Title: [Diary entry: 3 July 1791]
From: Washington, George
To:

Sunday 3d. Received, and answered an address from the Inhabitants of York town—& there being no Episcopal Minister present in the place, I went to hear morning Service performed in the Dutch reformed Church—which, being in that language not a word of which I understood I was in no danger of becoming a proselyte to its religion by the eloquence of the Preacher. After Service, accompanied by Colo. Hartley & half a dozen other Gentlemen, I set off for Lancaster. Dined at Wrights Ferry where I was met by Genl. Hand & many of the principal characters of Lancaster & escorted to the town by them, arriving abt. 6 oclock. The Country from York to Lancaster is very fine, thick settled, and well cultivated. About the ferry they are extremely rich.

The river Susquehannah at this place is more than a mile wide and some pretty views on the banks of it.


Title: [Diary entry: 4 July 1791]
From: Washington, George
To:

Monday 4th. This being the Anniversary of American Independence and being kindly requested to do it, I agreed to halt here this day and partake of the entertainment which was preparing for the celebration of it. In the fore noon I walked about the town. At half passed 2 oclock I received, and answered an address from the Corporation and the complimts. of the Clergy of different denominations. Dined between 3 & 4 Oclock. Drank Tea with Mrs. Hand about


Title: [July 1791]
From: Washington, George
To:

Friday July 1st. Received an Address from the Inhabitants of Frederick town and about 7 Oclock left it. Dined at one Cookerlys 13 Miles off & lodged at Tawny town only 12 Miles farther—being detained at the first stage by rain and to answer the address wch. had been presented to me in the Morning. Tawny town is but a small place with only the Street through wch. the road passes, built on. The buildings are principally of wood. Between Cookerly’s & this place we crossed the little & great Pipe Cks.—branches of Monocasy. The latter (about half way betwn. them) is a considerable stream and from its appearance capable of Navigation. The lands over wch. we travelled this day are remarkably fine—but, as was observed yesterday the fields were thinly covered with grain—owing, as I conceive, to the cause already mentioned. The farm houses are good mostly of Stone and the settlers compact with good Barns & meadows appertaining to them.

   The address of the Frederick inhabitants and a copy of GW’s answer are in DLC:GW. Cookerly’s tavern, located at the site of present-day New Midway, Md., may have been operated by Jacob or John Cookerly of Frederick County, Md. (HOWARD & SHRIVERJ. Spence Howard and J. Alexis Shriver. “Routes Traveled by George Washington in Maryland.” [Baltimore], c.1932. Map., map; HEADS OF FAMILIES, MD.Heads of Families at the First Census of the United States Taken in the Year 1790: Maryland. 1907. Reprint. Baltimore, 1965., 59, 61). Taneytown, Md., was founded about 1740.

   “to me” added above line.

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Saturday 2d. Set out a little after 4 Oclock and in abt. 6 Miles crossed the line wch. divides the States of Maryland & Pennsylvania— the Trees on wch. are so grown up tht. I could not perceive the opening though I kept a lookout for it. 9 Miles from Tawny town, Littles town is past, they are of similar appe.

but the latter is more insignificant than the former. Seven Miles farther we came to Hanover (commonly called McAlisters town) a very pretty village with a number of good brick Houses & Mechanics in it. At this place, in a good Inn, we breakfasted and in 18 Miles more reached York Town where we dined and lodged.
The Country from Tawny Town to York town is exceedingly pleasant thickly inhabited and well improvd. The dwelling Houses, Barns & meadows being good. After dinner in company with Colo. Hartley & other Gentlemen I walked through the principal Streets of the Town and drank Tea at Col. Hartleys. The Ct. Ho. was illuminated.

   Littlestown, Pa., was founded in 1765 by the German settler Peter Klein; Hanover, Pa., was founded about 1763 by Richard McAllister (McCalester; 1725-1795), a Scotch-Irish innkeeper and militia colonel who served with the army in the Flying Camp.

   GW arrived at York about 2:00 P.M. and lodged at Baltzer Spangler’s tavern on Market Street. He was greeted by the ringing of bells and a salute from the Independent Light Infantry Company commanded by Capt. George Hay. “In the evening,” reported one citizen, “there was a general illumination, and in the court house in each pane was set a light” (jordan, 46–48).

   “with” deleted.

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   “Town” added at end of line.

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Sunday 3d. Received, and answered an address from the Inhabitants of York town—& there being no Episcopal Minister present in the place, I went to hear morning Service performed in the Dutch reformed Church—which, being in that language not a word of which I understood I was in no danger of becoming a proselyte to its religion by the eloquence of the Preacher.
After Service, accompanied by Colo. Hartley & half a dozen other Gentlemen, I set off for Lancaster. Dined at Wrights Ferry where I was met by Genl. Hand & many of the principal characters of Lancaster & escorted to the town by them, arriving abt. 6 oclock.
The Country from York to Lancaster is very fine, thick settled, and well cultivated. About the ferry they are extremely rich.

The river Susquehannah at this place is more than a mile wide and some pretty views on the banks of it.

   The address from the citizens of York and a copy of GW’s reply are in DLC:GW. The church service was at the German Reformed Church on Market Street that burned six years later (jordan, 47).

   Wright’s ferry, established by the Quaker settler John Wright after his arrival in 1726, crossed the Susquehanna River to Columbia, Pa., the town laid off by his grandson Samuel Wright in 1788. This area was one of several proposed in 1789 as the site of the new national capital (ESPENSHADEA. Howry Espenshade. Pennsylvania Place Names. State College, Pa., 1925., 42, 210–11).

   Edward Hand (1744–1802), physician, politician, and former major general in the Continental service, was appointed an inspector of revenue earlier this year by GW (Hand to GW, 18 April 1791, DNA: RG 59, Misc. Letters).

   The time of GW’s arrival in Lancaster, according to one of the town’s residents, was 6:30 P.M. “The colors,” she reported, “were fixed in the cupola of the Court House, and all the Bells rung at his entrance” (LANDIS [2]Charles I. Landis. “Jasper Yeates and His Times.” Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 46 (1922): 199–231., 222).

   “present” inserted above line.

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   “that language” substituted for “Dutch ⟨illegible⟩.”

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   “in general” deleted.

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   “the banks of” added above line.

Monday 4th. This being the Anniversary of American Independence and being kindly requested to do it, I agreed to halt here this day and partake of the entertainment which was preparing for the celebration of it. In the fore noon I walked about the town. At half passed 2 oclock I received, and answered an address from the Corporation and the complimts. of the Clergy of different denominations. Dined between 3 & 4 Oclock. Drank Tea with Mrs. Hand about

   “This morning before day the cannon was fired, the drums beat and fifes played” (LANDIS [2]Charles I. Landis. “Jasper Yeates and His Times.” Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 46 (1922): 199–231., 222). The address from the inhabitants of Lancaster is in DLC:GW, and GW’s answer is in PHi: William Smith Papers. A copy of the reply can also be found in DLC:GW. The dinner was held in the Lancaster County courthouse. The tea given by Catharine Ewing Hand (d. 1805) was apparently attended by a number of the town’s ladies (LANDIS [2]Charles I. Landis. “Jasper Yeates and His Times.” Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 46 (1922): 199–231., 222).

   With this entry GW’s account of his southern tour ends. He returned to Philadelphia on 6 July 1791, his approach being announced as it had been so often during the past weeks “by the firing of cannon, and the ringing of bells” (Dunlap’s American Daily Adv. [Philadelphia], 7 July 1791).

   “about” substituted for “down.”

   “received” deleted.


Title: Editorial Note
From:
To:

Editorial Note. GW’s brief journal for 30 Sept.—20 Oct. 1794 records his journey from Philadelphia to western Pennsylvania with the militia raised to suppress the so-called Whiskey Insurrection that erupted in the fall of 1794 in the Pennsylvania counties of Westmoreland, Fayette, Washington, and Allegheny. The Excise Act, passed by Congress 3 Mar. 1791, had imposed substantial duties on domestically distilled spirits and provided an elaborate system for efficient collection.

   “An Act repealing, after the last day of June next, the duties heretofore laid upon Distilled Spirits imported from abroad, and laying others in their stead; and also upon Spirits distilled within the United States, and for appropriating the same” (1 STAT.Richard Peters, ed. The Public Statutes at Large of the United States of America, from the Organization of the Government in 1789, to March 3, 1845 . . .. 8 vols. Boston, 1845-67. 199–214 [3 Mar. 1791]). Two additional acts, passed in 1792 and 1794, supplemented the original Excise Act: “An Act concerning the Duties on Spirits distilled within the United States” (1 STAT.Richard Peters, ed. The Public Statutes at Large of the United States of America, from the Organization of the Government in 1789, to March 3, 1845 . . .. 8 vols. Boston, 1845-67. 267–71 [8 May 1792]); and “An Act making further provision for securing and collecting the Duties on foreign and domestic distilled Spirits, Stills, Wines and Teas” (1 STAT.Richard Peters, ed. The Public Statutes at Large of the United States of America, from the Organization of the Government in 1789, to March 3, 1845 . . .. 8 vols. Boston, 1845-67. 378–81 [5 June 1794]).

 Under the law the United States was divided into fourteen districts or surveys, each under a supervisor of the revenue. Inspectors were to be appointed for each district to serve under the supervisor and an elaborate system of penalties and forfeitures was devised to deal with infractions of the law. Considered as a necessary revenue measure by the Federalists, the legislation did not have an easy passage through Congress. Such antiadministration congressmen as Josiah Parker maintained that the excise would “convulse the Government; it will let loose a swarm of harpies, who, under the denomination of revenue officers, will range through the country, prying into every man’s house and affairs, and like a Macedonian phalanx bear down all before them.” In Sen. William Maclay’s view the measure was “the most execrable system that ever was framed against the liberty of a people. . . . War and bloodshed are the most likely consequence of all this.”

   Annals of CongressJoseph Gales, Sr., comp. The Debates and Proceedings in the Congress of the United States; with an Appendix, Containing Important State Papers and Public Documents, and All the Laws of a Public Nature. 42 vols. Washington, D.C., 1834–56., 1st Cong., 3d sess., 1891–92; MACLAYCharles A. Beard, ed. The Journal of William Maclay: United States Senator from Pennsylvania, 1789–1791. 1927. Reprint. New York, 1965., 375–76, 377.

 Public opposition to the collection of the excise was evident before 1794. Popular enough with affluent easterners, the laws

evoked only sullen compliance in western counties of the southern and middle states where small distilleries abounded and there were large numbers of individually operated stills. Already disenchanted with the course of events under the new government—the drain of specie to the east, an Indian policy considered ineffectual by frontier areas, the operation of the militia laws, failure to open the Mississippi to western trade—westerners made the excise law the focus for dissatisfaction. Sporadic outbreaks of opposition in 1792 prompted GW to issue a proclamation, 15 Sept. 1792, condemning activities that tended “to obstruct the operation of the laws of the United States for raising a revenue upon spirits distilled within the same.”

   The proclamation appeared in the National Gazette, 29 Sept. 1792. For opposition to the excise before the summer of 1794, see Hamilton to GW, 5 Aug. 1794, DLC: Hamilton Papers; FINDLEYWilliam Findley. History of the Insurrection, in the Four Western Counties of Pennsylvania: In the Year M.DCC.XCIV. With a Recital of the Circumstances Specially Connected Therewith: and an Historical Review of the Previous Situation of the Country. Philadelphia, 1796.; BALDWIN [3]Leland D. Baldwin. Whiskey Rebels: The Story of a Frontier Uprising. 1939. Rev. Ed., Pittsburgh, 1968., 76–104; HAMILTON [2]Harold C. Syrett et al., eds. The Papers of Alexander Hamilton. 27 vols. New York, 1961–87., 12:305–10, 311–13, 330–33, 336–42, 344–47. On 24 Feb. 1794 GW issued another proclamation offering a reward for the apprehension of members of a band of armed men who had attacked the collector for Westmoreland and Fayette counties (Pittsburgh Gaz., 22 Mar. 1794).

 Over the next two years opposition continued to grow, with much of the agitation centered in the four western counties of Pennsylvania—Washington, Westmoreland, Fayette, and Allegheny—constituting the state’s federal Survey No. 4. Beginning peacefully enough with petitions and memorials requesting repeal, in July 1794 the situation suddenly erupted into violence. The immediate cause of the outbreak was the attempt by federal revenue officers to serve processes issued by the United States District Court at Philadelphia against distillers who had not registered the previous year. One of the provisions of the excise law which westerners found most obnoxious was the requirement that such cases be tried in a district court, usually held at a considerable distance from the residence of the accused. Although legislation was pending to remedy the situation, United States Marshal David Lenox was sent to western Pennsylvania to serve the processes under the original law. He presented the documents without incident in Fayette, Cumberland, and Bedford counties, but in Westmoreland on 15 July 1794 while he was accompanied on his rounds by Col. John Nevill, inspector of the revenue for Survey No. 4, he met armed opposition. Quickly serving as many of his processes as possible, he retreated to Pittsburgh. Somewhat later in the day, Nevill’s house on Bower Hill was attacked by

   a group of armed men and Nevill appealed for state militia to put down the rioters. On 17 July the house was again attacked and this time burned.

   For the attacks on Bower Hill, see BALDWIN [3]Leland D. Baldwin. Whiskey Rebels: The Story of a Frontier Uprising. 1939. Rev. Ed., Pittsburgh, 1968., 110–28; Hamilton to GW, 5 Aug. 1794, DLC: Hamilton Papers; FINDLEYWilliam Findley. History of the Insurrection, in the Four Western Counties of Pennsylvania: In the Year M.DCC.XCIV. With a Recital of the Circumstances Specially Connected Therewith: and an Historical Review of the Previous Situation of the Country. Philadelphia, 1796., 84–91.

 Word of the violence quickly reached Philadelphia, and on 2 Aug. GW and members of the cabinet met with Gov. Thomas Mifflin and state officials Jared Ingersoll, attorney general, Thomas McKean, chief justice, and Alexander Dallas, secretary of the commonwealth, to consider whether the situation warranted calling out the Pennsylvania militia—a step the state officials plainly opposed.

   Pa. ArchivesSamuel Hazard et al., eds. Pennsylvania Archives. 9 ser., 138 vols. Philadelphia and Harrisburg, 1852–1949., 2d ser., 4:122–24. Probably the best account of the progress of the insurrection to the beginning of August is Hamilton’s lengthy and detailed description of events in his letter to GW of 5 Aug. 1794, DLC: Hamilton Papers. The letter was printed in Dunlap and Claypoole’s American Daily Advertiser [Philadelphia], 21 Aug. 1794.

 According to an account by Secretary of State Edmund Randolph, the cabinet advised GW to present information on the violence in Westmoreland to one of the associate justices of the Supreme Court or to the district judge of Pennsylvania. “This step was urged by the necessity of understanding without delay all the means, vested in the President for suppressing the progress of the mischief. A caution, however, was prescribed to the attorney-general, who submitted the documents to the judge; not to express to him the most distant wish in the President, that the certificate should be granted.” GW decided the documents should be presented to Associate Justice James Wilson. Hamilton advised that if Wilson issued the required certificate, “it will follow that a competent force of Militia should be called forth and employed to suppress the insurrection and support the Civil Authority.” A “competent force” appeared to Hamilton to be 12,000 militia. Since Mifflin had stated in the 2 Aug. conference that Pennsylvania’s militia forces would be inadequate, Hamilton advised that New Jersey, Maryland, and Virginia also be requested to furnish troops. Associate Justice James Wilson issued the required certificate on 4 Aug. stating that the evidence laid before him indicated that “in the counties of Washington and Alleghany in Pennsylvania, Laws of the United States are opposed, and the Execution thereof obstructed by Combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary

Course of judicial Proceedings, or by the Powers vested in the Marshal of that District.”

   Randolph to GW, 5 Aug. 1794, and Hamilton to GW, 2 Aug. 1794, DLC:GW; Wilson to GW, 4 Aug. 1794, DNA: RG 46, President’s Messages. Wilson was consulted in compliance with Section 2 of “An Act to provide for calling forth the Militia to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions” (1 STAT.Richard Peters, ed. The Public Statutes at Large of the United States of America, from the Organization of the Government in 1789, to March 3, 1845 . . .. 8 vols. Boston, 1845-67. 264–65 [2 May 1792]). This section provided “that whenever the laws of the United States shall be opposed, or the execution thereof obstructed, in any state, by combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, or by the powers vested in the marshals by this act, the same being notified to the President of the United States, by an associate justice or the district judge, it shall be lawful for the President of the United States to call forth the militia of such state to suppress such combinations, and to cause the laws to be duly executed.” See also Randolph to GW, 5 Aug. 1794, DLC:GW.

 On 7 Aug. GW issued a proclamation recapitulating the events in Pennsylvania’s western counties and, citing as his authority the 2 May 1792 Militia Act, stated his determination “under the circumstances of the case, to take measures for calling forth the Militia . . . and I have accordingly determined to do so, feeling the deepest regret for the occasion, but withal, the most solemn conviction, that the essential interests of the Union demand it.” All persons “being insurgents, as aforesaid,” were commanded “on or before the first day of September next, to disperse and retire peaceably to their respective abodes.”

   Pa. ArchivesSamuel Hazard et al., eds. Pennsylvania Archives. 9 ser., 138 vols. Philadelphia and Harrisburg, 1852–1949., 2d ser., 4:105–8.

 Gov. Thomas Mifflin issued a similar proclamation on the same day, promising full support of the state government, and Henry Knox sent a circular letter, also dated 7 Aug., to the governors of Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Maryland, and Virginia, requesting those states to supply a total of 12,950 militia.

   Pa. ArchivesSamuel Hazard et al., eds. Pennsylvania Archives. 9 ser., 138 vols. Philadelphia and Harrisburg, 1852–1949., 2d ser., 4:104–5, 108–10.

 In a final effort to restore order, GW appointed three federal commissioners to meet with the insurgents—Atty. Gen. William Bradford, Federalist Sen. James Ross of Washington County, and Jasper Yeates, associate justice of the Pennsylvania Supreme Court.

   Copies of Edmund Randolph’s instructions to the commissioners, 8 Aug. 1794, are in DLC: Pa. Miscellany, Whiskey Rebellion. See also ASP, Miscellaneous,Walter Lowrie et al., eds. American State Papers. Documents, Legislative and Executive, of the Congress of the United States. 38 vols. Washington, D.C., Gales and Seaton, 1832–61. 1:86–87; Pa. ArchivesSamuel Hazard et al., eds. Pennsylvania Archives. 9 ser., 138 vols. Philadelphia and Harrisburg, 1852–1949., 2d ser., 4:116–18. A similar state commission, appointed by Mifflin, consisted of Thomas McKean and William Irvine.

 On 21–23 Aug. the commissioners met at Pittsburgh with a committee of conference representing the western Pennsylvania

   counties, followed by a second meeting 1–2 Sept., and received some assurances that the committee would work toward restoring order. It was soon evident that the committee of conference’s conciliatory attitude was not shared by their constituents. During September the commissioners’ reports to Philadelphia grew more pessimistic.

   Pa. ArchivesSamuel Hazard et al., eds. Pennsylvania Archives. 9 ser., 138 vols. Philadelphia and Harrisburg, 1852–1949., 2d ser., 4:155–64, 168–77, 179, 180–82, 198–201. See also BRACKENRIDGE [2]Hugh H. Brackenridge. Incidents of the Insurrection in the Western Parts of Pennsylvania, In the Year 1794. Philadelphia, 1795., 100–107. The committee of conference was appointed by a meeting of delegates from Westmoreland, Fayette, Allegheny, Washington, and part of Bedford counties, Pa., and Ohio County, Va., on 14 Aug. at a meeting at Parkinson’s Ferry (Williamsport, now Monongahela) on the Monongahela River. The committee consisted of 15 members, including such prominent western Pennsylvania leaders as David Bradford, Albert Gallatin, and Hugh Henry Brackenridge.

 Incidents of violence increased, and it appeared that resistance was spreading to western Virginia and Maryland and even eastward in Pennsylvania.

   During August and September reports of local meetings, musters of local irregular troops, and addresses against the excise multiplied. Liberty poles, the favorite revolutionary device of the insurgents, appeared in western Pennsylvania townships. For accounts of the sporadic outbreaks of violence in Maryland and Virginia during these months, see the Gazette of the United States [Philadelphia], 3 Sept. 1794; GALLATINAlbert Gallatin. The Speech of Albert Gallatin, A Representative from the County of Fayette, in the House of Representatives of the General Assembly of Pennsylvania, on the Important Question Touching the Validity of the Elections Held in the Four Western Counties of the State, on the 14th day of October, 1794. With Notes and an Appendix, containing sundry Documents relative to the Western Insurrection. Philadelphia, 1795., 13; VSPWilliam P. Palmer et al., eds. Calendar of Virginia State Papers and Other Manuscripts. 11 vols. Richmond, 1875–93., 7:29, 267; Va. Gaz. [Richmond], 15, 29 Sept. 1794. On 23 July leading radicals held an inflammatory meeting at Mingo Creek Presbyterian Church (BALDWIN [3]Leland D. Baldwin. Whiskey Rebels: The Story of a Frontier Uprising. 1939. Rev. Ed., Pittsburgh, 1968., 129–37; FINDLEYWilliam Findley. History of the Insurrection, in the Four Western Counties of Pennsylvania: In the Year M.DCC.XCIV. With a Recital of the Circumstances Specially Connected Therewith: and an Historical Review of the Previous Situation of the Country. Philadelphia, 1796., 91–93). On 26 July the Pittsburgh-Philadelphia post was held up near Greensburg and letters from Pittsburgh residents condemning the insurrection were seized and retaliation carried out against the writers. At the end of July a muster was held on Braddock’s Field, 8 miles from Pittsburgh, at which 5,000 or 6,000 opponents of the excise gathered to listen to inflammatory speeches and engage in target practice (BALDWIN [3]Leland D. Baldwin. Whiskey Rebels: The Story of a Frontier Uprising. 1939. Rev. Ed., Pittsburgh, 1968., 141–55; FINDLEYWilliam Findley. History of the Insurrection, in the Four Western Counties of Pennsylvania: In the Year M.DCC.XCIV. With a Recital of the Circumstances Specially Connected Therewith: and an Historical Review of the Previous Situation of the Country. Philadelphia, 1796., 98–101). For an account of events from the Federalist point of view, see Hamilton to GW, 5 Aug. 1794, DLC: Hamilton Papers.

 On 24 Sept. after their return to Philadelphia the three federal commissioners submitted a detailed report on conditions in western Pennsylvania, reaching the ominous conclusion that “there is no probability that the acts for raising a revenue on distilled spirits and stills can at present be enforced by the usual course of civil authority, and that some more competent force is necessary to cause the laws to be duly executed. . . . This opinion . . . is confirmed by that which is entertained by many intelligent and influential persons, officers of justice and others resident in the western counties, who have lately informed one of the commissioners that whatever assurances might be given, it was, in their judgment, absolutely necessary

that the civil authority should be aided by a military force in order to secure a due execution of the laws.”

   Pa. ArchivesSamuel Hazard et al., eds. Pennsylvania Archives. 9 ser., 138 vols. Philadelphia and Harrisburg, 1852–1949., 2d ser., 4:293–302.

 In the view of the administration, further conciliatory measures would be useless. On 25 Sept. GW issued a proclamation stating that since he had hoped that “the combinations against the Constitution and the Laws of the United States, in certain of the Western counties of Pennsylvania would yield to time and reflection, I thought it sufficient, in the first instance, rather to take measures for calling for the militia, than immediately to embody them; but the moment is now come, when the overtures of forgiveness, with no other condition, than a submission to Law, have been only partially accepted—when every form of conciliation not inconsistent with the being of Government, has been adopted without effect . . . when, therefore, Government is set at defiance, the contest being whether a small portion of the United States shall dictate to the whole union, and at the expence of those, who desire peace, indulge a desperate ambition; Now therefore I, George Washington, President of the United States, in obedience to that high and irresistible duty, consigned to me by the Constitution, ‘to take care that the laws be faithfully executed;’ deploring that the American name should be sullied by the outrages of citizens on their own Government; . . . but resolved . . . to reduce the refractory to a due subordination to the law; Do Hereby declare and make known, that with a satisfaction, which can be equalled only by the merits of the Militia summoned into service from the States of New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, I have received intelligence of their patriotic alacrity, in obeying the call of the present, tho’ painful, yet commanding necessity; that a force, which, according to every reasonable expectation, is adequate to the exigency, is already in motion to the scene of disaffection; . . . And I do, moreover, exhort all individuals, officers, and bodies of men, to contemplate with abhorrence the measures leading directly or indirectly to those crimes, which produce this resort to military coercion. . . . And lastly, I again warn all persons, whomsoever and wheresoever, not to abet, aid, or comfort the Insurgents aforesaid, as they will answer the contrary at their peril.”

   Gaz. of the U.S. [Philadelphia], 25 Sept. 1794. In response to GW’s proclamation of 7 Aug., the militia of the four states had been summoned into service by the general orders of New Jersey Gen. Anthony W. White, 23 Aug. (New-Jersey Journal [Elizabeth-Town], 27 Aug.), and proclamations of governors Thomas Mifflin, 7 Aug., Thomas S. Lee, 14 Aug., and Henry Lee, 16 Aug. (Pa. ArchivesSamuel Hazard et al., eds. Pennsylvania Archives. 9 ser., 138 vols. Philadelphia and Harrisburg, 1852–1949., 2d ser., 4:114, 131–33, 136–37).

  GW decided to accompany the troops at least as far as Carlisle and to decide later whether to continue further on the march.

   GW to William A. Washington, 28 Sept. 1794, PPRF.


Title: [Diary entry: 30 September 1794]
From: Washington, George
To:

Tuesday 30th. Having determined from the Report of the Commissioners, who were appointed to meet the Insurgents in the Western Counties in the State of Pennsylvania, and from other circumstances—to repair to the places appointed for the Rendezvous, of the Militia of New Jersey Pennsylvania Maryland & Virginia; I left the City of Philadelphia about half past ten oclock this forenoon accompanied by Colo. Hamilton (Secretary of the Treasury) & my private Secretary. Dined at Norris Town and lodged at a place called the Trap—the first 17, and the latter 25 Miles from Philadelphia. At Norris Town we passed a detachment of Militia who were preparing to march for the rendezvous at Carlisle—and at the Trap, late in the evening, we were overtaken by Major Stagg principal Clerk in the Department of War with letters from Genl. Wayne & the Western Army containing official & pleasing accounts of his engagement with the Indians near the British Post

at the Rapids of the Miami of the Lake and of his having destroyed all the Indian Settlements on that River in the vicinity of the said Post quite up to the grand Glaize—the quantity not less than 5000 acres—and the Stores &ca. of Colo. McGee the British Agent of Indian Affairs a mile or two from the Garrison.


Title: September [1794]
From: Washington, George
To:

Tuesday 30th. Having determined from the Report of the Commissioners, who were appointed to meet the Insurgents in the Western Counties in the State of Pennsylvania, and from other circumstances—to repair to the places appointed for the Rendezvous, of the Militia of New Jersey Pennsylvania Maryland & Virginia; I left the City of Philadelphia about half past ten oclock this forenoon accompanied by Colo. Hamilton (Secretary of the Treasury) & my private Secretary. Dined at Norris Town and lodged at a place called the Trap—the first 17, and the latter 25 Miles from Philadelphia.
At Norris Town we passed a detachment of Militia who were preparing to march for the rendezvous at Carlisle—and at the Trap, late in the evening, we were overtaken by Major Stagg principal Clerk in the Department of War with letters from Genl. Wayne & the Western Army containing official & pleasing accounts of his engagement with the Indians near the British Post

at the Rapids of the Miami of the Lake and of his having destroyed all the Indian Settlements on that River in the vicinity of the said Post quite up to the grand Glaize—the quantity not less than 5000 acres—and the Stores &ca. of Colo. McGee the British Agent of Indian Affairs a mile or two from the Garrison.

   private secretary: Bartholomew Dandridge, Jr., Mrs. Washington’s nephew, had succeeded Tobias Lear as GW’s secretary in mid–1791.

   The Trappe was the name given to a small German settlement and to the area surrounding it. It was on the Germantown Road about nine miles from Pottsgrove (Pottstown).

   John Stagg (1758–1803), of New York, had served during the Revolution in Malcolm’s Additional Continental Regiment, in Spencer’s Additional Continental Regiment, and as brigade major of Conway’s Brigade. He was now chief clerk in the War Department. The message he brought GW was a letter of 28 Aug. 1794 from Maj. Gen. Anthony Wayne to Secretary of War Henry Knox describing his decisive victory over some 2,000 Indians at Fallen Timbers near the Maumee Rapids on 20 Aug. After their defeat the Indians, with Wayne’s army in close pursuit, had fled to Fort Miami, a small British garrison at the rapids of the Maumee. Although to the Indians’ consternation Maj. William Campbell, the fort’s commanding officer, did not open the gates to Britain’s Indian allies, he and Wayne engaged in an acrimonious exchange of letters concerning Wayne’s approach to the fort, copies of which were submitted with Wayne’s letter of 28 Aug. Wayne’s dispatch had been received in Philadelphia 30 Sept., and in view of its importance Edmund Randolph immediately sent Stagg to carry news of the victory to GW (Randolph to GW, 30 Sept. 1794, “½ past 1 oClock,” DLC:GW). mcgee: Alexander McKee (see entry for 20 Oct. 1770) was now British deputy agent for Indian affairs in the area of Detroit. McKee was with the Indians during their retreat from Wayne’s victorious army.


Title: [Diary entry: 1 October 1794]
From: Washington, George
To:

1st. Left the Trap early, and breakfasting at Potts grove 11 Miles we reach Reading to Dinner 19 Miles farther where we found several detachmts. of Infantry & Cavalry preparing for their March to Carlisle.


Title: [Diary entry: 2 October 1794]
From: Washington, George
To:

 2d. An accident happening to one of my horses occasiond. my setting out, later than was intended. I got off in time, however, to make a halt (to bait my horses) at Womeldorfs 14 miles and to view the Canal from Myers town towards Lebanon—and the Locks between the two places; which (four adjoining each other, in the dissent from the Summit ground along the Tulpihockin; built of Brick;) appeared admirably constructed. Reached Lebanon at Night 28 miles.


Title: [Diary entry: 4 October 1794]
From: Washington, George
To:

4th. Forded the Susquehanna; nearly a mile wide, including the Island—at the lower end of wch. the road crosses it. On the Cumberland Side I found a detachment of the Philadelphia light horse ready to receive, and escort me to Carlisle 17 miles; where I arrived at about 11 Oclock. Two miles short of it, I met the Governors of Pennsylvania & New Jersey with all the Cavalry that had rendezvouzed at that place drawn up—passed them—and the Infantry of Pennsylvania before I alighted at my quarters.


Title: [Diary entry: 6–12 October 1794]
From: Washington, George
To:

6th. to the 12th. Employed in Organizing the several detachments, which had come in from different Counties of this State, in a very disjointed & loose manner; or rather I ought to have said in urging & assisting Genl. Mifflin to do it; as I no otherwise took the command of the Troops than to press them forward, and to provide them with necessaries for their March, as well, & as far, as our means would admit.  To effect these purposes, I appointed General Hand Adjutant General on the 7th. On the 9th. William Findley and David Redick—deputed by the Committee of Safety (as it is designated) which met on the 2d. of this month at Parkinson Ferry arrived in Camp with the Resolutions of the said Committee; and to give information of the State of things in the four Western Counties of Pennsylvania to wit—Washington Fayette Westd. & Alligany in order to see if it would prevent the March of the Army into them. At 10 oclock I had a meeting with these persons in presence of Govr. Howell (of New Jersey) the Secretary of the Treasury, Colo. Hamilton, & Mr. Dandridge: Govr. Mifflin was invited to be present, but excused himself on acct. of business. I told the Deputies that by one of the Resolutions it would appear that they were empowered to give information of the disposition & of the existing state of matters in the four Counties above men[tioned]; that I was ready to hear & would listen patiently, and with candour to what they had to say. Mr. Findley began. He confined his information to such parts of the four Counties as he was best acquainted with; referring to Mr. Reddick for a recital of what fell within his knowledge, in the other parts of these Counties. The substance of Mr. Findleys communications were as follows

—viz.—That the People in the parts where he was best acquainted, had seen there folly; and he believed were disposed to submit to the Laws; that he thought, but could not undertake to be responsible, for the re-establishment of the public Offices for the Collection of the Taxes on distilled spirits, & Stills—intimating however, that it might be best for the present, & until the peoples minds were a little more tranquilized, to hold the Office of Inspection at Pitsburgh under the protection—or at least under the influence of the Garrison; That he thought the Distillers would either enter their stills or would put them down; That the Civil authority was beginning to recover its tone; & enumerated some instances of it; That the ignorance, & general want of information among the people far exceeded any thing he had any conception of; That it was not merely the excise law their opposition was aimed at, but to all law, & Government; and to the Officers of Government; and that the situation in which he had been, & the life he had led for sometime, was such, that rather than go through it again, he would prefer quitting this scene altogether. Mr. Redicks information was similar to the above; except as to the three last recitals—on wch. I do not recollect that he expressed any sentiment further than that the situation of those who were not in the opposition to government whilst the frenzy was at its height, were obliged to sleep with their Arms by their bed Sides every night; not knowing but that before Morning they might have occasion to use them in defence of their persons, or their properties. He added, that for a long time after the riots commenced, and until lately, the distrust of one another was such, that even friends were affraid to communicate their sentiments to each other; That by whispers this was brought about; and growing bolder as they became more communicative they found their strength, and that there was a general disposition not only to acquiesce under, but to support the Laws—and he gave some instances also of Magistrates enforcing them. He said the People of those Counties believed that the opposition to the Excise law—or at least that their dereliction to it, in every other part of the U. States was similar to their own, and that no Troops could be got to March against them for the purpose of coercion; that every acct. until very lately, of Troops marching against them was disbelieved; & supposed to be the fabricated tales of governmental men; That now they had got alarmed; That many were disposing of their property at an under rate, in order to leave the Country, and added (I think) that

they wd. go to Detroit. That no person of any consequence, except one, but what had availed themselves of the proffered amnesty; That those who were still in the opposition, and obnoxious to the laws, were Men of little or no property, & cared but little where they resided; That he did not believe there was the least intention in them to oppose the Army; & that there was not three rounds of ammunition for them in all the Western Country. He (& I think Mr. Findley also) was apprehensive that the resentments of the Army might be productive of treatment to some of these people that might be attended with disagreeable consequences; & on that account seemed to deprecate the March of it: declaring however, that it was their wish, if the people did not give proofs of unequivocal submission, that it might not stop short of its object. After hearing what both had to say, I briefly told them—That it had been the earnest wish of governmt. to bring the people of those counties to a sense of their duty, by mild, & lenient means; That for the purpose of representing to their sober reflection the fatal consequences of such conduct Commissioners had been sent amongst them that they might be warned, in time, of what must follow, if they persevered in their opposition to the laws; but that coercion wou’d not be resorted to except in the dernier resort: but, that the season of the year made it indispensible that preparation for it should keep pace with the propositions that had been made; That it was unnecessary for me to enumerate the transactions of those people (as they related to the proceedings of government) forasmuch as they knew them as well as I did; That the measure which they were not witness to the adoption of was not less painful than expensive—Was inconvenient, & distressing—in every point of view; but as I considered the support of the Laws as an object of the first magnitude, and the greatest part of the expense had already been incurred, that nothing Short of the most unequivocal proofs of absolute Submission should retard the March of the army into the Western counties, in order to convince them that the government could, & would enforce obedience to the laws—not suffering them to be insulted with impunity. Being asked again what proofs would be required, I answered, they knew as well as I did, what was due to justice & example. They understood my meaning—and asked if they might have another interview. I appointed five oclock in the After noon for it. At this second Meeting there was little more than a repeti[ti]on of what had passed in the forenoon; and it being again mentioned that all the principal characters, except one, in the Western counties who had been in the opposition, had submitted

to the propositions—I was induced, seeing them in the Street the next day, to ask Mr. Redick who that one was?—telling him at the same time I required no disclosure that he did not feel himself entirely free to make. He requested a little time to think of it, and asked for another meeting—which was appointed at 5 oclock that afternoon—which took place accordingly when he said David Bradford was the person he had alluded to in his former conversations. He requested to know if a Meeting of the people, by their deputies, would be permitted by the Army at any given point, on their March into that Country (with fresh evidence of the sincerity of their disposition to acquiesce in whatever might be required). I replied I saw no objection to it, provided they came unarmed; but to be cautious that not a gun was fired, as there could be no answering for consequences in this case. I assured them that every possible care should be taken to keep the Troops from offering them any insult or damage and that those who always had been subordinate to the Laws, & such as had availed themselves of the amnesty, should not be injured in their persons or property; and that the treatment of the rest would depend upon their own conduct. That the Army, unless opposed, did not mean to act as executioners, or bring offenders to a Military Tribunal; but merely to aid the civil Megistrates, with whom offences would lye. Thus endd. the matter. On the 10th. the light & legionary Corps under the immediate Command of Majr. McPherson—The Jersey Regiment & Guiney’s from Philadelphia commenced their March under the Orders of Governor Howell; and the day following the whole body of Cavalry (except the three Troops of Phila. Horse commanded by Captn. Dunlap, as part of the legion above mentioned) under Genl. White—a new formed Corp of Independant uniform Companies under  & several other Corps under the Command of Govr. Mifflin Marched—all for the rendezvous at Bedford. The Rank of the principal officers of the Army being first settled by me, as follow.
First—Govr. Lee of Virginia to be commander in chief if I do not go out myself.
Second—Govr. Mifflen.
Third—Govr. Howell.
Fourth—Majr. General Danl. Morgan, or Majr. Genl. Irvine, according to the dates of their ⟨Militia⟩ Commissions.
 The Brigadiers in like manner, according to seniority.


Title: [Diary entry: 12 October 1794]
From: Washington, George
To:

12th. Octr. Having settled these Matters, seen the Troops off, as before mentioned; given them their rout & days Marching; and left Majr. Genl. Irvine to organise the remainder of the Pennsylvania detachments as they might come in, & to March them & the Jersey Troops on when refreshed, I set out from Carlisle about 7 Oclock this Morning—dined at Shippensburgh 21 miles further & lodged at Chambersburgh 11 M. farther where I was joined by the Adjt. Genl. Hand.


Title: [Diary entry: 13 October 1794]
From: Washington, George
To:

13th. Breakfasted at Greencastle 10 Miles, & lodged at Williamsport, 14 Miles further. Having now passed thro’ the States of Pennsylvania & Maryland, Williamsport being on the Banks of the Potomac, at the Mouth of Conogocheaque; I shall summarily notice the kind of land, & State of improvements, along the Road I have come. From the City of Philadelphia, or rather from Norris Town to Reading the road passes over a reddish, & slaty, or shelly kind of land, through a very open and hilly Country, tolerably well cultivated by the farmers. The farm houses are good, and their Barns above mediocrity—The former chiefly of Stone. The whole Road indeed from Philadelphia to Reading goes over Hilly & broken grounds—but very pleasant notwithstanding. From Reading to Lebanon, along what is called the Valley, the Country is extremely fine—The lands rich—The Agriculture good—as the buildings also are, especially their Barns, which are large & fine; and for the most part of Stone. This settlement is chiefly of Dutch, and upon the Tulpahocken. From Lebanon to Harrisburgh, along the same Vale, the Lands are also good; but not in so high a state of cultivation as between Reading & Lebanon. From Harrisburgh to Carlisle the lands are exceedingly fine,

but not under such cultivation & improvement as one might have expected. From Carlisle along the left Road, which I pursued, to be out of the March of the Army, and to avoid the inconvenience of passing the Waggons belonging to it; the Lands are but indifferent until we came within a few miles of Shippensburgh—The first part of a thin and dry Soil, succeeded by piney flats (not far from the South Mountain). For a few miles before we arrived at Shippensbg. the Lands were good, but uncultivated. The improvements along this road were mean; the farms scattered; the houses but indifferent; and the husbandry apparently bad. Along the Road which the Troops Marched, both the land & the Improvements I was told are much better. The Roads came together again at the East end of the Town. From Shippensburgh to Chambersburgh, the Road passes over pretty good land; better, (but not well) cultivated than that betwn. Carlisle & Shippensburgh. From Chambersburgh to Williamsport the Lands are fine, and the Houses and improvements amended, considerably.


Title: [Diary entry: 14 October 1794]
From: Washington, George
To:

14th. About Seven oclock, or half after it, we left Williamsport; and travelling upon the Maryland side of the River, we breakfasted at one  13 miles on our way—& crossing the Potomac a mile or two below Hancock Town lodged at the Warm Springs; or Bath; 16 miles from our breakfasting stage—and 29 from Williamsport.


Title: [Diary entry: 15 October 1794]
From: Washington, George
To:

15th. Left Bath by seven oclock; & crossing the Cacapohon Mountain, & the Potomack River by a very rough road, we breakfasted at one Goldens—distant about 7 Miles—Bated our horses at a very indifferent place abt. 13 Miles further on—and lodged at the Old Town 33 or 34 Miles. This distance from the extreme

badness of the Road, more than half of it being very hilly, & great part of it Stoney, was a severe days Journey for the Carriage horses; they performed it however, well.


Title: [Diary entry: 16 October 1794]
From: Washington, George
To:

16th. After an early breakfast we set out for Cumberland—and about 11 Oclock arrived there. Three miles from the Town I was met by a party of Horse under the command of Major Lewis (my Nephew) and by Brigr. Genl. Smith of the Maryland line, who Escorted me to the Camp; where, finding all the Troops under Arms, I passed along the line of the Army; & was conducted to a house the residence of Major Lynn of the Maryland line (an old Continental Officer) where I was well lodged, & civily entertained.


Title: [Diary entry: 17 October 1794]
From: Washington, George
To:

17th. & 18th. Remained at Cumberland, in order to acquire a true knowledge of the strength—condition—&ca. of the Troops; and to see how they were provided, and when they could be got in readiness to proceed. I found upwards of 3200 Men (Officers included) in this Encampment; Understood that about 500 more were at a little

Village on the Virginia side, 11 Miles distant, called Frankfort, under the command of Majr. Genl. Morgan; that 700 more had arrived at that place the evening of the 18th. undr. Brigr. Mathews and 500 more were expected in the course of a few days under Colo. Page and That the whole were well supplied with Provns., Forage & Straw. Having requested that every thing might be speedily arranged for a forward movement, and a light Corps to be organized for the advance under the command of Major Genl. Morgan, I resolved to proceed to Bedford next Morng. At this place a deputation was received from the County of Fayette consisting of a Colo. Mason  Terrence and  Clinton who came to give assurances that deposits for the Army might safely be made in that County, and any person sent from it for this purpose would be safe in doing it. They were desired to get there wheat ground up, and their Oats threshed out, to be in readiness to be drawn to any place, or places that might be required after the Army had crossed the Mountains. From Colo. Mason (who has been a uniform friend to Government) and from a variety of concurrant accounts, it appears evident that the people in the Western Counties of this State have got very much alarmed at the approach of the Army; but though Submission is professed, their principles remain the same; and that nothing but coercion, & example will reclaim & bring them to a due & unequivocal submission to the Laws.


Title: [Diary entry: 19 October 1794]
From: Washington, George
To:

19th. In company with Genl. Lee, who I requested to attend me, that all the arrangements necessary for the Army’s crossing the Mountns. in two columns might be made; Their routs, & days Marches fixed, that the whole might move in Unison—and accompanied by the Adjutant General and my own family we set out, abt. eight oclock, for Bedford, and making one halt at the distance of 12 Miles, reached it a little after 4 oclock in the afternoon being met a little out of the Encampment by Govr. Mifflin—Govr. Howell—& several other Officers of distinction. Quarters were provided for me at the House of a Mr. Espy.

Prothonotary of the County of Bedford—to which I was carried & lodged very comfortably. The Road from Cumberld. to this place is, in places, stoney but in other respects not bad. It passes through a Valley the whole way; and was opened by Troops under my command in the Autumn of 1758. The whole Valley consists of good farming land, & part of it—next Cumberland—is tolerably well improved in its culture but not much so in Houses.


Title: [Diary entry: 20 October 1794]
From: Washington, George
To:

 20th. Called the Quarter Master General, Adjutant General, Contractor, & others of the Staff departmt. before me, & the Commander in chief, at 9 Oclock this morning, in order to fix on the Routs of the two Columns & their Stages; and to know what the situation of matters were in their respective departments—and when they wd. be able to put the Army in motion. Also to obtain a correct return of the strength—and to press the commanding Officers of Corps to prepare with all the Celerity in their power for a forward movement. Upon comparing accts., it was found that the army could be put in motion 23d.—and it was so ordered, by the Routs which will be mentioned hereafter. Matters being thus arranged I wrote a farewell address to the Army through the Commander in Chief—Govr. Lee—to be published in orders—and having prepared his Instructions and made every arrangement that occurred, as necessary I prepared for my return to Philadelphia in order to meet Congress, and to attend to the Civil duties of my Office. I should have mentioned before that I found (on my arrival at Bedford) the judge, and Attorney for the district of Pennsylvania attending, as they had been required to do, the Army. I found also, which appeared to me to be an unlucky measure—that the former had issued his warrants against, and a party of light horse had actually siez’d, one Harman Husband & one Filson as Insurgents or abetters of the Insurrection. I call it unlucky because my intention was to have suspended all proceedings of a Civil Nature until the Army had united its columns in the Center of the Insurgent Counties & then to have ciezed at one & the same all the leaders and principals of the Insurrection and because it is to be feared that the proceeding above mentioned will have given the alarm and those who are most obnoxious to punishment will flee from the Country.