Title: To John Adams from John Jay, 23 January 1789
From: Jay, John
To: Adams, John

            Dear Sir
            New York 23 Jany 1789

          Having read in the Papers of to Day, an Extract of a Letter from a Gentleman in France to one at Boston, mentioning an Edict excluding foreign whale Oil, I waited on the minister of France to be informed whether he had recd. official Information of it. He told me he had not.— We had much Conversation on the subject, and from it I was led to conclude, that he did not think it improbable that the unsettled State of the french administration might have produced such a measure. He observed that our Commerce with France should be regulated on stable Principles, and after being reduced to System, should be fixed by Treaty—that the Duration of occasional Edicts could not be relied upon, and that they would always be liable to such alterations as circumstances might from Time to Time render convenient to the administration—
          Be pleased to present our Compts. to Mrs. Adams & Col. & Mrs. Smith—we hope their Journey has been as agreable as the Season would permit.
          Mr. Pintard will be the Bearer of this— this Gentleman has for several Years been the american agent at Madeira—and Congress have testified their approbation of his Conduct— He expressed a

Desire of paying his Respects to You—and I introduce him with Pleasure—
          with great Esteem and Regard I am / Dear Sir / Your affte. Friend & Servt

            John Jay—


Title: To John Adams from Sylvanus Bourne, 28 January 1789
From: Bourne, Sylvanus
To: Adams, John

            Sir
            Boston Jany. 28th: 1789

          Pardon the liberty I take, and permit me to call to your Excellency’s recollection, a Person who (at the time the Committee of Convention for framing this State’s Constitution were sitting in this town) requested to be taken into your Office, as a student at Law, and had your promise to be received if the services of your Country should not call you abroad; but which proving to be the case in a short time after—my Views were thereby frustrated. this in connection with some other unfavourable occurrences of the moment, turned my Attention into a different channell & Commerce became the object of my future pursuit; and tho’ the peculiar embarrassments which have attended trade in the northern States, since the peace, have cramped my connections in business. I have not failed [. . .] by reading & observation to make myself in some degree acquainted with the general principles of Commerce and more especially those which apply to the situation & interests of my own Country; cherishing the fond idea that I might have a future opportunity, of rendering service herein—and cannot but view with heartfelt pleasure that agr[ea]ble prospects, which the establishment of a system adequate to every purpose of Govt: affords America, of soon being able, to retreive her lost Credit, & respectability with foreign powers, and her peace & happiness at home—
          As the want of due Commercial regulations gave the first rise to our present system—such regulations I humbly conceive will form

the first Objects of its Administration; as being intimately connected with the Revenue & on the principle of Obviating the injurious effects which have arisen to us, from the rigid navigation Acts, of those Nations—with whom we have been commercially connected: for however despicable they may have viewed us in our late unhinged situation, they will have reason I presume, materially to change their sentiments when they find us in the operation of that Govt which gives us the capacity of combating them with their own Weapons by opposing similar restrictions on our part.—and it is not to be doubted that America under an efficient Commercial System & with her internal resources brought into Action—will have her future connection solicited by those very nations, who now pretend to hold her in Contempt, & on terms of National reciprocity—
          Fraught with these sentiments & in possession of an heart devoted to the service of my Country—I have in contemplation to adopt the favourable Crisis which will present under the operation of the new Govt. to solicit a consulship or some commercial errand abroad; presuming that the establishment of Persons as the Guardians of our Interests in foreign ports will be esteemed necessary upon the plan of regulating our future Commerce & to obtain accurate information of the relative importance of their trade with us—to the accomplishment of my wishes I need the assistance of able friends— I have conversed with my Uncle Bowdoin Mr Lowell & several others on the subject, who promise me their recommendation & friendship, but shall esteem yours of decided importance to me hoping to find your Excellency at the head of the federal Council—where your exalted reputation will not fail to give all possible weight to your Advice & recommendations—a conviction of the importance of your friendship to me—whether you are in or out of the Govt. prompts to this early application—and I feel confident from a knowledge of your Excellencys Character that it must be a pleasing sacrifice to the goodness of your Heart—whenever in your power to promote the Views of a young person whose basest motive is Ambition & whose greatest Pride would be to serve his Country—
          I have the honour to be in sentiments of the greatest respect & Esteem / Your Excellencys / Most Obedt: Servt

            Silvanus Bourn

            NB I shall do myself the honour to wait on your Excellency in a few days—


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 8 February 1789
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

            My Dear Friend
            Braintree Feb. 8 1789

          Your obliging favor of the 22d Ult I recd. last night.— I remember so much of the transactions, at the formation of the Pensilvania Constitution, that I wish you could save time enough from almost any other pursuit, to arrange your materials for an History of the Revolution in Pensilvania, to be published hereafter; at present perhaps it might not be prudent. The four respectable characters, who had much influence in the fabrication of your Constitution, Mr. Matlack Mr Cannon Mr Paine & Dr Young, should be analyzed and developed in a manner that would give offence. Let me give you the character of one of them, (Young) in a conversation which really passed in 1772 between Timothy Ruggles, & Royal Tyler.
          Ruggles. That Tom Young, is a firebrand, an incendiary an eternal fisher in troubled waters. Boston will nev[er] be in peace while that fellow is in it. He is a scourge a pestilence, a judgement.
          Tyler. come! come! dont abuse Dr Young; He is a necessary man in the town of Boston. He is in the city, what you are in the House of Reps.: a useful man.
          Ruggles. useful for what? Tyler. I was yesterday in a watch makers shop, and look’d over his shoulder while he put a watch together:

The springs and wheels, were all clean, and in good order, every one in its place as far as I could see, but the watch would not go: the artist at length with his thu[mb] and forefinger groping in the dust, upon his shop board took up a little dirty pin, scarcely visible to my naked sight blew off the dust and screwed it into a certain part of the wheelwork, the watch then click’d in an instant and went very well.— This little dirty screw are you in the Legislature and Dr Young in the town of Boston. Here was a loud roar of Laughter at Ruggles’s expence; but his wit has seldom failed him as his power of face; with all the gravity of a Judge he replied. Ruggles. Since you are upon clock work, I’l tell you what you resemble, the Pendulum—eternaly vibrating from one side to the other; but I must do you the justice to say I never knew one swing so clear. the answer hit the character so exactly, that the tide of laughter was now turned the contrary way.
          We have had my dear sir, in all the States in the course of the late revolution, two many of these little Pins who have acquired the reputation of great wheels and main springs. How few in any age or country have been equal to it; in America, we should have been very excusable if we had found none; neither our Education our prospects or expectations led us to this frame of thinking. Ages of anarchy and distraction preceeded the formation of such characters as those of Lycurgus and Solon. And long study and laborious travel, with a single view to discover the best forms of government were scarcely sufficient for their purpose. An anxiety for the consequences of the form of government which I found planning for Pensilvania, induced me to throw out those thoughts on Government which were printed I believe by Dunlap in 1776, if you can find one of them you will oblige Me by sending it; I have not seen it these ten years, and have not been able to find one here since my return. I remember that you wrote a series of speculations in the Newspapers about the same time upon the same subject; as I thought them at the time both Spirited and ingenious, I wish to see them again. With the character of Mr Tench Coxe, I have had for some time, an agreeable acquaintance, but knew not that he had employ’d many of his thoughts about me, till I received your letter. I have not seen a Pensylvania paper since my return, nor did I know but from a paragraph or two extracted into the Boston papers that any thing had been written concerning me.
          The character you give me of Mr McClay is very agreeable, and the more so because he is your Friend; his real character was little known here.

          If it should be my destiny to have any share in the new government, you will be very sensible of the delicacy of my situation, and of the necessity of a more accurate discretion, than nature perhaps has afforded me. I shall be very happy in your correspondence, but you will readily agree, that it must be very confidential. If my sensibility, by long and severe exercise, had not been almost exhausted, it would have been deeply affected, at the late descision in this state. After all the manœuvers and intrigues of a certain popular first magistrate, 21 and his faithfull emisaries, there was not one man returned by the people, from all the districts of the commonwealth, as an Elector, whose sentiments were even equivocal; unless it were one in a remote part, whose name I never heard before—and his opinion was only dubious.
          I am my Dear Sir, your affectionate Friend


Title: To John Adams from John Murray, 10 February 1789
From: Murray, John
To: Adams, John

              Glouster Feby. 10— 1789

            How grateful, how thankful, this moment I feel— To who, for what? To the infinitely good, the infinitely great, who, having the hearts of all in his hand, hath in the course of his Providence, dis-posed one of the best, one of the greatest of his speies to feel kindly disposed towards his humble thankful servant.
            You will, good Sir, (I might had said great, but great you may be, and not good, and then, little as I am, I shall neither be grateful or thankful for your condescending notice) be at a loss to concieve why I thus address you— Alass, Sir, you must submit to a thousand im-pertinent addresses— You are going to asscend an eminance where, when seated, the eyes of multitudes will be fixt upon you, and you

will look down upon them, not with contempt, but with pity. I venture to present myself before you, I presume, if not the first, in the very first line. I present myself before you, not only to offer my sincere congratulations on your being called by your lov’d, your grateful Country to fill so important a station, where, acting yourself, you must do good unto all, and be the public Benefactor of the Continent—where, after serving your Country—(not yourself, or, rather, in serving that Country, more effectually serving yourself by indulging your finer feelings) in the first Courts of the Elder world, you will now, have an opportunity of giving being to the first Court in the new world, where honor and honesty will take up their residence, never, I trust, in future to be considered a stranger there.
            But what, you will say does all this tend to— first, without any doubt, the gratification of myself— I have alway found pleasure in declaring the Truth. secondly—I embrace this opportunity to gratify my Friend—
            I have dear Sir, a Friend in this place, who I really think feels a strong affection for your Humble servant— I, therefore, you will readily conclude feel a strong affection for him— now this Friend hearing me so often dwell with delight on your praises, took it in his head that you had honored me with your friendly attention, and convinced I am his Friend he wished to oblige me by giving me an opportunity of obliging him by soliciting your kind condescending assistance to put him into the place of Naval Officer in this Town.
            The friend, then, I have the honor to solicit your favor on the behalf of is one of the first characters in this Town, and tho’ the son of one who was not a Whig (Mr Epes Sargent) yet this Mr. Epes Sargent Junr. has been himself, from the begining a very stanch one, and but for some reasons that you, dear Sir, as a Father, must approve of, would on sundry occasions have consented to gratify the Electors of this Town in representing them in the general Court.
            The place he would wish to occupy is not a very lucrative one, but his business is small, and his Family large— small, however, as the place is, I make no doubt but there will be a plurality of Petitioners anxious to obtain it— as you, dear Sir, will have but one wish—to do good—first for your Country in general, next for the most deserving members of the Community in particular, I venture to incourage hope you will do what in your own wisdom you see fit, to put into the naval Office, the Friend of him, who have the honor to be with very respectful, and sincere regard / Your most obedient, / most devoted, / Humble Servant

              John Murray

            I beg leave to add, that, I am requested by Mrs. Murray to beseech you to allow her to accompany me in sincere gratulations, on the present occasion. she also begs she may be indulged with the favor of presenting, with your humble servant, her most grateful Compliments to your ever Amiable Lady and the lovely Youth she had the pleasure of seeing in your hospitable Mansion—


Title: To John Adams from Abraham Fuller, 12 February 1789
From: Fuller, Abraham
To: Adams, John

            Hond Sir
            Newton Feby 12th. 1789

          Since I made the last return of the number of Polls in the Commonwealth, to your Honr, I find a Mistake of 45 Polls, being Short of the number in the County of York, they being Added to the County of York makes the number 4944; than the whole number in the Commonwealth is 90513—
          Your Honr. most Obedient & / Huml. Servant

            A Fuller


Title: To John Adams from William Cushing, 18 February 1789
From: Cushing, William
To: Adams, John

            Dear Sir—
            Boston Feby the 18th. 1789.—

          I know you will forgive me if I draw your attention, a moment, from the weighty matters that employ it, to the Subject of libels &

liberty of the press; on which I had the pleasure of a word with you— lately. Our 16th. Art. of declaration of rights, holds forth that, “The liberty of the press is essential to the Security of freedom in a state,” and that—“it ought not, therefore, to be restrained within this Commonwealth.” I confess I have had a difficulty about the construction of it; which no Gentleman better than yourself can, in a word, clear up. My question is this—Whether it is consistent with this article, to deem & adjudge any publications of the press, punishable as libels, that may arraign the conduct of persons in office, charging them with instances of male conduct repugnant to the duty of their offices & to the public good & Safety;—when such charges are supportable by the truth of fact? By the law of England, it seems clear, that, in a civil action for damages, a libel must appear to be false as well as Scandalous; & the truth of an accusation may be pleaded in bar of a Suit, whether brought for words or for a libel. 4 Black. 150, & Elsewhere.
          But on an indictment for a libel, it is held to be immaterial, whether the matter of it be true or false. And this law, Judge Blackstone says, is founded solely, upon the tendency of libels to create animosities & to disturb the public peace; & that the provocation, & not the falsity, is the thing to be punished criminally. And some books say, the provocation is the greater—if true. The consequence of all which is, that a man ought to be punished more for declaring truth, than for telling lies, in case the truth contains a charge of criminality against any one.
          However in the case of the 7 bishops, Mr. Just. P., who, Ld. Camden said, was the only honest man upon the bench at that time, held that, to make the petition a libel it must be false &c, & that the case turned upon the truth of the assertion, that the dispensing power claimed by the King was illegal: & he held the position of the bishops true & right as to ecclesiastical laws & all other laws whatsoever. He was overruled indeed by the other Judges, especially by Ch. Just. Wright, & Allybone; the former laying it down, that whatever disturbed the government or made mischief or a Stir among the people, was within the case of libellis famosis, & whether true or false, was a libel. Allybone, asserted, that a private man, taking upon him to write any thing concerning government, was an intruder into other mens matters, & was a libeller. But the dernier resort, the Jury overruled all & set them right. The indictment in that case charged the petition to be a false writing—& I believe no indictment for a libel was ever framed, without an allegation of falsity. Which, with the reason

of the thing, may be some apology for Just. P.’s mistaking the law. It must be confessed that, as the law of England now stands,—truth cannot be pleaded in bar of an indictment, though it may, of a civil action, for a libel.—
          The question is—whether it is law now, here. The 6th. Art. of the last chap. of our Constitution, is—that all laws heretofore adopted & usually practiced on in the Courts here, shall remain; excepting only such parts as are repugnant to the rights & liberties of this Constitution. By the spirit & implication of this Article, laws of England not usually practiced on here, are not to have force with us, & laws actually practiced on, but repugnant to the Constitution, are set aside. If therefore that point has never been adjudged here (& I do not know that it has been) we are at liberty to judge upon it de novo, upon the reason of the thing & from what may appear most beneficial to Society. And in that case, it strikes me as it did honest Powel, that falsity must be a necessary ingredient in a libel. But to come to our article, respecting liberty of the press: the words of it being very general & unlimited, what guard or limitation can be put upon it? Doubtless it may & ought to be restrainable from injuring characters; which is one principal object & end of other articles & of government. But charging a man, by word, writing or printing, with a crime, of which he is really guilty, is—damnum absque injuria, as Blackstone & others justly observe. And in general, no doubt, it may be restrained from injuring the public or individuals, by propagating falshoods. But when the article says—“The liberty of the press is essential to the Security of freedom,” and, “it ought not to be restrained” does it not comprehend a liberty to treat all Subjects & characters freely within the bounds of truth? Judge Black, says, (4, Vol. p. 151) the liberty of the press consists—“in laying no previous restraints upon publications,” & not in freedom from censure for criminal matter when published. wherein he refers to a public Licenser or inspector of the press. That is, no doubt, the liberty of the press,—as allowed by the law of England. But the words of our Article, understood according to plain English & common sense—make no such distinction, & must exclude subsequent restraints—as much as, previous restraints. In other words, if all men are restrained, by the fear of jails, Scourges & loss of ears, from examining the conduct of persons in administration, and, where their conduct is illegal, tyrannical & tending to overthrow the constitution & introduce Slavery, are so restrained from declaring it to the public; that will be as effectual a restraint, as any previous restraint whatever.

          The question upon the article is—What is that “Liberty of the press which is essential to the Security of freedom”?
          The propagating literature & knowledge by printing or otherwise, tends to illuminate mens minds, & to establish them in principles of liberty. But it cannot be denied also—that a free Scanning the conduct of Administration, & Shewing the tendency of it, & where truth will warrant, making it manifest, that it is subversive of all law, liberty & the constitution; it cannot be denied, I think, that this liberty tends “to the Security of freedom in a State;” even more directly & essentially, than the liberty of printing upon literary & Speculative subjects in general. Without this liberty of the press, could we have supported our liberties against british Administration? or could our revolution have taken place? pretty certain, it could not at the time it did. Under a Sense & impression of this Sort I conceive this article, was adopted. This liberty of publishing truth can never effectually injure a good government or honest administrators; but it may save a state & prevent the necessity of a revolution, as well as bring one about when it is necessary. It may be objected—that a public prosecution is the regular course—in case of malefeasance. But what single man would undertake such an invidious & dangerous task against a man high in interest, influence & power? But the liberty of the press, when it has truth for its basis, who can stand before it? Besides, it may facilitate a legal prosecution that is well-founded, which might not otherwise have been dared to be attempted. When the press is made the vehicle of falshood & scandal, let the authors be punished with becoming rigour. But Why need any honest man be afraid of truth? The guilty only fear it—and I cannot but be inclined to think with Gordon (in his letter upon Libels vol. 3. No. 28. of Cato’s Letters) that truth sacredly adhered to, in all cases without exception can never upon the whole prejudice right religion equal government, or a government founded upon proper ballances & checks, or the happiness of society in any respect; but must promote them all. Suppressing this liberty I am speaking for, by penal laws; will it not carry greater danger to freedom, than it will do good to government? The weight of government is Sufficient to prevent any very dangerous consequences occasioned by provocations resulting from charges founded in truth, whether such charges are made in a legal course, or otherwise.
          But not to trouble you with a multiplicity of words; If I am wrong, I should be glad to be set right. Experiencing the happiness of your friendship upon former occasions, gives me a kind of further claim

upon it.— However I would not wish to intrude upon your busy hours, devoted to more important matters; & especially as you are to be speedily called to the weighty concerns of a high office in the fœderal government—not, indeed, as head, but to be a pillar to support the head & the whole fabrick;—an office, to which no man can dispute the ground of your title, as on other accounts, so particularly for the share you have had (greater in many respects, I suppose, than any other) at home and abroad, from the beginning to the conclusion, in the late revolution.— The point now is a stable government, which is to be in motion soon, & I heartily wish you Success.— I am Sir, your affectionate friend & humble Servant—

            Wm Cushing—


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Rush, 21 February 1789
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

            my dear friend,
            Philadelphia Feb: 21st 1789.

          Few events have happened since the 17th of septemr: 1788, which have afforded me more pleasure than your election to the Vice president’s chair. It is the cape stone of my our labors respecting the new goverment. Mr Rutledge had some friends in Pennsylvania—But your friends prevailed. Mr Wilson had great merit in this business. Mr Morris likewise advised it. There is an expectation here which I

have humoured, that your influence will be exerted immediately in favor of a Motion to bring Congress to Philada:— New England alone must determine this question—for our Quaker & German manners will always give new york an Advantage over us in the Opinion of southern gentlemen. There was a time when yankies & Aristocratic new yorkers were less United. I wish to see the Congress in Philada: for two reasons principally. 1 To silence the clamors which begin to circulate in some of the southern states, of the interested & local Views of the Eastern States, & 2ly to prevent a few years hence a removal of the Seat of goverment to a more Southern, a less healthy & less republican State.—
          I lost your excellent pamphflet by lending it to One of our printers, but shall endeavour to procure a copy which was printed from it in one of our newspapers in the year 1777.— I enclose you a copy of the four letters you refer to, published in the same year—also a small tract on the late test law of Pennsylvania by the same Author. my His enemies have done him the honor of saying in our public prints, that it repealed that impolitic law.—
          Besides the four persons whom you have mentioned in your letter, a fifth character of more consequence than either of them must be brought into a View in giving a history of the Constitution of Pennsylvania. Reed’s Administration likewise, stained—by folly—fraud— and Violence will must be described in a review of the revolution in Our state.— The rank & connections of both these gentlemen forbid the truth to be told of them for many years to come.— I shall however begin the work, and bequeath it to my children. It will afford them some instruction. With this, they will receive many Other documents of the revolution, and of eminent political & military characters.— The enclosed Anecdote of yourself, was extracted from One of them.
          The conduct of Delaware & maryland in thowing away all their Votes for a Vice president I believe was influenced in part by a jealousy of the new England States, which has been revived, & inflamed by their vote in favor of the meeting of the first Congress in New york. Philadelphia is the head Quarters of federalism. There will be no cordiality between the Eastern & some of southern states ’till the Congress fixes in Philada or Baltimore.
          Your correspondence will always be agreeable to me, and you may rely upon Secrecy when ever your letters are confidential.—
          I move at present only in the line of my profession.— but my eyes— and ears—and fact-book—are as usual open my decided &

unequivocal conduct in politicks has thrown me at a distance from the present chief magistrate of Pennsylvania.— He is the counterpart of your friend in the late elections in massachussets. I employ my leisure hours in pursuits which have for their Objects the happiness of my Country. In some of these I have been successful.— From Others, I have reaped nothing but abuse, and a Consciousness of having aimed well.
          Adieu—my dear friend. From / yours very sincerely

            Benjn Rush

            P.S: It is said that Mr Thomson does not intend to apply for the Secretaryship of the senate. would not that appointment be a suitable one for Col: Smith?— The propriety of placing a person in that office so nearly connected with the chief & executive officer of the Senate, must be obvious to every one.


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Jefferson, 1 March 1789
From: Adams, John
To: Jefferson, Thomas

            Dear Sir
            Braintree March 1. 1789

          The inclosed Letter from The Hon. Stephen Higginson Esqr, is upon a Subject of so much Importance, and contains so much Information that I cannot withold it from you. The little Jealousy, Envy or Caprice, that shall deprive our Merchants of the Benefit of Trading to the Isles of France & Bourbon, will only compell them to seek the Ultimate Marketts upon the Continent, directly.

          In four days, the new Government is to be erected. Washington appears to have an unanimous Vote: and there is probably a Plurality, if not a Majority in favour of your Friend.— It may be found easier to give Authority, than to yeild Obedience.
          Amendments to the Constitution, will be expected. and no doubt discussed. Will you be so good as to look over the Code and write me your Sentiments of Amendments which you think necessary or usefull? That greatest and most necessary of all Amendments the Seperation of the Executive Power, from the Legislative Seems to be better understood than it once was. without this our Government is in danger of being a continual Struggle between a Junto of Grandees, for the first Chair.
          The Success of the new Plan will depend in the first Place upon a Revenue, to defrey the Interest of the foreign and domestic debt. But how to get a Revenue? how to render Smuggling and Evasion Shameful?
          You must expect the first Operations will be very Slow.— Mrs A. and your old Admirer, my Son, desire their respects to you.
          with unabated respect, Esteem & affection / I am, dear sir, your Friend & humble / sert.

            John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from Tench Coxe, 1 March 1789
From: Coxe, Tench
To: Adams, John

            Sir
            New York March 1. 1789

          Having just recd. a letter from my friend Doctor Rush, which contained the enclosed pacquet for you, I do myself the honor of covering it to you lest Col. Smith should have left Massachusetts: and since I have taken this liberty, Sir, I will do myself the pleasure to add such information as I conceive it may be any pleasure to you to receive.
          The Returns from Virginia are recd. as far as nine, of whom six are friendly, three unfriendly to the Constitution. The Kentucky District is unknown. Hence it appears that the Dispositions of Virginia to the Constitution have become more favorable—
          Private letters from S. Carolina confirm the probability of their running Mr. Rutlege as Vice president, but I have great pleasure, Sir, in congratulating you on the certainty of the election of a much

more acceptable and proper character to that honorable Appointment—
          A vessel from Georgia while I write brings information that Genl. Washington & you would have the votes of the presidential Electors, & that their Reps. will probably be all federalists—
          There seems no doubt that John Lawrence Esqr. and Ezra LHomedieu Esqr. will represent the two Southern districts of this state, tho it is uncertain whether any other person; friendly to the constitution will be carried in the other four Districts— Our last Advices render it doubtful whether the legislature will concur in any mode of electing Senators, but tis probable you will have later Advices than ours from Albany.
          A law of great Importance has passed in Pennsa. altering the nature of tenures. Any foreigner, not being at the time of purchase an enemy, may buy & hold lands in our state. In order to make this deviation from the feudal system safely, the law confines their right to the ensuing three years. There are yet 8 Millions of Acres of land to be sold by our state— Many of these great tracts are finely situated, & of extraordinary quality.
          The following Gentlemen are arrived here. Of the federal Senate Messrs. Langdon, Wingate, Strong, Johnson, Ellsworth; and of the house of representatives Messrs. Thatcher, Gilman, Leonard, Gerry, Ames, Huntingdon, Tucker. Several others are mentioned by them, as to be here on the 3d.—
          The Jersey Election is not yet closed. There seems no doubt of their being well disposed as all the candidates are known to be friendly to the constitution, except one whom I know pretty well & from whom I have no fears.—
          With wisdom & temper, Sir, our prospects appear very comfortable, and I feel a very firm confidence that those indispensable qualities of good Governors will not be wanting—
          With my most respectful Comps. to Mrs. Adams, &, if in Massachussetts, to Col & Mrs. Smith— I have the honor of being, Sir, / yr. most obedient / humble Servant

            Tench Coxe


Title: To John Adams from Tristram Dalton, 3 March 1789
From: Dalton, Tristram
To: Adams, John

            Dear Sir
            Newburyport March 3d. 1789

          The accounts received of the votes given for Vice President of the federal Senate render your Election to that high Office undoubted— will you permit me to congratulate you on the occasion, tho’ premature? not only because I wish to express my earliest Joy, which is sincere—but that I may, in season, propose accompanying you to New York—if your arrangements should make it convenient to you—
          A cruel, indeterminate, disorder has confined me more than eleven weeks— my Physician this day declares, as his opinion, that my health will permit me to proceed on my Journey in 2 weeks more—
          Mrs Dalton will go with me— if Mrs Adams should favor you with her good Company one Coach would accomodate us, and render the fatigues of the Ride less disagreeable to them—
          Mrs D & I can be in Boston, ready to proceed, by the 21st of this month—if necessary, the Wednesday preceding—or with more conveniency a few days after the 21st. when the roads will be better— My determination is to be in Congress as soon as the President of the Senate— my acceptance of a Seat therein was more readily made by the flattering expectations of your being in the Chair—for,

presuming on former connections and favors, I promised myself the benefit of your advice and counsel in many affairs of importance that will be before that Body—and, if you will allow me the liberty, I will rely on them—
          Mrs D requests that her respectful regards may be presented to Mrs Adams & your Self—I beg mine may be rendered agreeable
          When convenient, please to favor me with your answer—
          With perfect esteem, & unfeignd affection, / I am— / Dear Sir— / Your most hble Servant

            Tristram Dalton


Title: To John Adams from Elbridge Gerry, 4 March 1789
From: Gerry, Elbridge
To: Adams, John

            My dear Friend
            New York 4th March 1789

          I find on enquiry that you are elected Vice-president, having three or four times the number of votes of any other candidate. Maryland threw away their votes on Colo Harrison & South Carolina on Governor Rutledge, being with some other states which were not unanimous for you, apprehensive that this was a necessary step to prevent your election to the chair— in this point they were mistaken, for the president as I am informed from pretty good authority, has an unanimous vote. it is the universal wish of all that I have conferred with, & indeed their expectation, that both General Washington & yourself will accept: & should either refuse it will have a very disagreable effect. the members present met to day in the City Hall, there being about eleven Senators & thirteen Representatives, & not constituting a quorum in either house they adjourned till tomorrow.—
          Mrs Gerry & the ladies join me in sincere regards to yourself, your lady Colo & Mrs Smith & be assured / I remain with the highest respect / your friend & very huml / sert

            E Gerry


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Rush, 19 March 1789
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

            My dear friend,
            Philadelphia 19th: March 1789

          From the influence as president of the senate, and a Citizen of massachussets, that you will have in the Councils of our Nation, and more especially upon the Votes of the eastern delegates in both houses I have taken the liberty of addressing a few thoughts to you upon the Subject of the residence of the Congress of the United States.—

          1 The active and useful part which the Eastern states have taken in the establishment of our independance & new goverment, and the System & Stability of all their Councils, have long disposed me to wish that they may always retain a decisive influence in the Goverment of the United States. To maintain this influence, it must not be suspected. To prevent Suspicion, it should be exercised in the Centre of the Union,—and this we know is not in the city of NewYork.—
          2 The States of massachussets—Pennsylvania—and Virginia from their size will always be able to preserve an extensive influence in the new goverment. They have lately united in the choice of a Vice President. should they unite in fixing the Seat of the goverment in Philada:—they will have it in their power to preserve their just importance in all future distributions of the great offices of State.
          3 The Goverment will receive a tone & complexion from the circumambient Air in which it is placed. new york is composed of One third Antifederalists—a third American Citizens with British hearts, & a third honest federalists.— The Antifederalists & British hearted citizens will be the principal companions of the new Congress.— From the first they will learn to speak with moderation of the Perfections of the necessity of Amendments in the new goverment, in order to “quiet the minds of the people,” and from the last they will learn to be very complaisant to all the vices of monarchy, and to the corrupt manners of the city of London. Dr Ramsay informed me that a Lady in viewing some of the American troops in his presence, while he was Chairman of Congress remarked, that they “looked like our blues” meaning a British regiment that wore a blue uniform—and Mr Coxe informs me that a lady a few weeks ago in a large company inquired “what news from OUR poor king.”— Can the Virtue of our Congress be safe in a city where such Speeches are both Common & popular?— Think Sir of the influence of light tea parties—music parties—&c &c upon the manners of the rulers of a great republic. Should amuzement, or improvement be the great Object of company-keeping? And Are those men the most suitable companions for members of Congress who have shewed less zeal to establish the Goverment from which they derive their Authority, than to detain them in the city of new york? By no means— They will act like children if they suffer themselves to be seduced by the gingerbread-nuts—and baby house which they have spread before them.—
          4 The foreign ministers we are told prefer new-york to Philada:.— Farewell to the Sovereignity & independance of the United States if

even their wishes govern a single Vote in which they are not interested! But why do these men prefer new york to Philada? Because they find more friends to monarchy & more lax principles with respect to free Goverments in the former, than in the latter city?— In Philada: they could not find three Characters that would join them in a laugh at the Simplicity of dress, or manners of an honest republican.—
          5 Philadelphia is the centre State of the Union. she is wholly & highly federal. The new goverment was not only framed here, but received from our citizens that impetus, or Offing, that finally carried it into every port in the United States. By the repeal of our test laws every citizen of Philada: is now interested in the goverment,—and of course, will be disposed to shew every possible mark of respect & civility to the members of the federal goverment.— The proscription under which our Quakers & tories (who compose a great body of our wealthy citizens) were laid by our test laws during the war, was perhaps the principal reason why members of Congress when in Philada: were neglected by them. Our libraries are large, & well furnished with modern & ancient books. Our numerous Societies will afford ample Scope for Observation and instruction. From Philada: there will proceed rays of knowledge, and federal Sentiments (numerous in proportion to our Superiority in point of numbers & federalism) that Shall irradiate the whole United States. Here the human mind is in a state of fermentation.— Here pleasure yields to business,— & eating & drinking to useful Conversation. Here Quakers & Germans, tincture every thing with Simplicity, industry—& republicanism. Here the people & their rulers will be alike. Here the people are natives of America—& visibly interested in its prosperity. Here, learning—manufactures—and human improvements of every kind, thrive & flourish. Added to these Advantages, I have the pleasure of informing you that you will soon have an opportunity of seeing all your own principles & opinions realized in Pennsylvania in a new State Constitution, which shall move in exact unison (with some additional notes) with the goverment of the United States.—
          6 By delaying the removal of Congress to Philada: you will probably be dragged in a few years to the banks of the Potowmac where Negro Slaves will be your Servants by day—mosquitoes your centinels by night,—and bilious fevers your companions every Summer & fall—and pleurasies, every Spring.
          7 It is worthy of Consideration whether the dishonrable Steps

which have been taken by some of the Citizens of new york to injure the character of the city of Philada: do not deserve some severe marks of disapprobation. while the question for determining where the new Congress Should meet was in agitation, it is a fact that several members of Congress were conducted to the treasury Office in Order to inspect the Accoumpts of several gentlemen of Philada: which it was said would never be setled if the Congress sat within the Vortex of their influence.
          8 To these detached thoughts, I shall only add one more, & that is, that some of the leading characters in new york were unfriendly to your election—that they have Views to which you will always be an Obstacle— & that your Conduct both public & private, will always be exposed to uncandid & interested interpretations by them. In Philada: you have many—many friends. Even our women & children have been taught to respect & love your name.— To this information I could add much more, and was I near to your dear & amiable lady I could whisper in her ear that She will find more friendship under the long ear’d caps of our Philada: Quaker ladies than under the British hats & caps of the ladies of new york.—
          I beg that this letter may be private— You have been so long & so successful in negociation that you will know how to use the hints contained in it, without mentioning the name of the Author.
          With great respect & sincere / regard, I am dear sir your / Affectionate, & / tried Old friend.

            Benjn: Rush

            PS: The Antifederalists in Congress will meet with a powerful Support from govr Clinton & his Adherents in new york.— Perhaps the Goverment may not be strong eno’ to resist their combined machinations. In Philada: the Antifederalists are so few in number that it will be difficult to find them out, & when discovered they are so contempta[ble] in point of Character, that the disaffected in Congress will be ashamed to as[so]ciate with them. Like Electrified Clouds our Plus will unite with their minus, & a federal equilibrium will be produced which shall pervade the whole continent.—
            Mr Peters, the worthy Speaker of our Assembly intends to write to you shortly. He sincerely triumphs in your election. Mrs Adams has a large claim upon his gratitude for her Goodness to him when in London


Title: To John Adams from Mercy Otis Warren, 2 April 1789
From: Warren, Mercy Otis
To: Adams, John

            Dear Sir—
            Plimouth April 2d 1789

          You are too well acquainted with the history of the world & the distresses of mankind to expect to stand on the eminence of rank, fortune, and influence without solicitations from various quarters—
          Where you feel a friendship it will always be a sufficient stimulous for the exertion of every kind office without importunity: & when applyed to by strangers in distress your benevolence I trust will excite due attention—
          This is all the apology I shall make for enclosing a letter from a lady whose history you may have been acquainted with untill the period when Coll Walker like many other Good men who suffered in the public Cause was neglected by that public, & obliged to retire to an obscure Corner then silently to endure penury & slight: which from a state of affluance & independence is trying enough to the feelings of the human heart: without the exstreems of want, & the insolence of more fortunate adventures in life, who once thought themselves honoured by the notice of persons now in peculiar distress—
          Coll Walker has been dead three or four months you will see by her letter the situation of his wife—& if you think it consistent with justice doubtless you will attend to her application when it comes in your way.
          She is a Friendless Widow. a sensible well bred woman: once possessed of Fortune & Consequently Courted & respected by the World. and all the alleviation that I know of in her present reversed situation is that she has no Children for whom her heart might be daily wrung: and that the sufferings of her Husband & herself were in Consequence of principles that urged them to risque every thing to obtain liberty, independence and happiness to Others— Many a simuler Victim to public Virtue we have & shall see in a survey of the convulsions & Revolutions of our own day.—
          I thank you sir for a letter received by my son— a son who has suffered too severly from the malice of his Cotemporaries: but perhaps not so much from any impropriety in his own Conduct: as from the Determined system of political enmity that has ransacked the lower Regions for Calumnies to ruin his Father—your Friend.— and a man

you know: or ought to know Has never deviatied from the line of probaty in public or in private life: notwithstanding the efforts to destroy his influence in the public walks & to cut him off from the pleasures of private friendship; by the basest & most Groundless insinuations—
          I most sincerly wish you every Happiness in the elevatied situation you are about to occupy nor do I think there is much danger of the difficulties you mention— I cannot sir intirely agree with you in the observation that the people of America will be remarkably averse to yeald obedience to the authority they have institutied:
          I am perswaded the new Goverment will opperate very quietly unless the reins are held too taught, which may Gall some restive spirits for a while: but mankind are much more prone to servile Compliances to the will of power, than to a sober & Rational attention to that freedom and independence which is the just claim of nature— and is by no means incompatible with the necessary subordinations which must subsist to maintain a just and energetic Goverment.—
          You will make my best regards to Mrs Adams and to your Children.— and believe me sir / With the highest Esteem & Respect / Your assured Friend / & Humble servant

            M Warren


Title: To John Adams from John Langdon, 6 April 1789
From: Langdon, John
To: Adams, John

            Sir,
            New York, 6th. April, 1789.

          I have the honor to transmit to you the information of your being elected to the office of Vice-President of the United States of America. Permit me, Sir, to hope, that you will soon safely arrive here to take upon you the discharge of the important duties, to which you are so honorably called by the Voice of your country.
          I am, sir, with sentiments / of respect, your obedient / humble servant.

            John Langdon

          ENCLOSURE
          Be it known, That the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America being convened in the City and State of New York, this sixth Day of April, in the Year of our Lord, one thousand, seven hundred, and eighty nine, the under-written appointed President of the Senate for the sole Purpose of receiving, opening, and counting the Votes of the Electors, did, in the Presence of the

said Senate and House of Representatives, open all the Certificates, and count all the Votes of the Electors for a President, and Vice-President, by which it appears, that the honorable John Adams, Esquire, was duly elected, agreeably to the Constitution, to the Office of Vice-President of the said United States of America.
          In Testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my Hand and Seal.

            John Langdon


Title: To John Adams from Richard Peters, 10 April 1789
From: Peters, Richard
To: Adams, John

            My dear Sir
            Belmont April 10th. 1789

          I should be wanting in those Evidences of my very sincere Respect & Esteem for you which I shall ever be happy in shewing, if I did not take the Oppertunity your Election to the honourable & respectable Station you now fill affords me of joining my Congratulations with those of the great Numbers of our Fellow Citizens who are gratified by your Appointment. I very truly wish you every

Satisfaction you can desire, & one will, I am sure, be that of bringing to Perfection a System of Government from which our Country confidently expects not only present Relief but future & lasting political Happiness.
          The Question of your Residence seems to be so much involved in Uncertainty, every one speaking of it as his Interest & consequent Inclination dictate, that I know not, unless Chance throws it in my Way, whether I shall have the much wished for Pleasure of seeing you under my Roof. Be this as it may you have constantly my best Regards. If being among those who very much hold your political Opinions will be an Object with you—come to Philadelphia. We have given every Proof we can of our Esteem for you— But you are too old a Soldier in Politics to run any Risques on Account of the personal Ease or Pleasure you might derive from your Place of Encampment. I have more than one View in wishing you here. I shall in Addition to other Motives have the no small one of introducing Mrs Peters to your amiable Lady whose Kindness to me I shall never cease to remember. Be pleased to present my most sincere & affectionate Compliments to her & be assured of the constant Esteem & Respect with which / I am dear Sir / Your very obed Servt

            Richard Peters


Title: To John Adams from James Lovell, 12 April 1789
From: Lovell, James
To: Adams, John

            Boston April 12th. 1789

          Advised and even pressed, by Friends near me and at a Distance, “to go on to New York;—to be in the Way of soliciting, counteracting” and such kind of Measures respecting the Collectorship here, I am sure I need only say to you that my Duty lays in this County; and that the very Circumstance of quitting & neglecting it for the Purposes mentioned would be a very ill Proof of that Degree of Industry & Fidelity in my Branch of Employment which I make one of the surest Grounds of my Expectations from the New Government of being preferred, in any Case. But, Sir, I must not, on my own

Account, and more, on account of our worthy Friend Lincoln, conceal from you, that I have received a Letter, from a Senator who ought to be and probably is my real Well-wisher, which savours too much of the Jobbing Plotting Cutting & Carving of the Candidates themselves, that there may be an Union-of Force on their Part.— The letter shall speak for itself.— It accompanies This—and may be left at Brain-tree. For, I am told Portia is to remain there for a Time.
          The Debt alluded to in the letter is paid by Doct: Craigie, it was due from D Parker to me, and from Me to the Continent, because I had advanced the Money irregularly to furnish the Army.
          I had written to Mr. M. warmly in Regard to Lincoln— I have not a Line in answer to that Part, but a Postscript which in Spirit is totally against that as well as against my own Feelings in my own Case.
          Since I wrote to Mr. M or conversed with you, Infatuation has continued her Progress so far as to put Lincoln more plainly a Candidate before the Eyes of his Friends at a Distance. I have happily been a Witness to private Sentiments and public Acts of Friendship & Honor between You and Him mutually, while each has, at the Time, not known the others Doings.
          But, Sir, neither in his Case or my own do I, with you, expect private Friendship to opperate without full Coincidence of public Utility. It is this Sentiment which has made me write, with Confidence, to the President to our two Senators, and to some others, By those 3 Letters particularly I hope to be made known to the Gentlemen of the Senate who are Strangers to me.
          But, Sir, in Regard to Genl Lincoln, there is one Point of higher Importance than all others, which is that the President should not so far lessen his own Power in Nominations to Office, as to propose to the Senators a Cull of Numbers. He should nominate and they disapprove upon the Strength of their official Reputation.
          I could not, when writing upon my own Case, suggest this Idea to the President himself; but it is very important to Him, because it is very important to the Executive Supreme of our Constitution; and he should be very cautious how he lets his personal Modesty & Moderation impair that Fort: It is far from being too strong in its first Rearing.
          My Levities Gravities Ambiguities or whatever Else they may be termed are all under your Controul. You can forbid me to trouble you any more with them, in your exalted Station, and leave me humbly to esteem you in Silence as your devoted Friend.

            James Lovell

            Copy P.S. of Mr. Morris’s Letter
            “I think you and Mr. Gorham might, by conversing together, fix Mattars so as to draw together instead of being opposed to each other.”


Title: To John Adams from Robert Treat Paine, 13 April 1789
From: Paine, Robert Treat
To: Adams, John

            Much respected Freind
            Boston April 13. 1789—

          When we were going to the first Congress our worthy Freind Hawley, gave us in writing some broken hints— I take Liberty to imitate him in the method tho not in the matter, I intended to have done my self the great pleasure to wait on you at Braintree for the benefit of social Conversation, but innumerable Accidents have prevented, I wish to Communicate a few Ideas respecting my Official Situation, & hope this method may not be disagreable
          I have toiled in public business from the first movings of the Revolution with all my Exertions of mind & body, elven Years in my present Office, & what with the difficulties of the times & the

Contracted Ideas some Influential men have of Supporting public Officers, I have spent my well earned monies I had on Loan for the necessary support of my Family, & in lieu thereof have demands on Government which bear no Interest & which I receive in a manner too Scanty for my Support— twice have I been honored with an Appointment to the Sup. Court, the first while at Congress I declined because I thought I could be more Serviceable (in our then precarious State) in the political line,—when I returned from Congress in ’77 I accepted the present Office on the Unexpected Call of Government, because I saw it was necessary for the Existence of the Commonwealth that it should be executed in the manner Which I have Endeavoured, & every Lawyer who was capable was immersed in more profitable business— I cannot describe the fatigues of it, nothing but a Sense of Honor & Duty prevented my resigning— in ’83 I was honored with an Appointment to the Sup. Jud. bench which I declined because I hoped my Office would have yeilded me more income which my family wanted, than a Judgship, but I have been sadly disappointed and have the mortification to find my self out ranked by all my juniors in Politicks & having no Income to recompence it, & by drudging in an office which tho of essential importance to Government, I have been out of the line of public Notice, And am not without Apprehensions that the Change of Government may Still further reduce me— I have not Sought Popularity but endeavoured to do my duty; expecting that this which first brought me into notice, would continue me in it— my Age, abilities, political pretensions, of all which you will judge for your Self, make me wish for some station less exposed to drugery & fatigue than that I am in, but my Family Circumstances oblige me to attend to the income. if any Judgship, or quam die office Should turn up it would Suit me better than the one I am in, but if I should be appointed to this with reasonable Support, I shall be thankful— I do not mean to Sollicit any thing improperly, & if I should, I am sure it would have no effect on you— I present these Observations because I have always known you attentive to a propriety of Conduct & desirous of a State of facts, & I have no other wishes than that as Opportunity Offers, you would do respecting the premisses what you think proper to be done— I think General Washington cannot have forgotten me, my Vote, when he took Charge of our Army to Support him with life & fortune & my signing the Charter of our Independence— it would be galling to me to find that those who in the times of greatest danger were acting a Salvable part, should now catch the bird from the bush which I have

beaten— but I will trouble you no more but wishing you health & all happiness / Subscribe your Freind & hble Sert

            RTPaine

            P:S if there is Occasion for any particular information, pray favour me with a line


Title: To John Adams from William Stephens Smith, 19 April 1789
From: Smith, William Stephens
To: Adams, John

            New York April 19th. 1789— Sunday 8. oClock. A.M.—
            My dear Sir—

          I had the Pleasure of receiving your letter of the 10th. inst. the last evening, and should have done myself the Honour of meeting you at New Rochelle this day were I not kept in check by Mr: Jay’s proposing that if I would wait untill the morning he would accompany me to meet you at Kings-Bridge, where we suppose you will be at 12. oClock—
          The arrangements for your accomodation and that of the President are for the present as follows— The late Pres. House is held for the reception and accomodation of G. W. untill he can make other arrangements more agreable to himself, and when the subject respecting your reception and accomodation was agitated in Congress it was agreed that Mr. Jay as Minister of Congress should receive you and furnish accomodations untill Congress should make such further arrangements as would ennable you, to act for yourself consistant with that establishment which the should make relative to the subject— It is determined that a Handsome salary should be Granted both to the Pret. & Vice, and they left to themselves with respect to their particular domestick arrangement & establishment— Mr. Jay is of opinion that you will find this the most independant and least

irksome of any that they could be made— for myself I think there is one line more dignified for our Country—but such things are— G. W. is expected very soon after you— Upon your arrival at Mr. Jay’s a Committe of Congress are appointed to wait on you with the Congratulations of that Honble. Body on your appointment and arrival at the seat of Government, I immagine their address will be personal & not written— your Baggage is arrived & will be sent to Mr. Jay’s in the morning
          Mrs: Smith and our Boy’s are in high health & / I remain yours sincerely

            W: S: Smith


Title: To John Adams from Samuel Allyne Otis, 20 April 1789
From: Otis, Samuel Allyne
To: Adams, John

            Sir
            New York 20th April 1789

          After my most sincere congratulations upon your arrival at the present Seat of the Federal Goverment, I do myself the honor to enclose you a Copy of the Rules adopted by the Senate,
          A list of the members, present,
          a list of the members of the House, present,
          And a Copy of an order passed the Senate this day, which will be executed whenever your Honor shall appoint, as I presume the Committee will wait on your Honour tomorrow—
          I am / Sir / Whith every sentiment of / esteem & respect / Your Honors / Most Huml Sert

            Sam A Otis


Title: John Adams’ Address to the Senate, 21 April 1789
From: Adams, John
To:

            Gentlemen of the Senate:
            [21 April 1789]

          Invited to this respectable situation by the suffrages of our fellow citizens, according to the Constitution, I have thought it my duty cheerfully and readily to accept it. Unaccustomed to refuse any public service, however dangerous to my reputation, or disproportioned to my talents, it would have been inconsistent to have adopted an other maxim of conduct, at this time, when the prosperity of the country, and the liberties of the people, require perhaps, as much as ever, the attention of those who possess any share of the public confidence.
          I should be destitute of sensibility, if, upon my arrival in this city, and presentation to this Legislature, and especially to this Senate, I could see, without emotion, so many of those characters, of whose virtuous exertions I have so often been a witness—from whose countenances and examples I have ever derived encouragement and animation; whose disinterested friendship has supported me, in many intricate conjunctures of public affairs, at home and abroad: Those celebrated defenders of the liberties of this country, whom menaces could not intimidate, corruption seduce, nor flattery allure: Those intrepid assertors of the rights of mankind, whose philosophy and policy, have enlightened the world, in twenty years, more than it was ever before enlightened in many centuries, by ancient schools, or modern universities.
          I must have been inattentive to the course of events, if I were either ignorant of the fame, or insensible to the merit, of those other characters in the Senate, to whom it has been my misfortune to have been hitherto personally unknown.
          It is with satisfaction, that I congratulate the people of America on the formation of a national Constitution, and the fair prospect of a consistent administration of a government of laws. On the acquisition of an House of Representatives, chosen by themselves; of a Senate thus composed by their own State Legislatures; and on the prospect of an executive authority, in the hands of one whose portrait I shall not presume to draw— Were I blessed with powers to do justice to his character, it would be impossible to increase the confidence or affection of his country, or make the smallest addition to his glory. This can only be effected by a discharge of the present exalted trust on the same principles, with the same abilities and virtues, which

have uniformly appeared in all his former conduct, public or private. May I, nevertheless, be indulged to inquire, if we look over the catalogue of the first magistrates of nations, whether they have been denominated presidents or consuls, kings or princes, where shall we find one, whose commanding talents and virtues, whose over-ruling good fortune have so completely united all hearts and voices in his favor? who enjoyed the esteem and admiration of foreign nations and fellow citizens with equal unanimity? Qualities so uncommon, are no common blessings to the country that possesses them. By those great qualities, and their benign effects, has Providence marked out the head of this nation, with an hand so distinctly visible, as to have been seen by all men, and mistaken by none.
          It is not for me to interrupt your deliberations by any general observations on the state of the nation, or by recommending, or proposing, any particular measures. It would be superfluous, to gentlemen of your great experience, to urge the necessity of order. It is only necessary to make an apology for myself. Not wholly without experience in public assemblies, I have been more accustomed to take a share in their debates, than to preside in their deliberations. It shall be my constant endeavor to behave towards every member of this most honorable body with all that consideration, delicacy, and decorum which becomes the dignity of his station and character: But, if, from inexperience, or inadvertency, any thing should ever escape me, inconsistent with propriety, I must entreat you, by imputing it to its true cause and not to any want of respect, to pardon and excuse it.
          A trust of the greatest magnitude is committed to this Legislature; and the eyes of the world are upon you Your country expects, from the results of your deliberations, in concurrence with the other branches of government, consideration abroad, and contentment at home—prosperity, order, justice, peace, and liberty: And may God Almighty’s providence assist you to answer their just expectations.


Title: To John Adams from Jabez Bowen, 21 April 1789
From: Bowen, Jabez
To: Adams, John

            Sir,
            Providence April 21. 1789

          I hope this will find you in Health and that Harmony and Unanimity prevails in the Councels of the United States, altho we cannot yet joyn, them.
          By the Choice of the Representatives that has taken place in this State we have some prospect of the Lower house Voting a State Convention, hope our Friends in Congress will be mindfull of the Mercantile Intrest in this State. and if a Letter could be obtained from the President, Address’d to our General Assembly who Convene The   of May I have great hopes that we shall carry a Vote for a Convention.
          This will be Deliverd you by my Brother Oliver Bowen Esqr. who has resided for near Twenty Years in the State of Georgia, and who lost all his property by the Revolution, after rendring considerable Services to the Cause of American Liberty. He now solicits the place of Collector of the Impost for the State of Georgia. he may be Relied upon as a sober and honest man. every service rendered my Brother will be Esteemed as an Obligation Conferred on your Excellencys most Obedient and verry Humb. Servant.

            Jabez Bowen


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Rush, 22 April 1789
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

            my dear friend,
            Philada
              22nd April. 1789.

          Accept of my sincere Congratulations upon your arrival in new york, and upon your advancement to the second honor in the United States.—
          Your influence in the Senate over which you have been called to preside, will give you great weight (without a vote) in determining upon the most suitable Characters to fill the first offices in goverment. Pennsylvania looks up with anxious Solicitude for the commission of Chief Justice for Mr Wilson. It was from an expectation of this honor being conferred upon him, that he was left out of the Senate, and house of representatives. His Abilities & knowledge in forming the constitution, & his zeal in promoting its establishment, have exposed him to a most virulent persecution from the Antifederalists in this state. With these our president General mifflin has joined. You know the man—and therefore I shall make no comments upon his conduct, further than that he has detatched himself from all the genius of the State, and placed himself at the head of a few men who are in our city what your Col: Sims’s & Balchs are in Boston. Should Mr Wilson be left to sink under this Opposition, I shall for ever deplore the ingratitude of republics.
          much will be said of the deranged state of his Affairs. But where will you find an American landholder free from embarrassments?— Our funding System has reduced all our wealthy men to the utmost distress, & has thrown a great part of their wealth property into the hands of quartermasters—Amsterdam Jews, & London brokers Mr Wilson has an immense & valuable estate in lands—much more than eno’ to discharge all his engagements, provided Congress does not by funding alienated certificates, put an extinguisher upon all the hopes of America from industry in Agriculture—manufactures—& commerce. Under all the disappointments which he has met with, he has preserved a fair character, & a dignified line of Conduct. His principles are the counterpart of your own, upon the subject of goverment, & his influence in a high station will always be in favor of a vigorous—ballanced, and triple powered Constitution.— To the facts,

I have mentioned, I shall only add that You had not a more zealous friend, nor massachussets a firmer Advocate in the late election of Vice president in this state, than Mr Wilson.
          With Compts: to your dear Mrs: Adams, I am my dear friend, yours sincerely

            Benjn. Rush


Title: To John Adams from Robert Duncan, 23 April 1789
From: Duncan, Robert
To: Adams, John

            Sir.
            Boston 23td April 1789.

          Permit me to join the Citizens of America in heart felt Congratulations on your Excellencys appointment to the Vice Presidency of the United States
          May every blessing await you Sir in that, and all other important stations, you may be engaged in for the salvation of your Country.—
          It is now about 11 years since I had the honor of seeing you in Philadelphia, and then as an inmate in my family— from your kind, and never to be forgotten friendship in interresting yourself unsollicited to procure me an Office under the Honorable Congress which I unfortunately was deprived from executeing by the removal with my family into the Country at the Battle of Brandywine, demands my warmest thanks.—
          Owing to my being a very great sufferer by the recent failure of a Mercantile House in Philadelphia and to comply with the friendly solicitude of my relations here, and at Haverhill, I have again returned with my family to my native City.— from whence for the first time I have to crave your forgiveness Sir in calling your attention for a single moment from great and important National matters to the concernes of an individual.—
          I am so curcumstanced now,—the influence of that kindness you was then pleased to exert might be exceedingly beneficial to me and my family (who you once honored with your notice) at this time.—
          I would beg leave to mention that haveing served a regular apprentiship to an eminent Mercht. in Boston and haveing for upwards of 20 years, been in trade (except dureing the war) I hope it may not be deemed arrogance in me in saying I am perfectly well acquainted with figures and Accounts.—
          Any attention your Excellency may please to pay to this request, shall ever be held in gratefull remembrance by— / Your Excellency’s Obedt. Servant

            Robert Duncan


Title: To John Adams from the Comte de Sarsfield, 23 April 1789
From: Sarsfield, Guy Claude, Comte de
To: Adams, John

            My dear friend
            Paris le 23 avril 1789

          Lorsque nous nous Sommes quittés, Jeme Suis dit qu’il ne falloit pas penser a vous Ecrire parce que, quand on parle tout Seul, c’est le diable qui repond. Je ne Sai Sil Soccupera de cette lettre cy, J’en veux bien courir les risques, J’attens de vous moins de reponse que Jamaiz; mais Je ne puis me refuser la Satisfaction de vous parler de votre nouvelle dignite dont la nouvelle m’a fait un plaisir Extreme. Vous avez recu, My dear friend, Une marque eclatante de l’estime que tout un grand continent a pour vous; ce n’est pas une bagatelle de Ville ou de Province. Je crois Savoir tres bien qu’il ne pouvoit pas mieux faire, mais il y a de la presomption a le dire. Je me tais donc, En vous repetant que personne dans l’univers n’a pris plus de part que moy a cet Evenement.
          Je vous prie de le dire a Madame Adams etc de lassurer de mon respect. Voicy une lettre pour Monsieur Smith,1 Je Suis bien aise de profiter de cette occasion cy pour me rappeller dans lhonneur de Son Souvenir Et celui de madame votre fille. J’ignore Son adresse.
          M Et Me de la Vauguyon me chargent de vous dire mille choses de leur part Ils Sont dans ce moment icy tous les deux Et vont marier leur fils, fort bien.2
          M Jefferson vous dira que nous Sommes icy Sens dessus dessous, nous y Serons Encore bien plus quand Il nous reviendra3
          Adieu my dear friend. Vous me trouverez peut Etre bien familier quand Je devrois ne vous parler que Par Excellence mais ce Stile ne Saccorde pas avec lamitie Sincere Et lattachement qu’aura pour vous toute Sa vie

            Sarsfield

          TRANSLATION

            My dear friend
            Paris, 23 April 1789

          After we said goodbye, I told myself it was best not to write to you because when one speaks alone, it is the devil who replies. I do not know if he will busy himself with this letter; I will happily take my chances. I expect a reply from you less than ever, but I cannot refuse myself the satisfaction of speaking to you about your new office, the news of which greatly pleased me. You have received, my dear friend, a glorious token of the

esteem in which an entire continent holds you; not some triviality of a city or province. I have faith that it could do no better, but there is some presumption in saying it. I will be silent, then, repeating all the while that no one in the universe has taken a greater part than me in this event.
          I ask you to relay this to Mrs. Adams, and to assure her of my respect. Here is a letter for Mr. Smith. I am quite happy to take advantage of this occasion to recall the memory I have of him and madam, your daughter. I do not know his address.
          Mr. and Mrs. de La Vauguyon insist that I tell you a thousand things from their end. They are both here now and will marry off their son very advantageously.
          Mr. Jefferson will tell you that we are all topsy-turvy here. We shall be all the more when he returns to us.
          Adieu my dear friend. Perhaps you will find me quite familiar when I ought only to speak to you as Excellency, but that style does not go well with the sincere friendship and devotion to you that yours truly will have all his life

            Sarsfield


Title: To John Adams from John Rodgers, 25 April 1789
From: Rodgers, John
To: Adams, John

              April 25th. 1789.

          Dr. Rodgers presents his most respectful Compliments to His Excellency the Vice President of the United States, & informs Him, there are two Pews set apart for the Members of Congress in his Church in Wall Street—nearly opposite the Governor’s Pew & lined with Green. And another Set apart for the same Purpose in the Brick Church on the Side of the fields, distinguished by the federal Arms and on the West Side of the Church.
          His Excellency has a distinguished Right to either of the ’bove Pews, and Dr. Rodgers will be happy in his occupying them whenever it Shall be convenient for Him.


Title: To John Adams from Nathaniel Peaslee Sargeant, 25 April 1789
From: Sargeant, Nathaniel Peaslee
To: Adams, John

            Dear Sr.—
            Worcester April 25. 1789.—

          when I had the pleasure of conversing with you at Boston I took the freedom to recommend Mr. William Pickman of Salem for some place in the revenue Department at Salem— you was kind enough to suggest the Propriety of putting a recommendation in writing, where the Person is a Stranger— The Observation immediately struck me as perfectly just— He that recommends another ought to do it in that manner, that if any blame be cast on any body, it shou’d fall on the Person who sollicited the appointment, & not on him by whose kind influence it was obtained—
          Mr. Pickmans pretensions are briefly these—he is a Son of one of the most respectable families in the county of Essex—has had a liberal Education is a representative for the town of Salem—in the course of the war, he was a Friend to his country’s cause, was largely concerned in Privateering which his Patrimony enabled him to engage in, but that interest was nearly destroy’d in the Penobscut expedition, which with other misfortunes in navigation has almost annihilated his interest—in private life his caracter is amiable, his integrity, I believe, is unspotted—his Friends, I believe, will be Sureties for his good conduct, to any amount, & their ability will be undoubted— I believe Mr. Wingate of the Senate & mr. Goodhue, who are intimately acquainted with him, will confirm this caracter— as desirous as I am that he may obtain some public employment, Yet I don’t so far forget my country as to wish that he may be employed to the exclusion of any one, who will serve it better— his employment has been wholly in the mercantile line—
          Having been perhaps too tedious on this subject, permit me to suggest whether it is not expedient that congress pass some law, immediately, directing when & where the several Officers civil & Judicial should take the Oath, required by the form of Government, to support the constitution—
          I conceive our Legislature have done wisely in not meddling with it,— if the several states shou’d undertake to prescribe the form, time & place for taking it, we shou’d perhaps have different forms, & probably substances, as well as times & places, & in some States

the Oath not taken at all— what led me to think of this matter is that it is our Duty to take that Oath & we don’t know before whom to do it— it is to be wished that we may set out pretty strong in our new Governmt. perhaps that might add some Strength to it, ’thô I have not charity enough to expect a great deal from it— The Judicial arrangemt. thrô the states is a matter of great delicacy but we feel ourselves very happy that we have a person engaged who is so very competent to that Business— perhaps nothing will disturb the New-England people more than to make their litigations lengthy & expensive which will be the case unless your courts are ambulatory
          nothing in my view of things tends more to Strengthen Government in the extream Parts, than sometimes to have a court come among them—
          perhaps the want of this may be one reason among many, why large & extensive Governments have not been so quiet & happy as smaller ones.—
          Juries, Courts, & revenues are objects with the People of much solicitude if those matters are once so settled as to give tolerable satisfaction to them, we think the Herculean Task will be nearly over— Government will be strong & find a vigorous support— The People in general appear to be very well disposed, & I wish their expectations may not be too sanguine— There is danger of that & some evil disposed persons, who fare best in turbulent seasons, will embrace every opportunity to blow up their chagrine into a flame—
          If I thought myself capable of throwing out any hints respecting those important matters that might be of any real Service shou’d do it with the greatest chearfulness, but I believe my Brother Sewall in his letters to Brother Strong has said every thing that I cou’d say— and said it better into the bargain—
          you was pleased to suggest to me that we were in great danger as a community, that things were not right, that we were afraid to speak out our minds freely—shall take it as a great favour if you wou’d inform what is your Idea of our danger & what can be our Remedy— I never supposed we were near right, but have quieted and flattered myself with a notion that we were getting right as fast as cou’d be expected from human nature constituted as it is— I don’t flatter myself with an Idea of living to see much improvement in our Governement but if I knew what cou’d be done, shou’d wish to have some hand in engaging People to begin those improvements—for I wish to see America the Glory of all lands—
          Till I last saw you I had no Idea that despondency made up any part

of your constitution— sure I am, from what you have gone ’thrô, it must have been a very troublesome companion if you had it— my constitution is so sanguine, that I can’t believe, as you prophesied, that your station wou’d get you a Crown of Thorns. your Country, I believe are so perfectly satisfied, that you would never feel a prick from a Single Thorn in that crown if they could help it—
          Hope you will excuse me for detaining you so long from your more important concerns & believe me to be, with the highest respect / and esteem, Dear Sr., your most / obedient Humble servant—

            Nathll. Peaslee Sargeant—

            P. S— about a fortnight ago, I left mr. & mrs. Shaw well— we have not had the honour of mrs. Adams company as yet, but hope to have it soon


Title: To John Adams from Jabez Bowen, 28 April 1789
From: Bowen, Jabez
To: Adams, John

            Sir,
            Providence April 28th. 1789

          In Examining the Debates in the Lower House of Congress I find Melasses mentioned as Charged with a Duty on Importation of six Cents. which sum in my opinion is much to high.
          Before the Revolution I was largely concern’d in Navigation, at which time Melasses paid a Duty of 3d pr Gallon, but it was found impossible with all the British severity with Americans that knew

the whole Business of Running for waiters &c to Collect the Duties. and the Dealers in it could generally compound for about one Dollar pr Hhd.
          you are sensible Sir that Melasses is a Raw material in respect to the Numerous Distilleries of New England. if it is the intention of Congress to Discourage that Branch of Manufactury they may continue the 6 Cents on as the Duty if not it must be lowerd to 2. The Demand for our Rum will always continue on the Coast of Africa. a sensible Chief that had been Educated in England observed to one of our Captains when on the Coast that Northen Rum was the Madeira Wine of Africa. other spirits left them with the head ake &c. this always in high Spirits after a Frolick. large quantities have been carrid round the Cape of Good hope. and the Balltick has lately opened a New markett. &c, when it is also considerd that Melasses is used with us in N-England as a Necessary of Life by the midling and poorer Classes it will be found to give Universal dissatisfaction, and will have a verry great tendancy to alienate the affections of our hardy Yeomany from the New Government, which I wish may be put in motion in so gentle a manner that the most Violent opposers shall not be able to find fault with, I am afraid it will have a verry unfavourable effect in the politicks of this State in particular as we Import more Melasses that any other Massachusetts Excepted, you doubtless will hear from some of your Boston Salem & Newbury Friends on the Subject.
          The Collection of a Revenue in all Governments seems to be the most nice and Critical part of it, and except it be done in such a manner as will give tolerable satisfaction, the end of Society will not be answered—and if we consider the oposition that has been made to the Federal Constitution—and the many Prophetick sayings of the Antis, I hope & Trust that every step will be taken to Conciliate the People. yet so as to have a good Government, by which Life Liberty & Property will be secured and Defended.
          I am sensible that it will be observed that their is a great difference between paying a Duty to support a Free Government which protects and defends our persons & properties and paying money to be spent by Luxurious Revenue Officers appointed from a far Country &c. but all this will not make it politick to keep the Duty too high. I dont see any clause in the Debats for a Debenture on Exporting the Rum out of the States. if one is not allowed West India Rum will be soald at foreign marketts Cheaper to ours can.
          The Artilce of Teas will bare to be raised verry considerably to make

            up for lowering the Duty on Melasses Before the Revolution our Bohea Tea Cost us about 4/10 pr lb. our Green 28/. we now Buye the Bohea at 2/3 and the Green at 14/. indeed Bohea Tea is so Cheap that the Country people hardly think it reputable to Purchase or use it.
          I hope it will be in the power of Congress to give our General Assembly a Remonstrance on their obstinately refusing to comply with the Recommendations of the Convention & Congress &c. The Assembly will be together only one Week.
          I hope and Trust your Excellency will excuse my troubling you with this long Epistle. I can only say it is intended for the good of a Country That I have Risqued my all to Defend and protect. and I doubt not we shall be carrid to an Exalted pitch of Glory & Fame. with Every sentiment of Esteem I Remain Your Excellency Most Obedt. & verry Humb. servt.

            Jabez Bowen


Title: To John Adams from William Tudor, 28 April 1789
From: Tudor, William
To: Adams, John

            Dear Sir
            Boston 28th. April 1789

          I have never known more Pleasure discovered amongst all Ranks of Citizens, than what appeared here, on the news of our Two Presidents safe Arrival, the same Week, at New York. And this Satisfaction was not lessened by reading your Address to the most honorable Senate. This Speech has greatly tended to confirm what the zealous Federalists prognosticated, & the considerate & patriotic Part of the People ardently wished to find take Place, a prompt, early & cordial Union of Sentiments & Exertions between the two first Characters of our infant new born Nation. A few Carpers, who are daily trembling for the lessening Importance of some of our little great Folks here, affected to think the Term “overruling Fortune” was objectionable & invidious, but were yet forced to subscribe to the general Opinion & admit the Address to be excellent. As to the Personage alluded to in it, I think, on reading it he must have joined with Cicero on another Occasion & said “Gaudeo laudari a Te laudato Viro.”
          I had the Pleasure of writing You a Letter last Week, in which I sent you a few of the Observations which our Merchants made on the proposed Duty on Molasses. Since, they have started some Apprehensions on the Scarcity of Specie as being unequal to discharge all the Duties that are intended to be laid. Drawbacks are reprobated as

leading to Frauds. The more simple the System of Revenue, say they, the more productive. The less complicated the fewer Officers will be necessary. And the Multitude always, in all Countries, dislike Collectors, especially where they are numerous, as they suppose them to live on their Labours & at the Expence of the Exchequer of their Country.
          Our national Legislature have a Choice of Difficulties, & Experience alone can teach the best Mode of avoiding, or removing them. At no Period was Patriotism more wanted than at present. Local Prejudices & State Attachments will for Years to come, I fear impede the national Good. However at present, Appearances here are promising. What Disposition our new, approaching Assembly will discover, we shall soon see. I wish there may not be found among them, a much greater Number of State Quacks, than intelligent Patriots.
          I am with the warmest Sentiments of Respect & Attachment, Dear Sir, / your most affectionate hble Servant

            Wm Tudor


Title: To John Adams from Wilhem & Jan Willink, 30 April 1789
From: Willink, Wilhem & Jan (business)
To: Adams, John

            Sir
            Amsterdam 30 April 1789

          We had the pleasure of waiting on you in may & in Octr. Ao.Do: in forming you by the latter of your good luck of your number 995. of the Obligats. of 4 per Ct. whch. had a price drawn of f1000:— one thousand Guilds. among those drawn Last Year conform the agreemt. whch. Should be at your disposal by Sending us a Receipt for the Same.
          tho’ We Continue Without any of your esteemed favors, we embrace this Opportunity to Congratulate You on your Election whch. we are persuaded will prove to the benifit & dignity of the United States & hope it will likewise be to your satisfaction after all the trouble you take on you
          We always flattered ourselves we Long ago should have heard from you, and we hope not by the distance you now are at, to be entirely out of your Remembrance, we beg Leave to pay Our Respectfull Compliments to Mrs. Adams & have the honor to Remain with great esteem / Sir / Your most obedient servants

            Wilhem & Jan Willink


Title: From John Adams to Pierpont Edwards, 2 May 1789
From: Adams, John
To: Edwards, Pierpont

            Sir
            New York May 2. 1789

          I have received the letter you did me the honour to write me, on the twenty Seventh of last month, inclosing the Freedom of the City of New Haven, elegantly engrossed on Parchment, and authenticated under the Signature of the Mayor, City Clerk and Seal of the City
          May I request of you, Sir to present my best respects and most Sincere Thanks to the Mayor, Aldermen and Common Councill and Freemen of the City of New Haven for the distinguished honour they have done me by this obliging mark of their affection. A testimony which was highly and Sincerely esteemed when it was presented to me by you, Sir. authenticated by your Senior Alderman. is now rendered more dear to me, by the Signature of your Mayor. of whom I have long boasted as my Friend, and whom I have long admired as one of the most Stedfast and meritorious Friends of our common country.
          I ought not to conclude this Letter Sir, without expressing to you, my Sincere acknowledgements for the generous and obliging manner in which you have communicated to me, at first, in person and Since by Letter this Interesting resolution of the Corporration.
          With great Esteem I have the Honour to be / Sir, your most obedient and obliged / Servant

            J. A.


Title: From John Adams to William Tudor, 3 May 1789
From: Adams, John
To: Tudor, William

            Dear Sir
            New York. May 3. 1789

          Your favr. of 22 Ult. is recd.— I was well aware that many of my Friends and the Well Wishers to good Govt, would be prevented from making their Compliments to me, on my Departure, by their alienation from the House from which I Set off: but perhaps their delicacy, upon that occasion, was too great.
          The Duty of 6 Cents on Mollasses, appears to me to be generally reprobated at present as too high: Yet I beg you to refrain from hinting this at present, because I may be mistaken.— Our Members of the House have exerted themselves, nobly, on the occasion, and have made a great Impression, especially, Gerry, Goodhue and Ames.— I hope at least the Duty will be lowered. But if it shd. not, We must, grin (as is commonly Said) and bear it. We must not grumble, as yet.
          The Reception I met, on the road in Massachusetts Connecticut, and New York, was most affectionate and respectful.— at Hartford I was presented with a beautiful Piece of broad Cloth, and the best buttons I have ever seen of the Manufacture of this Country.— at New Haven I was complimented with the Freedom of the City.— at New York Feds and Antis, Govr Clinton and his Friends & Judge Yates and his Advocates, Corporations, Clergy, Judges Chanceller &c have emulated each other in their Testimonials of Respect and Affection to me.
          It is now a Fortnight that I have presided in the Senate, and I have not as yet found the Service very fatiguing.— The greatest Inconvenience I shall find, will be the difficulty of taking my daily Exercises, and breathing a fresh and Sweet Air, on which my Health, altogether depends.
          The consciousness of contributing Somewhat at present, and the hope of assisting yet more, to the formation of a national Government, which may bind Us together on one hand, and Secure our Liberties equally from a single Tyrant, a Junto of Barons, and a Mob of Madmen on the other will Support me for a time in the public service. Still much to the Injury of my Family,.
          Discouragements enough are in the Way. The Crudities I hear every day: the total Ignerance of some who have great Influence, make me shudder. Is it not possible to elevate the Minds of our Countrymen, to Ideas more extensive than the Governments of Small

dependent Colonies.?— Are American Minds not capable of comprehending a national Government? a Soul that can look with Hea[l]th from st. Johns to Florida, and from the Atlantic to Pacific Ocean, ought not to think that this territory can be governed, as a single Colony was ruled.— four millions of Men cannot be governed by the Same means, as four hundred thousands. nor can twenty millions be governed like four. e.g. a diplomatic Title might govern a Colony, and Excellency might do for the denomination of a first Magistrate of Massachusetts, when it was the Policy of England to humble, to mortify, to humiliate and debase the Minds of the People: but the Title of an Ambassador, which is “Most illustrious and most excellent” will not suffice for the Head of a great and independent Nation. A Royal, or at least a Princely Title, will be found indispensably necessary, to maintain, the Reputation, Authority and Dignity of the President. His Highness or if you will his Most benign Highness is the lowest Title, that will comport with his constitutional Prerogatives and Support his State in the Minds of our own People or foreigners. that will make any Impression on his own flesh and Armies or those of his friends or Enemies. that will support his Dignity with the state Governments or foreign Courts. This however is bet. you and me.— think of it—Speak of it—write of it, as you will—but dont compromise me.
          The efficacy of Things like these, which a philosophical mind would pronounce Trifles, on the Multitude of mankind is So decisive that Governments cannot be raised nor supported without them.— If You really mean to have any Government you must attend to them. The Multitude think them trifles as well as the Philosophers— Yet both Multitude and Philosophers are absolutely governed by them,— pray continue to write me, and believe me / your Friend and sert

            John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Cotton Tufts, 3 May 1789
From: Adams, John
To: Tufts, Cotton

            My dear Friend
            New York May 3. 1789

          Every Thing has happened, as I could wish Since I left you, excepting the delay of making Provision for my Subsistance; and this has proceeded from an Uncertainty what they ought to do. I am very easy on that Point, as I am determined to live in Proportion to my allowance.
          I beg leave to mention one Thing, which may be of Some consequence, both to the Public and to me.— If Thomas would undertake to print in a Pamphlet or a Volume, a Collection of my Novanglus’s, together with my Letters to General Brattle, on the Independence of the Judges I think it would be of some Utility. The latter contain Information that is much wanted. The Constitutional Learning on that head is very little known, excepting to those few who read those Letters in their Season.— Younger Gentlemen and the rising Generation, know nothing of it. and nothing is of more Importance and Necessity, in order to establish the New Government. any Printer I hope and believe would find his Account in it, I have no Copy of those Productions & I experience the Want of one daily.— I would not wish you to take much trouble in this Business: but if you mention it occasionally to any Printers you may soon know their sentiments.— Many of the States have their Judges elective, annually. an awful defect in any Constitution.—
          I have not found the Duties of my office very difficult or very painful, as yet.— The Senators have Shewn a disposition, to render them as easy and to make my Station as respectable as I could desire.— I have Seen no symptoms of any opposition, and all the World is asham[ed] of the Silly Intrigue with which our first great Election has been tarnished and disgraced.
          I feel the Pains of my Seperation from You Mr Cranch, Mr Quincy My Brother and all my friends in the Neighbourhood as well as my Family more sensibly now every day, than I did even when I took leave.— Have you Seen the Address of the Presidents Neighbours in Alexandria to him? if I were in his Place I should esteem that as highly as any or all his other Honours.
          With an affection that will last forever / I am your most obliged

            John Adams