Title: From John Adams to the President of Congress, No. 86, 17 June 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Huntington, Samuel,President of Congress

      Sir
      Paris June 17 1780

     The Writer on the Consequences of American Independence, Subjoins a Comparison between the United States, and the West Indies.
     He says the Exports from England was in 1771

      £
      s
      d

      To North America

      4,586,882:
      15:
      5

        £

      To Dominica
      170,623:
      19:
      3

      To St Vincents
      36,839:
      10:
      7

      To Grenada
      123,919:
      4:
      5

      331,338:
      14:
      3

        Difference

      4,255,500:
      1:
      2

If We reflect on the vast Extent of Territory, improved and improvable, in America her Superiority in Numbers of People, of Mariners, of shipping in naval force, raw materials, and consumption of Manufactures, he hopes We should confess the Colonies of more Importance than the Islands.
     He compares the Continent and the Islands in the following Points. 1. In Extent of Territory. 2. Salubrity of Clymates. 3. Numbers of Inhabitants capable of Warring for the Empire, whereas the Islands are a dead Weight in Case of War. 4. Variety of Clymates. If the W. Indies furnish Rum, Sugar, Cocoa, Coffee, Pimento and Ginger. The Continent produces Wheat Rye, Barly oats, Indian Corn, Rice flour Biscuit, Salt Beef, Pork bacon, Venison, Cod, Mackarel, and other Fish and Tobacco. If the W. Indies produce Some materials for Dyers, as Logwood, Fustick, Mahogany and Indigo; the Continent produces Indigo Silk, Flax, Hemp; Furs and Skins of the Bear Bever, Otter, Musrat, Deer, Tyger, Leopard, Wild Cat, Fox, racoon, and Pot ash, Pearl ash, Copper and lead ore, Iron in Pigs and Bars, for our Manufactures; besides all the articles of Naval stores, Timber, Plank, Boards, Masts, Yards, and ships built for sale, Pitch Tar, Turpentine, Hemp and Salt Petre. Such of these Articles as are necessary for the Manufactures and Commerce of England, were sent there, the surplus only to other Marketts and the Proceeds of that surplus remitted in Bills or Cash, for British Manufactures and foreign articles of Commerce.
     5. The Growing States of the Colonies on the Continent, which appears by the Exports.

      £
      s
      d

      The Value of the Exports from England to North America, was
      in 1763

      1,867,285:
      6:
      2

      in 1771

      4,586,882:
      17:
      11

      Increase in Eight years

      2,719,597:
      11:
      9

      The Value of the Exports from England to the West Indies was
      in 1763

      1,149,596:
      12:
      4

      in 1771

      1,155,658:
      3:
      11

      Increase in Eight years

      6,061:
      11:
      7

      The Value of the Imports into England from the West Indies, was
       in 1763

      3,268,485:
      14:
      6

      in 1771

      2,800,583:
      14:
      0

      Decrease in Eight years

      467,902:
      0:
      6

      He could not obtain an amount of the general Exports from the West Indies, and therefore can not make a Comparison with those from N. America, which were

      £
      s
      d

      in 1766

      3,924,606:
      0:
      0

      in 1773

      6,400,000:
      0:
      0

      Increase in 7 years

      2,475,394:
      0:
      0

      The Exports from Great Britain to foreign Countries, have been generally computed at

      £
      s
      d

      7,000,000:
      0:
      0

      in 1771 from England to America 4,586,882:15: 5
      }

      to the W. Indies 1,155,658: 3:11
      5,742,530:
      19:
      4

      12,742,530:
      19:
      4

      The Exports from Scotland to America are not included when added, they will increase the Value of the Exports from Great Britain to upwards of

      6,000,000:
      0:
      0

which is nearly equal to the Amount of all the foreign Exports of the Kingdom, and one half of the whole Commerce of the Nation exclusive only of that to Ireland and the East Indies.
     I wish this Writer had seen the Resolutions of Congress, of the Eighteenth of March by which their whole national Debt is reduced to about five Millions of Dollars, or a little better than one Million sterling, as I understand them.
     Lord Norths Loan of this year Twelve Millions, equal to the whole Exports of the Kingdom to foreign Countries N. America and the W. Indies.
     The whole American Debt for five years, is about one Sixth part of their Exports to Great Britain in 1771.
     This would have added a little Perspicuity to his argument to Convince America how easy a Task she has, to maintain her Independence and her Alliances and how very valuable those objects are.
     Most of these Facts were minutely examined in Congress in the year 1774 when and where probably Mr. Galloway learned them and with the most Sanguine Confidence it was expected, by many that they would occur to the Parliament and Nation, and prevent them from dissaffecting, by a Perseverance in Impolicy and injustice, so prescious a Part of the dominions, to the total destruction of the Empire as it was called. Others who had studied more attentively the Character of the British Administration and Nation had Strong Fears, that nothing would Succeed. They have been found to have judged right. We may lament over the Misfortunes of the English but it is our Duty to rejoice in the Prospect of superiour Liberty Prosperity and Glory to the New World that now opens in Consequence of the Blindness and Infatuation of their Ennemies. We ought also to rejoice at the Destruction of that selfish and contracted Monopoly which confined the Blessings of the new World to a single Nation, and at the liberal Extension of them to all Mankind.
     I have the Honour to be, &c


Title: From John Adams to Edmund Jenings, 20 June 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Jenings, Edmund

      Dear sir

       June 20. 1780

     I last night received a Letter from a Member of Congress, which informs me, that Congress have resolved to redeem their Loan Office Certificates, according to the Value of Money at the Time of their being respectively issued. This compleats their Plan of the 18 of March, and makes the whole just as well as wise and politick.
     I Send you, the Report of the Committee as amended and adopted by the Convention. And a Bagatelle that I wrote at Philadelphia, Jany. 1776, in order to assist the People of the States in their Contemplations upon the Subject of instituting new Governments.
     I wish to have every step of the Massachusetts in this great Business preserved, because it is the first Example, that has happened in the Progress of human Society: of a People, deliberating so long so patiently, so cautiously, in the formation of a Government. The Result I now send you is still to be laid before the whole Body of the People in their Town Meetings, that every Man may have an opportunity, to express his Mind, and suggest his amendments.
     No Government was ever made so perfectly upon the Principle of the Peoples Right and Equality. It is Locke, Sydney and Rousseau and Mably reduced to Practice in the first Instance.
     I wish every step of their Progress printed and preserved. These Principles ought to be Spread in England at this time as much as possible. I have received the 2d Letter about your farm in Devonshire.

      Adieu.


Title: From John Adams to the Comte de Vergennes, 20 June 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Vergennes, Charles Gravier, Comte de

       Sir
       Paris June 20th. 1780

      Last Evening I received the Letter, an Extract of which I have the honour to inclose. It is from Mr. Gerry, a Member of Congress who has been a Member of their Treasury Board from the beginning of the year 1776.
      It is much to be regretted that the Congress did not publish their Resolution to pay off the Loan Office Certificates, according to the value of Money, at the time of their being respectively issued, with their Resolutions of the 18th. of March, because this I think wou’d have prevented the alarm that has been spread in Europe. It will be found that almost all the Interest that European Merchants or others have in our Funds lies in those Certificates: And that almost all the paper Bills now in Possession of their Factors in America, have been received within a few Months, immediately before the 18th. of March, and consequently received at a depreciation of forty for one, at least, perhaps at a much greater.
      Altho some Europeans may have considerable sums in Loan Office Certificates, yet I have Reason to believe that the whole will be found much less than is imagined. They have realized their property generally as they went along. Some may have purchased Land, others have purchased Bills of Exchange, others have purchased the produce of the Country which they have exported to St. Eustatia, to the French West India Islands, and to Europe. I have the Honor to be with the greatest Respect and Esteem Your Excellencys most obedient and most humble Servant.

       John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Joseph Mathias Gérard de Rayneval, 20 June 1780
From: Rayneval, Joseph Mathias Gérard de
To: Adams, John

       à Vle. Le 20. Juin 1780

      Monsieur Adams feroit trés-grand plaisir à M. de Rayneval de lui mander s’il connoit une anglais nommée qui se nomme Montagu Fox, et qui il est: M. de Rayneval sera infiniment obligé à Monsieur Adams.


Title: Joseph Mathias Gérard de Rayneval to John Adams: A Translation, 20 June 1780
From: Rayneval, Joseph Mathias Gérard de
To: Adams, John

       Versailles, 20 June 1780

      Mr. Adams would give great pleasure to Mr. de Rayneval if he would inform him if he knows an Englishman named who calls himself Montagu Fox and who he is. Mr. de Rayneval will be infinitely obliged to Mr. Adams.


Title: John Adams’ Commission to Negotiate a Loan with the Netherlands, 20 June 1780
From: Adams, John
To:

       20 June 1780

     The United States of America in Congress assembled.
     To the Honble. John Adams Esquire Greeting.
     Whereas by our commission to the Honble. Henry Laurens Esqr. bearing date the thirtieth day of October in the Year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and seventy nine, we have constituted and appointed him the said Henry Laurens during our pleasure, our Agent for and on behalf of the said United States to negotiate a loan with any person or persons bodies politic and corporate: And Whereas the said Henry Laurens has by unavoidable Accidents been hitherto prevented from proceeding on his said Agency; We therefore reposing especial trust and confidence in your patriotism Ability, conduct and fidelity, do by these presents constitute and appoint you the said John Adams until the said Henry Laurens or some other person appointed in his stead shall arrive in Europe and undertake the execution of the aforesaid commission, our Agent for and on behalf of the said United States to negotiate a Loan with any person or persons bodies politic and corporate, promising in good faith to ratify and confirm whatsoever shall by you be done in the premisses or relating thereunto. Witness His Excellency Samuel Huntington Esqr. President of the Congress of the United States of America at Philadelphia the twentieth day of June in the Year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and Eighty, and in the fourth year of our Independence.

      Saml. Huntington President
      Attest Chas. Thomson Secy.


Title: To John Adams from the Comte de Vergennes, 21 June 1780
From: Vergennes, Charles Gravier, Comte de
To: Adams, John

        A Versailles le 21. Juin 1780

       J’ai reçu, Monsieur, la lettre que vous m’avez fait l’honneur de m’écrire le 16 de ce mois, ainsi que l’Extrait de celle qui vous été addressée de Boston sous la datte du 26 avril.
       Selon cette derniére l’assemblée de l’Etat de Massachussett s’est

       déterminé à adopter la résolution par laquelle le Congrés Général a fixé le papier-Monnoye à 40 Dollars pour un Dollar de mannoye effective. En lisant cette résolution, je m’étois persuadé qu’elle n’avoit d’autre objet que celui de remettre en valeur le Papier-monnoye en diminuant la trop grande quantité, et qu’a la suite de cette opération, le papier qui n’auroit pas été rapporté, reprendroit son cours selon que les circonstances lui donneroient plus ou moins de crédit: ce qui a du me confirmer dans cette opinion, c’est la liberté laissée aux possesseurs du papier-monnoye de le porter à la caisse de leur Etat, ou de le garder par devers eux.
       Mais d’après les informations qui me Sont parvenues depuis, et d’après la lettre même que vous avez bien voulu me communiquer, Monsieur, j’ai lieu de juger que l’intention du Congrés est de maintenir invariablement le Papier-monnoye au change de 40. p. 1. et de faire rentrer sur ce pied tout le papier qu’il a mis en circulation, afin de réduire insensiblement à 5 millions à peu-près les deux cents millions de Dollars dont il se trouve chargé.
       Je me garderai bien, Monsieur, de critiquer cette opération en elle-même, parceque je n’ai aucun titre pour analyser et Commenter les arrangements intérieurs que le Congrès peut regarder comme justes et utiles; d’ailleurs je conviens volontiers qu’il peut être des positions assez critiques pour forcer les Gouvernements même les plus réglés, et qui ont depuis longtems acquis toute leur consistance, à prendre des mesures extraordinaires pour rétablir leurs finances, et pour se mettre en état de faire face aux charges publiques; et je suis persuadé que telle a été en effet, la cause majeure qui a mis le Congrès dans le cas de déprécier le papier-Monnoye qu’il avoit lui même créé.
       Mais en admettant, Monsieur, que cette assemblée a pu avoir recours à l’expédient dont il s’agit pour alléger le poids de sa dette, je suis bien éloigné de convenir qu’il est juste et dans l’ordre ordinaire des choses d’en étendre l’effet sur les sujets étrangers comme sur les Citoyens des Etats-Unis: Je pense au contraire que l’on auroit du la restreindre aux seuls américains et faire une exception en faveur de ces mêmes Etrangers, ou au moins déterminer un moyen de dédommager ceux-ci des pertes que la loi générale leur feroit éprouver.
       Pour vous faire sentir cette vérité, je ne vous dirai pas, Monsieur, que c’est aux Américains seuls à supporter les charges que le soutien de leur liberté peut occasionner, qu’ils doivent regarder la dépréciation du papier-monnoye simplement comme un impôt qui doit se concentrer parmi eux, puisque le papier n’a été établi originairement que pour les soustraire à la nécessité d’en payer; je me bornerai à vous observer que les françois, s’ils étoient obligés de subir la réduction proposée par le Congrès, se trouveroient être les victimes du Zêle et, je puis le dire, de la témérité avec laquelle ils se sont exposés à fournir aux Américains, des armes, des munitions, des vêtements, en un mot, toutes les choses de premiére nécessité dont l’Amérique avoit le besoin le plus instant. Vous conviendrez avec moi, Monsieur, que ce n’est point là le sort auquel les sujets du Roi devoient s’attendre; que bien loin de craindre qu’après avoir échappé aux périls de la mer, à la vigilance des anglois, ils se verroient dépouillés en Amérique: Ils devoient compter au contraire sur la reconnoissance du Congrès et de tout le peuple Américain, et croire leurs propriétés aussi sûres et aussi sacrées en Amérique qu’en france même: C’est dans cette persuasion, c’est en se fiant sur la foi publique, qu’ils ont reçu du papier-monnoye en échange de leurs marchandises, et qu’ils ont conservé ce papier dans la vuë de l’employer à de nouvelles spéculations de Commerce. La réduction inopinée de ce même papier renverse leurs calculs en même tems qu’elle détruit leur fortune: Je vous demande, Monsieur, si ces résultats vous portent à croire que l’opération du Congrès est propre à donner du crédit aux Etat-Unis, à inspirer de la confiance dans ses promesses, à inviter les nations Européennes à partager les mêmes risques auxquels les sujets de Sa Majesté se sont exposés.
       Telles sont, Monsieur, les réfléxions principales que m’a fait faire la résolution du Congrès du 18. Mars: Je me sais un devoir de vous les Communiquer avec une entiére confiance, parce que vous êtes trop éclairé pour n’en point sentir la force et la justesse, et trop attaché à votre patrie pour que vous ne fassiez point tous vos efforts pour l’engager à revenir sur ses pas en faisant justice aux sujets du Roi: Je ne vous cacherai pas que M. le Chevalier de la Luzerne a déjà reçu l’ordre de faire, sur l’objet dont il est question, les représentations les plus fortes, et que le Roi est dans la ferme persuasion que les Etats-Unis s’empresseront de lui donner dans cette occasion une marque de leur attachement en accordant à ses sujets la juste satisfaction qu’ils sollicitent et qu’ils attendent de leur justice et de leur sagesse.
       J’ai l’honneur d’être très sincérement, Monsieur, votre très humble et très obéissant serviteur,

        De Vergennes


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Franklin, 22 June 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

       Sir
       Paris June 23d. i.e. 22d 1780

      I have this Day the honour of a Letter from his Excellency the Comte De Vergennes, on the subject of the Resolutions of Congress of the Eighteenth of March, concerning the Paper-Bills; in which his Excellency informs me that the Chevalier De La Luzerne has Orders to make the strongest Representations upon the Subject.
      I am not certain whether his Excellency means that such Orders were sent so long ago, as to have reached the hand of the Minister at Congress, or whether they have been lately expedited; if the latter I submit it to your Excellency, whether it wou’d not be expedient to request that those Orders may be stopped until proper Representations can be made at Court; to the end that if it can be made to appear, as I firmly believe it may, that those Orders were given upon Misinformation, they may be revoked, otherwise sent on.
      Your Excellency will excuse this because it appears to me a matter of very great Importance. The Affair of our Paper is sufficiently dangerous and critical and if a Representation from his Majesty shou’d be made, Advantage will not fail to be taken of it, by the Tories, and by interested and disappointed Speculators who may spread an Alarm among many uninformed People so as to Endanger the public Peace. I have the honour to be with much Respect Your Excellency’s most obedient and most humble Servant.

       John Adams


Title: From John Adams to the Comte de Vergennes, 22 June 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Vergennes, Charles Gravier, Comte de

       Sir
       Paris June 22d. 1780

      I have received this day the letter which your Excellency did me the honour to write me on the Twenty first Day of this Month.
      I thank your Excellency for the Confidence, which induced you to communicate this letter to me, and the continuance of which I shall ever study to deserve. When your Excellency says that his Majesty’s Minister at Congress, has already received Orders to make Representations against the Resolutions of Congress of the Eighteenth of March, as far as they affect his Subjects, I am at a loss to know with certainty, whether your Excellency means only that such Orders have lately passed, and are sent off to go to America, or whether you mean that such Orders were sent so long ago, as to have reached the hand of the Chevalier De La Luzerne. If the latter is your Excellency’s meaning, there is no Remedy; if the former, I wou’d submit it to your Excellency’s Consideration whether those Orders may not be stopped and delayed, a little time, until his Excellency Mr. Franklin may have opportunity to make his Representations to his Majesty’s Ministers; to the end that if it should appear that those Orders issued in Consequence of Misinformation, they may be revoked, otherwise sent on. I will do myself the Honor to write fully to your Excellency upon this Subject without loss of time; and altho’ it is a subject in which I pretend not to an accurate Knowledge in the Detail, yet I flatter myself I am so far master of the principles, as to demonstrate that the Plan of Congress is not only wise but just. I have the honour to be with the greatest Respect Your Excellency Most obedient and most humble Servant.

       John Adams


Title: From John Adams to the Comte de Vergennes, 22 June 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Vergennes, Charles Gravier, Comte de

       Sir
       Paris 22d June 1780

      I this day acknowledged the Receipt of the Letter which you did me the honor to write me on the 21st. by mistake I dated my Letter on the twenty third.
      I have the Honor to agree with your Excellency in Opinion that it is the Intention of Congress to redeem all their paper Bills which are extant at an Exchange of Forty for one; by which means the two hundred Millions of Dollars which are out, will be reduced to about Five Millions.
      I apprehend with your Excellency that it was necessary for the Congress to put themselves in a Condition to defray the public Expences, They found their Currency so depreciated, and so rapidly depreciating, that a further Emission sufficient to discharge the public Expences another Year; would have probably depreciated it to two hundred for one, perhaps would have so depreciated it that nobody would have taken it at any Rate, it was absolutely necessary then to stop emitting, yet it was necessary to have an Army to save their Citys from the Fire, and their Citizens from the Sword, that Army must he fed, cloathed, paid and armed, and other Expences must be defrayed. It was become necessary therefore at this time, to call in their paper, for there is no Nation that is able to carry on War by the Taxes which can be raised within the Year; but I am far from thinking that this Necessity was the Cause of their calling it in at a depreciated Value, because I am well convinced they would have called it in at a depreciated Value, if the British Fleet and Army had been withdrawn from the United States, and a general Peace had been concluded. My Reason for this Belief is the evident Injustice of calling it in at its nominal Value, a silver Dollar for a paper one. The Public has its Rights as well as Individuals theirs, and every Individual has his Share in the Rights of the public. Justice is due to the Body politic, as well as to the Possessor of the Bills, and to have paid off the Bills at their nominal Value would have wronged the Body politic of thirty nine Dollars in every Forty, as really as if Forty Dollars had been paid for one, at the first Emission in one thousand seven hundred and seventy five, when each Paper Dollar was worth and would fetch a silver one.
      I beg Leave to ask your Excellency whether you judge that the Congress ought to pay Two hundred Millions of silver Dollars for the two hundred Millions of paper Dollars that are abroad? I presume your Excellency will not think that they ought, because I have never met with any Man in Europe or America that was of that Opinion. All agree that Congress ought to redeem it at a depreciated Value, the only Question then is, at what Depreciation. Shall it be at seventy five, Forty, Thirty, Twenty, Ten or five for One? After it is once admitted that it ought to be redeemed at a less Value than the nominal Value, the Question arises, at what Value? I answer there is no other Rule of Justice than the Current Value. The Value at which it generally passes from Man to Man. The Congress have set it at forty for one, and they are the best Judges of this, as they represent all parts of the Continent where the paper circulated.
      I think there can be little need of Illustration, but two or three Examples may make my Meaning more obvious. A Farmer has now Four thousand Dollars for a pair of Oxen he sells to a Commissary to subsist the Army. When the money was issued in seventeen hundred and seventy five he would have been glad to have taken one hundred Dollars. A Labourer has now Twenty Dollars a day for his Work, five years ago he would have been rejoiced to have received half a Dollar, the same with the Artisan Merchant and all others, but those who have fixed Salaries and Money at Interest. Most of these Persons would be willing to take hard Money for his Work and his Produce, at the Rate he did six Years ago. Where is the Reason then, that Congress should pay them forty times as much as they take of their Neighbor in private Life?
      The Amount of the ordinary Commerce external and internal of a Society may be computed at a fixed Sum, a certain Sum of Money is necessary to circulate among the Society, in order to carry on their Business. This precise Sum is discoverable by Calculation and reduceable to Certainty. You may emit paper or any other Currency for this purpose, until you reach this Rule, and it will not depreciate; after you exceed this Rule it will depreciate, and no power or Act of Legislation hitherto invented, can prevent it. In the Case of paper Money, if you go on emitting forever the whole Mass will be worth no more than that was which was emitted within the Rule. When the paper therefore comes to be redeemed, this is the only Rule of Justice for the Redemption of it. The Congress have fixed Five Millions for this Rule, wether this is mathematically exact, I am not able to say, whether it is a Million too little or too much, I know not, but they are the best Judges, and by the Account of the Money being seventy for one and Bills of Exchange fifty five for one, it looks as if Five Millions was too high a Sum rather than too small. It will be said that the Faith of Society ought to be sacred, and the Congress have pledged the public Faith for the Redemption of the Bills at the Value on the Face of them. I agree that the public Faith ought to be sacred, but who is it that hath violated this Faith? Is it not every Man who has demanded more paper Money for his Labour or Goods, than they were worth in Silver. The public Faith in the Sense these Words are here used, would require that Congress should make up to every Man who for five Years past has paid more in paper Money for any thing he purchased, than he would have had it for in Silver. The public Faith is no more pledged to the present possessor of the Bills, than it is to every Man thro’ whose hands they have passed at a less Value than the nominal Value, so that according to this Doctrine, Congress would have two hundred Millions of Dollars to pay to the present possessors of the Bills, and to make up to every Man thro’ whose hands they have passed, the Difference at which they passed between them and Silver.
      It should be considered that every Man, whether a native or foreigner, that receives or pays this Money at a less Value than the nominal Value, breaks this Faith; for the social Compact being between the whole and every Individual, and between every Individual and the whole, every Individual, Native or Foreigner who uses this Paper, is as much bound by the public Faith to use it according to the Tenor of its Emission, as Congress are. And Congress has as good right to reproach every Individual who now demands more Paper for his Goods than Silver, with a breach of the public Faith, as he has to reproach the public or their Representatives. I must beg your Excellency’s Excuse for calling your Attention a little longer to this head of public Faith, because I cannot rest easy while my Country is supposed to be guilty of a breach of their Faith, and in a Case where I am clear they have not been so, especially by your Excellency, whose good Opinion they and I value so much. This public Faith is in the Nature of a mutual Covenant, and he that would claim a Benefit under it, ought to be carefull in first fulfilling his part of it. When Congress issued their Bills declaring them in effect to be equal to Silver, they unquestionably intended they should be so consider’d, and that they should be received accordingly. The People, or Individuals, covenanted in effect to receive them at their nominal Value, and Congress in such Case agreed on their part to redeem them at the same Rate. This seems to be a fair and plain Construction of this Covenant, or public Faith, and none other I think can be made that will not degenerate into an unconscionable Contract, and so destroy itself. Can it be supposed that Congress ever intended, that if the time should come, when the Individuals refused to accept and receive their Bills at their nominal Value, and demanded and actually received them at a less Value, that in that Case the Individual should be entitled to demand and receive of the public, for those very Bills, Silver equal to their nominal Value? The Consideration is in Fact made by the public at the very Instant the Individual receives the Bills at a Discount, and there is a tacit and implied Agreement springing from the Principles of natural Justice or Equity, between the public and the Individual, that as the latter has not given to the former a Consideration equal to the nominal Value of the Bills, so in fact, the public shall not be held to pay the nominal Value in Silver to the Individual. Suppose it otherwise, and how will the Matter stand? The Public offers to an Individual a Bill whose nominal Value is for Example Forty Dollars, in lieu of Forty silver Dollars, the Individual says I esteem it of no more Value than one silver Dollar, and the public pays it him at that Value, yet he comes the next day when the Bill may be payable, and demands of the public Forty silver Dollars in Exchange for it, and why? because the Bill purports on the Face of it, to be equal to forty silver Dollars: The Answer is equally obvious with the Injustice of the demand. Upon the whole, as the Depreciation crept in gradually, and was unavoidable, all Reproaches of a breach of public Faith ought to be laid aside, and the only proper Enquiry now really is, What is the Paper honestly worth? What will it fetch at Market? And this is the only just Rule of Redemption.
      It becomes me to express myself with deference when I am obliged to differ in Opinion from your Excellency, but this being a Subject peculiar to America, no Example entirely similar to it, that I know of, having been in Europe, I may be excused therefore in explaining my Sentiments upon it.
      I have the Misfortune to differ from your Excellency so far as to think, that no general Distinction can be made between Natives and Foreigners, for not to mention that this would open a Door to numberless Frauds, I think that Foreigners when they come to trade with a Nation, make themselves temporary Citizens, and tacitly consent to be bound by the same Laws. And it will be found that Foreigners have had quite as much to do in depreciating this Money, on proportion as Natives, and that they have been in proportion much less Sufferers by it. I might go further, and say that they have been in proportion greater Gainers by it, without suffering any considerable Share of the Loss.
      The Paper Bills out of America are next to nothing, I have no Reason to think there are ten thousand Dollars in all Europe, indeed I don’t know of one thousand.
      The Agents in America of Merchants in Europe, laid out their paper Bills in Lands, or in Indigo, Rice, Tobacco, Wheat, Flour &c. in short in the produce of the Country, this produce they have shipped to Europe sold to the King’s Ships, and received Bills of Exchange, or shipped to the West India Islands where they have procured them Cash or Bills of Exchange; the Surplus they have put into the Loan Offices from time to time, for Loan Offices have been open all along from seventeen hundred and seventy Six to this time. Whenever any Person lent paper Bills to the Public, and took Loan Office Certificates, he would have been glad to have taken Silver in Exchange for the Bills at their then depreciated Value. Why should he not be willing now? Those who lent Paper Dollars when Forty were worth but one, will have one for Forty, and those who lent when Paper was as good as Silver, will have Dollar for Dollar.
      Your Excellency thinks it would be hard that those who escaped the perils of the Seas and of Enemies, should be spoiled by their Friends, but Congress have not spoiled any. They have only prevented themselves and the public from being spoiled. No Agent of any European Merchant in making his Calculations of profit and Loss ever estimated the depreciated Bills at the nominal Value. They all put a profit upon their Goods sufficient to defray all Expences of Insurance, Freight, and everything else, and had a great profit, besides, receiving the Bills at the current and not the nominal Value.
      It may not be amiss to state a few prices current at Boston the last and present Year in Order to show the profits that have been made.
      Bohea Tea Forty sols a pound at L’Orient and Nantes, Forty five Dollars.
      Salt (which is very little in Europe) used to be sold for one shilling a Bushell Forty Dollars a Bushel and in some of the States two hundred Dollars at times.
      Linnen (which cost two Livres a yard in France) Forty Dollars per yard.
      Broad Cloth, a Louis d’or here, Two hundred Dollars per yard.
      Ironmongery of all sorts One hundred and twenty for one.
      Millinery of all sorts at an Advance far exceeding.
      These were the prices at Boston and at Philadelphia, and in all the other States they were much higher.
      These prices I think must convince your Excellency that allowing one half or even two thirds of the Vessels to be taken, there is Room enough for a handsome profit deducting all Charges and computing the Value of the Bills at the Rate of Silver at the time.
      There are two other Sources from whence Foreigners have made great profit, the difference between Bills of Exchange and Silver during the whole of our History, when a Man could readily get twenty five paper Dollars for one in silver, he could not get more than twelve paper Dollars for one in a Bill of Exchange. Nearly this proportion was observed all along as I have been informed. The Agent of a foreign Merchant had only to sell his Goods for paper, or buy paper with Silver at twenty five for one, and immediately go and buy Bills at twelve for one, so that he doubled the Value of his Money in a Moment. Another Source was this, the paper was not alike depreciated in all places at the same time, it was forty for one at Philadelphia sometimes when it was only Twenty at Boston. The Agent of a foreign Merchant had only to sell his Goods, or send Silver to Philadelphia, and exchange it for paper, which he could lay out at Boston for twice what it cost him, and in this way again double his property. This depreciating Currency being therefore a fruitfull Source for Men of penetration to make large profits, it is not to be wonder’d that some have written alarming Letters to their Correspondents.
      No man is more ready than I am to acknowledge the Obligations we are under to France, but the flourishing State of her marine and Commerce, and the decisive Influence of her Councils and Negotiations in Europe, which all the World will allow to be owing in a great Measure to the Seperation of America from her inveterate Enemy, and to her new Connection with the United States, show that the Obligations are mutual; and no foreign Merchant ought to expect to be treated in America better than her native Merchants, who have hazarded their property thro’ the same perils of the Seas and of Enemies.
      In the late province of Massachusetts Bay from the Years seventeen hundred and forty five to seventeen hundred and fifty, we had full Experience of the Operations of paper Money. The province engaged in expensive Expeditions against Louisbourg and Canada which occasioned a too plentiful Emission of paper Money, in Consequence of which it depreciated to seven and half for one. In seventeen hundred and fifty the British Parliament granted a Sum of Money to the province to reimburse it, for what it had expended more than its proportion, in the general Expence of the Empire. This Sum was brought over to Boston in Silver and Gold, and the Legislature determin’d to redeem all their paper with it, at the depreciated Value. There was a similar Alarm at first, and before the Matter was understood, but after the People had time to think upon it, all were satisfied to receive Silver at Fifty shillings an Ounce, altho’ the Face of the Bills promised an Ounce of Silver for every six shillings and Eight pence. At that time the British Merchants were more interested in our paper Money in proportion than any Europeans now are, yet they did not charge the province with a Breach of Faith, or stigmatize this as an Act of Bankruptcy, on the contrary, they were satisfied with it. In proof of this last Assertion I would beg Leave to remind your Excellency that at that time the Laws of Massachusetts were subject, not only to the Negative of the King’s Governor, but to a Revision by the King in Council, and were there liable to be affirmed or annulled; and from the partial preference which your Excellency well knows was uniformly given to the Interest of the Subjects of the King within the Realm, when they came in Competition with those of the Subjects in the Colonies, there is no Reason to doubt that if that Measure when thoroughly considered had been unjust in itself, but the Merchants of England would have taken an Alarm and procured the Act to be disallowed by the King in Council, yet the Merchants of England who well understand their own Interest, were quite silent upon this Occasion, and the Law was confirmed in the Council, nor can it be supposed to have been confirmed there in a Manner unnoticed. It had met with too much Opposition among a certain Set of interested Speculators in the then province, for that Supposition to be made. And the Case of the British Merchants at that time differed in no Respect from the present Case of the French, or other foreign Merchants, except that the Credits of the former were vastly greater, and they must have consequently been more deeply interested in that Measure of Government, than the latter are in the present one, their Acquiescence in the Measure and the Confirmation of that Act must be rested upon the full Conviction of the British Administration and of the Merchants, of the Justice of it.
      Your Excellency will agree in the Difficulty of making any Distinction between the French Merchant and the Spanish or Dutch Merchant, by any general Rule, for all these are interested in this Business.
      Your Excellency is pleased to ask whether I think these proceedings of Congress proper to give Credit to the United States, to inspire Confidence in their Promises, and to invite the European Nations to partake the same Risques to which the Subjects of his Majesty have exposed themselves.
      I have the Honor to answer your Excellency, directly and candidly, that I do think them proper for these Ends, and I further think them the only Measures that ever could acquire Credit and Confidence to the United States. I know of no other just Foundation of Confidence in Men or Bodies of Men, than their Understanding and their Integrity, and Congress have manifested to all the World by this plan, that they understand the Nature of their paper Currency, that its Fluctuation has been the grand Obstacle to their Credit, and that it was necessary to draw it to a Conclusion in Order to introduce a more steady Standard of Commerce, that to this End the Repeal of their Laws which made paper a Tender and giving a free Circulation to Silver and Gold was necessary. They have further manifested by these Resolutions, that they are fully possessed of the only principle there is in the Nature of things, for doing Justice in this Business to the public and to Individuals, to Natives and to Foreigners, and that they are sufficiently possessed of the Confidence of the People, and there is sufficient Vigour in their Government to carry it into Execution.
      Notwithstanding all, if any European Merchant can show any good Reason for excepting his particular Case from the general Rule, upon a Representation of it to Congress, I have no doubt they will do him Justice.
      Moreover if his Excellency the Chevalier de la Luzerne can show that the Sum of Five Millions of Dollars is not the real worth of all the paper Money that is abroad and that ten Millions of Dollars is the true Sum, I doubt not Congress would alter their Rule, and redeem it at Twenty for One, But I doubt very much wether this can be shown.
      But I cannot see that any Distinction could be made between French Merchants and those of other Nations, but what would be very invidious and founded upon no principles. I cannot see that any Distinction can be made between Natives and Foreigners, but what would have a most unhappy Effect upon the Minds of the People in America, and be a partiality quite unwarrantable, and therefore your Excellency will see, that it is impossible for me to take any Steps to persuade the Congress to retract, because it would be acting in direct Repugnance to the clearest Dictates of my Understanding and Judgement of what is right and fit. I cannot excuse myself from adding that most of the Arms, Ammunition and Cloathing for the Army have been contracted for here by the Ministers of Congress and paid for or agreed to be paid for here in Silver and Gold. Very little of these Articles have been shipped by private Adventurers. They have much more commonly shipped Articles of Luxury of which the Country did not stand in need, and upon which they must have made vast profits.

      Thus have I communicated to your Excellency my Sentiments, with that Freedom which becomes a Citizen of the United States intrusted by the Public with some of its Interests. I entreat your Excellency to consider them as springing from no other Motives than a strong Attachment to the Union of the States, and a desire to prevent all unnecessary Causes of Parties and Disputes, and from a desire not only to preserve the Alliance in all its Vigor, but to prevent everything, which may unnecessarily oppose itself to the Affection and Confidence between the two Nations, which I wish to see encreased every day, as every day convinces me more and more of the Necessity that France and America will be under, of cherishing their mutual Connections.
      I have the Honor to be with the greatest Respect Your Excellencys Most Obedient and most humble Servant.

       John Adams


Title: From John Adams to James Lovell, 24 June 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Lovell, James

       Dear sir
       Paris June 24 1780

      Yours of 4 May is received—it is the first from Philadelphia. Mr. Mease and your Friend shall have all the attention and assistance I can give them. I thank you for sending the Journals by the Way of Braintree: but hope you will continue to send them from Phila. also.
      Your Plan of a Cypher I cannot comprehend—nor can Dr. F. his.
      You have made me very happy, by acquainting me with Proceedings on my accounts. The Report and consequent Vote that “the several Charges in my accounts are conformable to the strictest Principles of Oeconomy, and that as far as I have been entrusted with public money, the same has been carefully and frugally expended” does me great Honour. But I cannot live so Oeconomically now, and I have not received the orders you promised me, to draw. Pray what am I to do.?
      Where is Laurens? Jay I hope will go on well. The Irish go on. The maritime Powers go on. The English Mobs go on. And I hope the military operations of F. and S. go on well.
      But the affair of Charleston, Your Plan of Revolution in the Paper Currency which made a Noise here because it was not understood; and was misrepresented: and the disputes about the Alliance Frigate, all coming at once: agitated my Mind, more I think than any Thing ever did. But We shall do very well. I wish the Frigate was away. I have explained the affair of the Money at Court as well as I could. I am sure it is right in the main. Whether 40 for one is too little too much or exactly right I know not. In this Calculation I pin my faith on your sleeves, who know best. But of the Principles I am certain. If the Chevr. de La Luzerne remonstrates you can convince the King and him too that you are right.

      I shall have little to do in my celestial Character of Angelus Paies, I fear very soon. Yet I never was busier in all my days. I have written an hundred Letters to Congress I believe, almost. Whether you receive them I dont know. If there is any Thing wrong, or omitted, or that gives offence, let me know.
      Yours affectionately.


Title: From John Adams to James Wilson, 24 June 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Wilson, James

      Sir
      Paris Hotel de Valois Ruë de Richelieu June 24. 1780

     I had two days ago the Pleasure of receiving a Duplicate your Letter of the 20 of April—the original is not come to Hand. You could not have given me a Commission, more agreable to my Inclinations, than that of furnishing a List of a Collection of Books—on Treaties, the Law of Nations, the Laws maritime, the Laws of France respecting Navigation and Commerce, and the History and Policy of the Kingdom. As it is a subject that has particularly engaged my attention, as much as necessary avocations would admit, it will be attended with little difficulty. Mr. Gerard is at present at his Country House. Mr. Deane is not arrived that I have heard. I will take the first opportunity of furnishing the List, that presents.
     The approbation of So able a Judge, of the Report of a Constitution for Mass. gives me great Consolation.
     I never Spent Six Weeks in a manner that I shall ever reflect upon with more Pleasure than with that Society of Wise men who composed that Convention. So much Caution, Moderation, Sagacity and Integrity, has not often been together in this World.
     I see the Convention have made alterations in the Plan: but these are done with so much Prudence and fortified with so much ability that I dare not Say they are not for the better. The Report of the Committee has been received in Europe with applause—it has been translated into Spanish and French and printed in the Courier de L’Europe—the London Courant and the Remembrancer.
     The Loss of Charlestown the Men the ships, the artillery and stores, is a dreadfull Wound. Yet I dont See that the English will gain much by it. And We hope to hear Something as a Ballance. The Revolution in the Paper Currency, is very encouraging to me, yet it has made a disagreable sensation here—but I think it was chiefly because the Plan was not published all together. I We have had much to do to take off the Impression. But it must I think soon subside.
     The System of Europe is as favourable to Us, almost as We could wish. The state of Great Britain is deplorable beyond description—Discontents which will subvert the Constitution, if this War continues, are at Work. Yet the Ministry cannot make Peace—because they know they must loose their Heads if they do. I see not but they must loose them, whether they make Peace or continue the War.
     You must know more, at this moment than I do of French and Spanish Fleets and Armies in America. May they do their duty. If they do all must be well. I shall be, always glad to hear from you, sir, and, have the Honour to be, with great Esteem, your most obt.


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Franklin, 26 June 1780
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

        ante 26 June 1780

      M. Adams, after having perused the inclosed Papers, is desired to give his Opinion on the following Questions.
      1st. Whether Captain Landais, accused as he is, of Capital Crimes, by his Senior and late Commanding Officer, after having apparently relinquished the Command of the Alliance frigate, by with drawing his Effects from the same, after having asked and received money by Order of the Minister Plenipotentiary, in order to transport himself to America, and take his Trial there, upon the said accusation, and after having for that Purpose, in writing, requested a passage to be procur’d for him, was intituled, at his pleasure, to retake the Command of the Alliance, (contrary to the positive order of the Minister Plenipotentiary, whose orders the said Landais was by the Navy Board instructed to obey), and to dispossess his successor, the oldest naval officer of the United States, in Europe, who had commanded the said frigate near eight months, and brought her to the Port where she now is?

      2dly. Whether the Conduct of Captain Landais, at L’Orient in exciting the Officers and Seamen of the Alliance, to deny the Authority of Captain Jones under whose Command they had voluntarily come, and remained there, and encouraging the said Seamen to make unlawful Demands on the Minister Plenipotentiary for the United States, and to enter into a mutinous Combination, not to put to Sea with the Alliance until the said Demands should be complied with, thereby retarding the Departure of the said frigate and of the Public Stores, on board, be not highly Culpable?
      3dly. Whether after Captain Landais’s late Conduct and the manner in which he has retaken the Command of the frigate Alliance, it be consistent with good order, Prudence, and the Public Service, to permit him to retain the Direction of her, and of the Public Stores intended to be sent with her, accused as he is of Capital Crimes by his late Commodore, and for which if he arive in America, he must of Course be tried?


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Franklin, 26 June 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

       Sir
       Paris June 26. 1780

      I have read over all the Papers in the Bundle left with me, numbered to thirty seven. I have also read the three Queries stated to me.
      These Queries I apprehend can legally be answered only by Congress or a Court Martial; and therefore it would be improper in me to give any answer to them because the Papers will appear before Congress or a Court Martial; who can judge of them better than I. They will also hear Captain Landais which I cannot do. My Opinion therefore would have no Weight either before the one or the other Tribunal or supposing it to be admitted to be read and to have any Weight it ought not to be given, because I cannot be legally either a Witness or a Judge.
      I cannot however think that the Instructions of the Navy Board to Captain Landais to obey the orders of the Minister Plenipotentiary, contain Authority to remove him, without his Consent, from the Command of a Ship committed to him by Congress, because the Navy Board themselves had not as I apprehend such Authority.
      Since those Instructions were given, as I was informed at Boston, Congress have given to the Navy Board Power, upon any Misbehaviour of an Officer, to suspend him, stating to Congress at the same Time a regular Charge against him. But I do not find among these Papers such Authority given to any Body in Europe, nor do I find that any regular Charge against Captain Landais has been stated to Congress.
      There has seldom if ever been in France a sufficient Number of Officers at a time to constitute a Court Martial, and our Code of Admiralty Laws is so inadequate to the Government of Frigates for any Length of Time in Europe, that it is presumed Congress in future will either omit to put Frigates under any direction in Europe, or make some Additions to the Laws of the Admiralty adapted to such Cases—for there is an End of all Order, Discipline and Decency, when disputes arise and there is no Tribunal to decide them, and when Crimes are committed or alledged, and there is no Authority to try or to punish them.
      I have not observed among these Papers any clear Evidence of Captain Landais Consent to leave the Command of the Ship and therefore upon the whole, rather than bring the present disputes about the Alliance to any critical and dangerous decision here, where the Law is so much at a loose and there can be no legal Tribunal to decide, I should think your Excellency would be most likely to be justified in pursuing the mildest measures, by transmitting all the Papers and Evidence to Congress or the Navy Board for a Trial by a Court Martial and ordering the commanding Officer of the Alliance with the Stores and Convoy as soon as possible to America.

      I give this opinion to your Excellency, to make what use of it you think proper.
      I have the Honour to be, with great Respect, sir your most obedient and humble servant.

       John Adams


Title: From John Adams to the President of Congress, No. 87, 26 June 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Huntington, Samuel,President of Congress

       Sir
       Paris June 26th. 1780

      The Resolutions of Congress of the 18th. of March respecting the paper bills, appeared first in Europe as recited in the Act of the Assembly of Pennsylvania. They were next published in the English News-Papers as taken from a Boston Paper published by the Council; at last the Resolutions appear’d in the Journals of Congress.
      A great clamour was raised and spread, that the United States had violated their Faith, and had declared themselves Bankrupts unable to pay more than Two and a half pr. Cent.

      A Gentleman soon after called upon me, and told me that the Court were alarmed, and that the Comte De Vergennes wou’d be glad to consult me upon the Subject. I then receiv’d a Letter from Boston acquainting me that the Legislature of Massachusetts had adopted the Plan. Of this letter I sent an Extract immediately to the Comte, and waited on him at Versailles, where I had the honor of a long Conversation with his Excellency on the Subject. He desired me to converse with his first Commis upon the Subject; which I did particularly.
      He Excellency told me he had written to me upon the Subject and that I shou’d receive the letter the next Day. On my return from Versailles, I received a letter from Mr. Gerry informing me of the Resolutions to pay the Loan Office Certificates at the value of money at the Time when they issued. I had before told the Comte, that I was persuaded this was a part of the plan. I sent an Extract of this letter also to the Comte without loss of time. The next day I received the Letter from his Excellency; Copy of which and of my Answer are enclosed. Yesterday Mr. Trumbull of Connecticut, favoured me with a Law of the State, respecting this matter, and an Estimate of the gradual progress of Depreciation. Those papers I forthwith transmitted to his Excellency.
      I am determined to give my sentiments to His Majesty’s Ministers whenever they shall see Cause to ask them; altho it is not within my Department, untill I shall be forbidden by Congress and to this End, I will go to Court often enough to give them opportunity to ask them, if they wish to know them.
      The Clamour that has been raised, that has been so industriously spread, that I cannot but suspect; that the Motive at Bottom, has either been a wish to have opportunity of continuing the profitable speculations, which artful Men are able to make in a depreciating Currency, or else by spreading a diffidence in American Credit to discourage many from engaging in American Trade, that the profits of it, may still continue to be confined to a few. I have the honour with the greatest respect Your Excellency’s Most obedient and most humble Servant

       John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Digges, 28 June 1780
From: Adams, John,F. R. S.
To: Digges, Thomas

       24 i.e. 28? June 1780

     Yours of 26 and 29 Ultimo I have received and another with the Court Gazette with the Capitulation of Charlestown and also that of 8th. instant. I have also received the Box of Books, and all the Bundles of Newspapers and Pamphlets. I thank you most Sincerely for your Care. I beg you Pardon, sir, for sending you, half of the Report of the Committee. I thought it entire when I sent it. It is now printed, in the Papers, so that there is no Necessity of sending another if I had it—but I have none left.
     The Pamphlets have been a Feast to me. But what can be said of those written by—Such a Mass of Falsehood! The cool Thoughts on the Consequences of American Independence, should have been intituled a Demonstration that it is the Interest and Duty of America to support her Independence at all Events: and that it is equally the Interest and Duty of all the rest of Europe to support her in it. It Seems as if Providence intended to give success enough to lead on the English Nation to their final and total destruction. I am sorry for it. I wish it not. But it must come if they pursue this War much farther. The Conquest of Charlestown will only arouse America to double Exertion and fourfold Indignation. The English Nation knows not the People they have to do with and that has been the fatal Course of their Misconduct from first to last.
     Governor Pownal knows them altho he dares not say in Parliament what he knows. It is the Deuce of the Destinies that the southern Parts of the Continent, should be brought to as much Experience in War as the northern. This will remove the only Cause of Jealousy and Strengthen the Union, beyond a Possibility of Breaking it.
     It will make them taste equally too the bitter Cup of British Inhumanity. In short the English So far from gaining any Thing by the Acquisition of Charlestown, will only double their Expense. Their army will moulder away. And they will be in danger of loosing both that and New York. Those who imagine that this will discourage any Body in America, have no Idea of that People.
     The blubbering Babies in Europe, who give up all for lost, upon every Disaster, are no Americans. The last are Men. Yours with great regard. &c.

      F. R. S.


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Franklin, 29 June 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

       Sir
       Paris June 29th. 1780

      I have the honor to inclose a Copy of the letter of the Comte De Vergennes, to me, of the 21st. of this Month, and a Copy of my Answer to his Excellency of the 22d.
      This Correspondence is upon a subject, that has lain much out of the way of my particular pursuits, and therefore I may be inaccurate in somethings, but in the principles I am well persuaded I am right. I hope that things are explained so as to be intelligible, and that there is nothing inconsistant with that decency which ought in such a Case to be observed.
      If your Excellency thinks me materially wrong in any Thing, I shou’d be much obliged to you to point it out to me, for I am open to Conviction.
      This Affair in America is a very tender and dangerous business, and requires all the Address, as well as Firmness of Congress to extricate the Country out of the Embarrassments arising from it: And there is no possible System, I believe, that cou’d give universal Satisfaction to all, but this appears to me, to promise to give more general satisfaction than any other that I have ever heard suggested. I have the honor to be with much Respect Your Excellency’s most obedient and most humble Servant.

       John Adams

       I have added Copies of the whole Correspondence.


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Jefferson, 29 June 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Jefferson, Thomas

      My dear Sir
      Paris June 29. 1778 i.e. 1780

     Mr. Mazzei, called on me, last Evening, to let me know that he was this morning at three to Sett off, on his Journey, for Italy. He desired me to write you, that he has communicated to me the Nature of his Errand: but that his Papers being lost, he waits for a Commission and Instructions from you. That being limited to five Per Cent, and more than that being given by the Powers of Europe, and indeed having been offered by other states and even by the Ministers of Congress, he has little hopes of succeeding at so low an Interest. That he shall however endeavour to prepare the Way, in Italy for borrowing, and hopes to be usefull to Virginia and the United states.
     I know nothing of this Gentleman, but what I have learned of him here. His great affection for you Mr. Wythe, Mr. Mason, and other choice Spirits in Virginia, recommended him to me. I know not in what Light he stands in your Part: but here, as far as I have had opportunity to see and hear, he has been usefull to Us. He kept very good Company and a good deal of it. He talks a great deal, and was a zealous defender of our Affairs. His Variety of Languages, and his Knowledge of American affairs, gave him Advantages which he did not neglect.
     What his Success will be in borrowing money, I know not. We are impatient to learn whether Virginia and the other States have adopted the Plan of Finances recommended by Congress on the 18 of March. I think We shall do no great Things at borrowing unless that System or some other, calculated to bring Things to some certain and Steady Standard, Succeeds.
     Before this reaches you, you will have learned, the Circumstances of the Insurrections in England, which discover So deep and So general a discontent, and distress that no Wonder the Nation Stands gazing at one another, in Astonishment, and Horror. To What Extremities their Confusions will proceed, no Man can tell. They Seem unable to unite in any Principle and to have no Confidence in one another. Thus it is, when Truth and Virtue are lost. These Surely, are not the People who ought to have absolute Authority over Us, in all Cases whatsoever, this is not the nation which is to bring Us to unconditional submission.
     The Loss of Charlestown has given a rude Shock to our Feelings. I am distressed for our worthy Friends in that Quarter. But the Possession of that Town must weaken and distress perplex the Enemy more than Us.
     By this Time you know more than I do, of the Destination and the operations of French and Spanish Armaments. May they have Success, and give Us Ease and Liberty, if the English will not give Us Peace.
     I have the Honor to be with an affectionate Respect, sir your Frd & Sert


Title: From John Adams to the President of Congress, No. 88, 29 June 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Huntington, Samuel,President of Congress

      No. 88 Duplicate
      Sir
      Paris June 29th. 1780

     The disputes about the Alliance, have been so critical and disagreable, that Congress will pardon me, for writing a few Observations upon our Arrangements here.
     I apprehend that many of the Disputes, Delays and other Inconveniences, that have attended our Affairs in this Kingdom, have arisen from blending the offices of Political Minister, Board of Admiralty, Chamber of Commerce, and Commercial Agent together.
     The Business of the Minister is to negotiate with the Court, to propose and to consult upon Plans for the Conduct of the War, to collect and transmit Intelligence from the other Parts, especially concerning the designs and the forces of the Enemy. This is Business enough for the wisest and most laborious Man the United States have in their Service, aided by an active, intelligent and industrious Secretary. But added to all this our Ministers at the Court of Versailles have ever been overloaded with Commercial and Admiralty Business, complicated and perplexing in its Nature, and endless in its detail: But for this, I am persuaded much more might have been done in the Conduct of the War, and the United States might have had more effectual assistance, and France and Spain too fewer misfortunes to bewail.
     I would therefore beg leave to propose to Congress to appoint a Consul without Loss of Time to reside at Nantes, and to him consign all Vessels from the United States. I think it should be an American, some Merchant of known Character, Abilities and Industry, who would consent to serve his Country for moderate Emoluments. Such Persons are to be found in great Numbers in the United States. There are many applications from French Gentlemen. But I think that a Want of Knowledge of our Language, our Laws, Customs and even of the Humors of our People, for even these must be considered, they never would be able to give Satisfaction nor to do Justice. Besides if it is an Honor, a Profit, or only an Opportunity to travel and see the World for Improvement, I think the native Americans have a Right to expect it and further that the Public have a Right to expect that whatever Advantages are honestly to be made in this Way, should return sometime or other to America, together with the Knowledge and Experience gained at the same time. These Consuls as well as the foreign Ministers should all be instructed to transmit to Congress, written Accounts of the Civil and Military Constitutions of the Places, where they are, as well as of all the Advantages for Commerce with the whole World, especially with the United States. These Letters preserved will be a repertory of political and commercial Knowledge, that in future Times may be a rich Treasure to the United States.
     To these Consuls, the Commercial Concerns of the Public should be committed, and the Vessels of War.
     It will be necessary sometimes to send a Frigate to Europe, to bring Intelligence, to bring Passengers, even perhaps to bring Commodities, or to fetch Stores: but I hope no Frigate will ever be again sent to cruise, or be put under the Command of any Body in Europe, Consul or Minister. They may recieve their orders from the Navy Board in America, and be obliged to obey them.
     I have had a great deal of Experience in the Government of these Frigates, when I had the Honor to be one of the Ministers Plenipotentiary at the Court of Versailles, and afterwards at Nantes, L’Orient and Brest, when I was seeking a Passage home. Disputes were perpetually arising between officers and their Crews, between Captains and their officers, and between the officers of one Ship and another. There were never officers enough to compose a Court Martial and nobody had authority to remove or suspend officers without their Consent: so that in short, there was little Order, Discipline, Subordination or Decency.
     Another thing, when Frigates are under the direction of an Authority, at a distance of three or four hundred Miles, so much time is lost in writing and sending Letters and waiting for Answers, as has been found an intolerable Embarrassment to the Service.
     It is now two years since Consuls were expected and a Secretary to this Mission. It is a great Misfortune to the United States that they have not arrived. Every Man can see that it has been a great Misfortune, but none can tell how great. There is much Reason to believe that if our Establishments here had been upon a well digested Plan and compleated, and if our Affairs had been urged with as much Skill and Industry as they might in that Case have been, that We should at this moment have been blessed with Peace, or at least, with that Tranquility and Security which would have resulted from a total Expulsion of the English from the United States, and the West India Islands.
     I have the Honor to be, with great Respect, Sir, your most obedient Servant.


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Digges, 29 June 1780
From: Digges, Thomas
To: Adams, John

      Dr. Sir
      London June 29. 1780

     Since my letter by Mr. Barnet (who was Capn. and supercargoe of a Ship of Chamonts taken and carryd into Ireland) of the 8th. Instant, I have put in the common conveyance two letters for you the 10th. and 23d. Instant, which I hope reachd your hands. A freind going to Holland promises to put this in the first Post Office abroad. Since my last, there has been nothing whatever from America, nor any other quarter save the account of a second brush between the French and English fleets in the Wt. Indies. A packet is arrivd from St. Kitts the 25 May. By which there is advices that on the 13th. May, Martinico bearing W by N twelve Leagues, Rodney descried the french fleet turning to windward to get into Martinico; after much maneuvreing on both sides, the rear of the English fleet got up with the van of the Enemy and engagd. They got very roughly handled (tho not disabled so much as to be obligd to quit the Seas) before the body of the Fleet could assist them. The van consisted of six, cheifly the Copper Bottomd and best sailers. They have lost it is said 220 men in killd and three ships the Cornwall, Conqueror and another are very much pepperd. Rodney however prevented their purpose of getting into Martinique, every other instance of this brush is spoken of as being very much against the English, and stocks sunk thereon about 3/4 per Cent. Altho there has been a packet, Government give the public no account of it, which carrys the face of its being a worse account than we hear. The Gentry at Loyds Coffee House rather shake their heads for fear of their Wt. India Ships, if not Islands; but the friends to Ministry are trying every art to make it appear an action favorable to the English fleet, that Rodney remaind master of the Seas, that the French fleet fled back into Guadale., that they can be effectually prevented from joining the other division in Martinique &c. &c.
     By many private letters and the accounts from Passengers in the Man of war with Dispatches of the Surrender of Chas. Town, there are very melancholly accounts of the State of things in the Country distant from Chas. Town, cheifly in respect to the Negroes, where there are at least 8 or 10 for one white. These accounts say, that as soon as they had heard of the surrender of the Town to the English all bond of them towards their masters were broke and that the civil powers could not prevent their liberating themselves; They collected in bodys of one two and 300 each, quitted all sorts of work or controul whatever, took what they could carry and plunder from their masters and were moving about the Country bending rather westward when the last accounts were had of them. From these accounts as well as what I hear from the quarter of the Torey Carola. Merchants in the City, it is not possible for that Country to be in a worse situation than it now is. The last Crop of Rice and Corn had faild almost universally, The people during the invasion of the Country in the planting months of April and May could not attend to agriculture, a scarcity of Cattle and hogs, and this more deplorable than all the other evils the blacks going at large and doing much mischeif, together with the cheif of the principal Gentry being either prisoners in the Town or out of the Country, makes the whole a very melancholly picture indeed. Their prospects too are bad from their Western neighbours and from the still greater Savages the back settlers of No. Carolina, whither it is said Clinton Cornwallis with about 1100 men had certainly gone.
     The Brutes in this Country, (who I am very sorry to say seems to be a majority of the People) seem to exult at all this, because in their opinion it leads to a sure reduction of all the Southern Colonies, and gives, as they term it, a death blow to rebellion. This is not the language of the common, but of the better sort of People, and of almost every man in power or of consequence. I cannot help damming them all together. I have been bouyd up lately with some hopes, that the ministry would look a little further toward the Interest of the Country than the narrow circle of St. James, and have made some profers of terms—even the parley for which could not be disadvantageous to America and might at least have led to a cessation of hostilities for a small time. Every one must know, and I beleive they see themselves, that terms excluding France and Spain would not do. I am now fully persuaded that they are determind either England or America shall be totally ruind in the trial. The last days debate on Hartleys and Sir Geo. Savilles motion (which you will read in the papers) convinces me that my opinion is not ill founded. You may depend upon it, the ministry have no sort of idea of Peace or accomodation with America, and that they mean to send more troops and push another Campaign for the subjugation of it. It is impossible to explain to you why they are at this juncture prepossessd with an opinion nay declare publickly, “that in all human probability they will succeed.” Many men of worth who thought otherways till lately, seem now, from the present account of the state of things in America which too many are infatuated to beleive, have fallen into an opinion that England should push the Contest further and risque much on another Campaign. Gen. Conway (tho I do not mention him as a pattern either of judgement or honesty, for sure I am he has been long under the sunshine of ministry) in the Ho. Commons the day of Hartleys motion, declard that another ten, another 20,000 men, should be sent to Ama. rather than offer terms of Independence now. If I were to write pages I could only mention such instances of folly and infatuation as these. I wish to impress upon your mind that the intention in this quarter is still to prosecute the war vigorously against America, and every nerve will be straind to send men and ships to that station. They will effect it too, if France and Spain, do not act more vigorusly at Sea and go to work instead of making a parade. Five ships of the line on any of the Southern Coasts of America in the months of March, Apr. or May would have effectually securd Chas. Town, and capturd a British army. The very same mischiefs will happen in Virga. if the Coasts are not guarded and protected by men of war this summer; and the people finding it the woeful fact will become discontented with their allies, and naturally suppose the intentions of them are not to risque any thing but protract the war to the emminent ruin of that as well as of this Country.
     At present there is no standing against the torrent of folly expressd in all Companys about the certainty of subjugating America. I have seen frequently these people as much depressd and as often in the lower appartments of the House, as they are now elated and dancing about in the Garrets; perhaps, before reason gives them time to think quietly in the middle story, some news may arrive that will put them all in the cellars. If one may draw a conclusion about the fate of this Country, from the general face of things in Europe as well as in America and the West Indies, one would be led to suppose that in a few weeks, if not days, some news would arrive far more depressing than the late accounts from America have been elating to the unthinking inhabitants of it. God send some that may bring them to reason and to think that the wisest measure they can adopt for the salvation of the Country is peace and accomodation with America.
     I am wishing to hear of the safe arrival of the Books, papers &c. I hope you did not put a stop to my forwarding them from any supposition that it was troublesome to me to execute your Commissions, for I can assure you it was none, and that next to serving my Country, that of assisting its servants abroad is my principal wish and desire. I beg you will not spare me whenever you think I can be servicable and that you will believe me to be with great Esteem Dr. Sir Your obet. Hum Sert.

      TD


Title: To John Adams from Edmund Jenings, 29 June 1780
From: Jenings, Edmund
To: Adams, John

      Sir
      Brussels June 29. 1780

     I have the Honour of receiving your Excellencys Letter inclosing your Epistle to Mr. Wythe and the resolutions of the Convention. I have read them with the utmost Attention and Admiration. I have showed them to others, who have had the same Sense of them, as myself. They appeal to the reason of all, and having evidently in View the Happiness of good men, by securing them Against the Oppression of the bad, have gaind the Approbation of all. They are sent to England; where they will be well receivd by a few, but they may serve to convince all, that Men in their Senses will not, cannot give up so a Compleat System to live under the controuls of One that is so imperfect, as that which is in England. Your Excellency will believe me, when I assure you that I have not seen any thing, that Strikes my Imagination with more force and more pleasure. Let me beg of your Excellency to impart whatever other Matters have passed in the Transactions and Completion of so great and good a work.
     My Correspondent in England persists in saying that a person is sent to Spain of the name of Hussey to ingratiate himself into the Confidence of Friends. That He is a Catholic, and that He is sent by Lord North—perhaps He may have changed his name and therefore it may be worth while to inquire whether there is any body lately arrivd there from England, who is busy about our Friends. I Hope they are Attentive to all their domestics, for I Know Secrets have been discoverd by their Treachery.
     I am Sir your Excellencys Most Obedient and faithful Humbl Servt.

      Edm: Jenings


Title: To John Adams from John Bondfield, 30 June 1780
From: Bondfield, John
To: Adams, John

      Sir
      Bordeaux 30 June 1780

     The loss of Charles Town engages me to lay before you the following Circumstance, Mr. Gillon at his arrival in France finding the greatest part of the Fund sent by the State for his Use taken by the Enemy, in virtue of the power given to take up Money on the Guarantee of the State after sundry efforts in different parts came to Bordeaux and laid open to me his Situation. Disireous to render my Services Useful to the States Unitedly or Seperately I applied to Capital House in this City and obtaind a Loan of Four hundred Thousand Livres reimbursable this Fall and the beginning of next year. This being settled he set out for Prussia intending to equip at Stettin and took Bills to the amount above given him by the House on the Kings Banker at Berlin. Not finding at Stettin to correspond with his views he went to Amsterdam taking with him a fresh Credit from the Banker at Berlin on Amsterdam. He has there bought two Capital Ships which are near ready carrying Twenty eight, Thirty Six pounders on One Deck he writes me two of the finest Vessels he ever saw.
     The purport of this detail is by the Loss of Charles Town that State aparently will be unable to comply with the Conditions enterd into by Mr. Gillon. And the Governor Council and Governing powers being all involved in this event, the Guarantee thereby becomes doubtful at least from many Considerations. These Ships are yet in Port. Under the present circumstances permit me to state to you the following plan, supposing Mr. Gillon consenting.
     1. That the Ambassador or Ambassadors from the United States take these Ships for the Service of the States.
     2. That the Sums advanct for the outfits of these ships in virtue of their Contract with Mr. Gillon be reimburst to them conformable to the Conditions of the Loan.
     The loss of the Boston, Providence, &c. before Charles Town makes an Acquitsion of the above Nature indispensable if means admit.
     I expect to hear from M. Gillon to morrow but I know no other than the above plan unless they sell the Ships to some foreign State.

     I do not write this as an Official Letter it is to yourself for your private digesting praying your advice I shall not write the Docter on the Subject as the transaction was executed independant of Mr. De Chamont the proposal above may possibly be not approved.

      With respect I am Sr Your very hhb Servt.
      John Bondfield


Title: The Comte de Vergennes to John Adams: A Translation, 30 June 1780
From: Vergennes, Charles Gravier, Comte de
To: Adams, John

        Sir
        Versailles, 30 June 1780

       I have received, sir, the letter which you did me the honour to write of the 22d of this month concerning Congress’ resolution of 18 March. I have already informed you that it was not my intention either to analyze this resolution as it respects the citizens of the United States or to examine whether circumstances authorize the arrangements or not. I had but one objective in writing to you with the confidence which I thought due to your knowledge and your attachment to the Alliance, which was to convince you that the French ought not to be confounded with the Americans, and that this would be an evident injustice by making them sustain the loss with which they are threatened. The details into which you have thought proper to enter have not changed my sentiments, but I think that all further discussion between us on this subject will be needless. I shall only observe that if the King’s Council considers, as you pretend, the resolution of Congress in a wrong point of view, the Chevalier de La Luzerne who is on the spot will not fail to clarify the matter, and should Congress not agree with the representations which that Minister is charged to make, it will undoubtedly communicate to us its reasons justifying its refusal. Should they be well founded the King will take them into consideration, His Majesty demanding nothing but the most exact justice. But should they be otherwise, he will renew his request to the United States and will confidently expect, from their penetration and wisdom, a decision conformable to his demand. His Majesty is the more persuaded that Congress will give their whole attention to this business, as this assembly, which has frequently renewed the assurance, values as well as yourself sir the union which subsists between France and the United States and thus they will assuredly perceive that the French deserve a preference before other nations who have no treaty with America and who have not even recognized its independence.
       I have the honor to be very perfectly, sir, your very humble and very obedient servant,

        De Vergennes


Title: From John Adams to Joshua Johnson, 1 July 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Johnson, Joshua

      Dear sir
      Paris July 1. 1780

     I have just received yours of 27 of June. I have no Sufficient Reason to believe that any Letter to or from me, has been intercepted. I have certain Information that large Dispatches for me by two Vessells have been cast into the sea—One Vessell being taken and the other thinking herself taken. The Moment I should have Cause to believe that any Letter to me or from me is intercepted, I will carry my Complaint of it to the King. For I never will tamely submit to such a Complication of Injury and Insult. And the Practice of intercepting Letters public or private, (altho I believe it much less frequent than many People surmise) is too infamous and detestible to be countenanced, or indeed not to be punished by any Government. My Letters by the Way of N. London have arrived. As to future Letters you may use your discretion.
     My Feelings have been wounded, beyond all description by the Loss of Charlestown. I sympathize most Sincerely with the brave and worthy People in that Quarter: but with all this My candid opinion is, that We are better off, the United states are in a better situation now and the English in a worse, than if the whole English Army had remained in N. York and Charlestown had still been ours. This Dispersion of the British Force, weakens them every where—doubles their Expence; distracts their Attention—and the Clymate will certainly destroy their Army, altho by an uncommon cold late Spring they did not feel it so early, as they would in ordinary Seasons.
     Politic Military Events have whether prosperous or Adverse have never had any great Effect upon the Paper money and never will, either to raise it or to lower. And as to shaking the Firmness of the People, it will have no more effect than casting a Pebble at Mount Atlas. It will only animate them to double Exertion and Indignation.
     I dread, nothing So much as the Divisions, which will be excited in America, by Representation from hence. I hope Congress will never send any more such Bones of Contention as Frigates, unless upon an Errand and order her instantly back. These Contentions however will only make our Countrymen a little unhappy for a time. They will have no material Effect upon the general Cause.
     Among the Consequences of the loss of Charlestown I should have mentioned that I think it probable the English may penetrate some Way into the state for a short time, and destroy or take some Magazines, and We shall probably have a pompous display of these Wondrous Feats in the London Papers. But these Excursions will do Us more good than them. In such Excursions our People never fail to procure them selves arms Ammunition, Accoutrements, Cloathing and every thing they want, for their is nothing but what the English soldiers and officers too, some of them I mean will sell.
     Another Advantage will be this, a secret Commerce will be opened as it ever has been and ever will be where ever the British Army is, by which our People will Supply them selves with Goods and Cash both. In short I may say in a familiar Letter to you, our Country is a Catt—cast her as you will, she always will fall upon her feet—and her leggs are Strong enough to sustain the shock. The Paper Money will do very well—from various Parts of America I learn that the Resolution of 18 of March is very well received—and that the new Bills issued in pursuance of it pass, on a footing with silver. I am with much respect, your most obedient


Title: From John Adams to the Comte de Vergennes, 1 July 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Vergennes, Charles Gravier, Comte de

       Sir
       Paris July 1st. 1780

      I had this morning the honour of your letter of the Thirtieth of June.
      It is very certain that the Representations from his Majesty, which may be made by his Minister the Chevalier De La Luzerne, will be attended to by Congress with all possible Respect, and its due weight will be given to every Fact and Argument that he may adduce, and I am well persuaded that Congress will be able to give such Reasons for their final Result, as will give entire Satisfaction to his Majesty, and remove every Colour of just Complaint from his Subjects.
      As in my Letter of the Twenty second of the last Month, I urged such Reasons as appeared to me incontestible to shew that the Resolutions of Congress of the Eighteenth of March, connected with the other Resolution to pay the Loan Office Certificates according to the value of Money at the time they were emitted, being a Determination to pay the full value of all the Bills and Certificates which were out, and the Depreciation of both, being more the Act and Fault of the Possessors than of Government; was neither a violation of Public Faith, nor an Act of Bankrupcy; I have the honor to agree with your Excellency in opinion, that any further Discussion of these Questions is unnecessary.
      I have the honor to be with great Respect Your Excellency’s Most obedient and most humble Servant

       John Adams


Title: From John Adams to the Comte de Vergennes, 2 July 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Vergennes, Charles Gravier, Comte de

      Sir
      Paris July 2d 1780

     I have the honor to inclose a Boston News Paper of the first of May, containing an Account of the Arrival of the Marquiss de la Fayette; an Extract of a Letter from London; and another of a Letter from Dr. Benjamin Rush of Philadelphia, once a member of Congress, and a Gentleman of very good Intelligence. He speaks the French Language very well, was about ten Years ago in Paris, and a Correspondent of Dr. Dubourg.
     This Letter was brought me by two young Gentlemen, Mr. Folcke and Mr. Fox, Natives of Philadelphia, Graduates in the University there, of Quaker Families, who are Students in medicine, and are come to Paris to complete their Education in the Faculty. They confirm Dr. Rush’s Sentiments very fully.
     Two other Gentlemen just arrived Mr. Trumble of Connecticut and Mr. Tyler of Boston confirm the same, in the Eastern States.
     I have the honor to be, with the greatest Respect, Sir, your Excellency’s most obedient and most humble Servant

      John Adams


Title: From John Adams to John Bondfield, 3 July 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Bondfield, John

      Sir
      Paris July 3. 1780

     Your kind Letters of the 17th. 20th. of June as well as that of 20th of May, are unanswered. I hope Soon to receive the Vin de Boisac—please to draw upon me, as soon as you please for, the whole, your Bills shall be paid upon sight.
     I am very glad that your Application to the Minister succeeded. Have you transmitted those Papers to Congress? Sending them to me, can only convince me of what, I have known a great while, That the offices of Chamber of Commerce, commercial Agent, Lord high Admiral and political Minister, without the Aid even of a secretary are too much Business, for any man living, much more for one 75 Years of Age, and who had even in his Youth an Indolence in his Disposition. The Complaints that are made give me a great deal of Grief. But these Things are certainly well known At home.
     The Spaniards have taken Mobile, and the Marquis de la Fayette arrived at Boston the 28 April. He carried good news. He had an Audience of the Assembly at Boston, and was received by the Discharge of Cannon from all the ships in the Harbour as well as the Batteries. This News I wish you would convey with my best Respects to the Marshal Duke De Mouchy. I have it in a Boston Paper of the 1 May—as well as by Letter.
     Your most obt.


Title: From John Adams to the President of Congress, No. 89, 6 July 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Huntington, Samuel,President of Congress

     Paris, 6 July 1780. Dupl, both text and signature in John Thaxter’s hand (PCC, No. 84, II, f. 165–171). printed: Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev.Francis Wharton, ed., The Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States, Washington, 1889; 6 vols., 3:833– 837.
     This letter, received by Congress on 19 Feb. 1781 (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 19:174– 175), includes a list, taken from the Courier de l’Europe of 27 June, of vessels captured or destroyed by all belligerents since the beginning of the war. Lamenting the loss of so many American naval vessels, Adams urged Congress to “give great Attention to their Navy; to the Augmentation of Ships; the Multiplication of Seamen; the Improvement of Discipline and the formation of Officers.” It was necessary that Congress take such action and Americans “cherish their own Navy,” because “no other Nation would grieve very much at the total destruction of it, before the Conclusion of a Peace. I am sorry to say this, but I have heard such Hints as convince me that it is my Duty to put Congress on their Guard, and to intreat them to leave nothing unattempted to put their Marine upon the best footing in their Power.”


Title: From John Adams to John Bondfield, 7 July 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Bondfield, John

      Sir
      Paris July 7 1780

     I received, yesterday yours of 30 of June. As to taking the ships, for the United States, I have no Commission Instructions or other Authority whatsoever, to do any such Thing: and I presume no other Person in Europe has. I hope in God that no ship will ever be again, built, bought, hired, lent or I had almost Said given to the united states in Europe, nor any ever again put under the Command of any Body in Europe. Experience has given Us severe Lessons. America is the Place to repair the Loss of the Frigates, which was suffered at Charlestown.
     I believe, with you, that Carolina will not now be able to pay, this fall, nor next Winter. But I dont at all doubt that it will be able to pay after sometime, and not at all the less able to pay for the late Disaster. Carolina instead of being the poorer, for the Loss of Charlestown for a Time will be vastly richer, and not at all the less disposed I believe to pay this Debt. Those who augur So much Evil to America and so much Power and Glory to England from the temporary transition of Charlestown under its domination will, hereafter see their Mistake. You know, that in this I Speak only as a private Man, in no public Character, and in an affair with which I have no manner of Connection. But if I were in the Place of the House who lent the Money to Mr. Gillon, I should not be all the more anxious about it. I think it is a Pitty but Mr. Gillon should go on with his Enterprize, in which he has been indefatigable, and in which I hope he will Succeed. But whether he does or not I presume Carolina will pay, as soon as they can.
     If Mr. De Sartine can be perswaded to leave a few ships of the Line and a few Frigates to winter in America, at Rhode Island, Cheasapeak or Boston—or some in each where they will be infinitely better than in Europe, and Mr. Gillon can get to America you will see such a Revolution both in Trade and in War, as will dissipate all the Fears of your Friends who have lent the Money.

      Adieu


Title: From John Adams to the President of Congress, No. 91, 7 July 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Huntington, Samuel,President of Congress

     Paris, 7 July 1780. Dupl, both text and signature in John Thaxter’s hand (PCC, No. 84, II, f. 177–180). printed: Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev.Francis Wharton, ed., The Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States, Washington, 1889; 6 vols., 3:839.
     This letter, read by Congress on 26 Dec., contains the text of a petition that Amsterdam merchants trading with the West Indies had presented to the States General on 21 June. The merchants noted Britain’s violation of the Anglo-Dutch treaty of 1674–1675 by its seizure of Dutch vessels trading between the Dutch and French West Indian colonies. They demanded that the States General dispatch warships to protect the trade and order the Dutch minister in London to make representations so as to stop the seizures and obtain restitution.


Title: To John Adams from William Lee, 8 July 1780
From: Lee, William
To: Adams, John

      Dear Sir
      Bruxelles July 8. 1780

     I have been prevented by indisposition, otherwise shou’d have had the honor of writing to you sooner on a subject which appears to affect the honor of America, of Congress, and of its Agents in Europe. The copy of Genl. Clintons letter that was intercepted which you sent here to Mr. Jenings having afterwards appear’d in most of the public papers, there was a formal contradiction of its authenticity first in the Hague Gazette, and inserted in such a manner as to make the World believe that this contradiction came from Sir Joseph Yorke the English Minister. The Leyden Gazette confirm’d in some measure this contradiction in which it was follow’d by the Courier du Bas-Rhin, tho’ it had before given the letter at length as having been originally publish’d by order of Congress; but after the intelligence of the surrender of Chas. Town, this same Gazetter viz the Courier du Bas-Rhin, in No. 51. of June 24. 1780. positively states that letter to have been a Forgery, and concludes in these injurious terms, “donc il vaut mieux se bien defendre et se bien battre que de supposer des lettres qui ne peuvent abuser le public qu’un moment.” You must be sensible of the injury it will bring to America and the cause of Liberty if the World is permited to be impress’d with the Idea that Congress and its Agents are base enough to be guilty of such a mean and pitiful Conduct as to forge and publish the grossest falsehoods, as solid Truths.
     Mr. Dumas who is styled by Doctr. Franklin and Mr. Deane the American Agent at the Hague and who is actually paid with the money of America, has a particular connection with the Editor of the Leyden Gazette and I have reason to beleive has a correspondence with the Bas-Rhin, therefore one wou’d naturally immagine, as it was his Duty, he wou’d have taken some measures to prevent such a censure on America etc. from spreading farther than in the small circle in which the Hague Gazette circulates. The Bas Rhin Gazette as well as that of Berlin is generally looked on as a Prussian Court Gazette being printed in the Capital of the Prussian Dominions on the Rhin, and I have no doubt if the Prussian Minister at Paris was spoken to on the subject a repetition of such conduct would at least be prevented in the Editor of that Gazette.
     As Don Solano has return’d to Cadiz with his Squadron leaving only 4 Ships of the line to convoy the fleet to the W. Indias all my pleasing prospects of Peace from the hopes of the Enemy suffering some capital loss there in this campaign, are totally vanish’d; for on the arrival of Graves and Walsingham, who have been permited to go unmolested, the superiority of the Enemy at Sea will be so decided, that France will be fortunate if she looses no more than those islands she has before taken from the English. Hitherto Rodney has only shown his superiority in the art of boasting which is certainly his Forte.
     The original Force intended to go under Monsr. Ternay having unhappily been diminish’d one half, no effectual offensive operations can be expected from that expedition, and if ’tis true as ’tis reported, that in the Fall, Monsr. Ternay goes to the W. Indias, the progress of the Enemy Northward from So. Carolina may be greater during the fall, winter and spring than most people immagine; when in the course of a campaign or two the 4 Eastern States and France may too late repent, one for supporting and the others for not crushing in the bud the dangerous and alarming designs that began to appear in Philadelphia and Congress 18 Months ago. If it is expected that Monsr. Ternay is to render any effectual service to America, it is most clear to me that he ought to winter in Chesapeak Bay in Virga.; where, with very great ease he may be secure against a very superior force, and prevent any attempt of the enemy for enlarging their quarters Northward from Carolina. If the Court of Versailles shou’d approve of such a plan, orders accordingly cannot be sent out too soon to Monsr. Ternay and if the squadron in the W. Indias is to be reinforced or releiv’d, that shou’d be done with clean and fresh Ships from Europe.
     From this you will perceive that a speedy peace is not in my view. Indeed it is not. I know the Enemy too well; they will not seriously think of Peace (tho’ they will never cease in their attempts to divide and disunite the parties, which I well know they are endeavoring at now) while they have the least glimmering of hope left; unless it is, on the terms of America again submiting to the British Yoke and France relinquishing the Islands she has taken. Such a Peace I presume will never take place; I am sure it cannot, while America continues united.
     It is said that young Mr. Laurens was gone from Carolina to Congress and as Mr. Laurens the elder, has not yet arrived there seems to be too much reason to apprehend his having met with some unhappy accident at Sea.

      Adieu.
      W. Lee