Title: To James Madison from Tench Coxe, 27 January 1789
From: Coxe, Tench
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir,
New York 27th. Jany 1789.
I have been here about a Fortnight during which time we have not made a Congress. So. Carolina, Virga, Pennsa, N. Jersey, & Massachussets are represented. There is one Member from each of the States of Rhode Island, N. Carolina & Georgia, but none from New Hampshire, Connecticut N. York, Delaware or Maryland. I very much wish we may make a house in a week or ten days, as I think the Appearances in Europe, & perhaps even here, of the old Congress being in full operation and tranquilly yielding the seats to the new would have a good effect. The misrepresentations in Europe have been extremely gross, and must have an unfavorable effect upon Emigration in the poorer ranks of life. Col. Wadsworth has been mentiond as President. I respect him much, but I wish to give appearance to the old System by a Character of rather more celebrity. Mr. Adams would meet my Judgment better than any member of the present house. The principal Objection is his Absence, which I fear will deprive him of his chance.
The federal business in Pennsa. is happily closed. Our Electors, & Senators are all federal, & seven of our Reps. The eighth is a german, so that I doubt not he will feel the influence of the federalism of his countrymen which is actual, and he will also I think, from being rather fond of public office, feel the federalism of the state. His Sentiments were doubting if not opposed to the Constitution. He is a man of private virtue some Patriotism & judgment, and not ignorant of the Affairs of Pennsylvania. In our state politics he has been a constitutionalist latterly a mild one, that is a prudent politician.
The State of New York still retain their impressions against the Constitution. They still decline to elect Senators upon legislative principles, and I think an absence of two of the Senate is, from Appearances determined on to avoid the precedent of conceding their due legislative independence. They will have two antifdlts, and no Merchant on their Senate. Massachussets & Pennsa. alone have attended to mercantile character in the Senate, which will assist in obviating the Objections to the commercial powers of that body. This is in favor of the Constitution, but possibly not so favorable to the interests of the Union as if there were five or six merchants. The practice under the Constitution will, in my opinion, be more agreeable to the Opposition in many other particulars than their leaders are aware of. In this particular instance it is fortunate that our Senator is a man of extensive political information, and landed property and, tho a practical Merchant, a friend to a pretty free System of Trade. I do not think the most captious agriculturist in the Senate will find Mr. Morris tenacious of any principle that will be injurious to the landed interest.

The election of New Jersey for Electors is federal. This with the choice of their Senators augurs well with regard to the reps. I do not find any doubt that there will be two fedts. among them, most probably three and I think very probably four. The federalism of Jersey, and its obligations and inducements to adhere to the union & a vigorous system of federal politics will be a pretty strong Security for the good Conduct of her Representatives.
The re-election of a federalist for a Senator by new Hampshire is a symptom of the continuance of the Acquiescence of that State in the Constitution. Mr. Wingate I mean in the room of Mr. Bartlett. I find too they think of Mr. Adams as V. P. which also shews there is no violent discontent. There are good Symptoms also in the Elections so far as known here. Massachussetts seems also to evince feelings equally favorable, and Connecticut still more. I understand however from Dr. Johnson that the latter State mean to remove all their Senators & reps. from all state offices. This tho merely from general republican reasons will probably lose us an individual or two of the Senate & house of Reps. Mr. Ellsworth, and I think Mr. Sherman are of the state Judiciary. They will be great losses to the government, if they adhere to their state Appointments. Delaware has given us federalists altogether, and I believe Maryland. From this detail, of wch. I presume you knew the greater part before I think the Government will be well supported from the North side of the Powtowmack, even in the house of Reps. New York by her districts will have two federalists & very able ones I hope.
The Election of Virga. is an Object of great Anxiety with me—not that I hope or fear much, for I presume the ticket will have a very moderate portion of federalism. But, Sir, when [I] examine the list of representatives & see how few are yet returned and how few are likely to be returned to that house, who are able to take the lead in a scene of that kind I confess I feel some apprehensions about the advantages the opposition may gain from the Speakers of your state, and the greatest solicitude lest we should be deprived of that support which your ticket may give us. I most sincerely hope this will find your own election secured. The Senate was in my mind not the place in which the cause required you to be in any point of view, but one that there seemed little probability that your legislature would favor the pretensions of any federalist unless they would elect you. Your election would be a gain therefore, wch. could not perhaps be otherwise secured, but the Senate was never the place where my fears rested. I therefore felt little regret at the issue of the choice by your state. The house of Representatives is a scene of the utmost importance. If happily conducted little is to be feared—if it proves unfriendly great talents—great exertions—great public estimation in favor of our leading friends will be necessary to prevent the most serious evils—if it cannot be induced to countenance the constitution the unanimity of the Senate would, under present circumstance avail but little.
The election of the President seems likely to be unanimous. It is perhaps the greatest personal point that will ever occur in this Country, that it be secure—and I feel the most cordial satisfaction in considering it beyond all hazard. The Office of V. P. seems destined for Mr. Adams, who will have nearly all Pennsa, Delaware & New England probably Jersey. Mr. Rutlege I understand will be pushed by S. Carolina, and Mr Jay who is the only candidate besides that is talked off [sic] will have but little support in this Matter left. He appears to have no Views himself. Tho well qualified for more important station than the proper Duties of the VP. render that yet I think it would be wrong to draw him for the Office of foreign affairs. Our treaties are all unformed—he alone knows the whole Negociations—he is among the very few who have been in the way of qualifying themselves for foreign negotiation. He is much esteemed in Pennsa. but her votes & influence would be exerted against him in the present state of the question on the seat of Government. Mr. Adams is esteemed by the people—has high ideas of Government—is a friend to property—will take the feelings of New England with him—has been used to the forms of legislative & diplomatic business—he is a man of a pure private Character, & has knowlege & abilities beyond the proper duties of a V. P. which indeed are not very important. He will lose few votes, I think from the North side of Maryland (where also he is seriously thought of) but from an apprehension that he may outrun the genl. or hazard the election of the latter. This tho in my mind a very small hazard indeed I am pleased to observe is foreseen, and will be attended to.
Mr. Dawson assures me this letter will reach you if sent to the Office at Fredericksburg which is the Reason of my sending that way. I am with very great truth dear Sir, yr. respectful & aff. h. Servt.
Tench Coxe


Title: From James Madison to George Thompson, 29 January 1789
From: Madison, James
To: Thompson, George

Sir,
Jany 29th 1789
A convenient opportunity offering I take the liberty of adding to the former explanation of my sentiments relating to the federal constitution the grounds on wh. I dislike a change of that part of it which authorizes direct taxes. I am led to give you this further trouble, by intimations that the necessity of such a trust in the Union is by many not truly understood; & is a subject on which the reasons in favour of my opinion may with propriety be suggested. Should I judge amiss your candour will excuse the communication: Should I judge aright, your discretion will make a proper use of it.
I approve this part of the Constitution because I think it an essential provision for securing the benefits of the Union: the principal of which are 1st the prevention of contests among the States themselves: 2dly security against danger from foreign Nations.
On the first point, it is evident that there is no way to prevent contests among the States but by establishing justice among them: and equally evident that this cannot be done but by some system that will make each bear it’s just share of the public burdens. If some States contribute their quotas and others do not, justice is violated; the violation of justice is the ground of disputes among States as well as among individuals; and as among the latter they produce an appeal to the law, so among the former they produce an appeal to the sword. The question to be considered then is which of the two systems, that of requisitions or that of direct taxes, will best answer the essential purpose of making every State bear it’s equitable share of the Common burdens. Shall we put our trust in the system of requisitions, by which each State will furnish or not furnish its share as it may like? Reason tells us this can never succeed. Some States will be more just than others, some less just: Some will be more patriotic; others less patriotic; some will be more, some less immediately concerned in the evil to be guarded against or in the good to be obtained. The States therefore not feeling equal motives will not furnish equal aids: Those who furnish most will complain of those who furnish least. From complaints on one side will spring ill will on both sides; from ill will, quarrels; from quarrels, wars; and from wars a long catalogue of evils including the dreadful evils of disunion and a general confusion. Such is the lesson which reason teaches us. But we have a surer guide in our own experience; which like that of every other confederacy that has tried Requisitions, assures us that they will not be duly complied with; that they will not therefore answer the public exigences; and that they moreover lay the foundation for injustice, for discord and for contention. I need not quote particular instances in proof of what is here advanced. The whole history of requisitions not only during the war but since the peace stamps them with the charecter which I have given them, and proclaims the necessity of resorting for safety to the other system; the system of direct taxes which the Constitution has substituted.
To say that requisitions ought first to be tried, and if they fail, that direct taxes are then to enforce them, is little better than to yeild the point by the manner of urging it: For it admits that requisitions are not likely to be complied with voluntarily; at the same time that the efficacy of them is so much insisted on: It admits again that direct taxes are practicable, although the argument against them is that the General Government cannot in the nature of things levy them. But surely if they be practicable after the refusal of the State Government to comply with the requisitions, shall have raised prejudices against the general Government, the practicability will be much greater if no such prejudices be thrown in the way. One remark however ought not to be omitted. It is, that every State which chuses to collect it’s own quota may always prevent a federal collection by keeping a little beforehand in it’s finances and making it’s payment at once into the federal Treasury. Another remark deserves to be here made. From the reasoning of many on this subject it would seem as if the question concerning requisitions & direct taxes was, whether direct taxes shall be levied or not. This is by no means the case. If extraordinary aids for the public safety be not necessary, direct taxes will not be necessary. If extraordinary emergences call for such aids, the only question will be whether direct taxes shall be raised by the General Government itself or whether the General Government shall require the State Governments to raise them: or in other words whether they shall be raised in all the States, or be raised in some States, whilst others unjustly withdraw their shoulders from the common burden.
On the 2d point to wit, security against danger from abroad, it is no less evident that Requisitions will fatally deceive us. For the same reason that they will not obtain from the States their respective shares of Contribution and thence become a source of intestine quarrels, they must invite foreign attacks by shewing the inability of the Union to repel them: and when attacks are made, must leave the Union to defend itself, if it be defended at all, as was done during the late war; by a waste of blood, a distruction of property, and outrages on private rights, unknown in any Country which has credit or money to employ the regular means of defence. Whilst the late war was carried on by means of impressed property, &c, the annual expense was estimated at about twenty millions of Dollars; at the same time that thousands of brave Citizens were perishing from the scarcity or quality of the supplies provided in that irregular way: to say nothing of the encouragement given by such a situation to the prolongation of the war. Whereas after the General Government was enabled by the pecuniary aids of France to provide supplies in a regular way, the annual expense was reduced to about eight millions of dollars, the army was well fed, the military operations went on with vigour & the blessings of peace were visibly & happily accelerated. Should another war unfortunately be our lot (and the less our ability to repel it, the more likely it is to happen) what would be the condition of the Union if obliged to depend on Requisitions? There are but two methods by which Nations can carry on a regular plan of self defence, one by raising the necessary supplies by taxes within the year equal to the public expences: The other by borrowing money on the credit of taxes pledged for the future repayment of it. The first method is considered by most, if not all nations, as impossible with the aid of every resource they possess. In the United States, possessed of no resource but duties on trade, and their trade probably at the mercy of an enemy superior on the Seas, the very idea of such a method is chimerical. The only remaining method is that of borrowing. But who could be expected to lend to a Government which depended on the punctuality of a dozen or more Governments for the means of discharging even the annual interest of the loan? No man who will candidly make the case his own, will say that he would chuse to become a creditor of a Government under such circumstances. Even if the scheme of trying requisitions first, and eventually resorting to direct taxes after a refusal of requisitions, were free from other objections which condemn it, the delay & unpunctuality inseperable from it, would be fatal to it as a Fund for borrowing: Or if loans could be attained at all, it could only be from usurers who would make the public pay threefold for the risk & disappointment apprehended. What would have been the condition of America at any period since the peace, that is under the system of Requisitions, if Great Britain had renewed the war, or an attack had come from any other quarter, and money had become essential for the public safety? How was it to have been obtained? Would requisitions have obtained it from the States? There is not a man accquainted with our affairs who will pretend it. Would they have obtained it in loans from individuals to be repaid out of Requisitions? There is probably not a man within the United States aiming at profit only, who would have trusted his money on such a security; or who would not at least have exacted an interest of 20, 30, or 40 perCent, as an indemnification for the fallen State of public credit. We see then that the article of the Constitution in question is absolutely essential whether we consider it as a means of preserving justice & tranquility among the States, or of preventing or repelling foreign wars.
But besides these general Considerations which affect every part of the Union, there are others which claim the most serious attention of the Southern parts of it, and of Virginia particularly. If direct taxes be prohibited, and no reliance can be placed on requisitions, the inevitable consequence will be, that whenever public exigences arise, the duties will be accumulated on imports, until they shall have yeilded every farthing that can be squeezed out of them. Now who is it that pays duties on imports? Those only who consume them. What parts of the Continent manufacture least and consume imported manufactures most? The Southern parts. It is clearly the interest of the Southern parts therefore, and of Virginia particularly that trade should not be overburdened; but that direct taxes when necessary should come in aid of that fund; since being laid on all the States by an equal rule provided in the Constitution, they tend to equalize the general burden on every part of the Continent. It is truly wonderful that from the same quarter it should be urged, as dangerous to yeild a full power over trade, lest the Northern interest should overburden it with duties; and as proper to make an alteration, that might drive the Government into the necessity of overburdening it. In another view the Southern States have peculiar reasons for retaining the article of direct taxation. If war ever breaks out against America where will it fall? On the weakest parts. Which are the weakest parts? The Southern parts; particularly Virginia, whose long navigable rivers open a great part of her Country to surprize and devastation whenever an enimy powerful at Sea chuses to invade her. Strike out direct taxation from the list of federal authorities and what will be our situation. The revenue from commerce must in great measure fail along with the security of Commerce. The invaded and plundered part of the Union will be unable to raise money for its defence. And no resource will be left; but under the name of Requisitions to solicit benefactions from the Legislatures of other States, who being not witnesses of our distresses cannot properly feel for us; and being remote from the scene of danger cannot feel for themselves. Is [that a] situation in which any man who loves his Country ought to wish it to be placed? Are these the benefits for which Virginia can wish to stipulate as a return for her concessions in favour of a Union and a General Government? That a Northern State should not be averse to expunge the power of direct taxation may be conceived; because a local interest is not always postponed to the general interest. But that a Southern State should hearken to the measure, and be ready to sacrifice it’s local interest as well as the general interest, admits of no rational explanation to which I am competent. With great respect & esteem I am Sir, Your Obedt. & humble Servt.
Js. Madison Jr


Title: To James Madison from George Washington, ca. 30 January 1789
From: Washington, George
To: Madison, James

Letter not found. Ca. 30 January 1789. Mentioned in Washington to JM, 2 Jan. and 16 Feb. 1789. Requests JM’s advice concerning a proposed speech drafted by David Humphreys (see Washington to JM, 16 Feb. 1789, n. 1).


Title: To James Madison from John Pendleton, 11 February 1789
From: Pendleton, John
To: Madison, James

Virga. Richmond 11 feb. ’89
Permit me, sir, to introduce to you Mr. Wm. Lambert a native of our State. He is employed on a public occasion which brings him to New York & is desirous of engaging in business in some department under the first arrangements of the Congress. I can speak of his talents with confidence because I judge from my own experience & I do assure [you] that, sir, he understands thoroughly the power of figures, Accounts, & book-Keeping methodically; is a very neat, expert penman; remarkably assiduous, careful, temperate. I have the honor, sir, to be with great respect & regard Your most obt. Servt.
J. Pendleton


Title: To James Madison from Edmund Randolph, 12 February 1789
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Madison, James

Dr Sir
Richmond Feb 12th 1789.
Among the arrangements of office which will most likely take place in the United States, some will probably be peculiar to the different states. As I am confident that a knowledge of characters here would assist those in whose hands this business rests, I shall not scruple to request your attention to my particular friend colo. William Heth.
He was an officer of distinguished merit in the Virginia line; is now a member of our executive council, where, I can testify his services to have been, during my connection with that board, independent and judicious. For the department of accounts, accuracy and assiduity I pledge myself. And I am persuaded that I might risque my reputation on whatsoever he shall undertake.
I should add an apology for troubling you on this occasion, were it not that I have the happiness to believe, that my recommendation will not be unacceptable to you. And I feel an assurance that I am presenting to the acceptance of the United States a gentleman in whom you cannot be decieved. I am, dear sir, with great respect & esteem Yr mo. ob. servt.
Edm: Randolph


Title: To James Madison from Hudson Muse, 13 February 1789
From: Muse, Hudson
To: Madison, James

Sir,
Urbanna Feby. 13. 1789.
You being Elected to represent this State in the honble. the Congress of the United States, I have to request the favour of your Interest in Continuing me in my present appointment as Naval Officer for the District of Rappahannock River. Shoud you think it requisite for me to procure a recommendation of my past Conduct, I flatter myself, I coud readily obtain One to Satisfy the Convention that not an Office in the State has been better Attended, or Conducted with more propriety Since I have had the management. And may I presume it will opperate in my favour with Gentlemen acquainted with the Circumstances, that hitherto it has been the pleasure of our Assembly so frequently to remove the Office backwards and forwards from Tappahannock to this place, as to occasion me considerable trouble & Expence in procuring Houses & Lotts Suitable for the purpose—being so long a Member of our Assembly & having the Interest and convenience of the people at heart, I doubt not if you are not particularly acquainted with the Situation of Rappahannock river from your own knowledge, that you are so from the Description so often given of it in the House, to Consider this as the properest port in the District for the Entrance & Clearance of all Vessels in Order to Secure the Duties. And I can Assure you with truth, that the last regulation of our Assembly in fixing it so, & also making it a Port of delivery, with Tappahannock, Port Royal, & Fredericksburg [will?] win general Content, more especially as they then also directed that all Bonds given for duties Shoud remain in the respective Offices ’till due, and if not then discharged, to be returned to the Solicator. Were it to be the pleasure of the honble. House to continue me in Office, I might be thought Interested to mention this Circumstance; but Sir, you’l readily Judge from the Commission of One ⅌ Cent only for receiving & paying up the Money, is Scarcely equal to the risque & therefore cannot be any great object with the officers, but is often convenient for the Merchants to Settle their Accots. at the Office where they have frequent calls. And their pride & Interest will occasion them to exert every nerve to pay within the limitted time, rather than Suffer the Stigma of having their bonds returned, the truth of which I have experienced, not having had occasion to return one Bond Since the regulation took place, neither Shall I have a half dozen to return for the last Quarter, & on the Contrary, I well know Several Gentlemen who have lated made payment, have prior bonds returned now in the hands of the Solicator unsatisfied. I have taken the liberty to mention these Circumstances to you, knowing that on every occasion you are desirous of serving the people & State, & with-all capable of making a true State of the facts. I am Sir, Your Obeadt Servt.
Hudson Muse


Title: To James Madison from John Leland, [ca. 15 February] 1789
From: Leland, John
To: Madison, James

Sir,
[ca. 15 February 1789]
I congratulate you in your Appointment, as a Representative to Congress; and if my Undertaking in the Cause conduced Nothing else towards it, it certainly gave Mr. Madison one Vote. I expect that Congress will be very busy for some years, in filling a continental Blank with a Code of general Laws; and I think it will be very Judicious to send those Laws very liberally into the States, that their Eyes may always be open. No Danger of the Destruction of Liberty where the Community is well informed. Ignorance always brings on, either Mutiny or Lethargy, which equally pave the Way for Tyranny. If Mr. Madison can get Leisure enough in Congress it would please my Fancy to have a List of all the Names of the Members of Congress; in which State they reside, and which House they fill: and it would inform my Mind to have an Account of all our National Debts; to what Powers they are due, and at what pr Cent; and likewise of our internal debt. And it would give me further Satisfaction to know (after the Trial) whether the Duties arising from Commerce are sufficient (without a direct Tax) for Supporting the federal Government, and the Payment of our Interest upon Debts. No doubt, there will be printed Statements, at proper Times; but I am so little acquainted with the literary and political World, that without the Aid of a particular Friend, I shall never see them. If I could see all the Laws I should be glad, altho’ in Person, I have little Use for them. One Thing I shall expect; that if religious Liberty is anywise threatened, that I shall receive the earliest Intelligence.
I take the Liberty of writing thus to you, lest I should not be at Home when you pass by on your Way to Congress.


Title: From James Madison to Tench Coxe, 16 February 1789
From: Madison, James
To: Coxe, Tench

Dear Sir
Orange (Virga.) Feby. 16th. 89
Your favor of the 27th. Ult: has found me so nearly prepared to set out for N. York that I should not have thought it worth while to acknowledge it from hence, were it not for the more speedy rate at which the mail will travel. I am glad to find your calculations for the House of Representatives so favorable. Others which I had seen held out a different prospect in the States North of Pennsylvania, and South of Virginia. Here the event has exceeded the hopes of most of the federalists, and totally disappointed the adverse party. Six out of the ten are firm and known friends to the Constitution. The sentiments of a seventh Mr. Avery are unknown to me. I had never heard of his being a Candidate. The Counties which must have elected him, the two on the Eastern Shore where he resides, and every other circumstance from which I can draw a conjecture, lead me to consider him as on the side we wish, and there is a chance of an Eighth federalist from Kentucky. Should Mr. Brown be a candidate the chance will not be a bad one. The two anti-federal members are Col: Bland and a Mr. Cole, a Kinsman of Mr. Henry. The former was not opposed; the district being wholly poisoned with enmity agst. the Constitution. The latter was but barely preferred to a young gentleman of good sense, and great moderation. The choice of our Electors was not less friendly to the organization of the Government. Of the twelve three only were taken from the antifederal party. These including Mr. Henry have voted for Governour Clinton. Of the others two were hindered from attending, five have voted for Mr. Adams; and the remaining two have thrown their votes on Mr. Hancock and Mr. Jay, solely with the view I presume to keep Mr. Adams in the place really allotted him. The vote for Genl. Washington was unanimous. Even the choice of our Senators will not fully abet the plans of our last Assembly. Richd. H. Lee, I understand through a direct & sure channel, censures the intemperance of his Constituents, and condemns the idea of a Second Convention. With great esteem & regard I am Dear Sir Your Obedt. servant
Js. Madison Jr.


Title: To James Madison from Edward Carrington, 20 February 1789
From: Carrington, Edward
To: Madison, James

My dear Sir,
Powhatan Feby. 20. 1789
I did myself the pleasure to write you from Richmond a few days ago: that letter, as well as this, will probably meet you at New York.
The Freindly disposition you have been pleased to entertain for me, and the consoling reflection that this has arisen upon an opinion that I, in some degree deserve your confidence, induce me to take the liberty of communicating to you a wish which I now have; and I do it with the less restraint as I am certain you will not understand it as meant to ask upon the score of the former, one tittle more than you may conceive to be warranted by the latter.
The weight of antifederalism in the District where I reside, being much greater, I beleive, than in any other part of the State, my prospects as to getting into the House of Representatives, forbad my putting it to the trial—indeed the preceeding choice of Electors gave decided proof upon this point: in the House of Representatives it would have been my choice to give my services to my country, at least in the first Stage of the Govt. This my zeal would have led me to, yet I am conscious that it is time for me to be done with desultory life, and in that manner has the public from time to time called for my services almost throughout my life; during the War it was my lot to Blend with my Military duties many extraneous toils, and some Trusts, and although one appointment which I held may be supposed to have been in its Nature emolumental, yet it was in a Manner forced upon me, and such were the terms upon which it was then established, that little or no pecuniary advantage could honestly result—in fact little or nothing did result to me from it. Whether I discharged the duties of the Office well, must be left to the decision of those under whom I served; whether I acted honestly must be refered to Mr. Burral the Commissioner with whome my Accounts have undergone a thorough investigation. There are sums of money yet due from sundry persons to the department, but they are for debts contracted in the Sales of the public property on Credit at the end of the War by proper Authority, and for some other transactions unavoidable in the Course of the business, all which is Noticed by Mr. Burral who has certifyed accordingly, exonerating me from having sums in my hands unaccounted for. I just mention these things as some kind of justification for the liberty I am taking with you. It is now my desire to render service under the New Govt. in some appointment which may be tolerably respectable and permanent, were I in New York I should avoid personal solicitation, but yet it would be necessary that my wishes be known to those who have the powers of appointment—being at a distance, excuse me for asking the favor of you to consider with yourself how far you can venture from your acquaintance with me, and general propriety to turn your attention to this object for me, at the same time let me entreat you to suffer my request to carry you to no lengths which you can not reconcile to perfect propriety.
It is as yet unknown what appointments will arise and therefore I cannot now signify a predelection for any one in particular—the head of the Customs at the port of Norfolk would however be desirable if attainable—but upon the whole I submit myself to your Judgement as events may occur. Here my dr sir I have communicated to you my wishes and must request the favor of you to do as you shall find proper upon every possible consideration. I am My dr sir with great sincerity Your Freind & Hl st.
Ed. Carrington


Title: To James Madison from Hudson Muse, 22 February 1789 (Abstract)
From: Muse, Hudson
To: Madison, James

Abstract. Urbanna, 22 February 1789. A follow-up to Muse’s letter of 13 Feb. soliciting JM’s aid in procuring the customs collector’s post at the Rappahannock River port of entry.


Title: From James Madison to James Madison, Sr., 24 February 1789
From: Madison, James
To: Madison, James, Sr.

Hond. Sir
Mount Vernon Feby. 24. 89
The obstructions to my journey from the Snow, the River at Fredericksburg, and the unparallelled badness of the roads, prevented my arrival here sooner than the Evening before last. Harry will be able to give the particulars of the Journey. I detained him yesterday in order to give both him & the horses a little rest after their fatigue; and shall leave it in some measure to himself, to return either by way of Fredg. or Norman’s Ford, according to the State of the Weather and the information he may receive concerning the latter route. I am not yet decided as to the day on which I shall go forward from this place. Being now convinced from the State of the Weather & the rivers that I could not possibly reach New York by the day fixed for the Meeting of Congs. and if I could that there will not be a sufficient number of members for business, I shall think myself more at liberty to consult my own conveniency. By waiting a few days I promise myself also the company of some of my Colleagues, particularly Mr. Page who will I think be sure to call on the General. Mr. R. B. Lee is the only member who has yet set out, according to my information. He has gone on to Alexanda. but will wait I presume for Company, at least untill the weather shall invite him to proceed.
I meet here with no news worth communicating. The inclosed papers, I recd. at Fredericksbg. and may be read as a continuation of the intelligence from New York.
I find myself perfectly well after my ride, & hoping that this will find my mother in better health, and the rest of the family still well, I remain Yr. Affece. son
Js. Madison Jr.


Title: To James Madison from James Maury, 24 January [February] 1789
From: Maury, James
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir,
Liverpool Jany [February] 24. 1789
Since my letter of the 20th August I have the Honor of your much esteemed favor of 3 July with the Fœderalist, for which I am particularly obliged to you, as also for your very interesting Information of the State of our politicks.
I now have the pleasure to hand you Sales of your eight Hhds Tobaccoe by the Venus with Account Current, the Balance of which you may draw for when you please—if you wish it in the way of a Bill of Exchange it may be some Advantage to you to make payable in London; which you are at full Liberty to do. Your Tobaccoe was all heavy & well adapted for Africa & Flanders which are generally favorable Circumstances to the Owner. This is by the Venus in my Employ and should it again suit your Convenience to try this Market, I shall be much obliged by your kind Assistance to this Vessell. I am with great Esteem & respect Dr Sir your most obt Sert
James Maury

[First Enclosure]
Liverpool 19th: Feby: 1789
Account Sales of Eight Hogsheads of Tobacco received by Venus from Virginia on accot. of Hon. James Madison Junr. Esq

1788

th

Sepr.
10
Wagner & Busch
I M
No 18
1301
2
1299
@
3d ⅌
£16. 4.9

   20
V: Busigny
"
6
1184
2
1182

3⅜.
 16.12.5

   27
Joseph Taylor
"
3
1216
2
1214

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}
3.—.—

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  8. 8.—
   27. 9.—

Nt proceeds.
£107.19.3½

Errors Excepted

 [Second Enclosure]
Liverpool 19th. Feby 1789.

Dr.
The Honble. Jas. Madison Junr. Esqr. in acct. Currt. with Jas. Maury
   Cr.

1788

1788

Aug:
20
To
prem: of Insurance on eight hogsheads Tobacco ⅌ Venus
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£ 2. 6.—
Feb: 19
By nt. proceeds eight hhds Tobacco ⅌ Venus
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£107.19.3½

Sep:
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1789

Feb:
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  42.13.3½

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£107.19.3½

By Balance due you
42.13.3½

 E. E.

J. Maury


Title: From James Madison to Edmund Randolph, 1 March 1789
From: Madison, James
To: Randolph, Edmund

My dear friend
Alexandria March 1st. 1789
This is the first convenient opportunity I have had for dropping you a line since I last came into the State. Your sanction to my remaining in N. York during the crisis of the elections, conveyed through Col: Carrington, never came to hand till I had arrived in Orange. It coincided so fully with my inclination, and indeed with my judgment, that had it been received in due time, I do not know, but I should have disregarded all the pressing exhortations which stood opposed to your opinion. I am persuaded however that my appearance in the district was more necessary to my election than you then calculated. In truth it has been evinced by the experiment, that my absence would have left a room for the calumnies of antifederal partizans which would have defeated much better pretensions than mine. In Culpeper which was the critical County, a continued attention was necessary to repel the multiplied falsehoods which circulated. Whether I ought to be satisfied or displeased with my success, I shall hereafter be more able to judge. My present anticipations are not flattering. I see on the lists of Representatives a very scanty proportion who will share in the drudgery of business. And I foresee contentions first between federal & antifederal parties, and then between Northern & Southern parties, which give additional disagreeableness to the prospect. Shoud the State-Elections give an antifederal colour to the Legislatures, which from causes not antifederal in the people, may well happen, difficulties will again start up in this quarter, which may have a still more serious aspect on the Congressional proceedings.
In my last or one of my last letters was inclosed a Quere from Mr. St. John the French Consul at New York, relating to the law here which regulates the recording of deeds &c. As I shall on my return be applied to for an answer, I will thank you for the proper one as soon as your leisure will allow.
I shall go on from this tomorrow. On my arrival I shall attend as far as I can, to whatever may deserve your perusal. Besides the private satisfaction, which I shall have in the Continuance of our correspondence, I promise myself the benefit of your suggestions on public subjects. Present me respectfully to Mrs. R. and rely on the Affection with which I remain Yrs truly
Js. Madison Jr

As your neighborhood gives you frequent interviews with the Presidt. remind him of my best regards for him.


Title: To James Madison from the Reverend James Madison, 1 March 1789
From: Madison, James (Reverend)
To: Madison, James

Dear Friend
March 1st. 1789 Williamsbg.
I cannot refuse so favourable an oppy. as this wh. Col. Griffin offers, of writing a Line or two. It afforded me great Satisfaction to hear of your Election, especially as I had urged you, by a Letter written previous to the last of the Legislation, respecting the Elections, to permit yourself to be proposed for this District. I rejoice that you are in a Situation, which enables you to be extensively useful, & that, we who are to receive the Law may at least be assured, one Voice will always utter what Wisdom & Virtue shall dictate. I beleive no People ever experiencd a more important Crisis, than this at wh. Ama. is now arrived. For whatever may be said of the Perfection or Imperfection of the general Plan upon wh. you are to proceed—certain it is, that the Prosperity of the federal Govt. will depend in a great Measure upon the Wisdom of the Laws & Arrangements first proposed. If they shd fortunately, as I trust they will, bear the evident Stamp of Wisdom & of Justice, they may gradually eradicate opposition, and thus in it’s Stead establish in the Affections of the People, the strongest Attachment to the General Govt.; and perhaps, within the Period of one Century, the World may see a Republic composed of at least 60 Millions of free Men, for such will be the Population of America, within that Time, provided it continues nearly at the Rate it hath hitherto observed. The only Chain by which such a Multitude will be bound together is that of wise & just Law.
May your Beginning promise such a Blessing. I beg you to write to me now & then for you see that I write as usual only to be written, & that you will ever beleive me to be Yr sincerely Affe. Friend
J Madison


Title: To James Madison from William Lindsay, 2 March 1789
From: Lindsay, William
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Port Royal Virginia March 2. 1789
In consequence of Col: Parker’s being Elected a Representative in Congress, He resigned the Naval office for the district of Norfolk, & I had the pleasure of being elected in his stead by the Honorable the Executive of this State. I shall be in N. York, by the first of April. I must beg the Favour of you to mention this, to the President & Senate. I hope when this is known, it will stop further Applications. I should think it hard to loose it, tho I hope their is no danger, they will certainly continue all the Old Officers. I am Dear Sir Your Humt. Sert
Wm. Lindsay


Title: To James Madison from Miles King, 3 March 1789
From: King, Miles
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir,
Virginia Hampton 3rd March 1789.
I congratulate you and our Country in being Elected as one of the Representatives in Congress, I was truly sorry you was not one of our Senators. Be Assured we did every thing in our power for you. You gott Sixty Six Single Votes but Mr. Henrys Interest in the House at that time was two powerfull, but whatever department you are In I well know your Object is the good of Your Country.
Tomorrow is the day for the Meeting of Congress and I expect the first Business you go upon will be the Regulating trade which I think [of] the Most Importance at Present and will take some time to be put on a good and propper footting. You will have gentlemen of Abillitys in Your Body and the Experience of all Nations and it will be your faults if you dont do better than we have for some time. The Naval Officers will be among the first Appointments. How Many may be thought Necessary Congress will determine & the propper places for the Offices to be fixed at will be one Question. You and myself have formerly had some Conversation on that Subject and agreed pretty well. I hope you still will think the Rivers where Offices are Necessary will be Near the Mouths of the Rivers and good and Respectable Men Appointed to those Offices. You will please to Remember that I allways told you I never Would Wish to Hold any Post Under Goverment. I still am of that Opinion and will allways give you my Opinion who is propper Men for Such Offices in our State being well Acquainted with Most Gentlemen in our Country. Wether there Will be an Office Continued at Hampton or Not is to be Considered of but I think Near Hampton will be the best place to. Colo. Grayson who was Stayondd in the War at Hampton for some time & will give you full Information as to the best place. Norfolk is a great trading place but when we was Under the British Goverment they thought Hampton the Most Convenient place but Whether at Hampton or Not, I would begg leave to Recommend One Gentleman in My Real Opinion as the Most fitting Man in my Acquaintance for a Naval Officer. The Gentleman is no Ways Related to me by my long Acquaintance with that Gentleman Authourize’s me to say he ought to be Continued in Office. The Man is Mr. Jacob Wray who was one of the first Officers Appointed in 1776. & is now in Office and I hope you Will Continue him as I am Certain he will do Honour to the Appointment. I have one More favour to Ask of you, Mr William A Bayley who lives in Norfolk a Gentleman who I can Recommend to the Office of Searcher and will Make an Exceeding good one. Both of these Gentlemen are good Friends to the New Goverment. I hope Congress will take up the Amendments proposd. by the States and do What is Necessary without there being a New Convention. I think Many of the Amendments are good & Necessary, but the great point of Direct Taxation will be of the Most Importance, When your Body Meets together and they should think it best for Congress to Retain that, I am perfectly Satisfyd. they Should Retain it. I am very Willing to trust them, but Many of the Opposers to the Goverment will not agree Congress should have that power. Mr. Griffin is the Representative from our District. You May think it odd I did not Vote for him as he and myself was both in favour of the Constituion, but Sir as a friend to my Country I Could not think him a proper Man. You know his Inattention to Business and being two fond of pleasure, I thought we ought to send Men of Example. Mr Harrison nor Mr Selden pleasd. me but hope Mr Griffin will be More Attentive than he Was in Our Assembly. When you have a Minute to Spare I will thank you for a line or two and any Information you May Want from our part of the Country I will give you And Am Dear sir with Real Esteem Your Friend &c
Miles King


Title: From James Madison to George Washington, 5 March 1789
From: Madison, James
To: Washington, George

Dear Sir
Baltimore March 5th. 1789
On our journey hither we have fallen in with the Bearer of the Electoral Votes of Georgia. They are unanimous as to the President and are all thrown away on individuals of the State as to the Vice President. The Representatives were not chosen when the Gentleman set out, but the election was to take place in a day or two after. General Matthews, he tells us will be one, Mr. Baldwin another, & the third either Osborne, or Genl. Jackson. All the Candidates I understand are well affected to the Constitution. In South Carolina, the Votes for Presidt. were also unanimous, as the Gentleman informs us. Of the others 5 were given to Mr. Rutlidge and the remaining two not to Mr. Adams.
The badness of the Roads & the weather prevented our getting to this place sooner than last Evening, by which means we lose two days. R. H. Lee left this on his way to New York on Monday morning. Mr. White had preceded him a day or two. With the highest esteem & mo: affect. attacht. I am Dr Sir Yours
Js. Madison Jr


Title: From James Madison to George Washington, 8 March 1789
From: Madison, James
To: Washington, George

Dear Sir
Philada. March 8th. 1789
We arrived here yesterday evening where we have met with Mr. Dawson just from New York. When he left it, 18 Representatives and 8 Senators had assembled. It is not certain when the deficiences will [be] made up. The most favorable conjectures postpone it to Monday Sev’-night. The members attending are cheifly from the Eastward. I do not learn that a single member except Mr. White is from a State South of Pennsylva., unless indeed Dr. Tucker is to be included in the exception. The N. Jersey Reps. are not yet announced. Mr. Clarke it is supposed will be one. Mr. Cadwallader, Mr. Boudinot, and Mr. Skureman, are talked of as the others.
I find that the communication made you from Kentuckey corresponds with an official letter to Congs. from Govr. St Clair, which speaks of the same emissary, and the same errand. Notice has been transmitted of the affair to the Executive of Virga. in order that regular steps may be taken, if sufficient ground be afforded, for apprehending the incendiary. The project of G. M——n for establishing a Colony beyond the Mississippi is also going on. It is the opinion of Mr. Brown, as explained to Mr. Griffin, that emigrations to the Spanish territory will be enticed from Kentucky, as rapidly, as the allurements of the latter place, have obtained them from the Atlantic States. All these circumstances point out the conduct which the New Govt. ought to pursue with regard to the Western Country & Spain.
I dropped you a few lines from Baltimore mentioning the unanimity of the Electoral Votes of S. Carola. & Georgia for a Presid & the manner in which the Secondary votes were disposed of. I am Dr. Sir Yr. truly Affecte
Js. Madison Jr


Title: To James Madison from Henry Lee, 8 March 1789
From: Lee, Henry
To: Madison, James

My dear sir
Alexa. March 8h. 89
The papers necessary to our European project are enclosed herewith—viz my power of attorney, your remarks which are so full that I can add nothing, the old plot of the canal which must be kept by you, and a copy sent, it being not fit—& my letr. to Mr. Jefferson. The last explains fully the manner which appeared to be best for us to embrace, but should any thing be improper, you can pass it away in your letr & can add such other matters as may occur to you.
I receveid [sic] Mr Carrols reply the day after you left me. Negative—willing to lend but unable to collect.
If a copy of the plot of the canal at the great falls accompanyed with proper remarks was inserted in the Museum it would be gratifying to the editors, entertaining to the public & useful to the potomac. Always yours
H. Lee
The monocacy is navigable & brings into potomac the produce of the rich county about Fredr. town &c. The chonogocheague is also navigable & brings into the potomac the produce of the rich vale between the mountains as far nearly as Carlysle in Pensylvania.
I forgot to mention to Mr. Jefferson that the original papers with A packet from G W goes via Bordeaux to the care of Mr. Mason Merchant for transmission to Paris.


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Pleasants, Jr., 8 March 1789
From: Pleasants, Thomas, Jr.
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Raleigh. 8th March 1789.
I recieved in due Course your obliging favor of

   Not having the letter before me, I do not recollect its date.

 last.
I have intended at a proper time to remind you of my application in favour of Mr Thomas Thompson, and now take the liberty of transmitting to you a Letter from him; which will unfold his views and wishes—and if in the New arangement you Can give him any hopes of Success: he will wait upon you at N York. I believe he is personally known to Gen Washington—and as the General will be President of the States, and as my Letter to you Mentioning Mr Thompson passed thro. his hands, it will afford you a good oppy. of hinting the subject to him.
Cap Connors papers came safe—the business was done much to his satisfaction—and he says you will accept his grateful thanks for your care therein. He will suffer his Claim of Land to lie dormant, on a presumption that it will be to no purpose to Revive it. I am, With sentiments of Sincere Regard & Esteem Your obliged, & Mo ob Hbl St.
Thomas Pleasants jr


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Thompson, 8 March 1789
From: Thompson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Dr sir
Virginia Js. Rr. Fair Hill 8 March 1789
My Friend Mr. Thomas Pleasants read to me a Paragraph in a letter he wrote you, recommending me, shoud the New Government be adopted & consequent commercial arrangements take place, as a Candidate for the Consulship to the Kingdom of Portugal, at same time solliciting your interest wth. General Washington in my behalf; he also shewd me your answer.
A Severe & tedious indisposition prevented me from waiting upon you while you were yet in Richmond, to thank you for your kind intention, & to confer with you on the best probable means of acquiring to me so desirable an object, wch. I have to regrett as also of being disapointed of being personally known to a Character I so very much esteem.
This goes inclosed to you by Mr. Pleasants; serves to request the continuance of your interest as an obligation I shall ever retain in grateful remembrance, & to intimate that altho’ from my acquaintance with the manners, custums language &c. of the Portuguese, & (I may say) Spanish Nations as they differ very little, I consider myself as best qualify’d to watch over & promote the interest of the United-States in either of those Countries, yet, that shoud neither be attainable, I shou’d be very happy to serve Congress abroad, & thankfull for any apointment they may be pleas’d to honour me with, & from wch. a decent income may be deriv’d, in which the most indefatigable Zeal & attention shall mark my Service. If my personal attendance at New York, woud be of any service in forwardg the success of this business, altho’ not very convenient, I will do myself the pleasure of paying my respects to you there, at the time wch. you may think most suitable.
It may not be improper to mention, that I have been regularly bred to business in the Island of Madeira where I resided constantly for 17 Years. I am with the greatest esteem Dear sir Yr. much Obld. & Obedt. servt.
Thos Thompson


Title: To James Madison from Richard Morris, 10 March 1789
From: Morris, Richard
To: Madison, James

Sir
Green Springs Mar. 10th. 1789
The post at the point of fork it is supposed will be sold to the continent by this state as a place of arms. The charge of it, the victualling the men necessary to keep the arms in proper order, should such an event take place, would be an object of attention to me; & as it is convenient, in point [of] situation, should be glad of the appointment. The gentleman who holds it, under the state, I was informed a few days past meant to resign his office. Mr. Page & yourself, being the only members from this state, who were personally acquainted with my conduct, whilst in public service, (he more particularly & for a greater length of time than yourself) are the only persons to whom I shall apply, resting my success intirely on your approbation or disapprobation of my former conduct. I am Sir yr. obedt. hb St.
Rd Morris


Title: To James Madison from John Beckley, 13 March 1789
From: Beckley, John
To: Madison, James

Sir,
New York—13th: March 1789.
In appealing to your Candor I feel a confidence that no apology will be necessary for the present mode of address. Before I left Virginia I communicated to my good friend Mr: Randolph, the reasons that induced me to become a Candidate for the appointment of Clerk to the House of Representatives of the United States, and for that purpose to relinquish the public situation in which I stood there; he was pleased to approve those reasons, and to favor me with Letters of introduction here, (one of which I enclose for your perusal) couched in terms which his friendship, rather than any merit of mine, prompted. At the same time I took the liberty to write to you on the subject, submitting the hope I entertained of your friendship and countenance therein, to your own knowledge of my public and private Character, but the casualty of the conveyance did not permit me to state the more particular and private reasons by which I was influenced; these I now beg leave, breifly to explain, referring to your Candor and goodness, how far the hope I have expressed, may be indulged: the adoption of the new Government by Virginia I have always regarded as a certain and considerable reduction, in point of emolument, of the Clerkship of the House of Delegates, added to this, the new arrangement of our Judiciary, created the necessity of a new field of practice in my professional line; thus circumstanced, and having parted with nearly all the savings of ten Years service, in the marriage and settlement of an unfortunate Sister, I found myself unable to make the necessary remittance for the support of aged parents, reduced by misfortune to a dependance on me, and oppressed with the care of an unhappy son deprived of his reason. Considerations, Sir, which, altho’ they may excite your sympathy, I hope you will regard as merely intended to explain the seeming incongruity of applying for Office here, in the certain relinquishment of Business, apparently better at home; for altho’ I do not expect the Office I seek will be one of great emolument, yet as affording the means of longer and more constant employment, it will of consequence become more productive. These reasons and my public pretensions I submit to that general sense of propriety with which I am sure you will regard this and every other application for your friendship and favor, being, with true regard and esteem, Sir, Your most obedient, and very humble Servant,
John Beckley


Title: To James Madison from the Governor of Virginia, 14 March 1789
From: Governor of Virginia,Randolph, Beverly
To: Madison, James,Virginia Delegates

Gentlemen,
Richmond March 14th. 1789
Some difficulties having occurred in the settlement of the Accounts of this state with the United States between the agents of the two parties; the Executive have thought it proper to send forward Colonel Davies immediately to the seat of the fœderal government there to represent the particular situation of this business. He is instructed in all cases of difficulty to confer with you. Permit me therefore to recommend him to your assistance and attention in all things belonging to the object of his journey.
In pursuance of the directions of the general assembly, I do myself the honour to forward to you a resolution of that honourable body of the 13th. of December last together with the Account and Vouchers of the expenditures of this state in the defence of her frontier inhabitants since the cession of Western territory. I have the honour &c.
B. R.


Title: To James Madison from Henry Lee, 14 March 1789
From: Lee, Henry
To: Madison, James

My dear sir—
Alexa. 14h. March 89
Tomorrow I go from hence, Mrs. Lee as when you left her. If I forgot to fill up the power of attorney, please to insert Mr Jeffersons name.
Yesterday the original papers went off in the Maryland bound to Bordeaux to the care of Mr. Mason Merchant there—I am told in three or four days the mail reaches Versailles from that port.
Many applicants above & here, on each side of the river have waited on me for lots at the great falls, Gilpin is now engaged in the road, & every thing would prosper if we had possession.
Surely the sum might be got in N York, if I knew so I would ride to see you. Old Bland after undergoing strange adventures by land & by sea got yesterday by the assistance of several fœderal acquaintances from the mouth of Potomac to Mt. Vernon, & will proceed in mondays stage. I have not seen the sable knight. Adieu
Henry Lee

Tittles
The president of the U S.
His Excellency the V. P. of the U. States.
His Excellency A. B Senator of the U. S.
The hond. a b delegate in the Congress of the U. S.
The hond. A. B. Ambassa[d]or
The hond. a b. c heads of the principal departments in Governt.

I prefer no title to the president sooner than the one common to state governors & which I have given to the senate, and I know not how our people would bear a new name.


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 15 March 1789
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Paris Mar. 15: 1789.
I wrote you last on the 12th. of Jan. since which I have received your’s of Octob. 17. Dec. 8. & 12. That of Oct. 17. came to hand only Feb. 23. How it happened to be four months on the way, I cannot tell, as I never knew by what hand it came. Looking over my letter of Jan. 12th. I remark an error of the word ‘probable’ instead of ‘improbable,’ which doubtless however you had been able to correct. Your thoughts on the subject of the Declaration of rights in the letter of Oct. 17. I have weighed with great satisfaction. Some of them had not occurred to me before, but were acknoleged just in the moment they were presented to my mind. In the arguments in favor of a declaration of rights, you omit one which has great weight with me, the legal check which it puts into the hands of the judiciary. This is a body, which if rendered independent, & kept strictly to their own department merits great confidence for their learning & integrity. In fact what degree of confidence would be too much for a body composed of such men as Wythe, Blair & Pendleton? On characters like these the ‘civium ardor prava jubentium’ would make no impression. I am happy to find that on the whole you are a friend to this amendment. The Declaration of rights is like all other human blessings alloyed with some inconveniences, and not accomplishing fully it’s object. But the good in this instance vastly overweighs the evil. I cannot refrain from making short answers to the objections which your letter states to have been raised. 1. That the rights in question are reserved by the manner in which the federal powers are granted. Answer. A constitutive act may certainly be so formed as to need no declaration of rights. The act itself has the force of a declaration as far as it goes: and if it goes to all material points nothing more is wanting. In the draught of a constitution which I had once a thought of proposing in Virginia, & printed afterwards, I endeavored to reach all the great objects of public liberty, and did not mean to add a declaration of rights. Probably the object was imperfectly executed: but the deficiencies would have been supplied by others in the course of discussion. But in a constitutive act which leaves some precious articles unnoticed, and raises implications against others, a declaration of rights becomes necessary by way of supplement. This is the case of our new federal constitution. This instrument forms us into one state as to certain objects, and gives us a legislative & executive body for these objects. It should therefore guard us against their abuses of power within the feild submitted to them. 2. A positive declaration of some essential rights could not be obtained in the requisite latitude. Answer. Half a loaf is better than no bread. If we cannot secure all our rights, let us secure what we can. 3. The limited powers of the federal government & jealousy of the subordinate governments afford a security which exists in no other instance. Answer. The first member of this seems resolvable into the 1st. objection before stated. The jealousy of the subordinate governments is a precious reliance. But observe that those governments are only agents. They must have principles furnished them whereon to found their opposition. The declaration of rights will be the text whereby they will try all the acts of the federal government. In this view it is necessary to the federal government also: as by the same text they may try the opposition of the subordinate governments. 4. Experience proves the inefficacy of a bill of rights. True. But tho it is not absolutely efficacious under all circumstances, it is of great potency always, and rarely inefficacious. A brace the more will often keep up the building which would have fallen with that brace the less. There is a remarkeable difference between the characters of the Inconveniencies which attend a Declaration of rights, & those which attend the want of it. The inconveniences of the Declaration are that it may cramp government in it’s useful exertions. But the evil of this is shortlived, moderate, & reparable. The inconveniencies of the want of a Declaration are permanent, afflicting & irreparable: they are in constant progression from bad to worse. The executive in our governments is not the sole, it is scarcely the principal object of my jealousy. The tyranny of the legislatures is the most formidable dread at present, and will be for long years. That of the executive will come in it’s turn, but it will be at a remote period. I know there are some among us who would now establish a monarchy. But they are inconsiderable in number and weight of character. The rising race are all republicans. We were educated in royalism: no wonder if some of us retain that idolatry still. Our young people are educated in republicanism. An apostacy from that to royalism is unprecedented & impossible. I am much pleased with the prospect that a declaration of rights will be added: and hope it will be done in that way which will not endanger the whole frame of the government, or any essential part of it.
I have hitherto avoided public news in my letters to you, because your situation ensured you a communication of my letters to mr. Jay. This circumstance being changed, I shall in future indulge myself in these details to you. There had been some slight hopes that an accomodation might be effected between the Turks & two empires. But these hopes do not strengthen, and the season is approaching which will put an end to them for another campaign at least. The accident to the king of England has had great influence on the affairs of Europe. His mediation joined with that of Prussia would certainly have kept Denmark quiet, and so have left the two empires in the hands of the Turks & Swedes. But the inactivity to which England is reduced, leaves Denmark more free, and she will probably go on in opposition to Sweden. The K. of Prussia too had advanced so far that he can scarcely retire. This is rendered the more difficult by the troubles he has excited in Poland. He cannot well abandon the party he had brought forward there. So that it is very possible he may be engaged in the ensuing campaign. France will be quiet this year, because this year at least is necessary for settling her future constitution. The States will meet the 27th. of April: and the public mind will I think by that time be ripe for a just decision of the Question whether they shall vote by orders or persons. I think there is a majority of the nobles already for the latter. If so, their affairs cannot but go on well. Besides settling for themselves a tolerably free constitution, perhaps as free a one as the nation is as yet prepared to bear, they will fund their public debts. This will give them such a credit as will enable them to borrow any money they may want, & of course to take the feild again when they think proper. And I believe they mean to take the feild as soon as they can. The pride of every individual in the nation suffers under the ignominies they have lately been exposed to: and I think the states general will give money for a war to wipe off the reproach. There have arisen new bickerings between this court & that of the Hague, and the papers which have passed shew the most bitter acrimony rankling at the heart of this ministry. They have recalled their Ambassador from the Hague without appointing a successor. They have given a note to the Diet of Poland which shews a disapprobation of their measures. The insanity of the King of England has been fortunate for them as it gives them time to put their house in order. The English papers tell you the king is well: and even the English ministry say so. They will naturally set the best foot foremost: and they guard his person so well that it is difficult for the public to contradict them. The king is probably better, but not well by a great deal. 1. He has been bled, and judicious physicians say that in his exhausted state nothing could have induced a recurrence to bleeding but symptoms of relapse. 2. The Prince of Wales tells the Irish deputation he will give them a definitive answer in some days: but if the king had been well he could have given it at once. 3. They talk of passing a standing law for providing a regency in similar cases. They apprehend then they are not yet clear of the danger of wanting a regency. 4. They have carried the king to church: but it was his private chapel. If he be well, why do not they shew him publicly to the nation, & raise them from that consternation into which they have been thrown by the prospect of being delivered over to the profligate hands of the prince of Wales. In short, judging from little facts which escape in spite of their teeth, we may say the king is better, but not well. Possibly he is getting well; but still, time will be wanting to satisfy even the ministry that it is not merely a lucid interval. Consequently they cannot interrupt France this year in the settlement of her affairs, & after this year it will be too late.
As you will be in a situation to know when the leave of absence will be granted me which I have asked, will you be so good as to communicate it by a line to mr. Lewis & mr. Eppes? I hope to see you in the summer, and that if you are not otherwise engaged, you will encamp with me at Monticello for a while. I am with great and sincere attachment Dear sir your affectionate friend & servt
Th: Jefferson


Title: To James Madison from Elias Langham, 15 March 1789
From: Langham, Elias
To: Madison, James

Sir,
Point of fork March 15th. 1789.
I am induced to think that a Commissary of Military Stores will be one of the first Appointments that Congress will make under the new Government, I therefore take the Liberty of writing to you on the Subject, & inclosing some Other letters to your care, you being the representative of the district in which I live.
I leave open the letters for your examination, which after readg. be pleased to seal & deliver, provided you think this a proper time for the delivery thereof. When I send the recommendations therein mentioned, I shall write you more fully. I have the honor to be with due respect Your Most Obt Ser.
E Langham


Title: To James Madison from Tench Coxe, 16 March 1789
From: Coxe, Tench
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Philadelphia March 16th. 1789
A very long acquaintance with Col. Saml. Hanson, who will have the honor to deliver you this letter, and the respectability and number of testimonials of his merits, which he carries with him to New York have induced me to trespass on your friendship. He goes as a candidate for some public employment for which his talents may be thought equal, and I wish to give him a chance of your support. His character, &, I believe, his veiws are not unknown to the president. When he shall have delivered his letters for New York they will also be made known in a Way very honorable to him to the Gentlemen of the Senate. I feel a great deal of reluctance, Sir, in taking this liberty, but were you acquainted with my friend I am satisfied you would make the same effort to serve him with a gentleman for whom you entertain the same very respectful sentiments, as are entertained for you by, Sir—your mo. obedt. and mo. affecte. Servt.
Tench Coxe


Title: To James Madison from Edward Stevens, 16 March 1789
From: Stevens, Edward
To: Madison, James

Sir
Culpepper March 16th: 1789
I beleive you were a member of our Assembly some years agoe when their was a notion of making new regulations in the Customs of the State, if so, expect you were acquainted with my intention then of offering for an appointment in that Line. As I expect new arrangments will now take place under the Federal Government, have taken the Liberty to solicit the President and the Senators from this State for an appointment, am at a loss to Know whether they will be made by the President or the Senate. If it should happen in your way and no other Person offering that you wish a preference shall be greatfull for any aid which you may think yo. with Propriety can afford me. I have as much vanity to think I might once have obtained from the Legislature of the State an appointment to the Norfolk District, but at that time it was out of my power to enter on the Office. Colo. Parker who was then appointed has now given it up by taking a Seat in Congress. If I could obtain it at this time should be thankfull. And can venture to declare none would be more attentive or desirous of a Punctual and faithfull discharge of the trust. I am most respectfully Sir Your very Obedt. hum. Servt
Edward Stevens


Title: To James Madison from Tench Coxe, 18 March 1789
From: Coxe, Tench
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Philada. March 18th. 1789
I have this afternoon obtained from a friend of Col. Geo. Morgan a copy of his handbill which was put into the hands of confidential people in N. Jersey & Pennsylvania for the purpose of procuring followers. I know your solicitude about the western Country, and have therefore enclosed you a copy, which after you have done with it be pleased to give to Mr. Jay when you have an opty.
I am this day favored with yours from Virginia and am happy to find that the favorable termination of the elections renders any answer to it unnecessary.
The country members of our legislature express so much anxiety to return that I think it not improbable the house may rise on Saturday. In that event Mr. Clymer & Mr. Fitzsimons will proceed immediately. We are yet uncertain about Mr. Scott’s serving.
I have reflected since I had the pleasure of seeing you on the form of a declaration to be introduced into the constitution in favor of religious liberty, and I think the Idea of extending the powers of the union to an interposition between the state legislatures & their respective constituents might be accomplished, to universal satisfaction, by something like the 4th. Sec. of the 4th. Article relating to a republican form of Government. It would give great eclat to the constitution in Europe, and would give it an honest Triumph over the disingenuousness of those, who have opposed it on that score against their better knowlege. It is a little remarkable in how great a degree Events have justified some of the most censured powers of the plan. The non election of senators in New York—the conduct of the Jersey election—and the suppression of the Senatorial negative in Maryland &ca. may be adduced, at least among the candid & reflecting, as examples.
I must apologize to you, Sir, for the liberty I took in troubling you with a letter by Mr. Hanson. When you see his respectable letters—and know his character & Situation from the General you will be somewhat disposed to excuse it.
Our state have determined to dismiss the public creditors of the Union—and leave them to Congress from a conviction of their being unequal to the formation of adequate funds. This business of the public Debt is an immense & most important Affair. To ascertain what substantial justice requires & to establish the necessary funds in the least burden-some way seems, of all our affairs, to be now most—opus et labor. A complete survey of the various public obligations must of course be taken. In doing this we are not to forget the separate state Debts, which are now existing. These are to be paid—or to be funded—or in some proper way disposed of. They unpaid, or improperly managed will lessen the ability of the state—our internal order—and will affect our public credit. Foreigners, tho friendly, will not always be able to distinguish between federal & state Debts—and, if unfriendly, may purposely misrepresent them. During my stay at New York I pursued the examination of our finances, & the investigation of the subject in general, which has always engaged a good deal of my attention. I found some facts in the estimate of the state Debts, that were astonishing. Massachussetts for instance owes £1,500,000 Lawful Money or 5 Millions of Dollars, the simple interest whereof is 300,000 Drs. ⅌ Ann. without any considerable body of lands or other public property to sink it. South Carolina owes £800,000 Stg. which in Dollars at 4/8 is 3,428,571, Drs worth at 7 ⅌ Cent, her interest, about 240,000 Drs. These tho the largest are only a part of the great mass of separate state Debts. I am, dear Sir, with very great respect & esteem your obedt. Servant
Tench Coxe
Mr. Gorhams purchase of £300,000 must be deducted from the Massts. Debt which leaves 4. Millions of Dollars.


Title: From James Madison to George Washington, 19 March 1789
From: Madison, James
To: Washington, George

Dear Sir
N. York March 19. 1789.
On our arrival here we found that the number of Representatives on the spot had been stationary from the second day of the Meeting. Mr. Page, Mr. Lee, & myself raised it to 21. and Mr. S. Griffin and Mr. Moore have been since added. The number of attending Senators continues at 8. When a Quorum will be made up in either House, rests on vague conjecture, rather than on any precise information. It is not improbable I think that the present week will supply the deficiency in one, if not in both of them. The States most convenient, are among the defaulters. It will not be known, I am told, in this State, who the Representatives are till some time next month. The federal party calculate on an equal division of the six: Mr Laurence, for the City district, Mr. Floyd for the Long Island district; and Mr. Benson for a third. In New Jersey, the election has been conducted in a very singular manner. The law having fixed no time expressly for closing the polls, they have been kept open three or four weeks in some of the Counties, by a rival jealousy between the Eastern & Western divisions of the State, and it seems uncertain when they would have been closed, if the Governour had not interposed by fixing on a day for receiving the returns, and proclaiming the successful candidates. The day is past, but I have not heard the result. The Western ticket in favor of Skureman, Budinot, Cadwallader, & Sennickson if this be the name, is supposed to have prevailed; but an impeachment of the election by the unsuccessful competitors has been talked of. Two of the Representatives from Massachussetts, are also unknown to us. In one of the districts, it is supposed that a disaffected man has prevailed.
An English Packet has been long expected, and is not yet arrived. The State of foreign news remains of consequence little altered. The accounts of latest date through other channels shew that the progress in France towards a Constitutional establishment, is unchecked, and that a coalition between the King and the Commons, agst. the Nobility & Clergy, will direct the innovations. With respectful Compliments to Mrs. Washington & the rest of the family, I am Dear sir truly & affecely. Yr. Obedt. servt
Js. Madison Jr.


Title: To James Madison from John Dawson, 20 March 1789
From: Dawson, John
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Phil. March 20. 1789
When you were in this town I took the liberty of mentioning to you that I expected a bill from Mr. Ambler, which I thought might be forwarded to New York. This bill has not come to hand and my finances being rather low I have taken the liberty of drawing on you in favour of Colo Coles for seven Guineas; a liberty which I hope you will excuse, and may be assurd that I will forward a bill on New York immediately on my arrival at Fredericksburg to which place I set out immediately & shall be happy in hearing from you. Yr. Friend
J Dawson


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Pollard, 20 March 1789
From: Pollard, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Honble. Sir
Fairfax County Virginia 20th. March 1789.
Not having the pleasure of seeing you at your Election in Spotsylvania, have taken the freedom to address you by Letter altho an intire strainger, to beg your advice or rather information, respecting the Redemption of the Continental Currency that is still remaining in the hands of sundrie persons, particularly in this State, I having a considerable quantity, that I did not fund, agreeable to a Law of Virginia, chose rather to hazard the redemption than to fund it, & as I frequently consulted our particular friend The Honble. Edmd. Pendleton Esqr. on that point he always expected that Whenever the New Congress was established they would take the matter up on some equitable principle, for my particular part was I the only one that was to suffer by it, would not hesitate a moment to commit what I possess to the flames, but when I reflect on sundrie poor people that really parted with their property for that Currency, conceive it must be ruinous to several industruous Citizens of every State. Having Sir, thought & expected that whenever Congress proceeded to business there would be many places of proffit in order to execute the different Laws & Regulations that will be thought necessary, and as I have a Considerable family not less than thirteen Children & only a Small fortune to support them on, must beg leave to offer myself for any office that you and any of my friends & Acquaintance in Congress may think proper to bestow the appointment, for believe me Sir I have from my Youth to this time made something by my pen & having been brought up by The Honble E. Pendleton Esqr. who I must beg leave to refur you, for my particular Charactor should not, His Excellency, Mr. John Page, Mr. Richd. B. Lee and Colo. Wm. Grayson be able to give that Satisfaction as is necessary on such an Occation.
As the Collection of the Potomack district I expect will be desirable & Mr. Lee not having made application for it, Shall always Esteem it as one of the greatest favours to offer me as a Candidate for the appointment, & should I fail there is any other post that you may think desirable will be gladly accept.
Hope that the freedom I have taken may be overlooked & that it was done through a particular desire to support & Educate such a numerous ofspring not altogether at the publick Expence but that the Publick will have it to say should I be so happy as to meet with success that they found one Honest officer. I am Sir with much esteem yr. Obt. Hble servt.
Thos. Pollard


Title: To James Madison from George Washington, 22 [March] 1789
From: Washington, George
To: Madison, James

My dear Sir,
Mount Vernon, May [March] 22d. 1789
Your favors of the 5th. & 8th. came duly to hand; the first from Baltimore, the latter from Philda. The design of this is merely to acknowledge the receipt of them, and to forward the enclosed; but I will add, as I have my pen in my hand, that Col. Bland, after having lain a week with the Gent at Gunston, after having been shipwrecked & land-wrecked, mired, fatigued with walking, &c. &c. arrived here on Saturday afternoon, and left us yesterday, probably to encounter new disasters in the stage to Newyork. But as he is hastening to get there, he may arrive before this tale of his misfortunes, & will be able and willing to give them in detail himself. I am, &c
Geo Washington


Title: To James Madison from Tench Coxe, 24 March 1789
From: Coxe, Tench
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Philada. March 24th. 1789.
I wrote you a few lines some days ago, which I hope you have received. The letter contained Col. Morgan’s propositions to our farmers & tradesmen.
On sunday last I sat down to make a few notes on some points which appear necessary to be considered in forming our System of impost. Enclosed you will find a copy of them hastily transcribed, of which you will make any use you see proper. Some of them are common & obvious, yet cannot be omitted with safety I believe; others perhaps have somewhat more novelty in them & therefore will require a cautious discussion. I mentiond to Mr. Maclay that I would make some Notes of this kind, but I prefer sending them to you as I presume moneybills will originate most often in your house. You will oblige me by giving Mr. McClay an opportunity to run his Eye over them as well as any other Gentleman, you may think should see them. I should particularly desire them to be examind by Mr. Morris, Mr. Clymer & Mr. Fitzsimons, of whose Judgement on these points I have a very high Opinion.
A very important Event has this day taken place in our legislature. A Majority of 41 to 16 (above 3 to 1) have entered into a resolution contenancing the call of a state convention to alter our Constitution. The people are to justify this Measure by petitions to this house in their last Session of August or Septr. and then the call of a Convention will certainly take place. It will be a great Event in our favor for we have been remarkably unfortunate in our form of Government.
Mr. Coles yet continues too much indisposed to proceed. I have seen him within an hour. Mr. Scott of our state will go on soon, being here on his way. The Jersey Election by the difference of Mr. Clarke, has proved more favorable than I expected. I am, dr Sir, with great truth yr. mo. respectf. h Servt.
Tench Coxe
Will you favor me so far as to make my respects to Mr S. Griffin who I hear is arrived—as also to his good brother & family from whom I recd. a great deal of kindness last winter.


Title: To James Madison from Edmund Randolph, 27 March 1789
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Madison, James

My dear friend
Wmsburg March 27. 1789.
Colo. Griffin having announced to me, that you were safely lodged within the fœderal precincts, I shall renew the assault of my uninteresting correspondence.
There is a general calm of politicks. The discontented themselves seem willing to wait with temper, until congress shall open their views. It gave me much pleasure, to read your letter to Colo. T. M. Randolph; as it shews a consciousness of amendments being necessary, and a disposition to procure them. Altho’ I am convinced, that nothing will soften the rancour of some men, I believe that a moderate and conciliating conduct in our fœderal rulers will detach from their virulence those, who have been opposed from principle. A very injudicious, and ill written publication, which you have seen under the signature of Decius, may impede perhaps this salutary effect; by keeping in a state of irritation those minds, which are well affected to the object of his bitterness. His facts are of a trivial cast, and his assertions are not always correct; and he thus becomes vulnerable in almost every part. The liberty of the press is indeed a blessing, which ought not to be surrendered but with blood; and yet it is not an illfounded expectation in those, who deserve well of their country, that they should be assailed by an enemy in disguise, and have their characters deeply wounded, before they can prepare for defence. I apply not this to any particular person.
The judiciary have made a retreat, by which they sacrifice the vitals of their remonstrance, and give absolute permission to the legislature, to incroach upon them at pleasure. This is a sufficient hint of my aversion to their proceeding; under which I have no consolation, but that we have in motion a system of jurisprudence, which they commend in higher terms, than I could venture to use. However the inaccuracies in the laws, establishing the new courts, call for a speedy alteration, in order to carry the scheme through with due harmony.

On examining the revised laws, I find many defects, which require the attention of the committee. Mr. Wythe declines the prosecution of the work, and the other gentlemen wish me to take a part. But I do not choose to encounter the anxiety, which I must undergo, in supporting such a work in the legislature, when I have been in any manner concerned in it out of doors. To say the truth, I absolutely fear, that the new language, which those laws contain, is far, very far, from being fixed by adjudications. It is acknowledged by some of the revisors themselves, that the law of descents must be considerably changed; and none of them can explain the Act, intended to determine who shall be mulattoes, which makes a man more of a mulatto, in proportion as he is more of a negro.
If the peace of this country is interrupted by any untoward event, one of three things will have a principal agency in the misfortune; the new constitution, british debts and taxes. The two former are not within the reach of any act of Virginia; the latter too will become formidable, chiefly by the accumulation of the public burthens, on account of fœderal purposes. I wish you could suggest some expedient, by which these dangers can be averted, and in which we can cooperate, in our different legislative functions.
I feel here a happiness, to which I have been hitherto a stranger; and which is not a little increased, by having shaken off a dependance on those, who think every man in office to be the servant of the legislature. I enjoy that opportunity, which I long sought in vain amidst the tumult of business, of examining and settling my opinions. But the scarcity of money obliges me to attend the court of appeals, and to give advice, which labours, could I avoid, would leave behind them no cares, but for public tranquillity.
I cannot at present answer Mr. St. John’s question; but will do so next week. Adieu my dear friend; and believe to be in all changes of time & place


Title: To James Madison from Charles Pinckney, 28 March 1789
From: Pinckney, Charles
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Charleston March 28: 1789.
It is not often I am deficient in Attention to my friends, particularly those whose friendship I think worth cultivating—but I will confess that to you I have been almost inexcusably & to myself unaccountably inattentive. There are however some excuses to be made for me. I have not been sure of ever finding you either in New York Philadelphia or in Virginia—for being in Congress, in our unsettled state of public affairs, & there seldom being a Quorum, & if so, no question of any importance to interest your attention, I took it for granted you were seldom there. Besides I have had a great deal upon my own hands. Enough most surely to excuse me in the opinion of a batchelor & a young man. Although it is not more than Sixteen months since I saw you I have done a great deal of business. Sometimes in public & more frequently of a private nature—but what is more than all I have become a husband and a father—& you know, or ought by this time to know, And I trust for your characters sake will soon know that a wife and a son are although pleasing, yet serious concerns. Let these therefore atone for my seeming inattention & let us commence a correspondence as if no such chasm had existed, but as if I had been as punctual as I ought.
I will begin by saying what I am sure you will believe, that I am much pleased to find you in the federal Legislature. I did expect you would have been in the senate & think your state was blind to it’s interest’s in not placing you there, but where you are may in the event prove the most important situation. For as most of the acts which are to affect the Revenue of the Union must originate with your house, and as they are the most numerous body, a greater scope will be afforded for the display of legislative talents than in the other branch, whose radical defect is the smallness of their numbers & whose doors must be always shut during their most interesting deliberations.
It will be sometime perhaps before I hear of you, but when you write, answer me candidly as I am sure you will the following Queries, without suffering any little disappointment to yourself to warp your Opinion.
Are you not, to use a full expression, abundantly convinced that the theoretical nonsense of an election of the members of Congress by the people in the first instance, is clearly and practically wrong. That it will in the end be the means of bringing our councils into contempt & that the legislature are the only proper judges of who ought to be elected?
Are you not fully convinced that the Senate ought at least to be double their number to make them of consequence & to prevent their falling into the same comparative state of insignificance that the State Senates have, merely from their smallness?
Do you not suppose that giving to the federal Judicial retrospective jurisdiction in any case whatsoever, from the difficulty of determining to what periods to look back[,] from it’s being an ex post facto provision, & from the confusion & Opposition it will give rise to, will be the surest & speediest mode to subvert our present system & give it’s adversaries the majority?
Do not suffer these and other queries I may hereafter put to you, to startle your Opinion with respect to my principles. I am more than ever a friend to the federal constitution, not I trust from that fondness which men sometimes feel for a performance in which they have been concerned but from a conviction of it’s intrinsic worth. From a conviction that on it’s efficacy our political welfare depends. My wish is to see it divested of those improprieties which I am sure will sooner or later subvert, or what is worse bring it into contempt.
Although I am persuaded motives of friendship will always induce you to attend as far as you can with convenience to my requests I must apologize to you for the trouble I give in requesting you after the Impost has passed to mention to your friends in the senate Mr. George Abbott Hall our present collector, as the Collector of the impost for this state. It is upwards of twelve years since he held this post & has discharged it’s duties with such diligence & fidelity, that I am well warranted in Not only privately but officially recommending Him.
Mr Smith will deliver you this. He goes to morrow to New York as one of the members for this state in the house of Representatives. He is a near relation of mine. But it is not only on this account that I recommend him to your particular notice & attention. You will find him a valuable acquaintance, with a mind highly cultivated and accomplished and an attention to public business which when he comes to be acquainted with the affairs of the Union will render him an useful member of your house. Present him if you please in my name to Henry, Grayson & all our quondam acquaintances & be assured that any civilities he receives from you will be gratefully remembered by me.
You may perhaps be surprized at not seeing me a member. I think there is no doubt I could if I had pleased have been a member of the Senate. My friends were sufficiently numerous and powerful both among the members of the Upper & lower country to have in all probability insured my election & I was for a considerable time talked of as one—but the situation of my wife just on the point of giving me a son & the advanced age & infirmities of my mother & some others whom I did not wish to leave—& the large purchase of a house determined me not to leave Carolina for a time—but to stay at home at least for a few years & place myself in a situation hereafter to do & to go where I please if alive & well. In the interim I am placed in an Office where although I have a great deal of trouble I have the pleasure to reflect that my former Endeavours have been so far approved as to give me the confidence & respect of my country. I have only to get well through this & I think the next two or three years I will struggle to be my own master or rather the master of my own time—in other words to enjoy the Luxury of doing as I please.
If you are still at Elsworth’s give my compliments to Mrs. E & Mrs. H & tell them that I still keep my Opinion about Charleston. That I think the house I have lately bought is not only a handsomer & better house than any in New: York (which it might very easily be) but that the situation is as airy & the prospect as fine as any they have. That in short I like Charleston so well at present that I cannot consent to exchange it for Any other place & that it will be with very great relunctance I shall ever leave it again for any length of time, except for a trip to Europe. To which as my wife is from her education almost An European I am the more than ever inclined—but which must still be subordinate to my more important pursuits.
Write me frequently & fully & give me as much political intelligence as you can—assured that I am & ever will be my dear Sir Your’s Truly
Charles Pinckney
Excuse the blots & scrawl of this letter. I am writing in an astonishing hurry & my secretary is so much engaged in copying public, that he has no time to devote to private letters. & my female secretary is at present in the straw with a young gentleman who sends his compliments to you.