Title: To James Madison from Edward Carrington, 9 September 1789
From: Carrington, Edward
To: Madison, James

My dear Sir
Richmond Sepr. 9. 1789
I am just honored with your several favors of the 12th. 26th. & 28th. Ult. A trip of business through several of our southern Counties as far as that of Halifax on the borders of North Carolina took me out of the way of getting them sooner. In my route the principal Antifederal parts of the Country were comprehended and I can assure you that the people appear to be perfectly quiet & reconciled to the Govt. I have not heard of a refusal to take the oath by any Majestrates except two old Gentlemen in Prince Edward. Being actually present at the Court of Halifax, a County distinguished for its violence in opposition, I can speak from my own observation as to it—the oath was taken by every Magestrate & officer present, nor did I hear of any one in the County who intended to decline it. The people enquire with composure what Congress is doing, and discover no apparent apprehension for the fate of the proposed amendments—I mention these things to you, because reports may reach you of a different nature. Stories have been brought to this City by a few weak, as well as wicked, men that the Majestrates in the southern Counties would generally refuse the Oath. A very considerable change has taken place amongst the Anti’s as to yourself, they consider you as the patron of amendments, and it is no uncommon thing to hear confessions that they had been formerly imposed on, by representations that you were fixed against any alteration whatever. The subject of direct taxation is veiwed in its proper light by many who were clamorous against it sometime ago, but the generality of the people seldom appear to think of it at all. Indeed I see no appearance of any thing but acquiescence in whatever may be agreed on by those whome they have deputed to take care of their affairs.
I have observed with some little attention the amendments which have been agreed on in the Hs. of Rs. One of them which seems at present to be much approved of & was indeed made a considerable object of by all the States, will not, I apprehend, be found good in practice—I mean the excessive enlargement of the representation; and what is still worse it will produce its inconveniences very unequally by their falling principally on the distant States: the greater the Representation, the more difficult will it be to find proper characters whose convenience will admit of punctual attendance, and this difficulty will be encreased in proportion to the distance from the Seat of Government—small as the Representation now is, compared with what is proposed, disadvantages of this kind would be felt by the distant States as soon as the novelty of the service might have in some degree worn off. But independently of these considerations, I would prefer a small representation. Numerous Assemblies deliberate but badly even when composed, and it is almost impossible to keep them so. I am satisfied that had the Assembly of Virginia amounted to but one fourth of the present number we should not have been so frequently disgraced by wicked and puerile Acts, nor would our sessions have been so long as we have generally seen them.
I expect nothing from the motions for taking a permanent position for the Govt. This will not be effected from N. York but by an union of Pensylvania & the southern states—Pensylva. will not join them unless they will fix it where she pleases, which must be within her own limits, and this is not the object of the southern States, hence there can be no agreement amongst them as to a permanent position. Pensylva. might perhaps agree to take a temporary position—if the southern States would unite with her for this object, several considerations of a commercial kind might some short day hence induce the Eastern States to join the southern in coming further. I find however a temporary position has not been hinted, & therefore expect nothing will be done on the subject this session.
Upon the compensations to the members a variety of observations are made mostly in disapprobation, but those who reason at all soon relinquish their objections when put in mind of former allowances to the old Congress, and the other considerations which are mentioned in vindication—I can however with safety declare that it occasions but little or no uneasiness amongst the people. I think the Representatives ought to have had five, & the Senators Eight dollars.
Suffer me to trouble you with a small commission—Mrs. Bunyan who is I beleive now in N. York took with her to England at my request some Satin to be died for our Freind Mrs. Brent of this City—the satin is arrived here well done & in good order, but the expence has not been refunded—do me the favor to call on her with my acknowledgements for her kindness in this instance, & replace what she has expended, for which I will account to you upon meeting, or sooner if a favorable opportunity of conveyance shall offer. Present me to your worthy Colleagues and beleive me to be with great sincerity & Truth yrs. affectionately
Ed. Carrington
P. S. The collection Bill will prove, I fear, ruinous to the Commerce of Virga. Diffused as it will be, there will be no object here to attract great foreign adventurers: Phila. N. York & Boston, will receive their ships & the coasting vessels of these Cities, will be employed in carrying our valuable staples to them. Was our Port Bill forgotten?


Title: To James Madison from John Dawson, [9 September] 1789
From: Dawson, John
To: Madison, James

dear Sir!
Wednesday morg [Philadelphia, 9 September 1789]
On my arrival at this place I found as I expected the attention of every person fix’d on the subject which I left before you. Different are the opinions of different persons. Some, who are interested are much pleased with the Susqh. Others reprobate the conduct of their representatives. While some consider the fixing on the Susqh. as a thing which can never take place—and the vote only a New-England threat. In a letter from Mr. Fitzsimons to his friend he declares his discontent with the business as it now stands—his uneasiness at the means by which it has been brought about—and says, he woud have voted agt. the Susqh. had the Seat of Goverment been the only consequence—but he dreaded the Effect it woud have on the politicks of this state, by giving the party to which he is opposed great advantages, whereby they woud be enabled to remove from this place.
Mr. Morris, in a letter to his lady, gives it as his opinion that the bill will never pass the Senate; shoud it your house, and still entertains hopes of Trenton.
I will thank you for the papers by the return of the Stage, and your Opinion as to [t]he event of this important business. Will you direct your servant to inquire, if there are any letters in the Office for me, and if there are return them to this place. With much Esteem I am, Yr Friend & Sert
J Dawson.


Title: To James Madison from Adam Stephen, 12 September 1789
From: Stephen, Adam
To: Madison, James

Sir,
Berkely County Virgin Sept 12h. 1789
In the reading the debates of your House, there appears some heat of parties; and it is no more than may be naturally expected, after so long a Session, and the discussion of so many and Various subjects. Mr Scots Motion for bringing the Attention of the House to the permanent Seat of Government for the United States, is in my Opinion Premature. I wish the Temper of the House may Suit it.
The Western Country is daily moving into greater importance, and many Members of Congress are not sensible of its Consequence to the United States, perhaps untill they now met, they never had occasion to bestow a thought upon it. Proper Attention to that Country is Absolutly Necessary, in time it will give Law to America.
You may ask how that is possible, when they have no harbours or Sea Coast. A Century ago Russia had no Communication with Europe but from Archangel in the White Sea. In less than a Century She has created a Navy and now Commands the Baltick and Euxine Seas. Her numbers and Attention to Military discipline put her in possession of Cronstad on the Baltic, of part of Finland, Estonia & other Countries lying on that Sea. By the same means She took possession of Asoph and other ports on the Euxine. By like means will the Tramontani take possesion of Potowmack, and Cheasapeak with the Contiguous Countries.
The Middle States could do better without the Territory to the East of Hudson River, than without the friendship and intimate Coalition with the Inhabitants of the Transappalacian Country.

With great Judgement, and Propriety did the President Recommend Attention to the Militia; but it appear[s] to me that the Martial Spirit is extinct.
In the Cities, and on Tidewater; Commerce, Agriculture, Speculation, pleasure and dissipation Seem to engross the minds of the People. The Strength and Vigour of the United States, ly in the Mountains and to the Westward. Our Coasts are as liable to be insulted and Ravaged, as those of the Spaniards were less than a Century ago, when the celebrated Buccaneer Morgan took possession of Panama and Maracaybo with other Rich places, or their Coasts.
For that Reason the Seat of Government, and the treasury is not Safe on Tide water. Where the Seat of Government is; the monied Interest will reside. What dreadful Consequences would a Squadron of Algerine Corsairs produce in our Cities and on our Coasts, Navigated by American Renegadoes, and the Rhode islanders are exellent Navigators, and by their behaviour to one another, Seem Calculated for Such Service.
If a place that is nearly Central and convenient as can be Expected to the Back country is hatched upon: The people have reason to be pleased. In the discussion of this Affair we shall discover whether our Confederacy is well or ill Combined. It is my Wish that the Matter may be postponed to a future day, perhaps till after the next Election, when men will be better acquainted in the General Interests of the rising empire. I have the honour to be, with great Esteem sr your hule Set
Adam Stephen


Title: To James Madison from John Dawson, [13 September] 1789
From: Dawson, John
To: Madison, James

dear Sir!
Sunday. [Philadelphia, 13 September 1789]
You’ll be pleased to accept my thanks for your two letters with the inclosures, which I receivd on thursday & saturday. By the papers I discover that the bill for fixing the Seat of Goverment &c was not reported on Friday morning, and I have been assurd by a Gentleman in this place, that the committee appointd woud not bring it in untill they had collected, and sworn in all their forces. The same Gentleman inform’d that the bill was drawn ten days ago. If this is the fact, and their design as stated, you’ll be able to judge whether it will be expedient to hurry or procrastinate the business. Altho the policy of the delegates from this State is not relishd generally in this city, yet I believe they are encouraged by some few with whom they correspond—it is approvd off [sic] by the back members, now attending the assembly—& from thence an argument is drawn, that it will not only have a tendency to destroy all opposition to the fœderal goverment, but will enable those who are friendly to the measure to call a convention for the purpose of altering their state constitution. The last post brought no letters from New York, to those with whom I am in the habits of intimacy, I therefore am not able to collect what is the plan, and what the expectations of the members from this State.
On going into several circles in this place I found that an observation, which fell from you was the subject of general conversation—that it had excited the apprehensions of many, and the displeasure of some. Being present at the time, and apprehending that what you said alluded to measures & not to particular persons, (in which I thought you were justified by the occasion) I had it in my power to contradict, as far as I recollectd, what was inserted in the paper, and am happy to find by Friday’s paper, that my memory had not faild me.
Actions must be right which proceed from friendly motives therefore there can be no impropriety in my making this communication to you; and in farther observing that I have it from good authority that there are some characters in New York, who have enterd into a combination, and will with avidity catch at any possible triffle to injure you, if possible in the public estimation—that they have asserted that all was peace on [sic] quiet on the subject of amendments untill the business was stir’d up by you; and however distant, have endeavourd to connect your conduct on that, with what you have said on the late occasion.
Monday—On yesterday I din’d at Mr Hamilton’s in company with ten or twelve gentlemen most of them persons of some political character—the subject of fixing the seat of goverment was brought on the carpet, and the policy of the members from this state highly reprobated; indeed they had but one advocate Mr. C——e. It was considerd that they had given up an immediate certain advantage for a distant and very doubtful one. I took the liberty to mention, in private to three or four that if there sentiments were as they had declar’d it woud be well to communicate them to their representatives for they might be mistaken as to the wishes of the city. They all assur’d me that they woud by this mornings post. This circumstance may perhaps render Fitzsimons & Company less anxious.
I took the liberty of hinting to you some time since that an appointment under the goverment woud not be disagreeable to me. Since then I had relinquishd the Idea, and therefore have mention’d it to no person—but some circumstances have revivd the wish. We are told that Mr. Hamilton is nominated a Scy to the Treasury—Mr. Evely Compr. and Mr. Meredith Treasr. but have not heard the Auditor or Register is appointd—if this is the case, and there is a probability of succeeding I will thank you to name [me] to the President for one of the offices, and I woud prefer the latter. Shoud the appointments be made it will be unnecessary to make known my wish on the subject. With much respect & esteem I am, Yr. Friend & Sert
J Dawson


Title: To James Madison from Walter Jones, 15 September 1789
From: Jones, Walter
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Septr. 15th. 1789
Your Letter of the 18th. augt. found me so engaged in the usual Employment during our Autmn, that I have never had time to express my acknowlegements to you.
The inestimable value of civil Liberty, like the gems, the precious metals, and fertile fields of the Earth, has ever made them the Common objects of robbery & usurpation—it is unfortunate that the first, tho infinitely most precious, is not generally guarded by Mankind, with So much interest & vigilance, as the latter. Liberty was never placed in a less hazardous Situation, than in our States, and our inattention to her protection would therefore be the more criminal. I think the general Conduct of your House is calculated to Secure her, but there is a wide & secret inlet of mischief in our manners, that if not controlled, will make legislative Forms of no avail. The restraining of the ruinous adoption of European Fashions, to which our people are So prone, the farther Compulsion to Frugality, by a Strict distribution of Justice, and the Stifling the Birth those impudent upstart pretensions to European Ranks, which Some men affect, will be powerful means; because they tend to preserve the materials Sound, and not merely to patch up rotten parts.
I have long been persuaded that the States to the north East of Susquehana, with few Exceptions, tended fast to a Mixture of oligarchy & anarchy, & your observations go far in explaining the Causes—but I am also of opinion, that virga. is the great repository of republican principles—the absence of great Towns, the Equality of Rights in the Holders of the Soil, the close gradation in Quantity possessed by a numerous Race of Land-holders, the Existence of Slavery & other Circumstances, form such Strong Barriers to republicanism as will be very difficult to be broke thro. A Separate Confederacy, which I have hitherto abhorred, may one day, possibly, be a means of preserving our Liberty by an union of parts more homogeneous in their Nature, than the present may eventually be. Have you considered the actual Effects of the Law of Descents? I fear it will have an Effect directly opposite to what was intended, & that it will tend to abolish many of those Links in the Scale of real property which I esteem such a firm Barrier to our freedom. When I mention Slavery as one of the Securities of our Liberty a respect to your opinion, Should have produced some explanation of my Sentiments thereon; but as I am much in haste I will at present take my leave of you with the Esteem & regard with which I am dear Sir your Mo. obed Sevt.
Walt: Jones


Title: To James Madison from Tench Coxe, 17 September 1789
From: Coxe, Tench
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Philada. Septr. 17th. 1789.
I recd. your message from Mr. Dawson, and am at a loss to account for my letter not reaching you sooner. I presume our Clerks must have let the post slip them the first time, and that it has lain over till the next.
I am informed Mr. Jefferson is expected to arrive soon. The affair in which you were good enough to make me known to him is now decided on. I find it necessary to regain the papers which were deposited with him on that occasion, as they have not been wanted. The plan was to gain sketches and models from a country in the vicinity of France, which would very much assist the Manufactures of the United states. I embarked 120 Guineas in the pursuit—and the business is completed. I mention thus much that when you ask the favor of Mr. Jefferson to procure the papers to be transmitted, which I beg you will receive of him for me, you may be able to explain to him confidentially that the Object on which I took the liberty to trouble him & you was in some degree connected with the public interests.
By yesterdays post I recd. a letter from New York that has placed me in a situation of considerable delicacy and embarrassment. It is from a single gentleman, who appears to move in behalf of friends who think and wish on the Subject as he does. He informs me that they consider it as certain that the Postmaster general will be removed from the Report of the Board of Treasury—and advise me to an Application to the president. I am averse to any application of so delicate a Nature both as it concerns the present incumbent, and as it regards the amiable and excellent Character that Presides in our government. Yet I am told by the Communicant that there are public Reasons, which induce the advice. It comes from a quarter that convinces me some of the Senators know of the letter—and I think there is no doubt that it would be supported by that part of them which is least fond of the federal Constitution. I believe there is an apprehension that Mr. Bache may be nominated, for the letter speaks of him & goes into the grounds & reasons of his Removal from the office, and it seems to be thought that those Reasons continue in force.
How the matter stands I really do not know, Sir, for I am unused to sollicitations and intrigues. But I am entirely at a loss how to proceed. If I were ever so anxious for the office I could not I think bring myself to make a formal Application in my own name directly to the President. And so far as there may really exist public reasons that influence the minds of any to wish me to apply, I am loth absolutely to decline. While I am mentioning the matter to you I feel that I am imposing a matter upon you which I have very little right to do. Yet, if the state of this matter leaves an openening [sic] & the mention of my name might involve any public advantage or convenience—I would submit it [to] your Judgment and discretion entirely either to do what you might think perfectly right and proper or let the matter rest in total Silence.
I do not pretend to any merit with my Country. When I was but a few days of age my speculative Opinions upon the probable event of the Measure of Independency not suiting the more confident opinions of many of my Countrymen, I was impelled by circumstances to leave my home. The impression of this circumstance was not to be removed in a day, but in 1783 I was called upon by my mercantile fellow-Citizens to assist in the direction of our Commerce being appointed with Messrs. Morris, Clymer, Fitzsimons, Pettit & others on a standing Comme. of the Merchants of this city. I was then 28 years of age, and as it is a fact (& not a vain inference) I may add I was the youngest member by many years. I was again elected till the restoration of some degree of order to our trade superceded the necessity of this Comme. In 1786 I was appointed to the Commercial Convention at Annapolis, with two Commissions to treat with the Deputies of Virga. and of Maryland upon certain commercial points, on which you will remember I communicated with you, Govr. Randolph &ca. After this I was nominated by Mr. Clymer to a seat in the old Congress to give our state a mercantile representative in that Body in lieu of Messrs. Meredidith [sic] & Bingham, whose times of service had expired. From the late licentiousness of the press here, from the disappointment of an Individual with whose pretensions my Election interfered & from the hopes of the friends of another federal Candidate to throw Mr. Clymer, my nominator, out of the house of Representatives I was warmly attacked which had not been the case, when sent to Annapolis. I have since that been twice appointed by my mercantile fellow Citizens who best know me upon their Committees to correspond with our Members in both houses of Congress, & twice appointed to the general Convention of the Church in which I was born, which latter is perhaps of most Moment as it is a testimony of the private Character of [an] individual, who tho a sincere friend to genuine Religion is but little of a church going man.
In regard to pretensions I do not make any tho I have sacrificed time very valuable to me, upon the Government of the United states, & of Pennsylvania, upon our commerce and our growing manufactures—and upon some extensive public improvements in our New Country for which I am at this time a Commissioner.
I should apologize for dwelling thus long and minutely upon my Subject, but I wished without a view for a moment to the Appointment in Question to go into some explanation of facts that concerns a character of which you have sometimes seen the most cruel Misrepresentations—and as it [is] all I can say for myself on this or any other occasion, when personal subjects may be forced upon me I shall not again, Sir, have occasion to intrude my own story upon you.
In the Senate for Pennsa. I believe Mr. McClay is my partial friend. Mr. Morris by requesting me to correspond with him at New York, and his gentlemanly stile of treating that correspondence has shewn his confidence and his good dispositions, but He has an old Acquaintance in the convivial way with Mr. Bache. Mr. Clymer has shewn his good Opinion by nominating me to the more important duty of Congress as have both he & Mr. Fitzsimons by giving me their unsollicited influence & votes in my election on that Occasion. But they also have some social Acquaintance with Mr. Bache—tho they do not go much into those Scenes. The Speaker, Mr. Wyncoop, & Col Hartly I consider as men who would be pleased to serve me—also Genl. Muhlenberg & Gen Hiester. Tho I have not any pretensions to a claim upon the friendship of the latter, yet [he] has always acted towards me with the greatest Kindness & respect. I believe therefore that my name would be treated with Candor by our delegation by most of them with partiality. Mr. Scott I should except for I am entirely unknown to him. He has been little in Philada. & I have never been in our Western Country. I respect his Character, & am pleased with his so well justifying the choice of Pennsa. I am satisfied therefore that my name would meet no unfavorable observations from any of the delegation tho probably some of the three first Gentn. are more or less engaged in the support of Mr. Bache. They would not however do me the smallest Injustice in their most secret conversations. Any of the others I believe, but Mr. Scott, would go lengths to serve me—particularly the Speaker, Mr. McClay & Mr. Wyncoop: and if it was thought any public Convenience would arise from it I feel a confidence that either of them would mention or join in mentioning me to the President. I have not said any thing to one of the whole Number upon the subject, but I am satisfied that if it should be thought of any use one of them would move alone or with you upon the least communication. The speaker would be perhaps the most weighty from his station. They may have been applied to by Mr. Bache but I presume they would make no engagements—& I am sure several of them would shew more partiality to me than to Mr. Bache.
In regard to the office I do not consider it as a mere regulation of mails, & distribution of letters. But it is intimately blended with the connexion of the Members of the Union & particularly of the Atlantic & Western territory. It may be made to aid considerably the advancement of internal commerce and territorial improvement, and to expedite the sudden operations of the Executive department.
I have really occasion, Sir, to apologize for so long and apparently so selfish a Letter; but the most proper way in which I can do it is to assure you as I most truly do that it is my sincere wish that you would without hesitation obey the dictates of your Judgment and discretion by a total inattention to its contents should the Subject appear to you of even doubtful propriety. For I have too just a Sense of the intri[n]sic value of your Character to the United States to consent to your hazarding the smallest particle of it to serve me under any circumstances that can occur. I am with the most respectful esteem, dr. Sir yr. affectionate & obedt. Servt.
Tench Coxe
I have concluded to mention this matter to the Speaker only.


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 17 September 1789
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Paris Sep. 17. 1789.
I have sent to Havre the following packages, with directions to send them by the first vessel to New York to your address.
TI. No. 29. A box of books. These were packed before I took a list of them, therefore I cannot inform you of it’s contents. I believe the whole are for you; tho’ should it be otherwise the person’s name will always be found written on or in the book.
TI. No. 33. TI. No. 34. T.I. No. 35. Three boxes containing each of them two busts in plaister of Admiral P. Jones which he destines for yourself, Genl. St. Clair, mr. Ross of Philadelphia, mr. Charles Thomson, Colo. Wadsworth & Colo. Carrington, & of which he asks your & their acceptance. I trouble you with the consignment to avoid the confusion & errors that might have taken place if consigned severally. In the box No. 29. I have put a collection of the proofs in tin of the medals voted by the U. S. (except two, of which the dies are in America) the medals themselves not being allowed to be taken, I desired the workmen to let me have two sets of their last proofs; for their manner is, as their work proceeds, to make impressions of it in pure tin, in order to correct &c. These proofs are in fact more delicate than the medals themselves, and the last of them shew the impressions complete. I have had them arranged in a frame, under glass &c. & beg your acceptance of them. This letter will go with the boxes. I am with sincere esteem, Dear Sir, your affectionate friend & servt
Th: Jefferson


Title: To James Madison from Tench Coxe, 20 September 1789
From: Coxe, Tench
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Philada. Septr. 20th. 1789
I am favored with your letter of the 18th. from wch. I find the ground of apprehension, particularly refer’d to by me, entirely removed. In regard to the probable effects of a position on Delaware or Susquehannah upon the Convention of Virginia could they have foreseen it, I am convinced they would have been fatal. I remember well that I learned from the letters of yourself and one or two other gentlemen who honor’d me with their correspondence that the ten Kentucky Members held the balance—that they were alarmed at the Symptoms they collected from the Spanish Negociation—and that three of the ten voting finally in favor of the Adoption produced the Majority of five when it was evident they might have made a negative of one. In regard to the merits of the Question upon the two Rivers I have endeavoured to view it as impartially as in my power. I think the future state of population has not been well conjectured by either side. I am satisfied that the balance of Agricultural population will preponderate in favor of the Potowmack, but I really doubt whether Susquehannah where it intersects our County of Lancaster will be as near to the centre of agricultural, manufacturing & commercial population as some part of the Delaware. You are not to understand however that I am decided for placing the permanent Seat upon any part of this last River. The agricultural centre, and the facility of Western communication, and the Union of the Southern and N. Eastern furnish stronger arguments in favor of Susquehannah than my interest & attachments to Delaware are able to answer. I have always considered it as a great argument in favor of the Scheme of American Manufactures, that it would, in a manner not obnoxious, gently counteract that scattering of our population which too rapidly went on from the moment of peace; a principal Objection to which was that it too much co-operated with the vices of our general government. A weak—and relaxed civil Authority and a very sparse and extending population presented to my mind no prospect of the restoration of order among ourselves—or of confidence among our foreign friends. This and other weighty reasons to which your attention need not be drawn will convince you that the progress of Manufactures will be very great & that the Southern states which from the nature of things will be almost entirely agricultural will not be populated in proportion to territory when considered relatively with the Country North of Potowmack where the commercial hives already exist, and where manufacturing Scenes must yearly open and encrease. It is a little remarkable that when the seat of the general Government was formerly under consideration two positions were taken at the same. Trenton to meet occasionally the wishes of the North—George Town with the same view to the South. It should seem that it was then the Opinion that neither place would accommodate both parties. So far as the argument goes it is against each place—and forces us into a middle position. Tis a certain truth of no small weight that Delaware, & Potowmack are the extremest stations ever proposed by the contending interests. I am deeply impressed with the dangerous situation of our Union with the South-Western people. I would be just & liberal towards them. But I consider Vermont—and even the Northern Country of the New England states in the Union as having severally manifested very unfavorable dispositions. We are in a situation where small deviations from distributive Justice may put much hazard. I trust however very confidently in the impartiality—virtue—and wisdom of the most influential Members of our government for as good a decision as circumstances will admit—and an early correction of any error which they may discover.
In a conversation last Evening with Mr. de Marbois I learned from him that the King had repealed the Ordinance of the Count de Duchilleau, late Govr. of St. Domingo, which opened an important trade between Aux de S. Louis & two other ports on the South Side of that island and the United states. This measure has occasioned another Nobleman, whose name has escaped me, to be appointed to that Government—and Mr. de Marbois, the elder, intendant of the le[e]ward islands has recd. a letter, written in the Kings hand very pointedly approving his conduct in declining to join in the Ordinance. He pursues his approbation of the intendants conduct so far as to express the most positive Assurances of future favor for a continuance of such Conduct. This matter appeared to be of so much Consequence as a proof of the fixed Sentiments of the Court of France, that I have, with Mr. de M’s permission, thought it best to mention it to some confidential Gentleman in Government. His view I believe is principally that it may be understood that the Reversing of the Ordinance arose from its being an unauthorized act of Mr. de Duchilleau. It appears that great Attention has been paid to the temporary convenience of our trade, for three Months from the 11th. of August are given before entries and clearances that were authorized by the Governors act shall be refused to the Americans. The temporary benefits we have derived in the vent for flour, bread &ca. and in Supplies of Coffee & Sugar, especially of the latter, have been most sensibly felt in many of our ports. Besides this the Utility of this Commerce to that great and valuable Colony of France has been shewn in a way that will not be forgot for years. As I converse very freely with Mr. de Marbois, I think it will be best to confine your communications on this Subject to those persons whose province it falls within.
Mr. Marbois informed me at the same time that the letter of the 20th. of July, from Paris, in the enclosed paper was from a principal clerk in the Office of Monr. le Couteulx to his Son in law, a Merchant here; and that it is entirely to be relied upon—that the third Estate had procured from the King a grant of the liberty of the press, an equal territorial or land tax, and an abolition of lettres de chachet—that they demanded a common Meeting of the three orders on the same floor in forming their Constitution—but were content afterwards that they should sit in different houses and that a concurrence of the orders should be necessary in legislation. Tis certain that the national troops are with the people, and have in various instances shewn a determination to aid rather than to injure them. Six of the thirty Colonial deputies are to be admitted into the body that forms the constitution. The Question now, Sir, appears only to be whether the virtue and discretion of the leaders of the People will conduct them in the broad road of substantial liberty which lies open before them, or whether this great Revolution shall be made the perverted means of a deplorable Convulsion. I hope the best. The French Nation are enti[t]led to the anxious concern of every good man in this most important Crisis.
There seems an absolute certainty that the demand of France will give our agricultural citizens a great market for the abundant crop of this Year.
Our state have determined to call a Convention. This measure is received with considerable Moderation. The principal cause of a very industrious and unprincipled opposition to the federal Constitution in this state will thereby, you may be satisfied, be removed. There will be a division of our legislature—a single executive—a permanent judiciary and several other approved alterations made. At some future time I should be glad of your opinion on the best mode of electing a state Governor—whether by a general poll throughout the Commonwealth—or by electors to be selected from the Mass of citizens by a general poll—or otherwise—as also upon the permanency of the judiciary at the hazard of a decay of talents—and of private virtue. You may not perhaps have forgot some doubts I suggested on that Subject at Mrs. Houses the last time you & Mr. Dawson were in town. I am, dear Sir, your respectful and most obedt. Servt.
Tench Coxe
P. S. I do not know whether you have seen the Constn. of the prot. Episcopal Church as framed by the late Convention. The article relative to the Division of lay & clerical Votes is important as it fixes what will never again be disputed in the seven concurring States—the independency of the laity. In Connecticut the Clergy do not admit this Right of the laity, but we shall bring them into it. I send you a copy of our Journal. Having draughted the address to the President I was particularly led to observe the manner in which its several declarations were recd. and I will venture to affirm the house was unanimous in its attachment to the president—the federal Legislature, and the constitution—and in its approbation of that Catholicism, which formed one of the great Reasons, as a church, for our approving the Presidents Election. It seemed to me to be a matter of some Consequence, that these declarations should be very explicit in the Address of a Church that had been politically connected with the Crown of England, & whose clergy pretty generally hesitated at the Separation between the two Countries.


Title: Location of the Capital, [21 September] 1789
From: Madison, James
To:

[21 September 1789]

   The seat of government bill was under consideration in the Committee of the Whole.

Mr. Madison Felt himself compelled to move for striking out that part of the bill, which provided, that the temporary residence of congress should continue at New-York; as he conceived it irreconcileable with the spirit of the constitution. If it was not from viewing it in this light, he should have given the bill no further opposition; and now he did not mean to enter on the merits of the main question.
From the constitution, it appeared, that the concurrence of the two houses of congress were sufficient to enable them to adjourn from one place to another; nay, the legal consent of the president was, in some degree, proscribed in the 7th sect. of art. 1. where it is declared, that every order, resolution, or vote, to which the concurrence of the senate and house of representatives may be necessary, (except on a question of adjournment) shall be presented to the president of the United States, and approved by him, before the same shall take effect. Any attempt, therefore, to adjourn by law, is a violation of that part of the constitution which gives the power, exclusively, to the two branches of the legislature. If gentlemen saw it in the same light, he flattered himself they would reject that part of [the] bill; and, however little they valued the reflection that this city was eccentrical, which had been so often urged, they would be guided by arguments, springing from a superior source.
He would proceed to state the reasons which induced him to be of this opinion: It is declared, in the constitution, that neither house, during the session of congress, shall, without the consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other place than that in which the two houses shall be sitting: From hence he inferred, that the two houses, by a concurrence, could adjourn for more than three days, and to any other place which they thought proper; by the other clause he had mentioned, the executive power is restrained from any interference with the legislative, on this subject; hence, he concluded, it would be dangerous to attempt to give to the president, a power the constitution expressly denied him. He did not suppose that the attempt to vest the executive with a power over the adjournment of the legislature would absolutely convey the power; but he conceived it wrong to make the experiment. He submitted it to those gentlemen who were attached to the success of the bill, how far an unconstitutional declaration may impede its passage through the other branch of the legislature.
It has been supposed, by some, that the seat of government may be at a place different from that where the congress sit; and, altho’ the former may be established by law, the legislature might remove elsewhere; he could not subscribe to this doctrine. What is the government of the United States for which a seat is to be provided? Will not the government necessarily comprehend the congress as a part? In arbitrary governments, the residence of the monarch may be stiled the seat of government, because he is, within himself the supreme, legislative, executive, and judicial power; the same may be said of the residence of a limited monarchy, where the efficiency of the executive operates, in a great degree, to the exclusion of the legislative authority; but in such a government as ours, according to the legal and common acceptation of the term, government must include the legislative power; so, the term administration, which, in other countries, is specially appropriated to the executive branch of government, is used here for both the executive and legislative branches: We, in official communications, say, legislative administration, or executive administration, according as the one or the other is employed in the exercise of its constitutional powers. He mentioned these circumstances to shew, that they ought not to look for the meaning of terms used in the laws and constitution of the United States, into the acceptation of them in other countries, whose situation and government were different from that of United America. If his reasoning was just, he should conclude, that the seat of government would be at that place where both the executive and legislative bodies were fixed; and this depended upon the vote of the two branches of the legislature. There was another clause favorable to this opinion; it was, that giving congress authority to exercise exclusive legislation, in all cases whatsoever, over such district as may, by cession of particular states, and the acceptance of congress, become the seat of the government of the United States; this was the only place where any thing respecting the seat of government was mentioned; and would any gentlemen contend that congress might have a seat of government over which they are empowered to exercise exclusive legislation, and yet reside at the distance of 2 or 300 miles from it? Such a construction would contradict the plain and evident meaning of the constitution, and, as such, was inadmissible.

He hoped these observations would be attended to; and did not doubt but, if seen in their true light, they would induce the house to reject that part of the bill which he moved to have struck out.


Title: To James Madison from George W. Smith, 22 September 1789
From: Smith, George W.
To: Madison, James

Sir,
Tappahannock—22d Sepr. 1789
Your Letter of the 15th Augt. in answer to mine, I have duly received. Your representation of the prospects Afforded by the arra[n]gements now making for the fœderal Administration, I esteem as friendly as it seems to be canded: And therefore feel myself strongly impressed with a sense of the obligation I am under to you. I have Attentively considered those prospects; & am persuaded, with you, that they are not sufficiently encouraging to induce a reliance on them, which might interfere with the attention due to others. But as it is possible that vacancies may arise, or preferences may be forfieted, or an equitable principle of defusive Appointments may prevail; I shall endeavour to qualify myself generally, that in any of these contengencies you may be warranted in continuing your friendship towards me, and that I may always deserve it. I have honr to be Sir, with sentimts. of the highest Esteem & Respect Your mot. obliged hum. servt.
Geo: W: Smith


Title: To James Madison from George Washington, [ca. 23 September] 1789
From: Washington, George
To: Madison, James

[ca. 23 September 1789]
My solicitude for drawing the first characters of the Union into the Judiciary, is such that, my cogitations on this subject last night (after I parted with you) have almost determined me (as well for the reason just mentioned, as to silence the clamours, or more properly, soften the disappointment of smaller characters [)] to nominate Mr Blair and Colo. Pendleton as Associate & District Judges. And Mr. E. Randolph for the Attorney General trusting to their acceptance.

   Mr Randolph, in this character, I would prefer to any person I am acquainted of not superior abilities, from habit of intimacy with him.

Mr. Pendleton could not I fear discharge, and in that case I am sure would not undertake, to execute the duties of an Associate under the present form of the Act. But he may be able to fulfil those of the District. The Salary I believe is greater than what he now has; and he would see or it might be explained to him, the reason of his being prefered to the District Court rather than to the Supreme Bench; though I have no objection to nominating him to the latter, if it is conceived that his health is competent, and his mental faculties unimpaired, by age.
His acceptance of the first would depend in a great measure, I presume, upon the light in which the District Judges are considered, that is, whether superior in Rank to any State Judges.
I am very troublesome, but you must excuse me. Ascribe it to friendship and confidence, and you will do justice to my motives. Remember the Attorney and Marshall for Kentucky, and forget not to give their Christian names. Yours ever
G W.


Title: To James Madison from Edmund Randolph, 26 September 1789
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Madison, James

My dear friend
Wmsburg Sepr. 26. 1789.
As soon as I had recovered my attention to business, I entered upon the chastisement of my notes. But I found it impossible to retrace the subject, so as to square with the resolutions proposed, without the possession of those resolutions. But I have them not, except in a mutilated state. Indeed I have an apprehension, that were I to dilate the notes, I should mingle inadvertently much of what I have heard since, without being able to separate it from what occurred then. I have therefore resolved to send the notes to you, as I have them; not caring as to the form, in which they are submitted to the eye of a friend.
The assembly draws nears [sic], and will probably, if some persons can satisfy themselves of the propriety of saying any thing on the subject, remonstrate with the senate upon shutting their doors. Nothing restrains me from concurring, but a doubt, whether it may not pave the way for real incroachments from the state-legislatures.
The president is supposed to have written to Mr. Adams, while titles were in debate, that if any were given, he would resign. Whether it be true or not, it is a popular report. However I question if even this, added to his services will draw forth from the assembly an address of congratulation. I will endeavour to prevent any pain to him, or imputation on Virginia. But I fear the ardor of those, who wish to be conspicuous, will not suffer them to be prudent. Yrs. mo. afftely
E. R.


Title: Reporting of House Debates, [26 September] 1789
From: Madison, James
To:

[26 September 1789]

   Burke moved that the House no longer permit reporting of the debates, but he later withdrew the motion. Tucker then moved that the House sanction an accurate and impartial publication of the debates.

Mr. Madison Thought it improper to throw impediments in the way of such information, as the house had hitherto permitted from the purest motives; but he believed it equally improper to give the publication of their debates a legislative sanction; because it would be making the speakers, in some instances where they were misunderstood, answerable for the sentiments they never entertained. He had seen, in the newspapers, very great misconceptions of what fell from him; but he had no reason to believe it was done in order to cast a veil over his declarations, or pervert them, with an intention of rendering him ridiculous. He believed the same was just, as it applied to the speeches of other gentlemen. But, be this as it might, it gave him no concern, because he was not responsible for what was published, as it was done without his interference. If any thing was done in this matter, which tended to give a sanction to any publication, he presumed the members must be, individually, at the trouble of correcting and revising their speeches: This was an inconvenience he did not wish to encounter; he, therefore, concluded it best to leave it on its present footing.


Title: Location of the Capital, [26 September] 1789
From: Madison, James
To:

[26 September 1789]

   The Senate amended the residence bill by substituting for the Susquehanna site a district adjoining Philadelphia, including Germantown.

Mr. Madison. However different our sentiments, with respect to the place most proper for the seat of the federal government, I presume we shall all agree, that a right decision is of great importance; and that a satisfactory decision is of equal moment to the happiness and tranquillity of the union: That even the manner and circumstances, under which such decision may take place, are worthy of serious consideration.
Now, sir, the amendment proposed by the senate, not only deserves the name of a new bill, but it proceeds on principles different from those which served for the basis of the bill sent up to them from this house: Hence I presume, sir, it is not only necessary to examine the merits of the proposition, but to enter into a full and minute investigation of those principles upon which it is founded: The proposition is new, and, in some degree, opposed to what has heretofore prevailed: The public mind has not yet been called to the consideration of it; nay, I believe it never yet has been contemplated by the inhabitants of any one state: The eye of America should be indulged with an opportunity of viewing it before it be made their fixed abode. All the other places which have been mentioned as candidates for the seat of government, on this occasion, have, at different times, and in different forms, been held up to the public attention; two of them had not only employed the deliberation, but had obtained the favorable decision of the old congress; now, after all this, to take up and adopt, in a moment, a rival place, never before contemplated, is risking an improper and a dissatisfactory decision.


Title: To James Madison from John Dawson, [27 September] 1789
From: Dawson, John
To: Madison, James

dear Sir!
Sunday. [Philadelphia, 27 September 1789]
By yesterday’s post of receivd your favour of Friday. Shou’d Trenton be substituted by the Senate I apprehend that your house will not agree to the amendments, and consequently the bill will be lost, and the question as to the permanent seat left open. This I have expected for some time woud be the fate of the business, and upon the whole I do not know but it is the best course it can take. The prospect of acquiring strength by N. Carolina, and the manner in which Potomac has been brought forward and treated, will I think ensure its success at a day not far distant. Whether it will be politic to remain at N. York or to remove to a more Southern position as the temporary seat is doubtful in my mind. I shoud however prefer the latter. The Susqh. appears to be relinquish’d in this place, Mr. Elmer, who pass’d through a few days since having declared that it woud be rejected by the Senate.
I shall leave this on some time tomorrow; will write you from Baltimore on Mr. Jones’ business—shall be happy if you will continue your kind communications & Am, with esteem & respect Yr: Friend & Sert
J Dawson


Title: To James Madison from Tench Coxe, 28 September 1789
From: Coxe, Tench
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Philada. Sept. 28th. 1789.
I received information of the nomination of Mr. O. yesterday. He is certainly a very suitable character, and well entitled to this place from his former employments. I have to make you my Apologies for the trouble I have given you, and my acknowlegements for such good offices as you have rendered, the extent of which I am sure was as great as your Ideas of public good would admit. I am well pleased that the Case has occur’d, as it proves to me that in my exertions in the fedl. cause I have gained friendship & confidence among its opponents. I have only to add that I would not have permitted my name to appear had I known of a competitor who was unexceptionable—and that it is totally unknown here Who were my friends. Indeed Application for me was quite unknown, till it was brought by some of the letters in Saturday’s mail.
The Seat of Government I see is varied. You know my Opinions on that point. My more immediate interests being promoted by the depending proposition do not diminish the decision with which I prefer the other position. I presume the new Change will not be accepted by your house. If the bill for a permanent seat falls thro entirely, it will certainly be sound policy in the friends of a proper position to adjourn to Philada. if they can effect it.
I hope we shall have the pleasure of seeing you here soon in your way to Virginia, or on a visit, if you do not return thither immediately. I am, dear Sir, with great Esteem yr. most respectf. friend & Servt.
Tench Coxe


Title: Location of the Capital, [28 September] 1789
From: Madison, James
To:

[28 September 1789]

   Debate continued on the Senate amendment to substitute Germantown for the Susquehanna site.

Mr. Madison Contended that the amendment proposed by the senate, was a departure from every principle adopted by the house; but he would not trouble them with a recapitulation of arguments, which, he feared, would be unavailing; he wished, however, that the house would provide against one inconvenience, which was, to prevent the district in Pennsylvania, chosen by congress, from being deprived, for a time, of the benefit of laws. This, he apprehended, would be the case, unless congress made provision for the operation of the laws of Pennsylvania, in the act by which they accepted of the cession of that state; for the state relinquished the right of legislation from the moment that congress accepted of the district. The propriety of this proposition was so apparent, that he had not a doubt but the house would consent to it: He then moved the following proviso:
“And provided, that nothing herein contained shall be construed to affect the operation of the laws of Pennsylvania, within the district ceded, and accepted, until congress shall otherwise provide by law.”


Title: To James Madison from Daniel Carroll, 4 October 1789
From: Carroll, Daniel
To: Madison, James

Dear sr,
Ph[iladelphi]a Ocr. 4. 89
It is more to comply with my promise, than to give you any information that I take up my pen. Col. Grayson will probably inform you what has pass’d between him & Morriss, who has given him notice that on the meeting of Congress he shall immediately take up the Bill only postpond—this Idea may possibly be thrown out here to brake his fall in this business—it appears to Col. Grayson & myself that it wou’d be prudent during the recess to have some papers publishd on the question respg. the permanent Seat of Congress—it is probable the adverse party will be at work—think of this. Let me hear from you. Yrs with esteem & regard
Danl Carroll


Title: From James Madison to Philip Schuyler, 5 October 1789
From: Madison, James
To: Schuyler, Philip

Letter not found. 5 October 1789, New York. Acknowledged in Schuyler to JM, 1 Nov. 1789, and enclosed in JM to Hamilton, ca. 5 Oct. 1789. Asks Schuyler to contact John Taylor of Albany regarding a contract with JM and James Monroe to buy 900 acres in the Mohawk Valley.


Title: To James Madison from James Maury, 6 October 1789
From: Maury, James
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir!
Liverpool 6 Octr 1789
I had the Pleasure to write to you the 21st August; since which, it having been suggested to me, that the Appointment of Consuls may take place ere long, I beg Leave to renew to you the Desire I have to continue the offer of my Services to my Country in that Capacity: provided the office be deemed Necessary for this port & it would not debar me from Trading.
In the inclosed I have taken the Liberty to mention the Subject to the president, who, I believe, has some little Knowledge of me. Yet as I know not what may be the Etiquette, I leave the Letter unsealed for your perusal, after which, if you approve, be so good as have it sealed & presented. And if you be disengaged I shall be happy to have my Application countenanced by you.
The Intercourse between this place & the United States is considerable & increasing. Since the 31st last December there have arrived here thirty five of our Vessells from the Various ports of the U. S. Within the same period ninety two British Vessells have sailed for the U. S.
I have not written to any other Gentleman on the Subject of this Letter.
I recieved by the Venus an Hhd among your Consignment which was topstemed & treated very judiciously. In Case you continue your Shipments to this Country it may not be amiss now & then to have a part of your Crop put up in the same Manner, only observing to you that the heavier you can have your Tobaccoe prized without injury to the Quality—the more will be the proceeds to your Interest. I have the Honor to be with Singular Esteem & Regard dr Sir your most obt Set
James Maury
There accompanies this a packet for you covering a Review, some late Newspapers & the Act of parliament relative to the Transportation of Slaves from Africa. The two first Vessells which arrived under the Regulation of last year (of Which this an Amendment) were intitled to the premiums. I am your &ca
JM


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 8 October 1789
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir
N. York Ocr. 8. 1787 [1789].
A concurrence of motives has detained me here since the adjournment of Congress. One of them has been a hope of your arrival within the time. I set off tomorrow for Philada. where I shall remain some days, and not without a continuance of the same hope. I need not tell you how much pleasure I should feel in making my journey to Virginia coincide with yours, nor with how much patience I should on that account alone await your arrival were it certainly to be at a short date. But I wish on a public account to see you as soon as possible after you become informed of the new destination provided for you. It is of infinite importance that you should not disappoint the public wish on this subject. Be persuaded of this truth. With proper opportunity it can be demonstrated to you. Let me particularly intreat you not to yield hastily to objections. The President is anxious for your acceptance of the trust. The Southern and Western Country have it particularly at heart. To every other part of the Union, it will be sincerely acceptable. Drop me a line the moment you get on shore. If I receive it in Philada. I will if possible wait for you. Your appointment will not interfere with your intended trip to Virginia. I know that the President does not mean that it shall. If I should be gone from Philada. your letter will follow me. Directions will be given for that purpose. I shall leave this in the hands of Mr. St. Trise, who will watch the first moment of putting it into yours. He is I believe already known to you. If he is not, his worth recommends him to this opportunity of being so. Yours mo: affectly.
Js. Madison Jr


Title: Memorandum for George Washington, [ca. 8 October] 1789
From: Madison, James
To: Washington, George

[ca. 8 October 1789]
On the supposition that the business can be more properly conducted by a private Agent at London, than a public Minister at a third Court, the letter and instructions for the former character appear to be well adapted to the purpose. If any remark were to be made, it would relate merely to the form, which it is conceived would be made rather better by transposing the order of the two main subjects. The fulfilment of the Treaty already made seems to be primary to the enquiries requisite to a subsequent Treaty.
The reasoning assigned to those who opposed a commercial discrimination, states the views of a part only of that side of the question. A considerable number, both in the Senate & H. of Reps. objected to the measure as defective in energy, rather than as wrong in its principle. In the former, a Committee was appointed, who reported a more energetic plan. And in the latter, leave to bring in a bill, was given to a member who explained his views to be similar. Both of these instances were posterior to the miscarriage of the discrimination first proposed.
As Mr. Jefferson may be daily expected, as it is possible he may bring informations throwing light on the subject under deliberation, and as it is probable use may be made of his own ideas with regard to it, A quere suggests itself, whether the advantage of consulting with him might not justify such a delay, unless there be special reasons for expedition.


Title: To James Madison from Edmund Randolph, 10 October 1789
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Madison, James

My dear friend
Wmsburg Octr. 10. 1789.
I am this moment labouring under a violent relapse into the ague and fever, which I supposed to be past; and should not [have] incurred the uneasiness of writing, but to convince you, that the arrangements, made in the higher and subordinate branches of the judiciary department, are sanctified in my judgment by the strictest propriety; and, so far as I am concerned, contain what is probably fittest and best for myself. If I entertained a question about acceptance, a private letter from the pt., expressive of a solicitude on this head, which I neither expected, nor deserve, would have put an end [to] it. But in truth I find it necessary to have no scruple; and if the nature of the office, when it shall be made known to me, does not injoin duties, which I dislike, I shall, on receiving a commission, notify my obedience.
There are many causes, however, which, besides the curse of expatriation (you see, that I am not yet a strict American) must detain me here some time; such as the dispersion of my property, so as to render several agents necessary—the complete arrangement of my old law business—the settlement of an executorship and the adjustment of my debts. I confess too, that I wish to be in the next assembly, for some time in order to reduce the eight volumes of our laws into one. Prepared as I am, this work will not occupy twenty days.
Frugality is my object; and therefore a house near the town, which is cheap in point of rent, would suit me. An hundred and sixty six ⅔ dollars = £50 Va. cury. is, what I think, I may allow per annum. Can you inform me of such an offer? Yrs. mo. afftely
E. R.


Title: To James Madison from Alexander Hamilton, 12 October 1789
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Madison, James

Oct. 12. 1789
I thank you My Dear Sir for the line you was so obliging as to leave for me and for the loan of the book accompanying it; in which I have not yet made sufficient progress to judge of its merit.
I dont know how it was but I took it for granted—That you had left town much earlier than you did; else I should have found an opportunity after your adjournment to converse with you on the subjects committed to me by the house of Representatives. It is certainly important, that a plan as complete and as unexceptionable as possible should be matured by the next meeting of Congress; and for this purpose it could not but be useful that there should be a comparison and concentration of ideas of those whose duty leads them to a [careful?] contemplation of the subject.
As I lost the opportunity of a personal communication, May I ask of your friendship to put to paper and send me your thoughts on such objects as may have occurred to you for an addition to our revenue, and also as to any modifications of the public debt which could be made consistent with good faith the interest of the Public and of its Creditors?
In my opinion, in considering plans for the increase of our Revenues, the difficulty lies, not so much in the want of objects as in the prejudices which may be feared with regard to almost every object. The Question is very much What further taxes will be least unpopular? Adieu My Dr Sr. Yr. Affect & Obed
A Hamilton


Title: To James Madison from William Irvine, 19 October 1789
From: Irvine, William
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
New York Octr. 19th 1789
The post with the letters brought by the British Packet passed me at Brunswick, on saturday morning at five o clock, so that you would receive every information brought by that conveyance the same evening. I went to Lloyds house on saturday afternoon, he was not at home, I left a note for him informing what I wanted, he called on me yesterday & said he had sent the paper you wished by a Mr Clarkson, son of a Matw. Clarkson in Philadelphia, who he directed to leave it at his, Lloyds, house, that his family had instructions to send it to your lodgings immediately, that he is certain you will receive it tomorrow morning. I have made inquiry at such places as I thought it most probable there would be letters or accounts from or of Mr. Jefferson, but could not hear of any.
I hope you have got the better of your cold. I found the inclosed letters at the post office. Mr Kean arrived on saturday from Charlestown, he says that there was gloomy prospects of any thing being effected by the Commissioners with the Indians—that McGilvery after having heard what they had to say, observed it was the old story—went off in wrath, that Col: Few was sent after him, but whether he would return was uncertain. This however, was not by any official or certain information, only report. It was added, that Col: Humphrys had affronted Magilvery personally. It is said here that poor Graysons wife is dead. I am Dear Sir Your Most Obedt. Servant
Wm: Irvine


Title: Memorandum on an African Colony for Freed Slaves, [ca. 20 October] 1789
From: Madison, James
To:

[ca. 20 October 1789]
Without enquiring into the practicability or the most proper means of establishing a Settlement of freed blacks on the Coast of Africa, it may be remarked as one motive to the benevolent experiment that if such an asylum was provided, it might prove a great encouragement to manumission in the Southern parts of the U. S. and even afford the best hope yet presented of putting an end to the slavery in which not less than 600,000 unhappy negroes are now involved.
In all the Southern States of N. America, the laws permit masters, under certain precautions to manumit their slaves. But the continuance of such a permission in some of the States is rendered precarious by the ill effects suffered from freedmen who retain the vices and habits of slaves. The same consideration becomes an objection with many humane masters agst. an exertion of their legal right of freeing their slaves. It is found in fact that neither the good of the Society, nor the happiness of the individuals restored to freedom is promoted by such a change in their condition.
In order to render this change eligible as well to the Society as to the Slaves, it would be necessary that a compleat incorporation of the latter into the former should result from the act of manumission. This is rendered impossible by the prejudices of the Whites, prejudices which proceeding principally from the difference of colour must be considered as permanent and insuperable.
It only remains then that some proper external receptacle be provided for the slaves who obtain their liberty. The interior wilderness of America, and the Coast of Africa seem to present the most obvious alternative. The former is liable to great if not invincible objections. If the settlement were attempted at a considerable distance from the White frontier, it would be destroyed by the Savages who have a peculiar antipathy to the blacks: If the attempt were made in the neighbourhood of the White Settlements, peace would not long be expected to remain between Societies, distinguished by such characteristic marks, and retaining the feelings inspired by their former relation of oppressors & oppressed. The result then is that an experiment for providing such an external establishment for the blacks as might induce the humanity of Masters, and by degrees both the humanity & policy of the Governments, to forward the abolition of slavery in America, ought to be pursued on the Coast of Africa or in some other foreign situation.


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 1 November 1789
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir
Fredericksbg. Novr. 1. [1789]
In the letter left for you in N. York on my leaving that place I omitted to mention to you three names which solicit a Clerkship in the office which will be under your direction. They are Mr. Fisher, Mr. Smith, & Mr. Orr. The first has vouchers of his pretensions which will enable You to decide readily on them. The second is a son of Merriwether Smith. I am not personally acquainted with him, but am told he is a youth of real merit. The third is a Nephew of Col: Grayson. I have never seen him, but understand that he is a youth of parts, and if put into a proper line might rise into consequence. My information however comes thro’ a channel that may be partial. In mentioning these names I fulfil an expectation which circumstances have produced. You will understand at the same time that nothing more is meant than merely to lead you into proper enquiries, and enable You to form proper comparisons.
I am this far on my way to Orange. I was detained in Philada. a fortnight after I determined to await no longer your arrival, by an indisposition, which is still troublesome to me, but not worse than when I left Philada. I am Dr. Sir Yrs. mo: affectly.
Js. Madison Jr


Title: To James Madison from Philip Schuyler, 1 November 1789
From: Schuyler, Philip
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Albany November It 1789
Agreable to your request I called on Mr. Taylor, on the subject of your letter of the 5th Ult. He informed me that he had called twice at Mr Cortwrights but had not been able to see Mr Munro. That he is ready to execute a deed for the lands in question on the payment of the remainder of the money. He is a man of strict probity, and informs me that the lands will now sell for at least 2½ dollars pr Acre.
About the time that you may be expected at N York Mr Taylor will send down the lease & release and advise you to whom.
If in this or on any other Occasion I can render you a service be assured that I shall always do it with great satisfaction. I am Dr Sir with very Sincere Esteem & regard Your Obedient Huml Servant
Ph: Schuyler


Title: From James Madison to William Irvine, 1 November 1789
From: Madison, James
To: Irvine, William

Letter not found. 1 November 1789, Fredericksburg. Acknowledged in Irvine to JM, 15 Nov. 1789. Encloses JM’s letter to Jefferson of 1 Nov. 1789.


Title: To James Madison from William Lambert, 2 November 1789
From: Lambert, William
To: Madison, James

Sir,
New York, November 2d, 1789.
Mr. Reuben Burnley, having been for some time past, a Clerk in the Commissioners Office for stating the Accounts of Virginia against the United States, is desirous of continuing at the seat of the general Government after the business in which he is at present engaged, is completed, and to be employed in the Office of the Secretary of State, should Mr. Jefferson accept the appointment. As that gentleman will probably arrive in the recess of Congress, at a time when the personal application of several respectable characters in behalf of Mr. Burnley, cannot be obtained, I beg leave to request, that you will be pleased to favor him with a letter of recommendation, which by presenting at a suitable Opportunity, may secure the place he wishes to have; and if it will be any advantage to him, I can declare from my own knowledge, that he has always been attentive to his duty, and has executed the trust committed to him with fidelity. The Commissioner, under whom he has served, will at any time, give him a character which will do justice to his merits, and I flatter myself that you will, from your own observations of his conduct, and knowledge of his family and connexions, be kind enough to interest yourself in his behalf. I have the honor to be, with the highest esteem & respect, Sir, Your most Obedient humble servant,
William Lambert.


Title: To James Madison from George Nicholas, 2 November 1789
From: Nicholas, George
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir,
[Kentucky] Novr. 2d. 1789.
Your favor dated in July came safe to hand, I thank you for the communications contained [in] it. I shall not trouble you with any remarks on any of the subjects as my observations will be of no use but will confine my self to the giving you such information respecting this district as may enable you to form a proper judgment of her situation; and as I shall never write any thing to you the truth of which I am not well assured of you make any use of what comes from me that you may judge proper.
In our late convention the most important characters of that party which has always been in favor of a seperation opposed the agreeing to it at this time upon a supposition that the terms had been changed by Virginia so as to make them inadmissible in their present form. Their enemies say that this could not have been their true reason for although they do not deny that alterations have been made yet they assert that they were of such a nature that a politician really a freind to a seperation upon constitutional principles ought to have accepted of them. Let their motives have been what they may their joining the party opposed to a seperation on any terms made a majority against accepting the present propositions from Virga. I beleive no late attempts have been made by either Spain or England to detach the district from the union; but Spain is playing a game which if not counteracted will depopulate this country and carry most of the future emigrants to her territory. They have established a new government independent of the government at New-Orleans at the Natchez and have sent there as governor a man who from his character and abilities would never have accepted the appointment if their only object had been the government of the subjects they now have in that country. For two years past they have received all the tobo. carried to New-Orleans fm. this district into the king’s stores at a very high price. The new governor has put a stop to this and declares that in future these stores shall only be open to Spanish subjects and that they shall have ten dollars a hundred for their tobo. when private adventurers from this country have been obliged to take three dollars a hundred at New-Orleans this summer. He also holds out great advantages to settlers such as a donation of land and a certain sum in money for each family. I leave you to judge what will be the consequence if they are permitted to exclude us from the navigation of the river and give such advantages [to] their own subjects. The difference of religion and of government are the only things that could prevent any man from giving the preference to the Spanish government under these circumstances; and this governor gives the most positive assurances that the settlers shall enjoy what they have been accustomed to in both ways. I think they will not only in future get a great part of the emigrants to the western country but that a large proportion of the present inhabitants of the district who are not tied down to this country by owning valuable lands will leave it to go to a country where they have such encouragement given them. If Spain perseveres steadily in this conduct for only two years no man can say how far the emigration to that country may be carried. And if those who shall go there from this country should really enjoy those advantages I doubt no obstacles will be sufficient to prevent the people who continue here from putting themselves into a situation which will enable them to avail themselves of those advantages. This consideration I should suppose should make the new governt. take the most decisive steps as to our right of navigation and also induce her to pay particular attention to the gaining the affections of the people. So far have the steps that have been taken hitherto in the western country been from having a tendency that way that they must necessarily have produced a contrary effect. No support has been given us by the general government and the regulation of Indian matters has been placed in hands who were interested in a continuance of their depredations on us. It is known to every person that if a trade is not established with them on such a footing as to supply their real wants that they will supply themselves by plunder. The management of Indian affairs being placed in the hands of persons living on, and interested in the welfare of, the other side of the Ohio, and no adequate provision being made to supply the Indians with those articles they cannot subsist without it became their policy to hold out to the Indians that we were a seperate and distinct people from them and that they might be at peace with them and at war with us. By this means giving them security at our expence. Besides as long as this difference subsists between the different sides of the river in the opinion of the Indians it gives their settlement a much better chance of being inhabited. Thus our interests are placed in the hands of men who have a contrary one to pursue and who have already given sufficient proofs that they will follow their own interests when they clash with our’s. Having the commissioners always named from persons living on that side of the river and having the treaties always held there contribute greatly to establish this difference in the minds of the Indians as to the people on the different sides of the river. Surely this district the inhabitants of which are twenty times as numerous as the people on the other side of the river ought to have as great a share in the management of Indian affairs as the people on the other side. I am well convinced the bulk of the people here are strongly attached to the union and that characters might be found in the district better qualified to manage this business than those in whose hands it is now placed. If it is not the desire of the new government to lose all its’ freinds in this quarter a change must be made in this business. Let them take such steps as will convince the Indians that the Americans are all one people, that they shall never attack any of them with impunity, and that in future their real wants will be supplied in time of peace: this is all we ask. We do deny in the most positive manner what we are told is asserted to government by the officers on the other side of the river that hostilities are always commenced by the people of the district: on the contrary our people never cross the river but in revenge for the depredations committed within the district. Several expeditions of this kind have been and will be carried on until government take up the matter effectually. To convince you in what light we are considered by the officers & on the other side of the river I refer you to Mr. Brown to whom I write by this opportunity. I know that the want of money prevents the government from doing many things which would otherwise be undertaken; but that need not stop the necessary steps in this business for if they will only give their sanction to it we can raise any number of men and any quantity of provisions that may be wanting to carry it into execution and will wait until their finances will enable them to make us satisfaction. I fear they have taken up the idea that this country may be defended by a few posts on the river. If so it is a most erroneous one for it wd. take such a chain of posts to cover this country as could only be occupied by a large army. I say this upon a supposition that the post opposite the mouth of Licking is erected as a guard to us; if indeed as is more generally thought it is intended as a check upon us I can only say if we are treated as fellow citizens any check will be unnecessary, but that if it is intended to withhold from us all the benefits of good government, a little time will shew that as heretofore we have found the troops useless and faithless as freinds, hereafter, we shall despise them as enemies. Upon the whole I shall close this subject with assuring you that government has been deceived in the accounts they have had from this country; and that it is my opinion that the most serious consequences will follow from their persisting in the measures which have been pursued for some time past.
We have good crops notwithstanding we have experienced the driest summer ever known.
My family have reached my farm safe and in health and I am following the business of a farmer and a manufacturer without any interruption but what the calls of my profession cause. Unless indeed I also add the moments I employ in trying to point out the real situation of this country to those who I know with me wish well to every part of America. I am with the most sincere esteem and regard Dr. Sir, Yr. obdt. servt.
G: Nicholas


Title: To James Madison from William Short, 17 November 1789
From: Short, William
To: Madison, James

Dear sir
Paris Nov. 17. 1789
I recieved some time ago by Mr. James the letter of introduction you had given him for me. I hope I need not tell you how readily I am disposed at all times to do whatever may be agreeable to you—& particularly with how much pleasure I should have rendered any services in my power to Mr. James, had he remained here—the confusion & disorder which prevailed in Paris during the few days of his stay induced him to leave it for London—since that I have not heard of him—the disorder of those days was occasioned by the desire to bring the King & Royal family to Paris—that event having taken place has since left us undisturbed except in one instance, where a mob rose & killed a baker under pretence of his concealing bread. These riots as well as those wch: preceded them were occasioned probably by those who wished to carry certain measures by frightening those from whom opposition might be expected—the scarcity of bread renders the people of an humour proper for being thus used—it is suspected therefore & with some reason that measures are frequently taken by the designing for rendering bread scarce in order to exasperate the people—they are made to believe that this scarcity is occasioned by the Clergy & noblesse—& of course are disposed to proceed with such violence against those two orders, that they are glad to capitulate for the security of their persons in abandoning the rest—these means are not the most warrantable, but the end which has been & will be produced by them is beyond all calculation. This Kingdom is not only to be governed in future by equal laws made by representatives legally chosen, but all the hereditary & dignified orders are abolished—& the nation from being the most corrupted & ill-governed in Europe finds itself now in a situation to undertake the work of a constitution, ab ovo. That situation together with the mass of information existing in the national assembly give every reason to hope that the constitution about to be made will be the best that any nation in Europe has enjoyed. I take it for granted that you have always seen the proceedings of this assembly which have been regularly sent to Mr. Jay. After their translation to Paris it was apprehended the provinces would reclaim against their staying in the capital where it was apprehended their deliberations would be too much under the influence of the people of Paris—the event has turned out otherwise; & most of the provinces have sent addresses of congratulation & adhesion. The privileged orders of the clergy & noblesse seemed to have given up resistance—but a decree of the assembly some days ago having tended to the suppression of the Parliaments also, two of these courts have shewn a disposition to excite opposition—the Parliament of Rouen was the first—the King immediately denounced them to the assembly, who afterwards withdrew the prosecution they had begun, the Parliament sending its excuse & the King interceding for them—whilst this was performing the Parliament of Metz made a decree of resistance still more formal under pretence of the King not being free. The King denounced their decree to the assembly, & the day before yesterday it was resolved that the members of the Parliament who had signed the decree shd. be called to the bar of the house—it is to be observed that these Parliaments are unsupported by the people whilst they declare resistance to the King & national assembly; of course nothing is to be apprehended from them & particularly as the Parliament of Paris have shewn the most implicit submission to the decree. On the whole it is not difficult to decide that the political revolution will go on with little opposition—as to that of their finances you must judge of their situation from the memorial of the Minister which will be inclosed to Mr. Jay. For my part I fear they will be long unsettled notwithstanding the immense resources of the country.
We have heard here of the changes which have taken place in the offices of the Union—& among the rest that Mr. Jay is no longer secretary for foreign affairs—still I continue to address him my letters. There is a report also that Mr. Jefferson is named his successor. The last letter from that office was so long ago as June—of course we know nothing here of what is going on, except by the way of newspapers, & now & then private letters. I hope if this letter should find you at New York you will be so good as to give me a sketch of the proceedings of the late Congress—I have heard they were to rise the 1st. of October. You will probably have seen Mr. Jefferson before you recieve this letter—of course it is useless to tell you that he left Cowes for America on the 22d of October. I some time ago recieved through Mr. Jefferson, a request from Colo. H. Lee to dispose of an interest in some land in which you were associated—it has been impossible to get to do any thing in this business, nor do I think it probable that any thing can be done in it for some time—I will thank you to mention this to Colo. Lee, & at the same time that it will give me great pleasure to act for him in this matter shd. an opportunity be found. I am with sincerity my dear Sir Your friend & servant
W Short
P. S. Your arguments in congress on the subject of titles gave great pleasure to your friends here—they have changed also here the title of the King to be prefixed to the laws &, in the course of a debate on titles one of the members said “Une fausse grandeur a besoin de titres qui souvent ne lui servent pas à grande [sic] chose; une grandeur reelle n’a besoin que d’elle même. Voyez ces Americains qui dans un monde nouveau, ont crée vraiment un autre monde; ils ne dedaignent pas seulement les titres, ils les ont abolis par les decrets dont la gloire ne le sera jamais. Chez eux le Congrès, s’appelle le Congrès, Washington, Washington, Franklin, Benjamin Franklin, & tous les titres ne paroissant que les ridicules ou des puerilités auprès de ces glorieux noms.” The United States are constantly quoted & are authority in the national assembly. It was lately printed here that Congress had voted to the President the title of Highness &c. Several members spoke to me on the subject with real concern—for answer I shewed them your arguments on the subject & the address of the House of Representatives to the President.


Title: From James Madison to Alexander Hamilton, 19 November 1789
From: Madison, James
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Dear Sir
Orange (Virginia) Novr. 19. 89
I was too much indisposed for some time after the receipt of your favor of the 12 Ocr. to comply with the request in it, and since my arrival here and recovery I have till now been without a conveyance to the post office.
The supplemental funds which at present occur to me as on the whole most eligible are 1. An excise on home distilleries. If the tax can be regulated by the size of the Still it will stem every objection that renders excises unpopular or vexatious. Such an experiment was made in Scotland; and as a Scotch tax I have not understood that the mode was disapproved. The complaint against it was founded on a comparison with the different mode established in the other part of the Kingdom, by which the burden was rendered disproportionate. 2. An augmentation of the duty on spirituous liquors imported. This will not only be compatible with the former, but in a manner required by it. 3. A land tax. This seems to be recommended by its simplicity, its certainty, its equity, and the cheapness of collecting it. It may be well also for the General Govt. to espouse this object before a preoccupancy by the States becomes an impediment. It is an essential branch of national revenue; and when once in the hands of the National Govt. the States will of course turn their attention to those miscellaneous objects which can be more easily managed by them than by Congress, and by which they can as they like equalize the burden on their respective Citizens. Some difficulty may perhaps arise from the different rules of Assessment in the different States, but it will only require an adoption of these diversities until the way shall be prepared for uniformity. 4. A Stamp tax on proceedings in the federal Courts, as soon as experience shall have supplied the prerequisite information, and as far as will make the Establishment support itself.
I do not add a General Stamp tax, because with some it would be obnoxious to prejudices not yet worne out, because it could not be so framed as to fall in due proportion on the States without more information than can be speedily obtained, and because it would not for some time be productive in the State Courts, unless extended to suits for antecedent debts &c, in which case the debtors on whom the tax would fall, would make it a fresh topic of clamor.
The modification of the public debt is a subject on which I ought perhaps to be silent, having not enough revolved it to form any precise ideas. I take it to be the general expectation that the foreign part of the debt is to be put on the most satisfactory footing, and it will no doubt equally gratify the public wish, if it can by that means be turned into a debt bearing a reduced interest. The domestic part is well known to be viewed in different lights by different classes of people. It might be a soothing circumstance to those least favorably disposed, if by some operation the debt could be lessened by purchases made on public account; and particularly if any impression could be made on it by means of the Western lands. This last is a fund which, tho’ overrated by many is I think capable of aiding the redemption of the capital of the debt. A further reason for keeping the lands at market is that if the appetite for them be not regularly fed, it may produce licentious settlements, by which the value of the property will not only be lost, but the authority of the laws impaired.

I consider it as very desireable that the provision to be made should be such as will put the debt in a manifest course of extinguishment. There are respectable opinions I know in favor of prolonging if not perpetuating it. But without entering into the general reasonings on that subject, there are two considerations which give a peculiarity to the case of the U. States—one, that such a policy is disrelished to a degree that will render heavier burdens for discharging the debt more acceptable than lighter ones not having that for their object—the other, that the debt however modified must, as soon as the interest is provided for, or the permanent views of the Govt. ascertained, slide into the hands of foreigners. As they have more money than the Americans, and less productive ways of laying it out, they can and will pretty generally buy out the Americans.
I need not apprize you that some of the ideas I have hazarded may proceed not only from an inaccurate view of the subject but from a mistake of local for general sentiments with regard to it. The less deserving however I may think them of being commun[i]cated to you the more they will prove by their being so, my unwillingness to disobey your commands. With affecte regards I am My dear Sir Your friend & servt
Js. Madison Jr


Title: From James Madison to George Washington, 20 November 1789
From: Madison, James
To: Washington, George

Dear Sir
Orange Novr. 20. 1789.
It was my purpose to have dropped you a few lines from Philada. but I was too much indisposed during my detention there to avail myself of that pleasure. Since my arrival here I have till now been without a fit conveyance to the post office.
You will recollect the contents of a letter shewn you from Mr. Innis to Mr. Brown. Whilst I was in Philada. I was informed by the latter who was detained there as well as myself by indisposition, that he had recd. later accounts though not from the same correspondent, that the Spaniards have finally put an entire stop to the trade of our Citizens down the river. The encouragements to such as settle under their own Government are continued.

A day or two after I got to Philada. I fell in with Mr. Morris. He broke the subject of the residence of Congs, and made observations which betrayed his dislike of the upshot of the business at N. York, and his desire to keep alive the Southern project of an arrangement with Pennsylvania. I reminded him of the conduct of his State, and intimated that the question would probably sleep for some time in consequence of it. His answer implied that Congress must not continue at New York, and that if he should be freed from his Engagements with the E. States by their refusal to take up the bill and pass it as it went to the Senate, he should renounce all confidence in that quarter, and speak seriously to the S. States. I told him they must be spoken to very seriously, after what had passed, if Penna. expected them to listen to her, that indeed there was probably an end to further intercourse on the subject. He signified that if he should speak it would be in earnest, and he believed no one would pretend that his conduct would justify the least distrust of his going throug[h] with his undertakings; adding however that he was determined & accordingly gave me as he had given others notice that he should call up the postponed bill as soon as Congs. should be reassembled. I observed to him that if it were desirable to have the matter revived we could not wish to have it in a form more likely to defeat itself. It was unparliamentary and highly inconvenient; and would therefore be opposed by all candid friends to his object as an improper precedent, as well as by those who were opposed to the object itself. And if he should succeed in the Senate, the irregularity of the proceeding would justify the other House in withholding the signature of its Speaker, so that the bill could never go up to the President. He acknowledged that the bill could not be got thro’ unless it had a majority in both houses on its merits. Why then, I asked, not take it up anew? He said he meant to bring the gentlemen who had postponed the bill to the point, acknowledged that he distrusted them, but held his engagements binding on him, until this final experiment should be made on the respect they meant to pay to theirs. I do not think it difficult to augur from this conversation the views which will govern Penna. at the next Session. Conversations held by Grayson both with Morris & others in Philada. and left by him in a letter to me, coincide with what I have stated. An attempt will first be made to alarm N. York and the Eastern States into the plan postponed, by holding out the Potowmac & Philada. as the alternative, and if the attempt should not succeed, the alternative will then be held out to the Southern members. On the other hand N. Y. & the E. States, will enforce their policy of delay, by threatening the S. States as heretofore, with German Town or Trenton or at least Susquehannah, and will no doubt carry the threat into execution if they can, rather than suffer an arrangement to take place between Pena & the S. States.
I hear nothing certain from the Assembly. It is said that an attempt of Mr. H. to revive the project of commutables has been defeated. That the amendments have been taken up, and are likely to be put off to the next Session, the present house having been elected prior to the promulgation of them. This reason would have more force, if the amendments did not so much correspond as far as they go with the propositions of the State Convention, which were before the public long before the last Election. At any rate, the Assembly might pass a vote of approbation along with the postponement, and Assign the reason of referring the ratification to their successors. It is probably that the scruple has arisen with the disaffected party. If it be construed by the public into a latent hope of some contingent opportunity for prosecuting the war agst. the Genl. Government; I am of opinion the experiment will recoil on the authors of it. As far as I can gather, the great bulk of the late opponents are entirely at rest, and more likely to censure a further opposition to the Govt. as now Administered than the Government itself. One of the principal leaders of the Baptists lately sent me word that the amendments had entirely satisfied the disaffected of his Sect, and that it would appear in their subsequent conduct.
I ought not to conclude without some apology for so slovenly a letter. I put off writing it till an opportunity should present itself not knowing but something from time to time might turn up that would make it less unworthy of your perusal. And it has so happened that the oppy. barely gives me time for this hasty scrawl. With the most perfect esteem & Affect. attachment I remain Dear Sir Yr Mot. Obedt. servt.
Js. Madison Jr


Title: To James Madison from William Irvine, 23 November 1789
From: Irvine, William
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
New York 23d Novr. 1789
Captain Bunyan arrived here this morning from London in 29 days. A Mr Trumbull came passenger—they are now at Brakefast with us. They say that Mr. Jefferson sailed from Cowes, on the same day they did, in a Ship bound for Norfolk in Virginia. Unless he has a remarkable passage indeed, this information may be the first you can receive of his destination—which is my motive for giving you this trouble. In France there has been something like confusion. The Kings life guards—not the General National Guards, but a particular Corps of this denomination—had a rencounter with the Parisians at Versailes—the Guards, such as made opposition were demolished, and the King and Queen are taken to Paris under the safe keeping of the National Troops—tho not under any other restraint than their protection requires, in the opinion of these Troops. The Duke of Orleans is taken into custody—on supposition of treasonable practices against the Nation—the hour for closing the mail prevents me from adding but that I am