V. Vechten