Title: From George Washington to Thomas Pinckney, 12 December 1793
From: Washington, George
To: Pinckney, Thomas

            Dear Sir,
            Philadelphia 12th Decr 1793

          You would oblige me by giving the letter & Roll herewith sent for Mr Young a safe,
            and as speedy a conveyance as you can, without saddling him with Postage.
          Although I believe the enclosd letter from Mr Keith Wray is little more than the child
            of imagination, I would notwithstanding, thank you for directing one of your domestics
            to enquire into the truth of the information which it contains.
          This letter will be handed to you by Mr Willm Morris, third Son of Mr Robt Morris, to
            whom for domestic occurances of a private nature, I shall refer you—those of another
            kind you will, of course receive from the Secretary of State.
          I pray you to offer my best respects, in which Mrs Washington joins to Mrs Pinckney
            & accept assurances of the sincere esteem & regd with which I am &ca

            Go: W——n


Title: From George Washington to Arthur Young, 12 December 1793
From: Washington, George
To: Young, Arthur

            Sir,
            Philadelphia 12th Decembr 1793

          I wrote to you three months ago, or more, by my late secretary and friend, Mr Lear; but as his departure from this Country for Great Britain,
            was delayed longer than he or I expected, it is at least probable that that letter will
            not have reached your hands at a much earlier period than the one I am now writing.
          At the time it was written, the thoughts which I am now about to disclose to you were
            not even in embryo; and whether, in the opinion of others, there be impropriety, or not,
            in communicating the object which has given birth to them, is not for me to decide. My
            own mind reproaches me with none, but if yours should view the subject differently, burn
            this letter and the draught which accompanies it, and the whole
            matter will be consigned to oblivion.
          All my landed property East of the Apalachian Mountains is under Rent, except the
            Estate called Mount Vernon. This, hitherto, I have kept in my own hands; but from my
            present situation; from my advanced time of my life; from a wish to live free from care,
            and as much at my ease as possible during the remainder of it; & from other causes
            which are not necessary to detail, I have, latterly, entertained serious thoughts of
            letting this estate also—reserving the mansion house farm for my own
            residence—occupation—and amusement in agriculture—provided I can obtain what in my own
            judgment, and in the opinion of others whom I have consulted the low Rent which I shall
            mention hereafter—& provided also I can settle it with good
            farmers.
          The quantity of ploughable land (including meadows)—the relative situation of the farms
            to one another; and the division of these farms into seperate inclosures; with the
            quantity & situation of the Woodland appertaining to the tract, will be better
            delineated by the sketch herewith sent (which is made from actual surveys, subject
            nevertheless to revision & correction) than by a volume of words.
          No estate in United America is more pleasantly situated than this—It lyes in a high,
            dry & healthy country, 300 miles by water from the Sea—and, as you will see by the
            plan, on one of the finest Rivers in the world. Its margin is washed by more than ten
            miles of tidewater; from the bed of which, and the enumerable coves, inlets & small
            marshes with which it abounds, an inexhaustable fund of rich mud may be drawn as a
            manure; either to be used seperately, or in a compost, according to the Judgment of the
            farmer. It is situated in a latitude between the extremes of heat & cold, and is the
            same distance by land & water, with good roads & the best navigation (to &)
            from the Federal City, Alexandria & George town; distant from the first twelve, from
            the second nine, and from the last sixteen miles. The federal City in the year 1800,
            will become the seat of the general Goverment of the United States. It is increasing
            fast in buildings, and rising into consequence; and will, I have no doubt, from the
            advantages given to it by nature, and its proximity to a rich interior country and the
            western territory, become the emporium of the United States.

          The Soil of the tract I am speaking, is a good loam, more inclined however to Clay than
            sand. From use, and I might add abuse, it is become more & more consolidated, and of
            course heavier to work. The greater part is a greyish clay—some
            part is a dark mould—a very little is inclined to sand—and scarcely any to stone. A
            husbandmans wish would not lay the farms more level than they are, and yet some of the
            fields (but in no great degree) are washed into gullies, from which all of them have
            not, as yet, been recovered.
          This River, which encompasses the land the distance abovementioned, is well supplied
            with various kinds of fish at all seasons of the year; and in the Spring with the
            greatest profusion of Shad, Herring, Bass, Carp, Perch, Sturgeon &ca. Several
            valuable fisheries appertain to the estate; the whole shore in short is one entire
            fishery.
          There are, as you will perceive by the plan, four farms besides that at the Mansion
            house: these four contain 3260 acres of cultivable land—to which some hundreds more,
            adjoining, as may be seen, might be added, if a greater quantity should be required—but
            as they were never designed for, so neither can it be said they are calculated to suit
            tenants of either the first, or of the lower class; because those who have strength
            & resources proportioned to farms of from 500 to 1200 acres (which these contain) would hardly be contented to live in such
            houses as are there on—and if they were to be divided and subdivided, so as to
            accomodate tenants of small means—say from 50 to one or 200 acres, there would be none;
            except on the lots which might happen to include the present dwelling houses of my
            Overlookers (called Bailiffs with you), Barns, & Negro Cabins. Nor would I chuse to
            have the woodland (already too much pillaged of its timber) ransacked for the purpose of
            building many more. The soil, howevr, is excellent for Bricks, or for Mud walls; and to
            the buildings of such houses there wd be no limitation, nor to that of thatch for the
            cover of them. The towns already mentioned (to those who might incline to encounter the
            expence) are able to furnish scantling, plank and shingles to any amount, and on
            reasonable terms; and they afford a ready market also for the produce of the land.
          On what is called Union farm (containing 928 acres of arable & Meadow) there is a
            newly erected Brick Barn equal perhaps to any in America, & for
            conveniences of all sorts particularly for sheltering & feeding horses, cattle
            &ca scarcely to be exceeded any where. A new house is now building in a central
            position, not far from the Barn, for the Overlooker; which will have two Rooms 16 by 18
            feet below and one or two above nearly of the same size. Convenient thereto is
            sufficient accomodation for fifty odd Negroes (old & young); but these buildings
            might not be thought good enough for the workmen, or day labourers of your Country.
            Besides these, a little without the limits of the farm (as marked in the Plan) are one
            or two other houses very pleasantly situated; and which, in case this farm should be
            divided into two (as it formerly was) would answer well for the Eastern division. The
            buildings thus enumerated are all that stand on the premises.
          Dogue run farm (650 acres) has a small but new building for the Overlooker—one room
            only below, and the same above, about 16 by 20 each; decent and comfortable for its
            size. It has also covering for forty odd negroes, similar to what is mentioned on Union
            farm. It has a new circular barn now finishing on a new construction; well calculated,
            it is conceived, for getting grain out of the straw more expeditiously than in the usual
            mode of threshing. There are good sheds also erecting, sufficient to cover 30 work
            horses and Oxen.
          Muddy hole farm (476 acres) has a house for the Overlooker, in size & appearance,
            nearly like that at Dogue run; but older. The same kind
            of covering for about thirty negroes—and a tolerable good barn, with stables for the
            work horses.
          River farm which is the largest of the four, and seperated from the others by little
            hunting Creek (contains 1207 acres of ploughable land)—has an Overlookers Ho. of one
            large & two small rooms below, and one or two above; sufficient covering for 50 or
            60 Negroes like those beforementioned. A large barn & stables (gone much to decay,
            but will be replaced next year with new ones).
          I have deemed it necessary to give this detail of the buildings that a precise idea
            might be had of the conveniences and inconveniences of them; and I believe the recital
            is just in all its parts. The Inclosures are precisely, and accurately delineated in the
            plan; & the fences now are, or soon will be, in respectable order.

          I would let these four farms to four substantial farmers, of wealth & strength
            sufficient to cultivate them; and who would insure to me the regular payment of the
            Rents; and I would give them leases for seven or ten years, at the rate of a spanish
            milled dollar, or other money current at the time, in this country, equivalent thereto,
            for every acre of ploughable & mowable ground within the Inclosures of the
            respective farms, as marked in the plan; and would allow the tenants during that period
            to take fuel; and use timber from the Woodland to repair the buildings and to keep the
            fences in order; until live fences could be substituted in place of dead ones; but in
            this case no subtenants would be allowed.
          Or if these farms are adjudged too large, and the Rents of course too heavy for such
            farmers as might incline to emigrate, I should have no insuperable objection against
            dividing each into as many small ones as a society of them, formed for the purpose,
            could agree upon among themselves; even if it shd be by the fields as they are now
            arranged (which the plan would enable them to do)—provided such buildings as they would
            be content with, should be erected at their own expence, in the manner already mentioned. In which case as in the former, fuel, & timber
            for repairs, would be allowed; but as an inducement to parcel out my grounds into such
            small tenements, and to compensate me at the sametime for the greater consumption of
            fuel & timber, & for the trouble and expence of collecting small Rents, I should
            expect a quarter of a dollar pr acre in addition to what I have already mentioned. But
            in order to make these small farms more valuable to the occupants, and by way of
            reimbursing them for the expence of their establishment thereon, I would grant them
            leases for 15 or 18 years; although I have weighty objections to the measure, founded on my own experience of the
            disadvantage it is to the Lessor, in a Country where lands are rising every year in
            value. As an instance in proof, about 20 years ago I gave leases for three lives, in
            land I held above the blue Mountain, near the Shanondoah River, Seventy miles from
            Alexandria or any shipping port, at a Rent of one shilling pr Acre (no part being then
            cleared) and now land of similar quality in the vicinity, with very trifling
            improvements thereon, is renting currently at five & more shillings pr acre &
            even as high as 8/.
          My motives for letting this estate having been avowed, I will add,
            that the whole (except the Mansion house farm) or none, will be parted with, and that
            upon unequivocal terms; because my object is to fix my income (be it what it may) upon a
            solid basis in the hands of good farmers; because I am not
            inclined to make a medley of it; and above all, because
            I could not relinquish my present course without a moral certainty of the substitute
            which is contemplated: for to break up these farms—remove my Negroes—and to dispose of
            the property on them upon terms short of this would be ruinous.
          Having said thus much, I am disposed to add further, that it would be in my power, and
            certainly it would be my inclination (upon the principal above) to accomodate the
            wealthy, or the weak handed farmer (and upon reasonable terms) with draught horses,
            & working mules & Oxen; with cattle, Sheep & Hogs; and with such impliments
            of husbandry if they should not incline to bring them themselves, as are in use on the
            farms. On the four farms there are 54 draught horses, 12 working Mules, and a sufficiency of Oxen, broke to the yoke—the precise number
            I am unable at this moment to ascertain as they are comprehended in the agregate of the
            black cattle. Of the latter there are 317. Of sheep 634 of hogs many, but as these run
            pretty much at large in the Woodland (which is all under fence) the number is uncertain.
            Many of the Negroes, male & female, might be hired by the year as labourers, if this
            should be preferred to the importation of that class of people; but it deserves
            consideration how far the mixing of whites & blacks together is advisable;
            especially where the former, are entirely unacquainted  with the latter.
          If there be those who are disposed to take these farms in their undevided state, on the
            terms which have been mentioned; it is an object of sufficient magnitude for them, or
            one of them in behalf of the rest, to come over & investigate the premises
            thoroughly, that there may be nothing to repro[ac]h themselves or me with if (though
            unintentionally) there should be defects in any part of the information herein given—or
            if a society of farmers are disposed to adventure, it is still more incumbent on them to
            send over an Agent for the purposes abovementioned: for with me the measure must be so
            fixed as to preclude any cavil or discussion thereafter. And it may not be malapropos to
            observe in this place, that our Overlookers are generally engaged, & all the
            arrangements for the ensuing Crops are made before the first of
            September in every year; it will readily be perceived then, that if this period is
            suffered to pass away, it is not to be regained until the next year. Possession might be
            given to the Newcomers at the Season just mentioned to enable them to put in their grain
            for the next Crop; but the final relinquishment could not take place until the Crops are
            gathered; which, of Indian Corn (maiz) seldom happens ’till toward Christmas as it must
            endure hard frosts before it can be safely housed.
          I have endeavoured as far as my recollection of facts would enable me, or the documents
            in my possession allow, to give such information of the actual state of the farms as to
            enable persons at a distance to form as distinct ideas as the nature of the thing is
            susceptible short of ones own view. and having communicated the motives which have
            inclined me to a change in my System, I will announce to you the origin of them.
          First—Few Ships, of late, have arrived from any part of G: Britain or Ireland without a
            number of emigrants, and some of them, by report, very respectable & full handed
            farmers. A number of others, they say, are desirous of following; but are unable to
            obtain passages; but their coming in that manner, even if I was apprised of their
            arrival in time, would not answer my views for the reason already assigned—and which, as
            it is the ultimatum at present, I will take the liberty of repeating—namely—that I must
            carry my plan into complete execution, or not attempt it; and
            under such auspices too as to leave no doubt of the exact fulfilment—and
          2dly because from the number of letters which I have received myself (& as it would
            seem from respectible people) enquiring into matters of this sort, with intemations of
            their wishes and even intention of migrating to this County, I can have no doubt of
              succeeding—But I have made no reply to these
            enquiries, or if any, in very general terms, because I did not want to engage in
            corrispondences of this sort with persons of whom I had no knowledge, nor indeed leizure
            for them if I had been so disposed.
          I shall now conclude as I began, with a desire, that if you see any impropriety in
            making these sentiments known  to that class of
            people who might wish to avail themselves of the occasion, that it may be mentioned. By a law, or by some regulation of your government,
            Artizans I am well aware, are laid under restraints; and for this
            reason I have studiously avoided any overtures to Mechanics although my occasions called
            for them—But never having heard that difficulties were thrown in the way of Husbandmen
            by the Government, is one reason for my bringing this matter to your view—a 2d is, that
            having, yourself expressed sentiments which shewed that you had cast an eye towards this
            Country, & was not inattentive to the welfare of it, I was led to make my intentions
            known to you, that if you, or your friends were disposed to avail yourselves of the
            knowledge, you might take prompt measures for the execution. and 3dly I was sure if you
            had lost sight of the object yourself, I could, nevertheless rely upon such information
            as you might see fit to give me, and upon such characters too as you might be disposed
            to recommend.
          Lengthy as this epistle is, I will crave you patience while I add, that it is written
            in too much haste, and under too great a pressure of public business at the commencement
            of an important session of Congress to be correct or properly digested. But the season
            of the year & the apprehension of Ice are hurrying away the last vessel bound from
            this Port to London. I am driven therefore to the alternative of making the matter known
            in this hasty manner, & giving a rude sketch of the farms, which is the subject of
            it—or to encounter delay, the first I preferred. It can hardly be necessary to add,
            that, I have no desire that any formal promulgation of these
            sentiments should be made. To accomplish my wishes,
            in the manner herein expressed would be agreeable to me, and in a way that cannot be
            exceptionable wd be more so. With much estm & regd—I am—Sir Yr Most Obedt Servt

            Go: Washington


Title: Bartholomew Dandridge, Jr., to Henry Knox, 13 December 1793
From: Dandridge, Bartholomew Jr.
To: Knox, Henry

            13 Decemr 1793

          By the Presidents command Bw Dandridge has the honor to send to the Secretary of War—a
            Letter from the Govr of North Carolina, of 26 Nov. 93 to the
            President, covering depositions respecting the Spanish prize carried into Wilmington by
            Capt Hervieux—& to inform the Secretary that the President wishes him to take such
            measures thereupon as may seem to him adviseable.


Title: To George Washington from Henry Knox, 13 December 1793
From: Knox, Henry
To: Washington, George

            War Department December 13th 1793

          The Secretary of War respectfully submits to the President of the United States the
            following statement relatively to the South Western Frontiers of the United States as
            connected with the State of Georgia and the Creek Indians and the Territory of the
            United States South of the Ohio and the Cherokee Indians.
          That in the month of November 1792. James Seagrove a temporary Agent held a conference
            with the lower Creeks, at which were present upwards of One thousand Men, Women, and
            Children. That the objects of this conference were to confirm the treaty which had been
            made with them at New York and by administering to their necessities, they being greatly
            in want of Corn & Clothing to attach them more firmly to the interest of the United
              States.
          That as the said Indians expressed themselves with great gratitude for the kindness
            they received, a hope was indulged that beneficial consequences would flow from the
            measure, especially as it was directed that the said Agent should repair both to the
            lower and upper Creek Towns in order to tranquillize their minds upon past, and prevent
            any misconceptions respecting the future conduct of the United States.
          But on the eleventh day of March these prospects were clouded by a party of about
            thirty of the Seminoles (some of them living to the Southward of the Territory of the
            United States) who plundered a store upon the St Mary’s River of a large quantity of
            goods and killed several persons.
          This outrage being followed by some others excited a general alarm on the frontiers of
            Georgia. The Governor of that State called into service considerable
            bodies of Militia, Horse, and Foot for the protection of the exposed inhabitants.
          That upon the receiving information of the aforesaid event, the President on the 30th
            of May directed that the Governor of Georgia should be informed that from considerations
            of policy at this critical period relative to foreign powers and during the pending
            Treaty with the Northern Indians, it was deemed adviseable for the present to avoid
            offensive expeditions into the Creek Country. But that from the circumstances of the
            recent depredations on the frontiers of Georgia, it was thought expedient to increase
            the force in that quarter for defensive purposes, and therefore the Governor was
            authorized to call into service in aid of the Continental Troops One hundred horse and
            one hundred foot of the Militia of the said State.
          That as it did not appear that the whole of the Creek Nation were disposed for or
            engaged in hostility, it was considered that the above force was sufficient for the
            purposes designated.
          That the case of a serious invasion of Georgia by large bodies of Indians must be
            referred to the provisions of the Constitution.
          That on the 10th of June the Governor of South Carolina was requested to afford aid to
            Georgia, in case that it should be seriously invaded by large bodies of Indians.
          That a Magazine of two thousand Arms and a proportionable quantity of Ammunition and
            some other military Stores have been established in Georgia as a provisional measure in
            case the said State should be invaded, the said articles in that event being subject to
            the order of the Governor.
          That on the 12th of June the Governor transmitted information of an intended expedition
            into the Creek Country, to consist of a body of about Seven hundred Volunteers and on
            the 18th of the same month he transmitted the result thereof, by which it appeared that
            the said Volunteers commanded by General Twiggs proceeded to the Oakmulgie, about forty
            miles distant from the Oconnee and from circumstances of their provisions being nearly
            exhausted, many horses tired and other adverse events
            they returned on the 12th of the Month.
          That on the 13th of August the Governor transmitted information that he had convened a
            Council of General Officers on the subject of reducing the five inimical Towns in the
            Creek Nation; the propositions to, with the answers of the Council he transmitted for the purpose of being laid before the President of the United
              States. That in an answer to the said letter dated
            the 5th September, the Governor was informed that as an offensive expedition against the
            Creeks of the nature and under the circumstances mentioned was a subject of great and
            complicated importance to the United States, it had engaged the serious consideration of
            the President, and as the deliberate result thereof he utterly disapproved the measure
            at that time as being unauthorized by law—as contrary to the present state of affairs,
            and as contrary to the instructions heretofore given upon the subject.
          That on the 2d of October the Governor transmitted the information of Two Officers who
            commanded an expedition against a Creek Town which they surprized on the 21st of
            September and killed Six Warriors and took eight Women and Children Prisoners.
          That it appears from the representations of James Seagrove that the Indian Town which
            was surprized as before mentioned on the 21st of September was situated on the
            Chatahoochee River and called “The little Oakfuskie” that the people belonging to it
            were among the most friendly of the Creeks and no way concerned in stealing of Horses,
            they being under the direction of the White Lieutenant.
          That it has been the opinion of James Seagrove communicated in his various dispatches,
            that notwithstanding the outrage of the 11th of March last and the subsequent Conduct of
            some of the Banditti that the main body of the Creek Nation are desirous of remaining at
            peace with the United States. That in pursuance of his directions from the President of
            the United States and his own opinion he had been endeavouring for some months past to
            make arrangements to go into the Creek Nation for the purpose of obtaining the
            punishment of the Banditti Indians who have committed the outrages aforesaid and of more
            closely attaching the Creeks to the United States.
          That he had made an agreement to meet a number of friendly Indians on the Oakmulgie
            River about the 30th of September and with them to proceed into the Indian Towns for the
            purposes aforesaid. But the expedition of the 21st of September and the violent threats
            of a number of lawless Whites on the frontiers of Georgia had prevented him. Some of
            these people appear to oppose every effort for peace and ardently desire a War.

          That by his letter of the 21st October it appears that two parties were preparing to go
            to War against the Creeks, the result of which has not yet been known.
          That the information of the Governor of Georgia to James Seagrove dated the 26th of
            August last, to wit “that under the law of the United States as well as for the security
            of this state, the government of Georgia cannot recognize the establishment of peace
            without having Commissioners at the Treaty” is a matter which requires serious
              notice.
          It is to be observed that the Governor of Georgia has not organized the hundred horse
            and hundred Militia foot, which he was authorized to do by the President on the 30th May
            last; but instead thereof he has kept up considerable bodies of mounted Volunteers of
            the Militia, of which no Returns have been received; but which perhaps may be nearly or
            quite five hundred Men. The payment of these troops will probably amount to a very large
            sum of Money, and it may become a question of importance whether the United States are
            responsible for their payment; the circumstances of the case being duly considered.
          It is suggested in the papers which accompany this statement, that it is highly
            probably that it is owing to some of these troops that Mr Seagrove has been hitherto
            restrained from adjusting amicably the causes of difference with the Creek Nation; and
            also probably that it was a part of them who surprized the little Oakfuskie Town.
          From a review of the representations contained in the letters of James Seagrove, Major
            Gaither (the commanding Officer) and Constant Freeman herewith submitted, it will appear
            that the Creeks are generally disposed for peace, but that there is too much reason to
            apprehend that the unjustifiable conduct of certain lawless Whites on the frontiers of
            Georgia will prevent that desireable event from being realized.
          The present state of this part of the frontier involves national considerations of
            great magnitude—whether viewed as relative to the expence which has been incurred during
            the the past summer, of which payment will most probably be demanded of the United
            States—whether with regard to the claims of the Governor of Georgia of a right of
            interference in any treaty with the Creeks, which is presumed to be contrary to the
            Constitution of the United States—or whether with regard to a War with the powerful tribes of the Creeks, with the long and almost unlimited train of
            collateral and consequent evils attendant thereon—a measure which perhaps may be
            avoided, if means could be devised to keep the bold and turbulent of both sides in
            order.
          Of the Territory of the United States South West of the
            Ohio and the Cherokees.
          That it will appear from the papers relative to the Cherokees on the files of Congress
            that in the Year 1792 a partial disposition for war existed among the Cherokees being
            chiefly confined to the five lower Towns so called embracing to the utmost one third of
            that Nation or Six hundred and fifty Warriors.
          That however by the abilities and assiduity of Governor Blount this disposition in the
            commencement of the Year was greatly changed and the said five Towns were supposed to be
            desirous of an accomodation.
          That while this business was negociating a party of armed Men under Captain John Beard,
            who had been called into service by Governor Blount—with a view of protecting the
            Settlers, did on the 12th of June in defiance of their orders cross the Tennessee and
            surprize and kill a number of our best friends among the Indians at the moment Governor
            Blounts messengers were among them.
          This violent outrage, so disgraceful to the United States, has been followed by several
            others and the South Western Territory is involved in a War with the Cherokees which as
            it relates to the above event must be considered as highly unjust. It is to be
            apprehended and regretted that from the prejudice against Indians on the frontiers, it
            is but too probable that the perpretators of these violences will escape unpunished—Such
            measures, as the laws authorize, have been directed,
            but as yet no result has been transmitted.
          Great bodies of Militia have been brought into service on this occasion in order to
            guard against the effects of savage retaliation. Much expence has been already incurred
            nor is it yet terminated. For however hostilities shall be restrained by the severity of
            the Winter yet they may be expected to break out with renewed violence in the
            spring.
          The evil seems to require a remedy. But no Indian peace will be permanent unless an
            effectual mode can be devised to punish the Violators of it on both
            sides. It will be with an ill grace that the United States demand the punishment of
            Banditti Indians, when at the same time the guilty Whites escape with impunity. All
            which is respectfully submitted

            H. Knoxsecy of war


Title: To George Washington from Thomas Jefferson, 14 December 1793
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Washington, George

            Dec. 14. 1793.

          Th: Jefferson has the honor to inform the President that the Spanish papers are now all
            ready. he sends him a set for his examination & will send two others Monday morning.
            he also sends the draught of the message he would propose, with the blank filled up
            which had been left in it whenever the President is satisfied about it, either with or
            without amendments, Th: J. will have copies made out.
          The Algerine papers will not be ready till tomorrow when they shall be submitted to the
            examination of the President.


Title: To George Washington from Henry Knox, 14 December 1793
From: Knox, Henry
To: Washington, George

            Sir,
            War Department December 14th 1793.

          I have the honor to submit a Return of the Ordnance, Arms and Military stores in
            possession of the United States.
          It resulted from the casual circumstances of the late War, that these stores were
            accumulated principally at the following points, Viz: New London in Virginia —Philadelphia—West Point on Hudsons river—and Springfield on
            Connecticut River; all of which perhaps, excepting Springfield, are improper places for
            permanent Magazines.
          The important characteristics for magazines and arsenals, seem to be perfect security
            against enemies, internal and external, blended with an easy access by water. The
            expence of land transportation of heavy articles for a series of years, compared with that by water, renders the latter quality indispensible for a
            Magazine.
          The Situation of New London being destitute of Water communication with the Ocean, is
            not a proper place for a permanent magazine, and it would seem therefore necessary that
            some other position should be sought on James River, more suitable for the erection of
            proper buildings.
          It may be questionable whether a populous City is a proper place for the repository of
            large quantities of Military stores on account of the accidents to which such places are
            liable by fire and other causes. Hence it is intended that a part of the stores now
            deposited in Philadelphia shall be removed to some safe position, higher up the
            Delaware.
          West Point on Hudson River, although a precious link in the chain which binds the
            States together, has on account of the well known navigation of that river, and the easy
            access from the Ocean, been considered as an improper place for an extensive magazine.
            For this reason part of the surplus stores have been removed temporarily to Albany.
          During the late War a number of valuable brick buildings were erected at Carlisle in
            Pennsylvania, as well for the reception of stores, as to accomodate a number of Workmen
            in the Ordnance Department, but these buildings were not much used, after the
            apprehensions of invasions subsided owing to the expence and delay occasioned by the
            land transportation. The same causes still prevent their use in any considerable
            degree.
          The situation of the United States would seem to require that three capital Magazines
            should be established permanently, one for the Southern, one for the Middle, and one for
            the Eastern States, with such subdivisions as may be deemed indispensible for General
              use.
          It would also seem to be a dictate of sound national policy that the United States
            should always possess, one hundred thousand arms placed in their respective Arsenals,
            and that the battering and field Artillery, and ammunition should be in ample
            proportion.
          It is presumed that all the Cannon, Arms, and ammunition required by the United States
            might be fabricated among ourselves. It is possible the expence may be greater than if
            the articles were imported, but this circumstance is not of such moment as to be compared with the solid advantages which would result from
            extending and perfecting the means upon which our safety may ultimately depend. I have
            the honor to be with the highest respect Sir, your Obedient Servant.

            H: Knox.Secretary of War.


Title: To George Washington from Thomas Jefferson, 15 December 1793
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Washington, George

            Dec. 15. 1793.

          Th: Jefferson has the honor to return to the President the letter of mister Rumaine
            praying to be relieved from duties on the wrecks of fortune with which he escaped from
            St Domingo. Th:
          J. has put the letter of the same person to himself, with those of mister Genet into
            the hands of mister Murray, to make them the foundation of a bill of relief.


Title: To George Washington from Henry Knox, 15 December 1793
From: Knox, Henry
To: Washington, George

            sir
            [Philadelphia] 15 Decr 1793

          I beg leave respectfully to submit to Your consideration the draft of a letter, which
            if it meets Your approbation, I propose to prefix to the return of ordnance and military
            Stores, which will be transmitted to Congress tomorrow.
            I am sir Your most obedient Servant

            H. Knox


Title: From George Washington to Frances Bassett Washington, 15 December 1793
From: Washington, George
To: Washington, Frances Bassett

            My dear Fanny,
            Philadelphia 15th Decr 1793

          Your Aunt has delivered me your letter of the 22d ulto—but as she did not arrive in
            this City until the 9th instt and forgot she had such an one until some days afterwards,
            this answr, I fear, will not reach Mount Vernon until you will have left it. I will have
            the furniture ready to send by the Spring Vessels to Alexandria. The frost will soon put
            a stop to all intercourse between the two places until that period.
          I would very chearfully have complied with your request to add another Story to my
            house in town would the lower frame support it. But as it is a single house and not
            calculated to receive such an additional weight, it would endanger the whole fabrick
            & every thing within; especially as if I am not mistaken, it is at present a Story
            & half of flush Walls—Of this however I am not half as certain as I am that the
            frame is too weak, and in no respect calculated to receive the weight of another Story
            which could not, now, be so framed as to resist high winds &
            impetuous storms.
          I have directed this letter in such a manner as that, if you should have left Mount
            Vernon; it may follow you without expence under the care of Mr Julius
              Dandridge—I wish you a pleasant journey and a happy
            meeting with your friends below—My compliments to them and love to the Children
            concludes me Your Affecte friend

            Go: Washington


Title: From George Washington to Daniel Carroll, 16 December 1793
From: Washington, George
To: Carroll, Daniel

            Dear Sir,
            Philadelphia 16th Decr 1793

          I have been favored with your letter of the 9th & sample of free stone from my
            Quarry, sent by Mr Hoban; for which I thank you both; and should be obliged to him for
            information of the spot from whence it was taken. I always knew, that the River banks
            from my Spring house, to the Ferry formerly kept by Captn Posey, were almost an entire bed of free stone; but I had conceived
            before the late sample came to hand, that is was of a very soft
            nature.
          As the quantity, from outward appearances, is, in a manner, inexhaustable; I should
            have no objection to an investigation of the Banks by skilful, & orderly people; as
            the public as well as myself might be benefitted by the discovery of a quarry of good stone, so near the Federal City.
          Mr Greenleaf is, I presume, with you, he left this City for George Town on friday
              last. He has a plan for the disposal of lots, &
            building thereon; to which he expressed a wish to receive the sanction of my opinion: I
            told him, my wish was, that all matters of that sort should come to me through the
            Commissioners; and when approved by them (after the consideration which I knew would be
            given to any proposition which seemed to have a tendency to advance the growth of the
            City) would certainly not be discountenanced by me. A
            similar answer I gave to a suggestion respecting the site for the Hospital in the City;
            Which he seemed desirous of giving grounds out of the City in
            exchange for. My motive for hinting these things to you, in this manner, is that you may
            understand precisely what passed between us on these subjects. For some reasons which he
            assigned, he thought a Hospital in the bosom of the City improper & dangerous. I am
              inclined to that opinion, but realy, as I told him, did not
            recollect that it had been so intended. I remain in haste Your Obedt & Affe.
            Servt

            Go: Washington


Title: To George Washington from William Goddard, 16 December 1793
From: Goddard, William
To: Washington, George

            Sir
            Johnston (near Providence) Decr 16, 1793.

          Removed to the humble Vale of rural Life, it was but recently that the “Memoirs of the
            Life of Charles Lee, Esquire,” &c. &c. fell under my observation—and as I once
            announced a Design of publishing a Work nearly similar in Title, though far different in
            Contents, I am impelled by the most unfeigned Respect to your Character, as well as
            Justice to myself, to address you on the Subject, presuming upon the Liberality and
            Candour I have formerly experienced from you, that you will give due Credit to my
            Assertions, when I utterly disclaim, as I now solemnly do, all Share, or Concern, in the
            printed “Memoirs,” that have been so improperly ushered (viâ London) to the Public
              Eye.
          The Editor, while I was absent, clandestinely took the Manuscripts of General Lee from
            my House, and urged by his Necessities and Avarice, hath, without Judgment to
            discriminate, compiled, and sent abroad, a heterogeneous Collection of Letters, Essays
            and Fragments—even private Letters, written to and by distinguished Characters, at
            Periods of Friendship and Confi dence, which ought, and, I am persuaded, was the Wish of
            the Writers, to have been buried in Oblivion.

          When I contemplated the Publication of the Memoirs of the late General Lee, my Design
            was to publish certain literary and military Papers, with such epistolary Writings, as
            would, I judged, by interesting the Public, at once promote my own Interest, as a
            Printer, and enhance the Fame of a departed Friend, who, it must be allowed, inherited,
            from Nature, a rare and brilliant Genius, and possessed a cultivated understanding—It
            was, indeed, foreign to my Design to introduce an Essay, a Letter, or a Sentiment, that
            would wound the Feelings, or excite the Disapprobation, of a single worthy Person—or
            cast the least Blemish upon the Reputation of General Lee, by sporting with his lively
            Sallies, and unguarded (because confidential) Communications—or even to give Currency to
            a single Line that, dying, he would wish to blot.
          Sensible, Sir, of the great Importance (particularly at this Juncture) of your
            Avocations, I shall not presume longer to obtrude on your time, having, I hope, been
            sufficiently explicit to exculpate myself from an Imputation of Disrespect to a
            Character—for whom, with applauding Millions, I feelingly accord my humble, tho’
            sincere, Tribute of grateful Veneration.

            William Goddard


Title: To George Washington from G. Legal, 16 December 1793
From: Legal, G.
To: Washington, George

            Monsieur Le President
            Près Charleston, Caroline Du Sud, Middleton Place,16. Xbre 1793

          C’est parce que Je Suis plein de Confiance dans vos Dispositions a obliger des
            malheureux, que Je prends La Liberté de m’adresser directement a vous pour un objet dans
            le quel d’ailleurs votre intervention me sera du plus grand Secour.
          Vous avez eu dans la Guerre derniere, au Service des Etats unis, Sous vos ordres, Je ne
            Sai dans quelle partie de ce continent, un officier nommé Jacques Lemaire, Capitaine a
            la Suite des Dragons en france, & au quel Les Etats unis ont accordé dans la Suite
            L’ordre du Cincinnatus, & un grade que Je crois être celuy de Colonel des dits
            Etats.
          Cet officier obtint également une ou plusieurs Concessions (Je crois que c’est deux)
            d’une assez considerable portion de Terrein, a titre d’Indemnité ou de Récompense de Ses
            Services; mais Je ne Sai ni le nombre d’acres, ni le lieu ou ils Sont Situés, ni
            l’époque de la Concession, ni Le Bureau on peut eu avoir été fait L’enrégistrement: Je
            n’ai eu les titres en ma possession qu’a une époque ou il m’étoit impossible d’y porter
            assez d’attention, pour que ces circonstances restassent Gravées dans ma mémoire.
          Je suis un Pauvre Saint-Domingois, Comme tant d’autres ruiné par Les Evenements, chargé
            d’une femme & d’un enfant également malheureux, & finalement Sans moyen
            quelconque.
          Mr Jacques Lemaire est décedé a St Domingue; Je Suis celui qui le represente dans Sa
            Succession; ma Position cruelle me met dans la necessité de rechercher tous les moyens
            de la rendre plus Supportable, & elle le Servit en effet Si J’étois mis en
            possession des Terres accordées au deffunt Lemaire.
          Mais dans un Paÿs ou Je ne connois que peu de Personnes & ou Je Suis Très peu
            Connu, il me Seroit bien difficile de Savoir Comment & a qui m’adresser pour obtenir
            ce que je demande. Les Bonnes Dispositions des chefs peuvent donc Seules me tirer
            d’embarras, & Je vous prie d’Etre infiniment Convaincu Monsieur, qu’il m’a falu une
            grande Confiance dans vos bontés, & L’ignorance de tout autre moyen de Réussite,
            Pour oser occuper une Seule minute de vos moments précieux.
          J’ai perdu par le Concours des Evenements, tous les titres relatifs
            a ma réclamation, mais Je vais faire L’impossible pour me procurer des Expeditions de
            ceux qui me donnent des Droits Sur la Succession Lemaire: Le Service essentiel que Je
            Reclame donc de vous Monsieur, & qui Excitera a Jamais toute ma Reconnoissance,
            C’est de vous employer assez pour moi, pour me procurer des Expéditions des Concessions
            accordées a celui que Je represente. J’ai L’Espoir que la Connoissance de toutes les
            affaires de ce tems, des Bureaux qui ont pu en Connoitre, & peut être quelque
            Souvenir de cet officier, vous rendront vos obligeantes démarches moins difficiles.
          Recevez de Rechef mes Excuses, & L’assurance du Profond respect avec le quel Je
            Suis Monsieur Le President Votre Très humble & très obéissant Serviteur

            G. Legal

            P. S. Mad[am]e Middleton chez la quelle Je passe L’hiver, ayant Su que J’avois
              L’honneur de vous écrire, me charge de vous offrir, Monsieur, Ses Compliments &
              L’assurance de Son Respect.


Title: From George Washington to the United States Senate and House of Representatives, 16 December 1793
From: Washington, George
To: United States Senate and House of Representatives

            Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives.
            United States December 16th 1793.

          The situation of affairs in Europe, in the course of the Year 1790. having rendered it
            possible that a moment might arrive favorable for the arrangement of our unsettled
            matters with Spain, it was thought proper to prepare our representative at that Court to
            avail us of it. A confidential person was therefore dispatched to be the bearer of
            instructions to him, and to supply by verbal communications any additional information
            of which he might find himself in need. The Government of France was at the same time
            applied to for it’s aid and influence in this negociation. Events however took a turn which did not present the occasion
            hoped for.
          About the close of the ensuing Year, I was informed through the representatives of
            Spain here, that their Government would be willing to renew at Madrid the former
            conferences on these subjects, though the transfer of
            scene was not what would have been desired, yet I did not think it important enough to
            reject the proposition; and therefore, with advice and consent of the Senate, I
            appointed Commissioners plenipotentiary for negociating and concluding a treaty with
            that Country on the several subjects of boundary, navigation and Commerce, and gave them
            the instructions now communicated. Before these
            negociations however could be got into train, the new troubles which had arisen in
            Europe had produced new combinations among the powers there, the effects of which are
            but too visible in the proceedings now laid before you.
          In the mean time, some other points of discussion had arisen with that country, to wit,
            the restitution of property escaping into the territories of each other, the mutual
            exchange of fugitives from Justice, and above all the mutual interferences with the
            Indians lying between us. I had the best reason to believe that the hostilities
            threatened and exercised by the Southern Indians on our border were excited by the
            agents of that government. Representations were thereon directed to be made, by our Commissioners, to the Spanish Government, and a proposal to cultivate
            with good faith the peace of each other with those people. In the mean time, corresponding suspicions were entertained, or
            pretended to be entertained on their part, of like hostile excitements by our agents to
            disturb their peace with the same nations. These were brought forward by the
            representatives of Spain here, in a stile which could not fail to produce attention. A
            claim of patronage and protection of those Indians was asserted, a mediation between
            them and us, by that Sovereign assumed, their boundaries with us made a subject of his
            interference, and at length, at the very moment when these savages were committing daily
            inroads on our frontier, we were informed by them that “the continuation of the peace,
            good harmony, and perfect friendship of the two nations was very problematical for the
            future unless the U.S. should take more convenient measures and of greater energy than
            those adopted for a long time past.”
          If their previous correspondence had worn the appearance of a desire to urge on a
            disagreement, this last declaration left no room to evade it, since it could not be
            conceived we would submit to the scalping knife and tomahawk of the Savage, without any
            resistance. I thought it time therefore to know if these were the views of their
            sovereign, and dispatched a special messenger with instructions to our Commissioners
            which are among the papers now communicated. Their last letter gives us reason to expect
            very shortly to know the result. I must add that the
            Spanish representatives here, percieving that their last communication had made
            considerable impression, endeavored to abate this by some subsequent professions which
            being also among the communications to the legislature, they will be able to form their
            own conclusions.

            Go: Washington


Title: From George Washington to the United States Senate and House of Representatives, 16 December 1793
From: Washington, George
To: United States Senate and House of Representatives

              Gentlemen of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives.
              United States Decemr 16th 1793.

            I lay before you a Report of the Secretary of State on the measures which have been
              taken on behalf of the United States for the purpose of obtaining a recognition of our
              Treaty with Morocco, and for the ransom of our
              Citizens and establishment of peace with Algiers.
            While it is proper our Citizens should know that Subjects which so much concern their
              interests and their feelings have duly engaged the attention of their Legislature and
              Executive, it would still be improper that some particulars of this communication
              should be made known. The confidential conversation stated in one of the last Letters
              sent herewith, is one of these—both justice and policy require that the source of that
              information should remain secret. So a knowledge of
              the sums meant to have been given for peace and ransom might have a disadvantageous
              influence on future proceedings for the same objects.

              Go: Washington