Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 21 October 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

					Sirs,
					Quincy, Oct. 21, 1809.

				THE memorial promised in my last letter was in these wordsHigh and Mighty Lords,As soon as her Majesty the Empress, was informed of the sudden departure from the Hague, of the Ambassador of his Britannic Majesty to your High Mightinesses; guided by the sentiments of friendship and benevolence which she professes towards the two powers; she did not wait, for further explanations, concerning the consequences which might be produced by a procedure so alarming for their reciprocal tranquility and well-being, to make by her Minister at the court of London, representations the most pressing, to the end, to divert it, if it were possible from coming to violent measures, and to induce it rather to prefer those of softness and conciliation; offering herself to co-operate in every thing which might depend upon her. Although her Majesty has not yet had the time to receive the answer of the court of London, she has nevertheless reason to presume, that her insinuations there will be received with pleasure. In this confidence, the Empress does not hesitate to give a new proof of her salutary
intentions in favor of the re-union of two states, for whom she has an equal affection, and whom she has seen for so long a time live together, in an intelligence the most perfect and the most natural to their respective interests; by proposing to them formally, her good offices, and her mediation, to interrupt and put an entire end to the discord and the war, which has broken out between them. While Mr. Simolin, the Minister of the Empress, at the court of London, acquits himself of the orders which she has given him, concerning this object, the undersigned has the honor to fulfil the same task, on his part towards your High Mightinesses, and to assure you of the zeal and earnestness with which he should desire to labour, at the precious work of the re-establishment of the repose and tranquility of your state.—The disinterestedness, the impartiality, and the views of general beneficence, which have instamped their seal upon all the actions of her imperial Majesty, preside equally in this. The wisdom and the prudence of your High Mightinesses, will know how to acknowledge in her, these august characters, and will dictate the answer, which the subscriber will have to transmit to her, concerning the execution of his orders.(Signed) The Prince De Gallitzin.The Hague, 1st of March, 1781.
This offer of mediation was accepted by their High Mightinesses with gratitude.
Leyden, March 19, 1781—wrote to the President of Congress: “I have received your excellency’s letter of the first of January, with the commission and instructions inclosed. I am very sensible of this fresh instance of the confidence of congress, and I shall do every thing in my power to discharge the duties of this new trust. But I am obliged to say, that no commission that ever was given required more patience, fortitude and circumspection than this; virtues which I much fear have not fallen in sufficient quantities to my share.I have experienced, since my residence in this republic, a great change in the external behaviour of several persons of rank, who upon my first arrival, received me with distinction; but from the moment of the publication of the papers taken with Mr. Laurens, have been afraid to see me. The nation has indeed been in a violent fermentation and crisis. It is divided in sentiments. There are Stadtholderians and republicans. There are proprietors in English funds and persons immediately engaged in commerce. There are enthusiasts for peace and alliance with England; and there are advocates for an alliance with France, Spain and America. And there is a third sort, who are for adhering in all things to Russia, Sweden and Denmark.—Some are for acknowledging American independence, and entering into treaties of commerce and alliance with us: others start at the idea with horror, as an everlasting impediment to a return to the friendship and alliance with England. Some will not augment the navy, without increasing the army; others will let the navy be neglected rather than augment the army. In this perfect chaos of sentiments and systems, principles and interests: it is no wonder there is a languor, a weakness and irresolution that is vastly dangerous in the present circumstances of affairs. The danger lies, not more in the hostile designs and exertions of the English, than from seditions and commotions among the people, which are every day dreaded and expected. Were it not for a standing army and troops posted in several cities, it is probable there would have been popular tumults before now. Every body that I see, appears to me to live in constant fear of mobs; and in a great degree of uncertainty, whether they will rise in favour of war, or against it: in favor of England or against her: in favor of the Prince, or in vindication of Amsterdam: in favour of America or against her. In the midst of these critical circumstances, pressed as I am for money to discharge the bills of exchange which congress have drawn and I have accepted, I have ventured to open a loan; but this is looked upon as a very hardy and dangerous measure, which nobody but an American would have risqued. And I am obliged to assure congress, that people are as yet, so much afraid of being pointed out by the mob, or the soldiery, as favorers of this loan, that I have no hopes at all of succeeding for several months, if ever.I am advised to do nothing in consequence of my commission to the States General, at present, for fear of throwing before the people, new objects of division and dissention. I have however communicated to their High Mightinesses, and to the Ministers of Russia, Denmark, Sweden and France, the Resolution of congress of the 5th of October, relative to the principles of the neutral confederation. The memorial and the letters I have transmitted to congress.Whenever I shall communicate to their High Mightinesses, the full powers of congress, the course will be this. They will lie long upon the table. Then taken ad referendum: that is, sent to the several provinces, cities and bodies of nobles, who compose the sovereignty, or as some say, the deputies of the sovereignty. These will deliberate and deliberate, and deliberate; and probably some will be for, and some against making a treaty; at least it is supposed that Zealand and one or two other provinces will be against it. But in the mean time, there will be much communication and negociation among individuals at least, between this country and Russia, Sweden and Denmark upon the subject: and if it is true, as I am informed in a letter from Mr. Gerry, that a Minister is appointed to the court of Petersburg as I hope it is, and that the same minister, or some other, is empowered to treat with Sweden and Denmark, it is not impossible, I think it indeed probable that we may succeed with these four nations at once. For let me add, there is not, in my apprehension the least prospect of a general peace. England is at her old game of seduction and division, and is labouring, under pretence of employing the Emperor of Germany and the Empress of Russia, in mediations for peace, insidiously to embroil all Europe in the war. From motives of philanthropy, I hope she will not succeed; unless indeed the same feelings of humanity should prompt me to wish all mankind at war for her humiliation, with a nation, which at this time is, if ever one was, hestis hamani generis.”Leyden, March 19, 1781, wrote to Mr. Dumas: “The enclosed extracts are of so much importance, that I send them to you for your opinion whether it is prudent to communicate them to the Russian minister, or not. The intelligence is such that I can make no official communication of it. If you think it will do any good and no harm, or at least more good than harm, you may communicate it in confidence to friends.—Mr. Dana’s commission, which perhaps is to treat with any or all of the Northern Powers, is to come by colonel Palfrey, and duplicates by young colonel Laurens, as I conjecture.I have read the manifesto with pleasure; because it is a reasonable and a manly performance. It would have been better, perhaps, without the last clause: which will be taken both by friends and enemies, as a sigh for peace with England, but much may be said in excuse of it. I wish too they had left out their disapprobation of Amsterdam, which was not necessary, and never did their High Mightinesses any honor; at least I venture to think so.”Leyden, March 21, 1781, wrote to Messieurs John de Neufville and Son: “I have received your favour of the 19th and will direct Mr. Thaxter to number your bonds again in figures under your written numbers and sign them; and to make the other alterations, according to your proposal.Alas! poor Statia!—But as Providence orders us unpleasant potions of medicine to cure our distempers, so I hope this apparent misfortune will open the eyes of the blind; will convince the credulous of their weakness in placing any kind of confidence in the justice, the honour, the moderation or humanity of Great Britain; virtues which at this time, exist only in their own vain-glorious writings and speeches: I hope also it will accelerate an immediate and direct commerce with America, and what is of more importance to this country as well as to that a solid alliance: I hope, further, that this insult to the neutral confederation, will prompt them to take a decided
part, which their own dignity, honour and interest demand, and forthwith join France, Spain, and America in pursuit of the two great objects of the negotiations and wars of the present age, American independence and the rights of neutral vessels: once more I hope, that this unexampled outrage, to the law of nations, to public faith and every sacred principle among men, will induce even the great city of Amsterdam to act a more decided and vigorous part, than she has done. Her example will be followed with ardour, by every other member of the sovereignty, all of whom I have reason to believe are slackened in their resolution, by the feebleness and irresolution of that city.”Leyden, March 22d, 1781, wrote to Mr. Jennings, at Brussels: “With great pleasure have I received yours of the 19th with its inclosures. I wish I could answer more at large, but in addition to a thousand other objects crouding upon me at present I have had to sign obligations and coupons, &c.I am exceedingly pleased with your thoughts, all but one. You hold up the idea of restraining America from the east. This idea never will do. America never will consent to any restriction whatsoever: but will finally insist on a right to trade with every nation that will trade with her. For God’s sake let us, beat down every idea of restriction. I am demonstratively certain, it is the interest of every power in Europe to take off every restriction from American trade. It will be longer in this case, before the trade of America will interfere with that of any nation, than if, it is clogged.—Nitsmur in velitum. The
idea of the least restraint is a poison: it will lay a foundation for embroiling Europe and America, forever. It will occasion another horrid war in seven years. So would a truce. The last Lettres Hollandais are very good. Go on I pray you.”:Leyden, March 22d, 1781, wrote to Mr. Dana, at Paris: “I have received several letters from you: but have been so busy, signing my name (to obligations and coupons, &c.) that I could not regularly answer.I give you joy of Laurens’ arrival. It is a great event. I hope he brought you an important paper, which Lovell mentions in his letter to you, and Gerry in an excellent one to me.I rejoice, sir, in your honour and in the public good: but I feel myself grieved, and weakened at the personal loss of a treasure of advice and ability. I hope to see you here in your rout. Pray commit to writing all your observations on our first errand and give them to me. I hope your old commission is not superceded. In case of negotiation, of which however there is no likelihood for years, I shall summon you. Mr. Laurens must have letters and important papers for me. I hope to have them soon. There is no one, knows the banking commission but Mr. De Neufville and me. It is not however more than precedents. But let them lie about it, if they will. I am not afraid of their lies. Statia is gone: and the Dutch are yet dead: when they will come to life I know not.Leyden, March 24, 1781, wrote to Messieurs John De Neufville and Son: “I received last night your favour of the 22d inclosing three bills of exchange which I have accepted and return inclosed. I have also received another letter on the affair of St. Eustatia. I sincerely condole with you, on the loss of that Island, both as it affects the public and as it must probably more or less affect your private interest.Great pains are taken to represent this event as a fatal blow to the United States of America; at which I can do nothing but laugh.—In my private opinion it will be better for America.—The property taken in that Island, belonging to English, Scotch and Irish merchants, I shrewdly suspect was more than all that belonged to Americans, French and even Dutch, altogether. In this I may be mistaken: but in all events the American property there, was not much.However; after the insidious artifices of the English, in holding out false appearances of a disposition for peace; shall have amused eight or nine nations for a little while; when these discover themselves to have been only duped and mocked by English impudence; this outrage with others, cannot but unite all the maritime nations in one decisive league, in support of the freedom of commerce and American independence, without which it is evident to demonstration that the liberty of the seas cannot longer exist.Place America again in dependence on G. Britain, and it would be in their joint power, in twenty years, to conquer all the establishments of the Spaniards, French, Dutch and Portuguese in the East and West Indies, in spite of all that the rest of mankind could do to prevent it. I would therefore advise the powers of Europe to let America be reduced to the necessity of proposing terms to Great Britain.Leyden, March 27, 1781—wrote to Mr. Dumas at the Hague: “Since I had the honour to communicate to you my commission to their High Mightinesses, by which the general affairs of America in this republic, come under my direction, you may possibly be in some uncertainty about your own situation and the continuance of that small annual sum which you have heretofore received from the commissioners and the Minister at the court of Versailles. In order to remove the doubt as far as in my power, I take this method to inform you that I am persuaded it is the intention of congress, that you should continue your good services to their cause, if you have no objection, and that you should have at least the same allowance continued.—I suppose his excellency, Dr. Franklin, will readily continue to pay your draught as usual; but if he should not, and you choose to continue in the service of America under my direction, I will undertake to do it, as long as I shall reside in the republic, at my own risque, until the further order of congress.”Leyden, March 27, 1781—wrote to Messieurs John de Neufville and son: “I have just received yours, inclosing the lettres Hollandaises and thank you for your attention. You give me great joy by your account of the arrival of a vessel from Boston. Hope we shall soon hear of more.As to the loan, I am not indifferent about its success. My own reputation with some people in Europe and America, will depend in some measure upon it. But this has little weight with me. It is of importance to America to have a comptoir or banker in Amsterdam upon whom congress could occasionally draw, as they have at Paris and Madrid. And my instructions from congress are such as rendered it my indispensible duty to open a loan and try the experiment. If it does not succeed I shall have done my duty; but the same duty will require that I should write an account to congress, and to Dr. Franklin, of its success. To congress, that they may draw their bills in future upon Paris and Madrid. To Dr. Franklin, that he may be able to obtain the money of the court of Versailles, to discharge the bills I have already accepted. In this case, Mr. Grand, the banker in Paris, will give orders, as I expect, to the house of Horneca, Fitzeau, & Co. at Amsterdam, to pay the bills. This, you see, will make it public that my loan has not succeeded; and the whole will divert that part of the trade of America, which would naturally have flowed to Amsterdam, to France and Spain. Though I shall be mortified at this, there will be one consolation; we shall have no interest to pay, but what we please and when we please: for the money obtained of those courts, has been generously granted, without any terms whatsoever respecting the rate of interest or time of payment of interest or principal. We shall be under more obligations at Paris and Madrid and less elsewhere. I am therefore not anxious, nor will I depart a single doit from the terms, if the whole falls through. I have already gone further than will be for the good of my reputation, or promote the intercourse between the two countries.The secret intelligence you give me, I am rejoiced to hear. It shall remain a secret with me. I have a great deal of news too, which I must keep a secret at present, but which holds out hopes of great & good things to our righteous
cause. I expect to learn more of it every hour. I inclose Mr. Hodgshon’s three bills and your eight.”Leyden, March 27, 1781—wrote to London: “I am very much obliged to you for the trouble you have kindly taken in sending me Gazettes, pamphlets and books, but the alteration of circumstances has rendered the communication so difficult and expensive that I am obliged to desist.—Two or three packets which you mentioned in a letter not long since, have not arrived, nor have I heard any thing of them.The gazettes cost me by the post, at a rate of two hundred guineas, I believe by the year; and I am now in a situation where I have found a way to have all the papers at a comparatively small expense. So that I should be obliged to you to stop immediately, the two papers, the Morning Herald and General Advertiser; and also the sending any more books and pamphlets. You will be so good as to send me a minute of the balance between us, and whatever it may be in your favour, I will take measures to discharge immediately. I should be obliged to you however, for the continuance of your favours and the good news of the times.”Leyden, March 28, 1781—wrote to Mr. Jay, at Madrid: “It is so long since, I wrote you that I am almost ashamed to recollect. I have been in the most curious country, among the most incomprehensible people, and under the most singular constitution of government in the world. I have not been able to write you what could or would be done here; because I was not able to discover, nor did I ever yet find one man in the country, who would pretend to say what course the republic would take.—At this moment, although I think there cannot be a peace between them and England; yet I see no probability of their being in earnest in the war, for some time.I can tell you one thing, however, for certain, that the conduct of Spain has great influence here. Her delay, in acknowledging our independence, contributes amazingly to the indecision of the republic.—If Spain had entered fully into the system, this country would soon
follow. I must therefore beg of you to communicate to me, as much concerning this subject as you are at liberty to do. All nations, it is to be feared will wait for Spain, and thus prolong the evils of war, to unnecessary lengths.”Leyden, April 9, 1781—wrote to Messrs. Sigourney, Ingraham and Bromfield, at Amsterdam: “I am engaged in some affairs, which will oblige me to be absent from Amsterdam for some days if not for some weeks; but when I return it will be necessary for me to have a house and furniture suitable for a Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States, to receive and entertain company; not in the style of sir Joseph Yorke, at eighty thousand guilders a year, but however decent enough for any character in Europe to dine with a republican citizen. The rest of this letter contains directions concerning the house, furniture, servants to be procured, and authority to draw upon me, &c. for the money, &c.”Leyden, April 10, 1781—wrote to Messieurs Neufville and son: “I return you the six bills accepted on 29th March. The other detail, 25th Feb. 1780,1 have no letters of advice about. Yet the bill is genuine, I doubt not. Is it a part of some former bills which you accepted? If it is, and the second, third or fourth of the same tenor have not been accepted before, you, I suppose may receive it from Dr. Franklin, as the others.”Leyden, April 10, 1781, wrote to Doct. Franklin: “Relying on your virtues of faith and hope, I accepted the bills to the amount of ten thousand pounds sterling, drawn in favor of Mr. Tracy.I have received advice from Congress of more bills drawn upon me. When they arrive and are presented, I must write you concerning them, and desire you to enable me to discharge them: for I am sorry to be obliged to say, that although I have opened a loan according to the best plan in my power, and the plan and the loan seem to be countenanced by the public; yet there is little money obtained, scarcely enough to defray the expense of obligations & stamps. It is daily more and more clear to me, that we shall never obtain a loan here, until our independence is acknowledged by the states. Till then, every man seems to be afraid, that his having any thing to do in it, will be made a foundation of a criminal process, or a provocation to the resentment of the mob.The time is very near, when some of the bills I accepted become payable. I must intreat your excellency’s answer to this, as soon as convenient, and to point out to me whether you choose that the house of Horneca, Fitzeau and Grand, or any other, should pay the money. It is a most grievous mortification to me to find that America has no credit here, while England certainly still has so much: and to find, that no gentleman in public life here dares return me a visit or answer me a letter; even those who treated me when I first arrived here with great politeness. I am intreated however to keep this secret: but have no motive to secret it from you: on the contrary you ought to know it. I am told there will be great alterations very soon. But I have seen by experience that no man in this country knows what will be, on the morrow. Let me ask the favour of you, sir, to give my best respects to Col. Laurens, &c.Leyden, April 11, 1781, wrote to Messrs. Sigourney, Ingraham, and Bromfield—“I am this moment favoured with yours of the 10th, and thank you for the readiness with which you have undertaken to get me a house as soon as possible.”Here follow directions in detail concerning the house, furniture, servants, carriage, &c. which I of all men was the least qualified to prescribe, having never troubled my head about any such things. Omitting these, the letter proceeded—“I have determined to reside at Amsterdam, for the facility of transacting the business of the merchants who have bills of exchange upon me; for the pleasure of seeing more of our countrymen, than I could see in any other city;—and for the pleasure of some agreeable acquaintances I have formed at Amsterdam. But our countrymen ought to be apprised that there is unhappily a difference of sentiment between the Court at the Hague and Amsterdam, and that my residing in that city may be liable to misrepresentation, if the motives of it are not understood.Leyden, April 13, 1781 wrote another letter to Sigourney, Ingraham and Bromfield, containing still more particular directions concerning the house, furniture, &c &c. and authorising them to draw upon me or my bankers for cash to pay all their expenses, &c.”Leyden, April 16, 1781, wrote to Doct.. Franklin—“I had yesterday the honour of yours of the 7th. The letter inclosed is a bitter satyre on the nation which produced it. Is it possible that Arnold should shew his face among men, after writing such a letter? If it is not a bribe, it is robbery committed in the American service; for it is well known that Arnold had no such sum when the war began. He is now employed in stealing tobacco and negroes: so is Cornwallis. A fair employment for Peers for Arnold is the Peer of them all! I think the southern states will have the honor after all of putting the continent in a right way, to finish the business of the war. There has been more sheer fighting there than any where.All the public papers, English, French, and Dutch, assure the world that I have succeeded in a Loan. I wish they would prove their words. I am told it will do by and by; so I am, that the nation will act vigorously by and by: I wish both may prove true: but I have not one grain of your faith nor hope.There are capitalists who believe us able and honest to pay; and that we shall prevail; and they have inclinations enough they say to the loan; but the true motive of their conduct is fear of being pointed out to mobs and soldiers as persons who have contributed to the commencement or continuance of the war with England. I wrote you some days ago that I had not succeeded at all, and requesting your orders how the bills accepted should be paid. Some of them become payable the beginning of May: and the fifteenth of that month the sixty bills amounting to ten thousand pounds sterling, which were drawn in favour of Mr. Tracy, become due. I congratulate you on your success at Versailles. If Spain would make a treaty with Mr. Jay, it would assist us here. Every body asks, why does Spain delay? You and I know very well but cannot tell. But so it is. Men always negotiate ill when they are not in a condition to make themselves feared. If America could dissemble enough to threaten other nations with a return to Great Britain, they would be ready to hang themselves, to prevent it. But America is too honest and sincere to play such a game. England would have all the mountains of Mexico and Peru in a few years if America should join her. Yet we are slighted. God forgive them and enable America to forget their ungenerosity.America has fought Great Britain and Ireland six years: and not only Great Britain and Ireland, but many States of Germany, many Tribes of Indians and many Negroes, their allies. Great Britain has been moving earth and hell to obtain allies against us, yet it is improper in us to propose an alliance. Great Britain has borrowed all the superfluous wealth of Europe; in Italy, Germany, Holland, Switzerland, and some even in France, to murder us! yet it is dishonorable in us to propose to borrow money! By Heavens! I would make a bargain with all Europe, if it lay with me. Let all Europe stand still: neither lend men nor money, nor ships to England nor America: let them fight it out alone. I would give my share of millions for such a bargain.—America is treated unfairly and ungenerously by Europe. But thus it is, mankind will be servile to tyrannical masters and basely devoted to vile idols.

					John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to William Cunningham, 23 October 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Cunningham, William

Dear Sir,
Quincy, Oct. 23, 1809.

I thank you for your favour of the 17th.—I know the integrity, talents and intelligence of great numbers of the Federalists: and have no doubt of the good intentions of the great body of that party: but of a great number of their leaders, and the most active of them especially, I have no better opinion than I have of some of the leaders of the Republicans. By their writings they have deceived the people into an affection and confidence in England, and an abhorrence of France; neither of which is well founded. The Funding system and Banking systems which are the work of the Federalists, have introduced more corruption and injustice, for what I know, than any other cause.
My confidence in Mr. Dana during the whole time we lived and acted together in Europe, ought not to have been concealed. I know that if he transmits to posterity any relation of the controversy between the Count De Vergennes and me, it must be founded on the letters that passed between us, which I possess as well as he. I can transmit it myself, if I should live: but as I care little about it, and it is not likely I shall live long enough to go through the plan I have in view, I shall probably leave it among a number of manuscript volumes, to be concealed forever from the public eye, or scattered and lost like the papers of Mr. Hancock and Mr. Samuel Adams. So many Federal lies have been published concerning the peace of 1783, that I was determined that all the papers relative to that transaction, should not be left for chance or cunning to mutilate or mangle. With great regard,
JOHN ADAMS.


Title: From John Adams to Joseph Ward, 24 October 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Ward, Joseph

Dear Sir,—
                            Quincy, October 24, 1809.

Your favor of the 13th came seasonably to my hand. Your approbation of my communications to the public continues to give me great pleasure, and will continue to console me under all the abuse that has been or may be produced by them. To you, who have been an attentive observer of public affairs for half a century, there can by very little that is wholly new; but when I consider the errors that have been published by all our own historians, by Ramsay, Gordon, Mrs. Warren, and even by Govenor Sullivan, as well as many others, I thought it would be pardonable to preserve some papers which might correct them in some degree. The papers of Governor Hancock and Govenor Adams, where are they? I thought it might be excusable to preserve some of mine. To preserve them all would require more time than I can possibly live; both those relative to the two great events, the Peace of 1783 with England and the Peace of 1800 with France, I thought I might live to produce: but even this is very uncertain. The method I have taken and pursued must have a whimsical appearance with the present age, and with posterity; but I care not for that.
I am not ignorant of the person who caused the new edition of Hamilton’s libel. Though it is hushed up in public, I have reason to believe it is circulated in private—and the editor, I doubt not, will get money by it. Its partisans do not communicate their underhand manœuvres to you nor to me nor to the public.
Your ideas of public faith and public credit are very correct; but what ideas has this nation of either. Paper money, Continental currency, Land Bank, Old Tenor: recollect the history of all these and then say what conceptions of public faith and what theories of public credit have been and are still entertained by our beloved countrymen. If I was the Witch of Endor I would wake the ghost of Hutchinson and give him absolute power over the currency of the United States and every part of it; provided always that he should meddle with nothing but currency. As little as I reverence his memory, I will acknowledge that he understood the subject of coin and commerce better than any man I ever knew in this country. He was a merchant, and there can be no scientific merchant without a perfect knowledge of the theory of a Medium of Trade. If there is one merchant now alive in America, I know him not, and have never heard of him. Ambition, the downfall of Old Cole’s Cab, was Hutchinson’s downfall. But how many humane and plausible apologies and excuses can be made for Hutchinson’s ambition: not one of which can be pleaded for Hamilton. How infinitely superior in morals and in knowledge was Hutchinson to Hamilton, and especially in the Science of Finance!
It will be eternally in vain to talk of public credit, until we return to a pure unmixed circulation of standard gold and silver There can never be a government of laws in money matters without a fixed philosophical and mathematical standard. Contracts can never be inviolable without a stable standard. England and Holland have been models in this respect. I will venture to say there is not a village in the Seven Provinces in which this subject is not better understood than it is in any part of America. There is not a Burgomaster, Pensionary, Counsellor, or Schepen, and there are near five thousand of them all, who does not understand this subject better than Hamilton did; and who has not a more sacred regard to the scientific principles and standard of it. I despair, as you seem to do, of ever seeing Britain return to sound policy. If her treatment of America in 1760 and onwards; if her treatment of Holland in 1780 and onwards; if her treatment of all Europe for fifteen years past; if her treatment of the East Indies, can leave to our countrymen any confidence in her justice or humanity, let them enjoy it; I own I cannot.
Pray continue me in your love and favor me with your thoughts as often as you can, for I am and have been a long time, with very great esteem, / Your friend and servant,

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 25 October 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

My dear Sir
Quincy October 25. 1809.

I received yesterday your new Edition on Animal Life and Madam read it in the evening to me and all the Family, to the great delight and Edification of Us all. Whether it is all solid or not we can not say: but there are Ideas enough thrown out to excite and employ the attention and Investigation of all the Philosophers, Physicians and Surgeons. Accept of all our Thanks for this favour.
Whether there are more instances in favour of Bacons observations or against it, I believe that almost all Great Men have Mothers at Least. I read in a Journal de Paris many years ago a List of allmost all the Great Men who had lived and been famous in France, with an account of their Births, and they were almost all the Sons of Tradesmen, Bakers Brewers Masons Carpenters Clothiers Shoemakers, Cabinet Makers and some of them from Labourers, Livery Servants and the lowest and meanest occupations in society. I regret that I did not preserve and copy this Catalogue. It was a Proof irrefragable that there is some Truth in Bacons Apophthegm. I believe however that there is in all such Instances something more of Mind in the father and or Mother than is common. Have you never observed that Weavers, Shoemakers and Taylors are the most thoughtful Trades, because they are the most sedentary? Do they not at least produce the most inquisitive and talkative People? This is a Topick of inexhaustible speculation. But I believe there is as much in the Breed of Men as there is in that of Horses. I know You will upon reading this cry out: Oh the Aristocrat! The Advocate for hereditary Nobility! For Monarchy! and every political Evil! But it is no such Thing. I am no advocate for any of these Things. As long as sense and virtue remain in a Nation in sufficient Quantities to enable them to choose their Legislatures and Magistrates, elective Governments are the best in the World. But when Nonsense and Vice get the ascendency, command the Majority and possess the whole Power of a Nation, the History of Mankind shews that sense and virtue have been compelled to Unite with Nonsense and Vice, in establishing hereditary Powers as the only security for Life Property and the miserable Liberty that remains. Let my Countrymen therefore have a Care how they confide in Callender, Paine, Burr or Hamilton for their political Guides.—If they do not, Calamities Devastations, Bloodshed and Carnage will convince them that there is no special Providence for them. They will go the way of all the Earth.
A Dream again! I wish you would dream all day and all Night, for one of your Dreams puts me in spirits for a Month. I have no other objection to your Dream, but that it is not History. It may be Prophecy. There has never been the smallest Interruption of the Personal Friendship between me and Mr. Jefferson that I know of. You should remember that Jefferson was but a Boy to me. I was at least ten years older than him in age and more than twenty years older than him in Politicks. I am bold to say I was his Preceptor in Politicks and taught him every Thing that has been good and solid in his whole Political Conduct. I served with him on many Committees in Congress in which we established some of the most important Regulations of the Army &c &c &c
Jefferson and Franklin were united with me in a Commission to the King of France and fifteen other Commissions, to treat with all the Powers of Europe and Africa. I resided with him in France above a year in 1784 and 1785 and met him every day at my House in Auteuil, at Franklins House at Passy or at his House in Paris. In short we lived together in the most perfect Friendship and Harmony. I was sent to England in 1785—He came to me in England and I travelled over the Kingdom with him. He met me afterwards in Holland. I there instructed him in the situation of all my money Matters before I left Europe. I have a Bushell of Letters from him. If I were disposed to be captious I might complain of his open Patronage of Callender Paine Brown and twenty others my most abandoned & unprincipled enemies; But I have seen Ambition and Party in so many Men of the best Character of all Parties that I must renounce almost all Mankind if I renounce any for such Causes. Fare them all well. Heaven is their Judge and mine. I am not conscious that I ever injured any of them in thought word or deed to promote my own Interest or Reputation or to lessen theirs. Let them one and all say the same if they can.
I am &c
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from William Cunningham, 28 October 1809
From: Cunningham, William
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Fitchburg, Oct. 28.th. 1809

I have received your favour of the 23d. The sentence from your Letter of the 27th. ult. which made the theme of my answer, I understood as being extended to the whole body of the Federalist. Several circumstances conspired to induce me to make of it an unqualified application to that party. I cannot, and it is unnecessary to recite them all—two or three shall suffice. In your Letter to the Printers of the Patriot of June 10th., in the enumeration of the “opposition and embarrassments you had to encounter overcome,” you inserted—“from that large body of Americans who revere the English.” In the Review of the Works of Fisher Ames, by my friend J. Q. A. I saw that Ames was consider’d as one of the principals of such a party body—And in the Answer of Mr. Jefferson of the 30th. ult. to the Address of the Republican Citizens of the City and Country of New-York, I noticed a very plain insinuation, that the opposition to the Embargo, and its supplementary measures, was induced entirely by a predilection in the opposers for another country than their own. Laying these, and many things of the same complexion together, I could not but regard the sentence I quoted from your last Letter as coming “point from point to the full aiming of the verity,” that our country, the land of proud freemen, was become, in great extent, but pasturage for the progeny of foreign kine. In the Letter on my table, you restrict the appellation of calves of John Bull, to the Leaders of the Federalists, of a great number of whom you “have no better opinion than you have of some of the Leaders of the Republicans.” By which I understand, that we have cockerels that crow as they have heard the “old one,” as well as calves that roar in the tone of the great Bull. While I commend the impartiality of this which passes this censure, I most sincerely deplore the existence of any causes to authorize it. How are these Leaders distinguished? This commonwealth, and I learn it is so in other states, is under the most complete organization of party against party. There is, on each side, a central committee, a county committee, and a Town committee, all combined by the as a chain by its links, of which the first is the jar that gives the whole, by one touch, a shock. Trace these links up to this first and break it off, and the breach, like the division of a worm, would not only heal while crawling, but would immediately put out more length. And this system of “a wheel within a wheel,” is so contrived that its whole energy is derived from the multiplicity of the cogs which keep it in operation—officers, or Leaders, are more numerous than in our militia, and are much better fitted for service. The one who was raised to the rank of the Leader of the Federalists, has been five years dead. It was said that “from his metal was his party steel’d,” yet there appears to be no lack of sagacity nor of industry to carry on the system now that he is gone; nor does it fail, notwithstanding he confessed himself to be one that could not cool his iron in his own trough; and notwithstanding you have since represented him to as “without bottom in voluptuousness.” So bad that,
 “Our wives, our daughters,
Our matrons, and our maids, could not fill up
The cistern of his lust; and his desire
All continent impediments would o’erbear
That did oppose his will.”
In exposing any of impure intention on our sacred rights, “you have wound a goodly clue.” But this whole fabric of a sub-government above its master, must be demolished, or we shall weave in this loom of iniquity a web into which we shall be compressed and sewed up.
The calves which John Bull has in any of the Federalists, I could wish might be like Mamillus, who was called a “wanton calf,” but yet said he would “fight,” sooner than “take eggs for money.” If not of this kind, I could wish to see them with buttons down their backs, a badge of some others who were denominated calves, then we should know them to be fools who, for being blatant would be bullrag’d. If among any party there be an increasing inclination to swear allegiance “to stranger blood, to foreign royalty—the distemp’d humour,” must be banked out or we shall be overwhelmed.
I would be willing, as, I mentioned before, to acquit all parties from harbouring this humour, because I see the dangers to which an unsupported accusation of it is leading. The accusation of an English influence, and of a French influence, reciprocated, in the wantonness of an unfounded jealousy, between the great contending parties in our country, would soon set us precisely at the point to which an actual devotion to those powers, by one and the other of those parties, would bring us. The implacability of party would soon become as fatal to our liberties as “the steps of damned flight”—it would compel to that flight as to a refuge. This Such has been the its consequence; and without feeling it an impulse to it from the heart, and even against its charities, we should be successfully urged by the stubbornness of the will, and by the hatred which is relentless in the hour of struggle, to exclaim in the words of Pembroke to Salisburey:
. “Spirit up” (the French or the English.)
“If they miscarry we miscarry too.”
But the candour I have a disposition to exercise would cease to be a virtue, indulged too thoughtlessly—it would degenerate to vice when it should lead to forbearance against good evidence of corruption. Are we rushing into the vortex of Europe “fierce as waters to the sucking of a gulph,” we have nothing in prospect but to be swallowed up. It should be “set down with gold on lasting pillars,” that this country will never “lie at the proud foot of a conquerer till it first wound itself.” United—and fearlessly we might bid defiance to the other “three corners of the world in arms.” Among the occasions of a foreign attachment, have any, do you think, “received the golden earnest of our death?” For myself, I have England in no higher estimation than I should have a surly mastiff, whose ears I would pat, and call good fellow, if he kept a wolf from my fold, but whom I would slay, and encounter the wolf myself, the moment he manifested signs of madness. This comparison holds throughout to express my impressions towards Great Britain. And in this I accord most heartily in a sentiment expressed in one of your public Letters, that in a just and honourable cause, you would treat the power of England, or of France, or of both, with contempt. Most devoutly do I wish we could retrace our abberrations, and tell the
“Daemon that hath gull’d us thus,
He may return to vasty Tartar back,
And tell the legions he can no more win
A soul,” of these Americans.
The Banking mania has raged most destructively. If it originated with the Federalists, the other party sucked in nothing from the fountain of their principles to keep which kept them uncontaminated. Several of the enteriour Banks, and one, I believe, at Nantucket, were established on their petition. Banks at first were excressences of the exchequer, and the Federalists, without question, have had more concern in them than the other side; and as they have been conducted, they have proved, in more instances than can ever be brought to light, engines of extortion, oppression, imposition and swindling. Our inexperience in what are ignorantly called, banking principles, forms no apology for our egregious errours, for their true source is a shameful and an unpardonable oversight in our Legislature of the fundamental and plainest principles of common honesty. The sentiments of Gov. Sullivan upon this subject are now deriving a sanction from our experience—and it is no less to the honour of Mr. J. Q. A. that he was not sparing, in his Senatorial character, of exertion to save us from the tax, in money and morals, at which this experience has been purchased. Impurity is the element in which the Leviathan of our peace is flouncing. Where Gold is worshipped, Liberty, cannot long have an Altar, and When virtue is passed by in derision, and “off goes the bonnet to an oyster-wench,” that man’s head will be raised in rebellion. “Examples that so terrible shew in the wreck of Liberty cannot for all that dissuade succession.” It may be in me the effect of timidity, but I own that I cannot be quieted by the reference so vauntingly made to our Wisdom and Virtue—the pillars which can alone sustain the fair Temple of our Freedom.
As to Judge Dana, I hope you have not thought amiss of what I said in my last. I am highly gratified with the information, that you possess yourself, all the documents on which the explanation in question must depend.
The Peace of 1783, was the scene in which your Wisdom and Patriotism stood in full effulgence; and it has been made most interesting to your glory, that the facts respecting it should be correctly understood.
“One good deed, dying tongueless,
Slaughters a thousand waiting upon that.”
This applies to your case. It was a good deed—it was a glorious deed, deserving to stand in capitals, and to be transmitted in the richest ornaments of eloquence, that in your controversy with Vergennes, you gave yourself your own form, and would not suffer yourself to be considered by him as an unkneaded lump, which he might handle, mould and stiffen in his oven at his pleasure. To have given, in direct terms, such a description of your firmness, might have appeared, especially as the times were, to have partaken more of self-applause than of prudence or of policy, though dictated by both those considerations; yet it was necessary that your Country and its Government, should have a true view of your situation. I do not, therefore, think you misjudged when you concluded that the most unexceptionable mode of its communication, was to transmit the correspondence between you, both when he though he had you “tempering between his finger and his thumb,” intending soon to “seal with you,” and when he found you too hard to be cut by the sharpest diamond. What the countess of Rousillon said of the medicinal skill of Narbon the physician may be truly said of yours in politicks:—it was almost as great as your honesty—had it stretch’d so far, it would have made Liberty immortal, and Tyranny should have play’d for lack of work.
I am fearful the French found in the patriotic Spaniards, nothing but the “shadows and the shews of men,” they fought with so much “queasiness.”
The English, in the Expedition to the Scheldt intended to surprise a sentinel whom they found too vigilant at his post. What Lewis said of John, is due to Buonaparte:
“What he hath won, that hath he fortified:
So hot a speed with such advice dispos’d,
Such temperate order in so fierce a course,
Doth want example.”
The disasters she has met with will probably relax Great Britain to a better spirit of accommodation with us. When ind invaded in 449, by the Scots and Picts, she addressed a Letter of intercession to Ætius, the Roman Consul, which was headed—“The Groans of the Britons.” I apprehend she will be reduced to the transcription of this instance of her humility.
The enquiry, Dear Sir, which I ventured to make—“goaded with most sharp occasions, which lay nice manners by”—you have answered perfectly to my liking. Should I now proceed and “unclasp to thee the book of my secret soul,” I might do it with safety, but can it be necessary?—Your discernment and delicacy will supply the omission. I know, “it is the witness still of excellency, to put a strange face on his own perfection”—But I know, too, it is “not a sin to covet honour”—It is a duty to provide bread. No more.
With veneration and affection, / I am, Dear Sir, / Your most obliged Friend,

Willm: Cunningham, Jr.


Title: To John Adams from William Plumer, 28 October 1809
From: Plumer, William
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir,
Epping October 28th 1809

Although I have never had the pleasure of a personal acquaintance with you, yet to your real character & to the great services you have rendered our common country, I am no stranger. With your worthy son, now on a mission to St. Petersburg, I served three years in the Senate of the United States, & contracted a friendship with him that I hope will terminate but with life. You no doubt will often write to him & before his departure I assured him I would write when opportunity should present; will you be so obliging as to inform me, whether I can send to him in a more direct & certain way than by enclosing my letters to the Department of State of the United States?
All the time I can obtain from my necessary avocations is devoted to collecting & arranging the materials for the history of the United States. To write a good history of our country is an arduous task, & I attempt it with diffidence. As far as patient investigation & a love of truth are requisite, I am conscious I am qualified; but my means of information, particularly of the early history of our country, are too small & limited. My object in writing is not to subserve the interest of any party—but to leave to posterity a faithful history of the American nation. I should be satisfied with life, could I like Thucydides, transmit to posterity future ages a memorial worthy to be held in everlasting remembrance. I feel in no haste to publish—I allot the residue of my life to prepare the work for the press. Any documents you can share, that will throw light on the subject will be gratefully received. I have collected a compleat copy of all the journals of Congress that have been published from 1774 to the present time—I have extracts from the secret journals of the Senate up to 1807—& almost a compleat set of all the State papers, that is, Presidents messages, reports of heads of Departments, committees &c that have been printed from 1787 to 1807, making in all about one hundred & twenty volumes.
I am anxious to procure a set of all your useful publications. I have your Defence of the American constitutions, your discourses on Davila, your letters in 1780 to Mr Kalkoen—& your observations on the inadmissable principles of the british king’s late proclamation. Shall I not trespass too much on your invaluable time in requesting you to inform me of the titles of your other publications, & where I can obtain them?
I have Your correspondence, as published in the Boston patriot, both in that paper & in numbers as far as published. Accept my sincere thanks for this last publication. It contains much, very much, useful & highly important information. I hope you will extend the work to many volumes—that it will not contain not only a full history of the great events in which you performed a distinguished part, equally honorable to yourself & useful to your country; but much of your own biography—that like the memoirs of the Duc de Sully, it will at the same time that it exhibits the true history of the Government of which you write, transmit the genuine character of the writer.
That the evening of your days may be as serene & pleasant as your life has been useful, is the sincere desire of Sir, your most / obedient humble servant,

William Plumer.


Title: To John Adams from William Bentley, 1 November 1809
From: Bentley, William
To: Adams, John

Sir
Salem. 1. November, 1809.

I received your Letter of Oct. 26, & am happy, if, in any degree, I have satisfied the curiosity, I excited. It would have been a great pleasure, to have been introduced to Mr Adams at Quincy, but I received every attention due to a Stranger in his absence. I took the earliest notice of your Letter, & offered such evidence of the fact; as I immediately recollected; & to which I could instantly refer, & kept no copy of my communication. As the whole was, a testimony of affection & reverence, the original impression can not be lost; the copy, I leave absolutely at your disposal, persuaded that every expression in it, will have a real value, from the sincerity, which dictated it. I beg leave to add such uncommon collateral evidence as may confirm the history I have given. Mr Francis Higginson upon his first arrival in Salem, in 1629, notices the Governeur’s House. Coll. Hist Society. Vol 1. p. 123. Hazard’s Papers Vol. 1. contains the Letters to Gov. Endicot, & his Appointment as Governor, with the terms of planting the Lands in May. 1629. The same Letters inform that a Gardner was sent, & William Ryal, the King’s Forester, & these persons are recommended to favour. The tenure of the lands at that time is also given.
In a letter to Gov. Endicot from the Company in England, 17 April. 1629, is the following Article. Hazard. 1. Vol. p. 262.
“As for Fruit Stones & Kernels, the time of the year fits not to find them now, so we purpose to do it per next.”
In the next spring they were planted, & the same family, in successive generations, has had the sole possession of the Pear Tree, & Capt John Endicot, now the possessor, & who resides on the plantation, has, this hour, assured me, that he has well know the Tree, above sixty years, & can mark no difference in its appearance in the whole of that time. He is now nearly four score years of age.
Hazard’s papers discover the first settlement. The Gov. continued to add to his first grants, & to extend his plantation. The Regulation of the Government which admitted the Freemen to elections was agreed upon in Boston in May 1632, & Gov Endicott extended his farm by the Grant of that Court, 3 July. 1632. In May, 1634, the General Court had exclusive power to dispose of Lands, & the Gov. then had other Grants. Then the Salem Records of Grants begin in the 8th month of 1634, And in these records many Grants to Gov. Endicot may be found.
Should you wish any grafts from the Old Stock, I will take the utmost care that they shall reach Quincy, in the manner you may direct. The Fruitification cannot be seen at the present time. A Leaf I inclose which agrees with the Arbutifolia of the Linneean System.
Mr Jacobs who has held the Lands of his Ancestors near Gov. Endicot died last week: He was born 1711. His Sister who married into the Endicot family died in August last. She was born in 1718. I have seen Mr Jacobs mowing in his field, after 90 years of age.
Believe me, Sir, ready to accept among my first pleasures, any opportunity to prove myself, / With unfeigned esteem of your person / & character, / your devoted Servant,

William Bentley.


Title: To John Adams from Joseph Ward, 2 November 1809
From: Ward, Joseph
To: Adams, John

Sir
Boston Nov. 2. 1809

Your highly esteemed favour of the 24 ult. I had the honor to receive. I am instructed by your remarks upon Hutchinson, Hamilton, and other characters, and by your deep sentiments upon finance, the want of a correct History of American affairs, the conduct of England, &c. I admire your candor to Hutchinson. I think your remarks just as well as candid. If he had fortunately escaped the old Cat’s distemper, he might have lived & died in fame, and his character have been an ornament and guide to his Country. I have often regretted that he did not. There is a luxury in reviewing the lives of the eminently wise & good, and recounting their virtues and services to mankind. And to show heirs, a pure example & unsullied fame is often the best fortune that could be left them. I therefore feel an anxious wish that the lives of the Americans worthies may be carefully written & handed down to distant times, for the good of posterity. Nothing can I conceive, be more valuable to them. Such a Biography, with a correct History, will be inestimable. your labours therefore in collecting facts, & correcting errors, must command the gratitude of the wise. Nothing is lasting that has not Virtue for its basis. Destitute of this germ, characters flourish and perish like the flowers of the spring. How many Hamilton’s has the world seen, & forgotten. Even I have so much ambition, that I would give nothing for a fame that is not immortal. That I have known and enjoyed the friendship of the wise & great & good, whose fame is immortal, is enough for me. But I cannot let go the hope that our dear Independence, purchased with so much toil and blood, will yet find wise men to support & improve it for the noblest purposes. It will be strange if experience, should not in time teach us the knowledge of Dutchmen in finance; and the value of public faith, & its offspring credit, so long understood by Englishmen. But I fear this Country has many important lessons to learn by painful experience. If our statesmen were all honest, enough to prefer the permanent interest of their Country to their own popularity or gain, I should not despair of their acquiring sufficient knowledge. Men so pure that if “they swear to their hurt change not,” might set things right.
Without clear & fixed principles, it will indeed “be eternally in vain to talk of public credit”—it cannot exist. I have for years declared as my opinion that the true principles of good faith, & credit, did not exist in the heads of our legislators, State or National; and I am confirmed in that opinion by your judgement.
Your observations upon the treatment of Britain to various nations, carry irresistible conviction. Her want of sound policy is as obvious as her want of humanity & justice. Her recent conduct towards Denmark, has appeared to me as black as almost any thing recorded in history. I wondered that the good men in England did not make more noise about it. But their feelings may be deadened by the repetition of crimes, & by ineffectual efforts in time past to correct them. The character of Britain convinced me long before the declaration of Independence, that this Country never would be safe under that government. Even if she were just, she would lack wisdom. She governs badly in her own territories, and she would have governed our Country worse. I therefore at all times, calm & stormy, during the Revolution and since, have rejoiced at the seperation. We may have a chance to correct the errors of our own government; but could have no hope of correcting hers. The character you drew of her and transmitted to Congress in 1780, fits her as well now as it did then, and if not a beautiful likeness, is a complete one. I have observed not only that the characters you drew during the Revolution have proved correct, but your predictions, have been accomplished with remarkable exactness. I have observed in one of your late communications; a line to correct the wrong-heads in regard to the balance of powers in our government. It was necessary to enlighten the uninformed, & to check the evil minded.
May Providence continue your life and health, to compleat your designs for the benefit of our Country. If you should conclude with a short system of government, finance, good faith, & public credit.—and observations upon the great principles and conduct essential to national welfare, I am persuaded it would be more read than any other political writings and do incomparably more good. It would live long and like good seed might come up from time to time and produce much fruits.
Truth is powerful, and we are told “it makes men free.” It is certain that if truth doth not make our Country free, it will be enslaved. I hope the time may come when the maxim “Buy the truth and sell it not,” will be a governing principle; although in time past it seems to have been reversed, & sell the truth to the highest bidder, has too often been in practice. However faint the hope, Reformation must be continually attempted.
I am sickened with party trumpery constantly issuing from our presses. Most of the writers of all parties too nearly imitate the French stile, in a redundancy of words & flourishes. One of your laconic lines, outweighs a dozen of them in ideas, to say nothing of their superiority in worth.
Not long since I looked into the volume entitled the Life of Fisher Ames, I was surprised to meet with such anti-American sentiments. His long indisposition may be an apology for him; but it may be difficult to find any apology for the compilers. However Englified they may be I wonder at their indiscretion. They must be, I think, stung in the most sensible part by reading the Review of that Volume, lately published. I read it a few days since. It cuts like a well set razor. To make use of an Irishism, I think the best answer to the Review, is to say nothing. As the compilers were doubtless men of learning and politicians, it is indeed strange they had so small a portion of common sense. It was an indiscretion, within a few shades of Hamilton’s; though I think far less culpable.
Such errors from men of talents cause regret, and weaken the public mind by discordant ideas. It was highly important to publish a corrector.
By recent accounts from Europe, it seems probable that Bonaparte will subject that Continent. Then what next? Will Britain be able to maintain her sovereignty of the seas, & keep her enemies from her Island? Will South-America declare for a new Spanish kingdom? And be able to support it? I wish for answers, to these queries from old political Prophets—
I remain Sir, with the highest Respect you very huml & Obedt. Servant

Joseph Ward


Title: From John Adams to William Plumer, 4 November 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Plumer, William

Dear Sir
Quincy November 4th. 1809

I have received with much pleasure your kind letter of the 28th of October.
My Son has often mentioned to me the Friendship between you and him, as one that he most highly valued: and he has remembered you with affection in his letters from the banks of New Foundland the 16th of August. I hope with you that his friendship will not terminate but with Life. I know of no more direct and certain way of writing to him than through the Secretary of State: unless it be by conveying your letters by private hands to Mr William Gray of Boston who has much intercourse with Russia and has a son as a private Friend in the Ministers Family.
Your design to write the history of your Country is a great and generous Design. Whether you mean to Confine yourself to what is strictly called The United States since their Union, or whether to go back to the first Discovery of America, and the earliest plantation of the respective Colonies, you have not explained. If this last is your intention I have lately read a Manuscript History of Dr Trumbull of East Haven in Connecticutt upon this plan in which he has comprised much matter in a Small Compass. It is advertised for Publication. He has quoted his Authorities which may save you much trouble. It is an Honest History.
It will not be in my power to aid you very much. I never could preserve Pamphlets or News Papers: but whenever I can assist you, I will do it with pleasure.
There is a Secret Journal of the old Congress from 1774 to 1789 I believe and as I have heard a more private Journal Still, a kind of Subsecret Journal. Neither of these were ever printed.
I am not in the situation of Junius. I can easily recollect all the Trifles I have written: at least all of them that have been published. And have no objection to giving you a list of all I ever wrote or Printed. I would publish them altogether with My Name if any Printer would undertake the Work: But I shall neither attempt it at my own expense, nor solicit Subscriptions for the purpose from others.
I had rather before the present and future ages in my true Coulours and with all my real imperfections on my head: than under a load of ridiculous Panegyricks on one hand or of Party Factions and Black Calumnies on the other. I would send you with pleasure a Copy of every thing of mine that has ever been printed, if I had it. But I have not. If you persist in your desire to see a List of them, I will endeavor to recollect and send it.
Your sentiments of my Late Correspondence, give me great Encouragement. How long it will be continued, I know not. I am gliding smoothly down the Rapids with much serenity and Tranquility whatever others may think, or say, or write, neither Loathing Life nor fearing Death: but I must soon reach the Bottom and write no more.
With great respect and esteem, I am Sir your affectionate / Fellow Citizen and very humble Servant

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Oliver Whipple, 6 November 1809
From: Whipple, Oliver
To: Adams, John

Respected Sr
Boston Novr 6th 1809

Being at this Time at Boston, on my Way to Washington, I have a Favour to ask your Excellency, you will not deny; I have it in Contemplation to remove from Hallowell, on the Kennebec next Season, either to Washington, or Baltimore in Maryland; in case I should fix at Washington I would, Sr. intreat the Favour, that you would give me a Letter of Introduction, There, by which I can find the Way to President Maddison; or if not inconsistent with your personal Connections with him, (that it may be direct to him) I understand, That a Gentleman by the Name of Cranch who is a Judge in the District, is well known to you, and is a New Englandman; or if there is any one of the Department of State to whom you can consistently give me Letters of Introduction in that City, I shall take it as a most obliging Act of Kindness & Attention: if Sr. this Busness can be best ficilitated by my Waiting on you, or better explained, I will give myself The Pleasure to call on you, on Wednesday next; The If the Veneration I have entertained for your Person & Character, The Many paper Combats I have encountered, To defeat the Efforts of Malice, and Malignity of Party Spirit, against one a prompt & persevering Defender and Savour of our Country, Joined to an early attachment for your Person & Family, have not lost their Powers, to engage in some Measure Your Patronage and Friendship; I shall have Confidence in the Efficasy of my application; You know Sr. my Councilions & Family in the State of Rhode Island are the most reputable in that State, my hond. Father Judge Whipple was a constant & ardent Admirer of Your Patrotism and Virtues, nor are my Family Connections in Boston less reputable, but I am, when at Washington, a Stranger. any Letters under Cover the Qunscy Stage, tomorrow, or next day will  most greatfully received by your most respectful  very humble Servt:

Oliver Whipple
PS please to direct to me at Boston Mr Upham’s Stage House


Title: From John Adams to Joseph Ward, 14 November 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Ward, Joseph

Dear Sir,—
Quincy, November 14, 1809.

Your letter of the 2nd is, like all your other letters, a cordial to me. I seem to be conversing with one of the ultimi Americanorum. Your sentiments and mine upon public faith and public credit are perfectly consonant and concordant. As long as old Tenor or new Tenor Land Bank Bills, Continental currency, or Bank Bills of any kind, are made the medium of trade and standard of value, there can be no certain public or private faith, public or private credit. There has scarcely been a public or private contract or covenant honestly fulfilled since 1775.
Poor Mr. Ames! I loved him living, and tenderly regard his memory since his decease. He had brilliant talents, amiable dispositions, and virtuous principles and habits. His mind, nevertheless, always appeared to me to be sicklied over with a pale cast of thought, unfavorable to every man who had been active in the Revolution, and very charitable to all who had been active in the opposition to it, or neutral or lukewarm in the course of it. I attributed this bias to several causes. 1. His father and his mother, if I remember right, were both of this character. I may be mistaken in this; but, having been personally acquainted with both, this is the impression that remains upon my mind. 2. He married a daughter of Col. Worthington, who was never a Whig, but stood high in the esteem of all the ministerial people, and all their connexions and friends. This alliance recommended him to all that kind of men in all the states in the Union. 3. To my certain knowledge he was early adopted by that circle in Boston, and was expressly set up and cried up as a rival to Jarvis, and to prevent him from being sent to Congress in 1789; and to oppose Hancock and Adams in the government of Massachusetts. 4. All these causes contributed to endear him to Hamilton and Hamilton to him; for Hamilton owed his first rise, his continued support, and all his panegyrics, to this class of people and the speculators. Hamilton led him to support all his crude notions of finance, a science which neither of them ever understood. 5. The narrow circle in which Mr. Ames moved all his lifetime never afforded him an opportunity to know much of the world or the general character of mankind; and to speak impartial truth, he never was remarkable for sagacity or profound judgment. His fancy was the most thinking faculty of his mind, and his eloquence his most eminent talent. Thus circumstanced, he naturally and easily imbibed all that admiration, esteem, love, and almost devotion to England; all that hatred and horror of France, and all that contempt of his own countrymen which appear in his works, and which was common to him and all his connexions, and which you know was so conspicuous in Hutchinson, the Olivers, Tim Ruggles, and all the Tories of their time.
You think it probable that Bonaparte will subject the continent of Europe. I cannot agree with you in this opinion. If he maintains his own power over France, and places his brother on the throne of Spain, and maintains another brother as King of Holland, and another as King of Westphalia, all this will not be subjecting Europe. All this will be but a rope of sand, unless it is cemented by more numerous armies than he can command. I hope Britain will not be able to maintain her assumed sovereignty of the seas, because it will be more dangerous and oppressive to mankind than all the dominion which Napoleon will ever acquire over Europe. Your question, whether “South America will declare for a new Spanish kingdom?” is more difficult to answer. I am not sufficiently informed of the state of South America, nor the character of the people, to form a judgment. All that I know is that superstition is their most predominant character. They think salvation is monopolized by old Spain and her colonies, and the English, as heretics, all doomed to everlasting flames. I should guess they will not harmonize long with the English as subjects or allies; but finally settle down with Spain, whoever may be king.
I am, sir, with great regard, / Your obliged humble servant,

John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to William Cunningham, 15 November 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Cunningham, William

Dear Sir
Quincy November 15th 1809

I have received your favour of Oct. 28.—I am very unexpectedly involved in Occupations and Correspondences very dispropotioned to the feeble Forces remaining to a Man of Seventy Four, and which make it impossible for me to reply to the various important subjects of your Letter. There is one however that my Feelings will not allow me to pass by.
It is no fault to “Covet honor” any more than it is to Covet earnestly the best gifts, which is not only permited; but enjoined even on the most sacred Characters. You will allow me to ask whether there is any particular object you have in view? There is so much difficulty as well as delicacy in this Topick that I know not how to express myself. I have had so much fatal experience in this Business that it is impossible for me to write about it, but in dismal strains. It is impossible that you or any man living can have any adequate Idea of the Rage for Public employments, that prevail in Federalists Republicans, and Neutrals too, except myself and Mr Jefferson. The heads of Departments know a great deal but I presume to say none of them ever knows the Strange Applications & the strange manner of them, which are secretly made to the President himself. The interest that is used, the Influence that is employed has been too much for the Sagacity and the fortitude of every President that has yet existed or that ever will exist while the Senate have a Negative on all appointments and the heads of Departments and Principal officers of the army have so much access to the Senate and influence over it. There are many soliciteres and few offices. I have had forty applications for one office of Small value and these from respectable Candidates supported by powerful Connections.
An application in general terms for some Employments without specifying the particular or any particular office, is never successful. I remember many instances, one I will mention; Your Uncle Andrew applied to me for some employment, transmitted very Respectable Reccommendations among the rest from Fisher Ames. I was heartily disposed to serve him for his real intrinsic Merit. Mr Woolcott was Zealously inclined in his favour and promised to take the first opportunity to recommend him? But no such opportunity was ever found.
The treachery, the Perfidy, the Malice and Revenge, that have been turned upon me for no other cause under Heaven, than barely my preferance of one Candidate to forty others, after the most cool and impartial investigation and deliberation would form a Black Book disgraceful to this Nation and to human Nature: too Black for me to write.
I should have Delicacies and scruples against reccommending any Man living in general terms. I must know the office as well as the Man: and be able to judge to my own satisfaction of the Fitness of one for the other.
You may possibly suppose that I have more weight than I have. I have not the smallest reason to hope that a reccommendation from me would have more influence than one from the Parson of your Parish, or the next Justice of the Peace with the present Government.
Moreover, although I would not exclude honest and capable Men from office merely for Political opinions: I should hold myself guilty of a violation of my own honor, if I should recommend any Man to any office under any Administration, whom I knew to be an active enemy to that Administration, and had reason to believe would apply the Influence of his office in Intreagues, Cabals, Caucusses, Town meeting Harangues, Legislative Orations, News-Paper Speculations or any other way from Party Motives to defame disgrace or dishonor it. If I were determined to overthrow an Administration in order to introduce another, I would recommend no Man. I would accept no office under it. I would advise none of my friends to accept any.
Mrs. A. Desires me to present her regards, with mine to Mrs Cunningham and hopes that her health is better. With usual Esteem your Friend

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Henry Dearborn, 17 November 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Dearborn, Henry

Sir
Quincy November 17 1809

I received, but yesterday your Letter of the 30th of August.
Convinced of the Wisdom and Sound Policy of this Measure of Government, I accept with Pleasure your Commission: and will execute it to the best of my Capacity and in as Short a time as possible. My field of Investigation is however so narrow the very little can be can be expected from, Sir your / humble Servant
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from William Cunningham, 18 November 1809
From: Cunningham, William
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir.
Fitchburg, Nov. 18th. 1809

Since my last of the 28th. ult. I have not had the pleasure to hear from you.
I lately received some information concerning you, which I deem it a duty of friendship to communicate. I had it from one of the Supreme Junta residing at the “Head Quarters of good principles.” It is of a confidential nature though no secrecy was imposed—and is—That yourself and Mr. Gray are to be the candidates for the first and second officers in the Commonwealth. I have no doubt but you will find that “a bush is lim’d for you.” The information was probably given to me with a view to obtain my opinion whether you would allow yourself to be a candidate. I have not given an opinion, nor could I, although acquainted with the objections you made last year to Mr. J. Q. A’s being a candidate, speak any other way than hypothetically upon the subject. If the project now agitated in the upper chamber of the caucus; by those who keep “the body and the limbs of this great sport together,” should not be shoved aside by any new occurrence in the rapid versatility of events, you may depend on being sounded on this affair. The sayings and the doings of one party seem to be to the other but “stuff to make paradoxes.” It may so appear in this case, but I believe the intention really is, if possible to tranquilize the Commonwealth by some greater unanimity in the designation of the First Magistrate. All I can say to yourself about it, is what Ulysses said to Agamemnon: You are one “in whom the tempers and the minds of all should be shut up.” Could this confidence be effected by your presidency over the counsels of the Commonwealth, there is no consideration of a private nature, that ought to get the ascendency over your obligations to the your Country. In no other view could I suppose your election auspicious to your peace or glory—in any other you would be happier as Atticus than as Cicero.
If the people could be made to abhor a fiery zealot whose
“Understanding scapes not the common cloud
of fumes, arising from a boiling breast,”
and could be made to love the man
“Whose head is clear, because his heart is cool,
By worldly competitions uninflamed,”
we might have peace, prosperity, dignity and glory. But when the greatest favourite is but a boutefeu, he perverts the power and influence of his office to excite in the people a burning emulation of his antipathies, more gratifying than a pedantic imitation of his personal and organic defects. His latent hatreds burst out into action, and like Phocion he may quell the eloquence of patriotism; or like another he may abrogate at once an offensive branch of the government. I wish we could be an exception to the experience which authorized the adage of Homer:—“Non posse beni geri rempublicam multorum imperiis.”
The conduct of England in sending Ministers resident—Envoys extraordinary—recalling one and sending another—And the conduct of France in glossing her obstinacy with some semblance of relaxation, is all so mysterious, and yet so free of riddle, that I am sometimes inclined to think that the intercourse with those powers is regulated by a scytala, by which every thing is understood which to others is unintelligible. Which of those powers is most friendly to us, is a question of no more importance than which was the best singer Corydon or Thyrsis—Damætas or Manalcas—the thoughts that either of them is so, is a delusion that has seized us through the ivory gate. It was contended by some at the outset of our Revolution, that we had justly provoked the vengeance of the Mother country. Such a sentiment, it is said, is imbibed by some in reference to our recent transactions. On the other hand, it is asserted that we have among us many who declare of Buonaparte, that “if he should burn us all into one coal we have deserved it!” These partizans, of either side, are blind as Saunder Simcox, to say the least of them, and would as soon take to their heels with whipping. They are irreclaimable by any thing else, and that had better be dispensed with. Take them into the Temple of Proserpine, and make them swear they are wronged by suspicion, it would but plunge them deeper in pollution. Epaminonds resolved not to defend a bad party, consisting of his own countrymen, nor to attack it. He was certainly right in the first, and, to a certain degree at least, he was so in the other.
On supposition that the opinion ascribed to Gen. Armstrong respecting the disposition of the Emperour, is correctly given in the gazettes. I think that Mr. Madison will be obliged to “slubber the gloss of his new fortunes with stubborn expedition.” Possibly we shall have to determine on the colour of our rose. Could we consult a faithful Pythoness, on the best method of safety, she would confirm the plan of Themistocles for the conduct of the Corcyrean War, and order us to provide the Longæ Naves, not for escape from danger, but to brave it.
I think there is some pith in the Letters of Cobbett to the King. The smuggled system of internal navigation pursued by Buonaparte may, if unobstructed in its prosecution, prove prepare a torpedo for the British navy. Buonaparte has much valour, and forty times the prudence of Antony. He will let others “go a ducking” and continue the plan of “fighting foot to foot” until he can reduce his enemy to a condition that he will not fear to take a chance with him at Actium, or Salamis.
Have you seen a Letter from our Bard Barlow to M. Gregoire? The abuses Mr. Barlow experienced from some American editors, in the mutilation and distortion of a certain Letter, is most infamous. The Letter he alledges to have been most grossly garbled, must have been a Letter to Mr. Baldwin, then a Member of the Senate from Georgia, dated Paris March 1. 1798. I never doubted the authenticity of that Letter, as it appeared in the Federal papers, and I sufferred its contents to shape my opinion of its Author. I most cheerfully submit to have the foul impression blotted out with his own hand. Most wicked, that the thoughts of men, interchanged by Letter, should be corrupted to
“Diurnals writ for regulation
Of lying, to inform the nation.”
I blush at the injustice done Mr. B. in this instance, but I am happy to meet with his correspondence with Gregoire, which has restored him to my good opinion.
I beg leave to give with my own, Mrs. Cunningham’s regards to Mrs. Adams, and your Family, / With veneration and affection, / I am, Dear Sir, / Your most obliged Friend.
Wm. Cunningham, Jr.