Title: [John Thornton]: Memorandum for the American Commissioners, [between 5 and 8 January 1778]
From: Thornton, John
To: American Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Deane, Silas,Lee, Arthur,Adams, John

Memorandum
[Between January 5 and 8, 1778]
In Company with some American Gentlemen, it was dropped in conversation that it was surprising the Commissioners at Paris Knowing the deplorable situation of the American prisoners confined in the several prisons in England, that they had not sent them any relief; this induced me to wait no longer for an answer from Lord North, to run all risks and to set off that Evening for Portsmouth in order to visit and relieve if possible such of the prisoners as were in want, before either Government or the Comittee at the Kings Arms had sent them any relief. So far I succeeded that I provided them with necessaries, Tobacco and money, on the 30th: Decr: when I came away from Forton, nothing had been delivered to them, but what I had sent.
I arrived at Forton the 28th: Decr: did all I could to speak to some of the American Officers, was permitted to do it thro’ the Rails only, and that in the presence of two officers of Marines and one of the Goalers. I informed the prisoners that I was sent by the Commissioners at Paris to administer to them every relief possible, the Conversation was very short, as I was desired by the officers to go away; Wm: Harrison whom I was told by some of the prisoners had been very good to them, I called upon. He informed me that by the means of one of the Goalers I might convey to any of the prisoners letters or any thing Else. I sent for the Goaler, and with the never failing argument, he carried a letter to Capt. Nicholson. This Goaler with some of the Invalids had carried several letters for them, altho’ Expressly forbiden, without their first being open by the Agent. I desired in my letter that some of the officers would be at a certain place of the prison at 4 o’Clock that afternoon to speak to me, I [torn: had?] to bribe the Invalid centries to per[mit me] to speak to the prisoners without their hearing the conversation, or disturbed by any body Else. So far I succeeded beyond my expectations, as I got a full and concise account from Capt: Harris, Doctrs: Smith, Dowler and many more of the Officers of their situations and the numbers confined. On Monday the 29th: I demanded admittance from the Agent, and leave to visit and be permitted to get into the Prison, to converse with the prisoners, which was granted me on the following conditions, that his Clerk, (a Mr. Douglas) should be present and that my visit should be short. On my enterring the Yard of the Prison, I was surrounded by every one of them, enquiering if there was any likelihood of their misery ceasing. I informed them, that I had been sent to England by the Commissioners at Paris, to inspect into the treatment they had received, and to supply them with every necessaries they might be in want, that application had been made for the Exchange of prisoners, and that I hoped their imprisonment would be, but of a [short] duration, that, if they had not been re[leased?] before now, it was Not the fault of [the] Commissioners, that they had long ago end[eavored] to find means to do it; they seem’d happy and they expressed their thanks to the Commissioners. Many of the Officers had not a Shilling, to pay for their Washing and some of them only a Shirt, a pair of Stockings and bad Shoes. I took the Names of such as were in that condition, and immediatly provided them with it. The Officers complained to me of the small quantity of provisions allowed them by the Agent, which lead me to offer that every other day, they should have a joint of meat such as they liked to each Mess and that Mrs: Harrison under the inspection of the Reverend Mr. Wren would provide them with it. They express their thanks and seemed much happier of my visit. I should have distributed a greater quantity of Cloathing but I was informed by the Agent’s clerk, that governm: had ordered Jackets, Stock[ings and] Breeches to be served out to them, [and] had also ordered all sort of necessaries sent down.
[By] the Account I had from Plymouth, there were in Milles Prison 289 of which 40 were Officers.
Lord North told Mr. Hartley last Saturday the 3d: of Janry 1778 that he Knew of Several persons that had come to London from Messrs: Franklin, Deane and Lee and that doctor Bancroft had been in London, and was informed had been sent by those Gentlemen from Paris on Stock Jobbing business.
An Exact Account of the treatment of the American Prisoners taken from their own mouths and from the Reverend Mr. Wren to the 29th: of Decr: 1777 that I visited them at Forton Prison.
At this time there are 119 American Prisoners in Forton Prison near Gosport. Their imprisonment is of a truth exceedingly rigorous owing partly to the severity of the Orders given in charge to the Agent, and partly owing to the weakness of the Prison itself, which is a perpetual temptation to them to brake out, for on their being detected in attempting to escape or retaken after having got out, they are punished with an unexampled severity for such an offence and tho’ many things that have appeared in the papers concerning the cruelty of [their?] Keepers have been exagerated, yet, there [are] many capricions and vexations arising from this quarter, which add greatly to the weight of their misery. There is not the least distinction made between the Officers and common Sailors, and the Prison  having no glazed windows, they can not have any light without having the Northern and Westerly Winds; their provisions are but scanty at best, generaly good of the quality. They are divided into messes 4 in each, and each mess’s allowance for the four is 3 lbs. of meat, 1 lb. of bread and 1 Quart of Beare for each man for the 24 hours, as there is not any thing delivered to them from the Agent but at noon. [In the margin: One Man’s allowance for 24 Hours. 1 Pint of Beare 1 lb. of Bread 12 Ounces of meat.] There are now in the Infirmary 20, and few days ago 27 in the black hole which is nearly filled makes it a dreadful punishment. Some of them had not cloaths nor other necessaries to Keep themselves clean so that the Air doth not only become foul, but the Stench some time insupportable. The 27 were confined the 2d: December, and till lately they were not let out at all, how-ever they are now let out 3 hours every other day. The time of their confinement for att[empting] to Escape is 40 days. Captain [torn] are at this present time [torn] sometime so delirious at [torn] detriment of the others. During [torn] these men have only the half allowance of provisions and indeed hardly half, for each man has for the 24 hours ½ lb. of bread, 1 pint of beare, and what should be 6 ounces of meat, but the bones makes it seldom exceed 4 Ounces. The Agent declares that it’s the orders of the Sick and Hurt, that during the time of Confinement these men shall not be permitted to have either money, or victuals from any person whatever but their half allowance. Tho’ lately means have been found out to send in some small quantity of provisions to them, the prisoners have been and were when I arrived there extreamly bare of Cloaths. The Agent had distributed few necessaries such as 40 pairs of shoes, 50 Shirts and upwards leaving still great many wanting. There are many of the prisoners that have been confined 18 and 20 Months. Captain Nicholson of the Hornet was 7 months in Irons in the West Indies, some French prisoners of Ranks [are] amonst them. Their whole bedding [is a] Hamock, a Pillow filled with straw and [torn.]
[Mr. Wr]en a Presbiterian Clergyman at Portsmouth has been of the greatest service, and has behaved with great Humanity to the American prisoners, providing some with the means of making their Escapes, and assisting those that were unable or prevented from getting away. The first Comittement at Forton was on the 13th: of June 1777, at which time he got aquainted with the Officers of the rising states, assisted them, and gave them Cash for their Congress notes, the only mode of assisting them, the Agent would allow of. From the 13th of June to 13th: Oct., there has been about 7 Comittements to which he has always attended, last Septr. at his repeated Sollicitations the Agent allowed him to distribute to the necessitous 2 Shillings to each man, shortly after that he was permitted to advance them, as far as one Dollar per man. From the 12th: [July?] to the Midle of Decemr: the prisoners were very inhumanly treated by the Agent and goalers, but upon Lord Abington speech in the House of Lords the Keepers begun to abate goodeal of their Severity. Mr. Wren soon after the Advertisement of the Comittee at the Kings Arms appeared in the Papers, received Letters from London, Bristol, Liverpool and several other places [torn] know the situation of the pr[isoners torn] Mr. Wallace of Liverpool at [torn] time a note of £30 to be [torn] should think proper amongst the prisoners. [This] worthy clergyman has visited every other day the Prison, and has supplied them from time to time with tryfling sums, and those in the black hole with provisions.

Notation: Original Letter from Mr. Thornton to the Commissioners at Paris


Title: Sir Philip Gibbes: Minutes of a Conversation with Franklin, 5 January 1778
From: Gibbes, Sir Philip
To:

This interview, the second within a year between the two men, was not the isolated episode that the earlier one seems to have been. Sir Philip may have been acting on his own; if so it was coincidence that he was in Paris at the same time as two other emissaries whom Whitehall had sent on the same errand. In any case his interview, when he returned to England, attracted attention in the highest quarters. Lord North received from him a letter and paper (this account?) and forwarded them to the King, and a few days later himself interviewed Gibbes. The peace offensive that the British were mounting had no chance of success, because they were not ready to concede independence, but the mere fact that they were negotiating had its effect on Versailles.

Paris Jany. 5th 1778
2d. Conversation. This day Doctor Franklin came to me by appointment; when a conversation ensued to the following effect.
Sir. P. Gibbes. “I should not be candid, if I did not tell you that I communicated to a person in administration the substance of my former Conversation with you upon the Subject of American affairs. Tho’ I have no reason to say it has hitherto produced any effect, I would not be discouraged from requesting another conversation with you upon the same subject. I am going to England. I wish to carry with me the present ideas of America with respect to the terms of peace. Private, nay distant, hints from one party seldom fail to produce an open communication from the other, when conciliation is equally the desire of both. This idea, I trust, will excuse me to you and justify me to my friends in England, that I presume to speak to you upon this important business. I know how far it has extended itself. I know that difficulties to the conclusion will encrease in proportion to the influence, which other powers are allowed to gain in the progress of this unfortunate affair. Permit me then Sir to desire you will consider, as the friend of America, whether you ought not to avail yourself of the offer I now make you of communicating to Administration her present sentiments. I know I presume a great deal in this interference, unauthorized by any man; But where nothing is attempted nothing can be effected. I want to see a communication opened between Great Britain and America.”
Docr. Franklin. “I am of Opinion, Sir, it would do harm to communicate, even as matter of private conversation, the expectations of America. Great Britain is making preparations for a vigorous campaign, with the idea of enforcing submission. While she entertains that hope, the terms which America may think just and reasonable, she may call insolent. Proposals from America, intimated even in the manner you suggest might be supposed to arise from apprehension, and might obstruct the ends you seem desirous to promote.
“America is ready to make peace. If Great Britain desires to make peace, let her propose the terms to the Commissioners here; who are impowered to treat. But I will think of the matter and give you my thoughts.”
Sir P.G. “You cannot suppose, Sir, that Administration will ever treat formally and openly with Commissioners from the Congress, at a place too, where it is the avowed policy of the people to obstruct negotiation and protract the war. I rather hoped, you would have suggested something that might have induced Administration to offer such terms, as the Generosity of a Great Nation may grant without incurring the imputation of meaness. I never presumed to conceive any mode, by which Great Britain should proceed in order to open a communication with America; But if I might be permitted to indulge the thought I would propose,
“That Parliament should pass an Act to authorize the thirteen united provinces to appoint, each, one or two Representatives; who should be the Representative body of America. That this body of Representatives should appoint and send Commissioners to London, empowered to conclude a definitive treaty with the Legislature of Great Britain: Or that Great Britain should appoint and send Commissioners to America, vested with the most ample powers, that our Constitution can repose in them to conclude a Peace.”
Docr. F. “Great Britain may pass what Acts she pleases. America will not think herself bound to act in conformity to them. Besides, the distance will protract the negotiation. If Great Britain cannot enforce submission she must treat. Why then delay it? If the Ministry have personal objections to the present Commissioners, let them state their objection. If they have an objection to Paris, as the Place of Negotiation, let them name any town in Flanders. But whenever it shall please them to propose terms, it is hoped they will be clear and explicit; nothing concealed to create future discussion. They should be generous. You have expressed it happily. They should be such, and offered in such manner, that all the world may say, they were directed by a noble generosity and not compelled. If you should impart this conversation to your friends in England, it will be proper to acquaint them, that whatever terms Great Britain may propose will be communicated to France. We are new at treaty. Advantage may be taken of our incapacity, and it is prudent to consult those upon whose experience and friendship we can depend.”
Sir P.G. “I am sorry, I much lament, Sir, that your engagements with France oblige you to submit to her the terms of peace between Great Britain and America.”
Docr. Fr. “Do not mistake me. I did not say we should submit them to France. I said, distrusting ourselves we should consult France upon the terms that should be proposed by Great Britain. We have not engaged with France to be decided by her Opinion. America considers herself as an independent state, and will decide ultimately for herself. If she approves the terms proposed, she will accept them. I am told Lord North intends to propose something conciliatory. If it be like his former proposition, it will not avail any thing. But terms that come voluntarily, and shew generosity, will do honour to Great Britain and may engage the confidence of America.”
Sir P.G. “It will be some satisfaction to me to know that I have faithfully represented our last conversation. I endeavoured to state it with exactness. And hope you will find I have not varied it. I pray you will take the trouble to read it.”
Docr. Fr. “It is accurate. But to one part, I must now except. At that time America would have entered into a federal union to make peace and war as one Nation. Since then, it has cost her much blood and treasure to defend and strengthen her Independence. I do not imagine she would now enter into such an engagement. Great Britain charges her with ingratitude for the protection she gave her at a Great Expence, in the last war. America does not intend to involve Great Britain in wars, or to share with her in such as she may involve herself in. The system of America is universal commerce with every nation; war with none.”
Sir P.G. “Permit me, Sir, to ask you as one personally, and not inconsiderably interested, what is the intention of America with respect to the Sugar Islands. They are innocent and helpless. They have given no provocation to America; And yet you have made war upon them, by making Captures of their property, to the injury of all, and the ruin of many of the Planters.”
Docr. F. “With respect to the Sugar Islands, when this matter shall be settled, we will trade with them, as with other people. But we will have no other connection with them. If we have taken their property, we have taken it as the property of the Subjects of a Nation, who has made war upon us.”


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Sir Philip Gibbes, 5 January 1778
From: Gibbes, Sir Philip
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Paris January 5. 1778
You did me the honour this morning to say, that if upon considering what I had suggested to you you should judge it proper to communicate any hints to me, you would write to me. I beg leave to acquaint you, that any letter addressed to me at my house in Queen Ann Street, Cavendish Square, or at Messrs. Lascelles & Daling’s in Crutched Fryars will reach me. Whatever you shall be pleased to communicate will be received in confidence and under such restrictions as you may think proper to lay me under. My interference in this great business is dictated by the desire I feel to see Peace established between Great Britain and America upon such constitutional principles, as shall preserve the permanent prosperity of both countries. To effect this, permit me, Sir, to press it upon you to devise the means, by which an honourable negotiation may be opened. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient and humble servant
Philip Gibbes

Notation: Philip Gibbs.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John MacMahon, 5 January 1778
From: MacMahon, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
At the Military School Jany. the 5th. 1778
Here is an invitation from the Dutchesses De Mortemart for your son and you to dine with them next thursday Se’nnight, which I hope you’ll comply with. They live Rue St. Guillaume fauxbourg St. Germain. If that day should not suit you, you may appoint friday, but not saturday, as they are to go that day to the Princess de Guemenées ball at Versailles. Be so kind as to send me answer here by the penny post. If you’ll inclose a billet to the Dutchesses of your Acceptance of the invitation, I’ll transmit it to them.
It was said yesterday that the English took mud-Island and had seventy Officers killed or wounded in the attack, enraged at so obstinate a defence, they put the garrison of 400 men all to the sword. But M. Panchaud a banker whom I saw yesterday received letters from London by hand, of the 30th. Dec. which make no mention of this event. I am with my usual sentiments of respect, admiration and the warmest attachment Sir your most humble and obedient Servant
J. MacMahon

Addressed: A Monsieur / Monsieur Le Docteur Franklin / chez M. Ray De Chaumont / ancien Intendant des Invalides / à Passy
Notation: recue 2 s[ous?]


Title: Geoffroy Chalut de Verin to the American Commissioners, [before 6 January 1778]
From: Chalut de Vérin, Geoffroy
To: American Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Deane, Silas,Lee, Arthur,Adams, John

[Before January 6, 1778]
  Chalut de Verin prie Messieurs Franklin, Monsieur Dean et Le Chevalier Lée de lui faire l’honneur de venir diner [mardi 6] janvier Jour des Roix.

Addressed: A Monsieur / Monsieur Benjamin Franklin / A Passy


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Doerner, 6 January 1778
From: Doerner, John James
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Bordeaux January 6th. 1778.
My friends and Relations in Paris Messieurs Lavabre & Doerner have sent me the following Letters of introduction, which you did me the favour to present Them with in consequence of the Liberty I have taken to wait on you at Passy. vizt.
one for his Excy. John Rutledge Esqr. Governor of South Carolina.
one for Your Son Richard Bahe Esqr. Philadelphia
one for Peter Timothy Esqr. of South Carolina
one for Benjamin Harrison. Virginia
one for Messrs. John Cripps & May Merchts. Charles-town for which I beg leave to return my sincerest Thanks, and trust my acquaintance with said Gentlemen may tend to our mutual advantage and Satisfaction.
I do not think many have engaged in a migration to your Continent with that disposition of hope to render Themselves generally useful as I do. I have from the beginning with a pleasing Idea admired your cause, as that of Mankind, and often wished some opportunity might offer to go there as a Man of Caracter and Credit. My Relations and Friends in Paris have enabled me to do it, and Heaven permitting, I hope to land either in Virginia or at charles-town by the french ship Mars Capn. Picon, our own Vessel, and which is to sail from this harbour in 8 or ten days hence.
Upon my arrival in America my care shall be to deserve the acquaintance of the Friends to whom you do me the honour to introduce me, and nothing will add so much to my happiness there as to render myself in some manner usefull to Them, but especially to you Sir and to your friend Mr: Sila Dean who has equally favoured me with a Letter of introduction to a Merchant House there, and to whom I take this oppertunity to return my best thanks. I have the honour to be most respectfully Sir Your most obedient and most humble Servant
Doerner junior
To Doctor Francklin &ca &ca Passy near Paris

Addressed: To / The Honble. Doctor Francklin / &ca &ca / Passy / near Paris
Notation: Doerner junior 6 Jan 78


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from ——— Galevon, 6 January 1778: résumé
From: Galevon, ——
To: Franklin, Benjamin

<Ivry la Bataille, January 6, 1778, in French: I am treating a dropsical patient to whom all the resources of my art bring only short-term relief. I have already drained him twice, and grieve that he cannot survive more than two or three more such operations. You have revealed a new remedy, I see in the papers, that has succeeded with two patients; will you tell me how to prepare and use the tobacco ash? This information will doubtless be published, but my invalid cannot wait. Although I am sorry to trouble you, I plead for excuse that our sole justification is being useful to our fellows.>


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Courtney Melmoth, [6 January 1778]
From: Melmoth, Courtney
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Paris, Chez Monsr: Le Brun Rue Jacob.[January 6, 1778]
An American friend, who sups with me this Evening, expresses great desire to read the little Ode call’d the Muse of America which I had, some time since, the Honour to present to you thro the medium of Mr: Dubourg of Paris.
Having no second Copy of the above trifle, I shall be very much indebted to you, Sir, if you will give it to the Bearer; and, I confess, it would very greatly soothe my Ambition, if I understood that it had given the taste or the feelings of Doctor franklin the least satisfaction.
Mr. Dubourg did me the Honour to conduct me yesterday to the Cabinet of Monsieur Le Jeuneux à l’hotel de Chavigny, where we expected the Pleasure to meet you Sir. That Happiness, however, is yet to be gratified, and I shall ever rejoice to promote it; being most truly, with great Respect and Ardour, Sir, Your most obedient Servant
Courtney Melmoth

Addressed: A / Monsieur / Monsieur Franklin / A Passi / Prés d’Paris
Notation: Courtney Melmoth


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Marston Watson, 6 January 1778
From: Watson, Marston
To: Franklin, Benjamin

May it please your Honour
Bilbao, Jany. 6th. 1778
I had the honour of Addressing you the 9th. Ultimo on the Affair of Mr. Allen in the Schooner Hawk’s prize Brigg Britannia, which has been seiz’d by the Marquiss Basecourt Genl. of St. Sebastian; the Vessell unrigg’d, the Cargo unloaded and dispos’d of, and the Crew confin’d in Prison, with a design of Confiscation, on a specious pretence of Piracy. However valid their pretence, and how far warrantable their process, on the premises transmitted to you, your honour must be a Competent Judge: but to all concern’d it is perfectly mysterious how the said Genl. can justify his Conduct without any other pretence than her being a pirate; for since I wrote your honour I procur’d the fullest evidence of the legality of the Capture, both from the Coasting Pilots, and the former master and his Crew, which together with Capt. Hibberts Commission has been translated into Spanish and the whole regularly Authenticated by a Notary and Attested by several principal Merchants before a Magistrate: these Sir, with a second and third petition have been laid before his Exccy. the said Genl. but to no other purpose than his bare acknowledging “he had been petition’d:” and to the great damage of our Voyage our men are Still detain’d prisoners on the Scanty allowance of 6d Sterling per day.
Upon our finding that our fate would finally Issue from Madrid, we made application to our friend and Agent at Madrid Mr. James Gardoqui, with a full representation of the Case; such as the Authority of Capt. Hibbert; positive evidence of the legality of the Capture; the process of Mr. Allen the master; that of the Genl. and his Servt.; my application and the event; and the present situation of our Interest and people at St. Sebastian. As it is necessary for us Sir, to be on our passage homewards, we must entreat your Intercession for the restoration of our Interest and people; more particularly the latter, who suffer on a suspicion, which in a Court of Justice would long since been dispel’d by our full evidence.
If your honour, may have occasion to direct a reply to our remonstrances, please to direct to Mr. Jno: Emery in the house of Mess. Jos. Gardoqui & Sons at Bilbao. Mean time I have the honour to be With due respect Your Honour’s truly humble Servant
Marston Watson

Addressed: To / The Hon’bl Benja Franklin Esqr / Paris.


Title: Arthur Lee to Franklin and Silas Deane, 7 January 1778
From: Lee, Arthur
To: Franklin, Benjamin,Deane, Silas

Gentlemen
Challiot Jany. 7th 1778
I calld at Passi yesterday in expectation of meeting you together, that I might have an explanation of the affair with Mr. Stevenson, in which the whole blame is left to rest most undeservedly on me. I have been informd, that a Letter was written on this subject by Mr. Stevenson to the Commissioners, which has been answerd by you Gentlemen without any communication with me; in which answer, what I had the honor of informing you on Saturday I had told Mr. Stevenson, is, without any management towards me, flatly contradicted.
To state that transaction in its true light, and to shew how little I have deservd such an affront, I must beg leave to recall to your minds, the following facts: That I was neither consulted with, nor informd by you of the intention of sending our Dispatches by Mr. Carmichael, in the frigate from Bordeaux; that I was not consulted in the alteration of that design; that I was not consulted in the promise you say was given him, that he shoud carry our Dispatches from Nantes; that when I told you Mr. Stevenson woud carry our Dispatches if you had no objection you assented without apprizing me of any such promise, or making the distinction between his carrying them to Nantes and to Congress; that on saturday on reading in the Letter written by Mr. Deane to Mr. Williams, a direction to deliver the Dispatches to Mr. Carmichael I then observd that this woud produce a misunderstanding, because, conceiving it was so agreed, I had told Mr. Stevenson that the Commissioners had determind he shoud carry them; in answer to which I was then, for the first time, told, that you had previously promisd it to Mr. Carmichael. Dr. Franklin will also have the goodness to recollect, that afterwards in going to town, I mentiond that had I been consulted upon committing our dispatches to Mr. Carmichael, I shoud have objected to it, because the Dispatches I had entrusted to that gentleman in London, to be deliverd to the Secret Committee in Philadelphia, were given to the commercial Agent, Mr. Deane in Paris, and opend, read and detaind.
Upon due consideration of these facts, I trust Gentlemen, your candour will acknowledge that had I not been kept thus unduely in the dark about your proceedings in this business, no mistake or offence woud have happend. Had I even been consulted upon the answer to Mr. Stevenson’s Letter, such an one I flatter myself might have been written as woud have satisfyd all parties, or prevented at least one of the deepest injuries that can be offerd to a gentleman, a direct and unjust impeachment of his veracity. I have the honor to be with the greatest respect Gentlemen Your most Obedient Humble Servant
Arthur Lee
Messrs Franklin & Deane

Endorsed by Franklin: Arthur Lee. Esqr to BF. & SD. Jan 7. 1778.


Title: James Moylan to the American Commissioners, 7 January 1778
From: Moylan, James
To: American Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Deane, Silas,Lee, Arthur,Adams, John

Honorable Gentlemen
L’Orient 7th Janua 1778
I beg leave to refer you to my letter of the 2d. instant, and altho’ I am not yet in the situation you prescribed for me to transact your Bussiness here, I am nevertheless induced, as well from the season of the year, as the reports of Captains Thompson and Green, to inform you; that the Ship Durass of near Eight hundred Tons Burthen, which is here for sale, wou’d be a cheap purchass at 50 to Fifty five thousand Livers, which sum I think she may be procured for. Those Gentlemen told me, they gave you a particular discription of this vessel in writing, which leaves me only to add, that she may be fitted ready for the sea in the next month, was she to be put in hands soon, and that from the temper of the people’s minds here, a sufficient number of seamen may be had in this port to navigate her &ca., in case of no new obstacle.
Was such a speculation to take place, I wou’d beg leave to recommend the purchass of cordage from the Kings stores in Brest; it may be had cheap, on account of it’s being already used by Ships of War, and from the samples I have seen here of it, I am persuaded it wou’d be a necessary article at the other side of the water.
Operations of this Kind may be conducted in this Port with facility, even under the common circumstances; from it’s vicinity to the sea and it’s exports to the East Indias.
The Captain of the Ship Bernier who arrived here a few days ago from India, tells me that he spok with Captain Butler of the Privateer Brig Molly of fourteen guns belonging to Boston, the 21st ulto. off of Bordeaux, who informd him, that he left said port of Boston about the 15th November, that he had taken four prizes, one of which a Ship of three hundred Tons in company with him from Oporto with Wine &c. and that he intended for some port of Spain. The Captain got no other news from him. I have the Honor to be with infinite respect Honorable Gentlemen Your most obedient humble servant
James Moylan

Addressed: The Honorable The Commissioners / of the United States of America
Notation: Jany 7th 1778 Letter from Mr Moylan L Oreint


Title: Paul Wentworth to [William Eden]: Extract, 7 January 1778
From: Wentworth, Paul
To: Eden, William

Eden, the head of British intelligence, sent Wentworth to Paris in early December to talk with the commissioners, and armed him with a letter in which he sketched what he hoped might be the basis for rapprochement. He was clearly seeking some guidance for the conciliatory proposals that the government was then drafting for submission to Parliament. After two campaigns, he acknowledged in his letter, the British seemed to have made no progress; but they were undiscouraged, and would fight on rather than grant independence. At the same time their expectations had been moderated, and they were ready to re-establish the old connection on new grounds. The crucial question was whether the Americans would accept anything short of absolute independence. Independent de facto they already were. They might well realize that chaos would ensue unless they admitted some sort of qualified control from outside, and might be reluctant to give such control to a nation alien to their blood, language, and constitutional principles. In that case what might they consider grounds for accommodation? What would they concede in return for the end of taxation? the restoration of charters? military autonomy? resumption of trade so that America might pay its debts? If any promising answers were forthcoming, Eden concluded, he was in a position to put them to immediate use:
Wentworth, in his interview with Franklin described here, seems to have had great difficulty in getting to this letter. It was the raison d’être for the meeting, but the Doctor kept going off on emotional tangents. The agent’s picture of him is clear, despite occasional obscurities of phrasing, and not at all what might be expected: the Franklin who talked with Sir Philip Gibbes the day before seems to have changed character overnight and become diffuse and querulous. Wentworth himself was surprised; although he was not always reliable in his reporting, we can see no reason in this case why he should have distorted the conversation.

Dear Sir,
Paris 7 January 1778.
I called on 72. [interlined: Dr. Franklin] Yesterday and found him very busy with His Nephew, who was directed to leave the room, and we remain’d together two hours before 51 [Mr. Deane] joined us, when the Conversation ceased . . . 72 [Dr. Franklin] received me very kindly: I introduced the Conversation by some Compliments to which he is very open: endeavoured to excite feelings of Humanity, to recall Ideas which had passed between us. How much short of Independence He wished. How difficultly it had been carried, on the Idea of mere temporary Expediency, and Concluded with wishing to be Honored with His opinion of the Temper of the Congress, the Terms and the means He would suggest to induce reconciliation: Hinted that His opinion, in my opinion, would be that of the Congress. He said that any of the different opinions He had given would have done at the time they were given, because they were, as they necessarily must be formed from the Circumstances of the Epocha; that Mr. Berkley and Dr. Fothergill had one set in writing, which only subjected Him to abuse; another set was obtained by Lord Hyde and Lord Howe, and again by Lord Howe in America; that He therefore saw it was time lost, and always to serve some temporary purpose to the Injury of the two Countries, and therefore in His present situation every Consideration led Him to be very Cautious of what He said. That propositions in writing were impossible in the Case, and verbally, they were liable to be not sufficiently or over Explained; that discussion was necessary to develope the tendency and probable Consequences of many Principles which at first might appear unfavorable. But He being Present at the Objection, He might remove it, and shew the Effect to be advantageous. He said thus much at the End of a great many Circumstances relative to the several Communications and Conferences with the persons just mentiond, and worked Himself up into passion and resentment. I told Him that a Conviction of Error on a Generous Mind, was most likely to  produce reparation; that His resentments should be lost in the Cause of His Country; that His was too great to mix private quarrells with; that if the great Breach was made up He, in the share of Glory he might acquire, shoud be thankfull to have suffered Evil, to produce so great a good, yet in His day. He replyed that His warmth did not proceed from a feeling of personal Injuries, but that they, going all along with the Barbarities inflicted on His Country, the remembrance of these roused in an old man, Constitutionally phlegmatick, the resentments of High mettled youth. And it shoud serve to Convince me, of the resentments of those on the spot, seeing the regular system of devastation and Cruelty which every General had pursued. Here he lost Breath in relating the burning of Towns, the neglect or Ill treatment of Prisoners, and so got round to Mr. Thornton, who he expects to return without an Answer. I said the very return, in the Case, was an act of lenity and the people of England were shewing their Benevolent Character, which He must know Govt. might prevent. He said this was late. True, but late repentance if sincere was more lasting in its Effects, and what must his portion be if He could turn the Torrent of Vigor and resolution of an Opulent and Courageous people, into Affection, union and prosperity: Britain and America would be the greatest Empire on Earth. He answered He believed He might do a great deal, but that the Spirit of America was so High nothing but 107 [Independency] would be at all listned to: and they should not be let alone long, for they would not be able even to accept this from 64 [England], but as they would from the Emperor of Morrocco. That other nations were wiser than 64 [England], and the 45 [Congress] would soon find them more Candid and fair also. Nay the savages of America would soon be more so than the savages of G Britain. Here he apostrophized again, and talked of English men to be Barbarous! I told him, I could not wait upon him for that sort of instruction, and must beg to moderate him, by calling his attention to the Humanity, the Benevolence, the reputation of a remedy. He wished to meet me, but I had disclaimed all authority, and therefore He felt and talked as a private man. As a publick man He had no authority, specifick in the Case. I said if He would pledge His Honor to me that He would not, on any account whatever, now or hereafter mention the substance or any part of a Lettr I wished to show him, I would read him one, which induced me to come to 144 [Paris]. He agreed, and I read the first and second pages, ending in unqualified 107 [Independency]. He paid great attention, seemed to expect I would go on, then asked it. I went to the End of the 3d page. He said it was a very interesting sensible letter, pity it did not come a little sooner; asked me to finish it. I did. He applauded the Candor, good sense, and Benevolent spirit of it, and desired I would tell Him the Author. I said I could not tell the name, but He may be assured it was a person fully answering the Idea He had Conceived, “and as Cordially disposed, as He was Happily situated to turn such Principles to the most benevolent purposes.” He said He was glad to find Honor and Zeal so near the Throne. He was afraid it was banished from 64 [England]. He had tho’t Mr. Vihheb [Hutton] as Honest as any till He came here to persuade Him, that it was Affection to him and sollicitude about His reputation, that brought Him to 144 [Paris] at this rigorous season, when at His Age . . . He enlarged needless to repeat. I never knew him so excentric. No body says less generally and keeps a point more closely in View; but He was diffuse and unmethodical to day. I bro’t him back again, by saying I found things too difficult for my shoulders, even supported as I was by the person He just now gave His opinion of. That I must Conclude He was involved in Engagements, which bound him too closely to attend to any propositions, or He would have at least said a word upon the opinions I had just read with great deliberation, but if they met His Ease, He should hear them again. He desired I would repeat them. He objected to the nomination of offices, Parliamentary regulations of any kind, Kings negative and said there were some good Ideas. Which are they? Needless now to point them out; The people of America had formed Constitutions in the midst of a Cruel war, they were dear Bought and could not be parted with at any rate. Kingly authority was not Congenial to them, but under such limitations as made it not worth having. It was easier to make objections than to produce the Remedy, since decisive pacific measure must be laid for a Basis, and time would do a great deal. Would you Sir save a great deal of Time, by going to The spot you loved so much, if proper passports were granted? Yes, I should have no Objection, was answered but I could not answer for my Colleagues. I will call tomorrow, I said, to take the result of all this, meantime begging to be understood, that I don’t see anything that has passed, in a light favorable enough to induce me to go forward in my wishes, except this last disposition of going to 110 [London]. I forgot to say, that in answer to the people of 64 [deleted: England] being disposed to hsb, msofg 207 [War], He said 7 [America] would sustain 50, before she would give up 107 [Independency]. And talking of other Benifitts 64 [England] could give, superiour not only, but out of the power of other Nations, and instancing means to pay the vast load of debt and encourage Commerce and agriculture, He said those advantages must be received Cautiously. 64 [England] would do that and more to recover influence; that a free Commerce would more than pay the debt very soon, and pay it by the price of Industry; that Emigrations from 64 [England] only would assist them to pay their debts and supply the place of those their Barbarous brethren had cut off; and in short they should take care that G B. did not go on too fast again, for she would certainly treat them the worse for it. His principle was that nothing would bind usefully and Effectually but reciprocal Interest, and if He was to dictate solely for both parties He would go on this principle and Consider G B. as kindly as America. He at last on my taking leave rung a Bell and 51 [Mr. Deane] came into the room, when He desired I would represent the feelings of 7 [America] by His own; and that if commissioners were appointed to meet them properly authorized to treat of Peace—I say Peace—I am ready and I am sure my Colleagues are so on the broad bottom of reciprocal advantages. I said nothing, but that I would if I could trouble him with a short Visit to day. On reflection, I do not see any good End it can answer, and therefore I shall not go.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Silas Deane, 8 January 1778
From: Deane, Silas
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Thursday 4. oClock 8th. Jany. 1778
  Mr. Deane’s Compliments to Docr. Franklin and prays him to be at his house Rue Royale at Six this Evening where he will meet the Gentleman Mr. Deane went this Morning to Visit on an Affair of the greatest Consequence.

Addressed: To / The Honle. Benj Franklin Esq


Title: The American Commissioners’ Interview on January 8 with Gérard: Four Documents, 1778
From: American Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Deane, Silas,Lee, Arthur,Adams, John
To:

This meeting, in Deane’s quarters in Paris at six in the evening of January 8, was the commissioners’ reward for all the frustrations of the previous year. Vergennes had announced to them on December 12 that France was ready to negotiate, but three weeks of silence followed while the court attempted to secure Spanish participation. Then, when Madrid made clear that it had no intention of co-operating in the immediate future, Versailles decided to act alone: on January 7 the King in council approved the resumption of negotiations. This was the news that Gérard, as agent for Maurepas and Vergennes, announced to the Americans. Two accounts of the meeting survive. The longer one is Gérard’s report the next day to his superiors; the shorter is in Arthur Lee’s diary. We print the former, and indicate in footnotes where Lee’s version substantially amplifies or diverges from it.
These two reports are only a part of the record. From the French point of view the crux of the meeting was two questions that Gérard put: What guarantees from the court would make the commissioners turn a deaf ear to any British offer that fell short of complete political and commercial independence? What guarantees would, in their opinion, have the same effect upon Congress and the American people? These questions needed thought, and Gérard withdrew to let the Americans discuss them. He returned to find that Franklin had replied to the first and secured his colleagues’ agreement, but that they could not agree about the second. The Frenchman then took with him their own answer about guarantees, and three days later they gave him what they thought would be the answer from Congress.
In presenting this material we have violated strict chronology. Gérard’s report of the conference was written on the 9th. The first question that he asked, and the answer to it, Franklin wrote down at the meeting itself, as he did the second question and his draft of an answer; hence these were on the 8th. The redrafting of the second question and answer may have been done at any time before they were delivered on the 11th. But to separate these documents by date, when they were all products of the same meeting, would be highly artificial.

I. Gérard’s Report of the Interview

   AD: Archives du Ministère des affaires étrangères

A Versailles, le 9. Janvier 1778
Mr. le C. de Maurepas et M. le C. de Vergennes ayant bien voulu me charger d’annoncer aux deputés Americains les resolutions que le Roi a prises en adoptant le memoire destiné pour l’Espagne, j’invitai M. Deane à se rendre à Versailles.
Je le presentis en termes generaux et il me declara qu’il ne pouvoit recevoir aucune ouverture formelle qu’en presence de ses Collegues. Il me parla avec beacoup d’inquietude de la conduite de M. Hutton et m’avoua que M. le Docteur franklin usoit de reticence à cet egard. Je formai mon plan d’après ces notions. Je confiai à M. deane que d’après nos entretiens precedens je pourrois etre chargé d’annoncer la confection d’un traité mais que je le priois de n’en pas prevenir ses collegues. La confiance que cet Deputé me marque m’a paru exiger cette confidence prealable et sa conduite l’a justifiée. Nous primes heure pour hier soir à six heures dans la Maison de M. Deane à Paris.
Les trois Deputés s’y trouvant rassemblés on parla de nouvelles et j’essayai vainement d’amener M. franklin à me parler de M. Hutton.
J’entamai la conference en annonçant que j’étois chargé d’un message qui commenceroit à realiser les esperances et les assurances que le Roi et son ministere leur avoit fait donner et qui avoit fait l’objet de l’expedition du frere de M. Deane; mais que dans une circonstance aussi importante les raisons de plus d’une espece que Sa M[ajesté] avoit que le secret le plus absolu fut gardé, je devois avant tout les prier de vouloir bien promettre que quelle que fût l’issue de notre conference et de toute la négociation, ils ne feroient confidence à qui que ce fut de mon message et qu’ils n’en feroient aucune sorte d’usage que de l’aveu prealable du Ministere et de la maniere qui seroit concerté avec lui, surtout relativement aux epoques graduelles de la conduite que S.M. pourroit tenir. J’appuyai cette demande des motifs publics et sensibles qui rendoient le secret indispensable, ainsi que des considerations particulieres que S.M. pouvoit avoir pour desirer cet engagement.
Les trois Deputés garderent quelques instans le silence; Le D. franklin le rompit le premier en disant avec humeur qu’il etoit bien etonnant que des choses qui devoient demeurer ignorees se soyent divulguées; mais qu’on n’avoit aucun reproche à leur faire; M. Lée poursuivit le discours en disant qu’ils se flattoient d’avoir justiffié leur caractere moral.
Je repondis en faisant l’eloge des trois Deputés, et que ma demande etoit la preuve la plus forte de confiance, puisque leur promesse seroit superflue dès que nous les soupconnerions de vouloir la violer. On me laissa encore perorer dans ce sens, M. deane appuyant quelquefois mes raisonnemens et je revins a etablir formellement ma proposition. M. franklin me dit enfin je le promets; M. Lée et M. Deane repeterent la meme formule. Dans la defiance où l’on estoit des dispositions du Docteur, je crois avoir gagné un point interressant.
Alors je leur declarai que pouvant leur parler maintenant sans reserve je leur annonçois que le Roi persuadé desormais que les Etats unis sont resolus de maintenir leur independance, s’etoit determiné à concourrir efficacement à la maintenir et à la faire etablir solidement, que la maturité meme que S.M. avoit apporté à cette resolution, garantissoit la sincerité de ses dispositions, et la fermeté qu’elle apporteroit à l’execution de ses resolutions; qu’elles etoient exemtes de toute vue d’ambition et d’aggrandissement; qu’elle ne vouloit qu’operer irrevocablement et complettement l’independance des Etats unis, qu’elle y trouveroit l’interret essentiel d’affoiblir son ennemi naturel et que cet interret sensible et permanent rendroit desormais la cause des americains commune à la france; que S.M. ne pouvoit encore prendre ni annoncer un parti decisif qui dependoit de combinaisons qui lui etoient personnelles et d’objets sur lesquels Elle ne pouvoit se concerter avec les Deputés; mais que j’espérois que les assurances articulées et positives que j’étois autorisé à leur donner opereroit la confiance la plus certaine dans les sentimens de Sa M. et dans les dispositions de son ministere; que j’attendais en consequence que les Deputés ouvriroient desormais leur pensée sans reserve, qu’il faloit dans le moment actuel considerer dans ce systeme deux choses qui pouroient etre distinctes: la première les moyens decisifs pour terminer cette grande querelle, dont l’examen et l’emploi exigeroient du tems et dependroient des evenemens; et la seconde, la necessité de prevenir immediatement l’effet de toutes les embuches et de toutes les manoeuvres que l’Angleterre employe pour seduire les Deputés et peutestre le Congrés par l’apas d’une fausse tranquilité et d’une independance tronquée ou precaire, qu’il ne faloit pas s’y tromper, que l’angleterre sentoit [sentant] que les americains etoient veritablement en possession de leur independance, s’ efforceroit a en laisser subsister le simulacre et qu’elle se borneroit peutetre à des avantages exclusifs de commerce; mais qu’il lui suffiroit de conserver un fil quelconque de dependance et d’obligation pour mettre dans la suite la liberté et la tranquilité des Colonies en danger; qu’il ne faloit pas se dissimuler et que les gens les plus clairvoyans avoient senti dès le commencement des troubles, que c’etoit une guerre de commerce et que le moindre avantage conservé à la metropole decideroit la contestation en sa faveur. J’ajoutai que si les Deputés etoient aussi persuadés que nous de ces verités, il faloit chercher un remede prompt et efficace, et prevenir les progrès et le succès de ces negotiations frauduleuses et terminer les defiances et les incertitudes reciproques; que l’objet principal de ma mission etoit d’examiner avec les Deputés ce que la circonstance pouvoit exiger; que le Roi etoit resolu de faire ce qui etoit necessaire pour remplir ce but mais que S.M. ne vouloit dans ce moment actuel faire que ce que d’un commun accord seroit jugé indispensable, n’ayant pas voulu se determiner sans avoir consulté les lumieres et les desirs des Deputés.
M. franklin reprit brievement mon discours et parla dans un sens qui supposoit une guerre immediate.
Des que je le vis s’appesantir sur cette idée je l’arretai et lui declarai que la Declaration immediate de la guerre n’entroit point dans le systeme actuel du Roi et que parmi les moyens que nous cherchions celle-ci devoit avoir une exclusion absolue; ce n’est pas, ajoutai-je, que S.M. se refuse a faire la guerre pour vos interrets; elle est meme dans l’attente que la guerre resultera de ses liaisons avec vous, mais elle tentera peutetre d’affermir votre independance sans recourir a ce dernier moyen et il ne faut par consequent pas etablir pour premier objet de concert, ce qui ne peut dans l’ordre naturel des choses en etre que la consequence. J’invitai le Docteur a s’expliquer d’apres ce point de vue et je crus devoir le presser en lui disant, que l’objet le plus instant dependoit d’eux, Deputés, puisqu’il s’agissoit de savoir ce qu’ils trouveroient en citoyens zelés et eclairés suffisant pour rejetter toute proposition de l’angleterre, qui ne porteroit pas l’aveu de l’independance pleine et absolue tant pour la politique que pour le commerce et que ma seconde question etoit ce qu’ils jugeroient egalement necessaire pour produire le même effet sur le congrès et sur les peuples d’amerique.
M. Franklin parla encore de guerre et dit ensuite que mes deux questions presentoient de grandes difficultes qui demanderoient du tems à resoudre et il voulut me remettre à un autre jour pour recevoir sa reponse. Je lui dis que je ne savois pas quand je pourrois revenir, mais qu’il me sembloit qu’au moins il pourroit me repondre sur leurs dispositions personnelles; la maniere dont il cherchoit à eluder et à differer et sa reticence sur les demarches de M. Hutton m’engagerent à insister ainsi et M. Deane m’encouragea d’un coup d’oeil. Il prit meme la parole et dit à M. Franklin que s’il vouloit me parler en particulier avant de s’expliquer, il alloit lui en laisser la liberté et il s’approcha en effet de la porte en emmenant M. Lée.
Le Docteur les retint et leur dit qu’il auroit voulu qu’ils eussent pu concerter leur reponse. Je dis à mon tour que c’étoit à moi à les laisser deliberer en liberté; que j’allois m’absenter et que je reviendrois; que s’ils avoient arreté une reponse je la recevrois, puis qu’il seroit tems d’apointer une autre entrevue. Il fut convenu que je reviendrois dans une heure.
A mon retour je trouvai M. Franklin ecrivant; il me dit qu’ils étoient d’accord sur le premier point de ma demande, mais qu’ils n’avoient point encore achevé la conclusion du second. J’ofris[?] de me retirer de nouveau, mais M. Deane me retint en disant que la maniere dont je m’expliqerois sur le premier point pourroit faciliter leur reunion sur le second. Je proposai en consequence au Docteur de lire leur premier arreté. Il fit preceder la lecture d’un discours sur l’inutilité de leurs demarches, sur les difficultés qu’ils avoient eprouvé etc. Il lut enfin l’article qui portoit que la conclusion immediate d’un traité de commerce et d’alliance engageroit les Deputés à fermer l’oreille à toute proposition qui n’auroit pas pour base une liberté et une independance entiere, tant politique qu’en fait de commerce.
Alors je declarai que le Roi et son ministere ayant presumé que telle seroit le voeu des Deputés, j’étois autorisé à leur dire que dès qu’ils jugeroient ce traité necessaire, S.M. etoit resolue de le conclurre immediatement, et qu’on y mettroit la main aussitot qu’ils le voudroient.
Le Docteur deja radouci, par cette resolution à laquelle il ne paroissoit pas s’attendre, observa que c’est ce qu’ils proposoient et sollicitoient inutilement depuis un an.
Je repliquai que si le ministere ne s’etoit pas prevalu des conditions qu’ils avoient precedement offertes, c’etoit par pure delicatesse et pour ne pas donner aux Deputés lieu de croire qu’on voulut user de leurs offres dans un tems et dans des circonstances differentes de celles ou elles avoient eté faites; que s’ils persistoient dans leurs propositions et qu’ils crussent que leurs Commettans y persistent, la negotiation seroit bien abregée.
Les deputés me temoignerent unanimement qu’ils s’en tenoient à leurs offres et M. Franklin me demanda si je ne pouvois pas leur donner une idée generale du traité qu’il s’agissoit de conclurre afin qu’ils pussent y reflechir.
Je me montrai empressé à le satisfaire et je lui expliquai qu’on pourroit conclurre deux traités; le premier de paix, d’amitié et de commerce, et le second d’alliance eventuelle; que le premier ne contiendroit que des clauses tendantes à regler et a affermir la bonne correspondance et le commerce, qu’il seroit permanent, ne contiendroit que des clauses innocentes, mais qu’il emporteroit la reconnaissance de l’independance puisque dans le fait nous traiterions avec les états unis d’egal à egal. Que le systeme du projet que les Deputés nous avoient remis ne paroissoit pas susceptible de changemens essentiels; qu’il devoit neamoins en subir afin d’en rapprocher les clauses de nos principes et de nos usages; et de concilier nos nouveaux engagemens avec nos engagemens anterieurs; que la base generale du traité seroit l’égalité et la reciprocite; que le Roi etoit trop grand, trop juste et trop genereux, pour profiter de la circonstance pour leur arracher aucun avantage; que S. M. voulant sincerement la prosperité des Etats unis, ne comptoit que sur les avantages qui resulteroient de l’interret reciproque, que cet interret étoit evident et permanent, que nous pensions d’ailleurs que des genes dans l’administration et des preferences onereuses conduisent toujours a des discussions et a des mecontentemens et que S.M. etoit jalouse de donner à cette occasion à l’Europe et à l’amerique un exemple de desinterressement en ne demandant aux Etats unis que les choses qu’il pourroit leur convenir d’accorder egalement à toutes les puissances quelconques.
J’ajoutai que d’un autre coté on etoit persuadé qu’ils n’heriteroient pas des pretensions et de l’humeur avide et entreprenante de leur mere patrie, qui s’etoit fait detester par ses pretensions et sa conduite, mais qui touchoit au moment d’en recueillir le fruit. Je leur rappelai que M. le C. de Vergennes leur avoit deja annoncé ces dispositions que j’etois autorisé à leur confirmer.
Les Deputés applaudirent à cet exposé et parurent joindre la sensibilité à la conviction. Ils marquerent neamoins le desir le plus empresse de voir le detail des stipulations que nous leur proposions. Je leur promis que le projet leur seroit communiqué sous peu de jours, et comme ils me marquerent le meme desir encore plus vivement relativement au projet de traité d’alliance eventuelle je leur expliquai les bases principales qu’il conviendroit de donner à cet acte.
Je leur dis que la valeur et l’execution de cette alliance dependroit des evenemens; qu’il etoit possible et même probable que l’Angleterre declareroit la guerre a la France en haine de notre premier traité des que nous jugerions à propos de la faire connoitre; qu’il se pourroit neamoins que l’Angleterre, sans declarer la guerre, se portat à vexer notre commerce de maniere à engager le Roi à lui declarer la guerre, ou enfin que des evenemens quelconques liés avec la demarche que le Roi fait en faveur de l’Amerique, menassent S.M. à la guerre, que dans tous ces cas les deux parties feroient cause commune, que l’affermissement de l’independance entiere et absolue des etats unis en formeroient la base essentielle; que chaque partie feroit ses efforts pour atteindre à ce but; qu’elles ne pourroient pas faire la paix sans le consentement reciproque et prealable, et sans assurer formellement ou implicitement l’independance des etats unis; qu’on stipuleroit en outre que les parties contractantes se garantiroient mutuellement et à perpetuité leurs possessions respectives en Amerique, telles qu’elles auront ete fixées par le traité ou les traités qui termineront la guerre.
J’ajoutai que le Roi ne voulant point faire une guerre d’ambition, ne jugeoit pas devoir astreindre les Etats unis à lui procurer des avantages quelconques, ni aucune augmentation de Domaines, que l’affermissement de l’independance formoit l’objet principal de ses efforts, tout le reste ne seroit qu’accessoire, et que les dedomagemens que la france pourroit justement pretendre dependroient des evenemens, sans embarrasser l’alliance de clauses dont l’inexecution souvent impossible à remplir ne conduiroient qu’à des mecontentemens, que si on formoit neamoins de part et d’autre quelques projets, on pourroit convenir des secours a fournir mutuellement ainsi que les avantages destines a en former la compensation; que la bonne politique exigeroit peutetre qu’on convint de ne cesser la guerre que lorsque les Anglois seroient expulsés du continent de l’amerique septentrionale; que j’ignorois si le Roi en feroit une condition, ou si les Etats eux memes se croiroient en etat d’executer une enterprise dont leur securité et leur tranquilité paroissoit dependre.
Les Deputés applaudirent avec une sorte de transport à cet exposé. M. Franklin avoua qu’il n’y voyoit rien qui ne fut noble et juste et qui ne fut conforme aux vues les plus genereuses et les plus elevées. J’avois appuyé sur la conquete de tout le continent parceque M. Deane m’avoit confié que c’etoit dans la façon de penser du Docteur le motif le plus determinant pour former des liaisons avec la France, dont il est porté à croire que les etats unis pourroient d’ailleurs se passer.
Je lui demandai alors s’il ne vouloit pas me donner lecture de ce qu’ils avoient redigé relativement à la seconde partie de ma question. Le Docteur me dit en relisant son papier qu’après nos explications la chose devenoit moins difficile et qu’ils se sentiroient sous peu de jours en etat d’y repondre categoriquement. M. deane me dit en particulier en sortant que la seconde question se trouvoit resolue en même tems que la premiere.
Au moment de nous separer je demandai au Docteur s’il ne trouveroit pas indiscret que je prisse copie de l’article dont il m’avoit fait lecture. Il se mit de très bonne grace à la faire lui meme et me la donna en me priant de la lire pour la collationner avec l’original qu’il avoit remis à M. Deane. J’etois fort aise d’avoir cet espece d’engagement de plus pour lier le Docteur autant qu’il etoit possible.
Après avoir achevé cette lecture, j’observai aux Deputés qu’ils parloient de traités à conclurre avec la France et avec l’Espagne; qu’ils devoient se rappeller que je ne leur avois pas parlé de cette derniere couronne, et que je les priois de me declarer si cette jonction des deux Monarchies leur etoit echapé, ou si elle formoit une condition essentielle de leur resolution.
Le Docteur après quelques instans de silence repondit avec un peu d’emotion; on nous a toujours fait entendre et nous avons toujours cru que les resolutions de la France etoient communes a l’Espagne.
Je repliquai nettement que je n’avois nulle mission de leur annoncer des engagemens de l’Espagne; que quoique l’union des deux Rois fut parfaite, chaque Cour avoit des considerations particulieres à combiner qui pouvoient apporter des differences aux resolutions et aux epoques; qu’ils etoient temoins du developement des dispositions favorables du Roi, mais que S.M. ne pouvoit pas blamer le Roi son oncle de faire ses calculs de son coté; que les dispositions de S.M. Cath. etoient bonnes, mais que le Roi ne pouvoit prendre aucun engagement. Sur quelques inquietudes que M. Franklin temoigna encore à ce sujet je lui dis qu’il ne pouvoit pas s’attendre que le Roi voulut penetrer les secretes pensées de l’Espagne ni trahir celles qu’elle lui confieroit, que la maniere discrete dont les Deputés s’etoient conduits en respectant les motifs de nos delais, avoit contribué à leur attirer la confiance des ministres; que j’etois persuadé qu’ils ne dementiroient pas ce caractere en ce qui concerne la Cour de Madrid; qu’au reste je pensois que le Roi etant assès courageux et assès confiant pour former des liaisons avec les Etats unis, ils ne refuseroient pas un apui aussi puissant dans une cause qu’ils etoient resolus de deffendre seuls; qu’ils pouvoient aisement presumer que le Roi ne negligeroit rien pour faire des amis à la cause commune et surtout de faire eclater l’union des deux Monarchies pour un interret qui les touche egalement, mais que la seule chose que je fusse autorisé à dire à cet egard et que je voulois reserver pour une autre conference pour ne pas trop multiplier les objets de celle ci, etoit, que le Roi leur proposeroit de signer un acte particulier par lequel on reserveroit au Roi d’Espagne la faculté d’acceder quand il le jugeroit à propos aux traités qu’il s’agit de signer et de s’en rendre les stipulations communes en lui laissant la liberté de proposer les autres arrangemens qui pourroient convenir aux deux parties.
Cette declaration ayant changé l’etat de la question nous fumes bientot d’accord et nous nous separames très satisfaits les uns des autres.
Je joins ici la copie et la traduction de l’ecrit de la main du Docteur Franklin.
Je serois au comble de mes voeux si la maniere dont je me suis efforcé d’executer la commission delicate et importante qui m’a eté confiée, pouvoit paroitre digne d’approbation.
Gerard

Notation: Compte rendu d’une conférence des agens américains avec Mr. Gérard.

II. The First Question and Answer

   AD: Archives du Ministère des affaires étrangères

[January 8, 1778]
Question. What is necessary to be done to give such Satisfaction to the American Commissioners, as to engage them not to listen to any Propositions from England for a new Connection with that Country?
Answer. The Commissioners have long since propos’d a Treaty of Amity and Commerce, which is not yet concluded: the immediate Conclusion of that Treaty will remove the Uncertainty they are under with regard to it, and give them such a Reliance on the Friendship of France, as to reject firmly all Propositions made to them of Peace from England, which have not for their Basis the entire Freedom and Independence of America, both in Matters of Government and Commerce.

Notation: 8. janvier 1778

III. Franklin’s Draft of the Second Question and Answer

   Reprinted from Richard Henry Lee, Life of Arthur Lee . . . (2 vols., Boston, 1829), I, 376–7.

Question 2d. What is necessary to be done, immediately, so to satisfy the congress and people of America with the utility and certainty of the friendship of France in securing their independence, that they will also reject all propositions from England for peace, inconsistent with their independence?
Answer. The supplying them with money to pay the interest of the bills issued and support their credit, will give them effectual assurance of the friendship of this court; and the sending them the aid of eight ships of the line, which they have desired, would enable them to protect their coast and their commerce, and thereby prevent the inclination or necessity of listening to terms of accomodation with England.

IV. The Commissioners’ Final Version of the Second Question and Answer

   D: Archives du Ministère des affaires étrangères

  Question. What is necessary to be done immediately so to satisfy the Congress and the People of America with the Utility and Certainty of the Friendship of France and Spain, in securing their Independence that they also will reject all Propositions from England for Peace inconsistant with that Independency.
Answer. The Commissioners think that an immediate engagement on the Part of these Kingdoms to guarantee the present possessions of the Congress in America, with such others as they may acquire on the Continent during the War; and either to enter into a War against England, or to furnish the Congress with Money (if they do not) to carry on the War, untill a safe Peace can be obtained, and untill all that the English now possess on the Continent shall be conquered, which will be necessary both for the weakning of their Power, and for securing the Fisheries to the United States and their Allies. And that the Treaty containing Engagements to this Effect be directly communicated to the Congress.
If France and Spain, or either of them as Auxiliary would furnish us with a Fleet of Six or Eight Sail of the Line or more, this would give the Congress and the People of America their most certain Prospect, of a favorable, and speedy End of the War, to their full Satisfaction, and prevent their listening to any Accomodation on Terms, short of absolute Independency.

Notation: Remis par M. Deane le 11 Janvier 1778.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Courtney Melmoth, [8 January 1778]
From: Melmoth, Courtney
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir,
Thursday Evg: Paris [January 8, 1778]
Mr. Dubourg yesterday gave me a second notice that you were to meet him and some other Company at Mr. Jeaneux’s to day. Upon my going to that Gentleman’s I found some Ladies and other Persons waiting the same Pleasure as myself, viz: that of seeing Dr: Franklin. Mr. Jeaneux beg’d I would inform you of his earnest wishes to see you upon an electrical subject, &c. He will observe with great exactness your next appointment, which if sent to me at Mr. Le Bruns Rue Jacob, I have promis’d to forward to Rue d’Enfer the Instant I receive it. I have the Honour to be Sir Your most obedient Servant
C Melmoth

Addressed: Dr: Franklin.


Title: Jonathan Williams, Jr., to the American Commissioners, 9 January 1778
From: Williams, Jonathan Jr.
To: American Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Deane, Silas,Lee, Arthur,Adams, John

Honorable Gentlemen
Nantes Jan. 9. 1778.
I have received your Favour of the 3d Instant. I have concluded as the shortest and cheapest way to send a Boat out with a French Officer from this place, who has my particular orders relative to his Business. I find that the person you direct me to consult with is returned to [blank in MS] I shall therefore write you from thence in a day or two, to which I refer. In the mean Time the Ship cannot go to St. Nazare ’till my return, there being no recall of orders which have been some time given to the Commanders of the French Vessells of War in this port expressly forbidding it. By reperusing the Letter to which this is an answer you will understand it; otherwise my Stile may be too obscure. I have the honour to be very respectfully Your most obedient and most humble Servant
  Jona Williams J.

Addressed: The Honble / The Commissioners of / The United States
Notations in different hands: J Williams Esqr. Lettr. 9 Jany 1778 Nantes / to Comrs: U.S.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jane Collas, 9 January 1778
From: Collas, Jane
To: Franklin, Benjamin

My dear and ever Honord Uncle
Boston January 9th: 1778
Forgive me for dareing to incroch on one of you precious moments by obligeing you to read a trifeling letter from me, but as a number of letters will by Gods permition be handed to you by the Same person who brings this I cant help leting you know that this person is my Husband, whom I tenderly love and in whome all my hopes of happiness in this life are Senterd. Permit me to recommend him to your notice as prudent and industrious, and one whoes Heart never knew deceit. He has been unfortunot Extreemly So, not through any Misconduct, All who knows him will own, and I can give no other reason but his being conected with one of the most unhappy familyes that I ever knew.
Will you Sir add one more obligation to the enumerable, by giveing him your advice and any assistance he may need in his beausiness if he Should be so happy as to see you? I feel guilty while I am asking the favor, tho thousands perhaps who are allmost Strangers to you ar reaping those bennifits unasked from your benevolent disposition.
I have had the pleasure of Seeing my dear Mamma Since her return to Coventry. I hope if my dear Collas returns Safe I Shall be enabled to keep house, and be blessed in her company. At present I am obliged to leave all my friends and retier to country lodgings to save expences, a person must have a good income to be able to live in Town everything is so very dear. And I am lengthing out my Epissel and hindering you to no purpose. I will again beg pardon for this intrusion and hasten to Subscribe myself with the greatest respect your very affectionate and ever duityfull Niece
Jane Collas

Addressed: The Honorable Benjn: Franklin / Paris


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John MacMahon, 9 January 1778
From: MacMahon, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
At the Military School Jany the 9th: 1778
Here is another paper of news M. De Keralio, who gives you his kind service sends you. I wish the last Article may prove true. That of St. Brieux seems to prove the sea-fight between the Privateers, though I have been told by two Captains of this Navy that the English vessel come into Brest, said, they had cut away one their masts in a storm, and were obliged to throw twelve canons overboard. They desired to buy these 12 canons, but were refused, upon which they departed in a pet.
I am invited and won’t fail having the pleasure of dining with you at the Dutchesses De Mortemart next Thursday the 15th. inst., they live in Rue St. Guillaume Fauxbourg St. Germain. I repeat their direction, because there is another Dutchess of Mortemart who lives in Rue de l’Université, whither your Coachman may perhaps drive you. Pray present my kind compliments to your Grandson. His french billet to the Dutchesses was very well, and in a proper stile. I am with great respect and the warmest esteem Dear Sir Your most humble and obedient Servant
J. MacMahon

Addressed: A Monsieur / Monsieur Le Docteur Franklin / chez M. Ray De Chaumont / ancien Intendant des Invalides / à Passy
Notation: McMahon


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jakob Oberleithner, 9 January 1778: résumé
From: Oberleithner, Jakob
To: Franklin, Benjamin

<Vienna, January 9, 1778, in Latin: Jakob Oberleithner, doctor of medicine, sends greetings to the most illustrious Benjamin de Francklin. We understand from the newspapers that you are acting for the Americans with authority and loving solicitude, and you will doubtless be looking for excellent physicians. If you need me, qualified as I am by my degree, contract with me at a fixed stipend and send me where you will, to direct hospitals or to practice. I will give you information about myself, and should add that I am middle-aged and speak French and “Slavic Bohemian.” Accept me, and the die is cast.>


Title: The American Commissioners to Jonathan Williams, Jr., 10 January 1778
From: American Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Deane, Silas,Lee, Arthur,Adams, John
To: Williams, Jonathan Jr.

Sir
Passy Jany. 10. 1778
We desire you would advance to Capt. Paul Jones, of the Ranger, five hundred Louidores, for which your draught upon us will be paid. We are Sir Your most Obedient Servants (Signed)
B. FranklinSilas DeaneArthur Lee
Jonathan Williams Esqr. Nantes(A True Copy taken at L’Orient in August 1780 by Tho: Hutchins)

Notation: From the American Commissioners Letter of Credit Passy January 10th 1778 recd. Passy January 10th. 1778


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Valltravers, 10 January 1778
From: Valltravers, Johann Rodolphe
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Much honored Sir
From Lyon, January 10th. 1778.
I am not surprized, if my Letters, of Septr. 21t. and 26th. from my Seat at Roccall, near Bienne in Switzerland; of Novr. 9th. from Berne and Decr. 4th. from Mannheim have hitherto remained unanswered. I could not inform Your Excellency, how to direct to me; having been continually moving from Switzerland to Mannheim and from Mannheim to this City. From this Place I mean to repair to Rockhall again for, at least, the Remainder of this Season, where your Commands, free’d to Pontarlier, will be most respectfully received, and duely attended to.
The good Intention of those objects mentioned in the above Letters, will, I hope, apologize for my application. Alas! the Temper of the present deluded Leaders of Great Britain is still deaf to all Humanity, Reason, Equity, Honor and Prudence. They will listen to no Intercession! Too weak to support their wicked Design, against protecting Providence; and too proud to acknowledge their Error, and to stop at the Edge of their own Precipice: they will yield to no Terms of Pacification. They will have you their slaves, or perish! Let them perish who are base enough to plan and to suport the Destruction of the Liberties of Mankind!
I Sincerely congratulate with You, on the glorious Success of your Arms, this last Campaign. One, or two more such, will crown your noble Struggle with everlasting Fame, and Happiness; humble your Ennemies; conciliate the Esteem and Friendship of every State in Europe; and render more than ever North-America the Asylum of oppressed Vertue and Industry.
Having asked and obtained of the Elector Palatine, my Recall from the London-Station, I have now ordered a Sale of all my Property in England. What my next Destination will be, I do not know. I enjoy, in the Mean Time, the Liberty of residing wherever I please. I need not, free as I am, repeat to You, my Readiness of Serving the great Cause. You know it. Wherever my poor abilities can be Subservient, you may command them at all Times. Was my Power equal to my Zeal and good Wishes, You would have experienced it many Years ago.
My Plan for establishing a public Bank in France, alltho’ much wished for, will not do, without a material Correction in its defective Constitution, which admits of no Solid Security. Who shall live to See its amendment in a Recall of its general States? I fear, neither of us both. Here, as well as in old England, too many live on public Depredations! My Plan may do elsewhere. Particularly in the united states of america, the foreign Comerce of which it would greatly promote; and still more its Agriculture, Wealth and Population.
My private Fortune having been much impaired by my ten Years public expensive Services, I must try every honest means within my Reach, to retrieve it, and to enable me to be just to my Friends, and Serviceable to my Dependants.
Please, my dear worthy Patron, to accept with every good Wish for your precious Life and continued Success of your great Labors, this Sketch of the History and Constitutions of our 13. confederate Swiss Republicks, as a small Token of my never ceasing Veneration and faithfull attachment.
My best Respects waite on your worthy Colleagues Your dear Grandson, Mr. and Mrs. de Chaumont, Mr. Grand, with the Compliments of the Season.
Our Friend, Count d’Eÿcke, has been followed very soon by his Master, the Elector of Bavaria. The Palatine Envoy, Count Sicking, represents now two Courts in one; altho’ not with the Same Hospitality.
I have got an Electrical Pistol, discharging inflamable air with great Force and Explosion, which I intended to bring You. I will Send it You or to abbé Fontana, if you like to See it and to make the Experiment: It is Supposed to answer the Purpose of Gunn-Powder.
I beg Pardon for taking up so much of your precious Time. Once more Farewell! and please to Keep me in your Kind Remembrance, who am Most entirely Yours:
Rodh. Valltravers.

Notation: Valtravers 10. Jany 1778


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Courtney Melmoth, 11 January 1778
From: Melmoth, Courtney
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
11th. Jan: 78. Paris
I had the Honour of the Inclosd from Dr. Dubourg to day: Both that Gentleman, and Mr. Jeaneux, are so very anxious for the favor of your inspecting some electrical Instruments &c., &c., that I should be very happy if you could fix any Day and hour for a meeting at the Hotel de Chevigny, and let me know it by Mr. Kendall the bearer by which means, I shall have time to apprize Mr: Jeaneux and Dr. Dubourg of it. I have the Pleasure to be, Sir, Your most obedient Servant
Courtney Melmoth
The pressing sentiments of the Inclosures will, I hope, be my apology for so frequently troubling you on this occasion.

Addressed: To / Dr: Franklin / Passy


Title: The Committee for Foreign Affairs to the American Commissioners, 12 January 1778
From: Committee for Foreign Affairs
To: American Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Deane, Silas,Lee, Arthur,Adams, John

Gentlemen
York in Pensylvania 12 Januy 1778
Not having received any letters from you since the 26 of May we were severely chagrined yesterday upon the arrival of Capt. John Folgier, who, under the name of dispatches from the Commissioners at Paris, delivered only an enclosure of clean white paper with some familiar letters, none of which contained any political intelligence. You will see by the within examination of Folgier that he was by no means a discreet person fit to have the charge of what you trusted to him; but, we cannot yet prove that he was wilfully connected with the robbers of the Packet. The paper referred to by the letter A in the examination was a plain cover to plain paper which had been put into the place of an enclosure probably very interesting sent with the public ledgers to Colo. R. H. Lee.
We shall endeavour to find whether the roguery was committed after Folgier left France; but, we must depend upon you to trace the circumstances from the time of your sealing till that of his embarking. Congress have sent to Genl. Caswell to explain the part he is said to have taken in the affair, and to examine the Ship-Captain and the two passengers. Should the Governor confirm Folgiers narative so as to make his veracity less problematical than at present, his confinement may be rendered easier to him, but, he must not be quite discharged till we hear from you. There ought to be the greatest caution used with regard to the characters of all those persons who are confidentially employed by You. The connection which Folgier has had since he left America with persons in England and on the voyage to Faulkland’s Isles cannot be thought favorable to our interests if his family and native place are so. We shall only add on this subject that Folgier, upon recollection, asserts that the largest packet delivered to him at Havre de Grace was directed “dispatches for Captain Folgier” and he laments that he did not himself open it before he sailed. If this circumstance is true it accounts for Governor Caswell’s opening the packet. We are with much regard &c. (Signed)
J. WitherspoonJ. Lovell
To the Honble Commissioners at Paris


Title: Intelligence from Brest, 12 January 1778
From: Kéralio, Agathon Guynement, chevalier de
To: American Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Deane, Silas,Lee, Arthur,Adams, John

This is the first in a long series of intelligence reports to Franklin or the commission. Most were forwarded to Congress and are now in the National Archives; the few that are not there are copies, the originals of which were either forwarded and subsequently lost or for some reason not sent. We handle all these reports in the same way as letters from commission-seekers. The earliest one in the period of any given volume is published as a sample, and a headnote summarizes the others that fall within that period. The commissioners’ chief informant, at least in the months covered by this volume, was the chevalier de Kéralio, the Breton inspector of military schools. Five documents, in addition to the sample we print, belong to those months. All are in French.
(I) Intelligence from Le Havre, January 17: The first ship has arrived from Martinique since the embargo that went into effect last October and ended in November. Her captain reports that the island’s trade has returned to normal, that many American ships and prizes are at St. Pierre, and that British naval captains complain loudly of being unable to maintain their blockade.
(II) Two reports from London and one from Brest, January 20, 27, and 28 respectively: The earlier one from London announces Lord Cornwallis’ arrival in the night of the 17th–18th; he left Philadelphia on December 18 and, like all returning officers, declares that America is unconquerable. His is one more voice for accommodation. The ministry will beyond doubt decide to negotiate, whatever the cost, and is likely to call out the militia for fear that France will enter the war. The report on the 27th forwards a rumor that Chatham will be asked to be Lord Keeper; the papers say that his friend Captain Hood, with five warships, is ordered to search all vessels, of whatever nationality, bound for America. The news from Brest on the 28th is that two ships of the line and two frigates have sailed to join La Motte-Picquet in Quiberon Bay.
(III) A report from St. Malo and a letter from Paris, February 7 and 11 respectively: St. Malo merchants cannot hire sailors because warships are being manned there and at Brest; fitting out the Newfoundland fishing fleet will be difficult. The French Ambassador is reported from London to have ordered all Frenchmen home at once. Troops are moving to Brest, as are the naval officers on leave at St. Malo. In the letter from Paris on the 11th a capitaine de vaisseau announces that three ships of the line are ready for action, their commanders not yet named; they will bring the fleet at Brest to twenty of the line.
(IV) Intelligence from Kéralio at Brest, February 11: Work goes on night and day to repair the ships as ordered; to them has been added the St.-Esprit, 84, Orvilliers’ flagship. The baron de Sainneville commands a frigate taking reinforcements to Belleisle. The English are preparing a considerable expedition, some say against the Americans and others against the French colonies. Sailors from all over are arriving at Brest, and every seaworthy ship will be armed.
(V) Intelligence from Kéralio at Versailles, February 20: Ten ships of the line and eight frigates are ready at Toulon. In Philadelphia Howe’s troops are eating their horses, and will soon have to surrender or retreat to New York, where there are not enough provisions. By April 1, in all likelihood, we shall know definitely about the war at sea; at the moment we seem to be on the defensive, but we can attack if the English try to revenge themselves on us for the loss of America. Give this news to Mr. Franklin if he will welcome it.

Brest le 12. Janvier 1778.
Les Vaisseaux le Robuste de 74. canons commandé par M. de la Motte piquet, le fendant de 74. par M. de Vaudreuil et le Roland de 64. par M. duplessis parseau sont sortis de la Rade le 10. pour aller croiser: on ignore précisement quels sont leurs ordres; mais les capitaines paroissent décidés à ne rien souffrir.
La frégatte la belle Poule, qui etoit à l’entrée de la rivierre de Bordeaux pour protéger le commerce, et la Danaé qui étoit à l’embouchure de la rivierre de Nantes pour le même objet ont eu ordre de se joindre à ces trois vaisseaux.
La frégate le Zéphir est partie hier pour aller escorter jusques sur les côtes d’Angleterre le bâtiment anglois que je vous avois dit dans ma derniere lettre être entré dans notre rade démâté d’un de ses mâts et après avoir jettés ses canons à la mer. Ce n’étoit pas un corsaire comme nous le présumions, mais un navire destiné à la traite des nègres et montant 16. canons. Il avoit été en effet chassé par des Armateurs américains et battu par la tempête. Comme il craignoit que l’américain qui l’avoit chassé jusqu’a Ouessant ne l’attendit à sa sortie, il a demandé d’être escorté jusqu’a la vüe des côtes d’Angleterre ou il va se réarmer, et on lui a accordé cette grace. De là le Zéphir doit aller rejoindre les vaisseaux en croisière.
Les Vaisseaux l’actif de 74. canons commandé par M. de Monteil et le Bizarre de 64 par M. de Montécler, ont reçu ordre hier, de se disposer a partir au premier jour avec quatre mois de vivres. Les frégates la Licorne et l’Aigrette seront prêtes à la fin de la Semaine. On ignore la destination de ces bâtimens et de la frégate la Pallas qui arme à St. Malo. On présume qu’ils iront joindre les trois autres vaisseaux et les frégates à leur croisiere.
On a mandé des differents départemens, des ouvriers de toute espece, cordiers, voiliers, charpentiers, calfats, tonnelliers etc. Il y a des levées considerables de matelots, ordonnées.
On vient de mettre sur les chantiers les quilles des deux vaisseaux de 80. et 74. canons, ordonnés. On construit dans les autres ports avec la même activité. Si cela n’est pas encore la guerre, cela en a bien la mine. D’ailleurs on travaille à armer les batteries qui servent a défendre la rade, et nous avons les ordres les plus précis de les mettre en Etat le plustot possible. Il paroit que le Gouvernement craint quelque attaque imprévüe de la part de nos bons amis les Anglois qui seroient bien gens à nous jouer quelque mauvais tour s’ils le pouvoient impunément. De plus, ordre de redoubler de vigilance dans la garde du Port de la Rade. Ordre à la terre de fournir à la Marine des détachements d’ouvriers ou autres pour les différentes opérations, suivant le besoin. Nos chefs sont tous à Paris et leur retour que l’on dit avancé, sera une preuve bien certaine de mouvements extraordinaires.
Vous voiés par tout ces détails que, si la guerre n’est pas certaine, nous nous preparons du moins à la faire avec vigueur.

P.S. On dit dans ce moment qu’il y a cinq vaisseaux anglois devant Belleisle. M. de la Motte-piquet doit leur demander ce qu’ils y font: ils sont les plus forts s’ils ne sont pas prudents, il pourroit y avoir du tapage et dans ce cas vous le saurés.


Title: Franklin and Silas Deane to [Ferdinand Grand], 13 January 1778
From: Franklin, Benjamin,Deane, Silas
To: Grand, Rodolphe-Ferdinand

Sir
Paris 13 Jany 1778
We desire you would continue to honor Mr. Williams Draughts to the Amount of two hundred thousand Livres in Addition to the Five hundred thousand for which a Credit was before given him. We have the Honor to Remain with much Esteem Sir Your most Obedient &c. &c.
BFSD
Mr Grand


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Ralph Izard, 13 January 1778
From: Izard, Ralph
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Paris 13 Jany. 1778.
Mr. Izard’s Compliments to Dr. Franklin, and returns him the Newspapers he was so obliging as to send him.
Mr. Izard encloses the Gazette Extraordinary, which gives an account of the evacuation of Mud Island, and Red Bank. Howe’s Letter gives us reason to expect news of very great importance soon.

Addressed: A Monsr. / Monsr. le Dr. Franklin / a / Passy
Endorsed: Mr Izard’s Madnesses


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Lee, [13 January 1778]
From: Lee, William
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Chaillot Tuesday Even. [January 13, 1778]
I presume you have seen the London Gazette Extraordinary of Friday last, saying that Mud Island and red Bank were evacuated. Howe says a forward movement against the Enemy would immediately take place which he hopes would be successful. From this we are to conclude that Howe himself conceives that all his movements before were retrograde. His last date published is the 29 Nov. If they can be spared I shall be obliged for the perusal of the London papers that came on Sunday last and any others that may have come today. They shall be return’d early in the morning. I am with much Esteem and regard Dear Sir Yours at all times,
W: Lee

Addressed: The Honble / Benjamin Franklin Esq / Passi.
Notation: W. Lee to BF.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from ——— Cullet de Pugieu, 13 January 1778: résumé
From: Cullet de Pugieu, ——
To: Franklin, Benjamin

<Lyons, January 13, 1778, in French: I write to ask how I go about getting to America. I was born near Lyons and educated there. My father left seven children at his death; my eldest brother inherited everything, as is the local custom, and I was left with a pittance. After an unsuccessful venture into commerce here I got a financial post with the government in Paris, thanks to a friend of my father, M. Chalut de Vérin;  but an illness that was nearly fatal forced me to leave. Now I have decided to seek my fortune in Pennsylvania, and should like to know where I should settle, what I should take with me from my pittance, where I should embark, and how I get cheap passage. It would be too much to ask you for recommendations.>


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from ——— Arnold “Dit Renault,” 14 January 1778: résumé
From: Arnold, —, dit “Renault”
To: Franklin, Benjamin

<Metz, January 14, 1778, in French: My dear brother went to America during the late Anglo-French wars, and remained at Quebec as secretary to the British governor of Canada. I heard from him several times until your war broke out; since then he sent me two letters by a bearer who, about to be searched at sea, threw them overboard, and could only tell me that my brother had entered the American service. His name is François Arnold. I see by the newspapers that a man of that name is in your army. This is no doubt he, because he comes of a military family and his home was in Quebec. Can you get me news of him, and news of me to him? I long to join him and share his fate.>


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from La Rochefoucauld, [14 January 1778]
From: La Rochefoucauld, Louis-Alexandre, duc de La Roche-Guyon et de
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Mercredi matin [January 14, 1778]
Le Duc de la Rochefoucauld fait bien des complimens à Monsieur franklyn, en lui envoiant le paquet cijoint qu’il s’est chargé de lui faire passer de la part de M. l’Abbé Rozier.
Il le prie de vouloir bien lui mander s’il y a quelque chose de vrai à la nouvelle qui se répandoit hier, que les forts de Mud Island et de Red Bank avoient été pris les 20. et 23. 9bre.
Il espere que Monsieur franklyn et M. deane voudront bien se souvenir de l’engagement qu’ils ont pris avec lui pour diner dimanche prochain.

Notation: de la Rochefoucaut sans datte


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to La Rochefoucauld, 14 January 1778
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: La Rochefoucauld, Louis-Alexandre, duc de La Roche-Guyon et de

Wednesday Jan. 14. [1778]
Mr. Franklin presents his respectful Compliments to M. the Duke of Rochefoucauld; with Thanks for his Care of the Pacquet.
The English Gazette which came yesterday gives a particular Account of the taking of those petty Forts about the Time you mention. ’Tis a wonder they held out so long. After sustaining a Days continual Battery from the Cannon of the Army on Province Island, and the Ships in the River, our People abandon’d Mud Island in the Night, and Red bank the next Day, and went up the River.
We cannot forget the Engagement for Sunday.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Lee, [14 January 1778]
From: Lee, William
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Chaillot Wednesday Morng [January 14, 1778]
Mr. Lee presents Compliments to Dr. Franklin. He received the Louis. The London paper is inclosed. That with the Boston papers were sent by Mr. Deane to Mr. A. Lee who carried them out with him yesterday as Mr. W. L. tho’t to leave them at Passi, but it seems he left them with Mr. Izard. They will be sent for today and return’d immediately. Mr. L. is just going to Versailles and if he finishes the business today he will call at Passi on his return.

Addressed: Honble. Dr. Franklin / Passi
Notation: W. Lee to BF. no date


Title: The American Commissioners to [John Paul Jones], 15 January 1778
From: American Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Deane, Silas,Lee, Arthur,Adams, John
To: Jones, John Paul

Paris Jan. 15. 1778
Whereas we understand that Capt. Jones has in View to strike a Stroke upon the Enemy that may be greatly to their Damage, but in its nature not probably profitable to his Ship’s Company, unless some Reward be received from the Congress adequate to the Service done, And we being of Opinion that Rewards in such Cases are not only necessary for Encouragement, but are really Acts of Justice: do hereby promise that in Case of the good and gallant Behaviour of the People under his Command, and their punctual Obedience to Orders, so as to obtain Success in the Undertaking as far as depends on them, we will warmly recommend them to the Congress for a generous Gratification proportion’d to their Merit.
B. FranklinSilas DeaneArthur Lee

Endorsed: From the American Commissioners Passy Paris Jany 15th. 16th. 17th. & 18th. 1778 Recd. Paris Jany 16th & 19th. 1778


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Valltravers, 15 January 1778
From: Valltravers, Johann Rodolphe
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir!
Lyon, Janry. 15th. 1778.
My Letter of the 10th. instant mentioned a Book, which I begged your kind Acceptance of. It was: Simlerus de Rebus publicis Helvetiorum. That Book went off this morning, (without my Letter, brought by Mistake to the Post-Office,) by a Merchant of this Place, Mr. Benoit Charpin; recommended to the care of Monsr. Constant, Rüe de Gesvres, a la Tête noire, à Paris; Should Mr. Constant neglect to forward it to your House, free of all Charges, please to send for it, as directed to Your Excellency, by Sir! Your most obedient humble Servant
Rodolph Valltravers.

Addressed: a Son Excellence / Monsr. le Dr. Bn. Franklin, / Député en Chef du L[ibre?] Congrés / des 13. Etats conféderés de l’Amérique Septentrionale, auprés de / S.M.T.C. / A Passy; / prés de Paris.
Notation: Valtravers 15 Jan 78


Title: Franklin and Silas Deane to the Committee for Foreign Affairs, 16 January 1778
From: Franklin, Benjamin,Deane, Silas
To: Committee for Foreign Affairs

Gentlemen
Paris Jany. 16th: 1778.
This will be delivered to you by Mr. Carmichael to whom we have committed our dispatches for Congress, and who becoming Acquainted with Mr. Deane soon after his arrival at Paris, travelled to Berlin through Holland and Hambourgh at the desire and Appointment of Mr. Deane and on his Journey rendered very Considerable Services to the United States by turning the Attention of many persons of Consequence in different places to the American Cause and by procuring much useful intelligence. After his return he Continued to render Us his best Services occasionally assisting Mr. Deane as his Secretary, and transacting Business for Us at Havre, and at Dunkirk. In all these Concerns We have had Occasion to place great Confidence in this Gentleman and he has ever appeared to Us deserving of it. For these his Services We have made him no adequate reward having paid him only the expences of his Journies on the public Business, and a small part of his expences in Paris. This however has happened not from any want of Inclination in Us but from his own desire of being as little Burthensome as possible to the United States. It is incumbent on Us therefore through You to recommend Mr. Carmichael to the favor and Attention of Congress as a Gentleman who has deserved Well of his Country, and as one Capable of rendering it important Services. He will be able to inform You of many particulars respecting our Situation and Transactions here. We have the honor to remain with the Utmost respect Gentlemen your most Obedient and Very Humble Servants
B FranklinSilas Deane
The honble: Committee for Foreign Affairs

Addressed: To / The honble / The Committee for / Foreign Affairs / of the United States / North America
Notations: Jan: 16th. 1778: B. Franklin & S. Deane to the Comtee. for forgn. Affairs recd. June 13th. / Janry. 16th. / recd. June 13th