Title: To James Madison from Frederick Hyde Wollaston, 8 October 1803 (Abstract)
From: Wollaston, Frederick Hyde
To: Madison, James

8 October 1803, Genoa. Wrote last on 17 Aug., enclosing a copy of his letter of 25 July and suggesting that Genoa “might be induced to pay a part of the Expences of the Squadron in these Seas against the Barbary Powers, or might purchase from the Un: States some of the Government Vessels laid up.” The “difficulty of maintaining Peace with the Barbary Powers,” along with increasing U.S. trade in the Mediterranean, “has suggested to me the Idea that a Treaty of Amity & Commerce with the Grand Signior might be effected with ease & with peculiar advantages to the trade & navigation of the United States.” Is “particularly acquainted with that Country” through “several Voyages & a constant Traffic there” before his appointment as U.S. consul at Genoa. Has “corresponded much on this subject” with his “estimable friend Monsr. Anselme Roubaud De Ponteves at Constple a french Gentleman & very able Negociator who has passed his whole life in the Levant, who is intimately acquainted in the Divan & with all the Ministers & their intrigues.” Believes “his abilities in Negociation & his experienced probity” would contribute greatly to “the success of a Treaty which might … make the Barbary States more faithfully observe the stipulations of the Treaties with them.” As a result of his correspondence, encloses a memorial on the subject and requests that it be given to the president. Suggests himself for the mission and promises to “do honor to the office” entrusted to him: “there would be no danger of my transgressing the powers confided to me in forming the Treaty in question, which would be modelled on those of the most favored Nations & would at all events be subject to the Ratification of Congress.” “I am partly acquainted with the informations that have been lodged against me by envy & malice in my mercantile misfortune & of the applications that have been made to replace me.” Is ready to return to the U.S. “to answer every Charge.” “At all events the Emoluments of this Office are so trivial as not to be by any means adequate to the expence necessary to support the rank with the Decorum due to the United States.”

   RC and enclosure (DNA: RG 59, CD, Genoa, vol. 1). RC 3 pp. For enclosure, see n. 1.

   The enclosed memorial, written by Wollaston and dated 8 Oct. 1803 (4 pp.; docketed by Wagner), proposed that a commercial treaty be negotiated between the U.S. and the Ottoman Porte and that Wollaston be entrusted with the negotiation. The conditions under which he would act included a salary of $4,000 for himself, $2,000 for his secretaries, and $1,000 for his interpreter, a credit on London or Amsterdam bankers, and finally, “a grant of a tract of good Land” in Louisiana or along a navigable river.

   A full transcription of this document has been added to the digital edition.


Title: From James Madison to James Monroe, 10 October 1803
From: Madison, James
To: Monroe, James

private Dear Sir Washington Ocr. 10. 1803
Finding that [sic] Mr. Purveyance within reach of a few lines, I add these to what he is already charged with, to observe that Yrujo has written another remonstrance agst. our acquisition of Louisiana, alledging as a further objection that France by not obtaining the stipulated acknowledgmts. of the King of Etruria from the courts of Petersburg & London had a defective title herself to the Cession. Nothing can be more absurd than these cavils on the part of Spain, unless it should be her using in support of them force agst. our taking possession. This she will scarcely attempt, if not backed by France wch. we hope is impossible. I am writing on this subject to Livingston & Pinkney [sic]. I have already done so to Yrujo giving him to understand, that we shall not withold any means that may be rendered necessary to secure our object. Pichon is perfectly well disposed, is offended with the Spanish Minister, & if left under the orders he now has will cooperate zealously, with an honest view to the honor & obligations of his own country. On our part I trust every thing that the crisis demands will be done, and that we shall speedily be in possession of the valuable object which the Treaty with France has gained for us. Baring is here, but havg not yet called on me I have had no opportunity of paying him civilities or obtaining explanations from him. I wait anxiously for your next. Your last was of Aug. 15. I hope you have been favorably recd. and will bring the British govt. more & more to understand their own interests as well as our rights. Insist on instructions to all their naval officers, to abstain from empressmts. & to respect our jurisdictional rights. Incidents are daily occurring which otherwise may overcome the conciliating policy of the President Executive, & provoke the public temper into an irresistible impetus on the public Councils. Mr. K. says that if he cd. have remained a little longer, the British govt might possibly have been brought into a contract guarding agst. this evil; but that the business is to be effected at that Court by the U. S. not so well by formal notes & official discussions as by the frankness & familiarity of explanatory & expostulary observations in private discourse. I give you this in confidence, as a hint that may be useful. Mr. Purveyance had seized your wishes before I returned hither, & I did not know till this moment that he had not sailed. I write in great haste to secure the present mail, which is the only one that promises a conveyance by him. He will give you much public & all private information. Yrs. affcy.
James Madison

   RC (DLC). Docketed by Monroe: “private / respecting the opposition of Spn. to our taking possesn.”

   Yrujo to JM, 27 Sept. 1803.

   JM to Yrujo, 4 Oct. 1803.

   Rufus King.


Title: To James Madison from Joshua Barney, 10 October 1803 (Abstract)
From: Barney, Joshua
To: Madison, James

10 October 1803, Baltimore. Has business in France and wishes to be entrusted with carrying “the Ratification of the late cession of Louisianna” to that country. Believes his friend Dawson wrote JM of this request. Has “no desire of causing any Expence” to the U.S. Has conversed with Robert Smith, who informed him that “no decision had as yet taken place respecting the manner of sending those Dispatches, but probably the Essex Frigate might be chosen.” Thinks he “might be of service to the commander of that Ship on the coast of France, particularly at the season of the year that she might arrive.” Holds himself “ready to proceed” whenever JM “may think proper to direct.”

   RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR, 1801–9, filed under “Barney”). 1 p.


Title: To James Madison from Louis-André Pichon, 10 October 1803 (Abstract)
From: Pichon, Louis-André
To: Madison, James

10 October 1803, Monday. Pichon pays his respects to JM and asks him to name a time during that day when they might meet to discuss affairs.

   RC (DNA: RG 59, NFL, France, vol. 1). 1 p.; in French.


Title: To James Madison from James Taylor, 10 October 1803 (Abstract)
From: Taylor, James
To: Madison, James

10 October 1803, Campbell County, Kentucky. Has been “solicited by Harry Toulmin” to assist him in gaining an appointment “in the Judiciary of the government that will be probably organized in the country lately ceded to us by France.” Toulmin has been secretary of Kentucky for the past seven years. Taylor believes “he has discharged the trust faithfully” and thinks him “a man of most unbounded industry and very handsome literary talents.” Toulmin was appointed one of the revisers of Kentucky’s criminal code; Taylor has given Col. John Taylor a “specimen” of it and asked him to forward it to JM. “I refer you for further particulars to our Senators and Colo. Ths. Sandford who are all well acquainted with Mr. Toulmin. I imagine you have seen him, he is a native of England and I think call[ed] on you in Orange about ten or twelve years ago. I hope you will pardon me for troubleing you on the subject, as I could not do less than drop you a line from the friendship that subsists between us, on his solicitation.”

   RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR, 1801–9, filed under “Toulmin”). 2 pp.; postmarked Cincinnati, 11 Oct. 1803. Printed in Carter, Territorial Papers, Mississippi, 5:262.


Title: To James Madison from Frederick Jacob Wichelhausen, 10 October 1803 (Abstract)
From: Wichelhausen, Frederick Jacob
To: Madison, James

10 October 1803, Bremen. Wrote last on 16 Aug., announcing the blockade of the Weser River and enclosing a copy of a protest by Capt. Joseph Orne of the Essex respecting the impressment of James Newhall, an American sailor from Salem. Reports that Newhall escaped from the British sloop of war Beaver, Robert Tain, master, and arrived in Bremen “a few days ago.” “I provided him with a protection, and sent him to Emden to procure him a passage home.” Encloses a “copy of an other protest concerning likewise the pressing of a Sailor by a british press-gang from on board the Ship George Barclay of Newyork Henry Rodgers, Master.” Despite “the most strongest applications” from Hamburg and Bremen to raise the blockade of the Elbe and Weser Rivers, there has been no change. Is “fearful as long [as] the country around remains in the possession of the French, the navigation on those rivers will not be opened again.” All the actions of the French “allude to a long abode in our vicinity, having but lately begun to fortify the Shores of the Weser at Carlstadt a village situated at the mouth of the river.” Believes it will be “a considerable time … before Hamburg and Bremen will enjoy again the blessing of a free Navigation on their rivers.”
The emperor of Morocco has informed the Danish consul at Tangier that his orders for “examining neutral vessels” were “grounded on that principle, that the flag should not protect any longer his ennemies property, and that a Danish vessel having on board ennemies property, would be detained, brought in and the cargo taken out, when the Captain would receive his freight, and was at liberty to go whereever he pleases.” American merchants in both Bremen and Hamburg were much alarmed by this news, “as all our shipping to the mediterranean is made in Danish vessels, the flag of the Hanstowns being not considered as neutral neither by the Emperor of Marocco nor any of the barbarien powers on the coast of Africa.” The Danish consul wrote on 27 Aug. that he hopes the emperor “will at last render justice to his repeated and energuique representations on this subject, and recall a measure which is so hurtful to the Danish navigation, and contrary to the sense of their treaty.”

   RC and enclosure (DNA: RG 59, CD, Bremen, vol. 1). RC 3 pp.; docketed by Wagner as received 20 Jan. For enclosure, see n. 1.

   The enclosure is a copy of a protest entered by Henry Rogers on 2 Sept. 1803 (1 p.), swearing to the impressment of Peter Anderson from the ship George Barclay on 25 July 1803 off the coast of Dover.

   A full transcription of this document has been added to the digital edition.


Title: To James Madison from Albert Gallatin, 11 October 1803
From: Gallatin, Albert
To: Madison, James

Sir,
Treasury Department October 11th. 1803.
I have the honor to enclose triplicates of a letter for Mr. Livingston, Minister plenipotentiary of the United States at Paris, which I will thank you to transmit by different conveyances with your dispatches. As it relates to a case connected with the public interest, a copy of the letter is enclosed for your perusal, with a request that you will desire Mr. Livingston to attend to it. I have the honor to be, very respectfully Sir, Your Obed. Servt.
Albert Gallatin

   RC and enclosure (DNA: RG 59, ML). RC in a clerk’s hand, signed by Gallatin; docketed by Wagner. For enclosure, see n. 1.

   The enclosure is a copy of Gallatin to Livingston, 10 Oct. 1803 (2 pp.), requesting that the latter secure $35,000 out of the claims of Joseph J. Miller against the French government to repay the debt Miller owed to the U.S. for gunpowder and saltpeter. Gallatin instructed Livingston to arrange this matter by any “mode as in your judgement will seem most eligible,” as Miller’s conduct on one occasion “amounted to an embezzlement of public property, and was a criminal offence” punishable by U.S. law. Gallatin also enclosed a letter from Miller’s father-in-law and former partner, Israel Whelen, who had been “totally ruined” by Miller’s “French Speculations.”


Title: From James Madison to Daniel Clark, 12 October 1803
From: Madison, James
To: Clark, Daniel

Sir.
Department of State, Octr. 12th. 1803.
Mr. Pichon, being desirous of forwarding to New-Orleans certain communications preparatory to the delivery of Louisiana to the United States, employs for that purpose the Bearer Mr. Landais, who will put this into your hands. I request the favor of you, not only to receive him with the attentions expected from your politeness, but to give any counsel or other proper aid in the discharge of his mission which may be requested. The interest which the United States have in every step leading to the execution of the Treaty of cession with France, has induced the sending of Mr. Lyon as a companion of Mr. Landais, who in case of any casualty to the latter, will take charge of Mr. Pichon’s dispatches. As a further provision for their safe arrival, the Post Office will contribute whatever facilities to the journey may depend on that Department, and instructions have been issued by Genl. Dearborn for a small escort thro’ the wilderness most subject to danger or interruption. My last intimated the dissatisfaction of Spain at the stipulated cession of Louisiana to the United States, and requested from you information on several points suggested by the possibility that some serious shape might be given to her opposition. The reality of her dislike is more & more disclosed; but there is no indication of a purpose to manifest it by force. Indications of that sort would perhaps first be seen on the Theatre where you are. Your last letter accompanied by the residuary answers to the questions sent you have been received. Your preceeding communications on the same subject had previously come safe to hand. The pains you have taken to collect this information, and the extent of the details composing it, entitle you to many thanks, and I am desired by the President to express his in particular to you. I am &c.
James Madison.

   Letterbook copy (DNA: RG 59, IC, vol. 1).

   JM to Clark, 16 Sept. 1803.

   Clark to JM, 26 Aug. 1803.

   Clark to JM, 12, 17, and 18 Aug. 1803.


Title: From James Madison to Charles Pinckney, 12 October 1803
From: Madison, James
To: Pinckney, Charles

Sir,
Department of State October 12th. 1803
Since my last of July 29, I have received your several letters of April 12 & 20 May 2d & 4th June 12 and July 18th.
Mr Monroe has already informed you of his having proceeded to London, and of his intention not to repair to Madrid, for the present. He will have since received instructions given on a contrary supposition, but it is probable he will wait where he is for the determination of the President on the reasons which kept him from proceeding to Madrid. I have just informed him that the President approves the course he has taken, so that he is not to be expected to join you at Madrid, until he shall be so instructed, or until a change of circumstances shall in his view clearly invite him to do so. My last letter to you having provided for the case of Mr Monroe’s postponing this trip, I need not repeat the instructions and observations then made to you. I shall only add, that it is more proper now than ever that you should not be in haste without the concurrence of your colleague, to revive the negotiation jointly committed to you.
Among the reasons which weighed with the President as well as with Mr Monroe, against attempting at present to procure from the Spanish Government the residium of territory desired by the United States, is the ill humour shewn by that Government at the acquisition already made by them from France; and of which the language held to you by Mr Cevallos as communicated in your letter of  is a sufficient proof. A still fuller proof, of the same fact, is contained in three letters lately received from the Spanish Minister here, copies of which with my answer to the two first, are herewith inclosed. I inclose also a copy of a letter written on the occasion to Mr Livingston, which was rendered more proper, by the probability as well as by information from Paris, that efforts would be used by Spain to draw the French Government into her views of frustrating the Cession of Louisiana to the United States.
In these documents you will find the remarks by which the objections made by the Spanish Government to the Treaty of Cession between the U S. and France are to be combated. The President thinks it proper that they should without delay be conveyed to the Spanish Government, either by a note from you, or in conversation, as you may deem most expedient; and in a form and stile best uniting the advantages of making that Government sensible of the absolute determination of the United States to maintain their right, with the propriety of avoiding undignified menace, and unnecessary irritation.
The conduct of Spain on this occasion is such as was in several views little to be expected, and as is not readily explained. If her object be to extort Louisiana from France as well as to prevent its transfer to the U States it would seem that she must be emboldened by an understanding with some other very powerful quarter of Europe. If she hopes to prevail on France to break her engagement to the United States, and voluntarily restore Louisiana to herself, why has she so absurdly blended with the project the offensive communication of the perfidy which she charges on the First Consul? If it be her aim to prevent the execution of the Treaty between the United States and France, in order to have for her neighbour the latter instead of the United States, it is not difficult to shew that she mistakes the lesser for the greater danger, against which she wishes to provide. Admitting as she may possibly suppose, that Louisiana as a French Colony, would be less able as well as less disposed than the United States, to encroach on her Southern possessions, and that it would be too much occupied with its own safety against the United States, to turn its force on the other side against her possessions, still it is obvious, in the first place, that in proportion to the want of power in the French Colony would be safe for Spain, compared with the power of the United States, the Colony would be insufficient as a barrier against the United States; and in the next place, that the very security which she provides would itself be a source of the greatest of all dangers she has to apprehend. The Collisions between the United States and the French would lead to a contest in which Great Britain would naturally join the former, and in which Spain would of course be on the side of the latter; and what becomes of Louisiana and the Spanish possessions beyond it, in a contest between powers so marshalled? An easy and certain victim to the fleets of Great Britain and the land armies of this Country. A combination of these forces was always and justly dreaded by both Spain and France. It was the danger which led both into our revolutionary war, and much inconsistency as weakness is chargeable on the projects of either, which tend to reunite for the purposes of war, the power which has been divided. France returning to her original policy, has wisely by her late Treaty with the United States, obviated a danger which could not have been very remote. Spain will be equally wise in following the example and by acquiescing in an arrangement which guards against an early danger of controversy between the United States, first with France then with herself, and removes to a distant day the approximation of the American and Spanish settlements, provide in the best possible manner for the security of the latter and for a lasting harmony with the United States. What is it that Spain dreads? She dreads, it is presumed, the growing power of this country, and the direction of it against her possessions within its reach. Can she annihilate this power? No. Can she sensibly retard its growth? No. Does not common prudence then advise her, to conciliate by every proof of friendship and confidence the good will of a nation whose power is formidable to her; instead of yielding to the impulses of jealousy and adopting obnoxious precautions, which can have no other effect than to bring on prematurely the whole weight of the Calamity which she fears. Reflections, such as these may perhaps enter with some advantage into your communications with the Spanish Government, and as far as they may be invited by favorable occasions, you will make that use of them.
Perhaps after all this interposition of Spain it may be intended merely to embarrass a measure which she does not hope to defeat, in order to obtain from France or the United States or both, concessions of some sort or other as the price of her acquiescence. As yet no indication is given, that a resistance by force to the execution of the Treaty is prepared or meditated. And if it should, the provisions depending on Congress, whose Session will commence in two days, will, it may be presumed, be effectually adapted to such an event. With sentiments of great esteem and consideration &c &c
James Madison
P. S. Mr. Graham has signified his wish to resign the place he holds at Madrid. The President leaves it to himself to fix the time when it may be most convenient that the resignation should take effect. Whenever this shall arrive, you have the permission of the president to name a private Secretary.

   Letterbook copy (DNA: RG 59, IM, vol. 6); Tr (NHi: Livingston Papers).

   Pinckney’s letter of 12 Apr. 1803 (PJM-SSRobert J. Brugger et al., eds., The Papers of James Madison: Secretary of State Series (5 vols. to date; Charlottesville, Va., 1986–)., 4:505–7) includes postscripts dated 20 Apr. and 2 May.

   PJM-SSRobert J. Brugger et al., eds., The Papers of James Madison: Secretary of State Series (5 vols. to date; Charlottesville, Va., 1986–)., 4:571–72.

   Left blank in letterbook, but JM was no doubt referring to Pinckney’s letter to him of 18 July 1803.

   Yrujo to JM, 4 and 27 Sept. and 12 Oct. 1803, and JM to Yrujo, 4 Oct. 1803.

   JM to Robert R. Livingston, 6 Oct. 1803.

   Tr reads “as” here.


Title: To James Madison from Daniel Clark, 13 October 1803
From: Clark, Daniel
To: Madison, James

Sir
New Orleans 13 October 1803
I forward to you a Sketch of a Survey of the two districts of Opelousas and Atacapas, with the Country and Creeks which afford a Communication between them and the Mississippi, and it may be depended on as the most exact, indeed the only good one hitherto made. This survey extends to within 3 or 4 leagues of the Sea and the Country comprehended in it is likely to become the most valuable in Louisiana except the Banks of the Mississippi in the neighborhood of New Orleans. I shall have this Survey included in the general Map of Louisiana on a large Scale which is now in forwardness and when finished shall have the pleasure of forwarding it to you.
The Prefect on the receipt of dispatches inclosing his appointment as Commissioner for the reprise & remise of Louisiana to the U. S., made an Official application to the Spanish Commissioners the Governor & Marquis de Casa Calvo, to order Inventories of the Public Buildings & Stores to be made as expeditiously as possible, that matters might be advanced on the arrival of our Commissioner, he has however since then changed his Mind and deferred the Business when he found a disposition on their part to comply instantaneously with his request. It is said by his Friends that his motives for this delay are the hopes he entertains of keeping Possession of the Colony, and the French Coleurs flying a few days to gratify his Vanity by commanding whilst these previous Steps are taking, which would be a measure fraught with danger and might produce Bloodshed and Confusion, as the revolutionary Gang from Europe attached to the Prefect would not fail during that time to do many things which would bring upon them the Vengeance of our People, many of whom are as hot headed & as violent as themselves.
The Spaniards to a Man detest the French and do not attempt to conceal the Joy which the Cession to the U. S. gives them. The few enthusiasts among the Planters who were attached to the French Interest are disgusted beyond measure at the Sale of the Province, so that Prudence and good Management on the part of the Governor or Commissioner will reconcile all Parties to the American Government and there will be no other Emigration from the Country than that of a few of the Officers and People in employment who have nothing but their Commissions to depend on.
The Intendant Morales who is immensely rich in ready Money, wishes much to stay and will rather accept the Consulship of Louisiana which he has applied for than return to Spain. Altho’ I am perhaps the only Man in the Country he would render a Service to disinterestedly, and on account of Services rendered me, have an attachment to him, yet I think his obtaining the Consulship, which he solicits merely to have a pretext to Stay, would be of injury to the Trade of the Place, as he would never fail to give advice of all the Spanish Contraband Traders who would frequent the Port, which would considerably diminish an advantageous intercourse with them that might be extended almost beyond belief, and therefore presume to recommend that opposition may be made to his appointment, on the part of our Government, for which his Conduct with respect to the Deposit will afford sufficient motive. A refusal will disgust him and in that case he will probably prefer settling in some of our large Cities rather than go to Europe that his Fortune may be placed beyond the reach of accident. I have the Honor to remain very respectfully Sir Your most obedient & most humble Servant
Daniel Clark

   RC (DNA: RG 59, CD, New Orleans, vol. 1). Docketed by JM.

   Document not found.

   See Laussat to Salcedo and Casa Calvo, 12 Oct. 1803 (Kukla, Guide to the Laussat PapersJon Kukla, ed., A Guide to the Papers of Pierre Clément Laussat, Napoleon’s Prefect for the Colony of Louisiana, and of General Claude Perrin Victor at the Historic New Orleans Collection (New Orleans, 1993)., pp. 82–83).


Title: To James Madison from William Savage, 13 October 1803 (Abstract)
From: Savage, William
To: Madison, James

13 October 1803, Kingston, Jamaica. Has received nothing from JM since he last wrote on 20 July [not found]. Encloses his account with the U.S. to 1 Sept., amounting to $156.46. Admiral Sir John Thomas Duckworth “seems much disposed to pursue the most lenient measures towards the American Seamen.” Duckworth has granted Savage’s every request for the “liberation of Seamen” when he was satisfied that the applicants were U.S. citizens. “I am sorry to observe great numbers of Irish & Scotch men have been in possession of protections & when an examination takes place at my instance they are found to be Foreigners & of course have been refused.”
Believes the congressional act of 28 Feb. concerning consuls and vice-consuls has “been productive of much good, by preventing masters of Vessels from turning their people on Shore & leaving them in Distress.” This “was one principal Cause of the magnitude of my Accounts.” Since 15 June seventy-seven U.S. ships have entered this port. “The Blockade of Hispaniola has been one Cause for this unusual number.” Notes that U.S. beef and pork sold at Kingston are “in general of a Better quality than formerly.” “Much greater attention is paid to the mode of putting it up which gives it a greater reputation & although the Americans have not acquired the Secret of packing their provisions to keep as what comes from Ireland, yet as the American provisions can be rendered cheaper than Irish, the demand increases every year.”

   RC (DNA: RG 59, CD, Kingston, Jamaica, vol. 1). 3 pp.; docketed by Wagner. Enclosure not found.

   John Thomas Duckworth (1748–1817) was commander in chief of British naval forces at Jamaica from the outbreak of war in 1803 to the spring of 1805.

   “An Act supplementary to the ‘act concerning Consuls and Vice-Consuls, and for the further protection of American Seamen,’” 28 Feb. 1803, required, among other things, that a ship master deposit his register, sea letter, and passport with a consul on entry into a port and, in the event of the ship’s sale, furnish the consul with a crew list and three months’ wages for each crew member, two-thirds of which was to be paid to the seaman and the remaining third used to create a fund to pay American seamen’s passage to the U.S. (U.S. Statutes at LargeThe Public Statutes at Large of the United States of America … (17 vols.; Boston, 1848–73)., 2:203–5).

   A full transcription of this document has been added to the digital edition.


Title: To James Madison from John Devereux DeLacy, 14 October 1803
From: DeLacy, John Devereux
To: Madison, James

Sir
New Orleans Octbr. the 14th. 1803
As I flatter myself that the information I am about to convey to you will from its extreme importance to the U. S. extenuate my temerity in addressing you, I take the liberty of Making the following statement to you Sir upon the correctness and fidelity of which I most solemnly Pledge myself to you that you may depend.
When a prisoner with and detained by the Indians as a spanish agent in Decr. 1801 and Jany 1802 and that the French and spanish agents had and were disseminating their speeches, I was taken to several meetings of the Cheifs where I gave uniformly such forcible reasons for my opinions as overthrew the french efforts. And among other things I strenuously urged and recommended to the Indians the selling the whole of their possessions East of the Mississippi to the U. S. and frame for themselves a Constitution, and Laws and adobt a regular form of Government, and then go and take possession of the Colony of Louisiana and enter into a close alliance offensive and defensive with the U. S. forever in support of which opinion I offered such reasons as appeared to them satisfactory, and either that measure or forming themselves into a regular Government where they were And at some future Period Joining the Union I strongly recommended. The first appeared most agreeable to them and I beleive but for the following reasons they would then have made proposals to the U. S. upon the subject. The first was that they were extremely suspicious of my being a spanish spy, or at least sent by the U. S. to urge that measure, the first of which suspicions this Governmt. has completely wiped away by its unaccountable and unprincipled conduct the second was owing to my urging their adobting measures relative to the Runaway Negroes from the U. S. and the boundary lines so as to promote harmony and cement freindship between them. Secondly that I refused either staying there or having any thing more to do with it, than forwarding a statement of it to the Governmt. of the U. S. and the third is that Genl. Bowles opposed the first tho he agreed to the last from an expectation of holding the Executive power in his own hands during life when a regular frame of Governmt. should be adobted. I made a very full and circumstantial detail of the Business to you Sir by letter immediately from there in a day or two after it had taken place and also gave an acct. therein of the french & spanish speeches in circulation there, And stated to you that I would Receive with pleasure any commands you should please to honour me with on the subject without fee or reward except the barely defraying my expences, and that in a short time I should have placed the affairs of Blount & Allison in which I was concerned in such a situation that I could spare a few months to effect the business. That letter with three others on business to my Correspondents I sent by a man who was to have put them in the Post office in Georgia, But you will Judge Sir of my surprise on my being interrogated here by this Government on one of the letters that I forwarded at that time to my Correspondents, & I am well convinced from the tone drift and complection of the examination that my letter to you has been also intercepted and is in the hands of this Government, and is I am fully assured one of the principal reasons for the savage and brutal Cruelties with which they treat me, tho they have never owned to me that they had it nor have said any thing at all about it to me, Tho a thousand nameless incidents assures me it is in their possession—Surely Sir I have a right to address any member of the Govmt. of the U. S. from any place within its Jurisdiction, and this Govmt. is so well aware of that that they will not let their insidious conduct come to light.
Returning to that Country in search of a Certain William Tyrrel who was known to be resident some where among them and whom it was essentially necessary for me to find and see as connected with the Estates of Blount & Allison, I came passenger in a British vessel legally cleared out for there and bound thither and to return, and with which vessel I must have returned to the Bahamas as well on Business of my own as well as on some connected with the estates I Represented, But immediately on the vessels arrival there she was captured under circumstances as disgraceful humiliating & dishonourable to England as has ever sullied their maritime annales And I immediately found myself singled out as a particularly obnoxious object to them, and from hints I then got from an officer an old and particular freind I immediately suspected that the letter I did myself the honour to address to you had been intercepted. And they have kept me ever since without process or trial or even exhibiting any charge against me, in close and solitary confinement In heavy Irons without allowing me to see any person whatsoever, without allowing me to get in Provisions of any kind and without allowing me to see or speak especially with Englishmen or americans upon any pretext or suffering me to have pen or ink or to write to any person even to the Govmt. lest I should forward information to america while by their emissaries they propogate the most villianous calumnies to prevent any persons enquiring about me, tho the affairs I wanted to arrange in the Bahamas before I returned to the U. S. especially with a Major Campbell an Agent of Allison & Blounts who was in Confinement there must be entirely lost and ruined as well as all matters connected with it they having deprived me of the wills powers and official Certificates and all other papers relative to their Estates or to my own property that I had with me, But a full statement of the affair of the Capture &c is forwarded to Govr. Claiborne to whom I have applied for official releif.
When the french were so sanguinely expected here I looked daily for their arrival and my release And Genl. Bowles, being then with the Indians I did myself the honour of addressing a letter to you relative to that Country and stating to you Sir that I was convinced they could be brought into The Union and be brought to form themselves into a state. Whether you Recd it safe or not it is impossible I can know but hope you have. Permit me here Sir to state to you That the whole of that people have arrived to an astonishing pitch of civilization and are now well fitted to receive and extremely anxious to have and adobt a regular mode of Govmt. with a constitution and Laws, and that I had promised them to draw a Constitution for them modelled upon that of the U.S. and agreeable to the instructions they gave me which when drawn I promised to transmit to them from the U. S., And had actually taken notes of their instructions for the purpose.
I now proceed to state to you Sir that about a month ago I Received a message from them by one of the white inhabitants of that Country and one of their Black Interpreters who came on here and found means to communicate it to me in spite of the vigilance with which I am guarded and rigour with which I am confined—”That if it was possible that I could obtain my liberty for money they would advance whatever sum was necessary and send it to me and make me a liberal compensation for my services if I would stay with them for some time and assist them in arranging with the U. S. in establishing themselves finally in Louisiana. In which the four nations Creeks Choctaws Chickasaws and Cherokees will join or in making and establishing such other regulations with the U. S. as shall be mutually beneficial to both and cement more closely the Growing freindship between them.
Tho I see at one view the extreme magnitude and immense importance of the object to the U. S. A measure that will consolidate her empire, and place a power wholly under her influence as a Barrier between herself and the neighbouring powers who might be tempted to be troublesomely encroaching A power through whom all the commercial advantages that could be enjoyed by the U. S. by any other possible modification would result without any disadvantageous consequences, at the same time, that tho they would be in no wise so formidable as to give the U. S. any Jealousy. They would be sufficiently so to keep their neighbours in due order, And nature placing the Mississippi so opportunely or happily for that arrangment that if it shall be established as a boundary, there can be so little prospect of their being oppressed distressed or harrassed by the frontier settlers, That but for the imperfection of all human establishments, there would be little fear but the freindship and amity of the two Countries would be every day cementing so as to bid fair to last as long as the respective Countries by encouraging a liberal and generous intercourse between the respective inhabitants. This Sir is the light it strikes me in and I am well convinced that I know the Geography of these Countries and the people of them better and more generally than any other individual in existence.
A Combination of circumstances have concurred to give me in a very short time a greater degree of influence over the whole of that people and more General than ever was enjoyed I beleive by any man among them far greater than Bowles himself enjoyed tho I was at first his prisoner and forced By him and them to go to Providence. But some matters of importance to that people that took place in Providence on which I espoused their cause warmly, and the conduct of the Spaniards at the capture of the vessel and since to me have all conspired to rivet my influence and render it unrivalled, And conceiving it my duty from the faith and allegiance I owe the U. S. to lay their message before you Sir as being of importance to the U. S. and Receive your instructions on the subject before I should give an answer of any kind whether yea or Nay, I now have forwarded it to you for yours and the Presidents consideration, That if it shall be the Predts wish that I shall proceed in the management of the business that you Sir will be so obliging as to make it known to me by letter enclosed under Cover to Govr Claiborne with whom if it shall be the Presidents wish I will advise fully on the subject but it must be under a strict injunction of secrecy, for as the Country is over run with Spanish spies agents and emissaries the secret might come to be known and I have to encounter all their unprincipled intrigues and Machinations Therefore it can not be kept too inviolably secret for even that people would be Jealous of me if they knew that I acted wholly under the influence of the U. S. but I must also state to you Sir that without the Presidents express approbation signified to me through you I will in no wise intermeddle, Yet at the same time in Justice to my own feelings I must state that I will most inviolably and religiously discharge what I shall conceive to be the duty I owe to both parties without inclining to one more than to the other or abuse the trust that shall be reposed in me by either.
As I am well convinced that I can effect what I have offered especially at this crisis or moment which must be seized by the forelock for if let slip it may probably not return speedily. I shall only wait the Presidents instructions through you Sir, and desire neither fee nor reward, nor other support except the Countenance of the Government delicately afforded, upon which you can instruct Govr Claiborne, Untill the business shall be effected and then leave it to the munificence of the Govmt. to make me such remuneration as they shall Judge my services merit, unless that the President would please to permit my expences to be borne as that would render me more independent of that people and enable me to act with more spirit energy and vigour as being less embarrassed and more master of my own actions—But upon that head you Sir can also instruct Governor Claiborne, as he will be better enabled to Judge what I shall be entitled to when I shall have conversed and advised with him, but I shall defer a final and full explanation on the subject untill I shall have the honour of Waiting upon you in person which will be as soon as I have got that people to Join in making the proposition to the Govmt. of the U. S.
I must here again Repeat to you Sir my request that you may enjoin Govr Claiborne to observe the most profound and inviolable secrecy as should it be spread abroad my life would be at stake and the arm of every spanish Assassin be raised against me, and that people might also be prejudiced against me, And I must most earnestly and particularly stipulate that neither General Wilkinson nor Col Hawkins shall in any wise be privy to it, If they do or shall be I declare solemnly that I will not act, do not imagine Sir that my being so pointed is owing to any private resentments, I protest to you solemnly they are not, but founded upon the most substantial and cogent reasons, but which prudence forbids my assuming any responsibility for by assigning them, for Sir it is impossible that with Col Hawkins I could have any private pique or Resentment as I have never seen nor spoken to him, And Tho I have a violent one with Genl. Wilkinson for reasons that in my private opinion are not very honorable to the Genl. and upon which our Country shall at no distant period decide, Yet Sir you may rest assured that I possess to much honour and liberality to permit private considerations to interfere with any public matter in which I may or shall be concerned.
My Calculation is that in three Years at the very outside from the time I shall commence to act, that Them four nations mentioned will be peaceably and contentedly settled on the West side of the River under a Government of their own and Laws which by that time will be in compllete operation, and that I can at that time return to polished and refined society and enjoy in Peace whatever fruits shall be produced by my labour and industry, As I would not for the whole Country and its wealth be tied down to live my days there, But as I am well aware that I can effect the whole in that time, Any Commands that the President or you shall please to forward on the occasion will be attended to and Received with pleasure and executed with zeal and scrupulous fidelity by Sir Your Most Obdt & Devoted Humbl. Servt.
John Devx DeLacy

   RC (DLC).

   Letter not found.

   John Devereux DeLacy, a Bahamian merchant, was an associate of William Augustus Bowles and an enemy of Spanish power in the Floridas (Wright, William Augustus Bowles, pp. 142–54).


Title: To James Madison from Robert R. Livingston, 14 October 1803
From: Livingston, Robert R.
To: Madison, James

No 86 Sir Paris 14 October 1803
I have the honor to transmit you copies of two notes that I have received within these few days, both are I believe of a nature to make public in the United States. I have concerted with Mr Schimmelpennink (who has resumed his place here as Ambassador from the Batavian Republic) to press this Govt on the Subject of the prohibition of the import of cheese from Holland. I enclose you a copy of his note—tho’ the object is not very important it is well not to permit any of the rights we have by treaty to be disrespected—the Consuls in that country & in the South of Europe will require the attention of our Government. Some extremely improper persons hold the places which are very important during a war, Since they are enabled to transfer to the belligerent nations the advantage of our flag & thereby not only diminish those we receive from our neutrality, but render the trade of our own citizens Suspicious, & liable to interruption on that account as well as to grant passports that have already been the Source of complaints.
The commercial agent at Antwerp Should also be so for Flushing, Since it is in Some Sort the Port of Entry to Antwerp and I fear that the person who acts as Consul at Flushing is a very improper character. The Commercial agents at Amsterdam & Rotterdam Should be called to their ports, they are both absent at present & have been so for long time Mr Stroble not having arrived, there is no appointment for Antwerp—Mr Barnet exercises that office together with that of Havre by Deputy. I am Satisfied that the Ministers of the United States Should have a controul over all these officers, & a power to remove & appoint others till the pleasure of the President was known. It is usual with many nations to make their Ministers Consuls general with this view. I have heard nothing from Mr Monroe Since the date of his letter contained in my last dispatch. Nor have I been further pressed on the Subject of the guarantee tho’ I find great uneasiness and dissatisfaction in the postponement of the ratification of the treaty which I own greatly surprises me, but I presume that the President has good reasons that I hope hourly to learn from you, that I may avail myself of them in allaying discontents here on that Subject, in the mean time, the board do nothing, they assign as a reason that they wait for instructions from you or the ratification of the Treaty. This also excites great uneasiness among the creditors here who hoped to be enabled to return with their bills this autumn, & begins to be noticed by this Government who cannot but think it very extraordinary when they contrast it with the warmth with which I pressed an immediate Settlement of the debt, & with which we urged it as the reason for the Consul’s ratifying in order that he might give a proof [of] his respect for his promise to the public creditors that they Should be promptly paid.
As this delay has been occasioned by Mr McClure Since his return from England it is understood to originate in the promise to guarantee the loan as he intimates that it was Mr Monroe’s opinion that they Should not proceed, which, if so, Surprises me as Mr Monroe left this, under Strong impressions of the necessity of getting all our accounts passed the French board, even tho’ the treaty Should drop thro’ & of the advantage of putting this capital as soon as possible into the hands of our citizens—& enabling our treasury to Stop the interest to the amount of what capital they have on hand. It was with this view we chuse gentn. on the Spot, as well as because we presumed that they might Serve the public at much less expence than others that would be Sent purposely from the United States.
I have Just received from Mr Jarvis our Consul at Lisbon the disagreable information that the Cecilia Capt Dawn of Boston had been captured by a cruiser from Morocco of 22 guns which had orders to capture all American vessels. Capt Bainbridge in the Philadelphia has been So fortunate as to take the cruizer whether the Cecilia is recaptured, he does not Say, but from the complexion of his letter I am inclined to think She has. He adds that there is one of the Emperor’s Ships of 30 guns cruising off the Cape St Vincent & two row boats of four guns, off the gut to intercept our trade So that I fear Some will fall into their hands. There is also a Ship from Salle of 24 Six pounders & 8 three pound cannon now refitting in Lisbon, I am however in great hopes that our Ships may give a good account of them. During the war many reasons urge a Strong force in Frigates in these Seas. To allow the Sale of the prisoners in the United States would operate as a Strong encouragement, & as no women would be taken would not extend the Slavery—to treat them as prisoners of war is rather to encourage them rather than to repress their piracies.
Preparations Still go on very ardently for a descent & the Consul will leave this in a few days for the camps. The Emperor of Russia has lately renewed his profered mediation upon the basis that I have before explained to you. This Court delayed its answer till that of Great Britain was given which is in substance that His Britannic Majesty was disposed to receive His Russian Majestys endeavour to [secure?] peace with great satisfaction but that no mediation formed on the basis of the Treaty of Amiens could be accepted. France has on the contrary very artfully returned an answer full of moderation &c. in order as far as possible to place her rival in the wrong tho the propositions of Russia were such as she would not have listened to if England had. There is at present almost an open rupture between the Russian minister Count Marcoff and the first consul; but it is generally understood to be a personal and not a national business—as the gentleman that takes this waits, I have no leisure to give you the details & put them in cypher which would be necessary if I Send them you Shall have them in my next.
I feel quite distressed at having heard nothing from you or the President on the Subject of the treaty or that of any of the other matters contained in my letters as far back as last march. Your last letters to me that has come to hand, is above four months old. The Boston collector has never complied with your order in Sending me papers, tho from that quarter the earliest intelligence is generally derived here.
I wish you would consider Seriously of the advantages of establishing packets during the war. I am, Dear Sir, with much esteem & respect Your most obt hum: Servt
Robt R Livingston

   RC and enclosures (DNA: RG 59, DD, France, vol. 8A); partial draft (NHi: Livingston Papers). RC in a clerk’s hand, signed by Livingston; marked “Dupte.”; docketed by Wagner. Italicized words are those encoded by Livingston’s secretary and decoded here by the editors (for the code, see PJM-SSRobert J. Brugger et al., eds., The Papers of James Madison: Secretary of State Series (5 vols. to date; Charlottesville, Va., 1986–)., 2:304–5 n.). RC decoded interlinearly by Wagner. For enclosures, see nn. 1 and 2.

   Enclosed are copies of Talleyrand to Livingston, 15 Vendémiaire an XII (8 Oct. 1803) (2 pp.; in French; translation printed in National Intelligencer, 2 Mar. 1804), stating that many U.S. ships attempting to enter the ports of France did not have the form of ship’s papers required by the Convention of 1800 and that the U.S. government should be thus informed; and Talleyrand to Livingston, n.d. (3 pp.; in French), replying to Livingston’s note protesting the arrêté of 1 Messidor an XI (20 June 1803). Talleyrand noted that while the edict would not be revoked, it would be modified so that certain specified articles as well as any goods which did not originate in Great Britain or its colonies would be accepted.

   Enclosure not found, but see R. J. Schimmelpenninck’s letter to Talleyrand, 12 Oct. 1803 (NHi: Livingston Papers).

   Livingston made no mention of an enclosed letter from Monroe in his letter to JM of 30 Sept. 1803.

   This was no doubt the Celia, Capt. Richard Bowen. For its capture by the Moroccan ship Mirboka and subsequent recapture by the U.S. frigate Philadelphia, see William Kirkpatrick to JM, 31 Aug. 1803.

   See Livingston to JM, 25 June 1803.

   This word was encoded and decoded “so ore.”

   Livingston probably referred to JM’s letter of 25 May 1803.


Title: To James Madison from Louis-André Pichon, 14 October 1803
From: Pichon, Louis-André
To: Madison, James

G. Town 14. 8ber 1803.
Mr. Pichon with his respects to Mr. Madison forwards a note which after mature deliberation he has thought it his duty to address on the subject of the notes of His C. M. minister to the U. S. in relation to Louisiana. Mr. Pichon expects that it will appear but proper to the President of the United States that Mr. Pichon’s vindication of his Government should accompany, wherever they may appear, the notes which, in Mr. P.’s opinion convey an attack on the faith and dignity of the Same Government.

   RC (DNA: RG 59, NFL, France, vol. 1). Docketed by Wagner as received 15 Oct.

   Pichon to JM, 14 Oct. 1803 (second letter).


Title: To James Madison from Louis-André Pichon, 14 October 1803
From: Pichon, Louis-André
To: Madison, James

à Georgetown le 21. Vendemiaire an 12. (14. 8bre. 1803)
Le Soussigné, a qui monsieur le Secrétaire d’Etat a bien voulu donner communication des démarches faites par le ministre de sa majesté Catholique près des Etats-Unis, rélativement au Traité par lequel la République Française a cédé la Louisiane aux Etats-Unis, croit devoir à son Gouvernement, ainsi qu’au Gouvernement Américain, de présenter à Mr: Madison les observations dont ces démarches, en tant qu’elles attaquent les droits et même la dignité du Gouvernement français, lui ont paru susceptibles.
La Cour de Madrid d’après les notes de son ministre, considère la cession faite par la france aux Etats Unis, comme irrégulière et invalide. 1°. par-ce-que la france avait renoncé au droit d’aliéner les territoires en question. 2°. par-ce-que le Traité de St. Ildephonse, par lequel l’Espagne a rétrocédé à la France ces territoires, n’a pas été exécuté entièrement quant à la reconnaissance du Roi d’Etrurie, reconnaissance, qui était une des conditions de la rétrocession à la charge de la france.
Sur le prémier point, le Soussigné observera que le Traité de St. Ildephonse, rétrocéde la Louisiane en toute Souveraineté et sans limitation aucune, quant au domaine futur de la France. Pour opérer une limitation aussi essentielle que celle qu’invoque la Cour de Madrid, il n’aurait rien moins fallu, d’après la nature des contrats en général, et des Traités en particulier, qu’une Stipulation insèrée à cet effet dans le Traité lui même. Une promesse faite quinze mois après la Signature de ce pacte, et qui a pu d’un côté être concédée aux Sollicitations d’une des parties contractantes, et de l’autre dictée par des dispositions qui existaient alors dans l’autre partie, mais que des circonstances ulterieures pouvaient changer; une pareille promesse, ne peut créer en faveur de l’Espagne, un droit tel qu’elle puisse taxer d’invalidité les transactions qui l’ont contrariée. La prétention contraire tendrait certainement à confondre tous les principes relatifs à la nature des obligations et détruirait la solemnité des Traités. Ces raisonnemens généraux recevraient une nouvelle force des circonstances particulières aux différens Etats en matière de Pactes; mais le soussigné n’entrera point dans l’examen de ces circonstances, persuadé que les principes généraux repoussent suffisamment les prétentions de la Cour de Madrid.
Sur le Second point, les objections de cette Cour ne paraissent pas au Soussigné être mieux fondées. Il est connu que le Roi d’Etrurie a été placé sur le trône depuis le Traité de St. ildephonse. On est fondé à penser que sa Majesté Catholique a été satisfaite, depuis cette époque, des mesures et des efforts employés par la France pour faire reconnaitre par les autres Etats, le titre de ce Prince. C’est du moins ce que l’on conclut de faits à la connaissance de tout le monde. Dans le Traité d’Amiens conclu le 27 mars 1802. la Grande Bretagne n’a pas reconnu le Roi d’Etrurie. Malgré le silence de la cour de Londres dans une occasion aussi Solemnelle, celle de Madrid a ordonné, dans le mois d’octobre suivant, la remise de la Colonie à la France, comme le prouve la cédule Royale que le Soussigné a reçue et exhibée à Mr. Madison, cédule qui, au sçu de tout le monde, a été expédiée depuis longtems à Mr: le Capitaine Général de la Louisiane, lequel a envoyé le marquis de casa salvo [sic] à la Nouvelle Orléans pour en surveiller l’exécution.
À ces observations concluantes, le soussigné ajoutera que la cour de madrid a pu être instruite, dans le cours du mois de février dernier par son ministre près des Etats-Unis, que le Gouvernement américain envoyait à Paris un ministre Extraordinaire à l’effet de négocier auprès du Gouvernement français, l’acquisition de la Nouvelle Orléans. Si la Cour de Madrid avait vu dans l’objet de cette mission une atteinte portée à ses droits, qui l’empêchait, instruite d’aussi bonne heure, d’en prévenir le ministre des Etats-Unis à Paris et le Gouvernement français, et d’interposer, avant la conclusion du Traité, son intervention Sous une forme propre à la Suspendre? Il ne parait pas que cette Cour ait fait à Paris des démarches de cette nature. La Supposition en est incompatible avec les instructions que le Soussigné a reçues de son Gouvernement d’accélérer de tout son pouvoir l’exécution du Traité conclu, le 30. Avril dernier, entre la République française et les Etats-Unis.
Le soussigné espère donc, que le Gouvernement américain ne verra dans les démarches de la Cour de Madrid pour entraver l’exécution de ce Traité, que des raisonnemens spécieux et procédera à cette exécution avec le même empressement que le Gouvernement français a mis de Son côté. Le soussigné a reçu les ordres nécessaires pour échanger les ratifications et pour opérer la prise de possession de la Louisiane par la france et son transport aux Etats-Unis. Il ne présume pas que la cour de Madrid veuille s’opposer à l’exécution des prémiers ordres. Cette Supposition serait aussi contraire à sa loyauté comme qu’à la dignité du Gouvernement Français. En tout cas, aussitôt les ratifications échangées, le soussigné procédera sans delai, de concert avec le commissaire nommé à cet effet par le prémier Consul, à la remise de la Colonie, aux personnes que le Président des Etats-Unis nommera pour en prendre possession.
Le Soussigné à l’honneur de prier Mr: Madison de soumettre à Mr: le Président des Etats-Unis, le contenu de la présente note, qui a pour objet de ne pas laisser les imputations lancées par le ministre d’Espagne contre le Gouvernement français sans réponse. Le Soussigné prie en même tems Mr. Madison de recevoir l’assurance de son respect et de sa haute consideration.
L. A. Pichon

Condensed Translation
Owes to his own as well as to the American government some observations on the measures of the Spanish minister to the U.S. relative to the treaty by which France ceded Louisiana to the U.S. According to its minister’s notes, Spain considers the cession of Louisiana by France to the U.S. irregular and invalid (1) because France had renounced the right to transfer the territories in question and (2) because the Treaty of San Ildefonso, by which these territories were retroceded by Spain to France, was not executed in regard to the recognition of the king of Etruria.
As to the first point, observes that the Treaty of San Ildefonso retrocedes Louisiana with all sovereign powers and without any limitation whatsoever as to the future domain of France. To have effected such a limitation would have necessitated nothing less than a stipulation in the treaty itself. A promise made fifteen months after the signing of the treaty cannot create in Spain’s favor a right to declare invalid the transactions that have vexed it. To decide otherwise would confuse all the principles relative to the nature of obligations and would destroy the solemnity of treaties. Is persuaded that these general principles are enough to repel the claims of Spain in this matter.
Concerning the second point, the objections of Spain seem little better founded. The king of Etruria was placed on the throne after the signing of the Treaty of San Ildefonso. Spain should be satisfied with the efforts of France to persuade other states to recognize the king. In the Treaty of Amiens, signed 27 Mar. 1802, Great Britain did not recognize the king of Etruria. Despite this, Spain ordered the delivery of Louisiana to France the following October. This is proved by the royal memorandum received by Pichon and exhibited to JM, which was sent some time ago to the captain general of Louisiana, who deputed the marquis de Casa Calvo to New Orleans to survey its execution.
In addition, the Spanish minister to the U.S. knew last February that the U.S. was sending a minister plenipotentiary to Paris to negotiate the acquisition of New Orleans. Thus alerted, what prevented Spain from warning the U.S. minister at Paris and the French government and intervening to suspend the negotiations? It does not appear that Spain took any steps of that nature in Paris, as is proved by the instructions from France received by Pichon to hasten with all his ability the execution of the treaty of 30 Apr. 1803.
Hopes therefore that the U.S. government will see in Spain’s efforts to impede the execution of the treaty only specious reasoning and will proceed to its execution with the same alacrity shown by France. Has received the orders necessary to exchange ratifications as well as those required to take possession of Louisiana and transfer it to the U.S. Thus, as soon as the ratifications are exchanged, he is ready to turn over this possession to those persons designated by the U.S. president to receive it. Requests that JM submit this note to the president.

   RC (DNA: RG 59, NFL, France, vol. 1); Tr (NHi: Livingston Papers). RC in a clerk’s hand, signed by Pichon.

   See Yrujo to JM, 4 and 27 Sept. 1803.


Title: To James Madison from John Gavino, 14 October 1803 (Abstract)
From: Gavino, John
To: Madison, James

14 October 1803, Gibraltar. No. 134. “I confirm what [I] had the honor of adressing you yesterday [not found] by the bearer still here & only affords me time to accompany the dispatches herewith from Consul Simpson &ca. confirming matters being arranged with the Emperour received by our Sloop of War Syren. Comodor Prible still at Tanger, the John Adams & New York left it for this place, but not yet arrived.” Adds in a postscript: “Consul Simpson has drawn on me for $1000 & sent a draft on you for same.”

   RC, two copies (DNA: RG 59, CD, Gibraltar, vol. 2). First RC 1 p.; docketed by Wagner. Second RC marked duplicate.

   A full transcription of this document has been added to the digital edition.


Title: To James Madison from Richard O’Brien, [15 October] 1803
From: O’Brien, Richard
To: Madison, James

[15 October 1803]
Supposing you would think it best at present to Send or procure the 10 Guns 24 pounders & 10 ditto 18 pounders Carriages Ramers—Springes ladles &c. and 6. Thsd Shot and 30 Thsd. Bricks I should Suppose this Commission would be executed in London for 20 or 25 Thsd. $. and the dey to take these Guns for one years annuity as he sayes he will pay The Cost or Amount. This business Could thus be managed here by the Consul. That is if the Present dey should exist if not and The Guns to be forwarded the dey might insist on them as presents as this dey did on the Corsair took. This would take a time of 2 years or 18 months. As the dey has wrote on this business of The Guns but one letter—and its fate of arriveing Safe is uncertain. The Govt. might Say That They did or did not receive it and The new Consul might Say That The old Consul made no mention or representation on the business of The Guns to The Govt. of The UStates. Should your Ansr. be as I have presumed to Sketch it will be necessary That The consul Should be apprized Some months before hand in order That he Should Concert his Plans for his own Safety—and allso your gaurding our Citizens & their property from any Sudden Squall or Surprize—and allso to have a force ready and adequate to act in Case The dey Should Make war—therefore you Should at least write 3 different letters differing in words or stile and leave all Three to The Judgement of The consul which Should be The most proper to give the dey as an ansr. for it will be difficult to Say. That when you write Said letter you might consider one thing but had The same person to deliver Said letter & had The power to act he Perhaps would have given Them a different Ansr. Those Extra Events will finally Bring us into difficulties with all Barbary. We Should therefore directly build The 74 Gun Ships and 6 more large frigates. We shall have it to do at last if Some great Event of Europe does not Curb The pride avarice & System of Barbary. Respectfully Sir yr. Most Obt
OBrien

   RC and enclosures (DNA: RG 59, CD, Algiers, vol. 6); FC and enclosure (DLC: Preble Papers). Undated; conjectural date assigned here on the basis of Wagner’s docket. RC docketed by Wagner as received 6 Feb. 1804. For enclosures, see nn. 2 and 3.

   For the affair of the brig Hassan Bashaw, see O’Brien to the secretary of state, 23 Jan. to March 1799 (printed in Knox, Naval Documents, Barbary WarsDudley W. Knox, ed., Naval Documents Related to the United States Wars with the Barbary Powers (6 vols.; Washington, 1939–44)., 1:290–95).

   O’Brien enclosed a letter from Mustafa Dey of Algiers to Jefferson, 14 Oct. 1803 (1 p.; in Arabic; docketed by Wagner), with a translation (1 p.; docketed by Jefferson; printed in Knox, Naval Documents, Barbary WarsDudley W. Knox, ed., Naval Documents Related to the United States Wars with the Barbary Powers (6 vols.; Washington, 1939–44)., 3:132), requesting the aforementioned brass guns.

   O’Brien enclosed a copy of a proposed answer to the dey (2 pp.), whom he characterized as “The Meditteranian Don Quixotte.” O’Brien’s draft letter peremptorily refused the dey’s request for brass guns and revived old quarrels, such as the dey’s illegal use of the George Washington in sending it to Constantinople. After a long litany of trespasses by the dey, O’Brien concluded that the U.S. “have too great a Regard to our Honor & dignity then to Condescend and acquise [sic] to all The unjust and Extra demands of your Highness.”


Title: To James Madison from Edward Preble, 15 October 1803
From: Preble, Edward
To: Madison, James

Sir Gibraltar Bay
United States Frigate Constitution 15th. Oct: 1803
It is with pleasure I announce to you the renewal of Peace between the United States & Morocco. The enclosed documents will inform you that the Treaty of 1786 is ratified by the present Emperor. I hope and trust that this important object has been effected on as favourable grounds as was anticipated by our Government. I offer for your consideration, not only the enclosed papers, but beg leave to refer you to the secretary of the Navy whom I have advised of the most minute transactions before, and during our Negotiations with His Imperial Majesty.
Enclosed is a letter from the Emperor to the President of the United States. It seems that His Majesty is very desirous of a correspondence. Indeed he appears very much hurt, that he has not recd: any letters from the president. I beg leave to suggest whether the answering this letter, and afterwards to send him one annually, might not have a good effect, for as far as I am capable of judging the native disposition of these Barbarians I think them highly susceptible to attentions of this Kind. I however submit this matter to your better Judgment. With the Greatest respect I am Sir Your obt. Servt.
Signed   Edwd: Preble

   Letterbook copy (DLC: Preble Papers).

   Enclosures not found, but see James Simpson to JM, 15 Oct. 1803, and nn. 1 and 2.

   See Preble to Robert Smith, 5–17 Oct. 1803 (printed in Knox, Naval Documents, Barbary WarsDudley W. Knox, ed., Naval Documents Related to the United States Wars with the Barbary Powers (6 vols.; Washington, 1939–44)., 3:139–43).

   Enclosure not found, but see Simpson to JM, 15 Oct. 1803, and n. 3.


Title: To James Madison from James Simpson, 15 October 1803 (Abstract)
From: Simpson, James
To: Madison, James

15 October 1803, Tangier. No. 67. Sent his letter dated 8 Oct. (no. 66) by way of Gavino. Will write at length by the New York, which will “touch here in a few days.” Informs JM that Preble left Tangier “yesterday for Gibraltar, after happily all differences being accommodated with this Country.” He and Preble had a conference “Monday last” with the emperor: “he expressed a strong desire of continuing at Peace with the United States, but having sufficient reason to know he would still be averse to ratifying the Treaty of 1786 that point was strenuously insisted on.” Encloses a “translation of the first Act dated 9th. this Month declaring he would maintain the Peace.” “Finding the old Treaty was not mentioned I had another interview with the Minister on Tuesday Morning on that point,” learning that “both the copy of that Treaty I had given Sid Mohamet Ben Ottoman at Rhabat in 1795 and that of the Letter then written the President by Muley Seliman were lost.” “I sent for the Book in which these papers are entered, which was instantly laid before His Majesty, the whole was read to him and he directed the Minister to make the addition you will observe on that paper of the 9h.” The emperor assured Simpson that “he would maintain it and that he would acquaint the President so himself.” The minister afterward promised “that the matter should be very fully explained in the Letter to be written the President.” The paper was delivered to Simpson on 12 Oct.; he gave it to Preble so that it might be forwarded “by one of the Frigates bound home.” Encloses an English translation of it and requests that JM present it to the president. “I fully hope it will meet his approbation, which will be a great satisfaction for me to know.”
Peace was attained on the following terms: “The Emperour on his part engaged to re[s]tore all American Vessels and property had or might be detained or taken; and Commodores Preble and Rodgers consented at my Recommendation to give up the two Ships Meshouda and Mirboha.” Hastens “to send this to Gibraltar in hopes it may yet meet” the John Adams. Promises to transmit “farther papers and particulars on this busyness” by the New York. Realizes that “the measure of giving up these two Ships was a strong one” but believes his conduct will be approved when he explains the “powerfull Reasons” that influenced it.

   RC and enclosures (DNA: RG 59, CD, Tangier, vol. 2). RC 3 pp.; docketed by Wagner. For enclosures, see nn.

   Simpson enclosed a translation of the emperor of Morocco’s order of 9 Oct. 1803 (2 pp.; printed in Knox, Naval Documents, Barbary WarsDudley W. Knox, ed., Naval Documents Related to the United States Wars with the Barbary Powers (6 vols.; Washington, 1939–44)., 3:118), proclaiming: “the American Nation are still as they were in Peace and Friendship with Our person, exalted by God.” The order went on to say that American vessels and merchants were safe both at sea and in port and gave explicit orders to port governors and sea captains not to “deviate therefrom” on pain of “severe punishment.”

   The last paragraph of the order declared: “We are in Peace and Friendship with the said American Nation as Our Father (to whom God be merciful) was, according to the Treaty made on the first day of Rhamadan in the year 1200.”

   Simpson sent JM two copies of the translated letter from Mawlay Sulaiman to Jefferson (3 pp.; docketed by Wagner; printed in Knox, Naval Documents, Barbary WarsDudley W. Knox, ed., Naval Documents Related to the United States Wars with the Barbary Powers (6 vols.; Washington, 1939–44)., 3:124–25), one dated by Simpson 12 Oct. and the other 15 Oct., along with the original letter in Arabic (1 p.; docketed by Wagner). The original was dated 30 Sept. 1803; Simpson appended a note on the translations: “As the Moors reckon by the old style, the date corresponds to the 11h. October 1803.” The emperor wrote that the quarrel between Morocco and the U.S. “was a matter of little consequence,” that it had been accommodated, and that the peace and friendship settled by the treaties continued.

   A full transcription of this document has been added to the digital edition.


Title: To James Madison from Tench Coxe, 16 October 1803
From: Coxe, Tench
To: Madison, James

Sir
Philada. Octo. 16 1803
An eminent Merchant of this city has lately communicated to me some information upon the subject of the India trade. In doing this he furnished me with a note upon that part of the British treaty which relates to it. I have the honor to enclose the paper, and to refer the last paragraph of nine lines to your consideration.
There is a question of some importance, whether the two years run from the signing of the preliminary articles or the definitive in 1801. I have not the treaty before me.
It appears to me probable that the English East India Company will find it difficult to dispense with our trade there at this Moment; because our silver is of great us[e] to them in India, because they want a sale for their India Manufactures, wch. are not consumable in England; because they want a vent for their Sugars and Indigo, and because our ships will be useful to that distant possession, in the present war.
It is very doubtful whether we ought to consume any of their India cotton goods, except those, which we print here, because we have a superior interest in consuming European cotton manufactures ⅗ths. of which are made of our own Cotton wool. I have the honor to be, sir, yr. respectful h. Servant
Tench Coxe

   RC (DNA: RG 59, ML).

   Enclosure not found. Article 13 of the Jay treaty described the conditions under which U.S. trade with British territories in India could take place. Article 28 of the same treaty limited the duration of article 13 “to Twelve years to be computed from the Day on which the Ratifications of this Treaty shall be exchanged” (Miller, TreatiesHunter Miller, ed., Treaties and Other International Acts of the United States of America (8 vols.; Washington, 1930–48)., 2:255–56, 264).


Title: To James Madison from Vincent Gray, 16 October 1803 (Abstract)
From: Gray, Vincent
To: Madison, James

16 October 1803, Havana. Sends this by the ship Thomas Russell of Boston. Informs JM that “a small French Privateer Pilot Boat Schooner, fitted out in Santo Domingo, with her Prize, an English Brig bound from Jamaica, with a Cargo of Rum and Sugar, have Just entered the Port, and were ordered to depart the Port immediately,” but by the governor’s authority “they were permitted to enter the Port and anchor.” “This is what was not expected here—and if she and her prize be permitted to remain longer in Port than is necessary to procure Water and Provision, it will be the Cause of bring[ing] the Providence Privateers off this Port as formerly.… We have in Port Our National Corvette (repaired here and to sail tomorrow for France) three Brigs and two Schooners—and Several French Merchantmen: and I lament to learn that there are several Privateers fitting out, in the out Ports of this Island—and one very noted last War belonging to a French Spaniard fitting out at a small Port in this Harbour.” Will forward his accounts and returns under the new law up to 1 Oct. by way of Baltimore.

   RC (DNA: RG 59, CD, Havana, vol. 1). 3 pp.; docketed by Wagner.

   A full transcription of this document has been added to the digital edition.


Title: From James Madison to Rufus King, 17 October 1803
From: Madison, James
To: King, Rufus

Sir
Dept. of State Ocr. 17. 1803
I have recd and communicated to the President your letter of the 11th. instant.
Although the policy adopted by the U. States, neutralizes, of course, their relation to such projects as that disclosed in the extracts copied into your letter, information concerning them may often be of use; and in the present case particularly is so interesting, that the President wishes you to know, that your communication of it is highly acceptable. Your wish that it may be regarded as confidential is entirely proper, and will be strictly observed. With great respect & esteem I remain sir Yr. mo: Obedt. hble sert

   RC (NHi: Rufus King Papers). Docketed by King as received 20 Oct.; signature clipped.


Title: To James Madison from John Francis Mercer, 17 October 1803 (Abstract)
From: Mercer, John Francis
To: Madison, James

17 October 1803 “In Council,” Annapolis. “We have the honor to transmit to you a Certificate of the Election of the Representatives for this State in the Congress of the United States, to be delivered to the House of Representatives when they shall be assembled.”

   Letterbook copy (MdAA: Executive Letter Book, folder 143). Enclosure not found.


Title: To James Madison from James Simpson, 17 October 1803 (Abstract)
From: Simpson, James
To: Madison, James

17 October 1803, Tangier. No. 68. Wrote JM on 8 Oct. (no. 66) and 15 Oct. (no. 67) by way of Gibraltar. Encloses duplicates of both with copies of their enclosures. By those letters “you will see His Imperial Majesty very early … shewed strong dispositions for Peace; experience has taught me how desireable an object that is to us.” “His Majestys conduct in regard to giving aid to Tripoly has been inimical, and the Instructions given his Cruizers shew he would have gone to open hostilities with us if Providence had not thwarted their late Schemes.” Believes these were formed to force the U.S. “to pay Morocco a Subsidy.” From his first letters written to the State Department, has “considered this Muley Solimans favourite Scheme.” Ventures to say that “if the Cruizers had been able to bring in any important number or value of American Vessels … no hesitation would have been made in bringing forward such a demand, as the condition of their enlargement and a future Peace.” “Thank God their Schemes have failed and the result of their endeavours to do us injury has been disgrace to themselves.” Commodore Preble’s indignation at “the unprovoked conduct of Muley Soliman” led him to threaten sending the Mirboka with her crew to the U.S. “The Ship was not equal to the Voyage, of which upon a more narrow inspection into her situation he would have been sensible, besides I had already seen clearly the Emperour would meet us more than half way on a pacific system.” Advised Preble to close with the emperor “on that ground, which he readily consented to do provided Peace could be secured to the United States on honourable terms.”
Will not trouble JM with a repetition of events already detailed in previous letters but offers “some farther arguments in support of what I have taken upon myself to do, in a matter of such magnitude.” Peace was desirable “for the powerfull reasons obvious to Government,” and it has been “secured now on terms more honourable than could have been expected at any other period.” “In place of paying money for it, the Emperour has been made to offer it as the Redemption of his Ships, besides giving up the American property was in his power.” “His Majesty must have been sensible of this for at the Audience on the 10th whilst he so repeatedly gave assurances of his desire of being at Peace with the United States he asked as a favour that the Meshouda might be given up to him,” on the condition “that neither the Vessel or any article on board of her, should be attempted to be sent to Tripoly” during the war between the U.S. and that regency. Encloses copies of the letter he wrote Preble on the subject of giving up those vessels and Preble’s answer for JM’s perusal. “The contents had been fully discussed and agreed upon before they were written which occasions the date to be erroneous and make my sentiments in this Letter on subject of the Meshouda, appear to contradict my particular dispatch of same date No 66.” Mentions this to explain that “the determination respecting that Vessel was not taken untill after the Audience.”
“It appeared obvious” that “this Ship should not be made a Bar to obtaining a Ratification of the Treaty of 1786, and as far as any thing can by engagements be made secure in this Country, also the certainty of a continuance of Peace.” “Had the Negotiation been broken off, not only the American property at Mogadore would have been lost, but an Embassy must have been the consequence at a future day, which would have been attended with a far greater expence than the worth of this Ship and all that is on board of her. The Mirboha most fortunately anchored in this Bay at the time we were waiting to see the Emperour—she was without Colours and continued so untill the addition was put to the Act of the 9th. and a Letter promised to the President in the terms … mentioned. Nothing could have happened better, as Muley Solimans desir⟨e⟩ of having his Flag seen on board of his Ship by the very large Army he had with him collected from most quarters of his Empire, left him no time to ballance on what was to be done.” Is persuaded that JM will agree it would have been poor policy “to push for Conditions beyond those essential to a lasting Peace, as we might thereby have begat cause for the Emperour seeking pretexts for breaking with us again, but as things now stand I cannot see how he can attempt that.”
Notes that “In this Country” it is impossible to transact business “unless a person sits down for a time at Court.” He and Preble “had drawn up a declaration and Counter declaration to be signed by the parties on this occasion, but so soon as our affairs got into a tolerable state of arrangement on Tuesday afternoon, the Emperor ordered his Army to prepare that evening for moveing and actualy left Tangier next morning for Mequinez [Meknès]. The letter to the President however embrac⟨es⟩ … the essential points, and with Respect to the Ratification of the Treaty of 1786 is explicit, by which they relinquish the claim they had erroneously set up to periodical presents.” Transmits “with this a certified copy of the Act of the 9th. Inst. declaratory of His Majesty being at Peace with the United States, and Ratifying the Treaty of 1200 made with Sidy Mohamet.” Presented $800 to Sidi Mohammed Selawy, “which considering his former services” Simpson trusts “will not be thought too much.” Will present an account of expenses in his next letter. The negotiations have “occasioned a greater expence on the occasion of his visit than I should otherwise have been at.”
Has obtained an order to the governor and customs agents at Mogador “to be attentive to our Traders there”; encloses a translation of it [not found]. Preble sent the Nautilus to Mogador on 12 Oct. with Simpson’s letter to Gwyn and the “original of this order and that for release of the Hannah.” States that since Preble’s arrival at Gibraltar “he has uniformly, both in the disposal of his Squadron and personal attention to the Negotiation with the Emperour, given me every possible assistance and support.” The acts of Alcayde Hashash have made his situation “extremely perilous—but he saved himself by laying at the Emperours feet the enormous sum of Fifty thousand duccats of this Country in Gold” (nearly $42,000) and “has for the present escaped personal punishment and continues Governour of Tangier.” Expects “he will take care how he acts.” Is happy that Preble will station a warship in “this Neighbourhood … which as I have seen occasion Repeatedly to mention, is the best security for a continuance of Peace with this Country.” “The two Galleys were here have been sent to Tetuan to be laid up, and Arraiz Lubarez is ordered to Larach with his ship for same purpose.”
Has written before that Spain has shown a desire “to draw supplies of Wheat from this Country and that an Agent of the Gremios had lately been at Court to sollicit the extraction.” Although “he delivered a very considerable Present,” nothing “has been done towards fulfillment of their wishes, as His Majesty only repeated what he has told them for some time back, that it is contrary to his Religion to permit the export of Grain for the use of Christians.” “This is considered highly improper,” as he has received clothing for his army worth more than $100,000, “supplied him on the hopes they were even encouraged to entertain that they would be paid in duties.” A messenger has been sent to Madrid “to see how it may be taken there.” “The French Consul delivered a very valuable Present but that did not prevent the Emperour expressing his disgust at no Ambassador having been sent him by the Consul, and its believed mentioned a time against which he said he should expect one.… The Dutch Consul told His Majesty their expected Present was shipt on a Frigate and was at hand.… I shall anxiously wait your answer to this Letter but in the mean time the Rectitude of my intentions assure me of that generous reception of my endeavours for the good of the Public at the hands of the President, I have experienced on a former occasion.”

   RC and enclosures (DNA: RG 59, CD, Tangier, vol. 2). RC 8 pp. For surviving enclosures, see nn.

   Enclosed are copies of Simpson to Preble, 8 Oct. 1803 (4 pp.; docketed by Wagner; printed in Knox, Naval Documents, Barbary WarsDudley W. Knox, ed., Naval Documents Related to the United States Wars with the Barbary Powers (6 vols.; Washington, 1939–44)., 3:115–17), advising the latter to return the Meshouda to Morocco in exchange for a lasting peace and a reaffirmation of the treaty of 1786 and quoting JM’s instructions to Simpson of 21 Oct. 1802 (PJM-SSRobert J. Brugger et al., eds., The Papers of James Madison: Secretary of State Series (5 vols. to date; Charlottesville, Va., 1986–)., 4:38–39), and Preble to Simpson, 8 Oct. 1803 (2 pp.; printed in Knox, Naval Documents, Barbary WarsDudley W. Knox, ed., Naval Documents Related to the United States Wars with the Barbary Powers (6 vols.; Washington, 1939–44)., 3:119), assuring the latter that the Mirboka and Meshouda would be returned if the emperor renewed the treaty of 1786 and released all American subjects and property. Preble also noted that the extract of JM’s letter assured them of the approbation of the secretary of state.

   Simpson enclosed a copy of Mawlay Sulaiman’s order of 9 Oct. 1803 (2 pp.) (see Simpson to JM, 15 Oct. 1803, and n. 1).

   A full transcription of this document has been added to the digital edition.


Title: To James Madison from James Simpson, 17 October 1803 (Abstract)
From: Simpson, James
To: Madison, James

17 October 1803, Tangier. No. 69. “After having closed my general Report of this days Date I beg leave once more to address you in respect to the totall inadequacy of the Antient Sallary granted for the Office I am honoured with. I am almost ashamed to repeat on this subject but necessity compells me, as … it is impossible for me to continue to serve the Nation at two thousand dollars a year.” Is disappointed not to have heard from JM by the arrival of U.S. ships in the Mediterranean.
In August 1799 William Bingham of Philadelphia transferred $1,857 of 6 percent stock of the U.S. to Simpson’s account “in payment of some money” he received for Simpson. “At present I am realy in want of money but that Stock is not saleable in this part of the World neither can I presume to draw at large on Account of Sallary untill Government shall be pleased to come to a determination respecting my pretensions on that head.” Offers the stock with interest “as a Security against Bills” for $2,000 and requests that JM honor his bills for that sum. Prays JM to “excuse this very great liberty” and assures him: “nothing in my power to do for good of the Public Service shall at any time be wanting.”

   RC (DNA: RG 59, CD, Tangier, vol. 2). 3 pp.; docketed by Wagner, with the notation: “encrease of appointments.”

   A full transcription of this document has been added to the digital edition.


Title: To James Madison from David Trufant and Others, 17 October 1803 (Abstract)
From: Trufant, David
To: Madison, James

17 October 1803, Bath. As William Webb, collector for the district of Bath, Maine, has resigned, “the subscribers, merchants & others living in the District of Bath, recommend” to the president’s notice Andrew Greenwood, “a person as well qualifyed in our humble opinion to fill that Office (not to say the best) of any person in this vicinity.” Add “that Mr. Greenwoods public education, moral character & standing in society is such, as to place him in the most favorable point of light with those who know him.” Are “happy to find that several Gentlemen at the seat of Government … can satisfy the President as to any further enquieries he may be pleased to make on this subject.” Would not have taken this step “were it not that some respectable Gentlemen in a remote part of the District have recommended Mr. Shaw, and who would, we presume, most cheerfully have joined in an application in favour of Mr. Greenwood, had they been asked, at the time solicitations were made, without the knowledge of the People of Bath, for Mr. Shaw.”

   RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR, 1801–9, filed under “Greenwood”). 3 pp.; signed by Trufant and eight others; docketed by Jefferson.

   Originally from Salem, Andrew Greenwood (1773–1816) was a lawyer and community leader in Bath (Henry Wilson Owen, The Edward Clarence Plummer History of Bath, Maine [Bath, Maine, 1976], pp. 134–35; Columbian Centinel, 18 Dec. 1816).

   This was probably Joshua Shaw, a Revolutionary War veteran and prominent Bath shipbuilder (Owen, History of Bath, Maine, pp. 118, 135, 137).