Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Madame de Caradeux Lecaye, 6 March 1803
From: Caradeux Lecaye, Madame de
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Duplicata
Puorto-Rico Ce 6 mars 1803

Qu’il m’est peinible d’avoir à vous apprendre par Cette lettre, Monsieur le Général, que je N’ai plus l’éspoire de revoir mes Amis de l’Amérique comme je m’en flattois pour ce Printems; Vous qui avez été témoins de mes regrets en les quittant, Vous jugerez aisement de mon Chagrin d’être obligée de renoncer au doux espoire de ma réunion avec eux, je ne Croyois pas pouvoir le Sentir aussi vivement, après avoir eu l’ame froissée par tous les malheurs que j’ai éprouvés depuis que j’ai quitté votre Pays, mais mon Amitié pour eux, me rappelle en ce moment, toute ma Sensibilité et me laisse à peine le Courage de leur anoncer cette Nouvelle. Vous Savez, Monsieur, les Mesures que je devois prendre pour m’assurer un Sort à l’abrit du besoin et exempt d’inquiétudes relativement aux affaires de mon Mari. il faloit pour Cela que je me rendisses à St Domingue, mais les Cruels évenements qui se Sont encore passés dans ce trop malheureux Pays, ont empêchés mon Voyage: j’étois à la Veille de l’effectuer quand j’ai Su à tems le danger que j’allois Courir. Ma Séparation de Biens avec mon Mari N’ayant pu avoir lieu par l’impossibilité de me rendre près de lui, je reste donc dans la même position relativement à ses Créanciers. Mrs Kemble et Gouverneur, Murray, Jobert, de New-york, Sont de ce Nombre pour quinze à Seize mille gourdes. Si j’allois vivre dans la même Ville qu’eux, j’aurois Continuellement à Craindre qu’ils prissent de l’humeur de ne point voir arriver un terme à leur payement et que je n’en devinsses Victime, pour ce qui assure mon existance en ce moment; j’y tiens plus que jamais étant persuadée maintenant, que St. Domingue est entierement perdu pour Cette génération, et que je N’aurai plus rien de ma fortune. je me résigne en conséquance à vivre ignorée dans mes bois de Puorto-rico, plutôt que d’aller ecxiter la pitié de mes amis, Soit par une jeune humilliante ou par les risques des désagréments que je Serois dans le Cas dessuyer: Vous me Connoissez assez pour Savoir ce que je Souffrirois d’une pareille position. je N’ai pu avoir que deux mille cinq Cents gourdes de mon frere; je vais les employer avec les dix que j’ai en Amerique pour établir une terre, Sous le nom de mon beau frere: ce moïen m’assure une jolie fortune dans trois ans. C’est Sans doute l’achetter bien Cher, par Cette exile, mais la nécéssité est un Maître bien impérieux. Si vous Connaissiez ma vie dans ce Pays vous m’en pleindriez, car elle est très triste. je Suis absolument retirée du peu de Société qu’il y auroit à voir, je m’occupes beaucoup de mes affaires et des Soins Nécéssaire à mes malheureux Neveux et Niece et Voilà comme je passe mon tems; aussi vous ne reconnoitriez pas mon Caractaire, je Suis aussi triste que vous m’avez Connue gay. Donnez-moi je vous prie, quelques-fois des marques de votre Souvenir, elles me Seront Toujours précieuses, je ne puis jamais oublier les marques d’interet, que vous et Votre famille m’avez témoigné avec tant de bonté. Veuillez Monsieur, parler Souvent de moi à ma chere Kitty; diteslui bien que je ne l’oublierai jamais, elle et Son bonheur m’occupes plus qu’elle ne pense peut être. je ne vous dis rien pour Mme hamilton, lui écrivant par Cette même occasion. une des grandes peines que j’éprouve ici est de ne pouvoir pas donner de mes Nouvelles à mes amis Sans les plus grandes difficultées, et d’être si entierrement privée des leurs. les Amériquins N’ont aucunes relations avec ce Paÿs. je Suis obligée d’envoyer mes lettres à St. Thomas et Ste. Croix. on est je vous assure mort au monde ici: je ne vous parlerai pas davantage de ce Peuple, il n’en mérite pas la piene, mais le Paÿs est parfaitement tranquil et offre de grandes ressources pour faire fortune, quant on a Cependant quelques moïens. on dit ici que vous allez avoir une guerre avec les français; C’est nous la déclarer aussi: on prétend que nous ne pouvons qu’y gagner dans Cette îsle, je ne dois donc pas vous en faire de reproches. Comment va Votre Politique? je voudrois bien apprendre un grand Succès pour vous et votre Parti. nous ne lisons pas une gazette dans ce Paÿs, ou n’en fait même pas l’apparance d’une; on ne parle que Caffé et Sucre, jugez de notre Stupidité? que je regrette l’amérique, Monsieur! il ne Se passe pas de jours que je n’y pense dix fois et ne lui donnes autant de regrets. pouvois-je Croire tout ce qui S’est passé depuis que je l’ai quitté! je ne pouvois pas Croire que les français qui avoient Conquis tous les peuples, Succomberoient à la Conquête de St. Domingue. Adieu, Monsieur le Général, Voilà une longue lettre; je Crains de m’être trop livrée au plaisir de Causer avec vous Sans avoir assez Consultez vos affaires, mais je Compte Sur votre indulgance comme Sur Votre Amitié, quand à la mienne, elle vous est acquise pour la vie, par beaucoup de droits: je vous prie d’en recevoir l’assurance Sincère ainsi que Celle de mon estime distinguée.

P.S. je vais écrire cette lettre par duplicata dans l’éspoire qu’il vous en arrivera une: depuis mon départ de New york, je n’ai eu la Satisfaction d’en recevoir qu’une de vous, quoique je vous en aye ecrit au moins dix. adressez moi vos lettres chez Messieurs Rio Deville et Cie. à St. Thomas.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, 6 March 1803
From: Pinckney, Charles Cotesworth
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Charleston [South Carolina] March 6th: 1803
My dear Sir:

I wrote you a few lines yesterday, and sent you some water melon seeds & musk melon seeds by the brig Charleston packett Samuel Wasson master which sails this morning. I intend sending you some more by the Sloop Industry Capt: Mattocks who will sail on tuesday next. I formerly sent some to Mrs: Washington at Mount Vernon; but she told me they did not answer so well as some she got in the neighbourhood: perhaps had she planted the seeds from the melons which were produced from the Carolina seed the subsequent year, they would have adapted themselves to the Climate and produced good fruit. It was by this means we obtained our fine Cotton which has been of such advantage to our state; the first year it produced but three or four pods, by planting the seeds of those pods the second year, they produced thirty, & by following the same method the third year they were thoroughly naturalized & bore from 150 to 200 pods. I will also send you by the Industry a few seeds of the salvia coccinea or scarlet sage which I believe you have not with you, and of the Erythrina herbacea or coral shrub, also a few seeds of the Ipomoea quamoclit or Indian Creeper, & some of a beautiful purple convolvulus.
I will endeavour to obtain some Peroquets for Miss Hamilton; I have not seen any for some years; ours are the large kind, by no means equal in beauty to the small african species.
Does there not appear to be a great want of nerve & energy in the measures our Rulers are adopting? They are not calculated to avoid war, & we shall have to encounter it in a shameful state of unpreparedness. Yet such is the infatuation of the people that antifederalism certainly gains ground in this state, which can only exist by a strong union & firm government.
Mrs: Pinckney unites with me in best respects to Mrs: Hamilton, and I always am
Yrs very sincerely

Charles Cotesworth Pinckney
General Hamilton

The musk-melon seed by the Industry are a variety of different seeds which I have collected from different persons & are very fine.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Elizabeth Hamilton, [13 March 1803]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Hamilton, Elizabeth

Grange [New York] Sunday [March 13, 1803]

Captain Church, My Dear Betsy, has just arrived & brings me favourable accounts of your journey hitherto and prospects. It is a great comfort to me and I hope will not be marred by bad weather; so that you may all speedily arrive and without too much fatigue to sooth and console your affected Father. Now you are all gone and I have no effort to make to keep up your spirits, my distress on his account and for the loss we have all sustained is very poignant. God grant that no new disaster may befal us; entreat your father to take care of himself for our sakes, and do you take care of yourself for mine.
Love to your sisters & much love for yourself

A H

I write your father by this opportunity & press him to accompany you back with Kitty. This appears to me a sine qua non. Your Sister & you must not be refused.

Adieu


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Philip Schuyler, 13 March 1803
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Schuyler, Philip

[New York, March 13, 1803. On March 13, 1803, Hamilton wrote to Elizabeth Hamilton: “I write your father by this opportunity.” Letter not found.]


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Philip Schuyler, 16–17 March 1803
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Schuyler, Philip

[New York, March 16–17, 1803. On March 16–17, 1803, Hamilton wrote to Elizabeth Hamilton: “I write your father by this oppy.” Letter not found.]


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Elizabeth Hamilton, 20 March [1803]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Hamilton, Elizabeth

Sunday Evening March 20 [1803]
Grange [New York]

I am here my beloved Betsy with my two little boys John & William who will be my bed fellows to night. The day I have passed was as agreeable as it could be in your absence; but you need not be told how much difference your presence would have made. Things are now going on here pretty and pretty briskly. I am making some innovations which I am sure you will approve.
The remainder of the Children were well yesterday. Eliza pouts and plays, and displays more and more her ample stock of Caprice.
I am anxious to hear of your arrival at Albany & shall be glad to be informed that Your Father and all of you are composed. I pray you to exert yourself & I repeat my exhortation that you will bear in mind it is your business to comfort and not to distress.
Remember me particularly to your Aunt Cochran & to my good old friend the Doctor if with you.
Adieu my precious Betsy

A H
Mrs. H


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Richard Hartshorne, [23 March 1803]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Hartshorne, Richard

[New York, March 23, 1803]

I understand that our Supreme Court has decided that the Plaintiff is liable to the Sheriff for his poundage. The agents of Mr. Sansom are therefore to pay the above.

A Hamilton
March 23. 1803
Mr. Richard Hartshorne


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from John V. Henry, 29 March 1803
From: Henry, John V.
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[Albany, March 29, 1803. Henry’s endorsement on Hamilton’s letter to him of March 20, 1803, reads: “Recd 26 ⟨ansd⟩ 29 ⅌ mail.” Letter not found.]


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Marquis de Lafayette, [31 March 1803]
From: Lafayette, Marie-Joseph-Paul-Yves-Roch-Gilbert du Motier, marquis de
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Paris Germinal the 10th. 11th year [March 31, 1803]
My dear hamilton

I would like by this opportunity to write to you a long letter, but having been Laying on my back for two months past, and being for three weeks to come, doomed to the same situation, I must confine myself to a few lines written near my bed. The particulars of the accident and his cure will be given to you by General Bernadotte, whom I must particularly introduce and his lady to Mrs. Hamilton and to you. Politics I will not dwell upon. My sentiments are so well Known to you that it were superfluous to say what I think of senatus-consulta at home, and settling colonies in North America. Yet I hope this late affair may still be arranged to mutual satisfaction, and I am sure nobody could have better personal disposition than my friend General Bernadotte, who to those high and brilliant abilities which have so much contributed to ⟨the⟩ triumph of the french arms, joins one of the most civic, generous, ⟨and⟩ candid hearts, it is possible to meet with. I Know he sets a great value by the approbation of the citizens of America, and is particularly desirous of your acquaintance, and properly sensible of its advantages.

I have seen in the papers a letter from you relative to the transactions at our Yorktown redoubt in which I have found my friend hamilton’s whole caracter, and the more pleased I have been to receive it, as the attack had been for some time known to me, but on the proposal of some friends to write to you, I had answered you were on the spot, and would know better what was best for me to be done.
Adieu my dear friend, my best respects to Mrs. hamilton, remember me to our friends, I Know you are most friendly interested in my private concerns, and have ever depended upon it.
most affectionately I am your constant friend

Lafayette
Gen. hamilton


Title: Account of Louis Le Guen, [1 April 1803]
From: Le Guen, Louis
To:

[New York, April 1, 1803]

Louis Le Guen Esqr.
To A Hamilton Dr

For retainer to Van Vechten & Spencer
100

Cr

By interest received from J L from the 13 of May 1802 to the 1 of April 1803
 185.50

Ballance due from L L Guen Ds
— 85.50

Recu. L. Le Guen


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Nathaniel Terry, 2 April 1803
From: Terry, Nathaniel
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[Hartford, April 2, 1803. On April 21, 1803, Hamilton wrote to Terry and referred to “Your letter of the 2d instant.” Letter not found.]


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Timothy Pickering, 5 April 1803
From: Pickering, Timothy
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Salem (Massachusetts) April 5. 1803.
Dear Sir,

The assertion of the Jacobins, that you are an aristocrat & a Monarchist, is not new: But at a late meeting of the sect in this town, one of their leaders declared “That General Hamilton proposed (&, it was understood, advocated) in the general Convention, That the President of the United States, and the Senators, should be chosen for life: That this was intended as an introduction to Monarchy: And that the Federalists of this county (Essex) had adopted General Hamilton’s plan.”
Your friends here (who are the real friends of their country) are very desirous of knowing the fact. If you did not make and advocate that proposition, it will be useful to have it known, & the Jacobin lie contradicted. If the proposition was offered in the Convention, your friends will know to what motives to ascribe it; and that, whatever form of Government you may have suggested for consideration, the public welfare, and the permanent liberty of your country, were not less the objects of pursuit with you, than with the other members of the Convention.
Your answer will gratify me and your numerous friends here. Such use only shall be made of it as you shall prescribe. And as I shall be absent [for about] four weeks from this time, have the goodness to direct your letter to me, under cover to my nephew Samuel Putnam Esqr. of Salem.
I am, as ever,   truly & respectfully yours,

Timothy Pickering.
General Hamilton


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Edward Pennington, 6 April 1803
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Pennington, Edward

[New York, April 6, 1803. Letter listed in dealer’s catalogue. Letter not found.]


Title: Articles of Association of the Merchants’ Bank, [7 April 1803]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To:

[New York, April 7, 1803]

To all to whom these Presents shall come, or in any wise concern. Be it known and made manifest, that we, the Subscribers, have formed a Company or limited Partnership, and do hereby associate and agree with each other, to conduct business in the manner hereinafter specified and described, by and under the name and style of the “Merchants’ Bank,” and we do hereby mutually covenant, declare and agree, that the following are and shall be the fundamental Articles of this our Association and agreement with each other, by which we and all persons who at any time hereafter may transact business with the said Company, shall be bound and concluded.
I. The Capital Stock of the said Company shall consist of One Million Two Hundred and Fifty Thousand Dollars, in Money of the United States. The said Capital Stock shall be divided into Shares of Fifty Dollars each: two Dollars and fifty Cents on each Share shall be paid at the time of subscribing, and the remainder shall be paid at such times, and in such proportions as the board of Directors shall order and appoint, under pain of forfeiting to the said Company the said Shares, and all previous payments thereon: but no payment shall be required, unless by a notice to be published for at least fifteen days, in two newspapers printed in the City of New-York.
II. The affairs of the said company, shall be conducted by sixteen Directors, who shall elect one of their number to be the president thereof, and nine of the Directors shall form a board or quorum for transacting all the business of the company, except ordinary discounts, which it shall be in the power of any five of the Directors to perform, of whom the President shall always be one, except in case of his sickness or necessary absence, when his place may be supplied by any other Director, whom he by writing under his hand, shall nominate for that purpose; and until the second Tuesday in June, one thousand eight hundred and four, Oliver Wolcott, Richard Varick, Peter Jay Munro, Joshua Sands, Thomas Storm, William W. Woolsey, John Hone, John Kane, Joshua Jones, Robert Gilchrist, Wynant Van Zandt, Jun., Isaac Bronson, James Roosevelt, John Swartwout, Henry I. Wyckoff, and Isaac Hicks shall be Directors of the said Company; the Directors from and after that period, shall be elected for one year by the Stockholders, for the time being, and each Director shall be a Stockholder at the time of his election, and shall cease to be a Director if he should cease to be a Stockholder: and the number of votes which each Stockholder shall be entitled to, shall be equal to the number of shares which he shall have held on the books of the company, for at least sixty days prior to the election; and all stockholders shall vote at elections by ballot, either personally or by proxy; to be made in such form as the board of Directors may appoint.
III. A General Meeting of the Stockholders of the Company shall be holden upon the first Tuesday of June, in every year, (excepting in June now next ensuing) at such place as the Board of Directors shall appoint, by notice, to be published in two newspapers printed in the City of New-York, at least fifteen days previous to such meeting, for the purpose of electing Directors for the ensuing year, who shall take their seats at the Board on the second Tuesday in the same month of June and immediately proceed to elect the President.
IV. The board of Directors, are hereby fully empowered to make, revise, and alter or amend, all such rules, bye laws, and regulations, for the government of the company, and that of their officers, servants and affairs, as they, or a majority of them, shall from time to time think expedient, not inconsistent with law, or these articles of association; and to use, employ, and dispose of the joint stock, funds or property of the said Company (subject only to the restrictions hereinafter contained) as to them, or a majority of them, shall seem expedient.
V. All bills, bonds, notes, and every contract and engagement on behalf of the Company, shall be signed by the president; and countersigned or attested, by the cashier of the company; and the funds of the company shall in no case be held responsible for any contract or engagement whatever, unless the same shall be so signed and countersigned, or attested as aforesaid.
VI. The books, papers, correspondence and funds of the company, shall at all times, be subject to the inspection of the directors.
VII. The said board of Directors, shall have power to appoint a cashier, and all other officers and servants, for executing the business of the company; and to establish the compensations to be paid to the president and all other officers and servants of the company respectively; all which, together with all other necessary expenses, shall be defrayed out of the funds of the company.
VIII. A majority of the Directors, shall have power to call a general meeting of the Stockholders, for purposes relative to the concerns of the Company; giving at least thirty days notice, in two of the public Newspapers printed in the city of New-York, and specifying in such notice the object or objects of such meeting.
IX. The Shares of Capital Stock, at any time owned by any individual Stockholder, shall be transferable on the books of the Company, according to such rules, as conformable to law, may be established in that behalf, by the Board of Directors; but all debts actually due and payable to the Company, by a Stockholder requesting a transfer, must be satisfied before such transfer shall be made, unless the Board of Directors shall direct to the contrary.
X. No transfer of Stock in this Company, shall be considered as binding upon the Company, unless made in a book or books, to be kept for that purpose by the Company. And it is hereby further expressly agreed and declared, that any Stockholder, who shall transfer in manner aforesaid, all his Stock or Shares in this Company, to any other person or persons whatever, shall ipso facto cease to be a member of this Company; and that any person or persons whatever, who shall accept a transfer of any Stock or Share in this Company, shall ipso facto become and be a member of this Company, according to these articles of association.
XI. It is hereby expressly and explicitly declared, to be the object and intention of the persons who associate under the style or firm of the “Merchants’ Bank,” that the joint stock or property of the said Company (exclusive of dividends to be made in the manner hereinafter mentioned) shall alone be responsible for the Debts and engagements of the said Company. And that no person, who shall or may deal with this Company, or to whom they shall or may become in anywise indebted, shall on any pretence whatever have recourse against the separate property of any present or future member of this Company, or against their persons, further than may be necessary to secure the faithful application of the Funds thereof, to the purposes to which by these presents they are liable. But all persons accepting any Bond, Bill, Note or other Contract of this Company, signed by the President, and countersigned or attested by the Cashier of the Company, for the time being, or dealing with it in any other manner whatsoever, thereby respectively give credit to the said joint stock or property of the said Company, and thereby respectively disavow having recourse, on any pretence whatever, to the person or separate property of any present or future member of this Company, except as above mentioned. And all suits to be brought against this Company, (if any shall be) shall be brought against the President for the time being; and in case of his death or removal from office, pending any such suit against him, measures shall be taken at the expense of the Company for substituting his successor in office as a defendant; so that persons having demands upon the Company, may not be prejudiced or delayed by that event, or if the persons suing, shall go on against the person first named as defendant, (notwithstanding his death or removal from office) this Company shall take no advantage by writ of error, or otherwise, of such proceeding, on that account; and all recoveries had in manner aforesaid, shall be conclusive upon the Company, so far as to render the company’s said joint stock or property liable thereby, and no further; and the Company shall immediately pay the amount of such recovery out of their joint stock, but not otherwise. And in case of any suit at law, the President shall sign his appearance upon the writ, or file common bail thereto; it being expressly understood and declared, that all persons dealing with the said Company, agree to these terms, and are to be bound thereby.
XII. Dividends of the profits of the Company, or of so much of the said profits as shall be deemed expedient and proper, shall be declared and paid half yearly during the months of May and November in every year, and shall from time to time be determined by a majority of the said Directors, at a meeting to be held for that purpose, and shall in no case exceed the amount of the net profits actually acquired by the Company; so that the Capital Stock of the Company shall never be impaired by Dividends; and at the expiration of every three years, from the first Tuesday of June next, a dividend of surplus profits shall be made, but the Directors shall be at liberty to retain at least one per cent upon the capital, as a fund for future contingencies.
XIII. If the said Directors shall at any time, wilfully and knowingly, make or declare, any dividend which shall impair the said Capital Stock, all the Directors present at the making or declaring such dividend, and consenting thereto, shall be liable, in their individual capacities, to the Company, for the amount or proportion of the said Capital Stock, so divided by the said Directors. And each Director who shall be present at the making or declaring of such dividend, shall be deemed to have consented thereto, unless he shall immediately enter, in writing, his dissent, on the minutes of the proceedings of the Board, and give public notice to the Stockholders, that such dividend has been declared.
XIV. These Articles of Agreement shall be published in at least three newspapers, printed in the City of New-York, for one month; and for the further information of all persons, who may transact business with, or in any manner give Credit to this Company, every Bond, Bill, Note, or other instrument or contract, by the effect or terms of which, the Company may be charged or held liable, for the payment of money, shall specially declare, in such form as the board of directors shall prescribe, that payment shall be made out of the joint funds of the Merchants’ Bank, according to the present articles of association, and not otherwise; and a copy of the eleventh article of this association, shall be inserted in the bank book of every person depositing money, or other valuable property, with the Company, for safe custody, or a printed copy shall be delivered to every such person, before any such deposit shall be received from him. And it is hereby expressly declared, that no engagement can be legally made in the name of the said Company, unless it contain a limitation or restriction, to the effect above recited. And the Company hereby expressly disavow all responsibility, for any debt or engagement, which may be made in their name, not containing a limitation or restriction to the effect aforesaid.
XV. The Company shall in no case be owners of any ships or vessels, or directly or indirectly concerned in trade, or the importation or exportation, purchase or sale of any goods, wares, or merchandise whatever (bullion only excepted) unless by selling such goods, wares, and merchandise, as shall be truly pledged to them, by way of security for debts due to the said company.
XVI. If a vacancy shall at any time happen among the Directors, by death, resignation, or otherwise, the residue of the Directors, for the time being, shall immediately elect a Director, to fill the said vacancy, until the next election of Directors, to be made according to the second article of these presents.
XVII. This association shall continue until the first Tuesday of June, one thousand eight hundred and fifteen, and no longer; but the proprietors of two thirds of the capital stock of the Company, may by their concurring votes, at a general meeting to be called for that express purpose, dissolve the same at any prior period; provided, that notice of such meeting, and of its object, shall be published in at least three newspapers, to be printed in the City of New-York, for at least six months previous to the time appointed for such meeting.
XVIII. Immediately on any dissolution of this association, effectual measures shall be taken by the Directors then existing, for closing all the concerns of the Company, and for dividing the capital and profits, which may remain, among the Stockholders, in proportion to their respective interests.
In Witness Whereof, we have hereunto set our names or firms the Seventh Day of April, one thousand eight hundred and three.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Ernst Frederich von Walterstorff, 20 April 1803
From: Walterstorff, Ernst Frederich von
To: Hamilton, Alexander

St. Croix 20th. April 1803
Dear General,

When I received Your favr. of the 5th August I certainly did not think that I should postpone so long answering it and returning You my thanks for this proof of Your kind remembrance. I shall offer You no appology for it because there is none that would be satisfactory to myself. I beg You only to be assured, dear General, that there is not a character in America for whom I feel a greater regard and respect than that of General Hamilton, whose talents will no doubt soon again be called into action to the honor and advantage of his Country.
Our amiable friend Madame de Caradeux is at present at St. Thomas, but will soon return to Puerto rico, where She has made a purchase; it has not been in my power to pay her a visit at St. Thomas owing to my departure for Europe which is to take place to-morrow on board our frigate Fredericksteen. I shall do myself the pleasure of writing to You on my arrival in England and give You any ideas on the situation of public affairs and politics.
You would oblige me very much by sending our friend Dr Stevens a copy of Camillus’s letters and of Your later publications, the only copy of Camillus’s letters which I had I once lent to the late Count Bernstorff, who begged of me to let him keep it in his library as a classical work, these were his expressions.
Accept my sincerest wishes for Your happiness and that of Your family, and believe me to be with the greatest regard and the sincerest attachment
Dear General   Your most obedt. and most humble Servt

Walterstorff
General A. HamiltonNew York.


Title: Receipt to Benjamin Tallmadge, [6 May 1803]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Tallmadge, Benjamin

[New York, May 6, 1803]

I Alexander Hamilton of New York acknowledge to have received of Benjamin Tallmadge, Treasurer of the OHIO COMPANY, ninety seven Dollars five cents being the third dividend payable on five Shares in said Company, in the agency of Winthrop Sargent. Dated at New York this sixth Day of May 1803.

A Hamilton


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Jacob Read, 19 May 1803
From: Read, Jacob
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Savannah 19th; May 1803
Sir

I have been applied to by some friends whom I very much regard, to give a few Letters of Introduction to Jas. Hume Esqr; now of this City and who intends in the Course of the summer to Visit the Northern & Eastern States, and I have had the Freedom to give him a Letter to yourself. The Wish I know Mr Hume entertained to be made acquainted with a Gentleman so justly intitled to Celebrity, as General Hamilton is, and the pleasure I know it gives you to receive Strangers of Worth & high Talent, were my Inducements to take the liberty I have. I assure you it will ever give me great pleasure to reciprocate any attentions you may please to shew to my Friend by the like Civilities to any Friend of your’s that may visit my residence whether in the southern states or Elsewhere and I beg on any such occasion you will be pleased to Command me.
Mr Hume was for many years the King’s Attorney General in Georgia during the Royal Government—he was afterwards Chief Justice of E. Florida & lastly Chief Justice of Georgia during the time the State was a second-time under the Royal power.
At the Commencement of the Revolution Mr; Hume being of the King’s Council, was ordered off by the Committee of safety & he retired to England where he remained ’till appointed to the Bench in Florida. Notwhthstanding his obedience to the mandate & a Conduct truly liberal mild & Correct Governor O’Howley, (of whom you may have heard & Who by the bye was as great a Scoundrel as ever disgraced humanity) put this Gentleman on His Act of banishment & Confiscated his Estates. This Act of Injustice to so good & honorable a Man the Legislature have Corrected & Relieved Mr Hume from the pains & penalties of Mr OHowley’s Law.
Mr Hume having acquired very large Estates in Lands & Negroes in this State has lately come over from Scotland where he has many years resided at his own Estate, Carroll Side, near Edinburgh & will pass some time in the United States. He is now on his first Visit to the Northern & Eastern States—for altho’ a Carolinian by Birth Mr Hume (as most of us formerly were) was Educated in Britain & took his Degree at the Middle Temple. I have been thus Minute to make you Acquainted with the whole Facts Relating to the Gentleman I have taken leave to introduce to your acquaintance, and I ask for him a small share of that Notice & of those attentions which you so readily bestow on Strangers of merit. Mr Hume is accompanied by his Lady who is of one of the most reputable old Families of Georgia. They have no family.
I hope in the Course of a few Weeks to have the pleasure of seeing you in New York, where I expect to join Mrs; Read, & of once more assuring my Friends in person of My high Respect & Esteem for them.
I have the Honour to remain   Dear Sir   Your most obedt Huml. Srvt

Jacob Read
The HonlMajr: Genl; HamiltonNew York


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from John B. Graves, 31 May 1803
From: Graves, John B.
To: Hamilton, Alexander

New York, May 31, 1803. States that he is acting on behalf of George Scriba who wishes to procure a mortgage in Europe on land in New York State. Requests Hamilton’s opinion on “whether European citizens can hold in their own right a mortgage on real Estate and likewise in case of purchase, if they can hold real Estate in their own name and dispose of it.”


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Henry William De Saussure, 9 June 1803
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Saussure, Henry William De

[New York, June 9, 1803. On August 6, 1803, De Saussure wrote to Hamilton: “I received your favor of the 9th June.” Letter not found.]


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to John B. Graves, 9 June 1803
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Graves, John B.

New York, June 9, 1803. Gives his opinion concerning Graves’s legal questions and states: “Having myself lands in the vicinity of those of Mr. Scriba, I have occasionally received some information concerning the latter.… Some of my lands are now selling to settlers at the rate of three Dollars per acre.”


Title: Enclosure: Alexander Hamilton and Nicholas Low to Daniel Ludlow, 17 June 1803
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Low, Nicholas
To: Ludlow, Daniel

New York June 17th. 1803
Dr. Sir

It is now a considerable length of time since we became with you Trustees for the Creditors of Isaac Moses & Co and Samuel and Moses Meyers; and we feel anxious that the affairs of this trust should be finally closed. We therefore request that you will be good enough to communicate to us the present situation of this business and especially a statement of the funds, if any, which may remain in your hands unapplied, together with the obstacles, if any, which are in the way of a definitive settlement of the Trust. The full confidence we have in your punctuality and care assures us that the wish we have expressed can be speedily complied with.
With great esteem & regard   We are Dr Sir   Yr Obed servts

Daniel Ludlow Esq


Title: Daniel Ludlow to Alexander Hamilton and Nicholas Low, 21 June 1803
From: Ludlow, Daniel
To: Hamilton, Alexander,Low, Nicholas

New York June 21st. 1803

A. Hamilton
}
Esqrs.

N. Low

Sirs

Your favor of the 17th inst. I this day only received and have to assure you that the Settlement of the trust you mention committed to our joint care and under my particular management has been an object I have long had seriously at heart and nothing has prevented the completion thereof on my part but the want of time. The accounts are in hands and nearly arranged, little wanting but leisure to give them a proper examination, this I expect to have next week when they will be laid before you.
I am respectfully   Sirs  Your most obedt. Servt.

D Ludlow


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Thomas Stoughton, 25 June 1803
From: Stoughton, Thomas
To: Hamilton, Alexander

New York, June 25, 1803. Requests Hamilton to inform Dominick Lynch that “after waiting nearly Seven Years to procure a Settlement of our Copartnership Accots … it must now be determined either Amicably or through the medium of the Law.” States that he wrote to Hamilton on November 11, 1797, with “a Statement of Facts, Copy of our Articles and my claims.”


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to William Rawle, 26 June 1803
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Rawle, William

[New York, June 26, 1803. On June 27–July 29, 1803, Rawle wrote to Hamilton: “This morning I received your favor of the 26th. inst.” Letter not found.]


Title: Purchase of Louisiana, [5 July 1803]
From:
To:

[New York, July 5, 1803]

Purchase of Louisiana. At length the business of New-Orleans has terminated favourably to this country. Instead of being obliged to rely any longer on the force of treaties, for a place of deposit, the jurisdiction of the territory is now transferred to our hands and in future the navigation of the Mississippi will be ours unmolested. This, it will be allowed is an important acquisition, not, indeed, as territory, but as being essential to the peace and prosperity of our Western country, and as opening a free and valuable market to our commercial states. This purchase has been made during the period of Mr. Jefferson’s presidency, and, will, doubtless, give eclat to his administration. Every man, however, possessed of the least candour and reflection will readily acknowledge that the acquisition has been solely owing to a fortuitous concurrence of unforseen and unexpected circumstances, and not to any wise or vigorous measures on the part of the American government.
As soon as we experienced from Spain a direct infraction of an important article of our treaty, in withholding the deposit of New-Orleans, it afforded us justifiable cause of war, and authorised immediate hostilities. Sound policy unquestionably demanded of us to begin with a prompt, bold and vigorous resistance against the injustice: to seize the object at once; and having this vantage ground, should we have thought it advisable to terminate hostilities by a purchase, we might then have done it on almost our own terms. This course, however, was not adopted, and we were about to experience the fruits of our folly, when another nation has found it her interest to place the French Government in a situation substantially as favourable to our views and interests as those recommended by the federal party here, excepting indeed that we should probably have obtained the same object on better terms.
On the part of France the short interval of peace had been wasted in repeated and fruitless efforts to subjugate St. Domingo; and those means which were originally destined to the colonization of Louisiana, had been gradually exhausted by the unexpected difficulties of this ill-starred enterprize.
To the deadly climate of St. Domingo, and to the courage and obstinate resistance made by its black inhabitants are we indebted for the obstacles which delayed the colonization of Louisiana, till the auspicious moment, when a rupture between England and France gave a new turn to the projects of the latter, and destroyed at once all her schemes as to this favourite object of her ambition.
It was made known to Bonaparte, that among the first objects of England would be the seizure of New-Orleans, and that preparations were even then in a state of forwardness for that purpose. The First Consul could not doubt, that if an English fleet was sent thither, the place must fall without resistance; it was obvious, therefore, that it would be in every shape preferable that it should be placed in the possession of a neutral power; and when, besides, some millions of money, of which he was extremely in want, were offered him, to part with what he could no longer hold it affords a moral certainty, that it was to an accidental state of circumstances, and not to wise plans, that this cession, at this time, has been owing. We shall venture to add, that neither of the ministers through whose instrumentality it was effected, will ever deny this, or even pretend that previous to the time when a rupture was believed to be inevitable, there was the smallest chance of inducing the First Consul, with his ambitious and aggrandizing views, to commute the territory for any sum of money in their power to offer. The real truth is, Bonaparte found himself absolutely compelled by situation, to relinquish his darling plan of colonising the banks of the Mississippi: and thus have the Government of the United States, by the unforseen operation of events, gained what the feebleness and pusillanimity of its miserable system of measures could never have acquired. Let us then, with all due humility, acknowledge this as another of those signal instances of the kind interpositions of an over-ruling Providence, which we more especially experienced during our revolutionary war, & by which we have more than once, been saved from the consequences of our errors and perverseness.
We are certainly not disposed to lessen the importance of this acquisition to the country, but it is proper that the public should be correctly informed of its real value and extent as well as of the terms on which it has been acquired. We perceive by the newspapers that various & very vague opinions are entertained; and we shall therefore, venture to state our ideas with some precision as to the territory; but until the instrument of cession itself is published, we do not think it prudent to say much as to the conditions on which it has been obtained.
Prior to the treaty of Paris 1763, France claimed the country on both sides of the river under the name of Louisiana, and it was her encroachments on the rear of the British Colonies which gave rise to the war of 1755. By the conclusion of the treaty of 1763, the limits of the colonies of Great Britain and France were clearly and permanently fixed; and it is from that and subsequent treaties that we are to ascertain what territory is really comprehended under the name of Louisiana. France ceded to Great-Britain all the country east and south-east of a line drawn along the middle of the Mississippi from its source to the Iberville, and from thence along that river and the Lakes Maurepas and Pontchartrain to the sea; France retaining the country lying west of the river, besides the town and Island of New-Orleans on the east side. This she soon after ceded to Spain who acquiring also the Floridas by the treaty of 1783, France was entirely shut out from the continent of North America. Spain, at the instance of Bonaparte, ceded to him Louisiana, including the Town and Island (as it is commonly called) of New-Orleans. Bonaparte has now ceded the same tract of country, and this only, to the United States. The whole of East and West-Florida, lying south of Georgia and of the Mississippi Territory, and extending to the Gulf of Mexico, still remains to Spain, who will continue, therefore, to occupy, as formerly, the country along the southern frontier of the United States, and the cast bank of the river, from the Iberville to the American line.
Those disposed to magnify its value will say, that this western region is important as keeping off a troublesome neighbour, and leaving us in the quiet possession of the Mississippi. Undoubtedly this has some force, but on the other hand it may be said, that the acquisition of New-Orleans is perfectly adequate to every purpose; for whoever is in possession of that, has the uncontrouled command of the river. Again, it may be said, and this probably is the most favourable point of view in which it can be placed, that although not valuable to the United States for settlement, it is so to Spain, and will become more so, and therefore at some distant period will form an object which we may barter with her for the Floridas, obviously of far greater value to us than all the immense, undefined region west of the river.
It has been usual for the American writers on this subject to include the Floridas in their ideas of Louisiana, as the French formerly did, and the acquisition has derived no inconsiderable portion of its value and importance with the public from this view of it. It may, however, be relied on, that no part of the Floridas, not a foot of land on the east of the Mississippi, excepting New-Orleans, falls within the present cession. As to the unbounded region west of the Mississippi, it is, with the exception of a very few settlements of Spaniards and Frenchmen bordering on the banks of the river, a wilderness through which wander numerous tribes of Indians. And when we consider the present extent of the United States, and that not one sixteenth part of its territory is yet under occupation, the advantage of the acquisition, as it relates to actual settlement, appears too distant and remote to strike the mind of a sober politician with much force. This, therefore, can only rest in speculation for many years, if not centuries to come, and consequently will not perhaps be allowed very great weight in the account by the majority of readers. But it may be added, that should our own citizens, more enterprizing than wise, become desirous of settling this country, and emigrate thither, it must not only be attended with all the injuries of a too widely dispersed population, but by adding to the great weight of the western part of our territory, must hasten the dismemberment of a large portion of our country, or a dissolution of the Government. On the whole, we think it may with candor be said, that whether the possession at this time of any territory west of the river Mississippi will be advantageous, is at best extremely problematical. For ourselves, we are very much inclined to the opinion, that after all, it is the Island of N. Orleans by which the command of a free navigation of the Mississippi is secured, that gives to this interesting cession, its greatest value, and will render it in every view of immense benefit to our country. By this cession we hereafter shall hold within our own grasp, what we have heretofore enjoyed only by the uncertain tenure of a treaty, which might be broken at the pleasure of another, and (governed as we now are) with perfect impunity. Provided therefore we have not purchased it too dear, there is all the reason for exultation which the friends of the administration display, and which all Americans may be allowed to feel.
As to the pecuniary value of the bargain; we know not enough of the particulars to pronounce upon it. It is understood generally, that we are to assume debts of France to our own citizens not exceeding four millions of dollars; and that for the remainder, being a very large sum, 6 per cent stock to be created, and payment made in that. But should it contain no conditions or stipulations on our part, no “tangling alliances” of all things to be dreaded, we shall be very much inclined to regard it in a favorable point of view though it should turn out to be what may be called a costly purchase. By the way a question here presents itself of some little moment: Mr. Jefferson in that part of his famous electioneering message, where he took so much pains to present a flattering state of the Treasury in so few words that every man could carry it in his noddle and repeat it at the poll, tells us, that “experience too so far authorises us to believe, if no extraordinary event supervenes, and the expences which will be actually incurred shall not be greater than was contemplated by Congress at their last session, that we shall not be disappointed in the expectations formed” that the debt would soon be paid, &c. &c. But the first and only measure of the administration that has really been of any material service to the country (for they have hitherto gone on the strength of the provisions made by their predecessors) is really “an extraordinary event,” and calls for more money than they have got. According to Mr. Gallatin’s report, they had about 40.000 to spare for contingencies, and now the first “extraordinary event” that “supervenes” calls upon them for several millions. What a poor starvling system of administering a government! But how is the money to be had? Not by taxing luxury and wealth and whiskey, but by increasing the taxes on the necessaries of life. Let this be remembered.
But we are exceeding our allowable limits. It may be satisfactory to our readers, that we should finish with a concise account of New-Orleans itself.
The Island of New-Orleans is in length about 150 miles; its breadth varies from 10 to 30 miles. Most of it is a marshy swamp, periodically inundated by the river. The town of New-Orleans, situated about 105 miles from the mouth of the river, contains near 1300 houses, and about 8000 inhabitants, chiefly Spanish and French. It is defended from the overflowings of the river, by an embankment, or leveé, which extends near 50 miles.
The rights of the present proprietors of real estate in New-Orleans and Louisiana, whether acquired by descent or by purchase, will, of course, remain undisturbed. How they are to be governed is another question; whether as a colony, or to be formed into an integral part of the United States, is a subject which will claim consideration hereafter. The probable consequences of this cession, and the ultimate effect it is likely to produce on the political state of our country, will furnish abundant matter of speculation to the American statesman.

If reliance can be placed on the history given of the negociation of Louisiana in private letters, from persons of respectability residing at Paris, and who speak with confidence, the merit of it, after making due allowance for the great events which have borne it along with them, is due to our ambassador, Chancellor Livingston, and not to the Envoy Extraordinary. “The cession was voted in the Council of State on the 8th of April, and Mr. Munro did not even arrive till the 12th.” Judging from Mr. Munro’s former communications to the French Government on this subject, we really cannot but regard it as fortunate, that the thing was concluded before he reached St. Cloud.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Josiah Parker, 9 July 1803
From: Parker, Josiah
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Macclesfield Virga July 9th. 1803
Dear Sir.

I trespass on your hospitality & former acquaintance to recommend to your civility in New York my friend M. M. Robinson esq. a neighbour of mine whose late bad health has determined him on a trip to the Eastward to endeavour to renevate himself; he is not a modern politician but an admirer of those men & measures that has brought our Country to its present State of affluence & respectability: all that I shall expect from you in respect to him is that you will be good enough to shew him a favourable countenance whilst in New york; he will not like most of my Country men who go abroad require any pecuniary aid—accept by best wishes for your health & prosperity.

Josiah Parker


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from John Murray, 13 July 1803
From: Murray, John
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Baltimore, July 13, 1803. Requests Hamilton’s opinion concerning his father’s claim to lands in New York State.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Philip Schuyler, 3 August 1803
From: Schuyler, Philip
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Albany Wednesday 3rdAugt 1803.
My Dear Sir

How greatly have you Obliged And my Beloved Eliza relieved me of anxiety, by drawing from the unhappy seat of Contagion Mr Morton and his family. How much Am I pleased to Learn that you are to make an excursion into the country. I shall now no longer labour under those apprehensions which have so greatly distressed me least some Calamity Should befal my family.
My fine Grandson Alexander Accompanies his Aunt Church tomorrow on a vist to my Sister they will proceed to Utica and visit the canal Companys works at the falls. I have directed him to examine those works and to bring me a report of the progress of the works prosceeding there. My James will on Monday go to Eastown to pass some days with his Uncle and Couzin Phill. I will not part with those Children until the disorder has so far abated as that they may with safety return to their Studys in NYork.
I have by the advice of Mr Stringer confined myself to my bed, as a mean the more speedily of healing the Ulcers on my foot, and have already experienced a good Effect, probably a week more will restore me to the ⟨use⟩ of my legs.
Angelica & Catherine unite in love to you, to their Sisters, & the Children, and all with you.
It would amuse my Dear Angelica to take a tour to this place, and be greatly pleasing to me, cannot you find a conveyance for her.
Adieu My very Dear Sir   I am Ever most affectionately   Yours

Ph. Schuyler
Gen Hamilton


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from John Nicholas, 4 August 1803
From: Nicholas, John
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Richmond August 4th 1803
Dear Sir

Although we have no personal acquaintance with each other; yet, as we have long had the same principles & cause, I believe, equally at heart, I take the liberty to address you on what ought to be dear to every virtuous and honest man—to every real and hearty well-wisher to the true interests & prosperity of this country. Sir, it is a melancholy & undeniable truth, that the principles, the conduct & examples of men high in influence & power are leading us rapidly to a state that must in a little time prove our inevitable ruin; while the fact is also, the talents, the virtue, the wealth—in fact, all the most ample means of counteraction lie expressly against them. And why is it, that those mere chimerical, whimsical and theoretical visionaries, who are only as cunning in intrigue, as they are vicious in practice & unprincipled in character, should sway the public opinion & hold the rod of popular despotism, in despite of all those better qualifications & more useful powers! Certainly because of their incessant industry & application to those objects, & our supineness & want of exertion. One of their main plans has ever been, to support with all their best energies, both Mentally and pecuniarily, their best printers; & with the utmost industry, care & activity, to disseminate their papers & pamphlets: While the Federalists on their part leave their printers to scuffle on the support of their subscribers, I believe a very flimsy & uncertain daily sustenance, and to scribble out their own way to conquest! On their part they are deficient too in one particular. They seldom republish from each other; while on the other hand, their antagonists never get hold of any thing, however trivial in reality, but they make it ring thro’ all their papers from one end of the Continent to the other. For heaven sake, sir, let us endeavour to rouse from this state of indifference & absolute submission to our actual inferiors, unless we mean to be their bond-slaves & our children after us forever. We look up to you with some degree of confidence & hope, for some general & effectual plan in which we may unite our powers and make at least one Manly & vigorous effort. Let us in the first place fall upon some method to support our papers, without leaving them to the precarious dependence of scattered subscriptions. At least one in N. Y. one in Phida. one in Baltre. one in Washington, one in this place & one in Charleston. This done, then let us, or such of us as can furnish information either as to arguments or facts, come forward and assist them. I have suggested these things to some of our best and strongest friends here; viz Marshal, Carrington &c. &c and will write to Rutledge & some other gentlemen to the south with whom I have the honor of a correspondence, if you approve of & determine to do any thing in this way for your country, yourself & your posterity. Be so good as to write me & direct to Charlottesville, Albemarle, Virga. & if any general plan like the above, or any other you may suggest, is fallen on, which I imagine had better be by a meeting at Washington during the next Session of Congress, I shall be happy in attending & rendering my little aid in any way I am capable. Living immediately at Headquarters & being long intimately & personally acquainted with certain characters & their secret Movements, I trust I can render my share of service. With sentiments of sincere respect & esteem, I am, Dear Sir,
Your most obedient & very humble servant

John Nicholas

Excuse the badness of the paper & the Letter. I have written in a crowd of private business at this place.
☞ The unpleasant affair between W, J, & L, which you have heard & seen much of, will certainly come out at full length now, in consequence of the late infamous & foolish publications in the “Examiner.” I have just been with my friend W—— who I have always before advised to silence on the subject. But what are men to do? They cannot always submit to injuries of the most offensive nature, & to be abused for them too! In fact, you may be assured that W & L are now holding the great man in a very unpleasant situation. They have both written to him & demanded certain things; which, I suppose, he will not comply with—and of course you may guess the rest. But this flagrant breach of pretended private friendship, you may depend forms but a small link in the great chain of deformity & vice, well known to many in the particular quarter I reside in, & shall be known generally, if the exertions I propose are attempted & I live.
I have just heard from my friend Carrington that Rutledge is to the North: You will probly. therefore have an opportunity of communicating with him personally on the topics of this letter—he knows my handwriting.

J. N.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Elisha Williams, 20 August 1803
From: Williams, Elisha
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[Hudson, New York, August 20, 1803. On September 11, 1803, Williams wrote to Hamilton: “I took the liberty of Stating a Case & inclosing it to you about the 20th of August for your opinion.” Letter not found.]


Title: Receipt from Louis Le Guen, [5 September 1803]
From: Le Guen, Louis
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[Morrisville, Pennsylvania, September 5, 1803]

J’ai Ce Jour 5. Sepbre. 1803 recu du General Hamilton, trois Cents Cinquante d’ollars, Pour Linterest d’un ân, Sur la Somme de Cinq milles d’ollars mentionnée au dit Bond. Morris Ville 5. Septembre 1803.

L. Le Guen


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Elisha Williams, 11 September 1803
From: Williams, Elisha
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Hudson [New York], September 11, 1803. “I took the liberty of Stating a Case & inclosing it to you about the 20th of August for your opinion. Not hearing from you I fear the Letter has been intercepted. You will oblige me by informing whether you received that Letter and if you have by forwarding your Answer.…”


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Louis Le Guen, 12 September 1803
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Le Guen, Louis

[New York, September 12, 1803. On September 30, 1803, Le Guen wrote to Hamilton: “Votre Lettre du 12, timbré du 19, ne m’est Parvenue que Le 29.” Letter not found.]


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Timothy Pickering, 16 September 1803
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Pickering, Timothy

New York September 161803
My Dear Sir

I will make no apology for my delay in answering your inquiry some time since made, because I could offer none which would satisfy myself. I pray you only to believe that it proceeded from any thing rather than want of respect or regard. I shall now comply with your request.
The highest toned propositions, which I made in the Convention, were for a President, Senate and Judges during good behaviour—a house of representatives for three years. Though I would have enlarged the Legislative power of the General Government, yet I never contemplated the abolition of the State Governments; but on the contrary, they were, in some particulars, constituent parts of my plan.
This plan was in my conception comformable with the strict theory of a Government purely republican; the essential criteria of which are that the principal organs of the Executive and Legislative departments be elected by the people and hold their offices by a responsible and temporary or defeasible tenure.
A vote was taken on the proposition respecting the Executive. Five states were in favour of it; among those Virginia; and though from the manner of voting, by delegations, individuals were not distinguished, it was morally certain, from the known situation of the Virginia members (six in number, two of them Mason and Randolph possessing popular doctrines) that Madison must have concurred in the vote of Virginia. Thus, if I sinned against Republicanism, Mr. Madison was not less guilty.
I may truly then say, that I never proposed either a President, or Senate for life, and that I neither recommended nor meditated the annihilation of the State Governments.
And I may add, that in the course of the discussions in the Convention, neither the propositions thrown out for debate, nor even those voted in the earlier stages of deliberation were considered as evidences of a definitive opinion, in the proposer or voter. It appeared to me to be in some sort understood, that with a view to free investigation, experimental propositions might be made, which were to be received merely as suggestions for consideration.
Accordingly, it is a fact, that my final opinion was against an Executive during good behaviour, on account of the increased danger to the public tranquil[i]ty incident to the election of a Magistrate of this degree of permanency. In the plan of a Constitution, which I drew up, while the convention was sitting & which I communicated to Mr. Madison about the close of it, perhaps a day or two after, the Office of President has no greater duration than for three years.
This plan was predicated upon these bases—1 That the political principles of the people of this country would endure nothing but republican Government. 2 That in the actual situation of the Country, it was in itself right and proper that the republican theory should have a fair and full trial—3 That to such a trial it was essential that the Government should be so constructed as to give it all the energy and stability reconciliable with the principles of that theory. These were the genuine sentiments of my heart, and upon them I acted.
I sincerely hope, that it may not hereafter be discovered, that through want of sufficient attention to the last idea, the experiment of Republican Government, even in this Country, has not been as complete, as satisfactory and as decisive as could be wished.
Very truly   Dear Sir Yr friend & servt

A Hamilton
Timothy Pickering Esqr.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Louis Le Guen, 30 September 1803
From: Le Guen, Louis
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Morrisville [Pennsylvania] 30. Sepbre. 1803
Cher Géneral

Votre Lettre du 12, timbré du 19, ne m’est Parvenue que Le 29, alors Je penssaie inutille de vous Ecrire, vous attendant Le 28; maie désapointée de ne vous Voir point arriver, Je vais vous Prier de me mander En reponse, Sy nous pouvons nous flater du Plaisir de Vous Voir en Peu. Mme. Le Guen Et Moy nous flatonts que vous nous favoriserée de Votre Visite, Et Bien fachée que Madame Et Mlle. Hamilton ne Puissent vous accompagner, Veuillée bien Je vous Prie Leurs En témoinger tous nos Regrets, Et Leurs faire agréer nos Compliments, ainsy qu’á Monr. et Madme. Washington Morton.
J’ai vue par votre Lettre que Le Cel. Burr, a Encorre Renvoyés Le Payement jusqu’a En Aoust Prochain, dieu Veuillent qu’aprés tous Ses Delais il Saquitte Envers Moy.
Je Suis Bien Reconnoissant a La remise que vous mavès fait faire Par Mr. Ogdon des 500 dollars. J’ai depuis recu de Mr. Prime 1900 dollars en deduction des 7000. donc qu’il ne restera me devoir que 5500 d’ollars avec quelques interest.
Sy Par hazard Vous alliés ou Envoyés a Newyork, Je Vous Serrai Obligée d’envoyer recevoir Les interests que depuis Le 1er. avril au 1er. octobre Sur Les 10244. dollars 30 Cts. dans Les 6 ⅌ %. Stocks, Et aussy, Sil Est agréable à Mr. harrison L’Interest due, d’un ân Sur Les 5000 dollars, Le tout à recevoir En Votre qualitée de trustis de conformitée au Contrat de mariage.
Je desire que la Calamitée dont Est Afligée Votre Ville disparoissent. Mme. Le Guen à Ettée Constament Malade depuis près de 3 mois, Et qu’oy q’un peu miuy Son Ettat minquiètte Et m’aflige, Et aussy tôt après Vous avoir Vue à Notre Retraite, Je me propose de Lui faire faire un Petit Voyage a Elizabethown et Parterson. Nos trois Petits Enfants Sont Bien Et notament Votre Petite Fïeulle.
Agrée, her Géneral, Le Nouvel Assurance de Lattachement Bien Sincere qui Vous a devoue Pour La Vie
Votre bien Obéiss Et Affectionnée Serviteur

L. Le Guen
Géneral Hamilton


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Oliver Wolcott, Junior, [September] 1803
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Wolcott, Oliver, Jr.

New York [September] 1803
Dear Sir

The necessity of purchasing a quantity of land, which I did not intend, in consequence of a mortgage that comprehended a tract I had before purchased, has so far disconcerted my pecuniary arrangements as to require that I should obtain some further Bank accommodations, instead of gradually extinguishing those I had already procured. It is therefore my wish to obtain from the Merchants Bank a durable loan (by discounts and renewals in the ordinary mode) of 5000 Dollars including the 1000 already had.
This will place my affairs in a situation that from the average gains of my profession, I can discharge floating demands and pay off, by small but regular installments, the sum I owe to each Bank. As my lands are beginning to settle, the proceeds as received will be applied in the same way and will accelerate the reimbursement.
I will be obliged to you for your opinion whether I may venture to count upon the accommodation I have mentioned, as I should be unwilling that my paper should be presented, if there was even a prospect of hesitation. I shall not stand in need of the sum mentioned immediately, but shall call for it by parcels in the course of four or five months. With true esteem & regard.
Yrs. always

A Hamilton
Ol Wolcott Esq


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Barent Gardenier, 6 October 1803
From: Gardenier, Barent
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Kingston [New York], October 6, 1803. “In the course of our political wr⟨angling⟩ I have engaged in a Controversy with Gen. Ar⟨mstrong.⟩ Perhaps I have touched a little too hard on ⟨the judge⟩ who presided at Lt. Croswells Trial.… I enclose ‘a View of the whole ground’, confident that in a Case of this Kind you will give us all Aid in your power.…”


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Abraham Ellery, 10 October 1803
From: Ellery, Abraham
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Dear Park, near Natchez [Mississippi Territory], October 10, 1803. Requests Hamilton’s assistance in securing a clear title to lands in upstate New York which his wife, Charlotte Weissenfels Ellery, had inherited from her father, Charles F. Weissenfels.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Stephen Higginson, 10 October 1803
From: Higginson, Stephen
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Boston, October 10, 1803. “I wrote to you several months since, & inclosed to you a State of facts &c relative to the seizure of the Diana at Lima, & requested your Opinion as to the validity of our Insurance. to that letter I have no answer, & am now apprehensive it never reached you; but if you have received it, & have had leisure to form a deliberate opinion on this Subject, I wish to have it as soon as may be convenient.… having obtained a copy of a regular condemnation, in Mr. Church’s case, by which they expect to avoid his demand, our Insurers are encouraged to hope They may in the same way get rid of Ours. But we believe that no condemnation ever has or will take place in the Diana’s case, to conclude against us. the property will remain in the hands of the Govr. at Lima, & those concerned with him in the seizure, an Appeal or reference of the case to the Spanish Govt in Madrid would deprive them of their plunder.…”


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Timothy Pickering, 18 October 1803
From: Pickering, Timothy
To: Hamilton, Alexander

City of Washington Oct. 18. 1803.
Dear Sir,

I hoped to have seen you on my way hither; but the distance at which you were from the place of crossing the Hudson, & my engagements with my travelling companions, prevented.

I duly received your letter of Septr. 16th. relative to the proposition you made in the General Convention. It was obvious, that those, with the propositions of others, were presented for consideration and discussion, to be adopted or rejected, as a sense of the public safety should require; and by no means as the definitive opinions of the movers.
Dining in company with General Pinckney, as he passed thro’ Salem, in September, I was asked, by one of the guests, some question concerning the nature of the propositions you made in the General Convention. I referred the enquirer to the General, who was a member. He answered, that you proposed, That the Governors of the several states should be appointed by the President of the U States. But that Mr. Madison moved, and was seconded by his cousin Charles Pinckney, That all the laws of the individual states should be subject to the negative of the Chief Executive of the U. States. The General added, that he did not know which would be deemed the strangest measure.
You will see in the news-papers the Presidents’ message: but perhaps you may wish to have it in a more convenient form; & I enclose it. If you desire to possess similar documents which shall be published in the course of the session, have the goodness to let me know it. And as any correspondence between us will be liable to suspicions, be pleased to inform me how I shall make my communications to you.
I am very truly & respectfully yours

Timothy Pickering
General Hamilton.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Samuel Jones, Junior, 19 October 1803
From: Jones, Samuel, Jr.
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[New York] October 19, 1803. “Mr S. Jones Junior begs leave to remind Gen Hamilton of the case of Mr Remsen adm the corporation of the City of New york respecting the water lots at Burling Slip, which the Gen. has under his consideration.…”


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Elizabeth Hamilton, 22 October 1803
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Hamilton, Elizabeth

Kinderhook [New York] Oct 221803 Saturday

I am here, my beloved Eliza, on my way to Albany—in much better health than I have been since my first attack at home. To avoid the risk of bringing on a relapse by too much exercise, it is my intention to continue here ’till tomorrow morning. Judge Benson is with me.
The Arbitrators are gone to view the land in which business they will be engaged till Wednesday. On that day I must be back at Claverack, if my health proceeds in mending—otherwise I shall embark in an Albany Sloop for Greenwich. But there is every present appearance of progressive amendment.
Affecty Yrs.

A H


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Abraham Ellery, 25 October 1803
From: Ellery, Abraham
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Deer Park, near Natchez[Mississippi Territory] Octr. 25th. 1803
Dear Sir,

I snatch the few moments allowed me by a Gentleman, who is going directly to New York, to transmit one of the charts I promised you. The others are not yet completed, as Mr. E who is my Hydrographer Genl. has been obliged to suspend his employment in that line. My intention is, to collect & copy the different charts of the river, that have any character for correctness, to check one by another, and after having reduced them to one uniform scale, to concentre them all in one large chart, which will be more worthy of your acceptance. The one accompanying this, was taken by a Capt. McGrudar, last fall whose passage of nearly four months, from N. Orleans to Natchez, allowed him full time to complete his chart; & I am told, his abilities are competent to the correct formation of one. It is unnecessary to dwell upon the sinuosities of the river, or how easily, & at what little expense, its course might be rectified, & its navigation abridged. Hutchins mentions, that at point Coupée, about eighty years since, some Canadians, by deepening the channel of a small brook, diverted into it the course of the river & thus curtailed the passage by 14 leagues. Major Wadsworth also tells me, that in his passage up the river, last summer, he landed by the bend of the river, to the westward of the Baya Tunica, & went across by land to the Heights, a distance only of 12 miles, while the course of the river makes it above 60. There are a number of other points that might easily be cut through, & the loose texture of the soil, aided by the rapidity of the river, would soon excavate a channel of sufficient depth for navigation. How far straightening the river may augment the force of the main current, & by lessening the operation of the eddy or counter currents, increase the difficulties of ascending the river, I cannot pretend to say: I must confess, however, I have less fears on this score, than many gentlemen, with whom I have conversed upon this subject; neither do I think, that the difficulties of ascending it, should be put in competition with the facilities of descending it, as the latter is by so much more the important point in its navigation.
As I hardly know in what manner my letters may be recd., having as yet not been honored with an answer, I feel rather diffident in throwing out my sentiments too freely: I may however, observe, that the sale of Louisiana to the U. States has awakened in this quarter, no small spirit of speculation, & excited no little degree of interest: more particularly, as the time speedily approaches, when the Province will formally be received, & its government organized. Govr. C—— it appears, will be the person appointed to receive its surrender: having recently applied for leave of absence from this Territory, on a visit to Tennessee, where his wifes relations reside, it was granted him, but he was directed to hold himself in readiness at Nashville in November to receive orders from Government, & to make preparations for his departure. This added to other circumstances, leaves little doubt of the fact; it is also strongly conjectured, that he will also be appointed Governor of Louisiana, or that part of it including New Orleans, either as incorporated with this government, or as a distinct Territory. These events are contemplated with regret: neither his manners, disposition, or talents qualify him for either of these situations; the simple circumstance of his ignorance of the French language & manners is no small objection—Whereas Genl. W—— who is the person anxiously desired on the part of the Inhabitants, appears peculiarly qualified for them. I say nothing of his merits as an old Officer, or the late labors in wh. he has been engaged in making an advantageous treaty, of considerable importance to the U. States, or his present ones in running lines through a rude country, in an unwholesome climate, & among barbarous tribes. I give up all his claims arising from former services—but take him upon the ground of his present qualifications. In the first place he is a military man—as have been all the spanish governors of La.—it is what they expect, & what, in the first outset, appears to be almost absolutely necessary, in their change from one government to another; His deportment is also military, I will not say, pompous: that also suits the Inhabitants: His acquaintance too, in that quarter, is extensive, & his connections influential, & his knowledge of the language sufficiently correct: He also possesses a knowledge of the world, & his talents I presume, in other respects, are competent to the duties of the civil administration. With respect to the other, every thing is nearly tout au contraire. As it regards the manner of receiving the province, I feel likewise a little ashamed for my Countrymen. Govr. C—— thinks one or two companies sufficient for that purpose & is calculating how expenses may be avoided or lessened. What an unfavorable impression this is calculated to make upon the minds of the Inhabitants! More particularly, as they expect something handsome in the style of doing it, & as it is the interest of government, in the first outsets to make itself respected if not feared—& when it will be delivered to us, with probably some 7 or 800 Spanish soldiers under arms, well cloathed, well armed, & well disciplined. New Orleans too, it appears is to have little or no garrison kept up in it. A place inhabited by a Mixture of Americans, English, Spanish & French & crouded every year, (independent of those from other quarters) with two or three thousand boatmen from the back country, remarked for their dissipated habits, unruly tempers, & lawless conduct, in a frontier province too, where there is above 15,000 militia, all foreigners & frenchmen—& where the white population bears so small a proportion to the black, & where the Blacks have already been guilty of two or three insurrections within a few years back, and in a place too, where the inhabitants do not regard a military force, as a despotic arm to awe or crush them, but look up to it, as a necessary safeguard & protecting power. It must indeed be acknowledged, that our military, is rather scant in point of numbers, our whole force not intended to exceed 2500, & actually falling short of 1500: yet, for a Country, whose acquisition is to atone for past errors, & to furnish a fund for future merit, a little additional force, for its security & tranquillity, might be allowed.
We are extremely anxious, in this quarter, to know, in what manner, our new acquisition is to be divided, & what form of government it will receive: how far W. Florida is comprised in the purchase, or whether the Western Bank will be bartered for it. The Fr. Inhabitants, tho mortified at being put up, in ye. Manner, at auction, are yet well pleased with being transferred to the Americans. Some of them have been calculating at what rate they were actually sold, & make it amount to about eleven sous per head, including negroes & cattle. But I have already transgressed too far upon your time. I have the honor to be with great respect & friendship.
yr. most obedt. serv.

Abr. R. Ellery


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from John Wilkes, 26 October 1803
From: Wilkes, John
To: Hamilton, Alexander

New-York, 26th October 1803
Sir,

I am desired to inform you, That Aa. Giles Note for One thousand Dollars endorsed by you was protested yesterday Evening for non-payment, and that the Holder looks to you for payment of it.
I am, Sir, Your most obedient Servant,

John Wilkes.
A. Hamilton Esqe


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Harrison Gray Otis, 12 November 1803
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Otis, Harrison Gray

New York, November 12, 1803. Urges “the utmost caution and care” in preparing John B. Church’s case for hearing before the Supreme Court.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Aaron Burr, 15 November 1803
From: Burr, Aaron
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[New York] 15 Nov. 1803
Dr Sir

I have paid to Mr Thompson Seventeen hundred and fifty dollars, taken up the Leases of Ross & Duzenbury and left the Titles to the house in Chapel & Murray St. It was my intention now to have paid the Whole—But having ordered this house (cor. of Chap. & Murray) to be sold which has not been effected the balance of about 2000 Ds. is left to be discharged by Sale of the house. James Clapp who is my agent for this purpose has orders to pay you the money arising from this Sale which will be made without delay. Should any balance then remain, it will be forthwith paid.
My bond to Hare was to have been without Interest. He writes me that it bears interest. Have you no recollection on this subject.
Yrs

A Burr
Genl. Hamilton

My Warrant of atty to you may now I suppose be delivered up.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Richard Soderstrom, 16 November 1803
From: Soderstrom, Richard
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Washington, November 16, 1803. “Mr: J: Sands of New York and at Present here as member of Congress,… informed me that Judgement was against him for damages sustained by the arrest of the Brig Jennet, owned by Mr: Haylegas of St. Croix.… I have brought payments forward in Similare cases, and I have good reason to believe that the present Secretary of the Treasury will not put any obstacles in the way.…”


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Louis Le Guen, [22 November 1803]
From: Le Guen, Louis
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[New York, November 22, 1803]

Je Vous Prie Cher General de transferer à Mr. Prime Les Shares Colombia insurance Compe. qui etoient en vos mains Pour Securité des Sept milles d’ollars Laquelle Somme Jai recu dudit Mr Prime.
Votre Obnt Serviteur

L. Le Guen
Newyork 22. Nbre 1803.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Israel Loring, 24 November 1803
From: Loring, Israel
To: Hamilton, Alexander

New York, November 24, 1803. “By a variety of unavoidable Circumstance I am reduced to a State of dependance upon the bounty of my friends. I am in consequence of the injury received in my hip rendered incapable of very Active employment. I have solicited in vain for a situation in one of the Banks as yet there is no vacancy; and now have taken the liberty of addressing you soliciting the favor of some employment as engrossing Clerk for you or some of your friends.… under the present order of things an application for public employment would be in vain, as I was the first victim of democratic extermination having been dismissed on the 14th. March 1801 by Henry Dearborn the Secretary of War, from his Office (where I was placed by Mr. Dexter) for the Sin of Federalism.”


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Samuel Gouverneur, 9 December 1803
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Gouverneur, Samuel

New York, December 9, 1803. Gives opinion concerning the effect of the French arrêt of June 20, 1803, on neutral shipping.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Philip Jeremiah Schuyler, 10 December 1803
From: Schuyler, Philip Jeremiah
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Rhinebeck [New York], December 10, 1803. Discusses a suit involving ownership of lots in New York City claimed by his wife and sister-in-law. Sends information on the progress of a survey of the Claverack lands being made by Judge David Brooks.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Herman LeRoy, 12 December 1803
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: LeRoy, Herman

New York, December 12, 1803. Discusses the contents of a letter “this morning received from Mr. Pendleton” concerning an agreement made between Henry Sands and the Bank of New York which provided for the sale of mortgaged property owned by Sands in order to pay Sands’s creditors.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from William R. Putnam, 12 December 1803
From: Putnam, William R.
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Marietta [Ohio] Decemr 12th 1803
Dear Sir

your last inclosing thirty dollars has been receiv’d & your taxes paid—and your acct stands thus

1803
Viz Dr
to ballance of old account
$3.57

Oct
to postage of a letter
.50

29
to taxes paid (see bill)
13.39

to commissions
 5.00

22.46

Cr
By cash per mail
30

Ballance Cr
$7.54
for 1804.

I am Sir your Obedient Sert

Wm Rufus Putnum
The Hbl. A Hamilton Esqr


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Thomas Truxtun, 15 December 1803
From: Truxtun, Thomas
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Perth amboy [New Jersey] 15th December 1803.
Dear General

In a conversation we had at new York on the Subject of the threatened invasion of England by Bonaparte—you expressed a wish that oppertunity had offered So that you could have had the map of England and France &c before you. I now do myself the honor of transmitting my opinion as then Stated to you in a letter to Mr Pickering and after you have examined it with the map, I shall be greatly obliged by your Sealing the letter and causeing it to be put in the post office as soon as may be as he should in Strictness have had it before now, but my Absence from home prevented usual punctuality.
My Opinion is Stated Simply and unadorned with embellishments which are foreign to my profession and habits and ought Not to be expected from me. time and a Short time will make manifest Whether I have Judged correctly of the Subject in question—for the happiness of Nations I hope I have. I find the Senate of the U S have agreed to an important alteration of the Constitution & thus that instrument is kicked about to answer the purposes of the ruleing faction And as it is to be mutilated at their will and pleasure, it is to be hoped we shall in time have our turn in having Something to Say in such important measures, and that then an Instrument will be So Contrived as to prevent such an abomniable Set from exclusively governing us a Second time or of governing us at all.
I have the honor to be sir with great respect your very obedient humble servt,

Thomas Truxtun.
Honorable General Alexander HamiltonNew York.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Elizabeth Hamilton, [1803]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Hamilton, Elizabeth

Fish Kill [New York] SundayEvening [1803]

I arrived here, my beloved, about five this afternoon. According to my first day’s journey, I ought now to be much further advanced. But some how Riddle sprained the ancle of one of his hind legs, which very much retarded my progress to day. By care and indulgence, he is much better this Evening; so that I count upon being able to reach Albany with him early on Wednesday morning. I have travelled comfortably & my health is improved.
Wife Children and hobby are the only things upon which I have permitted my thoughts to run. As often as I write, you may expect to hear something about the latter.
Don’t lose any opportunity which may offer of ploughing up the new garden spot and let the waggon make a tour of the ground lately purchased to collect the dung upon it to be scattered over that spot.
When it is too cold to go on with grubbing, our men may be employed in cutting and clearing away the underbrush in the Grove and the other woods; only let the center of the principal wood in the line of the different rocks remain rough and wild.
The Country people all agree that to fat fowls, it is essential to keep them well supplied with gravel. One, of whom I inquired, informed me, that sea shore gravel, not too large, is particularly good. They also say the coops must be cleaned out every two or three days. After the Fowls have had a sufficient opportunity of drinking, the remaining water must be removed.
Adieu My Betsey. Kiss my little ones for me & accept many kisses for yourself from Yrs ever

AH


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Louis Le Guen, 10 January 1804
From: Le Guen, Louis
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[Philadelphia, January 10, 1804. On January 18, 1804, Le Guen wrote to Hamilton and referred to “La Lettre … que jai la Lhonneur de vous Ecrire Le 10.” Letter not found.]


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Louis Le Guen, 11 January 1804
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Le Guen, Louis

[New York, January 11, 1804. On January 18, 1804, Le Guen wrote to Hamilton: “Je n’ai recu que Ce matin, La Lettre dont Vous mavés favorisé Le 11.” Letter not found.]


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Louis Le Guen, 18 January 1804
From: Le Guen, Louis
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Philadelphia 18. Janvier 1804.
Cher General

Je n’ai recu que Ce matin, La Lettre dont Vous mavés favorisé Le 11. maie timbre du 13, Ce qui me fait Croire, que Cette premiere Epoque vous N’aviée pas recu celle que jai Eu Lhonneur de vous Ecrire Le 10. Par la quelle je vous Prie d’avoir la bontée d’envoyer toucher Le devidend de 10. ⅌ %. annoncée Par la Compe. d’assurance de Newyork, et men faire La remise.
Maintenant, cher Gèneral, en vous Accusant reception de votre check de $300.—permittée moy de Vous Observer que j’ai ettée bien peinnée en remarquent ce que vous me dite au Sujet des 3000 d’ollars Montant de votre billet En ma faveur, et des interets due a Compte desquels vous me remettée Cent dollars, Enconcequ’ence Je Vais de nouveaux Vous Suplier, de me traiter avec Plus d’amittiée, Et pour m’en donner de nouvelles Preuves, Ne vous Occupée plus de Ce Petit Capital ny des interests, qui Lors quil Vous Serra parfaitemt. Convenable de men faire La remise, et Sy Vous En agissiée differament je Craindraie A Lors, de N’avoir Plus La Meme part à Votre amittiée au quel Je met tant de Prix.
Agré Lassurance de Mon Entiere devouement   Votre Affnée. Serviteur

L. Le Guen


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Louis Le Guen, 24 January 1804
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Le Guen, Louis

[New York, January 24, 1804. On July 12, 1804, Le Guen wrote to Hamilton: “Le 24 Janvier aussy dernier, Vous maves fait la remise.” Letter not found.]


Title: Speech at a Meeting of Federalists in Albany, [10 February 1804]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To:

[Albany, February 10, 1804]

Reasons why it is desirable that Mr. Lansing rather than Col. Burr should succeed.
1. Col Burr has steadily pursued the ⟨track⟩ of democratic policies. This he has done either from principle or from calculation. If the former he is not likely now to change his plan, when the fœderalists are prostrate and their enemies predominent. If the latter, he will certainly not at this time relinquish the ladder of his ambition and espouse the cause or views of the weaker party.
2   Though detested by some of the leading Clintonians, he is certainly not personally disagreeable to the great body of them, and it will be no difficult task for a man of talents intrigue and address possessing this chair of Government to rally the great body of them under his standard and thereby to consolidate for personal purposes the mass of Clintonians, his own adherents among the democrats and such fœderalists as from personal good will or interested motives may give him support.
3   The effect of his elevation will be to reunite under a more adroit able and daring chief the now scattered fragments of the democratic party and to reinforce it by a strong detachment from the fœderalists. For though virtuous fœderalists who from miscalculation may support him, would afterwards relinquish his standard a large number from various motives would continue attached to it.
4   A further effect of his elevation by the aid of fœderalists will be to present to the confidence of New England a man already the man of the democratic leaders of that Country, and towards whom the mass of the people have no weak predilection as their countryman, as the Grandson of President Edwards, and the son of President Burr. In vain will certain men resist this predilection when it can be said that he was chosen Governor of this state, in which he was best known principally or in a great degree by the aid of fœderalists.
5. This will give him fair play to disorganize New England if so disposed; a thing not very difficult when the strength of the democratic party in each of the N E states in considered and the natural tendency of our civil institutions is duly weighed.
6. The ill opinion of Jefferson and jealousy of the ambition of Virginia is no inconsiderable prop of good principles in that Country. But these causes are leading to an opinion that a dismemberment of the Union is expedient. It would probably suit Mr. Burrs views to promote this result to be the chief of the Northern portion—And placed at the head of the state of New York no man would be more likely to succeed.
7   If he be truly, as the fœderalists have believed, a man of irregular and insatiable ambition; if his plan has been to rise to power on the ladder of Jacobinic principles, it is natural to conclude that he will endeavor to fix himself in power by the same instrument, that he will not lean on a fallen ⟨and⟩ falling party, generally speaking of a character not to favour usurpation and the ascendancy of a despotic chief. Every day shews more and more the much to be regretted tendency of Governments intirely popular to dissolution and disorder. Is it rational to expect, that a man who had the sagacity to foresee this tendency, and whose temper would permit him to bottom his aggrandisement on popular prejudices and vices would desert this system at a time, when more than ever the state of things invites him to adhere to it?
8   If Lansing is Governor his personal character affords some security against pernicious extremes, and at the same time renders it morally certain, that the democratic party already much divided and weakened will moulder and break asunder more and more. This is certainly a state of things favorable to the future ascendancy of the wise and good. May it not lead to a recasting of parties by which the fœderalists will gain a great accession of force from former opponents? At any rate, is it not wiser in them to promote a course of things by which scism among the democrats will be fostered and increased, ⟨than one likely, upon a⟩ fair calculation to give them a chief better able than any they have yet had to unite and direct them and in a situation to infuse rottenness in the only part of our Country which still ⟨remains⟩ sound—the fœderal states of New England.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Robert G. Harper, 19 February 1804
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Harper, Robert G.

Albany February 19th 1804
Dr Sir

Since the receipt of your letter on the subject of the impeachment of the Judges, this is perhaps the first moment, that indifferent health and excessive occupation have permitted a reply.

I view the attempts which are making completely in the light you do; and have very little doubt that they are in prosecution of a deliberate plan to prostrate the independence of the Judicial Department, and substitute to the present judges creatures of the reigning party, who will be the supple instruments of oppression and usurpation, under the forms of the Constitution. This being my apprehension of the matter, I shall not be backward to give the scheme all practicable resistance; and certainly, if an impeachment shall be instituted and other prior and indispensable duties will permit, I shall chearfully aid in the defence of the accused, as a very high obligation. It is not however in my power to promise absolutely attendance; because the possibility of it must depend on the time of Trial. There is hardly a sitting of our Circuit or Supreme Court, at which there are not causes depending, which involve the whole fortunes of Individuals who place a material reliance on my efforts. Propriety or good faith would not permit me to be absent during these periods; and though the public cause might call me elsewhere I should be convin⟨ced⟩ that it would be in hands (exclusive of mine) in which it would have every possible advantage.
But nothwithstanding the opinion I have expressed, it will not surprise me if the execution of the plan is suspended. It is certain that in this state leading me⟨n⟩ of the popular party either disapprove the attempt or are fearful of its influence upon the affairs of the party. Hints will probably go to the prompters at Washington which may induce, if not a relinquishment, a postponement.
The republican party (soi disant) are greatly distracted in this state. The violence of their measures added to the disappointments of partisans who have been candidates for office, has produced a mass of discontent which threatens their power. Col Burr intends to profit by it, if he can, and has no bad chance of being lifted to the chair of Government by the united efforts of personal adherents among the democrats, malcontents of the same party and fœderalists too angry to reason.
One consequence of the distraction of the party is the declining of Governor Clinton to be candidate at the next election. A very respectable man as to private character, Chancellor Lansing, is the substitute. He had secretly many competitors and is far from being a general favourite of the party. From this moment, it is destined to be split into fragments, unless hereafter reunited under the more skilful adroit and able lead of Col Burr.
You will conclude from this that I do not look forward to his success with pleasure. The conclusion will be true. It is an axiom with me that he will be the most dangerous chief that Jacobinism can have; and, in relation to the present question, a full persuasion, that he will reunite under him the popular party and give it new force for personal purposes—that a dismemberment of the Union is likely to be one of the first fruits of his elevation, and the overthrow of good principles in our only sound quarter, the North, a result not very remote.
I had rather see Lansing Governor & the party broken to pieces. This will be no bad state of things for those who really love their country & understand its true interest.
Yrs. with sincere regard

A Hamilton

PS Since writing the foregoing Chancellor Lansing has declined, and chief Justice Lewis is the substitute. Burr’s prospect has extremely brightened.