Title: To George Washington from “Junius Americanus”, 12 July 1790
From: “Junius Americanus”
To: Washington, George

sir,
[New York] July 12. [1790]

With esteem for your person, and the sincerest reverence for your high public and private character, I humbly request your candid perusal of the following observations: They have been occasioned by a serious attention to the Bill which has recently

passed the two Houses of Congress, and now waits your sanction: they spring from an affection for the constitution, and an anxious solicitude to guard it from invasion.
In the fifth section of the bill, is this clause, “at which place the session of Congress, next ensuing the present shall be held:” A doubt hath arisen, whether that clause be conformable to the constitution; in which it is declared, by the 3d clause of the 7th sec. art. 1st. that “every order, resolution or vote, to which the concurrence of the Senate and House of Representatives may be necessary, (except on a question of adjournment,) shall be presented to the President.” From this exception it is obvious, that it was intended by the Constitution, to reserve to the two Houses the right of adjourning to such time and place as they should deem proper: To relinquish that right is to betray their own privileges, and is a departure from that line of legislation which the constitution hath wisely chalked out.
An attentive inspection of that instrument, which we have all engaged to support, evinces that there are various modes by which the several component parts of the government are to manifest their will. In matters which relate to each house in its separate capacity, a single vote of each house is alone sufficient to have the force of law; thus by the 5th section, “Each house shall be the judge of the elections, returns and qualifications of its own members, and may punish a member for disorderly behaviour, and even expel him.”
In cases wherein the two branches of the legislature are concerned, a joint vote is prescribed; thus by the 4th clause of the 5th section, “it is inhibited to either house to adjourn, during the session of Congress, for more than three days, without the consent of the other, or to any other place than that in which the two houses shall be sitting:” Where the two houses disagree as to the time of adjournment, it is provided by the 3d sec. of the 2d art. That “the President may adjourn them to such time as he shall think proper;” where they differ as to the place, Congress must re-assemble at the place where they were last sitting: In this case the President has no agency, nor is it intended by the constitution that he should.
Such are the provisions established in matters which concern each house separately and the two houses collectively: in none of them is the President called upon to act, except in the single instance

above mentioned, where he performs the part of an umpire, and where his interposition is necessary, because the time of meeting must be fixed; the place is unnecessary, because if none be appointed, they will of course return to the former place.
But in matters of a general nature which concern the public at large, the wisdom of the Constitution requires something more than the act of the two houses; the President must approve them; it is therefore declared that every order, resolution or vote, to which the concurrence of the Senate and House of Representatives may be necessary (except on a question of adjournment) shall be presented to the President.
Here are then three modes of passing orders, resolutions or votes: the first by each house; the second by the two houses; the third by the two houses and the President. The question now occurs, Is it consistent with the constitution to depart from the modes above prescribed?
If it be in one instance, it must be so in all. If it be constitutional to require the assent of the President in cases where the two houses, without such assent, are competent to decide, it must likewise be constitutional to require the assent of the Senate in cases where the House of Representatives are alone capable of determining; it would therefore be a constitutional act for the two houses to decide, by a concurrent resolution, on the privileges of each house. Some of the members of the House of Representatives hold their seats under a resolution of that house alone; did the idea ever suggest itself that there would be no impropriety in sending such resolution to the Senate for their concurrence?—Would not such an idea have been severely reprobated?—Why? Because each house is the judge of the qualifications of its own members; because, to have required the concurrence of the Senate, would have been a violation of the rights of the House of Representatives; and is less respect due to the rights of the two Houses?
If it be an infraction of the constitution to require the concurrence of the two houses where one house can decide, is it less an infraction to demand the approbation of the President, where the two houses can decide? Suppose the President should refuse his assent; the bill will then be lost, unless it be passed by two thirds of both houses, but a majority of the two houses have a constitutional right to adjourn to such place as they shall think

proper; either then the two houses will have relinquished a power they possess by the constitution, and a majority will be insufficient to adjourn where they please, or, a bare majority of the two houses will give effect to a measure which has been formally disapproved by the President; whereas the constitution expressly declares in the 2d and 3d clause, 7th sect 1st art. that it shall be repassed by two thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives, before it can take effect.
In what absurdity will Congress be involved when the period of adjournment arrives? If the question respecting the place of adjournment be already determined by the bill, then the two houses have relinquished a right which all legislative bodies possess, of reserving to themselves to the very last day of adjournment, the power of declaring at what place they will re-assemble. When this point is settled by a concurrent vote of the two houses, they may at any time prior to the adjournment, rescind the resolution. At the last session Congress resolved to adjourn on the 22d of September; the vote was not sent to the President, such an absurdity was never thought of: when the 22d arrived, they saw the difficulty of adjourning on that day, and the vote was rescinded; had it been approved by the President, they must have had his approbation to the prolongation of the session, which he might have withheld; if there would have been an absurdity in requiring his assent to the time, there would have been a greater absurdity in requiring it to the place, for he has the power of interfering when the two houses disagree as to the time, none as to the place.
If the question be still unsettled, notwithstanding the clause in the bill, and this was admitted by its advocates, then this inconsistency occurs, that a clause is agreed to, knowing it to be inoperative, and that its inefficacy results from its unconstitutionality. To make this more striking, place the argument in the shape of a syllogism; the constitution is violated when any law or part of a law is past, which is repugnant to it, but the friends of the bill admitted that the clause was nugatory, because it was repugnant to it, therefore in passing it they violated the constitution.
It is no answer to the argument to alledge that the clause will do no harm. If it be intended that it should be carried into effect, it controuls the will of the majority of the two houses, against

the express words of the constitution; if it be nugatory, and the same thing must hereafter be determined, by a concurrent vote of the two houses, such inconsistency will expose Congress to public censure and derision. It will be asked why do Congress determine by a concurrent vote of the two houses that which they have already decided by law? If the public are told that the law was nugatory, and that Congress were apprized of it when they passed it, they will lose all respect for their proceedings; it will be said, if an act has already passed on the subject, a resolution can neither inforce or repeal it: If the act was void, it was because it deviated from the constitution, and it should not have been passed.
If laws are made which are unconstitutional, because they may do no harm, Congress will soon proceed to those which may and will do harm. The example is a dangerous one, and will be quoted on future occasions. Every law does not undergo the revision of the judiciary; this will certainly not; the President of the United States can alone arrest its progress. Having his sanction, the public will consider every part of the bill as valid, because they know he would not approve any bill that contained a syllable that was unconstitutional; the clause will then be deemed binding, because every part of the bill must have its operation, for words in a law which command a particular act to be done, cannot be viewed as mere surplusage: If the law remains unrepealed or invalidated by the judiciary, the thing commanded to be done must be carried into effect; a bare resolution of the two houses, without the approbation of the executive, cannot repeal a law, which has his approbation, because it requires the same power to repeal a law as to pass it: The two houses will then be precluded from exercising their constitutional privilege.
A gentleman who supported an objection to the bill of last session, on the ground that a law fixing the temporary seat of government was unconstitutional, attempted the other day to prove that it is not unconstitutional to fix by law, even the session of Congress. If there was any force in his arguments against fixing by law, the temporary seat of government, the arguments against fixing, by law, the session of Congress, must be conclusive: But he is reconciled to the measure this session, because his objection was overruled in the last by a majority. When a member of his knowledge

of, and attachment to the Constitution, suffers himself to be so influenced by a precedent which he must himself acknowledge to be a bad one, it is time to apprehend danger from precedents, and to put a stop to them. No precedent can justify a wrong measure; but the bill of last session did not pass into a law. Where then is the precedent? he has agreed to make one this session. It is remarkable too that the objection last year was totally inapplicable, for it related to fixing the seat of government, which must be done by law, whether it be the permanent or temporary seat.
The constitution provides that a district of territory shall, by the cession of a state and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of government; that acceptance must be declared by law; for both houses must concur in the measure, and every vote in which they both concur, must be sent to the President, except on a question of adjournment—but the two houses may afterwards adjourn from that place to any other. This is undeniable from the various clauses already quoted. Congress may also declare, by law, prior to their establishing the permanent seat of government, where the temporary seat shall be, that the public officers, foreign ministers, and the judges of the supreme court, may know where to assemble; but it does not follow that the two houses are to sit at that place.
This distinction between the seat of government and the seat of Congress, has been however denied by that gentleman. He contended, that Congress being a part of the government, the seat of government must be wherever they hold their session. It would then follow, either that during the recess of Congress there would be no seat of government, or should they, by concurrent vote, adjourn to any other place than that fixed by law as the seat of government, there would be two seats of government.
The executive and judicial, and the officers of state, are component parts of the government; the judicial is as much a part of the government as the legislative, and yet it is declared by law, that the supreme court shall hold their sessions at the seat of government; the executive is also as much a part of the government as the legislative, and yet the President may reside where he pleases.
  This, however, is clear, that the gentleman was persuaded last session that it was an unconstitutional act to fix, by law, the place where Congress should hold their next session; his words were these, “from

the constitution it appeared, that the concurrence of the two houses was sufficient to enable them to adjourn from one place to another; nay the legal consent of the President was in some degree prescribed in the 7th Sec. of Art. 1. where it is declared that every order, &c. to which the concurrence of the senate and house of representatives may be necessary (except on a question of adjournment) shall be presented to the President, &c. any attempt therefore to adjourn by law, is a violation of that part of the constitution which gives the power exclusively to the two branches of the legislature. By another clause in the constitution it is declared, that neither house, during the session of Congress, shall, without the consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other place than that in which the two houses shall be sitting; from hence he inferred, that the two houses by a concurrence, could adjourn for more than three days, and to any other place which they thought proper; by the other clause he had mentioned, the executive power is restrained from any interference with the legislative on this subject; hence he concluded it would be dangerous to attempt to give to the President a power the constitution expressly denied him. He did not suppose that the attempt to vest the executive with a power over the adjournments of the legislature would absolutely convey the power, but he conceived it wrong to make the experiment. He submitted it to those gentlemen who were attached to the success of the bill, how far an unconstitutional declaration may impede its passage through the other branch of the legislature.”
On the same occasion, another member of the H. of Representatives addressed the House in these words, “the Susquehannah being agreeable to the wishes of a great part of my constituents, I felt myself under an obligation to vote for it, and nothing would restrain me from giving my assent to the bill, but that clause which requires the concurrence of the President, respecting the seat of government until Congress meet at their permanent seat. To this clause I have strong constitutional objections. I have endeavoured to remove this conviction from my mind, in order to give my assent to the bill, but as I am under the sacred obligation of an oath to support the constitution, as I cannot efface the conviction from my mind that it is contrary to the constitution, and as we could not succeed in striking out the clause, I feel myself under the disagreeable necessity of giving my dissent to the bill.”

If the clause was unconstitutional last session, is it less so this? If it was an infraction of the Constitution to fix by law the temporary seat of government, is it not a more palpable one to fix by law the place where Congress shall hold their next session: can the vote of last session render the measure constitutional? Admitting that some members had then violated the Constitution, was not a greater obligation imposed on others to resist any further invasion? For what will become of the government if such encroachments are allowed to succeed, and its friends do not step forward and oppose them?
This is the moment when public measures should be narrowly watched; in the cool hour of calm discussion, when the subject is little interesting to the passions, there is no danger; on the slighty suggestion of unconstitutionality, a clause would be struck out; but when the mind pursues a favorite object with passionate enthusiasm, men are too apt, in their eager embrace of it, to overlook the means by which it is attained. These are the melancholy occasions when the barriers of the government are broken down, and the boundaries of the Constitution defaced! There is danger in another respect; from the apparent unimportance of the clause objected to. In the eye of the law the offence is equally great; in the eye of reason and prudence it is greater, because the public are more inattentive to the incroachment, and because the success of one step infallibly leads to another. It is a wedge which having entered the gap, makes way for further progression. The Constitution is the rock of our political salvation; it is the palladium of our rights; it is the safeguard of the rights of States as well as individuals; it is our only bond of union; the smallest deviation from it is a mortal blow to those rights, and ought to be opposed by every citizen who wishes the preservation of the Union; nay, every citizen who has taken an oath to support the Constitution, violates that oath if he silently suffers any law to pass which appears to him, in the smallest degree, repugnant to it.
That the clause in question is repugnant to it is admitted, but it is justified on the principle that it will be inoperative; this is however a mistaken idea, for it will have an operation, unless formally annulled by the judiciary, and it is impossible the construction of it can ever go before the federal courts; it can’t be alledged that it will be nugatory, and that a subsequent resolution

of the two houses may adjourn to some other place, for then there would exist this solecism in politics, of a smaller power rescinding the act of a larger; there would also exist this absurdity of one place being fixed by law and another by a simple resolution of the two houses; if both the law and the resolution should name the same place, then there would exist another absurdity of a resolution without the President’s approbation enforcing a law which had received his sanction. It cannot be justified on the ground that the two houses may, if they think proper, wave their right of determining for themselves, and request the concurrence of the President, because such a relinquishment of their privileges is not only a departure from the plain words of the Constitution which they have sworn to support, but is a transfer of rights which they enjoy as members of the legislature, not as individuals, as trustees for the public, not as their own property; they therefore betray the trust reposed in them, when they wantonly, and with their eyes open, curtail or alienate those privileges.
The circumstance of the clause being only a small part of the law, does not alter the case; the law ought not to pass, if there be any part of it inconsistent with the constitution; if the President signs it, he approves the whole; if he objects to any part, he must return it with his objections, and the two houses may expunge the exceptionable part, and then the President can give it his sanction. The bill may still pass with the sound part; if the unsound part should not be cut out, it will contaminate the whole, and be perpetually a good cause of repeal. There will always remain on the minds of scrupulous men, conscientious doubts respecting the efficacy of a law, which contains within it an unconstitutional clause, which may considerably tend to defeat its operation. Even the sanguine promoters of it, will look at it with different eyes from what they now do, when their ardent zeal shall have cooled; they reprobated it once themselves, as highly unconstitutional. What will not some men do to attain a favorite object? The reflection is mortifying and degrading!
Can there be a doubt, that, if the law consisted of only this one clause, that there would have been a general clamor at the absurdity of sending it to the President—even had the two houses been so ignorant of the constitution as to pass such a law would not the President have returned it with this answer, that by the constitution he had nothing to do with it. What would have been

the consequence of such a measure? Either the two houses would discover what they ought to have known before, that they could do without his assent, or they must have repassed by two thirds, what by the constitution a majority is competent to: and does it make any difference, in point of constitutionality, whether the objectionable clause is a whole law or only part of a law? No man of common understanding will assert it.
Will not the public lose respect for the acts of Congress, when they see them blindly pursuing favorite measures, to the total disregard of the constitution? What appearance will it have to pass laws which are admitted not to be binding? What folly to require the assent of the President, when it would be as effectual without it?
Some of these arguments were stated. It was acknowledged that the clause was nugatory, because it was unconstitutional, but it was retained—why? Because the bill was unalterable: sic volo, sic jubeo; these things ought not to be.

junius americanus


Title: To George Washington from Thomas McKean, 12 July 1790
From: McKean, Thomas
To: Washington, George

Sir,
Philadelphia. July 12th 1790.

On my return from the Western Circuit, I found the packet, herewith sent to Your Excellency. The reason of Mr Wilson’s application to me, respecting an affair I never before heard of, I cannot tell, unless he believes, that from a little knowledge I had of his seeming, if not real attachment to the American Revolution, I would interest myself in his behalf, or that humanity would urge me to it. He had two brothers, officers in the British Army in America during the war, and yet appeared to be anxious for our success, and I believe was active, tho’ particulars have escaped my recollection. He has no other claim upon me.
Permit me to request, you will take the trouble of perusing his petition; the rest must be submitted to your wisdom.
I beg leave to offer my congratulations on the restoration of Your health and to subscribe myself, what with great truth & sincerity I am, Sir, Your Excellency’s, most obedient & devoted humble servant
Philip W. ⟨lre⟩ dated No. 57 Marsham street
Westminster, 11th March 1790.


Title: To George Washington from Moustier, 12 July 1790
From: Moustier, Eléanor-François-Elie, comte de
To: Washington, George

Sir,
Paris July 12. 1790.

Permit me to have the honor of expressing to you my satisfaction at your reestablishment from an illness, which threatened your life. No one is more convinced than I am how precious that life is to your country—The interest which I have vowed to the United Americans is too true not to wish sincerely all that is necessary to establish the public order and justice which are the only solid basis of every government. The second year of my stay in the United States has furnished me with particular motives of esteem for the principles which there predominate. The example offered at this day by my country proves that when we wander from these principles we plunge deeper and deeper into a dangerous labyrinth⟨,⟩ a mixture of the love of celebrity, of taste for novelty, of want of reflexion, of cupidity, has bewildered many minds. France is at this day in complete anarchy—Meanwhile we are preparing with intoxication for a feast, which ought to be the symbol of reunion of all the citizens.
How much is humanity to be lamented when we see that the most honest people become dangerous to it by chimerical ideas of perfection. It is indubitable that if moderation and justice had directed the principal movers and Chiefs of the revolution of France, this fine kingdom would now be in a more flourishing situation than it has ever been. Cruel excesses have been committed,

the consequences of which are incalculable, and it is obstinately persisted in not to consider them. There are very few men worthy of true liberty, which cannot exist without virtue and respect for the laws, especially those which protect property. Philosophy supplies at this day new masks to ambition and intrigue.
It is bitter for a good citizen to behold his country serving as a lesson to nations, while she might have furnished them with an example. Circumstances have removed me from taking an active part in public affairs—I dare not judge those who are in a different situation⟨.⟩ I wait the development. It is a great spot to fill to pretend to remedy evils which no time has been taken to examine, and by means which no experience has confirmed.
Who can better than you, Sir, pronounce on the difficulty of the art of governing: But who better than you can indicate the means of rendering that difficulty less sensible. The means, doubtless, cannot be the same every where, but every where justice, Order, moderation, generosity ought to serve as basis to secondary means which circumstances, the times, and places make different.
The conviction in which I am of the sentiments which you accord towards a nation that has proved its regard for yours, has authorised me, Sir, to explain a slender part of the impressions which I experience by my attachment for my country, which I see menaced with greater evils than She has yet experienced. In the stagnation which many public affairs now suffer it is not astonishing that I find myself in some sort forgotten—I am ignorant in consequence of the moment when I shall be able to resume my post, and be witness of your successes, for which I shall constantly offer the most sincere vows. I have the honor to be, with respect, Sir, your very humble and very obedient Servant

François de Moustier

May I dare entreat you to make my respectful homage to Madam Washington—Madam de Brehan desires earnestly that she and you, Sir, may hold her in remembrance.


Title: Tobias Lear to Alexander Hamilton, 13 July 1790
From: Lear, Tobias
To: Hamilton, Alexander

New York, 13 July 1790. Encloses warrants for the superintendents of lighthouses requested that day by the Treasury Department.


Title: To George Washington from Burrill Devereux, 15 July 1790
From: Devereux, Burrill
To: Washington, George

Sir
Marblehead [Mass.] July 15 1790

From an Impulse of Duty I feel myself under necessity of Acquain[t]ing your Excellency of the Death of one of your Officers, Mr Harris Collector of the Customs for the District of Marblehead Lynn Commonwth Massachusetts, his Business he left with me, who relinquished every other and confined my Attention to the affairs of his office almost Four Years, the Period of his first Election under the State Government, which has made the Official Business Habitual; if your Excellency would see fit to confer on me the Honor of the Appointment of Office you will thereby fix a lasting Obligation, and make provision for a Family dependant on the Exertions of Yr mo. Obt Hbl. Sert

Burrill Devereux


Title: To George Washington from Alexander Hamilton, 15–22 July 1790
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

[New York, c.15–22 July 1790]

In my second interview with Major Beckwith which was on Thursday the 22d instant I spoke to him nearly as follows.

I have made the proper use of what you said to me at our last interview.
As to what regards the objects of a general nature mentioned by you, though your authority for the purpose from Lord Dorchester is out of question, and though I presume from his Lordship’s station & character, and the knowledge he appears to have of what is passing on the other side of the water with regard to Mr Morris, that the Step he has taken through you is conformable to the views of your Cabinet and not without its sanction; yet you are no doubt sensible that the business presents itself in a shape, which does not give the proper authenticity to that fact, and is wholly without formality. You must also be sensible that there is a material difference between your situation and that of Mr Morris. His Credentials though not formal proceed from the proper source. Your’s are neither formal nor authoritative.
This state of things will of course operate in what I am going to say on the subject.
As to what relates to friendship between Great Britain and the United States, I conceive myself warranted in declaring that there is in this country a sincere disposition to concur in obviating with candor and fairness all ground of misunderstanding which may now exist, in reference to the execution of the late Treaty of Peace and in laying the foundation of future good understanding by establishing liberal terms of commercial intercourse.
As to alliance; this opens a wide field. The thing is susceptible of a vast variety of forms. ’Tis not possible to judge what would be proper or what could be done unless points were brought into view. If you are in condition to mention particulars, it may afford better ground of conversation.
I stopped here for an answer.
Major Beckwith replied that he could say nothing more particular than he had already done.
That being the case—(continued I) I can only say that the thing is in too general a form to admit of a judgment of what may be eventually admissible or practicable. If the subject shall hereafter present itself to discussion in an authentic and proper shape, I have no doubt we shall be ready to converse freely upon it: And you will naturally conclude that we shall be disposed to pursue whatever shall appear under all circumstances to be our

interest as far as may consist with our honor. At present I would not mean either to raise or repress expectation.
Major Beckwith seemed to admi⟨t⟩ that as things were circumstanced nothing explicit could be expected and went on to make some observations which I understood as having for object to sound whether there existed any connection between Spain and us and whether the questions with regard to the Mississippie were settled.
Perceiving this I thought it better in a matter which was no secret to avoid an appearance of Mystery and to declare without hesitation, as I did—
“That there was no particular connection between Spain and the U. States within my knowlege, and that it was matter of public notoriety that the questions alluded to were still unadjusted.”
The rest of our conversation consisted chiefly of assurances on my part that the menaces which had been mentioned by him as having been thrown out by some individuals with regard to the Western posts were unauthorised, proceeding probably from a degree of irritation, which the detention of the posts had produced in the minds of many—and of a repetition on his part of the assurances which he had before given of Lord Dorchesters disposition to discourage Indian Outrages.
Something was said respecting the probable course of military operations in case of war between Britain & Spain which Major Beckwith supposed would be directed towards South America alleging however that this was mere conjecture on his part. I hinted cautiously our dislike of an enterprise on New Orleans.


Title: To George Washington from Thomas Jefferson, 15 July 1790
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Washington, George

Sir
Thursday July 15. 1790.

I have formed an opinion, quite satisfactory to myself, that the adjournments of Congress may be by law, as well as by resolution, without touching the constitution. I am now copying fair what I had written yesterday on the subject & will have the honor of laying it before you by ten aclock. the address to the President contains a very full digest of all the arguments urged against the bill on the point of unconstitutionality on the floor of Congress. it was fully combated on that ground, in the committee of the whole, & on the third reading. the majority (a Southern one) overruled the objection, as a majority (a Northern one) had overruled the same objection the last session on the Susquehanna residence bill. so that two majorities, in two different sessions, & from different ends of the Union have overruled the objection, and may be fairly supposed to have declared

the sense of the whole union. I shall not lose a moment in laying before you my thoughts on the subject. I have the honor to be with the most respectful esteem Sir your most obedient & most humble servt


Title: To George Washington from George Augustine Washington, 16 July 1790
From: Washington, George Augustine
To: Washington, George

Honor’d Uncle
Mount Vernon July 16th 1790.

Your favor of the 4th Inst. gave me much satisfaction as it contained information of your health being well restored for I had feared from your communication to Doctr Stuart  that you were still an invallid not having at that time got rid of the cough and pain in your side, these complaints now being removed, your visit to Virginia will I hope produce a permanent establishment of your health —Fanny is now in much better health than she was, and except the head ach which I am frequently troubled with have for some time past been tolerably well.

The Alexandria price for Tobacco is certainly low but the present prospect of its rising is not flattering I have heard of no change that it has undergone since I wrote last respecting it—a better price might perhaps be obtain’d by Shiping but were I to judge from the complaints of some who have made the experiment I should think it very doubtful.
The ill success which has attended the propigation of Mules gives me much concern knowing that your wishes and expectations would be much disappointed—I am disinclined to think that it arises from the want of care in Peter during the covering season for he appears very attentive to that business indeed his time is almost intirely ingrosed by it—Mr Scott of Maryland who called here a few days ago was mentioning his ill luck he sent 7 Mares the season before and 6 the last which he keeps as broods and has had only 2 Mules which were produced the first season—neglect is too frequently the origin of misfortunes but with respect to the Horses that have died tho’ it may in some instances have been the case I am persuaded it has not been in many the two last that died in the Neck & the one at the Ferry died with a disorder called the scowers Mr Diggs sent two mares to the Jacks one of them died a few days after with the same complaint I have sufferd very considerably in horses myself—I proposed to Mr Speake to rent your Ferry but he replied that the one he now has is so unproductive that he should quit it in the Fall and that if both were made a present to him he would not ac[c]ept them to be obliged to continue where he does—the price he has given was £20.0.0. I went to Capt. Marshall to know what he had determin’d doing with it when Speake went away he told me he should give himself ⟨no⟩ concern about it but if any person applied for it he believed he would rent it—he complain’d of the inconvenience attending it and said he wished it could be discontinued but seemed to have his doubts that it might be difficult to accomplish it—I think it might be accomplished by the application of yourself and Capt. Marshall to the Assemblies but in case it cannot the Fishery and Ferry united may perhaps be an object for some person to give a good rent—but there situation may perhaps under the letting of them [be] objectionable to you—Bloxham with his Family I believe occupies Mr T. Wests Brick house near Alexandria where I understand he means to remain untill he informs himself whether

it will be most to his advantage to remain in America or return to his own Country—if he suffers the emolument he has heretofore gained to have any influence in his determination he will not quit America for any prospects he may have left behind him. the Balance which appeared due him on a settlement was £299.11.9 as he did not wish the whole and it was not convenient to pay it to him he recd 200£ and the Bal: is now due him—you will recieve a Copy of his acct from the Ledger. I fear the season is too far advanced to procure young Mocking Birds but shall indeavour to do it—The Wheat and Rye was finished Curing last week, the last on Saturday at the Ferry the crop will be very short and some of the Grain not as good as I expected the bearded wheat I think the best grain and appears to stand the winter as well or better than any other—I have sent a sample of the grain—the Oats is not generally in order for cuting but began on such parts of the fields as were on Friday at the River Plantn D. Run: & Muddy hole none of that at the Ferry & Frenches being in order—the Oats ripens very irregular owing I think to some of the grain remaining in the ground during the drought and springing after the rains set in—a mixture of green straw prevents its being shocked as it is cut down it is therefore put up in 5 or 6 sheafs to cure before it could with safety be shocked—last night and this day has produced some fine showers which will not be unfriendly to any thing (as the ground was geting dry) except to the Oats which has been cut and that may be prevented from injury unless the rain should be of long continuance. The Oats is large and full and the heads generally fine had they not have been injured in the early part of the season a greater crop perhaps how would have been made—but the crop will turn out so much better than could be expected that it would be criminal to complain the Corn is generally of a pretty good growth and of a Fine complexion the Plaister of Paris when first applied to it particularly that which I tried during the drought produced very evidently a good effect but for some time past I have been unable to dis[c]ern any difference between that which received it and that which did not this I am unable to account for but it is undoubtedly the case and it had the same effect on Corn that I applied it to last year—I have tried it this year on Tobacco, Barley Oats, and other things without being able to discover any effect—I mean to try

some of the same corn that has already received it with the same quantity that was put on before to see what additional effect it may produce—and to try some that has not had any put on to afford it the advantage of different seasons—being inclined to think on reconsideration that you might perhaps dispence with sowing Wheat in No. 6 at Frenches as the Crops in a part of it would be removed too late and the Rye lately cut from it following wheat would be another weighty objection. I therefore consented to the advise of Whiting to have field No. 3 at the Ferry now in Buck Wheat plowed up for wheat. I was induced to depart in this instance from your directions because it would be preparing a field which would afford you the option of sowing or not in Wheat and if you thought proper to decline it the field would derive benefit from it the loss of the seed which would have been got had the Buck wheat remain’d for the purpose could not have been great for tho’ it was good in some parts of the field it was generally very bad but the crop of weeds being pritty thick will supply the defficiency as a manure.
I have enclosed you copies of Surveys which I have in possession that came under cover to Fairfax in a Letter from Mr Colston who was authorised to recieve the £51.9.8 acruing thereon, by Mr Marshal—Mr Colston has desired the money paid to Mr Taylor of Alexandria who I have not yet seen but shall wait your directions before I do anything in the business.
Colo. Mercer informed me that the proceeds of his present crop of Tobacco which was intended when ready for the George Town market, was designed for you, but have not yet recd it—he also informed me that his present Crop of Wheat was designed for the same purpose—if you thought proper to take the wheat he would deliver it as soon as it was got out, allowing him the highest Alexandria price in two months after the delivery, if not he would dispose of it and the money should be paid you—these kinds of bargains are disagreeable and some times productive of disputes but still it may be avoided by appointing persons to determine the price—and I think it may be better to recieve the Wheat than to let it be otherwise disposed of—if you will inform me I will let him know the result of your determination—The 13 Barrels Porter shiped by Colo. Biddle from Philadelphia arrived last week—the Gardner is very desirous of geting a Dutch and English Dictionary to perfect himself in the

English language as Alexandria does not afford one I promised to write to you for one and observed to him that I was certain you would incourage him in little requests if he would exert himself to deserve your favor—he is really industrious and very obliging and as to a knowledge of his business I am persuaded he possesses it very sufficiently. he furnishes the greatest supply of good vegitables and has got the gardens in as good order as could well be expected considering the order he found them in—many of the Negroes have and are confined with this troublesome Influenza—we shall begin shortly to expect the happiness of seeing you as we are told the 15 Int was talked of for the rising of Congress—Fanny joins me in sincerest good wishes for yourself my Aunt and the Children and best respects to Mr Lear and the Gentlemen of your Family I am Honord Uncle Your truely affectionate Nephew

Geo: A. Washington


Title: To George Washington from William Loughton Smith, 17 July 1790
From: Smith, William Loughton
To: Washington, George

New York, 17 July 1790. Recommends Peter Bounetheau and Daniel Stevens as loan commissioner for South Carolina under the funding bill; Edward Trenot, Col. John Mitchell, Daniel Stevens, and Peter Bounetheau as revenue inspectors should the excise bill pass; and captains William Hall and Jacob Milligan as commanders of revenue cutters.


Title: Tobias Lear to Richard Varick, 19 July 1790
From: Lear, Tobias
To: Varick, Richard

Sir,
New York July 19th 1790.

In compliance with your request signified in your polite letter, I have the honor to inform you that the President of the United States will have the pleasure to see you tomorrow at 10 O’clock, if that hour should be convenient & agreeable to you. with great Respect I have the honor to be Sir, Your most Obedt Servt

Tobias Lear.Secretary to the President of the United States.


Title: From George Washington to Clement Biddle, 20 July 1790
From: Washington, George
To: Biddle, Clement

Dear Sir,
New York, 20 July. 1790.

The first request of this letter is that you would burn it as soon as you have read it and keep the contents to yourself; at least for the present.
Some months ago farms lately in the tenure of Mr Abel James were advertised for sale by you and Mr Henry Drinker—These

farms I have seen; but not, it is to be acknowledged with the eyes of a Purchaser—The ⟨one⟩ near Frankfort you inform the public contains 284 acres, that another called Callenders contains 79 acres—and a third, near the last, contains upwards of 60 acres.
Let me now ask if all or any of these are yet for sale? What is the lowest price that would be taken for each? and whether payment would be received in valuable lands, improved, in the counties of Fayette and Washington in the State of Pennsylvania—one tract of which in Fayette-County contains between sixteen and 1700 acres on the great road from Fort Cumberland to Pittsburg; distant 75 miles from the former and 40 from the latter place; equal in quality to any tract in that country, with what has been a very valuable mill and iron ore adjoining, but which is now much out of repair. The other tract (containing upwards of 3000 acres) lyes about 16 miles from Pittsburg, and is also good in quality, and more level than usual.
I shall candidly declare that to pay money is out of the question with me—I have none and would not, if it was to be had, run in debt to borrow—nor would it do for me to dispose of real property to obtain it, when that species of property is brought to low ebb and dull market.
An exchange, as proposed, if ready money is not indispensable, might be mutually advantageous to both parties, inasmuch as the probability is, that the price of the exterior will encrease in a full ratio with that of the interior lands.
If the farms advertised by you and Mr Drinker are sold, or if they are not now for sale, let me next ask if they will be to be rented? and for what? I ask these questions however more from motives of curiosity than from any expectation of becoming the Renter of either of them; because the principal buildings (which would be of little value to me, in this case) might considerably enhance the rent, and because my objects being for the amusement of farming, and for the benefit arising from exercise (the distance from the city being convenient for the latter) I should not incline to lay out much money upon a rented farm, for a short tenure; and for a long one, I should have no occasion for a place in that way. Having communicated the matter thus far to you, I will, in a few words add, as my own opinion, strengthened by those of my Physicians, that my late change from active

scenes, to which I had been accustomed, and in which the mind has been agreeably amused, to the one of inactivity which I now lead, and where the thoughts are continually on the stretch, has been the cause of more illness and severe attacks of my constitution, within the last twelve months, than I had undergone in 30 years preceding put together. A deviation therefore is necessary. I have not, because you were one from whom the terms of sale of James’s lands were to be known, scrupled to make these communications at the moment that I ask the lowest price that would be taken for each of these farms—Frankly, I declare it to be my intention not to give a high price for either of them (depreciated as real property is) nor will I higgle about the price—If it is moderate and I am dealt with candidly, I will say in a word whether it will suit me to become a purchaser—chaffering I shall avoid. The largest farm would be most congenial to my wishes—perhaps one of the others might do. I am dear Sir &ca

G. Washington


Title: To George Washington from the Commissioners for Settling Accounts, 21 July 1790
From: Commissioners for Settling Accounts
To: Washington, George

Sir
New YorkJuly 21st 1790.

The time limited by the Ordinance of Congress of the 7th May 1787 for settling the accounts between the United States and individual States having expired.
We conceive it to be our duty to give this information, that such disposition may be made of the accounts and vouchers of

the several States as you shall be pleased to direct. With profound respect We are Sir yr most Obt Servts

Wm Irvine
John Taylor Gilman
John Kean


Title: To George Washington from William Godwin, 21 July 1790
From: Godwin, William
To: Washington, George

New York Goal July. 21. 1790.
The Humble Petition of William Godwin late a Private Soldier in the first New York Regiment Most humbly Sheweth.

That Your Excellencys Petitioner served in the American War upwards of Six Years. and was honorably dischargd by Your Excellency on the Eighth day of June 1783.
&
That from a variety of Losses and a severe Sickness for upwards of Seven Months. he hath been greatly reduced and is now Confined in Prison for the value of a Boat which was lost during his Illness. hath a Wife and two small Children to support who are destitute of the common necessaries of Life.
He therefore most humbly prays Your Excellency for some small Donation. and as in Duty bound he will ever pray.

William Godwin

N.B. A Copy of the Discharge is annexed.


Title: Tobias Lear to Clement Biddle, 22 July 1790
From: Lear, Tobias
To: Biddle, Clement

New York, 22 July 1790. Encloses a draft on the Bank of North America for $200 to be credited to GW’s account.


Title: Indenture with Jedediah Sanger, 22 July 1790
From: Washington, George,Sanger, Jedediah
To:

[New York?] 22 July 1790. GW and George Clinton lease for one year 234 acres on the south side of the Mohawk River in White’s Town, Montgomery County, N.Y., to Jedediah Sanger of that place, for £118.10, as witnessed by Tobias Lear and DeWitt Clinton.


Title: To George Washington from Clement Biddle, 23 July 1790
From: Biddle, Clement
To: Washington, George

Sir
Philadelphia July 23 1790

I was honourd with your Excellencys Letter of—— inst. which I immediately burnt on reading and should have answer’d it by yesterdays post but had not Obtained so full Information on the subject as I wished.
Mr Abel James having met with misfortunes in Trade, assigned his Estate at Frankford to Mr Frederick Pigou of London, for whom Mr Drinker was agent for a Consideration of £8500 Currency—I speak of the mansion house and Tract of 276 Acres of Land, which alone was an Object of your notice—This Farm with others was Advertised for sale at different times & reference to Mr Drinker & to me as their Conveyancer—several Applications were made to purchase; but I could never get Mr Drinker to fix a price, but I have understood he would not take less than £7500 and allow some time for a large part of the purchase—An Exchange for any other Land was out of the question as the Object of Mr Pigou was to Convert it into money or a Mortgage which would be more immediately within his Command as to the Income or Interest.
On reading your Letter, I employed a Confidential friend to Enquire of mr Drinker whether they would sell or rent this place for a term of ten years and he called on two other Gentlemen who are joined with him in the Charge of Mr Pigous Affairs and after Consulting returned the answer which I have inclosed, but I am nevertheless of Opinion that they would be glad to sell it for £7500 Currency.
If I have omitted answering any part of your Letter, it is owing to my having destroyed it and retaining no Copy of this, the transaction is Obliterated.
I have reflected on the Seats round this City which have some Land that might be employed in farming.
Mr John Penn’s ⟨senior⟩ our former Governor’s seat, is on the Westbank of Schuylkill, at the distance of about five miles from the City and I think must have upwards of 100 Acres and perhaps 200 Acres, tho’ my knowledge of it is not correct—the Situation is agreable and healthy and as Mr Penn has been some time Absent in England and his return uncertain it is probable it may be rented but I have not ventured to ask the Question.

If you should honour me with your Command on this subject you m[a]y rely on my prudence Caution and Secrecy. I have the honour to be With great respect Your Excellency’s Most Obedient and very humble servant

Clement Biddle


Title: To George Washington from J. Huiberts, 23 July 1790
From: Huiberts, J.
To: Washington, George

Your Excellency!
Amst[erdam] July 23d 1790

When Mr DeClercq (at whose house the Duke of Brunswyk kept his quarters, during the time that his Prussian Majestys troops, under his commands, insulted this, in former times, free country) shew’d me the map, upon which all the operations of the Prussian Army are marked, I thought your Excellency should not be displeased by having a copy, nor think it too forward in me, when I offered Mr DeClercq to Send it to you; allow me, therefore to send it herewith, and be pleased to accept it, as a very small mark of the boundless reguard, which my Patriottic heart, shall always feel for the establisher of the American

Freedom and Independency, Who without any doubt Sympathizes with the fate of the most unfortunate but bravest Hollanders, that have Show’n during the contest for freedom agains[t] Prince William the 5th of Orange, and his party, that they had courage enough to offer up cheerfully, as well their fortunes as their lives, for the recovering of their national rights and Privileges.
A great while ago I should have been back in North America but an unexpected change in my private affairs, has enduced me to engage a partnership with a house of this City for a trade to the West Indies under my direction, in consequence whereof I intend to sett out for Demerary in the beginning of Sber next and to return to Amsterdam, every voyage; be pleased therefore to accept the tender of my Services when you think I can be serviceable to your Excellency or your friends, either here or in the W. Indies, and permit me to return my Cordial thanks to your Excellency for the distinguished attention you have been pleased to favour me with during my Stay in North America. May this Country under your Presidency, lay the foundation of everlasting happiness! May its agriculture florish at home, and its Navigation in all parts of the globe, where ever the 13 Stripes are displayed; May the character of the Americans be form’d after the Defender of their rights, and the restorer and establisher of their Freedom!
Permit me, further to recommand my daughter & my Self in the friendly remembrance of your Excellency and his Lady and allow me to remain, with an unalterable respect, Your Excellency’s Most obedient & humble Servant

J. Huiberts

If Your Excellency should favour me with any commands, please to direct them to the care of Mess. Remy & Comp.—Amst.


Title: John Fenno to Tobias Lear, 24 July 1790
From: Fenno, John
To: Lear, Tobias

[New York] 24 July 1790. Sends two bound volumes of the Gazette of the United States after a delay of two months because of problems at the bindery and notes that one volume is a complimentary copy for GW’s library and the other is to replace issues earlier loaned by Lear.


Title: To George Washington from Rufus Putnam, 24 July 1790
From: Putnam, Rufus
To: Washington, George

Sir
New york July 24th 1790

I left Muskingum the 2d instant: Nothing new in that quarter Sence Mr Morgan came on, except, that a number of Horses have been Stolen & one man Killed at Bellevill (a Virginia Settlement about three miles below the great Hockhocking) which appears to be a Misschief altogather unprovoked. Also about the 20th of last month a woman was taken neer the mouth of Buffaloe Creek, and was afterward murdered, but this business was prefaced by the white people Stealing a number of Horses from the Indians & refuseing to deliver them up when demanded.
The Muskingum Settlements have lost many Horses, the last

fall & this Sumer, some Stollen by white people but more by the Indians, and their is Sufficient evidence that Some of the Dellawares and Wyndots who attended the Treaty at Fort Harmer, as well as the Shawonees have ben concerned in the thieft—their is also good reason to beleve that Several belonging to the Dellaware & Wyndot Nations, have ben concerned in Murdering the people and plundering the boats, going down the ohio; the last Winter and Spring, & it is likewise Said, that a number of white men were among that Gang of robbers.
It Seems that they are possessed of some boats or other Craft on the Sioto, in which they Issue out of that River into the ohio, and haveing obtained their booty, retire again with Saifty—would not a Small Detachment of Troops Stationed at the mouth of the Sioto in great measure, if not wholly, put a Stop to this kind of business, and at the Same time give confidence to the people in the new Settlements on the ohio, which are commenceing betwen the Sioto and the great Kenhawa.
By letters received at Muskingum from Mr Secretary Sargent, and also from Major Doughty informations I learnt that Governor St Clair was Still in the Illinois Country & would not probably, return to Muskingum till October, & that Messers Syms & Turner left the Miamis in the month of May to attend the governor—under these circumstances I conceived it best to return imedately for my family.
I leve this on monday morning, Shall be in Town again the first or 2d week in September on my way to the Western world. I have the honour to be Sir with every posable Sentement of the most perfect esteem your Excellencys most obedient Humble Servent

Rufus Putnam


Title: To George Washington from Elbridge Gerry, 26 July 1790
From: Gerry, Elbridge
To: Washington, George

Sir
New York 26 July 1790

I received a letter from Samuel Russell Gerry Esqr. to the Secretary of the Treasury requesting to be nominated to the President of the United States for the office of collector for the Port of Marblehead. his application was made in this mode as he writes me, because not being informed on the subject he was doubtful whether candidates from a principle of attention & respect, with which in his opinion too great a degree of familiarity does not comport should apply in any other mode than thro the head of the department. during the war he was requested by the General Court to provide for troops stationed in that quarter, & gave such perfect satisfaction as to have been remarkable for the accuracy & justness of his accounts, in which he is compleat. he was in every occasion at the call of his country, being at the R. Island expedition & other places. he was appointed naval officer & having served one year resigned it in expectation of a better office under the United States. his conduct therein was as satisfactory to the State as in the other instances mentioned & he is now collector of excise for that place. the voluntary petition of the merchants & traders of that place, is an evidence that whilst his conduct in office has been ever approved by Government, it has not been less so by those over whom he has been placed, whose esteem by a mild & decent behaviour he possesses in a high degree. the subscribers to that petition, some of whom are the wealthiest citizens of the place, form as I conceive by far the greatest part of the commercial property thereof. if recommendations out of the town are necessary, to my knowledge he can procure them from the first characters of the State; but as circumstances may not admit of delay, I think it my duty, sir, altho he is a brother, indeed the only one I have & for whom I have a tender regard, to say as I can with great Truth, that he is a man of strict honor, probity & assiduity; & in every respect equal to this office, & that for his conduct therein I pledge myself to be responsible.

I have sir with reluctance troubled you in this occasion, but am sure your feeling heart will pardon these effusions of friendship, altho their object is the promotion of a brother as well as of the public service: & whatever may be your decision thereon, You may be assured, that with the highest sentiments of respect & esteem I remain sir Sincerely your affectionate & very humb. Sert

E. Gerry


Title: Tobias Lear to Captain Hollis, 26 July 1790
From: Lear, Tobias
To: Hollis, ——

New York, 26 July 1790. Requests delivery to the bearer, Francis Parman, of the three mares that GW sent on 1 June to be put to John Jay’s horse in Bedford Town, Westchester County, N.Y., and asks that an account of the cost for their care and arrangements for its payment also be transmitted through Parman.


Title: From George Washington to Thomas Jefferson, 26 July 1790
From: Washington, George
To: Jefferson, Thomas

United States [New York] July 26th 1790

The President of the United States transmits to the Secretary of State, to report thereon, a memorial of Monsr deletombe, Consul of France, to the Legislature of Massachusetts, respecting certain parts of the Consular Convention agreed upon by and between his most Christian Majesty and the President of the United States—together with a Resolution of that Legislature upon said memorial; and a letter from Governor Hancock to the President enclosing said memorial & Resolution—and
A Representation, addressed to the President & Senate of the United States, from sundry Merchants and Inhabitants of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, of the inconveniencies resulting to Americans who settle in the French West India Islands,

from the Droit d’aubaine prevailing against them there; and praying an interference on the part of the United States with the Court of France on this subject. Four other papers attesting the facts stated in the Representation accompany it.


Title: To George Washington from William Nichols, 28 July 1790
From: Nichols, William
To: Washington, George

Sir,
Philadelphia 28th July 1790.

If any apology be necessary for the liberty which I now take in addressing you, I can only say, that, considering you as the common father of your country, I beleive there is no person belonging to it whose happiness you would not wish to promote.
I am besides an old Soldier, who have at least had the merit, or rather the honour Shall I call it, of performing some long marches & exposing my life to some danger under your Excellency’s command.
After all, I must rely much on Mr Morris’s good nature, by whom this will be handed to you, to inform you who I am, and upon what principles I venture to come forward with the following application. From the Bill for making provision for the Debt of the United States, a commissioner of Loans is to be appointed in Pennsylvania. Would your Excellency be pleased to bestow upon me this appointment it would be a fortunate circumstance for my small but numerous family, for which both I and they should be forever bound to thank you. Of my diligence and integrity Judge Wilson, as well as Mr Morris, will be able to inform you, I am Sir with the highest esteem your Excellency’s most obedient Humble Servant,

William Nichols


Title: To George Washington from Noah Webster, 28 July 1790
From: Webster, Noah
To: Washington, George

Sir.
Hartford [Conn.] July 28th 1790

My sole apology for troubling your Excellency with any communication foreign to the immediate duties of your high & important station is its estimated consequence to the prosperity of the country over which you preside. The doctrin I purpose to maintain in this Letter, if true, is of more importance than perhaps any modern discovery whatever; and if it is of such consequence, your Excellency is the most proper person in America to give it a due consideration in the country at large.
The world, Sir, is favored with many valuable tracts upon agriculture, & many experiments have been made to ascertain the best kinds of manure, as well as the best modes of applying them, for the purpose of enriching exhausted fields. But as most kinds of manure are scarce, and too expensive for universal use among all descriptions of farmers, it would be an acquisition of infinite magnitude to an agricultural people, to find a mode of restoring or preserving the fertility of lands, which should be simple, cheap & efficacious.
While therefore I allow, in its full extent, the value of stable manure, marl, plaster of Paris, lime, ashes, sea-weed, sea-shells, & salt, in enriching land, I believe none of them are absolutely

necessary, but that nature has provided an inexhaustible store of manure, which is equally accessible to the rich & the poor, & which may be collected & applied to land with very little labor and expense. This store is the atmosphere, & the process by which the fertilizing substance may be obtained is vegetation.
The principle on which this opinion is founded, is one that is well known & admitted in the philosophic world, viz., that all plants imbibe a part of their nourishment from the air or common atmosphere. It is hardly necessary to mention the multitude of facts which demonstrate this principle, since it is universally admitted by the observers of nature’s works. But I am inclined to think that more nourishment is received in this manner, than even Philosophers are willing to allow, and for this opinion, my reasons ought to be assigned.
I. It is found by observation that six tenths of the whole surface of plants is above ground; that the surface of the body & limbs exceeds that of the roots by one tenth. More than half the inhaling pores therefore must be above ground; even when the tree or plant is without leaves. But add to this the whole surface of the leaves, when full grown, all of which are porous & designed by nature for the very purpose of feeding the plant, and your Excellency will readily concieve that nine tenths, perhaps a much larger proportion of the absorbing vessels are above ground. By the structure of plants then I judge a large proportion of their nutriment to be derived from the atmosphere.
II. Branches of trees which are over topped by other branches always perish, & few or no plants will flourish well under other plants. This is not merely because such plants or branches are shaded & deprived of the necessary phlogiston; the principal reason is that the under branches of trees are deprived of the dews, by the higher branches. But if the most of their nourishment were derived from the root, the lower branches would be the best fed & the upper branches would decay. This is capable of demonstration. It is indeed a wise provision of nature’s author, that no two branches should shoot from the same side of a tree; or at least that if one branch shoots out in a line directly over another branch, it is always at a great distance. This arrangement is evidently intended to give the different branches an opportunity of spreading their leaves over the whole circumference of space about the tree that is within their reach, as well as

to embrace the vessels from the roots on all sides without interfering with each other. By the whole arrangement, it evidently appears that nature designed the branches to feed upon the atmosphere, and where they are deprived of this sustenance, they must perish. This is most obvious in large forests, where the ground is covered with dry leaves; for here the dews are very inconsiderable; whereas when a tree stands alone in a field, the dews there being copious, they rise among the under branches & supply them with nourishment. Hence a single tree spreds & all its branches liv & flourish; while the trees of a thicker forest grow tall, the upper branches only finding sufficient nourishment.
These facts, which must have fallen under your Excellency’s notice, render it probable, not that a part merely, but a large part of the nutritious matter of vegetables is derived from the atmosphere. Hundreds of other facts may be mentioned, but it is needless.
From this theory I draw the most important consequences for agriculture: for if true, land may be made as rich as we please, without any of the common manuring substances. It is not clearly decided what are the simple component parts of vegetables; but modern chymists allow that all plants contain oil, salt, water & earth. Some at least of these substances, which constitute the very essence of manure, exist in common air, particularly the nitrous acid. I know little or nothing of chymistry, & shall therefore confine my remarks to facts within vulgar observation or principles universally admitted.
It is well known that dung of cattle is some of the best manure in the world. Is this any thing more than vegetables decompounded by putrefaction & the fat, oleaginous, nitrous and earthy particles separated from the water & phlogiston? Is the body of an animal composed of substances which are not common to plants? Most clearly not. The principal ingredients in animal bodies, in vegetables & in the manure we carry upon our fields are the same under different forms and in different proportions.
Vegetables then contain the substances which constitute manure, & the process from a plant to manure, & from manure to a plant is the process of nature, & consists in vegetation & putrefaction. Let me then ask your Excellency, will not land contract

fertility by a spontaneous growth of vegetables, provided they are suffered to putrify upon its surface? You will doubtless answer in the affirmativ, for what is the black mould in valleys, in forests & on the banks of rivers, but mere putrified vegetables, or a mixture of these with natural earth?
If then a spontaneous growth of trees or plants will enrich land, by what means do they add to the fertilizing substances already in the soil? If they derive their nourishment from the earth solely, when they perish they would leave upon the earth no more than they took from it, & consequently the land would be no better; whereas every man sees they enrich land. There is no way to account for the effect, but by supposing the plants to derive a considerable part of their nutrition from the air.
It is a common remark of the farmers in New England, that rye does not exhaust land, but if the stubble is turned in as soon as a crop is taken off, the land will rather grow richer under continued crops of this article. Whatever fanciful reasons may have been assigned for this effect, the real truth is, the stubble contains more of the manuring substances than the whole crop takes from the earth. This is but one of numberless common facts, which might be mentioned to prove my theory. Again, a certain farmer in this naborhood sometimes made it a practice, after mowing his fields twice, to let the third crop rot upon the land, and this small growth, which is generally fed by cattle in October & November, was amply sufficient to manure the land for the next season. In this case, a fifth or a seventh of the annual growth kept the land always rich.
No. 2
The use of clover in enriching exhausted fields is derived from the same principle. Farmers tell us that clover benefits land by its roots which warm & loosen the earth; but the fact is, clover imbibes a great part of its nourishment from the air, & even when mowed or fed, there is still a considerable quantity of the stalks left on the earth, which, when turned in, serve to enrich it. Clover indeed, when the crop is taken off, has but little effect as manure, but when the full growth is plowed in, it is equal to a heavy covering of manure. But any vegetable will have the same effect, tho perhaps in a different degree; for every plant imbibes the nutritious substances from the air.
The conclusion to be drawn from these principles & facts is;

that lands should never be without some vegetable growing upon them, the vessels of which are the conduit pipes to convey nourishment from the air to the earth, or rather are nature’s chymical instruments to decompound the atmosphere, & collect the nutritious oil & salts. Old fields which are exhausted by long cultivation are enriched in two ways only; one is by a coat of manure of some kind; the other is by a spontaneous growth of weeds & grass, which, after some years, will restore fertility. But why should these old fields be neglected? The roots of vegetables have been destroyed by previous cultivation; no seed is put upon the land; the earth is left naked; there is nothing upon it to attract the nitrous particles of the air, until a spontaneous growth of weeds arises & answers this purpose, & then requires two or three years or more. Why all this waste of time? Is it not throwing away the profits of a farm?
I believe Sir, fertility may be restored to exhausted fields in a much more expeditious way, by seeding them with some succulent vegetables, as oats, peas, beans, buckwheat, & turning in the full growth or suffering the whole to rot upon the land. An exhausted field will indeed produce but a small crop; but a small growth turned in with a plow, will be sufficient to enrich the land in a considerable degree, & prepare it for a large crop. I concieve it best to plow in the vegetable just as it arrives to full growth; for the whole substance is then preserved in the land, & being covered, it ferments & loosens the earth; whereas if the vegetable is suffered to fall upon the surface, a part of the manuring substances may be evaporated or washed off by rains.
If land is become very poor & the owner wishes to enrich it as much as possible in one season, it may be sowed with oats early in the spring & the oats at full growth may be turned in, in good time to sow the land with buck-wheat, which may likewise be turned in before it seeds. Thus two crops of succulent vegetables may be obtained in one summer, & these would probably be equal to many tons of Stable manure upon an acre. Peas are perhaps the best vegetable for manuring land, but the seed is more expensive than oats. Cheapness is an essential article in any general plan of manuring impoverished fields, and I know of none so cheap as this. Two bushels of oats and one day’s labor for a man & one pair of oxen will answer for seeding an acre of land; and another day’s labor will be sufficient to turn in the

crop. At any rate, this means of fertilizing land is within the power of every cottager in any part of the country; a circumstance that gives it a preference to every other method.
It is a common complaint in Virginia that the best tobacco lands are impoverished, & the culture of that article is said to be on the decline. An eminent writer of that State predicts that the culture of tobacco must still decline, because the price of the article abroad will not defray the expense of manure. This is doubtless true of the common manure, but whence, let me ask, did the lands in Virginia derive their original fertility? Was it not from the putrefaction of vegetables? Is any thing necessary to restore the fertility except the same process? And will not a little human assistance expedite the process of nature? Is it necessary to wait an age or two for the lands to be covered with forests in order to secure a mass of putrid vegetables? Will not any succulent plant, the growth of a summer, supply the same matter, which is derived from the leaves of large trees? Where then is the difficulty or expense of recruiting the barren fields?
I have no doubt that tobacco itself is the best of manure. It is not a staple in the New England States; but some towns on Connecticut River raise considerable quantities & the plant grows to a larger size than in Virginia. After the plant is cured & the leaves stripped from the stalks the farmers throw the stalks upon their fields; & consider them as rich manure. Now tobacco, like hemp & flax, is a plant which impoverishes land, much sooner than most vegetable productions. It undoubtedly imbibes a much larger proportion of oil & salts from the earth than most plants; or if not, it imbibes more of these substances from the air than other plants, in proportion to its size. It is not material which hypothesis we embrace, so long as it is well known that the plant has an uncommon share of these substances in its composition, and it is well known that all plants imbibe a part of their substance from the atmosphere. In either case, tobacco is a rich manure, the seed costs very little, and any exhausted field will produce small plants. Suppose then the seed should be sprinkled over one of these worn out tobacco fields just after a rain, a drag or harrow drawn over the land to cover the seed, and the plants suffered to grow without culture. The plants would be small, but every where covering the field, they would inhale a large share of the manuring particles of the air,

which, by the dissolution of the plant, would mingle with the earth. I have never seen or heard of this experiment; but it is so agreeable to facts within my observation & so analagous to the process of nature, in uncultivated wild lands, that I have no doubt in my own mind, one light growth of plants, either plowed in or putrifying upon the surface, would produce two or three valuable crops; and that a repetition of this process for two or three seasons would restore to the soil its primitiv fertility. I here suppose the tobacco seed to be merely scattered on the land & followed with a drag, harrow or branch of a tree, which would be very little trouble; for it might be a needless expense to grub up the land with hoes, & plows are little used on the tobacco plantations.
I recollect when I was in Virginia in 1785, your Excellency was carrying upon your fields mud from the creeks of the Potomak. “Success to the mud,” was a toast at dinner, and I have no doubt it had a good effect as manure. But, Sir, why is mud from the bottoms of rivers manure? It may, in the Potomak, contain a mixture of marine salt; but the muddy bottoms of all fresh rivers & marshy grounds are a rich manure. This is a well known fact; and can the manuring qualities of this earth be derived from any source, but from vegetable putrefaction, the mass of which has been washed down from the naboring declivities? In short, Sir, I cannot but think that, by, a proper attention to the operations of nature, we might be enabled to manure our lands, without digging for marl or importing plaster of Paris. This at least might be the case while we have more land than we can cultivate every year; for if the country should ever become so populous as to require crops to be taken from land every year, the inhabitants will find it necessary to have recourse to artificial methods of enriching their lands.
For fear of intruding too much on your Excellency’s time & goodness, I shall close this letter, with just remarking that I claim no merit for discovering any new principles on this subject. Philosophers will know that plants absorb nutriment from the air, and farmers will know that when grass, leaves and other vegetables rot upon land, they enrich it. And the reason why this most simple obvious way of fertilizing land, by seeding it for the express purpose, should not have become a more general practice, is to me a mystery. Indeed the obviousness of the thing almost

persuades me that my ideas on the subject are wrong, & that I place more dependence on this process for enriching the earth, than experience itself will warrent. Yet when I converse with people, & find scarcely a man that knows or will believe that vegetables grow by absorbing from the air as well as from the earth; & when, from several years enquiry, I can find scarcely a farmer who knows the true reason why vegetable productions, putrifying on land, serve to enrich it; I cannot but think that an attempt to unfold the reason, & introduce a method of repairing exhausted fields very simple, cheap & accessible to every poor man, will be benificial to the agricultural interests of my Country. I consider myself as writing to the most judicious & experienced Planter in America; Should your Excellency be of opinion that this letter contains any thing new or useful, please to communicate the sentiments & facts, but wholly suppress my name. Otherwise please to suppress both my name & the letter.
No. 3
Please Sir, to accept the volumes accompanying this, as a pledge of my inviolable attachment to your person & government. I have written much in the cause of my country, & God knows I am actuated by the best of motivs, however I may have been abused & misrepresented by a censorious world. Please to accept my most cordial wishes for the success of your administration & the happiness of yourself & family. I have the honor to be your Excellency’s most obedient most humble Servt

Noah Webster jun.


Title: To George Washington from William Barton, 29 July 1790
From: Barton, William
To: Washington, George

Queen Street, No. 15 [New York]Thursday July 29 1790

Mr Wm Barton presents his most dutiful and respectful Compliments to the President of the United States, with the inclosed Letter from Professor Barton. Mr W.B. will do himself the Honor of waiting on the President, To-morrow at 10 o’clock to receive his Commands, which Mr B. will be proud to convey to his Brother.


Title: To George Washington from Jacques Michel Guillaume Bénière, 29 July 1790
From: Bénière, Jacques-Michel-Guillaume
To: Washington, George

Mr President—Gentlemen,
Paris, 29. July 1790.

We have learned that Franklin, the man of all nations, is no more—having enlightened them all, and in every species of

knowledge, they ought to share in a loss, which is common to them all.
The august Legislators of our nation have hastened to set the example; but the assembly of representatives of the Commons of the Capital believed it their duty to add to this universal mourning a new tribute of honor, in decreeing that the virtues and the talents of this true Philosopher should be transmitted to posterity, in a public and solemn eulogium, the first that has been rendered among us to civic virtue—The assembly charges me to transmit it to you. I felicitate myself in having this occasion to render homage to men who are free, and are truly worthy to be so—May that homage be acceptable, as well as the sentiments of brotherhood and respect, with which I am Mr President, Gentlemen, Your very humble and very obedient Servant.

Beniere,


Title: To George Washington from Samuel Osgood, 29 July 1790
From: Osgood, Samuel
To: Washington, George

Sir
General Post Office New York July 29th 1790.

I have examined the Documents in the General Post Office with Respect to the Arrival of the Mail at Richmond, & find but two Instances of Failure since the first of April last, to the first of July Instant, in delivering the Mail that goes South from this Place, to Richmond; excepting that it sometimes arrives half an Hour, & sometimes an Hour, after the Time fixed for its Arrival.
On the 19th of April last the Mail going southward, was detained twenty four Hours by the Rise of the Waters of the Pamunky, & consequently arrived a Day later than it ought to have arrived, at Richmond.
On the 25th of June the Streams of Water South of Susquehannah were rendered impassable by heavy Rains; the Mail that ought to have arrived at Richmond from the northward on the 28th, did not arrive till the 30th, when two Mails were delivered at the same time.
At this Time Mr Burral was travelling in the Stage on the Business of the Post Office, between Susquehannah & Baltimore, & he informs me that for one Day they could not pass the Streams of Water with the Stage, nor with single Horses.
Excepting these Instances, the Way Bills signed by the Postmaster at Richmond, show that the Mail is delivered with as much Punctuality in Richmond, as it is in New York. I have the Honor to be with the greatest Respect Your most obedient Servant

Samuel Osgood


Title: To George Washington from George Hazard Peckham, 29 July 1790
From: Peckham, George Hazard
To: Washington, George

Hond Sir
State of Rhode Island, South Livingston in the County of Washington July 29th 1790.

Necessity which is the Mother of invention emboldens me to write to so great a Man as your Excellency, To undertake to tell you of the great things you have done and are doing for your Country, at a time when I am about asking a favour wou’d be insincere; Therefore shall confine my Self to what concerns the happiness of my Family, Yet not without as good wishes for the prosperity & happiness of your Excellency as any Person under Heaven, To induce your Excellency to grant the favour, I shall relate to you my Situation in Life in the Year 1775, My misfortunes since & my present Situation. In said Year 1775 I lived in Newport where I owned a House almost as large & good as any in that Town, and which fronted three Streets, which Cost me above Three thousand Silver Dollars, I was in good business

whereby I could Maintain my Family well, And over and above that have seven or eight hundred Dollars annually, Some little time before the Britons our inveterate Enemy came to take possession of Newport, I bought me a small place in the Country where I moved my Family under an idea that I should have no satisfaction or peace with them sort of Folks, Neither did I choose to be under their Controul, I carried with me into the Country West India & other Goods to the amount of four or five thousand Silver Dollars, which I likewise sold for Continental Money as I did my Estate in Newport, for at that time whoever Slighted that sort of Money amongs’t us, were deemed Enemies to their Country, which My very very Soul abhored, The reason of my Selling my Estate in Newport was because some People lived there, called Tories of different Sentiments from my self wou’d inform the Enemy who the Estate belonged to, and it wou’d be in danger of being destroyed, However to my great disappointment and disadvantage the Money I chearfully took for my Estate and Goods aforesd, depreciated so rapidly that all my Estate I had been earning by the Sweat of my Face and indefatigable industry were Swallowed up and lost, With other misfortunes, having five Years Sickness four Physicians to pay &c. who it’s well known like to be well paid, I do not say these things as murmuring against my good God who hath restored me to a good State of health, And who has wise ends in all his dispensations; He gives and takes away as it Seemeth good to him, & I acquiesce with it.
Our Honble General Assembly Commiserating my misfortunes gave me the Office of Clerk of the Court of common pleas for the County of Washington & first Justice of the Peace for the Town of South kingston in said County, which in good times is worth considerable, but our Currency for a number of Years hath been so fluctuating that I have got but very little by either of said Offices, I have but Twelve Acres of Land left, with Eight active Sensible Children to Support the greatest of them Small, whch makes it hard times to procure Bread for their Supply, and a Companion who I Married out of as a respectable a Family as any in this State, If this will not make a Person of ambition and humanity have Serious feelings & Contemplations, nothing will, The Spirits of a Cato and Cicero with all the fortitude under those Circumstances wou’d be effected.

As grievances is what I my self am not fond of, I would not trouble your Excellency with mine, were it not of real necessity, and Viewing the great Contrast of living as I did before the War, and as I am now obliged to live, The reason of my application to your Excellency is because of hearing of your many good Acts and Sympathy for the unfortunate and distressed & especially as it happened on Account of the late War, That it is my last alternative, that you are abundantly able, and that you will grant the favour, which will enable me to pursue a business I have in idea whereby I can make employ for all my Family—And by industry and the blessing of God doubt not but I can Support my Family well and give my Children a decent Education, which wou’d be more pleasing to me than Riches, which take to themselves Wings and fly away.
Now my Dear friend (as I beleive you are to all the good Citizens of the States) If you can find freedom to lend me Five hundred Silver Dollars for ten Years without Interest directed to the care of Henry Marchant Esqr. of Newport I will give him the best Security I can for the Money together with my Bond, and if I have Success will pay it sooner, The security I can give will be the twelve Acres of Land, And a House and Three Acres of Land which I am about buying on Little-Resk in order to keep my Offices in a public place for the Conveniency of the People in the County, Altho’ the Sum I have mentioned will be but as a drop from a Bucket from your Excellency, Yet at this time will be of such infinite service to me my Wife and Sprightly Children, that they and their Childrens Children will have reason to venerate your Name when you are with the good old Partriarchs & Saints in light.
I leave what I have wrote to your Excellencys wise and serious Consideration (which are plain truths) and whither you see fit to grant the favour or not, May God Almighty add to your Wisdom and bestow on you abundance of his Grace that you may be so enabled to rule and govern our Nation, That they may so flourish as to be respected by the other Nations of the Earth, that you may be happy in reflecting & Seeing of all this, And when you have Seen many pleasant and happy days, and done all the good allotted for you to do for the benefit of Mankind, may you be received into the Mansions of unspeakable Bliss, which Eye hath not Seen, nor Ear heard, neither hath it entered

into the Heart of Man to conceive, is the ardent Wish and Prayer of him who is with every Sentiment of regard Your Excellencys Assured friend and most obedient & very humble Servant.

G. H. Peckham

N.B. If your Excellency should take the trouble to read my Letter, I refer you to my Nephew, Wm Robinson Merchant in New York Mr Wm Robinson (son of Thos) in New York, Danl Rodman Esqr. of sd New York, And the Honorable Jos. Stanton & Theodore Foster Esquires, our Delegates who I am well acquainted with, who I conceive will tell your Excellency that what I have wrote is the truth, that thereis Such a Person as George Hazard Peckham, & a pretty clever Fellow too. Yrs as above

G.H.P.


Title: Enclosure: Joseph St. Marie to Winthrop Sargent, 22 July 1790
From: St. Marie, Joseph
To: Sargent, Winthrop

St. Vincennes [Territory N.W. of River Ohio]22d July 1790

Joseph St Marie of St Vincennes in the County of Knox in the said Territory, begs Leave to acquaint your Honor that on the 23d Day of August 1788 he took the Liberty of addressing a Letter to John Francis Hamtramck Esquire Major in the first United States Regiment, and Commandant at Post Vincennes, of which the following is a Copy, “Sir In pursuance to the antient usage and Custom of this Country I, in the month of november last applied for and obtained Leave of Absence on a trading voyage: In Consequence of which and of my right as a free man and Citizen of the United States of America, I loaded a Petty-Augur with several Goods and merchandizes to the Amount of five thousand nine hundred and forty one Livres and fifteen Sols in Peltry, Currency of this place, equal to one thousand and nine hundred and Eighty Dollars and forty two ninetieths of a Dollar, and sent them under the Care and management of my Clerk Mr Swimmer, with Directions to proceed down the mississipi River and trade them off with the Indian nations living within the Bounds of the United States of America. Mr Swimmer according set out and went down that River to a Place called the Chicasaw Lake, which is situate about ninety Leagues down from the River Ohio, About twenty Leagues higher than where the English Fort of the Arquanças formerly stood and in about 34º 40″ of north Latitude according to Hutchins’s map, where he pitched his Camp on the East or American Side of the mississipi, in the neighbourhood of some friendly Indians who were there hunting. Here after a few Days Stay he was taken up by an order from Mr Valliere the Spanish Commandant at the Post of the Arquanças by a Party of Spanish Soldiers sent from that fort, who at the same time seized the Petty-Augur and the goods, and carried them together with my Clerk and the other Hands

in the Boat to the Spanish Fort, where Mr Valliere the Commandant seized and confiscated the property for the use of the Spanish King, at the same time informing the men, that his orders from the Governor of Louisiana at new Orleans were express, to seize and confiscate all the Property which might be found on the mississipi or on either of its Shores, any where below the mouth of the Ohio, and to send the Persons of those with such goods, Prisoners to him at new Orleans—Being very soon after informed of this Transaction I went to the Arquanças and applied to the Spanish Commandant for a Restoration of my Property, who in very peremptory terms refused giving them up, alledging his before mentioned orders and adding that I might take it as a great favor that my Clerk and Hands as well as myself were not confined and sent in Irons to Orleans as Prisoners—When I reasoned on my Right as an American Subject to traffic in the American Dominions, and that my Property was seized in the Territory to which I conceived America had an undoubted Right, he stopped me short by informing me that the Country on both Sides of the River mississipi as high up as the mouth of the River Ohio belonged to Spain, and that the whole of the Country on the East Side of the mississipi from the mouth of Ohio downwards was then under the Spanish Gouvernment.
Surprized at this Information and not being satisfied that the Governor had really given such orders, I went to new Orleans and about the Eleventh Day of may last obtained an Audience of the Governor Don Mero; who as soon as informed of my name, asked me in very haughty terms, how I could have the Audacity to appear before him on the Subject of the Seizure of my Property; That altho’ I was a Frenchman born, yet that I then was an American Subject, and that if he the Governor was to follow his orders from the Court of Spain, he would send me Prisoner to the mines of Brazil and then concluded in a threatening manner with bidding me depart from thence, and be no more seen, which last orders I was glad to obey and withdraw my self as soon and as far as possible from such Despots without receiving any Satisfaction. Thus circumstanced my only and last Resource is to the honorable the Congress of the United States of America, as Guardians of the Rights and Liberties of her Subjects, whose persons have been seized and Properties confiscated on her acknowledged Territory by an armed force, in pursuance

to the orders of a foreign Prince. From the time that the name of an American has been known in this Country I have been a Subject of the United States; I have fought in Defence of that Country whose Subjects a Spanish Commandant is hardy enough to oppress. And I am now, unless Gouvernment interferes without any Remedy for a Loss which will reduce me with a Wife and a numerous Family to the utmost Distress.
I must beg of you Sir to make known my Case to Congress in such manner as you shall think proper, and as speedily as possible, as in me the Right of Sovereignty of America as well to a very extensive Territory as to the navigation of the mississipi anywhere below the mouth of the Ohio has been invaded: my Cause is become a public Cause and will in its Consequences determine a grand national Question. I dare hope and trust that as an antient Inhabitant of this Country, and as one of the first Subjects of America in it, I shall be thought worthy the Protection of Congress, and that they will adopt some means to give Satisfaction and Recompence for my Losses—To convince you and the World of the Justice of my Cause, I propose to make oath before a magistrate of the Truth of the whole of the Case as before stated, and shall whenever called upon produce proper vouchers and Proofs to authenticate the same, I am Sir &c. &c.”
This Letter was accompanied with the oath proposed and with the Invoice hereto annexed, and also with an Affidavit of Mr Wm McIntosh who is now on a Voyage testifying that he had seen and had read to him by Mr Valliere the Spanish Commandant at the Post of the Arquanças the original Letter or orders from Don Mero Governor of Louisiana at new Orleans, directing the said Mr Valliere to seize and confiscate the Property of all those who should be found on the mississipi or on either Shore thereof from the mouth of the Ohio downwards as the whole of that Country belonged to Spain. These Letters and Papers major Hamtramck forwarded to General Harmar, who sent them to Congress—But as they were delivered that honorable Body when their Dissolution was about taking place, and as the many public affairs since the adoption of the new Constitution have in a manner entirely engaged the Attention of the new Congress, he begs Leave to address himself to your Honor, as vested with the Governor and Commander in Chief’s Power in this Country, begging you to lay his Case before Congress and to procure

him such Redress, as his distressed Situation as well as that of his family requires—He also begs Permission to testify the Truth of what is herein before set forth by his own oath, and he also profers to adduce other sufficient and satisfactory proofs thereof whenever thereto requested. He begs Leave to subscribe himself your Honor’s most obedient and very humble Servant

Joseph St. marie

On the 22d July 1790 personally appeared before us two of the Justices of the Peace for the County of Knox, Joseph St marie above named, who made oath on the holy Evangelists according to Law, that the above Statement of his Case is just and true—In witness whereof we have hereunto set our hands ⟨and⟩ Seals the Day and Year aforesaid.

Paul Gamelin L.S.L.S. Antoine Gamelin