Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to Elizabeth Smith Shaw Peabody, 5 May 1813
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Peabody, Elizabeth Smith Shaw

My dear Sister
Quincy May 5th 1813

I have made up packets of Letters for this mornings post, to Wiscasset, to N york, to the Valley & to Philadelphia. You will readily suppose that I am weary no I really am, tho correspondence of Harriot welch to Caroline & hers to Harriot all pass through my hands—She is now with mrs Bailey, and Yesterday brought a large packet from William Smith to his Mother Brother and Sister, all of which fall to my Share to transmit, beside my own private Letters. I have not yet got any Letters from mr Adams; he is so punctual that I know he must have written. a cartel from England brought these, and they are to 24 december. two Months later than I had heard before I learnt that the cartel was forbidden to take any Newspapers or private Letters, I therefore fear that mine are stoped in England as they have been formerly & that before the war and carried into Sir william Scots court of Admiralty—it is true they were deliverd up at the demand of mr Russel the American Secretary of Legation—I inclose a Letter from Elizabeth Foster
we are all well—your affectionate / Sister
A A—


Title: From Julia Stockton Rush to Abigail Smith Adams, 13 May 1813
From: Rush, Julia Stockton
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

My dear Madam
Philadelphia May 13th 1813

I want words to express the grateful feelings of my heart for your kind sympathy on our late heavy affliction, we have indeed suffered a bereavement that can never be repaired to us as individuals or as a family.—A husband, a father, a protector, snatched from us with but little time to prepare our minds for such a stroke, twenty hours before his pure spirit fled from us forever, we had no anticipation of a fatal termination to his disease—In the early years of my marriage I had nurs’d him through two severe illnesses, and seeing none of the alarming symptoms which then appeared, I was lull’d into security, and having no knowledge of the pulse. I was till sunday evening flattering myself with a hope and expectation that we would soon be well—But unerring wisdom saw fit that we should no longer be favor’d with his society, his precepts, his example. I desire to bow with submission to the decree, and devoutly pray that I may be enabled so to spend the remainder of my time upon earth, that I may be prepared to meet him in heaven to part no more.
Present me dear Madam respectfully and affectionately to the dear frend of my departed husband, his letter was consoling and highly gratifying to me, I am unable to answer it as I ought, and therefore beg you will have the goodness to excuse me to him, and tell him that the dear friend we mourn, derived more pleasure from the receipt Mr Adams’s letters than from any temporal concern that has engaged his attention of late years.—My Son and daughters desire their grateful thanks and respects to the frends who have taken so affectionate an interest in their sorrows—I am dear Madam / with great regard your obliged friend
Julia Rush


Title: From Elizabeth Smith Shaw Peabody to Abigail Smith Adams, 20 May 1813
From: Peabody, Elizabeth Smith Shaw
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

My Dear Sister,
Atkinson May 20th. 1813

By Mrs Welsh, who spent the afternoon with us, I was informed that Your dear Grandson was going to Russia. He will be an agreeable, interesting Companion, for he is possessed of singular strength of Mind—And if he goes, may the Angel of Mercy, be commissioned be to smooth his Passage, & waft him in safty over the briny Ocean, with prosperous Gales, & conduct him to the embraces of parental Love—
I will thank you my dear Sister, to take the charge of conveying the enclosed letter to Your Son—Should it fall into other hands, I have been cautious not to express my political feelings, & it will do no harm—
I lament with the President, & you my Sister, the Death of so eminent a Phisician as Dr Rush—espicially at this period, when so many want his Talents to aid, & direct them. Indeed, when we look arround, how few contempories do we find? Scarce any one, with whom to recall the pleasures of former days—“Or to take sweet counsel together”—
“When Heaven would kindly set us free
And Earth’s Enchantment end,
It takes the most effectual means,
And robs us of a Friend”—
Pray write to me, & let me hear of your health, & of the movements, & plans, in your vicinity, & in the welfare particularly of your own family, I shall ever feel deeply interested—Adieu, with Love, & kind regards to all, I am, your affectionate Sister
E Peabody—


Title: To John Adams from John Quincy Adams, 25 May 1813
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, John

No. 24.
My Dear Sir,
St. Petersburg 25. May 1813.

I had yesterday the satisfaction of receiving your favour of 1. March, after the interval of nearly a year during which I had not enjoyed the same pleasure. I well know how irksome it is to sit down and write, with so many restraints upon the pen, that we must be in perpetual anxiety, not what to say, but what to omit—But one of the comforts that I always derive from your letters, and which make me the more earnest in wishing that they could more frequently reach me is that they turn me to a new train of thought and enquiry; and give me some variety of occupation and amusement—Your question from Juvenal’s tenth  Satire for instance, I had long been well acquainted with, but I had never before seen Boyle’s translation of it—They were both I believe Bachelors, which is the only excuse I can allow them for speaking irreverently, of what I consider among the most valuable of human virtues, the desire of having a wife and children—Juvenal says that it is not only a blind but a depraved passion—“cocca pravaqul aspidiae;” which last epithet Boyle has had the grace to leave out—The translator too has softened the harshness of the original by a perhaps—Juvenal makes the charge positive, and without qualification—It is very true that when we pray for a partner of our life, and for offspring it is known only to Almighty God, whether they will prove blessings or misfortunes; and it may be said with equal truth, that when we pray to God for our daily bread, it is known only to him whether it may not choak instead of nourishing us—Of the whole sum of happiness attainable upon Earth, a very great proportion flows from the parental, conjugal and filial relations; and even the anguish occasioned by being deprived of them is among the strongest proofs of how precious they really are—All Satirists deal in exaggeration—Juvenal indulges himself in it perhaps more than any other Satirist—The age in which he lived was far more corrupt and vicious than ours—Yet bad as it was, the hideous picture of the six in his sixth Satire is undoubtedly overcharged—He there asks his friend who was on the point of marriage, whether he could not find a bridge to throw himself from or a cockloft to jump out of?—that he had betaken himself to marriage—And yet even then I have no doubt there were thousands and thousands of Husbands and wives at Rome, happy in each other, and of Parents happy in their children.—Notwithstanding his admonition therefore, I must ever bless the goodness of Providence in having given me a wife and children, and still fervently pray that these blessings may be continued to me—When it was the Will of Heaven to bereave me, I endevoured to bring my mind to a state of resignation and acquiescence in what I was bound to believe for the best; but I never could consider my prayers that the cup might pass from me, as the error of a blind, much less of a cup and Passion.
I believe that Mr. Boyle never had the pretension of prefixing a Sir to his name, any more than Sir Francis d’Ivernois was entitled to the Doctorate—The Biographia Britannica, into which your letter has led me to look for his name, begins the account of his life by saying that he was “a man superior to title and almost to praise”—it afterwards adds that of seven Sons of the great Earl of Cork he was the only one who attained to manhood without being honoured with a title—It also expressly asserts “that he was never married, but Mr. Evelyn was assured that he courted the beautiful and ingenious daughter of Cary Earl of Monmouth, and that to this passion was owing his Seraphick Love.” Now if this be true it may account for his extract and translation from Juvenal’s Vanity of human wishes; as the valet of Regnards’s Gamester concludes that Seneca wrote his moral sentences, because he had lost all his money at play.
None of Mr. Boyle’s writings have were fallen in my way, nor is it likely that I could easily procure them—I have therefore not the advantage of being able to consult his Seraphic Love—I have had a Winter of almost uninterrupted leisure; but the state of health in my family, and a state of mind more perturbed than is suitable for a regular course of reading, have not suffered me to employ that leisure as I should have inclined—The Philosophical writings of Cicero and Doctor Paley have more than absorbed the whole Season—The Tusculans and Academies, with the Dialogues de Natura Deorum and the Books de Finibus, have engaged as many of the Evening’s hours as I had to dispose of; alternately with the Moral Philosophy, the Horae Paulinae, the Evidences of Christianity and the Natural Theology of Paley—to which I have added the Moral Philosophy of Dr. Gisborne, with his Duties of Men, and of Women—Cicero loses nothing by familiarity of acquaintance; but I cannot say the same of Dr. Paley, whose morals and Christianity are both of too loose a texture for my approbation—Dr. Gisborne a less popular but in my opinion a more correct writer, has justly controverted the very basis of his Moral system, but the Chapter in the Evidences on the Morality of the Gospel appears to me still more exceptionable: The Natural Theology, is a very elaborate, ingenious and learned argument to prove from the mechanism of organized matter, an intelligent mechanic for its maker—It is the old argument of Ray and Derham, and of numberless others—The point seems too plain to need such a waste of labour to prove it. When you have said that a watch implies a watchmaker, and talk to a man capable of comprehending what a watch; and what mechanism is, if he can deny the position he is not worth reasoning with—But a watch implies neither a Creator, nor Omnipotence, nor a Supreme Governor—It implies as Hume urges just no more nor less than a watchmaker—The mechanism of organized matter proves an intelligent mechanic; but how small a step is this towards proving the most important attributes of God? Dr. Paley scarcely touches upon these Points—He does occasionally remark that mechanism indicates very great power, and benevolence, but the God that he demonstrates is merely the fabricator Mundi, and he never comes to the question whether the watch does or does not imply matter independent of the mechanic, as conclusively as the Mechanic independent of the matter
We are now at least twelve hundred miles remote from the Seat of the War, which last Summer was so close upon us—The prospects are that it will become more and more remote—The Campaign of 1813 has commenced with a most bloody but conclusive battle on the very spot where Gustavus Adolphus fell—The allied Russians and Prussians maintained the field of Battle, and took 16 pieces of Cannon—but two days after they found it expedient to retreat—Austria is said to have declared War against France—Sweden has landed 35000 Men in Pomerania—Denmark will be forced into the current, or swallowed up in the Vortex; a coalition including almost all the Powers which ascribed france in 1792 and 1793 besides Denmark and Sweden is opening before Europe a new prospect of blood and horror; of which the issue is beyond the ken of human foresight
I have only space to add how affectionately and faithfully / I am your’s


Title: From Benjamin Waterhouse to Abigail Smith Adams, 31 May 1813
From: Waterhouse, Benjamin
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

Dear Madam,
Boston 31st. of May 1813.

It is with some degree of mortification that I have to inform you, that I have not been able to get that extract of a letter from your son inserted in the Patriot, without submitting it to certain curtailments, & alterations, to suit with the notions of the party; and without omitting entirely that last paragraph which speaks of the disasters of the French army.— I yesterday withdrew the manuscript, on notice ission, & they then expressed an eagerness to  them, that neither I, nor any of Mr A’s friends  to trim a thing to please the populace. That they were not afraid of truth, neither ought the public—I am sick of Boston, and out of conceit of the times
I really sympathize with your husband for the loss of such a friend, & such an agreeable correspondent as Rush. Still his most valuable friends & connexions are left to him; and may they long, long be preserved to him, and he to them is the prayer of his & your friend
Benj. Waterhouse


Title: From William Stephens Smith to Abigail Smith Adams, 10 June 1813
From: Smith, William Stephens
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

My Dear Madam—
Washington June 10th. 1813.

I was much instructed by the letters you were so good as to forward me from Russia, I wish the writer of them was nearer to us, our great men, however great they are, want aid, they want vigour and decission, the war has assumed a Character that they appear not to have calculated upon—here are laying 140 peices of heavy artillery and not  a carriage to mount them upon—this place is totally void of defence, and my calculation is, that in a very few day’s here will be a scene of disorder and confusion—Intelligence arrivd last evening, that two British Frigates, had advanced 15 or 20 miles up the Patowmac, 2 seventy fours, lay at the mouth of the River and that their whole force in that vicinity amounted to 17 sail of the line, Frigates and Briggs—Their frigates and smaller ships, can bring up twenty fathom of water and I assert, they can destroy the navy yard, burn the bridge throw their shot over the Capitol and drive Congress from their station, they can promptly plunder and destroy Alexandria and the buildings connected with this City on the margin of the Waters—The national destress and the disgrace we shall be exposed to in the Eye of the World, you can better appreciate at Quincy, then I can describe—I keep myself perfectly calm, have made my private arrangements in case of tumult and confusion, I will share the dangers of defence If they attempt to make one, and if they do not, I shall be excused if I step So far out of the way as not to be exposed personally without the prospect of doing any material good. General Dearborn is approaching fast to his fall you recollect my first observation when I heard of his appointment—that he was a ruined  man, his conduct at the taking of York and his attack on Fort George, with his has permitted the defeated enemy to escape, must ruin him in the estimation of every officer and induce the Government to recal him, the nation will not bear the  fruitless effusion of blood and waste of treasures, from which no apparent good ultimately results—I have had a short talk on this subject with the War minister, he thanks his stars that he is no child of his—
You will notice the annunciation of Williams marrige in the papers, I have been visited & congratulated by the branches of the family here and many others I receive these, with great complacency, and burying all disappointments, I shall meet my Son and his Wife, in the same manner I would had I been consulted and fully approved—every exertion in my power shall be made to contribute to their happiness—I wish not to retrospect no possible good can arise from it, I have not touched the subject in my communications to the Valley, I suppose I shall have something from thence soon, to which I shall give a mild, benevolent and philosophic answer
Governor Tompkins arrived here last night which is a matter of much speculation—
The House will now enter on the National business, the committee of way’s and means have reported I hope the deliberations may not be interrupted by the war of british Cannon and blaizing Villiages
I would much rather it should evaporate in Smoak, present me respectfully to The President— / Yours Sincerely
W: S: Smith


Title: From John Adams to William Stephens Smith, 12 June 1813
From: Adams, John
To: Smith, William Stephens

Dear Sir
Quincy June 12. 1813—

We were happy to find by your Letter 22d of May that you had arrived safe at Baltimore on your way to the great city of Washington—We have not pursued the jocular hints or menaces on promisses of advice to you in your legislative Capacity as yet—for reasons too many to enumerate. We do not however give up the right of Instructing you—when we please—We claim this priviledge—not as Friends—Not as Relations—Not as aged and experienced Acquaintance: but as you are our legal Constitutional and Political Representative in the great Counsel of the Nation—We claim—assert and demand the Right—Liberty—Priviledge and Authority of Instructing you when ever we please. What! If you dare to give a vote that is not perfectly consonant to our Soverain Will—have we not a right to censure you—to reproach you—to write against you to your Constituents—to scribble against you in the News paper—to write Pamphlets against you? Please to remember—Sir—that We—i.e. I and my Consort—are 2—Particles of the Sovereignty which you represent.
But you will say—What if your Instructions—should not accord with my Conscience or Judgment? I answer—our Instructions—would bind you—just as the Result of one of our Ecclesiastical Counsels—among our Congregational Churches in New England—binds the Contending Parties—or as the Advice of our great Mediator—Alexander the Great Emperor of all the Russians—will bind America and Great Britain—I have had a little Experience—of the Mediation of two great Empires—Russia and Germany—and had Duties of Mediators—and the Importance of Mediations. Mr. Madison has been correct in accepting it. he could not—he ought not to have refused it. What may be the result of it I neither know—nor care—One thing I know—We must learn to depend upon ourselves. When the Wagoner puts his shoulder to the Wheel and encourages his horses—then and not till then will Apollo help him out of the mire.
It is too late to talk of system. The first Article of the system ought to have been Wooden walls—Floating Castles—Swimming Batteries and Moveable Citadels on the Lakes. This Omission is the source of all our Calamities and Misfortunes and Disasters of the War. Your most Important Duty—as a State Physician—is in my Opinion—to cure your Patient of his Hydrophobia—If a Superiority on the Lakes is not asserted and Maintained—though it should cost us—twenty Ships of the Line and forty Frigates—It will Cost us forty Thousand Lives and two hundred Millions of Dollars. So no more at present from your / affectionate
John Adams


Title: From William Steuben Smith to Abigail Smith Adams, 12 June 1813
From: Smith, William Steuben
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

My Dear Madam,
St. Petersburg 12. June 1813.

On the 24. May I had the very great satisfaction of receiving your kind letter of 23d. February. I felt doubly obligated to you for it as I conscious it must have been written under the impression, arising from the existing relations between the U. States and Britain, that the probabilities were very much against my ever receiving it; and I regret to say that the political appearances are not at all favourable to the supposition that the obstacles to communication are likely to be soon removed. Since the official Notification of the offer of Russia’s Mediation, has been made public in England, the language of the Courier, Government Paper, has ceased to be decent. We are to be spanked for our “follies.” And the consequence of punishment is to be Peace. It is said by those who have resided in the neighbourhood of Volcano’s, and who no doubt have made the remark from actual observation. That a sudden and violent irruption ejection of the Lava is an infallible indication that the eruption will shortly cease. I suppose it will hardly be prudent to draw an inference as to the durability of a political phenomenon, founded upon the Nature of a Natural.
The glorious achievements of our Naval band have produced an “exacerbation” of irritability in the “Lords of the Creation”—beyond conception; they perspire at every pore, their hairs are knitting needles, their eyes are aghast, their hands uplifted; and they are wrought up to the last period of astonishment—If one or two instances more of Naval Victories on our side were to occur, a National Delirium would be the consequence, and I have no doubt they will occurr whenever our vessels encounter an equal force, or even one a little superior as in the case of the “Frolick.”
The interest which you felt at the date of your letter, in the relations of the Military Operations of the Armies that had invaded the Russian territories, and that now lay prostrate on her plains, will be increased when you learn that Napoleon has arisen like a Salamander from the fire, and that his Enemies are again retreating before him. The result of the two Battles have already been favourable to him, but whether he will ultimately withstand the powerful Combination against him, is yet conjectural. The most sanguine of his well wishers never imagined the possibility of his being able to make so soon his reappearance.
The time for a second Campaign in Canada has arrived, and it is to be hoped that something better than defeats and surrenders to inferior forces will be the result of it. The Armies of Republics have I believe, pretty generally at first, had their operations marked with imbecility and unsuccess. A Campaign may be now like a game at Chess, merely by taking advantage of the blunders of your Enemy, but they say it is not allowed in either to err twice.
One of the Heroes of this Russian War, Prince Kutuzoff Smolensky, has been called on by the great teacher Death, at a very fortunate moment for his Glory. I inclose to you my dear Madam a translation of the letter from the Emperor Alexander to the widow of the Feild Marshal, which will convey to you a just idea of the nobleness of His Majesty’s character.
One of the great Events of the present day, and for which I must apologize to you, for not having taken an earlier opportunity to communicate—Although Neither the fate or welfare of any Empire, but my own, can be said to depend upon it. I feel a pleasure in thinking that you will approve when you learn of my marriage with Miss C. Johnson.
Among the calamities and trials to which we are all subjected, that which befel a young Lady of this place stands I should think almost unprecedented. Mr. Miers Fisher Junr. a young man of a respectable family in Philadelphia arrived here in October 1809. as Supercargo of an American Vessel—shortly after the opening of the Navigation in 1810. he formed a Commercial Connection in this City; and had been transacting business untill he was supposed to have made a handsome property; when a short time since he turned his thoughts to marriage, the young Lady to whom he had been paying his addresses being a Native of this Country, and professing the Greek Religion, it became necessary to procure the consent and approbation of the Emperor, together with a dispensation for the marriage, from the Metropolitan; both of which were granted without hesitation, and on the 4th. inst. the marriage was solemnized, and after passing a gay and pleasant evening surrounded by their mutual friends Mr. Fisher returned to his house with the Lady. He had for several days complained of violent head aches, but was otherwise thought perfectly well; on the second morning of his marriage he found himself so much incommoded by these pains that he arose to seek relief, by taking the air, and in passing the steps of his door—drop’d lifeless upon the stones—and was found in ten or fifteen minutes by his servant. A Physician was instantly called in, but it was of no service. On the 9th instt. we attended his remains to the grave.
I remain my dear Madam, with sentiments the most truly affectionate, your very dutiful Son.
Wm:Please to present me to my G.F. and all friends around you.


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to Julia Stockton Rush, 13 June 1813
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Rush, Julia Stockton

My dear Madam
Quincy June 13 1813

I have been sick almost ever since I had the pleasure of receiving your favour of May, but in sickness or health my mind has been with you. not a day has past that I have not visited your Bereved habitation and sat with you disconsolable and mourning, the recollection of the kind tender and affectionate Physician who has so often releived my pains and sufferings who cheered me by his Smiling and enlivening countenance—and by his entertaining and amuseing conversation frequently made me forget my sufferings, blending with his professional skill, the warmth and ardour of ancient Friendship—how can I ever forget him, or cease to regret that he was first calld to quit this world, In the language of a Friend under a distressing Bereavement. I would say it is well for our virtue to preserve the memory of the Friend we have lost. it connects itself with & strengthens all our better feelings & resolutions. It delivers us from the debasement which is produced by being continually occupied with present objects. it carries us back to the past when we knew them & direct our views to the future when we shall meet them again the thought of those whom we have lost gives us new interest in every thing which remember them to have approved, in every good purpose in which they were engaged together with us, and in every virtue and excellence which their Friendship promoted, and it leads our attention to that world where they now exist and from which we are parted by so thin a seperation”
Thought and feelings like these cannot fail to occupy the Bosom of my Friend, dwelling as she constantly must upon the memory of her departed consort, I want to be informed whether he was himself sensible of his own near approach to death, and if the recollection and detail is not too painfull to recite every particular respecting this dear and valued Friend—Ah—I knew not how much I loved him—Friendship Respect & esteem was interwoven with his Name, but his death has shown me that I felt for him a deep rooted affection. it is transferd to you my dear Madam & to every Branch of your Family, for whose welfare and prosperity & happiness I shall never case cease to pray—
I wish to see and to possess every Eulogyeum which may be  pronounced to his memory and an engraving if a likeness which I learn is now to be taken.
His Friend my dear partner feels I believe his loss more than any person out of his own Family—he has Sufferd a deprivation which cannot ever be made up to him, that Bosom confidence which he held with no other Friend or correspondent. he desires me to assure you and your Family that while he Lives he will hold you in affectionate / remembrance and in this / he is joined by your Friend
Abigail Adams


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to John Quincy Adams, 14 June 1813
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Adams, John Quincy

My Dear Son
Quincy June 14th 1813—

As there is Some prospect of mr Russels being appointed to Sweeden I hope to convey Letters to you through him I have been more than usually unfortunate in the loss of those which I have endeavourd to convey to you, not having omitted writing to you every Month. yet I have not any acknowledgement from even your latest Letter dated in Feby 1813 that you had received a line from me of a more recent Date than April 1812—and I now despair of your getting any, untill the new Ministers arrive, which I hope will be in all this Month—
From you, by what ever hand conveyd or Country through which they pass, they all get to us. if not according to their dates, and not unfrequently opend, yet in time they all come, and my own file from you is compleat to 42—
we received during the last week by a Cartel from Halifax a large packet which were was taken in a Captured vessel and carried with other papers to the Admiralty office one Letter to your Father dated Novbr 5th 1812 with a press Copy of one of  4  october—one to me No 39 30th Novbr 1812 with a press Copy No 38 24 october, one Letter addrest to T B Adams Esqr 24th Novbr. 1812 press Copy Sepbr 29th 1812 one Letter addrest to George & John Adams dated 17 December, together with a Letter addrest to Robert Fulton, with Coppies of your Letter to Chancellor Romanzoff, and his Replie.
I have been thus particular that you might know what a fund of information our good Friends have had, from the Admiralty office these Letters were Sent to Sir John C Sherbrook; and as mr Mitchell, Agent of the United States informd for exchange of American prisoners of war informs your Father in a very polite Letter accompanying the Letters that in conversation a few days before—Sir John C Sherbrook mentiond having in his possession these Letters and asked mr Mitchell if he would forward them on his part, accordingly they were Sent him with a Letter from the Secretarys office Saying that in obedience to his excellencys command he had forwarded his the Letters—from mr Adams in Russia pers—as it may afford pleasure to his Friends to receive them.
Now as this is acting the part of the Man of honour and the Gentleman, I have a pleasure in recording this Instance of politeness from Sir John C Sherbrook and am not at all disposed to quarrel with him for having read the Letters as I hope they afforded him both entertainment and instruction. they have given him your Ideas of the War between the two Countries—, Your earnest solicitude for an honorable peace—as well as your opinion of the War between Russia and France—and they are opinions which Subsequent events proved the truth of—
I have to acknowledge the receipt of your Letters of Novbr 30th of December Janry & Febry—as I Send the Letters usually to Your Sister to read I have not them all by me to assertain the exact dates—they are full, as all your Letters are of very interesting matter respecting our Country, its prospects and present State and future prospecst as well as its connections with foreign powers—
I am not at ease with the conduct of our Native State, the opposition manifested by the present Ruling & Dominant Party to the measures of the administration and to the War—throws not only a Dead weight into the Scale against the Government, but really aids and deceives the Enemy into a beleif that we must come to their terms, however unjust and disgracefull to our national honour and independence—it is really Indic ridiculous our General Court have chosen a committe to consider how the great State of Massachusetts Shall obtain her proper weight and influence in the union! not I presume by a seperation of the union, or by a continuence of her present conduct. She has influenced other N England States to unite with her in her degradation and Submission to GB—but if it comes to the trial, which heaven avert, She will find there is a genuine yankey Spirit which will quell all foreign influence—
our ports are all Blockaded, and our communication by water with our Sister States almost wholy cut off—but our enterprizing Countrymen get Supply of flower and grain by land, altho at a great expence. we Shall Soon get to opening cannels—our manufactories flourish—the last Season the wetest I ever new cut of our Crops of grain almost totally, or we Should not have been so distrest. the Present as yet is highly promissing—
three of our Frigates are blockaded in port. the rest are out, taking their chance against an hundred
I regeted much that I lost the opportunity of Sending George to you when with mr Galletin & Bayard—yet if peace Should not be the result of the Mediation—I Shall most assuredly expect your return—and I hope no family circumstance will arise to prevent it—I have not a word to Say upon the intelligence communicated in two of your Postscrips of your last Letters—I may however be permitted to wonder & to wonder.
George is now I think improving in his hand-writing, but he will not write he Says untill he is not ashamed to Send you a Letter. John will be a good writer and his Preceptor says Scholar also—he is also very ready at arithematic—
your Brother has a Son born upon the 26 May Election Day. he proposes Calling him Isaac Hull in honour of our first Naval victory.
My Love to my daughter & to my Grandson


Title: From Mercy Otis Warren to Abigail Smith Adams, 15 June 1813
From: Warren, Mercy Otis
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

Plymouth June 15th. 1813—

Though I have received no reply to my last, I interrupt Mrs. Adams again on a subject that lays near my heart.—It was reported to me yesterday that my beloved Mrs. Smith was again attacked by a dreadful malady which she has once surmounted:—and that apprehension of its fatal & speedy termination she has sent for her mother. When I receive an answer to the above enquiry I most ardently pray that I may hear the report arose more from apprehension than reality.—With my best wishes for each member of your family, I am, as ever,
Mercy Warren


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to Mercy Otis Warren, 20 June 1813
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Warren, Mercy Otis

my dear Madam
Quincy June 20th 1813

your Letter this morning received So kindly inquiring after my Dear Daughter, demands from me, not only my thanks, but an immediate reply.
Mrs Smith, through her whole Life has enjoyd good health, untill the painfull opperation She endured the last Summer, after which her nerves were much affected.
Soon after her return to the valley She wrote me word, that She had been Severely attacked with the Rheumatism in her Back. it left her Back and Seizd upon her left hip, from which She Sufferd great pain. She was easiest in Bed in this way it continued through the winter. She obtaind Some releif from Blisters. as the Spring approachd it put on an inflamitory form and attackd her Side like a plurisy—She was then Bled, and Blisterd again, in consequence of which she is much Weakned and debilitated. about three weeks Since, She was voilently attackd in her Stomack which greatly allarmd Caroline, and the rest of her Friends—the more So for the cols being absent in Congress.
it was at this time that both Caroline and her Aunt Nancy Smith were So anxious, and wrote to us in Such a manner as excited our poignant distress—
it appeard impossible for me to undertake, a journey of Such a distance, Sick as I have been for more than a Month, confined to my chamber with a fever—
Mrs Smith knew this, and did not Send for me, but Still hopes that She may So recover, as to make herself a journey here when the col.  returns—it was my desire that She Should have been with us, when the Coll, first went on to Congress, but She was too Sick to undertake it—I still flatter myself that She will be able to, if no Severe attack again prevents it, but I fear She will never again enjoy health—
My Dear Madam I have not written to you in replie to your last Letter.
Such is the warlike State of Nations and their various Destinies, that we cannot calculate what is to be the end of these things, who are to be the Conquerers, or why they thus destroy each other, but thus it has been from Age to Age, and will continue So, as long as time endures—
whether Bonaparte is again to become the conquerer, time must decide—
The conduct of our own State Government cannot Surely meet the approbation of any real American I Should much rather chuse, that the Name of my Family Should be blotted from the page of History, than appear upon Record as the proposer of Such a Resolution as past the Senate in their late Session—I do not view this War, as waged for conquest, or ambition, but for our injured Rights, for our freedom, and the Security of our Independence—and therefore Shall rejoice When any Naval victory, or Milatary Success attend upon our Arms; which may give us any hope or prospect of Peace, which always ought to be the object aimd at, and I Sincerely beleive is So by our Government. most Sincerely do I wish it that war could have been avoided—
I inclose to you for your perusal Several Letters from my Son. they will perhaps give you a better Idea of the contending powers there I am able to. You will be So good as to return them when read—
I am dear Madam with Sentiments of Love veneration and esteem / your Friend

Abigail Adamsmy Family join in Regards to yours—


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Thomas Boylston Adams, 21 June 1813
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Thomas Boylston

N. 39.
St: Petersburg 21. June 1813.

The duplicate of your Account for the year 1811. has at length reached me; but without comment or explanation—Part of it I therefore cannot fully understand—Upon that which is intelligible I shall not multiply remarks, recollecting the destiny which befell those that I had intended exclusively for yourself on a former occasion So far as I can judge I have less inducement to make in this instance observations like those which I ought to perhaps to have withheld before; but the renewal of my thanks for your faithful attention to my concerns and for all the pains you have taken in the Management of my Affairs, ought not in like manner to be omitted.— I repeat them therefore with the warmest acknowledgments.
I have just received information, not officially but through the Newspapers that the American Government has accepted the proffered mediation of the Emperor of Russia, to effect a Peace between the United States and Great Britain; and that Mr Gallatin and Mr Bayard are coming out as Commissioners for that purpose— The Accounts from England lead to the belief that the Emperor’s proposal has not been found so acceptable there as in America, and manifest a probability that it will be declined— The Ministerial Paper the Courier, talks about nailing the flag to the Mast and telling the Emperor of Russia that they will listen to no Mediation upon this subject— The letters from England all agree that this is the general sentiment there, and that this new attempt to restore Peace will prove as abortive as all those that have preceded it
As I learn that Messieurs Gallatin and Bayard were to sail from Philadelphia, about the first of May, I am looking for their arrival every hour— I presume that independent of the Commission for Peace, one of them will also be destined to take my place here, and that the vessel in which they come will afford me an opportunity of returning home with my family.— How long I shall be detained here after their arrival I cannot yet say— If untill the definitive answer from England, upon the mediation, it may be untill August or September— This will leave sufficient time for getting out of the Baltic before the close of the navigable Season, and give us a prospect of reaching home towards the end of the year— I hope to have opportunities of writing to you again previous to our own departure, and after I shall have more certain grounds for determining on the time of our probable return.
“Le moment ou je parle, est déja loin de moi”
This would be the proper motto for the History of Europe during the last twelve Months— The succession of Events has been as momentous and rapid as it ever was at any period in the annals of the world— On the 24th: of last June, Napoleon at the head of at least 300,000 men, entered upon the Russian Territory—in September he was at Moscow— In December he reached Paris, almost literally alone, and his immense host were fattening the crows, and bleaching the frozen fields of Russia and of Poland— In March the Russians were at Berlin and Dresden, Hamburg and Lubeck— On the first and second of May he met them at Lutzen, and at this moment, if for want of better information I can believe common Report he is in or on the Borders of Silesia, with an armistice concluded, and a Russian and a Prussian Plenipotentiary at his Camp— Prussia from his Ally has become his most inveterate foe— Austria I am very positively assured has made the same evolution— But whether she has actually commenced hostilities or not is a problem which time only can solve— The public here are assured in the Gazettes that she has; while in the same Gazettes other Articles affirm that she is in concert with him, to convoke a General Congress of all Europe and the United States of America, to negotiate a genera Peace— Hamburg in the course of a month has passed successively into the hands of Russian, Danish, Swedish, Prussian, Danish again, and finally French troops.— Sweden with a French General at the Head of her army, is in English pay to invade France— Denmark has been wavering between France and the Coalition, ready to take the side of the allies; spurned back into the arms of France; and perhaps at this moment bombarded, and Congreve rocketed again into submission to the allies— All is yet a chaos of Confusion; through which the Elements are barely discernible of a plan attempted to be organized in concert between Russia, Sweden and England; and into which Austria, Prussia, and Denmark were to be drawn— Its first object was the dissolution of the Rhenish Confederation, and a reorganization of the German Empire— Then it would seem Holland was to be restored to the House of Orange, and the Bourbons were to have as much of old France, as a dismemberment to be limited by the moderation of the allies might leave her— The two Battles, of Lutzen, and of Bautzen, though both officially declared here Victories of the allies, appear to have interposed some little obstacle to the immediate execution of this great plan. To the utter astonishment of all Europe, after a series of disasters which would have overwhelmed in irretrievable ruin the oldest and mightiest monarchy of the Globe, Napoleon returned to the field, as formidable as if no misfortune had befallen him. In the first Battle, he fought under great disadvantages, and with a very inferior force— The victory was perhaps equivocal on the day of the battle, but the next day the Russians and Prussians retreated— Three weeks afterwards, having received a reinforcement of 30000 men, they fought another Battle of three days, the 19th: 20th: and 21st: of May; upon the first and second days of which they again claim the victory; but acknowledge a retreat on the third.— A full Month has passed since this last event, and nothing official has been published here of subsequent occurrences— The rumour of an Armistice is very general, but the fact is not publicly acknowledged.— It is not the custom here to publish any news but such as are agreeable— Of the consequences of the battle of Lutzen, nothing was known here, untill the English Newspapers came, containing the French official Relations. From the postponement of public acknowledgement that an armistice has been concluded, it is supposed that it was only for a few days, and that a renewal of hostilities will ensue— Great reinforcements were marching to join the Russian Army— Austrian troops were assembling in Bohemia, to join the allies; and the success of a last effort to whip Denmark into the ranks of the Coalition was to be waited for— We know not even the time to which the Armistice was limited— The Reports are 40 hours—3 days—15 days—40 days—and we know not where the head-quarters of either of the armies were.
Yours affectionately
A.
P. S. I enclose a letter, which I presume is for my Sister—if she is at Quincy remember me affectionately to her— I cannot write upon a subject which has given her much concern— To tell how much it has given and still gives me would be useless— To aggravate her feelings would be unkind—to alleviate them is impossible— Remember me most kindly also to your wife and Children.


Title: From Elizabeth Smith Shaw Peabody to Abigail Smith Adams, 22 June 1813
From: Peabody, Elizabeth Smith Shaw
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

Atkinson June 22 1813—

Your long silence (My Dear Sister) made me fear that you, or some of your family were sick—I was at Haverhill, & enquired of Mrs Harrod, but she did not mention it, only told me, that another Grandson was announced, whose name was to be Isaac Hull—Perhaps, the deceased Lawrence, might be as able, & intrepid a Commander, as the victorious Hull—But Laurels seldom spring, from the ashes of the unfortunate—A naval Engagment, I have ever thought must be tremendously sublime—The recent Scene, will not be easily blotted from the memory of those, who with anxious Eye, & palpitating Heart, beheld from the Shore, the tragic Drama—It will at least serve to remind them, that it is not “He who puteth on the Harness,” Who has cause for boasting—In our former Conflict with Great Britain, we were sensible of our own weakness, & therefore exerted every power to defend our just Rights, & relied upon the Righteousness of our Cause—But I forbear—too much has been already said—& to little purpose—you, & other good people can rejoice, that “the Lord God omnipotent reigneth,” & can defeat the Counsels to the Ahitophels of our Land, in whatever place they may be—
Yes! my dear Sister, I do sincerely lament your dear Daughters Sickness—at such a distance too from her beloved Parents—But her heavenly Father is ever near—to those who in sincerity call upon him—I hope she may yet live to visit you at Quincy—I mentioned to Abby, that if she came in the Spring, I hoped she would tarry with you as long as it pleased Heaven to spare her Parents life—
I did not see why she could not have the Col. live in Mass. as well as in New York State—
When you first mentioned her having the Rhumatism, I was apprehensive, her dissease was of a different nature—Though I heard Dr Warren, thought her blood was not injured, & when at Quincy she appeared other wise, in perfect Health—
Our lovely Caroline! I do pity her—She must have many trying Duties—Her Father absent—no equally interested Sister, or Brother very near to share, & alleviate her troubles—But, can there be a sight more arresting to our feelings, than
“Beauty, with her Angel smile
Inclining o’er the Couch of Woe”
I sincerely hope, that both Mother, & Daughter, will find all needed consolation in that religion they have professed—& in all distressing scenes, repose, in Him, “who careth for us”—
I was very sorry your Grandson, was dissappointed in not embarking for Russia—It would have relieved his Grandparents, & Uncle’s mind from great Care, & responsibility—& might have been a grand opportunity to have improved, & gratified his own inquiring disposition—& added much to his Fathers Happiness—but we know not, what is best, we cannot see into futurity—We can scarcely discern the “Page prescribed”—
The marriage of William S. Smith was unexpected news to me—We find my Sister, that Cupid can frolick in the cold regions of the North as well as in a more temperate, Zone—And I have long ago been convinced that there is nothing too ridiculous, or too distressing for this insinuating Urchin Plague (I had like to have said) to accomplish—And Who can have Fortitude to repell, when he comes in “Friendship’s Angel Guise.”—I am sorry our dear John Smith, has been so thwarted, It is apt to give a mean opinion of the Sex, & to sour the temper—& lessen our Philanthropy—But I hope, good things are in Store for him yet—though I have been seen much reason to join with the Poet, & exclaim, Forever Fortune, dost thou prove,
An unrelenting Foe to Love,—
And when thou seest a mutual Heart
“Come in between, & bid them part”—
We have been favoured with a charming visit from our worthy Cousin Betsy Smith, the only disagreeable was, it was too short—Mrs Otis being at home, & Miss Crafts poor health, made her unwilling to tarry longer—Few persons are more useful in Life than this virtuous woman—She is an honour to the single State—
It gave me pleasure to hear my Son, had been at Quincy, & was honoured by the converse of him, whose “long Experience had made him Sage”—I hope the “Dear Pair” did not sit untill Saiety, forbade future Interviews—my best respects, & Love is ever due, for the parental interest, & kindness, you both have shewn my Son—
We have here all bad Colds,—The Cranchs are well, & attend a writing Master, for a fortnight—I hope they will improve—though Richard has for sometime been the best in the Academy—Mr Peabody thanks you  your kind Invitation but it is uncertain whether he will have the pleasure of seeing you at Quincy—I wish you could take a ride & visit us in Atkinson—A short journey might do you goodI know you have many weighty cares—But may you be strengthened, & supported by an Almighty arm, prays / your affectionate Sister
E P—


Title: To John Adams from William Cranch, 22 June 1813
From: Cranch, William
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir,
Alexandria June 22d. 1813.

I received your very kind and flattering letter of 1st. ulto.—On the morning before I received it I settled an account with Mr. Gales who is my tenant, and in doing so ask’d him if anything was due from you to charge it to my account. He look’d at his books and told me that somebody had paid for you in advance and that nothing was due. However, after receiving your letter I wrote him a note and requested him to look again at his books and if he had made a mistake to charge your subscription to my account.
I am, Sir, as much grieved as you can be, to see the spirit of party in Boston usurping the place of the spirit of patriotism; and to see the seeds of discord sown so plentifully, and cultivated with so much assiduity, by men of the greatest influence.
Who could suppose that the Genius of Massachusetts could sicken at the successes of our little navy because the Administration participates in the pride which an American cannot fail to feel?—
But I strive to repress every sensation of indignation which might be indulged on political subjects. They not only embitter the passing hour, but, if indulged they cloud the mind, and corrupt the heart.
We are all well, and desire to be most affectionately and respectfully presented to our dear and venerable Aunt, and to the residue of your family. And I beg you, my dear Sir, to be assured of the most grateful and respectful affection / of your obliged Nephew

W. Cranch.I hear that the President, who has been dangerously ill of a bilious complaint, is so much better as to sit up.—


Title: From Julia Stockton Rush to Abigail Smith Adams, 23 June 1813
From: Rush, Julia Stockton
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

My dear Madam
Philadelphia June 23 1813

It is matter of much consolation to know that frends so dear to My lamented husband as Mr and Mrs Adams intend to continue, or or rather to transfer to me the frendship with which they have so long favord him. I shall cherish it as of inestimable value, tho conscious that I have no other claim to the honor they so kindly have offered, but that I was dear to him who they loved and respected while living, and whom they so pathetically and eloquently lament now dead.
A request from you dear Madam will ever with me have the force of a command, I will therefore at this time pass over that part of your letter in which with so much feeling you refer to my afflicting bereavement, and proceede to give you the particulars of the closing scene of our much loved frend.
A cough was constitutional with him on the slightest cold, he got his feet wet in November from attending the funeral of one of his patients, a cough ensued which was never cured, tho it gave him but little trouble during the day, except after some unusual exposure to cold or damp, He was frequently during the winter disturbed by it at night, and always had a bad coughing spell after he got into bed and upon rising in the morning—he always took a drink of warm molasses and water made pleasant by a little brandy or lime juice at going to bed—sometimes 10 drops of ladunum if he had coughd in the evening, by these little attentions he pass’d the winter comfortably and often express’d his gratitude to god that with a heavy cough he had not been confined a single day, and his health otherwise was remarkably good—He had been in the habit of drinking from one to two glasses of good madeira wine every day, but after the cough became troublesome he abstained from wine intirey, and for two months before his sickness he even deny’d himself the use of small table beer of which he was fond, and always used at his dinner. I remonstrated against this plan and said that I thought his labors and his advancing years required more generous living—He said it agreed with him, that altho he drank nothing but water at his meals, that he took meat every day (I thought but sparingly) drank a good portion of tea and coffee, and ate plentifully of buttered toast and the cakes that are in use with us during the winter, he added that he got up from his dinner and sat down to his studies with as much alacrity as he did when he was thirty years of age owing he thought to his light meals—I reminded him but a few days before he was sick, that his dieting plan was more likely to injure him now than when he was thirty years of age, and I urged him to try a little wine again, he said he had yielded to my entreaties several times lately and it had always set him to coughing—I thought he looked pale and reduced—I have been thus particular as I cannot but believe that this reduced state of his body previous to his illness, had no small effect in the sinking of his system so soon under so little apparent disease. He pass the day of the 14 of April in his usual health, was engaged in active business till seven oclock in evening, when after taking coffee and eating heartily of buckwheat cakes, he sat down to his writing desk, he was preparing one of the tracts he mentioned in his last letter to Mr Adams. I was in and out of his room several times after tea and found him busy, at nine oclock I found him sitting close to the fire and he said he feard he was getting a chilly fit—I advised him to go to bed to which he consented—While the room and water for his feet were preparig I warm’d his great coat and put it on him and gave him some warm drink—the chamber maid soon came in and said all was ready—I carried the candle before him and he went up the stairs, alas he never came down till he was borne to his grave—providence was kind in putting all these things into my mind, and in inducing him to yield so soon to all these little remedies, for tho they were unavailing, yet it has been a comfort to me to know that without any particular anxiety as to the indisposition then on him—that nothing was omitted in the beginning which could have been done if I had know the fatal event that was to take place—not more than twenty minutes had pass’d before he was in a warmed bed from his first complaining, He took a diluting warm draught after he got into bed—his chilliness for it did not amount a chilly fit soon went of, and a fever succeeded, he complained of pains in his limbs and after midnight of a pain in his right side—soon after this he said he must be bled—I told him not to think of that remedy so soon, that he had lived low all winter and was too pale and thin to bleed upon every little fit of pain that occured—he slept after this but towards daylight was very urgent for me to get up and send for the bleeder, I felt I do not know why—but I did feel a great reluctance to bleeding him—and with great difficulty persuaded him to wait till morning—at seven I got up and sent of the bleeder who took twelve oz of blood, it gave him releif and a perspiration came on and carried of his fever—one of our Sons was affected with an external complaint which required a Surgeon, Dr Dorsey call’d occasionally—and happened to call that morning thursday, when I heard he was in the house, I requested that he would see Dr Rush—he did not ask for it nor should I have thought it necessary to send for one if he had not happened in the house—it was my son James who was the patient and his complaint confined him to his room therefore he had not seen his father—Dr Dorsey felt his pulse and heard how he was taken and what had been done, He said the bleeding was right, but the pulse was subdued, and he did not think more would be necessary, prescribed a blister to the side if the pain continued or returned, and desired me to make some generous wine whey, and let him drink plentifully through the day—it pass’d away without any thing to alarm and I hoped and believed he would be down stairs the next day—He complained a little of the pain in the side in the evening and a blister was appl’yd which never rose—he frequently said the pain was not actute and he should not regard it but for the cough he had so long laboured under. he feard congestion might take place, on friday the only unfavorable symptom was a constant disposition to sleep—upon my expressing uneasiness, he quieted my fears by reminding me that he had taken an opiate the night before—and that his habits were so active—that he could not but sleep lying as he did in a comfortable bed without pain and with but little fever—towards evening his fever rose and he pass’d a restless evening and night, and complained again of an acute pain in his side and call’d earnestly for another bleeding a little before daylight. I entreated him to wait till his physician saw him, indeed told him that I could not consent to his loosing blood again after hearing that his pulse was low—that if he should sink under bleeding I could never forgive myself, when Dr Dorsey came he objected to bleeding him but told me he wish’d Dr Physick to be call’d, as he did not himself as a young man feel himself at liberty to oppose Dr Rush inclination to be bled and that he thought it improper in the then state of his pulse, Dr Physick soon came and also decided against the operation, he however consented to cupping on the side by which he took four oz ounces of blood, and obtained releif—and complained but little more of his side afterwards, he was a good deal exhausted by the pain and operations of the morning, and he had a good deal of fever—but towards dinner time he got into a comfortable sleep, and in the evening his fever abated and at bed time he seem’d free from any complaints except weakness—he had a most comfortable night, I beleive he would have slept soundly if he had not been frequently wakened to take nourishment which he did in the form of porter and wine whey. On sunday morning when the Doctors came they congratulated me on his being in safe way—he said he had no pain, fever, nor uneasiness, indeed he said he was quite well—when the children came in he kiss’d the girls and shook hands with his sons, and said he hoped to be down among them in a few days—he told me he could think again, that he had been in so lethargick a state for two days that he could not collect his Ideas together, that he had been very ill, but that he hoped the crisis of his disease was pass’d and that he had nothing but weakness to contend with, he conversed pleasantly with me all day on Sunday when awake, tho he was still sleepy, but said he awoke refresh’d from every little nap—he took porter, wine, whey, and beef tea, all of which agreed with his stomach—Bishop White paid him a visit after the afternoon service, he talk’d as usual with him for about 15 minutes and said he would thank him for a short prayer—. adding “I am much better but still weak and low, the effectual fervent prayer of a righteous man availeth much” this was made, and the Bishop has since told me that when he left him he considered him safe—soon after this visit came the Doctors again, they said not a word to alarm me, only to my daughters in the parlour they said they did not think him quite so well as in the morning, they desired me to give him as much of his drinks as he would take, and that they should see him again at nine o’clock—I was informed after his death that they found his pulse very low, it would have been very important  for me to have know his real state, he did not appear to beleive himself worse at that time—I knew his fever had risen from his flush’d face and from his thirst—but he said he was quite easy, and talk’d as usual about indifferent things—during the day in speaking of his recovery he said he should be thankful to be spared yet a little longer to his dear family, but if god had done with him here, he was perfectly resigned to his will and ready to go and thankful that he had been spared so long. At nine oclock on Sunday evening the physicians came again, and I soon awoke to the horrors that I afterwards experienced—Dr Physick told me his pulse had sunk astonishingly since five oclock, and that strong stimulants must be poured down and used externally—brandy was given, cloths were wrung out of spirits of turpentine and applyd to his body, blisters mixed with turpentine to his legs, blisters of the common kind had been put to his wrists on saturday night, and they rose tolerably well, he took but little brandy it was too powerful for him, it made him cough and affected his breast to a distressing degree, he said he should strangle if he took another dose and absolutely refused after the third—but he took all the other mentioned articles to the last hour, and said they were pleasant, cooling and refreshing—He then was sensible of his immediate danger, but meek, resigned, and collected. He call’d his Son James to him and gave him some directions relative to his papers, and committed his Mother and Sisters to his attention and kindness, I then returned to him, he took my hand and look’d at me and said “My excellent wife I shall leave you, but your Son will take care of you I have charged him to do so—He then raised his eyes to heaven and repeated these words from the Litany of the Epscopal church, “By the Mystery of thy holy incarnation, by thy holy nativity and circumsision; by thy baptism fasting and temptation, by thine agony and bloody sweat, by thy cross and passion, by thy precious death and burial, by thy glorious resurection and assension, and by the coming of the holy ghost, blessed Jesus wash me from the defilements of sin and receive me into thy everlasting arms,” This was in the night of sunday—or the morning of monday, he said no more to me particularly nor indeed to any one else, except to answer in the kindest and most polite manner to evey question that was put to him—Dr Mease who gave him the last tumbler of porter diluted with a little cold water about half an hour before he left us, ask’d him if it continued to be pleasant to him, he said yes Sir  agreeable and cooling—He laid the whole of Monday in this tranquil and happy state, either sleeping or raising his hands in silent ejaculation, frequently wiping the cold sweat from his face with an handkerchief which he would not let go from his hands, till seven minutes after five in the evening when without a struggle or a groan he took his flight to an happier region—I humbly trust to dwell with the spirits of just men made perfect and in the presence of god. A more quick happy death no mortal was ever favord with, perfectly rational till the last moment—he put the seal to the piety and usefulness of his life by his composure and resignation in death—but oh my dear Madam what an aching heart is left to me, the world appears a dreary waste, where I have but little to do and less to interest me.
I have given you a plain unvarnished statements of the circumstances as they occurred—my hand has trembled I fear too much to make what I have written legible and my tears have flown too fast to enable me to study the language I have used—but to a friend who was so much interested as to ask such a detail I am sure it is not necessary to appologize for the manner of its execution I cannot tell you how much I am gratified by the request.
My daughter has copied most of the tributes of respect to her father that have been published, she will make copies of them for you—a perfect likeness was taken of him about six months ago from which a miniature print is now in hand, as soon as it is finished one shall be sent to you. My daughter Manners left me three weeks ago to join her husband in Canada he has been slightly wounded made a prisoner and parolled in one of the late battles in Upper Canada—she was to go to her sister in Quebec, but she will now see her husband sooner than she expected, as he will not be call’d upon to fight till he is exchanged—You see my dear Madam I have had more than one affliction to encounter—but they are all necessary, we are so tightly peg’d down to the world till these trials break us loose, that I feel they are sent in mercy to me at least—All my family desire to be most respectfully presented to the highly respected frend of their dear father Mr Adams, and to you Madam / With your obliged / and most affectionate / frend & servant
Julia Rush


Title: From John Quincy Adams to George Washington Adams, 23 June 1813
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, George Washington

15. (Letter 10.)
My dear Son.
St: Petersburg 23 June 1813.

The whole system of Christian morality appears to have been set forth, by its divine author in the sermon upon the mount, recorded in the 5th: 6th: and 7th: Chapters of St: Matthew. I intend hereafter to make them the subject of remarks, much more at large.—For the present I confine myself merely to general views. What I would impress upon your mind as infinitely important to the happiness and virtue of your life is the general spirit of Christianity and the duties which result from it.
In my last letter I shewed you from the very words of our Saviour that he commanded his disciples to aim at absolute perfection, and that this perfection consisted in self-subjugation and brotherly love—In the complete conquest of our own Passions, and in the practice of benevolence to our fellow creatures, including among them our most inveterate enemies.
Among the Grecian systems of moral philosophy that of the stoics resembled the Christian doctrine in this particular of requiring the total subjugation of the Passions and this part of the Stoic principles was adopted by the academics. You will find the question discussed with all the Eloquence and ingenuity of Cicero in the fourth of his Tusculan disputations, which I advise you to read and to meditate upon. You will there find proved as fully as human reason can prove the duty of totally subduing the Passions.
It is sometimes objected that this theory is not adapted to the infirmities of human Nature that it is not made for a being so constituted as man—than an earthen vessel is not formed to dash itself against a rock—that in yielding to the impulse of the Passions, man only follows the dictates of his Nature; and that to subdue them entirely is an effort beyond his powers.
The weakness and frailty of man it is not possible to deny: it is too strongly attested by all human experience as well as by the whole tenor of the scriptures: but the degree of weakness must be limited by the efforts to overcome it, and not by indulgence to it—Once admit weakness as an argument to forbear exertion and it results in absolute impotence.
It is also very inconclusive reasoning to infer that because perfection is not absolutely to be obtained, it is therefore not to be sought. Human excellence consists in the approximation to perfection; and the only means of approaching to any term, is by endeavouring to attain the term itself.
With these convictions upon the mind; with a sincere and honest effort to practice upon them, and with the aid of a divine blessing which is promised to it, the approaches to perfection may at least be so great as nearly to answer all the ends which absolute perfection itself could attain. All exertion therefore is virtue, and if the tree is to be judged by its fruits, it is certain that all the most virtuous characters of heathen antiquity were the disciples of this stoic doctrine.
Let it even be admitted that a perfect command over the Passions, is unattainable to human infirmity, and it will yet be true that the degree of moral excellence possessed by every individual is in exact proportion to the degree of controul which he exercises over himself—According to the Stoics all vice was resolvable into folly—according to Christian principles, it is all the effect of weakness.
In order to preserve the dominion of our own Passions, it behooves us to be constantly and strictly upon our guard, against the influence and the infection of the Passions of others—This caution is above all necessary in youth, and I deem it the more indispensable to enjoin it upon you, because as kindness and benevolence comprize the whole system of Christian duties; there may be and often is great danger of falling into error and vice, merely by the want of energy to resist the example or the enticement of others—On this point the true character of Christian morality appears to me to have been misunderstood by some of its ablest and warmest defenders—In Paley’s View of the Evidences of Christianity there is a Chapter upon the morality of the Gospel, the general tenour of which as of the whole Work is excellent, but in which there is the following passage.
“The truth is, there are two opposite descriptions of character, under which mankind may generally be classed. The one possesses vigour, firmness, resolution, is daring and active, quick in its sensibilities, jealous of its fame, eager in its attachments, inflexible in its purpose, violent in its resentments.
“The other, meek, yielding, complying, forgiving; not prompt to act, but willing to suffer; silent and gentle under rudeness and insult, suing for reconciliation, where others would demand satisfaction, giving way to the pushes of impudence, conceding and indulgent to the prejudices, the wrongheadedness, the intractability with whom it has to deal.
“The former of these characters is, and ever hath been the favourite of the world. It is the character of great men. There is a dignity in it which universally commands respect.
“The latter is poor-spirited, tame, and abject. Yet so it hath happened, that with the founder of Christianity, this latter is the subject of his commendation; his precepts, his example; and that the former is so in no part of its composition.”—
Dr: Paley, is in this place adopting the opinion of Soame Jenyns, whose Essay upon the internal Evidence of Christianity he very strongly commends—But I cannot consider this either as accurate and discerning delineation of character, or as exhibiting a correct representation of Christian principles.
The founder of Christianity did indeed pronounce distinct and positive blessings upon the poor in spirit, (which is by no means synonimous with the poor-spirited) and upon the meek—But in what part of the Gospel did Dr Paley find him countenancing by commendation, precept or example the tame and abject? The Character which Christ assumed upon Earth was that of a Lord and Master—It was in this Character that his disciples received and acknowledge him—The obedience that he required was unbounded—infinitely beyond that which ever was claimed by the most absolute earthly sovereign over his subjects—Never for one instant did he recede from this authoritative Station—He preserved it in washing the feet of his disciples—He preserved it in his Answer to the High-Priest before whom he was brought for trial—He preserved it in his answer to the Officer who struck him for this very deportment to the High-Priest—He preserved it in the very agony of his ejaculation upon the Cross “Father, forgive them; for they know not what they do”—He expressly declared himself to be the Prince of this World, and the Son of God—He spoke as one having authority not only to his disciples, but to his Mother, to his Judges, to Pilate, the Roman Governor, to John the Baptist his precursor; and there is in the four Gospels not one act, not one word recorded of him, excepting in his communion with God, that was not a direct or implied or assertion of authority.—He said to his disciples, (Matth: XI.29) “learn of me, for I am meek, and lowly in heart; and ye shall find rest unto your souls”—But where did he ever say to them “learn of me, for I am tame and abject?”—There is certainly nothing more strongly marked in the precept and example of Christ than the principle of stubborn and inflexible resistance against the impulses of other to evil—He taught his disciples to renounce everything that is counted enjoyment upon Earth, to take up their Cross, and suffer ill-treatment, persecution and death for his sake—What else is the Book of Acts of the Apostles, than a record of the faithfulness with which those chosen Ministers of the Gospel, carried these injunctions into execution.—In the conduct and speeches of Stephen, of Peter and John, or of Paul is there any thing that could justly be called tame or abject?—Is there any thing in them indicating a resemblance to the second Class of Characters into which Dr Paley divides all mankind?—If there is a character upon historical record, distinguished by a bold, intrepid, tenacious and inflexible Spirit, it is that of St: Paul.—It was to such characters only that the Commission of teaching all Nations could be committed with the certainty of success—Observe the expressions of Christ in his charge to Peter—(Matth: XVI.18.) “And I say also unto thee, that thou art Peter, (a Rock) and upon this Rock, I will build my Church; and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it.”—Dr: Paley’s Christian is one of those drivellers who to use a vulgar adage, can never say “No,” to any body. The true Christian is the “justum et tenacem propositi Virum” of Horace—The combination of these qualities so essential to the Heroic Character, with those of meekness, lowliness of heart, and brotherly love, is what constitutes that moral perfection, of which Christ gave an example in his own life, and to which he commanded his disciples to aspire.
Endeavour, my dear Son, to discipline your own Heart, and to govern your conduct through life by these principles, thus combined—Be meek, be gentle, be kindly affectioned to all mankind, not excepting even your enemies—But never be tame or abject—never give way to the pushes of impudence, or show yourself yielding or complying to prejudices, wrong-headedness or intractability which would lead or draw you astray from the dictates of your Conscience and your own sense of right—“Till you die, let not your Integrity depart from you.”—Build your house upon the Rock—and then, let the rain descend, and the floods come, and the winds blow, and beat upon that house—It shall not fall; for it will be founded upon a Rock. so promises your blessed Lord and Master, and so prays your affectionate father.
John Quincy Adams.


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to Elizabeth Smith Shaw Peabody, 26 June 1813
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Peabody, Elizabeth Smith Shaw

my dear Sister
Quincy June 26th 1813

I received your Letter of June 22d and rejoiced to find your Spirits So good.
The Scriptures tell us to rejoice allways. this we cannot understand in a literal Sense, because we know that it is not consistant with reason, with our condition as human Beings, Subject to many calamities and by the Same Authority we are told, there is a time to mourn.
we must therefore consider it as a direction to rejoice always in the Government of God, who from seeming evil can educe good, and so order Sublimary affairs, thus even wickedness and folly are made instrumental to wise and gracious purposes. the Scriptures are full of Instances of this kind, to notice only one, in the Sale of Joseph into Egypt by his wicked Breathren, “they meant it unto him for Evil but God meant it for good” If we mark the hand of Providence in the daily occurrences of Life, even in the most afflictive dispensations of Providence, we may trace the wisdom and rectitude of the Great Authors of Nature
unto him therefore let us commit the Hour, the day, the year, and view the Slaughter and Havock of the human Species, the contention of kingdoms and Nations, as fullfilling his Mandates, and as a part of the Great Scheme of Providence, Seen only to us through a glass darkly. beleiving that Justice and judgment are the habitation of his Throne, and that Storms and tempests are as necessary in the Natural world, as the soft breezes and the calm Sunshine. in this light we must consider the late to us, dreadfull Catastrophe of the Chesepeak. we had become too sanguine in our successes, perhaps too thoughtless of the all directing hand, too much confidence in our own strength and valour, and we are punished.
I am one of those who beleive in the Righteousness and justice of the present war with Great Britain. it was become necessary to preserve that independence and to defend it; as the former War, was to obtain it. I lament and regreet the Manner in which it has been conducted in the invasion of Canãdy, where I could have wished it had been only upon the defensive, and that our main resources had been directed upon the ocean, the Element upon which they were more directly injuring us—
I will know my opinion is not in unison with the Ruling powers in our own State—for whom I blush. I would rather the Name of my whole Family Should be blotted from the Page of History, and all the Services they have Renderd their Country, than it Should appear at the Head of a Resolution brought forward by mr Quincy, and adopted by a Majority of our Senate in their late Session—
viz that it is unbecomeing in a Moral & Religious people to rejoice in victories obtaind over the enemy by Sea or Land!! can we controul the Humane Heart, why did not they vote that we Should not mourn or weep for our defeats and calamities? it only proves what absurdities the Spirit of Party can produce.
I do as Sincerely pray for Peace, and hope that our Enemies may be induced to listen to the overtures for accomplishing it.—and great indeed would be my joy, if my dear Son may be an instrument in the hand of providence for accomplising it—I know it to be his most earnest wish, and no means within his power consistant with his instructions will be left untried. Great Britain alone will be in fault, if it is not accomplished—
and now my dear Sister to quit a Subject in which I am personally So much interested, I will say a few words, upon domestic concerns—
William’s marriage was unexpected, to me, as it respects his prospects in Life. it looks dark and as an imprudent step. with regard to the Lady. she has the advantage of Age upon her Side, and in point of understanding accomplishments &c &c fully his equal—I could Say his Superiour, and I must leave this and all other events respecting my Family and connections with unerring wisdom.
I hope I have one cheering ray beaming through the clouds for us—“She who is, and has been an honour to the Single State” is now going to be doubly So in wedlock our worthy Cousin is engaged and Soon to be married to a mr Hall in Boston, a widower with four Children—a Man as you will well Suppose, of an excellent Character, of Religion and virtue, in an Eligible Situation in Life an apothacary by profession a son of a deacon Hall, formerly of dr Thatchers Church
Mr & mrs Smith Hannah, Harriot otis and Mother, with our good cousin made me a visit yesterday—and She made no Scruple of avowing the fact, the Gentleman was gone a journey to N york She has promissed to pass a week with me. She has been long and intimately acquainted with the family, Staid much with his Sisters at medford. I know you will Sincerely rejoice in any, and every prospect which presents an increase of happiness to a character So highly estimable as hers has ever been—She is one of the choice of the Earth—
I have not any Letters today from the valley—I inclose you Carolines last—which you will return when read—we are all well. my own health mending I hope—
write to me as often as you can spair time your Letters are always an April Day to me. I cry and laugh in the perusal
ever your affectionate

A AdamsPS what I said of mr Q——y is, as a politician, as a Man a Gentleman and Neighbour I esteem and respect him


Title: From John Adams to Josiah, III Quincy, 26 June 1813
From: Adams, John
To: Quincy, Josiah, III

Dear Sir
Quincy June 26 1813

As the best speech in favor of a naval Arm of defence, next to that of Mr Loyd, that was ever made in Congress, at least the best that I have ever read was made by yourself I beg leave to present to you, a first essay towards an history of the rise and progress of an American maritime military power. As I consider a naval power essential, to the preservation of our liberties and independence no less than of our union, commerce and prosperity; and have reason to believe your sentiments not materially different from mine, in this point. I presume you will not be displeased with the liberty I take, and that you will encourage the extension and completion of this necessary work. I am Sir with esteem and affection your friend
John Adams


Title: From Mercy Otis Warren to Abigail Smith Adams, 28 June 1813
From: Warren, Mercy Otis
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

Plymouth June 28th 1813—

I have not received a Letter for a long time that gave me such real heart-felt pleasure, as yours of the 20th. Instt.—I had been led from report to despair of the life of my friend, Mrs Smith.— Think then, how much I must rejoice to see her mother write concerning her in so good spirits, and to express a hope of again embracing her daughter, under the parental roof.—I also rejoice to hear of your own recovery, thought I had not before, heard of your illness.—When it was announced to me, that you was going to New-York, I had just begun to calculate on the fulfillment of your promise of a visit on the return of Spring.—This I shall still anticipate when the cold damps which have long hovered in our atmosphere, shall cease to invade our weak and shivering tabernacle that seems ready to break at every breeze.—
Do not the Elements of nature, of late, seem to wear a more hostile appearance as it regards the happiness of mankind, while their own passions are set in array against every thing that can yield quietude and peace to rational thinking beings, sensible of the shortness of duration here?—Does not the war of nations and the bitterness of party-spirit evince a disposition in men to annihilate the present existence of their fellow-beings and cut short the  of time loaned for a preparation for Eternity?—
May we my dear Madam, who have been indulged with the loan of so many months & years for this important work, double our diligence to improve as we ought the wasting thread of time, that when it is wound up we may with the tranquillity need the period so much dreaded by all the sinful sons and daughters of the first transgressor!—
The inclosures which accompanied your agreeable Letter, I consider us a mark of confidence and friendship—This has enhanced the pleasure of reading Letters so well written and so replete with information and judicious observations.—His parents must have a rich feast of reason in the correspondence of such a Son.—I now thank you for permitting me a participation in your pleasure by gratifying unasked the desire I have long had, to peruse the Letters of the American Minister at the Russian Court.—
My Sons have been equally delighted with myself in the entertainment received by these communications.— But, perhaps there has been an ardency of spirit that has led one of them to a circumstance that may require some apology.—He could not forbear a pencil mark on some particular passages—this may easily be erased by an India Rubber.—There is such a similarity of sentiment and such an energy of feeling, that I could scarcely prevent his making more marks of his approbation.—Indeed we could none of us be willing to return a package we have so much admired, without a second perusal—this will excuse the delay of one or two posts.
Your Son observes, that he might have been forgotten by many of his American friends.—But if either of his parents shd: think it worth while when they write again, to name the aged associate of his father & mother, you may assure him, that however absence may lead to forgetfulness in any of his Countrymen, he has certainly a trio of friends in one family.—
Whatever may be the nature of our present enjoyments, I believe it natural both for man and woman tocry for more—thus, I do not despair of similar favors  future, from the same quarter from whence I have recently received so much pleasure.—
My family reciprocate your expressions of kindness to them, and unite with me in sincere wishes for the happiness of each member of yours.—
Mercy Warren


Title: From Mercy Otis Warren to Abigail Smith Adams, 29 June 1813
From: Warren, Mercy Otis
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

June 29th 1813—

I am myself, my dear Madam, in great trouble—since my date of yesterday, my amiable son the Collector, unaccompanied by any man, was followed on the street by a ruffian neighbour, who after several scurrilous epithets of abuse, lifted his vulgar fist & gave him such a blow in his right eye that it appears doubtful whether he will again have the use of it.—This man, one Joseph Bartlett has been a notorious breaker of the laws of Government & has amassed by his knavery a considerable sum of money, who without education, manners, or humanity and with a malignant, envious disposition is considered by every man of judgment or virtue a nuisance to the town in which he dwells.—But an attack on such a man as Mr Warren, feeble in health, kind & benevolent to all, is a matter of astonishment to every one who has not renounced every pretension to decency—The sufferer is now an exceeding sick man.—


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to John Quincy Adams, 1 July 1813
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Adams, John Quincy

My dear Son
Quincy july  1st 1813

I wrote to you upon the 14 of June, I knew that my Letter is gone upon a doubtfull journey; it had first to make its way through British Ships of the line & cruizers, to France, and then through a Country at war with Russia. it is almost a forlorn hope that it should ever reach you, unless if capturd; it Should meet with a Sir John & Sherbrook, who politely Sent s by a cartel from Halifax, a packet of Letters from you, containing two to your Father, two to me, and two to your Brother, one to your Sons, they were ocbr. and Novbr. Letters 1812—So that if you turn to your Book you will See what was read at the Admiralty office, and by the Commander in cheif—it was very civil and polite in Sir John to Send them to us—saying it might give pleasure to his Friends to receive them. Mr Gorden who is ever attentive to us, has now notified to us, that a Sweedish Ship is about to Sail, and that mr Storer, Brother to the judge, is going to Gotenburgh in her, and will take Letters for us.
In a few days, altho I cannot calculate, that they have yet arrived. I hope you will See your Colleagues mr Gallatin and Bayard, and from them derive Such information respecting our Country as you can rely upon—by them I wrote you. I again acknowleg your Letters received, and any numbers compleat, up to Febry 15th—that containd, and the one dated 30 Janry. News altogether unexpected, there is an old proverb, the least Said, is Soonest mended, So I take the hint—
Domestic occurrences are those in which as individuals we are most interested, I Shall therefore begin by Saying, that your Sons are both well, and closely following their Studies. I visited them with their Grandfather last week. John has the promise of keeping his Birth day at home. George’s growth is very rapid. he is nearly as tall as you are, and he is Slender. John grows, but not so fast. they are both trying to acquire a good hand and Say they will write as Soon as they can. George promised me a Letter—they are both healthy—our respective Families are well your Brother will write to you, and tell you, that he has a Son, whom he has named Isaac Hull.
of your dear and only Sister, I can only Say that She has been, and Still is a patient Sufferer under Severe and afflicting pain, So much reduced that She cannot either write, or walk. my last account to the 21 of June, was that She was gaining Strength. She was Seizd early in the winter, with a voilent fit of Rheumatism from which She has never recoverd—I fear her constitution was essentially injurd by the opperation She past through, and which to my inexpressible grief has not freed her from a Similar complaint upon the other Side. Heaven only knows to what Sufferings She may yet be trid reserved. my Heart bleads—I cannot get to her, nor She to me I am too infirm myself to undertake Such a journey—
unto the will and disposal of our heavenly Father, I commit her
“Safe in the hand of one disposing power
or in the Natal, or the Mortal honor”
my only Source of Satisfaction says dr Preistly, “and it is a never failing one, is my firm persuasion that every thing—and our oversights, and mistakes among the rest are parts of the great plan, in which every thing will in time appear to have been orderd and conducted in the best manner—”
“who finds not providence all good and wise
Alike in what it gives, and what denies.”
Altho I Sometimes feel my own insignificance in the creation, especially when contemplating, “the first good first perfect, and first fair” I derive pleasure and assurance from the word of inspiration, that not a Swallow falleth without notice.
From domestic occurences, Shall I turn to those of a public nature? and here I am lost in a Labyrinth almost without a clue, partaking in calamities, from which the advice of Hercules might releive us, but which appears lost upon our Native State not a Shoulder will they voluntarily put to the wheel, but leave it to Stick fast; or be drawn out by others, whom they try, by every method to dishearten and discourage: even to passing a Resolution in the Senate of this State, brought forward by a Friend of ours—who beclouded by party prejudice, discernd not the disgrace which History will attach to it: take it in the following words.
“Resolved as the Sense of the Senate of Massachusetts that in a war like the present, waged without justifiable cause, and proscuted in a Manner which indicates that conquest and ambition are its real motives, it is not becomeing a moral and religious people to express any approbation of Milatary or Naval exploits, which are not immediately connected with our defence of our Sea Coast and Soil”!
I know not how to express my contempt of Such a mean dasterdly, mercinary Resolution; so falce in principle, so degrading in its Concequences. I blush for my Native State, as much as I once prided myself in it, when its counsels were directed by Heroes, patriots, and Statesmen.
Can it be that the Love of gain like the god of Aron, has Swallowd up all public Spirit, and Love of Country? I would rather that the Names of my whole Family Should be blotted from the page of History, and the conspicuous Stations they have fill’d in their Country, wholy forgotten than Such a Resolution Should be recorded upon the Archives of the State as Sanctiond by any of the Name, and I almost regreet that a  Should be annexed to any of the family.
I the more regreet this political Mania, because in private Life, I esteem the Man, as a Friend a Neighbour benevolent and kind, a model of conjugal and parental affection. I Love and highly value his wife, and his amiable Children, and I mourn over the victum, Sacrificed to the Junto, and the vindictive party Spirit, which rages more in this State, than in any other of the Union—
Placed as you are, at the a great distance from the passing events, your Eyes have discerned, and your judgment portrayd what would take place—“true it is, The Spirit of our people is equal to any exigency,” but they must be led with Skill, and feel a confidence in their Leader, their must be wisdom to plan as well as a disposition to execute, and we must purchase at a dear rate, that experience which years of peace and prosperity have not called into action—and which time has nearly deprived us of, few, very few of our Revolutionary officers remain, with powers of Body capable of fatigue & enterprize.
you will learn the fate of the Chesepeake of the Brave, but too daring Lawrence—of the fall of almost every officer, of the capture of the Ship—the causes of the Capture were undoubtedly oweing to the, too near approach to each other, by the wearing of the Chesepeake. She was entangled with the Shannon, and gave her the opportunity of making the Chesepeake and instantly Boarding her. Such are the chances of war—let not him who putteth on the harness Boast.
My paper warns me to close—yet I feel as if I had much more to Say. it Shall be upon an other Sheet—my Blessing be with you, and yours—
A Adams.


Title: From John Adams to John Quincy Adams, 1 July 1813
From: Adams, John
To: Adams, John Quincy

My very dear Sir
Quincy July 1. 1813

Were I to follow, the feelings of my heart I Should write you every day. But you remember Dr Winships “too serious an Affair.”
I cannot write a line, without fear of hurting you, or your Occupations: for every Letter is opened.
I have resigned the Chair of the A. of A: & Sciences, and that of Agricultural Society and am consequently an entire Freman. From the latter I have recd a civil Letter: and may possibly have another from the former, when they meet. So Farewell and Farewell.
Of the War, the European Journals will tell you more than I know.
Smith is in Congress, as cool as a Cucumber. He has hitherto predicted like Daniel and John. He is in a kind of Centre, Surrounded by green heads, and grey heads. Quincy goes on rapidly in the same rapid ardent career, now in the Senate of the State.
your Brother is to christen a Son, next Sunday by the Name of Isaac Hull: not because his great great, great and Several other greats Grandmothers name was Joanna Hull, but you may guess why. George and John are very clever, earnestly wishing for Father and Mother and Brother to whom with Blessing to bride and Bridesgroom, present my Love.
Thomas Clark and Mathew Carey have printed a Book in Philadelphia, on the rise and progress and present State of the Navy, from 1775, which in 100 years may produce a few wooden Walls and floating Castles.
Mr Gerry Stands the heat of Washington: tho it is intense, enough to melt Statues. One who bore the glowing Furnace of Philadelphia for 15 days together in 1777, might enter boldly with Banks and Solander.
Dearborne is worn down with Louis 14ths disease, a Fistula in Ano; a description of which See in The Tale of a Tub. Whether Wade Hampton will do better is, among the Men of Science, a Problem. And whether Wilkinson would Suceed better than either is another ingenious Theorem. Among the mathematicians who have in private tried their Skill in calculations upon these questions, but will not let the results be known is your

A.


Title: From John Adams to John Quincy Adams, 2 July 1813
From: Adams, John
To: Adams, John Quincy

My dear Son
Quincy July 2 1813

It is with great difficulty, that my paralyttic Fingers can hold a Pen. The litterary, the Scientific, the ecclesiastical, the political, the military, the naval Phenomina exhibited by your Country, would afford me abundant Materials, to load every Ship and every Passenger with Letters to you, if I had Eyes and hands to write; and were not restrained by the Consideration, that I could do no good, and possibly and probably much harm.
Jefferson himself, has not more horror, than I have, of this System, of “trying which can do the other the most harm.” Yet Madison himself, has not a more compleat and conscientious Conviction that it is righteous and indispensible, in Us to engage in this Contest and put all Things at Stake in the contest.
The Cause of the Presgang, is one of the most outragious Contempts of the Laws of God and Man that ever was conceived by the human Mind. Nor Machiavils Prince, nor all the Popes of Rome,  ever asserted more impudent and insolent Pretensions than this of pressing Men from foreign Ships. All the Pirates of Antiquity: all the Robbers of Romance cannot produce any Principles or practices more repugnant to the Laws of God or Man, to Religion Morality, Reason Justice, Law of Nature and Nations.
It is the avowed Principle of Achilles and of the Regent Orleans
“Jura negat Sibi lata, nihil non arrogat Armis.” It is worse than the Principle of Cæsar Borgia, the most horrible Monster, if We believe Frederick and Voltaire that “Hell ever vomited upon Earth.”
So think and so feels, your / Father
John Adams.