Title: From John Adams to François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 25 April 1808
From: Adams, John
To: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan

Dear Van Der Kemp
Quincy April 25. 1808

You were a Letter in my debt, when you wrote yours of March 17th but you did not know it. I wrote you Some months ago, and asked the favour of you to inform me, what is the Christian Name the Place of Residence, and the present Titles of our Friend Mr De Gyselaer, formerly Pensionary of Dort. I had particular reasons for this Inquiry which you would not disapprove, though I am not at present at Liberty to explain them. My Letter must have been lost in the Post Office, by Some Accident, for there was nothing in it to excite the curiosity of Politicians.
In Politicks, one of my Maxims is Nil Desperandum you deprecate the Angel of Perdition who desolats Europe and you pray that he may not be permitted to stretch his Sword to this Continent. To this I say Amen! because I have not a taste for your Ense or Igne. But if I were a Scipio, (observe I do not Say an Alexander a Cæsar, a Charles the twelfth or a Marlborough) I would not wish for a better Employment, that that of giving the first Check to this Destroyer in America. I dread him not.—How many Men can he transport to America? Fifty–thousand Men, would require one hundred and fifty thousand Tons of ships, that is five hundred Ships of Three hundred Tons Burthen  to transport them to America, and then one half of them would be Sick, and unfit for service. But where can he find five hundred ships of 300 tons. All Europe at present, could not furnish them. Ships of War can hardly Stow away their own Sailers and Marines. Put an Additional Number of Soldiers on board for the long Voyage to America and you breed a plague. If this Country could not resist fifty thousand Men, it deserves to be enslaved. Rome with 250,000 Citizens fought Carthage Siria Macedonia, Gaul Spain and Etolia. We have a Million of Citizens: and an immense Continent, not a Single City to Subdue.
I shall never forget the Evenings I Spent with our Friend Luzac, with his Father and Unkle, one of four Score and the other near it. These venerable Sages entertained me with the Controversies in your Country between the Maritime Provinces and the Inland: between Navy and Army. They told me of Addresses to the Prince of orange in their Youth in which the Speaker pronounced the Words “Ships! Ships! Schippen! Schippen! forgive me if I have forgotten the Dutch Word.
I have always cryed “Ships! Ships! Hamiltons Hobby Horse was Troops! Troops! With all the Vanity and Timidity of Cicero, all the Debauchery of Marc Anthony and All the Ambition of Julius Caesar, his object was the command of fifty thousand Men. My object was the Defence of my Country, and that alone, which I knew could be effected only by a Navy.
Your Sons observation is very Shrewd; but the Paragraph from the Leyden Paper, has Spirit concealed under flattery.
The present Administration taught the People at large many of their Errors and the People mislead them: but all these Enquiries are as little to the purpose at present as the original Sin of Adam. The Question is what is to be done?
My Family is all well and as happy as public / Affairs will allow

J. Adams


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Rush, 13 June 1808
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

My venerable & dear friend
Philadelphia June 13th: 1808

Public and private news & anecdotes are now so limited by the present state of our Country, that I have had nothing worth putting upon paper for your Amusement since the reciept of your letter. The principal design of this hasty scrawl is to inform you that you still live in my Affections, and that few persons occur oftener to my thoughts. Indeed I can scarcely review any of the memorable events of the Revolution, or revolve any leading principle of Action of in man without associating them with your name, or with your letters and Conversation.
I perceive by the papers that your son is dismissed from the Senate of the United States. I do not regret it. His talents will command the first business in his profession, and the results of that business in the evening of his life, will afford him more comfort than the praises of a party, or even of his whole Country, & perhaps still more than the Consciousness of having served a forgetting country with fidelity & success.
“O! had I but one ten thousand of those precious days which did no work” for my family between the years 1774 & 1780, they should be very differently not be again employed in exposing the Acts of British tyrants, and American Demagogues. I feel pain when I am reminded of my exertions in the cause of what we called liberty; and sometimes wish I could erase my name from the declaration of Independence. In Case of a rupture with Britain or France—what shall we we fight for?—for our Constitution? I cannot meet with a man who loves it. It is considered as too weak, by an half of our Citizens, and too strong by the Other half.—Shall we fight rally round the standard of a popular Chief? Since the death of Washington there has been no such Centre of Union. Shall We contend for our paternal acres and dwelling houses? Alas! how few of these are owned by the Men who will in case of a War be called to the helm of our Government. Their property consists chiefly in Bank stock, and that to such an extent that among some of them it is considered as a mark of bad Calculation for a man to live in a house of his own. with all I lately attended an old man who died under my care in the 81st year of his Age & of Course he knew America in his youthful and innocent days. In speaking of the Change in the principles & morals of our people which has taken place since the Revolution, he said, “they had all become idolaters—they worshipped but one god it is true, if but that god was God Dollar.” Were I permitted to coin a word suggested by my patients remark I would say, we were a “bedollared nation.” In walking our streets I have often been struck with the principal subjects of conversation of our citizens. Seldom have I heard a Dozen words of which “Dollar   discount —and a good Spec” did not compose a part. “O! Civitas mox peritura si emptorem invenias.” St. Paul places coveteousness and Uncleaness together as improper subjects of Conversation. But not only our Streets, but our  parlours are constantly vocal with the language of  a broken office, and even at our Convivial dinners, “Dollars” are  a standing dish upon which all feed with rapacity and Gluttony. But I will quit this loathsome subject, and proceed to the Conclusion of my letter, but not without mentioning the great pleasure I enjoyed a few weeks ago in hearing your old pupil Mr Mason of Boston speak of your in terms of the highest veneration. None of your talents or services appear to be lost upon him. My wife & Daughter are now at Princeton. Were they at home they would unite with all my Sons in respects to you and your excellent lady with Dear Sir yours sincerely & Affectionately
Benjn: Rush—
PS: General Moreau compares our Country to the trunk of a G and limbs of a Giant, with the muscles of an infant.
A Union has taken place between the Quids and Democrats in favor of Mr Snyder as our future Governor. This Union it is said was the effect of the rejection of your Son from the Senate of the U States.


Title: To John Adams from Henry Guest, 15 June 1808
From: Guest, Henry
To: Adams, John

                            Honorable Sir
                            Brunswick 15 June 1808 East Jersy

Your Very Frindly Letter of the 14th. March last Came Duly to hand. it gave and Still gives Me Much pleasure—I am allso Much pleased with my son Henry for doing himself so Much Sattisfaction As his Paying you that respect that He Knew I should have done if Near you on a Journey to Boston—He realy gave Me Much Sattisfaction that his Pollitical ideas pleased you. His Lettes to Me Are full of your kind treatments of him and he Seems not to know how to say Enough in praise of your good Lady—In fear that I should not have the pleasure to See your Son in his return from Senate, I wrote him a Short Note that I had A Little Staff to Send by him that was to Support your tottring Limbs if you Arrived at My age, of A true American growth. He Caled  and I felt Overjoyd Joyed to have A son of yours Within  My Wals But Could not Speack of Such Matters As I Could have Wished having Company that I could not trust—When I deliverd the Staff I Desired My best wishes for your health and happyness and to  him to tell You, to have it Christned Your Guest and Wished it to have the Honour to attend you Whenever you walked out to View Your Farm—
These Sir, I Acknowledgeto be Small Matters and Might pass with you if our Country was in A tranquil State—But in this preasent unhappy Crisis Your Mind and All your Superiour powers Must be Supposed  to Extricate Your Country from these at present Dismal Dark and Dreary times—But in your present Private Station Without power to inforce your salutory Advice, We feele Moste Sensibly its Want. Your time in Life, With Experience in public Affairs Calls Loudly on you to Come once More out of Your Retreat And if you are assailed Again With Detraction from Rascals Your Philosophy and Knowledge of Man With the Example of Washington Jefferson their invenemored Shafts Will have No Effect With the honest parts of Our Country. My best Wishes Are with you Who Are Honoured Sir your Most Humble Servt.
Henry Guest


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 20 June 1808
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

My dear Physical and Medical Philosopher.
Quincy June 20, 1808

I give you this Title for the present only. I Shall Scarcely allow you to be a political, moral, or Christian Philosopher, till you retract Some of the Complaints Lamentations, Regrets and Penitences in your Letter of the 13th.—But more of this presently.
Mr John Reed, the first Lawyer who left a great Reputation in our State, in the Administration of Governor Shirley was a Councillor, or in the Style of that day One of his Majesty’s Honourable Council, according to our Charter. Shirley proposed a Law, that was inconsistent with Liberty and the public good, and Reed who was a Man of great Integrity and Fortitude, as well as Talents opposed it with such unanswerable Reasons as prevailed with the Council to reject the Bill.—Shirleys Sychophants, a numerous host, were in Such a rage, that at the next Election, they exerted themselves in Caucus’s and Intrigues so successfully that they turned out, Father Reed, as he was then called. After the Result of the Election was declared, the old Gentleman coming down the stair from the Council Chamber met one of his Friends and said to him “I am dead, and it is well with me.” My son may say the same, for the same reasons.
Our good old Massachusetts, has undergone an instantaneous Conversion. Last year the Federalists were about Ninety in four hundred and fifty. This year they have a Majority, of about the Number of the Boston Seats. Have you never known or read of a good Sober, honest religious Man, who had passed his days in general in rational Piety and Steady Virtue, who falling in his old Age into bad Company, had become a little debauched both with Wine and Women, till all of a Sudden Some great Calamity befalling him he was instantaneously converted into a flaming Fanatic and became a furious Persecuter, of all his old sober Friends. Just so our good old Massachusetts, for a few years past has been declining into the rankest democratical Debauchery: but the Embargo, like a Plague Pestilence or Famine, has awakened her from her vicious dream and turned her into a furious persecuting Fanatick Enthusiast for hyperfederalism.
Now Sir, for your Groans. You and I, in the Revolution acted from Principle; We did our Duty, as We then believed, according to our best Information Judgment and Consciences. Shall We now repent of this? God forbid! No! If a banishment to Cayenne, or to Bottany Bay or even the Guillotine were to be the necessary Consequence of it to us, We ought not to repent. Repent? this is impossible how can a Man repent of his Virtues?—Repent of your Sins, and Crimes and willfull Follies, if you can recollect any: But for never repent of your Charities, of your Benevolences, of your Cures in the Yellow Fever, no, nor of the innumerable hazards of your Life you have run, in the prosecution of your duty.
I can Say with you, that I do not regret my Sons Rejection from the next Senate nor his Resignation of this. His Resignation I fully approve. A Station in public Life is not desireable, at this time, though perhaps a Man ought not to refuse it, when called to it.
You ask, in case of a Rupture with Britain or France, what shall We fight for? I know of no better answer to give than this, to get rid of the Embargo. This object, as I understand the Politicks of the times is worth a War with all the World. But where are We to trade, when We are at War with all the World?
My Friend! Our Country is in Masquerade! No Party, No Man dares to avow his real Sentiments. All is disguise, Visard, Cloak. The People are totally puzzled and confounded. They cannot penetrate the Views, designs or objects of any Party or any Individual. If I was only forty year old, I would, as I did at that age, Sett all Disguise and fear at Defyance, and once More lead my Country. But now it would be Madness in me to attempt any Thing. I have not any Confidence in my own Judgments. My Strength of Body and Capacity of Application to Business or study, are gone. But Such is the Constitution of my Mind that I cannot, avoid forming an Opinion. It is happy and fortunate I believe for my Country, that I have no Call, to explain myself. But I have an opinion, that there is but one Course for my Country to pursue in the present Crisis. That course I would indicate to you if I could converse with you in secret Confidence, but I ought not to put it in Paper. I even doubt whether you would agree with me. I know not whether one Man in the Union would Support me. Indeed I fear that the critical moment is passed past.
Our Constitution operates as I always foresaw and predicted it would. It is a Game at Leap-frog. The Federalists ruled for twelve years, by very Small Majorities: then the Republicans leaped over their heads and shoulders and have reigned Seven Years: it is even uncertain whether their Dominion will last another Year: but every Appearance indicates that it will not continue beyond twelve years, when the Federalists will leap over their heads and shoulders again. Thus from twelve years to twelve years We are to have a total revolution of Parties: and the Principle Seems to be established on both Sides that the Nation is never to be governed by the Nation: but the whole is to be exclusively governed by a Party. Integrity is as Tacitus Says certissimum Exitium, most certain destruction; and Impartiality is Treason.
You ask “Shall We rally round the Standard of a popular Chief”? I know not whom you mean. I am determined to rally round the Standard of the President, as far as I can in honor, whether Mr Pinkney Mr Clinton or Mr Madison be the Man. I will engage in no systematical and universal opposition to any Man. We must rally round our Government, or be undone.—Since the death of Washington, you say there has been no Center of Union. But what Center was Washington? He had unanimous Votes as President, but the two houses of Congress and the great Party of the People, were more equally divided under him than they ever have been since. Jonathan Dickenson Serjeant and Dr Hutchinson would have turned him out of his House, if the Yellow fever had not been Sent to save him, and a Majority of the People of the Union would then have applauded Genet, untill John Quincy Adams turned the Tide of popular fury and Delusion. Never was Man under greater obligation to another, than Washington was to that youth, and no Man was more Sensible of it, than Washington himself, as I can prove by indisputable Evidence.
Commerce and Wealth have produced Luxury, Avarice and Cowardice. Luxuria incubuit, victamque ulciscitur  Britaniam. Our bedollared Country has become a Miser and a Spendthrift, Alieni appetens Sui profusus. Former Ages have never discovered any Remedy against the Universal Gangrene of Avarice in commercial Countries, but Setting up Ambition as a Rival to it. Military Honors have excited Ambition, to Struggle against Avarice, till Military Honours have degenerated into hereditary Dignities. You and I have no military Ambition, nor any great Wealth, and both of us wish that Ambition and Avarice both may be restrained by Law, and be Subservient to Liberty: But Nature will have her Course and Corruption is coming in like a flood, accellerated by English Influence in the greatest degree and by French Influence in a very considerable Degree, and Still more by the eternal internal Struggle between Debtor and Creditor, which has overturned every Republic from the Beginning of time.
You have puzzled me with an Enigma, which I pray you to explain. You say the Quids have united with the Democrats in favour of Snyder, because J. Q. Adams was left out of the Senate of U. S.—Pray unriddle this. What Connection could there be, between my Sons Election and the Election of your Governor? Did my old Friend McKean and his Whimsicals whom you call Quids consider J. Q.s rejection as a Tryumph of Republicanism, and take Courage from it to join in it? or as a Tryumph of Federalism, and intimidated by it, join the Republicans to check the Progress of it. I have not Penetration enough to see through it.
Family regards as usual
J. Adams


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 25 July 1808
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

Dear Benjamin
Quincy July 25 1808

Handsome Bradford, of thy City, allarmed me, the other day at our Athenaeum in Boston, by telling me, that Dr Rushes Business had amazingly encreased and was encreasing. Knowing thine Ardor in thy Profession, I was apprehensive that thy Zeal for the Health of the Sick would Soon eat thee Up, and consequently that thine Ether would escape from this Colluvies of Humanity to the Regions of Divinity before mine. As Charity “commence par Soi-même,” I charge thee, from regard to my own Self as well as thine own self to take care of thine own health, in preference to that of any of thy Patients!
But to change the Style a little; not much.—I look at the Presidential Election as I do at the Squabbles of little Girls, about their Dolls and at the more Serious Wrangles of little Boys which Sometimes come to blows, about their Rattles & Whistles. It will be a mighty Bustle about a mighty Bauble.
In one of your Letters you Say that one half the People think the Government too Strong and the other half too weak. The Truth is it is too Strong, already, without being just.—In the hands of Aristocrats it has been too Strong without being Sufficiently wise or just: in the hands of Democrats it has been too Strong without being either wise or just.—Wisdom and Justice can never be promoted till the Presidents office instead of being a Doll and a Whistle, shall be made more independent and more respectable; capable of mediating between two infuriated Parties. Till this is done, the Government will be  ride and tye a game at leap frog, one Party once in Eight or twelve years leaping over the head and shoulders of the other, kicking and Spurring when it rides. If the President must be the head of a Party, and not the President of the Nation, We have no hope of long escaping a civil Contest.
You justly observe that the Embargo operates in favour of a Revolution of Power. That is the Embargo will enable the Aristocrats to leap over the heads and Shoulders of the Democrats, as Taxes, &c enabled the Democrats eight Years ago to leap over theirs. But if the Aristocrats get the Power, how will they use it? Will they Submit to the Proclamations, Orders of in Council &c of the English, and go to War with France Spain Portugal Holland Italy Germany Prussia Denmark & Russia. Such a War I think would be worse than the Embargo. Though my System has always been Neutrality and I have Sacrificed every Thing to it yet I have always been convinced that it was our true Policy to preserve as long as possible a good Understanding with France, and that if We were driven  to Extremities, We had better preserve Peace with France. Notwithstanding this I would not bear Insult and Injury from France. If We get into a Quarrell with France, and the War Passions are once excited between our People and the People of France and her Allies, our Presidents will be mere Statholders danced upon British Wires all Naval Defence will be discountinanced as it has been in Holland Since King William, and We shall have no Commerce but the miserable Pittance which British Avarice will allow Us.
Though the Life of Hamilton, will be a made Up Picture, like Deane Swifts Cœlia, and  Rags will be contrived to prop, the flabby dugs least down they drop, I shall be very glad to see it. I hope his famous Letter which  produced the Army, the Sedition Law &c in which he recommended an Army of fifty thousand Men, ten thousands of them Horse, will not be omitted.
The Death of Dr Shippen has revived many Scenes in my Mind of ancient times. In more modern days he was too much of a Virginian to care much about me. His Son too, became a Democratic Dunce, though he had been under Obligations to me in England as another Father.
I thank you for the two Pamphlets. Mr Cuthberts is ingenious, but I do not agree with him. Your Medical Department Shines with great Glory. I wish ours at Cambridge would emulate you but I despair of it. Mark I do not wish yours worse, but ours better than it is. So I am not guilty of Envy.
My Family all Salute yours, all yours.
The Aristocratical Tricks The Coups de Theatre played off in the Funerals of Washington Hamilton and Ames are all in Concert with the Lives and Histories, written and to be written all calculated like Drums and Trumpets and Fifes to drown in an Army to drown the Unpopularity of Speculations, Banks Paper Money and mushroom fortunes. You See through these Masks and Veils and Cloaks, but the People are dazzled and blinded by them and so will Posterity be. The Aristocrats know how to dupe the Democrats better than the latter to deceive the former, though both will  lie with the most invincible front.AdieuJ. AdamsI have read Spences “Britain independent of Comerce.” Who could have expected to See the Doctrine of Artaxerxes, Aristotle, Mr Lock and Dr Quesnay conjured up by a British Ministry to reconcile the People to their Measures? The Principle Seems to be the Same with Harringtons political Axiom, that Mankind are led by the Teeth and that Dominion follows the Ballance of Property in Land. The foundation is true: but the Superstructure erroneous, Agriculture must be encouraged by Manufactures, and both by Commerce.  The three by their reciprocal Action and Reaction on each other, produce national Prosperity.I doubt however, Whether We, for want of Manufactures, can say that America is independent of Commerce, so truly as the English. This our beloved Country, my dear Friend is indeed in a very dangerous Situation: It is between two great fires in Europe, and between two ignited Parties at home, Smashing Sparkling and flaming ready to burst into a Conflagration. In this State of Embarrassment, Confusion and Uncertainty, no Genius appears: no comprehensive mind: no exalted Courage. What shall We do? What will become of Us? To you and me, these Things are of little Consequence. But We have Children and Grand Children and shall soon have Great Grand Children. And indeed the Nation ought all to be dear to Us, and tenderly cherished as our offspring.
The Embargo is a cowardly measure. We are taught to be Cowards both by Federalists and Republicans. Our Gazettes and Pamphlets tell Us that Bonaparte is omnipotent by Land, that Britain is omnipotent at Sea: that Bonaparte will conquer England and command all the British Navy, and send I know not how many hundred thousand Soldiers here and conquer from New Orleans to Passamaquaddy. Though every one of these Bugbears is an empty Phantom, yet the People seem to believe the Every Article of this bombastical Creed and tremble and Shudder in Consequence. Who shall touch these blind Eyes? The American People are not Cowards nor Traitors.
J. A.


Title: To John Adams from François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 3 August 1808
From: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir!
Oldenbarneveld 3 Aug. 1808

I can not express in words the livelÿ Satisfaction I enjoy’d in receiving your favour of the 25th of april. It was Some time, before I observed, that it was more than three months old. From where does this originate. Is the correspondence of an Insignificant, forgotten western Inhabitant an object of alarm? but it can not be poor V. d kemp at whom these reptiles aim—they gnaw with rancour at a mere illustrious object—but god be praised—they can not hurt Him. I Suppose—the crime is perpetrated in Massachusetts—Look at the inclosed Sealing—It is from you? The Letter—which you mentioned of unanswered—never reached me—It appears you are persuaded of it—and so you ought to be—knowing—who I am I do not recollect that I wrote you since the 17th of march I had answered before that of apr. 23 1807, the last, I was honoured with—and wrote, if I am not mistaken, again in Nov. or Dec. Your Sudden Silence was Strange in my eÿe, but would not have prevented—mÿ writing at decent intervals—tho I Should have considered it becoming—not to importune you too much—I was confident you could not forget me—and your advancing age might prevent your regular answer—it was enough for me—that you remained my friend! This is Something highly valuable indeed—but after the loss of J. Luzac—less could not Satisfy me.
This odious transaction remembers me a Similar accident, the first year of my arrival in America. I corresponded with my friend P. Vreede, late of the Dutch Directorÿ, then at Laer, in Brabant—at the period of the first Braband revelotion. Government intercepted all Letters of anÿ Suspicious nature—mine Shared that fate. After Some months Vreede went to the Burgomaster, told him, there were Letters for him—as he longe since had expected some, The Burgomaster made confession “but it were only Suspicious Letters! written in a mysterious waÿ—and dated from Esopus! which alone denoted, that other things were Said, and others understood” deliver me Soon these Letters from my friend: good god! Burgomaster—Esopus is a village 3000 miles from here on the American Continent—my friend not even thinks upon your miserable revolution.
I never received that Letter you mention, in which you asked Some information, with regard to my worthy friend de Gyselaer. “Cornelis de Gyselaer—late Pensionarÿ of Dordrecht—Leÿden”. I know no other titles of him. he chose, to fix his domicilium at Leyden—to enjoy the Societÿ of Luzac; and D. van Halteren—both no more—from time to time he Spent a part of the Summer Season at Brussels—So Mr Blok of Enckhuisen, who visited me lately, informed me—I hope not, my information comes too late. He enjoy’s otium cum dignitate—how few like him are remaining! his private Station is a more exalted dignitÿ—than the great cross of any order could bestow upon him—It would give him an additional value in his own eÿes—could I have him informed—that he was yet remembered by John Adams!
Since a year my Dutch Correspondence is entirely Kept—no Letters—from france or Holland reach us—It is—as if everÿ one was dead—ere long, it may be So with me—a French Correspondent warns me—in closing his correspondence for the present, that every Letter is opened—even those, which are Sent for Holland—and examined—and often kept back, tho. in appearance—insignificant.
Ships! Ships! yes Sir! with them—with a Squadron of 16 men of war and an adequate number of frigates, America Should have now dictated to the Belligerent powers in the place of being the Scorn and derision of Europe. No navÿ can endanger our Libertÿ—a Standing armÿ must sooner or later become its bane—and its encrease, beyond what imperious necessity commands, must be viewed with a jealous eye by every lover of his Countrÿ.
One of mÿ friends—an European of distinguished military talents highly recommended—applied to the President—a few months past—and from him to the Secretary of the Armÿ—The first insinuated—“that Both houses had resolved not to employ any foreigner”—but received him with great politeness—the secretary told him—“we Americans were thoroughly enough acquainted with Tactics” (the proposal was to erect a Corps Artillerie legere) but by an bÿ he asked him “how the canon was managed on a horse?”—I hope the Secretary was misunderstood, by want of mÿ friend—but—I must honestly confess, that I am induced to believe—my friend’s observation—after having Seen the Museum at Philadelphia, is not altogether unfounded “J’ai vu le Mammoth: quel animal! quel grandeur! imaginéz vous Monsieur! Je fus tenté de faire une comparaison entre cet animal, et le Sage Secretaire d.l.g. mais je trouvais, que le dernier gagnerait le prix."
I intended to touch another Subject—a wish—that as President you would honor our friend Luzac—with a few words—if it is not against the Rules of your Academÿ—what man deserves better your Panegyric—and naked truth would make a verÿ Sublime one, and could not be but highly affectionate, if pronounced by his admiring friend—but I leave it to your consideration—I can not continue being overwhelmed with thoughts—thro the perusal of the last tidings from Spain—alas! poor Bourbons, The Austrian Emperor and Russian Alexander ought to ask every morning their Chamberlain’s—if they are yet Emperors? impenetrable are the ways of Providence—they are however wise and good—Let us adore—and Silently wait the issue—Continue to favour me with your friendship, that I may enjoÿ the heartfelt Satisfaction, of continuing mÿ assurance, that I remain with the highest respect / your obliged—and devoted / friend

Fr. Adr. vanderkemp


Title: From John Adams to François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 15 August 1808
From: Adams, John
To: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan

Sir,
Quincy near Boston August 15th. 1808—

The inclosed Letter came under cover, to me in a letter from your father dated the 3d. of August. After hinting that there had been some unfair play in the Post Office he says “I suppose the Crime is perpetrated in Massachusetts—Look at the inclosed sealing. It is from you?” I looked at the sealing and concluded there was something within to unriddle the mystery. I accordingly clipped the wafer and behold instead of any Treason or other high Crime or Misdemeanor, I found a Letter as elegant as it was affectionate from an Amiable Sister to a deserving Brother. What to do with it was the question? To send it back would disappoint both Brother & Sister. I concluded then to inclose it directly to you, and throw myself entirely on your candor & goodness to pardon the freedom used with the Seal.
With much esteem & regard for your family / including yourself I am Sir your / most obedient Servant

J. A


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 31 August 1808
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

My dear Sir
Quincy August 31. 1808

Instead of preparing for Commencement, I am answering your delicious Letter of the 24th.—But where to begin or where to end! I will follow your own order.
If I had ever heard that a Pen of Tacitus had been preserved among the Reliques of Antiquity, I Should Swear you had Stolen it to draw the Character of the most conspicuous moral political and military Character Phenomenon of this Age.— I tremble not however at his name. All the Ships in Europe, if he can procure, could not transport an Army to hurt Us! I see in him a Conqueror, who resembles Alexander Cæsar, Mahomet and Couli Kan, and the Vices Follies and Madness, as well as the Genius Courage, and desperation, which belonged to them all. In Attention to the Arts and Sciences he is equal to any of them. His Religion is and Morality are very like that of all of them. I See nothing in him so very much Superiour to Dumourier or Pichegru, or several others, of the Generals now under him. The Impetus of the Revolution, Setting all Things at Defyance operated like a Steam Engine to bend the Character of the french Soldiers to the Severest military discipline the World ever witnessed. All this was done and the french Nation and Armies formed by the national assemblies and their Committees to the most absolute Submission before he came to the Command. With this Instrument he has defended himself against a Series of Coalitions and Combinations against him. In one Point he has been more hardy and impudent than Cæsar or Cromwell: he has thrown off a Masque which they were obliged to wear and openly avowed his personal and Family Ambition. But what is he now? I believe him to be the most miserable Individual of the human Species. He must be conscious that he is brandishing a Beetle round his head upon the Pinnacle of a Steeple. His whole System must crumble under him. He is contending with England for a Superiority of Power, a glittering Object for which the English and French Nations have incessantly wrestled and fought for many Ages. It is in vain to Say the English are acting in Self defence, for So is Napoleon, and he is in more danger than the English. The Truth is the English are contending to be the dominant Power of the World, or if you will for universal Empire as much as the French. The Trident of Neptune is the Scepter of the World: and that unlimited Despotism on the Ocean for which Britain avowedly and openly contends would be a more dangerous Domination over the civilized World than any that Napoleon ever can accomplish.
What is now the Power of Napoleon? Compare it with that of the House of Austria under Charles the 5th and his Successors. The Contention between the House of Austria under Charles and the House of Bourbon under Francis kept Mankind in a fire as consuming as this in our day. Charles, as ambitious and restless as Napoleon ran about Europe by Sea & Land Setting up and pulling down as notably as the Frenchman or Corsican. No longer ago than 1630 the Successor of Charles was Master of Spain, Portugal all the Treasures of America, the Low Countries, the Milanese, the Kingdom of Naples, of Bohemia, of Hungary, and even Germany was become his Patrimony. All this was a greater Power by far than Napoleon, now possesses. The Cry of Universal Empire was as loud then as it is now.
Compare the Power of France now to that of Louis 14th who was hated and dreaded by all Europe as much as Bona is now, and whose Armies of 400 thousand Men bore a greater Preportion to the Standing Armies of Europe then, than those of France do now, and whose Generals Condé Turenne, Villars Luxembourg and many others were equal to any of Napoleons. Not to trouble you to read many books to refresh your memory: only run over the 14th Chapter of Voltaires Age of Louis 14 and See the Pride of the Monarch and the terror of the World. His Navy was then terrible even to the English, and his Armies invincible till Marlborough check’d him as I hope Some Gallant English or Spanish officer will the Napoleons.
Compare the Napoleons with the Capitian Rou in the time of Charlemaine who had as vast Views as much Skill in Arms and Policy and was as cruel as the present Hairbrain.
There are so many in Philadelphia, tho not more than in N.Y. Baltimore or Boston whose Principles I thought not very generous that I cannot guess who was the Blockhead who changed an orthodox opinion that I was a weak Man for the heretical conceit that I am a wise one, at a time when he can have no temptation to it. My own opinion has always agreed with his old opinion, and I am not about to change my opinion, it, was in complaisance to him, Settled more than half a Century ago upon a philosophical Investigation of my Perceptions retentions, Judgments, Reasons, Passions, Imaginations and Prejudices, in complaisance to him. Whoever he is I pronounce him a weak Man too. He never was capable of Understanding, even me. I never was for fixing a “perpetual hereditary Chief Magistrate”. This will never be done. Whenever, if ever, there is one Such Magistrate, there will be two or three. The U.S. will be divided into two or three Sections, and all of them became Vassalls to Uropean Powers. Call them Statholders, if you will—Another Thing! whenever there is an hereditary Chief, there must be an hereditary Senate to check him, or he will soon be either guillotined like Charles 1. and Louis the 16 or become a Despot, like Napoleon. If I had not been a weak Man I should have explain’d myself so as to be better understood: and if your Man had not been a weak Man he would have understood me better. All I have contended for, has been that the first Magistrate Should be made so respectable and So independent as to be able to mediate between the two great Factions of Aristocrats and Democrats which always has existed and always will tear Mankind to Pieces. Here I want, but have not time, to introduce a new Theory of Vanity which I have discovered— If I should not forget it, I may hereafter, explain it. It would be Somewhat to the Purpose in this place.
The Nomination to the Treasury of the Mint, is one of the Actions of my Life, which I have ever recollected with the most entire Satisfaction though it made me about thirty nine Enemies and among the rest Frederick Augustus Mughlenbourg.
Every Sprigg of Laurell you receive at home or from abroad gives me pleasure because I believe it, well merited. Your “Rules for the Preservation of health” will be another Benefaction to Mankind, I doubt not.
I was much pleased with handsome Bradford and should have asked a Visit of him to Quincy, if he had not told me he was obliged to return the next day.
Of Mr Snyder I know nothing, but by Newspapers, the most faithless Tattlers, Busy bodies and Mischief Makers in the World. Mr Ross I know and esteem to a certain degree
Low diet is good in some Cases, I know by Experience, and Bleeding too I have found necessary at times. But which of the Maniacks shall We bleed Napoleon or George?
I once Said, in answer to a Virginia address that it would depend upon Virginians to determine, whether We should have a Faction to crush and humble. Virginians did determine, and the Faction was crushed, and humbled in dust, and ashes. Every Man convicted was obliged to pay Fines and Costs; to Germans the Severest of Punishments; and four of them were obliged to obtain twelve Thousand Petitioners for their Lives. I think this was dust and ashes, especially as they were all obliged to confess their faults express their penitence and promise Reformation. Shall I mention the names of Virginians and Pensilvanians who fomented this Insurrection? if you desire it, I will.
The Federalists are now turning the Tables upon them and imitating their Acts, and I fear will excite insurrections in their turn. In Short, my Friend, I fear We are in danger, if not upon the Point of introducing a foreign War by a civil one. The Stubble is dry and a Spark may raise a flame. The Spirits are on fire. When the Elections are decided, I hope, they will be kept under, if they cannot be extinguished.
Family to Family as ever

J. Adams


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 8 September 1808
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

My dear Friend
Quincy September 8. 1808

I will not Stand upon Ceremonies, with you, and wait for the Return of a Visit, or an Answer to my last Letter.
Whatever proportion of Loyalty to an established Dinasty of Kings, or whatever taint of catholic Superstition there may be in the present Sensations of the Spanish People, I revere the Mixture of pure Patri or however their Conduct may have been excited by British or Austrian Gold, I revere the Mixture of pure Patriotism that appears to be in it and inseperable from it: and I wish to know the Sentiments of your Pensilvanian Statesmen concerning it.
The Contest between the Houses of Austria and Bourbon in the beginning of the last Century, for the Succession to the Throne of Spain is well known. Phillip the 5th and Charles the Sixth were Rivals, as Ferdinand the 7th and Joseph the 1st are now; Charles was Supported by the Emperor, England and Holland, and Phillip by France and her Allies. The Earls of Galloway and Pertersbourg ran about Spain with Armies at their backs and proclaimed Charles at Madrid and many other Places, till Louis 14th and his Grandson Phillip were in despair. In this Situation, Vauban the great Teacher of Fortification and one of the profound Statesmen as well as honest Patriots of France, proposed to his Court to Send Phillip to reign in America, that the Commerce of Mexico and Peru might be Secured to the French. The English Seem to have adapted this Project of Vauban and to aim at Securing the Commerce of South America to themselves. Have your Philadelphia Politicians considered what will be the Consequence of this to the United States? How will it affect our Louisiana Claims, our West India Commerce? I am almost afraid to ask so bold and hazardous a question, as Whether it will not make France the natural Ally of the U.S.?
The Inclination of the Spaniards were in favour of Phillip and the fortitude of the Castillians, turned the Scale in his favour. They made great Efforts when they found him in danger. It is a very arduous Enterprize to give impose upon a Nation, a King in Spight their Taste. The Austrians the Dutch the English and the Portuguese were harrassed in Spain, Suffered for Want of Provisions and were consumed by degrees.
By Some Accounts certain Provinces in Spain have proclaimed Prince Charles. This looks like a desire to revive the old Connection of Spain with the House of Austria, which might check the House of Napoleon for the present, but would lay a foundation for interminable future Wars in Europe.
Is there room to hope that the French will meet with effectual obstructions in Spain? How will they procure Provisions? Not by Sea. The English fleet is in the Way. By Land from France and Italy will be almost impossible, and the Spaniards have not Onions and Turnips enough for themselves. An army of two or three hundred thousand Frenchmen will consume a great many Bushells. The Spaniards had better fight and die in Battle, than perish with Famine.
These occurrences in Spain open wide Views to those who have more Information and Sagacity than I have. They will give Trouble to Napoleon, employ a great part of his force and be a powerful temptation to Nations he has humbled to avenge their disgrace. The French have always been chased out of Italy. Germany and the North of Europe must be allarmed at the Prospect of having Spain and the Indies in the Power of the Corsicans. In Short, I know not but the Spaniards may produce in England a Marlborough, and in Germany a Eugene to give Napoleon a Fistula. What think you?
I have always called our Constitution a Game at Leap frog. New England is again converted to Federalism. The Federal Administration lasted twelve years. The Republicans then leaped over their heads and shoulders, and have ruled Eight years; They may possibly hold out, four years more and then probably the Federalists will leap again. But neither Party will ever be Strong while they adhere to their austere exclusive Maxims. Neither Party will ever be able to pursue the true Interest, honor and Dignity of the Nation.
I lament the narrow, Selfish Spirit of the Leaders of both Parties but can do no good to either. They are incorrigible. We must adopt the Dutch Motto, Incertum quo Fata ferunt.

J. Adams


Title: To John Adams from Henry Guest, 8 September 1808
From: Guest, Henry
To: Adams, John

                            Truly Honorable Sir
                            8 Sepbr 1808 New Jersy

I have Deferred Acknowleging the reipt. of your Very Obliging Lettr. Of 16 June Last wherein in a Peculiar Manner you are pleased to Except of your Guest. May it be to you the Service intended from the Simplicity of honist intentions—And I hartily Wish I Could So Easily transpourt the Doner to your preasence for an hour when your Lasure Would Admit—He which in the first Moments Endeavour to Convince you That the proposition Contained in his Address to your Son flowed from the Simplicity of his heart, As he had at that time Only Scene that the Sinful part of the Boston Legeslator had put Another in his room in the Senate When his Year Was Out.—This Struck me with a thought That if his Father Could be made The presidant His Son Might be brought forward in Such Offices As Would baffel their Stupid and Malignant Mallice—This Sir Was one of My Motives not Doubting your Very Supireor tallants and Long tryed  Beside I have Long been of Oppinion that the New England States Should have their turn about in being at the head of our new formed Government As they abound in either of the first  understanding and Patriotism But Sir When I Read your five reasons for Keeping Out of office I Cried Out Enough Enough Pardon the Simplicity of More than four Score years.—Yours Most Sincearly
Henry Guest

Honbl. John Adams at Braintree
To the Honorable John Quincy Adams In Boston
Sir I have A bone to pick with You—It seemes when the Fifty majority in Your Legislatur pick  to serve in the Senate when your term Should Expire—You gave up the Year that you had a right to serve and your Country had a right in Your Superior political Gifts. I Must acknowledge this gave me a shock that I am not yet Recovered of and  I had  pleased My Self that by Continuing your time you would by your Superior Tallents and strong patriotism become justly rising Charactor and in Due time would rise to the Head of Our Government. But by that fatal persipitancy Our Country Looses one of her Most Inlitned SONS—Look to this fourth of July Last in which you was Celebrated in All honist Companeys Even to Charleston and Savana—Wishing you health and Stidaness in your future Political Life. I am Sir, Your Most Humble Serv.Henry GuestTo the Hond
John Quincy Adams Boston
Again to My Much Esteemed and Honoble, John, Adams at Quincy a few observations for his amusement in A Lessure Hour—
Our Latter Days is Cast in an Extrordinary Era of  times Greater of our Globe is convulsed—Murder and Slaughter of the Human beings seemes to be the order of the Day and in this heretofore friendly and happy country is gitting in a train of Evils that I fear Will lead to Distruction. The necessary and wholesome laws not only Evaded but broke in the face of Day our honist and worthy law Makers Chosen by their country traduced by Vile Publications and the Authors incouraged by a Set of men that ought to be bannished from our country. All this under the Mis freedom of the press and yet if an individial is traduced in his Charrector  He has his remedy in Law And shall it be suffered that when our law Makers are traduced in the Most Vile Manner and their laws broken that they have no remedy to Make Example of these Vile printers that is Constantly agravating and pushing Our Country to Distruction condem the Stupid and fals  of . I think by force—What freedom to       and Overturn the hapiest and freest  government under the Son for Which the presses must be free, and these characters suffered to go on With their Diabolitical Work if there is no laws to stop their Career  it is time their was one that reach their NECKS— up A doller or too our country  would be happily clear of the greatest Villians that any country  can produce And we should again be a band of Brothers Defying the power and the malice  of Britain with all their Bribery  to shake or overturn our Well poised Government and We would Laugh at the threats of Bonepart With all his s—It is not unlikely but that it is by some Vile publication that has induced this Cool and premeditated Murders at Vermont for which if Example is not made Our government is Lost.
Sir I have wrote the above as these matters process in my mind whenever they are  Excuse  them by your most  Mind. Wishing you and yours health and happiness I Am your

Henry Guest


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Rush, 22 September 1808
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

My dear Old & tried friend,
Philadelphia Septr: 22. 1808

The politicks of our City are under the direction of three Classes of people, old tories, merchents, and brokers. They are neither anticipating, nor retrospective animals. All their calculations are for the present moment. They know nothing of its treaties, nor of the former volcanic eruptions of the power and tyranny of France. The last shower with them is always the heaviest. Why then do you ask me “What our Statesmen think of the late events in Spain”? Mr Clymer is almost the only Citizen of Philadelphia with whom I converse upon political Subjects. His  mind retains the texture which the Revolution gave it. He is neither a Frenchman nor an Englishman, and laments that Americans partake too much of the principles of both. He is no Advocate for Mr Jefferson; but he boldly defends the embargo, and acquits him of partiality to the french nation. Your old friend Jos. Wharton who is another Citizen of Philada with to whose opinions I often listen in my medical Visits to his family, views the late events in Spain only not thru the medium of War, or Commerce, or government, but of the book of Daniel and the Revelations of St John only. He sees the fulfilment of the prophesies in every battle that is fought in that Country. He talks piously and learnedly upon the downfal of popery and Antichrist, of the dragon,—of the beast that came out of the  Sea & of his ten horns, and has no doubt but Napolion is to be the instrument of for preparing the world for the righteous and peaceable government of the Messiah over the Nations of the earth. Here my information respecting  your question must end. I hasten from it to add that from the present appearances it is probable Mr Ross will have a Majority of votes for the Chair of our State at the Approaching election.—In our city this will not probably be the next case from the Union that has taken place between the Democrats and Quids, and from the embargo being much less felt  by our Citizens, than by the country part of the State, owing to and this from the employment given to all classes of mechanics by the building of above 600 houses, two Churches, and two shot manufactories, one of which is to be 160 feet in height. A gentleman who called to see me a few days ago  intimated a desire to know to which of the Candidates for our government I wished success. I answered him by telling him a story of Sir Richard Steel who in travelling through Scotland stopped to ask a Shephard whom he saw watching a flock of Sheep what kind of weather it would be the next day. “Just such weather Sir as I please,” said the Shephard. “You mean” said Sir Richard (supposing him to be mad from his Answer) just such weather as God pleases”—“Well Sir—what pleases him” (said the Shephard) “pleases me.”—My blood circulates now too slowly through my Veins to expect any change for the better in our affairs from the exertions of an individual however well disposed he may be to accomplish it. The old game of “leap frog” will be played over  again should Mr: Ross be elected, and Snyder will not sacrifice the extensive powers our Constitution gives him, by advising, or Consenting to a Convention in order to change it.
Our papers teem with electioneering Scandal. From all treason, sedition, Conspiracies, and party rage good Lord deliver Us!—I have often heard when a boy of men’s selling their Souls to the Devil to releive a pressing want of money. This practice is now in disuse, but we do the same thing in another way by selling our time, our talents, our tempers, our moral feelings and principles, and sometimes our Wills, as well as our money, to a party. Under the constant pressure of the two powerful and opposite Currents that divide our City, I am enabled to keep my feet. Sooner that float after either of them, I would quit my Country, and go where these were human folly and madness had exhausted themselves, and where the extremity of Despotism had left nothing to fear,—I would in other words end my days in Constantinople or Paris.—
Could the Absurdities and Contradictions in principle and conduct of our two great parties be for the last 12 years be laid before the world in a candid & dispassionate manner we should be ashamed to call ourselves—men. The disputes of children about their nuts & gingerbread have less folly and wickedness in them.
From a dozen instances of what I allude to, I shall select but two. When the Spaniards shut the port of new Orleans against our Vessels, the cry of the whole federal party was for War, and the Acquisition of Louisissiana by force. Its immense resources in West & East India produce were enumerated in long, sensible & eloquent Speeches & pamphflets. When that country was purchased by Mr Jefferson, the same party condemned his Conduct, depreciated the trade, Soil, & people of that Country, and represented it as a Millstone about the neck of the United States. In the year 1798 the Democrats Opposed the election of Mr Ross upon the ground of his being a Deist. The federalists either denied it, or said his religious tenets had nothing to do with his qualifications for governor. In 1799 the federalists opposed the election of Mr Jefferson upon the ground of his being a Deist. The Democrats denied it, or said his infidel principles had nothing to do with his qualifications for President.—!!!—“Non aula, non eclesia, solum—sed totus mundus histrionem agunt.”
The Scriptures speak of nations being drunk, and of all the individuals of the human race being mad. What sober man or what man in his senses would think ing of walking in company, or reasoning with either of them?—
In reviewing my Attempts to regulate the winds, or in other words in reviewing my political life, which with the intervals of some years ended with the establishment of the general government, I often wish in the words of Shakespeare King Henry before one of his battles in France “for One tenthousand of those (not brave men) but hours that did no work for God, nor man nor myself, nor family during the time I have mentioned.—“What profit has the world, or my country had of  from those things to use the words of an Apostle wherof I am now ashamed”? none, none—none. Dr Jebb used to say “no good effort is lost.” If this be true,  let us console myself ourselves with the hope, that my our labors  (like the conversations of the people in the Winter at the North pole described by Mr Addison, which froze as they came out of their mouths and thawed in the Spring), will in like manner be thawed by time, and produce their fruits in knowledge & happiness in Centuries to come.
When I took up my pen I expected to write fill but a page or two with its contents, but my imagination has run away with it. Adieu! Adieu! with respects as usual I am Dear Sir ever yours

Benjn: Rush


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 27 September 1808
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Quincy Septr. 27. 1808

That Rosicrusian Sylph, that Fairy Queen Mab, or that other familiar Spirit whatever it is, that inspires your nightly dreams, I would not exchange, if I had it, for the Dæmon of Socrates. You have more Wit and humour and Sense in your Sleep, than other People I was about to Say, than you have yourself when awake. I know not whether I have ever read two finer Allegories, than the two you have given me; from your nocturnal Slumbers. I agree, well enough with you in the moral of them both.
I believe with you, “a Republican Government,” while the People have the Virtues Talents and Love of Country necessary to Support it “the best possible Government to promote the Interest, dignity and Happiness of Man.” But you know that Commerce Luxury and Avarice have destroyed every Republican Government; England and France have try’d the Experiment, and neither of them could preserve it, for twelve years; It might be said with truth, that they could not preserve it for a moment: for the Commonwealth of England from 1640 to 1660 was in reality a Succession of Monarchies under Pym Hambden Fairfax and Cromwell. And the Republick of France was a Similar monarchy Under Mirabeau Brissot, Danton Robespierre, and a Succession of others like them down to Napoleon the Emperor. The Mercenary Spirit of Commerce has recently destroyed the Republicks of Holland, Switzerland and Venice. Not one of those Republicks, however, dared at any time to trust the People with any Elections whatever, much less with the Elections of First Magistrates. In all those Countries the Monster Venality would instantly have appeared and Swallowed at once all Security of Liberty Property Fame and Life.
When public Virtue is gone, when the national Spirit is fled, when a Party is Substituted for the Nation, and Faction for a Party, when Venality lurks and Skulks in Secret, and much more when it impudently braves the public Censure, whether it be Sent in the form of Emissaries from foreign Powers, or is employed by ambitious and Intriguing domestic Citizens, the Republic is lost in Essence, though it may still exist in form. The Form of a Senate is Still preserved in Rome. The Prince Rezzonico was presented to me in London under the Title of “Senatore di Roma.” But what Sort of a Republick is Rome at present?
When Commerce and Luxury and Dissipation had introduced Avarice among the Greeks, The artfull Policy and military discipline of Phillip and his Son, prevailed over all the Toils, Negotiations, and Eloquence of Demosthenes. The People who in virtuous times, or if you will in times of national Pride had Set the Hosts of Persia at Defyance, now Sold themselves and bowed their Necks to the yoke of a petty Prince of Macedonia. And poor Demosthenes, abandoned, persecuted while he lived was pursued to an ignominius Death, as the only Reward of his Patriotism. Immortal Glory has followed his Eloquence: but this he could not enjoy while he lived: and We know not that he enjoys it Since his death. I hope he has enjoyments Superiour to this.
The same Causes produced the Same Effects in Rome, and the Labours Eloquence and Patriotism of Cicero, were to as little purpose as those of Demosthenes, and were equally rewarded.
We Mortals cannot work Miracles: We Struggle in vain against the Constitution and Course of Nature.
Americans, I fondly hope, and candidly believe are not yet arived at the Age of Demosthenes or Cicero. If We can preserve our Union entire, We may preserve our Republick. But if the Union is broken We become two petty Principalities, little better than the Feudatians one of France and the other of England.
If I could lay an Embargo, or pass a Non importation Law against Corruption and foreign Influence, I would not make it a temporal but a perpetual Law, and I would not repeal it, though it Should raise a Clamour as loud as my Gag Law or your Grog Law or Mr Jeffersons Embargo.
The Majorities in the five States of New England, though Small are all on one Side. New York has fortified the Same party with half a dozen Members, and anxious are the Expectations from New Jersey Pensilvania and Maryland. There is a body of the Same Party in every other State. The Union I fear is in Some danger. Nor is the danger of foreign War much diminished. An Alliance between England of and Spain, is a new Aspect of Planets towards Us. Surround by Land on the East, North, West and South by the Territories of two Such Powers, and blockaded by Sea by two Such Navies as the English and Spanish, without a Friend or Ally by Sea or Land, We may have all our Republican Virtues put to a Tryal.
I am weary of Conjectures but not in despair.
J. Adams


Title: From John Adams to William Cunningham, 27 September 1808
From: Adams, John
To: Cunningham, William

Dear Sir
Quincy Septr. 27. 1808

The papers to No. 6, which you mention in your kind letter of the 19th I have never seen nor heard. In what paper or pamphlet were they published?
The federalists, I think, might suffer my old lamp to go out without administering their nauseous oil, merely to excite a momentary flash before it expires.
Do you think the federalists believe themselves when they say that I am on the side of the executive, through the whole of his administration?—Do they believe that I approve of the repeal of the Judiciary law, which I recommended to Congress? which I believe to be one of the best laws ? which was made by the advice and repeated solicitations of the Judges for several years? which I took infinite pains to organize with a selection of the ablest and fairest characters in the nation? a repeal which I have always believed to be a violation of the constitution? Do they believe that I approve of the neglect and mismanagement of the navy? the omission to build more ships? the neglect to fortify our most important cities and exposed places? Do they believe that I approve of the repeal of the taxes, which would have enabled us not only to make the necessary preparations against the formidable dangers that surrounded us, but gradually to diminish the national debt? Do they believe that I approve of the removal of so many of the best men, or the appointments of so many of the worst? Do they believe that I approve of twenty other things too many to be enumerated? oh ho! they believe no such things. But  they are conscious they have injured me and mine and are only forging false and awkward excuses for it.
It is true I have not joined in the clamour against the purchase of Louisiana because I know that if the union of the northern, southern, and western states was to continue, the free navigation of the Missisippi was essential to its preservation. I have not joined in the clamour against gun boats, though I des, because I thought gun boats better than nothing, and because I thought the Government ought not to be opposed in any measures of defence, merely because they would not adopt such as I thought the best. I have not clamoured against the Embargo because I thought it a necessary temporary measure, well knowing that it could not be of long duration. I agree with you that it ought to have been limited to some period. Any long continuance of it is not conformable to any feelings or judgment. I had much rather hear a cry in Congress like that which has so often sounded in the British Parliament “Who shall dare to set limits to the Commerce and naval power of this Country?” In refusing to acknowledge a right in Great Britain to impress seamen from our ships, in opposing and resisting the decrees and orders of France and England, in resisting the outrages and hostilities committed upon us, the Administration have my hearty wishes for their success.—You have read in Thompson’s “Liberty”
Amidst the low murmers of submissive fear
And mingled rage, my Hampden rais’d his voice,
And to the laws appealed.
Mingled rage and fear are now the predominant passions of our nation, and such is the noise and fury that the still, small voice of Reason cannot be heard. If I were only forty years old I might have Enthusiasm enough to hope that I could ride in the whirlwind But at seventy three it would be a delirium.
I have nothing to hope or wish but repose, and they will not allow me even that small consolation.
As I am not consulted by any party or any Individual I take no share and but very little interest in the approaching election. Hamilton’s Ambition, intrigues and Caucuses have ruined the cause of rational federalism by encumbering and entangling it with men and measures that ought never to have been brought forward. I have no objection to Pinckney, but a full persuasion that he never can rise to the chair, and a more compleat conviction still that he ought never to have been nominated for it.
As you have mentioned my son, I shall only take the liberty to say that his conduct as far as I know it, has been able, upright, candid, impartial & Independent. His letter to Mr Otis I applaud and admire. His resignation I approve. He would have been more politic if he had declined his invitation to the caucus, though the question was only between Mr Madison and Mr Monroe, and, knowing both, I should certainly as he did prefer the former to the latter. The policy of a limitation to the Embargo is, in a national view, and on a large scale, a nice question. I should probably have been for it, but there is so much to be said on the other side, that I cannot censure my son, for agreeing to it without a limitation, believing as he did, and had reason to believe, that it would soon be repealed. The Federalists by their intolerance have gone far towards justifying or at least excusing Jefferson for his, and for the future it seems to be established as a principle that our Government is forever to be, not a national, but a party Government. How long such a maxim can be maintained, consistently with any civil government at all, time will determine. While it lasts, all we can hope is that in the Game at Leap Frog once in eight or twelve years, the party of the Outs will leap over the head and shoulders of the Ins, for I own to you I have so little confidence in the wisdom, prudence, or virtue of either party that I should be nearly as willing that one party should be unchecked & absolute as the other.
Thus, Sir, I have given you Some hints of my general views of things, but I wish to remain in obscurity, and by no means to become the subject of conversation or speculation.
My family return your compliments to yours with your friend

J. A.


Title: From John Adams to Henry Guest, 30 September 1808
From: Adams, John
To: Guest, Henry

Respected Sir
Quincy Septr. 30, 1808

I agree with you in your obliging letter of the eighth of this month that the new England states ought to have their equitable share in the government of the nation and I think that hitherto they have not, I think too that hitherto they have not I think too, that they ought not to bear more than their just proportion of the public burden; but I know that they have. They are so much outnumbered by the Southern states with whom the middle states have always too strong a propensity to join; that the union has not been fairly governed. What remedy may be found for this inequality I presume not to conjecture: and if none should be found, I pretend not to foresee the consequences.
I cannot agree with you in your disapprobation of the conduct of J. Q. A. in his resignation of a remnant of his last six years in the Senate of the United States. I have seen too many instances of the awkward figure made by Senators in the last Session after it was known that they were superceded for the next year, to wish my Son to have remained a butt to all the malignant newspapers and the no less equally malignant speeches in Congress, without the prospect of doing any good.
The last forty or fifty years have been an aweful period in human affairs abounding in great events, which might afford many useful lessons to mankind Philosophers, Theologians, and statesmen have been confounded in their views, reasonings, speculations, and expectations, perhaps they have all proceeded upon false principles. Great Geniuses for confusion have arisen in great numbers: But no great assertor of Order has yet appeared. Those, who have attempted something in this way not having been Princes nor Warriors who could boast of having slaughtered their millions in battle, have not been heard. Mankind, I think, submit ultimately to nothing but the roar of battles, and the splendor of victories. I am So old fashioned as to believe that nothing but a balance of power in Europe can restore peace to the world, and nothing but the balance of power in our national Government, can secure our union or our peace. I have written and laboured and harrangued in vain for almost fifty years, and have no ambition that my Son should do the Same after me, to as little purpose, with as little satisfaction, and the Same reward.
With real regard, I am your friend & humble servant

J. A.


Title: To John Adams from J. J. Van der Kemp, 30 September 1808
From: Van der Kemp, J. J.
To: Adams, John

Sir
Philadelphia September 30th. 1808.

The letter you did me the honor to write to me, reached this place during my absence on a visit to my esteemed Parents and that beloved Sister, whose letter to me accidentally fell into your hands, and which you had the goodness to enclose.—I returned only a few days ago from Oldenbarneveld, or I should have embraced an earlier opportunity of expressing my sincere thanks for your kindness and the flattering manner in which you are pleased to speak of my sister and myself.—As it is my chief wish to possess, so it shall always be my constant aim to merit the good opinion of such men, as him whom I have now the honor to address.
I am, with sentiments of great Esteem / and Respect / Sir, / Your Most Obedt. Humbl Servt.
J:J: Vanderkemp


Title: To John Adams from William Cunningham, 5 October 1808
From: Cunningham, William
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Fitchburg, Oct. 5th. 1808.

The papers, to which you have obligingly ask’d a more particular reference, were published in the Palladium, with the signature of Chatham. I deem’d their composition in a higher strain than my principles suggested, to be necessary to arrert the public attention—in moments of peculiar excitement, the ruling passion is frequently the only avenue through which sober reflections can be conveyed to the judgment, and that pass is often times best secured by a vaporing Herald; but bold and boisterous as mine was, Delusion kept the ground against him. My design, as I communicated it to the Editors in the envelope of my first number, was to shew that neither Mr Jefferson, nor a convert to his crude opinions, would be proper to preside over this Commercial Nation—and to an enlarged view of Commerce, I intended the illustration of its advantages by examples. Objections to Mr. Jefferson brought after them an obligation to specify the qualifications which a free, opulent and an independent people should regard in the choice of their Chief Magistrate. These qualifications are I conceive eminently combined in Mr. A. I spoke of him on a thorough acquaintance with his political course, and it did not escape me that he was the first writer in this country who publickly arraigned the pretensions of Genet; and that his appointment to the Hague was the well-earn’d, but unsolicited, reward of his extrication of the Executive from the embarrassment and perplexities in which he was involved by that hairbrained and contagious Revolutionist. But in addition to a competent capacity, another an indication should be taken from the temper of the times, in which there may be something either to impede or to facilitate “the march of great talents.” From this consideration, the pretensions of Mr. A. derived, vast accession; it appeared, to me as if Providence, in favour, had caused proof of his patriotism and independence to spring out of his integrity, in a trying situation, for the very purpose of ensuring to his virtues a passage to the Presidency. It was for acting conformably to these impressions that I met the repulse I have before related. The declination of the Editors to print the panegyric was graciously enough expressed in a letter—it was by others that I was reprimanded. In a succeeding number to that which contained the exceptionable matter above (for I sent two numbers at once.) I was so unfortunate as to provoke censure for advancing what is now considered an indefensible tenet in politicks:—in opposition to the opinion of a sprightly author who has lately appeared with the signature of Espriella, I asserted it to be politick in a Nation to associate Manufactures with their Trade, and that it was not too soon to begin, in this country, to link them together. Denied a vehicle for such speculations, I discontinued writing them. Indeed I believe that the presses throughout the country are as much under the controul of a junto, as they are in France under Buonaparte’s licensers.
The frankness Sir, with which you have replied to my letter of the 19. ult. encourages me to seek an elucidation of an event, the causes of which I have never seen publickly unfolded, and which Col. Pickering has nearly pronounced inexplicable—I mean his Dissmission. In his last printed letter, he says, you never told him what it was for. I was in Philadelphia soon after that transaction, where I heard, it accounted for in the following manner:—That Mr. Liston, expressing to the Secretary his apprehensions of another mission to France, was quieted by the Secretary’s assurances that another would not be made: That when another mission was soon after concluded on, his aversions to any farther negociation with France were so untameable, and so indecorously expressed as to render him an unfit medium for the communications between the two Governments, and unsuitable to remain in a minesterial station. As this explanation furnished adequate reason for his dismission, I was easy with it, but it cannot give me the satisfaction of your own exposition.
I have taken the freedom to enclose a news-paper, which contains, on its first page, some observations, written by me, on the manufacture of Cider, which may possibly amuse.
With veneration and esteem, / I am, Dear Sir, / Your most obliged Friend & Servant,

Wm. Cunningham, Jun.


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 10 October 1808
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

My dear Sir
Quincy Oct. 10, 1808.

The three Classes of People in Boston, who direct our public Affairs are the Same as those you describe in your favour of 22 of Sept.
It gives me great pleasure, to learn that our old Friend Mr Clymer is as he always was a pure-American. I cannot however boldly defend the long Continuance of the Embargo. I thought it at first a necessary Measure, but was fully apprehensive it could not be long continued. I am neither an Advocate nor an Accuser of Mr Jefferson without discrimination. I can acquit him of Partiality to Napoleon, but not entirely, to the french Nation. I have long known his bias to the French and his bitterness to the English. Of Napoleon I have reason to believe he thinks justly.
Mr Jefferson in my opinion has long ago adopted two very erroneous Opinions. 1. That England was tottering to her fall, that her Strength and Resources were exhausted, that She must Soon be a Bankrupt and unable to maintain her naval Superiority. This I never believed and We Shall yet have proofs enough and to Spare of her tremendous Power, though I dread it not. Tom Pains Reflections on the Rubicon and his other Prophecies of British Ruin I personally know were Mr Jeffersons opinions and continued to be So even when he was Vice President. 2. But the Second opinion was Still more erroneous and Still more fatal. He did not Study the French Nation, nor consider the Character of her Court, her Nobility, her Clergy, her Lawyers, her Institutions, and much less the nature of her common People, not one in fifty of whom could write or read. He had Studied so little the nature of Man, and Still less the nature of Government, that he came from France and continued for years, fully persuaded, that that Nation would establish a free Republican Government and even a levelling Democracy, and that Monarchy and Nobility would be forever abolished in France. I have reason to rember those Things, for I have heard him assert them and enlarge upon them, with the utmost Astonishment. I have reason to remember them moreover, because these were the first Topicks upon which We ever differed in Opinions upon Political Subjects. I have reason to remember them too because, his opinions recommended him to the French Revolutionary Government and Nation; and especially to all the French Ambassadors Consulls and other Agents as well as to all other Frenchmen in America, even to Tallerand and the Duke de Liancourt, who all exerted all their influence and all their Presses to exalt Mr Jefferson over my Shoulders, and to run me down as an Aristocrat and a Monarchist. I have reason to rember it too because my opinion of the French Revoloution, produced a coldness towards me in all my old Revolutionary Friends, and an Inclination towards Mr Jefferson, which broke out in violent Invectives and false imputations upon me and in flattering Panegyricks upon Mr Jefferson, till they ended in a consignment of me, forever to private Life and the elevation of him to the Presidents Chair. My Writings were but a Pretext. They knew that neither Aristocracy or Monarchy were recommended to this Country in any of them.
December 19. 1808. Thus far had I written, on the 10th. of October and had planned in my head of a Letter to be composed of  more History and of observation on my Friend Mr Whartons Prophecies, which I found would take four or five Sheets of Paper and this Idea frightened me. Tell Mr Wharton that the Prophecies in the old and New Testament were not intended to make Us Prophets.
Your Favour of December 14 has reminded me of the Project I had begun. My right hand has not been palsied by Pain or Sickness, to Such a degree as to be wholly incapable of holding a Pen, nor have I ceased to contemplate the Crisis of our Affairs. Nor am I fearful of committing my Thoughts to Paper. I could trace back our Errors, but to what purposes? It would be weakness to exult over my Ennemies. It would be Vanity to Sett up my own System as the only one that could have Saved Us. When a Man has been led by a Will with a Whisp into a Salt Pond and has Sunk, like Marius, up to his Chin in mud, it would be madness to waste his time in Disquisitions on the Nature and Properties of those Meteors, in questions whether they are composed of Sulphur or Mephitic Air or fixed Air or Phosphorus or what else. The Question first in order, and which demands immediate Attention is, How shall he get out?
To what Purpose, my Friend, is it for me to give my opinion, when every Appearance indicates that it will not be followed now any more than it was in 1800.—My opinion will not be regarded by either or any Party.
Si velis Pacem para bellum, is by the Federalists Said to be Washingtons Doctrine. So it was and So it has been the Maxim of every Patriot and Hero and indeed of every Man of Sense, who knew the Power of Jealousy and Envy in the human Breast, Since Cain murdered his Brother because he was a more pious Man and more approved by his Maker than himself.
My System has always been to prepare for War So far as to fortify our more important and most exposed Places on the Frontier and on the Seaboard, and to prepare for War by Sea So far as to build Frigates and other Smaller Vessels Schooners, and Brigantines, by degrees as our Revenues could afford. So that in case of an unforeseen rupture our immense Commerce might not be all liable to be Swept at once into the Coffers of our Ennemies. To what Use are 100,000 Militia to defend our Merchandize at Sea? To what End are 2 or 300 Gun boats to protect our Commerce? For what Purpose are Ten thousand regular Troops on the Continent of America, for the protection of our ships in the Mediterranian the Baltic the English Channell the Bay of Biscay, or the West indian or East indian Oceans? The Embargo I presume must be relaxed. If not it will either produce a general violation of it, which will cost more than foreign War to Suppress it, or it will turn out of office at least in New England every Man who Supports it. There will not be a Select Man nor a Representative left who will advocate the Administration. The Same Spirit will increase in the middle and even in the Southern and Western States. Mr Madisons Administration will be a Scene of Distraction and Confusion if not of Insurrections and Civil War, and foreign War at the Same time both with France and England if the Embargo is not lightened. Why then are not orders given to equip and Man all the Frigates We have and to build more in all our Great Seaports? It is in vain for me, who Stand unconnected and alone, the object of the Jealousy and aversion of both Parties, to repeat the Opinion which I have uniformly held and always inculcated for more than thirty years that a Navy is our natural and our only Defence. It is infinitely more economical as well as consistent with our Liberties than any other. But as long as the People are encouraged in that pernicious Spirit which will hazard Anarchy foreign and domestic War, rather than pay the Expence of Wooden Walls, though these are infinitely cheaper than regular Troops or Militia which can do nothing We must be the Sport of Fortune. The Chapter of Accidents can alone Save Us. Those who believe that that Fortune and that Chapter of Accidents are under a wise controul, as you and I do must have recourse to their Religion and that alone for their Comfort.
My Opinion of Embargoes Non Importation and Non, Exportation Agreements, Non Intercourse Laws, Non Importation Laws &c &c has never varied. In 1774 Congress was unanimously Sanguine two only excepted, that the Non Importation Agreement would procure Us ample redress of all our Complaints. I went with the rest because the People every where were of the Same opinion. But at that very time I Said, in conversation with “The greatest orator that ever Spoke” as Mr Randolph calls him, “I look upon all this as labour lost. These Measures will be despized and We must fight.” “By God” Said P. Henry “I am of your Mind.” When Mr Madison Sent up to Senate his Resolutions of Non Importation; I decided the Question in a divided Senate against them. When the present Embargo was laid I was of the Same opinion, that We could give Law neither to England nor France by Such means. Yet I have raised no clamour against these Measures, being determined to Support the Government, in whatever hands as far as I can in Conscience and in honour
J. AdamsDecr 20th. I have no Clerk and must Send this Letter without preserving a Copy. Therefore burn it.


Title: From John Adams to Gabriel Duvall, 13 October 1808
From: Adams, John
To: Duvall, Gabriel

CopySir
Quincy October 13 1808

I have received the Letter you did me the honor to write me on the Seventeenth of September; and in Answer to it I beg leave to inform you, that the account of the fourteen thousand dollars granted on the Second of March 1797 for the further Accommodation of the Household of the President of the United States was Settled before I left Washington, as appears by the enclosed Copy of a Letter to me from Mr Wolcott, Secretary of the Treasury, the Original of which Subscribed by him is now in my possession, and by my Certificate given in consequence of it. The Money that remained unexpended, I returned to the Treasy and the Articles purchased with that which had been expended, together with all the Articles that had been left by my Predecessor were delivered to the Agent appointed by Congress to receive them, before I left Washington.
Hoping that this will be Satisfactory, I am / very respectfully, Sir your most humble Servant

J. Adams


Title: From John Adams to William Cunningham, 15 October 1808
From: Adams, John
To: Cunningham, William

Dear Sir,
Quincy, Oct. 15, 1808.

The information in your last letter, to look in the Palladium for certain speculations, is very agreeable. As I have never subscribed for that paper, I have never read them. Indeed I seldom see it. Your friendship for J. Q. Adams, encourages me to say, that Washington was indeed under obligations to him, for turning the tide of sentiment against Genet, and he was sensible of it and grateful for it. The enthusiasm for Genet and France and the French revolution, was at that time, almost universal throughout the United States, but, in Pennsylvania, and especially in Philadelphia, the rage was irresistible. Mifflin, M’Kean, and all the principal popular men in that state, were openly for war against England in alliance with France. Marat, Robespiere, Brissot, and the Mountain, were the constant themes of panegyric and the daily toasts at table. Gov. Mifflin invited me to dine with him; Genet and his suite were there, with many others of the principal men of Philadelphia. The Governor gave for a toast,—“The ruling powers in France;—May the United States of America, in alliance with them, declare war against England.” Mifflin perceived, that I did not drink his toast, and, as I sat next to him, he whispered to me in a friendly way, “I know I shall be too high for you, and therefore no offence will be taken if you withdraw from the company.” I accordingly took French leave. Jonathan Dickensen Sargent and Dr. Hutchinson, two old revolutionary Americans, extremely popular, put themselves at the head of the mob. Washington’s house was surrounded by an innumerable multitude, from day to day, huzzaing, demanding war against England, cursing Washington, and crying success to the French patriots and virtuous republicans. Frederic A. Muhlenburg, the speaker of the house of representatives, toasted publicly,—“The Mountain, may it be a pyramid that shall reach the skies,” J. Q. Adams’ writings first turned this tide; and, the yellow fever completed the salvation of Washington. Sargeant and Hutchinson died of it. I was assured soon after by some of the most sensible, substantial, and intelligent of the Quakers, that nothing but the yellow fever saved Washington from being dragged out of his house, or being compelled to declare war against England. Not all Washington’s ministers, Hamilton and Pickering included, could have written those papers, which were so fatal to Genet. Washington saw it, and felt his obligations. He took great pains to find out their author. The first notice I had, of his design to appoint my son to a mission abroad, was from his secretary of state, Randolph, who told me he had been ordered to enquire of the members of congress, and others, concerning the life and character of J. Q. Adams, and, he was, that day, to report in favour of his appointment. His correspondence with government, and with his private friends, was so universally admired, and especially by Pickering and Washington, that the latter not only felt his present obligations, but remembered the past. I will give you one proof, selected from many, in a letter from him to me, in these words, the original of which, all in his own hand writing, is now before me.
Dear Sir, Monday, Feb. 20th 1797.
I thank you for giving me the perusal of the enclosed. The sentiments do honor to the head and heart of the writer;—and if my wishes would be of any avail, they should go to you in a strong hope, that you will not withhold merited promotion from Mr. John Q. Adams, because he is your son.—For without intending to compliment the father or the mother, or to censure any others, I give it as my decided opinion, that Mr. Adams is the most valuable public character we have abroad;—And, that there remains no doubt in my mind, that he will prove himself to be the ablest of all our diplomatic corps. If he was now to be brought into that line, or into any other public walk, I could not, upon the principle which has regulated my own conduct, disapprove of the caution, which is hinted at in the letter. But he is already entered;—the public, more and more, as he is known, are appreciating his talents and worth;—and his country would sustain a loss, if these were to be checked by over delicacy on your part. With sincere esteem and affectionate regard, / I am ever yours,
GEO. WASHINGTON.
Vice-President.
Please to recollect who were our ambassadors abroad, at the date of that letter. The presses, in this country, are under party licences. Many pieces in honor of Mr. J. Q. Adams have been refused admittance into all the federal papers, as I have been informed.
Mr. Pickering’s conscience, if it was faithful to its trust, must have suggested to him very sufficient reasons for his removal. If his memory is not decayed he may easily now recollect them.
Cæsar’s wife must not be suspected, was all the reason he gave for repudiating her. Reasons of state, are not always to be submitted to newspaper discussion. It is sufficient for me to say, that I had reasons enough not only to satisfy me, but to make it my indispensible duty. Reasons which upon the coolest deliberation, I still approve. I was not so ignorant of Mr. Pickering, his family relations, his political, military and local connections, as not to be well aware of the consequences to myself. I said, at the time, to a few confidential friends, that I signed my own dismission when I signed his, and that he would rise again, but I should fall forever. The reason you heard in Philadelphia, was quite sufficient, if there had been no other, but there were many others and much stronger reasons. His removal was one of the most deliberate, virtuous and disinterested actions of my Life. If any future historian should have access to the letter books of the Secretaries of state and compare Mr. Pickering’s negotiations with England, with those of his successor, Mr. Marshall, he will see reasons enough for the exchange of ministers. In consequence of Mr. Pickering’s removal, I was enabled to negotiate and complete a peace with France, and an amicable settlement with England. This is reason enough. Mr. Pickering would have made a good collector of the customs; but, he was not so well qualified for a Secretary of state. He was so devoted an Idolater of Hamilton, that he could not judge impartially of the sentiments and opinions of the President of the U. States. Look into Hamilton’s Pamphlet. Observe the pretended information of things which could have only passed between me and my cabinet. False and abusive as they were, where could he pretend to have derived them? But, I am not yet to reveal the whole mystery. What I have said is to remain in your own breast. I have no disposition to enter into newspaper controversies with Pickering, or his friends or Editors.
I thank you for your observations on cider, and remain your friend and humble servant.
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from William Cunningham, 22 October 1808
From: Cunningham, William
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir.
Fitchburgh, Oct. 22d. 1808

Anxious as I am for the due appreciation by the publick of the merits of Mr. J.Q.A. the invaluable testimonial of President Washington, contained in your Letter of the 15. inst. could scarcely have been more gratifying to yourself than it is pleasing to me. I perceive, with much satisfaction, that the most essential parts of it may go into circulation without the least hazard to your repose—to that extent I shall not consider myself interdicted in its use by the obligations I owe to the confidence you have reposed in me—I am happy in the thought, that it has been too deliberately reposed to suffer your peace to be disturbed by any fear of my indiscretion.
I am deeply sensible to your kindness in making me acquainted with many of the reasons for the Dismission of Mr. Pickering. What you have disclosed shall be inviolably kept. If by the expression—“But I am not yet to reveal the whole mystery.” I am to understand your fixed resolution to make, at present, no farther development, I beg that I may not be suspected of attempting to change it, nor of even entertaining a curiosity to know its reasons—I will only entreat to be initiated into the whole mystery when you may deem it to be proper. But if the disclosure is too interesting to be made but on engagements of fidelity made with more than common solemnity, you may, Dear Sir, consider such an engagement as conditional to a farther communication.
With affection and respect, / I am, Dear Sir, / Your Friend & Servant,
Wm. Cunningham, jun.