Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Lucrezia Agujari, 12 December 1774
From: Agujari, Lucrezia
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Lunedi 12: Xbre 1774.
L’Agujari umilia i suoi ossequj al Signor Dottore Benjamin Franklin, e lo supplica di gradire L’omaggio, che Essa hà L’onore di presentarle con la Stampa della Cantata, che eseguirà questa sera al Pantheon. [The Agujari presents her humble respects to Dr. Franklin, and begs him to accept the tribute that she has the honor of offering him, along with the score of the cantata which she will perform this evening at the Pantheon.]


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Peter P. Burdett, 15 December 1774
From: Burdett, Peter P.
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Rastatt December 15. 1774
My Passage thro London and departure from England was so sudden and unexpected that I was deprived of an opportunity of Paying my respects to you as I otherwise fully intended.
I am now arrived at Rastatt and have the Honor to be engaged in the service of the Margrave of Baaden whose Gracious reception and extraordinary Benevolence has placed me above those Worldly inconveniences men of speculation cannot always provide against. I have the farther satisfaction to assure you that I am admitted to the Friendship and intimacy of this Prince who is no less destinguishable for his Scientific knowledge than his Wisdom in applying it for the Happiness of his Subjects. In short if I was to attempt to decribe the emminent Goodness of the Sovereign and the Beauties of the climate and country I should be susspected of Writing a Panigeric, tho for a Purpose you cannot at presant guess the reason of.
Discoursing the other evening with the Prince and Princess upon some Philosophical Topic I took occation to Mention Dr. Franklins name with a respect and authority due to his Worth. Their Highnesses were no strangers to his Reputation and drew me into a long conversation upon Political as well as Philosophical Subjects, the particulars are unnecessary it concluded with the Margraves requesting me in His Name to invite you to there Dominions. That if the Margrave and his country could be made acceptable to your Inclinations His Highness desires you to propose the means.
He invites you to Germany upon that principle which seems to have actuated your whole Life I mean the Benifit of Mankind in General and His Subjects in Particular.
The Post will not permit me to extend the Arguments I could use in favor of this delicious philosophical retreat, it is the intention of the Prince to inlarge our community and incorperate them under the denomenation of some Honerable Title at the Head of which it will be my Greatest Pleasure to see Docter Franklin. I am Dear Sir with Sincerity your affectionate Humble Servant,
P P Burdett

PS You will thro some other Friend, hear more of this subject by this days Post.

Addressed: Doctor Franklin / Craven Street / Charing cross / London / England / favr Cöllen


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from a Committee of the Library Company of Philadelphia, [16 December 1774]
From: Library Company of Philadelphia
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Philadelphia [December 16, 1774]
We are directed to acknowledge the receipt of your favors of the 7 April and 25 July with the Books sent for the Use of our Company, which fresh Instance, of your constant kind Concern for Us is very obliging; but we must just observe, that the prices of those last sent, are not mentioned.
Inclosed, you have Barclay & Mitchell’s Draught at sixty Days Sight on David Hay Esqr: & Co: for £60 Sterg: in favor of Josiah Hewes, and by Him indorsed. There will remain a Small Ballance in our favor, which you will be kind enough to lay out for the most esteemed Tracts published relative to the present American Controversy.
The Directors were preparing an Order for Books; but from the present unhappy Situation of publick Affairs, it must be postponed. Wishing for Days more propitious to the Growth of Science in America we remain with great regard Sir your most obedient Servants
signed by the Committee
Dr: B. Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from David Barclay, 18 December 1774
From: Barclay, David Junior
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Respected Friend.
Norwich 18th: 12 mo decr. / 74
Being inform’d by my Nephew, that agreable to the Advice given to the Holder of the Pamphlet, received from the other Side of the Atlantic, it is reprinting, and will probably be published Tomorrow; I am of the Opinion that it will be adviseable to let a little time elapse before any other Steps are persued, more especially when its consider’d, that at the approaching Season, many People go out of Town and will not return until the commencement of the New Year. I likewise consider, that our Superiors will have some little time for Reflection, and perhaps may contemplate on the propriety of the Hints in their possession: By a few lines I have received from Ld. H- he intimates his hearty Wish that they may be productive of what may be practicable and advantageous for the Mother Country and the Colonies.
The Business on which I came here, its probable, will prevent me from being in Hertfordshire until Wednesday or perhaps Thursday next, where I should be pleased to receive a Line from thee (directed to Youngs Bury near Ware) mentioning whether thy Opinion coincides with mine, which, will govern me in coming from thence to Town. I am Thy respectful Friend
David Barclay

Addressed: Dr. Benjamin Franklin / Craven Street / Strand.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William and Robert Molleson, 20 December 1774
From: Molleson, William,Molleson, Robert
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
America Square Crutched fryars. 20th Decr 1774.
Having heard, that the Petition from the American Congress, to the King, has been transmitted to You, and that You intended to present it accompanied by the Merchants trading to that Continent, We request to know if such is Your intention, that we may attend You, on that important occasion, to bear our Testimony to their just Representations. We are Sir Your most Obedient Servants
Wm: and R. Molleson
Benjamin Franklin Esqr.

Addressed: Benjamin Franklin Esqr / Craven Street


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from David Barclay, [22 December 1774]
From: Barclay, David Junior
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Cheapside 22d. Inst. [December 22, 1774]
D. Barclay presents his Respects and acquaints Dr. Franklin, that the Merchants in general highly disaproving of Attendance on anonymous Advertizements, (as no Person would own that inserted in the paper to Day), Agreed to disaprove it, by another to be published Tomorrow, on a more liberal Plan, with an Invitation for All Merchants and others interested in the Commerce of America to meet on Wednesday the 4th. Jany. DB will nevertheless expect to see Dr. Franklin to Dinner Tomorrow at Three ’Clock.

Addressed: Dr. Franklin / Cravenstreet


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Georgiana Shipley with a Postscript from Her Father, 22 [December] 1774
From: Hare-Naylor, Georgiana Shipley
To: Franklin, Benjamin

The 22d [December, 1774]
It is with infinite satisfaction, I am commission’d to assure my dear Dr. Franklin, how happy we shall be to see you at Twyford; Mama has had a very bad cold and cough, and my Papa has been laid up for this last week with the Gout in both his feet, which tho not an alarming [is] a very troublesome disorder; my sister Elizas and my time, has been wholly employ’d in reading aloud and endeavoring to amuse him, as in sickness it is alone in our power to express the gratitude and affection we feel, for the tenderest and best of Parents. I have the pleasure to tell you he is much better to day; and I dont doubt but your presence and conversation will make him quite well again.
Vanity is reckon’d by you Men a prevailing foible in our sex; I much fear the House of Shipley proves this to be too true, as we are grown excessively conceited of having acquired your good opinion, for we prefer Dr. Franklins commendation far before the finest things, the smartest Macaroni could say of us.
Do come as soon and stay as long, as more important affairs will permit you. I hope you believe we shall be rejoiced to have your company, and by the assistance of Books Chess and Electricity we flatter ourselves your holidays will pass not totally disagreeably. Papa says he will add a few lines to my scrawl, I therefore resign my pen to far abler hands and content myself, with assuring my dear Dr. Franklin how much I am, his Affectionate and Oblig’d
G  Shipley

Beebee begs compliments, and says he longs to see you, he grows fat and lively, and has as much liberty as even a North American can desire.

Dear Sir
Your Company is allways desirable but at present will be quite a Cordial to me. I am now grown well enough to relish Society, but not well enough to seek it abroad. I thank You for your valuable present and long to talk over the Contents with You. I hope the Address to the King is in a Stile of Loyalty. Some of the French Remonstrances pleasd me by conveying the freest Sentiments in the politest and most respectful terms. I am, Dear Sir, affectionately Yours
J St. Asaph
We shall expect You every day.

Addressed: Dr Franklin / Craven Street / Strand / London


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Lord Dartmouth to Franklin, William Bollan, and Arthur Lee, 23 December 1774: résumé
From: Dartmouth, William Legge, Earl of
To: Franklin, Benjamin,Bollan, William,Lee, Arthur

<St. James’s Square, Friday, December 23, 1774: A note in the third person asking them to meet him at his house at ten the following morning.>


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to the Speaker of the Pennsylvania Assembly: a Circular Letter from Franklin, William Bollan, and Arthur Lee, 24 December 1774
From: Franklin, Benjamin,Bollan, William,Lee, Arthur
To: Speaker of the Pennsylvania Assembly

When four of the seven agents to whom the Congress had entrusted its petition refused to have anything to do with it, the three representatives of Massachusetts faced the problem of how to deliver it; and they decided to depart from their instructions and not put it directly into the hands of the King. The “regular Official Method,” as they explain in this letter, was to present it to the American Secretary to be forwarded; and the irregular and unofficial character of the document gave good reason for adhering to a procedure that no one could fault. “It was thought best to carry it forthwith to Lord Dartmouth,” Franklin later told Charles Garth, “by such of the Agents as were upon the Spot,” or more accurately those who were willing to act. They delivered it on December 21, but Dartmouth declined to forward it until it had been studied. The study was brief and intensive, according to Arthur Lee: the Cabinet met twice before deciding that the petition was sufficiently decent and respectful to be received. Thereupon Dartmouth waited upon the King, and in his note of the 23rd invited the agents to his house the next morning to hear the royal response. The Congress had requested them to inform the speakers of the colonial assemblies of “such conduct and designs of ministry or Parliament, as it may concern America to know,” and the conduct of the King was their first news. In the circular letter below they sent it on its way.

Sir
London, Dec. 24. 1774
This is just to inform you, that having received the Petition of the General Congress to the King, we immediately communicated the same to Lord Dartmouth Secretary of State for the American Department, as the regular Official Method, and that by which only we could have Expectation of obtaining an Answer. His Lordship this Day inform’d us, that he had laid the same before the King, that his Majesty had been pleased to receive it very graciously, and to say, it was of so great Importance, that he should, as soon as they met, lay it before his two Houses of Parliament. We can now only add, that we are, with great Respect, Sir, Your most obedient and most humble Servants
W BollanB FranklinArthur Lee
Honble. Speaker of the Assembly of Pennsylvania


Title: Note on an Extract from a Purported Letter by Franklin, 24 December 1774
From:
To:

Verner Crane reprinted an extract, published in the Boston Gazette of March 20, 1775, of a letter from London dated December 24, 1774. He conjectured that it might have been taken from one of Franklin’s letters to Cushing that are now lost. We are convinced that the writer was Arthur Lee and the recipient Samuel Adams. The extract, which deals with the impact in England of the news from the Continental Congress, was one of five that appeared in the same issue of the Gazette. Adams wrote to a friend the next day and enclosed such extracts; he had sent them to the press, he explained, and they were taken from letters, one dated December 24, “from our mutual Friends in London.” Franklin was not a friend or correspondent of his; Lee was. The tone of the extract, furthermore, is almost euphoric: the administration is confounded by the news from Philadelphia and divided within itself; individual ministers begin to disavow the whole policy of coercion, and America by standing firm will obtain full redress. Franklin in his most optimistic moments, as far as we know, was never so unguarded.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Richard Bache, 24 December 1774
From: Bache, Richard
To: Franklin, Benjamin

This and the following letter from William, which went on the same ship, brought Franklin the news of his wife’s death. Until her final stroke neither his son nor son-in-law had warned him that she was failing, at least in letters that survive; both had written frequently and at length but had scarcely mentioned her. Perhaps they saw no change in her condition, or perhaps they sensed that the end was coming and shrank from preparing him for it. The only hint he had–and he refused to accept it as a sign of illness–was her long silence, of which he had complained the previous September. There is no evidence that he wrote her again.
Such of their correspondence as survives suggests that her side of the relationship changed, as the twilight came on, less than his. Although her failing health and mind increased her incoherence, the themes of her letters were the same as ever: the doings of the Philadelphia household, particularly of the Kingbird and his brother, and the perennial question of when “Dear Child” was coming home to his family. On his side, except when he was annoyed with her or was jolted by William Hewson’s death, his letters were variations on a single message, that he was well and hoped she was. She was not, as the confusion of her writing attested; but he apparently continued to believe that she was her old capable self. When he finally learned of her death, he remarked that he must get home to look after his affairs; the implication was that he had lost his business manager. He must have known, even if he did not admit it, that she had long been unable to manage anything; but he was in the habit of relying on her, and perhaps avoided asking questions that might reveal her true condition. In fact he asked her virtually nothing, and told her virtually nothing of himself. If he continued to cherish the virtue “that fades not in seventy years” and to “cling to my lovely ould Joan,” he showed his attachment by faithfulness in writing, not by what he wrote. The contrast with Jane Mecom is striking: to his sister he remained lively and communicative; with his wife he corresponded almost mechanically.
She was sixty-six when she died, and had been married for forty-four years.

Dear and Honoured sir
Philadelphia 24th. Decr. 1774
By a Vessel Via Bristol under date of the 17th. Current I sent you the unwelcome Information, of my Mother’s being attacked by a paralytick Stroke, the 14th. of this Month; but at the same time I mentioned, that we were not then without hopes of her getting thro’ it, and indeed Doctor Bond fed us with these hopes ’till Sunday Evening; when we discovered a considerable change in her for the worse; She continued without seeming to suffer much Pain ’till Monday Morning about 11 o’Clock, when without a Groan or even a Sigh, she was released from a troublesome World, and happily relieved from all future Pain and Anxiety.In the natural course of human Events, we could not expect her Continuance many years longer with us, we therefore with becoming resignation (I hope) patiently submit to the divine Will, which has been pleas’d thus to deprive us of a Friend and Mother, and we trust your own good Sense will enable you to bear this afflicting Loss with more than manly Fortitude.
I sent an Express to Amboy for the Governor, who came in time to attend the funeral, on Thursday the 22d. Inst. in the Evening; he is now with us, and writes you by this Opportunity. A great number of your old Friends attended on this mournful Occasion, to pay their last respects to a Memory, which will be ever held dear by all who knew her, for the good she has done in this Life, and this is no small Consolation to her numerous Friends and Relatives.
Sally, who bears this sudden and unexpected Shok with much Fortitude and Resignation, joins me and the Children in truly affectionate Love and Duty to you, and in Wishes for your speedy Return hither, when our Consolation shall not be wanting on this or any other afflicting Occasion. I am Dear sir Your sincerely affectionate son
Richd: Bache
Mr. Franklin

Addressed: To / Doctor Benjamin Franklin / Craven Street / London
Endorsed: R Bache  Decr 74


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Neate, 24 December 1774
From: Neate, William
To: Franklin, Benjamin

No 5
St Mary Hill 24th Decemr. 1774
Mr. William Neate presents his most respectfull Compliments to Dr. Franklin, and as a report prevailed yesterday Evening that all the disputes between Great Britain and the American Colonies were thro’ his application and influence with Lord North amicably setled, conformable to the wish and desire of the late Congress. W N desires the favor of Dr. Franklin to inform him by a line per the bearer, whether there is any credit to be given to the report.


Title: Queries for a Conversation with Lord Camden, [27 December 1774?]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

[December 27, 1774?]
Qu. What were the original Ideas upon which the Colonies were settled?
What was the State of their Government during the first Reigns?
Were they established at the Expence of Govt here?
Did the Parliament make any Grants to defray or aid the first Charge, or for Protecting the Settlers?
Was the Parliament advis’d with by the Crown concerning the Terms of Settlement? Did it form any Regulations thereupon? Did it understand itself to have any Power over them?
Did not the Colonists go over free from the Laws of this Country, with a Right to adopt such of them as they should judge convenient to their Circumstances and reject others? And did they not in fact do so?

Were they not first reduc’d to any Submission to Parliament in the Time of the great Rebellion?
Has it not been by degrees since the Restoration that the Parliament has assumed a Power of Legislation for America?
What is the present State of Power assumed by Parliament over the Colonies?
What Changes may be advantageously for both Countries made therein?
What would be the best Constitution for the Colonies as connected with this Country? And how is it to be obtained?

Notation: Queries relating to the Colonies, to be discuss’d with Lord C––n.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Fothergill, 28 [December 1774?]
From: Fothergill, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

28th. Inst. [December, 1774?] 9 ’o clock
Dr. Fothergill presents his respects to his Friend Dr. Franklin, and would be glad of the favour of his company this evening about 5 ’o clock, if the Drs. Engagements permit.
Dr. Fothergill is so much engaged the rest of the day, as to put him under the necessity of fixing an hour, which he fears may be inconvenient to his Friend but cannot avoid it.

Addressed: To / Dr. B: Franklin / Present


Title: Franklin’s Proposals to Lord Howe for Resolving the Crisis, [between 28 and 31 December 1774]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Howe, Rear Adm. Richard, Viscount

On December 4 Franklin called on Mrs. Howe for their second session at chess. After they finished playing, their talk turned to politics and the chance of settling the American quarrel. He could do it himself, she was confident, if he were authorized. He agreed, provided that both sides wanted to settle; in that case two or three people could resolve the issues in half an hour. On Christmas Day he called again, and his hostess told him that her brother wished to see him; he said he would be honored. A servant fetched the Viscount, who after some polite preliminaries asked him, as Barclay and Fothergill had done, to submit a written plan for securing peace. He agreed to meet with the Admiral on the 28th (again at Mrs. Howe’s, to preserve secrecy) with the draft of a plan, but when the day came he had nothing ready. Howe asked his opinion of dispatching a commissioner to resolve misunderstandings and, with the help of leading Americans, seek means of reconciliation. He answered that the right man in that role might be of great use, and Mrs. Howe interjected the hope that her brother might be sent. The Viscount then disclosed that he had a copy of the “Hints,” and saw no likelihood that those terms would be granted; could Franklin not produce something more feasible? He had little hope that he could, but promised to try.
The reason for Howe’s intervention can only be conjectured. Barclay mentioned months later that he found him with Lord Hyde when he called on the latter, and was told to speak freely before the Admiral as Hyde’s trusted friend. That friendship, Franklin concluded, explained Howe’s having his own copy of the “Hints,” supposedly a secret document. But it does not explain his subsequent role. By mid-December Hyde was probably convinced, as Howe was by the 28th, that the “Hints” offered no ground for settlement; and others doubtless shared that view. A parallel negotiation, with a new negotiator, may have seemed to offer hope of beguiling Franklin into a less intransigent position; and Mrs. Howe’s contact with him made, or conceivably had been arranged in order to make, her brother a promising intermediary. He was a moderate man, known to be well disposed toward the colonies, and ministers may have selected him for that reason. He certainly behaved from the beginning with the self-confidence of one who had an entree to the powerful.
The idea of a commissioner, which he first introduced into the negotiations, had been under discussion in the highest circles earlier in the month, but the King had disapproved. Howe’s raising it at this interview weeks later suggests that Dartmouth, who had not yet given it up, may have wanted to obtain indirectly Franklin’s endorsement of it. In any case the Secretary brought the proposal before his colleagues in the Cabinet on January 13, and they turned it down. It refused to die, however, and by mid-February was an integral part of the negotiations. When they collapsed the idea survived. It took form in the commission given the Howe brothers in 1776, which brought on another meeting between Franklin and the Admiral, and was revived again, as France was entering the war, in the Carlisle Commission of 1778.

No 6
[Between December 28 and 31, 1774]
It is suppos’d to be the Wish on both sides, not merely to put a Stop to the Mischief at present threatning the general Welfare, but to cement a cordial Union, and remove, not only every real Grievance, but every Cause of Jealousy and Suspicion.
With this View, the first thing necessary is, to know what is, by the different Parties in the Dispute, thought essentially necessary for the obtaining such an Union.
The American Congress, in their Petition to the King have been explicit, declaring, that by a Repeal of the oppressive Acts therein complain’d of, “the Harmony between Great Britain and the Colonies, so necessary to the Happiness of both, and so ardently desired by them, will, with the usual Intercourse, be immediately restor’d.”
If it has been thought reasonable here, to expect, that, previous to an Alteration of Measures, the Colonies should make some Declaration respecting their future Conduct, they have also done that, by adding, “that when the Causes of their Apprehensions are removed, their future Conduct will prove them not unworthy of the Regard they have been accustomed in their happier Days to enjoy.”
For their Sincerity in these Declarations, they solemnly call to Witness the Searcher of all Hearts.
If Britain can have any Reliance on these Declarations (and perhaps none to be extorted by Force can be more rely’d on than these which are thus freely made) she may without Hazard to herself try the Expedient proposed, since, if it fails, she has it in her power at any time to resume her present Measures.
It is then proposed,
That Britain should show some Confidence in these Declarations, by repealing all the Laws or Parts of Laws that are requested to be repeal’d in the Petition of the Congress to the King.
And that at the same time Orders should be given to withdraw the Fleet from Boston, and remove all the Troops to Quebec or the Floridaes, that the Colonies may be left at perfect Liberty in their future Stipulations.
That this may, for the Honour of Britain, appear not the Effect of any Apprehension from the Measures entred into and recommended to the People by the Congress, but from Good-Will, and a Change of Disposition towards the Colonies, with a sincere Desire of Reconciliation, let some of their other Grievances, which in their Petition they have left to the Magnanimity and Justice of the King and Parliament, be at the same time removed, such as those relating to the Payment of Governors’ and Judges’ Salaries, and the Instructions for Dissolving Assemblies, &c. with the Declarations concerning the Statute of Henry VIII.
And to give the Colonies an immediate Opportunity of demonstrating the Reality of their Professions, let their propos’d ensuing Congress be authoriz’d by Government, (as was that held at Albany in 1754) and a Person of Weight and Dignity of Character be appointed to preside at it on Behalf of the Crown.
And then let Requisition be made to the Congress, of such Points as Government wishes to obtain, for its future Security, for Aids, for the Advantage of general Commerce, for Reparation to the India Company, &c. &c.
A generous Confidence thus plac’d in the Colonies, will give Ground to the Friends of Government there, in their Endeavours to procure from America every reasonable Concession, or Engagement, and every substantial Aid, that can fairly be desired.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Cushing, [30 December 1774?]
From: Cushing, Thomas
To: Franklin, Benjamin

[December 30, 1774?]
[First page or pages missing] their Proceedings are Contained in the public Papers [?]. I have lately been favoured with a Copy of Lord Dartmouth’s circular Letter to the Governors of the respective Colonies upon this Continent, wherein he Informs them, that His Majesty has thought fit, by his order in Council of the 19th October 1774, to prohibit the exportation from Great Britain of Gunpowder, or any sort of Arms or Ammunition and that it is his Majesty’s Command that they take the most Effectual Measures for Arresting, detaining and securing any Gunpowder or any sort of Arms or Ammunition, which may be attempted to be imported into the Province under their Government, unless the Master of the Ship, having such Military Stores on board, shall produce a licence from his Majesty or the Privy Council, for the exportation of the same from some of the Ports of Great Britain: The Colonies apprehend this Political Manoevre of the Ministry forebodes the most vigorous exertions of Martial Force. They are therefore adopting the most Effectual Methods to defend themselves against any Hostile Invasions of the Enemies to America. I am Informed that the People of Rhode Island having in consequence of this Intelligence been alarmed with the same Apprehensions, have removed the Powder Guns, Cannon and other Military Stores from the Fort at the Entrance of their Harbor into the Country where they are safely Lodged and that the People at Portsmouth in New hampshire have done the like by their Cannon and other Military Stores at the Fort at New castle at the entrance of their Harbour [remainder missing].
Benjamin Franklin Esqr.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from David Barclay, [December 1774?]
From: Barclay, David Junior
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Cheapside 4 ’Clo: [December, 1774?]
D. Barclay’s respects, and desires to see Dr. Franklin this Evening on particular Business.

Addressed: Doctor Franklin
Endorsed: recd at 7.


Title: Tract Relative to the Affair of Hutchinson’s Letters, [1774]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

This narrative opens quietly. Franklin explains why he has hitherto suffered in silence the political slings and arrows that have come his way, and why he is now breaking silence. Next he summarizes, more fully than anywhere else, the principles on which he has acted during the past decade and his progressive disillusionment with the policies of the King’s ministers. He then begins a factual account of the affair of the letters, and soon comes to the abuse heaped upon him for his part in it. From there on he is defending himself.
The scene at the Cockpit gave him cause to do so, if ever man had it. Although he had sent the letters without regard to the harm he might suffer from them, he could not have expected that more than a year later the skies would fall on him in the way they did. He is embittered–it shows between the lines of the tract and sometimes in them–and unrepentant. He sets out to demonstrate that he was blameless for following the line of duty, even though it helped to raise a whirlwind. The blame rests with the administration; the theme of the whole tract is in the penultimate sentence, “this they call Government.”
In the late winter of 1774 friends urged him to write his vindication, and he assured them that he was preparing it. He did so, but never finished and therefore never published it. He seems to have reworked the draft, as explained below; yet it breaks off in mid course. The urge for self-justification was a result of extreme provocation and, as he says, ran counter to his principles. As the provocation receded in time and he became more and more absorbed in the mounting crisis, he had less and less leisure, and apparently less and less incentive, to express his anger at past humiliation. “The Injuries, too, that my Country has suffer’d, have absorb’d private Resentments....”

His apologia raises three editorial questions. The first is when he wrote it. A short time before he returned to America, according to Sparks; probably soon after the hearing before the Privy Council, according to Crane, while he was still in a mood to fight back. He certainly began it in February, 1774, and in all likelihood continued it for several months. Then he put it aside, but we do not know when; we consequently print it at the end of the year.
The second question is how to handle the many quotations that he interspersed or meant to intersperse through the text. Some are extracts from his earlier correspondence, which it would be redundant to reprint but which cannot be entirely omitted without breaking the narrative thread; we therefore summarize each, with a reference to the full text and enough direct quotation to locate it there. He also meant to but did not include in the draft some other material, which we summarize in footnotes.
A third question is which text is the most authoritative. At first glance his draft would appear to be. But the copies, particularly the complete one, occasionally differ from it and from each other in details of wording, which are not of a sort to be explained by the scribes’ carelessness. Neither copy contains anything in Franklin’s hand. Our theory is that he made minor revisions in a copy of his draft, or more likely in two copies, which disappeared after it or they had been transcribed to produce the two that survive. We print the text of the draft and indicate any significant change of wording in the copies, not with assurance of reproducing Franklin’s ipsissima verba but in the hope of getting close to them.

[1774]
Having been from my Youth more or less engag’d in Publick Affairs, it has often happened to me in the Course of my Life to be censured sharply for the Part I took in them. Such Censures I have generally passed over in Silence, conceiving, when they were just, that I ought not to defend [interlined: rather to amend than defend] myself against them; and when they were undeserved that a little Time would justify me. Spots [interlined: Splashes] of Dirt thrown upon my Character, I suffered while fresh to remain; I did not chuse to spread by endeavouring to remove them, but rely’d on the vulgar Adage, that they would all rub off when they were dry. Much Experience has confirm’d my Opinion of the Propriety of this Conduct, for notwithstanding the frequent and sometimes virulent Attacks which the Jostling of Party Interests have drawn upon me, I have had the Felicity of bringing down to a good Old Age, as fair a Reputation, (may I be permitted to say it) as most publick Men that I have known, and have never had reason to repent my neglecting to defend it.
I should therefore (persisting as old Men ought to do in old Habits) have taken no Notice of the late Invective of the Sollicitor-General, nor of the abundant Abuse in the Papers, were I not urg’d to it by my Friends, who say, that the first being delivered by a publick Officer of Government before a high and most respectable Court, the Privy Council, and countenanc’d by its Report, and the latter having that for its Foundation, it behoves me, more especially as I am about to leave [interlined: leaving] this Country, to furnish them with the Knowledge of such Facts as may enable them to justify to others their good Opinion of me. This Compells me to my present Writing: for otherwise, having for some time past been gradually loosning all publick Connections, declining my Agencies, determin’d on retiring to my little Family that I might enjoy the Remainder of Life in private Repose, indifferent to the Opinion of Courtiers, as having nothing to seek or wish among them, and being secure that Time would soon lay the Dust which Prejudice and Party have so lately rais’d, I should not think of giving myself the Trouble of Writing and my Friends of reading an Apology for my political Conduct.
That this Conduct may be better understood, and its Consistency more apparent, it seems necessary that I should first explain the Principles on which I have acted. It has long appeared to me that the only true British Politicks were those which aim’d at the Good of the Whole British Empire, not those which sought the Advantage of one Part in the Disadvantage of the others. Therefore All Measures of procuring Gain to the Mother Country arising from Loss to her Colonies, and all of Gain to the Colonies arising from or occasioning Loss to Britain, especially where the Gain was small and the Loss great; every Abridgement of the Power of the Mother Country where that Power was not prejudicial to the Liberties of the Colonists, and every Diminution of the Priviledges of the Colonists, where they were not prejudicial to the Welfare of the Mother Country, I in my own Mind condemned as improper, partial, unjust, and mischievous, tending to create Dissensions, and weaken that Union, on which the Strength, Solidity, and Duration of the Empire greatly depended. And I opposed, as far as my little Powers went, all Measures [interlined: Proceedings] either here or in America, that in my Opinion had such Tendency. Hence it has often happened to me, that while I have been thought here too much of an American, I have in America been deem’d too much of an Englishman.
From a thorough Enquiry (on Occasion of the Stamp-Act) into the Nature of the Connection between Britain and the Colonies, I became convinced, that the Bond of their Union is not the Parliament but the King. That in removing to America, a Country out of the Realm, they did not carry with them the Statutes then existing; for if they did, the Puritans must have been subject there to the same grievous Acts of Conformity, Tithes, Spiritual Courts, &c. which they meant to be free from, by going thither; and in vain would they have left their native Country and all the Conveniencies and Comforts of its improved State, to combat the Hardships of a new Settlement in a distant Wilderness, if they had taken with them what they meant to fly from, or if they had left a Power behind them capable of sending the same Chains after them, to bind them in America. They took with them, however, by Compact, their Allegiance to the King, and a Legislative Power for the making a new Body of Laws, with his assent, by which they were to be governed. Hence they became distinct States, under the same Prince, as Scotland and England were before the Union, as Ireland is, as Jersey, Guernsey, and Hanover are, governed each by its own Laws, and by the same Sovereign; having each the Power of Granting their own Money to that Sovereign, and the Privilege of not being taxed but by their own Representatives.
At the same time I considered the King’s Supreme Authority over all the Colonies, as of the greatest Importance, to them, affording a dernier Resort, for settling all their Disputes, a Means of preserving Peace among them with each other, and a Center in which their Common Force might be united against a common Enemy. This Authority I therefore thought, when acting within its due Limits, should be ever as carefully supported by the Colonists as by the Inhabitants of Britain.
In Conformity with these Principles, and as Agent for the Colonies, I opposed the Stamp Act, and endeavoured to obtain its Repeal, as an Infringement of the Rights of the Colonists, of no real Advantage to Britain, since she might ever be sure of greater Aids from our voluntary Grants, than she could expect from arbitrary Taxes, as by losing our Respect and Affection on which much of her Commerce with us depended, she would lose more in that Commerce than she could possibly gain by such Taxes, and as it was detrimental to the Harmony which had till then so happily subsisted, and which was so essential to the Welfare of the whole. And to keep up as much as in me lay, a Reverence for the King, and a Respect for the British Nation on that Side the Water, and on this some Regard for the Colonies, (both tending to promote that Harmony,) I industriously on all Occasions in my Letters to America, represented the Measures that were grievous to them, as being neither Royal nor National Measures, but the Schemes of an Administration, which wished to recommend itself for its Ingenuity in Finance, or to avail itself of new Revenues in creating, by Places and Pensions, new Dependencies; for that the King was a good and gracious Prince, and the People of Britain their real Friends. And on this Side the Water, I represented the People of America as fond of Britain, concern’d for its Interests and its Glory, and without the least Desire of a Separation from it. In both Cases, I thought and still think, I did not exceed the Bounds of Truth, and I have the heart-felt Satisfaction attending good Intentions, even when they are not successful.
With these Sentiments I could not but see with Concern the Sending of Troops to Boston; and their Behaviour to the People there gave me infinite Uneasiness as I apprehended from that Measure the worst of Consequences, a Breach between the two Countries. And I was the more concern’d when I found, that it was conceived there as a National Measure, (since none here oppos’d it) and as a Proof that Britain had no longer a Parental Regard for them. I myself in Conversation sometimes spoke of it in this Light, and I own with some Resentment being myself a Native of that Country, till I was to my great Surprize, assured by a Gentleman of Character and Distinction (whom I am not at present permitted to name) that not only the Measure I particularly censur’d so warmly, but all the other Grievances we complain’d of took their rise not from Government here but were projected, proposed to Administration, sollicited and obtained by some of the most respectable among the Americans themselves, as necessary Measures for the Welfare of that Country. As I could not readily assent to the Probability of this, he undertook to convince me, and he hoped thro’ me (as their Agent here) my Country-men. Accordingly he call’d on me some Days after, and produc’d to me these very Letters from Lieut. Govr. Hutchinson, Secry. Oliver, and others, which have since been the Subject of so much Discussion.
Tho’ astonished, I could not but confess myself convinced, and I was ready as he desired to convince my Countrymen; for I saw, I felt indeed by its Effect upon myself the Tendency it must have towards a Reconciliation, which for the common Good I earnestly wished; it appear’d moreover my Duty to give my Constituents an Intelligence of such Importance to their Affairs. But there was some Difficulty, as the Gentleman would not permit Copies to be taken of the Letters; and if that could have been done, the Authenticity of those Copies might have been doubted and disputed. My simple Account of them as Papers I had seen would have been still less certain. I therefore wish’d to have the Use of the Originals for that purpose, which I at length obtained on these express Conditions, that they should not be printed, that no Copies should be taken of them, that they should be shown only to a few of the leading People of the Government, and that they should be carefully returned.
I accepted these Conditions, and under the same transmitted the original Letters to the Committee of Correspondence at Boston, without taking or reserving any Copy of them for myself. I agreed the more willingly to the Restraint, from an Apprehension that a Publication might, considering the State of Irritation in which the Minds of People there had long been kept, occasion some Riot of mischievous Consequence. I had no other Scruple in sending them, for as they had been handed about here to prejudice that People, why not to them for their Advantage? The Writers too had taken the same Liberty with the Letters of others, transmitting hither those of Rome and Auchmuty in Confirmation of their own Calumnies against the Americans; Copies of some of mine too had been return’d here by Officers of Government, why then should theirs be exempt from the same Treatment? To whom they had been directed here I could only conjecture; for I was not inform’d, and there was no Address upon them when I receiv’d them. My Letter in which I enclos’d them, express’d more fully the Motives above mention’d for sending them, and I shall presently give an Extract of so much of it as related to them.
But as it has on the contrary been roundly asserted that I did not as Agent transmit those Letters to the Assembly’s Committee of Correspondence; that I sent them to a Junto my peculiar Correspondents; that fearing to be known as the Person who sent them, I had insisted on the keeping that Circumstance a Secret; that I had “shown the utmost Solicitude to have that Secret kept,” and this has been urged as a demonstrative Proof that I was conscious of Guilt in the Manner of obtaining them; and therefore fear’d a Discovery so much as not to dare putting my name to the Letter in which I enclos’d them and which only appear’d to be mine by my well known Hand-Writing; I would here, previous to that Extract, observe, that on the same Paper was first written the Copy of a preceding Letter, which had been sent sign’d by me as usual; and accordingly the Letter now in question began with these Words, “The above is a Copy of my last.” and all the first Part of it was on Business transacted by me relating to the Affairs of the Province, and particularly to two Petitions sent to me as Agent by the Assembly, to be presented to the King. These Circumstances must have to every Person there as clearly shown me to be the Writer of that Letter, as my well-known Hand must have done to those peculiar Correspondents of my own, to whom it is said I sent it. If then I hoped to be conceal’d by not signing my Name to such a Letter, I must have been as silly as that Bird, which is suppos’d to think itself unseen when it has hid only its Head. And if I could depend on my Correspondents keeping secret a Letter and a Transaction which they must needs know were mine, I might as well have trusted them with my Name and could have no Motive for omitting it. In truth all I insisted on was, (in pursuance of my Engagement) that the Letters should not be printed or copied, but I had not at the time the least Thought or Desire of keeping my Part in that Transaction a Secret, and therefore so far from requesting it, I did not so much as give the smallest Intimation even that it would be agreable to me not to be mentioned on the Occasion. And if I had had that Inclination, I must have been very weak indeed to fancy, that the Person I wrote to, all the rest of the Committee of Correspondence, Five other Persons named, and “such others as the Committee might think fit to show them to,” with three Gentlemen here to whom I had communicated the Matter, should all keep as a Secret on my Account, what I did not state as a Secret, or request should be concealed.
So much, &c.
Here insert the Extracts.
So much of the Letter as relates to the Govrs. Letters, is as follows.
<”On this Occasion I think it fit to acquaint you” that he has acquired part of a correspondence that accounts, he believes, for most of the present colonial grievances. He is not free to tell how he acquired it, or to let it be printed or even copied, but a select few may see it; he encloses the original letters, which will reveal the authors by their handwriting. However much they may dislike exposure, they ought not to regret sacrificing their reputations for the sake of restoring harmony. Discovering that Americans have urged arbitrary measures has diminished his own resentment of Whitehall, and should have the same effect in Boston. The writers were following their selfish interests and betraying those of “the whole English Empire.”>
The next Letter is of Jan. 5. 1773 to the same Gentleman, beginning with these Words. “I did my self the Honour of Writing to you on the 2d of December past, enclosing some original Letters from Persons in Boston, which I hope got safe to hand.” And then goes on with other Business transacted by BF. as Agent, and is signed with his Name as usual. In Truth he never sent an anonymous Letter to any Person in America, since his Residence here, unless where two or more Letters happen’d to be on the same Paper, the first a Copy of a preceding Letter, and the subsequent Referring to the preceding, in that Case he may possibly have omitted Signing more than one of them as unnecessary.
The first Letter acknowledging the Receipt of the Papers is dated Boston March 24. 1773, and begins thus.
<”I have just received your Favor of the 2d. December last” and communicated its enclosures to some of the gentlemen mentioned. They believe that copies should be taken and kept for future use. He cannot consent without Franklin’s explicit permission, he has told them, and will request it and “strictly Conform to your directions.”>
The next Letter, dated April 20. 1773 begins thus,
<”I wrote you in my last” about the views of those who have seen the correspondence. Unless it can be retained or copied he will be in difficulty, for they agree that no good can come of revealing it to a few “barely to satisfy their Curiosity.”>
On the 9th of March I wrote to the same Person, not having then receiv’d the preceding Letters, and mention’d my having written to him of the 2d of December and 5th of January; and knowing what Use was made against the People there of every trifling Mob, and fearing lest if the Letters should contrary to my Directions be made publick, something more serious of the kind might happen, I concluded that Letter thus;
<”I must hope that great Care will be taken to keep our People quiet,” lest violence provide an excuse for increasing armed coercion. The colonies are becoming so strong that soon none of their just claims can be ignored or security for “our Rights be deny’d us.”>
Mine of May 6. begins thus; “I have received none of your Favours since that of Nov. 28. I have since written to you of the following Dates, Dec. 2. Jan. 5. March 9. and April 3. which I hope got safe to hand.” Thus in two out of three Letters subsequent to that of Dec. 2. which enclos’d the Govrs. Letters, I mention’d my Writing that Letter, which shows I could have no Intention of concealing my having written it; and that therefore the Assertion of my sending it anonymous is without Probability.
In mine of June 2. 1773 I acknowledge the Receipt of his of Mar. 24 and not being able to answer immediately his Request of leave to copy the Letters I said nothing of them then, postponing that Subject to an Opportunity which was expected two Days after; viz. June 4, when my Letter of that Date concludes thus, “As to the Letters I communicated to you, tho’ I have not been able to obtain Leave to take Copies or publish them, I have Permission to let the Originals remain with you as long as you may think it of any Use to have the Originals in Possession.”
In mine of July 7. 1773. I answer the above of April 20. as follows.
<”The Letters communicated to you” were not to satisfy curiosity but to reveal the Governor for what he is. They need not be quickly returned, must not be copied, but may be shown to “as many as you think proper.”>

The same Person writes to me of June 14. 1773. in these Terms;
<”I have endeavoured inviolably to keep to your Injunctions,” and only two others know who sent the letters to Boston and to whom. Revealing himself as their recipient might damage him, but their existence is an open secret now that ten or fifteen people have seen them; he is surprised that “they did not get Air before.”>
Then he goes on to relate how the Assembly having heard of them, oblig’d him to produce them; but engag’d not to print them; and that they afterwards did nevertheless print them, having got over that Engagement: by the Appearance of Copies in the House produc’d by a Member who it was reported had just receiv’d them from England. This Letter concludes, “I have done all in my Power strictly to conform to your Restrictions, but from the Circumstances above related you must be sensible it was impossible to prevent the Letters being made publick, and therefore hope I shall be free from all Blame respecting this Matter.”
This Letter accounts for its being unexpectedly to me, made a Secret in Boston that I had sent the Letters. The Gent. to whom I sent them, had his Reasons for desiring not to be known as the Person who receiv’d and communicated them; but as this would have been suspected if it were known that I sent them, that Circumstance was to be kept a Secret. Accordingly they were given to another to be by him produc’d to the Committee.
My Answer to this was of July 25. 1773. as follows.
<”I am favour’d with yours of June 14,” and acquits him of responsibility for what was done. But the report that copies of the correspondence came from England must be false, a way to relieve the House from maintaining secrecy. The action precipitated by the letters will, Franklin hopes, benefit the province. He had not meant to conceal his own role, but did his duty as agent and disregarded any consequences to himself. Now that the letters are printed, however, he would like though does not expect to keep that role secret. He will conceal Cushing’s role, but may have to show his letter to the person who obtained the correspondence in order to escape blame “for Breach of Engagement.”>
With the above mention’d Letter of the 14th June, I received one from another of the Gentlemen to whom the Papers had been communicated, which says, “By whom and to whom they were sent is still a Secret, known only to three Persons here, and may still remain so if you desire it.” My Answer to him, of July 25. was,
<”I accompanied them with no Restriction relating to myself,” but should be glad to keep the sender concealed now that publication of the letters “has changed the Circumstances.”>
His Reply to this, of the 10th of November, is
<”After all the sollicitous Inquiries of the Governor and his Friends,” only the three persons yet know by and to whom the letters were sent; and they will keep the secret unless otherwise informed. He admires Franklin’s candor and disregard for danger to himself in rendering “this essential Service to our injur’d Country.”>
To another Friend I wrote of the same Date, July 25, what will show the Apprehensions I was constantly under of the Mischiefs that might attend a Breach from the Exasperated State of Things, and the Arguments I used to prevent it. Viz.
<”I am glad to see that you are elected into the Council,” where his abilities will be put to good use. Some want an immediate rupture, the Boston papers say, but America’s growing strength will soon give force to her claims, and a premature struggle would be dangerous; not every governmental encroachment on rights is worth a rebellion. Continue to assert those rights, keep the people aware of them, and gain support from the other colonies. The strength of Great Britain, which is worth preserving, depends in great part on the Americans, who within a few years will gain all the security for “our inestimable Privileges that we can wish or desire.”>
His Answer of Dec. 31. is,
<”I concur perfectly with you,” for only desperate cases justify desperate remedies. Americans have grown impatient at seeing new irritations added to old, and the arrangement for the East India Company’s tea seems to have ended their patience; when attempts to return the tea failed, it was destroyed in Boston. If the ministry takes measures to enforce the duty, “they will turn America into a Field of Blood. But I will hope for the best.”>
I am told that Administration is possess’d of most of my Letters sent or receiv’d on Publick Affairs for some Years past, Copies of them having been obtain’d from the Files of the several Assemblies, or as they pass’d thro’ the Post-Office. I do not condemn their ministerial Industry, or complain of it. The foregoing Extracts may be compar’d with those Copies; and I can appeal to them with Confidence, that upon such Comparison these Extracts will be found faithfully made. And that the whole Tenor of my Letters has been, to persuade Patience, and a careful Guarding against all Violence, under the Grievances complain’d of; and this from various Considerations such as that the Welfare of the Empire depended upon the Union of its Parts; that the Sovereign was well-dispos’d towards us, and the Body of this Nation our Friends and Well wishers, that it was the Ministry only who were prejudic’d against us; that the Sentiments of Ministers might in time be changed, or the Ministers themselves be changed; or that if those Chances fail’d, at least Time would infallibly bring Redress, since the Strength, Weight and Importance of America was continually and rapidly increasing, and its Friendship of course daily becoming more valuable and more likely to be cultivated by an Attention to its Rights. The News Papers have announc’d, that Treason is found in some of my Letters. It must then be of some new Species. The Invention of Court Lawyers has always been fruitful in the Discovery of new Treasons; and perhaps it is now become Treason to censure the Conduct of Ministers. None of any other kind, I am sure can be found in my Correspondence.
The Effect of the Governors’ Letters on the Minds of the People in New England, when they came to be read there, was precisely what had been expected and proposed by sending them over. It was now seen that the Grievances which had been so deeply resented as Measures of the Mother Country were in fact the Measures of two or three of their own People; of course all that Resentment was withdrawn from her, and fell where it was proper it should fall on the Heads of those Caitiffs, who were the Authors of the Mischief. Both Houses took up the Matter in this Light. The Council resolv’d that
Here insert some of the Resolutions of the Council.
And the House of Representatives agreed to the following Resolves, reported by the Committee appointed to consider the Letters, viz.
Here insert them.
Upon these Resolutions was founded the following Petition, transmitted to me to be presented to his Majesty.
Here insert it.
Lord Dartmouth, Secretary of State for the Colonies, being in the Country when I receiv’d this Petition, I transmitted it to his Lordship inclos’d in the following Letter.
Here insert it.

To which Letter his Lordship was pleased to return me the following Answer.
Here insert it.
Both Houses at the same time join’d in a Letter to Lord Dartmouth on this Subject, of which the following is a true Copy. It came thro’ my Hands and I transmitted it to his Ld.
Here insert the Letter of June 29. from the True State.
No one who knows Lord D. can doubt the Sincerity of the good Wishes express’d in his Letter to me; and if his Majesty’s other Servants had fortunately been possess’d of the same benevolent Dispositions, with as much of that Attention to the Publick Interest, and Dexterity in Managing it, as Statesmen of this Country generally show in obtaining and Securing their Places, here was a fine Opportunity put into their Hands of “re-establishing the Union and Harmony that formerly subsisted between Great Britain and her Colonies,” so necessary to the Welfare of both, and upon the easy Condition of only “restoring Things to the State they were in at the Conclusion of the late War.” This was a solemn Declaration sent over from the Province most aggriev’d; with which they acquitted Britain of their Grievances, and charg’d them all upon a few Individuals of their own Country. Upon the Heads of those very mischievous Men they deprecated no Vengeance, tho’ that of the whole Nation was justly merited; they considered it as a hard thing for an Administration to punish a Governor who had acted from Orders, tho’ the Orders had been procured by his Misrepresentations and Calumnies; they therefore only petitioned, “that his Majesty would be pleased to remove T. H. Esq. and A. O. Esq. from their Posts in that Government and place good and faithful Men in their stead.” These Men might have been plac’d or pension’d elsewhere, as others have been; or Like the ScapeGoats of old, they might have carried away into the Wilderness all the Offences which had arisen between the two Countries, with the Burthen of which, they, having been the Authors of these Mischiefs, were most justly chargeable.
But this Opportunity our Ministers had not the Wisdom to embrace; they chose rather to reject it, and to abuse and punish me for giving it. A Court Clamour was rais’d against me as an Incendiary; and the very Action upon which I valued my self, as it appeard to me a Means of lessening our Differences, I was unlucky enough to find charg’d upon me as a wicked Attempt to increase them. Strange Perversion!
I was it seems equally unlucky in another Action, which I also intended for a good One and which brought on the above mention’d Clamour. The News being arriv’d here of the divulging  those Letters in America, great Enquiry was made who had transmitted them. Mr. Temple a Gentleman of the Customs, was accus’d of it in the Papers. He vindicated himself. A publick Altercation ensu’d upon it between him and a Mr. Wheatley, Brother and Executor to the Person to whom it was supposed the Letters had been originally written, and who was suspected by some of communicating them, on the Supposition that by his Brother’s Death they might have fallen into his Hands. As the Gentleman to whom I sent them, had in his Letter to me above recited, given an important Reason for his Desiring it shd be conceal’d that he was the Person who receiv’d them, and had for the same Reason chosen not to let it be known I sent them, I suffer’d that Altercation to go on without interfering, supposing it would end, as other Newspaper Debates usually do, when the Parties and the Publick should be tired of them. But this Debate, unexpectedly, produc’d a Duel. The Gentlemen were parted; Mr. Wheatly was hurt, but not dangerously. This however alarm’d me, and made me wish I had prevented it. But imagining all now over between them, I still kept Silence, till I heard that the Duel was understood to be unfinish’d, as having been interrupted by Persons accidentally near, and that it would probably be repeated as soon as Mr. Wheatly who was mending daily, had recover’d his Strength. I then thought it high time to interpose. And as the Quarrel was for the Publick Opinion, I took what I thought the shortest way to settle that Opinion with regard to the Parties, by publishing what follows, viz.
(Here insert Letter to Printer.)
This Declaration of mine was at first generally approv’d, except that some blam’d me for not having made it sooner, so as to prevent the Duel; but I had not the Gift of Prophecy; I could not foresee that the Gentlemen would fight; I did not even foresee that either of them could possibly take it ill of me. I imagin’d I was doing them a good Office, in clearing both of them from Suspicion, and removing the Cause of their Difference. I should have thought it natural for them both to have thank’d me; but I was mistaken as to one of them. His Wounds perhaps at first prevented him; and afterwards he was tutor’d probably to another kind of Behaviour by his Court Connections. My only Acquaintance with this Gentleman, Mr. Wheatly, was from an Application he made to me to do him the favour of enquiring after some Land in Pennsylvania, suppos’d to have been purchas’d anciently from the first Proprietor, by a Major Thomson his Grandfather, of which they had some imperfect Memorandums in the Family, but knew not whether it might not have been sold or convey’d away by him in his Life time as there was no Mention of it in his Will. I took the Trouble of Writing accordingly to a Friend of mine an eminent Lawyer there, well acquainted with such Business, desiring him to make the Enquiry. He took some Pains in it at my Request, and succeeded; and in a Letter inform’d me that he had found the Land; that the Proprietary claim’d it, but he thought the Title was clear to the Heir of Thomson; that he could easily recover it for him; and would undertake it if Mr. Wheatly should think fit to imploy him; or if he should rather chuse to sell it, my Friend impower’d me to make him an Offer of £5000 Sterling for it. With this Letter I waited upon him about a Month before the Duel at his House in Lombard Street, the first time I had ever been in it. He was pleas’d with the Intelligence, and call’d upon me once or twice afterwards to concert the Means of making out his Title. I mention some of these Circumstances to show that it was not thro’ any previous Acquaintance with him that I came to the Knowledge of the famous Letters; for they had been in America near a Year before I so much as knew where he liv’d: and the others I mention to show his Gratitude. I could have excus’d his not thanking me for sparing him a second Hazard of his Life: For tho’ he might feel himself serv’d, he might also apprehend that to seem pleas’d would look as if he was afraid of fighting again. Or perhaps he did not value his Life at any thing. But the Addition to his Fortune one would think of some Value to a Banker. And yet the Return this worthy Gentleman made me, for both Favours, was without the smallest previous Notice, Warning, Complaint or Request to me, directly or indirectly, exprest in any Manner whatsoever, to clap upon my Back a Chancery Suit. His Bill set forth, “That he was Administrator of the Goods and Chattells of his late Brother Thomas Whately; that some Letters had been written to his said Brother by the Governors Hutchinson and Oliver, that those Letters had been in the Custody of his said Brother at the time of his Death, or had been by him deliver’d to some other Person for Perusal and to be by such Person safely kept and returned to said Thomas Whately; that the same had by some means come into my Hands; that to prevent a Discovery, I, or some Person by my Order, had erased the Address of the Letters to the said T. Whately; that carrying on the Trade of a Printer I had by my Agents or Confederates, printed and published the same Letters in America, and disposed of great Numbers; that I threatned to print and sell the same here in England; and that he had applied to me to deliver up to him the said Letters and all Copies thereof, and desist from printing and publishing the same, and account with him for the Profits thereof; and he was in hopes I would have complied with such Request, but so it was that I had refused, &c. contrary to Equity and good Conscience and to the manifest Injury and Oppression of him the Complainant; and praying my Lord Chancellor, that I might be obliged to discover how I came by the Letters, what Number of Copies I had printed and sold, and to account with him for the Profits, &c. &c.” The Gentleman himself must have known, that every Circumstance of this was totally false, that of his Brother’s having deliver’d the Letters to some other Person for Perusal, excepted. Those as little acquainted with Law as I was, (who indeed never before had a Suit of any kind) may wonder at this as much as I did. But I have now learnt that in Chancery, tho’ the Defendant must swear to the Truth of every Point in his Answer, the Plaintiff is not put to his Oath, or obliged to have the least Regard to Truth in his Bill, but is allow’d to lie as much as he pleases. I do not understand this, unless it be for the Encouragement of Business.
My Answer upon Oath was, That the Letters in question were given to me, and came into my Hands as Agent for the House of Representatives of the Province of Massachusetts Bay; that when given to me I did not know to whom they had been addressed, no Address appearing upon them; nor did I know before that any such Letters existed; that I had not been for many Years concern’d in Printing; that I did not cause the Letters to be printed, nor direct the doing it; that I did not eraze any Address that was [interlined: might have been] on the Letters, nor did I know that any other Person had made such Erazure; that I did as Agent to the Province transmit, (as I apprehended it my Duty to do) the said Letters to one of the Committee with whom I had been directed to correspond, inasmuch as in my Judgment they related to Matters of great Publick Importance to that Province, and were put into my Hands for that purpose: that I had never been applied to by the Complainant as asserted in his Bill, and had made no Profit of the Letters, nor intended to make any, &c.
It was about this time become evident, that all Thought of Reconciliation with the Colony of the Massachusetts Bay, (by some kind Attention to their Petitions and a Redress of their Grievances) was laid aside; that Severity was resolv’d; and that the Decrying and vilifying the People of that Country, and me their Agent among the rest, was quite a Court Measure. It was the Ton with all the ministerial Folks to abuse them and me in every Company and in every Newspaper; and it was intimated to me as a thing settled, long before it happened, that the Petition for Removal of the Governors was to be rejected, the Assembly censur’d, and myself, who had presented it, was to be punished by the Loss of my Place in the Post Office. For all this I was therefore prepar’d: But the Attack from Mr. Wheatly was I own a surprize to me. Under the above-mentioned Circumstances of Obligation, and without the slightest Provocation, I could not have imagined any Man base enough to commence of his own Motion such a vexatious Suit against me. But a little accidental Information serv’d to throw some Light upon the Business. An Acquaintance calling on me after having just been at the Treasury, show’d me what he stil’d a pretty Thing for a Friend of his. It was an Order for £150 payable to Dr. Johnson, said to be One Half of his Yearly Pension, and drawn by the Secretary of the Treasury on this same Mr. Whately. I then consider’d him as a Banker to the Treasury for the Pension-Money, and thence as having an interested Connection with Administration, that might induce him to act by Direction of others in harassing me with this Suit, which gave me if possible a still meaner Opinion of him, than if he had done it of his own Accord.
What farther Steps he or his Confederates the M[iniste]rs will take in this Cause I know not. I do not in[deed] believe the Banker himself, finding there are no Profits to be shar’d would willingly lay out a Sixpence more upon the Suit; but then my Finances are not sufficient to cope at Law with the Treasury especially when Administration has taken Care to prevent my Constituents of N England from paying me any Salary, or reimbursing me any Expences, by a special Instruction to their Governor, not to sign any Warrant for that purpose on the Treasury there.
The Injustice of thus depriving the People there of the Use of their own Money to pay an Agent acting in their Defence, while the Governor with a large Salary out of the Money extorted from them by Act of Parliament was enabled to pay plentifully Mauduit and Wedderburne to abuse and defame them and their Agent, is so evident as to need no Comment. But this they call Government. To this Proceeding we shall come presently.


Title: Lord Howe to Caroline Howe, 2 January 1775
From: Howe, Rear Adm. Richard, Viscount
To: Howe, Caroline

No 8
Porters Lodge Jany. 2d, 1775
I have received your packet; and it is with much concern that I collect, from sentiments of such authority as those of our worthy friend, that the desired accommodation, threatens to be attended with much greater difficulty than I had flattered myself in the progress of our intercourse, there would be reason to apprehend.
I shall forward the propositions as intended; Not desirous of trespassing farther on our friends indulgence; But retaining sentiments of regard, which his candid and obliging attention to my troublesome inquiries, will render ever permanent in the memory of your affectionate &c.
Howe
I ought to make excuses likewise to you.

Addressed: Honble Mrs. Howe / Grafton Street


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Caroline Howe, [3 January 1775]
From: Howe, Caroline
To: Franklin, Benjamin

No. 7
Tuesday. [January 3, 1775]
Mrs. Howe’s Compliments to Dr. Franklin, she encloses him a Letter she received last night, and returns him many thanks for his very obliging present, which has already given her great entertainment. If the Docter has any spare time for Chess, she will be exceedingly glad to see him any morning this week, and as often as will be agreeable to him, and rejoices in having so good an excuse for asking the favour of his Company.

Addressed: To / Dr. Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jean-Baptiste LeRoy, 3 January 1775
From: Le Roy, Jean-Baptiste
To: Franklin, Benjamin

3 Janvier 1775
Je n’ai reçu Monsieur et cher confrère votre lettre et le Pacquet que vous avez bien voulu m’envoyer qu’il y a quelque temps et alors J’etois un peu malade de m’être trop echauffé à travailler cet automne. Je me porte beaucoup mieux actuellement et je profite de l’Occasion de M. Wildman pour vous écrire un petit mot.
Je ne doute pas que le Parlement mieux éclairé sur les Interêts de la nation britannique ne revienne aux voyes de la douceur et qu’on n’ajoutera ce nouveau trait à votre eloge que vous avez beaucoup contribué à rétablir l’union entre la Metropole et ses colonies du Nord de l’Amérique. J’ai lu avec grand plaisir dans une Gazette Angloise que la Pensylvanie vous a nommé de nouveau son agent auprès de la cour britannique. Il faut que je me plaigne de vous comment vous imaginez que les diffèrrens de vos compatriotes ne m’intéressent pas quoique né sous un gouvernement monarchique vous avez pu voir dans nos diffèrrens entretiens, que je me rappelle toujours avec plaisir, que je n’en prise pas moins la liberte et qu’en consequent Je prends le plus grand Interêt in The Struggle of your worthy Americans for their Liberty. J’ai été enchante de la Sagesse de la modèration et en même temps de la fermeté qui regne dans les avis du committé de Philadelphie a ses constituents et les raisons de M. Dickenson m’ont paru victorieuses en faveur de sa cause. M. De Malesherbes est si accablè d’affaires que je n’ai pas encore pu le Joindre pour lui faire part de tout ce que vous me mandez pour lui il est dans ce moment l’idole de Paris et de la Nation il sera élu de l’Academie Françoise le 12 de ce mois à la place d’un academicien, M. Du Pré de St. Maur, mort depuis quelque temps et ce sera unaniment ou par acclamation. Je vous envoye avec cette lettre les Discours quil a prononcès à sa reinstallation et dans une autre circonstance. Pardon je ne puis vous en dire davantage et Je suis obligé de finir en vous assurant de la Sincère et tendre amitié que vous m’avez Inspirée et avec laquelle Je serai pour toute la vie quelque region que vous habitiez Monsieur et cher confrére Votre très humble et très obéïssant Serviteur
Le Roy

J’espere bien que vous voudriez bien ne pas m’oublier auprès de M. Le Chevalier Pringle et de M. Walsh et leur dire que je leur souhaite dans cette nouvelle année comme à vous la meilleure santé et tout ce que peut contribuer à leur bonheur. Vous voudrez bien dire à M. Walsh que j’ai reçu son présent dont je le remercie bien.


Title: Hannah Walker to Margaret Stevenson, 4 January 1775
From: Walker, Hannah
To: Stevenson, Margaret

Most Dear and Honoured Madam
Westbury. Jan 4 1775
I Humbly return ten thousand thanks to my good and kind Benefactor for his great Charity to me and return you most Humble thanks for your goodness in continuing it for me so which I Shall be Extremly frugal and beg Pardon for being So long before I returned my Gratefullness for so great kindness but I have been Extremly ill but thank God am better and When I am as contented as I can but am very Sorry as it happened as my Poor unfortunate Son was not so fortunate as to be Elected One for when I rec’d your kind Letter it struct him so Pensive for Some time I was Exceeding sorry for him at Last he burst in tears Saying he Should never have a new coat Now. Indeed Poor Boy he had always one for Sundays and one for Every day till Now and he knows Poor Boy how hard it is to get victuals for Bread at Eighteen pence a Loaf and we Eat three Loaves in a week and a gallon of Barley flour that is ten pence per gallon When we be all at home and that is chiefly for these times People can’t get clothes and if the Poor People get a trifle go to the Second hand Shop Which makes our trade very bad for When he works at any thing Else he has not his victuals so Dear Madam I will Leave you to consider if it is not Charity Indeed for which I hope God will reward your goodness with health and Plenty many years. I once more return my Gratfullest acknowledgement to you and my Dear Friend and Kind Benefactor and Humbly beg the acceptance of my Duty to good Dr Franklin and yourself hoping you will excuse my writing for I am scarce capable but thought it my bounden Duty as Soon as I could do it at any rate. Madam do you never hear from Boston Now for I am quite uneasy as I never can hear from my son? I suppose the Troubles as are there hinder the Letters from coming over. I hope Dear Madam you are in good health and my good Friend Dr. Franklin from your most Humble and most Obedient Servant
Hannah Walker

Addressed: To / Mrs Stevenson in Craven / Street near the Strand / London


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Ansell, 5 January 1775
From: Ansell, William
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Snetterton Norfolk Jan 5: 1774 [i.e., 1775]
I have taken the Liberty of sending a Turkey by the Norwich Coach who Inns at the Bull Bishopgate street which I hope youll Do me the favor to Exsept. May I beg to know what time you think of Leaving England as I wish to trouble you with one hour of my Company before you sail for America. I find my Neibour Foulger Left England in fine spirits with Gods Leave I hope to See him within a 11 Months. I Remain Sir With respects your Humble Servant.
Wm. Ansell
Mr. Franklin

Addressed: To / Ben: Franklin Esqr / at / Mrs. Stevensons / Craven Street / Strand  London.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Benjamin Rush, 7 January 1775
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Rush, Benjamin

This letter of introduction is the initial appearance in Franklin’s correspondence of a young man who later became important to him, first as his editor and then as Shelburne’s emissary during the peace negotiations of 1782. Benjamin Vaughan (1751–1835) was the eldest son of Samuel Vaughan, a wealthy English merchant with interests in Jamaica. The father was a close friend of Joseph Priestley, had known Franklin for some years, and was a member of the Club of Honest Whigs; he had a penchant for science, the arts, and other worthy causes. Benjamin was born in Jamaica and educated in England. He was at school under Priestley at Warrington and stayed in his house; from there he went to Lincoln’s Inn in 1765, even though he was only fourteen, and three years later to Cambridge, where as a Unitarian he could not formally matriculate. He subsequently studied medicine at Edinburgh, but became neither a lawyer nor a physician; at this time he seems to have been in business with his father. The two had projected a tour of North America. But Samuel abandoned the idea when hostilities broke out, and we have no evidence that the son went by himself.

Dear Sir,
London, Jany. 7. 1775.
This will be delivered to you by Mr. Benja. Vaughan, a young Gentleman of most amiable Character, and my particular Friend. His thorough Acquaintance with philosophic Subjects, will make his Conversation agreable to you, as I know yours will be to him; and I expect to have Thanks from both of you, for introducing you to each other’s Acquaintance. My best Wishes attend you, being ever, dear Sir, Your affectionate Friend and most obedient Servant
B Franklin
Dr Rush

Addressed: To / Dr Benja Rush / Professor of Chemistry / in the College of / Philadelphia
Notation: B: Franklin  Jany. 7. 1775


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jonathan Shipley, 7 January 1775
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Shipley, Jonathan

London, Jan. 7. 1775.
I find it impossible to visit my dear Friend at Twyford as I promis’d myself. My Time is totally engross’d by Business.
The Petition from the Congress has been presented to the King by Lord Dartmouth to whom we delivered it for that purpose. The Answer we receiv’d was, that his Majesty had been pleased to receive it very graciously, and had commanded him to tell us, “it contain’d Matters of such Importance that he should as soon as they met lay it before his two Houses of Parliament.”  We have been advised not to let it be printed till it has been communicated to Parliament as an immediate Publication might be deem’d disrespectful to the King. But I inclose a Copy for your Perusal. It will fall short of what you wish in the Manner, not equalling the admirable Remonstrances of the French Parliaments or the Cour des Aides; but having made some Allowances for unpolish’d America, you will not I hope think it much amiss. When I consider that Congress, as consisting of Men, the free, unbias’d, unsollicited Choice of the Freeholders of a great Country, selected from no other Motives than the general Opinion of their Wisdom and Integrity, to transact Affairs of the greatest Importance to their Constituents, and indeed of as great Consequence as any that have come under Consideration in any great Council for Ages past; and that they have gone thro’ them with so much Coolness, tho’ under great Provocations to Resentment; so much Firmness, under Cause to apprehend Danger; and so much Unanimity, under every Endeavour to divide and sow Dissensions among them; I cannot but look upon them with great Veneration. And I question whether I should be so proud of any Honour any King could confer upon me, as I am of that I receiv’d by only having my Health drank by that Assembly. By the way, I am well inform’d they drank the B. of St. A. in three successive Bumpers; but it was not so mention’d in the Papers, lest some other Friends might be displeas’d. I have cut out of a Boston Paper, and inclose an Advertisement of the Speech, by which may be seen something of the Esteem in which it is held there. My best Wishes attend the whole good Family. Miss Georgiana will be so good as to excuse my not Writing to her at present. With the sincerest Respect and Affection, I am ever, Your Lordship’s most obedient and most humble Servant
B Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Caroline Howe, [7 January? 1775]
From: Howe, Caroline
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Grafton Street Saturday [January 7?, 1775]
Mrs. Howe’s compliments to Dr. Franklin, he may depend upon her care. She has just now received a letter from Ld. Howe which she wishes to communicate to the Docter. Business obliges her to be out this morning till one, if it would not be inconvenient to him to call upon her after that hour any time before four, or in the afternoon betwixt 6 and 8 she shall be happy to see him; and she is likewise in hopes of his company at Chess to morrow.

Addressed: To / Dr. Franklin / Craven Street


Title: Replies to Questions from Lord Howe, [7 January? 1775]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Howe, Rear Adm. Richard, Viscount

Franklin, in reply to Mrs. Howe’s request in the preceding document, called upon her immediately. She showed him a letter from her brother that asked for the American’s answers to two questions. First, would his constituents approve his agreeing to pay for the tea, on condition that they were promised redress of their grievances when their assembly petitioned for it? Second, did he still hold to the position he had taken in his “Hints” on aids or requisitions? He answered the questions then and there, in reverse order, and she copied and forwarded his reply that evening.

No 9
[January 7?, 1775]
The proposition in the former Paper relating to Aids; is still in Contemplation of the Author, and, as he thinks, is included in the last Article of the present Paper.
The People of America conceiving that Parliament has no Right to tax them, and that there fore all that has been extorted from them by the Operation of the Duty Acts, with the Assistance of an armed Force, preceding the Destruction of the Tea, is so much Injury, which ought in order of time to be first repair’d, before a Demand on the Tea Account can be justly made of them; are not, he thinks likely to approve of the Measure proposed, and pay in the first place the Value demanded, especially as 20 times as much Injury has since been done them by blocking up their Port, and their Castle also seiz’d before by the Crown has not been restor’d, nor any Satisfaction offered them for the same.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from David Barclay, 10 January 1775
From: Barclay, David Junior
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Cheapside 10th: 1st mo. 75
David Barclay presents his Respects and acquaints Dr. Franklin that if he could, without inconvenience, call on DB this Morning at Ten ’Clock his Company would be particularly acceptable. DB has been indisposed several Days past, or he should have waited on Dr. Franklin.

Addressed: Doctor Franklin / Craven street


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Percival, 10 January 1775: résumé
From: Percival, Thomas
To: Franklin, Benjamin

<Manchester, January 10, 1775, a note in the third person: Presents his compliments and encloses an extract from Bede’s Ecclesiastical History. The experiment of calming waves with oil was successfully performed in Manchester last week.>


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from David Barclay, 12 January 1775
From: Barclay, David Junior
To: Franklin, Benjamin

The merchants’ meeting that had been planned in late December was postponed to January 4, when some three or four hundred men concerned with the American trade met at the King’s Arms Tavern in Cornhill. Barclay offered two motions: that the state of the North American trade made a petition to Parliament expedient, and that a committee should be appointed to draw it up and report to another meeting on the 11th. The motion was unanimously carried, and Barclay was named to the drafting committee. Four or five hundred attended the second meeting at the King’s Arms, and approved the draft with almost no dissent. It stressed the importance of the American trade, which had been disastrously affected by the Stamp Act, the Townshend Acts, and now by the Tea Act; the public revenue was threatened, along with the livelihood of British merchants, artisans, and manufacturers, and commercial policy should therefore be thoroughly re-examined. The petitioners asked to be heard, en masse or through representatives, before the House of Commons.
This rhetoric and activity were misleading. The government, especially now that the elections were over, was in too strong a political position to be swayed by economic arguments, which in any case were often half-hearted. Mercantile opposition was a broken reed; Barclay did his utmost to turn it into a cudgel, but the task was hopeless. What part Franklin played is unclear, for although he often conferred with his friend and other merchants he seems in general to have kept in the background. How much he hoped to achieve is also unclear. Perhaps he retained his old optimism unimpaired; perhaps on the other hand he realized by then that no petition or deluge of petitions was going to divert that ministry from its course. “Petitions are odious here.”

Cheapside 12th 1st: Mo: Jany. 75
D. Barclay presents his Respects to Dr: Franklin, and acquaints him, that he is obliged to be absent from home the greatest part of to Day and Tomorrow, and therefore requests he will not give himself the Trouble of calling in Cheapside, as DB hath nothing in particular to impart, The unanimous Approbation of the Petition appearing in the public Papers.

Addressed: Doctor Benjamin Franklin / Cravenstreet


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jonathan Shipley, 12 January 1775
From: Shipley, Jonathan
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Twyford. Jan: 12th [1775]
I think as You do that the highest Pitch of human Honour is the approbation of a free and virtuous People. I have had much more of it than falls to my share but that pleasure is temperd as it ought to be with a proper sense of my own Unworthiness. But I can only be consider’d by them as a distant unconnected Well wisher. Your Name will justly be reverd by them as their first Patriot, whose abilities have servd and defended their Country; and as their first Philosopher, who has taught and enlighten’d America.
I thank You most cordially for the Copy of the Petition to the King, which I approve and admire. They have set forth their Grievances with a serious and manly decency, in the very language which a free People ought to use to their Sovereign. But We I suppose shall advise his Majesty to support the Legislative Authority of the Mother Country. Yet I am perswaded that Government at present would be very glad of a Reconciliation, and if any method could be contrivd to save their honour I doubt not but they would come down to your Terms. I am sorry that your Business which I can easily conceive may at present be of the most important nature has made us lose so valuable a Guest. My intention is to be in Town next Monday se’n night. No great Question, I think, can be brought on earlier. Mrs. Shipley and all our disappointed Family join in kindest Respects. I am, Dear Sir Your obligd and affectionate
J St Asaph


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jacques Barbeu-Dubourg, 13 January 1775
From: Barbeu-Dubourg, Jacques
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Mon cher Maitre
A Paris ce 13e. j[anvie]r 1775.
Il y a longtems que je n’ai eu l’honneur de vous ecrire j’en suis honteux. Lors du depart de M[essieu]rs Magellan et Priestley, j’avois une lettre prete à fermer lorsqu’on m’annonça pour le jour meme de la part de M. Le Roy que son parent m’apporteroit les 8 Louis qu’il vous doit. Je l’attendis vainement et je passay chez M Magellan 2 heures apres son depart. Depuis ce tems ce même homme m’a fait reïterer de semaine en semaine la meme promesse, et ne l’a point encore tenue, quoiqu’une de ses parentes le lutine presque sans cesse sur cela. Votre belle experience de l’huile versée sur les flots a trouvé icy quantité d’incredules, mais d’un autre côté plusieurs marins y ont rendu des temoignages favorables, d’apres des faits analogues a eux bien connus; cependant je n’ai point appris qu’aucun de nos Physiciens, se soit attaché à les verifier, jusqu’a ce jour. Vous savez sans doute ce que Mr. Allamand a fait sur cela en hollande, et avec quel succès, l’heureuse pratique des matelots de Scheveling me persuade de plus en plus que l’idée qui est venue à un marin de ma connoissance M. de Billy est parfaitement bien conçue. Il voudroit que quand deux vaisseaux se rencontrent en mer, et veulent se communiquer quelque chose par leurs canots, on jettat du vaisseau qui a le dessus du vent un peu d’huile dans l’espece de canal intermediaire pour applanir les lames et faciliter l’abordage du canot a l’autre vaisseau, où la lame brise le plus fort pour l’ordinaire.
J’ai reçu deux lettres bien interessantes du Dr. Rush l’une d’8bre. et l’autre de 9bre. qui ajoutées aux divers autres bons materiaux que vous avez eu la bonté de m’envoyer, m’ont mis en etat d’entamer le projet qui me rouloit depuis assez longtems par la tête de faire une sorte d’ouvrage periodique fondé sur la correspondance de l’un a l’autre continent. Je me suis decide a donner successivement au public des lettres que je m’adresse sous le nom d’un Trembleur de Phidalphie [sic] actuellement a Londres, et où parant mon trembleur de vos plumes et de celles de vos amis, et y mettant par cy par là du mien, tant pour les transitions que pour la varieté, je traite librement de toutes sortes de sujets sans trop me compromettre. La première de ces pretendues lettres de Samuel Jone, est datée du 9e. 7bre. dernier, la 2e. du 8e. la 3e. du 12. quoique je n’aye commencé qu’en 9bre. j’en fais trois par semaine, au lieu de deux, jusqu’a ce que je sois au courant de mes dattes des lundis et des jeudis. J’en ai lu plusieurs a divers amis de differens etats et de differens gouts, qui tous m’ont paru les trouver piquantes. J’ai demandé une approbation pour les faire imprimer et le Censeur royal que l’on m’a donné m’a laissé passer sans difficulté les choses les plus hardies sur le compte du Clergé, sur quoi je n’aurois pas osé en dire la moitié tant il y a un an; il m’a rayé quelques mots qui pourroient ne pas plaire a nos Magistrats, mais dont je me suis departi sans peine. A ce moyen je compte mettre le premier recueil sous presse dans le courant de ce mois, et en faire distribuer le premier cayer le premier lundi de mars. Chaque cayer de 3 feuilles in 12, et cinq cayers faisant le volume je compte en repandre un petit prospectus le plus tôt possible, et vous en adresser quelques exemplaires pour vos amis. Mais il ne faut pas m’abandonner à mes seules forces, Cher Ami, je fournirois mal cette carrière, si vous ne m’y souteniez. Samuel Jone me le fait esperer des ses premières lettres. Tout y est a votre gloire et bien peu de choses a mon honneur.
Vous trouverez dans la première lettre un parallele de Philadelphie et de Paris dont on a eté content icy, quoiqu’il ne flatte pas trop ma patrie. J’espere qu’il ne vous deplaira point. Vous verrez que le Parlement Britannique n’est pas menagé dans la quatrième mais vous verrez où j’ai puisé les traits dont je le peins. Vous en verrez qui sont de mon cru en totalité sur les assasins de nos idées [?], sur le despotisme &c mais je crains bien que vous ne les trouviez les plus foibles.


Title: Three Public Notices Concerning the Petition from the Continental Congress, 17–18 January 1775
From: Bollan, William,Franklin, Benjamin,Lee, Arthur
To:

Once Dartmouth informed the Massachusetts agents on December 24 that the King had received the petition from the Congress and would lay it before Parliament, they had to decide when it might properly be published. As soon as it had been presented, according to their instructions; but their advisers on protocol told them that this course would be disrespectful, and that they must wait until the document was before the two houses. Parliament reconvened after the Christmas recess on January 19. The Commons received the petition, along with a plethora of other American papers, on that day; and the Lords received the same collection on the 20th. The agents were at long last in a position to act as they had been instructed.
They put the petition in the hands of John Almon, who a month before had published the Extracts of the Congressional journal. He also had by now a copy of the entire Journal, complete except for the petition, as printed in Philadelphia the previous November. From these sources he compiled a second pamphlet, which contained the petition and the other material omitted in the Extracts. It was ready by the 21st. The first notice, dated the 17th, is his advertisement of it, with a final sentence of authentication from the agents.
Meanwhile another printer had stolen a march. On the 16th Thomas Becket published Authentic Papers from America: Submitted to the Dispassionate Consideration of the Public. It printed one set of documents on the even-numbered pages and another on the odd-numbered; the opening set was the petition from the Continental Congress juxtaposed with the petitions from the Stamp Act Congress in 1765. The former was promptly reprinted in the London press. The agents were annoyed, principally no doubt by the premature appearance of the petition; to dissociate themselves from the pirating they at once drew up and sent to press the second notice below. It appeared on the day it was written, and Becket defended himself the next day in the third notice.

I
Jan. 17, 1775.
This Day is published, Price 1s. 6d.
The Journal of the Proceedings of the CONGRESS, held at PHILADELPHIA, Sept. 5, 1774. Including an Authentic Copy of the PETITION to the KING.
Published by Order of the CONGRESS.
Printed for J. Almon, opposite Burlington-House, in Piccadilly.
The Journal contains the whole Proceedings of the American Congress, of which the late Pamphlet, entitled, “Extracts from the Votes,” was a Part. But the Additions only to those Extracts are printed in this Pamphlet, that such Gentlemen as have purchased the former may make their Copies complete if they chuse it. The Two Pamphlets contain the whole Journal, as published by Order of the Congress, and are reprinted from the Philadelphia Copy.
The Extracts from the Votes may be had at the same Place, Price 1s. 6d.
The Petition to the King, given in the above Journal, is a true Copy of the Petition from the General Congress in America, and now first published by Order of the Congress.
William Bollan,Benjamin Franklin,Arthur Lee.

II
Jan. 17, 1775.
A Copy of the Petition to the King, from the General Congress in America, having been published in a Pamphlet, printed for T. Becket, in the Strand; We, to whom the care of Presenting and Publishing that Petition was committed by the Congress, think it our duty to inform the Public, that the above mentioned Copy is SURREPTITIOUS as well as MATERIALLY and GROSSLY ERRONEOUS. The Agents have deferred making the Petition public, out of respect to the King and Parliament, his Majesty having declared his Intention of laying it before his two Houses of Parliament as soon as they meet.
William Bollan,Benjamin Franklin,Arthur Lee.

III
Jan. 18, 1775.
The Publisher of a Pamphlet under the Title of “Authentic Papers from America,” has been attacked by a redoubtable Triumvirate of Gentlemen, who deny the Authenticity of the Petition from the General Congress to the King. Their Authority in the Case should be uncontrovertable; yet the Publisher takes upon him to say that his is undoubted. He did not know their Reasons for suspending the Publication, contrary to the Instructions in the Letter conveying the Petition to them, which was sent to him in an American Paper. A few Days will decide between the Publication and the Denial of these Gentlemen: And the Publisher will readily refund the Money for every Copy bought on this and the succeeding Days, if it should be found to be not genuine.
⁂ There are a few trifling Errors of the Press, which will be corrected in the future Copies.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Granville Sharp, 21 January 1775
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Sharp, Granville

Cravenstreet Jan. 21. 75
Dr. Franklin presents his respectful Compliments to Mr. Sharp, with many Thanks for the Copy of his excellent Work, of which he desires 50 may be sent him; with a Bill of what he is indebted.

Addressed: Granville Sharp Esqr


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Lord Stanhope, 21 January 1775
From: Stanhope, Philip, 2nd Earl
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Lord Chatham, after six months of quiescence, was returning to do battle with the ministry. Franklin had furnished him with ammunition, in the form of the petition from the Continental Congress, and on December 26 had an interview with him at which Chatham mentioned the possibility of a move as soon as Parliament reconvened. On the day it met, January 19, he sent the American word by Lord Stanhope that he would make a motion in the Lords the next day and wished him to attend; when he did, the Earl himself saw to his admission. After the debate, which was on Chatham’s motion to request that the troops be withdrawn from Boston, he had Stanhope send the original motion to Franklin as a further mark of his respect.

Saturday Janry 21. 1775.
Lord Stanhope makes his Compliments to Dr. Franklin, and at the Desire of Lord Chatham sends him the Motion made by him in the House of Lords yesterday, that the Doctor may be possessed of it in the most authentick manner by the Communication of the individual Paper which was read to the House by the Mover himself.