Title: To George Washington from John Connolly, 7 June 1774
From: Connolly, John
To: Washington, George

Dear Sir
Fort Dunmore [Pa.] June 7th 1774.

I have by the Bearer hereof acquainted His Lordship with the late Murders committed by the Savages upon our Inhabitants in this quarter: and at the same time, have taken the liberty to make a requisition of assistance, & to recommend some Matters to His Lordship’s considration.
I shall here take the liberty of speaking to you, well knowing that you must be a competent Judge of measures necessary to be pursued, upon this critical occasion. As the Shawanese have for these some years past constantly shook the Tomahawk over our Heads, & threatened to strike should our People even attempt to pass below the Kanhawa; a Stockade there for very many & obvious reasons must be necessary, & another one opposite to Hohocking River; from which places we may be enabled to send terror into their Country for the present, & keep them from annoying our Settlements; & hereafter will forever deter them from daring to affront our Adventurers in the prosecution of their lawfull designs down the Ohio. Mr Croghan intends going to Williamsburgh: you must well know how specious He is, but you may be assured that His business there is not for the publick good, but to answer private, & ungenerous designs; which I hope you will use your utmost to defeat—His principle View is to endeavour to secure his Indian Grant in Virginia, after the great Government Scheme is blown over; which like the Mountain in labor has bro’t forth a Mouse. As He is specious where unknown he may impose & carry points; but I can assure you on the Word of a Man of Honor, that if the Legislature of Virginia listens to him, that He will involve the Colony in trouble, & difficulties, nothing to its credit—I could unfold

many matters scarcely credible, but I forbear. I am afraid that the Shawanese have been told that they were to permit no People to settle on the Ohio, below the Kanhawa.
This Place is in such confusion that I must beg leave to finish this hasty Scrawl by subscribing Myself Dr Sir, Your Obliged Frd & Servt

Jno: Connolly


Title: To George Washington from Valentine Crawford, 8 June 1774
From: Crawford, Valentine
To: Washington, George

Dear Colo.
Jacobs Creeke [Pa.] June 8th 1774

I Receved your Letter by Mr Crestey of the 27th of May and am Sorrey for the sudint Braking up of the Esembley before

they hitt on Sum Method to Releve our distress sitiation Butt it is a happey Scurcumstance for us Lordonmore being So worm in our favour which geves us great Reselution to Stand our ground what few of us is Left though the Contra is verey thin we have Bilt sevrell Forts out Hear which wase a verey great Means of the people Standing there ground I have built one att My house and have got Som Men to garde it and Mr Simson has Built a Fort att the place where they are Building of your Mill by the Esitence of His Neabours and part of your Carpenters and I have been there Severell times and have Encuraged him all I Can to Stand his ground and I have Severell times oferd him all the Carpenters and all the Sarvents but he would Not take aney of the Sarvents and but four of the best of the Carpenters his Reason for Not taking of the Sarvents as there wase a great dale of Companey att the Fort and drink Medling plenty it would be out of his power to govern them and he Said they would Run away from him and as to Carpenters he and Stephens the Mill wright had Engagd Som Carpenters them Salves be fore this Erouption broake out with the Indens and are Louth to dis Charge them and take in these you Engagd fer me to take down the ohio or att Least aney More of them then Can Convenently work as he Says from the Noys of the Endens and the Crouds of people that Came to the Fort he Cant get Nothing done with the Small Numbr of hands he has but I will goe to Simson to Morrowmorning and Consult him farther on the afair and doe Every thing in My powre for your Entrast the thoughts of Selling of the Sarvents Elarmed them verey Much for they dont wont to be Sold but the hole of the Sarvents have had Som Short Spels of Sickness and som of them Cut them Selfes withe an ax and Lay bye Som time and one of the best of Stephens Men Cut him Selfe with an adze the worst I Ever Saw aney body Cut in My Life So that he has Not been able to doe one Strok for Near one Mounth ths hapend in digen the Canews I have Sent you a scetch of Stephens ⟨article⟩ when I waite on Simson if he dos Not take the Carpenters all I Shall Ether Sett them to building of a house att the big Medows or discharge them Intirely for it Seems all Most Emposoble to Ceep Men Close to bisness att a fort where there is So meney people and So much Confusion if they Can doe Eney thing it Must be att the Medow as they will be to them Selfes and as Stevens Seems to be verey

Loth to be discharged and Seys he Left Som very good Jobs to Serve you.
and ⟨as⟩ on Sunday Evnang about 4 Miles over Monongalahala the Endens Murdred one fameley Concisting of Six and tuck two boys preseners and att another place the[y] Kild 3 which Makes in the hole Nine and two preseners and if we had Not had forts Built there would Not been ten Fameleys of this sede of the Mountains Besides what wase at Fort pitt But we have Sent out Scouts afters the Mourders but we have Not heard that they have falin in with them yeat and we have att this time att Least 300 Men out after the Indens Som of which is gon down to wheeling and I bleve Som is gon down as Low as the Litle Conaway So I am in hopes they will give them a ⟨Stam⟩ for Som of the Scouting Companey Say they will goe to there towns but they will get Sculps.
Mr George Mccarmick who Carreys you this is to Return Emedently and will bring Me an answer to this as to your Neals and other things I have built Strong Store house and Stored them up Safe and if we Could hope for peace Soon I think No people Could Execute your bisness beter than thouse Sarvent as they will be Hardend to the ways of this Contra and they Seem verey well Satisfid and I bleve wont Run away or att Least Say they wont Run away from you but surve out there tims honstly So I am der Sir your Most Hble Sert to Command
Vale. Crawford
give My Love to Mr Lund washington and tell him his people is well but has Moved in to a fort Near his place.
My Son which I Sent down wase taken with a bad Spell of Sickness and has Never Returnd to Me Which gives Me great uneaseness who I Sopose has got the other Letter you Mention for I have Never Recved one Line from you Sen[c]e I Left your House and have wrote you Severell More Letters then you have Recved But as I mentioned before I will goe to Simson tomorrow and I will write you what Ever we Conclude on as to Selling of the Sarvents there apears to be but a pore Chance of as there is but few purcher and he who has a Little Cash Seems to Keep to Bear his Expences incase he Should be oblige to Run away as to My provisions that I bought for My Selfe and Men I have great part of Stored up in a house att the River Near My Brothers

Still hoping that we Should here News of peace and then to Start down the River But this Last acoump from the Indens put out of all doupt our going down this Season and Stephens Seems to be willing to be dis Charged on Conditi⟨on⟩ you will give him the offer of the Job when Ever you under take it again. I am yours

V.C.


Title: To George Washington from Valentine Crawford, 8 June 1774
From: Crawford, Valentine
To: Washington, George

Dear Sir,
[Jacobs Creek, Pa.], June 8th 1774

Sence I wrote you this Moment we Recved an acount of Severell parteys of Indens Coming in to the Ihapoentences and yesterday Kild and sculped one Man in Sight of the Fort on the Mongala of one of the vanmates and there wase two Men Sworen that they yesterday saw 30 Indens and these two men Mett with about 30 Men of the Scouts about five Miles from the place where the Indens wase Seen and Emedently per sued them But we have Not heard farther of them But the party that Murderd the famaley as I wrote you in my other Letter wase ferlowd by one pigman a young Man that Conneley a pointed

a Lutenant with a party of a Bout 30 Men overtuck them and Releved Som presaners and Re tuck Sexteen horses and Mears [mares] and a good dale of plunder they had tuck from people houses but Kild Now Indens there has been Severell parteys of Indens Seen within these two or three Days and all Seem to be Making toward the Larrell hill or Mountain so that the people are afraid to travell the Road by geses Butt goes a Nigh way by Enden Creek or Rides in the Night[.] so My Brothers and selfe has Concluded to tak all your men and Sarvents in to pay as Militia and Keep our ground tell we Can get Relefe from be Low your Letter which I have shon to Severell people has been of Infinete Sarvice to us as it incurags Meney people to stand there ground in hopes of Relefe from what you wrote Butt there is one unhapy Surcomstance our Contra is verey Scarce of Emonition and arms and I have therefore tuck the Liberty to wright to you to get Me 2 quarters of a Hundred Caskes of powder and Send it as far as Bullskin to My Mothers or Colo. Samuell Washington or att Keyses Ferrey where I can get up here by pack horses I wont Now Lead as we have a plenty of Lead up here So I beg of you to Esist with your Intrest as you are a better Judge of our destrass than all Most aney other Jentleman as you from your Letters to Me and My Brother Seem to be as weall acquanted with our destrass as if you where here in person your Selfe So I beg of you to write Me verey fully in your Next and I am dear Sir your Most Sencer frend and Most Hble Servent

Vale: Crawford


Title: To George Washington from William Crawford, 8 June 1774
From: Crawford, William
To: Washington, George

Dear Sir
Spring gardin [Pa.] June the 8th 1774

I receivd yours Letters by Mr Cristy dated 27th of May and I am Sory to you Seem to be in confusion as well as us, as that renders our Case more Deplorable.
Saterday Last we had Six person Killd on Dunkard Creek about ten Mils from the Mouth Cheat river on the west Sid of Monongahalia, and there is three mising, a Sunday a man ho Left a party is suposed to be Killd as he Went of to hunt Som horses and 5 guns was hard go of, and the horse he rood away returnd to the house whare the party was, they Set out in Search of Enemies found the Mans Coat and saw a Number of Tracks but cold not find the man.
Our hole Country is in Forts, what is Left, but the Majr Part is gon Over the Mountain with Much a do I have provaild on about Duzen of Famelys to Joyne me in a Fort Over again my house which has bin Accompelished with Much Defiquilty and a Considrable Expence to me, and Vale. Crawford has Built an Other at the same rate.
It was with great Defiqualty any cold be provaild to Stay, Such was the panick that Sezed the people if Som thing is not Soon don I am much afraid the hole Country mus fall into the hands of the Enemie, the Dolaways Seem to be on our sid as yeat, but on them there is not much Dependense I beleve an Endien war is unavoidable.
I have bin on a Scouting party as Low as Grave Creek Sence Mr Johnston went Down to Williamsburg but cold [see] no sign of any parties but as Soon as I Returnd a party Crossd the river that did that Mischef.
Fort pit is Stockcaded in and they inhabitants of the town is about Picketing the town in, the[y] have about on[e] hundred Men fit for Arms in town and Fort Which I do not Think Sufficient to Protect them places.
I Shall take the opertunity of the first Scouting party Down the River and Comply with your requist in Regard to the round bottom and send you a plot and an other to Mr Lewis and then I have no dore will be left open for Disopintment.
As to the Variation of the Compass it has bin taken by Mr Leet and Mr McClain from Mr Dickson and Masons Calculations and

they find it to be 4d. 10m. westerly and there work I beleve may be Depended on as they are both Able Survayors.
I am at a Loss what to advise you to do or Val. Crawford in regard to your People as tims I am Afraid will be very Troublesom I am Afraid Should that be the Case Litle would be don for your advantegue, in your Letter to V. Crawford you Wrot Som of a Mistake in Laying a new County.
I aprehended by Lord Dumore there was a new County intended on the west of the Mountains. Sir I am your most Hume Sarvant

W. Crawford

N.B. We in Great want of Guns and Amonition.


Title: To George Washington from Thomas Newton, Jr., 27 June 1774
From: Newton, Thomas Jr.
To: Washington, George

Sir
Norfolk June 27. 1774

Agreeable to my promise I now beg leave to inform you that I am of opinion flour will answer at this market; that is, it will

sell for 16/8 & the freight. The two hundred barrells received whilst I was in Williamsburg is sold for that price & make no doubt that I cou’d dispose of as much more for the same. the bread still sticks on hand, tho. I am in hopes it will go off in a short time. should you incline to send any down please to let it come by the first oppertunity as the season coming is no way favorable to this article. I am in hopes of establising some constant customers for your flour, as I have at last prevailed on the bakers to make a tryall of some of it & the baker who has purchased has all flying to him for bread, which makes me think he will be glad of a constant supply. I am Yr Hble Servt

Thomas Newton Jr

N.B. I have forwarded the herrings to Coll Bassett.


Title: To George Washington from Thomas Johnson, 28 June 1774
From: Johnson, Thomas
To: Washington, George

Sir
Annapolis [Md.] 28 June 1774

I take the Freedom to inclose you the Resolutions of our general Committee for the Province on the Bills respecting the Massachusetts Governmt and the Act for blocking up the Harbour of Boston—If our general Scheme of Conduct should be adopted by the Congress I think even so strict an Assocation will be kept by the people of Maryland with good Faith I have sanguine Hopes that your Colony will readily join in effectual Measures—I am sorry to hear that your abrupt Dissolution has thrown you into Difficulties about Officers Fees we have unhappily been for some Time much embarrassed about the Fees of Office here and as you may remember have had some Controversial Pieces on the Subject I preserved a paper which contains the last no Answer having been yet given to it and inclose it you as indeed I would all on the Subject if I had them not from any Opinion the Matter may not be as well handled in Virginia as with us but from an Apprehension that any Thing on the Subject which may tend to an Investigation of the Truth will at this Time be agreeable to you. I have strong Expectations from

pensylvania but have heard Nothing material from New York. I am sir Your most obedt Servant

Ths Johnson Junr


Title: To George Washington from Robert McMickan, 29 June 1774 [letter not found]
From: McMickan, Robert
To: Washington, George

Letter not found: from Robert McMickan, 29 June 1774. GW wrote McMickan on 7 Jan. 1775: “Your Letters of the 29th of June . . . are all before me.”


Title: To George Washington from George William Fairfax, June 1774 [letter not found]
From: Fairfax, George William
To: Washington, George

Letter not found: from George William Fairfax, June 1774. On 25 July 1775 GW wrote to Fairfax: “I have received no Letter from you since the one dated in June 1774.”


Title: Cash Accounts, July 1774
From: Washington, George
To:

[July 1774]

Cash

July  6—
To Cash recd for Ferriage money Poseys
[£] 0. 4. 0

13—
To Ditto recd for Waggonage
0.18. 0

15—
To Ditto recd from Messrs Hooe & Co.
182.16. 0

17—
To Ditto recd of Captn [William] Buddicum
90.14. 2

27—
To Cash on acct of Smith’s work
0. 5. 3

Contra

July  2—
By Do pd Mr Wm Wait for the use of  Porter at Acquia
4.19. 0

5—
By Cash pd Mr Going Lanphire
6. 0. 0

By Ditto pd Levy the Post bringing Mourning from Williamsburg
0.15. 0

8—
By Ditto pd Thos Bishop
10. 0. 0

14—
By Ditto paid for Cakes at the Electn
0.13. 3

 By Servants 3/9 Hay from Mrs [Mary] Hawk[i]n[s] 1/3
0. 5. 0

By Sund. ⟨Accoun⟩ts against my Brig[antin]e Farmer viz.

      Thos Armat£ 3.12.4
      Wm Bushby5.12.6
      Thos Patterson13.10.2
      Joel Cooper5.18.4
      Thos Crofts1.10.9
      Harry Chew.13.0
      Wm Shaw. 6.3

31. 3. 4

By Cash pd Mr Hepburn makg Rope
7. 0. 0

By Mr Hendricks for Oznabrigs
24. 5. 7

By Willm Shaw expence of Election
3. 1. 6

By Cash to Mr Custis
24. 0. 0

16—
By Ditto to Mrs Washington
7. 4. 0

17—
By Jonathan Palmer 24 Days Cradling
6. 0. 0

By William Skilling
6. 0. 0

By Jno. Allison on Acct of Mr Custis
6. 0.10

By Jonathan Palmer for 4 Barl Corn wrong charged
2.10. 0

18—
By Ditto paid Caleb Stone
2. 0. 0

By Ditto paid for Pullies—Windows
0. 3. 0

By 1 lb. of Chocolate
0. 1. 3

By Tinware
0. 4. 0

By Josh Marman for 168 Bls Oystr Shells
1.10. 3

By Wm Ritson for 277 Bls of Do @ 18/
2. 9.11

By Do Do 2 Bushl Oysters
0. 2. 6

20—
By Charity
0. 6. 0

By Cash paid Mr [John] Luke’s Acct
53. 4. 7

23—
By Ditto paid Doctr [William] Rumney’s Do
23.19. 6

By Ditto paid Do against Miss Custis
2. 3. 6

By Mr Robt Harrison on Acct of Mrs [Margaret] Savage
3.13. 9

By Cash paid for 2 dozn Lemons
0. 9. 0

26—
By Ditto paid Richd Arrell Balle Acct
9.19. 2

27—
By Ditto paid Mr James Crump for a Convict Servant namd Harry Young
35. 0. 0

By Ditto pd Do for a Month’s hire of him
2. 0. 0

By Ditto pd Mabray Madden & Peter Luke in full for Waggonage
10.12. 0

By Cash paid Mr George Young
6. 0. 0

By Ditto paid Mrs Lowe for Dropsey ⟨Wr⟩
1. 1. 6

28—
By Servants
0. 1. 3

By Expences at Taylor’s Ordy
0.13. 9

By Wm Goddard in full £3.11.3 P. Cy
2.17. 0

By Charity
0. 1. 3

By Ferriages at [James] Hunters
0. 4. 0

29—
By a new sett of Single Trees
0.10. 0

By Exps. at [Wiley] Roy’s Ordy
0.12. 1

30—
By Expences at [Benjamin] Hubbards
0. 9. 7 1/2

By Servants
0. 0. 9

By Exps. at King Wm Court House
0. 6. 7 1/2

By Ferriages, & other Exps. at Ruffins
1. 1. 4


Title: To George Washington from Bryan Fairfax, 3 July 1774
From: Fairfax, Bryan
To: Washington, George

Dear Sir,
Towlston July the 3d 1774

I am a little surprised that You had not received my Letter relating to Doctor Savage when You wrote to Mr Harrison. I

wrote because it was necessary to consult You upon the occasion, tho’ I believed you would be no more inclinable than myself to agree to any Arbitration. It seems to me a very odd practice this of obtaining Injunctions out of Court when the Equity of it can’t appear sufficiently. It will be necessary to have an Answer ready before the next Court. Till I could have an Opportunity of advising with You about a proper Fee to be paid Mr Harrison who has taken some pains to do Mrs Savage Justice, I have paid him only the legal Fee of 16/3 and 10/3 which he paid to Mr Waller for his Advice in regard to a particular part of the proceedings.
I shall be glad to know whether you may be inclinable at this time to purchase my Kittocktan Tract. I run round it last Fall and found it to contain 1400 acres, 150 of which Mr Threlkeld claims; the rents of it & of 100 acres adjoining amount to £27 ⅌ Annum besides the Sum of 4£ to be paid by a Man I placed on the part Mr Threlkeld claims in order to keep possession till He Ascertains his Bounds, which I can’t prevail wth him to do. I shall be willing to let you have it for what I owe to You & Mr Custis. Altho’ I think the price low, yet I must own it to be more than Mr Threlkeld offers, which nothing will induce me to take but real Necessity. If the Tenants could raise the money some of them would give almost as much I believe for one half of it. I am so much obliged to You for your Favours that I would let you have it cheaper rather than delay a Payment when Money is so scarce If you thought it ought to be sold for less.
Several Gentlemen of this County have been kind enough to propose me as a Candidate at the next Election. As it would give me a particular pleasure to serve with You, I have thought it very unlucky that it should happen at this time. I have been forced to decline it chiefly because I thought I could not give Satisfaction in general upon this occasion. For I should think Myself bound to oppose violent Measures now. The Entering upon a Plan of having no Trade would be an arduous Undertaking, I mean if persisted in, and if once entered upon it ought to be strictly kept. I therefore think it would be more proper to try first what Effect a petition might have towards obtaining a repeal of the Duty. I would willingly give the Parliament a fair Opportunity to do it, and therefore should be for a petition unaccompanied with any Threats or Claims (for we have already used them) and if such an Opportunity should be missed, we might then be better able to judge of their real Intentions

towards us. If the Parliament had ever so good a Right to lay a Tax on the Colonies which has much disputed, it is certainly very unjust to exercise that Right; But in opposing this we should consider all the Consequences that may follow. Threatnings at this time I am of opinion will have no Effect: I think Whenever they are used they must be followed by a steady perseverance This must occasion so great Inconveniencess, that many will probably fall off and so by degrees the whole, which would bring us into Disgrace. For which reason I am for postponing it till the Effect of a Petition be first tryed. I don’t speak upon my own Account, for I verily believe that there are not many if the Country entered into a general non Importation agreement, who would submit to greater hardships than myself. I should be for persevering to the End, and therefore slow in entering upon it.
There are scarce any at Alexandria of my opinion, and tho’ the few I have elsewhere conversed with on the subject are so, yet from them I could learn that many thought otherwise, so that I believe I should at this time give general Dissatisfaction, and therefore it wd be more proper to decline it even upon this Account as well as because it would necessarily lead me into great Expences which my Circumstances will not allow of. My Wife & Sally join me in Compliments to Mrs Washington & I remain Dr sir Yr most obliged & obedt Servt

Bryan Fairfax


Title: From George Washington to Bryan Fairfax, 4 July 1774
From: Washington, George
To: Fairfax, Bryan

Dear Sir,
Mount Vernon, 4 July, 1774.

John has just delivered to me your favor of yesterday, which I shall be obliged to answer in a more concise manner, than I could wish, as I am very much engaged in raising one of the additions to my house, which I think (perhaps it is fancy) goes on better whilst I am present, than in my absence from the workmen.
I own to you, Sir, I wished much to hear of your making an open declaration of taking a poll for this county, upon Colonel West’s publicly declining last Sunday; and I should have written to you on the subject, but for information then received from several gentlemen in the churchyard, of your having refused to do so, for the reasons assigned in your letter; upon which, as I think the country never stood more in need of men of abilities and liberal sentiments than now, I entreated several gentlemen at our church yesterday to press Colonel Mason to take a poll, as I really think Major Broadwater, though a good man, might do as well in the discharge of his domestic concerns, as in the capacity of a legislator. And therefore I again express my wish, that either you or Colonel Mason would offer. I can be of little assistance to either, because I early laid it down as a maxim not to propose myself, and solicit for a second.
As to your political sentiments, I would heartily join you in them, so far as relates to a humble and dutiful petition to the throne, provided there was the most distant hope of success. But have we not tried this already? Have we not addressed the Lords, and remonstrated to the Commons? And to what end? Did they deign to look at our petitions? Does it not appear, as clear as the sun in its meridian brightness, that there is a regular, systematic plan formed to fix the right and practice of taxation upon us? Does not the uniform conduct of Parliament for some years past confirm this? Do not all the debates, especially those just brought to us, in the House of Commons on the side of government, expressly declare that America must be taxed in aid of the British funds, and that she has no longer resources

within herself? Is there any thing to be expected from petitioning after this? Is not the attack upon the liberty and property of the people of Boston, before restitution of the loss to the India Company was demanded, a plain and self-evident proof of what they are aiming at? Do not the subsequent bills (now I dare say acts), for depriving the Massachusetts Bay of its charter, and for transporting offenders into other colonies or to Great Britain for trial, where it is impossible from the nature of the thing that justice can be obtained, convince us that the administration is determined to stick at nothing to carry its point? Ought we not, then, to put our virtue and fortitude to the severest test?
With you I think it a folly to attempt more than we can execute, as that will not only bring disgrace upon us, but weaken our cause; yet I think we may do more than is generally believed, in respect to the non-importation scheme. As to the withholding of our remittances, that is another point, in which I own I have my doubts on several accounts, but principally on that of justice; for I think, whilst we are accusing others of injustice, we should be just ourselves; and how this can be, whilst we owe a considerable debt, and refuse payment of it to Great Britain, is to me inconceivable. Nothing but the last extremity, I think, can justify it. Whether this is now come, is the question.
I began with telling you, that I was to write a short letter. My paper informs me I have done otherwise. I shall hope to see you to-morrow, at the meeting of the county in Alexandria, when these points are to be considered. I am, dear Sir, your most obedient and humble servant.


Title: From George Washington to John Augustine Washington, 11 July 1774
From: Washington, George
To: Washington, John Augustine

Dear Brother
Mount Vernon July 11th 1774.

The Morning after receiving your Letter of the 4th which came to hand the 8th at Night ⟨I sent⟩ up to Alexa. to ⟨i⟩nquire after your Bacon &c. and to obtain ⟨some⟩ satisfactory answers to your queries, respecting the price of Corn & Wheat than I was enabled to give myself having heard nothing said in respect to the latter since my return home—The Inclosed Letters convey the Sentiments of Mr Hooe & Mr Adam’s to you on this subject the former of whom, a few days before, had been speaking to me about ⟨the⟩ Corn. It was impossible for me to make any proposals to him concerning your Corn (as he mentions on the back of his Letter) as I neither knew the quantity you had, the price you would take, where or when you could deliver it ⟨or⟩ whether in the meanwhile you might not have engag’d it elsewhere & therefore inform’d him so—I sold my own Corn a few days ago for 10/ ready money to be deliver’d at my own Landings by the middle of August. Mr Adams price is much thereabouts but I do not know whether his payments may be equal—Hooes payments are very punctual, the others I believe ⟨are sure⟩ but not so much to be depended upon in point of time which I mention to your own Government only. ⟨Mr⟩ Adams is a good Man a fair dealer and ⟨as⟩ such deserving of encouragement, having been, I think, the making of Alexandria.
As the price which prudence may direct you to take for your Wheat, I am at a loss to fix on. The Crops of Wheat in many parts of the Country are much hurt by the Frosts, in others scarcely any—to the Northward they are said to be very fine and upon the whole will, I think (as greatly more than ever was Sown) be large here; I therefore think a Man could not be wrong in taking 5/ especially as the expectation of a Non-Export may discourage purchasers, as the Rumour of a short Crop may Commission’s to purchase. I should be very unwilling I own, to give that price under the present appearance of things yet ⟨I⟩ suppose it may be got from the manner of Hooe’s writing, who

is a very considerable purchaser; having loaded 8 large Ships himself from Alexandria this year.
We have not, as yet had a meeting of the Inhabitants of this County; owing in the first place, to my not getting up from Wmsburg till towards the last of June & their paying me the Compliment of waiting my arrival; & in the second place, to an unfavourable appointment of last Tuesday for the meeting, which being in Harvest and the day preceeded by heavy & powerful Rains, the Wheat as well as Plants requird all the care and attention that could be bestowd on them. Upon the occasion however we appointed a Committee to frame such Resolves as we thought the Circumstances of the Country would permit us to go into, & have appointed the 18 for a day of Meeting to deliberate on them. The Committee have accordingly done this; they have attempted to define our Constitutional Rights, but have not gone so far in respect to our Exports & Imports as you have done. They have resolved to stop the latter except as to German Oznabrigs, Woolens of two shillg Sterg pr Yard & Nails wch are also to be prohibited after two years & the former, if our Grievances are not fully redressed before Sept. 1775, to great Britain; but to the West Indies (so far as relates to Lumber) immediately after the genl Congress if such a Measure shall be adopted by them. We have also resolvd that no judgments should be rendered for Debts, if the Congress should enter into a Measure of Non-exportation nor any Tobaco made after this year. that all Teas now in the Country should be deliverd up upon Oath, Stor’d & Burn’t, so soon as money sufficient shall be subscribd to pay for it. That all Goods ship’d from Great Britain after the first of Septr (except as above) shall be returned or delivered to the sevl Committees to be stored—That if the People of Boston, by being immediately under the Lash, should give way we shall not consider it as having any influence upon our Conduct. that the Association shall be taken upon Oath, & in short a number of Resolves too tedious to recite, & Improper to Copy as they cannot, as yet, be calld the Resolves of the County were come to; Deputies will assuredly go from this County (I hope from all) to the intended Meeting in Wmsbg, the first of August, Assembly or no Assembly, for I have not the most ⟨illegible⟩ doubt myself but that the return day of the Writs was hit upon with no more design than to perplex if not to defeat this meeting.

⟨I be⟩lieve it is not intended that the Assembly should Meet at that time their being positive Instruction against it. A Subscription was opend at our intended Meeting on Tuesday last, for the Receipt of the poor of Boston when there was Cash (& Grain ⟨illegible⟩ few hours to the ⟨illegible⟩ I expect will be a good deal ⟨increased⟩ by the Inhabitants of this County, & sent off by the last of the Month.
I am very indifferent now, whether I get Mr ⟨illegible⟩ Bricklayer or not if he ⟨illegible⟩ to you, he may be forwarded to your Vessel, if he does not I am equally well satisfied. I shall be obliged to you if you would direct your People to get yr shells as free from dirt as possible, the last two loads, I am told was exceeding bad, & I shall ⟨illegible⟩ be glad if you would, when the Vessel comes here write me word what trips you think she can make, as I may be left in the lurch by ⟨illegible⟩. To the best computation I can make ⟨my Wheat illegible⟩ out considerably less than half a Crop; but I cannot recollect I ever sold Corn ⟨illegible⟩ I should make 15,000 Bls—I told him I had ⟨illegible⟩ near 1300, & nevr had so good before the ⟨illegible in⟩cluded ⟨illegible⟩ are offered and I am Most aff⟨mutilated bro⟩r

Go: Washington


Title: To George Washington from Bryan Fairfax, 17 July 1774
From: Fairfax, Bryan
To: Washington, George

To George Washington Esqr.;
July the 17th 1774.

Having been twice lately at Alexandria, and the Business I am engaged in being liable to suffer much by my Absence, I hope I shall be excused for not attending at this Time. As it is necessary however for every one to give his Sentiments on this occasion, I beg Leave to address myself in this manner to You, Sir, as Chairman of the Meeting, and hope it will answer as well as if I were personnally present.

Some Resolves being prepared by the Committee, It is now proper to consider them, and to collect the general Sense of the Inhabitants on the Subject: and whatever legal measures are determined on by the Majority ought to be conformed to by the rest, as a perfect Unanimity ought to appear among us.
I am precluded from saying a great deal of what I intended to mention at the first Meeting, by observing that a Petition to the King is now recommended as the first Step that ought to be taken at the Congress.
I could have wished that it had been the only Step taken by the Colonies at this time, as to give the Parliament a good Opportunity to repeal the Acts complained of would be the likeliest way to effect it. But this is not generally believed. On the contrary it is supposed that there is a regular System formed for enforcing the principle of Taxation. This is the very point on which our difference in opinion is founded. Those who believe in such a plan being determined on will readily approve of most of the measures proposed. Those who think with me that no such Intention plainly appears will rather postpone them to another Time. A Political opinion, as well as a religious one, is often formed by degrees. It is owing to a Train of Thoughts on the Subject of Contemplation, many of which escape the Memory so that they cannot be brought in support of one’s Opinion; and this is the Reason sometimes, that of two Men of opposite Sentiments neither is able to convince the other; tho’ different opinions are generally owing to a difference in Constitution &c: I will however make a few Remarks as to this point. The late Acts are thought to be a full Proof of the Parliament’s Intention to enforce the Payment of Taxes. In considering this we should make an Allowance for the Prejudices of others. An Englishman however clear he may be in Opinion as to the Right of Taxation, ought to consider the Motives from which an Opposition in America arises. He ought to consider that it springs from virtuous, tho’ (as he may think) erroneous principles. In like Manner the Americans ought to consider the Majority of the english Parliament, or a great part, as acting from honest tho’ erroneous principles. Could they, under the Persuasion that they had a right to impose the Duty on Tea, avoid taking Notice of what had happened at Boston? However great their Exertion of Power has been, they might conceive themselves bound to protect their Trade, and to take some Measures simular to what they

have done without a farther design to enforce the principle of Taxation. From the late Speeches it appears that some of those, who opposed the Repeal, did so, because of it’s being unseasonable; and others, because they thought the Americans would be still encroaching, not because they should be averse to it if a decent opportunity were given them. If this is the Case we deprive ourselves by hasty Resolutions of what we never can recover. It will be too late hereafter to petition. We must effect what we desire by compulsion. This must be the Work of years: for after what has already happened our Threats will not be hastily regarded. They must be convinced from Experience of our Perserverance; and we shall find It will require a great Exertion of Virtue for that Purpose. Whatever Corruption there may be in the Parliament, whatever unjust designs some Men may have, we ought to gain the Affections of those who mean well; we should strive to conciliate the Affections of the Nation, and make Allowance for their Prejudices. We should have an Eye to the next Parliament, and avoid every measure that might justly exasperate the People. It is incredible how far a mild Behavior contributes to a Reconciliation in any dispute between Man & Man, and how much the Spectators are always engaged on the side of the Man of Moderation. It is the same in public Contentions. They who divest themselves of Resentment, and seem desirous of peace, go a great Way towards obtaining it. For these Reasons I ardently wish that no Resolves had been now entered into: But as most of the Colonies seem determined on them, and many Counties here are also entering into them; perhaps it would be prudent in this County to join also, as the Colonies ought to be unanimous. However, I hope it will be recommended, that, if a Petition should be agreed upon, and sent Home by the general Congress, No Conditional Resolutions, which may be formed at the Time, should be published until it is known that the Petition has had no Effect. For we should otherwise destroy the very Intention of it. To petition and to threaten at the same time seems to be inconsistent. It might be of Service with the Ministry, if they have evil Designs, to know the Dispositions of the People here. I am sure that sufficiently appears from what has been already published. And if that appears, no Threatnings ought to accompany the Petition. It ought to be as modest as possible without descending to Meanness.

There is one Expression then in one of our Resolves on this Subject, which I must object to; that is, a Hint to the King that if his Majesty will not comply, there lies but one Appeal. This ought surely to be erased. There are two Methods proposed to effect a Repeal; the one by Petition, the other by Compulsion. They ought then to be kept separate and distinct. And we shall find few for joining them together, but what are rather against the Former.
As to the other great point of Dispute, whether we should have no Imports only, or we should debar ourselves from both Exports and Imports; If we should be forced to take some such Measures, I had rather vote for the latter as the more effectual, provided it can be done consistent with the Justice that is due to those to whom we are indebted. If we have Exports it is to be feared that the Ships which come for those Exports will bring Imports. We cannot store those Goods without acting illegally. If we wish to avoid a civil War we must do Nothing illegal. We must depend upon our own Virtue. On the other Hand, if we have no Exports, Provisions will be very cheap and plenty. Plenty of provisions, together with a great Demand for Manufactures, will invite Manufacturers in great Numbers from any Country where they happen to be cheap from too great an Abundance: Thus we may meet with some Retribution for our Sufferings, and Great Britain some Diminution for her Injustice.
I come now to consider a Resolve which ought to be the most objected to, as tending more to widen the Breach, and prevent a Reconciliation than any other. I mean that wherein the Authority of Parliament is almost in every Instance denied. Something simular to this, tho’ more imprudent, is the most exceptional part of the Conduct of some in New England. It has been asserted in the House of Commons, that the Americans have been gradually encroaching; that as they have given up Points we have insisted on more. The Fact is true as to Encroachment, but the Reason assigned is wrong. It is not because they have given up Points, but because they have not given them up, that we out of Resentment demand more than we at first thought of. But however natural it is to people incensed to increase their Claims, and whatever our Anger may induce us to say; In calm deliberations we should not insist on any Thing unreasonable.

We have all along submitted to the Authority of Parliament. From the first Settlment of the Colonies I believe there never was an Act of Parliament disputed ’till the famous Stamp Act. It is a maxim in Law that all Acts made since the Settlement of the Colonies do not extend here, unless the Colonies are particularly named; therefore all Acts wherein they are included do extend here. When the Stamp-Act was repealed it was said, and I did not hear it contradicted, that the Americans objected to internal Taxes, but not to external Duties. When the Duty on Tea was laid as an external Duty we objected to it, and with some Reason, because it was not for the regulation of Trade, but for the express purpose of raising a Revenue. This was deemed a small Encroachment on our first Demands. Some now object to the Authority which has establised & regulated the Post-Office, a very useful Regulation. Others deny their Authority in regard to our Internal Affairs. If we go on at this Rate it is impossible that the Troubles of America should ever have an End. Whatever we may wish to be the Case, it becomes good Subjects to submit to the Constitution of their Country. Whenever a political Establishment has been settled, it ought to be considered what that is, and not what it ought to be. To fix a contrary principle is to lay the Foundation of continual Broils & Revolution.
The Parliament from Prescription have a Right to make Laws binding on the Colonies, except those imposing Taxes. From Prescription the Americans are exempted from Taxation. Let us stand upon good Ground in our Opposition, otherwise many upon Reflection may desert the Cause. Therefore I hope some Alteration will be made in the 2d Resolve, or that Nothing under this Head will be mentioned.
Thus, Sir, I have made some Objections as it appeared incumbent on me to do, and hope that you will cause this Letter to be read as containing my Sentiments on this important Occasion. I am with great Respect & Regard, Sir Yr most obedt Servt

Bryan Fairfax


Title: Fairfax County Resolves, 18 July 1774
From: Fairfax County Citizens
To:

[Alexandria, 18 July 1774]

At a general Meeting of the Freeholders and Inhabitants of the County of Fairfax on Monday the 18th day of July 1774, at the Court House, George Washington Esquire Chairman, and Robert Harrison Gent: Clerk of the said Meeting.
1. Resolved that this Colony and Dominion of Virginia can not be considered as a conquered Country; and if it was, that the present Inhabitants are the Descendants not of the Conquered, but of the Conquerors.
That the same was not setled at the national Expence of England, but at the private Expence of the Adventurers, our Ancestors, by solemn Compact with, and under the Auspices and Protection of the British Crown; upon which We are in every Respect as dependant, as the People of Great Britain, and in the same Manner subject to all his Majesty’s just, legal, and constitutional Prerogatives. That our Ancestors, when they left their native Land, and setled in America, brought with them (even if the same had not been confirmed by Charters) the Civil-Constitution and Form of Government of the Country they came from; and were by the Laws of Nature and Nations, entitiled to all it’s Privileges, Immunities and Advantages; which have descended to Us their Posterity, and ought of Right to be as fully enjoyed, as if We had still continued within the Realm of England.
2. Resolved that the most important and valuable Part of the British Constitution, upon which it’s very Existence depends, is the fundamental Principle of the People’s being governed by no Laws, to which they have not given their Consent, by Representatives freely chosen by themselves; who are affected by the Laws they inact equally with their Constituents, to whom they are accountable, and whose Burthens they share; in which consists the Safety and Happiness of the Community: for if this Part of the Constitution was taken away, or materially altered, the Government must degenerate either into an absolute and despotic Monarchy, or a tyrannical Aristocracy, and the Freedom of the People be annihilated.

3. Resolved therefore, as the Inhabitants of the american Colonies are not, and from their Situation can not be represented in the British Parliament; that the legislative Power here can of Right be exercised only by our own provincial Assemblys or Parliaments, subject to the Assent or Negative of the British Crown, to be declared within some proper limited Time. But as it was thought just and reasonable that the People of Great Britain shou’d reap Advantages from these Colonies adequate to the Protection they afforded them, the British Parliament have claimed and exercised the Power of regulating our Trade and Commerce, so as to restrain our importing from foreign Countrys, such Articles as they cou’d furnish Us with, of their own Growth or Manufacture, or exporting to foreign Countrys such Articles and Portions of our Produce, as Great Britain stood in Need of, for her own Consumption or Manufactures. Such a Power directed with Wisdom and Moderation, seems necessary for the general Good of that great Body-politic of which we are a Part; altho’ in some Degree repugnant to the Principles of the Constitution. Under this Idea our Ancestors submitted to it; the Experience of more than a Century, during the Government of his Majesty’s royal Predecessors, hath proved it’s utility, and the reciprocal Benefits flowing from it produced mutual uninterrupted Harmony and Good-will, between the Inhabitants of Great Britain and her Colonies; who during that long Period, always considered themselves as one and the same People: and tho’ such a Power is capable of Abuse, and in some Instances hath been stretched beyond the original Design and Institution, yet to avoid Strife and Contention with our fellow-Subjects, and strongly impressed with the Experience of mutual Benefits, We always chearfully acquiesced in it, while the entire Regulation of our internal Policy, and giving and granting our own Money were preserved to our own provincial Legislatures.
4. Resolved that it is the Duty of these Colonies, on all Emergencies, to contribute, in proportion to their Abilities, Situation and Circumstances, to the necessary Charge of supporting and defending the British Empire, of which they are part; that while We are treated upon an equal Footing with our fellow subjects, the Motives of Self-Interest and Preservation will be a sufficient Obligation; as was evident thro’ the Course of the last War; and that no Argument can be fairly applyed to the British Parliament’s

taxing us, upon a Presemption that We shou’d refuse a just and reasonable Contribution, but will equally operate in Justification of the Executive-Power taxing the People of England, upon a Supposition of their Representatives refusing to grant the necessary Supplies.
5. Resolved that the Claim lately assumed and exercised by the British Parliament of making all such Laws as they think fit, to govern the People of these Colonies, and to extort from Us our Money without our Consent, is not only diametrically contrary to the first Principles of the Constitution, and the original Compacts by which We are dependant upon the British Crown and Government; but is totally incompatible with the Privileges of a free People, and the natural Rights of Mankind; will render our own Legislatures merely nominal and nugatory, and is calculated to reduce Us from a State of Freedom and Happiness, to Slavery and Misery.
6. Resolved that Taxation and Representation are in their Nature inseperable; that the Right of withholding, or of giving and granting their own Money is the only effectual Security to a free people against the Incroachments of Despotism and Tyranny; and that whenever they yield the one, they must quickly fall a Prey to the other.
7. Resolved that the Powers over the People of America now claimed by the British House of Commons, in whose Election We have no Share, on whose Determinations We can have no Influence, whose Information must be always defective and often false, who in many Instances may have a seperate, and in some an opposite Interest to ours, and who are removed from those Impressions of Tenderness and Compassion arising from personal Intercourse and Connections, which soften the Rigours of the most despotic Governments, must if continued, establish the most grievous and intollerable Species of Tyranny and Oppression that ever was inflicted upon Mankind.
8. Resolved that it is our greatest Wish and Inclination, as well as Interest, to continue our Connection with, and Dependance upon the British Government; but tho’ We are it’s Subjects, we will use every Means which Heaven hath given Us to prevent our becoming it’s Slaves.
9. Resolved that there is a premeditated Design and System, formed and pursued by the British Ministry, to introduce an

arbitrary Government into his Majesty’s American Dominions; to which End they are artfully prejudicing our Sovereign, and inflaming the Minds of our fellow-Subjects in Great Britain, by propagating the most malevolent Falsehoods; particularly that there is an Intention in the American Colonies to set up for independant States; endeavouring at the same Time, by various Acts of Violence and Oppression, by sudden and repeated Dissolutions of our Assemblies, whenever they presume to examine the Illegality of ministerial Mandates, or deliberate on the violated Rights of their Constitutents; and by breaking in upon the American Charters, to reduce Us to a State of Desperation, and dissolve the original Compacts by which our Ancestors bound themselves and their Posterity to remain dependant upon the British Crown: which Measures, unless effectually counteracted, will end in the Ruin both of Great Britain and her Colonies.
10. Resolved that the several Acts of Parliament for raising a Revenue upon the People of America without their Consent, the creating new and dangerous Jurisdictions here, the taking away our Trials by Jurys, the ordering Persons upon Criminal accusations, to be tried in another Country than that in which the Fact is charged to have been committed, the Act inflicting ministerial Vengeance upon the Town of Boston, and the two Bills lately brought into Parliament for abrogating the Charter of the Province of Massachusets Bay, and for the protection and Encouragement of Murderers in the said Province, are Part of the above mentioned iniquitous System. That the Inhabitants of the Town of Boston are now suffering in the common Cause of all British America, and are justly entitled to it’s Support and Assistance; and therefore that a Subscription ought imediatly to be opened, and proper Persons appointed, in every County of this Colony to purchase Provisions, and consign them to some Gentlemen of Character in Boston, to be distributed among the poorer Sort of People there.
11. Resolved that We will cordially join with our Friends and Brethren of this and the other Colonies, in such Measures as shall be judged most effectual for procuring Redress of our Grievances, and that upon obtaining such Redress, if the Destruction of the Tea at Boston be regarded as an Invasion of private Property, We shall be willing to contribute towards paying the East India Company the Value: but as We consider the

said Company as the Tools and Instrument of Oppression in the Hands of Government and the Cause of our present Distress, it is the Opinion of this Meeting that the People of these Colonies shou’d forbear all further Dealings with them, by refusing to purchase their Merchandize, until that Peace, Safety and Good-order, which they have disturbed, be perfectly restored. And that all Tea now in this Colony, or which shall be imported into it shiped before the first Day of September next shou’d be deposited in some Store house to be appointed by the respective Committees of each County, until a sufficient Sum of Money be raised by subscription to reimburse the Owners the Value, and then to be publickly burn’d and destroyed; and if the same is not paid for and destroyed as aforesaid, that it remain in the Custody of the said Committees, at the Risque of the owners, until the Act of Parliament imposing a Duty upon Tea for raising a Revenue in America be repealed; and imediatly afterwards be delivered unto the Several Proprietors thereof, their Agents or Attorneys.
12. Resolved that Nothing will so much contribute to defeat the pernicious Designs of the common Enemies of Great Britain and her Colonies as a firm Union of the latter; who ought to regard every Act of Violence or Oppression inflicted upon any one of them, as aimed at all; and to effect this desireable Purpose, that a Congress shou’d be appointed, to consist of Deputies from all the Colonies, to concert a general and uniform Plan for the Defence and Preservation of our common Rights, and continueing the Connection and Dependance of the said Colonies upon Great Britain, under a just, lenient, permanent, and constitutional Form of Government.
13. Resolved that our most sincere and cordial Thanks be given to the Patrons and Friends of Liberty in Great Britain, for their spirited and patriotick Conduct, in Support of our constitutional Rights and Privileges, and their generous Efforts to prevent the present Distress and Calamity of America.
14. Resolved that every little jarring Interest and Dispute, which has ever happened between these Colonies, shou’d be buried in eternal Oblivion; that all Manner of Luxury and Extravagance ought imediatly to be laid aside, as totally inconsistent with the threatning and gloomy Prospect before us; that it is the indispensable Duty of all the Gentlemen and Men of Fortune

to set Examples of Temperance, Fortitude, Frugality and Industry; and give every Encouragement in their Power, particularly by Subscriptions and Premiums, to the Improvement of Arts and Manufactures in America; that great Care and Attention shou’d be had to the Cultivation of Flax, Cotton, and other Materials for Manufactures; and We recommend it to such of the Inhabitants who have large Stocks of Sheep, to sell to their Neighbours at a moderate Price, as the most certain Means of speedily increasing our Breed of Sheep, and Quantity of Wool.
15. Resolved that until american Grievances be redressed, by Restoration of our just Rights and Privileges, no Goods or Merchandize whatsoever ought to be imported into this Colony, which shall be shiped from Great Britain after the first Day of September next, except Linnens not exceeding fifteen Pence ⅌ yard, coarse Woolen Cloth, not exceeding two shillings Sterling ⅌ yard, Nails, wire and Wire-Cards, needles & pins, paper, Salt petre and Medecines; which may be imported until the first Day of September one thousand seven hundred and seventy six; and if any Goods or Merchandize, oth⟨er⟩ than those hereby excepted, shou’d be ship’d from Great Britain, after the time aforesaid, to this Colony, that the same, immediately upon their Arrival shoud either be sent back again, by the owners their Agents or Attorn⟨ey⟩s, or stored and deposited in some Warehouse, to be appointed by the Committee for each respective County, and there kept, at the Risque and Charge of the Owners, to be delivered to them, when a free Importation of Goods hither shall again take Place. And that the Merchants and Venders of Goods and Merchandize within this Colony ought not to take Advantage of our present Distress, b⟨u⟩t continue to sell the Goods and Merchandize which they now have, or which may be shiped to them before the first Day of September next, at the same rates and Prices they have been accustomed to do, within one Year last past; and if any Person shall sell such Goods on any other Terms than above expressed, that no Inhabitant of this Colony shou’d at any time, forever thereafter, deal with Him, his Agent, Factor, or Store keepers for any Commodity whatsoever.
16. Resolved that it is the Opinion of this Meeting that the Merchants and Venders of Goods and Merchandize within this

Colony shou’d take an Oath not to sell or dispose of any Goods or Merchandize whatsoever, which may be shiped from Great Britain after the first Day of September next as aforesaid, except the Articles before excepted, and that they will, upon Receipt of such prohibited Goods, either send the same back again by the first Opportunity, or deliver them to the Committees in the respective Countys, to be deposited in some Warehouse, at the Risque and charge of the owners, until they, their Agents or Factors be permitted to take them away by the said Committees: the names of those who refuse to take such Oath to be advertized, by the respective Committees, in the Countys wherein they reside. And to the End that the Inhabitants of this Colony may know what Merchants, and Venders of Goods and Merchandize have taken such Oath, that the respective Committees shou’d grant a Certificate thereof to every such Person who shall take the same.
17. Resolved that it is the Opinion of this Meeting, that during our present Difficulties and Distress, no Slaves ought to be imported into any of the British Colonies on this Continent, and We take this Opportunity of declaring our most earnest Wishes to see an entire Stop for ever put to such a wicked cruel and unnatural Trade.
18. Resolved that no kind of Lumber shou’d be exported from this Colony to the West Indies until America be restored to her constitutional Rights and Liberties, if the other Colonies will accede to a like Resolution; and that it be recommended to the general Congress to appoint as early a Day as possible for stopping such Export.
19. Resolved that it is the Opinion of this Meeting, if american Grievances be not redressed before the first Day of November one thousand seven hundred and seventy five, that all Exports of Produce from the several Colonies to Great Britain shou’d cease; and to carry the said Resolution more effectually into Execution, that We will not plant or cultivate any Tobacco after the Crop now growing, provided the same Measure shall be adopted by the other Colonies on this Continent, as well those who have ⟨here⟩tofore made Tobacco, as those who have n⟨o⟩t. And it is our Opinion also, if the Congress of Deputies from the several Colonies shall adopt the Measure of Non-exportation to Great Britain, as the People will be thereby disabled

from paying their Debts, that no Judgements shou’d be rendered by the Courts in the said Colonies for any Debt, after Information of the said Measures being determined upon.
20. Resolved that it is the Opinion of this Meeting that a solemn Covenant and Association shou’d be entered into by the Inhabitants of all the Colonies upon Oath, that they will not, after the Times which shall be respectively agreed on at the general Congress, export any Manner of Lumber to the West Indies, nor any of their Produce to Great Britain, or sell or dispose of the same to any Person who shall not have entered into the said Covenant and Association; and also that they will not import or receive any Goods or Merchandize which shall be ship’d from Great Britain after the first Day of September next, other than the before enumerated Articles, nor buy or purchase any Goods, except as before excepted, if any person whatsoever, who shall not have taken the Oath herein before recommended to be taken by the Merchants and Venders of Goods nor buy or purchase any Slaves hereafter imported into any part of this continent until a free Exportation and Importation be again resolved on by the Majority of the Representatives or Duputies of the Colonies. And that the respective Committees of the Countys in each Colony so soon as the Covenant and Association becomes general, publish by advertisements in their several Counties a List of the Names of those (if any such there be) who will not accede thereto; that such Traitors to their Country may be publickly known and detested.
21. Resolved that it is the Opinion of this Meeting, that this and the other associating Colonies shou’d break off all Trade, Intercourse, and Dealings, with that Colony Province or Town, which shall decline or refuse to agree to the plan which shall be adopted by the general Congress.
22. Resolved that shou’d the Town of Boston be forced to submit to the late cruel and oppressive Measures of Government, that We shall not hold the same to be binding upon Us, but will, notwithstanding, religiously maintain, and inviolably adhere to such Measures as shall be concerted by the general Congress, for the preservation of our Lives Liberties and Fortunes.
23. Resolved that it be recommended to the Deputies of the general Congress to draw up and transmit an humble and dutiful petition and Remonstrance to his Majesty, asserting with

decent Firmness our just and constitutional Rights and Privileg⟨es⟩ lamenting the fatal Necessity of being compelled to enter into Measur⟨es⟩ disgusting to his Majesty and his Parliament, or injurious to our fellow Subjects in Great Britain; declaring, in the strongest Terms, ou⟨r⟩ Duty and Affection to his Majesty’s Person, Family and Government, ⟨an⟩d our Desire to continue our Dependance upon Great Brit⟨ai⟩n; and most humbly conjuring and beseeching his Majesty, not to reduce his faithful Subjects of America to a State of Desperation, and to reflect, that from our Sovereign there can be but one Appeal.
And it is the Opinion of this Meeting, that after such Petition, and Remonstrance shall have been presented to his Majesty, the same shou’d be printed in the public Papers, in all the principal Towns in Great Britain.
24. Resolved that George Washington Esquire and Charles Broadwater Gent. lately elected our Representatives to serve in the general Assembly, be appointed to attend the Convention at Williamsburgh, on the first Day of August next, and present these Resolves, as the Sense of the People of this County, upon the Measures proper to be taken in the present alarming and dangerous Situation of America.


Title: From George Washington to Bryan Fairfax, 20 July 1774
From: Washington, George
To: Fairfax, Bryan

Dear Sir,
Mount Vernon July 20th 1774.

Your Letter of the 17th was not presented to me till after the Resolution’s (which were adjudg’d advisable for this county to come to) had been revis’d, alterd, & corrected in the Committee;

nor till we had gone into a general Meeting in the Court House, and my attention necessarily call’d every moment to the business that was before it; I did however upon receipt of it (in that hurry & bustle) hastily run it over, and handed it round to the Gentlemen on the Bench, of which there were many; but as no person present seem’d in the least disposed to adopt your Sentiments—as there appeard a perfect satisfaction, & acquiescence to the measures propos’d (except from a Mr Williamson, who was for adopting your advise litterally, without obtaining a Second voice on his Side)—and as the Gentlemen to whom the Letter was shown, advis’d me not to have it read, as it was not like to make a Convert, & repugnant (some of them thought) to the very principle we were contending for, I forebore to offer it otherwise than in the manner abovementioned, which I shall be sorry for, if it gives you any dissatisfaction in not having your Sentiments read to the County at large, instead of communicating them to the first People in it, by offering them the Letter in the manner I did.
That I differ very widely from you, in respect to the mode of obtaining a repeal of the Acts so much, & so justly complaind of, I shall not hesitate to acknowledge; & that this difference in opinion may, probably, proceed from the different Construction’s we put upon the Conduct, & Intention of the Ministry, may also be true; But as I see nothing on the one hand, to induce a belief that the Parliament would embrace a favourable oppertunity of Repealing Acts which they go on with great rapidity to pass, in order to enforce their Tyrannical System; and on the other, observe, or think I observe, that Government is pursuing a regular Plan at the expence of Law & justice, to overthrow our Constitutional Rights & liberties, how can I expect any redress from a Measure which hath been ineffectually tryd already—For Sir what is it we are contending against? Is it against paying the duty of 3d. pr lb. on Tea because burthensome? No, it is the Right only, we have all along disputed, & to this end we have already Petitiond his Majesty in as humble, & dutiful a manner as Subjects could do; nay more, we applied to the House of Lords, & House of Commons in their different Legislative Capacities setting forth that, as Englishmen, we could not be deprivd of this essential, & valuable part of our Constitution; If then (as the Fact really is) it is against the Right

of Taxation we now do, & (as I before said) all along have contended, why should they suppose an exertion of this power would be less obnoxious now, than formerly? and what reasons have we to believe that, they would make a Second attempt whilst the same Sentiments fill’d the Breast of every American, if they did not intend to inforce it if possible? The conduct of the Boston People could not justify the rigour of their Measures, unless their had been a requisition of payment & refusal of it; nor did that measure require an Act to deprive the Governmt of Massachusets Bay of their Charter; or to exempt Offenders from tryal in the place, where Offences were Committed, as there was not, nor could not be, a single Instance produced to manifest the necessity of it—Are not all these things self evident proofs of a fixed & uniform Plan to Tax us? If we want further proofs, does not all the Debates in the House of Commons serve to confirm this? and hath not Genl Gage’s Conduct since his arrival (in Stopping the Address of his Council, & Publishing a Proclamation more becoming a Turkish Bashaw than an English Govr & declaring it Treason to associate in any manner by which the Commerce of Great Britain is to be affected) exhibited unexampled Testimony of the most despotick System of Tyranny that ever was practiced in a free Government. In short what further proofs are wanting to satisfy one of the design’s of the Ministry than their own Acts; which are uniform, & plainly tending to the same point—nay, if I mistake not, avowedly to fix the Right of Taxation—what hope then from Petitioning, when they tell us that now, or never, is the time to fix the matter—shall we after this whine & cry for releif, when we have already tried it in vain?, or shall we supinely sit, and see one Provence after another fall a Sacrafice to Despotism? If I was in any doubt as to the Right wch the Parliament of Great Britain had to Tax us without our Consents, I should most heartily coincide with you in opinion, that to Petition, & petition only, is the proper method to apply for relief; because we should then be asking a favour, & not claiming a Right wch by the Law of Nature & our Constitution we are, in my opinion, indubitably entitled to; I should even think it criminal to go further than this, under such an Idea; but none such I have, I think the Parliament of Great Britain hath no more Right to put their hands into my Pocket, without my consent, than I have to put my hands into your’s,

for money; and this being already urged to them in a firm, but decent manner by all the Colonies, what reason is there to expect any thing from their justice?
As to the Resolution for addressing the Throne, I own to you Sir I think the whole might as well have been expung’d; I expect nothing from the measure; nor shd my voice have accompanied it, if the non-Importation Scheme was intended to be Retarded by it; for I am convinc’d, as much as I am of my Existance, that there is no relief for us but in their distress; & I think, at least I hope, that there is publick Virtue enough left among us to deny ourselves every thing but the bare necessaries of Life to accomplish this end—this we have a Right to do, & no power upon Earth can compel us to do otherwise, till they have first reducd us to the most abject state of Slavery that ever was designd for Mankind. The Stopping our Exports would, no doubt, be a shorter Cut than the other, to effect this purpose, but if we owe Money to Great Britain, nothing but the last necessity can justify the Non-payment of it; and therefore, I have great doubts upon this head, & wish to see the other method, which is legal, & will facilitate these payments, first tried.
I cannot conclude, without expressing some concern that I should differ so widely in Sentiments from you in a matter of such great Moment, & general Import; & should much distrust my own judgment upon the occasion, if my Nature did not recoil at the thought of Submitting to Measures which I think Subversive of every thing that I ought to hold dear and valuable—and did I not find, at the sametime, that the voice of Mankind is with me. I must appologize for sending you so rough a sketch of my thoughts upon your Letter. when I look’d back and saw the length of my own, I could not, as I am also a good deal hurried at this time, bear the thoughts of making off a fair Copy. I am Dr Sir Yr Most Obedt Humble Servt

Go: Washington


Title: To George Washington from Matthew Campbell, 26 July 1774
From: Campbell, Matthew
To: Washington, George

Sir
Alexa. July 26th 1774

Mr Adam being at the Mill I open’d yours to him immagining it to be about that Business of Colo. Fairfax’s When he went away he gave me the Trunk & Papers and told me Mr Dalton Mr Piper & myself were to Settle them and that I would use them when Call’d upon for that Purpose. When I came home I informd Mr Dalton I was Possessd of these Papers for the Purpose and that I should attend when they pleasd but I never was Calld on. Mr Dalton Yesterday ask’d me when I could spare an hour for that Purpose I told him I was Ready any Moment and allways had been from the time I had Mentioned to him that I was Possess’d of the Papers But I did not aprehend it became me to insist on a Settlement I shall endeavour if it Sutes Mr Pipers Convenience, to do something in them tomorrow but if they are so intricate as Mr Fairfax seems to Suggest they will Certainly take more time What I can do I am very willing to do for Mr Fairfax and wish it may give Sattisfaction but I sincerly wish he had settled them himself I am with Respect Sir your most Obt hle Servt

Matthew Campbell

P.S. I came home Yesterday afternoon If Mr Adam has any Commands he will Contrive them Down and is oblig’d by your kind offer of takeing Trowble.

Yours M. C.


Title: To George Washington from Valentine Crawford, 27 July 1774
From: Crawford, Valentine
To: Washington, George

Dear Colo.
Jacob Creek [Pa.] July 27th 1774

On Sunday Evining or Munday Morning william orr one of the Most orderley Men I thought I had Ran away and has tuck a horse and other things as I have Sent you an advertisment of and I am Convinced he will Make for Som Ship in potomack River I have Sent two Men after Him and fernished them with horses and Money and have wrote to My Brother Richard Stephenson in Berkeley and James Mccormick to Esist the Men I Sent and to forward this Letter and advertisment to you I should have folowed him My Sellfe but all the Men Except Som old men are gon with My Brothers down to the Enden towns and Sence the[y] Started there has been Scen about the Monangahala Som parteys of endens a Coming in to the Enhapetance and we owerLay Expect them to Strike Somwhere the Indens has Keld and taken with in this ten days 13 people up about the forks of Cheat River which is a bout 25 Miles from Me and I would have folowd this Man My Selfe but I have the Charge of Both My Brothers fameley tell there Return and if I would Leve home the people would all give up My fort and Move over the Mountains for I have above 200 people in My Fort att this time Cheifley women and Cildren for all the Men is gon to the towns and Ever Senes the Men Set off to the town Evrey bodys is flew to the Forts and it Scemes to Me our Standing of our ground here a good Dele depends on the Sucsess of our Men that is gon agains the towns the govener wrote verey Ernestly to Capt. Conely to give My Brother Wm Crawford the Comand of all the Men that Is gon against the towns which amount to a bout 700 men Encluding all the Militia that Come from Below and Coneley him Selfe to Reside att Fort pitt Mjer Macdonald Came up here and is gon down [to] wheelin in order to take the Comand But I have Seen Severell Letters from Lordonmore both to My Brother and to Coneley and he has Not Mentioned Macdonalds Name in them but I hered by Mr Brown the axpress who told Me him selfe that on thirsday Last he parted with Lordonmore att winchester and he wase to perseed amedently to this Neabour Hood Where I hope he will Reglate Maters him Selfe.
I have sold all the Men but two and I bleve should have Sold

them but the Man that is Run awaw had a very Sore foot he Cut with an ax which wase Not Long well and John Smith wase Not well of the Fould disorder which he had when he Left your House I Sold peter Miller and John Wood to one Mr Edward Coke for £45 the Money to be aplied to use of building your Mill and I sold Thomas Mcfarson and his Wife and James Low to Majer John Mccoluck and Mr James Enis for £65 pounds paible in Six Month with Intrest from the date and My Brother wm tuck Thomas White and the Boy John Knight and is Ether to pay you for them or Return them in Case you Could prosacute your design down the River and I tuck John Smith and Wm Ore on the same terms So that In Justice I am acountable to you for the Man If he Is Never got But I Should have Sold the hole of the Sarvents agreeable to your Letter if I Could a got Cash or good pay but the Confusion of times put it out of My power and out here we had one day peace and the Next day ware So it wase hard to know how to act Even if you where here your Selfe for I have been Confind att home Ever Sen[c]e I Come up here I onley went down to Fort pitt a day or two and two of My own Sarvent and two Meletia Men Ran away and I folowd them My Selfe and Koch them all down att bed ford and brought them back and while I wase gon from home two of your Men John Wood and peeter Miller had Stole a quantity of bacon and bred and wase to a started the verey Night I got home but a man of Mine discoverd on them there design and I Sold them Emedently and I would have sold the hole if I Could or deliverd them to Mr Simson but he would Not be Concarnd with them att Eney Reate my waggon and team had been att work att your Mill for som time a halling of the timber Stone and Lime and Sand for your Mill and I went over to the [mill] to Esist in haling of som of the Largest of the timber but the Leate Elarming acoumpt of the Indens the workemen has all Stopt and I have broate home My team and I thin⟨mutilated⟩ a pitey it wase Ever begun in these ⟨mutilated⟩ Som times as it apears to me it will be a verey Expencive Job to you before it is done all the Carpentrs I brought out for you there pay Stopt the Sixth of May Exept Som of them that wase att work att your Mill I Contnued them Longer but I pay them My selfe I Shall obsarve your orders in R[e]gard to setling with the Carpentrs pray take all peans you

Can in Advertising of this Man to provent his geting off by water. So I am Sir your Most Hble Savent

Vale: Crawford


Title: To George Washington from Robert Adam, 28 July 1774 [letter not found]
From: Adam, Robert
To: Washington, George

Letter not found: from Robert Adam, 28 July 1774. The letter is described in the Parke-Bernet catalog no. 63, entry 380, 16–17 Nov. 1938: “Introducing a gentleman who wanted to establish a general post office through America, and about a dispute with Colonel Fairfax.”


Title: Cash Accounts, August 1774
From: Washington, George
To:

[August 1774]

Cash

Augt  1—
To Ditto [cash] recd from Mr Frans Whiting
[£] 10. 0.0

To Ditto recd from Mr Thos Newton
64. 0.0

10—
To Cash for a Bushel of Meal
0. 2.6

16—
To Ditto recd from Doctr [James] Craik for a Wilton Carpet bot at Colo. [George William] Fairfax’s Sale
8.10.0

23—
To Cash recd from Adam Lynn for Colo. Fx
0.18.0

27—
To Ditto recd from Captn Conway
150. 0.0

Contra

Augt  1—
By Cash paid Doctr [John] Baker
1. 0.0

By hair powder
0. 1.6

6—
By Doctr [William] Pasteur for Sundry Medicines
0. 7.9

By Mr [John] Carter for 6 Pullies
0. 1.6

By Mr Jefferson’s Bill of Rights
0. 3.9

By Mr [Alexander] Craig Sadler’s Acct
0. 8.0

By 2 Dinners & Clubs at Mrs [Christiana] Campbells
0.12.6

By Servants eating at [James] Southall’s
0. 8.1 1/2

By Do Mr [John Parke] Custis’s
0. 5.0

By the Printers for the Association Papers
0.12.0

7—
By my Board at Mr [Edward] Charltons
1.10.0

By Mr Custis’s Do
1.10.0

By Servants
0. 1.3

By Expences at the King Wm Court Ho.
0.10.7

9—
By Expences at Todds Bridge
0.13.6

By Cash paid my Mother
20. 0.0

By Exps. at [Wiley] Roy’s Ordy
0. 7.6

10—
By Servants
0. 1.3

By Ferriages at [James] Hunters
0. 4.3

By Expences at [Charles] Tylers
0. 8.0

By Cash pd for 972 Bls of Oyster shells @ 18/
8.13.8

By Do for 1 Bushl of Oysters
0. 1.3

By Ditto to Mrs Washington
0. 7.6

13—
By Ditto pd for 181 Bls of Oyster shells @ 18/
1.13.0

15—
By Willm Copan puttg my Cypher on my Pew in Pohick Church
0.10.0

By Do puttg Colo. Fairfax’s on his Pew
0.15.0

16—
By Cash pd Colo. Thos Ludwell [Lee] for a Card Table wch he bot at Colo. Fairfax’s Sale & let me have
4. 0.0

17—
By Ditto paid John Alton
6. 0.0

By Mr Going Lanphire
0. 6.0

By Cash lent Miles Richardson
1.10.0

21—
By Charity
0. 6.0

By Butter Boats 2/6 Water Mellens 1/3
0. 3.9

By Cash sent Mr Thos Everard to hasten the Patenting of my Lands on the Ohio
3. 0.0

27—
By Ditto paid Wm Roberts
20. 0.0

30—
By Ditto sent Gilbert Simpson pr his Son £200 Pensa. equal to
160. 0.0

By Ditto paid Mr Isaac Hobday for building a Rolling Machine
6.10.0


Title: To George Washington from Robert McMickan, 3 August 1774 [letter not found]
From: McMickan, Robert
To: Washington, George

Letter not found: from Robert McMickan, 3 Aug. 1774. On 7 Jan. 1775 GW wrote McMickan: “Your Letters of . . . 3d . . . of Augt . . . are all before me.”


Title: From George Washington to Hanburys & Lloyd, 4 August 1774
From: Washington, George
To: Hanburys & Lloyd

Gentn
Williamsburg August 4th 1774

A few days after receipt of your Letters by Capt⟨n⟩ Eston and giving him orders for Twelve Hogsheads of Tobo (as mentioned in my last of the first of June) I came to the knowledge of your having noted the Bills which I drew in behalf of my Ward Mr Custis and in favour of John Page Esqr. for Protest although it since appears by your acct that you did afterwards pay them.
Your Motives for this piece of conduct surprizing as they seem to me I do not mean to give you the trouble of Accounting for. I was going however upon the first notice of it, to recall my order to Captn Eston; but, as my word was out to him, I did, upon Second thoughts, forbare to do this, but now desire that the proceeds of these twelve Hhds of Tobacco so soon as sold—together with the Ballance of Mr Custis’s Acct be it more or less be paid into the hands of Robt Cary Esqr. & Co. who shall be empowerd to receive them. I am Gentn Yr Most Obedt Servt

Go: Washington


Title: From George Washington to Thomas Johnson, 5 August 1774
From: Washington, George
To: Johnson, Thomas

Sr
Williamsburg August 5th 1774

As the Resolves of all the Colonies which had come to hand in this Meeting, adopted your Appointment of Philadelphia as the Place to hold the Congress in. As the first of Sepr or thereabouts hath been fixed upon by all of them (except your Province) as a fit Time—and as this Time is now so near at hand as to render it difficult, if practicable, to change it without putting too much

to the Hazard; it was Resolved here, to abide by the General Choice of Philadelphia, tho. judged an improper Place, and to fix upon the 5th of Sepr (as the South Carolinians have done) for the Time.
These measures, or Appointments were more the Effects of a seeming Necessity, than choice; and entered into by us to prevent any Disappointment or Confusion which might arise from a Change of them; being finally agreed to after Lancaster, & the 15th of Sepr were the Time and Place first chosen.
For the Resolutions of, and proceedings, in our Meeting, I refer you to the Letter wrote by our Committee of Correspondence to that of yours. We never before had so full a Meeting of Delegates at any one Time, as upon the present Occasion. I shall not add, being a good deal hurried, but with Esteem remain Sr Yr most Obent Hube Sert

Go. Washington


Title: To George Washington from Bryan Fairfax, 5 August 1774
From: Fairfax, Bryan
To: Washington, George

Dear Sir,
Towlston August the 5th 1774.

I received your Favour of the 20th of July, and must own that I thought it odd at first that my Letter was not read till I considered that I had no Right to have it done, as every one who chose it ought to have been present, and till I perceived by your Letter that the Committee were against it. If there had been no Reason for refusing it but a Persuasion that the Sentiments contained in it were erroneous I don’t think it would have been a just one. I am satisfied with your Reasons as I had no Desire to make a Party or oppose my opinion to that of a large Majority; I sent it down, as I could not go in person without great Inconvenience, that I might not hereafter reproach myself with being silent on the Occasion. However I am inclined, since the Receipt of yours, to think I am mistaken about the Plan determined on at Home. You have no Reason Sir to doubt your opinion, It is I that have

Reason to doubt mine when so many Men of superior Understanding think otherwise. It has in Fact caused me to examine it again & again; but If I was not convinced of an Error, it appeared to me that it shewed as much Cowardic⟨e⟩ in a Man not to maintain his opinions when real as Obstinacy to persever in them contrary to Conviction. Mr Williamson told me the other day that he found afterwards that there were a great many of his opinion in the Court House who did not care to speak because they thought it would be to no Purpose; and it may be so, because a Person, present when he was telling me so, said he was at the Meeting and did secretly object to some of the Resolves but could not speak his Mind. That You may not think my Sentiments quite so singular as they appeared to be, I must observe, that the second Person’s Opinion I heard after the Arrival of the Boston Port Bill was Mr Dalton’s, who asked me what I thought of it; whether I did not think that the Parliament were bound to do what they did or something like it to secure the Trade of their Merchants? If the same outrage had been committed in any foreign Port whether the Government could have acquiesced without demanding and enforcing Restitution? or something to this Purpose. And it really appeared to me then a distinct Thing from enforcing the Payment of the Duty. The next Person whose opinion I heard was Mr Williamson’s; and the next Mr Henderson’s, with this difference, that the Bostonians ought to have destroyed the Tea, but should have sent home the Payment for it immediately. But that the Government could not avoid taking the Steps &c. He joined with me in opinion that the People at Boston were blameable in their Behavior in other Respects; And when I expressed my Concern at the Bill then talked of for altering their Charter, he observed that the Measure might be necessary considering the factious Conduct of the people; They have all along appeared to me to shew a different Spirit from the Rest of the Colonies; and if ever we have a civil War I think without some check they will be at the head of it, and I can’t conceive any thing worse for America at present. I know not whether Mr Henderson told me this in Confidence or not; In case He should I beg that You won’t mention his opinion, altho’ he don’t reserve this Caution. By mentioning the word Check, I don’t mean to approve of All or scarce one of the Measures lately exercised on N: England. A charter should

not be altered without the Consent or consulting with the Majority of the people, or upon some very flagrant or violent Occasions wherein the good of the whole is endangered. But even then the consent of the whole ought to be obtained. No Constitution as I mentioned in my Letter should be altered unless the Consent of every part concerned can be had. We have no right to alter our Constitution without the Consent of the King & Parliament for the same Reason none of our Constitutions should be altered without our Consent: For the Parliament according to the opinion of good Civilians have no Right to alter the Constitution of England, without taking or obtaining a Sanction from the Voice of the people if it could be had; because the Constitution is fixed when the people’s Representatives are chosen And therefore they must act according to it and can’t alter it. It may be possibly be for the good of the Colony of Massachusetts to alter the Constitution. Governor Hutchinson a Native and a Man of good Character advised it, it is true, but he may have too arbitrary Notions. As the People who first went to settle chose such a Form of Government and obtained it, they ought to be the best Judges of the Conveniencies or Inconveniencies attending it. I wish our’s was altered with respect to the Council: but it is dangerous medling in such Matters; it might be a bad precedent in troublesome times. And as to the Act for transporting Criminals to England for Trial tho’ I wish every man could obtain strict Justice, and that no Man in civil Disputes should be tried till the Passions of Men have a little subsided, I dislike it as much as any Man; But in regard to the Boston Port Bill I own I have no objection to it, except to the Power given to the Crown of shutting up the Port after the Tea may be paid for. I can see no Difference between demanding Satisfaction first, and sending a Fleet to demand it with conditional orders to block up the Port upon Refusal, or till Satisfaction is made. I own too that I have been inclined to think that the Tea ought to have been paid for before the other Colonies had joined in Support of Boston; but I suppose I am wrong as so many others think otherwise. However upon this occasion I can’t help mentioning, that at a very full Meeting of Gentlemen at York realting to the Middlesex Election there were only two, one a namesake of mine, who dissented from the whole Assembly; consequently their opinions were very unpopular. And yet I have lived [to]

see some coming over to their opinion and as strongly of their opinion; two of them at least, Mr Harrison and Mr Grayson, as ever they were of a contrary one. This Example (if this Assembly were mistaken) would serve to shew, if there were not Many Instances in History where large Bodies of Men have been mistaken, that a Man, however doubtful he may become when he perceives a great Number to think otherwise, ought not to be too hasty in giving up his opinion.
I am been uneasy to find, that any one should look upon the Letter sent down as repugnant to the principle we were contending for; and therefore when You have leisure I shall take it as a Favor if you will let me know wherein it was thought so. I must make an Apology for these long Letters which I trouble you with. I have scarce passed a day without anxious thoughts upon the Subject. I beg leave to look upon you as a Friend and it is a great Relief to unbosom ones thoughts to a Friend; besides, the Information and Correction to my Errors I may obtain from a Correspondence is a great Inducement to it; For I am convinced that no Man in the Colony wishes it’s Prosperity more, would go Greater Lengths to serve it, nor is at the same time a better Subject to the Crown. Pray excuse these Compliments—They may be tolerable in a Friend.
I can’t recollect any Expression that could give any Reason for the Supposition just mentioned. As to Taxes I never was of opinion that the Parliament had a Right to impose them, and hardly ever had a Doubt upon the Subject of their taking our Money from us without our Consent; Tho’ as to the Duty on Tea I never was so clear in opinion as to sign any Paper in opposition to the Right; but as it is certainly unjust, I may refuse to trade with a Nation exercising that Injustice even if the Right was ever so clear. But I don’t remember that I mentioned any doubts upon the Subject. Since I got so far I have been reading King James’s Charters to the first Virginia Companys at the End of Stith’s History; there is one Expression in the 2d Charter a little different from the Quotation of it which I have in the House, and which I can’t understand perfectly, at least without considering a subsequent Clause. Sect. 19. And for their further Encouragement, of our special Grace and Favour, we do, by these presents, for Us, our Heirs & Successors, Yield and Grant, to and with the said Treasurer and Company, and their Successors, and every

of them, their Factors and Assigns, that they and every of them shall be free of all Subsidies and Customs in Virginia, for the Space of one & twenty years, and from all Taxes and Impositions, for ever, (here the Quotatio⟨n⟩ stops) upon any Goods or Merchandises, at any time or times hereafter, either upon Importation thither, or exportation from thence, into to our Realm of England, or into any other of our Realms or Dominions, by the said Treasurer and Company, and their Successors &c: Except only the five pounds ⅌Cent due for Custom, upon all such goods and Merchandises, as shall be brought or imported into our Realm of England, or any other of these our Dominion⟨s⟩ according to the ancient Trade of Merchants; &c. In the 21st Sect. are these words (after directing what duties Strangers and foreigners are to pay over & above such Subsidy and Custom as the said Treasurer and Company, or their Successors, is, or hereafter shall be, to pay) And the same Sums of Money and Benefit as aforesaid for and during the Space of one and twenty years, shall be wholly employed to the Benefit, Use, and Behoof of the said Colony and Plantation; And after the said one and twenty years ended, the same shall be taken to the use of Us, our heirs and Successors, by such Officers and Ministers, as by us our heirs and Successors, shall be thereunto assigned and appointed, as is specified in the said former Letters Patents.
I shall be glad of your opinion upon this. If you would read over all the Charters anew some Thoughts might occur on both sides of the Question. The distinction that was made some years ago in the Colonies between the Right to impose Duties for the Regulation of Trade which has been allowed, and the Right to impose Duties for raising a Revenue I don’t understand so well as I wish to do, tho’ I can see a great difference between the propriety or Justice in laying a small Duty or Duties for the former purpose, and a declared, or apparent Intention to raise a considerable Revenue by decrees.
There is a new opinion now lately advanced in Virginia that the Parliament have no Right to make any or scarce any Laws binding on the Colonies. It has given me much Uneasiness. For altho’ I wish as much as any one that we were legally exempted from it, yet I hold it clearly that we ought to abide by our Constitution. The common Consent and Acquiescence in the Colonies for such a Length of time is to me a clear Proof of their having

a Right. And altho’ it is said that it has only been exercised in Matters of Trade, it will be found to be a Mistake. The Act for the Alteration of the Style was unquestionably received and assented to. The Act for the Regulation of the Post-Office, I mean the first Act: the Act empowering Officers to enlist Servants just imported, and to pay the Owners for them; the Acts relating to the Provincial Troops the last War &c. have no Relation to Trade; but they were enacted when the Act of any single Assembly could not have answered the End. And upon these occasions they have been passed without the least Objection that ever I heard to the contrary. When I first heard the Subject of Taxation mentioned, a Tax was talked of to be laid by Parliament on the Lands in America. Colo. Mason who was present spoke as much as usual upon the Subject, upon the Impriety I believe of taxing Infant Colonies, and the nature or excessiveness of it compared to the value of Lands &c. but I did not hear him make one Objection as to the Right of Parliament: When I came afterwards to hear the Right called in Question I recollected the Conversation, and was surprised that I had not heard a Man of his understanding and readiness to find fault with every thing irregular, take Notice of it; And tho’ he may not have considered the Matter as a new point, yet it is a proof that the Idea of the Parliament having no Right to make any Laws for us had not ever entered into his Mind before. I saw Colo. Richard Henry Lee act as a Justice of the peace under the Act relating to Servants, and insist upon the Right he had to act on Shipboard because the Act of Parliament had given power to all Justices in America to act without confining them to their respective Counties. I have often heard mention made of uniting some of the Colonies by Act of Parliament, of some in Pennsylvania having thoughts of petitioning to have their Charter abrogated and a new Government formed; And all this without any Objection to the Right; which looks to me like a common Consent. But I am almost Unwilling to advance any Opinion now. I shou’d not, but in hopes that you will give me yours upon this Point.
By the first Charter granted to Virginia, the Council were to govern the Colony according to such Laws Ordinances and Instructions as they were to receive from the Crown. By the second Charter they were to be governed by such Laws Orders &c. as should be made by the Council for the Colony appointed in & to reside in London; who were to make ordain and establish

all Manner of Laws, Orders, Directions, Instructions, forms and Ceremonies of Governmt and Magistracy, fit and necessary for the said Colony; and the first government was annulled. Pursuant to these Charters and the third the Council and Company in England made an Ordinance for holding an Assembly in Virginia, with power to make Laws, in the year 1721—with a proviso that no Law made was to be in force till it had obtained their Assent at Home.
When I have considered these Disputes I have often wished to know the Sentiments of the first Settlers here. In Capt. Smith’s History there is mention of Taxes by the Parliament, and some one in Virginia, makes the same Objections to it as we do at this day. Much about the same time I perceive that the Assembly had petitioned the Parliament for Relief; They thought themselves ill used by the King. I am mistaken in saying that the Assembly petitioned. It was the Company at Home petitioned, being encouraged it is said by the Parliament having taken the Case of the Plantation Tobacco in Consideration. The Assembly petitioned the King to continue and even farther to confirm the Government, under which they then lived. But if the Government must be altered they desired &c. and in their Letter to the Lords of the Council they expressed a Desire that the Governors sent over might not have absolute Authority, but might be restrained to the Consent of the Council; and that they might still retain the liberty of their general Assemblies. This was the Style & Situation of our Ancestors in the Infancy of the Colony. The English Government was a long time arriving to Maturity also. I don’t think the Constitution was properly settled till the Revolution. And then immediately were sown the Seeds of it’s Ruin. The Parliament then first began to borrow Money and consume in one year the amount of some year’s Taxes. And within ten or twelve years Corruption was introduced in order to keep out the Tory Interest. I am very sorry we happen to differ in opinion. I hope however that our Sentiments will again coincide as in other Matters: I wish they could with regard ⟨to Sto⟩ring the Goods. Perhaps it is only intended as a Threat to the Mer⟨chants⟩ But if it is otherwise, and they should send any over, I am afraid ⟨that we shd lie⟩ at the Mercy or Generosity of those Merchants whether they ⟨will apply to⟩ Government for Troops to release those Goods or not. If the End could be answered otherwise it would be better. If there was Virtue enough

in the Country to abstain from only half the Goods commonly consumed it might probably answer in a few years. If every man of Influence would encourage his Neighbour to persevere perhaps we might hold out; especially if the Names of those Merchants should be published who sell or import contrary to the Desire of the general Sense of the Country; As it might prevent others from doing the like. I am sorry to hear what you Mention of General Gage. I did not imagine he had been so weak as to call Resolutions not to trade with Great Britain by the name of Treason.
I must again apologize for this Letter, hoping You’l excuse it and believe that I am with great Regard Dear Sir Your most obedt Servt

Bryan Fairfax


Title: To George Washington from Robert McMickan, 8 August 1774 [letter not found]
From: McMickan, Robert
To: Washington, George

Letter not found: from Robert McMickan, 8 Aug. 1774. GW wrote McMickan on 7 Jan. 1775: “Your Letters of . . . 8th of Augt . . . are all before me.”


Title: From George Washington to Richard Henry Lee, 9 August 1774
From: Washington, George
To: Lee, Richard Henry

Dr Sir,
Fredg Augt 9th 1774.

If this Letter should (though I do not See any probable chance of it) reach your hands in time, it is to ask, if you do not

think it necessary that the Deputies from this Colony should be provided with authentick Lists of our Exports, & Imports generally, but more especially to Great Britain? and, in that case, to beg of you to obtain such from the Custom House Offices on Potomack & Rappa.; as I have desird the Speaker, if he should think it expedient, & might not have thought of it, to do from York & James River. I have got an Acct (though not a certified one) from Mr Wythe of our Number of Taxables in the year 1770, since Increas’d (Archy Cary says) at least 10,000, as would have appeard by the Lists returnd in May, if the Session had gone on. I am with esteem—Dr Sir Yr Most obedt Servt

Go: Washington

P.S. If you should travel to Phila. by Land, instead of water, I should be glad of your Company—Mr Henry & Colo. Pendleton are to be at my House on their way Tuesday the 30th Instt.