Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 12 September 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

My Friend
Quincy September 12 1811

Suum cuique decus Posteritas rependit, has some Truth in it and you have addressed several Examples of it: But it is by no means an universal Aphorism; nor do I believe it to be generally true. You seam to think that Integrity is less envied than Talents. This Question deserves consideration. Under the Roman Emperors nothing was envied so much as Integrity or even the Appearance or suspicion of Integrity. “Ob Vertutes certissimum Exitium.” The Vote to banish Aristides, because he was trumpeted for his Justice, I will not alledge in my favour; because I think with his Fellow Citizens that tho a just Man in the main, he was not celebrated for his real Integrity so much as for the most unjust Action of his Life, in destroying the ballance of the Constitution, and giving that Preponderance to the Poor over the rich which soon produced the ruin of the Athenian Commonwealth. Aristides destroyed the Ballance of Solon, and gave uncontroulable Power to the Plebians who immediately cryed out “Justice! Justice! Huzza for Aristides the Just.” You, Rush,! would not have borne this prostitution of the Word Justice, better than the Athenian did.
To be sure, honest Men have been Satyrized, ridiculed, calumnisted, belied. Sometimes the Lies have stuck, sometimes not. Julius Cæsar as corrupt a Rascal as Sallust, and as exquisite a writer, wrote Anticatones, i.e. Libels against Cato. Who has destroyed these villainous Effusions of allarmed Ambition? Not the Friends of Liberty surely; they never had the Power. It must have been Roman Tyrants, heathen or Christian, ecclesiastical or temporal. I would consent that Callender Paine and Hamilton should write ten times as much Billingsgate against me as they have done, if by this Condition I could procure a Copy of Cæsars Anticatones.
We have a beautiful specimen of your Doctrine, in Dion Cassius. He flourished under the most Tyrannical of The Emperors by whom he was promoted to great Power and Dignities from the time of the Antonines to that of Alexander Severus. Dion calls Cicero’s Father a “Fuller, who nevertheless got his Living by dressing other Mens vines and olives; that Cicero was born and bred amidst the scourings of old Cloaths, and the Filth of Dunghills; that he was Master of no liberal science, nor ever did a single Thing in his Life worthy of a great Man, or an Orator: that he prostituted his Wife; trained up his son in drunkenness; committed Incest with his Daughter; lived in Adultery with Cerellia, whom he owns at the same time to be seventy years old.” What more beautiful Calumny against me can you find in Ned Church, Phillip Freneau, Andrew Brown Peter Markoe, Calender, Duane, Cheatham, Hamilton, or the Boston Chronicle, Repertory, Gazette, or Centinel?
My Friend and Priest, Mr Wibirt, an admirer of Whitefield once in Company with him observed “Mr Whitefield! You have been abused in Pamphlets and Journals a great while; and they still continue to insult you every day; does it not often affect your Spirits? Oh No, said Whitefield; if they knew how much pleasure they gave me, they would not do it.”
Still I insist upon it, let Whitefield say what he will it is not a pleasant Thing to be told every day in a Newspaper, that one is a Rascal a Scoundrel a Lyer a Villain, a Thief a Robber, a Traytor an Apostate; even although We know and the World in general knows that those who call us so are really what they call Us.
It would be easy my Friend to compose an Address which should contain nothing but obvious Truths that all Men would at once approve. Such was Washingtons. Religion, Morality, Union, Constitution. Who even among the Atheists, The despisers and abhorrers of the Constitution, the Disorganizers and Promoters of a Northern Confederacy, would dare publickly to attack such Topics? What good has Washingtons Address done? Both Parties quote it as an oracle. But neither Party cares one farthing about it. With the knowing ones of both Parties it is known to have no weight but as Argumentum ad hominum to the ignorant of both sides. Such an Address would not be worth my while. In all my publick Writings for more than forty years I have sufficiently explained my sentiments and sufficiently warned my Country men against the dangers of American Liberty, long enough before the pretty Prattler Ames wrote his Jeremiads. I could sum up and abridge all I have written: but this would comprehend every Thing relative to Forms of Government, which you expressly prohibit me from Touching. In my opinion, every Thing depends on the form of Government. Without this you may declaim no Religion Morality Union Constitution to all Eternity to no Purpose. Mr Richardson of S.C. was much esteemed here by all Parties. Whoever gave him the Information that my Property was worth between 80,000 and an 100,000 Dollars infected his head with much Exageration. My Estate is chiefly in Lands in this Town of Quincy: I have none any where else excepting a bit or two of Cedar Swamp in Braintree and Randolph the whole of which would not sell for five hundred dollars.
I have two Farms in Quincy: the best would not sell at vendue for twenty thousand Dollars: the other on which I live, would not sell for more than Ten. My Personal Estate is partly in a Middlesex Canal, which has never produced one farthing of Rent, but a continual Augmentation of Expence; and partly in a New Market which is not likely to produce any Profit soon if ever. My real Estate has never produced two Per Cent, on the Estimate I have given you. In short I have never added one farthing to my Property for ten years: but on the Contrary have been obliged to make Inroads on my little Capital.
The foregoing Computations have all been made in the present depreciated state of the value of Bank Bills, the most fraudulent Engines that ever were invented by private Avarice to violate the Tenth Commandment. What were Woods half pence? Oh, that We had a Dean Swift, or even a Thomas Hutchinson!
In this depreciated Currency if you compute my Fortune at fifty thousand dollars, you will lay it as high as the Truth will bear. And my Income from it, is far short of the legal Interest of that sum.
 is forty six. She has possessed as steady Firmness of Mind and Body through her whole Life as any Woman I ever knew. She is every Way worthy of her Mother. Adversity of which she has had a large share has never moved her more than Prosperity. But she is now threatened with a Misfortune the prospect of which casts a Melancholly gloom over my whole Family and all her Friends.
Adieu
J. A.


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Waterhouse, 15 September 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Waterhouse, Benjamin

Dear Waterhouse
Quincy Septr. 15 1811

I receive no Letters with So much pleasure as yours and Rushes. The Shortest of them always contains Something new and Solid; Some thing witty and a good deal that his humerous.
How many more hot Nutts for the Monkeys you will See, I know not.
They will lie, and laugh and joke: but they will not make much Noise, because that might provoke Some of their own Party to peep at the Patriot which they Studiously keep out of Sight.
Bowdoin would have been a Republican, if he had lived to these Times; and So would Washington Since Hamilton is dead.
I rejoice in the Governors Spirits. He will come out of the Furnace double refined.
Your Son was as much admired as any of the Performers, not only by my Daughter, Niece and three Grand daughters, but by all I have heard Speak of Commencement
I know of but one Copy of The “History of Disputes with America” which I want to have printed in a new Edition. If I Send it you must return it Soon.
Philo Sallust is a Conjurer. What Pythoness of Ender he has called up to inform him of Old Stories I cannot conceive.
Yours always

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Joseph Dougherty, 17 September 1811
From: Dougherty, Joseph
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir.
Washington City Septr. 17th 1811

A vacant place occasioned by the death of Mr. Mathers, the doorkeeper for the Senate, is now trying for by several: perhaps one hundred: I am one of the number, but it will require the greatest interest in the Country to get the place
May I make so free sir, as to ask you for a few lines, by way of recommendation: Mrs Johnson made mention of me in a recent letter to you: I will here subjoin a paragraph from a letter of recommendation from Mr. Jefferson
I have the honour to be Sir, / your humble Servant
Joseph Doughertyhe is active, intelligent, sober & of perfect integrity I considered him as particularly qualified—


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Rush, 20 September 1811
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

My dear Sir
Philadelphia Septr 20th: 1811

I shall begin my letter by replying to your daughters. I prefer giving my Opinion & Advice in you her Case in this way. You and Mrs Adams may communicate it gradually and in such a manner as will be least apt to distress and alarm her.
After the experience of more than 50 years in cases similar to hers, I must protest agst: all local applications, and internal medicines for her relief. They now and then cure, but in 19 Cases Out of 20 in tumors in the breast, they do harm, or suspend the disease Until it passes beyond that time in which the only radical remedy is ineffectual. This remedy is the knife. From her account of the Moving state of the tumor it is now in a proper Situation for the Operation. Should She wait ’till it suppurates, or even inflames much, it may be too late. The pain of the Operation is much less than her fears represent it to be. I write this from experience having about two Years ago had a tumor of perhaps a larger Size cut out by Dr Physick from my Neck. I was surprized when the Doctor’s assistant told me the operation was finished, and could not help saying After Cæsar when he had finished his conquests—“and is this All.”—I repeat again—let there be no delay in flying to the knife. Her time of life—calls for expedition in this business, for tumors such as hers tend much more rapidly to cancers after 45, than in more early life. I sincerely sympathize with her, and with you and your dear Mrs Adams in this family Affliction, but it will be but for a few minutes if She submits to have it extirpated, & if not, it will probably be a Source of distress and pain to you all for years to come. It shocks shocks me to think of the Consequences of procrastination in her case.
And now for your letter. It is like all your Others. My Son has just now Snatched it from before me and taken it next door to read it to his wife, who feasts upon all your letters. I have good reason to believe as you do of Mr Whitefield sensibility to Scandal notwithstanding the Speech your friend has told you he made when interrogated upon that Subject. I once mentioned to him a reflection Lord Hillsborough had the day before made upon him & the Methodists to Mr: Deberdt, when I was in London. He instantly Started from his Chair,—walked hastily up & down his room,—and showed Other marks of great emotion—“what does the man mean (said he) by saying the Court has treated me with neglect? Have they not encouraged Foot to bring expose me to upon the Stage? Is not this persecution? yes—they have done every thing to injure me that the laws have permitted them to do.” In my occasional visits to him, I perceived Other marks of his feeling for honor and Character besides the One I have mentioned. I will recollect too that he now & then Spoke of the men that had opposed and injured him As Other folks write of their political & medical enemies.—If this does not justify,—it may serve at least to palliate their Conduct, for with all, Mr W—— infirmities of temper. I have always beleived him to be a truly good Man.
I am sorry your income is not equal to Mr: Richardson’s Account of it, but I am glad to find it is derived from a terra firma. Our banks have not only depreciated gold and Silver, but many of them by their failures, and Counterfits have injured hundreds Of our Citizens. The Stock of the bank of the United states which sold a few months ago at 148, is now dull at 90, nor has any interest been paid upon it for nearly a year past. widows, orphans, aged citizens & public institutions suffer greatly by this event. It is to be lamented the losses and distress thus incurred, has not fallen upon the projectors, and original Stockholders in that bank. I know of but One of that Class of people who has been injured by it, and that is Mr Boudinot. His loss amounts upon the fall of his Stock he says to 20,000 dollars—a small deduction from an immense estate made out of the rags, and bellies and blood of the Soldiers of the American Revolution, & for which he worships the names of Washington and Hamilton.
“The World (says Dr South) was made for the bold.” This was the case formerly. It seems now to be the portion of the artful as well as the bold.
Adieu—Ever yours
Benjn: Rush


Title: To John Adams from Theodore Foster, 1 October 1811
From: Foster, Theodore
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir,
Foster October 1st. 1811.

I expect this Letter will be delivered to you, by my worthy and respectable Friend and next Door Neighbour, Doctor Solomon Drown of this Town, who has had a liberal Education—has travelled in Europe, and is a Fellow and Professor of Brown University in this State.— He is about to travel with his Lady through the Town of Braintree, on a Visit to some of her Relations, being herself related to the Russell Family formerly of Boston; and Dr Drown being desirous of making his personal Respects to you I have therefore taken the Liberty of introducing him to you which I hope you will be agreeable on account of his Learning and the Amiableness and Excellence of his Character. He is universally esteemed and respected by his numerous Acquaintance and has always entertained an high Respect for yourself, repeatedly expressed by him, in Oration delivered on Public occasion while sometime resident in the western Country.—
I very often recollect with Pleasure and Gratitude the Intimacy and Friendship with which, for more than Ten years, you honoured Me, while I was a Member of the Senate of the United States; and have often thought of writing to express my grateful Acknowledgements and the Obligation I feel as one of the Community, for your continued Patriotic Exertion to serve our Country by your very valuable writings, and the Historical Information which you have communicated and which will be duly appreciated by Posterity as an inestimable Legacy, bequeathed to them by one of the most distinguished Characters in the Great Revolution which produced a new Nation in the World with a Constitution of Government of new an unexampled Construction, calculated to produce, the greatest Happiness of the greatest Number of the People of a vast Empire rapidly growing up under it.— But I have omitted writing lest it might be an Intrusion on your valuable Time— I have however been so impressed, since reading your Publication in the Boston Patriot with a Belief that it would be agreeable You to have some Information of Facts within my Knowledge, relative to the Proceedings of a Majority of the Senate at the Famous Caucus at Mr. Binghams, in consequence of your Nomination of Mr. Vans Murray to negotiate a Treaty with the French Republic, on Advances made for the Purpose by the Directory through the Instrumentality of Mr. Pichon then at the Hague, such as I can give perfectly consistant with my Duty, as a Quordam Member of that Body that I have concluded to write you a Letter of Information of that Business, at some Leisure Time, in the Course of the present Fol  assured that if it does no good, it will do no hurt, otherwise than  Occupation of your Time in reading it.—
In the mean time I pray you to present my due Respects to your amiable and excellent Lady and to inform her that I gratefully remember her Attention and Goodness to my former Wife and my Daughter, Theodosia, (now married to Stephen Tillinghast of Providence a Grand-son of Govr. Stephen Hopkins, with whom you was acquainted in the old Congress) when we were all in Philadelphia in the First Presidency of General Washington; and that you will accept of my most sincere Wishes that Health and Happiness may attend yourselves your Family and Friends cosidering Me as always with great Regard and Respect Sincerely and affectionately / Dear Sir, your obliged Friend & Obedient Servant
Theodore Foster


Title: From John Adams to Theodore Foster, 6 October 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Foster, Theodore

Dear Sir
Quincy October 6th 1811

Last night I received your favour of the first of this month., from the hand of Dr Solomon Drowne. As I was absent when he first called at my house I lost the Pleasure of several Hours Conversation With him. This Gentleman’s Deportments and Conversation so well supported the handsome Character you gave him; that I regret very much that I am not to have more of his society.
While I recollect with pleasure the social hours whi has which were passed together with you and many others, while I was VP. and P. I can never look back without Pain, on the  of parties & Politicks that prevailed from 1789 to 1800. It was a bowl of Punch half Brandy or Whiskey & half water with a large mixture of Sour Drops without a grain of Sugar.
It is undoubtedly in your Power to give me, very material information concerning many Facts and Events during your service in Congress. Nothing was more difficult than for me to obtain the knowledge of what was going on. My enemies were interested to cancel their intrigues and Manœuvres and my Friends were restrained by Sentiments of Delicacy. And I had no spies, Scribblers, or Informers.
The History of the Caucus of a Majority of the Senate at Mr Binghams.
The History of another Caucus of the Senate, upon the nomination of Col. Smith.
The History of another Caucus of the whole Legislature or rather of both Houses of Congress when it was determined upon honour to give an equal vote for Adams and C. C. Pinkney.
These are all mysteries involved in much traditional and Historical obscurity: and I should be extremely obliged to you for any information concerning any of them. You know more of the Subteraneous fires kindled by Pickering and his two devoted Friends Hillhouse and Goodhue; all three Puppets danced upon the wires of Alexander Hamilton: than perhaps you may think it prudent to communicate. I shall be thankful for any Fact relative to either that your discretion will communicate to me.
Mrs Adams is much pleased with your remembrance of her, and presents her regards to you and your Daughter, married to a Grandson of  my much respected Friend Governor Hopkins, with whom I serve in the committee for providing the first American Navy. Oh! that he was now alive and a member of Congress! We should not be long Without a Navy Sufficient to scuffle With any detachment from the Navies of Europe which theire Masters can spare to send across the Atlantic.
I am Sir with Sentiments the most Friendly / Your most obedient & humble / Servant
 John Adams


Title: From John Adams to William Plumer, 7 October 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Plumer, William

Sir
Quincy October 7th. 1811

Since my Letter to you of the fifteenth in answer to yours of the fifth of September, We have received undoubted intelligence, that my Son has declined his appointment as Judge, and that he will not return to America this year, You may therefore write with confidence that if your Letters reach St Petersburg, they will there find him.
The condition of his family rendered it impossible to embark for America this year and compelled him to remain another Winter though it should be at his own private expence as it must have been had he been superceded.
You are pleased to say that my correspondence in the Boston Patriot is read by many. It is read by some: but I believe by very few. It is not the fashion to read it. Indeed I am not solicitous for a great number of present Readers Some Harbottle, Dorr, some Johnny Choffat and possibly some Parson Prince, may preserve the paper among his Collection of Curiosities: and some future Historian may look into it and find Corrections of innumerable Errors and Corruptions of Tradition and History too, that have already crept into print.
Your “voice is still for peace.” “Thy will be done” is my prayer, and I know of no surer interpreter of that will, than the decision of our own Government.
War however in my humble judgment would be better than a long continuance of Embargo’s and Non Importation Laws. I am Sir with much Esteem your humble Servant
J
ohn Adams


Title: From John Adams to James Wilkinson, 12 October 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Wilkinson, James

Sir
Quincy October 12 1811

On Thursday night I received from the Post Office your favour of October the second. Although it arrived at a moment when Wounds, Sickness, and Deaths in my Family, and among my tenderest Connections had excited all my sensibility and that of all my Family I thought it my duty to answer as soon as possible to the Interrogatories you enclosed.
My answers are contained in the enclosed Sheet N.2. I have the honor to be very respectfully your / most obedient Servant

John Adams Enclosure
                                                No 2.
Answers of John Adams to Interrogatories transmitted to him in a Letter of General Wilkinson of the 2nd of October. 1811.
1 Answer to the first Interrogatory, I have copied with my own hand from the original letter in General Hamiltons handwriting now before me the whole of that Letter. The copy attested by me is enclosed with this and is marked No. 3.
2. Answer to the second Interrogatory. While I had the honor to be Vice President and afterwards, I heard many severe things said in public and private concerning General Wilkinson, which gave me much concern because such Rumours, Suspicions, and Insinuations concerning an Officer of his rank, services, and situation, had a tendency to injure the public service in the Army and bring dishonour on the Government that employed him. I therefore discouraged no means that were employed to investigate the truth. But as no evidence was ever produced to me, which could justify any presumption or as I thought reasonable suspicion of his guilt of any illicit or corrupt connection with the Spanish Government of Louisiana either during the Administration of General Washington or that of his successor, I considered those rumours as Calumnies and continued General Wilkinson in service, as long as it depended upon me.
I cannot venture to descend to particulars merely on Memory, and no written Documents are at present within my reach.

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 13 October 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

Dear Rush
Quincy October 13. 1811

Sobrius esto! Recollect your own Non Nobis!
Your Letter of the 20th. of September I communicated to Mrs Adams as you advised. Mrs Adams to her Daughter, After a reasonable Time for Deliberation and Reflections the Heroine determined. The Mother and the Daughter went to Boston and consulted Dr Warren Junior, Dr Welsh, Dr Warren Junior having previously consulted Dr Tufts and Dr Holbrook. The Physicians and Surgeons all unanimously pronounced Dr Rush’s opinion and Advice, to be exactly and perfectly in all Points agreable to their own, and the Plan was laid and the Catastrophy resolved.
On Tuesday the Eighth of October, a day memorable in my little Annals, the operation was performed in Presence of the two Dr Warrens, Dr Welsh and Dr Holbrook, by Dr Warren Senior. The operation was twenty five Minutes in performing, and the dressing an hour longer.
The Surgeons all agree that in no Instance did they ever witness a Patient of more Intrepidity than she exhibited through the whole Transaction.
They all affirm that the morbid substance is totally eradicated and nothing left but Flesh perfectly sound
They all Agree that the Probability of compleatt and ultimate success is as great as in any Instance that has fallen under their Experience.
Yesterday October 12 The Surgeons met again and dressed the Wound and unanimously declare it in as good a State as they could expect.
Had not your Letter overcome all her Scruples and Timidity, I believe she would have returned before now to Smiths Valley, which would have been to her The Valley of Jehoshaphat.Oh! that a vaccine Inoculation could be discovered  for this opprobrium of Philosophy and Midicine, The Cancer, This Physical  disgrace of human Nature!
Neither you nor I have much Superstition in our Natures or our Creeds. But neither of Us can refuse to acknowledge a Providence in this Instance. She accidentally as the world says read your Book wrote you a Letter, received your answer altered her Plan, postponed her Journey home, and as I sincerely hope and devoutly pray saved her Life.
I rejoice however still with trembling. I know the Uncertainty that still remains: and that our only ultimate Resource is Resignation.
We are all very sensible of our obligation to you, and pray you to accept our cordial Thanks
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from William Plumer, 14 October 1811
From: Plumer, William
To: Adams, John

My dear Sir,
Epping (NH.) October 14. 1811

By the last mail I received your favour of the 7th instant, informing me that your son has declined the appointment of Judge of the Supreme Court of the United States, & that he will remain at Russia, at the least another winter. In the course of the present week I shall address myself to him, by letter, in that distant country.
I think your invaluable correspondence, published in the Boston Patriot, is read by many more persons than you apprehend. Many of my friends, correspondents & acquaintances, in different parts of the Union, read it, & a considerable portion of them with deep attention. For myself, I assure you, there is no publication that I read with more interest than that correspondence. I have the first volume of it bound in octavo— & a complete set of it from the beginning up to last week in the Boston Patriot—which at the end of each year, I have bound in volumes. By the continuation of that correspondence you will perform a great service to your country—& raise a monument to perpetuate your own merit, more desirable than that of marble. I do therefore sincerely hope, that you will be blessed with long life, good health & a strong & steady disposition to continue that correspondence for many years yet to come. Of the great events that occurred during your ministry abroad, & under your administration as Vice President, & President of the United States, at home, no man living has a more thorough knowledge than you have and indeed of many interesting facts, you must, from the nature of things, be the sole depository. Permit not these to perish with you—but cast this literary bread upon the waters, & if you do not receive it again till after many days, I am confident that many, very many, of the deserving few, whose approbation is worthy the notice of the good & great, will with grateful hearts bless the labours & consecrate the memory of the sage of Quincy.
I am with much respect and esteem / Dear Sir, / your real friend / and humble servant
William Plumer


Title: From John Adams to Aaron Black, 15 October 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Black, Aaron

Sir
Quincy October 15th 1811

On the receipt of your Letter of June 4th. I lost no time I communicating it to your Sister and your Neice. They have written you letters in answers which you will receive with this.
Your Brother was my next Neighbour for more than twenty years. We lived in harmony and Friendship. He lived and died esteemed and beloved by all who knew him.
His Estate which I understand is encumbered with heavy Debts he has left to his Widow after Payment of his debts, and several Legacies during her Life, and the reversion after her Decease, to his and your Neice, Miss Ann Hail a young Lady of promising Hopes and prospects.
Your Sister is a Lady who is every way worthy of her late Husband and your Neice is worthy of her Aunt who has spared no tenderness, Kindness, Care or Expence, I her Education or in providing for her Comfort and happiness. I hope this brief account will be satisfactory. I am Sir very respectfully your obedient / Servant,
J. Adams


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Stoddert, 15 October 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Stoddert, Benjamin

Dear Stoddart
Quincy October 15th 1811

Your obliging Letter of August 16th was presented to me by your son in law Dr Thomas Ewell and his amiable Lady your Daughter. Although I was confined with a wounded leg which is not yet healed; and afflicted With a series of misfortunes afflictions and Deaths among my tenderest connections such as rarely happen to any man even in this troublesome world: I am not the less obliged to you for giving me an opportunity of seeing this sensible and amiable Couple.
These causes however have retarded my answer and I hope will plead my excuse. I am happy to hear that your health is good and I hope your happiness unalloy’d.
I am as happy as ever I was in my life as happy as I can ever expect to be, in this world, and I believe as happy as any man can be, who sees all the friends of his youth dropping off about him, and so much sickness among his nearest Relations; and who expects himself to drop in a very short time.
Public affairs move me no more than private I love my country and my Friends but can do very little for either. Reconciled and resigned to my lot in Public and private, I wait with patience for a Transfer to another scene.
After an introduction so solemn and gloomy, you will be surprised to find me turn to so ludicrous a subject as friend Timothy you have seen his addresses to the people, in which he has poured out the vials of his vengeance against me after having nourished and cherished it in his bosom a dozen years. He has implicat’d General Sam Smith and his Brother Robert Smith the late secretary of State in a manner that ought in my opinion to bring them out in vindication of themselves and me.
God knows I never made any bargain with them or either of them. I never knew or suspected that they had any animosity against Pickering more than they had against you or McHann, Wolcott & Lee. No hint was ever given to me directly or indirectly from either that they wished Pickering removed or that they would vote for me on any condition or in any circumstances whatsoever.
When I appointed Winchester Judge in opposition to the wish of Robert Smith as you know very well, I had the best opportunities to conciliate the Smiths if I had been so disposed. Pickering knows this as well as you: How then can he tell such an abominable Story. I cannot think that he believes it himself.
Had I not scruples about setting an example of a Presidents vindicating himself against such attacks from a mortified dissappointed and vindictive Minister; I should be at no loss for reasons to justify the removal of Mr. Pickering.
I am Sir with unabated esteem and Respect your Friend and humble Servant

John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from William Bentley, 16 October 1811
From: Bentley, William
To: Adams, John

Sir
Salem October 16. 1811

I have taken the liberty to express my gratitude to the first of men, by sending another portion of the Endicott pears from the Oldest tree planted by Europeans in our portion of America, & to add two bottles of wine made last year in Salem by Ladies in my Society from the berries of New England.
I am with the highest respect / of your public & private character / your devoted Servant
William Bentley.


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Rush, 18 October 1811
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

My dear old friend,
Philadelphia Octobr 18th: 1811

All my family rejoice with yours in the happy issue of the operation performed upon Mrs Smiths breast. The enclosed letter is intended as an answer to her’s to me, and to serve the further purpose of exciting in her a belief that her Cure will be radical & durable. I consider her as rescued from a premature grave.
Since my last letter to you it has pleased God to make all my family very happy in the return of my 3rd: Son Dr James Rush, and my 2nd: daughter Mary Manners with her two children, from England where they have spent two years & some months. This passage was long & extremely dangerous. This has encreased our gratitude to heaven and our joy for their return. My Son has spent his time profitably. He has brought home a mass of useful information not only in Medicine, but upon many other Subjects. I expect to be very much relieved from some of my labours by him. His amiable & unassuming manners had recommended him to my patients before he went abroad. These he has brought back with him with a stock of useful practical knowledge in his profession. My daughter’s husband will follow her in the Spring. His regiment is still in Canada.
Adieu my dear Sir. With love & congratulations to all your family I am ever yrs
Benjn: Rush


Title: To John Adams from Christopher McPherson, 25 October 1811
From: McPherson, Christopher
To: Adams, John

Sir
Virgina Richmond 25th. October 1811

I take the liberty of enclosing you herewith a Pamphlet of Nimrod Hughes’s prophecy as well as a pamphlet of my own. I will thank you to forward me by return mail the Message and other papers I delivered you in Jan’ry 1800 addressed to yourself and the Senate of the U.S. not acted upon by them; as I have advertized agreeable to Law, that I mean to lay the same before the next Session of Congress—and the only Copy I had, is by some means withheld by some Members of the last General Assembly of this State.—Should you have left them with the Public Papers in the Office of the Secretary of State—please inform me the mode by which I may obtain them with the least possible delay.
I am with great Respect / Sir, / Your Most Obedt. Servant

Christr. McPherson


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Stoddert, 27 October 1811
From: Stoddert, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Bladg. 27. October 1811—

I sincerely thank you for your kind letter of the 15th— It always affords me the highest satisfaction to hear of you, &, from you—and more particularly when I hear favorable accounts of your health & contentment.
I have seen & repelled the Attack of Col Pickering on you, in a point affecting your moral Character. In relation to any intrigue of my Countrymen, the Smiths with you, for the his removal from the Office of State, I have at all times felt the strongest conviction, that you never did descend to such baseness, not only because I knew you were incapable of such degradation, but because I had reason to know that there was no kind of private intercourse—between you & Genl Smith (& his Brother was not at the seat of Govt) about the time of Col Pickerings removal. I knew it from this circumstance—a Day or two before the New York election, in which Col Burr exerted himself with so much success as to produce a result that disappointed every body—and at a moment when members of Congress, & all about the Govt. believed that City would be entirely Federal, Genl Smith & a Senator of high standing, called on me at my Office, & expressed their satisfaction  with most of your measures, though disapproving of some, which they seemed, disposed rather to ascribe to the influence of others, than to you, and  signified a desire to have a Friendly interview with you, & asked my opinion if such an interview would be agreeable. My reply in substance was, that I would not doubt it—but that I would speak to you on the subject, & let them know.
It so happened that I did not speak to you before the result of the New York election was known in Phila—This result afforded Mr Jefferson a prospect of the Presidential chair, he seemed not to have had before—But for this result, I question whether it would not have been decided about that time by his Friends, to suspend his pretensions for four Years longer, and that their support, if from no other motive, for the Chance of having influence in your admn. should be given to you. If I never afterward mentioned to you my Visit from the Genl & the Senator, it was because I thought I perceived, that their views had changed, with the change of prospect occasioned by the result of the New York election. They spoke to me no more—and I am very confident they avoided you.
I am not good at remembering dates—& never meaning to be  a Public Man, I never kept memos. of my political transactions—But I believe this election was Just before the close of the Session of Congress—and that at the close, or a Day or two before, Col P. was removed. On the morning of the Day of the removal, you communicated to Mr Lee & myself, who chanced to meet at your House, without being summoned, your intention—and observed your mind had been made up on the Subject before the commencement of the Session, but that to avoid a turbulent Session (Col P having many warm Friends in both Houses) you had delayed to take the step until, the close of the session. You said you respected Col P for his Industry, his talents & his integrity, but mentioned instances to  show that he wanted those feelings a Secy of State should possess for the Character of a Prest—and wanted temper to enable you to make Peace with France or preserve it with England—and upon something suggested by Mr Lee or myself to induce re-consideration on your part, you added, that you, felt it a sacred duty to make a change in the Dept of State—and proposed, that Mr Lee, or myself should communicate your decision to Col P in terms least calculated to hurt his feelings—We both too Sincerely respected him to undertake a task so disagreeable.I have never since conversed with Mr Lee on this Subject—but I do presume were he to relate the occurrance, his relation would agree, substantially, with mine.
Col Pickering like most honest warm tempered men, may be too partial perhaps in tracing to the best motives the Actions of his Friends—and too prone to ascribe to the worst, the conduct of those, whom he does not like. After hearing of the prediction of Mr R Smith at Annapolis, which I presume, has been within the last two years—made 10 or 12 Days before his removal, that he would be removed, it was not extraordinary that he should imagine mr R Smith, his Brother the Genl. & theirs had successfully intrigued with you for his removal, as the price of their support—and when he made the charge against you, I cannot from what I think I know of his Character, persuade myself for a moment to doubt, that he did not most religiously believe in its truth.
Were I to venture to account for mr R Smiths prediction at Anns. it would be in this way—The visit to me of which I have spoken shews that the most respectable of that party, with whom mr Smith was closely linked, were at least balancing in their minds whether their surest road to more influence in Public affairs, would not be, to attach themselves to you, especially as your re-election seemed at that time certain—Col P of all your ministers was most obnoxious to these Gentn.—and it might have been contemplated by them with the knowledge of Mr R Smith, to ask his removal, in return for their support—and as it was too well known that the proper harmony between the President  & Secy of state, did not exist, mr Smith being sure as he thought the offer would be made, not might conclude without great violence to probability, that the offer would be made—and unacquainted with your honorable principles, that it would not be rejected.
If any use can be made of this feeble, though sincere testimony, in removing from that reputation you so justly value a transient cloud, most freely do I consent it shall be so used—I may dissatisfy men whose Friendship I prize most highly, or make others my Enemies, by this—but a consideration of self never did, nor never shall deter me from doing an act of Justice.
With my best respects & good wishes to Mrs Adams I remain as I always have been Dr Sir with the highest regard & esteem Yr obliged Friend & Servt
Ben Stoddert


Title: To John Adams from Munroe & French, 31 October 1811
From: Munroe & French
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Boston Oct 31 1811

Owing to an unusual press of matter for the two last papers we have been compelled to postpone the publication of the Correspondence. In the mean time we have unfortunately mislaid part of a page of manuscript. We have enclosed the last paragraph of that published, together with the first Succeeding sheet & desire you to take the pains to supply the deficiency. This frank avowal of our carelessness, (as you have not often cause to censure us in this respect,) we are in hopes, will secure our pardon. The Correspondence would have been Continued in our next, had it not been for this accident.
Some new arrangements appear to be making in the newspaper world.—We are in hopes they will not cause us to regret the loss of the Correspondence—Mr E. admits the validity of our Superior Claim, unless you should chuse to make his paper the future medium.—We are in hopes, however, Sir, that as your valuable Correspondence was commenced, it may be Completed in the Boston Patriot.
Your obdn’t Servants / Sir,
Munroe & French


Title: From John Adams to Munroe & French, 1 November 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Munroe & French

Messieurs Monroe and French.
Quincy Octob November 1st

I have received your kind Letter of the 31st of October and regret with you the loss of part of a Page of Manuscript.
Upon a careful revision of all the materials I have, I find myself utterly unable to recollect enough to supply the deficiency.
As I have no Clerk, Secretary or Amanuensis I am obliged to write all with my own hand, which with my dim eyes and trembling fingers is so painful an Exercise that when I have written a sheet, I keep no copy and think myself delivered of it forever.
There is no remedy but for you to print a Note of the loss of the Scrap, and go on with what remains.
There is an unlucky mistake of “Things” for Kings, “Kings” in the last Paragraph you printed but whether it was an Error of the Press or of the Manuscript I know not.
I am Gentlemen your obliged humble Servant

John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 2 November 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

My Venerable Friend
Quincy November 2d 1811

Be pleased to accept my  cordial congratulations on the felicity of your Family in the arrival of your Son and Daughter from Europe. The Doctor will be the Staff of your Age and you will be the Guide of his youth. The Daughter and her Infants will be the delights of her Mother as well as her Father.
For myself, clothed as I am in the Sable, I may without repining, acknowledge the Seventy Sixth year of my Age to have been the most afflictive of my Life.
In January 1811 died very Suddenly, leaving a distressed and helpless Family of Eight Children Mrs Norton, a Niece of my Wife, a Daughter of my Brother and Sister Cranch, who was always as dear to Us as a Child
In April a Horse took a fright in a Brook, reared and fell against a Stone Bridge, and bruised and wounded my Son T. B. A. in his Thigh, in Such a manner as to lay him up for Several Months under the Care of his Surgeons in great danger of being a Cripple for Life.
In June my Sister Cranch, in her Seventieth year, oppressed with Grief for the loss of her Daughter and with Anxiety Care and Exertion for her orphan Children fell Sick of a Fever, and lingered under the Consequences of it for four Months.
Mr Cranch my Guide Philosopher and Friend for Sixty years, at the Age of Eighty five, borne down by the Loss of his daughter and Sickness of his Wife fell at last very Suddenly on the 16. Oct. and his Wife expired the next day. both were buried together in my Tomb.
In June my Daughter in Law, Charles’s widow who with her two Daughters lives with me, was taken with a vomiting Off blood, which has confined her under the constant Care of Physicians for three or four months and reduced her to extream Weakness. She is now however Some what better.
My Daughter Smith’s case you know, a Source of great Anxiety to Us for more than a year was at last happily terminated by your Advice as  We hope, but at a time when So many calamities concur’d as to make the Excision of a Ladys Breast appear but a Small Affliction
Two Month’s since going out in the dark in my Garden to look for the Comet, I Stumbled over a Knot in a Stake and tore my Leg near the Shin in Such a manner that the Surgeon with his Baths Cataplasms, Plaisters and Bandages has been daily hovering about it and poor I, deprived of my  horse and my Walks have been bolstered up with my Leg horrizontal on a Sopha
Mr Smith a near Relation and most intimate Friend of ours in Boston had a Son of most promising Hopes educated at the University and the Bar, an Officer in a Cadet Corps of Militia, in the unprecedent heat of the 4th of July got a Fever that left him in a Consumption of which he died
The News of the Death of Mrs Johnson and Mr Buchanan her Son in Law and the dangerous Sickness of her Daughters and the dangerous Sickness in the Family of Judge Cranch at Washington arrived in the midst of all our other distresses.
It is Scarcely decent after all this to mention the disappointment of our hopes of the return of our Children from Russia.
Such my Friend is the Lott of humanity. But the Case of our Calamities has rarely been equalled Since the days of Job. Yours however, in the time of the yellow Fever were more distressing.
Several of our tenderest Connections and most essential Friends at and near fourscore remain to keep up a constant apprehension in our Minds of their and our approaching departure
The Reflections dictated by Philosophy and Religion upon these events need not be Suggested to you, to whom they are quite as familiar as to your Friend

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 4 November 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

Quincy, Nov 4. 1811.

 Rough draft of the passport for British Ships.
We, John Adams, Benjamin Franklin and John Jay, three of the ministers plenipotentiary of the United States of America for making peace with Great Britain, to all captains or commanders of ships of war, privateers, or armed vessels belonging to the said states or to either of them, or to any of the citizens of the same, and to all others whom these presents may concern—send greeting:
Whereas peace and amity is agreed upon between the said United States and his Britannic majesty, and a suspension of hostilities to take place at different periods, in different places, hath also been agreed upon by their respective plenipotentiaries; and whereas it hath been further agreed by the said plenipotentiaries, to exchange one hundred passports for merchant vessels to the end that such as shall be provided with them shall be exempted from capture, although found in latitudes at a time prior to the taking place of the said suspension of hostilities therein. Now therefore know ye that free passport, licence, and permission, is hereby given to thecommander, now lying at the port ofand bound from thence to—And we do earnestly enjoin upon and recommend to you to let and suffer the said vessel to pass unmolested to her destined port, and if need be, to afford her all such succour and aid as circumstances and humanity may require.
 Given under our hands and seals at Paris, on theday ofin the year of our Lord 1783.
By the King.
 A Proclamation declaring the cessation of arms as well by sea as land, agreed upon between his majesty the most christian king, the king of Spain, the States General of the United Provinces, and the United States of America; and enjoining the observance thereof.—
George R.—Whereas provisional articles were signed at Paris, on the thirtieth day of November last, between our commissioner for treating of peace with the commissioners of the United States of America, and the commissioners of the said states to be inserted in and to constitute the treaty of peace proposed to be concluded between us and the said United States, when terms of peace should be agreed upon between us and his most christian majesty. And whereas preliminaries for restoring peace between us and his most christian majesty were signed at Versailles on the 20th day of January last, by the ministers of us and the king of Spain; and whereas for putting an end to the calamity of war as soon and as far as may be possible, it hath been agreed between us, his most christian majesty the king of Spain, the States general of the United Provinces, and the United States of America, as follows, that is to say—
 That such vessels and effects as should be taken in the channel, and in the north seas, after the space of twelve days, to be computed from the ratification of the said preliminary articles, should be restored on all sides; that the term should be one month from the channel and the north seas as far as the Canary Islands inclusively, whether in the ocean or in the Mediterranean; two months from the said Canary Islands as far as the equinoctial line or equator: and lastly, five months in all other parts of the world, without any exception or any more particular description of time or place.
And whereas the ratifications of the said preliminary articles between us and the most christian king, in due form, were exchanged by the ministers of us and of the most christian king, on the third day of this instant, February; and the ratifications of the said preliminary articles between us and the king of Spain were exchanged between the ministers of us and of the king of Spain, on the ninth day of this instant, February; from which days respectively the several terms abovementioned, of twelve days, of one month, of two months, and of five months, are to be computed: and whereas it is our royal will and pleasure, that the cessation of hostilities between us and the states general of the United Provinces, and the United States of America, should be agreeable to the epochs fixed between us and the most christian king—we have thought fit, by and with the advice of our privy council, to notify the same to all our loving subjects, and we do declare that our royal will and pleasure is, and we do hereby strictly charge and
command all our officers both at sea and land, and all other our subjects whatsoever, to forbear all acts of hostility, either by sea or land, against his most christian majesty the king of Spain, the states general of the United Provinces, and the United States of America, their vessels or subjects, from and after the respective times abovementioned and under the penalty of incurring our highest displeasure.
Given at our Court at St. James’ the fourteenth day of February, in the twenty-third year of our reign, and in the year of our Lord, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-three.
God save the King!
To J. Adams, Benjamin Franklin, and John Jay, Esquires, Plenipotentiaries of the U. States of N. America.
Paris, Feb. 18, 1783.
    Gentlemen—I have the honor to transmit to you, herewith a packet containing one hundred passports for American vessels which I have this moment received by a courier from England.
    I take this opportunity of acquainting you, that a Proclamation was issued out in the kings name, on the 14th inst, making known the cessation of hostilities, which has been agreed upon between the several belligerent powers, and declaring farther that the several epochas at which the said armistice is to commence between his Majesty and the United States of North America, are to be computed from the third day of this instant, February, being the day on which the ratifications of the preliminaries were exchanged between his Majesty and the most christian king. I must add that his Majesty was induced to take this step under the firm and just expectation that you gentlemen, will correspond to it, on your parts by adopting the same measure reciprocally in the name of the states, your masters.
    I have the honor to be with great regard and esteem gentlemen, your most obedient and most humble servant,Signed,
    Alleyne Fitzherbert.
    By the ministers plenipotentiary of the United States of America for making peace with
    Great-Britain.
    A DECLARATION
    Of the cessation of arms, as well by sea as Land,
  agreed upon between his majesty the king of
  Great-Britain and the United States of
  America—
    Whereas, preliminary articles were signed at Paris on the thirtieth day of November last, between the plenipotentiaries of his said majesty the king of Great Britain, and of the said States, to be inserted in and to constitute the treaty of peace to be concluded between his said majesty, and the said United States, when terms of peace should be agreed upon between his said majesty, and his most christian majesty. And whereas preliminaries for restoring peace between his said majesty the king of Great Britain and his most christian majesty, were signed at Versailles on the twentieth day of January last, by the respective ministers of their said majesties—And whereas preliminaries for restoring peace between his said majesty the king of Great Britain and his majesty the king of Spain, were also signed at Versailles on the 20th day of January last, by their respective ministers—And whereas for putting an end to the calamity of war as soon and as far as possible, it hath been agreed between the king of Great-Britain, his most christian majesty, the king of Spain, the states general of the United Provinces, and the United States of America, as follows, that is to say—
    That such vessels and effects as should be taken in the channel and the north seas, after the space of twelve days, to be computed from the ratification of the said preliminary articles, should be restored on all sides—that the term should be, one month from the channel and north seas, as far as the Canary Islands, inclusively, whether in the ocean or the Mediterranean; two months from the said Canary Islands as far as the equinoxial line or equator; and lastly, five months in all other parts of the world, without any exception, or any other more particular description of time or place.

    And whereas the ratifications of the said preliminary articles between his said majesty the king of Great Britain, and his most christian majesty, in due form, were exchanged by their ministers, on the third day of this instant, February, from which day the several terms abovementioned, of one month, of two months, and of five months, are to be computed, relative to all British and American vessels and effects.

    Now therefore, we, the ministers plenipotentiaries from the United States of America, for making peace with Great Britain, do notify to the people and citizens of the said United States of America, that hostilities on their part against his Britannic majesty, both by sea and land, are to cease at the expiration of the terms herein before specified therefor, and which terms are to be computed from the third day of February instant. And we do in the name and by the authority of the said United States accordingly warn and enjoin all their officers and citizens to forbear all acts of hostility, whatever, either by land or by sea, against his said majesty the king of Great Britain or his subjects, under the penalty of incurring the highest displeasure of the said United States.
    Given at Paris, the twentieth day of February, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty-three, under our hands and seals.Signed

    John Adams, (L. S.)
    B. Franklin, (L. S.)

    John Jay, (L. S.)

    The winter of 1783 and the spring till late in April, had passed away; Mr Oswald was returned to England, and no minister appeared to discuss a definitive treaty. At last Mr. David Hartley arrived. He had only an order of the king to make him a commission, but no commission. We objected to this and informed him that a regular commission must appear before any thing could be concluded—but consented to confer in the mean time. And here my journal was resumed, but somewhat more negligently, because the new ministry had so much of the old Scotch leaven in it, that I had very little expectation that any thing would be done.
    The journal however, such as it is, proceeds—1783, May 3, Saturday. Three articles proposed by the American ministers and delivered to Mr. Hartley 29th April, 1783:
    Article 1.—It is agreed that so soon as his Britannic majesty shall have withdrawn all his armies, garrisons and fleets, from the United States of America, and from every port, post, place and harbour within the same, as stipulated by the seventh article of the provisional treaty of 20th Nov. 1782, then and from thenceforth and during the term ofyears, all rivers, harbors, lakes, ports and places, belonging to the United States or any of them, shall be open and free to the merchants and other subjects of the crown of Great Britain, and their trading vessels; who shall be received, treated and protected, like the merchants and trading vessels of the state in which they may be, and be liable to no other charges or duties.
And reciprocally all rivers, harbors, lakes, ports and places under the dominion of his Britannic majesty, shall henceforth be open and free to the merchants and trading vessels of the said United States, and of each and every of them, who shall be received, treated and protected, like the merchants and trading vessels of Great Britain, and be liable to no other charges or duties—saving always to the chartered trading companies of Great Britain, such exclusive use and trade of their respective ports and establishments, as neither the other subjects of Great Britain or any of the most favored nation participate in.
    Article 2.—It is agreed that such persons as may be in confinement in the United States of America, for or by reason of the part they may have taken in the late war, shall be set at liberty, immediately on the evacuation of the said states by the troops and fleets of his Britannic majesty.
And it is likewise agreed that all such persons who may be in confinement in any parts under the dominion of his Britannic majesty, for and by reason of the part which they may have taken in the late war, shall at the same time, be also immediately set at liberty.
    Article 3.—The prisoners made respectively by the arms of his Britannic majesty, and those of the United States of America, both by sea and land, shall be immediately set at liberty without ransom, on paying the debts they may have contracted during their captivity—and each contracting party shall respectively reimburse the sums which shall have been advanced for the subsistence and maintenance of their prisoners, by the sovereign of the country where they shall have been detained, according to the receipts and attested accounts and other authentic titles, which shall be produced on each Side.
    The journal of May 3, 1783, Saturday, proceeds:—When we met Mr. Hartley on Tuesday last at Mr. Laurens’, I first saw and first heard of Mr. Livingston’s letter to Dr. Franklin upon the subject of peace, dated January 7, 1781, but endorsed by Dr. Franklin January 7, 1782. The peace is made and the negotiations all passed before I knew of this letter, and at last by accident. Such is Dr. Franklin!
    Visited Mr. Jay; found him, his lady, Miss Laurens and Marquis de la Fayette at breakfast, going out of town. Visited Mr. Laurens—not at home. Duke de la Vauguion—not at home. Mr. Hartley at home; Mr. Laurens came in soon after. I agreed to make a visit to the Duke of Manchester this Evening. His rank as Duke and as Ambassador, and the superiority of the state he represents, make it unnecessary to attend to the rule in this town, which is that the last comer make the first visit, or to enquire very nicely what the sublime science of etiquette dictates upon this occasion.

    Mr. Heartley proposes that we should agree that the English should continue their garrisons in Detroit, Niagara and Michillimachinac for a limited time, or that Congress should put garrisons into those places, to protect their people, traders and troops from the insults of the Indians. The Indians will be enraged to find themselves betrayed into the hands of those people against whom they have been excited to war.

    Mr. Heartley proposes also, that we should agree that all the carrying places should be in common. This is a great point. These carrying places command the Fur trade. Mr. Laurens hinted to me, between us, that this was the complaint in England against the ministry who made the peace, that they had thrown the whole Fur trade into the hands of the United States, by ceeding all the carrying places; and that the lakes and waters were made useless to them by this means.

    Mr. Laurens quoted a Creek king, who said he would not be for quarrelling with either side, especially with us Americans, for we were all born of the same Mother and sucked at the same breasts. But turning to his young men, he said, with tears in his eyes, whichever side prevails, I see that we must be cut off.

    Mr. Heartley talked about Passamaquoddy, and the Islands at the mouth of the river St. Croix. He is for settling this matter, so as to prevent questions.

    Between five and six I made my visit to the Duke of Manchester the British Ambassador upon his arrival. Not at home—left my card.

    The next day, or next but one, the Duke returned my visit; came up to my apartment, and spent an half hour in familiar conversation. He is between fifty and sixty—a composed man—plain Englishman.

    One day this week I visited the Duke de la Vauguion upon his arrival from the Hague; who returned my visit in a day or two.

    Thus ends the journal of May the third 1783.

John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 9 November 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

					Quincy, Nov. 9, 1811.

The journal proceeds—1783, Monday, May 5th.—Dined with my family at comte Sarsefields. The dukes de la Vauguion and de la Rochefaucault, Mr. Jay, &c. were of the party.
1783, Tuesday, May 6.—Dined at Mr. Jay’s. Lt. General Mullville, who is here to solicit for the inhabitants of Tobago the continuance of their assembly and trials by jury, was there.
1783, Wednesday, May 7.—Dined at Mr. Calmer’s.
1783, Thursday, May 8.—The duke de la Vauguion, and Mr. Hartley, Mr. Laurens, Mr. Jay, Mr. Barclay and Mr. Ridley, dined with me.
1783, Friday, May 9.—Dined with Mr. Laurens, with a large company. The marquis de la Fayette shewed the beginning of an attack upon the chancellor, &c. &c.
[N.B. in 1811.—At this time began to flow a stream of pamphlets, chansons, vaudevilles, epigrams, and every species of libels against the ministry, which gradually increased to a torrent and ended in an inundation which overwhelmed all government and all religion for a time—produced such a scene of horror as never was exemplified; and ended at last as all such inconsiderate enterprizes ever must end, in military empire.]
1783, Saturday, May 10th—Dined with the marquis de la Fayette, with a large American company.
1783, Monday, May 19th.—The American ministers met Mr. Hartley at my house, and he shewed us his commission and we shewed him ours. His commission is very magnificent; the great seal in a silver box with the king’s arms engraven on it, with two large gold tassels, &c. as usual. The commissions of the comtes de Vergennes and D’Aranda, on the twentieth of January, were plainer than ours, and upon paper. The French reserve their silver boxes to the exchange of ratifications.
Dined with Mr. Laurens and Mr. Jay, at Mr. Martley’s hotel de York.
We are to meet of evenings at six o’clock, de die in diem, at my House.
Mr. Hartley informed us to-day that the king’s council had not agreed to our precautions of putting Brittons on the same footing of Americans in all American ports, rivers, &c. and Americans on the footing of Britains in all British ports, rivers, &c. He says he is very sorry for this, because he thinks it (the proposition) just and politic; and he shall ever be, in parliament, for bringing things to that point.
1783, Tuesday, May 20th.—Saw Philadelphia papers to the 12th of April. The corvette dispatched from Cadiz by the comte D’Estaing, carried the first news of the preliminaries of the twentieth of January. Mr. Livingston wrote it to Carlton and Digby; but they thought it, however respectable, not authentic for them.—Soon after the February packet arrived at New York from whence English newspapers were sent out, and the provisional and preliminary treaties all published in the Philadelphia papers.
Visited Mr. Hartley—He said he thought the Dutch negotiation in a bad way; and that there would be a civil contest in Holland, a Struggle between the statholder and the states. Mr. Hartley said, that some Dutch friends he had in London had told him there would be a civil dissentation in Holland, and he was now more convinced of it. He said the king of Prussia and the king of England would take the part of the statholder. I answered, they would do well to consider whether, in that case, France and the emperor would not assist the republicans, and thus throw all Europe into a flame? I told him I thought the English policy towards the republic all wrong. They were wrong to make themselves partizans of the statholder against the republicans; that they ought to be impartial; that they were interested in the conservation of the liberties of that country. If that spot should be annexed to the empire or to France, it would be fatal to Great Britain—That without its liberty it could not maintain its Independency. Human life, in that country, struggling against the sea, and in danger from so many quarters, would be too painful and discouraging, without liberty. That the king of England and the statholder would make a fatal mistake if they thought of making the latter a sovereign or of increasing his power. The country would not be worth the governing.—That the families of Orange and Brunswick owed their grandeur to the cause of liberty; and if they now engaged in a conspiracy against it, they must go to Italy after the Stewarts.
I added that Sir Joseph York had been wrong to attach himself so closely to the Court and declare war so decidedly against the Patriots; that he should have kept upon good terms with the er,   Cappellans, Vanberchel, Gyselaer, Visher, &c. That I had reflected much upon this subject. I had always been ready to acknowledge, that I could not distinctly foresee what would be the consequence of our independence in Europe. It might depress England too much, and elevate the House of Bourbon too high. If this should be the case, neither England nor America, could depend upon the moderation of such absolute monarchies and such ambitious nations. America might find France and Spain, demanding of her, things which she could not grant. So might England. Both might find it necessary to their safety to gain; and in such a case it would be of great importance to both, to have Holland join them. Whereas the policy of the British Court, if pursued, would drive the Dutch into the Arms of France and fix them there. That I hoped the case put would never happen; but England would have a stronger reason than ever now to cultivate the friendship of Holland. That in my opinion she ought to give up Negapatnam and the liberty of navigation; give satisfaction to the Dutch, and carry an even hand in future between the court and the states. That the British minister ought to seek the acquaintance and friendship of the principal Patriots in all the provinces, and give them the assurances of his Court that nothing should be attempted against their constitution.
Mr. Hartley said he was of my mind, and had said as much to Mr. Fox before he left London but the king would stand by the statholder. The king said Mr. Hartley, will go wrong in Holland, and in Ireland and Scotland too; but it will all work against himself. There are discontents in Scotland, as well as Ireland. We shall have struggles, but I don’t dread these. We shall have settled with America; and the American war was all that I dreaded.
1783, Wednesday, May 21 What is it in the air, which burns? When we blow a spark with the bellows, it spreads. We force a current of air to the fire, by this machine; and in this air are inflammatory particles. Can it be in the same manner, that life is continued by the breath? Are there any particles conveyed into the blood of animals, through the lungs, which increase the heat of it? or is the pulse caused by rarifying the blood or any part of it into vapour, like the experiment made with spirits of wine in a glass tube, with a globule at each end? If one end or globule is placed in a position a little warmer than the other, you see a pulsation caused by repeated rarifications of the spirits of wine, into vapour at one end, which flows to the other, and then reflows to its formal position where it is again rarified and protruded. The external air, drawn into the lungs, in breathing through the mouth or nostrils, either leaves some particles behind in the lungs or in the blood; or carries some particles off, with it. It may do both i.e. carry in some particles that are salubrious, and carry out others which are noxious. The air once breathed is certainly altered. It is unfit to be breathed again. The body is said to render unfit for respiration a gallon of air in a minute. Four persons in a coach would render unfit, four hogsheads of air in an hour, which is more than a coach would hold; which shews the necessity of keeping the windows open, and of frequently airing your dining rooms, keeping rooms, and bed chambers. I suspect that the health of mankind is much injured by their inattention to this subject.
[N.B. in 1811.—The Philosophers, I fear will receive a little edification from these idle speculations and conjectures, which with several other trifles equally insignificant, I would have omitted, if I had not been under obligation in point of honor to print the whole of that Journal which was communicated to congress by mistake, and which the avengeful Scott has represented in so terrible a light, with all the ignorant and insolent malignity of David Hume against John Locke.

				The journal proceeds—1783, Wednesday, May 21—Mr. Hartley, Mr. Franklin, Mr. Laurens, met me at my house, Hotel de Roi, au Carrousel, this evening; and we exchanged with Mr. Hartley full powers, and entered into conferences.Mr. Hartley’s commission is as follows.George R.—George the third, by the grace of God, King of Great Britain, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, Duke of Brunswick, and Lunenbourg, Arch Treasurer and Prince Elector of the holy Roman empire, &c. To all to whom these presents shall come—greeting.Whereas for the perfecting and establishing the peace, friendship and good understanding so happily commenced by the provisional articles signed at Paris, the thirtieth day of November last by the commissioners of us, and our good friends the U. States of America, viz. N. Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode-Island, Connecticut, New-York, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, the three lower counties on Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, in North America, and for opening, promoting and rendering perpetual, the mutual intercourse of trade and commerce between our kingdoms, and the dominions of the said

United States, we have thought proper to invest some fit person with full powers on our part to meet and confer with the ministers of the said United States, now residing at Paris, duly authorized for the accomplishment of such laudable and salutary purposes.Now know ye, that we, reposing special trust and confidence, in the wisdom, loyalty, diligence and circumspection of our trusty and well beloved David Hartley, Esq. on whom we have heretofore conferred the rank of our minister plenipotentiary, have nominated, constituted and appointed, and by these presents do nominate, constitute and appoint him, our true, certain and undoubted commissioner, procurater and plenipotentiary, giving and granting to him, all and all manner of faculty, power and authority, together with general as well as special order, (so as the general do not derogate from the special, nor on the contrary) for us and in our name to meet, confer, treat and conclude with the minister or ministers furnished with sufficient powers, on the part of our said good friends the U. S of America, of and concerning all such matters and things as may be requisite and necessary for accomplishing and completing the several ends and purposes herein before mentioned, and also for us and in our name to sign such treaty or treaties, convention or conventions, or other instruments whatsoever as may be agreed upon in the premises, and mutually to deliver and receive the same in exchange, and to do and perform all such other acts, matters and things as may be any ways proper and conducive to the purposes above mentioned, in as full and ample form and manner and with the like validity and effect, as we ourselves, if we were present, could do and perform the same; engaging and promising on our royal word, that we will accept ratify and confirm in the most effectual manner, all such acts, matters and things, as shall be so transacted and concluded by our aforesaid commissioner, procurater and plenipotentiary, and that we will never suffer any person to violate the same, in the whole nor in part, or to act contrary thereto. In testimony and confirmation of all which, we have caused our great seal of Great Britain, to be affixed to these presents, signed with our royal hand.Given at our Palace, at St James’ the fourteenth day of May, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty three, and the twenty third year of our reign.I, David Hartley, the minister above mentioned, certify the foregoing to be a true copy from my original commission delivered to the American ministers on the 19th day of May, 1783.Signed, D. Hartley.Wednesday, May 21, 1783—The journal proceeds—Mr. Hartley made us the following proposition, in writing, viz:Whereas, it is highly necessary that an intercourse of trade and commerce should be opened between the people and territories belonging to the crown of Great Britain and the people and territories of the United States of America; and whereas it is highly expedient that the intercourse between Great Britain and the said United States should be established on the most enlarged principles of reciprocal benefit to both countries; but from the distance between Great Britain and America, it must be a considerable time before any convention or treaty for establishing and regulating the trade and intercourse between Great Britain and the said United States of America upon a permanent foundation can be concluded: Now, for the purpose of making a temporary regulation of the commerce and intercourse between Great Britain & the said United States of America.—It is agreed, that all the citizens of the United States of America, shall be permitted to import into and export from any part of His Britannic Majesty’s dominions in American ships, any goods, wares and merchandizes which have been so imported or exported by the inhabitants of the British American colonies before the commencement of the war, upon payment of the same duties and charges, as the like sort of goods or merchandize are now, or may be subject and liable to, if imported by British subjects in British ships, from any British island or plantation in America. And that all the subjects of his Britannic Majesty shall be permitted to import, and to export from any part of the territories of the thirteen United States of America in British ships, any goods, wares and merchandizes, which might have been so imported or exported by the subjects of his Britannic Majesty, before the commencement of the war, upon payment of the same duties and charges as the like sort of goods, wares and merchandizes are now or may be subject and liable to, if imported in American ships by any of the citizens of the United States of America.This agreement to continue in force untilProvided always, that nothing contained in this agreement shall at any time hereafter, be argued, on either side in support of any future demand or claim.Mr. Hartley withdrew, and we entered into consultation upon his proposition.We agreed to write a line to Mr. Hartley, to inquire if he thought himself authorised to sign that agreement without further orders from St James’. The gentlemen proposed that I as first in the commission should write. I answered that in that case I must have their sanction to the letter. They desired me to draw one. I sat down to the table and wrote—Sir—The American Ministers have done me the honor to direct me to present you their compliments, and desire to be informed whether you think yourself sufficiently authorised to agree and subscribe to the proposition you have made them this evening, without further instructions or information from your court.Dr. Franklin moved that the secretary should sign and tender, which was agreed, the letter being approved in the foregoing words.The gentlemen desired me to draw and answer to Mr. Grand’s letter, and a letter to the bankers in Amsterdam; which I agreed to do, and lay it before them at their next meeting.Thus ends the journal of Wednesday, May 21, 1783.

					John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Stoddert, 16 November 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Stoddert, Benjamin

Dear Stoddart
Quincy November 16th 1811

I received in season your obliging favour of the 27th of October, but an unusual combination of calamities have prevented an acknowledgment of it till this time.
You need not be concerned my good Friend about Timothy’s attack on my moral character. Nobody here believes him. His own most devoted Fools, I beg pardon, I mean even the Artizans who have employed him as their devoted Fool do not believe him. They know that what he has published and propagated concerning me is false and that all his long series of publications have done them and him more harm than good.
There is a proverbial saying in our County of Essex, the Hive of the Swarm that “a Pickering could never be happy in heaven, because he must there find, and acknowledge a superiour.”
The facts and thoughts in your Letter would require a volume instead of a transient Epistle to explain to you all my recollections upon reading them. I declare upon my honour and am ready to depose upon oath that I never had any communication directly or indirectly with Samuel or Robert Smith concerning the change in the office of State or concerning any Election of President, or Vice President. You never hinted to me, nor till I received your Letter of the 27th October 1811 had I ever the least hint or suspicion of any such conversation as you relate between General “Samuel Smith and the Senator of high standing,” on one side and yourself on the other.
Let me remark a moment on what you say of Col Burr. You say that Col Burr exerted himself with so much success in New York as to produce a result that disappointed every body. It did not disappoint me. I had information upon the subject which could not be known to you. I knew that Hamilton had opposed my Election as Vice President in 1788, and my Election at every subsequent period as Vice President and as President as far as he dared and in his secret hypocritical manner. All this you may hereafter see explained more at large. For the present I will only say that walking in the Streets of Philadelphia, I met Colonel Joseph Lyman of Springfield in Massachusetts then a member of the house and as honest and amiable a Man as ever sat in Congress. Walking on the opposite Trottoire, as soon as he saw me, he crossed over, and asked “if I had heard the secret History from New-York?” I answered nothing in particular. “Well said Lyman I can tell you some.” What is it? “Hamilton has divided the Federalists of New York.” How divided them? “He has called together a secret meeting of his confidential Friends among the Federalists and communicated to them in Caucus his design of excluding you from the Presidency and bringing in General Pinkney, and of selecting a List of Representatives for the City in their State Legislature who will concur with this plan in the choice of Electors of President and Vice President. This has disgusted great numbers of the Federalists and even several of his closest Friends, who declare they will not give countenance to any such scheme.” Col Lyman added “I am glad of all this for it will be the total ruin of that pernicious Faction.” I answered No! Col Lyman it will be the ruin of that Faction only by brining in Mr Jefferson. If your secret news is true, Mr Jefferson is infallibly President.
I had afterwards more ample details from various Quarters both by Letters and oral Information, and especially of Hamiltons communicating his project to the Cincinnati at New York when they chose him President of that society, who concurred with him in general though not unanimously. Nothing astonished me so much as the information I received that two Docters in Divinity, The Right Reverend knights of Cincinnaties with their blue Ribbons at their Black Button holes united cordially in express words with Hamilton, “We must sacrifice Adams.” The black and blue Knights and Docters were Dwight of New Haven, and Hitchcock of Providence.
Hamilton after he had called his secret Caucuses, and his public body meetings and made his harangues in private, and public, in some of which I believe he got his death prevailed upon his Party to agree to a List of his own for Representatives of the City. They were men of Little weight, obscure in name, poor in purse, mean in Talents and meritorious only as they were confidential Friends of the great and good Hamilton. Burr who had his spies every where as Hamilton had soon got a sight of Hamiltons Ticket. He looked deliberately over it and paused. And this is Hamiltons Ticket? Is it?” The answer was it is. Burr calmly put the paper in his pocket and rising from his seat, and walking across the room, “Now” said Burr “I have him all hollow.” Without loss of time he rattled about the City, sent his agents into the Country, stirred up the Livingstons, and Clintons, to unite, knowing though Hamilton did not that all the Politicks of New York were, and always had been as they are to this day, Family Feuds. Brackholst and all his name cordially joined him. Clinton and all his train of Dutch, Irish, and Presbyterians of all denominations concurred. And such men as governor Clinton, General Gates, and others the most respectable men agreed to stand Candidates for an Election in the City as Representatives, to go to Albany to vote for Electors of President, and Vice President, who would certainly vote for Jefferson, and Burr, or Jefferson and Clinton. The report instantly spread through the State that the Livingstons Clintons Burr and all were united to bring in Jefferson, and carried the Elections through the State in opposition to Hamilton, and all his Scotch Succeedors, his old Tories, his English Traders, by whom alone he had been first created, constantly preserved, and most bountifully rewarded.
All this I understood quite as well as Burr and much better than my amiable Friend Lyman and infinitely better than Hamilton, and instantly concluded that the business was done. Jefferson was President, whether Clinton or Burr was Vice President, or any other. And I felt the humiliation of my situation obliged to appear, to stand Candidate knowing that it would end in disgrace. Had I resigned you know that eternal vengeance would have been pronounced against me by the Federalists for having deserted their cause and eternal contempt by the Republicans for being a Poltroon.
I certainly “felt it to be a sacred duty to make a change in the department of State,” as you say. I told you and Mr Lee on the morning of the day on which the change was made. I have felt the duty ever since and feel it to this moment; and my conscience at this moment, exults, and triumphs, in the recollection of the resolute performance of it.
When I said to you and Mr Lee that I respected Col Pickering for his industry, his Talents, and his Integrity I had not time, nor would it have been generous or prudent to have entered into discussions, distinctions, or Limitations. Indeed I have maintained a very close reserve of my opinions of Col Pickering having never had any disposition to hurt him or his Friends. At present I am completely absolved from all obligations of secrecy, and indeed of delicacy. I still respect his industry. Of his Integrity: I have nothing to say at present. My opinion of his abilities was the same as it is now. You may collect it in part from the following history. Going to bed lately in tolerable health and spirits I soon fell into a Reverie imagining myself in company with Timothy Pickering, Stephen Higginson, Theophilus Parsons, George Cabot, and Johnathan Jackson, in an Elegant Apartment in the Exchange Coffee house in Boston, with a good fire, bright lights, excellent wine, and odoriferous Segars. In perfect good humour they all with one accord, asked me to reveal to them candidly and frankly my reason for removing Col Pickering from the Department of State. I shall break up the Club: you will all be offended. No, one and all declared, We will take no offence and Col Pickering with more Emphasis than any one solemnly assured me that he would not be displeased let me say what I would. Upon these preliminaries being settled the following Dialogue ensued.
A. To comply with your request at large and detail all the facts and reasons I had, for displacing Col Pickering would consume the whole night, and all the day tomorrow: but the essential and ultimate cause and that without which he would not have been removed was his Incapacity.
Higginson: Incapacity!!! How can you say a word about his Incapacity? I am sure he is a very able Man; and all his reports as well as his correspondence with Governor Sullivan and his late addresses to the People especially shew him to be a very able Writer.
A. A man may be able in some things and imbecile in others. A Man may be a great writer too, without being fit for a Secretary of State: There are thousands of Instances.
Jackson. What Examples occur to you?
A. They croud upon me in such multitudes, that I can scarcely see wood for Trees. However if you must have specimens I may hint at a few. The Reverend David Austin wrote me Letters perpetually for two years in a fluent early style, full of strong expressions, and bright thoughts, to persuade me to send him to France, as an Ambassador: but he did not convince me of his Qualifications.
Pickering. He wrote me too: but I burned his Letters as fast as they came.
A. There are two very remarkable cases this year in Virginia, Nimrod Hughes, and Christopher Macpherson. The former has published a gross volume, very well written to prove that one third of Mankind is to be destroyed on the fourth day of next June. The Latter has printed a Volume Letters to Kings and Emperors, and of other learned and ingenious Papers to prove that he is An Ambassador Extraordinary from the King of Kings vested with full powers to govern the World. and none of you Gentlemen would think either Nimrod, or Christopher, fit for Secretaries of State.
Cabot. Fie! you are too ludicrous now.
A. Well I will be more serious. Col Pickerings honoured, Pious, and Virtuous Father was a great and able writer. I have been edified in my youth by reading many eloquent Letters to the king and many learned and Argumentative Publications asserting and maintaining the rights of the first Church in Salem.
His Reverend Uncle too was a great and able writer in Vindication of the Orthodox Faith. Col P. has a kind of hereditary right to be a great and able writer. Yet I believe neither of you Gentlemen would think the venerable Father, or the Reverend Uncle fit for Secretaries of State.
Colonel Pickering. Now you come too near. you Satyr is cruel.
A. Remember you promised not to take offence, let me say what I would. I used these Examples as illustrations of my Argument, Not to hurt your feelings or to express any disrespect to the memories of the Characters alluded to which were very venerable and respectable.
Jackson This is too wicked.
A. Well let it pass and be forgotten. Another example I hope will not be thought wicked or malicious Dr Priestley was the greatest and ablest writer of his age. He wrote an hundred Volumes to the admiration of all the world. He solicited me in person to send him on a Mission to France. I admired Dr Priestly and should have been glad to oblige him. He might have been as brilliant a Feather in my Cap as Grotius was to Louis 14th. at least in the opinion of Philosophers. But I could not in Conscience believe that he was qualified for the office or capable of performing its duties. The Senate would have negatived him and every one of you Gentlemen, as well as the people of America, would have thought me a Candidate for Dr Rush’s tranquillizing Chair, If I had appointed him.
All. Agreed.
A. A Secretary of State requires something more than common abilities, and much more than the Talents of a fine writer. A man may be very fit to be Post Master General, but very unfit for a Secretary of State: A man may be well qualified to be a Commissary General, or a Quarter Master General, in an Army and yet destitute of much information and Intelligence indispensable in a Secretary of State. A Man might make an excellent Surveyor, Comptroller or Collector of the Customs, and nevertheless be very deficient in that variety of knowledge and comprehension of mind necessary for a Secretary of State. I was so far from being an Enemy to Col Pickering, that if General Lincoln had died at that time I verily believe I should have nominated him to be Collector at Boston or if there had been a Vacancy in Philadelphia I should have proposed him for Collector of that Port. And after that I had serious thoughts of appointing him a judge of one of the Circuit Courts. But the acrimony of his Temper, his Irascible Passions, and his extreme susceptibility of Prejudices, forced upon me great doubts, whether he could perform the duties of a judge to the satisfaction of the People: and all these qualities, added to his ignorance of Law, I knew would disgust the Bar, and the best Judges.
Parsons. It is dangerous disputing the knowledge of Law in a Judge. Col P. wrote with great ability, eloquence, and spirit, against the French.
A. Recollect our compact. However I should not be afraid to appeal to you, for his knowledge of the Law. As to his Phillipicks against the French, or the English, or his Phillipicks against Mr Gerry, I demur to all that evidence. Phillipicks any more than Panegyricks are not decisive Evidence of Qualifications to be a Secretary of State. If nothing remained of Cicero but his Phillipicks against Virros, Cataline, and Anthony I should not dare to infer from them that he was fit for a Consul. Had nothing remained of Demosthenes but his invectives against Philip, I should not have concluded him fit for the first Magistrate in Athens. To descend to our own times, with all the Panegyrick, and Phillipicks of Fox, and Burke, added to all their experience I am not able to say that either or both of them together were fit to direct the affairs of a great Nation, And I never wondered at King George’s distrust of them.
Parsons. Your Ideas of the Talents, and Qualities of a Secretary of State, seem to be very lofty.
A. Why did you not say “sublimated and Eccentric?”
Parsons. What qualifications fo you judge essential to a Minister of State?
A. A Secretary of State, for the united States of America, at the time when Col Pickering was removed ought to have been possessed of a very rare combination of Virtues as well as Talents and Knowledge. He ought to have penetrated into the remotest recesses of Antiquity, and the most distant Corners of the Earth a Compendium of all arts and Sciences as well as of the universal History of Men, Nations, and Government ought to be comprehended and well digested in his Mind.
Parsons. Heavens! where is such a Man to be found?
A. When a perfect likeness is not to be had, The Painter will take the best he can find; as I did when I appointed Marshall Minister and you Attorney General. Recollect the situation of this Country at the time when Mr Pickering was removed. We were wrangling with Spain about Spoilations on our Commerce as well as the Demarkation of Limits and Pickering made this move inconvenient and dangerous by his quarrel with Yruro. We were at Swords Points with France and Pickering wanted to continue so. We were in the utmost danger of a rupture with England. The demands of British Creditors, and American Tories which were made upon the Commissioners at Philadelphia were so exorbitant amounting I believe to twenty Millions Sterling that the American Commissioners were obliged to break up the board. The board of Commissioners in London before whom were demands of American Merchants for damages for spoilations on their Commerce to an immense amount was also broken up. All at a stand! Clamours on all hands! British Commissioners, and Agents Scribbling! Complaints of Impressments of Seamen continual &c &c &c
In this situation the Department of Sate demanded a Man of the largest mind, of the coolest Temper, of the most general information, and above all a consummate knowledge of the Law of Nature and Nations, the civil Law, the common and Statue Laws of England, and of the common and Statute Laws of the United States, and the several States.
Parsons. Well, had not Pickering all these accomplishments?
A. No! not one of them; At least he appeared to me to be totally destitute of all of them. At this time he loved England and hated France, as fervently as a few years before he hated England and loved France. He appeared to me studiously, deliberately, and diligently, to obstruct and embarrass me in all my endeavors to negotiate a Peace with France: and to be totally at a loss what to do, say, or write, on the subject of British Creditors, Tory claims, or the difficulties before the boards of Commissioners in England and America. I could get nothing done; nothing written to Mr King that was satisfactory. As to the complaints of Impressments of American Seamen I could get nothing out of him but muttering, “They have a right to their own deserters;” They have a right to their own Seamen; “They have a right to their own subjects.” &c &c. In short I was convinced that without a new Secretary of State, I should not be able to make peace with France, nor keep the Peace with England. That I should leave the Government in the most perplexed, exasperated State imaginable both with France and England and go out of office with a consciousness on my own Mind that I had shrunk from a Measure which I belived might have extricated us out of our difficulties.
A change was therefore determined on.—But where to find a Successor? I had considered every man in the Nation that I knew and had fixed upon two or three; but whether any one of them would accept the appointment such was the Fury of the Parties, and such the open declarations of dissatisfaction with me made by the principal Federalists was very doubtful. Washington had found such difficulties that he had been forced to take such as he could get; I was determined to have such as I could depend on or none I asked my questions, but nominated Marshall I was determined if he refused, which I very much feared, to nominate another, and if he refused one more; and if he refused I was determined to make a formal written resignation of my office and let Mr Jefferson, do the best he could.
Marshal however with much hesitation, reluctance, and diffidence, accepted and Pickering himself acknowledged that the office had never been so well filled.
With my new Minister I had immediately every thing done that I wished to be done and entirely to my satisfaction. All Controversies with France, England, and Spain, were amicably settled and in a manner that neither had any Colour of Complaint.
Cabot. But could you not have supplied his deficiency  in Knowledge? and borne with a little sharpness of Temper?
Adams. I have not said that I possessed the knowledge, but if I had every day must have been a week, to have afforded me time, to do the duties of all the offices.
As to the temper I could and would have endured all his Peevishness and Fretfulness, all his snapping and snarling and the brutality of his temperate Friend Goodhue; and all his intrigues with Senators and all his railings about me and my Friends, if he had been capable of performing the Essentials of his Office.
Here Madam leaping out of bed and knocking the servants up, as usual awakened me at four o’clock. The dream was so odd, and so true, that I determined to send it to you. As it expresses the truth judge you whether it was not my duty, to God, to Mankind to my Country and to myself to remove Pickering.
John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 21 November 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

Dr Sir
Quincy November 21, 1811.

On this our Thanksgiving day, among innumerable other Blessings, I have to thank express my Gratitude for your favour of Nov. 11. I do not believe that Boethius’s Consolations of Philosophy, which however I have never read, would do me more good.
I hasten to answer your Questions, that your friendly Sympathies may be no longer afflicted or allarmed. Indeed I almost repent of the Simple Tale I told you of our sorrows. It Seems ungenerous and malevolent to afflict others with our Misfortunes.
My Sons Wound is entirely healed. my  I walk as usual a few miles a day. My
I was once present when a Portrait of one of the Chiefs of the Six Nations was shewn to him. It had been taken slyly by stealth when he was not aware of the Painters design. He knew himself and was much displeased. I asked him his Reason? He said he was a Warriour, and liable to be killed on any day. And he wished that nothing might remain of him to remind his Friends of him and give them pain for his loss. Is this a natural Sentiment? or a savage Refinement of Friendship and Benevolence? Or was it affectation and Indian Hypocrisy?
I look with delight on the Pictures of my departed Friends and wish I had many more of them, than are now to be procured.
I am not melancholy nor gloomy, but as much disposed to badinage as ever, as an instance of it, you may expect to receive Letters from me, till the 30th of Octr next if I live so long written in the genuine Spirit of Seventy Six. Witness my hand
John Adams