Title: John Quincy Adams to Thomas Boylston Adams, 24 September 1800
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Thomas Boylston

						No: 17.
						Leipzig. 24. September. 1800.

					I continue to number my letters, although the series containing our Silesian tour is closed, so that untill our return to Berlin, you may know whether you receive all those I write— At Dresden from which my last to you was dated, we spent six days, in the course of which I renewed my acquaintance with the picture gallery, made an excursion one afternoon to Tharandt, through the valley of Plauen, & spent two mornings in looking over the Elector’s collection of prints, one of the finest in the world. If time would have allowed, I should have been glad likewise to visit the Basaltic mountain of Stolpen, & the mines of Freyberg, in the neighbourhood of

Dresden, but I was obliged to sacrifice this wish again to the necessity of proceeding as soon as possible to this town, where we have taken lodgings for a month, chiefly for the sake of passing the time of the fair here.
					I suppose the recollection of the plaueshengrund, & of Tharandt is fresh in your mind, as you saw them upon your visit to Dresden, shortly before you left us, & as coming then from the level, barren sands of Brandenburg, the beauties of their situation must have made a strong impression upon your mind. But after the views upon the Elbe between Aussig & Dresden, which we had seen last year, & still more after having been six weeks exploring the mountains of Silesia, & the county of Glatz, the valley of Plauen, & even the ruined castle of Tharandt lose much of their charm to the imagination, & dwindle into prospects of very inferior beauty.
					The collection of prints, I think it questionable whether you saw, & after spending two forenoons in viewing it, we had only to regret that we could not devote every morning to it, for as many weeks. It contains all the best engravings extant from the pictures of all the famous painters of the various schools. We could only attend to the objects of the highest curiosity; such as a series of engravings arranged chronologically, & exhibiting a history of the progress of the art from its rudest beginnings to its highest state of perfection. Three volumes of the works of Nanteuil, the most celebrated engraver of the age of Louis the 14th: They are all portraits of the most distinguished characters of France during that period, & many of them executed in a style, which left very little room from improvement in later times—A collection in ten numbers of portraits done by Holbein, & engraved by Bartolozzi—A volume of sketches designed by the admirable Italian painter Guercino, likewise of Bartolozzi’ engraving; & a volume by a german engraver named Bause, scarcely inferior, if at all to Bartolozzi, or any other of the english engravers; these with two volumes of prints, from the pictures in the Dresden gallery; an incomplete & indiffirently executed collection, were all we had time to examine— Of this collection they keep single prints for sale— I took three of them, the night, & St: George of Corregio, & the sacrifice of Abraham, of Andrea del Sarto, which I hope will one day, give some idea to our friends in America, of what these high famed paintings are— The scantiness of my finances would not allow me to make a larger purchase; though I would have added the Magdalen of Corregio, had not the print been so very bad, as to be rather a libel upon the picture.

					While we were at Dresden, I called upon Mr Elliot, & spent a couple of hours with him. His daughter, of whom you have heard as the beautiful Miss Elliot, & whom we had often seen the last year, was married some months ago to an english gentleman, by the name of Payne, & is now in England— Mr Elliot himself is at length married again, & his wife is received as such in all companies— It was not from her life & character, but from her former rank that obstacles arose at a Saxon court against this— Of mere vice they are all willing enough to admit the rule, [“]Let greatness own her, & she’s mean no more”— But a woman without her sixteen quarters of nobility! nothing but the necessity of complying with the profound degeneracy of the times could have made them acquiesce in admitting such a personage to their company— Mr Elliot is in person, & at times in manners, one of the most accomplished gentlemen I ever knew. He was extremly civil to us the last autumn, though I had afterwards occasion to know that his civilities did not proceed from any cordial kindness towards us, but that as Americans he saw us at first with embarassment & dislike. These sentiments in the course of our intercourse with him, gradually wore away, & as they had probably proceeded from the supposition, that his name was odious to Americans, owing to the transaction at Berlin, relative to Mr Lee’s papers, during the American war, I found him now designedly & repeatedly recurring to that subject in his conversation. After observing that it was now a circumstance, which might with full freedom be talked off, as an historical occurrence, he solemnly declared that the seizure of Mr Lee’s papers was not made by his orders; that it was entirely the act of an officious servant, who thought to do him a service by it— That when the papers were brought to him, he did look over them indeed, & found among them only two of any consequence—One, the draft of an unfinished Treaty with Spain, & the other, a letter from Frederic the second, or one of his ministers, promising that if any great power in Europe would set the example of acknowledging the independance of the United States, he would be the first to follow it.— I am inclined to believe that this account is true, & I was pleased to see the anxiety with which Mr Elliot wished to remove the imputation of having premeditated that act of violence.
					At Dresden we met at the Hotel de Pologne, Prince & Princess Radziwill, with their family, & Mr & Mrs Cohen with their’s; the Prince had spent the summer at Carlsbad & Töplitz, & was going to his father’s estate in Poland. Mr Cohen had been taken ill at

Dresden, on his way to Toplitz, with a violent fever, which had confined him a month, & from which he was very slowly recovering—
					We likewise saw at Dresden, Lord & Lady Holland, both of them persons of so much celebrity in their way, that I dare say you have heard their story— Lord Holland had come through Berlin since we left it for our tour, & had brought a letter of introduction to me. I therefore called upon him, but Louisa had no inclination to form an acquaintance with his lady, & declined visiting her— Lord Holland you know is the nephew of Charles Fox, & has been educated to his system of politics, which he endeavours to support in the house of peers. It is in every respect an unhappy system for an english nobleman, & for one just entering upon the world is peculiarly unpromising. The history of his connection with the woman, who is now his wife has cast a much darker shade upon his moral character, though it is generally understood that he was in that case the party seduced. He is not more than five & twenty, at least ten years younger than the lady.
					We left Dresden on the 16th: instt:—came that night as far as Meissen, & the next day the remainder of the way to this place. The road is excellent, & for some miles from Dresden the country looks like a continued vineyard— As the vintage season is just at hand, the vines are every where loaded with clusters of grapes just ready for the press, & gratify the traveller still with the appearance of plenty, after the gathering of the harvest has given to the rest of the land that of barrenness— At Meissen is the great manufacture of Saxon porcelaine, which we had not time however to see— At Wormsdorf, a village about five german miles before Leipzig is the castle of Hubertsburg, famous as being the place, where the peace was concluded, which terminated the seven years war.
					Of Leipzig itself, I may perhaps in the course of a month have more to say, than I have found hitherto. It is a small compact town containing about 30,000. inhabitants; but at certain seasons of the year by its fairs becomes the centre of almost all the commerce of Germany. There is a pleasant walk, planted with several rows of trees, which extends all around the town, & this almost all I know of it as yet.
					I have this day received your number 17. dated the 28th: of July, & am not surprized to find it contain complaints that you have not for many months received any letter from me. Yet I hope that very soon after that you received one apologizing for my long silence & from the 25th: of May to the present time, if you have a complaint to

make relative to my correspondence, I am sure it will not be of the scarcity, or of the shortness of my letters.
					It is a circumstance of the most consolitary nature to be assured, that so late in the season as when you wrote, there had been no appearance of the ravaging pestilence, which has so deeply afflicted our country for several successive years— God grant that the whole summer & autumn may pass alike exempt from it, & that this dreadful visitation of Heaven may no more return upon us.
					I am glad you see some prospect of getting something for Mr Engel, because it is upon your success, that the poor man places his sole dependence for a subsistance— But you must take care to secure for yourself the repayment of your advances, which he is utterly unable to do.
					My shares in the Manhattan company you tell me in a flourishing condition. It is now the flourishing time for every thing jacobinal, notwithstanding which, I distruct some latent defect in the vessel, & do not like to embark my fortunes any more, than I ever will my principles in it. Of the institution, or its directors I know nothing, & cannot therefore judge of the security of property vested there, but five shares are not so great an object, but that they may be hazarded, & I leave this, as well as all other details of the management of my property entirely to your discretion.
					I have duly received I believe, all your letters to me; at least I have not only all your numbers from 1. to 17. but in several instances two letters bearing the same number. I hope you have likewise received at least all mine relative to business, & particularly two, which I wrote in the months of June & July, & sent by duplicates.
					All the accounts you have heard, of our commissioners in France having finished satisfactorily their negotiation, you will informed before receiving this were false. The events of the last six months both in Europe & in America, have been as unfavourable to the success this mission, as those of a year preceding had been in its favour. The return of victory has swolen the insolence of the french in all their pretentions, as high as ever, & they will not voluntarily give in the moment of triumph, that indemnity, which in that of defeat they could not have given— The impending election in America too, they know very well will depend in no small degree upon this circumstance, & they know that by doing justice to us they would give it a turn contrary to their interest— Under the President, whose election they hope, they are convinced fair words & fraternal embraces will be all required of them to restore & secure their

influence, & they will be extremely cautious not to contribute to a choice of one, whom none of them consider as the friend of France— Now, as the federal interest according to your accounts, & all the others I have received, is essentially, & irreconcileably divided, & as when in its state of fullest union it was barely equal to the party opposed against it, I consider the result of the next election as infallibly fixed, & if you suppose the issue will produce any material effect upon the state of property, I hope you will consider it so too, & in the management of my affairs act accordingly.
					You will know, that for the last two months an armistice has suspended the hostilities between the several armies upon the continent, & that negotiation between Austria & France, has been conducted so far as to a signature of preliminaries of peace, which the cabinet of Vienna thought too burthensome, & such refused to ratify them. Demonstrations of a design to renew the war have therefore been made on both sides, & the Emperor has come in person to the army of the Rhine with his brother the Archduke John, to inspire courage & confidence in his troops. All the commanding Austrian generals both in Italy & Germany have been removed, & other heroes substituted in their stead, to be beaten alike in their turn. With all this blustering however the armistice is renewed, & the negotiations are continued— Austria knows that she must make peace, or that before the end of the year, the emperor must fly from Vienna, & abandon his capital to the discretion of the french.
					In the mean time England holds up her naval supremacy with as high a hand as ever. The late affair of the danish convoy, was for a time supposed to be founded upon a previous concert between all the nothern powers, upon principles similar to those of the armed neutrality— The emperor of Russia has indeed taken occasion from it to manifest his ill humour against England by laying an embargo upon english vessels in his ports, & sequestering the property of english merchants in his dominions— But in the interval Denmark has thought it most adviseable to settle the difference with England by giving up the contested point so far as to engage, not to send any more convoys with her merchant vessels during the present war.
					Your’s—


Title: Thomas Boylston Adams to John Adams, 26 July 1800
From: Adams, Thomas Boylston
To: Adams, John

					Dear Sir.
					Philadelphia 26 July 1800.

				Your kind favor of the 14th: has been some days in hand— I thank you for your tender solicitude for my health & success— As to the first I can say, with thankfulness that it is better than usual at this melting season— To the second, I can reply, that my professional success, is sufficient to keep me above despondency, though far short of my necessities. On Tuesday last I argued a cause of considerable consequence in the District Court— The claim was by a Master & one of the Marriners of a Ship, against the Owners, for Salvage, having rescued the ship & Cargo from the hands of nine frenchmen, and navigated her safe into Charleston S. C. The Ship & Cargo were insured as was also a part of the Cargo which was on freight— The Captain in hopes of being handsomly compensated for his services & those of his associates, neglected to libel in the Admiralty— The Cargo is sold, the Ship goes upon a new voyage— The french prisoners are released & dispersed, without proving by their testimony, the recapture, and when the Master arrives a twelvemonth afterwards at Philadelphia with the Ship, he libels in the Admiralty for salvage— The ship is seized, but the Cargo was gone we were therefore under the necessity of hazarding a process in personam, because we could not proceed in rem. This brought forth a plea to the jurisdiction, which was argued on tuesday; by Ingersoll, Dallas & myself, against Moylan— After taking up the whole forenoon the Judge overruled the plea to the jurisdiction, and ordered the argument on the merits to be adjourned till next Court

day, which was yesterday— When we appeared in array before his Honor and I proceeded to open the cause of the Libellants and to offer the testimony upon which we relied to make out our claim— Lewis & Rawle appeared on behalf of the Owner of the ship & part of the Cargo, & Moylan for the Owner of the other part— They attempted to sever in their defence— One had plead to the jurisdiction the other had not— One had issued a Commission to take depositions at Charleston, in which the other had not joined, & therefore contended that the evidence & proof developed by that Commission, should not be made use of against him— They opposed in every stage the proofs & exhibits offered by us, but the Judge generally overruled in our favor, & suffered the testimony to be read, where he thought proper— But neither the protest of the Captain & his associate nor their depositions were permitted to be read, so that we were hard pushed to prove the recapture, being obliged to rely, rather on presumption, from a comparison of dates, than any positive testimony— There was a charge of Barratry also against our Clients, which we were constrained to repel, & for which we were unprepared, except by casting the presumption of spoliation upon the Captors, & putting the adverse party to the proof of the fact—
				These are the principal features of the case, and they will doubtless appear to you, various—but whether that the relation will excite any interest, further than as a cause in which I was concerned, is more than I could wish or expect—
				We are yet in limine, after wasting two Court days, in the discussion, but my portion of the duty is discharged, and I feel relieved from a very oppressive burthen, especially for hot weather— The Judge would have been better satisfied if the cause had come on last winter, when it was first instituted, and when the delights of Belmont, were not so seductive & inviting as at this season—
				I have nothing new to offer, unless it be the enclosed Gazette, which contains the first number of an Electioneering series, written as I dare vouch by L. Haratio Stockton—District Attorney of N Jersey, a warm, grateful & zealous friend of yourself & family— The tincture of religious enthusiasm, is characteristic of the writers mind—
				I have not seen Dr: Rush since the receipt of your favor— I wish he had less profession & more sincerity—but as the french say, á son age, on ne peut pas se corriger.
				I am dear Sir with love & duty to / my Mother & the family, Your Son

					Thomas B Adams


Title: Abigail Adams to Thomas Boylston Adams, 15 August 1800
From: Adams, Abigail
To: Adams, Thomas Boylston

					Dear Thomas
					Quincy August 15th 1800

				I have not written to You since I received Yours of the 19th, and that of the 20th by Your Friends. I was from Home when they came up and deliverd your Letters, but your Father saw them, and invited them to dine with us on twesday last, which they did. I found them agreable young Men, and your Friends think they trace a likeness of Your person in mr Neal they profess to be much pleased with their Tour, as the zeal pot of politicks is boiling over, and much of the Scum rising. they will undoubtedly return with no very improved Ideas of Massachusetts union Wisdom or Skill, if they do of her gratefull Sense of Services and sacrifices.— I Mean if they judge by the public papers, and very like private conversation into which they may fall; Mr shaw will inclose to You Some papers, by which you will learn the present ferment, the causes of which I can easily trace.
				The Nomination of Mr Gerry to France, has been broiling in the

Breasts of certain Characters here ever since it took place. this Might have subsided, if it had not given to Mr Gerry a kind of popularity through the which made him to their mortification & astonishment, so near a rival to the chief Majestrate of this state. if they had put up as they first intended, the chief Justice, Gerry would undoubtedly have been Govenour— of this they are sensible, tho they do not avow it. they also think that the late mission to France is in some measure oweing to mr Gerrys continuance in France, and the fear they have that it May succeed, and reflect Some honor upon him, is an other Souce of bitterness—beside their General dislikes it, and he is their oracle— the Dissmission of the late sceretary, being an Essex Man, and just such a spirit as Suited their warm fiery zeal, is a fine weapon in their Hands to weild against a Man, who as they express themselves—will not be advised— yet they know well that they cannot come out openly, and boldly attack Him. they dare not do it, but in ambuscade & under a coverd Way. therefore they Scrible attack Jefferson and make bear his bones, Slyly insinuate that a coalition has taken place between the two Characters, and go so far as to Say, that the President agreed to serve as Vice President under Jefferson, and quote the Authority of Beau Dawson, to whom they say, Jefferson related this conversation, and stupid as this stuff is, Derogatary as it is, to the Character of whom which they relate it; it finds believers— perhaps there never was a Character which upon all occasions, and under all circumstances, was So totally free from all Bargaining, all intrigue, all Chicanary, as the one they now hold up, as capable of the most Dishonorable one. that such things should be alledged by the Partizens of a Faction, does not surprize me, but that Such can be believed by Sober & thinking people, proves to Me the Depravity of the Morals of our Country in strong coulours— a writer whose peices I See republishd, in the papers of Philadelphia under the signature of Decius—is employed in tearing to peices the Character of Jefferson. in some points the poor Man has made himself liable to the goads and stings they inflict; but the Motives, are more hidden than the blasting of the fame of the Man they fear. a puffer is also employd to give the peices a currency they are asscribed to Jack Lowell, a Massachusetts Federalist to Mr Ames the other writers I do not know, nor do I give You more than report for the truth—but I have every reason to think, from certain Characters keeping aloff, and from the langauge I have heard, they hold, that, there is a great falling off of Men whom I should not have expected

would have taken Such a part. amongst them are Men of talents, Property and I believe integrity. Many of them I have considerd as personal friends Dana & Cabbot, certainly were so. Ames Lowel and Higginson Parsons were amongst those who have been supporters of the administration under Washington; and of the present, untill the Peace Measures, the Mission to France was instituded. this they Say unnerved the Country—and striped it of all its Energy— yet a Navy has arrisen without energy, a Rebellion has been crushed, without energy— but the Jacobins appear to be satisfied with certain measures of the Government. they do not here curss & vilify the administration; and they expose the Anglo-American Faction, for such a one now exists, and every Eye must see it, as Evident as the sun at noon day— It is to be regreted that the Characters which I have named should so far Mistake the true interest of their Country and oppose, as they certainly Do, an adjustment of our Differences with France: if the measure is not unpopular, it will not be their fault that it is not renderd abortive; tho not one of the Gentlemen have visited the President since his return on a private or public day— not a Levee passess, without being attended by Many persons who never before came and never were they so full, and so crowded, as they have been this Season, except the persons before named, whose Defection I cannot but regreet because I See they will lose the confidence of their country by it— whatever they may think; the general voice of New England I am assured is in favour of the Measures persued by the Executive Authority—and tho as some express it, they May be juggled out of their President. they cannot destroy the confidence which the Discreet & thinking part of the Country repose in him— Should either of the Gentlemen be brought in, who are now held up as candidates, to the exclusion of the present Party Spirit will render their administration Misirable indeed. Such at present is the prospect, but should the Election terminate in the reElection of the present chief Majestrate, We may get on four Years more Should he live so long; with a tolerable quiet, but we shall never see, an other Election in which any measures will be preserved. I judge from what I see and hear. calumny and falshood stop at nothing. verily a lyieing spirit hath gone forth—
				I have a Letter from Berlin of May 25th. as the politicks are not concequential, I do not inclose it— Remember me kindly to all my Philadelphia Friends—
				We have had some extreem Hot weather but it is Healthy, some few fevers excepted—

				the President Says You make a wrong judgment respecting the return of the B. commissoners— they were recalld to make a more amicable adjustment. a new nomination will take place— Mr Lyston I believe retires, untill tis seen who in future will hold the Reins— I do not however think that John has any affection for us— He will have a thrust at us when ever he can
				adieu my Dear Thomas— I think You should send the Aurora to col smith with the curious list of nominations—
				Yours as ever—


Title: Susanna Clarke Copley to Abigail Adams, 20 August 1800
From: Copley, Susanna Clarke
To: Adams, Abigail

					My Dear Madam
					London August 20 1800

				I take the liberty of addressing a few lines to you, knowing from the Friendship with which you have honord myself, and Family; that it will not be thought an intrusion by you, and I take leave Madam to assure you that it ever makes me happy to hear of your health, and of the welfare of yourself, and Family, and that this Circle in George street are much intrested at this time, for Mr: Adams’ success in the ensueing Election for President of the United states, our good wishes for the prosperity of America cannot cease, at this time it has an additional attraction: we being called to commit to its protection a Friend mot Dear to us— I intended this Letter to have gone with my Daughter, but my Feelings where too much disturbed at that time—
				and I now Madam take the liberty to recommend her to your kind notice, it alleviates my Feelings when I reflect that she will meet with many Valuable Friends from whom she will receive attention, and who will make her native country pleasant to her, and for whom I have the strongest reasons to retain the greatest esteem
				It would give me much pleasure to hear from you when you may be at leasure, when Mr: John Adams was in London he flatterd me with this hope, but am sensible that your time is very importantly occupied, and will not intrude farther than to assure you Madam, that my best wishes for the health and happiness of your self and Family attend you— / and that I am with the highest / sentiments of esteem, and respect / Your Most Obedient Hume. Sernt:

					S: Copley—


Title: Thomas Boylston Adams to William Smith Shaw, 22 August 1800
From: Adams, Thomas Boylston
To: Shaw, William Smith

					Dear William
					Philada:
						22d: august [1800]

				I have paid you all I owed in the article of letters, but I receive few communications from home. Please to tell my mother that I like to know, now & then, a little of the Cabinet secrets.
				The Report that the negociation with France is broken off, creates considerable sensation here & at New York— I think few people actually believe the story, but it serves the turn of newspaper Scriblers to abuse the Mission or the President— The Gazette of the U.S. which is now in a great measure Edited by Mr: Dennie, has, I think, spoken a different language with respect to this news of Our Envoys, from that which it employed before the change— Tell me, if “Plutarch,” in the Gazette of last night meet with approbation, & then I will tell you who wrote it.
				You may see how the Aurora of this morning, speaks of the legal adjudication on the question whether America & France are at War or at peace— This decision of the Supreme Court is a very dreadful thing to the Jacobins— They talk, you see, of impeaching the Judges for violating the Constitution—
				Duane says “the Report,” is likely to be a forgery—but if accurate, then highly momentous for three reasons—
				I have no need to tell you, I presume that I was the Reporter, and can vouch for the correctness of the Statement.
				I perceive by extracts from “the Centinel” how “Mister Major Big Ben of Boston” goes on. He is one of the most Stupid fellows on the Continent— A political Whirligig, moving & twisting, turning & shifting with every pull of the string. Even the Commercial Gazette is false at times—but how can it be otherwise when no one man thinks in politics just like an other, nor like himself for a week together, & every body will write.
				I enclose you a letter from T W—
				I must have the Aurora back again, or my file will be broken— You say nothing of my Books—there are several Philadelphia Gentlemen to whom you might entrust that which I want most, if you have found it.
				Give my love to all / & believe me / Your’s

					T B Adams


Title: John Adams to Thomas Boylston Adams, 23 August 1800
From: Adams, John
To: Adams, Thomas Boylston

					Dear Thomas
					Quincy August 23d 1800.

				I received last night your favor of the 18th. I thank you for your account of the proceedings of the Supreme court.— I really believe you are right & that I was erroneous, in what we have said about the influence of politicks at the bar in Pensylvania. Indeed any where affected politicks do a man no good. I did not mean to prejudice you against your Quakers friends, who I doubt not are sincerely so.
				I have read your friend Horatius. But I confess to you it is an amazing mortification to me, to see my administration defended by the approbation of Washington. If I am not, I certainly ought to be a greater authority than Washington But popularity is as unjust a tyrant as Despotism. If my administration cannot be defended by the intrinsic merit of my measures & by my own authority, may it be damned. Burn this


Title: Thomas Boylston Adams to John Adams, 30 August 1800
From: Adams, Thomas Boylston
To: Adams, John

					Dear Sir
					Philadelphia 30th: Aug: 1800.

				I have received your favor of the 23d: instt: I hesitated for some days, whether I should enclose the paper containing the Number of Horatius, which was so ridiculously headed as that you refer to, but I finally concluded that the intention of the Author was good, and that an honest though deluded zeal, had transported him, like so many others, whom we have seen, to bolster up a cause, certainly capable of sustaining itself or not worthy to be supported at all, with the charm of a name. It is a mortification to me also, that so few men in this Country, are wise or honest enough to discover & to avow, that the Administration of the last four years, & the measures

that have been carried into effect during that period, have exalted this nation, in her own esteem & in the consideration of foreign powers, infinitely beyond the attainments of the eight preceeding years. Has this been, because Washington approved? But it is useless to dwell upon this subject. “Popularity is” I am well persuaded, “more arbitrary than despotism.” It is in this State always a matter of calculation, how far it may be necessary to bend to it for the sake of interest. This will be illustrated by a recent example. It is usual for the two great political parties here to assemble in separate meetings some time prior to any election of considerable consequence, for the purpose of fixing upon such candidates as may be necessary to fill the different offices, whom they can recommend to the support of their friends & adherents— Such meetings have lately been held here, by both parties, and tickets agreed upon to run at the approaching election— It is a considerable object with the federalists to secure a majority of their number in the City Councils; but a very unpopular measure, that of taxing the Citizens for supplying the City with water, has been pursued by the present members at the instigation of a very numerous list of petitioners, among their Constituents— The labor is yet incomplete, more money must probably be raised; a great clamor has been excited against the present Councils & in order to appease the wrath of the Sovereign people—the federalists have consented, under an idea of necessity, to abandon the principal number of their servants of last year, who have conducted entirely to their satisfaction, discharged their duty with zeal, & fidelity, would have deserved to be censured & turned out of office with disgrace if they had not conducted as they have; and yet—they are unpopular & we must not run the risk of running their names again, but assure them how highly we value their former services, by substituting an entirely new set of members to take their places, because, the democrats will carry the day, if we do not thus accommodate— I was present at several of these meetings, & grieved at such irrational, unjust & dishonorable behavior— I said nothing, but gave a silent vote against the sense of the majority— A motion was made to reconsider at the last meeting, what had been done at a preceeding respecting the City Councils. It was lost by a majority of two to one— I was again in the minority—went from the meeting with disagreeable reflections but never expected to hear any thing more of the business— It seems however that even my silent vote was narrowly watched by somebody present— It disgusted & vexed the leaders of the majority & they cast some illnatured &

hasty remarks upon my motives—this was heard by some of the minority, who had resolved upon having a separate meeting in another place, for the purpose of proposing obtaining an alteration in the ticket proposed. I received an invitation to attend—went, and the meeting, which though small was respectable, agreed to appoint a committee of conference to endeavour to obtain from the other meeting’s committee, an alteration in favor of the old & tried servants. I am named as one of the Committee to confer, but we have not yet met on the business.
				This seems to me to be an epitome of the State of parties on the great political scale. The object in this instance is small, but human passions are often developed in very trifling concerns, so as to afford lessons of wisdom— The real cause of dispute, which I might never have known, but for the schism, is whether the City shall be supplied with water, by Latrobe’s Engines, or whether the Canal Company, which sunk so much property in leveling rocks & mountains to no purpose, shall have a chance to make a market for their stock, by bringing their scheme once more into view. I never can agree in opinion with a majority of these people.
				Your letter to Tench Coxe, which he so obligingly & honorably gave over to “the Aurora,” has appeared, twice already; the remarks & comments must afford you amusement— I hope the types will never be unset, until the electioneering campaign is closed— It is an excellent standing dish for all palates—
				I am, dear Sir / Your Son

					T. B. Adams.


Title: Abigail Adams to John Quincy Adams, 1 September 1800
From: Adams, Abigail
To: Adams, John Quincy

					Quincy Sepbr 1st 1800—

				I have not written You a line my dear son Since I returnd to this place, now three Months; I felt almost discouraged from writing, by not having received a line from You, for a very long period of time. Yours of Febry 18th at last reachd me in the month of july, and two days Since I received your favour of May 25th, for which accept my fervent thanks. the 17 of the present Month will compleat six years Since You left Your native Country. as I then advised You to go, I now advise you to return Six years is a period full long enough for a Man at Your years age to remain seperated from all those with whom he is hereafter to take a part, whether in private, or public Life. it is too long to be parted from those who have but a short leise of Life remaining to them, and to whom you are very Dear. Services renderd to a Country in a Diplomatic line can be known only to a few; if they are important and become conspicious they rather excite envy than gratitude, but at present it is My opinion that You May Serve Your country to more advantage at home than abroad You have tallents which cannot fail of being brought into action let who will hold the Helm; I have no great allurements to hold up to you. if You serve Your Country, You must do it from motives as disinterested, as Your Father has done before You; and very like, meet with as much abuse and calumny. You must endure envy, Jealousy and Mortifications of various kind’s. You will find those who have grown rich and prosperous under a wise and just administration of Government, rising up to over throw that system of political wisdom which has raised them to their present oppulence— I still request You to return to the Bosom of your parents and Make Some establishment for Yourself: it is high time that you were Setled—and in some regular course of buisness— tho a return to the Bar May be urksome to you after a lapse of years, I certainly would adopt the resolution; and come back to my profession with resolutions of moderation and occonomy So gratefull to your Countrymen, tho very little practised by them— to think of again seeing You, a wise and virtuous Man is a cordial to my Heart and mitigates in some measure the pressure of sorrow which weighs it down from an other source— by one from

which I have not a hope of change, habits are so rooted, the temper so Soured the whole Man so changed that ruin and destruction have swallowd him up, and his affairs are become desperate. Sally and her Infant daughter are gone to her Mother. susan I brought home with Me— all is lost— poor poor unhappy Wretched Man. all remonstrances have been lost upon him— God knows what is to become of him. His Father has renounced him— but I will not my dear Child afflict You. I bless God that I have Dear and Worthy Children, who serve to comfort and support Me under So trying a calamity— Your sister and her little Girl have past the Summer with me; the two Boys are at Atkinson in an accadamy where they behave well. the col has been appointed supervisor and inspector of the Port of Nyork, since the disbandment of the Army. as he has sufferd in the school of adversity, I hope he will consider; and Make a proper estimate of Life. Your sister will return to NYork this Winter.
				Thomas is still in Philadelphia the City has as yet escaped the fever, and as the season is so far advanced I hope it will not be again visited with it— he will write to you as he frequently does— he is getting into buisness, and if his Life and Health Should be continued, I trust he will be Successfull. he possesses honor virtue and integrity upon Principles which are well founded
				Your Father made a visit to the city of Washington before he returnd to Quincy. he was received with politeness and respectfull attention throughout his journey. he returnd the begining of July; much pleasd with his Tour.
				The approaching Election occasions some fermentation; it is very difficult for Me to give you a clue to the present political agitation, without bringing before your View Characters which We have considered as the most respectable in this state, so changed in their Sentiments, and in their conduct as to create astonishment. the Mission to France has never met with there approbation. the late secretary of state took, whilst in office every possible occasion to excite the public sentiment against it— the removal of him became absolutely necessary; the Disbandment of the Army tho an act of Congress, and really a popular Measure, destroyed the hopes of a certain Little General possessd of as much ambition, as talents. no hopes of becomeing commander in chief, but by intrigueing and bringing in at the approaching Election a person who should hold the Reins, whilst he conducted the vehicle. to effect this purpose certain federilists in every state must be trained to the purpose, and deciplined. the removal of the late Secretary, who tho naturally sour

could not be supposed to be sweetned by So decisive a disapprobation of him, gave a good opportunity to seize upon him, to excite a clamour against the administration. the Essex junto were proper persons to carry into effect their measures and being much devoted to H   n he came on early in the Spring to concert his measures with them— previous to the rising of Congress a caucus was held by some influential Members who agreed to put up Gen’ll Pinckny as Vice President. Hamiltons language, here was, that the President had made himself So unpopular by the mission to France, that there was no chance of his being reelected, and therefore tho he ought to be Voted for, mr Pinckny was the Man who ought to be Elected. Jefferson must be Sacrificed at all events— to some the Party have represented the President as superanuated; true he was to be respected for former Services, but now he was grown old, and incapable of conducting the Government: lies and falshoods of all kinds have been raised and circulated, one that a coalition had taken place between the President and Vice President—and they had mutually engaged to support each other Writers in the public Papers have arrayed against each other. a series of papers under the signature of Dicius call’d the Jeffersoniad to prove him an Atheist, and every thing bad, have been publishd in Boston republishd in Philadelphia: young Lowell said to be the writer— Character of Hamilton in three numbers, in which he is extolled to the utmost pitch, as the first Character now upon the stage—asscribed to George Cabbot—signd no jealous Rival— the Characters leagued together are Cabbot Ames Lowell Higginson and the chief Justice. your old Master is also said to be in the same Box, tho he Does not go all lengths with them. the animosity of the judge, may be traced to the nomination of Gerry, and the mortification of finding Gerry stand So high as a candidate for Govenour of the state— every method and art is practised to bring the other NEngland Stats over to their System, but Many are aware of their views. they see that these people are driving the Country into an unhappy division, and that confusion and Anarchy must ensue— in what it will terminate time alone will disclose. the Jacobins are so gratified to see the federilist Split to peices, that they enjoy in silence the game, in this quarter whilst in the Southern states, they combine to bring mr Jefferson in as President— So much for Elective Governments— if we pass the ordeal this time, I am satisfied from what I have Seen and heard, that it is the last.
				God save the United States of America—

				I do not know by what conveyance this Letter will go. I do not send you any papers now, but should you get B Russels centinal, I would notify You that, that paper is devoted to the party. J Russels is the only paper of repute in Boston— I Mean it is less of a party paper—and has never given into any abuse upon the government. the English party have quite overuled the French party—but true Americans will not be duped by either— I hope You will Send us the Poem You have been engaged in translating; Your observations upon the Letters of the Northumberland Philosopher have been considerd as very accurate and just, a Wrestless Spirit; Cooper is still in prison writing Jacobinism for Duane paper—
				The late successes of Buonaparte in Itally give him a reputation as a Warriour, and his usurpation, as a Sovereign— I believe other powers will be led to treat, beside America that our differences will be so speedily and so readily accommodated as some Imagined. I am far from believing, yet tho we fail we certainly have not lost any thing—and we have gained time— we have not any official communications from our Envoys since May. Rumour says that the negotiation is broken of— if it is not, I believe it will be contracted protracted from the hope that a new President May grant them greater favours—
				I shall endeavour to be more punctual in My correspondence, and give You our State of parties from time to time. I however see but little difference between French Jacobins and federal Jacobins as they are call’d one are for Democracy and the other would be for Monarchy if they dare openly avow it—
				Your Father enjoys good Health, and bears all this bustle with that calm Philosophy which conscious integrity imparts; he will not voluntaryly quit his station at this critical time. if he is releasd, the concequences to the public will not lie at his Door— adieu


Title: Thomas Boylston Adams to Joseph Pitcairn, 5 September 1800
From: Adams, Thomas Boylston
To: Pitcairn, Joseph

					Dear Sir
					Philadelphia 5th: September 1800

				On the 12th: of last month I received your favor of the 30th: May which is the most recent of my European advices— I have not a line from Berlin for a period of more than six months, although I cannot accuse myself of any remissness in writing. These things were not wont, so to be, but I doubt not the Minister has a reasonable excuse— I must scold a little more directly than I have done or I may not get satisfaction.
				In one of my last letters I told you it was time for you and all other advocates for the present order of things in this Country, so to fashion your conduct as not to become obnoxious to any new Administration which great exertions are making to secure— A schism between the Federalists has really taken place, as to the Man who shall be chosen to rule over us, and it behoves every one who has a preference to make his election as to the Candidate, in season. But the doctrine of the times is, that if the man who is in, may not be continued, because of the unpopularity of some of his measures, he ought to be given up, even by his friends for the sake of bringing in another of the same side. The head & chief of the Schismatics lives at New York & has made “a fine kettle of fish,” of the federal cause in that State. I believe that his conduct has destroyed public confidence more than that of any other man in this Country. What effect this threatened division may produce, I know not.
				It is a pretty gloomy time for men of real concern for the welfare of their Country. Popular elections are so constantly recurring, that

the minds of the people are kept in a continual ferment; and public offices are so much sought after & so eagerly pursued, that elections begin to grow more tumultuous, more numerously attended; and the animosity of parties proportionably increased. The people are naturally fond of the importance which a controul over elections, confers, and they are tenacious, extremely so, of this prerogative— Little evil would result from it if it were confined to proper limits & the only difficulty on this subject seems to be to ascertain what those limits ought to be. It is very doubtful whether any amelioration of the right of suffrage can ever be operated, but by the sad experience of the evils which are ingrafted upon the present system. All our public Legislative bodies & many of the Executive State departments are verging towards democracy— The removal of the seat of government has in fact operated disadvantageously— It has occasioned the resignation of twenty or thirty federal members of Congress, whose places will be generally supplied with men of inferior talents or opposite sentiments. These things all augur ill to the cause of government; & yet even supposing the democrats to gain a complete ascendancy, they must govern us some how or other; though I am confident the present Constitution will be a miserable pageant under their management.
				The news from Europe is all in favor of the french, and creates some wonder among us, but miracles, though told are not always performed. Fortune has not yet abandoned her favorite & high priest.
				The negotiation at Paris on our behalf, excites much interest here; sometimes we are told it is entirely broken off & the Commissioners are returning home; at other times, the negociation is in a fair & prosperous train & a Treaty may be expected to result from it. &ca: Our Minister at Berlin is accused of having sacrificed in the late treaty, the rights of neutral powers, and it is said in the Jacobin papers, that he had much difficulty to persuade the Prussian Minister to consent to such an article. You will observe, that neither the treaty or any correspondence relative to it, have ever been published.
				Our Cities of New York & Philadelphia have hitherto escaped the yellow fiend; but several of the lesser Sea ports have been visited by it. The quarrantine laws have been rigorously enforced, at both the former places; whereas none have existed in the infected towns; a very strong proof, that the fever is an imported disease. Business florishes almost beyond example, for the season, though I now & then hear a Merchant say, that shipping business is dull &

discouraging— A proof of it is, that not a week scarcely goes by, without our hearing of the departure or arrival of more than an hundred sail, under convoy for or from the West Indies.
				When you write to Berlin, please inform, that we are all well.
				With much esteem, I am, Dear Sir / Your Mo ob: hble Servt

					T. B. A.


Title: Abigail Adams to William Smith Shaw, 6 September 1800
From: Adams, Abigail
To: Shaw, William Smith

					Dear sir
					Quincy sep’br 6 1800

				Your Letter by Mr Rogers did not reach Me untill the last week. The Crisis which I have long apprehended is arrived and brought with it the Misiry I foresaw, but could not avert. all that intreaties, and pursuation could affect, I have attempted. I have conjured the unhappy Man by all that is Dear, Honour, reputation, and Fame, his Family and Friends, to desist, and to strive to regain what he was daily loosing in the estimation of the World. I have painted before him the misiry he was bringing upon himself his amiable wife and lovely innocent Children; but all has been lost upon him. He has already brought down a load of disgrace upon himself Family and connections, which even the bitterest repentance can never wash out; but of Repentance & reformation, I despair; his constitution is nearly destroyd and still he persists in Practises which must soon terminate in Death tho in the Eyes of the world he can never restore himself to that fair reputation which he has lost, yet with joy would his Parents draw a veil over all which is past; could they have

the joy of seeing a returning Penitant, could they say, this [“]My son was lost, but is found”— He well knows that his Father always told his Children, that he would assist them to the extent of his ability, in their Education; and that he would do for them as far as he was able provided they exerted themselves & behaved well, but that he would never pay a debt that any of them should contract, by vicious conduct or Profligacy; if any of them made so bad a use of their talents, they must abide the concequences— when his Father apprehended that he was conducting wrong, he wrote to him, and repeated the same thing to him— he also wrote to mr sands, and to mr Malcom more than a year ago to put them upon their guard—to advance any thing for him, would be only to give him a new credit, and to pay his debts, would be to uphold a profligate child, to the injury of the virtuous; His wife and Children we are willing to assist; Susan I have taken with the expectation of bringing up, provided my Life is prolonged. they are the innocent victims of a misirable Man, whom I can no longer consider as My Son— Yet am I wounded to the Soul by the consideration of what is to become of him— what will be his fate embitters every moment of my Life—
				I can say no more— / but that I am Your affectionate / Mother

					A Adams


Title: John Adams to Thomas Boylston Adams, 6 September 1800
From: Adams, John
To: Adams, Thomas Boylston

					Dear Sir
					Quincy September 6. 1800

				I am greatly pleased with your Letter of the 30 of August. Every Part of it shows a Sound Understanding and a manly honest heart. Your Conduct at the meetings was wise, as well generous. Never mind Majorities. Weigh well and judge right and never fear being in a minority. You are right to mix with your fellow Citizens at their invitation to their Consultations. Although Horatius has Sacrificed to the Charm of a name, his numbers upon the whole are excellent, the last particularly is the truest representation of the Embassy to France, that I have seen and the clearest Justification of it.

				I have no Objection to your hope that the Types will never be unsett.— I had no Idea that I ever wrote so long a Letter to that confidential Friend and assistant of Secretary Hamilton. But upon reading it 8 or 9 years after I had forgotten it I dislike it less than I do most of my Productions. There is a Sportive, playfull Vein runs through the whole Letter—a few strokes of Satirical humour that if they are understood, ought to have good Effect. The Comments are curious: but they will take with the fools and Knaves for whom they are intended.
				Your Letters give Us all so much delight that I pray you to be as generous as you can Afford time to be in dispensing them to your / Affectionate Father

					John Adams


Title: Thomas Boylston Adams to John Adams, 20 September 1800
From: Adams, Thomas Boylston
To: Adams, John

					Dear Sir.
					Philadelphia 20th: Septr: 1800

				I have received your favors of the 6th. & 10th: instts:— The little schism which took place among the federal people at their late meetings, & which was detailed in one of my late letters, has terminated to general satisfaction & from the turn it has taken will probably very much promote a union of interest & exertion. Every measure, which was pursued to modify the proceedings of the majority at the public meetings, was done in private meetings of the two Committees, & when the result of their conferences was to be laid before the general assembly for their approbation, no notice was taken of any difference having existed. Every thing went on smoothly & with greater unanimity than at any former meeting. You will see by the papers that my name has been brought into public for the purpose of attesting these proceedings.
				There is nothing of a public nature to excite much observation at this time, other than the Electioneering warfare, which is carried on with much warmth & some accrimony. The Newspapers here publish

no such speculations as those of Junius Americanus & Massasoit, (a foolish & absurd signature by the way.) voluntarily.
				The Mission to France excites enquiry—there seems even to be a great degree of impatience discovered, because the Executive has not thought fit to divulge what has been done & what is likely to be done further; & moreover what the Envoys were instructed to do. I am, for my own part, so indifferent upon this subject, that I feel a secret pleasure that this whimsical, womanish curiosity, of the people, should has not been gratified, as indeed I see not how it could be, consistently with prudence. But the high-flyers are by far the most eager to come at the state of the business—for no other purpose than to cavil and growl at it. The reports which circulate so freely on the subject of the speedy return of the Commissioners, are intended to worm & worry out the secret; at least they have this appearance. I scarcely know what creed is best on this occasion, for my data are no more authentic than those of other people, & yet my doubts are strong as to a satisfactory adjustment.
				Upon the subject of your favor of the 10th: I have nothing to add, except to concur with you in deploring the calamity which seems so inevitably to await us. Your determination concerning the unhappy object & cause of our affliction, is righteous & just.
				I am, dear Sir / Your Son

					T B Adams.


Title: Thomas Boylston Adams to William Smith Shaw, 23 September 1800
From: Adams, Thomas Boylston
To: Shaw, William Smith

					Dear William
					Philadelphia 23d: Septr: 1800

				I inclose you the Aurora of this morning which is pretty rich in contents. For some time past it has been too flat & insipid to compensate the trouble of sending it to you. I observe that the pieces under the signature of Decius are ascribed to H. G Otis— I have

read but a few of the numbers, but I have no doubt the Author is clearly & rightly designated. The story he tells in his No 15 of the Caucus, is not quite correct— Mr: O—— should have dared to avow, that all except one agreed, “as far as their advice & influence would go,” to run Mr: Adams & Mr: Pinckney, both “fairly” as President, and that the one who differed from the rest discovered, that this fair proposition was both artful & insidious, because all the Gentlemen upon their return to their Constituents, “as far as their advice & influence would go,” might endeavor to undermine Mr: Adams for the purpose of promoting the choice of Mr: Pinckney. This he must have foreseen & although the gentlemen professed an intention of “supporting Mr. A—— fairly as President,” he well knew that very few of them had any intention of doing so; and the fact has since been amply verified— Mr: Dexter differed from all the rest of the federalists. Mr: D—— understood the party he was dealing with.
				The Jacobins here, & in Virginia are very sanguine in their expectations of success— They are very quiet & still about it, but their activity & zeal is unabating. Corresponding Committees exist in every State and information is regularly circulated from the extremities to the center. The grand Committee is at New York. This is no visionary thing I can assure you— They count upon Connecticutt or Rhode Island to give them votes by withholding them from Mr. Adams. I rather think it is Connecticutt. New Jersey & Maryland are yet doubtful, and some talk revives of convening the new Legislature of this State for the purpose of prescribing a mode of chusing Electors. If the complection of the Legislature should be more democratic than the present, it will be convened—otherwise I think not.
				Why dont you find out who writes Chatham, Cato, Junius Americanus &ca: I should know if I were acquainted with the Printer. There were three papers under the signature of Matius Scavola, giving an history of the Aurora lately published in Wayne’s paper Gazette— Did you read them?
				I am dear William / Your friend

					T. B Adams.

					PS. I sent your letter to Peters—


Title: Elizabeth Smith Shaw Peabody to Abigail Adams, 23 September 1800
From: Peabody, Elizabeth Smith Shaw
To: Adams, Abigail

						Dear Sister.
						Atkinson Sep 2d. 3d [23] 1800.—

					Miss Palmer has given me hopes of your coming, & Mrs Smith to our Exhibition, & says, you say, you will be so good as to carry me home with her— We have a Ball the next night after Exhibition & I suppose my Boarders will not leave me till Friday— We have a charming harmonious family, & are as still, as could be supposed where there are so many Young ones— But if at this time You should see some confusion, I hope you would excuse it—
					Your being present, may keep off many that might otherways intrude, & I hope you will come whether I return with you, or not— I fear as the Exhibition will not be till a month from tomorrow, I shall not have the pleasure of seeing the President, (I use no adjective because here, I am sure it would lessen the Idea) before he leaves Quincy, but he will have my fervent petitions to heaven,

that he may have “wisdom, as an Angel of God,” to conduct this [“]gainsaying generation”— My dear Son I hope shall see— If he was in any other family, where moral & religious Precepts, had not a double weight given them by Example, I should feel more anxious to see him; knowing that these alone can make us happy in prosperity, & avail in the day of sickness, & adversity. I pray heaven to preserve him, & make him useful in life—
					When William & John came home I was very lame, it hurt me to go up Stairs exceedingly, & I did not look over their things at first— I have since found that William has some new half hankerchiefs— three new shirts— He had four half hankerchiefs when he went away, I should think by the marks you had made four new ones— I wish you would look & see, if he has not left some at home—pecies of check, & yellow striped I find, but none of nankeen, or of the silk coats— I find three new pocket han. a peice for them, which Lydia brought me, & I put them by, because they had poorer ones, & it is not best to have many about at once, they would lose, & stain them at this season—
					Two young Gentleman by the name of Peabody, left us yesterday to enter Colledge at Dartmouth— By their attentions, & amiable manners they have endeared themselves to us, & we feel quite sober now they are gone— Mr Peabody’s Nephew was a beautiful player upon the flute—perhaps you will say this is incompatible with study, but Alfred the Great, was extremely fond of the harp, & the lute— Yet those instruments I acknowledge—are dangerous in the hands of youth— I should have been very glad to have visted Quincy before Exhibition upon some accounts, but as my boarders will leave me then, I can go easier afterwords—for I have a young Lady that is a proper Mothers Girl, she calls me Mamma, & cannot bear to think of my going, scarcely out, in an afternoon, & if you can believe it, I have not been to Haverhill since last November— I am sorry Miss Betsy did not take a line from you, I should have known then better what arrangements were necessary— Mr N—— Peabody is our assistant till Exhibition— I have not time now to write to my Sister— believe me ever / your affectionate

						E Peabody

					Excuse the scrawl as Mr Peabody is going immediately to Haverhill— I intended to have requested you to have seen, if My William had not a pair of old black silk Stockings, that would do for to make me a pair of mittens, & sent them by Miss Betsy— If he has, I shall be much obliged if Mrs Smith would make them for me, & bring

them when she comes—long ones if you please—thats the ton I suppose—
					Please to look if & see, if your Grandson William did not leave one of his cravats at Quincy—


Title: Thomas Boylston Adams to Joseph Pitcairn, 30 September 1800
From: Adams, Thomas Boylston
To: Pitcairn, Joseph

					Dear Sir.
					Philadelphia 30th: Septr: 1800

				Since my last to you, I have none of your favors, although I have within a week past received three letters from my Brother with your mark upon them. The last of these came to hand this day & was written while my brother was upon his journey to Silesia. The details of his travels are very interesting.
				The most remarkable domestic occurrence, since the date of my last, is the discovery of a pretty extensive combination among the Slaves in the Southern States, for the purpose of a practical illustration of those seducing theories—the equal rights of all men, which they have been accustomed to hear discussed, with great zeal, for several years past, at the tables of their owners. The perpetration of the plot was alone prevented by an intervention, almost supernatural. A black cloud arose in the afternoon, preceeding the night when the general Massacre of the white inhabitants of Richmond & its vicinity, was to have taken place; & a flood of rain, which soon burst from it, so deluged the Country, as to render the execution, for that night, impracticable; the sudden overflow of a small stream, cut off the communication of some of the principal conspirators, from the place of rendezvous; in the mean time, the plot was revealed or detected, and many of the principal actors were seized & sent to prison— They have been tried in a summary manner & publicly executed; the particulars, which transpired at their trials, were of a nature to shock insensibility itself— The enterprize was boldly conceived—arms were provided & the whole Country might have been, at this moment, a scene of carnage & desolation, but for the providential discovery— An insurrection of a similar nature has broken out in the neighborhood of Charleston S.C. and though less formidable than at first represented, it forebodes much danger. Even in North Carolina & Maryland apprehensions are entertained. It is said, upon what authority I have been unable to discover, that frenchmen were the secret instigators of the Virginia revolt, and in the examinations of some of the detected blacks it appeared in evidence, that the white french inhabitants were to have been spared in the general massacre. The leader of the whole band, has hitherto escaped

although a considerable reward has been offered by proclamation for his head— It is hoped that this warning to the Southern proprietors, will produce a favorable effect upon their conduct & alter the style of their inflamatory language on subjects of government— But if they should prefer paying their debts, by having their throats cut, they will yet persevere in despite of all this.
				The City of Philadelphia yet continues more healthy than any of the neighboring Cities, although New York has been in a great degree exempt from infectious disorders, this season— All our friends are in health.
				I can offer nothing but conjecture upon the subject of our Elections— The Democrats are very strong, both in skill, intrigue & numbers— The failure, (as we hear) of the negociation with France, will I apprehend do some harm to the federal cause.
				I am, with esteem, your friend

					A—


Title: Thomas Boylston Adams to Abigail Adams, 5 October 1800
From: Adams, Thomas Boylston
To: Adams, Abigail

					My dear Mother.
					Philadelphia 5th: October 1800.

				I now enclose you my Brother’s letter of July the 10th: which I promised to transmit by this day’s Mail; but being anxious to see a considerable portion of it in print, & solicited by Mr: Dennie to furnish him a copy for the Gazette of the U.S. of Monday next, I could not complete the copy in time for sending, so that I am apprehensive you will not receive it until after the President’s departure— If so, you can enclose it to him, with request to return it to me. The writer of this letter, has given an opinion upon the Mission to France, so decided and so energetic, that it should not be suffered to remain as a private deposite.
				In a series of essays, which appeared last April, in Brown & Relf’s paper, under the signature of “A friend to his Country,” professing to be “a parallel between the policy, avowed by the British Government as it respected a renewal of negociation for peace with the french republic, & the policy of the American Government on the same subject,” there are facts, sentiments & principles advanced, so correspondent to the opinions in the enclosed letter, that the writer of those essays, may find that reward, credit & consolation, from the comparison, which he never received, in public or in private, at the time they came out. Cold water was thrown upon his well meant zeal, in the first place by the printer, who did not think entirely with the author, and who published the numbers at such long intervals that the thread, and the interest & connection of the subject-matter, were entirely lost, and moreover the 7th: & last number, which contained a recapitulation of the whole & pointed out the inferences, which were intended to be deduced, the Editor’s never published at all— I know that both you & my father noticed the first number of the series, but I did not wish it to be known that I wrote

them—William Shaw charged me with them and to him I confessed— If I could send you the six numbers that were published by a private hand, I would— The design & scope of the whole was to vindicate the mission to France, upon the principles of the law of nations; upon sound policy, & by analogy drawn from the practice of Great Britain & all her Allies, during this present contest. I boast not of the execution, but the design was good, and I have never changed an opinion delivered in any of the pieces— Indeed, had the last number been published it would have been seen, that the principle of sending Envoys to treat, (offend whom it might) was the most material one to be established—that the public could not, nor ought they to calculate upon indemnity for the losses sustained by french Spoliation, except by promises to he performed at a future day, when France might be more able to pay, than she was then & now is. This idea, the printer thought would be unpopular, I suppose, and possibly it would have been so, but was it just?—was it correct? Has not experience evinced its truth?
				The writer of this letter will, I presume, be easily guessed, by the Jacobins, who are so severely lashed in it, Cooper & Priestley, and as they will smart under it, it may be, they will come out, under anonymous signatures to attack the Author— Cooper is already writing the Constitutionalist, in the Aurora—
				I believe you will do well to stay at Quincy for the present, though I dread the influence of our Nothern climate upon your health in the winter season. I hardly looked for my father so soon as you give me reason to expect him— I shall, after he arrives at the City, send my letters for you, under cover to him—
				Present me kindly to all friends— I should like to pay them a visit, this winter, if my business would permit— It is not improbable I may be under the necessity of going to Boston, though I can scarcely afford either the time or the expence—
				With great affection, / I am, dear Mother / Your Son

					T. B Adams.

					PS. 6th: Octr: I rejoyce to hear of Boylston’s being better and that some hopes were entertained of his recovery—


Title: Abigail Adams to Thomas Boylston Adams, 10 October 1800
From: Adams, Abigail
To: Adams, Thomas Boylston

					Dear Thomas
					Quincy october 10th 1800

				First I would inform You that B Adams is we hope out of Danger; his reason is returnd pretty clearly. he is not Yet permitted to leave his Chamber— I congratulate the Philadelphians that they have this Year escaped the Pestilence. it is now so late in the Season that I hope they may wholy escape Since I was first an inhabitant of this place I never knew it So sickly as it has been this summer. last week there were 42 persons down with fevers in about one Mile of each other. in the begining of July William Baxter was taken sick of a Billious intermitting fever. this went through his family, his wife two Children maid and Man; from that Neighbourhood in which there are two slaughter Houses, the fever has Spread. Scarcly a House, or family but have been visited with it. two Children only have dyed, but many of the Adults have escaped with the skin of their teeth, for they have been reduced to mere skelitons; Edward Norten took the fever at mrs Vintons school held in Newcombs House, went Home to Weymouth well, but was taken Sick with the fever, and lay at the point of Death for several days he is now a walking Shadow. Richard & Jacob are now down with it, but what is more to be regreeted Mrs Norten is taken down with the same fever, and in her weak debilitated state we have many fears for her. Your Aunt Cranch is also sick we fear of the same disorder. her Maid is just recovering— this is the first day for more than a week that I have been able to sit up, or write a line. mine my sickness has been more of the Rhumatic fever and sleepless Nights than of the nature of the prevaling fever these fevers run to 6 & 8 weeks where they are bad— this is the season for poor Rhumatic invalids to feel the effects of it. I think

often of You and fear to hear that You are attackd— I hope my next Letter Will convey to you more agreable intelligence—
				I must now acknowledge the receipt of three two Letters from You, one of the 2 one of the 3d october I did read the peices You mention, and considerd them as the only Well written peices upon any subject which that paper has contained. there were some things in the first number which made me think they were not Written by … Such as the Charge made against the Gazzet of the united states “that it is devoted to the British, is only a trick of Duanes” now it is very notorious that from the appointment of envoys to France, that the Gazet was a party paper during the whole time that it was in the hands of that coxcomb J Ward Fenno, and was much more a British than an American paper—that it is, what it originally was in the Hands of the Father of the degenerate Son, no person will pretend to say. the lay Preacher is a sensible Man, but he has been soured, and is too much inclined to praise old Bel dame Britain and her ospring at the expence of his native country. I wish he had more of the scotchman in him in that respect beside I See no reason why a Man who will pemit the Jeffersoniad to be republishd in his paper, which is certainly coppied from the centinal, should refuse to republish peices Much better written— this does not work both ways. if I can collect these peices you Mention, I will Send them to the Secretary of the Historic Society, who in his last volm publishd an account of all the Newspapers Edited in the united states as to Pincknys Letter, between ourselves, I believe The Letter alluded to is a genuine coppy— I wish I could find coxs Letter which led to the observations— You know it was Pinckny the Senator who got the commission limited—and who requested col smith when he was appointed Secretary of legation, to become a spy upon the minister and make to him secreet communications— I only regreet the Publication of the Letter least it should wound the feeling of very Worthy Men, of whom it would never have been written, if they had been then personally known, as they since have been I am certain the President entertains for them a regard and esteem fully equal to their merrits— as to mr Pinckny or Rutledge ever calling upon the President to make any inquiries upon the Subject of the Letter it is all false. neither of them ever changed a word upon the subject. the New Haven buisness is all a misrepresentation, and Parson dana would behave more like a Gentleman if he told all the conversation, which however was between themselves, and cannot now be

accurately recollected. but the story of a hereditary monarchy is all Stuff for Electioneering purposes— you know that it must be so. you know that it is the furtherest from the thoughts of the President of any Man in the united states— Dana was lamenting the divisions, and the heats occasiond by the approaching Election—to which the President replied that it Was always so in Elective Governments— and would continue So, unless the nature of man could be altered. it appears if we May judge from what we hear that the N Haven visitors went with a design to tempt the P——t to Say Something which they could catch hold of—and by misrepresentation use and pervert to the Vilesest purposes— My advise to him upon the approaching journey is in the old moral to a fable

					“say no more unto Your Friend
					than You would to Your Foe
					For he that is your Friend to day
					May be your foe tomorrow
					and then reveal what you have said
					unto your grief and sorrow”

				these are cold heart Chilling lines for a soul fraught with benevolence, but I believe Sound advise upon the present occasion—
				Duans views are very evident— he will brew a Hell cauldron if he can, and he has all the ingredients in his own Venomous Heart. parson ogden is well provided for—but has left a Hydra head behind him
				how could you believe upon the Aurora assertion that otis was a Jeffersonian— he could not have written Decius— he would not have run such a hazard
				I have written myself Weary— mr Brisler left with Mrs Reisdel the silk stocking washer some lace to be washd for Me. if you can get it for me before Your Father comes, he can Frank it to me. pay for it, and I will reimburse You. I will return JQAs Letter the next opportunity. your Father goes on monday the 13th Biney & Hare dined here Yesterday—


Title: Benjamin Rush to Abigail Adams, 13 October 1800
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, Abigail

					My dear Madam.
					Philada
						Octobr 13th. 1800

				By the post on the 9th instant I intruded a hasty line upon you, upon a reference Tench Coxe had made to me upon the subject of Mr Adam’s political principles. I wrote to Mr Coxe on the same day to demand justice from him for the injury he had done me. His publication has been contradicted as far as it relates to me in several of our papers. Tomorrow an Avowal of what I wrote to you a few days ago will appear in the Aurora with the following addition to it. “that I have uniformly heard Mr Adams say, what he has published in his works, that our present government was best calculated for our Country.”—
				I cannot express to you the distress which I continue to suffer from this cruel Act of Mr Coxe. I am consoled it is true, not only by

a Consciousness of my integrity towards Mr Adams, but by the universal indignation and horror which Mr Coxe’s friends as well as enemies express, in speaking of his Conduct. They both knew my tenderness for him. My connection with him began in early life. He was my groomsman when I was married, and I felt disposed to forgive his defection from his Country when a body boy, in beholding his able & successful exertions in the establishment of the general government. Since his dissmission from Office I have seldom seen him. The only hour I have passed with him for two Years, was the one from which he has taken Occasion to misapply a general declaration to him. Indeed his publication contains not a word from me upon the subject of Mr Adams’s monarchical principles. It is an artful reference only, expecting no doubt that I would be compelled if any thing had come to my knowledge to divulge it, or by my Silence give a currency to it his insinuation. My declarations have hitherto not only defeated his views, but had a contrary effect. I lament that they were necessary, for my heart sickens at the idea of taking any part in the present disputes which divide our Country. Mr Adam’s character did not require my feeble testimony in its favor.
				I have called upon several of my democratic patients, and asked them to recollect whether they ever heard me utter a word, that could lead to an inference unfavorable to Mr Adam’s principles. They have not only declared they had not, but have added, that every thing I have ever said of him, was calculated to beget esteem and respect, and a Confidence in the integrity, and wisdom of his Administration. Indeed Madam since the year 1774 his name, and the independance, and happiness of the our Country have always been associated in my mind, and there is no One circumstance in my political life, that I review with half the pleasure that I do the uninterupted friendship with which he has honoured me for six & twenty years. My whole family have often heard me exult in it.
				Since T Coxe’s publication I have learned, that he has harboured a secret enmity to me for not interceding with the President to restore him to his Office, or to confer some Other Office upon him. This would have been highly indelicate, for I well knew he was not dismissed on account of his democratic principles, or Opposition to Mr Adams’s election but for his disputes with Mr Wolcot. I am the more disposed to ascribe his publication to this cause, from having experienced similar, but more open resentment from an old School mate, whose recommendation to the President for an Office I refused to subscribe.

				I have only to add to this long letter, that all Cobbet’s cruelties to me, were tender Mercies, compared with Tench Coxe’s.— Our language does not afford a word sufficiently expressive of its thier baseness.
				My dear Mrs Rush who sympathizes with me in my distress, and who, better than any One else knows the Ardor and extent of my respect & Affection for Mr Adams, joins in love to you and all the family, with my dear Madam your / sincere and / Affectionate friend

					Benjn: Rush


Title: Abigail Adams to John Adams, 18 October 1800
From: Adams, Abigail
To: Adams, John

					my dearest Friend
					Saturday Quincy October 18th 1800

				I have not written to you since you left Me, but as I know you must feel anxious to hear, I write tho it will but add to your apprehensions; my own Health has mended, tho the Weather has been so wet and unpleasent that I have not dared to venture out, not even to See my dear sister in her sickness and distress. she is very low with the fever confined to her Bed. Katy Gannet taken down, & George Palmer, added to this Mrs Norten was thought dyeing all thursday. she is since a little revived, tho exceeding dangerous from the same cause which carried off poor Humphries— the fever spreads. there are 8 new cases since last week Jackson is very sick with it, & has not left his Bed since you went away the Dr hopes he will not be

worse. I have sent to his Father and Friends to inform them; and prevaild upon mr Porter to have him removed down to the Farm House—as it was very inconvenient to me, and prevented my making any progress in getting ready to go away, taking my help to attend him— I have to seek an other coachman— Mr Black & Mr Smith are upon the inquiry. I wrote to sole, but his wife was so sick that he could not leave her— it is very distressing to me to leave My sister, to whom I owe so Much for her attention and kindness to Me at all times, but more particuliarly in My long sickness— when I might be of service to her, all the aid I can afford her whilst I stay, is by watchers—and My help are very ready to serve me, for her. the season is growing cold and wet. I shall endeavour to get away next Week if I am successfull in procuring a driver— I Must commit my Dear Friends to a kind Providence—and with a heavey heart leave them— I got mr Shaws Letter from William’s since which I have not heard from you— I pray God preserve you, and give us a joyfull Meeting
				Mrs Brisler had a Letter from Mr Brisler at Washington last Evening dated the 8th day after he left here. he tells her he fear he shall be worse off, than Adam was in Paridice, for he had a woman provided for him but there they tell him no such Being is to be had. he therefore requests I would send him on a freight— I shall make every exertion in my power— inclosed you will find some return Letters
				with Love to William / I am Your affectionate

					A Adams


Title: Abigail Adams to Mary Smith Cranch, ca. 18 October 1800
From: Adams, Abigail
To: Cranch, Mary Smith

					my dear sister
					[ca. 18 October 1800]

				It is a great Grief to me my dear sister that I can do so little for you in your trouble when I owe So Much to you. beside being much of an invalide myself Jackson is very sick keeps his Bed—and a

thousand cares devolve upon me in concequence of the sudden determination very reluctantly enterd into from a sense at this late period, without any previous arrangment— but all this is small in comparison to leaving Mrs Norten and you Sick— Becky will watch with You to night— I send some Wine for mrs Norten, and pray you to send me your demijohn
				Mrs smith and Betsy Howard are gone to Town to day
				I have to prepare ten of us to go away—a new coach man to seek— I did not design You should have had any intelligence about it, but mrs Smith says she told You a saturday. pray let me aid You with any thing I have that you want—


Title: Thomas Boylston Adams to Abigail Adams, 19 October 1800
From: Adams, Thomas Boylston
To: Adams, Abigail

					Dear Mother.

						Sunday 19th: October 1800.

				I have received your favors of the 10th: & 12th: instts: and am highly gratified by their contents; excepting the bill of health, which is less cheering than I could wish it might have been. I have been so occupied with attendance upon Courts and writing to my correspondents in Europe, during the last ten days, that I have not found time to write you; & the expectation of William’s departure before my letter could reach him, prevented my answering his last letters to me. He has sent me a list of some books, which have been packed up for me— I want some more than his list contains, particularly a sett of Livy, which you may possibly find room to bring on with you. I am quite provoked sometimes, when I think how improvident I was, not to retain a great proportion of the Books that were here last winter— There was the Encyclopedia—Postlethwaite’s Dictionary & a variety of useful books, which will never be touched at Quincy, and which I would gladly have purchased at prime cost; but on my return from my journey in the Spring, they were all packed up & sent off, and among them many books really my own— When I go to Quincy in person I shall lay violent hands upon them.
				The letters from my Brother, which I sent you are written in the true style of a Scientific & observant traveller. I have received the continuation to the 1st: of August, which I forbear sending you, since I am promised the pleasure of seeing you in the course of a month. The extract was published at large in the Gazette of the U.S. a part of it, which related to the Mission was published in New York & thence taken into Brown & Relf here; but although more people here approved of that measure, than in the Eastern States, and notwithstanding the distance of an Essex junto; there is still a violent, though not a numerous band, who will not listen to any vindication of it. The Jacobins profess to admire & respect the independence of Mr: Adams’s character, and several of them have told me, that next to their Idol Jefferson they would infinitely prefer him to any man in the Country. This language is humorous enough, and one hardly knows which it savors of most, rudeness or flattery. The high-toned ones here, who deserve no better name than Royalists, are very indignant at these commendations, because they contain a reflection upon their views & conduct. The Jacobins, within a few

days, talk of a coalition of Mr: Adams’s & Mr: Jeffersons friends, to keep under the Hamiltonians; this is insidious, false & treacherous doctrine to be held up at this moment, because if believed or even suspected to be true or likely, it would tend to split entirely asunder the friends of Government— No such thing is contemplated by Mr: A——s friends, and yet they are alternately accused of the design or the fact, by the other two parties— The Demo’s know it will injure Mr: A—— in the esteem of his adherents to propagate such a story, and the Anglo——s circulate it to mortify the P——t if not to hurt his interest. The hopes & confidence of the Jaco——s are yet strong; but unless this State can give her weight in their scale, they are yet uncertain as to the result. If Maryland had been on our side, we should have gained the election, supposing South Carolina to be entirely opposed; but then we must calculate upon a majority in North Carolina in our favor, of which I am very dubious. I have made a random estimate, which shaves very close— You have it herewith.
				I will not send away the Aurora, which contains some precious matter with respect to the conduct, sentiments & language of our old friend Dr: Rush, exposed and betrayed by Tench Coxe. An open & public appeal was made in a letter of Coxe’s to the Aurora Editor, to Dr: Rush, calling upon him to substantiate & testify to the truth of the charge of Manarchical principles made against Mr: Adams. You will see the passage in the federal papers— The poor Doctor is in a dreadful fease about it; he comes out in a letter, flatly contradicting the insinuations contained in Coxe’s letter. Coxe publishes again & gets the Dr: deeper in the mire. The Dr: came to me & palavered about it— I told him his letter was enough for my satisfaction and I presumed it would be sufficient with the family— He has written twice to you on the subject— But Coxe wont let him rest— He tells more strange stories, whether true or false, they will hurt the Dr: and he would soon be weary of contradicting them— You remember my words last spring in my letter to my father—“I wish Dr: R—— had less profession & more sincerity”— The old proverb that says, “when rogues fall out, honest men get their due,” will apply well-enough— I pity the Dr: for this lesson, much less than I do his wife & family & her connextions who will be much chagrined at the incident— The old womanish politics of Dr: R—— have been proverbial in my estimation, almost ever since I knew him— His private virtues are enough to cover in my opinion a multitude of his crude theories upon government— It is hoped by some & expected by more

that this late disclosure will make a breach between our family & the Doctor, but I see no necessity for it, since my opinion has not varied one tittle by reason of the exposure, which Coxe has made, taking it all as matter of fact— I hope the P——t & you are of the same opinion—
				Mr: & Mrs: Otis arrived safely here a day or two ago.— You will have a few friends about you at Washington, and considering all circumstances I am glad you are to be with my father this winter. The prospect is dreary enough; not for him, but for the Country. You know full well, that we have as little to lose as any body; but we have an interest in the honor the reputation & the prosperity of our Country; Yet suppose another four years of upright, independent administration, can it save us from Revolution, division or anarchy? There is a chance that it may, but a feeble one, in my opinion; when the war in Europe terminates, what are we to look for, if no settlement be previously made of our differences with France? There is no trust but in Omnipotence itself, which “in that day & hour, must provide against our dangers.”
				Reading a paper in the Spectator the other day, I fell upon the following remarks, descriptive of a great mind; I know few men in this world to whom they apply with so much justice & truth, as to the P——t.
				“A solid & substantial greatness of soul looks down with a generous neglect on the censures and applauses of the multitude, and places a man beyond the little noise and strife of tongues. Accordingly we find in ourselves a secret awe and veneration for the character of one, who moves above us in a course of virtue, without any regard to our good or ill opinions of him, to our reproaches or commendations.” You may find the whole passage, which I omit for want of room, in the 255th: Number of the Spectator; I estimate it as the essence of wisdom.
				With the truest love & attachment I am &ca:

					T B Adams.


Title: Abigail Adams to John Adams, 27 October 1800
From: Adams, Abigail
To: Adams, John

					my Dearest Friend
					Quincy October 27 1800

				after a sleepless night I begin my journey, with an anxious mind, tho not a desponding one. My dear sister is I hope out of danger, tho So low and weak as not to be able either to stand or walk. Mrs Norten whom we had all buried in our expectations, is getting up again. thus have I cause of comfort that Death has not enterd their Doors whilst in my own family I have cause to mourn the Death of poor Jackson whom last week I burried. the two shipleys were also threatned with the same fever and Mrs Porter. to all of them & to mrs smith the doctor administerd Emetic’s & calomil they are all better— shipley however is not yet out—
				I have been anxious that I have not heard from you. I have made all the haste I could under the circumstances of distress in which my sisters family have been, four others having the fever bad. my own weak state of body, and the agitation of My mind from the sudden death of Jackson, and the apprehension of the fever upon others has distrest me greatly— new cases daily occur—
				Shipley and the two Girls I send off tomorrow. Becky I hope will Deliver You this. My journey is a mountain before me, but I Must climb it. Mrs smith I take to N york— Ever yours—

					A A

					P s I will write you upon the road


Title: Richard Cranch to Abigail Adams, 31 October 1800
From: Cranch, Richard
To: Adams, Abigail

						Dear Sister.
						Quincy, Friday Morng: Octr: 31st. 1800

					I have the happiness of informing you that your Sister Cranch, is much better than when you went away. Your Mantle has fallen on Mrs. Black, who with a Sister’s tenderness has attended to the preparing of the Wine Whey, and doing every thing for her that the warmest Friendship can dictate. The rest of our Family are growing better but slowly. A young Man at Mr: Jno. Newcomb’s and the worthy Miss Lois Vinton are taken with the same Fever as we think. Mrs. (Thos) Pratt is yet dangerously sick. Mrs Norton remains better, and can set up a little. G: Palmer is growing better slowly. I hope you have been preserved in safety on the Road, and pray that the Keeper of Israel may still be your Preserver and Defender, and of all your dear Connexions. I shall keep you informed every Week of the State of our Family. Please to give my best Respects to your Children, and to the President when you shall have the happiness of meeting him; and to my dear Son and Family. I am, under impressions of the warmest Gratitude for your Kindness to my sick Family, your ever obliged Brother

						Richard Cranch

					No weakness of Body can eradicate fr[om] your Sister’s Heart the most gratefull sense of your kindness to her; and she begs you to accept her Gratitude as all that she can pay.

					P:S I have just heard that our Sister Peabody is come to Boston, but I have not heard whether Mr. Peabody is with her or not.


Title: Thomas Boylston Adams to John Adams, 1 November 1800
From: Adams, Thomas Boylston
To: Adams, John

					Dear Sir.
					Philadelphia 1st: November 1800.

				The morning after you left this place, the Aurora was filled with five columns & an half, from T. Coxe; wherein he undertakes to detail another private conversation, which passed between him and Mr: Dennie, during his last visit to the City, & while he lodged in the same house with Dennie & myself. It is hardly necessary to observe, that this, like all other details from the same source, is grossly

incorrect, as to both fact & inference. Judge Chipman’s name is introduced in a manner altogether unwarranted by the reality; altho Mr: D—— disclaims any recollection of his having introduced the name of that Gentleman. At all events, he positively denies having quoted Judge Chipman, as an advocate for a Government of King Lords & Commons, in this Country, because he intimately knows, that the Judge, dislikes many parts of the British Constitution as administered, which he has shewn in his own book— As to the connection of your name in this conversation & discussion, Mr: Dennie, asserts that Mr: Coxe’s interpretation is entirely false & unfair. I was not present when this conversation took place—indeed none of our fellow lodgers were disposed to listen, except by compulsion; as was in a degree the case with Dennie, to a talk of three hours & an half, in the forenoon, upon forms & modes of government & upon the various opinions of them entertained by men of talents in this Country. I know however that the conversation was on a morning subsequent to the evening that Mr: Dennie told Mr. Coxe to his face, (good naturedly enough to be sure) that he was a political apostate— This talk therefore was held the next morning, for the purpose of convincing D—— that he had mistaken his character & conduct.
				Dennie has been advised & persuaded by many, to come out in reply; at least so far as he is accused of implicating the opinions of other people. After due reflection, I believe he has come to a determination, not to write a word on the subject. He disdains having any controul over the political department of Waynes Gazette— He has never written any of the squibs & paragraphs against Coxe, of which he complains, & therefore does not hold himself responsible to the man against whom they were levelled.
				I have recommended silence to him on the occasion, altho’ I think there would be no harm in rectifying the misrepresentation as to Judge Chipman.
				This morning Tench appears again, in six fine spun, monotonous columns, in answer to your letter. It is any thing else but an answer— The press literally groans under the burthen of his communications, and the public, I think must be weary of tolerating his everlasting impertinence— Who is Tench Coxe, that he should attract to himself in the public newspapers, the notice of the whole Continent? The public will know him better & better, & he has a thirst for notoriety. I am apt to believe this will be the only reward & gratification he will obtain.

				I presume you can see the Aurora, from the Office of State, but least you should not, I will enclose some of the full ones.
				I rejoyce to see the selection of characters, for Electors made by the Legislature of New Jersey— It reflects honor upon the State.
				From So Carolina, accounts are more favorable than expected a federalist in the room of Major Pinckney & a great majority of the Charleston members of State Legislature, federal, to the exclusion of Several democrats.
				I hear nothing from my Mother since you passed—
				With great attachment, I am / Your Son

					T B Adams—


Title: Mary Smith Cranch to Abigail Adams, 7 November 1800
From: Cranch, Mary Smith
To: Adams, Abigail

					Quincy Nov. 7 1800

				welcome thou best of women thou best of Sisters thou kindest of Friends the Soother of ever human woe to the city of Washington. welome to the best of men welcome to a Nephew & neice who Love honor, & respects you take their Sweet ofspring to your benevolent Bosom & say to thus would your Grandmama do if she could hold you in her arms.— I tremble I can scarcly hold my pen other must tell you how I am afflected with Boils 40 upon my backe many of them

Break more would if I had strength to fill them out but if wine Wey [& caling pleantifully] will do I shall soon get it Love to every one
				I can no More
				yours affectionatly

					M C