Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 29 March 1789
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir,
New York, March 29th, 1789.
My last was committed in December to Mr. Gouverneur Morris. I was then on my way to Virginia. The elections for the new government commenced shortly after my arrival. The first was of Electors, to Ballot for a President and Vice President. The successful candidates were General Wood, Mr. Zachy Johnson, Genl Edward Stephens, Doctor David Stuart, Mr. W. Fitzhugh of Chatham, Mr. Warner Lewis of Gloucester, Mr. Jno. Harvey, Mr. Walk, of or near Norfolk, Mr. Kello of Southampton. These nine were federalists. The remaining three, Mr. Patrick Henry, Mr. Roane of King and Queen, and Mr. Pride of Amelia, were of the adverse party. Two of the former party did not attend. The votes were unanimous with respect to General Washington, as appears to have been the case in each of the States. The secondary votes were given, among the federal members, chiefly to Mr. J. Adams, one or two being thrown away in order to prevent a possible competition for the Presidency. Governor Clinton was the secondary choice of the anti-federal members. In the succeeding election of Representatives, federalism was also proved to be the prevailing sentiment of the people. The successful candidates on this list are Mr. Moore, late of the Executive Council, (from Rockingham,) Mr. Alexander White, Mr. Richard Bland Lee, Mr. John Page, (Rosewell,) Mr. Samuel Griffin, Mr. Brown, member of the old Congress, (from Kentucky,) J. Madison, Col. Parker, (late nav. officer at Norfolk,) Col. Isaac Coles, (of Halifax,) and Col. Bland. Of these, the seven first have been on the side of the Constitution; the three last in the opposition. Col. Parker appears to be very temperate, and it is not probable that both the others will be very inveterate. It was my misfortune to be thrown into a contest with our friend, Col. Monroe. The occasion produced considerable efforts among our respective friends. Between ourselves, I have no reason to doubt that the distinction was duly kept in mind between political and personal views, and that it has saved our friendship from the smallest diminution. On one side I am sure it is the case.
Notwithstanding the lapse of time since the birthday of the new Government, (the 4th of March,) I am under the necessity of informing you that a quorum is not yet formed, either in the Senate or House of Representatives. The season of the year, the peculiar badness of the weather, and the short interval between the epoch of election and that of meeting, form a better apology for the delay than will probably occur on your side of the Atlantic. The deficiency at present in the House of Representatives requires two members only for a Quorum, and in the Senate one only. A few days will, therefore, fit the Body for the first step, to wit, opening the Ballots for the President and Vice President. I have already said that General Washington will be the first by a unanimous suffrage. It is held to be certain that Mr. Adams, though refused a great many votes from different motives, will have the second appointment. A considerable delay will be unavoidable, after the ballots are counted, before the President can be on the spot, and, consequently, before any Legislative act can take place. Such a protraction of the inactivity of the Government is to be regretted on many accounts, but most on account of the loss of revenue. A prospect of the Spring importations led to the appointment of the first meeting at a time which, in other respects, was unseasonable.
It is not yet possible to ascertain precisely the complexion of the new Congress. A little time will be necessary to unveil it, and a little will probably suffice. With regard to the Constitution, it is pretty well decided that the disaffected party in the Senate amounts to two or three members only; and that in the other House it does not exceed a very small minority, some of which will also be restrained by the federalism of the States from which they come. Notwithstanding this character of the Body, I hope and expect that some conciliatory sacrifices will be made, in order to extinguish opposition to the system, or at least break the force of it, by detaching the deluded opponents from their designing leaders. With regard to the system of policy to which the Government is capable of rising, and by which its genius will be appreciated, I wait for some experimental instruction. Were I to advance a conjecture, it would be, that the predictions of an anti-democratic operation will be confronted with at least a sufficient number of the features which have marked the State Governments.
Since my arrival here I have received your favor of November 18th. It had been sent on to Virginia; but not reaching Fredericksburg before I passed that place, it followed me back hither. I am much concerned that your scheme of passing the ensuing summer in your native country has been defeated. Mr. Jay, with whom I have conversed on the subject, tells me that his answer to your public letter has explained the impossibility of giving effect to your wishes, no Congress having been formed under the old Confederation since the receipt of your letter, or, indeed, since the expiration of the last federal year. The most that can now be done will be to obtain from the new authority, as early as possible, some act which may leave the matter to your own discretion. Perhaps it may be neither more inconvenient to your private nor to the public affairs to make your visit in the fall instead of the Spring, and to pass the Winter instead of the Summer in America. The same cause on which you are to charge your disappointment in this instance prevented a decision on the question of outfit, stated in one of your former communications.
With some printed papers containing interesting articles, I inclose a manuscript copy of Col. Morgan’s invitation to persons disposed to seek their fortunes on the Spanish side of the Mississippi. There is no doubt that the project has the sanction of Gardoqui. It is a silly one on the part of Spain, and will probably end like the settlements on the Roman side of the Danube, with the concurrence of the declining empire. But it clearly betrays the plan suggested to you in a former letter, of making the Mississippi the bait for a defection of the Western people. Some of the leaders in Kentucky are known to favor the idea of connection with Spain. The people are as yet inimical to it. Their future disposition will depend on the measures of the new Government.
I omitted to mention that a dispute between the Senate of this State, which was federal, and the other branch, which was otherwise, concerning the manner of appointing Senators for the Congress, was so inflexibly persisted in that no appointment was made during the late session, and must be delayed for a considerable time longer, even if the dispute should on a second trial be accommodated. It is supposed by some that the superintending power of Congress will be rendered necessary by the temper of the parties. The provision for the choice of electors was also delayed until the opportunity was lost; and that for the election of Representatives so long delayed that the result will not be decided till tuesday next. It is supposed that at least three out of the six will be of the federal party. In New Jersey, the inaccuracy of the law providing for the choice of Representatives has produced an almost equal delay, and left room for contests, which, if brought by the disappointed candidates into the House, will add a disagreeable article to the list of its business.
I am much obliged for the two estimates on the subject of our foreign debt, and shall turn your ideas to the account which they deserve.


Title: To James Madison from George Lee Turberville, 30 March 1789
From: Turberville, George Lee
To: Madison, James

My dear sir.
Richd. County—Epping March 30th. 1789
Ever since the second day of February I have been confined with excrutiating Gout—and to this moment altho I am nearly recover’d since my first attack I have never partaken of a morsel at any Table but my own. This with my retired situation—which prevents easy Access to post offices—and affords little worth communicating—will account for my silence hitherto—for I assure you my wishes for your Welfare & happiness keep pace with those of the foremost of your Friends.
I congratulate you on the triumph of Federalism in our Native state. The sense of the People so conspicuously manifested in favor of the New Government as it has been by the Election of seven Federalists (perhaps indeed of Eight, for Colo. Bland counts Josiah Parker a Federalist) out of ten Representatives—must strike dumb the bold declamers of the last unfortunate session. “Four-fifths of the state” said the boldest of the bold ones “are opposed in Conscience to this new project.” How cautious shou’d a man be if he regards his Reputation—in asserting his visionary speculations to be positive facts—and especially when his speculations are the result of an ardent, a capricious attachment to a particular opinion—taken up on a sudden—without proper consideration or indeed (if it is not uncharitable to say so) the result of Attachment to personal interest and aggrandizement in direct opposition to every thing Rational Virtuous or Patriotic such assertions are so apt to be contraverted—that they generally operate as they ought to do—rather than as they were intended to do—and by undeceiving the fascinated populace they lay open the fallacious Arguments—and the insidious designs of their authors to the undistemper’d Eye of keen investigation—beleive me I augur much good from the next session. I trust we shall find the Virginia Legislature emancipated from that thraldom—in which they have been involved for the two last sessions of my experience—& for many sessions previous to my political existence.
Before this you have been a witness to the inauguration of the General Government. But it is yet too soon to expect even the commencement of any essential operations. If your leizure wou’d permit you will be very greatly obliging me by communicating the occurrences of the times and a Letter directed to the care of Mr. Page of Mannsfeild or given to Colo. R. H. Lee will meet a ready conveyance to my hands. Be pleased to present me Affectionately to my Friend & relation Mr. R. B. Lee—& beleive me to remain With unalterable esteem & regard yr. Most Affectionate & Obedt. &c
George Lee Turberville


Title: To James Madison from Christian Febiger, 2 April 1789
From: Febiger, Christian
To: Madison, James

Sir
Philadelphia Aprill 2nd. 1789.
Haveing had the honor of being Known to and treated with the politest Attention by you and conscious of haveing done nothing to obliterate your good Opinion,
I boldly venture to address you in the familiar Style of a Friend.
The Supreme Executive Councill of Pensylvania are on the Brink of appointing me naval Officer in this City, with the express View of recomending for and getting me appointed to said Office or any one created in its stead under the new Government. A Favourite of a certain political Party here is in the Way, he has held it more than 12 Years—Particulars relative to this, my Friend General Muhlenberg will inform you. Whether I gett the State Appointment (:which would be butt of short Duration:) or not, I propose solliciting the justly reverd. Chief & the most honorable Senate for that or some other Office, which I may fill with Propriety.
Permitt me my Dear Sir to sollicit your Interposition in my Behalf.
A Gentleman of your long standing in Congress has Weight & Influence, if you exert a small Part of it in my Behalf, you may rest assurd: that every Exertion on my part shall be usd: to deserve it. I have the honor to be with the most unfeignd Regard—Your much obligd. & most obedient Servant
Christian Febiger


Title: To James Madison from John Fitch, 2 April 1789
From: Fitch, John
To: Madison, James

Sir
Philadelphia April 2nd: 1789.
I flatter myself you will excuse the freedom I take in requesting your Patronage before the Congress of the united States respecting my claims to the Invention of Steam-boats, as far as you shall deem me worthy, when you consider that through that honorable Body only I can receive an exclusive Right or Title to the Enjoyment of my Labor, and that in whatever manner I may profit by the project, my private Emoluments will be trifling compared to the Advantage I shall render my Country by extending the plan to general use. I should not have had the boldness to trouble Congress at so early a period had not necessity prompted me, as I am confident an early Application will be made in opposition by Mr. James Rumsey and his numerous influential Associates, from whom I have nothing to fear if a fair and deliberate Hearing be granted me. I should bear your kindness in the most grateful Remembrance if you would so far oblige me as to present my petition, which will be a Caveat against the Claims of any other person or persons until Congress shall have time to take the prayer of my petition into serious Consideration, and grant me that Encouragement to which they shall think me entitled. I have sent another petition to the Honorable Doctor Johnson of the Senate, from whose Regard to Justice and the Rights of a Citizen I have full reason to hope some little attention will be paid to put my Business in a proper Train. I have no Expectation that Congress will pay an early Attention to my Business, nor could I urge it, till a favorable Opportunity present itself. I shall get my papers and Documents ready as soon as possible and when they judge it proper to hear my Claims, shall attend for the purpose. You will pardon this Letter, as there is no other person in the House of Representatives on whom I can rely with so much satisfaction and confidence, and I request of the Congress no more than I shall be thought to merit. I am, Sir with the greatest respect your most obedient humble Servant
John Fitch


Title: To James Madison from David Ramsay, 4 April 1789
From: Ramsay, David
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir,
Charleston April 4th. 1789.
Presuming on our ancient acquaintance I take the liberty of solliciting your attention to an affair of mine that is now before your Honorable House. One of the elected federal representatives of this State is, in my opinion, ineligible. The case is in short thus: the Gentleman alluded to left Carolina in the year 1770 his parents died about the same time and he was absent from America during the whole of the war and till November 1783. As in the time of his absence the Revolution took place I contend that in order to his becoming a Citizen of the United States something must have been done previously on his part to shew his acquiescence in the new Government established without his consent. The lowest test of acquiescence is in my opinion residence in the Country. Till he resided under the Government of the united States I cannot therefore see how he acquired Citizenship. We were all born subjects but you and I were released from our allegiance by the restraining act of Parliament passed in December 1775. You and I became Citizens by being parties to the Declaration of Independence. By that act a new compact for a new Government was formed between the then residing and consenting inhabitants of these States. But an absent native neither lost his allegiance by the one nor acquired Citizenship by the other. Such continued subjects while in Europe and under British protection and could only become Citizens on their returning and by residence by an oath or by some other mode manifesting their acquiescence in the revolution. It is impossible to do justice to the argument in a l[e]tter nor is it necessary to one of your enlightened un[derst]anding. But as the Subject is new I beg your attention to it and if your opinions co[ncur] with mine I shall thank you for supporting my Petition on the subject when the merits of it are discussed before your Honorable House. I am sir with great respect and esteem, Your most Obedient and Humble Servant
David Ramsay


Title: From James Madison to George Washington, 6 April 1789
From: Madison, James
To: Washington, George

Dear Sir
N. York April 6th. 1789.
The arrival of R. H. Lee yesterday has made up a Quorum of the Senate. A Quorum in the other House was made on wednesday last. The ballots will be opened today unless an indisposition of Mr. Basset should prevent, which was not probable yesterday afternoon. The notifications to the President & Vice President will be left to the Senate. Mr. Charles Thomson will be the Messenger to the former.
The papers will have made known that Mr. Mulenburg was the choice of the Representatives for their Speaker, & Mr. Beckley for their Clerk. The competitor of the former was Mr. Trumbul who had a respectable vote: of the latter Mr. S. Stockton of new Jersey, who on the first ballot had the same number with Mr. Beckley.
A British Packet arrived some days ago, but has not brought, as far as I have learned, any public letters. The other information brought has passed into our Gazettes and will have reached you thro’ that channel. I am Dear Sir with the highest respect & attachment Your Obedt. & very hble servt.
Js. Madison Jr
Your favor inclosing a letter recd. at Mount Vernon for me has been duly received.


Title: To James Madison from Edmund Pendleton, 7 April 1789
From: Pendleton, Edmund
To: Madison, James

Dr. Sir
Virga. April the 7th. 1789.
Will you Pardon my interrupting for a moment your Attention to the great subjects before you, to ask you how you do, whethr. your Legislative body is Organized, the President & V. P. in Office, and the general complexion of yr. Members? You know how much I esteem yr. Correspondence, & my earnest appetite for News; as I do your kind inclination to gratify me, but I must repeat my Caveat agt. your doing it, when it will interfere either with business, or that necessary recreation, of which I fear you do not take enough for your health. A line in any leisure moment, will be thankfully accepted.
I have nothing to give you from hence, the Papers being occupied by Decius, Anti-Decius & their Auxilaries—but what do you think of I. W’s new Species of Patriotism, that of paying British debts into the Treasury at 1 for 75? This is a bold stride to annex that sacred Character, to what had hitherto been only attempted to be Palliated.
Our Elections are commencing & seem to be as warmly canvassed, as if there were loaves & fishes to be distributed, & the feast to continue for seven years. Alas! “what havock does Ambition make amongst mankind.” Of wch., as far as I know myself, I have None but that of being esteemed by the great and good of my acquaintance, which will always induce me to be wth. sincere regard, Dear Sir Yr. mo. Affe. & Obt. Servt.
Edmd Pendleton
My Complts. to all my representatives who care for me.


Title: From James Madison to Edmund Pendleton, 8 April 1789
From: Madison, James
To: Pendleton, Edmund

Dear Sir
New York April 8th. 1789.
You will not learn without some surprize that the sixth of this month arrived before a quorum was made up in both branches of the New Legislature, and the first of the month, before a Quorum was attained in either. The first & only joint step taken by the Congress was the examination of the ballots for President & vice president. The votes were found, as was expected, to be unanimously given to General Washington; and by a sufficient number, though smaller than was expected, to give the secondary dignity to Mr. Adams. The entire number of votes was 69. Mr. Adams had 34 only. Governour Clinton had not a single vote except those of his three friends in Virginia. Mr. Chs. Thomson set out yesterday as the herald to Mount Vernon, and a private gentleman with notice to the vice president. The Speaker of the House of Representatives is Mr. Mulenburg of Pennsa. The Clerk Mr. Beckley. Mr. Langdon was placed in the chair of the Senate for the special purpose of opening the ballots, and will remain in it, until Mr. Adams arrives. The Clerk of that House is not yet appointed.
I inclose a copy of the Rules agreed on yesterday. They are to receive a supplement as soon as prepared by a Committee. The first regular business to be discussed will relate to commerce which is in a State of anarchy at present. Some propositions on that subject will be taken up tomorrow. It is thought proper that the preparatory work should be done before the arrival of the President. The subject of amendments has not yet been touched. From appearances there will be no great difficulty in obtaining reasonable ones. It will depend however entirely on the temper of the federalists, who predominate as much in both branches, as could be wished. Even in this State, notwithstanding the violence of its antifederal symtoms, three of its six representatives at least will be zealous friends to the Constitution, and it is not improbable that a fourth will be of the same description.
By a late British Packet we understand that the King continues under his disability, though without mortal symtoms; that the care of his person is committed to the Queen, and that the Prince of Wales is sole regent by an Act of the two Houses, but under certain limitations of power, which have produced a pointed and public discussion between him & Mr. Pitt. With the sincerest esteem & affection I am Dear Sir Your Obedt. servt.
Js. Madison Jr


Title: Import and Tonnage Duties, [8 April] 1789
From: Madison, James
To:

[8 April 1789]
Mr. Madison. I take the liberty Mr. Chairman, at this early stage of the business to introduce to the committee a subject, which appears to me, to be of the greatest magnitude; a subject, Sir, that requires our first attention, and our united exertions.
No gentleman here can be unacquainted with the numerous claims upon our justice; nor with the impotency which prevented the late Congress of the United States from carrying into effect, the dictates of gratitude and policy.
The union, by the establishment of a more effective government having recovered from the state of imbecility, that heretofore prevented a performance of its duty, ought, in its first act, to revive those principles of honor and honesty that have too long lain dormant.
The deficiency in our treasury has been too notorious to make it necessary for me to animadvert upon that subject. Let us content our selves with endeavouring to remedy the evil. To do this a national revenue must be obtained; but the system must be such an one, that, while it secures the object of revenue, it shall not be oppressive to our constituents: Happy it is for us that such a system is within our power; for I apprehend that both these objects may be obtained from an impost on articles imported into the United States.
In pursuing this measure, I know that two points occur for our consideration. The first, respects the general regulation of commerce, which in my opinion ought to be as free as the policy of nations will admit. The second, relates to revenue alone, and this is the point I mean more particularly to bring into the view of the committee.
Not being at present possessed of sufficient materials for fully elucidating these points, and our situation admitting of no delay, I shall propose such articles and regulations only, as are likely to occasion the least difficulty.
The propositions made on this subject by Congress in 1783, having received, generally, the approbation of the several states of the union, in some form or other, seem well calculated to become the basis of the temporary system, which I wish the committee to adopt. I am well aware that the changes, which have taken place in many of the states, and in our public circumstances, since that period, will require, in some degree, a deviation from the scale of duties then affixed: nevertheless, for the sake of that expedition, which is necessary in order to embrace the spring importations, I should recommend a general adherence to the plan.
This, Sir, with the addition of a clause or two, on the subject of tonnage, I will now read, and, with leave, submit it to the committee, hoping it may meet their approbation, as an expedient rendered eligible by the urgent occasion there is for the speedy supplies to the federal treasury, and a speedy rescue of our trade from its present anarchy.
Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, That the following duties ought to be levied on goods wares and merchandise imported into the United States, viz.

On rum, per gallon,  of a dollar.
On all other spiritous liquors
On molasses
On Madeira wine
On all other wines
On common bohea teas, per lb.
On all other teas
On pepper
On brown sugars
On loaf sugars
On all other sugars
On cocoa and coffee
On all other articles  per cent. on their value at the time and place of importation.

That there ought, moreover, to be levied on all vessels in which goods, wares or merchandises, shall be imported, the duties following, viz. On all vessels built within the United States, and belonging wholly to citizens thereof, at the rate of  per ton.
On all vessels belonging wholly to the subjects of powers with whom the United States have formed treaties, or partly to the subjects of such powers, and partly to citizens of the said states at the rate of
On all vessels belonging wholly or in part to the subjects of other powers, at the rate of


Title: From James Madison to Edward Carrington, 8 April 1789
From: Madison, James
To: Carrington, Edward

Letter not found. 8 April 1789. Acknowledged in Carrington to JM, 12 May 1789. Encloses application of William Mason for military claim.


Title: To James Madison from Henry Lee, 9 [April] 1789
From: Lee, Henry
To: Madison, James

My dear sir
Richmond 9h. June [April] 89
Whenever I ask your aid to the promotion of the wishes of my friend, receive it on this express condition, that the public good must combine with the views of the gentlemen recommended.
Very happy in the appointent [sic] of my old fellow soldier Lindsay to the vacancy occasioned by Mr. Parkers election, I desire only to entreat your attention to his compeer Mr. M. Livingston, should it be found proper to appoint two officers instead of one to the several posts.
I had the pleasure once or twice last year to express myself fully to you concerning Mr L. as to character & circumstances. You yourself indeed manifested a thorough knowled[ge] of the same gentleman.
It is then unnecessary for me to enter into particulars.
If the change of system presumed should take place, an opportunity will offer of associating Mr. Livingston with Mr. Lindsay in the execution of the trust at the port of Norfolk.
Should you co-incide with me in sentiments on this subject, altho your official situation does not afford you an opportunity of being immediately useful to my friend, yet I am very confident you can materially assist him.
Confiding in which I can only assure you that you will in my judgemt. promote the public good, & reward a meritorious citizen. Yours always
Henry Lee


Title: Notes for Speech in Congress, [ca. 9 April] 1789
From: Madison, James
To:

[ca. 9 April 1789]
Notes on commercial policy
Importance of right outset—more easy to limit—than unfetter—1. prove that generality—2. point out the exceptions— ⟨in liberty of trade⟩
1 (a) ⟨between⟩ indivil. farmer & manufactu[r]er—do. Manufacr. & do —do. farmer & do—
(b) county & village—village & village—county & County—
(c) nation & nation—as to produce—to manufactures—to produce & manufactures—suppose each nation one [body?]
(d). application to U. S.—agriculture preferable—as appears from spontaneous bias—from high price of labor tho’ provisions cheap—from the exclusive advantage of cheapness of soil wch. like other ⟨natural monopolies⟩ ought to be made use of—compared to peculiar quality—or climate—or machines—fisheries—
Universal freedom presents the most noble spectacle, unites all nations—makes ⟨every man⟩ a citizen of the whole society of mankind—and perfects the good aimed at by the Social union & Civil Govt: this two-fold 1. security vs violence. 2. mutual relief and comfort. Universal intercourse favors the 1st. by abolishing the causes of external violence and making it interest of all to maintain the peace of all. 2 compleates mutual supply of wants by making the superfluities of every Country & every individual tributary to those of every other. (Note—finally reduce all nations to natural advantages—& so far diminish subjects of interchange)
Suppose all the world under one Govt—provinces of one empire—free intercourse desirable as France for their mutual advantage.

Exceptions—1. reduce foreign in [e]qualities
◇. encourage ships & seamen.
2. implements of defence independent—(law of neutrality [illegible] delusive)
3. invite manufactures
◇. support existing manufacturers—
4. institute manufactures necessary &—
5. Sumptuary regulations—justice & paymt. of taxes best

6. profit by a monopoly—this however barred by clauses relating to exports.
7. embargo in time of war—this however doubtful—
8. Revenue—


Title: To James Madison from John Hopkins, 10 April 1789
From: Hopkins, John
To: Madison, James

Sir.
Richmond April 10 1789
Having been the Loan Officer of the United States in the State of Virginia since the Year 1780, and by a subsequent arrangment of Congress also the Receiver of Continental Taxes within the State, since the Year 1785, my views and habits have been formed on the expectation of holding the Office, so long as it may be necessary to the public interest to Continue it, & so long as my Conduct shall entitle me to the approbation of Government. Should it be deemed proper to Continue the Office, either, under the present arrangments or with some modifications, I conceive it incumbent on me to Communicate to you my wishes on this subject, least my silence may be construed the effect of an inclination to withdraw from public business.
Trusting entirely to my Conduct as a servant of the United States, which may be fully Known, from the Honble Board of Treasury, I feel a perfect Confidence that no application whatever can be supported with better pretentions, than that of a public servant, whose discharge of the trust Reposed in him, he ventures to say has uniformly received the approbation of those under whom he acted. I have the honor to be with the most perfect Respect & Esteem Sir Your mo obedient humble servant
Jno: Hopkins


Title: From James Madison to Edmund Randolph, 12 April 1789
From: Madison, James
To: Randolph, Edmund

My dear friend
New York April 12. 1789.
I am just favored with yours of the 27. Ulto. My last was sent from Alexandria, and as the receipt of it is not mentioned, I fear that it may have miscarried. I have not sooner written from this place, because I waited for an opportunity of collecting the features & complexion of the new Government, which in its legislative capacity never became practically organized till the 6th. instant; and in its Executive capacity will not be so for ten or 15 days. I need scarcely tell you that the votes were united in favor of Genl W. or that J. Adams is the secondary choice. He had however 34 votes only out of 69. The others were dispersed among Jay, Harrison, Rutledge &c. The compliment to Clinton was limited to his three Electoral friends in Virginia. Langdon was appointed by the Senate to open the votes, and will hold the chair, till Adams can take it. Muylenburg is in the Chair of the H. of Reps. and Beckley Clerk.
The subject taken up in this House is an impost. Opinions are divided on the point whether the first plan, shall be a hasty and temporary essay; or be digested into a form as little imperfect as the want of experience will admit. There are plausible arguments on both sides. The former loses ground daily, from the apparent impracticability of reaping the Spring harvest of importations. It is probable that the law will in the event be limited to a longer or shorter duration, according to the accuracy & extent, which can within a decent time be given to its provisions. I need not remark to you the difficulty of the work. Nothing but experience, and successive revisions can render it tolerably adequate & respectable. There will be difficulty also in adjusting a scale of duties &c. to the different ideas & interests of difft. States, & Statesmen. But I suspect the latter difficulty will be less perplexing than the former; tho’ I know a contrary apprehension has prevailed. The Senate have appointed a Committee on the subject of the Judiciary Department.
On the subject of amendments nothing has been publickly and very little privately said. Such as I am known to have espoused, will as far as I can gather, be attainable from the federalists, who sufficiently predominate in both branches; though with some, the concurrence will proceed from a spirit of conciliation rather than conviction. Connecticut is least inclined though I presume not inflexibly opposed, to a moderate revision. A paper wch. will probably be republished in the Virga. Gazettes, under the signature of a Citizen of New Haven, unfolds Mr. Shermans opinions. Whatever the amendments may be it is clear that they will be attempted in no other way than thro’ Congress. Many of the warmest of the opponents of the Govt. disavow the Mode contended for by Virginia.
I wish I could see an equal prospect of appeasing the disquietude on the two other points you mention—British debts and taxes. With respect to the first, you know my sentiments. It will be the duty of the Senate in my opinion to promote negociations with G. B. as speedily as circumstances will admit, and the aspect of the Governt. seems likely to command a respectful attention to its measures. I see nothing else that can be done. As to the taxes I see nothing that can be done, more than the ordinary maxims of policy suggest. They may certainly be diminished in consequence of the revolution in the federal Gov[ernment,] since the public wants will be little if at all increased, [and may] be supplied in greater proportion out of commerce.
I congratulate you on the repose which Williamsbg gives you, which is less compleat however than I had supposed. I was a stranger to the project of renewing a part of your forensic labours. With the sincerest affection I am Yrs.
Js. Madison Jr


Title: To James Madison from Muscoe Livingston, 12 April 1789
From: Livingston, Muscoe
To: Madison, James

Norfolk 12 Apl 1789
May I be permited My Good Sir, to Ask Your Friendly Aid on the Subject of Colo Lees Letter, which I here take the liberty to Inclose; & which Letter, I did intend to have don My Self, the Honor to deliver but that A trip to N York, will be attended with considerable Expence; & unless I can Meet with Some incouragement from you, & the Other Genttlemen I have taken the liberty to write to, I had perhaps, better Stay at home. I am very Sencible Sir, How cautious one Should be, in Making Such applications, As I take the liberty to do to you; but as many appointments will take place under Our New goverment, I flatter my Self from Many circumstances Some of which you are No Stranger to; that I am Not the least worthy, (of all that will apply,) for Some or Other of them.
If Losses during the war in consequence of my attempts, to Serve My Country, had Any weight at this time—I hope I shall Not be alltogether forgotten.
If therefor, you can with propriety, do Me any Service I shall be very thankfull for it, wishing you every Happiness I have the Honor to be With Sincere Respect Sir Your Mt Obd H St
M Livingston


Title: To James Madison from Edward Carrington, 14 April 1789
From: Carrington, Edward
To: Madison, James

My dear Sir,
Powhatan April 14 1789
I was a few days ago favored with your very freindly and polite letter of the 19th. Ult. by Mr. Donaldson. Accept my thanks for the terms in which you acknowledge the Rect. of mine of the 20th. of February. Assure yourself that I have long had a due sense of the favorable sentiments you are pleased to entertain of me, and that they are contemplated with the greater satisfaction, as they are discovered in better evidences of reality, than ever will, or can, be conveyed in verbal professions. You have understood my communication as it was intended, to inform you of my wishes, & put it in your power to forward them, should your ideas of public propriety, and a favorable opportunity concur. It is to be regretted that the attainment of Objects of this kind, is precarious unless by a conduct to which a Man of due delicacy cannot descend. That degree of personal solicitation which is generally adopted, I cannot nor will I submit to. There is a propriety in making ones wishes known, and this I shall do in such communications to a very few particular Freinds as I made to you. It has been done to our two Senators as a Matter of propriety, in addition [to] the other considerations, which would lead me to confide in them. It might by some be supposed, that a personal visit at least, to the Seat of Govt. would be proper, but even a situation of this kind would be painful to me while it would be thought that I had come to solicit. But for this, I beleive I should spend a few weeks in a trip to take a look at your assembly.
I suppose it has become proper that I should drop my veiws as to the particular object which I formerly mentioned. Upon the resignation of Colo. Parker the Executive filled up that appointment, before I was apprised of its being vacant, by an election of Major Lindsey. He is a very proper character, and I do not suppose it will be thought proper to confer the Office, under the New Govt. on any other. As yet no other object can be particularly taken into veiw, and I shall take the liberty to leave this subject on a general ground. I shall be happy to render to the public my services, in some situation not altogether unimportant, such as those acquainted with me shall think me fitted for. I will thank you for information as your arrangements progress—and whenever you have leisure to give me any thing else that may be passing, you know it will be pleasing to me to hear from you. I am however so fully apprised of the full employment you will constantly have, that I shall not ask you to write but when you can do it with convenience. In the mean time I shall write you as often as any thing occurs here worth communicating. I am my dr sir with great sincerity yr. Freind & Servt.
Ed. Carrington


Title: Import Duties, [14 April] 1789
From: Madison, James
To:

[14 April 1789]

   The Committee of the Whole proceeded to set the amount of duty on each of the enumerated articles, beginning with rum. Sherman proposed fifteen cents per gallon; Laurance preferred twelve cents.

Mr. Madison. I would tax this article with as high a duty as can be collected, and I am sure if we judge from what we have heard and seen in the several parts of the union; that it is the sense of the people of America, that this article should have a duty imposed upon it weighty indeed.
The duty proposed by the gentleman from New-York, (Mr. Lawrance) very little exceeds what is laid in this state and very little what is laid in some other states, while some have thought it expedient to impose an excise superior. The question then is, whether the highest sum can be collected? I am of opinion, that higher duties may generally be collected under the government of the union, than could be under that of the particular states, because it has been the policy of some not only to decline going hand in hand together, but actually to oppose regulations made in a neighbouring state. Being persuaded likewise, that the highest sum will not exceed the power of the law to enforce the collection, I shall vote for it.

   Cong. RegisterThomas Lloyd, comp., The Congressional
          Register; or, History of the Proceedings and Debates of the First House of
          Representatives … (2 vols.; New York, 1789; Evans 22203–4)., I, 42. The committee agreed to a duty of fifteen cents on Jamaica rum and twelve cents on all other spirituous liquors.

[14 April 1789]

   The duty on molasses was under consideration.

Mr. Madison. It is agreed I presume, that spirits of every kind are proper objects of taxation, but whether we shall tax spirits in the case before us, or whether we shall tax the article from which it comes, is a question worthy of the consideration of the Committee for several reasons. I believe it will be best to lay our hands on the duty, by charging this article on its importation, to avoid a more disagreeable measure. I would therefore lay such a duty on molasses as is proportioned to what we have affixed upon rum, making an allowance in favor of our own manufacture. I think 8 cents per gallon will allow a sufficient advantage to them, but of this I am not positive, and therefore shall not pertinaciously adhere to that sum if it be thought too high; but I presume I am right in the principle upon which I contend we ought to collect the duty on the importation of molasses in preference to any other way.

   Cong. RegisterThomas Lloyd, comp., The Congressional
          Register; or, History of the Proceedings and Debates of the First House of
          Representatives … (2 vols.; New York, 1789; Evans 22203–4)., I, 45 (also reported briefly in N.Y. Daily Gazette, 15 Apr. 1789).

[14 April 1789]

   Laurance objected to eight cents as too high, observing that molasses was “a necessary of life” and a raw material for the domestic manufacture of rum.

Mr. Madison, Viewed the present question in two points of light. First, as it respected the use of the article in the substance; and second, as it related to a manufacture of considerable importance. If it was possible to make a discrimination between them, he was ready to agree to one in favor of the first class; but conceiving this to be impracticable, he thought the question was reducible to this, whether our revenue should be lessened as much as distilled spirits confessedly ought to pay, and our country consequently filled with a baser liquor, or whether we shall tax an article which will indirectly tax the rum manufactured from it in due proportion to what is brought from the islands.
I do not conceive, (continued Mr. Madison) that the quantity of this article manufactured and exported to foreign countries, is any wise considerable. I find by an account of the exports of Massachusetts (which appears to be authentic) and it is a state that manufactures in full proportion to any other state in the union—that there has been shipped off to different parts of this country 49,943 gallons of rum manufactured there; to Nova-Scotia 801 gallons; to Europe 1206, and to Africa and the East-Indies 897 gallons.
So that the great exportation which the gentleman from New-York mentions, is made to the different parts of the United States and not to foreign countries; the duty therefore will be principally paid by our own citizens who are the consumers. The gentleman has mentioned a drawback as a relief to the manufactures; he does not perhaps consider the advantage which a general regulation of trade gives to the state manufacturing rum; the admission of that commodity into every state is perfectly free under the new constitution, and unencumbered with the duties heretofore laid by the state legislatures, from which it is manifest, that a drawback so far as relates to the coasting trade, is unnecessary. I think also, that the small quantity exported to Europe and Africa is too inconsiderable to justify the legislature in allowing drawbacks, under which system great frauds can easily be committed upon your revenue. To what purpose shall we collect revenue if it is put in the power of every individual clandestinely to reclaim it without a possibility of our discovering the injustice?
If a discrimination can be suggested I shall readily agree to it; but I think it cannot be done unless we substitute an excise, or a tax on stills. Neither of these would be equally convenient or productive, and therefore neither would be proper for the house to agree to. The proportion between the duty on country rum at 8 cents, and West-India at 12 cents, is a considerable difference in favor of home made spirits, and sufficient to answer the purpose of protecting the manufacture.

   Cong. RegisterThomas Lloyd, comp., The Congressional
          Register; or, History of the Proceedings and Debates of the First House of
          Representatives … (2 vols.; New York, 1789; Evans 22203–4)., I, 46–47 (also reported briefly in N.Y. Daily Gazette, 15 Apr. 1789).

   Lloyd garbled JM’s recital of these statistics. In a footnote to a subsequent speech, he quoted from the report of Massachusetts exports that JM used. The footnote reads: “This article in the exports from Massachusetts stands thus—‘Country rum—hogsheads shipped to the several parts of the United States, 5327, value £49,943; to Nova-Scotia 89 hhds. value £801; to Europe, 134 hhds. value £1206; and to Africa and the East-Indies 897 hhds. value £8073’” (Cong. RegisterThomas Lloyd, comp., The Congressional
          Register; or, History of the Proceedings and Debates of the First House of
          Representatives … (2 vols.; New York, 1789; Evans 22203–4)., I, 49). See also JM’s second speech of 20 Apr.

   After further debate the committee reduced the duty to six cents.


Title: To James Madison from Nathaniel Gorham, 16 April 1789
From: Gorham, Nathaniel
To: Madison, James

My Dear Sir
Charles Town April 16 1789
Your election to a seat in the new Goverment I think you can entertain no doubt was pleasing to me. I sincerly hope your attendance will be as pleasant to yourself as beneficial to your Country. It is suggested here that you intend to pass a short Resolve requesting the several States to collect a Revenue for you intill you can have time to digest & prepare a system. Suffer me to suggest for your consideration whether a plan like the foregoing will not have a tendency to lessen the dignity of Government. It appears to me that one of the greatest mistakes the old Government ever made was the frequent applications to States and in some instances when there was no real necessity for it; the Congress itself having sufficent power in the case—the consequence was that at length they became afraid to use some of their Constitutional Powers. It appears to me that the loss of one or two Months collections although in a favorable season is not an object to induce a departure from a dignified conduct—besides I think a Resolve like the one I have heard mentioned would infringe the Presidents prerogative—this ought carefully to be avoided at the outset. It has allways appeared to [me] that Parliamentary forms should be observed as much as possible and that all you[r] doings except in some trivial case should be in the form of an act rather than a Resolve—the latter being a kind of slovenly practise of doing business, which has for the sake of expedition or to serve a purpose crept into use in the Legislatures of America—but I belive seldom or never known in G Britain. You know the State Legislatures will encroach upon the National Government where ever they can—be carefull therefore how you set out. Excuse my suggestions mention not my name as having written on the subject—& belive me to be Your sincere Friend & Humble sert
Nathaniel Gorham


Title: Import Duties, [16 April] 1789
From: Madison, James
To:

[16 April 1789]

   White suggested the duty on hemp be fixed at seventy-five cents per hundredweight.

Mr. Madison Feared 75 cents was too high; he was doubtful whether it would not have been as well to have left out cordage; for if a duty on hemp was impolitic because it burthened navigation, so also was that on cordage. He by no means approved of measures injurious to ship-building, which he considered in a three-fold view; first, as it related to vessels employed in the coasting trade; second, as it respected those employed in those channels of trade, the stream of which depends upon the policy of foreign nations; and third, as it was connected with vessels built for sale. With respect to the first, no doubt but we can prevent any discouragement from the operation of the duty, because we can make such discrimination as will prevent a rivalship; but in relation to the two other points, and particularly the last, he was sensible that every penny laid upon cordage would enter into the price of the vessel, and by raising the price drive the purchasers to seek a better bargain at other hands. Fearful therefore of injuring this interest he should vote for a small duty at present, in hopes of being able to see in a little time sufficient quantities of hemp brought to market, as predicted, at even a less price than was given now for the imported.


Title: To James Madison from Samuel Vaughan, Jr., 17 April 1789
From: Vaughan, Samuel, Jr.
To: Madison, James

Sir
Phila 17 April 1789
I make no excuse for sending you at present the Work of Mr Le Trosne because from your conversation I think you have not seen it, that I conceive it will interest you, & that when I arrive at New York I shall myself stand in need of it. The whole of the work is worthy your perusal, tho’ my view is only to communicate the Treatise de l’Interest Social which is the most regular & complete work I am acquainted with on the Free System of modern Philosophers.
I have been much entertained with your Speech on the motion of Mr. Fitzsimmons (on the Extention of the Impost Duty) as published in our Papers. From the inaccuracy of News Paper accounts in general I regret much not having been present. I wish the Doctrine was more generally known; the Instances in support of your Argument are so familiar & simple that without doubt they will extensively carry conviction. There are a thousand ways of missing truth, but it has this advantage over error that when found or stumbled on, it has the best chance of keeping its ground.
I beg my Respects to the Gentn. of the house & remain Sir Your very obedt Servt.
Samuel Vaughan Junr


Title: Import Duties, [17 April] 1789
From: Madison, James
To:

[17 April 1789]

   The duty on salt was under consideration.

Mr. Madison. From the nature of the arguments made use of on this occasion, it is necessary to proceed with some circumspection, though not to depart from that policy which can be justified by reason and experience. I am willing to trust a great deal to the good sense, justice and penetration of our fellow citizens for support; and though I think it might be just to lay a considerable duty generally on imported articles, yet it would not be prudent or politic at this time to do so. Let us now proceed to consider the subject before us, on the principles of justice and principles of policy. In the first point of view we may consider the effect it will have on the different descriptions of people throughout the United States, I mean different descriptions as they relate to property. I readily agree, that in itself a tax would be unjust and oppressive that did not fall on the citizens according to their degree of property and ability to pay it; were it therefore this single article which we were about to tax, I should think it indispensible that it should operate equally agreeably to the principle I have just mentioned. But in order to determine whether a tax on salt is just or unjust, we must consider it as part of a system, and judge of the operation of this system as if it was but a single article; if this is found to be unequal it is also unjust. Now, examine the preceding articles, and consider how they affect the rich, and it will be found that they bear more than a just proportion according to their ability to pay—by adding this article we shall rather equalise the disproportion than encrease it, if it is true, as has been often mentioned, that the poor will contribute more of this tax than the rich. When we consider the tax as it operates on the different parts of the United States, dividing the whole into the northern, middle, and southern districts, it will be found that they contribute also in proportion to their numbers and ability to pay. If there be any distinction in this respect, it will be perceived to be in favour of the southern division, because the species of property there consists of mouths that consume salt in the same proportion as the whites, but they have not this property in the middle and northern districts to pay taxes for. The most important objection is, that the western part of our country uses more salt than any other; this makes it unequal, but considered as a part of a system, the equilibrium is restored when you find this almost the only tax they will have to pay. Will they contribute any thing by consuming imported spirits? Very little, yet this is a principle source of revenue; they will subsist upon what they procure at home; and will they submit to a direct tax, if they murmur at so light a one on salt? Will they submit to an excise? If they would, I trust it is not in the contemplation of gentlemen to propose it; certainly it requires but time for reflection to discover, in every point of view, the justice of the measure now proposed. If then there be no particular objection on the footing of justice, it must be an argument in favour of the policy, for it cannot be presumed that good policy deviates from the principles of justice. There may exist prejudices against measures founded in the strictest justice and soundest policy, but certainly they will flee before reason and conviction. While in search of revenue for such essential and important purposes as urge us at present, we cannot discriminate and spare one part of the community; this would be unjust, and excite those complaints which some gentlemen seem to fear.
It has been said by the enemies of this government, that its administration would immediately betray the features of tyranny and oppression. It was likewise said, that its operations would be gentle and insinuating at first, in order to obtain the confidence of the people to enable it to supplant the state governments. Would not a discriminating policy seem to make good these charges? Let us then avoid it with caution, and endeavour to distribute the public burthen with a just and equal hand. In short, under whatever point of view you consider this tax, I think it will be seen to be improper to expunge it; I would make it moderate, and in so doing it cannot be unjust, nor can the popular clamour be excited.


Title: To James Madison from Fontaine Maury, 18 April 1789
From: Maury, Fontaine
To: Madison, James

Dear sir.
Fredericks burg April 18th. 1789
I have recived your two favors with their respective Inclosures, which have been forwarded.
I am happy to hear you are so near being prepared to proceed to business under the new System & I will be much obliged to you to inform me when you expect any thing will be done with respect to the General Impost, and whether or not, you suppose the Interest on Final Settlement Certificates will be recieved for duties under the new regulations.
I have shiped 6 hhds of your Tobo. to Liverpool and I expect two more will go by a vessell I hourly look for, you may draw for £56 Sterling on these Eight hhds—and if agreeable I will take your draft and remit you one in lieu thereof, payable in New york—there is about twenty pounds due me for sundrys furnished your estate by order of your Brother, which he informs me you’ll adjust out of the proceeds of your Tobacco, if so I will deduct that sam [sic] from the amount of your draft on my Brother.
I have some Idea that the Book you allude to came to hand and was forwarded to Orange but I will make further inquiry into the matter & advise you. Your friends in Orange are well. I am very Respectfully D sir Your mo: ob st
Fontaine Maury


Title: Import Duties, [18 April] 1789
From: Madison, James
To:

[18 April 1789]

   FitzSimons proposed duties on teas that discriminated between those imported from India and China in American ships and those imported in foreign vessels or from countries other than India or China.

Mr. Madison Felt a reluctance in being obliged to state his reasons why he doubted the policy of the proposed measure. What, said he, is its object? It is not to add to the revenue, for it will in fact tend to diminish it, in that proportion, which the importation from China lessens that from other parts; it is not to encrease our commerce, for long voyages are unfriendly to it; it is not to encrease the importation of necessary articles, for India goods are mostly articles of luxury; it is not to carry off our superfluities, for these articles are paid for principally, if not altogether, in solid coin. If the trade is beneficial at all to the United States, it must be in this single point of view: that the articles can be imported cheaper through that channel than any other; and if so, that it is the interest of the people to be supplied as cheap as possible. There are no collateral good purposes to claim our attention in this case; it is not in the nature of things that we should derive any other advantage than the one I have mentioned, without it is that of raising our India commerce from its weak and infant state, to strength and vigour; to enable it to continue supplies at a cheaper rate than they could otherwise be obtained at.


Title: From James Madison to the Reverend James Madison, 19 April 1789
From: Madison, James
To: Madison, James (Reverend)

Letter not found. 19 April 1789. Acknowledged in the Reverend James Madison to JM, 5 May 1789. Reports that Congress has begun its work and that there is less disagreement “between the different Parties” than he had expected.


Title: To James Madison from Nathaniel Gorham, 20 April 1789
From: Gorham, Nathaniel
To: Madison, James

My Dear Sir
Boston April 20 1789
I must beg you to excuse my freedoms: it is with a good intention that I am led to mention that the idea of 6 Cents pr Gallon on Mollasses excites a considerable degree of uneasiness here—not that any objcect [sic] to that duty on what is consumed in the Country—but only as it will injure the distillery & consequently the Fishery. The answer that a suitable draw back upon Rum will be allowed—they say does not obviate their objections because the Distiling business is now become so poor that it is by making every possible saving that they are enabled to carry it on—and by the proposed duty the manufacturer of Rum must increas[e] his capital one third part to do the same business that he now does. In addition they say that the French are doing all they possibly can to encourage the distiling business in the West Indies and are now actually making exertions to get Americans acquainted with the business to go to that Country.
I have one or two other reasons which have some weight in my mind which are these—mollases in our Country is used principally by the Country people & the poorer sort of People in the Towns; they will attend to the duties laid on the several articles and when they find that Mollasses paid a duty so much heavier in proportion to its value, than Wine they will be apt to cry out and raise a popular clamour against it. If this should be the case it will very much encourage and assist the importer in the runing this article—which from the great number of Harbours in this qua[r]ter it will be dificult to prevent—& the saving six hundred dollars duty upon 100 hhs. of Mollasses may be an object worth the risque—when half that sum might not be an inducement so that I realy beleive more money would be collected on this article at 3 Cents ⅌ Gallon than at six. I can easily se[e] the great dificulties you will meet with in adjusting the system so as to give tolerable satisfaction.
I think myself not very Local—and I am sure you are not Local in your veiws—it is therefore that I presume to write to a Gentm not belonging to my own State on the question. If it will not take too much of your time I would mention one or two ideas of a more general nature. I think you must have one Reciever in each State—and as it will be next to impossible for you to determine how many subs will be necessary—that this Point must be left to the descretion of the Principal—he being accountable for his Deputies—that the allowance to the Receiver should be a commission rather than a Salary—because by the first mode you make his interest & that of the public the same. New York & Philadelphia may be conducted for a less commission than any other State—because all the imports for those States are brought to the Capital. I apprehend that besides the Receiver there must be a Naval Officer who should be with his Offices to watch the Vessells so that no goods be Landed—but such as are certified to the Naval Officer by the Recvr—for unless this is the case there will be but little check—the Recvr. in the large States will have full employment in recving the duties & keeping his accounts—the operation of the business would then be something in this way. The Master or owner would apply at the Recrs Office & (I presume under oath) enter his Cargo as contained in various packages—the Recvr would then certify to the Naval Officer that such an entry had been made & that he was satisfied for the duties upon the goods contained in certain packages as described in the certifica[te]. The Naval Office should then attend to the unloading the Vessell. The Naval Officer to be paid by fees as provided in the Law.
I have run into greater length than I at first intended—beg you to excuse & to beleive me your Friend & very Hume Servt
Nath Gorham


Title: John Churchman’s Petition, [20 April] 1789
From: Madison, James
To:

[20 April 1789]

   A committee had recommended a cautious approach in supporting Churchman’s proposed scientific expedition to Baffin Bay (see Samuel Stanhope Smith to JM, 26 Mar. 1789 and n. 2).

Mr. Madison. I wish that the committee had stated the expences attending a voyage to Baffin’s Bay, for the purpose of discovering the cause of the magnetic variation as proposed by Mr. Churchman, that the House might be better able to judge of its propriety. Well aware as I am, that public bodies are liable to be assailed by visionary projectors, I nevertheless wish to ascertain the probability of the magnetic theory. If there is any considerable probability that the projected voyage would be successful, or throw any valuable light on the discovery of longitude, it certainly comports with the honor and dignity of government to give it their countenance and support. Gentlemen will recollect, that some of the most important discoveries, both in arts and sciences, have come forward under very unpromising and suspicious appearances.
I am also well aware, that the deranged situation of our treasury, would not warrant us in spending considerable sums in visionary pursuits; but if an inconsiderable sum will answer on this occasion, and there is a probability of improving the science of navigation, I see no reason against it. Gentlemen who have been on the committee understand the subject best, and they will please give the House their sentiments.


Title: Import Duties, [20 April] 1789
From: Madison, James
To:

[20 April 1789]

   FitzSimons proposed a drawback of six cents per gallon on exports of rum distilled in the United States.

Mr. Madison Was sorry the gentlemen from Massachusetts were absent, because they could give authentic information with respect to the quantity. He had in his hands a state of the exports from Massachusetts, which he believed to be pretty accurate, from January 1, to December 31, 1787. From this it appeared, that there was exported during that period, to Nova-Scotia 89 hhds. to Europe 134 hhds. and 897 to Africa and the East-Indies. Now he submitted the committee, how far it was proper to adopt a measure for such a trifling consideration, which would become a most dangerous cover to the clandestine trade that must necessarily follow. Rum will, no doubt, be exported in the day and brought back in the night, for the sake of drawing back the duty, as has been done already in similar cases.

   Cong. RegisterThomas Lloyd, comp., The Congressional
          Register; or, History of the Proceedings and Debates of the First House of
          Representatives … (2 vols.; New York, 1789; Evans 22203–4)., I, 102–3 (also reported briefly in Gazette of the U.S., 22 Apr. 1789).

   See JM’s third speech of 14 Apr. and n. 1.

[20 April 1789]

   FitzSimons continued to defend drawbacks on rum exports.

Mr. Madison Thought there were very few cases in which drawbacks ought to be allowed, perhaps none but what related to the East-India trade. The small proportion of distilled rum exported did not justify so great a risque; but of the small proportion which went abroad, the greatest part went to the coast of Africa; he feared this trade was inconsistent with the good of mankind, and ought to be reprobated instead of encouraged. If gentlemen were to consider the great advantages derived to the distillers from the present government, they would perhaps think them sufficient for their encouragement without allowing a draw-back. The annual exportation from Massachusetts to the several ports of the United States, is 5327 hhds. This quantity was formerly subjected to an equal duty with West-India rum. If under these circumstances country rum could command this great sale, what will it do now when the communication is free? and many parts of the United States laid open to this trade, that was shut before. This consideration alone ought to do away all complaints for want of a drawback.

   Cong. RegisterThomas Lloyd, comp., The Congressional
          Register; or, History of the Proceedings and Debates of the First House of
          Representatives … (2 vols.; New York, 1789; Evans 22203–4)., I, 103. After his original motion was defeated, FitzSimons introduced a more general motion allowing drawbacks, which passed the next day.


Title: To James Madison from Tench Coxe, 21 April 1789
From: Coxe, Tench
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Philada. April 21st. 1789
Having for some time felt a great deal of anxiety about the consequences to the United States, which appear likely to rise out of the Affairs of the Western Country I have turned my attention a good deal to considering that Subject, and as I know you also have had a very great solicitude about it I shall trouble you with such thoughts or facts relating to it as I think may possibly be of use.
It is very certain that the attention paid by the old Government to the Overtures of Spain, and the resolutions relative to the Navigation of the Missisipi were improper, and, in principle, dangerous in a free country. They were therefore unjustifiable in ours, and impolitic in the highest degree considering the lax & feeble cords by which the temper & situation of the Western people bind them to us. It is but reasonable that they should be alarmed—that they should doubt our justice and regard for those rights, which, whether the eastern or western people are the claimants, are not to be dispensed with, or infringed. Tis manifest that such doubts and Apprehensions have been excited by the measures of Congress, and it is very certain that the hesitation about the new Constitution in that quarter arose in a greater part from those causes, than from any faults they found in it as a System of Government. Besides the obligations of justice and liberty, which must govern the Administrators of our affairs in every place, and with every part of our Citizens there is another light in which the Western people must be viewed, which should be most seriously considered. They alone are possibly to be converted into powerful neighbouring enemies. The Northern country of G. Britain is so bound up for a great part of the Year, its soil is so bad in one part and its Government in another, that little is to be feared from that quarter. The Climate & soil of the Floridas, and the civil & religious objections to the Spanish Government with the difficult approach of the Mouth of the Missisipi and the want of enterprize & policy in that court leave little ground of Apprehension from them. But the Western Country if seperated from us, in close connexion with either, especially the latter, would expose the remainder of the Union to a very troublesome & growing Enemy.
As these considerations impress our Minds wth. the necessity of keeping them not only friendly but connected with us in Government, it seems a very important Object in our Affairs to devise the most likely Methods of allaying their fears, reviving their confidence and encreasing their Attachments to the Union; and at the same [time] to establish our plans in such a way that we may draw revenue from them. All these Appear to me practicable.
To allay their fears we must candidly examine the conduct that has offended them—and frankly give them efficient securities for our refraining from such Attempts in future. A part of the ideas in the 2d. division of the 7th. Amendment of Virginia might perhaps be safely modified and adopted, if the subject of Amendments is touched. A Majority of every legislature in the Union would I am of Opinion ratify such an Amendment should Congress send it forward. Frankly to remove fears and do justice always revives confidence & encreases affection—and I am satisfied the measure proposed would have that effect in an eminent degree on a people governed exceedingly by their feelings, and whose situation seperates them from all the world but their relatives on the one hand, & two powers whom they either despise or dislike on the other. The measures that we should next pursue are those which while they will encrease their prospects of profit from their lands will support our commerce & manufactures by diverting their produce from the Gulf of Mexico and the St. Laurence to the ports of the Union. A very influencial thing in that country would be the support of regular posts to facilitate the interchange of political, commercial & family letters & communications. The same language, religion, habits, theory & practice of Government &ca. will always render these communications very influential in the Western Country, but the most useful measure to them which we can pursue, and at the same time the most beneficial to us, is to join the Navigation of the Atlantic Rivers to those of the Missisipi, the Lakes & the St. Laurence, by clearing our rivers to their heads, cutting canals, or establishing roads at the several portages. The Rivers Penobscot, Ameriscoggin, Merimack, Connecticut River, Hudson The Mohawk, The Susquehannah, The Potowmack, James River, The Roanoke, the Santee, Pedee, Savannah & Altimaha may all be improved exceedingly and to places that approach the waters of the St Lawrence, the Lakes, and the Missisipi, to which they may be connected by good roads, perhaps in some instances by canals. These improvements will enable them to send us their produce—and will enable us to send them our manufactures & importations—the first charged with excises, if we lay them, the last with impost which it is agreed by all should be substituted for direct taxes in a very great degree—or as far as it can be prudently carried. Our market for European & W. & E India goods will be greater, more various, more easily supplied & of course lower than either that of Canada, or New Orleans. The activity and enterprize of our people will be greater than theirs especially the Spaniards—and of course, if we steadily & vigourously exert ourselves to open these Communications, we shall secure most and indeed I trust nearly all their import trade and a great part of their exports. I have no doubt also that the interior colonists of Spain and England on this continent will take many goods from us, thus supporting Our trade, our manufactures, & system of Revenue; and this as observed on a former occasion is a strong Argument for prefering Revenue by impost to direct taxation. I will confess to you that when I first turned my thoughts to this Subject, that while I decidedly disapproved of unjust or unkind Measures towards the Western people, I doubted whether the expence, trouble &ca. of promoting a people, whom I saw we could not tax would ever be repaid. But the importance of keeping them out of the hands of our enemies, the hold we shall have of their produce by our roads, rivers & canals, & the money we shall draw from them as consumers of goods dutied at our threshold, in the manner explained above are circumstances that, it appears to me on maturer reflexion, should, determine us to promote their interests with decision and firmness.
I have been respectably informed within a few days that Col. Morgan received Money of Mr. G. prior to his leaving Jersey. The intimates of his family there & in this city are satisfied it is so, both from Appearances, & from Conversation, that without being confidential, has fal’n from them. Tis certain he has wanted Money for many years. Tis certain he has it now, tho he was obliged in 1787 or 1788 to part with the farm he lived on to settle an account. It is a matter of some alarm that so pure a character as Col. Morgan once was, a man so firmly & warmly attached to the interests of this Country should, without consulting any of its friends, embark in a plan like his—and it does not lessen the alarm that there is an appearance of foreign funds among the inducements which have influenced him, & the means which have enabled him to conduct his enterprize.
Unless some further ideas occur to you in which I can be of use it will be unnecessary to trouble yourself with answering this letter, which I have addressed to you because I know your views of the Subject, and your optys of rendering it, as far as it is capable, of public Utility. I am, dear Sir, with very great esteem & regard—yr. respectful h. Servt.
Tench Coxe
Before I left Congress, Mr. Muhlenberg, who had arrd. in New York requested me to send him some Remarks upon the Subject of Manufactures. As they are connected with the hints I sent you concerning the Impost I wish you would take the trouble to ask him to shew them to You. All these things, before acting upon them, should be very strictly examined.


Title: To James Madison from John Swanwick, 22 April 1789
From: Swanwick, John
To: Madison, James

Sir
Philadelphia April 22. 1789
This Letter will I expect be presented to you by my Brother in Law Mr. James B. Nickolls of Portsmouth in Virginia who goes to New york with a view of solliciting the appointment of Collector of Customs at Norfolk in the State of Virginia.
He is a very worthy Amiable Young man perfectly well qualified for the office in every respect, and as such I can freely recommend him, appealing also in these respects to the Honble Mr. Fitzsimmons Member of the House of Representatives, with whom Mr. Nickolls was educated and who can certainly give the best Accounts of him, as will also Col. Parker of the same House of Representatives and of late Naval Officer at Norfolk who is well acquainted with his abilities & diligence in Business. If you can be of service to him I shall consider it as a great obligation conferred upon me & I do really believe the office will be filled entirely to the publick benefit & satisfaction.
Excuse the Trouble thus given You and be assured of my diligence on all occasions to evince myself Your very sincere friend & very hble Servant
J Swanwick


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Pleasants, Jr., 23 April 1789
From: Pleasants, Thomas, Jr.
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Raleigh 23d. April 1789
I had the pleasure of writing to you in last Month by Colo. Wm Heth. This you will receive by Mr William Vannerson, who hath for some time been engaged by Mr Ross, and myself in the settlement of our affairs; and now visits New-York upon business with Mr William Hunter jr of Alexandria, Who hath been for some time past in that City: it is of importance to us, and as Mr Hunter is well known, and is probably no stranger to you, I have thought that your friendly interposition might prevent Measures no less painful to Mr Ross, and myself, than they may in their Consequenses, be inconvenient and prejudicial to him. This Consideration alone has induced me to trouble you with Matters of a private Nature; when I am sensible that your Mind is fully occupied with business of great National Importance.
Mr Vannerson will explain to you his business, and both Mr Ross, and myself will in a particular Manner be obliged by your friendly advice to him. I am, with great Regard Your obliged & Mo obt st.
Thomas Pleasants jr


Title: To James Madison from Edmund Randolph, 23 April 1789
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Madison, James

My dear friend
Wmsburg April 23. 1789.
I was this morning favored with yours of the 12th. instant, as I had been many weeks before with your other from Alexa. I did not recollect, that I had omitted to acknowledge the receipt of the latter until you expressed a doubt of its miscarriage.
I confess, it strikes me, as expedient, that a temporary arrangement of impost should be made. The merchants, (I am told and I believe with truth) give their bonds at Norfolk as usual; but subjoin a caveat against payment, until the fœderal claims, which came into existence on the first wednesday in March, shall be adjusted. Delay is therefore ruinous to the state and general government. To the former; because if it be intitled to what has arisen since that day, tardiness in collection is a real evil; to the latter; because if the fixing of duties be postponed, until a large sum shall become due, and congress should assert their right to them with effect, a new topic of clamor will be urged against it.
What wisdom a priori is equal to a nice comparison, immediately and suddenly to be made, between the relative interests of the different members of the Union? The recommendations of 1783 are indeed worthy of attention, as being palateable to every State now associated. But it would be hardiness to assert, that it is worthy of perpetual force. If the character of the government is likely to be established by its first measures, ought it to be hazarded upon those, as permanent, which may be prepared in a hurry, unaided by the lights of practice?
I have learnt nothing of the elections. It was said, but I am confident without foundation, that Mr. H——y refused a seat in the next assembly. Mr. Dawson is elected with Mr. John Willis, as his colleage. Colo. Mercer, I hear, has returned to Virginia, as His changeable abode.
It has become a serious question, whether the general ought to have accepted. He appears to have left Mount Vernon the second day after Thompson arrived. Had he been forewarned of his appointment by any members of the senate, while that body was unorganized? Yrs. Mo. afftely
E. Randolph.


Title: Import Duties, [24 April] 1789
From: Madison, James
To:

[24 April 1789]

   Formal consideration of the Committee of the Whole report was now before the House. Several representatives argued that the proposed fifteen-cent duty on Jamaica rum was too high.

Mr. Madison. The question is not whether the whole scale of duties agreed to in the committee shall be reduced, but whether the particular duty on the article of spirit; I will not differ with the gentlemen altogether, and say that none of the subsequent articles are too high to be collected with certainty, but I am not convinced by any thing yet said, that 15 cents per gallon is too much to be laid upon spirit of Jamaica proof. The gentleman from New-York says the example of the states has proved that high duties are not expedient, and that this article does not correspond with the rate they have fixed to it. The state governments, no doubt, collected what duty they thought best, but it does not follow that the general government cannot collect more than the state governments have done. The people adopted the new constitution, I believe under an universal expectation that we should collect higher duties—we must do this, I believe, if we mean to avoid direct taxation, which was always a mean of revenue in the particular states. But with respect to what the states have judged expedient to be derived from this source, let us turn to authentic acts; they will neither deceive nor mislead us. We find in Massachusetts one-sixth of a dollar laid some years ago—if it did not succeed, was it not owing to the inauspicious policy of the neighbouring states? In Pennsylvania, the consumer of rum pays to government 10d. a gallon.
The same gentleman has said that our laws ought to be such as to execute themselves, and not depend upon the support of the people; now I cannot descern how the law can execute itself without the support of the people, therefore I think it right to place the dependence where I have imagined it will be well supported. It was also remarked that smuggling depraves the morals of the people—if we are to consider the effect of our laws in this point of view, (laying aside the corruption which the general use of rum occasions) let us consider what will be the effect of a deficiency in the revenue by the proposed reduction of the impost; and no gentleman has suggested a substitute for this defalcation, nor no gentleman pretends that we shall raise more than we want. What then will be the consequence? Lessening the impost will prevent the government from performing its engagements, and doing justice to its creditors. Have we not seen the turpitude of such conduct and the consequent contamination of morals? Examine both sides, and say which of these evils is most to be depricated.
But if people are disposed to enter into a system of smuggling, they will find a better interest in running fine goods with only 5 or 10 per cent. than in such a bulky and inconvenient article as rum, at 30 per cent. A worthy gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Wadsworth) suspects there is not money enough in the country to pay the duties; if there is any dearth of money, let us take measures to prevent the importation of rum, and then we may get money for our produce and soon supply the vacancy. I cannot believe the virtue of our citizens is so weakly fortified as not to resist the impression which a seeming interest may make—their conduct under the British government in the article of smuggling, is no proof to me of a natural disposition to evade a just tax; they conceived themselves at that time oppressed by a nation in whose councils they had no share, and the resistance on this principle was justified to their consciences; but as the case is altered, so that each has an equal voice in every regulation, I do not despair of a great revolution in sentiment in this particular, when it is known and understood that the man who wounds the honour of his country, by a baseness in defrauding the revenue, only exposes his neighbours to further and greater impositions. Under this impression, I trust the great body of the people will unite and drive out smuggling from our country.


Title: To James Madison from William Bingham, 25 April 1789
From: Bingham, William
To: Madison, James

Dr sir,
Philada April 25 1789.
I will make no Apology to you for the small Portion of Time that the Perusal of this letter may claim from more valuable Avocations.
By Letters I have received from Europe, I am induced to think that Strong Impressions on the public Mind, will be made by the first legislative Acts of Congress, which will display in Some Measure, the Character of our new Government.
I am afraid we Shall be compelled to perform what to other Nations, whose characters are well established, might be deemed Works of Supererogation, in order to regain the Credit we have lost.
I wish Some Mode could be adopted to express the sentiments of Congress on Some of the capital Points of legislative Attention, as well as on those political Virtues, which dignify, adorn & aggrandize a Nation.
They would be translated & published in all the Languages of Europe, & would be very instrumental in increasing our freinds & detaching our Enemies.
I remember well, (when in Europe,) that General Washington’s Circular Letter became the common Topic of Conversation, & the most favorable Opinions were formed of the growing Importance of a Country, where Such Sentiments of good Government prevailed.
I think the Arrival of the President would furnish an opportunity, in a congratulatory Address, of announcing the Views of Congress to adhere to Such Principles, as can alone do honor to the Councils of a Country. Such a Measure would not be novel. Various Instances occur in the History of England, of a display of Such Sentiments in King’s Speeches from the Throne, & the Replies of Parliament thereto. They have an excellent Tendency in giving Confidence to the People in the Administration of their Affairs, & inspire Foreigners with Respect & Reverence for the Government. I am with much Regard & Esteem Dr Sir Your obed hble st
Wm Bingham


Title: Import Duties, [25 April] 1789
From: Madison, James
To:

[25 April 1789]

   A fifteen-cent duty on Jamaica rum was approved. The House then took up the twelve-cent duty on other spirits. Smith (Maryland), in order to introduce the principle of discrimination between treaty and nontreaty countries, moved for a six-cent per gallon duty on French brandy (Gazette of the U.S., 29 Apr. 1789).

Mr. Madison. Discriminations however small may have a good political effect; even a difference of 1 cent on brandy may have a tendency to advance the interest of the United States. I differ essentially from the gentleman from New-York (Mr. Lawrance) on the subject of preference. I think we have a great deal in our power by this policy, if we make a right use of it. I wish to teach those nations who have declined to enter into commercial treaties with us, that we have the power to extend or withhold advantages as their conduct shall deserve. If the situation of our country and our public wants admitted the experiment; I should interdict the importation of rum altogether, until we should be allowed to carry to the West India islands, in our own vessels, the produce of America, which necessity compels them to take. In any case, where we have made a treaty to open all our ports to the vessels of a nation without stipulating for reciprocal advantages, I agree we must abide by it, but where we have entered into no stipulations I would give no encouragement, unless equal advantages were obtained on our side. We have now the power to avail ourselves of our natural superiority, and I am for beginning with some manifestation of that ability, that foreign nations may or might be taught to pay us that respect which they have neglected on account of our former imbecility. This language and these sentiments are the language and sentiments of our constituents; the great political revolution now brought about, by the organization of the new government, has its foundation in these sentiments. Sensible of the selfish policy which actuated a nation long disposed to do all she could to discourage our commercial operations, the states singly attempted to counteract her nefarious schemes; but finding their separate exertions ineffectual, with an united voice they called for a new arrangement, constituted to concenter, conduct, and point their powers, so as to obtain that reciprocity which justice demands. The arrangement has taken place, and though gentlemen may contend, that we are not at this moment prepared to use it in the latitude I could wish; yet let them concur in doing what shall indicate, that on a proper occasion we dare exert ourselves in defeating any measure which commercial policy shall offer hostile to the welfare of America—The mere shewing such a disposition at this time may have a good effect. I believe such a discrimination as is proposed will be a manifestation of that disposition; but perhaps a less discrimination may effect the business as well as a large one; if so, I would rather brandy should be reduced 2 or 3 cents below the West-India rum, and then the revenue would be but little diminished, and the consumption could not be supposed to encrease considerably.

   Cong. RegisterThomas Lloyd, comp., The Congressional
          Register; or, History of the Proceedings and Debates of the First House of
          Representatives … (2 vols.; New York, 1789; Evans 22203–4)., I, 136–37 (also reported fully in N.Y. Daily Advertiser, 27 Apr. 1789, and Gazette of the U.S., 29 Apr. 1789).

[25 April 1789]

   Laurance argued that a discrimination in favor of treaty partners would decrease customs revenue in order to pay tribute to the principal United States ally—France.

Mr. Madison. I did not rightly comprehend the gentleman who has just sat down, when he supposed the discrimination which is moved for, to be merely the payment of a tax or tribute to our allies, and therefore cannot reply particularly to what I did not comprehend; but I acknowledge with pleasure the services America derived from that nation, and I admit the justice of the debt we owe her; but I never meant that the preference we are inclined to shew her in common with nations with which we have commercial treaties, should be considered as a tribute to our allies—I consider it rather as a lesson to those powers that are not within that description. If it reduces the revenue, it is a good object so far as the reduction goes—if it is reduced one or two cents, it will have no sensible effect upon the amount of the duties collected from distilled spirits. In Virginia, brandy from France, imported in either French or American bottoms, is clear of duty whilst the duty on rum is 6d. per gallon that money; there has not, however, been imported more than 10,000 gallons annually till very lately, and now it amounts to but 12,000, while the quantity of West-India rum is from 5 to 600,000—this tends to shew the proportion the two articles bear to each other, and the effect it would have on the revenue. The gentleman supposes that a difference of one or two cents will change the consumption from rum to brandy, but commercial people do not suddenly alter their operations; beside, the habits and prejudices of the community are not easily removed, the habit of using rum is so fixed, that it will perhaps take more than a century to change it to another object—hence the evil which the gentleman contemplates as resulting from the present measure, must be remote indeed. But I am clearly of opinion, that a discrimination will have the most salutary effects; it will redound both to the honour and interest of America, to give some early token of our capacity and disposition to exert ourselves to obtain a reciprocity in trade.
Let us review the policy of Great Britain toward us; has she ever shewn any disposition to enter into reciprocal regulations? Has she not by a temporising policy plainly declared, that until we are able and willing to do justice to ourselves, she will shut us out from her ports and make us tributary to her? Have we not seen her taking one legislative step after another, to destroy our commerce? Has not her legislature given discretionary powers to the executive, that so she might be ever on the watch, and ready to seize every advantage the weakness of our situation might expose? Have we not reason to believe she will continue a policy void of regard to us, whilst she can continue to gather into her lap the benefits we feebly endeavour to withhold, and for which she ought rather to court us by an open and liberal participation of the commerce we desire? Will she not, if she finds us indecisive in counteracting her machinations, continue to consult her own interest as heretofore? If we remain in a state of apathy, we do not fulfil the object of our appointment; most of the states in the union have, in some shape or other, shewn symptoms of disapprobation of British policy; those states have now relinquished the power of continuing their systems, but under an impression that a more efficient government would effectually support their views. If we are timid and inactive we disappoint the just expectations of our constituents, and I venture to say, we disappoint the very nation against whom the measure is principally directed.
It has been said, that Great-Britain receives all the produce of this country in our own bottoms. I believe that in some ports of that kingdom our vessels are admitted, but those in the West-Indies, into which we want admission most, are closely barred against us; but the reason that she admits us, is because it is necessary to repay herself for her exports to this country, and to constitute herself a market for this and the European nations. Adventitious causes have drawn within the commercial vortex of her policy, almost all the trade of America, and the productions of the most distant clime, consumed among us, are tributary to her revenue; as long therefore as we do not protect ourselves and endeavor to restore the stream of commerce to its natural channel, we shall find no relaxation on the part of Britain, the same obnoxious policy will be pursued while we submissively bear the oppression. This is a copious subject, and leads to serious and important reflections. After what has passed, I am certain that there is a disposition to make a discrimination, to teach the nations that are not in alliance with us, that there is an advantage to be gained by the connection: To give some early symptom of the power and will of the new government to redress our national wrongs, must be productive of benefit. We soon shall be in a condition, we now are in a condition, to wage a commercial warfare with that nation. The produce of this country is more necessary to the rest of the world than that of other countries is to America. If we were disposed to hazard the experiment of interdicting the intercourse between us and the powers not in alliance, we should have overtures of the most advantageous kind tendered by those nations. If we have the disposition, we have abundantly the power to vindicate our cause; let us but shew the world that we know justly how to consider our commercial friends and commercial adversaries. Let us shew, that if a war breaks out in Europe, and is extended and carried on in the West-Indies, that we can treat with friendship and succour the one, while we can shut the other out of our ports. By these favors, without entering into the contest, or violating the law of nations, or even the privilege of neutrals, we can give the most decided advantage.
I will not enlarge on this subject; but it must be apparent to every gentleman, that we possess natural advantages which no other nation does; we can therefore with justice stipulate for a reciprocity in commerce. The way to obtain this is by discrimination; and therefore, though the proposed measure may not be very favorable to the nations in alliance, yet I hope it will be adopted for the sake of the principle it contains. I should rather be in favor of a small discrimination than a large one, on purpose to avoid the loss of revenue which any how in this article will be but trifling.

   Cong. RegisterThomas Lloyd, comp., The Congressional
          Register; or, History of the Proceedings and Debates of the First House of
          Representatives … (2 vols.; New York, 1789; Evans 22203–4)., I, 139–42 (also reported fully in N.Y. Daily Advertiser, 27 Apr. 1789; reported briefly in Gazette of the U.S., 29 Apr. 1789). The original motion for six cents on French brandy was modified to twelve cents on Jamaica rum and ten cents on other spirits imported from countries having a commercial treaty with the U.S.