Title: From John Adams to Thomas Jefferson, 2 October 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Jefferson, Thomas

            Dear Sir
            Grosvenor Square Octr. 2. 1785

          Coll Franks arrived Yesterday afternoon, with your Favour of Septr. 24.— I have Signed all the Papers as you Sent them, not perceiving any Alteration necessary.— I am afraid, that our Agent to Algiers going without any military Power will not Succeed: as the Danger of having their Town bombarded, or their Vessells taken, is the Principal Argument which the Dey has to use with the People, to reconcile them to a Peace. however We must try the Experiment.— I have recd. a Letter from Mr Stephen Sayre, dated N. York 25. Aug. inclosing, another of 23. of Aug. Signed by Messrs Gerry, King, Hardy, Monroe, & Grayson recommending Strongly Mr Sayre to you and me, to be employed as Agent to Morocco, Algiers and the other Powers, and inclosing another Letter to you, probably to the Same Effect. This Letter I now inclose to you. it is but a day or two that these Letters have been recd by me.— Franks is gone to See if Mr Randolph can be prevailed on to go. if he cannot, will you join Sayre with Lamb? if you will, insert his Name in the Papers.— Mr Lamb will meet Mr Sayre at Madrid, where I Suppose he now is. But if he is not, Lamb must not wait for him a Moment. I Should very readily undertake the Trouble, of having Bills drawn upon me, both by Mr Barclay and Mr Lamb, if the good of the Service could be promoted by it. But you are Sensible there must be a Loss, in transferring Money, from Amsterdam to London: Yet the Advantage may ballance it.
          You are diffident of Interpositions: but it is possible We may carry this too far. I think Mr Barclay and Mr Lamb would do well, to visit all the foreign Consulls, every one of whom will I am persuaded, Shew them Civilities, and do nothing at all to obstruct their negotiations. They will not dare to do it, without Orders, and no Cabinet in Europe I verily believe, would venture to give Such orders. it will not be from Governments, that We shall receive Opposition. Agents of Insurance Offices in London, or of Merchants trading in Fish &c in the Mediterranean, may Stimulate the Corsairs by exaggerated Representations of our Wealth and the Riches of our Prizes, but that is all. As nothing can be more hostile to the United States, than any Endeavours to embarrass, obstruct or counteract them in their Endeavours to form Treaties of Peace with the Barbary Powers, I wish you would impress it upon Mr Barclay and Mr Lamb, to be attentive to this, and obtain Proofs; and if the Consul or Agent of any foreign Power should be found and proved to do any Thing against Us, that they transmit to Us the earliest Account of it, with the Evidence; Congress would no doubt order a formal Complaint to be made against him to his Court, and in this Way he would be held up publicly to the Execrations of all Mankind, and probably be punished by his Master.

            Oct. 5.

          We have prevailed upon John Randal Esqr to go with Mr Lamb, So that Sayre I Suppose must be out of the Question, especially as We know not that he is arrived in Europe. I Should think that much time may be Saved, by Mr Lambs going directly to Marseilles, and from thence over to Algiers but if you think there will be a greater Advantage, in seeing the Algerine Envoy at Madrid, or the Comte de Spilly, if he negotiated the late Treaty for Spain, I shall Submit entirely to your better Judgment.
          As our Commission authorizes Us, I suppose it will be construed that it requires Us to constitute the Agents by Writing under our Hands and Seals: I have accordingly made out four Commissions, which if you approve you will sign and Seal, as I have done.
          I have written Letters to Mr Barclay and Mr Lamb authorizing them to draw upon me. These Letters You will please to Sign, as the Signature of both of Us will be necessary. You will be so good as to write also to Messrs Wilhem and Jan Willink and Nicholas & Jacob Vanstaphorst of Amsterdam, giving your Approbation and Consent to their Paying the Bills to be drawn upon me by Barclay and Lamb, otherwise they may think my Authority alone, imperfect.
          I am sir your most obedient And / humble servant

            John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Jefferson, 3 October 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Jefferson, Thomas

            Dear Sir
            Grosvenor Square Octr. 3. 1785

          You have undoubtedly hit upon, the true Word of the Riddle.— Yet there was no riddle, nor any clear meaning. it is impossible for any Country to give to another, more decided Proofs of Preference, than our thoughtless Merchants have since the Peace given to this, in matters of Commerce. He had seen this Preference Sufficiently prevail. This alone then could not be his Meaning.— if he meant a political Preference, an Alliance, Such as Hartley was perpetually harping upon, he will wait till Doomsday, and it will never come.— We ought to have no Prefferences nor Partialities. but this must be understood upon Condition, that this Country, uses Us, as well as France. if she does not, I am for giving France the Preference.— I would wait with Patience and give full Time to deliberate, but if finally this Court will not act a reasonable and equitable Part, I would enter into Still closer and Stronger Connections with France, both commercial and political. I would enter into Treaty, that certain French Manufactures Should pay in the U.S. but half or a quarter of the Duties imposed upon English. French Ships should have priviledges from which English Should be excluded, and I would enter into an Alliance, offensive and defensive. but more of this hereafter.
          I went out, eight days ago, to Dr Price to get him to have the Insurance done.

            October 5.

          Dr Price called upon me this morning, but had unfortunately wholly forgot the Insurance on Heudons Life. but I gave him an Extract of your Letter to me, and promised to pay the Money for the Premium at any Moment. I am afraid that Certificates of Heudons State of Health will be required, and the Noise of Algerine Captures may Startle the Insurers. The Dr However will get it done if he can, and as low as possible.
          I went to Stockdale, with your Letter. He says he sent some News Papers by Mr short and by a Friend since, and will send by Franks. He applied to the Office, he says in Cleaveland Row but could not get them sent that Way. But he will call on the Duke of Dorsett, and get his Permission. if your Correspondent at Dover however can convey them to you free of Postage you had better agree with him. But after all your surest Way would be to apply to the Comte de Vergennes, or Mr Gennet the Premier Comis du Bureau des Interpretes. in any other Way your Papers will be liable to frequent Interruptions. I found that the only Sure Way, in the Year 1780, after many fruitless Projects and Endeavours for several months.
          Yours affectionately

            John Adams


Title: To John Adams from William Gordon, 4 October 1785
From: Gordon, William
To: Adams, John

            Dear Sir
            Jamaica Plain Ocr 4. 1785

          Your two letters of Apr 27th & June 26th were duly received. The first at the President’s, Richd Henry Lee Esqr, where I had the pleasure of dining with your son on the 10th of Augt, being at New York on my last tour for collecting historical materials. I have not seen him, since he reacht this state; but have heard of his welfare. I am busily employed in the way you mention; & am glad to find by what you write, that I was not out in my conjecture, that the present pictures which are circulating have no likeness. I shall not pretend to give a full & compleat history, but I shall aim at its being impartial, tho’ I shall not attempt to publish the whole truth, for the reasons you have mentioned. I flatter myself however that there will be a resemblance, known so to be by many; but which will not be thought so to be by multitudes, other than as the historian may be credited. They will be hard to believe, that so much quackery & exaggeration, so much puff & vapour, & so much dreggs went into the composition of public appearances.

          As I am in hopes, that no such policy as what wrought in France, will be practised at the British Post Office, so I shall forward this in the common way of conveyance.
          Dr F is arrived, is honoured, is caressed &c but his friends will not be very wise should they promote him to the Presidentship in Pennsylvania, nor he be prudent, should he accept it, at his time of life, when he cannot answer for the continuance of his faculties for a single day.
          I was repeatedly in company with Mr Jay at his own house, & was much delighted with him; he communicated to me some very important intelligence; & I am much mistaken, or our affairs abroad will be well managed by him. Upon the affair between Govr Bowdoin & Capt Stanhope, he made sensible remarks & gave excellent advice. It will go near to give you some employ, & I trust will procure the Capt a severe rap upon the knuckles.
          Our friend Dana, you will have heard before now, is one of the judges of the superiour court. The promotion was made by Mr Hancock—not out of love to Dana—but some of the lawyers out of love to themselves, urged the promotion, that so he might not return again to the bar. Upon the same principle, should the aforementioned gentleman go to Congress, for the ensuing year commencing at Novr, he would use all his interest in favour of you to keep you abroad, should he have hopes of getting again into the chair, unless you should return. Many a person has been honoured with a foreign promotion to get him out of the way—that however has not been the case, as to your Excellency & Congress. I dined at Milton the last saturday with our friends Mr & Mrs Warren. They were well. You was the subject of conversation part of the time; for I shewed them your letters, & they returned the compliment in kind. I do not suppose, he will come again into publick life. Cushing will probably be continued Lt Govr annually, unless Goreham should oust him, by his subtle manoeuvring, at which he is reported to me by the knowing ones, to be notably dexterous.
          Now for the last. Your assurance is sufficient. Politically considered, we are certainly Aliens, as to the British nation, tho’ blood relations to the inhabitants. You must not rely with regard to the English, that the hopes of introducing & establishing the spermaceti fishery among themselves are visionary. You may depend upon the contrary, or both my information (which comes from persons actually concerned in the fishery, thorough Americans, & who have been so althrough the late contest) & my conjectures are wrong, should the heavy duty be continued, & administration be determined to exert their efforts in order to effect it. The scheme you hint at, has been forwarded by the aids of the Marquis Le Fayette, & proposals & specimens of oil sent to Mr Breck; but in the present form I am persuaded will not answer. Besides it will be difficult to form a company on this side the Atlantic to engage in it. We are too young for such a business, as well as for banking. Not only so, but the ships which have returned lately, have not brought in, as I learn, a single spermaceti whale.
          I wish you to go upon another scheme, & to push the reduction of the duty from 18 to 8 pounds sterling. The ministry might venture to carry such a reduction, when they will not attempt a removal. We may lose all by aiming at too much; & Mr Higginson assured me, when conversing lately w[ith hi]m on the subj[ect th]at they could make the fishery answer, if successful in catching, had they no heavier duty to pay than eight pounds sterling per ton. The present ministry seem to be favourable to us & we should make the best of them; but should not urge them to measures that may contribute to a change which may & probably will prove highly injurious to ourselves. Fox’s coalescing with North is an invincible demonstration, that no reliance is to be had upon him. May substantial proofs of sincerity be given! but then perhaps they must be doled out in small portions & be given in detail, because of the peculiarity of the times. When the dissenters applied to Sr Robt Walpole for the removal of their just complaints; he asked them whether nothing would satisfy but the removal of the whole. No. Then it can’t be done; would you strip the horses tail, you must pull out hair by hair. A high tone on our part will not do. We are not enough united; but are inclined to divide more & more. The Main, I expect, before a twelve month is at an end, will break off from the Massachusetts & set up for a new State. Things are working that way apace. Besides Vermont, two States have set up for themselves toward the Ohio. The Spaniards have also closed up the navigation of the Mississippi— Have obliged the inhabitants of the Natches to take the oath of allegiance to his catholic majesty—& have erected & garrisoned a fort there. I want to manoeuvre in some such commercial way, as that the British vessels should navigate up & down the Mississippi upon a trading plan with the Americans in the neighbourhood of that river, & so oblige the Spaniards to open it both for them & us. I am persuaded, that the business of Don Gua—— at Congress is to manoeuvre them, if possible, into a relinquishment of their claim & right to the navigation of that river; but I am convinced he will labour in vain. Should he attempt playing off France by way of aid; I hope a counter-game will be played that will make them afraid.
          Mr Bowdoin is very popular; for he has convinced all, that he is not afraid of spending his money, & he has abilities.
          Your paragraph relating to Temple I sent off immediately to Gerry at New York.
          Propose returning with my family next summer to England, & then printing as fast as the press can work. I shall make an early appearance, if favoured of Heaven with health & a safe arrival, not at your Excellency’s levee for that I don’t understand, but in your closet, to have some free familiar chat, as in days of yore. Mrs Gordon unites in best wishes to Self Lady & Miss. I remain with real & great esteem, / Your Excellency’s / sincere friend & humble servant

            William Gordon


Title: To John Adams from Christian Lotter, 4 October 1785
From: Lotter, Christian
To: Adams, John

            May it please Your Excellency!
            Hage. October 4th: 1785

          Seeing that the whole of mine endeavours either by Your Excely: or by those Gentlemen of Amsterdam, to Stay in the hotel, only for the time proper for removing, are of non effects; on the contrary Still more hurried and pushed on to depart as Speedy as hardly possible.—
          With the greatest regreat I have read a paragraph in a favour from Messrs: van Staphorst of the 1th: of this month; which drew me into a dulfull Consideration; viz: that in case Your Excellency had absolutely desired to let You remain in the hotel, until the arrival of his Successor, it would have been very unneccessary to trouble us with it, So that the anchor of my hope is fairly lost.
          The first courting my mind and cherishing my then pleasing Ideas of a firm Standing in the hotel, was a letter from Your Excely: of the 29 of Maÿ in which letter Your Excely: was graciously pleased to mention, that I Shall continue to live in the hotel, and take Care of it. &. &. and in my Joys Shewed the Same to my good and generous patron Mr: Maclaine and others of my welwishers, who took as much part of joy and Satisfaction in Your Excelys: Kind and generous dispositions and condescendings, as they now regreat my being So very ill treated by Messrs: Willinks and van Staphorsts, which treatments can only Serve to Such a person, who by unlawful means, might have incurred Your Excelys: displeasure upon him.—
          Some weeks ago, I have taken the Liberty to apply to Your Excely: in behalf of a quarter of a year’s Salary from the 8th: of June. h: a: to the 8th: of last month, with 10 Guilders for the removing of my goods and a compensation for housrent till Maÿ next, but of which Your Excely: has not yet been pleased to give any declaration upon it, I hope Your Excely: will be generously pleased to grant and consent to my request, and empower me with a written consent for the Same to Messrs: Willinks & Comp: to receive it, from them, Since I think my request to be just, having only received my bare Salary, altho my engagements were for board and wages, and to remove to and fro too expensive for me, without mentioning the inconveniences and Spoiling of my goods; Your Excely: may be perfectly persuaded that my present petition is just and due, otherwise I would Scorn to mention it.
          I farther take the Liberty to assure Your Excellency that my first entering into Your Service, until this present day, was mixed with nothing but troubles and chagrins; Surrounded by deceitful Servants within, and Spiteful and wicked persons from without, constantly endeavouring to draw Stones in my way to fall, or nets to catch me in, which very often I have found out in time, because they Saw that my purpose was to Serve honestly. I most humbly beg to be remembered to Madame and Miss Adams and am with the  most dutiful respect / Your Excellency’s / most devoted and most humble / Servant

            C: Lotter.


Title: To John Adams from James Sullivan, 10 October 1785
From: Sullivan, James
To: Adams, John

            Dear Sir
            Boston October 10th 1785

          By the Ship which will sail in a day or two, I beg leave to inform you that our Situation in america is, by no means so pleasing as would be agreeable to you, the poverty of the general treasury, as soon as the money now resting in holland shall be exhausted will be very distressing. a reluctance in the Legislatures to levy taxes and a greater in the people to pay them seem to urge us with great velocity to a change of System in the union. we place too much dependence in forms of Government, while our only remedy is firmness in the Governors and a proper submission in the Governed, aided or rather indeed Supported by frugality industry and a love to our Country. did our people content themselves with living as well as they did before the revolution or three times so well as common people in other Countries live, they might pay taxes enough with ease to discharge in a short time our public debt. our general Court have in their Last Session Instructed their delegates to obtain a Convention “generally to revise and make alteration in the Confederation” but the delegates have ventured to delay it and have wrote the Governor against it. I beleive he is the author of the measure but the reason assigned for the measure I cannot conceive to be his, to wit that the Confederation is not capable Suffcient to Justify congress in making treaties &c.
          I wish we could have the True method of your reception by the K of G B. the Account published here without Authority is said to hold up the Idea of your being affected, and his replying in a haughty manner that Your feelings were Just and proper. others give a different Construction and are pleased with the Account. there is nothing new that I recollect but what I have mentioned. our merchants seem to Close their doors more than usual and unless our Oyl obtains a market in England or even if it does I see no way by which they can make remittances for the great quantity of merchandize they have been Credited with.
          I thank you for mentioning Your Son to me I have had an opportunity to see him but once only being out of town while he was here. it would give me peculiar pleasure to Shew him any civilities within my power.
          I have the honor to be / Your most obedt Hble Servt

            James Sullivan


Title: The American Commissioners to John Jay, 11 October 1785
From: American Commissioners
To: Jay, John

            Dear Sir
            [11 October 1785]

          We have the Honour to transmit to Congress, by Mr Fitzhughs, the Treaty between the United States and the King of Prussia, Signed Seperately by your Ministers at the Several Places of their Residence, and by the Baron De Thulemeier at the Hague, in English and French and exchanged at the Hague in Presence of Mr Short and Mr Dumas. As this Treaty may be of considerable Importance to the United States, and will certainly promote their Reputation, it is to be wished, that the Ratifications may be exchanged, and the Publication made as soon as possible. The Admission, of our Privateers into the Prussian Ports, by a Treaty Signed at the moment of the Negotiation of the League, in which Brandenburg and Hanover are Parties is a little remarkable. it certainly merits the Consideration of Congress and the States. With great Respect We have the Honour to be, Sir your most obedient and most / humble servants

              London Octr. 2. 1785
              John Adams

              Paris Octob. 11. 1785.
              Th: Jefferson


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Jefferson, 11 October 1785
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Adams, John

            Dear Sir
            Paris Oct. 11. 1785.

          Colo. Franks and mr̃ Randolph arrived last night. this enables me to send copies of all the Barbary papers to Congress by the mr̃ Fitzhughs, together with the Prussian treaty. they wait till tomorrow for this purpose. Considering the treaty with Portugal as among the most important to the U.S. I some time ago took occasion at Versailles to ask the Portuguese Ambassador if he had yet received an answer from his court on the subject of our treaty. he said not, but that he would write again. his Secretaire d’Ambassade called on me two days ago & translated into French as follows a paragraph of a letter from his minister to the Ambassador. “relativement à ce que V. E. nous a fait part de ce qu’elle avoit parlé avec le ministre de l’Amerique, cette puissance doit etre dejà persuadée par d’effets la maniere dont ses vaisseaux ont eté accueillis içi: et par consequence sa majesté auroit beaucoup de satisfaction à entretenir une parfaite harmonie et bonne correspondence entre les memes etats unis. mais il seroit à propos de commencer par la nomination reciproque des deux parties des personnes qui, au moins avec la caractere d’Agens, informeroient reciproquement leurs constituents de ce qui pourroit conduire à la connoissance des interets des deux nations sans prejudice de l’un ou de l’autre. c’est le premier pas qu’il paroit convenable de donner pour conduire à la fin proposée.” by this I suppose they will prefer proceeding as Spain has done, & that we may consider it as definitive of our commission to them. I communicate it to Congress that they may take such other measures for leading on a negotiation as they may think proper.

          You know that the 3d. article of instructions of Oct. 29. 1783. to the Ministers for negotiating peace, directed them to negociate the claim for the prizes taken by the Alliance & sent in to Bergen, but delivered up by the court of Denmark: you recollect also that this has been deferred in order to be taken up with the general negotiation for an alliance. Capt Jones desiring to go to America proposed to me that he should leave the sollicitation of this matter in the hands of Doctor Bancroft, and to ask you to negotiate it through the minister of Denmark at London. the delay of Baron Waltersdorf is one reason for this. your better acquaintance with the subject is a second. the Danish minister here being absent is a third: & a fourth and more conclusive one is that, having never acted as one of the commissioners for negotiating the peace I feel an impropriety in meddling with it at all, & much more to become the principal agent. I therefore told capt Jones I would sollicit your care of this business. I beleive he writes to you on the subject.— mr̃ Barclay sets out in two or three days. Lamb will follow as soon as the papers can be got from this ministry. having no news, I shall only add assurances of the esteem with which I am Dear Sir / your friend & servant

            Th: Jefferson


Title: To John Adams from Richard Cranch, 13 October 1785
From: Cranch, Richard
To: Adams, John

            Dear Sir
            Boston Octr. 13th. 1785.

          Your esteemed Favour of the 27th of April came safe to hand. As you had then but just heard of your Appointment to the Court of G: Britain, you could only give me your Sentiments, as a Statesman, what would probably be your Difficulties, and what your Prospects of surmounting them. We have since had the Happiness of receiving a number of Letters from your most excellent Lady, and amiable Daughter, informing us of your safe Arrival in London, your Presentation at Court &c. I am glad to find that you had so polite a Reception.— You will have a very complex Business, to examine into, and adjust. The relative Advantages and disadvantages of particular Measures that may be proposed, must be carefully weighed; and such a Reciprocity of Advantages to both Countries be interwoven in the whole System as may make it the Interest of both to adhere strictly to the Terms of the Treaty that may be formed. G: Britain, as a great manufacturing Nation, must certainly reap very solid Advantages from having a large and continually increasing Market for her Manufactures in America, provided that America at the same time be placed, by Treaty, under such Circumstances as to be able to make certain and seasonable Remittances for what she receives from her. This was freely acknowledged before the War; and of this the many capital Fortunes in England that were made out of the american Trade, are a sufficient Proof. On the other hand the fatal Effects arising from the want of being placed under such Circumstances for making Remittances, are severely felt at this present Moment by the Merchants of both Countries. The numerous Bankruptcies that have already taken place, and the many others that probably must take place both in England and America, afford, as I conceive, the fullest Evidence of the Necessity of such a Reciprocity as I have mention’d above.
          We have, in the vast Extent of the United States, the means of making Remittances equal to the largest Importations from G: Britain, provided our Trade with that Nation and her Dependancies was placed upon a free and generous Footing. Rice and Indigo from S: Carolina and Georgia: Naval-Stores, Indian-Corn, Pork, Lumber, Tobacco, Hides &c from N: Carolina: Tobacco, Indian Corn, Flour, Furrs, Deer-Skins &c from Virginia and Maryland: Bar-Iron, Wheat, flour, and Provisions of all kinds from Pensylvania, Jersies and Conecticutt: Whale-Oil and other fish-Oil, Whale-Bone, Sperma Ceti Oil and Head-Matter, refined Sperma Ceti, and Sperma-Ceti-Candles; Cod-Fish, Mackerel, Herrings &c, together with Pot Ash, Pearl Ash, Furrs, Ship-Timber, Masts and Sparrs, Plank and Lumber of all kinds, are and may be produced in great abundance from this State and New Hampshire. If a freedom of circuitous Navigation was to take place on a large and generous footing, the Americans would thereby be able to add largely to the value of their Exports by the additional amount of Freight, sale of Vessells &c which, at the same time that it would encourage Ship-building among us (which was formerly a great Article of Remittance) must enlarge the demands for the Manufactures of G Britain to a degree not easily to be conceived of; while it would enable us to make our Remittances for them seasonably and punctually, which is the very Life of Trade.
          Our Trade with G: Britain since the Peace, has, for want of System, been very disadvantageous both to the Importer here and to the Merchant in England. The erroneous Idea that took place among the Merchants of Europe at the commencement of the Peace, that Goods were exceeding scarce in America, and would fetch a great Profit to those that could get their Goods soonest to the american Market, occasioned an amazing over-stock and Glut; so that they were soon sold off in prodigious Quantities at publick Auction for much less than the first Cost. This being the Case with the Adventurers from Europe, the dammage did not stop there and terminate with the large Sums that they sunk; but it had a further fatal Effect on our own Merchants.
          Our Merchants, thinking that on the restoration of Peace Trade would go on as it had done formerly, sent Orders for large Assortments of Goods on their own Accounts. These Orders made a noise among the Manufacturers in England, and caused a temporary brisk Demand for their Manufactures; this occasioned their Goods to rise; and accordingly they were observ’d in general to be put up at a much higher Rate than they used to be before the War. Goods thus ordered, coming high charg’d to an overstock’d and glutted Market, could not be sold unless at a very great Loss; so that the only Alternative with many was, either to sell their Goods at a certain Loss, and so be ruined by the Sale; or else not to sell them untill they would fetch a Price, and so be ruined gradually by the accumulated Charges and Expences of Store-hire, House-Rent, Interest-Money &c untill at last the Merchant in London, for want of due Remittance, impowers an Agent here, who seizes on all that is left, which perhaps at last will not amount to five Shillings in the Pound of his Debt.— And so their Trade is ended much to the disadvantage of both. Another very bad Effect of the prodigious Quantities of british Goods that came to our Market was this, that the Lowness of the Price at which they were sold tempted almost every Body through the Country to purchase European Goods and pay the Gold and Silver for them, which was immediately ship’d off to G: Britain in prodigious Quantities.— Here you see “the Henn that lay’d the Golden Egg was kill’d”. Specie is now become excessive scarce, and other Channels of Remittance are shut up; so that unless by Treaty there can be a circuitous method of Remittance agreed upon between the two Nations by a free Navigation, I see not but that we must for our own Interest (and I may say for theirs also) break off Trade with G: Britain: for, to what good purpose is it to buy their Goods when we cannot pay for them?— We found that during the War Necessity soon convinced us that we could make our own Woollens and Linnens very easily, and the Foundations that were than laid for large Manufactories, would soon have furnished us in a great measure with the necessary Cloathing in both kinds. But the Flood of English Goods that came in upon us at the Peace, soon stopt the Spinning-Wheel the Loom and the fulling-Mill, which at the Close of the War were so fully employ’d. The great Scarcity of Money occasioned by the large Exportations of Gold and Silver to England, brings on us a Train of other Evils that are now severely felt by a great Proportion of the good People of this State— A little before and at the close of the War silver-Money was exceeding plenty, and the Produce of Farms sold very high, this made Lands to be in great demand, and great numbers of our People purchased Houses, Farms, and other Estates at a high Price, having then a fair Prospect of soon raising the Money to pay for them. But a Scarcity of Money soon after taking place (for the Reasons mentioned) Lands and Stock consequently fell in their Price as fast as they had arisen some time before. This Change has brought many of our Country People into very difficult Circumstances, and rendered them unable to pay their Debts and Taxes with Punctuality: the Consequence of which has been a great increase of Law-Suits Failures, Abscondings &c in all our Counties, to the great Distress of Families and sowering of their Minds with respect to publick Measures; which I fear will produce a strenuous Effort in the Genl. Court (which sits next Week) to get a Paper Currency again Issued and made a Tender in certain Cases.
          I hope you will excuse my endeavouring to trace out to you so particularly the bad Effects that have already taken place among us by means of carrying on Trade without System and without means of Remittance. My being connected with both the Legislative and Judicial Departments and residing on the Spot gives me an Oportunity of knowing the Evil more fully than you can while in Europe; and your publick Character and the arduous Task that you have before you, makes me wish to give you every Information in my Power that may in any Degree assist you in your great Undertaking. Altho’ I cannot point out the Cure, yet it may be of some use towards it, for you to know more fully the Disease.— We have been made happy in the Return of your very sensible and most amiable Son. He is now at Haverhill with his Uncle Shaw, by Advice of the President, to perfect himself in Greek. It is proposed that he shall enter the University next Spring, soon enough to attend the philosophical Lectures. I suppose that he will be admitted into the same Class with my Son, who is now in his third Year at Colledge. You will receive Letters by this Conveyance (Capt. Cushing) from our whole Circle, to which I referr you for domestick Information. I am with the tenderest Regards to your dear Wife and Daughter, your most affectionate Friend and Brother—

            Richard Cranch

            Master Charles and my Billy din’d with me to day; they seem very much attach’d to each other, and as far as I can learn, have thus far behaved in a manner that is unblamable Billy has been there two Years, and is remarkably Steady, which I think will be of some Service to his Cousin on his first introduction. Master Charles has a good Room; it is the Room that makes the N: West Corner of Hollis-Hall on the lower Floor, next to Holden-Chapple. Billy has this year a Chamber up two pair of Stairs in the middle of the same Colledge, reckon’d one of the best Rooms in that Colledge. (We are all well.)


Title: From John Adams to John Jay, 15 October 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Jay, John

            Dear Sir
            Grosvenor Square October 15. 1785

          I have received the Letter you did me the Honour to write me the 6. Septr.
          The Act of Congress of the 18 of August, which you inclose, Shall be communicated as directed.
          I have the Honour to agree, fully with you in your Opinion, that “it is manifestly as much the Interest of this Country, to be well with Us, as for Us to be well with them” But this is not the Judgment of the English Nation: it is not the Judgment of Lord North and his Party: it is not the Judgment of the Duke of Portland and his Friends: and it does not appear to be the Judgment of Mr Pitt and the present Sett. in Short it does not at present appear to be the Sentiment of any Body. And I am much inclined to believe they will try the Issue of Importance with Us.
          I have insisted upon the Surrender of the Posts, with as much Earnestness as Prudence would warrant, but can obtain no other Answer than certain Hints concerning the Debts and Some other Points, which are Sufficient to convince me that the Restoration of the Posts will have certain Conditions tack’d to it. I have insisted in Conversation, and have enquired, in Writing, but have not yet made a formal Requisition, by a Memorial in the Name and by Order of the United States.— If I had done it, I Should have compromised my Sovereign, and Should certainly have had no Answer. Whenever this is done, it Should be followed up. I Shall certainly do it, if I Should See a Moment when it can possibly prevail. If it is the Judgment of Congress that it Should be done immediately, I Should be glad of their orders, which Shall be exactly obeyed. I Should even wish they would prescribe to me, the Form of the Memorial.
          It is indeed, as you observe, in the Power of Congress to take a certain Step, which would be longer and more Sensibly felt by Britain, than the Independence of the United States. You have not hinted at the Nature of this Measure: I can conceive of more than one. Exclusion of British Ships from all our Exports, and a heavy Duty upon British Manufactures, is one: a defensive Alliance with France, Spain and Holland is another. a Case may happen in which this last might be justifiable: but I presume it will not be hastily adopted, nor ever without Canada and Nova scotia, to be admitted into our Confederation, and one half at least of the best of the English West India Islands, besides Stipulations for the Admission of our Produce freely to the French West India Islands and Some Articles into France Duty free, with similar Stipulations with Spain and Holland. I hope however the first Measure will be adopted forthwith, and not the Smallest Article of our Produce be permitted to be exported in Brittish Bottoms.
          Mr Barclay is appointed to go to Morocco, and Coll Franks goes with him. Mr Lamb to Algiers and Paul R Randal Esqr with him. There will be captives to redeem as well as Treaties to form.
          I can obtain no Answer from the Ministry, to any one demand, Proposal or Inquiry. in this I am not alone. It is the Complaint of all the other foreign Ministers. The Dutch Envoy particularly told me yesterday, that he could obtain no Answer, to any of his Memorials, Some of which were presented as long ago as last April. The Ministry, Since the ill fortune of their Studies in Ireland, have been in a Lethargy. But they must Soon awake. Mr Pitt has long had with him in the Country Our Project of a Treaty, and, it cannot be long before he comes to some determination. They have had lately Evidence enough of the Utility to them of the public hope of a commercial Agreement with America. holding up the Idea of a Treaty, has rapidly raised the Stocks. But I cannot entertain any Sanguine hopes, for all Experience all Evidence, Seems to be lost upon this nation and its Rulers. According to most Appearances, a nation so entirely given up the Government of its Passions, must precipitate itself into Calamities greater than it has yet felt. I still think however, that a decided Opinion, concerning the system it will pursue, cannot be formed, before the Opening of the next Budget. With great Esteem and Regard I / have the Honour to be, Sir your most obedient / and most humble servant

            John Adams


Title: A Memorial to the Marquis of Carmarthen Concerning Richard Low, 17 October 1785
From: Adams, John
To:

            A Memorial.
            done at Westminster the 17. day of October 1785

          The Subscriber, Minister Plenipotentiary, from the United States of America, to his Britannic Majesty, has the honour to represent to the British Ministry, that the said United States in Congress assembled, have received Information, that a number of their Citizens are Still detained, in the Service of his Majesty; and particularly, that Richard Low, who, in the Year 1776, was captured in an unarmed merchant Sloop, by his Majestys Frigate the Niger brought to England and Sent to Jamaica, where, after remaining some Years, he was removed to another Ship in which he sailed a Second time to England, where he was draughted, with a number of other Americans, and put on board the Defence, and in her carried to the East Indies, and was in 1784 in Bombay, and is now probably returned to England. That the said United States have judged it proper, to direct their Minister at this Court, to lay before the British Ministry, the Copy of a Letter from Jno. Carter hereto annexed, and to apply for the discharge of his Fellow Citizens.
          The Subscriber therefore, in the Name and behalf of the said United States of America, and by their Orders, has the Honour to require, that Orders be immediately given, for the Release and discharge, of the said Richard Low, and of all Such Soldiers, Seamen and Citizens of the said United States, as having been captured during the late War, may yet be detained in his Britannic Majesty’s, Prisons, Garrisons, Armies and Ships.

            John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to John Jay, 17 October 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Jay, John

            Dear Sir
            Grosvenor Square October 17. 1785.

          It has been the general Sense of our Country, Since the Peace, that it was their Duty and their Interest, to be impartial between the Powers of Europe, and observe a Neutrality in their Wars. This Principle is a wise one, upon the Supposition that those Powers will be impartial to Us, and permit Us to remain at Peace. but it is natural for England And France to be jealous of our Neutrality, and apprehensive, that notwithstanding our Professions, We may be induced to connect ourselves with one against the other. While such Uncertainties and Suspicions continue We may find that each of these Rival Kingdoms, will be disposed to Stint our Grouth, and diminish our Power, from a fear, that it will be employed against itself and in favour of its Ennemy. if France could be Sure of our perpetual Alliance, it is to be supposed She would favour our increase, in every Thing which could be reconciled to her own Interest. If England could obtain Such an Alliance with Us, she for the same reason would favour our Interests, in all Cases compatible with her own.
          I need not point out to you, Instances in Proof of such a Jealousy in France. yet it may not be amis to refer you to Some hints in Mr Neckars late Work.
          Mr Hartley you well remember, dwelt much too often upon the Subject of an Alliance with England, for Us to doubt, that, however indecent the Suggestion of such an Idea was, he nevertheless entertained it. He has lately renewed this Topick with me, and I gave him the only Answer, which can ever be given, vizt that the moral Character of the United States was of more importance to them, than any Alliance, that they could not in honour hear Such a Proposal, but that if honour and Character were out of the Question, while England held a Province in America, We could not safely forfeit the Confidence of France, nor commit ourselves to the Consistency of England.
          But to rise higher. When the King was pleased to say to me that he would be foremost in favour and Friendship to the United States, when he should see a disposition to give the Preference to this Country, he probably meant more than We can comply with. if a Preference in Commerce only had been meant, it was quite unnecessary to make it a future Condition, because the Ardour of our Citizens in transferring almost the whole Commerce of the Country here, and voluntarily reviving that Monopoly which they had long complain’d of as a Grievance, in a few of the first months of the Peace, imprudently demonstrated to all the World, an unreasonable immoderate Preference of British Commerce. it was impossible that We could give Stronger Proofs of a Preference in this Sense. if the royal Expression then was a deliberate one, it must have intended something more, and Something which the U. States cannot agree to.
          The British Ministry, therefore, have now before them a question as important to the British Empire, as any that ever was agitated in it, whether, by evacuating the Posts, and fullfilling the Treaty of Peace in other Points, and by opening their Ports in the West Indies and on the Continent of America as well as Europe to our ships and produce, upon equal and fair Terms, they Shall ensure the Impartiality and Neutrality of America: or whether, by a contrary Conduct they Shall force them into closer Connections of Alliance and Commerce with France, Spain and Holland. a Treaty of defensive Alliance with France would deserve a long and carefull deliberation and Should comprehend the East and West Indies, I mean our Right to trade in them, as well as many other Considerations too numerous to hint at here. a new Treaty of Commerce might be made, greatly beneficial to both Countries. if We once see a necessity of giving Preferences in Trade, great Things may be done. By the Treaty between England and Portugal of 27. Decr. 1703, [“]Portugal promised, to admit, forever, into Portugal, the woolen Cloths, and the rest of the woolen Manufactures, of the Britons as was accustomed, till they were prohibited by the Laws; nevertheless upon this Condition. II. That is to Say, that Great Britain Shall be obliged forever hereafter, to admit the Wines of the Grouth of Portugal into Britain; So that at no time, whether there Shall be peace or War, between the Kingdoms of Britain and France, any thing more Shall be demanded for these Wines by the Name of Custom or Duty, or by whatsoever Title, directly or indirectly, whether they Shall be imported into Great Britain in Pipes or Hogsheads, or other Casks than what Shall be demanded, from the like Quantity or Measure of French Wine, deducting or abating a third part of the Custom or Duty. But if at any time this deduction or Abatement of Customs, Shall in any manner be prejudiced it Shall be just and lawfull for his Sacred Royal Majesty of Portugal, again to prohibit the woolen Cloths and the rest of the British Woolen Manufactures.”
          This Treaty which the Irish, call the Methuen Treaty, from the name of the Ambassador who Signed it, and which they now claim the Benefit of as Britons, altho the Portuguese deny them to be Britons and accordingly refuse their Woolens, has had a vast Effect both in Portugal and England. The Consequence has been, that Portugal has now for more than forescore Years cloathed herself in Brittish Woolens like an English Colony and has never been able to introduce Woolen Manufactures at home; and The British Islands have drank no other Wine than Port, Lisbon and Madeira, altho the Wines of France are so much better.
          The United States may draw many usefull Lessons from this Example. if, from the blind Passions and rash Councils of the Britons, they should be compelled to deviate from their favourite Principle of Impartiality and Neutrality, they might make a new commercial Treaty with France, for a term or forever, exempting all the Manufactures of France, from one Third or one half, or all the Duties, which shall be stipulated to be laid upon the English Manufactures.— in this Case, what becomes of the Manufactures of Britain? what of their Commerce Revenue and naval Power? They must decline, and those of her Rival must rise.
          I hint only at these Things. They open a wide Field of Enquiry, and require all the Thoughts of the People. We Should Stipulate for the Admission of all our Produce, and Should agree upon a Tarif of Duties on both Sides, We Should insist upon entire Liberty of Trade and Navigation both in the East and West Indies and in Africa, and upon the Admission of our Oil and Fish as well as Tobacco, Flour Rice Indigo, Potash &c &c.
          This Country boasts of her Friends and Partisans in this and the other Assembly, particularly in New York and Virginia, and are confident We can do nothing. neither, exclude their ships from our Exports nor lay on Duties upon their Imports into our States: neither raise a Revenue, nor build a Fleet. if their Expectations are not disappointed, We shall be, and that in a few Months not only a despized but a despicable People. With the Power in our own Hands of doing as we please, We shall do nothing. With the means of making ourselves respected by the Wise We shall become the Scorn of Fools.
          I am under Embarrassments in treating with the Ministers here, to know how far it is prudent in me to go, in Urging upon them, what the United States may do, or not do with France.— There would be danger of my committing Congress imprudently. but in Conversation with Friends Arguments may be casually, and by Way of Speculation only, put into their Mouths, which they will not fail to use where they may or ought to have Weight. Yet it is Still uncertain whether any Thing can have Weight. The Ministry behave as if they saw certain Ruin coming upon the Nation and thought it of no importance in what Shape it Should appear.
          With great Respect, dear sir your most / obedient and most humble servant

            John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, 18 October 1785
From: Staphorst, Nicolaas & Jacob van (business)
To: Adams, John

            Amsterdam 18 October 1785

          We have the Honor of Your Excellency’s Letter of 6th: Instant, with an attested Copy of the Resolve of Congress of 15 February last, Appropriating a Sum of Money not exceeding Eighty Thousand-Dollars, from the Loans borrowed in Holland, or any other Monies in Europe belonging to the United States, to the Order of their Ministers, vested with the Power of forming Treaties with the Barbary Powers; In consequence whereof You direct us to hold the above Amount subject to your Drafts for the said purpose, unless Congress should in the mean time make other disposals of it.—
          We sincerely wish soon to be able to congratulate Your Excellency, on the Completion of an Arrangement, beneficial to the general Interests of your Constituents, in proportion as it adds Security to the great Source, from whence their Prosperity must flow, Commerce—
          We have been informed Congress has laid an Attachment in the Hands of Mr: Duncan Ingraham Junr: of Philadelphia for £25000— Property of Mess̃: Dela Lande & Fynjë. We esteem it fortunate the News of this Failure, reached the Board of Treasury, before the Bills, the Commissioners mentioned in their last Letter, they intended further to value upon us, were drawn; As it will undoubtedly put a Stop to their being issued; From the Consideration that the 80,000 Dollars destined to your Order and the next Payment of Interest, will absorb the Whole of what we are now in Cash for the United States. And that in the interim, We have no Prospect of receiving any Monies of Consequence; Nor that the Board of Treasury will find it convenient to remit for the Interest that will be due on the Dutch Loans the First of February next—
          We are with great Respect / Your Excellency’s / Most Obedient & very hb̃le Servt

            Nics. & Jacob van Staphorst.


Title: The Marquis of Carmarthen’s Memorandum of a Conversation with John Adams, 20 October 1785
From: Adams, John
To:

            Minute of Conversation with Mr. Adams.
            Oct. 20. 1785.

          Mr. A. began the conversation by recapitulating the complaints of the United States, on the subject of The Posts not being yet evacuated. and no satisfaction having been given for the Negroes who were carried away.
          He observed that Mr Pitt, had suggested the non payment of the Debts due to British Subjects as a motive for not having settled either of these matters. on my observing to him that it was naturally to be expected that the payment of those debts was the first step necessary to any communication between the two Countrys, he replyed the public were not obliged either by Treaty or otherwise to discharge the debts of individuals, all that was stipulated by Congress being merely a promise of leaving the matter open to such legal remedys as might be thought necessary. & throwing no obstructions in their way. He then went to the subject of the Fisherys, & stated the probability of France entirely running away with that valuable article both from England & America, unless some regulations were made between the two Countrys to prevent The French from supplying their own West India Islands, and rendering it unnecessary for the States to enter into the views of France on that Head.
          He refered to the readings expressed by His Majesty, to promote the Friendship of the two Countrys whenever America should manifest a preference in favour of England, over The Rest of Europe. this preference he insisted was already apparent from the conduct of America towards this Country in respect to Commerce ever since the Peace. that they wished to continue that preference in every article of Trade, unless by our backwardness to meet them on terms of fair & friendly reciprocity, they should find it necessary to enter into stipulations with France or other Powers, detrimental to the Commerce & Manufactures of this Country.


Title: From John Adams to John Jay, 21 October 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Jay, John

            Dear Sir
            Grosvenor Square Octr. 21. 1785

          Yesterday, at Eleven O Clock, I went by Appointment to Lord Carmarthens Office, and was admitted to his Lordship as soon as he arrived from his House. as this was an hour earlier, than the usual Appearance of the foreign Ministers at the Secretary of States Levee, I had time for a long Conversation with his Lordship.
          At first I presented him a Memorial, containing a Requisition, of immediate orders for the discharge of our Citizens particularly of Low. Secondly, the Correspondence between Governor Bowdoin and Captain Stanhope; with the Act of Congress upon it, and thirdly a Letter concerning the questions Sometime ago, communicated to your Ministers, at Paris relative to their Full Powers, by the Duke of Dorsett. These Papers were left with his Lordship for his Perusal, at his Leisure, but I conjecture he layed them before the King, in a Conference, after the Drawing Room. After the Communication of those Papers, I had the honour to observe to his Lordship, that although, they contained Matters of Some Importance, I most Sincerely wished there were nothing of greater difficulty and more danger, between the two Countries. His Lordship wished so too.— I added, that as it was wished on both Sides, it was remarkable that the Business was not done, as it Seemed to be very easy to do. That it was much to be lamented, when the War was ended, and every Thing essential which had been in contest was decided, that Such Circumstances as remained Should impede the Return of Confidence between the two nations. I paused here, in hopes his Lordship would have made Some Reflection, or dropped Some hint from whence I could have drawn Some Conclusion, excited some hope or Started Some fresh Topick, but not a Word escaped him. after a long Silence, I told him, that I hoped for an Answer, from his Lordship concerning, the Posts upon the Frontiers. not a Word of reply.— I Said I was extreamly uneasy, concerning those Posts: that by the last Accounts from America, there Seemed to be danger of our being involved in an Indian War, merely from the Circumstance of their being witheld. that his Lordship could not be unacquainted with the Cruelty & Barbarity with which those Savages made War upon People the most innocent, peaceable and defenceless. that an Indian War, by filling the Gazettes and Conversation, with relations of horrors naturally Spread a greater Alarm, and excited keener Passions

than other Wars which might be much more destructive & impoverishing. that if Such a War Should happen in Consequence of witholding the Posts, it would inkindle a Flame in America which might Spread wider and last longer, than any Man could foresee. that I Sincerely hoped the Kings Ministers would think Seriously of it, and give orders for the Evacuation. that I must insist on An Answer.— Here, his Lordship, in broken Sentences, express’d a Wish, that the Ministry would answer everybody, and conveyed a Hint that it did not depend upon him.— I proceeded upon this, to Say, that in a Conference with Mr Pitt When I pressed him for an Answer concerning the Posts, altho he was not explicit with me, I understood him to insinuate to me, that the Surrender of the Posts, would be made conditional upon something respecting the Debts. Here I got Something out. His Lordship Said, “to be Sure nothing could be done untill the Debts were paid.”—paid! My Lord! that is more than ever was Stipulated. No Government, ever undertook to pay the private Debts of its subjects. and in this Case, nobody ever had Such a Thought. The Treaty only Stipulated, that Creditors Should meet with no lawful Impediment to the Recovery of their Debts. But Says his Lordship if lawful Impediments have been thrown in the Way.— and this was all he could or would let out. I understood him to mean that, Government by putting an Impediment in the Way, had made itself answerable for the Debts themselves. This was the first Suggestion to me, of Such a Thought but it was So fully communicated, that I should not be Surprized if a Requisition should be made, to that Effect. I proceeded with his Lordship, that the People in America, Saw the Treaty violated in two important Points relative to Striking Objects. The Negroes were carried off and the Posts were withheld. The last, looked like a continuance of War. it was continuing a foreign Army in their Territory. These were the first Breaches of Treaty, and without them I did not believe that the Debtors, would have had influence enough in any Assembly, to have procured an Act or Vote to impede the Course of Law, and if the Posts were now evacuated and the Negroes paid for, I did not believe the impediment would be continued longer than to the Meeting of the Assemblies: but if the removal of these impediments Should be made a condition preceedent to the Evacuation of the Posts and Payment for the Negroes, I very much apprehended it would not be done. As the English had been first in the wrong, it was natural and reasonable to expect that they should be first to get right.

          finding it impossible to learn any Thing from his Lordship of his own Sentiments or those of his Colleagues, upon these Points, after a pause of Sometime, I proceeded to some others. and Said
          Your Lordship alone was present when the King was pleased to say to me that when he should See a Disposition in the United States to give this Country the Preference, he would be foremost in friendship to them. Yes, I was, Said his Lordship.— What greater Preference my Lord can be expected or reasonably desired, than has been given?— it is not possible for one Country to give another, Stronger Proofs than America has given this of a commercial Preference. they have with an imprudent Ardour discovered, too early and too immoderate a Predilection to the Commerce of this Country, by voluntarily reviving at the Peace, almost the very monopoly, which had been established before the War by the Acts of Parliament. can any other Preference than a commercial one, be thought of? no answer.— Is it not receiving this disposition too coldly, My Lord, to meet it with Obstructions to so many of our Remittances? Is there not danger that the Conduct of this Country will change that Disposition? Is it not easily changed? does it not consist chiefly, in Mode and Taste, Setting aside, what there is remaining of good Will, between the People. and if Credit is the Lure is it not easily counteracted?
          We have been used to buy Russian Hemp and Duck, in London. Say, We paid ten per Cent more, than it would have cost Us in Petersbourg and that the Advantage of having it upon Credit was worth to the American Merchant twenty Per Cent. By laying on a Duty of ten per Cent on these Articles imported from London more than when imported directly from Russia, would not the Advantage of Credit be wholly counteracted. By laying on fifteen Per Cent more would there not be an End forever, to American Importations of these Articles by the Way of London? Silesia Linnens, are another Article, which We bought in London, may not this Commerce be diverted entirely to stetin and Embden, by a similar Duty. may not all sorts of Manufactures in Iron, be bought in Germany, and all other Manufactures in Cotton, Linen, Metals, Silk Velvet Wool, be in the Same manner diverted from this to other Countries in Europe, only by thus laying a Bounty on the Importation of them into America to be paid by those who choose to purchase in England.
          It was become fashionable, here, for Gentlemen to Speak diminitively of American Trade, even among Some who had magnified it while in Opposition to Lord North. These could not certainly be Sincere: but be the Value of it, what it may, can it be good Policy in this Country to divert it from herself and send it to her Rivals? for Example could it be wise in the English to throw their own Newfoundland Fishery into the Hands of the French merely to prevent Americans from supplying it with Provisions and Necessaries in their own Bottoms? I was very much afraid the Ministry had not yet, duely considered, upon what a delicate Circumstance, their Fishery depended, how easily it might be lost, and how hardly recovered. tho the Fishery was very beneficial to the Public, as a nursery of Seamen, and a source of Wealth as it stood connected with various other Branches of Business, Yet to the Generality of Individuals, it was not very profitable. With their Utmost, Art, Industry and Œconomy, they could but barely live. The Jamaica Fish, as some called it, or the West India Fish as others named it was one third Part of the whole, and the Preservation and sale of it was essential to the Life of the Fishery. unfit for the European Market it had never found any other Consumers than the Negroes, and the English depended upon Selling theirs to the French in their West India Islands. They have been able to Undersell the French in their own Islands. Why? because their Fishery, at Newfoundland being Supplied from the United States, at a cheaper rate, than the French could be from Europe, they could afford to sell their Fish cheaper. But now the Tables were turned. The French are supplied from the United States and the English, must be from Europe. the Consequence of which must be, that the French will very soon be able to Supply their own Islands, cheaper than the English can, and when this happens it will be very natural for them to prohibit all foreign Fish, American as well as English. I left his Lordship to judge if this was a probable means of increasing British Seamen and Navigation, and whether, it was not probable, that if the Americans saw the English like rash Gamesters playing away their own Fisheries into foreign hands, would not look out for themselves, and purchase of the French the Admission of their Fish into the Islands, by Stipulating Some equivalent for it.— Here his Lordship, Said He wished, the Council could be brought to take into Consideration the relative Situation of the two Countries and their Commerce.— I was in hopes he would have Said more, and waited long to hear, but as it appeared he did not intend to be more particular, I Said, it was surely necessary that Something should be thought of and done. with regard to the West India Trade, it would be well to consider, whether the United States if they found themselves excluded from the English Islands, would not think it necessary to purchase a free Admission of their Flour and Ships as well as Fish and other Things, to perpetuity, by Stipulating with the French Court Some perpetual Advantage, in some particulars over the English Commerce. hitherto it had been the Policy of the States to be impartial, but if they were once driven from this Principle I left his Lordship to judge, how far they might go, and ought to go. I asked his Lordship, whether it would not be just, and wise in France, to Stipulate with Us a perpetual Admission of our Oil, to illuminate their Cities, of our Potash, duty free, of our Tobacco upon easier Duties and better Terms, in short of all the Produce of our Country, upon better Conditions, of our Flour, Fish and ships into their Islands, and of our ready built ships for sale into all her Dominions, if Congress would stipulate with them a perpetual Preference of French ships and Manufactures, over the English in America. if We would Stipulate to lay on duties one third or one half heavier, upon English than French Navigation and Merchandize, might We not make a profitable Bargain? might We not do the Same, with any and every other trading nation in Europe. Necessity would force Us to carry our Trade, where We could find a Market for our Produce.— and if England would not receive it, upon living terms, We must carry it to Germany or the Baltic, to Holland or the Mediterranean, to Portugal or France, to Spain, or even to the East Indies. all this was very patiently and civily heard, but not a Word of answer. I then asked, what could be the Reason, that the Commerce between the U. States and the remaining British Colonies, Canada and Nova Scotia Should not be encouraged. it had been found mutually beneficial heretofore, and our Share of the Profit of it, had been a Source of Remittance to England, and would be again. those Colonies, especially N. scotia would find it difficult to subsist without it, for a long time.— finding however that his Lordship was determined, to deliver no opinions, nor give the smallest hint from whence any Conclusions or Conjectures could be formed I asked him for his Advice, whether it would answer any good End for me to wait on any other of the Ministers, as my Lord Cambden and the Duke of Richmond for Example and enter into more particular Conversation with them upon these subjects? His Lordship Said Lord Cambden was gone into the Country and the Duke of Richmond to the distant Seaports, and would not be here for many Weeks, but Mr Pitt— was here— I replied that I had found Mr Pitt, in the Conversations I had had with him candid and intelligent, and that for any Thing I knew, the Affairs of the Nation could not be in better hands, but he was in a critical situation, and if a foundation should be laid of a final Allienation between England and America, it would be a deeper Stain, a blacker blot upon his Administration, than the Independence of the United States had been upon that of Lord North.
          It is not worth your while nor mine, to endeavour to recollect more particularly this useless Conversation, in which the reciprocity, as Lord North Said on another occasion was all on one side. I did not think it prudent, to urge to his Lordship, the Possibility of any other new Connections between the United States and other European Nations than commercial ones. The Possibility and the Probability of a more permanent, indeed of a perpetual defensive Alliance between France Spain, Holland and the United States, with even Ireland Soliciting to be the fifth Power, is so obvious to common sense that one would think it could not escape the Contemplations of the Ministry.
          There are Persons in this Kingdom, Sufficiently insane, to Say that they will bring America to petition to come again under the Government of this Country; they will distress them till they break their Faith with France, and then, Say they, “We will Spurn them.” if the King and Ministry, entertain Such Thoughts, they are weaker, than I ever thought them, and wickeder than any Body ever represented them. But altho insidious Policy is not a Novelty in this Country, I dont believe them capable of such an Excess of it, at this time.
          The true Secret I conceive to be, a real Ignorance and Indecision what to do.— They have discovered by their Newfoundland Bill and Irish Propositions, a desire to preserve the Principle of the Navigation Act, against the U. States. both these Experiments have been unfortunate. the first produced the Massachusetts and New Hampshire Navigation Acts; and the last procured a defeat in the Parliament of Ireland. They are now confounded, and know not whether to persevere or to retreat: and I am convinced, they have agreed together, to observe a total Silence with me, untill they Shall come to a Resolution. This Reserve they maintain to all others as well as me, least any hints might escape them by which, the various Parties, who are led by Shelburne, Buckingham, North and Fox, Should know how to begin the foundation of their Oppositions. They are realy embarrassed for whatever Treaty they make with Us, must be submitted to Parliament, either before it is Signed, or it must be made and Signed expressly Subject to the Approbation or Disapprobation of Parliament, and they are at a Loss to guess, what they can carry through Parliment, knowing the Talents of Opposition And the Force of national Prejudice and Passion in favour of the Navigation Laws. They are afraid to attempt, what they know they ought to do.
          This being the State of Things, you may depend upon it the Commerce of America will have no Relief, at present, Nor in my Opinion, ever, untill the United States Shall have generally passed Navigation Acts. If this Measure is not adopted, We shall be derided, and the more We suffer, the more will our Calamities be laugh’d at. My most earnest Exhortations to the states then are and ought to be to loose no time in passing Such Acts. They will raise our Reputation all over the World, and will avail Us in treating with France and Holland as well as England. for when these Nations once see Us in the right Way, and united in such Measures they will estimate more highly our Commerce our Credit and our Alliances. The Question has been asked in France as often as in England, what have you to give, in Exchange for this and that. particularly. it was a constant question, of the Marshall de Castries, what have you to give as a reciprocity, for the Benefit of going to our Islands? When We have once made a Navigation Act, or Shewn that We can unite in making one, We may answer We can repeal our Act or our Imposts in return for your repealing yours.
          With regard to this Country, I confess to you, I never Should have believed, or could have imagined the real Situation of it, if I had not been here and resided here Sometime. I never could have conceived, Such a Union of all Parliamentary Factions against Us, which is a Demonstration of the Unpopularity of our Cause.— if the States do not make haste to confine their Exports, to their own ships, and lay on Duties upon British Merchandizes, which shall give a decided Advantage to our own Manufactures, and those of Germany France & other Nations, it will be to no purpose to continue a Minister here, and I am Sure I Shall wish myself any where else rather than here.— These are Remedies which Congress and the States can apply. I Should hope they will not proceed farther, at present, but if these are found insufficient, I hope they will think of proceeding farther in commerical Treaties with other Nations, and reserve the Resource of further Alliances as a last Resort.
          The Draught already made, and the Negociations in Barbary, will exhaust your little Fund in Amsterdam and before next March all your servants in Europe must return home, for want of Means even of subsistance unless something is done. Our Countrymen Should not expect that Miracles will be wrought for their Relief: if their Affairs are not conducted with Wisdom and Activity they will reap, most certainly the Fruits of Folly and Supineness.
          before I conclude I will mention, one more Extravagance that I know is lurking in some hearts here. They would willingly embarrass Mr Pitt, in any rational Plan of Agreement with me, and chearfully precipitate him into a War, with the United States if they could, well knowing that it would be his Ruin. They think and I can add they say, “that Canada & Nova Scotia must soon be ours. there must be a War for it. they know how it will end, but the sooner the better. This done, We shall be forever at Peace—till then never.” But these People dont consider, that this will involve us, in unchangeable Connections with France, and prove the final ruin of this Country.
          The Stocks have lately risen to 65 and 66. whether this is owing to Ministerial Tricks, or the real Affluence of Money, it will raise the Fund of Pride and Vanity in the Nation, in a much greater Proportion, and make it more difficult for the Minister to do what even he may think right with America.— I must conclude by repeating, that my only hopes are in the Virtue, Resolution and Unanimity of my Fellow Citizens.
          With great Respect and Attachment / I have the Honour to be, Sir your / most obedient and most humble / servant

            John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Richard Henry Lee, 23 October 1785
From: Lee, Richard Henry
To: Adams, John

            Dear Sir,
            New York October the 23d. 1785

          I received the letter that you did me the honor to write me on the 15th. of July with the pleasure that always accompanies the receipt of letters from my old and much esteemed friend. I see with pleasure that your reception at the Court of London has been such as to promise you an agreeable residence there; which may be somewhat pleasant altho you should unfortunately fail in the principal objects of your mission. This last however I yet hope will not be the case, since you represent the majority of the Ministry as able, and thinking rightly with respect to us.
          The national mind cannot sure continue long under the delusion created by the most vindictive and abominable characters in the world.— I mean the Tory Refugees, who by themselves, and by those, who for sinister purposes, have suffered themselves to be imposed on by these people, are industriously keeping up on both sides of the water, a contentious and mischievous spirit, to the great hurt of both countries. We know them here, and by this time they ought to be known in England, to which country they have caused by their misrepresentations such infinite evil. In the mind of a person acquainted with the true state of things, there can remain no doubt but that this moment is the most favorable one that will probably occur again for G. Britain to make a favorable Treaty of Commerce with these U. States. The events that took place immediately succeeding the war, and which have produced such wrong conclusions touching the British security of possessing our Commerce exclusively, cannot prevent our Trade from going, as it is fast proceeding to do, into other channels, where it is driven by the mistaken discouragements that are imposed by Britain. I have myself no doubt but that smart duties of Tonnage will be laid by all the States on the Vessels of those nations with whom we have not Commercial Treaties. And that such will be prohibited from importing into our Ports productions or manufactures not the growth or manufacture of the Country importing them. Thus these States, forced into it by the intemperance of G. Britain, and led by her example, will be forming laws to discourage a Commerce that might be so mutually beneficial; if wisdom and temper prevailed over passion and folly. The project of a Treaty proposed by you to the Court where you are, is so perfectly just, and will be so greatly beneficial to both, that I cannot help hoping it will yet be agreed to. I am greatly obliged to you Sir for your good intentions respecting Mr. Steptoe, and I entreat that you will so have him in your mind as that you may effectually promote his views whensoever an opportunity shall present. Much harmony has prevailed this year in Congress, and I hope that the same concord will continue.
          The present federal year being on the point of ending I shall return to Virginia, and as I mentioned in a former letter, you may write very securely to me, under the care of Messrs: Wallace Johnson & Muir Merchants in Londo[n w]ho will safely forward your letters.

          I am, wit[h the] most sincere and perfect esteem and regard, dear Sir your most obedient and very humble servant

            Richard Henry Lee.

            P. S. Be so kind as forward Mr. Jeffersons letter to him by the safest opportunity that you can meet with— I have since determined to send Mr. Jefferson’s letter by the French Packet—


Title: To John Adams from James Sullivan, 23 October 1785
From: Sullivan, James
To: Adams, John

            Dear Sir
            Boston 23d October 1785

          I had your favour of the 16th. of August Yesterday, and am exceeding glad that it came at this time because I am frequently applied to for my Sentiments upon the propriety of the Navagation act of this State and being clear in my own opinion that it ought not to be repealed I can Say it with more confidence when my sentiments so exactly coincide with yours. but as the People here are much divided in their ideas of the Subject I can by no means expose your Letter without your licence which will not be obtained untill the matter is decided at least for the present.
          Britian has yet a warm party in America who conceive that we had better be Governed by her policy than our own. our Merchants have a supreme regard to her Commerce perhaps the large Sums they owe there keeps them in Awe. those who were averse to the revolution are uniformly so against every regulation of trade, I rather Suspect from the influence this Sort of people have gained that the Act will be repealed. yesterday Toscan the Vice Consul of France prefered his memorial to the legislature agt. the Act. that this menœvre did not originate with him I am very clear but it will have a great Effect on the Minds of the Country members. our People have foolishly Spent all the Money borrowed by the union, and introduced by foreign Armies, for the luxuries of Europe and being distressed know not where to find a remedy. and Such is our appetite for foreign gewgaws that nothing less than placing them beyond our reach by Imposts can check our Voracious inclination. but I fear there is not firmness enough to accomplish it.
          I know not your Sentiments regarding a federal Judcial power and the changing of our Confederation into one like a consolidated Government of the whole but I am at present against it. however the circle in favour of it grows larger and larger, Vainly Supposing that our happiness depends more on the form of a union than in frugality, the love of our Country, and attention to the Social Virtues—
          I have the honor to be / with great regard and / Friendship Your Most / Obedient Humble Servt

            James Sullivan


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Jefferson, 24 October 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Jefferson, Thomas

            Dear Sir
            Grosvenor Square Octr. 24. 1785

          Mr Preston arrived here, two days ago, but had lost his Letters, I hope he had none of Consequence. he dont remember he had any for me. He tells me from you, that the Dr is arrived at Philadelphia which I am glad to hear, and those Oracles of Truth the English Newspapers tell Us, he had an honourable Reception, which I Should not however have doubted, if I had not any Such respectable Authority for it.
          The Insurance is made upon Houdons Life for Six Months from the 12 of October. I have paid Thirty two Pounds Eleven Shillings Præmium and Charges, which you will please to give me Credit for. I could not persuade them to look back, as they Say, they never ensure but for the future and from the date of the Policy. I Suppose it will be Safest to keep the Receipt and Policy here, for fear of Accidents.
          I begin to be uneasy about our Funds. the Draughts upon Willinks & Co and the Expences of the Negotiations in Barbary, will exhaust the little that remains, and unless We have fresh Supplies, We shall all be obliged to embark, in the first ships We can find before next March, for Want of bread. I hope you will press this subject in your Letters to America. Rutledge declines, and you will not wonder at it.— I dont believe Congress will find any other Man, who will venture abroad upon the present Plan. The Dr was lucky to get out of the Scrape, in Season. You and I Shall Soon wish ourselves at home too.—
          I have a Letter from Thulemeier, that he has received from the King a Ratification of the Treaty, and is ready to exchange it. I hope you will request of Congress a prompt Ratification on their Part, that one Affair at least may be finished. I See no comfortable hopes here.— We hold Conferences upon Conferences, but the Ministers either have no Plan or they button it up, closer than their Waistcoats.— The thirteen States much each pass a Navigation Act, and heavy Duties upon all British Merchandizes, so as to give a clear Advantage to their own and the Manufactures of France & Germany Prussia & Russia, or We shall be a long time weak and poor.
          This will be delivered you by Dr Rodgers a Son of Dr Rodgers of New York a young Gentleman of Merit.
          I am Sir with the greatest Esteem your / Friend & sert.

            John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Edward Newenham, 24 October 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Newenham, Edward

            Sir
            Grosvenor Square October 24 [1785]

          I have just received the Letter you did me the honour to write me, on the 16 of this Month.
          The Editors of News papers find that nothing contributes more to the Sale of their Merchandize than paragraphs respecting Dr Franklin. at one time they put him to death by sickness on his passage; at another they Send him captive to Algiers: & then they wreck him on the coast of Madeira: & any Such Anecdotes answer their purpose as well as if they were true.
          But I have the pleasure to inform You that the Dr is arrived in Philadelphia, has been received by his Fellow citizens with every possible demonstration of Respect: and his Health has been So much improved by his Voyage that he proposed a journey to New York to pay his respects to Congress. the News has arrived at L’orient by one vessel, and in London by an other, and is undoubtedly authentick
          I am much obliged to you Sir for giving me this opportunity of paying my respects, having been for Several years no stranger to the Name and character of Sir Edward Newenham. with great respect I have the Honour to be Sir your most obedient & Most Humble Servant J

            J A—


Title: To John Adams from Richard Henry Lee, 24 October 1785
From: Lee, Richard Henry
To: Adams, John

            Dear Sir
            New York October the 24th. 1785

          Having yesterday written a long letter to you, I have now only to request your attention to the following business, which is of very great importance to those whom it concens; and who form a considerable portion of the Citizens of these States. The Representatives of those professing the Church of England system of religion, having been lately assembled at Philadelphia, where Lay & Clerical deputies from seven States were convened in General Convention for the purpose, among other things, of preserving and maintaining a succession of divines in their Church, in a manner which they judge consonant to the gospel, and no way interfering with the religious or civil rights of others—have sent an address to the Archbishops and Bishops of England proposing a plan for the consecration of American Bishops— It is imagined, that before anything is done in this business by the Bishops of England, that they will consult the King and Ministry; who, it is apprehended may now, as heretofore, suppose that any step of the kind being taken in England, might be considered here as an officious intermeddling with our affairs that would give offence on this side the water— Should this be the case, the Church of England Members in Congress have the greatest reliance on your liberal regard for the Religious rights of all men, that you will remove mistaken scruples from the mind of administration, by representing how perfectly consonant it is with our Revolution principles professed thro-out all the States, that every denomination of Christians has a right to pursue its own religious modes, interfering not with others. That instead of giving offence, it must give consent, by evidencing a friendly disposition to accommodate the people here who are members of the Church in question.
          In proof of this, Congress did lately shew their attention to the accommodation of this Class of Christians, by communicating to the different Executives your information from the Danish Minister of that Kings willingness to facilitate the business of ordination for our church— And the Assembly of Virginia hath incorporated this Scociety—Under which act of incorporation the Convention was held in that State that sent both Lay & Clerical deputies to the General Convention lately held in Philadelphia.
          I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the truest esteem and regard, dear Sir Your most obedient and very humble servant

            Richard Henry Lee.


Title: To John Adams from James Sullivan, 24 October 1785
From: Sullivan, James
To: Adams, John

            Dear Sir
            Boston October 24th 1785

          I beleive you will be tired of my correspondence not only from the length of my letters but from the Melancholly things I always tell you. Since I Sealed the enclosed I have heard something of the Province of main which I cannot but communicate to you as interesting and important. upon the 10th instant there was a convention held at Falmouth the president was Gorham the Judge of probate of the County of Cumberland. they met for the express purpose of determining whether it was expedient to procure for themselves a Seperate Government. the result was a requisition to all the Towns to send members on the first Wednesday in May January next to proceed upon the business. the refugees are flocking there and Such a conexion in commerce is carried on between them and Nova Scotia that no Trader who buys his Goods in Boston & pays the Duties upon them exclusive of those provided by the Navigation Act can live Vend them and those who have always against Congress begin to Suppose they can express themselves now with impunity and take liberties in their expressions with which I cannot now trouble you— you may imagine as much as you please.
          our legislature has the matter under consideration but they appear to me to be in a temper of indecission. can you suppose that a number of Rascals who have ever been in opposition to us are now trying to Sap all our Systems by opening a correspondence with the Nova Scotians and Setting our Laws at Defiance.
          I am Sir your friend & / Humble servant

            James Sullivan