Title: To George Washington from Andrew Ellicott, Benjamin Ellicott, and Isaac Briggs, 29 June 1793
From: Ellicott, Andrew,Ellicott, Benjamin,Briggs, Isaac
To: Washington, George

Sir
Surveyor’s office, City of Washington, June 29th 1793.

We trust we have manifested, during our employment in the city of Washington, our zeal for its success, and the accomplishment of the main object: as a proof of this, we take the liberty of laying before you a statement of facts; and representing the mortifications
 to which we have constrained ourselves to submit, rather than relinquish an object which we wish to see accomplished and which has already given you so much trouble and anxiety.
Fifteen or sixteen months ago, a man known by the name of James McDermott, or James Read Dermott, was introduced into the surveying department by Doctor Stuart. During last summer, the said McDermott conducted himself in a manner so disorderly and so unworthy of trust, that Mr Ellicott judged it necessary to dismiss him from his department, and communicated his intention to Doctor Stuart, who pointedly opposed his dismission; in consequence, he was continued until his repeated misconduct made it indispensible, and he was accordingly dismissed by Mr Ellicott.
Shortly after his dismission, a number of important papers disappeared from the surveyors office; this fact, and Mr Ellicott’s suspicions that the said McDermott had privately carried them off were immediately communicated to the commissioners.
Mr Ellicott, as head of the surveying department was accused in a Baltimore newspaper of remissness in his duty; he then demanded of the commissioners an investigation into his conduct, which they refused, having, at the same time, indirectly joined in the censure.
A long list of charges of inaccuracy was exhibited against Mr Ellicott in his absence, by the said McDermott. these were readily listened to, by the commissioners, and prosecuted with apparent acrimony. Immediately on Mr Ellicott’s return from Philadelphia in March last, the commissioners demanded from him an answer to those charges, in writing; he informed them that it would be a difficult and tedious task to give a satisfactory explanation in writing; but an easy one, by having recourse to the papers then in his office, whither he was at any time ready to attend them; and that upon investigation those charges would be found entirely frivolous; and he might have added, malicious: they replied that they would not accept of a verbal explanation; peremptorily ordered him to desist from any farther operations in the city; and personally demanded of him all the papers belonging to his office. Mr Ellicott then again offered to explain the supposed inaccuracies laid to his charge; but he was stopped short, and told that they came not for explanations, but for papers; he then told them he was ready to deliver to them all
 the papers then in his possession, but that there were many papers of importance, which he so strongly suspected McDermott had stolen, that he was willing to make affedavit of it, procure a search-warrant & examine his trunks; this the commissioners strenuously opposed, out of tenderness, as they alledged, for McDermott’s character. Immediately after this they informed Mr Ellicott by letter, that they found some of the papers said by him to have been stolen, in McDermott’s possession: and McDermott was forthwith received again into their service in the city!
Mr Ellicott, publicly, repeatedly, and once to McDermott’s face, in public, declared him to be a scoundrel and a thief; yet no measures were ever taken to wipe this stain from his character.
Such had been the situation of affairs for about one month, when you arrived here in April last—the surveying business had been totally at a stand—Mr Ellicott and his assistants out of employment and on expence, while McDermott was kept in constant pay.
Immediately after your departure, Mr Ellicott availed himself of the liberty you had given him of using your name, in again demanding an investigation of the matters laid to his charge; which the commissioners then granted with apparent reluctance.
In the course of this enquiry, it was found that the inaccuracies complained of were (except in one small instance) wholely in false copying, by Mr McDermott, the informer himself, from the general return of the work on the ground; or from numbers which he himself, before the commissioners, confessed to have entered on the general return: the work on the ground was found to be uncommonly accurate, as also the general return; excepting only such parts as were entered by the informer himself; and these were indeed found to be very false.
Yet notwithstanding this plain discovery of McDermott’s want of principle—notwithstanding his want of veracity, gasconading cowardice, habitual drunkenness, and disorderly conduct when intoxicated had become proverbial in George Town; and notwithstanding Mr Ellicott candidly declared to the commissioners that he could not submit to any kind of intercourse either directly or indirectly with a man whose villany of character he so well knew; McDermott was still employed by them in the affairs of the city.
The commissioners were again minutely informed, by Mr Ellicotts report to them of the 17th instant, of McDermott’s dishonest
 conduct, and the shameful accumulation of expense to the public which was the inevitable consequence; the commissioners then pointedly declared, that at the risk of again stopping the whole business, they would employ whom they chose. Such being their determination, we, as friends to the city and dignity of the business, cannot but lament that their choice should have fallen on such a character as McDermott.
The business of bounding the squares in the city with stones is in the care of Mr George Fenwick, a gentleman whose moral character, ingenuity, and attention to his duty, would do honor to any employment. The business of dividing squares into lots is at present committed to McDermott. These two branches of business, will never be more than sufficient for one person; and confining them to one person would be a clear saving of twenty shillings per day.
We sincerely regret that we find it necessary to trouble you with so minute a detail of so bad a character; but we feel sensibly mortified in being any way connected in the same business with such a man, and who would be very far beneath any kind of notice, were he not obtruded upon us. Instead of that harmony necessary to expedite the business, and give satisfaction to all concerned; nothing but continual distrust and embarrassments can be expected, while a person so notoriously infamous as McDermott is continued in it. It is in vain that the public are even clamorous in their disapprobation; the commissioners alledge that they are accountable only to you; and, in many cases, public opposition seems to be their only motive for perseverance.
We have long had but two motives for continuing in the city, under such mortifications; one, a belief that we could be of service, and the other that it was your wish: nevertheless if you should think that the interest of the city would be better promoted by our retiring from it, we will most chearfully submit; for it is utterly impossible that we can ever have any confidence in McDermott or maintain any intercourse with him; and both are necessary between the surveyors and the divider of squares. With the utmost respect, we have the honor to be, Your most obedient and very huml. servants,

Andw Ellicott.
I: Briggs.
Benj’n Ellicott.


Title: To George Washington from John Wilcocks, Jr., 29 June 1793
From: Wilcocks, John Jr.
To: Washington, George

Honored & Dear Sir
Exeter (Devonshire) [England]  June 29 1793

From my Wifes Father, the Revd Mr James Madgwick, whose parents & other relations lived at Cerne[,] Wareham & Poole in Dorset, I learn, your Ancestors and his, were the same, Mrs Jolliffe of Poole, my Father-in-law’s Aunt, being a Washington, being some Years since, when he related it to me (viz.) in the Year 1777 when I married I perhaps may not have been correct—he has been Dead upward of 5 Years—The present is only to desire your advice & assistance in settling myself & family in one of the United States of America, the natural propensity of the Governors of this country being War; trade suffers & taxes must consequently encrease, makes it difficult to provide competantly for a large family (I have five Sons & one Daughter, the eldest John Madgwick Wilcocks 14 Years) I have been always a Shopkeeper (viz.) selling Linen & woolen drapery, Haberdashery, Grocery &c. but know something of Agriculture as practise’d in this Country, & can carry with me upwards of one thousand pounds immediately two thousand more at the sale of my houses here & have an annuity during my wifes Life of £100 pr annm from the British funds—I most sincerely beg pardon for troubling you, with this impertinent epistle, at same time hope & beg you will so far notice it, as to return me what I desire your advice & assistance in the purchase of an eligible piece of ground—one of your Consuls with whom I am in ha⟨bits⟩ of friendship (Mr Vanderhorst of Bristol) recommends Charlestown⟨,⟩ South Carolina, but I am afraid the Climate may be too warm for an English constitution—however if a more suitable place is not recommended to me, I will embrace that, being convinced it is my duty, to leave this unhappy Country. I am Honored Sr Your mo. obedt & Hble ⟨Sert⟩

John Wilcocks Junr


Title: From George Washington to Thomas Jefferson, 30 June 1793
From: Washington, George
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir,
Mount Vernon June 30th 1793.

The enclosed letter from the Governor of New York, covering a communication to him from the Consul of the French Republic at that place, respecting the continuance of a British Letter of Marque in the Harbour of New York—reached my hands by the post of last evening; and I now transmit it to you, that it may be taken into consideration by yourself and the other Heads of the Departments, as soon as may be after this letter gets to your hands. If you should be unanimous in Your opinions as to the measures which ought to be pursued by the Government, in the case now communicated—You, or the Secretary of War (to whose department it belongs) will transmit, in my name, the result of your deliberations on the subject, to the Governor of New York for his information—and to be communicated by him to the French Consul at that place. But in case there should be a difference of sentiment among the Gentlemen on the matter, I must request that the several opinions may be sent to me for my consideration—and the Governor of New York informed, that a decision will be had in the case as soon as I return to the seat of Government; which I expect will be about the tenth of next month—notwithstanding the death of my manager and the consequent derangement of my concerns would make my presence here for a longer time, at this important season, almost indispensable: But I know the urgency and delicacy of our public
 affairs at present will not permit me to be longer absent, I must therefore submit with the best grace I can to the loss and inconvenience which my private affairs will sustain from the want of my personal attention, or that of a confidential Character, the obtaining of which I have no prospect at present. With very great regard, I am, Dear Sir, Your Affecte & Obedt Servt

G Washington


Title: From George Washington to James Hoban and Stephen Hallet, 1 July 1793
From: Washington, George
To: Hoban, James,Hallet, Stephen

Gentn
Mount Vernon 1st July 1793.

I have considered in the best manner my small knowledge in Architecture, & the peculiar situation of my own Private concerns (which brought me here) will enable me to do—the observations made by mr Hallet on the plan which has been exhibited by Doctr Thornton—& on acct of its exterior beauty, & the arrangement of the Apartments, had been adopted. But if this plan is as expensive as it is represented to be—will require such a length of time to execute it—(either of which would be an important objection to it)—and withal so exceptionable in the true principles of Architecture & so defective in some of the ends which are proposed, it ought to be relinquished for one more practicable—more simple—less expensive—and which can be executed in the time allowed by Law.
Having made this declaration, justice to, & respect for the abilities & character of Doctr Thornton call upon me to add that
 he should, before his plan is laid aside, be informed of all the objections to, & observations on it. If he cannot obviate them I persuade myself he will have candour enough to acknowledge it, & will readily see the propriety of a change which will bring the building within the compass of our means and time. For this purpose, It is my wish & desire that you would both, by Thursday’s stage, if practicable, set out for Philadelphia with Doctr Thornton’s Plan, & Mr Hallett’s last one, together with the sections of the first—the observations—calculations—& in short every paper relative to both, & to a final decision that as little time as possible may be lost in fixing this matter.
The reason why I propose your going to Philadelphia is because Mr Blodget is now there, and because, if it did not suit Doctr Thornton to repair to Georgetown immediately I could not be present at the meeting—In the packet enclosed I have written to the Secretary of State to have the matter fully investigated before him & to report the result that a plan being fixed upon the foundation may be begun & in forwardness by the Sale.
I think it reasonable that the necessary expences of your journey should be borne by the public—and if circumstances render it improper, or inconvenient for both of you to go, that one ought to do it—but both would be best, as every light & understanding of the subject ought to be had as the decision must be final & ought to be prompt. I am Gentlems &c.


Title: To George Washington from Richard Adamson, 2 July 1793
From: Adamson, Richard
To: Washington, George

Sir
July 2d 1793

I humbly Submit to your Excellency the inclos’d for your consideration, and, conscious as I am of the boldness of this Intrusion, I shall not add to my presumption by attempting an apology where none is adequate to the occasion.
I shall only therefore observe, that my distress is occasioned by a late Severe ilness, to shake off the Effects of which, I am advis’d to have recourse to the Berkley Springs, in which undertaking I humbly crave your Excellencys assistance. I have the honour to be, Sir—Your Excellency’s devoted And humble Servant.

Richard Adamson


Title: To George Washington from the Creek Nation, 3 July 1793
From: Creek Nation,Barnard, Timothy
To: Washington, George

A talk from the heads of the Upper and lower Creeks by order of the Mad Dog of the Tuckebatchees given out at the Cussetau Square at a meeting of a number of the lower Creeks, this 21st of July 1793.

Cussitahs 3d July 1793.
We the heads of the Creek nation wish to acquaint your Excellency that we are just informed by a runner of our own people from the Chickesaw Nation that there was some of the Chickesaws just arrived who had been holding talks with Governor Blount and that from Governor Blount they came to Cumberland, and that they had agreed with Governor Blount to send six thousand men to station at the Mussell shoals on the Cherokee river, and that the Cumberland people had agreed to send five hundred more men to join the Chickesaws to station at a Fort in the Chickesaw nation, and that the Cumberland people had already sent off three pounds great guns to said fort and that five hundred men were to be there in a short time. We the heads of the Creek nation wish to hear from General Washington whether it is determined that Governor Blount and these Cumberland people should go on, or whether or not they are people that are under the government of General Washington or not: This we the heads of the nation would wish to know as quick as possible: We the heads of the Upper and lower Creeks wish to inform the President of the United States that we have given out talks to put a total stop to all our young men going out to commit any hostilities against Cumberland or Kentucky therefore if its the wish of the President of the United States, that his people and we the red people should be at peace, we hope he will immediately restrain Governor Blount and his people from joining the Chickasaws, ’tis not that we are in great dread of the consequences of those proceedings, but as we have had a long wish to settle all disputes, We hope that our friend and father General Washington still remains in the same opinion.
We the heads of the Creek nation likewise wish to inform the heads of Georgia that if they still have a wish to settle matters with the red people, we hope they will on seeing this immediately send off to Governor Blount to restrain his people till his Excellency General Washington’s pleasure is known.

Timothy Barnard.


Title: Tobias Lear to Thomas Jefferson, 3 July 1793
From: Lear, Tobias
To: Jefferson, Thomas

[Mount Vernon] July 3d 1793

The President sends to the Secretary of State the enclosed letter from Mr Chiappe, which has been forwarded by Mr Simpson at Gibralter. If, upon translating this letter, there should be found in it any thing important to be communicated to the President—the Secretary will do it when the President arrives in Philadelphia.
The President prosposes to set out from this place on sunday next.


Title: From the Citizens of Alexandria, Virginia, to the President of the United States, The Address of the Inhabitants of Alexandria and its Vicinity, 4 July 1793
From: Citizens of Alexandria, Virginia,Ramsay, Dennis
To: Washington, George

Sir
Alexandria [Va.] July 4th 1793

That America should remain in peace and enjoy the blessings of their free government undisturbed by European concerns
 We believe to be the earnest desire of every wellwisher to our Country, and We feel the most cordial satisfaction in expressing to you our conviction of the Wisdom of the part you have taken to preserve the publick repose and happiness—In declaring by your proclamation the conduct which ought to be pursued by the people of the United States towards the Belligerent powers of Europe, a new instance was presented to your fellow Citizens of your Vigilance in discharging the important duties of your Station, And you have exhibited to the Nations of the World a striking proof of the candour and justice which governs the politicks of the Republick over which you preside, Sincerity good faith, and truth are Virtues belonging to the Republican character. We rejoice that they have been cherished and practised in the Administration of our Government, And We confide that a steady and manly adherence to them will furnish an example of a people living under a Republican form of Government that will meet with the approbation of all Mankind and be productive of universal happiness.
Accept Sir, our Assurances that individually our Conduct shall be regulated on every occasion by that Spirit of Amity and impartiality which you have enjoined.
By Order of the Meeting.

Dennis Ramsay Chairman


Title: To George Washington from Cleon Moore, 5 July 1793
From: Moore, Cleon
To: Washington, George

Letter not found: from Cleon Moore, 5 July 1793. GW wrote Moore on 19 July that he had “duly received your letter of the 5th instt.”


Title: To George Washington from Richard Fitzhugh, 6 July 1793
From: Fitzhugh, Richard
To: Washington, George

Sir
Ravensworth [Va.] July 6th 1793

Agreable to your request, I applied to Mr Gwinn respecting his undertaking the stewardship at Mount Vernon and have at his particular desire, to inform you that while he continues to act in that Capacity, he cannot with propriety decline the business of his present Employer: however that it would give him pleasure to render you any temporary service in riding down frequently & attending to your Business until you may be able to suit yourself in a Manager.

I am really sorry for the loss you have sustained in the death of so skilful & valuable a Farmer as the late Mr Whiting tho’ I wish you may soon furnish yourself with a successor equal to him. I have the Honor to be with the greatest respect Your Mo. Obdt Hble Servt

Richd Fitzhugh


Title: Cabinet Opinion on the Little Sarah [Petite Démocrate], 8 July 1793
From: Cabinet,Jefferson, Thomas,Knox, Henry,Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

[Philadelphia, 8 July 1793]

At a meeting at the State house of the city of Philadelphia July 8. 1793.
Present the Secretary of state, the Secretary of the Treasury, the Secretary at War.
It appears that a brigantine called the Little Sarah has been fitted out at the port of Philadelphia, with fourteen cannon, & all other equipments indicating that she is intended as a Privateer to cruise under the authority of France, & that she is now lying in the river Delaware at some place between this city & Mud-island; that a conversation has been had between the Secretary of state & the Minister Plenipotentiary of France, in which conversation the Minister refused to give any explicit assurance that the brigantine would continue until the arrival of the President & his decision in the case, but made declarations respecting her not being ready to sail within the time of the expected return of the President from which the Secretary of state infers with confidence that she will not sail till the President will

have an opportunity of considering & determining the case. that in the course of the conversation the Minister declared that the additional guns which had been taken in by the Little Sarah were French property, but the Governor of Pensylvania declared that he has good ground to believe that two of her cannon were purchased here of citizens of Philadelphia. The Governor of Pensylvania asks advice what steps, under the circumstances he shall pursue?
The Secretary of the Treasury & the Secretary of war are of opinion that it is expedient that immediate measures should be taken provisionally for establishing a battery on Mud island, under cover of a party of militia, with direction that if the brig Sarah should attempt to depart before the pleasure of the President shall be known concerning her, military coercion be employed to arrest and prevent her progress.

Alexandr Hamilton
H. Knox

The Secretary of state dissents from this opinion.
Th: Jefferson


Title: To George Washington from Victor Collot, 8 July 1793
From: Collot, Victor
To: Washington, George

Président,
Basseterre Isle Guadeloupe Le 8 Juillet 1793.  Lan 2e de la République française

 Permettés à un Soldat de la Liberté qui met Toute sa gloire au Bonheur d’avoir Servi Sous Le plus grand General Républicain de ce Siecle, et Se rapeller à Son Souvenir, et de Vous recommander M⟨mutilated⟩el Morgan Obrien pour Consul Si les Etats unis de L’amérique Se déterminent d’en envoyer un dans cette Colonie, dapres La Demande qu’elle Va faire au Congres. La Sagesse de ce Citoyen Ses Connoissances Locales et Ses Vertus Sociales, Le feront Voir avec grand plaisir dans ce pays-ci occuper cette place.
Recevez, Président, mes Voeux pour la gloire des Etats unis et L’assurance de mon attachement pour Vous. Salut. Le Gouverneur des Isles Guadeloupe et dependencies

V. Collot


Title: Memorandum from Alexander Hamilton and Henry Knox, 8 July 1793
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Knox, Henry
To: Washington, George

Philadelphi[a] July 8. 179[3]

Reasons for the opinion of The Secretary of the Treasury and the Secretary of War respecting the Brigantine Little Sarah.
Because there can be no doubt, either upon principle or authority
 that the permitting or suffering or what is equivalent the not taking effectual measures to prevent, when known, the fitting out of privateers, in our ports, by one of the belligerent powers, to cruise against any of the others is an unequivocal breach of neutrality.
II Because the President in conformity with an unanimous opinion of the heads of Departments and the Attorney General, founded upon the above principle, has caused his disapprobation of the practice to be signified to the Ministers both of Great Britain and France, accompanied with an express assurance to the former—that effectual measures would be taken to prevent a repetition of the practice.
III Because consequently not to take such measures in the present instance would be to depart from the declaration of neutrality, and to contravene the positive assurance given to the Minister of Great Britain: an ommission as dishonorable as it must be dangerous to the Government; implying either a want of ability or a want of consistency and good faith: And as it will indubitably furnish a just cause of complaint against the United States—so it is natural to expect that it may involve them in War. It becomes the more serious in consequence of the non-surrender of the prizes, which we brought into our Ports by the Privateers sans Culottes and Citizen Genet, fitted out at Charles-town.
IV Because the fitting out of this Privateer is a transaction involving on the part of the Agents of France a gross outrage upon and an undisguised contempt of the Government of the United States. It is aggravated by the circumstances of having been done under the immediate eye of the Government—after an explicit and, serious communication of its disapprobation—and after an ⟨expectation⟩ given, that no similar attempt would be repeated. The Secretary of State reported to the President as a result of a conversation with the French Minister, on the subject of the two Privateers before mentioned what was equivalent to an apology for having done it and to at least a tacit promise to forbear a repetition. Yet it is still done, and is even attempted to be justified.
V Because it is impossible to interpret such conduct into any thing else than a regular plan to force the United States into the War. Its tendency to produce that effect cannot be misunderstood by the Agents of France. The direct advantage of the measure to her is obviously too inconsiderable to induce the persisting in
 it, contrary to the remonstrances of the Government—if it were not with a view to the more important end just mentioned: a conduct the more exceptionable because it is accompanied with the fallacious disavowal of an intention to engage us in the War.
VI Because there is satisfactory evidence of a regular system, in pursuit of that object, to endeavour to controul the Government itself, by creating, if possible, a scism between it and the people and inlisting them on the side of France, in opposition to their own constitutional authorities. This is deducible not only from a great variety of collateral incidents but from direct written and verbal declarations of the French Minister.
The Memorial lately presented by him to the Secretary of State, the most offensive paper, perhaps, that ever was offered by a foreign Minister to a friendly power, with which he resided, announces unequivocally the system which is alleged to exist.
Besides the exorbitant pretensions, which that paper advances—of a right in defiance of the declared sense of the Government—to fit out armed vessels from the Ports of the United States and even to inlist their own citizens in their own territories in the service of France—to hold Courts within their jurisdiction for the condemnation of prizes, unsanctionned by compact, contrary to the rights of neutrality—contrary even to the spirit of the regulations of France for her own consular establishment—besides the loose unfounded charges of breach of Treaty, rudely urged, which it contains—that paper more than insinuates the imputation on the President, of ill-will to France under the instigation of foreign influence; of having gone beyond his duty and his authority, by the decision of matters not within his province; and sufficiently implies an appeal from him to Congress, if not to the people—whose disposition is at least indelicately put in contrast with his—Language of this sort, if even better founded than it is in the present instance can never be used by a diplomatic character, without a culpable violation of Decorum—He has nothing to do but with the constitutional organ of the Government for foreign intercourse. In his official communications he ought never to look beyond him. Nor can he do it, without disrespect to the Nation as well as to the Government.
The declaration of the Minister of France to Mr Dallas, Secretary of the Commonwealth of Pensylvania, as related by him to the Governor of that Commonwealth and to the Secretary of
 State, is a further confirmation of the same system. That Declaration, among other exceptionable things, expressed—“That he (the Minister of France) would appeal from the President of the United States to the People” It would be a fatal blindness, not to perceive the spirit, which dictates such language, and an ill-omened passiveness not to resolve to withstand it with energy.
 VII Because to refuse an assurance, that the Privateer should remain in Port, ’till the President could arrive to decide upon her situation, was an additional high-handed contempt of the Government; which is in no shape palliated by the ambiguous intimations of a probability that she would not be ready to depart before his return; intimations, which from experience, in other cases, can in no degree be relied upon.
VIII Because not to act with decision under such circumstances will be to prostrate the Government—to sacrifice the dignity and essential interests of the Nation. Indecision in such a case must necessarily tend to destroy, both at home and abroad, a due respect for the government—to weaken its arm—to embolden the enterprizes of an intriguing and daring foreign Agent—to encourage and multiply those who are desposed to adhere factiously to him—and ultimately to put the country in the condition of being dictated to by that foreign Agent, and at war with all the enemies of the Nation he represents—It is a truth the best founded and of the last importance, that nothing is so dangerous to a Government as to be wanting either in self confidence or self-respect.
IX Because Decision may even tend to preserve Peace with France herself. If the enterprises of her Minister are not checked, in their present stage, it may clearly be inferred from his character, that they are likely to be carried to a length which will render a rupture between the two Countries inevitable, should they not previously produce one with the Powers who are opposed to France.
X Because the measure which is recommended is but a consequence of the instruction given to the different Governors on the 24th of May last. Addressed to them in their military capacity, expressly to be executed by the agency of the Militia, it included necessarily the use of military coertion, when that should be found requisite to the end to be accomplished. It is therefore not to adopt a new principle, but to second an order already given by the President, founded upon mature deliberation and the unanimous
 opinion of the heads of Departments with the Attorney General. It is therefore due to the known and declared pleasure of the President. A governor who from situation could not have recourse to the advice now asked would fail in his duty not to employ in a similar case the means recommended, without further sanction. The Governor of Pensylvania might justifiably do so in the existing instance; but the case having been previously drawn into consultation, between him and the heads of Departments, he has thought fit to ask their advice, and in giving it conformably with the true spirit of the President’s Instruction, they would only faithfully execute the trust reposed in them by him.
XI Because there will be no solid ground to expect hereafter at other places a vigorous or efficacious execution of that instruction; if the example be given of an evident relaxation at the very seat of the general Government.
XII Because the measure proposed is only provisional and can have no other effect than to evince the determination of the Government; unless the vessel attempts to depart contrary to the intimation of the Minister, as understood by the Secretary of State. In such an event, the necessity of it will be attested by the occasion.
XIII If there be delicacy on one side, there is still greater delicacy on the other. France would have justly nothing to complain of in reference to an act, which was merely a vindication of our own sovereignty—in our own territory—against a manifest deliberate and outrageous violation of it by her Agent. If she be at all reasonable or equitable she will disavow the proceeding and the Agent and take no offence. An appeal to her justice and friendship ought for this purpose to follow a resistance to the encroachment.
But, if effectual measures be not taken, the other powers will have just cause of complaint—not only upon principle but upon the strength of positive assurance. If war is to be hazarded, ’tis certainly our duty to hazard it with that power, which by injury and insult forces us to choose between opposite hazards—rather than with those powers who do not place us in so disagreeable dilemma. To adopt as a rule of conduct, that if we are to be involved in the war, it must be at any rate against the powers who are opposed to France, and that we ought rather to give them cause for attacking us, by suffering ourselves to be made an instrument of the hostilities of France, than to risk a quarrel with her, by a
 vigorous opposition to her encroachments would be a policy as unjust and profligate, as it would be likely to prove pernicious and disgraceful.
A proceeding like that proposed cannot colorably be considered by any Nation as an Act of hostility. If attempts are made in neutral ports to equip armed vessels, without permission of the Neutral Sovereign, they are clandestine; if they are detected and suppressed it is regarded as a matter of course, as a penalty of which the Adventurers are to take their chance. It would be a disgrace to the sovereign to whom they belong and an offense to the Neutral Nation even to make it a subject of complaint.

signed Alx. Hamilton
Henry Knox


Title: To George Washington from Thomas Mifflin, 8 July 1793
From: Mifflin, Thomas
To: Washington, George

Sir.
Philadelphia 8th July 1793

Agreeably to your instructions contained in a letter from the Secretary at War, of the 24th of May last, it may be proper to state, particularly, the proceedings in the case of the Little Sarah, the prize to L’Embuscade, supposed to be equipped and manned in this Port, as a Privateer.
Having instructed the Board of Wardens to be attentive to any appearance of a practice of this kind, the Master Warden on the 22d of June suggested to me his opinion, that the Little Sarah, was fitting out in the same manner as Privateers, and this information I immediately transmitted to you. On the 24th of the same month, the Master Warden made a more particular report on the subject, which was, likewise, submitted to your consideration. As I did not receive any instructions from you, in consequence of these communications, I presumed, that either the case itself was not within the meaning of the letter of the 24th of May; or that the equipments, mentioned in the reports of the Master Warden, did not sufficiently ascertain the fact, that the vessel was intended for a Privateer.
On the 5th instant, however, the Secretary at War represented to me, that since the report of the Master Warden, such indirect information had been received, as would, if founded, render it indisputable, that the Little Sarah was arming and equipping as
 a Cruiser; and intimated a desire that such further and full investigation might be instituted, upon certain enumerated points, as would precisely establish the circumstances relating to the subject. This investigation was accordingly made, with all possible dispatch, and the report of the Master Warden, received on the evening of the 6th, was communicated to the Secretary of State, and the Secretary at War, on the morning of the 7th instant.
From the information which I received late in the night of the 6th instant, I had reason to suspect that the vessel intended to sail on the ensuing day⟨,⟩ and, in order, therefore, to obtain an opportunity for your decision, on the propriety of forcibly detaining her, I directed the Secretary of this Commonwealth to wait upon the Minister of the French Republic, to represent to him the circumstances of the case, and to request, for the sake of preserving peace and harmony, that he would give directions for suspending her departure. But as the Minister would enter into no satisfactory assurance in this respect, I thought it my duty immediately to instruct the Master Warden to prohibit any Pilot from taking charge of the vessel; and I issued orders to the Adjutant General of the Militia to make a draft of 100 hundred men from the Infantry, and 20 men, with two field pieces from the Artillery, with proper officers.
On the morning of the 7th I had an interview with the Secretary of State, who, after a conversation with Mr Genet, reccommended a discontinuance of all hostile arrangements; and appeared to be satisfied that the vessel would not be permitted to sail, till your sentiments on the subject were declared. In pursuance of this advice, I directed the Adjutant General to inform the citizens, who had paraded on the occasion, that their attendance was dispensed with ’till further orders.
I cannot forbear suggesting to your Excellency, at this time, that as the equipments of Privateers and outrages upon the neutrality of the Port, may be made in the stream of the river at a considerable distance from the shores, embarrassments may arise in executing your instructions, contained in the Letters of the Secretary at War, dated the 23d and 24th of May last, for want of some Fort, or Battery, to command the Delaware. If, therefore, it should be thought a national object, and the expence can be borne, by the national Treasury, I will chearfully, under your sanction, undertake to establish a battery upon Mud
 Island, and station a competent party of Militia there. I am, with perfect respect, Sir, Your most Obed. Hble servt

Tho. Mifflin


Title: To George Washington from Charles Fierer, 10 July 1793
From: Fierer, Charles
To: Washington, George

Sir
Dumfries [Va.] July 10th 1793

Your excellency as the Soldier’s friend, will I hope be pleased to pardon the liberty I take in addressing myself, to your Excellency, on a subject of a private nature, but of the greatest importance to myself.
Early in the month of September, in 1778 when the American head-quarters, were at the White-Plaines, I as an Officer in the German service arrived there, from New York, and was introduced to your Excellency, by the late Colo. Wm Grayson, with whom I had become acquainted while a Prisoner on Parole in this Town in 1777. It was in consequence of this Gentleman’s recommendation, (I believe) Your Excellency was pleased to honour me with a letter to the then President of Congress, Henry Laurens Esqr. which, as I afterwards found, recommended me to a Commission in the American Army, and in consequence of which I received an appointment, as a Captain in a new Corps, then in contemplation to be raised, out of such of the German Soldiers as should quit the British service. The raising of this Corps being however counteracted, by a resolve of Congress soon after, and I being desirous of an opportunity, to shew my Zeal for the Cause which I had adopted, and for which I had sacrificed every other prospect; in March 1779 through the exertion of Colo. Wm Grayson, I procured the command of a Troop of Horse, in the Virginia State Cavalry; a corps then raising for the protection of the State. In this Corps I made two Campaigns in the Southern States, and served in it both in and out of the State, until peace, to the Satisfaction of my Superiors, as will appear by sundry Certificates. It is unnecessary to remind your Excellency, of the situation of the Officers in general at that period. Mine however has proved particularly distressing, as a Foreigner: for though the Officers of the State troops were promised the same emoluments, as those on Continental Establishment, the Commutation of half pay has been withheld from us to this day. Ten years successivly, have we in a body petitioned the Legislature of Virginia on this subject, and as often have we been put off; at last worn out, and unable to persevere any longer, the object is generally given up. Takeing my situation however in a
 different point of view, from my suffering brethren, natives of this Country, and urged on by poverty, and a cruel decree of my Native Country, which confiscated a considerable patrimonial Legacy, in consequence of my joining the American army; I am induced to apply once more individually, and lay a statement of my grievances, before the next General Assembly of this state, with a petition for my Commutation of half pay. Conceiving that the Letter your Excellency was pleased to Write in my favour, in 1778 to the President of Congress, will be of great importance to me as it will prove a provision for me on Continental Establishment, which I forfeited, by entering on the State Establishment; I humbly beseech your Excellency to grant me a copy of the same, if one record, or else as much of the Subject, as is within your Excellency’s recollection. I once applied for the same at the Public Offices in Philadelphia—but could not obtain it.
Your Excellency’s condescension on this Subject, may perhaps be the means of procuring to me my Commutation, which no doubt I should have been entitled to on Continental Establishment, but of which I was ignorant in those days. I have the honor to remain with profound respect, Your Excellency’s Most Obt and Most Hble sert
Charles Fierer, late Captain in the Virginia State Cavalry


Title: To George Washington from Thomas Mifflin, 10 July 1793
From: Mifflin, Thomas
To: Washington, George

Sir.
Phil: 10 July 1793

In consequence of some reports, respecting the equipments of the English Letter of Marque, the Jane, I thought there was reason to suspect that she was fitting out as a Cruiser; and, therefore, I directed the Master Warden to renew his enquiries upon the subject. His report, and the paper mentioned in it I have now the honor to transmit for your consideration.
I take this opportunity, likewise, to lay before you a copy of a letter, dated the 8 instant wch I have recd from the Consul of the French Republic. I am, with perfect respect Sir Yr Excellency’s most Obed. Hble Ser.

Tho. Mifflin


Title: To George Washington from Burgess Ball, 11 July 1793
From: Ball, Burgess
To: Washington, George

Dear sir,
Fredericksbg [Va.]—11th of July 1793.

Being sensible that the sooner your communications were made known to Mr Fitzhugh, and the result to you, so much the sooner wou’d your mind be reliev’d, I waited on him today and fully inform’d him of everything respecting the Conversation the Gentleman had with you at the Dinner in Alexandria on the 4th of July, and of your Sentiments on that Subject—Mr Fitzhugh had hear’d nothing, and says, “had he hear’d anything which cou’d have had an appearance of a deviation from your private or publick Conduct, he shou’d have given no Credit to it—As to Mr Guin having any thought of quiting his bussiness, he is sure he has not, and, as to Mr Stith, he never had an Idea of; but believes the Gentleman, with whom you fell in Conversation, has a great desire that Mr Stith shou’d get Mr Guins place, they ⟨“⟩being connected.” I enquired of Mr Fitzhugh, & also of Mr Carter (of Sherly) who was there, if they knew any person whom they thought wou’d suit you but neither of those Gentlemen can recollect, except (they say) Colo. William Nelson of Caroline or Mr Nathl Burwell of King William will undertake such Bussiness, which a few Years ago they talk’d of—Either of those Gentlemen they think are fully capable, but, they have large families, which might be an Obsticle. Mr Laurence Lewis says (and requested me to mention it, if I shou’d be writing to you) that, if you think proper he will go to Mount Vernon, and stay there ’till you may
 get furnish’d—He is a very discreet man, and I think you had best take him, at once, if you are not already provided, as no doubt you will be daily losing for want for a Superintendent.
In a few Weeks I propose taking my Family to Berkley, and shall take my New Purchase in the way, in the Neighbourhood of which I expect I may be able to engage any quantity of Buck wheat, and shall be very happy in getting for you what you think you may want. Wishing you & Mrs Washington every felicity, in which Fanny joins, I am Dr sir, Your Affect. friend &c.

B: Ball


Title: Memorandum from Thomas Jefferson, 11 July 1793
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Washington, George

[Philadelphia, c.11 July 1793]

Papers requiring the President’s instant attention.

Th: J’s letter to Viar & Jaudenes.
}
    the Courier goes on Saturday.

Genet’s communications relative to Spain

Little Sarah.
the Governor’s letter of June 24. & Warden’s 1st report.
the Governor’s letter of July 7.
x Th: J’s conversation with Genet.
x Th: J’s opinion against firing on the Little Sarah.
Rawle’s letter. July 9.
Genet’s letter. July 9.


Title: Enclosure: Thomas Jefferson’s Notes on a Conversation with Edmond Genet, 10 July 1793
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Washington, George

[Philadelphia] July 10. 1793.

The Secretary of Treasury having communicated to Genl Knox & myself that he had been informed that the Little Sarah had much augmented her arms, and was greatly advanced in her preparations, we concurred in opinion that the Govr should be desired to have a reexamination of the fact. it was done & a Report made that she had entered the port with only 4. guns, & now had 14 &c. the next day, being Sunday the 7th inst. I received a letter from the Govr by express informing me he understood she would sail that day. I went instantly to town. he told me he had received the intelligence the night before & had sent mister Dallas at midnight to mister Genet. mister Dallas told me that on his proposing the subject of detaining the vessel he flew into a great passion, talked extravegantly & concluded by refusing to order the vessel to stay. as the Govr had sent for Genl Knox also, I told him I would in the mean time go to mister Genet & speak with him on the subject. I went.
On his coming into the room I told him I called on the subject of the Little Sarah, that our information was that she was armed contrary to the decision of the President which had been communicated to him & that she would sail that day & I requested that he would detain her till we could enquire into the fact and lay it before the President who would be here on Wednesday. he took up the subject instantly in a very high tone, and went into an immense feild of declamation & complaint. I found it necessary to let him go on, and in fact could do no otherwise, for the few efforts which I made to take some part in the conversation were quite ineffectual. it is impossible for me to state the particulars
 of what he said. such of the general topics as I can now recollect were these; he charged us with having violated the treaties between the two nations, & so went into the cases which had before been subjects of discussion, complained that we suffered our flag to be insulted & disregarded by the English, that they stopped all our vessels took out of them whatever they suspected to be French property, that they had taken all the provisions he had embarked in American vessels for the colonies, that if we were not able to protect their vessels in our ports nor their property on the high seas, we ought to permit them to protect it themselves, that they on the contrary paid the highest respect to our flag, that tho it was notorious that most of the cargoes sent from America were British property, yet being in American vessels, or pretended American vessels, they never touched it, and thus had no chance of retaliating on their enemies; that he had been thwarted, and opposed in every thing he had had to do with the government, that he found himself in so disagreeable a situation that he sometimes thought of packing up & going away, as he found he could not be useful to his nation in any thing; he dwelt on the friendly propositions he brought from his nation, on the instructions & dispositions with which he came to do whatever would gratify us; that to such propositions such a return ought not to have been made by the Executive without consulting Congress, and that on the return of the President he would certainly press him to convene the Congress. he had by this time got into a more moderate tone, and I stopped him at the subject of calling Congress, explained our constitution to him, as having divided the functions of government among different authorities, the Executive, Legislative & Judiciary, each of which were supreme in all questions belonging to their department & independt of the others: that all the questions which had arisen between him & us belonged to the Executive department, and if Congress were sitting could not be carried to them, nor would they take notice of them. he asked if they were not the sovereign? I told him No, they were sovereign in making laws only, the Executive was sovereign in executing them, & the Judiciary in construing them where they related to their department. but says he, at least, Congress are bound to see that the treaties are observed. I told him No, there were very few cases indeed arising out of treaties which they could take notice of; that the
 President is to see that treaties are observed. and if he decides against the treaty to whom is a nation to appeal? I told him the constitution had made the President the last appeal. he made me a bow, and said that indeed he would not make me his compliments on such a constitution, expressed the utmost astionishment at it, and seemed never before to have had such an idea. he was now come into perfect good humour & coolness, in which state he may be spoken with with the greatest freedom. I observed to him the impropriety of his conduct in persevering in measures contrary to the will of the government & that too within it’s limits wherein they had unquestionably a right to be obeyed. but, says he, I have a right to expound the treaty on our side. certainly, says I, each party has an equal right to expound their treaties: you, as the agent of your nation, have a right to bring forward your exposition, to support it by reasons, to insist on it, to be answered with the reasons for our exposition where it is contrary: but when, after hearing & considering your reasons, the highest authority in the nation has decided, it is your duty to say you think the decision wrong, that you cannot take upon yourself to admit it, and will represent it to your government to do as they think proper; but in the meantime you ought to acquiesce in it, & to do nothing within our limits contrary to it. he was silent as to this, & I thought was sensible it was right. I brought him to the point of the Little Sarah, & pressed his detention of her till the President’s return. why detain her said he? because, said I, she is reported to be armed with guns acquired here. he said the guns were all of French property, and surely we did not pretend to controul them in the disposal of their own property, that he could name to me the French vessels from whom he had taken every gun. I told him I would be obliged to him for any evidence of that fact with which he would furnish me, & repeated my request to detain the vessel. he was embarrassed, & unwilling, he said he should not be justifiable in detaining her. I told him it would be considered as a very serious offence indeed if she should go away, that the government was determined on the point, and thinking it right, would go through with it. after some hesitation he said he could not make any promise, it would be out of his duty, but that he was very happy in being able to inform me that the vessel was not in readiness & therefore could not sail that day. I asked him if I might rely that she would not be
 ready to sail before the return of the President? he then spoke of her unreadiness indefinitely as to time, said she had many things to do yet, and would not be ready for some time, he did not know when. and whenever I tried to fix it to the President’s return, he gave the same answer that she would not be ready for some time, but with the look & gesture which shewed he meant I should understand she would not be gone before that. but says he she is to change her position & to fall down the river to-day but she will not depart yet. what, says I, will she fall down to the lower end of the town? I do not know exactly where says he, but some where there for the convenience of getting ready some things, but let me beseech you, says he, not to permit any attempt to put men on board her. she is filled with high spirited patriots, & they will unquestionably resist; and there is no occasion, for I tell you she will not be ready to depart for some time. I told him then I would take it for granted she would not be ready before the President’s return, that in the mean time we would have enquiries made into the facts, & would thank him for information on the subject, & that I would take care that the case should be laid before the President the day after his return. he promised to give me a state of facts the next day. I then returned to the Governor, told him what had passed, & that I was satisfied that tho the vessel was to fall some where down the river, she would not sail. he thereupon ordered the militia to be dismissed. on repeating to him & mister Dallas what mister Genet had said, we found that it agreed in many particulars with what he had said to mister Dallas: but mister Dallas mentioned some things which he had not said to me, & particularly his declaration that he would appeal from the President to the people. he did in some part of his declamation to me drop the idea of publishing a narrative or statement of transactions, but he did not on that, nor ever did on any other occasion in my presence, use disrespectful expressions of the President. he from a very early period shewed that he believed there existed here an English party, and ascribed to their misinformation industry and maneuvres some of the decisions of the Executive. he is not reserved on this subject. he complains of the partiality of the information of those employed by the government, who never let a single movement of a French vessel pass unnoticed, nor ever inform of an English one arming, or not till it is too late to stop her. the next day, Monday, I met
 the Secretaries of the Treasury & War, in the Governor’s office. they proposed our ordering a battery to be erected on Mud island immediately, guns to be mounted, to fire at the vessel, & even to sink her if she should attempt to pass. I refused to concur in the order, for reasons assigned in another paper. the vessel was then at Gloucester point. whether any intimation of this proposition got out or not, I do not know, but she very soon after fell down to Chester. on a suggestion that there were 15. or 20. Americans on board, we desired mister Rawle to take measures to prosecute them. see his answer both as to the fact & the law.

Th: Jefferson


Title: Memorandum from Thomas Jefferson, 11 July 1793
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Washington, George

[Philadelphia, c.11 July 1793]

to be read at the President’s leisure.
Governr H. Lee’s letter. June 28. concerning supposed pestilential disease in W. I.
The Suckey. Th: J’s letter June 26. to mister Hammond.

Th: J.
to mister
Hammond.
June 25.
on insinuation concerning Western posts.

do
to
do
do
developemt of order about privateers arming.

Philips’s letter June 7. cannot be received as Consul at Curaçoa.
Chiappe’s letter Mar. 20. Th: J will read it to the President. Simpson’s do Apr. 30.
Th: J.s letter to the President. on mister Young’s queries.


Title: Memorandum from Thomas Jefferson, 11–13 July 1793
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Washington, George

[Philadelphia, c.11–13 July 1793]

Th: J. has the papers in the following cases which require as early consideration as the President can well give them. Vainqueur de la Bastille. Genet’s letter July 8. & Govr of Carolina’s June 24.
Le Citoyen Genet and prizes. Hammond’s letter July 10.
Genet’s letter June 26. covering protests of the Consuls against interference of the Admiralty courts, and expressing very improper principles.

Th: J’s letter to Genet. June 25.
}
arrangement that prizes reclaimed may remain in hands of Consuls,till decision.

Genet’s answer. June 26.

Ship William. reclaimed.

  Hammmond’s letter June 21.

  Th: J. to Genet. June 29.

Brig Fanny. reclaimed.

  Hammond’s letter June 26.

  Th: J. to Genet. June 29.

Brig Swallow. papers
}
two British letters of Marque. required to be ordered away.

 from the President.

Ship Jane. Governor’s

 letter & papers. July 5.

  Genet’s letter to Th: J. July 9.
Genet’s letter to Th: J. June 25.
  Governr of Maryland’s letter & papers. June 20. the Trusty.
  Th: J’s letter to Genet. June 30.
 this is a complaint of enemy ships armed in the ports of the U.S.
Genet’s letter. July 9. complaining of        Vexatious usage of French passengers on an American        vessel, by a British privateer [and] French property taken        out of an American vessel by a British privateer.


Title: To George Washington from Thomas Jefferson, 11 July 1793
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Washington, George

[Philadelphia, 11 July 1793]

Th: Jefferson presents his respects to the President. he had expected that the Secretaries of the Treasury & War would have given to the President immediately the statement of facts in the case of the Little Sarah, as drawn by the former & agreed to, as also their Reasons: but Colo. Hamilton having informed Th: J. that he has not been able to prepare copies, Th: J. sends the President the copies they had given him, which being prefixed to his opinion will make the case complete, as it is proper the President should see both sides of it at once.
Th: J. has had a fever the two last nights which has held him till the morning. something of the same is now coming on him. but nothing but absolute inability will prevent his being in town early tomorrow morning.
Th: J. had written the above before he had the honor of the

President’s note on the subject of this vessel. he has received assurance from mister Genet to-day that she will not be gone before the President’s decision. Th: J. is himself of opinion that whatever is aboard of her of arms, ammunition or men contrary to the rules heretofore laid down by the President, ought to be withdrawn. on this subject he will have the honor of conferring with the President, or any others, whenever he pleases.


Title: To George Washington from William Moultrie, 11 July 1793
From: Moultrie, William
To: Washington, George

Dear & respected Sir
Charleston [S.C.] July 11, 1793

General Pickens will do me the honor to deliver you this; he is a gentleman of great worth and integrity and is well acquainted with the situation of these Southern States particularly the Indian affair, he and I have had some conversation respecting them, we agree that nothing else can be done, then that an Expedition composed of the Militia of the three Southern States should be immediately undertaken and that four or five thousand men be raised and marched into their country, that number can be

raised by the first of October, which will be a very good time to take the field; I know of no man who is so proper to conduct this business as Gen. Pickens, he is well know[n] and respected in these Southern States, and well acquainted with the Indian warfare—I humbly sugest that should you agree with us in Opinion, that an Expedition is necessary against the Creek nation of Indians that a special Commission be given to General Pickens for that purpose to prevent the other generals from having any dispute with him; This Expedition will be but one expence and may terminate in three months after they take the field, and will establish a firm and last peace with the Indians. I have the honor to be Dear Sir with the greatest regard & Esteem your most Obt hume Servt

Willm Moultrie


Title: To George Washington from Thomas Jefferson, 12 July 1793
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Washington, George

[Philadelphia] July 12. 1793.

Th: Jefferson has the honor to send to the President Dr Thornton’s answer to mister Hallet’s objections this moment received, & which he has not had time to read. perhaps the President may think it worth while to communicate them to mister Hobens & see what he thinks of them, for which reason he sends them to the President in the instant of receiving them.


Title: To George Washington from Henry Knox, 13 July 1793
From: Knox, Henry
To: Washington, George

Sir,
 War department July 13th 1793

I have the honor to submit the enclosed letter from James Ore to the Governor of Virginia and transmitted by Lieutenant Governor Wood to me. I have shown it to Governor Blount who while he exceedingly laments the event, has no doubt of the authenticity of the letter knowing the hand Writing and person of James Ore. I have expected the Governor to consider of the measures proper to be pursued on this disagreeable affair and to let me have the result in Writing, which shall be submitted.
I have the honor to be with the greatest respect your obedient Servant

H. Knox


Title: To George Washington from Peter R. Livingston, 13 July 1793
From: Livingston, Peter R.
To: Washington, George

May it Please your Excellency
New York 13 July 1793

My Worthy friend Dr John Cockran the present Loan officer being again taken very ill and his life dispared of if he should not

recover this stroke, and your Excellency should have no objections to grant me the favour if the office should become Vacant to fill it You would confer an Obligation never to be forgotten on one of your most Sincre friends, and most cordial well wisher. Your Excellencys Most Obedient and very Humble Servant

Peter R. Livingston


Title: Tobias Lear to William Thornton, 13 July 1793
From: Lear, Tobias
To: Thornton, William

Sir,
Philadelphia July 13th 1793

The President directs me to inform you, that, upon the best consideration the pressure of public business will allow him to give the subject, he thinks the most likely way to accommodate the differences respecting the plan of the Capitol, by satisfactory explainations, will be for you to have a personal interview with Mr Hoben on the subject, in presence of the best and most skilful Architect that can be obtained in this City—in order that a full discussion may be had on those points which go to the impracticability of execution.
The President wishes you would have the goodness to bring with you such person skilled in practical Architecture as you can find best qualified to pronounce in the subject—and that the discussion may take place in the presence of Mr Jefferson, at his office, if the pressure of his official duties do not prevent his attention.
Mr Jefferson is expected in town about eleven o’clock⟨,⟩ at

which time if you can make it convenient to attend, it will be pleasing to the President as he is extremely anxious to have the matter decided that the work on the Capitol may commence as soon as possible. With sentiments of true esteem & great respect, I have the honor to be, Sir, Your most Obedt Servt

Tobias Lear.


Title: To George Washington from James Butler, 14 July 1793
From: Butler, James
To: Washington, George

 Letter not found: from James Butler, 14 July 1793. GW wrote Butler on 22 July that “Your letter of the 14th came duly to hand.”


Title: Tobias Lear to James Keith, 14 July 1793
From: Lear, Tobias
To: Keith, James

Sir,
Philadelphia July 14th 1793

The President directs me to transmit to you the enclosed papers & receipts respecting the Legacy paid to Miss Anderson, agreeably to the will of Colo. Thos Colville. I likewise enclose a receipt given by yourself, for seventy five pounds 7/6 which was paid you by the President’s order on Acct of Colo. Colville’s estate, for the use of William Anslay, Administrator of Mary Monk-house. These are the only documents among the President’s papers here that relate to Colo. Colville’s estate.
The President wishes you to furnish him with transcripts of those Accts respecting Colo. Coville’s Estate which you laid before him at Mt Vernon, & which have been passed by the Commissioner’s. I have the honor to be with great respect & esteem Sir, Your most Obedt Sert

T. Lear.


Title: Circular to William Stuart, Hiland Crow, and Henry McCoy, 14 July 1793
From: Washington, George
To: Stuart, William,Crow, Hiland,McCoy, Henry

To Mr William Stuart—Hyland Crow—& Henry McKay—as per
margin.

Sir,
Philadelphia 14 July 1793

For all the above Overseers.
It being indispensably necessary that I should have some person at Mt Vernon through whom I can communicate my orders; who will see that these orders are executed; or, if not obeyed, who will inform me why they are not; who will receive the Weekly reports & transmit them; receive money & pay it; and in general to do those things which do not appertain to any individual Overseer. I have sent my Nephew mister Howell Lewis (who lives with me here) to attend to them until I can provide a manager of established reputation in these matters. You will therefore pay due regard to such directions as you may receive from him, considering them as coming immediately from myself. But that you also may have general knowledge of what I expect from you, I shall convey the following view (which I have of the business committed to your charge) as it appears to me, & direct you to

govern yourself by it: as I am persuaded nothing inconsistent therewith will be ordered by Mr Lewis, without authority from me to depart from it.
1st. Altho’ it is almost needless to remark that the Corn ground at the Farm you overlook ought to be kept perfectly clean & well ploughed—yet, because not only the goodness of that Crop depends upon such management; but also the wheat crop which is to succeed it, I cannot forbear urging the propriety & necessity of the measure, in very strong terms.
2d. The wheat is to be got into the barns—or into stacks, as soon as it can be done with any sort of convenience, that it may not (especially the bearded Wheat which is subject to injury by wet weather) sustain loss in shocks—& because the shattered Grain in the fields may be beneficial to the stock; but no Hogs are to be put on stubble fields in which Grass seeds were sown last fall, Winter or spring; other stock, however, may be turned on them, as it is rooting that would be prejudicial.
For Hyland Crow alone.
3d. The whole swamp from the Road by Manley’s bridge up to the Lane leading to the New barn, is to be got in the best & most complete order for sowing Grass seeds in August—or, at farthest by the middle of September. The lowest & wettest part thereof is to be sown with Timothy seed alone. All the other parts of it are to be sown with Timothy & Clover seeds mixed. The swamp on the other side of the aforesaid Lane (now in Corn & oats) is to be kept in the best possible order, that the part not already sown with Grass-seeds, may receive them either this autumn (as soon as the Corn can be taken off with safety)—or in the Spring as circumstances shall dictate.
For Hy McKay alone.
No exertion, or pains are to be spared at Dogue-run to get the swamp from Manley’s bridge up to the meadow above; & the two Inclosures in the Mill swamp, in the highest order for Grass, to be sown in the time & manner above mentioned. But that no more may be attempted than can be executed well, proceed in the following order with them; accordingly as the weather may happen to be; for this must be consulted—as dry weather will answer to work in the low parts best, whilst the higher grounds may be worked at any time. 1st—begin with the swamp from Manley’s bridge upwards, & get all that is not already in grass, well prepared for it, & indeed sown. 2d. that part of the lower Meadow on the Mill run, which lies between the old bed of it, & the race, & within the fences—3d. After this is done, take that part in the Inclosure above (which was in Corn last year) lying between the Ditch & fence of No. 1. up & down to the cross fences. 4th. then go over the Ditch, & prepare slipe after slipe as the Ditch runs, from one cross fence to the other, & continue to do this as long as the season will be good, or the seed can be sown with propriety & safety.
For both Crow & McKay.
I conceive that the only way to get these grounds in good order, & with expedition, is to give them one good ploughing & then to tear them to peices with heavy harrows. Whether it be necessary to cut down & take off the weeds previous to these workings can be decided better by experiments on the spot, than by reasoning on it at a distance. My desire is that the ground shall be made perfectly clean & laid down smooth; without which Meadows will always be foul—much grass left in them, & many Scythes broken in cutting what is taken off.
McKay alone.
4th. The Buck Wheat which has been sown for manure, ought to be ploughed in the moment a sufficiency of seed is ripe to stock the ground a second time; otherwise, so far from it’s answering the purpose of manure, it will become an exhauster. For this reason, if the plows belonging to the Farm are unable to turn it in time, those of Muddy hole, Dogue run & Union Farm must combine to do it. the work to be repaid by the Farm which receives the benefit, as soon as this work is accomplished thereat.
For Crow & McKay both.
5th. Where Clover & Timothy seeds are mixed & sown together, allow five pints of the first & three of the latter, to the acre; and where Timothy only is sown allow four quarts to the acre. Let the Seed be measured in the proportions here allotted & put into an half bushel, & the half bushel filled with sand or dry earth, & extremely well mixed together in your own presence, or by yourself, which will answer two good purposes vizt 1st—to prevent theft, for seeds thus mixed would not sell—and 2dly. the seedsman being accustomed to sow a bushel of wheat to the acre would be at no loss to cast a bushel of this or anything else, regularly on that quantity of Ground.
For all of them.
6th. It is expected you will begin to sow wheat early in August, & in ground perfectly clean & well ploughed. I would have, & do accordingly direct that not less than five pecks of seeds be sown on each acre. The plan of the Farm over which you look is given to Mr Lewis, from which the contents of each field may be known. And it is my express direction that every watch, & the best attention may be given, to see that this quantity actually is put in; for I have strong suspicions (but this ought not to be hinted to them) that the seedsmen help themselves to a pretty large toll.
7th. As soon as you have done sowing, & even before if it can be done conveniently, you are to set heartily about threshing, or treading out the Wheat; and as fast as it is got out, to have it delivered at the Mill, or elsewhere according to directions. The longer this business is delayed the more waste & embezzlement will there be of the Crop. The wheat is to be well cleaned; the chaff & light wheat are to be properly taken care of for the Horses or other Stock; & the straw stacked & secured as it ought to be against weather & other injuries; and until the whole be delivered, it will require your constant & close attention.
8th. The Oats at the farm you overlook are, I presume, all cut; in that case, let all the Scythes & Cradles, & Rakes which you have received be delivered over to the Mansion House; or, if you chuse to keep them against next Harvest, you must be responsible for them yourself.
McKay alone.
9th. The presumption also is, that the Flax is, ’ere this, pulled; let it be well secured, & at a proper season stripped of it’s seed & spread to rot. During this operation let it be often & well examined, that it be not over done, or receive injury in any other respect by lying out too long
For all.
10th. Get the cleanest & best wheat for seed, & that which is freest from Onions. I would have about one third of my whole Crop sown with the common wheat; One third with the white; & the other third with the yellow bearded wheat. The Overseers (with Davy, as he knows the state of his own farm & the quality of  the wheat which grows upon it) may meet & decide among themselves whether it would be best to have some of each of these sorts on every Farm; or, in order more effectually to prevent mixture, to have one sort only on a farm. In the latter case, the cutting of that which ripens first and so on, must be accomplished by the force of all the farms, instead of each doing its own work. If the seed on one farm was to be sown on another—especially if seed which grew on a light soil was to be sown on a stiff one; and that which grew on a stiff one sown on light ground, advantages would unquestionably result from it.
Crow alone.
11th—The Potatoes at the Mansion House must be worked by the ploughs from Union farm, & when this is required it would be best, I conceive, to accomplish the work in a day.
For all.
12th—It is expected that the fences will be made secure, & no damage permitted within them by creatures of any kind, or belonging to anybody—mine any more than others.
13th. The greatest attention is to be paid to the stocks of all kinds on the farms; and the most that can, be made of their manure & litter. They are to be counted regularly, that no false reports may be made; & missing ones, if any, hunted for until found, or the manner of their going can be accounted for satisfactorily.
14th. A Weekley Report, as usual, is to be handed to Mr Lewis. In this report, that I may know better how the work goes on, mention when you begin to plough, hoe, or otherwise work in a field, & when that field is finished. The increase, decrease, & changes are to be noted as heretofore—and let me ask.
15th. Why are the Corn harrows thrown aside, or so little used, that I rarely of late ever see or hear of their being at work? I have been run to very considerable expence in providing these, & other implements for my farms; & to my great mortification & injury find, generally speaking, that wherever they were last used, there they remain, if not stolen, ’till required again; by which means they, as well as the Carts, receive so much injury from the wet weather & the heat of the sun, as to be unfit for use. To repair or supply the place of wch with new ones, my Carpenters (who ought to be otherwise employed) are continually occupied in these jobs. Harrows, after the ground is well broken, would certainly  weed, & keep the Corn clean with more ease than ploughs. I hope therefore they will be used. And it is my express orders that the greatest care be taken of the Tools of every kind, Carts & plantation implements in future for I can no longer submit to the losses I am continually sustainting by neglect.
16th—There is nothing I more ardently desire; nor indeed is there anything more essential to my permanent interest, than raising of live fences on proper Ditches or banks: Yet nothing has ever been, in a general way, more shamefully neglected or mismanaged; for instead of preparing the ground properly for the reception of the Seed, & weeding & keeping the plants clean after they come up—the Seeds are hardly scratched into the ground, & are suffered to be smothered by the weeds & grass if they do come up; by which means the expence I have been at in purchasing & sending the seeds (generally from Philada) together with the labour, such as it is, that has been incurred, is not only lost, but (& which is of infinite more importance to me) season after season passes away, & I as far from the accomplishment of my object as ever. I mention the matter thus fully to shew how anxious I am that all the seeds which have been sown or planted on the Banks of the Ditches, should be properly attended to; and the deficient spots, if any made good, if you have, or can obtain the means for doing it.
 17th. There is one thing I must caution you against (without knowing whether there be cause to charge you with it or not)—and that is, not to retain any of my Negroes who are able & fit to work in the Crop, in or about your own house, for your own purposes. This I do not allow any Overseer to do. A small boy or girl for the purpose of fetching wood or water, tending a child or such like thi⟨n⟩gs, I do not object to; but so soon as they are able to work out, I expect to reap the benefit of their labour myself.
 18th. Tho’ last mentioned, it is not of the least importance; because the peace & good government of the negroes depend upon it—& not less so my interest & your own reputation. I do therefore in explicit terms enjoin it upon you to remain constantly at home (unless called off by unavoidable business or to attend Divine Worship) & to be constantly with your people when there. There is no other sure way of getting work well done, & quietly by negroes; for when an Overlooker’s back is turned, the most of them will slight their work, or be idle altogether. In which  case correction cannot retrieve either; but often produces evils which are worse than the disease. Nor is there any other mode but this to prevent thieving & other disorders, the consequence of opportunities. You will recollect that your time is paid for by me, & if I am deprived of it, it is worse even than robbing my purse, because it is also a breach of trust; which every honest man ought to hold most sacred. You have found me, & you will continue to find me faithful to my part of the agreement which was made with you, whilst you are attentive to your part; but it is to be remembered that a breach on one side releases the obligation on the other; if therefore it shall be proved to me that you are absenting yourself from either the Farm or the people witho⟨ut⟩ just cause, I shall hold myself no more bound to pay the wages, than you do to attend strictly to the charge which is entrusted to you, by one who has every disposition to be, Your friend & servant

Go: Washington


Title: Tobias Lear to Thomas Jefferson, 15 July 1793
From: Lear, Tobias
To: Jefferson, Thomas

July 15th 1793

In obedience to the President’s commands T. Lear has the honor to return to the Secretary of State the following letters & papers which have been put into the President’s hands by the Secretary. viz.
Genet’s communications relative to Spain
Lettr from Govr. of Pennsya. dated 24th June & Warden’s report.

Do from Do 7th July.

Copy of Mr Rawle’s letter 9th July
Genet’s letter—9 July.
Govr. of Virga letter 28th June.
Secy’s lettr to Mr Hammond 26th June
Do to Do—25 June
Do to Do—25 Do
Philips’ letter 7th June
Chiappe’ letter 20th March.
Simpson’s do—30th Apl
Genet’s lettr—22d June
Do Do 25—do
Do Do 26—do
Do Do 9—July.
Hoben’s notes on Capitol—
B. Minister’s lettr 11th July
Soderston’s lettr 11 July
Lt. Govr. Wood’s lettre 8 July with enclosures—
B. Minister’s lettr 13 July.
Secy’s lettr to M. P. of France 30th June
Copy of a lettr from Govr. of Maryland to the Collector of Baltimore 20th June
Do of Do—from Collectr to the Govr. 21 June
 Ext. of a lettr from Govr. of Maryld to Secy of War. 22d June.
Secy’s letter to M. P. of France 12 July
Do Do to B. Minister—Do
Do Note to Mess. Viar & Jaudennes 11th July—
Instructions to Mr James Blake—12 July—
Passport for Do—Do
Secy’s letter to Chief Justice Jay—Do
Do Do to Judge Patterson—Do
Do Do to M. P. of France—25 June
Do Do to B. Minister—26 Do


Title: To George Washington from Thomas Jefferson, 15 July 1793
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Washington, George

[Philadelphia] July 15. 93.

Th: Jefferson with his respects to the President returns him Montmorin’s letter, which he thought he would wish to keep, & sends him a letter from Govr. Chittenden, open as he received it. also the letter from Algiers in which there is nothing new but their present marine force in the last page but one.


Title: James Keith to Tobias Lear, 15 July 1793
From: Keith, James
To: Lear, Tobias

Dear Sir
Alexandria [Va.] July 15th 1793

The Line you did me the favor to drop me from George Town was not delivered untill Fryday Noon, I would have answered it immediately, but The Commissioners had not then taken the Accounts under Consideration, the next day was appointed for the purpose, untill this was done the exact Ballance could not be ascertained, as the Quantum of some Charges still to be made was to be determined by them. This has been done, and I now inclose you a Copy of that Account, in which the Ballance still due is struck. I also inclose you the other Accounts relating to John Colvill’s Estate. The Gent., in determining what allowance woud be proper to make the attornies, thought it might not be amiss to apply to Colo. Hooe for Sentiments in the Business, as the Allowance, which they should make, would ultimately fall upon Mr Bennett. He declined paing upon any Sum, but said he thought the Gentlemen intituled to Liberal Fees, they in consequence stated them at ten Guineas apiece in each Suit. after this was settled I mentioned to the Gent. that it had been proposed, both by his Excellency and myself, to submit to them the Compensation I might merit for the part I had taken in the Business. Upon their desiring to be made acquainted with the Accounts which had passed through my hands, I briefly mentioned

them and the State in which I had found them and withdrew. They have stated their Opinion which I inclose you. The Sum is large and more than I looked for, whatever part of it his Excellency may think me intituled to I shall with Satisfaction receive. Whenever the Ballance which appears to be due is settled with Colo. Hooe, I intend to get from him a full Release of all Claims of Mr Bennett against the two Estates of John & Thomas Colvill and have it Recorded. As soon as you transmit me the Receipt for Miss Anderson’s Legacy I will have the accounts of T. Colvills Estate examined by the Commissioners, Copys of which I will transmit you as soon as they are inspected. I am Dear Sir with great Respect & Esteem your most Obedient Servant

Ja. Keith


Title: To George Washington from Joseph Tucker, 15 July 1793
From: Tucker, Joseph
To: Washington, George

Sir
York District of Maine July 15 1793

The Honble Mr Thatcher, a few days since requested me to take the Appointment of Collector for the Port of York, in case of the death of Mr Trevett, who was then thought by his Physicians to be beyond recovery, and has since Expired—And your Excellency should see fit to Appoint me.

Mr Thatcher said, that there would be no other person recomended, and in order to remove every Objection, I sold what Small Navigation I had, it is a Small Port, the income very small; but my situation such that I could Attend to it without much inconvenience; from the Assurance I had from Mr Thatcher, a letter he left with me for the Secretary of the Treasury which I have forwarded: I made every Arrangement Necessary.
This day I am informed that Mr Sewall, is recommended by his kinsman Mr Sewall, keeps the County Goal, some distance from the water—I had the honour to serve through the War under your Excellency was Paymaster to Colo. Brooks[’]s 7th Massachusetts Regiment, was wounded at the Battle of Bemises heights in October 1777 I have never thought of making application for a Pension, this Office was at my door, I was in hopes of Obtaining it; If your Excellency should think proper to Appoint me I shall Esteem it a favour. I am with the greatest Respect Your Excellencys most Obedient & Very Humble Servant

Joseph Tucker


Title: To George Washington from Thomas Jefferson, 16 July 1793
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Washington, George

[Philadelphia] July 16. 1793.

Th: Jefferson has the honor to submit to the President the rough draught of an answer to Mr Genet’s letter of June 22. it is left unclosed, in case any other matters should be thought proper to be added. otherwise he would propose to close it with reiterations of friendship to his nation.


Title: To George Washington from Thomas Jefferson, 17 July 1793
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Washington, George

Sir
Philadelphia July 17. 1793.

According to the desire expressed in your letter of June 30. I called together Doctr Thornton, Mr Hallet, Mr Hoben, and a judicious undertaker of this place, Mr Carstairs, chosen by Dr Thornton as a competent judge of the objections made to his plan of the Capitol for the City of Washington. These objections were proposed and discussed on a view of the plans: the most material were the following.

1. The intercolonnations of the western and central peristyles are too wide for the support of their architraves of Stone: so are those of the doors on the wings.
2. The colonnade passing through the middle of the Conference room has an ill effect to the eye, and will obstruct the view of the members: and if taken away, the cieling is too wide to support itself.
3. The floor of the central peristyle is too wide to support itself.
4. The stairways on each side of the Conference room want head-room.
5. The windows are in some important instances masked by the Galleries.
6. Many parts of the building want light and air in a degree which renders them unfit for their purposes. this is remarkably the case with some of the most important apartments, to wit, the chambers of the Executive and the Senate, the anti-chambers of the Senate and Representatives, the Stair-ways &c. Other objections were made which were surmountable, but those preceding were thought not so, without an alteration of the plan.
This alteration has in fact been made by Mr Hallet in the plan drawn by him, wherein he has preserved the most valuable ideas of the original and rendered them susceptible of execution; so that it is considered as Dr Thornton’s plan reduced into practicable form. The persons consulted agreed that in this reformed plan the objections before stated were entirely remedied; and that it is on the whole a work of great merit. But they were unanimously of opinion that in removing one of the objections, that is to say, the want of light and air to the Executive and Senate chambers, a very capital beauty in the original plan, to wit, the Portico of the Eastern front, was suppressed, and ought to be restored; as the recess proposed in the middle of that front instead of the Portico projecting from it, would probably have an extreme ill effect. They supposed that by advancing the Executive chamber, with the two rooms on it’s flanks, into a line with the Eastern front, or a little projecting or receding from it, the Portico might be reestablished, and a valuable passage be gained in the center of the edifice, lighted from above, and serving as a common disengagement to the four capital apartments, and that nothing would be sacrificed by this but an unimportant proportion of  light and air to the Senate and Representatives rooms, otherwise abundantly lighted and aired.
The arrangement of the windows in front on different levels was disapproved, and a reformation of that circumstance was thought desirably though not essential.
It was further their opinion that the reformed plan would not cost more than half what the original one would.
I need not repeat to you the opinions of Colo. Williams an undertaker also produced by Dr Thornton, who on seeing the plans and hearing the objections proposed, thought some of them removable, others not so, and on the whole that the reformed plan was the best. This past in your presence, and with a declaration at the same time from Col. Williams that he wished no stress to be laid on opinions so suddenly given. but he called on me the day after, told me he had considered and conferred with Dr Thornton on the objections, and thought all of them could be removed but the want of light and air in some cases. he gave me general ideas of the ways in which he would remove the other objections, but his method of spanning the intercolonnations with secret arches of brick, and supporting the floors by an interlocked framing appeared to me totally inadequate; that of unmasking the windows by lowering the Galleries was only substituting one deformity for another, and a conjectural expression how head-room might be gained in the Stairways shewed he had not studied them.
I have employed Mr Carstairs to calculate the cost of the whole masonry of the building, according to the Philadelphia prices, because the cost of the walls of a building furnishes always a tolerable conjecture of the cost of the whole, and because I thought that a statement in detail of the Philadelphia prices of materials and work might be of some value to the Commissioners. I have the honor to be with the most perfect esteem and respect, Sir Your most obedient & most humble Servant.

Th: Jefferson


Title: To George Washington from Henry Knox, 17 July 1793
From: Knox, Henry
To: Washington, George

Sir,
War department July 17th 1793

I have the honor to submit to you a letter from Major General Wayne of the 27th May last.
The Secretary of the Treasury and myself have conceived it essential to the œconomical administration of the public interests as connected with this department that an Agent therefrom should be sent both to Georgia and to the South western territory for the objects specified in the instructions to Captain Constant Freeman who has agreed to perform this business in Georgia—Colonel David Henley has also agreed to perform the duties in the South western territory—The propriety of the measure, the men, and the instructions are submitted for your approbation or otherwise. I have the honor to be with the greatest respect Your most obedt Servant

H. Knox


Title: To George Washington from Robert Lewis, 17 July 1793
From: Lewis, Robert
To: Washington, George

Hond Uncle,
The Exchange [Fauquier County, Va.]  July 17th 1793

Since writing to you last, I set off with an intention of visiting your land on Potomac, and examining into the state of your lotts in Winchester and at Bath as you requested, but was unfortunately taken sick on the road, and confined by it so long, that I was obliged to return home before I could complete the journey, in order to begin my Harvest, and have the wheat secured as soon as possible. I am making preparation to sow my corn ground, and what ground I have fallowed, down in wheat, which I am in hopes of completing by the last of August. I will then undoubtedly see your land and the lotts before mentioned, should no accident happen to prevent.
I have had a final answer from Major Harrison respecting the land which you wished to purchase from him. He has determined not to sell for some years to come, upon any terms, as he thinks lands are rising fast in value, and that his will, of course, rise in proportion.
Inclosed is a draught on Mr Hill of Philadelphia for ten pounds Virginia currency, which I will thank Mr Lear to present and get the money. It is for rent due by one of your tenants over the ridge, which I have had great difficulty in getting, until I shifted it into the hands of Mr Holker.

Mrs Lewis joins me in love to my Aunt & yourself. I remain your Affectionate Nephew—

Robt Lewis

P. S. I wrote to you lately more fully upon the subject of Majr Harrison’s land. I will thank you to send me the letter giving information of the lotts in Winchester as you mentioned.


Title: From George Washington to Jonathan Trumbull, Jr., 17 July 1793
From: Washington, George
To: Trumbull, Jonathan Jr.

(Private)  Dear Sir,
Philadelphia July 17th 1793

I have duly received your letter of the 8th inst. enclosing papers respecting our unfortunate Citizens, Captives in Algiers, and now return them to you with my thanks for your attention in communicating them.
In all our attempts to accomodate matters with the Algierines, & to releive our Citizens held in Captivity by them, we have been peculiarly unfortunate. Besides the deaths of Captn Paul Jones and Mr Barclay many other untoward circumstances have occurred in that business to prevent its being brought to a point; but I beleive it is unnecessary to say to you, my dear Sir, that no measure which it has been in my power to pursue in order

to terminate that matter favourably has been left untried. And things are now in the best train for effecting that purpose that circumstances will admit of. With very sincere regard I am Dear Sir Your Affecte & Obedt Sert


Title: From George Washington to Thomas Jefferson, 18 July 1793
From: Washington, George
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir,
Philadelphia July 18th 1793.

The Chief Justice & Judge Paterson are in Town. The former called upon me yesterday evening to know at what time he should receive my communications. I was embarrassed—but declared the truth, that by waiting for the Attorney General, the business wch it was proposed to lay before them, was not fully prepared.
I shall expect to see you by nine; And as the Judges will have to decide whether the business wch, it is proposed to ask their opinion upon is, in their Judgment, of such a nature as that they can comply, it might save time if you were to draft something (before you come) that will bring the question properly before them. I am always & sincerely Yours

Go: Washington

P.S. As the Attorney General is not present—quere, would a verbal communication, & explanation of the wishes of Government made to them by you be better than by letter?


Title: To George Washington from Thomas Jefferson, 18 July 1793
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Washington, George

[Philadelphia] July 18. 1793.

Th: Jefferson has the honor to inclose to the President a copy of the questions to be proposed to the judges, which he has endeavoured to make with exactness, but cannot be sure he may not have mistaken some of the interlineations of the original he has added at the end those from his own paper which were agreed to. they are the numbers 22. &c to the end.
he incloses also the rough draughts of Colo. Hamilton & Genl Knox; the former may serve to correct any errors of copying which he may have committed.