Title: To George Washington from Portsmouth, N.H., Citizens, c.9 September 1795
From: Citizens of Portsmouth, New Hampshire
To: Washington, George

            [c.9 Sept. 1795]

          We the subscribers Merchants and others Inhabitants of the town of Portsmouth in the State of New Hampshire would represent to the President of the United States.
          That in our opinion the Treaty lately concluded betwen the United States and Great Britain, as recommended to be ratified by the Senate, is advantageous to the commercial and other interests of our country, has on equal terms ensured us peace and all its blessings; while the Nations, with whom we are connected are engaged in the most destructive war recorded in the annals of mankind.
          That these being our sentiments, we conceive ourselves under obligation to declare them; As the address of the Inhabitants of Portsmouth in town meeting to the executive of the United

States against the ratification of the Treaty might otherwise appear to be the unanimous voice of the Town.
          That we rely on the wisdom of those, to whom the Constitution of our country has committed the determination of questions of this kind—and in this instance strongly feel the impropriety of interference, as our best interests may be hazarded in our future engagements with foreign Nations, from their supposing that no confidence can be placed in the negociations of the constitutional powers of the Country.
          And we do present this address to assure the President of our firm reliance on his exercising the rights vested in him by the Constitution, for the lasting happiness of his Country.

            Signed by forty Persons, Inhabitants of Portsmouth.


Title: To George Washington from Elizabeth Bradford, 10 September 1795
From: Bradford, Elizabeth
To: Washington, George

            sir,
            Washington [Pa.] Septr 10th 1795

          I need not preface a letter to you with painting the distress of myself & family occasioned by the absence of my husband in consequence of the late unhappy troubles in this Country, you yourself can better conceive than I can express them—I some time ago addressed the President on this unhappy subject: but whether it reached him or not I have not heard. I hoped that when time had suffered the real State of things with respect to individuals to be heard without Misrepresentation, when it would be known, that the unfortunate and undefensible part which Mr Bradford took was not untill after the principle Outrages were perpetrated by others, and, that he had no part either in the Counsels or Execution thereof and that the part he then took, was without any design against Government—That he had been a warm advocate for the Government when its establishment was by some thought doubtful—and finally, that he had in good faith taken an active part in promoting a Submission

under the terms Offered through the Commissioners as every unprejudiced person who witnessed his conduct on that occasion were fully impressed with his laudable and Sincere Views in endeavouring to reconcile the people as general as possible to a Submission which at that time appeared almost as dangerous as impracticable. I say considering these thing I was still willing to indulge the pleasing hope that by this time the truth might have been made known to Government and that Humanity Justice & magnanimity would conspire in restoring him to his family and Country which yet remains very dear to him—tis now almost a year (which to me has appeared as tedious as seven) Since Mr Bradford left home, during which time I have been in Continual Suspense, deprived the Company of the Dearest Companion Struggling with family of Small children and endeavouring to keep things from a State of destruction which I find impossible without Mr Bradford’s assistance. Might I not under the impressions which those Momentous Considerations must necessarily make, hope, that under Some modifications a permission may be granted for Mr Bradfords returning in Safety, and that through some ministerial Channel an intimation of the necessary Conditions may be Communicated to me so that his friends may make the proper applications And on the other hand if my hopes are to be disappointed will not the Government indulge me so far as by some means to let me know the dreadful determination, so that I may endeavour to prepare my mind for the distressing Event. trusting in your Humanity I am Sir Your Most Obt Sert

            Elizabeth Bradford


Title: To George Washington from “Belisarius,” 11 September 1795
From: “Belisarius”
To: Washington, George

          11 Sept. 1795. The American people, “roused to action by a general sense of feeling at the accumulated injuries” which GW’s treaty with Great Britain prepares for them, “demand with indignant pride, whence has proceeded an instrument so deeply subversive of republicanism.” GW, “as the first servant of the people, can best answer them.” The writer says he will not burden GW with “the pain of self-accusation, in having pursued the advice of wicked counsellors, and in a brief but trite review” of GW’s six years as president will “mark the progressive steps which have led the way to the present public evils,” including:
          “a distinction between the people and their Executive servants.”
          Legal sanction of the speculative “plunder” of veterans.
          The funded debt, assumption of state debts, and the “Irredeemability of debt.”
          The Bank of the United States.
          Creation of a “monied aristocracy.”
          “Servile submission to the restrictions imposed by Great Britain on our commerce” and her “infraction of the treaty of peace.”
          An Indian war that cost $7 million.
          A standing army.
          Excises, insurrection in western Pennsylvania, and “Denunciation of Democratic Societies.”
          A proclamation of neutrality which interferes with the constituted power of Congress, acts of hostility toward France, and “unequivocal partiality to Great Britain.”
          GW’s “unconstitutional appointment of the Chief Justice … as Envoy Extraordinary to G. Britain,” an “unconstitutional negociation” in which GW acted without “the privity and participation of the Senate,” and an “unconstitutional treaty.”
          The Federal City.
          GW’s six years as president have “been trumpeted to the world by your idolatrous worshipers, as unequalled in wisdom and

unparalelled in the history of nations.” But “Truth … presents a different picture” which “the impartial historian will pass … down to posterity aided by an illustration of this index of your measures.”


Title: To George Washington from Timothy Pickering, 11 September 1795
From: Pickering, Timothy
To: Washington, George

            Sir
            War Office Septr 11th 1795.

          I have this day received from Govr Blount a letter dated the 9th of August, with sundry inclosures, by which it appears that the Southwestern Territory continues to enjoy perfect tranquility:

That the Creeks have desired the Governor to direct General Robertson to send two men into the Chickasaw Nation for the Creeks who are prisoners there; as the Chiefs are determined to bury the hatchet, if their prisoners were restored: and that the Creek Chiefs desired (according to a proposal of Mr Seagrove’s) Governor Blount to meet some of them at Tellico Blockhouse. The Governor says he shall give orders to General Robertson to go without delay to the Chickasaws, “to make known to them the sincere determination of the Creeks for peace, to obtain from them the prisoners whom the Creeks request, and to finally settle the peace between the parties so happily determined upon by the Creeks.” The Governor proposes to meet the Creek Chiefs at Tellico Blockhouse, about the fifth of October. The quarrel between those two Indian nations being in so fair a train of settlement, I hope the Government of the U. States will have no more trouble about it.
          By some of the inclosures it appears that the Spanish Governor of New Orleans, has pressed the Creeks to make peace with the Chickasaws; on this ground, that if the four southern Indian Nations destroy one another they will become a prey to the Americans. He tells them of the Georgians—having sold their lands: but expresses his hopes that Congress will not confirm the sales, or allow of such injustice. “Make peace (says he) with the Chickasaws. Let you, the Choctaws and Chickasaws be united; and should you be attacked, the Spaniards your faithful friends and allies will support you, and give you as many arms and as much amunition as you want.”
          The Choctaws also sent a speech to the Creeks advising them to make peace with the Chickasaws. And one of the Chickasaw Chiefs sent a talk to the Creeks, suing for peace in behalf of his nation.
          By Colo. Titsworth’s information to Govr Blount, it would seem that the Creeks are sincere in their desires to be at peace as well with the Chickasaws as the U. States.
          I have given this abridgement of Govr Blounts communication, because the papers are bulky. I am with the greatest respect sir Your obedient servt

            Timothy Pickering


Title: To George Washington from Timothy Pickering, 11 September 1795
From: Pickering, Timothy
To: Washington, George

            Sir,
            Philadelphia Septr 11. 1795.

          Instead of writing to Mr Boudinot, I concluded to ride out to see him. This I did on Wednesday: and found that he set off the preceeding day for Elizabethtown. Yesterday I wrote him by post: and if he should be at that place to-day, I may expect his answer to-morrow. By the first post after it arrives, it shall be forwarded to Mount Vernon.
          In General Knox’s letter which you were pleased to read to Mr Wolcott and me, the names of sundry persons were mentioned for the office of Attorney General, and among them Mr Gore’s. This gentleman doubtless possesses handsome abilities: but the large fortune he has acquired was not by means of his profession as a lawyer; in which I have heretofore understood he was less eminent than some of his brethren. His political writings demonstrate that he is as decided a party man as any gentleman who has distinguished himself on the floor of Congress. Not that I conceive this circumstance conclusive against a public character: for as you lately remarked, the government to be maintained, must be supported by its friends. And in this stage of our political contests, that man must be inattentive to the interest of his country, or wanting in discernment, who has not taken the side which he thinks it his duty to support. The only distinction

that occurs to me, among men of equal talents and integrity, is, that some alike decided in their opinions, may have manifested more moderation & candor and less personalities in combating the opinions of their antagonists. But another circumstance may possibly present some objection to Mr Gore: I take it that his fortune has been founded in paper speculations. And I have observed in the vindications of some gentlemen whom the Jacobin papers have denominated “paper noblemen,” that it was deemed of some consequence to assert that they were either men without fortunes or that they had not acquired them by the speculation referred to, With the highest respect I am sir you obt servt

            Timothy Pickering


Title: To George Washington from Thomas Jefferson, 12 September 1795
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Washington, George

            Dear Sir
            Monticello [Va.] Sep. 12. 1795.

          The last post brought me a letter from Madame de Chastellux, covering the enclosed, which she informs me is on the same subject with hers to me, and that she refers you to me for

particulars. I had very little acquaintance with her personally in Paris. I understood she was the daughter of an English general Plunket in the Austrian service, entirely without fortune. Chastellux is said to have been intrigued into the marriage at Spa, where he met with & married her the prudence of her conduct however reconciled his friends. he was himself without fortune, being a younger son, and therefore depended on his military pay & some pension. on his death, a small pension was continued to his widow by the crown, but her chief dependance was the Dutchess of Orleans who had taken an affection to her, gave her apartments, a place at her table, & some pension. the Orleans fortune being confiscated, all these dependancies are gone, and Madame de Chastellux with her infant son is, I dare say, entirely destitute of provision. these are the only particulars I know which, in compliance with her reference to me, are worthy noting to you. her application should undoubtedly be to Congress, if to any member of the Federal government. Whether they ought to give relief, is one question, and not obviously in her favor, considering that every individual of the French army which was here would have equal right to provision. but another question would be whether any article in the constitution has authorised Congress to grant the public money in this way? I think the pensions or other aids heretofore given have been to persons employed by the former Congress, whose powers were larger, whose debts the present government was expressly authorised to pay, & who were understood to be under engagements to those persons.
          I must say a word to you about the Succory you received from mr Young, and were so kind as to give me some of the seed. I sowed about ¼ or ⅓ of an acre last year. it cut little figure that year. but this year it’s growth has been most luxuriant indeed. I have not cut it, but kept the whole for seed, & to furnish young plants for transplanting which it does in very great abundance. from what I see of it, and what mister Strickland told me (that he had known it cut 5. times a year in England) I consider it as one of the greatest acquisitions a farmer can have. I sowed at the same time 2. acres of Lucerne, in exactly an equal soil, which in both instances had been originally rich, but was considerably exhausted. I gave the Lucerne this last year a good coat of dung, & due tillage; yet it is such poor dwindling stuff that I have

abandoned it, while the Succory without dung or tillage is fine. I propose to sow & plant the next spring 2. acres at each of my farms, for the maintenance of 8. plough-horses (4. to the acre) and I count on it; feeding them thro’ the whole summer without any thing else. my plough horses have this summer (from April) had nothing but clover, & have gone through the summer’s work as well as when they were crammed with corn. it is a great step towards recruiting our lands to abate the culture of corn. never had any reformer so barbarous a state of things to encounter as I have. it will be the work of years before the eye will find any satisfaction in my fields. however nearly the whole of my grain is sowing now on fallow, and after the present season I shall never sow another acre after corn. the weavil is completely possessed of all the wheat in this neighborhood which is not yet got out, or which is got out & cleaned. I have avoided loss by keeping mine in the chaff. but I will never meet another harvest without a threshing machine. the field pea of Europe & their winter vetch I find to be great desiderata in the farm. the former to cultivate in such of our fallows as will not yeild clover; as while we are keeping our ground clean for the next wheat sowing, the pea will shade it, and give us a valuable crop both of grain & fodder. the winter vetch sown on our fall fallows for corn, will give a fine crop of green fodder in the spring, which may be cut in time to prepare the ground for corn. this will cost us not a single ploughing. I have taken two or three chances of getting these things from Europe, in time as I hope to try them the next season. I expect to take both these articles into the regular course of my husbandry thus. 1. wheat followed by winter vetch. 2. corn followed by winter vetch. 3. a fallow of peas. 4. wheat. 5.6.7. three years of clover. a very decisive experiment has banished rye from my rotation. I mix potatoes with my corn, on your plan. you shall know the result of my trials of the European pea & vetch, and be furnished with seed, if they prove worth your notice. we have had this year such rains as never came I believe since Noah’s flood. our clear profits will not repay the damage done our lands. begging leave to place here my respects to mistress Washington, I ask you to accept assurances of the great & sincere esteem & respect with which I am Dear Sir your affectionate friend & humble servt

            Th: Jefferson


Title: From George Washington to Robert Morris, 14 September 1795
From: Washington, George
To: Morris, Robert

            My dear Sir,
            Mount Vernon 14th Sep. 1795

          The motives which give birth to this letter, proceed as much from private friendship, as they do from a sense of public duty; whatever therefore may be the effect produced by it I presume on your excuse for the trouble it will give you.
          The letter herewith enclosed from Mr Scott (one of the Commissioners of the Fedl City) was met by me on my way to George Town, with another from Colo. Deakins to the same effect—To the sentiments expressed in the former, it would seem scarcely necessary to add another sentence—Yet upon a more detailed conversation with the Commissioners (since the receipt of the above letter) I am so thoroughly impressed with the ruinous consequences wch must result to the public buildings from a delay of the payment which the Comrs have requested, that I should think my official conduct reprehensible if I did not press them upon you most urgently.
          There are many valuable Stone cutters, and other workmen now engaged; a number of laborers are employed on the public buildings; of differt discripns & on difft terms—order, & a proper arrangement of the work is established; and every thing at the capitol seems to progress as well as can reasonably be expected under the embarrassments which have been encountered—But without the aid required in Mr Scotts letter, the whole must be

at a stand, at the time he mentions; the workmen must be discharged; and, more than probable, the most valuable of them will be irrecoverably lost whilst the buildings will be left not only in a stagnant state but in a hurtful situation; involving consequences which are too obvious to need enumeration.
          It was not, as I am persuaded you are well convinced, the price of the lots which induced the first sale to Mr Greenleaf, nor the subsequent one in which you are concerned; but to the collateral advantages which were expected to be derived from the erection of buildings, and the advance of money. Withhold these, and the contract exhibits an unproductive and a disagreeable spectacle.
          I could enlarge very much on this subject; but I am sure nothing cd be added that will not occur to you without upon reflec⟨tion;⟩ or that would be in any manner new except suggestions which may not have reached you, & which I pray you to believe have not obtained the smallest credence in my mind—to wit—that as both Mr Nicholsons interest and your own, lies principally in another quarter—nothing but embarrassments are to be expected from you. that the object of both, is to speculate with the lots till towards the close of the period for the removal of the government and then it will be found that neither of you will have retained any, or very little property in the City. Why else, it is asked did these gentlemen take this contract upon themselves—for they must have known as well at that time as now their means for compliance; & ought not to have made these difficulties, if they ⟨found⟩ them defect⟨ive.⟩ The best evidence I can give you, of my thorough disbelief of these suggestions is, the communication I now make of them that being apprised thereof, their malignancy may be counteracted. Be so good as to return Mr Scotts letter &ca to me, & to be assured of the sincere esteem and regard with which I am—Dear Sir Your Obedt and affecte Servant

            Go. Washington


Title: To George Washington from Timothy Pickering, 14 September 1795
From: Pickering, Timothy
To: Washington, George

            Sir,
            Department of State Sept. 14. 1795.

          Your letter dated the 9th at Elkton was received, and your directions shall be observed.
          The express with your letter of the 11th and packet from Baltimore arrived on Saturday Evening. Two vessels are bound to England, and expected to sail to-morrow. These conveyances will be embraced.
          This moment I have a letter from Mr Boudinot dated the 12th. He had just arrived at Elizabethtown; and wanted time to reflect on the subject coolly: “this week he will give a decided answer.” I am with the highest respect sir your obedt servant

            Timothy Pickering


Title: To George Washington from Timothy Pickering, 14 September 1795
From: Pickering, Timothy
To: Washington, George

            Sir,
            War Office Sept. 14. 1795.

          I have the honor to inclose a letter from Colo. Lowther to Governor Brooke, and an extract from the Governor’s letter of the 4th relating to it. I have written to the Governor that I should submit the matter to you.: In the mean time informing him that peace was now made with the Indian tribes on all the

frontiers of the U. States; & that even Mero District was enjoying perfect tranquility; whence I hoped that the militia ordered by Colo. Lowther might speedily be recalled: a few scattered ruffians whom no general pacification could disarm, being the only cause for any precautions whatever. With the highest respect I am sir yr obt servt

            Timothy Pickering


Title: To George Washington from James Anderson (of Scotland), 15 September 1795–3 October 1795
From: Anderson, James (of Scotland)
To: Washington, George

            Cotfield near Edin[burg]h15th Septr[–3 Oct.] 1795
            Honoured Sir

          The respect I entertain for your character personally, may, perhaps, induce me to be guilty of an impropriety in thus addressing to you some remarks upon the easiest mode of constructing bridges of a large span, which I conceive may be of considerable utility in many parts of the united states of America, whose general prosperity I have been accustomed to believe, is at all times an object of your peculiar care—I hope the intention will be admitted as an apology with you, for any impropriety I may be guilty of on this occasion.
          In what follows, I shall avoid entering into particular mathematical demonstrations; as a mere popular investigation, on the

basis of common sense, will, I hope, be sufficient to illustrate the general principles upon which I shall reason, leaving mathematical precision to particular details when it is meant to be carried into actual practice.
          The weight to be supported by every stone arch may be resolved into three distinct parts. Viz. 1st the materials of which the arch itself is composed, together with the parts necessarily connected with that arch. 2d The materials composing the road leading along the bridge—and, 3d the moveable load to be transported along the bridge, with its necessary appurtenances.
          In the usual mode of constructing bridges the last particular, tho’ it is the sole purpose for which the bridge has been reared, bears a very small proportion of weight when compared with the other two parts. In most large bridges, if, E.G. the maximum moveable load were to be stated as one, the weight of the road will be perhaps an hundred, and that of all the other materials in many cases, an hundred thousand. From this view of the subject it appears that the strength of an arch is chiefly required for supporting the weight of the materials of which it is constructed; and, of course, it follows that if the weight of these materials can be diminished, the actual strength of the arch may be proportionally diminished without rendering the arch, in as far as the moveable load is concerned, weaker in the smallest degree. It is, therefore, an object of useful research to try if that weight can be practically diminished to any considerable degree, as thereby, not only may the actual strength of the arch be safely diminished without rendering it less fit for the purpose for which it is reared, but also the pressure upon the foundations be greatly lessened, and with it the total expence of the construction abated.
          Where peirs, however, are to be placed in the course of a rapid river, the weight upon these peirs must be considerable, otherwise they would not be capable of resisting the force of the current—Hence—semicircular arches, when of a moderate size, where they are abutted by other arches of nearly the same dimensions, or by solid materials of equal weight, are found to be very strong, and stand firm for a great length of time—But where the arches are of a wide span, the great pressure of the materials accumulated between the arches of this form, is more than sufficient to counterbalance the direct weight of the materials that form the upper part of the circle, and the necessary equilibrium is destroyed and it tumbles down unless (1st) the crown of the arch

be either much loaded by some fixed weight laid upon it—or 2d the pressure on the sides be lessened by forming cavities there of a proper size judiciously disposed—of & 3d by flattening the arch so as to make it suit the circumstances of the case. If—on the contrary, the arches be very small and flat, so as to be at, or even below a semicircle, the moveable load, may, at times, be such as to overcome the resistance upon the sides of the arch, and break it down—so that a cure, in this case, must be applied, of a tendency opposite to the former, that is to say, the materials that form the abuttment must either be made more weighty, or the arch be constructed of a greater height.
          In attempting to make a flatted arch of great width of span, where the materials are of solid stone, two evils are to be dreaded. The first is, that it is impossible to join the stones which form the arch so closely to one another as to prevent them from being deranged and slipping out of their places, and falling down, unless these stones are made of a very great depth—or Secondly—if the stones be made of a sufficient length to obviate this evil, the pressure spread outwards at both ends, on a flat arch of large span will be so great as to render it impossible, in many cases, to get an abuttment sufficiently solid to overcome that resistance. On these accounts, flat stone arches of a very wide span, are found to be impracticable.
          A stone arch, it is well known, consists of a series of wedges placed beside each other, which are preserved in their places by the power of gravity only. Did that gravity act perpetually in the direction of the Radius, tending to draw every stone with equal force towards the centre of the arch itself, the arch would be immoveably firm, considered in itself, and could only be destroyed by the materials of which they are composed, being crushed to pieces.
          But as the power of gravity acts, not in the direction of the radius of the circle of the arch—but in that of the semidiameter of the earth, it is only the vertical stone in the arch that acts with equal force on both sides of the wedge, and in proportion as they recede from that vertex, the pressure upon each stone in the arch becomes gradually less as you recede from either side and of course they require to be retained in their places by some other power than the direct force of gravity acting on the stones themselves only. It is this complication of powers that renders the doctrine of arches a matter of so much difficulty.

          If the arch be very flat—in other words if it be a very small portion of a circle of large diameter, the power of gravity alone will act with nearly the same force, and in the same manner, upon every stone in the arch, so that such an arch will be more simple, and will require fewer extraneous correctives to preserve it firm than Arches of any other form—All that is required in this case is, that the blocks of which it is constructed are of a sufficient depth and firmness to be able to surmount the inequalities that must arise from any imperfect joining in the pi[e]ces—and from the expansion or contraction arising from inequalities in temperature—That these blocks be sufficently firm in themselves as to resist any pressure to which they can be subjected—and that the abuttments be so solid, as to be perfectly capable of resisting the whole pressure that can ever be applied to them—and thus to prevent any spread at the ends of the segment of the circle.
          These principles being admitted, it will be evident that if each block of which the arch consists, instead of being a solid stone were an empty box, the sides of which were so firm as not to admit of being crushed together by any weight that could be applied to it, the arch would be equally firm as if each block had been perfectly solid, but the weight would be greatly diminished.
          In consequence of this diminution of weight, the lateral pressure on the abuttments of a flat arch would be propor[t]ionally abated—consequently the width of the span of the arch may be augmented in proportion to the diminution of the weight of each of these wedges.
          If a weight be laid upon the sides of an empty box made of wood or other elastic materials, it will be made to yield, and be pressed out of its proper shape with little difficulty—But if a rod of iron were run across that box so as to apply each end against the sides to which the pressure was applied, the sides of the box would thus be prevented from yielding. And if these sides were only at a very small distance from each other, a very small rod would enable it to bear an inconceveable degree of pressure without giving way.
          The same effect will be produced where the sides of the box are at a considerable distance from each other—if the rod, by any contrivance, can be prevented from bending, by having supports placed on every side at small distances from each other along its whole length. All this is so obvious as to stand in need of no particular illustration.

          It is upon these principles the improvements I am about to suggest in regard to the construction of bridges are grounded—and I trust that the means for effecting these ends will be found to be so simple, and so easy to execute, as to render it extremely practicable to carry them into effect.

            Fig. 6. James Anderson’s sketch depicting components of an iron bridge. (Library of Congress)
            [High-resolution version]

          Let A B Fig. 1st represent a small segment of an arch, consisting of solid stones placed in the usual way. It is plain, that if these stones be long enough, and the abuttments firm this arch cannot give way.
          Let D E Fig. 2d represent one of those blocks on a larger scale, which instead of being solid stone, consists of four boards of wood, or other elastic materials being hollow in the middle. Its weight would be greatly diminished; but its strength also would be mucch abated.
          If the pressure were only from D to E the strength would be greatly augmented with very little addition to its weight by having one, two, three or more bars of iron put across it, as in fig. 3d.
          But, as these bar’s, on account of their length, would be liable to be bent, it would be of much utility to have these bars stiffened by means of girders running perpendicular to them, as in Fig. 4th.
          It is a known principle in mechanics, that where a board of wood or other matter whose continuity of parts is uniform, be intended to resist a force applied to bend it, the resistance it will make is not in proportion to the quantity of matter it contains, but varies with its relative proportions. If the board were one inch thick, and 12 inches deep, and if it were capable of bearing a weight of 12 when the pressure was applied perpendicular to the thin way of the board, its resistance would be 144 if the pressure were applied perpendicular to the depth of the board—If the board were 24 inches deep, the resistance would be equal in the thin way to 24—and in the deep way 576—and so on—the power of resistance increasing in the one case in an arithmetical, and in the other in a geometrical ratio.
          To apply this principle practically in the present case is very easy. To prevent the bars which stretch from side to side of the frame from bending it is necessary they should be secured at short distances by means of girders. If these girders be made of flat and thin pieces of iron, with the bars running perpendicularly across them, these girders will, in that position, act with a

force much greater than if the same quantity of material were employed in a square form. Thus is great strength obtained with little weight; and no waste of material.
          I propose then, that each block intended to compose an arch should be made of cast iron on the principles above explained, and into form represented in Fig. 5—which will I hope be so plain merely on inspection as to require few words to illustrate it. I did intend to have sent a small model of three of these blocks joined together but, on account of the difficulty of sending them to London, and the little use for them after the drawings were made I thought it quite unnecessary to forward them. You will please to observe that for the purpose of stiffening the bottom and top edges—a plate of iron is proposed to be cast at right angles with them—only on one side—as is seen in Fig. 5th—and a narrower plate on each side as is also seen in Fig. 5 and again in front at Fig. 7th—(A section of the top and bottom plates— with these perpendicular plates joined to them is seen at A & B. fig. 6th which will, I hope be sufficiently explicit.)
          These blocks could be made, by a skilful founder, even when of a very large size, and with the girders very thin, all at one jett: but less skilful artists would find some difficulty in doing this—so that, where only such imperfect artists can be found, it might be necessary to have the girders first cast by themselves, and the strengthning bars afterwards made to flow through holes left in these girders for that purpose when the frame and strengthening bars were afterwards cast. Even in this imperfect way of working, the parts might be quite firmly united together because of the well known property of iron expanding in the act of pressure from fluid to a solid state—This junction will be rendered still more secure, by leaving a small bridge across each hole—as is represented in Fig. 6th which exhibits a side view of one of those girders. One other advantage that might be derived from casting the girders separately would be that of allowing these girders to be cast—not solid—but in hexagonal bars, with openings between like a section of a honeycomb by which means their weight might be still farther diminished with a very small abatement of strengt⟨h.⟩ I hope to be pardoned for mentioning these operati[on]al minutie, which if they had been omitted might have been urged as objections—I have not thought it necessary to tire you by showing how the horizontal &

perpendicular board, at top and bottom may be compactly connected with these in casting—because the same principle applies to both.
          The next particular that requires to be specified in constructing this kind of bridge, is the mode of joining these blocks to one another so as to keep them perfectly true in their places, and render the whole as firm nearly as if it were made of one piece only—It is in regard to this particular only that I lay claim to any degree of originality—and I am happy to think that this will be found to be so easy in execution, and so perfect in its kind, as to be applicable to an immense variety of cases in the use of cast iron, which will render this manufacture, in time, of the most extensive utility for the common purposes in human life—I look forward with much satisfaction to the uses which mankind will derive from it—of which we have scarcely as yet obtained a very feeble glimmering.
          The first iron bridge that was erected in Europe, as far as I know, was in Britain, and, as in most new attempts, it was constructed on principles so very erroneous, as to be, in the present day not deserving a serious investigation. Since that time attempts have been made to build several iron bridges on the principles of a stone arch, in which various devices have been adopted to diminish the weight of the blocks, all of them, that have come to my knowledge, differing very considerable from that above developed. The bridge now erecting over the river wear at Sunderland is the most magnificent of these that I have heard of. It is to consist of One arch of 240 feet span. I have doubts of the final completion of that bridge, not so much on account of the form of the blocks (which are however objectionable tho’ the quantity of metal in them is so much greater than would have been necessary, as may still give them a sufficient degree of firmness) as from the imperfect mode adopted for connecting these blocks, and firming the ribs laterally, of which more anon.
          The blocks of which the sunderland arch are to consist are to be joined together by means of three bars of wrought iron, one at the upper, one at the under edge and one in the middle part on each side of the blocks, running the whole length of the arch. These bars of iron are connected together by means of bolts passing through holes in them and in the cast iron blocks made for that purpose and firmly screwed home. I will not take

up your time by stating objections to this mode of joining the blocks, as these are sufficiently obvious.
          Instead of this, I propose that holes be made in the flatted sides of each block, as are seen in fig. 5th the holes in all the blocks corresponding exactly with each other, so that when one block is placed by the edge of another true upon the coomb (the wooden frame that supports the arch) as is usual in building arches there shall be holes clear through both the edges of the adjoining blocks—when they are in this position, let a mold, of the same nature with that for casting musket bullets, having a groove running along its whole length upon one side, and communicating with circular cavities form⟨ed⟩ in it be provided, as at Fig. 7th in which A B represents the groove running from top to bottom, and c c c c the circular cavities communicating with it. This mold (which is here drawn on a scale twice the size of the other parts[)], is to be applied to the inner edge of one of the sides of the block so that the circular cavities shall be placed directly above the perforation in the sides of the block—and of course, the open places d d d embrace the square bars. On the opposite side of the other block, now closely connected with the former is placed another mold E F—corresponding with the former in all respects, with the omission only of the perpendicular groove. When these molds are applied close on either side of the two corresponding blocks, they are firmly screwed together by means of cramps similar in kind to those usually employed by joiners for driving home the joints of chairs &c.—While they are in this position—let some melted iron be poured down the groove at A. It will then flow to the bottom of B. and entering into the cavity c it will flow through the hole into the corresponding cavity in the other mold, so as to fill the whole: and so on through all the other cavities till it reaches the top. After the metal has become solid, the molds may be then removed, and the two edges of each block will then be connected together by means of Strong iron bolts with double heads, as is seen at fig. 8—in which A B represents an inside view of one of the thin plates at the edge of the block—and C D the same of another block—with a section of the side plate of each block connected by the double headed bolts just described d d d d. All this will be sufficiently plain by inspecting the figure.

          By this mode of joining, which is the least expensive that can be conceived the two blocks will be connected together more firmly than by any other mode that could be devised. For, as the double headed bolts are made to fill the cavity while red, hot they must of necessity contract in length as the heat abates, and of course they cannot fail to draw the two blocks more powerfully together even than the cramps themselves could effect—I have here only to remark a small error in the drawing of this part that ought to be adverted to—Instead of one bolt on the outside of the bar both above and below, there ought to have been two, the outermost of which ought to be very near the extremity of both ends. There are several other little niceties that would require to be adverted to in practice; particularly as to the application of the molds so as to prevent them from being deranged by the expansion in the act of becoming solid—which I have not thought necessary to detail.
          Three of the blocks are represented as standing in their places thus connected together in Fig 9th. On the top of them is represented a slight sketch of a cornice in wood, which might be made to run along the whole, and would prove not only ornamental, but useful also. I have bestowed no pains on decoration here, having confined myself to the most simple forms for the sake of illustration only—But it is obvious, that without incurring any additional expence these structures might be decorated at pleasure merely by varying the form of the upper and lower facings—But on this head it is unnecessary to enlarge.
          The several blocks of which the arch consists being, in the manner above described, as closely jammed together without wieght, as stones can ever be by the greatest pressure of their natural gravity, and much more firmly connected together than stones can possibly be in any situation, the whole of a rib of this kind may be considered as equally compact nearly as if it consisted of one piece only without any joinings whatever.
          An arch, upon these principles, can be rendered of much greater absolute strength than even a stone arch—because the blocks are not only firmer of themselves, but can, without difficulty, be made of much greater depth than it is practicable to make them of stone—In few places stones can be had that admit of being dressed into the true shape for an arch that exceed three or four feet in depth—It would however, be an easy matter

to cast blocks of iron, upon the principle above developed, Six or even eight feet deep if necessary—But when the diminution of weight is adverted to, it will appear evident that a block of iron, thus employed, of two feet in depth, could bear a greater passive load, than a stone arch could do were the stones even of six feet deep each—But if the iron arch be made of blocks of six feet deep, the proportional strength of it must be wonderfully augmented.
          From this consideration, it would be a foolish enterprise to make a bridge of iron consisting of blocks placed close to each other over its whole extent, as in stone arches. A few parallel ribs of iron placed some distance from each other, so connected together as to support the road above them, is all that can be wanted for the ordinary purposes of life, And it becomes a question how many of these ribs there ought to be, and in what manner they should be connected so as to render the bridge firm & durable.
          In respect of the number of ribs—considering the strength that can be given to them at pleasure, I have no difficulty in saying, that for the purposes of strength alone, more than two ribs can never be necessary—Conveniency, may, in some situations make it eligible to give them three ribs—But when the road is to be supported by transverse beams of wood (which is in all cases the cheapest, and for the most part the best mode of doing it) more than three ribs can scarcely ever be required.
          I am afraid it would prove tiresome to you were I to enter into details of the best mode of constructing the wooden parts of these bridges—and it would require still more complicated details to illustrate the manner in which the ribs might be best connected together, so as to enable the structure to bear a lateral pressure from wind or other causes. This is a peculiarity in the art of bridge building, which, as being unnecessary to advert to in bridges of the construction that has hitherto been most common has been almost entirely overlooked—but which must, upon the plan here recommended be peculiarly adverted to. Should the principles above explained give such satisfaction, as to induce the united states seriously to think of erecting any important work upon that plan, I shall be ready to give every explanation that may be wanted. At present I shall trespass no farther upon your patience than merely to notice a few of the

purposes that these kind of arches seem to be more peculiarly adapted to—and to obviate a few objections.
          First—On account of the very small weight of materials that are thus required—a bridge of a very large span may be made, so as to avoid the necessity of having many piers in the water. A rib of 500 feet span could thus be made that would be strong enough to support any load that could ever have occasion to pass along it, that should weigh only from 30 to 40 ton of iron—of course the resistance necessary to prevent the spread outward at each end of a flat arch would be so small as to be easily obtained.
          2d as a corollory from the above, the arch may be made, in all cases as flat as circumstances may render necessary—where an aqueduct bridge is required, and where, of course, it must be entirely level, there would be no other difficulty than that which arises from the necessity of making, in this case, a distinct mold for each two blocks of the same rib—there being no other obstruction to the making a horizontal arch (excuse the seemingly improper expression) as marked at Fig. 9th but that alone of preventing the outward spread at the abuttments.
          3d The expence of erecting bridges on this plan would be greatly diminished, in those of a wide span especially—For, if the omission of, the otherwise neccessary piers be taken into the account, it will be no exaggeration to say that a bridge could be thus erected, in most cases, for a less sum than must have been expended on the meer carriage of the materials only for a stone bridge of equal length.
          4th But it must ever be adverted to, that however strong a bridge may be thus made, considered in respect to perpendicular pressure, it can never be made so strong as a solid stone arch for resisting any lateral pressure, owing to the smaller weight of the whole structure—On this account, iron bridges thrown over navigable rivers, ought in general to be raised so high above the water as to allow vessels to pass without striking their masts, or at least, so high as to admit of being touched, in case of unavoidable accidents, by the smaller part of the masts only, which will give way before the structure can be deranged.
          I might here also show in what manner houses could be erected of cast iron, and firmly connected in all their parts, and more elegantly finished both externally and internally, at an expence greatly below what they could be reared for of any other

materials, and possessing other advantages of which they could not otherwise be susceptible. But I have already transgressed too much upon your time to enter upon that field. I have no other apology to make for this presumption but that which I have already offered—I live now a quiet and retired life, out of which I never wish to emerge—My enquiries are directed solely towards objects of utility to mankind, without any prospect of emolument to my self, and I have no other wish than to render the fruits of these enquiries as generally useful as possible. This wish confers a tranquillity on the decline of life which nothing else, I think, could do—If I mistake not you also take pleasure in pursuits of the same kind—May Heaven long enable you to continue them, and grant that your beneficent exertions may be ever crowned with success. I have the honour to be, with the most cordial esteem Honoured sir, Your much obliged, and Most obedt Hu[mbl]e Servt

            Jas AndersonLondon—Octr 3d

            P.S. At the moment when this letter was ready to be sent off, I have just learnt that a new iron Bridge of 90 feet span which had been just compleated in Worcestershire is fallen down— From what I have been able to learn of the principles on which this bridge was constructed (nearly the same with those of the original bridge at Coalbrookdale in Shropshire) I am less surprised at its falling, than at its having stood one moment after the supports were removed—so that I consider this accident of no consequence as an objection to iron bridges—It will however, be eventually of much use, as it will induce mankind to enquire a little more particularly than they have hitherto done, into the principles on which these bridges ought to be constructed.


Title: To George Washington from Edmund Randolph, 15 September 1795
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Washington, George

            Sir
            German Town [Pa.] Sepr. 15. 1795.

          I have this moment received a letter from Colo. Pickering, dated yesterday, informing me, that it was your “desire, that the other copies of the ratification might also receive my signature, as secretary of state at the date of the ratification.” Altho’ for many reasons, this cannot be supposed to be a pleasant business to me; yet to shew to you, that by my resignation I never intended to embarrass the government, I have signed the two other copies.
          I shall this day, sir, send a letter to you by the mail; and shall follow it with another in greater detail on the whole of this subject. I have the honor to be sir with due respect yr mo. ob. serv.

            Edm: Randolph.


Title: To George Washington from George Cabot, 16 September 1795
From: Cabot, George
To: Washington, George

            Sir
            Brookline [Mass.] Sept. 16th 1795

          The letter which you did me the honor to write on the 7th was received last evening, when I immediately waited on the Gentlemen who are the subject of it. they were in a state of anxiety respecting a new place of residence where they might live unnoticed—considerations of the kind which you have mentioned & some others render this eligible for the present, but it is found impracticable here—already Mr Motier is known to too many persons & a public festival announced by the french Consul for monday next, at which all their Citizens in this vicinity are expected to attend, occasions serious embarrassment, to which is added that some circumstances of delicacy relative to the family in which they are placed make an immediate removal proper.
          it was at this moment of solicitude I arrived to testify to them the benignity of your intentions by expressing those unequivocal assurances of friendship which your goodness had dictated, & which were received with every emotion of the most lively sensibility; a conversation succeeded which had for it’s object a relief from their present perplexity with the least possible deviation from the path you had proposed. in addition to the motives already explained for removing further than Cambridge it was urged that the studies now actually pursuing by Mr Motier are

entirely different from those prescribed in any of our universities, & that your desires will therefore be best accomplished by a continuance in his present course under Mr Frestel; it was admitted however that other aids wou’d be requisite in those branches of education which Mr Frestel does not profess—with a view to these & to combine with them abstinence from society it is thought best to seek a position near some principal town where all the desiderata can be found—no determination was formed & we parted to reflect more on the step to be taken & to examine if there were any situation in this quarter which wou’d correspond with their wishes but to day on their visiting me I found they had concluded it wou’d be best to go to New york in the friday’s stage, where they expect to be accommodated in a Country house which is in the possession of their friend Mr La Callombe & with whom they may remain in retirement until you shall direct otherwise.
          the suddenness of their departure will deprive me of an opportunity of being essentially useful to them & of executing your commands which wou’d be the most grateful occupation of my life.
          I shall give them letters to Colonel Wadsworth & to Coll Hamilton the latter of whom will probably know where they may be found after they shall be established.
          I shall speak of Mr Frestel & a young gentleman whom he accompanies, leaving it with them to make such other disclosures on some occasions as discretion will approve.
          Mr Frestel has a passport from the Committee of Public Safety & stands fair with his country, & it is doubtful whether Mr Motier wou’d have any occasion to be private but for the condition of his friends, he likewise having a passport as a Citizen of the United States under the name of Motier which is not newly assumed but is a name which regularly remained to him after the law passed proscribing titles. an unbounded affection cements the Tutor & Pupil & renders them inseperable, & it is impossible to see without delight the exquisite gratification of the former at the elevation of character which the latter has already attained.
          Mr Frestel repeatedly mentiond that he has some communications to make which may affect those whom you love, but which can hardly be explained without an interview; I promised to intimate his ideas, but reminded him that you wou’d be absent for

several weeks & added that possibly before your return he might know your pleasure in this respect. if any pecuniary accommodations had been necessary I shoud have furnished them but at present they are supplied. with the highest respect & Esteem I remain Sir your obedient & faithful Servant

            George Cabot


Title: From George Washington to Timothy Pickering, 16 September 1795
From: Washington, George
To: Pickering, Timothy

            Sir
            Mount Vernon Sepr 16th 1795

          If, when this reaches your hands, there should be no contract or other obligation existing on behalf of the U.S. for the purchase of land on the Potomac, intended for the public Arsenal—I should wish all further negociation in this business to be suspended until proper inquiries can be made and information obtained respecting the property at the junction of the Potomac and Shanandoah Rivers in this State; for it has been represented to me that this spot affords every advantage that could be wished for water works to any extent, and that no place is more capable of complete defence at a small expense; and I am also informed that from 800 to 1000 Acres of land might be obtained there on reasonable terms. The land at the Junction of the two Rivers, including what is called Harper’s ferry, has lately been leased for 7 years—and the lessee has the right of purchasing whenever it may be sold. Should this spot be fixed upon for the Arsenal, the Lessee will relinqu[i]sh his title to the U.S. reserving only a small piece of the land for the purpose of building stores & doing business. Six hundred Acres of land adjoining this tract, is, I am

told, offered for sale by Colo. Bull for fifteen hundred pounds Virga money. Colo. Bull has a lease of this tract for 70 years @ £5 pr 100 Acres, & a number of years have been already paid on the lease. The fee is in Genl Henry Lee who I have no doubt will dispose of his right on very reasonable terms, There is another small tract, with a saw mill upon it, adjoining the two foregoing, which I am told may be also purchased.
          From my own knowledge I can speak of the eligibility of this situation for a public Arsenal; but as I have never examined it very attentively I am not able to speak so decidedly as to the advantages of erecting works there. These, however, I am told, are equal at least to any on the Potomac or its branches—having the advantage of a considerable fall in both Rivers which may be brought to operate at this place. At any rate, if the thing is open it may be well to have enquir⟨ies⟩ made & prices ascertained before it becomes known that this spot is in view. I am—&ca

            G. W——n


Title: From George Washington to Timothy Pickering, 16 September 1795
From: Washington, George
To: Pickering, Timothy

            (Private)
            Dear Sir,
            Mount Vernon 16th Sep. 1795

          Monday’s Mail brought me both your letters dated the 11th instant—The one containing an extract from Majr Craig’s

letter, relative to the conclusion of the treaty with the North western Tribes of Indians, was very acceptable. and I pray you to dispatch Seagrove, & impress strongly upon him the necessity, & the earnest desire of, the government that he would, without delay, effect if it can be done a peace between the Creeks and Chiccasaws. It would be a very pleasing circumstance not only to be enabled to say—at the meeting of Congress—that we were at Peace with all the Indian Nations, but by the mediation of the U. States, we had settled the differences between the tribes abovementioned; the latter of whom having been always our friends, & engaged according to their own acct in a war partly on our behalf.
          My letter from Baltimore by Express (the expence of which I preferred to the delay of waiting three days for the next mail) & my other letter from Elkton will shew my anxiety to get off the sevl dispatches for our public characters abroad—namely—Pinckney, Monroe & Adams; I request therefore to know (if they are gone) when, by what Vessels—and to what Ports they were sent: & I request moreover, that repeated copies may be sent to all of them to insure the arrival of one.
          I am sorry I had not sounded Mr Boudinot on the appointment to the Mint, before he left the vicinity of Phila. as Mr De Dissausure cannot or will not remain at his Post longer than the early part of October.
          Mr Marshall (from some peculiar circumstances) declines the offer of Attorney Genl; and I have been enquiring into the abilities and other qualifications of the Law characters in Maryland—but not much to my satisfaction as yet.
          I perceive by the Gazettes, that the Africa missed the prey she was in pursuit of, & had got back to her old station at New Port. Have you heard whether the order for quitting it has been communicated to Captn Holmes? If so what has been the result? & the sentiments [it] has excited in persons of different descriptions. With much truth I am Dr Sir Yr Affecte Servt

            G. Washington


Title: To George Washington from Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, 16 September 1795
From: Pinckney, Charles Cotesworth
To: Washington, George

            Dear Sr
            Charleston [S.C.] Sepr 16th 1795

          Every fresh proof of Esteem from those we love & admire, cannot but be particularly acceptable to a susceptible mind; and it was with sensations of the sincerest gratitude that I perused your favour of the 24th ultimo, which I yesterday received. To have served in your Administration would have been exceedingly flattering to me, but the circumstances I detailed to you in my Letter of the 24th of February 1794 still require (tho not in so great a degree as they then did), yet so much personal attention, that the greater part of what I have done would be rendered abortive was I to relax in my assiduity. The term which I had hoped would have been adequate to their final arrangement is not so near as I was fondly led to suppose, and I must appropriate a much longer time to their completion and the pursuits of my profession than I had then too sanguinely calculated would be necessary. Under these circumstances it is not in my power to accept the elevated station in which you have so obligingly offered to place me; and while I decline this reiterated instance of your friendship & partiality, I confess I do it with regrett; for stormy Clouds o’er hanging the political Horizon, so far from preventing me from coming forward in public office, would rather induce me to accept one, did not the reasons mentioned in the letter I have above referred to, still operate. I lament they do so: but thus circumstanced, I can only repeat my thanks for your many favours,

and offer my best wishes for the prosperity of our happy constitution, and for him, who I doubt not, will with his usual ability pilot safely the Vessel in which we are all embarked between the Rocks of Scylla and Charibdis. Be assured my dear Sr I ever am Your sincere & affectionate

            Charles Cotesworth Pinckney


Title: To George Washington from Timothy Pickering, 17 September 1795
From: Pickering, Timothy
To: Washington, George

            Sir,
            Department of State Septr 17. 1795.

          The inclosed letter from Mr Paleski, the Prussian Consul being marked “duplicate,” I suppose the Original may have already fallen under your notice. I thought it proper however to lay it before you: at the same time it appears to be so clear a case, that I have written an answer to Mr Paleski, suggesting that the prolonging of a treaty is tantamou[n]t to the making of a treaty, in which the act of the Senate being necessary, the object of his letter must of course be postponed till the Senate assembles. I informed him however that I should transmit the letter to you. I am with the highest respect sir, your most obt servant

            Timothy Pickering


Title: From George Washington to the Commissioners for the District of Columbia, 18 September 1795
From: Washington, George
To: Commissioners for the District of Columbia

            Gentlemen,
            Mount Vernon 18. Sept: 1795.

          The copy of the Letter which you wrote to the Secretary of State on the 21st ulto, enclosing regulations relative to the wharves and buildings in the federal City, came to my hands yesterday.
          If the proprietors of water-lots will be satisfied with the rules therein established for the extension of wharves & buildings thereon, the regulations will meet my entire approbation; and of their ideas on this head, you have, no doubt, made some enquiries, & decided accordingly.

          The other regulations, respecting the removal of dirt &c. and the thickness of walls, appear to me to be very proper: but in settling the latter point, the opinion of workmen, I presume, has been taken. With respect, I am Gentlemen Yr obedt Servt

            G. Washington


Title: From George Washington to Timothy Pickering, 18 September 1795
From: Washington, George
To: Pickering, Timothy

            Sir,
            Mount Vernon 18th of September 1795

          Your letter of the 11th with two others from you dated the 14th instant, were received yesterday.
          The summary of the dispatches from Governor Blount, was more agreeable to me than complete transcripts of his letter with the enclosures; and the same practice where information only is intended, may govern in other cases.
          I am very glad to find that the Creeks are so well disposed for

peace with the Chiccasaws. I hope their professions are sincere, & that the attempt to recover their prisoners is no finesse. I hope also that Govr Blount will go to work in earnest to accomplish this measure, effectually. If so, the request in my last that Seagrove should be immediately dispatched on this business may be superceded; but of this I leave you to judge; after expressing an earnest wish that so desirable an object as Peace betwn these Tribes may not be impeded either by delay, or want of exertion in the agent, or agents who are to negotiate it.
          I do not, I confess, see how the application of Colo. Lowther is to be reconciled with the pacific dispositions of the Indians; as related from all quarters. The footing you have placed the matter upon with the Govr of Virginia, is the best the case will admit; but I would press him not to suffer the detachments which have been drawn out by the former to remain in service longer than the exigency of the case shall absolutely require. There is too great a propensity in the Officers commanding on the frontiers to call out the Militia, and to establish such corps.

            Go: Washington


Title: To George Washington from Timothy Pickering, 18 September 1795
From: Pickering, Timothy
To: Washington, George

            Sir,
            War Office Sept. 18. 1795.

          The Pittsburg mail is arrived, but no letter from General Wayne. I suspect he has sent dispatches by an officer who is taking the route thro’ the Wilderness.
          Mr Hodgden this moment mentions the intelligence he had

from his neighbour Mr Vanuxem, a mercantile agent for the French, who told him last evening, that the Secretary of the French Legation here said that a national vessel had arrived at Norfolk, bringing intelligence that Mayence had fallen into the hands of the French—that in a general engagement the Chouans had been cut to pieces—that France had refused the offers of Spain for peace—that all negociations were at an end between France, Spain, the Emperor & England—and that Pichegru intended for Vienna! I know Mr Vanuxem to be a warm patriol: and French-Norfolk news is notorious for its exaggeration or total want of truth. I am most respectfully sir your obt servant

            T. Pickering


Title: To George Washington from Timothy Pickering, 18 September 1795
From: Pickering, Timothy
To: Washington, George

            Sir,
            Philadelphia Sept. 18. 1795.

          Yesterday I received the inclosed letter from Mr Boudinot. Not knowing Dr Isaac Smith, I thought it would be your wish to have some information of him beyond what is communicated in that letter. And there being a connection between Mr Boudinot’s and Dr Rush’s family, I judged that I might make some confidential enquiries of the Doctor, with propriety and safety.
          Doctor Rush knew Dr Smith—that his medical education was slender—but by the force of his own mind and application his acquirements in that line are respectable; that in every thing

connected with philosophy he is decidedly superior to Mr B.—that he was an early and determined friend to our revolution; and the appointment of Dr Smith would in his opinion meet the approbation of the public. Dr Smith is a little older than Dr Rush. As a proof of his popular fitness for the office, Dr Rush mentioned that at the last election Dr Smith was elected a representative in Congress for the state of New-Jersey: a circumstance that I deemed myself fortunate in learning: for beside the general rule which I have understood you had laid down, to avoid appointing members of either house for permanent offices, it might be peculiarly inconvenient at this time: for Dr Smith it seems is a federal man and a steady supporter of government. The aid of every such man may be highly important at the commencement of the approaching session of Congress: and if Dr Smith should be placed in the mint, several months of the session might elapse before another representative might be chosen in his place; and possibly then he might be of different political sentiments.
          I have conversed with Mr Wolcott; we are both of opinion that all things considered the appointment of Mr Boudinot would be most expedient. The various important stations he has filled and his established integrity will attach to the appointment ideas of propriety & respectability. The only circumstance unfavourable is, that he thinks he cannot enter on the office till November. But probably he may give some occasional attention to it in the mean time.
          Mr Wolcott thinks the chimical knowledge which Mr B. deems so important, to be of little moment: and Dr Rush observed to me, that he could furnish Mr B. with books and information which would soon qualify him in that respect.
          The two ships (Concord & Venus) bound to England have delayed their departure: but yesterday I was assured that they would sail this day. A set of the public dispatches for England goes in each; and one for Mr Munroe, to the care of Mr Deas. Another to Mr Munroe I intend to send to the care of our Consul at Hamburg, from whence I understand there is now a speedy conveyance to Holland & Paris. I am most respectfully sir, your obt servt

            Timothy Pickering


Title: To George Washington from Greenbrier County, Va., Citizens, 20 September 1795
From: Citizens of Greenbrier County, Virginia
To: Washington, George

          20 Sept. 1795. Since numerous people in Virginia “have expressed their high displeasure” with the Jay Treaty, and “several

tumultuous meetings” have taken place in Virginia and in other states “to intimidate” GW “in the exercise of your constitutional functions,” the citizens of Greenbrier County have sent this address to the president “upon so critical an occasion.” The letter continues with an examination of “Various motives” that instigate “descriptions of men to the present agitation.”
          The citizens of Greenbrier, however, consider the current time “the fittest that has offered for these ten years past, for coming to a good understanding with England, without coming to blows.” They resent the actions of those individuals who run “from house to house, and from county to county, making speeches, and praying that France may bristle up; and threaten us, for having exercised the rights and privileges of an independent nation.”
          The Greenbrier citizens assure GW of their esteem for the French. While “our heart has gone with them in their cause … that is no reason why we should run our heads into a hornets nest in search of honey; or for submitting our affairs to their direction; or that we should not hold it to be very preposterous in them were they to attempt to dictate to us what we ought or ought not to do in our own concerns, or when or with whom we may or may not make a treaty.”
          They have heard that GW works to serve the French without violating U.S. neutrality and that the U.S. government continues to conform to the treaty with France. “After all this good faith on our part, and want of it on theirs, is it proper that government should be twisted, abused and calumniated for not having done more when more was not required of it, by either moral or political obligations, and when one step further might have involved us in a war.
          “On this subject, some say that it is the interest of France to keep us in hot water with England, and the interest of England to keep us in hot water with France: for ourselves, believing it to be our interest to be in hot water with neither nation, we feel happy that you have not suffered us to take a part with either.”
          The citizens of Greenbrier declare their pleasure with the treaty and that by GW’s “prudence, foresight and skill, we are to have the western posts delivered up to us without bloodshed, a sequestration of debts, or suspension of trade, any one of which measures, once so lightly talked of must have given a

terrible shock to our commerce, and affected every source of our prosperity.”
          As for articles that relate to commerce and merchants, “having it from good authority that these gentlemen approve thereof, we do not think that we who are farmers, should set ourselves up for better judges of their interest than themselves.” Since some states “had shut up the courts, so far as to screen those of our citizens who were in debt to English merchants from being sued, and by that means gave the extravagant among them an opportunity to spend their estates,” the Greenbrier citizens think it “reasonable that the British creditors, who would suffer by their bankruptcy, should be paid; tho’ we confess, at the same time, we had much rather that the courts had been left open, than that we should be obliged to pay debts which we had no share in contracting. For the same reason, we think it right that Great-Britain has agreed to pay our merchants the amount of all illegal captures, made under color of her commissions, and are very well satisfied to find it a part of the treaty. …
          “As to the articles which are intended to keep us honest, and make the people of the two countries good natured and obliging to each other—we really think they were much wanted, whatever may be the opinion of the people of Norfolk.
          “As to there being no article about our negroes, we are truly sorry for it; but we do not conceive that their value was of sufficient magnitude to have justified a breaking off the treaty, or you to have made it an absolute condition to negociation.
          “As to the treaty, in general, we do not think that we are such absolute masters of the feast as to have entitled us to have carved for both them and us.”
          U.S. Sen. Stevens Thomson Mason of Virginia had brought the treaty “prematurely to light,” and the Greenbrier citizens further assert that, “though he may be well enough as a Mason, we by no means think him qualified for a midwife.”
          As for GW, who has “so great a hand in all these momentous transactions, which have eventuated in our present prosperity, so unparalelled in the history of nations; we acknowledge ourselves under great obligations to you, and fervently pray God to lengthen your days, and that you may long long be our President.”


Title: To George Washington from Edmund Randolph, 21 September 1795
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Washington, George

            Sir
            Philadelphia Sepr 21. 1795.

          I returned yesterday from German Town; and this morning I shall proceed to the examination of the necessary papers. Finding it important to one branch of the subject, that I should ask a small addition to the narrative in your letter of the 20th ultimo; I have to request, that I may be informed, as far as may be in your power, when Mr Hammond put Mr Fauchet’s letter into the hands of Mr Wolcott; and when an intimation was given, sir, of that letter to you. I wish to ascertain, without the necessity of resorting to circumstances, the earliest notice, which you received of the existence of such a letter. If you could add the probable time, when the British secretary of state, Lord Grenville, first obtained the letter, and when the British minister here procured it; I should be enabled to be more particular in my vindication.
          You inform me, sir, in your letter of the 20th ultimo, that you had never seen Mr Fauchet’s dispatch No. 6, which is referred to in his letter No. 10; and, as you did not shew, or send to me with the other paper, the dispatch No. 3, I shall continue to presume,

that you have not, as yet, seen either of those dispatches. If you have, it will certainly be conceived proper, that I should be furnished with copies of them; in order that I may know, whether the papers in your hands, under the names of the dispatches No. 3. & 6, agree with what has been stated to me, as their contents; and that, if there be a difference I may take the best measures for establishing, which is true.
          As nothing detains me in Philadelphia, but the completion of this business, which requires an extensive detail, and large transcription of papers; I must hope, that, if there be any other document, which bears the least affinity to the main subject, I shall have an opportunity, through your intervention, of meeting it, before I take my departure to Virginia. I have the honor to be, sir, with due respect yr mo. ob. serv.

            Edm: Randolph.


Title: To George Washington from Alexander Spotswood, 21 September 1795
From: Spotswood, Alexander
To: Washington, George

            Dear Sir
            Monday September 21st 1795

          While in Kentucky Major Lewis, shewed me two surveys of lands laying on Ruff creek a water of green river with the plotts anexed. to wit—one of 3000 acrces Begining 120. poles below the mouth of short creek, & runing across the 1st large South Branch of sd creek, then by Various lines until it Strikes Andrew Woodrows 300 acrce Survey, which runs into the above tract and Includes the 2d falls of Ruff.
          The other 2000 acrces, begining 120 pole below short creek—Bounded by the first line of the above Survey; thence runining Sundry lines until it hits the creek—thence up to the begining. these lands Majr Lewis informed me you had purchased of Genl Lee abt 5 yrs past—and that they were for Sale.
          I then informed him that these two Identical tracts, I did

purchase last february from genl Lee, paid him for the Same; and had a General Warantee made me for the Sd lands, under Coppies from Skinners original pattents for Said land—& his original deed to Genl Lee.
          On my comeing into Virginia I told Majr Lewis, that I did not doubt, but that yr title to these lands was better than mine—and wished him to postpone writeing you on the Subject until I had seen Lee—this request he refused. Sometime after he shewed me yr letter; in answer to his, Wherein you did not think it possible that Genl Lee could be so lost to all Sense of honr and that there certainly must be Some mistake in the Bussiness; and it appeared to me from the manner in which you expressed yourself that you thought the mistake was on my Side, which I confess hurts me much—forever haveing had respect to mine own honr God forbid, that I should ever Say Any thing on Slight grounds, to effect that of another man—particularly one Who Seems to have yr confidence; and who has filled exalted Stations.
          That he Sold you these lands is certain, that he Sold them to me and got pd is as certain; and as land is a thing, never to be forgotton when Once sold, I leave it to you to determine, what could be his motives for this double Sale.
          On my Broaching this Subject to Lee—he wished my Silence in the Bussiness promiseing, to adjust the matter with you, to my Satisfaction; (I have complied with his wishes,[)] nor should I have mentioned the matter now—But from a letter dated 24. Septr 1795 and which I received yesterday (he writes thus[)].
          The President was so good, as to remove all difficulty; by Telling me, he would receive other lands.
          And then requests my attendance in Fredericksburg; On the 3d of october, then, and there, to convey my lands to him.
          But this last request of his I shall not Comply with, until I receive from under yr hand, a relinquishment of your wright to the Above lands, in my favour; at the Same time I will thank you ⟨Say⟩ the title Lee made you to these lands—(because) if by deed, and recorded, yr wright is Superior to mine; In which case, if Lee is not fully prepared to Settle the bussiness, finally; I must take Security for his Selling the Bussiness at a future day—(if yr wright is by pattent Taken out in yr own name; please to Say from what office, whether the Land office in Virginia, or Kentucky[)]—in either case my wright will be then Superior to yrs—and will make it Unnecessary for me to ask Security of Lee.

          But if on the contrary you do wish to keep the lands—and my wright should prove Superior to yrs—I am ready to give them up, on Lees Makeing me compensation—for from the Respect and Esteem I have for you; you shall be the last man in the world, that I would purchase a dispute with.
          The papers I hold—are coppies of Skinners original pattents, which grants him the Above lands—as assignee, I think, of John and George may, who was assignee of John Saunders; and Skinners original deed for the Above lands, to Lee—do you possess—the original pattent granted to Skinner—[(]if you do not) this pattent must be enquired after.
          Should you relinquish yr claims to these lands, & the purchase of Andrew Woodrows 300 acrce Survey is made for you—will thank you to let me have it—your Answer in the course of this Week will Oblige dr Sr yr Sincerely Afft. Hble St

            A. Spotswood


Title: From George Washington to Thomas Newton, Jr., 23 September 1795
From: Washington, George
To: Newton, Thomas Jr.

            Dear Sir,
            Mount Vernon 23d Sep: 1795.

          Knowing nothing of what the Dismal Swamp Compy are doing, or mean to do with their property in that place, & having an offer for my share therein, I would take it kind of you to let me know by the first post after you receive this Letter, what you think it is worth by the acre—or in other words, the highest price any of the companies Lands have, or ought to sell for in that way, allowing a credit of 3 or 4 years the purchaser paying interest[,] whether their property is rising in value, & what it may get to (by the acre) in the course of two or three years. I would thank you also for letting me know what a full share, which I hold, of the plantation & negroes belonging to the Comy in that Swamp is worth. With Esteem & regard I am Dr Sir &c.

            Go: W——


Title: From George Washington to John Page, 23 September 1795
From: Washington, George
To: Page, John

            Dr Sir,
            Mount Vernon 23d Septr 1795.

          You, probably, are better acquainted with the writer of the enclosed letter than I am I therefore take the liberty of giving you the trouble of forwarding, or returning my letter to him, according to the idea you may entertain of the abilities of the Gentleman to comply with the terms I offer the Land on—left open for your perusal. I have also had proposals to rent it—pray what ought I to ask? I am told there is no building on it; the fencing all destroyed—& depredations committing on the Timber.
          Be so good when you write to me, which I hope will be as soon as your convenience will permit, to let me know the highest price (by the acre) you conceive I may get for my interest in the Dismal Sw⟨amp⟩—I have an offer for it, & as the property is rather expensive than productive, I am disposed to part with it. With great esteem & regard, I am Dr Sir &c.

            G.W.


Title: From George Washington to Timothy Pickering, 23 September 1795
From: Washington, George
To: Pickering, Timothy

            Dear Sir,
            Mount Vernon 23d Sepr 1795

          Two letters from you, dated the 18th instant, were received yesterday.
          For the reasons you have assigned, I think it best that Mr

Boudinot should fill the Directorship of the Mint; and request he may be informed so. At the same time, urge him to come forward, if for no other purpose than to arrange matters with the present occupant—and derive from him all the insight into the business his experience has acquired, and which he promised me he would communicate to his successor.
          Enclosed is a blank Commission for the Successor of Mr Dessausure which may take date at the close of his services; according to the arrangement proposed above.
          I also send a letter from Mr Kinlock relative to his nephew; who, from his account is suffering in the cause of the unfortunate Fayette—I wish you to acknowledge the receipt of it—but what consolation to give him I know not: for if the citizens of the U. States in foreign countries commit acts which are repugnant to their laws or usages, they certainly expose themselves to punishment; nor, having any character in the Austrian dominions cloathed as a functionary do I know of any channel thro’ which a movement of any sort could be made.
          If the French letter, which goes under cover with this, requires any act of mine, let it be returned with a translation & your opinion thereon.
          I wait with some impatience to receive an official acct of the result of Wayne’s treaty with the Western Indians. When it is received at the War Office, give me the substance of it. By this however, I mean no more, than whether the representation on the part of the Indians was complete—and whether he has come fully up to his instruction—exceeded, or fallen short of them in advantages—and in what instances. What are the boundaries. Whether the proceedings went on harmoniously or were intermingled with difficulties, and of what sort, & from whom. With great esteem & regard I am—Dear Sir Your Affectionate

            Go: Washington


Title: To George Washington from Timothy Pickering, 23 September 1795
From: Pickering, Timothy
To: Washington, George

            Sir,
            Department of State Septr 23. 1795.

          I have the honour to inclose a copy of Governor Fenner’s letter of the 12th instant which will show in what manner he has complied & will comply with your requests respecting Mr Moore the British Vice Consul at New-port, and Captain Home; and the sense of the people on your measures in this case. I think they will be universally acceptable.
          Mr Wolcott went last Friday to Elizabeth-town to meet Mrs Wolcott with whom he returned last evening. I then stated to him my ideas in regard to the communications proper to be made to Mr Pinckney on the subject of commerce with the Spanish dominions; in which he concurred. From all the information we can obtain, we conclude that no definitive instructions can be given; there is so little ground to expect any material relaxation in her narrow colonial system: but if any considerations

whatever, particularly those which appear strongly to have impressed Mr Short, should induce any favourable change, then the information we shall transmit will show Mr Pinckney what objects are really desirable to obtain, and which merit a preference, if partial benefits only can be secured. All this will be accomplished to-day; and the dispatches be ready to send off by the first conveyances: & if none offer more direct, they will go by the way of England; a route which, according to Mr Taylor’s information, Mr Short has formerly recommended. With the greatest respect I am sir, your obt servant

            Timothy Pickering.


Title: To George Washington from “Portius,” 24 September 1795
From: “Portius”
To: Washington, George

          24 Sept. 1795. The crisis facing the United States renders “it the duty of every Citizen to express his opinion of public men and measures.” GW, as the “Chief Magistrate of a free country,” should not “object to a discussion of the conduct and character of those whom the people have appointed to administer the government of their choice.” If a country exists “in which the influence of one man prevents or deters this investigation, that country is already enslaved. The name of Washington has too long had this effect.”
          When “the overbearing tyranny and unprecedented usurpations of the British monarch first called forth the spirit of opposition,” GW began his career and was given command of the Continental army. His conduct in that office entitled GW “to the gratitude of your country,” and it “has been amply given,” far beyond GW’s “merits.” The “principal exploits” of the war “were atchieved under other Commanders,” but even supposing that GW possessed “military talents greater than those of any other American officer,” could he “point out ONE SINGLE ACT which unequivocally proves you a FRIEND to the INDEPENDENCE OF AMERICA.”
          When the war ended, “Gratitude … led your countrymen to believe that to you alone they were indebted for liberty.” But the “firmness and undaunted perseverance” of American patriots and the French alliance, as well as the Declaration of Independence, the capture of the northern British army under Gen. John Burgoyne, the success of the Southern Army under Nathanael Greene, and the capture of British troops under Gen.

Charles Cornwallis at Yorktown were causes of American success that were not “immediate consequences” of GW’s “abilities and exertions.” Portius proposes to review “the progress of our country, as an independent nation” to “throw some further light upon” GW’s character in future letters.


Title: To George Washington from Gustavus Scott, 24 September 1795
From: Scott, Gustavus
To: Washington, George

            Dr sir
            Geo. Town [D.C.] 24. Sepr 1795.

          The bearer Mr Le flèt has been some time a Resident at Baltimore, where he has gained the general Esteem of the people: his father lives in the Neighbourhood of Paris where he has long conducted the most considerable Fruit garden in France. The son has instituted a Garden near Baltimore which he is carrying on with great Industry; & is trying to establish a second near the City. I have with pleasure given him all the Aid in my power, but shou’d have felt myself much gratified if his Importunities wou’d have permitted me to be spared from giving you the Trouble of him. He cou’d have scarcely singled out a man who more reluctantly engages in it. I am bound however to say that I have allways found him a modest judicious young Man & equal in Talents & Industry to every thing he has hitherto undertaken. I have the honor to be with the highest Respect Dr sir Yr mo. obt servant

            Gusts Scott.


Title: To George Washington from Timothy Pickering, 25 September 1795
From: Pickering, Timothy
To: Washington, George

            Sir,
            War Office Sept. 25. 1795.

          The Pittsburg mail is arrived, and no accounts yet from General Wayne.
          The dispatches for Mr Pinckney are ready for the first

conveyances which shall present; and these will be sought for. I am most respectfully your obedient servt

            Timothy Pickering


Title: From George Washington to the Commissioners for the District of Columbia, September 1795
From: Washington, George
To: Commissioners for the District of Columbia

            Gentlemen,
            Alexandria [Va.] 26th Sep. 1795

          At this place, yesterday afternoon, I received the letter herewith enclosed from Mr Morris, in answer to one I wrote him; as much of a private as an official nature.
          It is for your information only I send it, to avoid a lengthy detail of its contents: to give which I have not time at present. When you have read it, be so good as to return it to Gentlemen Your Obedt Hble Servant

            Go: Washington


Title: To George Washington from Oliver Wolcott, Jr., 26 September 1795
From: Wolcott, Oliver Jr.
To: Washington, George

          Private

            Sir
            Phila. Sept. 26. 1795

          I have been absent from the office a few days to accompany Mrs W. from Elisabeth Town; on my return I recd Mr Dandridges Letter of the 16th—The taxes on the Presidents carriages have been paid and a Rect therefor will be enclosed.

          This City is anxiously waiting for Mr Randolph’s explanation—various reports much to his prejudice are in circulation—these are occasioned by communications from Mr Hammonds family connections, (as is supposed;) or by Mr R.’s conversations which are calculated to create surmises—I believe him to be very desperate & malignant in his feelings & that he will accomplish all the mischief in his power—Mr Dallas is doubtless prime Councillor & Confidant.
          It is reported that Mr R. has said, that a communication was made to Mr Adet that the Treaty would not be ratified unless the British revoked any order which might exist for intercepting our provision vessells destined for France & that the Presidents ratification is a violation of this promise—If this is a fact, it proves that a regard for truth & candour is renounced—It is fortunate however that the most direct proof exists, that Mr Randolph has repeatedly admitted, that the ratification was not inconsistent with any prior engagement of the President. What unauthorised declarations may have been made to Mr Adet no person can conjecture—the most indiscreet & improper would not be incredible.
          There have been several riots in Boston among the lower classes of people—the spirit was not suppressed, at the date of my last advices—The great body of the people are firm & steady, though I perceive that a spirit of enquiry is entending, with no small anxiety to discover the cause of these commotions—It is doubtless an enigma, that men who are governed more by sudden impulses than by reason, should become riotous, without any apparent cause or definite object in view.
          I firmly believe that these things will be shortly explained, to the utter confusion, of their abettors & instigators. I have the honour to be with the most perfect respect Sir, your obedt servant

            Olivr Wolcott Jr


Title: To George Washington from the Commissioners for the District of Columbia, September 1795
From: Commissioners for the District of Columbia
To: Washington, George

            Sir,
            City of Washington 27th September 1795

          We had the pleasure of your favor by Mr Lear Covering Mr Morriss Letter of the 21t instant—finding that Mr Morris is of Opinion that we have no power to sell his property we think it highly necessary to assure him that we are impress’d with very Different sentiments and shall if Compelled by him take the advice of able Counsel on the point—We enclose a Copy of our letter to Mr Morris with his to you. We see with equal indignation and greif the hour approaching fast when all our Operations must cease for want of a few thousand Dollars this too when every material is collected and the season is most favorable for the rapid progression of the works. we are Daily in Session exerting our best endeavors tho’ hitherto in vain to form some probable Scheme to raise thirty or forty thousand Dollars to continue the Operations on the public buildings till the middle of December—The various expedients Have been Discussed, nothing bearing even the Appearance of effeciency has Occurr’d—Should our future Deliberations be more successful One of the Board will undoubtedly wait on you to recieve your Assent before the final Adoption of any measure, Our letter to Mr Morris will go by Tomorrows mail and we sincerely Hope it may be productive. with sentiments of Perfect respect, we are sir, Your most Obed. Servts

            Gusts ScottWilliam ThorntonAlex. White


Title: From George Washington to Timothy Pickering, 27 September 1795
From: Washington, George
To: Pickering, Timothy

            (Private)
            Dear Sir,
            Mount Vernon 27th Sep. 1795

          Your private letter of the 21st instant, did not reach me until yesterday. A late letter of mine to you, will have fixed the Directorship of the Mint upon Mr Boudinot—The application therefore of Majr Jackson, however fit he may have been for the Office, is too late. But besides the reasons assigned in your letter against such an appointment at present, I should have preferred a character from another State, if one equally suitable could have been found; for the reasons you have often heard me mention altho’ they do not apply with the same force now as formerly.
          With respect to Mr Dexter for the Office of Attorney General, altho I have a very good opinion of his abilities, and know nothing in his moral character or connexions that are objectionable—yet the reason which I assigned when his name was first mentioned to me has still weight in my mind; that is, after a long & severely contested an election he could not obtain a majority

of suffrages in the District he formerly represented. In this instance then the sense of his constituents respecting him personally has been fairly taken—and one of the charges ag[ainst] me, relative to the treaty you know is, that I have disregarded the voice of the people, altho’ that voice has never yet been heard unless the misrepresentation of party—or at best partial meetings can be so called.
          I shall not, whilst I have the honor to Administer the government, bring a man into any Office, of consequence knowingly whose political tenets are adverse to the measures which the general government are pursuing; for this, in my opinion, would be a sort of political Suicide that it wd embarrass its movements is most certain. But if two men equally well affected to the true interests of their country, of equal abilities & equally disposed to lend their support, it is the part of prudence to give a preference to him, against whom the least clamour can be excited: for such an one my enquiries have been made and are still making: how far I shall Succeed, is at this moment problematical.
          I have not relinquished my intention of being in Philadelphia about the middle of next month. With great esteem & regard I am. Dear Sir Your Obedt & Affecte

            Go: Washington


Title: From George Washington to Edmund Randolph, 27 September 1795
From: Washington, George
To: Randolph, Edmund

            Sir,
            Mount Vernon 27th of September 1795

          I have lately received three letters from you: two bearing date the 15th instant; the other the 21st. One of the former came to hand the 19th, the other the 21st—and the latter yesterday.
          Your signature as Secretary of State to the ratification of the Treaty having been given on the 14th of August—and your resignation not taking place until the 19th it became necessary, in order to be consistent (the original being dispatched) that the same countersign should appear to the copies; otherwise, this act would not have been required of you.
          It is not in my power to inform you at what time Mr Hammond put the intercepted letter of Mr Fauchet into the hands of Mr Wolcott. I had no intimation of the existence of such a letter until after my arrival in Philadelphia, the 11th of August. When Lord Grenville first obtained that letter, and when the British Minister here received it from him; are facts with which I am entirely unacquainted.
          I have never seen in whole, or in part, Mr Fauchet’s dispatches numbered three and Six; nor do I possess any document, or knowledge of papers which have affinity to the subject in question.
          No man would rejoice more than I should, to find that the suspicions which have resulted from the intercepted letter, were unequivocally, and honorably removed.

            Go: Washington