Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Stoddert, 12 October 1809
From: Stoddert, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Bladensburg. 12 October 1809.

Until within a few Days, I had only seen detached parts of your letters, published in the Boston Patriot. I have now a pamplet containing eighteen letters—I presume the first eighteen you sent to the press. I do not know, that more have been published.
It was impossible for me to read these letters, & subscribe to their Justice—at least, so far as they respect myself. You have corrected me with facts, in which I had no concern—You have produced an impression, that there was not one head of a Department under your admn. who felt the obligation imposed on him by his official situation, to be faithful to your reputation, as well as to the Public Interest—and you give too much countenance to an opinion, that the heads of Departments, if not themselves the blind partizans of a forign Govt. were entirely under the influence—the contemptible tools, of men who were.
For myself, I say, and I appeal to every part of my conduct for the verity of what I say, that you have done me the highest injustice. That never for one moment did I forget that I was bound by honor to protect your reputation so long as I remained your confidential adviser—nor am I so nice a casuist as to be able to discern at what period since, the obligation, which I cannot but consider in some degree mutual, between a President, and a head of a Department, ceased. That in no instance, did an overweening partiality for any foreign Govt. make me loose sight for a single instant moment of the honor, or the Interest of my own.—as to Genl. Hamilton—I scarcely knew him—and perhaps my crime as to him, was, that thõ believing highly of the brilliancy of his talents, & of his sincere Patriotism, and honorable principles, I never thought though entertained a very exalted opinion of his discretion, or the solidity of his Judgment—and always thought it an unfortunate circumstance, for the Federal party, & of course, for the Country, (for I believe the views of that party have always been directed to the best Interests of the Country) that the opinions of this gentleman were deemed so Oracular.
 But, to come to facts You say ‘the five heads of Depts. were unanimously against the appointment of Mr Gerry, and you were shocked at such inveterate prejudices’—In another place, “none but the Friends of Hamilton would go down with the heads of Departments!—It was not until June 1798, that I had the misfortune to be called to office,—well may I say the misfortune, for such I have ever since found it to have been—Mr Gerry I beleive was appointed in 1797.—He had been long in France, before I was in office, and until I was in office there were but four heads of Depts.
In the nomination of Mr Murray to France, you say “you knew the Sentiments of all your ministers, & the secret motives that governed them, better than they did themselves—.You knew if you had asked their advice, three of them would very laconically protest against the measure, the other two would have been loath to dissent from their Brethren, & would, more modestly, & mildly, concur with them—the consequence would be, that the whole would be instantly communicated to A B C D &ca &ca—the Public, & the presses would have it at once, and such a clamor raised as to excite the Senate to put their negative upon the whole plan.—against the Justice of this whole charge, & every part of it, so far as it implicates me I solemnly protest.—Prior to this that time, I do not believe I had met in Cabinet more than three times, except on the subject of the commission under the British Treaty. Once, I recollect there was a meeting in consequence of the Pennsylvania insurrection, on which occasion, the Departments were not unanimous in advising the course to be pursued. I well remember that the majority was against my opinion as to the importance proper to be given to the Govr. of Penn the State, in the suppression of that Insurrection, and that you adopted the opinion of the majority. This was a matter of no little importance, but I mention it merely to shew, that there was not that entire coincidence in opinion, nor that weak, indeed criminal acquiescence in some of the heads of Departments, to the opinions of others, which you describe. But on this particular subject—the nominating Mr Murray to France, I had never seen prior to his nomination, his letter to you, the only circumstance which made the measure a proper one—of course, you could not have known what my opinion would have been, with that document before me. One, or two Days after the nomination, you shewed me the letter, and voluntarily entered into some explanations why you had taken the step without consulting the heads of Departments. It is not necessary, nor would my memory enable me to repeat all that passed on that occasion. You had reason to believe that I did not hold, and never had held myself at liberty to oppose a measure of yours, & retain my office—and I strongly advised you, since the nomination of Mr Murray was made, to adhere to it, expressing my conviction that the Senate would acquiesce. You were then determined to adhere, but afterwards, & perhaps more wisely, thõ I think at the expense of some personal dignity, made a modification of your message.
Until this time, & indeed during the whole time I was in office, my own Department required my whole attention—and I had as little leisure as inclination, to attend to the affairs of other Departments. Before I entered into office, the only system I ever knew of, as to our foriegn relations had been formed—and this system was to be found in the Laws, & in the Public acts of the Executive. I heard of no intended deviation from it, from you, or from any of the heads of Departments. It had been determined to resist the aggressions of France, but to leave as wide open as possible, the door for reconciation with perfect honor. A majority of a caucus, composed entirely of Federal members of the two houses, would not agree to a declaration of War—and the result of that meeting shewed too plainly to be mistaken by the President, that too it was his duty to avail himself of the first fair opportunity that presented for seeking reconciliation, without debasement. The Democratic party certainly was averse to War with France—so was the Federal party, if War could be avoided without dishonor—In this view of the subject, & to my understanding it is the true one, I cannot conceive how you could have avoided instituting a negotiation, on the rect. of Mr Murrays letter—nor can I perceive upon what grounds, the five heads of Departments, or any of them, would have given their advice against the measure, had they been consulted. All might not have agreed in the nomination of Mr Murray, but I am convinced there would have been a majority for his appointment, especially if you had expressed your opinion of his fitness. It was the manner, & not the matter of that measure—the holding them up to the world as persons in whom you could not confide in a thing that might lead to Peace with France, that created the dissatisfaction on the part of the heads of Departments, & the opposition, if there really was opposition through their means. To say that there was not great dissatisfaction would be uncandid. It was not possible there should not be, if the heads of Departments possessed the feelings of men, fit for exalted Stations. I felt it myself, thõ perhaps having the least right of any to feel it, if from no other cause, from the short time I had been in office, & my little experience as a Statesman—and I deliberated seriously with myself, whether I shou it did not become me, at once to resign my office, not resigning there was according to my own notions of right, which will always govern my own conduct,   but one proper course for me to pursue, & I pursued it, to act always as if the measure of a new negotiation with France, had been taken by my advice.—
Some other things I would notice, but I fear I have already exhausted your patience—I must however say a word or two, as to the meeting at Trenton, & the letter from the five heads of Departments of the letter I will only say, that I have entirely forgotten its contents, if it advised a relinquishment of the measure of the mission—or any thing more than a short suspension of it, in consequence of the then uncertain state of France.— I wish the letter had been published.—When you arrived at Trenton, the causes that produced the letter, had in some degree  subsided, and it was less proper to suspend the mission, than it had appeared to be a few weeks before—and for my own part, I then thought it most proper the mission should proceed. If I did not say so to you, it was because there was no occasion for it. You came to Trenton seemingly determined.  The Departments met you, to consider the Instructions to the ministers, but never I think to discuss the propriety of sending on the mission—and I believe you have been mistaken in ascribing to the heads of Departments, language held with you by Genl Hamilton & others at Trenton. I pretend not however to know the language held by others—I know such language was not held by me.
I am sorry any thing should give occasion for a letter of this kind, from me, to you, for whom I have always possessed, and expressed no more than I felt, the highest respect, esteem & regard.— Feelings hurt at the figure I make in your letters, I felt it right to let you know it—and if I have convinced you, that you have not done me Justice, I have acquired all the end I aimed at—In this case, should there be a revision of your letters, such changes will be made as candor requires. Be pleased to present my most affectionate respects to Mrs. Adams, and believe me Dr sir with very great esteem Yr most Obed / Servt

Ben Stoddert


Title: To John Adams from Joseph Ward, 13 October 1809
From: Ward, Joseph
To: Adams, John

Sir
Boston Oct. 13th. 1809.

I had the honor to receive in due time your favour of the 27th Sept. I read it with that attention which is due to every line from your pen. The approbation you have been pleased to express in respect to the sentiments in my letter, gives me more satisfaction, than I could receive from the united voice of the whole mob of Statesmen from Newhampshire to Georgia. I continue to read with much pleasure your letters as they are published in the Patriot. Although many of the events & circumstances mentioned, have heretofore been communicated to me, I review them with great pleasure. They must be entertaining & instructive to all who wish to know the history of the great Revolution, so interesting to the present & all future generations. All our public men ought to read them with peculiar attention; and the negotiations for peace, will afford important lessons for our legislators, and ambassadors. They may learn to estimate the value of European honesty, & the friendship of those nations. Your writings will, I hope, correct the weakness of many who lean too much to Britain, or France; and in opposition to common sense, hope for their disinterested good will. An exposure of the subtil manouevres, the dark intrigues, & double dealing of open foes, & professed friends, you and your colleagues had to encounter in your negotiations for peace, in 1783, must be the most useful part of our history; and therefore I rejoice that you are giving it to the Nation; otherwise it might be lost forever, as no one else could perform this important service so well, if at all. Time is continually removing the living further from that eventful period, & lessening the number who were actors in the great scenes. Without faithful records, the people will know less & less of the means employed to accomplish their Independence; and they might receive fables for history. It is even now in some measure the case. Parties represent facts, to suit their politicks; some through ignorance, & some with design. Hence a thousand false ideas are a float, & serve to make blind eyes blinder & hard hearts harder. I often meet with stuff that sickens me. False facts, as Mr Jefferson calls them, are extremely pernicious, as they are prolific seed of lasting & countless errors. Any weak or bad head can sow them; but it requires time & wisdom to eradicate them. As our Nation was born in a day, and its origin distinctly known, its history ought to be a path of light for all posterity to walk by. And Sir, you may take satisfaction in reflecting that you have contributed more to enlighten our Country, as well as to effect its Independence, than any man living—
As you Sir, was pleased to say that my letters gave you pleasure, I was gratified with the idea of contributing one mite, towards the payment of that immense debt (as I have nothing else to give) due from this Country for your long unceasing and successful efforts to promote its welfare.—“A new generation has risen up that knew not Joseph,” (and a scurvy one it is) that are bowing to new Pharaohs, & hunting for places, & pence, with “swelling words of vanity,” call themselves great. Men thout Job might have scorned to set “with the dogs of his flock.” But every thing has its time, and every one his day. Those insects must have theirs.
As for Hamilton’s pamphlet, it is completely down. I have seen no public notice of it since the second edition was announced, nor once heard it mentioned. It is dead, to rise no more. Whoever caused the new edition, has I believe realised his folly; and wishes to have it forgotten. After wisdom, is better than none.
Nothing can be more vain & illusory, I conceive, than for any party or combination of men in this Country to monopolize, the government, by forming British connections, or by any other means. The thing is impossible. The ideas & habits of the people are opposed to a monopoly of power. They are often partial to individuals, & deceived by pretenders to patriotism, during an election, or for a short time, but the moment they see a plan in operation to confine offices & power to a few, jealously envy & resentment would kindle a popular flame that could not be resisted by talents & wealth united. I cannot but wonder that such an idea has existed, as it could not have originated with the lowest minds, and it appears to me the essence of political absurdities. Such a change of government, must I conceive, be preceded by a great change of circumstances; by a general calamity & oppression brought on by war. In times of public suffering, the people grow capricious, & are apt to lend an ear to men of showy talents who warmly profess to have their welfare at heart, & propose to relieve them by a change of men & measures, & a new form of government. Such a game has often been played. But what I have most feared, and I have endeavoured to impress it upon our rulers, many years, is, that the loss of credit, may lead to the loss of liberty. That an undeviating adherence to the Constitution, is the only bond of Union; good faith the parent of credit, and public credit the political gravitation that attracts the wealth the talents & the arms of all, is the soul of the Republic;—and if this shall not be preserved in purity, the first beat to arms with a prospect of a long war, may strike public credit dead, & unhinge the govt. In this way I fear our government may one day perish. But my ideas do not impress the mind of men in power, as they affect my own.
Time will decide whether my ideas on this momentous subject are correct. I sincerely wish my fears may prove unfounded. But if war comes, no one can foresee its termination, & a rapid accumulation of public debts, without limitation of time or sum, & the violation of former contracts before all eyes—will the merchant take public notes for his goods; or the farmer receive them for produce, or the Soldier take them for his services?—If not, force must supply the place of credit, & force, is despotism. Yet some kind of govt. must exist, & its power must pervade the Country & compel universal obedience. Hence a foreign, or domestic tyranny, will rise if credit fails.—We have flattered ourselves that we are too enlightened a people to permit despotism to come in at any door. I wish it was true. But I doubt. If I do not greatly err, the sound principle of public faith, does not exist in this Country. To establish it, there must be “A Government of Laws, & not of men.” But such a government we have not. We have seen one govt. sell the same lands twice, and an appeal to law, denied, & the first purchasers have no remedy. We have a second funding law enacted to annul the first.—The “Supreme Law of the Land,” is travelled over, and by ruler, under the bond of an oath, to support it, like a turnpike road.—Nor is it declared, that hereafter, contracts shall  be literally binding & in no case impaired. As much as many of our politicians admire British policy, they do not imitate that great principle of making contracts inviolable, which is I conceive the main spring of all her power & wealth, and has enabled her to reign over the ocean. Our piddling politicians calculate for the present hour, & seem to be aiming to establish a govt. “without a soul,” forgetting that bodies without souls soon dissolve by corruption. They turn their eyes from a permanent system, as from the sun, too bright for their opticks. They turn from great & honest men for the same reason. Hence your Son, was a mark for the arrows of detraction. But his shield of genius & integrity is impenetrable. I pray that he may long live the ornament & guardian of his Country.
This is an era of wonders, & what remains to be unfolded in the designs of Providence, I cannot even conjecture. Calculations are at an end, & human wisdom confounded. The contest between the Lion of the ocean, and the Tiger of the land, may long continue a dreadful spectacle for the world, and its termination affect the whole system of human policy. I have always thought that if Britain had been wise, she might have united all the neutral nations with her; but instead of persuasion, she has used a scourge. Clouds hang over her prospects.
“Errors excepted”—I remain Sir, your grateful / Humble Servant

Joseph Ward


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 14 October 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

					Sirs,
					Quincy, October 14, 1809.

				LEYDEN, March 10, 1781—wrote to Commodore Gillon: “I have received the letter you did me the honor to write me on the eighth of this month, requesting me to furnish you with fifty obligations of the United States, to enable you to discharge the debts of the ships, of which you have the command, in the service of the state of S. Carolina.I have considered your letter, sir, and all the arguments contained in it, with all that attention and respect which is due to your character, and to the state in whose service you are; but the more I have reflected upon them, the more clearly I have been convinced of the impropriety of my consenting to what you request. It would be an illegal and unconstitutional step; without the color of authority. It would be a precedent that would not only be pernicious, but ruinous to the United States. In short, it would be no better than an embezzlement of the public money; to say this, is quite sufficient to justify my final refusal.I might add to this, considerations of various other kinds; but they are unnecessary, and it would be improper for me to mention in this letter, things which ought to be kept secret.—I am myself in a situation much more deplorable than yours; because the danger to the public credit of the thirteen United States, is certainly of more consequence, and more melancholy, than the danger or loss of a single ship, whether she belongs to the United States or any one of them. If this whole matter were to be laid before Congress, the delegates from South Carolina themselves, would be the first to justify me. I feel for you and your disappointment. I know your exertions.
But this can be no excuse for me, to do a wrong thing knowing it to be so.”Same day, March 10—wrote to Mr. Dumas: “I am obliged to you for your note of the 9th, and now inclose you the copies I promised of the resolve of 5th Oct. 1780.”Leyden, March 11, 1781—wrote to Dr. Cooper: “This is merely an introduction to the Consul of France, Monsieur De L’Etombe; a character that I think will please in Boston; without pomp, vanity or affectation, a sensible and agreeable man.The Emperor of Germany and the Empress of Russia are meditating, but to no purpose. England is only laboring to embroil all Europe. The Dutch are sighing and praying for peace; but they cannot obtain it.”Leyden, March 11,1781—wrote to the honorable Samuel Adams: “I have only time to introduce to you Mr. De L’Etombe Consul of France to reside at Boston, for the Northern States. I think America will find in this gentleman a worthy able friend of his own country and of ours.The nation with whom I reside is in a critical situation. Our affairs here are in the same state of suspense with their own. I can promise nothing with respect to money, commerce or politicks. Time alone; a good deal of time too can determine.—Be assured I have great need of patience.”Leyden, March 11, 1781—wrote to Mr. De L’Etombe at Paris: “I received your favours of Feb. 4th and 28th, but to day.—I am much obliged to you, for giving me the opportunity of sending the enclosed letters to you. I am much afraid my letters will not reach Paris before your departure. You will be able to tell my countrymen more than I know of public affairs. I beg you to warn them against all expectations of peace. The appearances of it are all deceitfully thrown out by the English, who are under pretence of it, endeavoring to embroil all Europe. I have the honor to be, with the sincerest wishes for your good voyage, and with the greatest esteem and respect, &c.”Leyden, March 11, 1781—wrote to Isaac Smith, Esq.: “Your favour of the 18th of December reached me to day. I lament the loss of my letters by Davis. I thank you for the kind news of my family. Mr. Guild is taken and all my letters, &c. sent by him lost.I wish I could give you any good news, especially of peace. But alas! there is no hope of it. The English are laboring with all their art and might to spread the flames of war, through all Europe. I know not that they would get or we loose any advantage by that; but such is at present, their incendiary temper.I am glad to learn that the army is to be placed on a more permanent footing. I wish to know the state of commerce and privateering. Your letters, via Spain, always reach me. This will go by Mr. De L’Etombe, the new consul, a valuable man.—So thinks your, &c.”Leyden, March 11, 1781—wrote to Messieurs John De Neufville and son: “I received this morning your favour of yesterday with its enclosures. You seem to think that the loan has been opened too soon: but I am not of that opinion. Better too soon than too late. If it had been too late, you see, the time would have been passed and could never be recalled. But if it is only too soon, there is nothing wanting but a little patience to wait, and the true time will come in its course.I should be obliged to you to send along the obligations as soon as convenient, that I may sign them and dispose of them. I can find persons in my travels who will take them and give me the money for them. I think to stand my own broker, undertaker, and banker. I should be obliged to you, if you would countersign some of the obligations before you send them to me, because there are persons ready to take some of them. Do not be amused. The mediation of Russia cannot interrupt or retard our affair. If that mediation produces nothing and the war goes on, it will not affect our loan. If it produces an acknowledgment of American Independence, and the right of neutral vessels, as it is given out that it will, surely this will not retard our loan.—In all cases, be not deceived. I will not. My business is to try the experiment, in order to know, whether we have credit and friends or not. If we find we have not, there is no harm done. Every one in that case will follow his own taste, which you know there is no disputing.Upon this letter a few notes may be necessary. I found by experience that there was in Holland a public and a secret doctrine among the Merchants, Capitalists and Brokers, like those of the ancient Egyptian priests: and I am afraid there is something too much like it in all countries and in all ages in society, which sometimes greatly embarrasses honest men and sincere enquirers after truth. A very respectable gentleman told me, “If sir, you were to write me a letter and ask my opinion whether Mr. De Neufville’s house is a solid house and Mr. De Neufville’s credit a solid credit, I should answer you in the affirmative. Yea, a very solid house, and a very solid credit. Nevertheless I caution you, in confidence, to have a care.” Mr. De Neufville was generally and I believe justly reputed an honest well meaning man: but the knowing ones thought he had not a clear head and remembered various injudicious speculations in which he had been engaged which had proved very disadvantageous to him. Such however was his public reputation that I still flattered myself he would obtain something to help me discharge my American bills, and lessen the burden on the Court of France, and in this I was encouraged by Mr. Luzac, Mr. Dumas and several others of my friends, which occasioned my writing as I did in this letter.—Again there was an ambitious Burgomaster in Amsterdam, Mr. Rendorp, secretly in the interest of the Stadtholder and the English, who found means upon this occasion and upon several others to insinuate discouragement to Mr. De Neufville. And at this time he began to find by experience that he should dispose of very few if any of my obligations, and was very desirous that I should impute his ill success, to the hopes of peace held out by a confused rumour which
began to spread in Europe of an intended mediation of the two Imperial Courts. After all, whatever was the cause, my hopes were blasted as well as those of Mr. De Neufville. I obtained only the three thousand guilders which Mr. Luzac had promised me; and Mr. De Neufville obtained only two thousand among all his friends.”Leyden, March 12, 1781—wrote to Mr. Dana at Paris: “I know not whether I have answered your letter of the 12th of Feb.; that of the 25th came to me yesterday. The letter enclosed was from Mr. Isaac Smith of the 18th of December. He says they were busily employed in raising their quota for the army during the war, or for three years, and that the other states were doing the same. He says Mrs. Dana was well a few days before; and that Davis had arrived, after having thrown over his letters, being chased by an American. This is all. I have letters from the president and Lovel; the last unintelligible, because in cyphers; but inexplicable to me by his own cypher. It is some dismal ditty about my letters of the 26th July; I know not what.But my dear sir, I hasten to the most interesting part of your letter, your project of a repassage of the mountains. I shudder at the thought of it when I consider what a bad traveller you are, and that robbers by the way may take you to their dens. I know not how to part with you. I want your advice now constantly every day; yet I think you are doing more good where you are than you could here. I know that by conversation with congress, you might do good, but there are so many hazards, that I dare not advise you. I think with you that we shall have nothing to do in our principal department: yet the mediation of the Emperor and Empress seems to require attention from us; although I am persuaded it is only the artifice of England to embroil all Europe.I will communicate to you a secret. Let it be kept so. I have received a commission dated the 28th of December, for this republic. I want your advice but I can ask it by letter, while you are at Paris. I suppose it was the intention of congress, that I should employ Dumas, as my secretary, here, but have no orders or hints about it. There is no commission to him, which makes me think that congress intended I should be at liberty to employ him or not, as I shall judge proper. I suppose congress intended to leave the way open to employ him by their not sending a commission to you. Upon the whole I know not how to advise you. We will consider of it, a little longer, if you please.I can give no assurances, or lively hopes of money or friendship, in this country.—They are furious for peace. Multitudes are for peace with England at any rate; even at the expense and risque of joining them in the war against France, Spain, America, and all the rest. They are in a torpor a stupor, such as I never saw any people in, before. But they cannot obtain peace with England on any other terms than joining her in the war, and this they will not, because they cannot, do. I sometimes think their affections would lead them to do it, if they dared.”Leyden, March 17, 1781—wrote to Mr. Dumas: “I have received this morning your favour of the 16th, enclosing a polite letter from the Duke De La Vauguion.—I hope to receive another from you this evening, and that it will contain an account of the fate of my memorial. Has it been laid before their High Mightinesses or not? And what was done with it? Pray, has the President, by the Constitution of this country, a right to pocket, suppress, or deliver to the Stadtholder, papers addressed to their High Mightinesses?Is the delusion almost over? When will mankind cease to be the dupes of the insidious artifices of a British Minister, and Stockjobber? Peace is a tub easily thrown out, for the amusement of the whale, while the Minister opens his budget, concerts his taxes and contracts for his loan, and the tub never fails to be taken for a fish.This is the best place for business in the world. I have written my name to papers (obligations and coupons) eight or nine thousand times since I saw you. Pray do you know whether Mr. De Neufville has any person at the Hague to dispose of my obligations? If he has not will you think of a proper person as a broker or undertaker or both, and inform me?Of the letter from the French Ambassador, acknowledged to be received in the foregoing letter to Mr. Dumas, the following is a literal translation. Knowing perfectly well the game of the Count De Vergennes and his Ambassador, it was precisely what I expected.The Hague, this 14th March, 1781.I have received, sir, the letter which you have done me the honor to write me, as well as the copy of the Resolution of the Congress of the United States of North America which accompanied it. You inform me that you have made a Ministerial communication of it to the President of the assembly of the States General, as well as to the Envoys of the courts of Petersburg, Stockholm, and Copenhagen. And you request me to support this measure with my good offices. I am persuaded, sir, that you perfectly perceive the impossibility in which I am, of seconding it, without the express order of the King, whatever may be my personal zeal for the true interest of North America. Receive, sir, the very sincere assurance of the sentiments of the most distinguished consideration, with which I have the honor to be, your most humble and most obedient servant,The Duke De La Vauguion.To Mr. John Adams, Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of North America, at Leyden.Leyden, March 18, 1781—wrote to Congress: “At length, notwithstanding the mediation of the Empress of Russia, the States General have published the following Manifesto. It is entitled the Counter Manifesto of the States General of the United Provinces of the Low Countries.If ever the annals of the world have furnished an example of a free and independent State hostilely attacked in the manner the most unjust and without the least appearance of justice or equity, by a neighboring power, long in alliance and strictly connected by ties founded upon common interest, it is without controversy, the republic of the United Provinces of the low countries, which finds itself in this case, in relation to His Majesty, the King of Great Britain and his Ministry.From the commencement of the troubles, arisen between that kingdom and its colonies in America, their High Mightinesses, by no means obliged to take the smallest part in them had formed the firm and invariable design, to adopt and to follow, in relation to the troubles, the system of the most perfect and the most exact neutrality. And when the same troubles, had afterwards enkindled a war, which extended itself to more than one power, and spread itself to more than one part of the world. Their High Mightinesses have constantly observed and maintained the same system, while at the same time they have not neglected to give on more than one occasion, and relative to most essential objects the most convincing proofs of their sincere disposition to satisfy the desires of His Majesty as far as they could advance, without wounding the rules of impartiality, and without compromising the right of their sovereignty. It was in these views, and to this end that their High Mightinesses at first, and at the first requisition of his Britannic Majesty, published prohibitions the most express, against the exportation of military stores to the colonies of His Majesty in America, and against all fraudulent commerce with the same colonies: and to the end that these prohibitions should be executed the more effectually, their High Mightinesses did not hesitate, moreover, to take measures, which did not fail to restrain and confine, very greatly the navigation and the commerce of their own subjects, with the colonies of the state in the West Indies. It was moreover in the same views and to the same end, that their High Mightinesses sent orders the most precise to all the Governors and Commanders of their colonies, and of their establishments, as well as to all the officers, commanders of their vessels of war, to take special care, to do nothing towards the flag of the American Congress, from whence they might lawfully infer or deduce, an acknowledgment of the independence of the said colonies. And it was, above all, in these views and to this end, that their High Mightinesses, having received a memorial, which was presented to them by the Ambassador of England, containing complaints the most spirited against the Governor of St. Eustatia, condescended to deliberate concerning this memorial, although conceived in terms little accommodated to those respects, which sovereign powers reciprocally owe to each other.—This deliberation was soon followed, by the recall of the said governor, to render an account of his conduct to their High Mightinesses, and whom they did not permit to return to his residence until after he had exculpated himself of all the accusations brought against him, by a justification of himself in detail; a copy of which was transmitted, without delay to the Minister of his Britannic Majesty. It was by means of these measures, that their High Mightinesses having always had it at heart to avoid giving the smallest cause of dissatisfaction to His Britannic Majesty, have constantly endeavored to entertain and to cultivate his friendship and good understanding.But the conduct of his Britannic Majesty towards the republic has been diametrically opposite.The troubles between the courts of London and Versailles had scarcely broken out when we saw the ports of England filled with Dutch ships, unjustly taken and detained. These vessels navigated under the faith of treaties; and were not loaded with other merchandizes, than with those which the express tenor of treaties declared free and lawful. We saw those free cargoes forced to submit to the laws of an arbitrary and despotic authority. The cabinet of St. James knowing no other rules than a pretended right of temporary conveniency, thought proper to appropriate these cargoes to the crown by a forced purchase, and to employ them to the profit of the royal navy. The representations the most energetic and the most serious, on the part of their High Mightinesses, against such proceedings, were to no purpose; and it was in vain that we demanded, in the strongest manner, the treaty of commerce which subsisted between England and the republic. By this treaty the rights and liberties of the neutral flag were clearly defined and stated.—The subjects of Great Britain had enjoyed the full advantage of this treaty in the first and the only case, in which it pleased the court of London to remain neuter, while the republic was at war. At present, in the reciprocal case, cannot, without the greatest injustice, refuse the enjoyment of the same advantages to the republic. And as little as his Britannic Majesty had a right to take away the advantageous effect of this treaty, from their High Mightinesses, as little foundation had he to pretend to turn them from a neutrality which they had embraced; and to force them to plunge themselves into a war, the causes of which had an immediate relation to rights and possessions of his Britannic Majesty, originating without the limits of defensive treaties. And, nevertheless, it was this treaty which his Majesty, from the commencement of the troubles with the crown of France, made no scruple to infringe and violate. The contraventions and infractions of this treaty on the part of Great Britain, and the arbitrary decisions of the courts of justice of that kingdom, directly contrary to the express sanction of this same treaty, multiplied from day to day. The merchant vessels of the republic, became the innocent victims of exactions and accumulated violences of the English men of war and privateers. Not content with this; even the flag of the state was not spared, but openly insulted and outraged, by the hostile attack of the convoy, under the command of the rear Admiral the Comte de Byland. The strongest representations on the part of the state to his Britannic majesty, were useless. The vessels taken from this convoy, were declared lawful prizes; and this insult committed against the flag of the republic was soon followed by the open violation of its neutral territory, both in Europe and in America. We shall content ourselves
to cite two examples of it. At the island of St. Martins, the vessels of his Britannic Majesty attacked and took by force, several vessels which were in the road, under the cannon of the fortress, where, according to the inviolable law of nations, these vessels ought to have found a safe asylum. The insolences committed by an English armed vessel, upon the coast of the republic, near the island of Goedereede, furnish a second example of these violences. These insolences were pushed to such a degree that several inhabitants of the island, who were upon the shore where they ought to have thought themselves sheltered from all insult, were exposed by the fire of this vessel to the most eminent danger, which they could not avoid, but by retiring into the interior part of the island. Unheard of proceedings for which the republic, notwithstanding the strongest and best founded representations has not been able to obtain the smallest satisfaction.While affairs were thus in a situation, which left to their high Mightinesses, no other alternative, but to see the navigation and the commerce of their subjects upon which depend the prosperity or the ruin of the republic, wholly annihilated, or to come to violent measures against their ancient friend and ally. The magnanimous heart of her Majesty the Empress of Russia, engaged her to invite the republic with equal affection and humanity, to take measures the most just, and entirely conformable to the treaties which subsist between them and the other powers, to the end, to defend and maintain, conjointly with her imperial Majesty, and the other powers of the north, the privileges and immunities, which the law of nations, and the most solemn treaties assure to the neutral flag. This invitation could not but be infinitely agreeable to their high Mightinesses, considering that it offered them a means of establishing the protection of the commerce of their subjects upon the most solid foundations; and opened a way to place their independence in safety from all infraction, without derogating in the least from the alliances contracted both with his Britannic Majesty, and with the other belligerent powers.But it is this same means, which the court of London has endeavored to take away from the republic, by proceeding with precipitation to extremities the most outrageous by the recall of her Ambassador, by the publication of a Manifesto, containing pretended grievances, and by granting letters of marque and of pretended reprisals, against the state, its subjects and their goods; by which this court has but too plainly discovered her designs long since formed, of laying aside the essential interest, which united the two nations, and of breaking the ties of ancient friendship, by attacking this state, by a war the most unjust.It will not be necessary to refute at length, the reasons and pretended griefs, alledged in the Manifesto, to convince every impartial man of their insolidity. It is sufficient to observe in a few words, relative to the offer made by his Britannic Majesty, to open friendly conferences, that it was the above mentioned treaty of Marine, which alone could make the object of those conferences: that the dispositions of this treaty, conceived in the most expressive terms, could not be liable to any doubt nor equivocation: that this treaty gives to neutral powers the right of transporting freely, in the ports of the belligerent powers, all sorts of naval stores: that the republic, proposing to itself no other end, and desiring of his Britannic Majesty no other thing, than the quiet and peaceable enjoyment of the rights stipulated by this treaty, a point so evidently clear, and so incontestably just, could not become the object of a negotiation, or of a new convention derogatory to this treaty: so that their High Mightinesses could not persuade themselves, nor shew themselves disposed to renounce voluntarily, rights justly acquired, and to desist from these rights from regard to the court of England; a renunciation, which being advantageous to one of the belligerent powers, would have been little compatible with the principles of the neutrality; and by which their high Mightinesses, would have reposed on the other hand the safety of the state to dangers, which they were obliged carefully to avoid. A renunciation, moreover, which would have caused to commerce and navigation the principal support of the republic and source of her prosperity, and irreparable prejudice; since the different branches of commerce strictly connected with each other form an whole, whereof it is impossible to cut off so principal a part, without necessarily causing the destruction and ruin of the whole body: not to mention, that at the same time, that their High Mightinesses, made with reason a difficulty to accept the proposed conferences they have not a little modified and tempered the actual exercise of their right, by a provisional resolution.
And as to what relates to the succours demanded, their High Mightinesses cannot dissemble, that they have never been able to conceive how his Britannic Majesty has thought that he could insist, with the least appearance of justice or of equity, upon the succour stipulated by the treaties, at a time when he had already beforehand, withdrawn himself from the obligation which those treaties imposed upon him towards the republic. Their High Mightinesses have not been less surprised to see, that, while the troubles in America and their direct consequences could not concern the republic in virtue of any treaty, and that the succor demanded had not been demanded until after the crown of Spain had augmented the number of belligerent powers. His Britannic Majesty has nevertheless taken the occasion of this event, to insist upon his demand with so much earnestness and such an ardor, as if his Majesty thought himself to have a right to  pretend and to maintain that a war once enkindled between him and any other power, was alone sufficient to oblige the State, to grant forthwith, and without any anterior examination, the succors stipulated. The republic, it is true, had obliged itself by the treaties to assist the  kingdom of Great Britain, at all times, when that kingdom should find itself attacked or threatened with an unjust war: and what is more, the republic, ought in this case, according to the same treaties to declare war against the aggressor: but their High Mightinesses never pretended to abdicate the right, which flows necessarily from the nature of every offensive alliance, and which cannot be contested to allied powers, to examine in the first place, and before the granting of succors, or taking part in the war, the principle of the dissensions which have arisen and the nature of the differences, which have given occasion to it; as well as also to examine and to weigh thoroughly the reasons and the motives which may establish the Casus Fœduris, and which ought to serve as a basis of the justice and the lawfulness of the war, on the part of that one of the confederated powers, who demands the succor. And there exists no treaty, by which their High Mightinesses have renounced the independence of the State, and sacrificed their interests to Great Britain to such a degree, as to deprive themselves of the right of examination so necessary and so indispensable, by engaging themselves to measures, by which they may be considered as obliged in duty to submit to the good pleasure of the Court of England, by granting the succors demanded, even when this court, engaged in a quarrel with another power, judges proper to prefer the way of arms to that of a reasonable satisfaction, upon just complaints.It was not then by a spirit of party, or by the device of a predominant cabal, but after a mature deliberation, and in a sincere desire to maintain the most precious interests of the republic, that the States of the several respective Provinces, have all unanimously testified that they were of opinion, that the succor demanded ought to be refused in a manner the most polite; and their High Mightinesses would not have failed to have transmitted to his Britannic Majesty, conformable to these resolutions an answer to the repeated demands of succors, if they had not been prevented, by the violent and unheard of attack of the fleet of the State under the command of rear Admiral Byland; by the refusal to give satisfaction upon a point so grave; and by the declaration not less strange than unjust, which his Majesty thought fit to make, relative to the suspension of the treaties which subsisted between him and the republic: all, so many events, which by requiring deliberations of quite another nature, put an end to those which had taken place on the subject of the said requisition.It is in vain and contrary to all truth, that they have endeavored to multiply the number of grievances, by alledging the suppression of the duties of exportation, as a measure tending to facilitate the transportation of naval stores to France: for besides that this suppression forms an object, which regards the interior direction of commerce, to which all the sovereigns have an incontestable right, and whereof they are not obliged to give an account to any body;—this point has, it is true, been taken into consideration, but has never been concluded: so that these rights are still received upon the ancient footing: and that which is advanced in this regard in the manifesto is found destitute of all foundation, although we cannot refrain from saying that the conduct of his Britannic Majesty towards the republic furnished but too many motives to justify a similar measure, on the part of their High Mightinesses.The discontent of his Britannic Majesty, on the subject of what passed with the American Paul Jones, is also quite as ill grounded: already for several years, their High Mightinesses had resolved and published every where, precise orders, concerning the admission of privateers and armed vessels of foreign nations, with their prizes, in the ports of their domination; orders, which to that time had been observed and executed, without the least exception: in the case in question, their High Mightinesses could not depart from those orders, in regard to an armed vessel, who, furnished with a commission of the American Congress, was found in the road of the Texel, combined with frigates of war of a sovereign power without erecting themselves into judges, and pronouncing a decision upon matters, in which their High Mightinesses were in no wise obliged to take any part, and in which it did not appear to them convenient to the interests of the republic to meddle in any manner.—Their High Mightinesses, then, thought fit, not to depart from the orders given so long ago, but they resolved to give the most express prohibition to hinder the said armed vessel from providing herself with warlike stores; and enjoined upon her to quit the road as soon as possible without remaining there longer than the time absolutely necessary to repair the damages suffered at sea; with the formal denunciations, that in case of a longer delay, we should be obliged to compel his departure; to which end the officer of the state commanding at the said road took care to make the requisite dispositions whereof this armed vessel had scarcely time to prevent the effects.In regard to what has passed in the other parts of the world, the informations which their High Mightinesses have received from time to time, from the East Indies, are directly opposite to those which appear to have come under the eyes of his Britannic Majesty. The repeated complaints which the Directors of the East India Company have addressed to their High Mightinesses, and which the love of peace has made them stifle in their bosoms, are incontestable proofs of it. And the measures taken with regard to the W. Indies, enumerated heretofore, ought to serve in all times, as an irrefragable proof, of the sincerity, the zeal, and the attention, with which their High Mightinesses have taken it to heart to maintain in those countries, the most exact and the most strict neutrality.—And theirHhigh Mightinesses have never been able to discover, the smallest legal proof, of any infraction of their orders in this respect.As to what concerns the project of an eventual treaty of commerce with North America, conceived by a member of the government of the province of Holland, without any public authority; and the memorials presented upon this subject by Sir Joseph Yorke, the affair happened in the following manner.—As soon as the ambassador had presented the memorial of the tenth of November of the last year, their High Mightinesses, without stopping at expressions, little suitable among sovereigns with which this memorial was filled, did not delay to commence a deliberation the most serious upon this subject; and it was by their resolution of the 27th of the same month, that they
did not hesitate to disavow and disapprove publicly all which had been done in this respect. After which they had all reason to expect that his Britannic Majesty would have acquiesced in this declaration, since he could not be ignorant that their High Mightinesses exercise no jurisdiction in the respective provinces, and that it was to the States of the province of Holland to whom, as cloathed like the states of other provinces, with a sovereign and exclusive authority over their subjects, ought to be remitted an affair relatively to which, their High Mightinesses had no reason to doubt that the states of the said province would act, according to the exigency of the case, and conformably to the laws of the state and the rules of equity. The earnestness, with which Sir Joseph Yorke insisted by a second memorial, upon the article of the punishment, cannot therefore, but appear very strange to their High Mightinesses. And their surprise encreased still more when three days afterwards, this ambassador declared verbally to the President of their High Mightinesses, that if he did not receive that day an answer entirely satisfactory, to his memorial, he should be obliged to inform his court of it, by express. Their High Mightinesses, informed of this declaration, penetrated the importance of it as manifesting visibly the measure already resolved in the counsel of the king: and although the established customs admit not of deliberations, upon verbal declarations of foreign ministers, they judged it nevertheless proper to depart from them upon this occasion, and to order their secretary to wait on Sir Joseph Yorke, and give him to understand that his memorial had been taken ad referendum, by the deputies of the respective provinces, conformably to received usages, and to the constitution of the government, adding what appears to have been omitted with design in the manifesto, that they would endeavor to compleat an answer to his memorial, as soon as possible, and as soon as the constitution of the government would permit. Accordingly a few days after the deputies of Holland, notified to the assembly of their High Mightinesses that the states of their province had unanimously resolved, to require the advice of their court of justice, on the subject of the demand of punishment, charging the said court to give their opinion, the soonest possible, laying aside all other affairs. Their High Mightinesses did not fail to transmit forthwith, this resolution to Sir Joseph Yorke. But what was not their surprise and their astonishment, when they learnt that this ambassador, after having reviewed his instructions, had addressed a billet to the secretary by which, accusing this resolution with being evasive, he refused to transmit it to his court; which obliged their High Mightinesses to send the said resolution to the comte de Welderen, their minister at London, with orders to present it as soon as possible to the ministry of his Britannic Majesty: but the refusal of this ministry, threw an obstacle in the way of the execution of these orders.After this explanation of all the circumstances of this affair, the impartial public will be in a condition, to set a just value upon the principal motive, or rather pretext, which his Britannic Majesty has used, to let loose the reins of his designs against the republic. The affair reduces itself to this. His Majesty was informed of a negotiation, which should have taken place in the year 1778 between a member of the government of one of the provinces, and a representative of the American Congress, which negotiation would have had for its object, a project of a treaty of commerce to be concluded between the republic and the said colonies, casu quo, namely, in case the independence of these colonies should have been acknowledged by the crown of England. This negotiation, although conditional, and annexed to a condition which depended upon an act to be antecedently performed by his Majesty himself: this negotiation, which without this act, or this anterior declaration, could not produce the smallest effect, was taken in so ill part by his Majesty, and appeared to excite his discontent in such a degree, that he thought fit to require of the state a disavowal and a public disapprobation, as well as a compleat punishment and satisfaction. It was forthwith and without the least delay, that their High Mightinesses granted the first part of the requisition: but the punishment demanded was not in their power, and they could not agree to it without flying in the face of the fundamental constitution of the state. The states of the province of Holland were the only tribunal to which it belonged to take legal cognizance and to provide for the case, by the ordinary and regular ways. This sovereign, constantly attached to the maxims, which oblige it to respect the authority of the laws, and fully convinced, that the maintenance of the department of justice in all the integrity and impartiality, which are inseparable from it, ought to form one of the firmest supports of the supreme power: this sovereign, constrained by every thing that is most sacred, to defend and to protect the rights and the privileges of its subjects, could not forget itself to such a degree as to subscribe to the will of his Britannic Majesty, by giving a blow to these rights and privileges, and by overleaping the bounds prescribed by the fundamental laws of the government.—These laws required the intervention of the judiciary department; and this was accordingly the means which the said states resolved to employ, by requiring upon this object the advice of the court of justice established in their province. It is by following this course, that they have displayed before the eyes of his Britannic Majesty of the English nation and of all Europe, the unalterable principles of justice and equity, which characterize the Batavian Constitution, and which, in a part so important as the public administration, as is that which regards the exercise of the judiciary power ought forever to serve as buckler and a rampart against every thing which could hurt the safety and independence of a free nation. It was also by these means, and by following this course, that very far from shutting the road of justice, or evading the demands of punishment, they have on the contrary left a free course to the way of a regular proceeding, and conformable to the constitutional principles of the republic. And it is finally by the same means that by taking away from the court of London, all pretence of being able to complain of a denial of justice, they have prevented even to the smallest shadow or appearance of reason, which could authorize this court to use reprisals: to which nevertheless it has made no scruple to recur, in a manner equally odious and unjust.

But while the state took measures so just and so proper to remove all subject of complaint; the measure, which was the epocha of the commencement of the rupture, had already been resolved and concluded in the counsel of the king. This counsel had resolved to try all sorts of means, to traverse and hinder, if it had been possible, the accession of the republic to the convention of the powers of the North: and the event has clearly demonstrated, that it is, in hatred and resentment of this convention, that the said court has suffered itself to be drawn in, to the part which it has been pleased to take against the republic.For these causes, and since, that after the repeated outrages and immense losses which the subjects of the republic must have sustained on the part of his Majesty the king of G. Britain, their High Mightinesses, find themselves moreover, provoked and attacked by his said Majesty, and forced to employ the means which they have in hand, to defend and avenge the precious rights of their liberty and independence: they assure themselves with the firmest confidence that the god of armies, the god of their fathers, who by the visible direction of his providence sustained and delivered their republic in the midst of the greatest dangers will bless the means which they have resolved to put in operation for their lawful defence, in crowning the justice of their arms, by the succours always triumphant of his almighty protection. While that their High Mightinesses will desire with ardour, the moment, when they shall see their neighbour and their ally, now their enemy, brought back to moderate and equitable sentiments: and at this epocha, their High Mightinesses, will seize, with earnestness, all occasions, which, compatible with the honor and independence of a free state, may tend to reconcile them with their ancient friend and ally.Thus done and resolved, at the assembly of their High Mightinesses, the Lords the States General of the United Provinces of the Low Countries at the Hague, the 12th day of March 1781. Etoit paraphe Cocq Van Haefter Plus bas Par ordonance d’iceue, etait Signe.
H. Fagel.
It is remarkable that their High Mightinesses, after so long delays, have chosen for the publication of this manifesto, a time, when the mediation of the Empress is depending. This mediation appears in a memorial presented the first of March to the States General. But this must be reserved for my next letter.

					John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from William Cunningham, 17 October 1809
From: Cunningham, William
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Fitchburg, Oct. 17. 1809.

Your favour of the 27th. ult. arrived when I was at Worcester attending a session of the Supreme Court to get some redress for a most gross and injurious Fraud. Immediately on my return, I set out for Boston, from whence I returned last evening. These jaunts have occasioned this delay in the acknowledgment of your Letter.
“Poor Democrats, Republicans, and still poorer Americans, are,” you say, “at the feet of John Bull and his calves.” Were I convinced of this, I would, as you have done, give it registry in my mind; and, like you, I would spare no labour to “strew it in the common ear.” But if the apprehension of this is be only “the strong and swelling evil of your conception,” then should I sorrow at seeing its currency rendered irresistible by the authority of your august name. On so trite, and so sharply contested a subject, the arguments are embodied for the use of either side. I have frequently passed them in review, and although it is evident that pride, and policy, and the insatiable spirit of revenge, can operate on Great Britain to induce her to attempt an ascendency in this country, yet that the Federalists (the calves of the Bull) are estranged from their own country in subserviency to the views of England, is an idea, in my present opinion, every way inadmissible. I have seen too much virtue, too much intelligence, and too much patriotism employed in the contrivance and in the prosecution of the Federal plan, to take, as yet, so ungrateful an impression. As a corollary of this accusation, the Federalists are denominated Monarchists. But Elliot, who wrote after he had been initiated into the secrets of Democracy, says in his tenth Letter, “Monarchical principles are confined to a few individuals in our country, and among those individuals may be placed some of our most ardent Republicans.” I acquit alike the Republicans and the Federalists from any fondness for Monarchy, though I do believe that this system is will be engendered in our abuses of a milder form; and when it comes, it will come in chastisement of our negligence, as any hateful visitation which, with due precaution, could have been avoided. Every party, in every country, have, says Paley, a vocabulary of cant phrases and unmeaning terms, which they use to mislead the multitude—What a pity, that so fair a country should be rent asunder by such a jargon, and that it wants the knowledge necessary to enable her to repose with confidence and security, on the fundamental principles and scientific principles which uphold her Liberty and her Peace? In one of your Letters to Kalkoen, you vindicated your countrymen against a devotion to parsons—were they deserving the character you gave them in that Letter, they wod. have in their capacity a better safeguard for their liberties than could have been resulted from any stratagem that the framers of their Constitution could have invented.
It is oweing to the profound respect I pay to your opinions, that I am put to a pause on the question, whether the influence of England is so extensive and deadly as you imagine, but I should be unfit for the examination, if this respect could unsettle the independency of my own judgment. You see that I am claiming my share of the applause bestowed by you on all the Americans in the above mentioned Letter to Kalkoen. If, in general, an independency of thought was freely indulged, not in the obstinacy of ignorance, not in the more unmanagable inveteracy of party, nor in the disgusting affectation of wisdom, but in the calmness and confidence of a good intention, and of plain common sense, there would be but one party of the people. Such was your conclusion when you addressed the Dutch civilian. But the misfortune is, that faction fattens on the soil of freedom, like the steed turned loose in clover, and is the more untractable for its better fare. To take another comparison: Faction buzzes over the body which gave it bulk, and devours it, as the bees, according to Virgil’s story, of their production, fasten on, and become gleen with the vitiated juices of the stag—and, after the manner of these bees, in another stage of their history, faction, when it comes to its own strife, settles it with a king. The materials of such a faction constantly exist in the causes of Government, but it is systematized and put in motion, either by those who are
“So weary, with disasters, so tugg’d with fortune,
That they’d set their life on any chance
To mend it, or be rid on’t.”
Or by those
“Whom the vile blows and buffets of the world
Have so incens’d, that they’re reckless what
They do.”
You have fully and forcibly described the impulse by which the heads of a faction are hurried on, in your examination of Nedham’s Right constitution of a Commonwealth, as I find it in the 2d. vol. of your Defence of the constitutions of the United States, page 278. Lon. edit. “Continuation of power,” you observe, “in the same persons and families, will as certainly take place in a simple Democracy, or a democracy by representation, as in an hereditary aristocracy, or monarchy…The Continuation will be certain, but it will be accomplished by corruption, which is worse than a continuation by birth; and if corruption cannot effect the continuation, sedition and rebellion will be resorted to: for a degraded, disappointed, rich and illustrious family would, at any time, annihilate heaven and earth, if it could, rather than fail of carrying its point.” In a sentence which follows, you suggest a truth, which would overcome in the great bulk of mankind, every obstacle to their being slaves of a chief, rather than supporters of their country, for “it becomes,” you say, “more profitable, and reputable too, except with a very few, to be a party man than a public spirited one.” And these are the reasons why a faction is always clamourous ostentatious, and why men grow into consequence who are of no greater worth than Carr and Villiers—and which make, indeed, boasters enthusiasts braggarts in politicks of men, empty, mad enthusiastic, visionary and outrageous, as were Bell, Maxfield and Nelson, converts from the camp to the Wesleian system of divinity—which make, in fine, imaginary adepts in politicks, of such fairies as “Pease-blossom, bobweb, Moth and Mustardseed.”
“Our country sinks beneath the yoke;
It weeps, it bleeds, and each new day a gash
Is added to her wounds.”
If these cuts of misfortune could serve us like the bite of Virgil’s Culex on the Shepherd, to warn us of the coming of the serpent, we should wake and stand on our defence. But it will not be so; for these dangers do not hiss till their deleterious power has unnerved the people; but they allure, like the Siren, singing till the moment of destruction.
Whether I am right or wrong in the view I take of our situation, I can satisfy myself in no other way than by retrospecting our history. To give you this review, would resemble an attempt to enrich an alcove with an imperfect copy of its own contents. I shall, therefore, with one or two exceptions, pass it over, intermixing with the little I shall recapitulate, such reflections as I think are authorized by a more extended some acquaintance with national story the progress and fate of empires.
The war with England caused much political investigation; but it was soon perceived, that our most popular conclusions were rather compliments to the overweening vanity of all sciolists, than resting substantially on the true character of man, and on the sound principles in the science of civil government. Several of our State constitutions are strongly marked with the crudities of immature reflection. At the time of forming the National constitution, we had all, in immaga imagination, become Lycurguses; and in public virtue, we were all Catoes. Yet with all our boasted wisdom and virtue, the instrument proposed to our consideration, for acceptance or rejection did but just escape negation; and, in my opinion, the exceptionable parts were the most necessary, and, of course, the most faultless. It was constructed for a wise and virtuous people; and what Anthogora Anacharsis said of all laws, when applied to the powerful, might be safely said of this Constitution, that it was slender as a spider’s web for the government of any other people than such as carried performed more than half the work of government by the natural tameableness tameness of their tempers, and the efficacy of their private examples. It went into operation under the most fortunate auspices; and if any one great object of a public nature more than another in which he was engaged; engross’d the mind of Washington, it was to give it such an outset as should ensure it a safe, an unbiassed, a dignified and a prosperous course; such a course as should wring from its enemies more than their confession of its success—their own undeviating pursuit of it.
Soon after the coming-in of Mr. Jefferson, I saw the growing mountain of our greatness shake by the turning of his body; and I was satisfied his uneasiness would continue till he had shattered it into fragments. These fears were strengthened by the corresponding alarms you did me the favour to communicate. It is not necessary to pursue the steps of our declension any lower—to a prophet, reclining on the page of history, and embracing within his view the little space which has been occupied with our experiment, our end would be neither a difficult, nor a distant prospect. The same history which authorizes the prediction of our close, gives the lessons by which all we have lost might be regained and kept; but these will be disregarded. It stands before me, visible as in its vicinity is the aspiring Aetna, that our country, from the quantity and variety of its concealed combustibles, is doomed to undergo as violent and as awful convulsions, as with which any people were ever cursed. If these calamities are not to be averted, the only remaining advantage in our power is to procrastinate their coming—To mitigate their fury would be impracticable; every thing is will be done in a delirium which gathers equal aggravation from all attempts to assuage it, as from the most angry opposition. In the contemplation of these calamities by the true lover of his country, whether he views them as near or afar off, every other consideration dwindles in comparison with that of his obligation to the commonwealth; and he only can be the real and approved friend of his country, who comes to her altar with the offering, if need be, of his Isaac.
If government is be a combination of the whole to repress the outbreakings of the disorderly, yet, with those who are, or with those who have been high in authority, this very government may be seized, or used as an engine to give a more extended and a more pernicious influence to their own perverse passions corruption. Such, if to such it were not in vain to moralize, might be told that
 “the rarer action is
In virtue than in vengeance.”
This is a general observation, connected with what precedes.
It appears by the last gazettes, that peace is likely to obtain between France and Austria. If peace is be now desired by Buonaparte, it is because the harvest of the war is gathered, and in the autumn of his Austrian affairs, the seeds can be scattered which, concealed under a winter’s covering, can yet spread their roots, draw nutrition, and soon start afresh for another crop.
“He speaks of peacse, while covert enmity,
Under the smite of safety, wounds the world.”
He looks with a more angry mein upon us, which is a natural consequence of his growing might. We must dial with him, and with every other aggressor, in something stouter than our statutes, which are like the ashes of a burrnt burnt rope, having the form but none of the power of the cord. One of these strings of ashes was blown away by a proclamation, and we regarded the scattered dust as the Egyptians did the falling of the necta, when every they thought they could go abroad in safety—But the plague returned.
In your Letter to the printers of the Patriot, which was published last Wednesday, you refer to Judge Dana as the only person living who can explain the style of the correspondence between yourself and Vergennes. When I saw this reference, I could not but lament that you had bestowed so many encomiums upon the judge whenever you have introduced his name. I have not the pleasure of a personal acquaintance with Judge Dana, but I know his reputation as well as of any man in the state, and I know him to be deserving of all that you have said of him; but as you appear to depend upon him to explain some passages in your public despatches which have been made interesting, would not his representation have be given and received with more satisfaction had you noticed him with less attention? I beg you to pardon the freedom of this suggestion. I know not that the doubt has occurred to any other person, but, I confess, the instant I read the reference, it sprung into my mind.
It is an enquiry which you may consider impertinent, but I will venture to make it:—Do Have you correspondence with Mr. Madison, on public affairs; or do you take any interest in appointments to office? If you should understand this question in application to myself, you would not, I trust, be less inclined to give me satisfaction than if you supposed I had another object.
With veneration and esteem, / I am, Dear Sir, / Your most obliged Friend
Willm. Cunningham, Jr.


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Rush, 17 October 1809
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

My dear friend
Philadelphia October 17th: 1809

Who were the ancestors and posterity of Homer, Demosthenes, Plato and Aristotle? who were the ancestors and posterity of Cicero, Horace and Virgil? Were any of them philosophers, orators or poets? who were the ancestors and posterity of Walsingham Sully, Malborough and Wolfe? Were any of them statesmen generals, or heroes? I do not ask whether they were descended from gentlemen, or whether they left gentle sons behind them. I ask—were their ancestors great in the same elevated walks in life, as themselves? I believe history & common Observation will furnish many more instances of the truth of Lord Bacon’s remark than of the reverse of it.
I send you herewith a new edition of my lectures upon animal life extracted from the third edition of my medical inquiries now in the press. It contains a number of new facts in support of the doctrine I have advanced. Should the perusal of them b render an Autumnal evening less gloomy to you, I shall be highly gratified.
What book is that in your hands said I to my son Richard a few nights ago in a dream? “It is the history of the United States sir said he. Shall I read a page of it to you”—? “no no said I—I believe in the truth of no history but in that which is contained in the old & new testaments.” “But Sir—said my Son, this page relates to your friend Mr Adams.” “Let me see it then said I.” I read it with great pleasure, and herewith send you a copy of it.
1809 “Among the most extraordinary events of this year was the renewal of the friendship & intercourse between Mr John Adams and Mr Jefferson, the two expresidents of the United States. They met for the first time in the Congress of 1775. Their principles of liberty, their Ardent Attachment to their Country and their views of the importance and probable issue of the struggle with Great Britain in which they were engaged being exactly the same, they were strongly attracted to each other, and became personal, as well as individual political friends. They met in England during the War while each of them held commissions of honor & trust of at two of the first Courts of Europe, and spent many happy hours together in reviewing the difficulties & success of their different respective negociations. A difference of opinion upon the Objects and issue of the French Revolution seperated them during the years in which that great event interested and divided the American people. The predominance of the party which favoured the  french cause, threw Mr Adams out of the Chair of the United States in the year 1800, and placed Mr Jefferson there in his Stead. The former retired with resignation and dignity to his Seat at Quincy where he spent the evening of his life in literary and philosophical pursuits surrounded by an amiable family and a few Old and Affectionate friends. The latter retired resigned the Chair of the United states in the year 1808 sick of the cares and disgusted with the intrigues of public life, and retired to his Seat at Monticello in Virginia where he spent the remainder of his days in the cultivation of a large farm agreeably to the new System of husbandry. In the month of November 1809 Mr: Adams addressed a short letter to his Old friend Mr: Jefferson in which he congratulated him upon his escape to the shades of retirement and domestic happiness, and concluded it with assurances of his regard and good wishes for his Welfare. This letter did great honor to Mr Adams. It discovered a magninimity known only to great minds. Mr Jefferson replied to this letter, and reciprocated expressions of regard and esteem. These letters were followed by a correspondence of several years, in which they mutually reviewed the Scenes of business in which they had been engaged, and candidly acknowledged to each other all the errors of Opinion & conduct into which they had fallen during the time they filled the same stations in public life the Service of their country. Many precious aphorisms, the result of Observation, experience, & profound reflection it is said are contained in these letters. It is to be hoped, the World will be favoured with a sight of them, when they can neither injure nor displease any persons or families whose ancestor’s follies or crimes were mentioned in them. These gentlemen sunk into the grave nearly at the same time, full of years, and rich in the gratitude and praises of their country (for they outlived the heterogeneous parties that were opposed to them) and to their numerous merits and honors posterity has added, that they were Rival friends.”—
With affectionate regard to your fire side in which all my family join I am Dr: Sir your / sincere Old friend
Benjn: Rush