Title: Navigation and Trade, [14 May] 1790
From: Madison, James
To:

[14 May 1790]

   JM moved to add to the resolution agreed to on 13 May the following words: “That from and after the  day of  next, the tonnage of all such vessels be raised to , and from and after the  day of  next, no such vessels be permitted to export from the United States any unmanufactured article, being the growth or produce thereof.” This motion was opposed by FitzSimons, Laurance, Sedgwick, and Smith of South Carolina (N.Y. Daily Gazette, 15 and 18 May 1790).

Mr. Madison rose in reply to the several arguments used against his motion. A gentleman (Mr. Sedgwick) had called it “a measure of passion.” He observed that it had neither been dictated by passion, nor supported with passion; he considered it as a cool, as well as a proper measure, and believed, that the more coolly it was examined, the more proper it would appear. If any thing was to be done, let it be something that will be effectual.
As to the distinction proposed between nations in treaty and not in treaty, that point had been discussed and decided on yesterday, and was no part of the argument to-day. It was agreed on all hands, that the measure reported by the committee was levelled against a particular nation, though it was not named. Why then ostensibly involve other nations for whom it was not intended? and by making no difference in favor of those in treaty, teach others to consider of a treaty with us as of no value? He said we were the less restrained from making the distinction, because the nation against which the measure was designed to operate, had not hesitated to set the example, as far as her supposed interest prompted. He had, he said, before shewn, that the principle on which the trade with the West-Indies was regulated by Great Britain, was a departure from the principle of her navigation act: according to that act, all other nations were allowed to carry directly their own produce in their own vessels, wherever the same trade was allowed by the act to British vessels.
A gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Fitzsimons) was afraid the measure was too bold a one. But why, he asked, was it too bold, if, as the weighty information and arguments of the gentleman himself had shewn there was no danger? if the existence of the West-Indies, and the prosperity of Great-Britain, depended so materially on the trade with the United States, that it would be madness in her to hazard an interruption of it?
Mr. Madison then proceeded to review the European and West-India commerce of the United States. He stated the imports to be, from Europe, about 3,039,000 £. sterling; from the West Indies 927,438 £.—total, 3,966,487 £. The exports to Europe, 3,202,448 £.—to the West-Indies, 941,552 £.—total, 4,244,000 £.
He stated the export and return freight to Europe, to be estimated at 500,000 £. sterling; to the West-Indies, 250,000 £.—total, 750,000 £. For the return freight, which was estimated at one-tenth of the export freight, he deducted 45,454 £. 10s. which left for the value of the export freight to Europe 454,545 £. 10s. By applying a like rule to the West-India freight, he made the total export freight to amount to 681,818 £. 5s. sterling; of this he computed two-thirds, or 454,545 £. 10s. to be enjoyed by British vessels. He took notice here, that the proportion of foreign to British tonnage, employed in the exports of Great-Britain, was stated by Lord Sheffield as no more than one to twelve.
This amount of the freight, he said, at 2 £. sterling per ton, employs 227,272 tons of shipping; or, allowing two voyages a year, 568 vessels of 200 tons burthen each.
This shipping, he said, allowing six men to 100 tons, employs 6816 seamen; or allowing one man to 15 tons, which was perhaps a better estimate, 7575 seamen.
He asked whether it was conceiveable that Great-Britain would give up all these advantages, rather than put the commerce of the two countries on such a footing as would be reasonable and reciprocal? Whether she would throw away, and into rival hands too, a freight of near half a million sterling? Whether she could bear to see between 5 and 600 vessels rotting in port, or sold to others to be employed in the business sacrificed by her? He asked what would become of the 7 or 8000 seamen, thus turned out of employment? And whether they would not enter into the service of other nations, and particularly of the United States, to be employed in the exportation of our produce.
He took notice of the immense loss that would be sustained by the British merchants, on the capital employed in the American trade, particularly the rice and tobacco. Near 100,000 hhds. of tobacco, not more than 10 or 12,000 of which was consumed in Great-Britain, annually went almost all through their hands. The same thing might be said of 100,000 barrels of rice annually exported from the United States.
The manufacturers, he said, would be still more distressed by the want of the American market. Many articles, which were luxuries to this country, and which it would be better without, gave bread to that class of people. Their distresses would increase the spirit of emigration, already so much dreaded by the policy of that nation. He observed that Great-Britain would be the more unwilling to risk an interruption of her trade to the United States, because it would hasten the establishment of American manufactures, which she always had endeavoured to prevent, and thereby cut off for ever this important market for her’s. He said such a danger would be particularly alarming, as her three great staple manufactures, of leather, iron and wool, were those which were making greatest progress in this country, and would be most aided at her expence.
As to the British West-Indies, it had been fully shewn, he said, that they could neither prosper nor subsist without the market of the United States: they were fed from our granaries. Without our lumber, which it was admitted could be supplied no where else, they could not carry on their trade or support their establishments. In the sale of their rum, on which the profits of their labour essentially depended, they had no resource but in the consumption of this country. He said the whole amount of rum sent to other foreign countries did not exceed 8 or 900,000 gallons, which was not more than one-fifth of what was imported into the United States; besides their loss in this respect, they would have the mortification to see the vacancy in our market filled by rum made from molasses supplied by rival islands. In case of war, which happened every ten or a dozen years, or a moment of famine, which happened every three or four, he said the condition of the British islands must evidently be such, that she would not fail to provide against the contingency by proper concessions, unless she should infer from our conduct that they are not necessary.
He added, as a consideration which he thought of great weight in favor of the measure, that in case any negociations should take place, it would put our executive on proper ground. At present the trade with Great-Britain was precisely in that situation which her interest required, and her king could moreover regulate it according to circumstances. On our part the executive could neither offer nor withdraw anything. He could offer nothing, because Great-Britain was already in possession of every commercial privilege she desired. He could not say, give us reciprocal privileges, or your’s shall be withdrawn, because this must be a legislative act. By passing the act proposed, the executive will be enabled to speak a language proper for the occasion. He can say, if you do not give the United States proper privileges, those given to you shall not be continued.


Title: From James Madison to Edmund Randolph, 19 May 1790
From: Madison, James
To: Randolph, Edmund

My dear friend
N. Y. May 19. 1790
The President has been critically ill for some days past, but is now we hope out of danger. His complaint is a peripneumony, united probably with the Influenza. Since my last I have found that I did not go too far in intimating that the cause of your delay would forbid the smallest criticism on it. I earnestly pray that you may no longer have occasion to plead that apology.
In consequence of a petition from N. Hampshire the subject of our commercial relation to G. B. has been revived. A majority of the H. of Reps. seem disposed to make a pretty bold experiment; and I think it will meet with a very different reception in the Senate from the measure tried at the last session. If it fails it will be owing to a dislike of the preference to Nations in Treaty.
The debt is not yet funded. The zealots for the Assumption of the State dbts. keep back in hope of alarming the zealots for the fedl. debt. I understand that another effort is to be made for the assumption. Motives are felt I suspect which will account for the perseverence. Yrs. affely.
Js. Madison Jr


Title: To James Madison from James Monroe, 19 May 1790
From: Monroe, James
To: Madison, James

Letter not found. 19 May 1790. Acknowledged in JM to Monroe, 1 June 1790. Reports illness of his daughter.


Title: To James Madison from William S. Grayson, 20 May 1790
From: Grayson, William S.
To: Madison, James

Dr. sir
Dumfries May 20th. 1790.
I am sorry to trouble you at present with a letter considering your Time must be employed in greater matters, but, relying on your good Disposition I trust you will pardon it. But my father being lately dead you are the only effectual friend which I dare hope for any thing. I will explain to you my Situation with candour and hope you will comply with the request I have to make, from my fathers dying lately I had not an opportunity of finishing my Education in such a manner as I thought proper. His Death has entirely put a stop to it, on account of the state of his Affairs which candidly are in a ruinous situation, I had then some thoughts of studying the Law notwithstanding my Education, I went to Colo James Monroe who offered me every friendly assistance in his power but I found my Expences would amount to so much that I could not possibly afford it, as my fathers personal property together with 15,00 Acres of Land is all mortgaged to Col. Isaac Zane for a Debt of Land and I could not draw any assistance from thence. I was therefore necessitated to drop the idea of the Law and think of something else. I thought of getting into some clerkship but am too late. I understand there are to be raised 12,00 Men for the Defence of Georgia & the frontiers. The request I have to make to you is to intercede with Genl. Washington or Genl. Knox to get me a Commission of an Ensign or a Lieutenant in one of the Companies. If you or they shoud think me qualified in doing me this favour Sir you will command my warmest Gratitude to the latest hour of my Life. From the natural benevolence of your heart I conceive the highest hopes you will use your Interest. True Greatness consists in doing good Actions and happy is he who has great abilities united with Integrity and a Promptness in rendering Services to their fellow-Creatures. I am sorry Sir to put you to so much trouble. Be so good as to inform me what success you meet with, and every particular about it. I shall wait with great anxiety. In the mean time wishing you health and happiness and wishing you may enjoy that high station the most grateful reward of a free People for your Services I remain Dr. Sir your affectionate friend and most devoted Servant.
Willm. S. Grayson
Be so kind sir as to write me whether it will be necessary to come to New york or any other particular you may think proper to mention.
W S G.


Title: To James Madison from Edmund Randolph, 20 May 1790
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Madison, James

My dear friend
Wmsburg May 20. 1790.
I thank you for your last favor. It relieved me much. But an event of yesterday has given me a full view of my arrangements. Very unexpectedly a diminished fœtus appeared; manifesting, that it had lost every energy of life for more than four months. The gloom of our house is converted into general satisfaction, at the escape of our friend from the most critical danger. I have this moment informed the president, that I shall accompany my family by sea, or the head of the bay; and that we shall have no delay, but what may be necessary for Mrs. R. to recover from her temporary weakness. Be so good as to inform Mr. Coles and Mr. Hawkins that I expect now to have the pleasure of soon seeing them.
The people of Virginia are, I believe, almost unanimous against the assumption of the state-debts. Some of the strongest antifœderalists here are high in their eulogiums on all of you, who have opposed the measure. At first some holders of certificates, who are enlightened, were strenuous for the assumption. But they speak a different language now. Not having seen the debates in your house, I have not been able to examine the subject, as I wish. But the objections, which are disclosed in your speech of reply—added to the difficulty of receding, if you should experience the step to be erroneous, the real danger of consolidation, and the contradiction which the reasoning of the secretary presents to that idea—induce me to think, myself happy in the vote of our delegation.
Pray send the inclosed as soon as you can. Yrs. mo. sincerely
E. R.


Title: To James Madison from John Witherspoon, 20 May 1790
From: Witherspoon, John
To: Madison, James

Dr Sir
Perth Amboy May 20. 1790
I have just received a Letter on a very singular Subject which I will not write but inform You of at our first Meeting. It comes from a Clergy man of Nova Scotia of the Episcopal or roman catholic Church (for he does not say which) altogether unknown to me & contains a packet directed to a Mr Sterling Pleasant Mercht in Mecklenburg County Virginia with whom he says he is informed I am in habits of particular Intimacy. He has been wholly misinformed in this for I know no person of that Name. But as the Subject is of much Importance to Mr Pleasant ⟨&⟩ I seem to have been pitched upon for security of Conveyance instead of sending it away at Random I beg Leave to enquire of You or of any of your Colleagues whether You know such a Person as Mr Sterling Pleasant & also of his Character & Circumstances & what is the nearest post Town to him or proper Address by the Post. The Matter relates to a Child of his in a miserable situation. I have the Honour to be Sir Yours sincerely
Jno Witherspoon


Title: Queries concerning Jefferson’s Report on Weights and Measures, [ca. 20 May] 1790
From: Madison, James
To:

[ca. 20 May 1790]
Quer. if a fixed temperature might not be got by referring to a thermometer—the freezing point—being the natural standard
Quer. as to the inaccuracy of English calculations of London Pendulum.
Quer. if mode of distributing actual standards thro’ the States sd. not be suggested at the close of the report.
Quer. would not uniform cylinders be as eas[i]ly measured & judged of, as squares.
Quer. if the Quarter & Chauldron sd. not be measures.
pa 14/15 Quer. as to the inference from the coinciding circumstances relative to the Avod: & Troy—spec[i]fic weight of Wheat & Rain water to accurate & philosop. for antient times—& allso a cubic foot.
pa. 3. bottom—quer. if lower extremity not a better expression—& if defined at both extremities—quer. as the measurement must be not from the upper extremity but the center of suspension.
If the difficulty of obtaining a rod perfectly uniform in size &c not worth noting as an uncertainty, tho’ too inconsiderable to form an objection?
p. 13. wd. not the pottle be better defined by diminishing its depth—15 I. exceeds a convenient proportion to 3 I. square.
p. 23. easy of comparison.


Title: From James Madison to the Governor of Virginia, 25 May 1790
From: Madison, James
To: Governor of Virginia,Randolph, Beverley

Sir
New York May 25. 1790
Previous to the receipt of your favor on the subject of the arrears to the Virginia line, a proposition for remedying the abuses which have taken place, had been made and was under consideration. It has since passed the two Houses in the form which corresponds with the idea suggested by you. I take the liberty of inclosing a copy, though it has not yet been submitted to the President. As soon as it shall have had his sanction, it will be made known to you by the communications required from that source.
The President has lately been dangerously and almost desperately ill. It is with very peculiar pleasure that I am enabled by a favorable turn in his complaint, to acquaint you that he is now not only out of danger, but so far advanced in his recovery as to be able to ride out.
We had flattered ourselves that the project of assuming the State debts was laid aside, at least for the present Session. The measure was however revived upon us yesterday, and it is probable that some time will be again spent upon it. We hope this is the worst that is to be apprehended; but the zeal & perseverence as well as the number of its advocates, require that we should not be too sanguine in our calculations. I have the honor to be with the highest respect & esteem, your Excellency’s mo: Obedt. & hble servt.
Js. Madison Jr.

[Enclosure]
Congress of the United States,
Monday, the 24th. of May, 1790.

Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, that the President of the United States be requested to cause to be forthwith transmitted to the Executives of the States of Virginia and North Carolina, a complete list of the Officers, Non commissioned Officers and privates of the lines of those States respectively, who are entitled to receive Arrears of pay due for services in the years 1782 and 1783, annexing the particular sum that is due to each Individual, with a request to the Executives of the said States, to make known to the claimants in the most effectual manner, that the said Arrears are ready to be discharged on proper Application.
That the President of the United States be requested to cause the Secretary of the Treasury, to take the necessary Steps for paying (within the said States respectively) the Money appropriated by Congress on the twenty ninth day of September 1789, for the discharging the arrears of pay due to the troops of the lines of the said States respectively.
That the Secretary of the Treasury, in cases where the payment has not been made to the Original claimant in person, or to his Representative, be directed to take Order for making the payment to the Original claimant, or to such person or persons only as shall produce a power of Attorney, duly attested by two Justices of the peace of the County in which such person or persons reside, authorizing him or them to receive a certain Specified Sum, except where Certificates or Warrants have been issued under Authority of the United States for any of the said Arrears of pay, and the same shall be produced by the claimant or claimants.
(A Copy,)    John Beckley, Clerk. H: Reps.


Title: From James Madison to the Governor of Virginia, 26 May 1790
From: Madison, James
To: Governor of Virginia,Randolph, Beverley

Sir
New York May 26. 1790
I have the honor to inclose a copy of the instruction given by the Secretary of the Treasury on the subject of our inspection laws, which has been put into my hands for that purpose; and am with the highest respect, Sir, Your Most Obedt. humble servant,
Js. Madison Jr


Title: To James Madison from Fontaine Maury, 26 May 1790
From: Maury, Fontaine
To: Madison, James

Dear sir.
Fredericksburg May 26. 1790
It having been suggested to the Inhabitants of this place and Falmouth, that the people of the Lower Counties have presented a petition to Congress, praying the removal of the naval office to Urbanna, I have been solicited to request you will so far Interest yourself as to have the Business delayed, untill we can have an opportunity of forwarding from the Inhabitants of this Town a Petition, which they will take the Liberty to pass thro your hands, you are so well acquainted with the Two Ports yourself that I need not trouble you with a Single Comment on the subject.
I shall be much obliged by a Line from you as soon as convenient. In the Mean time I am with Regard Your mo: ob St
Fontaine Maury


Title: To James Madison from Beverley Randolph, 26 May 1790
From: Randolph, Beverley
To: Madison, James

Sir.
Richmond May 26th. 1790
I am much obliged by your attention to the Business of the Inspection Laws of this State. I will thank You to request the Secretary of the Treasury to furnish me with a Copy of his Instructions to the Custom House officers on that Subject.
I had Hopes that the Decision of the House of Representatives upon the assumption of the State Debts would have been final. No Proposition has been before Congress since the operation of the New Government which has been more generally disliked than that has been in this State. Should the measure be at length adopted I fear it will give great Disquiet to the People & perhaps produce some warm animadversions from the Legislature.
Accept my Thanks for the News Papers which you were so obliging As to inclose to me. I shall always be glad to receive such communications as you may think proper to make. I am with great esteem Yr. obdt. Servt.
Beverley Randolph


Title: From James Madison to Ambrose Madison, 27 May 1790
From: Madison, James
To: Madison, Ambrose

Dear brother
N. Y. May 27. 1790
I have this moment your favor of the 16th. The inclosed papers will shew you that the project of asuming the State debts is revived & likely to employ further time. I hope we shall be able to defeat it, but the advocates for it are inconceivably persevering as well as formidable in point of numbers. The bill for funding the other debt is gone thro’ and will pass the 3d. reading in the H. of Reps. in substance as reported by the Secretary of the Treasury. I inclose a bill for regulating the navigation & trade in such a manner as either to bring G. B. to reasonable terms or to try the consequences of her refusal. The ⟨p⟩olicy of the measure is daily gaining friends. It will probably pass the H. of Reps. by a very large majority. And the Senate are much better disposed on the subject than at the last Session. I conjecture it will succeed there also.
The President has been at the point of death, but now rides out and is getting well fast. The influenza has made great havoc on the health of ⟨…⟩ I am quite restored myself. Col: Bland ⟨…⟩


Title: To James Madison from John Parrish, 28 May 1790
From: Parrish, John
To: Madison, James

Esteemed Friend
Philadelphia 5th. mo. 28. 1790
The evening myself & Friends left New York thou gave it as thy opinion the subject that induced Friends had address’d Congress had better not be revived during the present Session unless some Instances should appear that any of the States were in the Practice of fiting out foreign Vessels for the African trade or American bottoms to supply foreigners with slaves which appears by the Voats of the House as entered on the Journals Congress have it in their Power to prevent with out infringing on the Constitution; Inclosed I have sent a list of the Vessels cleared out from the State of Rhoad Island by which it appears there is 10 now in the trade with those that are fiting out and from divers information there is reason to believe that several other States are not clear in these respects, we were informed by the Skipper of the boat when we left New York who appeared to be a man of Voracity that he knew of 14 that had been latterly fited out of New York altho Road Island dose not come with in the Jurisdiction of Congress and therefore no remedy can be applyed to them at presant Yet for the Honour of Your August body which will be viewed by foreign Nations may it never be said that the Americans have so little sence of true Liberty as the Author of the fragment has allready that after haveing establishing their own Liberty they continue to make deperdations upon others. And as thou had a short Bill Essayed to present to the House and if past into a Law would at least tend to discourage this Inequitious commerce and Perhaps [that] is going as far at present as can be done with safty, from a persuasion that thy Influence is such that the matter may be accomplished before the House Rises I have embraced the presant oppertunity to request thy deep and weighty attention to a Subject that appears to me of as great Magnitude and in its affects and Consequences as serious and Intrersting as ever came before any body of men, it would be a Melancholy consideration to reflect that even one Vessel load of this unhappy race of people should be torn from there native shore from all that is near & dear to linger out their Lives in a state of Unconditional Slavery when perhaps a little exertion in the presant critical Juncture might prevent, and allso save the people Called Quakers the trouble of Interfeering at the next Session on this very disagreeable tho Necessary Business which I hope might be compleated by a motion from a Member of Your own Body which woul⟨d⟩ be a real sattisfaction to thy Assured friend
Jno. Parrish


Title: To James Madison from Elias Langham, 1 June 1790
From: Langham, Elias
To: Madison, James

Sir,
Point of Fork June 1st. 1790
I take the liberty to inclose you a letter from Col Carrington, which you will please deposit where you think best.
I wish (whenever the Military Arrangmt. takes place) that my Application for an appointmt. may be understood, That if an Arrangemt. does not take place as I suggested in my first to you, I wish an Appointmt. to manage the Magazine Arsenal &c in Virga.—or to that Deposit that may include Virginia as a district.
The people in this quarter appear to be well satisfied under the Federal Governmt so far as it has yet operated. They do not appear Generally to approve of the propos’d plan for disiplining the Militia. Occurrences from Congress come so slow to this Neighborhood, that the business is finished before we know it is begun. The last we have at this time before us, by way of the press bears date Monday March the 1st. and a sketch of proceedings the 14th. April.
Our Crops of small Grain will be much shorter than we expected two months ago, owing to the little rain allowd us in the month of May. They yet will be tolerable good.
Capt. Howell Lewis of Goochland wou’d willingly receive a Commission under the Federal Governmt. when ever the Army Arrangmts. takes place. Shou’d you have Occasion to recommend any persons for the rank of Captain—I beg leave to say that he woud do credit to the Office, & honor to those who recommend him. Any recommendations in the circle of his Acquaintance woud be easily obtaind if Necessary. I have the Honor to be with due respect Your Mo Obt Ser.
E Langham


Title: To James Madison from George Thompson, 1 June 1790
From: Thompson, George
To: Madison, James

Sir,
Fluvanna County 1st. June 1790
This will be handed to you by the Post, and will inform you that, I have lately return’d from Kentuckey: I travell’d very much, the Spring past, not only in the Western Frontiers of Virginia, but also that of Pensylvania, and No. Carolina. And now take the liberty to give you a small detail of the murders and outrages lately committed by the Indian Savages in those parts. I was on Board, and own’d, one of three Boats that were going down the River Ohio on the 21st of March last, when we were attack’d by sixty one Indians: The Indians had a Boat 40 feet long 3 Oars to a side; also a small Boat that acted as a tender. The large Boat they had taken the day before from Mr. John May who they murder’d, as also a young Woman, and made the rest of Mr. May’s Company Prisoners. The small Boat they had taken a few days before from 6 Men, every one of whom they murder’d. The Indians gave us Battle, which lasted three hours; two Boats they took: being abandoned by those on Board; who for an asylum came on board my Boat, where we were all saved (though with much difficulty and fatigue) from the Hands of the Barbarians: I was obliged to throw my Horses overboard: The Property which they took was worth at least two thousand five hundr[e]d pounds. The next day after We got to Limestone, I had the Country near that place alarm’d, and 140 men imbody’d themselves and march’d off in order to drive the Savages from the River, but receiving information by a Personn who had just made his escape from them, that a reinforcement of two hundred Indians was expected every hour to join those on the River, they thought it imprudent & unsafe with their inferior number to attack them, and therefore desisted from their purpose: But two or three of our men, by Stealth, deprived them of all their Boats. Within four or five days after this five Boats were coming down the River; the Indians fired on them; one Boat was driven aShore by the Wind, which fell into the Hands of the Savages, but the People who were in the sd. Boat had escaped and got into another Boat. One of those Boats belonged to Mr. Rowland Maddison, and himself On board: he saved his Boat, but had a man kill’d, who had hold of the same Oar with himself: Mr. Maddison gave me the Account himself: He Sais the man scarcely moved after receiving the Wound but expired immediately: He was then obliged to use the Oar himself and for one hour sat on the dead mans Body. At a place call’d Kennadays Bottom, some Miles above Limestone, lived about fifteen Persons who were attack’d by the Indians, and were all kill’d or taken. This happen’d about the 1st. of March last. In April they kill’d a certain Capt. McBride, and one other Man on Elk-horn. They also kill’d two men near the falls of the Ohio on this side the River; also one man at Clarksburg: They took a Boat in Salt River and kill’d, or took all the Persons therein. Three small Children, were scalped and let go, who came in safe, save that they lost their Scalps: This happened Early in the Spring.
I declare to you that almost every day while in that Country I coud hear of some body being massacred or taken by those inhuman Savages, and the number of Horses stolen by them is incredible to relate. Pray Sir what does Congress mean to do with those Creatures? Must we suffer our Inhabitants to be murdered daily or taken Prisoners when about their necessary business, and perhaps massacred or tortured in the most excruciating manner, and tamely submit to it? Is the united States unable to do themselves Justice; or are they afraid? Does not Congress consider the lives of their People of more value than money. Suffer me to say I ever have, and still do put perfect confidence in you, Sir, and I hope You’ll excuse me when I speak plain, and say America ought not to exist as a nation unless she chastises, when in her Power, her hostile enemies and avenges the Blood of our Countrymen.
I do believe that every nation of Indians on our Borders (I mean those on the Western Waters) are either directly, or indirectly Concerned in killing and Plundering the Inhabitants of the United States. I wou’d not be understood that I mean to dictate, when I say I believe that, in one year ten thousand men might kill, or drive out of, the United States a very open Enemy. But I am afraid that I shall exceed the limits of a common Letter; tire your Patience; and shew too much warmth on this occasion: But let it suffice by way of apology that I have so repeatedly been an Eye Witness of the Sufferings of the People in the Western Country arising from the Savages, as well as having experienc’d a Share of it myself, that when I think of an Indian, my Blood runs warm in my Veins, and I feel irreconcileable to those blood thirsty miscreants. And was the Power in my hands they shou’d utterly be extirpated from off the face of the Earth. You will, you must excuse me for the freedom taken, when I tell you that at all Times I am ready to serve you, and am with unfeign’d Esteem, Sir, Your mo: obt. Hble Servt.
George Thompson
P. S. As I came in from Kentuckey thro’ the Wilderness in Company of about forty odd Men, We had one man kill’d or taken by the Indians.

G. T.


Title: To James Madison from the Governor of Virginia, 4 June 1790
From: Governor of Virginia,Randolph, Beverley
To: Madison, James

Sir
Richmond June 4th. 1790.
Your favour of the 25th. of May inclosing a resolution of both Houses of Congress, on the subject of Arrears due to the Virginia Line, has been recieved. So soon as the Resolution shall be officially communicated to me, you may be assured that the Executive, will take every possible step to prevent impositions upon the claimants.
I have lately received a letter from Colonel Davis, inclosing a report from two of the Commissioners, appointed to settle the Accounts, of the individual States, with the United States; made in consequence of an order of the House of Representitives, directing them to report the amount of the Claims of the several States. This Paper discovers such a Temper in the Judges as does not inspire us with confidence that their Judgments will be grounded upon Strict Principles of equity. Although their conduct on this occasion has not met with the countenance of the House of Representitives, we are uncertain whether that honorable Body, disapproved it, merely as not complying with their requisition, or that they were dissatisfied with it, as conveying improper Reflections upon this State, and her agents. If there be no impropriety in it I should be much obliged to you to communicate to me the sentiments of the members who Spoke on the subject. I confess I was the more surprized at this report when I saw a fair Statement of the Claims of Virginia against the United States to a very large amount, which Statement I conceive must have been known to the Commissioners. We are rejoiced to hear of the Presidents recovery. I am respectfully Yr. Obdt. Servt.
Beverley Randolph


Title: To James Madison from John Dawson, [ca. 5 June] 1790
From: Dawson, John
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir!
[ca. 5 June 1790]
I have been favourd with your letter of the 27th. uto. inclosing some papers for which I request that you’ll accept my thanks.
I hope that the speculations on the officers and soldiers who were to the south at the close of the war have not been so extensive as you apprehended, and that the plan adopted will prevent the injury & do justice to this meritorious class of our citizens. Our clerk has already made known their claims in the public papers, & as soon as we receive the resolutions officially we shall take such steps as appear necessary to obtain the desir’d end.
The zeal & perseverance of the friends to the assumption are realy astonishing & can only be equalld, in my opinion, by the absurdity, ill policey, & injustice of the measure. All attempts will, I trust prove equally unsuccessful; altho I do not like the time at which Mr. Fitzsimons introduces his resolution for adjourning to Philadelphia, as we have heard that a private negotiation is going on between the members from the eastern & middle states—”assume the debts & we’ll go to Philadelphia—or stay where we are”—& as, from what I saw last August, I well know those tricks are sometimes play’d.
We hear that Colo Bland is very ill. Shoud he live I am realy apprehensive that he woud not be reelected, there is such a clamour raisd against him because he voted in favour of this assumption. Mr. Henry was in this town a few days ago. He had determind not to come to the assembly but hearing of this plan earnestly requested the people to elect him, which the [y] accordingly did.
In some of the papers I observe that Nath. Twining had presented a memorial to Congress, & that a report had been made, in part favourable. This man is indebted to me about £300—which I have actually paid by the sale of my property at a very low rate—as security. In April (I think) as he pasd through this state on his way to N. York, I had him arrested. He then told me of this claim against the continent, & gave me the most pointed assurances that my money shoud be paid. I scarc[e] need observe to you, that you’ll render my [sic] a very singular favour by attending to this business, & securing me as far as possible, either in cash or whatever he may receive. The inclosed note which you’ll please read & present, will authorise the payment of any money, & the nature of the debt will I hope induce him to attend to it.
I shall ever be happy in having an opportunity of rendering you similar, or any services &—am, with much respect & esteem Your friend & Sert
J Dawson
The land patents left by Mr. Twining with me have remain’d in my hands unmolested since, & may at any moment be had.

J D


Title: To James Madison from James Monroe, 7 June 1790
From: Monroe, James
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Fredbg. June 7. 1790.
I have just return’d from the chancery court & sit out for Albemarle tomorrow. I shall remain there untill the appeals, abt. the 25. of this instt.
This will be given you by Mr. Garnett a worthy & respectable gentn. of this town. He visits New York with commersl. views, & will be benefited by your acquaintance. He will consider any attention shewn him as a proof of my acknowledgment for his kindness to me whilst a resident here. He will confer with you further on the subject of our transaction with Mr. Taylor.
I mention’d in my last the ill health of our child & there impos’d on you the mortification of disquieting our friends on that head. We are happy to add that she has so far recover’d as to enable us to carry her home. Mr. Garnett will give you whatever is worthy notice among us. I am with great respect & esteem sincerely yr. fnd. & servant
Jas. Monroe


Title: From James Madison to James Madison, Sr., 13 June 1790
From: Madison, James
To: Madison, James, Sr.

⟨Honored⟩ Sir
N. York June 13. 1790.
My last was to my brother A. and acknowledged ⟨the⟩ receipt of the Diary. I inclose one for the month of April ⟨whi⟩ch you can compare with your own for the same month. I inclose also a few grains of upland rice, brought from Timor by Capt: Bligh lately distinguished by an adventure which you must have seen in the Newspapers. He was returning from a voyage of discovery in the South seas, and turned out of his ship with a few others by a mutinous crew, into a long boat which continued more than 40 days at sea. A little rice of which the inclosed is a part was all that he saved out of a fine collection. It will be best to give the grains their first vegetation in a flower pot of rich earth, and then shift the contents of the pot into the ground so as not to disturb the roots. A few of the grains may be tried at once in the garden in a strong soil.
You will see by the inclosed Newspapers that the seat of Govt. has been again on the carpet. After a variety of questions which the state of the votes as you will at once remark do not truly explain a very unexpected result has happened in favor of Baltimore. It is possible that a like fortuitous one may take place in the Senate, but it does not appear probable. It is much to be apprehended that the final event will not square with the pretensions of the Potowmac, tho’ in the chances to Which this question is liable, it may possibly turn out otherwise. I am anxious to hear the progress of my mothers health, and that of my sister Nelly. I hope yours continues good. Mine has been reestablished for some time. Your Affete. son
Js. Madison Jr


Title: To James Madison from Charles Pinckney, 14 June 1790
From: Pinckney, Charles
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir—
Charleston June 14 1790
I had the honour of your favour by Mr: Deas with the papers referred to, but my necessary absence from this place & the business of the Convention has prevented my being able to write you until this moment. Your goodness I am sure will readily excuse what may have appeared to be a neglect & believe me as I really am very much disposed to maintain a correspondence from which I ought to expect so much pleasure & information.
I inclose you the proceedings of Our Convention—in which although we have not gone so far as I could wish we have progressed considerably & laid the foundation of a better constitution the next time we shall attempt to amend it. In the Legislative & Judicial departments they went as far as we wished—in the appointment to Offices we could not persuade them to relinquish some of the most important & in the Executive although they have compleated it’s Unity, they would not by any means consent to lenghthen it’s duration. The revision of the Laws was strenously contended for & lost but by a small Majority. We have fixed the Session of the Legislature in the center of the state exactly & so divided our Offices as that both the interior & maritime parts will now be amply accommodated without an additional Expence and the Executive except during the session of the Legislature, which will not be more than a month or six weeks in the y⟨ear,⟩ is to reside wherever in his Opinion the public good may require—which was the only proper footing upon which his residence ought to be put. I shall be glad to hear from you whenever your leisure permits & to request you to believe me with very great regard & affection my dear sir Your’s Truly
Charles Pinckney


Title: To James Madison from Josiah Parker, [ca. 15 June] 1790
From: Parker, Josiah
To: Madison, James

Editorial Note
The only surviving evidence in JM’s papers that explicitly links location of the national capital with the proposal to assume the state debts is a note from fellow Virginian Josiah Parker. Undoubtedly, a solution to these two troublesome questions, which historians have labeled the Compromise of 1790, was much on JM’s mind. A paucity of documentation makes it impossible to reconstruct the tangled web of political maneuvering that ended so happily in compromise. Although the dating is conjectural, Parker’s note must have been written around the middle of June. The mentioned meeting of the Pennsylvania delegation took place on the evening of 15 June. In a letter to Benjamin Rush of 17 June, Representative Peter Muhlenberg of Pennsylvania also spoke of a “Carte blanche” (Bowling, “Politics in the First Congress” [Ph.D. diss., WU, 1968], pp. 181–83).
As the episode has been traditionally recounted, JM played a principal role in arranging the compromise. At the invitation of Thomas Jefferson, JM and Alexander Hamilton met over dinner sometime around 20 June and reached an agreement whereby southerners would swallow the pill of assumption in return for the sugarcoating of locating the temporary capital at Philadelphia and the permanent one on the Potomac. Of those who attended only Jefferson left a detailed account of what passed at this famous dinner. The secretary of state recorded the results of the meeting in a memorandum written no earlier than 1791: “It ended in Mr. Madison’s acquiescence in a proposition that the question [assumption] should be again brought before the house by way of amendment from the Senate, that tho’ he would not vote for it, nor entirely withdraw his opposition, yet he should not be strenuous, but leave it to it’s fate” (Boyd, Papers of JeffersonJulian P. Boyd et al., eds., The Papers of
          Thomas Jefferson (19 vols. to date; Princeton, 1950—)., XVII, 206–7).
Except for this later record, there is no direct evidence of the dinner-table bargain from the three principals involved. Certain circumstances support Jefferson’s recollection of an arrangement between the respective supporters of assumption and of a Potomac residence for the national capital. By mid-June the chances for passage of the funding bill appeared doubtful unless it was accompanied by the assumption in some form. Equally uncertain were the prospects for the Potomac site. That the situation was ripe for compromise between the partisans of these two measures occurred to many observers in and out of Congress, and their correspondence contains numerous references connecting the assumption and residence questions. Also noteworthy is that in the crucial vote on assumption in the House, Virginians Alexander White and Richard Bland Lee and Marylanders Daniel Carroll and George Gale, whose districts happened to lie on the Potomac, switched to the affirmative (Bowling, “Politics in the First Congress,” pp. 177–99).
In recent years the story of the Compromise of 1790 has been fleshed out and enough new details added to provoke scholarly controversy over its true terms. The points of disagreement concern the extent to which the residence and assumption bills hinged upon each other and the degree of influence JM and Hamilton (Jefferson was admittedly only a friendly broker in the business) had in shaping events. There is general agreement that an essential part of the compromise consisted of certain modifications in the assumption (not mentioned by Jefferson in his memorandum) and that the understanding between Pennsylvania and Virginia over the temporary and permanent location of the capital was worked out before the dinner at Jefferson’s. An additional ingredient of compromise may have related to the settlement of state accounts, for which legislation was also pending at the time of the assumption and residence bills (Jacob E. Cooke, “The Compromise of 1790,” WMQWilliam and Mary Quarterly., 3d ser., XXVII [1970], 523–45; Kenneth R. Bowling, “Dinner at Jefferson’s: A Note on Jacob E. Cooke’s ‘The Compromise of 1790’” [with Cooke’s rebuttal], ibid., 3d ser., XXVIII [1971], 629–48; Boyd, Papers of JeffersonJulian P. Boyd et al., eds., The Papers of
          Thomas Jefferson (19 vols. to date; Princeton, 1950—)., XVII, 163–72; XIX, 4 n. 1; Ferguson, Power of the Purse, pp. 306–25).
Whether these separate compromises were also essentially blended into one and whether the agreement at Jefferson’s dinner table was responsible for the passage of the residence and assumption bills are questions that in the present state of the evidence cannot be satisfactorily answered. JM’s letters during June and July provide neither sufficient evidence for coupling the assumption and residence bills nor any clues to his role in bringing about the compromise. In fact, JM leaves the impression that he was an observer rather than a manipulator of events. For whatever reasons, JM claimed that he was as much in the dark about the fate of the two measures as were his correspondents in Virginia.
Of the two issues involved in the compromise, JM was more concerned about reaching an agreement on assumption. Far from being an inflexible opponent, he admitted that assumption had “some good aspects, and under some modifications would be favorable to the pecuniary interests of Virginia—and not inconsistent with the general principle of justice” (JM to Henry Lee, 13 Apr. 1790). One may reasonably conjecture that the dinner conversation at Jefferson’s was largely devoted to devising some formula to make the assumption palatable to Virginia and its southern allies. Secretary Hamilton doubtless promised to use his influence with the Senate to obtain the necessary modifications. JM, as Jefferson recalled, agreed to temper his opposition and to speak with Lee and White about acceding to a qualified assumption. In opposing a wholesale assumption as originally proposed by Hamilton, JM had objected that Virginia would be paying a greater proportion than it was to receive back (see speech of 22 Apr. 1790). As it emerged from the Senate on 21 July, the amount of the state debts to be assumed was reduced by three and a half million dollars, which had the effect of equalizing the Virginia contribution to the total and the sum to be assumed from the state. Even with this sweetener JM could neither swallow the amended assumption nor oppose it silently, as is commonly believed. He continued to voice his objections in the House during the final debate. Nevertheless, in keeping with the dinner-table agreement, JM was not strenuous in his opposition. On 26 July the assumption amendment passed the House, which earlier that month had agreed to the Philadelphia-Potomac residence bill. Since JM did not withdraw his opposition and would have preferred to see assumption defeated again, he obviously felt no obligation to rescue that measure even though Virginia had obtained a cherished goal in the Potomac site for the national capital. Perhaps JM was merely enjoying the luxury of maintaining a principled opposition while confident in the knowledge that assumption would pass. Yet if his secret wish was for it to succeed, such a course of action seems too risky in view of the closeness of the vote and the unpredictability of certain members. The most plausible interpretation of JM’s role in the Compromise of 1790 is that he was required to do no more than soften his opposition to assumption and, in Jefferson’s words, “leave it to it’s fate.” It is doubtful that JM attempted to exact promises from Lee and White to switch votes or that they considered the adoption of the Potomac bill a binding obligation. Indeed, as late as 24 July, White announced that he was still unhappy with assumption and would vote against it unless certain changes were made (N.Y. Daily Advertiser, 30 July 1790). Although it would be injudicious to assert categorically that the passage of the residence bill guaranteed the success of the assumption amendment, the former action obviously enlarged and strengthened the “spirit of accommodation” that induced Lee, White, and other previous opponents to vote for the modified assumption.

[ca. 15 June 1790]
A Charte Blanche is offered to the Pennsilvania Delegation respecting the permanent & tempore Seat of Congress if they consent to the Assumption of the State debts as reported by the Secy. of the Treasury. A meeting has been on the Subject. Genl. M: Genl. H & Mr S. would not consent—this is from indubitable Authority.


Title: From James Madison to James Monroe, 17 June 1790
From: Madison, James
To: Monroe, James

Dear Sir,
New York, June 17, 1790.
You will find in the inclosed papers some account of the proceedings on the question relating to the seat of Government. The Senate have hung up the vote for Baltimore, which, as you may suppose, could not have been seriously meant by many who joined in it. It is not improbable that the permanent seat may be coupled with the temporary one. The Potowmac stands a bad chance, and yet it is not impossible that in the vicissitudes of the business it may turn up in some form or other.

The assumption still hangs over us. The negative of the measure has benumbed the whole revenue business. I suspect that it will yet be unavoidable to admit the evil in some qualified shape. The funding bill is before the Senate, who are making very free with the plan of the Secretary. A committee of that body have reported that the alternatives be struck out, the interest reduced absolutely to 4 per cent., and, as I am informed, the indents be not included in the provision for the principal.


Title: Summary of State Claims, [ca. 20 June] 1790
From: Madison, James
To:

[ca. 20 June 1790]

Collective view of claims before the Commissrs of Accts. between U. S. & S. Claims admitted by District Commission: & exhibited to Genl. Board

Dollars

 Dollars

New Hampshire
Specie
1,830,051..2
New Emission
   36,855..82
old do. 3,344,491..71.

do. specifics

Massts.

11,070,314..35

   71,299..82
      1,890,000

do.

3,288..25

R. Island

1,894,299..8

Connecticut

4,161,158..73

 3,016,240..75—state currency

N. York

3,484,799..36

N. Jersey

3,305,476

Penna.

4,860,299..7

do.

295,095..36

Delaware

198,666..16

  132,679..80

lbs Tobacco

Maryland

2,374,732..84

 4,374,701..33
332,886

N. Carolina

6,690,761..27

35,786,393..67—North Ca. curcy dolrs.

S. Carolina

3,519,944..10

Georgia

550,893..28

 1,308,741..21.

Note—it does not appear by what scale charges admitted by district Comissrs. in N. Hampshire is calculated

Comissr. of army accts. has extended all claims before him for payts. in Contl. money after Mar. 18. 80. at rate of 40 for 1. which may materially affect value of claims.


Title: From James Madison to Edmund Pendleton, 22 June 1790
From: Madison, James
To: Pendleton, Edmund

Dear Sir,
New York, June 22, 1790.
The pressure of business as the session approaches its term, the earlier hour at which the House of Representatives has for some time met, and the necessity of devoting a part of the interval to exercise, after so long a confinement, have obliged me to deny myself the pleasure of communicating regularly with my friends. I regret much that this violation of my wishes has unavoidably extended itself to the correspondences on which I set the greatest value, and which, I need not add, include yours. The regret is the greater, as I fear it will not be in my power to atone for past omissions by more punctuality during the residue of the session. In your goodness alone I must consequently look for my title to indulgence.
The funding and Revenue systems are reduced by the discord of opinions into a very critical state. Out of this extremity, however, some effective provision must, I think, still emerge. The affair of the State debts has been the great source of delay and embarrassment, and, from the zeal and perseverance of its patrons, threatens a very unhappy issue to the session, unless some scheme of accommodation should be devised. The business of the seat of Government is become a labyrinth, for which the votes printed furnish no clue, and which it is impossible in a letter to explain to you. We are endeavoring to keep the pretensions of the Potowmac in view, and to give to all the circumstances that occur a turn favorable to it. If any arrangement should be made that will answer our wishes, it will be the effect of a coincidence of causes as fortuitous as it will be propitious. You will see by the papers inclosed that Great Britain is itching for war. I do not see how one can be avoided, unless Spain should be frightened into concessions. The consequences of such an event must have an important relation to the affairs of the United States. I had not the pleasure of seeing Col. Hoomes during his momentary stay in New York, but had that of hearing that he gave a very favorable account of your health.


Title: From James Madison to Beverley Randolph, 23 June 1790
From: Madison, James
To: Randolph, Beverley

Letter not found. 23 June 1790. Acknowledged in Randolph to JM, 12 July 1790. Reports that the House has passed a bill adding two members to the board of commissioners for settling the accounts between the United States and the states.


Title: From James Madison to John Dawson, 24 June 1790
From: Madison, James
To: Dawson, John

Letter not found. 24 June 1790. Acknowledged in Dawson to JM, 4 July 1790. JM has attended to Dawson’s business with Nathaniel Twining.


Title: To James Madison from George Hite, 25 June 1790
From: Hite, George
To: Madison, James

Dear sir
Berkeley County Virginia June 25th 1790
As I am under the necessity of giving Mr Alexr. White notice of the time and place that I intend takeing a number of Depositions in a Suit depending in the High Court of Chancery of this State wherein I am complainant, and my Brother John Hites children and others are defendants; and there being no person in Ney [sic] York that I have the smallest acquaintance with except your self; I have taken the liberty of enclosing to you two notifications, one of which it is necessary Mr. White should receive at least ten days before the third day of August, and if he will acknowledge by a receipt upon the back of the other his having recd a true copy thereof, any other trouble will be unecessary—but in case he should refuse so to do, you will lay me under a very singular obligation by getting some person to deliver him one of the enclosed copies, after having first read it to Mr. White, which the person must make oath to before a magistrate of the City agreeable to the affid[a]vit on one of the notices to which the clerk must affix the seal of the city certifying that the Person before whom the affid[a]vit was made is a Magistrate of the City of New York, and that returned to me before the third day of August.
I flatter myself you will pardon me for being so troublesome when you are informed that my whole expectation from my Fathers Estate depends upon the establishment of a will for which the above named suit was brought, and that the depositions which I am about to take are absolutely necessary to establish some very pertinent facts in which should I fail I shall be entierly cut off of my Patrimony. I was yesterday at Major Isaac Hites when his family were all well, and he also informed me that my Aunt Madison was better than she had been for some time past. You will oblige me by enclosing to me the copy of the notification delivered to Mr. White and direct your letter to be lodged a[t] Keyeses Ferry on the Shanandoah in Berkeley County. Mrs. Hite unites compliments to you with Dr sir your obde. Hble Servt
Geo Hite
P. S: If you will inform me of any expence that you may be at in having the seal of the City affixed to the affidavit I will Lodge the same in the Hands of Mr. Hite immediately.

G H


Title: Navigation and Trade, [25 June] 1790
From: Madison, James
To:

[25 June 1790]

   JM’s bill on navigation and trade (first presented on 17 May) was now under consideration. Jackson delivered a lengthy speech in reply to JM’s former arguments, quoting Adam Smith’s Wealth of Nations to show that it was against the interest of agricultural nations to cramp the trade of mercantile states by laying high duties. Laurance, Tucker, and Smith (South Carolina) also opposed the bill. Livermore and Goodhue supported it in part. FitzSimons gave notice that he would submit an amendment.

Mr. Madison believed the bill was in the only form that would effectually answer the purpose intended by the resolution of the house from which it had originated. The arguments that had been brought forward, in his opinion, went not only against the present bill, but against the passing of any bill whatever to regulate trade. It would seem as if gentlemen wished to leave our commerce, as they say, to regulate itself, but in fact to be regulated by other nations. Commerce could not be carried on under the greatest possible advantages unless all nations were upon an equal footing in the field of commerce. If therefore other nations make restrictions on us and we make none on them, the American navigation must be excluded altogether from the competition. But this is not all—tho’ we are an agricultural nation, yet we are in no small degree a maritime nation also, and can only be safe by having resources for maritime defence. As a maritime nation, the navigation act of Great Britain was considered by the very author quoted by the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Jackson) one of the wisest measures in her whole political economy. Mr. Madison then noticed the observations of the gentleman from New-Hampshire, who had admitted that the operation of the British laws was an indignity to our country, by which American ships are not allowed to carry the produce of America to the same ports where British ships could carry it. If he understood the gentleman he was for a retaliation, but wished to mete it out in strict proportion to the injury received, and in no case to go beyond it. This rule was not consonant to the practice of other nations, and might not be consistent with the dignity and interest of this.
Sir, said he, suppose Great Britain, after shutting her West India ports against us, should proceed to shut her European ports one after another, must we follow exactly the same rule in shutting ours? If a nation should commence hostilities and take our vessels or destroy our citizens, must we be restricted to the same measures in retaliation, and retort upon them precisely the same injury? If that be the rule of conduct we must always enter contests on unequal ground. The aggressing nation would be sure to lose no more than they gained, and would have the chances of loosing less. In his apprehension America had nothing to fear from Great Britain.
Even in case of a war of commercial regulations the advantage would greatly result to America, for the loss to the commerce, the navigation and the manufactures of Great Britain would be a severe one, and if the conflict should be prolonged would be an irrevocable one. On the side of America the loss would be temporary, and would be mingled with solid benefits that would soon repair it. The price of freight might for a time be somewhat raised, which would affect the price of exports and imports; but the trade would still go on as far as requisite through circuitous channels, and our navigation and manufactures would in the mean time be encouraged.
The gentleman from South Carolina thinks the present would be an unfavorable moment. He thought differently. Suppose a war to take place, what would be the situation of the British West-India Islands should she go into measures of retaliation. Sir, if she cannot support her islands in time of peace without our supplies, what would she do in case of war? It is said that the bill will affect the southern states. Sir, when this is brought as an argument, it should be remembered that gentlemen from the southern states are advocates of the bill. The gentlemen from Virginia all supported the resolution, and it is a measure that will affect Virginia as much as any other state. Sir, instead of seeking our redress by negociation, such as the gentleman proposes, we should arm our executive magistrate, that he may be able to negociate with effect. If this bill does not pass, we send him into the field of negociation without any kind of armor, offensive or defensive.


Title: To James Madison from Sylvanus Bourne, 28 June 1790
From: Bourne, Sylvanus
To: Madison, James

Sir—
Newyork June 28th 1790.
Being informed that some Members of the House of Representatives are opposed to allowing any emoluments whatever to our Consuls resident in foreign Ports—I am led to request the exercise of your influence in support of such a gratuity as may not have a tendency to burthen the trading Interest—which consequence I think cannot arise from a small contribution chargeable on each Vessell according to its size—and a specific regulation of the fees which Consuls shall have a right to demand in the exercise of their offic[i]al Duty. It must be intuitively obvious to one of your extensive information (without a particular analysis of the Subject) that any person clothed with public Authority in a foreign Port will be necessarily & unavoidably exposed to many expences resulting exclusively from that situation; and that a sufficiency should be allowed them at least to counterbalance such expences, from those, whose Interests they are sent to guard & protect—I think will equally meet your sentiments as conformable to the practice of other Nations and reasonable in itself. The Report of the Committee who now have the subject in contemplation will be probably grounded on the opinion of the Secy of State; this aided by your kind exertions in the Assembly will tend to ensure its success.
I am sensible of addressing you under the disadvantage of pleading a cause in which my persona⟨l⟩ Interest may be affected, while the little acquaintance I have had the honour of cultivating with you can hardly justify the Liberty taken; but I hope to find my apology in that Candour which ever marks the liberal Mind—and am in sentiment⟨s⟩ of respectful Esteem Your Most Obed Servt.
Silva: Bourne

PS—Upon the Issue of the Question above alluded to, it will depend—whether a Consuls Commission will confer public honour & personal ease or the reverse of the two Cases.


Title: To James Madison from James Monroe, 2 July 1790
From: Monroe, James
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Richmond July 2d. 1790.
Your favor of the 17th. of June I have recd. & am sorry to find the most important measures of congress still remaining unsettled & in a very fluctuating state. The assumption will be dislik’d here from what I can learn, under any shape it can assume. Under the discussion it has recd. the publick mind appears to be made up on the subject, & will not readily yeild to any accommodation respecting it. You however can best judge of these things & I only mention the above fact as one of those circumstances to be taken into the calculation in any final determination on the subject.
A bill has pass’d the govt. I find for settling the accts. of the U S. with Individual States, by wh. two Comrs. are to be added to those already in office. One will probably be taken from this State, at least I presume that will be the case. Mr. Dawson has I doubt not from the friendship subsisting between you communicated his desire of that appointment. As I know him to be a young man of parts, merit & attention to business, I heartily wish him to succeed. He stands well in the publick estimation in his present office, & I think his appointment wod. be satisfactory to the publick. With my best wishes for your welfare sincerely I am yours
Jas. Monroe
If you see our friends in B. W. inform them their sister & niece are only in tolerable health.


Title: From James Madison to James Monroe, 4 July 1790
From: Madison, James
To: Monroe, James

Dear Sir,
New York, July 4, 1790.
You will find by one of the Gazettes herewith sent, that the bill fixing the permanent seat of Government on the Potowmac, and the temporary at Philadelphia, has got through the Senate. It passed by a single voice only, Izzard and Few having both voted against it. Its passage through the House of Representatives is probable, but attended with great difficulties. If the Potowmac succeeds, even on these terms, it will have resulted from a fortuitous coincidence of circumstances which might never happen again.
The provision for the public debt has been suspended for some time in the Senate by the question relating to the seat of Government. It is now resumed in that House, and it is to be hoped will soon be brought to an issue. The assumption sleeps, but I am persuaded will be awakened on the first dawn of a favorable opportunity. It seems, indeed, as if the friends of the measure were determined to risk everything rather than suffer that finally to fail.
We hear nothing further of the controversy between England and Spain.


Title: From James Madison to Benjamin Rush, 5 July 1790
From: Madison, James
To: Rush, Benjamin

Dear Sir
N. York July 5. 1790
Permit me to introduce to you the Bearer Count Andreani a young nobleman from Milan, who after traversing Europe with a philosophical curiosity, is prompted by the same motive to visit America. You will find him well informed on many subjects, particularly on mineralogy and chemistry, and not more recommended to your esteem by his science, than he is by his agreeable manners to your civilities. With great respect I am Sir, Your Most Obedt. servant
Js. Madison Jr.


Title: Location of the Capital, [6 July] 1790
From: Madison, James
To:

[6 July 1790]

   The residence bill, fixing the permanent capital on the Potomac and the temporary capital at Philadelphia, was under consideration. Sherman moved to strike out Potomac and insert Baltimore.

Mr. Madison. In order to decide this question rightly, we ought to compare the advantages and disadvantages of the two places as they relate to the good of the United States. Now, I will defy any gentleman, however sanguine he may be with respect to Baltimore, to point out any substantial advantage that is not common to the Potowmack; and I defy them to disprove, that there are not several important advantages belonging to the Potowmack, which do not appertain to Baltimore. The committee have had ample information with respect to the northern and southern positions of the two places. In point of salubrity of air, without disparaging the pretensions of Baltimore, the Potowmack is at least equally favoured in that respect. In regard to centrality of situation Potowmack undoubtedly has the advantage—in respect to security from invasion, I aver the Potowmack has the advantage also; with relation to the western country there is not a shadow of comparison. If we should go as far south as Baltimore, why not an equal distance southwest to the Potowmack? Those who are acquainted with the country on the Potowmack, and that in the neighbourhood of Baltimore do not hesitate to give the preference to the Potowmack. It is true that Baltimore has respectable resources; her rapid growth is a clear proof of it; but look at the resources of the Potowmack; the great range of rich country that borders on it, and see if there are not advantages that must in a short time produce a commercial town. Sir, a period might be named, not exceeding ten years, within which the town of Baltimore obtained the greater part of its increase and consequence; a period of ten years will produce the same effects on the Potowmack, because the same causes exist; and when superadded to this the residence of government shall be there, there can be no doubt but that there will be every accommodation that can be desired.
It is said that before the ten years expire a repeal of the act may take place, and thus Congress be kept at Philadelphia. But what more can we do than pass a law for the purpose? It is not in our power to guard against a repeal—our acts are not like those of the Medes and Persians, unalterable. A repeal is a thing against which no provision can be made. If that is an objection, it holds good against any law that can be passed. If those states that may have a superiority in Congress at a future day, will pay no respect to the acts of their predecessors or to the public good, there is no power to compel them.
But, I flatter myself that some respect will be paid to the public interest, and to the plighted faith of the government. As to centrality, the best evidence we have at this time in favor of the Potowmack, is the different travel of the members; and this, Sir, proves incontestibly that the proposed place on the Potowmack is near the centre. If any arguments could be brought against it, it is its being too far to the northward. For the mileage south of the Potowmack is 12782 miles, to the north of it 12422. If to this Rhode Island be added, it will not be more than equal. If the bill once passes, I am not under any apprehensions of a repeal; but if danger of a repeal does exist, it is of that kind against which we cannot guard. Sir, we should calculate on accepting the bill as it now stands; we ought not to risk it by making any amendment. We have it now in our power to procure a southern position. The opportunity may not again speedily present itself. We know the various and jealous interests that exist on this subject. We should hazard nothing. If Potowmack is struck out, are you sure of getting Baltimore? May not other places be proposed? Instead of Baltimore is it not probable we may have Susquehannah inserted, perhaps the Delaware? Make any amendment, Sir, and the bill will go back to the senate. Are we sure that it will come back into our possession again? By amending, we give up a certainty for an uncertainty. In my opinion, we shall act wisely, if we accept the bill as it now stands, and I beg leave to press it on gentlemen not to consent to any alteration lest it be wholly defeated, and the prospect of obtaining a southern position, vanish for ever.


Title: To James Madison from John Dawson, 7 July 1790
From: Dawson, John
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir!
Richmond July 7th. 1790
The Gentleman who will hand you this is a Mr. Austin, whom I take the liberty of introducing to your attention.
He is interested in the establishment of a shot manufactory in this state, which the legislature has thought proper to encourage, & which promises to be productive of considerable advantage. Hi[s] wish is to get assistance from the general goverment in some or other—& I am confident you will forward that wish so far as from the statement he shall make it appears to you to be advantageous. With much respect & esteem Yr. friend & Serv
J Dawson


Title: To James Madison from the Governor of Virginia, 7 July 1790
From: Governor of Virginia,Randolph, Beverley
To: Madison, James

Gentlemen,
Richmond July 7th. 1790.
I take the liberty to recommend to your Attention the inclosed certificate respecting the situation of the Lead Mines in this State. A Manufactory of that very necessary Article is now established in this City and seems to promise great advantage to the United States should it meet with the support and encouragement of the General Government.
The proprietors of it will be satisfied with a small duty being laid upon Manufactured Lead. I have &c.
Beverley Randolph.


Title: Location of the Capital, [7 July] 1790
From: Madison, James
To:

[7 July 1790]

   Debate continued on Sherman’s motion for a Baltimore site. Smith (South Carolina) argued that the eastern states would eventually join with Pennsylvania to repeal the residence act and keep the center of government in Philadelphia.

Mr. Madison said, the gentleman last up seemed to be averse to the establishing the government on the Potowmack, because he feared a repeal of the bill. And, by voting for Baltimore he seemed to suppose that there would be no danger of a repeal. The very force stated as necessary to repeal the bill if the Potowmack is fixed upon would also repeal it if Baltimore was inserted. But if the gentleman is for inserting Baltimore in order to prevent a repeal, I am opposed to it; because I believe it will prevent the passing of the act. He would, therefore, he said, beg gentlemen to remember, that as they regarded the passing of the bill and the obtaining a southern and more central position, so they ought to oppose any and every amendment that should be offered.


Title: To James Madison from Abraham Hunt, 9 July 1790
From: Hunt, Abraham
To: Madison, James

Respected Sir
Boston 9th July 1790.
Although I have not the honor of being personally Known to you, I flatter myself that you will pardon the Liberty I have taken in Soliceting your countenance to a Petition on my behalf, which is lodged with Mr Ames of Massachusetts to forward to Congress.
At so early a period as the Dawn of the late Contest, I left Boston, and became a Voluntary exile from the place of my Nativety, rather than dwell in the tents of Slavery for a Moment, my Property, my All (the poor Man values his mite equevalent to the abundance of the Rich,) was left behind, and to the Amt of 400 Dollars Specie Seized upon by the British for which have obtained no kind of Compensation, ei[t]her from friends, or Enemies.
In may 1775. I entred the service of my Country, & there faithfully continued till August 1780. upwards of five Years. Those Officers, who came in at this period, and only Served 3 Years, have had 5 Years full Pay Granted. Had I been deranged for any mal Conduct, the present request would have been madness. The most honorable testamonials evince that my Character was unimpeached, and that accumulated distresses of domestic nature, the unsupplied Wants of a large Family obliged me to quit the field.
Those debts, which Indigence slowly contracted, whilste Virtue Stood the Contest, are now falling upon me with the accumulated weight of long delayed Payment, and that Arm which Supported the Common Cause, must Soon wither from the general society, for want of being held up by Justice.
To so an able an Advocate for the Oppressd to the delight of Suffering poverty, & the soldiers Friend, I cheerfully commend my Cause, persuaded of a truth, that whether the prayer of the petition is granted or not, that I shall be one amid the thousands of freeborn Soldiers but too hardly dealt with, who rise up & call Maddison Blessed. I am Sir with profound Respect Your Obedient Servant
Abraham Hunt.


Title: To James Madison from James Madison, Sr., 9 July 1790
From: Madison, James, Sr.
To: Madison, James

Letter not found. 9 July 1790. Acknowledged in JM to James Madison, Sr., 31 July 1790. Encloses a letter for Mr. Chew. Inquires about the price of coffee and brown sugar in New York.


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Pleasants, Jr., 10 July 1790
From: Pleasants, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir—
Raleigh 10th July 1790
I recieved in due course yours of the 2ed ulto. enclosing a letter for Sterling Pleasants, and not being acquainted with any one of that name; I have defered an answer untill I could make particular enquiry: the result of which is—that there is no such person of our family—and that there is no other family of Pleasants in America; nor is there now, or ever was one of that name in Mecklenburg County. Which involving a Mystery, that I thought the Letter itself might perhaps explain, I made free to open it; by which it is pretty evident that the Honest Clergyman, who is the Author of it, has become the dupe of Some artful Woman, with a design of practising an Imposition upon him.
My recommendation of Mr Thomas Thompson, and his solicitation for an appointment of Consul, was in expectation that an emolument would be annexed. But as that is not the case; and having no hopes of advantage from a Residence in the Canaries, he begs leave to wave that appointment. At Madeira Lisbon, Opporto, Cadiz, Barcelona, Bilboa, or any other place in Europe that afforded a Certain, and Regular Market, for the produce of the American States, and especially of this State, he might from his acquaintance here, have expected, to have done something in the line of business. But with Teneriffe, or any other of the Canaries, there is so little intercourse, that without an emolument it would never answer his purpose. Indeed without an emolument, I am inclined to think, the appointment in no Case, would be worth the acceptance of an American, not already settled, or who had not views to a settlement in business, at the place to which, he may be appointed. ’Tho Mr Thompson for the above reason, would decline an appointment to the Canaries, yet he is loth to loose sight of the matter altogether, and therefore wishes to be Continued upon the List, in hopes that if any thing should turn up hereafter, more to his advantage, that he may not be forgot: and to that end, has wished me to mention the matter to Mr Jefferson, which I have declined; but I believe he hath engaged Mr Thomas Randolph jr to do it, who may refer to what I have written you, in that Case, and it should be mentioned by Mr. Jefferson, you may Communicate to him my Sentiments respecting Mr Thompson.
I am not acquainted with the Subject of Finance—or sufficiently informed of the situation and extent of the state debts, to be able to form a just opinion in regard to their assumption. But as the Requisitions of Congress from time to time upon the several States, have not been equally Complied with, it seems unjust that the States that have paid, should be taxed in the same proportion, with the states that have not paid.
It also seems to be impolitick, perhaps unsafe, to increase the National debt, so as not to be able to pay the Interest, without having Recourse to direct taxation.
The Northern, and Eastern States have already made Considerable progress in Manufactures—which will increase, and advance Much faster than in the Southern States. And as their Manufactures increase, their Imports will Lessen—and as their Imports Lessen their Taxes will decrease—and thus the great Burthen of the debt will fall upon the Southern States.
The People of the North, are more attached and awake to their Interest, than those of the South—and having it more in their power too, are upon the Watch, and seize every opportunity of Speculating upon their Southern Brethren. And if the State Debts are assumed, it will be found that they are Chiefly possessed by the people of the North. For these among other Reasons that have been given, I am inclined to the opinion, that it would be better, at least for the Southern States, that each State, should provide for, and Work out their own particular debt in the best Manner they Can.
Tho’ the situation of America loudly Called for some alteration in their General Government—and the Change that has taken place is perhaps as free from objections, as any System that Could have been framed yet I have always apprehended great difficulty in uniting a people, whose Interests, are so diametrically opposite, under one General Government. And without more Condescention, Liberality, and Disinterestedness in the Representatives—less attachment to local, and particular Interests, and greater attention to the General Good, in short unless they are in fact the Representatives of the U: states, and not the partisans of particular States, all that the Enemies of the Government have foretold will probably Come to pass. Tho’ not much in the Way of Information, I sometimes mix with the people—and think I discern apprehensions, among the more thinking part, that the affairs of the Government does not go on well—and a prevailing Wish that Mr H——y was in Congress. The subject of Slavery hath excited great uneasiness here, and will probably Cause still greater to the southward. ’Tho there is no doubt, but Slavery is a Moral, and political, Evil, and that Whoever brings forward in the Respective States, some General, rational, and Liberal plan, for the Gradual Emancipation of Slaves, will deserve Well of his Country—yet I think it was very improper, at this time, to introduce it in Congress, as well, because they had not power to do any essential good, as that it interfered with other, perhaps more important business, and that its discussion Could not fail to produce great Intemperance of debate, which tends to Weaken the Government.
It does not strike Me that the Regulations, hitherto made by Congress, will operate upon the Trade With Britain, so as to induce their Government to Make a Commercial Treaty with the States. For What advantage Can they expect to derive from a Treaty that they are not already possessed of? Their Ships are permitted to bring to America the products and Manufactures of all Countries, while American Vessels are restrained from Carrying to Britain any thing but the growth and produce of the States.
Their Ships without restraint or Controul, navigate between their Islands and America and import, and export whatever they please—while American Vessels are restrained from all intercourse with their Islands.
When the Connection between two Countries are Reciprocal, the Conditions on which the Trade between those Countries is carried on should be Reciprocal also. The Connection between this Country, and the British W India Islands is Reciprocal (indeed they are in a great measure dependent upon us, and it is at least problematical, if we should not be better without any thing from them) therefore we should equally participate in Carrying on the trade, or have nothing to do with them.
But it will be said, by such a Measure we should be the greater sufferers, for in that Case, where should we find a Market for our Lumber and provisions?
If the Trade to the South of Europe Was safe for American Vessels, it would increase their Number. And as Ship-building increased it would occasion a demand for all our White Oak, and the best part of the pine timber. And the south of Europe is the great Market to which we must look, for the sale of our provisions.
But admitting Europe should not afford an exit for our surplus provisions; so great is the dependence of the W India Islands upon this Continent and they derive their supplies so much cheaper and better from hence, than from Europe, that there is but little doubt but their ports would soon be thrown open to American Vessels—or, if it should not produce that effect, that our provisions would still find the way to them thro’ the Dutch, and Danish Islands where they would be Carried in American Vessels.
But should neither of these be the Consequence, I do not see that we should suffer by the loss of a trade; the ballance of which, is so greatly against us, and for articles of Luxury too, of which one is of the most pernicious Kind. As to Lumber it would be better that the trees remained in the forest, than that they should be got up into this article, to be transported in British ships: as it may be proved that the Value, in most instances, but especially in White oak Staves, and timber, is not equal to the labour of getting, and the expence of Carrying it to Market, so that the Timber is wholly lost.
It is indeed of no small Importance to the British Trade for they not only obtain this article so Necessary to their Islands 100 ⅌ Ct. Cheaper than they Could derive it elsewhere, but it also affords employment for their Ships, at a time when they would otherwise be Idle, and exposed to Worms, and Hurricanes. In short it appears to me that the supply of this, to them, necessary article, would alone Compel them to open their ports to American Vessels.
But another, and perhaps Still greater objection, would be the effect that it would have in Reducing the Revenue. Surely the saving of half a Million in the annual Consumption of Rum only, would enable the people in some other way to pay a greater tax than the amot. of the Impost on this article. But admitting this was not the Case, I do not think it of Sufficient weight, to prevent an experiment, that bid so far to produce such good effects.
It is at least doubtful whether it is good policy to prevent foreign Merchants from holding an Interest in American Ships. At least if not openly permitted, I think it should be Connived at. For if the Timber is not Wrought up here—it will be Conveyed to Europe in European Ships to be Wrought up there. And thus our Ship-builders will Remain Idle, while additional employment is given to their Ships & builders. If a foreign Merchant found it his Int. to Connect himself with a Mercht. here in building a Ship, why restrain him from doing it? It would in effect be the same as selling the Ship to him When built. Besides in the Infant State of the Trade of this Country, the Merchants here want Capital, and are therefore naturally led into such foreign Connexions as will help them forward in business—and it may be in their power to hold part of a Vessel, when they Could not own the Whole.
I have in a former Letter observed how Important to the Commerce of the U states it is, that their Vessels should be able to Navigate in safety the Mediterranean—and to that end a treaty with the piratical States of Barbary, should be obtained—it is of more Consequence than all the W India Trade—as in that event, the exportation of Grain, and flour, Might in a few years be transfered to American Vessels only.
I observe that the British Merchants, have begun to prosecute the Recovery of their old debts before the people are in a situation to pay. And if the business goes on with Rigour, it will be apt to produce disagreeable Consequences. I have thought, that it would be best for both parties, that the payments were placed upon such Installments, as afforded to the debtor hopes of emancipation, without such a Change and sacrifice of property as must follow a Rigorous Collection—and that would at the same time ultimately secure the Creditor: but I am at a loss to know how this is to be brought about. The Government of the States, Cannot interfere without the Consent of the Creditors—and they, I should suppose would not, after the delays that have already happened, be prevailed upon, but thro’ the Medium of their own Government, to come into the Measure—who probably would not Concern with it, unless it became, a National affair, and to this the states would probably object.
But if nothing of this kind should take place, I am persuaded that it will be a Measure Not only Necessary to the Debtors; but sound policy in the States, to pass an act, permitting foreigners to hold Land for a given time. For the debts Cannot be paid but by a great Change of Real property. There is not money among the people to purchase the property at its intrinsick Value, and if the Creditors could hold the lands, they would probably in many instances, enter into a Reasonable accomodation with their Debtors, by taking lands in payment. This while it afforded Relief to the debtor, would be a transfer of property to the benefit of the State: as the Creditor would settle himself, or some of his family upon the Lands, or Negociate a sale in Europe to some person who would Come out and settle upon them; which in either Case, would be an acquisition of people, and in many instances, property too, to the States.
I have insensibly run into these Cursory observations, which have swelled my letter far beyond the bounds that I intended—and tho’ they may Contain nothing worthy your attention—still I am persuaded that they will be well Recieved, In Which belief, I conclude, With sentiments of high Regard, and esteem, Your obliged friend, & Mo. Obt. Hble st.
Thomas Pleasants Jr


Title: To James Madison from Seth Harding, [ca. 12 July] 1790
From: Harding, Seth
To: Madison, James

Sir
[ca. 12 July 1790]
I hope you will be so good as to pardon me for taking the liberty calling for your aide and assistance considering my unhappey Situation, being a stranger to you, Sir I have bin confind in my chamber for ten days past, and being confident you have a desire to do Justice to your fellow Citizens, permit me to lay before you a rough peace of writing for your Inspection at the same time not doubting you will be convinced I have some claim for Relief in my unhappey situation, Sir I consider you as one of the grate rulers of this young kingdom and to whome the unfortunate and distressd. can onely look to for reddress, if their claims is founded on Justice, perhaps there is not a nother case like mine on the contenent, and I am persuaded it will appear to you in the same light after takeing notice of som little Remarks on the subject, it may be said what has Capt. Harding Dun with all his money. I can declare before god angels and men in the time of The War until near the cloase, I thought but verry Little about money not being the grate object, onely a suffishency and not haveing any apprehenshon, but what my contenental waiges would be paid me in that which would be as good as gold and silver, and the contenental Dollers I had by me, be Redeamed in such a maner as would be adequate to their first purchase, when Jemaco sugars was sold at 50/⅌ Ct then paper Dollers was worth 50/ when Jemaco sugars was sold at £5 – – ⅌ then paper dollers was worth half price, when Jemaco sugars sold at £10– – ⅌ Then a paper doller was worth a ¼ of a doller, and all other Merchendize at the same Rate, so that Each man might Receive his Just Demands, the above was according to my former opinion, the Last sumer past I sold twenty thousand doller for £20 – – Newyork curency according to my scales that would have neated me 10 or 12 thousand good dollers, when I settled my contenentel acct. for waige and advancd money, their was a Ballance Due to me of £940 Newyork Curency. I Recd. what was cald. a Certificate worth about 2/6 on the pound, was that doing Justice, I believe not, it may be said others Recd. their waiges and advancd money the sam way, admit that to be the case, when the war was over others could go to their farms and their Merchendize, but whare could I go, return back to Novascotia, it may be said, whare you came from, with the common enemy of the thirteen unitied stats of america, permit me to ast the Question can this be all passed over without notice. I hope not. Heare I am pend. up like a Lamb for the Slaughter, for the immediate want of about one hundred and Eighty pound. Whare as I have sacrafissed thre times the sum for the sake of my cuntry, by leaveing Novascotia at a time when the Contenant of america was Invaided by an unnateral enemy, Sir if you in your wisdom believe me to have a Just claime your complianc will be gratefully acknoledg from Sir your most obt. and very humbe Servant
Seth Harding
N. B if Mr Sherman has not presented the writeings to you, if worthy your notice shall Take it a favour you will call and puruse them.
H[illegible] No. 41


Title: To James Madison from Joseph Jones, 12 July 1790
From: Jones, Joseph
To: Madison, James

Dr. Sr.
Fredericksburg 12th. July 1790.
Finding from Mr. Fennos account of your Proceedings that the Session of Congress is near its termination and taking it for granted you will visit Virginia soon after it closes, I cannot avoid communicating to you my wish you would endeavour to take Fredericksburg in your way home, and to inform me about what time you think you shall return, and whether I may expect the pleasure of seeing you. I am this fall to ride the districts of Staunton Charlottesville Fredericksburg and Dumfries and having not yet made Monroe a visit since his residence in Albemarle I intend early in next month to do myself that pleasure and should be happy in the opportunity of seeing you before my departure or on my return. We are taught to believe Congress will hold their next Session in Philadelphia and that we shall at least be amused with the hope of the permanent seat on the Potomack. If these things are so the Pensylvanians must have seen through the policy of N. York and the eastern states and have deserted them and joined us rather than be duped by their machinations—however it be I confess I had lost all hopes of a decision to come southwardly at this Session and indeed had taken it for granted we were fixed for a length of time at N. Y. The famous McGilveray with some leaders of the Creek nation have gone on to N. York to treat with the President and from their apparent disposition it is probable a treaty promising future quiet may be accomplished. Our harvest is nearly finished and notwithstanding some crops in the lower part of the Country have been hurt with the great rains that fell, we have in general a plentifull and good crop of wheat and a very promising appearance for Corn and Tobacco. These are comfortable prospects to America under the present aspect of things in Europe. Health and happiness attend you. Yr. friend & Servt
Jos: Jones.


Title: To James Madison from Beverley Randolph, 12 July 1790
From: Randolph, Beverley
To: Madison, James

Sir.
Richmond July 12th. 1790.
I have received your Favour of the 23d. of last month. I hope the addition of two commissioners for settling the Accounts between the U. S. & individual States will remove the Danger in which Virginia stood from the prejudice of two of those already in commission. The remedy for this evil will be more compleat should the new appointments be fill’d with Southern men.
I am sorry to find that we are still haunted by the Assumption Business. Should it be adopted in any Form I fear it will give great Disquiet in this State. Besides the Injustice of the Measure it is considered here as intended in Effect to produce a perfectly consolidated Government. You know that any Thing having such a tendency will occasion grave Ferment among us. The most influential Character in our Legislature considers it as unconstitutional & will I beleive oppose it upon that Ground. Even admiting that this Ground is not tenable such Jealousies are excited against it that I beleive not a single advocate will be found to support a system so unjust in it’s Principle & so baneful in it’s Effects.
The late Vote of the Senate on the subject of the temporary & permanent Seat of the General Government was very unexpected. I always supposed that the Potowmack would meet with greater opposition in that House than in the House of Representatives. With real esteem I am Sir yr. obdt. Servt.
Beverley Randolph