Title: To James Madison from Rufus King, 14 April 1801 (Abstract)
From: King, Rufus
To: Madison, James

14 April 1801, London. No. 11. Last mail from Hamburg brought news that British fleet has taken its station off Copenhagen. British property in Hamburg and Altona has been sequestered. Prussian troops have marched into and occupied Hanover. A courier has arrived from St. Petersburg with news of death of Czar Paul and accession of Alexander; he is reported to bear dispatches for British government desiring reconciliation. Concludes that this event may break up the League of Armed Neutrality, which may serve as a warning to America against ill-conceived political ties. In postscript of 15 Apr., announces arrival of officer carrying dispatches from Sir Hyde Parker with account of attack on Copenhagen and subsequent truce. New policy of Paul’s successor may hasten end of war with Denmark.

   RC (DNA: RG 59, DD, Great Britain, vol. 9). 3 pp.; marked duplicate; in a clerk’s hand, signed by King; docketed by Wagner as received 12 June. Printed in King, Life and Correspondence of Rufus King, 3:429–30.


Title: To James Madison from William Loughton Smith, 14 April 1801 (Abstract)
From: Smith, William Loughton
To: Madison, James

14 April 1801, Lisbon. No. 46. Encloses copy of correspondence with Portuguese government concerning the “outrage” committed by some of the crew of British frigate [Diane] in the port of Lisbon. Plans to transmit copy of protest to Rufus King. Speculates that Portuguese patriarch’s pastoral (copy enclosed), an unofficial call to arms, was meant to be a test of public opinion and notes the spirit of conciliation that has followed, now that Portugal must stand without British support. With post closed, Smith observes that little can be known about Spanish intentions, French policies, or conditions in Mediterranean.

   RC and enclosures (DNA: RG 59, DD, Portugal, vol. 5). RC 3 pp.; in a clerk’s hand, signed by Smith; docketed by Wagner as received 10 June. Enclosures 7 pp.


Title: To James Madison from John Gavino, 15 April 1801 (Abstract)
From: Gavino, John
To: Madison, James

15 April 1801, Gibraltar. No. 62. Transmits copy of his dispatch no. 61 and encloses copies of 2 Jan. letter from Cathcart to O’Brien and O’Brien’s 21 Jan. and 8 Feb. letters to Gavino. Reports arrival of convoy from Great Britain.

   RC and enclosures (DNA: RG 59, CD, Gibraltar, vol. 2). RC 1 p.; docketed by Wagner as received 15 June. Enclosures are: Cathcart to O’Brien and Eaton, 2 Jan. 1801 (1 p.); O’Brien to Gavino, 21 Jan. 1801 (1 p.), stating that he had sent $4,000 worth of presents from Algiers to Tripoli and had ordered Cathcart to have money at command; and O’Brien to Gavino, 8 Feb. 1801 (1 p.), warning Gavino of the threat to American commerce from Tripolitan corsairs.

   A full transcription of this document has been added to the digital edition.


Title: To James Madison from James C. Mountflorence, 15 April 1801
From: Mountflorence, James C.
To: Madison, James

Letter not found. 15 April 1801, Paris. Mentioned and partially quoted in JM to Rufus King, 24 July 1801.


Title: To James Madison from Joseph Fenwick, 16 April 1801
From: Fenwick, Joseph
To: Madison, James

Sir
Norfolk 16 April 1801.
I was removed from the Consulate of Bordeaux by Mr. Pickering without being conscious of having given sufficient cause—unless indeed my politics were considered a sufficient one. I own I openly expressed, & in an independent, tho’ measured tone, a decided disapprobation to some measures persued & patronized by the Administration in 1797 & ’98—yet without contraveneing their orders, or losing sight of the duties of my office interpretted to the best of my judgement. Circumstances placed me in a situation to attract their notice, & still more that of their Abettors constantly in quest of some cause or pretext to remove me. A number of eastern speculators envied & sought after the place I filled: & it being one of those, custom has tolerated the solicitation of, the means employed to obtain it, were less honorable than the sentiments which gave rise to them. In this situation I coud not expect to escape a multitude of denounciations. In reply to all that have appeared, I have made the enclosed Answer.
On my return to America I published at Washington the 6th. of Novr. past a letter inviting an investigation into my conduct in France, after personally applying to the secretaries of State & Navy Messrs. Marshall & Stoddert if there was anything against me. They knew of no charge. Mr. Marshall who had been in France & embarked from Bordeaux, where he personally knew me, ought to have been acquainted with my official Conduct. Nothing then ever appeared against me while these Gentlemen & their friends remained in office. Now at a time when I wished & hoped to be reinstated in my former pla⟨ce⟩ which is in some measure vacant—The Editors of a paper formerly patronized by these persons have brought forward the charges mentioned in my reply.
Mr. Jefferson himself is not unacquainted with my position & wishes which I made known to him personally & thro’ my friend General Mason. Mr. Monroe with whom I had much official business & correspondence during his mission in France, & fro⟨m⟩ having a nearer view of my conduct than any other person, is best able to judge of it—the more so relative to these charges as all that has been scraped up against me happened prior to his leav⟨ing⟩ that Country—& I trust he will do me the justice to give his impartial testimony thereon.
I have taken the liberty to offer you these remarks not doubting but you will do the justice to my claim to the Consulate that you may think it merits. I have the honour to be with the greatest respect Sir Your most obedient & humble Servant
Joseph Fenwick

   RC (DLC: Jefferson Papers). Filed with Fenwick to Jefferson, 16 Apr. 1801. For enclosure, see n. 1.

   Fenwick probably sent JM an eleven-page printed leaflet that he also enclosed in his 16 Apr. letter to the president (DLC: Jefferson Papers) and that later appeared (except for one appended document) in a supplement to the 29 Apr. National Intelligencer. Fenwick’s broadside, datelined Norfolk, 16 Apr. 1801, replied to charges made in the Washington Federalist, 1 and 7 Apr. 1801, that he had exercised the powers of his office after being recalled, had been desultory in seeking the release of an American wrongfully captured by the French in 1798, and was guilty of commercial irregularities beneficial to him and his firm. The former consul’s rebuttals claimed the charges against him were politically inspired.

   Joseph Fenwick, of Saint Marys County, Maryland, opened the Bordeaux branch of a family tobacco trading company in the summer of 1787. After George Mason’s son joined the company, the elder Mason helped to obtain Fenwick’s appointment as consul at Bordeaux in 1790. John Adams nominated Thomas Crafts of Boston to succeed Fenwick in December 1797, but Crafts never assumed his post. Pickering recalled Fenwick late in 1798 (Pamela C. Copeland and Richard K. MacMaster, The Five George Masons: Patriots and Planters of Virginia and Maryland [Charlottesville, Va., 1975], pp. 247–48, 251; Senate Exec. ProceedingsJournal of the Executive Proceedings of the Senate of the United States of America (3 vols.; Washington, 1828)., 1:48, 253; Pickering to Fenwick, 15 Dec. 1798 [DNA: RG 59, IM, vol. 5]).


Title: To James Madison from John Hunter, 16 April 1801
From: Hunter, John
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Huntsvill April the 16th. 1801
Permit me from the Privite, & Domestick walks of Life, to Congratulate you, on your appointment to the office of Secratery of State—an office that has been in Mourning, Ever since the Resignation of it, by the Present Chife Magistrate. With what Hearts of Joy & Gratitude, ough⟨t⟩ Every frend of America, to Felicetate there Country, on the Happy Chainge. The Days of Terror is Ended, & thos of Liberty, Raison & Justices, asumed there Place.
With what astonishment, Must the Philosophick, And Reflecting Mind, vew the American Goverment—Representitive in all its Parts, & yet in its very Infancy, approch so Near Monarchy & Despotism. I consider the Present Revolutation Much Greater, that [sic] that of 75. That was only a Revolutation, arising from the Resistance, Made against the Encroachment of a forigen Nation. The Present, is one of Sentiment & Raison, Triumphing, over a Despotik faction, in the Heart of the Country, who have long Endeavoured to Thwart, the General voice of the Nation. When I say this, I do not Mean Every Individual of that Party. On the Contrary, I know Many Amiable Good Honest men, among them, who have been Insensiably Carryed away, & who I think, always thought, they were acting for the Good of there Country. That the Libertys of this Country, Can Never be teaken from them, by the force or Power of a foregin Nation, is true. But it is not Equaly so, with Designing and ambitious Men, Residing among them. I have Long thought, that the knew England States, with the asistance of some part of the Southeren, Ment to Exercise the same Power over america, that the British Entended, had the[y] accomplished there Object, by Reducing them—but thanks be to the Divine Ruler of the Universe, the[y] are Disapointed. What a Lamentable Picture the Goverment of the U. S., Exhibited to forigin Nations, on the Leate Presidential Election, 36 vots, When the oppisition was Constitutonaly Confind, to a Choice one out of two men, the Palitical principals of which, were both the Sam[e]. There Conduct Cannot be accounted for, on no other Principal, but being Long in the Habit of Crossing the voice of the Nation, they were Determind to persevere to the End, Even at the Risk of the Peace of the Country.
I Like the Sentiment in the President Spech, as Coming from him—(we are all Republicans, we are all Federalists) I would to God it were so. It is Right However to Endeavour to Heal, Rather than widen, the unhappy Diference in america, & to Reclaim Rather than Punish. Should the Amiable Quality of the Present Great, & Glourious Chife, not be able to unite the Citizens of America, in Suport of there Civil Rights, I shall be almost Lead to Doubt, whether Mankind was born to be free or not—America being almost the only Country in the world, where men ar[e] not only free in Goverment, but also in there Local Situations. Every man or nearly so, May be truly sd., to be Lord of his own Monnie, & the Real owner of that Property, which is suficient to his Existance & Independance, & that of his family. I have known Men in Europe, Drove out of there Lands, for no other Cause, but because the[y] would not vote, at an Election as there Land Lord wanted them, Many of which were oblidged to sell off what the[y] had, & bind som of there family, & pay what they Could, & Com off to america. To Look for Independance from such men, is perhaps More than there is in Human Nature to Grant. O happy america be only watchfull, & virtuous, & you will be always free.
I have been Lead to the forgoing Remarks, from a Long vew of past Events. Permit me now to Give you som Information, Conserning the State of Partys in this Country. In order that you May have a Corect Idea of it, I will Go back as far as Last October, to the Election of Members for the State Legislature. The Federal Party as the[y] Called themselves, in Charleston, took a Decided Lead in this Busness. The[y] Completly over Cam[e] the Republicans, not one was Elected but one. It was Nearly the Same all over the Low Country. Pierce Butler, with all other Republicans, was Almost Left out. Where there was one, accidently Elected, he was Considered by them, as a half way man, and they having Made Sure of a Magority, was sure in there own Mind of Geting him. At the Head of this Party was Henry W. Deassessaure, Jno. B. Holms, John Ward, & Genl. Pinckny. The first of those Gentelmen, who appeared to be the head of the Party, was sd. to have wrote a Number of Phamflets against the Election of Jefferson, & in favour of Adams & Pinckny. He was the only one of the Gentelmen Named, with whom I had any Perticular Conversation. He appeared I though[t] Disposed to Give no Quarters, & as I considered him, the head of the Party, I suposed he Spoke there Sentiments. Not a man was to be appointed, to any Place, but of that Party. The Legisla[t]ure Meet & formed a Cacaus, on the Last Monday in November. The up Country Members being Scatered, & Spread of over a Large tract of Country, Meet as Might be Expected, without any Conserted Plan of Proceeding. However Imediatly on a vew, of the high Minded Temper of a part of the House, the[y] soon thought it Nessessary, to adopt som plan to Meet the Conserted Measurs of the others. Accordinly on wedensday knight, the Republicans had a Meeting, About 50 Members attended. The first thing Proposed after a Chairman being appointed, was to appoint a Committee to Nominate Electors. It was soon Don, & Reported to the Bodey, a second Meeting was to take Place Next knight. But before the[y] Ajourned, it was wisly thought Expedent, to Enroul such of the Members, who was present, as was willing to Give in there Names. The Doors was oppen for all, they Meet the Next knight. The Electors proposed Reported, & agreed to be voted for, as our Legislature, Elects the Electors, & not the People. There Numbers was this knight about 75. There were Several who from Motives of Delicacy, did not wish there Names Enrould. & others perhaps from Motives of prudence. The Republicans thought themselves prety Strong, as Several Members had not yet Come, & 81 Made a Magority of the whole Legislature. Another Meting was appointed on Monday knight, to Distribute the Tickets, as the Election was to Com on—on Tuesday. Several of the Federal Members attended & saw what was Don. On Friday the Federal Members, had a Meting. Thus was Conducted, with open Doors, there Numbers perhaps about 50. The[y] had Dificulty to form a ticket, that they thought would be acceptiable. The[y] Nominated Some Men who Refusd Serving, & others went on Sunday, to the Printing office & Eraised there Names from the Ticket. They at Last However Made one. On Monday about two or three oClock—two or three of the Republicans, in the open Street, Got Information, that Several of the Federal party, that was Good Speakers, was to attend the Meeting that knight, & was to adress the asembly, & propose a Comprimise, that they would Suport Jefferson, if the others would Suport Pinckny. The House being Ajourned when this Information was Receved, there was no time nor Chance, for Consultation, that being the Evening of the Meting. The few therefore, that Got the knews, Imedeatly agreed on the following Notice, to be put on the Door of the accadamy, that knight between Sun Down, & Dark, that being the time & Place of Meeting in Large Letters—(No Meeting here this knight) Signd by the Chair Man. As any of Either Party Came, & saw what was on the Door, they went away. Thus Ended all Chance of a Comprimis. Perhaps there Might be a few, of the Federal Leaders, that would not a Consented to a Comprimise, nor teaken no part in it, but I have no Doubt, they would have been Silent. It is Absolutly Sertain, that no Comprimise, would have been acceded to, by the Republicans at all, for if the[y] had not Even a known there Strenth, the[y] were Determind to Risk Every thing, Rather than Meet on Such Terms as that. I have no Doubt, that it was there fixed Determination, that if the[y] Could not Get Jefferson, that as a Choice of Evils, the[y] would a Chose Adams. All partys meet on Tuesday, to try there Strenth, the Result of which you know. Genl. P. was one of the Senate. He Came into the House of Reps., & voted for Electors but for whom I do not know.
In a few Days after, there was another Tryal of Strenth, for a senator in the Place of Colon. Reed. That Morning of the Election, a Letter was Read from that Gentelman, Declining to offer. The Federal Party, Put up Mr. John Ward, President of the Senate, the Republicans Jno. Ewing Colhoun. On the first Balit, the vots was Equal. The Second Mr Colhoun had one a vote ahead. Mr Colhoun was not a Member of Either Branch of the Legislature. Mr Ward went in to the Hous of Reps., & voted but for whom——The Republican Ticket of Electors had from 12 to 18 of a Magority of vots, over the Federal Electors. Thus Ended a strugel in the Legislature of Carolina, which will have its Du[e] weigh[t] in the Counciels of the Union. There was one of the Electors, that I could now Name to you, who proposed to throw one vote away, for fear of the Dredfull Consequence of what have Showen its self, on the Leat Presidential Election, but it Could not be agreed to.
Thus I have Given you, som knoledge of the State of Partys in this Country. Permit me now to Give you Some Information, that May be of use to you, in your Present office, about the Most Confidential Persons, from whom you May Get the Most Extensive & Corect Information, & such as you Can always Rely on. I consider our Leatly Elected Senator, to stand among the first men, for Information & Integrity, that this or any other Country afords. His Local knoledge of So. Carolina, Can not be Exceeded by any, & be Equald but by few. In the Lower Country, the Charecters that Imedeatly Impress themselvs on my Mind, whos Information Might be usefull, & on whom you Could Rely is—the present Governor, John Drayton, John Jules Pringle, Honl. Wm Johnston, Paul Hamilton Controuler of the Trasury Mr Pringle is Attory Genl., & Mr Johnston is one of the Judges. In the Midel Country, Honl. Ephm. Ramsey Silver Bluf, Near agusta, & Wade Hampton Columbia. In the upper Country Generals Pickens and Anderson. From those men you May Always Obtain, a Corect vew of the Pu[b]lick Sentiment here.
Thus Sir I have teaken the Liberty of troubling you with this Long Letter, beliving it at all times to be a Desierable object with you, to know the State of the Publick mind, but More Especialy now, as I have no Doubt that it is not only your Desire, to know it, but to Execute it, as far as May be within the Power of the Executive of the U. S., I hope, & I have no Doubt, but the Present Amiable Chife, will Soon Reconcile the Citizens of this Country, to his wise administration.
It will Always, Give me the Greatest Pleasur, to Give you all the Information that May be in my Power.
Wishing Peace, Joy & Happyness, to you in your Present-Appointment, & that of your Country—while I have the Pleasure of Subscribing my self, with sentiments of Respect & Esteem your Obt. Sert.
Jno. Hunter
P. S. Poor Burk is on the Decline. I am afraid he will not Live Long—none of More Confidence than him. Honl. Obryan Smith Charleston is a strong Republican. Coln. Mouzon High Hills Santee.

   RC (DLC).

   Henry W. DeSaussure was a Charleston lawyer and a former director of the Mint during Washington’s administration. John Bee Holmes served in the South Carolina House (1790–98) and Senate (1799–1802). John Ward was president of the state Senate, 1798–1802 (John Belton O’Neall, Biographical Sketches of the Bench and Bar of South Carolina [2 vols.; Charleston, 1859], 1:243–47; Emily Bellinger Reynolds and Joan Reynolds Faunt, comps., Biographical Directory of the Senate of the State of South Carolina, 1776–1964 [Columbia, 1964], pp. 238, 327).

   Jacob Read was a Federalist in the U.S. Senate, 1795–1801. John Ewing Colhoun, a native of Virginia and a College of New Jersey graduate, had served eight terms in the South Carolina legislature before his election to the U.S. Senate in 1800 (Walter B. Edgar et al., eds., Biographical Directory of the South Carolina House of Representatives [3 vols. to date; Columbia, 1974—], 3:146–48, 597–98; General Catalogue of Princeton University, 1746–1906 [Princeton, N.J., 1908], p. 97).

   John Drayton attended the College of New Jersey. As lieutenant governor he assumed the governorship upon the death of Edward Rutledge in January 1800. John Julius Pringle became the state attorney general in 1792 and held that post for sixteen years. William Johnson, Jr., another alumnus of the College of New Jersey, was elected Speaker of the state House of Representatives in 1798 as a Republican. Paul Hamilton was presiding officer in the state Senate, 1798–1802, and would become JM’s secretary of the navy in 1809. Ephraim Ramsay was in the state legislature, 1792–97, and became a common pleas judge in 1799. Andrew Pickens served one term in Congress, 1793–95, and was an unsuccessful Federalist candidate for the U.S. Senate in 1798. Robert Anderson was lieutenant governor of South Carolina, 1796–98 (Edgar et al., Biographical Directory of the South Carolina House of Representatives, 1:235, 240, 245, 249, 3:39–41, 552–54, 586–87; General Catalogue of Princeton University, p. 106).

   John Hunter, a former Federalist congressman and state representative, was reelected to the South Carolina House in 1800 and served as a Jefferson-Burr elector (Edgar et al., Biographical Directory of the South Carolina House of Representatives, 3:361–62).

   Aedanus Burke, chancellor of the South Carolina court of equity, died 30 Mar. 1802. Obryan (O’Brien) Smith served in the South Carolina House, 1789–99, and was elected to the state Senate in 1800. “Coln. Mouzon” may have been Henry Mouzon of St. James Parish in the Santee district (ibid., 3:667–68; S.C. Historical and Genealogical Magazine, 17 [1916]: 79).


Title: To James Madison from Levi Lincoln, 16 April 1801
From: Lincoln, Levi
To: Madison, James

Sir
Washington April 16. 1801.
The inclosed letter from the author of the former letters, would to me be too flattering, not to be read with the greatest complacency. I forward it with pleasure to the man, who deservedly commands, the affection, and the esteem of a Dickinson.
The Pamphlet, which accompanies, on the agriculture of the United States, was sent to the office by Mr Williams, at the direction of Mr King. Two hundred copies were sent. For what purpose, is yet to be learnt. So far, as my knowledge extends it contains neither facts, principles, or invention. Great injustice is done, to the northern, & I beleive to every, State in the Union. It may have for its object, something political. American husbandry can never be much advanced by it.
I with pleasure inform you that republicanism continues to prevail in New England. In Massachusetts, the votes for Governor and Senators have been directed by uncommon zeal on both sides. I have returns only from two towns. In Boston Gerry had 2078, & Strong 1851 for Govr. In Charlestown Gerry 288. Strong 170.
The State of the poll for Senators in the town of Boston was Wendall, an accommodating character who will go with the Government 3645—Tudor 3701 Bowdoin 2069 Austin 2067, these three, repu[b]licans. Codman 1728 & Jones 1761—both federalist. The three first will undoubtedly be elected. With the highest sentiments of esteem for your character I am Sir most respectfully yours
Levi Lincoln

   RC (DLC). Docketed by JM. For enclosures, see nn. 1 and 2.

   John Dickinson to JM, 7 Apr. 1801.

   Samuel Williams, U.S. consul in London, sent copies of William Strickland’s Observations on the Agriculture of the United States of America (London, 1801) to the State Department (Williams to Marshall, 10 Feb. 1801 [DNA: RG 59, CD, London, vol. 8]). JM’s copy is now in the Madison Collection, Rare Book Department, University of Virginia.

   Strickland, a Yorkshire landowning aristocrat who traveled in America and gathered information for the British Board of Agriculture, argued that farming in the U.S. was in decline because of wasteful practices and wanton misuse of cropland and woodland.

   The Suffolk County senatorial results left Oliver Wendell, William Tudor, J. L. Austin, and James Bowdoin “undoubtedly chosen” (Boston Mercury and New-England Palladium, 7 Apr. 1801).


Title: To James Madison from Israel Whelen, 16 April 1801
From: Whelen, Israel
To: Madison, James

Sir.
Philadelphia 16 April 1801
I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 10t. Inst. Mess[r]s. Pettit & Bayard had sold a part of the Bills; what they had remaining I purchased agreeably to your instructions, I am not acquainted with the first indorsers but Mr. Bell is a person of undoubted Credit, I have enclosed the first & Second setts with an account stating the amount which you will be pleased to direct to be remitted to me to pay for them, the third & fourth sets with letters of advice shall be forwarded by a succeding mail. I was inform’d the Bank of the United States had given the same price for Bills on Amsterdam and that it was not probable they would be lower. I have the honor to be &c

   Letterbook copy (DNA: RG 45, Purveyor’s Office, Philadelphia). Enclosures not found.

   Letter not found. JM probably was responding to a letter from Pettit and Bayard to him of 23 Mar. 1801, which proposed placing the proceeds from a shipment of coffee consigned to Amsterdam to the credit of the U.S. there. The firm asked JM to direct the cashier of the Bank of the United States to purchase bills of exchange to cover the transaction (DNA: RG 92, Consolidated Correspondence File, Letters Relative to Claims).

   For more than a decade Pettit and Bayard was a major mercantile firm based in Philadelphia (Pa. Magazine of History and Biography, 30 [1906]: 323).

   Possibly Andrew Bell, the collector at Perth Amboy, New Jersey.


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 17 April 1801
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Th: J. to J. Madison.
Monticello Apr. 17. 1801.
I shall be with you on the 25th. unless health or weather prevent. But if you propose leaving home sooner for Washington, do not let my coming prevent you. Only, in that case, if convenient, lodge word at Gordon’s, or write me by next post, that you will be gone; as I should then wish to lengthen my day’s journey. I have not been able to look yet into my newspapers, but I presume yours contain all mine do. My respectful compliments to mrs. Madison, & affectionate attachment to yourself.
Th: Jefferson

   FC (DLC: Jefferson Papers).

   Nathaniel Gordon operated a tavern on the “Fredericksburgh Great road” between Charlottesville and the new capital (William H. B. Thomas, Gordonsville, Virginia: Historic Crossroads Town [Verona, Va., 1971], p. 3).


Title: To James Madison from Levi Lincoln, 17 April 1801 (Abstract)
From: Lincoln, Levi
To: Madison, James

17 April 1801, Washington. Forwards a letter addressed to the secretary of state which, when opened, was actually meant for Mrs. Madison. Asks that Mrs. Madison pardon the impropriety and assures JM he is “perfectly ignorant of the contents.”

   RC (DLC). 1 p.; docketed by JM.


Title: To James Madison from James C. Mountflorence, 17 April 1801 (Abstract)
From: Mountflorence, James C.
To: Madison, James

17 April 1801, Paris. Has received from Cathalan copy of enclosed circular letter brought by ship Anna Maria, which left Tunis on 24 Mar. Cathalan has forwarded by Bordeaux two large packets for State Department, one from Tripoli and the other from Tunis. Mountflorence is transmitting copies of the circular to North Sea ports and Great Britain.

   RC and enclosure (DNA: RG 59, CD, Paris, vol. 1). RC 1 p.; docketed by Wagner as received 16 July. The enclosed circular letter from Cathcart, 21 Feb. 1801 (1 p.), is endorsed by Cathalan on 8 Apr. and Mountflorence on 16 Apr.

   A full transcription of this document has been added to the digital edition.


Title: To James Madison from William Vans Murray, 17 April 1801 (Abstract)
From: Murray, William Vans
To: Madison, James

17 April 1801, The Hague. No. 131. Encloses Leiden newspapers on battle of Copenhagen. Speculates on early end to hostilities and notes scant help offered Danes. Believes Danes and Prussians only ostensibly neutral, citing “chicanery” connected with capture of Hamburg, Lübeck, and Hanover. Relays newspaper evidence that Alexander of Russia plans to style his reign after that of his grandmother Empress Catherine and tells of rumors that Paul was murdered. “The talked of cession of Louisiana to France has naturally excited both my anxiety & inquiries: as yet I doubt if that cession have [sic] been made.”

   RC (DNA: RG 59, DD, Netherlands, vol. 4). 4 pp.; docketed by Wagner as received in June.


Title: To James Madison from Frederick Jacob Wichelhausen, 17 April 1801 (Abstract)
From: Wichelhausen, Frederick Jacob
To: Madison, James

17 April 1801, Bremen. Transmits duplicate of his 8 Apr. letter. On 12 Apr. eight hundred Prussian troops arrived to be quartered in Bremen. The king of Prussia has promised citizens no injury will come to constitution and commerce of the city. A fourteen-week armistice has been concluded between the British and Danes during which differences should be resolved; Russian czar, by opening his ports to British, has shown he is not averse to reconciliation. Assumes Prussia will soon withdraw its troops from Bremen.

   RC (DNA: RG 59, CD, Bremen, vol. 1). 2 pp.; addressed to Marshall.

   A full transcription of this document has been added to the digital edition.


Title: To James Madison from John Quincy Adams, 18 April 1801 (Abstract)
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Madison, James

18 April 1801, Berlin. No. 190. Answers query of 28 Dec. 1800 concerning whereabouts of an American citizen, Lewis Littlepage, who plans soon to embark for home. Reports that all recent Prussian trade restrictions now are lifted, that British and Danes signed fourteen-week armistice on 8 Apr., and that Denmark is forced to suspend its membership in armed league and to make no changes in its maritime defense. Believes effect has been “to lame the coalition for one year.” Comments on imprudence of earlier Danish adherence to principle of freedom of the seas: much of Denmark’s revenue derives from customary charges it levies on ships traveling through the sound. Denmark now has “provoked the question as to her right of exacting this toll; and by giving occasion for the experiment of a passage in spite of any opposition she was able to make, she has discovered to the world her impotence to maintain it in fact” [i.e., cannon in fortress of Cronenberg lacked the range to reach Nelson’s ships]. Conveys word of peace between France and king of Naples on 28 Mar.; it confirms stiff terms of armistice of Foligno but could have been worse for Naples if settled after Czar Paul’s death.

   RC (DNA: RG 59, DD, Prussia, Letters of J. Q. Adams); letterbook copy (MHi: Adams Papers). RC 2 pp.; docketed by Wagner. Letterbook copy misdated 1800.


Title: To James Madison from William Eaton, 18 April 1801 (Abstract)
From: Eaton, William
To: Madison, James

18 April 1801, Tunis. Contrary winds have delayed departure of chartered vessel [Benvenuto]. Reports arrival of O’Brien letters of 5 Apr., which acknowledge receipt of Cathcart correspondence dated 3 Jan. to 26 Feb. and relate O’Brien’s effort to obtain helpful intervention of Algerine regency at Tripoli. Notes that O’Brien also discusses delays regarding the arrival of U.S. regalia in Algiers and setbacks to “Jew directory” there. Encloses copy of instructions, omitted in previous letter, to captain of vessel [Benvenuto].

   RC and enclosure (DNA: RG 59, CD, Tunis, vol. 2, pt. 1); letterbook copy (CSmH). RC 1 p.; docketed by Wagner as received 12 Aug. Enclosure 1 p.

   A full transcription of this document has been added to the digital edition.


Title: From James Madison to Charles Peale Polk, 19 April 1801
From: Madison, James
To: Polk, Charles Peale

Letter not found. 19 April 1801. Acknowledged in Polk to JM, 14 May 1801. Quoted in Polk to JM, 12 Oct. 1809 (DLC). Complains of indisposition. Gives assurances that JM will offer Polk and his family help if the opportunity arises.


Title: To James Madison from Benjamin Rittenhouse, 19 April 1801
From: Rittenhouse, Benjamin
To: Madison, James

Letter not found. 19 April 1801. Calendared in the lists probably made by Peter Force (DLC, series 7) as a two-page letter. Mentioned in Rittenhouse to JM, 3 July 1801. Concerns Rittenhouse’s request for a federal post.


Title: To James Madison from Rufus King, 20 April 1801
From: King, Rufus
To: Madison, James

No. 12.Dear Sir,
London April 20. 1801.
Annexed I have the honour to send you a copy of my Correspondence with Mr. Anstey upon the Subject of the British Debts.
   Reference may be had to numbers 93 & 98. of the last series; the former inclosing Copy of a Paper delivered to Lord Grenville on the 23. of November 1800, as a commencement of the negotiation, and the latter explaining his Lordships reasons for devolving on Mr. Anstey the preliminary discussions with Mr. King.
 Although I might, by an Analysis of the Claims exhibited at Philadelphia, have been able to add much support to the Estimate which I had formed of these Debts, I thought it advisable to bring the discussion to a close; as well on account of the little probability that any further arguments which could be offered, would be likely to induce Mr. Anstey to acquiesce in an Estimate of the Debts which should not correspond with a Sum that had been named to him, as proper to demand of us, as because it did not appear to me certain that his opinion upon this Subject would have the same weight with the new Ministry, as it might have had with their Predecessors. With perfect respect and Esteem, I have the honour to be, Dear Sir, Your ob. & faithful Servt.
Rufus King

   RC and enclosures (DNA: RG 59, DD, Great Britain, vol. 9). RC in a clerk’s hand, signed by King. Enclosures 123 pp.

   John Anstey was one of two British members of the board responsible for fixing the amount of American claims against Britain under article 7 of the Jay treaty. Early in 1801 King reported Grenville’s suggestion that Anstey and the American minister conduct preliminary discussions on the issue of unsettled British pre-Revolutionary claims, which had stalled negotiations on article 7 as well. See King to JM, 7 Mar. 1801, n. 2. The enclosed King-Anstey correspondence runs from 28 Dec. 1800 to 20 Mar. 1801.

   King to secretary of state, 13 Dec. 1800, and enclosure (DNA: RG 59, DD, Great Britain, vol. 8), and 17 Jan. 1801 (ibid., vol. 9).


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Bulkeley, 20 April 1801 (Abstract)
From: Bulkeley, Thomas
To: Madison, James

20 April 1801, Lisbon. Encloses statements on three American ships captured and taken into Lisbon. The Atlas has been detained for seven months while case is tried in London. Hostilities between Spanish and Portuguese have not begun. In consequence of his further efforts, quarantine on U.S. vessels has been raised. Offers congratulations to president on his election. Owing to shortage of wheat and flour, government has ordered the country searched for supplies “in the hands of Monopolizers.” A schooner from Baltimore has lately arrived with 510 barrels of flour.

   RC and enclosures (DNA: RG 59, CD, Lisbon, vol. 1). RC 3 pp.; in a clerk’s hand, unsigned. Text from copy sent with Bulkeley to JM, 7 June 1801. Enclosures (4 pp.) relate to the capture of the Atlas and other vessels.

   A full transcription of this document has been added to the digital edition.


Title: To James Madison from Samuel Dexter, 20 April 1801 (Abstract)
From: Dexter, Samuel
To: Madison, James

20 April 1801, Treasury Department. Encloses letter [not found] from John Hall, recent U.S. marshal for Pennsylvania. Notes that by law, census is under secretary of state’s direction. Seeks to know whether Hall must pay former assistants or whether successor will pay. “An advance to him is proper or otherwise as you shall settle this Question.” Requests an early reply.

   RC (DNA: RG 59, ML). 1 p.; in a clerk’s hand, signed by Dexter; docketed by Wagner. On 28 Mar. Jefferson had replaced Hall on the grounds that he was “packing juries” (Jefferson’s list of appointments, 1801–3 [DLC: Jefferson Papers]).


Title: To James Madison from Aaron Burr, 21 April 1801
From: Burr, Aaron
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Nyork 21 Ap. 1801
I was well acquainted with Major Gibbs during the late revolution. He was a punctual, attentive officer and has at all times been deemed a Man of integrity and honor. It has been suggested to me that, in Case of Vacancy, the office of Marshall would be acceptable to him. I should suppose him to be competent to the discharge of the duties of that office with reputation to himself and to the Government. I have thought it to be due to an old fellow soldier, who has been uniformly republican, to enclose to you the testimonies, which he has forwarded to me, of his services and to express the favorable opinion which I entertain of him. Being however totally unacquainted with the present Marshall, and ignorant of the other persons, if any, who may offer for this appointment, I decline giving any opinion as to the expediency of a change and of the preference of Mr Gibbs to other Candidates who may be in Your View. Mr Lincoln must be better informed on these points. I am Dear Sir with great respect & Esteem Your assured friend & Ob St
A; Burr

   RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR, 1801–9). Docketed by Lincoln: “Vice Presidents Recommendation of Major Gibbs, as Marshall of Massachusetts” (not in hand of JM as noted in Kline, Papers of BurrMary-Jo Kline, ed., Political Correspondence and Public Papers of Aaron Burr (2 vols.; Princeton, N.J., 1983)., 1:568). Enclosures not found.

   Maj. Caleb Gibbs had been named superintendent of the Boston navy yard in 1800. The incumbent marshal, Samuel Bradford, served until 1804 (Kline, Papers of BurrMary-Jo Kline, ed., Political Correspondence and Public Papers of Aaron Burr (2 vols.; Princeton, N.J., 1983)., 1:568 nn.).


Title: To James Madison from George C. Morton, 21 April 1801
From: Morton, George C.
To: Madison, James

Sir,
Havana April 21. 1801.
I have the honor to transmit herewith, the answer of His Excellency the Governor, and Captain General of this Island, to an application, made by me in consequence of directions from the Department of State, under date the 11th. of December last; That Mr. John Hollins, of the city of Baltimore Mercht., might have permission to visit this place, and return, free from arrest: in order to adjust a suit, between himself and L. Gonet of this city. The request, His Excellency informs me, is complied with, as far as it regards that particular case, but it should clai⟨m⟩ his Consideration, how far he may be liable from other persons, as a detention of that nature, is peculiarly disagreeable, tedious, and expensive, under the laws of this Colony. His Excellency states, as the reason for replying dire⟨ct⟩ly to the Goverment, that he can not, by any public act, officially acknowledge, the existence of this office; as he explained to Mr. Pickering in Septem⟨ber⟩ 1799 on Mr. John Morton’s first presenting his diploma, but they pay a ready and obliging attention, to any representation from the office and acknowledge its instruments as proof in their Courts—nor is the representation of any other nation more favored; the French Commissaries have Universally, and lately, been received in the same manner. I observe with sattisfaction, that the general disposition of the Civil Department, is to render Justice and protect the rights and persons of our Citizens in an equal, if not greater degree, than those of their own, and the attention of the Marine Department, is not to be exceeded, scarcely equalled by any Nation. The wealth and impor[t]ance of this Colony, has increased during the few years that it has been open to the american trade, in a most astonishing degree, with regard to the habits of industry, Knowledge of commerce, general civilization, and comfort of life, and for the continuance of which trade, after Peace shall take place, many petitions have gone forward to Court.
Little or no information, either political or Commercial, transpires in this remote Situation, that can interest the politician or Statesman. With, the highest respect I have the Honor to be Yr. Most Obt. Humble. Servt.
Geo: C. Morton. Acting Consul U. S. A.

   RC (DNA: RG 59, CD, Havana, vol. 1). Docketed by Wagner. Enclosure not found.

   George C. Morton acted as U.S. agent at Havana while the consul, his brother John, returned to Washington to defend himself against charges of improper conduct (see Morton to JM, 4 June 1801). Morton’s defense was accepted, and he resumed his post (ASPAmerican State Papers: Documents, Legislative and Executive, of the Congress of the United States … (38 vols.; Washington, 1832–61)., Misc., 1:307).


Title: To James Madison from David Humphreys, 21 April 1801 (Abstract)
From: Humphreys, David
To: Madison, James

21 April 1801, Madrid. No. 273. Reports Czar Paul of Russia murdered, allegedly by his eldest son. Conveys word that Hamburg has been occupied by Prussian troops, British fleet has drawn near Copenhagen, and French troops assigned to the invasion of Portugal have now entered Spain. In postscript of 23 Apr. encloses copy of official Spanish complaint of piracy committed by vessel flying British colors but suspected of being American. Requests instructions.

   RC and enclosure (DNA: RG 59, DD, Spain, vol. 5). RC 2 pp.; marked “5 Copy”; in a clerk’s hand, signed by Humphreys; docketed by Wagner. Enclosure 1 p., in Spanish.


Title: To James Madison from Elias Vander Horst, 21 April 1801 (Abstract)
From: Vanderhorst, Elias
To: Madison, James

21 April 1801, Bristol. Has received no letters from State Department since writing his of 18 Mar. Notes that papers transmitted (which include London prices current) report two great events in northern Europe. Will not conjecture on possible consequences except to say he is not sanguine of peace but fears the contrary. Reports that provisions continue to decline in price; weather has been wet and cold.

   RC (DNA: RG 59, CD, Bristol, vol. 2). 1 p.; docketed by Wagner as received 28 May.

   A full transcription of this document has been added to the digital edition.


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, [22 April] 1801
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir
[22 April 1801]
Your favor of the 17th. came to hand by the last mail. You will find us at home on saturday. It would have been expedient on some accounts to have set out before that day, but it has been rendered impossible by several circumstances, particularly by an attack on my health which kept me in bed 3 or 4 days, and which has not yet permitted me to leave the House. I hope to be able to begin the journey by sunday or monday at farthest and to get as far as Capt Winston’s the first day. I should have been glad to have taken a ride to Monticello during the Court especially as it would have given me an interview with Mr. E. Randolph whom I wished to consult on some law points, but it was first inconvenient & then impossible.

   RC (DLC). Complimentary close and signature clipped. Docketed by Jefferson: “Madison James. Apr. 22. 1801. / recd. Apr. 24.”

   Probably Edmund Winston (1745–1818) of Hanover County (National Society of the Daughters of the American Revolution, DAR Patriot Index [Washington, 1966], p. 754).


Title: To James Madison from William Willis, 22 April 1801
From: Willis, William
To: Madison, James

Sir
Barcelona 22 April 1801.
The inclosed copy of a circular letter from Consul OBrien at Algiers, will explain to you the unpleasant state of our affairs in this quarter. There is no doubt that the Dey of Tripoli has in some measure been prompted to declare war against the United States by European influence, as all the powers that are concerned in commerc⟨e⟩ are desirous of amas[s]ing the golden harvest of the Mediterranean trade to themselves, & for this reason encourage the Barbary States to declare war against their neighbours as well as against the United States, which it is well known that if they support a good intelligence with the Barbary States, will almost deprive the northern powers of Europe of this so much coveted harvest. This makes it one of the greatest objects of the government of the United States to protect the commerce of the Mediterranean, and the European powers find that two things are necessary for this object; one of which is to keep a small naval force in these seas & the other is to discharge with punctuality all the engagements entered into with them & at times to make them presents: and besides this a treaty of amity & commerce is very serviceable, and will be as much or more so to the United States, as his influence is almost absolute over the Barbary States, and all the powers of Europe who wish to be well with the Barbary States, take measures to be in amity with the Grand Senior. And it is still more interesting for the United States to be in a state of close amity with that sovreign and it would be much easier for the United States to support a preference with him than for any of the powers of Europe, as they lay each of them allmost undistinguished among the crowd of powers of Europe. But as Amer⟨ica⟩ stands alone, his vanity would be much gratified in having his frien⟨d⟩ship sought after from so great a distance, as he is proud of having his friendly influence extend over a great part of the globe. I am sorry to find a great number of American vessels in these seas withou⟨t⟩ a single ship of war to protect them. There are now thirteen American vessels in this Port & Province & I shall do all in my power to detain them till a ship of war arrives which I hope will be soon. I am Sir With respect Your humble Servant
Willm Willis
Since writing the foregoing [nothing] new has occured Respecting our affairs with Tripoly. The number of Vessells that are now in this Port belonging to the United States is twenty five which the enclosed list is an account of. I enclose you also some observations on the Consequence of our keeping the Barbarians at Bay and protecting our Commerce which may be publick if the president thinks proper. I am Sir With Respec[t] Your Hbl St
Willm Willis

   RC and enclosures (DNA: RG 59, CD, Barcelona, vol. 1). RC marked quadruplicate; in a clerk’s hand, except for Willis’s signature and postscript; docketed by Wagner as received 2 Sept. Copy (ibid.), marked duplicate, is dated 21 Apr. and does not include postscript. Enclosures are a copy of O’Brien’s 5 Apr. circular letter and a list, dated 30 May, of vessels and their masters.

   Willis wrote Mountflorence on 29 Apr. about the American vessels in port, urging him to send a ship of war as soon as possible (Knox, Naval Documents, Barbary WarsDudley W. Knox, ed., Naval Documents Related to the United States Wars with the Barbary Powers (6 vols.; Washington, 1939–44)., 1:440–41).

   Willis’s observations have not been found.


Title: To James Madison from Bird, Savage, and Bird, 22 April 1801 (Abstract)
From: Bird, Savage, and Bird
To: Madison, James

22 April 1801, London. Sends receipt for funds supplied Oliver Ellsworth. Firm provided advances totaling £5,000 to U.S. to meet contingencies, payments on behalf of U.S. to be made in May will come to about £1,000, and other payments cannot yet be ascertained. Accounts transmitted to Secretary Marshall in June 1800 will furnish a guide for future remittances. Since the firm does not charge to U.S. “any commission in our accounts,” and as it is desirable to have funds on hand, a remittance from U.S. is now required. Expresses desire to continue as bankers for the U.S. and to assist JM in his personal requirements. “Our H. M. Bird had the honor of being personally known to you at New York in the years 1789 & 1790, & from him we have learnt to respect those talents which so eminently qualify you for the service of your country in the high Office you hold.” Postscript notes enclosure of a receipt from Samuel Sitgreaves for funds paid on Rufus King’s order.

   RC and enclosures (DNA: RG 59, Letters Received from Bankers). RC 2 pp. Enclosures (2 pp.) are receipts for £444 14s. 10d. signed by Ellsworth and for £1,890 5s. 10d. and £150 signed by Sitgreaves. Bird, Savage, and Bird to JM, 5 May 1801 (ibid.), transmitted a copy of this letter and noted that later funds paid to Sitgreaves totaled £78 15s.


Title: To James Madison from William Kirkpatrick, 22 April 1801 (Abstract)
From: Kirkpatrick, William
To: Madison, James

22 April 1801, Málaga. Encloses copy of O’Brien’s circular letter of 5 Apr. Fears for American vessels in Mediterranean. Hopes small force is on the way to block Tripolitan cruisers in their ports; some frigates should be permanently stationed to protect Mediterranean navigation. Has forwarded copies of enclosure to Gibraltar, Cádiz, Corunna, Santander, France, Hamburg, and London.

   RC (DNA: RG 59, CD, Málaga, vol. 1). 2 pp.; marked “Copy.” Printed in Knox, Naval Documents, Barbary WarsDudley W. Knox, ed., Naval Documents Related to the United States Wars with the Barbary Powers (6 vols.; Washington, 1939–44)., 1:438. A copy of O’Brien’s 5 Apr. circular letter, addressed to Kirkpatrick and endorsed by him on 22 Apr., is docketed by Wagner as received in Mountflorence’s 17 May 1801 dispatch (DNA: RG 59, CD, Paris, vol. 1).

   A full transcription of this document has been added to the digital edition.


Title: From James Madison to William Thornton, 24 April 1801
From: Madison, James
To: Thornton, William

Dear Sir
Orange Virga. Apl. 24. 1801
I have been some time in debt for your very friendly letter of the 16th. Ult. For some time after I recd. it [it] was not improbable that I might be able to acknowledge it in person as soon as I could do it on paper. Since the visit of the President to Virga. which suspended my setting out for Washington for a definite period, I have been so occupied with pressing business, & of late have been so much indisposed, that I presumed on your goodness to excuse my silence till I could give you a verbal explanation. Finding however that I shall not be able to accompany the President on his return, I can not omit the opportunity, notwithstanding my hope to follow almost on his heels, of presenting the sincere thanks of Mrs M. & myself for the very kind invitation you give us to make your House our home on our arrival. You may be assured Sir that we feel the value of it, and that if we should not throw ourselves on your hospitality, it will proceed least of all from an idea that any thing in the stile of it would be unwelcome to us. The President has been so good as to have chalked out a temporary arrangement that will save you from such a tax. It is not improbable that on our arrival, we shall have occasion to avail ourselves of your friendly aid in providing more durable accommodations. In the mean time Mrs. Thornton & yourself, will accept our united & respectful compliments and cordialities.
Js. Madison

   RC (ViU). Docketed by Thornton.

   Thornton was living on F Street NW, east of Fourteenth, in a region of the city less developed (and in the eyes of many diplomats and congressmen less desirable) than Georgetown. After living for almost a month as Jefferson’s guests in the executive mansion and then renting temporarily one of the “Six Buildings” on the 2100 block of Pennsylvania Avenue, the Madisons agreed to arrangements Thornton made for them to live in a house next door to his. Construction on that residence, which JM and Dolley Madison occupied throughout his years as secretary of state, was apparently completed when the couple returned to Washington from Montpelier in October 1801 (Thornton to JM, 15 Aug. 1801 [DLC]; Brant, MadisonIrving Brant, James Madison (6 vols.; Indianapolis and New York, 1941–61)., 4:42–43).


Title: To James Madison from Samuel Osgood, 24 April 1801
From: Osgood, Samuel
To: Madison, James

My dear Sir.
New York April 24th. 1801
It is with Pleasure I take up my Pen to congratulate you on a Change in the politics of our common Country. A change, that has been so auspicious, as to promote to the first Office in our republican Government, the Man who has so richly merited the Confidence of his Country: who, regardless of the Torrents of Slander & Abuse, has so ably supported the genuine Principles of civil Liberty, as delineated in our excellent Constitution. Malevolence & Slander are still using every Effort here to defame & blacken the Characters of the virtuous & upright in politics, but their Edge is very much blunted.
About last July Mr. Jefferson’s death was circulated with great Zeal thro’ this State. It is now Governor Clinton’s Turn. In some Parts of the State, distant from Information, he is represented as a Man nearly one hundred Years old, entirely broken down & blind. As our Election begins the 28th. Instant, we are Just informed, that a Lie is fabricated to circulate where it cannot be soon enough contradicted, that Governor Clinton is dead. But I am perswaded that it will not do. Tho the federal Party have dispatched Couriers to every Part of the State, tho Hamilton harangues incessantly by Night, wherever he can get a sufficient Number to hear him; & deals out abuse with an unsparing hand; yet the Prospect in this State grows brighter: And we have no doubt of carrying the Assembly Ticket in this City; and that we shall again see the venerable & patriotic Clinton our first Magistrate.
I have seen with Pleasure that our worthy President has displaced some of the Officers of the General Government in this City: And has filled their Places with Republicans. Two of the Gentlemen are decidedly so—the other one may be so in future. Yet Characters equally estimable & irreprochable as the last, who risqued their all, & suffered greatly during our revolutionary War, are in this City, to whom the smiles of their Country would be extremely agreeable. We have strong Evidence that the three Gentlemen appointed in this City; are entirely devoted to the Vice President: and had it been in their Power, we have Reason to beleive, that Mr. Jefferson would not have been President. His sincere friends here, were not a little mortified—for notwithstanding Mr. B. was adopted by the Republicans here, after some Manœuvres at Philadelphia, not very honorable to the Managers of the same; yet the Mortification was visible, when it was found, that the two Candidates had an equal Number of Votes. Mr. B’s Republicanism has been and still is questioned by many. And it is tho’t that he will never recommend to Office any but perfect Devotees. Several Appointments are mentioned as still to be made in this City—the Persons I have heard mentioned, tho friendly to Mr. Jefferson, are still more so to Mr. B. Should the Removal of any more in this City be contemplated, in Order to make Room for more decided friends of Mr. Jefferson; permit me to mention, that I think no Man is so capable of recommending suitable Characters for Office, as Governor Clinton. And no Man is more disposed than he, to render all the Services he can to our excellent President. If it should be consistent to request his Advice, I flatter myself he will give it freely & cheerfully, and for the best Interest of the President, for whom I know he has the highest Respect.
I beg you to consider this Letter as entirely confidential: and also to accept of my best Wishes for your health & Happiness. I am Sir with great Respect Your most obedient Servant
Samuel Osgood

   RC (DLC). Docketed and marked “confidential” by JM.

   For Aaron Burr’s role in the complicated system of New York patronage, see the essay “Burr and Jeffersonian Patronage,” in Kline, Papers of BurrMary-Jo Kline, ed., Political Correspondence and Public Papers of Aaron Burr (2 vols.; Princeton, N.J., 1983)., 1:532–40.

   In early August Jefferson’s appointment of Osgood as supervisor of the revenue for the district of New York was announced (National Intelligencer, 3 Aug. 1801).


Title: To James Madison from Tench Coxe, 24 April 1801 (Abstract)
From: Coxe, Tench
To: Madison, James

24 April 1801, Lancaster, Pennsylvania. Recommends E. Forman and Samuel White for clerkships. If neither JM nor Gallatin can find employment for them, hopes JM will mention them “for any vacancy in the war or navy departments.”

   RC (DLC). 2 pp.; docketed by JM.


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 25 April 1801
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Th: J. to J. M.
Monticello Apr. 2⟨5⟩. 1801
I received yesterday your’s of the 22d. & learn with regret that you have been so unwell. This & the state of the ⟨country, the river &⟩ roads should delay your departure, at least till the weather is better. I should have set out this morning, but it is still raining, and the river all but ⟨swimm⟩ing at the last ford. If these circumstances are more favorable tomorrow I shall then set out, or whenever they become so, as I do not like to begin a journey in a settled rain. Contrive, if you can, to let it be known at Gordon’s if you shall be gone, as I could then continue on the direct road, which is better as well as shorter. My best respects to mrs. Madison & affectionate esteem & attachment to yourself.
Th: Jefferson

   FC (DLC: Jefferson Papers).


Title: To James Madison from Rufus King, 25 April 1801 (Abstract)
From: King, Rufus
To: Madison, James

25 April 1801, London. No. 14. Notes that British fleet bound for Denmark passed under Swedish guns that held their fire. Reports Nelson’s exploits at Copenhagen. Believes British government dissatisfied with armistice because Danes have not left armed league. There is much speculation concerning the character and views of new Russian czar, whom British hope to detach from the league. Issue in Egypt doubtful. Declines conjecture on continuing negotiations between London and Paris with issues in Baltic and North Africa still undecided.

   RC (DNA: RG 59, DD, Great Britain, vol. 9). 5 pp.; marked duplicate; in a clerk’s hand; docketed by Wagner with King’s no. 15 as received 8 July. Final paragraph partly in code; key not found. Printed in King, Life and Correspondence of Rufus King, 3:436–38.


Title: To James Madison from Richard Cooper, 25 April 1801
From: Cooper, Richard
To: Madison, James

Letter not found. 25 April 1801. Acknowledged in JM to Cooper, 13 May 1801. Mentioned in Cooper to JM, 31 May 1801. Informs secretary of state of expenses incurred in preparation for a Lake Superior expedition authorized by Congress.


Title: To James Madison from Rufus King, 26 April 1801 (Abstract)
From: King, Rufus
To: Madison, James

26 April 1801, London. No. 15. Received instructions several months ago to procure jewels as present for bey of Tunis and had estimated cost at £7,000 sterling. That part of presents consisting of silk and woolen cloth (valued at over £1,000) has been sent to Eaton by Maw-hood and Co. Jewelry is being prepared by Rundel and Bridges to be finished in June, about the same time as the guns and pistols from Mortimer. Has avoided commission costs by going directly to suppliers. Recalls this subject so that arrangements can be made for timely payment. Was informed by Pickering before he left office that he would remit salaries for British and Prussian legations and commissioners, with additional sums for sailors’ relief and maritime legal suits; this was not done. Since then only £1,800 has been remitted, and creditors are pressing for payment of bills.

   RC (DNA: RG 59, DD, Great Britain, vol. 9). 4 pp.; marked duplicate; in a clerk’s hand; docketed by Wagner as received 8 July. Printed in King, Life and Correspondence of Rufus King, 3:438–39.


Title: To James Madison from James T. Callender, 27 April 1801
From: Callender, James T.
To: Madison, James

Sir
Petersburg April 27th. 1801
I was extremely happy to hear that you had accepted of an office under the new presidency; because, besides the very important reasons of a public nature, I was interested in having one person among them, whom I could without hypocrisy profess to feel an attachment for, and to whom I could address myself without a suspicion of being Suspected.
It is now seven weeks since I had a written message from Mr Jefferson with a solemn assurance that he “would not lose one moment” in remitting my fine. Upon Wednesday was a week, a very eminent character in Richmond, whom you know as well as you can know any body, spoke to Mr. Jefferson about it in Charlottesville. He has since wrote me the answer which he received, and which in fact had no meaning.
Upon the faith of the first promise, I wrote up to Mr. Leiper that I would send him this money in part for the boys. I have now found it necessary to write him an explanatory card, which contained only these words:
“Mr. Jefferson has not returned one shilling of my fine. I now begin to know what Ingratitude is.”
I am justified in using this Stile, by the opinion of Governor Monroe, of his brother who said it was impossible the money wd be taken and of the Gentleman who spoke to the president at Charlottesville, who said it was a most surprising thing as he ever heard of, that the money had not been returned. By the advice of this gentleman, I wrote a letter to Mr. Jefferson upon the subject, which, as he writes me, he delivered with his own hand. As it was probably to be the last which I ever should write Mr. Jefferson, I took unusual pains to make it both guarded and explicit. It had not a syllable which could give ground for offence; and while I described the treatment which I had received in Richmond, and the situation into which my exertions in the Cause had brought me, I think the story should have reached the heart of a millstone. I might as well have addressed a letter to Lot’s wife. I am obliged to speak plain, for necessity has no law.
Does the president reflect upon the premunire into which he may bring himself, by the breach of an unqualified, and even a volunteer promise? for, as I said to you in my last letter, in february, I neither demeaned myself to ask the remission as a favor, nor did I think it proper to claim it as a right. Does he reflect how his numerous and implacable enemies would exult in being masters of this piece of small history? I will not injure him by supposing that he cares a farthing for any thing which I feel; but the ridicule which I underwent in Richmond about it, was one of my reasons for coming down here. It had been impudently reported in Richmond, as the opinion of an eminent lawyer, that the president was not authorised to return the money. I asked this gentleman, who is, by the way, at the head of the profession. He answered that he had given an opinion directly contrary; that he had not the smallest doubt of the legality; and that he was never more astonished at any thing in his life than that there should exist any kind of hesitation upon the head of a remission.
Such, Sir, is the language of Mr Jefferson’s own most intimate friends; and of his warmest admirers! What then will be the language of the world, And All. President as he is, He may trust me, if he pleases, that I am not the man, who is either to be oppressed or plundered with impunity. Mr. Jefferson has repeatedly said that my Services were considerable; that I made up the best Newspaper in America; (He could not mean that the Examiner was of equal importance as the Aurora) with other things of that kind; I Could wish him to reflect that my Services may be wanted again; that Charles the Second, by his treatment of Butler, (who never was nine months in prison on account of his Majesty,) has covered his name with a super addition of ignominy. I had no more idea of such mean usage than that mountains were to dance a minuet. I am not, to be sure, very expert at making a bow, or at supporting the Sycophancy of conversation. I speak as well as write what I think; for God, when he made me, made that a part of my Constitution. But Mr Jefferson should recollect that it is not by beaux, and dancing masters, by editors, who would look extremely well in a muslin gown and petticoat, that the battles of freedom are to be fought and won.
I have always, as yet, assured every body, that I am confident of the remission. And quitting a Subject that must hurt your feelings, I have only to add that I have just heard that Mr. Davis of Richmond has got notice that he is to quit his Situation in the Post office; that this in [sic] one of the few situations which I would think myself qualified to fill; and that it would just about afford a genteel living for an œconomical family. It Cannot be pretended that I am too late in application. But, indeed, my dear Sir, I have gone such desperate lengths to serve the party, that I believe your friend designs to discountenance and sacrifice me, as a kind of Scape Goat to political decorum, as a kind of compromise to federal feelings. I will tell you frankly that I have always Suspected that he would serve me so; and so rooted has been my jealousy Upon this head, that if ever I am to be the better of the new administration, I shall be much disposed to ascribe it entirely to you. I Cannot reconcile this non-remission with the high idea of the President’s wisdom, which I have always had; for surely a wiser man, or one more likely to make an excellent Magistrate, does not exist. His probity is exemplary. His political ideas, Are, to the minutest ramification, precisely mine. I respect and admire him exceedingly; but although I have exhausted all my humble arts of insinuation, he has on various occasions treated me with such ostentatious coolness and indifference, that I Could hardly say that I was able to love or trust him. I never hinted a word of all this to any human being but yourself; for, notwithstanding the occasional rattle of my tongue, I Can keep, what I design to keep, as well as any body.
You Can take your own time to think of what has been said respecting the Richmond Post office. I need not add, I am sure, that I would pay the strictest attention to every part of the duty. And surely, Sir, many syllogisms cannot be necessary to convince Mr. Jefferson that, putting feelings and principles out of the question, it is not proper for him to create a quarrel with me.
We have here a most wretched postmaster. I speak from personal knowledge. The whole town is horribly tired of him. It is six months since I advised Mr. Field to apply to the new administration for his place. Mr. Field, in whose house I am now writing, is a young man of a fair character, of the mildest and most amiable manners, united with inflexible intrepidity. I have not been here a fortnight, and he has got message upon message, entreating him to have nothing to do with me. I Could not, when I first knew Mr. Field, recollect the name of the person to whom, in some traits of his appearance, he bears a striking likeness. It was Bache. But Mr. Field is not surrounded by duns; and he is capable of feeling and of blushing.
If this letter breathes an unbecoming asperity, I intreat you, Sir, to recollect what lengths I have gone to serve the cause, and in what way it is likely to serve me. As soon as I hear that you are gone back to the federal city, I shall do myself the honour of paying you a visit; unless some thing occurs in the mean time, to render it improper, or superfluous. With great respect I am Sir your most obed sert
Jas. T. Callender

[Enclosure]
Sir
Washington April 15. 1801
I unhesitatingly admit your claim to all the information I possess in relation to your case. The statement I made was recd. from the Department of State! I recollect to have enquired how far the remission extended, and received for answer that it applied only to a small period of the term of confinement! Nothing was said with respect to the fine imposed. I am Your Obt. servt.
Sam. H. Smith

Mr. Jas. T. Callender Richmond
From the contents of the above letter, it would appear, that some person in the said department must be disordered in his Mind. There was never a remission at all; and if there had been one, it could not have referred to imprisonment, which had expired.
J. T. C.

P. S. Perhaps it was Mr. Wagner, who, at an early period, had made himself extremely busy with my name. He circulated a report that I had behaved villainously in Scotland. Mr. F. Muhlenberg sent for me, and told me the particulars, and gave Wagner as his Author. I had luckily preserved some Scots letters, which explained the manner in which I parted with Gardenstone, the matter referred to. I did not, untill some years after, know the original Author of the story. It was one John Millar, whose lady, a daughter of Dr. Cullen, took this dirty Method of revenging an attack which I had, 15 years before, made upon the quack Synopsis of her father, when I was attending a medical Class.
The bad health of my family prevented me, at the time, from waiting upon Wagner, to whom I am personally a stranger; and Miller, who is long ago stiff, was always exceedingly smooth to my face.

   RC and enclosure (DLC). RC docketed by JM. Enclosure in Samuel Harrison Smith’s hand, bearing Callender’s commentary. Smith’s letter may have been enclosed in Callender’s 29 Apr. message to Levi Lincoln (NHi: Gallatin Papers).

   Jefferson to George Jefferson, 4 Mar. 1801 (cited in Malone, Jefferson and His TimeDumas Malone, Jefferson and His Time (6 vols.; Boston, 1948–81)., 4:207–8 and n. 4). Callender was convicted, fined, and sentenced to prison under the 1798 Sedition Act. On 16 Mar., Jefferson had pardoned Callender on grounds that the Sedition Act was unconstitutional (Smith, Freedom’s Fetters, p. 356; DNA: RG 59, PPR).

   Edmund Randolph (see Callender to Jefferson, 12 Apr. 1801, in W. C. Ford, “Thomas Jefferson and James Thomson Callender,” New-England Historical and Genealogical Register, 51 [1897]: 24–25).

   Thomas Leiper, a Philadelphia Republican stalwart, was Callender’s patron and caretaker of his children.

   Letter not found.

   The issue of remission in Callender’s case produced a brief legal controversy. The outgoing U.S. marshal for the eastern district of Virginia was David Meade Randolph, a Federalist whom Jefferson had removed 24 Mar. for partisanship in office (despite family ties to the president through Jefferson’s son-in-law). In a 25 Mar. letter, apparently to Levi Lincoln, Randolph tried to embarrass Jefferson by suggesting that the president’s pardon had come after Callender’s release from prison and therefore that the fine of $200 was not returnable. The question might have gone to civil suit or even onto the floor of Congress (in the form of a bill to indemnify all victims of the sedition law), but the administration, through Levi Lincoln, tried to move Randolph by force of argument. Lincoln’s opinion of 20 Apr. held that Callender’s fine—Randolph not yet having paid it into the treasury—could and should be returned. For the time being, Randolph made no reply (Albert Gallatin to JM, 29 May 1801; Gallatin to Samuel Harrison Smith, 20 Aug. 1802, with enclosures [NHi: Gallatin Papers]; Malone, Jefferson and His TimeDumas Malone, Jefferson and His Time (6 vols.; Boston, 1948–81)., 4:74, 208).

   Possibly a reference to John Wickham (see Monroe to JM, 14 June 1801, and n. 1).

   Callender apparently referred to James Butler (1610–1688), twelfth earl and first duke of Ormonde.

   Benjamin Franklin Bache, Franklin’s grandson, edited the Aurora until his death in 1798.

   Emphasis and exclamation points here and below added by Callender.

   Frederick Augustus Conrad Muhlenberg, brother of Peter Muhlenberg, was a Federalist congressman from Pennsylvania and two-term Speaker of the House who had grown disaffected with the party and left it in 1799. In January 1800 Republican governor Thomas Mifflin named Muhlenberg receiver general of the Pennsylvania land office.


Title: To James Madison from Charles D’Wolfe, 27 April 1801
From: D’Wolfe, Charles
To: Madison, James

Sir
Bristol state of Rhode Island April 27th 1801
Our New district being Embarrass’d by Reason of the Collector not being Commission’d moves me (with Advice) to Address you, the Comission not being forwarded, Mr: Jonathan Russell who was Nominated by Mr. John Brown and Appointed by Mr: Adams is at A Loss to know how to Conduct, the port of Bristol was made the port of Entry for the district of Bristol the first day of this month, since which time we Remain in this Embarrass’d State, shou’d it not be the Pleasure of the President to Comission Mr. Russell, I take the Liberty to Recommend Gustavus Baylies Esqr: whom I Believe will prove Every way qualify’d, and will discharge the trust Repos’d in him to the sattisfaction of the Secretary and the Goverment. I wou’d not be Understood, that it is wish’d to Supplant Mr: Russell if his Comission is Sanction’d by the President I have Nothing to say, tho’ differing in Politics with me I Esteem him As An Honest man, I have been Solicited by the Undersign’d Gentlemen to thus Address you on the Subject which hope you will not think improper and Excuse Any Errors I may have Commited, Am Sir with Respect and Esteem Your Most Obdt: Hble Servt
Charles D’Wolfe
Approv’d
Jas. D’Wolf
[and seven others]

   RC (DNA: RG 59, ML).

   Russell was one of President Adams’s “midnight appointments,” whose status was left in limbo because Jefferson “considered as nullities” the civil appointments made by Adams after 12 Dec. 1800 (Cunningham, Process of Government under Jefferson, p. 166). Jefferson reappointed Russell to the post. Baylies was commissioned a surgeon’s mate in the War of 1812 (Senate Exec. ProceedingsJournal of the Executive Proceedings of the Senate of the United States of America (3 vols.; Washington, 1828)., 1:401, 2:307).


Title: To James Madison from Lawrence A. Washington, 27 April 1801
From: Washington, Lawrence A.
To: Madison, James

Sir
Rich Woods 27th: April 1801
The urgent solicitations of a friend of mine, have induced me, to address you this letter. Nothing short, of the most strong & anxious desire, to render him every service, in my power, could have overcome the reluctance, I felt, to attempt to serve him, on the present occasion.
The Gentleman alluded to, is Mr Andrew Parks, of Baltimore. It appears, from a letter I recd: from him, of the 10th: inst: that he is impressed, with a belief, which he says, is general in Baltimore, that the Postmaster, of that place will be discarded. Under this impression, he has forcibly appealed, to my friendship, to address a recommendatory letter to you.
The very slight acquaintance, which exists between us, the importance of the office, which he expects is to be filled, the probable number, of applicants, & the great avertion, I felt, ever to attempt, any thing of this kind, were all circumstances, which operated powerfully, to defeat the wish, I felt, to be instrumental to his promotion & wellfare.
Before I recd Mr Parks’ letter, my mind had not conceived, the idea, that I should ever have addressed a letter, of this nature, to yourself or any other person, about the government. I did not, nor do I yet think, that any influence, could possibly be attatched, to my recommendation. Firm, in this belief, I should not have ventured, to occupy a moment of your time, did not my friend, please, to think differently, & did he not strenuously urge me, to make the attempt.
Mr Parks is a brother-in-law of mine. This circumstance, however, has had little or no weight, in producing the attatchment, I feel for him, which has rise only, in a deep sense of his merit. He is a man of amiable private charecter, of respectable connections, & of active industry & persevering attention to business. With reguard to his talents, I shall [say] nothing, (as I do not rely much on my capacity, to judge of them) except that they appear to me respectable.
I can say nothing, farther, than that I should feel myself, much obliged, if you would consider Mr Parks, as an applicant for this office, should it be Mr Jefferson’s intention, to displace the present occupier of it. I feel a firm relyance, that the same descerning judgement, which has already, marked the appointments, of that great man, will be evidenced on this occasion. It is therefore unnecessary, for me, to say more, as Mr Parks’ pretentions, to the office will, I am certain, be well understood, before he receives that, or any other appointment, should he ever, be so lucky, as to succeed to one.
All I request, in favour of my friend, is, that he may be considered by Mr Jefferson, thro you, as a candidate, & that if no one, is as yet marked out, for the appointment, enquiry may be made respecting him. As you may likely hear from him, I expect, he will refer you to the proper persons.
I cannot, on the present occasion, omit congratulating you, on the tryumph of principle, which has lately taken place, in the United States. I feel much additional happiness, that the result of that tryumph, has placed, the man the people “delight to honour & respect,” at the helm of our political bark. I also experience, a pleasing consolation, in viewing the faithful & well tried mariners, who immediately surround him.
Permit me, here to offer, my warmest wishes, for the personal wellfare & happiness, of both Mr Jefferson & yourself. Present my respects to Mrs Madison & believe me to be with esteem your friend
Lawe. Washington
P. S. Mr Parks is a very moderate Federalist.
L. A. W.

   RC (DLC).

   In January 1802 the postmaster in Baltimore was Charles Burrall (ASPAmerican State Papers: Documents, Legislative and Executive, of the Congress of the United States … (38 vols.; Washington, 1832–61)., Misc., 1:289).

   Lawrence Augustine Washington (1775–1824) was the son of George Washington’s brother Samuel and Anne Steptoe Washington. Lawrence’s sister Harriet married Parks in 1796 (John W. Wayland, The Washingtons and Their Homes [1944; Berryville, Va., 1973 reprint], pp. 143–45, 148; Donald Jackson and Dorothy Twohig, eds., The Diaries of George Washington [6 vols.; Charlottesville, Va., 1976–80], 4:93).


Title: Assignment of Articles to Nelly Madison, [27 April] 1801
From: Madison, James
To:

[27 April 1801]
I do hereby assign & convey to my mother Nelly Madison all my share under the Will of my father, in the sum of two hundred pounds in gold left in his Cabinet; also in the Chariot & harness, & two horses Dragon & Phillis, also in the Household & Kitchen furniture not given to her by the Will, excepting only the Cabinet & Clock directed by the Will to remain with the Mansion House; also in all such Printed Books as she may please to select. I do also consent & agree that she may chuse out of the negroes not House servants any three she may please towards making up her share of the slaves under the Will. Given under my hand this twenty seventh day of April, in the year one thousand eight hundred and one.
James Madison

   Ms (owned by Charles M. Storey, Boston, Mass., 1961). In JM’s hand.


Title: To James Madison from John H. Barney, 27 April 1801 (Abstract)
From: Barney, John H.
To: Madison, James

27 April 1801, Georgetown. Encloses a few lines from his friend Dawson, who “Knowing in part the Conduct of the Postmaster’s General towards my Self & Others” introduces Barney to JM’s notice.

   RC (NN). 1 p. Enclosed Dawson to JM, 18 Mar. 1801.


Title: To James Madison from Enos Briggs and Others, 27 April 1801 (Abstract)
From: Briggs, Enos
To: Madison, James

27 April 1801, Salem, Massachusetts. Encloses copy of a letter written from Kingston, Jamaica, by an American ship captain, containing details of his vessel’s capture by British warship off Cuba. In the letter the captain explains that his vessel was taken to Jamaica for condemnation, and there are other Americans in the Jamaican port “in the same situation as myself.” There is little hope of fair treatment at the condemnation hearings, “let your papers be ever so clear your chance is no better then that of tossing up a dollar.”

   RC and enclosure (DNA: RG 76, British Spoliations, 1794–1824, box 10). RC 2 pp.; signed by Briggs and Philip and Abijah Chase. Enclosure is Edmund Upton to Messrs. Upton, Porter, and Co. of Salem, 25 Mar. 1801 (3 pp.).


Title: To James Madison from Israel Whelen, 27 April 1801 (Abstract)
From: Whelen, Israel
To: Madison, James

27 April 1801, Philadelphia. Has received $14,000 to cover two bills of exchange from Pettit and Bayard for 35,000 guilders. Hopes the third and fourth bills sent on 18 Apr. have arrived.

   Letterbook copy (DNA: RG 45, Purveyor’s Office, Philadelphia). 1 p.


Title: To James Madison from John Quincy Adams, 28 April 1801
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Madison, James

No: 191.Sir
Berlin 28. April 1801.
I received the day before yesterday a letter dated 3 Feby. from Mr Marshall, then acting as Secretary of State, containing a permission to me to return to the United States, upon the consideration that the objects of my mission here had been entirely accomplished; and enclosing a letter of recall from this Court.
I have already given notice of the circumstance to the government of this country, and have requested an audience of the king to deliver the letter of recall. I purpose to embark if possible and as soon as possible for Boston, from Hamburg; but circumstances of illness in my family, will detain me here probably for several weeks. If during the interval any thing should occur in the North of Europe, which may deserve to be communicated to you, I shall continue to give you such information untill the time of my departure. I am very respectfully, Sir, your very humble and obedt: Servt:
John Q. Adams.

   RC (DNA: RG 59, DD, Prussia, J. Q. Adams at Berlin); letterbook copy (MHi: Adams Papers).


Title: To James Madison from Tench Coxe, 28 April 1801
From: Coxe, Tench
To: Madison, James

privateDear Sir
Lancaster Pa. April 28th. 1801.
Mr. Jacob Meyer, who was lately our consul in French St. Domingo is going to Washington upon some business, and has requested me to give him a letter to you in whose department the affair lies. I remember Mr. Meyer, when living with Mr. Pettit of Philada. from whom he expects to take a letter to Mr. Gallatin, and I suppose Mr. Pettit, and his sons house of Pettit & Bayard must know more of Mr. Meyer than any other Persons. His connexions in this Town are substantial german families, & it is understood that he has acquired property during his residence abroad. He thinks the confidences of this country have been abused in St. Domingo by citizens & officers. I cannot tell how far resentment for benefits diverted into another channel, and for the indignity of a removal, mingle with his knowledge & judgment in our St. Domingo affairs. It is however generally considered as extraordinary, that several commercial & political events have taken place, there & here, in which English subjects & officers appeared to be connected with & favored by those of the U. S. The case seems to require great prudence & delicacy, because of the Characters it implicates, but it at the same time, seems to require a thorough investigation. I am, dear Sir, with great truth yr. respectful friend & servt.
Tench Coxe

   RC (DLC). Docketed and marked “private” by JM.


Title: To James Madison from David Humphreys, 28 April 1801 (Abstract)
From: Humphreys, David
To: Madison, James

28 April 1801, Madrid. No. 274. Encloses copy of proclamation of Czar Alexander I as he succeeds his father. Reports Nelson’s victory at Copenhagen and rumor of British defeat near Alexandria. Notes that Portugal flouts French ultimatum and French forces are poised for invasion. Has entrusted U.S. consul and commerce in Tuscany to the new king, who “had always discovered a particular friendship for me.”

   RC and enclosure (DNA: RG 59, DD, Spain, vol. 5). RC 2 pp.; marked “fourth copy”; in a clerk’s hand, signed by Humphreys; docketed by Wagner as received 8 July. Enclosure 1 p., in French.


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 30 April 1801
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Th: J. to J. M.
Washington Apr. 30. 1801
I hasten the return of the bearer that he may meet you at Brown’s and convey you information as to the road. From Songster’s I tried the road by Ravensworth, which comes into the turnpike road 4½ miles below Fairfax courthouse. There are about 2 miles of it which I think cannot be passed by your carriage without oversetting; and consulting with Colo. Wren who knows both roads, he says there is no comparison; that you must absolutely come by Fairfax courthouse, all that road being practicable till you come to Little’s lane, which you have to encounter whatever way you come. I passed it yesterday, a waggon being then stuck fast in it, nor do I suppose any fourwheeled carriage could then have got through the spot where the waggon was without stalling. But two days of wind & sun will by tomorrow make immense odds in it; so that I hope you will be able to pass it. I met with mr. Gaines & a mr. Brawner at Brown’s. They live near. I spoke of the difficulty of your getting up the Bull run hill. They agreed together to take each a horse & draw your carriage up. Accept their offer by all means: as however steady your horses, they will be in the utmost peril of baulking; and should they once begin there are other bad hills sufficient to make them give you a great deal of vexation. The Bull run hill is really the worst I ever saw on a public road. Still let nothing tempt you to go by Centerville as on that rout the whole is cut by waggons into Mudholes. From Brown’s to Fairfax court house you have 14. miles of very firm road, only hilly in the beginning. You had better start as soon as you can see to drive, breakfast at Colo. Wren’s, and come on here to dinner. We shall wait for you till 4. oclock. My respects to mrs. Madison & affectionate esteem to yourself.

   RC (DLC); FC (DLC: Jefferson Papers). FC of postscript to Jefferson’s letter to JM of 30 Aug. 1802 is mistakenly filed with this FC.

   JM arrived in Washington Friday, 1 May (National Intelligencer, 4 May 1801).


Title: Avoiding the Maelstrom of Saint-Domingue, 1 May–1 June 1801 (Editorial Note)
From:
To:

Editorial Note
During the undeclared naval war with France, Congress had prohibited trade with Saint-Domingue and other French colonies. (In 1801 Saint-Domingue embraced the entire island now occupied by Haiti and the Dominican Republic.) The act of 9 February 1799 contained a clause allowing the president to open trade with any French island or port when the interests of the United States warranted such a change. Secretary of State Pickering hoped that befriending Toussaint Louverture would close all Saint-Domingue ports to potentially hostile French privateers and might somehow contain the black rebellion as well. On 16 February President Adams sent the name of Alexander Hamilton’s longtime friend Edward Stevens to the Senate for confirmation as “Consul General” to Saint-Domingue (Annals of CongressDebates and Proceedings in the Congress of the United States … (42 vols.; Washington, 1834–56)., 5th Cong., 3d sess., 3795–98; Pickering to Hamilton, 9, 20, and 25 Feb. 1799, and Hamilton to Pickering, 21 Feb. 1799, Syrett and Cooke, Papers of HamiltonHarold C. Syrett and Jacob E. Cooke, eds., The Papers of Alexander Hamilton (26 vols.; New York, 1961–79)., 22:473–75, 492–93, 500; Senate Exec. ProceedingsJournal of the Executive Proceedings of the Senate of the United States of America (3 vols.; Washington, 1828)., 1:312).
When Stevens sailed for the West Indies in March 1799 on board the Kingston it was loaded with large quantities of provisions, luxury items, and $60,000 in specie. Part of the cargo was consigned to Toussaint’s representative, Joseph Bunel, and Jacob Mayer (American consul at Cap Français) as well as the captain and mates of the ship. Most of it apparently was left to Stevens to dispose of as he saw fit. Though Adams did not lift the embargo against trade with Saint-Domingue until 26 June, Pickering defended the action as necessary to defray the cost of the Stevens mission and to demonstrate to Toussaint the advantages of reopened trade with the United States. Mayer soon accused Stevens of misusing his official position and early arrival in the West Indies for personal gain. Having earlier agreed with Bunel that the Stevens mission was a “mercantile scheme projected by Mr. Yard,” Mayer charged that Secretary Pickering benefited from Stevens’s enterprise and that American policy in Saint-Domingue amounted to a Federalist, pro-British plot. At least a few Philadelphia merchants agreed with Mayer on the last point and wrote Pickering accordingly. In July the Philadelphia newspaper Aurora attacked pro-British influence in the State Department by publishing diplomatic dispatches for London. In addition to its efforts to tie Stevens and Hamilton together in a web of “politico-mercantile speculation,” the paper published the cargo invoice for the Kingston’s voyage. Adams and Pickering removed Mayer in May 1800 (Aurora, 24 and 25 July 1799; AAE: Political Correspondence, U.S., 51:110, 128, cited in R. W. Logan, Diplomatic Relations of the United States with Haiti, 1776–1891 [Chapel Hill, N.C., 1941], p. 93 n. 72; Pickering to Adams, 20 Feb. 1799, and Charles Lee to secretary of state, 20 Feb. 1799 [DNA: RG 59, CD, Cap Haitien, vol. 1]; Oliver Wolcott, Jr., to Adams, 18 Nov. 1799, in Knox, Naval Documents, Quasi-WarDudley W. Knox, ed., Naval Documents Related to the Quasi-War between the United States and France (7 vols.; Washington, 1935–38)., 4:412–20, esp. pp. 415–16; Stevens to James Yard, 22 Aug. 1799, and Mayer to Messrs. Pettit and Bayard, 22 Oct. and 20 Nov. 1799 [DNA: RG 59, CD, Cap Haitien, vol. 1]; Mayer to JM, 23 May and 1 June 1801, with enclosures; Benjamin Stoddert to secretary of state, 8 Mar. 1799 [MHi: Pickering Papers]; Pickering to Mayer, 23 May 1800 [DNA: RG 59, IM, vol. 5]).
A week after Jefferson took office he told the British chargé d’affaires, Edward Thornton, that upon assuming office he had examined the State Department files on Saint-Domingue, including the Anglo-American understanding. From a reading of these documents Jefferson concluded that “free and open trade” with Saint-Domingue and “the prevention of all maritime exertion on the part of the Negroes” would be the basis of his administration’s policy toward the island. As in the past, “perfect neutrality” between the major powers would continue to be the underlying theme of United States policy in the Caribbean. The president soon granted Stevens’s request to be relieved of his duties (Thornton to Grenville, 28 Mar. 1801 [PRO: Foreign Office, ser. 5, 32:86]; Jefferson to Tobias Lear, 26 Mar. 1801 [DLC: Jefferson Papers]; Yard to JM, 19 Mar. 1801).
Once JM arrived in Washington, he found Saint-Domingue high on the list of pressing issues. He was no doubt involved in sifting through allegations of official misconduct there, to which Coxe’s letters of 28 April and 1 May drew his attention. Before Stevens’s successor, Tobias Lear, left for Cap Français, JM informed the British and French that American policy would follow the September 1800 convention and thus return trade with the French colony “to the footing on which it stood before the late rupture with France” (Thornton to JM, 12 May 1801 [second letter]; Thornton to Hawkesbury, 2 June 1801 [PRO: Foreign Office, ser. 5, 32:113]; Lear to JM, 29 May 1801; JM to Lear, 1 June 1801; Coxe to JM, 11 and 22 June 1801; JM to Stevens, 2 June 1801).


Title: To James Madison from Rufus King, 1 May 1801
From: King, Rufus
To: Madison, James

No. 16.
Dear Sir,
London May 1. 1801.
Having learned that the Law which prohibited our commercial intercourse with France had ceased, and judging that great numbers of our Vessels would be immediately cleared out for the different Ports of that Country, and probably, among others, for Ports in a State of Blockade, I wrote a Note to this Effect to Lord Hawkesbury, and requested that immediate Instructions should be given to the Commanders of the cruising and investing Ships, to warn and turn away, instead of detaining for adjudication, such of our Vessels as might be met on their way to the Ports of France which are blockaded by the English Forces; and I yesterday went to Lord St. Vincent to Enquire whether these orders had been given: his Lordship told me that although my Letter had not reached his Department, he thought the request so entirely reasonable that he would that evening dispatch the requisite orders to comply with it.
From Lord St. Vincents I went to Lord Hawkesbury, agreeably to his appointment, and upon the Subject which, notwithstanding my unremitted attention bestowed in every Quarter likely to promote its progress, has been so long delayed: his Lordship, after expressing his regret that the business had not been settled before Lord Grenville went out of office, and excusing the delay which, on several accounts, had since taken place, told me that so far as regarded himself he had, in respect to the settlement of the affair of the Debts, come to a decision: that he must, however, confer with his Colleagues, and particularly with the Lord Chancellor Eldon, but that he was himself disposed to close with the offer which I had made, and which is mentioned in more than one of my Letters. On my suggesting the great disadvantage of farther delay, arising from a minute examination of the Subject by the Chancellor, he replied that he would have a conversation with him, and that he presumed that his Opinion might be formed from a general view of the Question, and therefore that no considerable delay would be likely to happen.
Upon the other Points I have great hopes we shall not experience much difficulty; but, in the system of this Country, there are many and insuperable reasons why every thing of this sort, advances but slowly; and, in the present situation of the executive power, these Tendencies to delay are considerably encreased.
The reform of the Admiralty Courts, a measure of the greatest importance, and which I expected would have been completed before this Time, has been found more difficult than was at first supposed; and, instead of being effected by mere orders of the Executive Power, as was intended, a Law has been thought necessary, and the Bill is now before Parliament. I have had several meetings with Sir William Scott upon the Subject, who is charged with its execution, and professes to be solicitous that the Reform should give us reasonable and full satisfaction.
I have endeavoured to understand the variety and nature of the Admiralty Process, and think, notwithstanding the objection of innovation, that the practice of these Courts, as well as their Process will receive some very material improvements. You will see by the Debates of the House of Commons, that both sides unite in the acknowledgment of the great injury which we have suffered from the ignorant, vexatious, unjust and, as Mr. Hobhouse called them, corrupt Decisions of the West India and Halifax Courts. I shall send you copies of the Papers laid before Parliament upon this Subject.
It is to the opinion which has of late become general in the House of Commons, respecting the injuries which we have sustained from the Depredations upon our Commerce, added to others derived from a comparison of our conduct with that of other neutral Nations, that we owe a temper more favourable, than has heretofore existed, in respect to our affairs.
It seems to be generally believed that the late Emperor of Russia suffered a violent death: the accounts differ only in respect to the Agents, and means employed in its execution. The effect of this change upon the northern League is not yet fully ascertained. Here it is hoped and believed that it offers an opportunity for mutual explanations which may put an end to farther hostility in that Quarter.
Lord St. Helens, formerly Mr. Fitzherbert, who negotiated the American Treaty of Peace, is named for St. Petersburgh; and the last Packet brought official accounts that Russia and Denmark had receded from their former determination, to exclude the English from the north of Germany by closing the Elbe, the Weser and the Emms against them; and not only that these Ports were again free, but that the Prohibitions against the exportation of Corn and Naval Stores from the Ports of Russia and Prussia are also revoked. Exclusive of the Events which have happened in the north, the encreased facilities which the English Trade has lately experienced in the Ports of France and Holland, may have contributed to produce this change of measures.
A report which arrived yesterday from Paris, but which needs confirmation, states the complete success of Abercrombie in Egypt. With perfect respect and Esteem, I have the honour to be, Dear Sir, Your obedt. & faithful Servt.

   RC (DNA: RG 59, DD, Great Britain, vol. 9). In a clerk’s hand; unsigned; docketed by Wagner as received 21 July.

   In King’s dispatch no. 100 he reported his efforts to persuade the British to reform the West Indian admiralty courts. On 22 Jan., he said, orders had been sent to close all except two such courts, one in Jamaica and the other in the Windward Islands. Reform proposals, originating either with King or the British themselves, included the establishment of regular salaries for the judges of these courts and the appointment of “men of Learning and abilities” to preside over them. In addition, the British at King’s request had recalled one of the naval officers whose conduct was a particular grievance of Americans, Sir Edward Pellew, captain of the Cleopatra; Pellew “had vexed our trade upon our own Coast” (King to secretary of state, 23 Jan. 1801 [DNA: RG 59, DD, Great Britain, vol. 9]; Perkins, First Rapprochement, pp. 84–86). King enclosed a copy of the reform bill in his 19 May dispatch.

   William Scott, Lord Stowell, was brother to Lord Eldon and a judge of the High Court of Admiralty, 1798–1828.