Title: To John Adams from Charles Storer, 21 July 1786
From: Storer, Charles
To: Adams, John

      Boston. 21st. July. 1786.

     Nay, Sir, do not confine enthusiasm & patriotism entirely to Tories & Refugees— You have always had a good share of it, and I was going to claim a little too— You will see by my letter to Mrs: Adams how I mean to dispose of my self here—wh: I hope will meet with your approbation— On an other score I wish to ask your advice & opinion—but I always remember what you once told me, vizt: that, where you could with propriety answer me, you would—further than that you would not—nor do I wish it, Sir—
     I am lately from Passamaquoddy with Gen1: Lincoln—and while there, three of our vessells from the Westward loaded with Lumber were seized by the Sheriff, Naval Officer & others fm. St: Andrews as they were laying at Anchor under Dudley Island, a deed of which our Government sometime since gave to Colo: Allen— One sloop was unloading on Campo Bello which is supposed to belong to the British.— It seems they have been laying out the Province of New Brunswick into Districts—and the western District includes Moose, Deer, Dudley, & Frederick Islands, the last of which our Naval Officer lives on. Further, they extend their boundary of the Western District “to the western shore of the west passage into the Bay”: thereby claiming both Channels—but, should the Islands belong to them by the exception in the treaty, the channels do not most surely— The People of St: Andrews, howr: talk of havg: guard-Ships & Galleys placed in each Channel—
     Leonard, a Refugee Miller fm. this town is Naval Officer on their side and has ordered ours to quit the Bay as having no right there— He was answered, that he knew of no authority but that of Massachusetts, by which he was appointed, & by which alone he should quit his place— However, as we were leaving the Bay we were assured, or at least heard that the Government of New Brunswick has disapproved of the conduct of the Naval Officers & that the vessells were returning, being given up— There are great disputes about our Eastern boundaries— The British say the St: Croix is what is now called the Scudick— we say, & the Indians have been consulted on the point, that the true St: Croix is what is now called the

Mecakadawick, 12. or 15. miles farther Eastward—& the river next westward of St: John’s, which I am told you say is the river you meant in settling the treaty— The next thing they claim is all the Islands in the Bay, by virtue of that clause in the treaty which excepts in their favor all Islands, within 20. leagues of the Coast wh: were at the time of the Peace & were formerly within the limits of Nova Scotia— Whether these Islands are in this predicament I know not—but if they are to have them, they have the finest part of the Bay & will have it in their power to injure us greatly— Some there say that the Islands meant in the Treaty were those lying on the eastern side of the Bay of Fundy, near the coast of Nova Scotia, & which come with 20. leagues of our Coast— The British say further that, in proof of those Islands in the Bay of Passamaquoddy belonging to them by virtrue of the treaty, Lord Sydney or some Minister writes that tho’ Mr: Adams has been written to on the subject, he has never made any representation to the Ministry; which is an acknowledgement that those were the Islands excepted— Now, Sir, mostly for my own satisfaction, as I am going to settle there, I would request you to inform me on the above subject, that I may know how to govern myself— One thing more I would add—which is—that the inhabitants of Moose Island have been repeatedly summoned to act as Jurymen & otherwise to appear at the Courts at St: Andrews—& have as often refused, declaring themselves Citizens of the U: States & under the Government of Massachusetts— On the British side they say, that if that Island is determined to fall within their line, they will make them pay for their refusal— This looks like uncertainty of the right— The Governor & Council have the above matter now under consideration—but what will be the result I know not— ’Tis considered here as a daring insult to the U: States & to Massachusetts in particular— I hope therefore that good-will come from this fracas— I mean that it will determine our boundaries with more precision & certainty—
     “Voila un beau tableau” en verite, as you represent it— I am much indebted for your information— If you join in the belief that all will yet be well, I am more satisfied in my opinion— You speak of restraining Commerce— I hold up both hands for confining it to the very narrowest bounds possible— That we are in a fair way of establishing a general system is a peice of information that affords me particular satisfaction— Heaven forbid that it should fail of success!— You speak of having a market in Europe for all our Produce— I hear that Mr: Barrett, not only compleated the Oyl contract he

went to France upon—but has also engaged with the French Court to supply their whole Navy with Masts & Spars— Commerce in this way is of no disservice to us— Encouraging our own productions will enrich us—
     Accept my thanks for the continuance of your Correspondance— which I wish not to carry beyond bounds agreable to yourself— Be assured Sir, of my best respects, in which our family joins, and that I am with great esteem / Yr: much oblig’d & / humle: servt:

      Chas: Storer.

      NB. I enclose a Newspaper giving an account of Commencement— You will be probably surprised at the political disputations there introduced—as are many others— There are Subjects that Students have no right to meddle with—& which ought not to be debated in public— It was observed that there were many serious truths told, that had better have been concealed— ’Twas really so indeed.—


Title: To John Adams from Richard O’Bryen, 25 July 1786
From: O’Bryen, Richard
To: Adams, John

       Sir.
       Algiers July the 25th. 1786—

      your letter by Mr. Lamb I received and wrote you shortly Afterwards Informing you of the Unfortunate event of Mr. Lambs Voyage to Algiers. the particulars long Ere to this you have known.

      Mr. Lamb Signified to the Dey that he would try & Get the Money for our Redemption in four Months. but three is past and we have heared nothing particular Since But hopes that our Country will Shortly extricate us from our unfortunate situation. we the once sons of Liberty. at present In the fetters of Slavery.
      the Dey of Algiers can do as he thinks proper with us if it is Not his pleasure to let us go— on the same terms that he Lets other nations go for. we Cannot help it.
      If it is not the pleasure of Congress, to Redeem us at the price the Dey asks here we Unfortunate Americans Must Remain—
      the Algerines has been out on a Cruise and has taken, five saile of shiping on boarde of the prizes was in all 86 Men. the are fitting out at present, and will saile about the 10th. August I belive five of the Largest will go out of the streights. the are not affraid of any of the Cruisers, of those nations in the Mediteranian that the are at war with. the Count D Expelly is in spain &c. I belive Mr. Carmical will have the best Information from the Count Respecting, the Policy of the Algerines and the Method we should fall on in making a peace with this Regency—
      I really think Mr. Lamb a very unfit man to Negotiate and affaire of so Much Importance & by his—Unpolitical proceedings in Algiers he Enhanced our price His particular Intimacy with the British Consul whom I have very Great Reason to belive is &c. Inviterate Enemy To the Interest of the Americans
      so that I am shure Congress Could not have got a More unfit man
      the foundation of all treaties should be laid by some one in Algiers and then very private
      the Commercial nations, would not wish that the Americans would obtain a peace here
      Which I am shure you are fully sensible of We are treated very sivilly by the Count & french Consul and has no Connections with Mr. Logie—
      I remain your Most obt. & very humble servant.

       Richd. OBryen

      the uncertainty of these letters will not admit me to write you of some particulars but I have wrote by a safe Oppertunity to Mr. Jefferson


Title: From John Adams to John Jay, 31 July 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Jay, John

      Dear Sir
      London July 31. 1786

     Paul Randall Esqr, who has been with Mr Lamb to Algiers will have the Honour to deliver this Letter. in order to lay before Congress the earliest Information of all that has come to his Knowledge, in the Course of his Journeys and Voyages he proposes to return, without loss of Time to New-York. He has conducted, as far as I can judge, with Prudence and Fidelity, and has merited a Recommendation to Congress.
     His Salary, will be paid him by Mr Lamb if arrived in New York, out of the Monies remaining in his Hands. Mr Lamb has drawn upon me for Three Thousand two hundred and twelve Pounds twelve Shillings Sterling, and his Bills for that sum have been accepted and paid. He will account with Congress for the Expenditure of it, and pay the Ballance into their Treasury. Mr Randal was at some Small Expence for Cloathing, which it will be but reasonable to allow him.
     There are, it Seems, at Algiers, one and twenty Prisoners taken on board the two American Vessells. Mr Lamb has left Some Money for their Benefit, but however anxious they may be to be redeemed from Captivity, there is reason to fear, that all that Money will be expended before they obtain their Liberty, in which Case they will probably write to me for more. I should therefore be happy to receive the Instructions of Congress, whether I may be permitted to relieve them and how far, or whether they must be left to the Care and Expence of their Friends in America. if the last Should be the

Determination of Congress, I should think it will be necessary that Some publick Advertisement Should be made that those Friends may know their Duty according to their Abilities. The Provision that is made, for the Subsistence and Cloathing of Captives either by the Government or their Masters is Said to be very inadequate to their Comfort and Necessities.
     With great Respect and regard I have the / Honour to be, dear Sir your most obedient / and most humble Servant

      John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Jefferson, 31 July 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Jefferson, Thomas

      Dear Sir
      London July 31. 1786

     I have recd, the Ratification of the Prussian Treaty, and next Thursday Shall Sett off for the Hague in order to exchange it with the Baron De Thulemeyer.
     Your favour of the 11th. instant I have recd. There are great and weighty Considerations urged in it in favour of arming against the Algerines, and I confess, if our States could be brought to agree, in the Measure, I Should be very willing to resolve upon eternal War with them. But in Such a Case We ought to conduct the War with Vigour, and protect our Trade and People. The Resolution to fight them would raise the Spirits and Courage of our Countrymen immediately, and We might obtain the Glory of finally breaking up these nests of Banditti. But Congress will never, or at least not for years, take any Such Resolution, and in the meantime our Trade and Honour suffers beyond Calculation.— We ought not to fight them at all, unless We determine to fight them forever.

     This thought is I fear, too rugged for our People to bear. to fight them at the Expence of Millions, and make Peace after all by giving more Money and larger Presents than would now procure, perpetual Peace, Seems not to be Œconomical.— Did Monsieur De Massae, carry his Point without making the Presents. Did Louis 14. obtain his Point without making the Presents? has not France made Presents ever Since? Did any Nation ever make Peace with any one Barbary State, without making the Presents? is there one Example of it? I believe not.— and fancy you will find that even Massae himself made the Presents.
     I agree in Opinion of the Wisdom and Necessity of a Navy for other Uses, but am apprehensive it will only make bad worse with the Algerines. I will go all Lengths with you in promoting a Navy, whether to be applied to the Algerines or not. but I think at the Same time We should treat. Your Letter however has made me easier upon this Point.— Nevertheless I think you have rather undercalculated the Force necessary to humble the Algerines. They have now fifty Gun Boats, which being Small objects in Smooth Water against great Ships in rough Water are very formidable. None of these existed in the time of Monsieur Massae. The Harbour of Algiers too is fortified all round, which it was not, in Mr Massaes time, which renders it more difficult and dangerous to attempt a Blockade.
     I know not what dependence is to be had upon Portugal and Naples, in Case of a War with the Barbarians. perhaps they might assist us, in some degree.—
     Blocking Algiers would not obtain Peace with Morocco Tunis or Tripoli, so that our Commerce would still be exposed.
     After all, tho I am glad We have exchanged a Letter upon the subject, I percieve that neither Force nor Money will be applied. our States are so backward that they will do nothing for some Years. if they get Money enough to discharge the Demands upon them in Europe, already incurred, I shall be agreably disappointed.— A Disposition Seems rather to prevail among our Citizens to give up all Ideas of Navigation and naval Power, and lay themselves consequently at the Mercy of Foreigners, even for the Price of their Produce.— It is their Concern, and We must submit. for your Plan of fighting will no more be adopted than mine of negotiating.— This is more humiliating to me, than giving the Presents would be.
     I have a Letter from Mr Jay of 7. July, by Packet, containing

nothing but an Acknowledgment of the Receipt of our Letter of 25. of April.—
     N. Hampshire and R. Island have suspended their Navigation Acts and Massachusetts now left alone will suspend theirs, so that all will be left to the Convention, whose system if they form one, will not be compleated adopted and begin to operate under Several years.—
     Congress have recd the Answer which you saw, to my Memorial of 30 Nov. and Mr Ramsay writes me, he is not distressed at it, because it will produce a repeal of all the Laws, against recovering private Debts.
     With every Sentiment of Friendship I am / yours

      John Adams


Title: From John Adams to John Lamb, 31 July 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Lamb, John

      Sir—
      London july 31st 1786—

     Mr Randall who proposes to Sail in a few Days for N York, will deliver you this Letter. If, I have not Overlookd any Article in your Account you have drawn Bills upon me which have been accepted & paid to the amount of 32 hundred and 12 Pounds 12 shillings Sterling for the Expenditure of which you will Account with Congress and pay the Ballance into their Treasury after paying Mr Randall his Salery. The Articles of Extra Expence for Cloathing I think Should be allowed to Mr Randall exclusive of his Salary
     If it Should not be the intention of Congress to treat farther with the Algerines every Man of Humanity must feel for our unfortunate Countrymen in Captivity and at Least it ought to be publickly known whether Congress mean to make any provision for their Comfort in the Articles of Subsistance & Cloathing that their Relations and Friends may do the Best in their Power. You will do well to represent this matter to Government, that they may give Instructions to their Ministers what to do in it— I am fully of your opinion of the Policy of treating with the Barbary Powers: but if Congress Should determine against it, they will I presume prepare a Naval

Force to give some Protection to their Commerce and Portugal at least will Cooperate with us perhaps Naples will do so too—
     I am Sir yours &c &c—


Title: From John Adams to James Bowdoin, 1 August 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Bowdoin, James

      Sir
      London August 1. 1786.

     I have lately written to Congress, An Account of the Sentiments and Conduct of the Lords of the Admiralty, upon Captain Stanhopes Letters, which will no doubt be transmitted to you from

N. York. It consists in Substance in the Signification to Capt. Stanhope of the “Sensible Displeasure” of their Lordships, and in his Recall from the American Station.
     In a late Visit to the Hide a Country Seat of Thomas Brand Hollis Esqr, he told me, that among a Parcell of Books he lately Sent to the University or the Accademy of Arts and Sciences he intended to have placed Prices Treatise, on Minerals, Mines and Mining, but it was then lent out. being Since returned, he requested me to transmit it
     The Bearer, will take the Charge of it and deliver it to your Excellency as President of the Accademy of Arts and Sciences to be presented to them, in the Name of Thomas Brand Hollis Esqr, one of their Members, and a Gentleman, with whom, as a beneficent private Character and a warm Friend of Liberty, and of America, I have the Pleasure to live upon Terms of Intimacy.
     With great Respect, and Esteem, I have the / Honour to be, Sir your most obedient and / most humble Servant

      John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to David Ramsay, 1 August 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Ramsay, David

      Sir.
      London August 1st. 1786

     I am much obliged by our Letter of the fourth of May. there have been hints of designs or desires to publish a mutilated Edition of your History, but your Friends have expressed so much Indignation at them that I hope & believe they will be laid asside, and that by degrees the American Edition may be sold— There is an Eagerness to read it, even among those who are least favourable to it, all who have read it, express an high Opinion of its impartiality as well as of its Composition. The Bishop of St. Asaph, Doctor Priestly, & Dr. Price, good judges have highly applauded both in my hearing as well as several others, of less Name. Mr. Dilly I believe was as apprehensive of private Resentment as of public Prosecution.
     The Barbary Piracies will compell the states to give Congress a Revenue for the purpose of treating or fighting or both,—or if the States should continue determined against both, Many of their Country-men will fall into Captivity, their Navigation will languish for many Years, and the Produce of the Country in all the states will fall very low, and more money will be paid in insurance than would procure Peace. The Interest of the foreign Debt must be paid upon pain of War.
     The only thing that is wanting is honour, a terrible deficiency indeed you will say. I agree with you. But we must be bold to say to one another, it has been Wanting Treaties of Peace, have by all nations been deemed the most sacred of Treaties— Yet Parties have been found to have influence enough in Particular states to violate our first Treaty of peace— I wish the memory of it could be blotted out of our history, The Posts & the Negroes are our Excuse, and if you write a general History I hope you will make the most of them—But I hope you will not alledge them as a justification, Credit can only be obtained or continued by Punctuality. Confidence rests only upon honour.
     The proposed Conventions, will necessarily do good by bringing the Continent nearer together by extending acquaintances, and by informing a greater Number of Persons—but they will require time And the demands upon the public are pressing, a great sum is wanting for 1787.— speculations of foreigners are much to be dreaded in our fœedral & State Paper, Immense fortunes will be made by jobbing in our stocks, by Dutch English and French; and the Labour of

our Country must be sent abroad to pay it, how to prevent it is the question? I suppose, if Congress had now in Europe one Million in Cash, they might sink by it 5 or 6 million of their Debt, by Selling bills of Exchange for their own Paper at 2 or 3 shillings for a Pound, our Debt would not hurt us if we could keep it due to our own Citizens alone. but when it falls into foriegn hands the Case is altered—Yet we had better owe foriegners one million than five— The Debt must be funded at all events this will strengthen the Confœderation, and produce a Circulation immediately both of principal & Interest, and raise spirit of our People as well as our Reputation with the World, and Reputation is Power according to truth, altho that Truth with others is to be found with many falshoods in that old rogue Hobbes—

      J A


Title: John Adams Visits the Netherlands, 3 Aug. – 6 Sept. 1786
From:
To:

     John Adams returned to London on 29 July from a weeklong visit to Thomas Brand Hollis at The Hyde and found John Jay’s 6 June letter awaiting him (above; JA, D&ADiary and Autobiography of John Adams, ed. L. H. Butterfield and others, Cambridge, 1961; 4 vols., 3:200). Enclosed was the 10 September 1785 Prussian-American Treaty of Amity and Commerce ratified by Congress on 17 May 1786. Replying on 30 July, Adams indicated that with the one-year period allotted for exchanging ratified copies of the treaty drawing to a close, he would either go to The Hague himself to conduct the business with the Baron Friedrich Wilhelm von Thulemeier, Prussian minister to the Netherlands, or send William Stephens Smith to act in his stead. The next day, however, he wrote to Thomas Jefferson to inform him that he would go and take Abigail with him because, according to Abigail Adams 2d, “it was a good oppertunity for Mamma to visit Holland” (both above; AFCAdams Family Correspondence, ed. L. H. Butterfield, Marc Friedlaender, Richard Alan Ryerson, Margaret A. Hogan, and others, Cambridge, 1963– ., 7:300). Because he remained minister to the Netherlands, there was a third reason for him to undertake the mission, namely, his need to assuage the sensibilities of the States General and other Dutch officials offended at his failure to take formal leave in 1785 prior to taking up his post as minister to Great Britain (to Jay, 27 Oct. 1786, below).
     John Adams took leave of the British court on Tuesday, 2 August, and the following day he and Abigail departed London, leaving his new son-in-law, William Stephens Smith, as chargé d’affaires. Adams’ departure did not go unnoticed. Newspaper reports indicated that he was abandoning his

post as minister to Great Britain because of his inability to resolve Anglo-American issues in negotiations with the Pitt ministry. Reports had him either going to Madrid to conclude a commercial treaty with Spain, or heading to North Africa to negotiate with the Barbary States (London Chronicle, 1–3, 3–5, 5–8 Aug.).
     The Gazette de Leyde of 22 August, after conferring with Adams, declared the reports erroneous. The conflict between the United States and the Barbary corsairs had been somewhat alleviated owing to the decision of Queen Maria I of Portugal to have her fleet protect American ships. The Prussian-American treaty, according to the Gazette de Leyde, signaled a new epoch in the history of diplomacy because of its appreciation of and respect for human rights, presumably a reference to the treaty’s provisions regarding noncombatants (Gazette de Leyde, 11, 22 Aug.; Gazette d’Amsterdam, 11 Aug.).
     The Adamses sailed from Harwich, England, on 5 August, bound for Hellevoetsluis, Netherlands, and after an overnight stay at Rotterdam, they arrived at The Hague on the 8th. That very day John Adams and Thulemeier met and exchanged the ratified copies of the treaty, and presumably celebrated the occasion at their dinner on the 12th. The Adamses remained at The Hague for six days. During that time John took leave of the Netherlands with visits to the president of the States General; the States’ secretary, Hendrik Fagel; and the grand pensionary, Pieter van Blieswyck (to Jay, 27 Oct., below). With Abigail he dined with Sir James Harris, British envoy to the Netherlands, and his wife, and on two occasions with the French ambassador, Charles Olivier de Saint Georges, Marquis de Vérac. They also had time to visit the Huis ten Bosch, William V’s residence, although the stadholder had moved to the Het Loo Palace at Apeldoorn in the province of Gelderland.
     With the exception of Adams’ reports on the exchange of the ratified treaties and his taking leave of the States General, virtually all of the information regarding the Adamses’ visit to the Netherlands is derived either from newspaper reports or from Abigail’s letters to Abigail Adams 2d, Mary Smith Cranch, or Cotton Tufts (AFCAdams Family Correspondence, ed. L. H. Butterfield, Marc Friedlaender, Richard Alan Ryerson, Margaret A. Hogan, and others, Cambridge, 1963– ., 7:315–317, 318–320, 324–325, 333–339, 362–363). It is from Abigail that we learn that the two went to Leyden, “the cleanest City I ever saw,” on 14 August, and of their journey to Amsterdam on the 17th. There John must have consulted with the Dutch bankers, for he and Abigail dined with Jan Willink on 19 August and with his older brother, Wilhem, on the 23d. Abigail recounts visits to the Pieterskirk, “the Church at Leyden in which our forefathers worshipd,” Amsterdam’s exchange and theaters, and to the towns of Delft, Saardam, Gouda, and Utrecht. Abigail’s letters are lively and informative but leave largely unanswered the question as to what her husband was doing when not pursuing his official duties or socializing with her.
     It is remarkable that John Adams, after an absence from the Netherlands of almost exactly two years, wrote virtually nothing about his visit.

He took no note of the fact that on the day he took leave of the British court Margaret Nicholson tried to assassinate George III (AFCAdams Family Correspondence, ed. L. H. Butterfield, Marc Friedlaender, Richard Alan Ryerson, Margaret A. Hogan, and others, Cambridge, 1963– ., 7:xv, 301). Nor did he mention until his 27 October letter to Jay the death of Frederick II, king of Prussia, on 17 August. His reticence was particularly notable considering the political ferment roiling the Netherlands upon his arrival and which continued throughout his stay. The longstanding conflict between the Patriot Party, Adams’ ally during his residence in the Netherlands, and William V was coming to a head. Within the year William would be briefly deposed only to be restored by the Prussian Army. Most relevant to the Adamses’ visit, however, was a major victory scored by the Patriots only six days before they arrived at The Hague, when the party succeeded in ousting the pro-Orangist Regency Council of Utrecht and replaced it with an elected panel of magistrates (Gazette d’Amsterdam, 4 Aug.). John and Abigail were at Utrecht on 28 August for the swearing-in of the new council, and John wrote to Jefferson on 11 September that “in no Instance, of ancient or modern History, have the People ever asserted more unequivocally their own inheerent and unalienable Sovereignty.” Abigail testified that she had witnessed “a Grand scene, the Triumph of Liberty, which having deposed a Number of their old Majestrates Elected 15 New ones, and in the most Solemn Manner in a large Square upon an elevated platform, amidst a Multitude of ten thousand persons assembled on the occasion, the chief Seceratary Administerd the oaths to them and all the people said Amen! in other words gave three huzzas.”
     In the absence of any letters by John Adams between 2 August and 10 September, except a 5 August letter to William Stephens Smith from John and Abigail that was partly in his hand, it is impossible to know what he was thinking during that period (AFCAdams Family Correspondence, ed. L. H. Butterfield, Marc Friedlaender, Richard Alan Ryerson, Margaret A. Hogan, and others, Cambridge, 1963– ., 7:307–309). But there is evidence that the political events occurring during his visit and conversations with his Patriot friends planted the seeds for—or at least hastened his decision to begin drafting—his Defence of the Constitutions of Government of the United States of America (3 vols., London, 1787–1788; Volume 1 of John Adams’ A Defence of the Constitutions of Government of the United States of America, [ca. 15 Jan. 1787], Editorial Note, below), and his publishing, almost immediately after returning to London, his 1780 replies to questions from the Dutch lawyer Hendrik Calkoen entitled Twenty-six Letters, Upon Interesting Subjects, Respecting the Revolution in America, London, 1786. That Adams would undertake such publications to instruct his Dutch friends was in line with his efforts from his first entry upon the Dutch political scene in 1780, when he immediately secured the publication of the 1780 Massachusetts constitution; Pensées sur la révolution de l’Amérique-Unie, Amsterdam, 1780, the French translation of his redaction of Thomas Pownall’s Memorial Addressed to the Sovereigns of Europe; and a collection of American constitutions entitled Verzameling van de Constitutien der Vereenigde Onafhanglijke Staaten van Amerika, 2 vols., Dordrecht, 1781–1782 (vols. 9:157–221, 531–588; 10:148–152, 157–158, 163, 196–252; 12:128–130).

Adams’ purpose in these earlier publications and particularly in his replies to Calkoen had been to equate the American Revolution with the sixteenth-century Dutch Revolt against Spain, to emphasize that the Netherlands and the United States were the products of a shared love of liberty and hatred for despotism. For John Adams, therefore, the events at Utrecht were evidence of the triumph of the ideas of the American Revolution, and they marked the culmination of his efforts to transform the Dutch nation.
     The exact nature of John Adams’ interaction with the Patriots is unknown, but it is clear that they influenced his decision to write the Defence. Upon arriving at The Hague, Adams immediately sought out C. W. F. Dumas, a staunch Patriot and the de facto American chargé d’affaires. They presumably consulted regarding the diplomatic business to be conducted but likely also discussed the Dutch political situation and the prospects for the Patriots. Either there or at Amsterdam, Adams likely met such old friends and Patriots as Engelbert François van Berckel and Cornelis de Gyslaar. François Adriaan Van der Kemp, a former Mennonite minister and ardent Patriot, did not indicate when he met Adams, but he thanked him for his kindnesses during his visit to the Netherlands (from Van der Kemp, 31 Oct. 1786, below). But the most compelling evidence of Adams’ involvement with the Patriots and Dutch politics is Antoine Marie Cerisier’s 10 August letter, below. There Cerisier comments on his efforts to promote constitutional reform in the Netherlands, and he expresses a desire to confer with Adams on the subject. It is likely that John Adams and Cerisier did meet, particularly since Cerisier was writing from Leyden, and the Adamses were there by the 14th. Certainly Adams met either Cerisier or Jean Luzac, editor of the Gazette de Leyde, or both, because the Gazette of 22 August indicates that Adams provided a copy of the French text of the Prussian-American treaty, which it planned to print in succeeding issues.
     Moreover, writing to Richard Cranch on 15 January 1787, below, after the first volume of the Defence had been published, Adams indicated that it was a hasty production, for which he had only begun to assemble materials following his “return from Holland in September.” However, “my Friends in Holland were much employed, in Revolutions. in Several Conversations there, I had occasion to mention some Things respecting Government, which some of those Gentlemen wished to see upon Paper. their desire falling in with the Seditious Meetings in the Massachusetts determined me to write.” Although Adams mentions the outbreak of Shays’ Rebellion as an incentive for writing the Defence, the first reports of the disorders reached him only in late November 1786, almost three months after he began drafting it, and by 13 December John Brown Cutting was reading a manuscript copy (from Rufus King, 3 Oct.; from Cutting, 13 Dec., both below). While it may be that news of the rebellion spurred him to complete his three-volume work, it was the encouragement of his Dutch friends that led him to embark on the first volume of the Defence, and it is that which gives Adams’ interlude in the Netherlands its real significance.


Title: Thomas Barclay to the American Commissioners, 11 August 1786
From: Barclay, Thomas
To: American Commissioners

      Gentlemen
      D’Aralbyda. 11th. Aug. 1786—

     I arrived here today, and shall Continue My Journey to Tangiers Early in the Morning,— The Plague being at Constantina occasions a Rigorous Quarranteen of 40 Days (from Barbary) in Spain— I shall therefore Endeavor to Get into Ceuta, which being in the hands of the Spaniards is an Exception to the Above remark, and I think the Quarranteen from thence is only [ten] Twelve Days—
     The Treaty shall be forwarded with all Expedition as soon as I arrive in Europe, and in the Mean time I am Gentlemen / Your Very Obed. / Serv.

      Thos Barclay


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Jefferson, 13 August 1786
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Adams, John

      Dear Sir
      Paris Aug. 13. 1786.

     The inclosed came to hand this morning. mr̃ Carmichael you observe, and mr̃ Barclay suppose something may yet be done at Algiers. it remains for us to consider whether the conduct of the Dey of that country leaves any room to hope that any negotiator can succeed without a great addition to the price to which we are confined? and should we think in the negative, yet whether the expences of mr̃ Barclay’s going there may not be compensated by additional information, by the possibility that he may get at their ultimatum, by the importance of possessing Congress of this ultimatum, that knowing their ground, they may not suspend a decision. Spain having made it’s peace with Algiers, we may see whether their interference can count as money, as it has done at Marocco. hostilities too may possibly be suspended or slackened a while longer. these are all chances on which I acknolege I build very little; yet as nothing weighs against them but the expence of mr̃ Barclay’s journey, they might be tried. if you are of that opinion, send me the necessary papers for mr̃ Barclay ready signed by you, & I will sign them & forward them.— there is lodged in mr̃ Grand’s hands money enough to support the diplomatic establishment of our country in Europe three months, on which your draughts & Colõ Smith’s shall be honoured if you think proper to make them. I am with sincere esteeme Dear Sir, your friend & servt.

      Th: Jefferson


Title: To John Adams from John Jay, 18 August 1786
From: Jay, John
To: Adams, John

      Dr. Sir
      New York 18th: August 1786

     I have the Honor of transmitting to you herewith enclosed, a Copy of a Report on the Case of the Brig Jane and Elizabeth of Portsmouth in New Hampshire seized by a british man of War at Barbadoes; together with Copies of the Papers on that Subject annexed to it.—
     The Conduct of the Captain of the Boreas as stated in these Papers appears very exceptionable, but unfortunately for the Brig, her Attempt to pass as a british Vessel by means of false Papers was equally so.—
     This Business therefore must be submitted to your Discretion, for as on the one Hand it would be improper to support the Cause of the Brig further than it may appear just, so on the other it ought to be asserted as far as it may be right.—
     The Owners doubtless have Correspondents in London who will probably apply to you on the Subject; and it is intended by this Report to leave you at perfect Liberty to give them such Advice and such official Countenance and Aid, as may appear to you to be proper.—
     With great and sincere Esteem and Regard / I am, Dr Sir, / Your most obt. & hble: Servt.

      John Jay—


Title: To John Adams from John Jay, 19 August 1786
From: Jay, John
To: Adams, John

      Dr. Sir
      New York. 19th: August 1786

     I wrote to you on the 7th: of last Month, and also on the 18th: of this enclosing some Papers respecting an american Vessel seized at Barbadoes by a british Man of War. I have been honored with yours of 16th. 25th. and 28th. May and 6th. June last, which with the Papers accompanying them were immediately laid before Congress.—
     The Situation in which the Want of an adequate Representation had for many Months placed Congress, put it out of their Power to decide on several of my Reports, some of which were founded on your Letters. These Delays oblige me to leave those Letters unanswered, and to leave you without Instructions on Points on which I think you should be furnished with the Sentiments of Congress.—
     We daily expect to receive the Treaty with Portugal. {I have advised that new commissons be Issued to you and Mr. Jefferson.}
     You will herewith receive the late Requisition of Congress, their Ordinance for the Indian Department and several other printed Papers. A Vessel for London has just touched here, and given me an Opportunity of writing you these few Lines. I am mortified to write you such Letters, but that must be the Case, until Congress enable me to write more particularly and satisfactorily. You want Answers to many Questions, and tho’ I am not at a Loss to form a Judgement of what they should be, yet my private Sentiments and those of Congress may not coincide.—
     With great and sincere Esteem and Regard, I am, Dr Sir, / Your most obedient Servt.

      John Jay—


Title: To John Adams from Charles Storer, 19 August 1786
From: Storer, Charles
To: Adams, John

      Dear sir,
      Boston. 19th. August. 1786.

     Excuse me if I only enclose letters to your family— I have not wherewithal to gratify you in the News way, as our brightest prospects are but gloomy—and I know you have enough to vex you where you are— I mentioned to Mrs: Adams a County Convention forming here in the County of Bristol— They have called upon almost every other County to join them— Worcester however has given them a positive denial & utterly disapproves their Conduct— This I hope will have weight—
     In my last I troubled you with particulars respecting our Eastern boundaries— All here depend upon your opinion on the subject—and I hope you will not be of the opinion with our Lt: Governor, who says—“pho! pho! don’t let us make any disturbance— let us give up this disputed Country— It is not worth quarrelling about”— This tract of Country, however, is from 15. to 20. miles on the Bay of Passamaquoddy, and stretching it to the sources of the two disputed Rivers includes some hundreds of miles— You will judge if this should be given up so tamely—
     I have the pleasure to inform you of your family’s being in usual health— Your Son Thomas is to be examined at Cambridge the next week— John & Charles have been […] resident there—
     If I can get any Newspapers will enclose them to you—and have only to add that I am with great esteem & respect, dr: sir, / Yr: much oblig’d / humle: servt:

      Chas: Storer.


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Jefferson, 27 August 1786
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Adams, John

      Dear Sir
      Paris Aug. 27. 1786.

     Your favour of July 31. was lately delivered me. the papers inform me you are at the Hague, and, incertain what stay you may make there, I send this by mr̃ Voss who is returning to London by the way of Amsterdam. I inclose you the last letters from mr̃ Barclay & mr̃ Carmichael, by which we may hope our peace with Marocco is signed, thanks to the good offices of a nation which is honest, if it is not wise. this event with the naval cruises of Portugal will I hope quiet the Atlantic for us. I am informed by authority to be depended on, that insurance is made at Lorient, on American vessels sailing under their own flag, against every event, at the price usually paid for risks of the sea alone. still however the most important of our marts, the Mediterranean, is shut. I wrote you a proposition to

accept mr̃ Barclay’s offer of going to Algiers. I have no hope of it’s making peace; but it may add to our information, abate the ardor of those pyrates against us, and shut the mouths of those who might impute our success at Marocco & failure at Algiers to a judicious appointment to the one place & an injudicious one at the other. let me hear from you as soon as possible on this, & if you accede to it send me all the necessary papers ready signed. I inclose you the article “Etats Unis” of one of the volumes of the Encyclopedie, lately published. the author, M. de Meusnier, was introduced to me by the D. de la Rochefoucault. he asked of me information on the subject of our states, & left with me a number of queries to answer. knowing the importance of setting to rights a book so universally diffused & which will go down to late ages, I answered his queries as fully as I was able, went into a great many calculations for him, and offered to give further explanations where necessary. he then put his work into my hands. I read it, and was led by that into a still greater number of details by way of correcting what he had at first written, which was indeed a mass of errors & misconceptions from beginning to end. I returned him his work & my details; but he did not communicate it to me after he had corrected it. it has therefore come out with many errors which I would have advised him to correct, & the rather as he was very well disposed. he has still left in a great deal of the Abbé Raynal, that is to say a great deal of falsehood, and he has stated other things on bad information. I am sorry I had not another correction of it. he has paid me for my trouble, in the true coin of his country, most unmerciful compliment. this, with his other errors I should surely have struck out had he sent me the work, as I expected, before it went to the press. I find in fact that he is happiest of whom the world sais least, good or bad.— I think if I had had a little more warning, my desire to see Holland, as well as to meet again mr̃s Adams & yourself, would have tempted me to take a flying trip there. I wish you may be tempted to take Paris in your return. you will find many very happy to see you here, & none more so than, Dear Sir, your friend and servant

      Th: Jefferson


Title: To John Adams from Ezra Stiles, 28 August 1786
From: Stiles, Ezra
To: Adams, John

       Sir
       Yale College Augt 28 1786.

      I think you will make no Impression upon the Court of Great Britain. And it is probable little Impression will be made on Algiers, while Britain on one hand may be inciting them to stand on too high Terms for us, & we on the other hand send Characters too trifling for so important a Negotiation. Was the Levant Trade open to America, the Profits to us would soon be very great, as we could export even Wheat as well as Fish to the Mediterranean; and it might be perhps the surest Step to make Britain feel the Necessity of opening their W. India Trade to us.
      A Stoppage of our Com̃erce will be attended with what has already come to pass the Annihila of our Credit in Europe, an Infamy & Dishonor which we cannot avoid & must painfully bear. It will however stop or diminish our Consumption of European Goods—set us to increase our domestic Manufactures—& throw us back into the Wilderness where by settling abroad over a large Territory we may in half a Century create a larger aggregate Property than in a Centy by Com̃erce. American Produce will be a sure Basis for stable Trade & firm Com̃erce. For however indigent we are (or rather seem to be) a Centy hence the super[flu]ous Produce of the XIII States will be not less than twenty Millions sterlg for Exportation. And will I believe the World will not open the way for our freely carryg this to the shores of all Nations?—in our own Vessels too. But Britain, will loose this Trade. She has not Wisdom in the Hour of her Malice, not Wisdom eno’ to bring back this Trade to herself. She ought, if she consulted her Interest, to make it of the most free access of all nations to […] their Com̃odities to her & exchange for her Manufactures. With the greatest Honor & undissembled Respect I am Sir / Yr most obedt Servt

       Ezra Stiles

      Permit me to take the Liby to inclose a Letter to Dr Wales, who sailed from hence 14th may last for France to try the Ocean Air & Travels for Recovy from nervous Disorders. Intended to be in London as at this time, & to wait upon yourself & Dr Price.


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Jefferson, 11 September 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Jefferson, Thomas

       Dear Sir
       Grosvenor Square Septr. 11. 1786

      On my Return from Holland, on the Sixth instant I found your Favours of the 8. and 13. Aug.— on my Arrival at the Hague The Exchange of Ratifications was made on the 8 of August with The Baron De Thulemeier, and I had it Printed. it is only in French.— Copies Shall be Sent you as Soon as I can find an Opportunity. We were present at Utrecht at the august Ceremony of Swearing in their new Magistrates. in no Instance, of ancient or modern History, have the People ever asserted more unequivocally their own inheerent and unalienable Sovereignty.— But whatever Pleasure I might have in enlarging upon this Subject, I must forbear.
      The Affair of Oil has taken a turn here. The Whalemen both at Greenland and the southward, have been unsuccessful and the Price of Spermacæti Oil, has risen above fifty Pounds a Ton. Boyston’s ship arrived with two or three hundred Ton, and finding he could pay the Duties and make a Profit of five and twenty Per Cent, he sold his Cargo here, instead going again to France as he intended.— This Circumstance will oblige the French Court, or the French Merchants or both to take other Measures, or they will loose this Trade. The Price of Oil will rise in Boston, so much that I am afraid Mr Barrett’s Contract must be fullfilled at an immense Loss.
      As to Mr Lambs Settlement, I still think he had better embark forthwith for New York from Spain. if he cannot he may transmit to you and me his Account, and remit to Us the Ballance in favour of U.S.
      Mr Barclays Proposal, of going to Tunis and Tripoli, I Suppose appears to you as it does to me, from what We learned from the Ambassador from Tripoli in London, to be unnecessary at least till We hear farther from Congress. It Seems to me too, very unlikely that any Benefit will be had from a Journey to Algiers.— I wish to See the Treaty with Morocco, and to know the Particulars of that Affair, first.— At present I believe We are taken in, and that We shall be plagued with Demands for annual Presents. I confess, I have no

Faith in the Supposition that Spanish Interference has counted for Money, or at least that it will pass long for it.
      If however you are clearly in favour of Sending Mr Barclay to Algiers, I will make out a Commission, and send it to you, for your Signature Signed by myself, because I would not set up my own Judgment against yours, Mr Charmichaels and Mr Barclays: but I confess, at present I cannot See any Advantage in it, but on the contrary Several Disadvantages. Mr Randal is gone to Congress, and We may expect their further orders, e’er long.
      With Sincere Affection I am, dear sir, your / Friend and servant

       John Adams

      inclosed is a Project of an Answer to Mr Lamb, if you approve it, you will Sign and Send it.

       J. A.


Title: The American Commissioners to John Lamb, [ca. 11–19 September 1786]
From:
To:

      Sir—
      [11–ca. 19 September 1786]

     We have received your two Letters, of the 15 & 18. July from Alicant and are sorry to learn that your indisposition discourages you from travelling by Land or sea
     We still think it most adviseable, both for your own interest & that of the United states, that you should return to Congress, for their further Instructions, as soon as possible, & we again propose to you, to embark from spain, by the first oppertunity.
     Congress have never informed us, of any Promise made, or Encouragement given you, that you should be settled with in Europe, and we think it best you should settle with their Board of treasury. Nevertheless if you transmit to us, your account we will adjust it, as far as lies in Us, subject to the revision of Congress. Your Letter of

Credit we wish you to return to one of us, by the first oppertunity, as you will not have occasion to draw again by Virtue of it.
     Mr. Randall is gone to N. York & it is our wish that you might be there with him that Congress might have an oppertunity of receiving from both together, as much information as possible, that you might mutually aid each other in settling your account—
     We are

      J A—


Title: Thomas Barclay to the American Commissioners, 13 September 1786
From: Barclay, Thomas
To: American Commissioners

      Gentlemen.
      Tangier 13th. September 1786.—

     Though, in a letter written at this place—dated the 10th. instant, I gave you a long answer to the questions with which you charged me, I will now add some farther particulars on the Subject of this Country, which you will possibly be inclined to know.—
     The Emperor is on the most cordial and friendly footing with Spain, the presents, made him from that Court, have been uncommonly great, and among other valuable articles lately sent, were 80 thousand Dollars in Specie.—
     It was, some time ago, debated in the Council at Versailles whether war Shou’d not be declared against Morocco for the treatment which the Emperor gave Mr. Chinie the french Consul when he was last at Morocco. The fact was that the Emperor wrote to Rabat desiring to see the Consul at the Court from which Mr. Chinie excus’d

himself on account of his health, which the Emperor was informd was very good— Some time after the Consul went up to Morocco, with a letter from Mr. De Castries, in answer to one which the Emperor had written to the King of France, but the Emperor was so much offended at the letter, not being from the King himself, and at Mr. Chinie for not complying with his Desire to go to Morocco, that, He wou’d not look at it, but ordered it, at the Public Audience, to be tied round the Consul’s neck, and dismissed him— The late proConsul of France has been very Successful in reconciling matters, and the present Consul was very well receiv’d while I was in Morocco,—the Emperor however Strongly advising him to avoid the ways of his Predecessor.—
     The Swedes are bound by treaty to Send an Ambassador once in two years, and the presents are considerable and very usefull to the Emperor.—
     The Danes are bound by treaty to pay an annual tribute of 25 Thousand Dollars.—
     The Venetians, by treaty also, are bound to pay ten thousand Chequins being about Twenty two thousand Dollars.—
     The presents, from Holland, are more considerable than those from any of the three last mention’d Powers, but they are not Stipulated—
     The English pay also very high without being bound to do so by treaty, and they enjoy at present very little of the Emperor’s friendship or good wishes— There is not a Nation on earth of which he has so bad an opinion, and I have heard him Say they neither minded their Treaties nor Promises.— It wou’d be going into too long a Detail to mention all the particulars that gave rise to these prejudices which may very possibly end in a war.—
     The Emperor of Morocco has no Treaty with the Emperor of Germany—and has given notice to the Imperial Consul at Cadiz, that unless the Emperor of Germany sends him Three frigates, He will cruize against his Vessells.—
     With the Portugueze, He is very friendly. their Men of War come into this bay to get Supplies of Provisions and other necessaries, During their cruizes against the Algerines—and a Man of War of 64 Guns which is lying at Anchor here for that purpose will Sail in a few days to join the Portugueze Squadron of Six Vessels that are now in the Mediterranean to prevent the Algerine Cruizers from getting into the Atlantic.— By the treaty between Portugal and Morocco the Emperor is not to allow his Vessels to Cruize to the

Northward of Cape Finistre.— My information says Cape Finistere, but Probably it ought to be Cape St. Vincent, I Cannot at present be Certain about it.—
     I have already mentioned the Situation of the Emperor with the Porte—with Tunis and Tripoli he is on very good terms—but a Coolness has Subsisted between Him and the Dey of Algiers for some time, which began I believe upon the Emperor’s having made Peace with Spain without communicating with the Dey. I am told, however, that Some late friendly overtures have been made from Algiers which will probably reinstate the Countries in their old Situation.—
     The Dominions of the Emperor consists of the Kingdoms of Fez, Morocco, Tafilet and Sus, and his influence extends a great way into the Desert; Fez and Morocco are in many parts very fertile in Corn, fruit and oil, and any quantity of wine might be rais’d but the use of it is prohibited— The last Harvest has produced an encrease of 40 for one, an asertion which from examination I know to be true, and 30 for one is not deem’d extraordinary— The resources of the Country are great—but the cultivation of those resources Slovenly to a Degree.— All the Arts and Sciences are buried in Oblivion, and it appears almost impossible that these are the Descendants of the people who conquer’d Spain, ruled it for Seven hundred years, and left Some very Striking memorials behind them in that country— The Streets and Houses in the City of Morocco are despicable beyond belief, with here and there the remains of Something that, with the Mosques, Shews the City was once of more consequence.— There are Schools in all the Towns where reading and writing are taught and in Some places arithmetic, and very rarely a little astronomy, and those branches comprehend the Learning of the Moors.— The people Seem to be warlike, fierce avaritious and Contemners of the Christians. The Arabs, who dwell in Tents, dispise the Inhabitants of the Cities, but unite with them in their attachment to the Sovereign.— The Emperor is 66 years of age according to the Mahometan reckoning which is about 64 of our years— He is of a middle Stature inclining to fat, and has a remarkable cast in his right eye which looks blacker than the other; His Complexion is rather dark owing to a Small mixture of Negro blood in him— He possessed in his early years all the fierceness of his ancestors, but being entrusted by his father in Public matters, He turned his thoughts on the art of Government, and during his father’s lifetime obtain’d absolute Dominion not only over the Country, but over his father who

entrusted everything to his management, appoveing even of those acts which he did contrary to his instructions and the most perfect friendship always subsisted between them. It is about 28 years since he ascended the Throne without a Competitor, Since which he has taken the Utmost pains to conquer those habits and prejudices in which he was educated— One of his people, not long ago, making a Complaint of Some ill treatment he had receiv’d, and not meeting Such reddress as he expected broke out into Some language that the Emperor was not accustom’d to hear, His Majesty, with great temper, Said “Had you Spoke in Such terms to my Father or Grandfather, what do you think wou’d have been the consequence”—
     The King is fond of accumulating wealth and of distributing it— The Sums he Sends to Mecca are so extraordinary that they occasion conjectures that He may possibly retire there one Day Himself. He is religious and an observer of Forms, but this did not hinder him on a late journey from Salè to Morocco to Strike out of the direct road and go to a Saints House, where a number of Villains— (about 300) had taken Sanctuary, every one of which he order’d to be cut in pieces in his presence— He is a just man according to his Idea of Justice, of great personal Courage—liberal to a Degree—A Lov[er] of his People, Stern, and rigid in distributing justice, and though it is customary for those people who can bring presents Never to apply to him without them, yet the poorest Moor in his Dominions, by placing himself under a Flag which is erected every Day in the Court where the public Audiences are given, has a right to be heard by the Emperor in preference to any Ambassador from the first King upon earth, And to prefer his complaint against any Subject be his rank what it may.— His families which are in Morocco, Mequinez and Tafilet consist of,
     4 Queens.—
     40 Women who are not married, but who are attended in the same manner as if they were Queens.—
     243 Women of inferior Rank, and these are attended by,
     858 Females who are Shut up in the Seraglios, and the number of Eun[uc]hs is great.— The last Queen which He married t[wo] years ago, is now about 14 or 15 years of age—and his children are Sixteen Sons and Seven Daughters.—
     I shall conclude this letter with a short account of the two audiences I had, [the] first was a public one at which there were about one thousand people present— The Emp[eror] came out on

horseback, and we were presented by the Basha of Morocco. After Enquiring what kind of Journey we had and whether we came in a frigate, He asked the Situation of America with respect to Great Britain, and the Cause of our Separation. He t[hen] question’d me concerning the number of the American Troops during the war and Si[nce] the peace—of the religion of the white Inhabitants and of the Indians—of the lati[tude] of the United States and remarked that no person had Sail’d farther than the 80th. Degree of North Latitude, and enquired whether our Country produced Timber fit for the construction of Vessels. He then asked for the letters, and ordering the [one] from the King of Spain to be open’d, He examin’d it and Said He knew the writing very well, He then looked at an alarm Watch which happened to Strike, and as[ked] Several questions about it, he concluded by Saying, “Send your Ships and trade with us, I will do every thing you can desire,[”]—at which he looked Round to his Great Officers and people, who all cried out—God preserve the life of our Master. He then ordered his Gardens to be Shewn us and the American boy to be sent to me.—
     The Second audience was in the Garden, when the King was again on horseback and as soon as we bowed to him he cried, bona! bona! and began to complain of the treatment he had receiv’d from the English. He examin’d a watch that was among the presents, and an Atlas with which he seemed very well acquainted, pointing out to Different parts of the World and Naming them, though he cou’d not read the names as they were printed. He asked to see the Map of the United States, which was among the others, and after examining it, called for a pen and paper and wrote down the latitudes to which his Vessels had Sail’d—after which he put down the latitudes of the Coasts of America, desiring to know which were the best ports, and Said he wou’d probably send a Vessel there— I presented him with a book containing the constitutions of America and other public papers, and one of the Interpreters told him it also contained the reasons which induced the Americans to go to war with Great Britain— Let these reasons, Said he, looking over the book, be translated into Arabic and Sent to me as soon as possible. After Some talk about Tobacco, the Day of the Month, and the Sun’s Declination, and Saying he wou’d order a Bag of herbs of Great and peculiar qualities to be sent me, I inform’d him that I wou’d appoint Mr. Francis Chiappi of Morocco, as an Agent to act in behalf of any American Citizens, who coming to this Country may have occasion

for his Service—or to transmit to His Majesty through Mr. Tahar Fenish any letters or papers from the Congress of the United States Untill the farther pleasure of Congress Shall be known—
     In this account of the Audiences I have omitted Some particulars which were of no consequence, and what I have related Serves only to shew the turn of thinking which the Emperor possesses, and the Objects that engross his attention.— I have the honor to be / Gentn. / Your most obedt. h’ble Servt.—

      Thos Barclay


Title: To John Adams from Charles Storer, 16 September 1786
From: Storer, Charles
To: Adams, John

       Dear Sir,
       Boston. 16th. Septemr: 1786.

      I wish you would finish your business in London & return home—We want you here more than a little— Every thing seems to be going wrong, and there is great reason to fear that we soon shall be in a state of anarchy & confusion— When Government has not energy eno: to enforce the laws, what is to be done? When our executive Officers have not power to suppress Mobs, Riots & armed associations, what is to be done? ’Tis herein we want your advice, counsel & assistance: You, who had so principal a share in framing our Constitution, can best apply a remedy for its defects— The story in short is this—The people of Hampshire & Berkshire Counties find themselves much aggrieved in being sued for their debts: here blame is thrown upon the Lawyers, who, ’tis said, have wantonly ruined many worthy, good families— This is the case likewise in Bristol County— In consequence of this grievance a Convention was sometime ago proposed to almost every County & Town in the State to consider of the present state of public affairs & to petition for a redress— Many towns met—many refused to join—& some sent Members to try to keep them in order— They publish’d many grievances, such as their heavy taxes, the present mode of representation, the State debt—the great salaries given to the Officers of Government, and above all, the sitting of the Court of Common Pleas— In consequence of these proceedings an armed Mob prevented the sitting of the Court in the upper Counties— Hearing the same thing was intended at Concord & again at Taunton, where the Court was to sit last week, the Governor, with the advice of his Council, called upon the Officers of the Militia to defend & protect the Court— The rioters in the mean time, fearing perhaps something serious might ensue fm. the above orders, proposed to the several neighboring towns of Concord the choosing each a Committee to meet at Concord the day before the sitting of the Court—in order to prevent such violent measures as were pursued the week before at Worcester, where a body of armed men, abt: 500., took possession of the Court house—

bayonetted the Judges when they offered to enter it & obliged them to retire to the tavern where they again obliged them to adjourn sine die— This seemingly pacific disposition induced the Governor, who consulted the whole Council, the Bench of Judges, & as many of the House of Representatives as he could get together, to countermand the marching of the Militia to Concord— Notwithstanding the above measures, the mob assembled at Concord, took possession of the Court-house, called on every one to join them or they would destroy the town—were riotous—ill-treated the inhabitants & finally obliged the Court to adjourn without day— They were about 300. in number—a set of miserable, unprincipled wretches, tis said—& were headed by several Officers who had been disgraced during the war & a Nathan Smith of Groton, who has been outlawed— They declared publickly their intention was to put an end to all debts & begin anew again—to annihilate the State Debt & to lessen their taxes— At Taunton, the same day, the Court sat & adjourned to a distant day, being protected by Genl: Cobb at the head of about 200. of the Militia— A mob collected to oppose their sitting, but nothing was attempted— Within these few days we hear nothing of them, any further than that they complain of the Senate being a grievance, & the Attorney General a Nuisance— The Governor has issued several proclamations for apprehending the Ringleaders—but without effect— He accordingly called, in the first instance, the Genl: Court together the 2d. week in October—but since the affair of Concord, he has called on them to meet next week— What will be the result is yet uncertain.—

       22d.

      Things appear again quiet— It was expected the Rioters would have opposed the sitting of the Supreme Court, which met at Worcester a few days ago—but no attempt was made— “The Chief Justice gave a most interesting & pathetic charge to the Jury, in which the ruinous consequences of the late Commotions were pointed out in a manner wh: could not fail of forcing conviction upon the minds of all who heard it”— I wish it may have that happy effect—
      The Gentleman who will deliver you this is Mr: Thos: Martin of Portsmo: He is a Kinsman of ours & therefore I take the liberty of introducing him to you & will be bound in equal obligation with him for any attentions—
      I shall leave town soon for my new settlemt: at Passe: where the

Govr: & Council have been pleased to appoint me Justs: Pacis & one of the Quorum— If I shd. be the means of any good, it will repay me for the anxiety this entirely new employment occasions me—
      I am, sir, with much esteem, / Yr: oblig’d, huml: servt:

       C: S—


Title: Thomas Barclay to the American Commissioners, 18 September 1786
From: Barclay, Thomas
To: American Commissioners

      Gentlemen
      Ceuta 18th. Septr. 1786

     As you will probably wish to know the particulars of the Negotiations of the Treaty with the Emperor, and as the perusal will not take up a great deal of time, I shall lay them before you—
     After the first Audience was over Mr. Taher Fennish, in whose Hands the Negotiation was placed, came from the Emperor and informed me that His Majesty had read the Translation of the Letters—That he had made a Treaty with Spain very favorable for that Country, that he would write to His Most Catholic Majesty to give a Copy of that Treaty, from which, one, with the United States might be formed, & that he would either request the King of Spain to order it to be signed at Madrid, or it might be sent to Morocco for Signature by Express— I replyed, that, “I had taken a long Journey in order to make this Treaty, and that I would be very sorry to return untill it was finished, If Mr. Fennish would give a Copy of the Spanish Articles I would point out such as would be necessary for us, and I doubted not but we would soon agree upon them.”
     Mr. Fennish said that some of the Papers were at Mequinez and some at Fez, and that it would be impossible to collect them so as to make them useful on this Occasion. I answered that If permission was given to me I would lay before the Emperor through him the Heads of such a Treaty as I imagined would be perfectly agreeable to both Countries; that if any objections should appear, we would talk them over, and after due Consideration, do what would seem right. To this Mr. Fennish agreed, promising his best Offices to forward and settle every thing on good and reasonable Terms The next day but one, the Heads of the Treaty in Arabic, were put into the Hands of Mr. Fennish, who shew’d them to the Effendi, by whom Seven of the Articles were objected to as highly unreasonable; They were however read before His Majesty and some of the principal Officers of the Court, when all the Articles except four were admitted without hesitation; and the next Morning I received a Message from one of the Persons who was present at the reading, with Compliments upon the Progress I had made, and taking to himself entirely, the Merit of removing three of the Objections—
     When the proposition for an Exchange of Prisoners was read The King said “This is not right, why are the Christians Powers so averse to go to war with me? It is the Fear of their Subjects falling into

Slavery.” To which the Kings Preacher replyed These People deserve more indulgence from you than many others with whom you are in Alliance. They are nearer our Religion, and our Prophet mentions those who profess their manner of Worship, with Respect. Upon which the Emperor said, Let this Article be admitted— The next day I put the Treaty at full length into the Hands of the Interpreter to get it translated into Arabic and in a few days a rough draught in Arabic formed from my draught but much curtailed was delivered to me by the Talbe who had drawn it up by His Majesty’s Instructions, and who though he had altered it in the Form preserved the Substance; I caused this draught to be translated into English by one Person, and into French by another, and agreed to receive the Treaty as it then stood; And I was the more anxious not to differ upon points of Form merely, because I knew the Effendi, who is the chief Officer at Court wanted to embarrass me and to draw the Affair into a length of time, and to get it into his own Hands, and this disposition had appeared on various Occasions, indeed on all that offered.
     In the opening of the Affair I was asked by the Interpreter what I had to offer on the side of the United States by way of Presents in future, or by way of Tribute, to which I replyed (supposing the Question might come from Mr. Fennish on the Part of the Emperor) that I had to Offer to His Majesty the Friendship of the United States and to receive his in Return, to form a Treaty with him, on liberal and equal Terms. But if any engagements for future presents or Tributes were necessary, I must return without any Treaty; I took Care that these Sentiments should be conveyed to Mr. Fennish, and nothing was afterwards said about it, nor a hint droped that any thing was expected.
     While the last draught of the Treaty was making, I was told it would be proper that the Delivery to me in behalf of the United States should be inserted, to which I very readily acquiesced, and wrote on a piece of Paper what I wished should be added, when the Treaty was finally put into my hands, seald by the King, and not ’till then, did I see or suspect in what Manner that Insertion is made, and which I wish with all my Heart was extinguished, at least one of the two.
     Mr. Fennish being confined to his Chamber our Papers fell into the Hands of the Effendi, who notwithstanding the Emperor had ordered them to be delivered, detained them under various pretences, But at length (without our coming to an open Quarrel) He

sent them, when on examination we found the Talbe had omitted a Matter of some Consequence in one of the Articles, the rectifying of which and the getting a Declaration made by Mr. Fennish by order of the King, took up a Day or two, I was asked to sign an Acceptation of the Articles on the Part of the United States but as the Treaty was not drawn up in the Form I expected, I excused myself without however giving any Offence, referring Mr. Fennish to Congress and the Ministers. It is a Friendly well intended Treaty given by the Emperor without much being demanded on his Part; If it proves satisfactory it will be proper for you Gentlemen to give your Sentiments of it to Mr. Fennish and that Congress ratifies it— And here perhaps it may not be unnecessary to say, that Mr. Fennish throughout the whole as far as I can judge, has acted with the Utmost Candor and veracity, and I thought myself very happy in having been put into his hands. When the Business was over, the Emperor sent a Message to me by Mr. Fennish, desiring to know whether I had any thing to ask and (to be repeat the Words in which it was delivered) if I had, not to be ashamed or backwards in doing it. I was prepared for this Compliment before I left Spain and was advised to request a Permission to export twenty thousand Fanegas of Wheat without Duty by which I should probably gain as many Dollars, and with great Truth I assure you that I am persuaded it would have immediately been granted. But I did not chuse to end an Embassy, begun avowedly on disinterested Principles, by making such a Request, especially as I was informed he would look on the United States as under some Obligations for such an Indulgence shewn their Servant; And as the Professions of an Inclination to give a mark of his Approbation of the transactions were repeated, I accepted them and pointed out a Manner in which he might shew the friendly disposition he had expressed; This was by his giving Letters to Constantinople, Tunis, Tripoli and Algiers recommending to these several States to enter into an Alliance with the United States and by advising them to receive in the most friendly manner such Agents and propositions as should be sent them from America. The Emperor immediately came into these Views and Mr. Fennish desired that I would draw up the Form of a Letter such as I wished should be written, which I did, and the indisposition of this Gentleman, was the Reason given why I did not get them at Morocco. I wrote twice to the Emperor and waited in Tangiers for an Answer, which I received from Mr. Fennish saying the Letters were not prepared, & at

present I shall add no more than that the Emperor is perfectly well informed that I had no orders to ask such Letters and that if there is any thing wrong in having done it, it is entirely an act of my own. The Treaty having been compleated, His Majesty gave a written Paper not only discribing our Rout but the time we should remain at the principal Towns. We came to this place to avoid a Quaranteen in Spain, and have been detained by some tempestuous weather. The Commandant of the Marine at St Roque hearing we were at Tangiers and at a Loss how to reach Spain without performing a Quaranteen sent a Vessel for us, directing the Commander to attend us wherever we should choose.
     I think it probable that you will not judge it necessary for me to go up the Mediterranean as Mr. Lamb I hear has returned to Algiers, a Circumstance that will make me very happy, for though I was not backward in offering my Services, I was influenced only by the necessity I thought there was of doing something.
     Therefore if I do not receive your decided Orders at Cadiz to pursue these African Objects, I will embrace the first Opportunity of embarking from Spain for America.
     I beg leave to assure you of my being with every Sentiment of Esteem and Respect / Gentlemen / Your most obt humble / servant—

      Thos Barclay


Title: To John Adams from Charles Storer, 26 September 1786
From: Storer, Charles
To: Adams, John

      Dear sir,
      Boston. 26th. September. 1786.

     Mr: Martin, who will deliver you this, is a Kinsman of ours & therefore I take the liberty of begging your notice of him: assuring you I shall think myself equally obliged by any attentions he may receive.—
     Since writing the within there has been an insurrection in the State of New-Hampshire— President Sullivan & the Court were sitting at Exeter: an armed mob, abt: 500, surrounded the House & swore no one shd. come out untill they had voted an Emission of Paper Money— The President, however, found means to send orders to the Militia at Portsmo: & elsewhere to march to his relief—who no sooner, on their ar[riva]l were ordered to form & attack the Rebels, than they fled every m[. . . .] best— Twenty five of the Ring-leaders they have got in Jail [. . . .]
     A General Moulton who is involved in debt, was at the head of the Rebels— The […] found him & told him he was that day on duty & asked for his sword— On his saying it was at home, one was given him, & also a Cockade & feather: after wh: The President made him take the Command of the Rear of the Militia—thus making him act against his own party— He is now despised by both sides—
     News fm. Congress you will have fm. better authority than mine— so I say nothing on that subject—
     I have only to add to wish you joy & to make my Compts: on the occasion of the marriage in your family— May it exceed a fond Parent’s wishes—
     I am, sir, with every sentiment of esteem & respect, / Yr: much obliged, huml: servt:

      Chas. Storer.


Title: From John Adams to Richard O’Bryen, 29 September 1786
From: Adams, John
To: O’Bryen, Richard

      Sir
      London September 29. 1786

     I, Yesterday received your Letter of July 25, and am obliged to you for the Information it contains.
     You may possibly have heard an erroneous Report, of what Mr Lamb Said to the Dey. it is not likely that He made any Promises. however that may be, We must all wait the orders of Congress.
     It is painfull to the Mind of a Freeman, to think that he is in Slavery, and every one of your Countrymen I doubt not Sincerely Simpathizes with You: but by the best Accounts your actual Sufferings are much less than those which were the Lot of hundreds of our brave Countrymen in the Prisons of England during the late War. The Consideration of this will induce you to keep up your Spirits, and bear with as much Patience as possible, what cannot be avoided: Since the unfortunate Situation of our Country, may render it impossible for her to relieve you so soon as she would wish.
     We are much obliged to the French and Spanish Nations, for their polite and Friendly Behaviour to you, as well as to all others of our Countrymen, wherever they meet them. And if the British Nation had as much Wisdom, their Consuls, Ministers and other officers abroad would be equally civil.
     I am very Sorry it is not in my Power, to give you any Assurances, or comfortable hopes of Speedy Relief. Nothing can be done without the Instructions and assistance of Congress and what their determination will be, I know not. and to deceive you with false hopes, would be neither agreable to my Duty nor long pleasing to You. nothing could be more agreable to me, than to receive from my Superiours orders and means to procure You Liberty, being with very Sensible / Feelings for your Misfortune, sir your most obedient / and most humble servant

      John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Isaac Stephens, 29 September 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Stephens, Isaac

      Sir—
      London september 29th. 1786—

     Your Letter of July 18 was brought to me Yesterday, and your Letter to Mr. Foster with its Enclosures, shall be sent to Boston by the first oppertunity, and any other Letters you may think proper to write, and send under cover to me shall be forwarded as early as possible— I sincerely wish it were in my Power to do you more material service, but it is not
     If mr. Lamb has deceived the Dey, by making promises, not in his power to perform, so much the worse for him: but I hope better things, and that the report you have heared is ill founded—
     You think that your “Redemption nothing concerns the Peace,” but in this I am not clear— The Relations and private friends of Persons who have had like you the misfortune to be in Captivity, have sometimes redeemed them but I believe that Government at the public expence have rarely if ever done it, but upon the Conclusion of a peace And in Your case, although I cannot pretend to say what Congress will do, yet I doubt very much whether they will think themselves justifiable, in redeeming you, untill a peace shall be made—to agree to pay at the public expence such exorbitant demands, as no other Nation, ever paid, perhaps, would be not only encouraging an extravagant avidity, upon future Occasions, but would be such an humiliation, as in my opinion Congress will never submit to—
     Mr. Lamb will not go again to algiers, in all probability, nor can I at present say, when any other person will be sent, nor who it will be—
     Be of good cheer Nevertheless, in hopes that your Redemption draweth nigh. Your Country is not insensible to your situation & will do all for you, that she can, consistently with Justice and Prudence—
     I am sir / Your Countryman &c

      J. A—


Title: Thomas Barclay to the American Commissioners, 2 October 1786
From: Barclay, Thomas
To: American Commissioners

      Gentlemen.
      Cadiz 2nd: October 1786.

     By the bearer Colonel Franks I do myself the honor to Send you in a Small Box the following articles.
     1st: A Book containing the original Treaty in Arabic between the Emperor of Morocco and the United States.—
     2. Three translations of the Treaty in English, to each of which is added a translation of a Declaration made by Tahar Fennish by order of His Majesty in addition & explanation of the 10th: article.
     3. A Letter from the Emperor to the President of Congress
     4. The translation of this letter in English.—
     5 Translation of the Emperor’s letter to the King of Spain.
     6 A Letter from Tahar Fennish to the Ministers at Paris and London, and Translation.—
     7 Signals agreed on by which the Moorish & American Vessels may distinguish each other at Sea.
     8th: The answer to the Queries which you put to me, Dated Tangier the 10th. September.
     9 An Account of Some other particulars relative to this Country— Dated Tangier—13th. September.
     10 An Account of the proceedings relative to the Treaty Dated Ceuta 18th. September.—
     11. Copy of a Commission given to Francisco Chiappe of the City of Morocco untill the pleasure of Congress Shall be known, and the names of the Agents at Mogadore and Tangier.—
     These matters have been detain’d a considerable time from you by various accidents, among which contrary winds and Stormy weather were a part— But I hope, as all Such impediments are now remov’d, you will receive them with the utmost Expedition.—
     The Original of the Declaration made by Mr. Fennish, cou’d not be placed in the Same Book with the Treaty Seal’d by the Emperor, the Moorish forms not permiting it, therefore Mr. Fennish wrote it in another Book which I had placed in his hands with a Copy of the Treaty for examination, in order that he might certify the Verity of it, lest any accident Shou’d happen to the original, which Book

with authenticated Copies of the other papers, remain in my hands—
     I am with great respect / Gentn. / Your most Obedt. Servt.

      Thos Barclay (Copy)


Title: From John Adams to John Jay, 3 October 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Jay, John

      Dear Sir
      London October 3. 1786

     An Event has taken Place, of too much Importance to the United States, to be omitted, in Dispatches to Congress. A Messenger arrived at the Secretary of States Office, last night, with a Treaty of Commerce between France and England, Signed by the Comte De Vergennes and Mr Eden. it cannot be Supposed that the Contents can be fully known: but it is Suggested that England has Stipulated, to reduce the Duties upon French Wines, to the Sum which is now paid upon Portugal Wines, reserving at the Same time a Power of reducing those upon the latter, one third lower than they are if necessary. A Minister Mr Faulner, is in the mean time Sent off to

Lisbon, to negotiate there, both this Point and another in dispute with Ireland.
     England has Stipulated that France shall enjoy, all the Priviledges in Trade of the most favoured Nation in Europe, So that a Reservation is made of a Right to allow the United States of America, Some Superiour Advantages.
     It is Supposed that France is to admit, British Manufactures, and that all the Commerce is to be carried on in British Bottoms.
     The Treaty is probably Subject to the Ratification, or Consent of Parliament, and will be kept as Secret as possible till the Meeting of that assembly.
     The Consequences of this Treaty, cannot be indifferent and Time alone can reveal who is the gainer. but this is clear that if either obtains any considerable Advantage a War must eer long be the Consequence of it, for neither of these nations can bear to be outwitted by the other in commercial affairs.
     The Negotiation between England and Russia is at a Stand and the foreign Ministers here are anxious to learn whether there is to be a better Understanding, between London and Berlin, during the present Reign in Prussia, than there was in the last.— It is certain that England, more or less, underhand, Supports the Prince of Orange, who is more openly encouraged by his Brother in Law the present King of Prussia. France on the other hand has Connections with the Republicans, who seem determined that no foreign Power shall interfere in their internal Policy. The Emperor would not be Sorry to see, France and Prussia, at variance, concerning Dutch affairs. For all these Reasons together I hope the Patriots in Holland, will have a peaceable Opportunity to go through their projected Restoration and Improvements of their Constitution.
     The Designs they entertain are interesting to Mankind in general as well as to their particular Country, Since the Principles of Liberty and the Theory of good Government, may be propagated by them.
     A Writer of great Abilities and Reputation, has been employd to draw up a Plan for the Settlement of the Republick, to which many of the ablest Men in the several Provinces have contributed their assistance. it has been published in three Volumes under the Title of Grondewellige Herstelling, and near five Thousand Copies of it have been sold, which shews the Zeal with which it has been generally approved. The Author of it is Mr Cerisier, who has been constant to his Principles and has professedly recommended the Constitutions of our United States as Models, as far as the Circumstances will

admit. Several Cities have reformed their Regencies according to his Ideas, and many more, perhaps all, will follow their Example if no foreign Power should interfere. In a late Excursion to the Low Countries, I happened to be at Utrecht on the Day of the Ceremony of Administering the Oaths to the new Magistrates elected by the free suffrages of the People. it was conducted with perfect order, and Striking Dignity, in the Presence of the whole City, well armed and well cloathed in Uniform and apparently well disciplined, besides a vast Concourse of Spectators from other Cities. a Revolution conducted in this decisive manner and with Such Decorum, Shows that the Principles upon which it was founded, must have taken a very deep root.
     If neighbouring Monarchies Should not from Jealousies, that democratical Principles may Spread too far, and in time affect their own Subjects, interfere and disturb this free People they will exhibit to the World something worthy of its Attention. When I mention democratical Principles, I dont mean that it is their Intention to establish a Government merely democratical. but a well regulated Commonwealth, consisting in a Composition of Democratical Aristocratical, and monarchical Powers without which they are too enlightened to suppose, that Peace and Liberty can ever be long preserved among Men.—
     With great and sincere Esteem, I have the Honour / to be, Sir your most obedient and most / humble servant

      John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Richard Cranch, 3 October 1786
From: Cranch, Richard
To: Adams, John

       Dear Bror:
       Boston Octr. 3d. 1786.

      The Genl Court met here last Wednesday being called together much sooner than was expected, on acct. of the Disturbances that have taken place in several Counties by unlawfull Assemblies of armed-Men to stop the Courts of Justice. I herewith send you the News-Papers in which you will find a general account of the Proceedings in the Counties of Bristol, Hampshire, Worcester, and at Concord in Middlesex.
      I mentioned to you in a former Letter my Ideas of some of the Causes of uneasiness among the People, as arrising from Debts too

freely contracted soon after the Peace, when the great plenty of Money in circulation encouraged many to purchase Lands and Stock on credit at a high Price, with fair Hopes of soon paying for them. But Money being almost the only Remittance sent to Europe for the immense quantities of Goods that were then so madly imported, this soon caused a comparative Scarcity of circulating Cash, by which means those who had run in debt for real Estate, found their Lands daily falling in value, and the Difficulty of borrowing Money to prevent their being sued, increasing in the same proportion. European Goods also having been such a Glutt at that time that the Merchants knew not what to do with them, they therefore very freely sold them on Credit to the Country Traders and others, and they again trusted them out as freely to Individuals. Thus there was laid a Foundation for innumerable Law-Suits when ever the time of payment should be elapsed.
      Altho’ Money became very soon much scarcer and more difficult to come at than it had been some time before, by means of the large exportations of Gold and Silver to Europe; yet there was another, and perhaps a greater, Cause that operates very much against those who wanted to borrow Money, and who had real Estate enough to give sufficient Security in common Times; and that was the Endeavours that had been used to get Paper Money issued and made a legal Tender for Debts due in Gold and Silver, and the Efforts made use of to get Tender-Acts, by which the Creditor might be forced to take such real or personal Estate as he knew not what to do with, in discharge of Money lent. Such Motions in the General Court, and among the People, alarmed those who had Money to lend, and made them afraid to lend it, lest they should be forced to take their Pay in Paper Money or some other Tender.
      Things being thus circumstanced, Law-suits soon became numerous and pressing, and the Debtors, meerly for gaining time, would often get Continuances from Term to Term untill the Costs of Court amounted very high. At the same time several Gentlemen of the Law who are not old in Practice, imprudently at least, display’d great Appearances of Wealth by their splendid Tables, rich Furniture, setting up Chariots and the like; and this occasioned many of the People, especially those in Debt, to look on the Order of Lawyers with Disgust and Aversion. And this Temper was increased by a Writer under the Signature of Honestus, who at that time taking advantage of the sour and fretted temper that prevailed in various Parts of the Commonwealth, especially in the western

Counties, published his Declamations against the Forms and Profession of Law, representing the whole Order of Lawyers as being not only useless but hurtfull and pernicious to the Community. These Papers were eagerly read by many, especially by those whose cicumstances were involved, and to whome the legal means of compelling Payment of Debts were unwelcome. Persons of this Class being numerous in all parts of the State, and some of them being of the most turbulent and desperate Dispositions, made it their Business to run from Town to Town, and from one County to another, enflaming the Minds of the lower Class of People against the Government, by representing those who form the General Court as needlessly and wantonly spending the publick Money by giving exorbitant Salaries to the higher Officers of State, such as the Governor, Judges &c, and so adding to the Burdens of the Poor. Rhode Island some time ago emitted Paper Money and made it a Tender so that if the Creditor will not take it the Debtor may lodge it with a civil Officer and so be discharg’d of his Debt. This Paper passes no further than it is thus driven, and is a most convenient Instrument in the Hand of the Debtor with which to cheat his Creditor under the colour of Law. The neighbouring County of Bristol, wishing, as I suppose, to be enabled to pay their Debts as easily as their Neighbours of R: Island did, were the first who formed themselves into a County Convention for the Purpose of getting Paper Money issued by this State, and accordingly presented a Memorial to the Genl. Court the Session before last for that Purpose, but a great majority in both Houses was then against the measure. Letters missive for holding County Conventions have from that time been much in fashion—the high Ideas of the Multitude that all the Power of Government (which doubtless originated in the People) is yet in them, makes their Delegates feel very important in those august Assemblies in which they may “Snatch the Ballance and the Rod.”
      This Idea of collecting the publick Mind in those County Conventions, appears to me to be subversive of the free Course and Operation of Government, and furnishes a Pretence for neglecting or postponing the Orders of Government in almost every case. It is difficult to know precisely what the Grievances are that are complained of, as the Conventions differ among themselves.— The general Cry is—“the want of a circulating Medium—[”] that there must be Paper Money, or a Tender-Act, or both.— that the Courts of general Sessions of the Peace and Common Pleas are a Grievance and must be annihilated, and that petty Courts should be held in every

Town, where every one should tell his own Story before a single Justice of the Peace.— that the State Debt, which has been liquidated and consolidated, be discharged (in Paper money to be emitted) not at the Value which Government promised to pay to the Holders of the Notes in Gold and Silver, when they agreed to loan their Debts, but at the low rate to which they have since fallen through the deficiency of Payment of the Principal and Interest as they became due; which deficiency was owing to the want of punctuality in the payment of the Taxes and Duties destined for that purpose.— that the Constitution of this Commonwealth (which may be revised in the Year 1795) be now revised and new modelled to suit the Taste of our new Masters— that publick Salaries be reduced— I suppose that the Wages of the meanest Tradesman will be tho’t sufficient pay for those who perform the publick Service, that so some uniformity may appear between such Servants and their Masters.
      A Letter from the Judges dated the last Week at Springfield has this Day (Octr. 3d) been read in Senate, containing Information to this effect— That a small Party took possession of the Court House in favour of Government on Sunday preceding the Tuesday when the Supreme Court was by Law to sit there— that the Insurgents to the number of about 750 Men equipped with fire Arms, and about 500 more with Clubbs &c came the next Day with a professed design to stop the Supreme Court from doing any Civil Business.— that Major Genl. Shepheard of that County with about 800 Gentlemen and substantial Farmers well armed came as Volunteers to defend the free execution of Law and Justice in their County, who were determined to risque every thing in defence of constitutional Liberty— that the Insurgents encamped so as to include within their Lines the House where the Judges lodged: that when the Judges passed their Lines they gave them the military Salute— that under this military Parade the Court opened and finally adjourned, it being impossible to do Business under such Circumstances— that during the little time that the Court sat at Springfield the Insurgents were so infatuated as eagarly to insist on being led on to Battle, and to try their Power at the Point of the Sword; but their Leader moderated their Rashness and no Blood was shed. When the Court had adjourned the Insurgents retired.
      This State of our publick Affairs is now before the Genl Court, and a large Committee of both Houses are considering what measures will be most prudent for Government to adopt under our present Embarrassments.

      If Capt: Sohier who will deliver you this, should not sail for a few Days I may be able to add something further. I am, with the highest Esteem, your affectionate / Brother

       Richard Cranch.

       Please to present my warmest Congratulations to your amiable Daughter and her happy Partner; and let your dearest Friend know that her Sisters and all the young Connections are well. Your Hon. Mother is also well and the Family.

       Octr. 6th:

      Capt. Barnard from London arrived this Day at Boston.

       Octr. 9th.

      Capt. Callahan is safe arrived, and we have to thank you and Sister for your Letters by him. Your Letters to your Son John and to Dr. Williams by way of N. York I have sent up to Cambridge.

       Octr. 10th:

      My Billy is here from Cambridge— your Sons are well, and I can add, what is of more importance than even Health itself, that your Boys and mine behave as we would wish they should, free from Blame, or so much as a suspicion of being blame-worthy.

       11th.

      Bror. Shaw and his Wife are to be here to day as I hear, having arrived as far as Mistick last Evening; I here they are all well at Haverhill.