Title: Petition to the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Virginia, [12 October] 1795
From: Madison, James
To: Virginia General Assembly

[12 October 1795]

To the INDEPENDENT CITIZENS of VIRGINIA.
THE PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES in his letter to the Selectmen of Boston, dated 28th of July, 1795, copies whereof have since been transmitted to similar meetings of the people in other parts of the United States; having, as it is conceived, virtually refused to view the representations of the people as a source of information worthy of his consideration, in deliberating upon the propriety of ratifying or rejecting the late Treaty between Great Britain and the United States, as recommended by the Senate; and having, as it is believed, first refused his consent thereto until Great Britain should withdraw her infamous orders for seizing provisions in American vessels bound to France, and since that time, during the continuance of the same orders, in the midst of numerous representations from the people in almost all parts of the United States disapproving the fatal instrument: Having actually proceeded to its ratification and given it all the energy which his constitutional functions could effect; and having, by these proceedings, rendered all further representations and applications to him, upon the subject, absurd and nugatory—It is we deem important, when such inattention to the public voice is manifested, that the people should boldly exercise their right of addressing their objections to all other constituted authorities within the United States, who possess any agency relative to this highly interesting subject.
Upon this principle, the following PETITION to the GENERAL ASSEMBLY of VIRGINIA, in virtue of their constitutional right of appointing Senators for this State to the Congress of the United States, is submitted to the independent citizens thereof. It is presumed that the time previous to the meeting of the Assembly, is too short to afford that general circulation of the Petition throughout the State, which is desirable: But it is hoped that some patriotic citizens, who may approve its contents, will be active in favouring their fellow-citizens with an opportunity of testifying in like manner their approbation, by their respective subscriptions thereto.
Through these means one more effort may be made by a declaration of the public sentiment, to prevent the final ratification and ultimate energy of an instrument, which is deemed fatal to the interests, the happiness, and perhaps finally to the liberty and independence of the United States.
October 12, 1795.

To the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Virginia.
The Memorial and Petition of the subscribers thereof, respectfully sheweth, that they have seen and maturely considered the Treaty lately negociated with Great-Britain, and conditionally ratified by the President of the United States.
That they infer from the nature of the condition annexed to the ratification, that the said Treaty ought to receive, and must again receive the sanction of the constituted authorities, before it can be finally binding on the United States; in as much as the indeterminate suspension of that part of the Treaty, which relates to the trade between the United States and the West-Indies, must be made determinate, in the new article proposed to be added, and in as much as the connection established by that article, between the parts suspended, and the temporary residue of the Treaty, constitute them essentially conditions of each other, and must involve the latter in the fate of the former, whereby a change will be made both in the form and substance of the instrument, that will be equivalent to a new compact.
That in the present stage of the transaction they deem it their right and their duty to pursue every constitutional and proper mode of urging those objections to the Treaty, which in their judgment require to be entirely removed, before it ought to be finally established.
That under this conviction, they submit the following observations to the consideration of the General Assembly.
I. Even “waiving the merits of the respective complaints and pretensions of the two parties,” as to the inexecution of the Treaty of Peace, it is reasonable to view the two parties as equally culpable, or equally blameless, and to determine that the execution of the Treaty of Peace equally by both ought to have been provided for. Yet, whilst the United States are to comply, in the most ample manner, with the article unfulfilled by them, and to make compensation for whatever losses may have accrued from their delay; Great-Britain is released altogether, from one of the articles unfulfilled by her, and is not obliged to make the smallest compensation for the damages which have accrued from her delay, in fulfilling the other.
These equitable, and reciprocal claims of the United States, are not even allowed the chance of arbitration.
This inequality of terms, is greatly aggravated by other concessions, on the part of the United States, which besides adding to the violations of the constitution artfully introduced in this Treaty, may in a great measure, defeat the good consequences of a surrender of the Western Posts, if that article of the Treaty should be faithfully executed by Great-Britain.
The British settlers and traders, within an indefinite tract of country, are allowed to retain both their land & allegiance at the same time, and consequently to keep up a foreign and hostile influence over the Indians, within the limits of the United States.
The Indians, within these limits, are encouraged to continue their trade with the British, by the permission to bring their goods duty free from Canada, where the goods being charged with no such impost as is payable on the goods of the United States, will be offered for sale with that tempting preference; a regulation also but too likely to cloak the fraud of smuggling traders in a country otherwise favourable to them.
Under a like semblance of reciprocity, the advantage secured to the United States in the fur trade, by their possession of the carrying places, is abandoned to the superiority of the British capital, and the insecurity of the Canada duties or imposts.
A part only of the posts, harbors, and bays, of a single British province, is made free to the citizens of the United States, in consideration of a freedom of all their posts, harbours, and bays to British subjects. The goods and merchandise of the United States not entirely prohibited by Canada, (but which in fact are always entirely prohibited, when partial and temporary admissions are not dictated by necessity) may be carried there in consideration of a free admission from Canada, of all goods and merchandize not entirely prohibited by the United States, where there never is in fact this entire prohibition. A like stipulation, liable to the like observation, is extended to the exports of the United States, and the province of Canada. There are further instances of a nominal and delusive reciprocity.
In the case of the Mississippi, there is not even an ostensible or nominal reciprocity. The posts and places on its eastern side are to be equally free to both parties; although the Treaty itself, supposes that the course of the northern boundary of the United States, will throw the British beyond the very source of that river. This item of the Treaty is the more to be noticed as a repetition and extension, under such circumstances of the stipulated privileges of Great-Britain on the Mississippi, will be construed into a partiality in the United States, to the interests and views of that nation on the American continent, not likely to conciliate those from whom an amicable adjustment of the navigation of the Mississippi is expected; and were no doubt intended by Great-Britain as a snare to our good understanding with the nations most jealous of her encroachment and aggrandizement.
II. Without remarking the inexplicit provision for redressing past spoliations and vexations, no sufficient precautions are taken against them in future. On the contrary, by omitting to provide for the respect due to sea letters, passports, and certificates, and for other customary safe guards to neutral vessels, “a general search warrant” (in the strong but just language of our fellow-citizens of Charleston) is granted against the American navigation. Examples of such provisions were to be found in our other Treaties, as well as in the Treaties of other nations. And it is matter of just surprize, that they should have no place in a Treaty with Great-Britain, whose conduct on the seas so particularly suggested and enforced every guard to our rights that could be reasonably insisted on.
By omitting to provide against the arbitrary seizure and imprisonment of American seamen, that valuable class of citizens remains exposed to all the outrages, and our commerce to all the interruptions hitherto experienced from that cause.
By expressly admitting that provisions are to be held contraband in cases other than when bound to an invested place, and impliedly admitting that such cases exist at present; not only a retrospective sanction may be given to proceedings against which an indemnification is claimed, but an apparent licence is granted to fresh and more rapacious depredations on our lawful commerce; and facts seem to shew that such is to be the fruit of this impolitic concession. It is conceived that the pretext set up by Great-Britain of besieging and starving whole nations, and the doctrine grounded thereon, of a right to intercept the customary trade of neutral nations, in articles not contraband, ought never to have been admitted into a Treaty of the United States—Because 1. it is a general outrage on humanity, and an attack on the useful intercourse of nations. 2. It appears that the doctrine was denied by the Executive in the discussions with Mr. Hammond, the British minister, and that demands of compensation founded on that denial are now depending. 3. As provisions constitute not less than two thirds of our exports, and Great-Britain is nearly half her time at war, an admission of the doctrine sacrifices in a correspondent degree, the intrinsic value of our country. 4. After public denial of the doctrine to admit it in the midst of the present war by a formal Treaty, would have but too much of the effect, as well as the appearance of voluntarily concurring in the scheme of distressing a nation, whose friendly relations to the United States, as well as the struggles for freedom in which it is engaged, give a title to every good office which is permitted by a just regard to our own interest, and not strictly forbidden by the duties of neutrality. 5. It is no plea for the measure, to hold it up as an alternative, to the disgrace of being involuntarily treated, in the same manner, without a faculty to redress ourselves. The disgrace of being plundered with impunity, against our consent being under no circumstances, so great as the disgrace of consenting to be plundered with impunity. By annexing to the implements of war enumerated as contraband, the articles of ship timber, tar, or rosin, copper in sheets, sails, hemp and cordage, our neutral rights and national interests are still further narrowed. These articles were excluded from the contraband list by the United States, when they were themselves in a state of war. (See ordinance relating to captures in fourth of December, 1781.) Their other Treaties expressly declare them not to be contraband.
British Treaties have done the same, nor as is believed, do the Treaties of any nation in Europe, producing these articles for exportation, allow them to be subjects of confiscation. The stipulation was the less to be admitted, as the reciprocity assumed by it is a mere cover for the violation of that principle, most of the articles in question being among the exports of the United States, whilst all of them are among the imports of Great-Britain.
By expressly stipulating with Great-Britain, against the freedom of enemy’s property in neutral bottoms, the progress towards a compleat and formal establishment of a principle in the law of nations, so favorable to the general interest and security of commerce, receives all the check the United States could give to it. Reason and experience, have long taught the propriety of considering free ships as giving freedom to their cargoes. The several great maritime nations of Europe, have not only established, at different times, by their treaties with each other, but on a solemn occasion jointly declared it to be the law of nations, by a specific compact, of which the United States entered their entire approbation (see their act of the 5th of October, 1780). Great-Britain alone dissented. But she herself, in a variety of prior Treaties, and in a Treaty with France since, has acceded to the principle. Under these circumstances, the United States, of all nations, ought to be the last to combine in a retrograde effort on this subject, as being more than any other, interested in extending and establishing the commercial rights of neutral nations. Their situation particularly fits them to be carriers for the great nations of Europe, during their wars; and both their situation, and the genius of their government and people, promise them a greater share of peace, and neutrality, than can be expected by any other nation. The relation of the United States by a treaty on this point, to the enemies of Great-Britain, was another reason, for avoiding this stipulation. Whilst British goods, in American vessels, are protected against French and Dutch captures, it was enough, to leave French and Dutch goods in American vessels, to the ordinary course of judicial determination, without a voluntary, a positive, and invidious provision for condemning them. It has not been overlooked, that a clause in the Treaty proposes to renew at some future period, the discussion of the principle now settled; but the question is then to be not only in what, but whether in any cases, neutral vessels shall protect enemies property; and it is to be discussed at the same time, not whether in any, but in what cases, provisions, and other articles not bound to invested places, may be treated as contraband. So that when the principle is in favour of the United States, the principle itself is to be the subject of discussion; when the principle is in favour of Great-Britain, the application of it only, is to be the subject of discussion.
III. Whenever the law of nations has been a topic for consideration, the result of the Treaty accommodates Great-Britain in relation to one, or both of the republics at war with her, as well as in the abandonment of the rights and interests of the United States.
Thus American vessels bound to Great-Britain, are protected by sea papers against French and Dutch searches; but when bound to France or Holland, are left exposed to British searches, without regard to such papers.
American provisions in American vessels, bound to the enemies of Great-Britain, are left by Treaty to the seizure and use of Great-Britain; but provisions, whether American or not, in American vessels, cannot be touched by the enemies of Great-Britain.
British property in American vessels is not subject to French or Dutch confiscations—French or Dutch property in American vessels, is subjected to British confiscation. Articles of ship building bound to the enemies of Great-Britain for the equipment of vessels of trade only, are contraband—bound to Great-Britain for the equipment of vessels of war, are not contraband.
American citizens entering as volunteers in the service of France or Holland, are punishable; but American volunteers joining the arms of Great-Britain against France or Holland, are not punishable.
British ships of war and privateers, with their prizes, made on citizens of Holland, may freely enter and depart the ports of the United States; but Dutch ships of war, and privateers with their prizes, made on subjects of Great-Britain, are to receive no shelter or refuge in the ports of the United States. This advantage in war is given to Great-Britain, not by a treaty prior to an existing war, but by a treaty made in the midst of war, and expressly stipulating against a like article of treaty, with the other party, for equalizing the advantage.
The article prohibiting confiscations & sequestrations is unequal between Great-Britain and the United States: American citizens have little, if any interest, in private or bank stock, or private debts, within Great-Britain. So where much would be in the power of the United States, and little in the power of Great-Britain, the power is interdicted: Where more is in the power of Great-Britain than of the United States, the power is unconfined. Another remark is applicable—when the modern usage of nations, is in favour of Great-Britain, the modern usage is the rule of the treaty; but when the modern usage is in favour of the United States, the modern usage is rejected, as a rule for the treaty.
IV. The footing on which the treaty places the subject of commerce, is liable to insuperable objections. 1. The nature of our exports and imports, compared with those of other countries, and particularly of Great-Britain, has been thought by the legislature of the United States, to justify certain differences in the tonnage & other duties, in favour of American bottoms, and the advantage possessed by Great-Britain in her superior capital, was thought at the same time, to require such countervailing encouragements. Experience has shewn the solidity of both these considerations. The American navigation has in a good degree been protected, against the advantage on the side of British capital, and has increased in proportion; whilst the nature of our exports, being generally necessaries, or raw materials, and our imports consisting mostly of British manufactures, has restrained the disposition of Great-Britain, to counteract the protecting duties afforded to our navigation. If the Treaty is carried into effect, this protection is relinquished, and Congress are prohibited from substituting any other. Then the British capital, having no longer the present inducement to make use of American bottoms, may be expected, in whatever hands operating, to give the preference to British bottoms.
2. The provisions of the Treaty which relate to the West-Indies, where the nature of our exports and imports, gives a commanding energy to our just pretentions, instead of alleviating the general evil, are a detail of particular humiliations and sacrifices. Nor will a remedy by any means be found in a revision of that part alone in the Treaty. On the contrary,
If Great-Britain should accede to the proposition of the Senate, and the Treaty be finally established, without that part of it, but in all its other parts; she will in that event be able to exclude American bottoms altogether from that channel of intercourse, and to regulate the whole trade with the West-Indies in the manner heretofore complained of, whilst the United States will be completely dispossessed of the right and the means of counteracting the monopoly, unless they submit to an universal infraction of their trade, not excepting with nations whose regulations may be reciprocal and satisfactory.
3. The Treaty not content with these injuries to the United States in their commerce with Great-Britain, provides in the XV. article against the improvement, or preservation of their commerce with other nations, by any beneficial Treaties that may be attainable. The general rule of the United States in their Treaties founded on the example of other nations, has been, that where a nation was to have the privileges of the most favoured nations, it shall be admitted gratuitously, to such privileges only as may be gratuitously granted, but shall pay for privileges not gratuitously granted, the compensation paid by others; this prudent and equitable qualification of the footing of the most favoured nation, was particularly requisite in a Treaty with Great-Britain, whose commercial system in relation to other countries being matured and settled, is not likely to be varied by grants of new privileges that might result to the United States. It was particularly requisite, at the present juncture, also, when an advantageous revision of the Treaty with France is said to be favoured by that Republic; when a Treaty with Spain is actually in negociation; and when Treaties with other nations whose commerce is important to the United States, cannot be out of contemplation.
The proposed Treaty nevertheless, puts Great-Britain in all respects gratuitously on the footing of the nations most favoured, even as to future privileges, for which the most valuable considerations may be given; so that it is not only out of the power of the United States to grant any peculiar privileges to any other nation, as an equivalent for peculiar advantages in commerce or navigation, granted to the United States; but every nation desiring to treat on this subject with the United States is reduced to the alternative, either of declining the Treaty altogether, or of including Great-Britain gratuitously, in all the privileges it purchases for itself. An article of this import is the greatest obstruction next to an absolute prohibition, that could have been thrown in the way of other Treaties; and that it was insidiously meant by Great-Britain to be such, is rendered the less doubtful, by the kindred features of the Treaty.
4. The President and Senate by ratifying this Treaty, usurp the powers of regulating commerce, of making rules with respect to aliens, of establishing tribunals of justice, and of defining piracy. A formal demonstration of every part of this complex proposition is not requisite. We will prove that this Treaty is dangerous to liberty, and that the constituted authorities who have given it their sanction, have flagrantly violated their duty by an appeal to the constitution itself, to that explicit instrument which we formed as the unerring guide of our representatives, but which some of them have dared to violate.
It can be no apology for the commercial disadvantages, that better terms could not be obtained. If proper terms could not be obtained, at that time, commercial articles, which were no wise essentially connected with the objects of the embassy, ought to have waited for a more favourable season. Nor is a better apology to be drawn from our other Treaties. These not only avoid many of the sacrifices in the new Treaty; but the chief of them were the guarantees or the auxiliaries of our independence; and in that view, would have been an equivalent for greater commercial concessions than were insisted on.
V. A Treaty thus unequal in its conditions, thus derogating from our national rights, thus insidious in some of its objects, and thus alarming in its operation, to the dearest interest of the United States in their commerce and navigation, is, in its present form, unworthy the voluntary acceptance of an independent people, and is happily not dictated to them, by the circumstances in which a kind providence has placed them. A Treaty thus incompatible with our constitution, thus unequal in its conditions, thus derogating from our national rights, thus insidious in some of its objects, and thus alarming in all its operation; is not only unworthy of the voluntary acceptance of an independent and happy people, but is an abject sacrifice which ought to have been rejected with disdain in the most humiliating and adverse circumstances. It is sincerely believed that such a Treaty would not have been listened to at any former period, even when Great-Britain was most powerful, at her ease, and the United States most feeble, without the respectability they now enjoy. To pretend that however objectionable the instrument may be, it ought to be considered as the only escape from a hostile resentment of Great-Britain, which would evidently be as impolitic, as it would be unjust on her part, is an artifice too contemptible to answer its purpose. It will not easily be supposed, that a refusal to part with our rights without equivalents, will be made the pretext of war on us; much less that such a pretext will be founded on our refusal, to mingle a sacrifice of our commerce and navigation, with an adjustment of political differences. Neither is there any evidence in history, or in human nature, that nations are to be bribed out of the spirit of encroachment and aggression, by humiliations which nourish their pride, or by unreasonable concessions, which extend their resources and their power. To do justice to all nations, to obtain it from them by every peaceable effort, in preference to war; and to confide in this policy, for avoiding that extremity, or for meeting it with firmness under the blessing of Heaven, when it may be forced upon us, is the only course of which the United States can never have reason to repent.
The petitioners, relying on the wisdom and patriotism of the General Assembly, pray that the objections to the Treaty, comprised in these observations, may be taken into their serious consideration; and that such measures towards a remedy may be pursued, as may be judged most conformable to the nature of the case, and most consistent with constitutional principles.


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 18 October 1795
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear SirOrange Octr. 18. 1795
On opening the letter forwarded by Pickering, which I omitted at Monticello, because I took for granted that it merely covered, like yours, a copy of the French Constitution, I found a letter from Monroe, of the 30 June, from which the following is an extract. “You will be surprised to hear that the only Americans whom I found here, were a set of New England men connected with Britain and who upon British capital were trading to this country that they are hostile to the French revolution is what you well know: but that they should be thriving upon the credit which the efforts of others in other quarters gain the American name here you could not expect: that as such they should be in possession of the little confidence we had and give a tone to characters on our side of the Atlantick was still less to be expected. But such was the fact. With a few exceptions the other merchants are new made citizens from Scotland. Swan who is a corrupt unprincipled rascal had by virtue of being the agent of France and as we had no minister & he being tho (of the latter description) the only or most creditable resident American here had a monopoly of the trade of both countries. Indeed it is believed that he was connected with the agents on one side, and the minister on the other. I mention this as a trait worthy your attention. You will confide this view to Mr. Jefferson only. But good may come from it, & especially if the allurement here will draw them off from the other side of the channel.” The remainder of the letter is little more than you have probably seen from him.
I have seen Philada. papers down to the 12 inst. One of them contains another letter from E. R. to the P. dated the 8th. & sent to the press on the 10th applying for a paper refused him by Pickering, intimating that the want of this alone delayed his final statement & notifying the P. that his consent wd. be expected to a publication of it. It appears that the State elections in Pena. will be very warm, & are hinged on the distinction of Treaty & anti Treaty candidates. In Delaware they are over, & have given a Triumph to the Anti Treaty party. The French Constitution has been unanimously concluded by the Convention. It is not yet authenticated that war has taken place between England & Spain, but reports & circumstances continue to point at it. Yrs. affectionately
Js. Madison Jr


Title: To James Madison from James Monroe, 24 October 1795
From: Monroe, James
To: Madison, James

Dear SirParis Octr 24. 1795.
I wrote you yesterday with a view of sending the letter by the same vessel which takes the articles we have purchased for you—but as an excellent opportunity, that of Mr. Murray a very worthy young man, offers, I shall avail myself of it not only to send the letter of yesterday but to add something to it. Perhaps these articles may likewise be sent by the same opportunity, altho the vessel sails for New York.
I herewith enclose you the copy of a letter to Mr. R. in ansr. to one of his—as likewise of my correspondence with Mr. Jay relative to his treaty, with such comments as I deemed it necessary to make to Mr. R. on that gentns. conduct in relation to that transaction. I sent you some considerable time since by Mr. Perkins of Boston a similar communication, & hope it has reached you: or rather I sent by him what respects Mr. Jay, having previously sent a copy of the other paper. My object was and is to put in yr. possession facts which may be useful in a certain view of things, perhaps to the publick & certainly to myself. So far as it respects Mr. R. the object is at an end for tis said he is withdrawn, but if he were not I have no reason to expect an attack from that quarter—as it respects the other however it may yet be useful. In any event you will become acquainted with another instance of the duplicity & finesse of that man, and find, at least I think so, how desirous he was, of embarking my reputation here in support of his, and with a view of sacrificing it, in case his merited to be sacrific’d, and of which I had little doubt even at that time. I endeavoured to act for the best advantage of my country, under the circumstances existing, & without compromitting myself in behalf of what he had done or might do: and I now find the benefit of that policy both in respect to the state of things here & with you.
I most sincerely hope the President has not & will not ratify this treaty, for if he does, I greatly fear the consequences here. From what I can learn, we shall be deemed under it rather than otherwise in the scale of the coalisd powers: and under such an impression it will require moderation in any govt. to withhold its resentment. How cautious therefore shod. the President be in hazarding a step of this kind at the present moment, when the slightest circumstance is sufficient to excite indignation, & even perhaps to part the two countries for ever. If the treaty is ratified, yr. situation is a difficult one: but even in that case do you not think the seizure on the part of Engld. of our vessels since, a sufficient ground to declare it broken & void? Perhaps a distinction may be taken that it was ratified after the seizure began, & of course that such seizure ceased to be a cause. But this is not sound, for if the President has ratified I presume his motive was the advice of the Senate & wh. was given before the seizure was known. To that act therefore shod. his ratification be referred & with it be dated. So that the Congress will be at liberty to act upon the seizure as a subsequent thing. In short you have a thousand grounds upon wh. you may get rid of this treaty, and I shod. be satisfied with the slightest of these had I a vote to give in the case. But if the treaty is rejected say its advocates you have war, & to wh. I reply that if so our dilemma is an unhappy one in consequence of that treaty. To be plundered with impunity was a hard thing, but to bear this treaty also, altho we universally deem it a calamity, merely because we fear Engld. is still worse. Surely that nation will not insist on such terms. She has too much regard for us, for Messrs. Jay Hamilton & compy if not for our country to push us to such an extremity, especially when she knows we are so averse to fighting. But I think the conclusion by no means a sound one: for I cannot think it possible, let her menaces, be what they may, that in the present state of things Engld. will make war on us. We see that she is greatly exhausted, and it is the universal report of Americans & others from Engld., that there is no calamity yet to befall her which she dreads more than a war with us. Satisfied have I always been that, by a decent but yet determined pressure we might not only obtain what we wanted & were entitled to, but likewise do it without war: indeed I have thot. it the surest way to avoid war. Still I am of this opinion.
The French have obtained a naval victory or rather advantage in the Medeteranean, in which a ship of the line was taken, & two others greatly damaged (indeed tis said they are run on shore) & with 17. vessels, merchantmen richly laden under their convoy. Two other similar advantages yet more signal are spoken of, but not authenticated. The late commotion was a terrible one, but it ended on the next day when every thing was perfectly quiet & in wh. state it has since remained: some denunciations have followed but they have vanished in smoke, as yet. Two cases only excepted. You will be astonishd to hear that all Paris is disarmed, and by abt. 5000. men, & you will of course conclude that the sense of its citizens are for the measure, or it cod. not be done. Indeed it was by a decree only—for under it they disarmd themselves. If they were not for it the situation of the republick wod. be an unpleasant one, for otherwise the citizens wod. be deemed agnst. the revolution, & wh. is certainly (I speak of a great majority) not the case.
I write now in the evening of the 24. On the 27. the new govt. assembles, & as every moment of the interval is of importance I take occasion to let you know that all is yet well & promises to be so. For a few days past there was a prospect of some terrible denunciations of Talien agnst Boissy D Anglass & others upon a suspicion that the latter had favd. the late commotion & today it was expected they wod. be made in form, as a comn. was appointed to rept. supplementally respecting that commotion. The report was made by Talien & I attended & heard it—but it contained nothing of the kind. Indeed it was conciliatory. I know B. D Anglass and think him true to the revolution, as I likewise think Talien, whom I also know. After this I am persuaded nothing will intervene, & that the new govt. will commence under favorable auspices.
An American just from London tells me that Mr. Pitt was at Deal & along the Engh. coast during the late troubles here—and just before the Ct. D’Artois was landed in the Isle Dieu, close by the French coast opposit the Vendee where he now is. Very sincerely I am yr. friend.
PS. I think it probable an attempt may be made to vindicate Mr. Jay agnst the imputations raised agnst. him for his misconduct in the negotiation with Gardoqui. If such attempt is made it will be made by a publication of his reports in the office of State which contain his justification: but the true view is in the secret journal of Congress & which ought likewise to be publish’d in case the others are. There is no objection to publishing the journal (or so much as respects this topic) wh. does not apply to the publicatn. of the reports with equal force: and to publish the one and not the other will be a partizan mæneuvre not very honorable to those who do it. They were in the Senate (I mean the reports) when I left it, & Mr. K. wanted them published, but I wanted the others also, & this put a stop to the business. I beg of you to attend to this for me, & give suitable notice thereof to my friends in that body.
The present is indeed an awful moment here. The change of the govt. & the momentary suspension of affrs. makes it greatly so, especially when it is known, as it is, that foreign powers are if not at the bottom, yet deeply concerned in every mov’ment. Gardoqui when he returned to Spain settled a secret service account for six hundred thousand dollars laid out in America and a short time after our peace a man (an antient Tory) but a friend of his, & who came from France for the purpose offered Mr. Hichburn five thousand pounds sterling from Lord D——r not to influence his opinion but presuming it wd. be right, as a proof of friendship and who likewise told him similar tokens were intended for others whom he named to him & who afterwards were: the first fact depends on the authority of Littlepage who told it to J. Barlow sometime since on his return from Spain whither he was sent by the king of Poland. Barlow adds that L. Littlepage appeard to know nothing of the negociation which had been on foot in America. The other fact is from the person himself. The French have recd. a check upon the Rhine wh. has caused a retrograde mæneuvre to the Rhine. It appears that the neutrality of some of the inf. powers with whom peace was made was broken by the opposit party & by wh. a wing of the French army was turned & wh. occasioned this movment. Tis not deemed a serious thing; two deputies however one of whom was in the military sectn. of the Committee of P. S. & the other suspected likewise of unfr. practices with their enemy, are arrested, as likewise is General Miranda.


Title: From James Madison to the Executive Council of Virginia, 28 October 1795 (Abstract)
From: Madison, James
To: Executive Council of Virginia

28 October 1795, Orange County. Recommends Daniel Davis “for managing an arsenal under the superintendant thereof.” Davis gained experience as a gunsmith during three years at the Fredericksburg arms factory during the Revolutionary War.


Title: To James Madison from George Nicholas, 6 November 1795
From: Nicholas, George
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir,Novr. 6th. 95.
Since my last to you I have been favored with one or two of your friendly letters, for which I am much obliged to you. The want of such matter as I suppose would be agreeable to you, is the only cause of my not writing oftener: for it is very much my wish, to receive your part of the correspondence, as often as I can.
Our western and local politicks, have all been swallowed up by Jay’s treaty: Wayne’s is no more spoken of, than if it had never taken place at all. Your observations on that infamous production, were just and striking: it may truly be said, to have violated the constitution in it’s most essential parts; and to have sacraficed the honor, the independence, and the best interest of the U. S. We have but one sentiment respecting it in this country, but yet, from American indolence and indifference, there will not be that expression of the general sense of the people, which ought to take place on all such great questions. Our Senator, who was before known to, and detested by, the honestest and best informed part of the community, has now convinced all, that he is unworthy of the public confidence. His conduct, and his being at liberty to counteract the wishes of the state for six years, have satisfied us that such power ought not to be given for such a length of time: and that to prevent a Senator from acting contrary to the inclinations and interests of his state, there should be a power vested in the state legislatures to recal him, when he does act in this manner. Such checks might be added to this power, as would prevent it from being used, except in such cases, where the Senator should betray his trust, in the most glaring manner.
I send you two pieces on the treaty, which contain my sentiments: I do not suppose the thoughts they contain are new, (tho’ I have not seen many of them in print) but they will serve to shew, that we think on the subject, and do not blindly follow the opinions of others.
As far as I can understand the question, unless some stand is made against the treaty, the powers of the general government will be unlimited, and the P. and S. may assume to themselves, such parts of them as they please. The H. of R. are the only constitutional power which can say they have erred. All seems to depend on their virtue and firmness. If they give way, the constitution is a dead letter; and like the house of commons in England, their only business will be, to pass laws to carry into execution, the wicked schemes of others. But they will not have the same excuse with the house of commons: there the powers of the different branches of the government are not defined as they are here: and even the exercise of the power which is supposed to be vested in the king in a manner as contrary to the great interest of the nation, as has been done in this instance, would there be sure to bring on the advisers of it, disgrace and ruin. But if the H. of R. speak on this occasion in a firm and decided manner, it will prevent such attempts in future, and put a stop to the baneful effects of the present treaty. As our dependence is on the house of representatives, so our great hope that they will do what is right, arises from an expectation that you will zealously urge them to do so. Our knowledge of the characters who compose that house, induces us to suppose, that unless you do really exert yourself, one of the greatest and most important occasions, in which virtue and abilities could be used for the public benefit, will be lost. I am confident if you view the subject in the same light, that no considerations will be sufficient to prevent you from making those exertions.
Our treaty with England, and the peace between France and Spain, have I make no doubt, destroyed all just expectation of our obtaining the navigation of the M——i by negociation: and the timidity and policy of our government, have long since convinced us that we were not to obtain it, with their assistance, by any other means. Patience is all we have left to depend on: we shall the more willingly lend an ear to it’s dictates, as we see, that the increasing population of the western country is such, as will in a very few years, only make it necessary for us to say, we will have it, to make it prudent for the Spaniards to relinquish it. They have already settled at the mouth of the Ohio, and I wish they had stations at the mouth of every stream emptying into. If we must be subject to their pleasure and caprice, and if we are not allowed to trade with, or find any other people, for God’s sake, let us have 100 times as many of them, as we now find. Besides, if they were very numerous, there would not the same disgrace attend our submissions to them, which must follow our present conduct. I suppose the little tyrant, who now gives law to us at New Orleans, is a slave in or to his country, of about the twentieth order; and depends by about twenty removes, for his office, on the smiles of a whore or a pimp. But these things are not strange, and ought to be unexpected, as our government has got into the hands of men, who administer it for their own benefit only, and who already consider the U. S. as their property.
The present state of this country, is prosperous beyond all expectation. Our land at some distance from any town, has sold as high as £5.10 an acre, with very inconsiderable improvements on it. All the first adventurers who have been prudent enough to keep their lands are now wealthy. The great rise in their value, has made my situation perfectly easy and independent.
This country is peculiarly my favourite one, because it has restored me to that amount of property, which I had inconsiderately squandered away in another country: and because I believe, that the fire of liberty, will blaze conspicuously here, long after it has been extinguished in Eastern America. It will I think, depend much on you, whether the day of it’s extinguishment, shall soon arrive in that quarter, or be postponed to a distant period. With the most sincere respect and esteem, I am, yr. friend and servt.
G: Nicholas
I see before me a paper which tells many truths of our Senator; I send it with those mentioned above. When you have read them, I will thank you to deliver them to my friend Tazewell.


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 8 November 1795
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear SirFredg. Novr. 8th. 1795.
I am thus far on my way to Philada. & shall proceed on the journey this morning. I left with my Father subject to your order the packet of papers promised you. In case of his absence, the overseer will be charged with them. Should you send a special messenger, it will be well to provide agst. much roughness in the carriage, as the papers are in a state not unsusceptible of being injured by it. I hear nothing new at this place, except that Wheat is falling in Philada. & consequently so here. Two reason[s] are assigned—the bad quality of the crop—& the English harvest turning out better than was expected. The last cause is no doubt exaggerated, if not forged, but rather in England than here for the papers are full of such paragraphs copied from English papers or English letters. Mr. Randolph’s publication is said to be in the press, but has not yet made its appearance. In the mean time Reports continue to circulate to his disadvantage; and I find that malice is busy in attempts to complicate others with his affair. I hope you will not forget to draw on our friend in N. Carolina, for his political anecdotes &c. He will at least in answer to your queries, give you a history of the particular points comprehended in your review. What passed in relation to the Seat of Govt. I know has been entered in his Diary. Yrs. truly
Js. M. Jr.


Title: From James Madison to James Madison, Sr., 8 November 1795
From: Madison, James
To: Madison, James, Sr.

Dear & hond. SirFredericksburg Novr. 8. 1795.
We arrived here on friday and are to go forward this morning. I went yesterday to Mr. Dunbar & had the satisfaction to learn from him that he had applied to the forge for the Mill Irons & that the whole Bill wd. be executed according to your orders. I gave him a memorandum of the articles I wanted for my negroes, which he said should be laid by for the arrival of Collins, with liberty to him to make a better choice if he could. My articles by the two Waggons got down safe, and will be forwarded by a vessel now here. I have put into the hands of Mr. Anderson about £17 to be laid out in old corn as a further provision agst. the expensiveness of that article for my horses in Philada. On my way down I made trial both of Tamerlane & the horse of my brother William. The latter proved utterly unmanageable & unsafe to be relied on for the Journey. I have in consequence procured another, & shall leave my brother’s with a bridle & saddle with Mr. Jones who will take him to orange on his way to Albemarle about the middle of the month. In the mean time Collins when he comes down may apply at Mr. Jones & perhaps get the horse home sooner. I say perhaps because I have made a little arrangement with Mr. Jones that may prevent the horse from being on the spot at the time of application. In the memorandum of my bargain for Collins, I forgot to note that 1/10 of the crop of wheat was to be deducted for seed wheat before his share of 1/7 was to be calculated. Please to insert this circumstance in the paper. In the conversation I had with my sister Madison on the subject of Accts &c. I proposed to make myself liable for 20 £ to Mr. F. Maury, who had informed me of a claim thereabouts he had on the Estate. She sd. Mr. M. had not as she recollected, put in his claim. Mr. M. tells me he wrote to her long ago on the subject & stated his claim which It is probable, never got to hand. He says he will repeat the application, & I have promised to pay to the amount of 20 £ if he shd. establish a debt to that amount & receive the sanction of the Executrix. His claim is for between 16 & 17 £ Sterlg. which he says was settled by Mr. Shepherd & some other Gentleman to whom the matter was referred by My brother & himself. It will be proper for you to explain these circumstances to my sister. Wheat has fallen to 9/. or 9/6. & the market dull. Two reasons are assigned—the bad quality of the wheat—& the harvest in England turning out better than was expected. I see nothing new in the late papers. With my dutiful regards to my mother & the proper ones to Fanny I remain Yr. affece. son.
Js. Madison Jr
Being in a hurry I do not write to my brother William & must request you to explain what relates to his horse. I will write to him from Philada.


Title: To James Madison from James Monroe, 8 November 1795
From: Monroe, James
To: Madison, James

Dear SirParis Novr. 8. 1795.
The gentn. (Mr Murray) by whom my letters are forwarded was detained longer by contrary winds in Engld. than was expected. I endeavor however to repr. the injury of delay in my other communications by adding to them what intervenes before his departure.
The govt. is now completely organised in all its departments, & its effect the happiest that can be conceived upon the publick opinion. What it will be upon publick measures time only will unfold: but as the opinion is formed upon circumstances, wh. grow out of the organization & the apparent tone of each department, it furnishes ground for hope that its effect upon measures will not be less salutary. The division into two branches has given a check to the spirit of faction, which neither reason philosophy nor a regard for publick or personal safety could yeild. In the House of Antients you see the members sitting like those in the Senates of our respective States, quiet & without any think [sic] to do: Whilst the messengers of State keep a vigilant eye upon every Spectator, & if the slightest indecency passes, or disrespect is shewn, by wearing a hat or otherwise by any one it is immediately notic’d & corrected. As this was the chamber of the late Convention where a different style was observed the difference strikes the Spectators with amazement. And in the other house the contrast is almost as great, for the manner of debate is more formal & tranquil, & the delay in passing laws much greater, whereby more time will be given for reflection and the laws themselves be wiser of course.
Reubell, Lariveillére Lepeaux, Barras, Latourneur & Carnot are in the Directoire. Sieyes was appointed but declined as he likewise did afterwards the office of foreign affrs. The ministers are in general wise men & sound to the revolution. Merlin de Douai is minister of justice wh. means Home Department. Truguet of Marine, LaCroix of foreign affrs. Benezeck of the interior, wh. means publick arsenals, founderies, &ca &ca. The minister of finance is said to be an able man in that line—his name I forget.
I find by the king of England’s speech that the president has ratified the treaty. This is the only intelligence I have of it. If the administration had tried to get better terms it might—but to have done so would have condemned what was already done. If you mean to do anything you should call for my correspondence and publish it. It will be objected to as indelicate to me but do not regard this. Unless it be seen some things will never be known which cod. not fail to produce an important effect. I should be attacked but I think not injured and the publick essentially benefited. Be assured I am not anxious about my place and think the most use possible should be made of me for the publick good. To evade it all kind of tricks & artifices will be practiced, but these it is to be presumed will not succeed. To read a dispatch of the French minister handed by the British was not right but to be the dupe of that trick was worse let the merit of the poor victim be what it may. I think P. has succeeded in Spain in some way or other whereby the Missisipi will be opened. This I infer from his letters to me he was certainly duped by Jay tho’ a sensible and worthy man. If you do not shake this party off its caprices will hereafter pass for wisdom and the virtuous efforts of the patriots for turbulence—but you are on the ground and know best what to do.
Your furniture, consisting of a bed of crimson damask, bedstead & mattrasses, 2. carpets & curtains for six windows have been forwarded hence sometime since for Havre. They will probably sail with this. Yr. china will soon be forwarded. I beg of you to send me a list of whatever you want, in furniture books &ca leaving it to me to procure & send them as I find convenient. At leasure I shall make better bargains & especially as I shall buy for you when I buy for myself.


Title: To James Madison from Robert R. Livingston, 16 November 1795
From: Livingston, Robert R.
To: Madison, James

Dear SirClerMont 16th. Novr 1795.
I am much pleased to find from yours of the 10th. Augt. that your State are in sentiment with you & every other American patriot on the subject of the treaty. Here unhappily a greater diversity of sentiment prevails, or rather the violence of party stifles all sentiment. The leaders find an interest in deceiving the ignorant & those who have supported Mr. Jay are ready to catch at any thing to justify this to themselves. Under these circumstances a discussion of the merrits of the treaty became absolutly necessary in order to render those who realy wished to judge for themselves capable of resisting the falsehoods & sophisms of its advocates. I have therefore employed the little time [I] could spare in stating them in a plain & familiar stile, you have probably seen my observations under the signature of Cato which has produced some effect here; being compelled to send my drafts to New York to be copied for the press by a friend who could not readily read my writing; He has added many rediculous blunders to the errors that my hasty manner of writing led me into. Much might be added; for it is hardly possible to read this infamous compact without discovering new vices in it. Your assertion that similar terms would have been rejected by us even while labouring under the greatest embarrasments is fully verified by the instructions given to our commissioners for making a commercial treaty with Britain, in which, if my memory serves me, we absolutly preclude them from making any agreement unless our trade to the west Indias is left upon the footing it was before the war & urge as a reason for insisting upon this the advantages they derive from our commerce with Britain. But what now Sir is to be done? If Congress take no notice of the treaty they silently approve of measures ruinous to the country, & become partakers in the crime of violating the constitution, many parts of the treaty appearing to me direct infractions of it, unless the power of making treaties involves all the powers of government. If this is the true construction it is high time to make some change in it.
If agreeably to my Idea the commercial & various other parts of the treaty requires the sanction of Congress they may still prevent the most exceptionable parts from going into operation, but in the mean time fettered as you are by the Senate you will be able to do nothing to redress our accumulated injuries, & will probably incur the odium of having prevented the surrender of the posts & what they call a satisfaction for the plunder of our vessels. I look forward with impatience to the meeting of Congress In which I hope to see something better struck out than I have myself been able to contrive. It has now become absolutly necessary that those who wish well to their country should act in concert as the only means to counteract the party who are ready to sell it to Britain if they can thereby purchase power & influence. That the president means to resign is now I think well understood & that Jay was designed for his successor. Nothing can I think under the present circumstances give him a chance of success but the want of union among the republicans. The public attention should as soon as possible be turned on Mr. Jefferson who will I hope have no reluctance in being brought forward. A Candidate for Vice president shd also be fixed on, his weight & voice in the senate becomes important in the present situation of that body. In the choice of a candidate for this office I hope much deliberation will be used. If possible let a man who has a general & known character & who is not an enimy to the federal constitution be fixed upon. Decided antifederalizm will I think be a bar to any mans election. Whenever on due consideration you have come to a conclusion on this head be so obliging as to let me know it, that early measures may be taken here to forward your design.
Mr. Randolphs resignation & the causes of it have occasioned much speculation, a thousand stories are circulated by the British party relative to it. Fauchete’s Letter (like Caesars will) is made to speak any thing they think proper & the name of every man they wish to hunt down is inserted with the specific sum given to purchase him. I suppose I need not tell you that neither you nor Mr. Jefferson have esscaped. If you have any circumstantial details on this subject which it will not be improper to communicate I shd be glad to have them, that I may use them as an antidote to this poison. The delay of Mr. Randolphs promised publication is very injurious to him. I trust that no circumstance will induce him to suppress it which he can not now do without great injury to his character. Permit me my dear Sir to recommend my brother to your particular attention. You will meet in Congress. You will find in him good sense a considerable stock of classical knowledge & a very amiable disposition joined to the firmest republicanizm. As this is the first time of his appearing on the great political stage your advice & freindship may be peculiarly useful to him. I shall remove to New York by the last of this month at which place I shall sometimes hope to have the pleasure of hearing from you. I am Dear Sir with much essteem Your Most Obt hum: Servt
Robt R Livingston


Title: To James Madison from James Jackson, 17 November 1795
From: Jackson, James
To: Madison, James

Sir,
Savannah, November 17th 1795
The trouble of perusing the present address must be charged to my knowledge of your pure republican principles, and the notice you have been pleased to honor me with in our publick walks of life.
You will in all probability have heard before this reaches you of my resignation of my seat, in the senate of the United States—there are two things which justify the step, and which I hope will prevent a Censure being cast on me by my Republican Friends. The principal is—the necessity of some check to Speculation, which has over leaped all moderate bounds, and stops nothing short of the purchase of Nations. The second is—the improbability of any thing being done this session in the Senate; or until a change of Members, or a change of the constitution, as to senatorial powers and the mode of transacting business takes place. Open doors ought to be required.
The People of Georgia are more dissatisfied than ever, with the late Mississipi Sale, and are resolved that so infamous a barter of their rights, and a measure so destructive to the principles of Democratical representative government, shall be annulled and made void, even should they be driven to the necessity of arming to effect it. The speculators know this, and having no other hopes, will endeavour to procure a law in Congress, enabling the President to purchase from the persons claiming under the State of Georgia. The consequences of such a law, I dread to think of—the Citizens of this State, I fear, would go to greater lengths, than some of their Eastern Brethren would suppose they would dare to go. A law of that nature would be an additional inducement to speculation, which since the Funding system has been daily increasing, and has corrupted the morals and integrity, not only of our private Citizens, but our publick servants. I feel confident, that neither the voice nor vote of a Maddison, will be engaged on the side of avarice and aristocracy. There is no power in our Constitution for this immense sale, which amounts to upwards of Fifty Millions of acres, more square miles than many European kingdoms contain, and it is high time if we mean to preserve our Liberties that constructions of Legislative powers, both in Congress, and the State Legislatures, should be tumbled to the ground—and that the Letter of the constitutions alone, should govern their proceedings—the Funding system, the Bank, the Assumption, and the Treaty, which is almost universally execrated here, have all been consequences of construction—and construction too, opposed to the principles of our government.
The business of this session of Congress I think will not be much

   I mean as respects the Senate that of the House of Representatives will be awfully important.

— the People look to you for some amendments, which will clip the wings of Executive power. A recommendation to the People of a Convention by the House of Representatives is expected. It will be welcomely received. I expect that the Legislature of this State, will express its sense fully, as to the Treaty—it meets in January—the People are more inveterate against what they term Yazoo, or the Mississipi sale, on account of the Treaty, which they seem to think was assisted by it. I think it will be prudent in Congress, not to touch on the right of Georgia, to the land sold—the Act will be repealed, and all matters will stand as they were. Rely upon it, that stirring the question however it may assist speculation, will prove an injury to the general cause. I expect that those concerned, will press it forward, to answer their purposes. I hope, that they will not succeed.
It is uncertain whether or not, I shall return after the present session of the State Legislature, to Congress—my Fellow Citizens, who called on me from many parts of our State, to resign & assist in breaking down this Babel of monopoly, wish me to take the Government; or return, at my option, to the senate—the first, I am averse to, and you know my sentiments as to being cooped up in the latter. If my Friends thought that I could be of any assistance to them, by a return, it might be an inducement to me to sacrifice my own opinion. Mr Milledge who will hand you this, can more fully inform you of the temper of the people, and he is more than ever inclined to oppose encroachments of the Government. You may safely repose a confidence in him.
If you can find a leisure moment, to honor me with a few lines, and the heads of such amendments as you may think of proposing—I will endeavour to prepare the minds of the people, and the Legislature here, for their reception and adoption.
Please sir to remember me to Messrs. Tasewell & Mason. I would have written the former, but for Mr. Milledges sudden departure, and I could wish Mr Giles Mr Parker and Mr Nicholas, with them, to know the contents of this line. Feeling myself as I certainly do, opposed as well to the strides of the Executive power of the Union, as to the strides of the Legislative power here—I may have trespassed too long on your time—every moment of which is precious to your Country, but as I before mentioned, your pure republican principles—the notice you have honored me with, and the general regard you bear towards the States must plead the pardon of sir Your most Obedt servt
Jas Jackson


Title: To James Madison from Ebenezer Zane, 17 November 1795
From: Zane, Ebenezer
To: Madison, James

Dr Sir
Wheelling 17th Novembr 1795
I take the Liberty to Adress a few Line to you by my Son in Law Mr John McIntyer On the Subject of Opening a Land Office for the Sail of the Western Land. Mr McIntyer from a Long residence & Actual Experience in the Western Country are well Aquented not only with the Unapropreated part of that Country but also the Seven ranges & Military parts of the Different Districts on the Muskingum river, if a Land Office is Actually Opened, or Military Warrents to be Exe[c]uted his knowledge of those parts of the Western Country may perhaps not Only be of service to him Self But to those Gentlemen holding Military Warrents Who may incline to have them Executed. Having the pleasure of a Small Aquentanc with you Sir take the Liberty of recomending Mr McIntyer to your notice With respect to Assistance & particularly for information respecting the disposal of those Lands.
Whether its probable that Actual Setlers on Unapropreated Lands will have a preference or not & how the seven ranges Already Survyed may be Sold & Such other information as you may think proper to give. Every service render to Mr McIntyer shall be particularly Acknowledged by your Obedt & Very Humble Servt
Ebenezer Zane


Title: To James Madison from Joseph Jones, 22 November 1795
From: Jones, Joseph
To: Madison, James

Dr. Sr.
Fredg. 22d. Nov. 1795
I came up in the stage from Richmond on Thursday having the evening before traveled to the oaks to avoid geting up in the night. I left the house at two on wednesday when they were debating a proposition calculated to approve the conduct of their Senators in opposing the Treaty. The motion was made on Tuesday by Mr. Page and supported by Egglestone. Marshall objected in a long speech tending to shew the impropriety of the motion wch. tho’ it avoided or meant to avoid a fair discussion of the treaty indirectly involved in it a reprobation of that instrument. He hoped they wod. have come forward fairly to the discussion and bring the question before the house on its merits. C. Lee of the same side but on somewhat different ground asserting they had nothing to do with it—the limits of the Gen. & State legislatures were marked were separate and distinct and ought not to encroach on each other. It belonged to the constituted authorities of the Genl. Govt. to act over that authority they had no controul or right of censure. He concluded by moving an amendmt. to the effect I have mentioned this was seconded but no discussion of it excepting some remarks from Egglestone reprobating the sentiments it contained. Mayo after some observations conveying his doubts moved that the motion and amendmt. shod. be committed to a Com: of the whole house that a fair and full discussion might take place. G. Taylor seconded this Motion, declaring that altho’ he was opposed to the Treaty his mind was open to conviction and wishing not to preclude the fullest and fairest discussion of the subject he willingly concurred in the motion for commitmt. and feared not the consequences of the strictest examination which he said wod he thought rather increase than diminish the numbers in opposition. It was with the amendmt. committed. Before they went into a Com: the next morning—King from Hampton arose and expressed his dislike of the motion wch. he thot. involved in it a censure of the conduct of the President that thinking as he did and beleiving the p. incapable of acting agt. the true int. of his country he wod never concur in a vote that implicated his conduct and character and concluded by moving to postpone the consn. of the motion unto the first monday in march next—this motion being seconded and some few observations made was put and a division called for—the numbers were not known as there was no counting—they appeared to be abt. 40 perhaps more who came out in favor of postponing, at least 150 were then in the house—this satisfied me how the matter wod. be finally settled. They went into a Com: and C. Lee proposed an amendmt. to the amendt or in other words a substitute less exceptionable than the first amendt. proposed varying the Idea in this that altho’ the people of right might deliver their Opinions to their representatives yet it was on that occasion inexpedient and improper. Egglestone made some remarks pointed and proper. Lee went into a long and elaborate support of the amendmt. Marshall was on that ground silent as well as on the motion for postponemt. and voted agt. the postponement—the reason I suppose his having challenged and proposed a full discussion. Taylor then went into a full investigation of the Treaty and commenced with stating objections as to its constitutional[it]y upon which point I left him in debate time requiring my leaving Town. They continued the discussion untill Friday night before the question was taken on the original motion when there were as Dawson wrote me a few lines by the mail 100 for […] motion. Col. Jno. Taliaferro came to Tow⟨n⟩ […] who saw in the Stage Mr. F. Brooke yesterday who told him the question was decided the evening before in manner I have mentioned. Dawson wrote only three lines to inform me the issue and said he wod. be more particular the next mail. Marshall it seems was very able with respect to the constitutionality of the Treaty less on other points he took up on Wednesday and Thursday more than three hours. McCray answered Marshall and I am told very well. I shall wait for Dawsons letter on Tuesday and set out the next morning for Loudoun & albemarle—your horse is gone up by the Waggon. I hope you had an agreeable trip. Remember me to the Ladys and beleive me yr. friend & Servt
Jos: Jones


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 26 November 1795
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Nov. 26. 95.
Your favor from Fredericksburg came safe to hand. I inclose you the extract of a letter I recieved from mr. R. now in Richmond. Tho you will have been informed of the facts before this reaches you, yet you will see more of the subject by having different views of it presented to you. Though Marshall will be able to embarras the Republican party in the assembly a good deal, yet upon the whole, his having gone into it will be of service. He has been hitherto able to do more mischief, acting under the mask of republicanism than he will be able to do after throwing it plainly off. His lax lounging manners have made him popular with the bulk of the people of Richmond, and a profound hypocrisy with many thinking men in our country. But having come forth in the plenitude of his English principles, the latter will see that it is high time to make him known. His doctrine that the whole commercial part of the treaty (and he might have added the whole unconstitutional part of it) rests in the power of the H. of R. is certainly the true doctrine; and as the articles which stipulate what requires the consent of the three branches of the legislature, must be referred to the H. of R. for their concurrence, so they, being free agents, may approve or reject them, either by a vote declaring that, or by refusing to pass acts. I should think the former mode the most safe and honorable. The people in this part of the country continue very firmly disposed against the treaty. I imagine the 50 negative votes comprehend the whole force of the Alexandrian party and the bigots & passive obedience men of the whole state who have got themselves into the legislature. I observe an expression in Randolph’s printed secret intimating that the President, tho’ an honest man himself, may be circumvented by snares and artifices, and is in fact surrounded by men who wish to clothe the Executive with more than constitutional powers. This when public, will make great impression. It is not only a truth, but a truth levelled to every capacity, and will justify to themselves the most zealous votaries, for ceasing to repose the unlimited confidence they have done in the measures which have been pursued. Communicate the inclosed paper, if you please, to mr. Giles. Our autumn is fine. The weather mild, & intermixed with moderate rains at proper intervals. No ice yet, & not much frost. Adieu affectionately.

[Enclosure]
Extract of a lre. dated Richmd. Nov. 22. 1795.
“Mann Page’s motion for a resolution approving the conduct of the minority in the national senate was warmly agitated three whole days, Wednesday, Thursd. & Friday. It was much less ably defended than opposed. John Marshal it was once apprehended would make a great number of converts by an argument which cannot be considered in any other light than an uncandid artifice to prevent what would be a virtual censure of the President’s conduct. He maintained that the treaty in all it’s commercial parts was still under the power of the H. of R. He contended that it was more in the spirit of the constitution for it to be rendered nugatory after it received the sanction of the P. & S. by the H. of R. refusing it their support, than for it’s existence to be prevented, for it to be stifled in embryo by their declaring upon application from the P. to know their sentiments before he had given it his signature, that they would withhold that support. He compared the relation of the Executive to the Legislative department to that between the states & the Congress under the old confederation. The old Congress might have given up the right of laying discriminating duties in favor of any nation by treaty: it would never have thought of taking before hand the assent of each state thereto. Yet no one would have pretended to deny the power of the states to lay such. This doctrine, I believe, is all that is original in his argument. The sophisms of Camillus, & the nice distinctions of the Examiner made up the rest. It is clear that it was brought forward for the purpose of gaining over the unwary & the wavering. It has never been admitted by the writers in favor of the treaty to the Northward. It’s author was disappointed however. Upon a division the vote stood 100. to 50. After the question Charles Lee brought forward a motion of compliment to the P. It was of most uncommon length, which was undoubtedly intended to puzzle: & the word ‘wisdom’ in expressing the confidence of the house in the P. was so artfully introduced that if the fraudulent design had not been detected in time, the vote of the house, as to it’s effect upon the P. would have been entirely done away. A resolution so worded as to acquit the P. of all evil intention, but at the same time silently censuring his error, was passed by a majority of 33. 89 to 56.
Some of the warmest of the victorious party talk of bringing forward a motion for a vote of applause to S. T. Mason. But the more moderate say their triumph is sufficient, & it is supposed this will be dropped.”


Title: To James Madison from John Montgomery, 28 November 1795
From: Montgomery, John
To: Madison, James

Sir
Carlisle 28th novbr 1795
I take the Liberty of recomending the Bearer the Revd David Beard to your notice youll find him a Sensible Judicous man he is related to our fumbly 3 townships Composed the District for which he was Choosen a representive in Congrass for this state two of the townships acted under the old Election Law and the Judges met at the place apointed on the day but one of the townships who had Sent out malitia to the Westren Counties acted under the Suplement which give farthur time in makeing the return it has been made out Since and returned thire is no disput in regard to mr Beards Election he had a Consderable Majoritty thire is no fault in the Elected or in the Electors Shall take it Kind if you will take notice of mr Beard as he is a Stranger. I am Sir your most obdt Humbe Servant
John Montgomery


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 3 December 1795
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Th: J. to J. M.
Dec. 3. 95.
The inclosed letter came under cover to me from Mde. de Chastellux. As I know not where the Duke de Liancourt is, & have no particular motive for making it the occasion of renewing a slight acquaintance, never valued, I will ask the favor of you to have it handed him. We have no news but the death of Doctr. Gilmer, which happened the night before last. I hear nothing from our assembly. A post or two more I hope will bring us the first movements of your campaign, which will be most interesting. Adieu affectionately.


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 6 December 1795
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir
Philada. Decr. 6. 1795.
The inclosed letter with a pamphlet under the same cover came to me a few days ago from the post Office with a charge of a dollar postage. I have delayed to forward it till further expence cd. be avoided. The pamphlet I will send by the first good oppy. I have your favor of the 26th. Ult, corroborating the view I had before recd. of matters at Richmond. There is likely to be a Quorum of both Houses of Congress tomorrow. Muhlenberg & Dayton will probably be the candidates for the Chair in the H. of Reps. I can say nothing yet of the complexion of the body, more than has been known from general accts. long ago. With respect to the Cabinet, I am without the least information. It does not appear that any final step has been taken for filling the vacant Departments. The offer of the Secretaryship of State to P. Henry is a circumstance which I should not have believed without the most unquestionable testimony. Col. Coles tells me Mr. Henry read the letter to him on that subject. It appears that there have been some agitations in Paris produced by the decree of two thirds, tacked to the Constitution; but as the Jacobins united with the Convention in crushing them, the crisis was probably the expiring struggle of the Counter revolutionists. From the nature of the Decree, it is not wonderful that it should not have been swallowed without some resistance. Randolph’s pamphlet is not yet out. I am told it will appear in a few days. As soon as I can send you a copy you shall have one. Yrs. Affey.
Js. Madison Jr


Title: To James Madison from George Washington, 6 December 1795
From: Washington, George
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir,
Sunday Afternoon 6th. Decr 1795
The papers, of which I was speaking to you on friday evening, are herewith sent.
In looking over Sir John Sinclair’s letter (since I spoke to you on this subject) I perceive it is to a Committee I am at liberty to communicate the extracts. This, however, I consider as sufficient authority to give you the perusal of them; as the project, if it can be accomplished, in this country, must be put in train. When you have read, & considered the Papers, I would thank you for their return with your sentiments thereon.
The “Outlines of the 15th chapter &ca” I send for your acceptance, several of thes⟨e⟩ having been forwarded to me. With great esteem & regard I am—Dear Sir Your Obedt. & Affecte Servt
G Washington


Title: From James Madison to James Monroe, 9 December 1795
From: Madison, James
To: Monroe, James

Dear Sir
Philada. Decr. 9th. 1795.
At the request of Mr. R. Harrison, who is well acquainted with the Bearer Mr. James H. Hooe, I introduce this Gentleman to your civilities. He is charged with some business interesting to a friend of Mr. Harrison, which it is supposed may be aided by your advice, and perhaps claim your official attention. These considerations will more than apologize for the liberty I have taken, and will ensure Mr. Hooe, the reception that may be due to him. With the highest respect esteem & regard, I am Dear Sir, Your Mo: Obedt. hble servt.
James Madison Jr


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Knox, 12 December 1795
From: Knox, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Sir,
NYork 12th December 1795
Before Mr. Monroe left America he desired me to write to you if I found it necessary.
If you have his papers, or know where they are, I think some letters may be found among them which may be useful to the Suit in Chancery with J. Kortright. Old Mr. Kortright not long before he died, which was in February 84—wrote to Mr. Monroe to settle for him his concern in lands at Smiths Clove with Judge Morris. John Kortright claims this tract under purchase from his Father of some years standing. These letters if they can be come at, will at least prove that the old Gentn. did not mean it as a bona fide sale. It will also correspond with other testimony, which, if taken together may perhaps shake the credit of his title to this part of the Estate.
If you can find them I beg you will do me the favor to transmit them to me & excuse the liberty of Sir, Your most obdt hmble. servant
Thomas Knox


Title: Address of the House of Representatives to the President, [ca. 14 December] 1795
From: House of Representatives
To: Washington, George

[ca. 14 December 1795]
As the Reps. of the people of the U. S. we can not but participate in the strongest sensibility to every blessing which they enjoy; and cheerfully join in the gratitude which is due to the great Source from which every national as well as personal good proceeds.
A final & formal termination of the distressing war which has ravaged our N. Western Frontier, will be an event which must afford a satisfaction proportioned to the anxiety with which it has long been sought; and in the adjustment of the terms, we perceive the true policy of making them satisfactory to the Indians as well as to the U. S. as the best basis of a durable tranquility. The disposition of such of the Southern Tribes, as had also heretofore annoyed our Frontier is another prospect in our situation so important to the U. S. that it is much to be lamented that any clouds shd. be thrown over it, more especially by excesses on the part of our own Citizens.
It is with very peculiar pleasure we learn, not only that a continuance of peace has been provided for with the Emperor of Morocco; but that an expectation is authorised of a peace also with Algiers, involving an adjustment that will restore to the bosom of their Country our unfortunate fellow Citizens whose grievous captivity has so long & so deeply excited our sympathies.
The favorable advices from the Envoy at the Court of Madrid, makes the full impression on us which the very great importance of the object of his negociations ought to produce. We ardently hope that no obstacle may be experienced in the prosecution of the business to a speedy & happy conclusion, & that a foundation may be laid for a lasting & perfect harmony with a Power whose friendship has always been highly valued & sincerely cultivated by the U. States.
Among the various circumstances in our internal situation, none can be viewed with more satisfaction & exultation, than that the late scene of disorder & insurrection has been compleatly restored to the enjoyment of order & repose. Such a triumph of reason & of law is worthy of the free Govt. under which it happened, & was justly to be hoped from the enlightened & patriotic spirit which pervades & actuates the people of the U. States.
The several interesting subjects which you recommend to our consideration will receive every degree of it which is due to them: And whilst we feel the obligation of temperance & mutual indulgence in all our discussion, We trust & pray that the result to the happiness & welfare of our Country may correspond with the pure affection we bear to it.


Title: From James Madison to Joseph Jones, ca. 16 December 1795
From: Madison, James
To: Jones, Joseph

Letter not found. Ca. 16 December 1795. Mentioned in Jones to JM, 21 Dec. 1795. Discusses the prospects of proceedings in the House of Representatives on the Jay treaty. Encloses Thomas Knox’s 12 Dec. letter to JM requesting papers concerning the estate of Lawrence Kortright.


Title: To James Madison from Joseph Jones, 19 December 1795
From: Jones, Joseph
To: Madison, James

Dr. Sr.
Fredg. 19th. Decr. 1795
I lately returned from my trip to Loudoun and Albemarle—what was doing in the Assembly I mentd. in my letter to you before I set out and you have seen the subsequent proceedings in the papers which is all I have seen or heard myself respecting the business I left them engaged in. In my way to Albemarle I called at Col. Madisons but he and his Lady were on a visit to Mr. Hites. The commencemt. with you does not augur well finding Muhlingurb [sic] outvoted and Beckley pushed. No news yet of R. justification which I think he told me wod. be certainly out by the meeting of Congress. Will you be so kind as request Mr Beache to give you his acct. agt. me and inclose it that I may send up the amount and let me know whether I am to pay the Postage of the papers or does he do it—such papers as are for this place or are to stop here he wod. do well to put under one cover and tie them with a peice of pack thread to preserve them together and prevent their being plundered by the way wch. I expect is often The case as they frequently do not arrive. As soon as I know the amount of his acct it shall be sent. Will there be any good conveyance to France that you hear of soon. I want to write to Monroe. I shod. have gone Yesterday to Loudoun for a week but felt somewhat indisposed and am a little so yet. With best wishes for your Lady & family I am yr. friend & Servt
Jos: Jones


Title: From James Madison to James Monroe, 20 December 1795
From: Madison, James
To: Monroe, James

Dear Sir
Philada. Decr. 20. 1795
The last of your favors come to hand bears date Sepr. 8. 1795, of which a duplicate has also been received. The others which it may be proper to acknowledge or reacknowledge, are of Novr. 30th. 1794. which was opened at Halifax, & forwarded to me in that state. Decr. 18. 1794. covering a copy of one of same date to Mr. Randolph—Feby. 18. 1795. covering a copy of one of Feby. 12. to the same. Feby. 25 covering a duplicate of ditto. June 13. inclosing a copy of a letter of May 4. from Mr. Short. June 3—28—30. July 26. covering the correspondence with Jay—and August 15. As I cannot now give minute answers to each of these letters, & the necessity of them as to most has been superseded, I shall proceed to the object most immediately interesting to you, towit the posture of things here resulting from the embassy of Mr. Jay. The Treaty concluded by him did not arrive till a few days after the 3d. of March which put an end to the last Session of Congs. According to a previous notification to the Senators that branch assembled on the 28th. of June, the contents of the Treaty being in the mean time impenetrably concealed. I understand that it was even witheld from the Secretaries at war & the Treasury, that is Pickering & Wolcot. The Senate after a few week’s consultation, ratified the Treaty as you have seen. The injunction of secresy was then dissolved, by a full House, and quickly after restored sub modo, in a thin one. Mr. Mason disregarding the latter vote sent the Treaty to the press, from whence it flew with an electric velocity to every part of the Union. The first impression was universally & simultaneously against it. Even the mercantile body, with an exception of Foreigners & demi-Americans, joined in the general condemnation. Addresses to the P. agst. his ratification, swarmed from all quarters, and without a possibility of preconcert, or party influence. In short it appeared for a while that the latent party in favor of the Treaty, were struck dumb, by the voice of the nation. At length however, doubts began to be thrown out in New York, whether the Treaty was as bad as was represented. The Chamber of commerce proceeded to an address to the P. in which they hinted at war as the tendency of rejecting of the Treaty, but rested the decision with the Constituted authorities. The Boston Chamber of Commerce followed the example, as did a few inland villages. For all the details on this subject I refer to the Gazettes which I presume you continue to receive from the Department of State. It appears that the struggle in the public mind was anxiously contemplated by the President, who had bound himself first not to disclose the Treaty till it should be submitted to the Senate, and in the next place, not to refuse his sanction if it should receive that of the Senate. On the receipt here, however of the predatory orders renewed by G. B, the President as we gather from Mr. R’s pamphlet was advised not to ratify the Treaty, unless they should be revoked and adhered to this resolution, from the adjournment of the Senate about the last of June till the middle of August. At the latter epoch Mr. Fauchet’s intercepted letter became known to him, and as no other circumstance on which a conjecture can be founded has been hinted to the public, his change of opinion, has been referred to some impression made by that letter, or by comments upon it; altho’ it cannot easily be explained how the merits of the Treaty, or the demerits of the provision-order could be affected by the one or the other. As soon as it was known that the P. had yielded his ratification, the British party were reinforced by those who bowed to the name of constituted authorities and those who are implicitly devoted to the president. The principal merchants of Philadelphia with others amounting to about four hundred took the lead in an address of approbation. There is good reason to believe that many subscriptions were obtained by the banks whose directors solicited them and by the influence of British capitalists. In Baltimore Charlestown & the other commercial towns except Philadelphia New York and Boston no similar proceeding has been attainable. Acquiescence has been inculcated with more success by exaggerated pictures of the public prosperity an appeal to the popular feeling for the president and the bugbear of war. Still however there is little doubt that the real sentiment of the mass of the community is hostile to the treaty. How far it may prove impregnable must be left to events. A good deal will depend on the result of the session & more than ought on external contingencies. You will see how the Session opened, in the President’s Speech & the answer to it. That you may judge the better on the subject, I add in the margin of the latter, the clause expunged as not true in itself; and as squinting too favorably at the Treaty. This is the only form in which the pulse of the House has been felt. It is pretty certain that a majority disapprove the treaty but it is not yet possible to ascertain their ultimate object as matters now lie. The speech of the president was well adapted to his view. The answer was from a committee consisting of myself Sedgwick & Seagrove in the first instance with the addition of two other members on the recommitment. In the first committee my two colleagues were of the treaty party. And in the second there was a willingness to say all that truth would permit. This explanation will assist you in comprehending the transaction. Since the answer passed & was presented nothing has been said or done in relation to the treaty. It is much to be feared that the majority against the treaty will be broken to pieces by lesser & collateral differences. Some will say it is too soon to take up the subject before it is officially presented in its finished form: Others will then say it is too late. The opportunity of declaring the sense of the House in the answer to the speech was sacrificed to the opinion of some from whom more decision was expected than will be experienced, towards an immediate consideration of the subject by itself. The truest policy seems to be to take up the business as soon as a majority can be ascertained but not to risk that even on a preliminary question. What the real state of opinions is is now under enquiry. I am not sanguine as to the result. There is a clear majority who disapprove the treaty but it will dwindle under the influence of causes well known to you; more especially as the states instead of backing the wavering are themselves rather giving way. Virginia has indeed set a firm example but Maryland North Carolina & New Hampshire have counteracted it & New York will soon follow with some strong proceeding on the same side.
I am glad to find by your letters that France notwithstanding the late treaty continues to be friendly. A magnanimous conduct will conduce to her interest as well as ours. It must ultimately baffle the insidious projects for bartering our honour and our trade to British pride & British monopoly. The fifteenth article of the treaty is evidently meant to put Britain [on] a better foot than France & prevent a further treaty with the latter since it secures to Britain gratuitously all privileges that may be granted to others for an equivalent and of course obliges France at her sole expence to include the interest of Britain in her future treaties with us. But if the treaty should take effect this abominable part will be of short duration and in the mean time, something may perhaps be done toward disconcerting the mischief in some degree. You will observe a navigation act is always in our power. The article relating to the Missisipi being permanent may be more embarrassing; yet possibly not without some antidote for its poison. I intended to go on in Cypher, but the tediousness obliges me to conclude the present letter, in order to seize a conveyance just known to me. Mr. R’s pamphlet is just out. Mr. Tazewell will send that & several other things collected for you, by this conveyance. Pickering is Secretary of State—Chs. Lee Attorney Genl—no Secy. at War. The Senate have negatived Rutledge as chief Justice. Mr. Jones keeps you informed of your private affairs. He & Mr. Jefferson are well. I have just recd. your two favors of Octr. 23 & 24, with the accompaniments, by Mr. Murray. The articles have probably not arrived in the same ship—as Mr. Yard has no information from N. Y. thereon. Accept from Mrs. M. & myself ten thousand thanks for your & Mrs. Monroe’s goodness—which will, as general[ly] happens probably draw more trouble on you. Mr. Yard & Mrs. Y. well. Your friends at N. Y. so too.


Title: To James Madison from Joseph Jones, 21 December 1795
From: Jones, Joseph
To: Madison, James

Dr. Sr.
Fredg. 21st. Decr. 1795
On my return a few days past I wrote you a letter and requested you wod. take the trouble to obtain from Mr. Beache and transmit me his acct. that I might inclose the amount to you or him in bank paper. I wish also to know whether he or myself according to his terms are liable for the postage. I was apprehensive from the vote of the House changing their Speaker the majority of that Body wod. pursue a different course respecting the Treaty than that wch. your letter intimates—nothing will more conduce to impress the public mind with an opinion of the justice and propriety of the conduct of the legislature on that important question than a cool and dispassionate investigation of the subject. I find it has been a point contended for among the friends of Admin. to obtain a declaration from our public bodies of an undiminished confidence in the P.—such a declaration may convey the sentiments of those who advocate it, but will not those of the people at large—for altho’ there are many who wod. not concur in any act to censure the P’s conduct they are equally averse to a direct act of approbation. Fair and temperate discussion will establish Truth and blame if there shall Be good ground for it will follow of course altho’ no direct censure points it out. I shall visit albemarle soon when I will search for the papers if any such there are as pointed out by Mr. Knox—if found they shall be inclosed to you on my return. I send the letter back. Wishing you all well I am yr. friend & Servt
Jos: Jones.


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 27 December 1795
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir
Philada. Decr. 27. 1795.
Mr. R’s pamphlet is out & will be forwarded by the first oppy. Altho’ I have kept up an enquiry, I have not been able to collect the impression it makes. As it relates to the P. nothing seems to be said: and as it relates to parties in general very little. By Fenno’s & Webster’s papers, it appears that an effort will be used to run down Mr. R. & if necessary for the purpose to call in the incidents to which his pecuniary embarrassments here exposed him. The speech of the P. will have shewn you the guarded & perplexing shape, in which the Treaty was brought into view. The answer was the result of circumstances which my communications to you expl⟨ain in p⟩art. The silence of it as to the Treaty was an accomodation to t⟨he wishes⟩ of a few who preferred taking it up by itself afterwards. These individuals have not shewn as much fowardness as was expected, & owing to that cause, & to the acct. of an exchange of Ratifications & the momently expectation of the Treaty, nothing is yet done on the subject. The situation is truly perplexing. It is clear that a majority if brought to the merits of the Treaty are agst. it. But as the Treaty is not regularly before the House, & an application to the P. brings him personally into the question with some plausible objections to the measure, there is great danger that eno’ will fly off to leave the opponents of the Treaty in a minority. Enquiries are on foot to ascertain the true state of opinions & the probable turn of votes; and if there be found a firm majority on the right side, an attempt will be made to get at the subject.
There are accts. from Paris to the 5th. of Novr. The new Constitution was taking an auspicious commencement. Monroe’s letters to me of Ocr. 23 & 24. give a favorable prospect on that side; as well as with regard to French affairs in general. He confirms the late naval advantages, & speaks of the check on the Rhine as a bagatelle. He knew only from Report, the Ratification of the Treaty by the P. His language breathes equal mortification & apprehension from the event. He says that England would have refused us nothing, & we have yielded every thing; & he cannot but speak as reason dictates. A nation threatened with famine at home, & depending on the forlorn hope of West-India armaments which our market only can feed, was a nation to make rather than receive concessions. I am just told that 97 out of 98 of the Bermuda Judge’s decrees agst. our vessels are announced to be reversed in England. This is another proof of Monroe’s opinion. The reversal in such a lump must have resulted not from principle, but from policy, as the lumping condemnation proceeded from cupidity. Flour at 14 dolrs. at present. We have had no winter as yet. The weather is now as mild as October. I hope it will assist you agst. your Rheumatic com-


Title: From James Madison to James Madison, Sr., 27 December 1795
From: Madison, James
To: Madison, James, Sr.

Hond. Sir
Philada. Decr. 27. 1795.
I have delayed writing to you hitherto, on the supposition that you might not be returned from Frederick, as well as on acct. of a pressure of other writing on my hands. We had on the whole a convenient journey and arrived safe & in due time. All the articles sent by water have since got safe also, and will fully answer the purpose we had in view. To the articles sent from Orange, was added about 20 barrels of old corn procured & fowarded by Mr. Anderson from Fredericksburg. This article is also come safe & will be a considerable saving in my stable. I have sent three of my horses into the Country where they will be kept at 4 dollrs. a month. You may let Old Anthony & Betty know that their son Billey is no more. He went on a voyage to N. Orleans, where being sick as were most of the crew, & very weak under the operation of a dose of physic, he tumbled in a fainty fit overboard & never rose.
You will have seen the President’s Speech with the answers of the 2 Houses. The Ratifications of the Treaty are exchanged in England, as we are informed in the King’s Speech, but they are not yet arrived here; and of course the subject is not yet laid before Congress. Whether it will be called for by the H. of the Reps. & what will be done in the business, I shall be better able to say in a future letter. The last accts. from Europe denote a great scarcity, particularly in England. In France every thing was tranquil, & the new Constitution like to have an auspicious commencement. Flour here is at 14 dollrs. a barrel. We are all well & join in due affection to you & my Mother & Fanny. Yr. affece. son
Js. Madison Jr.