Title: Tobias Lear to “John A. Dingwell”, 18 August 1790
From: Lear, Tobias
To: Dingwell, John A.

Sir,
New York August 18th 17909 O’clock A.M.

The letter which you addressed to General Knox and myself, enclosing one for the President, came to hand this morning; and as the President is not expected to return from Rhode Island in less than 6 or 8 days from this time, we have, so far as is in our power, complied with your wishes, as you will see by the enclosed engagement. I will now add, that Colo. McGillivary and the Indians leave this place today, so that whatever you may have to communicate respecting them must be done at the House of the President by 12 ’O Clock.
If the public welfare is so much interested in your information as you say it is, ⟨I⟩ think there needs no further argument to induce a communication from a good Citizen. I am Sir yr mo. Ob. St

Tobias LearSecry to the Presdt of the U.S.


Title: From George Washington to the Freemen of Newport, Rhode Island, 18 August 1790
From: Washington, George
To: Freemen of Newport, Rhode Island

Answer
Gentlemen,[Newport, R.I., 18 August 1790]
I receive with emotions of satisfaction the kind address of the Citizens of New Port on my arrival in this State.
Although I am not ignorant how much the worthy Inhabitants of this Town have been injured in their circumstances by their patriotic sufferings and Services, yet I must be allowed to say, that nothing on their part has been wanting to convince me of their affection to myself, and attachment to the government over which I am appointed to preside.
I request, Gentlemen, you will be persuaded, that I take a due interest in your particular situation; and that I join with you in anticipating the happy period, when, in our Country at large, commerce, arts, manufactures and agriculture shall attain the highest degree of improvement.
My expressions would but faintly communicate my feelings, should I enlarge beyond the proper limits of an answer to your address, in evincing my sensibility of your affectionate wishes for my felicity in the present and future state of existence. It will be a better proof of my zeal for the prosperity of the Inhabitants of this Town, and their fellow citizens of this State, to lose no opportunity of attending to the advancement of their interests,

in combination with the general welfare of the Community—This I shall do with unfeigned satisfaction: And may all the happiness be theirs, which can result, in their social character, from the uniform practice of industry, virtue, fraternal kindness, and universal philanthropy.

Go: Washington


Title: From George Washington to the Hebrew Congregation in Newport, Rhode Island, 18 August 1790
From: Washington, George
To: Hebrew Congregation in Newport, Rhode Island

Gentlemen.
[Newport, R.I., 18 August 1790]

While I receive, with much satisfaction, your Address replete with expressions of affection and esteem; I rejoice in the opportunity

of assuring you, that I shall always retain a grateful remembrance of the cordial welcome I experienced in my visit to Newport, from all classes of Citizens.
The reflection on the days of difficulty and danger which are past is rendered the more sweet, from a consciousness that they are succeeded by days of uncommon prosperity and security. If we have wisdom to make the best use of the advantages with which we are now favored, we cannot fail, under the just administration of a good Government, to become a great and a happy people.
The Citizens of the United States of America have a right to applaud themselves for having given to mankind examples of an enlarged and liberal policy: a policy worthy of imitation. All possess alike liberty of conscience and immunities of citizenship It is now no more that toleration is spoken of, as if it was by the indulgence of one class of people, that another enjoyed the exercise of their inherent natural rights. For happily the Government of the United States, which gives to bigotry no sanction, to persecution no assistance requires only that they who live under its protection should demean themselves as good citizens, in giving it on all occasions their effectual support.
It would be inconsistent with the frankness of my character not to avow that I am pleased with your favorable opinion of my Administration, and fervent wishes for my felicity. May the Children of the Stock of Abraham, who dwell in this land, continue to merit and enjoy the good will of the other Inhabitants; while every one shall sit in safety under his own vine and figtree, and there shall be none to make him afraid. May the father of all mercies scatter light and not darkness in our paths, and make us all in our several vocations useful here, and in his own due time and way everlastingly happy.

Go: Washington


Title: From George Washington to the Masons of King David’s Lodge, Newport, Rhode Island, 18 August 1790
From: Washington, George
To: Masons of King David’s Lodge, Newport, Rhode Island

Gentlemen,
[Newport, R.I., 18 August 1790]

I receive the welcome which you give me to Rhode-Island with pleasure—and I acknowledge my obligations for the flattering expressions of regard contained in your address with grateful sincerity.
Being persuaded that a just application of the principles, on which the masonic fraternity is founded, must be promotive of private virtue and public prosperity, I shall always be happy to advance the interests of the Society, and to be considered by them a deserving Brother.
My best wishes, Gentlemen, are offered for your individual happiness.

Go: Washington


Title: Memorandum from Tobias Lear, 18 August 1790
From: Lear, Tobias
To: Washington, George

[New York] Augt 18th [1790]

On Wednesday at 3 O’clock P.M. the person who had written several letters under the signature of Jno. A. Dingwell, came to the House of the President & had an interview with Genl Knox & T. Lear with whom he left the enclosed papers; and promised to get copies of such others as he could come at, & likewise give all the verbal information that he could obtain—Jno. A. Dingwell’s real name is  Smith: and the Thos Dalton mentioned in the enclosed papers boards at his House.
Smith informed T. Lear that he had carried several letters & notes from Major Beckworth to sd Dalton & once he had carried money to him—and that this day Dalton had 500 pounds which Smith thinks he must have got from Beckworth.


Title: Enclosure: Minutes of Creek Council, 2 March 1789
From: Creek Council
To: Washington, George

[Corvatas, 2 March 1789]

By the Kings Chiefs and head Warriors of the Creek and Cherickes Nations of Indians at a Genera⟨l⟩ meeting over black Drink at the Square of ⟨the⟩ Corvatas the 2d of the windy moon 1789.
Master of the Talks John Galphin, Hula Mica the Hollowing King M. Daurazaux Linxter.
Talk 1st That the Georgians comes on our land by Building houses on the Altamaha River on our hunting ground, and Driveing our game five or Six hundred miles further Back Then when our fathers and friends the English nation had it in their Possesion.
Talk 2d That we are at war with them and will not make peace with them, untill are further advised after the Busk.
Talk 3d That we are Ready to Send the Broken days through all our nations to our Kings and head warriors who ⟨mutilated⟩ not at this meeting to proclaim a General war again⟨st⟩ the Rebels that drove our beloved away from us a Cros⟨s⟩ the great water.
Talk 4th That the Spanards also are our Enemies and that we will not be friends with them for that they give us Tabacco Rice with Red pepper and Rum which they give us for Taffie A Brime Salt in Exchange for our Beaver furs and Skins and that we Cannot get Blankets nor Strouds from them in Exchange for our furs and Deer Skins &a &a.
talk 5th That we acknowledge no King nor nation to Rule or govern us but the great King of England a Cross the great water, And that he is our father and brother and that all of his Country are our beloved men and that the Spanards and Americans are our Enemies and that we will be Enemies to them while the Sun and moon Reigns.
talk 6th That we want a British fort and house built at Apalatcha or St Marys for Comerce and that British goods may be Sent out to us powder and lead, which we will give our furs and peltry in Exchange, and that we will defend the fort ourselves against the Spanards and Americans.

talk 7th That we will send our fathers and brothers the English a Return of the Warriors, in our Towns who owns the great King of England to be their Brother and will fight for him and his great nation and make war or peace for him when he pleases to Command us.
talk 8th Return of our warriors in our Nations

            Latchaway and its Boundaries Including Simclomans
            2500

            Flint River St Mary’s and St Johns and two Hilohatri Towns
            1500

            N⟨a⟩ches Cursetors and its boundaries
            1000

            Corsators Broken Arrow and its Boundaries
            1500

            Tuckabachas and both Talasses
            1000

            Talapusie and its Boundaries
            500

            Cherickes nation by Report of the Kings Chiefs and head Warriors Ready to go to war
            4000

            12000

talk 9th That the Nation of Mowhawks Chickasaws and Chacktaws will Join our nations against the Spanards and Americans if the are Supported by the King of the English Nation.
talk 10th That if our brother the great King a Cross the great water will furnish us with powder and Lead and war stores we will make war with Spain and america and Hoist his Colours when Ever we gain a Victory.
talks Still Continued
1st That we appoint our beloved man and warrior Thomas Dalton Esquire our leader to Cross the great water and make our talks Known to our brother the great King of England and his beloved Chiefs and head warriors and to give out his talks and to Receive theirs in their Squares or war Cabbins and we shall governed by his Talks as he is our beloved man Captain and warrior.
talk 2d That three warriors may be Sent Express to our head King Alexander McGillivry Esqr. with our talks that he may make them Straite in his war Cabbin at little Tallasses in the upper Creek nation and that if these talks are good and Straite talks they must accompany our beloved man to Pensacola and there gett a Spanish pass for him to Cross the great water So as to make our talks Known to the King of the English nation his head warriors and beloved men.
talk 3d That if our beloved man is hurt or Insulted by the

Spanards or Stoped in his way while on our business we will take the Governor ONeels Scalp and burn pensacola.
talk 4th That our beloved man after he Returns from holding our and his talks with our fathers and friends a Cross the great water may Come to our nation by way of the Ohio from lake Superior or Arie and Come down the Missippi River and that he may give out our talks to our brothers the Mohawkes He Knows them and their Country and head warrior our brother Colonel Guy Johnston.
Talk 5th That as our beloved man goes amongst our brothers the English to hold our talks we hope he not be injured in any mannor Suffer for any thing while he Remains in their Country and that they may Send him again out to us with their talks wither by Canada or East Florida as they and he may agree in the talks of their great King head warriors and beloved men.
We now Confirm these talks as our Straite talks with a Holoh and full Cup of Black Drink with our beloved man and Spils our Blood to shew the English nation we are Ready to Spill it for them.

John Galphinthe mark of HulaMica HollowingKing  X


Title: Enclosure: Thomas Dalton to Thomas Townshend, 30 May 1789
From: Dalton, Thomas
To: Townshend, Thomas

CopyNo. 2 Northumberland Court Strand
My lord30 may 1789
permit me to inform your lordship I am arived in this nation from the Spanish port of Pensocola with the talks of the Kings Chiefs and head warriors of the British Indians in north america held at the Cowatas in the Creek nation last mindy moon (March) the head King of the Creek nation directed me pr⟨i⟩vious to my departure to make my talks Known as Soon as possible to the great King of the English nation his head warriors and beloved men, agreeable to which I beg you may be pleased to grant me an audiance I wou’d do myself the honour of weating on your lordship in person were I in any other Habit ⟨mutilated⟩ that of the Indian, I hope for the honour of your answe⟨r mutilated⟩ wish to Return to the Indian nation as Soon as poss⟨mutilated⟩ your lordship I hope will Excuse my Indian language ⟨mutilated⟩ if your lordship is otherwise ingaged at present appoin⟨t⟩ Some of your head warriors or beloved men to he⟨ar⟩ my talks where I will weat upon your lordship or an⟨y⟩ other person you may authorise, I Cannot Convey the Indian talks by letter So well as to Speake them so I hope you may hear them that I may make them Strict. I have the Honour to be my lord your lordships most Hum. faithfull Hume Servt

Thomas Dalton


Title: Enclosure: Thomas Dalton to William Wyndham Grenville, 8 June 1789
From: Dalton, Thomas
To: Grenville, William Wyndham

(Copy)No. 2 Northumberland Court
SirStrand 8th June 1789
be pleased to permit me to inform you I am the bearer of the talks of the Kings Chiefs and head warriors of the Creek nation of British Indians in america.
the talks I alude to are now in the possision of Evan Napior Esqr., who was pleased to inform me I was to have the honour of an answer in the Course of three or four days, the time limited is five days Elapsed I am in pain untill I am informed of the Isue thereof and perticulary as I have no other habit in this nation but that of the Creek Indian in which I am obliged to Confine myself to my Chamber and as I have no other object in view but the liquedation of my business in this nation I must hope you will be pleased to order the Indian talk to be laid before you and honour me with your oppinion one way or the other for I woud Reather be a Sparrow on flight then a Canary bird in a Cage. I have the honour to be Sir your Hume Servt

T: D.Capt. Creek nation


Title: Enclosure: Thomas Townshend to Thomas Dalton, 12 June 1789
From: Townshend, Thomas
To: Dalton, Thomas

Sir
White Hall 12th June 1789

In answer to your letter 4th Inst. I am Commanded by his Majesty to inform you you have his liberty to travel through his province of Canada and hold your war Council with his faithfull mohawk Indians and give out your talks as the nature of your Embasy in this his majestys Kingdom directs you—I am further Directed by the British King to Requist you will Honour me with the Result of your Council through Guy lord Dorcaster Vice Roy of British america—Qubeck now head Quarters I wish you a Safe passage to america. I have the honour to be Sir your most obt Hume Servt

Sydney


Title: Enclosure: Minutes of Thomas Dalton’s Council with the Mohawks, 1789
From: Dalton, Thomas
To:

[c. Summer 1789]

at a private meeting of the Head &a &a &a Smoaking Shoemark under a white Ming the first of the hot moon near the Country Seat of the late British Genl Sir Guy Carlton.
the first talk to our brother let him give his answer, did he ask any brother if there was any one in new york auhorised to hear our private talk with our father and brothers a Cross the great water, answer from our brother that he had Spoke to a great

warrior which belongs to the nation of our father a Cross the great water on the midle of the first Busk moon on the first talk and the brothers answer was himself had not but he wished your nation well.
2d talk did you give out our talks of the Mindy moon at the Cowatas nine Chalk moons ago to our father a Cross the great water, answer I did what was his talk was it Straite, or did he throw it away as a bad talk, he loved th⟨e⟩ talk and wished it had Come to his great warrior at Quebeck before it had gone to his great King your father as his great warrior Knows your moha⟨es⟩cas (mowhacks) to be your brothers who are all brothers to him.
3 talk does that great warrior hear your talks in private and does he answer them and meet you when you bid him as a good brother, brother answer he does.
talk 4 has he given you good and Safe private talks of his love, answer he is a good and Safe brother and has given me proofs of his love meet him in private when the first Sun is over your bed of wampum and give him your bid of wampum as a token of our love for him as a good brother and warrior.
talk 5th ask this great warrior if he will Send you to his great warrior at Quebeck to hold the talks you Caried a Cross the great water and Send with you to our nation Some of his Kings Chiefs and head warriors and where we Shall meet them in our nation, answer I will.


Title: From George Washington to the Inhabitants of Providence, Rhode Island, 19 August 1790
From: Washington, George
To: Inhabitants of Providence, Rhode Island

Gentlemen
[Providence, R.I., 19 August 1790]

The Congratulations which you offer me, upon my arrival in this place, are received with no small degree of pleasure. For your attentions, and endeavours to render the town agreeable to me, and for your expressions of satisfaction at my election to the Presidency of the United States, I return you my warmest thanks.
My sensibility is highly excited by your ardent declarations of attachment to my person, and the Constitution.

As, under the smiles of Heaven, America is indebted for Freedom and Independence, rather to the joint exertions of the Citizens of the several States; in which it may be your boast to have borne no inconsiderable share; than to the Conduct of her Commander in Chief, so is she indebted for their support, rather to a continuation of those exertions than to the Prudence and Ability manifested in the exercise of the powers delegated to the President of the United States.
Your hopes of the extension of Commerce, the encouragement of Agriculture and Manufactures, and the establishment of public faith, as reared upon our Constitution, are well founded; and it is my earnest wish that you may extensively enjoy the benefits arising from them.
I thank you, Gentlemen, for your prayer for my future welfare, and offer up my best wishes for your individual and collective happiness.

Go: Washington


Title: From George Washington to the Corporation of Rhode Island College, 19 August 1790
From: Washington, George
To: Corporation of Rhode Island College

Gentlemen,
[19 August 1790]

The circumstances which have, until this time, prevented you from offering your congratulations on my advancement to the station I hold in the Government of the United States, do not diminish the pleasure I feel in receiving this flattering proof of your affection & esteem. For which I request you will accept my thanks.
In repeating thus publicly my sense of the zeal you displayed for the success of the cause of your country, I only add a single suffrage to the general testimony which all who were acquainted with you in the most critical and doubtful moments of our struggle for Liberty & Independence, have constantly borne in your favor.
While I cannot remain insensible to the indulgence with which you regard the influence of my example & the tenor of my conduct; I rejoice in having so favorable an opportunity of felicitating the State of Rhode Island on the co-operation I am sure to find in the measures adopted by the guardians of literature in this place, for improving the morals of the rising generation, and inculcating upon their minds principles peculiarly calculated for the preservation of our rights & liberties. You may rely on whatever protection I may be able to afford in so important an object, as the education of our Youth.
I will now conclude, Gentlemen, by expressing my acknowledgments for the tender manner in which you mention the restoration

of my health on a late occasion; and with ardent wishes that Heaven may prosper the literary Institution under your care, in giving you the best of its blessings in this World, as well as in the world to come.

Go: Washington


Title: To George Washington from “A Friend”, 20 August 1790
From: “A Friend”
To: Washington, George

Sir
Ireland 20 August 1790

You with the assistance of Your Countrymen and Foreigners have effected a Wonderful Revolution You have free’d Yourselves from the power of the British Government a Government overwhelming in corruption and oppression, Now You are Free hol[d] Yourselves so form Wise Laws and see them executed but not with too much arbitrary Government for that brings on a Revolution such as will be in Ireland soon if persisted in; the seat of learning and Empire that began in the East is now wearing fast towards the Western hemisphere first Greece Rose and fell Next Rome and now France is on the decline and England is in its Meridian, But Amerrica is only in its middle state, but will soon be a Great Kingdom in the World; But the chief point of My Writing to You is to inform You of the dreadfull shock that is to happen this Year, perhaps this may reach You before it—and Am Your Excellency’s, Humble Sevt

A Friend

N:B. Sir Isaac Newton knew this would happen in 1790 and it falls on Ireland.


Title: To George Washington from George Augustine Washington, 20 August 1790
From: Washington, George Augustine
To: Washington, George

Honord Uncle
Mount Vernon August 20th 1790.

Your favor of the 8th I have had the pleasure of receiving—my Letter subsequent to the 30th Ulto would give you information of the safe arrival of Will and the order in which the things were rcd sent in the same Vessel.
When I heard of the adjournment of Congress I hoped there would be no further impediment to your leaving New York, but am sorry to find that there are other matters to detain you longer, and that the 1st of Sepr is as soon as we can flatter ourselves with the pleasure of seeing you. In all things that relate to you and your business I feel so great an anxiety to do right, that I am led to the most deliberate consideration before I determin or act. with respect to the propriety of moving Whiting to the place now occupied by Fairfax time and experience must determin. I however attentively examined into the conduct of Whiting and have been able to discover nothing that would lead me to distrust his integrity, sobriety or industry and as to his capacity being superior for the general superintendance of business on an extensive scale I have not a doubt; and where the services of discontented persons and whose wages are great can be dispensed with, it will I am persuaded be favored a good general rule never to court their continuance, for it only serves to give them consequence in their own opinions that will render them burthensome to their employers, and I am well aware that the profits of your estate will not support it. and this I have studied in the agreements I have made, as I think it is time enough for men to begin to exact high wages when from their extraordinary services and skill the means have been provided—when I was informd by Fairfax that Garner declined continuing another year I replied to him that he was perfectly at liberty, for I concluded his object was an increase of wages which I was determind against, believing his wages and privileges were already

too great—tho I was doubtful about turning him off as I think him in most respects as good as the generality of them—I have however employed a person to replace him and in the choice I have used every precaution in my power. I went on Monday to Court where I met with Mr Gwin whose aid I requested in the business, he assured me it would give him pleasure to serve you or myself, but it was a business among the most disagreeable for he had been so frequently decieved by people of that calling that he was averse to recommending them, but that he would make inquiry—he afterwards brought to me a young Man the Son of a respectable & honest family in his neighberhood who he said he had much confidence in, and thought he could venture to recommend, for his sobriety honesty and industry and a good disposition to conform to orders, tho he could not undertake to vouch for his skill but as he would go by directions he thought I had better make a trial of him—I therefore desired him to come down and examin the Plantation and then he might form an opinion of his competency to undertake the management of it, which he did yesterday and determined to undertake altho he had never been accustomed to the management of many Negroes he thought he possessed resolution and activity sufficient for the management of them, and as he would go altogether by instructions he thought he should be able to give satisfaction I fixed upon that place for him as I think the Negroes more governable and the place less difficult to manage than the Ferry & Frenches united. You spoke of Men with Wives and small families but I ventured to depart from it in this instance believing that you considered it in no other point of view than having a tendency to confine the Overseers to their business or freeing them from inducements for going abroad. this may in some instances be the case but Overseers Wives are seldom useful but never fail to increase expence—the Wages of the one I have now engaged will not stand you in very little more than half what Garner has—I have allow’d him £30.0.0. 300 wt pork & 100 wt Beef at killing time 4 Bls Corn. 100 wt Midling Flour—the use of a Cow the privilege of raising Fowls for his own consumption and a Boy or Girl which can be most conveniently spared to cook &ca. for him but in case butter is made and Fowls raised for the House he is to superintend it and the person engaged in the business is to Cook for him—I got him

on the very best terms I could and if he should turn out well it will be very moderate at least compared to what Garner recieves—I wish I may be able to get one on as moderate terms for the Ferry & Frenches I shall loose no time in procuring one but shall be very cautious in the choice Fairfaxes time expires the 23 of next month but he will stay longer should I not be provided to remove Whiting which I do not expect—I fear it will be found impracticable to get a wheat Stubble in order between the harvesting of the Grain and the proper season for sowing Buckwheat, to receive the latter with Grass seeds as I am inclined to think that it might succeed better than spring sowing of seed—Whiting seems very partial to sowing Clover seed on snow the last of the winter—The Corn you sent from New York was a fine grain and may be very valuable but it is by no means as promising as some of our common Corn which is in the same field and later planted Whiting is not very fond of it but says it might be well enough to try a little as it will answer to be planted much later than the Common Corn—a piece of wood of the kind and dimensions you direct shall be prepared—The Ice I was very desirous of preserving and used but very little—I had it examind today and Frank reports that there remains but a very small piece—The time of Peter and Godfry has been during the season so much occupied that the little jobs they did I thought heardly worth reporting—Peter goes to the Post Office—as the season is now pretty much over they will have time for other things—the mares for the advantage of pasture have been kept in the upper apartments or divisions of the great meadow and some of them being very mischievous & difficult to catch ingrosed much of their time in attending to them—Since my last we have experienced further interuptions in our business from rain on Sunday evening the most powerful rain fell that I recollect to have seen, at this place tho’ it did not continue more than an hour, a severe wind with much thunder & lightning accompanied—the rain was partial and the wind appeared moreso it was much more severe at this place the Ferry & Frenches than any where else on this estate at those two places much of the Corn was blown down which was obliged to be set up before they could proceed with sowing wheat at the latter where they began last Friday—we should have began this week at all the plantns but the interuption of rains of which we had a

very hard show[er] again on Monday evening causes other things to interfere so as to prevent it untill the begining of next week—the Buck wheat is cut in the Neck and it is now collecting and stackg—and I think will probably turn out tolerably well that I am inclined to think will succeed well which was sown for seed at D: Run should the Fall prove favorable the weather has been very warm untill yesterday it has since and is now uncommonly cool for the season—the Red Corn you sent I planted and had very carefully tended it came up and was very flourishing untill it was about knee high when it was attacked by an insect and nearly half distroy’d what escaped has been very flourishing untill abt a week ago and is all now dying in the hill I think from some of the seed of the pumpkin given you by Colo. Platt said to weigh 102½ lb. which I planted in the vineyard I shall raise some equal if not superior in size—I hope this will find you on your journey and that the stage of this night may give certain information when we may expect the happiness of seeing you—my prayers and best wishes attend you my Aunt & the Children and best respects to your Family—and believe me to be Your sincerely affectionate Nephew

Geo: A. Washington


Title: To George Washington from Samuel G. Dorr, 23 August 1790
From: Dorr, Samuel G.
To: Washington, George

No. 19 Water-street New York Augst 23 1790

I cannot dig, & beg I am asham’d.
Sir.
Nigh three years ago I open’d a boarding school in Dumfries, was patroniz’d by Col. Blackburn, Judge Bullitt, & Richard Graham, but at an unhappy hour, just as my school began to be productive, was seiz’d with a voilent disorder, oblig’d to break it up, & return to the northward. This misfortune, follow’d by a train of others, has at length reduc’d me so low, that want, getting the better of those delicate feelings, that make me asham’d of sheer poverty, has imbolden’d me to look up to the illustrious President of the united states, & implore his masonic munificence. I am Sir, with sentiments of esteem, your humb. Servt

Saml G. Dorr


Title: To George Washington from Lafayette, 23 August 1790
From: Lafayette, Marie-Joseph-Paul-Yves-Roch-Gilbert du Motier, marquis de
To: Washington, George

My dear General
Paris August the 23d 1790

What Would Have Been My feelings, Had the News of Your illness Reached me Before I knew My Beloved General, My Adoptive father was out of danger! I was Struck with Horror at the idea of the Situation You Have Been in, while I, Uninformed, and to distant from You, Was Anticipating the long

waited for pleasure to Hear from You, and the Still More Endearing prospect to Visit You, and present You with the tribute of a Revolution one of Your fine Offsprings—for God’s Sake, my dear General, take Care of Your Health, don’t devote Yourself So much to the Cabinet, while Your Habit of life Has from Your Young Years, Accostumed You to a constant Exercise. Your preservation is the life of Your friends, the Sallvation of Your Country—it is for You a Relligious duty Not to Neglect Any thing that May Concern Your Health—I beg You will let me oftener Hear from You—I write when an Opportunity offers—and to My Great Sorrow I Hear My letters Must Have Miscarried, or Been detained—But as our Correspondance Can Have no other Bounds But the Opportunities to write, It Was not a Reason, Give me leave to Say, for you to Miss Any that May Have offered—and You may Easily Guess what I am Exposed to Suffer, what would Have Been my Situation Had I known Your illness Before the News of Your Recovery Had Conforted a Heart So Affectionately devoted to You.
This letter will Be delivered By two Gentlemen, one of them an Artillery officer, who are Going to Settle on the Banks of famed Scioto—How Pr[o]fitable the Scheme May Be to them, I do not determine, But as they personally are Entitled to Regard, and are much Recommended to me, I Beg You will Honour them with your kind Reception and Good Advices.
The proceedings of the National Assembly Cannot fail Being known to You—We Have Run or Cut down Every thing that was—and perhaps was it the only way to Get Rid of the Innumerable obstacles that opposed our Revolution—We after wards Have Made an Immense Emission of Resolves, Constitutional, legislative, Administrative, and of the lat[t]er Great deal too much—Happy it Has Been for us that I persuaded the Assembly to Begin with a declaration of Rights, As Among Our decrees, few may Be found that are not Consonant with the More Perfect Principles of Natural Rights, So that our Errors Being on the Popular Side, and of the Speculative turn, Monarchical influence, and Practice will fit us to Meet in a few Years a Second Convention, while Had We Gone Half way only, or taken an other Rule than that of Nature, it would Have Been impossible to Conquer our difficulties, or destroy our prejudices—it is from Such a motive that I Have Been So Eager to UnRoot out Not

only the Reality But Even the Smallest Appearance of Aristocracy Among us.
Now we are disturbed with Revolts among the Regiments—and as I am Constantly Attacked on Both Sides By the Aristocratic and the Factious party, I don’t know to which of the two we owe these insurrections—our Safe guard Against them Lies with the National guard—There is more than a Million of Armed Citizens—Among them Patriotism Reigns—and my influence with ’em, is as Great as if I Had Accepted the Chief Command. I Have lately lost Some of My favour with the Mob, and displeased the frantic lovers of licentiousness, as I am Bent on Establishing a legal Subordination—But the Nation at large are Very thankfull to me for it—it is Not out [of] the Heads of the Aristocrats to make a Counter Revolution—Nay, they do what they Can with all the Crowned Heads of Europe who Hate us like the devil—But I think their plans will Be either Abandonned or Unsuccessfull—I am Rather more Concerned with a division that Rages in the Popular Party—the Clubs of the jacobines, and 89 it is Called, Have divided the friends of liberty who accuse each other, jacobines Being taxed with a disorderly Extravagance, and 89 with a tincture of Ministerialism, and Ambition—I am Endeavouring to Bring about a Reconciliation—the affair of the 6th of October will Be Reported in the House Next week. I don’t think there will Be Against duke d’orleans, and am Sure there Are Not Against Mirabeau Sufficient Charges to impeach them—there is Some thing Cloudy in the Present Systems of those two men, altho’ they do not Seem Actually Connected—they are Both Cowards—But the prince most particularly So.
I Hope our Business will End with the Year—at which time this So much Blackened Cromwell, this Ambitious dictator, Your friend, Shall most deliciously Enjoy the Hapiness to Give up all power, all public Cares, and to Become A private Citizen in a free Monarchy, the Constitution of which, altho’ I Could not Help its’ Being Very defective Now, will lay a foundation for the Most Excellent one to Be Made in a few years.
The people Begin to be a little tired with the Revolution and the Assembly—one part to Be Ascribed to the french temper, and numberless private losses—the other part owing to the faults of the Assembly, the intrigues and the Ambition of most

of its leaders. But we Have got wind Enough to Run the Ship into Harbour.
I depend on my friend Short to Give You political intelligences—His Abilities, zeal, and the Affection and Esteem He Enjoys put Him in a Situation to Give You the Best informations—M. jefferson and Myself know His worth, and Can Warrant it—He is a most valuable man to do American Business Here.
My Best Respects wait on Mrs Washington—I Beg you to present My tenderest Compliments to Hamilton, Knox, jefferson—Be So kind as to Show them My letter as well as to M. jay to whom I also Beg My affectionate Compliments and to all friends.
Adieu, My dear General, Mde de Lafayette and family join in Affectionate Respects to You and Mrs Washington—Most Tenderly, and Respectfully I Have the Honeur to Be My Beloved General Your devoted friend

Lafayette


Title: To George Washington from Edmund Randolph, 24 August 1790 [letter not found]
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Washington, George

 Letter not found: from Edmund Randolph, 24 Aug. 1790. In a letter to Randolph, 26 Aug. 1790, GW refers to Randolph’s letter “of the 24th inst.”


Title: To George Washington from the St. Tammany’s Society, 24 August 1790 [letter not found]
From: St. Tammany’s Society
To: Washington, George

  Letter not found: from the St. Tammany’s Society, 24 Aug. 1790. Requests GW to sit for a portrait. On 24 Aug. 1790 Tobias Lear wrote John Pintard, the society’s first sagamore, or master of ceremonies, “In reply to your letter of this date which I just now had the honor to receive.”


Title: To George Washington from James Simpson, 25 August 1790
From: Simpson, James
To: Washington, George

Sir
Gibraltar 25th August 1790

I have the honor to transmit a dispatch receivd this morning from Francis Chiappe Esqr. for Your Excelly.
Having lately been desired to enquire by means of my correspondents at Algiers how many Americans remained there, and the sum would be demanded for their Ransom, I take the liberty of inclosing for your information copy of the return made me, and to say that as the Gentlemen encharged me to make this inquiry, wrote in a stile as if the generous & humane Idea of Ransom flowed from a private source, I must fear as the sum demanded is considerable, I shall not have the happyness of being encharged by them with directions for carrying it into execution.
I have much pleasure in availing of this opportunity of makeing a tender of my best services in this place to your Excellency, or to the Congress of the United States, on whatever occasion same may be considered usefull. I have the honor to be Your Excellencys Most Obedient and Most Humle Servant

James Simpson


Title: To George Washington from Samuel Bard, 26 August 1790
From: Bard, Samuel
To: Washington, George

Sir
New York August 26th 1790.

As I am informed it is not improbable but that a Law for establishing an Excise may pass during the next Cession of Congress, I beg leave to mention to you my Brother Mr John Bard Junr as a Candidate for the Honor of your nomination to an office in that Department, consistent with his Residence in this City or County.
upon this occasion it may not be improper to inform you that at the commencement of the last war, he early enterd into the service of his Country, with the Rank of Captn in the Georgia Line, in which station he was made a Prisoner at the taking of Savanah, and remained unexchangd the greater part of the war, ill health having compelled him to come to the northward—I might too vouch for his Character as a man of Business and Integrity, but in these respects I beleive I may confidently refer you to Coll Hamilton—Coll Lawrence, and Mr Bensen.
Before I conclude permit me Sir, to make to you my gratefull acknowledgements for the confidence you have reposed in me and the honor with which you have destinguished me during your Residence in this City; and to assure you that nothing could alleviate the regret with which I must relinquish so honorable a station as that of your Physician, so much, as the approbation

you have been pleased to express of my faithfull Services. I have the honor to be, with great Respect Sir Your most humble & most obedient Servt

Samuel Bard


Title: From George Washington to the Governor and Council of North Carolina, 26 August 1790
From: Washington, George
To: Governor and Council of North Carolina

Gentlemen,
United States [New York] August 26th 1790.

I entreat you to be persuaded that nothing could have been more agreeable to me than the proofs contained in your affectionate address of the friendly sentiments entertained by you for my person as well as for the government which I have been appointed by my Countrymen to administer—And I reciprocate with heartfelt satisfaction your congratulations on the completion of the union of all the States; an event, in my judgment, pregnant with more salutary consequences than can easily be expressed or conceived.
It will ever be my first wish and most strenuous endeavour to justify, so far as may be in my power, the confidence which my fellow-citizens have thought proper to repose in me, by exerting every power vested in the President of the United States by the Constitution, for the happiness and prosperity of our country; and by giving efficacy to such as system as will enspire the general welfare and conciliate the public mind.
I desire, Gentlemen, to make acceptable to you my acknowledgements for the kind concern you take in the restoration of my health and preservation of my life, and in the retribution I may receive after the conclusion of this mortal existence. May you and the State in whose government you have the principal agency, be also the peculiar care of divine providence.

G. Washington


Title: To George Washington from Alexander Hamilton, 26 August 1790
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

[New York, 26 August 1790]

The Secretary of the Treasury respectfully begs leave to submit to the President of the United States copies of a letter from Messrs Wilhem & Jan Willink and Nicholas and Jacob Van Staphorst & Hubbard of the 25th day of January last, and of an answer thereto of the 7th day of May following.
The President will perceive that the last mentioned letter was formed upon a plan not to discourage the progress of the Loan which had been set on foot, and yet to leave a final determination upon it open.
The undertaking that loan without previous authority, was irregular and in that view exceptionable; though the motives assigned for it have considerable force as they respect the credit of the United States; and, so far as they may be supposed to have really operated, afford a plausible apology for the measure.
As far however as the giving a sanction to it might serve as a precedent, it would not be free from objection; for it certainly would consist neither with the dignity nor the interest of the government to encourage its Agents in the practice of employing its credit in unauthorised loans.
But as an acceptance of the loan may be accompanied with a prohibition of similar attemps hereafter, which would doubtless have the effect of preventing them, it is submitted as the opinion of the Secretary, that the irregularity of the proceeding ought not to preclude such acceptance, if the loan itself be in other respects desirable; and the following considerations appear in his judgment to render it so. The terms are probably as advantageous as the present agitations of Europe, which must necessarily create an unusual demand for money, authorise an expectation of obtaining.
A sum of one hundred and seventy two thousand Dollars will be wanting at the commencement of the ensuing year to discharge the interest which will then fall due on the Dutch Loans, which it is essential to the credit of the United States should be paid, and the timely payment of which could with difficulty be accomplished in any other way. There was on the 21st of March last due to Spain for principal and interest of her advances and

loans, the sum of, two hundred & forty thousand and eight Dollars, and eighty nine Cents: and to France there will be due at the end of the present year for arrears of interest and certain instalments of the principal of her Loans a sum little short of three millions eight hundred thousand Dollars.
Powerful considerations of different kinds, which will readily occur to the mind of the President urge to exertions to discharge these demands. The Minister of the Finances of France has, thro’ the Chargé D’affairs of the United States at that Court, solicited that the money arising from the Loan in question, of which he had been apprised, might be applied in part payment of the Debt due to that nation. Its peculiar situation at the present juncture contains an appeal to the sensibility, as well as to the policy and honor of this Country in favor of that requisition.
If these reasons appear to the President sufficient to induce his sanction to the loan in question, it will remain to consider, under what act, it will be most expedient to authorise its being made, whether that of the 4th or that of the 12th of the present month, or whether it may not be advisable to authorise it partly under one & partly under the other.
It is conceived that the business may easily take the latter form, if deemed eligible; and this is recommended by the consideration that it will contribute in a degree to all the purposes which require to be promoted.
If two thirds of the sum should be borrowed on account of the twelve millions and the remaining third on account of the two millions, the next half years interest in Holland may be discharged, the arrears of Interest on the Debt due to Spain may be paid off, a respectable payment may be made to France as a prelude to more considerable ones, and a sum of consequence to the operation, would remain towards the reduction of our Debt and supporting our funds in conformity to the intention of the last mentioned Act. All which is humbly submitted.

Alexander Hamiltonsecretary of the Treasury


Title: To George Washington from Thomas Jefferson, 26 August 1790
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Washington, George

Aug. 26. 1790.

On consideration of the letter of our bankers of Jan. 25. 1790. the Secretary of the Treasury’s answer to it, and the draught of powers and instructions to him. I am of opinion, as I always have been, that the purchase of our debt to France by private speculators would have been an operation extremely injurious to our credit; and that the consequence foreseen by our bankers, that the purchasers would have been obliged, in order to make good their paiments, to deluge the market of Amsterdam with American paper of all sorts & to sell it at any price, was a probable one, and the more so as we know that the particular individuals who were engaged in that speculation, possess no means of

their own adequate to the paiments they would have had to make. while we must not doubt that these motives, together with a proper regard for the credit of the U.S. had real and full weight with our bankers, towards inducing them to counterwork these private speculations, yet to ascribe their industry in this business wholly to these motives, might lead to a too great & dangerous confidence in them. it was obviously their interest to defeat all such speculations because they tended to take out of their hands, or at least to divide with them, the profits of the great operation of transferring the French debt to Amsterdam, an object of first rate magnitude to them and on the undivided enjoiment of which they might count, if the private speculators could be baffled. it has been a contest of dexterity and cunning, in which our champions have obtained the victory. the manoeuvre of opening a loan of three millions of florins has on the whole been useful to the U.S. and, tho unauthorized, I think should be confirmed. the measure proposed by the Secretary of the Treasury, of sending a superintendent of their future operations, will effectually prevent their doing the like again, & the funding laws leave no danger that such an expedient might at any future time be useful to us.
The report of the Secretary of the treasury, and the draught of instructions present this plan to view. 1. to borrow, on the best terms we can, not exceeding those limited by the law, such a sum as may answer all demands for principal or interest of the foreign debt, due, or to become due before the end of 1791. (this I think he supposes will be about 3½ millions of dollars.) 2. to consider two of the three millions of florins already borrowed by our bankers as, so far, an execution of this operation; consequently that there will remain but about 2½ million of dollars to be borrowed on the old terms. 3. to borrow no more as yet towards completing the transfer of the French debt to Amsterdam, unless we can do it on more advantageous terms. 4. to consider the 3d million of florins already borrowed by our bankers, as, so far, an execution of the powers given the President to borrow 2. millions of dollars, by the act of the 12th of August. the whole of this appears to me to be wise. if the 3d million be employed in buying up our foreign paper on the exchange of Amsterdam, by creating a demand for that species of paper, it will excite a cupidity in the monied men to obtain more of it by

new loans, and consequently enable us to borrow more & on lower terms. the savings of interest too on the sum so to be bought, may be applied in buying up more principal, and thereby keep this salutary operation going.
I would only take the liberty of suggesting the insertion of some such clause as the following into the instruction. “the agent to be employed shall never open a loan for more than one million of dollars at a time, nor open a new loan till the preceding one has been filled, and expressly approved by the President of the U.S.” a new man alighting on the exchange of Amsterdam, with powers to borrow 12. millions of dollars, will be immediately beset with bankers & brokers, who will pour into his ear, from the most unsuspected quarters, such informations and suspicions as may lead him exactly into their snares. so wonderfully dexterous are they in wrapping up & complicating their propositions, they will make it evident, even to a clear headed man (not in the habit of this business) that two & two make five. the agent therefore should be guarded, even against himself, by putting it out of his power to extend the effect of any erroneous calculation beyond one million of dollars. were he able, under a delusive calculation, to commit such a sum as 12. millions of dollars, what would be said of the government? our bankers told me themselves that they would not chuse, in the conduct of this great loan, to open for more than two or three millions of florins at a time, & certainly never for more than five. by contracting for only one million of dollars at a time, the agent will have frequent occasions of trying to better the terms. I dare say that this caution, tho not expressed in the instructions, is intended by the Secretary of the Treasury to be carried into their execution. but perhaps it will be desireable for the President⟨,⟩ that his sense of it also should be expressed in writing.

Th: Jefferson


Title: To George Washington from Gouverneur Morris, 26 August 1790
From: Morris, Gouverneur
To: Washington, George

Dear Sir,
London 26 August 1790

I have this Instant received yours of the seventh of July, which acknowleges the Receipt of mine of the seventh and thirteenth of April, and first and second of May. Concluding from hence that mine of the twenty second and twenty fourth of January had not reached you, I shall enclose herein Copies of them. I delivered the Originals, with some others, to the Wife of Mr LeCouteulx de Caumont having waited a long time and till late in the Evening to see him. He was to have left Paris, as he had told me, the next Day but staid I beleive one or two Days longer. My other Letters by him were received by those in America to whom they were directed but Heaven knows what he did with those directed to you. There was among them a pretty large Package containing the Seeds of various Shrubs Plants and Trees from the South of france which I had obtained from the King’s Gardens hoping they might have contributed some little Ornament to Mount Vernon—I have not the slightest Suspicion that Mr LeCouteulx has been guilty of any Thing but Negligence upon this Occasion, for I beleive him to be a very honest tho a very careless fellow. The Miscarriage of these Letters vexes me much: and especially because (beleiving the Occasion to be perfectly safe) I had written with great freedom as you will perceive by the Copies of my Letters. As it will take some Time to prepare them I hasten to close this with the assurances of my sincere Respect and Affection

Gouvr Morris


Title: Proclamation, 26 August 1790
From: Washington, George
To:

[New York, 26 August 1790]

Whereas it hath at this time become peculiarly necessary, to warn the citizens of the United States against a violation of the treaties, made at Hopewell, on the river Keowee, on the third and tenth days of January, in the year of our lord 1786, between the United States, and the Choctaw and Chicasaw nations of Indians; and to enforce the act, ⟨e⟩ntitled “an act to regulate trade and intercourse with the Indian tribes”, copies of which treaties and act are hereto annexed: I have therefore thought fit to require, and do by these presents require, all officers of the United States, as well civil as military, and all other citizens and inhabitants thereof, to govern themselves according to the treaties and act aforesaid; as they will answer the contrary at their peril. Given under my hand, and the seal of the United States, at the city of New-York, this, twentysixth day of August, in the year of our lord
Go: Washington
By the President
Th: Jefferson


Title: From George Washington to John Adams, 27 August 1790
From: Washington, George
To: Adams, John

Sir,
New York, August 27th 1790.

Being very desireous of obtaining such aids and information as will enable me to form a just opinion upon the subject of the enclosed paper, in case the events therein mentioned should take place; I have taken the liberty to submit it to you for your consideration, requesting that you will favor me with an opinion thereon. With very great esteem & regard I am Sir, Your most Obedt Hbe Servt

Go: Washington


Title: Enclosure: To John Adams, 27 August 1790
From: Washington, George
To: Adams, John

SecretUnited States [New York] August 27th 1790
Provided the dispute between Great Britain and Spain should come to the decision of Arms, from a variety of circumstances (individually unimportant and inconclusive, but very much the reverse when compared and combined) there is no doubt in my mind, that New Orleans and the Spanish Posts above it on the

Mississippi will be among the first attempts of the former, and that the reduction of them will be undertaken by a combined operation from Detroit.
The Consequences of having so formidable and enterprising a people as the British on both our flanks and rear, with their navy in front, as they respect our Western settlements which may be seduced thereby, as they regard the Security of the Union and its commerce with the West Indies, are too obvious to need enumeration.
What then should be the answer of the Executive of the United States to Lord Dorchester, in case he should apply for permission to march Troops through the Territory of the said States from Detroit to the Mississippi?
What notice ought to be taken of the measure if it should be undertaken without leave, which is the most probable proceeding of the two?
Mr Adams will oblige the President of the United States by giving his opinion in writing on the above statement.

Go: Washington


Title: From George Washington to Thomas Jefferson, 27 August 1790
From: Washington, George
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir
Friday Morng, 27th [August] 1790

Enclosed is the report (I mentioned to you on our Passage to Rhode-Island) of the Officer who was directed to explore the Navigation of Big Beaver &ca—When you have read, & taken such extracts from it as you may be inclined to do, please to return to the papers to me, as they will have a place with some other Papers I mean to take with me to Virginia.

The short and rough Extracts also enclosed, were taken at the time of reading another report of the Ouabash River Navign. Yrs &c.

G. W——n


Title: From George Washington to Henry Knox, 27 August 1790 [letter not found]
From: Washington, George
To: Knox, Henry

Letter not found: to Henry Knox, 27 Aug. 1790. On 29 Aug. 1790 Knox wrote to GW, “In answer to your secret communication of the 27th instant, and the questions stated therein.”


Title: From George Washington to Henry Lee, 27 August 1790
From: Washington, George
To: Lee, Henry

My dear Sir,
New York Augt 27th 1790

I have been duly favoured with the receipt of your obliging letter dated the 12th of June last—I am also indebted to you for a long letter written to me in the course of last year—and should have had the pleasure sooner to express my acknowledgments for the te⟨n⟩der interest you take on account of my health & administration, but such is the multiplicity of my avocations—and so great the pressure of public business as to leave me no leizure for the agreeable duty of answering private letters from my friends—and although I shall at all times be happy to hear from them, yet I shall be bu⟨t⟩ an unprofitable corrispondent, as it will not be ⟨mutilated for me⟩ to make those returns which under ⟨o⟩ther circumstances I should have real plea⟨sure in⟩ doing.

It is unnecessary to assure you ⟨of⟩ the interest I take in whatever nearly con⟨ce⟩rns you—I therefore very sincerely condol⟨e w⟩ith you on your late, and great losses; bu⟨t⟩ as the ways of Providence are as inscrutable as just it becomes the children of it to submit with resignation & fortitude to its decrees as far as the feelings of humanity will allow and your good sense will, I am persuaded, enable you to do this. Mrs Washington joins me in these sentiments and with great esteem & regard I am, My dear Sir, Your Affecte & Obedt Servt

Go: Washington


Title: From George Washington to John Adams, 28 August 1790
From: Washington, George
To: Adams, John

Sir,
New York August 28th 1790

The Resolution of the Board for the Reduction of the Public Debt of the 27th of August 1790, which has been submitted to me meets my ideas fully on the subject, and is now enclosed with my approbation. With very great esteem & regard I am Sir, Yr most Obet Hbe St

G: Washington


Title: From George Washington to Alexander Hamilton, 28 August 1790
From: Washington, George
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[New York, 28 August 1790]

Having thought fit to commit to you the charge of borrowing on behalf of the United States a sum or sums not exceeding in the whole Fourteen Millions of Dollars pursuant to the several Acts, the one entitled, “An Act making provision for the Debt of the United States”, the other entitled, “An Act making provision for the reduction of the Public Debt.”
I do hereby make known to you, that in the execution of the said trust, you are to observe and follow the orders and directions following Vizt Except where otherwise specially directed by me you shall employ [an agent] in the negotiation of any Loan or Loans which may be made in any foreign Country.
You shall borrow or cause to be borrowed on the best terms which shall be found practicable (and within the limitations prescribed by Law as to time of repayment and rate of interest) such sum or sums as shall be sufficient to discharge, as well all installments or parts of the principal of the foreign Debt, which now are due or shall become payable to the end of the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety one, as all interest and arrears of interest, which now are, or shall become due in respect to the said Debt, to the same end of the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety one; And you shall apply or cause to be applied the monies which shall be so borrowed with all convenient dispatch to the payment of the said instalments and parts of the principal and interest and arrears of the interest of the said debt. You shall not extend the amount of the loan which

you shall make or cause to be made, beyond the sum which shall be necessary for completing such payment, unless it can be done upon terms more advantageous to the United States than those upon which the residue of the said debt shall stand or be. But if the said residue or any part of the same can be paid off by new Loans upon terms of advantage to the United States you shall cause such further loans, as may be requisite to that end, to be made, and the proceeds thereof to be applied accordingly. And for carrying into effect the objects and purposes aforesaid, I do hereby further empower you to make, or cause to be made with whomsoever it may concern such Contract or Contracts being of a nature relative thereto, as shall be found needful and conducive to the interest of the United States.
If any negotiation with any Prince or State to whom any part of the said Debt may be due, should be requisite, the same shall be carried on thro’ the person, who in capacity of Minister, Chargés des Affaires or otherwise, now is, or here after shall be charged with transacting the affairs of the United States with such Prince or State, for which purpose I shall direct the secretary of State, with whom you are in this behalf to consult & concert, to cooperate with you. Given under my hand at the City of New York this twenty eighth day of August in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and ninety.

G: Washington


Title: To George Washington from Alexander Hamilton, 28 August 1790
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

Treasury Department [New York] August 28th 1790

The Secretary of the Treasury has the honor respectfully to submit to the President of the U. States for his determination a request from the Naval Officer of the District of New York. The Secretary humbly remarks, that it appears desireable, as far as possible, to avoid absences of such important Officers for so long a duration, but that if the nature of the reasons should induce the President to grant the request, the naval Officer will no doubt leave his public business in the hands of a Deputy, of competent abilities, for whom he will be responsible.

Alexander HamiltonSecretary of the Treasury


Title: From George Washington to John Hancock, 28 August 1790
From: Washington, George
To: Hancock, John

Sir
New York Augt 28th 1790

Your favour of July 20. came safely to hand, together with the Memorial of Monsieur de Latombe of the 7th of June and the Resolve of the legislature of Massachusetts of the 24th of the same month. on considering the nature of the difficulties which have occurred in the execution of the Consular convention, they appeared to be such as could not be removed but by a legislative act. when these papers were recieved the session of Congress was already drawn so near to a close, that it was not thought expedient to propose to them the taking up at that time a subject which was new, & might be found difficult. it will remain therefore for consideration at their next meeting in December. With due consideration I have the honor to be Yr Excellency’s most Ob. St

G. W.


Title: To George Washington from John Jay, 28 August 1790
From: Jay, John
To: Washington, George

Sir
New York 28 Augt 1790

The Case which I had Yesterday the Honor of recieving from you gave occasion to the following Remarks & Reflections.
Whether the Issue of the Negociations depending between the british & Spanish Courts be Peace or war, it certainly is prudent to anticipate & be prepared for the consequences of either Event. In the present State of Things it would doubtless militate against the Interests of the U.S. that the Spanish Territories in question should be reduced, and remain under the Government of his B. Majesty; and probably that circumstance would strongly unite with those others which must naturally lead him to regard the Possession of those countries as a desireable Object.
If Permission to march Troops for that Purpose thro’ the Territories of the U.S. should be requested, it will be necessary to consider
1. whether the Laws of Nations entitle a belligerent Power to a free Passage for Troops thro’ the Territories of a neutral Nation? and
2. In Case the Right to such Passage be not a perfect one, whether circumstances render a Refusal or a compliance most adviseable on the present occasion?
The Right of Dominion involves that of excluding (under the Restrictions imposed by Humanity) all Foreigners. This Right is very rigidly exercised by some States particularly the Empire of china. European nations consider this as a general Right or Rule, and as subject to Exceptions in favor not only of nations at Peace, but also of nations at War—the Exceptions which respect the former do not touch the present questions—Those which relate to the latter, seem to be comprized within two Classes vizt cases of urgent necessity, and cases of convenience—The present case belongs to the latter. Vattel who well understood the Subject, says in the 7th chapter of his 3d Book—
That an innocent Passage is due to all Nations with whom a

State is at Peace, and that this comprehends Troops equally with Individuals—that the Sovereign of the country is to judge whether this Passage be innocent—that his Permission must be asked—and that an Entry into his Territories without his consent is a violation of the Rights of Dominion—that if the neutral Sovereign has good Reasons for refusing a Passage, he is not bound to grant it; but that if his Refusal be evidently unjust (the Passage requested being unquestionably innocent) a Nation may do itself Justice, and take by Force, what it was unjustly denied—so that such Requests may be refused in all cases, except in those rare Instances, where it may be most evidently shewn that the Passage required is absolutely without Danger or Inconvenience.
If the Passage in contemplation should appear to be of this Complection, a Refusal would generally be deemed improper, unless the united States should declare and make it an invariable Maxim in their Policy never to permit the Troops of any Nation to pass thro’ their country. Such a Measure might be wise in case the U.S. were in Capacity to act accordingly; but that not being as yet the case, it would perhaps in the present Moment be unseasonable.
I say such a Measure might be wise—whether it would or not, is a question that involves others, both legal and political of great Magnitude. nations have perfect Rights—Regard to mutual Convenience may & often does induce Relaxations in the Exercise of them; and those Relaxations from Time and usage gradually assume to a certain Degree the Nature of Rights[.] I think it would appear in a full Investigation of the subject, that the United States, being a new nation, are not bound to yield the same Relaxations, which in Europe from long Practice and Acquiescence amount almost to an implied Cession; and therefore, that they may justly exercise rigorously the Right of denying free Passage to foreign Troops. It is also to be observed, that if they deny this Privilidge to others, it will also be denied to them; but this leads to political consequences & Considerations not necessary now to develope or investigate.
If a Passage should be requested and insisted upon on the Ground of its being perfectly innocent, and accompanied with such Terms and Precautions, as that a Refusal altho justifiable would not appear to be more than barely so; then it will be adviseable

to calculate the Probability of their being restrained by such a Refusal.
If the Probability should be that they would nevertheless proceed; then it would become important to consider whether it would not be better to grant Permission than by a Refusal to hazard one of two inevitable Inconveniences vizt that of opposing their Progress by Force of Arms and thereby risque being involved in the War; or of submitting to the Disgrace and Humiliation of permitting them to proceed with Impunity. In my opinion it would in such a Case be most prudent considering the actual State of our affairs to consent to the Passage. The Answer therefore to be given to Lord Dorchester, in Case he should apply for Permission to march Troops thro’ the Territory of the U.S. from Detroit to the Missisippi, will I think necessarily depend on the Nature of the Propositions contained in the application compared with the beforementioned Principles & Probabilities.
As to the notice proper to be taken of the Measure, if it should be undertaken without Leave: there appears to me to be no choice. Such a Measure would then be so manifest a Departure from the Usage of civilized Nations, so flagrant and wanton a Violation of the Rights of Sovereignty, and so Strong and indecent a Mark of Disrespect and Defiance, that their March (if after Prohibition persisted in) should I think be opposed and prevented at every risque and Hazard.
But these Remarks in my Judgment retain but little Force, when applied to the leading of Troops from Posts in their actual Possession, thro’ Territories under their actual Jurisdiction, altho’ both the Posts & the Territories of right belong to the U.S. If therefore they should march their Troops from such posts thro’ such Territories, that measure would not appear to me to afford particular cause of complaint—on their Arrival by such a Route at the Missisippi, they may in Virtue of the 8th Article of the Treaty navigate it up to its Source or down to the Ocean.
This Subject naturally brings into View a Question both difficult & important vizt whether as the Possession of the Floridas would afford G. Britain additional Means & Facilities of annoying the U.S. the latter would for that Reason be justifiable in endeavouring to prevent it by direct & hostile Opposition? The Danger of permitting any Nation so to preponderate as to endanger

the Security of others, introduced into the Politics of Europe the Idea of preserving a Ballance of Power. How far the Principles which have thence been inferred are applicable to the present Case, would merit serious Inquiry, if the U.S. had only to consider what might be right and just on the occasion—but as the State of their affairs strongly recommends Peace, and as there is much Reason to presume that it would be more prudent for them at present to permit Britain to conquer and hold the Floridas, than engage in a War to prevent it, such Inquiries would be premature. with the most perfect Respect and Esteem I have the Honor to be Sir Your most obt & most humble Servant

John Jay


Title: To George Washington from Thomas Jefferson, 28 August 1790
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Washington, George

[New York] Aug. 28. 1790.

Opinion on the Questions stated in the President’s note of August 27. 1790.
I am so deeply impressed with the magnitude of the dangers which will attend our government if Louisiana & the Floridas be added to the British empire, that in my opinion we ought to make ourselves parties in the general war expected to take place, should this be the only means of preventing the calamity.
But I think we should defer this step as long as possible; because war is full of chances which may relieve us from the necessity of interfering; and if necessary, still the later we interfere the better we shall be prepared.
It is often indeed more easy to prevent the capture of a place, than to retake it. should it be so, in the case in question, the

difference between the two operations of preventing, & retaking, will not be so costly, as two, three or four years more of war.
So that I am for preserving neutrality as long, and entering into the war as late, as possible.
If this be the best course, it decides, in a good degree, what should be our conduct, if the British ask leave to march troops thro’ our territory, or march them without leave.
It is well enough agreed, in the Law of Nations, that for a Neutral power to give or refuse permission to the troops of either belligerent party to pass through their territory, is no breach of neutrality, provided the same refusal or permission be extended to the other party.
If we give leave of passage then to the British troops, Spain will have no just cause of complaint against us, provided we extend the same leave to her when demanded.
If we refuse (as indeed we have a right to do) and the troops should pass notwithstanding, of which there can be little doubt, we shall stand committed. for either we must enter immediately into the war, or pocket an acknowledged insult in the face of the world: and one insult pocketed soon produces another.
There is indeed a middle course, which I should be inclined to prefer. that is, to avoid giving any answer. they will proceed notwithstanding. but to do this under our silence, will admit of palliation, and produce apologies, from military necessity; & will leave us free to pass it over without dishonor, or to make it a handle of quarrel hereafter, if we should have use for it as such. But if we are obliged to give an answer, I think the occasion not such as should induce us to hazard that answer which might commit us to the war at so early a stage of it; & therefore that the passage should be permitted.
If they should pass without having asked leave, I should be for expressing our dissatisfaction to the British court, and keeping alive an altercation on the subject, till events should decide whether it is most expedient to accept their apologies, or profit of the aggression as a cause of war.

Th: Jefferson


Title: To George Washington from Benjamin Waterhouse, 28 August 1790 [letter not found]
From: Waterhouse, Benjamin
To: Washington, George

Letter not found: from Benjamin Waterhouse, 28 Aug. 1790. In a letter of 19 Nov. 1790 to Waterhouse, GW mentioned “your letter of the 28th of August.”


Title: To George Washington from John Adams, 29 August 1790
From: Adams, John
To: Washington, George

Sir
New York August 29 1790

That New Orleans, and the Spanish Posts on the Missisippi, will be among the first attempts of the English, in case of a war with Spain, appears very probable: and that a combined operation from Detroit, would be convenient to that end cannot be doubted.
The Consequences, on the western Settlements, on the commerce with the West Indies, and on the general Security and tranquility of the American confederation, of having them in our rear, and on both our flanks, with their navy in front, are very obvious.
The interest of the United States duly weighed, and their Duty conscientiously considered, point out to them, in the case of such a War, a neutrality, as long as it may be practicable. The People of these States would not willingly Support a War, and the present Government has not Strength to command, nor enough of the general Confidence of the nation to draw the men or money necessary, untill the Grounds, causes and Necessity of it should become generally known, and universally approved. A pacific Character, in opposition to a warlike temper, a Spirit of Conquest, or a disposition to military Enterprize, is of great importance to us to preserve in Europe: and therefore We should not engage even in defensive War, untill the Necessity of it, should become apparent, or at least untill We have it in our Power to make it manifest, in Europe as well as at home.
In order to preserve an honest Neutrality, or even the Reputation of a disposition to it, the United States must avoid as much as possible, every real Wrong, and even every Appearance of Injury to either Party. To grant to Lord Dorchester in case he should request it, permission to march troops through the territory

of the United States, from Detroit to the Missisippi, would not only have an appearence offensive to the Spaniards, of partiality to the English, but would be a real Injury to Spain. The Answer therefore to his Lordship should be a refusal, in terms clear and decided, but guarded and dignified, in a manner, which no Power has more at command than the President of the United States.
If a measure so daring, offensive and hostile, as the march of Troops through our Territory to attack a Friend, should be hazarded by the English, without leave, or especially after a refusal, it is not so easy to answer the Question, what notice ought to be taken of it.
The situation of our Country is not like that of most of nations in Europe. They have generally large numbers of Inhabitants in narrow territorries: We have small numbers scattered over vast regions. The Country through which the Brittons must pass from Detroit to the Missisippi, is, I suppose, so thinly inhabited, and at such a distance from all the populous settlements, that it would be impossible for the President of the United States to collect Militia or march troops sufficient to resist the Enterprize. After the step shall have been taken there are but two Ways for us to proceed one is War and the other negotiation. Spain would probably remonstrate to the President of the United States but whether she should or not, the President of the United States should remonstrate to the King of Great Britain. It would not be expected I suppose by our Friends or Enemies that the United States should declare War at once. Nations are not obliged to declare War for every Injury or even Hostility. A tacit Acquiescence under such an Outrage, would be misinterpreted on all hands; by Spain as inimical to her and by Brittain, as the effect of Weakness, Disunion and Pusillanimity. Negotiation then is the only other Alternative.
Negotiation in the present state of Things is attended with peculiar difficulties. As the King of Great Britain, twice proposed to the United States, an Exchange of Ministers, once through Mr Hartley and once through the Duke of Dorsett, and when the United States agreed to the Proposition, flew from it: to send a Minister again to St James till that Court explicitly promises to send one to America is an humiliation to which the United States ought never to submit. A Remonstrance from Sovereign

to Sovereign cannot be sent, but by an Ambassador of some order or other: from Minister of State to Minister of State, it might be transmitted in many other ways: A Remonstrance in the form of a Letter from the American Minister of State to the Duke of Leeds, or whoever may be Secretary of State for foreign affairs, might be transmitted, through an Envoy, Minister Plenipotentiary, or Ambassador of the President of the United States, at Paris, Madrid, or the Hague and through the British Ambassador at either of those Courts. The Utmost length, that can be now gone, with Dignity, would be to send a Minister to the Court of London, with Instructions to present his Credentials, demand an Audience, make his Remonstrance, but to make no Establishment and demand his audience of leave and quit the Kingdom in one, two, or three Months if a Minister of equal degree were not appointed and actually sent to the President of the United States from the King of Great Britain.
It is a Misfortune, that in these critical moments and Circumstances, the United States have not a Minister of large Views, mature Age, Information and Judgment, and strict Integrity at the Courts of France, Spain, London, and the Hague. Early and authentick Intelligence from those Courts may be of more importance than the Expense: but as the Representatives of the People, as well as the Legislatures, are of a different Opinion they have made a very scanty Provision for but a part of such a system. As it is, God knows where the Men are to be found who are qualified for such Missions and could undertake them. By an Experience of ten Years which made me too unhappy at the time to be ever forgotten, I know, that every Artifice which can deceive, every temptation which can operate on hope or fear, Ambition or Avarice, Pride or Vanity, the Love of society Pleasure or Amusement will be employed to divert and warp them from the true line of their Duty and the impartial honour and interest of their Country.
To the superior Lights and Information derived from office; the more serene temper and profound Judgment of the President of the United States, these rude and hasty thoughts concerning the Points proposed, are humbly Submitted, with every sentiment of respect and Sincere Attachment, by his most obedient and most humble servant

John Adams


Title: To George Washington from Thomas Jefferson, 29 August 1790
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Washington, George

Aug. 29. 1790

On considering more fully the question Whether it will be expedient to Notify to Ld Dorchester the real object of the expedition preparing by Governor St. Clair, I still think it will not be expedient. for
If the Notification be early, he will get the Indians out of the way, & defeat our object.
If it be so late, as not to leave him time to withdraw them before our stroke be struck, it will then be so late also, as not to leave him time to withdraw any secret aids he may have sent them. And the Notification will betray to him that he may go on without fear in his expedition agt the Spaniard and for which he may yet have sufficient time after our expedition is over.
On the other hand, if he should suspect our preparations are to prevent his passing our territory Those suspicions may induce him to decline his expedition; as, even should he think he could either force or steal a passage, he would not divide his troops, leaving (as he would suppose) an enemy between them able to take those he should have, & cut off the return of those he should carry.
These suspicions too would mislead both him and the Indians, and so enable us to take the latter more completely by surprise; and prevent him from sending secret aid to those whom he wd not suppose the objects of the enterprise thus effecting a double purpose of preventing his enterprize, & securing our own.

Might it not even be expedient, with a view to deter his enterprize, to instruct Govr St. Clair either to continue his pursuit of the Indians till the season be too far advanced for Ld Dorchester to move: or, on disbandg his militia, to give them general orders (which might reach the ears of Ld Dorchester) to be ready to assemble at a moment’s warning, tho’ no such assembly be really intended?
always taking care neither to say nor do against their passage, what might directly commit either our Peace, or Honour.

Th: Jefferson


Title: Memorandum from Thomas Jefferson, 29 August 1790
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Washington, George

[New York, 29 August 1790]

Proceedings to be had under the Residence act.
a territory not exceeding 10. miles square (or, I presume, 100 square miles in any form) to be located, by metes and bounds.
3. commissioners to be appointed.
I suppose them not entitled to any salary.
[If they live near the place they may, in some instances, be influenced by self interest, & partialities: but they will push the work with zeal. if they are from a distance, & Northwardly, they will be more impartial, but may affect delays.]
the Commissioners to purchase or accept “such quantity of land on the E. side of the river as the President shall deem proper for the U.S.” viz. for the federal Capitol, the offices, the President’s house & gardens, the town house, Market house, publick walks, hospital. for the President’s house, offices & gardens, I should think 2. squares should be consolidated. for the Capitol & offices one square. for the Market one square. For the Public walks 9. squares consolidated.
the expression “such quantity of land as the President shall deem proper for the U.S.” is vague. it may therefore be extended to the acceptance or purchase of land enough for the town: and I have no doubt it is the wish, & perhaps expectation. in that case it will be to be laid out in lots & streets. I should propose these to be at right angles as in Philadelphia, & that no street be narrower than 100. feet, with foot-ways of 15. feet. where a street is long & level, it might be 120. feet wide. I should prefer squares of at least 200. yards every way, which will be of about 8. acres each.
The Commissioners should have some taste in Architecture, because they may have to decide between different plans.
They will however be subject to the President’s direction in every point.
When the President shall have made up his mind as to the spot for the town, would there be any impropriety in his saying to the neighboring landholders, “I will fix the town here if you will join & purchase & give the lands.” they may well afford it from the increase of value it will give to their own circumjacent lands.

The lots to be sold out in breadths of 50. feet: their depths to extend to the diagonal of the square.
I doubt much whether the obligation to build the houses at a given distance from the street, contributes to it’s beauty. it produces a disgusting monotony. all persons make this complaint against Philadelphia. the contrary practice varies the appearance, & is much more convenient to the inhabitants.
In Paris it is forbidden to build a house beyond a given height, & it is admitted to be good restriction. it keeps down the price of ground, ⟨keep⟩s the houses low & convenient, & the streets light & airy. fires are much more manageable where houses are low. this however is an object of legislation.


Title: Memorandum from James Madison, 29 August 1790
From: Madison, James
To: Washington, George

[New York, c.29 August 1790]

“The act for establishing the temporary and permanent seats of the Government of the U. States” requires the following steps for carrying the latter into effect.
1. The appointment of three Commissioners of sufficient respectability
having good will to the general object without any particular bias of private interest
residing (a majority at least) so conveniently to the scene of business as to be able to attend readily & gratis.
Should it be adviseable after securing a majority near at hand to make an appointment with a view to attach particular parts of the Union to the object, N. England, particularly Massachusetts, first occurs—and next, S. Carolina & Georgia.

            Mr Ellicott
            Mr Gorum
            Mr Bull

            Mr Fitzhugh (of Chatham)
            Mr O. Wolcott
            Mr Tucker

            Mr Loyd (of Annapolis)
            Mr  of R. Isd
            Mr Baldwin

            Revd Mr Lee Massey

2. That the President inform himself of the several rival positions; leaving among them inducements to bid against each other in offers of land or money. as the location when compleated by the survey will not be mutable by the President, it may be well to have the offers so framed as to become ipso facto absolute in favor of the U.S. on the event which they solicit.
3. That the President direct the survey of the District which he shall ultimately elect. It seems essential that the District should comprehend the water adjoining the establishment, and eligible

that it should comprehend the oppos⟨ite⟩ shore. The legality of this seems to be decided by the clause confining the purchase or acceptance of land for the use of the U.S. “to the East side of the river within the said district” which imply that the whole district was not necessarily to be on that side. Quer.: whether it will not be convenient to accept in the first instance so much less than 10 miles square as will allow places to be afterwards taken in, which may not now be attainable, or it may not be prudent now to accept.
4. The district being defined & the requisite quantity of ground secured, the next step must be to fix the site for the public buildings—and provide for the establishment or enlargement of a town within the district. as no special authority is given for the latter purpose the consent of proprietors will be necessary: but as they will have a common interest with the public, voluntary arrangements between them and the Commissioners may be readily procured in favor of any plan which the President may patronize. Should any difficulties be apprehended on this point they can be guarded agst in the negociations preliminary to the actual location of the district.
5. The plan for the public buildings is to be approved by the President. The Commissioners will no doubt submit different ones formed by themselves, or obtained from ingenious architects. Should it be thought proper to excite emulation by a premium for the best, the expence is authorized, as an incident to that of the buildings.
6. The completion of the work will depend on a supply of the means. These must consist either of future grants of money by Congress which it would not be prudent to count upon—of State Grants—of private grants—or the conversion into money of lands ceded for public use which it is conceived the latitude of the term “Use” & the spirit & scope of the act will justify.


Title: Authorization for Tobias Lear, 30 August 1790
From: Washington, George
To: Lear, Tobias

[New York, 30 August 1790]

Whereas it may be necessary, during my absence from the Seat of Government, to pay certain monies and accounts out of the fund of ten thousand Dollars appropriated to the discharge of Contingent Expenses of Government, by a law passed on the 26th day of March 1790; I therefore do authorize Tobias Lear, my Secretary, to direct such payments to be made in my name, out of said fund, as may come properly within the same, provided, that previous to such direction for payment, all accounts, demands &ca. shall be exhibited to the Secretary of the Treasury, and shall be pronounced by him to come properly and clearly within the Law making the above appropriation. And I moreover certify that three payments which have been made out of said fund previous to this time, viz. one for Seals procured for the Supreme and Circuit courts of the United States, amounting to ninety one dollars & 8/100—one to Jeremiah Wadsworth for monies advanced and payed by him for the purpose of taking up and securing certain persons who had counterfeited public Securities, amounting to one thousand and sixty one dollars—and one for a seal procured for the District Court of Connecticut, amounting to Eight Dollars, were by my order. Given under my hand in the City of New York this 30th day of August 1790.

Go: Washington


Title: To George Washington from Phebe Baldwin, 30 August 1790
From: Baldwin, Phebe
To: Washington, George

Sir
New York August the 30th 1790.

Be not Surprized at the address of a Woman, for ’tis with a trembling hand that She attempts this presumtion. ’Tis a Woman oppress’d with the Strongest grief, & anxiety for the futer Support of her helpless Infants—I am the Wife of an unhappy Man Who had the honour of bearing the Rank of Capt., under your immediate Command, was wounded at the Battle of german-town, by which means he lost his Leg, and consequently became a pentioner—but finds it a Scanty pittance to maintain a Family, and that Stated at Such long periods of payment as makes it Still more impossible for him to live without Suffering—’tis an injury that none can feel but the Sufferer—I must

Confess I have flattered myself with a Secret hope, that when your Excellency Came to the helm of Goverment, there Should be Something done for this Class of men, knowing you Sir, to be a judge of Rewards due to Such unfortunate Men—that I have repeatedly, desired Capt. Baldwin to wait on your Excellency himself, he told me he had, but was not permited to See you, a Second time handed Coll Humphries a Memorial, but no redress. As it remains in your power, I pray Sir, you will cause the payment to be made querterly instead of yearly as allmost one half of the Money remains in the hands of the Brokers by the time it becomes due. I write without the knowledge of my husband but pray that you Sir, as Father of the People, will do every thing in your power, to keep us from Suffering in a Land of Plenty. I am Sir with all due respect your humble Sert

Phebe Baldwin


Title: To George Washington from James McHenry, 30 August 1790
From: McHenry, James
To: Washington, George

My ever dear Sir
Augt 30th 1790

I am much to blame. I have neither congratulated you on your recovery from a dangerous illness, nor yet sympathized with you in those many and perplexed labors in which you have been involved during the late important session of Congress. I will tell you the truth. Every sorrow and consideration whatever has been swallowed up or diminished in the depth of affliction I felt on the loss of my brother. You perhaps have heard that our friendship for each other was uncommon; and that I am far from reconciled to this sad shipwreck of my tenderest affections. I thought however that I ought to venture (before seeing you) to apologize for not mingling my congratulations with the many you must have received, and request your forgiveness notwithstanding my seeming neglect. I wanted besides an opportunity to inform you of a revolution in my sentiments that in all probability will govern the remainder of my days.
It is some years since I entertained an aversion to public life;

and was only an humble actor in it these two last years from the persuasions of the deceased. This change has been induced by several causes. I had met with some little applause in a few instances, but I never found it compensate for the sacrifices I submitted to in the discharge of my duty. I grew disgusted too at perceiving as I thought many of those men who called themselves servants of the people secretly devoted to the promotion of their own purpose and yet continued in the public service by the people. I thought also that I beheld him who profaned the name of patriotism and country gain by the profanation, and him who was directed by the most laudable motives the frequent subject of abuse or suspicion. These discoveries or supposed discoveries were so impressive as not to be counteracted by the conduct of the few whom I believed to act from the most pure and honorable principles and whom I saw boldly risquing their all for the benefit of others. I hence and thenceforth conceived a settled disgust to every thing out of the line of private life and cherished a concealed contempt for every thing save friendship. Such was the situation of my opinions for some years before my brothers death, an event which has still further confirmed my disrelish of public life and the vanity of human enjoyments. I have now no longer a brother to gratify. I am independent in my circumstances. I have retired to the vicinity of the town to a spot from which I can see its smoke and hear its noise without being offended with either. I resist all solicitations to reenter upon the ocean of politics, and intend to devote the remainder of my time to my own ease, to devotion, the happiness of a little family, the recollections of a dear brother, and literary amusements. In this retirement I feel one misfortune only, but that I am satisfied will always accompany me. I feel too sensibly my loss.
Will you after this explanation of my sin of omission condescend to give a sanction to my sorrow and my retreat, and visit a man whose professions have ever fallen short of his love and affection; a man who regards and respects you not for your high station but your true patriotism and rare virtues. Mrs Washington has lodged a promise with Mrs McHenry with which I am often reminded. My house is only a mile from Grants Tavern, and on your route. So far it can be productive of no delay. I engage moreover that you shall not be troubled with company.

The prophet Elisha deigned to favor a Shunamitish stranger with his company as often as he had occasion to pass by his house, and will not my ever respected general find it convenient to stay one night on his way to Mount Vernon with his sincere and devoted humble sevt

James McHenry