Title: From John Adams to Joseph Bradley Varnum, 9 January 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Varnum, Joseph Bradley

Dear Sir
Quincy Jany. 9. 1809

The following comments were written, within a few days after the appearance in public of this
Text
“The Proclamation of the King of Great Britain requiring the return of his Subjects, the Seamen especially, from foreign Countries, to aid, in this hour of peculiar danger, in defence of their own. But it being an acknowledged Principle that every Nation has a right to the Service of its Subjects in time of War, that Proclamation could not furnish the slightest ground for an Embargo.”
Commentary
This partial Description has a tendency to deceive many, and no doubt has deceived thousands. It is concealing the Asp in a basket of Figs. The dangerous, alarming, and fatal part of the Proclamation is kept carefully out of Sight.
Proclamations of one kind are of immemorial usage. But the present one is the first of the kind. Proclamations of the first kind issued usually in the Beginning of a War, are, in Effect, but Simple Invitations to Subjects, who happen to be abroad to return home. To deny the right of the King to issue them, would be as unreasonable, as to deny his right to Send a card of Invitation to one of his Subjects to dine with him on St. George’s day. But in neither case is the Subject bound by Law to accept the Invitation. As it is natural to every human mind to Sympathise with its native Country when in distress or danger, it is well known that considerable Numbers of British commonly return home, from various foreign Countries in consequence of these Invitations by Proclamation. The British Ambassadors, Consuls, Agents, governors, and other officers, give the Proclamations a general Circulation, Stimulate the People to return, and continue many means to encourage and facilitate their passages.
All this is very well. All this is within the Rules of Modesty, Decency, Law and Justice. No reasonable Man will object to it. But none of these Proclamations, till this last, ever asserted a Right to take British Subjects by Force from the Ships of foreign Nations, any more than from the Cities and Provinces of foreign nations.
On the other hand it is equally clear, that British Subjects in foreign Countries are under no indispensable obligation of Religion, Morality, Law, or Policy to return in compliance with Such Proclamations. No penalty is annexed, by English Laws to any neglect; no, nor to any direct or formal Disobedience. Hundreds, in fact, do neglect, and disobey the Proclamations to one who complies with them. Thousands, who have formed Establishments and Settled Families, or become naturalized, or made Contracts, or inlisted on board Merchant Ships, or even Ships of War in foreign Countries pay no regard to these orders or invitations of their former Sovereign. Indeed all who have become naturalized in foreign Countries, or entered into contracts of any kind public or private with Governments or Merchant or Farmers or Manufactures have no right to return, untill they have fulfilled their Covenants and obligations.
The President of the U.S. has as legal authority to issue Similar Proclamations, and they would be as much respected by American Citizens all over the Globe. But every American would Say his Compliance was voluntary, and none, whose Engagement abroad were incompatible with compliance, would obey.
But “It is an Acknowledged Principle that every Nation has a Right to the Service of its Subjects, in time of War.” By whom is this Principle acknowledged? By no Man, I believe in the unlimited Sense in which it is here asserted. With certain qualifications and restrictions it may be admitted. Within the Realm and in his own dominions, The King has a right to the Service of his Subjects at Sea and on land, by voluntary Inlistment, and to Send them abroad upon foreign voyages Expeditions and Enterprises; but it would be difficult to prove the Right of any Executive authority of a free People to compel free Subjects, into Service by Conscriptions or Impressment, like galley Slaves, at the point of the Bayonette, or before the mouths of field artillery. Extream cases and imperious Necessities, it is said have no Laws: but such Extremities and Necessities must be very obvious, to the whole Nation, or free Men will not comply. Impressments to Seamen, from British Merchant Men, in port or at Sea, are no better than the Conscriptions of Soldiers by Napoleon, or Louis XIV who set him the Example. So much for that part of the Proclamation which the Text produces to public View: Now for the other part which it has artfully concealed.
The King not only commands his Subject to return, but he commands the officers of his Navy to Search the Merchant Ships of Neutrals, (meaning Americans, for it is not applicable to any others, nor intended to be applied to any others) and impress all British Seamen they find on board, without regard to any Allegations of Naturalization; without regard to any Certificates of Citizenship; without regard to any contracts, covenants or connections, they have formed with Captains or owners; and without regard to any marriages, Families or Children they may have in America. And in what Principle or Law is this founded? Is there any Law of God to Support it? Is there any Law of Nature to justify it? Is there any Law of England to authorize it? Certainly not. The Laws of England have no binding force, on board American Ships; no more than the Laws of China or Japan. The Laws of the United States alone, of which the Law of Nations is a part, have dominion over our Merchant Ships. In what Law then is it grounded? In the Law of Nations? It is a Counterfeit, foisted into that Law by this arbitrary, fraudulent Proclamation, for the first time. Such a Title as Impressment of Seamen was never found in any Code of Laws, Since the first Canoe was launched into the Sea. Not even in that of England. Whoever claims a Right must produce a Law to Support it. But this Proclamation attempts to transfer a pretended Right of impressing Seaman from their own Ships, which in truth is only an enormous abuse, to the Impressment of Seamen from foreign Nations, foreign ships, and foreign Subjects. The horror of this gross attempt; this affront to our understandings as well as Feelings; this contempt of our natural and national resentment of Injuries, as well as of our Sympathies with fellow Citizens and fellow Creatures, Suffering the vilest oppression under Inhumanity and Cruelty; could never have appeared in the World, had not the Spirits of Lord Bute and Lord George Germaine risen again at St. James’s.
It is in vain for Britons to Say These Men are the King’s Subjects. How are they the King’s Subjects? By British Laws. And what are British Laws to us, on the high Seas? No more, than the Laws of Otaheite. We Americans must Say, they are our fellow Citizens by our Laws. They have Sworn Allegiance to the United States. We have admitted them to all the Rights and Privileges of American Citizens, and by this admission have contracted with them, to Support and defend them in the Enjoyment of all Such Rights. Our Laws acknowledge no divine Right of Kings, greater than those of Subjects, or any indefensable duty of Subjects, more than that of Kings, to obedience. These Remnants of Feudal Tyranny, and Ecclesiastical Superstition, have been long Since exploded in America. The King claims them, to make them Slaves: The President of the United States claims them, as it is his duty to do by his office and his oath, not to enslave them, but to protect them, and preserve them free. Our Laws are as good as British Laws. Our Citizens have as good a Right to protection as British Subjects, and our Government is as much bound to afford it.
What is Impressment of Seamen? It is no better than what the Civilians call Plagiat, a Crime punishable with death by all Civilized Nations, as one of the most audacious and punishable offences against Society. It was so considered among the Hebrews. “He that Stealeth a Man, Shall surely be put to death and Selleth him, or if he be found in his hand, he Shall Surely be put to death.” Exodus 31.17. “If a Man be found Stealing any of his Brethren, then that thief Shall die.” Deuteronomy 24.3. The Laws of Athens like those of the Hebrews, condemned the Plagiary or Man Stealer to death, and the Laws of Rome, pronounced the Same Judgment against the same offense outrage.
But to descend from the Hebrews, Greeks, and Romans to the British. What is Impressment of Seamen in England, by their own Laws, in their own Ports, from their own Ships, within the four Seas, or any where on the high Seas? It is Said to be an usage—So were ship Money, Loans, and Benevolences, in the Reign of Charles the First: and arguments were used by his Courtiers, to prove their Legality, as plausible and conclusive as any that have been produced by Judge Foster in favor of Impressment. It is at best but an abuse, subsisting only by toleration and connivance, like the Practice in Holland of Kidnapping Men for Settlers or Servants in Batavia. It is in direct contradiction and violation of every Principle of English Liberty. It is a direct violation of Magna Charta, and the fifty five confirmations of it in Parliament; and a bold defiance of all the Ecclesiastical execrations against the violators of it. It is in direct violation of all their other Statutes, Bills and Petitions of Right as well as the Habeas Corpus Act. It deprives free Subjects of their Liberty, Property and often of their Lives, without alledging or pretending any accusation against them of any Crime or fault. It deprives them of the Trial by Jury and Subjects them to Scourges and death, by Martial Law, and the Judgments of Court Martial. It is a kind of civil War made upon innocent unoffending Subjects. It is said that in a general Impressment like that of Admiral Keppell it cost the Nation, in Cutters, Luggers, Press Gangs, and it might have been added in Nanny houses and Rendezvous of debauchery and Corruption , an hundred Pounds for every Man they obtained. The Practice is not avowed or acknowledged by the Nation. No Parliament ever dared to legitimate or Sanction it. No Court of Law ever dared to give a Judgment in favour of it. No Judge or Lawyer that ever I heard of, till Foster ever ventured to give a private opinion encourage it. Thurlow, when he was Chancellor, hazarded a saying to a committee of the City of London, that the Practice of Impressment of Seamen was legal. But the Committee answered him, respectfully but firmly, though in the presence of the King in Council “We acknowledge the high authority of your Lordship’s opinion, but We must declare that we are of a very different opinion.” And their answer appeared to be applauded by the Nation. Pressgangs are continually opposed and resisted at Sea, by the Sailors, whenever they have the means, or the least hope of escaping. Navy officers and Men are Sometimes killed, and there is no Inquisition for their blood. As little noise as possible is made about it. It is known to be justifiable homicide, to take the Life of an assailant, in the necessary defence of a Mans Liberty. There is not a Jury in England, who would find a Verdict of Murder or Manslaughter against any Sailor at Land or at Sea; who Should kill any one of a Press gang, in the necessary defence of his Liberty, from Impressment. Press gangs on Shore, are often resisted by the People, fired on, Some of them wounded and Sometimes killed. Yet no Inquisition is made for this. The Practice is held in abhorrence by the Men of Warsmen themselves. The Boatswain of the Rose Frigate, after the Acquittal of the four Irish Sailors who were prosecuted in a Special Court of Admiralty at Boston for killing a gallant and amiable Officer, Lieutenant Panton, said  “This is a kind of Work, in which I have been almost constantly engaged, for twenty years, i.e. in fighting with honest Sailors to deprive them of their Liberty. I always suspected that I ought to be hanged for it: but now I know it.”
Since I have alluded to this case it may not be amiss to recollect some other Circumstance of it. A Press Gang from the Rose, commanded by Lieutenant Panton, with a Midshipman and a number of ordinary Seamen, visited and Searched a Merchant Ship from Marblehead belonging to Mr Hooper, at Sea. The Lieutenant enquired, if any English, Irish, or Scotchmen were on board. Not satisfied with the answer he received, he proceeded to Search the Ship from Stem to Stern. At last he found four Irishmen retired and concealed in the Forepeake. With Swords and Pistols he immediately laid Seige to the Inclosure, and summoned the Men to Surrender. Corbett, who had the cool Intrepidity of a Nelson, reasoned, remonstrated and laid down the Law with the Precision of a Mansfield. “I know who you are. You are the Lieutenant of a Man of War, come with a Press gang to deprive me of my Liberty. You have no right to impress me. I have retreated from you, as far as I can. I can go no further. I and my Companions are determined to Stand upon our defence. Stand off.” The Sailors within and without employed their usual Language to each other, and the Midshipman in confusion fired a Pistol into the Forepeake and broke an arm of one of the four. Corbett who Stood at the Entrance was engaged in a Contest of Menaces and defiances with the Lieutenant. He repeated what he had before Said, and marking a Line with a Harpoon in the Salt with which the Ship was loaded, said “you are determined to deprive me of my Liberty, and I am determined to defend it. If you Step over that Line, I Shall consider it a proof that you are determined to impress me, and by the eternal God of Heaven you are dead Man,” “Aye! My Lad,” said the Lieutenant, “I have seen many a brave Fellow before now.” Taking his Snuff Box out of his Pocket and taking a Pinch of Snuff he very deliberately stepped over the Line and attempted to Seize Corbett. The latter drawing back his arm, and driving his Harpoon with all his Force cut off the Carotied Artery and jugular vein and laid the Lieutenant dead at his feet. The Rose Sent a Reinforcement to the Press gang, broke down the Bulkhead, Seized the four Irishmen and brought them to Tryal for Piracy and Murder. The Court consisted of Governor Bernard, Governor Wentworth, Chief Justice Hutchinson, Judge Auchmuty, Commodore Hood himself who then commanded all the Ships of War on the Station, now a Peer of the British Empire, and twelve or fifteen other Counsellors of Massachusetts, New Hampshire and Rhode Island. After the Trial, the President Governor Bernard, pronounced the Judgment of the Court, that the action of the Prisoners was Justifiable Homicide, & in this opinion the whole Court was unanimous. The sailor who was wounded in the arm brought an action against the Midshipman, and Commodore Hood himself interposed and made Compensation to the Sailor to his Satisfaction, after which the action was withdrawn.
Such was the Impressment of Seamen, as it stood by Law before our Revolution. The Author of my Text, then carries his Courtly Complaisance to the English Government, further than the Governors Barnard and Hutchinson and even than Lord Hood carried it, when We were a Part of the British Empire. He thinks that as every Nation has a Right to the Service of its Subjects, in time of War, the Proclamation of the King of Great Britain, commanding his Naval Officers to practice Such Impressments, on board, not the Vessells of his own Subjects, but of the United States, a foreign Nation could not furnish the Slightest ground for an Embargo! It is not necessary for me to say, that any thing could furnish a Sufficient ground for an Embargo for any long time; this I leave to the Responsibility of our President, Senators and Representatives in Congress. But I Say with Confidence that it furnished a Sufficient ground for a Declaration of War. Not the Murder of Pierce nor all the Murders on board the Chesapeake, nor all the other Injuries and Insults We have received from foreign Nations, atrocious as they have been, can be of such dangerous, lasting, and pernicious Consequence to this Country, as this Proclamation, if We have Servility enough to Submit to it.
What would the Author of my Text have advised? Would he counsel the President to Stipulate, in a Treaty with Great Britain that his Navy officers should forever hereafter have a Right to visit and Search all American Merchant Ships, and impress from them all English, Scotch and Irish Seamen? Will he be so good as to explain the Distinction between Ships of War and Merchant Ships? Are not Merchant Ships under the Jurisdiction and entitled to the Protection of the Laws of their Country, upon the high Seas, as much as Ships of War? Is not a Merchant Ship as much the Territory of the United States, as a Ship of War? Would the Author of my Text advise the President and Congress to acquiesce in Silence, under this Proclamation, and permit it to be executed forever hereafter? Would not such a tame and Silent acquiescence, as effectually yield the Point, and establish the Practice, if not the Law, as an express Stipulation in a Solemn Treaty? If the United States had as powerful a Navy as Great Britain, & Great Britain as feeble a force at Sea as ours, would he advise the President, either to concede the Principle by Treaty, or acquiesce in it in Silence? Does the Circumstance of great Power or great Weakness make any Alteration in the Principle or the Right? Should the Captain and Crew of an American Merchantman, resist a British Press Gang on the high Seas, and in defence of their Liberty, kill the Commander and all under him, and then make their escape, and after returning to Salem be prosecuted, would the Writer of my Text, as a Judge or a Juror give his Judgment for finding them guilty of Murder or Piracy?
Although the Embargo was made the Watchword in our late Elections the votes in our greatest Nurseries of Seamen, for Example in Salem, in Marblehead, in Barnstable, Sandwich and other Places on Cape Cod, in Nantucket and the Vineyard, and other places, Seemed to Shew, that our Seamen preferred to be embargoed rather than go to Sea to be impressed.
No doubt it will be Said that We have nothing to do with the question in England concerning the Legality or Illegality of Impressments. This, as long as they confine the Law and the Practice to their own Territory, to their own Ships and their own Seamen, is readily acknowledged. We Shall leave them, to justify their own usage, whether it is a mere abuse or a legitimate Custom, to their own Consciences, to their own Sense of Equity Humanity or Policy. But when they arrogate a Right, and presume in fact, to transfer this usurpation to foreign Nations, or rather to Americans, whom they presume to distinguish from all other foreign Nations, it becomes the Interest, the Right, and the dispensable duty of our government to enquire into the nature nefarious Nature of it in England, in order to expose the greater Turpitude of it when transferred to us; as well as to oppose and resist it to the Utmost of their Power, and it is equally the Duty of the People to support their government in Such opposition to the last Extremity.
Permit us now to enquire what will be the Effects of an established Law and practice of British Impressments of Seamen from American Ships, upon the Commerce, the Navigation and the Peace of the United States, and above all upon the hearts and Minds of our Seamen.
In considering those innumerable dangers from Winds and Seas, Rocks and Shoals, to which all Ships are exposed in their Voyages, the owner and Master must Sit down together, and in order to determine the number of Seamen necessary for their voyage, they must calculate the Chances of Impressment, and engage a Supernumerary List of Sailors, that they may be able to Spare as many as the British Lieutenant Shall please to take, and have enough left to Secure the Safety of the Ship and Cargo, and above all the Lives of the Master and Crew. They know not how many British Ships of War they may meet, nor how many Sailors, the Conscience of each Lieutenant may allow him to impress. For the Lieutenant is to be Judge, Jury, Sheriff and Gaoler to every Seaman in American Vessels. He is to try many important Questions of Law and of Fact. Whether the Sailor is a Native of America; Whether he has been lawfully naturalized in America. Whether he is an Englishman Scotchman or Irishman; Whether he emigrated to America before the Revolution or Since. Indeed, no Evidence is to be admitted of any Naturalization by our Laws, in any of the States Since the Revolution, if before. In Truth the Doctrine of the inherent and indefeasible Duty of Allegiance is asserted so peremptorily in the Proclamation, that the Lieutenant may think it his duty to impress every Man who was born in the British Dominions. It may be the opinion of this learned Judge, that the Connection between the King and Subject is So Sacred and divine, that Allegiance cannot be dissolved by any Treaty the King has made or even by any Act of Parliament. And this pious sentiment may Subject us all to Impressment at once. This however, en passant.
The Lieutenant is to order, the Captain of the Merchantman to lay before him a List of his Crew. He is then to command the Crew to be ordered or summoned or mustered, to pass in review before him. A Tribunal ought to be erected. The Lieutenant is to be the Judge, possessed of greater Authority than the Chief Justice of any of our States, or even than the Chief Justice of the United States. The Midshipman is to be Clerk, and the Boatswain, Sheriff or Marshal. And who are these Lieutenants? Commonly very young Gentlemen, the younger Sons of wealthy Families, who have procured their Commissions to give them an honourable Living, instead of putting them apprentices to Trade, Merchandize, Law, Physic or Divinity. Their Education, their Experience, their manners, their Principles are so well known, that I Shall Say nothing of them. Lord Keppell Said that he knew the Maxim of British Seamen to be “To do no right, and receive no Wrong.” The Principles of the officers I believe to be somewhat better. But in this they all Seem to agree; Officers and Men and their present Ministry seem to be of the Same opinion, that the world was made for the British Nation and that all Nature and Nations were created for the Dignity and omnipotence of the British Navy.
It is impossible to figure to ourselves in Imagination, this Solemn Tribunal and this venerable Judge, without Smiling: till the humiliation of our Country comes into our thought, and interrupts the Sense of Ridicule by the Tears of grief or Vengeance.
High on a Splendid Seat, which far outshone
Henleys gilt Tub, or Flecnoe’s Irish Throne
The Lieutenant examines the Countenance, the gate and air of every Seaman. Like the Sage of old, commands him to Speak, that he may know him. He pronounces his accent and Dialect to be that of the Scotch, Irish, West Country, Yorkshire, Welsh Jersey Guernsey Alderny or Lark. Many Native Americans are the descendants of Emigrants from all these Countries and retain a tincture of the Language and Pronunciation of their Fathers and Grandfathers. These will be decided to be The Kings Subjects. Many will be found to be Emigrants or Descendants of Emigrants from Germany, Holland, Sweden, France, Spain, Portugal or Italy. These will be adjudged by the Lieutenant not to be Native Americans. They will be thought to have no Friends in America who will care enough for them to make much Noise, and these will be impressed. If there Should be any Natives or Sons of Natives of any of the West India Islands, or of any part of the East Indias, where the King is Said to have thirty millions of Subjects, these must all be impressed, for Conquest confers the indelible Character of Subjects as well as Birth. But if neither English, Scotch, Irish, Welsh, Italian, German, Dutchman, Spaniard, Portuguese, East or West Indiaman is found, the Reverend Lieutenant will think, if he is prudent enough not to Say, “Jura negat sibi nata, nihil non arrogat armis. Our Ship is so weakly manned, that We cannot fight an Enemy; We cannot even navigate her in Safety in bad Weather. Procul a Jove, procul a fulmine—I will take as many Native Americans as I please. It will be long before I can be called to account. And at last I can Say that I Saved the King’s Ship, and perhaps beat a Frenchman, by the aid of this meritorious Impressment, and I am sure of Friends who will not only bring me off, but obtain promotion for me, even for this patriotic action.”
How many American Ships and Cargoes will be Sunk in the sea or driven on shore and wrecked, and lost: How many Masters and remaining Sailors will be buried in the ocean, for want of the assistance of the Men thus kidnapped and Stolen, no human foresight can calculate. It is however easy to predict that the Number must be very great. These Considerations it Seems have no Weight, in the Estimation of the British Ministry. Their Hearts are not taught to feel another’s Woe.
But all these Things the Captain and the owner of an American Merchant Ship must take into Consideration, and make the Subjects of calculation, before they can venture to Sea. In Short there Should be a Corporation erected in every State for the express Purpose of insuring against Impressment of Seamen. In a course of time and Experience the Chances might be calculated, So that the Insurers and Insured, might at a great expense be Secure. But the poor Sailors can never be Safe.
The Law must be Settled or remain unsettled. If Such Impressments are determined to be legal either by Treaty or by acquiescence in the King’s Proclamation, it will establish in the Minds of British Seamen a Pride of Superiority and a Spirit of domination, and in the Minds of American Seamen a consciousness of Inferiority and a Servile Spirit of Submission that Ages will not eradicate. If the Question is allowed to remain undetermined, American Seamen will fight in defence of their Liberty, whenever they See the Smallest prospect of escaping, and Sometimes when their is none. They will kill and be killed. Some will be punished for their resistance on board the British Man of War, and Some may be carried to Some British Port and there prosecuted for Piracy and Murder. This however, will Seldom, if ever, be done; for I still believe there is Sense and Justice enough in the British Nation and their Juries, to acquit any Seaman, American or British, who should kill a Press gang in defence of his Liberty. But if he Should escape and return to America, and, be here prosecuted, I will not believe there is a Judge or a Juror on the Continent, so ignorant of the Law, so dead to every Sense of Justice, so abandoned by every feeling of Humanity, as to find him guilty of any Crime, if it were proved that he had killed a dozen Press Gangs in defence of his Freedom. We Shall have a continual Warfare at Sea, like that lately at Canton, our Secretary of State’s office will be filled with Representations and Complaints. Our Nation will be held in a constant State of Irritation and Fermentation, and our government always distressed between their anxiety to relieve their Fellow Citizens and their Inability to Serve them.
A Republican who asserts the Duty of Jealousy, ought to Suspect that this Proclamation was dictated by a Spirit as hostile and malicious as it was insidious; for the determined purpose of depressing the Character of our Seamen. Take from a Sailor his Pride and his Courage and he becomes a poor Animal indeed; broken hearted dejected, depressed even below the Standard of other Men of his own level in Society. A habit of Fear will be established in his Mind. At the Sight of a British Man of War, A Panick will Seize him, his Spirits will Sink, and if it be only a Cutter or a Lugger, he will think of nothing but flight and Escape. What but the haughty Spirit of their Seamen, which has been encouraged and Supported for Ages by the Nation has given the British Navy its Superiority over the Navies of other Nations? “Who Shall dare to Set bounds to the Commerce and Naval Power of Great Britain,” is the magnificent Language of Defiance in Parliament and it vibrates and echoes through every heart in the Nation. Every British Sailor is made to believe himself the Master and Commander of the World. If the Right of Impressment is conceded by us in Theory or Practice our Seamen’s hearts will be broken; and every British Seaman will Say to every American Seaman as the Six Nations of Indians Said to the Southern Tribes whom they had conquered “We have put Petticoats on you.”
In such a case many would have too much reason to Say—Let us no longer rejoice for Independence or think of a Navy or free Commerce, no longer hope for any rank in the World; but bow our Necks again to the yoke of Great Britain.
If the Spirit of a Man should remain in our Sailors, they will Sometimes resist. Should a british Cutter demand to Search an American Merchant Ship of five hundred Tons burthen, armed as they Sometimes are, and have a right to be. The Commander of the Cutter calls for a muster of the Men, in order to impress Such as he in his Wisdom Shall judge to be British Subjects. Is it credible that the Captain and Crew of the Merchantman will Submit to Such usage? No He will Sink the Boat and the Cutter too, rather than be so insulted, and every American must applaud him for his Spirit.
Is this Right of Impressment, to be all on one Side, or is it to be reciprocal? British Modesty may say “it is an exclusive Priviledge, which We claim, assert, and will maintain, because it is necessary to Support our Dominion of the Seas, which is necessary to preserve a balance of Power in Europe against France and to prevent the French Emperour from Sending Fifty thousand Men to conquer the United States of America. All this will not convince American Seamen. They will answer, We think a ballance of Power on the Ocean as necessary as on the Continent of Europe. We thank you for your civility in kindly giving us hopes that you will defend us from the French Army of fifty thousand Men. But We are very willing to take our defence upon ourselves. If you have a Right to impress Seamen from our Ships, we have an equal Right to impress from yours. Should one of our gun boats meet a British East Indiaman, armed with fifty guns; the gunboat demands a Search for American Seamen: calls for the Muster Roll: commands the Men to pass in review before him; Would the East India Captain Submit? No, he would Sooner throw overboard the Press gang and run down the Gun boat.—Such will be the perpetual altercations between Britons and Americans at Sea, and lay an immoveable foundation of eternal hatred between the two Nations. The King’s Proclamation will be found as impolitic a Step as ever the Court of St. James’s has taken.
It is said in the Context “The British Ships of War, agreeably to a Right Claimed and exercised for ages; a Right claimed and exercised during the whole of the Administrations of Washington, of Adams, and of Jefferson, continue to take Some of the British Seamen found on board our Merchant Vessels, and with them a small Number of ours, from the Impossibility of always distinguishing Englishmen from the Citizens of the United States.”
We have before Seen what Sort of a Right to impress Men from their own Ships has been claimed, in what manner it has been exercised, and in what light it has been considered by the English Nation. It amounts to Right of getting their officers lawfully killed. But Surely no Right was ever before claimed, to impress Men from foreign Ships. If such a pretended Right was ever exercised, or in other Words if such a Crime was ever committed, I presume it would be no better proof of a legal Right, than a Robbery, Burglary or Murder committed on Shore would prove that Such Actions are innocent and lawful. To argue from Single Facts or a few Instances, to a general Law is a Sophistry too common with political Writers and is Sometimes imputable to Compilers of the Law of Nations. But none of them ever went to Such extravagance as this. No Claim or Pretension of any Right to Search foreign Vessels for Seamen, ever existed before our Revolution, and no Exercise of Such a Right ever prevailed Since, except Such as resemble the Exercises of the Right of committing Robbery, Burglary and Murder in Some of our Cities. No Ages have passed Since our Revolution. The Right was never asserted or claimed, till the late Proclamation of the King appeared: and that Proclamation, will make an epoch of disgrace and disaster to one Nation or the other, perhaps to both. From the Peace of 1783 to the Commencement of our government under the present National Constitution, whenever any American Seamen were impressed they were immediately demanded in the Name of the Old Congress, and immediately discharged without ever pretending to Such Right of Impressment. During the Administration of Washington, whenever Information was received of any Impressments immediate orders were Sent to demand the Men, and the Men were promised to be liberated. Washington Sent Captain Talbot to the West Indias as an Agent to demand Seamen impressed on board British Men of War. Talbot demanded them of the British Commanders, Captains, and Admirals and was refused. He went then on Shore, and demanded and obtained of the Chief Justice of the Island, Writs of Habeas Corpus, by Virtue of which the impressed Seamen were brought from the Kings Ships and Set at Liberty by Law, the Commander not daring to disobey the King’s Writ. During the Administration of Adams, the Secretary of States office can Shew what demands were made and the Success of them. The Remonstrances that were made in Consequence of positive Instructions and the Memorials presented at Court by our Minister were conceived in Terms as Strong as the English Language could furnish, without violating that respect and decorum which ought always to be preserved between Nations and governments even in Declarations of War. The Practice was asserted to be, not only incompatible with every Principle of Justice and every Feeling of Humanity, but wholly irreconcilable with all thoughts of a Continuance of Peace and Friendship between the two Nations. The Effect of the Memorial was an immediate Order to the Commander of the Navy, to liberate the demanded Men. I shall Say nothing of Mr Jefferson’s Administration, because the Negotiations already made public Sufficiently Show, that he has not been behind either of his Predecessors in his Zeal for the Liberty of American Seamen. During all this time Excuses and Apologies were made and Necessity was Sometimes hinted; but no Serious Pretension of Right was advanced. No; the first formal Claim was the King’s Proclamation. With what Propriety then can this be called a Right claimed and exercised for Ages, and during the whole of the Administrations of Washington, of Adams, and of Jefferson.
Is there any Reason why another Proclamation Should not Soon appear commanding all the officers of the Army in Canada & Nova Scotia to go over the Line and take by Force all the King’s Subjects they can find in our Villages. The Right would Stand upon the Same Principles: but there is this difference it would not be executed with so little danger.
I have the honor to be with Sentiments of Esteem and respect Sir your most obedient and humble ServantJohn Adams


Title: To John Adams from William Cunningham, 11 January 1809
From: Cunningham, William
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir,
Fitchburg, Jan. 11, 1809.

The last letter, which I had the honour to receive from you, dated January 3d, I have before acknowledged. Permit me to remind you, that I have in expectation something farther from you, concerning the misnamed Aristides.
I am perfectly ashamed to speak to you again of my Chathams, but it is unavoidable. The three concluding numbers, the printers refuse to publish. In two of them I had embodied the reasons which had occurred to me in favour of substituting for the Embargo, a license to merchant ships, to arm against aggressors indiscriminately, and I gave many reasons against giving to our resentments a partial direction.
The determination of the Essex Junto to drive this country into a war with France, and of another party to effect hostilities exclusively with England, are, in my opinion, alike inauspicious to our peace and prosperity. With this impression, I reject the Report of Mr. Gore to the House of Representatives. Considering the temper of the times, an arming against violators of our rights, without distinction, is, it appears to me, the only defence of them, we can engage in, whole bodied; in any other, we shall be lacerated with our own stripes. And does not justice combine with policy in favour of indiscriminate resistance?
The papers announce that Mr. John Q. Adams is at Washington. I shall be disappointed if his rare talents and incorruptible integrity are permitted a long respite from public occupation.
With veneration and affection, / I am, &c.
Wm. Cunningham, Jr.


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Rush, 13 January 1809
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

My dear friend,
Philadelphia Jany 13. 1809

In a situation such as you have seen a Sea Captain in a Gale of Wind, I sit down to acknowledge the receipt of your two last instructing letters. Present events will justify your opinion of the present measures of our rulers. Your Account of the pernicious influence of a belief in the time in Which the prophesies are to be fulfilled is to much opposed to the System of the divine government adopted by my friend Mr Wharton, that I did not dare to read it to him. He is happy in his Creed. I thought it a pity to lessen in any degree his Confidence in it, or his high Opinion of your judgment & character. For Wise purposes it has pleased God to conceal from us the precise times in which the prophesies are to be Accomplished. The Attempts of bad men to defeat them, and of good men to accelerate them, would probably have encreased in a great degree the miseries of our World from human ambition and folly.—
In the Clamors which have been excited lately Against Commerce, I have been led to consider the Absurdity of deriving human depravity from any Other Source than that recorded in the Bible. It has been ascribed not only to Commerce, but to Kings, to different forms of Government to the Clergy, and by  Ruisseau, & some members of the legislature of Pennsylvania to Science and to Colleges. Legislation founded upon any one of these opinions must necessarily be erroneous, & productive of misery. In the Bible alone man is described as he is. He can be governed of Course only by accommodating laws to his Nature as developed in that sacred book.
Strange Changes are taking place in the offices in Pennsylvania!—A Gentleman remarked in my hearing a few days Ago that Govr McKean had given a Correct Character of the Citizens of our state when he called Our part of them “Traitors tories, Apostate Whigs, and British Agents,” and the Other “Fools, Geese & Clodhoppers.” As many true Words are spoken in jest, to it was remarked these Words of the Governor, though spoken in anger, were Strictly true.—Our Constitution will I believe be safe.—Our new Governor too I believe aims well—But if, as you once told me George the 3rd is not King of Great Britain, and that he is best ruled by a varying Aristocracy, how can we expect Simon Snyder to be an independant Governor of Pennsylvania?—
It would seem as if there was but one two Vices in the United States—and that is the Vice of federalism, and the Vice of democracy.—My Worthy Brother has given great offence to the ruling powers by voting for Mr: Ross. The Judiciary System of the State it is said is to undergo a change. If so, he may probably expiate his Vote by a Change in his Situation.—With love to your fire side / I am Dear sir ever yours with gratitude / and Affection.
Benjm: Rush


Title: To John Adams from François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 18 January 1809
From: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir!
Oldenbarneveld 18 Jan. 1809

Your Letter of the 31 Dec. last delighted me more than usual. It was a new mark of your affectionate esteem—it assured me of your continued health; It was an evident proof that I was not yet left alone. Last year has again bereft me of a worthy friend; and I can not longer fill up the empty place with others, ere long, if mÿ days are to be prolonged, I Shall mourn them in mÿ Solitude where, forgotten, I have nothing, out of mÿ family, to cheer me up, but the retrospect at the daÿs of old. I acknowledge, it is a Selfish principle, but, as long your trembling hand can, ÿet So well, execute the dictates of your mind, as long anÿ bodilÿ infermities do not weaken its Strenght and leave you the blessings of intellectual enjoyments with a Serene hilarity and unruffled temper unimpaired, I ardently praÿ—you maÿ a long while yet remain on your conspicuous eminent Station—to warn all around you of the approaching dangers and instruct us of in the means to avoid them before you receive the word of command—to take the fatal leap—when I doubt not—or you Shall cheerfully obeÿ. For you Self, it may be pretty indifferent,—you may not fear it;—you can not desire, to anticipate it.
I continue to re-peruse the writers of the 16th Centurÿ, and later authors on that eventful period of time, historians—Philosophers—Poets—but chiefly relating to the continent of Europe, as I am destitute of the means—to extend it to Gr. Britain, possessing very little to assist me there. That era was unquestionably all-important—and contained the Seeds of all the following events, during two centuries and a half—while a new one—no less prolific—has been opened about the time of the American Revolution. An introduction to anÿ modern historÿ, Similar in manÿ respects to that of Robertzon’s Charles the V’th but upon a larger Scale, would be as useful as entertaining, but requires the hand of no less accomplished master, as it ought to comprehend historÿ—Philosophÿ—Literature and commerce. You and I—Si fas est parva componere magnis, amuse ourselves thus innocentlÿ—and I See not, what we can engage in to greater advantage.
It is not more than equitable too, that, there we devoted our best daÿs in the rigour of our age to wait on these Scientific Ladies, they now in their turn foster their old cavaliers, to allure younger, to tread in our Steps. with regard to your observation about the Slowness of the reforming or enlightening of mankind—tho I believe it correct, yet I recollect a remark of mÿ old friend j. j. Schultens—Prof. in Divinity and Oriental Languages—which encourages to hold on—and Spread the good Seeds.—If not directly fruitful—in time theÿ Shall Sprout and give fruit—Soil, air, climat fostering arts—even the winds maÿ prove it at lenght beneficial And—as darkness and ignorance increased during ten centuries, So that theÿ at last became palpable—then light Spread its beams far and wide over a benighted globe—So too maÿ confusion with all the horrors of anarchÿ anÿ fúrther desolate the world—and arrive at last with gigantic Steps to its acmé; before a final harmonÿ is restored among the Nations. Neither of Us, I am Sensible, Shall See it, but your name Shall then be remembered, as having effectually contributed, to her existence. The Scenes, which we have witnessed—are onlÿ transitorÿ—perhaps the preludes for a grand Drama of ÿet more enormous atrocities, before a final restoration can be brought on. But I tarrÿ too long on a Sad tale—Vivamus—Macenas! atque amemus! Having taken, in lieu of a desert after my dinner, a dosis of L’Hopital; that great and worthÿ man has rekindled a latent spark—to Study once more the Roman Laws, and with the Corpus Juris for mÿ only guide—I Shall devote it a part of this winter—believing—that this Studÿ may contribute Something, to form a more Sound judgment on present manners and Laws—if I am mistaken, it Shall at least enable me, to form a more Sound judgment upon a Nation, which I allwaÿs more admired than loved. But I loose the thread of ÿour Letter—I Shall resume it, and mÿ deep revence for that eminent man Shall be this time mÿ only apologÿ; But interrupted again—I must delay my answer—till a better opportunity offers itself.
A violent head-ache, mÿ usual complaint, prevented me to finish this letter yesterdaÿ. I hope to do it now.
If a man, as you, considers our Situation “that we are maÿ be reduced to hard necessities” in defending our Libertÿ—it must be distressing indeed—as your comprehensive view of the whole must reach everÿ point, of which manÿ escape to our Sight. How eagerly would I comply with your wishes—in visiting the mentioned Dutch worthies in the Elysian fields, and relate to you their conversation; but I am not adequate to the task—I am neither Lucien nor Fontenelle: a part of the errors of the Dutch Politicians might be interwowen in Such a piece—Dúmas might instruct them in the knowledge of government and the issue would be, that theÿ had contented themselves with a Shadow—the name of Liberty—while theÿ had it in their power to consolidate all the blessings to their posterity—had theÿ dared—to make a Sacrifice of their prejudices—limited the Executive powers—with increased Splendour—in the house of Orange, and allowed the People at large an equal representation. This—with an armed well disciplined militia and a Sufficient navÿ—might have continued their Republick till this daÿ. but Providence—mÿ friend! ordained it otherwise.
No People on earth in my opinion can give us Americans So manÿ instructing lessons and awful warnings, as the Dutch: this too, you know better than I. Explain me—how to understand “that our mediúm is depreciated two or three hundred pCent.” I am no financier—The demolishing of houses is “because theÿ can not be rented—and the ground-rents (verpondingen) are excessive—which howewer theÿ are compelled to Secure for 10 years; and to this burthen is rather Submitted than to the annual repairs—without prospect upon interests. Mÿ Father abandoned a large tract of Land—upon this principle—and he acted prudently. Accept mÿ Sincerest thanks for mÿ election as a Member of the Academÿ of arts and sciences—I have not received a Diploma. It is to you alone, that I can be indebted for this honorable distinction—muneris id tui est! howewer, I pride myself with this evidence of my possessing Some merits, as your integrity—whatever was your kind propensity towards me, woúld not have biassed your mind, to recommend an undeserving individual to the choice of your coleagues. But how can I answer their expectation? I can never acquit myself of mÿ debts towards you. Mÿ friend Luzac would participate in mÿ feelings and—if alive, have contributed a double Share of his labours to compensate in what I am deficient. But now you have bestowed upon me the honours of Chivalrÿ—you can not well decline—to provide me with arms—at least, to give me a view—and permit me the use of your Academy’s armorÿ—You know—est mihi curta Suppellex domi—Imperious necessity forbids me, since I am in the Woods, to make anÿ purchase of books; Several friends here and in Europe have liberallÿ Supplied this want;—Mr. Bordley, when I was elected a member of the Philadelphia Philos. Soc. Send me his Copy of the Transactions, and as you are more than Bordley towards me, I presume I maÿ freely ask you the gift of the vol. published by your Academÿ—when I Shall endeavour to continue them. I make no Apologÿ for mÿ petition,—would not Adams from his literarÿ treasures reach a little Spiritual food to a Hermit, Skulking in the western wilderness?
I Hope not, that the Diploma requires expenses—to obtain it—does the Etiquette require an answer?
Voltaire, I am confident, did often not believe, what he wrote—and furnishes even Sometimes—when he does not follow or copÿ others—proofs of the authencity of the workings, which he attacks—Such a one is his b burlesquing description of the magnificence of Solomo’s temple—and comparaison with the pompous detail of it bÿ the Sacred writers—whereas it would Sink below mediocrity compared to modern European or Asiatic Splender. a Stronger evidence of intrinsic truth can Scarce be given. It is So far—that I look upon your encomium of the Jews as an Extravagant flight—that I consider it as Philosophically just—Tho I never loved that Nation—looked at it allwaÿs. Some times with horror Somes with disgust—I perceive in it’s ways invariably the hand of Providence, and firmly am persuaded—that—sooner or later—all mankind Shall be blessed in that Nation—when heathen—mahomedan—and Christian Idolatrÿ Shall give waÿ for the unadulterate doctrine of our Saviour, and then happiness and peace Shall dwell among men—and despotism and anarchy—bigotrÿ Superstition and infidality burried in the Same tomb. We Shall not see it, but live in hope—and do not Shrink at the approach of death—confiding—that we Shall live once more—and then Worthy man! you Shall reap the rewards of all your labours, then you Shall feel—that voluptuous assurance—that you did not live here in vain. Mr Busti Send me last year Crescimbeni—but I find in him—many errours and wrong judgments among a treasure of erudition. Now he promises me a large work of Father Quadrio a learned Jesuite: are you acquainted with it? one Question more—from Marshall’s historÿ—I have a high opinion of R. Morris—who has deserved well of America, during that period—favour me with your opinion about him.
How often would I paÿ you a respectful visit—did I reside in your neighboúrhood: Now I am compelled—by mÿ paper—to End—mÿ conversation. I remain / your obliged friend

Fr. Adr. vanderkemp


Title: To John Adams from Henry Guest, 20 January 1809
From: Guest, Henry
To: Adams, John

Honorable Sir
Brunswick  Jersy 20 Janry 1809

I have not had the pleasure to receive a Line from you in Some time—Did you know what pleasure your letter gave me and how they Chiered my Old heart in these Drary times of Our Country your humanity and friendly disposition Would Often raise My Druping Spirits—for lete Me assure you Sir, they have been Sadly Depressed Since your Son gave up his year in the Senate. Especially this Season when He Would have had an opportunity of sharing his Latant power for the Salvation  his Country—Every sensible Man that has Called to spend an hour with me lately has regretted with  Daulinary to Serve—My Account from the Eerd there has been  of the Disaffected to government I trust they will be made sensible of thier mistakes. I apprehend that Mr  Pickmans Letter to the Governor and his Late Speaker  Secretary has Been the Means to set forward their Mischief. I hope that your Dormant powers Will Come forward and put and Misguided people right for their own sakes as well as for Governmental Security—
Enclosed you have a late Philada paper for your amuse in this Drary Season, in which is a Speech of a Mr Eppes. you will make your Very  Comments on it. Be pleased to favour me with the State of your health and to forward R. & all  have a Speaker put in the small End of your Guest May Heaven long preserve your  for the good of your friends and Country Be pleased to give my best wishes to your Son and the Very amiable Mrs. Adams.
I Am Hond Sir your Most / Humble Servt

Henry Guest


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 23 January 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Quincy January, 23. 1809

What Signify Clamours against Commerce Property Kings Nobles Demagogues Democracy, the Clergy Religion? For to each and all of these has the Depravity of Man been imputed by some Philosophers. Rousseau says the first Man who fenced a Cabbage yard ought to have been put to death. Dr  but Diderot says the first Man who Suggested the Idea of a god ought to have been treated as an Enemy of the human Race. Tom Quelqu’un of Clapham in England said He believed no God, no Providence, no future state, but he loved Life So well that if he could but be assured immortal Existence, he would consent to be pitched about in fire and Brimstone by the Devils with their forks to all Eternity. Some of our Religionists say that before a Man can be fit to be saved he must be willing to be damned to all Eternity. It is a Pity that Men of Sense will give any attention to Any of these Ravings which are fit only for Bedlam. Phylosophy Morality Religion Reason all concur in your Conclusion that “Man can be governed only by accommodating Laws to his Nature.”
Your Lancet is So much and so usefully employed that it seems to be hard to request you to meddle with your Pen. I have sometimes scruples least I am doing an Injury to Some of your Patients or Pupils when I provoke you to read or write a Letter. But as I know your Political Pen to be as salutiferrous as your medical or Chirurgical Instruments, I will run the risque to ask you, why in this momentous Crisis you and other Philosophers in Philadelphia will not write Some times to help us out of our Difficulty. The Embargo must be removed. It is Pensilvania and New York who still keep it on. If it is kept on till Doomsday, it will not bend France or England. We are in a Shocking Delusion not only in our opinion of the Efficacy of the Embargo, but in our unaccountable aversion to Naval Preparations. The one Thing needful is a Navy. The Expense is held up as a Bugbear. Mr. Searle told me in Holland that the account of our whole Naval armaments and Preparations during the Revolutionary War had been made up. And the United States shares in the Prizes they had made amounted to thirteen millions of Dollars more than their whole Cost. These were paper dollars no doubt, but if they paid their Way, besides the necessary military Munitions and Protection to our Shores and Commerce they procured and afforded this was a great Thing.
Whatever Vices there are, Federalism and Republicanism will cover them all. An infamous Birth a more infamous Life and a contemptible death, will at any time be cannonized as a Saint by The former, and Folly Ignorance Stupidity and Debauchery will be adored in their Life time by the latter. No Virtues, No Talents will make atonement with either, for Honor and Justice when maintained against the Party Will.
We may flatter ourselves that a Numerous Legislature will be favourable to the People and Bulwarks to Liberty, but it will be found that in all Countries and under all forms of government a very few Men rule the whole. In Company with Mr. Eden at a Diplomatic Dinner he took me aside and said “I am anxious about affairs between my Country and yours.” So am I.—“Two honest Men sitting down together might in two or three hours arrange every thing to mutual satisfaction.” I am fully of that opinion, but this Nation by what I can observe does not think so. “This Nation! This Nation thinks exactly as two or three of Us would have it think, at has most  four or five of Us”!
The same I fear may be said of our complicated government of seventeen sovereignties within one sovereignty.
Our Parties would not be dangerous, if it were not for foreign Influences. To deny that there has been a French Influence and an English Influence in this Country ever Since the Peace is to deny that the Sun and Moon have shone upon the Earth. They have played with our Parties and run the game of Leap frog with them. Look back upon the History of Europe for the last thirty years—You will see French Influence and English Influence constantly at Work in Russia Sweden Denmark Prussia Germany Holland Spain Lisbon Portugal Sardinia and Naples and Turkey. When two Nations so powerful and rich as England and France have been for Ages in the habit of negotiating and intriguing with all Nations how can We expect to be out of the reach of their arts? They have played the game of Leap frog with all the Nations I have mentioned as well as with Us. The Great Body of our Nation is divided in affection—by fear between the two. Very few Men are really impartial and they have no Influence because nothing but Party has influence. There is a French Party and an English Party in every Nation of Europe. While the opposite Winds are Struggling for the Superiority We shall be tossed upon the billows. When either gets the Mastery we shall be driven incertum quo fata ferant.
A Navy is the only object that can form an independent American Party. France and England are both sensible of this tho we are not, and accordingly both Powers set their faces against a Navy in this Country and do all they can to discourage it.
Our Legislature meets the day after tomorrow and we shall have Stormy Weather. Federalism grows every day more and more tryumphant and Mr Jefferson and his Successor more and more unpopular. Nothing will check this Career but a Repeal of the Embargo Laws, Non Importation Laws, Non Intercourse Laws, and beginning in earnest a Naval force.
I am Sincerely / yours

J. Adams


Title: To John Adams from James Lovell, 2 February 1809
From: Lovell, James
To: Adams, John

To the only ExPresident of the United StatesOh! my respected Friend—of mountain Virtue!Boston Febry. 2d. 1809

Our Lincoln is wreathing in the Fox-trap of pretended-Friends. And the desendants of those Same Mice, who nibbled you when you sent good-Ellsworth to France, have been Striving to make holes in a Small Mole-hill here.
I long to have in a proper “Hole,” Some of that “Sweet Converse” with you which the now-cautious Demos extorted into a rascally Public Gazette Chronicle. But, Sir, the Set-time is only “near at hand” for it. I have an easier, suitable way, by which my longing may be Satisfied earlier, and your Indulgence not incur abuse. I have a Roll endorsed “read and return”.— I must, however, first have a Short Sketch from your pen, by which, in Safe conveyance, I shall See that the old-Vermin have not dared even to Smell at your Granary.
Quincy has Spoken well “of our Lincoln;” but the “Root” and the “Leaves” of the “Laurels” are not in a Stile consonant to the weighty motions; and the whole business would not face the Proofs which Mr Jefferson, probably, will not condescend to repeat now of his affectionate-Respect for the good old General: Who, worthy-Soul, was not near me, at his old ancient, round, thansgiving-Table in our office, or the “biters would have been Severely bitten.”
Whilst the dignified-line of our state-legislature is recommended, the paltry resignation-plan is confided-in. This is like a well disciplined army hoping that the Sergeants of their Enemy would afford a Victory by base-Desertion. And further, when Colle. This and Major That tempt civil subordinates, do they not make an Example for attack upon themselves? The paltry Measures of democratic-legislators have undermined that Species of Virtue which even Females at Nantucket and Martha’s Vineyard and Holmes’s Hole discovered formerly to me in Support of the “Principle of Equality” in Revenue-Collections; which, Species of Virtue is now murdered, through Necessity.
I am, as ever your’s

James Lovell


Title: From John Adams to William Cunningham, 11 February 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Cunningham, William

Dear Sir
Quincy February 11 1809

I have your favour of 14 ult. The Mirror was never read—and if it ever should be it will be willfully misunderstood—Seventeen Wheels within one wheel. Seventeen Empires within one empire Seventeen sovereignties within one sovereignty. Seventeen Imperia in one Emperio will tell in time we have had a Chaise’s disturbance: a Gallatin’s disturbance a Fries’s disturbance; and why may we not have a Pickering’s disturbance? Such I think is the spirit of the reasoning of the present times.
Whether the republicans have offered the chair to Mr Bowdoin or not, I know not. They talk of this, that, and the other Gentleman, but all will depend upon the Caucus in the Legislature, and that, I presume, will determine on Mr Lincoln. The Federalist too talk of many candidates Gore Strang Judge Parker and many others but thier Caucus is pledged to Mr Gore and they cannot abandon him. The question will lie between Lincoln and Gore. Your rejected paragraph concerning G B. was high treason against the present domineering party; But it is sound sense and true policy; it is not wonderful, that some persons among us are so eager to rush into the arms of G B. But it is unaccountable, that there should be so many. Common understanding, one would think sufficient, when enlighened with an ordinary knowledge of Mankind, and a general history of England and America, to convince any Man, that GB is the natural enemy of the US.—She has looked at us from our first settlement with eyes of jealousy, envy, Hatred and contempt. At this time, she knows not how to do without us. She makes a great Profit of us, yet she sees, that we make a profit too, and that we grow faster than she does. Our reputation, wealth, power and importance, with all nations, increase incomparably more rapidly than hers. This prospect she cannot bear. She sees too, that this is the only rising country of the world, and that the American people are the most active portion of the human race; especially the New England States. For us then, to quarrel with all other nations, for the sake of courting the protection of GB, is, as if the Lamb should fly from its friendly flock and faithful shepherd and seek the friendship and protection of the Wolf. All the nations of Europe, to my knowledge, are friendly to us. If the French are now one exception, it is owing to the war with England, and the singular character of the present ruler. Bonaparte I think at least I hope will not find so easy a conquest of the Spaniards. The English will make sure of the Spanish Navy and secure thier own retreat on boared thier ships. I hope however they will come in contract with the French. If they should though they may be overpowered by numbers they will give the French something to remember. Bona will not have to say veni vidi vici, Britons are at least as brave and more patient than the French.
Regret nothing you see in the papers concerning me. It is impossible News-Papers can tell the truth. They would be out of thier Element. I regard them no more than the idle gossamour that idles in the wanton summer air. When you told me that my letter had been a topick in Boston and given rise to free animal diversion animadversion you should have told me what those animal diversions animadversions were. We should never tell a man that he has been slandered without informing him what the slanders were. I have a few sheets of Paper written on a Point on which I differed formerly and latterly with our angry senator, and which was one of the causes of his removal, which I will send you, provided, you will previously give me your honor, that you will return it after you have read it, without taking any copy
I am &c

Mr Cunningham  J Adams


Title: To John Adams from William Cunningham, 11 February 1809
From: Cunningham, William
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir.
Fitchburg, Feb. 11. 1809.

The last Letter which I had the honour to receive from you, dated Jan. 3d. I have before acknowledged. Permit me to remind you, that, I have in expectation something farther from you concerning the misnamed Aristides.
I am perfectly ashamed to speak to you again of my Chathams, but it is unavoidable. The three concluding numbers the printers refuse to publish. In two of them, I embodied the reasons which had occured to me in favour of substituting for the Embargo, a license to merchant ships to arm against aggressors indiscriminately; and I gave many reasons against giving to our resentments a partial direction.
The determination of the Essex Junto to drive this country into a war with France, and of another party to effect hostilities exclusively with England, are, in my opinion, alike inauspicious to our peace and prosperity. With this impression, I reject the Report of Mr. Gore to the House of Representatives. Considering the temper of the times, an arming against violators of our rights without distinction, is, it appears to me, the only defence of them we can engage in whole-bodied; in any other we shall be lacerated with our own stripes. And does not justice combine with policy in favour of indiscriminate resistance?
The papers announce that Mr. J. Q. Adams is at Washington.—I shall be disappointed if his rare talents, and incorruptible integrity are permitted a long respite from public occupation.
With the highest esteem and veneration, / I am, Dear Sir, / Your Friend & Servt.

Wm: Cunningham. Jr.P.S. Should you write to Mr. Adams while he may remain at Washington, will you permit me to pass thro’ you to him by best rememberances?


Title: From John Adams to William Cunningham, 14 February 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Cunningham, William

154
Dear Sir
Quincy Feb 14 1809

The complaint in your favour of the 11th, of the refusal to publish your Chathams, is no suprise to me. I have seen nothing in the four federal papers of Boston, for the last year, but such another prostitution, of genius, learning, and eloquence, as We read in Madam Drapers, Fleets, and mien, and Flemmings Papers in 1773 and 1774. A blind devotion to England and a disposition to sacrifice to her our rights, and a headlong inclination to go to war with France and for the sake of these blessings to hazard, if not sacrifice, the union and Constitution of the United States. Not one of these papers will publish a word inconsistent with that system. I agree with you in the system of armed neutrality at first. It will take time to try that experiment and time gained you know is precious. I had a letter to day from J Q A at Washington on the sixth of the month. He arrived in time for the session of the Supreme Court before which he has a good deal of better business than debating in Congress. If his talents and integrity continue to be neglected as they have been insulted it is not his fault and I have the consolation to know that it is more for his interest and the peace of his mind than any public office would be. If he were in the Senate of Massachusetts he could only labour in vain with his friend Mr Gray to prevent our legislature from overleaping the boundaries of our constitutions.
When John Wilks was writing one of his North Britons he said to one of his friends who came in suddenly upon him “I have been studying these four hours to see how near I could come in my next North Briton to treason without committing it. The deliberations and debates of our two houses appear to me to be somewhat like a hand study to come as near vtolating violating the constitution without breaking it.
Our respectable metropolis is too warm, and it has communicated too much of its heat to some other places, which are too much under its influence. I inclose you a Frederick Town Herald of Jan 14th in which you may read a Phillipick of Mr John Hanson Dhansas, upon the City of Baltimore. What would be said, if such an oration were made in the Chronicle or in our house of Representatives concerning our modest City of Boston
I am Sir as usual

J Adams


Title: From John Adams to François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 16 February 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan

Dr Sir
Quincy Feb. 16 1809

I have yours of the 18. Jan. When you receive your Diploma you will have no fees to pay. We have not yet adopted any regulation which requires fees from the Members elected. Perhaps it would be prudent in future to adopt Such a Measure and give a Salary to our Secretary. Our Officers are now Men of So much Business and So dependent on their Business for the Support of their families that they can not attend enough to the Business of the Accademy.
I would Send you our Transactions if I knew how. I Spoke to Dr Morse and Dr Kirkland but they have not informed me of a conveyance.
The Dutch History as you Say Should be instructive to Us. The Allyance with England has in the End been fatal to Holland. The close Connection between the House of Hanover and the House of orange, has influenced the Dutch Policy to depend upon the Protection of the English Fleet, has given Preponderance to the four Agricultural Provinces over the three Maritime Provinces and induced the States General to neglect and abandon the Marine and to for the Purpose of maintaining a Standing Army, for the Prince of orange to review daily on the Parade at the Hague. In Consequence their Independence has been lost. Beware! Oh my Country! Beware! lest you Suffer English or French Intrigues to render a Naval Power unpopular in America.
Robert Morris, (Since you ask my opinion of him) was a frank generous and manly Mortal. He rose from nothing but a naked Boy by his Industry Ingenuity and Fidelity to great Business and Credit as a Merchant. At the beginning Of our Revolution his Commerce was Stagnated and as he had overtraded, he was much embarrassed. He took advantage of the times, united with the Whigs came into Congress and united his Credit with the Credit and Resources of the United States Supported by my Loans in Holland. By this means he Supported his Credit for many Years, but at last grew extravagant as all Conquerors and extraordinary Characters do, and died as he had lived as I believe all his days, worth very little Solid Capital, Like La  Font Fontaine, in his Epitaph he might Say
Robert
Jean S’en alla come il etoit venu
Mangeant Ses Fonds avec Sa revenue.
If you write Dialogues of the Dead, you must not put into the Mouth of Dumas, your correct Notions of government. He, poor Man was too dependent on the French and too devoted to Democracy to advocate the true System of Government.
I Say with you and Voltaire
Vivons, ecrivons, aimons, bibans buvons, cher Horace!
We may be reduced to hard Necessities. The two most powerful active and enterprizing Nations that ever existed are now contending with Us. The two Nations to whom Mankind are under more obligations for the Progress of Science and Civilization, than to any others except the Hebrews. This consideration affects me more than the danger from either or both. I excepted the Hebrews, for in Spight of Bolingbroke and Voltaire I will insist that the Hebrews have done more to civilize Men than any other Nation. If I were an Atheist and believed in blind eternal Fate, I should Still believe that Fate had ordained the Jews to be the most essential Instrument for civilizing the Nations. If I were an Atheist of the other Sect, who believe or pretend to believe that all is ordered by Chance, I Should believe that Chance had ordered the Jews to preserve and propagate, to all Mankind the Doctrine of a Supreme intelligent wise, almighty Sovereign of the Universe, which I believe to be the great essential Principle of all Morality and consequently of all Civilization. I cant Say that I love the Jews very much neither. Nor the French nor the English nor the Romans nor the Greeks. We must love all Nations as well as We can, but it is very hard to love most of them.
Our Medium is depreciated by the Multitude of Swindling Banks which have emitted bank Bills to an immense amount beyond the Deposits of Gold and Silver in their Vaults, by which means the Price of Labour and Land and Merchandize and Produce is doubled, tribled and quadrupled in many Instances. Every dollar of a bank Bill that is issued beyond the quantity of Gold and Silver in the Vaults represents nothing and is therefore a cheat upon Somebody.
Solomon built Palmira. The Ruins of which Shew that his Magnificence was not a Fable.
yours as usual

J. Adams


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 20 February 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

My dear Sir
Quincy Feb 20. 1809

When you informed me that Mr Cooper in his Life of Dr Priestly had ascribed to that Philosopher, the first hint of the Perfectibility of the human Mind, I answered you that this was the Doctrine of the ancient Stoicks. My Memory did not Serve me with details and I referred to no authorities, not thinking it worth while to Search Books upon Such a Subject. But within a day or two I have accidentally met with a passage in Seneca a disciple of Zeno to this Effect that the human Mind is a Portion of the divine Spirit immersed in Body, the Same in God and in Man, with this difference, only that in God is it perfect, in Us capable of perfection—In corpus humanum, para divini Spiritus mersa. Deis hominibusque communis. In illis consummata est; in nobis consummabilis. It was a Maxim of that School, that the human Soul is divine and all divine natures are the same. Divinorum una natura est. Similar Ideas are found among all the ancient Philosophers as Pythagoras Plato and their followers. The Christian Fathers adopted some of them. St Austen Says, Nothing is Superiour to the human Soul but Gods. Nihil est potentius, nihil est Sublimius. Quisquid Supra illam est, jam Creator est.
All Sectaries and especially all Innovators in Religion and government have recourse to the marvelous to inflame the Imaginations and to Flattery of the human heart, to engage the affections, of their followers. And no Sect of Religion or Politicks that ever existed in the World, ever carried these Jesuitical Artifices to greater Extravagance than the late Faction of Atheistical Philosophers in France.
But I am weary of Contemplating the phantastic Theorys and mad Practices of Divines Philosophers, Legislators, Politicians and Conquerors.
Experimental is the only Knowledge.
Our beloved Country is becoming as delirious as all others. If you have time to read the Papers you will See what our Towns and Legislatures are doing and why Should an Embargo be continued, to produce Such Proceedings as I am afraid to write, till it becomes ridiculous. The Southern States and the Northern States appear to me to be all going wrong to the utmost danger of our Union as well as Independence. The Town of Boston and the other Towns and States in which it has most influence are glowing, and the Legislature imbibes too much of their heat. And the Southern States have inflamed them all, by venturing on Measures which cannot be justified. Measures which I believe no People in Europe could bear. Fury instead of Reason, will Soon determine what Shall be done, if a Change does not take place in our Councils. I wrote you on the 23d of January, Since which I have recieved none of your favors. I am as ever your Friend without Interruption for five and thirty years.

J. Adams


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Rush, 20 February 1809
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

My dear and excellent friend
Philadelphia Feb. 20th: 1809.

Soon after the receipt of your last letter in which you Advise me to shake off my retired habits and prejudices, and to come forward in Support of the petitions of my fellow Citizens for a repeal of the Embargo laws, I went to bed at my usual hour, and dreamed that I had yeilded to your Advice; and in consequence of it, determined to appear at a federal town meeting which was to be held the next day in Company with my worthy friend and only surviving Colleague in subscribing the declaration of independance Mr George Clymer. I thought I had agreed to speak in favor of the measures that were to be proposed by the meeting, and for that purpose prepared a Speech which was amply larded with the federal phrases of “the immortal Washington, the School of Washington—the disciples of Washington, the ghost of Washington &c &c.” At the proposed hour of the meeting (which was at 11 OClock in the forenoon) I imagined I set of for the State house yard, and that on my way, my Attention was drawn to a small frame house between 4th: and 5th: Streets in Chesnut Street in which I saw a number of men busily employed in a manner which struck excited my curiosity to a very favorable high degree. I begged permission to sit down in the room in which they were assembled. This was gr readily granted. Never did I witness such a Scene. The Man nearest to the door, was engaged in placing a number of wheels within wheels. I was told he was attempting to find out perpetual motion. On one corner side of the chimney fire place I saw a man surrounded with Crucibles with a small furnace before him. I was told that he was endeavouring to change a peice of Copper into Gold. On the opposite Corner Side of the fire place, I saw a man shaking a bottle in which were infused a number of rare gums and roots. He said he was preparing an elixir, a teaspoonful of which taken every morning in a tumbler of Cold Water would prevent the pains and all the deformities of Old age, and restore man to his original Antediluvian longevity. In a Corner of the room sat a meagre looking young man covered with Goose down, with a basket of feathers on each side of him. I asked what he was about to do with those feathers. He said he was making a pair of Wings with which he intended to amuse  the Citizens of Philadelphia shortly by flying from the top of the newly erected Shot manufactory upon Schuylkill to the one lately erected in Southwark upon the Delaware. In Another corner of the room sat a little squat fellow with a table before him upon which he was trying to make an egg stand upon one of its ends. In the middle of the floor I saw a Stout man with a flushed face, standing with both his feet upon a Stick, with his two hands grasped round each end of it,  straining with all his might to lift himself from the floor.—What!—What! means all this? said I.  I am certainly in a mad house. After this declaration I rose suddenly from my seat, and walked towards the door. Stop!—said a little old man who appeared to be the master of the house, & tell me where are you going? “To the town meeting” said I. “You are at it already” said he. “What!—in this receptacle of madmen” said I. “Yes (said he) they are an epitome of all public bodies, whether assembled in town meetings, state legislatures, Congresses, Conventions, or parliaments, and all of all the Statesmen, and philosophers, whether at Courts, or in a Closet, who expect to produce by their labors, wisdom, justice, Order & Stability in human governments”—Struck with the good Sense of this Speech, I said d instantly returned to my house, strongly impressed with a Sense of my Obligations to the good little old man who thus as I thought saved me from adding to the list to the follies of my political life.—While congratulating myself upon this escape, a midnight rap at my door awoke me, and confirmed my pleasure by satisfying me that  my relapse into the Vices of party, and the vexations of public life, was nothing but a Dream.—
Adieu! All my fire side salutes you & yours! From your Affectionate & grateful friend
Benja: Rush


Title: From John Adams to William Cunningham, 22 February 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Cunningham, William

Dear Sir
Quincy February 22nd 1809

Inclosed you will find a phillipic of our angry, pevish, fretful Prophet Jonah. His anger is his talent. When he gives a loose to that passion which he always does in every thing he produces something smart, pert, and malignant, which pleases the malignaty of the vulgar. But Phillipics are not the highest style of politicks. I cannot think Demosthenes and Cicero in the highest grade of Statesmen though they certainly were of Orators. You will see how ardently he was attached to the French events the highest strain of Jacobinism and King killing. compare this with his present ardent attachment to the English; and see how the same temper can swing the extremest vibrations of the pendulum.
From jonah let us turn to harlequin. Have you read that Lyons letter to his friend in Vermont. The mixture of monk and monkey in this fellow creature of ours always diverts me like a medicine for the spleen or a cordial for slow spirits. I shall not examine his system, as far as it is intelligible he is for repealing all Embargoes laws Nonintercourses and Nonimportation, and Surrendering all pretention to rights. I suspect he is one of the little merchants he mentions, not one of the big, by any means; and that his little Baguotilles are somewhat deranged and in danger. The sum of what he says, in one place is, that the Vulgar among the Federalists adored, John Adams and the vulgar among the Republicans adore Tom Jefferson.” When John Adams said that the finger of heaven pointed to War, You and I laughed at him. This may be true, but it was the grinning of Idiots at each other. The laughter of fools, The crackling of thorns under a pot. He is so great a Worshiper and Idolater of Tom Paine that he and his correspondent might believe, that there is no heaven, or that heaven has no finger If he believed in a god and a Providence and had eyes in his head, or brains in his skull, he might have seen and would have seriously have considered, that the course of Events had rendered a War, or indelible disgrace and national degradation unavoidable. He must have seen that Providence did indicate War and ordain War: for a war we had in fact. A War declared in form by the House of Representatives, the Senate and President of the United States. It was not a universal War. It was defined and limited to certain cases: but a declaration of a soveriegn that a solemn and vastly important treaty between him and another soveriegn is null and void, by the Infractions, Violence, Injustice and breach of faith by that other is tantamount, to a declaration of War. But Congress went farther they raised forces by land and Sea and authorized hostilities. And a War was actually waged, A Glorious and triumphant War. Instead of hearing of vessels taken in our rivers and burnt in our harbours as we had done for a long time, not an hostile sail dared to spread itself on any Part of our vast seacoast. Instead of our Merchant ships being taken by scores and our Property captivated by millions in the West Indies Talbot Truxtun Decatur and Little cleared the whole seas, not a privateer Pickaroon or even Frigate dare shew its head. The proud Pavillion of France was in many glaring instances humiliated under the Eagles and Stripes of the united States. But the greatest triumph of all was that the haughty Directors who had demanded Tribute, refused to recieve our Ambassadors and formally and publickly by an act of Government declared that they would not recieve any more Ministers from the united States, till I had made excuses and apoligies for some of my speeches were obliged to humble themselves retract all thier declarations and transmit to me the most positive assurances in several various ways both official and inofficial that they would recieve my ministers and make peace on my own terms.
Let the jackases Lyon and his correspondent and his intimate Friends Duane, Callender and Tom Paine bray, or laugh at all this as they did at The finger of God, if ever an historian should arise fit for the investigation, this transaction must be transmitted to posterity as the most glorious in American history and as the most disinterested prudent and successful conduct in my whole life. For I was obliged to give peace and unexampled prosperity to my country for eight years and if it is not for a longer duration it is not my fault against the advice intreaties and intrigues of all my ministers and all the leading Federalists in both houses of congress.
The two factions have conspired hitherto to smother all my glory yet they cannot avoid letting out now and then a glimpse and this letter of Lyons is one instance of it
Our Parties, at present resemble two Ladies of easy Virtue, in whose quarrels and scoldings, one reproaches the other with her Weakness with a Lover last night, and the other retorts, You are worse than I, for you committed Adultery, the Night before, and put horns upon your Husband.—Unfortunately there is too much truth, in both.—Neither Party however, in violence of their rage, can avoid throwing out Something now and then in honour of

J. Adams.
P.S. The Caitiff says I repented. This is false.—I had nothing to repent of.—I departed from no Principle System or profession.—The French Government repented and reformed. Their humiliation and my Tryumph were compleat.—Both Struck the British Ambassador, so forcibly that he said to me “To what degrees of Abasement will not the French Submit to you? I was in hopes they would have persevered, and gone to War with You.”
My System was from the Begining to make Peace with them the moment I could do it consistently with the honor and Interest of the Nation. But this disappointed the Anglomane Federalists as well as Mr Liston, and they have hated me for it ever Since.


Title: To John Adams from William Cunningham, 23 February 1809
From: Cunningham, William
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Fitchburg, Feb. 23d. 1809.

I wrote to you under the date of the 20th. inst. and sent it to the post office, but arriving there a few minutes too late to be forwarded by the mail it was returned. I now forward it under cover with this.
There is a sentence in your favour of the 11th. demanding my particular attention:—“When you told me,” you observe, “that my Letter had been a topick at Boston, and given rise to free animadversion, you should have told me what those animadversions were.” I instantly thought of the story of Le Fever:—“When thou offeredest him whatever was in my house, thou shouldst have offered him my house too.” But in the animadversions referred to, there is a counterpart, not a likeness to the conduct of “my uncle Toby”—In the censure of you, Sir, there is the reverse of sentiment. An entire conviction of this, and the certainty of your own consciousness of it, ought, perhaps, to have restrained me from making the communication I did; yet, of the littleness which is striving at aggrandizement through the representation that any of your opinions are dictated by private pique towards Pickering and his party, is regarded by you, as it deserves to be, undeserving of your notice as the pratling of a magpie, it will, I trust, afford you some consolation to know that you have friends who, founding their estimation of your character upon an intimate acquaintance with it, view with derision, or with indignation, the bows exercised by malicious hands in hurling arrows which fall pointless by you side. If ,in this explanation, and to any extent, I have administered this consolation, I shall the less lament the unguardedness which, in leaving undefined a calumny, might, to some, have given occasion for disquieting apprehensions.
I thank you for the Frederick-Town Herald. For the sake of Mr. Kettering’s antidote to canine madness, that paper contains, I ask your leave to keep it.
Our peace and security may be as much jeopardized by the intemperate warmth of Boston, as by the frantick licentiousness of Baltimore—To both the adage is applicable, Ne sutor ultra crepidam.
With great affection and respect, / I am, Dear Sir, / Your Friend & Servt.
Wm. Cunningham, Jr


Title: To John Adams from Oliver Whipple, 23 February 1809
From: Whipple, Oliver
To: Adams, John

Respected Sr
Hallowell Maine Februy 23d 1809

When I consider, I was once a Pupil at Braintree in the mansion House of your venerable Father, I claim a Sort of Right to Indugence to address you, which your wontted Benevolence will not deny me; Time, I dare say, has not yet effaced the Remembrance of the little Phamphlet, intitled, “Tears of the Serv’edors” and another intitled The Progress of civil & rational Liberty. Through those Countries in which She has diegned to become an Inmate, for which I received your highly complimentary Letter, which I esteem as a most precious Relict, and have deposited it, among the Memorabillia of honorable Attentions.—I now see you, which I did not expect for years, reposing in The Lap of Plenty & Sunshine of domestic Ease, Injoying the, Otium cum Dignitate; What a sweet Reverse to those sombre appearances, That have too often darkned our political Horizon, and as it were almost rent the Temple of Liberty & our Constitution; but God will preserve them intire, in Spite of Faction and obstinate Preverseness & Error.—When I retrace the Stream of Time to the Period of your Administration, I am sensibly struck with the Discordance, in Principle & Politicks of the present Times, compared with those happy and honorable days of your Administration, That gave Stability & Peace in our Borders amidst the Collissions of War & Strength, Energy and Confidence at Home, and to our Government abroad Renown & Honour:—Here I could dwell with rapterous Delight. Here the Ulogist might indulge in Volumes; and his Reader be animated and instructed; but here I must check my Career.—It is mine to ask, it is yours to Grant, but again I must be previously indulged, with a short hystoric Detail relative to myself.—I have removed from Hampton, and taken up my Residence at Hallowell in Maine, on the Banks of the Kennebec, here, I have lived about five Years, on our Proprietary Lands, but by no Means To my mind. The Severities of Winter & the short Duration of Summer, seriously effect my Health, Spirits; and create a Gloom, which is not to be found, in my native or more southern States; I have Therefore concluded to dispose of my Property here, and to remove either to the State of Rhode Island, or more Southerly; For twelve Years I have not Practiced in the Courts of Law, and once determined never to practice again; but I fear I shall be obliged to resind my Resolution, as I have Since my Removal to Kennebec suffered a very considerable Loss to the Amount of about 5000, & by a Person with whom I entrusted with my Busness & Property, who unfortunately failed; This induces me to retreat from this unprosperous Clime to dwell with my Friends of the South;—as to my Politicks, I have found ample Room to sensure the Tone of high strained Party on both Sides; I have feared & still do the pernicious effects of Party Spirit, so exactly organized and pitted against each other; The banefull Effects of This Spirit unsettle Principles, destroy the Social Compact, & the Unity of Defence; and will eventually, if persisted in, render us an easy Conquest to ambitious Spirits; Would to God, That our Government and Individuals, consider & eradicate this malignant Party Spirit, so destructive to civil & religious Liberty, and to the Peace, order and Happiness of the Union:—I am here carried back to a memorable Period in which You personally, and your late Administration (which shielded us, from exteriour Injuries & Insults, cover’d us with Honour & Glory) received a most deadly Wound, from this restless and devouring Spirit; I cannot but here, mention the Name of Hamilton with Detestation, who prompted by this same aspiring ambitious party Spirit, lost Sight of former Friendships, and Gratitude, battered down the fair and Stately Pillars of an Administration, which had successfully and gloriously defended, and secured our Country, with full Purpose to erect on its Ruins another of a different Genus, & more congenial to his scheemy and unbounded ambition; and Sorry I am That any New England man from Motives of Disappointment, or any Junto, Sided with him, & listned to his nefarious Project. I never have yet forgiven him, or them; Hence I impute in a great Measure, The Translation of Power and Influence from the nothern to the Southern States; and I believe a gracious Providence timely  check’d the had a Career of ambition which the united States, could not have been able to contain; I then attached the unprincipled Conduct and Ingratitude of this Man: but he is gone to those Shades, where there is no Device &c, & where Memory relucts, at his Recollection. Tho’ this is a dark day for New England, and her Jealousies are awakened to foster our Independance, and a firm Maintainance of our Just Rights, Yet I can not but hope These scars may be done away, Confidence again restored, and that our Nation will yet rise in the Majesty of its Strength, and repel with heroic Virtues, the secret and insidious Machinations of intenal and foreign Enemies:—I now come to my own Concerns; the foregoing Digression from my Main object, I could not dispense with; my Views are not very ambitious, They only aim at a decent Competence, my Family is around me, and I have two most amiable & accomplished Daughters, as any in the Common Wealth: To provide more amply for them, and my Family, is the Ground of my Solicitation; In the eastern Country I can not, and will not live;—I hear it anounced in the public Papers, that your Son, the honble J. Q. Adams will probably be appointed Secretary at War, by the new Presedent, should this be the Case, or should he be promoted to any one of the Departments of State, which I think is highly probable; I intreat you dear and respected Sr to recommend me to his Notice, for an appointment as a Clerk in That Department; the Duties of Clerkship  in any one of the Departments I would perform with Correctness, ability and I know with Integrity; To return to the Law again at this period of Life, would be gloomy & unpromising; I should like well to be near the Fountain Head of Intelligence, I delight to walk over political Ground, and was I at the Seat of Government, I have the Vanity to believe I could correct many of the false & preposterous Possitions taken by the assuming Demagogues of our Country; for my Pen has not been idle these Ten years on political Subjects.—The Winter of 1806, I spent at Washington, mixed with most of the Members of the Union, and constantly attended their Debates, I saw then some ingenious, and many littlemen, whom their good Fortune had placed in a Conspicuous Point of View, some to the Honour, and some to the Dishonour of themselves, and their Constituents.—I was introduced for the first Time, and for a few Minutes, to your Son, the honble J. Q. Adams, a Star of the first Magnitude in the political and hystorical affairs of our Country:—I must here respected Sr. reiterate my Supplications for your Friendship and Influence with your Son, provided such appointments take Place: I am not sufficiently acquainted with him, to make any direct Solicitations; This application I am induced to make for the Sake of my Family who all wish to leave this intemperate Clime for the milder Regions of the South; any thing that can be done for me, that can give a decent or Partial Support will be most cheerfully & gratefully acknowledged: I remember with the Supreme Delight, I have taken, as one of the Members of the Legislature of New Hampshire, on being appointed one of a Committee to address you on Several Occasions, and I feel at this day a Pride to mention it, should there be a Prospect of my Wishes being realized, I can repair to the Seat of Government at a Week’s Notice.—
Permit me now respected Sr to Congratulate you on that peacfull Retirment, which gives Life its true Value, and frees it from those Cares and anxieties which attend public Stations; a well informed Mind is never at a Loss for Injoyments; yours then, must be countless; Nature & art lay her Stores at the Feet of that Man, who, with an appropriate Sensibility contemplates them in their various & usefull Relations: May Heaven bless you for your honest and meritorious Indeavours for Your Country’s Good & give that Peace of mind, which is the Reward of the Just Man, who feareth his God & escheweth Evil.
I am Sr with the highest Consideration and Esteem your most obedt. and humble Servant—

Oliver Whipple
PS. your Condesention to give me an answer, will be esteemed a Favour—


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Rush, 2 March 1809
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

My dear & venerable friend
Philadelphia March 2nd: 1809.

Your favor of the 19th. of February was alike acceptable with all your former letters. The papers will inform you that our government is about to yeild to the Clamors of your part of the United States against the Embargo laws. Had our Legislators been better historians they would have  promptly saved their honor, and preserved the peace of our Country. Augustus repealed a law to compel Batchelors to marry as soon as he discoved that it could not be carried into effect. One of the Kings of Spain issued an edict to Oblige the Citizens of madrid to build, and make use of privies, in order to defend the streets of that city from the Ordure which covered them every morning. This edict was resisted, and repealed, and the inhabitants of madrid continue to this day to enjoy in their old & filthy habit the triumph of their Ancestors over the despotism of their government. From the Scarcity & high price of wood in Vienna, Joseph the 2nd: issued An order to the Citizens of his capital to bury their dead in linnen or woolen Cloath. The Order was disobeyed, and in Consequence thereof repealed, with this declaration by the Emperor “Let my Subjects rot in the ground in any way they please.”
Our new governor has begun his administration by a rupture with the general government which may possibly end in bloodshed. The newspapers will inform you of its cause. His Excellency is said to be a well-disposed man, but he is said to be under the influence of a new Sect of Democrats called “Quadroons”. A Mr: Binns—an active and intelligent printer is at the head of them. The offices in the gift of the governor have been confined, chiefly to this Sect. The Old Democrats of whom Duane & Leib are the heads, begin to complain of him. The Quids of whom mr Dallas is considered as the head, have no influence over him.
The 22nd: of last month the birth day of General Washington was celebrated with great festivity in our city.
We are advised to eat Onions in order to prevent our being offended with the breath of persons who have eaten them. Is there no method of infecting with persons with madness in order to prevent their being offended and distressed with the madness of their friends, and the public? Nat: Lee the poet was asked in a Cell in Bethlehem hospital—“What brought him there”. He said answered—“he had said the world was mad, but that the world had said the same thing of him, and that he had been outvoted”.—Do, and say what we will,—we shall I fear always be outvoted, by the fools & knaves & madmen of our Country.—
Tomorrow I expect to close my lectures. The Subject of it my last lecture will be “the diseases of the eyes & ears.” Difficult as they are to cure in the human body, they are far less so, than when they affect those two Senses in public bodies. How blind to have the former been to the drafts upon the treasury in favor of ——— and how deaf have the latter been to the Cries of the Sailors & Others who have suffered by the Embargo!—
A Deiu! ever yours

Benjn: Rush