Title: William Ellery and JM to the Committee of Congress at Washington’s Headquarters, 5 May 1780
From: Ellery, William,Madison, James
To: Committee of Congress

In Congress, May 5th, 1780.
Ye poor devils! shivering on the bleak hills of Morris, how we pity you!—Ho! soldier with your canteen; view that poor committee man—see him trembling. Hark!—hear his teeth chatter—unable to support himself under the chilling blasts, which, unclothed and unfed, you have endured with invincible perseverance and fortitude:—see him expiring!—he was nursed under a fervid sun, and exposes himself to your nipping gales to bring you some relief. For the sake of G——d, one drop of whiskey for poor Matthews!
As for ye, sons of the North, ye can get along well enough, especially if ye can find, now and then, a cup of beer and a little New England.
As for our illustrious general, if it were in our choice, for him the rich Madeira should flow in copious streams;—and as for the gallant officers, and faithful brave soldiers under his command, if we had the powers of conversion, we would turn water into wine, the camp should overflow with that exhilarating and invigorating liquor.
The last bottle had been broached.—We addressed congress, and used every argument in our power to induce them to order a couple of pipes to be sent to head-quarters, and told them that the general’s wine was entirely exhausted. They doubted. We informed them that we had received a letter from the committee giving us that information. They still doubted, and desired that the letter might be produced. We delivered it with the utmost reluctance. Upon reading it, congress immediately concluded that any persons who would dare to charge us with niggardliness, and threaten to run congress “d——ly” in debt, must be d——ly drunk, and utterly refused to send any wine to headquarters until you should have returned. We wish you had been more guarded in your expressions.—However, we shall for once stretch our power, and send forward two pipes immediately.—You will be pleased to consider soberly the business you have undertaken, and the expectations of congress, and not drink more than three glasses of wine at dinner, and six at supper; and whenever you write to us, do it before breakfast.
We return your “word to the wise,” and are your’s as you conduct,
W. Ellery,Js. Madison, Jr.


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 6 May 1780
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Philada. May 6th. 1780Dear Sir
I am sorry I can give you no other account of our public situation than that it continues equally perplexed & alarming as when I lately gave you a sketch of it. Our army has as yet been kept from starving, and public measures from a total stagnation, by draughts on the States for the unpaid requisitions. The great amount of these you may judge of, from the share that has fallen to Virginia. The discharge of debts due from the purchasing departments has absorbed a great proportion of them, and very large demands still remain. As soon as the draughts amount to the whole of the monthly requisitions up to the end of March, they must cease according to the new scheme of finance. We must then depend wholly on the emissions to be made in pursuance of that scheme, which can only be applied, as the old emissions are collected & destroyed. Should this not be done as fast as the current expenditures require, or should the new emissions fall into a course of depreciation, both of which may but too justly be feared, a most melancholy crisis must take place. A punctual compliance on the part of the States with the specific supplies will indeed render much less money necessary than would otherwise be wanted, but experience by no means affords satisfactory encouragement that due and unanimous exertions will be made for that purpose not to mention that our distress is so pressing that it is uncertain whether any exertions of that kind can give relief in time. It occurs besides, that as the ability of the people to comply with the pecuniary requisitions is derived from the sale of their commodities, a requisition of the latter must make the former proportionally more difficult and defective: Congress have the satisfaction however to be informed that the legislature of Connecticut have taken the most vigorous steps for supplying their quota both of money & commodities; and that a body of their principal merchants have associated for supporting the credit of the new paper, for which purpose they have in a public address pledged their faith to the Assembly to sell their merchandise on the same terms for it as if they were to be paid in specie. A Similar vigor throughout the Union may perhaps produce effects as far exceeding our present hopes as they have heretofore fallen short of our wishes.
It is to be observed that the situation of Congress has undergone a total change from what it originally was. Whilst they exercised the indefinite power of emitting money on the credit of their constituents they had the whole wealth & resourses of the continent within their command, and could go on with their affairs independently and as they pleased. Since the resolution passed for shutting the press, this power has been entirly given up and they are now as dependent on the States as the King of England is on the parliament. They can neither enlist pay nor feed a single soldier, nor execute any other pu[r]pose but as the means are first put into their hands. Unless the legislatures are sufficiently attentive to this change of circumstances and act in conformity to it, every thing must necessarily go wrong or rather must come to a total stop. All that Congress can do in future will be to administer public affairs with prudence vigor and oeconomy. In order to do which they have sent a Committee to Head Quarters with ample powers in concert with the Commander in chief and the Heads of the departments to reform the various abuses which prevail and to make such arrangements, as will best guard against a relapse into them.
The papers inclosed herewith contain all the news we have here.
With great regard, I am Dr Sir Yr Obt Servt
James Madison Jnr
His Excelly Thomas Jefferson Esqr.


Title: From James Madison to John Page[?], 8 May 1780
From: Madison, James
To: Page, John

Philadelphia May 8th. 1780Dear Sir
By yesterday’s post I had the pleasure of receiving your favor of the 27th. Ulto. The price of Dunlap’s paper I understand will be 204 Drs. per annum besides the gratification to the Post which will be not much less. But if there were less objection against the expence, the uncertainty of the conveyance is such that I scarcely think it would be worth your while to become a subscriber. Should that still be your wish however your instructions shall be immediately executed.
Our public affairs still continue in a very confused and critical state owing to the distress of public credit. Nor can they be well put into a better one till the new arrangement of finance and the requisition of specific supplies are complied with by the States. It appears that this is likely to be done with great decision and energy in the Eastern States. And if Virginia fulfils the expectation and hopes of the public, I flatter myself that however objectionable past[?] measures may be thought we shall in future stand on firmer ground than we have ever done. The terms on which the new money is to be emitted will certainly give it a more substantial and intrinsic value than the old ever had, and the experienced folly of tampering with public credit, will it is to be hoped prevent any mischief to it from that source. Our great danger at present arises from the dilatory proceedings of the States and the real difficulty of drawing forth those resources which the new System is to operate upon. The Treasury and the Army both require immediate relief; and every thing must be in a state of stagnation, to say the lea[s]t, till the contributions of Money & Stores arrive. It is not to be expected that Congress can do any thing further of themselves. The only real power they ever had of supporting the war was that of emitting money on the faith of their Constituents. Their vote for stopping the press was a voluntary relinquishment of that. They are now totally dependent on the supplies from the States. They can not execute a single measure but as the means are first put into their hands. It is absolutely necessary that the States should attend to this change of circumstances and regulate their conduct accordingly. Any further reliance on the separate resources of Congress will infallibly end in disappointment & ruin.
A Vessel from the West Indies brings information that Mr Gerard & Mr Jay had arrived at Cales [Cadiz?] in 22 days from their leaving Martinique. The English fleet at St. Lucia consists of 22 Ships of the line and a few frigates. They had collected their force at that place in order to make an attempt on Grenada & St. Vincents. But the french reinforcement has stopped that enterprize. The Marquis de Bouillé has also strengthened those places with 800 troops sent to one and 600 to the other.
The Enemy at N. York have received late despatches from Europe. But a profound silence is as yet observe[d] with regard to the news in them. An Opinion prevails there that Paul Jones is on the Coast with a small squadron They say in their papers that the Galatea has been chased by it and that a 74 & some other ships are going out in search of it. The Marquis de la Fayette is arrived at Boston and probably will be here in a few days. His return was not expected and is considered as an omen not unfavorable.
I suppose you must have heard of the death of your friend Don Juan de Miralles. We were this morning on the invitation of [the] Minister of France, at the celebration of the service for the repose of his Soul. He died at Head Quarters whither he attended the Minister on a visit to the Genl & the Army. Every mark of sincere regret is visible in all those who were acquainted with him. The lying genius of Rivington has converted his death into that of the Chevalr. de la Luzerne who he says was obliged to fly to the Army for protection against the vengeance of the people. With very sincere esteem & regard I am Dr Sir [Yr.] Obt. & humble Servt
James Madison Jnr.


Title: Motion on Letter from J. M. P. Le Gras, [9 May] 1780
From: Virginia Delegates in Congress
To:

[9 May 1780]
The Delegates of Virginia to whom were referred the Letter and papers inclosed of P. Legras Report that the same are proper for the consideration of the general Assembly of Virginia and in their opinion ought to be transmitted to the Executive of that State.


Title: Board of Admiralty to Commissioners of the Navy Board at Boston, 12 May 1780
From: Board of Admiralty
To: Commissioners of the Navy Board at Boston

Gentlemen
May 12th 1780

We are favoured with your letter of the 18th. ultimo acknowledging the receipt of ours dated the 7th & 31 March[.] we have since wrote you of the 7th & 11th ultimo which we presume were not then received. We observe you intend to send the Box with types and papers to the Treasury Board, and that your next will inform us with the result of your inquiry relative to the conduct of the privateer Brig Revenges Crew. you say you are pleased with the prospect of being supplied with money thro Captain Bradfords hands by the Sale of Rum and Sugar; In consequence we suppose of a plan reported by us to Congress for that purpose which we are sorry to say is rejected, the Commissary Genl. of Purchases being previously empowered to dispose of All the Sugar & Rum in Captain Bradfords hands in order to furnish a fund for purchasing provisions for the Army—and having given Mr Bradford directions not to sell any of the Rum imported in Hume, we presume that the Rum and Sugar supplied Colonel Langdon, was part of the 20 & 30 hhds deliver’d your Board by an Order to Mr Bradford the 20th November last.
In our letter of the 11th ultimo we requested the Mercury Packet should be immediately fitted to receive Sugar and Rum which Captain Bradford is directed to put on board for this place, least that letter should miscarry it is now repeated. Our letter of the 18th Ultimo & 2d instant informed you that we had Ordered Captain James Nicholson with the Trumbull on a short Cruize and to return to this Bay by the latter end of June; and as the Deane is Arrived at Boston we would have her fitted out with the utmost expedition so as to be here also by the latter end of June, we presume you can furnish the Deane with wet provision sufficient for a four Months Cruize—the Bread kind can be furnished here. We shall direct Captain Bradford to sell 60 hhds of the Prize ship Humes Rum and deliver the Money into your hands. We shall also direct him to put on board the Deane as much of the remainder of said Rum as she can conveniently carry. If the Copper Bottomed Snow prize to the Deane be in your opinion fit for a Cruizer you are directed to purchase her for the Public service. The Board disaprove the Idea of Concerting their frigates with Privateers the public having already suffered thereby. We are pleased to find that your general Accounts will be forwarded in a few days. As we are very anxious to have all our Accounts adjusted.
We are Gentn Your hble servts
P: S: the Confederacy having lost some of her Anchors & Cables the following are wanted for her, which if they can be procured you are directed to ship on board the Deane for this place if they cannot be had with you or any part of them please to Advise by Post.


Title: Board of Admiralty to James Nicholson, 22 May 1780
From: Board of Admiralty
To: Nicholson, James

Sir
May 22d 1780

The Board are favoured with your letter of the 3d instant acknowledging the receipt of theirs of the 17th ultimo, wherein the[y] expressly directed you to proceed with the Trumbull on A short Cruize so as to return to the Delaware by the latter end of June in Order to join the Confederacy Saratoga & Deane for the execution of a particular plan concerted by this Board.
The Board are concerned to find your last letter seems to indicate an intention of your concerting with the private ship of war Mifflin upon a different plan. We now repeat our former Order viz. that you make A short Cruize so as to return to the Delaware as above directed. We are
Your Hble servants by Order
John Brown sec


Title: Board of Admiralty to Nathaniel Shaw, Jr., 22 May 1780
From: Board of Admiralty
To: Shaw, Nathaniel, Jr.

Sir
May 22d. 1780

By letter from the Board dated the 9th instant you were directed to reserve the Continental Moiety of the prize Wines until farther Orders and to send the fruit by water to this place. but from the present scarcity of money here, and the urgent necessity for the same in Order to fit out and man two Ships of war now in this port we are compelled to direct that the Wines be immediately sold for ready money together with the Polacca &c as also the Fruit, if not already shipped pursuant to the former Order (excepting 12 Boxes to be reserved for the General) and that the whole Money Arising from the said sale be immediately sent to this Board and under a Safe gaurd if necessary. Mr. Ephraim Bill 2d Lieutenant of Marines to the Confederacy will deliver you this, who is directed at his return to call upon you, by whom we hope you will send us A[s] much Money as you can possibly collect, for without an immediate Assistance from you the Confederacy &c cannot be fitted for Sea.
We are sir Your Hble servts by Order.
John Brown secy


Title: Board of Admiralty to Jonathan Trumbull, 30 May 1780
From: Board of Admiralty
To: Trumbull, Jonathan

Sir
May 30th 1780

Pursuant to the Resolutions of Congress passed the 27th inst. relative to the Navy which will be transmitted to your Excellency by their Secretary, I am directed by the Board to Solicit every assistance in your power, by furnishing money and otherwise towards preparing the frigate Bourbon for launching and compleating her for Sea.
As from the distance of place it is impossible for this Board to be acquainted with the situation of the Bourbon from time to time and supply what may be wanted we have directed John Deshon Esquire a Commissioner of the Eastern Navy Board to apply to your Excellency for assistance and we request that his application may be regarded as made by this Board. It is unnecessary to inform your Excellency of the utility of having our Naval force in readiness to act in conjunction with A Squadron of our Allies which may be shortly expected.
I have the Honor to be Sir Your Obedt servant
F Lewis per Order


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 6 June 1780
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir
Philadelphia Jun 6th. 1780

A Vessel from West Florida has brought to the President of Congress intelligence from Govr. Galvez of the surrender of Mobile. No other particulars than those contained in the inclosed paper are mentioned, except the verbal report of the Capt. that the Garrison consisted of about 800 including inhabitants &c. Seven or eight vessels have just arrived from the W. Indies as you will also observe in the inclosed paper but they bring no satisfactory information concerning the late engagements between the two fleets. The Address from the Genl. Assembly was yesterday immediately on its receipt laid before Congress and referred to a Special Committee, on whose report it will probably be considered in a committee of the whole. I flatter myself that the arrival of the French Armament which is hourly expected will place our affairs in a less melancholy situation than their apprehensions seem to paint them. There is little doubt but the Conquest of the Southern States was the object of the operations of the present Campain, but I can not think the Enemy will pursue that object at the manifest risk of N. York. It is more probable they will leave a strong Garrison in Charleston, and carry back to N. York the residue of their forces. If they should endeavour to extend their acquisitions in the Southern States, it must proceed from an Assurance from England that a superior naval force will follow the french fleet to frustrate their views on the American Coast. I cannot suppose that however intent they may have been on taking post at Portsmouth, that they will venture in the present prospect to spread themselves out in so exposed a situation.
With great respect & sincerity I am Dr Sir Yr. friend & Servt.
James Madison Junr


Title: Credentials as a Delegate to Continental Congress, 21–22 June 1780
From: Virginia Delegates in Congress
To:

In the House of Delegates.the 21st: of June 1780
Resolved that Theodorick Bland jn: Esquire be appointed a Delegate to represent this Commonwealth in Congress until the first Monday in November next in the room of Cyrus Griffin Esqr: who hath resigned; Also that Joseph Jones, James Madison jn: Theodorick Bland jn: James Henry, and Meriwether Smith Esquires be appointed Delegates to represent this Commonwealth in Congress for one Year from the first Monday in November next; they having been so elected by joint Ballot of both Houses of Assembly.

June 22d: 1780

Agreed to by the Senate
Teste
John Beckley C. h. d.

Will: Drew: C. S.
A Copy
John Beckley C. h. d.


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 23 June 1780
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir
Philadelphia June 23d. 1780.

Nothing material has taken place since my last. The fact is confirmed that Clinton has returned to N.Y. with part of the Southern army, and has joined Kniphausen. They are at present maneuvering for purposes not absolutely known, but most probably in order to draw Gnl Washington to an action in which they suppose he may be disabled to give the necessary co-operation to the french armament. Could they succeed in drawing him from his strong position, the result indeed ought to be exceedingly feared. He is weak in numbers beyond all suspicion, and under as great apprehension from famine as from the Enemy. Unless very speedy & extensive reinforcements are recvd. from the Eastern States which I believe are exerting themselves, the issue of the Campain must be equally disgraceful to our Councils & disgus[t]ful to our Allies. Our greatest hopes of being able [to] feed them are founded on a patriotic scheme of the opulent Merchts of this City who have already subscribed nearly £3,000,000 and will very soon complete that sum, the immediate object of which is to procure and transport to the Army 3,000,000,000 of rations and 300 Hhds of rum. Congress for the support of this bank and for the security and indemnification of the Subscribers, have pledged the faith of the United States & agreed to deposit Bills of Exchange in Europe to the Amount of £150,000 Sterling, which are not however to be made use of unless other means of discharging this Debt shd. be inadequate. With sincere regard I am Yr. Obt Servt
J Madison Junr


Title: Instructions from Virginia General Assembly to Its Delegates in Congress, [12 July] 1780
From: Virginia General Assembly
To: Virginia Delegates in Congress

[12 July 1780]

Resolved, That the delegates of this Commonwealth in Congress, be desired and expressly required regularly to transmit quarterly accounts of their respective expenses to the auditors, according to law. And that the auditors be directed to lay the same before every session of Assembly at its first meeting; and that they moreover lay before the next session of Assembly, a state of the accounts which any members of Congress have heretofore settled with their board, and also, of all sums of money which have been paid, by virtue of any warrant from the President of Congress, to any of the Virginia delegates or their order.
Resolved, also, That it be an instruction to the said delegates to collect from the continental treasury, exact accounts of all the several sums of money, which have at any time been paid or advanced to the delegates of this Commonwealth, or any of them, from the treasury of the United States, distinguishing for what particular purpose, or on what account such sums have been respectively paid or advanced, and transmit the same, authenticated and certified by the treasurer of the United States, to the Governor before the first day of October next, with a certificate also from the said treasurer of the United States, that such accounts contain the whole of the payments which have at any time been made at the treasury to any of the Virginia delegates or their order, that the same may be laid before the General Assembly; and that it be a further instruction to the said delegates to transmit to the Governor, before the first day of October next, an account, certified by themselves, of the expenditure of all public money heretofore entrusted to the Virginia delegates, as the same shall appear to them in the account book of such expenditures kept by the said delegates.


Title: Instruction from Virginia General Assembly to Its Delegates in Congress, 12–13 July 1780
From: Virginia General Assembly
To: Virginia Delegates in Congress

Virginia to wit.In the House of Delegatesthe 12th of July 1780

Resolved that the Virginia Delegates to Congress be informed that the people of this Commonwealth are alarmed at the omission of the Yeas and Nays in the Monthly publication of the proceedings of Congress, as the publication of them best ascertains the conduct of their delegates in every important debate
Resolved that it be an instruction to the Virginia delegates in Congress to use their best endeavors to have the Yeays and Nays on every important question printed in the Journals of Congress as formerly:

Teste   John Beckley C.h.d.
July the 13th. 1780.
Agreed to by the Senate
Will: Drew C.S.
A Copy    John Beckley C.h.d.


Title: Committee Report on Letter from Nathanael Greene, [22 July] 1780
From: Madison, James
To:

[22 July 1780]
The Committee to whom was referred the letter of the 19th. of June last from General Greene, desiring the sense of Congress on his responsibility as Q. M. General for the expenditures of his Agents submit the following report.
They conceive it to be essential to the public interest as well as incident to the nature of all offices entrusted with money for public uses, that those who exercise them should be accountable for its due application; nor can it make any substantial difference whether the advances be immediately disbursed by the Principal himself to whom they are made, or by agents appointed by and amenable to him, since it is always in his power and is manifestly his duty to take the precaution of sufficient securities.
That this has been the idea of Congress appears not only from the express condition on which every particular advance of money has been made to the several departments, but from a resolution of Congress of March 2d. 1778 subsequent to the appointment of Genl Greene, “enacting that the forage masters, waggon masters and other officers in the department be in the appointment of the Q. M. General, who is to be responsible for their conduct.” In this general responsibility no doubt can exist, that the faithful expenditure of public money is included. On the contrary it is rather to be supposed, that this branch of their duty was most immediately pointed at.
The Committee however in searching the Journals find two instances in which it appears that Congress have been disposed to qualify the strictness of this doctrine in favor of the Heads of the Departments. The first is a resolution passed April 16th. 1778 respecting the Commissary Genls Department, which as far as the expenditure of money is concerned, is perfectly analogous to that of the Q. Mr. General. It is in these words “That nothing contained in the system of the Commissary Generals department shall be construed to make the Commissary General liable for the misapplication of money for the use of his department by any inferior officer in that department, provided that he shall take bonds from the deputy Commissary General and Assistant Commissary General respectively appointed by him, with not less than two good and sufficient securities in the sum of twenty thousand dollars, to be by him lodged in the Treasury Office; and the said deputy Commissaries shall be exonerated of all sums of money by them respectively paid to the purchasing commissaries, provided they shall take bonds from the said purchasing commissaries respectively with not less than two good & sufficient securities in the sum of 10,000 Dollars, which bonds they shall lodge in the said Treasury Office.[”]
The other instance is the report of a Committee on a letter from General Mifflin agreed to in Congress May 19th. 1778, in the words following: “That they had had a conference with Majr. Genl Mifflin and the Auditor General on the subject of the said letter and having heard Genl Mifflin’s observations on his peculiar situation as Q. M. General and his objections to being held strictly to account in cases where from the nature of the business and particular circumstances attending it, he was incapable of direct agency & the necessary superintendence that the Committee delivered to him and to the Auditor General, their opinion that the great servants of the public are generally to be accountable; that if in the course of adjusting the public accts. deficiences shall appear, Congress will in every special case determine upon the circumstances as they arise whether the party shall or shall not be discharged, that the Committee had no doubt but such favorable allowances would be made as justice should require; but that Congress could not consistent with their duty to the United States by any general resolution hold up the maxim that payment of money to deputies or assistants in a department should discharge the principal.[”]
From this view of the subject, The Committee recommend the following resolution, “That General Greene be informed in answer to his letter of the 19th. of June last, that Congress conceiving it to be essential to the public interest as well as incident to the nature of all offices entrusted with the disbursement of public monies, that those who exercise them should be responsible for such disbursement whether it be made immediately by themselves or by Agents appointed by and responsible to them, cannot consistently with their duty to their Constituents by any general resolution hold up a contrary maxim; but as they wish not to expose the faithful servants of the public to any unreasonable risks or losses, and are sensible that in the various branches of the Q. Masters department, abuses and frauds may possibly happen, notwithstanding all the customary precautions, that in all such cases they will determine on the circumstances as they arise and make such favorable allowances as justice may require.[”]


Title: To James Madison from David Jameson, 26 July 1780
From: Jameson, David
To: Madison, James

Dr. Sir
Richmond July 26. 1780
In my last I inclosed you the Journals so far as they were printed, and some other papers, since that I have recd. your favour of the 11th., and now agreable to your request inclose you the papers last published at our printing offices. it will be very agreable to me to continue this weekly Although our Capes & Bay are infested with privateers several Vessels have lately arrived from the W. Indies. indeed they were pretty well armed and three of them had kept company. they retook two Vessels that had sailed but a few days before from our Bay. they bring no late news We have reports here that Augustine and Savanah are taken by the French and Spaniards I most heartily wish a confirmation of these reports but confess I fear I shall not have that pleasure The New Money is not yet ready wch. I am sorry for as Col Bland is to set out tomorrow, and would be a good hand to send it by. Very considerable quantities of Bacon and Corn has been and will be siezed under the provision Act. I wish it could be safely sent up the Bay, but there are so many Privateers it would be imprudent to attempt it: And to our great reproach we have not a Vessel to guard the provs. or drive away the picaroons. We have indeed three or four Vessels, but the time of service of the Men is expired, and we have not yet been able to recruit more. private Vessels give very high wages and such other inducements, as Room for ventures, payment in the W Indies &ca., that we have little hope of prevailing on them to enter into pub. service
adieu Yr Ob
D. Jameson


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 26 July 1780
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Richmond July 26. 1780.

With my letter to the President I inclose a copy of the bill for calling in the paper money now in circulation, being the only copy I have been able to get. in my letter to the delegates I ask the favor of them to furnish me with authentic advice when the resolutions of Congress shall have been adopted by five other states. in a private letter I may venture to urge great dispatch & to assign the reasons. the bill on every vote prevailed but by small majorities, & on one occasion it escaped by two voices only. it’s friends are very apprehensive that those who disapprove of it will be active in the recess of assembly to produce a general repugnance to it, and to prevail on the assembly in October to repeal it. they therefore think it of the utmost consequence to get it into a course of execution before the assembly meets. I have stated in my public letter to you what we shall consider as authentic advice lest a failure in that article should increase the delay. if you cannot otherwise get copies of the bill, it would be worth while to be at some extraordinary expence to do it.
Some doubt has arisen here to which quarter our 3000 draughts are to go? as Congress directed 5000 militia to be raised & sent to the Southward including what were ordered there, & these 3000 (which I think will be 3500) draughts are raised in lieu of so many militia, the matter seems clear enough. when we consider that a fourth or fifth of the enemy’s force are in S. Carolina, it could not be expected that N. Carolina, which contains but a tenth of the American militia should be left to support the Southern war alone; more especially when the regular force to the Northward & the expected aids are taken into the scale. I doubt more whether the balance of the 1,900,000 Doll. are meant by Congress to be sent Northwardly, because in a resolution of June 17. subsequent to the requisition of the sum before mentioned they seem to appropriate all the monies from Maryland Southward to the Southern military chest. we shall be getting ready the balance, in which great disappointments have arisen from an inability to sell our tobacco; and in the mean time wish I could be advised whether it is to go Northward or Southward. the aids of money from this state through the rest of the present year will be small, our taxes being effectually anticipated by certificates issued for want of money, & for which the sheriffs are glad to exchange their collections rather than bring them to the treasury. Congress desired N. Carolina & Virginia to recruit remount, & equip Washington’s & White’s horse. the whole has been done by us except as to 200 saddles which the Q. M. expects to get from the Northward. this draws from us about six or seven hundred thousand pounds, the half of which I suppose is so much more than was expected from us. we took on us the whole, because we supposed N. Carolina would be considerably burthened with calls for occasional horse, in the present low state of our cavalry; & that the disabled horses would be principally to be exchanged there for fresh.
Our troops are in the utmost distress for clothing, as are also our officers. what we are to do with the 3000 draughts when they are raised I cannot foresee.
Our new institution at the college has had a success which has gained it universal applause. Wythe’s school is numerous. they hold weekly courts & assemblies in the capitol the professors join in it; and the young men dispute with elegance, method & learning. this single school by throwing from time to time new hands well principled & well informed into the legislature will be of infinite value.
I wish you every felicity & am Dr. Sir Your friend & sert.
Th: Jefferson
P.S. you have not lost sight of the map I hope.


Title: Committee Report on Letter from Jonathan Trumbull, [29 July] 1780
From: Madison, James
To:

[29 July 1780]
The Committee to whom was referred the letter from Governor Trumbull of May 1. 1780, report as their opinion that Jeremiah Wadsworth late commissary general be directed to make sale of the public sugars stated in the said letter to be in his hands, and report to Congress the amount thereof.


Title: To James Madison from Reverend James Madison, 3 August 1780
From: Madison, James (Reverend)
To: Madison, James

August 3d. 1780
I recd. your last of ye 18th. July, as well as ye preceeding, enclosing ye European Intelligence. I hope at last ye Blessings of peace cannot be far from us. If Russia adheres to her Memorial, and ye. Dutch have not lost their antient spirit, if ye Irish too proceed in their reasonable & just Demands, wh. I have no Doubt they will, because they are reasonable & just, I think ye. Pride of Britain cannot much longer induce them to prosecute so destructive a War. We are here in perfect Repose at present. The Arrival of ye. French Fleet has dissipated our apprehensions, and I doubt not, but ye lethargic Spirit of Virginia will enjoy her Slumbers. There is indeed a little Stir about ye. Troops to be raised, but it is rather ye. Stirring of a Man between sleeping & waking, than ye. vigorous Exertions of ye. more northern States, who seem to resemble ye Giant that has been refreshed with Wine.
I expect about ye middle of this Month to set out for ye Mountains, so that I will not trouble you with writing, untill ye first of October. But is it true that I had like to have lost my valuable Correspondent & Friend. We hear that you have refused an important Place in a foreign Embassy. If so—ye Refusal does you Honour, but at ye same Time, I think, it wd. have been ye. highest Gratification to a Person who wd. have viewed ye. Improvements & ye Sta[tesmen?] with a philosophical Eye. And no Doubt all ye Honours America could confer wd. in Time have succeeded. I am glad however that you have preferred your Natale Solum, tho’ I do not think, I shd. have had Resolution to have withstood so alluring a Prospect. Not that I suppose ambitious motives ought to have or cd. have any Influence with you but ye. knowledge to be obtained from such an Appointment, wd. have had real weight.
I have attempted to give a Course of Lectures upon Nat. History, with ye assistance of Buffon, and find ye Study both pleasing & useful. I think also that a useful Course of such Lectures might be published, and have serious Thoughts of preparing them for ye Press, if it can be done without Cost to myself of any Thing but my own Labour. Will you then be so good as to make Enquiry whether such a Publication, wh. will make but a small Vol. wd. meet with ye. Approbation of any of ye Philadelphia Printers so far as to undertake it, Whether they wd. allow me any Thing for ye Copy Right,—or if they will not do that, whether they will print reserving to myself a certain Nr of Copies.
If I receive yr. Answer by ye. last of September, when I shall have returned, it will be Time eno’. If they will undertake ye Business, it shall be ready in ye Winter or Spring.
Having recd. a Letter from Dr Stiles of Yale Coll. I have taken ye liberty of enclosing one to him, wh. I must beg you wd. deliver to a Connecticut Member.
Our Heat here, wh. I inclose you has been almost intolerable on Acct. of ye preceeding Temperature. I shall either write to Mr. Rittenhouse by this or ye next Post. But is there any Impropriety in inclosing a Letter to Members of Congress? I wish you wd mention, as I am unacquaint[ed] with ye Regulations.
I am, with ye. greatest Esteem
J. Madison

I hear by Majr. Nelson from ye. Southward, that a small advantage has been gained by ye No C. Militia over a Party of ye. Loyal Americans, new Levies in So Carolina.
Some of ye Charlestown Families are fled here for Refuge.
Will you mention to Ma. Mayard, if he shd. fall in yr. Way, that his Package is still here, and that I have had no oppy. of sending it, and almost despair of getting one.


Title: To James Madison from David Jameson, 16 August 1780
From: Jameson, David
To: Madison, James

Dr Sir
Richmond Aug 16th. 1780

I wrote to you the 12t. or 13t. by a private hand, since which I am favoured with yours of the 1st. I acquainted you with the reason of my silence for sometime past and mentioned to you that the £20,000 for which I had taken out a wart. was sent by Col Bland for the Virga Delegates By a letter from the French Minister to the Govr. I find reason to expect that Court will give us further aid. I am sorry the whole force intended for No. America had not come out at the same time. I fear the British are so reinforced as to prevent the Ships at Rhode Island doing us the service we hoped and should a few Ships be sent from France they may be intercepted by Greaves
The two Millions now making is paid away as fast as it is Signed—was the whole now done it would not carry us beyond the end of this month. Much of it goes for Continental purposes. What we are to do when this is gone I really do not know. I think we shall be in a miserable situation, for I believe most of the tax to be collected in next Month, will be paid off by Certificates given for Waggons, Horses, provs. Rum, Salt &c &c &c impressed and siezed
By Letters from our Southern Army (on Pee dee) under date from the 3d to the 8t. Inst. We are informed that the Enemy have evacuated their posts on Pee dee, & Lynch’s Creek and were retreating to Cambden Col Armand & Col Porterfield hung on their Rear—had taken some of their Sick, two Waggons & Teams, and a large Medicine Chest. It is supposed Ld. Cornwallis is gone to Savanah, that Ld Rawden commands at their princ. post Cambden, and that he has there no very considerable force
Have you recd. quantities of Clothing through the Interest of Mr Gerard? I believe I did not tell you we some time ago entered into Contract with Mr Francy. He is to furnish us with Clothing &c &c. against the next Spring at 7/. Sterl for Tobo. deld. here
   he is to deliver the Goods here free of cost or damage & receive Tobo. in payment on their arrival at 7/ Sterl. PCt—Livre 10½d Sterl.

I am Dr Sir Yr afft. hb. Sert
David Jameson


Title: Committee Report on Letter to Rochambeau, [17? August] 1780
From: Madison, James
To:

[17? August 1780]

The Committee to whom was referred the letter of the 3d. inst: from le Compte de Rochambeau, report the following answer to be given by the President:
Sir
Congress have recd. with Satisfaction your letter of the 3d inst: which besides exhibiting the zeal of the troops under your command for the service of their allies, and the vigilance of their chief in providing agst. the enterprises of the Enemy, conveys fresh assurances from your illustrious sovereign of his benevolent views towards the United States; assurances which can not fail to make the deepest impression, because they are attended with the most solid proofs of their sincerity.
If any difficulties have retarded a part of the succour generously destined to Co-opperate in the expulsion of the Enemy from these states, or have rendered the preparations on our part less complete than was Intended, We persu[a]de ourselves that sufficient Amends will be made by the vigor of the combined operations, and by the mutual emulation that must be felt by the allied troops, fighting side by side, in a cause so honorable and with an object of such magnitude immediately before them. Under circumstances like these, any impediments, that may arise from the strength or position of the enemy can have no other effect than to increase the Ardor to overcome them.
Should Genl Clinton resume his projected attack on your armament Congress have the highest confidence that the adjacent militia will again evinc[e] their zealous attachment to their friends & brethren as well as that the latter will give equal proof that their intrepid valour which has so often displayed itself against the British arms in Europe is no less formidable when opposed to her ambitious designs against this Country; And that the result will be a happy presage of a successful issue to the campaign: a[s] this must be of a successful issue to the war.
The Citizens of the United States and the French nation, already bound together by the ties of interest, of honor and the most solemn engagements, want nothing to perfect their coalition, but t[he] endearing circumstance of having mutually contributed to acquire for each other the glory of triumphing over a restless and powerful enemy to the rights of Mankind.
With sentiments of the most perfect consideration & respect I have the hono[r] to be your most Obedient & very humble Servant.
S. H. Pt.


Title: To James Madison from David Jameson, 23 August 1780
From: Jameson, David
To: Madison, James

Dr Sir
Richmond Aug 23. 1780

I have to acknowledge your favour of the 8th. mentioning the reports from the West Indies. Notwithstanding our Bay is so closely watched by the Enemy’s private armed Vessels we have had some arrivals, and they give us reason to believe Jamaica is invested by the combined Fleets. If it is, I must suppose so great an Armament will find little difficulty in taking it. The Governor went last week to Albemarle, and will not return till Monday or tuesday next. before he set out he recd a letter from the President of Congress acquainting him what States had acceded to the Act of Congress of the 18t. of March. This notification he did not think sufficient for him to put our Act in execution, And I suppose the certificate you inclosed from the board of Treasury will have no greater weight. In his letter to Congress on this subject he required authentic copies of the Acts of the several States, and until he has such I doubt if he will issue his proclamation. You will see by our Act of Assembly Assessors are to be appointed, and the property valued in October, and unless this matter is soon put in motion, the distant Counties will not be able to execute the Law in proper time. several other ills will attend a delay. I wish authenticated copies of the several Acts to be sent as soon as possible By the last Post Mr Thompson sent some letters of Marque directed to the Governor. on the packet he wrote “on public service” and undersigned “Charles Thompson”. The postmaster says nothing is free of postage by authority of Mr Thompson. The charge on this packet is £149.6.8. there was in another packet the Journals of Congress for July, postage £7.13.4. And on the letter from the Treasury office, a charge of £5.6.8. I supposed all letters & packets from the public offices of Congress were free, and mention the matter to you that the postMaster may be called to Accot. I am very sorry to inform you we have nearly issued the two Millions, what we are to do from this time to the setting of the Assembly is out of my power to say—indeed what can or will be done then, is not easy to foresee We are really in most deplorable condition. We have no Blankets nor Tents for the 3000 recruits and very little clothing—not enough for our old Soldiers—no Money—no Credit. The subject is too affecting to dwell on
Adieu    Your affe. hum. Servt
David Jameson
We have nothing from the South since my last.


Title: Motion of Virginia Delegates on Kentucky, [24 August] 1780
From: Continental Congress
To:

[24 August 1780]

A petition from a number of the inhabitants of Kentucke was read; on which
A motion was made by the delegates of Virginia, that this petition, together with that read yesterday, from a number of inhabitants of the said country, be transmitted to the governor of Virginia; which on the question, passed in the negative.


Title: To James Madison from Edmund Pendleton, 27 August 1780
From: Pendleton, Edmund
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir:
Edmundsbury, Augt. 27. 1780

When you first went to Congress I should have bespoke your correspondence, but knew your acquaintance was extensive & nearer relations very numerous, from whence I judged such a request would give you too much trouble, and declined it, as I was happy enough then to have other two valuable friends, who handed me all the important intelligence which was allowed to be made public. They have since retired from Congress, & I must starve for want of news at this interesting crisis, unless you can drop me a line now & then without interfering too much with yr business or ease, for happy as it would make me, I can’t agree to accept it upon the terms of Interrupting either. It is fair to let you know that the benefits arising from the correspondence will be unequal, since tho’ you will find me dilligent & punctual in it, yet placed as I am in a Forest, occurrences will not enable me to give you much entertainment. Thus you have a fair state of the case on my side & will exercise the Rights of Friendship in declining it altogether, if you find it will subject you to any inconvenience. I am sorry to open this proposed Intercourse with condoling you on the unhappy affair to the Southward, the particulars of which you will know better than I, as I hear an Aid has passed wth. Genl Gates Letter to Congress, & our accounts here are much confused; we have been unfortunate in that quarter hither[to] but I hope we shall persevere til we catch the lucky moment for success; and that you will hand us something comfortable from the Northward ’ere long. I am with great regard Dr Sr
Yr Affecte. & Obd. Servt.
Edmd Pendleton


Title: To James Madison from David Jameson, 30 August 1780
From: Jameson, David
To: Madison, James

Dr. Sir
Richmond, Aug 30. 1780

I have not had the favour of a letter from you by this weeks post As Col Senf & Maj Magill went on with Gen. Gates’s letter to Congress giving accot. of our disaster in Carolina, and could give you the particulars I did not write on the occasion. Since they left this place we have recd. a letter from Gen. Stevens, he dates from Spinks’s about 70 miles from Hillsborough the 22d. where he then was and where he had collected some Men—how many he does not mention, or what Men—he had a few Arms. he gives nearly the same accot. of the action we had from Gen Gates. he adds that he had been informed Col Sumpter shared their fate
We have had no other information from the Southward. We have just now been informed by a Vessel from Eusta that some British Ships went to St. Martins and demanded all the American Vessels & threatened to burn the Town unless they were deld. up. The Vessels were deld. up to the amount of six or seven it is said & among them some of considerable value
If we do not hear soon that we are able to collect a good many of our scattered Army I fear we must call some Militia to send on in aid of the 3000 recruits & how we are to equip & March even the recruits, I am at loss to tell for we have none of the two Millions left and very little chance of receiving any Money for the tax now payable. there will be Certificates to discount the greater part if not the whole
About 400 regulars March Saturday last from Chesterfield Courthouse. they are those of the sevl. Regiments who were left in the Hospital, those who were out on furlow, the remains of Bufords, and some of the former drafts. I beleive there will be 150 more sent on in a few days. How soon any of the new recruits will March is still uncertain. I am with esteem dr Sir
Yr mo hb Servt,
David Jameson


Title: Thomas Jefferson to Virginia Delegates in Congress, 31 August 1780
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Virginia Delegates in Congress

Gentlemen
Richmond August 31. 1780.

We agree to employ mr. Dunlap according to his proposals inclosed in your Letter of the 15th instant except that we must adhere to our requisition that a complete sheet of his weekly paper shall be kept clear of advertisements, and reserved for intelligence, essays, &c., except that advertisements from the Legislature or Executive shall be put into the same sheet with the intelligence. The standing salary is to be fixed by the assembly, not by the executive, and we will recommend to them in settling it to consider the utility of the weekly paper and make liberal allowance for that over and above mr. Dunlaps services in printing the public acts, journals, proclamations, advertisements, &c. and this we can venture to undertake will be done. As to money which you say mr. Dunlap will want as soon as he comes we are not in a condition to make him any advances between this and the meeting of assembly but immediately after their meeting we have no doubt it will be in our power. I hope his press will be got to work before they meet. we will give him any aid in our power in procuring a house here, and if we should have any vessels coming from the head of Elk down the bay they shall take in any thing he pleases to have lodged here without charge. I wou’d recommend strongly to mr. Dunlap that his manager here obtain the postmaster’s office of the place besides that it will carry custom to his shop it will give him an exemption from militia duties which may otherwise be a considerable interruption. I have the honor to be with every sentiment of respect Gents., Your mo obedient servant,
Th: Jefferson


Title: To James Madison from Robert Forsyth, 1 September 1780—Note on Missing Letter
From: Forsyth, Robert
To: Madison, James

Editorial Note
1 September 1780. In the Madison Miscellany in the Library of Congress are lists, probably prepared under the direction of Peter Force, which mention a one-page letter from Forsyth to JM on this date. The writer in all likelihood was Major Robert Forsyth (1754–1794), continental deputy commissary of purchases from Virginia, and soon for Greene’s southern army, who became a U.S. marshal in Georgia in 1789. In a letter of 17 August 1780 to him, Lieutenant Governor Dudley Digges refers to Forsyth’s going “very soon” to Philadelphia where he would let Congress or the commissary general know “how impracticable it will be for this state to engage to make further advances in your department, whilst the demands for the southern troops occur so frequently as totally to exhaust … our abilities to comply with any future requisitions, at least until the next meeting of the general Assembly” (H. R. McIlwaine, ed., Official Letters of Virginia Governors, II, 169; Jennie Forsyth Jeffries, comp., A History of the Forsyth Family [Indianapolis, 1920], pp. 49–50).


Title: Certification That Six States Have Complied with 18 March 1780 Resolutions of Congress, 5 September 1780
From: Madison, James
To:

Philadelphia Septr. 5th. 1780
We, Delegates from the Commonwealth of Virginia do certify that Congress have received authenticated copies of Acts of the Legislatures of the following States, complying with their resolutions of the 18th. of March last relative to the public finances, viz.
1. An Act of the Legislature of Maryland passed the 12th. day of June 1780. entitled “An Act for sinking the Quota required by Congress of this State of the bills of credit emitted by Congress.”
2. An Act of the Legislature of New Jersey passed the 9th. day of June 1780 entitled “An Act for establishing a fund for sinking and redeeming the proportion of the bills of credit of the United States assigned as the quota of this State.”
3. An Act of the Legislature of New York passed the 15th. of June 1780 entitled “An Act approving of the Act of Congress of the 18th. day of March 1780, relative to the finances of the United States, and making provision for redeeming the proportion of this State of the bills of credit to be emitted in pursuance of the said Act of Congress.[”]
4. An Act of the Legislature of Massachussets bay passed the 5th. day of May 1780. entitled an “An Act making provision for calling in to be destroyed this State’s Quota according to the present apportionment of all the public bills of credit, which have been emitted by Congress, and for making and emitting on the credit of this State other bills of credit not to exceed the sum of four hundred and sixty thousand pounds, and for establishing funds sufficient to secure the redemption of the bills so emitted by the last day of december 1786. as recommended by a resolution of Congress of the 18th. day of March of the present year and in conformity thereto; also for paying annually in specie the interest arising on notes which have been issued upon the credit of the province Colony or now State of Massachussets bay promising to be paid in gold or silver.[”]
5. An Act of the Legislature of New Hamshire passed April 29th. 1780 entitled “An Act for complying with and carrying into execution certain resolutions of Congress of the 18th of March 1780 for sinking the bills of public credit now current and for issuing other bills in their stead.”

6. A Conditional Act of the Legislature of Pennsylvania passed the first day of June 1780 entitled “An Act for funding and redeeming the bills of credit of the United States of America and for providing means to bring the present war to a happy conclusion.[”]

Jos: Jones
James Madison Jun
Jn. Walker


Title: Motion Regarding the Western Lands, [6 September] 1780
From: Jones, Joseph
To:

Editorial Note
On 26 June 1780 Congress referred the long-standing and complicated issue of the “western frontiers” to a committee composed of James Duane, John Henry (Md.), Joseph Jones, Roger Sherman, and Willie Jones (N.C.). Its “report and resolve,” written by Duane, was laid before Congress on 30 June, debated on 2 September, and adopted on the sixth of that month, immediately before the introduction of Joseph Jones’s motion (Journals of the Continental Congress, XVII, 559–60, 580, 586, 802, 806–8). Pointing out how “indispensibly necessary” an early ratification of the Articles of Confederation was to the “public credit,” “the support of our army,” “the vigour of our councils and success of our measures,” “our tranquillity at home, and our reputation abroad,” “our present safety and our future prosperity,” and to “our very existence as a free, sovereign and independent people,” the committee in its “resolve” called, on the one hand, upon the states claiming “western country” to enable their delegates “to effectually remove the only obstacle to a final ratification of the articles,” and upon Maryland, on the other hand, to authorize its delegates “to subscribe” to those Articles.
Although the committee declined to judge which of the parties had the stronger case in law and in precedent, its resolution virtually asked Virginia to surrender its position, no matter how well justified it may have been, for the sake of the common cause. The reasons for Virginia’s stand, however, and for that of Maryland also, must be recalled in order to clarify the role of JM in the matter during the next three or four years. Until he seconded Jones’s motion, he apparently had concerned himself very little, if at all, with the western lands issue. Immediately after introducing his motion, Jones left for Virginia in order to be with his ailing wife and to persuade the Virginia legislature to accede to the request of Congress. Jones’s departure obliged JM to share prominently for the first time in the congressional deliberations about the West.
At its simplest, the controversy over this vast area west of the Appalachians was between the seven “landed” states (Massachusetts, Connecticut, New York, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia) holding more or less valid titles to territory there, and the other six states lacking such titles. Each of the seven, with the exception of New York, based its claim upon a royal charter which extended its western limit to the Pacific Ocean, or at least to the Mississippi River. South of the Ohio River, these jurisdictions of Virginia, the Carolinas, and Georgia did not seriously overlap, but between that stream and the Great Lakes and from the poorly defined western boundary of Pennsylvania to the Mississippi, Virginia claimed all, and New York, Massachusetts, and Connecticut claimed some, of the area. The alleged legality of Virginia’s title stemmed from the charter of King James I in 1609 to the London Company, granting that corporation two hundred miles north and south of Cape Comfort along the Atlantic Coast and “up into the Land, throughout from Sea to Sea, West, and Northwest.” Although this territory had been given to a company and not to its colony, although the charter had been rescinded by the Court of the King’s Bench in 1624, although later sovereigns by grants to other proprietors had encroached upon the seaboard frontage of Virginia, and although that colony made no vigorous protest on the strength of “its” old charter when Parliament in 1774 extended the southern limits of the Province of Quebec to the Ohio River, Virginians contended early in the Revolution that since their ancestors had never consented to the rescinding of “their” charter (which they declared to have been a contract between the King and the people of the colony, unalterable except by mutual consent) their ancient bounds “north and northwest of the Ohio” were still valid, or at least were more so than those of Massachusetts, Connecticut, or New York.
In their origin, the claims of these three colonies all postdated 1609. Connecticut’s charter of 1662 extended the colony “to the South Sea [Pacific Ocean] on the West parte,” while Massachusetts’ of 1691 was similarly generous. New York’s claim may have been as well grounded, but at least it was more vague about how far it extended toward the west. By the late seventeenth century, the five tribes of Iroquois Indians whose homes were within the province of New York exercised suzerainty over numerous groups of Algonquin Indians living between Lake Erie and the Ohio River. In 1684 Governor Thomas Dongan, in furtherance of New York’s economic and political rivalry with the French in Canada, declared the Iroquois to be subjects of the English Crown and under the immediate protection of his provincial government. Thus the geographic range of New York’s control became elastic toward the west, embracing the Iroquois (six rather than five “nations” by 1730), their vassal tribes, and, presumably, the territory over which they roamed.
During the Revolution, although these overlapping claims of four “landed” states, and the simultaneous dispute among New York, New Hampshire, and Massachusetts over the Vermont country, complicated the issue of the western territory, the heart of that controversy involved Virginia on the one side and the “landless” states of Rhode Island, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, and Maryland on the other. Virginians were much the more insistent upon their legal right to the area north of the Ohio River because their own economic advantage and that of their commonwealth were heavily involved. As individual investors or as members of land companies, some of the “first gentlemen” of Virginia, including Washington and George Mason, owned, claimed to own, or wanted to own, vast tracts of land in that region. If their titles were not unassailable, the Virginia legislature could make them so. Before the Revolution, at a considerable expense of “blood and treasure,” Virginia had sent troops against offending Indians living north of the Ohio. During the Revolution, at a much heavier cost, the state was maintaining against the British in that region the forces commanded by Colonel George Rogers Clark. Furthermore, Virginia counted upon her public domain, both in Kentucky and in the Northwest, to make good her bounty-land pledges to her soldiers, preserve her financial credit, and pay her war debt.
Opponents of Virginia’s claim to the Northwest could not deny that “the United States in Congress Assembled” possessed no land of their own, but they argued with considerable force that “the landed states” should cede to the central government all or most of the territory west of the Appalachians. Although these opponents had no charters or other legal documents to cite in support of their position, they could defend it on grounds of justice, necessity, and patriotism. The title of Virginia would be worthless unless independence from Britain were won. The attainment of this goal hinged upon military victory, and it, in turn, upon the efforts and sacrifices of all the states, and not of Virginia alone. If a defeated Britain were compelled to withdraw from the West, it necessarily would cede its sovereignty over, and title to, that territory to the United States rather than to one or another of the “landed states.” And fortunately so, because the bond of common ownership thus created would come most opportunely to replace the broken tie of a common danger to hold the discordant states together. The United States might also be able to use this public domain to restore its financial credit and pay its huge war debt.
Furthermore, a union of states would more likely be lasting if they were nearer alike in size. Although each of the thirteen declared itself to be sovereign, and hence equal one to another, the leaders of Rhode Island, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, and, above all, Maryland, were not blind to the gap between political theory and actuality. If success in the war merely resulted in exchanging a master across the Atlantic Ocean for several master-states close at hand, the “fruit” of the Revolution would hardly be true independence. Not a few of these leaders, however, masked without much success a personal financial stake behind these high-level arguments on behalf of a gift by the “landed states” of their western territories to the United States. These leaders singly, or organized in companies, had speculated in trans-Allegheny lands, including large tracts which conflicted in their vague boundaries with those claimed by Virginians. These speculators from the Middle States, centered largely in Philadelphia and in Maryland, could not hope to have their titles validated by the legislature of Virginia but might influence Congress in their favor if the territory in question became the property of the United States.
Early in the Revolution many of these crosscurrents converged with two other important subjects of discussion in the Continental Congress—(a) upon what terms a legal union of the states might be created; and (b) upon what terms patriots might be induced to enlist in the army for the duration of the war. In harmony with the sovereignty of each state, the Articles of Confederation provided not only that it would not go into effect until every state had ratified it (Preamble and Art. XIII) but also that “no State shall be deprived of territory for the benefit of the United States” (Art. IX). The latter guarantee was included upon the insistence of the delegates from “the landed” states and over the opposition of those from Maryland and other “landless” states. In September 1776 Congress passed the first of several acts promising bounties in land to men who would enlist in the “continental line” for the duration of the war. Having no territory of its own, Congress apparently relied for the fulfillment of these pledges upon state generosity. In the autumn of 1778 the Virginia legislature (Journal of the House of DelegatesJournal of the House of Delegates of the Commonwealth of
          Virginia; Begun and Held At the Capitol, in the City of Williamsburg.Beginning in
        1780, the portion after the semicolon reads, Begun and Held in the
          Town of Richmond. In the County of Henrico. The journal for each session has its own
        title page and is individually paginated. The edition used, unless otherwise noted, is the
        one in which the journals for 1777–1781 are brought together in one volume, with each
        journal published in Richmond in 1827 or 1828, and often called the “Thomas W. White
        reprint.”, October 1778, pp. 124–25) offered to make available from its western territory its due proportion of lands needed for this purpose but reserved its right of political jurisdiction over the promised acreage. Owing to this proviso, spokesmen for the small states spurned a proffer which would drain away many of their best young men and reduce their own land values and income from taxes, all for the benefit of a commonwealth which even then was the most populous and reputedly the most wealthy of the thirteen.
In November 1777, sixteen months after the original form of the Articles of Confederation was laid before Congress, that body adopted a much revised draft and asked each state to authorize its delegates to sign it (Journals of the Continental Congress, IX, 806–8, 842–43, 916, 918). By June of the next year, all states except Maryland, Delaware, and New Jersey had ratified the document. The main objection of these three was embodied in an amendment, submitted by the Maryland delegation but voted down by Congress, to empower that body to appoint commissioners “fully authorized … to ascertain and restrict the boundaries of … states which claim to extend to the river Mississippi, or South Sea” (ibid., XI, 631–32, 637). Notwithstanding this rebuff, New Jersey gave its assent to the Articles in November 1778, and Delaware in February of the next year (ibid., XII, 1161–64; XIII, 150, 186–88). Thereafter for two more years no legal union could be effected because of Maryland’s refusal to ratify. Its proximity to Virginia, its friction with its neighbor for 150 years over the control of Chesapeake Bay, and the interests of its land speculators combined with more statesmanlike considerations to account for its obstinacy.
On 20 May 1779, under instructions from their state legislature, the Virginia delegates in Congress tried without avail to have the Articles of Confederation go into effect for the twelve states which had agreed to the document (ibid., XIV, 617–18). The following day the Maryland delegates countered by making known the mandate from their state assembly forbidding them to sign the Articles until an amendment was added granting Congress discretionary power to create “free, convenient and independent governments” in the “common property” won “by the blood and treasure of the thirteen states” (ibid., XIV, 619–22). A month later the Virginia legislature, led by George Mason, took a similarly uncompromising stand by creating a land office to issue warrants for, and to sell, the state’s “waste and unappropriated lands” (Hening, StatutesWilliam Waller Hening, ed., The Statutes at Large; being a
          Collection of all the Laws of Virginia, from the First Session of the Legislature, in the
          Year 1619 (13 vols.; Richmond and Philadelphia, 1819–23)., X, 50–65; Boyd, Papers of JeffersonJulian P. Boyd et al., eds., The
          Papers of Thomas Jefferson (16 vols. to date; Princeton, N.J., 1950——)., II, 136–38). In reprisal, the Maryland delegates on 30 October 1779 carried through Congress by a decisive vote, in spite of the protest of the representatives from Virginia and North Carolina, a resolution calling upon Virginia to stop selling land (Journals of the Continental Congress, XV, 1226–30).
As the year ended, the Virginia legislature adopted a “Remonstrance … to the delegates of the United American States in Congress Assembled,” written by George Mason, and transmitted it to the state’s delegates in Philadelphia for their use on an opportune occasion. After mentioning that, in deference to Congress’ request, the legislature had taken steps “to prevent present Settlements on the North West Side of the Ohio River,” this document reminded Congress that it had no land of its own and that it must not invade Virginia’s sovereignty by giving heed to petitions from land speculator companies (Vandalia and Indiana companies) asserting claims to territory in the West (Boyd, Papers of JeffersonJulian P. Boyd et al., eds., The
          Papers of Thomas Jefferson (16 vols. to date; Princeton, N.J., 1950——)., III, 630–32). Over seven weeks before the Virginia delegation, on 28 April 1780, presented this Remonstrance to Congress (Journals of the Continental Congress, XVI, 398), New York had moved the dispute into a new phase by offering both its “western lands” and its jurisdiction over them to the United States in order “to accelerate the foederal alliance” (ibid., XVI, 236; Burnett, LettersEdmund C. Burnett, ed., Letters of Members of the Continental
          Congress (8 vols.; Washington, D.C., 1921–36)., V, 21–22).
Other circumstances attending this “darkest year” of the Revolution worked more directly than New York’s cession toward ending the impasse between Virginia and Maryland. By the spring of 1780, with a British army moving northward from South Carolina and the foe raiding inward from Chesapeake Bay, Virginia for the first time since 1776 was in dire need of military aid from the middle seaboard states. La Luzerne, the French minister to the United States, took pains to make clear to Marylanders and others that his country would be the more eager to supply ships and soldiers to aid the hard-pressed patriots if they would complete their union by ratifying the Articles of Confederation. This military crisis brought converts to Jefferson’s view, advanced as early as 1776, that Virginia should create “colonies,” free and independent of its control, in the territory west of the mountains (Boyd, Papers of JeffersonJulian P. Boyd et al., eds., The
          Papers of Thomas Jefferson (16 vols. to date; Princeton, N.J., 1950——)., I, 353). John Walker, Richard Henry Lee, Joseph Jones, and especially George Mason, whose land speculations in that area would normally incline him to oppose its cession to the United States, rallied to Jefferson’s side (Jones to Jefferson, 30 June 1780, ibid., III, 472–75; Mason to JM, 2 August 1780, and n. 3).
Now that the much altered military outlook had fostered this change of opinion, these men readily discovered many reasons why Virginia’s own future advantage harmonized with an action so well calculated to promote the welfare of the United States. The western lands were too distant and too vast in extent to be governed effectively by Virginia. The expense to be expected from fighting the Indians there or from clearing their titles, and from surveying and administering the area, would exceed for years in the future the income flowing from it into the state treasury. Furthermore, by reducing through cession the size of its domain and the number of its inhabitants, Virginia would correspondingly lessen the financial quota apportioned to it by Congress. That body encouraged the Virginia legislature to be more conciliatory by referring to a committee on 23 May 1780, when the Maryland delegates were absent, a resolution stating that although the United States owned no land Congress was “bound to employ the common forces and common powers in support of the jurisdiction of the said states [over their land] whenever the same shall be invaded or infringed” (Journals of the Continental Congress, XVII, 452). On 2 June 1780, although somewhat contrary to the spirit of the recent Remonstrance of Virginia, its delegates helped to carry a resolution, over the opposition of Maryland and Rhode Island, to have Congress adjudicate the Vermont lands issues involving New York, New Hampshire, and Massachusetts (ibid., XVII, 482–84, 499). Later that month, Congress appointed the committee mentioned at the beginning of this note.

[6 September 1780]

A motion was made by Mr. [Joseph] Jones, seconded by Mr. [James] Madison, respecting the lands that may be ceded in pursuance of the foregoing report and resolve.
That in case the recommendation of Congress to the States of Virginia North Carolina and Georgia to cede to the United States a portion of the unappropriated western Territory shall be complied with in such manner as to be approved of by Congress—the Territory so ceded shall be laid out in separate and distinct States at such time and in such manner as Congress shall here after direct, so as that no State be less than one hundred or more than one hundred and fifty miles square or as near thereto as circumstances will admit—and that upon such cession being approved of and accepted by Congress the United States will guaranty the remaining Territory to the said States respectively.

That such of the said States as have been at expence in subduing any of the British Posts [within] the Territory proposed to be ceded and in maintaining Garrisons and supporting civil Govern[ment] therein since the reduction of such Posts shall be reimbursed by the Continent the amount of such expence
That all the Lands to be ceded to the United States and not appropriated or disposed of in bounties to the American Army shall be considered as a common Fund for the use and benefit of such of the United States as have become or shall become Members of the Confederation according to their usual proportions or quotas of general charge and expenditure and shall be applied and disposed of For that purpose and no other whatsoever. And therefore all purchases and Deeds from any Indian or Indians or any Indian Nation or Nations for any Lands within any part of such ceded Territory which shall have been or shall be made for the use of any private person or persons whatsoever shall be deemed and taken as absolutely void.


Title: Virginia Delegates in Congress to Virginia Auditors of Public Accounts, 11 September 1780
From: Virginia Delegates in Congress
To: Virginia Auditors of Public Accounts

Gentlemen:
Philada. Sepr. 11th. 1780.

Please to pay to Mr. Michael Gratz or order Thirty Thousand Dollars & charge the same to our Acct. as Delegates to Congress.
James Madison Junr.
Jn Walker
Theok Bland
To The Gentn. Auditors of public Accts.
Virginia


Title: Motion in Congress, [11 September] 1780
From: Continental Congress
To:

[11 September 1780]
Ordered, That the Committee of Foreign Affairs cause to be printed at the expence of the United States 1200 copies of a correct translation of a memorial published by the Court of France, entitled “Observations sur le memoire justificatif de la cour de Londres;” and distribute the same to such public bodies throughout the states, and in such proportions as they shall judge expedient.


Title: To James Madison from David Jameson, 13 September 1780
From: Jameson, David
To: Madison, James

Richmond Sep 13. 1780
Dr. Sir

I have recd your two favours of the 23d & 29th. ult. since my last, and am very glad to find you were getting into better health
We have had nothing lately from the Southward but what you will find mentd. in Dixons Paper. We are very anxious to hear something more from Chas. Town. should there be a French or Spanish Fleet there, something may yet be done, but the defeat of Gen. Gates will in all probability prevent the speedy retaking the place and the capture of the whole british force there. had he proceeded with caution, as he would have been joined by Men from both South & No. Carolina, The Enemy must have retreated to Chas. Town[,] And he would have found himself in a condition with a foreign aid to have compleated the Work I am very sorry to find Congress are disapointed in their expectation of small Arms. they will be wanted to the Southward, and I fear from your Accot. none can be spared from the Northern operations. We are quite drained, and should the Enemy make us a visit we shall be in very poor condition to oppose them. We have not yet recd those we expected from France. You may remember we were served in the same manner you have lately been—Cannon sent & small Arms left behind.
The Consul has taken Station at Cape Henry and seems to think the 2d divn. of the French Fleet will probably appear there.
I am dr Sir Yr obt Servt.
David Jameson
Commodore Barron is gone with the Jefferson & the Boats Liberty & Patriot up to Baltimore to join some Vessels there. they expect to clear the Bay of all the piccaroons & Open a safe passage for the provision Vessels. Considerable qtys of Bacon and Corn lie ready for transportation.


Title: Notes on Territorial Claim of New Hampshire, 1780
From: Madison, James
To:

About the year 1630 a grant was made by Chas I to Capt. Mason, of a tract of Country call’d by him N. H. beginning at the mouth of Piscataqua river & to extend 60 miles into the Country about north. Then to begin at the head of Nahumkeeg river & to extend 60 miles abt west into the country & so to cross over to the end of the 60 miles aforesd. without jurisdiction, wch Till about the 1680 was exercised with the acquiescence of the inhabitants by Massachussetts, over the grant itself & such parts of the country back of it as was from time to time settled. About this time civil Govt. was established over N. Hamshire by the King without specifying its limits. About the 1738. a line was settled between N. H. & Mass: by Commisrs. appointed by the Crown, according to their present possessions; extending Westward till it should meet with his Majesty’s other Govts. The Comissrs. to the Governors of the former have since been conformable to the sd. settlement; by which as well as by other acts of the Crown & especially that relating to fort Drummer it appears that the territory of N. H. should extend to the twenty mile line. prior the year 1764. the Govr. of N. H. had granted upwards of 130 townships 6 miles square each in the territory thence called N. H. grants, lying between Connecticut river & the 20 Mile line upon wch. not less than 10,000 souls settled. In the year 1764 on an exparte hearing at the instance [of] L. Govr. Colden of N. Y. who wished to regrant the land & made imme[n]se sums therefrom. a decree of the King in Council extended the jurisdiction of that State to Connecticut river. The Govt. of N. H. was prior to the revolution taking measure[s] in conjunction wth. the Inhabts. west of the River to obtain a reversal of the decree, and had made such progress therein, that a prohibition agst. further grants had issued to the Govt. of N. Y.


Title: From James Madison to Joseph Jones, 19 September 1780
From: Madison, James
To: Jones, Joseph

Dear Sir
Sepr. 19th. 1780.
Instead of a confirmation of the good news respecting the french fleet mentioned in my last, I have the mortification to inform you that it is pretty certain that Rodney has arrived at the Hook with 12 sail of the line from the W. Indies & 4 frigates. The report however still continues that a french fleet is somewhere on the coast. The arrival of Rodney is a proof that it had left the W. Indies and was conjectured to be coming hither. It is further said that 5 or 6000 Troops would embark at N. York on the 25th. inst: either for Virga. or S. Carolina. This is by no means probable. The danger of such a measure is too obvious not to deter them from it. It is given out at N. York that a reinforcement of 4000 troops are expected next month from England.
Yesterday was employed by Congress in discussing the resolutions you left with them. The first and second were passed after undergoing sundry alterations. The clause in the 2d for allowing the expence of maintaining civil govt within the ceded territory was struck out by the committee, and an attempt to get it reinserted in the house was negatived. It was surmised that so indefinite an expression might subject Congress to very exorbitant claims. With respect to Virga. I believe that expence has not been so considerable as to be much worth insisting on. The principal expences may properly be included under the military head. The consideration of the last resolution annulling Indian purchases was postponed, with an intention I believe of not resuming it. It is supposed by some to be unnecessary, by others to be improper, as implying that without such previous assurance Congress would have a right to recognize private claims in a territory expressly given up to them for the common benefit. These motives prevailed, I am persuaded with more than the real view of gratifying private interest at the public expence. The States may annex what conditions they please to their cessions, and by that means guard them agst. misapplication[,] or if they only annul all pretended purchases by their own laws before the cessions are made, Congress are sufficiently precluded by their general assurance that they shall be applied to the common benefit from admiting any private claims which are opposed to it.
The Vermont business has been two days under agitation and nothing done in it except rejecting a proposition for postponing the determination of Congress till Commissioners should enquire into the titles & boundaries of N. Hampshire & N. York. Congress have bound themselves so strongly by their own act to bring it to an issue at this time and are pressed by N. York so closely with this engagement, that it is not possible any longer to try evasive expedients. For my own part if a final decision must take place, I am clearly of opinion that it ought to be made on principles that will effectually discountenance the erection of new Governments without the sanction of proper Authority, and in a style marking a due firmness and dicision in Congress.
With sincere regard I am Dr Sir
Yr. friend & Servt.
J. Madison Junr.


Title: From James Madison to Edmund Pendleton, 19 September 1780
From: Madison, James
To: Pendleton, Edmund

Dear Sir
Philada. Sepr. 19[t]h. 1780
I was in hopes when I wrote my last that I should be able by this post to congratulate you on the arrival of the french fleet from the W. Indies But so far is this from being the case, that it comes from authority which seems to have a just claim to our faith that Admiral Rodney is actually at the Hook with 12. Sail of the line & 4 frigates. It is still said however that a french fleet is somewhere on the coast. The arrival of Rodney is certainly an evidence that it had quited the Islands and was suspected to be coming hither. It is also given out at New York that a reinforcement of 4000 troops will arrive next mont[h] from England. Another part of our reports is that 5 or 6000 troops will embark at N. York on the 25th. inst. for Virga. or S. Carolina: but it is not to be supposed that such a measure will be hazarded in the present ticklish state of things. 22 Sail of the Quebeck fleet are carried prizes into N. England.
I am Dr Sir with sincere respect Yr. Obt friend & Servt.
J. Madison Jnr.
P.S. The mortality in this place exceeds any thing ever remembered. The only person of note that occurs at present is the Lady of President Reid who fell a victim to it yesterday morning.


Title: To James Madison from David Jameson, 20 September 1780
From: Jameson, David
To: Madison, James

Dr Sir
Richmond Sep 20th. 1780
I was favoured with yours of the 5th. by Post. It may not be amiss to mention to you that the post comes to Newcastle within eighteen Miles of this place on Wednesday, and we do not get the letters till the Monday following—after the rider has been down to Wmsburg. The Governor had a promise that there should be an alteration in the post route, or the days, but none has as yet taken place. If they will not order the rider to come from Fredsbg directly to this place by Hanover Court House, they might at least order one to bring the letters from Newcastle immediately here, and that would give us an opporty of sending you intelligence near a week sooner. We have had nothing from the Southward since the riders were set in motion with Gen. Gates’s Letter to Congress giving the information he had recd. of Ld. Cornwallis’s intention to go to Cape Fear &ca. Col Morgan left Richmond this morning on his way to join the Southern Army. I have good dependance on his abilities to harass the Enemy and hope they will give him a proper Corps. I am very sorry to tell you the people do not like the New Money (the 2 Millions). many have already refused to take it, principally because it will pay no tax but that laid for its redemption. this must be altered by the Assembly.
The Governor has had many letters from Mr. Mezzei. he appears by dint of —— to have worked himself into notice at Paris, where he still was in May. His letters are very clever and his remarks judicious and entertaining. I fear he will not succeed in his grand Errand. Our eighteen Months recruts are assembling. what pity it is they are not for the War. they have recd. bounty enough for-life—I had like to have said—from two to eight thousand pounds has been given. Several Vessels have lately come in cleared from different ports, but the Men and cargoes the produce of Ireland. Tobacco at these Warehouses has risen to £70 Pbl. The Jefferson is gone up the Bay as Convoy to several provision Vessels. The Bay is not yet clear of the piccaroons. I hope when the Jefferson joins the Maryland Armed Vessels (wch she is to do) they will make a sweep. I am Dr Sir
Yr mo. Ob Set
David Jameson


Title: From James Madison to Virginia Auditors of Public Accounts, 25 September 1780
From: Madison, James
To: Virginia Auditors of Public Accounts

Gentlemen
Philadelphia Sepr. 25th. 1780

The inclosed is a state of my receipts and expences from the 20 of March to the 20 of Sepr. being two complete quarters. I am sensible that the law directs that it should have been transmitted at the end of the first quarter, but my account of extra expences, being mixed with that of some Gentlemen of the family who were absent, I could not then do it with the precision I wished, and as no particular inconveniency seemed to attend it I postponed the settlement till the end of the second quarter. As I find by a resolution past the last session of Assembly that they make a point of it I shall not fail in future to conform punctually to the law.
You will observe from the account that there is a ballance in favor of the State of 9962⅓. The contrary being the case with Mr. Jones when he left this place, I advanced him upwards of that sum which he is to replace from the Treasury. I mention this circumstance, that my being out of money may expedite a compliance with his draughts.
I am Gentlemen with due respect Yr. obt & humble Servt.
James Madison Junr.


Title: To James Madison from Edmund Pendleton, 25 September 1780
From: Pendleton, Edmund
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir:
Edmundsbury, Sepr. 25. 1780
I am made very happy by yr obliging favr of the 12th promising to indulge me in the desireable correspondence; since I requested it I have been informed you have ill health, I cordially wish its speedy restitution, but intreat you’l not Injure it by devoting to me too much of that small portion of time which health as well as vigor of mind requires should be emploied in relaxation from the severe duties of your appointment. And on these terms I shall thankfully accept the favr you so kindly offer.
Our sanguine hopes of redeeming our Ill luck to the Southward, by a great Stroke Eastward, have lately been fluctuating; since the account of the fleet with the 2d division Intended for our Assistance by our Illustrious allies being lock’d up at Brest, we had Intelligence by a Vessel from Cape Francois that he sail’d from thence with a French Fleet of 24 sail of the line for America, which he parted with to the So ward. comparing this with the Account of our two prisoners escap’d from Charles Town that they were Alarm’d there by the Arrival of a French Fleet; Genl. Gates’s information that St. Augustine was attack’d, & the various Accounts of a Fleet of about 18 sail having passed our Capes[,] a mind sanguine as mine, will draw hopes of very important events yet taking place before the close of this Campaign.
The affair to the Southward was indeed unfortunate, not only in the loss of some of the bra[ve] Maryland line & the Baggage, but in the disappointme[nt] we met of a great Victory, which every circumstance promised. I feel no part of it more sensibly than its having added another article to the blushing Honours of poor Virginia; what will she come to? Her new levies are gathering, they would have form’d but a weak line at best, but their numbers considerably lessen’d by too many excuses of inability being admitted from the Militia, & their quality impaird by accepting substitutes unequal to the person drafted; there are however some very clever fellows & I should be satisfied with them if they were engaged for the War, but by the time they learn the duty tolerably, they return, and we are to incur again the ruinous expence of recruiting which on this Occasion has been enormous, I believe by Accounts I have had, the men inlisted have cost on an average £5000, each, besides the Public bounty of a hhd. tobo., a sum which at any rate of depreciation must exceed the ability of any countrey frequently to repeat.
I have thought long agoe that ’twas high time the confederation was completed, & feared some foreign Powers might entertain from its delay, suspicions of some secret disunion amongst the States, or a latent intention in Congress to keep it open for purposes unworthy of them; I am happy to hear it is resumed & think it becoming and indeed an indispensable duty in this, as in all other social Compacts, for the contracting members to yield points to each other, in order to meet as near the Centre of General good as the different jarring Interests can be brought, And did it depend upon my Opinion I would not hesitate to yield a very large Portion of our back lands to accomplish this purpose, except for the reason wch Shakespeare has put into the mouth of his Hotspur. In reason & Justice the title of Virginia to her Western Territory can no more be questioned than to any other spot in it. The point was fully & warmly agitated in congress & determined in her favr. 12 States were satisfied & agreed to confederate & yet one stops the whole business, setting up her Judgment in Opposition to so many? yield to her in this, may she not play the same game to gain any future point of Interest? I am told that Maryland Insists upon one of our Delegates having in a manner promised, when the point of declaring Independence was in debate, that the back lands should be a fund for supporting the War. I have heard that a Rhetorical expression to that purpose was used by a Gentn on that Occasion, but can ballance that account at least by a very serious question more in point, debated in Congress in 1775, when the Delegates from Pennsylvania & Virga. proposed a Garrison of 400 men rais’d & kept at common expence at Pits-burg to awe the Indians. It was warmly opposed from Maryland, upon this ground that it was a [duty?] of those two states merely to guard their own Frontiers in which the others were not concern’d & therefore the expence must be incurr’d by the former. their objections prevailed, the motion was rejected, & the two states raised the 200 men [for?] that service soon afterwards: However with the Assembly it must rest to determine what they will yield to Harmonize & cement the Union, & it must be acknowledged that in other respects, particularly in the Field, Maryland has maintain’d a very worthy character in the Contest. For my own part I never was anxious about our back lands as a valuable fund. I was against the Sale of them at all, but for putting them into the hands of the people upon the terms, & in the mode accustomed, being of Opinion that the consequence of allowing purchases of unlimited quantities & that without the obligation of Culture, would introduce more disputes & confusion than the money would recompence. the small experience I have had of the business since, has rather confirmed than changed this opinion, however as I was then, & perhaps am yet singular in this Opinion, I am very ready to suppose I am mistaken in it.
Whilst I am on this subject permit me to suggest that I have heard it surmised that this mighty earnestness in Maryland proceeds from 5 or 6 Gentn. there being concerned in an Indian Grant of great part of the countrey between the Ohio & the Lakes, which they hope to preserve by having it thrown into the share of that Countrey in case they can make it a common stock. this Our Assembly will never agree to, as it would be most unreasonable to expect them to yield their territory in order to form Principalities for a few Individuals of other states. It is time for me to leave it to those whose province it is to decide on it. it shall be mine to acquiesce.
I have much more reason to intreat you to cast a vale over inaccuracies. I am not much hurried indeed, but alwa[y]s was a very careless writer. I send you a paper. I wish it was more entertaining. I am with great respect,
Dr Sr Yr obliged & affe friend
Edmd. Pendleton


Title: From James Madison to Edmund Pendleton, 26 September 1780
From: Madison, James
To: Pendleton, Edmund

Dear Sir
Philada. Sepr. 26[t]h. 1780
Yesterday’s post disappointed me of the expected pleasure of a line from you. I hope the next will not fail to make amends for it.
I have nothing to add to the inclosed paper except that Ternay is yet unreinforced, Graves at Sea no one knows where or for what purpose, and Rodney with 10 Ships of the line still at the Hook, though according to some private accounts he also is gone to Sea. In this state of uncertainty conjectures & speculations abound as usual[.] I shall not trouble you with them, because, as far as they are founded in reason they will be much better formed by yourself. We hear nothing further of an intended visit from N.Y. to Virginia. With sincere respect & regard
I am Dr. Sr. Yrs. &c.
J. Madison Junr.

Edmd. Pendleton Esqr.


Title: To James Madison from Edmund Pendleton, 1 October 1780
From: Pendleton, Edmund
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir:
Edmundsbury, October 1, 1780
Since my last I have yr favr of the 19th & can’t conceive where the great Fleet of our Allies are? they must have left the Windward Islands, & Rodney have been deceived by them if they did not come to America, As he would not otherwise have ventured to leave those seas: We hear nothing further of them to the Southward.
I hope they are not in a state of such perfect security at New York, as to induce them to spare 5 or 6000 men to invade us. Our people, however, promise if they should pay Us such a Visit, to fight them hard, I hope at least they will do better than those who met Ld. Cornwallis, at Cambden, I mean the Militia, for the Maryland Regulars did Honr to themselves & countrey.
I am sorry to hear of the Mortality which rages in yr city. it is pretty General & might indeed be expected after so very hot a summer, even our healthy Forrests are not exempt from the Ague & fever, tho’ scarce ever known in them before. I hope you & my other friends from Virginia escape the Contagion, which low habits have generally the best chance to do.
We have just received an Account that Colo. Clarke has had a battle with the Indians at one of their Towns about 170 miles from the falls of Ohio—he had 16 killed & 12 wounded—& found abt 15 of their dead—he made them run, burnt up two Towns & destroyed all their corn there about 300 acres of very fine, my Informant who was in the action thinks it would have made 20 Barrels to the Acre. Colo Clarke did not pursue them, having intelligence that the Indians had somehow got notice of his Attack, & had sent to Detroit for a powerful reinforcement which they daily expected. I am
My Dr Sr Yr very afft & obt Servt
Edmd Pendleton
I have taken the liberty to inclose a letter for my Nephew. if he should have left Phila. pray return it.