Title: To Benjamin Franklin from David Hartley, 1 May 1782
From: Hartley, David
To: Franklin, Benjamin

My dear Friend,
London, May 1st. 1782.
I have received a Packet from you containing several Letters of various Dates. As I shall probably have a safe Opportunity of Conveyance to you when Mr. Laurens leaves this Country, I am now sitting down to write to you an omnium Kind of a Letter, of various Matters as they occur. The late Ministry being departed, I may now speak of Things past more freely. I will take a Sentence in one of your Letters for my Text. Vide yours of April 13th. 1782, in which you say— “You was of Opinion that the late Ministry desired sincerely a Reconciliation with America, and, with that view, a separate Peace with us was proposed.” I must qualify this Sentence much, before I can adopt it as my Opinion. As to Reconciliation, I never gave them much Credit for that Wish. “It is a sweet expression; it certainly means more than Peace.” The utmost that I ever gave the late Ministry Credit for, was a Wish for Peace. And I still believe that the wisest amongst them grew from Day to Day more disposed to Peace (or an Abatement of the War,) in Proportion as they became more alarmed for their own Situations, and their Responsibility. Had the War been more successful, I should not have expected much relenting towards Peace or Reconciliation. That this has always been the Measure of my Opinion of them, I refer you to some Words in a Letter from me to you, dated Jany: 5th: 1780 for Proof.— “But for the Point of Sincerty? Why,—as to that, I have not much to say. I have at least expected some Hold upon their Prudence. My Argument runs thus— It is a Bargain for you (Ministers) to be sincere now. Common Prudence may hint you to look to yourselves. It has amazed me beyond Measure, that this principle of common selfish Prudence has not had the Effect which I expected.” I have not been disposed to be deceived by any conciliatory Professions, which I considered only as arising from Prudence; and I hope that I have not led you into any Deception, having so fully explained myself to you on that Head. Had the american War been more prosperous on the Part of the late Ministry, I do not believe the late Resignation would have taken place, but it is evident, from the Proposition to the Court of France, which you have communicated to me, (and which I have communicated to the present Ministry, with your Letter) that even to the last Hour, some Part of the late Ministry were still set upon the american War, to the last Extremity: and, probably another, more prudent Part of the Ministry would proceed no farther; which, if it be so, may reasonably be imputed as the Cause of the Dissolution of the Late Ministry. These are the Arguments, which I have always driven, and insisted upon, with the greatest Expectation of Success, vizt. prudential Arguments; from the total Impracticability of the War— Responsibility, &c. &c. I have been astonished, beyond Measure, that these Arguments have not had their Effect sooner. If I could give you an Idea of many Conferences, which I have had upon the Subject, I should tell you that many Times, Felix has trembled. When reduced by the Terror of Responsibility, either to renounce the american War, or to relinquish their Places, they have chosen the latter: which is a most wretched and contemptible Retribution, either to their Country, or to Mankind, for the Desolation in which they have involved every Nation that they have ever been connected with. Peace, they would not leave behind them! Their Legacy to their Country and to Mankind has been, Let Darkness be the Burier of the Dead!
As to the Proposal of a separate Peace, arising from a Desire of Reconciliation, it certainly was so, on the Part of the People of England, but, on the Part of the late Ministry, it probably arose from the Hopes of suggesting to France Ideas of some Infidelity, on the Part of America, towards them. If you should ask me why I have seemed to conspire with this, my Answer is very plain. In the first Place, if I could have prevailed with the late Ministry to have actually made an irrevocable Offer, on their own Part, of a separate Peace to America, that very Offer would in the same Instant have become, on their Part also a Consent to a general Peace; because they never had any Wish to a separate Contest with France, and America being out of the Question, they would have thought of Nothing after that, but a general Peace. But I never could bring them even to this. They wished that America should make the Offer of a separate Treaty; (for obvious Views.) My Proposal was, that they should offer irrevocable Terms of peace to America. If they had really meant what they pretended, and what the People of England did really desire, they would have adopted that Proposition. Then the Question would have come forward upon the fair and honorable Construction of a Treaty between France and America, the essential and direct End of which was fully accomplished.—When I speak of great Britain offering irrevocable Terms of Peace to America, I mean such Terms as would effectually have satisfied the Provision of the Treaty; vizt. tacit Independence. I send you a Paper intitled a Breviate, which I laid before the late Ministry: and their not having acted upon it, was a Proof, to me, that the Disposition of their Heart to America was not altered, but that all their relenting arose from the Impracticability of that War, & their Want of Success in it. But, desponding as they were at last, it was not inconsistent with my Expectations of their Conduct, that they should make great Offers to France to abandon America: it was the only Weapon left in their Hands. In Course of negotiating with the said Ministry, I perceived their Courage drooping from Time to Time, for the last three or four years; and it was upon that Ground that I gave them Credit for an increasing Disposition towards Peace. Some dropt off—others sunk under the Load of Folly—and, at last, they all failed.
 My Argument ad homines to the late Ministry, might be stated thus, respecting the american War. “If you don’t kill them, they will kill you.”— “But the War is impracticable on your part— Ergo, the best Thing you can do, for your own Sakes, is to make Peace.”— This was reasoning to Men; and, through Men to Things. But there is no Measure of Rage in Pride and Disappointment.
Spicula cca relinquant
Affixe venis, animasq in vulnere ponunt.
So much for the Argument of the Breviate, as far as it respected the late Ministry. It was a Test, which proved that they were not Sincere in their Pretensions. If they had been in earnest to have given the War a Turn towards the House of Bourbon, and to have dropt the american War, a plain Road lay before them. The Sentiment of the People of England was conformable to the Argument of that Breviate: or rather, I should say what is the real Truth, that the Argument of the Breviate was dictated by the Notoriety of that Sentiment in the People of England. My Object and Wish always has been to strike at the Root of the Evil, the American War. If the british Nation have Jealousies and Resentments against the House of Bourbon; yet still, the first Step, in every Case, should be to recind the American War; and not to keep it lurking in the Rear, to become hereafter, in Case of certain Events, a reversionary War with America for unconditional Terms. This reversionary War was never the Object of the People of England; therefore the Argument of the Breviate was calculated, bonâ fide, to accomplish their Views; and to discriminate the fallacious Pretenses of the late Administration from the real Wishes of the Country, as expressed in the circular Resolutions of many Counties, in the year 1780, first moved at York on March 28th 1780. Every other Principle and Mode of conduct only implies, as you very justly express it, a secret Hope that War may still produce Successes, and then &c. &c. &c. The Designs which have been lurking under this Pretext could not mean any Thing else than this— “Who knows but we may still talk to America at last?”— The only Test of clear Intentions would have been this, to have cut up the american War, and all possible return to it, for any Cause, or under any Pretext. I am confident that the Sentiment of the People of England is, and always has been, to procure Peace and Reconciliation with America, and to vindicate the national Honor in the Contest with the House of Bourbon. If this Intention had been pursued in a simple and direct Manner, I am confident that the Honor and Safety of the British Nation would long ago, have been established, in a general Peace with all the Belligerant Powers.
These are the Sentiments to which I have always acted in those Negotiations which I have had on the Subject of Peace, with the late Ministry; Reconciliation with America, and Peace with all the World, upon Terms consistent with the Honor and Safety of my own Country. Peace must be sought in such Ways as promise the greatest Degree of Practicability. The Sentiments of Individuals, as Philanthropists, may be overborne by the Powers of ancient Prejudices, which too frequently prevail in the Aggregates of Nations. In such Cases, the Philanthropist, who wishes the good of his own Country and of Mankind, must be the Bulrush bending to the Storm, and not the sturdy Oak, unavailingly resisting. National Prejudices are, I hope, generally upon the Decline. Reason and Humanity gain Ground every day, against their natural Enemies, Folly & Injustice. The ideas of Nations being natural Enemies to each other, are generally reprobated. But still jealousies and ancient Rivalships remain, which obstruct the Road to Peace among Men. If one belligerant Nation will entertain a standing Force of three or four hundred thousand fighting Men, other Nations must have defended Frontiers and barrier Towns; and the Barrier of a neighboring Island, whose Constitution does not allow a standing military Force, must consist in a Superiority at Sea: it is necessary for her own Defence. If all Nations will, by mutual Consent, reduce their offensive Powers (which they only claim under the Pretext of necessary Defence) and bring forward the Reign of the Millennium, then, away with your Frontiers and Barriers! Your Gibralters, and the Key of the Baltic! And all the hostile Array of Nations!
Aspera compositis mitescant scula bellis!
These must be the Sentiments of every Philanthropist in his interior Thoughts. But, if we are not to seek Peace by some practicable Method, accommodated to the remaining Prejudices of the Multitude, we shall not, I fear, in our Time, see that happy Day. If Great Britain and France are ancient Rivals, then (until the Reign of the Millennium shall approach) arrange that Rivalship upon equitable Terms: As the two leading Nations of Europe, set them in Balance to each other, the one by Land, the other by Sea. Give to France her elevated Rank among the Nations of Europe: Give to Great Britain the honor of her Flag, and the Security of her Island by her wooden Walls; and there would be no Obstruction to general and perpetual Peace.
The Prejudices of Disrespect between Nations, prevail only among the inferior Ranks. Believe me, for one, at least, I have the highest Sentiments of Respect for the Nation of France. I have no other Sentiment of Hostility, but what is honorable towards them, and which, as a Member of a rival State at War with them, constitutes the Duty of Vigilance which I owe to the Honor and Interests of my own Country. I am not conscious of a Word or, a Thought, which, on the Point of Honor, I would wish to have concealed from a french Minister. In the Mode which I have proposed, of unravelling the present Subjects of Jealousy & Contest, I would make my Proposals openly to France herself. Let America be free and enjoy Happiness & Peace forever.— If France and Great Britain have Jealousies and Rivalships between themselves as European Nations, I would then say to France— Let us settle those Points between ourselves, if unfortunately, we shall not be able, by honorable Negotiation, to compromise the indispensable Points of national Honor and Safety. This would be my Language to France, open and undisguised. In the mean Time I desire you to observe, that it would not be with Reluctance that I should offer eternal Freedom, Happiness and Peace to America. You know my Thoughts too well to suspect that. I speak only as in a State of War, desirous to arrange the complicated Interests, and to secure the respective Honor of Nations. My Wishes are, and always have been, for the Peace, Liberty and Safety of Mankind. In the Pursuit of those blessed Objects, not only this Country and America, but France herself and the House of Bourbon, may justly claim the conspiring Exertions of every free and liberal Mind, even among their temporary Enemies & Rivals.
I am, Sir, Your affecte. Friend.
D. Hartley.

Breviate. Feby. 7th. 1782.
It is stated that America is disposed to enter into a Negotiation of Peace with Great Britain without requiring any formal Recognition of Independence always understood that they are to act in Conjunction with their Allies conformable to Treaties.
It is therefore recommended to give for Reply that the Ministers of Great Britain are likewise disposed to enter into a Negotiation for Peace, and that they are ready to open a general Treaty for that Purpose.
If the british Ministers should see any Objection to a general Treaty, but should still be disposed to enter into a separate Treaty with America, it is then recommended to them to offer such Terms to America as shall induce her to apply to her Allies for their Consent that she should be permitted to enter into a separate Treaty with Great Britain. The Condition of which, being the consent of Allies no Proposition of any Breach of Faith can be understood to be required of them by the Requisition of a separate Treaty.
The british Ministers are free to make any Propositions to America which they may think proper provided they be not dishonorable in themselves, which, in the present Case, is barred by the Supposition of Consent being obtained. In this Case, therefore, if they should be inclined to offer a separate Treaty, it is recommended to them to offer such Terms to America as should induce her to be desirous of closing with the Proposal of a separate Treaty on the Grounds of national Security and Interests, and likewise such as may constitute to them a Case of Reason & Justice, upon which they may make Requisition to their Allies for their Consent. It is suggested that the Offer to America of a Truce of sufficient Length, together with the Removal of the british Troops, would be equivalent to that Case, which is provided for in the Treaty of February the 6th: 1778 between America, and France viz. tacit Independence; and the declard Ends of that Alliance being accomplished, it would not be reasonable that America should be dragged on by their Allies in a War, the Continuance of which between France and Great Britain could only be caused by separate european jealousies and Resentments (if, unfortunately for the public Peace, any such should arise) between themselves independent and unconnected with the american Cause.
It is to be presumed that France would not in Point of Honor to their Allies, refuse their Consent so requested as any rivalship, or Punctilios between her and Great Britain, as European Nations (principles which too often disturb the Peace of Mankind) could not be considered as Casus Fderis of the american Alliance; and their Pride as a belligerant Nation would not permit them to claim the Assistance of America as necessary to their Support, thereby proclaiming their Nation unequal to the Contest in Case of the Continuance of a War with Great Britain after the Settlement and Pacification with America. Their Consent, therefore, is to be presumed. But, if they should demur upon this Point, if Great Britain should be disposed to concede tacit Independence to America by a long Truce and the Removal of the Troops, and if the Obstruction should evidently occur on the Part of France, under any equivocal or captious Construction of a defensive Treaty of Alliance between America and France, Great Britain would from thence forward, stand upon advantageous Ground, either in any Negotiation with America, or in the Continuance of a War, including America, but not arising from any farther Resentments of Great Britain towards America, but imposed reluctantly upon both Parties by the Conduct of the Court of France.
These Thoughts are not suggested with any View of giving any Opinion of Preference in Favor of a separate Treaty above a general Treaty, or above any Plan of separate, but concommitant Treaties, like the Treaties of munster and Osnabrug, but only to draw out the Line of negotiating a separate Treaty, in Case the British Ministry should think it necessary to adhere to that Mode. But, in all Cases, it should seem indispensable to express some Disposition of the Part of Great Britain, to adopt either one Mode or the other. An absolute Refusal to treat at all, must necessarily drive America into the closest Connection with France and all other foreign hostile Powers, who would take that Advantage for making every possible Stipulation to the future Disadvantage of british Interests, and, above all Things, would probably stipulate that America should never make Peace with Great Britain without the most formal and explicit Recognition of their Independence, absolute and unlimited.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Mary Hewson, 1 May 1782
From: Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Kensington May. 1: 1782
I yesterday received yours of the 13th April, and as Mr Hodgson, in the note which inclosed it, offers to forward an answer I sit down to write one, tho’ I wrote to you last saturday by Mr W. to acknowledge that which he brought us from you. I sent some of the books, but as I left him free to refuse taking them if they would incumber him, I am not certain you will have more than one by him, that one I desired him not to refuse. I selected that as being peculiarly adapted to please and interest your grandson, from this circumstance among others, that he will there find your name frequently mentioned. I judge so from the effect it had on my young folks, for if ever they opened the book where they found your name that passage was sure to be read with delight, as something which nearly concerned them. I have still money in hand for my young men’s libraries, so the rest of Mr Bache’s books I will send to Geneva, if I can convey them thither more conveniently than to Paris, but perhaps that may not now be the case. I am obliged to you for intending the persian tales for my son. He learns French at Mr Gilpin’s, and as far as I can judge is a tolerable proficient in it. I had my boys at home a fort-night at Easter, and during that time I gave them every amusement that I thought would contribute to open and improve their minds; and I had the satisfaction of seeing them set off on their return to school without a murmur, or even a look of discontent. As they were very sorrowful when I left Cheam I feared they would not have behaved so heroically at leaving me. I came to this place purely to gratify my mother, who found Cheam so extremely dull that it lowered her spirits; my heart is still there, but as I have great confidence in those whose care my sons are under, and as I have here better opportunities of keeping up connections, I flatter myself that my removal will, upon the whole, be beneficial to the dear children. They are all very good (and very clever too). My girl was highly pleased with your telling me I do right to keep her without stays. Her reflection upon it when she was going to bed last night was. “It is very curious Grandmama should want me to wear stays when her best friend, the one she thinks most of, says you do right to keep me without.”
I thank you for inclosing the copy of the old letter, for that letter never came to me, and so I lose the sight of what you tell me would shew I have already some character in France: this loss is a mortification to my vanity. Your invitation is flattering; Prudence alone keeps me from accepting it. This has already been to me a year of expence and loss; moving from Cheam has cost me some money, I have here a higher rented house with many other charges, and I had upwards of £500 in Collinson’s house at the time of the bankruptcy. Now, tho (I thank God) all these things my pocket and my temper can very well bear, they have made sufficient impression to oblige me to think what I can afford.
Our friends from Black Friars dined with us last Sunday. His business now is making common wheels, and repairing carriages. We delivered to him the verbal message we received by Mr W. which was not exactly what you wrote, for we understood that you meant the carriage for yourself. Mr V. says he knows of a coach that was built purposely for travelling, has a set of his wheels to it, and has never been used, which will be sold for at least one third less than it cost, if you wish to have it he would purchase it for you.
My mother talks of visiting you this summer, and if she can get a companion I believe she will. I rejoice in the prospect of Peace; if it should be restored between the countries, we probably may meet. I am Dear Sir Your ever affectionate
Mary Hewson

Notation: Henry Hewson May 1. 1782.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Richard, 1 May 1782
From: Richard, Nicolas
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur
Paris Le 1. mai 1782.
La Lettre que vous m’avez fait l’honneur de m’écrire, en réponse à l’envoi de ma piéce sur la naissance de Monseigneur le Dauphin, est Sans-doute le prix le plus flatteur que je pouvois éspérer de mon travail. Mais il est un autre avantage dont je Serois bien jaloux, et que vous Seul pouvez me procurer: ce Seroit de pouvoir me vanter un jour d’avoir vu celui qui fait l’admiration des deux-mondes. Vous me pardonnerez ma témérité en faveur de mon âge, et j’ose me flatter d’avance que vous me permettrez D’aller vous rendre mon hommage un de ces jours de congé ou l’on à Coutume de nous mener en promenade á Passy. Cependant j’attendrai vos ordres, aimant mieux sacrifier l’envie que j’ai de vous voir, à la crainte de vous déplaire par une démarche imprudente.
Derniérement Le professeur de Rhétorique de mon collége Nous à rapporté un vers Latin qui vous á été appliqué trés heureusement. Le voici:

Eripuit clo fulmen, Sceptrumque Tyrannis.

Il a proposé une récompense à celui qui Le rendroit Le mieux en françois. Animé par un Zêle ardent je n’ai pas eu de peine à remporter La palme dans ce nouveau genre de Combat. Vous me permettrez, Monsieur, de vous rapporter ma traduction.

Dystique.
à L’olympe Surpris il arracha La foudre,
et d’un Tyran barbare il mit le Sceptre en poudre.

Vous m’avez dit, Monsieur, dans votre Lettre que le plus bel emploi de la poësie étoit de chanter Les choses utiles à L’humanité, et Les hommes qui les exécutent. J’ose me vanter d’avoir rempli aujourd’hui ce devoir, dans toute son étenduë: heureux Si ce foible témoignage de ma Reconnoissance peut vous convaincre du profond respect avec lequel j’ai L’honneur d’être, Monsieur Votre trés humble et très obèissant Serviteur
Richarden Rhétor. au collége de Lizieux./.

Notation: Richard 1 May 1782.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Adams, 2 May 1782
From: Adams, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Amsterdam May 2d. 1782
I am honoured with your Favour of the 20 of April, and Mr Lawrens’s Son proposes to carry the Letter to his father forthwith. The Instructions by the Courier from Versailles came Safe, as all other Dispatches by that Channell, no doubt will do.— The Correspondence by Mr Hartly I recd by Capt Smedley, and will take the first good opportunity by a private Hand, to return it, as well as that with the E. of S.
Mr Laurens and Mr Jay will, I hope be able to meet at Paris, but when it will be in my Power to go, I know not.— Your present Negotiation about Peace falls in, very well to aid a Proposition which I am instructed to make, as soon as the Court of Versaills shall judge proper of a tripple or quadruple Alliance.— This matter, the Treaty of Commerce which is now under deliberation, and the Loan will render it improper for me to quit this station, unless in Case of Necessity.— If there is a real Dissposition to permit Canada to acceed to the American association I should think there could be no great difficulty in adjusting all things between England and America, provided our allies are contented too. In a former Letter I hinted that I thought an express Acknowledgment of our Independence might now be insisted on: but I did not mean that We should insist upon Such an Article in the Treaty. If they make a Treaty of Peace with the United States of America, this is Acknowledgment enough for me.— The affair of a Loan gives me much Anxiety and Fatigue.— It is true I may open a Loan for five millions, but I confess I have no hopes of obtaining so much. The Money is not to be had. Cash is not infinite in this Country. Their Profits by Trade have been ruined for two or three Years: and there are Loans open for France, Spain, England, Russia, Sweeden, Denmark and Several other Powers as well as their own national, provincial and collegiate Loans. The Under takers are already loaded with Burthens greater than they can bear, and all the Brokers in the Republick are so engaged, that there is Scarcely a Ducat to be lent but what is promised.
This is the true Cause why We shall not Succeed; Yet they will Seek an hundred other Pretences.— It is considered Such an honour and Such an Introduction to American Trade to be the House, that the Eagerness to obtain the Title of American Banker is prodigious. Various Houses have Pretensions, which they set up very high, and let me choose which I will, I am Sure of a Cry & a Clamour. I have taken some measures to endeavour to callm the Heat and give general Satisfaction, but have as yet Small hopes of success. I would Strike with any House that would insure the Money, but none will undertake it, now it is offered although Several were very ready to affirm that they could, when it began to be talked of.— Upon Enquiry they dont find, the Money easy to obtain which I could have told them before. It is to me personally perfectly indifferent which is the House, and the only Question is, which will be able to do best for the Interest of the United States. This question however Simple is not easy to answer.— But I think it clear, after very painfull and laborious Enquiries for a Year and an half, that no House Whatever, will be able to do much.— Enthusiasm, at some times and in some Countries, may do a great deal: but there has as yet been no Enthusiasm in this Country, for America, Strong enough to untie many Purses.— Another Year, if the War should continue, perhaps We may do better.
I have the Honour to be, Sir your most obedient and most humble sert
Dr Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Ruston: Two Letters, 2 May 1782
From: Ruston, Thomas
To: Franklin, Benjamin

I.
Dear Sir
Exeter May 2d: 1782.
Your favour of the 9th: of October 1780, gave me great pleasure. The Scheme of a Bank, which you was pleased to say you would forward to a friend in Congress, I presume was sent to Mr Morris, as I have since seen a resolve of Congress to approve of a Scheme of his, and giving him ample powers to carry it into execution; tho the Scheme as published, I cannot help observing, seems to me to be defective in sundry very material respects. I am therefore very uncertain how far it may have succeeded, and could have wished to have known the opinion of Congress on the plan sent to you, in order that every particular might have been adjusted, with the greatest exactness, previous to its being carried into execution. Any attempt of that kind failing, must render it the more difficult to execute afterwards. The Congress Paper I am told is entirely laid aside, but if the bank Scheme has been fortunate enough to meet with any degree of success, it is not impossible but it may still be improved so as to be followed with the most desirable effects. The Bank of England went on heavily for the first two or three years. The reflexions upon Finance, I presume, must have suggested the Idea of the utility of procuring coin, as a sure resource, even tho credit should fail. In the mean time I have a thing to propose, which I am convinced will be of mutual advantage both to England and America. Perhaps I am somewhat premature, as it cannot well be carried into execution, before there is either a peace or a truce, but I think it should be made a condition of either, and therefore it should be known before hand. What I mean is, that America shall be at liberty to institute a Loan in England.
I am well aware that it has hitherto been a maxim with the English Government, not to suffer forreigners to institute loans with them, because they have had so much occasion to borrow money themselves, but I see very good reasons why this should be made an exception to the general rule. If America is to become independent, which nobody seems to doubt, however averse many may be to the thought, then the next most desirable object for England undoubtedly is, to cultivate the strictest friendship and intimacy between the two countries by a mutual exchange of good offices, and can there be a closer bond of union formed than by means of the loan I have just now mentioned. Can we wish for a stronger proof of this than the great friendship, so long subsisting, between England and Holland, cemented by this means. I have sounded several people in London upon this subject, all of whom seemed pleased with the Idea. A very old friend of yours and a Financier, who has easy access to one of the Secretaries of State, was struck with it, tho the thought seemed quite new to him. A Person of great note in that line of life, who has negotiated perhaps as many millions in the English funds as any man in the kingdom, has promised me that he will chearfully lend his assistance, should such a measure be adopted. The multitude of people in this country, who are upon the wing, and only wait for the era of peace, to transport themselves to America, would be happy to have such an oppertunity of conveying their property thither. I only wait to know your sentiments upon it, before I mention it to the other Secretiary of State, whose disposition I believe to be such, that in all probability he will in due time give it his hearty approbation.
Before this step could be finally taken, it would be necessary to know what kind of security America could give, that is, whether the Congress, or the several particular States, shall become security. And it would likewise be of use to know, upon what terms loans have been instituted already in other countries. The sum necessary to be borrowed ought also to be made another matter w[torn: orthy] of consideration. I have not mentioned any particular sum. In any commission that might be given, that ought to be limited. Though this country seems nearly exhausted with respect to men, yet her resources with regard to money seem almost inexhaustible. How this comes to pass, is a subject of curious disquisition, I could wish for the pleasure of some conversation with you upon it, and would not grudge even a Journey to Paris for that purpose. A line directed to me, at Exeter, under cover to Mr Thos Powell Mercht Philpot Lane, London, would oblige Yr obedt humble Servt
Thos: Ruston

Addressed: His Excellency / Doctr: Franklin / Paris
Notation: Ruston, Exeter May 2. 1782.

II.
Dear Sir
Exeter May 2d: 1782.
The bearer hereof, Major Van Braam, is a native of Holland. He has been in the English service these thirty years and was sent hostage by General Washington to Canada in the beginning of the last War. Not liking the present American service, he quited it about two years ago having obtained liberty to sell out, and retired to this place where I had the pleasure of becoming first acquainted with him. He is now determined to remove to France with his Family in order to seek a peacable retreat. He will be very happy to have the honour of paying his respects to you. I am Dr Sr your obliged and obedt humble servt
Thos Ruston

Addressed: His Excellency / Dr: Franklin / Paris


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Dumas, 3 May 1782
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Dumas, Charles-Guillaume-Frédéric

Dear Sir
Passy. May 3. 1782.
I receiv’d yours of the 15th past and perus’d the contents with great Pleasure. I had before receiv’d your Pacquet by Mr. Boers, and forwarded it immediately.
Inclos’d I send you a few copies of a Paper that places in a striking Light the English Barbarities in America, particularly those committed by the Savages at their Instigation. The Form may perhaps not be genuine but the Substance is Truth; the Number of our People of all Kinds and Ages murdered & Scalp’d by these being Known to exceed that of the Invoice.— Make any use of them you may think proper to shame your Anglomanes but do not let it be Known thro’ what hands they come. I am ever Yours affectionately
B. Franklin

My Respects & Congratulations to Mr. A.—


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from David Hartley, 3 May 1782
From: Hartley, David
To: Franklin, Benjamin

My Dear Friend,
London, May 3rd. 1782.
I write to you only one Line just to inform you that a general Order is issued, by our Government, for the release of all the american Prisoners every where. I have had this from Lord Shelburne, who informed me that the Order was not partial or conditional, but general and absolute. I heartily congratulate you upon this first Step towards sweet Reconciliation. I hope other Things will follow. I have had a long Conversation with Lord Shelburne relating to America, in which he expressed himself in most favourable Terms. I shall have the Honor of seeing and conversing with him again. But at present as you know certain Matters are depending from your Side of the Water.— Mr: Laurens is entirely at Liberty. I see him very frequently; and when you see him he will tell you many Things from me, which have occurred to me in the course of my poor Endeavors to promote the Cause of Peace.— Da pacem Domine in diebus nostris.
Your affecte.
D. H.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Vergennes, 4 May 1782
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Vergennes, Charles Gravier, comte de

Sir,
Passy, May 4. 1782.
I have the honour to acquaint your Excellency, that Mr Oswald is just returned from London and now with me. He has deliver’d me a Letter from Lord Shelburne, which I enclose for your Perusal, together with a Copy of my Letter to which it is an Answer. He tells me, that it has been agreed in Council to treat at Paris, and to treat of a General Peace: and that as it is more particularly in the Department of Mr Fox to regulate the Circumstantials, a Gentleman (Mr Grenville) to be sent by him for that purpose, may be daily expected here. Mr Oswald will wait on your Excellency whenever you shall think fit to receive him. I am, with Respect, Sir Your Excellency’s most obedient and most humble Servant
B Franklin
His Excelly. the Count de Vergennes.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Alice Freeborn, 4 May 1782
From: Freeborn, Alice
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Newport Rhode Island May 4th. 1782
I hope your Excellancy, will Excuse the liberty I take, in beging your assistance, to relieve my Newphew, who is now Closely confin’d in Forton Prison in England— His Name is Isaac Allen son of my Brother William Allen and Grandson to the late James Franklin your Excellancies Brother— He in the early part of the present War, enterd the cause of his Country, and Remained some time on Board the American Navey, after which he sailed, an officer of the Morning Starr, a Private Shipp of War, from Philadelphia, in which he was taken by the Enemy, and carried to Charles Town South Carolina, where he was confined, some time, from whence, he was carried to New York, and there Lodged, on Board a Prison Shipp, after which he with several others, were taken on Board a Man of War, and Carried to England— He was absent from New York, several Months, before we had any official accounts of his situation, while I received, his Letter of the 23d. of November 1781, giving an Account, of his Being confind, in England after suffering, very much with the Enemy as his Zeal for his Country, occasiond his Experiencing many distinguished markes of Indignity.
His Excellancy Govenor Greene is so obliging, as to forward this Letter, and I hope as he has sufferd, an Imprisonment, of near two Years, your Excellancy, will consider his situation and if possible relieve him from his long confinement. Relying on your goodness to excuse the Liberty, I have taken— I am Sir Your most Obediant and mo. hum. Servant
Alice Freeborn
His Excellancy Benjamin Franklin Esqr.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Allcock, 6 May 1782
From: Allcock, William
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Amnear [Amiens] May the 6th. day 1782
This Comes to Enform you that I have Come from americay from Newborn [New Bern] Department in Northcarolina age 32 I further Inform you that I have servd in americay Service at the head of a company I first was a recruting Officer to the tenth Redgment at kingstown [Kinston] in Northcarolina Raised in the year 1777 Commanded by Corronal Sheperd I futher inform you that I have Servd five years all most in the Contanettal and meleshe [militia] amerecan Servise I further inform you that I was under Genrall Retherford near the affair at Brear Creek I further Inform you that I was in gates Defeat and many others Ingagements that I was in and I had Retired home and Come to Eadontown [Edenton] to See my frends and tuck a noshon to go a voige to See to Refresh my Self in the Brig frends Commanded By Capten John Norcom Bound to Sentomases [Saint Thomas] left Northcarolina March the 13th. day on the 26th day to the Eastord of Permudus twelve aclock at Nite I was made A prisnor by a letermark from Santlezey [Saint Lucia] Bound to liverpool Commanded By Capten Jorge Brown on the 27th day she Brought a dun too from Sandecruce Bound to ostend she was a Brig Commanded By Mr. Capten Vaile which she put my self and ten more on Bord the Dean [Dane?] Aprill the 26th day we landed at Celles [Calais] I heir Obtained a pass to travell to parress I further Inform you that I Receivd four guineas which was to carey me In a carrage to parress which having my Money and Clothes taken from me By the Inglish which Caused me to make use of Part of my Money for Neaseareys that I could not Do with Out which Obliged me to under take to walk which Could travil no further than Bullin [Boulogne] I their Payd Very Dear for a carrage to Amnear which I am in Veary Disagreable situation and I beg that you would not forget a distressed amerecan in a strainge Cuntray as I have not Money to Cary me any further and I hope when I see your Onour I shall be able to give a full account of my Self like wise the offairs of americay so no more at Preasent so I remain your frend to Serve
William Allcock

May the 6th day 1782
[Note by Thomas Price:] These men where taken prisoneurs & brought to Callis along with mr. Wm. Allcock the writer of this Letter.
James Tew Born’d at Eadenton in north Caroline Bread a farmer.

aged 19

Zakeriah Webb
from the same place
  22

Thomas Britton
  do do
  21.

Robert Dolison
  do do
  24.

Thomas Simons
  do do
  22

Notation: William Allcock


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from ——— Didelot, 6 May 1782
From: Didelot, ——
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur
Paris le 6 May 1782.
Le sr Didelot après avoir fait des expériences sans nombre s’est decidé a en faire une en grand sur la seine vis-avis de la place Louis 15. sur un ponton de 30 pieds de long orné de son mat et de ses voiles bien goudronnés et sera enflammé par 2. bouches à feu l’une avec un tonneau qui a contenu de la thérébentine et l’autre du goudron après il allumera un boulet d’une composition nouvelle que l’eau ne peut eteindre il espere avec sa liqueur de l’anéantir, en outre, il sera allumé deux Chaudiere de goudron dont une sera eteinte avec sa Liqueur et l’autre on l’esseyera avec de l’eau simple, il laissera en flammes le Ponton jusqu’à la moitié.
Cette experience se fera Lundi 6. may entre 11 hres. et midi, Je vous prie, Monsieur, sil vous fait plaisir de m’honorer de votre présence.
J’ai l’honneur d’être avec respect Monsieur Votre très humble et obéissant serviteur
Didelot


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Matthew Ridley, 6 May 1782
From: Ridley, Matthew
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Hotel d’Vauban May 6h: 1782.
Monsieur Midy de la Grainerais of Rouen being desirous of seeing you to ask some Questions relative to a deed of a Mr. Shaffre’s for Lands in Pensylvania, has begd of me to give him a Letter to you for the purpose.— I have told him I doubted much your power of giving him any Information: but he still wishes to see you—
Monsieur de la Grainerais has been introduced to me as a person of strict Honor & considerable Fortune—
I have the Honor to be Sir Your most Obed sert
Matt: Ridley

Addressed: A Son Excellence / Son Excellence B. Franklin Esq / a / Passy
Notation: Ridley May 6. 1782.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Madame de Baussan, 7 [May] 1782
From: Baussan, Madame N.
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Mardy 7 [May, 1782]
Ce Voyage a Versailles nous a bien chagriné, tres cher papa, nous avions Calculé, le diné amériquain du dimanche, le Voyage a la Cour ordinairement le Mardy, et nous nous Croyons assurés du plaisir de vous posseder avec monsieur votre petit-fils, a qui je dois bien quelques reproches pour son oubli. Nous avions donné rendés vous après diné a 2 italiens qui vous auroient amusé par leurs tours, leurs grimaces, et leur musique, Ce Maudit Voyage de Versailles nous a fait grand tort; il n’est pas si aisé de vous déterminer a venir diner a une lieue, et puis Me Brilion qui arive incessamment voudra vous avoir tout a elle, enfin, je vous suplie tres bon papa de vous souvenir que vous vous engagés a me dédomager un autre jour, jirai si je puis vous le demander un Matin a l’heure du Thé, et vous offrir l’hommage du sincer attachement avec lequel jay l’honneur dêtre votre tres humble et tres obeissante servant
N. Baussan

Addressed: A Monsieur / Monsieur francklin ministre / plenipotentiaire des états unis / a passy
Endorsed: Baussan


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from N. Leleu l’aîné, 7 May 1782
From: Leleu, N., l’aîné
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur
a Amiens Le 7 mai 1782
La Lettre dont vous m’avez honnoré Le 3 de ce mois ne m’est parvenüe qu’hier. Vous aurez pu remarquer une sorte de contradiction entre ce qui vous a ete marqué de Calais au sujet des six americains en question, et ce que je vous ai mandé quils avoient beaucoup souffert en angleterre. Ils n’y ont point eté conduits. Mon erreur sur ce point provient de ce que L’on ne m’a fait voir que le passeport de L’officier d’infanterie et non ceux des cinq matelots, et comme L’interprete me dit quils avoient beaucoup souffert de la dureté des anglois qui les avoient dépoüillés, Javois conçu qu’ils avoient eté conduits en angleterre. Mais La Verité est certainement qu’ils ont eté tous pris a bord du meme navire americain par le Corsaire de ste Lucie qui les a remis au navire Danois et que ce dernier les a deposés a Calais. Je me suis encore mieux assuré de ces circonstances en faisant interroger ces americains par un homme tres veridique et intelligent qui a Lhonneur d’etre connu de vous Monsieur; C’est le Sieur Preis anglois cy devant negociant a Londres et qui est depuis dix ans a la tete d’une manufacture en cette ville. Voicy sa Lettre qui vous Le certifie. Vous pouvez donc etre a labry de tout soupcon que ces etrangers soient des anglois deguisés qui cherchent a nous surprendre. La candeur qui regne sur Leur phisionomie atteste Le contraire.
J’ai Lhonneur de vous remettre aussy une Lettre de L’officier Thoms Elves qui vous donnera Les details que vous demandez sur Leur compte.
J’attendrai donc Monsieur que vous me fassiez connoitre vos intentions, et vous prie, autant que cela se pourra, que votre Lettre soit en francois.
Je suis avec beaucoup de respect Monsieur Votre tres humble et tres obeissant serviteur
N. Leleu L’aisné
Mr. franklin a Passy

Notation: Leleu, 7 May 1782


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Price, 7 May 1782
From: Price, Thomas
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honner’d Sir
Amiens 7 may 1782
The Letter you honour’d Mr Lew the Gentleman who wrote you on the Subject of these unhapy Americans—beg’d me to Interprit it. That Gentleman was mistaken when he told you They came from the prisons in England, as they can prouve the Contrary.— I doubt not but when your Exellencey Shall be propperly Satisfied of the facts, that your humanity will Imediately order them the necessary.
The many Cheats of this Sort is a Sufficient Reason for the precaution you have taken. I have the honour to be Sir Your most Obedient & Very hmble Servt.
Thos. Price
The honourable Docter Franklin

Notation: Tho: Price—Amiens May 7 1782.


Title: Ferdinand Grand’s Report on Chaumont’s Account with Franklin, [7 May 1782]
From: Grand, Rodolphe-Ferdinand
To: Franklin, Benjamin

[May 7, 1782]

Le Compte que m’a remis Monsieur De Chaumont rend Monsieur Le Docteur Franklin son Débiteur de Mais par l’Examen & le Dépouillement que jai fait de tous les Papiers & pieces, je trouve qu’il faut en déduire les parties suivantes

£[l.t.]91733. 8. 6

1º
Le Solde du Compte de M. Dean qui ne regarde point M. Franklin qui n’a nulle Vocation pour le payer
3849.13.1

2
La partie du Général Lincoln de même
  70000.

3Ses Billets à lordre de

Mr. Franklin de £30000
}

£20000

  50000.

4
Ses fraix de Circulation pour procurer 400,000 l.t. à M. de Chaumont & qu’il

a sollicité
19188.9

5
fraix de Courtage pour le même
  500.

6
  Commission sur £ 649322.12 de traites de M. Williams de Nantes faites Sur M. de Chaumont, cetoit un double Employ, le Congres ne peut pas en payer deux pour le même objet & comme cetteOperation a produit des Jouissances à M. de Chaumont, lun doit compenser lautre
3246.12.3

7
La traite de Williams de Nantes pour réparations & fraix faits pour la Mere Boby
450.12.7

8
Difference sur £ 91922.17 bonifiés par M. Chaumont au lieu de £ 91925..13.2 d’Interventions payées pour lui
2.14.2

Commission de Banque sur lesv Draps d’officiers
129.17
147,367.18 .1

£55634. 9.7

à déduire les Loyers qui lui reviennent

  20000.

Reste Débiteur à M. Franklin

£35634. 9.7

Le Compte que m’a remis Monsieur Franklin rend Monsieur de Chaumont son Débiteur de

£95415.15.10

Mais par lexamen & le Depouillement que jai fait de tous les Papiers & pieces je trouve qu’il faut en déduire les parties suivantes

1
Le Loyer de lAppartement qu’occupe M. Franklin jusques au 7 May 1782
  15000.

2
Je crois que le Congrès doit une Bonification à M. de Chaumont, pour les fraix & Dépenses en tous Genres qu’il a faites pour loger à la fois tous les Commissionaires, & jusques à des Ameriquains de leurs amis
  5000.

3
pour fraix d’un Courrier à Nantes le 5 Avril 1780
193.10

4
Pour une Planche de Gravure Allégorique
  63.

5
fraix de réception & Expédition à des marchandises suivant le Compte de Bersolle de Brest
1803. 9.3

6
Mêmes fraix à 239 Ballots de Draps
5847.16.6

7
pour fraix d Escompte & de Commission sur 11 Balles de Draps, achettés par M. Williams à prix coutant & que ces fraix existoient avant la Cession suivant lexposé de M Chaumont
626. 2.5

8
Indemnité pour le retour en France sur son Lest du Navire La Mère Boby frétée en Dépeche & qui me paroit fondée
  12000.

9
pour Compte d’Interet, je crois qu’il nen doit point être passé de part ni
19247. 8.1

d’autre a déduire du solde ci dessus

59781. 6. 3

Il revient pour solde à M. Franklin

£ 35634. 9. 7

Si je me Suis trompé dans les résultats de ces Comptes ce ne peut être que manque de plus de renseignemens, car je ne crois pas avoir erré Sur ceux qui m’ont été donné: Si dans les Marchés ou cessions qui ont eu lieu, il y a eu des conditions particulieres ou Verbales je les ignore, ce dont je Suis bien sur c’est qu’à cela près que dans un Arbitrage il est permis de mitiger la severité de la rigueur pour opérer un Accomodement amiable. Il n’est pas possible d’apporter plus de Soin & d’Impartialité que je lai fait dans ce travail; qui ne doit au reste être envisagé que comme celui d’un Ami commun.
Grand

Endorsed: Mr. Grand’s Award May 1782 And the Acceptance of it May 1784


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to John Adams, 8 May 1782
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

Sir,
Passy, May 8. 1782
Mr Oswald, whom I mention’d in a former letter which I find you have received, is returned and brought me another Letter from Lord Shelburne of which the above is a Copy. It says Mr Oswald is instructed to communicate to me his Lordships Thoughts. He is however very sparing of such Communication. All I have got from him, is that the Ministry have in Contemplation, the allowing Independence to America on Condition of Britains being “put again into the State she was left in by the Peace of 1763” which I suppose means being put again in Possession of the Islands France has taken from her. This seems to me a Proposition of selling to us a Thing that is already our own, and making France pay the Price they are pleased to ask for it. Mr. Grenville who is sent by Mr. Fox is expected here Daily; Mr Oswald tells me that Mr Lawrens will soon be here also. Yours of the 2d Inst is just come to hand. I shall write you on this Affair hereafter by the Court Couriers, for I am certain your Letters to me are open’d at the Post-Office either here or in Holland, and I suppose mine to you are treated in the same manner. I inclose the Cover of your last that you may see the Seal.— With great Respect, I am, Sir, Your Excellency’s most obedient & most humble Servant.
B Franklin

[In Franklin’s hand:] When you write per Post please to put your Letter under Cover to Mr GrandHis Exy. J. Adams Esqr.

Endorsed: Dr Franklin. May 8. 1782.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to John Thornton, 8 May 1782
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Thornton, John

Sir,
Passy, 8 May, 1782.
I received the letter you did me the honour of writing me, and am much obliged by your kind present of a book. The relish for reading poetry had long since left me; but there is something so new in the manner, so easy, and yet so correct in the language, so clear in the expression, yet concise, and so just in the sentiments, that I have read the whole with great pleasure, and some of the pieces more than once. I beg you to accept my thankful acknowledgments, and to present my respects to the author.
I shall take care to forward the letters to America, and shall be glad of any other opportunity of doing what may be agreeable to you, being, with great respect for your character, your most obedient humble servant,
B. Franklin.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Vergennes, 8 May 1782
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Vergennes, Charles Gravier, comte de

Passy 8 May 1782.
Mr Franklin presents his respectful Compliments to Count De Vergennes & has the honour of acquainting him with the Arrival of Mr Grenville; who is desirous of knowing when his Excellency will be pleased to admit him to the honour of a Conference.

Endorsed: Rec. le meme jour


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Grenville, [8 May 1782]
From: Grenville, Thomas
To: Franklin, Benjamin

rue de Richelieu Wednesday Night. [May 8, 1782]
Mr Grenville presents his Compliments to Mr Franklin, and will certainly do himself the honour of waiting upon Mr Franklin tomorrow morning at eight o’clock.

Endorsed: May 8 the Day of his Arrival


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from ———, 8 May 1782
From: ——
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Ghent 8 May 1782
If your Excellency will reffer for No. 3—to the extract of the letter sent from Holland you will find the danger express’d therein, nearly realized (by that Nation’s enthusiasm for America’s Cooling) and if not particularly attended to before too late, the best fruits of that connection will be lost, with the Confidence of the Nation, which might have been to America (what it has long been to England) a Gold mine! Sure it requir’d no depth of Judgment to preserve it, when it had been almost forced upon us the Union plan’d and establish’d between the two republicks was the sole work of Baron Van der Capellen, and his friends—and ’tis too new yet for to change Systems, whatever policy may here after dictate. Baron Van de Capelle &c. are more than ever the dearest objects of the Nation, and ’tis not only ingratitude, but madness to disregard them now the main object is gain’d—& the fault that has been just committed ought to be immediately retrieved, for the disgust he has shewn, by preventing his friends &c. to sign in the Inteded loan evidently shews what will be the Consequence, As the intoxication of the people for [America?] may be otherways of short duration— Nothing could damp more American credit here than the last foolish step of Mr. Adams, nor no one else could have been so gull’d by a rascal of John Hodshon’s Character— As the trick he played of last winter, is too recent, to have been yet forgot, when to gloss over an infamous Character against America from the beginning, he petition’d the States general for leave to fit out two frigates from Amsterdam to America which he was to load with Cordage, & Sail Cloth, and saying all he could therein to prevent its being granted; but by a manoeuvre of his opponents who let out the Cat out of the bag, wondering their H—— M—— should think J Hodgson (the rankest Tory here) should turn a renegado,—got the petition’d granted; but Hodshons was not to be outwitted, for the frigates were never thought of more; and if America was remember’d ’twas only to wish it might be damned.
It would have been [several words illegible] if Mr. Adams had not had his faculties impaired by his fever which makes him sometimes fancy himself a Missionary sent out to make Converts—of which he prides himself on having made several namely the Scotch parson who after having long preach’d here against the Rebels, was advis’d to turn Spy against Adams &c. &c.—and by his getting a dinner from him now and then thot. the business was Compleated— But the series of blunders would be endless, and of no Consequence, were not the Credit of America ruin’d by it— No. 3 will at least have pointed out the blunder which nought but obstinacy and madness would have pursued a similar plan is now follow’d with another, but it will again be the biter bit.— For Hodshon (satan like) when he found the general detestation (except a few Courtiers) all combined to prevent his succeeding with the loan was the first to damn its Success, with any one else (finding several still disposed notwithstanding to get Adams out of the Scrape) he gives out that this ones powers are not ample enough to secure to the lenders the loan or Interest and that he must have further powers from Congress, notwithstanding Mr. A’s saying that he is now the Arbiter of peace and the umpire of all our Ministers (but as lying Dick his word is not now currently taken)— Verily Congress injurd themselves and him in not Confining his talents to their forte as a legislator and lawyer in his lucid Intervals; his abilities may be still great—but he Wants most of those requisite for a Minister—and some so essential, that if continued here, more injury than good will result from it, for he had already caused such disgust before the acknowledgement of the independance that had it not been a Measure of which he Knew not all the springs of—his conduct would if not wholly prevented it, at least would have retarded it much— May you avert the dangers threatend from the injury our Credit will receive If not prevented &c
No. 5

Addressed: His Excellency / Doctr. Franklin / Minister plenipo. —at the / Court of Versailles / at Passy / near Paris