Title: To John Adams from the Comte de Vergennes, 10 May 1780
From: Vergennes, Charles Gravier, Comte de
To: Adams, John

       A Versailles le 10. may 1780

      Je vous dois des remerciemens, Monsieur, pour les differentes communications que vous avez bien voulu me faire. Si les notions que renferme la lettre qui vous a êté confiée, Sont exactes, vous ne devez pas tarder à en avoir la preuve, et dans ce cas il faudra voir quelles ouvertures on jugera à propos de vous faire. Je pense que vous ne devez point refuser de les entendre.

       J’ai l’honneur d’etre très parfaitement, Monsieur, votre très humble et très obeissant Serviteur
       De Vergennes


Title: The Comte de Vergennes to John Adams: A Translation, 10 May 1780
From: Vergennes, Charles Gravier, Comte de
To: Adams, John

       Versailles, 10 May 1780

      I must thank you, sir, for the various communications you have been kind enough to send me. If the information contained in the letter sent to you proves accurate, you will, no doubt, shortly receive further proof, and if so, we would have to examine the offers they deem appropriate to make to you. I believe you should not refuse to hear them out.

       I have the honor to be very perfectly, sir, your very humble and very obedient servant.
       De Vergennes


Title: From John Adams to Edmé Jacques Genet, 11 May 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Genet, Edmé Jacques

      Dear Sir
      Paris May 11th. 1780

     I have just recieved your Card of the 10th. I agree with You that the Dean’s propositions are too absurd to be noticed.
     As to the History of my peregrinations in Spain, and I find it is true as far as it goes; altho’ the half is not told, excepting in the following particulars. They have called the American Agent at Corunna, Mr. Laurens, whereas his Name is Mr. Lagoanere. They have called, the first Justice of the Grand Audience “the Rixent,” Whereas they should have called him the Regent. It is moreover said that the Gentlemen dined frequently with the Vice Roy, which is not exactly true—they dined with him but once.
     In every other punctilio, this Narration is true, and far from being exaggerated.
     I had indeed, my dear Sir, as much Reason, to be pleased with the good Will and Affection of the Spaniards, as I had to be mortified, at the Inconvenience of travelling in their Country and the bad Accommodations upon the Roads.
     This Relation shews the Benevolence of Spain on one hand, and the Gratitude of America on the other; and consequently the excellent disposition in both to maintain the new Connection: it has consequently a Tendency to put the English into a proper Temper of Repentance of their folly and their Crimes—a Temper to which they must be brought, before they will make Peace. For this Reason I wish to see it as public as possible and consecrated to Immortality in your Mercury.


Title: From John Adams to the President of Congress, No. 64, 11 May 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Huntington, Samuel,President of Congress

     Paris, 11 May 1780. RC in John Thaxter’s hand (PCC, No. 84, II, f. 43–45). printed: Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev.Francis Wharton, ed., The Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States, Washington, 1889; 6 vols., 3:670–671.
     In this letter, read in Congress on 20 Sept., John Adams sent the text of three motions respecting the American war proposed by David Hartley in a speech to the House of Commons on 1 May. For the speech and Hartley’s motions, see Thomas Digges’ letter of 2 May, and note 7 (above). Adams concluded his letter with a reference to Gen. Henry Seymour Conway’s subsequent announcement that on 2 May he would lay before the House a bill to establish “the foundations of a Treaty of Peace and Reconciliation” with America.


Title: To John Adams from Edmé Jacques Genet, 11 May 1780
From: Genet, Edmé Jacques
To: Adams, John

       Ce 11. mai 1780

      Nous serions bien fachés, Monsieur de ne pas avoir dimanche the young gentlemen. C’est un jour fait pour eux, puis qu’il y a une cérémonie qui ne se repete pas souvent, et j’ai pris les précautions nécessaires pour qu’ils la voyent à leur aise. Nous les attendons et nous vous Supplions de ne point tromper notre attente. Le Commodore Jones nous fera sûrement lhoneur d’accepter le break fast chez nous. J’y aura de bon Thé qui n’a point été taxé par l’angleterre. Le commodore vous accompagnera à la chapelle pour voir la cérémonie et vous serés tous bien placés. J’espere bien que les young gentlemen viendront encore plus d’une fois, car il ne faut pas pretendre que tout se voit ici en un jour. Mais celui de dimanche is a Special one.
      Je connois Sir J. Dalrymple; Et je puis vous assurer, qu’on ne Sera plus aussi complaisant ici pour lui qu’on l’a été dans d’autres tems. Ceux qui depuis lui ont demandé les mêmes faveurs n’y ont pas été bien reçues.
      Vous êtes bien le maitre d’envoyer au Congrez les propositions du Doyen: Elles Sont tirées du general advertiser, which I reckon to be ministerialist

       Genet


Title: Edmé Jacques Genet to John Adams: A Translation, 11 May 1780
From: Genet, Edmé Jacques
To: Adams, John

       Dear Sir

        11 May 1780

      We would be most unhappy not to see the young gentlemen Sunday. It is a day made for them since the ceremony is not repeated often, and I have taken the necessary steps so that they can see it comfortably. We are expecting them and beg you not to disappoint us. Commodore Jones will surely honor us by accepting our invitation to breakfast. I will serve good tea which has not been taxed by England. The Commodore will accompany us to the chapel to see the ceremony and you will all be well placed. I hope that the young gentlemen will repeat their visit, for one cannot hope to see everything in one day. But this Sunday is a special one.
      I know Sir John Dalrymple; and can assure you that he will not be as well treated here as he has been in the past. Those who since then have asked him for the same favors have not been well received.
      You are perfectly welcome to send to Congress the Dean’s proposals: they were taken from the General Advertiser, which I reckon to be ministerialist.

       Genet


Title: From John Adams to William Carmichael, 12 May 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Carmichael, William

      Sir
      Paris May 12 1780

     I had, two days ago the favour of yours without a date, and thank you for the History of Sir John Dalrimple, whose Memoires would be sufficient to put me upon my guard, if I knew no more of him. He has seen the Imperial Ambassador. Pray, do you discover any of the Sentiments of the Austrian Family where you are. The old Rivalry, between that and Bourbon, the old Friendship and alliance with England. The new Ecclat and Power of an old Ennemy, and the declining forces of an old Friend, are circumstances that cannot escape the Notice, of the Sensible and aspiring Chief of that great House. The family alliance with France, is a lucky Circumstance at this time.
     I have received a few Journals, by the Way of Amsterdam. Young Coll Laurens has refused to come to Europe, I Suppose Smitten with the Charms of military Glory, and foreseeing the War was turning to his Town. You will See in the public papers before this reaches you all the News from America. We are waiting, with no Small Anxiety, the Arrival of News from Charlestown.
     De Ternay Sailed the Second, and We hope Soon to have the News that the Armament from Cadiz, is Sailed. De Rochambeau is too weak wherever he is gone. He should have had more Men Force. The Spanish Force is very great. But, would it not be better Policy, both for France and Spain to send more ships and fewer Troops. The British Possessions in America, both upon the Continent and the Islands, depend upon the Sea for their Existence. According to the Bull in the English Play, the strongest Ground, or the only Ground they Stand upon is the Ocean. By a decided Superiority of naval force, upon the American Coasts and among the Islands, under active, vigilant and enterprizing Commanders, who will not think it beneath them to cruise for and watch the motions of transports and Merchantmen, the trade of America and the Islands would flourish, and the Supplies of the English totally cutt off. A few, french or Spanish Men of War, cruising in the Mass. Bay. A few more lying at anchor in the Harbour of Rhode Island and cruising occasionally, a few more lying in the mouth of the Delaware, a few more in Cheasapeak Bay—Say 3 ships and three frigates in each. This would make 12 ships of the Line and twelve frigates. These would, by cruising themselves occasionally and giving full scope to our privateers, more certainly ruin the British Power in America, than four times that force in Europe. But Suppose there was only one ship of the Line and two Frigates Stationed in each. This would be only 4 ships and 8 frigates. These would either totally destroy the british Army, in America, by starving it, or compell the English to keep more than double their number in the North American station. This would weaken them so much in the W. I. Islands that the french and Spanish Forces there, would do whatever they pleased.
     I know not the Reason of it, but the English dont seem to take Spain into their Account at all. They make their calculations, to equal or exceed the french a little, but reckon the Spaniards for nothing. A very little Activity on the part of these, would terrify the English beyond Measure. I suppose, but it is only conjecture that the Floridas are the Object of the Force from Cadiz. Gibralter occupies another immense force. These forces however, or the amount of their Expences, employed, in the American seas and kept constantly in Motion, would more certainly ruin the whole British Power, and consequently more certainly obtain the Floridas Gibralter or whatever else is desired of, than direct Attacks upon these Places. Attacking these places is endeavouring to lop of single Limbs, securing the Dominion of the American Seas, is laying the Ax to the Root of the Tree. But enough of my small Politicks. Adieu.


Title: From John Adams to the Comte de Vergennes, 12 May 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Vergennes, Charles Gravier, Comte de

      Sir
      Paris May 12th. 1780

     I have received the letter which you did me the honor to write me on the 10th. of this month. Altho’ the writer of the letter, an extract of which I had the honor to enclose to you, may be right in his conjecture that the British Administration wish to know more than they do at present of my sentiments upon the great subject of a pacification, yet I have had too long experience of their principles views and tempers, and I know that they are too well acquainted with mine, for me to expect that they will directly convey any propositions to me. When we hear them affirm in Parliament that America is upon the point of returning to an Allegiance to the King of England; and that they seriously believe America will return to such an Allegiance: When the Members of opposition, even those who are most inclined to peace, such as Mr. Hartley, General Conway &c. discover plainly by their motions and arguments, that their object is a seperate peace with America, in order to be the better able to gratify their revenge against France and Spain, I can have no expectations that they think of applying to me, because I think they must be convinced of this at least that I shall make no seperate peace.
     I thank your Excellency however, for your sentiments, that I ought to hear them, in case any overtures shou’d be made to me; I shou’d in such a case endeavour to hear them with decency and respect, but it wou’d require much Philosophy to hear with patience such absurd and extravagant propositions as are published in pamphlets and News-papers, and made in Parliament, even by the Members of Opposition who profess to be most zealous for Peace.
     Our Alliance with France is an honor and a security, which have ever been near my heart. After reflecting long upon the geographical situation of the old world and the new, upon the agriculture, commerce, and political relations of both; upon the connections and oppositions among the Nations of the former, and the mutual wants and Interests of both, according to such imperfect lights as I was able to obtain; the result has long since been this, that my Country in case she shou’d once be compelled to break off from Great-Britain, wou’d have more just reasons to depend upon a reciprocity of good offices of Friendship from France, Spain, and the other Sovereigns who are usually in their system; than upon those in the opposite scale of the ballance of Power. I have ever thought it therefore a natural Alliance, and contended for it as a Rock of Defence. This object I pursued in Congress with persevering assiduity, for more than a year, in opposition to other Gentlemen of much greater Name and Abilities than mine, and had at length the satisfaction to find my Countrymen very generally to fall into the same sentiment, and the honour to be appointed to draw the first Treaty which was sent to this Court. These facts have been well known in America even to the Tories, and the utility and importance of this Alliance being known to be deeply imprinted on my mind and heart, I suppose was a principal cause why the present Trust was confided to me by my Countrymen. These facts, altho’ they may have been unknown in France, yet having been well known to the Tories in America, I cannot suppose they are ignorant of them at the Court of St. James’. I therefore think that neither Administration nor Opposition in England, will ever think of applying to me, untill they are brought into such a situation as shall compel them to sue for peace with all the Powers at War; which to be sure does not appear to be the case at present, nor likely to be; at least before the end of this Campaign, nor then neither, without some notable good fortune on the part of the Allies in the progress of the War. I have the honor to be with the greatest Respect Your Excellency’s most obedient and most humble Servant

      John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Francis Bowens, 12 May 1780
From: Bowens, Francis
To: Adams, John

      Gentleman
      Ostende the 12 May 1780

     I am honourd with your allways respectable Letter of the 5 Instant. The little Box you mention and markd ’A’ wich Mr. Digges of London has send me, was handed in good Condition a few Days ago, and as pampletts, Books and all such goods are admitted in french without any Difficulty. I have forward sayd Box the Day by a Carriage for Lille and have recommand to my Correspondant of the sayd Town Mr. Augs. Le Sage who will take the particularist Care for and forward to you by the Diligence. The little expences and Charges I have pay’d, will be put on Account of Mr. Digges. You may be persuaded Gentleman that I schall take allways the greatest Care possible for all Kinds of Articles you schould send to my Care, and that all your Orders will be follow’d with all the prudence and secrecy possible.
     I schall be certainly Gentleman very flatterd in receiving your Orders and will be happy if you will grant me your protection and confiance. I will give you in all Occasion, proofs of the greatest regard and respect with wich I remain, Gentleman! Your most humble & obedient Servant

      F Bowens


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Digges, 13 May 1780
From: Adams, John,San, Fernando Raymond
To: Digges, Thomas

       May 13 1780

     I have to acknowledge, one of 14 Ap. and one 2d. May. The Parcells, have not yet seen nor heard of. You may Stop the London Evg. and the London Packet for the future, but send on the courant if you please. Have not yet received, the debate upon Conways motion. I have seen the paper and read the debate. It is the scene of the Goddess in the Dunciad reading Blackmore to her Children. The Commons are yawning, while the Ministry and Clinton, are cementing the Union of America, by the blood of every Province, and binding all to their Allies, By compelling them to shed theirs. All is well that ends well. These wise folk are giving F. and S. a Consideration in Europe too, that they had not, and are throwing away their own as nothing worth. Sweden and Denmark, are in the Same System with Russia and Holland. Indeed if the Ministry, had only common Information, they would have known that this Combination of the maritime powers, has been forming these 18 Months, and was nearly as well agreed a year ago as it is now. But when a Nation is once, fundamentally wrong, thus it is. Internal Policy, external defence, foreign negotiations, all go away to gether. The bad Consequences of a Principle essentially Wrong, are infinite. The Minority, mean only to try if they can make peace with America Separately, in order to revenge themselves, as they think they can upon F. and S., but this is as wrong and as absurd, and impracticable as the plans of the ministry. All Schemes for reconciliation with America short of Independance, and all plans for Peace with America, allowing her Independance, Seperate from her allies, are visionary, and delusive, disingenuous, corrupt and wicked. America has taken her equal Station, and she will behave with as much honour, as any of the nations of the Earth. To Say that the Americans are upon the Poise, are ballancing, and will return to their Allegiance to the King of England, is as wild as bedlam. If Witnesses cannot be believed, why dont they believe the nature of things. Ask the Newspapers, which are so free, that nothing is Spared, Congress, and every body is attacked. Yet never a Single paragraph, even hinting in the most distant manner, a wish to return. Ask the Town meetings. Those assemblies which dared readily enough, to think as they pleased and say what they would, dared attack the King, Lords Commons, Governors, Councils, Representatives, Judges and whole armies, under the old Government, and that attack, every body and every thing that displeases them of this day. Not one Vote, not one Instruction to a Representative, not one Motion, nor so much as one Single Speach, in favour of returning to the Leeks of Egypt. Ask the grand and petit Juries, who dared to tell the Judges to their faces, they were corrupted, and that they would not serve under them because they had betrayed and overturn’d the Constitution. Not a single Juror, has ever whispered a Wish to return after being washed to their wallowing in the mire. The Refugees you mention never did know the Character of the American people, but they knew it now less than ever. They have been long away. The Americans of this day, have higher notions of themselves than ever. They think, they have gone through the greatest Revolution that ever took Place among Men, that this revolution is as much for the benefit of the generality of Mankind in Europe, as for their own. They think they should act a base and perfidious part towards the World in general, if they were to go back, that they should manifestly counteract the designs of providence, as well as betray themselves, their posterity and mankind. The English manifestly think Mankind and the World made for their Use. Americans dont think so. But why proceed. Time alone can convince.

      Adieu
      F. R. S.


Title: From John Adams to the President of Congress, No. 66, 13 May 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Huntington, Samuel,President of Congress

     Paris, 13 May 1780. RC(PCC, No. 84, II, f. 47–49). LbC in John Thaxter’s hand (Adams Papers); notation by Thaxter: “NB. May 16th 1780. This day delivered to the Chevr. la Colombe Nos. 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, & 66—also three packets of News papers.” printed: Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev.Francis Wharton, ed., The Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States, Washington, 1889; 6 vols., 3:674–676.
     This letter, read in Congress on 20 Sept., opens with a translation of the official French reply to Catherine II’s declaration of an armed neutrality. France declared its support for the principles set down in the Russian initiative, while noting that existing French maritime regulations, based as they were on the law of nations, offered few obstacles to neutral trade. According to Adams, the French declaration’s “Simplicity, Openness, Sincerity, and Truth” was in “striking Contrast to the Dissimulation and Insincerity” of the corresponding British reply of 23 April, which he inserted in his letter of 8 May to the president of Congress (No. 60, calendared above). In a postscript, Adams sent a translation of a Copenhagen newspaper account of 29 April, which reported the arrival of couriers from St. Petersburg, the rumored accession of Denmark to the armed neutrality, and the outfitting of two Danish ships of the line. Finally, Adams included an extract from the instructions of 19 April to British warships and privateers. A direct result of the Order in Council of 17 April suspending the Anglo-Dutch treaties (to the president of Congress, 28 April, No. 54, calendared above), they authorized the seizure of Dutch ships carrying enemy goods and merchandise designated as contraband under the strict law of nations; that is the law as it applied to nations with no treaty connection. Adams noted that the British had already seized five vessels under this new order.


Title: To John Adams from Joseph Gardoqui & Sons, 13 May 1780
From: Gardoqui, Joseph & Sons (business)
To: Adams, John

      Sir
      Bilbao 13th. May 1780

     Last night arriv’d safe the Packett Active Capt. Corbin Barnes belonging to the Navy Board Eastern Department from Boston and New London, by whom have received the enclos’d letters for your good self and the rest of the Gentlemen to whom pray our complements.
     Capt. C. Barnes putt into Coruna about 10. days ago, and we hear he putt some letters in that post office, but as he is not come ashore as yet we cant ynform you who they were for. We are sorry that another Brig belonging to the same Board that sailed the 22d. Jany has not been hear’d of on this side.

     The Active is to return with sundry articles for the navy, but as we also sent letters to the Honble. John Jay Esqr. we dont Know whether he will have occassion to detain her, otherwise will soon be dispatch’d. Said Gentleman is well at Aranjuez and has already taken up a house at Madrid, so sincerely wish that every thing may prosper.
     Capt. Trash sailed in company with a 20. gun privateer, so hope he will gett along safe, but time does not permitt us to send you the Invoices of what shipp’d on your Account and that of our good freind the Honble F. Dana Esqr. to whom pray our complements and being what present haste permits subscrive respectfully Sir Your most Obt. Hble servts.

      Joseph Gardoqui & Sons


Title: From John Adams to John Bondfield, 14 May 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Bondfield, John

      Sir
      Paris May 14. 1780

     Yours of 6 May, from Bourdeaux, I have received. The Negotiations on foot among the maritime neutral powers, are very favourable to America and her Allies, and they ought to convince England, a Posteriori, of which a very simple Proscess of Reasoning a Priori, might have made clear to them, many years ago, on it, that it is the Interest of all the Maritime Powers, to Secure the Independance of America, and to reduce the dangerous Domination of Great Britain upon the seas. But they think all Mankind made for their Use, and that there is no Providence, for any other nation. Quite as selfish and as blind as the Jews, there is no present probability of their opening their Eyes to their true Interest, and safety.
     The News however which both they and the french, have received from the West Indies, is very discouraging to them. Piquet, has not suffered Parker and Rowley, to get any Advantage of him. He has run about the seas there as he pleased in Spight of them. Has fought with inferiour force, and got the better, tho wounded. He has protected his Convoys. Guichen is arrived. The English Expedition is disconcerted, and the Utmost terror Spread thro all their Islands, and Clinton on 29 March had not Charlstown. The french and Spanish Armament will thicken the Plot, and compleat their confusion. This will give additional Spirits to the maritime Powers, to Ireland, to the Committees and Associations in England, and if not produce Peace, make the War easy to the Ennemies of Britain.
     I know how to pity, Mr. Lee and Mr. Izard, because I know by Experience a little of the feelings. I underwent a similar operation last year, for a longer time. I bore it with as much Patience and Philosophy as I could. But every body will not always bear.
     My wine is not yet come. I am, sir, your obliged humble servt.


Title: From John Adams to Jonathan Williams, 14 May 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Williams, Jonathan

      Dear sir
      Paris May. 14 1780

     I have received yours of the 9th. I received a Letter signed Jna Williams, as I thought, but it seems it was Jno. Williams. I did not discover my Error, untill after my Answer was gone, when inquiring of Dr. Franklin, I found I must have been mistaken.

     I have lost, I know not how much, but believe a great deal, in several large Packetts, one from Congress another from the Council of Mass. Bay, a third from my family besides many Single Letters from my friends, all of which Mr. Austin was obliged to cast into the Sea after he was taken. So that I have only received a few Scattering Letters by the Way of Spain and Holland, which contain no other News than you have heard before.
     They have received at Versailles, from the West Indies directly from M. De la Motte Piquet, and by the Way of the London Papers, very important news from the W. Indies, which you will have immediately in the Papers. Guichen is arrived. An Expedition that was filling out is disconnected. Piquet had defeated Parker, so far as to secure his Convoy. On the 29 of March Clinton had made no Impression on Charlestown. There is no certain Account yet of Walsinghams sailing. The Ct. of St. James’s have suppressed Arbuthnots Letter entirely, which gives room to suppose that the fleet suffered more than they are willing should be known.
     I thank you sir, for your Assurances, that you will communicate to me, the News. Every Circumstance from our Country is interesting. I pray you to make my Compliments to Mrs. Williams, and am with, much Esteem, your humble and obt. sert.


Title: From John Adams to Edmund Jenings, 15 May 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Jenings, Edmund

      Secret
      Dear sir

       May 15. 1780

     I am ashamed to acknowledge that yours of 2 and 7th. are yet unanswered. I never read Linguet, till yours of 2d. I went and subscribed. He is ingenious, but a sort of Nat. Lee, I think. The English have trumpeted their omnipotence, till they have put his Imagination in a Turmoil, as well as many others. The English Powers, really consist more in the fears of their Ennemies than any thing else. But I am very much mistaken, if We dont see those fears, subside, together with the Confidence of the English themselves, before two campains more are at an End, dont be surprized at my talking of two campains. I take more than that into my Account. The English find the Carolina Rebells the most obstinate of all. Clinton had not Charlstown 29 March. If the Court had not concealed Arbuthnots Letter, perhaps We should have had more grounds of hope. De la Motte Piquet has gained more laurels in the W.I. Guichen arrived. The English in Trouble and the french in a good Way. But you have seen the Papers, e’er now.
     You did not mistake the purport of the Conversation. Indeed I ever considered this as a desperate business. I always thought, it must depend wholly, on the good Will of the Persons in England who were in Possession of the papers. I wish M. may get her money, but have fears. Your Country, certainly did not mean to treat you with contempt. She meant to show her respect, and I wish she may do it, in some more effectual Way. As to getting at the Words of the Act, I dont see how it can be done. If I can however I will. But you have the sense of it, I am perswaded very neatly.
     I have long expected that the House of Austrial, would discover some Symptoms of Impatience, under the Prosperity of an old Ennemy, and the declension of an old friend. Family alliances dont always reconcile national Interests, nor even always family Affections. The Hints of opening the navigation of Antwerp, dont surprise me, tho they excite my Curiosity. It will not do. Prussia will join the maritime powers, if the Emperor Stirs, so that old England will get nothing by sending millions as subsidies, into Germany. It will not do—it will make bad worse. I see a long History of my Pilgrimages, in the Neighbourhood of St. Iago; I went near enough to become a Knight of his order, at least to have a right to wear the decoration, tho I did not go to the Cathedral. Thank you. I did not mean simply postage but did not know but you was at Expence to get some things inserted. What are the Terms on which they insert things in the Amsterdam, Leyden, Hague and London Gazettes? One and another has made such a racket about me, that I expected the Refugees in London would have discovered their Spleen e’er now. They knew me, very well, some of them, better than any body else in Europe. They have hitherto only called me Rebel Plenipo, and Chieftain. If they knew any Evil of me, they would tell it. I wonder they have not ventured to make some. They are not restrained by a regard to truth, sure, all of them, if they are, they are better than I thought them, at least not so bad. The dialogue of the dead, I shall inclose to Congress, and take the Liberty to guess who is the Writer. Adieu.


Title: From John Adams to Arnold Henri Dohrman, 16 May 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Dohrman, Arnold Henri

      Sir
      Paris May 16th. 1780.

     I have recieved the Letter which You did me the Honor of writing to me, the 11th. of April, in which You inform me, that more than six hundred of my unfortunate Countrymen have recieved Succours from You, without which they must have been reduced to Despair, or forced to engage on Board the Vessels of their Enemies.
     In this, Sir, you have distinguished yourself by Efforts of Humanity, which do You great Honor, and which deserve more Imitation in Countries, where it is a pity there is so much Occasion for them. There would not be so much Occasion for them in Portugal, give me leave to say, if it was not for the free Admission of British Men of War and Privateers into their Harbors, and for the rigorous and impolitic, and I must add, unjust Exclusion of American Men of War and Privateers from those Ports. Americans have done no Injury to Portugal, to deserve a Treatment so hostile partial; on the contrary, the long and free Intercourse of Commerce between America and that Kingdom give them a Right to have expected a Treatment less hostile.
     My Countrymen however, ought not to be less thankfull to You for your Generosity; on the contrary, they ought to prize it the higher. You will please to accept of my Thanks as an Individual, who feels himself obliged to every Gentleman of whatever Country, who is good enough to assist his unfortunate Countrymen.
     I shall take the Liberty, to inclose your Letter to Congress or a Copy of it; but least mine should miscarry, I should advise You to write to the President of Congress yourself, and send your Letter by some of the Americans who may be at Lisbon.
     I am very sorry for Captain Cunningham’s Captivity, who has deserved well of his Country. I was informed of it, by a Letter from Lisbon before from Mr. Calf, to whom I would write if I did not suppose him gone from Lisbon. I waited on his Excelly. Dr. Franklin immediately to inform him, who tells me he has taken such Measures as were in his Power for the Relief of Captain Cunningham. I am with much Respect, your obliged & obedient humble Servant.


Title: From John Adams to the President of Congress, No. 67, 16 May 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Huntington, Samuel,President of Congress

     Paris, 16 May 1780. RC (PCC, No. 84, II, f. 51–52). printed: Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev.Francis Wharton, ed., The Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States, Washington, 1889; 6 vols., 3:680.
     This brief dispatch, read in Congress on 11 Sept., served as a covering letter for a number of letters and three packets of newspapers entrusted to the Chevalier de La Colombe, former aide-decamp to Lafayette and John Adams’ fellow passenger from Boston to El Ferrol, who was returning to America on the Alliance. See also JA to the president of Congress, 13 May (No. 66, calendared above). In his letter, Adams noted the rumored reopening of the port of Antwerp and a report that Austria was outfitting three warships to protect its Mediterranean trade from the Barbary pirates. The information regarding Antwerp was taken from Edmund Jenings’ letter of 7 May (above), while that concerning the Austrian warships came from the Gazette de France of 16 May. Adams speculated whether British influence was behind either move.


Title: From John Adams to Edmé Jacques Genet, 17 May 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Genet, Edmé Jacques

       Sir

       Paris May 17th. 1780

     Genl. Conway in his Speech in the House of Commons, on the 6th. of May, affirms that the Alliance between France and the United States is not natural. Whether it is or not, is no doubt a great question. In order to determine, whether it is or no, one should consider, what is meant by a natural Alliance. And I know of no better general Rule than this, when two Nations, have the same Interests in general they are natural Allies, when they have opposite Interests, they are natural Ennemies. The general Observes 1st. that Nature, has raised a Barrier between France and America, but Nature has raised no other Barrier, than the Occean, and the Distance, and this Barrier is equally great between England and America. The General will not pretend that nature in the constitution of American Minds or Bodies, has laid any foundation for friendship or Enmity, towards one nation more than another. The General observes further that Habit, has raised another Barrier between France and America. But he should have considered, that the Habit of Affection or of Enmity between nations, are easily changed, as Circumstances vary, and as essential Interests alter. Besides the fact is that the horrible Perfidy and Cruelty of the English, towards the Americans, which they have taken care to make universally felt, in that Country for a long Course of years past has allienated the american mind and Heart from the English, and it is now much to be doubted whether any nation of Europe is So universally and so heartily detested by them. On the contrary most of the other Nations of Europe have treated them with Civility, and France and Spain with Esteem, Confidence, and Affection, which has greatly changed the Habits of the Americans in this respect. The 3d. material of which the Generals Barrier is created is Language. This no doubt, occasions many difficulties in the Communication, between the Allies, but is lessening every day. Perhaps no Language was ever studied at once, by So many persons at a time, in Proportion as french is now studied in America. And, it is certain that English was never so much studied in France, as since the Revolution, so that the difficulties of understanding one another are lessening every day. Religion is the fourth part of the Barrier—but let it be considered first, that there is not enough of Religion of any kind among the Great in England, to make the Americans, very fond of them. 2d. that what Religion there is in England, is as far from being the Religion of America as that of France. The Hierarchy of England, is quite as disagreable to America, as that of any other Country. Besides the Americans knew very well, that the Spirit of propagating any Religion by Conquest, and of making Proselytes by force or by Intrigue is fled from all other Country of the World, in a great measure, and that there is more of this Spirit remaining in England, than any where else. And the Americans had, and have still more reason, to fear the Introduction of a Religion that is disagreable to them, at least as far as Bishops and an Hierarchy go, from a Connection with England than any other nation of Europe. The Alliance with France, has no Article respecting Religion, France neither claims nor desires any Authority, or Influence over America in this respect: whereas England claimed, and intended to exercise Authority, and force over the Americans, at least So far as to introduce Bishops, and the English society for propagating the Gospel in foreign parts, has in fact for a Century sent large sums of Money to America to support their religion there, which really operated as a Bribe upon many minds and was the principal source of Toryism. So that upon the whole the alliance with France is in fact more natural, as far as religion is concerned than the former Connection with Great Britain, or any other Connection that can be formed.
     Indeed whoever considers, attentively this Subject will see, that these 3 Circumstances, of Habit Language and religion will for the future operate, as natural causes of Animosity between England and America, because they will facilitate migration. The Loss of Liberty the decay of religion, the horrible national debt, the decline of Commerce, and of political Importance in Europe and of maritime power, which cannot but take place in England will tempt numbers, of their best people to emigrate to America, and to this fashions, Language, and religion, will contribute. The British Government will therefore see themselves obliged, to restrain this, by many Ways, and among others by cultivating an Animosity and Hatred in the minds of their People against the Americans. Nature has already sufficiently discovered itself, and all the World sees, that the British Government have for many Years, not only indulged in themselves the most unsocial and bitter passions against Americans, but have systematically encouraged them in the People.
     After all; the Circumstances of Modes, Language and Religion, have much less Influence in determining the friendship and Emnity of nations, than other more essential Interests. Commerce is more than all these and many more such Circumstances. Now it is easy to see that the Commercial Interests, of England and America will forever hereafter be incompatible. America will take away or at least diminish the Trade of the English in ship building, in Freight, in the Whale fisheries, in the Cod Fisheries in Furs and Skins, and in other particulars too many to enumerate. In this respect America will not interfere with France, but on the Contrary will facilitate and benefit the french Commerce and marine, to a very great degree. Here then will be a perpetual rivalry and Competition between England and America, and a continual source of Animosity and War. America will have Occasion for the Alliance of France, to defend her against this ill Will of England, as France will stand in Need of that of America, to defend aid her against the natural and continual Jealousies and Hostility of England.
     The Boundaries of Territory, will, also be another constant source of disputes. If a Peace should unhappily be made leaving England in Possession of Canada, Nova Scotia, the Floridas or any one spot of Ground in America, they will be perpetually encroaching upon the states of America: whereas France, having renounced all territorial Jurisdiction in America, will have no room for dispute Controversy.
     The People of America therefore, whose very Farmers appear to have considered, the Interests of nations more profoundly than General Conway, are therefore universally of opinion that from the time they declared themselves independent, England became their natural Ennemy, and as she has been for Centuries and will be, the natural Ennemy of France, and the natural Ally of other natural Ennemies of France, America became the natural Friend of France, and She the natural friend of the United States—Powers naturally united against a Common Enemy, whose Interests will continue long to be, reciprocally secured and promoted, by mutual friendship.
     It is very Strange that the English should thus dogmatically judge of the Interests of all other nations. According to them the Americans are and have been many years acting directly against their own Interest; France and Spain, have been acting against their own Interests, Holland is acting against her own Interest—Russia and the northern Powers are all acting against their own Interests—Ireland is acting against hers &c. So that there is only that little Island of the whole World that understand their own Interest—and of the Inhabitants of that, the Committees and Associations and Assemblies, are all in the same Error with the rest of the World: So that there remains only the Ministry and his equivocal, undulating Majority among all the People upon the face of the Earth who act naturally, and according to their own Interests.
     The rest of the World however, think they understand themselves very well, and that it is the English, or scottish Majority that are mistaken.

      Your Friend
      John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Edmé Jacques Genet, 17 May 1780
From: Genet, Edmé Jacques
To: Adams, John

       Monsieur
       Vlles. may 17. 1780

      C’est avec le plus grand plaisir que je faciliterai votre correspondance et que j’accepte les offres que vous voulès bien me faire qui entrent completement dans les vües de notre Ministre. Je vous répons du plaisir avec lequel il donnera Son approbation, pour l’impression dans le mercure, à tout ce qui nous viendra d’une aussi bonne main. Et vous ne devès pas douter du Secret qui Sera gardé Sur votre nom pour tout autre que pour Msgr. le Ct. de Vergennes. Pour avoir par mon canal les pamphlets qui vous Seront addressés: Il faut que M. Francis Bowens aprez les avoir reçus de Londres, mette une nouvelle enveloppe avec mon addresse, et remette les paquets à Mr. de Bowens, Directeur des postes à Ostende. Aussitôt que je les aurai reçus je ne manquerâi pas de vous les faire passer. Each bundle of the bigness of an ordinary 8.° book, and but one at a time.
      Les détails Sur la premiere audience du Che. de la Luzerne ont paru dans la gazette de France et dans le mercure. Je vous renvoye le cahier du journal du Congrez. Permettés moi de vous observer que le mercure ne paroit qu’une fois la semaine et que la place que la politique doit y occuper n’est pas fort considérable. Ainsi il conviendra que vos Essays Soient de peu de longueur. Il vaut mieux qu’ils ne Soient pas de longue haleine et qu’ils paroissent plus souvent. Cette nation ci lit tout ce qui est court et elle aime la variété. Il faut Saisir Son goût pour parvenir à la persuader.
      Voulès vous bien permettre que M. F. Dana et M. Taxter, the Commodoreand the young gentlemen, on whose account we’ll never cease to tease you, trouvent ici nos hommages. J’ai l honeur d’etre avec un inviolable attachement Monsieur Votre trés humble et trés obeissant serviteur Genet


Title: Edmé Jacques Genet to John Adams: A Translation, 17 May 1780
From: Genet, Edmé Jacques
To: Adams, John

       Sir
       Versailles, 17 May 1780

      It is with the greatest pleasure that I will forward your correspondence, and that I accept the offers you so kindly extend to me and which perfectly match our Minister’s views. I can assure you of his pleasure in giving his approval to publish in the Mercure everything that shall come from such a good pen. And you must rest assured that your name will be kept a secret from all except the Comte de Vergennes. In order for you to receive, through me, the pamphlets addressed to you, Mr. Francis Bowens must, after receiving them from London, put them in a new envelope with my address, and deliver the parcels by way of Mr. de Bowens, Directeur de Postes at Ostend. Upon receiving them, I will not fail to send them to you. Each bundle of the bigness of an ordinary 8.° book, and but one at a time.
      The account of Chevalier de la Luzerne’s first audience has appeared in the Gazette de France and the Mercure. I return to you the copy of the journal of Congress. Permit me to observe that the Mercure appears only once a week and that the space allotted to political material is necessarily limited. Therefore it would be preferable if your articles were shorter. It is best that they not be long-winded and appear more often. Our nation likes to read short things and enjoys variety. One must cater to its taste in order to convince it.
      Please permit me to give my respects to Messrs. F. Dana and Thaxter, the Commodoreand the young gentlemen, on whose account we’ll never cease to tease you. I have the honor to be, with an inviolable attachment sir your very humble and very obedient servant

       Genet


Title: From John Adams to the Comte de Vergennes, 19 May 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Vergennes, Charles Gravier, Comte de

      Sir
      Paris May 19th. 1780

     I have the honor to inclose a few Newspapers, recieved the last Post, from Boston by the Way of Bilbao. There is very little News. I have Letters as late as the twenty seventh of March.
     The remarkable thing in the Pensylvania Gazette is, that the Great Seal of the Province of Pensylvania, was brought into the House of Assembly, of that State, and by order of the House defaced and cut to Pieces—which to be sure is no proof of a desire to go back to their old Government. I dont see how they could have expressed a stronger Contempt of it.
     In the independent Chronicle of the ninth of March, is a list of Prizes made by the Privateers of the middle District of Massachusetts Bay only, since the last Session of the Court of Admiralty. They amount to nineteen Vessels, which shews that Privateering flourishes in those Seas, and also shews what Havock may and probably will be made, among the English Transports, Provision Vessels and Merchantmen, when the Superiority of the French and Spanish Fleets, comes to be as clear as it will soon be, perhaps as it is now, and has been since the Arrival of Mr. de Guichen.
     In a private Letter of the twenty seventh of March I am told, that two Prizes had just then arrived, one with four hundred Hogsheads of Rum, and another with four thousand Barrels of Flour, Pork and Beef, Articles much wanted by the Enemy, and not at all amiss in Boston.
     The Convention had gone through the Constitution of Government, and accepted the Report of the Committee, with some few unessential Amendments.
     I have the honor to be, with great Respect, Sir, your Excellency’s most obedient and most humble Servant

      John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Edmé Jacques Genet, 20 May 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Genet, Edmé Jacques

       May 20. 1780

     Thanks for this Paper. Ld George Gordon I think will be the Oliver Cromwell, after all. He seems the only Man of Common sense, and he begins with Religion. Burke, Barry, Fox, Conway, &c and all the rest appear but small Boys to Lord George.


Title: From John Adams to the President of Congress, No. 70, 20 May 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Huntington, Samuel,President of Congress

     Paris, 20 May 1780. RC partly in John Thaxter’s hand (PCC, No. 84, II, f. 63– 69). LbC partly in Thaxter’s hand (Adams Papers).
     In the recipient’s copy the account of Conway’s speech is in John Adams’ hand, while the criticism of the speech is in Thaxter’s. In the Letterbook the portions by Thaxter and Adams are reversed. printed: Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev.Francis Wharton, ed., The Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States, Washington, 1889; 6 vols., 3:691– 693. This letter was read in Congress on 11 September. Due to the capture of the packet bringing the London newspapers to the continent, John Adams provided a retranslation of the text of Gen. Conway’s speech of 5 May as it appeared in the Gazette de La Haye and followed it with a lengthy analysis. For a virtually identical text of Adams’ rebuttal to that part of Conway’s speech attacking the Franco-American alliance, see Adams’ letter of 17 May to Edmé Jacques Genet, and notes (above).


Title: From John Adams to C. W. F. Dumas, 21 May 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Dumas, Charles William Frederic

      Sir
      Paris, Hotel de Valois Ruë de Richelieu May 21st 1780

     His Excellency, Dr. Franklin, lent me the inclosed Letter from Sir Henry Clinton to Lord George Germain, upon Condition, that I would send a copy of it to you. A privateer from Boston had the good Fortune to take the Packet bound to London, and the Mail, in which among others this letter was found. It was sent from Boston to Philadelphia and there published in a Newspaper of the 8th of April. One of these papers arrived, within a few days, at L’Orient in a Vessel from Philadelphia.
     It is a pity, but it should be published in every News paper in the World, in an opposite Column to a late Speech of Lord George Germain, in the House of Commons, as his Document in Support of his Assertions.

     I have the Honor to be, with great Respect, Sir, your most obedient & humble Servant.


Title: To John Adams from M. de Chapeaurouge, 21 May 1780
From: Chapeaurouge, M. de
To: Adams, John

       Monsieur
       Paris le 21. may 1780

      Je me suis presenté Chez vous pour avoir l’honneur de vous voir et j’ai eu le malheur de n’avoir pu vous rencontrer après avoir eu le regret de ne pouvoir pas profiter de vôtre obligeante invitation.

      Je desirois m’entretenir avec vous sur le dessein que vous avez d’envoyer Messrs vos fils faire leur education a Geneve, et vous offrir derechef tous les Services dont je suis Capable: J’en avoir un aussi à vous demander, Monsieur, pour les deux jeunes gens Dont j’eux l’honneur de vous parler et qui enflammés de l’amour de la liberté ont quitté leur Patrie pour aller servir une peuple qui combat si glorieusement pour la sienne; ils sont actuellement à Nantes ou ils attendent une occasion pour s’embarquer pour Philadelphie; et je vous aurois bien de l’obligation si vous vouliez leur accorder vôtre protection, et quelques lettres de recommandation pour un pays ou vôtre nom seul en seroit une, L’un de ces Mrs. s’apelle De Gallatin et apartient à une des premières familles Patricienne de nôtre Republique, et l’autre qui s’apelle Serre en est un Cytoyen très bien né. Ce n’est point par libertinage qu’ils ont quitté nôtre pays, c’est par un veritable enthousiasme; car a L’age De 19 à 20 ans, ils l’etoient déja distingués par leurs progrès dans les sciences et par leurs bonnes moeurs: J’ay une occassion pour leur faire parvenir les Lettres que vous pouries me procurer pour eux; et je vous assure d’avance de leur reconnoissance ainsi que de la mienne.
      J’ay L’honneur d’être avec une parfaite Consideration Monsieur vôtre très humble et très obeissant serviteur. De Chapeaurouge hotel et rue de Richelieu


Title: M. de Chapeaurouge to John Adams: A Translation, 21 May 1780
From: Chapeaurouge, M. de
To: Adams, John

       Sir
       Paris, 21 May 1780

      I went to your residence in the hope of having the honor of seeing you, but unfortunately did not succeed. This after having failed to take you up on your obliging invitation.
      I wished to speak with you about your intention of sending your sons to Geneva for their education, and once again to offer you all possible assistance. I also had a favor to ask of you, sir, for the two young men of whom I already have had the honor to mention and who inflamed with the love of liberty, have left their country to join a people fighting so gloriously for its own. They are now in Nantes awaiting the opportunity to embark for Philadelphia and I would be much obliged if you could provide them with your patronage and a few letters of recommendation for a country where your name alone would suffice. One of these gentlemen is named De Gallatin and belongs to one of the foremost patrician families of our Republic, while the other, named Serre, is also a very well-born citizen. It was not from dissoluteness that they left their country, but from a genuine passion; for at the ages of 19 and 20, they have already distinguished themselves by their progress in the sciences and their good moral conduct. I could forward the letters you would be kind enough to give me for them and can assure you in advance of their gratitude, as well as mine.
      I have the honor to be, with the utmost consideration, sir, your very humble and very obedient servant De Chapeaurouge hotel et rue de Richelieu


Title: From John Adams to Elbridge Gerry, 23 May 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Gerry, Elbridge

      My dear Friend
      Paris May 23 1780

     The Baron de Arundl, desires a Letter of Introduction to some Gentleman in Congress from me, and I dont know to whom to write upon this occasion better than to you. I inclose you some of our Constitutions.
     A vessell has arrived at L’orient, with a Paper of 8 April, and there are Letters to the Comtess de la Lucerne, and others perhaps as late as the 15th. but not a Line from Congress to any one that I can hear of—certainly none to me. I want very much to get some Correspondent who will send me the Newspapers and the Journals by every Vessell—from Baltimore or Philadelphia. The Court here, have all these Things from their Ministers and Consuls &c. &c. But We get nothing. They communicate nothing of this kind to any body, not to me nor to Dr Franklin, nor to any indeed of their own nation. It is inconsistent with the Maxims of this Government that they should. They communicate nothing to the Public the People being of no Consideration in public Councils,—they leave the public to pick up intelligence in scraps from England Holland, America, Spain any where and any how. So that if you intend that We shall be informed of any Thing you must, assist us.
     What am I to do for Money? Not one Line have I received from Congress or any Member of Congress, since I left America.
     Clintons Letter is a great Curiosity. I have written more to Congress, since my arrival in Paris than they ever received from Europe put it all together since the Revolution. Whether any Thing has reached them I know not.

      I am affectionately yours
      John Adams


Title: From John Adams to the President of Congress, No. 71, 23 May 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Huntington, Samuel,President of Congress

     Paris, 23 May 1780. RC in John Thaxter’s hand with postscript by JA (PCC, No. 84, II, f. 71–73). printed: Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev.Francis Wharton, ed., The Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States, Washington, 1889; 6 vols., 3:698–699.
     In this letter, read in Congress on 21 Aug., John Adams sent extracts from newspaper accounts originating in Stockholm, Copenhagen, Paris, Hamburg, and London between 2 and 12 May. Sweden and Denmark were reported to have acceded to the armed neutrality and to be in the process of fitting out warships to protect their trade, while it was speculated that Portugal might soon follow their example. There were conflicting reports as to whether the Netherlands had joined with the other neutral states or was about to reach an amicable settlement with Britain over the seizure of ships from van Bylandt’s convoy by Como. Fielding. In a postscript Adams noted rumors that additional French forces were preparing to sail from Brest.


Title: To John Adams from Samuel Cooper, 23 May 1780
From: Cooper, Samuel
To: Adams, John

      My dear Sir
      Boston May 23d. 1780

     The Marquiss de la Fayette did me the Honour to deliver me the Letter you kindly wrote by Him. As his arrival diffused a general Joy, every Expression of it was given here that circumstances would allow, and particular Respects were paid by the Government as well as the People at large to this prudent and gallant young Nobleman who keeps the Cause of America so warm at his Heart. In these Respects Mr. Corny had his Share, as well as Capt. la Touche Commander of the Frigate in which the Marquiss arrived: The former, a Gentleman of Letters as well as great Politeness, who acquired much Esteem in this Town in a little Time, is gone on to Head Quarters, and from thence to Congress; the latter who offer’d his Service to the Government of this State in the true Spirit of the Alliance has just returned from a shoot Cruize on our Coast, undertaken at the Desire of the Council. He has visited Penobscot, taken a near View of the Fort at Baggaduce, made two British Sloops of War commanded by Mawett who burnt Falmouth, retire up the River, brought us an acurate Plan of the Fortress, and done every Thing Time and Circumstances would allow for our Service. The Presence of this Frigate, under the Command of so brave an Officer and so well affected to the common Cause will be of great Advantage to the Trade of this State, and particularly to the Supply of this Town with Wood. Such Instances of Friendship and Aid make the most agreable Impressions on the Minds of the People, and cultivate the Alliance; and I cannot but observe with Pleasure evident Marks of the growing Friendship between the two Nations.
     Mr. Bradford to whom I give this Letter, can tell you all the News respecting Charlestown, the West Indies &c. but as he goes to Gottenberg in his Way to France, and another Vessel will soon sail to Holland, or France, which may probably be an earlier Conveyance than this, I shall do my self the Pleasure to write you more particularly by that.
     The proposed Plan of a Constitution is like to be ratified by the Consent of the People; in this Town it was unanimously accepted, in every Article but the 3’d in the Bill of Rights respecting Religion. In our late Choice of Representatives for this Capital, Tudor was left out, and Lowell chosen, who has distinguish’d himself in the Convention. The late Measures of Congress respecting the Currency are as agreable as could be expected on such a Subject; and our Court have pass’d an Act to call in all the Paper Dollars by a Tax in the Course of a Year, and to raise £75000 in hard Money.
     I think with Concern on the Trouble my Grandson may have given you, and am extremely obliged to you for the very kind Care you have taken of him; an obligation I can never forget. The Alliance, tho daily expected, is not yet arrived, nor any Account of his Expences; but Col. Johonnot proposes to imbarque in the Hermoine, or if she should be detained here for the Summer, which at present is uncertain, he will embrace the first opportunity of going to France, and assures me he will most cheerfully make every Provision for his Son.
     With every Sentiment of Esteem and Affection, I am, my dear Sir, Your’s

      Saml. Cooper

      We mean our Boy should be Supported with all the Frugality that Decency and Comfort will allow.


Title: From John Adams to John Bondfield, 24 May 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Bondfield, John

      Sir
      Paris May 24. 1780

     This day I had the Pleasure of yours of the 20th. By the arrival of so many Vessells, at Bilbao, Bourdeaux Nantes, L’orient, and Amsterdam, I think We may fairly conclude that the British Vessells of War have other occupations than cruising, and that the Commerce of our Country is opening and extending in an agreable manner. But as these Vessells bring so few Letters to the Politicians I begin to fear our Countrymen are turning too much of their attention to Trade, from what is as yet, perhaps of more importance to their Safety, Policy and War. There is an elegant masterly Letter however from Sir H. Clinton, which will Supply a Volume from lesser, or even from more friendly Authorities, which you will soon see.
     Congress are taking great and bold Steps in the management of their Finances. They are indeed necessary. I hope they build upon good foundations. But if they do not, Things cannot be much worse, before they will be better. The Measure they have ventured on is Evidence of a Vigour and an Activity that will work its Way.
     I believe there has hardly been an Example of Such Unanimity, in the Sentiments of the European Courts upon a great question, as in that of American Liberty. It is no wonder. There has been no object in which they have been So universally interested, and there has been no point so obviously just, reasonable and humane. This Unanimity will Secure our Liberty and Safety, but I fear not very soon our peace. I Suspect the Ministry are now shut up in the House of Commons plotting some new System of delusions.
     The Trust you mention is Sacred indeed, So much so that it is never thought of by me, without Reverence. Your approbation of its being placed where it is, does me honour, and gives me great pleasure.
     The Wine is not yet arrived. I send every day to the Bureau, but can hear nothing of it. I suffer for want of it, every day. I will send, a Letter or two to go by your Vessell. I am, with much esteem,

      sir

      Mr. Vernon is a young Gentleman for whom I have much esteem. But as my authority is confined to one object, it is not in my power to place him, in any situation that would be agreable to him.


Title: To John Adams from the Comte de Vergennes, 24 May 1780
From: Vergennes, Charles Gravier, Comte de
To: Adams, John

       A Versailles le 24 May 1780

      J’ai reçu, Monsieur, les deux lettres que vous m’avez fait l’honneur de m’ecrire les 12. et 19. de ce mois. Je n’avois pas besoin de votre apologie pour rendre justice aux sentiments patriotiques qui vous animent: vous connoissez les interêts et les engagements de votre patrie: je suis certain que vous n’aurez jamais d’autre objet que de consolider les uns et les autres. Vous pourrez juger par là, Monsieur, de la confiance que nous mettons dans vos principes, et de la sécurité que nous avons d’avance par raport à la conduite que vous tiendrez dans le cas où la Cour de Londres vous feroit parvenir des ouvertures de conciliation.
      Je vous fais mes remerciments, Monsieur, pour les gazettes américaines que vous avez bien voulu me communiquer; j’aurai soin qu’elles vous soient renvoyées, exactement.
      J’ai l’honneur d’être très-sincerement, Monsieur, votre très-humble et très-obéissant serviteur,

       De Vergennes


Title: From John Adams to John Bondfield, 25 May 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Bondfield, John

      Sir
      Paris May 25. 1780

     I wrote you once before this day—but it is necessary I should write again. After sending my french servant, a monstrous number of Times, all over the City after my Wine I can learn nothing of it. Upon looking over the Invoice and your Letters, and showing them to the Abbé’s my friends, they say that my Wine, was sent by a private Waggon, and that that Waggon belongs to a private Person in the Country, where I know not—and that the Wine is only marked J. A. and Addressed to Mr. John Adams at Paris. They say that it should have been addressed to me, by my name and quality and the Hotel and street where I live. So that I dont expect to get a Glass of this Wine to the lips of any of my Friends these six weeks, not then without writing many Letters and sending many Messages. I have Six or seven Trunks of Baggage belonging to me, Mr. D. Mr. T. my Children and our servants, which have been at Brest this four Months, and I have written many Letters and taken more pains about them than they are worth, and cannot get them. I have a Box And a Bundle of Papers and Books &c from London, of which I have had Letters of Advice from London and Ostend long long ago. I have sent every day for a long time to the Bureau, but can hear nothing of them. I am told all this is for Want of my Address being written on my Letters and Packetts &c. There is not a Being upon Earth who has a greater Contempt for all kind of Titles than I have in themselves, but when I find them in this Country not only absolutely necessary to make a mans Character and Office respected, but to the transaction of the most ordinary Affairs of Life, to get a glass of Wine to drink a pamphlet to read or a shirt to put on, I am convinced of their Importance and necessity here. By the Etiquette of all the Courts in Europe a minister Plenipotentiary has the Title of Excellency, and the wise men of Europe cant believe it possible a Man should be one without it. I therefore request that for the future, you would address every Letter, Packet, Bundle Case and Cask, for me A Son Excellence, Monsieur Monsieur John Adams Ministre Plenipotentiaire des Etats Unis De L’Amerique, Hotel de Valois, Ruë de Richelieu a Paris.


Title: From John Adams to Arthur Lee, 25 May 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Lee, Arthur

      Dear Sir
      Paris May 25. 1780

     Your kind favour of April 12th. is yet unanswered. With nothing at all to do, I am as busy as ever I was in my Life. Whether any good will result from it time must discover. I have undertaken to inform Congress, a little more particularly than they are want to be informed, of Some Things that have passed in Europe, which will ultimately affect them: but I find it is in vain to put my Eyes out by writing for when Letters are written, We cant get them across the Water.
     I have however Sworn and I will perform, if it is possible to get Letters to them by the way of Spain or Holland, or any other Way, let the Expense be what it will they shall go.
     I have a very good opinion of Count Sarsefield, and have the Honour to see him Sometimes, tho not So often as I wish. Too many unsuitable Characters it is very certain have been permitted to meddle in our Affairs, but when or how it will be remedied, God only knows. In a Country where every Thing goes and is done by Protection, and where the Maxims of Government are the direct opposites of ours, I see no Prospect of having it otherwise let who will be in or out.
     As to Jobs, I never had, and never will have any Thing to do in any, let the Consequence to me, and my family be what it will. The Trusts with which you and I have been honoured by our Country are too sacred, to be tarnished, by the little selfish Intrigues, in which the little Insects about a Court are eternally buzzing. If I had neither a sense of Duty nor the Pride of Virtue, nor any other Pride—if I had no higher Principle or Quality than Vanity, it would mortify this, in an extream degree, to sully and debase so pure a Cause, by any such Practices.

     On the Characters you mention, I shall never condescend, to bestow my Confidence nor my Resentment nor Contempt. They have ever been treated by me and ever will be, with Justice and Civility, but they will never be my Friends.
     I have received a Letter by the Way of Bilbao for you which I do my self the Honour to inclose.
     I was in hopes you would have been at Congress before now. Your situation must be disagreable, but I know by Experience it can be born.
     Pray how do you relish Clintons Letter. I think the Policy of France and Spain is pointed out by it, in sunbeams. I hope they will profit by it. They Seemed to be convinced of it, before this Letter arrived. They have now the Testimony of our Ennemy to the Truth and Justice of what you and I had the Honour to represent to them, in Conjunction with our Colleague last January was twelve Months.

      I am with much Esteem &c yours
      John Adams

      I have a Letter from Mr. S. A. and Dr. Gordon—both desire to be remembered to you. No News from either, only respecting our Constitution which it seems the Convention have adopted, without any essential Alterations. They have published their Result for the Remarks and objections of the People, after which they are to revise it. If two thirds of the People in 95 shall desire a Convention, to revise and alter as Experience shall find necessary it is to be done. Mass. very intent on filling up their quota of the Continental Army.


Title: From John Adams to William Gordon, 26 May 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Gordon, William

      Dear sir
      Paris Hotel de Valois Ruë de Richelieu May 26. 1780

     I am much obliged to you, for your Letter of the 8 and 11. of March, which is the more prescious for being in so little Company, having not a line from any other, except a kind Card from Mr. S. Adams.
     I thank you for your account of the Proceedings of Convention, and am happy to learn, that they have gone through the Report of the Committee. Mr. Jackson, has obliged Us, by an enumeration of the Amendments made, which if they do not improve the Plan, I am persuaded will contribute much to its acceptance, and upon the whole, I think the Constitution will be very good. The Report of the Committee, has been published in the Courier de L’Europe, and exceedingly applauded. The Article respecting Religion, is more admired, here than I expected. They compliment the Mass. with having outdone all other outdoings, in this respect.
     Your Friend J. A. by advising an Acquiesence in the first Essay, meant well. But his Countrymen, who mean equally well, Saw further, as they have often done. J. A. thinks the Massachusetts are exhibiting a Phenominon in the political World, that is new and Singular. It is the first People, who have taken So much Time to deliberate upon Government—that have allowed such Universal Liberty to all the People to reflect upon the subject, and propose their objections and Amendments—and that have reserved to themselves at large, the right of finally accepting or rejecting the form. It forms a Kind of Epocha, in the History of the Progress of Society. I doubt not their final determination will be wise. The explicit Reservation of a Right to call a Convention in 1795, I think is judicious—for altho the right of the People to call a Convention at any time cannot be denied; yet they might be less likely to think of it, in Earnest if it had not been mentioned.
     You demand, Something in the way of Barter for the News you sent me. I acknowledge the Justice of it. But you have now such Correspondences, with various Parts of the World, that you will probably have from other Quarters, all I can send you, before mine will arrive.
     I have written to my Masters, every Thing, that has happend in Europe, that they are interested in, but whether they receive it I dont know. The substance of the whole detail is, that France and Spain appear convinced of the Policy and Necessity of pursuing the War in America, especially be Sea: that they are exerting themselves with Vigeur to this End—that 12 ships of the Line 5 frigates &c with 11,500 Troops have Sailed 28 April from Cadiz. 8 ships of the Line, besides frigates and 6,000 Troops have Sailed from Brest, 2 May. That a second division is to follow from Brest. That Ireland, is not composed to rest, notwithstanding the duplicity, or the Temperisation of their Parliament. That Committees, associations and a Congress are going on, with some timidity and Irresolution however, in England. That all the Maritime Powers, Holland, Sweeden Denmark, Portugal, with Russia at their Head, have formed a Confederation to support a Neutrality, and the right of neutral Powers with arms in their Hands. That however the English, still flatter themselves with the submission of America, or at least that She will make a Separate Peace, and join England to revenge her against France and Spain, or at least be a silent Spectater of their Vengence—but no honest Thoughts of Peace.
     Now, Mr. Historiographer, please to tell, Prince Posterity, one Truth, for me, and that is, that I love my Wife, and that I have left her, to see Countries where I dont find any body I like so well, to serve my Country. Pray what Motive will you impute it to? Ambition I suppose and the Love of Glory, like Tacitus and the rest of the malignant Run of impartial Historians, who will never allow any higher motive to govern Men. But if you dont tell the Prince aforesaid, that I had not enough of this Taste for Glory, to make me leave my Wife and Children, and that nothing but a sense of duty, added to all the taste I could have produced this Effect, you will want penetration to discover the Motives of one Heart, and I will undertake to tell Posterity my self that you are not a perfect Historian. And this Prince, will believe me, as soon as you. &c? I suspect, I shall be obliged to turn Historiographer too. So let us both take Care least We give the other any thing improper to say. Adieu in Haste.


Title: From John Adams to the President of Congress, No. 73, 27 May 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Huntington, Samuel,President of Congress

     Paris, 27 May 1780. RC (PCC, No. 84, II, f. 78–80). LbC in John Thaxter’s hand (Adams Papers; notation by Thaxter: “NB. Nos. 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73 were delivered to Come. Gillon on the 30th. May, with several packets of Newspapers & private Letters.” printed: Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev.Francis Wharton, ed., The Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States, Washington, 1889; 6 vols., 3:734–735.
     In this letter, read in Congress on 11 Sept., John Adams noted the extensive writings by Americans in the 1760s and 1770s on the application of the British Constitution to the constituent parts of the empire. In his view, these writings had played a significant role in the American Revolution and were behind recent events in Ireland. He then inserted the text of an article from the London General Advertiser and Morning Intelligencer of 13 May, regarding petitions from several districts in India calling for relief from the extraordinary powers assumed by English colonial judges. Adams declared that he was not surprised by this evidence of unrest and predicted that the continuation of the war would produce additional protests, for Britain held India “by a slender Thread and by the good Will only of a few Individuals.” He also enclosed a copy of Edmund Jenings’ dialogue between William Pitt and Charles Yorke, part of which had been included in Jenings’ letter of 5 March (above).


Title: From John Adams to Edmé Jacques Genet, 28 May 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Genet, Edmé Jacques

       Sir

       Paris May 28. 1780

     When a great Minister, of an ancient and powerful nation, which has been renowned for its Wisdom and Virtue, as well as Power, arises, in a popular assembly, which is the most conspicuous Theater in the World, and declares, as it were in the face of the Universe, and with an Air of Reflection, of deliberation, and of solemnity, that, Such and Such, are his own opinions of the Truth of Facts and the Probability of future Events, one cannot call in question, his good faith, although We may know his Information to be false, and Judgment erroneous.
     Lord George Germaine, in the debate in the house of Commons, on the Sixth of this month, declar’d that “he flattered himself, the completion of the chief Wish of his Heart, Peace with America, on what he thought, good and honourable Terms for Great Britain, was not far off. That he verily believed, and his Belief was not merely Speculative, but founded, on recent Information, that the moment of conciliation was near. His Lordship described the misery, which the Americans felt at this time, and Stated, that the greatest majority of the People there, were ready, and desirous to return to their Allegiance, but that they were prevented by the Tyranny of those who had got the power of Government into their hands. He did not believe, the Congress would ever treat for peace: but from the Condition of Affairs, in America; from the depreciation of their paper currency; from the poverty, and distress of the Country from the great debt, it groaned under; from the dissatisfaction which all Ranks of people expressed at the Alliance with France; from the little benefit America had derived from that Alliance; from all these considerations, he did believe, that the people of America, the Assemblies of America, would Soon come to terms.”
     In the Phrase “good and honourable Terms for great Britain,” there may be some ambiguity: but there can be no reasonable doubt, that his Lordship meant, either to return to their allegiance to Great Britain, or at least, to make a Peace with her separate from France.
     Whether the Americans ever will agree to Such Terms, or not, being a question concerning a future Event, cannot be decided by Witnesses, nor in any other Way, than by probable Arguments. There is one Argument, which his Lordship does not appear to have considered. It is of some Weight. It is this. That in order to return to their Allegiance, to the King of England, or make a Peace with him; Separate from France, they must involve themselves, in a certain War, with France and Spain, at least, and, indeed, according to present appearances, with Russia, Sweeden, Denmark, and Holland and Portugal; for every one of these appears to be as decided, against the Claims, Pretensions and Usurpations of Great Britain, upon the Seas as France and Spain, are. There is not an American Merchant, Yeoman Tradesman, or Seaman, but what knows this or will know it very soon. Americans must therefore be destitute of that common share of Reason which God has given to Men, to exchange the Friendship of all the nations of the World for their Enmity, merely for the Sake of returning to a Connection with Great Britain, which could not protect them, and which they have the best reasons to dread as the greatest Evil that could befal them, from the unheard of Tyrannies and Cruelties they have already experienced from her. His Lordship is desired to consider this, and to ask himself, if he was an American, whether he would wish to run under the broken, falling Fragments, of an Empire that is dashed to Pieces, like a China Vase, and commence a fresh War, against a Combination of all the nations of the World, who now discover a degree of Esteem and regard for America?
     If the Americans are as miserable as his Lordship represents them, will they be likely to increase that misery, and make it indefinite or perpetual, by espousing the Cause of a ruined Empire, and going to War, with half a dozen, that are not ruined?
     If We believe the Testimonies of Witnesses, who come from all parts of America, We shall be convinced that his Lordship deceives himself. Every Man from that country who knows, the Principles and opinions of the People, declares, that they are, with an Unanimity that is unexampled in any other Revolution, firmly determined, to maintain their Sovereignty, and their Alliances, and that there is nobody in America that whispers a Wish of returning to the Government of Great Britain, or of making a Seperate Peace. But if his Lordship was a candid Enquirer after Truth, and had a mind Sufficiently enlightened to discover the means that are in the Power of all men, of obtaining it, he might detected his Error. There are certain Marks, by which the opinions, Inclinations, and Wishes of a People may, with infallible Certainty be discovered, without recurring to Witnesses, or to remote arguments.
     The Press; the Towns; the Juries; and the Assemblies, to mention, no more are four Sources, from whence an unerring demonstration of the true Sentiments of the People of America, may be drawn.
     There is not in any nation of the World, So unlimited a Freedom of the Press, as is now established in every State of America, both by Law and Practice. Every Man in Europe, who reads their Newspapers, must See it. There is nothing, that the People dislike, that they dont attack. They attack Governors and Magistrates of every denomination, officers and Generals of the Army of every Rank, assemblies and Councils, Members of Congress and Congress itself, whenever they dislike their Conduct. But I appeal to every Newspaper, upon the Continent, whether one Paragraph, one Wish, or one Hint of returning to the Government of Great Britain, or making a Seperate Peace, has ever appeared. The Towns, in America, are small districts of Territory, on an Average, perhaps Six miles Square by the ancient Laws of the Country, which are Still in force, any Seven Inhabitants of one of these Towns have a right to demand of the Magistrates a public assembly, of all. There are necessarily, several of these Townmeetings, every year—and generally, a great number of them. In these assemblies every Man, high and low; every Yeoman, Tradesman, and even day Labourer, as well as every Gentleman and public magistrate, has a right to vote and to speak his sentiments of public Affairs; to propose measures; to instruct their Representatives in the Legislature &c. This right was constantly, and frequently, used, under the former Government, and is now, much more frequently used, under the new. The World has Seen some hundreds of Sets of these Instructions to Representatives, under the former Government, wherein they enjoined, an open Opposition to Judges, Governors, Acts of Parliament, King, Lords and Commons of Great Britain. What is there now, to prevent them from opposing Congress? Nothing. Has a Single Vote of one of these Towns been read, or one Speech heard, proposing, or uttering a Wish to return to the Government of Great Britain? Not one. Is not this then a demonstration of the Sentiments of the People?
     Juries, in America, were formerly, another organ, by which the Sentiments of the People were conveyed to the Public. Both grand Juries and petit Juries, have expressed themselves, in Language, Sufficiently bold and free, against Acts of Parliament, and the Conduct of Great Britain: but has any one ever uttered a Word against Congress, or the Assemblies, or the Judges under their new Governments, or a Wish to return to the Obedience of England? Not one.
     But it is said, that the Paper money, embarrasses Congress. What then? Does this tend to make them dissolve their Union? to violate their Alliances? Would the Paper Money embarrass Congress, less, if they had a War to maintain against France and Spain, than it does now? Would not the Embarrassment be much greater. Does the Paper money, prevent the Increase and the Population of the States? No. Does the War prevent it? No. Both the Population and the Property, have increased, every Year, Since the War began. And all the Efforts of Great Britain, cannot prevent it. On the Contrary, has the Wealth and Population of Great Britain increased has her Commerce increased? has the political Weight of the nation in the Scales of Europe increased? Let a melancholly Briton tell.
     His Lordship talks about the Misery, of the People, in America. Let him look at home and then Say, where is Misery— where the hideous Prospect of an internal civil War, is added to a War with all the World? The Truth is that Agriculture and Manufactures, not of Luxuries but of Necessaries, have been so much increased, by this War, in America that it is much to be doubted whether they ever fed and cloathed themselves more easily or more comfortably. But besides this, the immense depredations they have made upon the British Trade, have introduced vast quantities, of british Merchandizes of every Sort—and in Spight of all the Exertions of the British fleet, their Trade is opening and extending with various Countries every year, and Britain herself is forced to aid it, and will be more and more, a recent Proof of which, is the Permission to import American Tobacco into the Kingdom, from any Part of the World in Neutral Bottoms. The great debt is also mentioned. Do the Americans pay an Interest for this debt? Is . . . necessary of Life taxed to Perpetuity to pay this Interest? Is the whole debt, equal in Proportion to their Abilities, to the Debt of England? Would the debt be rendered less, by joining Great Britain against France and Spain? Would the War against France and Spain be shorter? less bloody? or less expensive than the War against England? By returning to England, would not their debt, be ten times more burdensome? This Debt, is as nothing to America, give her Peace. Let the Americans, trade freely with one another, and with all other nations, and this debt, would be but a feather. Let them come under Great Britain again, and have the Communication between one Colony and another obstructed as heretofore, and their Trade confined to Great Britain as heretofore, and this Debt would be an heavier Milstone about their Necks, than that of England is about hers.
     A general Repugnance to the Alliance with France is mentioned. A greater Mistake was never made. On the contrary, every Step of Congress, every Proceeding of every assembly upon the Continent; every Speculation in the Newspapers, demonstrates the high Sense they have of the Importance of this Alliance. It is said that this alliance has been of little Utility. Has it not employed the British Army? has it not cut out work enough for the British navy? has it not wasted for England her annual twenty millions? has it not prevented all these from being employed against America? has it not given Scope to American Privateers? has it not protected American Trade? has it not hurt that of Great Britain? has it not engaged Russia, Holland, Sweeden, Denmark and Portugal, at least to a Neutrality, at least has it not contributed much to these vast Advantages to America? has it not taken away from Great Britain the Dominion of the Sea? It is true the alliance might have been of more Utility, with the Same Expence, if France and Spain had sooner adopted the Policy, of sending more of their Forces to America. But they are now so well convinced of it, that unless Miracles are wrought to prevent it the World America and great Britain too will see more of the Effects of this Alliance. Let Britain tremble for the Consequences of her own Folly and her own Crimes.
     His Lordship Says that the People, would return to their Allegiance, if they were not prevented by the Tyranny of those, who have seized upon Power. This is only proper to raise a Smile. What Power have they seized? in a Country, where every Man between Sixteen and Sixty Years of Age belongs to a legal established Militia, and has Arms in his Hands. Where this Militia is governed Only by Men that this very Militia choose every Year. Where the Assemblies Senates and Governors are chosen every Year, by this very Militia. Where the Congressis also elected every year by these asemblies and can be removed by them at any time, holding only such power as is granted it by that militia? It is said that the Congress is maintained in its power by the army, but his Lordship in his wisdom represents the Continental Army as too weak to match the British army? What would become of it then, if a major part of the militia were to join the British army? With or without the British if the militia were to turn their arms against the Continental Army, they could crush their opponent besides the Continental Army, only occupies, a few Spots of two or three states and is devoted to restricting the British Army to their Fortresses and to the Protection of their men of war and can have no Influence upon 9 or 10 whole states, which have none of their troops.
     His Lordship concludes with a distinction, if possible less founded than his assertions. He says that Congress will never treat, but the assemblies will. Where does his Lordship find the Ground of the Difference, between the Congress and the Assemblies? Are not the members of Congress made of the same Clay? Are they not themselves, Members of the Assemblies? Are they not the Creatures of the assemblies? Are they not annually created? Are they not dependent every moment upon the Assemblies for their Existence? have not the Assemblies a right to recall them, when they please and appoint others? have not the Assemblies a Constitutional Right to instruct them, how to act? if they do not obey these Instructions, cannot the Assemblies displace them, and appoint others, who will be more obedient? if the Assemblies desired a Reconciliation, with Great Britain, could they not appoint a Congress who desired it, too? if the People desired such a Reconciliation could not they appoint Assemblies that would endeavour to effect it?
     But I have been too long. His Lordship betrays such Misinformation of Facts; such an Inattention to those obvious Marks of the Feelings of a People, which are infallible Indications of their designs; and such a Want of knowledge of the Laws and Constitutions of the united States of America; as excite Astonishment in an impartial Examiner, and a real Commisseration for the unhappy nation, which Seems devoted to destruction from his Errors and Delusions.
     I have the Honour to be, with great Regard, sir, your most obedient and most humble servant

      John Adams


Title: From John Adams to the President of Congress, No. 74, 28 May 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Huntington, Samuel,President of Congress

     Paris, 28 May 1780. LbC in John Thaxter’s hand (Adams Papers). Although a letter from John Adams of 28 May was read in Congress on 11 Sept. (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 18:817), no letter of that date is in the PCC. Notations on the Letterbook copies of Adams’ letters of 1 and 5 June (Nos. 75 and 80, calendared, below) indicate, however, that the original and a duplicate were sent off on 1 and 23 June respectively.
     This letter included a digest of British newspaper reports concerning the appointment of Adm. Francis Geary to command the Channel fleet, the long delayed departure of Adm. Graves’ and Como. Walsingham’s squadrons for America, the reported dispatch from Havana of a Franco-Spanish fleet for an attack on Pensacola, the situation of the French and Spanish fleets in the West Indies, and the uncertain state of Rodney’s health. John Adams devoted the most space, however, to an extract from a letter by the Russian ambassador at Istanbul to his counterpart at The Hague. The Russian diplomat refuted rumors of an impending Russo-Turkish war, emphasizing instead that Russo-Turkish relations had rarely been better and that Ottoman policy clearly favored the interests of the European neutrals.


Title: To John Adams from John Bondfield, 28 May 1780
From: Bondfield, John
To: Adams, John

      Sir
      Bordeaux 28 May 1780

     I am honord with your favor of the 14th. my last of the 20th. handed you the inteligence then at hand since which we are without any Arrivals.
     France and Spain appear to Aim at a desicive Blow in the West Indies so formidable a fleet never appeard in them Seas

      Monr. De Guichen strong of
      24
      ships

      Solano
      12

      from Ferol
      8

      from Cadiz
      5

      Bougainville
      5

      De Ternay to the Norwd
      7

      61
      Line

     Sixty one Ships of the line upwards Twenty five Thousand Land Forces all the Force Britain can unite cannot make head against the Combind Allied Force wherever they unitedly attempt an Attack. Holland appears in earnest. Russia has made a New Treaty with this Kingdom. Was the entire extinction of Britain as a Kingdom premeditated the Confederacy could not appear more permanent. Congress draws on Holland and Spain as also on France, some Capital reform must be in agitation in the American Finances provided they take no Step to state . . . faith by calling in the Emissians at a depreciated rate all will be well, they write me from Philadelphia Gold and Silver begin to Circulate and bargains are Current payable in Specie Tobacco at 20s. Sterg. per hundredweight. A considerable sum was sent down two days past to Rochfort to go on board the Fleet there equiping said destind to join the West India fleets here are upwards sixty Sail Capital Merchant Ships Loaden with every supply for the Islands waiting a Convoy in profound peace there is as not greater Vigour.

      With respect I have the Honor to be Sir Your very hhb Servant
      John Bondfield


Title: To John Adams from C. W. F. Dumas, 30 May 1780
From: Dumas, Charles William Frederic
To: Adams, John

       Monsieur

        ante 30 May 1780

      La Lettre dont vous m’avez honoré en date du 21e. May, m’est très-précieuse, puisqu’elle me procure l’avantage d’entrer en liaison directe avec Vous, que je desirois depuis longtemps.
      Ce n’est que confusement, et par la voix publique, que j’ai appris votre heureux retour d’Amérique, dont je vous félicite; ce que j’aurois déjà fait, si j’avois su que vous fussiez à Paris. J’ai été bien mortifié l’été passé, quand je fus à Passy, de ne pas vous y trouver. Mr. Brown de Charlestown, avec qui j’ai eu le plaisir de me promener souvent aux environs de Paris, qui me plaisaient beaucoup, m’a dit que vous les trouviez aussi à votre gré, et que vous les fréquentiez volontiers. S’il est encore à Passy, permettez que je place ici pour lui mes Salutations bien cordiales.
      Je vous remercie, Monsieur, et son Excl. Mr. Franklin aussi, de l’envoi de la Lettre attribuée à Mr. Clinton. Je la communiquerai aux Nouvellistes. Mais je ne puis pas vous cacher, qu’en parcourant cette Piece, j’ai vu qu’elle est supposée; et les Gazettiers le verront bien aussi, sans que je le leur dise. Il n’est pas possible que Clinton ait écrit cela. Quand il arrivera quelque nouvelle authentique, comme de la levée du siege de Charlestown, &c. je me recommande à votre bonté, et à celle de Mr. Franklin, pour l’avoir ici d’abord, et le premier: car ce n’est pas pour la gazette seule que je le demande; je commence toujours par faire de pareilles nouvelles un usage plus essentiellement utile à l’amérique. Je serai charmé, de pouvoir Monsieur, vous faire plaisir à mon tour en tout temps et en tout lieu, soit ici, soit ailleurs; et je regarderai comme une faveur, si vous m’en faites naître l’occasion.

       Je suis avec un très-grand respect, Monsieur Votre très-humble & très obéissant serviteur
       CGf. Dumas


Title: C. W. F. Dumas to John Adams: A Translation, 30 May 1780
From: Dumas, Charles William Frederic
To: Adams, John

       Sir

        ante 30 May 1780

      The letter with which you have honored me of 21 May is very precious, for it has given me the opportunity, which I long desired, of entering into direct correspondence with you.
      It was only by chance and through public channels that I learned of your fortunate return from America, for which I congratulate you and would have done so sooner had I known that you were at Paris. I was quite mortified when I went to Passy last summer and did not find you there. Mr. Brown of Charleston, with whom I often had the pleasure taking very pleasant walks around Paris, told me that you also found these walks agreeable and frequently took them. If he remains at Passy please let me send him my most cordial regards.
      I thank you, sir, and Mr. Franklin for the letter attributed to Mr. Clinton. I will communicate it to the newspapers. But I cannot hide from you that in reading over this piece I concluded that it was forged and the gazetteers will see it as such without my telling them. It is impossible that Clinton could have written it. When an authentic piece of news does arrive, such as the lifting of the siege of Charleston, etc., I rely on your kindness, and that of Mr. Franklin, to send it to me first. It is not only for the newspapers that I make this request, for I always begin by making use of such news in the manner most beneficial for America. I will be delighted, sir, to be able to serve you in return anytime and anywhere, either here or elsewhere, and will regard it as a favor if you will provide me with the opportunity.

       I am with very great respect, sir, your very humble and very obedient servant
       CGf. Dumas


Title: Barriers, between Great Britain and the United States of America to Reconcilliation, Alliance, or even Peace, 1 June 1780
From: Adams, John
To:

       ca. 1 June 1780

     1. The Obstinacy, Malice, Revenge, Pride Obstinacy, and Absurdity of the King, and Royal Family.
     2. The Guilt, and Danger of the Ministry. Danger to their Lives and personal safety, as well as of Ruin to their Fortunes, Characters and Reputations.
     3. The Ambition and Avarice of the Minority, whose Chiefs have the same hunger for the Loaves and Fishes as the Ministers, as little Attention to and affection for the public as they, and therefore dare not displease the King, and so give up their hopes of his favour by, adopting any Principles or espousing any system, that could lead to Reconciliation or to Peace.
     4. The general Prevalence of Profligacy,


Title: From John Adams to the President of Congress, No. 75, 1 June 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Huntington, Samuel,President of Congress

     Paris, 1 June 1780. RC (PCC, No. 84, II, f. 86–88). LbC in John Thaxter’s hand (Adams Papers); notation by Thaxter: “NB. Nos. 74 & 75 were delivered Como. J. P. Jones on the first of June 1780.” printed: Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev.Francis Wharton, ed., The Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States, Washington, 1889; 6 vols., 3:750–751.
     In this letter, probably received by Congress on 5 Sept. (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 17:803), John Adams, using British newspapers of 26 and 27 May as his source (to Genet, 1 June, note 1, above), summarized Rodney’s published letter of 26 April, describing the Battle of Martinique on 17 April. Adams included the British line of battle and the casualties suffered by the fleet, but discounted Rodney’s victory claim, seeing it instead as another “drawn Battle” that did little to support British claims of naval supremacy. Adams also noted the defeat of Thomas Pownall’s motion on 24 May to introduce a bill to end the American war (Parliamentary Hist.The Parliamentary History of England, from the Earliest Period to the Year 1803, London, 1806–1820; 36 vols., 21:627—628; to Unknown, 9 June, below); the dispatch of a British warship from Lisbon to warn Rodney of the sailing of a large fleet from Cádiz; and the imminent departure of the Hudson Bay fleet.


Title: From John Adams to the President of Congress, No. 76, 1 June 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Huntington, Samuel,President of Congress

     Paris, 1 June 1780. RC (PCC, No. 84, II, f. 82–85). printed:Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev.Francis Wharton, ed., The Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States, Washington, 1889; 6 vols., 3:747–749.
     In this letter, read in Congress on 15 Sept., John Adams included the text of resolutions adopted on 11 May at a meeting of the citizens of Dublin. The resolutions commended those active in the struggle for Irish legislative independence and promised to continue the struggle until an independent Irish Parliament, unfettered by Poyning’s Law, existed in fact rather than only in the minds of the people. For John Adams the resolutions were the beginning of a “new Epocha” in Irish politics, but he cautioned that success depended “upon the Continuance of the War, for if England should be wise enough to make Peace . . . the Spirit of Ireland, will evaporate.”