Title: From John Quincy Adams to Thomas Boylston Adams, 24 November 1812
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Thomas Boylston

St. Petersburg 24 November 1812

Although I do not inflexibly persevere in the rule of writing individually to you once at least in the course of every Month, according to the proposition which I made nearly two years ago, and from which I have very rarely swerved; and notwithstanding the multiplication of obstacles to the conveyance of letters since the new Wars that this inauspicious year eighteen hundred and twelve has produced, yet I cannot suffer the month long to have to have gone by, without feeling a constant uneasiness, as at the consciousness of a neglected duty, untill I have written you again—My last to you, was of 29. September, filled with the bitterness of my heart under a visitation of Heaven, which we still bewail, and which yet bows us to the Earth.
The last letter that I have received from you, is dated 18 March last.—That which enclosed your Account for the last year has never come to hand—I have therefore no materials for animadversions; I can only renew my urgent solicitations that you would do the best you can with my affairs.
You know how deeply I was disappointed, at the breaking out of our War, precisely at the moment when I entertained the most ardent and sangwine hopes that War had become unnecessary—Its Events have hitherto been far from favourable to our Cause, but they have rather contributed to convince me of its necessity, upon principles distinct from the consideration of its Causes—The termination of General Hull’s campaign in upper Canada is known to us, as far as the English Government have seen fit to make it known, by the dispatches from the Governor General and General Brock, and by the Capitulation.—We are informed also of an armistice agreed to by General Dearborn, which the President refused to ratify—and from those two portents I have come to the conclusion, which indeed it was not very difficult to anticipate before that our projected invasion of Canada will end this year in total and most disgraceful defeat.
This misfortune considered by itself is not a very heavy one to the Nation—But it is a deep mortgage of reputation to redeem—Its effects upon the Spirits and dispositions of the people, present the most important light in which it is to be viewed; and these to my mind are problematical—If the effect upon the national sentiment should be similar to that of the Chesapeake affair, we shall not have ultimately much reason to regret the disasters of Hull’s army, or the failure of our first military expeditions—Our means of taking the British possessions upon our Continent, are so ample and unquestionable, that if we do not take them it must be owing to the want of qualities, with out which there is no Independent Nation, and which we must acquire at any hazard and any Cost.
The acquisition of Canada however was not and could not be the object of this War—I do not suppose it is expected that we should keep it if we were now to take it—Great-Britain is yet too powerful and values her remaining possessions too highly to make it possible for us to retain them at the Peace, if we should conquer them by the War—The time is not come—But the power of Great Britain must soon decline—She is now straining it so excessively beyond its natural extent that it must before long sink under the violence of its own exertions—Her paper credit is already rapidly declining, and she is daily becoming more extravagant in the abuse of it—I believe that her Government could not exist three years at Peace without a National Convulsion—And I doubt whether she can carry on three years longer the War in which she is now engaged, without such failure of her finances, as she can never recover—It is in the stage of weakness, which must inevitably follow that of overplied and exhausted strength, that Canada and all her other possessions, would have fallen into our hands without the need of any effort on our part, and in a manner more congenial to our principles, and to Justice, than by Conquest—
The great Events daily occurring in the Country whence I now write you, are strong and continual additional warnings to us, not to involve ourselves in the inextricable labyrinth of European politicks and Revolutions—The final issue of the campaign in the North of Europe is not yet completely ascertained, but there is no longer a doubt but that it must be disastrous in the highest degree to France, and no less glorious to Russia—It may not improbably end in the utter annihilation of the invading army, three fourths of which have already been destroyed.—Whether the Emperor Napoleon will personally escape the fate which has befallen so many of his followers is yet doubtful, but it may be taken for granted that he will never be able again to assemble against Russia a force which can be formidable to the security or Integrity of her Empire—The politicians who have been dreading so long the phantom of universal monarchy may possess their souls in quietness.—Never having been infected with the terror of it, I shall derive no new source of tranquility from these occurrences; but I cannot say that my foresight was clear enough to expect that the Colossus of French power would in so very short a period be staggering upon its foundations so manifestly as it is—It is impossible not to consider the internal State of France as greatly depending upon the course of these external Events.—The Empire of Napoleon was built upon victory alone—Defeat takes away its foundation, and with such defeat as he is now suffering, it would be nothing surprizing to see the whole fabrick crumble into ruins.—France indeed still remains; a formidable mass of power; but into what condition she may be plunged by the overthrow of his Government I am scarcely able to conjecture—
The day of trial to Russia has been severe; but it has been short and her deportment under it, will raise her high in the estimation of mankind—Her plan of defence has the most decisive demonstration in its favour—success—and success under numerous incidental circumstances disadvantageous to her—Not only her armies, but her peasantry, armed and sent into the field as if by enchantment, have fought with the most invincible courage, though not always with favourable Fortune—The chances of War have been sometimes with and sometimes against them, but they have arrested the Career of the Conqueror of the Age, and drawn him on to ruin, even when they yielded him the Victory.
I know not how or when I shall have an opportunity to transmit this letter to you—Still less can I foresee when I shall have the happiness of returning to you—My situation is singular, and such as cannot leave me without concern—At present it would be impossible for me to return home; even should I receive my recall—There may be neutral vessels next Summer going to America, in which I can embark with my family, at the hazard of being taken out and carried to England as Prisoners—A risk which I should indeed be willing to run for the chance of getting home—Whether any business of sufficient importance to detain me here the next Summer, will arise may perhaps be settled at Washington—My own most hearty wish as respects myself and my family is to return to you next Summer.
In the mean time I remain with affection which neither time nor distance can impair, ever yours
A.


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to Caroline Amelia Smith De Windt, 27 November 1812
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: De Windt, Caroline Amelia Smith

Quincy,  27 November. 1812

Yesterday was our Thanksgiving day. In our own way, and with tempers suited to the occasion, we gave thanks for those blessings which we felt had been granted to us in the year past, for the restoration and recovery from dangerous sickness of members of our own family; and, although in one instance we had been called to weep, in many others we had cause of rejoicing. We were in health; we had good news from a far country; we had food and raiment, and we still enjoyed liberty, and our rulers were men of our own election, and removable by the people. Dear Caroline, I have trespassed upon you. I will close by saying, that your uncle and aunt, with their three children, your aunt Smith, George and John Adams, with our own family, made the joyful group. We remembered the absent, and sent our wishes to Russia and the valley; but wishes were empty.— No, they bore upon their wings blessings, a portion of which were for my dear Caroline,From her affectionate grandmother,Abigail Adams


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to John Quincy Adams, 30 November 1812
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Adams, John Quincy

my dear Son
Quincy Novbr 30th 1812

your Letters of April 30th of May 28th of June 27th a duplicate, So faint a press coppy that but little of it could be read, and your originals of July 8th and August 10th have all safely arrived, the two last upon the 19th of this Month with Letters to your Father, of nearly the Same date, but which I find he has not acknowledged in his Letter to you of this Day.
your last Letters gave us unexpected pleasure. we had despared of hearing again from you this Winter It is almost a forlorn hope to expect any communication between Us. the war between France and Russia, and America, and England leave us few chances for private correspondence. If while Peace existed, So little regard has been paid to Letters addrest to a public Minister, that they must be broken open and laid before the Lords of the Admirality, family and domestic concerns become the Subject of public investigation, there can be but little Satisfaction in writing. While Letters are demanded, and given up thus pillaged, that Blundering Irish Lord, who talks to mr Russel about “our Friends in Congress” denies the fact. If this Letter Should be destined to a similar honour, I must request Sir William, or any of their Lordships into whose hand it may fall, as we have neither Minister or Consul there to Demand it; to be so obliging as to forward it of their own accord, awakening in their own Bosoms Some natural affection of a Mother to a son, absent more than three years, whose only Solace is, in hearing from each other.
your request my dear Son, that your Children might be Sent to you, has been wholy frustrated by the war between America and England, altho in parting with them, I should have felt, that all which belonged to you, was taken away, yet yours and their Mothers Prior claim must have been yealded by me, as there is now no questions upon the Subject. I hope you will be permitted to return to us (and to your Country which needs your aid) which to Parents so far advanced in Life as your Father and I am, is a much more consolatory Idea, than taking from us the two pledges you left behind—
George has not forgotten his French. he reads it daily to your Father, and translates it. under your tuition for a few Months, or a French instructor, he would be quite Master of it—we have removed the Children to the academy in Hingham not being well Satisfied with their progress at Atkinson—we can now frequently see, and hear from them. the communication between Hingham and Quincy being much Shortned, and facilitated by the Bridge over Bents point, which was compleated a few days Since, and make the distance only five miles. they Board in the Family of the Preceptor whose attention to them out of School, will benifit them, as much as in School. he sits down with them to their Studies at home. his Name is Thimble. the Boys appear well pleased and Satisfied
your Brother will write to you. both he and his Family are well, a Blessing which they have not all enjoyd for a long time. From your Sister I heard last week. I Sent her Williams Letter’s, but She knows not of this opportunity. She was well, and her Family—
I cannot close this Letter without telling our dear English Friends, and Lord Castlereigh in particular, that Mr Madison is Reelected President, & that he may learn more Solid truths respecting America, and the Great Body of the people who compose it, from one of Cobbets Letters to the prince Regent, than from all the information from “our Friends in Congress” as he stiles them, or from the whole Essex junto. he stiles calls them Friends of peace. So is every American peace upon honorable terms, but not peace with Servile Submission he will be as much mistaken if he places any dependence upon a separation of the States. it cannot be. not in his day, nor in mine. the union of all Parties upon the Victory obtaind by the frigate Constitution, the honour confered upon Capt Hull, the true National feelings which it excited; was a Sure pledge that local feelings asside we are all Americans—
we have experienced Some dissasters. experience will I hope teach wisdom, dissipline, and Conduct.
four of our new England States have been dissatisfied that we had not a Navy—that War commenced before sufficient preperation, and defence was provided—and as usual laid the blame upon the President, not having the Saveing British clause in our Constitution, that the King can do no wrong—these people many of them, formed a design to remove mr Madison—but where Should they find a Successor? alone they could not carry any one whom they Should bring forward. but if they could be joined by a sufficient number of the Republicans, they might possibly Succeed—the Vice President was recently Dead—he had a weight of Character, particularly in his own State. his Name, and the popularity of his Nephew de Wit Clinton might Succeed in his own State, and carry others with him. accordingly a coalition was formed between the Feds of N England and N york, with Such Republicans as were dissatisfied with the war, to remove mr Madison, and bring in mr Clinton—
They have however faild as we judge by the Electors who are chosen, much abuse and falshood has been as usual in circulation—I hope it will Subside with the Election I wrote Several Letters by mr Grays vessel, the Catharine, but She was Captured Soon after She saild and carried into Halifax. I wrote to you in June and in july by mr B Beal who sail’d for Liverpool in a Carteel
Since that I have not written. mr Gray has a vessel now going from N york to England as a Carteel. by her I Send this Letter. I hope you will take Some measures to return in the Course of the next Summer. I cannot but hope that a Sense of justice, of interest, or Some other Sense will opperate to bring our two Governments to an accommodation, that peace and harmony may be again restored to our Country—
I pray you to Present me affectionaly to my daughter, and Grandchildren, with my Love to Catharine—
The two Boys Send Duty and Love my own notice is So short that I cannot attend to their writing now. indeed I am not yet pleased with their proficiency in writing—
Heaven Bless and preserve You my dear Children—prays your affectionate Mother
Abigail Adams


Title: From John Adams to John Quincy Adams, 30 November 1812
From: Adams, John
To: Adams, John Quincy

My dear Son
Quincy Nov. 30th. 1812

I am not about to write you much upon War or peace. You must have enough upon those Subjects in public papers. My principal Topicks will be to inform you that We are all in unusual good health, have had an uncommonly fine Autumn and that We are all extreamly desirous of Seeing you all return to our Embraces. But none of Us can conjecture how it will be possible for you to get home, unless you can Obtain a Passport from The English Minister or Ambassador.
your Sons are now with Us, in a vacation of The Accademy at Hingham. They appear to be well pleased with their Instructor and their Host: but they Suffer extreamly for want of their Father and Mother. It sometimes appears to me, as if all my posterity were to be ruined by diplomatic missions, as I have been.
It is now ascertained that Mr Madison and Mr Gerry will be chosen by considerable majorities; though the whole federal Party turn’d their Coats, apostatized from their principles and voted for an implacable republican. It is a problem, whether they would not have voted for Mr B. Austin, in case—
It is hoped that Congress will not be driven from their Seat and their General with his Armies be hunted from State to State, and from mountain to mountain like flocks of patridges, as We were for many years in the revolutionary War.
Some of our Clergy are marshalling themselves for some great ecclesiastical enterprize; others are advancing with a bold front in Biblical criticism, in a general Repository published quarterly by Hilliard. What will be the ultimate result of all these darings, civil, military, political ecclesiastical and litterary, I know not
Freeman has published a volume of eight occasional Sermons which are much admired, and forty or Sixty of Buckminsters are expected.
Our Clergy, orthodox and heretical preach! Oh! how they do preach! Our Whitney is far more oratorical, than more vehemently oratorical, than Dr Sacheverel ever was, even with all the aid of Atterbury. He is quite as Sublime as Osgood and Parish
You ought not to be absent from your Country. She bleeds and groans, and too many of her Northern Sons have no feeling for her.
George Says Saturday night is come, and no Father to walk about upon this floor as he used to do. Oh that I could See him here again! And So Says his Grandfather. This is the Severest Privation of my old Age.
Wrangles and Squabbles, and civil and foreign Wars you know promote the perfectibility and Perfection of human Nature. Your Country is in a Way to arrive first at the Mark. We have more Seeds, a better Soil and greater Skill in this kind of Cultivation, than any Nation before Us. Huzza for Perfection! Our Old Mother is So enraged at Us for not being industrious enough in this Vinyard, that She Boxes Whips and ferrules Us into Activity, and promises Us a great Crop. One Article however will be wanting to compleat Perfection. We Shall have no civil War: no nor even a Shaises or a Friezes Riot.
But I must Stop. My Love to Louisa Senior, Kitty, William Charles and Louisa Junr. I long to see them, but whether I Shall, before I go hence I know not. With a more ardent Anxiety for you and yours than you ever  imagine I am, my dear Son your affectionate Father
John Adams


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Abigail Smith Adams, 30 November 1812
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

N. 39
St: Petersburg 30. November 1812

I think it not improbable that on receiving the public accounts of the progress of the War in this Country for the first three months after it commenced, and especially those of the entrance of the French Emperor and his army at Moscow, with the destruction almost total of that Capital, you may have been not altogether unconcerned on our account, and considered us as not altogether secure from the dangers which at that time threatened this Second Metropolis of the Empire—Nor would this opinion have been without foundation—Had the Successes of the invading armies continued, and had they borne the same character here, which has marked them so long as they were victorious, there is little reason for supposing that any of the usual securities to persons and property, which afford protection in ordinary Wars, would have been respected—Had the danger to this place therefore become imminent, (which it never has been, and which I have never believed it to be) we should probably have been under the necessity of removing from it, at a very expence, and at a season when mere traveling in this Climate, and with a family like mine, would itself have been attended with considerable dangers—The Providence of God, (whose hand appears in a manner little less than miraculous in the recent occurrences of the War) has graciously relieved us from every possibility of further apprehension on this score, and at the same time has relieved this City from still stronger alarms of a fate like that of Moscow, impending over it, and this Empire from the terrors of the most formidable invasion to which it ever was exposed—
It may well be doubted whether in the compass of human history since the Creation of the World, a greater, more sudden and more total reverse of Fortune was ever experienced by man, there is now exhibiting in the person of a man, whom Fortune for a previous course of nearly twenty years had favoured with a steadiness, and a prodigality equally unexampled in the annals of mankind—He entered Russia, at the head of three hundred thousand men, on the 24th: of last June—On the 15th: of September he took possession of Moscow, the Russian armies having retreated before him almost as fast as he could advance; not however without attempting to sop him by two Battles; one of which was perhaps the most bloody that has been fought for many ages—He appears really to have concluded that all he had to do was to reach Moscow, and the Russian Empire would be prostrate at his feet—Instead of that it was precisely then that his serious difficulties began—Moscow was destroyed; partly by his troops, and partly by the Russians themselves—His Communications in his rear were continually interrupted and harrassed by separate small Detachments from the Russian Armies—His two flanks, one, upon the Dwena, and the other upon the frontier of Austria were both overpowered by superior forces, which were drawing together and closing behind him; and after having passed six weeks in total inaction at Moscow, he found himself with a starving and almost naked army, eight hundred miles from his frontier, exposed to all the rigour of a Russian Winter; with an Army before him superior to his own and a Country behind him already ravaged by himself, and where he had left scarcely a possibility of any other sentiment than that of execration and vengeance upon himself and his followers—He began his retreat on the 28th: of October scarcely a month since, and at this moment, if he yet lives, he has scarcely the ruins of an Army remaining with him—He has been pursued with all the eagerness that could be felt by an exasperated and triumphant Enemy; thousands of his men have perished by famine—thousands by the extremity of the Season, and in the course of the last ten days we have heard of more than thirty thousand who have laid down their arms almost without resistance—His Calvary is in a more dreadful condition even than his Infantry—He has lost the greatest part of His Artillery—has abandoned most of the baggage of his army and has been even reduced to blow up his own stores of ammunition—The two wings of the Russian Armies have formed their junction and closed the passage to his retreat; and according to every human probability within ten days the whole remnant of his host will be compelled like the rest to lay down their arms and surrender at discretion—If he has a soul capable of servicing such an Event, he will probably be a prisoner himself.
Should he by some extraordinary accident, escape in his own person, he has no longer a force nor the means of assembling one, which can in the slightest degree be formidable to Russia—Even before his Career of victory had ceased, commotions against his Government had manifested themselves in his own Capital, on a false rumour of his death which had been circulated—Now, that if he returns at all, it must be as a solitary fugitive, it is scarcely possible that he should be safer at the Thuileries, than he would be in Russia—His allies, almost every one of whom was such upon the bitterest compulsion, and upon whom he has brought the most impending danger of ruin, may not content themselves merely with deserting him—Revolutions in Germany, France and Italy must be the inevitable consequence of this state of things, and Russia, whose influence in the political affairs of the World, he expressly threatened to destroy, will henceforth be the arbitress of Europe.
It has pleased Heaven for many years, to preserve this man, and to make him prosper, as an instrument of divine wrath to scourge mankind—His race is now run, and his own term of punishment has commenced—“Fret not thyself because of him who prospereth in his way, because of the man who bringeth wicked devices to pass—for yet a little while, and the wicked shall not be: yea, thou shalt diligently consider his place and it shall not be”—How often have I thought of this Oracle of divine truth, with an application of its sentiment to this very man upon whom it is now so signally fulfilling—And how ardently would I pray the supreme disposer of Events that the other and more consolatory part of the same promise may now be also near its accomplishment—“But the meek shall inherit the Earth, and shall delight themselves in the abundance of Peace.”—
In this general prayer for Peace, my most anxious feelings are for its restoration to my own Country—I cannot but consider the Declaration of War, as an unfortunate Event—That it occurred at a most unfortunate time; and that every thing that has since happened has been a series of aggravations to the misfortune—I did long cherish the hope that when it was known the great cause of War was removed the moment would be seized for a return to Peace—this hope has been disappointed—The means of obtaining Peace, I still flatter myself will again be offered us, and may God almighty grant that we may not suffer them to slip from us unimproved!—Let us disentangle ourselves from this fatal net of European Wars—Let us again place ourselves in a stand to behold the raging of the tempest without being involved into ravages; to see Conquerors and Empires rise and fall, without sharing in their convulsions or being the victims of their ruin!
We still remain without any letters from you later than April—Our health is as good as the climate permits—Our duty and affection, indelible but with life
A.


Title: From William Stephens Smith to Abigail Smith Adams, 30 November 1812
From: Smith, William Stephens
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

My dear Madam
Lebanon Novr. 30th. 1812—

I have received your Letter of the 5th. inst. with its enclosures, to and from the Secretary. I thank you for the interest you have taken in in the promotion of my wishes, relative to military command, but I at present think it is almost too late—If my profered Services had been accepted, in the first instance, I am conscious I could have rendered material Service, but as affairs are now arranged (if an arrangement it can be called,) it would be an Herculean labour to correct errors, and force men to unlearn, what has been without Judgement laid down for their observance, the Military tactics as laid down by The Inspector General, Brigadier General Alexander Smyth, and approved of, by the Secretary of War, is defective in several very essential points, he has copied it from the translations made of the French Discipline, translated by McDonald, a scientific officer of Enginiers in the British Service, and to disguise it, as much as possible, he has spoiled the book, leaving out—details of important points of organization, which the Secretary ought to have noticed, and his Successor must rectify—I send you a newspaper containing a proclamation of Brigadier Alexander Smyth, which even the Editor of a newspaper observes, “After reading such a singular production, who is not ready to exclaim, with General Alexander Smyth, “Oh Shame where is thy blush.”—The General who by proclamation, gives the enemy notice of his intentions to attack, ten day’s before he can possibly be ready to move, may I think look for a Spirited reception, I wish G. A. Smyth, well over it—
I cannot refrain from saying, that I admire the style and dignity of your communication to The Secretary, his answer, Simply unfolds the traits of Jesuitical Character, unadorned by any symtoms of being educated at St. Omers—but let him pass.—
Mrs. Smith enjoy’s good health, and Justus having built a chemney in the old castle, affording a pleasant Setting and bed room we are all more at ease, Justus & Nany occupy the old house and we the other—
With respects to The President / I am Dear Madam, / Yours affectionately

W: S: Smith


Title: From Thomas Boylston Adams to John Quincy Adams, 2 December 1812
From: Adams, Thomas Boylston
To: Adams, John Quincy

2d December 1812

Your letters No. 32. Dup: and 33 Origl were received on the 21st: ultimo: I have also received your No 30. of the 24th of May, I believe, but the Letter not being before me, I will not vouch for the date. Your No 31. is yet wanting to complete my series.
I have been very unfortunate in the fate  of my letters to you, during the last year. They have been taken by the Enemy or sunk by my order in case of capture; particularly a letter which was put on board a private armed vessel of Mr Gray, named the Catherine, which went out nominally upon a voyage to the North of Europe; but was in fact a Privateer, and most absurdly taking the rout of Halifax, was captured by a British Frigate and sent into Halifax. The truth is not unknown to me now; but I regret the loss of my letter, as it contained a detailed statement of your private concerns, which was intended as a substitute for my annual account. I had endeavoured to reconcile you to receive a less favourable situation of your affairs, than I had reason to think you anticipated, owing to the publick pressure upon individual property; the decay of business; the fall of Rents—the bad payments of Tennants—the necessary expenditures for repairs &ca:—If you had not managed your own property in Boston, in more flourishing times, as they were called, I should despair of excusing myself to you, under a reverse of circumstances. In the best of times, Houses are very unprofitable and uncertain as a source of Rent—In these times—Houses are a perfect moth to the owner. I informed you, in several letters, the triumph you had gained with the Bridgwater & New Bedford Corporation, in their Law Suit against you. A triumph dearly bought, but which has humiliated your adversary to utter ruin, as it respects the Corporation. This, as a just and righteous saving, is a source of consolation, which may balance other losses.
I have received from Mr: Hilliard, Four Hundred Dollars upon his Contract. He is in business again and will probably be solvent as to the whole demand, in time. Messrs Osgood and Whitney have paid two Quarter’s Rent, upon the New building, and I hope they will be in circumstances to pay their whole Contract.
About two months ago, the Cashier of the late US Branch Bank gave me a Note of Henry Gallison, payable to you, and dated 31st July 1809. It was envelloped in a cover, and Endorsed, “Not to be presented.” A few days afterwards I met Mr: John Gallison in Boston and shew him the Note, which by the bye, in your memorandum left with me, is noted, as paid. He was surprized that the Note had not been taken up, but promised to write his Father on the subject. Since that, I called at Mr Gallison’s Office, and he showed me his Father’s answer, in which he apologizes for not having paid the Note, and begs indulgence ‘till January, when he promises to pay, with Interest. From Messrs: Justus Smith—Mr Morton; Mr Welsh Junr I have not received any Rent or Interest, since your departure; Mr: Welsh thinks he has a fair offset to your claim of Rent from him, and as he has done many services for me, on your account; as he is personally the only man I can trust in Boston; as he is friendly to us through all the whimsical turn of publick affairs, I must leave the final adjustment to you and himself of any thing unsettled—
The uncertainty of communication, and the hazard of intercourse through the Channel I now attempt, prevents me from Enlarging upon any topick, publick or private. Believe me to be your faithful friend and not unmindful of your concerns, whether your hopes and expectations shall be realized or disappointed—If I have time I will write you again by this opportunity—We are all well—This is a very comprehensive  sentence, since for nine months past I have not been able to say it of my family. Your Boys are well—I have put them to the Hingham Derby Academy, where they will learn something—You will be proud of them, I hope, when you return.
I have written to you sundry letters respecting your private affairs, which have not reached you. Whether this is a calamity or not, I sometimes doubt. You will not reproach me with a want of interest in your concerns, but I am conscious of having been remiss in writing to you. My own family and concerns have claimed all my attention, for the year past.
My dear wife begs me to present her most affectionately to your Wife & to Catharine—Their last letters have been cheerfully and gratefully recd: and will soon be acknowledged—
I hope, the foe will not intercept this Letter; it cannot afford them edification, and it may give you the assurance of my unalterable affection and esteem.
T B A—3d: December 1812
This day the Electors of President & V.P. meet throughout the US. Messrs Madison & Gerry will undoubtedly be elected.
Laus Deo.


Title: From John Adams to William Stephens Smith, 5 December 1812
From: Adams, John
To: Smith, William Stephens

Dear Sir
Quincy December 5th. 1812

I received yesterday your favour of the 16th of last month. It is of no other use to ruminate upon the faults, Errors, and blunders of Congress and Washington in the revolutionary War, or upon those of Congress and Jefferson or Congress and Madison during the last twelve years; than to derive wisdom from their costly experience, and rectify our counsels and correct the conduct of our arms for the future. There are some truths in which every American Citizen ought, by this time, to agree: one of which is, that We ought from hence forward forever, at all hazards, and at any expence, to erect and maintain an irresistable Superiority of Naval Power upon all the Lakes and Water Communications, Unless both Nations will Stipulate, that neither Shall have a Single Cannon afloat upon any of them.
Another is that we ought to direct our most Strenuous Efforts, and to apply our most ample resources to the Establishment and Maintenance of a Naval Power Sufficient to protect our Commerce, our Atlantic Frontier and the Missisippi River.
The Frankness & promptitude of Military Gentlemen ought always to be the result of previous and cool deliberation and a perfect knowledge of the Subject. Hull and Burgoine & the Prince of Brunswick were prompt and frank to their disgrace and ruin. They would all Say, they meant to Speak daggers but use none.
The Address of the Delegates at Hartford to the Counties of Madison and Herkimer, is prettily written, with a lively, nimble pen; but is it not too fluent upon the Occation? Has it touched the nerve of Sensibility in the Nation, or in the Counties? Does it express the general Sense of the People? I should have advised the suppression of a few party reproaches, that I think are not well founded. The Allusion to Baltimore and King might have been Spared. However I presume they know best. if you are elected, you will find yourself in a new Scene of Life, where all your Patience, Prudence, Caution and Self Government will be indispensable. You will not Seldom have to pitty the Vanity and forgive the rudeness of gentlemen who will be loquacious, though vastly your inferiours in Age Rank and Services. I hope Dearborne Smyth and Harrrison will not go the way of Hull, and Van Ransaleer: but my Palsied Nerves quake for fear.—
Whether Madison or Clinton be Elected, he will deserve to be pittied; and ought to be supported with all the Energy and Unanimity possible: though there is reason to fear, that in the present discordant State of Society, Such felicity is not Attainable. A Peace with England, founded in Submission to disgraceful terms, by a Surrender of any Rights by the Law of Nations would not only be offensive, but really injurious to France and involve Us at once in a War with that Power; and however lightly, One Party may think of Such a War, and however ardently they may desire it, they would find it not easy to get rid of it. We could not annoy France who could not could hurt Us considerably: and We could hope to obtain no Satisfaction from either Power for the unnumbered Ships and Cargoes they have pyrated from Us. The Party aims at an Alliance with England and if they obtain it: farewell to Peace. A perpetual War with France and all her Allies must follow. While the divisions in our Nation and the Convulsions in Europe render the times difficult and perplexed, there never was more Occasion for Dr Moody’s doctrine, which was solemnly enjoyned upon me when I was going to Congress in 1774. “In times of difficulty and danger, when Men know not what to do; they ought to be very carefull that they do not do, they know not what”—I can do nothing but pray, and that I do most devoutly from my heart for the Blessing of Heaven upon the Counsels and Arms of our Country, and upon you and yours, whether you are to be publickly one of our Counsellors and defenders or not.
My Love to Abigail, Caroline and all; especially to All worthy Justus, with whom I was a little miffed, when he wisely refused to be one of my Captains; but applaud him and thank him for it now. I am not sure it would not now be Wisdom in you to avoid the Snare as he did then—
There is, they Say an intrepidity of Face and a magick in the Eye of some Serpents, which fascinates Birds, Squirrels & ratts into Jaws open to devour them. This Faculty, Quality, or Power, in Men, overcomes Women, Children and Men too of the highest Station very often. It is called an imposing countenance. You and I have seen it and its mysterious Effects in several of our great acquaintance, whome I will not name at present. I have seen it in one Instance where you hint that you have seen it. If you ever saw, Silas Deane you must have seen it in great perfection.
Affectionately yours
John Adams


Title: From William Stephens Smith to Abigail Smith Adams, 7 December 1812
From: Smith, William Stephens
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

my dear Madam.
Lebanon Decr. 7th. 1812

I send you another paper with the second proclamation of General Smyth, with observations on it—these proclamations produce a very great sensation thro’ the whole of this state—the allusion Scored in the paper came thus scored from Albany—I suppose by the Editor—But if the people at the election succeed in their votes for W:S.S. I think he had better go to Washington than to an ill arranged Camp—The Winter is sett in, not much snow as yet, we expect daily news of General Smyths invasion of upper Canada agreable to his promise, you will however hear Sooner on that subject by the Albany mail than we can get it here
We all continue in health and join / in affectionate regards, to you the Pres. / all friends at Quincy / Yours Sincerely
W: S. Smith


Title: From John Adams to John Adams Smith, 12 December 1812
From: Adams, John
To: Smith, John Adams

Dear Sir
Quincy December 12th 1812.

Your ideas are accurate. The conduct of the faction now styling themselves Federalists, has in 1812 been consistent with their manœuvers in 1800.1. when they voted 37 times for Burr. I never saw Mr Clinton. By all I have heard or read, I suppose him to be a man of the World like Burr. Both, I presume, have thought themselves, all their lives, in pursuit of honour. Ambition and Avarice, as a handmaid to Ambition, have been their animating motives in pursuit of honour, as I conjecture. I have not been dazzled with any splendid proofs of public virtue in either.
Let me give you a trait or two of the character of our Elections. In 1801. when half the House was voting for Burr, day after day, the character of him, in that party was, “Calatine. Unprincipled Villain; dam’d Rascal.— Is it not d——d hard to be obliged to vote, ten times a day for one whom we know to be a d——d Rascal? In 1812 Is it not dreadful? Is it not shocking, that the wisest, the most Virtuous most Religious, the richest, the most learned, ingenious and profound Statesman; the best descended gentleman in the Nation, should be compelled, by the public good, to vote for a man, whose avowed objects are ambition and Avarice, and whose professed means are corruption & bribery? An implacable Republican; a bloody-minded Democrat; an hellfire Jacobin.” Oh! my soul, come not into their secret! Oh! My —— be not taken in their snares. I mean, be not the Slave of either party.
The signal victories obtained by our Naval Commanders are Sublime things. They are Laurels that can never wither or fade. Records immortal, eternal. They can never be blotted from American history. They will make a deep impression in every quarter of the Globe. They will spread a brighter blaze of glory round the United States than the capture of Burgoyne and Cornwallis and all the atchievements of the Revolutionary war.—How can you coldly talk of “an argument in favour of the Navy-bill”? Is Logic or Rhetoric wanted for this purpose? Are not these Victories a Revelation—This fair Creature! Is Thyself! Can you bear to study Dialectics upon this subject? Is not your soul on fire? If it is not you have not a publick soul. Do you not intuitively see to the end? I wanted no argument in favour of an American Navy—Fifty-seven years ago.
This is not the most favourable period for the increase of “our naval establishment.” The most favourable period was twelve years ago, when we had a full Treasury and abundant Revenues. Not one of the Taxes ought to have been repealed, and the Navy ought to have been increasing ever since.
I highly approve of your revival of the Law Society. You will find pleasure and improvement in it. But alone, over your books, with your pen in hand, and in attending and noting the arguments of the Bench and Bar, in Court, you will find more.
Your Question concerning Imprisonment for debt, is rather a question of policy or of Commerce than of law. It is nevertheless proper and necessary for young Lawyers to investigate the principles and ends of all Laws, moral, political, Commercial, military and Literary. It would be well to enquire for the practice of Nations. The phœnicians, the Carthaginians &ca. can give us no light. We know the practice of Athens and Rome. Venice, Holland, England &ca: may afford us light. But if all these examples were unanimous, they ought not to be conclusive. Improvements may be made, perhaps on all of them.
Credit has been thought necessary; but it may be made a Question too, whether all laws against Usury are not pernicious. There is no end of questions. Who shall answer them? Shylock & Shavers or Bankrupt Merchants? Or young Traders, without capital? It may be a question whether all public credit be not an evil. Who shall answer it? The Jews? The Armies and Navies of Europe or Col. Duer and Alexander Hamilton? Or—Callender’s political progress of Britain? We may analise questions we may dive to the bottom, but after all we must be contented to drown or swim on or near the surface, with the superficial, ordinary fish.
The end of the Law-giver is the highest interest of the Community. This is best secured; indeed it is only to be attained, by security of person and property to individuals. Property by the unalterable course of nature, accumulates in the Coffers of Individuals. The interest of the whole requires that the utmost industry of all the people should be employed upon all the property in the Nation. How will you draw the gold and silver from the baggs and boxes of the Miser? The hoarder or the speculator? Or the rich heir or heiress? The Stercorary should be spread to enrich the neighbouring fields. Credit becomes necessary. Debtor and Creditor enter on the Stage. Creditors are avaricious. Debtors are too often lazy, dissipated, idle, luxurious, extravagant. How will you guard against the vices of both? How will the abolition of imprisonment for debt operate on the minds of both? Will it or will it not increase rather than diminish both Usury & fraud? How will you punish fraud? By Death? How will you detect fraud?
You see, like the unadulterated New England man, instead of answering your question, I have put many to you. I will answer you from the heart, rather than from Cognizance of Cause. I should be willing to try the experiment of abolition of imprisonment for debt.
I believe, with you “the Candidate would be useful,” but the Election is not yet known here. Who was the rival candidate. Pray tell me, is Col Burr in any large or considerable business? My compliments to him. When you take an Office let me know where. My compliments to Mr McCormick; I presume his friendship for the Clinton family and System continue.
J. A.


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to Mercy Otis Warren, 30 December 1812
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Warren, Mercy Otis

my dear Madam
December 30th 1812

I will not Suffer the year to close upon me without noticeing your repeated favours and thanking you for them—so long as we inhabit this Earth and possess any of our faculties we must  do feel for our fee  posterity for our Friends and our Country—personally We have arived so near the close of the drama that we shall feel but few of those evils which await others, (we have past through one revolution, and hapily arrived at the goal—but the ambition and lawless Passions of Man have again involved us in war and calamities the termination of which it is not probable we shall live to see—we have not the georgeous place palaces or the cloud capt towers of Moscow to be ed with the Dust—nor half a million of victims to sacrifice upon the feild of Battle but we have our firesides our comfortable habitations—our Cities and our churches and our Country to defend—our rights priviledges and independence to preserve and for these are we not justly contending? Thus it appears to me, while our pulpits and pressess perclaim an unnecessary an unjust  War and every measure is taken by N England to parilize the arm of government—a House divided against itself upon that foundation our Enemies build, may it prove a Sandy foundation— you once asked what my Friend Thought of Bonapa Napoleon—the repli was I think, that after having been the Scourge of Nations—he should himself be destroyed—will he escape from his present perilious Situation or sh is not his measure full? like Charles the 12 of Sweeden, he may find in Alexander an other Peter—much might we moralize my friend upon these great events—but we know but in part—and we See but in part—the longer I live, the more wrapt in clouds & darkness does the future appear to me and I can with Pope address,
those the great first cause least understood
least understood
Whom are my thoughts combine
to know but this that thou art good
and that myself am blind
I forward to you my Dear Friend a token of Love and friendship——I hope it will not the less valuable to you for combineing with a lock of my own Hair that of your ancient Friends  at his request. the lock of hair you gave to me I have placed in an hankerchif pin set with pearl in the Same manner with the Ring and shall hold it precious, thus have I disposed of what you Sent me by my Son—If I live  spring Should the spring find me in health, and my Friend also, I will renew my visit to Plimouth not only for the pleasure of again embraceing You but to introduce a grandaughetr
Affectionatly your Friend
A Adams


Title: From John Adams to William G. Smith, 30 December 1812
From: Adams, John
To: Smith, William G.

Sir
Quincy December 30th 1812

It is a serious thing to engage in War: and another very Serious thing to Recommend any Gentleman to the Government for any Employment in the Conduct of a War. You will therefore, I presume excuse the Liberty I take of asking a few Questions.
1 Do you believe, the present War against Great Britain to be Just?
2 Do you believe it to be necessary for the honour, Interest Dignity Safty Safety and Independence of the Nation?
If you can conscientiously answer these questions in the Affirmative I can and will recommend you to the Government. If you cannot, I advise you not to Solicit or accept any Employment in the Service by Sea or Land.
If your mind is made up, in conformity to these Principles I should be glad to confer with your farther concerning your Education Age travels and Capture under Orders or Decrees.—
I am Sir, with much regard for you and respect for your Connections your well Wisher and humble Servant.—
John Adams,


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Abigail Smith Adams, 31 December 1812
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

St: Petersburg 31. December 1812

As another Year is closing upon time, and joining “the years beyond the flood,” I cannot employ its last moments more satisfactorily to myself, or more consistently with the duties at all times incumbent upon me, than in renewing to my dear and honoured Parents the testimonies of my gratitude, duty and affection—In repeating the assurance of my ardent desire to return to them, to my long absent children and to my Country—And in offering to Heaven the fervent prayer that my father and you may yet for many, many succeeding years continue to be blessings on Earth to each other, and to us; and to enjoy all the other blessings that a merciful Providence has allotted to the condition of humanity.
A Mr Andrew of Salem, left this place about three weeks since, on his return to America—By him I wrote to you and my father; to my brother; and a short letter to my two sons at Atkinson—Since then I have not heard from you—Nor from the United States, at-all—But an English Gazette Extraordinary has informed me of the Surrender, number two—Brigadier General Wadsworth and nine hundred men; to Major-General Roger Hale Sheaffe—If we go on at this rate, it is to be hoped there will be prisoners enough in Upper-Canada to take it, without needing any fire-arms.—I perceive the Indians have the greatest share in the exploits of the British forces against us—Major-General Brock was made a knight of the Bath, for taking General Hull, pretty much as Falstaff took Sir John Colevile of the Dale; who “gave himself away gratis”—As General Brock will have no Occasion for his “blushing ribband,” when it arrives in America, the best use that could be made of it would be to give it to Norton, who seems quite as much entitled to it on the score of merit, and service, as the conqueror of Detroit himself—
As this propensity to surrender, appears to be an infectious distemper among out troops, I am in daily expectation of hearing the third instance of it, which I hope will be the last for sometime—As I am willing to believe that we shall learn something by experience, I flatter myself that among the acquisitions which our Warriors will make, they will reckon that of receiving Surrenders in return—If not, the best thing we can do will be to turn unanimously disciples of George Fox and William Penn, and be conscienciously scrupulous against bearing arms.
If indeed the practice of surrendering were about to become a military fashion, as from the numerous examples of it which within the last two months, I have almost had under my eyes, would seem probable, there might be reason to hope that War itself, would lose some of its favour as the only occupation and amusement of mankind—In my last Letter I gave you a sketch of the situation at that time of Napoleon the Great—There is no Account yet that he has personally surrendered himself; but he has only saved himself by the swiftness of his flight, which on one occasion at least he was obliged to pursue in disguise—Of the immense host with which six Months since he invaded Russia, nine-tenths at least are prisoners, or food for worms—They have been surrendering by ten thousands at a time; and at this Moment there are at least one hundred and fifty thousand of them in the power of the Emperor Alexander. From Moscow to Prussia, eight-hundred miles of road have been strewed with his Artillery, Baggage-Waggons, Ammunition-Chests; dead and dying men, whom he has been forced to abandon to their fate—Pursued all the time by three large regular armies of a most embittered and exasperated Enemy, and by an almost numberless militia of peasants, stung by the destruction of their harvests and Cottages which he had carried before him, and spurr’d to Revenge at once themselves, their Country and their Religion—To complete his disasters, the Season itself during the greatest part of his Retreat, has been unusually rigorous even for this Northern Climate—So that it has become a sort of bye-word among the Common People here, that the two Russian Generals who have conquered Napoleon and all his Marshals, are General Famine, and General Frost. There may be and probably is some exaggeration in the accounts which have been received and officially published here of the late Events; but where the realities are so certain, and so momentous the temptation to exaggerate and misrepresent almost vanishes—In all human probability, the Career of Napoleon’s conquests is at an end. France can no longer give the law to the Continent of Europe—How he will make up his account with Germany the victim of his former successful rashness, and with France who rewarded it with an Imperial Crown is now to be seen—The transition from the condition of France in June last to her present State is much greater, than would be from the present to her defensive campaign against the Duke of Brunswick in 1792—A new Era is dawning upon Europe—The possibility of a more propitious prospect is discernible; but to the greater disposer of Events, only is it known, whether this new Revolution is to be an opening for some alleviation to human misery, or whether it is to be only a variation of Calamities.
It is not without some Satisfaction that I have had the opportunity of being so near a witness to the great and decisive Events of the year, now ending—It has been full of moral and political instruction—To the Russian armies and Generals it has been also been a great military School; so great indeed, as not altogether to leave reflection unconcerned, what future uses may be made of what they have learnt: but as military instruction is of little use to me, I have only  had in this respect the opportunity to observe the general features of the Campaign—Its results have presented nothing new—The Fabian system, which succeeded in our Revolutionary War; which Lord Wellington has with equal success adopted in Spain and Portugal, and which even in this Country had triumphed a Century before over Charles the twelfth of Sweden, has again been signally triumphant over the Hero of the present age, but his errors, have been so gross and flagrant, that their consequences so fatal to himself, can teach nothing to the military Student, but what had been taught a thousand times before—It is not the present Disasters, it is the continuance of his former successes which may hereafter excite the astonishment of posterity.
The last result upon my Mind in pondering over these Occurrences is that it clings more fondly than ever to the principles of Peace—There has been something so fascinating and so dazzling in the Fortunes of this military adventurer and his followers, that it has kindled into tenfold fierceness all the flames of individual Ambition, throughout Europe—It has made millions of hearts pant for War, which in ordinary times would have beaten only pulsations of tranquility—War had become the only Career of glory—It will cool some of this inflammation to see the Corsican Alexander, shrinking into his natural dimensions, flying for his life, like the most abject of cowards, and meeting what he can henceforth scarcely fail to meet, a reverse of destiny as great and almost as wonderful as his Elevation.—Bonaparte, as well as General Hull, and his Conqueror Brock may all exemplify
“On what foundation stands the Warrior’s pride!”
I have already mentioned that the Season has been unusually rigorous—In the course of this month of December, we have had seventeen days in succession, with Fahrenheit’s thermometer almost invariably below 0. I now write you, at that temperature, and notwithstanding the Stoves and double windows, my fingers can hardly hold the pen. The Sun rises at a quarter past 9 in the morning, and sets a quarter before 3 in the afternoon—so that we must live almost by Candle-light—We are all literally and really sick of Climate—It is certainly contrary to the course of Nature, for men of the South to invade the Regions of the North—Napoleon should have thought of that—So should the visitors of Upper and Lower Canada—The Romans to be sure—but they were exceptions to all general rules—
Again, and again, my beloved mother, may the blessing of God, rest upon you, with this Sentiment I close the old, and welcome the approaching year!
A.


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to William Allen, 1812
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Allen, William

Sir
ca. 1812

I take the Liberty of transmitting to you a coppy of a Letter written by my late Brother in Law judge Cranch at the Request of the late dr Eliot. it was received too late for insertion in his Biography—and his death will present a second Edition of that work—in your Biography there is not any mention made of this Family. presuming that any information respecting public Characters might be agreable to you I have taken this Liberty altho personally unknown to You that you  may insert it should a new Edition be published
Judge Cranch observes that mr Norton Quincy dying without Issue, the Name of Quincy has ceased in that Branch of the Family—I will record one circumstance, when my grandfather the late John Quincy, was upon his death Bio, my son John Quincy Adams was born upon the Now Minster in Russia, was born upon the Eleventh of July, 1767 upon the 13 my Grandfather died John Quincy died. my Mother being present, requested that the Child might be named for him—which request was Complied with
The respect which I entertain for your Character induces me to May I ask your acceptance of two Sermons one of which was out of Print, untill two years Since when few coppies were printed by Private Subscription as it contains some valuable Notes which may be valuable to a Historian or Biogripher the other a Sermon deliverd at the funeral of my beloved Brother & Sister Cranch by the Revd Peter Whitney my Pastor confiding in the Liberality of your Character as my apology for these communications—
I Subscribe myself your Humble / Servant
Abigail Adams


Title: From B. Bezerra to Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams, 1812
From: Bezerra, B.
To: Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson

ca. 1812
I send you my dear Madam—the two Books you were curious to see—I was sorry the other evening we did not find you—but hope you received the Books—I claim yr kind promise of the journey in Silesia—or the said letters so frisky on This country, I set out this morning with the intention of paying my affectionate respects to you and the little Beauty—but the snow drove me home what weather one needs a—constitution of Iron—my poor Husband is unwell and confined—a swelled eye and cheek—so Heaven knows when I shall—hear more of the Lady of the Lake—unless you convey her to the P Moskow—with best comps to those you love— / ever yours My dear Madam / most affectionately
B Bezerra


Title: From John Adams to John Adams Smith, 1 January 1813
From: Adams, John
To: Smith, John Adams

Dear Sir
Quincy January 1st 1813

Though the Thirteenth year of the nineteenth century has made its Debutt, yet as the sun has not and I am obliged to light a candle, to make you the compliments of the season As the American name is uppermost of all earthly things in my thoughts at present I shall just inform you that last evening I had the exalted pleasure to see the President sail majestic up the Harbour and come to Anchor in Kings Road or United States Road, as as We used to call it; now Congress Road or States Road or United States Road, as you will, A little below the Castle. The Congress followed: and a Prize, as it is Said: but I could get no particulars. Now for my Blessing. I wish you a long and happy Life. May you at the End of this year see the four Seventy Six’es and the ten forty fours ordered by Congress at Sea. May you See as many 76, and as many 44s. added to our Navy every Year of this War. And may you See, every year, if you live to the End of the Century, One or more line of Battle Ships, and a proportional Number of Frigates added to the Navy of the United States.—
Away! then with your mercantile Men of War. I have no more confidence in them, than I have in the Agricultural Militia and Voluntiers, for any thing more than the defence of their Firesides and near Neighbourhoods.
I was concerned in 1775 and 1776 and again in 1798, and 1799 in purchasing “the finest Merchant Ships in the World as they were represented to me. But I found them good for very little. No let Us have Navy Yards, Docks and Arsenals worthy of Eight Millions of People.—
I see the Name of Your Father among the Members of Congress elected in New York: but know not on what Authority. Tell me.—
I want to know whether Col: Burr appears in Court? Whether the Judges will hear him? Whether the Lawyers will or do converse with him? I want to know and write a great deal more but have not time—
John Adams—


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to Harriet Welsh, 3 January 1813
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Welsh, Harriet

Dear Harriot
Quincy Janry 3d 1813

I thank you for your care of my Letters those that I mist, which you put in the Book were found.
Mr Beal deliverd your Note. I had a Letter a fortnight Since from Adelaid in which She Says, mr Hellens Health has been the cause, why the connection is deferd I have my doubts whether it will ever take place.
Abbe mentiond to me that Eliza Guild had written you that She heard E M—was engaged to S, A or S A. to E. M—I pray you to assure her, that no such engagement exists—that there was a partiality I Suppose to be true, but Boys and Girls talk of engagements; o fie—the Lad I fear is too gay, and I know not that he cares a farthing for—more than for his Grandmother. I Should be very Sorry to find that She does for him, I think Such reports are an injury to a young Lady. they have had a Ball at Hingham on friday Evening Susan is Staying with the miss Thaxters, the Lads and Lasses in Quincy attended it, who you ask are the Lads in Quincy? Greenleaf, Smith, and Millar—the lasses Miss Glyde miss Marston two miss Greenleafs and miss A. Adams they took the Stage, Spent a pleasant Night, returnd about 4 oclock, it being so dark that they could not see thir way earlier, and as it should be all in Sober order—pretty Stif however the next day—
when your Brother is gone you must come and pass a week before you go eastward with your / Friend
A AdamsI See by the paper that Col smith is chosen a member of Congress


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to Elizabeth Smith, 5 January 1813
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Smith, Elizabeth

my Dear cousin
Quincy Janry 5th 1813

Thanks my Dear cousin for the Ring which containing a memorial of my Ever dear Aunt your Mother is more valuable to me than a Ring of Rubies—
I Love I esteem I venerate her memory as I did her Character while living, as She always treated me like a child I have every reason to cherish her memory. I never knew a purer Character, or a more Stricktly pious woman from years of intimacy with her. I can truly Say that I have seen her grieved but never angry—never passionate, never off her guard, always disposed to think of others in the most favorable terms, to paliate their failings and to cover their infirmities—the law of kindness was written upon her heart—She struched out her hand to the poor She fed the hungry She cloathed the naked—and her benevolence was bounded only by her prudence and ability. She loved the House of God, and the place where his honour dwelleth— She was  a most tender and affection wife—as a parent—your own Heart and those of all her Children can testify to her worth and rise up and call her Blessed. how Sweet the remembrance of Such a parent, and in this respect how blessed have we been? and what a Duty devolves upon us their Children in consequence of it—where much is given much will be required. may this reflection Stimulate us to imitate the example of our dear departed Friends whose memories will flourish Ever verdent, tho they Sleep in Dust
I received the Bundle—accept my thanks the Books the P—— wishes to keep a little longer when they Shall be safely returnd


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to George Washington Adams, 9 January 1813
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Adams, George Washington

Dear George
Quincy Jan’ry 9th 1813

I was much pleased with the improvement of in your hand writing. I have had to regret all my Life time the want of that accomplishment. when I was young, I was brought up in a Town where it was at that time, customary for Girls to attend Schools for writing, and female Education was much less attended to than at the present day; indeed it was almost wholy neglected—when you get a little further advanced you must write a Letter to your Aunt peabody in your best manner. she will be rejoiced to See your improvement. I Shall not now be asshamed to have you write to your parents, which I could not before encourage, I felt so mortified at your hand writing
I hope you advancement in your the other Branches of your Education will keep pace, with your hand writing, but their is not any thing to be obtaind without application and attention
I have not any objection to your attending mr stimpsons School for one quarter. you have no need of entrance money as it was paid when you formerly attended him here. he never demands it twice of the same pupils. you may see him and ask him to call upon me
I have had a very bad cough, and, been fearfull of going out, is the reason I have not been to See you: and your uncle has been attending Courts. ask mrs Kemble if there is any thing wanting about your cloathing, and write me word. you know you have a pr of Shoes here. if you Should go to dancing, both you and your Brother will want Shoes for the purpose. I Suppose you can have them made in Hingham. you may read Thadeus, if your preceptor is willing—present my Respects to mr & mrs Kemble from your affectionate grandmother
Abigail Adams


Title: From John Adams to George Washington Adams, 9 January 1813
From: Adams, John
To: Adams, George Washington

Quincy January 9th. 1813

Had I been told, my dear George, on the 28th. of December, that I Should take no notice of your letter for eleven or twelve days, I Should have been affronted. But so it is.
The plain proof you have given me, of your improvement in Writing, Since you have been in Hingham is a great pleasure. I am a little out of humour with your Brother, because, tho’ I See by his Letter to his Grandmother that he has improved too, Yet he has not written to me.
your Progress in the New Testament in Greek, and in Virgil, is Satisfactory: but I am not Satisfied with your Arithmetick. Of all your Studies I wish You to be a Mathematician, next to Morality and Religion, because those Sciences make a Youth studious. Goldsmith is one of the English Classicks, of the Age of Dr Johnson: but I am so old a Man as to prefer the Classicks of the Age of Adison.
Present my respects, to Mr and Mrs. Kimbal my love to all our Relations, and believe me to be, very anxious for your good Behaviour,
John Adams.


Title: From John Quincy Adams to George Washington Adams, 10 January 1813
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, George Washington

N. 11.
My dear Son.
St: Petersburg 10 January 1813

In the promise with which my last Letter to you, upon the Bible, was concluded, that I would next consider the Scriptures in their ethical character, as containing a system of morals, I undertook a task from the performance of which I have been hitherto deterred, by its very magnitude and importance. The more I reflected upon the subject, the more sensibly did I feel my own incompetency to do it Justice, and by a weakness too common in the world, from the apprehension of inability to accomplish so much as I ought, I have been hitherto been withheld from the attempt to accomplish any thing at-all—Thus more than a year has elapsed, leaving me still burthened with the load of my promise—And in now undertaking to discharge it I must promise that you are to expect only the desultory and undigested thoughts which I have not the means of combining into a regular and systematic work.
I shall not entangle myself in the controversy, which has sometimes been difused with a temper not very congenial either to the nature of the question itself, or to the undoubted principles of Christianity, whether the Bible, like all other systems of Morals, lays the ultimate basis of all human duties in self-love; or whether it enjoins duties on the principle of perfect and disinterested benevolence. Whatsoever Obligation is sanctioned by a promise of reward or a menace of punishment, the ultimate motive for its fulfillment may justly be attributed to selfish considerations—But if Obedience to the Will of God, be the universal and only foundation of all moral duty, special injunctions may be binding upon the consciences of men although their performance should not be secured either by the impulse of Hope or of Fear.
The Law given from Sinai was a civil and municipal as well as a moral and religious Code—It contained many Statutes adapted only to that time, and to the particular Circumstances of the Nation to whom it was given. They could of course be binding only upon them, and only untill abrogated by the same Authority which enacted them, as they afterwards were, by the Christian dispensation—But many others were of universal application—Laws essential to the existence of men in Society, and most of which have been enacted by every Nation which ever possessed any Code of Law—But as the Levitical Law was given by God himself, it extended to a great variety of objects of infinite importance to the welfare of men, but which could not come within the reach of merely human Legislation—It combined the temporal and spiritual authorities together and regulated not only the actions but the passions of those to whom it was given—Human Legislators can undertake only to prescribe the actions of men—They acknowledge their inability to govern or direct the Sentiments of the Heart—The very definition of Law, styles it a Rule of civil Conduct, not of internal principle; and there is no crime in the power of Man to perpetrate, which an individual, may not project, design, and fully intend without incurring guilt in the eye of human Law—It was one of the greatest marks of the divine favour bestowed upon the children of Israel, that their Legislator gave them rules not only of action, but for the Government of the Heart.
There were occasionally a few short, sententious principles of Morality, issued from the Oracles of Greece—Among them, and undoubtedly the most excellent of them, was that of self-knowledge (γνωθι σεαυτον) which one of the purest moralists and finest poets of Rome, expressly says, came from Heaven—But if you would remark the distinguishing characteristics, between true and false Religion, compare the manner in which the ten Commandments were proclaimed by the voice of Almighty God, from Mount Sinaï, with thunder, lightening, and an Earthquake, by the sound of a trumpet, and in the hearing of six hundred thousand Souls, with the studied secrecy, and mystery, and mummery, with which the Delphian and other Oracles of the Grecian Gods were delivered. The miraculous interpositions of Divine power, recorded in every part of the Bible are invariably marked with a grandeur and sublimity, worthy of the Creator of the world, and before which the Gods of Homer, not excepting his Jupiter dwindle into the most contemptible of pigmies—But on no Occasion was the manifestation of the Deity so solemn, so awful, so calculated to make indelible impressions upon the imagination and souls of the mortals to whom he revealed himself, as when he first appeared in the character of their Law-giver.—The Law thus dispensed was imperfect, it was destined to be partly superseded, and improved into absolute perfection, many ages afterwards, by the appearance of Jesus Christ upon Earth; but to judge of its excellence as a system of Laws, it must be compared with the human Codes which existed or were promulgated nearly at the same age of the world, and in other Nations—Remember then that this Law was given 1490 years before Christ was born. At that time the Assyrian and Egyptian Monarchies existed; but of their Government and laws we know scarcely anything, but what is to be collected from the Bible itself—Of the Phrygian, Lydian and Trojan States at the same period, little more is known.—The President Goguet in a very ingenious and elaborate work on the Origin of Laws, Arts and Sciences among the Antient Nations, says that the maxims, the civil and political laws of these Peoples are absolutely unknown—that not even an idea of them can be formed; with the single exception of the Lydians, of whom Herodotus asserts that their Laws were the same with those of the Greeks.
The same author contrasts the total darkness, and oblivion, into which all the Institutions of those mighty Empires have fallen, with the fulness and clearness and admirable composition of the Hebrew Code which has not only descended to us entire, but still constitutes the national code of the Jews, scattered as they are over the whole face of the Earth, and still enters so largely into the Legislation of almost every civilized Nation upon the globe—He observers that these Laws having been prescribed by God himself, the merely human Laws of other contemporary Nations cannot bear any comparison with them; but my motive in forming this comparison, is to present it to your reflections as a proof, and to my mind a very strong proof of the reality of its divine Origin—For how is it, that the whole system of Government and Administration, the municipal, political, ecclesiastical, military, and moral laws and institutions which bound in society the numberless myriads of human beings who formed for many successive ages, the stupendous Monarchies of Africa and Asia, should have totally perished and been obliterated from the memory of mankind, while the Laws of a paltry tribe of shepherds, characterized by Tacitus, and by the sneering infidelity of Gibbon, as “the most despised portion of their slaves” should not only have survived the wreck of all those Empires, but remain to this day, rules of faith and practice to every enlightened Nation of the world, and perishable only with it?—The reason is obvious—It is their intrinsic excellence which has preserved them from the destruction which befalls all the works of mortal Man—“The precepts of the decalogue alone,” (says Goguet) “disclose more sublime truths, more maxims essentially suited to form the happiness of men, than all the writings of profane antiquity, put together can furnish. The more you mediate upon the Laws of Moses, the more striking and the brighter does their wisdom appear”
It would be laborious, but not an unprofitable investigation to reduce into a regular classification, like that of the Institutes of Justinian, or the Commentaries of Blackstone, the whole Code of Moses, which embraces not only all the ordinary subjects of Legislation, together with principles of Religion and Morality, but laws of ecclesiastical, civil and military discipline; regulations of police, and even directions concerning the minutest actions, and the dress of individuals. This however would lead me too far from my present purpose which is merely to consider the Bible as containing a system of morality—I shall therefore only notice those parts of the Law, which may be particularly referred to that Class; and at present must confine myself to a few remarks upon the Decalogue itself, which having been spoken by the voice, and twice written upon the stone tables by the finger of God may be considered as the foundation of the whole system
Of the ten Commandments, emphatically so called, for the extraordinary and miraculous distinction with which they were promulgated, the first four are Religious Laws—The fifth and tenth are properly and peculiarly Moral, and the other four are of the criminal department of municipal Law—The Unity of the Godhead—the prohibition of making graven Images for worship—That of taking lightly or “in vain,” as the English Translation expresses it, the name of the Deity, and the injunction to observe the Sabbath, as a day sanctified and set apart for his worship, were all intended to inculcate that reverence for the one only and true God, that profound and penetrating Sentiment of Piety, which in a former letter I urged as the great and only immoveable foundation of all human Virtue— Next to the duties towards the Creator, that of honouring the earthly Parents is enjoined. It is to them that every individual owes the greatest obligations, and to them that he is consequently bound by the first and strongest of earthly ties—The following commands, applying to the relation between man and all his fellow mortals, are all negative—As their application was universal to every human being, it was not required that any positive act of beneficence towards them should be performed, but only to abstain from wronging them, either 1 in their persons—2 in their property—3 in their conjugal rights—and 4 in their good name—After which, all the essential enjoyments of life being thus guarded from voluntary injury; the tenth and closing Commandment goes to the very source of all human action the heart, and positively forbids all those desires, which first prompt and lead to every transgression upon the property and rights of our fellow Creatures.
Vain indeed would be the search among all the writings of profane antiquity; not merely of that remote antiquity; but even in the most refined and most philosophical ages of Greece and Rome, to find so broad, so complete and so solid a basis for morality, as this decalogue lays down—Yet I have said it was imperfect—Its sanctions, its rewards its punishments had reference only to the present life—And it had no injunction of positive beneficence towards, our neighbour—Of these the Law was not entirely destitute in its other parts; but both in this respect, and in the other it was to be perfected, by him who brought life and immortality to life in the Gospel—Upon which subject you shall hear again from your affectionate father
John Quincy Adams.


Title: From John Adams to William Stephens Smith, 18 January 1813
From: Adams, John
To: Smith, William Stephens

My Dear Sir
Quincy January 18th. 1813

Your Letter of the 5th. contains Such an Abundance of Matter which appears to me as of so great importance, that I really was under a temptation to Commit a violation of private and family Confidence by inclosing the original directly to the President. But the Appointment of General Armstrong to the War Office, has rendered Such a desperate Step unnecessary. Whether the new Secretary is your Friend or Enemy or neutral I neither know nor much Care. But you once thought him your Friend, for you gave him a Letter to me as such.
My Advice to you now is to write a Letter to Armstrong containing the Essence of all that you have written to me: but carefully divested of every Appearance of Asperity, of Snear, of Sarcasm, of Irony, of Resentment, and Contempt; respectful without Servility. Send a Copy of it to the President, with a decent respectfull Short Letter. Make your Wife, your Daughter your Sister copy all these Papers as I do. Banish every Wish and every thought of being employed on the Cabinet or the Field. You are now in the Situation in which you can do most good to your Country. In the Field, in the present State of Things, your immortal Glory would I doubt not be Secured, by the certain destruction of your Life, tho’ in the defeat and disgrace of your Country. In the  Cabinet, you could never give Satisfaction, nor follow your own Judgment. In the House of Representatives, and by Confidential Communications to the President and Secretary at War, without affectation you may do great good. I am so old and so unfashionable, as to venture to Say, that Providence has placed you where you ought to be: but remember, it is a situation as Conscientiously responsible as that of the President himself.—Be not deceived, My Son, by the Elections in New York. The Principles of the two first Presidents have had little Weight in them. The Upstart Pride of a Sudden Growth to Superiour Population and Wealth, Uniting with the Irish Scotch Dutch and Presbyterian Interest on which, as I have often explained to you, the Clinton Family are founded, have done the Work. If the Principles of Washington and Adams had ever had much Weight in New York She would never have United with Virginia for twelve years in the total destruction of both.
With you I apprehend a horrid interval of time, the next Summer Congress will not get the Money, the regular Army, the Militia, or the Volunteers, Sufficient to secure a Successful Campaign. They are not yet impressed with the Importance and Necessity of Naval Power on the Lakes or the Ocean.—
Your observations on Smyths Book and Williams’s Book ought to be Communicated immediately to Madison and Armstrong.—
Write me constantly. You cannot write me two much. I have twice lately met my Sons of the Navy. I am very proud of my Naval Family. Rogers is discreet and well bred as well as Brave, and Enterprising.
Your Mother bids me tell you, you may depend on one assured Friend in the House, The Honourable Timothy Pickering. My Love to all.—
Note. I have no very enthusiastic Admiration of that kind of Glory which is acquired by Wounds and Death without any Benefit to Mankind or Country.
John Adams—


Title: From William Stephens Smith to Abigail Smith Adams, 18 January 1813
From: Smith, William Stephens
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

Dear Madam—
Lebanon Monday January 18th. 1813.

I have enclosed to the Pres. an Oxford paper printed 30 miles south of us, containing my answer to the people on the subject of an address they were about to dispatch to General German the Senator of the western district of this State in Congress,—I flatter myself that both The President and yourself will think I have done right in preventing the address being forwarded—It seems that it can’t rain but it pours—The people seem to have got quite Smith Mad—while the Counties of Herkimer and Madison were in a glow that I should go to Congress, the South western Counties, wish me to go to war—my blushes would not admit of my sending a copy of the letter of the people to Their Senator, before my answer was perused—The letter is as follows—
To The Honourable Obadiah German / Senator for the NewYork Western District / in Congress
Sir—
We the Subscribers take the liberty of recommending to your notice, and through you to The President of The United States Colonel William S. Smith of the County of Madison, as a proper Character for filling some important office in the Army of the United States—
When we reflect for a moment on the military talents of Colonel Smith (one of the few remaining herros of the Revolution) we cannot but feel an anxious Solicitude that he may receive an appointment in the army, worthy his Knowledge and experience in the art of War.—We believe it is from such men as Colonel Smith that we are to expect prosperous Campaigns, and that the american Arms will be crowned with laurels of Victory, as in past times, that tried mens souls.
The Character of Colonel Smith is so well Known, that it needs no Eulogium from us—Suffice it to Say we feel a conscious confidence in his Knowledge of military tactics, and should he be honoured with a command, we trust he will not disgrace the Character of the American people, and should the exigencies of our Country require it we as a testimony of our satisfaction shall at all times feel a willingness under such a man to Voluntier in the cause of our common Country, and evince to the World that we are Americans in example as well as precept—
With Sentiments of the highest respect / and Consideration / Yours as ever—
Signed by the Most respectable / Inhabitants of the Counties of / Chennago, Greene & the the / adjacent Country—
I have left a small blank on the other side to hide my blushes in—I must however acknowledge that the flattering votes and voices of the people in my retirement, consoles me not a little, for the unmentioned frowns and slights of the administration and their adherents, for so long a time—I have carried myself with great mildness and modesty, and have never solicited any appointment, or in any manner presented myself to their notice, except in my letter to Eustis on the 1st. of January last, of which I do not repent—It has given satisfaction to the people to find that I had offered my services, they said I could have done no more, and think me right in objecting to their letter being forwarded to General German—
So, we still rest content in the Valley—we are all in usual health and spirits
Present me respectfully to the Pres.—Remember me to Capt. Beals and his family—The family of the Greenleafs on the hill, and the Greenleafs in the Vale, not forgetting those in the old mansion House, Brother Thomas and his Amiables and as for my dear Sister Sally give my Big Love to her and tell her to keep herself cool, she sometimes glows in her letters to her sister and once or twice I have seen, where in a part of her letter she has laid down her pen and taking a pinch of snuff, tossed her head, exclaiming confound it all, and then breaking out in a pleasant laugh, brush’d the snuff from her sweet lip resumed her pen, and went cantering along to the end of her letter—now mark her when she reads this if she don’t stomp her foot, take a pinch of snuff and say, well I don’t care, he is plaguy impudent, that I, know—
yours sincerely—
William S. Smith


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to George Washington Adams, 25 January 1813
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Adams, George Washington,Adams, John

my Dear Children
Quincy Jan’ry 25 1813

I received this day a Letter from your father dated 21 Sep’br. it was a Letter different from any which I have before received from him.—it communicated to me, and to you the sorrowfull intelligence of the Death of your dear and only Sister.
She was taken Sick in August, and died the 15th of Seb’br with a nervous fever which brought on convulsions
your parents are in great affliction as you may Easily suppose—long had they desired, a Daughter, a Lovely one was given them, as all who have seen her, reported her to be. She Smiled and delighted their hearts for a short period of time, comforted them in their Separation from their other dear Children. She bedded, but ever She bloomd, “She was exhaled and went to Heaven”
To this dispensation they Bow with Submission, altho, with Hearts rent with anguish, I most Sincerely Sympathize with them, and with you, my Dear Children, in the loss of a sister whom you never saw, or ever can see, but for whom, as Children of the same parents, you must feel an affection—
your Father desires me to say to you; that he cannot write to you, at present, but he and your Mother Send you their Blessing; you  must write to them to console them in their affliction. I will Send your Letters, with mine—
Let the Death of your sister, only one year, and one month old,—remind you, that no Age, is exempt from the decree of mortality, that the blooming Youth is as liable to be cut off as the full grown Man, or Infant Bud—Remember thy creator in the Days of thy youth—and let the instruction you receive from the Desk of mr Coleman make a serious impression upon your minds—you are born for eternity, as well as to fulfill the Duties of this Life—
I intend visiting you some morning soon, if it Should be good sleighing—I am my dear Children your / affectionate Grandmother
Abigail Adams


Title: From William Stephens Smith to Abigail Smith Adams, 25 January 1813
From: Smith, William Stephens
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

Dear Madam—.
Madison Co. Lebanon Monday 25th. Janry. 1813

Mrs Smith has been several days much incommoded by the Rheumatism and has deputed me to answer your letter of the 3d. inst. we think the congratulations on the issue of the election not amiss, if it is only upon this score, that, the Votes of the people in the Counties of Madison and Herkimer, for member of Congress and the wishes of the people in the southern and western Counties at the same time so flatteringly expressed, in favour of an high military command, brushes off from my skirt, the gall of bitterness, which the past administration had very unjustly soiled it with, and has burst asunder the bonds of iniquity, which the present one, had shackled me with,—The powers of Government were pointed at, and exerted against me—I sustained the attack with a becoming fortitude—I was scorched but not consumed and I may say with John Wilkes, the broad shield of the law protected me and a generous public the steady friends of Liberty and their Country have poured balm into my wounds—they are healed.—I can never forget the insult—I may forgive the injury.—I noticed as you did, in the late celebrations of our Naval victories that no notice was taken, in the toasts given of the original Patron and founder  of our navy, that the name of Adams was not even mentioned springs from the contaminating breath of the essex Junto—but “no might nor greatness in Mortality can censure ’scape: back wounding calumny the whitest Virtue strikes, what man so strong, can tie the gall up in the slandrous tongue?—
I am much pleased to find an increase of the navy is determined, I hope it will be pursuit with vigour and industry, I wish our administration wou’d take an example from the good republicans the Dutch who at the time of the revolution in England provided a squadron of fifty men of war, and transports for 14.000 men of which a great number was cavalry, in three months time, for accompanying the Prince of Orange to England—it was in July that the first resolution was taken to assist The Prince of orange, and The States General prepared such an expedition that soon after the beginning of october a fleet of 50 men of war, 25 frigates 25 fire ships, and near 400 transports, with an army of 10.000 foot and 4000 horse were ready to sail and actually did sail upon the 19th. of that month—
there is a specimen of promptitude and vigour in a republican government, well worthy of immitation—
The solicitous feelings you express relative to the Station of our Son John we have participated in, but on enquiry find he is not associated with Mr. B—— he has a separate office and only accepts of the use of his library as was very politely offered him—I can apprehend no danger that the mind of our son can receive any improper political biass, from that Gentleman for as it relates to the interior politicks of our Nation he is a caput mortuum and I thus mind is strong, calm and cautious, he has made his determination steadily to pursue his profession, and is fixed in his own mind not to attempt to rise to distinction or eminence in any other path—thus he writes me, and of course this I believe—
Mr. B—— will never move again, unless Napoleon cajoles our Government by a treaty with Mr. Barlow, calculated to take in, the multitude and slips across the atlantic auxillary troops,—in this case which I think not very improbable, under their auspices he may once more attempt to blaise—and be assured should this be attempted and succeed, our nation will witness a blaise indeed—Mrs Smith Caroline & Nancy Join in love to you, Sister Salley Louisa, and the pretty ponies—
Yours Sincerely

N.B. Sally has never given me an account of what she did with the feather I sent to George—

W: S: Smith


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Abigail Smith Adams, 30 January 1813
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

N. 41.
St: Petersburg 30. January 1813.

Another month is drawing to a close, since I last wrote you, and I remain without a line from you or form any of my friends in America—The last Letters from you that I have received are dated in April of the last year.
But as opportunities for writing to you, still occur, and at least as frequently as they did during the Winter Season before the War; and as the Americans who are returning home have not yet met with any extraordinary difficulties, or obstacles to their passage, I must continue as often as I can to remind you of our existence, and of my unabating affection for those friends whom I left in my native Country, and whom I so ardently long to meet there again
There are several Americans residing here, who continue to receive frequent letters from their friends at home—Through them, and through the English Newspapers we collect the information of the most important events occurring on our side of the Water, and sometimes as intelligence respecting persons of our friends or acquaintance—It is thus that we have seen the President’s Message to Congress at the Commencement of the Session—Its view of the state of our affairs is upon the whole, cheering, though I cannot but lament the remoteness of the prospect which it presents of our restoration to Peace.
The English Government and Nation have been told, and have probably believed that Mr DeWitt Clinton would be elected President instead of Mr Madison, and that he would instantly make peace with England, upon English terms—Of the real issue of the Election we are here not yet informed; though accounts from the United States have reached us, to late in November; and they lead us to expect Mr Madison’s re-election.
I never entertained very sanguine hopes of success to our first military efforts, by land. I did not indeed anticipate that within six Months from the Commencement of the War they would make us the scorn and laughter of all Europe, and that our National Character would be saved from sinking beneath contempt, only by the exploits of our Navy upon the Ocean—Blessing upon the names of Isaac Hull and Decatur, and their brave Officers and Men! for enabling an American to hold up his head among the Nations!—The capture of two British frigates successively, by American ships but little superior to them in force, has not only been most profoundly felt in England, but has excited the attention of all Europe—It has gone far towards wiping away the disgrace of our two Surrenders in Canada—I believe if the English could have had their choice they would rather have lost Canada the first campaign, then their two frigates as they have lost them—I hope, and pray that the effect of these occurrences upon the national mind, in our own Country will be as powerful, as it has been in England, but with a different operation—After the news of the Guerriere’s capture, I saw an Article in the Times a Wellesley Paper, written evidently under the impression of great alarm; and explicitly declaring that “a new Enemy to Great-Britain had appeared upon the Ocean, which must instantly be crushed, or would become the most formidable Enemy to her naval Supremacy with which she ever had to contend”—We must rely upon it, that this will be the prevailing sentiment of the British Nation—That we must instantly be crushed upon the Ocean—And unless our Spirit, shall rise and expand in proportion to the pressure which they can and will apply to crush us, our first successes will only serve more effectually to seal our ultimate ruin upon the Sea—
The disproportion of force between us and Britain at Sea, is so excessive, that the very idea of a contest with her upon that Element has something in it of desperation—To her it is only ridiculous—Upon a late debate in the House of Peers, something having been said of the American Navy, Lord Bathurst, one of the Ministers, told their Lordships that the American Navy consisted of five frigates—and the House burst into a fit of laughter. These five frigates however, have excited a sentiment quite different from laughter in the five hundred frigates of the British Navy; and if the American People will be as true to themselves, as their little despised Navy has proved itself true to them, it is not in the gigantic power of Britain herself to crush us; neither instantly; nor in any course of time, upon the Ocean.
Hitherto, Fortune, or rather with a grateful Heart would I humbly say Providence, has favoured us in a signal manner—But we must not expect that our frigates will often have the luck of meeting single ships a little inferior in Strength to themselves, or of escaping from ships greatly superior to them—That they have not already all fallen into the Enemy’s hands, is matter of surprize as well as of gratulation—Their situation during the present year will be still more critical than it has been the last, and as they have done honour to their Country by their conduct hitherto, I can only hope that their Country will in its turn feel the obligation of supporting them and their cause by exertions against which all the thunders of Britain will prove to be of no avail.
The first wish of my heart is for Peace—But the Prospects of Peace, both in Europe and America, are more faint and distant than they have been for many years—War has in the course of the year 1812 consumed in the North of Europe alone, at least half a million of human lives, without producing the slightest indication in any of the parties engaged in it of a disposition to sheathe the sword—
The Emperor Napoleon, who in June invaded Russia at the head of three hundred thousand men, and in September, entered Moscow as a conqueror, returned in December to Paris, alone, leaving scarcely a remnant of his army behind him—Russia has already become the invader in her turn—The Prussian Provinces and the Duchy of Warsaw are falling without resistance into her hands—The Emperor Alexander disclaims all views of conquest. But he offers Independence and assistance to Germany, now under the controul of France—If his offer is accepted, France falls upon Germany again; if it is rejected, Russia must make conquests in self-defence—In neither event can a glimmer of hope be discovered of approaching Peace.
The Winter continues to be the most rigorous that I have known in Russia—The health of my family has been affected by it—My wife has been this fortnight confined to her chamber; but is I hope recovering—Charles hitherto bears it better than he did the last.
I beg to present my duty and affection to my father and to all our friends with you, and near you; and my own and their mother’s blessing to our sons George and John—I do not yet abandon the hope of seeing you and them before the close of the year; but I have no certainty what my destination will be the next Summer—Wherever it may be; my heart will always be with you; and ever affectionately your’s.
A.
P.S.—Mr: W. S. Smith and Catherine Johnson are engaged to be married, in the course of a few weeks. They are to return to America next Summer—