Title: To John Adams from Wilhem & Jan Willink and Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, 12 August 1785
From: Willink, Wilhem & Jan (business),Staphorst, Nicolaas & Jacob van (business)
To: Adams, John

            Amsterdam 12 August 1785

          We have received the Letter Your Excellency favored us with under date of 5th: Inst:—

          It gives us Pleasure that the Contract entered into between Messr: De la Lande & fynje & Mr. F. W. Geyer, Has convinced you said Gentlemen have not been actuated by any improper Intentions—
          The Proposals of Mr: Daniel Parker have not yet taken sufficient Consistence, to address the Board of Treasury on the subject. We shall not fail doing it when some probable Opinion may be formed of their Success. Mr: Parker is not to be put in Possession of any Property, Until he shall have procured a Transfer of double the Amount, in such species of American Funds, as have been placed by Congress upon an equal footing with the Dutch Loans.— If the Creditors here should deem this the most eligible Mode to secure their Property, We cannot conceive it would be prudent nay even possible, the Board of Treasury, should make the least Demur in Co-operating with them, As it will have the additional Incitement of not injuring the Credit of America, Which the Rejection of such an Offer would effect in a material Degree— We shall be glad of your Opinion on this Head & that you would join us in the Steps necessary to be adopted for the Benefit of the General Concern—
          By Virtue of the Inclosed long standing Power, Mr: Thomas Barclay has demanded, a particular State of all our Transactions for the United States of America. Not judging it to extend to us, Who have regularly furnished our Accts: every Month, Which have been approved up to the time of Mr: Robert Morris’s Resignation of his Office of Superintendant of Finance; We have postponed complying with his Request, until we can have your Sentiments on the Matter; When if you acquiesce we will chearfully transmit him without Delay, Copies of all our Accounts with the United States of America—
          We have the honor to be very Respectfully / Your Excellency’s / Most Obdt. & humble Servs.

            Wilhem & Jan WillinkNics. & Jacob van Staphorst.

            It appears to us that Mr: Barclay’s Power only authorizes him to act restrospectively; And by no means to take Cognizance of Transactions Subsequent to the date of his Power from Congress—


Title: From John Adams to Samuel Adams, 15 August 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Adams, Samuel

            Dear Sir,
            Grosvenor Square. Westminster. 15th. August. 1785.

          I recd. your letter by Monsr: de le Tombe yesterday: Every line from your hand gives me pleasure. The Embarassments thrown in the way of our trade will at least have one good effect: they will break a few deceitfull bubbles. They ought to do greater good by curing the People at large of a dangerous distemper brought upon them by the war—the itch of extravagance.— It is melancholy that no invention can be hit upon to guard mankind from the contagion of luxury— Such is the ardent disposition to it that nothing but necessity ever did restrain them. My friends the Dutch have been restrained from only in a degree, and that only by their eternal enemy the Sea, and by the neighborhood of three devouring Monsters France, England & Austria, which threaten alternately to swallow them up— It is a great number of years that I have been fixed in the belief that our Countrymen have in them a more ungovernable passion for Luxury than any People upon earth. The Causes of this would be curious to examine. The fact is indisputable, and you may live to see the day when the ravages of this fury may convince you that you have labored in vain. I am not so sanguine, as my friend Dr: Price, in my expectations of the vast improvement & reformation of Mankind from the American Revolution: Yet I hope it will be many years before the progress of Luxury shall have wrought in America so general a destrustion of principle as it has in England—

          The measures which all the States must take to counteract the British Policy, by opposing Navigation-Acts to Navigation-Acts, will give a long & severe check to prodigality— In this point of view British jealousy and ill will may befriend us.—
          I am, Sir, with great esteem, / Yrs: &c: &c


Title: From John Adams to James Sullivan, 16 August 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Sullivan, James

            Dear Sir,
            Grosvenor-Square. Westminster. 16th. August. 1785.

          Yesterday I received your favor of June. 7th. and the day before I received from Boston the Navigation-Act of Massachusetts. It is probable that our People flatter themselves that this act, and other measures tending to the same end in other States will intimidate the English Nation & force them into an advantageous treaty of Commerce. If such are their views they will be disappointed, as far as I can hitherto judge. The Ministry are very reserved. I can get no answer to any thing. Nevertherless, I think the Massa: Act of Navigation a wise & necessary measure, and I hope it imitated imme: in every other State. But if no other State will adopt it, I hope the Massachusetts will persist in it: it will lay a deep foundation of Prosperity for that People: it will render the multiplication of Ships & Seamen inevitable, and in that way benefit that State beyond their present conceptions. I wish they would go farther, & lay on heavy duties upon all kinds of fripperies fm. Europe. I would not confine it to English ones; but make it general to all: Yet I wd. carefully insert in the list every article of luxury from any part of the British Dominions. My reason for not making a distinction betwn: British & other European manufactures is, the extreme difficulty—the total impossibility of distinguishing British manufactures from others. I observed so many frauds of this kind in the last war that I have long since given it up as impossible to prohibit or to tax British Commodities, unless you tax or prohibit all others of the same kind fm. Europe. They affix false leads, stamps & marks—Dutch Leads & Stamps and French ones are without difficulty annexed to English Goods. But after all, Massachusetts has fixed upon the best objects, wh: are Ships. There can be no impenetrable deception in them, and there is nothing wh: strikes deeper into the springs & motives of Commerce, Politics & War.— If this system is steadily & unanimously pursued it will infallibly, in a cours of time, obtain all we desire fm. G: B: or it will serve us still more essentially by introducing & establishing all necessary manufactures, erecting a bulwark of defence round abt: us, & making us truly an independant People— I think the other States will be necessitated to follow the example: they will soon see such effects of it, in the Massa: as will persuade them.—
          I am, dear, Sir, with great esteem, / Yrs: &c: &c


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Jefferson, 17 August 1785
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Adams, John

            Dear Sir
            Paris Aug. 17. 1785.

          I received yesterday your favor of the 7th. {this was 4. days later than} mr̃ Short’s of the {same date.} it {had evidently been opened. so we must} therefore consider {both govm̃ts as possessed of it’s contents.} I write you a line at this moment merely to inform you that {mr̃ Barclay is willing} to {go to treat with} the {Barbary states if we desire it} & that {this will} not {take him from any employment here.} it will {only retard his voiage to America. let me know your sentiments hereon.} the number 1672. is an error in the alphabetical side of the cypher. turn to the numerical side & in the 11th. column & 72d line you will see the number it should have been & what it was meant to signify. correct your alphabetical side accordingly if it is wrong as mine was. we are told this morning that the {Cardinal Prince} of {Roan} is {confined} to {his Chamber} under {Guard} for {reflection} on the {Queen. who was present} in {Counscil herself on his examination} the first {time She} was ever {there—} & the first {instance} of so {high an eclesiastical character} under actual {force} Adieu / Your friend & servt.

            Th: Jefferson


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Jefferson, 18 August 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Jefferson, Thomas

            Dear Sir
            Grosvenor Square August 18. 1785

          I have received your Favour of the 6. Aug. with the Notes and Project inclosed.
          How can We send another Person? We have not in our Full Power authority to Substitute. Will not the Emperor and the Regencies feel their Dignity offended if a Person appears without a Commission from Congress? Do you mean that he Should only agree upon the Terms and transmit them to Us to be Signed? if you think this Method will do, I have no Objection to either of the Persons you mention—nor to Mr Short. Dr Bancroft is the greatest Master of the French Language. if We conclude to Send either he Should take an attested Copy at least of all our Commissions for Africa, and a Letter and Instructions from Us. if there is any Truth in any of the Reports of Captures by the Algerines, Lambes Vessell may be taken by them.
          Whoever is Sent by Us Should be instructed to corresp[ond] constantly with Us, and to Send, by whatever conveyance he may find, whether thro’ Spain France, England Holland or otherwise, Copies of his Letters to Us to Congress. He should be instructed farther to make dilligent Inquiry concerning the Productions of those Countries which would answer in America, and those of the United States which might find a Market in Barbary, and to transmit all Such Information to Congress as well as to Us.
          I have read over the Project with Care. The 17. Article appears to be carried farther than our Countrymen will at present be willing to go. I presume the three last Words of the third Line of this 17. Article must be left out; and in the fourth line, the 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. & 12th Words; and in the Sixth Line, the first, Second, third, fourth, and fifth Words.
          You have Seen by this Time our Massachusetts Navigation Act, and the Reasonings and Dispositions of all the States tend the Same Way at present; so that We must conform our Proceedings, as I Suppose, to their Views.
          My Regards to Messrs Humphreys, Mazzai, Williamos, &c and believe / me ever yours

            John Adams

            Mr Short left Us on Tuesday. Dr Bancroft is just come in. This Letter will be delivered to you by Mr James Smith, a Gentleman of South Carolina, a Relation of Mrs Adams, whom I beg leave to introduce to You and recommend to your Civilities.


Title: From John Adams to Wilhem & Jan Willink and Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, 19 August 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Willink, Wilhem & Jan (business),Staphorst, Nicolaas & Jacob van (business)

            Gentlemen,
            Grosvenor-Square. Westminster. 19th. Augst. 1785.

          I last night recd. yr: favor of the 12th. and I must repeat to you that I still persist in a fixed resolution to have nothing to do with Mr: Parker’s papers and to wholly disapprove of your having anything to do with them, as the Bankers of the United-States: As private Gentlemen & private Merchants, you will use your own judgement; but as you act for the public I must insist that you do not meddle with them, without the orders of the Board of Treasury—
          I apprehend, Gent:, that Mr: Barclay has a right to call upon every Body, instructed by Congress in Europe, for their Acco’ts:, both subsequent to his Commissn: as well as antecedent— I hold myself bound to transmit him mine, & so do all the other Ministers. I should advise you therefore to transmit him yours assoon as possible— His appointment for this purpose has been & still continues to be very usefull to the Public—
          I have the honor to be, Gentlemen, / Yrs: &c: &c.


Title: To John Adams from John Williams, 20 August 1785
From: Williams, John
To: Adams, John

            Sir;
            August the 20— 1785

          When the dispute between America & the English ministry, first commenced; I summon’d a meeting of Americans and planters, in order to frame a petition against the measures, then agitated; it was sign’d by us and presented to each branch of the Legislature— after the war broke out, I wrote to the People of England under the signature of the Man of Ross, & inforced the doctrine of peace, and when my Speech intended to have been spoken on the Hustings of Guild-hall, was publishd; I certainly was admitted to General Conway & he soon after our meeting, made a Motion for chaining up the Savage of War in America— Lord Rockingham promised to appoint me a Commissioner to treat with Doctor Franklyn, but Mr. Oswald a Scotch Gentleman was inserted in my promised Embassy—
          My letters to the People of England, are in a desultory manner, collected & addressed to the Greatest Politician in England—
          When the Islands were restored, instead of being made a Governor, as I expected, I was appointed, Compt. of Grenada. on my Arrival I admitted all ships from America: but since my departure, a different system has been adopted—
          I hope, your approbation will not be withholden from The Crisis of the Colonies: written with a wish to form a Commercial Union, which every friend to each country ought, in my humble Opinion to promote—
          I have offerd to act as a Commissioner to treat with Congress and to go to America on this business, so near my heart, without any Salary—
          Whenever agreeable to you, I will chearfully wait on you; as I have the honor / To be / with the / Highest respect— / Your Most Obedient / & Most H Servant

            John WilliamsAt the RevdMr: [Shewries?]—Ealing—Middlesex—


Title: From John Adams to John Jebb, 21 August 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Jebb, John

            Dear Sir
            Grosvenor Square August 21. 1785—

          As I had the misfortune the other day not to agree fully with you in opinion concerning the 36th article of the Constitution of Pennsylvania, I beg Leave to state to you my objections against it, and then to ask you if there is not some weight in them my first objection is that it is not intelligible, it is impossible to discover what is meant by “offices of Profit” Does it means that there can be no necessity for, nor use in annexing either salary, Fees or Perquisites to Public offices? and that all who serve the Public, Should have no Pay from the Public but should subsist themselvs & Families out of their own Private fortunes, or their own Labour in their private Profession, Calling Trade or Farm. this seems to be the sense of it,—and in this sense it may make its Court to the Quakers and Moravians, Dunkers, Menonites, or other worthy People in Pennsylvania. that is to say to their prejudices and it will recommend itself to whatever there is of popular Malignity and Envy and of vulgar Avarice in every Country, But it is founded in Error and Mischief. For. 1. Public offices in General require the Whole time and all the attention of those who hold them, they can have no time nor strength of Body or Mind for their private Professions Trades or Farms. they must then Starve with their Families unless they have ample Fortunes, But would you make it a law that no Man should hold an office who had not a Private income sufficient for the subsistence and prospects of himself and family? what would be the consequence of this? all offices would be monopolised by the rich— the Poor and the Middling Ranks would be excluded and an Aristocratical Despotism would immediately follow which would take by Fraud and Intrigue at first and by open avowed Userpation soon whatever they pleased for their Compensation
          2— My second objection to the Article is, that it is inconsistent after seeming to require that offices should have no Emoluments it States of its own obsurdity and adds “But if any Man is called into public service to the prejudice of his private affairs he has a right to a reasonable compensation,” is not this contrary to the Doctrine that [“]there can be no use in offices of Profit” are not the Profits of offices intended, as a reasonable Compensation for Time Labour and neglect and Prejudice of private affairs? If you look into the salaries and Fees of offices in General—that is into the Legal Profits you will find them not only in America but in France Holland nay in England far from being extravagant. you will find them but a moderate and reasonable Compensation for their unavoidable expences and the Prejudice to their private affairs. it is not the Legal Profit, but the secret perquisites—the Patronage and the abuse, that is the Evil. and this is what I complain of in the Article, that it diverts the attention Jealousy and Hatred of the People, from the Perquisite Patronage and abuse which is the Evil to the Legal Honest Profit of the office which is a Blessing.
          3. the Dependance and servility in the Possessers and Expectants, and the Faction Contention, Corruption and dissender among the People do not Proceed from the Legal Profits of offices which are known to all, but from the Perquisites Patronage and Abuses which are known only to a few.
          4 Nor is it by any means a good rule, that whenever an office through increase of Fees or otherwise becomes so profitable as to occasion many to apply for it, the Profit ought to be Lessened by the Legislature
          We are so fond of being seen and talked of, we have such a Passion for the Esteem and Confidence of our Fellow Men that wherever applications for offices are permitted by the Laws and manners, there will be many to apply, whether the Profits are large or Small or none at all— if the Profits are none—all the rich will apply, that is to say all who can Live upon their own incomes all others will be excluded, because if they Labour for the Public—themselvs and Families must Starve. by this means an Aristocracy or oligarchy of the rich will be formed, which will soon put an End by their Arts & Craft to this selfdenying system— if many apply, all applications should be forbidden or if they are permitted, a Choice should be made of such out of the Multitude as will be Contented with Legal Profits without making advantage of Patronage and Perquisites
          I dont mean by this that the legal profits should be very Great they should afford a decent support, and should enable a Man to Educate and provide for his Family as decent and moderate Men do in private Life but it would be unjust as well as impolitick in the Public to Call Men of the best Tallents and Characters from Professions and Occupations where they might provide for their Families plentifully, and let them Spend their Lives in the service of the Public, to the Impoverishment and Beggary of their Posterity
          I have given you this trouble because I think these to be fundamental Errors in society. Mankind will never be happy nor their Liberties secure untill the People Shall Lay it down as a fundamental Rule to make the support and reward of Public officies a matter of justice and not Generossity Gratitude— Every Public Man should be honestly Paid for his services: then justice is done him: But he should be restrained from every perquisite not known to the Laws. and he should make no Claims upon the Gratitude of the Public— nor ever confer an office within his Patronage upon a Son a Brother a Friend upon pretence that he is not Paid for his services by the Profits of his office— Members of Parliament should be paid as well as soldiers and sailors—
          I know very well that the Word “disinterested” turns the Heads of the People by exciting their Enthusiasm. But although there are dissinterested Men, they are not enough in any age or any Country to fill all the necessary offices—and therefore the People may depend upon it that the Hypocritical Pretense of Disinterestedness will be set up to deceive them, much oftener than the Virtue will be practised for their good— it is worth While to read to Lives of the Roman Catholick Saints your St Ignatius Loyolas, your St Bernards and hundreds of others.— it was allways disinterestedness which enabled them to excite Enthusiasm among the People, and to Command their Purses to any amount. in order to establish their Wild and Pernicious Institutions. the Cry of Gratitude has made more Men Mad and Established more Despotism in the World than all other causes put together— Every Throne has been Erected on it, and Every Mitre has sprung out of it, so has every Coronet and whenever any Man serves the Public without Pay a Cry of Gratitude is allways set up. which pays him or his Cousins or sons ten times as much as he ever deserved. Let Government then be founded in justice and let all claims upon Popular Gratitude be watched with a jealous Eye. Hang well, and Pay well,—conveys to my understanding infinitely more sense and more Virtue than this Whole article of the Pennsylvania Constitution.
          I have long wanted to Communicate with some of the Established Enlightened Friends of Liberty here, upon some Parts of our Constitutions, and I know of none who merits the Character Better If you are willing I will take some future opportunity to write you a few thoughts upon some other things—
          Mean time let this remain between ourselvs if you please—
          with Great Esteem I am Dear Sir Yours—


Title: To John Adams from the Count Frederik von Reventlow, 22 August 1785
From: Reventlow, the Count Frederik von
To: Adams, John

            Monsieur,
            Jermÿn street, ce 22. Aout 1785.

          C’est avec bien de la reconnoissance que j’ai reçû la communication que Vous avés bien voulu me faire, de la maniére dont les Etats unis d’Amérique, ont accueilli la decision du Roi mon Maitre, de la question proposée par Vous, Monsieur, il ÿ a quelque tems au Ministre du Roi, alors à la Haÿe, Mr. de St. Saphorin, par rapport à la reception de Candidats Américains dans les Ordres saints de l’Eglise Episcopale communément dite Anglican
          Je ne manquerai pas de transmettre à ma Cour par le Courier d’aujourdhui la Copie de la Resolution du Congrés du 21. Mars dernier, et je crois pouvoir Vous assurer d’avance, Monsieur de la satisfaction avec laquelle le Roi recevra ce temoignage d’Amitié de la part d’un Etat, auquel Il sera toujours disposé de donner des preuves de Sa bienveillance aussi bien que de Sa plus parfaite considération.
          Veuillés recevoir en même tems les assurances des sentimens três parfaits avec lesquels, j’ai l’honneur d’être, / Monsieur! / Votre, / trés humble et très obeissant / Serviteur

            Reventlow.

          TRANSLATION

            Sir
            Jermÿn Street, 22 August 1785

          I was very grateful to receive the communication you were so kind to send to me on the reaction of the United States of America to the decision of my lord the king regarding the question you, sir, proposed to the minister of the king then at The Hague, Mr. Saint Saphorin, about the reception of American candidates into the holy orders of the Episcopal Church, commonly known as Anglican.
          I will not fail to transmit the copy of the resolution of Congress of 21 March to my court by today’s post, and I believe I can assure you in advance, sir, of the satisfaction with which the king will receive this friendly gesture on behalf of a state for which he will always be disposed to show evidence of his goodwill and utmost consideration.
          At the same time, may it please you to receive assurance of the most perfect sentiments with which I have the honor to be, sir, your most humble and most obedient servant

            Reventlow.


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Jefferson, 23 August 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Jefferson, Thomas

            Dear Sir
            Grosvenor Square Aug. 23. 1785

          last night, I received your Favour of the 17.— if both Governments are possessed of the Contents of my letter of the 7th. by opening it in the Post Office, much good may those Contents do them. They both know they have deserved it. I hope it will convince them of their Error, and induce them to adopt more liberal Principles towards Us. I am for answering their Utmost Generosity with equal and indeed with greater Generosity. But I would not advise my Country to be the Bubble of her own Nobleness of Sentiment.
          The Spirited Conduct of Ireland, I think will assist me, here. The News of the Reception in the Irish Parliament of the 20 Resolutions together with the Efforts in America towards a Navigation Act have raised my Hopes a good deal. But our States must mature their Plan and persevere in it, in order to effect the Work. in time, and with a Steady pursuit of our Purpose, I begin to think We shall prevail.
          If Mr Barclay will undertake the Voyage, I am for looking no farther. We cannot find a Steadier, or more prudent Man. He should look out for some Clerk or Companion who can write French and understands Italian.
          When Dr Price returns from his August Excursion to Some Watering Place, I will get him to make the Insurance upon Houdons Life, on the best Terms he can.
          Adieu / Yours sincerely

            John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Philip Mazzei, 23 August 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Mazzei, Philip

            Dear Sir
            Grosvenor Square Westminster Aug. 23. 1785

          I have recd your Favours of the 8. &. 10, and although I am Sorry you did not find every Thing to your Satisfaction in America, I congratulate You on your Safe Arrival in Europe and wish you Success in your Views.
          If by giving a proper Consistency to our Confederation you mean, the making of Congress Souvereign and Supream in the Negotiation of Treaties of Commerce, and in Regulating the Commerce between one State and another, and indeed in regulating the internal Commerce of the States, as far as it is necessarily connected with either, I wish it all imaginable Success.
          You have Seen no doubt, the Massachusetts Act of Navigation. what do you think of it? Will it be followed by Similar Acts in all or any of the other States?— I Should think that all the States from Delaware to New Hampshire inclusively might immediately build Ships enough for their own Exportations: but can these furnish in Season, Ships enough for their own Exportations and those of Maryland Virginia, the Carolinas and Georgia, too? it appears to me that if they cannot do it, at once, they will be able to affect it in a Year or two.
          But what will England do? Will She retaliate? will She exclude our Ships from her Ports? certainly She will not if all the States make Navigation Acts like that of the Massachusetts. because this would bar out, the American Trade which would immediately affect her Manufactures and Revennue So essentially, that She could not Stand the Shock.
          I hope that neither the Massachusetts, nor any other State will Stop at a Navigation Act. if this Court will not agree to an equitable Treaty, I hope our States will all immediately give Bounties to various Manufactures among themselves, and lay on heavy Duties upon every Article of Luxury from the British Dominions, Such Duties as will make it clearly our Interest to purchase the Same Articles from France, Holland, Germany, or any other Country of Europe where they can be had.
          We must and We will have Justice from this Country, proud and cunning as she is.
          With much Esteem, I have the Honour to be / dear sir, your servant

            John Adams

            I Shall be glad to receive, what you promise me, the Reasons for establishing Such a Society, as the Constitutional Society, whose printed Rules you were so good as to inclose to me.


Title: To John Adams from William Short, 23 August 1785
From: Short, William
To: Adams, John

            sir
            The Hague August 23d. 1785

          After waiting on mr. Dumas we went two Days ago, by Appointment to the Baron de Thulemeier’s. A simple Matter of Etiquette as you will see, prevented the Business on which we were, from being completed. On my producing the two Originals of the Treaty & explaining the Intention of them, the Baron de Thulemeier told us he was instructed only to receive the Copy which should be sent & to exchange for it a Copy in French which he should have prepared in his Office—adding that the established Order of the Chancellerie of the King made this in some Measure necessary, the French being the only Language which was there recieved. He observed that this was nothing more than a meer Matter of Form, & he hoped would give us no Difficulty in accepting the Exchange. We thought ourselves by no Means at Liberty to deviate from our Instructions even in Matters apparently formal, & on mentioning our Scruples, it was proposed that each of us should consult those by whom we were employed, as the safest Mode of proceeding. The Baron de Thulemeier writes to Berlin to-day, & should he receive Permission to accept & exchange the Instruments of Treaty which you offer he will do it without farther Delay.— In the same Manner if our Answers from you come first, we are to communicate to him what we are at Liberty to do.
          Lest there should be any other Cause of Delay we thought it best to communicate at the same Time the additional Part of our Instructions respecting the Ratifications &c.— He desired that they might be explained to him in writing, in Order that he might ask Advice on them at Berlin, adding there could not be the smallest Doubt of our agreeing that Matter. At his Request therefore I wrote him a short Letter in Answer to one which he sent me respecting the Exchange of the Instruments, & of which last I have the Honor to inclose you a Copy.
          That nothing might be left undone which we could do before recieving our Answers we met Yesterday Evening & exchanged the respective full-powers in the Form prescribed. We have at present therefore only to await farther Instructions from yourself or Mr Jefferson, or the Return of the Post from Berlin. I hope the Determination we took of awaiting farther Orders from you before we ventured to accept an Instrument of the Treaty in French alone will meet your Approbation, & I beg the Favor of you sir to let me know as soon as shall be convenient what you wish should be done under the Circumstances I have just described.
          I write to mr Jefferson also by this Post—& in Addition to what I have troubled you with, I send him a List of Faults made by the Amanuensis in the French Copy of the Treaty—& which I do not think we are at Liberty to correct without your Orders—as in some Instances the Sense is changed— I do not inclose you a List of these Errata because you have not a French Copy of the Treaty— Mr. Jefferson will probably communicate them to you sir.
          I have the Honor to be sir with sentiments / of the deepest Respect / Your Exellency’s / most obedient & most humble Servant

            W short

            The Hague August 23d. 1785

          W: short begs the Favor of mrs. Adams to accept his most respectful Compliments—& particular Thanks for her Politeness whilst in London—& to present them for him in such a Manner as may be most acceptable to Miss Adams.— He does not venture to offer his services here since he finds what zealous Friends they both have in the Family of mr Dumas.—


Title: From John Adams to Elbridge Gerry, 26 August 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Gerry, Elbridge

            Dear Sir
            Grosvenor Square, August 26. 1785

          You will have Seen by my Public Dispatches what Prospects We have of any Sudden Arrangement with this Country.
          I may be more free, in a Letter to you, than I have been, in the Public Letters to Mr Jay.— There is a mysterious Reserve among the Ministers which indicates either a Want of Unanimity among them, or a Dissatisfaction towards Us, or a Timidity arising from the Prejudices and Passions of the Nation.
          I am really at a Loss to conjecture whether I Shall get any Answer from them at all, or whether I shall have an Answer full of Complaints of Departures from the Treaty on our Side, and insisting on a full Complyance on our Part as a Condition preceedent to any further Measures on theirs. There is nothing for me to do but to exercise Patience, reminding them however from time to time that I expect an Answer. if the Answer comes loaded with Complaints, I Shall answer them provisionally, as far as I am clear: but if there is any matter in which I am not fully informed, or of too grave a Nature for me to take upon myself I Shall take time to obtain the Instructions of Congress.
          I have no hopes of their agreeing to a Treaty of Commerce, or of their proposing one Such as I can agree to.— Every Treaty of Commerce proposed by them will be proposed only Subject to the Approbation of Parliament, and I am afraid that all other Parties would Unite to defeat the present Ministers in any Treaty of Commerce, in order to obtain another Tryumph, like the Vote against the Peace in shelburnes time, and like the late Rejection in Ireland of the Twenty Resolutions. Mr Pitt indeed declares to me that he does not wish merely to lessen our Navigation; but the Nation is not of his Mind in my opinion. There is a national Duplicity that is astonishing. in their Publications and Speeches they affect to think lightly of America: but they betray, in many Ways, a dread of Us: An Opinion that a great Rival Nation has risen up, like a Mushroom on the other Side the Atlantic, against them. I dont believe that an equal Treaty of Commerce could be carried through Parliament. I may be mistaken. But in all Events it is Safest for the United States to persevere in their Plans to do themselves Justice. The Massachusetts never Struck a deeper Stroke than by their late Navigation Act. I hope it will be followed by all the other States; but, if it Should not be followed by any one, I hope they will persist in it. They would become, by means of it, both Manufacturers and carryers for others.
          I may be out in all my Conjectures, but I am not without suspicions that the Ministry will make me some Propositions, or give, as of their own Motion, some Facilities in Trade upon the old Principle of Divide et impera. They may flatter themselves as their Predecessors have so often done that by giving Way a little they can divide Us, and prevent the other States from making Acts of Navigation, or agreeing in any other Plan. I hope the Massachusetts, with all those who will join her, in her present system will Stand firm.
          What do you think of granting a Bounty by the Massachusetts upon Oil, equal to the British Alien Duty, and laying on Imposts on British Manufactures for the express purpose of paying it?
          My Duty here will oblige me, most probably, to counteract as far as I can, the Prejudices of the Nation, and the Views of the Ministers So constantly, that I shall neither have their Trumpeters to Support my Reputation, nor their Candour to forgive my Errors. They will never get any just Ground of Complaint against me. I will behave towards them in Character; but I will do my Duty to young Sampson, and constantly Advise him to preserve his Locks. There will Still be insinuations in Congress I doubt not. Let me beg of you, and your Friend Mr King, to inform me that I may not be so ignorant of every Thing that passes relative to myself as I have been heretofore for many Years together. if they continue to persecute me without Cause, I must get myself out of their Way. There can be no Reason that I should be a slave forever and go through the most cursed service, to which ever Mortal was destined, merely for the Pleasure of being abused in Congress.
          Mr Jefferson and I are half distracted on Account of Mr Lambe, of whom We hear nothing. We have thoughts of Sending Mr Barclay to Barbary, but must wait a little longer for Lambe. Congress Should Send a Commission to Mr Barclay if he goes.
          I am my dear sir, ever yours

            John Adams

            I hear of Gallicans and Antigallicans, of British and Antibritish Influence, in America. I hope there are no Such Interests there.— I think We Should be impartial, as far as our Treaty with France will allow Us, and no farther. But it would be very unwise to have any Antigallican or Antibritish Parties or Partisans. We certainly Should have most Commerce with England, if She, by impolitick Restrictions, does not prevent it. But if She will be contracted, I am for going any where to find Liberality.


Title: To John Adams from Richard O’Bryen, Isaac Stephens, and Zaccheus Coffin, 27 August 1785
From: O’Bryen, Richard,Stephens, Isaac,Coffin, Zaccheus
To: Adams, John

            Honoured Sir
            Algir August the 27th. 1785—

          We The Subjects of the United States having the misfortune of Being taken by the Cruisers of Algires and has Been made Slaves of take the Liberty of Informing you of oure present Situation the Severities of which is Beyond youre Immaginition—
          The Honourble Charles Logie Esqr. British Counsl. Has taken three masters of Vessells of us Out &c. keep us at his house paying to The King of This port 2 dollrs. per month for us, per—man— We were Stript & Left destitute, of Every thing Hoping you will take oure Grivances into Consideration & make Some Extra provision for us Besides what the King of Cruelties allows, otherwise my people will perish. For I assure you it is impossible The Can Live—on what the are allowed— all other nations Whose Subjects falls in the Hands of those Heathens, allows Them—two, or Three Dollars per month The Winter approachig and The Being Entirely Bare of Cloaths The will Be in A poor Missereable Situation
          Hoping you will make oure Distressed Situation known to Congress and That the will Fall on Some plan for oure Speedy Redemption The Are fitting out at present and will Cruise to The Nd. of The western Islands, and in The mouth of The Channell The are well informed of oure Trade & will Spread all over the Atlantick
          Ship Daupin Richd. OBryen Master Belonging to Mathew & Thomas Irwin Merchants of The City of Philadelphia— The Ship Daupin Was taken the 30th. July—from St. Ubes two days out Bound to Philadelphia, & is not yet arrivd. The Schooner Maria Isack Stepens Master Belonging To Mr. Wm. Foster & Co. of Boston, taken The 24th. Capt. Zachriah Coffin was passenger in the Ship Daupin— Hoping you will Be So kind as to Write to Charles Logie Esqr. for his picular Sivillity to us, &, to, assist, My men which is in A Misserable Situation—
          We, are twenty one in Number, of Americans
          We Remain youre Most Obedt. & Humble / Petitioners—

            Richard OBryenIsack StephensZachrs. Coffin


Title: From John Adams to John Jay, 29 August 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Jay, John

            Sir
            Grosvenor Square Westminster August 29th. 1785

          The United States began their Career upon the most liberal System of Policy Commerce: France met them with a liberal System too, or rather with an Artfull Appearance of it. Her Practice during the War was more liberal than the Treaty. Since the Peace She has contracted it a little, as She had a Right to do, by excluding Some of her Produce and Some of our Ships from her West India Islands; and indeed the Freedoms that the most favoured Nation enjoys in her Ports in Europe are by no means so ample as those which We have allowed to her in the Ports of the United States. The Words Monopoly, Prohibition, Exclusion, and Navigation Acts have acquired in the World a kind of Philosophical Unpopularity; but whether the Things Signified by them will be abolished so Soon as Some Speculators imagine, may be doubted. If there is any People upon Earth who have a Right to insist upon the abolition of them, in their own Commerce, they are the Americans: But We have Seen the Reluctance of France, and especially of England, to give them up. a Strong Disposition has appeared to make a greater Advantage of their Monopolies by our Liberality. A Short Sketch of the Commercial Conflict between France and England, during the Reigns of the Stewarts, may Serve to shew the Effects of Prohibitions, and the Probability that England will not easily renounce them. it will Shew also the Probable Effects of their Policy towards Us, if We should not counteract it by reciprocal Restrictions.
          The House of Steuart and the Principal Leaders in their Parliaments were Pensioners of France, and So attentive to her Interests that she obtained the Supply of England Scotland and Ireland with the Manufactures of Linens Silks, Paper, Wines, and Brandies, to the Amount of 1,650,000£ Yearly—while She took from England in Return only 200,000£ Value, Yearly, of Lead, Tin, Leather, Allum, Coperas, Coals, horn Plates &c and Plantation Goods, which left a Ballance of 1,450,000£ to be yearly paid to France in Money. She possessed as great Advantages with Ireland & Scotland in Proportion to their Trade.
          This Disproportion was owing to the protecting Duties that English Woollen Goods were Subject to in France from 24 to 40 Per Cent, on their Value; by the Tariff renewed in 1654, and by another Tariff in 1699, they were raised to 36 up to 55 per Cent on their Value; and Spanish Cloth made in England was prohibited by the Edict of 1701; and in the meantime French Silks were only Subject to a Duty of 13 up to 23 per Cent on the Value imported into the British Dominions, and Linens about 7 up to 15 per Cent, on the Value; whereby their Manufactures and Produce, imported into England alone, Yearly, Stood thus about the Year 1664, and up to 1678. viz

              £

              French Linens
              600,000

              Manufactured Silks
              500,000

              Wines
              450,000

              Brandies
              70,000

              Paper
              30,000

              Total.
              1,650,000

          They also imported into England Gold and Silver Lace and many other Articles of Luxury not here enumerated.
          This exhausting drain excited murmers and aroused the landed Interest to unite with the trading Interest in 1678, in passing an Act prohibiting the French Trade, in opposition to the Court Interest. in the Preamble of the Act, they Say “That the Importation of the Product & Manufactures of France had exhausted the Treasure of the Nation; lessened the Value of Native Manufactures; and caused great Detriment to the Kingdom in general.”
          The Advance of Woolen Manufactures for home Consumption and Exportation, in Consequence of the Prohibition of the French Trade in 1678, raised the Price of Wool, and all dying Stuffs dependent on it, from 40 to 50 per Cent, and gave Such general Employment to the People, and Such a rise to Land, as was Scarcely conceivable in the Space of two or three Years: This happy Change in the Circumstances of England was but of Short duration; for on James the Second’s Accession to the Throne in 1684 he called a new Parliament, who, in complyance with his Wishes and to gratify his Allies the French, repealed the prohibitory Act of 1678. The Parliament of England however, to Sooth and temporize with the People, when they had restored the French Trade, resolved that all Persons Should wear the woolen Manufactures of England Six months in the Year: but the French, notwithstanding this Parliamentary non importation Resolution, poured into England upwards of four Millions Value of their Manufactures and put a general Stop to all the English Manufactures, and with them to the Payment of Rents. The Scene that followed will be a Warning to Ministers. before three Years expired, from the Repeal of the Law prohibiting the French Trade, England was roused from her Lethargy; banished forever the Promoters of Such Measures; and called in and crowned the Prince of Orange. one of the first Acts of King Williams first Parliament was to prohibit the French Trade “as a Nuisance to the Kingdom,” and at that day, on Stating the Trade between England and France, it appears that England gained by the Prohibition of the French Trade no less than 1,450,000£ Yearly. At the Treaty of Utrecht, the French, with the Assistance of the Administration of the last Years of Queen Anne’s Reign, attempted to have their Trade with Britain restored. The Earl of Strafford and the Bishop of Bristol conducted the Interests of Britain: The Marshall Marquis D’Huxelles and Nicholas Mesnager, Louis the fourteenth’s private Secretary a well informed Statesman, those of France. They Signed a Treaty of Commerce the 31. March 1713, Subject to the Approbation of the Parliament of Great Britain. The Bishop was no Match for Mesnager who bound the British Manufacturers to pay by a Tariff made in France so far back as the 18 Septr. 1664, whereby English Woolen Cloths (the only Article of Consequence they had at that day to export to them) were Subject from 30 to 40 per Cent duty on the Value and on the lowest rated British Articles 24 1/2 per cent. and the Duties to be paid in Britain on French wrought Silks did not exceed 17 1/2 per Cent, and those of Lockrams, Dowless, and all Sorts of Linens not above 10 per Cent of their Value at a Medium; and before the Revolution, France Supplied all the better Sort of Linens used in Britain and Ireland of every Denomination, as the Trade for Dutch and German Linens was introduced in Consequence of the Prohibitions laid on the French Trade in 1678, and reenacted the first Year of William and Mary. Mesnagers Treaty of Commerce was opposed by all the trading Interests of Britain and rejected by the House of Commons. in 1714 The Queen died and with her all Sincere Disposition for Treaties of Commerce with France.
          France, however, Still wishes for some Treaty of Commerce and proposes it at every Peace.— She got it Stipulated as an Article in the last and Mr Crawford has been appointed: but I Suppose the Improbability of his being authorized to do any Thing has occasioned the late Edicts of the French Court against English Manufactures.
          Most of the foregoing Anecdotes of Commercial History I have taken from an Irish Publication, which compares the Conduct of the present Administration towards Ireland to that of the Steuarts. it is well worthy the Attention of America. We may learn from it what Probability there is of Mr Crawfords Success. or rather We may infer from it that that Commissioner was probably appointed; because it was not intended there Should be any Thing for him to do.
          We may also conclude from it that the English are now pursuing towards the United States of America the Same Policy which the French practiced towards them in the Reigns of the Stewards.— if We Suffer Such enormous Duties to be laid by them as are now paid upon our Tobacco and Oyl and other Articles and do not pursue Some Measures to prevent the Operation of them, the Ballance against Us will be enormous and the drain too exhausting.
          The Law prohibiting the Export of Tools and the Emigration of Workmen is to prevent Us from Setting up Manufactures in America and to prevent any other Nation from setting them up in order to Supply Us. When We see them thus in every Way attack our Manufactures of all sorts, especially of ships, our Nurseries of Seamen, our Merchants and every Thing within their reach, and Seem to be determined to force their Goods upon Us at their own Prices, We have no Choice left but to counteract them by Navigation Acts, Prohibitions, Protecting Duties, and Bounties
          With great and sincere Esteem I have the / Honour to be, sir your most obedient and / most humble servant

            John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to William Short, 30 August 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Short, William

            Sir
            Grosvenor Square Westminster August 30: 1785

          I have received your Favour of the 23. and I hope e’er this time the Baron has received Orders to Sign in both Languages. This is a favourite Point with me; but yet I would not make it a Sine qua non. I would urge it with decency, but give it up at last if it could not be [avoid]ed. Our Treaty with France is in English and French. That with [Ho]lland is in English and Dutch, and neither made any objection to it.
          I am Sorry you did not inclose me a List of the Errata: I have a Copy in both Languages, taken while you was here. I Should be obliged to you for a Copy by the next Post. My Regards to Mr Madam & Miss Dumas. I am too ill, of a violent Cold, to write him to day. I will Send his Letters to N. York by Mr Storer, who will Sail next Week. With great Esteem, I have the / Honour to be, Sir your most obedient / and most humble servant

            John Adams.—


Title: To John Adams from Christian Lotter, 30 August 1785
From: Lotter, Christian
To: Adams, John

            May it please Your Excellency!
            Hague, September [August] the 30st: 1785.

          A Surprize, nourished from the contents of the inclosed from Messrs: Willink & Comp:, obliges me to an immediate address to Your Excellency, as those contents are quite the contrary to Your Excellency’s written and verbal promisses, to Stay in the Service, and that Your Excely: would graciously condescend to favour me with a recommendation to Your Successor.
          Your Excellency will graciously be pleased to consider an impossibility to leave the hotel at Such Short a notice having by Your own advice brought my Effects and Family into it, and by a candid prospect and reliance upon Such firm promisses as Yours have fairly given up my lodgings, and to look for new once, at this time when all decent lodgings are occupied, and too far remote from the place of my employment, to Seek for Shelter in an obscure corner, I am Sure, is not Your Excelys: desire, nor can they, be consistent with Your Principles, for they are too well Known to me, and upon those in return I have Serv’d You, equally responsable to God and Men; another impediment equally unpleasing to me is the removal of my effects back and forwards, and the expences occurring upon it.
          Messrs: Willink & Comp: are pleased to instruct me with the reason of this change, first, that the hotel conveniently can be Shut, is no doubt, but I assert that it will be more profitable to the hotel, when occupied, by which means it gets cleaned and aired at proper times, especially in rainy and Snowy Seasons, when, if no immediate assistance is at hand, the whole house would Stand under water; the Second is, that expences be Saved for Congress of which I have the honor to assure Your Excely: that I never intended to bring Congress any Single unnecessary, much less fraudulent expences in account, and in case this Should be the only reason for my quitting the hotel, I willingly Shall drop my Salary nor troubling the United States with any other expences; As for mentioning of the Turf, I have put up a provision in expectation of Your return to the Hague, otherwise for my own Consumption; and ready to Keep it to my own charge.
          Undeservedly as I have incurred Your Excellencys displeasure upon me, I most humbly beg of Suspention of the orders of Messrs: Willink, at least till I am properly provided with convenient lodgings.
          I most humbly request my obedient and dutiful Service to the Ladies, and remain with all possible respect / Your Excellencys / most devoted and humble Servant

            C: Lotter.


Title: To John Adams from Wilhem & Jan Willink and Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, 30 August 1785
From: Willink, Wilhem & Jan (business),Staphorst, Nicolaas & Jacob van (business)
To: Adams, John

            Sir
            Amsterdam 30 Augt. 1785

          We have received in due Time your Favor of the 19th. and observe what you say relative to Mr. Parkers proposals. We would not venture to act in a Business of so much importance in opposition to your advice, and less so, because we have properly no Power for the Purpose. Notwithstanding this your Excellency will be so kind to excuse us, that we dare differ from your Ideas, and that it is our opinion that if we can conclude the Transaction with Mr. Parker on reasonable Terms, and he fulfills his Engagements, it will be much more the Intrest of Congress to Subscribe to it, than that of any other Men of the Creditors of De la Lande & fynje. We have Stated our Arguments in favor of this Idea in the inclosed Letter to the Commissioners of the Board of Treasury, which we have left unseal’d for your Perusal, and which we beg to forward by the September Packet, in order that we may receive their orders as soon as shall be possible. In the Interim we will be glad to receive your observations on our arguments.
          Observing that you approve our Sending the Accounts to Mr. Barclay, they will be sent to him.
          We remain most respectfull / Sir / Your most humb. & Obedt.
          Servts.

            Wilhem & Jan WillinkNics. & Jacob van Staphorst.


Title: From John Adams to John Hancock, 2 September 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Hancock, John

            Sir,
            Grosvr: Square. 2d. septemr: 1785.

          This letter will be delivered you by Mr: S.—a Gent: who has lived sometime in my family at the Hague, in Paris & in London. He will inform you in what manner the late Navigation-Act of the Massa: has been recd. here— Some say it is a measure taken in a passion, & not well-weighed in the scales of reason—that we are ruining ourselves—that an act of Parliament will be passed to retaliate upon us & to prohibit our vessells fm. entering the Ports of G: Britain—that the other States will not follow the example &c: &c: &c— On the contrary, I beleive that no measure was ever taken with more profound reflection—that we laying the foundation of wealth & power, and real Independance—that no act of Parliament will be passed to retaliate—& that some of the States will immediately follow the example—& all of them in time—
          This Country is taking measures which will hurt us in the Whalefishery. They are encouraging their own by means wh: will give it an activity for some time. They have introduced into it a spirit of gambling, by giving a bounty of £500. to the vessell which takes the most Whales in the Season—£400. to the second &c: &c: This has stimulated many adventurers— But I am persuaded that, excepting the four vessells wh: may receive the bounty, all the rest upon an average will be losers by their enterprises.—
          There is such an immense Consumption of oyl in all the great Cities of Europe that I shd. think our Merchants might find markets for theirs. If we are indolent, this Country will get the supply of France. I wish I may be mistaken; but I have no hopes that this Court will take off the duty—at least untill the present Enthusiasm shall have subsided, and the Adventurers shall have found by experience that the trade is not profitable.
          I have the honor to be, Sir, / Yrs: &c: &c:


Title: From John Adams to William Wenman Seward, 2 September 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Seward, William Wenman

            Sir
            Grosvenor Square Sepbr 2 1785

          I have received the Letter you did me the Honour to Write me yesterday, and observe with pleasure your Friendly Sentiments towards my Country.
          America is growing more & more interesting every day to mankind, and your Countrymen have greater cause to expect a cordial welcome in it than any other. I doubt not you may lay out your money there to advantage, but some Skill and discretion will be necessary. There are Irish Gentlemen in Philadelphia whose Characters you probably know, who would serve you with judgment & fidelity. to some such person it would be proper for you to write, and perhaps to Send a Letter of Attorney With Bills or Cash, or other means to make the payments, or at least to Send over a Letter of Credit from some person in Great-Britain or Ireland who is known & has Credit in America which should authorize your Agent to draw for the Money.
          I should wish to be excused from recommending any one in particular, but there are many who undoubtedly would Serve you with honour and Ability, both in philadelphia & New york
          I have the honour to be Sir Your most / obedient and most Hum ble servant

            John Adams


Title: To John Adams from William Carmichael, 2 September 1785
From: Carmichael, William
To: Adams, John

            Sir
            St. Ildefonso 2d. Septr 1785

          Since I had the honor to address you the 18th. Ulto. I have received an Answer from his Excy. the Ct. de Florida Blanca to the application I made in favor of Mr Watson. That Minister writes me “that it being necessary to have precise information of the nature of the Case The proper orders are given for this purpose by the Kings direction who is disposed to manifest on this occasion all the condescension which circumstances may admit.” I seize the earliest opportunity of advising your Excellency in order that the Friends of Mr Watson may be persuaded that no endeavour will be wanting on my part to procure his release which I flatter myself I shall be able to effect. I am sorry to inform you that the Algeriens have commenced hostilities against the States. I have vague entelligence of the Capture of five of our Vessels, two of which have Arrived at Algiers, where the prizes Cargoes and Prisoners were immediately Advertized for Sale— Nine Portuguese had also been carried into that Port, These Captures & the prospect of others had so greatly incouraged these Pirates That they are arming a number of Cruizers, many of which are actually or will be soon at Sea. I make no doubt that their Example will be followed By Tunis &c &c Two Algeriens are now here on the business of the Peace between Spain and their Regency. I shall probably have an opportunity of conversing with them But not being authorized & indeed not knowing what effect these hostilities may have in America, any insinuations which thus Situated I may be able to make, will have very little Weight. Mr Jefferson informs me that he will communicate to your Excy. a safer manner of corresponding. the one of which I am Constrained to avail Myself doth not permit me to enter into details
          With Great & sincere respect / I have the honor to be / Your Excellencys / Most Obedt. Hble. Sert.

            Wm. Carmichael


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Jefferson, 4 September 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Jefferson, Thomas

            Dear Sir
            Grosvenor Square Wesminster Septr. 4. 1785

          I have received three Letter of the Tenor and Date of the within— I cannot find in any Gazetteer or geographical Dictionary any Such Place as Roscoff, and I can make nothing of the Story. I hope you have more Skill in Divination.
          I have no Letters from Congress, nor any Answer from the Ministry.
          Pray what are the Sentiments in France upon the American Acts of Navigation? and what has been the Success of the French Whale Fishery? How many Ships have they Sent out this Year? The Britons have introduced into theirs a Spirit of Gambling, by giving a Bounty of 500£ to the Ship which has the greatest Success; 400£ to the next. This will make many Adventurers, and give a temporary Activity to the Business: But I rely upon it both the French and English Essays will fall through. My Reason for thinking so is, because the Business in itself is not profitable, and, excepting the four Vessells which may obtain the Bounties, the others upon an Average will be loosers. I know that my Countrymen in the best Times, with all their frugality, with all their Skill, and with their particular manner of conducting the Business could but barely live, and the Fishery was valuable to Us, only as a Remittance. The English are Sacrificing the Bread of thousands of their best Manufacturers to the interested Schemes of a very few Individuals and to a narrow Prejudice and a little Jealousy: but I dont believe the Delusion will be durable. Time will Shew, both them and the French, that it is better to buy our Oil and Candles and Fins, and pay for them in Buttons and Ribbons. if they dont, discover their Error We will lay on Duties upon Buttons and Ribbons, equal to the Alien Duties, and grant them out again in Bounties to our Whalemen.
          We must not, my Friend, be the Bubbles of our own Liberal Sentiments. if We cannot obtain reciprocal Liberality, We must adopt reciprocal Prohibitions, Exclusions, Monopolies, and Imposts— our offers have been fair, more than fair. if they are rejected; We must not be the Dupes.—
          With great Esteem, dear sir, yours

            John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Wilhem & Jan Willink and Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, 4 September 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Willink, Wilhem & Jan (business),Staphorst, Nicolaas & Jacob van (business)

            Gentlemen,
            Grosr: Square. 4th. Sepr: 1785.

          I have recd. your letter of the 30th. of August, & will transmit your letter to the Treasury-board by Mr: Storer, who is to sail this week; but I must repeat my determination to give no Countenance to the speculations in Mr: Parker’s papers, untill you shall receive the orders of that Board.
          I have recd. the inclosed letter fm. Mr: Lotter— I have found him so faithfull a servant that I shall certainly recommend him to the American Minister, whenever he arrives at the Hague—but I mean that all expence of every sort shall cease at the Hotel, untill the Minister arrives. I wish therefore that you wd. permit him to live in the Hotel, if he will stay without wages or any other expences, & take care of the Hotel for the rent of the part of it which he occupies; unless you have an oppo: to let it for a good rent, and think it adviseable to let it, which is not likely— It is my intention, however, to your direction, as I must throw the care of that business off my hands
          I am, Gentlemen, / Yrs: &c: &c.
          Will you be so good as to inform me whether Mr: A. M. Cerisier lives still in Amsterdam, & what is his address.


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Jefferson, 4 September 1785
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Adams, John

            Dear Sir
            Paris Sep. 4. 1785.

          On receipt of your favors of Aug. 18. & 23. I conferred with mr̃ Barclay on the measures necessary to be taken to set our treaty with the pyratical states into motion through his agency. supposing that we should begin with the emperor of Marocco, a letter to the emperor & instructions to mr̃ Barclay seemed necessary. I have therefore sketched such outlines for these as appear to me to be proper. you will be so good, as to detract, add to, or alter them as you please, to return such as you approve under your signature, to which I will add mine. a person understanding English, French & Italian, & at the same time meriting confidence, was not to be met with here. Colo. Franks understanding the two first languages perfectly, and a little Spanish instead of Italian, occurred to mr̃ Barclay as the fittest person he could employ for a Secretary. we think his allowance (exclusive of his travelling expences & his board which will be paid by mr̃ Barclay in common with his own) should be between 100 & 150 guinees a year. fix it where you please between these limits. what is said in the instructions to mr̃ Barclay as to his own allowance was proposed by himself. my idea as to the partition of the whole sum to which we are limited (80,000 D.) was that one half of it should be kept in reserve for the Algerines. they certainly possess more than half of the whole power of the Pyratical states. I thought then that Marocco might claim the half of the remainder, that is to say one fourth of the whole. for this reason in the instructions I propose 20,000 D. as the limits of the expences of the Marocco treaty. be so good as to think of it, and to make it what you please. I should be more disposed to enlarge than abridge it on account of their neighborhood to our Atlantic trade. I did not think that these papers should be trusted through the post office, & therefore, as Colo. Franks is engaged in the business, he comes with them. passing by the diligence the whole expence will not exceed 12 or 14 guineas. I suppose we are bound to avail ourselves of the cooperation of France. I will join you therefore in any letter you think proper to write to the Count de Vergennes. would you think it expedient to write to mr̃ Carmichael to interest the interposition of the Spanish court? I will join you in any thing of this kind you will originate. in short be so good as to supply whatever you may think necessary. with respect to the money mr̃ Jay’s information to you was that it was to be drawn from Holland. It will rest therefore with you to avail mr̃ Barclay of that fund either by your draughts, or by a letter of credit to the bankers in his favour to the necessary amount. I imagine the Dutch Consul at Marocco may be rendered an useful character in the remittances of money to mr̃ Barclay while at Marocco.
          You were apprised, by a letter from mr̃ Short, of the delay which had arisen in the execution of the treaty with Prussia. I wrote a separate letter of which I inclose you a copy, hoping it would meet one from you & set them again into motion
          I have the honour to be with the highest respect Dear Sir / Your most obedient / & most humble servt.

            Th: Jefferson


Title: To John Adams from William Wenman Seward, 4 September 1785
From: Seward, William Wenman
To: Adams, John

            Sr:
            No. 6. Warwick Street Charingcross. 4th. Sepr. 1785

          Permit me to return you my sincere thanks, for your obliging information in Answer to what I before took the liberty of Addressing to you.— it now falls to my lot (pursuant to direction) to communicate to you certain inclosed resolutions enter’d into since, at a meeting of associated Irish Gentlemen, in this City, (principaly Merchants), who have done me the honour of nominateing me their Secretary.
          They have directed me so to do, for the purpose of more speedily & effectualy makeing known their sentiments for the mutual advantage of both their Country & your’s:—to preserve a most cordial connection between each, I am authorized to declare is their warmest inclination.
          I shall be always happy when any opportunity thus presents it’self to me of conveying to you in a public manner any testimony of that affection between Ireland & America, which so perfectly corresponds wch. my wishes, as conducive to the true Interest of both.—
          And remain wth: sincere respect / Sr. / Yr. most Obedt. / very Hb. Servt.

            Wm: Wenman Seward.

          ENCLOSURE

            Hay Market London

          At a meeting of the Irish Association (pursuant to adjournment) September 2d: 1785

          Resolved Unanimously
          That we behold with detestation the late attempt made agt. the Liberties of our Country in the propositions lately offer’d to the Irish Parliament for adjusting the commercial system between Great Britain & Ireland:—and we sincerely congratulate our fellow Countrymen now resideing there, on the happy defeat of a scheme so execrable.
          That it appears to us to be the intention of great Britain to prevent as much as possible a communication of Trade between Ireland & America, (a matter of the highest importance to both Countries.)— From which reason we are induced to think that the speedy introduction thereof, by the exportation of American produce to Ireland, and a general commerce between our Country & the united States, would be at this crisis peculiarly advantageous.
          That we will to the utmost of our power contribute to the establishment of such connection & commerce, by every means wch. our property & Industry can effect.— And that these our Resolutions be forwarded by the secretary of this meeting to his excellency the American Ambassador in this Country for his consideration.
          That the same be publish’d in some of the Irish Papers.

            (Copd) signed by Order W: W: Seward Secry.


Title: To John Adams from James Warren, 4 September 1785
From: Warren, James
To: Adams, John

            Dear Sir
            Milton Septemr: 4th 1785.

          When I used to be in Company with the Prophets, & the Dreamers of Dreams, I could hardly realize, that I should ever have the Honour, & Pleasure of corresponding with an Ambassador at the Courts of Versailles, or London, & yet this Event among many other strange Ones, has taken Place.— I receiv’d a few Days ago by the Hand of your Amiable Son, Yours dated Auteuil April 26th: & know no Reason, why I may not expect, very soon another from London of a later Date, as the Publick Intelligence announces your Arrival there, with many Circumstances, which indicate a Residence for some Time.— How many Difficulties you will have to Combat in this new Employ can’t easily be foreseen, while it is pretty clear You will have some. but I hope they will not be insurmountable to those Abilities, & Experience which have already triumph’d over so many.
          We have got through the Bustle of a new Election, & after much Difficulty, the Choice fell where probably you would have plac’d it. Mr Bowdoin was chose by the two Houses, & all is Peace Tranquillity, & Satisfaction.— Mr Hancock’s Influence which was great was in favour of Cushing, more probably to keep a Door open for Hims[elf] at another Election, & by that means retrieve the Mistake he made in his Resignation, than from any other Principle. All other Parties were oblig’d to unite, to defeat his Purposes, & he at last in Despair of his main Design, gave out that he did not care who was chose if it was not the Man on Milton-Hill.— If Ambition was my ruling Principle & I was a Politician, I should have shaken Hands with this mighty Man, but as it is I will still be honest, & continue to despise his Caprice, Incapacity, & Indolence, & do every Thing I can to prevent his again having it in his Power, to disgrace this Government by an Administration of Imbecility & Weakness.— and if I enjoy none of the Honours & Emoluments of a Government, my vigorous Zeal and Steadiness for many Years, had some Share in obtaining, I will be satisfied, if the Man on Bacon-Hill does not. however he has gain’d tho’ at a second, or third Voting, a Choice of a Delegate, & has now in View the Presidency of Congress, he may get it, my Fears make me think it probable, while my Hopes blast his Expectations.
          Mr Temple has not yet arriv’d, & when he does, I don’t know that my Regard for Him, or Influence with Him, will be so great as You seem to imagine. I was of Opinion that he was us’d ill by some People in this Country, and so far as Justice requir’d, espous’d his Cause, while in general I agreed with You in the Character given of Him.— His being a well-meaning Man as you express it, cover’d a Number of Faults, & engag’d me in the Line of Conduct I observ’d.— His present Employment, has decided his Pretensions with Regard to America, and he should in future be unequivocally the faithful Servant of the King of Great-Britain, & if I have any Influence I shall when Oppertunity presents, use it to make him as prudent as he should be faithful.
          The Doctor’s Resignation, has been accepted, & it is said He is on his Way to America.— If his Letters & his Measures were Inimical to You while in Europe, You may expect the same Line of Conduct will be persu’d Here, with more Facility than there, but perhaps with as little Success.
          Your Son has visited me twice, Yesterday he din’d with me. I am much pleas’d with Him, & shall take Pains to cultivate a Friendship between Him and my Sons, from the Intimacy & Confidence that has subsisted between the Fathers, & the Mothers, it seems a very natural One, he has promis’d to continue his Correspondence with Winslow, & to visit us often.— Tom I have not seen lately, but my favorite Charles spent a Night or Two with Us after Commencement. I would have them all consider this as one of their Homes.— I will say nothing to You of Congress, You have every Thing from there at first Hand.— The foolish Extravagance of this Country has involv’d us in Confusion & Distress, when or how We shall be extricated I don’t know, the Evil seems to be out of the Reach of present OEconomy, or Frugality.— The Scarcity of Money is beyond your Conception Trade is stagnated. Lands will not sell. No Improvements can be made in Agriculture, or Manufactures. Bankruptcies, & unexpected Ones too, are Common.— No Man can pay his Debts, & if the Moderation or good Policy of the Creditors, does not prevent, Anarchy may be the Consequence.— The late Acts of this Government laying enormous Duties, & Illiberal Restrictions on other Foreigners besides British, as well as absurd Ones on their own Trade, increases the Confusion & Distress.
          When are We to expect the Completion of any Commercial Treaties, and how does the Government of Britain seem dispos’d?— Will you tell Me?— Mrs Warren has not been well for some Time, has wrote You lately, & intends writing to Mrs Adams very soon, by this Oppertunity if possible.— present my best Regards to Mrs Adams, my Love to Nabby, I wish her in every Stage & Connection of Life, all that Happiness her Amiable Qualities, & Accomplishments entitle her to.
          Your Friend &c

            J Warren—


Title: To John Adams from William Short, 5 September 1785
From: Short, William
To: Adams, John

            Sir
            The Hague Septr. 5th. 1785

          Your Letter of the 30th arrived here on Saturday so that tomorrow’s Post is the first by which it is possible to inclose what you desire— I had been decieved in supposing that you had only had a Copy of the English Part of the Treaty taken, & for that Reason did not send you a List of the Errata with my first Letter— They are at present forwarded Sir & I have only to regret that you do not recieve them sooner. You will see that in the two Copies of the Treaty there are different Errata. I know not which is the one that Mr. Storer followed but suppose it will be easily discovered by a Comparison— I am very sorry that those Faults have been admitted by the Amanuensis as it must efface the Original in some Measure to correct them.
          No Answer has as yet come from Mr. Jefferson, so that I think it probable he has waited until he could consult with you on the Subject.

          I have this Moment Sir recieved Information from the Baron de Thulemeier that his Court permits him to recieve the Treaty in English & French but instructs him only to exchange for it an Exemplaire in French— The Baron mentions that recieving the Treaty in the two Languages is a Concession on the Part of his Majesty the K of P—& he hopes we will be induced to accept in Exchange what alone he is authorized to offer.— But this is no more than what the Baron offered to do at our first Interview so that his Powers on this Subject have not been enlarged in Consequence of his writing to Berlin since my Arrival here.— Thus circumstanced Sir I rather suppose it will be necessary to cede this Point—although I shall do it with Reluctance & not without trying other Means as it seems to be desired by you to have the Treaty exchanged in the two Languages.
          I am extremely sorry to hear of your Indisposition, as I assure you Sir I feel in common with every good Citizen of America an earnest Concern for your present Health, & join your Friends in Wishes for your constant Happiness.
          I have the Honor to be with Sentiments of the great- / est Respect / Your Excellency’s / most obedient & most humble Servant

            W Short


Title: To John Adams from William Stephens Smith, 5 September 1785
From: Smith, William Stephens
To: Adams, John

            Dr. Sir
            Berlin 5th. Septr. 1785—

          I did myself the honour of writing you from Harwich and Amsterdam— we have been very unfortunate as to roads & weather and were not able to reach Bresleau, time enough for the Review there— those of this place and at Potsdam will be finished about the 20th. when I shall attempt a rapid passage to London by the way of Paris, I shudder at the Idea of tresspassing too far upon your indulgence— but I know you will make every allowance particularly when you consider, that I have passed the period of rediculous dissipation, and am now in the pursuit of knowledge and improvement— I hope to be honoured with your commands at Paris—where my stay will be 6 hours or 6 day’s, as may appear most consistant with your wishes— to save the expence of postage I shall Copy instead of inclosing my Letter to the King of Prussia, requesting his Permission to attend the review of His troops, and His Majesty’s answer—

            Sire—
            Berlin 3d. Septr. 1785—

          Your Majesty’s Military Fame, and the reputation of Your Armies, induced me to leave London early in August, with an intention of being present at the review of your troops at this place and at Potsdam— I shall be happy if my intentions should meet with Your majesty’s Approbation, and hope to be honoured with your permission to attend them— I am Sire—with the highest respect / Your Majesty’s &c.

            W.S.SColo. in the Servic of the U.S. of America to His Majesty the King of Prussia

          to which his Majesty was pleased to return the following ansr

            Msr. le Colonel Smith.—
            Potsdam ce 4 de Septembre 1785—

          “Je serai bien aise, de vous voir, aux manœuvr d’ici. La permission, que vous venis de demander, pour y assister, vous est accordié; & Je prie Sur ce Dieu, Mr. le Cólonel Smith, qu’il vous ait en sa sainte & digne garde.

            Frederic.

         au Colonel Smith, au service des Etates unis d’Amerique, á Berlin[”]

          with my most respectful Compliments to the Ladies I am / Sir / Your most Obedient / Humble Servt.

            W. S. Smith


Title: From John Adams to Arthur Lee, 6 September 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Lee, Arthur

            Dear Sir
            Grosvenor Square Westminster Septr. 6. 1785

          I received Yesterday your Favour of 27. July. and wish it were in my Power to relieve your Anxiety by giving you any comfortable Hopes from this Country.
          The national Sense and public Voice is decidedly against Us in the Whale Trade and Ship trade, and there are as yet but feeble Parties for Us in the West India Trade and Colony Trade. I may Say to you that, if Ireland had not escaped from the Snare, We should have had a very dull Prospect. I See no Resource for Us but in a Navigation Act, and this will not relieve Us soon.
          Our Merchants have enslaved themselves to this Country by the Debts they have contracted. They are afraid to explore new Channells of Commerce, least they should offend the British Merchants and be sued.
          But there is no Choice left Us.— Our Country must not be ruined in Tenderness to those who have run imprudently too far into Debt.
          As far as I can penetrate the Hearts of the Ministers, they are very far from being as they Should be, relative to Us. Those of them who have acquired immense Popularity, Reputation, and Influence by former Professions of Attachment to the American Cause, as Cambden and Richmond, are much changed: in short We have no Party for Us here. Yet indeed there is no party at present that dares declare very explicitly against Us.—
          All Sides are as Silent and misterious as you can conceive them to be, and when I shall get any Answer I cannot guess; but I can confidently guess that when it does come it will not be what it must finally be, in order to relieve Us, and bring the two Countries together in good Humour.

          Ireland, I think, Stands between Us and Evil. Her Indocility may have changed the Plans of the Cabinet in many particulars.— In Short I dont believe there is any fixed Plan, or will be any, untill the next Budget shall be opened. The Debt Stands between Ireland and Harm. This Country is in a more critical Situation than Ours.
          Yet it may take two Years to decide its Fate. Many Persons express anxious Fears of Distractions and Anarchy: others think they can not Stand under the Burthen of the Debt; but must lower the Interest.
          The Policy of our Country is not perfect neither. The most fatal and egregious Fault of all is leaving their Debt in Holland and France unfunded.— This Error is so easily rectified that it is astonishing it is not done. This Single Step may protect Us from a War, and confute forever the numberless Calumnies which circulate now, and will never cease, untill that is done. I have hitherto paid the Interest in Holland out of the Principal; but this will by and by be impracticable, and then Such a Clamour & Obloquy will Succeed as will make Us all ashamed of ourselves. How will it be possible to vindicate the Faith or the Honour of our Country?
          You give me great Pleasure by your Approbation of my sons Conduct, and I am under great Obligation to your Brother for the Notice he took of him. Count Sarsefild, who has just now left me, is rejoiced at your Appointment to the Treasury, and desires me to present his Regards to you. He leads the Life of a Peripatetic Philosopher here, has done so Since May, and will Stay till October. He rambles with Lord shelburne and Lord Harcourt, and is the Happyest Man I know. I have seen him two Summers in Holland. Observation and Reflection are all his Business, and his Dinner and his Friend all his Pleasure. if a Man was born for himself alone, I would take him for a Model.
          I am dear sir, with great / Esteem, your Friend & Servant.

            John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Richard Henry Lee, 6 September 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Lee, Richard Henry

            private.
            Dear Sir
            Grosvenor Square Westminster Septr. 6. 1785

          I had Yesterday the Honour of receiving your Letter of the first of August, and I pray you to accept of my Thanks for your kind Attention and obliging Civilities to my son. It was the first News We had of him Since he Sail’d from L’Orient. I hope that, after remaining in N. York long enough to pay his Respects where they were due, he made haste to Boston. Your Reasoning, Sir, both upon the Powers of Congress and the Subject of the Debts is very just, and is Such as I have urged, upon all Occasions, both to Ministers and Creditors. Nevertheless, I expect that the Debts will be urged as a Breach of Treaty, and as the Justification, Excuse, or Pretence for withholding the Posts.
          I can get no Answer from Ministers, neither in Writing nor in Conversation. They make me handsome Bows, look at me with Smiling Countenances, give me civil Words: but not one Word of explicit Answer, except in two or three Points Mr Pitt & Ld Carmarthen gave me their opinions, which I have repeated to Mr Jay.
          I hope the States will not wait a Moment in hopes of any commercial Relief from this Court; but proceed to prohibit all Exports from the United States in British Vessells, untill We shall have an open Trade or a Treaty. A Navigation Act, in my Opinion, will extort Terms from Britain, if any Thing can. if not, our Freights will be a great Fund of Wealth, our Ships and Mariners will be Castles and Garrisons to Us, and the mutual Dependence of the States upon one another will be a Strong Cement of our Union in Interest and Affection.
          The present Ministry may be the great Men they are represented to be. I will not affirm the contrary. It is problematical yet. Their Plans relative to the United States, relative to Ireland, relative to Holland, Germany, France, Spain, their own Finances, &c do not yet demonstrate them to be well inform’d and judicious, much less deep and great Statesmen. Their Schemes have been temporary and partial, as if adopted upon the Spur of the Occasion, to remove a present Pressure, or Silence a partial Clamour. if they had carried their Point in Ireland, I will not Say what I think would have been their Conduct towards America.

          From the Hints which dropped from Mr Pitt, I am of Opinion they are determined to keep the Posts, at least untill something farther Shall be done about the Debts. As to taking off the Alien Duty upon Oil, and admitting our Ships to their Markett, the national Voice and publick Opinion are decidedly against it, and therefore you must furnish the Ministry, in your Navigation Acts an Excuse to the Nation, before they will venture upon it.
          I have Sent your Letter to Mr Steptoe, but I dont believe I Shall be able to Serve him in his Views. if I can I will. The United States must establish a Factory of their own, among the French, English, Dutch, Danes, Sweeds &c. The Natives will be glad to See them; and the other European Factories too. if our Factory would treat them with Equity and Humanity, We Should be the most favoured Nation. Why Should We come to Europe for East India Goods? Why Should We purchase European Manufactures, if We can have India Manufactures equally good and for half the Price? Our Vessells may go a trading and carry any Thing to Sell to the European Factories, and get Money of them to buy a Cargo of the Natives in return.
          This Letter will be delivered you by Mr Storer, a Gentleman who assisted me in Mr Thaxters sickness at the Hague, and afterwards in the Hurry of the Conferences for the Peace at Paris.
          With great Respect and Esteem I have / the Honour to be, Sir, your most / obedient Servant

            John Adams


Title: To John Adams from John Jay, 6 September 1785
From: Jay, John
To: Adams, John

            Dear Sir
            Office for foreign Affairs 6th: September 1785

          My last to you was of the 26th: Ultimo, in which I mentioned the Dates of the Letters with which you had honored me, and the Receipt of which then remained unacknowledged—none from you have since arrived.—

          I have now the Honor of transmitting to You herewith enclosed a Copy of an Act of Congress of the 18th: Ultimo— it contains a Correspondence between the Governor of Massachusetts and Capt. Stanhope the Commander of a british Frigate.—
          The Stile of the Captain’s Letters being very reprehensible occasioned the Application to Congress which produced the Act in Question and I am persuaded that the Views of Congress in directing it to be communicated to the british Minister will be promoted by the Manner in which you will do it.—
          The frequent Solecisms observable for some Years past in the Politics of the Court of London, render it exceedingly difficult to divine how they will think and act under almost any given Circumstances.—
          It is manifestly as much their Interest to be well with us, as for us to be well with them and yet the Gratification of Resentments occasioned by Disappointment, seems to take the Lead of more elevated and useful principles of Action.—
          They expect much from the Trade of America, and yet they take Pains to cut off every Source within their Reach by which we may make Remittances. It is strange that they should wish us to buy, and yet be so industrious to put it out of our Power to pay. Such a System must cause Loss of Money to their Merchants and Loss of Reputation to ours. I wish most sincerely that Credit was at an End, and that we could purchase Nothing abroad but for ready Money. Our Exportations would then be equally profitable, and as our Importations would be diminished, we should have less to pay— domestic Manufactures would then be more encouraged, and Frugality and Œconomy become more prevalent.—
          What Impression the Conduct of Capt. Stanhop[e may] make on the Minister to me appears uncertain—certain however it is, that mutual Civility and Respect must in the Nature of Things precede mutual Benevolence and Kindness. The manner of your Reception and Treatment indicates their Attention to this Consideration and yet the Detention of the Posts, the strengthening their Garrisons in our Neighbourhood, the Encouragement said to be given to Settlers in those Parts and various other Circumstances speak a Language very different from that of Kindness and good Will.—
          They may hold the Posts, but they will hold them as Pledges of Enmity; and the Time must and will come when the Seeds of Discontent, Resentment and Hatred which such Measures always sow, will produce very bitter Fruit.—

          I am well informed that some of the Loyalists advise and warmly press the Detention of the Posts. It is strange that Men who for ten Years have done nothing but decieve, should still retain any Credit. I speak of them collectively among them there are Men of Merit; but to my Knowledge some of the most violent, the most bitter and implacable and yet most in Credit are Men who endeavoured to play between both Parties, and vibrated from Side to Side as the Appearance of Success attracted them. Nay the very Accounts of Losses which many of them have presented, afford conclusive Evidence of their Inattention to Truth and common Decency. Such however has been the Infatuation of british Counsels, that what was manifest to others was problematical if not entirely dark to them.—
          As to their present Minister—he has neither been long enough in Administration, nor perhaps in the World, for a decided Judgement to be formed either of his private or public Character. He seems to possess Firmness as well as Abilities and if to these be added Information and comprehensive as well as patriotic Views, he may be worthy of his Father— England will problably be either much the better or much the worse for him
          We are anxious to receive Letters from you on the Subject of the Posts, that in either Event we may be prepared. In the one Case I should think it very justifiable in Congress to take a certain Step that would be longer and more sensibly felt by Britain than the Independence of these States.—
          Mr. Arthur Lee has been elected to the vacant Place at the Board of Treasury.—
          Governor Rutledge declines going to Holland.— The Affair of Longchamps is adjusted—he stays where he is.—
          With great Esteem and Regard I am / Dear Sir / Your most obt. & very hble: Servt.

            John Jay


Title: From John Adams to Jabez Bowen, 8 September 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Bowen, Jabez

            Sir,
            Grosvr: Square. 8th. Septemr: 1785.

          I have this day recd. the letter you did me the honor to write me on the 27th. of July, and, as I had recd. but a few days ago an instruction from Congress, relative to some other’s of our fellow-Citizens in the same unhappy predicament with Mr: Low, I shall present to the Ministry a requisition for him & all the rest at the same, & will endeavor to make enquiries concerning the ballance of £3000. due to the State of Rhode-Island.—
          I agree entirely with you, Sir, in your opinion that we Americans must be frugal, & bend our force to promote Arts & manufactures among ourselves—and the first manufacture I would encourage should be that of Ships, by making a Navigation-Act— I would next lay on duties upon the importation of all things which we can make ourselves, which shd. give a decisive encouragement to our own manufactures, & make those, who will purchace foreign ones, especially British, pay all our public debts. But I would not stop here: We should seek a market for our oyl in every City of Europe. Sperma-Ceti Oyl, which neither freezes or stiffens with the cold, which burns so long, & gives so pure, clear, & glorious a flame, far exceeds the vegetable oils with which those Cities are illuminated in the night, & might be afforded by us cheaper than that costs them. I am sure that an advantageous market might be found for all our oyl in France. The English know it; but they depend upon our indolence & weak attachment to them— Mr: Dickason here had lately a quantity of Oyl from America, which the British Oyl-Merchants contrived to prevent his selling. He wrote to France & found an immediate market & a good price— He sent a part of his Oyl; but the moment those very Oyl-Merchants discovered it they came to him & bought up all he had, to prevent the French from getting a taste of our Oyl, & to prevent the Americans from discovering that a market was to be found in France.—

          The death of my old friend Governor Hopkins was, in the course of things, to be expected; but the news of it revives in my mind that affection & veneration I conceived for him in a course of arduous service with him in trying times— I am much obliged to you for your letter, & hope to be considered, Sir, as your friend / & humle: Servt: / &c: &c.—


Title: From John Adams to William Paca, 9 September 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Paca, William

            Sir,
            Grosvr: Square. 9th. Septemr: 1785.

          I recd. soon after my arrival in London the letter you did me the honor to write me on the 29th. of April, with the enclosed copy of a letter from Mr: Chace to the Minister— Your Excellency & the Council may depend upon every assistance I can give to the Cause. The Agent & Solicitor of Maryland have been with me several times, & the last time to request that I would speak to the Minister that the Attorney Genl: might be pressed to give into Chancery his answer, for which the Cause waited— I waited on Lord Carmarthen accordingly, who expressed himself, as he had done before to me, much in favr: of Maryland. But, according to appearances, the Cabinet are not yet prepared in any thing respecting America. It is hitherto impossible to get any answer to any Question— The Cabinet are taking time probably to digest their whole system, & will give answers to all things at once. So plain a matter as this could never be perplexed but upon a principle which this Court will not easily admit, vizt: that all Contracts & Debts were extinguished or suspended, betwn: American Citizens & British Subjects, by the late Revolution. Even upon this principle the right of Maryland was restored by the Treaty as much as any other bonâ fide debt— I conjecture that the delay has been studied with some view to the general question concerning debts—
          I had hopes of having something more satisfactory to write to your Excellency concerning this Subject before this time; but, as it is still uncertain when any thing will be done, I ought not longer to delay my acknowledgement of your letter.
          I have the honor to be, Sir, / Yrs: &c: &c.—


Title: From John Adams to Cotton Tufts, 9 September 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Tufts, Cotton

            Dear Sir
            Grosvenor Square Westminster Septr. 9. 1785.

          It gives me great Pleasure to see that good Men are so much in Fashion in the Massachusetts. Mr Bowdoin in the Chair, and Dr Tufts with such a Superabundant Majority of Votes in the Senate and Mr Cranch too; it looks as if Sterling would get the better of Tinsel. it is high time.
          Our Merchants I believe are wholly occupied with their Entertainments, their Variety of Wheel Carriages their Country Seats, and their Assemblies. otherwise I cannot account for their having no where discovered a Markett for their Oil and Ships. or is it Still a pious Affection to Mother Britain?
          Every Nation which can be called maritime or aquatic, is now studying and labouring to increase their Ships. it is strange if they will not buy ours. Every City almost in Europe burns oil in their Lamps, an Oil which congeals or at least Stiffens with the Cold, gives but a dim Light, and goes out before morning, and what is decisive costs very dear. Our Sperma Cæti Oil preserves its fluidity in the cold, gives a bright, clear and glorious flame; burns till nine O Clock in the Morning and is cheaper. Yet our Oil cannot get a Markett in Europe, because Mr Pitt had rather that Robberies and Murders should be committed in the dark streets or introduce a Military Police, into London than buy our Oil.
          It has been an Opinion in America, that our Oil was used chiefly in the Manufactures of this Kingdom. This is a Mistake—it was burnt in the Lamps in the Streets and might be in every City of Europe: but our Merchants are too lazy to look out for a Markett any where but in London: or are they afraid of provoking their English Creditors? The Debtor is slave to the Creditor. But I hope there are some Merchants who are not Debtors: if not I hope there will be.
          I wish Congress would Send a Consul to sweeden to Prussia, to wherever they have Treaties, and give those Consuls Instructions to look out for Marketts and explore Channells of Trade. I Suppose young Merchants or old ones might be found who would gladly go without Salaries upon permission to trade, but if not We must not be so timid about Spending a shilling abroad.— Mr Danas Treaty with Russia would have been worth an hundred Thousand Pounds to Us, I fully believe; Yet We must not have it, because it must cost five Thousands.
          It is my clear Opinion, that the system of V. and F. in Europe and Stinginess in America, have brought upon you all the Evils you feel at present. I have foreseen it, these seven Years and done my Utmost to prevent it, at the hazard of all even my Life, as well as at the Expence of my Reputation. Now, in my Opinion, all depends upon what you do in America. You must make the Navigation Act and encouragement of Manufactures universal, and you must force commercial Connections with France as it was intended you should, and with the rest of Europe. The People have been made the Dupes in America, and they must suffer for it, for a time. it will be the better for them in the End, for what I know.
          This Letter is too free, for any sight but yours in Confidence, and such who have as much discretion as You, if such there be. my Regards to your Family / and all our Friends

            John Adams