Title: Editorial Note
From:
To:

      In the spring of 1774, when Adams was kept busy helping to draft the impeachment articles against Peter Oliver and reviewing the historical basis for Massachusetts land claims against New York, the Town of Boston found uses for him as well, particularly as passions mounted over the Port Act and, later, the Massachusetts Government and Administration of Justice Acts. The precise contribution that John Adams made to the various town committees on which he served cannot be documented, for reports, if they exist at all, do so only in the form of brief statements made in town meetings. Of course his being appointed and elected to committees was a measure of the continuing respect in which he was held by his fellow townsmen.
      On 5 March, for example, Adams was named with six others to call on John Hancock for a copy of his oration given in commemoration of the Boston Massacre. The town, which had already voted its thanks for “the elegant and spirited” performance, wished to have the speech published. Adams also was asked to serve with eight others in choosing, for the next anniversary, a speaker to “impress upon our Minds the ruinous Tendency of standing Armies” and to remind the people of the “noble Exertions” made by the town in 1770 so that in the future “the Designs of the Conspirators against the Public Liberty may be still frustrated.” The committee selected Joseph Warren as the next orator (Boston Record Commissioners, 18th ReportCity of Boston, Record Commissioners, Reports, Boston, 1876–1909; 39 vols., p. 149–150, 215).
      With ten others, Adams was appointed as member of a committee to consider the state of the town’s lands near and within the Fort. There had been some encroachment, and a different committee had reported that rents charged those using the land were low. Although no record of the committee’s findings has been located, the warrant for the adjourned meeting of 13 May asked whether all the town’s lands should be surveyed and recorded on a map. This article may have resulted from the deliberations of the committee. Decision on a survey was postponed until March 1775. On 10 May, Adams and six others were appointed to a committee to draw up instructions for the town’s representative in the General Court. Although they were to report at the next session of the town meeting, no record of their recommendations is apparently extant (sameCity of Boston, Record Commissioners, Reports, Boston, 1876–1909; 39 vols., p. 169, 171).
      The most active committee and that of longest duration on which Adams served temporarily was appointed on 13 May to take under advisement the proposals being made regarding the emergency facing the town as a result of the closing of the port. Listed first, Samuel Adams subsequently signed himself chairman in responding to an offer of help from a Connecticut town (sameCity of Boston, Record Commissioners, Reports, Boston, 1876–1909; 39 vols., p. 173; MHS, Colls.Massachusetts Historical Society, Collections and Proceedings., 4th ser., 4 [1858]: 16). The committee issued a preliminary report on 18 May, but on 30 May it was still not ready to make its recommendations (calendar entries for 18 and 30 May, below).
      The town meeting reconvened on 17 June. Because its usual moderator, Samuel Adams, was in Salem attending the General Court, a unanimous choice of James Bowdoin was made; but his absence from home caused the town to vote again, choosing John Rowe. When Rowe, a prosperous merchant, declined because he was too busy to attend the meeting, the voters picked John Adams, who accepted the responsibility. The records give no indication of how he played his role as moderator, but at the meeting Joseph Warren reported that the committee of which Adams was a member—now called the Committee on Ways and Means—needed more time to make recommendations (calendar entry for 17 June, below). In the afternoon session, the town voted that the Overseers of the Poor, the legal body to receive charitable donations, should act in concert with Ways and Means (Boston Record Commissioners, 18th ReportCity of Boston, Record Commissioners, Reports, Boston, 1876–1909; 39 vols., p. 177). The vote on the Overseers and votes directing the Committee of Correspondence to communicate with other colonies were printed as a broadside with John Adams’ name in large type as moderator (MHi:Broadside Coll.).
      The town met again on 27 and 28 June, but by this time Adams was on circuit in Maine. It was the last circuit he was to make, for national concerns soon absorbed almost all his energies (JA, Diary and AutobiographyDiary and Autobiography of John Adams, ed. L. H. Butterfield and others, Cambridge, 1961; 4 vols., 2:96–97 and note). Adams missed two of the largest and tensest town meetings, in which the loyalists sought unsuccessfully to censure and dissolve the Committee of Correspondence for its initiative in drafting the Solemn League and Covenant, designed to cut off all trade with Great Britain. Following extensive debate, a large majority turned back this threat. The Committee on Ways and Means reported that it was encouraged by the willingness of other colonies to support Boston, but that it needed more time for deliberation on the proposals that had been made to help the poor. Once again, the town agreed to wait for a report (Boston Record Commissioners, 18th ReportCity of Boston, Record Commissioners, Reports, Boston, 1876–1909; 39 vols., p. 177–178).
      On 19 July, when Adams had been back from circuit only a few days, Ways and Means finally made its recommendations (calendar entry for 19 July, below), only to have the town first vote to accept them and then vote for reconsideration. Moreover, the Overseers of the Poor, noting that they were already busy and that several of their members were ill, sought discharge from further service with the committee. The town then voted to add fifteen men to the committee in place of the Overseers. In addition, it named eleven men, one of them John Adams, “to consider and Report a Declaration to be made by this Town to Great Britain and all the World” (Boston Record Commissioners, 18th ReportCity of Boston, Record Commissioners, Reports, Boston, 1876–1909; 39 vols., p. 181–183). No record of their declaration has been found, if, indeed, it was ever written.

      When the town meeting convened again on 26 July, Adams was elected by ballot, along with six others, to a committee for proposing measures “for the Common Safety, during those Exigencies of our public Affairs, which may reasonably be expected, when the Acts of the British Parliament . . . shall be enforced in the Province.” Undoubtedly Boston was concerned about the confrontations that might occur as mandamus councilors sought to take their seats, and as Governor Gage sought to ban town meetings except for the purpose of annual elections. Also the town considered an article in the warrant, probably prepared by the Committee on Ways and Means, which would have broadened the committee’s choice of public works to give employment to the poor. The meeting unanimously approved the committee’s having a variety of alternatives from which to choose—building wharves, houses, or ships, or repairing and paving streets—the money to be furnished from donations sent to Boston for poor relief (same, p. 185–186).
      The last activity of the committee that summer with which John Adams could in any way have been concerned was its report on 9 August. Ways and Means proposed making eligible for help those Charlestown people who were suffering from the closing of Boston’s port, a proposal that met immediate acceptance. To give work to unemployed artisans, the committee suggested that a house be built on town land, labor costs to be met from the committee’s receipts, building materials to be furnished by the town. The town accepted neither this proposal nor an alternative one permitting the committee to buy needed town land at its appraised value (calendar entry for 9 Aug., below).
      The next day, 10 August, John Adams left with the other members of the Massachusetts delegation for Philadelphia and the opening of the Continental Congress. Boston’s problems, acute as they were, had to have larger solutions. Despite their absence, Adams and the two other Boston delegates to the congress continued to be listed among the Ways and Means members, probably because their names added stature to an effort for which support from all the colonies was desirable and even necessary (MHi:Broadside Coll., 22 Sept. 1774, EvansCharles Evans and others, comps., American Bibliography: A Chronological Dictionary of All Books, Pamphlets and Periodical Publications Printed in the United States of America [1639–1800], Chicago and Worcester, 1903–1959; 14 vols., No. 13161).


Title: Report of the Committee on Proposals for Boston’s Conduct under the Port Act., 18 May 1774
From: Adams, John,Adams, Samuel,Rowe, John,Boylston, Thomas,Phillips, William,Warren, Joseph,Quincy, Josiah,Cushing, Thomas,Inches, Henderson,Molineux, William,Appleton, Nathaniel,Boston Town Meeting
To:

      18 May 1774. Report of the Committee on Proposals for Boston’s conduct under the Port Act. No Dft found. printed: Boston Record Commissioners, 18th ReportCity of Boston, Record Commissioners, Reports, Boston, 1876–1909; 39 vols., p. 175. Prepared by a committee appointed 13 May composed of Samuel Adams, John Rowe, Thomas Boylston, William Phillips, Joseph Warren, John Adams, Josiah Quincy, Thomas Cushing, Henderson Inches, William Molineux, and Nathaniel Appleton.
      “The Committee appointed on Fryday last to receive Proposals &c Report verbally that they had received several Proposals and plans, which appeared to them very likely to promote the Ease of those Inhabitants who may be brought into Distress by the Operation of the detested Port-Bill but that not having had time to digest those Plans, they asked Leave to set again, and report at the Adjournment, when having heard from the other Colonies, they will be better able to make said Report.”

      Not satisfied, the town requested that Cushing be asked to appear “with Part of a written Report,” but when he came, he said that he had not written anything.


Title: Report of the Committee on Ways and Means, 17 June 1774
From: Adams, John,Boston Town Meeting
To:

      17 June 1774. Report of the Committee on Ways and Means. No Dft or minutes found. printed: Boston Record Commissioners, 18th ReportCity of Boston, Record Commissioners, Reports, Boston, 1876–1909; 39 vols., p. 176.
      With John Adams acting as moderator pro tempore, Dr. Joseph Warren, a member of the committee, “acquainted the Town, that they thought it best to defer making Report, till they had heard from the other Governments, whereupon they were directed to set again.”


Title: Report of the Committee on Ways and Means, 19 July 1774
From: Adams, John,Boston Town Meeting
To:

      19 July 1774. Report of the Committee on Ways and Means. No Dft found. printed: Boston Record Commissioners, 18th ReportCity of Boston, Record Commissioners, Reports, Boston, 1876–1909; 39 vols., p. 181.
      John Adams had returned home by 17 July, for he wrote to James Warren on that date from Braintree. How much part he played in the committee’s deliberations is problematical.
      “The Committee on Ways and Means Reported verbally, that they had been considering of the best Methods to Employ the Poor; and informed the Town, ’That the building a Wharff from the South End, leading to Dorchester Neck, and a House or Two on the Town’s Lands, at that Part of the Town was what they thought might be of Service: That they had other Proposals to make in some future Time; but that for the present, the Comittee desired the Sense of the Town, with Respect to the Expediency of employing a Number of Inhabitants now out of Employ, in Carrying on a Wharff.’”
      In the morning session, the town voted to accept the committee’s recommendation to build a wharf, laying down certain conditions. In the afternoon, however, the town voted to reconsider its vote, decision being post poned to another meeting.


Title: Elected Council Members Negatived by Governor Thomas Gage, 25 May 1774
From: Gage, Thomas,Massachusetts, Governor of
To:

     Boston, 25 May 1774. MS (M-Ar): 50, p. 520–521. Of the twenty-eight councilors elected by joint ballot of the House of Representatives and outgoing Council, John Adams was one of thirteen rejected by Gage on 26 May. The others were James Bowdoin, Samuel Dexter, John Winthrop, Timothy Danielson, Benjamin Austin, William Phillips, Michael Fawley, James Prescot, Norton Quincy, Jerathmeel Bowers, Enoch Freeman, and Jedediah Foster.


Title: Appointment of Massachusetts Delegates to the Continental Congress, 17 June 1774
From: Adams, John,Massachusetts House of Representatives
To:

       Friday, June 17, A.D. 1774

     This House having duly consider’d and being deeply affected with the unhappy Differences which have long subsisted and are increasing between Great-Britain and the American Colonies, do resolve, That a Meeting of Committees from the several Colonies on this Continent is highly expedient and necessary to consult upon the present State of the Colonies, and the Miseries to which they are and must be reduced by the Operation of certain Acts of Parliament respecting America; and to deliberate and determine upon wise and proper Measures to be by them recommended to all the Colonies, for the Recovery and Establishment of their just Rights and Liberties, civil and religious, and the Restoration of Union and Harmony between Great-Britain and the Colonies, most ardently desired by all good Men: Therefore,
     Resolved, That this House will now appoint a Committee on the Part of this Province, to consist of five Gentlemen, any three of whom to be a Quorum; to meet such Committees or Delegates from the other Colonies as may be appointed either by their respective Houses of Burgesses or Representatives, or by Convention, or by Committees of Correspondence appointed by the respective Houses of Assembly, in the City of Philadelphia, or any other Place that shall be judg’d most suitable by the Committee, on the first Day of September next; and that the Speaker of the House be directed in a Letter to the Speakers of the Houses of Burgesses or Representatives in the several Colonies, to inform them of the Substance of these Resolves.
     Resolved, That this House will now proceed to the Choice of a Committee for the Purposes mentioned in the foregoing Resolve; and that Capt. Heath, Col. Thayer and Mr. Gorham, be a Committee to sort and count the Votes.
     Then the Members of the House proceeded to bring in their Votes, and Capt. Heath from the Committee appointed to count the same, reported that the following Gentlemen, viz. the Hon. James Bowdoin, Esq; the Hon. Thomas Cushing, Esq; Mr. Samuel Adams, John Adams, Esq; and Robert Treat Paine, Esq; were chosen.
     Upon a Motion, Resolved, That the Sum of Five Hundred Pounds be allow’d and paid out of the publick Treasury for the Use of the said Committee, and to enable them to discharge their important Trust.


Title: From John Adams to James Warren, 25 June 1774
From: Adams, John
To: Warren, James

      Dr. Sir
      Ipswich June 25. 1774

     I am very sorry, I had not the Pleasure of seeing you, after your Return from Salem: as I wanted a great deal of Conversation with you, on several Subjects.
     The principal Topick, however was the Enterprise to Phyladelphia. I view, the Assembly that is to be there, as I do, the Court of Ariopagus, the Council of the Amphyctions, a Conclave, a Sanhedrim, A Divan, I know not what. I Suppose you sent me there, to school. I thank you for thinking me, an apt scholar or capable of learning. For my own Part I am at a Loss, totally at a Loss what to do when We get there: but I hope to be there taught.
     It is to be a School of Political Prophets I Suppose—a Nursery of American Statesmen. May it thrive, and prosper and flourish and from this Fountain may there issue Streams, which shall gladden all the Cities and Towns in North America, forever.
     I am for making of it annual, and for Sending an entire new set every Year, that all the principal Genius’s may go to the University in Rotation—that We may have Politicians in Plenty. Our great Complaint is the scarcity of Men fit to govern Such mighty Interests, as are clashing in the present Contest—a scarcity indeed! For who is Sufficient for these Things?
     Our Policy must be to improve every opportunity and Means for forming our People, and preparing Leaders for them in the grand March of Politicks. We must make our Children travel.
     You and I have too many Cares and Occupations, and therefore We must recommend it to Mrs Warren and her Friend Mrs Adams to teach our Sons the divine Science of the Politicks: And to be frank I suspect they understand it better than we do.
     There is one ugly Reflection—Brutus and Cassius were conquered and slain. Hampden died in the Field. Sydney on the Scaffold, Harrington in Goal, &c. This is cold Comfort. Politicks are an ordeal Path, among red hot Ploughshares. Who then would be a Politician for the Pleasure of running about barefoot among them? Yet Somebody must. And I think those, whose Characters, Circumstances, Educations, &c call them ought to follow.
     Yet I don’t think that one or a few Men are under any moral obligation to Sacrifice themselves and Families, all the Pleasures Profits and Prospects of Life, while others for whose Benefit this is to be done lie idle, enjoying all the Sweets of Society, acumulating Wealth in Abundance, and laying Foundations for oppulent and powerfull Families for many Generations. So I think the arduous Duties of the Times ought to be discharged in Rotation—and I never will engage more in Politicks but upon this System.
     I must entreat the Favour of your Sentiments and Mrs. Warrens what is proper, praticable expedient, wise, just, good necessary to be done at Phyladelphia. Pray let me have them in a Letter before I go.

      I am your Friend,
      John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Joseph Hawley, 27 June 1774
From: Adams, John
To: Hawley, Joseph

       Ipswich, 27 June 1774

     to leys Co declining the lend your kind hI therefore by the Favour of n, before we undertake our Journey upon the Subject of our Commission.
     What Measures are practicable, and expedient? The Sentiments of People are as various, as the Colour of their Cloaths. Some are for Petitions, to the King, the Lords the Commons; some for all some for none, Some for a Petition to the King Some are for bolder Councils. Some for Negociations, for building new Government, Empire and War—in for bold and Spirited Resolutions—others for Symplicity, and Frugality, Non Consumption and Nonimportation American Manufacturies. Companies for the Encouragement of Arts, Manufactures, and Commerce &c &c &c.
     It Seems to me that the Ideas of Empire, and Negotiation, are prevalent. I wish they were less so. It should be a principal Objective of our Policy to avoid Extremities and Ruptures. The Division would cost too dear a Price, and would be more than hazardous, it would be attended with almost a Certainty of Ruin.
     Measures to check and interrupt the Torrent of Luxury, if any such are feasible are most agreable to my sentiments at present.
     selfish  the hun an that this this of the few whose ry great and usefull Effect.
     A Union of the Colonies, in Sentiment and Affection Heart and Hand is of indispensable Importance. Every Thought every Expedient for and cementing it, ought to be cherished.
     Virginia and Rhode Island have recommended an annual Congress. Nothing can be better calculated to Strengthen and brighten the Chain, than Such an Institution. And the very Idea of it, will have an Influence in England, and all over Europe. The whole Policy and Force of the Ministry will be bent against it, no doubt. But I dont See how it is possible for them to prevent it, or to hinder its Effects.
     It would be a Seminary of American Statesmen, a School of Politicians, perhaps at no great Distance of Time, equal to a british Parliament, in wiser as well as better Ages.
     I have thrown these Thoughts upon Paper, without any Care, in the hurry of Circuit, but I beg your opinion, as a very great Favour.

      I am with great Esteem and Regard, your Freind and humble Servant,
      John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Jonathan Williams, 28 June 1774
From: Williams, Jonathan
To: Adams, John

      Sir
      Boston June 28th 1774

     We yesterday received your Letter directed to us, with those for Braintree, immediately on the Receipt of it, I went to Mr Cranch’s to seek a Conveyance for them but no Opportunity offered there or at the Markets. After my return to the Office, I thought it probable that we might send them from Edes and Gill’s Shop. Accordingly I run in, I very luckily met with Mr Allens Servant who promised to deliver them as soon as he got home.
     Yesterday a town meeting was held in the Morng at the Hall, but it being a very warm day, and many People just idle enough to attend, the Room was much crowded; those People at the farther End of the Room were continually crying out a little louder, and the Speakers finding themselves fatigued by heat, and obliged to exert themselves to be heard, thought best to adjourn, and a Motion was made for an adjournment to the Old South, which after a faint opposition was carried. J Quincy moved to adjourn to one o clock and then observed, in his flourishing way, that Some might think this wou’d interfear with their Dinners, but he thought the present alarming state was of too great importance, to think of dinners, however they cou’d not be perswaded to adjourn to one notwithstanding the importance of the day. At three in the Afternoon there was a very respectable Meeting. There was nigh as many torys I believe as Wigs, Lechmere, Irving Erving, the Amorys Greens Hubards and all that sett attended. Amory had a long speech in writing in which he concluded with a Motion to remove Censure and annihilate the Committee of Correspondence. This was seconded by many Voices and occasion’d a debate for the whole Afternoon and is not yet finish’d. The Meeting stands adjourned to nine this Morning. There was a liberal flow of Sentiments and much Severity from the Tories upon the Committee without any ill treatment. Mr. Francis Green in the morning was hiss’d for descenting to a motion for reading some public Letters but they were silenced. I am told there were several other Speeches in Writing; but I return’d to the Office and Mr. Tudor who attended all the Afternoon promises to give you a particular account of the whole. Mr. Hill went to Braintree on Saturday to attend your Business there. Mrs Adams and Family were then well. There is very little Business to be done. Every body seems engaged in the Politicks of the day—the Bells are now ringing for the meeting and a very full one is expected. I should not send this off till the result is known if it was not likely a letter wrote by this opportunity will reach you one or two days sooner than one sent tomorrow. I am with the greatest Respect Sir your Most Obedient,

      Jona. Williams

      I am sensible this ought to be transcribed, but I expect your Client will call immediately.


Title: From John Adams to William Tudor, 29 June 1774
From: Adams, John
To: Tudor, William

      Dr Sir

       June 29. 1774

     I am determined to amuse my self with my Pen, whenever I am at Leisure, that I may not rust, upon the Circuit, and I dont know, who I can write to with more Pleasure, than to you.
     General Brattle has lately made a Jaunt to Portsmouth and the Country round about it, and has made a most Shining figure in the political Way. A Gentleman of Portsmouth informs me, that he intimates to the Piscataqua People, that he undertook this Excursion at the Instigation of Governor Gage, in order to acquaint them with the State of Things, with the Views of Administration, &c in order to quiet their fears, and remove their Apprehensions. Grievances they had none, he said. Ld D——h Dartmouth, had acquainted G. Gage, in Person and by Letters that all they wished was that the Dispute might Subside, that the Idea of Taxation might be waived, that the Tea might be paid for, and the Right not denyed, tho they did not expect that nor desire that it should be acknowledged. This Gentleman says the General was indefatigable, Soliciting all Sorts of Persons high and low. Went into the Markett, and made it his Business to talk to the Country People, of all Sorts and to exhort them to Peace, and not to take any Measures, upon this occasion but to trust to the Administration, and go on with their Trade, taking Care to let them know that he was General Brattle, that he might make them Stare, and that his Warnings might have more Weight. At Newbury Port, I was told that the Genl. had Spent some Time on his Tour, at Haverhill, and there indulged his Rage, Malice and Revenge for the late Loss of his Election, in a most virulent, outragious and profane Invictive against the Whiggs: glorying in his Rejection from the Council, as the greatest Honour, that could have been conferr’d upon him, and especially boasting that he had no more than Eighteen Votes.
     This is the Man who in the Year 1765 declared in a Cambridge Town Meeting as it is said, that every Word of the Constitutional Courant, in which it is expressly averred that the British Parliament have no Authority over Us, was as true as St. Johns Gospell. This is the Man who quarrelled for Years with Governor Bernard, upon American Principles, and this is the Man who placed himself on a Foot with Captn. McIntosh, and led the Horse in the Cart, with the Effigies of the Stamp Master tho he was the Secretary of the Province.
     This Man has now the Modesty to expect a Mandamus, and to be cherrished as a favourite Friend of Government.
     Proteus flowed like Water, burnt like fire, mewed like a Cat and barked like a Dog &c: Yet Proteus would be distinguished for his Constancy and self Consistency in Comparison.

      Yours,
      John Adams


Title: Marginalia in Letters to . . . The Earl of Hillsborough from Governor Bernard, June 1774
From: Adams, John
To:

       June 1774

     A few Days before the Election in May 1774 Lt General Gage, arrived at Boston Governor of this Province. With a Boston Port Bill a Bill for altering the civil Government, and another for the impartial Administration of Justice &c.—at the Election he negatived 13 Councillors—on the first of June, the Harbour of Boston was blockaded and on the 14 and 15 of the Same Month, two Regiments from Ireland landed on the long Wharf and incamped in the cornmon.


Title: To John Adams from James and Mercy Otis Warren, 14 July 1774
From: Warren, James,Warren, Mercy Otis
To: Adams, John

      Dear Sir
      Plymo. July the 14th. 1774

     Yours of the 25th. of last month never reached me, till yesterday. It would have given me great pleasure to have seen you when I returned from Salem, and I was really greatly disappointed to find you and Family gone, and more especially as I was Apprehensive I should have no Other Opportunity of seeing you, till the Time called for your Attendance at the Grand Council of America, An Assembly in my Opinion of as great Dignity, and Importance as any either Ancient, or modern that ever mett. However as I am deprived of the pleasure of seeing you, I shall sincerely wish and Pray that your satisfaction and pleasure on this Journey may fully Equal the Honour of being a Member of so August A Body, which is in Effect wishing that you may Conduct Matters in a way the most Honourable to yourselves, and Advantageous to the publick. Great are our Expectations, and great will be the Expectations in Europe, and therefore great and difficult is the Task Assigned you. With these Sentiments my Friendship to you had no Interest in your Appointment further than to promote your Honour. My Friendship to my Country Engaged me to it and when I knew it was at the Expence of your Ease, and so well satisfied am I with the Major Part of our Committee, and such Expectations have I from the Zeal and firmness of the Other Colonies in this measure, that I have not given myself the Trouble to think much about the measures they will Take. I presume the greater part of you will be Masters, learned in politicks and the True Interest of your Country, not Scholars yet to learn them. Prophets replete with the True spirit of Prophecy, and Statesmen both Wise and Upright.
     From you therefore we shall look for Streams that shall gladden all the Cities and Towns in No. America and Confound the Barbarous Politicks of Britain, with these Sentiments of your Body, it certainly would be presumtion in me to advise to measures or Conduct. However to A Friend I will venture to say I Apprehend much greater danger from the Timidity and narrow Plans of some of your Body, than I do from the Spirit and Enlarged veiws of the rest of you. My Opinion is that the Confidence of the People in the Congress is such that they will support whatever Plan you Adopt, however Spirited, and be in danger of resting satisfied with the Terms you may be Contented with however Inadequate to their rights, and Interests, and besides Administration be from the first more Encouraged to go on with their System than provoked by the last. That we have Nothing to Expect from their Justice, but Every thing to hope from their fears is A Maxim as true and perhaps as wise as any of Solomon! Therefore if I was Enquired of what I thought should be done with the Claim of Exemption from Parliamentary Legislation, as well as Taxation and some Other Grand Questions that have been Agitated here, I should Answer that it was proper, practicable, Expedient Wise, Just, Good, and necessary, that they should be held up in their full Extent in the Congress at Philadelphia, and that means should be devised to support them!
     To determine on an Annual Congress I think very Important both for the purpose of depressing the Scheems of our Enemies and raiseing the Spirits and promoteing the Interest of our Friends. A Rotation I am very fond of in most Cases, but in this at present should be for Confineing it only to a new Election Annually. A Scarcity of men fit to govern such mighty Interests Clashing in the present Contests is a sufficient Objection to a further Limitation and that reason will likewise prevail to alter your determination not to Engage in politicks on any Other System. The want of Gratitude in Mankind, their little Attention to their True Interest, and the Consequent Fate of many of their friends, are really disagreable reflections, but if Brutus, and Cassius, Hampden, Sydney, Harrington &c. had lived in Inglorious Ease, they might have died in a few months after in Languishing, and painful Sickness without Fame without the Applause of the vertuous of all Ages. I have strong Faith that the now rough and perilous paths of politicks will soon be smoothed and that our Sons may walk in them without danger, especially if we submit the Instruction of them to our two Friends you mention, who will certainly form them to Vertue and Establish that Integrity that will secure them at least good Consciences. The Cause of Liberty Truth and Vertue must be supported, and in the present degenerate Situation of mankind, that must be done by the few even under the Mortifieing Circumstances of seeing the many who reap the Benefit Attentive to private matters and Enriching themselves and families, even at the Expence of their Friends and I presume you will never fail to be among the few, at a Time when your Character, Circumstances, and Education &c Conspire to Call you out. I will not be more tedious but Conclude this with the request that in your Tour, you will Consider me Among the Number of your Friends and favour me at times when Convenient with An Acco. of Occurrences &c. and youll much Oblige me who Am with Compliments to Mrs. Adams, Your Assured Friend and Humbl. Servt,

      Jas. Warren

     Though Mr. Adams has Condescended to ask my sentiments in Conjunction with those of A person qualified (by his integrity and attachment to the interest of his Country) to advise if it were Needful at this Important Crisis. I shall not be so presumtuous as to offer anything but my Fervant Wishes that the Enemies of America may Hereafter forever tremble at the Wisdom the firmness the prudence and justice of the Delegates Deputed from our Cities, as much as ever the phocians or any other petty state did at the power of the Amphytiones.
     But if you sir still flatter me so far as to Express another Wish to know further my oppinion, I would advise that a preparatory Conference should be held at the North West Corner of Liberty square Plimouth on any day you shall Name preceding the 12 of August.
     But whether you agree to this proposal or not I hope to see my friend Mrs Adams here in a short time when we will Commune together in the Divine science you so warmly Recomend, and will Mutually Endeavour to assist Each other in the Education of our sons that they may one day answer the hopes and Expectations of their Worthy Fathers. With unfeigned regards to both Mr and Mrs Adams I subscribe the Name of their Friend &c.,

      Mercy Warren


Title: From John Adams to James Warren, 17 July 1774
From: Adams, John
To: Warren, James

      Dear Sir
      Braintree July 17. 1774

     Among many other agreable Things, which occurr’d to me on my Return from my eastern Circuit, I found your Letter of the fourteenth Instant. Your Sentiments always inspire and animate me,: but never more upon any occasion, than on this. I believe, with you that the Confidence of the People in the Congress, is So great, that they will Support its Decisions, as far as possible. And indeed, It may well be expected, that many Men of Sound Judgment, will be of that Assembly. But, what avails Prudence, Wisdom, Policy, Fortitude, Integrity, without Power, without Legions? When Demosthenes, (God forgive the Vanity of recollecting his Example) went Ambassador from Athens to the other States of Greece, to excite a Confederacy against Phillip, he did not go to propose a Non Importation or Non Consumption Agreement. !—!—!
     You “presume the greater Part of the Number will be Masters in Politicks”; “Prophets replete, with the true Spirit of Prophecy! I hope it will be so. But I must Say I am not one of those Masters. I must be a scholar. I feel my own insufficiency for this important Business. I confess myself ignorant of the Characters which compose the Court of great Britain, as well as of the People who compose the Nation. At least I have not that minute and accurate Knowledge of Either, which an American Senator ought to have of both. I have not that Knowledge of the Commerce of the several Colonies, nor even of my own Province which may be necessary.
     In Short, as comprehensive Knowledge of Arts and Sciences, especially of Law and History, of Geography, Commerce, War and of Life, is necessary for an American Statesman, at this Time as was ever necessary for a British, or a Roman Senator, or a British or Roman General. Our New England Educations, are quite unequal to the Production of Such great Characters.
     There is one Point in which most Men Seem to be agreed, vizt that it is in our Power So to distress the Commercial and manufacturing Interests in G. Britain, as to make them rise up and become importunate Petitioners for us, to the King, Parliament, and Ministry. But others deny this. Some of the higher Tories Say that all we can do of this Kind will be despised—ridiculed—and that they can live longer without Us, than We can without them. That the distresses We can occasion would be of but a few Individuals, and the Clamours or Miseries of these will be disregarded as Trifling Considerations, in Comparison of the Loss of the obedience of the Colonies &c &c &c.
     That nothing Short of such Distresses as should produce Convulsions would effect any Thing at all.
     However I have no Faith in these Doctrines. The National Debts and Taxes, are So excessive, that it Seems to me impossible, the People Should bear the Loss of so great a Part of their Trade.
     But what do you think of a Non Exportation to Great Britain? Is it expedient to advise to a general Non Exportation? Will not Such a Measure, hurt ourselves? What will be the Consequence? Must not Fish, Rice, Wheat, Tobacco &c &c &c perish on our Hands, or must not Thousands of Families perish who once lived, by raising and producing those Commodities in America?
     Your Maxim, that We have nothing to expect from their Justice but every Thing to hope from their Fears, I have ever thought is just as “any of Solomon.” But I confess I have grown more Scrupulous of late than ever—more disposed to discuss, examine and minutely weigh every political Position, than usual. I have employed the best Force of my Understanding in considering this Apophthegm; and the Result is, that We have indeed nothing to expect from their Justice. The Ministry, the beggarly prostituted Voters, high and low, have no principles of public Virtue, on which we can depend, and they are interested to plunder us. But I am not so clear that we have every Thing to hope from their Fears. They are a gallant brave high Spirited People Still. And if any Means can be found to make the Chastisement of the Colonies popular, a Minister who means nothing by Serving in a public station, but to make a Fortune in Wealth and Titles may, push a Measure to dreadful Extremities.

      Yours,
      John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Edward Hill, 19 July 1774
From: Hill, Edward
To: Adams, John

      Sir

       ante 19 July 1774

     This may serve to apologize for so ungenteel a piece of Conduct as the carrying away a Sum of Money (£ 13.8—lawful) which I have received in your behalf. Nothing but absolute necessity could have forced me to do it but as I am leaving my friend you will not wonder that I wanted money which could not otherwise be procured. I have stated the matter in a letter I left for my father.

      I am with much respect, your most Obed Servt.,
      EDW. Hill


Title: From John Adams to John Tudor, 23 July 1774
From: Adams, John
To: Tudor, John

      Dr. Sir
      Braintree July 23. 1774

     You will be Surprised I believe, to receive a Letter from me, upon a Matter which I have so little Right to intermeddle with, as the Subject of this. I am Sensible it is a Subject of very great Delicacy: but as it is of equal Importance, to your own Happiness and that of your only Son, I hope and believe you will receive it, as it is really meant, as an Expression of my Friendship both to yourself and him, without any other View or Motive Whatsoever.
     Your Son has never Said a Word to me, but from what I have accidentally heard from others, I have Reason to believe that he is worried and uneasy in his Mind. This Discontent is in danger of producing very disagreable Effects, as it must interrupt his Happiness, and as it may and probably will, if not removed injure his Health, and by discouraging his Mind and depressing his Spirits, disincline him to, or disqualify him, for his Studies and Business.
     I believe, Sir, you are not so sensible as I am, of the Difficulty of a young Gentlemans getting into much Business in the Practice of the Law. It must, in the best of Times, and for the most promising Genius’s be a work of Time.

     The present Situation of public affairs is Such as has rendered this Difficulty tenfold greater than ever.
     The Grant from the Crown of Salaries to the Judges, the Proceedings of the two Houses of Assembly in Relation to it, and the general Discontent, throughout all the Counties of the Province, among Jurors and others, concerning it had well nigh ruined the Business of all the Lawyers in the Government before the News of the three late Acts of Parliament arrived. These Acts, have put an End to all Business of the Law in Boston. The Port Act of itself has done much towards this, but the other two Acts, have Spread through the Province Such an Apprehension that there will be no Business for Courts for Some Time to come, that our Business is at present in a manner at an End.
     In this State of Things, I am Sure, it is impossible, that your Sons Business should be Adequate to his necessary Expences, however frugal he may be I have heard that he complains, that it is not.
     His Expences for the Rent of his office, for his Board, and Washing, must amount to a considerable Sum annually, without accounting a Farthing for other transient Charges which a young Gentleman, of the most sober and virtuous Character can no more avoid, than he can those for his Bed and Board. So that it is absolutely impossible, but he must run behind hand and be obliged to run in Debt for Necessaries, unless he either is assisted by his Father, or leaves the Town of Boston, and betakes himself to some distant Place in the Country, where if his Business should not be more his Expences may be vastly less.
     I am well aware of the Follies and Vices So fashionable among many of the young Gentlemen of our Age and Country, and if your Son was infected with them, I would never have become, an Advocate for him, without his Knowledge as I now am, with his Father. I should think the more he was restraind the better.
     But I know him to have a clear Head and an honest faithfull Heart. He is virtuous, Sober, Steady, industrious, and constant to his Office. He is as frugal as he can be, in his Rank and Class of Life, without being mean.
     It is your peculiar Felicity, to have a Son whose Behaviour and Character are thus deserving.
     Now there can be nothing in this Life So exquisitely painfull, to Such a Mind, So humiliating, So mortifying, as to be distrusted by his Father—as to be obliged to borrow of Strangers or to run in Debt and lie at Mercy.

     A Small Donation of Real or Personal Estate, made to him now would probably be of more Service to him, than ten times that Sum ten years hence. It would give him a small Income that he could depend upon—it would give him Weight and Reputation in the World, and would Assist him greatly in getting into Business.
     I am under real Concern, lest the Anxiety he now Struggles with should prove fatal to him. I have written this without his Knowledge, and I dont propose ever to acquaint him with it. If you please you may burn this, only I must intreat that you believe it to flow only from real Concern for a young Gentn. whom I greatly esteem.

      I am your Friend and humble servant,
      John Adams


Title: From John Adams to William Tudor, 24 July 1774
From: Adams, John
To: Tudor, William

      Dr. Sir
      Braintree July 24. 1774

     In this Retreat I promise myself, much Pleasure from the Letters of my Friends in Boston,: and from none more than from yours. I rely upon it, you will not miss any convenient opportunity, of communicating any Thing of Importance that turns up,—even the Tittle Tattle of the Town, and the Anecdotes of private Social Life, will be acceptable.
     Your Interest and Advancement in Life, is an Object which I have much at Heart. The Times are very discouraging at present, but never fear. They will be better. They cant be much worse.
     I have Several Pieces of Advice to give you, and Proposals to make to you which I Shall communicate, as opportunity serves. One is that you procure yourself another office. The Situation you are now in, is not a good one. I should advise you by all Means, to look out and enquire, and provide yourself, as soon as you can with an Office in King Street,—in some of the most public Places round the Exchange. You may depend upon it These are the best Places in the Town. The best Spot in Queen Street is not to be compared to them. I have Experience enough of the Advantages and Disadvantages of Situation. And you may depend upon it, that no Gentleman old or young can be constant to an office, in any of those Places without Business if he is qualified to do it, as you unquestionably are. A Lawyer is Seen in one of these situations, every Hour in the Day by Multitudes who come from all Parts of the Province, the Continent the World, as well as the Town, and he grows to be considered as a capital Man insensibly. It is my clear opinion, you had better give double Rent there than in any other Place in Town.
     Another Thing let me Advise you, to omit no Opportunity of Speaking. Dont concern yourself a farthing whether your Cause is to be obtained or lost. Take care that you do Justice to it—and then let Justice be done it by the Court and Jury in their Departments also. The Loss of your Cause will not hurt your Reputation. Speaking in Public will certainly Serve it. It is necessary that you prepare yourself beforehand, for arguing your Causes, at your first Beginnings. Make a Brief of Minutes in every Case—and if you Set down and commit to writing every Word of an Argument you design to Use it will not be amiss. The Faculty of arguing Causes extempore is not natural to any Body. It is acquired by Use, and Time and Habit.
     I intended before I came out of Town to have given you an Invitation to take a Seat in my Pew at Dr. Coopers Meeting House. You had better go there than to hear Pemberton. You will be seen by more People, and those of more Weight and Consequence, and this will be of no Disservice to you. Besides you will certainly be entertained more according to your Taste, and your Soul will be edifyed full as well. My Pew is ever at your service, and I Should really be obliged to you, if you would fill my Place in it.
     It is of Some Importance in Boston to belong to a Fine Clubb and to choose and get admitted to a good one. I will talk with you further upon this Head when I see you.
     It is also of Consequence in Town to belong to some other Clubb. Clubbs in Boston are the Nurseries, of Statesmen Lawyers, Physicians, &c &c &c—and the Influence of them is not attended to by many, but it is very great.
     I want to take You into the Political Inquisition and examine your Principles in Government and your System of Politicks. You are like to enjoy a fair Inheritance in your Country, and are qualified to serve it—if your sentiments are like mine you cannot be an inactive Spectator of the Indignities she Suffers, without feeling and Resentment, but of this more hereafter. Keep this secret to yourself.

      John Adams


Title: From John Adams to James Warren, 25 July 1774
From: Adams, John
To: Warren, James

      Dr Sir
      Braintree July 25. 1774

     There never was I believe, a greater Contrast, than I perceive, between the Noise and Hurry of Queen street, and the Serene Retreat, which I enjoy here. No Clients disturb me, no Politicians interrupt me, no Tories vex me, no Tyrants govern me, I had almost Said No Devils tempt or torment me.
     The chaste Pleasures of Agriculture, engage me, as much as Cards, or Assemblies ever did a fair Lady. You can Sympathize with me, in all this. You, live in a Land of Rain this Year, as well as I, and it is an infinite Consolation to us both, to see the Wisdom and Benevolence of Heaven, counteracting the Folly, the Malice and Madness of our Tyrants.
     It would do your Heart good to see me, mowing, raking carting, and frolicking with my Workmen, as unconcernd as if No Port Bill, or regulating Bill, or Murder Bill, had ever existed.
     I catch myself however, now and then, among the Hay Cockes bestowing most hearty Execrations, on a few Villains, who have dignified themselves by Superlative Mischief to their native Country the British Empire and the World.
     The Demise of the French Crown, is a great Event in the Political System of Europe, and of Consequence, must be a mighty Link in the Chain of Causes in American Politicks. I am not enough acquainted with the State of the French, Spanish and German Courts to predict with any Confidence, what Revolutions will succeed the Death of Lewis 15th. But if two young Fellows at the Head of the German Empire, and the French Monarchy, both warm and active dont make Mischief, in Europe it will be a Wonder.
     I remember when I was young, and Sometimes amused myself with Poetry and Criticism, I used to see it frequently prescribed as a Rule to consider how Homer or Virgill, or Horace or Ovid would have imagined or expressed a Thing. But I believe it requires almost as much Genius and skill to Say how they would imagine or express a Thing, as they had themselves.
     I cant help, applying this Rule sometimes, to Politicks, and enquiring what Plans would be adopted at the Congress, if a Sully, a Cecil, a Pitt, or a Ximenes, a Demosthenes or a Cicero were there—or all of them together.
     I am at no Loss, at all, to guess.  pretend to Skill and Capacity like  G –– d knoweth—I dont compare  an Atom to the Globe. But is it easy to believe they would propose Non Importation? Non Exportation? Non Consumption? If I mistake not, Somewhat a little more Sublime, and mettlesome, would come from Such Kind of Spirits.
     However, Patience, Prudence, Resignation  Candour and all that, must American Plans. We must fast and pray, learn to bear and forbear. We must have that charity which suffereth long and is kind, which beareth all things and hopeth all Things.


Title: To John Adams from Joseph Hawley, 25 July 1774
From: Hawley, Joseph
To: Adams, John

      Dear Sir
      Northampton 25th July 1774

     I never recd. nor heard of your letter of the 27th June last, Wrote at Ipswich until the 22d instant. Immediately on the receipt of it I set myself to consider of an answer to it. What I first remark is your great distrust of your Abilities for the service assigned you. Hereon I say that I immagine that I have Some knowledge of your Abilities, and I assure you Sir I gave My Vote for you Most heartily and I have not yet repented of it. My Opinion is that our Committee taken together is the best we could have taken in the province. I Should be extremely Sorry that any one of them Should fail of going; the Absence of any one of them will destroy that happy ballance or equilibrium which they Will form together. I acknowledge that the Service is Most important and I dont know who is fully equal to it—the importance of the business ought not to beget despondency in any one, but to excite to the greatest circumspection, the most attentive and Mature consideration and calmest deliberation. Courage and fortitude must be Maintained. If we give way to despondency it will soon be all over with us. Rashness Must be avoided. The end and effect of every Measure proposed Must be thoroughly contemplated before it be adopted. It must be well lookd to that the measure be feasible and practicable. If we make attempts and fail in them, Lord North will call them impudent and futile and the Tories will triumph.
     It appears to me Sir that the Congress ought first to Settle with absolute precision the Object or Objects to be pursued as whether the end of all Shall be the repeal of the Tea Duty only, or that and the Mollasses Duty or them and Opening the Port of Boston or them and also the restoration of the Charter of the Massachusetts Bay (for it is easy to demonstrate that the late Act for regulation &c in its effect annuls the whole Charter so far as the Charter granted any priviledge).
     When the Objects or ends to be pursued are clearly and Certainly Settled the Means or Measures to be used to Obtain and effect those ends can be better Judged of. Most Certainly the Objects must be definitely agreed on and Settled by the Congress first or last.
     As to Means and Measures I am not fully Settled or determined in My own Mind.
     It may not be prudent fully to explain My self in Writing upon that head, the letter may miscarry.
     You are pleasd to Say That extremities and ruptures, It is our policy, to avoid. I agree it, if any other Means will answer our ends or if it is plain that they would not.
     But let me Say Sr That with me It is Settled as a Maxim and first Truth, That the People or State who will not or cannot defend their liberties and rights will not have any for any long time, they will be Slaves. Some other State will find it out and will Subjugate them.
     You Say Sr that measures to check and interrupt the Torrent of Luxury are most agreeable to your Sentiments. Pray Sr did any thing ever do it but Necessity.

     The institution of annual Congresses you Suppose will brighten the Chain and would make excellent Statesmen and Politicians. I agree it.
     But Pray Sir dont you immagine that Such an Institution would breed extremities and Ruptures. It appears to me most clear that the institution—if formd—must be discontinued or We must defend it with Ruptures.
     I Suggested Above, that my letter might miscarry; and We dont know when We Write to What hands our letters may come. I Should therefore be extremely glad to see some or all of the Comtee as they pass through this County. If there was any hopes of Obtaining the favour I would beg them all to come through Northampton. It would not be More than Twenty Miles farther and as good a road. But I Imagine they will all pass through Springfield. And the favour I earnestly ask of you Sr is, that you would be pleased to inform by a letter by our Post on what day you expect to be at Springfield, and I will endeavour to See the Committee there altho, I Should wait there Two or three days for it. Pray Sr dont fail of Sending me this intelligence. You will probably receive this letter on Saturday this Week by Mr. Wilde our Post. He keeps Sabbath at Boston. He commonly Comes out on Monday About eleven of the Clock. You may find him or if you leave a letter for him to take either at Messrs Edes and Gillss office or at Messrs Fleats in the forenoon it will probably come Safe to Me Next week on Wednesday. I will prevail with him (if I can) to call on you to Take a line from you for me. Information of the time you intend to be at Springfield I am very anxious to Obtain. Pray Sr Oblige me with it.
     But as it is possible that I may miss of Seeing the Committee or any of them, which will indeed be to me a very great disappointmt, I ask leave to make myself free enough to Suggest the following, which if you Judge proper, I consent you Should communicate to your Brethren. You cant Sr But be fully apprized, that a Good issue of the Congress depends a good deal on the harmony good understanding and I had almost said Brotherly love of It’s members and every thing tending to beget and improve Such Mutual Affection and indeed to Cement the Body, ought to be practiced and every thing in the least tending to create disgust or Strangness coldness or so much as Indifferency carefully avoided. Now there is an Opinion which does in some degree Obtain in the other Colonies, That the Massachusetts Gentlemen and especially of the Town of Boston do affect to dictate and take the lead in Continental Measures. That We are apt from our inward Vanity and Self conceit to assume bigg and haughty Airs. Whether this opinion has any foundation in fact I am not certain. Our own Tories propagate it, if they did not at first Suggest it. Now I pray that every thing in the conduct and behaviour of our Gentlemen which might tend to beget or Strengthen Such an Opinion Might be most carefully avoided. It is highly probable in My Opinion that you Will meet Gentlemen from Several of the other Colonies fully equal to yourselves or any of you in their knowledge of Great Britain, the Colonies, Law, History, Government, Commerce &c. I know Some of the Gentlemen from Connecticut are very Sensible ingenious Solid Men. Who will go from New York I have not heard, but I know there are very Able men there. And by what we from time to time See in the Publick Papers and what our assembly and Committees have received from the Assemblies and Committees of the More Southern Colonies we must be Satisfied that they have Men of as much Sense and Literature as any We can or ever could Bost of. But enough of this Sort—and I ask pardon that I have said so much of it.
     Another thing I begg leave just to hint, That it is very likely that you may Meet diverse Gentlemen in Congress who are of Dutch or Scotch or Irish Extract. Many more there are in those Southern colonies of those descents than in these New England Colonies and Many of them very worthy, learned men. Query therefore whether Prudence would not direct that every thing Should be very Cautiously avoided which could give any the least Umbrage disgust or affront to any of Such Pedigree; for as of every Nation and Blood he that feareth God and Worketh righteousness is accepted of him So they ought to be of Us. Small things may have Important effects, in Such a business—that which disparages our family ancestors or Nation is apt to Stick by us if cast up in Comparison and their Blood you will find is as Warm as Ours.
     One thing I want that the Southern Gentlemen Should be deeply impressed with that is that all Acts of British legislation which influence and affect our internal Polity are as absolutely repugnant to Liberty and the Idea of our being a free People as Taxation or Revenue Acts. Witness The Present Regulation Act for this Province—and if we Should not be Subdued by what is done already like Acts will undoubtedly be made for other Colonies. I expect Nothing but New Treasons, New Felonies, New Misprisions New Praemunires and Not to Say the Lord, The Devil knows What.
     Pray Sr Let Mr. Saml Adams know that our Top Tories here give out most confidently that he will certainly be took up before the Congress. I am not timid with regard to myself or friend, But I am Satisfied that they have Such advise from Head Quarters. Please to give my hearty regards to him, the Speaker and all the Gentlemen of the Congress and I begg that Neither of them would on any Account make default, if they do there will be great Searchings of heart. You May all Manage the Journey so that it will be pleasant and very much Serve your health. And that God would Bless you all is the most fervant Prayer of Sir your hearty Friend and Most Obedt Servant,

      Joseph Hawley

      Pray Sr Dont Fail of acquainting me when you Shall be in our County.

     J. H.


Title: To John Adams from Edward Hill, 29 July 1774
From: Hill, Edward
To: Adams, John

      Sir
      Boston July 29. 1774

     Nothing could induce me to keep alive the remembrance of an affair which you will easily believe I wish might be forever forgotten, but the consideration of the importance it is of to me that my Character should stand fair in the opinion of a person with whom I have had, and in all probability am likely to have, such a connection as with you; and that no suspicion of my fidelity should remain in your mind to produce hereafter very disagreeable Consequences to both.
     That any suspicion does at present remain I will not say; what determined me to write to you on this subject was a sight of some figures in your hand writing by which I perceived that you were at a loss to find any minute in the writ book of 10/4 part of the 13–8/ which I had received. I suppose that a thot might occur to you upon this, that I might have received monies without acknowledging the receipt in the book and who could tell how much? Yet a moment’s Reflection will convince you that a fraud of this Kind could not long be concealed. The person who pays the money must know to whom he pays it; what then could avail this trick? I must be responsible for what I had thus received. I could not plead a mistake—for tho’ I might forget to minute it, I could not say I forgot to pay you the money.
     With respect to this sum of 10/4 I find in the list of Actions for April Term a minute of the receipt of it with the date in the Case of Gooch vs Stone.
     Upon the whole Sir I take the liberty to say, that my fidelity to you has been uniform and constant; that, except the money in question, I never received a farthing to my knowledge that I did not immediately account to you for—that I never conceived the taking that money could any way injure you, as I believed my father would immediately repay it and he has since informed me that he intended to do it the day he went to Salem which was Wednesday. I am sorry the delay of it so far incommoded you; I am with much respect, yr very humbl. Servant,

      EDW. Hill


Title: To John Adams from John Tudor, 1 August 1774
From: Tudor, John
To: Adams, John

      Dear Sir
      Cambridge Augst. 1, 1774

     I Received your favor of the 23d. ult. but not til Satterday night as the man who promisd. to give it me forgot it. I am, Sir exceedingly oblidg’d to you for your thoughts and tender consern for my Son; the Carector you give him must be very agreeable to me and his Mother and all related. I hope and beleave it tis so except the prudent part, in that I think he is short, but perhaps a few Years more, with som experence may be of servise on that point, and for this affair, I should be glad to see him Settled in Life with som discreet and prudent Woman, sutch a young Lady as Ms. S—— of W—— but this is a delicat point. Should he think of and get one that would be agreeable to him Self, his Mother and me, I should think it one of the happyest times of my Life and act accordingly. May the Father of all our Merceys direct and bless him in this important affair.
     As to the times, the difeculty of young Lawyers, the length of time to get into Buisness &c. I have thought of, and just before I mov’d from Boston he presented me with a paper, Setting forth his difecultys sutch as you mention: he propos’d in said paper my giveing him the Rent of my House &c. that I moved from to Cambridg, or to consider him in som other way. I am thinking sence I Received your thoughts and Carrector of him, (as well as before) to give him the Rent of said House, it letts for 200 per Yr O.T. ’tis worth 300. I have in my Will given it to him (he laid the Corner Ston) with the Warfes, Stores and Shops adjoining. But I must not troble you Sir with to long an Epistle, but Grattetude obliges me to return you and Mrs. Adams her Father &c, my Harty Thanks for your uncommon regards to my Son. I trust that he and I shall ever thankfully remember all your favors.

      I wish you and yours the best of Blessings and am Sir Your most humb. Servt.,
      John Tudor

      P.S. Mrs. Tudor joins me in Complements to your Self and Lady, and shall take it as a great favor, if you would favor us with a viset, either before, or after the Congress, in which I wish and hope you and Company will have the Blessings of Heaven, as well as the prayers of many Thousands. My Son never See the above.


Title: From John Adams to William Tudor, 4 August 1774
From: Adams, John
To: Tudor, William

      Dr. Sir
      Braintree August 4. 1774

     I have received from your Father, a Letter dated August the first, in answer to mine. It has been an high Regale to my Benevolent Feelings I assure you. I am informed in it, that the old Gentleman has not been thoughtless about his Son, and that he thinks to give him the Rent of the House at Boston 200 O.T. a year, &c &c &c. But I find the Father has not so good an opinion of the Sons Prudence as I have, and that he has a great Desire to see him locked fast to a Girl. I Should think, if I were a young Fellow, that it would not be very difficult to gratify him in this particular. He Says, should you get a Wife, agreable to yourself, your Mother and him, he should think it one of the happyest Times of his Life and Act accordingly.
     From these and other Expressions, in his Letter I conclude, he Suspects you to be attached to Some young Lady or other. If this is so, you had better deal frankly with him about it, confess it, and ask his Permission to pursue your Inclination, and I dare say, whether the Lady is such as he would have chosen or not, he will acquiesce in your Choice, and contribute not ungenerously to your Advancement in Life.
     However, Love is a Subject which I have nothing to do with, or ought not to have in my Correspondence with you; it is a Point of too much Delicacy.
     Your Rise in the World, I have some kind of Authority, to take into Consideration. I wish it was more in my Power to assist you than it is. I am but a poor Patriot, you know, and have no Interest with the Ministry, at Home, nor here, by which I could procure you the favours of the Court. I wish your Connections with me, may not have an Influence against you.
     If you will take my Advice or follow my Example, you will neither content yourself to depend upon the Smiles of Government, of a Court, or the Indulgence of a Father: But will be indebted to yourself alone for your Support. To do this, and to enjoy the Pleasure, the Pride of Independency you must devote yourself to study and Business and a rigid OEconomy. You must assume an Intrepidity and a Contempt and an Industry Superiour to all Fatigues and Discouragements.
     You must mix yourself with the World and through yourself in their sight. But you must choose your Times for this with Judgement —for your Attendance at your office must be incessant.
     The observation of Cicero to which I alluded the last Time I saw you, is certainly just. When Cicero was Quaestor, the Province of Lilybeum, in the Island of Sicily fell to his share by Lot. He did not receive this office, as Persons do now a days, as a Gift, or a Farm, but as a public Trust, and considered it as a Theatre, in which the Eyes of the World, were upon him;—He determined to devote himself to it, and deny himself every Pleasure, which could interfere with a laudable Discharge of it.
     Sicily was the Granary of Rome, and the Quaestors Employment was to Supply Corn for the City. This year there happened a great Scarcity, so that Tully had a delicate Task to supply the Demands of the City, without pinching the Natives. He conducted with so much Address, that he exported great Quantities without being gravaminous to the Province; Shewing great Politeness to the Traders, Justice to the Merchants, Generosity to the Natives, Humanity to the Allies and in short doing good Offices for every Body: by which he conciliated the Affections and excited the Admiration of the Cicilians, who decreed greater Honours to him at his Departure, than they ever had before to any of their Governors.
     He came away much pleased, as usual, with himself and his Administration, as he had Right to be: and flattered himself that all Rome was celebrating his Praises. He landed at Puteali adjoining to Baia, the chief Seat of Pleasure in Italy, and the Resort of the rich and great, for the Delights of its Situation and the Use of its Baths. Here he was egregiously mortifyed by the first Friend he met, who asked him, how long he was from Rome, and what was the News there? He answered that he came from the Provinces: from Afric, I Suppose, Says another. No from Sicily. A third Person who Stood by and had a Mind to be thought wiser than the other two, Said “did you not know that Cicero was Quaestor of Syracuse?” This Mortification did him more good he Says, than if he had received all the Compliments he expected; for it made him reflect, that “the People of Rome had dull Ears, but quick Eyes”; and that it was his Policy to keep himself always in their Sight; nor to be so solicitous how to make them hear of him, as to make them see him: So that from this Moment he resolved to Stick close to the Forum, and to live perpetually in the View of the City, nor to suffer either his Porter or his Sleep, to hinder any Mans Access to him.
     You may read the Story more at large in Dr. Middletons life of this great and excellent orator, and Statesman Vol. 1. p. 65, a Book that I would warmly recommend to all my young Friends. Characters like Cicero, Demostheness, Sully, Caecil, and Pit, We ought to have always before our Eyes. In them We see every Thing that is great and good in Human Nature, tho we must make Allowance for some Faults.

      I am your Friend,
      John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Edward Hill, 8 August 1774
From: Hill, Edward
To: Adams, John

      Sir
      Boston Monday Augt. 8 1774

     Saturday a Man of war arrived with the new accounts. The Governor has summoned the new Council to meet at Salem to day. Reports are various as to the Gentlemen who are appointed and the number. I have heard that only 12 are appointed from England and that the remaining 24 are to be nominated by the Governor. Others say that 36 the whole number are appointed from home. All that I have heard mentioned and can recollect are—but Edes has furnished me with the following List which he says is not perfect.
     H. Gray, Thos. Hutchinson, Jno Erving, Jos. Green, Jos. Lee, N. Ray. Thomas, Col. Edson, Danl. Leonard, Col. Worthington, Timo. Ruggles, Colo. Partridge, W. Pepperell, Colo. Royal, Jas. Russell, Colo. Erving, Will. Vassal, Jona. Simpson, Isaac Winslow, Jno. Chandler, Colo. Gilbert, Foster Hutchinson, Jno. Lovell, Colo. Watson, Peter Oliver.

     I forgot to mention the appointment of Thos. Oliver Esqr. of Cambridge to the Office of Lieut. Govr.
     The Transports from Hallifax and New York are arrived, and A Report is very current that other Troops are to be sent from Engld. Some say 7 Regiments. I conclude in haste, yr very hum Servt,

      EDW. Hill


Title: To John Adams from John Trumbull, 20 August 1774
From: Trumbull, John
To: Adams, John

       Boston, Aug. 20, 1774

     In the county of Worcester, the people, at a general meeting, have resolved that no court shall be held there, according to the new regulation of juries, and that judge Oliver shall not take his seat. Upon a report that a regiment would be sent to protect the court, they declared that they were ready to meet it. It is to be hoped, however, that no violent measures will be taken, till the sense of the whole continent is known; as the people have great dependence upon the determinations of congress, and expect them to chalk out the line for their conduct. As to the soldiers here, they are no more feared than if they were the troops of Lilliput. Indeed, they are much more disposed to flight than combat, and have more inclination to desert to us than to fight us—above two hundred having already left them. To put a stop to these frequent desertions, the officers are obliged to treat them with great severity—death or 1000 lashes, is the only choice offered to those who are retaken. There is a humorous story told about town of one of the deserters, though I cannot say it is absolutely to be depended upon as a fact: a soldier, whose name is Patrick, deserted sometime ago and settled in a country town at some distance, and there undertook to instruct a company of about fifty men in military exercises. A sergeant and eight men were sent to apprehend deserters, got intelligence of him, and agreed with a countryman, for a couple of guineas, to conduct them to him. Patrick, it seems, was at that time exercising his company; however, being called by the sergeant and his men, he immediately came up to them. The sergeant demanded what he did there, told him he was his prisoner, and ordered him to return and join his regiment. Sir, said Patrick, I beg your pardon, but I don’t think it possible for me to obey you at present. The sergeant repeated his orders in a very peremptory style. Patrick still assured him of the great improbability of his being able to comply with the command; but told him, as it was not absolutely certain, he would see what could be done about it. You must know, said he, that we determine every thing here by a vote—and turning to his company, which had by this time come up,—gentlemen, says he, if it be your mind that I should leave the town and return to my regiment, please to manifest it. Not a single hand appeared in favor of the motion. He then desired that those who were contrary-minded should manifest it, which passed nem. con. The sergeant and his men, finding themselves in so small a minority, and seeing it in vain to oppose the general voice of the meeting, were about to return again in peace, when one or two of his men were desirous to have it put to vote whether they should not stay also. Patrick, as moderator, immediately put the question, which it was not difficult to carry in such an assembly, and the sergeant, knowing it vain to resist, returned with six men to his regiment.


Title: To John Adams from William Tudor, 21 August 1774
From: Tudor, William
To: Adams, John

      Dear Sir
      Boston Augst. 21st. 1774

     The great Obligations your Friendship has laid me under would render me inexcusable to neglect any Occasion of paying You my Acknowlegements; it is with real Pleasure, therefore, I find so early an Opportunity presenting to fulfill my Promise of writing You: Which should it contribute in the least to your Gratification will convince me the Time was not unusefully spent.
     The late Manoeuvres of General Gage with the Cadet Company, may give you some further Insight into our military Governor’s Character—an Account of them may be amusing at least.
     At a Meeting of the Company on Monday Evening the 15th instant Colo. Hancock laid before the Members a Letter which he had receiv’d from Mr. Secretary Flucker an exact Copy of which is this vizt.

     “Salem Augst. 1st. 1774. Sir, I am directed by his Excellency the Capt. General to acquaint You that he has no further service for you as Capt. of the Governor’s Company of Cadets and you are hereby dismissed from that Command. I am Sir, your most obedt. hum. Servt. Thomas Flucker. The honble. Mr. Hancock.” After reading this Letter the Colo. took an affectionate leave of the Company and withdrew. The Company, after a few Strictures on this unmerited Treatment of their Colo. Voted Nem. con. to immediately return the Governor the Standard with a Message—which was this.
     “To his Excellency Thomas Gage Esqr. Capt. General and Commander in chief of his Majesty’s Province of the Massachusetts Bay &c. May it please your Excellency. It having this Day been communicated to Us in a regular Meeting that your Excellency has thought fit to dismiss the honorable John Hancock Esqr. from his Command as Colonel of the Cadet Company, they take the earliest Opportunity to express their extreme Regret at this Removal of their first Officer; and considering the Distinction with which they have hitherto been favour’d in the Choice and Continuation of their Officers they look on this Dismission as disbanding the Corps. They have therefore judged proper to return your Excellency the Standard You presented to the Company upon your taking the Chair of Government; and at the same Time take the Liberty to inform your Excellency that from the Day of the Removal of Colo. Hancock they no longer consider themselves as the Governor’s independent Company of Cadets. By Order of the Company, Duncan Ingraham junr. Boston August. 16th.“ A Committee of 3 Gent. set out early a Tuesday Morning with the above—on presenting it to the Governor at Salem, his Countenance flash’d Indignation but he recovered himself and return’d this formal, weak Reply vizt. “Gentlemen
     Colo. Hancock has used me ill and has not treated me with that Respect that is due to the Governor of the Province, therefore I dismissed him. I will not be treated ill by Colo. Hancock or any other Man in the Province. Had I known your Intentions I would have disbanded you before. Gentlemen I accept the Standard.”
     It seems the ill-Treatment which Mr. Gage resents, is Colo. Hancock’s neglecting to wait on him with his Compliments—though it was not in the Colo.’s Power who has been confin’d to his Room almost ever since the Governor’s Arrival. Thus for this unreasonable Pique against one of it’s Members is a Company dissolv’d, the Expence of which from its Institution, 30 months since, has amounted to £1800 stirling.

     The following Address is to be presented to our worthy Colo. tomorrow—it is signed by 48 Members.

         “To the honble. John Hancock Esqr.”
         “Sir

        The Governor having thought fit to dismiss you from your Command as Colonel of the Cadet Company, We the Subscribers who were Members of that Body beg Leave to wait on You with our sincerest Acknowlegements for your Conduct, and to assure You that we entertain a most grateful Sense of your generous, spirited and noble Exertions for the Honor of the Corps. We leave to the Gratitude of your Country in general to pay their disinterested Tribute of Applause to your extensive public Merit; it is in the View of an Officer only we now consider you, at no Loss in that Character for the amplest Field of Eulogium. It is principally owing to You, Sir, that the Company acquir’d such Reputation, as to continue an Object worthy of your Patronage and Command; nor can we suppress the Emotions of Regret we most sensibly feel at thus parting with an Officer who, whilst in Command, so eminently supported the Honor of the Company and who, on all Occasions of public Appearance conducted with that Spirit and military Knowlege as at once to reflect Honour on himself and give Distinction to the Company. At a Time, when the Post of Honour is a private Station, it cannot be thought surprizing, that a Gentleman of your Character should meet with every Discouragement from Men in Power. We will no longer detain you than by an Assurance, that it is the fervent Wish of our Hearts that your Health may be speedily and perfectly restor’d; that You may long live to support the superior Character you have hitherto sustain’d; and that our Country may never want so illustrious a Citizen to animate and conduct the Cause of Virtue and of Freedom.”

     To shew how spiritedly Genl. Gage resents Affronts, I will relate a little Affair that took place with one of his Servants himself present. About 10 Days ago the Governor was returning to Town from Salem in his Chariot and four with a Postilion before and a Servant on horse back behind with Pistols. Three Countrymen were going home from Mowing with their Scythes. Mr. Postilion thinking it beneath his Excellency’s Servant to desire them to move out of the Way drove on with so little Care as to be very near driving over the Men. You Dog, exclaims one of them, can’t You take Care how You drive, do You mean to ride over Folks. What do you mean, says the Postilion, do you know the Govr. is in the Chariot. Damn the Governor, replys the Man, who gave him a Right to kill Folks. Upon this the Servant on horse back rides up, and intending to frighten the Man for his Boldness draws a Pistol and told him he had a great Mind to punish his Insolence. The Man, on this, very cooly lays his Scythe on the Fellow’s Shoulder and told him if he did not immediately return his Pistol he would take his Head off. The herculean Bulk of the Countryman, his terrific Frown and resolute Manner so disconcerted the Servant he thought it best to comply. The Governor stop’d his Carriage, to inquire into the Matter, but soon thought it advisable to put on; he did so and left his Servant to shift for himself, Who by this Time had been obliged to dismount, and the Mower made him walk a Mile and a half with him, with the Scythe at his Throat whilst he gave him a Lecture on his Insolence and some wholsome Advice to be more careful in Future, and when he came to his own Door made the Servant shake Hands with him and dismiss’d him to find his Master. This Story is fact. I had it from Parson Thaxter whom it was told by one of the Men.
     People here grow more determined every Day and are impatiently waiting for your Meeting. The Spirit that prevails in every County, has made the Enemies of Liberty dread the Consequences, and their Tone is much lower’d.
     You will see the Public Prints that will give You the News brought by a Vessel that got into Marblehead last Night. I therefore waive it. Govr. Hutchinson got to England after a Passage of 27 Days.
     Upon the Conduct of yourself and Brethren in Congress assembled we depend for Delivering Us from the horrid Oppression we groan under, and defeating the iniquitous, murderous and tyrannic System introduc’d by the late Acts of Parliament. If the Prayers of the pious, and the most cordial Wishes of all among the honest can insure Success, You will certainly return in Triumph. Should You not be able to accomplish all your Countrymen so eagerly anticipate, we hope You will at least cement the Union of the Colonies.
     Should You have Time, and not too great a Number of Correspondents to write to, I shall think myself exceedingly oblig’d by a Letter. I will not fail to write you every opportunity. I am, with the gretest Respect, Dr. Sir, your obt. hum. Servt.,

      Will Tudor

      I have made it too late to copy this Letter. I must ask your kind Allowances.


Title: To John Adams from William Tudor, 29 August 1774
From: Tudor, William
To: Adams, John

      Dear Sir
      Boston Augst. 29th. 1774

     I wrote you 21st. Inst. which I hope you have receiv’d. The publick Prints of to Day, Which you will doubtless see, have been so satisfactory in their Accounts of the Proceedings of People in different Parts of the Province, as to render it unnecessary for me to write them. Every thing here is driving fast to an important Crisis. The Governor, if Report says true, is determined at all Hazards to enforce the Parliamentary Edicts, and the People on the other Hand are as firmly resolv’d they never shall take Place. Several of the mandamus Men have already resign’d. And it seems generally agreed to oblige them all to do so or force them to seek Protection in the Camp. Mr. Breck will be able to satisfy all your Inquiries, and is of too communicative a Disposition not to do it with Pleasure.
     Our Enemies now give out that it is impossible the Congress should agree, and the Tories, harden’d Wretches as they are, hope great things from your Disunion of Sentiments. It is the only Hope they have left. May Disappointment blast their traiterous Wishes!
     Tully tells Us “Homines ad Deos nulla Re proprius accedunt, quam Salutem Hominibus dando.” I wish all the Members of the grand American Senate may believe this as truly as I know Yourself to do. And may it animate them to Exertions that shall issue in our Salvation. Should your honest, your great Endeavours terminate in so glorious an Event, there is no one who would join, with more Pleasure, the exulting Throng of your happy Contrymen in hailing Ye our Saviours than your most obliged and obt. Servt.,

      Will Tudor


Title: To John Adams from Joseph Hawley, August 1774
From: Hawley, Joseph
To: Adams, John

       August? 1774

      Broken Hints to be communicated to the Committee of Congress for the Massachusetts

     “We must fight, if we can’t otherwise rid ourselves of British taxation, all revenues, and the constitution or form of government enacted for us by the British parliament. It is evil against right-utterly intolerable to every man who has any idea or feeling of right or liberty.
     It is easy to demonstrate that the regulation act will soon annihilate every thing of value in the charter, introduce perfect despotism, and render the house of representatives a mere form and ministerial engine.
     It is now or never, that we must assert our liberty. Twenty years will make the number of tories on this continent equal to the number of whigs. They who shall be born will not have any idea of a free government.
     It will necessarily be a question, whether the new government of this province shall be suffered to take place at all,—or whether it shall be immediately withstood and resisted?
     A most important question this—I humbly conceive it not best forcibly or wholly to resist it, immediately.
     There is not heat enough yet for battle. Constant, and a sort of negative resistance of government, will increase the heat and blow the fire. There is not military skill enough. That is improving, and must be encouraged and improved, but will daily increase.
     Fight we must finally, unless Britain retreats.
     But it is of infinite consequence that victory be the end and issue of hostilities. If we get to fighting before necessary dispositions are made for it, we shall be conquered, and all will be lost forever.
     A certain clear plan, for a constant, adequate and lasting supply of arms and military stores, must be devised and fully contemplated. This is the main thing. This, I think, ought to be a capital branch of the business of congress—to wit: to devise and settle such a plan; at least, clearly to investigate how such supplies can be extensively had in case of need. While this is effecting—to wit: while the continent is providing themselves with arms and military stores, and establishing a method for a sure and unfailing and constant supply, I conceive we had best to negotiate with Britain. If she will cede our rights and restore our liberties all is well—every good man will rejoice: if she will not agree to relinquish and abolish all American revenues, under every pretence and name, and all pretensions to order and regulate our internal policy and constitution—then, if we have got any constant and sufficient supply of military stores, it will be time to take our arms. I can’t quit this head—it ought to be immediately and most seriously attended to. It can’t be any other than madness to commence hostilities before we have established resources on a sure plan for certain and effectual military supplies. Men, in that case, will not be wanting.
     But what considerate man will ever consent to take arms and go to war, where he has no reasonable assurance but that all must be given over and he fall a prey to the enemy, for want of military stores and ammunition, in a few weeks?
     Either an effectual non-consumption agreement or resistance of the new government will bring on hostilities very soon.
     1. As to a non-consumption agreement—it appears to me that ought to be taken for certain truth, that no plan of importation or consumption of tea, British goods in general, or enumerated articles, which is to rest and depend on the virtue of all the individuals, will succeed; but must certainly prove abortive.
     The ministry may justly call such a plan futile—futile it will turn out. A plan of that sort may safely rest and be founded on the virtue of the majority: but then the majority, by the plan, must be directed to control the minority, which implies force. The plan, therefore, must direct and prescribe how that force shall be exercised.
     Those, again, who exercise that force, under the direction and by order of the majority, must by that majority be defended and indemnified.
     Dispositions must therefore necessarily be made to resist or overcome that force which will be brought against you—which will directly produce war and bloodshed.
     From thence it follows, that any other non-consumption or non-importation plan, which is not perfectly futile and ridiculous, implies hostilities and war.
     2. As to the resistance of the new government, that also implies war: for in order to resist and prevent the effect of the new government, it is indispensably necessary that the charter government, or some other, must be maintained—constitutionally exercised and supported.
     The people will have some government or other—they will be drawn in by a seeming mild and just administration, which will last awhile; legislation and executive justice must go on in some form or other, and we may depend on it they will,—therefore the new government will take effect until the old is restored.
     The old cannot be restored until the council take on them the administration, call assemblies, constitute courts, make sheriffs etc. The council will not attempt this without good assurance of protection. This protection can’t be given without hostilities.
     Our salvation depends upon an established persevering union of the colonies.
     The tools of administration are using every device and effort to destroy that union, and will certainly continue so to do—
     Thereupon, all possible devices and endeavors must be used to establish, improve, brighten and maintain such union.
     Every grievance of any one colony must be held and considered by the whole as a grievance to the whole, and must operate on the whole as a grievance to the whole. This will be a difficult matter to effect: but it must be done.
     Quere, therefore—whether is it not absolutely necessary that some plan be settled for a continuation of congresses?—But here we must be aware that congresses will soon be declared and enacted by parliament to be high treason.
     Is the India company to be compensated or not?
     If to be compensated—each colony to pay the particular damage she has done, or is an average to be made on the continent?
     The destruction of the tea was not unjust—therefore to what good purpose is the tea to be paid for, unless we are assured that by so doing, our rights will be restored and peace obtained?
     What future measures is the continent to preserve with regard to imported dutied tea, whether it comes as East India property or otherwise, under the pretence and lie that the tea is imported from Holland, and the goods imported before a certain given day? Dutied tea will be imported and consumed—goods continue to be imported—your non-importation agreement eluded, rendered contemptible and ridiculous—unless all teas used, and all goods, are taken into some public custody which will be inviolably faithful.”


Title: To John Adams from William Tudor, 3 September 1774
From: Tudor, William
To: Adams, John

      Dear Sir
      Boston Sepr. 3d. 1774

     This Week has been fruitfull of extraordinary Transactions. I will endeavour to give You some Account of them. Tuesday the Superior Court opened and Mr. Oliver took his Seat as chief Justice. When the grand Jury were called upon to be sworn they all to a Man refus’d taking the Oath, for Reasons committed to Paper, which they permitted the Court, after some Altercation, to read. The Petit Jury unanimously followed the Example of the Grand Jury; their Reasons together with the others You will read in the Masstts. Spy. The Court told them they should consider of their Refusal, and then adjourn’d to next Day. Wednesday Forenoon the Court met, (Chief Justice absent attending Council) and continued all the continued Actions till next Term. They agreed to let us file Complaints and to enter up Judgement on them; which we had imagined they would not consent to, as some of the Judges the first Day had said that if the County would rise and prevent them doing Business generally, they should decline finishing it partially, and the County must thank themselves for the Inconveniences of their own Madness. Thursday C. Justice present. One small Point was argued by Mr. J. Q. and Fitch, a few Complaints read, and after Mr. Fitch, in Complyance with a previous Vote of the Bar, had reccommended four of Us to be admitted to the Atty.’s Oath, the Court adjourn’d to next Day. Friday. This Morning there were a Number of printed Bills stuck up at the Court house and other Parts of the Town, threatening certain Death to any and all the Bar who should presume to attend the Superior Court then sitting. At ten o Clock the Court met (Oliver absent). All the new enter’d Actions were ordered to be continued, as there was no Jury to try them. The following Question was started. Several People who had appeal’d from the Judgements against them on Default at the Inferior Court, finding there would be no Jury, now got their Appeals entered, to prevent an Affirmation of the former Judgements on Complaints and tendered Pleas to Issue. The Question was, whether, as by their Default they could have no Day in the Inferior Court they could claim an Appeal at all. There is a Province Law that seems to favour the Practice, and it has been countenanced by all concerned in conducting the Business, for a very obvious Reason. But though the Practice had permitted Debtors to appeal on Defaults, it had never gone so far as to admit an Entry of them at a Superior Court. The Point was not argued. The Court allow’d the Complaints to be filed notwithstanding the Entry of the Appeals, but would not affirm the Judgements without Time to consider, and they are continued with the rest of the Business till next Term. You had but one in this Predicament. Mr. Hill has promis’d to send you a Minute of your Causes, which renders it unnecessary for me to say any Thing about them. The Court after admitting Nat. Coffin to the Attys. Oath adjourn’d sine Die. Thus ended the Superior Court and is the last common Law Court that will be allowed to sit in this or any other County of the Province. The Proceedings of the Inhabitants of the Counties of Worcester and Middlesex in County meeting assembled will be sent You. A similar Spirit prevails everywhere else. You will see Phips’s, Mason’s, Goldthwait’s and Price’s Declarations of doing no Business under the unconstitutional Acts, in the public Papers—which I should have taken Care to have forwarded you, had I not been assur’d that some Gentlemen of the Committee of Congress had made Provision that each of your Bretheren with yourself should receive by every Opportunity.
     The present State of this Province will lead to the Discussion of a most important Question, and which may not be unsuitable for the Contemplation of the Congress. On the one hand, the Execution of the Acts of Parliament never will be suffered; on the other, this Refusal, which involves in it an intire Stoppage of every Court of Law and a Dismission of all executive public Officers, may plunge Us in Anarchy and Confusion. The People are eager to have Recourse to the first Charter, or adopt some new Mode of Government. Our last Charter is vacated and the Province reduced to a State of Nature. Can there ever be a more favourable Opportunity than the present for claiming, resuming and maintaining the Rights of Mankind, for a thorough Discussion, Definition and Confirmation of them. Great Britain, by her despotic Edicts, has forced Us to the Alternative of either becoming Slaves, or recurring to the Principles of Nature for Protection. Society cannot subsist without Courts of Law and executive Officers. We are Slaves if Acts of Parliament are to regulate our internal Policy, and the Inconveniences we must combat, before a Restoration of our Liberties can be made Us, are too great to brook. What, tell Us, Ye wise Men, what is to be done?
     I would now proceed to give You an Account of the Resignation of Oliver, (Lt. Govr) Danforth, Lee &c. &c. with the movements preceeding them, but I find, on Inquiry, there will be a particular Narative of them in Monday’s Papers, which Capt. Marston will carry with him to Philadelphia.
     Half of our sworn Enemies have resign’d their Seats at the Board, and such a Pannic has seiz’d the rest, that we expect before this Day Week his Excellency will be left without a single Member of his Divan. The Traitors find, that neither Greaves Graves with his Fleet, nor Gage with his Army and Castle, can insure them Protection from the Fury of their abused Countrymen.
     The noble Enthusiasm which has seiz’d the Breasts of our Countrymen is as diffusive as it is extraordinary. I will give you one Instance of it, among many others. When our indignant Bretheren march’d to Rutland the other Day, with a Design to make Colo. Murray resign his execrable Post, or force him to fly the County, among several other white headed Sires who compos’d the patriotic Band, there was one eighty Years old, who insisted on accompanying them. They endeavoured to persuade him from it. Told him they did not doubt his Affection to the Cause, and wish’d for his Prayers. But should they meet with Opposition, as his Arm was now nerveless, he would be Expos’d to Hazard without a Possibility of being serviceable. I will go, reply’d the heroic old Man, and shall think myself happy to receive the Ball, which, should I not be there might kill a better Man! Cedite Romani, cedite Graii.

      I am, my dear Sir, with great Respect and affection, Your most obliged and very hum. Servt.,
      Will Tudor

      A Letter from You, Sir, would be a most acceptable Present.