Title: To John Adams from François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 10 August 1804
From: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir!
Oldenbarneveld 10. Aug. 1804—

I should have before this used mÿ priviledge of writing to you, had I not been informed by the Rev. Smith, who did me the pleasure to dine with us, that you Sir, with your respected family enjoy’d a perfect health—He had been a classmate of your son Boylston, and was profuse in his encomiums on the Rev. Ernat—He delighted to instil in Mr Mappa and me the high opinion you fostered of that Clergyman and told us the flattering manner, upon which you received and returned a present. He give us hope to visit us again, before the close of his mission.
In Maÿ I send you two Lectures —chiefly intended for the instruction of mÿ children,—if these should have miscarried—the instant I know it, I shall desire my son to make another copÿ—as I am impatient to communicate, whatever may be conducive to preserve me your good opinion—and I am confident of this, whenever I can acquaint you, that I have acquitted meself of a duty.
My thoughts are again occupied with America’s N.W. Coast, and I intend, if nothing prevents it, to spend a part of the winter in bringing a heap of undigested materials in order. I have been favoured with different Extracts from Journals—and convey’d thro one Mr. Walton a list of queries of to Mr Borrill of Boston, concerned in the voyage of Mr Grey and Capt. Ingraham—I send you a copÿ inclosed—It might be, they might be lended to other masters of vessels on a similar voyage. But not much can be expected if Government takes not the care upon itself—and this would require—expenses—perhaps frutless—an encouraging of the navÿ, which would require taxes—and a Washington and Adams supposed this burden was an unavoidable requisite of an energetic government of a flourishing—in commerce in richly increasing nation.
It has with me—more and more—a high degree of probability that our N.W. coast—except perhaps a small part by the Russians——is yet undiscovered—that all, what has been yet explored by Cooke, Meares—van Couver—others, is a part of that immense archipel, and that an immortal name is yet to earn in the N. Western part of the Globe—not by smuggling—so usual for vessels—equipped in our states for a sealing voyage—not by kidnapping the inhabitants of the Islands—as has been done on Davis Island—not by surprising their chiefs, and keeping them on the vessels, till they complied with an iniquitous bargain; neither in joining English and Russians, to wage open war with hem, bÿ destroying their villages, and murdering the innocent wretches by gun and cannon shot, but by a great discovery—an useful establishment on the continent, or at least by firm and amicable liaisons with the Natives—
It would not be a very difficult task—to bring the merchants and owners of vessels, employ’d on a sealing voyage, under certain  regulations, and avoid—what is odious is an monopolising campaign—and their intrests self could be promoted. By similar means, the irregularities, of which some of our trading vessels have been guilty of, would be avoided—and the pretext for Spanish vexations vanish—but then two fregates, with a few smaller vessels would be required to cruise  steadilÿ in those seas—and a regular consular establishment fixed—in one of the principal Spanish ports—till our commercial interests did require an American settlement on a part, of the unoccupied N.W. shore—You know Sir! I am no unbeliever, and yet I cannot help doubting, that these events shall be brought to existence under our present Administration. alas! Why did I not devote a part of my time, to digest my thoughts on this interesting subject. When I enjoy’d the esteem and confidence of a Christian President, who would have pondered them with a scrupulous exactness, and taken hold of an raw hint, to give an ungrateful countrÿ another striking proof of his energetic wisdom and disinterested Patriotism. Could I flatter myself with the most distant prospect of success, I addressed me to Madison, but it seems me too presumptuous to foster this idea—in the present state of affairs. Meanwhile it can do no harm—to continue in collecting materials, but I dwelt already too long on this vision.
What throne is henceforward secure—and established firm enough—what nations can longer depend on its laws and government—If the European Powers of the first rank dare not oppose the towering arrogance of an insolent Corsican usurper! Let them come let them bow—and lick the dust of Napoleon–Magne’s feet, and be trampled under them, if theÿ dare not defend the rights of insulted Europe, and not replace their sword in the scabbard, till they have secured its peace on a firm basis: how am I shocked—more than my pen can express—when I see mine, once virtuous, friend, Schimmelpennink—who would have been a Bevernink an Adams in happier times, by want of a sufficient energetic character, cringe before D’Enghien’s purpled murderer!
What do you expect of Europe? what are your prospects about your dear–beloved America? have you confidence in the virtue and character of the Nation? or are we doomed too to anarchy and destruction? I even become apprehensive—that New England will not save us—if the almighty makes no use of severe  corrections, to learn this Nation their foolishness, and save Her as tho a fire—It would be indeed an awful lesson in Historÿ—but we too had this priviledge and scorned them—that his infant Republic should have strangled herself in the cradle—Pardon Sir! these effusions of a warm heart, as they originate from the same principles, by which I learned—since so many years—to respect and revere you—continue to honour me with your condescending kindness and permit me to subscribe me with the sincerest sentiments of consideration / your obliged and affectionate / friend
Fr. Adr. vd Kemp
P.S. Is the fate of the Ms—yet undecided?


Title: From John Adams to John Davis, 14 August 1804
From: Adams, John
To: Davis, John

Sir,
Quincy August 14. 1804

The disposition of every member of the Accademy to Show every respect and do every honor to the Memory of their Reverend and Learned Associate Dr Howard is unquestionable, and nothing but the heat of the Season in my present State of Health should prevent me from having the Honor of attending his Funeral with the other Members.
It is my request to you, Sir to give public Notice of the Invitation in Such manner as you Shall judge most in Character; either for the Members of Meet at their Chamber at half after two or at Dr Howard House or in any other manner you think best.
I have the Honor to be, with great regard / Sir your most obedient
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from James Wilkinson, 12 September 1804
From: Wilkinson, James
To: Adams, John

Sir
Frederick Town Maryland September 12th. 04

During a Conversation which I had the Honor to hold with you, soon after your Inauguration in the Year 1797., I mentioned the circumstance of our little army being at that period, without an Established Uniform for the officers; you expressed surprise at the irregularity of the Fact, & to remedy the defect, directed me to make the necessary regulations.—
I think it probable that an incident so trivial in its nature, could have left no impression on your mind, but should it be otherwise & you can recollect the circumstance, I shall consider myself sensibly Obliged, would you have the goodness to Honor me with a Line of acknowledgement in answer to this; as my Authority on this point has been questioned, in a shape which cannot injure me, but may deeply affect the subordination & discipline of our feeble force.
With the most warm & respectful Attachment, / I have the Honor to be / Sir / your Obliged & obedient Servant

Ja: Wilkinson


Title: To John Adams from James Wilkinson, 12 September 1804
From: Wilkinson, James
To: Adams, John

Honored & Dear Sir
Frederick Town Maryland Septr. 12th. 1804
I rely on your goodness to pardon me for this intrusion, which springs from my solicitude to preserve inviolate, as far as may be in my power, the sound principles by which Military institutions are governed.
A single Officer (Col. Butler) not long since, resisted an order for regulating the Uniform of the Head; standing alone in apposition to his Brethren & the universal practice of armies, he was necessarily brought before a General Court Martial, &, in Compassion, was only censured for his contumacy; His Counsel however, in a long & able defense, by artfully blending the communities of Citizen & Soldier, and confounding the absolute well defined rights of the first, with the blind obedience of the other, continued to excite the sympathies of the ignorant & the credulous, and to attach some odium to my Conduct.—
It was contended on the ground of Natural Right, the rights of Man I presume, that the Hair being the Gift of Heaven and an appendage of the Body, no Earthly power could lawfully sever it from the Head, and waving this inalienable connection between the Scull & its covering, (which, however natural it may be, is not respected by our untutored Indians) It was urged, that the General had no power, to regulate the dress of this conspicuous member, as it rested, if any where, in the Supreme Authority.
Tho, these doctrines will be easily refuted, by appealing to the prevalent principles & practices of Duty & of Service, throughout the Armies of the civilized World, from the times of Gustavus Adolphus to the present Day, and also on the Grounds of Personal accommodation & political expediency; yet I am desirous to prostrate the last Argument, & to convict the advocate of impertinent presumption, by shewing that I had been authorized by You, to regulate the Uniform of the Army—It being my purpose to publish the proceedings of the Court, with a preface explanatory of my Motives, & an appendix to Embrace a great variety of justificatory precedents & Authorities.—
I have seen much hard service & have been engaged in some Interesting Scenes, since I was last Honored with Your Commands; We have a game of immeasurable importance presented to us in the West, & the Issue must depend on the Skill with which it is played, Tho I think we have the Cards in Hand.—
In all times & Scenes I beg you to be assured of my lively & grateful affections to you & your House, and to believe that the Prayers of me & mine will be offered continually to Heaven, for the Happiness of You & Yours.—
Ja: Wilkinson


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Perkins, 14 September 1804
From: Adams, John
To: Perkins, Thomas

Sir
Quincy September 14. 1804

I am quite ashamed to have neglected to this time any acknowledgement of the various civilities I have received from your friendly hand. I very heartily thank you for the fromage de Rocford, which was a high regale to me and Some of my friends, who had learned in france to estimate the value of it. The Segars are excellent, as well as those heretofore received. I Shall never be able to make any other return, but gratitude for the obligation which Such kind attentions deserve: and of this I pray you to be assured from your Sincere Friend and obliged humble Servant

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from John Davis, 28 September 1804
From: Davis, John
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir,
Boston Septemr 28th. 1804.

It has again become my duty to address you on a melancholly subject. The excellent President Willard, whose discourse we so lately heard at the funeral of the lamented Howard is now no more. I am
In making arrangements, yesterday, for the funeral, the family requested the Corporation to name the Pall Holders. It is the wish of the Corporation, that you would consent to be one, if you it should be convenient for you to attend, and I was desired to communicate to you their request.The funeral will be to morrow at 3 OClock. P.M.
The other pall holders named are Lieut. Governour Robbins.
Hon. Judge Wendell
Ebenezer Stern Eqr
Revd. Dr Lathrop.
Revd. Mr Holmes.
Yours respectfully, / and with great regard
Jn Davis


Title: To John Adams from François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 15 October 1804
From: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir!
Olden barneveled 15 oct. 1804.

As you assured me in your last favour, with which you honoured me the 3d. of march, that my letters did give you alwaÿs pleasure. You cannot find fault with me, that I, tho persuaded owing this flattering mark of approbation more to your kindness towards me, than to my merits, take hold of a sane opportunity in conveying to You a few lines; which my Son shall bring at the Post office at New-ÿork.
Since I answered your interesting and affectionate actt. I did send you in the month of Maÿ—two Lectures—and offered in another letter—in the apprehension that they might have been miscarried—to have them copied again, when I communicated some loose hints upon our N.W. Coast. Do not Suspect Sir! That I pretend by this recapitulation, to urge you to an answer—then I should not deserve your that distinction, with which I was so kindly honoured. As long I maÿ continue with mÿ Epistolary communications—without displeasing you, I am not selfish enough, to wish to obtain a Sacrifice of your precious time, which unquestionable is more interestingly spended when your health is un-impaired—and God forbids that his should have occasioned your silence. But—it must not have the Shadow of appearance, as if I could be forgetful of the many obligations, under which I am towards you—and I wished to have a less unequivocal proof—that my letters did save arrive at Quincÿ.
My eldest son has accepted the offer of mr Busti at Philadelphia—to be employed in his office—at a Salarÿ of 1200 d—with the prospect—of an addition of 400 D more, if mr Busti who is a Director of the Population Societÿ, can obtain for him this combination. This opportunity—of seing the world—upon a larger scale than here in the woods—of improving natural talents to become once an useful member of Societÿ, was not to be neglected—more so—as the offer was unexpected.
I am confident Sir! that this communication alone would sufficiently apologize for this letter with you. Since I wrote my last letter I received some important communications from a Brittish officer—who visited this Summer the environs of a great part of the Ohio. I am longing to see his journal—or at least an extract from it, which was promised me by Col. B. Walker.
Every new discoverÿ in these unknown regions—every glance at them from a man of an inquisitive mind—gives an additional weight to the hypothesis, that america once had been the residence of a Nation or Nations, more civilised than our modern Indians—whose condition however presumptively had been more favourable at a more remote period—and grows now—worse and worse.
When that Gentleman was there, a new skeleton of the mammoth had been found—It was partly incased, to be convey’d to Philadelphia, but he did see—a part of the back-bone—which measured 35 feet—the skull of this skeleton was preserved—it was 9 1/2 inch thick—my reporter could not exactly ascertain, what part. when I have got the extr. and there appear some points—worthy your perusal, I shall consider it my duty, to communicate them. The legs were entire and armed with formidable claws—so that now the two defective parts of Peale’s Skeleton are found—The skull—it if is entire, as said—will prove—if it can have belonged to the Elephantine Species.—the claws will form a demonstration—that it has been a carnivorous animal—as well as herbivorous.
From a considerable depth, in digging a wel—or cellar was dug up, when he was there, a marble bust of no despicable workmanship—This and the copper coin—mentioned some time ago by the Rev. Dwight, who received a fac simile if not brought thither—which does not appear presumptive by Europeans—after the discovery of America—are the first proofs of this nature—and I am inclined to believe that by the increased population of these unexplored countries new discoveries shall be made.
As I dare not abuse your indulgence—you will permit me to assure you, that highly sensible of your past favours, and earnestly begging for their continuance, I am with the highest consideration and unfeigned respect / Sir! / Your most obed. & obliged Sert.
Fr. Adr. van der Kemp.


Title: From John Adams to Columbian Centinel, 22 October 1804
From: Adams, John
To: Columbian Centinel

ca. 22 October 1804

“J. Adams presents his compliments to the Committee of arrangements—Friendship for Mr. King and respect for the Company would have been more than sufficient to have induced him to have accepted with pleasure the obliging invitation to the dinner in honor of a gentleman whose wisdom, independence and integrity have done so much honor and real service to his Country ; but the present ill state of his health constrains him to deny himself and to entreat the gentlemen to accept of his apology.”


Title: From John Adams to François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 5 November 1804
From: Adams, John
To: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan

Dear Sir
Quincy Nov. 5. 1804

I have received your favor of October 15 and all the others that you mention, I believe, although I have not been able regularly to acknowledge the receipt of them. I thank you for the two Lectures. I have not been able to procure any information relative to the N.W. Coast, which might be usefull to you. Mr Barrell is no more and I never could learn whether Mr Ingrahams Journal has been preserved or not. I congratulate you and your Son on his agreable prospects and wish him the best Success.
There is so much rhodomantade of travellers in our Wildernesses which has proved in the End to be mere delusions, that I give little attention to them. The Country is explored, and thinly planted much too fast. Mr Raphaelle Peale, a Son of the industrious and ingenius Mr Peale of the Museum at Philadelphia, made me a Visit a few Weeks ago, and in conversation he told me, that the Skeleton of the Mammoth at his fathers he believed was that of a Sea monster: or rather he thought it amphibious, but chiefly inhabiting the Sea. In some great Convulsion of Nature, he believed they had been thrown up, by some Spacious Subterranean Caverns, into the places where the bones are found, which he Says are always in or very near to Salt Licks which he thinks have communications with the Sea. I wish Buffon and Jefferson would  Search all history and all Nature to determine whether they are not the serpents that hugged Laocoon and his Sons.
But my worthy friend I must be so candid with you as to confess that my Mind is too anxious for the precarious State of my Country, and for the afflicted and distressed State of my family, to be enough at Ease for Speculations about Mammoths, N.W. Coasts, or fossill statues or Coins.—These are all pitifull Bagatelles, when the Morals and Liberties of the Nation are at hazard, as in my Conscience I believe them to be at this moment. And the atheism of your Buffons and the despicable Philosophy of Mammoths and Cockles have made them so. I am with very great Esteem, dear Sir your Friend

J. Adamsturn over.P.S. I return with this your manuscript remarks of on Buffon and Jefferson. All who have looked into it, express themselves handsomely of it, as ingenious and learned, but all agree that it cannot be inserted in the Transactions.


Title: To John Adams from Richard Morris, 5 November 1804
From: Morris, Richard
To: Adams, John

Sir
Morrisania November 5the 1804

Having been honored with a commission of a Captain in the Navy by you, and still desirous of preserving your good Opinion, which I highly prize, I have taken the liberty to send your Excellency my defence, upon charges exhibited against me, by Order of the President of the United States.
I have the honor to be, Sir / with great respect, Your / Obedient Servant,
Richard V Morris


Title: From John Adams to Richard Morris, 15 November 1804
From: Adams, John
To: Morris, Richard

Sir,
Quincy, November 15. 1804

I have received your obliging letter of the fifth of this month, with a Copy of your defence, and thank you for both. The latter, written in a masterly manner, as far as I can judge is a complete justification of your conduct and ought to have obtained an honorable acquittal. It contains information of various kinds, which seems to have been much wanted by our President and his Ministers, who appear to have imagined that they had communicated to you their own power of working Miracles. They should have considered however, that it is one thing to perform wonders with the American people, and another with the Barbary powers, and another still with the winds & seas and the Geographical arrangements of the Globe.
As there is no family in the State of New York for which I have a greater regard than for yours, I had great satisfaction in your appointment on that account, but especially, from the opinion I had formed of your talents and qualifications for such a command. I have not been disappointed; and the report of a Commission of Enquiry and the subsequent act of the President, have in no degree diminished the esteem and regard for Commodore Morris, which was ever entertained by your friend / & Hble servt:


Title: From John Adams to James Wilkinson, 16 November 1804
From: Adams, John
To: Wilkinson, James

Sir
Quincy November 16. 1804.

I received your letter and have endeavoured to recollect the conversation you mention, soon after my Election to the Presidents Office. Much of it is still fresh in my memory, but the orders you think you received from me relative to the uniform of the Army have no traces in my mind. I recollect saying that I should look to you for all necessary information and representations respecting the Army; but I never could have intended or thought to be understood to give you authority to establish an entire uniform for Officers and Soldiers. In truth I doubt whether a General or a Secretary of war, or a President, or all of them together have such authority without an act of the Legislature. I am very sorry for the difference of opinion between you and Coll. Butler, because I have ever entertained a favourable opinion of both. With all that esteem and regard, which you very well know I have always had for you, I remain / Your friend & very humble Servt:


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Truxtun, 5 December 1804
From: Truxtun, Thomas
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Perth Amboy 5th Decemr 1804.

It was under Your administration of the Government of the United States that pirates ceased to insult us and to Scorn our prowess and Skill on the Ocean, It is under the administration of Mr Jefferson that our energies have ceased—our Character stained—millions lavished in marine affairs without judgment or to any good purpose, and those very picaroons who Stood Appald at the sight of our flag in 1800 laugh us to Scorn in 1804—Menace and plunder us before the very Mouths of our harbours. In this state of things I feel belittled & mortified as an American to the very center of my heart, and more especially when I combine in this view of our Affairs, the extreem of weakness folly and bad policy of our rulers in all other respects.
For my own heart I feel in every point of view independent of these men—Yet their conduct to me is unprecedented and only to be accounted for by my holding firm to those federal principles adopted at the formation of our Constitution—principles that were Not to be Shaken or departed from by A Philosopher taking the helm of the State. It is Said too by Some Gentlemen that I committed a Sins of all others the most provoking and unpardonable to these Men and their friends during our war with France—But as Shakespear Said "1. If power devine, 2. Behold our human Actions as they do, 3. I doubt not then, but innocence shall make, 4. False Accusation blush and tyranny 5. Tremble at patience "for things cannot thus remain another four years though Mr Jefferson Continues with his Myrmidons to gull the Multitude and though he tells them that other Nations feel power & forget right.—No, that very multitude will by & by open their eyes and discover that amidst these pleasing expressions he by his own Conduct exemplified that which he so loudly complains of in others. In making a Statement of my case, I do not think it necessary to exhibit it through any News Paper Editor, and have therefore caused to be struck off a few copies of the enclosed for particular Gentlemen as the Better way, especially, as they the Government dont attempt any thing against my Character.—one of the copies of my Statement I must ask the favour of you to present to Governor Strong as I have Not the honor of any personal acquaintance with him.
With my most ardent prayrs to an over ruleing providence that a propitious change may Soon take place in our publick Affairs and that peace Unity & Concord May thence forward long dwell in our land and with my best wishes for Your health & happiness, with that of your family—I have the honor to be Sir Your Sincere / friend & very obt humble Servant
Thomas Truxtun.


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Truxtun, 13 December 1804
From: Adams, John
To: Truxtun, Thomas

Dear Sir
Quincy 13th: December 1804

This morning I had the pleasure of receiving your favour of the 5th. of this month, with its important enclosures. I cannot accuse my Countrymen with ingratitude. They feel their obligations with ardent sensibility, whenever and wherever they see them. They sometimes from a variety of causes overlook them where they ought to be seen, and sometimes are made to believe they see them where they are not. You have dived to the bottom of the Secret. The Gentlemen now in power owe their elevation to French influence and to the partiality of the American people to France. This Nation has been taught by their present leaders to believe that we are under great obligations to the French and owe them much gratitude. This is not all. We have received great injuries from England, and the resentments of the people are carefully kept up; so that resentment against one rival nation, coinciding with gratitude to another have produced effects the most unaccountable. It is in perfect consistency with this system that you and captain Little are considered as the most heinous sinners next to those who set you to work; and indeed in this sense you were. The mighty change however could not have been accomplished without a little assistance from England. Their friends in this Country and their Zealots for unlimited power on the Ocean never saw with pleasure a  or an embargo of an American Navy, but as an instrument of mortification to France The moment they saw it was not to be employed against France, they wished it to perish, and most manifestly assisted in destroying the authors of it.
I was never arrogant or presumptuous enough to talk of playing off France against England and England against France as some scribblers have pretended, nor yet of holding the ballance between these two great Nations as some members of Parliament have hinted, but my system has been for nine and twenty years at least, to do justice and maintain friendship with all nations as long as we possibly could, and have alliances with none if we could avoid it. Neither the French nor the English are satisfied with this. Naturally Each of them wishes us to engage in war on their side against their rival. Monroe almost assured the French that we would be on their side, and many others of his party did the same. You and J. Truxton, arrogant as it may be thought, taught them otherwise; we were supported then by the Nation in such a manner as to convince them that they must be contented with neutrality, and accordingly I suppose they have given us leave to be neutral, provided we will choose their friends for our rulers. None so blind as those who will not see. The present generation will not see, because neither the French nor the English are willing they should see. But posterity cannot be blinded. Your services as well as those of the Officers and Seamen of the American Navy in the last years of the last Century, will be held in everlasting remembrance esteem and respect. It is neither compliment, paradox nor fanciful flight, but a deliberate opinion, that their exertions made such an impression on France and Spain as finally threw Louisiana into our hands and produced every other success in foreign affairs, that Jefferson has obtained.
I assure you I feel as little and as humble as you do and for the same reasons, especially since the people of my own native State have humbled themselves with more meanness than any other. God forgive them for they know not what they do. I agree with you however in opinion, that this prostration cannot be long.
I rejoice to see an Officer, who distinguished himself so nobly in the war with France come forward with so much characteristic frankness and candor on the present occasion. The copies for Governor Strong I will endeavor to convey to him.
With great esteem and consideration I am your sincere friend & / very humble Servt


Title: From John Adams to Caleb Strong, 19 December 1804
From: Adams, John
To: Strong, Caleb

Dear Sir
Quincy Dec. 19. 1804

Commodore Truxtun has requested me, to forward to your Excellency his Vindication and circular Letter. I acquit myself with pleasure of his Commission, as it gives me an opportunity of anticipating the Compliments of the approaching Season, and renewing to your Excellency assurances of the Sincere Esteem and affection of your Friend and Servant
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 31 January 1805
From: Adams, John
To: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan

Dear Sir
January 31st. 1805

Until your wishes & enquiries shall be known concerning, Ingraham’s Journal, I see nothing more likely to afford you amusement, than that part in which he seems to believe, that he had added somewhat to our Stock of Geographical Knowledge. In the 2d. volume the first page of which he has marked 52 or book 2 ch:4, he says—"1791 April 19, We steered NNW from the Island of Dominica and at 4 oClock, in the same afternoon we saw two Islands under our lee. One bore NWBN from us and NNW distance 35 leagues from the NW end of Dominica the other bore West of us. This sight was unexpected, as I knew we had seen and passed all the group called the Marquesa’s, on which I examined Captain Cooks Chart of the World his voyages, Quiro’s voyages, who was with the Spanish Admiral that discovered the Marquesa’s in 1595 and is said to have wrote the Narrative. Monsieur de Bougainville’s account of Circumnavigators and lands discovered by them. All my Charts and my Globes of modern date, but could find no account of but five Islands in the group called Marquesas de Mendoca or any land laid down where the islands we then saw, was. Of course I had reason to conclude ourselves the first discoverers; on which I named the first Washington’s Island in honor to the illustrious President of the United States. The other I called  Adams’s Island after the Vice President. At 5 oClock two more Islands was seen, one of which was between Washington’s and Adams’s Island; this I called Federal Island; the other was a small Island, which bore about South from Adams’s Island; this I named Lincoln’s Island, in honor of his Excellency General Lincoln. The situations of these Islands are as follows. Washington’s Island is in Latt: 8 52’ South Long: 140.19. West of London. Adams’s Island is in lattitude 9. 20’ South long 140.54 West. Federal Island is in Latt 8.55 South, Long 140.50 West. Lincoln’s Island is in Lat: 9. 25’ South: Long. nearly the same as Adams’s Island. All four may be seen at once when sailing from the Eastward towards them. I stood for Washinton’s Island all night; at 8, next morning we were abreast of the East end of it and by 10 we were under its NW Side. A canoe in which was three men came towards us, when they were within about three hundred yards of us they laid still awhile as  it were to view us, frequently calling out Hootah, which is land, or on shore in the Sandwich Island language;  I judged was the same with these people. After many gestures and signs of friendship, we prevailed on them to come to receive a few cents and nails. They talked to us a great deal but to little purpose as all we understood was to go on shore, but as I saw no place proper to Anchor in I bore away to the Westward and they paddled in shore again giving us a song as at the Marquesa’s. These people resembled those we had left, except one young man, who had his hair stained white at the end as is common at the Sandwich Islands. The Canoe was curved at each extremity, being both alike and resembling the Stern of those at the Marquesa’s. It was my intention to have anchored at this Island and taken possession, but I could find no place on its lee side proper for a Vessel to Anchor unless in case of great necessity, therefore I called my Officers and seamen together and acquainted them I had every reason to believe the Islands we were then under, and the three seen the night before—were never seen by any civilized nation except ourselves; therefore to Witness I claimed them as a new discovery and belonging to the United States of America, on which we all gave three chears and confirmed the name of Washington’s Island; after this we bore away for another Island, which we saw bearing WBN distant 10 leagues.
"Washington’s Island is about 10 leagues in Circuit, of a moderate height, diversified with hills and valleys; well wooded, the whole having a vastly pleasant appearance. It is accessible for boats in many places, but as I before observed there appeared no good Anchorage. As to its number of inhabitants I cannot say, as we only saw two Canoes, the one before mentioned and one which I saw by the help of a glass, two men launch, but they concealed themselves again and did not venture off to us. Houses we saw none—though no doubt these were concealed below the trees, as at Port Madre, De Dios. Federal Island and Adam’s Island appeard about the same extent and height as Washington’s Island, from what I could judge by the distance we passed them. At 6 in the Evening we were within two leagues of the Island we discovered and bore away for; at noon, it was much higher than Washington’s Island but appeared about the same extent. The NE is much broken and divided, its summits terminating in Ridges & Peaks of primordical form, the whole bearing a Volcanic appearance. Night approaching I could not examine this Island particularly, although I wished to much; to have remained for no other purpose, might perhaps be deemed inconsistent by the Gentlemen of the concern. Hence I hauled my wind to the Northwards. This Island I named Franklin’s Island in memory of His Excellency Doctor Benjamin Franklin. I cannot pretend to describe this Island very particularly for the reason’s before mentioned. However, it appeared well wooded and was inhabited for as soon as we hauled off—the natives made fires as it were to entice us to remain. The Lattitude of Franklin’s Island is 8 45’ South Long: 140 49’ West. Its center bears WBN. 10 leagues from Washington’s Island.
——We steered North from this Island till 6 oClock next morning, when we saw two more Islands bearing WNW. distance 8 leagues, we bore down for them and at 2 the same afternoon ran betwixt them. One I named Hancock’s Island in honor of his Excellency the Governor of Massachusetts; the other I named Knox’s Island in honor of his Excellency General Knox—I hauled towards Hancock’s Island, but finding no Anchorage bore away under Knox’s Island—We passed several fine Bay’s in which was good shelter from the trade Wind, but the bottom I judged was bad, from the surrounding rocky shores. One of these bays seemed as to shelter, convenience of landing &c. equal to Port Madre De Dios. but its shores indicated a bad bottom &c."
"Hancock’s Island is in 8 3’ So Long: 141,14’ West. Knox’s Island is in Lat 8 5 S Long 141.18 West. As to the positions of these Seven Islands which we have discovered and given names to, I presume they cannot be far from the truth. From what Mons. de Bougainville says it is pretty evident these Islands were not seen by the Spaniards in the year 1595, at which time they discovered the Marquesas. However lest many who may view this may not have seen Mons: de Bougainville’s voyage it may be proper to give it a place here. What I allude to will  be found in the introduction of the English Edition by I. R. Foster. FAS. page 21. In this introduction Mons: de B is recounting over all the voyages that had been ever performed round the Globe and the different discoveries made in the South seas, and in the above page he says in 1595. Alvare de Mindana the companion of Mendoca in the preceeding voyage sailed again from peru with four ships in search of Solomon’s Islands; He had with him Fernando de Quiros, who afterwards became celebrated by his own discoveries. Mindana discovered between 9 and 11’ South latitude and about 108 West from Paris the Islands of San Pedro, Magdelena, Domenica & St. Christina all which he called las Marquisa’s–de Mendoca in honor to Donna Isabella de Mendoca who made the Voyage with him &c. From this it is clear that the Spaniards only pretend to 4 Islands in this group nor ever saw any more. Captain Cook who visited the Marquesa’s in 1774 discovered a small round Island which bears about NNE from Dominica east end which he named Hood’s Island, &c. As I could not from the most diligent search find the least account of these Islands I conceive there could be no impropriety or presumption in naming them and claiming the discovery  as my own. Should it be hereafter proved that Islands in the same situation had been seen before, I renounce my claim with as little ceremony as I assumed it."
I know not my dear Sir, whether you will thank me for giving you the trouble of reading this long quotation. Ingraham’s voyage was from Boston to the Cape de Verd Islands, hence round Cape Horn to the West &. N. West Coast of America and thence to China.
I am Sir with usual regard &c.


Title: From John Adams to François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 5 February 1805
From: Adams, John
To: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan

Dear Sir
Mount Wollaston, Quincy Feb. 5. 1805.

This day I recd your favour of the 15 of last month you and I are in the same predicament. You are buried and forgotten as you Say in the Western Wilderness, and I am buried and forgotten at Mount Wollaston: But I believe you are happier than you were when bustling in Holland, and I am very Sure I have been happier for these four years passed than I ever was in any four of forty years before that term began. From the year 1760 to the year 1800 I was Swallowed up in cares and anxieties and exertions for the public. At the close of the Eighteenth Century I was dismissed to the Joy of both Parties to a retirement in which I was never more to see any thing but my plough between me and the Grave. I Submitted without Murmuring, Complaint or dismay: and have enjoyed life and health, with Gratitude, Calmness and Comfort. I cannot always be free from Apprehensions for the Public but as all responsibility is cheerfully taken away from me by both Parties, I have no fears of future Remorse or reflections on myself for any Errors of miscarriages of my own.
Such is the Nature of the People, and Such the Construction of our Government, that about once in a dozen years there will be an entire Change in the Administration. I lived twelve years as P. and V.P.—Jefferson may possibly last Sixteen. But New York and Pensylvania, cannot remain longer than that period in their present unnatural attachment to the Southern States, nor will the natural Inconstancy of the People allow them to persevere longer in their present Career. Our Government will be a Game of Leap Frogg, of Factious leaping over one another’s backs about once in twelve years according to my Computation.
I am fearfull of nothing more, than of what you prognosticate, that the People at next change will "fearfully avenge themselves and their Wrongs on some of the objects of their present Idolatry." The Federalists however, I hope will be too wise to be vindictive.
Franklins Parable against Persecution was borrowed from Bishop Taylor, who quotes it from Some of the Cabalistical Writings, as I understood. It is certain that Franklin was not the Inventor of it.
The Dart of Abaris might be the Northern Light, for what I know: but it will be difficult to prove it.
Who, pray is Sarbionus. I never heard of him and cannot find his Name in the Dictionaire Historique nor Mareni nor any other Writer?
You must erase every Word of panegyrick upon Buffon and Jefferson for Buffon was an Atheist and Jefferson is P. of U.S.
I am as usual your Friend & Sert
J. Adams


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 6 February 1805
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Mount Wollaston - Alias Quincy Feby. 6. 1805

It seemeth unto me that you and I ought not to die without saying good-bye or bidding each other Adieu. Pray how do you do? How does that excellent Lady Mrs: Rush; How are the young ladies? Where is my Surgeon & Lieut? How fares the lawyer?
Two learned & famous Physicians, Sydenham & Rush have taught us, that the plague & the yellow fever, and all other epidemic diseases when they prevail in a City convert all other  disorders into plague. I cannot help thinking that Democracy is a distemper of this kind, and when it is once set in motion and obtains a majority it converts every thing, good bad and indifferent into the dominant Epidemic. Here is our good old New England, almost as far gone as the United Irishmen in Pennsylvania—as some people think & say, I am not however of that opinion yet. In good faith my old friend are Pennsylvania and New York at present in the system of their true interests? Has our old friend McKean assisted in conjuring up a spirit from the vasty deep that he is unable to lay? Let me put a few questions to your conscience for I know you have one. Is the present State of the Nation Republican enough? Is virtue the principle of our Government? Is honor? Or is ambition and avarice adulation, baseness, covetousness, the thirst of riches, indifference concerning the means of rising and enriching, the contempt of principle, the Spirit of party and of faction, the motive and the principle that governs? These are Serious and dangerous questions; but serious men ought not to flinch from dangerous questions.—My Thomas and I have been reading together the Impeachments in the State Trials and we find that all Nations are too much alike.
My family unite with me in presenting respects and assurance of old regard to you and yours.
J.A.


Title: From John Adams to John Trumbull, 6 February 1805
From: Adams, John
To: Trumbull, John

My dear Sir
Mount Wollaston, Quincy Feb. 6. 1805

Colonel Humphreys and Col Tudor did me the honor of a Visit on Saturday and We had much Conversation about you, which made me feel as if I was Sitting at my Fire Side among my Children whom I had not found together for many Years. I was highly rejoiced to hear of your health, and the honor Esteem and respect which the Men of Connecticutt, which the Men of Connecticutt, have at length the Sense and Virtue to pay where it is So justly due.
Shall you visit Boston again, or will your public and private Engagements forbid it. It would be a delicious Feast to Us if you could find it convenient to Spend a Week or two with Us, at Mount Wollaston whose present possessor is a warm Friend to the Church And State of Connecticut, although Moreton, who erected a Maypole Upon it 180 years ago was a mortal Enemy to the Church and State of the Saints as he calls them at that time.—That impudent Instrument of Arch Bishop Laud, was engaged all his time in an Enterprize exactly Similar to that of Abraham Bishop and Pierpoint Edwards, viz to overturn and destroy Church and State in New England. The Skillfull Pistolian Burr, and his little band I understand have been industrious Coadjutors with Abraham in the great Work of unsettling Steady habits in Connecticutt.
Is it Safe to ask a question, in these times or to give an Answer? Safe or not I will risque it.—Are the Anchors and Cables of the good Staunch Ship Connecticutt Strong enough, and is the Anchoring Ground good enough to ride out this pelting pitiless Storm of Democracy? Can you Account for the popular Pheenomina, which Occur daily? Is it fashion? is it Contagion? Is it a Distemper? or is it bribery, and Corruption from forreign Policy? or is it a Convulsion of the Element, that has blown down so many Houses and Trees and fences? It is said by Dr Mead that Storms Eclipses &c as well as high tides at full and Change of the Moon, often made his Patients mad. Have you, Such a sett in Connecticutt as We have in Massachusetts of Strange Awkward, Outlandish Vagabonds running about in every town in the Character of Lay Preachers, schoolmasters Pedlars, Day Labourers and Beggars, watching every Opportunity to preach Democracy and propagate all the Lyes and Slanders of Duane and the other Editors of his feather? or is the mere Sound of Liberty the magical Talisman?
I am weary of Conjectures, but I shall never be weary in the Ways of Well doing and especially of assuring you of my constant Esteem and Affection.
J. Adams


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Waterhouse, 13 February 1805
From: Adams, John
To: Waterhouse, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Quincy Feb 13. 1805

I thank you for your Lecture on Tobacco which I received this morning and have read with much pleasure. Having been a great Offender in the Use of this Weed in some parts of my life, I may not be an unprejudiced Judge: but I know that may be borne, without any Sensible Inconvenience. I lived many years in France and in England and after my return in America, without any Use of the Pipe or Cigar. And I am very Sensible that great caution and moderation are necessary in the Use of them, as well as in the Ways of taking Tobacco. Many times I have been injured by a thoughtless excess, and now after a freequent use of it, for three score Years, with Some intervals, I am unable to take into my mouth a morsell no bigger than a swan Shot without sensible and immediate Injury. One quarter of the Quantity I have used in Some part of my Life, I fully believe would now kill me immediately. I heartily wish you Success in your Labours to restrain if not wholly to discredit the Use of it.
With Surprize and Grief I find by your Lecture that the Use of cider became unfashionable at the Colledge. The Apple is adapted to this Climate as well as Limes Lemons and Oranges to the West Indies: and I fear the decay of Health at the University is owing to the Use of Wine and Spirits instead of Cyder, at least as much as the consumption of Cigars. Rhenish or Mozelle Wine would be better for Us, than Sherry or Madeira: but Cider is better than either. Cyder a Year or two Years or three Years old is all the Liquor I can drink without inconvenience to my health.
Happy to hear that your Lecture is well received, by the public at large as well as by your Pupills. I wish Success to all your other Labours for the benefit of our fellow Men and remain, as ever your hearty Friend / and very humble Servant
J. Adams


Title: To John Adams from François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 15 February 1805
From: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir!
Oldenbarne. 15 Febr. 1805

As I esteem a peculiar favour that you continue to honour me with your correspondence, for which I chieflÿ am indebted to your friend Ship and condescending kindness; Is deemed a duty to renew from time to time mÿ assurances of high respect, tho’ fullÿ Satisifed, that my gratefulness for received favours never was doubted. Your generosity—if I might Seem to interrupt you too often—will make Some allowance in behalf of a man burried and forgotten in the western wilderness; when you reflect, that everÿ renewed mark of your approbation—one Single line contributes to my verÿ moderate Share of happiness.
Mr Peale’s opinion whim—with regard to the Mammoth—is, in my humble opinion, not much better Supported, than Buffon’s reverie—I lament with you most Sincerelÿ, Sir! that our dear Countrÿ is So deep tainted with  gallic principles, that it will require a verÿ deep cut, before it Shall be freed from this infection—God forbids that the Sword be insufficient for its radical cure! But have we not reason to fear the worst—when the Great and the good Shudder at our perilous Situation—and consider our morals our liberties—perhaps our independence too—at the Stake. We trusted long—and neglected perhaps what more nearly concerned us—we trusted long on New-England’s firmness: but find now alas! our hand pierced by this reed; but ah!
bÿ too deserv’d a fate
fall’n, fall’n, fall’n, fall’n
fall’n from her high estate!
But do you not believe, that calamities will awaken the Nation from it’s lethargÿ? I do—and then—how fearfullÿ Shall it avenge its wrongs on the objects of their actual stupid idololatÿ. Can Switsserland Can Holland—now the ill-fated prize to the highest bidder—not open their eyes? then nothing besides feeling the Stripes on their foolish backs will bring about a reformation. The God of our Fathers Dear, respected Sir! avert from you distresses, by which the happiness of your familÿ—in your high advanced age—might be interrupted—and bestow so many blessings upon you—as in his wisdom—with your eternal felicity is compatible. The assurance of your God’s approbation, of your conscience Sir! will more than balance the ungratitude of a fickle People—
I Shall devote the residue of this winter—once more—in retouching mÿ remarks on B—— I was not at all surprised—in Seeing them rejected—neither found meself humiliated by it;—in their actual Shape, in their coarse appearance—my vote Should have been joined with that of the condemning Judges—Nevertheless I have been much flatter’d—with their limitted approbation—and to you—Sir!—I do not Scruple to acknowledge, that mÿ vanity Should have been feasted most deliciously—if the whole or a part had deserved a place—among the Records of NewEngland’s worthies—Now the dice are cast, this is an innocent confession—before it might have, looked a Sacrilege. In reading this winter Alianus and Marc. Antonin. I was particularly Struck with two pasages—which if not known—are verÿ similar to two tirades of our cotemporaries—Marc. Anton—has the whole summarÿ of Franklin’s celebrated parable against persecution—and Alianus mentions a particularity of the Pigeons—which had a great resemblance to J. Hunter’s discovery—“of the milk in the breast of male-pigeons.”—Might not. So the fire dart of Abaris the hyperborean have been a Symbolic description of the Aurora Borealis?
Some years ago I had the pleasure—of offering Judge Bensen a Sarbievius—it was mÿ Ewe-lamb. Since that time two of my Litterary correspondents have presented me with two elegant Exemplars—in Quarto—from the plantivian press of that excellent Lyric Pöet. Will you oblige me of by accepting one—as a mark of my high respect?—I have nothing else to Show it as by words—and a heart overflowing with gratitude. Yet if not declined—I may find—next Summer an opportunity of conveying it to Quincÿ—
Continue to honour me with a place in your affectionate friendship, and permit to assure you, that I remain with the highest Sentiments of respect and consideration/ Sir! / your most obed. & obliged Sert.
Fr. Adr. vanderkemp.


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Rush, 19 February 1805
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

My much respected & dear friend
Philadelphia Feb: 19. 1805

Your letter of the 6th: instant revived a great many pleasant ideas in my mind. I have not forgotten—I cannot forget you. You and your excellent Mrs Adams often compose a subject of conversation by my fire side. We now and then meet with a traveler who has been at Quincy, from whom we hear with great pleasure, not only that you enjoy good health, but that you retain your usual good spirits, and that upon some Subjects, you are still facetious.
I have waited for some time for the publication of a new edition of my medical works (which has been unexpectedly delayed) to accompany them with a letter to request from you a more minute account of your health and happiness.
Many thanks to you for your kind inquiries After my family. My eldest Daughter is still happy with an excellent husband at montreal. My second Daughter visited her in 1803 where she was addressed by a Captain in the British Army. Both her parents objected to a conversation with him. Her Sister and Brother in law became intercessors for him, and we reluctantly submitted to his taking her from us in Feby: 1804. He appeared to be a man of uncommon worth. We were sometimes disposed to wish he were not so, that we might have had a good excuse for refusing him our Daughter. She is now with him at a remote post in upper Canada. They both say they are contented, and happy. We deplore her as lost to us—for life. They will soon sail for England.
My son John whom you honored with two Commissions left the navy after its reduction in 1802, and resumed the study of medicine. He graduated in June last, but soon afterwards lost his health, to recover which he went to South Carolina in October, where he will probably settle, & he says with far better prospects than he left in Philadelphia.
My second Son Richard is still studious. The hostility of our legislature to the bar, has rendered the progress of young Lawyers slow in business, but he expects soon to rise superior to the obstacles that have been thrown in their way.
By the second part of your letter, I am reminded of the answer of Sancho in Don Quixote when he was asked how he liked his governments “give me (said he) my shoes, and stockings.”—In like manner I feel disposed to reply to your questions relative to the present state of the United States—“give me my lancet, and gally pots.”—My children are often witness of my contrition for my Sacrifices, and of my shame for my zeal in the cause of our Country. Among the fatherly cautions, I deliver to them, none are expressed oftener, than the dangers of public, & the sin of party Spirit.
I live like a Stranger in my native state. My patients are my only acquaintances,—my books my only companions, and the members of my family, nearly my only friends. The odious opinions I have propagated representing the domestic origin of our American pestilence, have placed me permanently in the same situation in Philadelphia, that your political opinions placed you for a while in the year 1775. Linneaus in conversing one day with a Brother naturalist at Upsal pointed suddenly to some little boys whom he saw playing before his door, & said “These are our judges.” How consoling this reflection to those who have been the subjects of the injustice and cruelty of their contemporaries in their journey through life!
My dear Mrs Rush, and my son Richard unite in cordial and affectionate regards, to your Mrs Adams, and your Son Thomas with my Dear and much esteemed friend, your grateful and / affectionate friend
Benjn. Rush


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Waterhouse, 19 February 1805
From: Adams, John
To: Waterhouse, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Quincy Feb. 19. 1805

When I wrote you a line of Acknowledgment for your Lecture upon Tobacco, I kept no Copy of it, not expecting to ever hear any thing more of it, and I really remember very little that was in it.
Tobacco, I have found by a long experience, having learned the use of it upon Ponds of Ice, when Skating with Boys at Eight years of Age, to be a very dangerous Vegetable, extremely apt to Steal upon a Man and urge him to very pernicious Excesses. In addition to the physical Effects of it, which you have so well exposed it, consumes an enormous proportion of prescious time, and prevents applications both to Business and to Study, in a very criminal degree. It has also very hurtful Effects in the Memory. I will now give any Thing for the time that has been Stolen from me by this Thief. The Habit of it is the worse, when acquired and fixed in early Life, on account of the difficulty and the danger of ever afterwards renouncing it alltogether
During the four years that I passed at Colledge there was not a Single death among the Scollars: and I have always believed that the almost universal healh among the Students, was to be ascribed next to early rising and beef and mutton Pies at Commons, to the free Use of Cider and the very moderate use of Wine and ardent Spirits. When our Barrells and Bottles in the Cellar were empty, We used to Size it at the Buttery, and I never shall forget, how refreshing and salubrious We found it hard as it often was. I have heard of a hard Cyder Clubb which subsisted for many years, at Colledge though I never belonged to it, and have heard that the Members of it were remarkably healthy, not only while Undergraduates but in the after Course of their Lives.
Many of the longest Livers and healthiest Men that I have known, have made a free Use of this Liquor all their days. for example, the venerable old Champion of Calvinism and athanasianism, the Reverend Mr Niles of Monatiquot, was all his days a Lover and Liberal Drinker of it. One of his Parish drolly Said "our Mr Niles would not drink a drop of Rum for the World, but he will drink as much Cyder as any Indian." this Gentleman lived till near ninety I believe and always remarkable healthy and hardy. His Son, Samuel Niles, once a Judge of the Common Pleas of Boston lived I believe to Ninety Six, and remarkably healthy always. Where was a healthier Man than Dr Hitcock of Pembroke, and who made a more constant and liberal use of it always however with temperance. To these I could add many other Examples.
One of the ablest and most experienced Physicians in Virginia told me, about Six Years ago, that in thirty years practice in that State he had invariably found, that those who drank Cyder, for their ordinary Beveredge were the most healthy and the longest Livers, that those who drank Wine or ardent Spirits tempered with Water though temperate Men were not so healthy and ended their days sooner.
I have, habitually drank the Wines of Spain France Germany and holland in all their varieties diluted with Water and I have drank the mill Ports and Table Beer of London in all their perfection, but I never found any of them agres so well with my health as the Cyder of New England. It is true I seldom drink it under a year old, and often two and Sometimes three.
It Seems to me, Sir that Nature has planted the Antidote near to the Poison, and that a kind Providence has ordered the productions of the Earth to grow in a manner adapted to the Circumstances of the Clymate. And the Cranberries, Barberries, Currents and Cyder of New England are better adapted to the health of the Inhabitants than any other fruits.
I have no objections to your laughing with your friends over my frivolous Garrulity: and if you publish a second Edition of your Lecture as I hope you will, you may make any use of my Name in a note that your discretion will justify: but I pray you not to insert any formal Extract from Such Trash as this and my former Letter. I am Sir / as usual your Friend and Servant

J. Adams


Title: To John Adams from François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 25 February 1805
From: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir!
Oldenbarneveld 25 Febr. 1805

How can I make a return for your favors which you continue to bestow upon me—as having nothing to offer besides an unfeigned gratitude. Had I an higher opinion of mÿ Letters, whose acceptance I chiefly owe to your indulgent kind partiality: and would saÿ with Horace—Gaudes Carminibus, carmina possumus Donare—Now I have not even this plea—but I have three of your Letters before me—
I have been extremely gratified with both Extracts from Ingraham’s Journals; what pitÿ that such a man was bereaved of the aid of Astronomers & Botanists! what an ample stock would he have contributed to enlarge the boundaries of science with regard to those unknown parts of the globe—But similar undertakings are above the reach of individuals—I wonder that the merchants of N. York and Boston have not yet associated—for this purpose—The seal–fisherÿ would in that manner be carried on with greater success—The fur–trade of the N.W. Coast would be soon annexed to it—a part of the China trade—would flow naturally—through the same channel, in our sea ports—and a firm footing on some of the Islands or Continent would enable them, to obtain in a few years more knowledge of it than has been obtained during a whole centurÿ—
The principal information I wished for are relating to our North–west coast—to the archipel in its vicinity—and all what relates to these as well as its Inhabitants—manners—customs &c as I can not yet abandon the conjecture—that the Land—laid down by Cook as our discovered N.W. Coast—was really an extensive chain of Islands. This conjecture has been Strengthened by later discoveries—and I thought to have read or have been informed, that Ingraham did throw a new light on this subject—
His observation from vol. i pag. 10 on the 12 Dec. respecting fish-spawn colouring the sea—confirms your’s and Rumphius observations—It is a pity, that he could not examine it with a microscope—Sebald de Weert,  a Dutch navigator, in his voyage thro the Strait of Magellan p. 15 in the year 1599 did experience the same—the water appeared bloodÿ at a considerable distance He examined it, and found it filled with red vermicules—which coincides with what Rumphius says of a similar fact in the Indian Ocean of the foetus cancrorum—li. 28
I feel not yet the strenght of his argument against a N.W. passage—from the appearance of the Albatrosses in the Latitude 34–39 South—but shall reconsider it.
His elegant blue coloured shells tinging the water makes me record a similar fact observed on the coast of Brasil by a Dutch East–india man—water tinged linèn with blue spots. this is related bÿ Rumphius—i. pag. 28—
His discoverÿ of the 7 Isles—after he passed the Marquesas—has for it the presumption of originality—I lament—that he did not went on shore on one of them—He might then have seen his conjecture verified—and the gentlemen of the concern would have shared in his glorÿ—I am apprehensive—I would have been less scrupulous in a similar situation, except imminent danger did forbid the trial—
Your interesting letter of Febr. 5—did fill my heart with the most agreeable sensations—I did alwaÿs respect you Sir! but I must say, I sincerely revere you—no wonder, that you enjoy life and health—calmness and comfort, while your bosom is full of gratitude toward a Adorable Being! what controul over his passions—over selv–love must a man—who was placed so long at the pinacle of grandeur have acquired—who can descend from that height—without a sigh, and express it in terms—which would be shocking to common ambition—but you did look forward to posterty for a reward—you had your view fixed on an immortal station in a more glorious sphere, and—God be praised—you can not be disappointed
The dart of Abaris was actually considered by the Ancients as Emblematical—as is manifest from Herodotus and Leander—He rode on it, as on Horseback, thro the air—over mountains and seas with a motion Swift as lightning according Iamblÿchus in the life of Pythagoras—
Matth. Casimir Sarbievius—was a Polish Jesuit—lived in the 17 Century—a cotemporary of Urban viii—He was always placed—in rank—the first of the moderns—and often  at the side of Horace—Grotius says—that after the age of Augustus—not one is comparable to him—All the Latin Poëts of that Epoch have celebrated his name. The edition of which I made to you a tender is of 1632.
I have given the Papers this winter a revision—corrected them in various places—made considerable additions—softened in some portraits features—what were too flattering, deepened some shadows—so that some characteristic touches come far forward—and shall bestow on it another revision, when it shall be returned from a couple of friends, bÿ whom I should wish to have it scrutinized—It seems—you do not disapprove the publication—I am ÿet hesitating. Do you suppose, that the incorrectness of the language, and its hard phraseologÿ, will not effectually prevent its success by the Few?
Suspecting, that a part of one of your last covers had been cut out, in the hope of finding a bill—of which there are two recent cases, I include the cover for your inspection.
With an heart–felt satisfaction I renew the assurance that I am with the highest esteem / your obliged servt.

Fr. Adr. van der Kemp
P.S. Did you adopt the name of the excellent author of Religion of nature delineated—for your seal?


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 27 February 1805
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Quincy Feb. 27. 1805

I have just now received your friendly letter of the 19th. and rejoice with you Sincerely in the Wellfare of your Family. I wish you had named the Captain in the British Army who has been So fortunate as to marry your Second daughter; Many of those officers are worthy Men, and you are much in the Wrong to deplore her as lost to you,—for life. Neither Upper Canada nor England are so far off, but you may often hear from her, and much of her happiness. How many other daughters have you and what are their names.—John, I doubt not will do well and Richard, with patience and perseverance indispensable in a Lawyer, Sometimes and indeed  commonly through a long Noviciate, will have no cause to fear. No civilized Society can do without Lawyers.
Now for the first part of your letter.—I have enjoyed as much health for the last four years as during any part of my life: and my Spirits have been as chearfull as they ever were Since. Some Sin, to me unknown, involved me in Politicks. It must have been my own, for my father had certainly none towards me, and as little towards God or Man as any Man I ever knew in my life.—You hear I am still facetious upon Some Subjects, But my facetiousness you know was always awkward and seldom understood. When I was young I had two intimate Friends Jonathan Sewall and Daniel Leonard—they both went away to England in 1775. These used to tell me I had a little capilary Vein of Satire, meandering about in my Soul, and it broke out So Strangely, suddenly and irregularly, that it was impossible ever to foresee when it would come or how it would appear. I have thought of this sometimes and have had reasons enough to do so.—Certainly there is more of the Caustic of Juvenal in it: certainly none of the Wit of Horace: and I fear little or none of his good nature or good humour.—It is like Whitefords Punns. He made one once at my Table So extreamly neat, & pertinent and  but at the same time so far fetched, that it set the Table in a roar. Whiteford said I how could you think of that? It is so extremely remote and yet so exact, that I am sure I could not have found it, in twenty Years study. Lord said he, I know not, I found it right before me. I stumbled on it, before I saw it. It came of itself, I did not hunt it.—At least in this, I resemble Whiteford, the Cross Reader. I know nothing of any facetiousness in myself. If it is ever there it comes of itself; I hunt it not. You will expect from me, the garrulity of narrative old age, and here you have it.
Now for the latter part of your letter. I resemble you and Sancho.—I call for my Leavers and Iron Bars, for my Chissells Drills and Wedges to Split rocks, and for my waggon to cart Seaweed for manure upon my farm. I mount my Horse and ride on the Sea Shore: and I walk upon Mount Wollaston and Stony field Hill.—Notwithstanding all this I read the public Papers and Documents, and I cannot and will not be indifferent to the Condition and Prospects of my Country. I love the People of America and believe them to be incapable of Ingratitude. They have been they may be and they are deceived. It is the Duty of Somebody to undeceive them.
A Philosopher like Linnæus might Safely appeal to the Boys. But what are those to do who are to be tried by Boys, on the Testimony of false Witnesses. Boys who are to have laid before them a Dozen vollums of lying Newspapers and Pamphlets edited annually for twenty, thirty or forty years together without any contradiction, and aggravated by as many more Volumes of private Letters at least as lying as the Newspapers.
An Appeal to the last day, eternal Justice and an Assembled World, like Judge Chace, to be sure is perfect safety, when it can be made. Although I have no doubt that Able and Upright Men could make it with sincerity as to his Integrity and good Intentions; Yet I confess, for myself I shall rather Say at that Tribunal "God me merciful to me a sinner." Yet if called to such a Tryal as his I could do as he did, and I believe I should have done it.
My family join in friendly regards to yours, with your old / Friend, and humble Servant
J. Adams
N.B. Let me enquire after Lucius Horatius Stockton. I will never forget him, because he was the only Man in America who understood my Administration and had the Spirit to avow it and explain it, in print
J. Adams


Title: From John Adams to François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 14 March 1805
From: Adams, John
To: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan

Dear Sir
Mount Wollaston March 14. 1805

Your favor of Feb. 25th. is recd.—Ingraham, I think, must be no further North than the 56th: degree, but when I can find a little time, I will read his Journal again and if I find any thing that will entertain you, perhaps I may transmit it.
Rumphius, whom you quote is unknown to me. If what he says, which corresponds with my Observation in the generation of shell fish on the Surface of the Ocean, is Short, you will oblige me if you will Send it me, translated however if in Duch, for I understand nothing of that language.
I once visited the Cabinet of Sea Shells, of Mr Lionet at the Hague. You have probably Seen it. The Number and Variety in his Drawers appeared to be infinite. All the Seven Primary Colors Violet Indigo blue Green Yellow Orange Red and every possible combination and intermixture of these appeared in the Coloring of the Shells. Not the Gardens of Tulips and other Flowers of Harlem, nor the Collection of Butterflies in Mr Arnolds Possession at Norwalk in Connecticutt, exhibited a greater variety nor more exquisite beauty of colours, than those shells. That which Ingraham saw was blue, but I dare Say, if he had examined in any of those Portugese Men of War of which he Says the Ocean was full he might have found among them all the Colours of the rainbow.
The name of Mount Wollaston, which your Curiosity enquires for, is expressive of no sublime or beautifull moral or political sentiment. A Gentleman whose name was Wollaston came from England with a Company of thirty or forty People, to begin a Plantation, in the year 1622. Chance directed him, I Suppose into Massachusetts Bay, and to a little hill on a bank of the Sea of which he took Possession. This Hill and the Plains about it had been cleared by the Indians, by burning the Woods, and was employed in the cultivation of their Corn, Beans and Pompions. It was the principal Settlement of the Massachusetts Nation of Indians, chosen not only for the easy cultivation of the Soil, but for its proximity to the Sea, and the abundance of Fish, as Herrings, Smelts,Tuna Cods, Eeels, Cod Haddock, Bass Shad and every other Species; for the great Plenty of Wild foul as wild Geese Brants Ducks Widgiens &c—Clams, Muscles &c abounded on the shores.
Wollaston finding it a pleasant Situation, gave it his Name, which it has born now almost two hundred years. Partly by Descent and partly by Purchase it has fallen into my Possession. I have not thought it worth while to alter the Name: and indeed I must own I like the name the better for the Author of the Religion of Nature delineated, which I read in my Youth with great Pleasure, though not with full Satisfaction in his Truth of Things as the Principle of Morals.—I give the Name indeed, at present to all the lands I have in this Town: but if, you don’t like it and will give me another that I like better, perhaps I may change it.—I care nothing about it—The Name of the Town, Quincy is sufficient.
Wollaston removed in a year to two to Virginia, but the Hill has retained his name, though his successor in the Command of it, one Morton a Lawyer of Cliffords Inn, gave it a new Name Mare Mount that is Sea Hill.—He was a frolicksome Fellow and the People, changed his Name to Merry Mount. If you like Mare Mount or Merry Mount better than Mount Wollaston you may call it so if you please. All this about a miserable Trifle. I will add however that the name of Mount Wollaston as the most ancient inhabited Spot in this Neighbourhood is so established in the Records of this State and in all the ancient Histories of this Country, that it never can be forgotten. The Name of Governor Winthrop and the Name of Captain Standish must perish before this little Hillock can lose the name of Wollaston. I know of no prospect more beautiful than that which is to be Seen from the top of this eminence. The Fancy of a Poet might revel there in all the Joys of his art.
I thank you for your obliging Intentions respecting Sarbievius but as I am too old and too much occupied with other Things to think much of Lyrick Poetry, it is not worth your while to give yourself any trouble to Send it to me. Horace is quite enough of the kind for me.
I must delve too much upon Mount Wollaston to read much Poetry: yet if I were married to a Muse, I would certainly converse with her.
With Usual Esteem I am Sir yours &c
J. Adams


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Rush, 23 March 1805
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

My much respected & dear friend,

Philadelphia March 23rd: 1805
I was much gratified by your early answer to my letter, and by your kind inquiries after several branches of my family.
My second daughter’s husband’s name is Thomas Manners. He is a branch of the Rutland family. His father is wealthy, but as his estate will be divided among nine Children, my son in law will probably be dependent upon a military Commission for the support of his family as long as he lives. The only hope we have of its being otherwise, arises from his being a favorite with two rich maiden aunts. He is a most amiable & worthy man,—well educated, & alike correct, and agreeable in his morals & manners.
My third, and only girl that has escaped British spoliations, is called Julia, after her mother. She is now between 12, & 13 years of age, and is every thing that the fondest parents could wish an only Child to be. In point of intellect she is the first of all my Children. My third, and fourth sons are at the Jersey College. The 3rd., James who will graduate I hope next fall, has destined himself for the profession of medicine. His talents encourage hopes, that he will succeed in it. My 4th boy, Ben is a freshman. He is sprightly, & good tempered, but as yet without habits, or a formed Character. My 5th son, Sam, is learning to read, write & cypher in Philada: and my youngest William began his A: B: C a few days ago at a Mistress’s School. You I have thus given you in this, and in my former letter, a short history of all the branches of my family.
In the conclusion of your letter you say it is the duty of every man who loves his country to step forth in its defence of its institutions. To this paragraph, as far as it was intended to awaken me to exertion, I shall reply, by giving you an account of a singular dream.
About the year 1790 I imagined I was going up second Street, in our city, and was much stuck by observing a great number of people assembled near Christ Church, gazing at a man who was seated on the ball of just below the vane of the Steeple of the Church. I asked what was the matter;—One of my fellow citizens came up to me, and said, the man whom you see yonder, has discovered a method of regulating the weather, & that he could produce rain, & sun shine, & cause the wind to blow from any quarter he pleased. I now joined the crowd in gazing at him. He had a trident in his hand which he waved in the air, and called at the same time to the wind which then blew from the north East, to blow from the north West. I observed the Vane of the Steeple while he was speaking, but perceived no motion in it. He then called for rain, but the Clouds passed over the city without dropping a particle of water. He now became agitated & dejected, and complained of the refractory elements in the most affecting terms. Struck with the issue of his conduct—I said to my friend who stood near to me, “The man is certainly mad.” Instantly a figure dressed like a flying mercury descended rapidly from him, with a Streamer in his hand, and holding it before my eyes bid me read the inscription on it. It was “De te fabula narratur.” The impression of these words was so forcible upon my mind, that I instantly awoke, and from that time I determined never again to attempt to influence the opinions & passions of my fellow Citizens upon political Subjects.
Your friend and my brother in law L: H: Stockton is still at Trenton devoted wholly to the duties of his profession, in which he is daily acquiring reputation & property. He has I believe ceased to be active in the politicks of his state.
My dear Mrs Rush joins in affectionate regard to Mrs Adams, and great respect for yourself with Dear sir / your sincere & grateful old friend.
Benjn: Rush
PS: Since writing the above, we have been favoured with a Visit from your Son and his Lady & miss Johnson. They propose to set off for Massachusetts on Monday. Your son will deliver you a small pamphflet which I have lately published upon the pernicious effects of ardent Spirits upon the bodies & minds of men


Title: From John Adams to James Sullivan, 26 April 1805
From: Adams, John
To: Sullivan, James

Sir
Quincy April 26, 1805

In the Biographical Sketch, which you published, of his late Excellency Governor Adams, you have inadvertently admitted Some Errors of Fact in relating the Mission to Lord Howe, in 1776. In order to enable you to rectify those Inaccuracies, I do myself the honor to inclose, Some transcripts of familiar Letters, which I find in my old Letter Books, and request you to communicate them to the Historical Society of which you have the Honor to be President. They relate to a Transaction which has never been distinctly explained before the Public, nor generally well understood. I have / the honor to be, Sir, your most obedient Servant
John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 17 May 1805
From: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir!
Olden barneveld 17 May. 1805.

Your favor of march 14—with the post mark of Brookfield Mass: march 26 did not come to mÿ hands before the begin of April. My dilating an answer till now, will find an excuse in your kindness, when you reflect, that the field and the garden require mÿ attendence everÿ hour in tolerable good weather. This howewer would not have finally prevented my writing, if it had been in mÿ power, to Send you Some further account, to your Satisfaction, with regard to the generation of Shell-fish. But I have nothing materially to communicate besides what I answered on your favours of Aug: and Nov. 1801—which, as far I now recollect, were—in part Extracts from Rumphius He was a Physician—from Altona—in the Dutch E.I. Company’s Service—in a verÿ high Station—his works are valuable—That, to which I know refer is a folio—with numerous engravings—Ambons- Cabinet—Collection of rarities from the Ambon Seas—printed 1741—It is full of curious facts. The principal part regard the various Sorts of Shell-fish—the rest—minerals and precious Stones. I Suppose It must have been—at least in part—translated in English—remembring to have Seen citations from this writer—by his cotemporaries. He is Some times called Rumph—presumptive his original German name—I lately did See it in Darwin’s Botanical garden. I Shall Send for it again, and—if by a new perusal—I discover any part deserving your attention—I Shall make an Extract of it at the foot of this Letter.
I thank you for your obliging information in regard to the name of Mount Wollaston—It is valuable, in an Historical point of view—I am not vain enough, to Suppose it in my power of invention to fabricate a name, which could bestow a Single Scruple of additional value to that local Situation—which, tho’ nameless—would, by the residence of John Adams alone, be remembered by our late Posterity. Tho no Poët I Should ardentlÿ wish, to climb once that beautiful eminence, if mÿ circumstances could justify this excursion, fully confident that the Illustrious Proprietor would receive me with his usual Politeness—but this happiness is beyond mÿ reach—
Since my last I have Finished mÿ revision of Letters on Some points of B. Nat. hist. and made—in my humble opinion—Several valuable additions—castigating errors—lashing impiety—Softening colours too vivid, and adding a new Letter, in which I tried "to vindicate Gods wisdom from the obloquies of Sceptics in regard to the pretended useless—Superfluous—and noxious parts of the Creation."
It is my intention to Send it to my frend Mifflin—and request him to trÿ, if he maÿ Succeed better in finding a printer as for mÿ Achaic Republic—but apprehend, that the language will be deemed too harsh—to Secure a profitable Sale. But then I did what I could, and Shall remain Satisfied, in having it communicated to a few friends.
At last we are beaten out of the field in Oneida Countÿ—we must now wait patiently the issue—and let them direct their own course in their own waÿ—till the mutinous crew Splits asunder to carrÿ of the Spoils,—or the vessel bilges—It is not yet verÿ far from Shore—and might be Saved by a Skilful hand.—tho’ I do not See, whÿ from the wrecks might not be build a Smaller—and Stronger vessel—than this unwieldÿ—heterogeneous mass.
I am with the highest consideration and Sincerest attachment / Your most devoted Sert and frend

Fr. Adr. van der Kemp—Sir!
I have again perused Rumphius—but can nothing materially discover beyond what I communicated to you before; So that it must have rather been my incorrect expression, which induced you to believe, that He made Similiar observation with you. He rather gives two facts viz—that of crabs and Shrimps—corroborating your observation—these he mentions under the art. foetus Cancrorum B. i. Ch. 26 pag. 28 Another—recorded by the Same author: the Cassides læves or cinerea laÿ their eggs in Septembr in clusters on Stones—at the depths of two fathoms B. ii. Ch. 15 pag. 83. The carina Holothurianem animal causum causticum, was found in the Stomach of a flying fish. Hermannus Ceylon’s cabinet N. 38— I am Sorrÿ, that I can Send you nothing more worth your attention—I live yet in Hope, that I Shall be in time more Successful thro my Dutch friends—to whom I will applÿ on this Subject—on which I Should wish, that you would condescend to favour the world with your observations on a branch of Nat. Historÿ—yet unknown—where it is in your power to open a new Road—to glorify our bounteous Maker.
Permit me to recommend me to your honouring remembrance, and assure you that / I am with the highest consideration / Your most obed. humbl Sert
Fr. Adr. vander Kemp.


Title: From John Adams to Jean Luzac, 24 May 1805
From: Adams, John
To: Luzac, Jean

Dear Sir
Mount Wollaston, near Boston

May 24. 1805
William Dandridge Peck Esqr, a Professor of natural History in our University of Cambridge bound on a voyage to Europe, merely to examine the Institutions and Establishements, relative to that Science will have the Honor to deliver you this Letter. His manners and merit will recommend him to you. I ask the favour of you to give him an opportunity of Seeing the Botanical Garden and other natural Curiosities in Leyden.
I have to lament the long interruption of our Acquaintance and Correspondence. The times have been such in America as well as in Europe, as to forbid all free and candid Communications, and none other, can I ever make.
I ventured to translate into English and print in the Portfolio in Philadelphia an Essay on the French Revolution by a Society of Men of Letters.
My Sons and their Families are well, and I pray for the Prosperity of yours.
It would be, to me, as great a pleasure as ever I enjoyed in Life, to present Mr Peck to you in Person: but this cannot be...I ask no questions concerning Politiks or Commerce: Mr Peck will have nothing to do with eather.—His Persuits are litterary and Scientifick altogether.
You may remember, in the Constitution of Massachusetts of 1771 a Clause that it shall be the Duty of the Legislature to encourage Science and A natural History of the Country. This Injunction which was inserted by me, has lain dorment for five and twenty Years, but has lately been recollected and a small Establishment has been made partly by the Legislature and partly by private Subscription. Mr Peck is the Professor. I am greatly mistaken if he is not an honor to his Country. He has published a natural History of the Canker Worm and of the Slugg Worm two very pernicious Insects in this Country, besides other very ingenious Things, in the Transactions of our Academy of Arts and Sciences of which you are a Member.
I hear sometimes from our Friend Van der Kemp, who Seems always in good Spirits.
Many of my Old Friends in Holland are dead. But Mr Geislaer of Dort, I hope is not. Where is he? And what has been his fortune? Good I hope.
As I have ever esteemed Mr Luzac to be one of the most learned, and amiable Men in Europe, I have greatly lamented that times and Circumstances Should have cutt off the Communication between us which my heart always wished to enjoy. But the latter End of the Eighteenth Century and the Beginning of the 19th have been Such times as never were known before, and I hope in God never will be seen again.
I am, my dear Sir, with great Esteem and /  respect, your obliged Friend and /  very humble Servant
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from John Avery, Jr., 12 June 1805
From: Avery, John, Jr.
To: Adams, John

Sir
Boston June 12th: 1805—

I have the honor to inform you, that Your Excellency has been, this day, elected President of the Massachusetts Society for promoting Agriculture, and I with great pleasure transmit this notification—
I am Sir with great Esteem and / Respect— / Your very huml. Servt.
John AveryRecg Secy


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Rush, 29 June 1805
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

My dear Old friend
Philadelphia June 29. 1805.

Having been called upon lately to bear a part in the examination & exercises of twenty four Candidates for degrees in Medicine, I have been prevented from attending to my duties to my correspondents for several Weeks. I now sit down to resume the exercise of that duty, by thanking you for  your last friendly letter of the first of last Month.
I shall first reply to your question relative to the persons who accompanied us in the boat in our return from Point no Point in the Spring of the year 1776. They were I think David Humphries then a Member of Congress from Pennsylvania. Michl Hellegas, then Treasurer of Congress, and if my memory does not deceive me, Owen Biddle, then an Active & enlightned member of the Council of Safety of Pennsylvania. I recollect no part of the Conversation that took place in that company, except a jocular proposal to write a letter to Lord North with a supposed discovery of some state Secrets with which I well remember Mr Hellegas was so much pleased, as to urge its being carried into effect.
I seldom see any of the persons who now ride in the Whirlwind, and direct the storm of Politics in Pennsylvania, but my son Richard who mixes with all parties, says it is impossible from all he can collect of their relative strength and intentions, to tell who will be the successful Candidate for the Chair of our state next October. The friends of Mr McKean & Mr Snyder are alike sanguine, but the latter are far the most industrious. The leading federalists will be passive in the controversy, T: Payne has said in one of his publications, that it is "impossible to unknow a truth, that has been Once believed." Sad experience has refuted this assertion in Pennsylvania, for Alas! all the more upon the Subjects of Government, learning and lawyers, that were written down in the year 1789 have revived, and are now in full Operation in every part of our state. Do you remember a Speech you made to me at Mrs Yards door in septemr 1776 the evening after Congress passed a resolve to hold an intercourse  by Means of Commissioners on Staten Island with Lord Howe? It was “It would seem as if mankind were made to be slaves, and the sooner they fulfil their destiny the better.” I will hope that if the Liberties of Pennsylvania should expire in the present struggle, our Sister States will not follow our example. Many things will contribute to our ruin, that cannot operate in our Other states. We are divided by local national & religious prejudices each of which by a constant repulsive agency prevents Union in public & general enterprizes. A large portion of our Citizens are ignorant, and an equal portion are idle & so intemperate. We have at present no native Pennsylvanians preeminent for Genius or patriotism among us, and if we had, they would have no natural or American Allies, for a majority of the Old & wealthy Native Citizens of our state are still Englishmen in their hearts, and would afford them no support. This was exemplified in Peters, Clymer, Hopkinson and Some Others who were deserted by that Class of people as soon as the repeal of the test law restored them to the right of Suffrage, and a participation in the power of the state. It was in part from this View of things in 1790 that I ceased to labour for the general interests of my Country, nor do I repent of it. My family and my profession afford me pleasures and pursuits so adequate to my wishes that I often look back with regret upon the hours I spent in serving my Country, ( so unproductive of the Objects to which they were devoted) with deep regret. A Chair in my study is now to me what Dr Johnson used to say a Chair in a tavern was to him "The throne of human felicity."
Do you ever see our Philada papers which contain the publications of the two contending parties in our state?—If you wish to look over them—my son shall send such of them to you as are interesting. He reads them all—and occasionally at our meals gives me an epitome of them, for I seldom read one of them. I have not even read the two three much talked of Addresses to our Citizens from the assemblymen—the Constitutional Society—and the friends of the people.
A new edition of my medical Works is in the press. I have allotted a Copy for You. It will contain a retraction of some errors, and many new facts, and s upon the Subject of our American pestilence.
ADieu, my much esteemed friend: All my family join in love to you, and your excellent Lady. Often very often do we review, and endeavour to enjoy over again, the happy hours we passed at your house in Philada:—Continue my dear Sir to favour me with your Correspondence. You will find me hereafter more punctual & prompt in cherishing it. Again ADieu!
From your ever Affectionate / and grateful friend
Benjn: Rush

PS: I need hardly suggest that certain parts of this letter must not be read out of your own family.—


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 7 July 1805
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

Quincy July 7th. 1805.

Your Letter, my dear Friend, of the 29th. of June, Suggets enough of Serious reflections, to compose a longer reply, than I am, at present disposed to write, or than you could read with any Satisfaction.
John Ross, and I think, some others, whom you have not mentioned were in the Boat with us from Point no Point. I wish to ascertain, if I could the Month and Day as well as the names of the Company. The Subject, all the time, was Independence. It made an impression on me, because it Seemed intended for my Instruction and Edification. There is something in my Composition, which restrains me from Rancor against any man with whom I have once lived in friendShip. Mr McKean, is one among many of my old friends, who have been separated from me, by political causes. I cannot rejoice at the Embarrassment he is in, or the humiliation that Seems to be preparing for him. He is one of the last Men in the United States who could consistently with his Priciples or disposition, throw himself into the Arms of a democratic faction. It will be very curious, if Duane Should appear to be an over-match for him, and his friends. Yet even this may happen, in Pensilvania. McKean, Dallas and Coxe are not at home in the democratical pallace. They must be ejected from that House of Pride as Spencer describes it, or the House will be dividied against itself.
I have not Seen an Aurora  a long time: but last night I was told that in the late papers of Mr Duane, he or his Writers are elaborately answering my Defence, and recommending a Government in one Assembly. This coincides with your Account that the old Errors on the Subject of Government Learning and Lawyers are revived. There is a body of People in every State in the Union, who, are both in heart and head of this Sect. This tribe will always be courted by the Seekers of Popularity and opposers of a good Systematik Government. They are properly the Sans culottes of this Country. Whoever courts them and builds upon them, will find himself in the Situation of Danton, who made two Speaches on the Subject which reveal the whole Mystery. "They now cry Danton and Robespierre, Said he but the moment they change the order and cry Vive Robespierre and Danton, off goes my head." Another Saying of Danton was this. "They have driven us into the Arms of the Sansculottes, and Sansculottism has destroyed France: it has ruined Us all; and will very Soon destroy itself." Danton, however, was not the first nor the last Demagogue who has gone down into the Pit with his eyes open.
It would indeed Seem as if mankind were, destined to be Slaves, as you told me, I said 30 years ago, All History and all Experience Seem to evince such a tendency. There is Liberty however, and there has been, in some Ages and Countries: and if this fact is admitted, Wise Men Should never despair, but always remember that no Effort will be lost. When I Said “the Sooner they fulfill their destiny, the better, I Said  as peevish and extravagant a Thing as Brutus did, When he Said he found Virtue but a Shadow, though he had worshiped her all his days as a Goddess. Such foolish Escapes of ill humour ought not to be remembered; or if not forgotten they ought to be reprobated.
Pensilvania is not alone. Every State in the Union is, in her case, in a larger or Smaller degree. Patriotism in this Country must be tinctured with English or french devotion or be without Support, and almost without friends. Independent unadulterated impartial Americanism is like Hayleys Old Maid, a decayed tree in a vast desert Plain of Sand or like Burke’s old Oak, torn up by the roots and laid prostrate by the late Hurricane: Every State in the Union has a party, like your "old wealthy native Citizens," who are Still Englishmen in their hearts, and will afford a mere American no Support. These factions from the Mississippi to St. Croix, have made it a fixed Principle, all along to hunt down every true American  and every Revolutionary Character, as Soon as they possibly could, and get them out of their Way. They were all in one of these Parties taught to turn their Eyes for this purpose upon that Scottish Creole Alexander Hamilton as their head, and what he was to do with them or what they were to do with him I will not at present Conjecture; but I have an opinion, which may one day be develloped. Probably it went no further than an Alliance with England, and an alienation from France, without well considering what must have been the necessary Effect of such a Plan. In this they fundamentally departed from my system, and my Maxim, which you know I have preached and inculcated for thirty Years and which Jefferson has been mean enough to Steal from me, and display as his own, “Friendship and Commerce with all Nations Alliances with none.” Washington learned it from me too, as you very well know, and practiced upon it, as far as he could, to my certain knowledge and by my constant advice at a time when he consulted me in every thing to the infinite Jealousy of Hamilton. Your Lady’s father Judge Stockton, Knew very well that this was my Maxim on the day of the vote of Independence, and his son Horatio, seems to have heard it from his Father, for he wrote with more cognizance de cause, at a certain critical period, than any other Writer in America. Even he however was too fulsome to Washington. I am always mortified when I See my Administration, Supported by the Name, Opinion or Authority of that Man, great and good, as he certainly was. If my Conduct cannot be justified by Reason, Justice and the public good, without the Smallest Aid from the Prejudices or Caprices of the People, or from the Judgment of any Single Individual on Earth, I pray that it may be condemned.
The human Understanding is very well in the ordinary Affairs of Life. In Architecture, Men consider the Elements about them, the Earth, the Air, the Water and the fire, and construct their houses very well to guard against the Dangers and Inconveniences of each. In Dress, in Furniture in Equipage, they consult nature tolerably well, and provide for their Comfort and Decency. But in Goverment they Seem to be destitute of common sense. The Nature of men and Things is laid out of the question. Experiment which is admitted in all other Arts and Sciences is wholly unheeded in this. A Strange Disposition prevails throughout all stages of Civilization, to live in hollow trees, and Log houses without chimneys or Windows; without any division of the parlour from the Kitchen or the Garret from the Cellar.
I cheerfully agree to confine your Letter to my family upon condition that you confine mine to yours. For mercy sake dont hint any thing from me to Tench Coxe or Tom Paine, to Pierpoint Edwards or Dr Dana
My Family join in Love to yours, with you old Friend /  and faithfull servant,
J. Adams