Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Thomas Leech and Assembly Committee of Correspondence, 13 May 1758
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Leech, Thomas,Assembly Committee of Correspondence

Gentlemen,
London, May 13, 1758
I receiv’d yours of February 6. with the Votes and other Papers relating to the Commitment of Moore and Smith. We immediately took Advice upon them, and engaged Counsel. It was however some Time before we heard any Thing from the other Side. At length we had Notice from the Attorney and Sollicitor General, that Smith’s Petition was referr’d to them, and a Day appointed to hear the Affair, which was the 10th. of April. We got the Hearing postpon’d to the 17th. when it came on at seven in the Evening. Paris was the Solicitor for the Petitioner, and he had engag’d two Counsel, vizt. Wilbraham and Forrester, who opened the Case, that this was a Clergyman of the Church of England, who had made the Quakers angry by promoting Measures of Defence, and therefore they bore him Malice, &c. Much of their Pleading was Invective against the Assembly as Quakers, the Rest to show that they had erected themselves into a Court of Justice, without any Authority so to do, and that they ap’d the House of Commons tho’ they had not the Powers of that House; that by presuming to order the Sheriff to disobey the King’s Writ, they were guilty of a high and most flagitious Attempt against the Royal Authority, &c. and ending with praying that the King might be advis’d to issue his Mandate for the Discharge of the Prisoner. They took up the whole Evening with their Harangues; so that Day Se’nnight was appointed for the Hearing of our Council in Reply. We had for Solicitor Joshua Sharpe, and for Council Parrot and De Grey, two able and eminent Men in their Profession, who I took Care should be well instructed; they performed very well, showed that the present Assembly were not Quakers; that the Libel against them was a Breach of Privilege; that all Representative Bodies must have incident to them the Powers exercis’d by the Assembly, that if they had deviated in small Matters from the Practice of the House of Commons it was in favour of the Petitioner, at least it had not been to his Prejudice; that tho’ their Clerk had inadvertently used some Expressions which more properly belong’d to Proceedings in Courts of Justice,
   *The Expressions which had given a Handle to the Council for the Petitioner, were such as Prisoner at the Bar, Trial found Guilty, Sentence, &c.
 the Proceedings of the House had nevertheless been in themselves Parliamentary: That the Order forbidding the Sheriff to obey the Habeas Corpus had not prejudic’d the Petitioner, as the Writ never issu’d; and if it had, and the Prisoner brought before the Chief Justice in obedience to that Writ, he must have been remanded when it appeared he had been committed by the House for Breach of Privilege. That the Powers of the Assembly were granted by our Charters and confirm’d by our Laws; and that the Power in Question was, and always had been, exercis’d by all the Assemblies in America, of which Instances were produc’d, which I had furnish’d. And upon the whole hoping that His Majesty would not be advis’d to infringe the Liberties and Privileges of a whole People in their Representative Body, to gratify a single factious Person, who was a common Dealer in Libels and Disturber of the publick Peace, contrary to the Duties of his Profession. The Council for the Petitioner reply’d with much ill Manners and Abuse of the Assembly, but no Argument; only Paris whispering them that the Act of the 4th. of Queen Anne was never presented to the Crown, they insisted much on that, as if our Privileges could have no Existence without it, Penn not having Power to grant them. The Attorney and Sollicitor took the Matter under Consideration in order to form their Report, which as yet they have not made. Several Gentlemen of the Law who were present are of Opinion it must be in favour of the Assembly; but as Mr. Moore, a Member of Parliament interests himself strongly for the Petitioner, his Brother’s Case being involv’d with this, it is thought by others they will advise the Discharge of the Prisoner on Account of some alledg’d Irregularity of Procedure, but leave the Question of the Assembly’s Authority undetermin’d. However we shall watch their Report, obtain a Copy of it before ’tis presented, and if unfavourable to us, oppose it before the Committee of Council. By Snead, who sails in a few Days, I propose to send Copies of Smith’s Petition, and of the Remarks I furnish’d the Solicitor towards his Brief, and to the Council after the first Hearing towards their Reply. Both the Proprietors were present, abetting this Attempt on our Privileges.

I have mention’d Mr. Moore’s Influence as a Member of Parliament, for that is a Circumstance that gives great Weight here in all Applications to the Crown. Almost every Thing is granted to Members of Parliament, the Ministry being extreamly unwilling to disoblige them lest they should join in some Opposition, and therefore I think it would be Prudence in our Assemblies hereafter to chuse their Agents among the Members of the House of Commons, or at least to secure a Patron among them by all possible Means.
Mr. Penn but very lately laid before the Board of Trade a Number of Acts of Assembly made in 1755, 1756, and 1757. Their Lordships sent for the Agents on Wednesday last, having some Objections to three of the Acts, vizt. To that in favour of Croghan and Trent, as it might be injurious to the Creditors who had not petition’d. To that for regulating the Provincial Forces, as it contain’d a Clause concerning enlisting of Servants which seem’d to militate against an Act of Parliament. To the Supplementary £100,000 Act, as it made the Bills a legal Tender, contrary to the Spirit of the Act of Parliament, made for the New England Colonies, &c. Paris attended with the Proprietor, in Behalf of Mr. Hockley; a poor Man as he said who was ruin’d by the first Act, since by being Croghan’s Partner he was oblig’d to pay his Debts. He endeavour’d to show that the Act was partially made to favour Friends of the Assembly, that it was hurried thro’ the House in an unprecedented Manner, lest the other Creditors should have Notice; that it did not appear any Proof had been made that the petitioning pretended Creditors had really any Thing due to them; and a good deal more of the same kind, tending to throw an Odium on the Assembly. In Answer, I alledg’d that the Assembly were quite indifferent and without any Partiality in favour of the Persons to be reliev’d; that if the Bill went quick thro’ the House, it was owing to the Shortness of Time, being near the End of a Session when the Petition was presented; that, however, the Bill had been considered by the Governor and his Council, one of whom was himself a Petitioner, and another a near Relation and Friend of one of the Petitioners, and Amendments propos’d by the Governor which were agreed to. That the Petitioners in general were Merchants of the greatest Note and Reputation in the City, who had in view chiefly that Croghan and Trent by their Acquaintance with the Indian Languages and Interest among them, might if at Liberty be of Service to the Province in Treaties, &c. and therefore were willing to postpone their private Claims for Ten Years; which was also a principal Inducement with the House. That none of the other Creditors had either oppos’d the Bill or complain’d of it since it passed; if they had petitioned against it, I was persuaded the House would either not have gone into it, or would have repeal’d it. That I was surpriz’d after Three Years to hear it said that Mr. Hockley was injur’d by it. That he was on the Spot when it pass’d, and I never heard that he oppos’d it; if he did, it must have been before the Governor and Council; for it could not pass without his Knowledge, as he was a great Officer in the Province, Receiver of the Proprietary Quit Rents, and Keeper of the Great Seal. That Mr. Hockley being a Partner and not a Creditor, must of Course be accountable for Partnership Debts, whether the Bill had pass’d or not, but if he was injur’d I wonder’d he had never before apply’d to their Lordships, and that the Proprietor had kept the Bill so long without presenting it. To which he answer’d, that he had indeed receiv’d the Bill soon after it pass’d, but perceiving it to be of an extraordinary Nature, he wrote over to enquire into the Circumstances relating to it, and kept it till he should receive the Information he wanted; and afterwards till he should have some other Bills to present with it. I then desired he would speak out if in Consequence of the Enquiry he made, he had or had not receiv’d Information of any Complaint of the other Creditors against the Bill. To this he made no Answer. Paris intimated that Mr. Hockley might not know of the Passing of the Bill, having come to the Offices I mention’d since that Time; and said the poor Man had been so cruelly oppress’d by the Creditors, who as soon as the Act pass’d, fell upon him, and had oblig’d him to pay above £1500 that he had not Spirit before to apply for a Repeal of the Act, &c. What the Board will do in it I know not, but believe they will advise the Repeal of it, for they seem’d to entertain strong Prejudices against it.
In Answer to the Objection against the other Acts, I said that the Clause relating to Enlisting of Servants, regarded only our own Provincial Troops and not the King’s regular Forces; and that it had never been us’d to prevent Enlisting Servants in those Forces, and could be of no Consequence at present, because the Servants were now almost all inlisted, and that by Authority of the Act of Parliament without complying with the Directions of the Act in paying for them; at which their Lordships seem’d much surprized. As to the legal Tender of our Bills, I said they had always been issued under that Sanction; that no body in the Colony, or trading to it, complain’d of it; and that to issue them with a Declaration that they were not a legal Tender, would naturally produce a Depreciation. I believe they will not venture to advise the Repeal of that Act on that Account, and for the others I suppose we need not be much concern’d.
The Board of Trade tho’ they have had the Treaty of Easton so long before them, in which Tedyuscung refers his Claims to the Determination of the Crown, have not yet call’d on Mr. Penn, or taken any Step to bring the Matter to a Hearing before the King and Council, nor has Mr. Penn made any Proposals to them of satisfying the Indians. I went Yesterday to Lord Halifax’s to press that Matter, and to Lord Granville’s. The latter only I found at Home; and he says it should by all means be expedited; it is not yet properly before the Council, but ought to be brought there and settled as soon as possible; so I am preparing a Petition for the Purpose to be presented next Week; having no longer any Hopes of a private Accommodation with the Proprietors, who still pretend they cannot answer our Complaints for want of the Attorney and Sollicitor’s Opinion, (as you will see by the inclos’d Copies of Letters) and openly abet every Attack upon and Abuse of the Assembly.
Mr. Charles and Mr. Partridge assisted in all these Affairs with great Zeal and Diligence, and were very serviceable on many Accounts; as was also my Son.
I hope this Summer may establish my Health, and enable me to bear, if it be necessary another Winter here in your Service; for how much soever I desire to be at home with my Family and Friends, I would not by Precipitation or Impatience, prejudice your Affairs; but endeavour to reconcile myself to this uncomfortable Absence as long as my Services seem acceptable, and the Assembly shall think my Stay here of Use to my Country.
I am, Gentlemen, with great Esteem and Respect, Your obedient, and faithful humble Servant
B Franklin

To Thomas Leech, Esqr. Speaker of the Honble. House of Representatives, with the Committee of Correspondence.
PS. May 19. The above is a Copy of mine per Pacquet. The Attorney and Solicitor General have not yet made their Report, and are out of Town for the Holidays, as are all the Ministry even Lord Granville, who seldom leaves the City, so that nothing can be done till their Return. I sent the Copy of Smith’s Petition per Pacquet: Nothing new has since occur’d; but perhaps before this Ship sails I may have something farther to add.
B F

 Endorsed: Benja. Franklin’s Letter May. 13 1758.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Charles Thomson, 14 May 1758
From: Thomson, Charles
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Philada. May 14th: 1758
This is the third Letter I have lately wrote you. With the two last, one dated the 5th: the other the 16th: of April I sent you a Copy of two Conferences between Teedyuscung and this Government. Whether they are gone in the Man of War in which Lord Loudon went, or whether they are kept to go in the Packet I cant say. We are told here that his Lordship is much blamed with you for detaining the Packets, and yet the present General seems to be treading in his Steps. I really believe the truth of the Matter is, they do so little, that they have nothing to write but what they are ashamed should be known. The Embargo is continued, the Packets delayed so that I fancy you will have the same Irregular Intelligence this year as last. But these things are out of my Province. These great Men have, no doubt, Reasons for their Conduct. I have without asking your Leave, assumed the Task of informing what I know of Indian Affairs. Immediately upon Teedyuscung’s Return to Bethlehem from the last Conference I sent you; he sent Capt. Harrison his Sister’s Son and four other Indians up to Fort Allen, there to be joined by a Party of Capt. Ornd’s Men to scour the Frontiers and try if they could fall in with any of those who had been doing the Mischief. He like wise sent his two Sons with a Message to the three Indians Nations over the Allegheny and about the Ohio, viz. the Delawares, Shawanese and Quahanaquesie, of which last Castaruga is Chief. 1. he delivered four Strings to acquaint those Nations that he had twice received good News from them, and lately heard that they inclined to be at Peace with the English, but now he hears of fresh Murders being committed, which two contraries he cannot reconcile or see thro and therefore desires to know the Reason. 2. he delivered a large black belt with 5 strokes across made of white wampum at which he said. Hark! Men of Allegheny, you sent me word, you had laid hold of the two Ends of the Peace Belt and desired that I and the English should lay hold of the Middle. We have done it and have held and do hold it still fast. Therefore I must desire all your Captains to sit quiet at home and not partake of these Evils or murder the English any more. For indeed we are many Indians that live here amongst them. By such doings you may hurt the Chain of Peace. 3. A White Belt with black strokes across, set with black wampum, at which he said My friends and Brethren Shawanese and Delawares, you live near the others and if any of you live too nigh the French, move a little further from them and take each other by the hand and let all your Chiefs come and I will take them by the hand and go with them to the Governor where they shall hear words with their own Ears for themselves. 4. A White Belt set with black wampum across and he said; Hereby I require and charge all Indians here and there not to acquaint the French anything of Transactions here: But to stop their Ears and Eyes that they may neither hear nor see what passes amongst us.
This Message we are in hopes will have some Effects in drawing off some of the Indians about Fort duQuesne from the French Interest. Soon after the date of my last we received Advice from Shamokin what Indians they were that had been doing the Mischief on this Side of Susquehannah. I send you an Extract of the Letter which was dated April 13th: “On the 9th. Instant Job Chillaway and his Brother left this on a Message in the Service of the Government and on the 12 returned from his hunting Cabbin about 8 Miles up the River. He saw Nepenose a Munsey and four other Indians returning to the Allegheny. He told Job that there were 35 Indians crossed the River on the Rafts; 25 of which number were then his Company and that they had ten Scalps and five Prisoners, that the three Indians, that fired on the Party was of their Company and during the Skirmish there were 3 Indians on the Mountains on the west Side of the River reconnoitring the Fort. He told Job several Circumstances that confirmed it. He also further informed Job that the French intended to attack the Fort in about 21 Days, that the big Island was the Place of Rendezvous, and that this Party was sent out for Intelligence and that they should be joined by about 2000 Men two thirds of which were Indians.” The Reason of this Party’s coming so far down seems to have been to revenge a private Injury. The Indians you know are a revengeful People, and what Injury they received you will best know by an Extract of another Letter from your friend S. Wright, 23 April “The Destruction of McCords family on Conewago seems probably to have been a Piece of private Revenge; we heard a good many flying Stories to that Purpose, but two Days ago we saw a sober sensible Man, who lives about 7 Miles from that Place and seems not under any great apprehensions of Dangers. He told us McCord was a morose rash Man; that for some years past great Numbers of Indians had Cabbins about the heads of Swatara and some other Creeks viz. Conewago and Chickus, for the Convenience of hunting; that soon after Braddocks defeat about 100 Delawares and Nanticokes had cabins near McCord’s Place; that he went to them and bid them be gone, for he would burn their Cabins: they refused to leave the Place as it was so convenient for hunting, said they would not hurt any thing, nor so much as come near his House. Upon which he set fire to their Cabins and burned them all down with whatever little things were in them; the Indians still unwilling to shift their Quarters, put up other Cabins, these he served in the same Manner and laid them all in ashes, upon which the whole body of Indians quitted those parts but told him, they would one time or other take a proper Revenge, of which Menace he lived in continual fear, till it was put in Execution. Now these who destroyed McCord and his family passed several Plantations, where they might as easily have perpetrated their barbaritys as there: they lodged one night in a Man’s barn as the People found by their tracks &c. in the Morning, but did no damage nor injured any person in that Neighbourhood except that one single family.” By some Indians who lately came down from the six Nation Country we learn; that the six Nations with all the tribes in Friendship with them have been collecting and holding Councils for 6 months past, and that the Result of them is, that they will send some of their Chiefs to the French and some to the English and demand to have boundarys fixed betwixt each Nation and themselves, and if the French on their part refuse to comply with this Demand, they will then join their whole Force with the English against them. They do not say it, but doubtless the same is their Resolution in Regard to the English. These Indians also confirm that of the Tweghtwees and other distant Nations entring into the Confederacy.
The securing a Country and fixing Boundaries is undoubtedly the grand Scheme of the Indians and to effect this they will use their utmost Endeavours, nor do I think it is possible to secure their Friendship without agreeing to this. They see themselves cooped up between two powerful Nations who are daily encreasing upon them and squeezing them into a narrower Compass; so that unless they now exert themselves they see plainly they will be quickly crushed, or deprived of their Country. Indeed the late advices are no more than a Confirmation of what Teedyuscung told us in the first Easton Treaty with Gov: Morris. He then expressly declared that whoever would secure and guarantee the Land to the Indians, him they would join; and whoever refused Peace on that Condition, him they would strike. To this they still adhere and I fancy will adhere. And considering the Method how we have hither to dilly dallyed with them and the Measures we at present seem to pursue I am afraid we shall lose all Interest with the Indians and that all will be overset that has hitherto been done towards procuring Peace and by that means the Expedition now on foot to the westward be rendered more precarious. At a gloomy Season I sometimes fear a second Monaungahela Action, which may God prevent. By the Minutes I send, you will see the Governor has agreed to the Settlement at Wyoming and to Morrow Mr. Hughes sets out to see it done. He takes with him about fifty Men he has hired but no Soldiers. And unless Pawling goes none of the other Commissioners joined with him will go.
Since the Coming in of the Cherokees, little Regard is paid to the Northern Indians and particularly the Delawares. At first there seemed a general Desire to set the Cherokees upon the six Nations: And no sooner had we advice that a Number of the Delawares, Munseys &c. were coming down from Diahoga to settle at Wioming in Confidence of the Promises made by this Government, than a Party of Cherokees were ordered to Shamokin to range there abouts. A good deal of pains was taken to convince the General and others in Authority, of the ill judged Policy of such a Step and the fatal Consequences that must necessarily ensue. Whereupon Orders were sent to stop them so that they got no farther than Carlisle. Since as I just now learn from undoubted Authority they have sent out a party of seventy Cherokees against Venango which is one of the Indian Towns to which Teedyuscung’s two Sons are gone with the Message in the beginning of my Letter; so that all the good Effects expected from that Message are, it is to be feared, or will be blasted by this Step; and what other Consequences will ensue must be left to time to manifest. There are two things now apushing with great earnestness one by a Set of Men in this government and the other by some in Virginia and Maryland. And it seems more than probable that for the more effectually executing their several purposes they will both unite and assist each other. What our people aim at is getting Teedyuscung deposed or removed out of the Way. His boldly charging the Proprietors with Fraud and Forgery they cannot stomach and they are in hopes were he removed, they could by some Means or other get that Charge withdrawn or have it represented only as a Calumny of Teedyuscung. In order to accomplish their End every thing is attempted and they are doing all in their Power to raise a Party against him among the Indians. It is a sufficient Recommendation to the most worthless Indian to rail at Teedyuscung. This seems like a drowning Man catching at a Straw.
All the Times that Teedyuscung was in Town this Winter, neither he nor any of the Messengers were once invited to Dinner by the Governor or any of the Party, or treated with any Civility except at the publick Conferences, but no sooner was it known that an Indian was come to Conestogo who spoke ill of Teedyuscung than he was sent for, caressed and entertained, tho a fellow of a bad Character and of no weight or Influence among the Indians. But anything will do to flourish with at home. But the setting aside Teedyuscung is not the worst. The Scheme of a considerable Number in Virginia and Maryland and what our people will be far from discouraging, is the setting the Cherokees against the Delawares and others in Alliance with them or at least preventing a Peace between them. There are many I understand who are concerned in the Ohio Company and many more who have an Itch for Land jobbing. These are eager for settling a Colony on the Ohio but are afraid it cannot be done with the Consent of the Indians, or at least that the Consent of the Northern Tribes cannot be obtained, they therefore think it necessary in order to weaken the Indians and thereby prevent their opposing a Settlement there to set one against another. And tho our people have nothing to do with the Land there yet as they think a new Broil with the Delawares would prevent any farther Inquiry into their past iniquitous Practices, they would be well enough pleased to see it. Besides these two parties there is another to the Northward that greatly thwarts the Measures taken in this Province for obtaining and securing Peace. This is no other than Sir William, who for fear of shewing his own want of Influence is unwilling any other should have an Influence, and rather than any thing should be done with the Indians without passing thro his hands he would chuse it should be undone. He is now about assembling a Number at Onondago. This Meeting of his will I suppose delay that which is expected with this Government. The Chief of the Senekas is to be down at our next Meeting; And a great number of the principal Men from many Tribes intended to come: unless this precipitate Step of sending the Cherokees against Venango prevent them. I realy think that a very imprudent Step in the present Situation of Affairs, but it tends to promote the Scheme before mentioned; And no other purpose can it answer. Had they wanted to employ the Cherokees; or to prevent the Incursions of the Enemies, why was not the lower Shawanese Town attacked, which has done the Virginians more mischief than all the other Indians on the Ohio?

You see in the Minutes I now send you Teedyuscung offered to go himself or to send one of his Counsellors to the Indians on Ohio to know if they were concerned in the late Mischiefs done in this Province; and recommended it to the Governor to send a White Man with him who might be depended on and who could see and hear with his own Eyes and Ears. But this the Governor did not see fit to comply with. Is it not strange, or can any thing more plainly demonstrate a want of Zeal or a careless Negligence in the present Affair, than this, that during these two Years that we have been treating with these Indians, tho so many Messages have come and gone into the Indian Country no White Man has ever been sent. And exept what we have from the Indians themselves we know no more of the Situation of Affairs with these People, their Numbers or Strength than we did at first. This cannot be for want of Persons who would chearfully undertake the Service. I myself know one who offered to go and who is still ready. One to whom I believe no Objection could be offered as to his Ability or faithfulness in executing the Task, except that he has not been a very warm friend of the Proprietors or their Measures.

The people thro the Country seem to shew a readiness to enter into the Service of the present Campaign. The Commissions for raising the additional 1400 Men were made out about two Weeks ago and at this Time several Companies are quite full and most that I hear of are pretty near. Mr. Jackson has left the Academy and got a Captain’s Commission. He has taken with him for his Lieutenant one White who was a Writing Master in the Academy. To supply Mr. Jackson’s Place the Trustees have for the present brought down Mr. Allison from the College to take Care of the Latin School. There is as I am informed no very good understanding between the Masters. The Removal of one Man might be a Blessing to the Institution, to which I sincerely wish well.
Budden and Lyon and one or two other Vessels are arrived from London. Duncan not yet. I hope my friend William is well.
You will no doubt hear by this Packet of Boscawen’s Arrival and the forwardness our Expeditions are in. We look here as if we should be ready to set out by the beginning of October next. The highland Regiment at Carolina was to sail from thence the twelth of this Month for this Place.
I am now got down to the 16th: of the Month, as I have observed little order thro the whole of this Letter it would be in vain to attempt it now. I shall therefore without further ceremony add that I am informed by Mr. Bryan who left York a few Days ago, that the Province of New York have got their Levies compleat, tho with very great Difficulty. Before they could raise their number which was 2683 they were obliged to pass some very severe Laws, which shews their want of Men. By one Law they gave Liberty to all Servants and Apprentices to enlist, enjoining the Masters under Penalty not to prevent them. By another they appointed the Number of Men which each County should raise, and ordered that if they were not raised by a certain Day, what were wanting should be draughted out of the Militia. And if any Person thus draughted refused to go or to furnish an able bodied Man in his Room he was to be shot. New Jersey gave £12 Bounty and as their quota is only 1000, they soon raised them; and both they and the New York Provincials are gone to Albany, where they may be by this Time.
I just now saw one of the Virgils you sent over. It is a most charming Letter and neatly done. It is indeed an Edition worthy of Virgil. I have with Mrs. Franklin’s leave taken one. I hope it will be agreeable to you. I shall now read Virgil with double pleasure.
The General disavows the sending the Cherokees against Venango and says it was done contrary to his express Orders.
We wait with Impatience the Event of that Matter.
My Letter is already too long and to appologize for it would be only adding to that Fault. I shall therefore put an End to it by assuring you that I am with the highest Esteem Dear Sir Your affectionate Friend and humble Servant
Chas. Thomson

P.S. Duncan is arrived. Could I by any Means know in what Light Indian Affairs appear to you it would give me very great Satisfaction.
To Benjamin Franklin Esquire.
 Endorsed: Cha Thompson May 14. 58 Indian Affairs


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Isaac Norris, 26 May 1758
From: Norris, Isaac
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Friend Franklin
Philada. May 26. 1758
Comming into town I hear by Accident that a Vessel is to sail for Liverpoole either this Evning or to Morrow, as this is the first Notice I have had of it I can only acknowledge the Receipt of your Letters by Budden and the rest of the Books the Day after by Captain—I forget his Name. Baskerville’s Virgil is certainly a curious performance of the Press for which I return my thanks to the Donor. I think I once saw a Sheet as a Specimen of the Work about a Year ago and if it had not been put out of my Mind by other Affairs I would have been a Subscriber. Please to let me know whether Baskerville [has] any other Classical Authors in the same Letter and which of them that I may have an Opportunity of contributing my Mite to encourage such a curious and Ingenious Man as Baskerville who has done an Honor to the English Press. I dare no begin on our Affairs at this Time but as I hear there will be another Vessel in a few Days I propose to write by her but could not let this Vessel sail without a Line of thanks from your Assured Affectionate Friend
I N
 Endorsed: Recd ackd. by BF. 7br. 16 1758


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from the Earl and Countess of Macclesfield, 28 May 1758
From: Macclesfield, George Parker, Earl of,Macclesfield, Mary Parker, Countess of
To: Franklin, Benjamin

St. James’s Square [London] May the 28th [1758] Lord and Lady Macclesfield Compliments to Mr. Franklin and Desiers the favour of his Company to Diner on Sattarday Next at 3 o’clocke. Addressed: Craven Street


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Hugh Roberts, 1 June 1758
From: Roberts, Hugh
To: Franklin, Benjamin

My worthy friend Ben:
1st June 1758 Philada
If I was to attempt an Excuse for my delay of writing, ’twould be, that no person can reasonably expect me to undertake a new employ at these advanced years, for I have not held an Epistolary Correspondence with any, nor has it fell in my way to write three Letters of this kind in my Life where Friendship was the only motive; but as I am convinced that no excuse can justly extenuate the omission therefore that thy Censure may fall feather-Edged, I confess my Self guilty of a neglect I could scarce pardon in another, nor hope it from any but one of thy generous Temper.
Thy late indisposition allarm’d thy Friends as the news of thy recovery gave new Life in proportion (when I say thy Friends I mean every Freeman in the province, for thou hast the happiness to have no Enemies but what arise from Envy or a Servile dependence, and they are few among us). And if I have any Interest with thee let me entreat that thou would study to preserve that Health which is of so much Consequence to thy Friends Relatives and Country. I sometimes Visit thy small Family where renewing the rememberance of thy presence and hearing some Account of thy wellfare gives a fresh and Lively Joy.
Thou must not expect much information of our publick Affairs from one who never enquires concerning the fluctuating News of the day, for as I am convinced I can be of little service, find most peace of mind in a disengagement but will just observe that the Confining Smith And Moor, employ’d the time of the trifling Emissaries about the City, but the proceedings of the Assembly therein has had this happy effect to make the Scots Clan who were very public in their Clamours against the Conduct of the House, now communicate their thoughts to each other in whispers under the Thistle. Since they find the Representatives claim some right to their motto Nemo me impune Lacessit.
I believe the general Treaty of Peace with the Indians will have a happy effect unless the proprietary Brokers should be determin’d to risq all to retrieve his Reputation ’tho I believe there’s scarce a man of them but what thinks with me that his Avarice has long since eclipsed that Glory, And yet to support their designs they Labour to Spin Threads which are too fine to bear any weight.
The Hospital near the time of closing the Accounts with the Tradesmen was almost out of Credit but now revives with fresh Vigor, partly by the Gentlemen who sign’d the late Bills of Credit continuing their additional Labours for that Service. And I believe but few good and Charitable Institutions have faild of a support where Harmoney remain’d among the Managers and party Views were discouraged: I have been Obliged to apply to thy good Wife to make 150 wafers for the Seal, and when I inform’d her, that I had fix’d them all and that each would produce at least Ten pounds she acknowledged full Satisfaction but to prevent my giving her the trouble again please to send me a Box of good Wafers near 2 Inches diameter, note they should be thickest in the Middle as the Inscription is deepest there.
I cannot give any particular Account of the old junto, for I have not been there since thy departure nor is it agreable to meet where one must be under a continued restraint; for what I might Call reason grounded on freedom, would be deem’d petulance or a turbulant disposition. The major[ity] not attending to anything that deviates from the last prevailing Rules they have had the imaginary happiness to receive from their feeble Dictator who still remains their primum Mo Billy vel primum Mob Ille and they doubt every thing but what springs from that Fountain, so that they appear allmost degenerated into a state of Septycism tho I would not Robhison nor the son of any man living to explain my thoughts where nature readily dictates, aided by thy early example. And for this latter freedom I have less occasion to ask pardon when I consider the Gentleman to whom I scribble has sometimes slipt in the same way.
Our old Friend William Parsons has departed this Life and its said has bequeath’d more than his Estate (and Left the remainder for Support of his wife and Children) to raise a Fame after Death which he had the unhappiness to fail of gaining in the Conduct of Life.
Stephen Potts is also lately deceasd at a small publick House or rather Ordinary he kept near the Soldiers Barracks and when I consider the unhappy exit of some of our old Members, I am convinced that a little Speculative knowledge on various Subjects ’tho it tends to give a short elevation and some small esteem with a part of Mankind, does not Essentially Contribute to happiness, or even the prospect of it; but after all our deepest Searches into Matters that do not amount to a certainty nor produce real Tranquility; we must Confess that a Steady Conduct and well establish’d habits of real wisdom and Virtue with an humble dependance on the Omnipotent Ruler of the Universe, fixes our Multiform Ideas on the surest Basis.
I should have been pleas’d to have received any Orders at thy departure or Since, wherin I could ha’ done thee or thine any Service, and as I know ’twould have given me a pleasure tis but reasonable to confer it on my Friend when in my power. Therefore I intend per my next to favour thee with orders to purchase a few Books.
I have had less leasure of late than in many years past tho I expected as Age advanced to have enjoy’d more, but find the removal from my own Business is like jumping from Earth into Water that closely surrounds one again. But my present confinement has been cheifly occasion’d by my Son George’s Sickness who was suddenly attack’d early this spring with what the Physicians call a Rheumatic Fever but he now makes slow advances towards a Recovery.
Our friend Philip Syng has lately lost his Steady and valuable Son John who by poking into a Kitchen Sink with a stick in one hand and holding a Candle in the other the Vapour Assending, instantly took Fire and burnt or penetrated him to such a degree as in a few days to deprive him of his Senses and Life.
I wish thy Son Billy every improvement and Advantage in this Embassy that a Close application to Business could possably produce And if I was to undertake the Admonition of Youth, part of my Advice would be to endeavour to Choose those enjoyments that admit of a tranquil reflection and that when they are inclin’d to be merry, be this allways annex’d, to be Merry and Wise. From thy old Friend
H Roberts
To Benja Franklin at London


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to John Kirke, 3 June 1758
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Kirke, John

Sir
London June 3, 1758
Yours of the 1st. of April I received, with a Bill enclos’d for £25 Sterling, which when paid I shall dispose of as the Directors of the Union Library Company desire: But it will fall far short of discharging Mr. Keith’s Account, who says the Orders he has receiv’d for Books will amount to about £100, and seem’d surpriz’d that a larger Bill was not sent. I told him the Company might possibly be unacquainted with the Prices of some of the Books, and had not imagined they would come to so much Money; but that if he sent them he need not doubt the Honour of the Directors, in taking care to make him a speedy Remittance; for it was the Custom in our Company, (and I suppos’d it might be the same in yours) in case a Parcel of Books amounted to more than the Subscription Monies in the Treasurer’s Hand would discharge, a Number of the Subscribers advanc’d one or two Years Payment of their Subscriptions and by that Means ballanced the Account immediately with their Correspondent in England. I advis’d him also to call on Mr. Titley who perhaps long before this has receiv’d Mr. Clifford’s Order: I never ask’d Mr. Titley for the Money for the Microscopes and other Optical Glasses, because I was not sure they would be acceptable; but I sent them per Budden, and hope they got safe to Hand. Please to present my Respects to the Directors, and assure them of my Readiness to Serve the Company in what I may. I am, Sir, Your very humble Servant
B Franklin
To Mr. Kirke
 Addressed: To / Mr Kirke / Treasurer of the Union Library / Company / Philadelphia
[Memorandum:] In answer to this Letter, remark G. Keith has not writ any Letter, to the Directors. That our Estimate was chiefly taken from the Monthly Review. That we have rece’d the Microscope &c.
Write to Keith


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Thomas Leech and Assembly Committee of Correspondence, 10 June 1758
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Leech, Thomas,Assembly Committee of Correspondence

Gentlemen,
London June 10, 1758
In mine of May 13. I gave you a particular Account of the Hearing before the Attorney and Sollicitor General, on a Reference of Smith’s Petition; they have not yet made their Report, and would now I hear excuse themselves from doing it, as unnecessary, since they have heard that the Prisoners are discharged. But they are still solicited by Mr. Penn and Mr. Moore to report, on an Allegation that they have Letters advising that Warrants are issued for taking them up again. None of my Letters from Pennsylvania mentioning any Thing of this, I have ventured to say I doubt the Truth of it. Whether they will report or not is uncertain: But if they should report against us, I am determined to dispute the Matter again before the Council.

I send you herewith a Copy of the Notes I furnish’d our Sollicitor with, when drawing his Brief, a Copy of the Brief itself; a Copy of some Remarks on the Reflections thrown upon the Assembly by the Council at the first Hearing, as being Quakers and therefore against Defence, and as bearing Malice against Smith because a Clergyman of the Church of England, and against Moore because he petition’d for Defence, &c. These I gave to our Council before the 2d. Hearing when they were to speak, and they made a good Use of them. I furnish’d also a Number of Cases from the Votes of Assemblys in the other Colonies, showing that they all claim’d and exercis’d a Power of committing for Breach of Privilege, &c. but of this Paper of Cases, I have no Copy by me.
Mr. Charles at my Request has drawn the State of a Case in order to obtain Opinions of eminent Lawyers how far our present Privileges would be affected in case of a Change of Government by our coming immediately under the Crown. I send you a Copy of this Case, with the Opinion of one Council upon it, who is esteem’d the best acquainted with our American Affairs, and Constitutions, as well as with Government Law in general: He being also thoroughly knowing in the present Views of the leading Members of the Council and Board of Trade, and in their Connections and Characters, has given me withal, as a Friend, some prudential Advice in a separate Sheet distinct from his Law Opinion, because the Law Opinion might necessarily appear where he would not care the Advice should be seen. I send you also a Copy of this, and should be glad of your Sentiments upon it. One Thing that he recommends to be done before we push our Points in Parliament, viz. removing the Prejudices that Art and Accident have spread among the People of this Country against us, and obtaining for us the good Opinion of the Bulk of Mankind without Doors; I hope we have in our Power to do, by Means of a Work now near ready for the Press, calculated to engage the Attention of many Readers, and at the same time efface the bad Impressions receiv’d of us: But it is thought best not to publish it till a little before the next Session of Parliament.
The Proprietors are determin’d to discard their present Governor, as soon as they can find a Successor to their Mind. They have lately offer’d the Government to one Mr. Graves, a Gentleman of the Temple, who has for some time had it under Consideration, and makes a Difficulty of accepting it: The Beginning of the Week it was thought he would accept, but on Thursday Night I was told he had resolved to refuse it. I know not, however, whether he may not yet be prevail’d on. He has the Character of a Man of good Understanding and good Dispositions. The Intention to appoint a new Governor was to have been kept a Secret, that Mr. Denny might not hear of it too soon; but it was not well kept.
Here is a Prospect of a great Harvest, and Corn falls in Price; if the Grain is well got in, ’tis thought His Majesty may be prevail’d on to grant Leave by Proclamation for Exporting Corn from the Colonies to Neutral Countries.
I should be glad to know what is intended to be done with Regard to the Loss of the Servants. If we are to make any Application here for Redress, the Lists and Proofs should be sent.
Please to present my best Respects to the Assembly, and believe me to be, with sincerest Regard and Esteem, Gentlemen, Your most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin
To the Speaker, and Committee of Correspondence

June 26. The Notice I had of this Opportunity is too short, to get Copies ready of the Papers mention’d, but I hope Robinson will arrive safe with them.

 Endorsed: Benja. Franklin’s Letter June 10th. 1758.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to David Hall, 10 June 1758
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Hall, David

To David Hall

   LS: American Philosophical Society

Dear Mr. Hall
London June 10, 1758
I have receiv’d yours of February 6 and February 20. containing a full Account of your Trouble in the Affair of Moore and Smith. I make not the least Doubt of your having acted uprightly in consulting the Members, and from mere Motives of Prudence, without the least Influence of Mr. Allen or any others, and in no other Respect can I think you have been to blame; for as to the Use made by the opposite Party of your inadvertently calling yourself the Province Printer, it was what you could not foresee. I hope that little Cloud is quite blown over before this Time, and that you stand clear in the Opinion of the Assembly, whose good Will I would have you by all Means cultivate and preserve.
In two of my late Letters I mention’d my having received in all £600 from you by Bills; but one of them drawn by Wm. Cooper of Boston on Yoldin and Company for £100 endors’d by Mifflin and Saunders to you, is protested, and I sent you the Protest.
Mr. Strahan undertook to send you Bodkins, and to write to you on the Impossibility of getting good Hands to go over on reasonable Terms.
I enclose you one of the last Papers by which you will see our Troops are landed in France. I pray God they may act with Spirit, and return with Honour.
I hope to send you what is necessary for the Almanack by the next Pacquet.
My Love to Couzin Molly and your Children. I am Yours affectionately
B Franklin

P.S. Miller is here, and has set up in St. Martin’s Lane. He talks of removing to Philadelphia however, but not before the War is over. He has got a compleat Printing House English and Dutch.
I have receiv’d no Papers from you lately, and but twice or at 3 Times since my being in England. The Reason I cannot conceive as I make no doubt of your sending them. Put them for the future under Cover to Henry Potts, Esqr. comptroller of the General Post Office.
Billy desires to be kindly remember’d. Mr. Strahan sends you the Paper I intended.

 Addressed: To / Mr. Hall / Printer / Philadelphia
Endorsed: B. Franklin June 10. 1758.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Israel Pemberton, 10 June 1758
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Pemberton, Israel

Sir
London, June 10. 1758
I receiv’d your Favour of the 16th. of March but a few days since, which is the first I have had, except a Copy of the Enquiry that came to hand some time ago, but without a Letter, so that I did not know who sent it. I think it well drawn up; and since there seems to be no farther Hopes of accommodating Matters with the Proprietaries, I see no reason to favour them longer by secreting it, and think to put it to Press to morrow.

The obtaining Justice for the Indians is, to be sure, a Matter of the utmost Importance, and I make no doubt we shall be able to effect it; tho’ the Proprietaries are at present on the high Ropes, make loud Declarations of their Innocence, all the Indian Complaints are father’d on the Malice of the Quakers, and they are determin’d to have Justice done to their Characters, &c.

I was afraid before I left Pensilvania that your Friends plac’d too much Confidence in Croghan. He is now known better. The Account you give me of our People’s Management at the Treaties with the Indians is shocking! What a Mixture of Madness, Folly and Knavery!
I shall write you more fully soon, and request a Continuance of your Correspondence. My Respects to the Gentlemen of your Friendly Association, and believe that I am, with great Esteem, Sir Your most obedient Servant
B Franklin
Mr. Pemberton
 Addressed: To / Mr Israel Pemberton / Mercht / Philadelphia
Endorsed: London June 10. 1758 From Benja. Franklin.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Isaac Norris, 15 June 1758
From: Norris, Isaac
To: Franklin, Benjamin

My Worthy Friend
  Pensyla. June: 15th: 1758.

The Repeatd Exemptions of the Proprietary Estate, from Bearing a part in our Present Heavy Taxes, Apears so unreasonable That I Think They Cannot long Support That Cause to the Nation, Who Bear the Burthen of An American War, (where our Proprietarys have so large an Interest to Defend) as well as for the more Immediate Defence of their own Estates. The Taxing the Proprietary Estate in Maryland has appeard so Essential To the Assembly of that Province, That After making Several Concessions on Their Part, They have Adjourn’d, without doing any Thing, Rather Than depart from that Article, upon which, and Several Other[s] the Council, were Inflexible. I should be pleas’d To know What Grounds There are for a Suspicion of my own That the Government wink for a While, at the Irregularities of some Proprietors in order to Resume All such American Grants into their hands at a proper Juncture. As for the Offers made by our Proprietarys, They are so evasive, and so well known to Such as have any knowledge of the Situation of their Estate here, That it is useless To say any Thing on That Head; A Great part of our last Grant is already Expended, my Brother Told me lately That the Commissioners had drawn for about £60,000, of it, but Then out of this, the old arrears, are I Suppose paid off, and a considerable advance to each Soldier of the new Levies, To be hereafter Deducted out of their Pay, of which and the State of our Finances, ’Tis probable Some of the Commissioners will write more Correctly, but it is very easy to foresee, that if the War Continues A little longer, as it probably will, we shall be under Difficulties To know where To Raise our future Supplys, for the lower People, of which, we are sensible, the Bulk of the Province is Compos’d, Can bear no more, the Back Counties Supply little or nothing, and Cumberland has Refus’d to Tax Their County alledging They rather Stand in need of Assistance from the other Counties. This is true with regard To a part of its Inhabitants, but many of the Others are in the Way of making Great Estates, and realy do so, and these ought to be Taxed, as well as the Prodigious Tracts of Located Lands, Taken Up in That County by a few persons in Philadelphia, who I persume would be willing to be exemptd under the General Calamity of the County, and these Probably have had Influence enough with the Comissioners and Assessors, To refuse laying any Tax There, for which purpose and to excuse Themselves, They, Just before the Rising of the Assembly wrote a letter To the Treasurer which was laid before the Governor, (who would give no Answer to it) and a copy Deliverd to the Assembly, who order’d the Treasurer to do his Duty, in which the law was his Sole Guide, but I have not since heard Whether they have laid the Tax, and as for the Excise, they have evaded That laid by the Collectors Refusing to Qualify, upon which, the House were Obligd to Name another, but this is a favourite County with Some; I Shall leave the Particular Account of J Hugh’ late Journey to Wyoming to himself, who will, no doubt, Send a more minute Account, than is in my power to do, he was so kind as to Call at my house on his Return, but did not Chuse to alight from his Horse, and finding him Sufficiently fatugued, and so near the End of his Journy, I could not Think it reasonable To press him. I. Zanes, who also went to Wyoming, Calld upon me a few days ago, and from both These Gentlemen I find they were in Some Danger from a Party of Skulking Indians very near them whilst they were at work upon the Houses They were Building for Teedyuscung and the Delawares, They lost one of their Company in whom I hear your Family has Some Concern, in which I Can Sincerly Joyn; Tho’ he was unknown to me. That undertaking was a Publick Spirited Concern with the Gentlemen who performd it. Whilst some proposd by the Governor, Declined the Danger, and still Sleep securly at Home. Our friend Thompson has left his School for a while, Upon A Message To These Delawares At Wyoming, and from Thence, I am Told, To Tiahoga, with a friendly Message from the Cherokee’s to the Delawares, and an Invitation from this Goverment to the Seneka’s, which is at this time well Judg’d, and has been sent, as I am informd, by the Influence of General Forbes, Who had some warm Difference upon these messages, with the Council, if my Information is True, but as this Comes to me at Second hand, I shall refer to Such other Accounts, as may be More fully depended upon of which no doubt, there will be Authentick Accounts Transmitted by these Vessels. The Situation of Indian Affairs must be very Critical at this Time, as well with Regard to themselves, as the Europeans now heming them in on both Sides, Their friendship is of the utmost Consequence to the french, and They know it, and act accordingly, whilst the Colonies are divided in their Int[erest] and it will be hard to unite Them. The Method proposd by Appointing Superintendants for the Districts to the Northward and Southward is better in Theory Than Practice, Till they can find Sutible Men, under the present management, we can only Judge by the fruit, of which I know of none worth recommending, but I fear the Southern District is worst Supplyd. The Troops are marching off to the frontiers of the Province. I am told the Highlanders (who arrived a few days ago from Carolina) march to day, or to morrow, and that Colonel Washington is at Rays Town—except a very few skulking Parties now and then in Small Numbers, we have not had much Damage on the frontiers, but it is probable, we may hear of more, during the harvest, unless the large Bodies of Soldiers now dispersd Thro’ the back Counties should deter the Enemy from the attempt, which is not probable. I can only Recommend Patience and perseverance, To my Good friend in the Honorable Comission the Province has intrusted him with, in an honest Cause. I shall not Distrust his Abilities against All the bad Governors we have ever had, or can have sent for, to oppose him, but in Conversing with These or their Masters, Common prudence Will Direct him to Judge of Sutible evidence upon all publick Transactions to Guard against misrepresentations, for after the Numberless Instances where our publick affairs have been misrepresentd under the Same Influence, it Cannot Surprize us, That the Same Politicks Should be pursue’d to the fountain head, of which I have now before me, in your last letter a Glaring Instance. I know nothing more of the fleet against Lewisburg Than what is in the Pub[lick] Papers, and if I did, the Conveyance from Thence will be so much shorter, that it would be unnecessary to send the Intellegence from hence, but there is great hopes of succeeding in That Enterprize under Such Commanders, and Such a force as the Brittish Nation has There. I hear Just now That Chas. Thompson, with a few Indians are returnd, but can give no Intellegence of the Sucess of his Journy. If these Vessels Stay long enough, Those Concern’d in Town, will Take Care to Transmit the Account. The Store Ships arrived two, or Three days ago, to the Great Satisfaction of the Gentlemen Concern’d in the Westren Expedition. I am your Affectionate friend
I N

Pray make my Complements to Billy to whom I wrote some time ago.
Copy

In margin: Recd & ackd by BF 7br. 16. 1758


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from David Hall, 22 July 1758
From: Hall, David
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Philadelphia 22d July. 1758.
Inclosed you have the third Copy (in Case of Miscarriages) of a Bill for £149.12s. 5d., and the first Copy of another Bill for £100. which makes in all sent you £1049. 12s. 5d. One Hundred pound of which protested, for which you have Credit. The Exchange for the £100. to be paid you by Mr. Strahan was 60 as was that of £149. 12s. 5d. and this last 57½. You will please advise me of their coming to hand, and of being paid when you have got the Cash. Yours
D Hall
To Benjamin Franklin Esqr. via Liverpool Capt. Stiles2d Copy via Liverpool per Capt. Moore Augt. 26th


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Isaac Norris, 25 July 1758
From: Norris, Isaac
To: Franklin, Benjamin

My Dear friend (B F)
Pensyla. July 25th 1758
If I Could hear the News by this Days post, I might Possibly Send Some Intellegence from our Westren Expedition and Ticonderoga, but there is no probability of transmitting from hence, any thing Relateing to Cape Breton, which will not be Sooner known by A direct Conveyance from thence. The Politicians in Town are in full Expectation of Success in that Quarter and with great reason. Our forces under General Forbes Seem to fortify Themselves At particular places to perserve a Communication and Secure A Retreat in Case of Necessity, and by moveing forward Slowly, to Ensure Success against fort DuQuesne, or at least to preserve themselves in the Neigh[bor]hood of the Enemy and guard the frontiers of These Colonies, except against Some Small Indian excursions, which will probably Continue during the War, unless we Can find Some means of Reconcileing them to our Interests. The Delawares of Vinango and About the Ohio, I realy believe are well dispos’d to a peace, and to Come into our alliance Cordialy, if they Are not prevented by our New Politicks, Tho’ I am informd that General Forbes has Interested himself in Indian Affairs and been of Good Service. I shall enclose a late Message from the Cherokee’s to the Delawares, As I received it from Chas. Thompson about a Month ago, Since which a Deputation from the Ohio has been in Philadelphia, who held a Treaty There in Company with Several Delawares who accompanied them from Wyoming. Chas. Thompson offerd his Service on their return but was refused by the Governor, by which means, one Post A Moravian went alone. ’Tis Clear, that uncommon endeavors are used to Induce the Indians to forego their Complaints Concerning the Injustice done them on Account of their lands. What Success they may meet with, by perseverance, I cannot Say, but the lands Cannot be easily Eradicated from the Minds Of those Tribes who have been Disposess’d of them, as they Think, Iniquituously. The Committee bro’t me your last letter to them A few days Since, but I have forgot the Date. It will give me great Pleasure to hear the Summer Contributes to the Return of a Good State of health, which we all Sincerly wish you, pray remember me kindly to Billy, and I Must Also desire My Complements to My friend R C and his good family, My Brother Shiped him a pipe of Wine by —— Suppose the Committee will Send a Copy Of the Votes So far as they are printed. I am your Assured friend
I N
CopyB Franklin recd ackd 7br 16 1758


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Eyre Whalley, 25 July 1758
From: Whalley, Eyre
To: Franklin, Benjamin

In July 1758 Franklin, accompanied by his son William, took the first of the extended journeys in the British Isles or on the Continent that became his annual practice during his London residence except when his official duties prevented. He thought that these travels contributed greatly to his health, as they certainly did to his pleasure and to the number of his friends and acquaintances. The first of these trips was to the English Midlands, where he visited the ancestral homes of his and Deborah’s families, looked up such relatives as he could find there, and pursued the genealogical inquiries he so greatly enjoyed. This document and several of those which follow show the principal results of his quest. For the most complete account of the journey, see his letter to Deborah, September 6, below, pp. 133–46, and for the English Franklins, see above, I, l–liii, lxviii–lxix.

Ecton July 25th. 1758
The Register of Ecton in the County of Northampton begins September 25th. 1559. Those contained in it of the Name of Franklin are taken out in the Words and Spelling of the Register; and are as followeth, viz.
Baptized.
Ap. 8. 1563. Robeart Son of Thomas Franckline.
Augst. 1. 1565. Jane daughter of Thomas Franckline.
May 16. 1567. John Son of Thomas Francklyne.
May 9. 1570. James Son of Thomas Francklyne.
May 26. 1573. Henry Son of Thomas Francklyne.
Feby. 28. 1595. Thomas Son of Henry Francklyne.
Octr. 8. 1598. Thomas Son of Henry Francklin.
Mar. 11. 1637. Thomas Son of Thomas Francklin.
Nov. 7. 1641. Samuel Son of Thomas Francklin.
Mar. 23. 1650. Benjamin Son of Thomas Francklin and Jane his wife.
Octr. 29. 1654. Hannah daughter of Francklin and Jane his wife borne 23d.
Jany. 3. 1657. Josia Son of Thomas Francklin and Jane his wife born Decr. 23.

Octr. 24. 1673. Mary daughter of Thomas Francklin Junr. and Helen his wife
Mar. 10. 1677. Elizabeth daughter of Josias Franklin and Anne his wife.
Buried.
Augst. 29. 1565. Jane daughter of Thomas Francklyne.
Augst. 11. 1598. Thomas Son of Henry Francklyne.
Octr. 23. 1631. Henry Francklyn, Husbandman.
Jany. 29. 1646. —Franklin, an aged Widow.
Octr. 30. 1662. Jane wife of Thomas Franklin Senior.
Feby. 3. 1663. Awdrey wife of Nicolas Franklin.
Septr. 1. 1696. Elizabeth Franklin Widow aged 79.
Jany. 7. 1702. Thomas Franklin, Clerk to the Commissioners for Taxes.
Mar. 16. 1711. Helen Widow of Thomas Franklin.
Married
Feby. 5. 1561. John Walsh and Margerye Francklyne.
Octr. 30. 1595. Henry Francklyne and Agnes Joanes.
Feby. 4. 1630. Nicolas Francklyn and Awdrey Bett.

Sir
I have very carefully examined the Registers of this Parish, and the above are all I can find either Baptized, Married, or Buried, of the Name of Franklin: you, Sir, are descended from Henry the youngest Son of the first Thomas mentioned in the Register. Thomas, the only Surviving Son of which Henry was your Grandfather. Elizabeth daughter of Josias Franklin and Anne his wife,    Baptized 10th of Mar. 1677. I Suppose was the eldest Child of your Father. The Omissions from the year 1641. to the year 1650. common in most Registers, were probably owing to the Confusions of those times. If I can give you any farther Light or Satisfaction in anything, you may command me. With Compliments to you and your Son, I am, Sir, your most obedient Servant
Eyre Whalley

 Addressed: To / Benjn. Franklin Esq / at / Mrs. Stevenson’s / in / Craven Street / London


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Mary Fisher, 31 July 1758
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Fisher, Mary

Dear Cousins,
London; July 31. 1758
We have been return’d but a few Days from our Ramble thro’ a great Part of England. Your kind Letter for which we thank you, is come to hand, acquainting us of the finding of my Son’s Ring. He has since receiv’d it. Your Entertainment of us was very kind and good, and needed no Apology. When we left you, we went to Ecton, where, by the Help of good Mrs. Whalley, we found the Gravestones plac’d for my Uncle Thomas and my Aunt, his Wife, expressing that he died the 6th of January 1702 in the 65th Year of his Age, and she the 14th of March 1711, in the 77th of her Age. Mr. Whalley has been so obliging as to search the Register of Ecton Church for us, and send me an Extract from it, by which I find, that our poor honest Family were Inhabitants of that Village near 200 Years, as early as the Register begins. The first mentioned is in 1563, when Robert Son of Thomas Franklin was baptized. This Thomas Franklin was our Great-Great Grandfather: He had also a Daughter Jane, baptized Augt. 1. 1565, which died an Infant; a Son John, May 16. 1567. a Son James May 9. 1570. a Son Henry, May 26. 1573. Whether Robert, John, and James left any Posterity I do not find; but the youngest Son Henry married Agnes Joanes the 30th of October 1595. and had one Son Thomas, which died August 1598, and another son born October 8. the same Year, which he also call’d Thomas; and this youngest Son of Henry was our Grandfather. Josiah my Father was the youngest Son of my Grandfather, and I am the youngest Son of Josiah; so that I am the youngest Son of the youngest Son of the youngest Son of the youngest Son for five Generations; whereby I find that had there originally been any Estate in the Family none could have stood a worse Chance for it. God, however, has blest me, with Augur’s Wish, and what is still more, with Augur’s Temper, for which double Blessing I desire to be ever thankful.
When we return’d from the North we call’d at Banbury, and there found Robert Page, who had married our Cousin Jane Daughter of John Franklin; she is dead and left no Children. In the Church Yard we found a Gravestone expressing that Thomas Franklin was buried there March 24. 168½, and also John the Son of the said Thomas Franklin, who died June 11. 1691. by which I find that our Grandfather remov’d from Ecton in his Old Age to Banbury, perhaps to live with his Son John; His first Wife and Mother of his Children, was named Jane; she was buried at Ecton Oct. 30. 1662. but I think he married again, for I find in the Register a Widow Elizabeth Franklin, who was buried at Ecton Sept. 1. 1696. aged 79. Perhaps she return’d to Ecton after his Death. I do not remember ever to [have] heard of her, but suppose my Father nam’d his first Child, after her, Elizabeth, who is yet living; she was born Mar. 10. 1677. If this Widow Elizabeth was our Grandfathers second Wife, you probably may remember her.
 Endorsed: Letter to Cousin Fisher


Title: Gravestone Inscriptions at Ecton and Banbury, [July 1758]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

When Franklin visited Ecton in Northamptonshire and Banbury in Oxfordshire seeking the remains and records of the English Franklins, he had his son copy the gravestone inscriptions of Uncle Thomas Franklin (A.5.2.1) and his wife Eleanor at Ecton, and of Grandfather Thomas Franklin (A.5.2) and his son John at Banbury. The inscriptions, as transcribed by William and printed below from the manuscript in his hand, vary in some unimportant respects from the capitalization, abbreviations, and use of Arabic numerals on the stones themselves.

Ecton Church Yard
Here lyeth the Body of Thos. Franklin who departed this Life January the 6th. Anno Domini 1702, in the 65th. Year of his Age.
Here lyeth the Body of Eleanor Franklin the Wife of Thos. Franklin who departed this Life the 14th. of March 1711, in the 77th. Year of her Age.
Banbury Church Yard
  Here lyes the Body of Thos. Franklin who was buried March 24, 168½. And also the Body of John the Son of the abovesaid Thos. Franklin who was buried June the 11th.or 9th } 1691


Title: Genealogical Chart of the Franklin Family, [July 1758]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

Soon after returning to London from his July visit to Ecton and Banbury, Franklin made an elaborate genealogical chart in which he brought together both the information he had gathered on this trip and his own previous knowledge. He drew circles to represent individuals and inserted in each (sometimes spilling over the edges) such vital data as he had accumulated. He then connected the circles by double lines to show the descent of each person, going back as far as the earliest known ancestor, his great-great-grandfather, Thomas Franklyne. The chart is on a sheet of about 15 by 20 inches. On the back is the endorsement “Memor. of the Family.” A much reduced facsimile, showing its appearance, is printed facing this page; it is followed by a reproduction in type, necessarily somewhat conventionalized, but arranged as nearly as possible as is the original. The manuscript is torn and several entries are partially or wholly lost; in the printed version the missing data, derived from other sources, have been supplied within brackets.
This chart and the genealogical tables and charts in the first volume of this edition (pp. l–liii, lvi–lxii, lxviii–lxix, 1xxii–lxxv) each include some information not contained in the other, and some data in Franklin’s chart differ from what the editors provided. Notes appended to the printed chart explain conflicting points and supply additional comment on some details.

      Open a typeset version of the chart:Medium resolution (2101 x 1527 pixels)High resolution (3151 x 2290 pixels)

  [Notes refer to superscripts in the typeset version of the chart above]
1. BF probably guessed that Margerye was Thomas’ sister; her marriage is recorded among the extracts from the Ecton parish register BF received from the Rev. Eyre Whalley; see above, p. 116.
2. By an oversight the editors failed to include this date in their genealogical table.
3. For discussion of the order of birth of these unnamed twin sons among the children of Thomas and Jane, see above, I, li n.
4. BF’s chart leaves a blank for this date. The editors followed Benjamin Franklin the Elder, who gives it as Feb. 20, 1643, but whether he intended this to be Old Style or New Style is not known. “A short account of the Family of Thomas Franklin of Ecton in Northamptonshire. 21 June 1717.” Yale Univ. Lib.
5. Benjamin Franklin the Elder gives her maiden name as Sawyer. “A short account.”
6. The editors’ table supplied the date of death as March 17, 1727, from New-England Weekly Journal, March 27, 1727.
7. The year of death is inserted in pencil. The editors followed Benjamin Franklin the Elder in giving the date of birth as Oct. 29, 1654 (though it now appears that this was probably the date of baptism; see above, p. 115), and the date of death as June 24, 1712. “A short account.”
8. Anne’s maiden name, Child, is found in Benjamin Franklin the Elder’s “A short account”; her date of death, July 9, 1689, is entered on an undated MS in BF’s hand listing the birthdays of Josiah Franklin’s children (below, p. 454); Abiah’s death, May 8, 1752, is recorded in Jane Mecom’s “Book of Ages,” Van Doren, Franklin-Mecom, p. 101.
9. BF fails to show here Thomas’ daughter Sarah (A.5.2.3.1.1.1), in 1758 a child of about five, who resided with BF in London at various times during 1766–70.
10. The daughter, whom BF showed here only as an empty circle, was named Hannah; she married Thomas Walker and in 1758 had two sons, John and Henry.
11. Benjamin Franklin the Elder recorded the birth of his daughter Jane as Feb. 14, 1687; “A short account.”
12. James Franklin died on his thirty-eighth birthday, Feb. 4, 1735. See George P. Winship, “Newport Newspapers in the Eighteenth Century,” Newport Hist. Soc., Bulletin, No. 14 (Oct. 1914), p. 5; Howard M. Chapin, “Ann Franklin of Newport, Printer, 1736–1763,” Bibliographical Essays A Tribute to Wilberforce Eames ([Cambridge, Mass.], 1924), p. 339.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Mary Fisher, 14 August 1758
From: Fisher, Mary
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir!
Wellingborough, Augst. 14th. 1758
We have received your kind Letter as also your Present of most excellent Madeira, which was the more agreeable to us as Mr. Fisher was seized with an Illness soon after you left these Parts, under which his Physicians have obliged him to drink a greater Quantity of generous Wine than before he was used to. His ail is a Mortification in his Foot, which considering his Age will I fear prove fatal: It has hitherto got the better of all Medicines that have been applied, and we have not wanted for the best Physicians and Surgeons this Country affords. Tho’ in this Distress we are pleased    to hear that your Ramble (as you call it) has been agreeable to your Self and Son; and particularly that Mr. and Mrs. Whaley gave you so kind a Reception at Ecton. You have taken more Care to preserve the Memory of our Family, than any other Person that ever belonged to it, tho’ the Youngest Son of five Generations. And tho’ I believe it never made any great Figure in this County, Yet it did what was much better, it acted that Part well in which Providence had placed it, and for 200 Years all the Descendants of it have lived with Credit, and are to this Day without any Blot in their Escutcheon, which is more than some of the best Families i: e. the Richest and highest in Title can pretend to. I am the last of my Fathers House remaining in this Country, and you must be sensible from my Age and Infirmities, that I cannot hope to continue long in the Land of the Living. However I must degenerate from my Family not to wish it well; and therefore you cannot think but that I was well pleased to see so fair Hopes of its Continuance in the Younger Branches, in any Part of the World, and on that Account most sincerely wish you and Yours all Health Happiness and Prosperity, and am Dear Sir Your most Affectionate Kinswoman
  Mary Fisher.

  Turn over
  P.S. This Letter has been wrote above a Month but was neglected to be sent to You on the Account of Mr. Fisher’s Illness, who has been so bad that we expected nothing but Death for some Weeks; tho’ now have the Pleasure to inform You that his Mortification is entirely stopp’d, and on that Account have Hopes of his Recovery. Your Last is come to Hand and I hope you’ll Excuse the Delay in Answering your Former for the Reason mentioned before. Mr. Holme our Minister begs to return his Compliments to you and Son.
Sepr. 18th. 1758.
 Addressed: To / Mr. Benjamin Franklin / at Mrs. Stevenson’s / in Craven Street. Strand. / London


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Mary Stevenson, 20 August 1758
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson

Dear Polley,
Tunbridge Wells, Augt. 20. 1758
My Son I know intended writing to you this Morning, so as to send per this Days Post; but sundry unexpected Hindrances have prevented him as well as me. He is gone to dine abroad, and I doubt will hardly be able to disengage himself before the Post goes. Therefore, as well as to acknowledge the Receipt of your kind Favour of the 18th. I snatch a Moment from Company, and write this Line to let you know that we are well, and that you will hear from us both by Tuesday’s Post. ’Till then I shall only say, that I find my self, with greater Esteem and Regard than ever, Dear Child, Your sincerely affectionate Friend and Servant
B Franklin
 Endorsed: Aug 20–58


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Franklin, 3 September 1758
From: Franklin, William
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honoured Father
Tunbridge Wells, Septr. 3, —58
I miss’d writing on Friday and Yesterday no Post went from hence, otherwise I should before have acknowledgd the Receipt of your Favour of the 30th. Ulto. Mr. Jackson is prevented from setting off from here so soon as he intended by reason of the matrimonial Affair he mentioned to us not being quite settled. He says he has Letters from the Parties almost every Day, and was he to leave this Place they would not know where to direct to him; however he expects by Wednesday next to have Matters quite adjusted. Mr. Bridges goes with us as far as Mr. Rose Fuller’s, where it is intended to stay a Day or two. In a Fortnight from hence Mr. Jackson thinks it will be proper we should set off on our Norfolk Tour, and therefore proposes being in London some Days before. I am extremely oblig’d to you for your Care in supplying me with Money, and shall ever have a grateful Sense of that with the other numberless Indulgencies I have receiv’d from your paternal Affection. I shall be ready to return to America, or to go any other Part of the World, whenever you think it neccessary. We have chang’d our Lodgings to the House next adjoining, but much for the worse, tho’ somewhat cheaper. Mr. Hunter is now acquainted with a pretty many Persons, and is as fond of this Place as he was before averse to it.
Your Letter of Yesterday, with the agreeable News of the King of Prussias having defeated the Russians was very acceptable. It contain’d some Particulars which no one else had, and I had an Opportunity of obliging several by communicating them. There has been a Contribution of 1s. from each Gentleman and Lady towards Bonfires, firing of Guns, &c. for this Evening.
Tomorrow I accompany Mr. Bridges’s Family to Penshurst. We went yesterday to survey the Roads when Mr. B’s Horse getting into a deep Slough threw him off, but he received little Damage except being much dirty’d. He with the rest of the Family desire to be kindly remember’d to you, as does Mr. Hunter. I am, Honoured Sir Your ever dutiful Son
Wm. Franklin

P.S. Please to give my best Respects to Miss Hunter, Mrs: Stevenson and such others as do me the Honour of enquiring after my Welfare.
 Addressed: To / Benjamin Franklin, Esqr / at Mrs. Stevenson’s / Craven Street / London


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, 6 September 1758
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Deborah

My Dear Child,
London, September 6, 1758.
In mine of June 10th, by the Mercury, captain Robinson, I mentioned our having been at Cambridge. We staid there a week, being entertained with great kindness by the principal people, and shown all the curiosities of the place; and, returning by another road to see more of the country, we came again to London. I found the journey advantageous to my health, increasing both my health and spirits, and therefore, as all the great folks were out of town, and public business at a stand, I the more easily prevailed with myself to take another journey and accept of the invitation. We had to be again at Cambridge at the commencement, the beginning of July. We went accordingly, were present at all the ceremonies, dined every day in their halls, and my vanity was not a little gratified by the particular regard shown me by the chancellor and vice chancellor of the university, and the heads of colleges. After the commencement, we went from Cambridge, through Huntingdonshire into Northamptonshire, and at Wellingborough; on inquiry we found still living Mary Fisher, whose maiden name was Franklin, daughter and only child of Thomas Franklin, my father’s eldest brother: she is five years older than sister Douse, and remembers her going away with my father and his then wife, and two other children to New England, about the year, 1685. We have had no correspondence with her since my uncle Benjamin’s death, now near 30 years. I knew she had lived at Wellingborough, and had married there to one Mr. Richard Fisher, a grazier and tanner, about fifty years ago, but did not expect to see either of them alive, so inquired for their posterity; I was directed to their house and we found them both alive, but weak with age, very glad however to see us; she seems to have been a very smart, sensible woman. They are wealthy, have left off business, and live comfortably. They have had only one child, a daughter, who died, when about thirty years of age, unmarried; she gave me several of my uncle Benjamin’s letters to her, and acquainted me where the other remains of the family lived, of which I have, since my return to London, found out a daughter of my father’s only sister, very old, and was never married. She is a good clever woman, but poor, though vastly contented with her situation and very cheerful. The others are in different parts of the country: I intend to visit them, but they were too much out of our tour in that journey. From Wellingborough we went to Ecton, about three or four miles, being the village where my father was born, and where his father, grand-father, and great-grandfather had lived, and how many of the family before them we know not. We went first to see the old house and grounds; they came to Mr. Fisher with his wife, and after letting them for some years finding his rent something ill paid, he sold them. The land is now added to another farm, and a school kept in the house: it is a decayed old stone building, but still known by the name of Franklin House. Thence we went to visit the rector of the parish, who lives close by the church, a very antient building. He entertained us very kindly, and showed us the old church register, in which were the births, marriages, and burials of our ancestors for 200 years, as early as his book began. His wife a goodnatured chatty old lady, (grandaughter of the famous archdeacon Palmer, who formerly had that parish, and lived there,) remembered a great deal about the family; carried us out into the church-yard, and showed us several of their grave stones, which were so covered with moss that we could not read the letters till she ordered a hard brush and basin of water, with which Peter scoured them clean, and then Billy copied them. She entertained and diverted us highly with stories of Thomas Franklin, Mrs. Fisher’s father, who was a conveyancer, something of a lawyer, clerk of the county courts, and clerk to the archdeacon, in his visitations; a very leading man in all county affairs, and much employed in public business. He set on foot a subscription for erecting chimes in their steeple, and completed it, and we heard them play. He found out an easy method of saving their village meadows from being drowned, as they used to be sometimes by the river, which method is still in being; but when first proposed, nobody could conceive how it could be; but however they said if Franklin says he knows how to do it, it will be done. His advice and opinion was sought for on all occasions, by all sorts of people, and he was looked upon, she said, by some, as something of a conjurer. He died just four years before I was born, on the same day of the same month.
Since our return to London I have had a kind letter from cousin Fisher, and another from the rector, which I send you.
From Ecton we went to Northampton, where we staid part of the day; then went to Coventry, and from thence to Birmingham—here, upon inquiry, we soon found out yours, and cousin Wilkinson’s, and cousin Cash’s relations: first we found one of the Cash’s, and he went with us to Rebecca Flint’s, where we saw her and her husband: she is a turner and he a buttonmaker; they have no children; were very glad to see any person that knew their sister Wilkinson; told us what letters they had received, and showed us some of them; and even showed us that they had, out of respect, preserved a keg, in which they had received a present of some sturgeon. They sent for their brother Joshua North, who came with his wife immediately to see us, he is a turner also, and has six children, a lively active man. Mrs.
  Flint desired me to tell her sister that they live still in the old house she left them in, which I think she says was their father’s. From thence Mr. North went with us to your cousin Benjamin Fillers [Tiler] where we suppd that night, he is a button maker, employs a great number of hands and lives very genteely, his wife is a very sensible, polite, agreeable woman, but they have no children, he told us Oliver had lived at Canterbury, married a second wife and was in good business, getting money apace, but died eight years since, his eldest brother John was living and had one son, his brother Joseph also living, had three children and his sister Sarah married to Mr. Salt, had one child, Samuel, was in the Army and had no child, I think they said he was among the forces taken at Oswego and had not since heard of him. They invited us to dine with them another day, which we did, when all the brothers and sisters were met together with one Mrs. Guest,  another own cousin of Mother Read’s her maiden name was Mary Taylor, she had a sister whose name was Sarah and a brother Abraham, she is a grand daughter to Abraham Cash, a widow about 68 years of age and has only one son, she remembers father Read and mother; mother and she are sister’s children. She is a very sensible, smart, old lady, reads a great deal and is well acquainted with books, and her conversation very agreeable, she seems to be the scholar of the family, she made me a present of a pencil case and a Clezzel (?) for Sally. Mrs. Salt is a jolly, lively dame, both Billy and myself agree that she was extremely like you, her whole face has the same turn, and exactly the same little blue Birmingham eyes. I think her name is Sarah, and she has one daughter named Deborah, about 12 years old. We had a very genteel dinner, and were very cherry, drinking mother’s health, yours, Sally’s and all our relations in Pennsylvania, they talk of the presents they had received from mother, of buckskins and the like and one had still preserved, a pair of gloves, sent them thirty years ago. I breakfasted twice at Mrs. Salt’s and was to have dined there but had not a spare day, being engaged at different houses, we spent a week in and about Birmingham, continually on the foot, from one manufactory to another and were highly entertained in seeing all the curious machines and expeditious ways of working. Every morning we were visited at our Inn by some or other of the relations, whose names I entered in my book. There were two own cousins of Caleb Cash being the sons of Isaac Cash, the eldest Thomas has had twelve children, seven of whom are alive, the other named Caleb Cash has four children, the eldest remembers our kinsman John North before he went to Pennsylvania, they are button makers and sent a present of their work, there was also Mrs. Mary Edes, Cousin Wilkinson’s eldest sister. She is a widow, has but one child who lives in London. There was also Mary Emery, eldest daughter of Isaac Cash who was brother to old Mr. Cash that went to Philadelphia, with her came Caleb Cash her brother, who had been with us before, they and their brother Thomas are all in the button business, four of the brothers of this family are dead. There was also Sarah Jones the daughter of Sarah Wheat, who was the daughter of John Wheat, who was brother to Caleb Cash’s wife, that went into Pennsylvania with her daughters Mary and Betty. Also there came a daughter of Sarah Jones, she has five children living, has had fourteen and seems very poor. At Cousin Tilers we heard of Rachel Sotty, but did not see her, she is the daughter of Ann Cash, who was the daughter of Benjamin Cash, who was the son of Abraham Cash, her husband is a merchant at Rotterdam, in good circumstances—when we were coming away they brought us their letters, and little presents of their workmanship for their relations, all the letters and presents are in a little box and two parcels which I send under the care of Mr. John Schutz, Conrad’s brother. There are some for Sally, so if mother is well enough to get all the relations together some day to dinner, let Sally read part of this letter to them, and drink the health of your Birmingham friends, for we often drank at Birmingham our friends in Philadelphia. From Birmingham we went into Worcestershire to see Hagly Park, Lord Lyttleton’s and some other fine streets [seats?] and gardens and returned through Birmingham we went to Warwick to see old Guy’s Castle &c.—and while we were here John North came from Birmingham, twenty miles on foot to see us, a little angry with his Uncle Joshua for not informing him of us when we were in town, he is the son of Thomas North who is a brother to John North of Pennsylvania, he has two sons William and John and a daughter Mary and is a button maker, he seems an honest hearty fellow, did not hear of us till we were gone and then followed us, being resolved, he said, to have his name put down in my book among the rest of the family, they are industrious, ingenious, working people and think themselves vastly happy that they live in dear old England. [Remainder missing.]


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Joseph Galloway, 6 September 1758
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Galloway, Joseph

Dear Sir
London, Sept. 6. 1758
I have been much in the Country this summer, travelling over great Part of the Kingdom, partly to recover my Health, and partly to improve and increase Acquaintance among Persons of Influence. Being just come to Town, I find this Ship on the Point of Sailing; so can only now say, that I have receiv’d your Favour of July 28. with the Papers enclos’d which I am very glad to see; and that no Report on Smith’s Affair has yet been made, nor any now expected; nor any thing new occur’d since my last. No new Governor is yet appointed that I can hear of; but Mr. Partridge tells me Gen. Shirley seems willing to accept of it, if offer’d to him. By the Mail that goes hence on Saturday for the Pacquet, I shall write to the Committee and all my Friends fully; also per another Ship that I hear is to sail in a few Days, Capt. Duncan. Billy is still in the Country. I fear this will hardly get on board if I add more than that I am, with great Esteem Dear Sir, Yours affectionately
B Franklin
 Addressed: To / Joseph Galloway Esqr. / Philadelphia
Endorsed: 1758 Anno Dom Letter Septr. 6. 1758. Benjamn. Franklin


Title: Accounts with Isaac Norris, 15 September 1758
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Norris, Isaac

During Franklin’s first English residence he carried out numerous financial transactions for Isaac Norris. At his friend’s request he bought and sent to Philadelphia a telescope, several books and pamphlets, medicines, and a surprising number of decanters and other forms of glassware; he advanced money to other people on Norris’ orders; and, above all, he invested substantial sums in England for the speaker’s account. For all these services Norris sent to England a series of bills of exchange and also received credit for interest on the investments.
Among the papers of the two men are records of these transactions. A document in Franklin’s hand in the American Philosophical Society Library is headed “Isaac Norris Esqr in Account with B. Franklin,” in which he recorded in debtor and creditor columns his expenditures and receipts from Jan. 3, 1759, to Feb. 16, 1762. Norris’ manuscript account book, 1735–65, in the Library Company of Philadelphia, contains on facing pages an identical series of entries, but terminating July 5, 1761. On another page are entered records of three shipments of goods Franklin sent to Norris. The last two record, though in fuller detail, transactions included in the general account; the first, dated Sept. 15, 1758, shows the shipment of a 24-foot refracting telescope, which cost with its packing case £17 7s. 6d. With three possible exceptions, every transaction recorded in the documents here described is also entered, sometimes with considerably more detail, in Franklin’s “Account of Expences”; see above, VII, 164–5.
Nine of the entries relate to investments Franklin made for Norris in stocks and annuities, either purchased from others or transferred from his own holdings. Their total face value was £5350, but there were discounts for advance payment of installments on the subscriptions and others resulting from market fluctuations, so he paid only £4324 14s. 2½d., including broker’s commissions. Interest at 3 percent totaled £345 7s. 6d. during the period of these accounts.
These accounts are not printed in full here, but as transactions are mentioned in later correspondence, reference will be made to this summary.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Joseph Galloway, 16 September 1758
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Galloway, Joseph

Dear Sir,
London, Sept. 16. 1758
I wrote you a few Lines on the 6th Inst. in which I omitted acknowledging the Receipt of your several Favours of April 17. May 9. and June 16. They all got safe to hand with the several Papers as mention’d; but the Votes, except what related to Smith’s Affair, I have not yet received. No Report has yet been made by the Attorney and Solicitor General, nor any now expected. The Expence to Smith must have been considerable. Moore’s Petition, tho’ talk’d of, was, I believe, never presented.
I heard, with great Pleasure, that the Assembly had pass’d a Bill for so large a Supply and raising so great a Body of Men for the Service of the current Year. God send your Forces Success. For if this Year’s Service proves as fruitless as the last, I know not how you will bear such a Burthen for another. You have however shown your Zeal for the King’s Service; and the Proprietor, by the first Refusal of the Bill has shewn, that all is to be risqu’d rather than his Purposes not serv’d.
The Commissioners I think fully justify’d themselves, from the Governor’s mean Accusations. I believe there never was a Set of Commissioners since the Time of the old Romans, that acted with more Integrity and Uprightness, and less Regard to private Interest.
Mr. Thomson has, as you desired, sent me constantly Copies of the Treaties with Tedyuskung. They are very Satisfactory, and must be of great Use when the important Affair of doing those People Justice comes under Consideration here. Sundry Circumstances have prevented it for some time, but it will now speedily be brought on.
You will probably soon have a Change of Governors, (as I wrote you the 10th. of June last, when I wrote also to the Committee) but as to a Change of Government, that perhaps is at some Distance, unless the Province, heartily tir’d of Proprietary Rule, should petition the Crown to take the Government into its own Hands.
I have not lately seen the Proprietaries. Their Conduct in Smiths Affair, abetting the Abuses thrown on the Assembly at the Hearing, and soliciting in favour of his Cause, was look’d upon by every body as an open Declaration of War; and having no longer any Hopes of an Accommodation, I have never since desired an Audience of them. Some Ship before Winter will probably bring me full Directions from the Assembly as to my future Proceedings. How far the Cause may be drawn into Length, is impossible to foresee; but you need be under no Apprehension of its suffering for want of Money; when I see any likelyhood of that, I shall give you timely Notice; and in the mean time, on occasion, could advance of my own; for the Remittances I have received since my being here, have greatly exceeded my Expences.

The Taking of Louisburg gave great Joy here, and to me the more, as it will tend to rivet the Patriot Minister in the Seat of Power.
It is said the Proprietor has taken great Offence at some Letter of my writing into Pensilvania. I know not what it is, but Copies are somehow obtain’d for him of such of my Letters as are laid before the Assembly; which must make me cautious how I speak freely of Persons and Measures here, lest he should have a Handle to create me Enemies. But as to his own Resentment against me, it gives me very little Concern.
Billy is gone to Portsmouth, so cannot write to you per this Opportunity. I have sent him your Letter which came with yours of July 28 to me. The Affidavits mention’d in the Council’s Defence of the Proprietor, are not annext to the Copy you favour’d me with. If you have any Affidavits on the other side of the Question, I should be glad to have them with the others. The Proprietor’s E[stimate] of his Estate is a curious Paper, and will be of good Use. I thank you for the Account of the Forces in North America.
I long to hear the Event of your Expedition against Fort Duquesne. Since the Repulse at Ticonderago, I have been in pain for my Countrymen.

Present my best Respects to the rest of the Committee and the Members of the House, and believe me, with great Esteem, Dear Sir, Yours affectionately
B Franklin
Mr. Galloway

Sept. 19. I enclose you one of the latest Papers, communicate it to the Speaker.

 Endorsed: Letter Sept. 16. 1758 Benjamn. Franklin.