Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 12 August 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

					Sirs,
					Quincy, August 12, 1809.

				WE will now return to Mr. Laurens, on the correspondence upon other subjects.
On the 14th of October, 1780, wrote to Dr. Franklin—“The extracts of letters you were so good as to send me,
have been inserted in the public papers, and I should be
obliged to you for future communications of the same
kind.Notwithstanding the flow of spirits and vigorous exertions of our countrymen, this year, I am sorry to say I cannot see a prospect of any thing decisive this campaign.
The fatal defect in the plan of the campaign, in neglecting
to send a sufficient number of ships with M. De Terney,
or soon after him, will render abortive all the great exertions and immense expenses of the year. And at the same
time Cornwallis will spread too much devastation, at the
southward, where the want of numbers of the whites, the
excessive number of the blacks, and above all, the want
of discipline and experience will make the people long
unhappy and unfortunate.The ill luck of Carolina pursues her citizens even to
sea, and to Europe. Can nothing be done for the relief
of Mr. Laurens? Will you be so good as to apply to court,
and see if they will lend us some officer of rank to exchange
for him? After exchanging so many military men as
prisoners of war, it is pitifully spiteful to use Mr. Laurens as they do. But they cannot conceal the meanness of
their character.I have felt the mortification of soliciting for money as
well as you.—But it has been merely because my solicitations have not succeeded. I see no reason to be ashamed
of asking to borrow money. After maintaining a war
against Great Britain and her allies, for almost five years,
without borrowing any thing abroad, when England has
been all the time borrowing of all the nations of Europe,
even of individuals among our allies, it cannot be unnatural, surprising, culpable or dishonorable for us to borrow
money. When England borrows annually, a sum equal
to all her exports, we ought not to be reprobated or disgraced, for wishing to borrow a sum annually equal to a
twelfth part of our annual exports. We may and we shall
wade through, if we cannot obtain a loan: but we should
certainly go forward with more ease, convenience and
safety, by the help of one.I think we have not meanly solicited for friendship any
where. But to send ministers to every great court in Europe, especially the maritime courts, to propose an acknowledgment of the independence of America, and treaties of amity and commerce, is no more than becomes us,
and in my opinion, is our duty to do. It is perfectly
consistent with the genuine system of American policy,
(that is, peace and commerce with all nations; alliances
with none) and a piece of respect due from new nations
to old ones. The United Provinces did the same thing,
and were never censured for it: but in the end they succeeded.—It is necessary for America to have agents in different parts of Europe, to give some true information
concerning our affairs, and to refute the abominable lies
that the hired emissaries of Great Britain circulate in every comer of Europe, by which they keep up their own
credit, and ruin ours. I have been more convinced of
this, since my peregrinations in this country, than ever.
The universal and profound ignorance of America, in this
place, has astonished me. It will require time and a great
deal of prudence, and delicacy too, to undeceive them. The method you have obligingly begun, of transmitting
me intelligence from America, will assist me in doing, or
at least in attempting, something of that kind; and I
therefore request the continuance of it.”October 15, 1780, wrote to Mr. Luzac—“I have
only time at present to request you to let me know whether the pamphlet is out. You gave me hopes it would
be public last week, but I hear nothing of it.—When it
is finished, I should be glad to have a dozen or two of
them, for which I shall be glad to pay you on the receipt
of them."October 22, 1780, wrote to the Baron I. D. Vander
Capellen—“I have this day received the letter which
you did me the honor to write me, on the 16th instant.
I beg you, sir, to accept my sincere thanks for this instance
of your attention to the U. States of America. I
have long desired the honor of an acquaintance with the
Baron Vander Capellen, whose virtuous attachment to
the rights of mankind, and to the cause of America, as
founded in the clearest principles of them, has been long
known and admired in America. I ask leave to communicate to you in confidence, as I have done as yet, to very
few in Amsterdam, that although Mr. Laurens was destined to this country, on an important negociation for the
United States, yet the Congress, lest an accident might
happen to Mr. Laurens, have been pleased to send me a
commission, in part at least of the same import, although
I had before, a commission for another service. I have
kept my commission secret, in hopes of Mr. Laurens’s arrival. But all hopes of this, by the barbarous severity of
the English, are now at an end, and I must set myself in
earnest about the business of my commission. I have not
yet settled the conditions, nor determined on a house. I
should be happy, sir, to have your advice in respect to
both. You give me great pleasure by informing me that
a relation of yours has discovered an inclination to place
twenty thousand florins in the American funds. As soon
as an house is chosen, and the terms fixed, I shall with
pleasure accept the offer. I shall give great attention, sir, to the gentlemen you are so good as to recommend to
me.—Mr. Trumbull is, as I believe, in London. He will
undoubtedly pay his respects to you when he comes this
way.”Amsterdam, October 23, 1780—wrote to Mr. A. M.
Cerisier at Utrecht: “I have received the letter you did
me the honor to write me on the 17th, and thank you
for the favor, as well as for your care in procuring me
the books. This kind of speculations is very entertaining
to me, and I wish to have every thing of the kind that
comes out. I shall keep all the books, and pay Mr. Wild
(the bookseller at Utrecht) for them, when he comes to
Amsterdam. Cornwallis’s victory, which we may well
suppose to be greatly exaggerated in his letter, would not,
if it were literally true, have any lasting bad consequences. The executions that he so barbarously threatens,
may occasion retaliations which philanthropy would wish
to avoid.The English made their first efforts against the northern states. There they were able to do nothing but shew
their ill will. They then fell upon the middle states.
Here they succeeded no better than before. Now they
have concerted their plans and directed their forces against
the southern states. Georgia and South Carolina are at
the southern extremity of the continent, and have so few
white people, and are embarrassed with so many negroes,
that the English have gained more advantage, as they
think. But it will appear in the end, that the principal
advantage will be, stealing a multitude of Negroes, and
sending them to the West India islands for sale, and plundering other effects for the private emolument of some
of the officers. The militia of the southern states have
not yet been practised to war, and are, I suppose, strangers
to discipline. But the militia of the northern and middle
states have had a good deal of experience, and are very
good troops: and it will not be long before the militia of
the southern states will be as well disciplined as any.I believe with you, that France has no desire to recover
Canada, in order to hold it. She may wish to have it made the fourteenth State in the confederation, and in this
the other thirteen would agree, as they might with you,
that Nova Scotia might be the fifteenth. It can do no
good to leave either of those provinces in the hands of
any European power. It will only lay a foundation for
future wars.I am happy to learn that you have turned your thoughts
to the debt of America.—It is a subject very much misunderstood in Europe. The whole debt of the United
States does not amount to six millions sterling. For this
debt they have carried on the war for six years. At this
rate, they might maintain the war, an hundred years,
and at the end of it, be no more in debt, in proportion to
the number of people, and the value of their former exports, than Great Britain is now, even supposing against
fact and experience, that the population of America should
not increase.The congress receive the public taxes, either in paper
or silver, at the election of the citizen. They receive a
silver dollar in the room of forty paper ones, which makes
the value of all the paper bills in circulation, about one
million and a quarter sterling. A loan of one million and
a quarter sterling would enable them to annihilate all the
paper bills in circulation, and conduct their business in
future by a mixed medium.One would think that a nation of three millions of
people, whose wealth consists in lands, industry, and the produce of both, would not find a difficulty in obtaining
in Europe a loan of a million and a quarter, when single
cities have sometimes obtained as much.Your English, sir, is very good: but if it will be easier
to you, your letters will be equally agreeable in French.
Your sentiments, in whatever language conveyed, cannot
fail to please and to instruct a republican whose life has
been spent in sincere devotion to liberty.”In this place I must introduce to your readers, a new
character, Mr. Cerisier.—When upon my first arrival in
Holland, I made enquiry of all the men of letters, and in
all the booksellers’ shops, for any thing which had been published in French or English, by which information
might be obtained relative to the constitution, and the
history of the seven United Provinces, among other
things, was put into my hands a work under the title of
“Tableau de L’histoire générale des Provinces Unies,” in
six volumes, already published, and I was told that the
author, Mr. Cerisier, was still employed in continuing his
design; that it was very elegantly written, and very correct, both in his facts and reflections. I was so well pleased with the perusal of it, that I made enquiry concerning
the author, and hearing a very pleasing account of him
from several respectable persons, and that he lived at Utrecht, I made a journey to that city on purpose to become
acquainted with him. I found him a well bred man, a
fine classical scholar, of an easy, civil and familiar address,
so sociable and communicative, that in two or three days,
we were as much at home with each other, as if we had
been brought up together. He soon became very inquisitive concerning our American cause, and the state of our
affairs. As he was familiar with the English and Dutch
languages, as well as the French, I had no difficulty in
explaining to him every thing he wished to know. From
this time he became very much interested in American affairs, removed to Amsterdam, sought acquaintance
with all Americans who arrived there, and in a short time
acquired a great deal of knowledge of our governments,
arms, arts, views, manners, and principles. He spent
much of his time with me, and proposed to publish a periodical paper, with a view to serve our cause. I encouraged this very cordially, and he soon commenced the
work, under the title of Le Politique Hollandais, or the
Dutch Politician. In this he inserted every thing that he
thought would do honor to America, or promote our
reputation and interest. His paper was much read, and
had a great effect. He was always ready to translate any
thing for me into French or Dutch, or out of Dutch into
French or English. He translated for me General Howe’s
and General Burgoyne’s defences of their conduct, than
which nothing contributed more to open the eyes of the whole people of the United Provinces. My acquaintance, and indeed familiarity with him continued as long
as I remained in that country, without the smallest interruption of esteem or good humor on either side.He boarded at the house of Mr. Wild, a Swiss bookseller at Utrecht, who afterwards supplied me with such
books and papers as he thought would be interesting to
me.October 23, 1780—wrote to Mr. Wild: “I have received your favor of the 20th instant, with a bundle of
books and pamphlets, all of which I shall keep, and will
pay you for them as you propose, when you come to Amsterdam. I should be obliged to you, if you would send
me every thing of the kind that comes out, and I will
pay you upon demand.The great examples of Holland and Switzerland, next
to those of Athens and Rome, have been the most frequently quoted in America, through the whole course of
her contest for liberty, which has given the Americans a
kind of affection and veneration for the citizens of these
republics. Your country, therefore, both by birth and
adoption, entitle you to the respect of every American.”October 23, 1780—wrote to Mr. Jennings: “Your
excellent letter of the 19th, is received. Your feelings
upon the behavior of Cornwallis, and the treatment of
Mr. Laurens, I find, are in unison with mine.—The news,
however, is not at all surprising to me. I have ever expected, whenever I have crossed the Atlantic, to experience the same, and still greater indignities, if I should
have been so unfortunate as to fall into the hands of the
English.Reconciliation and peace are but dreams of philanthropy. Let us think of them no more, but prepare to grow
up in the midst of war. Let us not be deceived with the
idea that the next campaign will be the last. It will be
no such thing. The treatment of Mr. Laurens will have
a deep effect upon the American mind. He is very dear
to all honest Americans. His ill treatment will be considered as it is intended, as a studied insult; as a glaring proof in the sight of all the world, of their contempt and
hatred of all America, and of their determination to pursue hostilities to the last extremity.I rejoice with you in the arrival of the alliance. Mr.
Austin is gone to Nantes. The affair of St. Martins
makes a deep impression. I have not my health here so
well as in Paris: but otherwise I like my situation very
well, and shall remain here some time.The Trial of the three Kings I have read. Mr. Guild
had the only one I have been able to see, and that he
carried to America. It is flattering to us. It is droll and
very saucy. It makes so free with many sovereigns, that
I believe it will not be easy to procure it. The Testament
Politique I have received, and thank you for it. There
is a flood of pamphlets upon the times, all of which are
favorable to our side. Have you read the Letters Hollandaises: le Destin de l’Amerique, &c.?If my information is not false, it seems as if the armed
neutrality would come to something in time.I am not without hope, that De la Motte Piquet, or
somebody is gone to De Ternay, but dare not hope too
much. However, if you were to converse two hours
with Mr. Searle, you would not be distressed very much.
He is the only man I ever met in Europe, who tells what
I know to be true about the state of our affairs. It is a
comfort to have one witness.”1780, October 23, wrote to Messrs. Curson & Governeur, at St. Eustatia—“I have the honor to address to
your care, some dispatches for congress; and to request
that you would embrace the first good opportunity to
transmit them. As I shall send duplicates by other ships,
I must beg the favor of you to send them by different
vessels to America. Permit me to remind you of the necessity of impressing it carefully on the mind of the person
to whom you may commit them, to sink them in case of
inevitable misfortune.”Same day wrote by another vessel to the same house—“The inclosed dispatches for congress, I have the honor
to request you would transmit by the first good opportunity. It is but lately I learned that you were, agents for
the United States. I shall have occasion to write to
America sometimes, by the way of St. Eustatia, and shall
take the liberty to trouble you with the conveyance of my
letters, requesting however that you would transmit the
letters that may arrive to you in different vessels, by different ships, lest originals, duplicates and triplicates, should
sometimes go in the same.”1780, Octobor 24, wrote to Dr. Franklin. —“I have
this moment the honour of your letter of the 20th, and it
is as cold water to a thirsty soul. I have been busily employed in making inquiries, in forming acquaintances,
and in taking advice. In hopes of Mr. Laurens’s arrival,
and wishing him to judge for himself, I have not decided
upon some questions, that necessarily arise. I am not able
to promise any thing, but am encouraged to hope for
something. The contents of Mr. Jay’s letter, will certainly have great weight and use. I am assured of the
good will of a number of very worthy and considerable
people, and that they will endeavor to assist a loan. Let
me entreat your excellency to communicate to me, every thing you may further learn respecting the benevolent intentions of the court of Madrid, relative to this subject.
I will do myself the honor to acquaint you with the progress I make. I was before in hopes of assisting you
somewhat, and your letter has raised these hopes a great
deal, for the English credit certainly staggers here a little.The treatment of Mr. Laurens is truly affecting. It
will make a deep and lasting impression on the minds of
the Americans: but this will not be a present relief to
him. You are no doubt minutely informed of his ill
usage. Can any thing be done in Europe for his comfort
or relief?”1780, October 24, wrote to Congress. “I have received several letters from London, concerning Mr. Laurens. It is certain that he has been treated with great
insolence by the populace in his journey from Dartmouth
to London: and that he is confined to  mean apartment
in the tower, denied the use of pen, ink and paper, and none of his friends have been able to obtain leave to visit
him, excepting his son and Mr. Manning, and these positively limited to half an hour. He is ill of a dissentary,
much emaciated and very invective against the authors
of his ill usage. I saw last night a letter from Mr. Manning himself, so that there is not doubt of the truth of
this account. This deliberate, this studied manifestation
to all the world of their contempt and hatred of all America, and of their final determination to pursue this war
to the last extremity, cannot be misunderstood. The
honor, the dignity, the essential interest, and the absolute
safety of America, require that congress should take some
notice of this event. I presume not to propose the measures that might be taken, because congress are in a much
better situation to judge. I have waited in hopes of Mr.
Laurens’ arrival: but now all hopes of it are extinguished. I must, in pursuance of my commission, fix upon a
house, and settle the conditions. No time has been lost:
it has all been industriously spent in forming acquaintances, making inquiries, and taking advice of such characters as it is proper to consult. The present state of things
affords no hopes, but from a particular order of men.
These I have endeavored to gain, without giving offence
to any others. And I am not without hopes of obtaining
something, though I much fear it will be short of the expectations of congress. I am not as yet at liberty to mention names: hereafter they will be known. I cannot too
earnestly recommend to congress to take measures, if
possible, to send some cargoes of produce to Amsterdam
or St. Eustatia, for the purpose of paying interest. A little of this would have a great effect. I ought not to conclude without repeating my opinion, that a commission
to some gentlemen, of minister plenipotentiary, is absolutely necessary.

					John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Rush, 14 August 1809
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

My dear Old friend
Philadelphia August 14. 1809

I send you herewith some more of Col Duane’s papers. You will perceive in One of them proposals for  republishing you letters in a pamphflet. It was from a Conviction that you saw things with Other eyes than most of the persons that cooperated with you in establishing the Independance of the United states, and that your Opinions and Conduct would bear the Scrutiny of posterity at that eventful time, that I have so Often urged you to bequeath to your Country memoirs of your life, or the history of your own times. Suppose You take up the state of the public mind with respect to that great measure in 1774. 1775 & 1776, and the private and public part you took in it. I once heard you say the Active business of the American Revolution began in Philada: in the Act of her Citizens in sending back the tea ship, and that massachussets would have ruined her portion of the tea, had not our example encouraged them her to expect Union & Support in destroying it. Perhaps you have never heard that Col: Bradford first suggested to General Mifflin the necessity of opposing the landing of the tea, in an accidental interview they had at the old Man’s door. The general received the proposition coolly, and said it would be impossible to awaken Our Citizens to a Sense of the importance of such a measure. The Old man said “leave that business to me.  I will collect a few active Spirits at my house the tomorrow evening. Do you be one of them, and we will soon bring set the City in motion.” The next evening six or eight citizens (of whom I was one) met at his house. A number of resolutions were drafted. A town meeting was  called a few days Afterwards. Dr Cadwallider (an aged & highly respected Old Whig) was applied to, to preside at it which he chearfully agreed to do. A large meeting was held. The business was conducted with prudence, Spirit and Unanimity. The flame kindred on that day soon extended to Boston & gradually spread throughout the whole Continent. It was the first throe of that Convulsion which delivered great Britain of the United states.—
J Cheetham is now employed in writing the life of Thos Paine. He applied to me for the history of the origin of his Common Sense. In reply to his letter I informed him, that Mr: Paine wrote that pamphflet by at my suggestion, and that I gave it its name. I did not suggest a single idea contained in it, and I believe Dr Franklin’s person was head & hand were equally distant from the author while he wrote it. Mr Cheetham intends to do Paine justice. He will expose his faults errors and crimes as well as extol his talents and Services to our Country.
The young people of our Country born since the year 1774 & who compose a majority of readers our citizens would recive every thing that came from your pen upon the Subject of American Independance with great Avidity. The history of the prejudices, and fears that were gradually written and spoken down, before that measure took place, would form an interesting View of the human mind in its relation to liberty and government. One thing would be very striking in the history of the time alluded to, and that is, the sameness of the prejudices & fears of a certain Class of our Citizens with respect to the monarch, the government, the commerce, and the power of Great Britain.
We have had some Cases of yellow fever in our city, but at present we are perfectly free from it.
I have great pleasure in informing you that my son John has recovered from his late attack of insanity, and is now doing duty in the navy. A gloom still I have heard hangs upon his spirits. This I fear must be the Case a long as memory & friendship retain their places in his mind. The young man who fell by his hand—was as dear to him as a brother.
A safe passage to both our sons across the Ocean! with love to all who still surround your table, I am Dear Sir your Affectionate and Obliged friend
Benjn: Rush.
PS: Do you recollect your once telling me that Col. Laurence told you, that in a Conversation he had with George Greenville just before he left England After the War began, that it was not a War to enforce taxes—but to restrain her our Commerce—and “that we spread too much Canvass upon the Ocean.”? You concurred in this Opinion.


Title: To John Adams from William Cunningham, 18 August 1809
From: Cunningham, William
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir.
Fitchburg, August 18. 1809.

The last mail brought me your favour of the 8th of July, with a postscript of the 13th. inst. Whether you had received my letter of the 9th. inst. does not appear by you favour. You request the return of the Letter to yourself uncopied—you will find it enclosed, but if you have no particular reasons to the contrary, you would oblige me by entrusting it to my possession. It contains many things which I admire; many that were before unknown to me; and nothing to censure more than you have confessed a consciousness of being too severely right.
I regret that my suggestions have cut out so much work for your reflections; but you will own, that when you ask’d my opinion, I was bound in the fidelity of friendship, to give it to you freely and fully; and it is a satisfaction to me that you are sensible of the sincerity of my affection. The thoughts I have given you on your public Letters, have all been shaped in a situation to make me timid of their soundness. Feeling myself restrained from the right, if I had the opportunity, or consulting others, I have sent you my opinions direct from the place of their conception, without a swaddling-cloth, a tunic or a pin from any other hand. It is not common that a judgment is made up and communicated upon an important subject, without a previous interchange of thoughts; or without examining how it comes out from the menstrum of other men’s minds. And I confess that I have no such fondness for my bantling, that I am unwilling to have it thrown, naked as it is, into the bullrushes, never to find a Faustulus for a friend, nor an Acca Laurentia to give it suck.
The motives for your writing, as you unfold them in a couplet, are deserving of all regard—To abash the guilty—to humble the insolence of riches—to expose the nakedness of titled folly, and to strip the mask from the visage of knavery, are subjects rising in importance above every other in a pure Republick. Virture Virtue, Mediocrity of condition, Wisdom, and Honesty, are its adamantine pillars:—
“Let none presume
To wear an undeserved dignity
O that estates, degrees, and offices,
Were not deriv’d corruptly! and that clear honour
Were purchas’d by the merit of the wearer;
How many then should cover, that stand bare?
How many be commanded that command?
How much low peasantry would then be gleaned
From the true seed of honour? and how much honour
Pick’d from the chaff and ruin of the times,
To be new varnished?”
After I had noticed in some of your public Letters, some reflections upon the Senate, I reviewed the reasons for its institution, and have collated the thoughts of many civilians upon such a branch in government, particularly Sir Wm. Blackstone’s. According to your Letter now before me, you consider the country reduced, by the Senate, to the condition of the Kilshonites, who were anathamatized for the refusal of their help. I may coincide with you in this subject, but the contrary opinion was too deliberately imbibed to be inconsiderately abandoned. If it be a “Fortress of exclusive party,” and a “Barrier against moderation and impartiality,” (and your opinion Experience is your lecturer, while Reason only is mine.) may you not be an unheeded Capys, nor an unsuccessful Laocoon, when you warn of its dangers, and when you smite its sides.
Of the prostitution of power to the brutal purposes of sensual gratification, we know, to the disgrace of our nature, of too many instances. Such gross declension is more shocking among an infant people, than among nations gray in crime, as vice is more odious in a youth than in a hardened sinner. In this view I think it most lamentable, that in your opinion “the panegyrical orations of Ames and Otis”—and the “Funeral made by the bankers in Boston,” for Hamilton, exceeded in atrocity and impiety, the King’s brothel of Belview, and the Adonian Temple of Madame Du Barry.
You say, I “know not the history of this man.” I certainly do not, if your portrait of him shews his lineaments. That he was a perfect infidel, was current through the nation, before the confessions of his last hour; though since his death, President  has testified to his conversion to christianity before the catastrophe of Hoboken.
Perhaps he had not time to devote to theological enquires, and if he had, he would have found himself countenanced in infidelity by many of the first men the world have seen, who had gone in their investigations to the bottom, and whose speculations lay in the way of his political researches. He may have met with the poison before he found the plantain.
When I dined with him at Gov. Jays, I sat opposite to him. He was remarking on the political character of Moses, and expressed his surprise that no one had attempted his portrait in that light, for he thought it a perfect model. I suggested to him, that it would be good subject for his own pen, and smiling, I told him he would make a figure on a character from the Bible. The discourse immediately turned, in a strain of pleasantry, upon the historical parts of that book, when Gov. Jay, who had given an ear to the conversation, broke in with these words:—“Sir,” says he, addressing himself more particularly to me, “Sir,” says he, “no person ever yet made a serious examination of the Bible unsatisfied of its truth.” The remark was, no doubt, intended for my profit, but I am very confident it was considered by the whole company, as an admonition to Hamilton.
The “infidelity of the worst kind, propagated by him in our army, when in the Family of Washington,” I am unacquainted with. I have always thought that Washington had him in his mind when, in his valedictory where he speaks of the importance of religious opinions, he says—“Whatever may be conceded to the influence of a refined education on minds of peculiar structure.” &c.
You say, I have never read Hamilton’s pamphlet, &c. It was circulated, at first, among his confidential friends, one of whom, Judge Bourne, lent it to me the day he received it. I cannot write this name without indulging the mournful pleasure of saying more of him—He was a prop on which I lean’d through a trying scene, and the greatness of his soul was so legible in the services he rendered me, that it seems less an obligation of gratitude, than due from truth, to say, he was a noble of nature—if none but such as him were taken away in the full perfection of their powers, and in the full vigour of their virtues, there would be in their translation, so clear an indication of the divine favour, as would raise us from the consolation of such a hope, to the confidence of its reality.
That You have indeed, “been the target for the poisoned arrows, and chewed balls of malice, envy and revenge,”—it is the unfailing lot of all greatness to be so. What idle traveller ever gained the ascended the peak of Tenneriffe—or gained the summit of St. Gothard, of the Vessuvius—or of Chimborazo, without taking up a stone as he approached the mountain, to throw upon the pile on the top—without running his staff into the soil, and tossing it into the air—or without regaling, in some such manner, the liberty which alone relieved him under the sense of his inferiority. Nor are the shafts of malice to be so much complained of, since integrity, virtue and wisdom, are against them a shield impenetrable as the ægis of Jove. “The very stream of your life, and the business you have helmed, must, upon a warranted need, give you a better proclamation.”
In answering your Letter, I have reserved to the last the concupiscence of Hamilton. “All sects, all ages smack of this vice.” Men speak of it as Lucio spake of Claudio’s embrace of her:—“If myself might be his judge, he should receive his punishment in thanks.” Angelo was resolved on the condemnation of Claudio, when Escalus, the associate of Angelo on the judgment seat, thus addressed him:—
. . . . Let but your honour know,
That in the workings of your affections,
Had time coher’d with place, or place with wishing,
Or that the resolute acting of your blood
Could have attain’d the effect of your own purpose,
Whether you had not some time in your life,
Err’d in this point which you now censure him.”
To the same effect, Isabella addresses him:—
. . . . “Go to your bosom,
Knock there, and ask your heart what it doth know
That’s like my brother’s fault; if it confess
A natural guiltiness such as his is,
Let it not sound a thought upon your tongue
Against my brother’s life.”
These arguments are without the pith to mitigate your judgment of Hamilton, which made them prevail to soften Angelo—you never had a design against an Isabel, nor broke your promise to a Mariana. But they are all-powerful to abate the rigour of rebuke in most, and not wholly impotent even on those
. . . . “Whose blood
Is very snow-broth; of those who never felt
The wanton stings and motions of the sense.”
These are the reasons, and the author from whom I have taken them is good authority that they are natural reasons, why men look leniently on lasciviousness. But because I recapitulate them to you with a view to moderate your public reproaches of Hamilton, I pray the justice of you not to think that I am blindly bent on his vindication—by no means;—most truly can I say with Isabella:—
There is a vice that most I do abhor,
And most desire should meet the blow of justice.
Knowing the impetus you felt when speaking of the “Libeller” Hamilton, I have been fearful whether you would not get into too hot a temper, and thus disease your rebukes with the fever of an animosity. I have thought that you would have been safer to have followed Plato, and to have said, “Speusippus, do you beat that fellow for I am angry.” But, Sir, you set him before me in new and horrid odiousness. Of his “debaucheries in New York and Philadelphia”—of “his audacious and unblushing attempts upon ladies of the highest rank and purest virtue”—of “the indignation with which he has been spurned”—and of “the inquietude he has given to the first families.” I never before heard a word. By this he was as infamous as Caligula, when he told Asiaticus, in public, what kind of a bedfellow was his wife. If he was all this, he was abandoned beyond reclamation. Neither Candour, nor and charity can be must be dumb in his excuse. Avouch, Sir, all this to be true, and I shall consider myself bound by all my duties to my family, to virtue, to my country, and to heaven, to dress him in a suit from the Devil’s wardrobe, and hold him up to the execration of mankind.
Cato valued himself on his integrity, and was, it is said, addicted to intemperance, but the friends of Cato prized him so highly for his main excellence that they looked on his occasional intoxication with indulgence—Thus I have understood it of Hamilton—he set the estimation made of his uprightness against that which might be formed from the confession of his lewdness, and he determined that the weight of his cardinal virtues would preponderate over every defect, and keep forever that scale immoveably down. But could he think—could any body believe, that his peculation, if true, as insinuated in an ephemeral “History of the United States for the years 1796, and 1797.,” was a crime less aggravated than the robbery of virtue of its unbought, invaluable and irredeemable possession? Vain dependence on the clemency of the world! In his “Remarks explanatory of his conduct, view motives and views,” in meeting Burr, written the day before the interview; and in his Will, he speaks in most moving tenderness of his “Wife and Children.” In his last hour, according to Dr. Moore, he was collected, tranquil and resigned as Addison—If there had never been a——I should be confounded.
I think the restoration of the Non-Intercourse, judicious. But I crimson for the honour of my country, when I think of the way war she is waging with statutes and state papers. Our system is almost as visionary as was Gonzalo’s for the government of the inchanted Island, where
“All things in common nature should produce,
Without sweat or endeavour: treason, felony,
Sword, pike, knife, gun, or need of any engine.”
. . . . . “But nature should bring forth
Of its own kind, all foizen, all abundance.”
Ours should be the resolution of Pistol, when Fallstaff refused to lend him a penny, and say:—“Why then the world’s mine oyster which I with sword will open.”
On false reasonings, we have preferred the golden and the silver casket, but the “meagre” leadin alone contain the treasure of our Liberty.
The Orders and Decrees with which “these sanctimonious pirates (E. & F.) go to sea, are like the ten commandments, from which they scrape, or interpolate the table.”
England and France are both “manors of Pickt-hatch”—“whether in white or green, and we cry mum, and they cry budget,” they will yet baulk us. They should be made to keep their covenants, or answer us in flesh.
With veneration and affection, / I am, Dear Sir, / Your most obliged Friend
Wm: Cunningham, Jr.
N.B. There are some parts of our Letter unnoticed in my answer. I had not time to examine it so minutely as I want to—I have almost a mind to detain it for your second thoughts, or until I write again—if you will favour me with its farther use, I will, if you should wish it, send you back a duplicate.
W. C.


Title: To John Adams from Henry Guest, 25 August 1809
From: Guest, Henry
To: Adams, John

Honoured Sir
New Brunswick E Jersey August 25th. 1809

I took the liberty some time back, (I cannot say how long, as I did not kn date the copy of that letter wherein I honestly explained my meaning of the word dormant, and thought you would have been pleased, and satisfied with my explanation—but I have not been honoured with a line from you since yours of reprimand of dormant. To my great satisfaction and pleasure your dormant powers have lately been a little raised. First in your publication in your letter to 2 of your friends in your quarter on the nondivision of our country, and lately your justification of your administration when President—These lines I have not all seen, but a friend of mine tells me they are to be published in a pamphlet, when it is probable I will get one—all of which by honest & sensible men are much approved of, and I feel happy that your dormant powers have been awakened for the general good of our Country—I have seen some restrictions on your notice of Hamilton but, in my opinion, it would take your take your keenest pen to come up to the conduct of that designing, crafty, and wicked man, and, although I am no advocate for dwelling, I thought it a happy matter for our country that half an ounce of lead had given him his Quiatus—When living, I gave him, a dose as good as my pen could write & at another time as good my tongue could utter by three of his friends & admirers—
Sir
I most sincerely congratulate our country, his family, and friends, that Mr. John Quincy Adams, is sent embassador to Russia—There is no doubt with me but that he will be useful & ornamental to our country—May the great ruler of the seas, convey him safe & in good health in that foreign Country—I suppose there has gone with him some man of character to act as consul; if so, this would be an excellent opportunity to supply our country with hempseed which is greatly wanted—I have made an experiment in its culture; but, to get seed I was obliged to send to New York and bye it of huxter women who sold it for the seed of yellow birds at one shilling per quart. I sowed it the first day of May & it grew from 8 to 11 feet four inches in height; but as I was not acquainted in the rotting part I lost the greatest part of it—as it is much sooner rotted than I was aware of—This however shows that any quantity could be raised in these states if the seed could be had at a moderate price—If you have my pamphlet still, when at leisure please to read my letter addressed to congress in 1802 on that subject, but unnoticed by them—Our government, in fitting out their little marine, had lately been obliged to buy up flax at 14 pence per pound—several tons of which, have been purchased in this town for that purpose—I wish your pen had time to put this matter in its proper light to the public that our fertile fields may hereafter yield us this necessary article in abundance
Sir So far My Little Grand Daughter has Wrote for my trembling hand if this Letter is too Long for your Lesure please to Lay it Down when you think propper and forgive the Man that feels himself honoured Where by, subscribes himself  / Your Most humble Servt

Henry Guest


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Rush, 25 August 1809
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

My dear friend
Philadelphia August 25. 1809

I enclose you four numbers of Duane’s paper. They contain a good deal of matter relative to the dispute between our Country & great Britain. I have not read a column of it, but it excites general attention in our city, and of course is probably worth the notice of a Man who has not, like myself, outlived his patriotism.
My wife, Uncle Mr Boudinot and his daughter it is said, have lately paid a visit to Boston. They will I presume not return without an excursion to Quincy. Since the loss of his cause & character in his contest with the Bradford family, he was sued for a settlement of the estate of the Revd Mr Caldwell who was killed by the British near the close of the revolutionary war, and to wh children which Mr B: acted as administrator. He was said to have acted with great kindness to Mr Caldwell’s Children. Indeed his conduct to them, was the corner stone of his charitable & religious fame. The suit for a settlement of the accounts of the estate was brought by a clergyman and a young Lawyer who had each married a Daughter of Mr Caldwell. To prevent its coming before a Court Mr B—paid to them for the benefit of the whole family £13.000. This business is much spoken of in New Jersey and New York. The Clergy however still cherish him. The following anecdote will explain the reason of their doing so. Some years ago the a rich man belonging to the Society of friends near Princeton gave himself up to drinking. After many private admoninitions from his friends he w to no purpose, he was finally told, by a Committee of the meeting, that if he did not reform, he would be disowned by the meeting. “Disowned disowned!” said he—“you dare not disown me—there is not a man belonging to your Society in these parts that can entertain public friends by myself—no—no—you can’t afford to disown me.” Mr B: keeps a good table, and entertains the “public friends” of all denominations.
yours sincerely
Benjn. Rush


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 25 August 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

					Sirs,
					Quincy, August 25, 1809.

				1780, Nov. 30th—wrote to Congress: “The
state of parties in this republic is still critical. Many
anonymous pamphlets appear, on both sides. Those
which proceed from the English party, are virulent against
Mr. Van Berckel. The republic itself wavers, according
to events and causes, which are impenetrable. A few
days ago, the plan appeared to be to accede to the armed
neutrality, in order to satisfy one party; and to disavow
the conduct of Amsterdam, in forming with Mr. Lee the
project of a treaty, in order to appease the other. Fifteen
cities, even in the Province of Holland, have disavowed
this measure. Haerlem and Dort are the only two which
have approved it. The grand Pensionary of Holland
(Van Bleiswick) has sent after the courier who had been
dispatched to the plenipotentiaries at Petersburg, and
brought him back to the Hague. What alteration is to
be made is unknown. It is now given out, that they
have determined to increase the fortifications of the maritime towns, and augment their garrisons. I see, every
day, more and more of the inveterate prejudices of this nation in favor of the English, and against the French;
more and more of the irresistible influence of the Stadtholder; and more and more of the irresolution, uncertainty and confusion of the nation. How the whole will
conclude I know not. One thing is certain, that Congress
can depend upon no money from hence. Confiding in
the assurances of Dr. Franklin, I have accepted all the
bills drawn upon Mr. Laurens, Which have, as yet, been
presented to me, amounting to 34,358 guilders. But I
have no prospect of discharging them, or even of deriving
my own subsistence from any other source than Passy.
Congress will, therefore, I presume, desist from any further draughts upon Holland, at least until they receive
certain information that money has been borrowed, of
which I see no present prospect.”1780, December 1—sent to Congress a complete list of
the French and Spanish fleets at Cadiz, with the names
of all the ships and their commanders, a force which the
English were not then in a condition to blockade or to
meet. It is long, and not worth transcribing at present.1780, December 1—wrote to Mr. Jennings: “I thank
you, sir, for your favor of the 20th of November. I am
really weary of reading such follies as motions to address
the King for peace. They are only delusions to the people of England, the people of America, and all the other
nations of the earth. The case of Mr. Laurens, and
those of Mr. Trumbull and Mr. Tyler, among millions
of other incidents, shew with whom we have to do.The States General have acceded to the armed neutrality, and disavowed the conduct of Amsterdam, which
I suppose is intended, to trim between the two parties in
the republic, and between the belligerent and neutral
powers. Whether they will keep themselves in peace
by it, time will shew. I do not see the practicability of
the British ministry’s seizing upon the Dutch money in
their funds; how can they distinguish it?Arnold’s desertion is no loss to us, nor gain to our
enemies. I am shocked and grieved, however, as well as
you, that such an example should be exhibited to the world of so much bravery and so much baseness in the
character of a native American. He had forfeited the
esteem of his country; he had incurred her displeasure
and her censure; and then he sold himself to her enemy,
wounded, maimed and mutilated as he is. Much good
may he do them. I wish that every such plunderer
would go over after him. I expect that several others
will. We shall be purified and strengthened by it.Mr. Amory’s packet I have sent by the way of St.
Eustatia. The duplicate I will send by a better opportunity.We must prepare our minis and hearts for another
scene of exultation and triumph among our enemies.
We shall soon have the news, I fear, that they have taken
post at Portsmouth, in Virginia; and by this means the
nation will be thrown into a fermentation of joy—They
will believe that all the trade of Chesapeake Bay will be
theirs; that Virginia and Maryland will be theirs, in addition to Georgia, the two Carolinas, &c. &c. &c. This
will be delivered you by my friend Mr. Dana, whom you
will find worthy of your friendship.”Same day—wrote to Mr. William Lee: “I have only
time at this moment to introduce to you my friend Mr.
Dana, who, however, would want no introduction to
you, who know his character. The list of naval forces,
under D’Estaing, at Cadiz, shews that the English have
much to do, before they will have conquered all their
enemies. After the armed neutrality shall be formed,
perhaps there may be more activity.”1780, December 6th—wrote to Mr. Arthur Lee: “I
have received your favor of September 10th, and am very
glad to hear of your visit to Braintree and Plymouth.—I have traced your path as far as Governor Trumbull’s,
at Lebanon. I hope you found things in the Eastern
States, as well as in all others, agreeable. Gov. Trumbull’s son and Mr. Tyler are taken up in England, and
committed for high treason. This will cure the silly itch,
of running over to London: but how shall we relieve
those gentlemen, who behaved as prudently there as any body could. Mr. Laurens’s confinement is relaxed only
by one walk in the yard a day.The States General have acceded to the armed neutrality—It is said, the Prince was induced to acquiesce, by
letters from the King of Prussia, who convinced him that
he would make himself too responsible, if he held out
against it. The states of Holland, excepting Haerlem
and Dort, have disavowed the treaty between Amsterdam
and your brother. Sir Joseph’s memorial is not yet answered. The disasters in Carolina, the inactivity of
France and Spain, the desertion of Arnold, the rough
treatment of Mr. Laurens, Mr. Trumbull and Mr. Tyler,
the publication of Mr. Laurens’s papers, but above all,
Sir Joseph’s memorial, have totally annihilated our credit
here, at least for the present. No man dares any thing,
lest he should be charged with aiding, abetting and comforting rebellion. We have nothing to depend upon but
ourselves and providence. The English are making a
bluster about sending troops. They talk of ten thousand
men, and are trying to hire transports here. But we
know how they annually execute these threats. Shall
be always glad to hear of your welfare, and the news
from our country, from want of which we suffer very
much.”1780, December 6th—wrote to Stephen Sayre, Esq. at
St. Petersburg: “Am much obliged by the information
in your letter of 21st of October, though I have neither
instructions nor powers by which I can improve it in any
other way than in speculation. I am extremely pleased
with the idea of opening a trade between Russia and
North America. It may be done immediately, by the
way of the French or Dutch islands: but I cannot but
wish to see a direct commerce between the two countries.
There was formerly such a trade; and I know some families in Boston who have made handsome fortunes by it;
which is sufficient to shew that the trade was profitable.
America will be one of the best customers for leather,
copper, linen, flax, hemp, sail cloth, drugs, linseed oil,
feathers, musk, rhubarb, &c. for which, if she had a free trade, she could pay, either in produce or cash; and,
therefore, I am certain, that whenever it shall be permitted, there will be a very extensive commerce in these articles with Russia. I should be obliged to you, sir, if you
would inform me what American articles would find a
market in Russia. There is at present such a demand in
America, especially in Philadelphia and Boston, for hemp
and duck, &c. that they cannot be sent to any market
upon earth that will give one half so much for them.
Pray what should hinder your ships from going directly
to Boston or Philadelphia? The neutral powers have
surely a right to navigate to America, and to trade with
their inhabitants. Have they not? How long will all
the nations of the earth bear with the unreasonable pretensions of England? I presume we shall soon hear important news from St. Petersburg. The Neutral Confederation, I hope, will bring our enemies to reason; for surely so many great nations are not to be trifled with.1780, December 6—wrote to Dr. Cooper: “I have
received your very agreeable letter of the 8th of September. Nothing could give me more satisfaction than to
learn the peaceable establishment of the new constitution.
I sincerely wish Mr. Hancock happy in his important office.—Much will depend upon the wisdom and firmness
of the first Governor; and much upon the impartiality
and liberality with which he hearkens to the advice of
such as have abilities and dispositions to give the best.
There are characters in the Massachusetts, very able, if
they draw together, to conduct the State through every
perplexity and danger; but if any little or great animosities, should estrange them from each other, the consequences will be very disagreeable. They may be very
pernicious. I am impatient to see the list of council,
senate and assembly. The attention of nations is turned
to the Massachusetts more than ever. That commonwealth
has a great trust in its hands, and I hope will be able to
give a good account of it. It has hitherto answered the
highest expectations.Their High Mightinesses have at length determined to
accede to the armed neutrality. The King of Prussia will
accede to it. It is believed, that his letters to the Prince
of Orange have induced his Most Serene Highness to relax
his opposition, because it is supposed that he had influence
enough to have prevented the republic from acceding, if
he had been determined. At present, however, the
Dutch are much intimidated. They are afraid of every
thing; but above all things, of giving us a credit. As
to peace, there is not a thought or a word spent about it.
The war will last several years. If America were to seek
peace, or even reconciliation, and even if France would
consent that she should, Great Britain would grant her
no other terms than unlimited submission. Depend upon
it, there never was more malice, or deceit, nor more
wicked designs, than that whole nation entertains against
us, at this moment.”1780, Dec. 6th—wrote to Isaac Smith, Esq.: “From
the great number of American vessels which have arrived
in Europe, in the course of the last summer, I think our
commerce, as well as privateering, is on the rising hand;
and I hope, that the next year it will increase, and that
we shall hear oftener from home. Though I shall reside
here for some time, I hope my friends will not fail to
write me by the way of France and Spain. Mr. Laurens
is in strict confinement, and so are Mr. Trumbull and
Mr. Tyler, who imprudently went over to England. I
believe that, in time, the Americans will realize that the
English are their enemies. Nobody need be afraid of
privateering, from apprehensions of peace. There is no
peace to be had.”1780, Dec. 6th—wrote to Mr. Bondfield, at Bordeaux: “The non-arrival of the cloathing is a great
disappointment and misfortune in America. The British
ministry are never at a loss. You see they were very
ready to discover how Mr. Laurens was to be treated.
They will easily know how to treat Mr. Trumbull and
Mr. Tyler. If Americans had understood their parts as
well, Mr. Trumbull and Mr. Tyler would never have trod British ground, nor Mr. Laurens have been trusted
in a cock-boat. Live and learn. The changes in the
marine department (in France) will, I hope, have good
effects in many points of view. But not knowing the
character of the new minister, must wait for time to bring
forth truth.”1780, December 6—wrote to Dr. Franklin: “Thank
you for the extract from Dr. Styles, which I have communicated to Mr. Searle and Mr. Dumas, as you desired.—Should be happy to see the detail of Arnold’s conduct.
As long as Congress and courts martial inflict so gentle
punishments upon flagrant criminals, and then entrust
them with commands and employments, as if nothing
had happened, so long we may expect to see examples of
treachery, desertion, and every other villainy. What an
instance of bravery and baseness this man has exhibited!There is one measure, however, that would scatter more
knaves than all the discipline of the army, or than all
committees of enquiry that ever sat. It is a civil action.
Let the United States sue at common law, every man who
has abused the public confidence, and let a jury determine.
A jury would turn many a one out of his chariot into
the dirt. Arnold was accused of plunder, or rather of
peculation, by the executive council of Pennsylvania.
He ought to have been sued. If he had, he would never
have had a command again.There are confused rumors of Gates’s having obtained
advantages of Cornwallis; but as we have nothing from
England, for three or four posts, I know not their origin
or credibility.It is said, in the papers, that Mr. Rochambeau is come
to solicit more troops—More troops would do no harm
that I know of, but they are not wanted. All we want
is money and ships. Men we have enough, and willing
ones too. Without ships, troops will do no good at all.
Until the courts of France and Spain shall see the policy
and necessity of keeping a naval superiority in the American seas, one nation will continue to make sport of all
the nations of the earth.”1780, December 6th—wrote to Mr. Jennings: “Your
kind concern for our health, is very obliging. I shall
cover me with baize, flannels and furs, like a Dutchman.
A man’s feelings soon remove all the ridicule of it.The “Pensees” will serve to excite a curiosity after the
memorial. Many have read it with pleasure. But the
narrative of General Howe has made the greatest impression here. All who have read it, say that it is a demonstration of the universal abhorrence in America of the British
government, and of the impracticability of subduing or
regaining America. Gen. Washington was at Bergen,
very near New-York, on the 9th of October.Will England rush on the thick bosses of the neutral
confederation, reinforced by this republic and the King
of Prussia? How many troops will she be able to send
out? to the islands? the continent? Quebec, &c.? and
by what time will they be ready? If France and Spain
should keep their combined fleets in the channel, next
year will not the English merchant fleets be in danger?
If they should send a superior fleet to North America,
would not the whole British power be in danger? If
American commerce and privateers should extend themselves next year, farther than they ever have done, would
not the English suffer somewhat? What have they got,
last year, but preservation from total ruin, by a series of
miracles? Can they be sure that such a series will continue?”1780, December 6—wrote to Mr. Arthur Lee: “Yours
from Lebanon, 28th Sept. is just come to hand.
I wish the Massachusetts happy in their Governor. It
would not have been otherwise, as you suggest it would,
had an absent citizen been at home. The gentleman
chosen has long been popular in a high degree; the absent one could scarcely ever be said to be so. I hope, in
this instance, we shall do well. More penetration, knowledge and steadiness, might perhaps have been found.
But the intention is good, as I believe.Effectual measures will, I hope, be taken to support
credit; but I doubt whether our allies will send us a million. You know the difficulty we always had to obtain
any money. As to borrowing in Holland, our credit is
not worth a guinea. How can we expect credit abroad,
when we have it not abroad? It is most assuredly in the
power of the people of America to pay in taxes, and lend
to the public, money for our necessities; but nobody
will lend. I have now made experiments in person, and
know that money cannot be borrowed here, although on
my first arrival I was deceived into an opposite opinion,
by people who thought by a few fair words to get a great
deal of trade. The friendship for us in this country goes
little farther than an inclination for our commerce.As to our being forced to an accommodation, God
forbid! We can gain no accommodation but unconditional submission. No propositions the English ever made
us, had any sincerity, or meant any thing more than to
deceive, divide and betray us.—Malice is in all their
thoughts towards us.No man or nation can do a more fatal injury to America, or lead her into a more ruinous error, than by countenancing an opinion that England will give us terms—No, sir! war we must have, and that for years, or slavery
without alloy.”1780, December 6—wrote to Mr. William Lee—after
a long speculation about things of various kinds: “All
these are but wanderings of imagination. Our business
is, as you say, at present, to drive the English out of the
thirteen States; and, as I say, to build a navy. A navy is our only defence; more necessary for us than for Great
Britain. By this alone can we defend a long sea coast,
and transport troops from one place to another. We
need not march armies nine hundred miles, if we had a
navy.”1780, Dec 7—wrote to Mr. William Temple
Franklin, in answer to one from him: “The gout, I
fancy, has done the business of a physician for the Doctor, and laid the foundation for fine health and spirits for
the ensuing winter. I could wish for the gout too, or
any thing else, to make the scene agreeable to me, who, in this capital of the reign of Mammon, cannot find the
air of Passy, nor the amusements of Paris. Here are examples of industry, simplicity and economy, which would
be worthy to be translated to our country, provided there
were any thing like public spirit in them. But here
these are only private virtues, and begin and end in self.”1780, Dec. 7—wrote to Mr. Lovel: “I am this
moment finishing the year since my last arrival in Europe,
and the dullest year it has been that I ever saw. Such
another, I hope I never shall see. The last year has
completely finished our credit in Europe; Unless France
and Spain should lend us money, there is none to be had.
As to the olive branch, the seed is not yet sown that is
to produce the tree that will bear it. I have received
your kind favor of the 7th of Sept. and hope soon
to receive more. We hope to hear that Cornwallis is
checked. The Dutch are pleasing themselves with hopes
from the armed neutrality. They have sent off expresses
to the several courts, to inform them of their accession.
But they dare not attempt any thing else. If you ask
what has become of Ireland? It was silenced by the loss
of Charleston. What of the committees in England?
Frightened by the executions of the mob. What is become of our credit in Holland? Annihilated by the defeat of General Gates and Sir Joseph Yorke’s memorial.
Thus you see how mankind are governed in this hemisphere. I send you a pamphlet lately published here.”1780, December 9—wrote to the Baron Vander Capellen: “I have received the letter you did me the honor to write me on the 28th ult. The pamphlet which I
took the liberty to send you, may possibly excite in some
minds a curiosity to read the original memorial, and turn
the attention of many to a subject that deserves a serious
consideration. It is very probable that Mr. Pownal meant
to alarm this republic, and perhaps other nations, by several things which he has inserted in his work; for he is
by no means a friend of America. The truths he tells in
her favor, do not come from a willing witness.These little alarms of merchants, or of nations, are not
much to be regarded. The American question, one of
the greatest which was ever decided among men, will be
determined by the cabinets of Europe, according to great
national interests. But let these decide as they will,
America will be independent. It is not in the power of
Europe to prevent it. Little mercantile apprehensions,
and less family competitions, and alliances among Princes,
may light up a general war in Europe. It is possible
that a jealousy of the house of Bourbon, may inkindle a
war of several powers against those nations who follow the
several branches of that family; but this would promote,
rather than retard American independence. American
independence is no longer a question with one man of
sense in the world, who understands any thing of the
subject. That merchant must be a very superficial thinker indeed, who dreads the rivalry of independent America, in the fisheries, in freight, and in the coasting trade,
and yet would not be afraid of it, connected with Great
Britain. The possibility of America’s interfering with
any nation, in any of these things, will certainly be retarded by her independence.I agree with you, that the credit of America was never
lower in the Low Countries than at this hour; but I am
unfortunate enough to differ from your opinion concerning the causes of it. The tales of Gates and Arnold, and
the French and Spanish fleets, &c. are ostensible reasons.
The true one, is the apparent obstinacy and fury of England, manifested several ways, particularly in the treatment of Mr. Laurens, and the rage at the discovery of
his papers.—These have intimidated every body. Every
one dreads the resentment of the English party, and no
man stands forth in opposition to it. So be it. Let them
go on, lending their money, and hiring their ships to England, to enable her to murder people, of whom neither
the lender nor the borrower are worthy. Time will shew
them how much wisdom there is in their unfeeling sacrifice of every sentiment and every principle on the altar of
Mammon. The less America has to do with such people, the better it will be for her. As to authentic informations, sir, no information from America would alter sentiments which are formed upon motives that lie altogether
in Europe. No information from. America could alter
the constitution of this republic, give the Stadtholder less
decisive influence in it, or destroy the relations between
the families of Hanover and Orange. I should not,
therefore, think it wise or honest in me to deceive America, with any kind of hopes of assistance in any way from
this republic. There are a few, a very few individuals,
among the foremost of whom, you, sir, will ever be remembered, who would wish, from generous motives, to
do us service; but they are so overborne by the opposite
party, that they never will be able to do much, excepting
in a case in which we should have no need of their assistance.”1780, December 9—wrote to Dr. Tufts: “Am obliged to you for the journal of the weather; but cannot
admit your excuse for not writing me politics. Every
one says you will have public affairs from others. So I get them from none. The institution of an Academy of
Arts and Sciences, does you much honor in Europe, and
it will, after a little time, be encouraged many ways; but
do not set your heart upon benefactions from abroad.
It is a shame that we should beg for benefactions. There
have been but two Hollis’s. There will perhaps be no
more. I wish we were wise enough to depend upon ourselves for every thing, and upon Europe for nothing.
Ours is the richest and most independent country under
Heaven; and we are continually looking up to Europe
for help. Our riches and independence grow annually
out of the ground. The English are hiring ships here to
carry troops and provisions to America. They have hired
about a dozen, and there are orders to hire as many as
they can.—The Dutch are waiting for the English stocks
to fall below sixty, and then every body will put their
money into them. These gudgeons are deceived. The
English emissaries give out that there will be peace; the
credulous Dutch believe it, and think that after a peace the English stocks will rise, as they did after the peace of
1763.—They hope to make fifteen or twenty per cent,
clear profit. The Dutch have acceded to the neutral
confederation; but this I suspect, will be brutum fulmen.”1780, December 9—wrote to Dr. Cooper, in answer
to his of the 25th of July: “The promised reinforcement is not yet sailed from France. I hope they will send
more ships. I sincerely wish myself at home. Peace
will not be made for many years, and to what purpose I
should stay here, I know not. In America I could do
some good, if I could get there without going after Mr.
Laurens. Our unthinking countrymen never, from the
beginning, appeared to me to be sufficiently sensible of
the difficulty and danger of the work they were about.
They seem now to think they have nothing to do, but
call upon nations of Europe to their aid. Many think
they have only to propose peace, and there will be peace.
Only ask for accommodation, and they shall have it.
Depend upon it, accommodation is not now at the disposal of America, on any other terms than unconditional
submission to Great Britain, and a war with France and
Spain. How little soever France and Spain are disposed
to assist us, we should find them very different enemies
from what they were the last war. Their marines and
finances are as much more formidable, as those of Great
Britain are less. I know not the reason, but our countrymen never appeared to me to have considered seriously
what it was to commit hostilities against Great Britain.—They seem to think the English still their friends. They
will find themselves the dupes of their own good nature
and unsuspicious temper. There is not in England one
half the rancor against Frenchmen and Spaniards, that
there is against Americans. The administration have
found means, and had the art to inspire even the populace
with a hatred of us, as bitter as that of the common soldiers who are employed to butcher us in America. If
we do not in time, find out that Great Britain is our enemy: and that we must renounce all ideas of connexion,
correspondence or intercourse with her, I shall be mistaken.The Dutch politicians after the two invasions of their
republic by Louis 14th and Louis 15th, published little
books containing short and simple narrations, adapted to
the capacities of children, and the common people, of
the devastations, cruelties and brutalities of the French
armies, committed in the republic, intermixed with little
prints representing many of the most detestible of those
scenes. The books were entitled “French Tyranny.”
They were read by every body, even taught to children
in the schools, and contributed to excite an universal hatred of that nation, which runs through every vein to this
day. The English ministry are representing Americans
in prints and caracaturas, in a light equally odious to the
people of England.—Yet the gentlemen in America seem
to be afraid to represent the British conduct towards them,
lest it should alienate the affections of the people. If there
is ever again any affection between Americans and Britons it will be miraculous indeed. Our officers too are
continually expressing their admiration of British officers,
troops, navy, discipline, &c. as if they thought the way
to make their soldiers fight was to represent the enemy as
terrible. It will not be at all wonderful, if militia fly,
and continental troops too, as long as this is the case.
Pray put our countrymen into a more able way of managing the best cause, and working with the best materials.
If between three and four millions of people, inhabiting
such a country as ours, and in a manner out of debt,
cannot defend themselves against between five and six
millions (this was Dr. Price’s calculation at that time)
three thousand miles off, and two hundred millions in
debt, it will be the most shameful discovery that ever was
made.

					John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 29 August 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

					Sirs,
					Quincy, August 29, 1809.

1780, December 9th—wrote to general James Warren, (among many other things, some too trifling, others
mere repetitions of what has been said in other letters,
and some perhaps, too severe to be worth transcribing:)
“I am of your mind concerning flags to England, and
importations from thence. There has been too much
weak communication, which must be cut off.—The design of the Dutch is to keep peace, if possible. No resentment of injuries or insults; no regard to national
honor or dignity, will turn them out of their pacific
course. They will lend money and hire transports to the
English, sell goods to America, and naval stores to France
and Spain: in short, get money out of all nations, and
go to war with none. They will not lend us any money,
nor do any thing to favor us, but get money out of us,
lest England should declare war against them, for aiding,
abetting, and comforting rebellion, against treaties which
the English have long since declared void, but the Dutch
still hold sacred as their honor and their religion.The republic, however, has acceded to the armed neutrality. The principle that free ships shall make free
goods, will assist us in procuring present supplies, and
will be more useful to America, hereafter, when she, I hope,
will be neutral, although other nations may be at war, than
to any nation of Europe. But I do not expect any sensible advantage will result from it to us very soon. The
Prince of Orange and the States General will proceed so
slowly, not to say will affect so many delays, that it will
be some years before any great thing will result from it.My eloquent friend, the Abby Raynal, whose History
you mention, is publishing a new edition of that work,
in which he says he has inserted a complete history of our
revolution. He says he has mentioned my name as one
of the characters, without which the revolution would not
have been accomplished; at the same time, he says, he
has cast some blame upon me. I told him I was then
sure, at least, of such an immortality as he wanted, who
burnt the temple; but I promised to attack him if he has
abused me. He will not let me see it. Perhaps he may
alter it, and erase my name. I told him he ought to do so, if he had ascribed a fifth part of the work to one as
he says he has. Be it as it may, Suum cuique decus Posteritas rependit. I wish I were at home, that I might do
something worthy of history; here I can do nothing.
The beauteous olive branch, I fear, will never decorate
my brows. I must spend my life in the  pride, pomp and
circumstance of glorious war, without sharing any of its
laurels. My most profound respects to Mrs. Warren. I
dread her history more than that of the Abby. (Prophetic, to be sure!) I want to know in what colors she
will draw brother Lee. He little knows what eyes were
upon him.”1780, December 9—wrote to Mrs. Warren: “I wish
success to the act for cutting off all communication with
England. That unfortunate nation grows every day more
and more inimical to us, and to themselves. They have
been wise as well as great, but that day is past. They
will persecute us as they did our fathers; and the
worst engine they have to play against us, are the remainders of a prejudice in their favor.The letter, madam, which you sent me by your son, I
suppose, is in the sea. His capture is no longer unknown
to you.—Where he is, I know not—I hope, in America,
exchanged. It would have given me great pleasure to
have contributed somewhat to his entertainment in Europe. It is not, however, a country where I should wish
the sons of my friends, any more than my own, to reside
long. There are snares enough for youth, every where;
but they are fewer in America than here. And American youth discover in Europe, I think, a greater propensity to folly and vice than the natives. I grow, every
day, more and more wearied and disgusted with Europe,
and more impatient to return forever, to that country
where alone I ever was, or shall be, happy. Perhaps, however, I shall not be so fortunate in crossing the ocean a
fourth time; a long imprisonment, or a fate more disagreeable still, may be before me. Whatever it may be,
I shall meet it with fortitude, and comfort myself with the
reflection that no man ever suffered in a nobler cause.
There are in my power means enough for the pursuit of
knowledge and of pleasure; but I have not that inclination to take advantage of them, which I should have done
in earlier life, before my soul was bowed down with care.
I have seen in the course of the last year a variety of
kingdoms, empires and republics, and as great a variety
of religions; and had a fine opportunity of remarking
the effects of them upon human nature, and indeed upon
the very face of the earth. The result of all has been a
stronger attachment to the religion and government of my
native country, than ever. I wish every American youth
could have borne me company. He would not need afterwards to swear upon the high altar, enmity to Britain,
nor friendship to America. It seems to me impossible,
that even Arnold should have been a traitor, if he had
ever made the journey from Ferrol to Amsterdam. How
much should we deplore that spirit of dissipation, vanity
and knavery, which infects so many Americans, in imitation of the old world, and threatens to ruin our manners
and liberties. This, to be sure, madam, is preaching;
but it is to a lady who knows it to be sound doctrine, and
therefore will not despise the sermon, because it contains
nothing new.”1780,
Dec. 14—wrote to Congress: “I am every
day accepting the bills of exchange which were drawn
upon Mr. Laurens; but I have no prospect of obtaining
money to discharge them, but from Dr. Franklin. For
some years before I came to Holland, every person I saw
from this place assured me, that, in his opinion, money
might be borrowed, provided application was made, with
proper powers, directly from Congress, to solid Dutch
houses. After my arrival here, such assurances were repeated to me, by persons whose names I could mention,
and who, I thought, could not be deceived themselves,
nor deceive me. But now, that powers have arrived, and
application has been made to Dutch houses, undoubtedly
solid, those houses will not accept the business. In short,
I cannot refrain from saying that almost all the professions
of friendship to America which have been made, turn
out, upon trial, to be nothing more than little adulations
to procure a share in our trade. Truth demands of me these observations. Americans find here the politeness
of the table, and a readiness to enter into their trade; but
the public finds no disposition to afford any assistance, political or pecuniary. They impute this to a change in
sentiments; to the loss of Charleston; to the defeat of
General Gates; to Arnold’s desertion; to the inactivity
of the French and Spaniards, &c. &c. &c. But I know
better. It is not love of the English, though there is a
great deal more of that than is deserved. But it is fear
of the English, and the Stadtholderian party. I must,
therefore, entreat Congress to make no more draughts
upon Holland, until they hear from me that their bills
can be accepted, of which at present I have no hopes.People of the first character have been, and are still,
constantly advising that Congress should send a Minister
Plenipotentiary here; and insist upon it, that this would
promote a loan: it is possible it may; but I can see no
certainty that it will.—Sending a few cargoes of produce
would do something.The Dutch are now glorifying themselves upon the
depth and felicity of their politics. They have joined
the neutrality, and have disavowed Amsterdam, and this,
they think, has appeased the wrath of the English, the
appearance of which in Sir Joseph Yorke’s memorial terrified them more than I ever saw any part of America intimidated in the worst crisis of her affairs. The late news
we have of advantages gained by our arms in several
skirmishes in Carolina, contributes a little to allay the panic. All, in Europe, depends upon our successes. But I
sayCareat successibus optoQuisquis ab eventu, facta notanda, putat.”1780, December 17—wrote to England: “I regularly
receive the newspapers; but have not received the books
or pamphlets of any kind. If the majority of the people
your way think America still theirs, they might as sensibly think Gascoigne and Guienne still theirs. Poor, deluded fools, how I pity them!Sir Joseph Yorke is pelting the Dutch with memorials,
in the style of Bernard’s speeches and Hillsborough’s letters. The Dutch hate war. They will not be aggressors.
But your ministers have war in their hearts against Amsterdam, if not the whole republic. The ministry labored to divide the people of Boston from their leaders;
the people of Massachusetts from Boston, and the other
colonies from Massachusetts, until they united all in one
independent sovereignty, which will be an example in
arms, arts, liberty and glory, for the admiration and envy
of the rest of mankind. They are now laboring to divide the people of Amsterdam from the regency, the other cities of Holland from Amsterdam, and the other six
provinces from Holland. That ministry have no other
maxims of government than corruption and division.
But they take their measures so awkwardly, every where
but in England, that they produce union. They will do
so in this case, and presently the Seven United Provinces
will be as independent as the thirteen United States of
America.”1780, Dec. 18th—wrote to Congress: “War is, to
a Dutchman, the greatest of evils. Sir Joseph Yorke is
so sensible of this, that he keeps alive a continual fear of
it, by memorials after memorials, each more affronting
than the former, to any sovereignty of delicate notions of
dignity. By these means he keeps up the panic, and while
this panic continues, I shall certainly have no success at
all. No man dares to engage for me. Very few dare
see me. On Tuesday last, the 12th of December, the
British ambassador had a conference with the President of
the States General, and upon that occasion presented to
their High Mightinesses the following memorial:—
High and Mighty Lords,The uniform conduct of the King towards the republic;
the friendship which has so long subsisted between the two
nations; the right of sovereigns, and the faith of engagements the most solemn, will, without doubt, determine
the answer of your High Mightinesses to the memorial
which the subscriber presented some time ago, by the
express order of his court. It would be to mistake the
wisdom and the justice of your High Mightinesses,
to suppose that you could balance one moment to give
the satisfaction demanded by his majesty. As the resolutions of your High Mightinesses, of the 27th of November, were the result of a deliberation, which regarded
only the interior of your government, and it was
not then in question to answer the said memorial: the
only remark which we shall make upon those resolutions
is, that the principles which dictated them prove evidently
the justice of the demand made by the King.—In deliberating upon this memorial, to which the subscriber hereby
requires, in the name of his court, an answer, immediate
and satisfactory in all respects, your High Mightinesses
will recollect, without doubt, that the affair is of the last
importance; that the question is concerning a complaint
made by an offended sovereign; that the offence, of
which he demands an exemplary punishment and a complete satisfaction, is a violation of the Batavian constitution, whereof the King is the warranty; an infraction of
the public faith; an outrage against the dignity of his
crown. The King has never imagined that your High
Mightinesses would have approved of a treaty with his
rebel subjects. This would have been, on your part, a
commencement of hostilities and a declaration of war.
But the offence has been committed by the magistrates
of a city, which makes a considerable part of the state;
and it is the duty of the sovereign power to punish and
repair it. His Majesty, by the complaints made by his
ambassador, has put the punishment and the reparation
into the hands of your High Mightinesses; and it will not
be, but in the last extremity, that is to say, in the case of
a denial of justice on your part, or of silence, which must
be interpreted as a refusal, that the King will take this
charge upon himself. Done at the Hague, the 12th of
December, 1780.
(Signed) Le Chevalier Yorke.If the Prince’s denunciation excited an alarm, and the
first memorial of Sir Joseph Yorke a terror, this second
memorial corroborated and augmented it to a great degree.
For although the Dutch are as brave a people as any in
Europe, and have in every period of their history exhibited a courage as cool, patient, persevering and intrepid as
any nation, ancient or modern; nevertheless, a long
course of peace and gain, an habitual study of measures
of neutrality for near a century, had so established a timorous policy in their minds, that a near prospect of war
astonished and confounded them. Some among them,
however, felt the indignity as well as the terror.”Sirs,1780, December 18—wrote to Mr. Jennings: “I have
received yours of the 11th. The enclosures I have
packed with my dispatches, and the duplicate of Mr.
Amory’s, to go by the first opportunity.Sir Joseph will kick and cuff and pinch this republic,
until he forces into them a little spunk. They cry shame
upon his last memorial, more than the former. However, I believe he knows the nature of them enough to answer his end, which I take to be, to intimidate them from
doing any thing more for America, and particularly from
lending me any money. Many are apprehensive that the
Prince is at the bottom of all this, and in concert with the
King of England, or rather with his ambassador; and
that the intention is, for the King to give orders to his
ships of war and privateers, to make prizes of ships belonging to Amsterdam, in order to ruin the merchants of
that city, and by these means disaffect them to the Regency.
The body of merchants and the common people, are at
present as well affected to the regency as they ever are.
But the wish of the English party is to detach them. The
constitution of the city is such, that it seems to me impossible that there should be ever a very strong attachment
in the minds of the citizens to the Burgomasters. The
people must consider the interest and honor of the Burgomasters, Counsellors and Schepens, (and these constitute
the Regency) as distinct from their own, and therefore
cannot feel any thing which touches their rulers, as touching themselves.”1780, Dec. 21st—wrote to Congress: “The sentiments and affections of a people may be learned from
many little circumstances which few persons observe.
The poets and orators have been generally considered, both
in ancient and modern nations,  as the surest repositories
of popular ideas. The clergy may be classed among the
latter; and it is very certain that most public preachers
accommodate both their sermons and their prayers in
some degree to the general taste of their hearers, and
avoid every thing which will unnecessarily give them offence.At Rotterdam there are several English churches. The
Presbyterian church, which one would think should be
the least likely to be bigotted to England, I attended.
The Parson, in his prayer, after petitioning Heaven for
the states of Holland and West Friesland, the States General and Counsellor of State for the Prince of Orange, their
hereditary Stadtholder and Governor, added a very devout
supplication for England—for the King, Queen and royal
family—for their health, long life and prosperity, and
that he might triumph over all his enemies in the four
quarters of the world.—At Amsterdam I have attended
both the Episcopal and Presbyterian churches, and heard
similar addresses to heaven in both, At Utrecht I attended the Presbyterian church, and there heard a prayer
for the English, with much more fervor, and in greater
detail. The Parson was quite transported by his zeal,
and prayed for King, Queen, Prince of Wales and all the
royal family; for the Ministry and Parliament; for the
success of their arms in the four quarters of the world,
and especially in North America; that their arms might
there be completely triumphant; that the rebellion which
had so long prevailed there, might be totally suppressed,
and compelled to hide its head in shame. At Leyden  there in another English church. The priest is a tory,
but prudently omits such kind of prayers.This is quite a work of supererogation in these reverend
political zealots; and is therefore a stronger proof that
such sentiments are popular. The English, who are
very numerous in all these cities, are universally in favor
of the British ministry.—But there are so many Dutch
families who worship in these churches, that the ministers
would not give them offence, if such prayers were offensive. This is the more remarkable, as the religion of
North America is much more like that of this republic than like that of England. But such prayers recommend the clergymen to the Prince of Orange
and to the English party, and no other party or person
has influence or courage enough to take offence at them.”1780, Dec. 25th—wrote to congress: “The dispute between Great Britain and the United Provinces, is
now wrought up to a crisis. Things must take a new
turn in the course of a few days; but whether they will
end in a war, or in the retraction of one party or the other,
time only can determine. I have before transmitted to
Congress, the two memorials of Sir Joseph Yorke, against
Mr. Van Berckel and the Burgomasters of Amsterdam.
The language of both, conformable to that domineering
spirit which has actuated the counsels of St. James’s, from
the beginning of this reign, has engaged the honor and
dignity of the crown, and the pride of the nation, so far,
that there is no retreat without the most humiliating mortification.On the other hand, I have authentic information, that
the States, proceeding according to their forms, have determined to refer the conduct of Amsterdam to a committee of lawyers to consider and report whether the Burgomasters have done any thing which they had not authority to do, by law and the constitution. It is universally
known and agreed, that the report must and will be in
favor of the Burgomasters: this report will be accepted, and confirmed by the States, and transmitted to all the
neutral courts, in order to shew them that neither the republic in general, nor Amsterdam in particular, have
done any thing against the spirit of the armed neutrality.
The States have also determined to make an answer to the
memorials of the British ambassador, and to demand satisfaction of the King his master, for the indignities offered
to their sovereignty in those memorials. In this resolution, the States have been perfectly unanimous, the body
of the nobles, for the first time, having agreed with the
generality. The question, then, is, which power will recede? I am confidently assured, that the States will not;
and indeed, if they should, they may as well submit to
the King, and surrender their independence at once. I
am not, however, very clear what they will do. I doubt
whether they have firmness enough to look a war in the
face. Will the English recede, if the Dutch do not? If
they should, it would be contrary to the maxims which
have invariably governed them during this reign. It will
humble the overbearing, insolent pride of the nation. It
will expose the ministry to the scoffs and scorn of opposition: it will elevate the courage of the Dutch, the neutral powers, and the house of Bourbon; not to mention
the great effect it will have in America, upon whigs and
tories, objects of which the British court never loses
sight.This republic is certainly, and has been for several
weeks, in a very violent struggle. It has every symptom
of an agony, that usually precedes a great revolution. The
streets of Amsterdam swarm with libels of party against
party. There have also appeared some masterly pamphlets, written in favor of the Burgomasters. Thousands
of extravagant and incredible reports are made and propagated. New songs appear too, one particularly adapted to the amusement of the sailors, and calculated to inspire them with proper sentiments towards the English.
A woman who sung it in the streets, the day before yesterday, sold six hundred of them in an hour, and in one
spot. These are symptoms of war; but it is not easy to
conquer the national prejudices of an hundred years
standing, nor to avoid the influence of the Stadtholder.In this fermentation the people can think of nothing
else; and I need not add, that I have no chance of obtaining a single ducat of money. But Congress will see the
necessity of having here, in these critical times, more ample powers.”1780, December 25th—wrote again to Congress: “It is
very difficult, to discover, with certainty, the secret springs
which actuate the courts of Europe; but whatever I can
find with any degree of probability, I shall transmit to
Congress, at one time or another. The Prince of Orange
himself,  of the royal family of England, his mother having been a daughter of King George the Second: this relation is one among the several motives which attach the
Stadtholder to England. His Princess is a niece of the
King of Prussia (Frederick the Great, as they call him,
who, not content with the character of a wit, a poet, an
historian, a statesman, and a warrior, must needs be a foolish philosopher) and, it is believed, is not perfectly agreed
with his Most Serene Highness, in his enthusiasm for the
English court. Frederick is supposed to have a great esteem and affection for his niece, to correspond with her
frequently, and in some of his letters to have expressed
his sentiments freely, upon the Prince’s conduct, intimating that his Highness would take too much upon him,
and make himself too responsible, if he persevered in a
resolute opposition to the armed neutrality. The Empress
of Russia, who is possessed of a masculine understanding,
and it is said, a decided inclination to America, is thought
to have expressed some uneasiness at the Prince’s political
system. The King of Sweden, who was lately at the
Hague, is reported to have had free conversation with the
Prince, on the same subject. All these things together,
are supposed to have made his Highness hesitate, and consider whether he was not acting too dangerous a part, in
exerting all his influence in the republic, in opposition to
the general inclination of the people, and all the maritime
powers of the world. The English court must undoubtedly be informed of all this—They dread the accession
of the Dutch to the armed neutrality, more than all the other parties to that confederation, because of the rivalry
in commerce, and because the Dutch will assist the marines of France and Spain more than all the others. The
present conduct of the English indicates a design to go
to war with the Dutch, on pretence of an insult to their
crown, committed two years ago, by a treaty with America, in hopes that the Dutch will not be supported in this
quarrel by the confederated powers. But they will be
mistaken. The artifice is too gross. The neutral powers will easily see that the real cause of offence is the accession to the armed neutrality, and the conduct of Amsterdam only a pretext.

					John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 31 August 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

My dear old Friend,—
Quincy August 31. 1809.

If I were not as disinterested as a Patriot, I should answer every Line from you as soon as recd. in order to get another. Your favour of Aug. 14 is yet, to my Grief unacknowledged.
Neither Colonel Duane nor any other Newspaper will follow me through the long Journey I have undertaken. I am not certain that the Patriot will have Patience and Perseverance enough. In short I shall be so tedious that I shall have neither Readers nor Printers. I dare say that as much as you love me you have not read, and it will be impossible you should read all that I have published, much less all that I shall publish. The Duties of your Profession will not allow you time; nor can I say it is worth your while if you had more Leisure.
I have very solemn notions of the sanctity of History. Every Historian ought to be able to take the Oath of Thuanus, Pro Veritate Historiarum mearum Deum ipsum obtestor. This was an oath taken to I know not how many volumes, forty or fifty perhaps. I should not dare to take such an oath to any History I could write. I pretend to nothing more than to furnish Memorials to serve Historians. It is their Business and Duty to detect my errors and appreciate every Thing according to its true value. Amid all my avocations I have found time to read Mr. Fox’s Morsell of History; and I can scarcely refrain from wishing that his whole Parliamentary Life had been employed in writing History. It is but a Morsell of one single year of James the Second; but it displays an Industry a decernment a reflection beyond Robertson Hume Gibbon and all the rest. The style too is more pure and genuine English, notwithstanding the parentheses, than any of the pompous and elegant fine Gentlemen I have mentioned with Johnson added to the number. I doubt whether faithful History ever was or ever can be written. 300 years after the event it cannot be written without offending some powerful and popular Individual Family Party some Statesman, some General, some Prince, some Priest or some Philosopher. The World will go on always ignorant of itself, its past History and future destiny. If you were to write the History of our Revolution how different it would appear from the Histories we have!
The Anecdotes you mention I have no doubt are true. In Holland I wrote some observations on my Friend the Abby Raynal, in which an account is given of the sending back the ships and destroying the Tea very conformable to what you remember I said to you. If I had time I would sent it you.
Mr. Cheethams project is of uncertain utility. The sooner Pain is forgotten perhaps the better. I fear he has done more harm than good. This is however speaking after the manner of Men, with submission to higher Powers.
The News of your son John gives me great pleasure. I hope his gloom will wear off; when it has excited the Reflections and prompted the Resolutions which it ought.
I had a Mind to deposit in some Print, my Negotiations under the Commissions for the Peace of 1783. But I must omit one half and the other half will weary the patience of all Readers. I should look back like Gifford on the Labours of these years, with scepticism, if my own hand writing did not rise before my eyes to silence all doubt.
J. A.


Title: From John Adams to Joseph Ward, 31 August 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Ward, Joseph

Sir
Quincy August 31 1809

If I had not been blind to my own Interest I should have Sooner acknowledged your favor of 23d of June, as that might have been a mean of procuring another before this day. Your Observations are very gratefull to me because they lead me to hope for Some good from a Course of Publications, which few Persons appear to be Satisfied with, for indeed very few have read them in Boston.
You Say you had read them all to the date of your, Letter. I fear your Patience has been put to too great a Tryal, to have held out to this day.
They are not generally read by any Party and cannot be expected to be so.—I am not anxious to have them read by the present Age. I wish them to be preserved to Posterity, that the Truth may be known, without Panegyricks on one hand of or Reproaches on the other, which I have not deserved. The Negotiations of the Peace of 1783 are known in detail by Nobody but myself: and as they have been misrepresented, they will be more So hereafter, if the Truth is not told and Supported by Documents. The History of our Country is getting full of Falshoods and it is high time for some of them to be corrected. Hamilton propagated a great many Some of which I am endeavouring to rectify, or correct or chastize. Have I had any Success? I cannot expect to produce any great Effect.—If a little more Candor and a little more moderation you can be obtained I Shall think my time well Spent. If an excessive Partiality for England too Strongly resembling the Sentiments of the Tories in 1770. 1. 2. 3. and four, can be abated and the fatal Policy of depending on the British Fleet for Protection be averted, it will be well worth the Pains.—In Short the fatal Error of depending on the Wisdom Justice or Benevolence of any foreign Nation, for Protection or assistance, must be corrected or We Shall be miserably deceived and betrayed. I am, dear Sir / as I always have been with great and Sincere Esteem / your Friend and Servant

John Adams