Title: From John Adams to Anonymous, February 1813
From: Adams, John
To: Anonymous

To the Inhabitants of the Town of
Gentlemen,
Boston, February, 1813.

The Board of Trustees of the Massachusetts Society for promoting Agriculture, composed almost wholly of gentlemen who are practical farmers, and established for the sole purpose of collecting and diffusing useful information on this important subject among their fellow-citizens, are anxious that the community should derive every possible benefit from the Institution of which they have the charge. The funds of the Society yield an income sufficient for the purchase of all books, which contain the latest discoveries and improvements in every branch of husbandry, and for the occasional reward of persons who, by judicious experiments and skill in the management of their farms, shall add to the stock of useful knowledge or set a good example to their neighbours.
However well skilled a few individuals may be in any art or profession, the great body of those engaged in the same pursuit, have always much to learn, and there are none perhaps who might not profit by an acquaintance with the experience of others. Farmers would obviously be benefitted by having other opportunities than they now enjoy of comparing their mode of husbandry with that pursued by others in different parts of our country, and in Europe. Our knowledge of the different kinds of substances, which may be used with advantage as manures, is very imperfect, as well as of the different kinds of soil to which the various manures in use are best adapted. A great quantity of low lands, which, if properly drained, would be found more productive than any other, are now suffered to lie waste, probably, in many instances, for want of information as to the best mode of managing them. The qualities and uses of many common plants remain to be discovered—much is yet to be learnt of the uses to which the different sorts of wood may be best applied, and much as to the best mode of building for cheapness, durability, and convenience.
But however numerous and successful the experiments on these and a vast many other important points may be, the progress of improvement must necessarily be very slow in this new country, unless means are adopted to diffuse the knowledge obtained through every part of it. The Trustees have reason to believe that valuable discoveries are not unfrequently made, which, for want of a regular channel of easy communication among the farmers, obtain but a very limited circulation in a number of years; and though the publications of the Agricultural Society have, the Trustees are happy to observe, been of essential advantage to the community, there can be no doubt that agriculture would, at this time, have been in a far more advanced stage, had the Society been favoured with more frequent communications from intelligent farmers, and been able to collect the information existing in the country, scattered among individuals and perishing with them. You will no doubt, gentlemen, agree in opinion with the Board, that a free circulation of practical informatien on agricultural subjects would enable the farmer, not only to carry on with greater advantage the more extensive operations of the farm, but assist also in improving his household manufactures and economy, and add materially to his comfort and to the enjoyment of life.
The Trustees would, therefore, venture to recommend to you, gentlemen, as the best means that could be adopted for receiving and communicating information on affairs of husbandry, that you, with the inhabitants of one or two of the neighbouring towns, should form yourselves into a Society for improvement in agriculture. It will also be proposed to the farmers in all the other towns in the Commonwealth, to form themselves into small societies—choose the necessary officers, and hold meetings, as often as they may find it useful.
If no other advantage were to flow from societies of this kind, than what would arise from the information which each individual might derive from the collected wisdom and experience of his fellow townsmen, this might be a sufficient argument in favor of them; but the object in recommending their establishment is to give to each individual the benefit of the experience of the world.
The Trustees would, therefore, propose that the societies of the different towns should, as soon as possible after they are formed, communicate to the Board as full answers as it may be convenient to give the Queries on agricultural subjects, which are herewith forwarded, and also from time to time any facts, the knowledge of which may be useful. Accounts of any extraordinary increase or failure of crops—of any remarkable growth of animals or vegetables, and also any questions which may suggest themselves in relation to any branch of husbandry, the discussion of which may be thought useful.
The communications from these societies to the Board of Trustees would receive the earliest attention. They would afford a large fund of useful practical information. From being in this way correctly informed of the actual state of agriculture in the different parts of the Commonwealth, the Board of Trustees would be enabled more advantageously to apply their means for encouraging improvements by disseminating intelligence adapted to the wants of the country as well as by rewarding those who might be found to have deserved the particular notice of the Board.
The Trustees would cause to be printed at short intervals all or the most useful communications they might receive, with suitable remarks; and also selections from the best foreign and domestic publications.
The publications of the Board would contain occasionally, drawings of new and improved implements of husbandry with descriptions; and plans approved models of farm houses and out-buildings—These publications would be distributed free of expense to every town, in which there were associations of the farmers as herein proposed. It would come within the views of the Trustees to distribute also the seeds of any new useful or rare plants whenever in their power, and if encouraged by a sufficient zeal for improvement on the part of their brethren in the different parts of the country, they would take measures to procure from foreign countries all such plants as might form a valuable addition to our native productions.
The Board of Trustees has heretofore offered premiums for certain specified discoveries and improvements, but as it their earnest desire to promote improvement in every possible way, they will very cheerfully bestow rewards as far as their funds will allow, on any persons who shall exhibit to them proofs of any discoveries or improvements which may be deemed in any degree important.
It is hoped, gentlemen, that the proposal of forming yourselves into a Society, will be thought by you to promise some advantage to yourselves and the community at large, and that it will be found convenient and agreeable to you to second in this way the endeavours of the Board of Trustees to advance the honor and prosperity of the farming interest in this part of our country.
By the order of the Trustees,
John Adams, President.
N.B. Communications may be addressed to Richard Sullivan Esq. of Boston, Recording Secretary of the Society, by any convenient private opportunity.


Title: To John Adams from William Turner, 3 March 1813
From: Turner, William
To: Adams, John

                            Sir
                            Boston March 3d 1813

 this Ans is a true statement of my prosidins under the Volinteer acts of Congress of the 6th of February and the 6th of July 1812  Outhersing the President to accept sending Volinteer militarey corps, and I have cept a randevous from january 5th untill this day, for the purpos of raising the Seckond Companey of volinteers in Boston. as I am belated On account of the voluntier law not bein in a fect now I have Bin disapointed and the men who listed to my roll on account Of our not being abel to form a Companey as we expected. To obtain a companey as we expected I must be Commissiond And then the men enlisted to a new role as one of the Companeys in the 20 rigiments which is to be raied
The a buv is a true statement of Mr. Turners prosedings
Attest
James Bryant
Capt. of the Boston Volunters
Sir as the a buv statement is unfortinate for us. I have Bin a bledged to draw up a request for a commishion, and Request of my acquaintances a reckemmandation as the within Closd paper-states. Sir after vuing my situation and The men who hes listed to our roll. if you will giv me A litell of your assistance as far as your honor sees Fit, I shall endevor to devote my time for the good of My Cuntrey. and alsow giv you my sinceer wishies for Your health the remainder of your days and my Thanks—
I am with great respect, your humbel Srvt.

Wm: TurnerGenl. Boyd hes not returned from Philidelphia or I would have seen him


Title: To John Adams from Jonathan Williams, 6 March 1813
From: Williams, Jonathan
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Philadelphia March 6. 1813

As I believe there is no man in America who was more intimately acquainted with the late Capt John Paul Jones while he was in Europe than myself, I have thoughts of doing justice to the injured Character of that gallant Officer.
There are two papers which would be of great use to my object, one of which is a letter written to you from Nantes by Capt Jones, stating the circumstances of an affray on board a merchant Ship under his command in Tobago in which one of his crew was killed, and which induced him to take the addition of Jones to his name John Paul; the other is a Letter he wrote to Lady Selkirk at sea, soon after the Capture of the Drake.
If you could send me either or both these papers, and any other Documents relative to his Conduct as naval Commander I shall be much obliged
With the greatest Respect & Esteem / I am Dear Sir / Your old friend & / obedient Servant
Jon Williams


Title: From John Adams to William Turner, 7 March 1813
From: Adams, John
To: Turner, William

Sir
Quincy 7. March 1813

I have received your Letter of the 3d of this month, with the Certificate inclosed of Isaac S Gardner, John Robinson and many others. I return you the Certificate inclosed in this Letter. Since you was here, I have made Inquiries, received further Information, and made more mature Reflections. The Consequence of all which is, that I must be excused from all further Interference in the Business. I am, Sir, with due regard your Wellwisher
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Jonathan Williams, 11 March 1813
From: Adams, John
To: Williams, Jonathan

Dr Sir
Quincy March 11. 1813

I have, just now received your favour of the 6th. Who, pray, has injured the Character of Commodore John Paul Jones? and in what manner?
It would give me Pleasure to furnish any Evidence in my Power in vindication of his Character against any Injury: but I have no recollection of any Acknowledgement of Jones himself, that his Surname was Paul, though I remember that the English Publications called him John Paul. The Letter therefore which you Suppose was written to me from Nantes must I presume have been written to The Commissioners Franklin Deane and Lee, before my Arrival at Passi, or to Dr Franklin after the Dissolution of the Commission to Franklin, Lee and Adams. All Letters to the Commissioners were left in the Possession of Dr Franklin and may no doubt be found among his Papers.
Of his Letter to Lady Selkirk after his Capture of the Drake I have no Copy. It was published in most of the Journals of the Day. He was appointed first Lieutenant, in the Navy on the 22d of December 1775 as you will find in the Journal of Congress.
The Commissioners had a great deal of Trouble with the disputes between him and all his Crew, headed by Lieutenant Simpson; and Dr Franklin afterwards with those between him and Captain Landais of the Alliance; but who were in the right, I never had the means of judging. With much Esteem and regard / I am Sir your most obedient Servant
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Henry Colman, 12 March 1813
From: Colman, Henry
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir,
Hingham 12 March. 1813.

I have a brother, who wishes to obtain a commission in the army of the United States. He has forwarded to me an application to the War-Office, which I wished to accompany with a letter of my own in his behalf to the President; but as I am wholly unknown to the government, I take the liberty to ask from you a line to them, stating merely your belief in my veracity. If you should find it in your power, and it meets entirely your inclination and convenience, to honour me with such a letter, you would confer upon me a particular favour by doing it; if in any degree inconsistent with either, I beg leave to decline it. Your uniform kindness and civility towards me is my only apology for the liberty of this request. I am, Sir, with the highest and most sincere respect, / Your obliged and / obedient servant,

Henry Colman.—


Title: To John Adams from François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 12 March 1813
From: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan
To: Adams, John

Mÿ Dear and respected Sir!
Oldenbarneveld 12 March 1813.
My Sending the wreath unaccompanied bÿ a Single line was occasioned bÿ a Short excursion to Sacket’s Harbour—to take a view of the boasted powerful defence of our frontiers, after the Surprise of Ogdensburg, courted So long bÿ the iterated incursions on the defenceless and peaceble Canadiens. It was indeed a Severe retaliation from which the Inhabitants Shall not recover in manÿ years—although all the robbed private propertÿ is restored or compensated—of which has actually been made a beginning. The loss of public property in cannon—ammunition—stores—is considerable, and Severely felt.
I arrived tuesdaÿ a week past at the Harbour—where I found a great deal of confusion, and the immediate expectation, of an attack by a Superiour force without adequate means of resistance—although a Superfluity of blustering vaunting to beat the Brittish—if only 3000 Brittish Should dare to undertake it! The place howewer had more the appearance of a crowded noisÿ European fair, than that of a well-regulated—fortified camp—Everÿ one went in and out at pleasure—frend and foe. Boy Seemed master, to appearance, and a gloom was Spread over the more prudent bÿ their critical Situation, and prevailing Sickness. There were the Baltimore Sons of Erin—with the greens of N. york—and the valiant Col. Mcclure, who would fight the Devil—all these, I doubt not, would fight well if well leaded—There was Col. Macomb with his regulars—and a Few Troopers—with the Parthers—Elamites—and those of Mesopatamia of our raw militia—I inspected too the Navÿ—tho’ in infancÿ, in an excellent condition—full of activity—and obeying order at a wink the crew—under the gallant Leonard and Woolseÿ—the Saÿlors who would have been chosen  by anÿ Naval Commander for an arduous entreprise—the marines—in the best discipline, under their brave and modest Capt. Smith—If the Harbour could be Saved—it would be through this Navy—But—I had not a Shadow of apprehension, that an attack was intended—The only view—I presume—Shall appear was to fix our attention upon that Spot—to lure there all our possible forces—while daÿ after daÿ, their troops in rapid Succession—are marching to the Western parts towards Harrison. From there I fear the Sad tidings maÿ be expected.
This Short excursion was beneficial to mÿ health—having been during the whole winter in mÿ Studÿ—I was much in want of Some relaxation At mÿ return I heard the mournful tiding of mr Livingston’s death—I lament the loss of this valuable frend—one of the first—with whom I associated in this countrÿ—He was a worthy man—to me—and affectionate frend: the loss to this State in respect to arts and Sciences is irreparable—at least I knew not one, to Succeed him. I feel in mÿ Solitude a double pang—at last I Shall be left alone—If the Sketches on Calvin are not printed, as I am apprehensive—now Buckminster is gone, and the Repositorÿ Shall be discontinued, by want of Support—I Shall demand—that they are returned to you; when you maÿ peruse these at leisure—and return them you to me—when an opportunity offers herself.
If I do not deceive mÿself—Dr Morse Shall have no reason to complain of me, if they were published:—I treated him allways with respect and delicacÿ—and can not be intimidated—not even by Clerical frowns as long theÿ do not possess power—to destroÿ the Bodÿ; when they might pretend to be willing to Save the Soul. My Achaic Republick—my Philosophical researches—could they be printed, would raise the hue and crÿ of various tribes more loudlÿ—than the Sketches on Servetus in England no clamour has been raised against them;—and they would have appeared in a more dark hue—had I Shown—how cruelly Calvin persecuted Castalio—although a Trinitarian, but who was not pliant enough to the haughty Calvin—and yet, in my opinion—a large Share of Calvin’s Sin owes its birth by his being involved—deeplÿ—in the practical Squabbles, of Geneve at that period.
I read Berkeley—Locke and Hume—and made now a beginning again with the essays of the Latter—and take then some refreshment by the Classics—I read Hume now with more pleasure, and to more advantage than for thirtÿ ÿears—but—this does not prevent—to wish your instructions upon light and colours—I expected from the late Chancellor Some relief of mÿ doubts—now it is your province—as—to tell you the truth—how longer I consider the Subject, how more prone I am, to doubt the real existence of colours. It remains a beautiful phantom.
Are you informed—in what noble familÿ’s possession Newton’s mss remain? impart to me this knowledge. So maÿ be found among John Adams’s a Short account of his persecution by the Quakers—intended for his frend v. d. kemp—with many other valuable Mss.
After this trial with my Ms—I believe—I Shall give up the idea at once—and return to Montaigne and Sterne—and laugh—now and then—what perhaps vanity makes me wish to correct.
My head is not in good order—to writ coherently—So that you will excuse it—but I would not delaÿ it longer. About Sember—you maÿ See a verÿ good biography of Eikhorn in the General Repositorÿ—J. D. Michaelis was a man with great parts—of learning and judgment. In his writings and Character he had the faults of manÿ of his countrymen—he wrote a vast deal for bread—or—if you please—for money—His Introd. in the N.T—translated and enriched with valuable notes by Dr Marsh—and his Commentaries on the Mosaic Laws are amongst his most meritorious works.
I never read Xenophon on Democracÿ—I have nothing of him as his memorabilia—ed. bÿ Wÿttembach—Altho—I am an enemÿ to Subscriptions—as this contains no article of faith—I willinglÿ “calculum adjicio Xenophonti—or to John Adams”—who ever of the two is the Father of that luminous observation. If I could come at Quincÿ—I presume,—“con silentem reum invenirem”—but I would not Saÿ So—if I had copied the Same Observation in this Letter—as the Devil if full of malice—and one or other—apprehensive from our continued correspondence—that Some conspiracy was Set a geoing—might break mÿ Seal—
Now—just now—I can give you Some good—and pleasing news—Mr Busti writes me—I Send you the Morgante of Pulci—and Ricciardetto of Palavicini—and Machiavelli opere—
Now I Shall read his Mandragora—after which I lounged for more than thirty years. I did not know—that that famous comedic was levelled against Priest-craft. He must have been an extraordinarÿ man! I am indebted to him—tho I was alone acquainted with his Decades—his Princeps and Hist. Florentine—more—than to a Dozen European Politicians.
Favour me with your continued frendship—recommend me to Mrs Adams—as long I breathe—with warm gratitude—I Shall remain / Your affectionate and obliged frend

Fr. Adr. vanderkempP.S. “Mr. Busti congratulates me, for having laid aside the thought of meddling with that extensive plan—of which he did See the Sketch—It Surpasses the powers of one Single Individual—even manÿ Subordinate points would require a combinations of talent, to execute them well—and that it would be nearly impossible yet—to give a true detail of the events in our days—after all it remains a doubtful question, if the world would learn wisdom from it—if it was executed in the best manner” Perhaps Mr Busti is right correct. I Should howerwer wish—that the work was tried—Should you disapprove—that I did Send the Sketch to one of the Philadelphia journals—It might be, that they would insert it—If it obtains your approbation, I Shall prepare one for mÿ Son. Adio!


Title: From John Adams to John Armstrong, Jr., 14 March 1813
From: Adams, John
To: Armstrong, John, Jr.

Sir
Quincy March 14 1813

I understand that the Reverend Mr Henry Colman, the worthy Minister of a very respectable congregation in the town of Hingham in my neighbourhood has it in contemplation to write to the government in favour of his brother who wishes to be a candidate for a commission in the Army. As the brother is unknown to me, I can say nothing of my own knowledge concerning his character or qualifications. But with the clergyman I have a very agreeable acquaintance, & know him to be one of the most esteemed and beloved of the regular settled Clergymen in this part of the country: very studious and inquisitive of a  large and liberal mind, a benevolent and generous heart, amiable pleasing manners and in every respect an unsullied and unsuspected moral and religious character. In letters taste and sense inferior to very few if any of his Cloth in this country. I have therefore no hesitation in saying, that in my opinion the government may safely repose entire confidence in any representation he may make concerning his brother, I am Sir very respectfully,
Your most obedient ServantJohn Adams


Title: From John Adams to James Madison, 14 March 1813
From: Adams, John
To: Madison, James

Private
Dear Sir
Quincy March 14. 1813

The Reverend, Mr Henry Colman of Hingham, my Neighbour and Acquaintance has a Brother, as I am informed, who wishes to be considered as a Candidate, for a Commission in the Army. As the Brother is unknown to me, I can Say nothing of his Pretensions. But I can Say of the Minister, that in point of Taste and Sense he is fit for a Companion of a Jefferson and a Madison, and in point of Learning and Integrity worthy to be a Disciple of a Barrow and a Butler. I have no hesitation then, in Saying, that the Government may Safely repose, entire confidence in the Candor and Correctness of whatever Representations Mr Coleman may make, relative to his Brother. Let me add that in the present disagreable State of Things, it seems to me of much importance that Attention Should be given to such Characters, that this disaffected Part of the Nation may be gradually reconciled to a cordial Participation in this righteous and indispensible War. I have written to the Secretary at War, upon this Subject: but I am not informed what Commission Mr Colman Solicits. I have the honor to be, Sir your most obedient Servant
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Henry Colman, 14 March 1813
From: Adams, John
To: Colman, Henry

Dear Sir
Quincy 4th 14 1813

In compliance with your request in your favour of the 12th I have written to the President and the Secretary at war letters which will go in the mail tomorrow.
The substance of all I have written is that from a personal knowledge and agreeable acquaintance I am fully persuaded. The Government may repose entire confidence in the candour and integrity of any representations you may make relative to your Brother. Wishing you and your brother success and prosperity I am your friend and Servant
John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Waterhouse, 16 March 1813
From: Adams, John
To: Waterhouse, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Quincy March 16. 1813

I have just recd your Favour of Yesterday. It has been a Rule of the Government from 1789 to this day to answer no Solicitations or Recommendations for Office. The necessity of this Rule must be obvious to evry enquiring Mind.
The Hyperfederalists, or the Ultrafederalists, have a more exalted System, than the Simple Federalists. They dare not, openly and publickly avow or attempt to Support their Theory or their underhand practice. If they had the Courage, you would hear them Say declare, and you would read in their Writings their Wishes that evry one of our Frigates had been taken burnt or Sunk and every one of Our Naval Conquerors kill’d or carried Prisoners to British Dungeons. They are not only no Friends, but they are in their Hearts rancorous Enemies to an American Navy. Their Summum bonum is a War with France an Alliance with England and a dependence on the British Navy for the protection of their Commerce. In opposition to their System and to all their Diabolical Intrigues, I  hardily pursued my own System in 1799 and 1800 made Peace with France at the expence of all my consequence in the World, and their unanimous and immortal hatred. France is the Natural Ally of U.S. if We must have any Ally. We ought not to War with her, but in the last Necessity. This is no new opinion. I express’d it and gave my Reasons for it at large in Congress in 1775. The French Government have had it under my hand, among their Archives more than 30 years. And the American Public has had it in print in my Discourses on Davila 22. or 23 years. I have never varied, one moment from this opinion, nor departed from this Principle in practice for 37 years.
I have not Seen Mollishes Travels. The Western Country is indeed a Vast World. Philadelphia thinks itself the Centre. New York thinks itself the Centre, and Boston thinks itself the Centre. Beccaria Says, Every Man thinks himself the Centre of the whole Univers. Who then, is the most diseased in Mind?
From your letter I conclude that Eustis will draw the Prise. Is there any Thing nearer your home that would Suit you?
In one of your Letters you express’d a Wish to See my History of the rise and progress of the disputes between G.B. and America written in 1774 and 1775. If that inclination continues, I will lend it to you. But as I have no other Copy, you must return it unhurt.
Mr Varnum promised me, that he would try to have Something done for you / I am as ever
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Rush, 16 March 1813
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

My dear Sir/
Philadelphia March 16. 1813

The enclosed letter to Dr Waterhouse contains the Welcome intelligence that his son has passed his examinations for a degree in our University with great honor, and that he will in a few weeks be created Doctor of Medicine.
The documents you sent me relative to the Origins of the American Navy are now in the hands of Mr Carey who is heartily disposed to do ample justice to the early, uniform & zealous advocate of that important part of the defence & honor of our Nation.—
I have Spent 4 hours in the day since Thursday sennight in examinating Candidates for degrees, and expect to spend the same Number of hours in the same drill, mechanical and fatiguing business for more than a Week to Come. This employment has reduced the hours I usually devoted to your instructing & delightful Correspondence.
Ah! Worse and Worst—omnia in pejus verunt. The blunder’s, disasters and disgrace of 1774 and 1775 and 1776 are poor Apologies for  similar events in 1812, and 1813.
Count Saxe says three things are requisite to make a General, Viz Courage, genius & health. Three of our Generals are above sixty, a time of life in which the employments inseparable from a Camp, Lif and military duty seldom fail of deranging the both the body and mind. Each of those generals has been Laid up with Sickness since this Appointment, and two of them nearly in Sight of the enemy.—
Alas! the abortive issue of the new loan! I possess notes of a Speech you made in Baltimore upon the Question of raising the interest to be given by Congress upon Money from 4 to 6 percent. Richd Henry Lee opposed it,—you defended it. Your Words were “Unless Mr President we accommodate our measures  to the interest of the tories, as well as the feelings of the Whigs We shall never be able to govern this Country.” I wish this Aphorism was inscribed over the doors of both houses of the present legislature of the United States.
Yrs—yrs—yrs..

Benjn. Rush


Title: To John Adams from Jonathan Williams, 17 March 1813
From: Williams, Jonathan
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Philadelphia March 17. 1813

I thank you for you favour of the 11th Instant although my object in writing appears to have failed. The Letter I alluded to was written by John Paul Jones and was addressed to yourself alone, he shewed it to me and asked my advice whether to forward it or not: I did advise him not to forward it, but I did not think that he would agree with me in that opinion: As the case may amuse you I will relate it. Jones was told, by somebody, that you had been made acquainted with an occurrence on board of a merchant Ship he commanded in the Road of Tobago by which one of his Sailors lost his life, and the object of this Letter was to show you that the fatal accident occurred by his merely standing on his defence, when the man in the Act of assaulting him with a handspike, ran upon his sword and fell; The Crew were not, it seems, friendly to Jones, and his friends in Tobago, advised him to abscond, and to avoid future odium by taking the name of Jones. This is the act for which Jones blamed himself,  for and (as he stated,) would never have complied with the intercession of his friends if it had not been for the total want of evidence on his part, while the other mutineers would, for their own sakes, justify their fellow. Jones detailed so many circumstances in that Letter that I readily lent my belief to his Statement; but I thought it unwise to open, himself, a Story which was almost buried in oblivion, on the mere rumour that somebody had related it to you, especially, although he might convince you as he did me of his being innocent as to intended murder, his own statement amounted to manslaughter in the eye of the Law, and his justification being that of a reputed criminal could not avail neither in Law nor the general Opinion of the world, unsupported as it was by any testimony, which his absconding and changing his name were not circumstances indicative of Innocence.—
I wished to possess this Letter if I could have found it, in order to let this part of his biography stand upon his own Account. The Calumnies I wished to wipe away from his Character were such as sir Joseph York originated, and which in the minds of many have been supported by the various and false statements that were circulated about Lord Selkirks plate, and during the last 20 Years in the frequent occasions I have had of speaking about him I have generally found that he has been thought a mere privateersman; there is also a catchpenny pamphlet published, where he figures in the frontispiece in the act of killing his Lieutenant during an Action.
Jones had not a good temper, and in small matters he often appeared sullen and petulant; but he was intrinsically generous as well as brave; he carried his notions of discipline so far as to injure himself in the confidence of his Officers and Crew, yet he was aluays just towards them.—I am well acquainted with the affair with Simpson, and when he arrived at Brest after the Capture of the Drake, I endeavoured to reconcile them, and should have succeeded if Simpson had been as well disposed towards a reconciliation as Jones was. The truth is that neither was to blame, and the misconception of a nautical phrase caused the whole error by which Jones & his prize were separated 2 or 3 days.—Jones gave Simpson the command of the Drake after her Capture with written orders to “keep upon his weather Quarter” expressing at same time his great sollicitude to convey her safely into Brest. Some ships appearing in the offing, and Jones’s Crew being desirous of having a snap at the east Indiamen, as they were supposed to be, Jones bore up to run after them before the wind, directing his master to tell Simpson to “Stand on after him.” Simpson not probably hearing the whole order hailed the Ranger in turn and asked “am I to stand on“? The answer was “Aye Aye;” Simpson stood in the course he was going, and when Jones had got before the wind & out of hail he saw the ships were separating, he therefore abandoned his prey, & hauled his wind again, but night came on and he never saw the Drake ‘till they were both together in Brest Harbour. Under all the angry vexation of losing his east Indiamen, & the painful anxiety about his prize, Jones arrested Simpson and confined him to his Cabin the moment the Anchor was down. Simpson, conscious of perfect rectitude, and expecting applause instead of blame for his safe arrival, was so shocked & wounded at this treatment, that he could not forgive it, while Jones on the other hand thought that forgiveness on his part was an act of grace; I found my interference tended to no good, and so drop’d it; I must however do Jones the justice to say that except on the score of deviation from duty Jones laid no blame on simpson, he spoke of him with respect, and you may perhaps recollect that when it was concluded to keep Jones in France & send the Ranger home, Jones wrote to the Commrs in favour of Simpsons having the command of her, and desired that the arrest might be suspended ‘till after his arrival in America.—
I presume you as well as me sometimes like to hear old stories, it renews associations of Ideas, and although one cannot foresee whether these will be pleasant or otherwise, yet the chance is perhaps  in their favour; I feel this whenever I meet with even an old newspaper; I hope therefore you will consider this long letter like an old newspaper, if it gives you pleasure I shall be glad, if not you may obtain both light and heat from it, by using it in your fireplace. I am with great respect & esteem / Dear sir / Your obliged and / obedient Servant

Jon Williams


Title: From John Adams to François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 18 March 1813
From: Adams, John
To: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan

Dear Sir
Quincy March 18 1813

A Jacobine Clubb, or a Washington benevolent Society, has a Right to discard, and exclude a Member, who will not conform to their Rules. The hard Cyder Clubb, which once existed, might refuse to associate with a Member who complained that the Cyder was too Sour. The Lying Clubb might banish from their Society an individual, who remains of Conscience might think the Lies of the Majority too gross. But who gave these Societies a Right, Power or Authority to Send Such refractory  Members, Such Non Conformists to Hell? to give them to Satan to be buffeted, i.e. roasted, fryed, broiled, like Calvinus and Arrius on the Plafond of the Church of St John the Second in Spain which I described, to you in a former Letter?
Si sta Si sta bene, non se move is a good Precept, Proverb Maxim, unless you can change your Position for a better.
Good Bye, i.e. God be with you, Cicero and Mandius. I cannot wait upon you now.
In 1774, when Congress first met in Philadelphia, The Delegates from Massachusetts Thomas Cushing, Samuel Adams, John Adams and Robert Treat Paine were visited at their Lodgings by the Anabaptist President of the Providence Colledge, by Mr Bacchus an Anabaptist Preacher in the County of Bristol in Massachusetts and informed that a Conference or Consultation was desired, with Us, but We were not informed upon what Subject. A few mornings afterwards Stephen Hopkins, a Wet Quaker, formerly Governor of Rhode Island and Samuel Ward, a Wet Anabaptist, who also had been formerly Governor of Rhode Island called upon the Delegates of Massachusetts and informed them that a Number of Gentlemen from different Parts of America were desirous to become acquainted with Us, and of conferring with Us upon Some Points of Importance to the Union of the Colonies then proposed to be formed. Especially as We represented the People of Massachusetts then the most Suffering Colony and in the most dangerous Situation. Without much hesitation or deliberation We agreed to meet the Gentlemen the next Evening at Eight O Clock in Carpenters Hall, the room where Congress dayly held there Sittings. We were punctual to the hour, but found the Hall already Occupied. Around the long Table Satt, I Suppose Fifty Quakers, each covered with a broad brimmed wide Spreading black beaver, with a diameter as large as a West India Umbrella. We were conducted to respectable Seats and after a short pause Bacchus arose and exhibited Complaints against The Legislative and Judicial Authorities of Massachusetts for Injustice, Partiality and Persecution against the Quakers and Anabaptists. We requested that Cases might be named and Facts Stated. This was done. It happened, very fortunately that Mr Cushing and Mr Samuel Adams had been in The Legislature when the Petitions there had been discussed; and Mr Paine and Mr John Adams one or the other of them had been concerned at the Bar as Councellors in every Cause before the Judicial Courts. The Cases were all candidly explained and compleatly justified.
When this discussion Subsided, a quite different turn was given to the Conference.
The great Quakers, The Pembertons, the Drinkers and the Shoe Makers &c were all there. Thomas Mifflin who was educated a Quaker, told me that the principals among these Quaker Families believed nothing of the matter, but kept up the Show for the sake of the Wealth and consideration they derived from the Party.
Israel Pemberton, the great Belweather of the Flock, arose and Said, The Conference was not intended, So much to enquire after particular Facts and individual Cases, as into general Principles. Their Complaint was against The Establishment of Religion in The Massachusetts Bay: and they had desired an Interview with Us to induce Us to engage that our Constituents Should abolish all our Laws relative to an Establishment of Religion.
I had heard much of this Man and his Associates and of the Pensilvanian Quakers in general and their awful Apprehensions of Independence. I now perceived what I have believed ever Since that the design of the Plotters of this Interview was to alienate all the Sectaries from the Cause, and divide the Colonies.
Whether my Risibles or Iracibles were put to the Severest Tryal, I can not Say. But I preserved my Temper and my Gravity.
Perhaps I ought to acknowledge, that through Life I have been at times, trop inclin, a Saisir les Ridicules, a  Odir les detestables, et a mepriser la Simulation et L’hypocrisie. That though I have endeavoured in general to observe the rule of Wisdom Suaviter in modo, fortiter in Re: yet on Some trying Occasions, I have found it more natural to obey the impulse of the latter than easy to remember the former part of the Precept.
In answer to Mr Pemberton, I said Massachusetts had no establishment but of Ministers and Meetinghouses and Laws Obliging Men to attend public Worship once a month. Those Laws, Pemberton Said Should be abolished. A. We have no Authority to abolish them nor to agree that they Shall be abolished. Pemberton. Would not you allow your Brethren in the other Colonies, liberty of Conscience? A. Most certainly; and We hope our Brethren in the other colonies will allow Us  Liberty of Conscience too. P. Poh!  Pray dont alledge that. A. But I can alledge that with great Truth. The People of that Colony always have always had Such laws. They were born and bred under them. They think them, Salutary. They judge them necessary for the Instruction and Education of the rising Generation, indeed for the benefit and improvement of all of every Age. They conscientiously believe them indispensible for their happiness. Here Israel muttered Some Sneering Expression about their consciences; when some little leaven of that hereditament of Infirmity derived from my respectable Ancestors Adam and Eve I Suppose fermented and made me pronounce rather too emphatically and energetically “It may be depended on that The People of Massachusetts are as religious and as conscientious, as any People in this Country, or any other; that they are conscientiously attached to their Religion and these Laws; and you might as well undertake to remove the Sun, Moon and Stars from their orbits as to induce them to make any material Change in their religion or the Laws they think essential  to the Support of it.
Next Morning Governor Ward and Dr Rogers an Anabaptist Divine and Professor of Belle Letters in the University of Philadelphia came to our Lodgings and informed Us that We had given them Satisfaction. But The Quakers only Said that John Adams had not deceived them. That he had told them what to depend Upon. The great Body of them have disliked the Name of Adams ever Since, and at all Elections have propagated far and wide that John Adams was a Presbyterian, had established Presbyterianism in the Constitution of Massachusetts and intended to establish it through out the United States, and compell Quakers Baptists and all other Denominations to pay taxes to Support The Presbyterian Church.
Another Anecdote of Quaker Benevolence to me recorded in one of their General Meetings, about an intercepted Letter in which they convicted me of aiming at Independence in June 1775, must be reserved for another Opportunity, if you desire it.

John AdamsThe Quakers are no better nor worse than other Sects of Christians or Philosophers.


Title: To John Adams from John Lathrop, 19 March 1813
From: Lathrop, John
To: Adams, John

Hond Sir,
Boston March 19. 1813

As I know you had an acquaintance with the late Dr Eliot, and I believe an affection for him, I take the liberty to Send you a discourse occasioned by his death.
May we indulge any hope of peace, through a reported mediation, or an offered mediation of Russia? I should leave the world with more Satisfaction, were peace restored to my Country on honourable terms, such as those obtained in 1783., before the light of life shall be hidden from me.
With great esteem, / Your most obedt / & humble Servt.
John Lathrop


Title: To John Adams from William Plumer, 19 March 1813
From: Plumer, William
To: Adams, John

My dear Sir,
Epping (NH) March 19. 1813.

I am ashamed of having so long delayed acknowledging the receipt of your most excellent & truly innstinctive letter of the 10th of January. The pressure of official business, company, & partial, but necessary attention to my private concerns have so entirely engrossed my time for two months past, as to afford me no leisure to write a friend.
In speaking of our Country you state a serious fact, when you say, “That almost every essential question from 1774 to 1813 has been determined by small majorities.” The different lights in which even honest men contemplate the same subject, necessarily lead to different conclusions; but when to this we add, the arts of designing men & the intrigues of popular demagogues, who are invariably disposed to sacrifice public good to their private interest, (& some such men will always be found in office) I have sometimes been disappointed in finding so much union in the public Councils as actually exists. This circumstance induces me to enquire of you, who were present, whether every Member of Congress did on the 4th July 1776 in fact cordially approve of the declaration of Independence? The journal of Congress imports perfect unanimity on that question—was it so? Was that case one of the few exceptions, which instead of disproving confirms your general position? Or did the opposing Members, if any, act as I have known instances in my day, when they found the measure could not be defeated, unite & vote for it?
The “hobgblin” that the Republican party raised against the necessary system of taxes in 1798, 9, & the violent prejudices they then unjustly excited, will now give them & our country much trouble. If war exists, if loans are made, every wise statesman knows that taxes are indispensably necessary to support the one & maintain the credit of the other; yet they will be a fruitful source of complaint to the opposition, & add encreasing fuel to the fire & rage of party. Taxes in this country, must from the nature of things, to a certain extent, be unequal; & in levying & collecting them the Government have but a choice of difficulties. In 1798 I thought the taxes necessary & supported them; & in the present time my opinion is the same. Since that period, as you justly observe, the two great political parties have changed ground—then the federalists supported & the republicans condemned taxes, now the former condemn & the latter support them. Whilst this versatility of conduct, reproaches a great majority of both parties, with a want both of principle and consistency, it proclaims the propriety & necessity of the taxes of 1798. It exposes the folly & danger of opposing measures, not because they are bad, but because we dislike the party who adopt them. Alas for human nature!—consistency of conduct is not a trait in the character of political partizans. I fear that the strong prejudices that exist against taxes will be attended with serious difficulties; but I trust we shall rise superior to them—& that we have a sufficient stock of virtue & public spirit to stem the torrent & support our rights.
The prevailing opinion here, for the fact is not yet ascertained, is that the Federalists at our recent election have obtained a small majority, but much less than at the November elections. Both parties admit that if the citizens of this State who are in the army, & those who were in privateers, had been at the polls the Republican ticket would have prevailed. This election therefore affords conclusive evidence that the supporters of the war are increasing in New Hampshire.
I have felt much anxiety for my worthy friend, the Minister at St. Petersburg; but I presume he is now exposed to much less danger than he was last autumn. The last letter I received from him was written in May. When did you hear from him, and was he then well? I intend to write to him in the course of a few weeks.
I Shall esteem it a great favor to hear from you whenever it suits with your leisure & inclination.
And believe me to be with much respect & esteem, / Sir, / your most obedient / humble servant
William Plumer


Title: From John Adams to James Madison, 23 March 1813
From: Adams, John
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Quincy March 23d 1813

I have been informed that a number of very respectable Gentlemen are desirous of having the Honourable Richard Cutts Esqr of Biddeford in this State appointed to an Office under the Government of the United States, and wish to recommend him accordingly: but are very apprehensive that your delicacy, and nice sense of honour, or regard to your reputation will be an insuperable Obstacle to their views, because Mr Cutts has the honour to be allied to you by marriage.
I hope you will excuse me, Sir, if I take the liberty to express my opinion of the justice and prudence of this principle. The hyper-superlative public virtue of General Washington introduced it: but it has done much more harm than good and in my judgement the sooner it is discountenanced  the better.
A President ought not to appoint a Man to office because he is his relation nor ought he to refuse or neglect him on that account. There would be no justice to the individual, to The President himself nor to the Nation in such a rule. A general has fought the battles of his Country shed his blood in the service, acquired glory to his name and nation. Shall he be dismissed, or not employed because he is a son or a Brother of the President? The Nation has a right to his Service, which the President has nor right for such a reason to take away. A thousand cases might be put to shew the absurdity and iniquity of such a rule. Merit, Talents, Integrity, Qualities, Qualifications have claims on the Nation, and the Nation has claims upon them, which ought not to be overruled upon any such personal considerations.
I have had the pleasure of some personal Knowledge with Mr Cutts and his connexions in this part of the union, and more by reputation, and believe him to have worth and qualifications, for any office to which his friends here will recommend him. His appointment too, would I doubt not be as much approved and as well received in New England in general as any other notwithstanding a connexion which so far from being unfortunate ought to be considered a desirable circumstance.
I hope you will pardon the Liberties I take, and believe me with great / respect your most obedient Servant

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 23 March 1813
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

My dear Friend
Quincy March 23. 1813

Your Letter to Waterhouse inclosed in yours of the 16th. Shall be Sent tomorrow. With them came the News of the Hornets Glory. If Our Nation had as much Religion as Jews or Gentiles, they would consider these Victories as a Revelation of the Importance and Necessity of a maritime defence. Lawrence is now enrolled with Hull, Decatur, Jones Bainbridge in the Record of our Naval Conquerors. Immortal Glory to them both in this Life and that which is to come, both in the Heroes and the Christians Creed.
For Mercy’s Sake don’t let Mr Cary See my Ribaldry about Mr Tompson, nor my Oath about the Committee of Deane Langdon and Adams. Pray tell me what work, Mr Carey is about publishing. Do not let him See any of my Nonsense. If you or he can find any Sense, You are wellcome to that.
Give yourself, no concern to answer my Letters. Your Employments are better and more important. I cannot bear to hear that Examination of Candidates is a dull Employment. The Honour to your Country and the everlasting benefit to this Nation ought to render the Fatigue itself Sweet and delightfull. Your Pupils will transmit Science to theirs to the latest generation
The Tories are determined to destroy the Country as the Jacobines and Tories too were in 1800 by Stopping the Wheels of Government. If the good were not to be ruined with the Evil I would not much regret it. But no Angel will warn Lott out of Town. Indeed where can he go? He must Sink or Swim with the Government and Nation with all the faults of both.
It is a lamentable Thing that So little of the Talent and Experience in War, which remains in the Country has been called into Service.
Yours Ut SupraJohn Adams


Title: To John Adams from Elbridge Gerry, 24 March 1813
From: Gerry, Elbridge
To: Adams, John

My dear Sir,
Cambridge 24th March 1813

Enclosed are two letters marked A,B, & four documents numbered from 1 to 4 inclusively, which Capt Selman agreably to my request, on the subject of our first naval enterprizes, has transmitted to me for your perusal. They are intended as records for your files of application. I have also received & included in this packet, a letter from B Austin Esq in regard to the same subject.
I shall be much obliged to you for a sketch of the points of dispute which have existed between GBritain & the UStates, whilst you was Vice President, & President, & of the manner in which any of them have been terminated.
Accept, my dear Sir, & present to your Lady, the unfeigned assurances of our highest esteem & respect, & to the ladies in general our sincere regards; & be assured I am ever your friend
E Gerry


Title: From John Adams to William Plumer, 28 March 1813
From: Adams, John
To: Plumer, William

Dear Sir
Quincy March 28 1813

You enquire, in your kind Letter of the 19th. Whether, “every Member of Congress did, on the 4th of July 1776, in fact cordially approve of the declaration of Independence”?
They who were then Members  all Signed it, and as I could not See their hearts, it would be hard for me to Say that they did not approve it: but as far as I could penetrate, the intricate internal foldings of their Souls, I then believed,  and have not Since altered my opinion, that there were Several who Signed with regret, and Several others with many doubts and much lukewarmness. The Measure had been upon the Carpet for Months and obstinately opposed from day to day. Majorities were constanly against it. For many days the Majority depended on  Mr Hews of North Carolina. While a Member,  was Speaking and reading documents from all the Colonies to prove that the Public Opinion, the general Sense of all was in favour of the Measure, when he came to North Carolina and produced Letters and public Proceedings which demonstrated that the Majority of that colony were in favour of it, Mr Hews who had hitherto constantly voted against it, Started Suddenly upright, and lifting up both his Hands to Heaven as if he had been in a trance, cry’d out “It is done! and I will abide by it.” I would give more for a perfect Painting of the terror and horror upon the Faces of the Old Majority at, that critical moment than for the best Piece of Raphaelle. The Question, however was eluded by an immediate Motion for Adjourment. The Struggle in Congress was long known abroad. Some Members who foresaw that the Point would be carried, left the House and went home to avoid voting on the Affirmative or Negative. Pennsilvania and New Jersey recalled all their Delegates who had voted against Independence and Sent new ones expressly to vote for it. The Last debate but one was the most copious and the most animated, but the Question was now evaded by a Motion to postpone it to another day, Some Members however declaring that of the Question Should be now demanded. They Should now vote for it, but they wished for a day or two more to consider of it. When that day arrived Some of the New Members desired to hear the Arguments for and against the Measure. When these were Summarily recapitulated The Question was put and carried. There were no Yeas and Nays in those times. A Committee was appointed to draw a Declaration, when reported Underwent an Abundance of Criticism and Alteration: but when finally accepted all those Members who had voted against Independence, now declared they would Sign it and Support it.
The Appointment of General Washington to the Command in 1775 of an Army in Cambridge, consisting altogether of New Englandmen, over the head of Officers of their own Flesh and Choice, a most hazardous Step, was another Instance of Apparent Unanimity and real regret in nearly one half, But this History is too long for This Letter.
The Taxes must be laid and the War Supported.I have nothing from My Son Since 28 Oct. I know not how We Shall ever get him home though that is the most anxious Wish of my heart. Pray write him as often as you can.
I regret the Change of hands, in N.H, at this Juncture very much.
With great respect I am, dear Sir your / Friend and Servant
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 29 March 1813
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

My Friend
Quincy March 29. 1813

Inclosed is a Packet two Papers marked A. B. four Numbered 1. 2. 3. 4. A Letter from The Vice President and one from Mr Austin to him, 8 Documents in the whole, considering your Engagements it hurts me to trouble you with the Reading of these Papers: but you will be So amused with them, that you would have reprehended me if I had Suppressed them. If any of them fall within Mr Careys Plan, he is welcome to Use them: but in all Events I insist on having all these Papers returned to me. Selman Shall not be Unknown to Posterity. Nor Shall it be unknown with what metaphisical and mathematical Precision Congress, Massachusetts, and Washington, conducted our Quasi War with Great Britain in 1775 & 1776. The War was against the Ministry, against the Army, against the Navy against their Stores: but not against the King, the Nation the Parliament, not against British Subjects nor private Property. I thought as Captain Seldon did. All appeared to me to be Duplicity, Hypocricy, Childrens Play. But I was a wild enthusiast, the worst of Men, and the most dangerous. So Said the Quakers and Proprietarians of Pensilvania, and So thought the Tories in all the States and in G. Britain. Poor Selman and Broughton were Stripped of their Prey. The Governor, the Judge were released and all the Public And private Property. Who can blame them for their Chagrin? or Congress or Washington for disappointing them? But it Seems the Public lost two of the best Naval Officers by it. Pray return these Papers to me, whether Mr Carey will or will not make any Use of any Part of them.
Yours, Yours Yours

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Waterhouse, 31 March 1813
From: Adams, John
To: Waterhouse, Benjamin

Dr Sir
Quincy March 31st. 1813

“The History” is of no value, except on account of its date. It was written and printed in Edes and Gills Boston Gazette, in the Interval between the first Congress in 1774 and the Second Congress in 1775 under the Signature of Novanglus. In this View it is a Document; an historical Memoir. To me personally, it is of Some importance as it is a record of the Principles on which I engaged in the Controversy with Great Britain and in the Revolutionary War, which have cost me So dear.
Who would have thought that an Higginson Family in 1813 would have as much Influence in America in 1813 as an Hutchinson Family had in 1773 and 1774 and upon the Same Principles and by the Same means? The Rise of Bonaparte and his Power is not a more unexpected, or astonishing  Phænomenon. The Higginsons have now more Power in Boston and in New England by one third than The Hutchinsons had then. This Accession of Strength has been obtained by a profligate System of Funds and Banks and by an immense Credit from Great Britain, by an Accession of an Host of Scotch and English and by a more deadly Sett against the Virtue, the Liberty and Independence of this Country by the Scottish Cabinet, and by the mad Conduct of France for the last five or Six and twenty years.
The Independent Whigg boasts of the Freedom of the Press! But where is it? Neither the Chronicle not the Patriot have the Courage or the Skill of the Boston Gazette and Massachusetts Spy in 1770. 1. 2. 3. 4. And these when left to themselves were as foolish as need be. Accessible to every Silly Boy and often inaccessible to the wisest Men.
Talk not to me of my Son for Governor or any Thing else. He is gone; as his Father did before him on a Romantic Expedition to Moscow to his own Ruin and the Ruin of his Children. I pray God he  return this Summer, whatever may become of  nothing but Gull Traps.
I congratulate you, most Sincerely, on your Sons Merit and Glory.
Please to enclose “The History” to me by the Mail.
Mr Jeffersons Compliment is ingenious and flattering: but you would find Rivals and Envy and Opposition and Mortification to the Southward as well as the North ward
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Waterhouse, 6 April 1813
From: Adams, John
To: Waterhouse, Benjamin

57.
Dear Sir
Quincy March April 6th 1813

Other parts of your letter of yesterday may be remembered hereafter; but “Brimborion” must not be delayed nor trifled with. I shall produce an authority or two.
Deletanville’s Dictionary. Brimborion SM. A trifle, A thing of little value.
Lallemonts Dictionary. Brimborions. S.M.PL. Bagatelles choses de peu de valeur. Apinæ arum. Crepundia orum Children’s Playthings. Baubles as Bells Rattles. Puppets.
Dictionaire de trevoux. SM. Terme de mepris, qui sert à exprimer des curiosities, legeres, ou de peu de valeur. Frivola. Moliere. Je ne vois que lait virginal, blancs d’œufs et autres Brimborions.
In 1793 I dated a private letter to Tenche Cox “Quincy” This town was then just set off from Braintree. I said to Coxe jocularly, They have taken away my Dukedom of Braintree. For the future I must date from Quincy. But away with this Brimborion”! The treacherous rascal published a mutilated Copy of this letter to excite a quarrel between me and the Pinkneys. You know the Jacobins called Sedgwicks Duke of Berkshire and me Duke of Braintree, &c &c in their newspapers before that time. What could express the value of the Dukedom of Braintree better than Virgins Milk, Rattles, Baubles, Puppets? And what could express more contempt of it than Brimborion? Apinæ Crepundia?
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Elbridge Gerry, 8 April 1813
From: Gerry, Elbridge
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir,
Cambridge 8th April 1813

I have received from Benjn Austin Esqr, for your perusal, a collection of News papers, printed by Benjn Edes of Watertown, between the 5th June 1775 & the 9th of Decr 1776; & have committed them to the care of Mr Marston. The privateering act which I formerly mentioned, is printed in the Gazette of the 13th of Novr 1775. I shall probably be absent at the time you may wish to return this book of Gazettes, by which you may be much amused in your leisure hours, & you will please to order it to be delivered to Mr Austin. My correspondence in regard to libels, may be enclosed when you Shall have perused them, & committed to the care of Mr Marston. Mrs Gerry is unwell but joins me & my family in respectful regards to yourself & Lady & love to your family. With the highest consideration / your unfeigned friend

E. Gerry


Title: To John Adams from James Monroe, 10 April 1813
From: Monroe, James
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Washingston April 10. 1813.

Since writing the letter—inclosd, to Mrs. Adams, I have conferr’d with the President on the subject of your sons return, and am authorised to state to you, that in case of peace with G Britain, the mission to London will be offer’d to him. The conduct of your son, it gives me pleasure to state, has obtaind the entire approbation of the President.—It is hoped that it will suit his convenience to take part in the negotiation for peace, should G Britain accept the mediation of Russia as is presumed, and in forming a commercial treaty with both those powers, as is contemplated. His knowledge of the subject in relation to both, makes it of great importance that his country should have the advantage of his services, in those  important transactions. In regard to his personal views, and to thoseof Mrs Adams & yourself, respecting his making a visit home, whenever-desird, the utmost facility will be given in the powers of the government.
Mr Gallatin and Mr  Bayard will be associated with your son, and a vessel is now preparing to take them to St. Petersburg, which it is expected will sail, in a fortnight at latest. You will have the goodness to address any other letters to him, to their care at Phila., as soon as you may be able, after the receit of this.
As I write in haste for the mail, I have only time to assure you of the great respect & esteem with which I am very obedient servant

Jas Monroe


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Rush, 10 April 1813
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

My dear friend,
Philadelphia April 10th: 1813.

I put the papers you sent me into the hands of Mr Carey. Some of them will be published in an Appendix to his history of the rise, and progress of the American Navy.—They shall all be returned to you in a few days.—
I rejoice with you in the 5th: Naval Victory of our Country. The year 1812 will I hope be immortal in the history of this World for having given the first Check to the overgrown power, and tyranny of Britain and France. Russia and the United States may now be hailed as the deliverers of the human race.
The loan is filled. Two Gentlemen Mr Parrish an Englishman and Mr Gerard a Frenchman subscribed for the Whole of the deficient firm, a few days ago. It would be nothing new in the history of War, if it Should be discovered years hence, that a part or the Whole of that  the money thus subscribed was the property of British Subjects, and of the french Government. I do not however think this probable. Both the Gentlemen are immensely rich, and possess respectable public and mercantile Characters. They moreover it is said represented many of the federal citizens of new York and Philadelphia who were afraid of being disowned by their party. had they subscribed in their own names.
Is the present, War a War for the Liberty of the  ocean between Britain and the United States, or for the power of the Union between the Southern and Eastern States?—It is Alas! conducted, and opposed, as this were the case.
My Son Ben returned to Us last Week by the Way of New York in good health, & fine Spirits much pleased with his Voyages, and grateful for his escapes from the plague in Smyrna, from Algerine pirates; and British Cruisers as well as from the dangers of the Sea. His details of what he has seen and heard, form every day the pleasantest part of the repasts of our table.
Adieu! my Dr: Old friend. Yours / truly

Benjn: Rush
PS Knowing that my time is Short, and the night of imbecillity of mind or of death is fast approaching,  I have sat down to prepare two small tracts for the press which have long been called for by my pupils.  One of them will contain the outlines or elements of my Specific Opinions in Medicine as far they relate to the nature of diseases. It will be accommodated to all Classes of readers—


Title: To John Adams from Elbridge Gerry, 10 April 1813
From: Gerry, Elbridge
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Cambridge 10th April 1813

I addressed a line to you yesterday, with a bound collection of Edes’ Gazettes printed in 1775 & 6, to the care of Mr. Marston. I now am honored by yours of the 2d & 9th instant, & am much obliged to you, for their impressive & instructive contents. You are the only friend, & almost the only person of the United States, who is capable of giving full information on the subject of our politicks; & I may presume on your indulgence;  for the reason offered, when applying for the history of our own times. with respectful & affectionate regards, Dear Sir, I am very sincerely & ever your Friend

E. Gerry


Title: From John Adams to Elbridge Gerry, 14 April 1813
From: Adams, John
To: Gerry, Elbridge

Dear Sir
Quincy April 14. 1813
I have received your favours of the 8th. and 10th and the volume of Benjamin Edes’s gazettes printed at Watertown between the 5th of June 1775 and the 9th. of December 1776.
I am much obliged to you and to Mr Austin, for the Loan of this prescious collection of Memorials
I read last Fall and Winter, The Scottish Chiefs, Thadeus of Warsaw and The Exiles of Siberia; and Scotts Lay, Marmion and Lady; and I must Say with much interest and Amusement; but this Volume of Gazettes and the Journals of Congress for the Same Period which I have lately ran over, have given me much more heart felt delight. If these volumes appear to you as they do to me, how can We wonder at the total Ignorance and Oblivion of the Revolution, which appears every where in the present Generation. All the Boston Orations on the 4th. of July that I have ever read or heard contain not So much of “the Manners and Feelings and Principles which lead to the Revolution as these two Volumes of Gazettes and Journals.
The Act printed in the Gazette of the 13 of November 1775 “In the Sixteenth Year of the Reign of George the third King &c An Act for encouraging the fixing out of armed Vessells to defend the Sea Coast of America, and for erecting a Court to try and condemn all Vessels that Shall be found infesting the Same,” is one of the most important Documents in History. The Declaration of Independence, is a “Brimborion” in comparison of it. Why, may not the Chronicle or the Patriot, reprint this Law? Surely this could be no Libel. Neither Editors nor Printers need consult Lawyers to know whether Chief Justice Parsons could find any Expression in it, to give in charge to a Grand Jury.
The best care Shall be taken of this Volume and it Shall be returned Mr Austin with thanks.
“Commodore Williams’s Record of our earliest Privateers and Prizes” will be received with Gratitude: but I Should be glad to See them in the Chronicle and Centinel.
Had I not been in Congress at the time and as anxious as Martha  about many things, I Should be ashamed to acknowledge that I am unacquainted with his Person, Character and Residence.
I can conceive of no possible Objection against the Publication of these Things at this Time; except that they do too much honour to Vice President Gerry, and to the Memory of the late Governor Sullivan.
“Quorum Pars magna fui” might be assumed by them with more propriety than by, your assured Friend

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Elbridge Gerry, 17 April 1813
From: Adams, John
To: Gerry, Elbridge

Dear Sir
Quincy April 17th 1813

Since I have read again your Line “for encouraging the fitting out armed Vessels,” printed in Ecles’s Watertown Gazette of the 13th November 1775. I have had the curiosity to look into several of our historians in order to see what notice they have taken of this transaction which had such important consequences.
It was natural to begin with Mrs Warren as she was a native of this province a Daughter of the first member of the counsel and the Consort of the speaker of the house, composing the Legislature which enacted it.
In the first volume of her history page 239 Chap 7th. 1775. After representing the want of Arms and ammunition, she says “These circumstances accelerated a spirited measure before contemplated only by a few; the arming and equipping of Ships to cruise on British property was a bold attempt that startled the apprehensions of many zealously opposed to the undue exercise of British power: but necessity impelled and the Enterprize was pursued. The general assembly of the Massachusetts soon resolved to build, equip,  and arm a number of vessels suitable for the purpose to cruise and capture any British Ships that might be found on or near their coasts. They granted letters of Marque and reprisal to several adventurers and appoint Courts of Admiralty for the Trial and Condemnation of any captures within those limits. By these means the seasonable capture in the beginning of this enterprize of a British Ship laden with Ordnance and an assorted Cargo of warlike Stores sufficiently supplied the exigencies of the Army and dissapated the fears of those who had suffered the most painful apprehensions for the safety of their Country. These Naval preparations may perhaps be said not to have been merely of a defensive nature the Line yet avowedly observed by the Americans. But they had advanced too far to recede. Sophistical distinctions of words or names were laid aside. It is a fact of which everyone is sensible, that successful opposition to arbitrary power places a Civic Crown on the head of the Hero who resists; when Contingences that defeat Confer an hempen Cord instead of a wreath of Laurel. The success of the infant Navy of America, will be shewn in the succeeding pages.”
I should have expected that this ingenious lady would have at least inserted your law which is certainly one of the most important Documents in the history of the world, in her appendix to this volume. But no; the above Paragraph, is all she says upon an event so extremely important to the Salvation of her country at that time and at this. Had that Law been conceived or drawn by her brother her father or Husband Her reader would have been favoured with a more ample detail and a more elegant Panegyrick. But I presume this was written after she had conceived the horror of a Navy which appears in other parts of her history and after she had acquired the habit of concording with my enemies in condemning me and my zeal to promote a Navy in 1798. In page 274 are recorded the proceedings of Congress towards a naval establishment in a still more summary manner.
“Many gentlemen sanguine in opinion that an American Navy, was no Utopian project but that her marine might rapidly rise to a respectable height engaged with an energy that seldom fails of carrying into execution any attempt the human mind on principles of reason is capable of forming They accordingly built on the large rivers from Portsmouth to Pennsylvania, a number of vessels, Rowgallies and Frigates from four to 40 Guns; fitted manned and completely equipped them for sea in the course of a few months. All encouragement was given both to public and private adventurers who engaged in the sea service; success was equal to expectation; many very valuable prizes and a vast number of provision vessels from England, Ireland, and Nova Scotia were captured and by this means the Americans were soon supplied not only with the necessaries for war but with the conveniences and luxuries of Life”
Is not this strange that one of the boldest, most dangerous and most important measures and Epochas  in the history of the new world, The Commencement of an independent national Establishment of a new maratime and naval military power should be thus carelessly and confusedly hurried over? Had the historian never read the Law of Massachusetts? Nor the journal of Congress? One would think that this momentous business was all performed by a few rash individuals and private adventurers.
History is not the Province of the Ladies; These three volumes nevertheless contain many facts worthy of preservation. Little Passions and less prejudices; want of information and false information, want of experience, erroneous judgment, and frequent partiality are among the faults. Other historians shall soon be examined by your faithful friend
John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Professor Peck, 17 April 1813
From: Adams, John
To: Peck, Professor

Sir
Quincy April 17th. 1813

The enclosed Packet of Seeds of Wheat, Oats, Grass, and Woad, with a Billet, I Send to you, as it came to me. I have no Suspicion who the Stranger is. It is for the Garden or any of your Friends, from your obedient Servant

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 18 April 1813
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

Dear Rush
Quincy April 18. 1813

I thank you for the Slip of a newspaper. On that Subject my feelings are unutterable. The Day of the Safe return of my Son and his Family, if I Should live to See it, will be the happiest day of my Life. I almost envy you, the Joy on the return of your Benjamin, Thank him for my Samos Muscat. Tell him my Girls Shall all drink his Health in a Bumper of it. I wish my Sons and Grandsons had been to Samos instead of loosing their Lives and Labours as their Father and Grandfather did in Diplomatick Dulness, where Knaves find fortune and honest Men Ruin.
In Edis’s Gazette printed in Watertown, Nov. 13. 1775, is a Copy of “An Act for encouraging the fixing out of armed Vessels to defend the Sea coast of America, and for creating a Court to try and condemn all Vessels that Shall be found infesting the Same.” If Mr Carey will print this Law, of “the Sixteenth Year of the Reign of George the Third, King, &c, I will Send him a Copy of it Tho made at The Expence of my worn Eyes and trembling fingers. If he cannot or will not print it; printed it Shall be in a Boston Newspaper, if I am obliged to pay for it, at the rate of Advertisements. Although there is an unlimitted Licence for Libels, there is the Utmost difficulty in procuring the Publication of any Thing of real Value.
I Say it shall be printed at my own expence, because I think it one of the most curious, interesting and important Documents in the History of the World. It is the first Ray of Aurora. It is the Commencement of an Epocha in the History of Mankind. It is the Beginning of a System which is to produce a Revolution on this Globe. It is to destroy the Despotism of Great Britain; the Universal Monarchy of Great Britain; the Universal Empire of Great Britain over the Ocean, and consequently over the globe.
Not indeed to produce a Revolution in the Empire of the Ocean in favour of America, nor substitute one Despotism in the place of another: but to annihilate all Domination at Sea and establish a universal and perpetual Liberty for all Nations Neutral and belligerent on that Element.
British Subjects and French Subjects, and Dutch Capitalists and Boston Citizens and New York Citizens and Philadelphia Citizens and Baltimore Citizens and Geneva Citizens and Italian Subjects and Spaniards and Portuguese, and Russians and Germans and Prussians, may be more plausibly Suspected than their Governments of participating in the Loan of Gerard and Parish. I have searched the hearts of Capitalists and Money Lenders and Usurers and Shavers, too long to doubt that Loans may be obtained to any Amount at Seven or Eight Per Cent.
The Liberty of the Ocean is the Pretext; but the Power of the Union The Object as Calvinism and Catholicism were the Pretexts; but the Power of France the Object of the civil Wars of France 200 years ago. So much in Answer to your Question.
Your time will be well applied in preparing your two Tracts for the Press. Posterity will do you Justice.
“Sons will blush their Fathers were your Foes.”
So wishes and So believes, without a / doubt, One who is and who was and / who will be your Friend
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from James Monroe, 19 April 1813
From: Monroe, James
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Washington April 19. 1813.

The arrangment for the negotiations at St. Petersburg being compleated, I have the pleasure to apprize you of it, as that there will Still be time, to enable you to write to your son, by the vessel which takes his Colleagues there. The occasion was thought to be of that high importance, to require, according to the usage of our government, a special mission of three. Mr Gallatin & Mr Bayard are the other two. Two commissions are prepard for treating with G Britain, one for peace, under the mediation of Russia, the other—for commerce. In these the order is Mr Gallatin, Your son  & Mr Bayard. Another commission is given them to form a treaty of commerce with Russia, at the head of which your son is placd. The Comrs. to treat with England, contemplating negotiations which might be carried on, at Stockholm or elsewhere, as well as at St Petersbg., & Mr Gallatin being a member of the admn., it was thought correct to give him the priority. The same reason did not apply to a negotiation with Russia, where your son was already accredited. They are all Envoys extry. & pleny. They are also all allowed an outfit, upon the principle, that they must be presented in a distinguished manner to the court & be drawn much into society of the first rank  & greatest expence. In truth, my own sad experience has proved, that if we allow our ministers abroad, all that the law permits, in every case, we shall not put them at their case there, & certainly not recompense them, for their services & sufferings. Presuming that it would be satisfactory to you to have these details I have taken an interest in communicating them. You will, have sufficient time to write by these gentlemen, after receiving this letter, provided you forward to them, without delay, your  dispatches to Philadelphia.
I am dear Sir with great respect / & esteem your very obt servant
Jas Monroe


Title: From John Adams to Elbridge Gerry, 19 April 1813
From: Adams, John
To: Gerry, Elbridge

Quincy April 19 1813

A very fortunate day to write to you, My dear Sir, and especialy on a Subject, without which my Letters of  1775 would have been no Blessing.
In my last Letter I intimated a design of looking into other American Historians, after that of Mrs Warren, on the Subject of a Navy.
C.J. Marshal, in the 2nd. Vol. of his Life of Washington p 255 in the month of October September, Says “The importance of a maritime force to the military operations of a Country possessing an immense extent of Seacoast, must always be Sensibly felt; and in an early Stage of the Contest, the particular Attention of the United Colonies was directed more immediately to this interesting Object, by an Event not very unusual in a period of Hostilities, but which, at the time, excited no small degree of resentment.” This Event was the Conflagration of  Book Sangfroid  Account of this pretty Business. “This Measure was loudly reprobated throughout America, and was a means of Stimulating the Attention of the United Colonies to their Marine, and hastening their preparations to bring into operation the means they possessed for retaliating Injuries Sustained at Sea. It was one immediate motive, with The Convention of Massachusetts for granting Letters of marque and reprisal; and was assigned by Congress, in addition to the capture of American Merchantmen on the high Seas, as an inducement for fitting out, Some Ships of War, to man which they directed to two Battalions of Marines to be recruited.
“Though general Letters of Marque Reprisal were not immediately granted by Congress to their continental Cruisers, a measure of equal Efficacy, but less hostile in Appearance, was adopted. Their Ships of War were authorised to capture all Vessels employed in giving assistance to the Enemy, in any manner Whatever; and the Terms used in their Resolution, were Such, that no capture could be made, which might not be construed to come within it. At the repeated and pressing instances of the Commander in chief, they also established Courts to take cognizance of Prizes, and adopted for their Government the general Principles of national Law. A few Small Cruisers had been already fitted out under the Authority, and by the directions of General Washington, and the coasts Soon Swarmed with the Privateers of New England. These Naval Exertions, were attended with valuable Consequences. Many captures were made, and important Supplies of Ammunition were thus obtained, without which it would have been Scarcely possible to have maintained the blockade. of Boston. The Cruisers of Massachusetts were particularly Successful; and Such was the general Spirit of enterprize, that the British Government as well as their  merchants, who Seem to have been under no Apprehension of an Attack on what they was deemed their peculiar Element, Smarted Severely under these first Essays of the Colonists in marritime War.”
“Captain Manley of the Lee Privateer was remarkably Successful active and fortunate.  He made many valuable captures of Vessels laden with military Stores, the most important and acceptable of which, was a large Ordnance Ship, having on board a considerable cargo of Arms and Ammunition, with a complete Assortment of Such working tools, Utensils, and machines as were most needed in the American Camp.” Please to read the next paragraph, page 260 the Substance of which is that the distress of the Brittish Troops was increased by the capture of very many of their provision Ships by the continental and provincial Cruisers.”
This is all the Attention that this Biographical Historian, or Historical Biographer, has bestowed upon this great Subject, at that most critical and most important Subject Period. You, my dear Friend, would not have composed History or Biography in this hasty incorrect and Superficial manner. But Money was to be made; and the Work must be out, while the popular Feeling and expectation were alive, or the Volumes would not Sell. Nine years were too long to hold Such a manuscript under revision and correction.
Had this learned Writer ever read your Law? Or the Journal of Congress, or had The General in his Letters or Minutes taken any Notice of either? Why was the Authority of Massachusetts which enacted the Law in all the Forms of the Constitution by their Charter, called a Convention? It was the General Court, the regular legal constitution at Legislature of The Province, the Crown Governor having abdicated. Neither the Proceedings of the Massachusetts Legislature, nor those of Congress are Stated with any chronological Order, or intelligible perspicuity, or tollerable precision.
When did “Congress at the pressing Instances of Washington establish Courts” &c? Your Law established Courts, and your Executive Power appointed Judges and Edes’s Paper is full of Advertisements of Nathan Cushing and Timothy Pickering Junior of Libels before them of Ships and Cargoes taken. But whenever Congress even courts, or commission Judges. The earliest Step that I recollect in Congress was allowing an Appeal and appointing a Committee of their own Members, to Sitt with full Powers,  as a Court of Appeals. And this I Should have forgotten if I had not been one of these Judges, and heard the Arguments of Lewis Jonathan Dickinson, Sargent and other Lawyers, in Several Causes.
When were “a few small Cruisers fitted out under the Authority and by the direction of General Washington”? What Authority had the General? None at all, but that which he derived from the Authority and Orders of Congress, recorded in their Journal of the fifth of October 1775, desiring (i.e. commanding him to apply to the Council of Massachusetts Bay for the two armed Vesseks in their Service &c &c. &c And Congress in the same Resolution ordered Letters to be written to The Governors Coke and Trumbull to Send their Vessells on the Same Service. All to be employed at the continental expence. By all which it appears that Three States, at least, Massachusetts Rhode Island and Connecticutt, had each of them, two Vessells  at least, fitted armed and equipped, by the State Authorities and at the State expence, without orders, Advice, request or intimation from Congress or their General; and without any other Prompter than their own Wisdom and Foresight.
And here, by the way. The Order of Congress is on the 5th. of October 1775. your Law is printed in Edes’s Gazette of the 13. of November 1775. The Law of Congress, therefore preceeds your Law, by one Month and Eight days. Your Law must have been in Agitation, a long time before it was enacted, and Still a longer time before it was printed in News Paper. The dates of its Conception, its grouth in Embrio and its Birth are not ascertained nor ascertainable by me. Are the Journals, or any Records of the Proceedings of The General Court at Watertown during this Session preserved: and where are they deposited? Where can I find them? one Thing is certain, You had Ships ready on and before the 5th. of October when Congress called upon you to lend them to Washington, and before your Law was printed: but how long before, and by what Steps, and at What dates the Business advanced, does not appear.
Why does Marshall call Manley and his Ship, a Privateer? Manley was fitted by the Authority of Congress the National Sovereign, by Washington as their executive Agent. It ever there was a public Ship, Manleys was one. In Short the Force of Words, legal and political distinctions, and public Records are all equally unknown And unsought by our Historians. The Universal drift, is, to plunder States and Statesmen of all the Merit, all the Glory, and confer it all on Washington. One would think from reading Marshall that Washington was the Father of the Navy; when it is certain that he was frightened at the Thought of one. Not one Word about Broughton or Selman. Where is the dignity, the Impartiality of History?

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to James Monroe, 20 April 1813
From: Adams, John
To: Monroe, James

Dear Sir
Quincy April 20. 1813.

Your favour of the 10th. of this month has laid me under very great Obligations to you. No intelligence could be more agreable to me, than the information, that the conduct of my Son has the entire approbation of The President. As a public Man I have no views for him, but to such Services as The President Shall assign him. As a private person, though his absence and the loss of his Society is to me a severe privation, I Should reproach myself, if I Should make any Objection to his engaging in those momentous Services to his Country which you present to my view, however hazardous they may be to his reputation
You and I know, that a certain Mission is to an American, the most “Scabreux” in the whole Diplomatic Circle: I Should neverthe less prefer to have him a thousand miles nearer than at So great a distance.
Though I dare not flatter myself, with any very Sanguine hopes of so great  a Felicity as to live to See a Peace, I wish your Amabassadors a prosperous Voyage, and Sincerely pray for their compleat Success.
I Submit my Son, and all his Connections to the goodness of Providence and the Presidents Wisdom.
With great Esteem I have the honour to be / Sir your obedient Servant

John Adams