Title: Thomas Barclay to the American Peace Commissioners, 10 Sep. 1786
From: Barclay, Thomas
To: American Peace Commissioners,Jefferson, Thomas,Adams, John

              Gentlemen

              Tangier

              10th. September 1786.

          I am at present waiting for a fair wind to embark for Ceuta to
            avoid the Quaranteen in Spain, and I embrace the Delay occasion’d by the Strong Easterly
            Winds that have prevail’d for Sometime, to reply to the Queries with which you honour’d
            me at parting.—You put them respecting the Barbary States generally but as my business
            has been with the Emperor of Morocco only, I shall confine myself to what relates to his
            Dominions, and will State the answers in the order you put the Queries.—
          Commerce. The articles exported from this country are the Gums
            arabic, Sandrach and Senegal—Bees-wax, Copper in Blocks, Morocco Leather, Almonds,
            Dates, Figs and Walnuts, and Lemmons and Oranges might be had, was there wood in the
            Country to make Cases to pack them in—Great quantities of olive oil and oil of Argan (a
            fruit Somewhat resembling an olive) are exported particularly to Marseilles, where it is
            used in making Soap,—Mules are exported to Surinam and to other parts of America both on
            the Continent and among the Islands–many of these animals passing from Constantina to
            Mogadore by land being a Journey of l000 miles—Elephants teeth, Gold Dust and Ostrige
            feathers are brought from the Southward by the People who trade as far as to the River
            Nigre, and are Sold and Shipped at Mogadore the most Southerly Port in the Empire except
            Santa Cruís, from which last place the Emperor has forbid any foreign Trade to be
            pursued, and from Mogadore and Daralbeyda the export of wheat is very great. Morocco
            imports from Spain, Portugal, and Italy. Several of the manufactures of these Countries,
            particularly Silks, Linnens, and woolen Cloths. with England and Holland the trade is
            more general and comprehends not only the Same kind of Goods, but a variety of others
            Such as Iron ware of various sorts, including tools made use of by Workmen, Tinware,
            Steel, Iron in bars, Copper Utencils, Ship Chandlery and Cordage for the repairing
            Dificiencies in merchant Vessels, Wine and Spirituous Liquors for the use of the
            Christians may be Imported from any part of the World Duty free, but the use is
            forbidden to the Mahometans; nor is there any thing in the Country sold by measure but
            Grain—They import Rice from the Levant which is of an inferior quality to the American
            Rice, and I believe a little of this article might answer and perhaps the Consumption
            increase, but this is conjecture for there is no answering for the taste of the
            Moors—Flour they have much cheaper than the price at which we coud Supply them. They
            raise a good deal of Tobacco themselves, and Some pretty good about Fez and Mequinez,
            none of it however is equal to our’s but the Consumption of American tobacco
            wou’d be confin’d to the Europeans and consequently it wou’d not prove of much
            consequence—Furs are not used here and they want neither fish nor oil, provisions of all
            kinds are Cheap and their Sea coast furnishes them with abundance of fish for common
            use. and their Ramadan or Lent do’s not permit the use of Fish more than of Flesh, being
            a Strict abstinence from all kind of food or Drink for about Sixteen hours of the Twenty
            four—There is no demand for tar or turpentine each Merchant Ship bring as much as is
            likely to be wanted for the Voyage, and the Emperor is Supply’d from the Baltic. Ship
            timber wou’d certainly be a most agreeable object to the Emperor, but he is the only
            person in his Dominions who wou’d purchase it, and the price wou’d be made by himself,
            he was anxious to know whether we had that article in America—Ready built Ships, that
            is, Frigates properly fitted out for Sea and arm’d, wou’d prove the most acceptable
            article that cou’d be sent to him, but his making a purchase of any wou’d depend on the
            opinion he had of the value—He Some time ago encouraged the building of one at Genoa and
            when She arrived at one of his Ports, He rejected her on account of the price.
          The Duties of Goods imported with a few exceptions is a tenth part
            of the Goods–foreign Hides pay 3. Dollars and Iron and Steel
            four Dollars p. quintal—Cochineal and Alkermes are monopolized by the Emperor, and Sold
            at a great advance on the price the former is used in Dying the Morocco Skins
              and the latter in Dying the Caps Such as the Soldiers and many of the
            inhabitants wear—
          Ostrige feathers are a monopoly in the hands of a Jew at
            Mogadore without whose permission none can be exported—Offences committed against the
            interest of the Revenue are punish’d by fine impos’d by the Emperor Sometimes with great
            Severity—never with less than the crime deserves. All Countries pay the Same Duties but
            the King will Sometimes favor an Individual by the remission of part of the ordinary
            Duties in return for Some Service, or as a mark of his approbation—The Moors are not
            their own carriers, nor is there any trading Vessels under the Colours of the Emperor.
            From this Short State it will appear that few of the articles produced in Morocco are
            wanted in our parts of America–nor cou’d any thing manufactur’d here find a
            Sale there except a little Morocco Leather, which is very fine and good and the
            consumption of it in the Empire almost incredible—They make some Gold and Silk thread at
            Fez–and in various parts of the Country coarse and fine Stuff for Alhaiques–a good many
            Carpets, Some coarse Linnen and a Great many red woolen Caps, and these articles I think
            compose the whole of their manufactures, which from the unskilfulness of the people who
            work at them, the Leather excepted, are too Dear for Exportation—Still this Country
            holds out objects to the Americans, Sufficient to make a treaty of Peace and commerce a
            matter of consequence—Our Trade to the Mediterranean is render’d much the Securer for
            it–and it affords us Ports where our Ships may rest if we Shou’d be engaged in a
            European War, or in one with the other Barbary States. Our Vessels will certainly become
            the Carriers of Wheat from Morocco to Spain, Portugal & Italy–and may find
            Employment at times when the navigation of our own country is Stop’d by the winter
            Season—and we Shall resume our old mule trade from Barbary to Surinam and possibly to
            Some of the West India Islands. with respect to the prices of the exports of this
            country I will add a list of them together with one of the Duties.—
          Ports. I will enlarge a little on
            this subject by giving you a General Idea, not only of the best ports in the
            Empire, but of all that are of any consequence omitting
            Waladia Azamoz and some others which, in no Degree, in my opinion, deserve to be ranked
            in the number. I will begin with the most Southerly which is the only one of them which
            I have not Seen.—
          Santa Cruz. Is the only Seaport in
            Sus, and is situated about Ninety miles to the Southward of Mogadore, and Six from the
            western extremity of Mount Atlas, being between the end of that mountain, and the Sea,
            from which it is distant half a mile. It is placed on
            the declivity of a Hill and cannot be injur’d by any Shipping. There are no
              Fortifications nor any Guns mounted
            except two for Signals. The Road for Vessels is open but the anchoring good–being a hard
            Sandy Bottom–and the depth of water so gradual that Ships may anchor in Such as Suits
            them best. There are about Two thousand Houses in the Town and the Trade was very
            considerable until the Emperor order’d the Port to be Shut up. It was the mart for all
            the Commodities of Tafila and Sus,
            and is the thorough fare through which the Inhabitants of the Sea Coast pass to those Kingdoms, or to the
            Sahara. The trade is now remov’d to,
          Mogadore. A Town built by order of
            the present Emperor containing two thousand Houses and Eleven thousand Inhabitants as
            appears by an account taken previous to a Distribution of Corn being made a few months
            ago by order of the Emperor– about a mile from the Shore runs a tongue of Land called
              the Island of Mogadore, and between
            the Land and the Island the Ships anchor and may pass in Safety if they draw no more
            than fifteen feet water. Some say sixteen feet–The Island proves a considerable Shelter
            for them, but a Strong Southerly or Southwest wind incommodes them
              much–occasioning a swell in the
            Channell which is Sometimes dangerous–the Bottom is hard and rocky and it is necessary
            to put Buoys to the cables to prevent them from Cutting–The Town is defended by Two
            Batteries, one of 9 Iron and 33 Brass cannon, 20 of which are fine Spanish Guns left at
            Gibraltar, in the last Seige, the other of either five or Six Iron guns and 20 Brass and
            33 more may be mounted–on a rock to the Northward of the Town is a Battery of ten guns,
            and on the main Land to the Southward, one of 16 another for ten Guns is now building
            and on the Island are five little forts of five Guns each–The Moors consider Mogadore as
            a Strong place though Some people think that all the Batteries being of Stone is a great
            disadvantage—Many of the Guns, all of which are about eighteen pound cannon, are yet
            unprovided with carriages, But the Town being a place much esteem’d by the Emperor, He
            is doing every thing in his Power to Strengthen and improve it–the number of Guns
            actually mounted is 118 or 119.—
          Safia. This town is Situated on the
            Side of a Hill, about 2 miles from the Southerly point of Cape Cantin. It was once a
            place of importance, but is now decaying fast, and at present the inhabitants are
            inderdicted from all foreign trade. The anchoring ground is very good in water which
            varies in depth from 25 to 40 fathom, but there is little Shelter (indeed almost none)
            and if it blows hard, as it Sometimes do’s in winter, Ships must put out to Sea for
            Security.—The Principal fortification is founded on a Rock, and capable of
            mounting a Great number of Cannon, there are three iron & five Brass Guns
            mounted of about 18 pound Shot, the Brass Guns were made at Constantinople, and ten or
            twelve Small Guns lye unmounted. It is a place of little Strength as it now Stands, and
            is reduced from 4000 Houses which it is said to have contain’d to about eight
            hundred.—
          Masagan. Was one of the Strongest
            places in Barbary, when in the hands of the Portuguese about eithteen years ago. The
            Emperor learning that orders were come from Lisbon that the Town Shou’d be evacuated,
            and the fortifications destroy’d, marched with a considerable Army, and a train of
            Artillery, and, while the Inhabitants were executing the instructions from their Court,
            bombarded the place, so that between the two parties it was left in a State of
            Desolation, of 1500 houses, it retains about 400 of the meanest that were
            most easily repair’d. The Ruins, however Shew that it was a place of Consequence. Ships
            of any Draught of water may lye at Some Distance from the Town, the Soundings being
            gradual and the anchoring Ground good. but there is no Shelter and if it blows hard the
            Ships must run out to Sea.—
          D’aralbeyda. Is at present
            remarkable for the great export of Wheat which has taken place there within twelve
            months, and which has amounted perhaps to half a Million of Bushells–It is a poor place,
            containing four or five hundred miserable Huts–the anchoring ground is good in Some
            parts, with a Sandy Bottom, in twelve fathom water, in other parts the Bottom is Stoney
            and rocky and in winter it is dangerous.—
          Rabat Is built on the Banks of the
              Buragrag where that River enters the Sea, and divides it from
            Salè which is on the opposite Shore and
            at about a mile Distance. Rabat contains about 2500 Houses, and is one of the
            best looking Towns I have Seen in Barbary. The entrance into the River is much
            obstructed by a Bank of Sand which runs across the Mouth of it, and which is constantly
            Shifting–At ordinary Tides Vessels drawing 8 feet water may pass and at Spring Tides
            those of twelve, but Sometimes loaded Vessels in the River are oblig’d to remain there
            three or four months for a passage out, which they can only have by the Shifting of the
            Sands–There are three forts at this place. One on a point which commands the entrance of
            the River of 10 Guns, and two on the Sea Shore, one of which is of of eight, and the
            other intended for 16 Guns, of which three only are mounted—There is also a Castle or
            Fort without Guns upon the Hill on which the Town is built.—
          Salè. Is Built on an Eminence on a
            point of the Burregreg at it’s entrance into the Ocean opposite to Rabat, it is defended
            towards the Sea by a Battery of 8 pieces of Cannon–and is Surrounded by a double Wall.
            The Streets are narrow and dirty and the Houses mean the number being about 2500—As the
            Navigation is in common with Rabat what has been Said in the last article need not be
            repeated. This place which has long been famous for its depredations against the
            Christians, Seems to be declining fast, but the Same observation was made on it Some
            centuries ago.—
          Mamora. Is Situated on a high rock
            on the Southern Side of the River Cebu, a mile above its entrance into the Sea and where
            the River is about a half a mile broad. It was formerly a place of considerable
            importance, but is now in the last Stage of Desolation—There are the remains of two
            fortifications almost intire, and which Seem to be built Since the Town has been
            destroy’d. One of them is near the Sea Shore and on the declivity of the Rock, once
            mounted 12 Guns, and at present has three of Brass and one of Iron mounted. The other
            Fort Stands higher up, was once of the same Strength with the former but is now without
            Guns. The remains of the walls ditches and Defences, Shew that this was once deem’d a
            place of consequence, though a Bar runs across the Mouth of the River that Prevents the
            entrance of large Vessels as the Portugueze experienced in an expedition which they made
            against it in the year 1515.—
          Laracha. Is a Strong place but not
            of considerable extent Situated on the Top and Declivity of a Hill facing the port where
            the Ships lye, It is a Bar harbour with a narrow Channell Sufficient for one Vessell to
            pass–and Ships bound in must keep the Shore, as a Seaman wou’d term it, close on board
            on the Starboard hand—At common tides there are 12 feet water on the Bar, and in Spring
            tides Depth Sufficient for any Vessel–which can lye Safe in the Port, well Defended from
            any winds and where 60 or 80 Sail may take the Ground in Soft mud without Injury–The
            Channell is defended by three forts–the one farthest from the Town of 8 Guns, the next
            of 9, and the other of three–and every vessel going into the Harbour must pass along
            close by these Guns–On the entrance into the Harbour is a pile of Batteries rais’d over
            each other in three Stories–each Battery consisted of 20 Guns, but the only ones mounted
            are 16 Brass of about 16 pound ball which Guns are in the middle Battery–This pile has
            an Air of Great Strength, but part of the middle Battery having sunk near 2 feet, I
            think the whole work must be greatly weaken’d by this misfortune. On a parallel with
            this middle Battery runs a small one of three Guns, on an Angle one of eleven, and below
            nearly on a level with the Sea, one of nine; so that the number of Batteries are nine,
            and that of the Guns, if all were mounted wou’d be 103, but of these perhaps 50 are
            wanting– There are, however, a considerable number of Guns Scatter’d about without
            Carriages, and from appearances there Seems to be little apprehensions of a neccessity
            of using any–The last attack on this place was made by the French in 1768 or 1769—when
            they forced their way in Boats under the cover of their Ships into the harbour, with a
            Design to destroy the Shipping, but the Tide going out, left them a prey to the
              Moors who never make prisoners on
            Such occasions–I think the French lost 413 men being about one half of their
            whole number–the rest remaining on board the Ship and the Emperor order’d their heads to be Sent to Morocco, where he
            paid 2 Ducats a piece for about 200 that were preserv’d for him. I saw ten or twelve
            Moors at Laracha who assisted in repelling this Invasion–and who Spoke of it with great seeming pleasure.
            The people Suppos’d the French were come to possess themselves of the Country, and took
            up arms very generally to oppose
            them—A Strong Citadel once commanded the Harbour–it is Situated on a Hill with a Ditch
            Surrounding a part of it, but it is tumbling to Ruins—The inside of the Walls contain nothing but narrow
              alleys across which a great number
            of low arches are turn’d, the use of which I cou’d neither learn nor conjecture–and a great many miserable Huts.—
          Arzilla. Is a little wall’d Town
            that has Seen better days, The houses in number two or three hundred, are going fast to
            decay, as well as the fortifications.
            The Walls have been Strong and are encompassed with a Ditch there are three or four guns
            mounted, and on a fort which lyes Some distance from the town, Six or eight; over one of
            the Gates is the Arms of Spain.—A
            Reef or ledge of Rocks runs along the coast, but it is broken So as Small Vessels may
            pass in, and large ones may anchor on the outside in ten fathom water, but there is
            neither Port nor Shelter
          Tangiers. Is one of the most
            ancient Cities in Barbary, it has undergone many revolutions, and was once a place of
            Splendor and commerce. The whole
            Country distinguishing itself from the name of the City.—
          The King of Portugal took it in 1471, and in 1662 it was deliver’d
            to Charles the Second of England as part of his Wifes Dowry and it was by that Monarch
            improv’d at an expence of two millions Sterling. in 1684 it was Destroy’d and abandon’d
            by the English, The Mole where a first rate Man of War cou’d ride in Safety, was with
            incredible labor destroyed. the
            fortifications and walls were not only blown up, but the ruins tumbled into the Harbour,
            In Short in about 6 months, the English made a considerable progress in the destruction
            of the Port, which has since remain’d in the quiet possession of the Moors.—The town is
            placed on the right hand Side of the entrance into the Bay on a Hill two miles from the
            Sea and about 5 miles distant from an opposite point on which a Battery of ten guns is
            placed—The form of the Bay is that of the third part of a Circle, and the number of
            Houses in the Town about 800, said to be half as many as were in it when the English had
            possession At present Small vessels may come in, and lye ashore on a Soft Beach, without
            danger, but large ones must anchor at a Distance in the Bay, and in case of blowing
            weather put to Sea for Safety. The Batteries here are, one almost level with the Sea,
            and consisting of 13 Guns of 12 or 14 pound ball, the rest are on the Hill vizt.–One of 9 Brass Guns, of about 24 pound Shot cast in
            Portugal and three more may be mounted. a Second of 12 new iron Guns of 24 pound Shot,
            cast in England, and Seven more may be mounted, and another of Seven Iron Guns, of 12 or
            14 pound Shot; exclusive of these are two little Batteries of two Guns each. The Battery
            which was Situated on the top of the Hill near the Castle where the Basha resides, and
            which contain’d 18 Guns of 16 pound ball, was totally destroy’d about twelve months ago
            by the blowing up of the Magazine where the Emperor’s Powder was Stor’d. All the fortifications are going to Decay and Seem very
            unequal to a Contest of any consequence. Tangiers is about 7 miles from Cape Spartel and
            consequently may be Said to be within the Streights leading to the Mediterranean.—
          Tetuan. Is Situated to the eastward of Ceuta, which
            lyes between Tangier and that place, but being in the hands of the Spaniards (as well as
            Melilla and Peñon de Velez) does not come under my notice.—Tetuan lies on the River
            Marteen, about 6 miles from the Mediterannean Sea, the Custom House at Marteen being
            about half way between the City and the Sea, across the mouth of this river also runs a
            Bar on which there is only Six feet water, and as there is little tide here, the depth
            never exceeds 8 feet, and Seldom is so much, Vessels must therefore lighten on the
              outside of the Bar, and can then pass up the Bay and River three miles to
            the Custom House, and from thence to Town no boats, but Small ones with fruit can go,
            owing to the Shallowness of the River. The Town is built
            on a Hill, at the foot of a Mountain, and has only one fort or Citadel flank’d with four
            towers, and mounting 20 Cannon to defend it–The Houses are Said to be about two thousand
            five Hundred–and the Inhabitants exclusive of Jews twenty thousand. but the estimation a
            few years ago was Double this number. No Christian is permitted to enter the City, and
            therefore this account of it depends on the Veracity and Knowledge of Some jews, who
            visited me at my encampment near it. On the River Marteen, within half a mile of the
            Mediterannean, is a Square Castle, at which Five Guns of Sixteen pound ball are
            mounted.—
          From this view of the ports belonging to the Emperor, it will be
            seen that none of them are good, that Laracha is the best, next to which are
            I think Salè and Tetuan, but I believe the place from whence I write, might, with great
            abilities and Industry, and at a great Expence, be made a most Valuable Seaport.—I think
            also that Masagan might be made a place of great Importance.—
          Naval force. The whole naval force
            of this Country consists of ten Frigates carrying 170 Guns, which at present are
            employ’d in this manner,
          1. at D’aralbeyda of 18 Guns, six pound ball.
          4. Sail’d from Laracha for Daralbeyda of 16 Guns to Load
            Corn and Barley for the Emperor to Distribute among his Subjects—
          1. at Laracha of 22 Guns }
          1. at Do of 14 Do} 6
            pound Shot—
          1. at Do of 12 Do:— 4 pound Do:—
          2. gone to Constantinople, with presents of Salt Petre and Silver,
            to the Grand Seignior, of 20 Guns each.—
          This is the State of the Emperor’s fleet at present, and the five
            frigates which are to take in Grain at D’aralbeyda are those the Commodore
            inform’d me Some time ago were to go on a Cruize, His Ten half Galleys which I saw at
            Marteen are laid upon Shore irrecoverably perish’d—He has however given orders for
            building Some Galleys and half Galleys, two of which are on the Stocks here—
          The Number of Seamen Employ’d is about 798 men and 1000 apprentices
            and he can increase the number as much as he pleases by ordering his Governors to put
            others on board his Vessels. A few days ago he made a general request to all the foreign
            Consuls, that each of their Nations Shou’d send ten Seamen to improve his people in the
            Art of Navigation, promising to pay each Person who will come half as much more as he
            receives in his own Country. He has not any Treaty of Peace with Russia, Hamburg,
            Dantzic or Malta–but he wrote some days ago to the Sea Ports that he was not at
            Hostilities with any Nation whatever except the United States. The resources for
            encreasing his Navy are not internal, at least they depend chiefly on his Neighbours. He
            has a good deal of Small live oak and Corkwood, which last is esteem’d very good
            Wood–when cut in a proper time and Season’d–and the properties of the former are well
            known. The Prizes that are brought in also furnish Timber for building and are broke up
            for that purpose–The Rigging, Sail Canvas, Anchors, Ship Chandlery, Tar, Pitch &
            Turpentine, are furnish’d by Holland, England, and Sweden, and His Frigates are often
            repair’d at Gibraltar without any expence to Him, and one return’d from thence Since we
            left Morrocco, the fitting out of which cost the British Seven thousand pounds
            Sterling.—The Season for cruizing is in the Summer or rather from April to September,
            and the Grounds, to the Northward as far as the Coast of Portugal to the Westward off
            the Canary, and Western Islands–and in the Mediterannean, His frigates are in good order
            and his Seaman neither very excellent nor despícable.—
          Prisoners. There are not any
            Prisoners or Christian Slaves in the Empire of Morrocco–except Six or Seven Spaniards,
            who are in the Sahara or Desert, and which the Emperor is endeavouring to procure that
            they may be deliver’d to their Country This Part is not in Strict obedience to the King,
            though govern’d by his Son Abderhammon, from whom it is Somewhat difficult to procure
            the release of Europeans that are cast away in those parts–and his Majesty has no way to
            get them but by encouraging the Southern Traders to purchase and bring them to Morrocco,
            or to prevail on his Son to Send them.—And here it will be doing a piece of justice to
            the Emperor which he well Deserves to Say that there is not a man in the World who is a
            greater enemy to Slavery than He is. He spares neither money nor pains to redeem all who
            are so unfortunate as to be cast away, whom he orders to be fed and cloth’d, untill they
            are return’d to their Country—The Venetian Consul told me that the King being Sometime ago possess’d of sixty Christians
            the Consul had a commissíon sent to him to redeem them, at an expence of 1000 Dollars
            each, but when his Majesty was applied to, he answer’d that he woud not Sell them, but
            that the Grandmaster of Malta (with whom he was not at
            Peace), having liberated some Moors these Christians Shou’d be deliver’d up as a
            Compliment to him—At another time his majesty made a purchase of Moorish Slaves–who were
            in the possesion of the Christian Powers on the Coast of the Mediterranean for which he
            paid 160 thousand Dollars, without paying
            Shewing any regard to wch. of the Barbary States
            they belonged and Set them all at liberty without any condition whatever The Expence of
            redeeming Slaves in the days of the Muley Ishmael and Muley Abdallah was about 1000
            Dollars a Head or three Moors for 1 Christian
          Treaties. I do not think there is
            any danger of the present Emperor’s breaking any of his Treaties intentionally–or in
            matters of Consequence. He Sometime ago however Settled the Duty on the export of Barley
            by treaty with the British and Soon after increas’d it. The English Merchants at
            Mogadore intended representing this matter to the Emperor, and did not Doubt but it
            wou’d be put to right.—He Said not long ago that if an European Vessel took on board any
            of his Subjects, who went on a Pilgrimage to Mecca and landed them any where but in his
              Dominions He wou’d go to war with
            the nation to whom the Vessel belong’d–and on being told that there was nothing in any
            of the treaties to prevent a European Vessel from doing this–He reply’d, if that was the
            case, He wou’d not break the peace, but it wou’d be a Peace without friendship–When this Emperor dies, there will probably
            be great Contentions, and I Suppose
            treaties will avail little either at Sea or Land untill these contentions are adjusted—
          Land Forces. The Grandfather of the
            present King rais’d an army of 100,000 Negroes from whose Descendants the Army has ever
            Since been recruited. But these Standing forces at different times and for
            various reasons have been reduced to the number 14767–four thousand of whom are
            Station’d at Morocco and the remainder in Seven Regiments in the different Provinces.
            their pay including the maintenance of a Horse is one Ducat p. Month, 10
            Fanegas of Wheat, 14 of Barley, and 2 Suits of Cloaths annually and the King frequently
            makes distributions among their families, and whenever he Sends any of them on
            particular business, Such as Conducting foreigners through the Country, they are well
            paid–At the Commencement of a Campaign, He generally gives them ten Ducats, and at the
            end of it five and it is His Inclination and endeavours to keep them Satisfy’d, All his
            Male Subjects are born Soldiers, and in case of Necessity, all who are able, are oblig’d
            to attend him in the field,—I Suppose the Emperor has fifty thousand Horses and Mules
            distributed through his Dominions–which he recalls when he pleases and places at
            pleasure in in the hands of others–These are all consider’d as obliged to take the field
            at a moments warning, and I have often heard, and I believe it to be true that in a few
            weeks, Shou’d an Invasion from the Christians be dreaded, (the fear of which is always
            accompanied by an Idea that they come to take possession of the Country) the Emperor
            cou’d bring into the field two hundred thousand men—but I doubt much whether He cou’d
            equip half the Number–The Strength of this Country certainly lyes in his Land Forces, on
            their own Ground which wou’d ever prove formidable in case of an invasion—Both Regular
            troops and Militia are extremely expert in manuv’ring on horseback, at Skirmishing, at
            Sudden attacks and at Sudden retreats—but I apprehend they wou’d cut but a bad figure in
            an open field against European troops–on this Subject I can only add that when the
            Emperor wants Soldiers, He orders Such of the Basha’s to join him as he thinks proper
            with the number of men wanted—The present Emperor has not had much occassion to call
            forth the Strength of His Country—In 1774, He went against Millila with 80,000 Militia–which I think was the greatest Draught he ever
            made.—
          Revenue. The amount of this article
            is very fluctuating, and uncertain, it consists of the following Articles.—
          Duty. on Exports which varies according to the Will of the
            Emperor.—
          Duty on Imports which is in the Same State, but at present taking
            them generally is 10 p. Cent.
          Tax of 10 p. Cent. on all the grain rais’d in the Country, on the
            Cattle and other moveable Property–which however is rated so much in favour of the
            proprietors that it does not produce one half the value.—
          Tax on each City according to its abilities
          Tax on Tobacco brought into the Cities of little consequence being
            farmed at 3000 Dollars ⅌. annum.—
          Fines on the Bashas or other public Officers for Offences of any
            kind.
          Fines for Smugling Goods which are arbitrary.—
          Fines impos’d on Towns or Provinces for revolting, quarreling with
            each other, or for offences commited by Individuals when the offenders are not
            discover’d.—
          Property–which falls into the hands of the Emperor at the Death of
            any public Officer whose account with the public is unsettled.—
          Proportion of Prizes made at Sea– —
          Profit on Cochineal and Alkermes–—
          Presents–from Foreign nations and from his own Subjects.—
          There are a few other articles, Such as coining money &ca; not worth enumerating Nor does my knowledge of these which
            I have mention’d enable me to write as particulary about each as I cou’d wish—The Sum of
            four Millions of Mexican Dollars is by many thought a high rate to State his annual
            revenue at, but Mogadore and D’aralbeyda will pay between them one million of Dollars in
            Duties for the last year–and I think the other places and other articles will certainly
            produce three times as much–though he receives no taxes from Tafilet and little from
            Sus– —
          Language. The common Language
            Spoken in the Sea ports is the Moorish which is a Dialect of the Arabic, the difference
            either in Speaking or writing between the two being very little. A Language is Spoken in
            the mountains and in the eastern part of the Empire, called the Berebere (or as it is
            usually pronounced, the Breber) tongue–and the European language that is best known is
            the Spanish for all the Jews, who are very numerous, Speak it–French, Italian, and
            English are pretty equally understood and rank after the Spanish.—
          Government. The Government is that
            of Absolute Monarchy without limitation, The Emperor is the Supreme executive
            Magistrate, in whom is united all Spiritual and temporal Power–and his people hold their
            lives and property totally at his will and pleasure. The life of the meanest of his
            Subjects cannot be touch’d, except in an emergency, but by his own order, or by the
            Order of Some Basha to whom he has deligated the power of life and Death–a power he
            rarely places out of his own hands,–Criminals from the most distant provinces are Sent
            to Morocco, where the King hears the Complaints against them, and as Soon as he
            pronounces Sentence, it is executed on the Spot, and this is always at an
            audience, when we left Morocco no execution had taken place for four months.—This Court
            does not depend in any degree on the Ottoman Porte, nor on any other power whatever–But
            there is a Strict friendship between the Grand Seignior and the Emperor, and as there is
            a possibility of a war between the Turks and Russians–the Emperor thinking it a kind of
            common cause, being between Christians and Muslemans has Shewn his disposition lately to
            aid the Grand Seignior by Sending him two twenty Gun frigates with Saltpetre and Silver
            to a very considerable amount.—
          Religion. The Moors of the Empire
            of Morocco profess the Mahometan religion and obedience to the precepts of
            the Koran–but the Emperor holds the power of dispensing occasionally with Such as he
            thinks propper. thus the exportation of Corn which is prohibited by the Koran, is
            permitted by the King.—With respect to their piracies–I believe they do not proceed from
            any religious principle–It Seems to be the general opinion that they took rise on the
            expulsion of the Moors from Spain in the reign of phillip the 3d. when 700,000 were banish’d from that Country.—that necessity and revenge
            first instigated them to comit depredations of the Europeans–and their hands were
            strengthen’d and hatred encreas’d by the final Expulsion in the reign of Ferdinand and
            Isabell when 17000 families join’d their friends on the Sea coast of this side of the
            Mediterannean–A Piratical war, begun against the Spaniards was extended to the other
            Christian Powers, And all the Barbary States have been enabled to support this war from
            the Supplies given them by the Maritime Powers of Europe, many of which seem contending
            with each other which Shall enable the Moores most to injure the Trade of their
            Neighbours.—
          What I have Said on this article, I give as the best information I
            can procure but it is not Satisfactory–and I am persuaded the Origin, of these
              Depredations, of a much older
            date, for early in the Seventh Century, the Spaniards made a Decent on the Town from
            which I write to revenge the Piracies commited by the People of this Country.—
          Captures. No American Vessel has
            been taken by the Emperor but one, which was commanded by Captain Irwin, and bound from
            Cadiz to Virginia–She lyes on the Beach at this place, and the Emperor order’d the Basha
            to deliver her and the cargo to me, but as I understood She had been Insur’d in Spain, I
            did not chuse to take her under my care.—The Emperor has no Treaty with Russia,
              Germany Hamburg, Dantzic or Malta–But there Seems to be a Cessation of
            Hostilities with all the world–He had order’d five frigates to be fitted for Sea, and I
            think it more than probable they were intended to Cruize against the Americans.—
          Having thus answer’d the queries which you were pleas’d to make–I
            shall at present conclude with the assurance of my being always with great respect and
            Esteem.— /Gentn. / Your most obedt h’ble Servt.—

              Thos Barclay


Title: John Adams to James Bowdoin, 11 Sep. 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Bowdoin, James

              Sir

              Grosvenor Square.

               Sept. 11. 1786

          The inclosed Letter of Sept. 9. from Dr. Jon. Dryander to me, accompanied the Packet which I have addressed to your
            Excellency, for the Use of the Accademy of Arts and Sciences, for whose Service I shall
            always esteem it, an honour and a
            Pleasure to do any Thing in my Power.
          With my best Respects to your / Excellency and the Accademy, I have
            the / honour to be, Sir your most obedient / and most humble servant

              John Adams


Title: John Adams to Thomas Jefferson, 11 Sep. 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Jefferson, Thomas

              Dear Sir

              Grosvenor Square

              Septr. 11. 1786

          On my Return from Holland, on the Sixth instant I found your
            Favours of the 8. and 13. Aug.— —on my Arrival at the Hague The Exchange of
            Ratifications was made on the 8 of August with The Baron De Thulemeier, and I
            had it Printed. it is only in French.—Copies Shall be Sent you as Soon as I can find an
            Opportunity. We were present at Utrecht at the august Ceremony of Swearing in their new
            Magistrates. in no Instance, of ancient or modern History, have the People ever asserted
            more unequivocally their own inhærent and unalienable Sovereignty.— —But whatever
            Pleasure I might have in enlarging upon this Subject, I must forbear.
          The Affair of Oil has taken a turn here. The Whalemen both at
            Greenland and the southward, have been unsuccessful and the Price of Spermacæti Oil, has
            risen above fifty Pounds a Ton. Boyston’s ship arrived with two or three hundred Ton,
            and finding he could pay the Duties and make a Profit of five and twenty Per Cent, he
            sold his Cargo here, instead going again to France as he intended.—This Circumstance
            will oblige the French Court, or the French Merchants or both to take other Measures, or
            they will loose this Trade. The Price of Oil will rise in Boston, so much that I am
            afraid Mr Barrett’s Contract must be fullfilled at an
            immense Loss.
          As to Mr Lambs Settlement, I still
            think he had better embark forthwith for New York from Spain. if he cannot he may
            transmit to you and me his Account, and remit to Us the Ballance in favour of U.S.
          Mr Barclays Proposal, of going to Tunis
            and Tripoli, I Suppose appears to you as it does to me, from what We learned from the
            Ambassador from Tripoli in London, to be unnecessary At least till We we hear farther
            from Congress. It Seems to me too, very unlikely that any Benefit will be had from a
            Journey to Algiers.— —I wish to See the Treaty with Morocco, and to know the Particulars
            of that Affair, first.—At present I believe We are taken in, and that We shall be
            plagued with Demands for annual Presents. I confess, I have no Faith in the Supposition
            that Spanish Interference has counted for Money, or at least that it will pass long for
            it.
          If however you are clearly in favour of Sending Mr Barclay to Algiers, I will make out a Commission, and send
            it to you, for your Signature Signed by myself, because I would not set up my own
            Judgment against yours, Mr Charmichaels and Mr Barclays: but I confess, at present I cannot See any
            Advantage in it. but on the contrary Several Disadvantages. Mr Randall is gone to Congress, and We may expect their further orders, e’er
            long.
          With Sincere Affection I am, dear sir, your / Friend and
            servant

              John Adams

            inclosed is a Project of an Answer to Mr Lamb, if you approve it, you will Sign and Send it.

              J.A.


Title: Charles Storer to John Adams, 16 Sep. 1786
From: Storer, Charles
To: Adams, John

              Dear Sir,

              Boston.

               16th. Septemr:
                1786.

          I wish you would finish your business in London & return
            home—We want you here more than a little—Every thing seems to be going wrong, and there
            is great reason to fear that we soon shall be in a state of anarchy &
            confusion—When Government has not energy eno: to enforce the laws, what is to be done?
            When our executive Officers have not power to supress Mobs, Riots & armed
            associations, what us to be done? ’Tis herein we want your advice, counsel &
            assistance: You, who had so principal a share in framing our Constitution,
            can best apply a remedy for its defects—The story in short is this—The people of
            Hampshire & Berkshire Counties find themselves much aggrieved in being sued for
            their debts: here blame is thrown upon the Lawyers, who, ’tis said, have wantonly ruined
            many worthy, good families——This is the case likewise in Bristol County—In consequence
            of this grievance a Convention was sometime ago proposed to almost every County
            & Town in the State to consider of the present state of public affairs &
            to petition for a redress—Many towns met—many refused to join—& some sent
            Members to try and keep them in order—They publish’d many grievances, such as their
            heavy taxes, the present mode of representation, the State debt—the great salaries given
            to the Officers of Government, and above all, the sitting of the Court of Common
            Pleas—In consequence of these proceedings an armed Mob prevented the sitting of the
            Court in the upper Counties—Hearing the same thing was intended at Concord &
            again at Taunton, where the Court was to sit last week, the Governor, with the advice of
              his Council, called upon the Officers of the Militia to defend &
            protect the Court—The rioters in the mean time, fearing perhaps something serious might
            ensue from the above orders, proposed to the several neighboring towns of Concord the
            choosing each a Committee to meet at Concord the day before the sitting of the Court—in
            order to prevent such violent measures as were pursued the week before at Worcester, where a body of armed men, abt:500., took possession of the Court-house—bayonetted the
            Judges when they offered to enter it & obliged them to retire to the tavern
            where they again obliged them to adjourn sine die—This seemingly pacific disposition
            induced the Governor, who consulted the whole Council, the Bench of Judges, & as
            many of the House of Representatives as he could get together, to countermand the
            marching of the Militia to Concord—Notwithstanding the above measures, the mob assembled
            at Concord, took possession of the Court-house, called on every one to join them or they
            would destroy the town—were riotous—ill-treated the inhabitants & finally
            obliged the Court to adjourn without day—They were about 300. in number—a set of
            miserable, unprincipled wretches, tis said—& were headed by several Officers who
            had been disgraced during the war & a Nathan
              Smith of Groton, who has been outlawed—They declared publickly their intention
            was to put an end to all debts & begin anew again—to annihilate the State Debt
            & to lessen their taxes—At Taunton, the same day, the Court sat &
            adjourned to a distant day, being protected by Genl: Cobb at
            the head of about 200. of the Militia—A mob collected to oppose their sitting, but
            nothing was attempted—Within these few days we hear nothing of them, any further than
            that they complain of the Senate being a grievance & the Attorney General a
            Nuisance—The Governor has issued several proclamations for apprehending the
            Ringleaders—but without effect—He accordingly called, in the first instance, the Genl: Court together the 2d. week in
            October—but since the affair of Concord, he has called on them to meet next week—What
            will be the result is yet uncertain— —
          22d. Things appear again
            quiet—It was expected the Rioters would have opposed the sitting of the
            Supreme Court, which met at Worcester a few days ago—but no attempt was made “The Chief
            Justice gave a most interesting & pathetic charge to the Jury, in which the
            ruinous consequences of the late Commotions were pointed out in a manner wh: could not fail of forcing conviction upon the minds of all
            who heard it—”—I wish it may have that happy effect—
          The Gentleman who will deliver you this is Mr: Thos: Martin of Portsmo. He is a Kinsman of ours
            & therefore I take the liberty of introducing him to you & will be bound
            in equal obligation with him for any attentions—
          I shall leave town soon for my new settlemt: at Passe: where the Govr: & Council have been pleased to appoint me Justis:Pacis & one of the Quorum—If I
              shd. be the means of any good, it will repay me for the
            anxiety this entirely new employment occassions me—
          I am, sir, with much esteem, / Yr:
            oblig’d, hume: servt:

                C. S—


Title: Thomas Barclay to the American Peace Commissioners, 18 Sep. 1786
From: Barclay, Thomas
To: American Peace Commissioners,Jefferson, Thomas,Adams, John

              Gentlemen

              Ceuta

              18th. Septr. 1786

          As you will probably wish to know the particulars of the
            Negotiations of the Treaty with the Emperor, and as the perusal will not take up a great
            deal of time, I shall lay them before you—
          After the first Audience was over Mr.
            Taher Fennish, in whose Hands the Negotiation was placed, came from the Emperor and
            informed me that His Majesty had read the Translation of the Letters–That he had made a
            Treaty with Spain very favorable for that Country, that he would write to His Most
            Catholic Majesty to give a Copy of that Treaty, from which, one, with the United States
            might be formed & that he would either request the King of Spain to order it to
            be signed at Madrid, or it might be sent to Morocco for Signature by Express– – – –
          I replyed, that, “I had taken a long Journey in order to make this
            Treaty and that I would be very sorry to return untill it was finished, If Mr. Fennish would give a Copy of the Spanish Articles I would
            point out such as would be necessary for us, and I doubted not but we would soon agree
            upon them”.
          Mr. Fennish said that some of the
            Papers were at Mequinez and some at Fez, and that it would be impossible to collect them
            so as to make them useful on this Occasion. I answered that If permission was given to
            me I would lay before the Emperor through him the Heads of such a Treaty as I imagined
            would be perfectly agreeable to both Countries; that if any objections should appear, we
            would talk them over, and after due Consideration, do what would seem right. To this
              Mr. Fennish agreed, promising his best Offices to forward
            and settle every thing on good and reasonable Terms. The next day but one, the Heads of
            the Treaty in Arabic, were put into the Hands of Mr.
            Fennish, who shew’d them to the Effendi, by whom Seven of the Articles were objected to
            as highly unreasonable; They were however read before His Majesty and some of the
            principal Officers of the Court, when all the Articles except four were admitted without
            hesitation; and the next Morning I received a Message from one of the Persons who was
            present at the reading, with Compliments upon the Progress I had made, and taking to
            himself entirely, the Merit of removing three of the Objections—
          When the proposition for an Exchange of Prisoners was read The King
            said “This is not right, why are the Christians Powers so averse to going to war with
            me? It is the Fear of their Subjects falling into Slavery.” To which the Kings Preacher
            replyed These people deserve more indulgence from you than many others with whom you are
            in Alliance, They are nearer our Religion, and our Prophet mentions those who profess
            their manner of Worship, with Respect. Upon which the Emperor said, Let this Article be
            admitted—The next day I put the Treaty at full length into the Hands of the Interpreter
            to get it translated into Arabic and in a few days, a rough draught in Arabic formed
            from my draught but much curtailed was delivered to me by the Talbe who had drawn it up
            by His Majesty’s Instructions, and who though he had altered it in the Form preserved
            the Substance; I caused this draught to be translated into English by one Person, and
            into French by another, and agreed to receive the Treaty as it then stood; And I was the
            more anxious not to differ upon points of Form merely, because I knew the Effendi, who
            is the chief Officer at Court wanted to embarrass me and to draw the Affair into a
            length of time, and to get it into his own Hands, and this disposition had appeared on
            various Occasions, indeed on all that offered.
          In the opening of the Affair I was asked by the Interpreter what I
            had to offer on the side of the United States by way of Presents in future, or by way of
            Tribute, to which I replyed (supposing the Question might come from Mr. Fennish on the Part of the Emperor) that I had to Offer to
            His Majesty the Friendship of the United States and to receive his in Return, to form a
            Treaty with him, on liberal and equal Terms. But if any engagements for future presents
            or Tributes were necessary, I must return without any Treaty; I took Care that these
            Sentiments should be conveyed to Mr. Fennish, and nothing
            was afterwards said about it, nor a hint droped that any thing was expected. While the
            last draught of the Treaty was making, I was told it would be proper that the Delivery
            to me in behalf of the United States should be inserted, to which I very readily
            acquiesced, and wrote on a piece of Paper what I wished should be added; when the Treaty
            was finally put into my hands, seald by the King, and not ‘till then, did I see or
            suspect in what Manner that Insertion is made, and which I wish with all my Heart was
            extinguished, at least one of the two.
          Mr. Fennish being confined to his
            Chamber our Papers fell into the Hands of the Effendi, who notwithstanding the Emperor
            had ordered them to be delivered, detained them under various pretences, But at length
            (without our coming to an open Quarrel) He sent them, when on examination we found the
            Talbe had omitted a Matter of some Consequence in one of the Articles, the rectifying of
            which and the getting a Declaration made by Mr. Fennish by
            order of the King, took up a Day or two, I was asked to sign an Acceptation of the
            Articles on the Part of the United States but as the Treaty was not drawn up in the Form
            I expected, I excused myself without however giving any Offense, referring Mr. Fennish to Congress and the Ministers. It is a Friendly
            well intended Treaty given by the Emperor without much being demanded on his Part; If it
            proves satisfactory it will be proper for you Gentlemen to give your Sentiments of it to
              Mr. Fennish and that Congress ratifies it—And here perhaps
            it may not be unnecessary to say, that Mr.
            Fennish throughout the whole as far as I can judge, has acted with the Utmost Candor and
            veracity, and I thought myself very happy in having been put into his hands. When the
            Business was over, the Emperor sent a Message to me by Mr.
            Fennish, desiring to know whether I had any thing to ask
            and (to be repeat the Words in which it was delivered) if I had, not to be ashamed or
            backwards in doing it. I was prepared for this Compliment before I left Spain and was
            advised to request a Permission to export twenty thousand Fanegas of Wheat without Duty
            by which I should probably gain as many Dollars, and with great Truth I assure you that
            I am persuaded it would have immediately been granted. But I did not chuse to end an
            Embassy, begun avowedly on disinterested Principles, by making such a Request,
            especially as I was informed he would look on the United States as under some
            Obligations for such an Indulgence shewn their Servant: And as the Professions of an
            Inclination to give a mark of his Approbation of the transactions were repeated, I
            accepted them and pointed out a Manner in which he might shew the friendly disposition
            he had expressed; This was by his giving Letters to Constantinople, Tunis, Tripoli and
            Algiers recommending to these several States to enter into an Alliance with the United
            States and by advising them to receive in the most friendly manner such Agents and
            propositions as should be sent them from America. The Emperor immediately came into
            these Views and Mr. Fennish desired that I would draw up the
            Form of a Letter such as I wished should be written, which I did, and the indisposition
            of this Gentleman, was the Reason given why I did not get them at Morocco. I wrote twice
            to the Emperor and waited in Tangiers for an Answer, which I received from Mr. Fennish saying the Letters were not prepared, & at
            present I shall add no more than that the Emperor is perfectly well informed that I had
            no orders to ask such Letters and that if there is any thing wrong in having done it, it
            is entirely an act of my own. The Treaty having been compleated His Majesty gave a
            written Paper not only discribing our Rout but the time we should remain at the
            principal Towns. We came to this place to avoid a Quaranteen in Spain, and have been
            detained by some tempestuous weather; The Commandant of the Marine at St Roque hearing we were at Tangiers and at a Loss how to reach
            Spain without performing a Quaranteen sent a Vessel for us, directing the Commander to
            attend us wherever we should choose.
          I think it probable, that you will not judge it necessary for me to
            go up the Mediterranean as Mr. Lamb I hear has returned to
            Algiers, a Circumstance that will make me very happy, for though I was not backward in
            offering my Services, I was influenced only by the necessity I thought there was of
            doing something.
           Therefore if I do not receive your decided Orders at
            Cadiz to pursue these African Objects, I will embrace the first Opportunity of embarking
            from Spain for America.
          I beg leave to assure you of my being with every Sentiment of
            Esteem and Respect / Gentlemen / Your most obt humble
            servant—

              ThoS Barclay


Title: Richard Price to John Adams, 21 Sep. 1786
From: Price, Richard
To: Adams, John

              Dear Sir

              Newington-Green

               Sept 21st: 1786

          The attention with which you have honoured me will not Suffer me to
            neglect informing you of an event which at present overwhelms my Spirits. After enjoying
            thirty years of happines with my dear wife, She was yesterday dismiss’d from this world
            after long languishing under the Palsy. This is the greatest trouble I have ever met
            with. It will much alter the plan of my life, and interrupt for at least Some time my
            public Services—Deliver my kind respects to Mrs Adams, and
            also to Coll Smith and Mrs
            Smith. May you and them enjoy all possible happiness. Under a grateful Sense of your
            friendship I am, Dear Sir, / truly yours

              Richd: Price


Title: Thomas Jefferson to John Adams, 26 Sep. 1786
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Adams, John

              Dear Sir

              Paris

               Septr. 26th.
                1786

          My last letter to you was dated the 27th. of August, since which I have recieved yours of Sep. 11th. The letter to Mr. Lamb therein
            inclosed I immediately signed & forwarded. In mine wherein I had the honor of
            proposing to you the mission of Mr. Barclay to Algiers, I
            mentioned that my expectations from it were of a subordinate nature only. I very readily
            therefore recede from it in compliance with your judgment that this mission might do
            more harm than good. I accordingly wrote to Mr. Barclay that
            he was at liberty to return to this place, to London or to America, as he should think
            best. I now inclose you copies of such letters received from him, Mr Lamb & Mr. Carmichael as
            have come to hand since my last to you. I have had opportunities of making further
            enquiry as to the premium of insurance at L’Orient for Vessels bound to or from America,
            and I find that no additional premium is there required on account of the risque of
            capture by the Barbary States. This fact may be worth mentioning to American merchants
            in London.
          We have been continually endeavoring to obtain a reduction of the
            duties on American whale-oil: the prospect was not flattering. I shall avail myself of
            the information contained in your letter to press this matter further. Mr. Barrett is arrived here, & the first object for his
            relief is to obtain a dissolution of his former contract
          I will thank you for some copies of the Prussian treaty by the
            first opportunity & take the liberty of troubling you to forward the packets of
            letters which Mr smith the bearer of this will have the
            honor of delivering to you. I beg the favor of you to present my most respectful
            compliments to Mrs Adams—& to be assured yourself of
            the sentiments of the sincere esteem ^& respect with which I have the
            honor to be dear sir, / Your most obedient & humble servant

              W Short for Th. Jefferson


Title: Charles Storer to John Adams, 26 Sep. 1786
From: Storer, Charles
To: Adams, John

              Dear Sir,

              Boston.

              26th. September. 1786.

          Mr:
              Martin, who will deliver you this, is a Kinsman of ours & therefore I
            take the liberty of begging your notice of him: assuring you I shall think myself
            equally obliged by any attentions he may receive—
          Since writing the within there has been an insurrection in the
            State of New-Hampshire—President Sullivan & the Court were sitting at Exeter: an
            armed mob, abt: 500, surrounded the House & swore no
            one shd. come out untill they had voted an Emission of Paper
            Money—The President, however, found means to send orders to the Militia at Portsmo: & elsewhere to march to his relief—who no sooner,
            on their ar[riva]l were ordered to form & attack the Rebels, than they fled
            every […] best—Twenty five of the Ringleaders they have got in Jail […]. A General Moulton who is involved in debt, was at
            the head of the Rebels—The [Militia] found him & told him he was that day on
            duty & asked for his sword—On his saying it was at home, one was given him,
            & also a Cockade & feather: after wh: The
            President made him take the Command of the Rear of the Militia—thus making him act
            against his own party—He is now despised by both sides—News fm. Congress you will have
            fm. better authority than mine—so I say nothing on that subject—
          I have only to add to wish you joy & to make my Compts on the occasion of the marriage in your family—May it
            exceed a fond Parents wishes—
          I am, sir, with every sentiment of esteem & respect, / Yr: much obliged, humle: servt:

              Chas.
                Storer


Title: John Adams to Zacharias Coffin, 29 Sep. 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Coffin, Zacharias

              Sir—

              London

               [2]9th. september 1786—

          Your note of 18 July, with the Letter to Mr. Sherbal Coffin was delivered to me yesterday. The letter shall be sent
            forward by the first oppertunity, & any others you may think proper to write in
            future—
          I have written to your fellow-sufferes, obrien and stephens in
            Answer to their Letters, but have not been able to give them so much encouragement of a
            speedy Redemption as they & I most heartily wish—
          It would be cruelty to our Country, & to all future
            prisoners to submit to such exorbitant Exactions as no other Nation pays, and therefore
            I think that Congress will not agree to such terms, nor any other, before a peace is
            agreed on—
          I am, sir, Your Countryman / & very humble servt.

              J. A—


Title: John Adams to Richard O’Bryen, 29 Sep. 1786
From: Adams, John
To: O’Bryen, Richard

              Sir

              London

               September 29. 1786

          I, Yesterday received your Letter of July 25, and am obliged to you
            for the Information it contains.
          You may possibly have heard an erroneous Report, of what Mr Lamb
            Said to the Dey. it is not likely that He made any Promises. however that may be, We
            must all wait the orders of Congress.
          It is painfull to the Mind of a Freeman, to think that he is in
            Slavery, and every one of your Countrymen I doubt not Sincerely Simpathizes with You:
            but by the best Accounts your actual Sufferings are much less than those which were the
            Lot of hundreds of our brave Countrymen in the Prisons of England during the late war.
            The Consideration of this will induce you to keep up your Spirits, and bear with as much
            Patience as possible, what cannot be avoided: Since the unfortunate Situation of our
            Country, may render it impossible for her to relieve you so soon as she would wish.
          We are much obliged to the French and Spanish Nations, for their
            polite and Friendly Behaviour to you, as well as to all others of our Countrymen,
            wherever they meet them. And if the British Nation had as much Wisdom, their Consuls,
            Ministers and other officers abroad would be equally civil.
          I am very Sorry it is not in my Power, to give you any Assurances,
            or comfortable hopes of Speedy Relief. Nothing can be done without the Instructions and
            assistance of Congress and what their determination will be, I know not. and to deceive
            you with false hopes, would be neither agreable to my Duty nor long pleasing to You.
            nothing could be more agreable to me, than to receive from my Superiours orders and
            means to procure you Liberty, being with very Sensible / Feelings for your Misfortune,
            Sir your most obedient and most humble servant

              John Adams


Title: John Adams to Isaac Stephens, 29 Sep. 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Stephens, Isaac

              Sir—

              London

               september 29th. 1786—

          Your Letter of July 18 was brought to me yesterday, and your Letter
            to Mr. Foster with its Enclosures, shall be sent to Boston
            by the first oppertunity, and any other Letters you may think proper to write, and send
            under cover to me shall be forwarded as early as possible—I sincerely wish it were in my
            Power to do you more material service, but it is not
          If Mr. Lamb has decieved the Dey, by
            making promises, not in his power to perform, so much the worse for him: but I hope
            better things, and that the report you have heared is ill founded—
          You think that your “Redemption nothing concerns the Peace”, but in
            this I am not clear—The Relations and private friends of Persons who have had like you
            the Misfortune to be in Captivity, have sometimes redeemed them but I believe that
            Government at the public expense have rarely if ever done it, but upon the Conclusion of
            a peace And in your case, although I cannot pretend to say what Congress will do, yet I
            doubt very much whether they will think themselves justifiable, in redeeming you, untill
            a peace shall be made—to agree to pay at the public expence, such exorbitant demands, as
            no other Nation, ever paid, perhaps, would be not only encouraging an extravagant
            avidity, upon future Occasions, but would be such an humiliation, as in my opinion
            Congress will never submit to—
          Mr. Lamb will not go again to algiers,
            in all probability, nor can I at present say, when any other person will be sent, nor
            who it will be—
          Be of good cheer Nevertheless, in hopes that your Redemption
            draweth nigh. Your Country is not insensible to your situation & will do all for
            you, that she can, consistently with Justice and Prudence—
          I am sir / Your Countryman &c

              J. A—


Title: Thomas Barclay to the American Peace Commissioners, 2 Oct. 1786
From: Barclay, Thomas
To: American Peace Commissioners,Jefferson, Thomas,Adams, John

              Gentlemen.

              Cadiz

               2nd: October 1786.

          By the bearer Colonel Franks I do myself the honor to send you in a
            small Box the following articles.
          1st. A Book containing the original Treaty in Arabic
            between the Emperor of Morocco and the United States.
          2. Three translations of the Treaty in English, to each of which is added a translation
            of a Declaration made by Tahar Fennish by order of His Majesty in addition &
            explanation of the 10th: article,
          3. A Letter from the Emperor to the President of Congress
          4. The translation of this letter in English.
          5. Translation of the Emperor’s letter to the King of Spain.
          6. A Letter from Tahar Fennish to the Ministers at Paris and London, and
            Translation.
          7. Signals agreed on by which the Moorish & American Vessels may distinguish
            each other at Sea.
          8th: The answer to the Queries which you put to me, Dated
            Tangier the 10th. September.
          9 An Account of some other particulars relative to this Country. Dated Tangier 13th. September.
          10 An Account of the proceedings relative to the Treaty Dated Ceuta 18th. September.
          11. Copy of a Commission given to Francisco Chiappe of the City of Morocco untill the
            pleasure of Congress Shall be known, and the names of the Agents at Mogodore and
            Tangier.
          These matters have been detain’d a considerable time from you by various accidents,
            among which contrary winds and Stormy weather were a part. But I hope, as all Such
            impediments are now remov’d, you will receive them with the utmost Expedition.
          The Original of the Declaration made by Mr. Fennish, cou’d not be placed in the Same Book with the Treaty Seal’d by the
            Emperor, the Moorish forms not permitting it, therefore Mr.
            Fennish wrote it in another Book which I had placed in his hands with a Copy of the
            Treaty for examination, in order that he might certify the Verity of it, lest any
            accident Shou’d happen to the original, which Book with authenicated Copies of the other
            papers, remain in my hands—
          I am with great respect / Gentn. / Your
            most obedt. Servt.

              Thos Barclay


Title: Nathaniel Barrett to John Adams, 2 Oct. 1786
From: Barrett, Nathaniel
To: Adams, John

              Sir

              Paris

              Octo 2d 1786

          The Friendship which you have formerly profess’d for me, &
            the repeated proofs which I have had of it—induces me to ask the favour of intrusting
            you with the Conduct of a Matter in which my future happiness & that of my
            family is involved.
          When my Brother was in England he took up a Quantity of Crockery
            ware on a joint Acct of himself & me—of Warburton
            & Randall on the Arrival the same was sold on Credit & my
            Brother got security for his part the person who bout it faild without paying me a
            shilling—we gave joint Notes amg to About 400—£ I had paid
              abt 83. on my part of the notes—but they disposed of them
            without makg any allowance therefor to Mr Robarts when I heard of their failure in England I securd
            the payt of this Debt in the hands of Broome & Plat
            so that Mr. Robarts may rest assurd of that sum &
            for further security I put into the hands of Mr C. Gore all
            my Effects & Debts—amg to within about 100£ of what
            I owed—for the security impowering him to pay as he recd. all my Creditors in proportion to their Demands, & after receiving
            the most ample Testimonials from them embarked for England France—on the
            Business which I communicated to your Excellency the last–winter I gave in my Debt to W
            & R—only the part due from me to them—MrRobarts sent
            his Notes to America & Mr Mason calld on my Brother
            for them—as equal Misfortunes have attended him—the Notes are returned back—& I
            this day received Advice from Mr Robarts that he expects
            immediate payment from me—As you will see on perusal of the inclosd to him, this is
            impossible—On my late Tour thro America, I have been assurd that a considerable part of
            the Consignments from thence shall come to the Address of Mess Le Couteulx &
              Co—upon my giving my Attention to the return Cargoes from
            hence—I have in this Business a prospect of securing a present subsistance, & in
            future of accumulating some property—these Gentleman give me their Countenance &
            protection upon the Letters which I have from America—they know I possess no
            property—but Give me Encouragement that in Time, I may—But sir—should Mr Robarts execute his powers against me—all my prospects are
            at an End—Mrs Barrett has been very ill ever since our
            Arrival—this stroke has added to her Trouble—I wish—& may I ask the
            favour of you to send for Mr Robarts, as soon as you receive
            this—& after letg him know I have opend
            the Affair to you—use your Influence with him to consider the Matter in its proper
            Light—& to wait—after recg what may be in the Hands
            of Mr Gore—till it shall be in the power of my Brother
            & myself to discharge his Debts—If he determines not to do this I will give up
            all my Hopes—& come over to England & surrender myself—leaving a most
            deserving Wife & Child to the Misery of suffering all the Horrors of Poverty in
            a foreign Country— —
          Let me beg of you to keep this Matter intirely to
            yourself—& give Mr Robarts a Charge (whatever may be
            his determination) to do the same—& favour me with a Line as soon as you receive
            this—
          I am with the utmost Respect / Your Excellency’s / Most oblig’d
            & obd Servant

              Nat Barrett

            P.S. Mr Gore had payed my Creditors
              6/8 in the pound when I left Boston, & expected to make another dividend
              soon


Title: Rufus King to John Adams, 2 Oct. 1786
From: King, Rufus
To: Adams, John

              Dear Sir,

              New York

               2 Oct. 1786

          The convention proposed to have been held at Annapolis in the last
            month on the subject of commerce has terminated without credit, or prospect of having
            done much good—
          I inclose you the report which they addressed to their
            constituents—they were founded in the Opinion that an adjustment of the commercial
            powers of the several states is intimately connected with the other Authorities of the
            Confederacy and of the respective states—
          Whether the states will acceed to the proposition of a convention
            at Philadelphia in May is yet uncertain—Congress I think will not interfere in such
            manner as to patronize the project; I am fully convinced that your Opinion is a just and
            political one, that congress can do all that a convention can, and certainly with more
            safety to original principles—But we all now seperating, the federal year will expire in
            a few weeks, and little public business will recieve an examination before the
            assembling of the next congress—
          with the highest Respect I have the Honor to be Dr. Sir your / Obt. & very
              Hbl. Servt.

              Rufus King


Title: John Adams to John Jay, 3 Oct. 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Jay, John

              Dear Sir

              London

              October 3. 1786

          An Event has taken Place, of too much Importance to the United
            States, to be omitted, in Dispatches to Congress. A Messenger arrived at the
            Secretary of States Office, last night, with a Treaty of Commerce between France and
            England, Signed by the Comte De Vergennes and Mr Eden. it
            cannot be Supposed that the Contents can be fully known: but it is Suggested that
            England has Stipulated, to reduce the Duties upon French Wines, to the Sum which is now
            paid upon Portugal Wines, reserving at the Same time a Power of reducing those upon the
            latter, one third lower than they are if necessary. A Minister Mr Faulner, is in the mean time Sent off to Lisbon, to negotiate there, both this
            Point and another in dispute with Ireland.
          England has Stipulated that France shall enjoy, all the Priviledges
            in Trade of the most favoured Nation in Europe, So that
            a Reservation is made of a Right to allow the United States of America, Some Superiour
            Advantages.
          It is Supposed that France is to admit, British Manufactures, and
            that all the Commerce is to be carried on in British Bottoms.
          The Treaty is probably Subject to the Ratification, or Consent of
            Parliament, and will be kept as Secret as possible till the Meeting of that
            assembly.
          The Consequences of this Treaty, cannot be indifferent and Time
            alone can reveal who is the gainer. but this is clear that if either obtains any
            considerable Advantage a War must eer long be the Consequence of it, for neither of
            these nations can bear to be out witted by the other in commercial affairs.
          The Negotiation between England and Prussia is at a Stand and the
            foreign Ministers here are anxious to learn whether there is to be a better
            Understanding, between London and Berlin, during the present Reign in Prussia, than
            there was in the last.—It is certain that England, more or less, underhand, Supports the
            Prince of Orange, who is more openly encouraged by his Brother in Law the present King
            of Prussia. France on the other hand has Connections with the Republicans, who seem
            determined that no foreign Power shall interfere in their internal Policy. The Emperor
            would not be Sorry to see, France and Prussia, at variance, concerning Dutch affairs.
            For all these Reasons together I hope the Patriots in Holland, will have a peaceable
            opportunity to go through their projected Restoration and Improvement of their
            Constitution.
          The Designs they entertain are interesting to Mankind in general as
            well as to their particular Country, Since the Principles of Liberty and the Theory of
            good Government, may be propagated by them.
          A Writer of great Abilities and Reputation, has been employed to
            draw up a Plan for the Settlement of the Republick, to which many of the ablest Men in
            the several Provinces have contributed their assistance. it has been Published in three
            Volumes under the Title of Grondewellige Herstelling, and near five Thousand Copies of
            it have been sold, which shews the Zeal with which it has been generally approved. The
            Author of it is Mr Cerisier, who has been constant to his
            Principles and has professedly recommended the Constitutions of our United States as
            Models, as far as the Circumstances will admit. Several Cities have reformed their
            Regencies according to his Ideas, and many more, perhaps all, will follow their Example
            if no foreign Power should interfere. In a late Excursion to the Low Countries, I
            happened to be at Utrecht on the Day of the Ceremony of Administering the Oaths to the
            new Magistrates elected by the free suffrages of the People. it was conducted with
            perfect order, and Striking Dignity, in the Presence of the whole City, well armed and
            well cloathed in Uniformed Uniform and apparently well disciplined, besides a
            vast Concourse of Spectators from other Cities. a Revolution conducted in this decisive
            manner and with Such Decorum, Shows that the Principles upon which it was founded, must
            have taken a very deep root.
          If neighbouring Monarchies Should not from Jealousies,
            that democratical Principles may Spread too far, and in time affect their own Subjects,
            interfere and disturb this free People they will exhibit to the World something worthy
            of its attention. When I mention democratical Principles, I dont mean that it is their
            Intention to establish a Government merely democratical. but a well regulated
            Commonwealth, consisting in a Composition of Democratical Aristocratical, and
            monarchical Powers without which they are too enlightened to suppose, that Peace and
            Liberty can ever be long preserved among Men.—
          With great and sincere Esteem, I have the Honour / to be, Sir your
            most obedient and most / humble servant

              John Adams


Title: John Jay to John Adams, 4 Oct. 1786
From: Jay, John
To: Adams, John

              Dr Sir.

              New York

               4th. October 1786

          A Vessel will sail from hence for London about the 20th. Inst. by her you will hear
            from me again. Since the Date of my last Vizt. 19th. August, I have been honored with your Letters of 16th. and two of 27th. June and
              30th. & 31st. July
            last, which with the Papers enclosed with them were immediately laid before
            Congress.—
          You will hear of Commotions in New-England. The enclosed Account of
            one in New Hampshire does Credit to the Government of that State. Massachusetts seems
              not to have adverted to Obsta Principiis. A
            Rage for paper Money and too little Decision or perhaps Capacity of Decision in the
            construction of our Governments expose us to Inconveniences, for which it is Time to
            provide Remedies. I hope you will soon receive Instructions relative to the Objections
            against evacuating the Posts—that Matter is in Train.—
          Be pleased to forward the enclosed Order to Mr. Lamb. We have nothing certain respecting the Issue of Mr. Barclay’s Mission—Report says he has made a Truce.—
          With great Esteem and Regard I have the Honor to be, Dr Sir / Your most obt. and hble:
              Servt.

              John Jay—


Title: Richard Price to John Adams, 5 Oct. 1786
From: Price, Richard
To: Adams, John

              Dear Sir

              Newington-Green

              Oct: 5th. 1786

          I am sorry I could not have the pleasure of Seeing you and Coll Smith when you did me the favour to call upon me. I found I
            could not Stay in the House, and therefore fled to Sydenham, leaving my Nephew and other
            friends to manage a business that I could not think of without being overpower’d. Tho’
            the event has been long expected and was indeed, in the circumstances of the late dear
            companion of my life, more a seasonable delivrance than a calamity, yet it has Severely
            Shocked my Spirits. My life has hitherto been almost uniformly happy, and I am truly
            grateful to the giver of it. This has been my first great affliction, and I Should be no
            less base than foolish were I not to receive it with resignation and to bow to the
            authority that appoints it. But my feelings I cannot yet conquer. The remembrance which
            my thots: are continually forcing upon me create an anguish
            not to be express’d—I am now at home endeavouring to reconcile myself by degrees to the
            house and Situation where my duty lies; but I mean to go again to Sydenham to-morrow:
            Next week I intend to endeavour to divert my thots: by going
            an easy journey for four or five days. As soon as I am Settled at home (wch: will be probably the week after next) I Shall take the
            first opportunity to pay my respects to you and Coll
            Smith—Next Sunday Mr Tayler, the minister of Carter-lane
            meeting-house Sometimes called little St: Paul’s, is to
            administer the Sacrament for me at Hackney and to deliver a funeral Sermon but without
            any particular notice of the deceased. On Sunday Sen-night I Shall provide a Supply who
            probably will be my Nephew from Yarmouth; and on Sunday fort-night I hope I Shall have
            recover’d my Spirits So far as to be able to return to my usual Services.
          Deliver my best respects to Mrs Adams
            and Mrs and Coll Smith.
          With Sincere gratitude for the attention and friendship with which
            they and you have honoured me, I am, Dear Sr, / Your most
              obedt: and humble Servt

              Richd: Price


Title: John Adams to Thomas Bulfinch, 13 Oct. 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Bulfinch, Thomas

              Sir.

              Grosvr. square

              Octr. 13. 1786—

          The Day before yesterday, I recieved the Letter you did me the
            honour to write me in January last—I had indeed long before received from Congress the
            Papers relative to similiar Claims in Boston with Instructions to use them when I should
            see a Prospect of success, if, upon any favourable turn in the Minds of this Court and
            Nation, any such prospect should ever occur—
          I have not yet presented any of these Claims at Court, because
            there is not even a Possibility of their being regarded—You will see by Lord
            Carmenthen’s answer to my Memorial and Resignation requisition respecting the
            Frontier Posts, that nothing is to be expected while Laws are in force in any of the
            United States impeding the recovery of old british Debts—That your claim and many others
            in Boston are bonâ fide Debts I doubt not. But Law of the Land and not negotiation, is
            the remedy—and therefore, I frankly own I do not think, that the Dignity or the faith of
            the United States ought ever to have been compromised in these Matters—
          I am

              J A


Title: John Adams to James Bowdoin, 13 Oct. 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Bowdoin, James

              Sir

              London
              Octr. 13. 1786

          I have at present only time to inform your Excellency that I have
            communicated to my Lord Carmarthen as private Information all that I have received from
            your Excellency. not having received orders from Congress concerning the whole of it, I
            could not make official use of it.
          His Lordship said that he was sorry to see there was such a
            Complaint: and that Lord Dorchester had Authority to settle all that matter.
          What the Meaning of these oracular Speeches is, Your Excellency can
            judge as well as
          Your most obedient & humble / Servant

              John Adams.


Title: John Adams to James Bowdoin, 15 Oct. 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Bowdoin, James

              Sir

              London

               October 15. 1786

          I do myself the Honour to inclose to your Excellency as President
            of the Accademy of Arts and Sciences a Letter and a Sketch from our ingenious Countryman
            Mr Copley.
          The Artists who engraved the Plates for the Accademy, he thinks
            have failed in Perspective a fault that I suppose is easily corrected.
          With great Respect I have the Honour / to be, your Excellencys most
            / obedient & humble servant

              John Adams


Title: James Warren to John Adams, 22 Oct. 1786
From: Warren, James
To: Adams, John

              My dear Sir

              Milton

              Octr 22d. 1786

          A few days since, I had the pleasure of receieving yours of the
              4th. July—
          You think the picture I gave you in my last too high wrought. You
            Cannot be of my opinion that there is here A total change in Principles, &
            Manners. nor that Interest is the only pursuit, & that riches only are
            respected.
          Your distance will not permit you to form your Opinion from your
            own Observation. Your partiality for your Country Inclines you to more favourable
            Accounts, and that Patriotism which I revere Exhibits to your Imagination more agreable
            Colours, & like self Love hides those deformities which disgust, & give
            pain. I sincerely wish that the present situation of the Country was such as to Justify
            your partiality & wishes, & to Condemn any picture, & the
            Opinion & Apprehensions I Expressed to you, but Unhappily it does not. We are
            now in A State of Anarchy & Confusion bordering on a Civil War. The General
            Court at their last Session could not or would not see the general Uneasiness that
            threatneded this Event. however they did not provide for the public Tranquility during
            their recess, but dozed themselves into an Unusual Adjournment for 6 or 7 Months. They
            have been Called to meet on the present Occasion sooner than the Time Adjourned to. have
            set near a Month without any Appearance of that Wisdom, & Address necessary to
            redress the Unhappy situation we are fallen into.—
          I do not say that they are Incompetant to the Business before them,
            or that the State of things is Incapable of redress, but it is possible (at least) that
            they should set till next Election without devising the mode of doing it. The Papers
            will Inform you that the Three upper Counties, (and Bristol is not much better) have
            refused submission to the Government Established by the constitution, &
            obedience to the Laws made under it. that is they have violated their Compact, &
            are in A State of Rebellion, while the three Eastern Counties are petitioning to be
            seperated from us, & formed into A New Government of their own Construction,
            These are very Singular Events, which must have been produced by some singular Causes,
            if they are the Natural Consequences of that state of things I described in my last, you
            will not think my picture more horrible than the reality. I have long been Mortified by
            the Imbecility & Inattention with which our public Affairs have been Conducted.
            it is probable that when I wrote that Letter I felt also some Indignation. I Claim A
            right to Express it to you. my small Efforts were Joined with yours,
            & others for many Years in rearing A Glorious Fabrick on Foundations that should
            have been as permanent as Time, but suffered to fall into ruin in less than half the
            Time it took to Build it. I feel for the Character of the Country. I am Mortified at the
            Triumphs of our Enemies. I am sorry for you, who must from your situation be peculiarly
            Exposed to them. I wish every thing may be so Conducted as to restore order, &
            submission to Government. but I fear it will be some time first. The Scarcity of Money
            is A great Obstacle, and the folly and Extravagance that made it scarce in a great
            degree remains. I am acquainted with Coll Smith Character, tho I have not the pleasure
            of knowing his Person, I am glad you have given your Daughter to a Man of so much Merit.
            please to give her my Blessing & good Wishes
           Mrs. Warren desires her regards to be
            Joined with mine to Mr & Mrs. Adams & Mr & Mrs. Smith.
          I am with great / Esteem & regard Your Most / obedt. Humbl. Servt

              James Warren

            26th: I have Just heard that the
              Supreem Court are setting at Taunton supported by 450 of the Militia, which proved a
              Stronger Body than the Mob mustered to prevent it—


Title: Thomas Jefferson to John Adams, 23 Oct. 1786
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Adams, John

              Dear Sir

              Paris

              Octr. 23d. 1786

          Your favor of Sept. the 11th. came to
            hand in due time & since that I have recieved the copies of the Prussian treaty
            you were so kind as to send me. I have recieved a short letter from Mr. Barclay dated Cadiz Sept. 25th. only announcing his arrival there & that he should
            proceed immediately to Madrid. At this latter place he would meet my letter informing
            him that we did not propose any thing further with the Piratical states at this time.
            The inclosed extract of a letter from Mr. Carmichael also
            mentions Mr. Barclay’s arrival at Cadiz. A letter from Mr. Carmichael some time ago informed me that a bill had been
            drawn on him by Mrs. Lamb in America, by order as she said
            of Mr Lamb; This gentleman not proposing to go
            proceed either to New-York, London, or Paris to settle his accounts, I
            desired Mr. Carmichael, if any money remained yet in the
            hands of Mr. Lamb’s banker at Madrid, to obstruct its going
            out until he could give us information. His answer was that it was all withdrawn by Mr. Lamb. By some means or other I omitted to mention these
            circumstances to you at the time. I mention them now to explain the reasons of Mr. Carmichaels touching on that subject in the inclosed. We
            may now hourly expect from Mr. Barclay a copy of the
            preliminary treaty with Morocco. Is it your opinion that the definitive one should be
            executed through his agency, or that of Colo. Franks or of
            any other person? I beg you to present my most friendly respects to Mrs. Adams & to be assured yourself of the esteem
            & attachment with which I have the honor to be sir, your most obedient humble
            servant

              Th: Jefferson

            Test W Short sec