Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Henry Laurens, February 27, 1784
From: Laurens, Henry
To: Franklin, Benjamin

            No. 18. Fludyer StreetWestminster 28th. [i.e., 27] February 1784.
            Dear Sir.

          Accept my grateful thanks for the Contents of two Letters which you have honored me with under the 12th. & 15th. Inst.
          Your interposition with Mr. Grand for obtaining a supply of Money on my Account has impressed my heart with feelings which will never wear out, altho I have at present hopes of getting through without stretching beyond the Balance standing properly to my Credit in his Books; but tho’ I called upon our friend the day before I last left Paris & writ to him by my Son the 3d. Inst. requesting an account of that Balance in order to compare with my own minutes & for avoiding mistakes, I have not heard from him on the subject; should he remain silent at the return of the next Mail, I may presume to draw for pretty

nearly the Amount of what appears to me to be due. I wish to avoid blended Accounts.
          By writing to you as in my last I meant to take time by the forelock & to avail my self in case of need had there been remitances lodged in your hands for supplying the American Ministers according to the late regulations by Congress, but if I am driven to the necessity of borrowing, certain friends here have engaged me to give them the preference, & as I am persuaded Mr. Grand has had his full share of that sort of indulgence, he will not be offended by my determination against oppressing his good nature.
          I had heard that some, indeed all, of Mr. M’s late Bills on Holland were in course to be protested, but was informed a day or two ago, that means had been devised for paying off the whole, by a Loan from a Society of Moravians or some other Religionists, the terms of Treaty unknown; whether to rejoice or to be sad at this event I have not yet Resolved. Dishonor to our Country would grieve me, on the other hand I foresee that dishonor & with accumulated weight, inevitable, unless we shall avert the Calamity by prudent conduct henceforward, or shall receive such a Check as will effectually restrain our drawing the Pen at random & compel us to resort to the only proper measures for supporting our Credit & our Union with dignity. Of the former I have slender hopes, nor will we believe or fear the Check while under repeated menaces our wanton draughts continue to be paid. ’Tis lamentable to see a whole Nation a fine promising young Nation too, treading in the steps of a thoughtless profligate Planter running in debt for principal & Interest & principal created for imaginary discharge of Interest until his Creditors divest him of his Estate real & personal & turn himself & family out of Doors. Or do our Governors & Finance-managers reason upon the principles of old Gaillard of Santé. You ask me said the old Man to his Neighbors, how I can sleep under such a load of debt? poh! poh! ask Paul Jenys & the rest of my

Creditors how they can sleep. But Paul Jenys soon found his land & Negroes.
          Your strictures & observations on the disorders of this Country & the sources of them appear to me to be very judicios, but tho’ it be a subject for thankfulness that we have less connexion with its affairs than we formerly had, ’tis to be regreted that we continue to practice too many of the old bad Customs which we had learned in that connexion, I have nevertheless hopes, that there will come a time when we shall manage better, but we must smart first & probably suffer under the pain of some convulsions.
          I must refer you to the Newspapers & pamphlets contained in a Packet which Mr. [blank in MS] Chollet will do me the favor to deliver, for the present state of Politics in this latitude. You will perceive the Majority, or the Managers of the Majority, have by gradual steps brought their affair to a crisis. The House of Commons will have the King’s answer to their Address Reported to day, debates & probably strong Resolutions will ensue, or possibly nothing more than an abrupt or as the present stile is, a temperate adjournment to Monday, if Mr. Chollet stays long enough to take the Paper of to morrow Morning with him you may from thence form a judgement of what will be the final Issue—most Men at this moment think a dissolution. I wish as earnestly as any body for an Administration permanent efficient &c &c—in whom I may repose confidence of being paid my Two Thousand Eight hundred & odd Pounds. Resolved on my part to demand a categorical answer whether they will or will

not pay me, I will not walk up their 78. Stone steps twice more upon this occasion.
          I am very thankful to you Sir, for communicating the commercial Plan in embrio. Glad to find I had neither alleged nor intimated any thing extraordinary respecting it. I have detail’d without names your present information, to Gentlemen here who Interest themselves in the happiness of both Countries. A large meeting of Merchants & West India proprietors are at this moment assembled, to deliberate on the Trade between the British Islands & the United States, you will perceive from the contents of Mr. Edwards’s Pamphlet that the West India Planters & Plantation holders are not a little alarmed. I am promised the result of the meeting some time this Evening, if it reaches me in time you shall be informed in a PS. but ’tis boldly asserted here by certain persons, instructed as I apprehend by the late Ministry & encouraged perhaps by the impolitic droppings of a friend, that there is no power at present subsisting on the part of America to treat for Commerce with Great Britain, I can only reply that I believe ’tis a mistake, & hope to be soon fully informed. Mean time the United States seem to have at length felt the effect of the Proclama: of 2d July 1783. No doubt that of [blank in MS] Decem will be a provoking aggravation. Let our people determine to act wisely & these conjurers will soon

be compelled to act with more wisdom & with a little more sincerity than we have experienced from them in the last eleven Months, or as many Years.
          We have felt the Frost as bitterly here as you describe it to have been in France, I have been a fellow sufferer with you under its severity, confined by Gout in my Head & Side, four Weeks, the present open Weather, I hope will affect you as I feel it. But notwithstanding disparity of Years I believe you are the hailest Man. Fifteen Months confined sedentary living to a person who had been accustomed to free Air & much exercise, has broken down the Constitution, I am scarcely ever quite & never 48 hours together tolerably well, ’tis no matter the approaching End will be Rest & Health, the thoughts therefore on that approach are not troublesome. Knowing not when the event may happen, I am in the course of duly preparing for embarkation to America. As soon as my Son & the other part of the family shall arrive from the South of France I shall fix on a Vessel for Cheasapeke or Delaware hoping to be at Sea early in April which is not far off. If there are any services in my power which you may wish to command you may depend Sir upon my most zealos endeavors. I don’t love many words of profession therefore after presenting My Daughters united Compliments & good wishes to your self & Mr. Franklin I conclude with assurances of being one of those friends who never maintaining your infallibility will ever love you for your merits & never forsake your defence should there be need.

            Henry Laurens.
            His Excellency Benjamin Franklin Esquire Passy.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jean Rousseau, 27 February 1784
From: Rousseau, Jean
To: Franklin, Benjamin

            Sir
            London the 27th: feby. 1784.

          Your kind & precious present, is at last arrived: I have cast my eyes upon, & was mightily pleased, with the contents of this valuable book. Be So good honoured Sir, to accept my most

hearty thanks, for this extraordinary & Singular favour. I Shall Study his contents, with the greatest pleasure: his fiery & noble maxims, not only proves the framers and makers of those laws, to be true Legislators, but Showes in the Same time, the Manliness of the whole Nation, by the Sanction of the Inhabitants, & their mutual approbation.
          As soon as time permits, I will endeavour to fulfill a Small part of my engagements towards your Excellency, for which I beg patience and Indulgence; then even the Small part of the whole, is by far beyond my poor Intellects.
          After recommanding my Self to Your powerfull protection, give me leave to Suscribe my Self with the greatest respect Sir of your Excellency’s The most humble servant

            John Rousseau

          Notation: Rousseau Mr. John, London 27 Feby. 1784.


Title: Franklin and John Jay to John Adams, 28 February 1784
From: Franklin, Benjamin,Jay, John
To: Adams, John

            Sir
            Passy, 28 Feby. 1784.

          We had the honor of receiving your Favour of the 20th. Inst, and are persuaded that the Communication of the Friendly Disposition of his Prussian Majesty made to you by the Baron de Thuilemeyer will give great Pleasure to Congress. The Respect with which the Reputation of that great Prince has impress’d the United States, early induced them to consider his Friendship as a desirable Object; and we are happy in being authorised to assure his Majesty that they will most chearfully enter into such a Commercial Treaty with him as being founded on Principles of Reciprocity may be productive of equal Benefits to both Countries. Altho’ we have no Commission to conclude such a Treaty, yet our Instructions from Congress enable us

to join with the King’s Minister in preparing a Draft of such Treaty, which being sent to Congress, they would, together with a Commission to conclude the Treaty, give us pointed Instructions on the Subject, and much time might be thereby saved. If you are of this Opinion, and his Majesty should be pleased to approve such a Measure, we think the Articles may be discuss’d between you and the Baron in the first Instance, on the Principles which govern in the Treaties you mention, both of which have been approved and ratified. That being done, we might confer together, & write a joint Letter to Congress on the Subject; we shall nevertheless make this Communication a part of our next Dispatch to Congress.
          We have the honor to be, Sir, Your Excellency’s most obedient & most humble Servants

            B. FranklinJohn Jay

          His Excellency John Adams Esqr.
          Endorsed: M M. Franklin & Jay 28. Feb. 1784


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Bondfield, 4 November 1783
From: Bondfield, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

            Sir—
            Bordeaux 4 Novr 1783

          I am Honord with your Confidential Letter of the 22 Ulto (sans signature).
          A fall from my Horse by which I have my left arm Broken confines to my room and will prevent for some days longer applying to the Contents of your Enquiries wch I shall do so soon as able and transmit you every information I can obtain from the most Inteligent & impartial of our friends at this City. The Subject has already been ‘descuted’ in the Chamber of Commerce our Merchants do not conclude that an admission into their Islands of American Traders ought to be forbid but they cannot trace out a line but what will bring great Injury to their Trade.
          The Line that appeard most equitable was a Duty on Tonage say a certain stipulated Sum on every Ton burthen of every vessel inwards & outwards that should unload or (&) Load in any of the Islands belonging to Franch which Duty should be calculated so that the Economy of the American Navigation should be cloggd with a burthen equal or even some little more than the rate at which the National Navigation can be carried on.
          They are greatly jealous of their Sugar Trade deriving so many various advantages that to burthen The Exportation to

compensate them would be laying a prohibition refering to the report I may make in virtue of the different sentiments that I may occasionally gather I have the Honor to be respectfully Sir your most Obedient Humble Servant

            John Bondfield
            His Excellency D B Franklin Esqr

          Notation: Bondfield 4 Nov. 1783.


Title: From the Abbé André Morellet to William Temple Franklin, 31 December 1783
From: Morellet, André, abbé
To: Franklin, William Temple

            mercredy 31. [December, 1783]

          Permettes Monsieur que je vous addresse un memoire sur lequel Mr. le cardinal de rohan demande l’avis de vôtre respectable papa. La rigueur de la saison m’empeche d’aller le lui demander moi même. Il s’agit je crois de savoir si ces gens sont connus de vous si vous aves entendu parler de leur affaire s’ils meritent les secours qu’ils demandent. Mr. le cardinal m’a chargé de prendre ces eclaircissemens et de les lui communiquer. Je prendrai cette occasion pour voir si on ne pourra pas finir l’affaire de vôtre ancien domestique qui comme vous saves a essuyé une difficulté qu’il ne dependoit pas tout à fait de mr le cardinal de vaincre parceque la 1ere loi des quinze vint est d’etre parfaitement aveugle. Rappelles moi à cette occasion au souvenir de votre cher papa vous aures bien la complaisance de me renvoyer le memoire. Receves les assurances de mon respectueux attachemens sans autre formule de complimens comme si j’etois quaker et vrai comme les quakers font profession de l’etre

            L’abbé Morellet


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Samuel Chase, 19 January 1784
From: Chase, Samuel
To: Franklin, Benjamin

            Dear Sir.
            London. 19 Jany. 1784.

          On Fryday last I had the Honour to receive your letter of the 6th. Inst., for which be pleased to accept my thanks. The temporary loss of the Papers gives Me no other Concern, that what arises from the Remembrance that your Illness was the Cause of the Accident. I am glad to hear of your Recovery, & sincerely wish You may never again be afflicted with the Gout, Gravel, or any other painful Disorder.
          I am not very sanguine in my Expectations of Compensation for the loss of the Ship, in which I was considerably interested. Mr. Jay having been so kind as to promise his Assistance not only to Me, but to Mrs. le Vachè, that he may be informed of the Circumstances in both Cases, I take the liberty to request You to deliver him my letter of 18 of September with the protest of Capt. Belt, & any Papers relative to the Widow of M. le Vachè. If on Consideration Mr. Jay shall think it adviseable to present a Memorial, he will take the trouble to prepare one, and

your friendly Interposition & Influence with M. le Marquiss de Castries, & the Marquiss de la Fayette will ever be thankfully remembered and acknowledged by Me.
          I have, at present, but little prospect of obtaining the Bank Stock. I intend to return to Maryland in February or March and therefore must relinquish the Pleasure I had proposed to Myself of paying my Respects to You at Paris.—
          I most cordially wish You the greatest of all human Blessings, Mens sana in Corpore sano farewell, and beleive Me to be at all times Dear Sir, With Great Respect Your Affectionate Friend & Obedient Servant

            Saml. Chase


Title: Editorial Note on Franklin’s Accounts
From:
To:

The following accounts, identified in previous volumes, cover the period of this volume: VI and VII (XXIII, 21); XVII (XXXVI, 3); XIX and XXII (XXVIII, 3–4); XXV, XXVII (XXXII, 3–4); XXX (XXXVI, 3). We offer here a summary of items that have not found a place elsewhere in our annotation but provide insights into Franklin’s private and public life.
Account XVII (Franklin’s Private Accounts with Ferdinand Grand, XXVI, 3). On March 16, Jacques Finck, maître d’hôtel, received three sums: 5,000 l.t., the first of what were to be quarterly payments under his February 1, 1784, contract; back wages amounting to 900 l.t.; and 254 l.t. to cover the cost of the December, 1783, illuminations at Passy in celebration of the peace. After the first quarter, Franklin resumed his practice of paying Finck monthly: 2,737 l.t. 12 s. on May 10 and 2,500 l.t. on June 22. Franklin’s secretary Jean L’Air de Lamotte received 1,200 l.t. on May 10, July 1, and August 15. Durandy, from whom the Franklins leased horses, was paid on March 23, April 26, and June 22. The bills of Broudgoust, the smith, and Bousie, the wine merchant, were honored on June 15 and August 12, respectively.
Account XXV (Account of Postage and Errands, xxxii, 3). These records, kept by L’Air de Lamotte, survive for every month covered in this volume except August. As usual, they include the monthly statements submitted by the postman Berthelot and reflect the

errands performed by Bonnefoÿ, Franklin’s domestic, who received twice his usual amount on April 13 for a trip to Versailles. (His errands are otherwise unspecified.) On May 23 William Temple Franklin was reimbursed for two inkwells purchased for the office at the cost of 54 l.t., and on July 14 Lamotte furnished 12 l.t. to a “pauvre Matelot Americain” without taking a receipt. Letters and packets that Franklin received on behalf of others are also recorded: on April 12 Lamotte paid 15 l.t. 11 s. for a packet addressed to John Adams, and on May 19 he paid 2 l.t. 2 s. for two letters, one for John Jay and the other for Peter Munro.
Account XXVII (Accounts of the Public Agents in Europe, XXXII, 4). L’Air de Lamotte received six months of salary on May 10, amounting to 840 l.t., and was reimbursed monthly for his postage and miscellaneous expenditures detailed in Account XXV. Francis Coffyn’s bill of 1,251 l.t. 12 s. 8 d. was paid on June 19. Cabaret, the stationer, received 220 l.t. 4 s. on July 11. On August 19, William Temple Franklin received 22,000 l.t. by order of Franklin and Adams for his services as secretary of the peace commission from October 1, 1782, to September 3, 1783.


Title: Franklin’s Case, [c. 1 March 1784]
From:
To:

[c. March 1, 1784]

Case
The Patient is now in his 79th. Year. When a Young Man he was sometimes troubled with gravelly Complaints; but they wore off without the Use of any Medecine, and he remained more than Fifty Years free from them.
In the Autumn of 1782, he had a severe Attack accompanied with what was thought to be a Gouty Pain in the Hyp, and down the Thigh of the left Side. Some Means were us’d to bring the suppos’d Gout down into the Foot, by warm Bathing, and a Poultis of Mustard. A Swelling was produc’d in the Foot, but not attended with much Pain there; a considerable Pain still continuing above. He daily voided Gravel Stones the Size of small Pease, took now and then some Decoctions of Herbs & Roots that were prescribed him by Friends or Physicians, but persisted constantly in nothing except the Use of Honey at Breakfast instead of or sometimes with Butter on his Bread, he remembring to have heard in the Conversation of Physicians, Honey mentioned as of great Service in Gravelly Cases.
At length the painful Part of the Disorder left him, and no more large Gravel offer’d; but observing Sand constantly in his

Urine, he continued the Use of the Honey to the Amount of perhaps a Pound per Week; notwithstanding which the Malady return’d in the Autumn of 1783, when he first perceived after going in his Carriage on the Pavements, that he felt Pain & made bloody Water. At times when he was making Water in full Stream, something came and stopt the Passage; this he suspected to be a small Stone, and he suffered Pain by the Stoppage. He found however by Experience that he could by laying down on his Side cause the Obstruction to remove and continue the Operation. He now thinks the Stone is grown bigger & heavier as he is sensible of its falling from Side to Side, as he turns in his Bed.
He has made it a Rule for some Months to walk an hour in his Chamber every Night. This Exercise is of service to him in other Respects; but he has observed that if he has emptied his Bladder just before he begins his Walk, the Stone is apt to hurt him, and he makes bloody Water. He therefore of late avoids beginning his Walk, till he supposes the Bladder to be refurnish’d.
His Inclination to make Water is sometimes very sudden & very violent, tho’ the Quantity small.
He feels no Pain, nor is at all sensible of the Existence of the Stone, except when it obstructs his Making Water, or when he is in his Carriage on a Pavement, or on some sudden Motion or Turn of the Body; and he enjoys the Conversation of his Friends or his Books as usual.
Thus if it does not grow worse, it is a tolerable Malady, and may be supported for the short time he has a Chance of living. And he would chuse to bear with it rather than have Recourse to dangerous or nauseous Remedies.
If therefore no safe and sure Dissolvent of the Stone is yet known, he wishes to be informed whether there is a Regimen proper to be observ’d for preventing its Increase, as he can without Difficulty conform to any Manner of Living that shall be prescrib’d to him.
In the last Attack no large Gravel has offer’d, and much less Sand appear’d in the Urine, whence he suspects that it attaches

itself to the Stone. His Urine has however been unusually turbid till lately, when a Fit of the Gout came on, & swell’d both Feet, since which the Urine has been very clear.—


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jean-Jacques Bachelier, 1 March 1784
From: Bachelier, Jean-Jacques
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur
A Paris, ce ier Mars 1784.

Vous êtes invité de la part de Monsieur le Lieutenant général de Police, et du Bureau d’Administration de l’Ecole royale gratuite de Dessin, d’honorer de votre présence la distribution des grands Prix et Maîtrises, qui se fera aux Tuileries, Cour des Princes, Galerie de la Reine, le 8. du present à 5. heures précises.
Je suis avec respect, Monsieur Votre très-humble et très-obéissant Serviteur,

Bachelier


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Anne Johnson Clarke, 2 March 1784
From: Clarke, Anne Johnson
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honored Sir,
London March the 2d. 1784.

Permit me again to take up the pen (after many years being deprived the pleasure of writing to You) to inquire after your

health, and to give You some account of myself since I last wrote to You. I have long wish’d for a proper opportunity to pay my Duty to You, even at this distance and yesterday Mrs: Woolford call’d to inform me a Relation of Hers was going to Paris for His education, and She wou’d forward a letter for me; which I readily accepted of. Great has been my change in this life. In March 1776 I had the great misfortune to loose one of the most indulgent of Husbands (after lingering some years in a Consumption) and with Him almost every prospect of future happiness. His elder Brother had so involved Himself by extravagence, that He was, at the time of Capt. Clarkes death two Hundred Thousand Pounds worse than nothing, and had given mortgages and judgments to Mr. Daniel Lascelles upon all the Estate (where our interest lay,) prior to my Husband; but as there was a doubt about the legality of Mr. Gedney Clarkes proceedings, I was advised to join in a bill in Chancery, and have been eight years involved in a Lawsuit ’tho no nearer than when I first set out. In 1780 I lost every thing I had in the World in a dreadful Hurricane and thank’d Providence I escaped with Life and

whole bones. My Dear Brother arrived from America shortly after and supplied with Cloths and some money and assisted me in returning to England. Upon my arrival in London, I went to Beaufort Buildings to seek my Mother, but judge Sir, what was my feelings when I beheld the spot laid in ashes, and for some time cou’d get no intelligence of my poor Mother. At last a Girl from a Neighboring Alehouse directed me to Her. We were both so much altered by time and misfortunes, that I scarce knew Her, and She wou’d not believe for some time I was Her Daughter. I immediately took a comfortable Lodging and we have lived together ever since. You will perhaps wonder when I inform You, that notwithstanding the large sums that was sent to Barbados for the reliefe of the Sufferers, my Attornies wrote me by the last Pacquet that my part amounted to no more than £4..4..4 ½ Currency. My income as a Captains Widow is £45 a Year My Mothers £15 so with good management we do tolerably well. You early taught me our real wants were few. We look’d forward with pleasing hopes of my Amiable Brothers return to us, which We daily expected, and promised ourselves many happy Days, but oh! Sir, how short lived was that pleasant prospect. I am sure You sympathetie will melt when I tell You, He was amongst the unfortunate sufferers on board the Vielle de Paris coming from Jamaica. Long were we kept under a painful suspence, but We have now no hopes of ever hearing of Him. My Cousin Franklin knew Him in New York and was much pleas’d

with Him. Mr. Foxcraft saw him at a Coffeehouse, knew and introduced him to Your Son, who has been kind enough to visit Us since His arrival in England. Our loss is irreparable. He was a Dutiful Son, an affectionate Brother, a sincere Friend and an excellent Officer. Lord Rodney had so good an opinion of Him, that He kept Him always his Sons first Lieut. and promised him from time to time to make him a Captain, but never perform’d his promise indeed upon being urged on that head by a Friend of mine, He said his Son must not yet part from so good an Officer. When his Lordship came home my Brother was hurt, quited his Son with the Admirals leave and went into the Vielle de Paris; an unfortunate change for him and Us! It had near kill’d my poor Mother, but thank God! She is now more reconciled to our loss, and We are both in tolerable health. Your old Friend Mr. Petrie of Enfield died the 26 of January aged 78 years. Miss Petrie desired me some time before, to acquaint you when I wrote, it was his earnest wish to take You by the hand once more before he died. Mrs. Hewson and her little ones are well. She is in Craven Street for a few days. My Mother presents Her Duty, join’d with mine to You and Compts. to Cousin Williams,

and Mr. Temple Franklin. It will give Us great pleasure to hear from You, and them, whenever it is convenient to You. We are in the Lodgings Mrs: Woolford had, when I lived with You. Please to direct at No. 46 Strand, and excuse this long epistle from Honored Sir, Your Dutiful Niece, and Humble Servant,

Anne Clarke
Doctr: Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from David Hartley, 2 March 1784
From: Hartley, David
To: Franklin, Benjamin

My Dear friend
London March 2 1784

Will you be so good as to transmitt the enclosed to Mr Jay. I am sorry that we are going to loose him from this side of the atlantic. If your American ratification shd arrive speedily, I might hope to have the pleasure of seeing him again before his departure. As soon as I hear from you of the arrival of your ratification I will immediately apply for the dispatch of the British Ratification. I wish very much to have the pleasure of conversing with you again. In hopes that that time may come soon, I have nothing farther to say at present. Believe always to be what you have always known me to have been; a friend of general Philanthropy, and particularly Your ever most affecte

D Hartley
To Dr Franklin &c &c &c

Endorsed: D Hartley Esqr to B F. March 2. 1784—


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from James Hutton, 2 March 1784
From: Hutton, James
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Pimlico March 2. 1784.

The Bearer of this, George Livius Esqr, is a many years friend of mine, and one whom I very much Love, as He is going to Paris, I am very glad of the opportunity of calling myself to your Remembrance, and of sending you an extract of the last Appendix to the Monthly Review, which is in one of your Branches of usefulness. I beg you to recieve my worthy friend as a Portion of myself. He is well acquainted with our Brethren, and has shewn those in the East Indies many kindnesses. This will certainly give him a Distinction in your Eyes.
I saw Dolly Blunt last Sunday well in Spirits, and saw Mr West the Painter & his Wife, He is painting five pieces for the Kings House or Chapel at Windsor. I saw there young Trumbull, who had just finishd an excellent Portrait of your acquaintance

Mr Temple. I think Trumbull will do well. I saw a most exquisitely fine marble Bust of you at Mr West’s, I never saw a finer or more ressembling. You say in that Bust—ye are very welcome to claim all ye please. I do not care. Something like what you said to me in Jan. 1778. Good morrow, Dear Sir I am your most obliged and Obedient Servant

James Hutton

Addressed: To / Doctor Franklin / Passy / near Paris / with a small parcel.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jacques Leveux, with Franklin’s Note for a Reply, 2 March 1784
From: Leveux, Jacques,Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur
Calais le 2 Mars 1784.

J’ay reçu la lettre que vous m’avez fait L’honneur de m’ecrire le 21 du mois passé, & Je saisis avec le plus grand empressement cette occasion de vous etre bon a quelque chose.
J’ay exibé de Suite aux employés des fermes du Roy l’ordre de M. de Calonne. Ils en avoient recu un pareil en consequence les couteaux & fourchette & deux Serrures appartenant a Mr Jay m’ont été remis & ils partiront demain par la Diligence a votre adresse. Mes Debours a ce Sujet Sont de L9. l.t. 15. s.

Depuis le compte que J’ay eu l’honneur de vous adresser le 7 Mars 1779, J’ay continué a Secourir les Prisonniers americains qui Se Sont echapés d’angleterre & qui ont passés icy. Mes avances depuis ce moment montent a L1712.10. tournois. Quand vous le desirerez, Monsieur, Je vous en adresserai le compte des quittances pour que vous ordonniez que je Sois remboursé.
Depuis Sept a huit mois, J’ay refusé a plusieurs prisonniers les Secours d’usage, parceque J’ay craint qu’ils ne fussent anglois & non americains, d’ailleurs comme il y avoit deja quelque tems que la paix etoit faite, Je ne pouvois pas presumer qu’il y eut des prisonniers detenus apres plusieurs mois de paix; Je crois, Monsieur, que vous ne desapprouverez pas ma conduite.
J’ay toujours esperé de recevoir une commission de consul americain; Je ne Scais S’il y en a eû de distribuées dans quelque port de france; J’ose me Rappeller a votre Souvenir, en vous Suppliant de me faire passer ce titre que je desire depuis longtems. Vous pouvez etre assuré, Monsieur, de tout mon devouement au Service des Etats unis de l’amérique, & de mon zele pour les interets de Leurs Sujets. Ce Sera un nouveau Surcroit d’obligation qui, ne poura qu’ajouter au respect avec Lequel J’ay l’honneur d’etre Monsieur Votre tres humble & tres obeissant Serviteur

Jes. Leveux
M. francklin

Endorsed: Thanks for his Care &c That I should be glad to have his Acct. in order to its Discharge, and approve of his not advancing more Money to pretended Americans.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Charles-Eléonor Dufriche de Valazé: Résumé, 3 March 1784
From: Dufriche de Valazé, Charles-Eléonor
To: Franklin, Benjamin

⟨Paris, Hôtel d’Orléans, March 3, 1784, in French: I have one more thing to tell you, not wanting to take more of your time in person. I had the honor of giving you two copies of Loix

pénales; you accepted one, and promised to send the other to Congress. That book alone will not achieve its aim: it calls for a new penal system, but does not specify the manner of implementing it. I have a manuscript prepared on that subject, which I have given to the king’s brother. I beg you to offer a copy on my behalf to Congress. Though my plan is designed for France, it could easily be adapted for other countries, and I seek your advice on making it suitable for America. The balloon experiment conducted yesterday by M. Blanchard leaves no doubt that one might be able to navigate by using different air currents found at different heights of the atmosphere.⟩


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Marie-Françoise-Dominique Brouttin Mollien de Sombres, 4 March 1784
From: Brouttin Mollien de Sombres, Marie-Françoise-Dominique
To: Franklin, Benjamin

paris ce 4 mars 1784

Jai eu lhonneur Monsieur de vous adresser un memoire pour M. Morel de dunkerque, mon parens. Il y a deux mois en joignant mes prieres aux siennes. Depuis jai eu celui de vous écrire et de vous prier Monsieur de vouloir me mander Sil pouvait ésperer quelque chose? Afin de lui en rendre compte; privé de l’honneur de votre reponce jai etté a passy pour avoir Celui de [vous y voir il y] a eu samedi huit [torn: several words missing] Sa hais de [torn: two words missing] [Jai laissé] a votre laquais pour vous en informé un mot créonné, avec prierres de me donner votre reponce. Ne l’ayant pas recûe jai prié mde cadet de vaux, qui va a passy, de se charger de la presente. Vous priant Monsieur d’avoir la bonté de me donner une reponce. En l’attendant jai l’honneur detre Monsieur Votre tres humble et tres obeissante servante [torn]


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from the Comte de Vergennes, 4 March 1784
From: Vergennes, Charles Gravier, comte de
To: Franklin, Benjamin

A Versailles le 4. Mars 1784.

J’ai reçu, Monsieur, la lettre que vous m’avez fait l’honneur de m’écrire le 26. du mois dernier en faveur du Sr. Williams votre Neveu. J’ai le plus grand desir de vous prouver le cas que je fais de votre recommandation; mais pour que je puisse mettre sous les yeux du Roi la demande que le Sieur Williams fait d’une troisiéme lettre de surséance, il est absolument nécessaire qu’il me fournisse la preuve légale des arrangements consignés dans l’etat qui etoit joint à votre lettre. Aussitôt, Monsieur, que cette

preuve me sera parvenüe, je ferai le raport de la demande du Sr. Williams au Roi dans son Conseil.
J’ai l’honneur d’être très-sincérement, Monsieur, votre très humble et très obéissant Serviteur./.

De Vergennes
M. francklin


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to [Madame Brouttin Mollien de Sombres], [after 4 March 1784]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Brouttin Mollien de Sombres, Marie-Françoise-Dominique

[after March 4, 1784]

That I am sorry I was not at home when she did me the honour of calling on me. That the Appointment of Consuls does not belong to me: but That whenever one is appointed for Dunkirk, I imagine it will be Mr Coffyn, who for seven Years past has constantly served the United States in taking Care of & relieving their poor Prisoners escaping from England & other very troublesome Services without any Reward or Recompence whatever.

Notation: No name.—


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from the Comte de Sarsfield, [5 March 1784?]
From: Sarsfield, Guy-Claude, comte de
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Friday the 5th at night [March 5, 1784?]

Count sarsfield hoped to receive today the Collection of Some of those little pieces which mr franklin had promised to him & which he had forgot yesterday.
He cannot help writing again about them to mr franklin. He is So much the more impatient of receiving them that he is very

near his departure for the Hague. He Desires mr franklin never to forget his most Sincere and devoted Attachment.

Addressed: a monsieur / Monsieur Franklin ministre / plenipotentiare des Etats Unis / d’Amerique / A Passy / hotel de Sarsfield
Endorsed: Sarsfield the Count.—


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Paul Strattmann, 5 March 1784
From: Strattmann, Paul
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur!
Paris rüe Plâtriere No. 14. ce 5. Mars. 1784.

J’ai l’honneur, de vous envoyer le catalogue de la bibliotheque de M. le Duc de la Valliere, et de vous prier, d’en disposer éntiérement à vôtre plaisir; les feuillets des vacations, que j’ai joint au tome premier, vous indiqueront les numeros des livres, qui viennent d’être vendus; si j’etois assez heureux, de pouvoir me ranger au nombre de vos serviteurs, et vous vouliez bien disposer de mes services en tout ce, qui dependra de moi, vous obligerez infiniment celui, qui est avec un attachement sans égal, et avec un profond respect votre très humble et très obeissant

Paul Strattmann.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Antoine La Sablière de La Condamine, 8 March 1784
From: La Condamine, Antoine La Sablière de
To: Franklin, Benjamin

au château de calet à st. roman de beauvoir, parst. marcellin, en dauphiné Le 8. mars 1784
Monsieur

J’avois envoyé la petite rapsodie cy-jointe à l’auteur du journal général de france pour l’insérer dans une de ses feuilles pèriodiques, ce qu’il n’a pas jugé à propos de faire, je ne sçais pour qu’elle raison, ce refus me détermine à prendre la Liberté de vous l’addresser: ce n’est pas, monsieur, que j’attache la moindre prétention, ni la moindre importance à cette production éphèmere, et encore moins que je la regarde comm’un présent qui soit digne de vous être offert; non, monsieur, je suis bien éloigné de le penser.— Quel est donc, me direz vous votre objet?— Vous m’avez peut-être dèja deviné, monsieur, et vous avez pressenti sans doute que cet envoi, ridicule en apparence, n’étoit qu’un prétexte dont je me servois pour avoir l’occasion de pouvoir vous exprimer directement, et non sous le voile de l’anonyme les sentimens de respect, d’admiration et de

vénération dont je suis pènètré, monsieur, pour vôtre personne, vos talens et vos vertus.
J’entends beaucoup parler, monsieur, dans ma retraite (c’est-a dire aux journaux et aux gazettes) et parler diversement de comus, de mesmer &c, le premier paroît avoir l’approbation de la faculté de médecine et opère sans mystère sous ses yeux, ou, ce qui revient au même, sous ceux de ses députés, tandis que le second, quoique médecin, paroit avoir la faculté et tous les médecins de la capitale contre lui.— Je ne suis ni absolument incrédule, ni enthousiaste, … mais, je doute et je dis comme montaigne—que sçais-je?
Vous m’obligeriez infiniment, monsieur, si vous vouliez m’éclairer, et prendre la peine de me dire vôtre avis sur ces objets importans—si j’étois assûré que ces agens si puissans, quoiqu’invisibles, (du moins quant au magnétisme animal) fussent aussi merveilleux et aussi efficaces que le disent leurs auteurs et leurs prôneurs, et qu’ils pûssent me fournir un moyen de plus de guérir ou de soulager dans leurs meaux les pauvres habitants de la campagne au service desquels je me suis dévoué depuis au moins quinze ans; je vous avouë, monsieur, que je serois tenté de faire encore une fois le voyage de paris, (que je n’ai pas revû depuis plus de 36 ans) pour être témoin oculaire de ces merveilles, et tâcher, s’il étoit possible, de me faire initier dans ces sombres mystères, ou du moins, De dérober, nouveau prométhée, une ètincelle de ce feu sacré, mais plus encore, monsieur, pour jouir du bonheur de vous voir et de vous présenter en personne l’hommage des sentimens respectueux avec lesquels je suis Monsieur Vôtre très humble et très obéissant serviteur

LA SABLIERE DE LA CONDAMINE


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Samuel Vaughan, 8 March 1784
From: Vaughan, Samuel
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir.
Philadelphia Mar. 8. 1784

An unwillingness to encroach upon your time unless for an object of importance has hitherto witheld me from congratulating you on the late glorious Revolution, in which you have borne a part so conspicuous as to entitle you not only to my gratitude but that of every present & future Inhabitant of these States.
The liberty of the Country Secured, I ardently wish to see you return to your former objects of pursuit & to renew your wonted exertions for the promotion of Knowledge & philosophical pursuits, from which the publick Necessities has called your attention. Persuaded this wish is also yours I am happy in being the Instrument of conveying you a plan the Completion of which is much to be Desired & which will assuredly take place if it meets with your Sanction. I mean the union of the Philadelphian & Loganian Libraries, the latter of which tho’ extremely valuable is of very little use to the public contrary to the Intent of the Donor. The present Idea is to house them under Trustees in the Same building but in different appartments, & with the former names in order to perpetuate that of the Benefactor One librarian (if Sufficient) to attend on both, at such distinct times as shall be judged most for public Utility. Dr Logan wishes to promote it, but his Uncle who is averse from business wishes to postpone his assent ’till he hears from you, who are only surviving trustee. It were therefore earnestly to be wished, if we are to be deprived of the pleasure of seeing you

early in the Spring, that you would send Mr Logan your opinion fully on this Subject, & on some others I shall now hint to you.
Great pains are taking to give importance to the Society above mentioned & the Philosophical— The assembly enter into these views & it is proposed making Mr Writtenhouse State Astronomer, & to aid the P.S: by a grant of 150 £ encouraged by these favorable appearances, they wish to make an application to the Legislature for a grant of Ground on the S.E. & S.W. corners of the Statehouse yard for the erecting of two buildings one for the library, another for the Society, which are meant to be sufficiently ornamental not to interfere materially with the views of making a publick walk— Committees from the two bodies meet tomorrow to Confer on the proper mode of application— Many advantages will result from this

arrangemt. if it meets with Success, some of them will necessarily Strike you— The Society felt the necessity of a resting place so Strongly that they a few meetings ago purchased a large lot of Mr Hopkinson near the Observatory, upon which they propose building if the Assembly should reject the petition, & we flatter ourselves Subscriptions will not be wanting to enable them to do it; should they Succeed which is not improbable, it may either be resold or be converted into a Botanical Garden—
I could wish you would communicate any ideas which may occur tending to the advancemt. of these Interests, as there seems to be a Strong disposition to forward them in the members of the different Societies & the publick at large.
I remain, with the greatest respect & attachment, Dear Sir Your obliged & affe. hble servt.

Saml Vaughan

P.S. The family all join in affectionate greetings

His Excellency B Franklin Esqr.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from ——— Thruffé and Other Favor Seekers, 9 March 1784
From: Thruffé, ——
To: Franklin, Benjamin

During the period covered by the present volume, Franklin continued to receive a steady stream of letters asking for favors, most of them from people he did not know. We summarize them here, beginning with those individuals seeking help with financial predicaments ranging from temporary indebtedness to outright poverty. A particularly dramatic appeal for money, involving John Jay as well, is the letter from Thruffé, printed below as a sample.
Inspired by Franklin’s reputation for benevolence, Madame Baudoüin Barre writes from Nantes on March 11 in the first of what will be a series of five letters. Without telling her husband, she had assumed the large debts of their wayward son. Now she finds herself unable to meet the payments, but is afraid that her husband, a former avocat général at the Chambre des comptes de Bretagne, will never forgive her indiscretion. She needs Franklin to send her twelve thousand livres in secret.
Monsieur de Laubaréde sends the first of four letters from Paris on April 6. Thirty-eight years ago he lived in London, where he was highly esteemed in society and counted the Duke of Newcastle among his friends. In the intervening years, misfortune struck; now sick and impoverished, he is paralyzed on his left side, nearly blind, and utterly dependent on the charity of kind and virtuous men, among whom Franklin is of the first rank. He begs for some kind of consideration, and prays for Franklin’s health. Laubaréde writes again on May 15, enclosing a copy of his earlier letter. Franklin had promised the carrier of that letter that he would respond, but Laubaréde is still waiting. Only a few louis would save his life. Chaplains Armand and

Marron at the Hôtel des Ambassadeurs de Hollande can confirm his unfortunate situation.
The baronne de Drummond contacts Franklin on May 15. The day before, she had asked a favor of him, related to a lawsuit, that he claimed to be unable to perform. Now she counts on Franklin and his beneficence to help her out of her terrible situation by giving her money to pay her lawyer. After all, she notes, it is more blessed to give than to receive. She will pick up her gift whenever convenient, and asks Franklin to burn her letter. She writes again on May 20 from Paris to express her disappointment at not having received a reply.
Bassi begins his May 26 letter by recalling that it has been three years since he arrived in Paris, recommended by Beccaria, and that Franklin accepted one of his works and aided him during an illness. Now Bassi has fallen so ill that he has to write from his bed and fears he will not be able to finish a long-gestating project, of which he encloses the prospectus. It pains him to ask Franklin to send by the bearer however much money his heart dictates, but knowing that he is writing to the great Franklin soothes his spirit.
On June 27, J. Thiriot, a sixty-five-year-old private tutor, relates that, after an injury the previous winter, a surgeon’s incompetence left him permanently disabled. Thiriot is able to move only on two crutches and with great pain. His last hope is to collect thirty louis through charity, which would enable him to open a private school

in or around Paris. Would Franklin be among his benefactors and perhaps share the story of Thiriot’s troubles with others?
Lemoyne, signing himself the former mayor and deputy of Dieppe, writes on August 9 that because Franklin seemed sympathetic to the story of the merchant d’Argainarats, he encloses a memoir on the merchant’s behalf and copies of two supporting documents: a letter dated March 27, 1782, that d’Argainarats received from Létombe, French consul in Boston, and a document enclosed in that letter, a three-page extract from the register of the consulate general, certifying the deposit of money and documents. Lemoyne emphasizes the justice of d’Argainarats’ claim for compensation from Congress, the distress of his family, and his qualifications for an American consulship.

Four supplicants need Franklin’s help in getting money owed to them by others. Lefebvre d’Abancourt, a Paris merchant, writes on May 5. On March 18 he had given Ferdinand Grand three United States loan-office bills, which he had received from a merchant at Reims named Brier, and Grand had promised to return them within two weeks. The writer now begs Franklin’s help in facilitating their return, either accepted or protested.
A Paris iron founder named Chevalier explains on May 16 that in 1777 Monsieur Feutry, a machinist claiming to act on Franklin’s behalf, ordered some bombshells and cannonballs of his own design, promising that Franklin would pay for them. Chevalier filled the order, thinking that it would be disrespectful to Franklin if he did not do so. He has never been paid. He has been to Passy several times, but Franklin was either occupied or not at home. He writes now because he retired a year ago and needs to close his books. Chevalier encloses an invoice dated September 11, 1777, for the account of “Monsieur le Docteur franklin, par order de Mr feutry, machiniste.” It lists two shells and two pierced cannonballs, the cost of repairing the models, and the cost of delivery by diligence, for a total of thirty livres.
On June 29 the Nantes firm of Wilt, Delmestre & Cie. inquires on behalf of Mr. Sparhawk, in Philadelphia, whether Franklin was ever presented with four bills of exchange of the United States in favor of Sparhawk, dated September 12, 1780. If not, the firm asks him to send a signed certificate so that replacements can be issued by Congress.
Jean-Pierre Carayon and the widows Blaud and Ducastel send a tightly packed eleven-page letter from Nîmes on July 9, the first part of which recapitulates what they had written in an earlier letter. They go on to describe in detail why they believe that Vanschellebeck and Mailhot are defrauding them. They have even heard rumors that their husbands, Blaud and Ducastel, did not die of natural causes.

They ask Franklin to help them recover their money and receive justice.
On July 27 the Paris bankers Daume & Cie. hope that Franklin can help them locate Monsieur de Loyauté, formerly a colonel in the Continental Army. They hold his promissory note for 2,750 l.t. in favor of Lazare Chavere, who had sent it to his indigent mother in Marseille. Having been hired by the mother, the bankers have searched in vain for either Loyauté or the chevalier de Loyauté, who holds his power of attorney in France.
Three correspondents ask Franklin’s assistance in claiming inheritances. On March 23 the baron de Berenger de Beaufaïn, privy counselor of the Duke of Saxony-Coburg-Saalfeld, writes a long and complicated account from Erlangen. He is the sole heir of his uncle Hector Berenger de Beaufaïn, who died in 1766 after having served as a customs official at Charleston and as a member of the Royal Council of South Carolina. The inheritance included two estates on the Savannah River and several debts owed to his uncle. His claims were verified by the British government, but further steps were halted by the war. He requests Franklin’s help in appealing to Congress to restore to him both the property of his debtors that was confiscated by Congress and the estates he inherited from his uncle, in case they should have been confiscated as well. He is destitute and the future of his children depends on this; moreover, his uncle was a well-respected figure in South Carolina. Berenger reminds Franklin that he wrote to the American commissioners on May 19, 1783; he encloses the reply he received from Henry Laurens, dated June 3, assuring him of a successful outcome and promising to write again. Since then, however, Berenger has heard nothing: would Franklin assist him, and send him Laurens’ address? He also encloses a statement of how much the estate has expended to recover his uncle’s property and a copy of the epitaph on his tomb.
On April 3 Simon Kuppler writes in German from Ulm. He is a

resident of Little Oley, Douglass Township, Berks County, who has lived in America for twenty-nine years and has defended the liberty of his adopted home on three different occasions as a militiaman. Kuppler mortgaged a small piece of land and a farm in Chestnut Hill to one Katharina Remssartin, and it is on her behalf that he claims an inheritance in Ulm. The local lawyer he hired did nothing until a magistrate in Frankfurt, eight months later, contacted the mayor of Ulm on Kuppler’s behalf. The mayor promised to write to officials in Pennsylvania, but Kuppler decided that it would be more expedient to ask Franklin to certify the enclosed papers. Should his case in Ulm fail, he will not have enough money to return home.
Marie-Thérèse de Lamothe Cadillac seeks to claim property in America, as she explains on May 24 from London. She inherited from her father lands in Acadia that had been granted to her grandfather Antoine de Lamothe Cadillac in the late seventeenth century. Her grandfather served the French crown in Canada and lived on the estate, Douaquec, before the king appointed him governor of Louisiana. Her late father never visited this Acadian estate, but she is determined to take possession of it. Having carried the deed to London, she has learned that, according to the peace treaty, her lands now lie in the province “de Boston.” She hopes to avoid a voyage to Quebec, where the original deed was recorded, and needs Franklin’s advice on

how to proceed. She sends an almost identical letter (undated) about one month later.
James Fanning, writing in English from Angers on June 5, is also pursuing a property claim in America, as explained in the memorial he encloses. A native of Ireland, in 1775 he sold his property and moved his family to France to escape the penal laws. There he purchased the estate of La Roche Talbot, and he and his family have become naturalized French citizens. Before leaving Ireland, Fanning and his brother Mathew received from the British crown a total of four thousand acres of land in West Florida, which was surveyed in 1779. The estate, near Natchez, is now part of the United States, and Fanning, having bought his brother’s share, wants to send a power of attorney to America to take possession. He asks Franklin to certify that he is a French subject, and is ready to send his letters of naturalization and a certificate of residence if required.
Two petitioners hope that Franklin can help them obtain employment. An undated plea comes from Roché, who lost his father at the age of ten and must support his mother and siblings. He is about to lose his position with the project renovating the Palais-Royal, as the work is coming to a close. Having been an estate manager in Avaray, Roché came to Paris hoping to find employment that would leave him time to study mathematics and improve his skills, but instead fell into debt and now faces utter indigence. He was advised to appeal to Franklin’s generous soul to help him find work in either France or America.
Masse, originally from Marseille, writes two rambling letters from

Paris, where he arrived about ten months earlier. On July 1 he fills eleven pages with his outrage at the hypocrisy and selfishness of the city’s inhabitants and of his compatriots in general. He asks Franklin, his last hope, to find him a position as a servant to an Englishman, although he freely admits to having no relevant experience or skills. He encloses a certificate and a letter from Désormeaux, a member of the Académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres. In Masse’s second letter, undated and nearly as long as the first, he bemoans Franklin’s cruel and, especially for an English philosophe, inexplicable silence in the past week, as well as the general depravity of the times. He wants the certificate and letter back.
Franklin receives letters from three men seeking consulships. On March 10, writing from Sète, C. Barthélemy Martin fils aîné reminds Franklin of his long-standing ambition to serve as the American consul in that port, which they discussed during Martin’s visit to Passy. His wife, who signs herself “Martin Degand,” adds a note to her husband’s appeal. She prays for Franklin every day. The manner in which he received her raises her hopes that she will see her husband in “l’uniforme Americain.”
Also on March 10, Pierre Carrèl encloses a duplicate of the mémoire he had sent on September 17, 1783, regarding Monsieur Larrouy’s application for the vice-consulship in Andaye. Larrouy, a perfectly honest man, is as dedicated as ever, and the Conseil du roi has just declared the nearby city of Bayonne a free port for American shipping.
On March 17, Imberty fils, a lawyer, writes from Menton. The peace secured by the Americans promises to open a flourishing trade with Italy. Nice is the only commercial port in the kingdom of Sardinia and Piedmont, and the United States will want to appoint a

consul there. If Franklin’s government is willing to consider a foreigner, Imberty asks for his patronage and offers to furnish references.
Several correspondents seek help in contacting or locating persons who went to America. Pierrard, an avocat en parlement and curateur en titre pour les absents, writes from Strasbourg on March 29 searching for some of Franklin’s “concitoyens,” the five children of the late Henri Pierson and Elisabeth Schweitzer of the village of Schalback (Schwalbach). The five emigrated to Pennsylvania about thirty years ago. Because of a lawsuit pending in Fénétrange, in German Lorraine, which concerns their inheritance, it is necessary to certify whether Jean Philippe, Laurent, Marguerite, Anne-Marie, and Sara Pierson are still alive or have descendants. The last letter their parents received from them dates from 1760, and it appears that they changed their name from Pierson to Birsson. Gérard had assured him that the French vice-consul for Philadelphia would make the necessary inquiries, but Pierrard fears that the vice-consul might have lost the mémoire or forgotten about the case. Pierrard writes again on July 28, this time from Fénétrange. He begs Franklin to acknowledge his first letter and provide an estimate of when he might receive the required information.
Jerome Regnier, writing from Tourcelles on May 23, wants Franklin to forward a letter to his son Pierre, who currently resides in New York as a cavalry colonel in the Continental Army. Pierre wrote his father that he was the only Frenchman to have commanded a regiment of American troops before the arrival of Lafayette and that he had fought in ten battles. In twelve years Jerome has received only two letters from his son, one in 1783 and one in 1784, and this is the first he himself is sending. Two of Jerome’s other sons hope to travel to America in September.
On May 25 Roulhac of Limoges, who signs himself as “lieutenant Général civil de Police,” seeks information about his younger

brother, who sailed to America in February, 1777, as the representative of the Bordeaux merchant house Reculés de Basmarein & Raimbaux. In early 1778 he moved from Boston to Edenton, North Carolina, where he continued to work as the firm’s agent. When the misfortunes of war caused the firm to declare bankruptcy, his brother gave up trade. The family has not heard from him since his letter of May 20, 1781, informing them that he had married the daughter of a prominent local lawyer and had settled near Bath. Another Roulhac brother, who is even younger, sailed for America in November, 1782, to join his sibling. This brother wrote from Baltimore the following January, but since then the family has heard nothing from either one of them and is deeply worried. They fear that the elder brother may have engaged in some ill-advised speculations with the funds of Reculès de Basmarein & Raimbaux. The family implores Franklin to use all the means at his disposal to find out what happened to the two young men.
A former infantry captain named Du Petit-Vendin, writing from Arras on June 19, reminds Franklin that it has been nearly two months since he spoke to him at Passy about his son, Louis de Maresquelle, an artillery colonel and inspector general of the foundry in Boston. Since the young man’s return to America, Petit-Vendin has heard nothing except that he arrived at the end of 1781. Fearing

that he might be dead, the family hopes that Franklin will be able to obtain information.
One of the sons of Madame de Baluze went to war in America and currently resides near Philadelphia, as she explains from Paris on July 31. Their letters to each other have failed to reach their destinations, and she asks Franklin’s help in finding a safe conveyance across the Atlantic.
Other requests for information are of a more general nature. James Barrett, writing in English from Bordeaux on May 4, explains nothing about himself other than that he has obtained passage to Philadelphia on an Irish ship. The captain claims that he will have to prove upon arrival that he is able to support himself. Is this true? He hopes that Franklin will be able to send an answer by return mail, since the ship is scheduled to depart in eight days, and the friends in America who could vouch for him live a fair distance from Philadelphia.
Roubaud, a lawyer and professor from Aix-en-Provence, writes on June 18 that he was surprised to read in the Avignon paper published on Sundays and Tuesdays that there are not thirteen United States, but fourteen, since Vermont joined the union, as announced in the Courier de l’Europe, sometime around 1780. As history is a sacred dépôt and must not be violated, Roubaud turns to Franklin for accurate information.
Some writers ask for personal appointments. On June 9, Monsieur de Lacroix, the most miserable of men, writes from Marly-le-Roi. His misfortunes are endless, he feels betrayed by his native land, and

he begs for help so that he can resume work on “une Entreprise utile au bien du peuple.” He can produce authentic certificates for all his claims and would like to explain his situation in person. He signs as “cy devant controleur des fermes du roy de Prusse.”
Monsieur de Junquieres, intendant of the prince de Conti, writing from Paris, needs Franklin to enlighten him on a matter involving the worthy widow of one of their most amiable Masonic brothers. Junquieres believes that Franklin knew this man, who left estates in Virginia. What he needs to know will take only a few minutes of Franklin’s time: could he call between nine and ten o’clock the next morning? His letter is dated July 6.
A woman whose signature we read as Harding-Gaschez writes on July 20 from Cap-Français on Saint-Domingue. She has just discovered that her children’s paternal grandmother, who was of English ancestry, was named Franklin. Her son, who is going to France to join the military, will deliver her letter along with evidence of the family connection. Surely Franklin will forgive her son’s eagerness to see up close a man who is an honor to humanity.
On July 30 a certain Jacob, in Paris, tells Franklin the amazing tale of how rays of light suddenly began streaming from his eyes following the July, 1783, earthquake in Dijon. Moreover, he found that he was able to produce lightning and bright explosions by blinking his eyes during storms. His powers diminished during the cold season, but now that summer has returned, Jacob is eager to demonstrate them to Franklin.
Two people ask Franklin to forward letters. Lieutenant Colonel Giles, writing in English from New York on August 1, hopes that he will be able to direct the enclosed letter to Giles’s friend Colonel Clarkson. V. P. Bridon de la Maillardière of Nantes asks Franklin

on August 7 to forward an enclosed letter to Jonathan Williams, Jr., whose address he does not know.
C. Drogart, writing in English from Paris on June 7, needs Franklin to certify three signatures on the power of attorney he encloses, which he must send to Boston immediately. The signatures are those of Caumartin, lord mayor of Paris, and Pelé and Mercier, two aldermen.
Finally, a confused man named Huguet has heard that Franklin helps people emigrate to “La moscovie” in order to farm. Huguet was born in the country, knows the art of agriculture, and has experienced hardship. In a letter of June 1, he asks Franklin to sponsor his journey and give him land to clear and cultivate. He currently resides in Paris on the rue St. Victor, chez Pelissier, a blanket merchant.

Monseigneur
Troyes Le 9e. Mars 1784

Guidé par les Sentimens de L’humanité, permettés que j’aye L’honneur de vous en peindre icy un Tableau qui en est des plus Susceptible. C’est au Sujet d’une de vos compatriottes Jeune femme d’environ Vingt[-ans?] d’une education aussi belle quelle est jolie et qu’elle inspire d’interest. La Situation critique dans laquelle elle Setrouve y contribue encore pour beaucoup. Madame Rebecca Allere c’est Le nom de Son mary actuellement à Philadelphie ou Newyork pays de L’origine de ce Couple. Le dernier est parti en May der. D’Ostande Sur Le Vaisseau . . . . . . . Laissant Sa femme dans un Couvent d’augustines à armentieres avec un enfent de deux ans qu’elle à avec elle, alors encore trop jeune pour faire un trajet en mer aussi considerables. Mr. allaire dans Lintention de faire des remises à Son epouse aussitôt Son

arrivée, n’avait Laissé d’argent que pour Six mois de pension, probablement il Sera arrivé quelque accident à Lequipage dont on à aucunes nouvelles, ce qui met La personne en question dans Le plus cruel embarras. Les Dames D’armentieres voyant cette dame Sans argent Lui Signifierent plusieurs fois qu’il n’etait pas d’usage de garder des pensionnaires etrangeres Sans pension payée d’avance et finalement on conduisit, avec charité, la pensionnaire. Sortie de ce digne lieu elle vint à Lille ou dabort, elle fût comme etrangere, obligée de payer Le double de ce quelle aurait du, pour Se faire conduire à Amiens, ou elle esperait trouver une anglaise de Sa connaissance qui lui doit 25. Louis, qui devaient la mettre à Son aise pour rentrer au Couvent. A Amiens, ce fut la ou je La rencontrai point d’anglaise et par consequent point d’argent, que faire Sans ce nerf. Par hazard j’eus conversation avec cette Dame qui Venait d’arriver comme moy Le 9e. Jeanvr. dernier, je n’eus pas de peine à m’appercevoir qu’elle etait dans Le chagrin. Mon ame en fut autant emüe que penetrée de la voir avec un enfent de deux ans, Seule dans une voiture de Louage exposée à igueur du froid Le plus excessif, Surtout Sans argent. Piqué de curiosité je voulois Savoir ce qui la chagrinait, et elle me racconta avec confiance Son avanture en me disant quelle ne Savait de quel côte donner de la tête, que Son parti etait pris de S’empoisonner et Son enfant, Ne pouvant Sortir de L’hotel faute D’argent. Je fremis de cette resolution et alors je pris celle de la conduire moy même a Paris, dans ma voiture, Sur ce qu’elle me dit encore que Monsieur Gay, connaissait beaucoup Son mari, et qu’elle pourrait implorer Sa protection pour repondre d’elle dans un Couvent. Nous partons Le 11e. pour Paris et arrivons Le même jour; Le Landemain rien de plus empressée que d’aller trouver elle même, Mr. Gay alors absant. Madame fit beaucoup plus de Caresses à L’enfent qu’à la mere qui revint à L’hotel d’hollande rüe du douloy, mon hotel ordinaire, ou Made. allaire est encore aujourdhuy. C’est alors que

Son desespoir redoubia; il falloit que je partes Le Landemain pour regagner mes foyers que j’avais quittés depuis quatre mois; Le chagrin de cette dame augmentait, à Paris Sans argent, Sans connaissances, Sans ressources, c’est une Situation bien cruelle. Enfin Sa resolution d’amiens me revenait Souvent, je parvains à Savoir d’elle de quelle maniere elle devait executer Son projet. Elle etait munie d’un paquet d’arsenic en poudre dont je m’emparai, malgré elle à L’ouverture de Ses malles assès bien fournie en Linge en general, quelques pieces d’argenterie à Lusage de la table, Tayere [Théiere] &a &a. même quelques bijoux. Comme il fallait que je quittâ paris, je pris Le parti de la reccommander à L’hôte de L’hotel d’hollande en lui raccontant à peu prés L’avanture de L’infortunée et je fis prix avec lui à raison de Trois Livres par jour pour Logement et nouriture de la mere et de L’enfent, juscesque ce qu’elle eut trouvé quelques anglais ou ameriquains de Sa Connaissance qui puissent lui procurer les resources Necessaires pour attendre des nouvelles et des remises de Son mary ou de Sa famille. Suivant ce quelle me marque, en consequence des demandes de L’hôte pour être payé, elle est dans Le plus grand desespoir, puisqu’elle m’avoüe un Second projet d’aller Se jetter à la riviere avec Son enfent, Si je ne Lui procure des ressources necessaires à Sa Situation. Je ne crois pouvoir mieux m’adresser pour un acte genereux, qu’à un Compatriote bienfaisant après vous même vous êtes ecclerci de L’aventure par L’avanturiere elle même. D’aprés Les Lettres quelle porte du Negt. d’ostande qui à fait embarquer Son mary, les quittances du Couvent d’armantieres, vous ne trouverés que des marques de vraisemblance. Ajoutés à cela Son intention de Se faire mettre au Couvent Par Monsieur Gay ou autres en arrivant à Paris, Sa conduitte à L’hotel depuis qu’elle y reside, Le refus qu’elle à fait d’aller Loger, chés une Dame Marquise ou Contesse de Sancour, qui avait été penetrée de Sa Situation, Sur ce qu’en avait racconté un Comte de . . . . . . Logé au même hotel, de peur de Se Compromettre, parcequon lui avait peint Paris comme une antre d’indignités pour une femme honnete. Elle vous dira en outre qu’elle est connue des parents de Madame La Duchesse de Manchester à Londres, je ne Sais même Si elle ne Leur à pas ecrit … mais

on est plus affecté du malheur des gens, quand on les y voit reèllement.
Suis avec Le plus profond respect Monseigneur Vôtre trés humble & trés obeissant Serviteur,

Thruffé Negt.

Notation: Truffé 9 Mars 1784


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from the Comtesse d’Houdetot, 10 March 1784
From: Houdetot, Elisabeth-Françoise-Sophie de La Live de Bellegarde, comtesse d’
To: Franklin, Benjamin

paris Le 10. mars 1784.

Rien n’est plus Vray, Mon Cher Et Venerable Docteur que la Guerison De Mr De Breget a Laquelle il Est impossible D’attribuer aucunne cause aparente que L’application Du Magnetisme. J’ay Eû ce Matin une Conversation a fond Sur Son traitement avec un De Ses amis qui n’a pas quitté Son Chevet Depuis le Commencement De Sa Maladie, Et qui m’a Confirmé, que Condamné par Les Medecins on a Envoyé Chercher Deslon qui la traité avec un De Ses Diciples, nommé Bien Aimé: ils Sont

arrivés Le Cinq De La Maladie ont Suprimé tout Remede, oté Les Vessicatoires Etablies Et ont Borné Leur traitement a L’administration Du Magnetisme nourrissant le Malade avec De L’Eau D’orge Et De La Limonade Le premier jour, Ensuitte Bouillon Et Gelée De Viande puis De La nourriture Solide. Les accidents ont Etés Encore assés Graves quoique Diminues jusqu’au Sept qu’ils ont Encore Diminués Et ont Disparû Le huit Et Le neuf; Le Malade Se Sentant Si Bien qu’il S’est Levé Et a fait Sa toilette, il Revient ce Soir a paris quitte De Sa Maladie Et Enchanté comme Vous pouvés penser De Son traitement. Je me Borne a Vous Dire Les faits que Vous avés Demandés. Il m’Est fort Dificile De Croire ce que je ne puis Comprendre, je n’ay aucunne opinion Sur ce prodige Mais je Serais Bien Charmée De Sçavoir La Vôtre. Versailles Retentit de ce Miracle, j’aurais Desiré que quelque Medecin Eut Suivi Le traitement Et En Eut fait un procès Verbal. Je Verrés Bientot Mr. De Breget Et je Vous ferés passer Les Eclaircissemens que Vous Desirés; Le Detail que je Vous Envoye Me Vient D’un homme qui a la tête tres froide Et qui ne croit pas plus au Magnetisme que Moy, Voila Les faits Dont il a Eté temoin. Adieu Mon Cher Et Venerable Docteur, jay Eté trop heureuse De Vous Voir pour ne pas Chercher Encore à jouir de ce Bonheur Et j’iray assurement Vous Demander a Diné, noubliés pas La personne La plus Remplie De tendresse Et De Veneration pour Vous

La Ctesse d’houdetot


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to David Hartley, 11 March 1784
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Hartley, David

Dear Sir,
Passy, March 11. 1784

I received duly your Favours of Jany. 28. and March 2.— I find Dr Ross to answer the Character given of him by Mr Dempster, and shall give him the Letters of Recommendation desired.—
I have wondered at the long Delay of the Ratification; but a Letter I have just receiv’d from the Secretary of Congress explains it to me. I enclose a Copy. The Winter it seems has been as severe in America as in Europe, and has hindred the Meeting of a full Congress: but as the seven States who were met were unanimous in the Intention of ratifying, and they are a large Majority of the nine States necessary to be assembled for such a Transaction, there is no doubt of its being done as soon as they could get together, and I expect it will certainly arrive by the Washington Packet, in the Course of this Month. There does not therefore appear to me any Necessity for extending the term by any formal Convention, the Sincere intention of both Parties being to ratify, wch if not done within the time mentioned was only prevented by Accidents unforeseen & unavoidable. With great Esteem & Affection I am ever Dear Sir, Your [torn] & [torn]

B Franklin

P.S. I forgot to acknowledge the Receipt of another Letter from you dated the 23 d of February. I have heard nothing of the Resolutions of Congress you mention, and believe there are none such. Particular States, offended with the Restrictions of your Proclamations, may have made similar ones; but liberal

Measures on your part will wipe away all such foolish Projects of commercial War, which are ever hurtful to both sides and produce no Good to either.—

David Hartley Esqr. &c &c &c.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from ——— Milet l’aîné, with Franklin’s Draft of a Reply, and Other Applicants for Emigration, 12[–19] March 1784
From: Milet l’aîné, ——
To:

Beginning in March, 1784, Franklin was able to send would-be emigrants copies of his “Information to Those Who Would Remove to America,” which he had printed in English and French versions. The draft reply to Milet l’aîné, which he wrote at the top of Milet’s letter and presumably gave to L’Air de Lamotte to translate, is our earliest evidence of his having sent one of those pamphlets. Milet’s letter is published in full as an example of the applications Franklin received from would-be emigrants during the period of this volume. The others, to which no replies have been located, are summarized below.
Leonhard Magnus Broell of Nuremberg writes in German from Paris on April 6. In 1780, while living in Amsterdam, he decided to go to America and applied to Captain Gillon of the frigate South Carolina; Gillon hired him as a valet. After serving for fourteen months, he fell ill and had to leave the ship at Corunna. As Gillon was very

fond of him, the captain encouraged him to proceed to America once he recovered, and gave him the names of four merchants in Philadelphia who might hire him: Phul, Thiriot, Radel, and Dessessement. Broell now asks Franklin to help him find an affordable passage to Philadelphia. His current employer, Locré, will provide a recommendation.
On April 14, a widower from lower Normandy with two children writes from Fécamp (where he has business) because he knows that Franklin welcomes “tout honnête homme.” For years he has longed to live under freedom. Now that the United States has triumphed over England, he wishes to emigrate, placing himself under Congress’ and Franklin’s protection to obtain lands in Pennsylvania, Virginia, or New York. He is sure that his neighbors the La Luzernes—the comte de La Luzerne and the bishop of Langres—will provide him with letters of recommendation to their brother, the French minister to the United States. The most precious recommendation of all, of course, would be from Franklin himself, and he begs Franklin to supply one. The writer signs himself “De mauviel Du Bouillon.”
Thirty-five-year-old Dalzan Delapierre writes on April 25 from Florac in Languedoc. He has long wanted to transplant himself to

the country now called the United States of America. That desire has only increased with time, as he wishes to live under civil and religious freedom and observe the effects of independence on the American people. He deplores discrimination against non-Catholics, which he himself has suffered. The execution of Calas at Toulouse, which he witnessed, was a frightening example of iniquity and barbarism. He begs Franklin to inform him of what he can expect in America, and what resources he would need in order to live comfortably. He proposes to devote himself to agriculture, although he is a lawyer. The comte de Nozières will deliver his letter and can vouch for his character. Dalzan is hoping to settle along the Pee Dee River in Carolina and wants Franklin’s opinion of this locale.
On April 30 Piere Louis Stouppe, the scion of a military family, writes in German from Ach in Upper Austria to request information about America with a view toward emigrating there. He asks that Franklin’s reply be sent to Franz Ferdinand von Prielmayr. On the letter itself, Ferdinand Grand translated into French the salutation and wrote a brief précis of the substance of the inquiry, suggesting that Franklin send Stouppe a copy of “Information to Those Who Would Remove to America.” Although the writer does not know any trade, Grand noted, he nevertheless was offering his services.
A. J. Renaux, an engineer who tells Franklin that he is acquainted with Le Ray de Chaumont, writes on May 19 from the Hôtel de Poitou in Paris. He will soon be free to embark for the United States, and asks how he might be useful to the new republic. He is forty years old, in good health, and has traveled to several European countries. His two defects are his lack of English and his uncertain finances. If

he could choose an occupation, he would clear lands, locate and excavate mines, and write a natural history of the lands he would survey. In winter he could teach courses in French on mechanics, hydraulics, mineralogy, and assaying, perhaps in Boston. For twenty-one years others have benefited from his work in the mines, but he has not gained personally, nor is he certain that the French government will reward him for it.
On May 23 Matthew Young writes in English from Trinity College in Dublin. He is sending Franklin, through a London bookseller, a copy of his new treatise on “Sir Isaac Newton’s theory of the pulses of the air.” He now seeks Franklin’s advice on a scheme he formed with several other students in 1773 but abandoned at the outbreak of the late war: emigrating to America and founding a college. His ardor for this dream remains strong, but in the meantime he has started a family and has earned a position at the college with a good salary and the promise of advancement. He believes that the benefits of living in America, under its freedoms and among its virtuous people, will more than compensate for the inevitable loss of income. Would Franklin be willing to advise him? Young begs Franklin not to reveal his plan to anyone in Ireland, and to send his answer care of the Forster brothers at Bordeaux.
In a letter written on a Sunday, July 4, the marquise de Lafayette asks Franklin to see a gentleman from Auvergne who wants to emigrate to America. This man is a relative, though she and her husband do not know him well; his lands adjoin those of her husband’s. Would Franklin please advise him on what opportunities might exist?
Also on July 4, Georges Le Cerf, in Paris, asks whether Franklin

had yet heard anything about the possibility of Le Cerf’s establishing a watchmaking manufactory in America. Whether or not his proposal was approved, he is still eager to emigrate with his small family. If an American ship will be leaving for Philadelphia from Le Havre or Rouen around September, he would make arrangements to depart. His address is “Mr Le Cerf. horloger au grand Monarque,” rue des Bourdonnais.
On July 21 Frohard de Lamette, writing from Dunkirk and signing himself as an officer in the Couronne regiment, appeals to “Monsieur le Docteur” to assist some of his relatives in emigrating to America. Several generations of Lamettes had served in the military; they had achieved glory but not wealth. His ancestors, who emigrated from England more than two hundred years since, once owned grand estates in Picardy, but all that remains is a small farm. The recently widowed mother, living on the farm, is barely able to provide the necessities of life for her eight children, the eldest of whom is around twenty. Lamette hopes to settle them in Pennsylvania. They would be ideal immigrants: virtuous, wise, hardworking, and sober. Vices common to city folk are unknown to them. If all emigrants to the United States possessed these traits, America would see the rebirth of a golden age. Lamette beseeches Franklin to serve as their father and protector, and help them find a farm, perhaps near Franklin’s own relations. He would receive their unbounded gratitude.
On August 4, Madame Des Mignons Dusaray addresses Franklin in phonetic French, sending for the fifth time a letter to “votre othel â chailliot.” (Whether the previous four letters found their way to

Passy, rather than Chaillot, is not known.) She requests free passage to Philadelphia as well as land for herself and ten other people, including her seven children. She is the descendant of a long line of military officers who left her with nothing but debts. Her relative L’Averdy had given her husband employment; since then, their income has fallen from four thousand to fifteen hundred livres. If it were not for her extreme distress she would not trouble respectable people with her requests, as it is difficult for someone so well-born to be reduced to supplication. She hopes that Franklin has more regard for her than do the farmers general and will grant her lands. She would rather leave than starve to death.

Monsieur
Neuville ce 12[–19] mars 1784

Je prens la liberté de vous écrire pour un jeun homme, qui désireroit passer en amérique, mais non pas sans recomandation, c’est pourquoi il m’a chargé de vous écrire a ce sujet, bien informé que vous vous employez volontiers; pour un homme dans lequel vous reconnoissiez quelque qualité; en Effet, le jeun homme en a quelques unes; il sait écrire correctement, ayant fait de bonnes Etudes, il aime baucoup cultiver; ce qui l’engage a partir le plus c’est qu’il à apris que lon donnoit un certain terrain a ceux qui passoient; mais il désireroit auparavant etre un peu au fait des meurs des habitants, connoitre Surtout la qualité et l’Exposition du sol pour voir Ce qu’il pouroit produire avec plus d’avantage: D’ailleurs, Monsieur, si vous daignez agreer ma lettre; et m’honorer d’une réponse, le jeune homme ira lui meme a paris ou il aura l’honneur de vous voir, en attendant l’honneur de la vôtre. Jai l’honneur D’Etre avec la plus haute Estime Monsieur Votre tres humble et tres obeissant Serviteur

Milet L’ainé
Mon adresse est à Neuville sur seine par bar sur seine

[In Franklin’s hand:]

Sir,
Passy, Mar. 19. 1784

I have no Orders or Authority to encourage any Persons to go to America, by promising Lands or other Favours from the Government there. The enclos’d printed paper will give such an Account of that Country as may perhaps convince your Friend that he had better stay where he is. I have the honour to be &c


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Nicola Victor Mühlberger, 13 March 1784
From: Mühlberger, Nicola Victor
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur
Lisbonne le 13e. mars 1784.

Sans avoir l’honneur d’Estre personellement Connue de Vous je prend la Liberté de Vous adresser la présente.
Je Suis Mühlberger de Dresde Negotient que vôtre Complaisançe a bien voulu a la requete de nôtre Embassadeur Monsieur le Baron de Schönfeld a Paris accorder la recomandation de Mr. Robert Morris Intendent des finances en avril dernr. de quoi je ne scaurois assé vous Exprimer ma reconnoissençe de m’avoir procuré la Conoissençe d’une ausi respectable maison; il est Seulement triste pour moi que le premier essai n’ai point répondu a l’attente par l’abondançe des marchandises Sur la plaçe, Cependent nullement découragé dans le moment je prie le partie éstent sur Les Lieux de prendre Connoissençe de l’interieur du paÿ affin d’estre a même de Voir se qui seroit le plus analogue & Lucratif avec le nôtre, je poussé mon Voÿage jusques a Niagara a mon retour je Comuniquai mes idées a Monsieur Morris qui me fit l’honneur de les approuver de sorte qu’aprês avoir prie touttes les mesures pour une heureuse reussite dans des affaires de Cette Conséquençe, je chargé mon Batiment a la Nouvelle York pour Les Isles azores, la Surveille de mon départ je trouvé au fond d’une armoire dans la maison ou jetois Logé le Paquet, Cÿ joint, je demendai aussitot a mon hote d’ou il venoit à une tel Plaçe lequel me dit avoir fait acquisition de Cette maison aprês l’evacuation des anglois & qu’il n’en avoit aucune Connoissençe, d’aprês quoi je le gardéz affin de vous le faire parvenir au plutot.

Le malheur m’ayant empeché de pouvoir terminer mon voÿage aux azores, car a lentré du Port de Lisle St. Michel une Tempete affreuse survint qui nous mit dans un Triste etat emporta touttes les Voiles & nous jeta sur Cette Cote ou avec le plus grand bonheur nous avons avec bien des Peines été a même de gagner dans nôtre détresse le Port de Lisbonne. J’espere d’ans le Courrent de lété êstre a même de vous rendre mes tres humbles devoirs personellement, Si dans cette intervalle vous deignéz m’honorer de quelques uns de Vos Ordres quelconque je vous prie vouloir me les adresser chéz Mr. Mark Gregori a Dunkerque.
Vous prient de me croire avec Le respect le plus parfait de Votre Excellençe Votre tres humble & tres Obeissant Serviteur

Nicola Victor Mühlberger


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to John Adams, 15 March 1784
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

Sir,
Passy, March 15. 1784.

We have lately received a Letter from the Secretary of Congress, of which I enclose a Copy, accounting for the Delay of

the Ratification; & we have sent a Copy of it to Mr. Laurens, who being on the Spot can easily negociate an Agreement to extend the Term if necessary; but I imagine it can hardly occasion any Difficulty, since the Ratification will certainly be made, seven States being unanimously for it, and the Delay was only occasion’d by Accidents unforeseen & unavoidable.
I send herewith a Packet & two Letters left with me for you, which I hope will come safe to hand. I have the honour to be Sir Your Excelly’s most obedient & most humble Servant

B Franklin
His Excellency John Adams Esqr


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from the Abbé André Morellet, 16 [March] 1784
From: Morellet, abbé André
To: Franklin, Benjamin

On January 26, Franklin wrote a critique of hereditary nobility in general and of the Society of the Cincinnati in particular, couched as a private letter to his daughter, Sarah Bache. After keeping that essay secret for “some Months,” he asked Morellet to make a translation, which the abbé returned with the present letter. In response to the concern that Morellet expresses here, Franklin agreed that the piece would not appear during his lifetime. Nonetheless, the two men continued to work on the French translation. None of the manuscripts they exchanged has survived. The last extant letter in the series, sent by Morellet on an unspecified “samedi” and published below under the date [after March 16], enclosed a revised translation marked with suggestions for further passages that might be cut if Franklin saw fit.
In September 1784, Franklin gave Mirabeau letters of introduction when the Frenchman fled Paris for London and sought a British publisher for his own work against the Society of the Cincinnati and hereditary nobility. When published later that year, the book, which Mirabeau and his co-author Chamfort had discussed with Franklin

in July, incorporated passages (without attribution) from Franklin’s satire. The doctor may have promised Morellet on March 16 that he would not publish his “letter” and allow his name to be associated with such harshly anti-aristocratic views, but he was evidently keen, nonetheless, to see his arguments circulate.
It was Mirabeau who announced Franklin’s death to the French National Assembly on June 11, 1790. Six weeks later, a French version of Franklin’s satire was published in Paris. Shorter and milder in tone than the English original, the translation appeared in the journal of a recently formed association of which Mirabeau was a member, the Société de 1789. The text published in the Journal de la Société de 1789 appears to have been adapted from the now-missing translation that Morellet and Franklin had prepared. A compelling indication of this is the way the piece ends: the version published in the Journal de la Société de 1789 concludes with the modified final sentence that Morellet proposes in the present letter. One notable change, however, must have been made by the journal editors: the salutation was dropped and the first sentence was revised so that instead of addressing his daughter, Franklin is addressing an unnamed male “ami,”

and instead of thanking Sarah for newspapers, Franklin thanks this friend for news of the unspecified “pays que vous habitez.” Despite these alterations, the reference to “votre bonne mère” remained.
Franklin’s satire was introduced in the journal’s pages by a letter of submission from Philippe-Antoine Grouvelle, one of the editors. How he obtained the manuscript is as yet unknown. Grouvelle wrote that Franklin’s piece was “tres-peu connue,” and that current events had given it new relevance: “elle est neuve aujourd’hui pour ceux même qui l’ont lue en son tems.” He evoked “l’ombre de Franklyn” to bestow legitimacy on the new revolutionary order, in particular on the recent and highly controversial abolition of noble privileges. Franklin’s reasons for attacking the cult of nobility at its inception in America, Grouvelle argued, were the same that led the French revolutionaries to fight it in its decline.
In 1792 this French translation was reprinted, with a rephrased opening, in La Feuille villageoise, a revolutionary newspaper cofounded by Grouvelle, published in Paris, and distributed in the provinces for the political education of rural villagers. Again, Franklin’s words served to justify the suppression of noble titles and arms. But the editors considered it necessary to explain in a footnote that the concluding sentence, which in fact had been revised at the behest of the cautious Morellet, should be understood as “une raillerie douce, une ironie fine,” aimed by Franklin at the swarm of young courtiers who, assuming the airs of protectors and liberators and exhibiting the insolent manners of the French nobility, pestered him with requests for the medal of the Cincinnati.

Paris mardi [March]. 16. [1784]

Je vous renvoye mon respectable ami votre original et la traduction. Je crois y avoir conservé le ton de raison et de plaisanterie

sourde que vous y aves mis. Examines pourtant si j’ai bien saisi vôtre sens par tout. J’ai ajouté de mon chef la derniere ligne comme un correctif necessaire sans lequel vôtre phrase enoncoit un peu de mepris pour les officiers qui ont servi en amerique mepris qui n’est pas sans doute dans vôtre intention. Au reste si vous me permettes de vous le dire ce papier qui est excellent en lui même peut donner de l’humeur à quelques personnes que vous ne voules pas desobliger et par cette raison il ne faut, sauf vôtre avis, que le donner à des gens qui ont assés de philosophie pour connoitre et sentir toute l’absurdité et tout le ridicule du funeste préjugé que vous combattes si bien. Je me flatte d’etre de ce nombre mais je suis aussi flatté d’etre au nombre de ceux àa qui vous aves montré quelque estime et quelque amitié et que vous aves jugé dignes de vous entendre. Je vous embrasse avec toute la tendresse et tout le respect que je vous ai voués pour la vie.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Morellet, 16 March 1784
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Morellet, ——

Passy March 16. 1784

Your Sentiments and mine, my dear Friend, are exactly the same respecting the Imprudence of showing that Paper; it has therefore, tho’ written some Months past, never been communicated to any one but your self, and will probably not appear till after my Decease, if it does then. You see how much I confide in your Friendship and Discretion.

The Translation appears to me in general good, and in some places better than the Original; in a few only it seems not fully to render the true Sense. When I next have the Pleasure of seeing you; we will read it together, and you will easily correct those Faults if they are such.
Yours most affectionately


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Anne-Louise Boivin d’Hardancourt Brillon de Jouy, 16 March 1784
From: Brillon de Jouy, Anne-Louise Boivin d’Hardancourt
To: Franklin, Benjamin

ce 16 mars [1784]

Monsieur gosséc qui vous reméttra cétte léttre, mon cher papa et auqu’el je prends beaucoup d’intérest a déja eu l’honneur de vous voir, ou monsieur votre fils l’année derniére il vient de négotier des papiers que vous avés trouvés bons, et compte repasser incéssament en amérique ou il a été déja employé, il voudroit avant son départ avoir l’honneur de vous voir, de causér avec vous, et de vous demander qu’elques recomandations, je lui ai fait esperer que vous auriés la bonté de le recevoir et de faire pour lui ce qu’il seroit possible; adieu mon bon papa mon bon ami, voila le soleil et les feuilles qui viennent et moi qui vais bientost vous retrouver et vous embrasser de tout mon coeur. Mille amitiés de tous les miens.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Morellet, [after 16 March 1784]
From: Morellet, ——
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Samedi. [after March 16, 1784]

Voilà Monsieur la copie de la traduction que vous aves lüe avec les retranchemens que nous sommes convenus d’y faire. Je crois même que vous féres encore bien d’en retrancher encore les deux endroits que j’ai renfermés entre des lignes. Vous saves avec quelle facilité on saisit icy toutes les occasions de nuire. Pour moi je voudrois avoir tous les jours des occasions de vous servir et de vous temoigner mon tendre et respectueux devouement.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Hodgson, 17 March 1784
From: Hodgson, William
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear sir—
London 17 March 1784

I recd yours of the 11th Instant as also a preceeding Letter inclosing Dr Wrens Diploma, which I forwarded to him immediately, as I have also that to Dr Withering & shall discharge the Draft in his favor when presented—
Church Bells are sold by weight ½ [1s. 2d.] per lb. or £6..10.8 per Cwt. [hundred weight] when wanted, the weight of the Tenor Bell must be given & then the weight of the Peal may be easily computed from 5 to 12— The Stocks & Wheels are separate Charges & on an Average are about £7— per Bell— The Exportation of Bells is prohibited (for what reason God knows) but leave may be obtained to export them upon Application to the Treasury for a Fee of about £6— On an Average the

weight of a Peal of Bells, more or less in No. is about 4 Times the weight of the Tenor, & there is no difference in the price per Cwt if the Peal be 6 or 12. Light or heavy Bells— A Peal of 6 Bells supposing the Tenor to weigh 12— Ct will weigh about 48 Ct & the Expence according to the above will be £366.12—
I am very sorry I have not yet had it in my Power to furnish you with the Information respecting the Ships sent into Bergen & I much fear I never shall be able to procure it, my Correspondent at Liverpool cannot learn any thing about the amount of Insurance—
I thank you for your Complimts on my Success against the Secretarys of State— It was your Information (that the passes were delivered gratis,) that determined me to try the Cause, the money must now all be refunded ’twill make a great saving to the Merchants, I believe more than I stated it at, for I believe more than 200 passes were exchanged, with great & Sincere Respect I am Dr sir Yr most Obedt Hble Servant

William Hodgson

If you were to be wafted into this Country you wou’d think we were all run mad, stark staring mad for prerogative & our Loyalty & adoration for the best & most glorious of Kings, exceeds a Frenchman’s Vive le Roi— The Ton is, Honor the King—despise Parliament—especially the Commons—& what is scarcely credible the Dissenters allmost all join the Cry. I met your old Friend Dr. Price, yesterday, he has got as high a Prerogative Fever upon him as the veriest page of the back Stairs— In my poor Judgment they are stabbing the Constitution to the Heart—

Addressed: To / His Excellency Benj. Franklin Esqr / Passy near / Paris
Notation: Wm. Hodgson, 17 Mars. 1784—


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Mary Hewson, 19 March 1784
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson

Passy, March 19. 1784

You will forget me quite, my dear old Friend, if I do not write to you now and then.
I still exist, and still enjoy some Pleasure in that Existence, tho’ now in my 79th Year. Yet I feel the Infirmities of Age coming on so fast, and the Building to need so many Repairs, that in a little time the Owner will find it cheaper to pull it down and build a new one.
I wish however to see you first, but I begin to doubt the Possibility.
My Children join in Love to you and yours with Your affectionate Friend

Mrs Hewson

Endorsed: Passy Mar 19 — 84 45


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to La Condamine, 19 March 1784
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: La Condamine, Antoine La Sablière de

Sir,
Passy, March 19 1784.

I receiv’d the very obliging Letter you did me honour of writing to me the 8th Inst. with the Epigram &c. for which please to accept my Thanks.
You desire my Sentiments concerning the Cures perform’d by Comus, & Mesmer. I think that in general, Maladies caus’d by Obstructions may be treated by Electricity with Advantage. As to the Animal Magnetism, so much talk’d of, I am totally unacquainted with it, and must doubt its Existence till I can see or feel some Effect of it. None of the Cures said to be perform’d by it, have fallen under my Observation, and there being so

many Disorders which cure themselves, and such a Disposition in Mankind to deceive themselves and one another on these Occasions; and living long having given me frequent Opportunities of seeing certain Remedies cry’d up as curing every thing, and yet soon after totally laid aside as useless, I cannot but fear that the Expectations of great Advantage from this new Method of treating Diseases, will prove a Delusion. That Delusion may how ever in some cases be of use while it lasts. There are in every great rich City, a Number of Persons who are never in health, because they are fond of Medicines and always taking them, whereby, they derange the natural Functions, and hurt their Constitutions. If those People can be persuaded to forbear their Drugs in Expectation of being cured by only the Physician’s Finger or an Iron Rod pointing at them, they may possibly find good Effects tho’ they mistake the Cause. I have the honour to be, Sir, &c


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to ——— Mazue, 19 March 1784
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Mazue, ——

Sir,
Passy, March 19. 1784—

I received your Favour of the 27th. past, proposing the Cultivation of the Vine in America. Our People conceive that it is yet too early to put such a Project in Execution. Labour is too dear there, and the Culture of Wheat more profitable & certain; in Exchange for which either directly or indirectly, we can procure the Wines of Europe. I cannot therefore give you any Hopes of Success in such an Enterprize; for tho’ proper Land & Climate might be found, the Wines could not be produc’d so cheap as they are imported.— I have the honour to be Sir,

Proposal to make Wine in America & Answer


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Charles-Guillaume-Frédéric Dumas, 19 March 1784
From: Dumas, Charles-Guillaume-Frédéric
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur,
Lahaie 19e. Mars 1784

Dans la supposition que vous avez plaisir de lire de temps à autre une relation fidele des affaires ici, je continue de faire passer sous vos yeux mes Lettres au departement, au lieu de les envoyer directement d’ici à l’orient; & aussi parce que cela me procure l’occasion de me rafraichir dans l’honneur de votre souvenir, & de vous faire agréer les assurances du respectueux attachement avec lequel je suis toujours De Votre Excellence Le très-humble & très-obéissant serviteur

C. W. F. Dumas
A Son Exce. Mr. Franklin

Addressed: à Son Excellence / Monsieur Franklin, Esqr. / Ministre Plenipo: des Etats-Unis / d’Amerique, &c. / Passy./. / près Paris. / France