Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Francis Maseres, 17 June 1772
From: Maseres, Francis
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir,
Inner temple, June 17, 1772
I am much obliged to you for the favour of your letter and the remarks on my proposal, concerning which this is what I have to say.
In page 46, I think it unnecessary, and rather inconvenient, to limit the expence of these grants in the act of parliament itself. I hope it will be as small as possible, and mean that these grants should be printed with blanks in the manner you propose, and for that reason I inserted the form of the grant.

In page 48; I believe it would be best to keep the parish-book in the church, and suppose it will be kept there. But think it unnecissary to prescribe it positively, as it may happen in some parishes that they keep their registers in some other place made on purpose, and still more convenient than the church: so that this must be left to their discretion.
In page 51. I was inclined to make these annuities unalienable, as you propose, and as the Chelsea pensions to old soldiers are and for the reasons you assign. But some gentlemen of the house of commons who met at Sir George Saville’s house to consider this plan, were of a different opinion; particularly Mr. Burke and Mr. Dowdeswell, who alledged that it would be unjust to hinder a man from selling an annuity which he had fairly bought for it’s full price, and that it would be a strange thing that a man should go to jail for debt, as might be the case, when he was possessed of an annuity of his own purchasing, by the sale of which he might preserve his liberty. But they directed that the method of assigning it should be pretty formal, as you see, in order to hinder the poor men from selling their annuities for a trifle in fit of drunkenness or folly. And upon the whole I accede to this opinion. But whether I did or no, the directions to me were positive to make it in this manner.
In page 56. The reason of the forfeiture is to make people diligent in demanding and receiving their annuities, whereby the knowledge of them will be continually kept up in the parishes that pay the annuities, and it will be difficult for strangers to personate them and claim the annuities in their stead either during their (the annuitants) lives or after their deaths, which might perhaps happen now and then if an annuitant was permitted to claim the arrears of his annuity after a neglect of demanding it for eight or ten years.
In page 59. The power of Attorney here mentioned certainly does hazard in the hands of one person the whole stock of the parish. But this is not of necessity. The managers of the parish-fund may, if they please, give their power of attorney to ten persons jointly, if they think proper. ’Tis not therefore the law, but their own choice, that will ever hazard it in the hands of one: and if they chuse to do so, we may suppose that he will be some person worthy of that trust. In general, I suppose, the person so impowered will be some Stock broker, or brokers in partnership with each other, or some banker or bankers, all of whom are every day trusted with more money than any parish will ever probably be possessed of in consequence of these contributions. In truth the main difficulty of the Scheme lies here in getting proper people to manage the fund, which will require a constant open account consisting of many and small articles, and frequent purchases of Stock in the bank annuities with the small sums contributed by the purchasers of life-annuities, and a sale of some of the parish-stock in those annuities four times a year, to make the quarterly payments to the annuitants. However I hope this difficulty will be found to be not insuportable. And the poor men who shall buy these annuities will in all events be sure of receiving them, because of the collateral security given them upon the poor rates of the parishes. Thus much for this proposal. As to the Dutch scheme, I think it obviously useful. Indeed it seems to be no more than what we see often in England by the name of Alms-houses; but perhaps it is more Judiciously executed. However, in general the poor of England are observed to hate confinement, though they have ever so good food and lodging. They like rather to live at large amongst their children and relations and friends. And certainly those charitable institutions best deserve the name of charitable, which gratify the objects of them in the manner they best like. Therefore I approve most those proposals which leave the poor at liberty to live where they please, and assist them by small donations of a shilling or eighteen pence a week, or so much for each Child in their family. I remain your most Obedient and humble servant,
Francis Maseres.

P.S. I desire your acceptance of the copy I herewith send you of a draught of an act of parliament for settling the Laws of Quebec. It has cost me a good deal of time and pains, and has been prepared merely of my own accord, without directions from any body to do so, in order to expedite the Settlement of that province, concerning which the king’s advocate, attorney, and Sollicitor-general, who were ordered this time last year by the king in council to prepare a plan of laws criminal and civil for the use of that province, have not yet made their report. I have no reason to flatter myself that this draught of mine will be brought into parliament nor do I know any thing to the contrary of it. But every thing relating to that province seems to be in suspense: and nobody knows what to expect. I have read with pleasure your letter in the London packet signed A New-England man. I wish you would publish it in the London Evening, or St. James’s Chronicle or the public advertiser.
2d P.S. Upon looking over your letter again, I perceive you dwell very much upon the Dutch scheme, as what you would gladly see introduced here. I will therefore say a word or two more about it. It is perfectly consistent with my proposal, and therefore excites no Jealousy in me from an attachment to my own scheme. But it would require a large sum of money, perhaps £10,000, to build such a county hospital as you describe. And how is this to be raised? would you wait till the contributions of the purchasers of a provision in this house should be sufficient to build it? this would be waiting for ever, I believe: and no one would contribute till the house was built, and compleatly fitted for the reception of its intended inhabitants. But if the house is once built, whether by charitable donations, or public money levied upon the county, I think it would be a very useful institution to permit poor people to purchase a right of living in it, and being supported by the revenue of it: and in this case their contribution-money should be laid out in the public fund (as well as in my scheme) in order to produce the revenue whereby they should be supported in this house, and the house itself kept in repair. However upon the whole I think my annuity-scheme more practicable and better suited to the lower sort of people, who are most likely to come upon the parish. But I think the principle upon which both are founded, namely, that of affording industrious people an opportunity of laying out the money they can save in their youth in the purchase of a provision for their old age, may be applied in many other instances; and I should be glad to see it so applied. For example, each of the trading, or handicraft companies in London such as the Skinners, the dyers, the goldsmiths, and so on, (they being, as I take it, corporations) might receive the money of their own separate members in the same manner as the parishes do that of their inhabitants by my scheme, and might grant them equivalent annuities for their lives, not limited to £20 a year, but reaching as far as £100 a year, which would be an encouragement to industry and frugality in a set of men a degree higher than those that are the objects of my proposal. The London clergy, who are likewise, I believe, a corporation, might do the same by their members to the same amount of £100, or perhaps £200 a year, and might provide for their widows in this manner. And all other numerous bodies corporate and politic might do the same.
Further, as to clergymen’s widows, it has occurred to me that it would be no ways unreasonable nor inconvenient to provide for them by giving them dower of their husbands livings at the rate of one half of the common law Dower, or one sixth part of the husband’s living. This to take place only in livings of a certain value, as for instance, £120 a year, or more. The wife to have dower only of one living, though the husband died possessed of two or more. Only two dowers to be allowed at a time upon one living; as thus. Suppose a man A has a living of £300 a year, and dies leaving a widow. She should have a dower out of this living of one sixth of £300, that is, of £50, a year. Afterwards the living is given to B, who dies leaving a widow. She shall have a dower of one sixth of £250 a year or of £41, 13s. 4d. The living is then given to C, who dies leaving a widow, and then to D, who dies leaving a widow, the widows of A and B being still alive. These widows of C and D should have no dower. And no living should ever be reduced by dowers to less than £100 a year. I see no objection to this scheme. The marriages of the clergy are in my opinion greatly beneficial to the public. They in general have many children, and healthy and handsome ones, and educate them better than gentlemen or tradesmen of the same yearly incomes. Why should they not then be encouraged as well as permitted by the State to marry, by making a very moderate provision for the widows out of the public stipends allowed to their husbands, (for in that light only I consider the tythes) in such livings as can bear such a defalcation, and with the precautions abovementioned not to load them with too many dowers at a time. Yours once more,
F: Maseres.

Addressed: To Dr. Benjamin Franklyn / in Craven Street in the Strand / London.


Title: The Sommersett Case and the Slave Trade, 18–20 June 1772
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

It is said that some generous humane persons subscribed to the expence of obtaining liberty by law for Somerset the Negro. It is to be wished that the same humanity may extend itself among numbers; if not to the procuring liberty for those that remain in our Colonies, at least to obtain a law for abolishing the African commerce in Slaves, and declaring the children of present Slaves free after they become of age.
By a late computation made in America, it appears that there are now eight hundred and fifty thousand Negroes in the English Islands and Colonies; and that the yearly importation is about one hundred thousand, of which number about one third perish by the gaol distemper on the passage, and in the sickness called the seasoning before they are set to labour. The remnant makes up the deficiencies continually occurring among the main body of those unhappy people, through the distempers occasioned by excessive labour, bad nourishment, uncomfortable accommodation, and broken spirits. Can sweetening our tea, &c. with sugar, be a circumstance of such absolute necessity? Can the petty pleasure thence arising to the taste, compensate for so much misery produced among our fellow creatures, and such a constant butchery of the human species by this pestilential detestable traffic in the bodies and souls of men? Pharisaical Britain! to pride thyself in setting free a single Slave that happens to land on thy coasts, while thy Merchants in all thy ports are encouraged by thy laws to continue a commerce whereby so many hundreds of thousands are dragged into a slavery that can scarce be said to end with their lives, since it is entailed on their posterity!


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Walsh, 21 June 1772
From: Walsh, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Paris 21st. June 1772.
After some enquiry I procured the two Copies of Gennete’s Book and shall deliver them to Sir John Lambert to forward to you by some one of our returning Countrymen. Your friend M. Le Roy, who presents you his Compliments, has shewn us many Civilities; as has M. Trudaine, the Abbé Morillet’s friend for which I must beseech you to make my Acknowledgements to the Abbé. I have been present at two meetings of the Academy des Sciences and have had a polite and obliging reception from the Academicians in general. I have made no Secret of my intentions of prosecuting Experiments on the Torpedo, to which animal by the bye, they are almost Strangers here, Brisson only knows that they exist and in tolerable plenty at La Rochelle, in the neighbourhood of which Reaumur had a Terre. But I have no occasion for academical information on this point, having met at Bologne with two plain sensible Captains of Coasters to La Rochelle and Bourdeaux, who put me out of doubt of their exceeding plenty at this Season in the neighbourhood of those places. Whether therefore their effect be electrical or not, I persuade myself will be soon ascertained. I am this instant setting out for La Rochelle and in three Weeks expect to be in Bourdeaux, possibly in six return’d to Paris. If you have any Commands for me, which I assure you I shall ever be proud to receive, you will please to direct them to me at Sir John Lamberts at Paris and they will be forwarded to me where ever I may be. I need not remark to you who have lately been here, the low Ebb of Electricity at Paris. The flatt plates are the only Instruments now in vogue, which they suppose to be the strongest and in all States of the Air. The Duke de Chaulne exhibited a Platteau (as they call it, and we a Ramsden’s) of upwards of 3 foot Diameter with two Conductors of 12 foot long and 9 Inches diameter, the Spark from which was insupportable, striking at full eight Inches Distance. The dry state of the Air here is certainly favorable to these experiments. The Platteau was turn’d with great Rapidity and frequently cool’d with Ice to take off the heat of the Glass by it’s violent friction. His whole apparatus was well contrived to produce the strong effects of Electricity; He had as good an apparatus for Kite flying, which we attempted to make use of but the Wind did not favour us. My next will convey to you the Event of our Experiments on the Torpedo, in the mean time I remain with the truest Sentiments of Esteem and Regard Dear Sir Your obedient humble Servant
John Walsh
I beg my particular Compliments to your fellow travellour Sir John Pringle


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Alexander, 30 June 1772
From: Alexander, William
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
New York June 30: 1772.
It is not perhaps unknown to you that soon after my Arrival in this Country from England I was induced to make several large purchases of Lands with a Veiw of soon disposeing of some of them again to Advantage; you well know the Sudden Change that took place in the Sale of Lands, Vast Quantitys of new Lands Comeing into the Market and a great Scarceity of Cash after the last War render’d lands almost unsaleable; by this means I not only got rid of my ready Money but was left Considerably in debt; I have made many Efforts to extricate my self from so disagreable a Scituation but hitherto in Vain; I am now attempting to do it, by the Sale of a Suffecient quantity of my Lands in this Country by Way of a Lottery, some of the printed Schemes of which are now transmitted to you; the Lottery has already met with very Considerable Success in most of the Colonies in America, I am in hopes it will have some encouragement in G Brittain; I do not a Moment doubt of its haveing your good Wishes; your knowledge of this Country and of the Gentlemen who are Managers of the Lottery enable you to Judge of the honestty of the Scheme; your recommendation of it will be of very Considerable use; I must therefore beg it may have your Countenance among your Acquaintance; such of them as incline to become adventurers in it may be supplied with Tickets by applying to Messrs. Drummond Charing Cross or to Mr. John Blackburn Merchant in London. The Sale of Tickets is so forward on this side the Water, that if I hear it meets with encouragment in England the Lottery will be drawn by September or October Next. I am Dear Sir Your Most Obedient Humble Servant
Stirling
Doctor Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Franklin, 30 June 1772
From: Franklin, William
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honoured Sir,
Burlington June 30: 1772
I have recieved your Remarks on our Account on which I have only to observe, That
The Ten Guineas must have been paid by you for Nelson’s Passage, and you expressly say you paid it, I find, in your Letter of the 21st: of Septbr: 1765. which probably you kept no Copy of, as you mention the Vessel to be just upon the Point of Sailing. The 8 Guineas being in Strahan’s Account should not be charged. I recollected the Capt: made a Demand for some more Money on her Account after her Arrival, and as you did not charge for the Passage Money, I did not know when I wrote my Remarks on your Account but that I might have paid it, but I since have discovered that it was for Stores.
I forgot to enquire about the Number of Stoves when I was last in Philadelphia.

The Tea is right as you state it, and I have given myself Credit for the £11 9s. 5d. as an Error.
The Ballance due to me as Comptroller was never settled. The Articles of the Account were not entered in the Post-Office Book till after you returned from Virginia, and I never saw it till long after you went to England. The Bond was given on the 29th: of March 1763, and in the Summer following I purchased the Furniture of Governor Moncton at New York which Mr: Colden paid £330 3s. 9d. for. The Manner the £1000 was made up (as appears by Figures of your Writing which I have on the Back of your Account of Expences on our Journey to Amboy) is thus, vizt

£500
0s.
0d.
}
This is for a £500 Sterling Bill which I remitted to England at 72½ per Cent.

250
0s.
0d.

100
0s.
0d.

12
  10s.
  0d.

£862
10s.
0d.

  82
  6s.
  5d.

Expences to Amboy paid by B. F.

£944
16s.
5d.

  55
  3s.
  7d.

Recd. in Cash to make up the Sum

£1000
0s.
0d.

I have never received any Thing on the Lodge Account since you went away, but I have desired Mr: Bache to enquire of Mr: Swift what is due to us.
Mrs: Franklin wrote to Mrs: Clarke to send her a Cloak, Bonnet, and Cap for this Summer, which I desired you to pay for, but as they are not come, she concludes Mrs: Clarke never got her Letter, which was dated Janry: 6: and we think enclosed in mine to you of that date.
I can’t find the Account of the £259 5s. 10½d. which I paid you just before we went to England, but I dare say it is among your Papers, and I am well Convinced that I settled with you for what I received of the Trenton Office, and all other Accounts to the Time of our Departure. Betsy joins in Duty with Honoured Sir, Your ever dutiful Son
Wm: Franklin

P.S. I have wrote you 6 Letters by this Opportunity to make up for past Deficiencies.

Notation: To B. F June 30, 1772 (N. 6)


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jonathan Williams, Jr., June 1772
From: Williams, Jonathan Jr.
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear and honoured Sir
Boston June 1772
Your Letter of the 14th. April merits my best Acknowledgments, for the kind and affectionate Manner in which you express your Fears of my having appropriated Mr. Warrens Money to other purposes: In the manner this Matter may have appeared to you, those Fears were Just, and I think myself happy in having so good a Friend to forewarn me of even supposed Danger, and be assured Sir that your Advice and informing of what may at any time tend to my disadvantage, will always excite in me the greatest Gratitude and Esteem.
In my last I stated Mr. Warrens Account as it then was with me, the Balance £357 since which, I have sent him £170 Sterling and by this Oppertunity I send £100 more, so that there now remains a Balance of but £87 due to him. I also at that time informed you of the Circumstances relating to the Brig, that no part of Mr. Warrens money was appropriated for the payment of her, but only such Goods as came from Champion & Dickason, I therefore in common Justice should remit to them what she neats [nets?], which I shall do in a few Weeks, having sold her for £660 Sterling, by which I have cleared about £40, besides paying the greater part in Goods at a high Advance. This has been a profitable affair to me, but ne’ertheless I do not intend to follow it, I know very well it is a hazardous Business, and therefore shall advance cautiously, under the Advice and Direction of my Father, who I consult upon every Occasion, and without whose Assistance I should not have been able to do so well as I have done, for I came into Business when the Market was glutted with all kinds of English Goods, and every body trying to undersell each other, so that what is at present gained by the Business, must be by steadily preserving, close Attention, and obliging Behavior to Customers, these are things which I have heard you say would never fail; I therefore am not at all discouraged, and endeavour to make the best of bad Times, instead of neglecting the present in hopes for better ones. That you may have a just Idea of the affairs between Mr. Warren and me, it is necessary you should be acquainted with some Circumstances our Agreement was indeed loose, for which I am blameable, but the matter lay in my mind as follows. He was to supply me at the same Credit my other Merchants did, Vizt 9 mo Credit and after that Interest, I told him that I would be as punctual as I possibly could and not appropriate his Money to any other Purpose, but that it might be that I should trespass a little as we cant forsee disappointments, for which Reason Interest was mentioned as a Consideration for such a Trespass, the nine months Credit is not to me near so much, for it is 2½ months before I recieve the Goods, and almost as much more before the Bills arive. He said it would not be worth while to enumerate all the Charges that would arise, but that he would pay them all himself and put 1s. upon each Yard of Superfine Cloth, and as I understood in proportion for the Rest, which he said would leave about 5 per Ct for his Trouble, but I am inclined to believe that he has put 1s. per Yd. indiscriminately, which makes a very considerable difference, for one upon 16 is far less than 1 upon 7 or 8, the Superfines and Super Cloths I find no fault with, I doubt not I shall do well with them, and flatter myself that in Time I may make a considerable Trade, but I find that the coarser Cloths come better from the Merchant, which was the Reason for my Writing my last Order only for Superfines and Supers, however he did not clearly understand it, and supposed I should choose some of an inferior Quality assorted, I accordingly received Yesterday another Supply amounting to £761 11s. 10½d., which I shall do my best endeavours to remit in due Time. I have now remitted as much again as I have sold, and I could not have done it sooner without the most barefaced Injustice to my other Concerns, and you know Sir it is necessary to support ones Credit uniformly; but 10 mo. is now expired since my Cloths were Shipped, my Credit was nine, and I have paid all to £87, great part before due, the remainder I shall pay as soon as I possibly can, and whatsoever Concerns I may have with him, I hope always to be influenced by princples of Honour and Honesty, and you may depend upon the utmost exertion of my Abilities, to give Satisfaction both to You and him. Thus Sir I have explained my Idea of this Matter, and I should be glad if you could know whether his and mine correspond, and whether the 1s. per Yd. is indiscriminately placed, or only on the Superfine. His Letters to me are very polite and Friendly, and as he says nothing to me in the complaining Stile, I have wrote nothing in a vindicating one. He mentions to me that he thinks you would advance me 4 or 500 to enlarge my Trade if I would ask it of you, which is much to the same purpose with what he mentioned to you, but your goodness to me has already been more than I have deserved, and I should look upon such a Request the heighth of presumption, I think an enlargement of my Trade would be at this present Juncture rather Imprudent, and I do not see any Occasion for such an Advance to him, as it will be near 7 mo. before any Money will be due, except the £87. In your letter per my Brother you say you had sent me 6 Copies of Doctr. Priestly’s Work, but in the PS you say they could not go with him, but should be sent per the next Ship, ne’ertheless I recieved three per him, but no more neither then nor since, and your not mentioning any thing more about them, makes it difficult to determine whether they have miscarried, or you have omitted sending them.
We are all well and desire to be respectfully remembred to you. My Father has sued Halls Bond and will be glad if you will please to send him a power of Attorney. And also an Account of Cash you have paid for my Brother since his return. With my best Compliments to all inquiring Friends I remain Your dutifull and Affectionate Kinsman
Jona Williams Junr
To Doctr Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Joseph Priestley, 1 July 1772
From: Priestley, Joseph
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Leeds. 1 July 1772
I presume that by this time you are arrived in London, and I am willing to take the first opportunity of informing you, that I have niver been so busy, or so successful in making experiments, as since I had the pleasure of seeing you at Leeds.
I have fully satisfied myself that air rendered in the highest degree noxious by breathing is restored by sprigs of mint growing in it. You will probably remember the flourishing state in which  you saw one of my plants. I put a mouse to the air in which it was growing on the saturday after you went, which was seven days after it was put in, and it continued in it five minutes without shewing any sign of uneasiness, and was taken out quite strong and vigorous, when a mouse died after being not two seconds in a part of the same original quantity of air, which had stood in the same exposure without a plant in it. The same mouse also that lived so well in the restored air, was barely recoverable after being not more than one second in the other. I have also had another instance of a mouse living 14 minutes, without being at all hurt, in little more than two ounce measures of another quantity of noxious air in which a plant had grown.
I have completely ascertained the restoration of air in which, tallow or wax candles, spirit of wine, or brimstone matches have burned out by the same means.
The nitrous air, which I shewed you, I find to be an admirable test of air that is fit for breathing. It makes this air red and turbid, but no other that I have tried. I took air in which a mouse had putrified, which was in the highest degree noxious and fetid and also a quantity of fixed air. The nitrous air admitted to each of these kinds of air separately made no sensible alteration in them but when they were mixd (which I discovered to make a wholesome air) the nitrous air made the mixture turbid, and diminished the bulk of it, as in common air, tho not in the same degree. A mouse put to this mixture lived five minutes without uneasiness, when, if it had been put to either of them separately, a few minutes before, it would have died in a few seconds.
Air that has passed thro’ hot charcoal has many, perhaps, all the properties of air that has been diminished by other processes. It extinguishes flame, kills animals, and is not diminished or made turbid by a mixture of nitrous air.
But the observation that pleases me more than any I ever made, is the diminution of air by the crystallization (I believe) of quicksilver and the nitrous acid. This effect both precedes and follows the generation of nitrous air from the same mixture. This I suspect to be the case with other crystallizations.
I have observed many other things, which I have not room to mention at present. I am with great respect Dear Sir yours sincerely
J Priestley.

Addressed: To / Doctor Franklin / at Mrs Stephenson’s / in Craven Street, in the Strand / London


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Mary Hewson, 6 July 1772
From: Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson
To: Franklin, Benjamin

My dear Sir
Broad Street July 6. 1772
As I had the pleasure of receiving your Letter I am bound to answer it. My Mother I must tell you went off last friday week, took our little Boy with her and left Mr. Hewson the care of her House. The first thing he did was pulling down a part of it in order to turn it to his own purpose, and advantage we hope. This Demolition cannot affect you, who ar present are not even a Lodger, your litterary apartment remains untouch’d, the Door is lock’d, and the Key in this House. I was commission’d to open any Letter from you, that your orders might be executed, by which means I had the pleasure last saturday of hearing you were well and happy in these middle Regions.
I should have sent your Letter to the Pensilvania Coffee House this Morning if I had not been inform’d by Mr. Rush last night that Capt. Osborne will not sail till thursday or friday. I shall take care to send it.
My Mother said you wish’d the Instrument you commission’d Mr. Hewson to bespeak might be finish’d to go by Capt. Osborne. It is here and if you will favour Mr. Hewson with the proper Directions he will send it on board; as I suppose he can hear from you before the Ship sails.
I can tell you nothing of our little Boy, his Grandmother has taken the charge of him, and Temple writes me word he is well and happy. I have no Occurrence to relate. Mr. Hewson was in Craven Street today therefore I may venture to say you have no Letters.
If you return before friday Dinner time I hope you will favour us with your Company to celebrate the day on which you gave away my Hand. That being one of your many good Deeds, let us all rejoice in the Remembrance, and God grant we may long do so together. I know you will add an hearty Amen to that prayer. Mr. Hewson and my Sister desire me to send their respectful Remembrance. I expect Dolly Blunt tomorrow. I am, Dear Sir Your ever affectionate humble Servant
Mary Hewson

Addressed: To / Dr Franklin / at / Birmingham / to be left at / the Post Office till call’d for


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Mary Hewson, 8 July 1772
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson

Dear Polly
Birmingham, July 8. 72
I arrived here yesterday in my Return from the North. This Morning I had the Pleasure of receiving yours of the 6th. I am sorry that my Engagements here will not permit to be in London on your Wedding Day, but I repeat my Wishes of Happiness to you on that Occasion, and pray that you may have many Returns of that Day each happier than its Predecessor, from a Reflection on the constant Felicity the Nuptial State has afforded you.
I must request Mr. Hewson to get the Machine sent by Osborne if possible. The Direction will be the same with that of the enclos’d Letter. [In the margin:] Upon second Thoughts I write no letter to Philadelphia from hence. The Direction is For Dr. Cadwalader Evans, Philadelphia.
I rejoice to hear of all your Welfares. My Love to all. I hope to be in Town on Sunday. I am, my dear Friend, Yours most affectionately
B Franklin

Endorsed: July 8—72


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, 14 July 1772
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Deborah

My dear Child
London, July 14. 1772
I am just return’d from a Journey of near a Month, which has given a new Spring to my Health and Spirits. I did not get home in time to write by Osborne, but shall fully to my Friends in general by Capt. All, who sails about the End of the Week. I was charg’d with Abundance of Love to you and Sally and Ben from our Sister Bache and her amiable Daughters. I spent some Days at Preston, visited several Friends in Cumberland, Westmoreland, Yorkshire and Staffordshire. Rachel Wilson sent her Love to you and our Children, as did our remaining Relations at Birmingham, where I likewise staid several Days. In Cumberland I ascended a very high Mountain, where I had a Prospect of a most beautiful Country, of Hills, Fields, Lakes, Villa’s, &c. and at Whitehaven went down the Coal-mines till they told me I was 80 Fathoms under the Surface of the Sea, which roll’d over our Heads; so that I have been nearer both the upper and lower Regions than ever in my Life before. My Love to our Children, and all enquiring Friends. I am ever, my dear Debby, Your affectionate Husband
B Franklin

Addressed: To / Mrs Franklin / at / Philadelphia / via New York / per Packet / B Free Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Robertson, 14 July 1772: résumé
From: Robertson, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

<The Royal Society, July 14, 1772, a note in the third person. The committee appointed by the Society, at the request of the Board of Ordnance, to suggest how to apply lightning rods to the powder magazine at Erith is requested to meet at the Society’s quarters in Crane Court on Saturday, July 18, at seven P.M.; Franklin’s presence is desired.>


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Cushing, 15–23 July 1772
From: Cushing, Thomas
To: Franklin, Benjamin

The petition from the Massachusetts House enclosed in the following letter marked another advance in the logic leading toward independence. Whitehall’s intention to pay colonial officials out of revenue drawn from America by the Townshend duties was engendering greater and greater opposition in the Bay Colony. In 1771 Hutchinson had exacerbated it by refusing to accept a salary from the House, and by the time the new legislature met in May, 1772, the King was known to have granted him £1,500 per annum. The fat was in the fire. On July 10 a committee of the House brought in a report, adopted by a large majority, which contained six resolves; one of them was that the Governor should ask the crown to rescind its action. On July 14 another committee brought in a petition to the same effect; the House adopted it, and the Speaker forwarded it immediately to Franklin.
It addressed itself solely to the provision of the Townshend Acts that dealt with paying official salaries from the revenues collected, and it broke new constitutional ground. The charter gave the General Court full power to levy money for the support of government, the petitioners argued, and by implication made the Court the sole judge of the amount and means of collection; to deprive it of this power destroyed the balance between the branches of the legislature, rendered the governor independent of the people, and exposed them to despotic rule. The change nullified the form of government established in the charter, which was a contract between the crown and the people of the province. By entering into the contract they had agreed to a governor who was dependent upon them; his independence violated the agreement and thereby illegitimized his authority. The House therefore demanded a return to the old practice as a matter of right. Hutchinson rejected the whole argument as contrary to constitutional theory and practice ever since the granting of the charter; he refused to address the crown himself, and prorogued the House.

Sir
Province Massachusetts Bay July. 15[–23]. 1772
The House of Representatives of this Province have directed me to transmitt to you a humble Petition to his Majesty relative to the Governors having and receiving a support independant of the Grants and Acts of the General Assembly, which I accordingly now Inclose you and they desire you would lay it before his Majesty as soon as may be. They doubt not of your best Endeavors to get this as well as all their other Greivances redressed. In behalf of the House of representatives I am with great respect your most humble servant
Thomas Cushing Spk
Benjamin Franklin Esqr

[In the margin:] July. 23. 1772 I forgot to Inform you that the House at their last session made you a grant of six hundred pounds for Two Years Service ending the 21 Octor. next but his Excellency has refused his Consent to said Grant. Yours
T Cushing Spkr.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Erasmus Darwin, 18 July 1772
From: Darwin, Erasmus
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Lichfield Jul. 18—72
I was unfortunate in not being able to go to Birmingham, till a Day after you left it. The apparatus you constructed with the Bladder and Funnel I took into my Pond the next Day, whilst I was bathing, and fill’d the Bladder well with unmix’d Air, that rose from the muddy Bottom, and tying it up, brought it Home, and then pricking the Bladder with a Pin, I apply’d the Flame of a Candle to it at all Distances, but it shew’d no Tendency to catch Fire. I did not try if it was calcareous fixable air.

I shall be glad at your Leizure of any observations on the Alphabet, and particularly on the number and Formation of Vowels, as those are more intricate, than the other Letters. The Welch do not seem to have the W. Hence they call Woman, ‘Oman. I suspect the German W to be a sibilant W, and the same which the Middlesex People or Cockneys use, as in Women and Wine the say ’Vomen and ’Vine, but this Sound I suppose not to be our V. but the german W, or sibilant W.
It is possible the Welch may have consonat Letters form’d in the same part of the Mouth with our H, and the Spanish Ch. but I suspect the Lloyde is no other than the spanish Ch put before the L. The Northumberland People I think make the R a sibilant Letter?
I think there are but four Vowels, their successive Compounds, and their synchronous Compounds. For as they are made by apertures of different parts of the mouth, they may have synchronous, as well as successive Combinations. AW is made like H or Ch spanish by opening that part of the Fauces a little further. a is made like Sh. or I french. as in ale. e as in Eel is made like s or Z. O as in open, like W. The u as in use, is compounded of EU. i as in while is compounded of aw and e. But what is ah! as in garter? I know not. What the french u?
I have heard of somebody that attempted to make a speaking machine, pray was there any Truth in any such Reports? I am Sir with all Respect your obliged and obedient Servant
E Darwin
Lichfield Staffordshire

I would return you Dr. Priestley’s Pamphlet by the Coach but I suppose it is to be purchased at the Booksellers. My Friend Mr. Day who saw you at Lichfield intends himself the pleasure calling of you in London.

Addressed: For / Dr. Benj Franklin / Craven Street / London.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Rebecca Haydock, 20 [July?] 1772
From: Garrigues, Rebecca Haydock
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Doctor Franklin
Philadelphia 20th Inst. [July? 20, 1772]
I am sorry the Silk I have sent will not answer the intend porpose as its out of the common way of trade. I shall be satisfied in haveing it Manufacturd according to the proposal provided its the coular of the pattren. I am sorry to have giving so much trouble but as my kinde Neighbour Docter Franklin is pleas to advise I therefore leave it intirely to you. I think myself greatly Honnour’d an Obliged in receiveing so great a favour from a Gentleman and one so far my soperier, that I may Presume to hope of haveing the pleasure at thy return of thanking the in Person and am with respectful Esteem thy assurd Friend
Rebecca Haydock

Addressed: Dr / Benjaman / Franklin / These


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Watson, 31 July 1772
From: Watson, William
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Lincoln’s Inn fields 31 July 1772.
Doctor Watson presents his complements to Doctor Franklin. He has twice called at his house in hopes of Seeing him; At his convenience if he will call in Henrietta Street, it may be Settled when the expedition to Purfleet may take place; as it Should be, before the Summer is too far advanced. Mr. Cavendish Seldom fails of coming there. Whenever the meeting is fixed, Mr. Burrow, our president is willing to be of the party.

Addressed: To / Doctor Franklin / Craven Street


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Joseph Priestley, [July 1772]: extract
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Priestley, Joseph

Priestley’s growing sprigs of mint in foul air might not seem like serious science, but it led to one of his major discoveries. A question had long plagued eighteenth-century scientists: how is the atmosphere repurified after being rendered noxious by respiration and by the combustion or decay of vegetable and animal matter, so that it continues to support life? The eventual answer was photosynthesis, the process whereby the action of sunlight permits a plant to absorb carbon dioxide from the air, create organic matter, and release oxygen. Priestley did not glimpse the entire process, but he was demonstrating one important element in it—that plant life (his sprigs of mint) was the purifying agent, which extracted from the air an unwholesome “effluvium,” now known as carbon dioxide. He embodied this discovery, along with others, in his “Observations on Different Kinds of Air,” which was read to the Royal Society in installments in March and November, 1772. He had sent a first draft of the paper to Franklin the summer before, but continued to amplify it; by the time it was published it contained numerous additions based on work done in 1772.
Franklin was brought into the middle of this experimentation in June, 1772, by his visit to Priestley at Leeds. The older man had long encouraged and assisted his friend in developing from an historian of electricity into a practicing scientist, who was now moving from the study of gases as electrical conductors to the study of the gases themselves. Franklin’s role is suggested in the “Observations,” where other scientists are alluded to but he alone is quoted. He knew as well as Priestley how important the discovery of the effect of vegetation would be; “if it holds,” he had written almost a year before, it “will open a new Field of Knowledge.” After his visit to Leeds he seems to have been convinced that the discovery would hold, and he approached the new field of knowledge in a way that was typical of him. On the theoretical level he fitted it into what was already known; on the practical level he used it to justify the American love of trees.

[July, 1772?]
That the vegetable creation should restore the air which is spoiled by the animal part of it, looks like a rational system, and seems to be of a piece with the rest. Thus fire purifies water all the world over. It purifies it by distillation, when it raises it in vapours, and lets it fall in rain; and farther still by filtration, when, keeping it fluid, it suffers that rain to percolate the earth. We knew before, that putrid animal substances were converted into sweet vegetables, when mixed with the earth, and applied as manure; and now, it seems, that the same putrid substances, mixed with the air, have a similar effect. The strong thriving state of your mint in putrid air seems to shew that the air is mended by taking something from it, and not by adding to it. …  I hope this will give some check to the rage of destroying trees that grow near houses, which has accompanied our late improvements in gardening, from an opinion of their being unwholesome. I am certain, from long observation, that there is nothing unhealthy in the air of woods; for we Americans have every where our country habitations in the midst of woods, and no people on earth enjoy better health, or are more prolific.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Hunter, [July? 1772]
From: Hunter, William
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Wind Mill Street. Sunday. [July ?, 1772]
Dr. Hunter’s Compliments to Dr. Franklin. He has some preparations which he intends giving away, and if they would be acceptable to Dr. Franklin, he should be glad to see him any morning (except tuesday) from 8 to 10 or 11. for a few minutes.

Addressed: To Dr Franklin / Craven Street


Title: On the Conduct of Lord Hillsborough, [beginning of August 1772?]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

Because this essay exists only in a copy, it cannot be accurately dated. It was written for the public, to turn it against the Minister and his policies, at a time when Hillsborough’s political fortunes were declining and before his resignation became known during the first week in August. His replacement by Lord Dartmouth, a happy event for Franklin, led him to withhold the essay in the hope that the American Department would pursue a more enlightened policy. By the following summer his hope was wearing thin, and he published much of the substance of this paper, sharpened by mordant satire, in “Rules by Which a Great Empire May Be Reduced to a Small One.” Not long afterward the hope vanished: he concluded that the new Secretary was as uncompromising as the old one, and decided to print the original essay with a preface to explain his reasons. His returning to the same attack indicates that he regarded it as powerful, and it is therefore worth examining as an illustration of his polemical technique.
The essay was propaganda, an attempt to pin the shortcomings of British policy on one man and, by discrediting him, to bring about a more enlightened policy. The Massachusetts House of Representatives led the opposition to the Townshend Acts in 1768, Franklin argues, by petitioning against them and urging other colonies to follow suit; what he does not say, presumably because he wished to avoid controversy on the constitutional point, is that the Massachusetts petition denied Parliament’s right to levy the Townshend duties. Hillsborough’s determination to prevent concurrent petitions, the argument continues, made him demand that the House rescind its action in calling for them and that the other colonial assemblies refrain from answering the call, on pain of dissolution—an unconstitutional interference with each legislature’s freedom of action and right to petition, for which the Secretary should have been impeached. His motives were irrelevant, Franklin adds; only his conduct is at issue.
But his conduct cannot in fact be divorced from his motives. The Americans were ready to believe the worst of him, for since 1767 the fear had been growing, particularly in Massachusetts, that their grievances were not being heard in London. Petitions were sent through improper channels, they were told, or couched in improper language; this stickling for form and ignoring of substance appeared to them to be a mere pretext for keeping their arguments from reaching the King and Parliament. They had a case, as Franklin would have been the first to agree; the question is whether he was justified in laying the onus on Hillsborough, by representing his order to rescind a vote and threat to dissolve the colonial legislatures as an attack on their right to petition. If so, the Earl was responsible for denying a basic provision of the Bill of Rights.
The particular petition which started the whole affair did reach the King by way of his Minister, who in receiving and forwarding it ignored technical shortcomings that he might have used for stopping it. Franklin does not mention this concession, but concentrates on the effort to have the vote on the circular letter rescinded in Massachusetts and action on it quashed in other colonies. These two aspects of the Secretary’s behavior, accepting the petition and assailing it, seem paradoxical; and as Franklin presents the case they were. They can be reconciled, nevertheless, on the assumption that Hillsborough was acting on the narrow legal grounds so dear to Whitehall, and in the long run so fatal to the empire.
British authorities held that each colonial assembly had power to legislate, with the assent of the council and governor and the approval of the crown, for its own province alone; it had no power to act in a way that affected other colonies. The resolution calling for other petitions was designed to create the “unwarrantable Combination” of the Hillsborough letter that Franklin quotes, in other words intercolonial opposition to the sovereignty of Parliament expressed in the Declaratory Act. Such opposition was unconstitutional; so also, therefore, was the action that instigated it. Hillsborough required the resolution, not the petition, to be rescinded; and his circular letter to the other governors followed the same line. Each was instructed to prorogue or dissolve his assembly if it insisted on receiving and debating the communication from Massachusetts; nothing was said about acting if the legislature petitioned independently. The Minister and the government believed that collaboration between the colonies would, in his phrase, “subvert the true Spirit of the Constitution.” Franklin, intentionally or unintentionally, passed over this issue and attacked Hillsborough for what, strictly speaking, he had not done—but what the reader would naturally assume that he had done.
If the Secretary was technically innocent, he was also politically unwise. The timing of his letters to the governors made him appear to be stifling colonial grievances and curtailing freedom of debate, and his intemperate language greatly strengthened that impression. Appearances, as Franklin pointed out, were all-important, although not to the minds in Whitehall. The whole episode illustrates how little thought was given there to the way Americans would construe British policy, and to the dangers inherent in the letter of the law.

Sir,
[Beginning of August?, 1772]
It is a bad Temper of Mind that takes a Delight in Opposition, and is ever ready to Censure Ministry in the gross, without Discrimination. Charity should be willing to believe that we never had an Administration so bad, but there might be some good and some wise Men in it; and that even such is our Case at present. The Scripture saith, By their Works shall ye know them. By their Conduct then, in their respective Departments, and not by their Company, or their Party Connections should they be distinctly and separately judged.
One of the most serious Affairs to this Nation that has of late required the Attention of Government, is our Misunderstanding with the Colonies. They are in the Department of Lord Hillsborough; and from a prevailing Opinion of his Abilities, have been left by the other Ministers very much to his Management. If then our American Business has been conducted with Prudence, to him chiefly will be due the Reputation of it.
Soon after the Conclusion of the last War, it became an Object with the Ministers of this Country to draw a Revenue from America. The first Attempt was by a Stamp Act. It soon appeared, that this Step had not been well considered; that the Rights, the Ability, the Opinions and Temper of that great People had not been sufficiently attended to: They complained, that the Tax was unnecessary, because their Assemblies had ever been ready to make voluntary Grants to the Crown in Proportion to their Abilities, when duly required so to do; and unjust, because they had no Representative in the British Parliament, but had Parliaments of their own, wherein their Consent was given as it ought to be in Grants of their own Money. I do not mean to enter into this Question. The Parliament repealed the Act as inexpedient, but in another Act asserted a Right of Taxing America. And in the following Year laid Duties on the Manufactures of this Country exported thither. On the Repeal of the Stamp-Act, the Americans had returned to their wonted Good Humour and Commerce with Britain; but this new Act for laying Duties renewed their Uneasiness. They were long since forbidden by the Navigation Act to purchase Manufactures of any other Nation, and supposing that Act well enforced, they saw that by this indirect Mode, it was in the Power of Britain to burthen them as much as by any direct Tax, unless they could lay aside the Use of such Manufactures as they had been accustomed to purchase from Britain, or make the same themselves.
In this Situation were Affairs when my Lord H. entred on the American Administration. Much was expected from his supposed Abilities, Application and Knowledge of Business in that Department. The News-papers were filled with his Panegyrics, and our Expectations raised, perhaps inconveniently.
The Americans determined to petition their Sovereign, praying his gracious Interposition in their favour with his Parliament, that the Imposition of these Duties which they considered as an Infringement of their Rights, might be repealed. The Assembly of the Massachusetts-Bay had Voted that it should be proposed to the other Colonies to concur in that Measure. This, for what Reason I do not easily conceive, gave great offence to his Lordship; and one of his first Steps was to prevent these concurring Petitions. To this End, he sent a Mandate to that Assembly (the Parliament of that Country) requiring them to Rescind that Vote and desist from the Measure, threatning them with Dissolution in case of Disobedience. The Governor communicated to them the Instructions he received to that purpose. They refused to obey, and were dissolved! Similar Orders were sent at the same time to the Governors of the other Colonies, to dissolve their respective Parliaments, if they presumed to accede to the Boston Proposition of Petitioning his Majesty, and several of them were accordingly dissolved.
Bad Ministers have ever been averse to the Right Subjects claim of petitioning and remonstrating to their Sovereign: For thro’ that Channel the Prince may be apprized of the Mal-Administration of his Servants; they may sometimes be thereby brought into Danger; at least such Petitions afford a Handle to their Adversaries, whereby to give them Trouble. But as the Measure to be complained of, was not his Lordship’s, it is rather extraordinary that he should thus set his Face against the intended Complaints. In his angry Letters to America, he called the Proposal of these Petitions, a “Measure of most dangerous and factious Tendency, calculated to enflame the Minds of his Majesty’s Subjects in the Colonies, to promote an unwarrantable Combination, and to excite and encourage an open Opposition to and denial of the Authority of the Parliament, and to subvert the true Spirit of the Constitution; and directed the Governors immediately on the Receipt of these Orders, to exert their utmost Influence to defeat this Flagitious Attempt.”
Without entring into the particular Motives to this Piece of his Lordship’s Conduct, let us consider a little the Wisdom of it. When Subjects conceive themselves oppressed or injured, laying their Complaints before the Sovereign or the governing Powers, is a kind of Vent to Griefs that gives some Ease to their Minds; the Receiving with at least an Appearance of Regard their Petitions, and taking them into Consideration, gives present Hope, and affords time for the cooling of Resentment; so that even the Refusal, when decently express’d and accompanied with Reasons, is made less unpleasant by the Manner, is half approved, and the rest submitted to with Patience. But when this Vent to popular Discontents is deny’d, and the Subjects are thereby driven to Desperation, infinite Mischiefs follow. Many Princes have lost Part, and some the whole of their Dominions, and some their Lives, by this very Conduct of their Servants. The Secretary for America therefore seems in this Instance not to have judged rightly for the Service of his excellent Master.
But supposing the Measure of discouraging and preventing Petitions a right one, were the Means of effecting this End judiciously chosen? I mean, the threatening with Dissolution and the actual dissolving of the American Parliaments. His Lordship probably took up the Idea from what he knows of the State of Things in England and Ireland, where to be rechosen upon a Dissolution, often gives a Candidate great Trouble, and sometimes costs him a great deal of Money. A Dissolution may therefore be both Fine and Punishment to the Members, if they desire to be again returned. But in most of the Colonies there is no such Thing as standing Candidate for Election. There is neither Treating nor Bribing. No Man even expresses the least Inclination to be chosen. Instead of humble Advertisements intreating Votes and Interest, you see before every new Election, Requests of former Members, acknowledging the Honour done them by preceeding Elections, but setting forth their long Service and Attendance on the Public Business in that Station, and praying that in Consideration thereof some other Person may now be chosen in their Room. Where this is the Case, where the same Representatives may be and generally are after a Dissolution chosen without asking a Vote or giving even a Glass of Cyder to any Elector, is it likely that such a Threat could contribute in the least to answer the End proposed? The Experience of former Governors, might have instructed his Lordship that this was a vain Expedient. Several of them, misled by their English Ideas, had tried this Practice to make Assemblies submissive to their Measures, but never with Success. By the Influence of his Power in granting Offices, a Governor naturally has a Number of Friends in an Assembly; these, if suffered to continue, might, tho’ a Minority, frequently serve his Purposes, by promoting what he wishes, or obstructing what he dislikes. But if, to punish the Majority, he in a Pet dissolves the House, and orders a new Election, he is sure not to see a single Friend in the new Assembly. The People are put into an ill Humour by the Trouble given them, they resent the Dissolution as an Affront, and leave out every Man suspected of having the least Regard for the Governor. This was the very Effect of my Lord’s Dissolutions in America, and the new Assemblies were all found more untractable than the old ones.
But besides the Imprudence of this Measure, was it constitutional? The Crown has doubtless the Prerogative of dissolving Parliaments, a Prerogative lodged in its hands for the Publick Good, which may in various Instances require the Use of it. But should a King of Great-Britain demand of his Parliament a Rescission of any Vote they had passed, or forbid them to petition the Throne, on pain of Dissolution, and actually dissolve them accordingly, I humbly conceive the Minister who advised it would run some hazard—of Censure at least,—for thus using the Prerogative to the Violation of common Right, and Breach of the Constitution. The American Assemblies have indeed no Means of impeaching such a Minister; but there is an Assembly, the Parliament of England, that have that Power, and in a former Instance exercised it well, by impeaching as great a Man, (Lord Clarendon) for having (tho’ in one Instance only) endeavoured to introduce arbitrary Government into the Colonies.
The Effect this Operation of the American Secretary had in America, was not a Prevention of those Petitions, as he intended, but a Despair in the People of any Success from them, since they could not pass to the Throne but thro’ the Hands of one who shewed himself so extremely averse to the Existence of them. Thence arose the Design of interesting the British Merchants and Manufacturers in the Event of their Petitions, by Agreements not to import Goods from Great Britain till their Grievances were redressed. Universal Resentment occasioned these Agreements to be more generally entred into, and the sending Troops to Boston, who daily insulted the Assembly and Townsmen, instead of terrifying into a Compliance with his Measures, served only to exasperate and sour the Minds of People throughout the Continent, make Frugality fashionable when the Consumption of British Goods was the Question, and determine the Inhabitants to exert every Nerve in establishing Manufactures among themselves.
Boston having grievously offended his Lordship, by the refractory Spirit they had shown in re-chusing those Representatives, whom he esteemed Leaders of the Opposition there, he resolved to punish that Town by removing the Assembly from thence to Cambridge, a Country Place about four Miles distant: Here too his Lordship’s English and Irish Ideas seem to have misled him. Removing a Parliament from London or Dublin where so many of the Inhabitants are supported by the Expence of such a Number of Wealthy Lords and Commoners, and have a Dependance on that Support, may be a considerable Prejudice to the City deprived of such Advantage; but the Removal of the Assembly, consisting of frugal honest Farmers, from Boston, could only affect the Interest of a few poor Widows who keep Lodging-houses there. Whatever Manufactures the Members might want, were still purchased at Boston. They themselves, indeed, suffered some Inconvenience, in being perhaps less commodiously lodged, and being at a Distance from the Records; but this, and the keeping them before so long prorogued, when the Publick Affairs required their Meeting, could never reconcile them to Ministerial Measures, it could serve only to put them more out of Humour with Britain and its Government so wantonly exercised, and to so little purpose. Ignorance alone of the true State of that Country, can excuse, (if it may be excused) these frivolous Proceedings.
To have good Ends in View and to use proper Means to obtain them, shows the Minister to be both good and wise. To pursue good Ends by improper Means, argues him tho’ good to be but weak. To pursue bad Ends by artful Means, shows him to be wicked tho’ able. But when his Ends are bad, and the Means he uses improper to obtain those Ends, what shall we say of such a Minister? Every Step taken for some time past in our Treatment of America, the suspending their Legislative Powers, for not making Laws by Direction from hence; the countenancing their Adversaries by Rewards and Pensions paid out of the Revenues extorted from them by Laws to which they have not given their Assent; the sending over a set of rash, indiscreet Commissioners to collect that Revenue, who by insolence of Behaviour, harrassing Commerce, and perpetually accusing the good People (out of whose Substance they are supported) to Government here, as Rebels and Traitors, have made themselves universally odious there, but here are caressed and encouraged; together with the arbitrary Dissolution of Assemblies, and the Quartering Troops among the People, to menace and insult them; all these Steps, if intended to provoke them to Rebellion that we might take their Lives and confiscate their Estates, are proper Means to obtain a bad End: But if they are intended to conciliate the Americans to our Government, restore our Commerce with them, and secure the Friendship and Assistance which their growing Strength, Wealth, and Power may in a few years render extremely valuable to us, can any thing be conceived more injudicious, more absurd! His Lordship may have in general a good Understanding, his Friends say he has; but in the Political Part of it there must surely be some Twist, some extreme Obliquity.
A Well-wisher TO THE King AND ALL HIS Dominions.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Patrick Wilson, 3 August 1772
From: Wilson, Patrick
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Monday Augt. 3d 1772
I take my departure for Glasgow in a few Hours, having heard yesterday Evening of an inviting Opportunity of a Ship for the Forth which sails immediately.
Im sorry that Im so much hurried as not to be able to see You before I go. I shall take Care and deliver the Vollume of the American Transactions to the Questor of our Library. I beg the favour of being rememberd to Mr. Small; I ever am most faithfully and most respectfully Your’s
Pat. Wilson

Addressed: To / Doctor Franklin / at Mrs. Stevenson’s / Craven Street / Strand


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Henry Cavendish, 4 August 1772
From: Cavendish, Henry
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Tuesday Aug. 4 [1772]
We have agreed to go to Purfleet on friday morning: we propose setting out a ½ an hour past 9; so that I suppose we shall be there about one at latest. I am sorry I could not send you notice sooner; but Dr. Watson was not able to fix on a day sooner. As I imagine friday is about the time you thought of coming to town, you perhaps might like to come back from Purfleet with us. If you should and would write me word, I will take care that there shall be room for you. Your Obedient humble servant
H. Cavendish

Addressed: To / Dr Franklin / At Mr Sargents / at May Place / near Dartford / Kent


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Deborah Franklin, [6 August 1772]
From: Franklin, Deborah
To: Franklin, Benjamin

My Dear Child
[August 6, 1772]
I reseved yours by the packit it gives me much pleshuer to hear that you air well and happey. I was in hopes that a packit or a vesill wold [have?] arived before this wente as I saw it in the papers as I was in hopes that wold in forme when you intend to returne agen to your one [own] home. I cante write to you as I am so verey unfitt to expres my selef and not a bell to due as I yousd for that illness I had was a polsey all thou I donte shake my memerey failes me I cante expres my selef as I yousd to due. I did tell your friend Dr. Small when he was heare that I had thoute it was a polsey my write hand is verey weak some times I am not abel to try on my close. I am verey Low sperreted that it is verey trubel sume to tell what I wold say it wold be of servis to ride but it is not my lot in life but yister day my Nabor Haddock took me a littel way round a feeld or two for I have bin verey un well for 5 or 6 days I donte make aney complaint to you. I saw yisterday that several vesils from N york and Sparkes frome this plase air got to Ingland I beleve Dr. Small was in one of them I hope he is safe arived att home and well. Mr. Beache ses that he is a good man. I hope Capt. Folkner is safe arive and well he did take a hankifchar to Mrs. Stephenson which I hope is got safe to her I must aske in faver for sume muslim for Salley to worke for her selef I have one my selef but have not wore it shee has instruckted severel of the first ranke hear if you wold let me know if you shold returne home this fall I heard that Mrs. Write has seen you but when shee wente I did not know when shee went or I shold a given her a Letter I send you inclosd Miss Hadock letter to you. Billey and Mrs. Franklin was [here?] sum weeks this spring and the widdow and her children and Servantes who is gon home Agen I supose you had heard her son is a maloncoley obieck to look on I cante helpe tellin you that I am thankfell that his mother has taken him home with her for I think it beste for him to be with his mother if I shold venter to say anything of graite folks I shold say it greves me much for such maloncoly things that I read of I wish for better a countes. I ad no more. I observe with pleshuer you tell me a boute the dear child you tell me and the plesher his grand mama takes of her and I have bin told with so much plesher of your grand dafter in this place shee is a fine young Ladey shee is the verey pickter of her father a fine Child indead.


Title: Minutes of the Committee on the Purfleet Magazine, 12–21 August 1772: résumé
From:
To:

August 12–21, 1772.
<August 12: The Committee agreed to the following: lightning conductors were necessary; they should be placed at each end of each magazine, reaching ten feet above the ridgepole and connecting at the bottom with wells filled with water; the top of the chimney of the Proof House should be connected by lead with the conductor at the end of the adjacent magazine.
August 17: The committee met with Dr. Maty, the secretary of the Royal Society, and agreed that the Board House and Clock House should have conductors. Franklin read a draft of the committee’s report, to which all agreed except Benjamin Wilson.
August 18: The committee again met with Maty, Franklin read part of a final draft, and Wilson objected to the use of pointed conductors. Franklin was requested to finish the draft.
August 21. The committee, in Maty’s absence, heard Franklin read the final report, in which he inserted a provision for a pointed conductor on the Board House. Wilson protested in writing against the use of such conductors. All the others signed the report, which was to be presented to the Council of the Society.>


Title: Instructions for testing the Torpedo Fish, 12 August 1772
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

The role that Franklin played in John Walsh’s experimentation with the torpedo fish cannot be precisely defined because the evidence is missing. Walsh testified to the older man’s encouragement, which may have included something akin to the instructions printed below. But these particular instructions, even though they are endorsed by Walsh, could not have guided his investigation; for they are dated a month after he first reported on it. An undated and incomplete draft among Franklin’s papers, entitled “Directions to Discover whether the Power that gives the shock, in touching the Torpedo, … is electrical or not,” is an early version of the second and third paragraphs below. In his French edition Dubourg translated and printed this draft, with its title; he then followed it with a second document, which he dated August 12 and which is a verbatim translation of the fourth and fifth paragraphs, and explained that it was an addition Franklin made in the light of Walsh’s report of his findings. Did the editor receive the full instructions as printed here? If not, why not? If so, why did he translate part of them and the draft version of another part? Conceivably because that version was what Walsh took with him to France, but this is no more than conjecture. All that can be said with assurance is that the experiments performed by Walsh resembled in many ways those that Franklin suggested.

London, Aug. 12. 1772
It has long been supposed that the Stroke given by the Torpedo was the Effect of sudden violent muscular Motion. It is now suspected to be an Effect of the electric or some similar subtil Fluid, which that Fish has a Power of acting upon and agitating at Pleasure.
To discover whether it be the Effect of a subtil Fluid, or of muscular Motion, let the Fish be touch’d with the usual Conductors of Electricity, viz. Iron or other Metals; and with the known Non-conductors of Electricity, dry Wood, Glass, Wax, &c. If the Stroke be communicated thro’ the first and not thro’ the latter, there is so far a Similarity with the electric Fluid; and at the same time a Proof that the Stroke is not an Effect of mere muscular Motion.
Let it be observed whether the Stroke is sometimes given on the near Approach of a conducting Body without actual Contact; if so, that is another similar Circumstance. Then observe whether in that Case any Snap is heard; and in the Dark whether any Light or Spark is seen between the Fish and the approaching Body. If not, there the Fluids differ.
Let a Number of Persons standing on the Ground, join Hands, and let one touch the Fish so as to receive the Stroke. If all feel it, then let him be laid with his Belly on a Plate of Metal; let one of the Persons so joining Hands touch that Plate, while the farthest from the Plate with a Rod of Metal touches the Back of the Fish; and then observe whether the Force of the Stroke seems to be the same to all in the Circuit as it was before, or stronger.
Repeat the last Experiment with this Variation. Let two of the Persons in the Circuit hold each an uncharg’d electric Phial, the Knobs at the Ends of their Wires touching. After the Stroke, let it be observ’d whether those Wires will attract and repel light Bodies; and whether a Cork Ball suspended by a long silk String so as to hang between the Wires at a small Distance from the Knob of each, will be attracted and repell’d alternately to and from each Knob; if so, the Back and Belly of the Fish are at the Time of the Stroke in different States of Electricity.
B Franklin

Endorsed: Franklins Instructions to try if the stroke of the Torpedo be Ellectrical.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Pierre Samuel du Pont de Nemours, 12 August 1772
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Du Pont de Nemours, Pierre-Samuel

Dear Sir
London, Augt. 12. 1772
I am concern’d to understand lately that you have never been paid as I expected for the Ephemerides, and therefore I send you three Guineas by our valuable Friend M. Baudeau, requesting you will let me have the Accompt at your Leisure, and I will take care for the future that the Payment shall be more punctual. You are doing a great deal of Good to Mankind, for which I am afraid you are not duly rewarded, except in the Satisfaction that results from it to your benevolent Mind. With sincere and great Esteem and Affection, I have the Honour to be, Dear Sir, Your most obedient and most humble Servant
B Franklin
M. Dupont.


Title: Franklin’s Conjecture on the Foregoing, [after 12 August 1772]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

[After August 12, 1772]
The Aurora Boreales, tho’ visible almost every Night of clear Weather in the more Northern Regions, and very high in the Atmosphere, can scarce be visible in England but when the Atmosphere is pretty clear of Clouds for the whole Space between us and those Regions, and therefore are seldom visible here. This extensive Clearness may have been produced by a long continuance of Northerly Winds. When the Winds have long continued in one Quarter, the Return is often violent. Allowing the Fact so repeatedly observed by Capt. Winn, perhaps this may account for the Violence of the Southerly Winds that soon follow the Appearance of the Aurora on our Coasts.
B. F.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Dorothea Blunt, 14 August [1772?]
From: Blunt, Dorothea
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Weymouth Augt: 14, [1772?]
When and where this may find you my Dear Sir I know not, but I hope soon, and that you [may be] in good health. I fancy my fears made [me tremble?] more than I believe I ought to have [done. But?] I own I thought you much indispo[sed when last?] I saw you in Craven Street, and I a[llow that] I was conceited enough to think that I cou’d [have] precribd better things than Madeira and ciniamon[?] not that I am an enemy to either in a healthful state, or in some diseases, but you appear’d [to] me to have (at the time you took them) too [much] on your stomach of the nature of sour to [take] any more without being more injured than benefited tho taken with your usual moderation. Be kind enough to believe I am not making any pretentions to knowledge in the nature or mixture of acids or of alkalins, for I have none, but I do remember to have seen my Father (to appearance) in the same state that you was in, and I also remember that such things appear’d to do him harm. I feel also so nearly for you the same degree of affection and respect that I felt for him, that it was natural for me both to think and say the same I shou’d for him, and to him. I know that you must think me very unwise for regretting the loss of pleasure that if I had en[joyed] would now be past and gone, but so unwise [am I] for the knowing that I cou’d have had [more of] your company than I have had [torn] wou’d have been pleas’d with [torn] company. I say my being thus [torn] will make me regrett the loss of [torn] spite of Madam understanding that [torn] by and pronounces it to no purpose.
I must not own that Weymouth does not please me because it is without all controversy [the?] most pleasing place for walking, riding [bath?]ing and going upon the water, and if these are not the most pleasing amusments at this season and in such Italian weather, what are? And why then, it is natural to ask, am I not pleas’d with it? To which I answer, that as much as I can be pleas’d with these amusments, I am, but having been accustom’d to the society of sensible people and finding here either no companonable people or none that have leisure to be such, I shou’d not feel very sorry to set off tomorrow tho by so doing I shou’d Miss seeing the beauxs at the Ball, and dancing withal. If I had not made a vow to keep [in good humour?] I should certainly have been [horrid] cross having been three post days at the office for letters [and] not getting one, there being none there [to get?]. I shall write by the same post that conveys [this to] Broad Street, first because I fear she [may not hear?] of me by you for I hope you have ta[ken your usual sum?]mer flight, and next because I have [reason to?] think that tho I have not been ungrate[ful or un]kind Mrs. Hewson may think me both and [tho’ not?] very apt to think the worst of people she may when Will: has been cross feel a little inclin’d to think less well of me than I deserve.
Can any living Soul complain of this weather? And yet I dare say Many do. To be sure I being neither a Stable or Cow keeper have no reason so I shall not tho to be sure we ought to have rain if it was only to lay the evil spirit in every lane and road and street that is monstrously troublesome even to people of fashion. Dont wonder if I shou’d return a fish, or at least an amphibious animal, as I dwell by the Sea side go in and on it, and feed on the fish thereof. I love dearly to write to you tho I hate you shou’d read my letters. Now as nobody else can pray as youre a wise Man, contrive some method of my being pleas’d and not hurt, and this if you can without my being at the trouble or expence of learning to write. About ten days hence I expect to leave this place and to be for a week at Sir Chas: at Odiham Hants. [If] I can love you more I most certainly shall. [If you] feel inclind to write to me, take notice that [I know you] too well to desire one unless you are mak [torn]. Give my affectionate compliments to Mrs. [Stevenson and?] believe me Dear Sir most heartily and [torn] friend and obligd Humble Servant
D: Blunt

Addressed: Doctor Franklin / Craven Street / Strand / London.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Giambattista Toderini, 15 August 1772
From: Toderini, Giambattista
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur,
Forli, 15 Aoust. 1772.
En vous soumettant mon petit ouvrage, qui a pour titre Filosofia Frankliniana sopra le Punte preservatrici del fulmine, &c. c’est le mettre entre les mains d’un Philosophe connu dans le Public pour un des plus illustres, dont les heureuses inventions ont fait faire un si grand Progrès à la Physique. Votre grand esprit, propre de la Nation Angloise, et vos belles lumieres, se sont fait un objet d’attention de defendre de la foudre les batimens, les edifices. Profitant de vos idées, je me suis appliqué a étendre ces preservatifs aux vaisseaux, aux magazins ou reservoirs de poudre. S’il s’y trouve quelque chose digne d’approbation, cette approbation vous appartient. Je propose tout comme le tenant de vous, et comme tel je le reconnois. Quant à moi, je ne souhaite rien tant que de connoitre votre jugement sur ce petit ouvrage. Je profiterai de vos lumiéres. Ce me sera un grand plaisir, Monsieur, si vous auriez bien le temps et la complaisance de me faire savoir, si en Amerique, ou dans votre pays, on a jamais mis en pratique, dans les vaisseaux, des preservatifs contre la foudre, ou si vous, Mr. Watson, ou autres, ont inventés tels preservatifs. Excusez de grace ma curiosité; et si vous avez la bonté de me faire ce plaisir, vous pourrez, Monsieur, remettre la reponse aux mains de Mr. Berlendis, Resident de Venise à Londres. Je suis avec un profond respect, Monsieur, Votre très humble et très obéissant Serviteur
Jean Baptiste Toderini,De la Compagnie de Jesus.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to William Franklin, 17 August 1772
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, William

Dear Son,
London, Aug. 17, 1772.
At length we have got rid of Lord Hillsborough, and Lord Dartmouth takes his place, to the great satisfaction of all the friends of America. You will hear it said among you (I suppose) that the interest of the Ohio planters has ousted him, but the truth is, what I wrote you long since, that all his brother ministers disliked him extremely, and wished for a fair occasion of tripping up his heels; so seeing that he made a point of defeating our scheme, they made another of supporting it, on purpose to mortify him, which they knew his pride could not bear. I do not mean that they would have done this if they had thought our proposal bad in itself, or his opposition well founded; but I believe if he had been on good terms with them, they would not have differed with him for so small a matter. The K. too was tired of him, and of his administration, which had weakened the affection and respect of the Colonies for a Royal Government, with which (I may say it to you) I used proper means from time to time that his M. should have due information and convincing proofs. More of this when I see you. The K.’s dislike made the others more firmly united in the resolution of disgracing H. by setting at nought his famous report. But now that business is done, perhaps our affair may be less regarded in the Cabinet and suffered to linger, and possibly may yet miscarry. Therefore let us beware of every word and action, that may betray a confidence in its success, lest we render ourselves ridiculous in case of disappointment. We are now pushing for a completion of the business, but the time is unfavourable, every body gone or going into the country, which gives room for accidents. I am writing by Falconer, and therefore in this only add that I am ever your affectionate father,
B. Franklin.

P.S. The regard Lord D. has always done me the honour to express for me, gives me room to hope being able to obtain more in favour of our Colonies upon occasion, than I could for some time past.