Title: Pennsylvania Assembly Committee of Grievances: Report, 25 May 1753
From: Pennsylvania Assembly Committee of Grievances
To:

On January 23, 1753, four petitions from “a considerable Number of the Inhabitants” of Northampton County and a certificate from two of the assessors were presented to the Pennsylvania Assembly. They complained that Sheriff William Craig, holding several county offices, had too much unchecked power, they charged that his method of summoning juries might influence them unduly when passing on his public accounts; that he continued to act as a justice of the peace, thus combining the functions of prosecutor and judge; and that his practice of holding court in local taverns encouraged malicious prosecutions by private persons. The House referred the matter of Craig’s acting as a justice to the governor; and Hamilton corrected the abuse at once by canceling the commission. The other complaints were sent to the Grievance Committee, which consisted of Joseph Trotter, Franklin, George Ashbridge, and Peter Worrall (augmented a few days later by the addition of Edward Warner, Evan Morgan, Joseph Stretch, and Hugh Roberts).The committee’s report, submitted May 25 and printed here, contained a record of Craig’s subsequent actions.
Having considered the report, the House ordered Craig to appear before it. He defended his conduct, refuted allegations made against him, and charged that the petition had been maliciously drafted and circulated by John Jones, one of the county assessors and an original commissioner to lay out the county. The House examined Craig and Jones several times, August 28–30, ordered that Craig be reprimanded for his neglect of the summons of the Grievance Committee, and took no further notice of Jones. more than can be contained in the Trunk of it, should we suppose water to ascend.

[May 25, 1753]
We the Committee of Grievances, to whom Part of the Petition from Northampton County, containing sundry Complaints of the Conduct of William Craig, Esq; Sheriff of the said County, was referred, do report,
That having met and considered the said Petition, we directed the Clerk to make out and transmit a Copy thereof to the said Sheriff, and acquaint him by Letter, that the Committee were willing to hear what he might have to say in his Justification, before they made their Report to the House; and appointed the first of February for that Purpose. We also directed that Notice should be given to some of the principal Petitioners, that they might also attend and be heard in support of the Allegations contained in their Petition.
On the Day appointed for such Hearing, several of the Petitioners attended accordingly, but the said William Craig not appearing, the Committee adjourned to the Day following, when they received a Letter said to be from the said Craig, requesting a farther Day; which the Committee allow’d, and appointed the 21st Instant, of which he had due Notice. Several of the Petitioners again attended on the said Day, but the Sheriff has not appeared, nor sent his Reasons.
Your Committee however are informed by the Petitioners attending, that the principal Causes of Complaint set forth in their Petition are removed, the Sheriff having for some Time past declined acting as a Justice of the Peace, and likewise given up the Office of Treasurer of the County.
But the Petitioners attending, do now farther complain, and say, That the Commissioners and Assessors of their County having appointed to meet at Eastown, to hear Appeals on the 7th of February, the said Craig, as their Clerk, did by Letters to some of them, alter the Place of Meeting, and appointed his own House, 17 Miles distant, where only four Assessors, and two of the Commissioners being met (the others, who had no Notice of the Change, being gone to Eastown) the Choice of a new Treasurer was proposed; and, tho’ objected to as an unfair Proceeding, no Notice having been given in the Letters by which they were summoned of the Intention to make such Choice at that Time, and the Board not being full, yet it was carried by the Votes of two Assessors, with the two Commissioners, and one James M’Callister was said to be chosen, who accordingly undertook the Office. But a certain Schoolmaster, who sometimes acts as Clerk to the said Craig, receiving the Money as brought in by the Collectors, and giving Receipts therefor, signed with the Name of said M’Callister, tho’ not wrote or sign’d by him, nor said to be on his Behalf, they apprehend that the said M’Callister only colours the Office of Treasurer for the said Craig, who by the abovementioned Artifice procured him to be chosen; and that the said M’Callister will not by such Receipts be accountable for the Monies received.
The Complainants produced to your Committee one of the said Receipts, which appears on Comparison not to be the Hand Writing of the said M’Callister, nor sign’d by him; but to be of the same Hand Writing with the Letter the Committee receiv’d as from William Craig; they produced also the Protest of John Holder, one of the Assessors, against proceeding to the Choice of a Treasurer as aforesaid, with one of the Letters of Notice appointing that Meeting. All which we lay before the House, and the whole is humbly submitted by

Edward Warner,
Joseph Stretch,

Evan Morgan,
Peter Worrall,

B. Franklin,
Joseph Trotter.

Hugh Roberts,


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Elizabeth Gardner, 4 June 1753
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Gardner, Elizabeth

Sister Elizabeth
June 4. 1753
Please to receive the Bearer into the Hospital, and entertain him there till the Physicians have considered his Case. Your Friend and Servant
B Franklin


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to William Strahan, 4 June 1753
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Strahan, William

Sir
Philada. June 4. 1753
The above is a Copy of mine per Reeves. This is only to request you would send me here, the Quarto Abridgement of the Philosophical Transactions, except the first five Volumes which I have. Send me also Fielding’s Proposals for employing the Poor. In haste, I am Yours ut supra
B Franklin
All well. Mr. Hall out of town. The 5 Vols of Transactions I have, are abridg’d by Lowthorp and Jones.
 Addressed: To  Mr William Strahan  Printer  London  Per the Carolina  Capt. Mesnard


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Joseph Huey, 6 June 1753
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Huey, Joseph

Few of Franklin’s letters were more often copied in the eighteenth century than this, or more frequently printed in the nineteenth. Probably most of the copyists approved the author’s views; a few certainly reprobated them: the editor of the Port Folio, for example, printing this “curious specimen of the doctor’s liberality of sentiment on religious subjects,” warned readers against “the blandishments of a plausible and affected benevolence … the germ of deism, the embryon of rancour against church establishments, the feverish symptoms of a malecontent; and those daring doctrines, ‘at which both the priest and philosopher may tremble.’”
Throughout its history in manuscript and print, uncertainty about the recipient has curiously persisted. William Temple Franklin said it was addressed to George Whitefield, which is impossible, for Whitefield was in England and could not have written a letter of “the 2d Inst.” which Franklin answered on the sixth. Many have followed him, however, including Sparks, who saw Franklin’s original draft addressed to Huey but would not confute Temple Franklin’s authority with the evidence of his own eyes. One surviving manuscript version suggests that Alexander Giles Frobisher was the recipient; and several printed versions declare it was sent to “a minister of the Gospel in the Southern part of New Jersey.” But Franklin’s manuscript draft reads clearly, as Bigelow pointed out, “Letter to Joseph Huey.”
Almost nothing is known of Huey. When Franklin sent a copy of the letter to President Stiles, March 9, 1790, he described his correspondent as “a zealous Religionist whom I had relieved in a paralytic Case by Electricity, and who being afraid I should grow proud upon it, sent me his serious, tho’ rather impertinent, Cautions.” Huey may have been “a minister of the Gospel in the Southern part of New Jersey,” but no clergyman of that name is known to have served there. According to Smyth, he came from Lancaster County, Pa.

Sir,
Philada. June 6. 1753
I received your kind Letter of the 2d Inst. and am glad to hear that you increase in Strength; I hope you will continue mending till you recover your former Health and Firmness. Let me know whether you still use the cold Bath, and what Effect it has.
As to the Kindness you mention, I wish it could have been of more Service to you. But if it had, the only Thanks I should desire is, that you would always be equally ready to serve any other Person that may need your Assistance, and so let good Offices go round, for Mankind are all of a Family.
For my own Part, when I am employed in serving others, I do not look upon my self as conferring Favours, but as paying Debts. In my Travels and since my Settlement I have received much Kindness from Men, to whom I shall never have any Opportunity of making the least direct Return. And numberless Mercies from God, who is infinitely above being benefited by our Services. These Kindnesses from Men I can therefore only return on their Fellow-Men; and I can only show my Gratitude for those Mercies from God, by a Readiness to help his other Children and my Brethren. For I do not think that Thanks, and Compliments, tho’ repeated Weekly, can discharge our real Obligations to each other, and much less those to our Creator.
You will see in this my Notion of Good Works, that I am far from expecting (as you suppose) that I shall merit Heaven by them. By Heaven we understand, a State of Happiness, infinite in Degree, and eternal in Duration: I can do nothing to deserve such Reward: He that for giving a Draught of Water to a thirsty Person should expect to be paid with a good Plantation, would be modest in his Demands, compar’d with those who think they deserve Heaven for the little Good they do on Earth. Even the mix’d imperfect Pleasures we enjoy in this World are rather from God’s Goodness than our Merit; how much more such Happiness of Heaven. For my own part, I have not the Vanity to think I deserve it, the Folly to expect it, nor the Ambition to desire it; but content myself in submitting to the Will and Disposal of that God who made me, who has hitherto preserv’d and bless’d me, and in whose fatherly Goodness I may well confide, that he will never make me miserable, and that even the Afflictions I may at any time suffer shall tend to my Benefit.
The Faith you mention has doubtless its use in the World; I do not desire to see it diminished, nor would I endeavour to lessen it in any Man. But I wish it were more productive of Good Works than I have generally seen it: I mean real good Works, Works of Kindness, Charity, Mercy, and Publick Spirit; not Holiday-keeping, Sermon-Reading or Hearing, performing Church Ceremonies, or making long Prayers, fill’d with Flatteries and Compliments, despis’d even by wise Men, and much less capable of pleasing the Deity. The Worship of God is a Duty, the hearing and reading of Sermons may be useful; but if Men rest in Hearing and Praying, as too many do, it is as if a Tree should value itself on being water’d and putting forth Leaves, tho’ it never produc’d any Fruit.
Your great Master tho’t much less of these outward Appearances and Professions than many of his modern Disciples. He prefer’d the Doers of the Word to the meer Hearers; the Son that seemingly refus’d to obey his Father and yet perform’d his Commands, to him that profess’d his Readiness but neglected the Works; the heretical but charitable Samaritan, to the uncharitable tho’ orthodox Priest and sanctified Levite: and those who gave Food to the hungry, Drink to the Thirsty, Raiment to the Naked, Entertainment to the Stranger, and Relief to the Sick, &c. tho’ they never heard of his Name, he declares shall in the last Day be accepted, when those who cry Lord, Lord; who value themselves on their Faith tho’ great enough to perform Miracles but have neglected good Works shall be rejected. He profess’d that he came not to call the Righteous but Sinners to Repentance; which imply’d his modest Opinion that there were some in his Time so good that they need not hear even him for Improvement; but now a days we have scarce a little Parson, that does not think it the Duty of every Man within his Reach to sit under his petty Ministrations, and that whoever omits them offends God. I wish to such more Humility, and to you Health and Happiness, being Your Friend and Servant
B Franklin
 Endorsed: Letter to Joseph Huey


Title: Memorandum of Agreement with Samuel Holland, 14 June 1753
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

Lancaster [June 14, 1753]
Memorandum of Agreement made this 14th Day of June 1753, between Benjamin Franklin and Samuel Holland Printers, viz.
That the said Benjamin Franklin doth let to the said S. Holland, his Printing Press and Types with other Printing Materials, now in the Possession of said Saml Holland at Lancaster except half the Long Primer Roman and Italic, on these Terms viz. That the said Samuel Holland pay therefor the Sum of Twenty Pounds per Annum, in four Quarterly Payments, the first Payment on Michaelmas Day next, and shall keep the Types in good Order, clean and free from Pye, the Press and other Materials in good repair, and shall not suffer the Rent of the House in which they are at any Time kept, to be more than one Quarter in Arrear; And when the said B. Franklin or Saml Holland shall either of them incline to vacate this Agreement, the Party so inclining shall give the other at least Three Months Notice. And the said Benjamin Franklin, or his legal Representatives shall be at liberty to visit and View the said Printing Press and Materials whenever he or they shall think fit, to see in what order they are keept. And the said Saml Holland doth hereby promise to make the above Payments, and perform the rest of this Agreement punctually, so far as regards him.
Samel Holland B Franklin
 Endorsed: Agreement B Franklin and S. Holland Lancaster Office


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Samuel Holland: Bond, 14 June 1753
From: Holland, Samuel
To: Franklin, Benjamin

[June 14, 1753]
Know all Men by these Presents, That I Samuel Holland of the Borough of Lancaster and Province of Pensilvania, Printer am Held and firmly bound unto Benjamin Franklin of the City of Philadelphia, Printer in the Sum of Two Hundred Pounds Lawful Money of America to be paid to the said Benjamin Franklin, his certain Attorney, Executors, Administrators or Assigns, To which Payment well and truly to be made, I do bind my self, my Heirs, Executors and Administrators, firmly by these Presents Sealed with my Seal Dated the Fourteenth Day of June in the Year of our Lord One Thousand Seven Hundred and Fifty three in the 26th Year of the Reign of our Sovereign Lord George the second by the Grace of God, King of Great Britain, &c.
The Condition of this Obligation is such, That if the Above-bounden Samuel Holland, his Heirs, Executors, Administrators, or any of them, shall and do well and truly pay or cause to be paid unto the above-named Benjamin Franklin, his certain Attorney, Executors, Administrators or Assigns, the just and full Sum of One hundred Pounds Lawful Money aforesaid, on the Fourteenth Day of June, which will be in the Year of our Lord One thousand seven hundred and Fifty four, with lawful Interest for the same without any Fraud or further Delay, then the above Obligation to be Void, or else to be and remain in full Force and Virtue.
Samel Holland
Sealed and Delivered in the Presence of us James Parker Cha: Thomson

Lancaster: Printed by S. Holland, at the Post-Office

Endorsed: S. Holland to B Franklin Bond for £100
[On reverse:] Sometime in the Summer 1756 when I was out of the Province, Nathaniel Holland paid my Wife Sixty Pounds in part of the within Bond
B Franklin
Note. S. Holland owes me about £25 more on Note and Account.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Shervington, 20 June 1753
From: Shervington, William
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir,
Antigua, June 20, 1753
Mr. Benjamin Mecom having received half a dozen circulatory letters from you relating to Mercury’s transit over the sun the 6 of last May, he put them into my hands. One would have sufficed for our island, as we are not overburthen’d with men, who have a taste that way. Hereunder I send you the result of my observation thereof.

   *Dr. Charles Rose, who was in Antigua at this time, says, that these observations were taken by Capt. Richard Tyrrel, of the said island, and who is possessed of a valuable collection of astronomical instruments, made by Mr. Bird in the Strand, London, and that Mr. Shervington only was present.

Sunday, May 6, at 6h 7′ 51″, I observed the western limb of Mercury to touch the western limb of the sun; and, at 6h 10 ′37″, he touch’d the same with his eastern limb, and totally disappear’d. Lat. of the place 17° 0′ N. Lon. by estimation 61° 45′ W. from London.
This was taken by a Graham’s watch, and corrected by two altitudes taken by a most exquisite quadrant; viz.
At 6h 58′ 7″, I observed the distance of the sun’s upper limb from the zenith = 72° 21′ 30″. And at 9h 31′ 5″, I observed the same = 36° 17′ 0″.

  By the common process (which you may have, if necessary) I found the watch was 0° 4′ 4″ 28‴ too fast;

   †Mr. Shervington has taken the mean of these two altitudes from the error of his watch; and there can be no doubt that his observation is a good one, which, compared with that made in Surry-street by Mr. Short, p. 199, l. i. &c. fixes the longitude of the place of his observation in Antigua 4h 5′ 30″, or 61° 22′ 30″, west of St. Paul’s, London.

 therefore,

h
′
″
  ‴

From — — —
6
10
37

Take — — —
0
  4
  4
  28

True apparent time of Mercury’s exit here,
6
6
32
32

Pray impart your observation to Your Well-wisher,
William Shervington


Title: Request for Information on Lightning, 21 June 1753
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

⁂ Those of our Readers in this and the neighbouring Provinces, who may have an Opportunity of observing, during the present Summer, any of the Effects of Lightning on Houses, Ships, Trees, &c. are requested to take particular Notice of its Course, and Deviation from a strait Line, in the Walls or other Matter affected by it, its different Operations or Effects on Wood, Stone, Bricks, Glass, Metals, Animal Bodies, &c. and every other Circumstance that may tend to discover the Nature, and compleat the History of that terrible Meteor. Such Observations being put in Writing, and communicated to Benjamin Franklin, in Philadelphia, will be very thankfully accepted and acknowledged.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Peter Collinson, 26 June 1753
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Collinson, Peter

Dear Friend
Newhaven in Connecticut June 26. 1753
I received a Letter from you on the Road hither, with one of the supplemental Papers on Electricity; and a Letter from our Friend Kalm. I condole with you sincerely on the Death of good Mrs. Collinson: I do not, however, offer to comfort you by Arguments drawn from Philosophy or Religion; such will readily occur to a Person of your Understanding and Piety. Natural Affections must have their Course. The best Remedy of Grief is Time.
I am now on a Journey to Boston, where I purpose to continue till the Heats are over, and from thence shall write to you. With this you will receive two of Mr. Elliot’s 4th Essays (one of them for Mr. Jackson) and a Poem on Visiting our Academy by Mr. Smith, Author of two Pieces I have already sent you on Education, one entitled The College of Mirania. He is now here with me, and intending soon for England, will deliver this to you, with his own hand.

In one of your late Letters, you mention’d, that besides the bountiful Benefaction then sent us, by the Proprietary, he meditated some Endowments for the Academy, if he should find it answer his Expectations. I hope it will answer and even exceed his Expectations. We now only want a Person in the Academy, qualified to teach the higher Parts of Learning, and finish the Youth in their Education. This Finishing, given by the Proprietors Beneficence, would in my Opinion leave the most lasting Impressions of Gratitude and Respect, and be productive of the best Effects, in a due Regard and Veneration for the Family among those who by their Education and Stations will be most capable of serving it; especially as the Professor himself, being under the greatest Obligation to the Founders, may take all Opportunities of making and fixing those Impressions in the Minds of his Pupils. I only hint this to you; as a Thought now occurs to me, that this Bearer, Mr. Smith, who has already given great Satisfaction as a Tutor to some young Gentlemen, and appears by his Mirania to have excellent Notions of Education, tho’ he goes home with other Views, may possibly be prevail’d on to engage in that Service, if proper Steps were taken with him. If you should think with me as to the Expediency and Utility of this Matter, I know I need not urge your Goodness to take some early Opportunity of proposing it to the Consideration of the Proprietors.
With great Esteem and Affection, I am, Dear Sir, Your obliged humble Servant
B Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Franklin, 28 June 1753
From: Franklin, William
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honoured Sir,
Philada. June 28. 1753
I wrote you last Week; since which Nothing new has occurr’d, worth communicating save a [paper?] publish’d by Chattin, that has made a great Noise here; one of which I inclose for your Perusal. It has given great Pleasure to many, and only [angered?] those, as I can learn, whose Approbation of it would be a Condemnation of their own Conduct. There are many Conjectures in Town about its Author; most People, however, seem to attribute it to a Gentleman now out of the Province, and, indeed, I can’t help thinking they have judg’d right; if so, there was no great Occasion of the Inclosed being sent you.
I have ship’d the 50 Ream of Paper, you order’d, to Minott & Hatton, in Jamaica. The Capt. would not take it under Nine [Pence per?] Ream. I sent Holland the Cuts and Copy of the Almanack. He writes me word that he has two Forms of it ready to impose, and hopes to [have] the whole done by the Middle of August. [He] has likewise wrote to me for a Pound of Vermilion, and desires to know if you left [?] any Orders about sending him some [Payment?] for the Almanack, and if you have not [to] enquire whether Schutz has left any [of?] the Buck for him. I have not seen [Schutz?] as yet, and as you left no Orders on that [I] can say Nothing now about it; but I [shall?] send him the Vermilion per this Post. [If?] I find Schutz has not sent any Paper, shall [take?] Care that he has some.
Yesterday agreeable to your Directions, I took the Management of the Post-Office upon me: I trust my Conduct therein, and in all other Respects, will be such as to give you no Cause to regret my having that Mark of your Favor.
The whole Family are well, and, with many of your Friends, desire to be kindly remember’d to you. Mr. Kinnersley return’d last Week; he tells me he has discover’d Nothing new in the Electrical Way; and I understand he has [clear’d?] about £200 Sterling.
If it would not be too much Trouble, I should be glad you wou’d cause my Name to be put down as one of the Subscribers, for the 2d Vol. of Prince’s Chronology; also to purchase the first Volume for me, together with the 3 Vols. of the American Magazine. Aunt Mecom has some Money in her Hands for a Ticket I sent her, which she will pay you [as?] I believe it will be sufficient to defray the Cost. I am Your obliged and dutiful Son
Wm: Franklin
 Addressed: To  Mr Benjn. Franklin  now at  Boston


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Aaron Burr, 20 March 1753
From: Burr, Aaron
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Mr. Franklin.
Sir
Mch. 20. 53.
Your Febry. 28. with the enclos’d Letters was very acceptable. I am sorry we [are] not provid’d with Instruments to observe the approaching Transit of Mercury. But have long since been determined to be ready for Venus 1769. By Mr. Evans’s Advice I wrote to one Mr. Adams’s in London sending a Catalogue of Instruments for a philosophical Apparatus, desiring to know his Price, designing to purchase as far as the small stock we have raised for that Purpose will go, but can gett no Answer from him.
This Spring I propose to send for such as are most needed and add as we are able.
I should esteem it a Favour you communicated the Observations on Mercury. If the Weather admits of the making any.
I add but my hearty Wishes that the general Design of promoting usefull Knowledge in the World may be still attended with desired Success and am with great Respect your most humble Servant.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Peter Collinson, 3 July 1753
From: Collinson, Peter
To: Franklin, Benjamin

July 3d [1753]
Received June the 30. 1753. On Board the London for Philadelphia One long Case Mark’d L4MC No. 1 which I promise to Deliver (Dangers of the sea Excepted).
Ja Shirley
paid Freight and primage 6s.

besides one Brown paper bundle of Books of which I cannot give the particulars for I am Just come to Town and To Morrow the Letters are taken away and I go out of Town by 5 in the Morning so I have only Time to Tell my Dear friend that I received his Two Large Pacquetts with variety of Articles Inclosed for which I am under many Obligations. I have dispatch’d the Letter with 2d Part of Electricity to Paris.
In the New Transactions you’l find my Good Friend I am no banterer [?] but I shine with borrowed Light.
I shall by next Ship send the Articles that was Lost for but this Day I received the pacquets and the Ship is gone so nothing can be Done.
I cannot possibly write to my friend J Bartram. Pray tell him to send Eight Boxs of Seeds and those that Doctor Mitchell Ordred Last year. I am mightyly pleased with Billys Performances. In the Long Case is 2 New Mapps. I am my Dear friend Truly yours
P Collinson

There is a parcell of Seed to our friend J Elliot. Pray tell him I could not write.

 Addressed: To  Benn: Franklin Esqr  in Philadelphia  Per Cap Shirley


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Franklin, 12 July 1753
From: Franklin, William
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Philada. Thursday July 12. 1753
On Sunday last, about 45 Minutes after 3 in the Morning, a Dwelling House, one of a continued Row on the West Side of Second-Street in this Town, was struck by Lightning, but, being at that Time untenanted, no Person was hurt. About 6 aClock the same Morning, I went to take a View thereof, and at that Time made some Notes of the Course which I observ’d the Lightning to have taken in its Passage, and also of some of its Effects on the House, which then appear’d to me not unworthy of Notice.
The Course is as follows, viz.
The Lightning, or Matter thereof, (supposing it to have enter’d at the Top of the House, as is the general receiv’d Opinion), first struck the South East Corner of the Easter-most Chimney; from which Place it can be trac’d downwards, by Cracks and other Marks on the South Side of the said Chimney, in a Diagonal Line, to the Bottom of a Kind of Bulk-Head, or Place rais’d above the Roof, to go out on the Top of the House, and reaching from one Chimney to the other; that it then appears to have gone up the E. Side of the Roof, near the Edge of the S. Side of the Bulkhead, to the Ridge, and from thence descended the W. Side of the Roof, by the like Way, to the Bulk-head Door, which it split, and melted Part of an Iron Staple on the Inside of the Westermost Side of the Door Frame; that from thence its Course was continu’d down the W. Side of the Roof, by the S. Side of the Western Chimney, till it came to a Place where the Roof bent or slaunted downwards, along the Ridge of which Bent it turn’d and pass’d Southward to a Dormer Window, flat on the Top, and which projected about 3 Feet from the Roof, where again it turned, and by the upper and N. Side of the Dormer proceeded W. to the further End; that from thence it was conducted downwards by the Leads and Window-frame on the N. Side of the said Window to a kind of Pent-House, about 2 feet wide, the wooden Moulding on the under Side of which was much shatter’d, and a round Hole made therein, as if done by a Bullet fir’d from a common Swivel Gun; that its Course was then down to the Northermost Window of the 2d Story, where it diffus’d itself amongst the Leads, and went out at the Iron Window Hook, that hung down from the Southermost Side of the said Window, about a Foot below the Point of which it made a considerable Breach in the Wall, and drove the Plaistering on the Inside, to the opposite Side of the Roof that from thence it made a small crack in the Wall down to a Ledge (or single Row of Bricks projecting about 3 Inches from the Wall, which the Bricklayers term a Water Table or Water Fall) about mid-way between the Windows of the 1st and 2d Story, and from there plowing, or scooping, as it were, the outside of the Wall all the Way down to the upper and Southermost Part of the Northermost Window of the 2d Story, which it entirely drove into the Room; that the Lightning then diffus’d itself in the Leads, and descended by them to the Northermost Window Hook, from the Point of which it jump’d to the Upper and Eastermost Corner of a Window over the Door of a Kitchen adjoining to the Northermost Side of the back Part of the House, and fronting the South; that from thence it was conducted by Leads to the lower and Westermost Corner of said Window, from which Place it again jump’d across to the Kitching Window, at the Distance of about 2 Feet, making all the Way a Hollow in the Brick Wall between, as if done by a large Iron Scoop; that in this last Window it divided itself very much, as might be seen by the Leads, which were in most Places melted; that from hence no Traces of it appear, except just at the Points of the Iron Hooks, fix’d to each Side of the Window-Frames, which were about 2 Feet from the Ground; to where, it might have been conducted by the Moisture on the Walls, which was very considerable, there having a great Quantity of Rain fell the Night before.

Observations of the Effects.
1. That the large black cloud, from whence the Fire is generally thought to have issued, came from the South West, yet the Chimney on the back Part or W. Side of the House, tho’ equal in Heighth to that on the Front or East Side, and but about 9 Feet Distance, was not at all affected, its first Appearance upwards, as mention’d before, being on the S.E. Corner of the Eastermost Chimney.
2. That the under Part of one of the Bricks in a small Ledge that went round the Chimney, about a Foot from the Top, had a Piece knock’d out of it, as if done by a Blow of a Hammer, or some other Force from underneath; the Bottom of the Fracture being the whole Breadth of the Ledge, and the upper Part terminating to a sharp Edge, as is represented in the Margin; the upper Side of the Ledge was no otherways hurt than but by a small Crack proceeding from the Fracture underneath; and the Lightning appears, as if by the Resistance it met with from the Ledge, to have been forc’d into the Chimney, thro’ the Mortar between the Ledge and the Brick underneath.
3. That the East Side of the Roof, up which the Fire must have pass’d, supposing it to have enter’d from above, was noways damag’d, except just at the Ridge, where the thin Edge of the Shingles appear’d to have been thrown up by it; but the thick End of the Shingles lay perfectly close from the Bottom of the Eastermost Chimney to the Ridge, as did all those on the E. Side of the Roof.
4. That on the West Side of the Roof, quite from the extreme End of the Dormer Window to the Ridge, in the Track before described, the thick Ends of the Shingles are all thrown upwards, as if done by some Instrument forc’d underneath them.
5. That the Splinters near the Hole in the wooden Moulding of the under Part of the Pent-House, before described, were all drove upwards, as if occasion’d by a Bullet being shot against it from below.
6. That several of the upright Parts of the Window Frames were, in many Places, much shattered; and all the Pieces that were split or torn off from them, were broadest at the Bottom, and terminating almost to a Point at the Top; whereas the contrary might have been expected to have happen’d, if the Force which split them came from above.
7. That the under Side of the Ledge or Water-Table, between the 1st and 2d Storys, was considerably more damag’d than the upper, and a Piece drove out of it, as in the Ledge near the Top of the Chimney.
8. That the Lightning went considerably out of its nearest Way, (supposing it to have proceeded either from above or below) for the Sake of the Leads of the Windows, and Iron Hooks, Staples &c. of the Window-Frames; which were all much melted and stain’d thereby. Several Panes of Glass were also a little melted, and appear’d somewhat colour’d, round the Edges, near where the Leads surrounded it and those Parts of the Leads being thin, and not sufficient to conduct the whole of the Flash, were melted; but the thick Parts of the Leads, (which separate the Panes from each other) conducted it freely, and without being the least damag’d.


Title: Charter of the Academy of Philadelphia, 13 July 1753
From: Francis, Tench
To:

With the Academy organized and functioning (see above, IV, 101), the trustees, thinking a charter would give the institution prestige and permanence, on June 9, 1752, directed one of their number, Tench Francis, then attorney general of the province, to prepare a draft to send to London for the approval of the Proprietors. On April 10 Richard Peters informed the trustees that the Penns had given their assent and ordered the governor to sign the instrument and that they would give the Academy £500. On July 13 seventeen trustees (not including Franklin, who was in Boston on post office business) waited in a body on Governor Hamilton, who then signed the charter and ordered the provincial seal affixed. The Academy was now a corporation; it did not become a college until May 14, 1755, when an additional charter was granted.
Several words missing in the manuscript and some punctuation, largely lacking in the copy of record, have been silently supplied from Francis N. Thorpe, Benjamin Franklin and the University of Pennsylvania (Washington, 1893), pp. 68–70. The original charter does not survive.

[July 13, 1753]
Thomas Penn and Richard Penn true and absolute Proprietaries, and Governors in Chief, of the Province of Pennsylvania and Counties of Newcastle, Kent and Sussex on Delaware, To all persons to whom these Presents shall Come, Greeting: Whereas the Wellbeing of a Society depends on the Education of their Youth as well as in great Measure the Eternal welfare of every Individual, by impressing on their tender minds Principals [sic] of Morality and Religion, instructing them in the several dutys they owe to the Society in which they live, and one towards another, giving them the knowledge of Languages and other parts of useful Learning necessary thereto, in order to render them serviceable in the several Publick Stations to which they may be called; And Whereas it hath been represented to Us by Thomas Lawrence, William Allen, John Inglis, Tench Francis, William Masters, Lloyd Zachary, Samuel M’Call, Junior, Joseph Turner, Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Leech, William Shippen, Robert Strettle, Philip Syng, Charles Willing, Phineas Bond, Richard Peters, Abraham Taylor, Thomas Bond, Joshua Maddox, William Plumsted, Thomas White, William Coleman, Isaac Norris, and Thomas Cadwalader of our City of Philadelphia Gentlemen, that for the erecting, establishing and maintaining an Academy within our said City as well to instruct Youth for Reward, as poor Children whose indigent and helpless Circumstances demand the Charity of the opulent part of mankind, several Benevolent and Charitable Persons have generously paid and by Subscriptions promised hereafter to pay into their Hands as Trustees for the Use of the said Academy divers Sums of Money; which Sums already paid, they the said Trustees have expended in the Purchase of Lands well situated and a Building commodious for the Uses aforesaid within our said City, in maintaining an Academy there as well for the Instruction of Poor Children on Charity as others whose Circumstances have enabled them to pay for their Learning, for some time past, and in furnishing the said Academy with Books, Maps, Mathematical Instruments, and other Necessaries of General Use therein according to the Intentions of the Donors; And Whereas the said Trustees, to facilitate the Progress of so good a Work and to perfect and perpetuate the same have humbly besought Us to incorporate them and their Successors, Now know Ye that We, favouring such Pious, Useful, Generous and Charitable Designs, hoping through the favour of Almighty God this Academy may prove a Nursery of Virtue and Wisdom and that it will produce Men of Dispositions and Capacities beneficial to Mankind in the various occupations of Life but more particularly suited to the Infant State of North America in general, and for other Causes and Considerations Us hereto specially moving, have Granted, Ordained, Declared, Constituted and Appointed, And by these Presents We do for us, our Heirs and Successors Grant, Ordain, Declare, Constitute, and Appoint that the said Thomas Lawrence, William Allen, John Inglis, Tench Francis, William Masters, Lloyd Zachary, Samuel M’Call, Junior, Joseph Turner, Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Leech, William Shippen, Robert Strettle, Philip Syng, Charles Willing, Phineas Bond, Richard Peters, Abraham Taylor, Thomas Bond, Joshua Maddox, William Plumsted, Thomas White, William Coleman, Isaac Norris, and Thomas Cadwalader and such others as shall be from Time to Time chosen, nominated or elected in their place and stead, shall be one Community, Corporation and Body Politick to have Continuance for Ever by the name of The Trustees of the Academy and Charitable School in the Province of Pennsylvania and that by the same name they shall have perpetual Succession, and that they and their Successors by that Name shall be able and Capable in Law to purchase, have, take, receive and enjoy to them and their Successors in fee and in Perpetuity or for any other or lesser Estate or Estates any Manors, Lands, Tenements, Rents, Annuities, Pensions or other Hereditaments within the said Province of Pennsylvania or three Lower Counties of Newcastle, Kent and Sussex by the Gift, Grant, Bargain, Sale, Alienation, Enfeoffment, Release, Confirmation, or Devise of any Person or Persons, Bodies Politick or Corporate capable to make the same; And Further that they may take and receive any Sum or Sums of Money or any kind, manner or Portion of Goods or Chattels that shall to them be given, granted or bequeathed by any Person or Persons, Bodies Politick or Corporate capable to make a Gift, Grant or Bequest thereof, and therewith to erect, set up, maintain and Support an Academy or any other kind of Seminary of Learning in any place within the said Province of Pennsylvania where they shall Judge the same to be most necessary and convenient for the Instruction, Improvement and Education of Youth in any kind of Literature, Erudition, Arts and Sciences which they shall think fitting and proper to be taught; And We do hereby grant and ordain that the said Trustees and their Successors by the Name aforesaid shall be able in Law to Sue and be sued, plead and be impleaded in any Court or Courts before any Judge, Judges or Justices within the said Province of Pennsylvania, the three lower Counties of Newcastle, Kent and Sussex and elsewhere in all and all manner of Suits, Complaints, Pleas, Causes, Matters and demands of whatsoever kind, nature, or form they be, and all and every other Matters and things therein to do in as full, ample and effectual a Manner as any other Person or Persons, Bodies politick or Corporate within that part of the Kingdom of Great Britain called England or within the said Province of Pennsylvania or lower Counties in the like cases may or can do; And We do hereby give and grant unto the said Trustees and their Successors full Power and authority to make, have and use a Common Seal with such Stamp and Inscription as they shall think proper and the same to Change, break, alter and renew at their pleasure. And Further in order to continue and perpetuate this Community and Corporation We do Grant, ordain and declare that when anyone or more of the present or future Trustees of this Academy shall remove his or their Habitation or Habitations and shall dwell at the distance of Five Miles from the Seat of the said Academy at that Time or shall go and reside out of the Province of Pennsylvania although at a place nearer to the said Academy than Five Miles or shall happen to die or be otherwise disabled from performing the Office and Duty of a Trustee or Trustees, the other Trustees shall as soon after as they conveniently can proceed to Elect and choose one or more fit Person or Persons then residing within Five Miles of the said Academy and within the said Province to fill the place or places of such absenting, deceased or disabled person or persons. And We do also for Us, our Heirs and Successors Give and Grant to the said Trustees and Corporation and their Successors full Power and Authority in all Time and Times Coming to make, ordain and enact all such Rules, Ordinances, Laws and Statutes, and from Time to Time to alter and amend the same as they shall Judge most convenient, reasonable and needfull for the good Government of the said Community, the management of the Affairs thereof and the effectual promotion of the good Ends hereby intended. Provided always that the said Rules, Ordinances, Laws and Statutes be not repugnant to the Laws and Statutes then in force in the kingdom of Great-Britain or to the Laws then in force in our said Province of Pennsylvania. And Lastly We do for us and our Successors Grant, Declare and Ordain that these our Letters Patent and Charter and every Clause, Sentence and Article herein contained shall be in all Things firm, valid, sufficient, and effectual in the Law unto the said Trustees, Community and Corporation and their Successors according to the purport and Tenor hereof, without any further Grant or Toleration from us our Heirs or Successors to be procured or obtained.
In Witness whereof we have caused these our Letters to be made Patent. Witness James Hamilton Esquire Lieutenant Governor and Commander in Chief in and over the said Province of Pennsylvania at the City of Philadelphia the Thirteenth day of July in the Twenty seventh Year of the Reign of our Sovereign Lord George the second who now is King of Great Britain, France and Ireland &c. and in the Year of our Lord One thousand seven hundred and fifty three 1753.
James Hamilton [L. S.]
Recorded 16th. July 1753


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Hugh Roberts, 16 July 1753
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Roberts, Hugh

Dear Friend
Boston July 16. 1753
By a Vessel yesterday from London I receiv’d the enclos’d from the Agent Rd. Patridge, which please to communicate to the Speaker.

I had a delightful Journey hither, and have felt but one hot Day since my Arrival. On the Road I often thought of you and wish’d for your Company, as I pass’d over some of the best punning Ground perhaps in the Universe.
My Respects to Mrs. Roberts, and to all our old Friends of the Junto, Hospital, and Insurance. I purpose to set out on my Return in about ten Days, to have the Pleasure of seeing them and Philadelphia again. I am, Dear Friend, Yours affectionately
B Franklin
 Addressed: To  Mr Hugh Roberts  at Philadelphia  Free B Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Peter Collinson, 20 July 1753
From: Collinson, Peter
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Londn July 20 1753
It is a great pleasure to Mee to receive so many repeated Instances of my Dear friends regard for Mee, In his Sundry favours of Aprill 17: May 9 June 1.
I omitted in a Hurry in mine by Shirley to tell you that your £60 Bill on Lane is accepted and shall be applyed as you have Directed. I know not who Mr. Blair Is or where he Dwells Elce should Inquire after Him for I hear Nothing from Him about the Thermometers.
I am glad to hear Such Success attended Mr. Peters Sermon. A Good Cause Eloquently handled cant fail of Effecting Good Hearts. Charity is a Very Moveing Topick and never will Want Advocates, you will find Good providence Will Raise up Friends and Means to Support so Laudable an Undertaking. You may perceive the Good hand underneath, in your proprietors Bounty. I hope He will prove a nursing Father to your Infant Undertakeing. Tho He was Averse to Its Institution yett I hope not only a Benevolent Mind but Interest will lead Him to Support your Seminary so conducive to the General Good. My Little Influence will always tend to promote its Welfare.
I Heartyly Wish Success to Capt. Swain. I shall be Impatient to Hear the Success of his Voyage. General Dobs was with Mee to Day and is prepareing for his Government. Unless I am greatly deceived I take Him to be every Way Quallified for his post and for the Improvement of that Province. Wee know the French Very Well Subject to Levity Hights and Extreams. I am glad the Tumor is allay’d by the Abbe’s cooling Digestives, but he’s farr from Dealing candidly or Ingeniously, the Effect of his pride who look’d on himself as the Prince of Electricians—but on a Sudden Springs up a Little Cloud from the West that Eclipses all his brightness but Dalibard and Buffon gave him no Quarter but what is Worse He’s farr from being Honesst, for He had Erected a Machine at Paris to make your Experiments, and had Gott a Sett of people about him to Vouch that they could not be Verified and undoubtedly all the Citty would have rung with It.
Butt very remarkable it Happend, that a Noble Man knowing the Abbe apparatus being ready after He had seen your Experiments Verified before the King at took post to see how the Abbe far’d and when He came on the Stage the Abbe and his Creatures putt on Grave looks and Shook their Heads Intimateing things did not Succeed. This putt the Noble man quite out of Temper and on a Nice Inquirey and Observation found out the Juggle and Contrivance, gave them their Due in high Langage and publish’d the base and Juggling Intention all over Paris. Now on reading this and the King of Frances approbation as you will see in the Transactions, if the Tumor should Rise again what will allay It. This will lead you to understand my former Paragraph. You have repair’d Our Loss in the births and Burials Last sent which our friend Cave will publish for they may be of Service in Calculations.
Att the same Time that Wee are Concernd at your Disappointment Yett Wee much applaud your Ingenuity and Industry to Instruct your Neighbours on the Transit of Mercury. A Ship is Just arrived and I wonder no Account is come of It from our friend Alexander nor from any other part of your Continent that I hear which is a great Disappointment to our Astronomers.
Your Letter is forwarded to Mons. Dalibard by a Safe Conveyance as soone as I received It and a Supplement with It. One I sent before to Mr. Buffons.
I am getting Books &c. ready to send per this Ship. It is now past Eleven a Clock so good Night.
P Collinson
I am not sure wether the books &c. will be gott ready to Come by this Ship. The book &c. will come in the Lydia. Cap. Reeve.

 Addressed: To  Benn: Franklin Esq  In Philadelphia


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to William Franklin, 23 July 1753
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, William

Dear Son,
Boston July 23. 1753
I am pleas’d to learn by yours of the 12th that you have taken a circumstantial Account of the Appearances at Trumbles’s House, which you think sufficient to establish my new Hypothesis of the Direction of Lightning.
Mr. Kinnersley has sent me a Pane of the Glass with a Letter in which he mentions his Suspicions that the Stroke was upwards. I now write him a short Account of the Experiments I made before I left home, and refer him to you for the Explanation according to the new Hypothesis, which I have not now time to give him at length.
I hope the 60 Ream of Paper, Law Size, No 2. which I order’d Shutz to make for Mr. Holbrook here, is come down from the Mill before this time. Send it per first Vessel to that Gentleman.
I purpose to set out next Monday, God willing, on my Return; and hope to be at home about the Middle of August, not exceeding the 20th.
My Compliments to all Enquiring Friends. I am, Dear Son, Your affectionate Father
B Franklin

P.S. Enclos’d you have a Letter from your Uncle, with a Power of Attorney. The Affair requires immediate Care, and I write at his Request, to desire you would do what is proper in it before you deliver the Letters that come by this Post, because otherwise others may be beforehand. The Case is this.

You remember Pitts that married Molly Yeldhall. He was a Factor for this Joseph Grant, and fell in his Debt I forget how much. Grant su’d him, and he gave Grant a Mortgage on a Piece of Ground and House in Walnut Street that lets for £15 or 20 per annum. It was before mortgag’d to Capt. Greenway for £100 who was to take Principal and Interest out of the Rent as they arose, so I suppose the £100 is now near if not quite paid off, and that Grant’s Mortgage will come in play and be paid in its Turn. The Land was intail’d by Molly’s Father, so it can not be held by Virtue of the Mortgage after her Son comes of Age, but that will not be these 9 or 10 Years. The Design of this Power is, that you may attach for Franklin and Williams, Grant’s Right to that Land by Virtue of his Mortgage. I suppose the Mortgage is recorded. I recommend this Affair to your Diligence which I hope will be effectual. Your loving Father
B F

Pitts and Wife join’d in the Mortgage, and I think I was an Evidence it must be about 8 or 9 Years ago. Isaac Griffitts was Grant’s Attorney.

 Addressed: To  Mr Wm Franklin  at the Post Office  Philadelphia
Endorsed: July 23 1753  Franklin vs Grant.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Harvard College: Degree of Master of Arts, 25 July 1753
From: Harvard College
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Franklin’s first academic honor was from Harvard. On July 23, 1753, the President and Fellows recommended him to the Overseers for the degree of master of arts, citing his “great Improvements in Philosophic Learning, and particularly with Respect to Electricity, Whereby his Repute hath been greatly advanc’d in the learned World, not only in Great-Britain, but ev’n in the Kingdom of France also.” The Overseers approved the next day; the diploma was prepared and signed on July 25, and President Edward Holyoke presented it to Franklin two days later, with a tin box, emblazoned with the college arms, to keep it in.

[July 25, 1753]
Senatus Academiae Cantabrigiensis in Nov. Anglia Omnibus in Christo Fidelibus praesentes has Literas inspecturis vel audituris Salutem in Domino sempiternam.
Quandoquidem Dominus Benjamin Franklin Armgr: de Philadelphia Americana, Experimentis non vulgaribus, praesertim circa Miranda Vis electricae Phaenomena Philosophiam locupletavit, unde apud Doctos non in Britannia solum verum etiam in Gallia Fama Ejus percrebuit, et Ipse de Orbe literato optime meruit Nos igitur Studiosi, debitis Doctrinae Honoribus, hujusmodi Homines ornandi, eo Consilio ut, ad Scientiam ulterius promovendam, et Ipse et alii incitarentur.
Notum Facimus Quod (consentientibus Honorandis admodum et Reverendis Academiae nostrae Inspectoribus) Virum antedictum dignum judicavimus, Qui Gradu in Artibus Magistrali donetur; Ideoque Dominum Benjaminem Franklin Armigerum Magistrum in Artibus, decrevimus constituimus et renunciavimus, Dantes et concedentes Ei omnia Insignia, Jura et Privilegia, Dignitates ac Honores, ad Gradum Suum Spectantia.
In cujus Rei Testimonium Literis hisce communi Academiae Sigillo munitis, Nomina nostra Subscripsimus. Cantabrigiae Anno Salutis humanae quinquagesimo tertio supra milesimum et Septingentesimum Octavo Calendarum Sextilis.

Edvardus Holyoke Praeses.

  Henricus Flynt
}
  Socij.

Josephus Sewall

  Edvardus Wigglesworth

  Nathanael Appleton

Josephus Mayhew

Thos. Hubbard Thesaurarius.


Title: General Post Office: Appointment of Franklin and Hunter, 10 August 1753
From: General Post Office
To:

August 10th: 1753
Ordered that Mr. Benjamin Franklin, of Philadelphia, in Pensylvania, and Mr. William Hunter of Williamsburgh, in Virginia, be appointed Deputy Postmasters and Managers of all His Majesty’s Provinces and Dominions, on the Continent of North America, in the stead of Elliott Benger Esqr: Deceased, to commence this day, at an Allowance or Salary of £600 per annum to be paid out of the Money arising from the Postage of Letters passing and repassing through the said provinces and Dominions of North America.
In the margin: For their Commissions, vide, Commission Book.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Peter Collinson, 12 August 1753
From: Collinson, Peter
To: Franklin, Benjamin

My Dear Friend
Augt. 12: 1753
I have much to say but am on the Eve of marrying My Daughter and many Orders in hast from Abroad that I can only add a few Lines to Informe you that your bill of 60 pound is Accepted, and I Intend to pay Osbourn £50. The remainder is for your Disposal when I can find time to Lett you know the Ballance.
Your Impartial Account of the state of the Germans came very Seaseonably to awaken the Legislature to take some Measures to Check the Increase of their Power. A Coppy was Desir’d by 2 of the Members for the German Affairs to show Mr. Pelham [and] Lord Hallifax. With my Thoughts How to remedy or redress Impending Evils I have Drawn up 7 Proposals which you shall see—but alas, I am no ways Equal to that Task but was obliged to Do It but that Province is Yours, Who is so well Versed in your Constitution and the Nature of the People that possibly what I propose may be Impracticable in the Reason of things which I cannot be thought to know or understand. I am much concernd for the French Expedition to Ohio. I gave that Paragraph to the Minister but Alas what can He do without the Concurrence of many More. I am with Cordial Esteem thy Sincere Friend
P Collinson

How your Proprietors are taken up cannot say but it highly becomes them to bestirr themselves for I think its plain their Estate is In Danger. Pray Tell John Bartram I have so many affairs on the Anvil that I think I cannot write to Him.

I expect by first Vessell thy thoughts on the Means most practicable to Secure your Constitution. I wish I had leisure to take more Notice of thine of June 1: Aprill 17 and May the 9. I am much obliged for the Various Papers.
Mr. Smith’s a Very Ingenious Man. Its a Pitty but He was more Solid, and Less flighty.
The Books Mapps &c. I hope is safely arrived per Capt. Shirly.
Our Connoiseurs are greatly Disappointd for the bad Luck that Attended the View of the transit of Mercury but your Zeal to promote that Observation is not Enough to be Commended. Is it 5 degrees, or 25 degrees west of London. I wonder I heare nothing from Mr. Alexander or Mr. Colden on this Transit. I don’t yett hear of any Account of It, from any of our Colonies. Doc. Kersley and his Friends used formerly to be Sending their Observations on Coelestial Phenomena.
I writt to you both by the Sarah Cap. Mitchell July 20th.

Monsr. Dalibards Letter Came Just in Time. It ought to have good things in it for its very Dear postage, 5s. I have paid Osborn fifty pounds this Day Augt. 16.

[Enclosure]
Hints Humbly proposed to Incorporate the Germans more with the English and Check the Increase of their Power

1st
To Establish More English Schools amongst the Germans.

2dly
To Encourge them to Learn English Lett an Act of Parliament pass in Great Britain to disquallifie every German from accepting any Place of Trust or Profit Civil or Military Unless both He and His Children can speake English inteligibly.

3d
To prohibit any Deeds, Bonds, or writeings &c. to be Made in the German Language.

4
To Suppress all German Printing Houses that print only German. Half German half English in a Page of Books or publick News papers To be Tolerated.

5th
To prohibit all Importation of German books.

6
To Encourage the Marriages of Germans with English and Contra by some Priviledge or Donation from the Publick.

7ly
To Discourage the sending More Germans to the Province of Pensilvania When Inhabitans are so much Wanted in Georgia, North Carolina and Nova Scotia &c.


Title: Pennsylvania Assembly: Reply to the Governor, 5 September 1753
From: Pennsylvania Assembly
To:

After considering the report of a committee on the suspending clause, which Governor Hamilton insisted upon as a condition for approving the £20,000 money bill (see immediately above), the House appointed Evan Morgan, Franklin, Hugh Roberts, Mahlon Kirkbride, and George Ashbridge to draft a reply to the governor’s message of August 29. The reply was reported and approved on September 5.

May it please the Governor,
[September 5, 1753]
Upon receiving a Message from the Governor of the Twenty-ninth of August last, with some few Amendments to the Bill for striking Twenty Thousand Pounds to be added to the present Currency of this Province, which the Governor is pleased to acknowledge is not an exorbitant Sum, and to which Amendments he presumed we could have no Objection, we were in Hopes that the repeated Applications of this, and our preceding Assemblies, had induced him at length to give his Assent to the Bill upon such Terms as the House might comply with, consistent with their Honour, and the Trust reposed in them by their Constituents: But we are under the Necessity of assuring the Governor, the Clause proposed to be added to that Bill is so far from being free from Objections, that we apprehend it to be destructive of the Liberties granted to the People of this Province by the Royal and Provincial Charters, and is injurious to the Proprietaries Rights; and as such we have unanimously resolved it upon the Report of a Committee of this House; to whose Care we had also recommended the Examination of our Laws, a considerable Number of which were enacted under the immediate Powers of the Crown; and we are well assured, there has never been one single Instance of the Passing of any Law under the Restrictions now contended for by the Governor from the first Settlement of our Province to this Day. This has led us into an Enquiry, why so dangerous an Experiment should be now pressed upon us, as we conceive, without the least apparent Necessity.
The Governor, it is true, has been pleased to inform us, that it is founded upon an Instruction from the Lords Justices to the late Governor, but we intreat he would consider, how far an additional Instruction, dated in 1740, expresly directed to a former Governor; and which in its own Nature appears temporary, and the Ends long since answered, can be binding upon him.
That tho’ it was directed to a Governor of this Province, it neither did, nor could, suit our Circumstances either at that Time, or any other Time before or since; that it was temporary, and that the Ends proposed by that Instruction have been answered, appear very clear to us when we consider, that the effectual putting in Execution the Act of the Sixth of Queen Anne, for ascertaining the Rates of foreign Coins in America, the various and illegal Currencies introduced in several of the Colonies, the miserable Defection from that Act, as well as the respective Acts by which such Currencies were originally issued, the Discouragement it brought on the Commerce of Great-Britain, the Confusion in Dealings, and the Lessening of Credit in those Parts, are the Foundations both of the Address of the House of Commons to the King, and in Pursuance of that Address, of the additional Instruction, to which the Governor is pleased to refer.
That this could never suit our Province at any Period since the Emission of our Bills of Credit, must be very apparent to the Governor himself, and is most clearly demonstrable from the Dates of the Address of the House of Commons, and additional Instruction, with the Report of the Board of Trade, and Royal Assent to the Act for emitting the largest Sum of Bills of Credit that had ever been current amongst us.
The Address of the House of Commons we find to be on the 25th of April, 1740, the additional Instruction on the 21st of August following, founded upon that Address; and about the same Time, to wit, on the 16th Day of April, 1740, the Lords of Trade upon the Act for the more effectual preserving the Credit of our Paper Money, &c. and the Act for reprinting, exchanging and re-emitting all the Bills of Credit, and for striking the further Sum of Eleven Thousand One Hundred and Ten Pounds Five Shillings, &c. report, “That as these Acts relate to Paper Money, they took the Sense of the Merchants trading to that Province upon them, who were of Opinion, that they were not only reasonable, but likewise necessary for carrying on the Commerce of that Country;” and in Pursuance of that Report, on the 12th Day of May, 1740, the King was graciously pleased to confirm those Acts in a full Council.
If then the Governor will be pleased to compare the Dates of the Report of the Board of Trade with the Address of the House of Commons, the Confirmation of our Paper Money Acts, and the Lords Justices Instruction, we make no Doubt he must be sensible, that Bills of Credit, emitted in Virtue of Laws, reported to be not only reasonable, but the Sum itself so emitted necessary, for carrying on the Commerce of the Country, cannot possibly agree with Bills of Credit illegally issued, by Means whereof the Trade of Great-Britain is discouraged, Confusion in Dealings introduced, and all Credit lessened; and in Consequence the Instruction, or the Address of the House of Commons, could not possibly suit the Circumstances of this Province at that Time.
To evidence this more clearly, if that can be, the Report of the Board of Trade to the House of Commons the Twenty-first of January, 1740, sets forth, that in Pursuance of the Address abovementioned, on the Twenty-fifth of April preceding, his Majesty had been pleased to direct them to prepare, in order to lay before the then Sessions of Parliament, an Account of the Tenor and Amount of the Bills of Credit which had been issued in the several British Colonies, &c. Whereupon they did immediately send circular Letters to all the Governors of his Majesty’s Plantations in America, reciting the said Address, and directing them forthwith to prepare and transmit the several Accounts therein required, as by a Copy of one of the said circular Letters, which they had thereunto annexed, would more fully appear; from whence it is unquestionably clear, that the Lords of Trade formed one circular Letter to be sent thro’ all the Colonies however differently circumstanced; and this nearly in the Terms both of the Instruction of the Lords Justices, and of the Address of that Honourable House, on the 25th of April preceding; altho’ at the same Time they acknowledge, that being destitute of proper Information, it could not be expected they should be able to lay before the House an adequate Remedy for the Evils complained of, and the rather because the Circumstances of the several Provinces being various and very different, each Province might require a distinct Consideration. But they proceed to say, being desirous as far as in them lay, to comply with the Intentions of the House, they would humbly propose that his Majesty would be graciously pleased to repeat his Orders to his Governors of the Plantations, not to give their Assent for the future to any Bill or Bills, for the Issuing or re-issuing of Paper-money in any of their respective Governments, without a Clause be inserted in such Act, declaring that the same shall not take Effect, until the said Act shall be approved by his Majesty; and then add, “We hope these Propositions for reducing and discharging the Paper-currency in the Plantations, may have a good Effect in those Governments which are held by immediate Commission under his Majesty, but we are very doubtful whether they will produce the like Effect in the Charter Governments, who do apprehend themselves, by their particular Charters and Constitutions, to be very little dependant upon the Crown, and for that Reason seldom pay that Obedience to his Majesty’s Orders, which might reasonably be expected from them.”
That the Board of Trade should consider and report this to the House of Commons, as a doubtful Expedient; that a Bill to enforce the Orders and Instructions of the Crown in America, should have been since repeatedly brought into the House, and tho’ supported by Members of great Weight and Influence, at length rejected by the Justice of a British Parliament; that the Governor himself should have represented this very Bill to the Assembly of this Province as a Bill, he took for granted, they were all sensible to be of a mischievous Tendency, and would give their Agent full Instructions to oppose, should it become necessary; that the Honourable Proprietaries had laboured indefatigably, and with Success, to avert the Mischiefs threatened this Province from the Passing of that Bill, and had it in Command from them to assure that Assembly of their Assistance upon all future Occasions, wherein the Welfare and Happiness of the People of this Province might be concerned; that this should be so in the Year 1749, and nevertheless that the Governor should be now pleased, without any apparent Necessity, to contend for the proposed Amendment, we own we are at a Loss to understand.
That the Instruction was designed as a temporary Expedient, we think will appear from the Report of the Board of Trade, on the Twenty-first of January, 1740, abovementioned, five Months after the Date of the additional Instruction from the Lords Justices; at which Time that Board had not received Returns in Answer to their circular Letters, from any of his Majesty’s Governors, on that Subject, except only from the Lieutenant-Governor of New-York; in this Uncertainty, destitute, as they report, of proper Information, they propose that his Majesty would be pleased to repeat his Orders to his Governors of Plantations, not to give their Assent to any Paper-money Bills for the future, without the Clause as above; but notwithstanding this was addressed to the House of Commons, at the next Sessions after the Date of the additional Instruction to Governor Thomas, which had taken its Rise from an Address of that Honourable House, in their preceding Sessions, we cannot learn, and have good Reason to believe the Crown has never been pleased to repeat those Orders, at least to the Governors of this Province.
That the Ends proposed by that additional Instruction have been answered by the full Examination of all the States of Bills of Credit in the American Plantations by the Parliament, and an Act in Pursuance of that Enquiry, passed in the Year 1751, appears clear to us from the Report of our Committee; and that, since the Passing of that Act, we are left in the full Possession of our Rights, in regard to a Paper Currency, we doubt not the Governor will concur with the Sentiments of this House.
The Governor, long since the Date of that Instruction, has received a Commission from our Proprietaries, with the Approbation of the Crown, and we hope and presume, he is at full Liberty to pass all our Acts upon the Terms granted us by the Royal and Provincial Charters; and as the additional Instruction, upon which the Governor has been pleased to ground his Amendment proposed to our Bill, appears long since to have answered the Ends proposed, we hope the Governor will think that neither himself or the Freemen of this Province, are at this Time at all concerned therein, and will not put us under the disagreeable Necessity of examining the Validity of that Instruction; but that he will be now pleased to comply with the general Voice of the People, and the repeated unanimous Applications of their Representatives, in granting them, and the Trade of this Province, this seasonable Relief, by giving his Assent to the Bill as it now stands.


Title: Pennsylvania Assembly Committee: Report on the Governor’s Message, 11 September 1753
From: Pennsylvania Assembly Committee
To:

On September 7 Governor Hamilton returned to the Assembly the Bill for Striking Twenty Thousand Pounds, with a long message rebutting the arguments the House had raised in its reply of September 5 (see above, p. 29). In particular, he pointed out that in 1746 the Assembly had not objected in principle to the instruction requiring a suspending clause in bills for issuing paper currency, but had persuaded Governor Thomas to approve a currency measure simply as a wartime emergency. Hamilton still insisted on the suspending clause in the pending bill. Upon hearing his message read, the House voted unanimously not to add the clause and appointed a committee to prepare a report on the message, consisting of Evan Morgan, Joshua Morris, Franklin, Hugh Roberts, Mahlon Kirkbride, Richard Walker, George Ashbridge, James Wright, John Wright, David McConnaughy, John Armstrong, Moses Starr, and James Burnside. They presented it on September 11, the last day of the session; it was unanimously approved and recommended to the consideration of the next Assembly.

[September 11, 1753]
As the Governor has been pleased to return the Bill for striking Twenty Thousand Pounds, to be made current, and emitted on Loan, and for re-emitting and continuing the Currency of the Bills of Credit of this Province, in a Manner which denies any further Access to him on that Head, except on the Alternative of accepting the additional Clause proposed to be added to that Bill; and as that Clause, upon the Vote of the House, has been unanimously rejected, we have now no other Method to secure ourselves from future Insinuations of being unfaithful to the high Trust reposed in us by our Constituents, but by leaving our Sentiments of the Governor’s Amendment, and Message, on our Minutes, in the clearest Manner we are able.
In Obedience therefore to the Orders of the House, we have considered the Governor’s Message of the seventh Instant, sent down with the Bill, and have likewise re-considered the Votes of this House, to which the Governor is pleased to refer, as a Proof that the Governor and Assembly in the Year 1746 thought the Lords Justices additional Instruction, upon which the said Clause is founded, was neither illegal or temporary, or destructive of the Liberties granted to the People of this Province.
The Governor is pleased to say, it appears to him the then Assembly have clearly admitted the Validity of that Instruction, in ordinary Cases, and that they only hoped the Governor on reconsidering the Royal Instruction, might think himself at Liberty to give his Assent to a Bill for a further Sum of Money in Bills of Credit, when any extraordinary Emergency required it. And yet, notwithstanding the Governor’s private Sentiments, it appears clear to us, that both the then Governor, and the House too, agreed in the essential Point, that the additional Instruction of the Lords Justices was not binding upon either of them; for it is beyond all Contradiction, that altho’ Governor Thomas had sent down that Instruction to a former Assembly, and had again mentioned it at that Time, yet he gave his Assent to the Bill for granting Five Thousand Pounds for the King’s Use, and the Money was raised, as we apprehend, in direct Opposition to the Instruction, which expresly enjoins the Governor, “and he is thereby required, upon Pain of his Majesty’s highest Displeasure, not to give his Assent to, or pass any Act whereby Bills of Credit may be issued in Lieu of Money, without a Clause be inserted in such Act, declaring that the same shall not take Effect until the said Act shall be approved by his Majesty, his Heirs or Successors;” without the least Distinction between ordinary and extraordinary Cases; and if the Assembly made use of those Distinctions to induce the Governor to think himself at Liberty to pass that Bill, and in Effect did convince him that the Instruction was not to be submitted to upon its own Terms, we must own he had a greater Regard to the Sentiments of that Assembly, than we have any Reason to believe our Governor has to the repeated Requests of this House. And we have no Reason to doubt, if we could prevail upon our Governor to give his Assent to our Paper-money Bill, this House would as readily assure him, they hoped he might think himself at Liberty to pass that Bill, and all other Bills presented to him by the Representatives of the Freemen of this Province, not only upon extraordinary Emergencies, but in all ordinary Cases too, without the least Apprehensions of his Majesty’s Displeasure, so far as those Laws were consistent with the Royal Charter.
The Governor proceeds, “That there has not been an Instance of passing any Law in this Province under the Restrictions contained in the Amendment, may be very true; but he cannot think any Thing further can be inferred from thence, than that no such Instruction was ever sent to the Governors of this Province before the Year 1740, otherwise it is reasonable to conclude they would have paid the same dutiful Obedience to it, as was done by your late Governor.” Your Committee are at some Loss upon this Paragraph, whether they ought to produce other and older Instructions than the Year 1740, lest the Governor should think himself obliged to pay a strict Obedience to these also; but as they are already printed in your Votes, which must now soon appear, and the House probably will not order them to be erased, we shall only say, that there was an additional Instruction by the Lords Justices to Governor Keith, dated the 23d of July, 1723, without any Limitation of Time (and we do not think it necessary to search for any more of them) the Original of which we presume must be in the Governor’s Possession, commanding him, among other Matters, in these Words, “You are to take Care, that for the future you do not pass any private Act, without a Clause inserted therein, suspending the Execution of such Act, until his Majesty’s Royal Approbation shall be had thereof;” which notwithstanding the Governor neither does, and we hope never will think himself obliged to observe.

Having now taken it for granted the Instruction was allowed by the Governor and Assembly to be valid, without Limitation of Time in the Year 1746, the Governor is pleased to say, “Why then an Instruction allowed to be in Force in 1746, and still unrevoked, should be deemed to be of no Effect, tho’ the State of our Paper Currency has not suffered the least Alteration since that Time, is what he cannot comprehend.”
It is our Misfortune that the Governor has been pleased to keep our Bill, the only Bill of this Year, to this our last Session, without the least Intimation that he apprehended himself at all concerned or bound by an additional Instruction to Governor Thomas, in the Year 1740, and now so suddenly to foreclose us from any further Messages or Conferences on a Bill of so much Importance; otherwise we cannot doubt he must have been made sensible, that the State of our Paper-Currency (and our Trade too) has suffered a very considerable Alteration within the Period the Governor is pleased to mention.
That the States of all the Paper-Currencies in America at, and since, that Time, under a parliamentary Enquiry, have been since carefully examined by the House of Commons, appears by their Votes; and that the Sum current among us has likewise suffered an Alteration, and a Diminution, is consistent with our own Knowledge, who have now sunk One Thousand Pounds, besides the Fifteen Hundred Pounds sunk by former Assemblies, in Discharge of so much of the Five Thousand Pounds granted to the King’s Use by the very Act to which the Governor refers.
But the Governor, unhappily for us, “is sincerely of Opinion, that the Royal Instruction is of the same Force at present as it was in the Year 1746; and that he cannot bring himself to think that he can ever be freed from the Obligation of paying a strict Obedience to it, until the same shall be revoked, or that he may be otherwise discharged from it by his Majesty’s Authority.” Unfortunate Pennsylvania, under such Sentiments! If the King should judge all the Purposes of that Instruction answered, upon passing the Paper-money Act, laid before him by his Parliament in 1751, we must nevertheless for ever continue under the Burden of it, without Redress: And if we should suppose the Governor is restricted by the Proprietaries from giving his Assent to the Emission of any further Sum in Bills of Credit, as we have very little Reason to doubt, if then the Proprietaries should be pleased to withdraw that Restriction, and leave him at Liberty to pass all our Acts upon the Terms granted us by our Charters, what will this avail, if the Governor continues to think he can never be freed from the Obligation of paying a strict Obedience to this additional Instruction?
Under these Circumstances how must the Proprietaries, or Free-men of this Province, conduct themselves to the Satisfaction of the Governor, in order to be once more restored to the Rights granted to the Proprietaries and People of this Province by the Royal and Provincial Charters? That the Proprietaries may have some Influence over him, is not improbable; but how far the good People, or their Representatives, may expect to have any, on this, or any other Occasion, we fear is too evident.
The Governor is pleased to say, in Answer to our Message of the 5th Instant, upon the mischievous Tendency of the Bill brought into Parliament in 1749, “That he is still of the same Opinion with regard to that Bill, but thinks a moderate Share of Penetration is sufficient to distinguish between an Act to enforce all Orders and Instructions of the Crown of whatever Nature, and a Royal Instruction, founded on an Address of the Parliament, that only relates to one particular Point, in which his Majesty’s Prerogative may be supposed to be concerned, and besides is plainly calculated to do Justice between Man and Man; and we must certainly allow him to be Judge of the Necessity he is under of paying Obedience to the King’s Instruction, when a Disregard of it is threatened with his Majesty’s highest Displeasure.”
Upon which your Committee beg Leave to remark: They apprehend all Royal Orders and Instructions subject the Governors to whom they are directed, and their Successors too, as the Governor is pleased to inform us, to the Royal Displeasure, unless such Instructions are revoked by his Majesty’s Authority; and yet we cannot find that Governor Keith, to whom it was directed, or Governor Gordon, his Successor, or Governor Thomas, or our present Governor, have ever thought themselves under any Danger of incurring his Majesty’s Displeasure for a total Neglect, and direct Disobedience to the additional Instruction of the Lords Justices in 1723, the Original of which we make no Doubt, as well as of the Instruction of 1740, is in the Governor’s Possession; and the Substance of both we know to be printed with the Minutes of our House; “Why then an Instruction, allowed to be in Force in 1723, and still unrevoked, should be of no Effect,” and an additional Instruction of the Lords Justices in 1740, possibly revoked by the Conduct of the succeeding Sessions of the same Parliament, upon whose Address to his Majesty that Instruction was founded, should be so strictly binding, “is what we cannot apprehend.”
But the Governor is pleased to say, “We must certainly allow him to be Judge of the Necessity he is under of paying Obedience to the King’s Instruction, when a Disregard of it is threatened with his Majesty’s highest Displeasure.”
If then the Governor, when he takes it for granted that we must certainly leave him to judge for himself in this Case, is intended to mean, “That he cannot bring himself to think that he can ever be freed from the Obligation of paying a strict Obedience to all Royal Instructions, until the same shall be revoked, or that he may be otherwise discharged from them by his Majesty’s Authority;” why then has he so totally disregarded the Lords Justices additional Instruction of 1723?
Or if the Governor means, we must certainly leave him to judge of the Necessity of remembering or not remembering the Royal Instructions, as the one or the other may suit the Purposes of the Governor, to whom they are directed, or such of his Successors as may claim a Protection under them; How is this to be reconciled with the great Regard the Governor is pleased to declare he has to the Liberties and Privileges of the People?
Again, if he means Royal Instructions, if unknown to him, tho’ possessed of the Originals, are not binding, and cannot be attended with any Danger of his Majesty’s Displeasure, Why had he not been pleased to forget the Instruction of 1740, as well as the Instruction of 1723, since there appears no greater Danger, as far as we know, from a Disregard of the one than of the other?
But if the Liberty the Governor contends for can mean that we must allow him to judge for himself, how far he may or may not obey such Royal Instructions, at his own Risque (as his Majesty’s highest Displeasure is threatened against him particularly) and at his own Pleasure too, then we must own we are at a Loss to distinguish any great Difference between the mischievous Tendency of an Act to enforce all Orders and Instructions of the Crown whatever, and the Necessity the Governor is pleased to think we are under to allow him the Power of inforcing them whenever he shall think fit; with this Preference however, that we would far rather chuse to submit ourselves, and our Cause, to the King, and the Justice of a British Parliament, that to the meer Will of our Governor, whether to inforce or disregard them, however they may have answered their Ends, or otherwise abated of their Force. And in the present Case, we hope the Governor, on Reflection, will pay some Regard to the Judgment of the same Parliament, from which the Address to the Crown had been preferred to issue this additional Instruction, who, altho’ requested in their next Session, by the Board of Trade, to address the Crown again, that he would be pleased to repeat his Instructions to the Governors in his American Colonies, have not only never complied therewith, that we know of, but have since passed an Act for restraining the Issuing the Bills of Credit in those particular Colonies, where, after a full Enquiry, they found such Emissions injurious to the Trade of Great-Britain, or not calculated to do Justice between Man and Man, and have left us, as we presume, exonerated from the Burden of this additional Instruction, and in full Power over our Laws, upon the Terms of our Charters; and so long as we ask nothing farther than is warranted by these, we hope it neither will nor can interfere with the Royal Prerogatives.
It may be presumed the Representatives of this Province, when met in their Assemblies, have some valuable Privileges yet left, in framing their Laws, to do Justice between Man and Man, without the Aid of an additional Instruction; and we hope it cannot be expected that we should very easily part with those Rights, and depend on Royal Instructions, over which we are to allow the Governor the Power he is pleased to contend for; and we have no Reason to doubt, all Men of Understanding and Candour will prefer a regular Course of Laws, occasionally suited to the Times, and framed by the Representatives of the People annually chosen, and assented to by their Governor, to a Series of Instructions sent for that Purpose from so great a Distance.
For our own Part, we are fully satisfied and assured, that so long as we continue in our Duty and Loyalty to the best of Kings, who has been pleased to declare, “That nothing in this World can give him so much Pleasure as to see (his Subjects) a flourishing and happy People;” and neither claim nor desire other or greater Privileges than those we have a Right to, under the Grant of his Royal Predecessors, we can have nothing to fear from the King or a British Parliament: And as it is our Duty to defend these in the best Manner we are able, in the faithful Discharge of so high a Trust we shall have the Satisfaction of our own Minds, and, we hope, the Countenance of all good Men, notwithstanding the Governor’s Opinion, that the Charge made against this Province (among other Charter Provinces) by the Board of Trade, is not much to our Advantage.
Upon the Whole, your Committee beg Leave to add, they apprehend it must be not only a Loss of Time to the Representatives, but a great Expence to the Country, to prepare Bills for the Governor’s Assent, if he should be bound by private Instructions from our Proprietaries, and “should not be able to bring himself to think he could ever be freed from the Obligation of paying a strict Obedience to these Instructions until the same should be revoked.” That there are such Obligations or Instructions which may possibly have some Weight in the present Dispute, as well as the additional Instruction of 1740, your Committee have good Reason to believe: In Order therefore to do Justice to our Governor, as well as our Constituents, and to save all unnecessary Expence, and Loss of Time to both, we submit to the Consideration of the House, how far they may judge it necessary to recommend this Enquiry to the succeeding Assembly. Submitted to the Correction of the House, by

Evan Morgan,
James Wright,

Joshua Morris,
John Wright,

Benj. Franklin,
John Armstrong,

Hugh Roberts,
Moses Starr,

Mahlon Kirkbride,
James Burnside.

George Ashbridge,