Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Anne-Louise Brillon de Jouy, 16 [June] 1777
From: Brillon de Jouy, Anne-Louise Boivin d’Hardancourt
To: Franklin, Benjamin

This letter, which we publish as the first of the many exchanged between Mme. Brillon and Franklin, is the place to discuss the correspondence as a whole. It is important as the record of one of the two deep emotional involvements of Franklin’s old age, and the one that opened contact for him with the artistic world of Paris. It is massive: one hundred and three letters and notes on her side survive, twenty-nine on his. Last but not least, it poses an editorial problem that has no satisfying solution. She created the problem by her indifference to dates: she might provide the hour of the day or the day of the week, but rarely anything more; and all too often Franklin followed suit. Roughly three-quarters of the letters, in consequence, are in a chronological void.
The structure of the edition compels us to impose chronology, unless we were to lump all undated letters together at some arbitrary chosen point. That would be in our opinion dereliction of duty, for after long study of the material we are in the best position to guess at its sequential order; to print it en bloc would leave the reader the impossible task of determining unaided how the relationship developed. It was strictly social in the period of this volume; by late 1777 and through 1778 it grew into an intense flirtation; in 1779, after Madame Brillon discovered her husband’s infidelity, she moved into a deeper and deeper depression that culminated in 1781; thereafter she and Franklin achieved the serenity of old friends.
This outline provides some clue, although a vague one, to where an undated letter belongs. So does her handwriting: when she found out that it was too small for Franklin to read, she tried to make it larger. Such clues in themselves yield nothing precise, but others occasionally do. Sometimes internal evidence in a letter gives the date or at least a plausible guess at it. Sometimes this is true of one in a group of letters that clearly belongs together, correspondence on a single theme, and the one provides an approximate chronology for the others. In routine notes, invitations for example, such leads often fail; we then lump a number together and summarize them without qualm, because they are essentially irrelevant to the relationship. But a residue remains of other letters that are relevant, and that cannot be dated except by hunch. These we are compelled to place chronologically, knowing that our hunch, though based on scrutiny of the entire correspondence, is only a hunch. In such cases we expect the reader to share our skepticism about whether the letter is where it belongs.

Ce lundi 16 [June, 1777] a passy
Mde. Brillon fait bien des compliments a monsieur franklin elle lui fait demandér si mardi et jeudi de la semaine prochaine il n’a point d’engagements; et s’il voudroit un des deux jours venir disnér au moulin joli, dans le cas ou monsieur franklin n’auroit rien a faire les deux jours que mde. Brillon propose elle en donneroit le choix a mr. Wattellét; dans le cas ou monsieur franklin seroit engagé un des deux jours, mde. Brillon ne proposeroit a mr. Wattellét que le jour ou mr. franklin seroit libre! parcequ’elle a la plus grande envie de faire cette partie avéc lui!
Mde. Brillon prie mr. franklin de vouloir bien lui faire un mot de réponse.

Addressed: A Monsieur Monsieur franklin A Passy


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Coder, 16 June 1777
From: Coder, Henry
To: Franklin, Benjamin

  Monsieur
Hotel d’angletere rue de seine faubourg st.g[ermain]ce Lundi 16e juin 1777.
Hier m. dubourg, m’ayant mené ches m. daliban son ami au sujet des fusils,  il fut decidé que m. daliban, viendroit me prendre ce matin a 8 hures pour allér ensemble a passi. M. daliban n’etant pas arivé ches moi a 8 hures trois quarts, je me suis mits en route pour passi, et vous ayant apercu dans votre voiture au pont royal, je suis retourné ches moi, ou m. daliban etoit passé allant a passi. Ne vous y ayant pas trouvé, je pense qu’il repassera ce soir. Pour moi je serai certenement a passi demain matin a 8 hures. Je vous prie, en attendent de prendre conoissence des deux nottes si jointes. Mdme. dubourg, est a l’agonie et sans ressoursse. Je suis avec veneration Monsieur votre tres humble et tres obeissent scerviteur
Coder

Copie des 4 vers que m. dubourg a faits pour metre au bas de votre graveure qui ne sera rendue publique que judi. Je crains la publicité de ces vers, d’apres ma fascon de voir et surtout d’après toutes les orreurs que le gouvernement anglois debite, contre les plus zellés defenseurs de la liberté ameriqaine.
benjamin franklin

  C’est l’honeur et l’appui du nouvel hemisphere
  Les flots de l’ocean s’abaissent a sa voix
  il reprime, ou dirige a son grai le tonnerre
  qui desarme les dieux put il craindre les rois?
M. Le docteur franklin a passi

Notation: Coder Paris 15 juin 1777.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Charles Drouet, 16 June 1777
From: Drouet, Charles
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur
Cherbourg le 16 Juin 1777.
Les offres Gracieuses et obligeantes que vous avez eu la bonté de me faire presence du Capitaine Jean Burnel, me donne la hardiesse de vous informer du malheur irreflechy qui luy est arrivé hier. Vers les 9 heures du matin un des Pilotes de notre port amena chez moy un Anglois se disant etre Capitaine d’un petit Sloupe fraudeur et avoir eté poursuivy par une patache angloise, qu’ayant Besoin de quelques provisions, et se trouvant si pres du port il avoit dessendu aux fins de s’en Procurer. Dessendu, il chercha la Connoissance dudit Capitaine Burnel, et la fit, causerent ensemble, et Parurent amis, La trop Grande Confiance du Sr. Burnel visavis de cet inconnu L’a Perdut, et L’a, malgré mes Representations et celles de Gens de Merite, fait aller a bord de ce pretendu fraudeur, qui n’etoit Rien moins qu’un Navirre armé en guerre venu expres pour le surprendre ou son Corsaire et ce sur les Côtes de france et à la Distance d’une portee de fusil de nos forts, action illegale et contre nos traites. Le Detail de ce funeste Evenement vous sera amplement connu par Messieurs dulonpré freres qui vous en informent. L’indignation de mes Concitoyens sur ce fait j’ose le dire est [atisé?]. Leur Vengeance a pensé se faire sentir sur le sieur le Bienvenu Capitaine du Navire pris. Soupconné d’etre de concert avec le Soydisant Capitaine fraudeur qui est son voisin et son amy du meme Lieu de Guernesey manqua d’etre Lapidé en mettant le pied a terre du batteau qui avoit porté le malheureux Burnel. Ce soupcon irritte et aigrit son Equipage qui cherchent avec Crainte a s’emparer dudit Bienvenu pour demeurer otage et Garant de leur Capitaine. Cette demarche, Je pense, ne seroit point desavouée par les Commandants de ce lieu mais ils ne peuvent l’ordonner. Vos lumieres eclaireroient, c’est leur homme, c’est leur prisonnier, c’est leur otage. J’attens de vous, Monsieur, vos avis et vos conseils et ne cesse d’etre avec le plus profond Respect Monsieur Votre tres humble et tres obeissant serviteur
Charles Drouet

Addressed: A Monsieur / Monsieur Le Doctr. / franklind Maison de Mr / Chaumont a Passy / Pres Paris.
Note by Franklin: My Advice is, that Capt. Burnel’s People should abstain from all Violence to the Captain of the Prize. They should not think of doing themselves Justice; being now under the Government of France and under its Protection, they should leave their Cause to its Discretion. Application will be made to the Ministers here to have their Captain reclaim’d, and I hope with Success. They may rely upon it that every Step will be taken to procure his Release; and they may confide in the Honour of the French Nation to do them Justice.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from ――― De Laville, 16 June 1777: résumé
From: Laville, —— de (medical doctor)
To: Franklin, Benjamin

<Cherbourg (“Caesarisburgei”), June 16, 1777, in Latin: Informs Franklin that at about four the previous afternoon Captain Burnell was captured by the British and taken to prison. This has been reported to the local authorities so that they may uphold the law of nations.>


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jonathan Williams, Jr., 17 June 1777
From: Williams, Jonathan Jr.
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear and honored Sir.
Nantes June 17. 1777.
The Bearer of this is Mr. Frerot a Cannon Founder in this place; his Business at Paris is to obtain permission of the Ministry to make what quantity he pleases which it seems can’t be done without such leave. Mr. Montaudouin reccommends him to me and in consequence I beg leave to introduce him to you. If on examining his plan it should be agreeable to you, and he should obtain his Views with the ministry, I think such a way of obtaining Cannon at the place of shipping, would give great facility to our operations, and be of essential public service. I am ever most respectfully and affectionately Your dutifull Kinsman
Jona Williams

Addressed: A monsieur / Monsieur Franklin LLD / chez monsieur LeRay de Chaumont / a Passy / pres de / Paris. / par Monsr Frerot


Title: Société Royale de Médecine, Franklin’s Certificate of Membership, 17 June 1777: résumé
From: Lassone, Joseph-Marie-François,Vicq d’Azyr, Félix
To:

<Extracts of the minutes of the Society, June 17, 1777, in Latin: Progress in the natural sciences depends on the scholarly exchange of advice and observations. This is particularly true in medicine, which has been called the daughter of time; here philosophes must communicate whatever they think worthy of note. For that purpose the King in council, on April 29, 1776, created the Society, through which the eminent physicians and physicists of Europe might pool information about epidemics and other scourges in every country. The Society has selected members and correspondents in France, and now wishes to enlist foreign physicists. It unanimously elects you, so prominent in the natural sciences that are relevant to medicine, so well known for your inventions, and so famous throughout the world for your virtues and magnanimity, and sends you through its president this certificate of membership. Signed by Lassone as permanent president and attested by Vicq d’Azyr as permanent secretary and vice-director.>


Title: Memoir and Supplemental Observations, [before 18 June and before 3 July 1777?]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

These two papers argue for an immediate French declaration of war, and that is virtually all that can be said about them with confidence. They raise problems that are, we have been forced to conclude, insoluble given the evidence now at hand. That evidence is both fragmentary and contradictory, and leaves open the two salient questions about any such documents: who wrote them and why? The Spanish Ambassador said at the time that Franklin signed one of the papers and composed the other; John Adams, writing years later, said that both were the work of Edward Bancroft. No one, as far as we know, even guessed at the purpose behind them or touched on the most surprising fact about them, that they were published under the auspices of the French government. The contradictions and gaps in the evidence preclude any conclusions, and we must content ourselves with explaining what little is known and why that little is perplexing.
The supplemental observations, as the title suggests, were written after the memoir. Both exist in three versions, a copy in English and two French translations. The copy was made in Paris by Paul Wentworth, the British agent, from an original that he said was obtained indirectly from Turgot; it appears to be the only surviving English text. Aranda, the Spanish Ambassador, sent home French translations that are now in the Spanish archives. Another French version was published in July in the Affaires de l’Angleterre et de l’Amérique, a periodical composed within the French foreign ministry. For convenience Wentworth’s text may be labelled A, Aranda’s B, and that in the Affaires C. B and C are not literal translations or even the same one. They often differ from each other in wording; both omit a clause that is in A; passages not in A sometimes appear in both, sometimes in one and not the other. The hypothesis that A was reworked after Wentworth copied it explains differences that are common to B and C, but not those between B and C. We publish A, on the supposition that it is closest to the original, and indicate in annotation where B and C differ from it and from one another.
The provenance of A is obscure. Wentworth, immediately after returning to London from a few days’ sojourn in Paris, forwarded his copy to Lord Suffolk along with a mass of other intelligence, and a covering letter dated July 17. The memoir and observations, he explained, were “planned by Dr. F. Mr. Deane and the Abbé Niccoli, who is willing to be tho’t the Author, in the character of a French Patriot.” Wentworth obtained the papers from an unnamed gentleman whom he had described elsewhere in his report as “a very undoubted Authority.” This go-between “received the original from M. Turgot, with his translation of it to examine. He disapproved some parts which I have underlined, as too plainly expressed.” The beginning of the first sentence may mean that Turgot had the original and a rendering of it into French, but the antecedents in the next sentence are unidentifiable; either Turgot or the go-between objected to the parts that Wentworth underlined and we italicize. “These papers,” the agent added, “have been Circulated among the whole Court.”
The provenance of B is equally obscure. On June 19 Aranda, he reported to Madrid, met with Maurepas, Sartine, and Vergennes. From some casual remarks they dropped he concluded that they thought war inevitable. He asked Vergennes, to draw him out, whether he had read a recent paper signed by Franklin, which had come into Aranda’s hands the day before. The Minister replied that he had not and would like to; he read it attentively and asked for a copy. The Ambassador declined: he had promised the person who had given it to him to allow no copy. Vergennes inquired whether that person was a member of Choiseul’s faction, which was supporting American demands. Aranda answered that he was a foreigner (Niccoli? Franklin himself?), and the Minister seemed confused. Aranda cut short the interview. His promise not to allow a copy did not apply to his own court, he explained, and he therefore enclosed a résumé. The document was in fact the entire memoir, which is the first part of text B. The second part, the observations, Aranda forwarded with a letter of July 20; the French ministry, he said, did not know that he had the paper, which Franklin had written to counter false reports spread in secret by Versailles. We cannot account for this final comment, because the observations are not related to reports of anything.
There is no evidence at all about the provenance of C, but a little about the impact of its publication. A later dispatch from Wentworth, the opening of which is lost, quoted a letter of August 1 from one of his agents, unquestionably Bancroft, who wrote: “There are two memoirs printed lately here in a Periodical work, which make a great Noise; the French Ministry are very angry at such a Proceeding imputed to Dr. F., who has made me appear as both the Author and the Publisher of them, though I did not see them, till they were sent to the Press.” Bancroft’s disclaimer to his British employers should be taken with a grain of salt, for he could scarcely have admitted to them that he had tried to incite France into war. When John Adams came to write his autobiography, furthermore, he laid the papers squarely at Bancroft’s door. “He wrote some things relative to the Connection between France and America, with the Assistance of Franklin and Deane as I presume, which were translated into French by Mr. Turgot or the Duke de la Rochefoucault I forget which and printed in a Publication called Affaires de L’Angleterre et Amerique and which were very well done.”
One other bit of evidence may or may not be relevant. The memoir was written before June 18, when Aranda had it in translation; we conjecture, for reasons explained below, that the observations were added to it before July 3. On July 23 King Louis approved a long memorandum to Madrid that put forward, though in much more tentative form, the same basic argument for a declaration of war. The timing is suggestive, but does not prove that the official memorandum owed anything to the memoir and observations.
These snippets of information are in conflict with each other. Wentworth asserted at the time that Franklin planned the papers, Aranda that he wrote them; Adams asserted later that Bancroft wrote them.
The Spanish Ambassador’s statement, at least about the memoir, seems to be convincing; why should he lie to Madrid about having in his hands the paper with Franklin’s signature? But, in the absence of the actual manuscripts, the texts continue to raise nagging doubt. They do not sound like Franklin; they have a repetitive quality, and at one point a cynicism, that he rarely showed. Much more important, they fly in the face of the commissioners’ policy, which they had announced to the committee for foreign affairs less than a month before, to let the French “take their time own Time, and to avoid making ourselves troublesome by some unseasonable Importunity”; Franklin in particular was determined, as Deane said long afterward, to wait patiently on events while the court followed its own perception of its interests. If he tried to foist authorship on Bancroft, as the latter said, it may conceivably have been because Bancroft was the author.
The other question about these papers is why they were printed in an organ of Vergennes’ own department. He knew nothing of the memoir, according to Aranda, until the Ambassador showed it to him, and was then far from pleased. He was even less pleased, according to Bancroft, when it and the observations were published in the Affaires, and angrily blamed Franklin. Why not blame the editor, who was his own subordinate? There seem to be only two possible explanations, neither of them easy to accept. One is that he was ignorant of what his editor was doing. The other is that he welcomed the papers, Aranda and Bancroft to the contrary notwithstanding, and had them published to test French opinion.

[Before June 18, 1777]
Memoir
It seems to be the present determination of France, and by some it has been tho’t a wise one, to avoid for a time all open interference in the present contest between Great Britain and the Anglo American Colonys; from a presumption that the former will eventually so far exhaust herself as to give France an opportunity of more Advantageously beginning a War at a later Period. This system of Policy is however too refined and dangerous to be any longer pursued by a wise and provident Administration. It is founded upon two suppositions, which are both, not only doubtfull but fallacious. The 1st is that G Britain will in fact soon become considerably weaker, and less able to resist the attempts of a foreign Enemy than She is at present, if left unattacked. This however is not true. She will indeed so long as the war with America continues, every Year add to her National debts, but so long as she can borrow mony at pleasure, which she will do as long as she is left at Peace in Europe, this addition to her debt, will produce no immediate perceptible debility. On the contrary the sums borrowed, will be expended as they have been some time, in augmenting, repairing and Compleatly Manning her Navy, and in improving and increasing her Army. And both Her Land and Sea forces, by constant actual service, will every day become more brave, expert, Hardy and formidable; whilst those of France, tho’ supported at an Expence nearly as great, are languishing in unprofitable Idleness. In this manner England has become much more Powerful than She was last Year, notwithstanding the addition since made to Her National Debt; And in the same manner She was infinitely more Formidable at the close of the last war, than at the beginning of it, notwithstanding the encrease of Her debt more than 50 Million. The 2d supposition is that the War between Great Britain and the United American Colonys will certainly continue for a Considerable time longer without any interference, openly, on the part of France. But this supposition is even more falacious than the former. The British Govt. have every thing to loose and nothing to gain by continuing the War after the present Campaign; they will therefore doubtless make it their great and last Effort to recover the Dominion of America and terminate the war. They probably hope that a few Victories may be obtained by the Chance of war, and that those on one hand, and the wants and distresses of the Colonys on the other, may induce them to return again to a dependance more or less limited on G. Britain. They must be sensible that if America is ever to be Conquered by them, it must be in the present year; That if it be impossible to do it in the first years of the dispute, it will be madness to expect more success afterwards, when the difficultys of their former situation are removed; when their New Independant Governments have acquired stability, and when the People are become, as they soon will be, well armed, disciplined, and supplyed with all the means of resistance. The British Ministry must therefore be sensible, that a further continuation of hostilities against the Colonys after this year, can only tend to invite or prolong the danger of an additional war in Europe; and they therefore doubtless intend after having tryed the success of this Campaign, however it may end, to make peace on the best terms which can be obtained: and if they cannot recover the Colonys to their wishes, to admit their Claim of Independancy and secure them by a Foederal Alliance. That this is really the intention of the British Ministry seems to have been discoverable, by the late debate in the House of Peers upon Lord Chathams motion, and it is confirmed by reason as well as by private intelligence. There seems therefore no means left for France to prevent the Colonys from being shortly reconciled to G Britain either as Subjects or Allies, but to enter immediately into such Engagements with them, as will necessarily preclude all others; such as will bind and permanently secure their Commerce and Friendship, and enable them as well to repel the Attacks, as to spurn the offers of their present Enemy. It must be rememberd that the first resistance of the Colonys was not to obtain Independancy, but a redress of their Grievances, and that there are many among them, who might even now be sattisfied with a limited subjection to the British Crown. A Majority have indeed put in for the Prize of Independancy, but they have done it partly on a Confidence that France attentive to her most important interests, would soon give them open and effectual aid and Support; but when they find themselves disappointed, when they see some of the powers of Europe Let their Troops to assist in their subjugation, another Power proscribing their Commerce, and the rest looking on as Indifferent Spectators, it is very probable, that despairing of Foreign aid, and severely Pressed by their Enemies, and their own internal wants and distresses, they may be inclined to accept of such terms, as it will be the Interest and disposition of the British Government to grant them. Lord G. Germain, but a few weeks since, declared in the House of Commons that his Hope of ending the American War this year, was principally founded on the disappointment, which the Colonists would feel, when they discover that no assistance is likely to be given them by France. And the British Adherents in America will spare no pains to spread and increase that disappointment by discouraging representations. They already intimate that France equally Hostile to both Parties, foment the Present War, only to make them mutual instruments of each others destruction. Should G Britain by these and other means, detach the Colonys, and reunite them to Herself, France, will irrevocably loose the most favorable opportunity ever afforded to any Nation of Humbling a Powerfull, arrogant and Hereditary Enemy. An opportunity which no Human Wisdom would have produced, and which the most Zealous of Her Patriots could scarcely have Hoped for in our days. Quod nemo divum promittere auderet, en tempus attulit ultro. But it is not simply the opportunity of reducing G Britain, which France will loose, by Her Present inactivity: For Her own Safety and that of all Her American Possessions, will be endangered the moment a reconciliation takes place between Britain and America. The King and Ministry of G Britain already know that France has encouraged and assisted the Colonys in their Present resistance, and they are already as much incensed against Her, as they could be, were She openly to declare War. In truth France has done too much, unless She intends to do more. Without giving the Colonys effectual assistance, it would have been better to leave them wholly unassisted. The British Nation, naturally inimical to the French, pants after Peace with America, that She may turn Her Arms against this Kingdom, and at once gratify Her revenge and Her averice. This is now the General Language of the People and of the leaders of the opposition in England. Even the temperate Lord Camden, but a few days since concluded a long and much applauded Speech in the House of Peers, by fervenly wishing for a Peace with America, and a War with all the world. The Ministry indeed from Prudential Considerations, have for the Present avoided such open declarations of their wishes and intentions, but one who reflects upon the preceeding Observations, cannot doubt but that whenever Peace with America is obtained, by G Britain, whatever may be the Conditions of it, Her whole force on the Continent of America, will be suddenly transported to the W. Indias, and imployed in subduing the French Sugar Islands there, to recompence Her Losses and Expences in this War, and to revenge the secret encouragement and assistance which France is supposed to have given the Colonys against Great Britain.

Supplemental Observations
[Before July 3?, 1777]
In the preceeding Memoir it was asserted on the Authority of Reason, of authentic private information, and of the concurrent opinion of Men of all partys in England, that the War carrying on against the United Colonys, would terminate with the present Year; That should Britain fail of reducing them to Her dominion, She would dispair of ever doing it, and would try by an Alliance with them to recover as much as might be possible of their Commerce and Friendship. Strong reasons and good information likewise, engaged us to Conclude, that when Britain should make peace with the Colonys, She would immediately after make war against France. The opponents of the British Ministry now desire it, and the Ministry themselves will soon find it necessary for their own preservation. The people of England were allured into the War by a promise that the Colonys should be quickly reduced, and that a Considerable revenue should be obtained from them. The first part of this promise has failed, and so must the other; for if the Colonys be not overcome, they will grant no revenue, and if they should be subdued, they must for a long time be too much exhausted to pay any. This the British Ministry well know, but as often as they have appeared sensible of the unpleasing Truth, and willing to relinquish the Idea of an American revenue, the House of Commons, and particularly the Landed Interest in it, have taken the alarm and threatened a general revolt. Much disappointment, and much resentment will therefore arise in the British nation when it shall be known fully that they have been deceived by their Ministers, and that no revenue nor any other benefit is to be expected in return for the Blood and Treasure, wantonly spent in the present War. The Ministry therefore to divert the publick Vengeance from themselves, must contrive other Channels for it, and ascribe their want of success to the secret Encouragement and assistance said to have been given the Colonys by France, which they will proclaim and Magnify as well to excuse their own failures, as to direct the resentment of the people against this Nation. A disposition in them to pursue this Course, has already been Manifested by several proceedings and publications; and in Consequence thereof that animosity against the French, of which the English are readily susceptible, has lately appeared on several occasions; and the excitement of it by the British Government, is a more unequivocal preparation for War, than their encreasing Naval Armaments, or the twenty aditional Regiments which it is understood, they are now about to raise in G Britain and Ireland. Whenever Britain shall begin another war, she will doubtless begin it as She did the last, with some unexpected and severe Act of Hostillity, sufficient to Insure her final Success, and to disable Her Adversary: for such a Mode of proceeding Her present Situation is well adapted. Her German Auxillaries are not only engaged, but transported to America: Her Land and Sea force already Collected there, is in the highest degree formidable; and should it fail of Success in this Campaign, will the British Ministry Accellerate their own ruin, by disgracefully recalling it to Europe? Will they not rather direct their Commissioners to make the best possible peace they can with the Colonys, and with this mighty force to fall suddenly upon the French and Spanish West Indian possessions, a great part of which might be Conquered, before even the Attempt could be known here? Such a proceeding would enable the British Ministry to provide for their safety and continuance in office, as well as to gratify their National avarice, and resentment: And a successful commencement of the War in this way would prevent any considerable fall in the English Funds, and probably enable Britain to prosecute the War with Vigor; and for beginning it in this manner she would want no other pretext, than the secret assistance which France is supposed to have given the United Colonys. It has been objected that the Finances of France, are too much disordered to admit of a War with England. But whatever degree of Truth there may be in this Objection, the Fact will not retard the operation of those Causes which are likely to induce the British Ministry to begin a War; on the contrary it will rather encourage them to do it. Neither the derangement of the Finances, whatever it might be, nor the probability of an attack from England will be lessend from our insensibillity and negligence. Difficultys and Dangers really existing should be encountered speedily and boldly. Obsta Principiis is a wise maxim. Lasting future peace, can now be expected only from an immediate War. If Britain be now attacked, while the great part of her force is employed by the Colonys, She may soon be effectually disabled from giving future disturbance to Europe. The bare declaration of War against her by France, at this time, would make her total loss of the Colonys evident to all the world, and would Consequently disable her from borrowing the most inconsiderable Sums. Necessity would therefore compel her to an immediate Submission; the War would therefore not only be short but unexpensive. Employed as Great Britain already is with the Colonys, no greater efforts would be requisite from France, than such as she may now make by a vigorous use of Her Military and Naval Force. Any Mony which could be reasonably wanted, might be now obtained before the commencement of Hostillities; whereas if England be permitted to make Peace with America first, and afterwards to attack France, much larger Sums will be requisite, and the borrowing of them may then become impracticable. Gr Britain seems to have no Ally, from which she could expect any considerable Aid, were she now attack’d. Even Russia would probably remain inactive, especially as she is too remote to injure France or Spain, and is besides likely to have otherwise sufficient employment at Home. A War with England would at this time Necessarily prove both short and successfull: and it seems to be the only oeconomical plan of a wise and certain expedient for the preventing the Waste of Blood and Treasure, which must be occasioned by a long and doubtfull War, when England shall have made Peace with the Colonys. Her present Contest with America, seems to have been providentially dessigned for the Elevation and Glory of France. Heaven in the Government of Human Affairs, has rarely given a Nation so fortunate an opportunity of agrandizing herself and of humbling her Adversary, and will never give it a second time: The Prize is offered to us who live at this aera, and should we loose it, Posterity at least will lament and reproach our folly and negligence. But it is objected We have no just cause for making War upon England. Mankind are, however, so very reasonable, that they never long want reasons for any thing which they may wish to do. Nations are always able to contrive specious pretexts for Wars begun for Interested or worse Motives, but the fallacy of this Practice is so well understood, that but few regard the reasons assigned by States for their Conduct, or enquire whether it be Consonant to the strict rules of Moral right. If a War be undertaken from good Policy, and prosecuted with Success, it is always applauded as Just and glorious. The Nations who Allied themselves against Louis the 14. neither had, nor pretended to have sustained any Injury from him; they professed only to dread his growing Power; a similar apprehension, would justify a similar alliance for seperating the Colonys from G Britain, and laying that Trade open, which She would alone monopolize. But after the Unjustifiable manner, in which England began the last War, She can never want a good Cause for renewing it; the Unwarrantable seizure of our Ships and Seamen which in a great degree ruined our Navy and disabled us from afterwards defending our possessions, will in future time not only give us a right, but make it our duty to attempt to recover them, whenever it may be practicable as it is at present. But should it not seem adviseable to plead former injuries, more recent ostensible causes for War may be easily obtained. The arrogance of the Brittish Naval officers and Seamen, has already in different places, begun to shew itself by Acts of Violence, which with a little justifiable retaliation on our parts, would be Multiplied and exagerated on theirs, so as to give abundant provocation for a War. But if after all the Government of France should chuse to depend on Accident for safety, rather than secure it, by a Short and successfull War, the wisest plan of Conduct will be to engage some of the powers of Europe to recognize the Independancy of the Colonys; Perhaps the Emperor, the King of Prussia, with the Grand Duke of Tuscany, might be induced to Concur with France, in making such a recognition. Were it However made by but a few of these Powers, they would be too many for G Britain to Quarrel with together, and if made in the same Manner and the same time by them, their offence would be so far equal, that She could have no pretence for resenting it against any one of them seperately. Such a recognition would encourage the Colonys so as that they would reject every offer of accommodation with G Britain. All Europe would moreover see by it, that She had for ever lost Her Trade and possessions in America, and Consequently that She must hereafter be unable to pay even the Interest of her Publick debt. It would therefore destroy her Credit and disable her from not only beginning a War in Europe, but from prosecuting that which She is prosecuting in America. This recognition would therefore be attended with no danger [to] the powers which should concur in it, but on the contrary it must Contribute to their security; and as it would Cost nothing but words, the Colonys might certainly expect so much Countenance and aid from those who will profitt so highly [by] their seperation from England. But should it be otherwise determined, and should G Britain be thereby left to become the first State which acknowledges the Independency of the Colonys, they may think lightly of their obligations to other Powers and may again admit her to a greater share of their Commerce and Friendship, than will consist with the Prosperity or safety of France and Spain.


Title: The Committee for Foreign Affairs to the American Commissioners, 18 June 1777
From: Committee for Foreign Affairs
To: American Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Deane, Silas,Lee, Arthur

Philadelphia June 18th 1777
In this we send you an Account of the most Material Matters which have happened in the Military department.
The Enemy about ten weeks ago sent a large Party and destroyed some Continental Stores lodged at Peeks Kill the value not great, and retreated immediately after. They afterwards made an Attempt to surprize Major Gen. Lincoln at Bound Brook which He Vigilantly escaped with the loss of about 60 Men. Mr. Tryon who is made a Major Genl: was sent with about 2200 Men to destroy the Stores at Danbury in Connecticut. Notice was received time enough to remove the Most Valuable while Genls. Arnold and Woorster raised the Militia and attacked the Enemy on their Retreat with good Success. The New-York Paper which may be Considered as Genl. Howes Gazette makes their loss in Killed and Wounded 104. We may give them Credit for twice the Number. The loss we Sustained in Stores was chiefly in Salt Provisions and Rum and we had the Satisfaction of learning that the Cargoes of the Prizes brought in the same week amounted in the first Article to double the Quantity lost. Genl. Woorster who behaved gallantly was Mortally wounded and is since dead. Scarce a Week have passed without Skirmishing in which we have been very fortunate.
General Washington has removed from Morriss Town to some advantageous Ground near Bound and Middle Brooks within eight Miles of Brunswick and the following is a regular State of Intelligence received here since the 11th. Inst.

 June 11th.
At a Meeting this day in the State House Yard Genl. Mifflin dispatched for that Purpose from Gen. Washington informed the Inhabitants that from the late preparations of the Enemy he had reason to believe their design was by a forced March to endeavour to possess themselves of Philadelphia. It was then Proposed and unanimously assented to, to turn out agreeable to the Militia Law.
 12th
A Letter from Genl. Sullivan at Princeton received about 9 this Evening informed that the Enemy at Brunswick had began to move the Preceeding Night but was prevented by the Rain.
 13th
The Alarm Gun in this City fired at three this Morning answering the Alarm Guns up the River. Several letters by express from Bristol mention the hearing Alarm Guns towards Trenton and Princeton, but that no Express had arrived there from Genl. Sullivan at Princeton.
 14th
Express from Genl. Arnold at Trenton informs, that the Enemy had moved in the Night from Brunswick, That Genl. Sullivan had likewise moved from Princeton to some Post on Rocky Hill with an Intention to harass the March of the Enemy and thereby favor the approach of Genl. Washington on their Rear, and that of the Troops expected from Philadelphia.
 15th
An Express from Genl. Arnold dated Trenton 14th. 6 O Clock P.M. received here at half past 5 this Morning, says, that he had waited six hours hoping to hear from Genl. Sullivan but had not, that he should set immediately off for Carryls Ferry, that the reports of the Country were that the Enemy were Marching rapidly towards that place, and that Genl. Sullivan was about two Miles a head of them on the same Road.
NB Carryl’s Ferry is the Place where our Boats are Stationed sufficient in number to Transport 3000 Men at a Time.

Another Letter from Genl. Arnold dated Carryls Ferry 14th 9 O Clock P.M. was received here at 9 this Morning, says that Genl. Sullivan arrived at that Place about 4 O Clock and had with him about 1600 Continental Troops and about the same Number of Jersey Militia making up the Number already there near 4000, that the Jersey Militia were turning out very Spiritedly, and that he expected to be about 5000 by the next day when He should march towards the Enemy who had encamped at Somerset Court House 8 Miles from Brunswick, that Genl. Washington continued at his Quarters near Middle Brook 8 Miles in the Rear of the Enemy who were about 7000.
 16th
The above makes up the Chain of Intelligence to Gen. Arnolds fourth Letter which was received here this Morning and is printed in the Papers of the 17. and 18th. Instant to which we refer you.
 17th No New Intelligence
From Various Quarters lately we have reports but none sufficient to depend on, that the Enemy will receive no Reinforcements from Europe, and likewise that a War with France is inevitable. Gen. Burgoyne is said to be arrived at Canada without Troops. We have seen a Memorial Presented to the States General by Sir Joseph York and two answers thereto, one, “that they had no account to render to him of their Conduct” the other, “there are no Gates to the Hague.”
 18. No New Intelligence
We are Gentlemen your Obedient Humble Servants
Benja HarrisonJno WitherspoonRobt MorrisThos. Heyward Junr.James Lovell

Notation: Letter from Committee June 18. 1777


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Archibald Douglas, 18 June 1777
From: Douglas, Archibald
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Sherburgh June 18th 1777
This comes to let you know the situation we are in at this time; I am now lying in Sherburgh with the said Prize that Capt. John Burnell informed you of and do not know at this time what will be done with her for we have lost our Captain as Mr. De Shumpry as informed you and what to do with the Schooner Privateer I cannot tell for we have sent all our Navigators home in Prizes that we have taken. Mr. Droit [Drouet] informs me that he can [?] get me one or two Men that can navigate the Vessel home if we can get Liberty from the Comissary. Our People seems greatly against going in the Vessel on account of the Lost of our Captain so I am in hopes that your Honour will look a little in to it for the Preservation of the Owners or other ways I shall be obliged to leave her here and make the best of my way to America and do all in power that I can for the People in the same way for as at this time I have very little hopes of getting any thing for the Prize we have brought into the harbour for am informed that the Admiltry will not let us sell it in the Harbour and if we go out in the Channel we certainly shall be taken for I am informed there are two kings Cutters cruizing off the harbour on purpose to take us. I have nothing more to add at present but I am in hopes your honour will send an answer by the first Post how I shall Act. Your humble Servant
Archibald Douglas

N.B. Our Captain had the Commission in his Pocket when he was taken and I have no Commission to go home with the Vessel unless you will grant me one.
AD

Addressed in another hand: A Monsieur / Monsieur Le Docteur / frankling Maison de Mr / Chaumont a Passis / Pres Paris.
Notation: A. Douglas Sherburg 18. June 77.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from V. Dulongprey, Coney & fils, 18 June 1777
From: Dulongprey, V., Coney & fils
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur
A Cherbourg ce 18 Juin 1777.
Nous nous refferons a la lettre que nous avons eu l’honneur de Vous ecrire le 16 du courant. Inclus nous vous remettons les delivrances des informations faittes par Messieurs Les officiers De L’amirauté a l’occation De L’enlevement Du Capitaine Burnel. Vous trouverez une Lettre Du Sieur Dewglas Capitaine en second du corsaire pour prendre vos conseils sur ce qu’il doit faire presentement.
Nous attendons votre reponse pour faire la vente de la prisse en la faisant sortir du port pour la faire entrer dans une autre de la Maniere que cela s’est pratiqué a Nantes. Nous avons l’honneur d’estre avec Respect Monsieur Vos tres humbles et obeissants serviteurs
V. Dulongprey Coney et fils

Endorsed: Letters relating to Capt Burnel


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Nicolas-Hyacinthe Paradis, 18 June 1777
From: Paradis, Nicolas-Hyacinthe
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur,
Hombourg-ez-monts pres francfort ce 18 Juin 1777.
Je n’ai point fait part à la Societé patriotique de Hesse-Hombourg dont j’ai l’honneur d’être secrétaire perpétuel, et qui est affiliée à celle de Suède, de la résolution que j’ai prise de vous addresser la présente: mais si je reçois une réponse favorable, ce sera pour moi un triomphe qui honorera tout l’institut.
Je sais, Monsieur, que vous êtes occupé de choses plus importantes que de l’idée de notre association, qui vous est peut être encore inconnue: en voici le plan et la liste d’une partie de ses membres. J’ai l’ambition de desirer joindre votre nom et celui de quelques uns de vos braves, Savans et verteux compatriotes à ceux d’un grand nombre de personnages recommendables par leur naissance et par leurs talens qui travaillent avec nous à former une patrie universelle et à faire revivre cet enthousiasme patriotique dont on n’a eu que quelques exemples depuis la belle action de Régulus.
Vous pourrez voir par une seconde liste que notre société s’étend depuis les frontières d’espagne jusques presque aux portes de constantinople, et depis l’Italie jusqu’à la capitale du royaume d’Astracan: pourquoi ne pourrions-nous pas espérer de pénétrer jusqu’à philadelphie, Boston, New-York? Pourquoi ne serions nous pas les historiens véridiques de tant de patriotes qui ont naturalisé les sciences et les arts dans le nouveau monde, où ils combattent aujourd’hui pour leur liberté, leur vie, leurs droits et leurs fortune?
Les Mémoires que la Societé se propose de publier doivent contenir l’histoire des règnes, des révolutions, des sciences, des moeurs et des produits naturels de tous les pays: c’est la vérité et l’impartialité qui conduiront notre plume: ce sont elles déjà qui sont la marque caractéristique des feuilles hebdomadaires qui sortent des presses de la Societé typographique de Hombourg-ez-monts, qui fait partie de la Société patriotique.
Il y a en Allemagne nombre d’écrivains salairés par le Lord North, ou intimidés par les princes devoués au parti ministériel de la grande Bretagne qui font le métier infâme de calomniateurs des Anglo-Américains, des françois et des espagnols: pour nous ce n’est pas notre dessein de les réfuter par intérèt: les membres de notre institut ne vendent ni leur honneur, ni leurs suffrages.
Si nous sommes Anglo-Américains, ce n’est qu’en qualités de citoyens de la patrie universelle; ce n’est que parce que les colonies-unies nous paroissent injustement opprimées, et qu’il nous semble qu’on emploie des moyens lâches et honteux pour les retenir dans les fers.
Si nous les croyions rebelles à leur Roi et à leurs loix, ces hommes que nous respectons aujourd’hui, ne seroient plus à nos yeux que des sujets coupables et par conséquent méprisables. Tant que la rédoutable Société des Jésuites a pu être nuisible par la tyrannie qu’elle exerçoit, nous nous sommes appliqués à ouvrir les yeux aux peuples qu’ils avilissoient et qu’ils subjugoient: aujourd’hui que le colosse est abattu, au lieu de cracher sur ses débris, nous défendons, nous justifions des individus infortunés qui ne peuvent plus être dangereux.
Au moyen d’une discrétion à volonté que chaque récipiendaire fournit une fois pour toutes à sa réception, s’il le juge à propos, car personne n’y est forcé, la societé se trouve déjà en état de distribuer 2 médailles d’or par mois, l’une de 6. l’autre de 3 ducats: c’est peu de chose, il est vrai; mais c’est cependant une distinction honorable, puisqu’il faut la mériter par le savoir, par l’utilité, par quelque grand trait de patriotisme, par quelque acte éclattant de vertu. Celui qui a remporté 3. des premières médailles, ou 6 des secondes, recoit une autre marque honorifique; c’est une croix d’or qu’on porte à un ruban bleu à bords rouges et qui se nomme la Croix pro patria, le tout sous les auspices et avec l’approbation du prince notre protecteur, qui nous accorde toute la liberté nécessaire à des gens de lettres qui cherchent les moyens de se rendre utile.
Nous n’avons encore point de Comité à Nantes, où vous résidez aujourd’hui: s’il y en avoit eu un, il vous auroit remis cette lettre et les 6 programmes ci-joints.
Pardonnez-moi, Monsieur, la liberté que je prends de vous ôter un de vos momens: ils sont tous précieux; mais je n’ai pu résister à l’envie de vous donner des assurances sincères de l’estime et de l’attachement avec lesquels j’ai l’honneur d’être, Monsieur Votre très humble et très obeissant serviteur
Paradis

Addressed: à Mr. le D. Francklin à Nantes
Notation: Paradis 18 Juin 1777


Title: Jonathan Williams, Jr., to the American Commissioners, 19 June 1777
From: Williams, Jonathan Jr.
To: American Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Deane, Silas,Lee, Arthur

Honorable Gentlemen
Nantes June 19. 1777.
Since my last I am not favoured with any of yours. The Goods are all gone to the Ship and I hope by the begining of the Week will be all Stowed away.
I find there are here a number of Americans, two or three vessells that have lately come in being for Sale; If you think proper to encourage any operation of a Warlike nature I imagine I could muster Officers and men sufficient for such a Design. A french Gentleman has proposed to me an old Frigate which might be fitted for a privateer and make an advantageous Cruize. I shall be obliged if you will please to inform me whether or not in such a Case you could give me the necessary Commissions. I have the honor to be with great Respect Gentlemen Your most obedient and most humble Servant
J Williams

Addressed: The Honorable / Silas Deane Esqr / Paris.
Notation: Mr Williams June 19th 1777


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Edward Bridgen, 19 June 1777
From: Bridgen, Edward
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Antwerp June 19 1777
Last Thursday Night I acquainted our mutual Friend Dr. Price that I was setting out for this Place, and that If he had any Letter to you I would take Care it Should be delivered Safe. I now find I cannot perform it my self but I send it by the hands of a Friend under such a Cover that it cannot fail reaching you, and if you send a reply directed under cover to me inclosed a Monsr. Genet Chef au Bureau d’interpret des Affaires Etrangeres a Versailles by the 26th. of [or] 27th Inst: it will reach me at Callais Free, and I will take care to convey it safely to the Drs: Hands on my arrival. I wish I could furnish you with any News to be depended on but as that is not the Case I have none to ask of you tho. I wish to know some that’s Good and True from our Friends on the otherside.
Mrs. Bridgen sincerely joines me in every Good Wish to you and the best of Causes. I have the Honour to be most truly Yours &c.
Edward Bridgen

If the Bishop’s sermon printed in the Inclosed Newspaper will be of any use on the otherside its at your Service.

Addressed: Benjn: Franklin Esqr / Paris
Notation: Bridgen Edward June 19. 1777.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Coder, 19 June 1777
From: Coder, Henry
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur
Paris ce 19e juin 1777
Je ne suis pas etonné des obstacles indessents et multipliés que la regie s’efforsse de metre a mon operation, qui metra dans le plus grand jour tous les vices des fournitures qu’ils vous ont faites, sur lesquelles ils gagnient encore cent pour cent; mais que les regisseurs, a l’insue tres certainement de M. deane, se soint apropriés tous les modeles que je lui ay remits, qui concistent, en un mentau, brun, une veste, gilet, et culote de couti, un gilet et canesson de futene, une paire guetres, un bonet de polisce, un casque et un fourniment, que d’apres s’etre apropriés tous ces modeles ils aÿent engagé ceux qui me les ont executés, a vouloir m’augmentér les prix convenus d’un tiers, qu’ils publient qu’ils ont une polisce passée avec vous, pour fournir tout ce que vous aurés besoin, et qu’ils seront la dupe de traitér avec moi &c; je represente a Monsieur franklin, que les motifts qui m’ont guidé et me guideront toujours, ne meritent point, qu’on donne toutes les facilités possibles a des hommes meprisables et avides, qui vous ont trompé et volé indignement, pour m’enpechér et retardér dans ma fourniture, que je realiserai malgrai tout, a la verité avec baucoup de peine et sans profit, a la satisfaction du sage et verteux mortel, qui m’honnore de sa confience. Mais je vous suplie d’ecrire un mot a M. deaene, afin qu’il me fasse rendre par MM. les regisseurs mes modelles afin que je fasse executér en province, ce que les regisseurs enpechent que je fasse traitér a paris, par l’assandant qu’ils ont sur les fabriquants aux quels ils donnent de l’occupation depuis longes années. Je suis avec veneration Monsieur Votre tres humble et tres obeissent scerviteur
Coder
hotel d’angletere rue de seine fb st g


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to George Washington, 21 June 1777
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Washington, George

Sir
Paris, June 21. 1777.
The Gentleman who will have the Honour of delivering this into your Hands, is M. de Bretigny, Captaine d’Infanterie, who has been well and strongly recommended to the Commissioners here as an Officer of Distinction in his Profession. He proposes to raise a Corps in America, to be employ’d in our Service and in that View carries over with him at his own Expence nine chosen and experienc’d Officers of which 4 are Germans; he has also been at the Expence of purchasing and takes with him Clothing and Arms compleat for 130 Men. These are Proofs of Zeal for our Cause, that merit Regard; and induce me to recommend him to your Excelly’s. particular Notice. From him you will receive Information of the Characters and Abilities of the Officers that accompany him, for whose good Conduct he is willingly responsible. With the best Wishes for your Health and Felicity, I have the Honour to be Your Excellency’s
Officers’ Names
  M. le Chevalier de Keranguez
M. de Milly
M. de Vernier
M. de Mauleon
M. de la Vigerie-M. de Vaudremont
M. d’Anselme
M. le Chevr. de Mautry
M. le Chevr. de Marboeuf
M. Berail de Listrac
  Gen Washington

Notation: M. Bretigny


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from V. Dulongprey, Coney & fils, 21 June 1777
From: Dulongprey, V., Coney & fils
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur
A Cherbourg ce 21 Juin 1777.
Depuis la lettre que nous avons eu l’honneur de vous ecrire le 18 du courant, nous nous trouvons obligée de vous faire part d’un evenement qui s’est passé le mesmes jours sur les 9 heures du soir. Est entré dans notre port une chalouppe avec 13 hommes de l’equipage d’une yalle angloisse Moülliée sur notre rade qui se sont rendus de suittes avec ardeur et enpressement le long du corsaire americain et de sa prisse et ont voulu faire violence pour entrer a bord dans le dessein, (soit disant) de vouloir y mettre le feu. Nous n’avons aucunes connaissance comment cette action a commencé; un Chaccun etant tant a bord du corsaire que dans la prisse sur ces garde de crainté de surprisse. Voyant arriver ces 13 anglois efrenée qui venoient avec atroupement dans leurs bord il les ont repoussée; et a l’aide de la Garde militaire ils ont été arrestée et conduit en prison.
Le lendemain matin 19 du courant il est sorti du port un bateau lamaneur pour aller reconnoitre leurs navire qui etoit toujours resté ancré en rade a la porte d’un bon coup de fusil qu’on disoit estre un corsaire anglois. Le pilotte etant arrivé a bord a reconnu qu’il etoit armé de huit pierriers ayant pour lors que 6 hommes qui ont dit que leurs Capitaine avec le relant de l’equipage etoient descendu a terre. Et sur ce qu’on leurs a dit qu’il avoient été arrestée et mis en prison pour avoir voulu executer de mauvais desseins, ils ont pris le parti d’entrer dans le port pour prendre connaissance de ce qu’il s’etoit passé; a l’aide du pilotte lamaneur et De ces matelots qui ont aide a le mettre a la voille et a l’entrer dans le port.

Monsieur Notre Commendant qui a pris connaissance de tout ce qui s’est passé relativement a cette afaire ayant reconnu que les 6 matelots entrée avec le Navire n’etoit point coupable de la mechante action imputée aux autres leurs a declaré de se comporter avec prudence padant Leurs Sejour en ce port et de partir aux plutost afin d’eviter de nouveaux malheur.
La grande proximité de notre scituation avec l’engleterre nous occasionnera souvent de pareils desagrement et ils est a propos d’envoyer la prisse et le corsaire dans un autre port afin de n’estre pas exposé a la mauvaise humeur des anglois. Nous sommes en attendant l’honneur de votre reponse. Nous avons l’honneur d’estre avec respect Monsieur. Vos tres humbles et obeissants serviteurs
V. Dulongprey Coney et fils

Addressed: A Monsieur / Monsieur Le Docteur / franklin maison de / Monsieur de Chaumont / A passy / proche paris


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Pierre Lambert, 22 June 1777
From: Lambert, Pierre
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur,
A paimpol en Bretagne le 22 juin 1777.
Le capitaine Burnell commendant le corssaire le Mongomery du Maryland, est venu de relache á l’isle de Brehat, prés d’ici, dans le mois dernier; ayant Besoins de vivres &a. et s’étant adressé á moi je lui ais procuré tous ce que sa situation exigeoit pour le mêttre en état de reprendre la mer.
Maintenant j’aprend avec peïnes que ce capitaine après avoir fait des prises et conduit une au port de Cherbourg; il y est venu un cotteur anglois, à bord duqu’el ce captaine à eu le malheur de ce rendre dans une chalouppe dudit port, et qu’il y a été détenu prisonnier ainssi q’un volontaire de son équipage qui l’accompagnoit. Et comme je crain qu’on ne vous ais pas rendu compte de cest accident, je prend la Liberté, Monsieur, de vous-en prevenir, penssant qu’il est possible que vous puissiès faire réclamer ce Brave Capitaine, comme ayant été pris dans un Batteau français et sur une rade de ce royaume. Il m’avoit lessés avand son départ d’ici une Lettre de change de cinquante Livres Sterlings sur Mr. Joshuas Johson de Londres, que j’ai envoyé à l’acceptation à compte de laquelle j’ai payés au dit capitaine Burnell £400 tournois; je vous serois obligé de me faire scavoir à qui j’aurois à remettre l’exedent de sa remise après qu’elle m’aura rentré.
Je ne vous dicimulerai pas Monsieur, mes inquiettudes sur le sort de diferenttes notes et instructions par Ecrits que j’avois donnés au Capitaine Burnell tant pour sa croisierre que pour la conduites des prises qu’il auroit puë faire; et j’ai d’autant plus lieu de craindre que ses papiers ne soient tombés entre les mains de ses énémis, qu’on me marque qu’il avoit son porttefeuïlle sur lui lors qu’il á été surpris. Si il resultoit quelques plaintes contre moi à lá Cour de france, j’aurois recours à Vous, Monsieur, pour les assoupirs; étant persuadés que vous auriés la Bonté de me protéger pour qu’il ne me resulteroit aucuns desagrements pour m’êttre livrés á rendre services á ce capitaine par de Bonnes Vuës pour sa respectable Nation. Au surplus si je puis par mes soins et mes petits talents pour le commerce et la Navigations, vous ettre de quelques utilités dans ce païs (qui à un éxélent port presques ignorés) vous pourés en toutes conffiance m’honorer de vos commendements, et être persuadés que je les executterai suivans vos desirs. J’ai l’honneur d’être connu de Monsieur Blouïn premier commis du Bureau de la Marine, et de Messieurs J.f. frin et Cie. Banquiers á paris, sous le couvert desquel j’ai l’honneur de Vous adresser la presente (faute de sçavoir vôtre adresse) desquels Vous pourés prendre des rensseignements sur mon compte si le cas l’exige. J’ai L’honneur d’etre avec le plus proffond respect, Monsieur, Votre très humble et très obeïssant serviteur
Pre. Lambert

P.S. J’aprend dans l’instant par le retour d’un de mes capitaines venant de guernezey, que le Capitaine Burnell étoit le 17 de ce mois aud. lieu: á bord du Cotteur qui l’a enlevé de Cherbourg, et qu’on à trouvé sur lui tous ses papiers et même les instructions que vous lui avés donnés.

Notation: Letters relating to Capt Burnell


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Pétronille Le Roy, [before 23 June? 1777]
From: Le Roy, Pétronille
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Mme. Le Roy dated her letters even more rarely than her husband did his. Such letters, when they have no internal clues, could have been written at any time during the pair’s long friendship with Franklin. Most of them are of little consequence, but this one shows that Madame was quick to take offense and, when roused, had no inhibition about berating even her “cher papa.” Her husband was aware that Franklin understood how difficult she could be; “you know what a lady is my Lady,” he wrote him on June 23. This implies to us that his friend had reason to know, and her outburst that follows could have been that reason. By her account she had good ground to be angry, for Franklin had certainly been rude: his passion for chess had led him to show her the door, and send her home through the rain with nothing more than the loan of his umbrella. We assign the chess game and its aftermath, according to our practice, to the earliest plausible date.

[Before June 23, 1777?]
Je vous sai on ne peut pas plus mauvais grai mon cher papa du tour que vous avez voulut nous joier [jouer] en gardant mr. le roy yere [hier] au soir et de ce que vous m’avet fermé la porte si cruellement. Je ne m’expauseray plus a cette leger plesenterie que vous ne feriez pas a toute les famme de votre sosieté sur tout par le tems qu’il faisoit. Vous ne devez pas douté du desire que j’ay de faire tout ce qui vous est agréable et si vous musiez [m’ eussiez] dit que vous desiriez faire encore une partie je m’y serois prete avec le meme plaisire que je l’avoit fait quoy qu’il fut honze heur et que c’est soupé un peut tard pour des famme delicatte ce qui derange leur santé. Mais comme elle ne sont pas Egauiste elle save[?] se preté a tout ce qui peut aitre agreable a la sosieté au depens de leur santé et de leur plaisire. Comme je n’ai pas souvant celuy de voire mr. le roy il est bien naturelle que je desire de soupé avec luy. C’est le seul tems qu’il me donne et cela arive trop rarement pour que je ne soit pas afflige quand on me le derobe. Je vous renvoye votre paraplue et vous en remercie.

Addressed: A Monsieur / Monsieur Le docteur / franklin


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Archibald Douglas, 23 June 1777
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Douglas, Archibald

Sir
Paris June 23d. 1777
I received yours of the 18th. relating to the Loss of your Captain which has given me much Concern: But I hope the Application we are making to Government to have him reclaimed will Succeed and that he will be restored to his Vessel and People; But as it may be some time before this is accomplished, if you and they are disposed to be getting something by another Cruize we can furnish a Commission; and if you do not think yourself qualified to command, we may also furnish an able Captain. Of these matters I shall write farther by next Post. In the mean time, I have requested your Merchant to make Sale of the Prize in the best manner he can for the Benefit of the owners and People of the Privateer and to furnish the people with necessaries. I am Sir Your most Humble Servant
B Franklin
Mr. Archd. Douglas.Copy

Notation: Copies by Dr. Franklin to Sundries at Cherburg.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Charles Drouet, 23 June 1777
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Drouet, Charles

Sir,
Paris, June 23 1777.
I received yours of the 16th Inst. relating to the Capture of Capt. Burnel. An Application is making to Government here to have him reclaim’d, as being taken from under the Protection of your Forts, contrary to the Law of Nations; which Application I hope will succeed, and that he will be restor’d to his Vessel and People. In the mean time, I would advise the Crew not to use any Violence with respect to Capt. Bienvenu, but rely on the Justice and Honour of France, to procure them Satisfaction. Please to present my Respects and Thanks to Dr. De la Ville for his obliging little Note, and believe me to be with Regard Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin
M. Drouet


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to V Dulongprey, Coney & fils, 23 June 1777
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Dulongprey, V., Coney & fils

Gentlemen
Paris June 23d. 1777
I have received your favour of the 18th inst. inclosing the Depositions relating to the taking of Capt. Burnell, for which I am obliged to you, as they give a Clearer Light into that Transaction.
I am applying to Government here to reclaim him from the English as being taken from under the Protection of your Forts, and I hope we shall get him restored; but as that may take time, I approve of your Selling the prize in the manner you mention for the Benefit of the Owners and Captors, and desire you to Continue your Care of the people that they want for nothing that is necessary. I write by this Post to Mr. Douglas. With great regard I have the honor to be Gentlemen Your most Obedient Humble Servant
B. Franklin
  Messrs. Du Longprey Coney & Son.Copy


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from G. B. de Krohne, 23 June 1777: résumé
From: Krohne, Johann Wilhelm Franz de
To: Franklin, Benjamin

<Hamburg, June 23, 1777, in French: I think like an American, and can best prove it by offering my services. Because this city is the center of world news, and of a considerable commerce with America, you need an honest man here to report developments. I am the minister plenipotentiary of the Duke of Saxe-Hildburghausen, familiar with negotiations, and the neighbor and close friend of the French envoy. I will write you daily, and ask nothing but reimbursement for expences. When independence is won, I shall ask only that Congress appoint me its envoy. You may reply in French, German, Latin, or cipher.>


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Le Roy, 23 June 1777
From: Le Roy, Jean-Baptiste
To: Franklin, Benjamin

This letter and Le Roy’s next one, which we believe was written the following day, are the first from his new lodgings in the Rue de Seine. The second one is obviously in 1777; hence our dating of the two, on the assumption that they both relate to the same dinner party. Here he is sure when it is but unsure who is invited; a day later he has learned from Temple that the whole family is expected, but has become unsure when.
The Le Roys, to judge by their undated notes, were constantly issuing invitations to Franklin for themselves and others, and accepting invitations from him. Confusion sometimes resulted, as here. Another example is a note from Madame wondering whether they are expected for dinner that day, because Franklin has not confirmed the engagement; they will come if they are wanted, and if he will send a carriage because of the atrocious weather. On another occasion it was Franklin who was confused, about when he was to visit a library; Le Roy told him the time. The other undated notes about invitations are more routine. Madame writes in her inimitable French, her husband sometimes in French and sometimes in English. If Franklin kept up his side of this social correspondence, we have no evidence of it.

My Dear Doctor
Paris rue de Seine June the 23 [1777]
When I came home yesterday night I found a paper by which you were so good to invite me to a dinner Thursday next and you desire an Answer. You know that unless There was a down right Impossibility I could not answer in the negative. So you may be Sure I accept with great Pleasure your kind invitation. But as you know what a lady is My Lady give me leave to put to you The question whether you Intended by your paper to invite both husband and Wife or only the husband. I do desire the favour of an answer to my Question The more That I Should think by your Silence yesterday about that dinner That your Intention was not to talk of it before her. However I did not tell her a word about it and Shall wait for your answer for it. I take this opportunity to ask you for a gentleman of my acquaintance whether, as he has heard Say you intend to buy what we call in French une fonderie de Caracteres because he knows a person who has one to Sell very compleat and which you will have at a very moderate Price. I am my Dear Doctor for ever your most obedient and humble Servant and friend
John Le Roy
My best compliments My Dear Doctor to your Grand-Son.


Title: Jonathan Williams, Jr., to the American Commissioners, 24 June 1777
From: Williams, Jonathan Jr.
To: American Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Deane, Silas,Lee, Arthur

Honorable Gentlemen
Nantes June 24. 1777.
The absolute prohibition against taking passengers on board the annonyme containd in Mr. Deans Letter of the 29th of May, obliged me to insist that two passengers who came round in the Ship should go on shore, since which orders have arrived from Mr. Beaumarchais and Mr. Montieu that these two officers and Mr. De Bretignys Corps (13 in Number) should embark on board and provision made accordingly, that the arms and accoutrements which Mr. de Bretigny proposes to carry out should also be put on board tho’ ’tis probable that these arms &c. will not arrive at Nants these 2 or 3 weeks, and to day another order is come to put on board military Stores to the amount of about 25 Tons. On my part I have recvd no counter order to the one of the 29th of may. The Letter recommending Monsr. de Bretigny and his Corps mentions not a syllable of their going in this Ship and to day I have a Letter from Mr. Carmichael repeating Mr. Deans desire that no officers should embark on board her, yet these officers say that it was settled at paris that they should go in the Ship, and Mr. Montieu writes that Doctor Franklin and Mr. Dean consent to the measure.
The Ship has now a great part of her Cargo on board and all is along side. To make room for these passengers their baggage their arms &c. all that remains alongside must return to Nantes and part of what is already on board must be unloaded, leaving (out of the 270 bales) only about 100 on board, besides which if these military Stores are put on board, that 100 must be reduced to make room for them. If the orders of Mr. B and Mr. M are to be followed and the Ship is to go directly to america I shall not be sorry for this diminution of her Cargo as I look upon every Bale that remains, as so much saved from the Enemy. The Ship is so dull a Sailor that she can’t run away from the dullest of the Enemys vessell. She is so old that Capt. Hynson does not choose to venture more than 3 pounders upon her, and with such a multiplicity of passengers on board it will be impossible to conceal the design should she be boarded. Add to this she will arrive on the Coast at a Season when all the Enemys cruisers are out without any previous knowledge which part of the Coast is the safest. These circumstances and the impossibility of my consenting to any of these operations without similar orders from you, determine me to suspend everything ’till I have your directions.
I do not make a Secret of this Concern to Mr. Ross as I know his abillities in business and wish to profit by his Councel. We agree together exactly and I think upon a review of this matter and all its circumstances you will be of the same opinion. We think it will be most for the public Interest if the Ship be sent to St. Domingo agreeable to her apparent Destination in the same manner as the Thérese was; or if you choose that the Goods should go in a direct line, to buy another Ship that can either run from the Enemy or fight her way through, and if you can’t get rid of this Ship, load her with Salt and let the Officers take her. But Mr. Ross thinks if you risque the property, it will be most prudent to adopt the first plan by the West Indies. As to the value of the Ship I have not had a formal valuation of her because as she is now almost full it will be difficult to do it and if the first plan is continued it would have a tendency to expose the design and when you give me your other directions it can be done as well then as now. Capt. Hynson writes to day and he will give his opinion. No Civility in my power shall be wanting to Mr. de Bretigny and his Corps, but I know not how I shall get them out, I will do all I can for them. I recvd Mr. Deans Letter per Mr. Read and shall pay great Respect to his reccommendation. I have the honour to be with the greatest Respect Gentlemen Your most obedient and most humble Servant
Jona Williams Jr.
  Mr Ross thinks that if the ship goes to the west Indies it would even then be best to leave out the military Stores.The Honourable The Commissioners of the United States

Notations: Mr. Williams / French Officers / Jon. Williams to Hon: Com: U. S. (24 June 1777)


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Le Roy, [24 June 1777]
From: Le Roy, Jean-Baptiste
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Passy Tuesday morning [June 24, 1777]
Your grandson M. Franklin told me Yesterday as I was coming from Paris That you were so good to invite The whole family to dinner for next friday, Me. LeRoy I and the little Basil. But as M. Franklin seemed to me not very certain of the Day I sent my man to ask you whether Your Dinner is really for friday and not for Thursday because as I go to morrow to Paris I should be glad to know exactly The Day you have fixed upon.
If you have some moments to spare or that you know not what to make of I send you the last proof of the memoir I writ four years ago about the form to be given to the conductors That you may read it and send me your observations upon it, Tho’ as the Emperor told me you have lefft off Physicks for Politicks. You’ll be a little surprised that This memoir being read in 1773 it be printed only in 1777. But the printing of our memoirs have been so much retarded by our ancien Secretary M. De Fouchy that this volume might not be printed yet if we had not a new Secretary M. De Condorcet. But I beg your pardon To Trespass on your time in that manner. Accept Dear friend of my best compliments
Le Roy
PS Pray Dear Friend be so good to send me back that proof when you will have read it.

Addressed: a Monsieur / Monsieur Franklin / de l’Academie des sciences / a Passy
Notation: Le Roy


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jonathan Williams, Jr., 24 June 1777
From: Williams, Jonathan Jr.
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear and honored Sir
Nantes 24 June 1777.
I recvd your kind favour of the 14th and 20th Inst. the first reccommending M. de Bretigny &c. to whom I will show every possible assistance and civility as far as is consistent with my orders, the last informing me of Mr. Deans absence and of the necessity of waiting his return. I hope he will be by this time at paris and that I may have some orders similar to those Mr. Montieu has given, or that Mr. Montieus orders may be recalled.
I did flatter myself that in your Letter you would have favoured me with a Line or two in answer to mine of the 8th Inst. I know I give you a great deal of Trouble in my concerns, perhaps too much, but there is one that grows upon me every day with such rapidity that I must either discontinue all sort of communication or at once discover my attachment; I am much mistaken if Mr. S’s second Daughter does not already understand as much as is in my power to tell her, all I ask is, whether you think with my present prospects I can honourably make an offer to her consistent with that regard for her Happiness which I ought to have. I may perhaps be mistaken, or perhaps may be too vain, but as far as I can allow myself to judge she is not displeased with my attention to her. In short Sir if I stay in this place I must hazard a Refusal or not see her any more. I beg your excuse and am with the greatest Respect and affection Honored Sir Your dutifull and affectionate Kinsman
J Williams Junr
Nantes June 24. 1777.

The Letter you sent me inclosed is from aunt Johnson, she says that her son is returnd, & that nancy intends soon to return; this she desires me to tell you, with her Dutiful Respects. I write one in return which please to send to the post.

Addressed: Doctor Franklin
Notations: Jon Williams Nantes 24 June 77 / Mr Jona Williams


Title: The American Commissioners to Vergennes, [26 June 1777]
From: American Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Deane, Silas,Lee, Arthur
To: Vergennes, Charles Gravier, comte de

[June 26, 1777]
To his Excellency the Count de Vergennes, Minister for Foreign Affairs
We the underwritten, Commissioners from the Congress of the United States of N. America, beg leave to represent to your Excellency, that Captain Burnel, Commander of an armed Vessel commissioned by the said States, did lately take Refuge in the Port of Cherburgh with his Vessel and one of his Prizes, putting himself under the Protection of the King.
That an armed Vessel belonging to the King of England, which in pursuit of the said Burnel had cruised some Days before the Entrance of the said Port, did at length come in Disguise, and cast Anchor within half Musket-shot of the King’s Forts, pretending to be a Smugler chased in by an English Cutter.
That Captain Burnel, deceived by these Pretences, and conceiving himself always safe under the Command of the King’s Forts, did imprudently go on board the said pretended Smugler, when immediately the Deck was filled with armed Men before concealed, many of them with the Officers in the Uniform of the British Marine who attempted to seize him: That he broke loose from them and leapt into the Sea, and swimming would have got into the French Pilot Boat which brought him on board, the People of which were preparing to receive him; when the English Captain ordered his Men to point their Guns into the said Pilot Boat, and threatned a full Discharge upon the said Boat, if they offered to assist or take in the said Burnel, which oblig’d them to desist, while the English retaking him, got him again on board, put him immediately in Irons in the Hold, and hoisting Sail carried him off, together with Mr. Morris, one of his Officers who accompanied him, and who is the Son of a Gentleman in America.
For the Truth of these Facts we refer your Excellency to the Procés verbal taken before the Admiralty at Cherburgh.
As we conceive this Action to be in Violation of the Law of Nations, and of the King’s Protection, under which the Captain certainly was when in the Water, and when the French Boat was by an English armed Force prevented from receiving him, we rely on his Majesty’s Magnanimity, and on the Justice and Honour of this noble Nation, that the said Capt. Burnell will be reclaimed by the King, and restored to his Vessel, together with his Officer Mr. Morris: which we do accordingly most earnestly request; being fully persuaded, that the same will make a grateful and deep Impression on the Minds of the Americans, and augment the great Esteem and Respect they already have for his Majesty, and their growing Affection for the French Nation. We have the Honour to be, with great Regard, Your Excellency’s most obedient and most humble Servants
B FranklinSilas Deane

Notation: 26 Juin 1777


Title: The Committee for Foreign Affairs to the American Commissioners, 26 June 1777
From: Committee for Foreign Affairs
To: American Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Deane, Silas,Lee, Arthur

Gentlemen
In Committee of Congress for Foreign Affairs Philadelphia June 26th. 1777
Since our last of 18th. Inst. in which you were informed of the Enemy being encamped at Somerset Court house eight Miles from Brunswick We have the pleasure of acquainting you that on the 19th at Night they made a precipitate retreat therefrom to the last mentioned place, and on the Morning of the 22d decamped again and wholly evacuated Brunswick and retreated to Amboy. For Particulars we refer you to General Washington’s Letters to Congress printed in the News-Papers of the 25th. Inst.
We are unable to account for those Movements of General Howe on any other Grounds than the following: That his March from Brunswick to Somerset afforded him an opportunity of trying the disposition of the States of New Jersey and Pennsylvania and on finding that the Militia of both States were turning vigorously out to support our Army he might reasonably conclude therefrom, that his Situation in the Jersies was too dangerous to be continued and therefore decamped to Amboy, from whence, he might, by his Bridge of Boats intended for the Deleware, throw himself into a Safe retreat on Staten Island. We give you Circumstances as they are, with such natural Inferences therefrom as our Situation and knowledge of things enable us to draw.
The Memorial presented by Sir Joseph York to the States General mentioned in ours of June 18th. you will find in our Newspapers of the 11th. Inst. The said Memorial does not come Sufficiently authenticated to us to give you any particular instructions respecting your Conduct thereon, but as the progress of Friendship depends much on the improvement of accidents and little Circumstances, we doubt not you will be attentive to the Conduct of the States General at all Times and whenever it appears to you that a Commissioner from Congress would be favourable received there, that you will give us information thereof. We are Gentlemen your Obedient Humble Servants
Benja HarrisonRobt MorrisJno WitherspoonThos. Heyward Junr.James Lovell

Addressed: The Honble / Bena: Franklin Silas Deane & Arthur Lee Esqrs
Notation: Committee June 26. 1777.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Elie de Beaumont, 26 June 1777
From: Elie de Beaumont, Jean-Baptiste-Jacques
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur
Paris 26 june 1777.
Votre illustre cause acquiert de plus en plus de nouveaux partisans. Vous verrés par la lettre ci jointe de Monsieur le Comte de tressan lieutenant general des armées du roi qu’il consacre un autre lui même a la defense de la liberté ameriquaine, ou plustôt de la liberté humaine, car si elle n’existoit plus dans vos heureuses contrées dites moi dans quel petit coin du monde nous pourrions retrouver cette ancienne propriétaire de sa surface universelle? Rois, doges, papes, stathouders, empereurs, sophy, grand seigneurs, deys, et tous ces autres dominateurs quelconques l’ont si bien pourchassée, quelques uns même en feignant de la caresser, que la pauvre malheureuse n’a plus d’oreiller que dans vos colonies. Monsieur de tressan n’est point un homme ordinaire. Son grade, ses services, ses talens connus me paroissent ne le ceder a quelque nom que ce soit qui se soit livré a votre defense. On a pu vous porter de beaux noms et du zele. Il vous porte ces mêmes choses, et par dessus encore une grande experience et des services deja eprouvés en france. Je n’ai donc point a vous prier, Monsieur, de vouloir bien ecrire a son sujet au congrès de la maniere la plus distinguée et vous prie de me faire sçavoir si mardi ou mercredi prochain nous pourrions vous voir dans l’après midi pour raisonner sur cela avec vous. L’adresse de Mr. de tressan sera route de pontoise a franconville si vous voulés lui ecrire directement. Ainsi je vous propose mardi ou mercredi pour lui donner le tems de revenir de sa campagne. Je me felicite d’avoir pu concourir a ceci et vous renouvelle, mon cher et respectable defenseur du genre humain, les sentimens du tendre et respectueux attachement avec lequel j’ai l’honneur d’être votre tres humble et tres obeissant serviteur
Elie DE Beaumontrüe de braque
Je vous ecris par la petite poste pour plus de sûreté.

Endorsed: M. Beaumont
Notation: Elie de Beaumont


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Turgot, Baron de l’Aulne, 27 June 1777
From: Turgot, Anne-Robert-Jacques, baron de l’Aulne
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Ce vendredy 27 Juin [1777]
M. Turgot fait ses complimens a Monsieur franklin et prie Messieurs francklin de lui faire l’honneur de diner chés lui Jeudy prochain 3 Juillet.

Response s.v.p.

Addressed: A Monsieur / Monsieur francklin / A Passy / près La Barrière.


Title: Arthur Lee to Franklin and Silas Deane, 28 June 1777
From: Lee, Arthur
To: Franklin, Benjamin,Deane, Silas

Dear Sirs
Berlin, June 28th. 1777.
I have not yet receivd a line from you. It is not easy to divine the reason of so long a silence. There is for sale here and deliverable in any port in France, fourteen thousand weight of brass Cannon at 6 Guineas the Quintal, and Six thousand to be melted down at 5 G. and an half. They are Six, twelve and 24 pounders. The expence of freight and Insurance to Nantes or elsewhere will be added to this price.
Two days ago, while I was at dinner, my Bureau was broke open, and some papers stolen out which were in my Portfeul. The english Envoy happend to be in the Hotel where I lodge, when I discoverd the robbery. Upon being informd that I was gone to the Governor, and that the suspicion fell upon one of his Servants, he went away in great confusion, and in half an hour the portfeul with all the Papers were laid down at the door, and the person ran off undiscoverd. The examinations that have been taken, charge his Servant with having repeatedly told the Servants of the Hotel, that his Master woud give two thousand Ducats for my Papers. The Landlord who chargd his Servant with it before him deposes that he said he woud send the Servant to answer for himself; but the Servant never appeard. Prince Colberg, who was also present, deposes that he immediately quitted the room in the greatest confusion. The whole is before the King. The return of the Papers, and those which he particularly wanted not having been left in the Bureau, disappointed him of his object; while the whole odium rests upon him. He will do better the next time, and his Court will no doubt encourage him. Public Ministers have been regarded as Spies, Mr. Elliot will give them the additional title of Robbers.
I shall leave this on thursday next and expect to be at Strasbourg in 12 days from thence so that a Letter will meet me there by return of post. I am with the greatest Esteem Dear Sirs yours


Title: Samuel Nicholson to the American Commissioners, 28 June 1777
From: Nicholson, Samuel
To: American Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Deane, Silas,Lee, Arthur

Gentlemen
St. Mallo June 28th. 1777
This will inform you of Capt. Wickes and self being safe arrived at this port. Capt. Johnson I beleave is still out. On Thursday the 26th. Inst. off Ushant we fell in with an English 74 Gun ship who gave us Chase which Obliged us to bare away and run up this Channell. He was to windward of us and the wind at S.W. Soon after the Chase began Capt. Wickes made the Signall for Johnson and myself to make the best of our ways off on which I hauld my wind to the Northwest till the Man of War passed me which he did with out takeing any Notice of me. Soon after I tack’d and stood in close with the land, when I made another sail bareing down on me. I did not make sail from her till I made her out to be an armed snow, on which I made all the sail I coud and run for this port. I think in about 4 Hours I run him out of sight. And next morning I fortunately fell in with Capt. Wickes off this place and we both came in here to gether, where we are very kindly received by every person of Consequence in the place. On our leaving Nants we run down on the Coast of Spain but saw nothing there, from thence we made the best of our way for the Irish Channell, but the winds blowing constantly from the Northword, were obliged us to go round Cape Clear and in to the Northwest of the Island, between it, and Scotland where we made 17 Prizes and from thence made sail thro’ Channell and run down between Scilley and the Lands end of England, and was stretching over and made Ushant, when we fell in with this 74 Gun ship. We had Just before taken A snow Under the Lizard, bound for Falmouth, from Giberlter, loaded with Cork, we sent 8 Prizes forward for the first port they cou’d make in France or Spain, 7 we sunk. We gave the prisoners and 2 smuggelers their Vessells again, 3 Briggs loaded with Coals we sunk in sight of Dublin harbour.
Gentlemen my little Vessell is tore all to pieces with this Cruze, and if you think proper to fitt her again will want A New Mast and bowspritt, new topmast, and A Cable and anchor with many other things which will cost you A Deal of Money and after all is by no Means fitt for the business, for she must carry so much provisions for her men, that it [torn: forces her?] so deep in the water which obliges her to carry [such a?] press of sail that her mast can not be secu[red?] sufficient to stand; I carried away my mast 4 feet from the head, and sprung it in another place 6 feet below the rigging; so that when ever we are in chase, or chased, we are allways in Danger of being taken. Gentlemen I shall say no more about the Vessell because I bought her for you, but remember she was bought for A packett, which she is very fitt for now, or any thing else where You have need for no more than 20 men; which is barely enough to sail her. She is tight and strong, Capt. Wickes and Capt. Johnson will tell you how she has behaved during this Cruze. If another Vessell that has only 1 mast more can be procured for me, I shall be happy; however I shall follow Your Orders in every particular; therefore You will be kind enough to give me Your Orders whether to fitt her again or not. I have about 30 Good men and officers on board now and in case it shou’d meet your approbation dont doubt but a Vessell might be got here and fitted at Very little expence more than what the Cutter woud sell for, as a great part of our stores &c. woud do in another small Vessell. Gentlemen. Your very Humble Servant
Sam Nicholson

Addressed: To / The Honble Silas Dean / Paris
Notation: Capt Nicholson 28th. June ’77


Title: Jonathan Williams, Jr., to the American Commissioners, 28 June 1777
From: Williams, Jonathan Jr.
To: American Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Deane, Silas,Lee, Arthur

Honorable Gentlemen
Nantes June 28. 1777
I have the pleasure to inform you of the happy return of the Mercury in 23 Days. As there are no public dispatches from Congress nor the appearance of any important action, and as the post goes out as soon as I could send a Courier, I think it best to save that Expence: the amphitrite arrived safe in portsmouth, after a passage of 90 Days, she luckily got in on the Evening before two english Frigates anchored at the mouth of the River. Mr. DuCoudray is also arrived at the same place in a Schooner from the Cape. I send you some papers by which you will see our people have made a descent on Long Island in return for what we suffered at Danbury. The Captain reports that all was in high Spirits and nothing done by the English. Gen. Washington he says sent a Message to Gen. Howe telling him that if he wished to go towards phila. he would give him a safe passage thither. This may be a report expressive of the Confidence of our Troops but I hardly think it literaly true. On the whole what I can collect is that at the latter end of May nothing was attempted by the English and their prospects continued extreemly wretched while all on our side was full of ardour and in high Expectation of a happy termination of the first action that might happen. There is also a Vessell from North Carolina which brings advice of the arrival of Mr. Lesterjete in the Marquis de la Chalotais and Mr. Bromfield in the Union.
I have recvd. Dr. Franklins favour by Monsr. de Bretigny by which it appears that he and his Corps are to embark in the annonyme. I shall therefore no longer oppose the Measure.
I beg to know if you approve of the plan of a privateer. I believe I can have a frigate of 22 Guns soon at Sea, and can engage french proprietors for one half and among the americans here I can gain some more; please to say what sum can be subscribed for at paris. I will undertake the whole management, and engage that she shall be at Sea before it is found out. I have the honour to be with the greatest Respect Gentlemen Your most obedient Servant
J Williams Junr

Addressed: The Honorable / The Commissioners of the / United States.
Notation: Mr. Williams June 28. ’77


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from César Bucquet, [28 June? 1777]
From: Bucquet, César
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur le Docteur
[June 28, 1777?]
Je suis instruit que Mr. le Prieur de Cardonne vous a fait une visite il y a eu Mercredi huit jours, et qu’il vous a donné un volume de mon traité sur les moutures que vous lui avez promis de me faire l’honneur de venir manger ma soupe Dimanche 29, je sais aussi qu’il vous a ecrit depuis pour vous renouveller la mémoire de cette promesse et les offres de vous faire voir mon moulin et de converser avec vous sur l’amélioration du retour de vos productions en blés que je puis augmenter au moins d’un quart.
Comme c’est de mon aveu et à ma priere qu’il vous a parlé et écrit, et qu’il est dans l’honnêteté et le respect que j’ai pour vous de desirer le plaisir de vous voir chez moi, je vous y invite pour demain, Monsieur, avec un de vos amis à votre choix, vous n’y trouverez qu’un de mes amis, ma femme et moi pour qu’une grande compagnie ne me détourne point de remplir l’objet principal de mon invitation. Je suis avec une grande veneration Monsieur, Votre très humble et très obeissant serviteur.
Bucquet

Notation: Bucquet.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from V. Dulongprey, Coney & fils, 28 June 1777
From: Dulongprey, V., Coney & fils
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur
A Cherbourg ce 28 Juin 1777.
Nous nous trouvons honnorée de Votre agreable Lettre du 23 du courant. Il est arrivé en cette ville Le Sieur Budd de Guernesey qui en vertu d’une procuration des proprietaires Du Navire et Cargaison de la prisse fait part le Corsaire americain, en a demandé la restitution a Messieurs de l’amirauté qui n’ont fait aucunnes Reponse. Les Demarches du Sieur Budd nous a engagé a faire l’estimation du Navire et la Cargaison. D’apres les Connoissements Il se trouve qu’elle consiste en Deux Milles de Bricque, 121 pieces et 17 Bariques D’eau de Genieve 73 pains Resine 2 Bottes de fer 25 Bouloir de Cuivre 3 D[ouzai]nes de peaux de Veaux 4 petit paniers de Marchandises. Nous estimons que la totalité de Chargement avec le Navire pouroit produire si le tout etoit Vendu en Vente public, de 30 a 32 Milles Livres. Un Capitaine nous en a dit du tout 15 Milles Livres et nous avons engagé quattre Negociants d’ici a former une Societté auquel nous avons bien voulu entrer pour Un Cinqueme et en avons offert 22 Milles Livres. Le Capitaine Douglas Desiroit en avoir 30 Milles prix d’estimation, Comme Il y a des risques a courir pour la Sortir du port et la faire conduire dans Barfleur ou La hougue pour avoir des expeditions de M. L’amiral de france. Il est Juste que l’achepteur voit un Benefice a faire proportionnellement au risques qu’il y a a Courir, nous Lui avons dit que s’il veut nous allons faire passer Le Genievre a Dunkerque au Compte et risques des proprietaires du Corsaire mais l’equipage s’y oppose. Le Sieur Douglas est un Capitaine indecis qui ne peut se desider dans les occasion qui sont de necesité, nous le Voyons determine a Continuer Sa Course et Un instant apres il Veut Vendre Son Corsaire et Congedier L’equipage, presentement Il nous Dit qu’il Va partir pour paris afin de conferer avec Vous Monsieur; sur ce que nous en connoissons nous le croyons pas en etat d’estre Capitaine de corsaire nous paroissant qu’il n’a pas assez de fermeté pour conduire une entreprise. Il est facheux pour les proprietaire de ce Corsaire et L’honneur de Votre nation que ce Corsaire ne puisse pas achever sa Course.
Vous Nous avez accusé reception de notre Lettre du 18 du courant nous serons Charmé de scavoir si Vous avez Recu la notre du 16 Ditto. Vous nous ferez plaisir de nous le Marquer. Nous avons l’honneur d’estre tres sincerement Monsieur Vos tres humbles et obeissants Serviteurs
V. Dulongprey Coney et fils

Addressed: A Monsieur / Monsieur Le Docteur / franklin maison de Monsr / de Chaumont / A passy / proche paris


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from [Antoine?] Gautier, 28 June 1777
From: Gautier, Antoine
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur
Au Cap [Français] ce 28 June 1777
J’ay apprit avec plaisir que les traittes de M. Ceronio ont eté acceptées et payées, du moins la majeure Partie, ce qui me fait croire qu’elles le seront toutes.
Je ne seray pas le premier a Vous apprendre la malheureuse nouvelle, que le Navire Le Meulan commandé par le Capitaine Laguchay a eté prit au debouquement sortant d’icy et que votre Paquet a eté trouvé par les Royalistes, ayant Ete decouvert par un des Matelots françois, moyennant quelques Guinées que les Anglois avoient promis a ceux qui le Declareroient. Il est impossible de vous dire comment ce Batiment a eté prit: aussitost que votre Paquet a eté trouvé on a expedié un Bateau de 16 pieces de Canons pour Porter le Capitaine Laguchay et les deux ingenieurs qui etoient a bord pour Londres: nous desiront bien icy de savoir l’issuë de cette expedition. Certainement le Ministre, Mons. de Sartinne, et vous serez instruit de cette nouvelle, a la récéption de la présente. Nous aurions Besoin sur nos costes de six fregattes pour faciliter les Américains: car les Anglois en ont autant et avec leurs Corvettes, qui font plus de mal que les fregattes même parce qu’[elles] viennent jusque dans nos ports.
Il est annoncé a M. Ceronio, deux gros Batimens chargé de tabac et de Rits avec des indigos; Dieu vûille qu’ils les recoivent: car malgré toutes les lettres que ma maison lui a prise, il lui doit encore environ 70 mille Livres, et quelqu’autres dettes criardes qui lui donnent beaucoup de chagrins. Notre Confience est entiere en lui, persuadé que le congrê ne l’abandonnera pas, en se Ressouvenant que tout ce que ma maison a fait n’a eté que pour son honneur; parceque si il eut manqué comme il etoit dans le cas de le faire, cela auroit fait un tres mauvais effet. J’ay l’honneur d’etre tres parfaittement Monsieur Votre tres humble et obeissant serviteur
Gautier fils
M. franklin