Title: From John Adams to the President of the Congress, 3 August 1779
From: Adams, John
To: President of Congress

      Sir
      Braintree August 3. 1779

     On the Twenty Eighth of February, I had the Honour of writing to Congress, informing them of my Intention of returning home, in Consequence of the new Commission which Superceded mine: on the first of March, I had again the Honour of writing Some interesting Information concerning the unprecedented Interest which the british Government are obliged to give for the Loan of Money, for the Service of the present Year: on the Eighth of March I took my Leave of the American Minister and left Paris for Nantes, in Expectation of there meeting the Alliance, and Sailing in her for America, in a few Weeks: Upon my Arrival at Nantes, I learned that the Alliance was Still at Brest, and so embarrassed with near forty Prisoners who were Supposed to have been concerned in a Conspiracy to carry her to England, and with other Difficulties that it was uncertain when she would be ready. The Agent at Nantes, at this Time receiving a Letter, from his Excellency Dr. Franklin, desiring him to consult me about the Direction of the Alliance, I thought it would expedite the public Service, for me to make a Journey to Brest (about two hundred miles,) which I under took accordingly and arrived at that Port, without Loss of Time. There, after an Attendance of some Weeks, and much Negociation with Commandants, Intendants and Agents all Things were prepared for the Frigate to Sail for Nantes with about an hundred British Prisoners, to be there exchanged for a like Number of American Prisoners arrived there from England in a Cartel. I returned to Nantes, and the Alliance in a few Days arrived in the River. The Prisoners were exchanged, about Sixty inlisted in the Alliance and the rest in the Poor Richard, Captain Jones. After accommodating all the Difficulties, with the British Prisoners, the American Prisoners, the Officers and Crew of the Alliance, and Supplying all their necessary Wants Captain Landais having orders to Sail for America, and every Thing ready to proceed to sea in a few Days, received unexpected orders, from the Minister Plenipotentiary to proceed to L’orient, and wait there for further orders. I had the Honour of a Letter at the same Time from his Excellency, inclosing one from the Minister of the Marine, by which I learn’d, that the King had been graciously pleased to grant me a Passage, on Board the Frigate, which was to carry his Majestys new Minister Plenipotentiary to the united States, that the Frigate was at L’orient and that the Minister would be there in a few Days. I went in the Alliance from Nantes to L’orient, where after some Time the Frigate the Sensible arrived, but his Excellency the Chevalier de La Luzerne did not arrive untill the Tenth of June. On the Seventeenth of June, and not before, I had the Pleasure to be under Sail, and on the third of August arrived in Nantasket Road.
     I have entered into this Detail of Disappointments, to justify my self for not returning Sooner, and to shew that it was not my fault, that I was not at Home, in Eight Weeks from the first authentic Information, that I had nothing further to do in France.
     There is nothing remaining for me to do, but to Settle my Accounts with Congress: but as Part of my Accounts are in Conjunction, with

     my late Colleague, with whom I lived in the Same House, during my Residence, in Paris, I am not able to judge, whether Congress will choose to receive my Accounts alone, or to wait untill the other Commissioners shall exhibit theirs, So as to have the whole together under one View, in order to do equal Justice to all. I am ready, however to render all the Account in my Power, either jointly or Separately, whenever Congress shall order it, and I shall wait their Directions accordingly.
     It is not in my Power, having been so long from Paris, to give Congress any News of Importance, except that the Brest Fleet under the Comte D’Orvilliere, was at sea the Beginning of June, that Admiral Arbuthnot was at Plymouth the thirty first of May, and that there was an universal Perswasion arrizing from Letters from Paris and London, that Spain had decided against the English. The Chevalier de La Luzerne, however will be able to give Congress Satisfactory Information upon this Head.
     I ought not to conclude this Letter, without expressing my Obligations to Captain Chevagne and the other Officers of the Sensible, for their Civilities in the Course of my Passage home, and the Pleasure I have had in the Conversation of his Excellency the new Minister Plenipotentiary from our August Ally, and the Secretary to the Embassy Monsieur Marbois.
     The Chevalier de la Luzerne, is Knight of the order of St. John of Jerusalem, of an ancient and a noble Family connected by Blood, with many Characters of principal Name in the Kingdom; a Grandson of the celebrated Chancellor De la Moignon; a Nephew of Monsieur Malesherbes, perhaps Still more famous, as first President of the Court of Aids, and as a Minister of State; a Brother of the Comte de la Luzerne, and of the Bishop of Langres, one of the three Dukes and Peers, who had the Honour to assist in the Consecration of the King; a near Relation of the Marishall de Broglie, and the Comte his Brother, and of many other important Personages in that Country. Nor is his personal Character less respectable than his Connections. As he is possessed of much usefull Information of all kinds, and particularly of the political System of Europe, obtained in his late Embassy in Bavaria; and of the justest Sentiments of the mutual Interests of his Country and ours, and of the Utility to both of that Alliance, which so happily unites them, and at the Same Time divested of all Personal and Party Attachments and Aversions, Congress and their Constituents, I flatter myself will have much Satisfaction in his Negotiations, as well as in those of the Secretary to the Embassy, Monsieur Marbois who was also Secretary to the Embassy, in Bavaria and is a Counsellor of the Parliament of Metz, a Gentleman whose Abilities, Application and Disposition cannot fail to make him usefull in the momentous Office he Sustains. I have the Honour to be with great Respect, Sir, your most obedient and most humble Servant

      John Adams


Title: From John Adams to the President of the Congress, 4 August 1779
From: Adams, John
To: President of Congress,Jay, John

      Sir
      Braintree August 4th: 1779

     At the Close of the Service, on which Congress have done me the Honour to Send me, it may not be amiss to Submit a few Reflections to their Consideration on the general State of Affairs in Europe, So far as they relate to the Interests of the united States. As the Time approaches, when our Relations, with the most considerable States in Europe, will multiply, and assume a greater Stability, they deserve the Attention of Americans in general, but especially of those composing their Supream Council.
     France deserves the first Place, among those Powers with which our Connections will be the most intimate. And it is with Pleasure, that I am able to assure Congress, that from the Observations I have made during my Residence in that Kingdom, I have the Strongest Reasons to believe, that their august Ally, his Ministers and Nation, are possessed of the fullest Perswasion of the Justice of our Cause, of the great Importance of our Independance to their Interests, and the firmest Resolution, to preserve the Faith of Treaties inviolate, and to cultivate our Friendship with Sincerity and Zeal. This of the more Consequence to Us, as this Power, enjoys in Europe at this Hour, an Influence, which it has not before experienced, for many Years.
     Men, are So sensible of a constant Tendency, in others, to Excesses, that a Signal Superiority of Power, never appears, without exciting Jealousies, and Efforts to reduce it. Thus when Spain, under Charles the fifth and his successor, made herself dangerous, a great Part of Europe, united against her; assisted in Severing the united Provinces from her; and by degrees greatly diminished her Power. Thus when France, under Louis the fourteenth, indulged the Spirit of Conquest too far, a great Part of Mankind, united their Forces against her, with such success, as to involve her in a Train of Misfortunes, out of which she never immerged, before the present Reign. The English, in their Turn, by means of their Commerce, and extensive settlements abroad, arose to a Degree of Oppulence, and naval Power, which excited more extravagant Passions in her own Breast, and more tyrannical Exertions of her Influence than appeared in either of the other Cases. The Consequence has been Similar, but more remarkable. Europe Seems to be more universally and Sincerely united in the Desire of reducing her, than they ever were in any former Instance. This is the true Cause, why the French Court never made War, with so universal a Popularity among their own subjects, So general an Approbation of other Courts, and such unanimous Wishes among all Nations for her Success, as at this Time.
     The Personal Character of the King, his declared Patronage of Morals and Oeconomy, and the great strokes of Wisdom, which have marked the Commencement of his Reign; The active Spring that has been given to Commerce, by the Division of the British Empire and our new Connections with his subjects; all these Causes, together with the two Treaties of Peace, which have been lately signed under his Auspices and his Mediation, have given to this Power a Reputation, which the last Reign had lost her.
     The first of these Treaties, has determined those Controversies, which had for a long Time divided Russia and the Port, and the Parties have been equally Satisfyed with the Conditions of their Reconciliation, a Circumstance the more honourable for the french Ministry, and the Chevalier de St. Priest their Ambassador at Constantinople, as it is uncommon. The ancient Confidence of the Porte in the Court of Versailles has revived and the Coolness, or rather Enmity, which had divided France and Russia for near Twenty Years, gives Place to a Friendship, which is at this Time in all its fervour, and will probably be durable, as these Powers, have no Interest to annoy each other, but, on the contrary, are able to assist each other in a manner, the most efficacious.
     The Peace of Germany, Signed at Teschen, the thirteenth of last May, has not equally Satisfyed the Belligerent Powers, who were, on the one Part the Emperor, and on the other the King of Prussia, and the Elector of Saxony, his Ally. From the Multitude of Writings, which have appeared before and during this War, in which the Causes, the Motives, and the Right of it are discussed, it appears, that in 1768 i.e. 1778, at the Extinction of one of the Branches of the House of Bavaria, which has been Seperated from its Trunk for near five Centuries, the House of Austria, thought itself able, and Priests and Lawyers, among their own subjects, were complaisant enough to tell her she had a Right, to put herself, in Possession of the best Part of the Patrimony, of the extinguished Line. The King of Prussia, to whose Interests this Augmentation of Power, would have been dangerous, has crowned an illustrious Reign, by displaying all the Resources of military Genius, and profound Policy, in Opposition to it. While he contended in the Field, France negotiated, and the Work begun by his Arms, was compleated by the Cabinet of Versailles. The Palatine House of Bavaria, the Duke of Deux Ponts, and particularly the Elector of Saxony, have obtained all that they could reasonably demand, and the Empire has preserved its Ballance of Power, in Spight of the Ambition of its Head: the King of Prussia, has covered himself with Glory, to which he put the last finishing stroke, by not demanding any Compensation for the Expences of the War: All Parties have been Satisfied, except the Emperor, who has disordered his Finances; ruined his Kingdom of Bohemia; with immense Forces, has not obtained any Advantage over his Adversary and consequently has destroyed among his own Troops the opinion they had of their Superiority; and in fine, has sustained the Loss the most sensible for a young Prince, just beginning to Reign, the Reputation of Justice and Moderation. It is the Influence, the Address, and Ability of the french Ministry, joined to the Firmness of Russia, which have compleated the Work: and Louis the Sixteenth has restored in Germany, to the Nation over which he reigns, that Reputation, which his Grand father had lost. The Merit of the Chevalier de la Luzerne, who was Ambassador, in Bavaria during the Transaction of this Business, and that of Mr. Marbois the Secretary to that Embassy, in accomplishing an Affair of Such Importance, which was rendered peculiarly delicate, by the late Family Connection, between the Courts of Vienna and Versailles was probably a Motive for sending them now to America, a Mission of no less importance, and no less Delicacy. It is not probable, however, that they could have succeeded so soon, if England could have afforded Subsidies to the Emperor.
     The Revolution in America, in which, the French King has taken an earlier and a greater Part, than any other Sovereign in Europe, has operated so as to conciliate to him, a Consideration, that is universal. The new Minister, will give to Congress, Information the most precise in this Respect and touching the Part, which Spain is taking at this Time, for which Reason I shall refrain from entering into it, and content myself with observing That all these Considerations ought to induce Us to cherish the Alliance of France; and that every good Citizen of the United States ought to endeavour to destroy the Remains of those Prejudices, which our ancient Rulers have endeavoured to inspire into Us. That We have nothing to fear, and much to hope from France, while We conduct Ourselves with good sense, and Firmness, and that We cannot take too much Pains to multiply the Commercial Relations, and Strengthen the political Connections between the two Nations: Provided Always, that We preserve Prudence and Resolution enough, to receive implicitly, no Advice whatsoever, but to judge always for ourselves; and to guard Ourselves against those Principles in Government, and those Manners, which are So opposite to our own Constitution, and to our Characters, as a young People, called by Providence to the most honourable and important of all Duties, that of forming Establishments for a great Nation and a new World.
     In the opinion of Some, the Power, with which We shall one Day, have a Relation the most immediate, next to that of France, is Great Britain. But it ought to be considered that this Power, looses every Day her Consideration, and runs towards her Ruin. Her Riches in which her Power consisted, she has lost with Us, and never can regain. With Us, she has lost her Mediterranean Trade, her Affrican Trade, her German and Holland Trade, her Ally Portugal, her Ally Russia, and her natural Ally the House of Austria; at least by being unable to protect these as she once did, she can obtain no succour from them. In short, one Branch of Commerce has been lopped off, after another; and one political Interest Sacrificed after another, that she resembles the melancholly Spectacle of a great wide Spreading Tree that has been girdled at the Root. Her Endeavours to regain these Advantages, will continually keep alive in her Breast the most malevolent Passions towards Us. Her Envy, her Jealousy, and Resentment, will never leave Us, while We are, what We must unavoidably be, her Rivals, in the Fisheries, in various other Branches of Commerce, and even in naval Power. If Peace should unhappily be made, leaving Canada, Nova Scotia, the Floridas, or any of them, in her Hands, Jealousies, and Controversies will be perpetually arrising. The Degree therefore of Intercourse, with this Nation, which will ever again take Place, may justly be considered as problematical, or rather the Probability is that it will never be so great as some Persons imagine. Moreover, I think that every Citizen, in the present Circumstances, who respects his Country, and the Engagements she has taken ought to abstain from the Foresight of a Return of Friendship, between Us and the English, and Act as if, it never was to be.
     But it is lawful to consider that which will probably be formed between the Hollanders and Us. The Similitude of Manners, of Religion and in Some Respects of Constitution; the Analogy, between the Means, by which the two Republicks arrived at Independancy; but above all the Attractions of commercial Interests, will infallibly draw them together. This Connection will not probably shew itself, in a public Manner before a Peace, or a near Prospect of Peace. Too many Motives of Fear or Interest place the Hollanders in a Dependance on England, to suffer her to connect herself openly, with Us, at present. Nevertheless, if the King of Prussia could be induced to take Us by the Hand, his great Influence, in the united Provinces, might contribute greatly to conciliate their Friendship for Us. Loans of Money, and the operations of commercial Agents or Societies, will be the first Threads of our Connections with this Power.
     From the Essays, and Inquirys, of your Commissioners at Paris, it appears that Some Money, may be borrowed there; and from the Success of Several Enterprizes by Way of St. Eustatia, it Seems, that the Trade, between the two Countries is likely to increase, and possibly Congress may think it expedient to send a Minister there. If they shall, it will be proper to give him a discretionary Power, to produce his Commission, or not, as he shall find it likely to suceed: to give him full Powers and clear Instructions concerning the Borrowing of Money: and the Man himself, above all, should have consummate Prudence; of a Caution and Discretion that will be Proof, against every Tryal.
     If Congress could find any certain Means, of paying the Interest, annually in Europe, commercial and pecuniary Connections would Strengthen themselves, from day to day: and if the Fall of the Credit of England should terminate in Bankruptcy, the seven united Provinces having nothing further to dissemble, would be zealous for a Part of those rich Benefits which our Commerce offers to the maritime Powers; and by an early Treaty with Us, Secure those Advantages, from which they have already discovered strong symptoms of a Fear of being excluded, by Delays. It is Scarcely necessary to observe to Congress, that Holland has lost her Influence, in Europe to such a Degree, that there is little other Regard for her remaining, but that of a prodigal Heir, for a rich Usurer, who lends him Money, at an high Interest. The State, which is poor, and in Debt, has no political Stability: Their Army is very small, and their Navy less. The immense Riches of Individuals, may possibly be, in some future Time, the great Misfortune of the Nation, because her Means of Defence, are not proportioned to the Temptation which is held out, for some necessitious, avaricious and formidable Neighbour to invade her.
     The active Commerce of Spain, is very inconsiderable: of her passive Commerce, We shall not fail to have a Part. The Vicinity of this Power, her Forces, her Resources, ought to make Us, attentive to her Conduct. But if We may judge of the future by the Past, I should hope, that We have nothing from it, to fear. The Genius and the Interest of the Nation, inclines it to repose. She cannot determine upon War, but in the last Extremity, and even then, she Sighs, for Peace. She is not possessed of the Spirit of Conquest, and We have Reason to congratulate ourselves that We have her, for the nearest, and the principal Neighbour. Her Conduct towards Us, at this Time, will perhaps appear equivocal and indecisive: her Determinations appear to be solely, the Fruit of the Negotiations of the Court of Versailles: But it ought to be considered, that she has not had Motives so pressing, as those of France to take in Hand our Defence. Whether she has an Eye upon the Florida’s, or what other Terms she may expect from Congress, they are, no doubt, better informed than I am. To their Wisdom it must be submitted to give her satisfaction, if her Terms are moderate and her offers, in Proportion. This Conduct, may conciliate her Affection and shorten delays, a Point of great Importance, as the present Moment appears to be decisive.
     Portugal, under the Administration of the Marquis de Pombal, broke Some of the shackles, by which she was held to England. But the Treaty, by which a permanent Friendship, is established, between the Crowns of Spain and Portugal, was made in 1777, an Event that the English deplore, as the greatest Evil, next to the irrecoverable Loss of the Colonies, arising from this War: because they will, now, no longer be able to play off Portugal against Spain, in order to draw away her Attention as well as her Forces, as in former Times. But as Portugal has not known how to deliver herself, entirely from the Influence of England, We shall have little to hope from her: on the other Hand, Such is her internal Weakness, that We have absolutely, nothing to fear. We shall necessarily have Commerce with her, but whether she will ever have the Courage to sacrifice the Friendship of England for the sake of it, is uncertain.
     It would be endless to consider that infinite Number of little sovereignties, into which Germany is divided; and develope all their political Interests: This Task is as much beyond my Knowledge, as it would be useless to Congress, who will have few Relations, friendly, or hostile, with this Country, excepting in two Branches of Commerce, that of Merchandises and that of Soldiers. The latter infamous and detestible as it is, has been established between a Nation, once generous, humane and brave, and certain Princes as avaricious of Money, as they are prodigal of the Blood of their subjects: And such is the Scarcity of Cash, and the Avidity for it, in Germany, and so little are the Rights of Humanity understood or respected, that sellers will probably be found as long as Buyers. America will never be found in either Class.
     The states of Germany, with which We may have Commerce of an honourable Kind, are, the House of Austria; one of the most powerfull in Europe. She possesses, very few Countries, however near the Sea. Ostend is the principal City, where she might have established a Trade of Some Consequence, if the Jealousy of the maritime Powers, had not constantly opposed it. France, Spain, Holland and England, are have been all agreed in this opposition, and the Treaty of Utrecht, ratified more than once by subsequent Treaties, have so shackled this Port, that it will be impossible to open a direct Trade to it, without some new Treaty, which, possibly may not be very distant. England may possibly make a new Treaty with Austria and agree to Priviledges for this Port, in order to draw away Advantages of American Trade from France and Spain, and to such a Treaty Holland may possibly, acquiesce, if not acceed.
     The Port of Triest, enjoys a Liberty, without Limits, and the Court of Vienna is anxious to make its Commerce flourish. Situated however as it is, at the Bottom of the Gulph of Triest, the remotest Part of the Gulph of Venice, tedious and difficult as the Navigation of those seas is, We could make little Use of it, at any Time, and none at all, while this War continues. This Court would seize with Eagerness, the Advantages that are presented to her by the Independance of America, but an Interest more powerfull restrains her, and altho She is certainly attentive to this Revolution, there is Reason to believe she will be one of the last Powers to acknowledge our Independance. She is so far from being rich that she is destitute of the Means of making War, without subsidies as is proved by the Peace which has lately been made. She has Occasion for the Succours of France or of England, to put in Motion her numerous Armies. She conceives easily, that the Loss of Resources and of Credit of the English, has dissabled them to pay the enormous subsidies, which in former Times they have poured out into the Austrian Coffers. She sees therefore, with a Secret Mortification, that she shall be hereafter more at the Mercy of France, who may choose her Ally, and prefer at her Pleasure, either Austria or Prussia, while neither Vienna nor Berlin, will be able, as in Times past, to choose between Paris and London, Since the latter has lost her past oppulence and pecuniary Ressources.
     It is our Duty to remark these great Changes in the system of Mankind which have already happened in Consequence of the American War. The Allienation of Portugal from England, the Peace of Germany and that between Petersbourg and Constantinople, by all which Events England has lost and France gained Such a superiority of Influence and Power, are owing entirely to the blind Diversion of that Policy and Wealth which the English might have still enjoyed, from the Objects of their true Interest and Honour to the ruinous American War.
     The Court of Berlin, flatters herself, that the Connections, which have heretofore so long united France and Prussia, will renew themselves sooner or later. This system is more natural, than that which subsists at this Day. The King of Prussia, may then wait without Anxiety, the Consequences of the present Revolution, because it tends to increase the Ressources of his natural Ally. The jealousy between the Emperor and the King of Prussia, and that between the Houses of Bourbon and Austria, are a natural Tye between France and Prussia. The Rivalry between France and Great Britain, is another Motive too natural and too permanent for the former to suffer the King of Prussia to be long the Ally of the latter. One of the favourite Projects of Prussia, that of rendering the Port of Embden a Place of flourishing Trade, interests him more powerfully in our Independance. Silesia, one of his best Provinces, has already felt the Influence of it, and, sensible of the Force that Empires derive from Commerce, he is earnestly desirous to see it introduced between America and his states, which gives ground to believe, that as Austria will be one of the last, so Prussia, will be one of the first to acknowledge our Independance, an Opinion, which is rendered more probable, by the Answer which was given by the Compte De Schulemberg, to Mr. A. Lee. And the Influence of the King of Prussia in the United Provinces, which is greater than that of any other Power, arising from his great military Force, the Vicinity of his Dominion and his near Relation to the stadholder, and the Prince of Brunswick, is an additional Motive with Us to cultivate his Friendship.
     The Electorate of Saxony, with a fruitful soil, contains a numerous and industrious People, and most of the Commerce, between the East and West of Europe passes through it. The Fairs of Leipzic, have drawn considerable Advantages for these four Years from our Trade. This Power will see with Pleasure, the Moment which shall put the last Hand to our Independance.
     The Rest of Germany, excepting Hamborough and Bremen, has no Means of opening a direct Commerce with Us. With the latter, We can have no Connection at present, in the former all the maritime Commerce of the lower Germany, is transacted. Here We shall have Occasion soon to establish an Agent or Consul.
     Poland, depopulated by War, and a vicious Government, reduced by a shamefull Treaty to two thirds of her ancient Dominion; destitute of Industry and Manufactures, even of the first Necessity; has no Occasion for the Productions of America. Dantzic sees her ancient Prosperity diminish every day. There is therefore little Probability of Commerce, and less of any political Connection between that Nation and Us.
     Russia, Sweeden and Denmark, comprehended under the Denomination of the Northern Powers, have been thought by some to be interested in our Return to the Domination of Great Britain. Whether they consider themselves in this Light or not, their late Declarations against the Right of England to interrupt their Navigation, and their Arming for the Protection of their Commerce, on the Ocean and even in the English Channel, are unequivocal Proofs of their Opinion concerning the Right, in our Contest, and of their Intentions not to interfere against Us. It is very true that the Objects of Commerce, which they produce, are in many Respects the Same, with those of America, yet if We consider that We shall have Occasion to purchase from them large Quantities of Hemp and Sail Cloth, and that our Productions of Timber, Pitch, Tar and Turpentine, are less profitable with Us, without Bounties, than some other Branches of Labour, it is not probable that We shall lower the Price of these Articles, in Europe so much as some Conjecture, and consequently our increased Demand upon those Countries for several Articles will be more than a Compensation to them, for the small Loss they may sustain, by a trifling Reduction in the Price of those Articles. It is not probable that the Courts of Petersbourg Stockholm and Copenhagen, have viewed with perfect Indifference the present Revolution. Yet If they have been apprehensive of being hurt by it in some Respects, which however I think must have been a Mistaken Apprehension, Yet the Motive of humbling the Pride of the English, who have endeavoured to exercise their Domination even over the northern Seas, and to render the Sweedish and Danish Flagg, dependant on theirs, has prevailed over all others, and they are considered in Europe, as having given their Testimony against the English in this War.
     Italy, a Country which declines every day, from its ancient Prosperity offers few Objects to our Speculations. The Priviledges of the Port of Leghorn, nevertheless, may render it usefull to our ships, when our Independance shall be acknowledged by Great Britain. If We once flattered ourselves, that the Court of Vienna might receive an American Minister, We were equally in Error respecting the Court of the Grand Duchy of Tuscany, where an Austrian Prince reigns, who receives all his Directions from Vienna in such a manner, that he will probably never receive any Person in a public Character, untill the Chief of his House, shall have set him the Example.
     The King of the two Sicilies, is in the Same Dependance on the Court of Madrid, and We may depend upon it, he will conform himself to all that she shall suggest to him. This Prince has already ordered the Ports of his Dominions to be open to American Vessells public and private, and has ordered his Ambassador at Paris to apply to your Commissioners for a Description of the American Flagg, that our Vessells might be known and receive no Molestation, upon their Appearance, in his Harbours.

     The Court of Rome, attached to ancient Customs, will be one of the last to acknowledge our Independance, if We were to solicit for it. But Congress will probably never send a Minister to his Holiness who can do them no service, upon Condition of receiving a Catholic Legate or Nuncio in Return, or in other Words an ecclesiastical Tyrant, which it is to be hoped the united States will be too wise ever to admit into their Territories.
     The States of the King of Sardinia, are poor and their Commerce is very small. The little Port of Villa Franca, will probably See few American Vessells, nor will there be any close Relations either commercial or political between this Prince and Us.
     The Republic of Genoa, is Scarcely known at this Day, in Europe but by those Powers, who borrow Money. It is possible that some Small Sums might be obtained here, if Congress could fall upon Means of insuring a punctual Payment of Interest in Europe.
     Venice heretofore so powerfull, is reduced to a very inconsiderable Commerce, and is in an entire state of Decay.
     Switzerland is another Lender of Money, but neither her Position nor her Commerce, can Occasion any near Relation with Us.
     Whether there is any Thing in these Remarks, worth the Trouble of reading them, I shall submit to the Wisdom of Congress, and subscribe my self with the highest Consideration, Your most obedient and most humble servant.

      John Adams


Title: To John Adams from the Chevalier de La Luzerne and François Barbé-Marbois, 7 August 1779
From: La Luzerne, Anne César, Chevalier de,French Minister to the U.S.,Barbé-Marbois, François de
To: Adams, John

        7. aout 1779

      Le Chevalier de la Luzerne et m. de marbois sont bien sensibles au souvenir de Monsieur Adams et ont appris avec bien de plaisir que son indisposition n’avait point eu de suites.
      Le Docteur Cooper ne prechera point aujourd’hui: M. le Chevalier de la Luzerne espere avoir une autre occasion de l’entendre.
      M. de marbois a pris des arrangemens avec M. Cushin pour assister aujourd’hui à un autre sermon.
      Nous esperons avoir l’honneur de voir aujourd’hui Monsieur Adams ou chez lui ou sur la Fregatte ou nous allons diner.


Title: Chevalier de La Luzerne to John Adams: A Translation, 7 August 1779
From: La Luzerne, Anne César, Chevalier de,French Minister to the U.S.,Barbé-Marbois, François de
To: Adams, John

        7 August 1779

      The Chevalier de la Luzerne and M. Marbois are very moved by the remembrance from Mr. Adams and learned with a great deal of pleasure that his indisposition has had no serious consequences.
      Dr. Cooper will not preach today: M. le Chevalier de la Luzerne hopes to have another opportunity to hear him.
      M. de Marbois has made arrangements with M. Cushing to attend another sermon today.
      We hope to have the honor of seeing Mr. Adams today either at his home or on board the frigate where we shall dine.


Title: John Adams’ Credentials to the Massachusetts Constitutional Convention, 10 August 1779
From: Braintree, town of,Thayer, Ebenezer Jr.
To:

      Braintree Augst. 10th, 1779

     The Inhabitants of the Town of Braintree, being Legally Assembled on the Ninth day of August instant, pursuant to Legall Warrants, made choice of the Honble. John Adams Esqr. to Represent them in a State Convention, appointed to be convened and held at Cambridge on the first day of September next, for the purpose of Framing a New Constitution.

      Attest Ebenr. Thayer junr Town Clerk


Title: From John Adams to James Lovell, 13 August 1779
From: Adams, John
To: Lovell, James

      My dear Sir
      Braintree August 13 1779

     Since I have had Opportunity to converse, a little in this Country, and to read a few Gazettes, I find that Questions have been agitated here in the Newspapers, and in private Circles, as well as in Congress, concerning his Excellency the Comte De Vergennes and Mr. A. Lee which seem to make it necessary, that I should Send the inclosed Copies. You can judge better than I, whether it will be of any public Utility to lay them before Congress. My first Letter and his Excellencys Answer, I can see no Objection to laying before Congress: But as the rest contain little besides mutual Compliments, perhaps it will be as well to conceal them. I submit the whole, however, to your Discretion, and am with much Esteem, your Friend

      John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Rush, 19 August 1779
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

      My Dear sir
      Philada. Augt 19. 1779

     The same Opinion of your Abilities and Zeal for our country which made me rejoice in your accepting of an embassy to France, leads me to rejoice with most of your countrymen in your Safe return to your native Shores. I am sure you cannot be idle nor unconcerned ’till the Vessel in which our All is embarked is safely moored. We stand in greater Need than ever of men of your principles. You may be much more useful here than you could have been in the cabinet of Lewis 16th. I reprobate the time and manner in which you were recalled. But I have seen — and felt too much of the indelicacy of the Congress to their faithful Servants to be surprised at their behaviour to you. It is to be hoped that All is for the best. And that all will end well.
     I beg leave now to Acknowledge the receipt of two letters from you, the One just before you sailed from Boston and the Other dated at Passy in France. The last contained intelligence of an interesting nature which I published, and which the conduct of the Court of Britain has proved to be true. I was not unmindful of you in your Absence— But had the misfortune of hearing that a very long and particular letter which I wrote to you last winter was thrown into the Sea to prevent its falling into the hands of the enemy. I would have wrote a second and a third time, but knowing Something of the cabals of Congress respecting their commissioners, I was afraid my letters would have reached Paris while you were on your passage to America.
     I congratulate you upon the present favourable complexion of our Affairs both in Europe and in this Country. Divine providence has saved us in Spite of all that we have done to ruin Ourselves. It would require a Volume to give a history of the political proceedings within and out of doors last winter in our city. The Continental money is now breathing its last among us. Our committees have added their illegal and unconstitutional Violence to the ignorance and negligence of the Congress in order to destroy it. Nine tenths of our Contracts now are in gold and silver—Sterling money — or the produce of the Country. The laws of the state prohibiting the circulation of hard money are as much trambled on as the regulations of our committees.

     With best compts. to Mrs. Adams I am my Dear sir your sincere and Affectionate friend

      Benjn. Rush


Title: To John Adams from Horatio Gates, 20 August 1779
From: Gates, Horatio
To: Adams, John

      Sir
      Providence,August 20th 1779

     Had I not expected you here before this Time, on your Way to Philadelphia, where I conceived your safe and speedy Arrival must be anxiously wished for by all Patriots, you would, long since, have received a congratulatory Letter from me. It would have been congratulatory indeed; for, whatever Station you maybe in, I firmly believe, Sir, you will prove eminently useful to your Country. Your Return will render abortive many Machinations against her.
     I stand indebted to your Kindness for the Receipt of a very sensible Letter, signed Jean Clement, dated Paris the 2nd of June last, the Writer of which informs me that, should I not recollect his Hand-writing, you will explain the Particulars. I should be glad to know from you, whether Counsellor Edmund Jennings, of Maryland, be the Writer.
     Believe, Dear Sir, that it will be a singular Happiness to me, if ever I can give you Proofs of the affectionate Respect of Your most obedient humble Servant

      Horatio Gates


Title: To John Adams from James Lovell, 20 August 1779
From: Lovell, James
To: Adams, John

      Dear, respected Sir
      Philada. Augst. 20th. 1779

     I am to acknowledge the Receipt of your Favors of Decr. 19, Feb. 19 and Feb. 20 the 1st. on the 16th, the two latter yesterday by Mr. Partridge. I ought also to profess myself obliged by your long Letter this day read in Congress dated at Braintree.
     I am quite pleased with finding I had formed a just Opinion of the several Character mentioned in these your Letters to me; And should have readily consented to more than seperating the joint Officers, if any Thing would have answered the Purpose of some here but a downright disgracing of them.
     By Conversation with Mr. S. A. my Scrawls to Portia and a Resolve or two lately sent her you will find the Stage we are at respecting the Business which has caused you Uneasiness while abroad.
     Mr. D—— is discharged from further Attendance, here; and has an Allowance for the Time he has been disgracing us and betraying us to disgrace ourselves. But he is not yet done. He expects to be paid for going again to France after his Papers and for the Time necessary to settlement of his Accounts. That Business relative to you mentioned in one of your public Letters read Today is referred to the Treasury. Be assured you have not an Enemy amongst us; but whether you will hear properly from this quarter hangs on Tomorrow or the next day or the next, &c.
     Though my Heart would be more at Ease if you was in Europe than it is at Present in regard to probable Negociations; yet, I must, in a decided Case, congratulate you on your safe Arrival among your Relations. I presume your little Secretary is with you; and I hope he is in Health, with the whole Circle of your beloved ones.
     The Bearer is 24 Hours earlier upon me than I expected; so that I take up my Pen only that he may not go without a visible Assurance of being with a continued sincere Esteem Sir, your obliged Friend and humble Servant

      Jas. Lovell


Title: To John Adams from Elbridge Gerry, 24 August 1779
From: Gerry, Elbridge
To: Adams, John

      My dear Friend
      Philadelphia August 24. 1779

     I have only Time by this Days post to express the pleasure I feel on the News of your safe Arrival to your Family and Friends, and the prospect of an agreable and early Interveiw with You. The Letters to me which You mention in your’s to Mr. Lovell never came to Hand, or I should certainly have acknowledged the Receipt of them; altho I have been under the Necessity of giving up my most agreable Correspondents. I am much informed by your sensible Letter to Congress, which has been justly admired as an accurate History of the Relations, Inclinations, Interests, and Dependencies, of the several Powers of Europe; and I fully agree with You in your private History of Men and Things. Many of our Friends, by a Discovery of their personal Attachments and other impolitic Measures, must now be sensible that they have in great Measure defeated their honorable Intentions of supporting patriotism and Integrity, and developing Conduct which from present appearances, is disgraceful to our Country and the Cause in which We are engaged: but not approving their policy, I presume that I must not expect their Confidence. Your Letter relative to Expences is referred to the Board of Treasury, and will be answered by the next post. Pray make my Compliments to Mrs. Adams, and inform me what she will say, if I should again think it my Duty to promote your Appointment to an Embassy in Europe; she cannot justly impute it to the Want of tender Feelings, which married Ladies will rarely allow to Batchelors, When she is truly informed of my Impatience to join your sacred order. However I shall never wish to see any of my Friends in important offices under Congress untill they have adopted a Resolution, that no Member person shall be appointed to any office of profit of the united States, during the Time of or within twelve Months after his being a Member of Congress. I remain sir in Haste with the sincerest Esteem your Friend and very huml. sert.

      E Gerry


Title: To John Adams from James Lovell, 24 August 1779
From: Lovell, James
To: Adams, John

      Dear Sir

       Aug. 24th. 1779

     I am much chagrined at not having a Line about you by last Post. I did not expect one from you. You are so sick of Party abroad that you would not venture to have any thing to do with Individualities, here. Every Line that I read from France, like as yours have done, confirms me in an Approbation of the part I have taken all along through the contests of many months back relative to our Commissioners at foreign Courts. We have now in our different Committees Vouchers sufficient to prove that Mr. A Lee has been greatly abused——greatly provoked——and, in that Predicament, has conducted so as to give his Enemies an Advantage in some points. I hope his Brothers, who are both now out of Congress, will publish several peices, which have lately passed through my Hands; particularly a Letter to Carter Braxton being strictures upon one of his intercepted at Sea.
     I send you three Gazettes which I beg you will inclose to A L, with or without a Letter as you please. The Navy Board will forward them by the Vessels which go from Boston. It will be a Satisfaction to him to see that the Falsehood and Malice of the Address of Decr. 5–78; is appearing more and more daily here.
     Mr. D——, by a late Application to have his Pay during a Return to France and settlement of our Business which he was forced to leave by our Order of Decr. 8–77, in a very loose condition, has put us upon a fair occasion of doing Justice to ourselves for the Abuses which he has gone into of our over Lenity months ago. I will send you the little foolish part of the vexatious Report of the Committee of 13 which related to you. It will show the Spirit of that Committee as well as Izards overheat.
     I am persuaded that Watchmen of Integrity are necessary for us abroad; but I would not chuse to emplyJealousy or Suspicion for such Ends; they never see truly all round. I am in hope that a Treaty of Alliance will shortly be formed with Spain, and I am sure that then Mr. L will think he can resign with honor. He would now appear to do it thro fear or thro pet.

      Yr. affectionate humble Servant
      James Lovell


Title: From John Adams to Elbridge Gerry?, 27 August 1779
From: Adams, John
To: Gerry, Elbridge

      My dear Sir
      Braintree August 27th. 1779

     I have written, many Times to you, Since I left you, but have never received one Line, except that which accompanied my Commission, which I received at the Same Time.
     Are you of the Board of Treasury Still? If you are, I believe I must transmit to you my Accounts and Vouchers, and beg the favour of you to get them passed. I wish to have this Affair off my Mind, which will then be at Ease. If there is a Ballance due to me, I have abandoned my Family and Affairs, so long that I have Occasion enough for it. If the Ballance is due from me, I must pay it, if able, if not I must borrow it.
     This will go, I Suppose by the new Plenipo. or the new secretary, who are good Sort of Men. You will be pleased I fancy with their Conversation. They are Sensible Folk, and of Rank.
     I am about to assist in the Formation of a new Constitution—a Subject which has been, out of my Head, so long, that I have forgotten, most of the Reflections I ever had about it. Cant you give Us, a few Hints? Your Children, are to have the Benefit of the good, and the Injury of the Evil, that may be in it, as well as mine. You are therefore as much bound as I, to help lay the foundation stones, because you have, or ought to have, as many Children as I.
     Seems to me, you wise folks, have managed foreign Affairs, some what curiously, but deep and humble Submission, becomes Us foolish ones.
     Dont you intend to Appoint a secretary to the new Commission at Versailles? Dont you intend to appoint Consuls, or a Consull to manage, maritime and commercial Affairs? If you dont there will be, more Trouble for you, e’er long.


Title: To John Adams from James Lovell, 31 August 1779
From: Lovell, James
To: Adams, John

      Dear Sir

       31st. of Aug. 1779

     I yesterday received yours of May 14 from L’Orient and Aug. 13th. from Braintree with several valuable Papers. I hope to be able to write shortly to you on those Topics which are the Subject of your Correspondence with de Vergennes. At present, as I have been for several days past, I am engaged in a severe wrestling Match with a Chap who has laid many on their Backs here lately. He is known in the Country you have just arrived from by the name of Trépas. I must own he appears to gain upon me particularly Today, tho I follow the advice of Sr. Jas. Jay and two other Gentlemen my Colleague Holten and Mr. Peabody of New Hampshire. I give none of this History to my Family. And I desire you will use it only as an apology to you for saying no more now.

      James Lovell

      I now send Papers which in my last I desired you to forward to A L.


Title: To John Adams from Samuel Chase, 3 September 1779
From: Chase, Samuel
To: Adams, John

      Dear Sir
      Annapolis. Septr. 3rd. 1779

     I most cordially congratulate You on Your safe Arrival to your Country, Family and Friends. I was honoured with a letter from You last Winter, which I should have answered, but what was worthy of your Notice or conveying Information could not with Prudence be intrusted to Paper without a Cypher. Our political Climate has been greatly changed since I had the Pleasure of Seeing You last in Philadelphia. The Spirit of Discord and Faction has gone forth. Intrigue and Cabal has found a Way into our Great-Council-Fire. If I should meet You at Philadelphia, I may be more explicit; in the mean Time if I can render You any Services be pleased to lay your Commands. I shall only add that each Party will endeavor to join You to their Interest. I think your Honor and Character will be more safe, by rejecting both. I doubt not You will excuse this free but sincere advice. I am encouraged to this freedom from your kind and friendly letter from Paris.
     A Sloop called the Porpas is arrived at this City from Amsterdam. Tho’ embarked in the Commercial World, I have no other Connection with the Owners, than Friendship. I perceive there are a Number of Crates of Earthen and Stone Ware (I beleive 25) shipped to You. If You incline to dispose of them here, I wish You would give Me the preference of the Purchase. I will give You as much as any one. The highest price given here for European Goods, a sorted Cargo, was 70 for 1—that is 70£/ Conti: for what cost 1£/ Sterling. I presume Articles so liable to break, would not bring or be worth so much as Cloths, Linen &c. &c.
     If You will let Me know what price You will take, I will pay You in Philadelphia, or I will procure a Draft on Boston. You will inclose your order for Delivery, if I elect to take them at your Price. If You should not chuse to sell them here, I shall be glad to render You any Services respecting the Conveyance of them where You may please to order them. By our Laws the purchaser from You can retail them at no more than 30 per Cent.
     I beg to be remembered to Mr. Hancock and my other Friends in Boston.
     Accept my best Wishes for your Health and Happiness, and beleive Me to be Dear Sir, Your Affectionate and Obedient Servant

      Saml. Chase


Title: To John Adams from Henry Knox, 4 September 1779
From: Knox, Henry
To: Adams, John

      Dear Sir
      West Point Hudsons River 4h Sept 1779

     To the numerous congratulations which you have received on your safe arrival in America, permit me to add my tribute, and to felicitate you on your safe return to your Family, friends and Country, and event which I am certain gives you true pleasure and happiness, whatever motives produc’d it, Whether Faction, Ambition, or—as I am a very bad Statesman—true policy in order to procure proper information of the politics of Europe.
     Thank Heaven and the ability and Industry of some-body The State of Europe appears to be such as will in proper time effectually confirm That Peace, Liberty and Safety which America has been so long sighing for.
     If it is your design to pass through Camp to Congress I pray you to make me so happy as to take up your residence with me for the time you shall be in Camp.

      I am Dear sir with great Respect and Affection Your Humble Servt.
      H Knox


Title: To John Adams from the President of the Congress, 7 September 1779
From: President of Congress,Jay, John
To: Adams, John

      Sir
      Philadelphia 7th. Septr. 1779

     On the 20th. August last I had the Pleasure of recieving and communicating to Congress your Favors of the 3d. and 4th. of that month. Be pleased to accept my Congratulations on your safe Return to your Family and Country. Yours of the 27 Feby. and 1st. March last came to Hand about ten Days ago. An Expectation of having Commands from Congress to transmit, induced me to delay writing ’till now.
     I have the Honor to be Sir with great Respect & Esteem Your most obedient and h’ble Servant

      John Jay


Title: From John Adams to Jonas Belton, 10 September 1779
From: Adams, John
To: Belton, Jonas

      Sir
      Braintree Septr. 10. 1779

     I have received your Letter of the 14 of August, and have the Pleasure in Answer to it, to inform you, that I Saw your son, Several Times in France, and in particular, Some time in the Month of February, or Beginning of March last, at Dr. Franklins House, consulting with him about Some of his Philosophical or mechanical Inventions or Projections. He was in good Health. I thank you, Sir, for your complaisant Congratulations, on my Return to my native Country, and am &c.


Title: From John Adams to Elbridge Gerry, 10 September 1779
From: Adams, John
To: Gerry, Elbridge

      My dear Friend
      Braintree September 10. 1779

     I received by last Post your obliging Letter of 24 of August. The sight of your Hand Writing, gave me more Pleasure than you are aware. I would send you Copies of my Letters to you, if they were not out of Date at this Time. Thank you for your Compliment on my Letter to Congress. It is a long dull story; but I think Several Things appear from it, that are of great Importance. It appears that the general Arrangement of Interests and Designs in Europe, is more favourable for Us, than even the most Sanguine of Us could have expected. That We have no Reason to fear that England will be able to form one Alliance against Us. That if she should, that one will be the House of Austria, notwithstanding there is an excellent Austrian Princess on the Throne of France, in which Case Prussia and Russia too, would join France and Us. That Prussia and Holland should be cultivated, and what perhaps is of as much Importance as all the rest, it appears from it that France has already derived the most solid and essential Advantages from our Seperation from G. Britain, and Alliance with her; that she will continue to desire still greater Benefits, and therefore, that We may rely on her Friendship, without Sacrificing any essential Right or Interest, from a servile Complaisance to her, much less to the low Intrigues of a few Hucksters.
     I have done your Message to Portia: she desires me to tell you that there is great Encouragement to undertake Embassies to Europe—and that she is very happy to hear of so certain a Sign of Grace, as your Impatience to join, our Sacred Order.
     Your Resolution, that no Person shall be appointed to any office within twelve Months of his being a Member of Congress may be too much. I should rather prefer a Resolution, never to appoint any Man abroad that they do not personally know. Yet I think that Resolutions so universal, had better be avoided in either Case.
     You have Several very great Men, by all Relation, who have joined you, since I left you. No doubt they are thought Superiour to others who have gone before them. If they are both in Abilities and Virtues I wish them success.
     I have a great Desire to see the Journals, at before and after my appointment to go to France—and all the Journals. I should be greatly obliged to you for them. I should also be very happy to be informed by what Majority I was chosen and who was for and against and who else in Nomination. I never heard, a Word on the subject, and have very particular Reasons for enquiring. Pray dont forget again to write to your old and sincere Friend

      John Adams

      Thank you for voting me clear of Suspicions &c. dishonourable to the states. I have a Bone to pick with Adams and Lovel for their Votes on that Occasion.


Title: From John Adams to Henry Marchant, 10 September 1779
From: Adams, John
To: Marchant, Henry

      My dear Sir
      Braintree Septr. 10. 1779

     A few Days before I Sailed from America, I had the Pleasure of a Letter from you, on the subject of a Law for Confiscations, but my Engagements in a new Scaene of Adventures, made it impossible to attend to the subject, or answer the Letter. And Since, my Peregrination, not having received any Letters from you, and being occupied in a manner you may well imagine, I have not I confess done my Duty to you.
     I believe the Scaene of Affairs you have been in, has been as disagreable as mine. I fancy We both deserve Commisseration, and shall have it—from Posterity, and from those of the present Generation, who may be in Similar Circumstances, if any such there can be. Yet I confess I am of old Dr. Cutlers Mind “I hate to be pitied.”
     I had the inexpressible Pleasure, of finding on my Arrival my own Family and all my Connections in perfect Health—a fine Season, which promised Abundance of every Necessary for the People; our military and political Affairs in a much better Condition than I expected, and infinitely less of Discontent and ill Humour, among all Sorts of People than I left when I went away.
     I joyfully congratulate you on the fair Prospect of Affairs, that lies all around Us, except the affair of our Currency. But as this neither kills nor Wounds, nor starves any body, I do not suffer it to darken the scaene very much. We shall blunder along through, with tolerable Comfort, I think, the remainder of the Voyage.
     Our maritime Power, has become an astonishing Thing. The Destruction of Thirty Eight Vessells at Penobscott is scarcely felt, and near 30 Privateers I am told have sailed since the Embargo. Wonders have been done this Year and greater will be done next. Poor Britania! I feel that kind of Compassion for thee, that I have sometimes felt, for an habitual Drunkard, who knew that he was ruining soul, Body and Estate, yet could not resolve to keep the Cup from his Lips.
     I took my Pen, only to pay my Respects to you; to ask your further Correspondence and to assure you that I am your Frid & sert

      John Adams


Title: From John Adams to the President of the Congress, 10 September 1779
From: Adams, John
To: President of Congress,Jay, John

      Sir
      Braintree September 10. 1779

     Looking over the printed Journals of Congress of the fifteenth day of last April, I find in the Report of the Committee, appointed to take into Consideration the foreign Affairs of these united States, and also the Conduct of the late and present Commissioners of these States; the two following Articles.
     “1. That it appears to them that Dr. Franklin, is Plenipotentiary, for these States at the Court of France, Dr. A. Lee Commissioner for the Court of Spain, Mr. William Lee Commissioner for the Courts of Vienna and Berlin, Mr. Ralph Izard Commissioner for the Court of Tuscany: that Mr. J. Adams was appointed one of the Commissioners at the Court of France in the Place of Mr. Deane, who had been appointed a joint Commissioner with Dr. Franklin and Dr. A. Lee, but that the Said Commission of Mr. Adams is Superseeded by the Plenipotentiary Commission to Dr. Franklin.
     “3d. That in the Course of their Examination and Enquiry, they find many Complaints against the Said Commissioners, and the political and commercial Agency of Mr. Deane which Complaints, with the Evidence in Support thereof are herewith delivered, and to which the Committee beg Leave to refer.”
     The Word “Said” in the third Article refers to the Commissioners mentioned in the first, and as my Name, is among them, I learn from hence, that there were Some Complaints against me, and that the Evidence in Support of them was delivered in to Congress by the Committee.
     I therefore pray, that I may be favoured with Copies of those Complaints and Evidences, and the Names of my Accusers and the Witnesses against me, that I may take such Measures, as may be in my Power to justify myself to Congress. I have the Honour to be with great Respect, Sir your most obedient and most humble servant

      John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Daniel Roberdeau, 10 September 1779
From: Adams, John
To: Roberdeau, Daniel

      My dear Friend
      Braintree Septr. 10. 1779

     I have not the less Affection for you, not the less pleasing Remembrance of the social Hours at York Town, for not having written since my Departure. Whatever may be thought of it, I have been very busy, and about such Objects and in such scaenes, as left me no Heart to write, except upon necessary Business. If you have ever suspected that I have not thought of you often enough, you have no greater Complaint against me than my Wife and Children, and as I have been so happy as to make this matter up with them, I dont despair of succeeding with you. How does Mrs. Clymer and Miss Betsy, your son and Daughters. These I suppose are grown beyond my Knowledge. I am sure my own Children are in a manner. I shall see them all I hope some time or other. But whether I do or not I wish them all the Prosperity, that you can reasonably desire for them. My affectionate Respects to them all.
     But above all I wish you Joy of your happy Marriage, since I left you and desire you would present my best Respects to Mrs. Roberdeau.
     These pleasing Family scaenes make me forget, the turbulent political ones in which, We have both been tossed. I think however that the worst is past, and this is a Consolation for all.
     As you Speak French, so well, you will of Course have much Conversation with the Chevalier de La Luzerne and Mr. Marbois. I should be obliged to you, if you will present my Compliments to them. If I am not much deceived you will find them worthy of their Places, and of particular Respect. They will neither propagate Irreligion nor Immorality, nor Corruption, nor Servility nor bad Policy—unless they should be changed.

      I am with great Esteem and Respect, sir your Frd & most obedient sert


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 10 September 1779
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

      My dear Friend
      Braintree Septr. 10 1779

     I am indebted to you, for more Letters than I can repay at present. But declaring myself a Bankrupt, You must except of a few shillings in the Pound. Indeed I suspect the Debt is greater than I know of. I saw in the Courier de L’Europe, Part of a Letter from you to Dr. Dubourg, which was intercepted, in which you refer him to me for a long Letter you wrote me upon our military affairs &c. But this Letter nor any other from you never reached me in France.
     I was sensibly afflicted at this Loss, for there are no Letters, I prize more than yours, because none are to me more instructive, and in Europe I was terribly tormented for Want of Information from this Country.
     How goes on your Government? When I arrived I found the Massachusetts, in Sober Earnest, endeavouring at last to frame a Constitution. The People have done themselves Honour in chosing a great Number of the most respectable Men, into the Convention, and there has been hitherto great Harmony among them. My native Town of Braintree did me the Honour to choose me, into this society of Worthies, upon my first Arrival, and although I foresee I shall have a laborious Piece of Business of it; yet I am much pleased with the Opportunity of having a share in this great Work. Yet it is impossible for Us to acquire any Honour, as so many fine Examples have been so recently set Us; altho We shall deserve some degree of Disgrace if We fall much short of them. It will not be easy to please this People: But I hope We shall succeed—if We do not, I dont know what will be the Consequence.
     We must send to Europe, or to the other states for what I know for a set of Legislators. My best Respects to your agreable Family, and all our Friends in Philadelphia, and believe me your Frid & sert.


Title: From John Adams to Elbridge Gerry, 11 September 1779
From: Adams, John
To: Gerry, Elbridge

      Dear Sir
      Braintree Septr. 11. 1779

     Early last Fall, in Conversation with Several Gentlemen, who are acquainted with Ministers of State, I laboured to convince them of the Policy and Necessity of sending Strong Reinforcements to the Compte D’Estaing. Mr. Chaumont particularly, coming into my Chamber, one Morning in his Way to Versailles, I begged him to mention it to the Compte De Vergennes, and Mr. De Sartine and endeavoured to possess him with my Reasons. On his Return he told me he had done it, and that they had hearkened to him attentively. About the same Time I had a long Conversation with Mr. Garnier, late secretary to the French Embassy in England, who told me soon afterwards that he had been to Versailles on Purpose to represent my Reasoning to the Ministry and that they had heard him, with Pleasure. Soon afterwards I met Mr. Genet, who is the first Comis of the Office of foreign Affairs, at Mr. Izards. I began a Conversation with him, upon the same subject, and entered into the Reasons at large. Both these Gentlemen, I mean Genet and Izard appeared pleased with the Conversation. A few days afterwards I had a Letter from Genet, in which he informed me, that he had been impressed upon Reflection on what I had said to him, with such a sense of its Importance, that he had waited on Mr. De Sartine, and the Compte De Vergennes, the next Morning to propose it to them, that he had been very patiently heard by them, and desired to state his Reasons in Writing, in order to which he desired my Assistance. Upon considering the matter, I thought, that if I should enter into a Correspondence with a Comis, upon this subject alone, instead of proposing it, to my Colleagues, and joining with them, it would not have so much Weight, at Court; it would excite Jealousies in my Colleagues, and be against the Maxim by which I had invariably conducted My self, to do nothing with out consulting them.
     Instead therefore of answering Genets Letter, I applied my self to get my Colleagues to join me, in a direct Application to Court. I proposed it to them. Mr. Lee entered into it with Zeal, Dr. F. with Moderation. I desired Mr. Lee to draw up, a Letter. He did, it was a very handsome one, but short. I told him I thought We had better be more particular, in our Reasons. He agreed, and desired me to attempt a Draught. I took a Time, and wrote a Treatise, which I shewed my Colleagues. They said that the Observations were very well, but too long for a Minister of State to read. I thought so too, and desired Dr. F. to take the Letter Book as he had an happy faculty of Writing shortly and clearly, and make a Draught. He took the Book, and after some short time, returned it with a few Corrections to my Treatise, saying that upon reading it again he thought it would do very well, and that it was not worth while to make a new Draught. However I thought the Length of it, would weaken it, and it was too hastily and incorrectly written. I therefore undertook to make a new Draught, Copy of which I send you. It was agreed to by my Colleagues, signed by all three of Us, sent to Court, and answered by the Compte De Vergennes, that it contained Matters of great Importance, and should be considered in due time.
     Whether these Negotiations had any Influence at Court, I cant say, but it is certain that the Compte De Grass, was sent in December, with one Reinforcement to the Compte D’Estaing, and Mr. De la Motte Piquet, in the spring with another, besides some other scattering ships, and if the Compte D’Estaing is now upon this Coast, this fact may be another Commentary on the Letter.
     On the first Arrival of the Marquis De la Fayette in Paris, I made him a Visit and finding him alone, had two Hours Conversation with him, in which I entered into all these Things, and had the Pleasure to find him well acquainted with our Affairs, and heartily disposed to serve Us. He told me, he would represent every one, of my Arguments as from himself to the Ministry, which was what I desired, because I knew that his Character was so high and he was so beloved at Court, that he would be always there, and constantly in Conversation on our affairs. The next Morning however, fearing he might forget, or not be perfectly possessed of my Meaning, I wrote him the Letter, Copy of which is inclosed, which he has since told me in Conversation he approved in every Part, and would represent at Court, and by his answer to my Letter, a little before I sailed, he told me, he had been constantly representing and had in some Measure succeeded.
     I send these Things to you in Confidence—you will not expose me. I would not appear to arrogate to my self what belongs to others, nor would I wish to be thought by you and my other Friends to have been idle and Useless. As to being idle the public Letter Book, which is almost all in my Hand Writing, will sufficiently shew that I was not so.
     You can have no adequate Idea of the Difficulty We had in doing Business, while We acted together. But although it was become necessary to appoint one Minister alone at that Court, it is still necessary to go farther, to appoint a secretary to the Commission, and to give the Management of all maritime and commercial Affairs to a Consul, to reside at Nantes. There is a Gentleman in Paris, whose Name I will venture to mention to you, Edmund Jennings Esqr., Councillor at Law of Maryland. This Gentleman appears to me, to have Such Abilities, such extensive Knowledge, and so much Candor and Moderation, that I cannot but think he would be very usefull as secretary to the Commission. And I would fain hope he would accept it. He is not upon bad Terms with F. nor too much an Idolater of him, which is exactly the Character that a Secretary to the Commission ought to have, in Relation to the Minister. There are Gentlemen in Congress who know him. Mr. D’s Wish is to have Dr. Bancroft made Secretary. If this should happen, America ought to retire and weep. F’s Desire, no doubt would be to have his Grandson, but he is too young and too nearly connected. I rely upon your Discretion to make Use of this Letter only for the public Good, and am with great Affection your Frd

      John Adams


Title: From John Adams to James Warren, 11 September 1779
From: Adams, John
To: Warren, James

      My dear Friend
      Braintree Sept 11 1779

     I was told in Boston that Mr. Avery and Mr. Wendell had been proposed for Judges of the Inferior Court for the County of Suffolk, in the Room of my Friend Pemberton. I said not a Word, but since I have been at home, I have reflected upon this and altho these Gentlemen have amiable Characters I cannot think them So well qualified for this Place as Mr. Cranch, whose great Natural Abilities, and whose late Application to the study of the Law and to public affairs, made him occur to my Mind. It is the first Time of my whole Life, that I recollect that I ever proposed a Relation of mine, for a Place, and I certainly should not have done it in this Case, if he had not been, entirely without my Knowledge untill my Arrival, been brought into public View. If you think as I do, that the public will be as faithfully and ably served by such an Appointment, as by any other, and will mention it to Mr. Sever, who is acquainted with him, perhaps it may be proposed in Council. There is but one objection that I know of, and that is, he is my Brother. This may be enough. My most

      In haste yours
      John Adams


Title: From John Adams to the Massachusetts Council, 13 September 1779
From: Adams, John
To: Massachusetts Council

      May it please your Honours
      Braintree Sept. 13. 1779

     While I resided at Paris, I had an opportunity of procuring from London, exact Information, concerning the British Whale Fishery on the Coast of Brazil, which I beg Leave to communicate to your Honours, that if any Advantage can be made of it, the Opportunity may not be lost.
     The English, the last Year and the Year before, carried on, this Fishery to very great Advantage, off of the River Plate, in South America in the Latitude Thirty five South and from thence to Forty, just on the Edge of Soundings, off and on, about the Longitude Sixty five, from London. They had Seventeen Vessells in this Fishery, which all Sailed from London, in the Months of September and October. All the Officers and Men, are Americans.
     The Names of the Captains are Aaron Sheffield of Newport,Goldsmith and Richard Holmes from Long Island, John Chadwick, Francis May, Reuben May, John Meader, Jonathan Meader, Elisha Clark, Benjamin Clark, William Ray, Paul Pease, Bunker Fitch, Reuben Fitch, Zebbeda Coffin, and another Coffin,Delano, Andrew Swain, William Ray, all of Nantuckett, John Lock, Cape Cod. Four or five of these Vessells went to Greenland. The Fleet Sails to Greenland, yearly, the last of February, or the Beginning of March.
     There was published, the Year before last, in the English Newspapers, and the Same Imposture was repeated last Year, and no doubt will be renewed this, a Letter from the Lords of the Admiralty to Mr. Dennis De Berdt in Colman Street, informing him, that a Convoy should be appointed to the Brazil Fleet. But this, I had certain Information, was a Forgery calculated merely to deceive American Privateers, and that no Convoy was appointed, or did go with that Fleet, either last Year, or the Year before.
     For the Destruction or Captivity of a Fishery so entirely defenceless, for not one of the Vessells has any Arms, a single Frigate or Privateer of Twenty four, or even of Twenty Guns, would be sufficient. The Beginning of December, would be the best Time to proceed from hence, because the Frigate would then find, the Whaling Vessells nearly loaded. The Cargoes of these Vessells, consisting of Bone and Oyl, will be very valuable, and at least four hundred and fifty of the best kind of Seamen, would be taken out of the Hands of the English, and might be gained into the American service to act against the Ennemy. Most of the Officers and Men wish well to this Country, and would gladly be in its service, if they could be delivered, from that they are engaged in. Whenever an English Man of War, or Privateer, has taken an American Vessell, they have given to the Whalemen among the Crew, by order of Government, their Choice, either to go on Board a Man of War, and fight against their Country or go into the Whale Fishery; such Numbers have chosen the latter as have made up the Crews of these seventeen Vessells.
     I thought it my Duty to communicate this Intelligence to your Honours, that if So profitable a Branch of Commerce, and so valuable a Nursery of Seamen, can be taken from the English it may be done. This state has a peculiar Right and Interest to undertake the Enterprise, as almost the whole Fleet, belongs to it.
     I have the Honour to be, with the highest Consideration, your Honours most obedient & most humble servant

      John Adams

     In Council Sept. 14. 1779
     Read and sent down

      John Avery D Secy.

     In the House of Representatives Sept. 13 1779
     Read—and the House being first enjoined secresy on the subject matter thereof—Orderd That the Honbl. General Warren, and Mr. Caleb Davis of Boston, with such as the Honble. Board shall join be a Committee to consider the same—and report what is proper to be done thereon.
     Sent up for Concurrence

      John Hancock Spkr.

     In Council Sept. 14. 1779
     Read and Concurred and Moses Gill Eqr. is joined.

      John Avery D Secy.


Title: To John Adams from James Lovell, 14 September 1779
From: Lovell, James
To: Adams, John

       Dear Sir

        14 Sepr. 1779

      Your favor of Aug. 4 came yesterday to hand with the Pamphlets. If the Chevalier does not take his Bias at Bethlehem or Easton where he is to be documented 2 or 3 days, I shall continue in the hopes which your good Judgement has inspired.
      We have indeed had a stormy Time; and some Villains, I guess wanted to get hold of the Helm and the main Stays at a critical Moment.
      We are going to tell Spain she may have the Floridas before she asks, and we shall be too bashful even to tell her we wish to get at the hundred of thousands of Acres of Virginia freely in Boats by that River on whose Banks they lay.
      The dull letter you mention has been received, and I believe wished never to have been written, by the poor Drudges in the Secretary’s Office who are called upon for Copies by every lazy Member, and I assure you that is more than the sanctified Number 13.

      It would have been better for W H D if he had been of the Class; but he did, as does another whose broken Constitution is at this minute wishing pen and ink banished from his Sight for a Month.
      I have sent the Journals to your Family and shall continue the Numbers as they come out. By way of small politics; I send the Copy of a rough Copy in part of Something I sent you when we were stumbling in the dark about Ultimata.


Title: Enclosure: James Lovell to John Adams, 13 June 1779
From: Lovell, James
To: Adams, John

      Copy

       Dear Sir

        June 13th. 1779

      I shall not look through my Almanac to see whether I have written to you 22 or 24 Letters, I shall go upon the easier task of acknowledging all I have had from you—Decr. 6 1778 received Feb. 16 1779 answered 17th. and Sepr. 26. 1778 received Mar 4 1779 answered Apr. 28th.
      3 months ago Mr. Gerard communicated to us in a private audience that Spain was mediating and that we ought to take speedy measures for Peace. London Gazettes tell the same. It has seemed astonishing that neither Doctr. Franklin Mr. Lee nor you should hint this, if you did not give it authoritatively. And we have some wise men here who are sure they could fish out all the Court Secrets. In the various attempts to pull down A Lee, to make way for some one to go from hence who knows all the present Circumstances of America and therefore could negotiate properly, your (the Commissioners) want of Ability to give us Information such as we wish for or fancy can be obtained, is said to spring from the Suspicions of the french Court respecting one of you: And something like an attempt to dictate a Choice here has been made. An Extract of a Letter from Count de Vergennes has been quoted “Je crains Mr. Ar. Lee et ses entours”: and it is said that therefore the Communication before mentioned came through Mr. Gerard. But this is inconsistent with what is alledged in other Cases. Mr. Deane was directed to tell Doctr. Franklin certain things, which he did not chuse to tell Doctr. Lee; or, as he wishes to have it believed, which he was forbidden to tell him. I am persuaded Doctr. Franklin would not readily blab any matter to Mr. Lee which the Court might confidentially tell him. But it may be said the Doctr. was perhaps at that period only on a par with Mr. Lee and you so that he could not officially convey the news of a Negociation from France to us without consulting Mr. Lee. It has been attempted to persuade us that Spain is disgusted with Mr. Lee. If more than Innuendoes had been adduced, we should have made a new appointment, perhaps; tho it is a very delicate matter. Mr. Deane says the Lees are unfit to deal with a “gallant” nation. To tell you the plain Truth of the matter, I believe the men who want to get his place in Negociation would be very gallant on certain Points. The eastern States are charged with wanting what they have no right to, and what is of “no interest to the southern States.” Plenty are these local Sentiments lately and R H Lee and Mr. Laurens are squinted at as two monsters on the other Side of the Susquehanna, who can be found to pursue points in which the Southern States have “no interest.” I expect, however, that we shall in a few days be able to join in some Ultimata for Peace to be ready at the moment when Britain shall come to her Senses. She is quite wild and foolish yet, in my opinion.
      You will be able by our motly Journals and my Comments from Time to Time to understand what we are about. For instance you will know when I tell you why I voted to have your name inserted April 20th. page 10. A majority against me had resolved 1st. that the names should be added, 2dly. that Doctr. Franklin’s should be inserted, but did not proceed by yeas and nays, therefore I was entrapped not having my nay to show in the first I was forced to go through uniformly; it being as true that Suspicions and Animosities had been minuted by the Committee respecting you as respecting the rest; for the Report did not say mutual Suspicions &c. It was calculated to open the Door for several new Elections.


Title: Enclosure: Extract from a Foreign Affairs Committee Report, 24 March 1779
From: Continental Congress, Foreign Affairs Committee
To:

       Charge

        24 March 1779

      That Mr. John Adams threatned Mr. Izard with the Displeasure of Congress in his opposing the 11th. and 12th. Articles of the Treaty of Commerce; and, that the said Mr. John Adams entertained Expectations that Congress would be inattentive to the Interests of nine States of America to gratify the Eaters and Distillers of Melasses.
      Evidence. Mr. Izards Letter to the President 12th. Sepr. 1778.


Title: Enclosure: Ralph Izard to President of the Congress, 12 September 1778
From: Izard, Ralph
To: President of Congress,Jay, John

       Paris 12 Sep. 1778

      The Melasses business would certainly have proved the source of continual disputes, if it had not been altered; but the mischief which might have been expected from that is beyond doubt comparison less than what is pointed out in my letter to Mr. Lee of 18th. May. My apprehensions on this subject were communicated to the Commissioners at this Court; but I am sorry to say that they made no impression upon them. Mr. Lee alone seemed to think it possible I might be right; the other two Gentlemen were perfectly satisfied. Dr. Franklin’s usual consciousness of infallibility was apparent; and Mr. Adams insinuated that the business of the Treaties was put intirely into the hands of the Commissioners at this Court, and nobody else had any right to give their opinions about them; that he understood I had objected to the 11th. and 12th. Articles in the Treaty of Commerce, respecting Melasses, but he believed I should find myself greatly mistaken in that matter; that he did not doubt but these Articles would be extremely popular in Congress and that they would be very angry when they were informed that I had objected to them. I answered that I was sensible the Conclusion of the Treaties was committed solely to the Gentlemen he mentioned; but that the principles in which I had been educated militated against the other part of his Opinion; that I had thought it my duty to oppose the proceedings of the King and Parliament of Great Britain when they were injurious to my Country; that the same motives had occasioned my opposition to the articles in question; that I had submitted my objections to the Treaty to the President and hoped that he would make them known to Congress; that if they thought I had done wrong, I should of Course be informed of it by him; that I should in that case look upon myself to be no longer fit to be employed, when my opinion differed so totally from that of my Employers, and should request the favor of the President to procure the Leave of Congress for me to return to my own Country. I have had the Satisfaction however, of finding that Mr. Adams as well as his Countrymen Doctr. Franklin and Mr. Deane have been mistaken in their Expectation that Congress would be inattentive to the Interests of nine States of America, to gratify the Eaters and Distillers of Melasses.


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 19 September 1779
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

      Dear Sir
      Braintree Septr. 19. 1779

     I had the Pleasure of yours of August 19, by the last Post, and thank you for your kind Congratulations on my Return. You judge right, when you Suppose, that I cannot be idle, but my Industry will probably be directed, in a different manner, in future. My Principles are not in Fashion. I may be more usefull here, as you observe, than in the Cabinet of Louis the 16. But let me tell you, that that Cabinet, is of great Importance, and that there ought to be Somebody there, who knows Somewhat of the Affairs of America, as well as Europe, and who will take the Pains to think, and to advise that Cabinet, with all proper Delicacy, in certain Circumstances.
     I have little to Say about the Time and manner of my being Superceeded. Let those reflect upon them selves, who are disgraced by it, not I. Those who did it, are alone disgraced by it. The Man who can shew a long Series of disinterested Services to his Country, cannot be disgraced even by his Country. If she attempts it, she only brings a Stain upon her own Character and makes his Glory the more illustrious.
     We have Cause to congratulate ourselves, on the favourable Appearance of Affairs in Europe and America. There is not one Symptom in Europe against Us. Yet I must own to you, that I think France and Spain are yet to be convinced, of the true Method of conducting this War. It is not by besieging Gibralter nor invading Ireland, in my humble Opinion, but by sending a clear Superiority of naval Power into the American Seas, by destroying or captivating the British Forces here by Sea and Land, by taking the West India Islands and destroying the British Trade, and by affording Convoys to Commerce between Europe and America, and between America and the french and Spanish Islands, that this War is to be brought to a Speedy Conclusion, happy for Us, and glorious as well as advantageous to our Allies.
     These were the Objects of all my Negotiations, and I dare hazard all, upon the good Policy of them. I fear that these Ideas, will now be forgotten: I cannot but wish that Congress would give positive Instructions to their Minister, nay that they would make a direct Application themselves to their Ally, to this Purpose. Mr. Gerry can shew you, in Confidence, some Papers upon the subject.

     I have a great Curiosity to know, the History of the political Proceedings, within and out of Doors, last Winter. I confess myself, unable to comprehend it. I am more puzzled at the Conduct of those who ought to have been my Friends than at any Thing else. However I have not Lights enough to form a Judgment.
     You Speak French So perfectly, and love good Men so much, that I wish you to be acquainted with the Chevalier De la Luzerne, and Mr. Marbois. Those Gentlemen were making Enquiry after a certain Letter, that you was very partial to. I enclose it to you and request you to give it them from me, with my most affectionate and respectfull Compliments.

      I am with much Affection, your Friend & sert
      John Adams


Title: From John Adams to the Board of Treasury, 19 September 1779
From: Adams, John
To:

      Gentlemen
      Braintree Septr. 19. 1779

     By the last Post, I had the Honour of a Letter, from your secretary, inclosing, by your order Copy of the Resolutions of Congress of the Sixth of August relative to the Allowance to the late Commissioners, and their Accounts, together with the Resolution of your Honourable Board of the 26 of August, requesting me to inclose my Accounts and Vouchers to the Board of Treasury, that they may take order thereon.
     I have the Honour to transmit, by my worthy Friend, Mr. Lowell, my Accounts in the first Place, the Account of Monies drawn for by Dr. Franklin and me jointly, and the Expenditure of them. These Monies from the Time of my Arrival at Passy the 9 of April 1778, to the End of August following, were received by Mr. Franklin, and the Account kept by him of the Expenditure. The Account marked A, is a Copy of the Account he gave me, but he never shewed me, any of the Vouchers, and I never compared them, So that Mr. Franklin, is I suppose holds himself accountable for them.
     From the first of October, untill the new Commission arrived, the Account was kept by me. At the End of each Month, I carried My Account and Vouchers in to Dr. Franklin. We looked them over together and signed the Account, except the last, when Dr. Franklin being so ill of the Gout and I being engaged in settling my Affairs in order to come away, it was omitted. However I transmit the Vouchers, for all the Time that the Account was kept by me, but I have one Request to make, with respect to these but more especially with respect to my private Vouchers, which is that when the Honourable Board have made the Use of them they intend they would deliver them to Mr. Gerry to be returned to me, being necessary for the security of my Reputation as well as against new Demands of Payment. The Account thus kept by me, and signed monthly by my Colleague and myself, is marked B. The large Articles of Family Expences and Postage of Letters, are here inserted only in the large. Dr. Franklin has the original Books of Account of all these Particulars, with other Receipts in them.
     The Accounts marked C, is my private Account of Monies received by me Singly, and includes, what Money I received of the Navy Board at Boston, before my Departure, what I received of the Continental Agents, at Bourdeaux, Nantes, L’orient &c. what I received of Mr. Franklin, out of the Monies drawn for jointly and what I received of Mr. Grand the Banker, either with my own Hand or by draughts upon him, the Amount of all which, exclusive of a Draught for Mr. Deanes Furniture is Livres.
     The Account, marked D, is a particular Account of all my Expences, the Amount of which is
     This includes, the Expenc of all my Journeys, from Bourdeaux to Paris, from Paris to Nantes from Nantes to Brest, from Brest Back again to Nantes, the Expences of Cloathing, for my self and servants, and in general all my particular Expences of every kind. During the Time that the joint Account was kept by Mr. Franklin, the Honourable Board will see that Mr. Franklin paid all those Articles, out of joint stock which I was paying for out of my particular. The Effect to the public is the Same, but it was necessary to make the Observation in order to explain the Articles.
     The Honourable Board will also see, in this Account of mine, several Articles for Books. I found myself in France, ill versed in the Language, the Literature, the Science, the Laws, Customs and Manners of that Country, and had the Mortification to find my Colleagues, very little better informed than myself, vain as this may seem. I found also that Dr. Franklin, Mr. Deane and Mr. Lee, had expended considerable sums for Books, and this appeared to me, one of the most necessary, and Usefull Ways in which Money had ever been Spent in that Country. I therefore did not hesitate to expend the small sums, mentioned in this Account in this Way, in the Purchase of such a Collection of Books, as were calculated to qualify me for Conversation and for Business, especially the science of Negotiation. Accordingly the Books are a Collection, of Books concerning the french Language and Criticism, concerning french History, Laws, Customs and Manners, but àbove all a large Collection of Books on the public Right of Europe, and the Letters and Memoirs of those Ambassadors and public Ministers who had acquired the fairest Fame and done the greatest services to their Countries in this Way.
     The Honourable Board will judge whether this is a “reasonable Expence” and whether it ought, or ought not to be deducted from the Allowance. I shall not be dissatisfied if it is. submit to their Judgment with entire Satisfaction.
     All the Articles in, both Accounts, which were for my Son, will no doubt be deducted from the Allowance. Yet I ought to observe, that Mr. Izard and Mr. William Lee, have supported their whole large Families, Dr. Franklin has two Grandsons and Mr. A. Lee a Nephew. Mr. Deane two Brothers, and afterwards a son, all that I desire is that I may, be treated like the others.
     I departed from my own House the 13 of February 1778, and happily arrived at it again the 2d of August 1779. How far the Hon. Board will judge the Resolution of Congress, allowing 3 Months after the Recall, applicable to me, I dont know. Indeed whether I am recalled to this Moment, I dont know. All I desire is, a reasonable Compensation for the Time I was actually in the service, and this was in fact from the day that I received my Commission, which was in Decr. 1777, for from that Day I was obliged to avoid all engagements in private Business, and to devote my self to the Preparation for my Voyage as much as at any Time after.
     I shall send by this Opportunity all the Vouchers I have. When I was making Journeys from Place to Place, it was impossible for me, to take Receipts of Postilions, Tavernkeepers, and twenty other sorts of People for small sums, but I presume, no Man will say his Expences have been or could be less than mine. The United states have no House Rent, or Hire of Chariots, or Horses or Horsemen, or servants, or furniture of Houses to pay for me. None of these Things except the servant who went with me, were ever added to the public Expences on my Account. There are two or three small sums in the Account paid to Mr. Austin, for services while he acted as my Secretary, perhaps six Weeks, which is all the Expence, the public bore for secretaries to me. I dont mention this as a Virtue or Merit, for I am convinced it was an Error, and I would never advise any other Gentleman to follow my Example in these particulars.
     I was obliged to be at some Expence for Bedding, on Board the Sensible in my Passage home, as the Board will see.
     I submit the whole to the Consideration of the Board, only requesting that I may be informed, what Articles are allowed in the settlement of my Account, under the Head of reasonable Expences and what are not.

      I have the Honour to be, with great Respect to the honourable Board, their most obedient & most humble servant


Title: Account of John Adams with the United States, 19 September 1779
From: Adams, John
To:

       ca. 19. Sept. 1779

      The United states of America to John Adams Cr

      Liv.

      By the Total of Monies received
      28,355:
      3:
      3

     The United states of America to John Adams Dr

      Liv.

      To the Total of my Expences
      13,855:
      16:
      0

      To twenty Month’s allowance at the Rate of 11,428 Livres per Annum
      19,046:
      0:
      0

      32901:
      16:
      0

      28355:
      03:
      3

        Ballance
      4546:
      12:
      9

      To Expences at Boston, upon the public Business and Postage of Letters, in my public Capacity since my Return
      48

        Ballance due to me.
      4594:
      12:
      9

      Errors excepted
      John Adams

      Upon the Revision of my Accounts I find that of Monies received, somewhat larger than I had imagined and that of Expences, a good deal less. By attempting to keep a particular minute Account, I must have forgotten and omitted many Articles, to my own Disadvantage, but this is the fault of no one, but myself, and the loss must be mine.
      If the Honourable Board do not approve of this state, they will make what alterations they judge right. It is very probable there may be Errors in Casting and otherwise. The Business of keeping Accounts is a very dull Occupation to me, and that of transcribing them and casting anew, Still more so. I confess I have not Patience for it. The Board will correct it as they think just. If they Adjudge me in Debt the Ballance shall be paid to their order on demand.

       John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Elbridge Gerry, 20 September 1779
From: Adams, John
To: Gerry, Elbridge

      My dear sir
      Braintree Septr. 20. 1779

     I have transmitted my Account to the Board of Treasury, according to their Directions together with my Vouchers, and have desired that these last may be delivered to you after the Board should have done with them. I must beg the favour of you to receive them and transmit them to me by a safe Hand.
     I see that Congress have allowed to their Commissioners, one half of what they voted in the Beginning of Things to give the secretary to the Commission, not half, I suppose of what I could very honourably have earned at Home in my Profession—not half to be sure of what, some Gentlemen of the Bar, have actually earned since my departure. As Congress have been so moderate in the Salary, I presume they dont intend to be stingy in the Article of Expences.
     If I had known before I left France, of even this Allowance, I could have made a very honourable as well as handsome Advantage of it: but nothing being settled I did not dare to run the Risque, as I knew not what Temper or Principles prevailed.
     I have received, a sum in the whole, over and above my Expences, part of it is gone to Jersey and Guernsy and part is by me in Cash and part is foolishly spent in a manner I am ashamed to tell. It was necessary to take some Cash with me, in order to bear my Expences in Case of Captivity or in Case of landing at Philadelphia, Virginia or South Carolina as might have been my fortune. If I could have brought it hence in Goods, it would have been happy for my family, but this I could not do because I must come home in a French Frigate, which was so incumbered with Passengers and their Baggage that I had not the Confidence to add to the Cargo more than was indispensible. In short I have been very, genteely duped bubbled, as every other modest and virtuous Man is like to be.
     What is the Reason that you and I cannot Speculate in Change Ally, that We cannot trumpet our own Praises, that We cannot avail ourselves of our public Characters to get private Credit in Trade, and make Fame and Fortune like other Men? I begin to believe that We had better leave it to those who can. This is the Way to get Popularity and Power. This is the Way I find to obtain the Confidence of the People. This is the only Way in which they will suffer any Man to do them good.
     You said something to me in one of your Letters which I did not understand. That you had not approved of the Policy of some and therefore did not expect their Confidence. I dont know whose Confidence is meant here. It will be a long Time before you will loose mine, I believe. You must depart from those fair, honourable, virtuous, benevolent and publik Spirited Principles, or you must loose that Sagacity and Judgment, which I ever found in you, before my Confidence in you will be lost or diminished. What your Conduct has been in Congress since I parted from you, I know not, but some of your Votes that I have seen were more consistent with Truth, Justice and sound Policy, than others that I see in the same Page. Pray let me know a little of these Things, and believe me, with unabated Affection your Frid.