Title: From John Adams to Samuel Smith, 25 November 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Smith, Samuel

Sir
Quincy November 25. 1811

Colonel Pickering in his Letters or Addresses to The People of The United States has represented to the world and Supported by Certificates or Testimonies which Some Persons think plausible, that a corrupt Bargain was made between Yourself and your Brother, on one part and me on the other, that I Should dismiss the then Secretary of State from his office, in consideration of your Votes and Influence for me at the next of Election of a President and Vice President.
As Such a kind of Trafick would be as dishonourable to yourself and your Brother as to me, I think it would become all three of Us, to take Some prudent Measures to disabuse the Public if not to vindicate our Characters.
For my own Part I declare upon my honour and am at any time ready to depose upon Oath that no Such Communication, Intimation, or Insinuation ever passed, directly or indirectly between me and Yourself or your Brother. You must therefore know and feel the Imputation both upon me and yourself to be false and injurious. Consequently I can See no Objection that either of Us can have to clearing Up this matter before the Public.
I should be much obliged to you, Sir, for your Sentiments upon this Subject, and continue to be, with much respect / your most obedient and humble Servant

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Robert Smith, 25 November 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Smith, Robert

Sir,
Quincy November 25th. 1811

Colonel Pickering in his Letters or Addresses to the People of The United States has represented to the world and supported by Certificates or Testimonies which some persons think plausible, that a corrupt Bargain was made between yourself and your Brother on one part, and me on the other; that I should dismiss the then Secretary of State from his office, in consideration of your votes and Influence for me at the next Election of President and Vice President.
No such a kind of Traffic would be as dishonourable to yourself and your Brother as to me I think it would become all three of us, to take some prudent measures to disabuse the public if not to vindicate our Characters.
For my own part I declare upon my honour and am at any time ready to depose upon oath that no such communication Intimation, or Insinuation, ever passed directly or Indirectly between me and yourself or your Brother. You must therefore know and feel the imputation both upon me and yourself to be false and injurious. Consequently I can see no objection that either of us can have to clearing up this matter before the public.
I should be much obliged to you Sir for your sentiments upon this subject and continue to be with much respect, your most obedient and humble Servant

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from John Lathrop, 30 November 1811
From: Lathrop, John
To: Adams, John

Hond Sir,
Boston Novr 30. 1811

As I have heretofore had the honour to request your acceptance of such Discourses as my people requested me to make publick, you will permit me to request your acceptance of the One delivered on the last Thanksgiving. I hope there is nothing in it that can give disquietude to a mind purely American; and if it shall Serve in any measure to turn the thoughts of such as may read it from party views, to the true interest of our country, and the things which shall tend to honourable peace, my purpose in delivering it, and in consenting to have it printed, will be answered.
With great respect and esteem, / I am / you most obedt Servt
John Lathrop.


Title: To John Adams from Robert Smith, 30 November 1811
From: Smith, Robert
To: Adams, John

Sir,
Baltimore Nov. 30. 1811—

In reply to your letter of the 25th of this month, just received, I have no hesitation in stating to you, that, at no period, of your administration, did I consider or understand, that any kind of bargain or arrangement had, directly or indirectly, in any manner or form, been proposed or made between yourself on the one part and my brother & myself or either of us on the other part, in relation the dismission of Mr Pickering from the office of the Department of State.
Be pleased to accept an assurance of the great respect with which I have the honor to be, Sir, your Humble Servt
R Smith


Title: To John Adams from Samuel Smith, 1 December 1811
From: Smith, Samuel
To: Adams, John

Sir
Washington 1 Decemr. 1811

I had the honor yesterday to receive your letter of the 25h. Ulto. in which you Say—“That Coll. Pickering in his letters to the people of the U.S has represented to the World, that a corrupt bargain was made between yourself and Brother on the One part and me on the other, that I Should dismiss the then Secy. of State from his office, as consideration of your Votes & influence for me at the next Election of President & Vice President.
You appear to be of Opinion that form notice ought to be taken of this assertion to disabuse the public, justly observing, that no Such communication had ever passed directly or indirectly between you my Brother & myself.
I have taught myself to despise every attack upon any political Character, and I cannot persuade myself that any Man acquainted with your high Character will believe that you would have permitted any person to have made to you a proposition So very dishonourable,—for myself I declare that I never had any conversation with you respecting Coll. Pickering that I never heard you utter one word disrespectful of that Gentleman, that I never did insinuate or express a Wish to you that you would dismiss Coll. Pickinger from office, nor did I ever insinuate or Say, that I would for any consideration whatsoever support you by my Vote or influence at the Election of President & Vice President. I never believed myself in your Confidence. on the Contrary I did at that period think that you were personally hostile to me,—It is well known that I opposed your first Election and your Reelection openly on political Ground.
It is not known to me that you  had any knowledge, of my Brother Robert at the period alluded to—if any communication had ever passed between you & him it must have been known to me I never knew of any and I am certain that none did take place.
I have the honor to be / your Obedt. Servt
S. Smith


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Waterhouse, 3 December 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Waterhouse, Benjamin

Quincy December 3. 1811

A Visit from you my good Friend, would be a cordial, and if honoured by His Honour would raise my Spirit as high as they are capable of rising: but the demands of his time and attention, from private and public affairs are constantly so urgent, that I wonder not at your disappointments.
I am able to give you little or no Satisfaction, in answer to your Inquiries.
I know of no Authority given in Scripture to the Prieshood to order National Fasts or Thanksgivings. The Pope in Countries that acknowledge his infallibility may order what he will. Bishops write Pastoral Letters to their Diocesses. The General assemblies of Presbyterian Churches in Scotland and America, and Synods and Councils recommend Fasts and Thanksgivings. In France and in Russia Te Dunn is ordered to be Sung, for Victories for the Birth of Princes &c I suppose by the Emperors and Kings. In England, Since The Reformation, Kings have appointed National Fasts and Thanksgivings, by Proclamation and have sometimes ordered Forms of Prayer to be prepared, sometimes by the Convocation and Sometimes by The Archbishop of Canterbury. I remember no Fast or Thanksgiving in Holland. Of Switzerland I know nothing.
In New England The Governors have from the first Settlement of the Country appointed Fasts and Thanksgivings annually and occasionally by Proclamation. But they have no legal binding Force. They are no more than respectable Recommendations. They have been observed as punctually in general as the Sabbath
The Old Congress appointed Continental Fasts.
Washington appointed a Thanksgiving and Adams a Fast: but they were not observed by some and as they ought have been.
I believe the House of Representatives in 1774 recommended a Fast and it was as Sacredly obs as any Sunday I ever knew. Returning from the  Circuit, I rode all that day, through a Country as still as Midn No Labour or Recreation. There is no legal Authority civil or ecclesiastical in America for enjoining and compelling obedience to any appointment or Recomendation of Fasts or Thanksgivings.
The Baptists and Quakers, and all other Sects, but the Presbyterians and Congregationalists have clamoured against our National Fasts for reasons which you may conjecture. Probably from a Jealousy of The two latter, and an apprehension that they may become ambitious and aim at a Superiority or Establishment. I verily believe they had rather have a Man of no Religion for a President than a Man of any; at least than a Presbyterian or Congregationalist.
I have read “Philo,” and “Remarks” and knew by the Style aut Erasmi &c.
My only wonder has been how thehe got his Knowledge.
My documents as you call them, ought not to prevent the immediate Publication of any Information more immediately useful for the Public to Know.
I wonder that you and the Publick are not outrageous with impatience at seeing So much of my insipid stuff, So long out of date. I can hardly persuade myself to believe that you have read a tenth part of it. I must not wholly exhaust the Patience of the Readers.
I am glad you are fixed in Boston. Alass! I have not bee in that grand and beautiful City these four Months.
Weep with me, over the Tomb of my Brother and Sister Cranch in whom I have lost one of the greatest Comforts of my Life. I visited their habitation almost every day; and there I was always happy.
I am Sir your constant Friend
John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 4 December 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Quincy Decr. 4. 1811

Shall I congratulate or condole with you on the appointment of your Son to be Comptroller of The Treasury? You will know the delightful Comfort of his daily Society and that of his Lady and their prattling Little ones, which I know by Experience to be in old age, among the Sweetest Enjoyment of Life, provided Always that it be not indulged to excess.
I Should have thought too that his Office of Attorney General and his practice at the Bar would have not only given him better Profit, but opened to him better Prospects.
I Should have thought too, that he had too much Genius, Imagination and Taste, to be able to reconcile himself to a Life of Such painful drudgery as casting accounts examining Vouchers &c
I presume nevertheless, that he can reconcile himself to it; and there are many advantages in being near the Fountain. Mr Gallatin has been So long in that laborious Situation, that he probably will not be content to hold it many years. I wish Mr Rush may be his Successor. In either office he will have an Opportunity of acquiring a general Knowledge of Public affairs and become qualified for any Employment civil political, judiciary or diplomatical at home or abroad. My best Wishes attend him wherever he is.—
We have seen advertised in the Aurora and several other Southern Papers Dr Franklins Works and especially his Journal in France: and although these Advertisements have been continued and expected for years, no Man here has ever Seen or heard of the Book; Pray tell me what this Means?
I was told too that Colonel Duane has announced his Intention to take me in hand for what I have published concerning Dr Franklin. He is welcome. I had published my Proofs as well as Complaints. Let the World Judge. I have not been such a disinterested Patriot as to have Five hundred and thirty thousand dollars to assist me in my defence.
I am as ever yours
John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from D. Fraser, Sr., 4 December 1811
From: Fraser, D., Sr.
To: Adams, John

Revered Sir—
New York Decr. 4th. 1811

Permit me to present, for the honor of Your acceptance, a copy of a “Compendium” which I lately published: As, a Small testimony of respect, & regard for Your eminent talents, & Patriotic Character—
I have the Honor to be very respectfully, Sir, Your humble / Servant

D: Fraser


Title: From John Adams to Robert Smith, 6 December 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Smith, Robert

Sir
Quincy December 6. 1811.

Yesterday I received from the Post Office in this Town, your favour of the thirtieth of November in answer to mine my Letter to you of the twenty fifth of that month
I thank you Sir, for the Promptitude,  Punctuallity and Accuracy of your Reply, which is fully Satisfactory. It is Such indeed as I know, it must be, from the immutability of Truth.
With much respect, I have the Honor to / be Sir, your humble Servant

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Rush, 9 December 1811
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Philadelphia Decemr 9th: 1811

You have touched me in a sore place in your letter of the 4th instant. My Son Richard has accepted of the Office of Comptroller General, and is about to remove with his family to Washington in the Course of this month. Both his parents, all his brothers and Sisters—his Uncles Rush & Richd Stockton, and all his professional and personal friends remonstrated against it. I painted to him in as strong colors As I was able, the folly of giving up his present Office and business in Pennsylvania—now equal to nearly 4000 dollars a year. I held up to him the high standing he had Acquired in his Native state (the Asylum of his Ancestors, who accompanied Wm Penn to it in 1683) And the high station to which his fellow Citizens had destined him in a few years. I pointed out the vexatious dangers, and poverty of political & Official life, and mentioned the distress of an & obscurity in which many of old patriots and servants of the public were now ending their days in many parts of our Country and that the Acceptance of the Office now offered to him would be an act of Suicide to his family.—Lastly I implored him by my Affection for him, by the my Age, my by my gray hairs,—by the prospect of my speedy Death, which must according to the Course of Nature take place in a few years, and of the importance of his presence and patronage to his mother, & to my  young Children  when I shall be called from them.—But Alas!—all these Arguments & importunities were employed to no purpose. There was One insurmountable Objection to them. His Wifes Connections live near Washington, and her Wishes were to be near them. There are two Classes of female tyrants—Termagants, and Syrens. My son’s Wife belongs to the latter Class. she is most facinating woman, and ardently beloved by her husband, & “Where love enters”, you know “he will rule alone.” “And suffer no Copartner in his throne.”
Dont you think my friend there is an error a transposition and an error in the translation latter part of the 16th: Verse of the 3rd: Chapter of Genesis? “Unto the Woman he said I will greatly multiply thy sorrows, and thy Conception. In sorrow shal’t thou bring forth Children—and thy desire shall be to thy husband, and he shall rule over thee.” Should not the latter part of this Verse been   instead have been placed at the close of the 19th Verse, and reversed the persons reversed in it, as a part of the Curse inflicted upon Adam. “And thy desire shall be to thy wife, and She shall rule over thee”
My son James the young Doctor to whom I shall now transfer the rank and priviledges of primoginiture, is an excellent young man,—well informed upon most Subjects as well as in his profession medicine—and will I have no doubt shine in his profession—But how little patronage does this “mute Art” (as Ovid calls it when he speaks of Apollo being condemned to exercise it) afford to the a  young family, compared with the profession of the law, especially when it is exercised by splendid talents and accompanied with a fair Character?—
You have nothing to fear from Duane’s threat. Long before this time, he has forgotten it. This is the manner of the man.—
I was made happy by the Account you gave me in your last letter but one, that of the Clouds which hung over your house had dispersed, and that health, and chearfulness had again been restored to your family.—
You say nothing of Mrs Smith’s breast. I hope it is perfectly and radically healed.—
 I am so closely employed in discharging my numerous and complicated Winter duties that, I have scarcely time to read what I have thus hastily Scrawled.
With love to your fireside / in which mine joins, I am Dr Sir ever, ever / Yours

Benjn: Rush
   mutam exercere Artem

PS: My 4th: Son Ben ( a promising young merchant of about 21 years of aAge) sails in a few days for Smyrrna from whence he expects to sail from for England, and Afterwards to Peterburgh as Supercargo, and Agent for his Master—One of the Wealthiest Merchants in our City, and very much the friend of my son. I have taken the liberty to commend him to the Advice and good Offices of your son at Peterburgh.
Dr Franklin’s estate has been divided among his Grand Children, and does not amount to nearly the sa Sum I formerly mentioned to you.


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Waterhouse, 12 December 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Waterhouse, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Quincy Decr 12. 1811

What is common Law in England has been Subject to disputes enough. In Blackstones Commentaries and Fortescue Alands Preface to his Reports you may find the most intelligible Account. In general, Usage from time immemorial practiced and approved, is the Criterion
It is denied by many and doubted by more whether The United States have any common Law
There may be some Principles and Rules of Law which are common to all the seperate States
And there is no Single State, but has some Rules which are undoubtedly common Law. But you will not expect me to enter these boundless Fields of Controversy, and discussion.
I have heard it said in ancient days, that any servile Labour or indecent Recreation on a Fast or Thanksgiving day, which should give Scandal to the People would be indictable and punishable. On the Contrary I have heard that there is no difference between those days and any week days of the year. Before I went to Colledge and while I was there I knew a Gentleman a Colonel Gooch first of Boston, then of Braintree and last of all of Milton a curious Character, educated at the Temple in England and admitted a Barister there, as adroit at Intrigue as any before or since. He would make a Figure in an Ecclesiastical History of this Country. I have heard him boast the superiority of his own Witt in carting in his own hay upon a Fast Day in the face of all the People going to Church and laugh at all his Neighbours who had theirs Spoiled by a Torrent of rains by leaving it out. He said that Proclamations were not Laws.
If you look into the Constitution of The Massachusetts you will find a Chapter on The University of Cambridge in which The Priviledges of that Seminary are established.
Mr Cranches Countenance resembled the Pictures of Marcus Aurelius Antoninus as much or more than that of Mr Lock.
You say, for my Consolation that I have many Friends. Col. Pickering Says I have but few. When Drs disagree who shall decide. C’est moi. . . . Yes! I have many Friends among the best and greatest People in all the States. Friends not acquired by Faction or Intrigue or any Selfish Considerations but founded on the purest Principles of public and private Virtue.
Yes, I have a Wife and Sons and a Daughter and Grand Children, God bless them. They are the Comforts and Supports of my Life.
I also have read the Sermon of Dr Lathrop, whom I have loved and esteemed from 1768.
Though I may not agree with my Friend in all his Sentiments, yet as he has as clear a Right to his own opinions as I have to mine, I have no right to censure them, since he has delivered them with Decorum. He has not preached Breisted and Walsh, and licentious Newspapers
Two or three of our Clergy have given pretty good Proofs, that if they had power they would make tolerable Archbishop Lauds or Cardinal Lorrains. Several others have furnished Evidence that they might become excellent Sacheverels. I hope they will learn more Wisdom and Moderation. The Governor has given them a dignified Memento. I will not call it an Admonition.
I am glad to hear of your Lectures and hope your Prospects in Boston are agreable. Yours as ever
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Samuel Smith, 13 December 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Smith, Samuel

Sir
Quincy December 13. 1811

I have received your letter of the first of this month, in answer to mine of the twenty fifth of November—It is not less frank and candid, than prompt and punctual.
I have only to remark that you were certainly mistaken when you thought that I “was personlly hostile to you.”Your brother Robert I never saw in my life, nor had any communication with him of any kind while I had any share in Government.
With much respect I have the honor to be, Sir your most humble Servant

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 16 December 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

					Quincy, December 16, 1811

				The Journal proceeds—1783, May 22, Thursday. This morning I drew the following letters too be laid before the ministers this evening.Paris, May 22, 1783.Sir—We have received the letter you did us the honor to write us on the  day of this month, containing a brief state of the  of the United States in your hands.

We see the difficulties you are in, and are sorry to say that it is not in our power to afford you any relief.

Mr. Grand, we have &c.Gentlemen—Mr. Grand has laid before us, a state of the affairs of the United States under his care; and the demands upon him for money, to discharge the bills drawn upon him, are such as to require some assistance from you; if the demands upon you will admit of it. If therefore, the state of the cash in your hands, compared with the draughts made upon you, will allow of it, we advise you to remit to Mr. Grand, on account of the U States, the amount of five Millions of Livres Tournois; and we doubt not, that congress and their minister of finances will approve of it, although we have not, in strictness, authority to give orders for it.

We have &c.Mess. Wilham and Jan Willink.Nicholas and Jacob Vanstaphorst, and De La Lande and Fynge, Bankers of the United States at Amsterdam.This morning I also drew the following, to be paid before the gentleman this evening.ArticlesAgreed upon by and between David Hartley Esq. minister Plenipotentiary of his Britannic Majesty for  in behalf of his said Majesty, on the

one part; and J.A. B.F. J.J. and H.L. ministers Plenipotentiary of the United States of America, for treating of peace, with the minister Plenipotentiary of his said Majesty on their behalf on the other part;

in addition

to those agreed upon on the 30th day of November, 1782, by and between Richard Oswald Esq. the commissioner of his Britannic Majesty for treating of Peace with the commissioners of the United States of America, in behalf of his said Majesty, on the one part; and the said J.A. B.F. J.J. and H.L. commissioners of the said States for treating of peace with the commissioner of his said Majesty, on their behalf, on the other part.Whereas, it is expedient that an intercourse and commerce should be opened between the people and territories subject to the Crown of G. Britain, and those of the United States of America; and that this intercourse and commerce should be established on the most enlarged principles of reciprocal benefit to both countries.1. It is agreed that ministers shall be forthwith nominated, and vested with full powers to treat, agree, and conclude upon a permanent treaty of commerce, between the two powers and their respective citizens, subjects and countries.—2. For the purpose of a temporary regulation of such intercourse and commerce, it is agreed, that the citizens of the United States shall import into and export from any part of the dominions subject to the crown of G. Britain, in American ships, any goods, wares and merchandizes, which have been so imported or exported, by the inhabitants of the British American colonies, before the commencement of the late war; paying only the same duties and charges, as the like sort of goods or merchandizes are now, or may be subject to, if imported by British subjects in British ships, from any British islands or Plantations in America; and that the subjects of his Britannic Majesty shall import to and export from any part of the territories of the U States of America, in British ships, any goods, wares and merchandises, which might have been so imported or exported by the subjects of his Britannic Majesty, before the commencement of the late war, paying the same duties and charges as the like sort of goods, wares and merchandizes, are now or may be subject to, if imported in American ships, by any of the citizens of the said U. States.This agreement to continue in force, for all vessels which shall sail from any port of either party, on or before the  day of  and no longer .

Provided always, that nothing in this agreement shall at any time hereafter be argued on either side in support of any proposition which may bo made in the future negotiation of a permanent treaty of commerce.It was observed last evening, that all the laws of G. Britain for the regulation of the plantation trade, were contrived solely for the benefit of G. Britain.

These laws therefore ought not now to be the regulation, which ought now to be for the reciprocal benefit of both. The new system of commerce, the permanent treaty ought to be framed for the benefit of the U. States, as much as for that of G. Britain. Will not this temporary revival of the old partial system, encourage British merchants and statesmen to aim at the perpetuation of it in the treaty? Perhaps to be indifferent about ever signing a definitive treaty.By this project of Mr. Hartleys, American manufactures are excluded from the British dominions; but British Manufactures are not excluded from the United States, Americans are excluded from carrying the productions of other countries to the British dominions; but Britons are not excluded from carrying the productions of other countries to America; two instances of partiality and inequality which may be seeds of discord. Men’s minds cannot be contented under partiality among equals. They think it, as it is, injustice. It is humiliating. It is thought disgraceful.

The Dutch will allow Americans to bring their manufactures, and those of other countries to Amsterdam; and this attraction will draw our ships to that market. We may carry hats, Spermaceti candles &c. from America; wines from Portugal, Spain or France to Holland, Sugars &c. from the West India Islands to Holland &c.

If other nations allow Americans to carry any thing to them which Britain forbids, this will allure them to foreign parts, and drive them from those of Britain.At ten this morning, Mr. Hartley called upon me; said he had received our note of last night, and had reflected upon our question, reviewed his instructions, and called upon the Duke of Manchester, to consult with him; and upon the whole he thought he must wait the return of a Courier, which he should send off to-morrow.I told him, that his court must be sensible, if the trade was renewed upon the old system, it must be upon that system entire, and even then it would be a reciprocity all on one side, all in favor of Great Britain. That if they thought of excluding us from the West-India trade, they must think it would obstruct our agreement; and I was afraid if he mentioned it, and thus put it into the heads of the council, they would embarrass him with wrong orders about it. He said he should support what was right, as we wished it, in his despatches, and
so would the Duke of Manchester; but they thought it most prudent to send to London for orders.He then said he had heard a story, in which the Marquis de la Fayette was named, that the French court had applied to the American Ministers to know if they would come into the definitive treaty, under the mediation of the two imperial courts. That we answered that such a thing might be very well, but we could not help observing that those courts had not acknowledged our Independence as yet. The reply was, that accepting the mediation would be acknowledging our independence.Whence came this story?—Secrets will always be thus kept, while negotiations are carried on by such circuitous messages.At eleven, returned visits to Mr. Fitch and Mr. Boylston, and then to the Baron de Waltersdorf, Chamberlain of the king of Denmark, who remarked to me that he was surprised that his court had never been informed that Mr. Dana had full powers to treat with Denmark. I told him that Mr. Dana had been advised against communicating it. But that his court might send a full power to their minister at Petersburg, to treat and conclude with any minister of the United States vested with equal powers, and the conferences might begin as soon as they please.He said he hoped the Dutch would not regain all their trade, but that the northern nations would retain some of it. That he thought Eustatia would be of no value in future, as the king had made St. Thomas’s a free port. That vessels might lie in safety at St Thomas’s in the hurricane months, but not at St. Eustatia. He said that some Danish vessels had gone to America loaded with linnens, duck, sail cloth, &c.The following is a copy of the Order in Council, of 14th May, 1783, delivered to us last night by Mr. Hartley.At the Court of St James’, 14th May, 1783.Present the king’s most excellent majesty in council.Whereas by an act of parliament passed this session, intitled, an act for preventing certain instruments from being required from ships belonging to the United States of America and to give to his Majesty for a limited time certain powers for the better carrying on trade and commerce between the subjects of his majesty’s dominions and the inhabitants of the said states, it is among other things enacted, that during the continuance of the said act it shall and may be lawful for his Majesty in council, by order or orders, to be issued and published from time to time, to give such directions, and to make such regulations with respect to duties, drawbacks or otherwise, for carrying on the trade and commerce between the people and territories belonging to the crown of Great Britain, and the people and territories of the said United States, as to his majesty in council shall appear most expedient and salutary; any law, custom or usage, to the contrary notwithstanding.His Majesty doth therefore, by and with the advice of his privy council, hereby order and direct that any oil or any unmanufactured goods or merchandizes being the growth or production of any of the territories of the said United States of America, may, until further order, be imported directly from thence into any of the ports of this kingdom, either in British or American ships, by British subjects, or by any of the people inhabiting in and belonging to the said United States, or any of them, and such goods or merchandizes shall and may be entered and landed in any port in this kingdom upon payment of the same duties as the like sort of goods are or may be subject and liable to, if imported by British subjects, in British ships, from any British island or plantation in America, and no other, notwithstanding such goods or merchandizes, or the ships in which the same may be brought, may not be accompanied with the certificates or documents heretofore required by law. And it is further ordered and directed that there shall be the same drawbacks, exemptions and bounties on merchandizes and goods exported from Great Britain into the territories of the said United States of America, or any of them, as are allowed upon the exportation of the like goods or merchandizes, to any of the islands, plantations or colonies, belonging to the crown of Great Britain in America; and it is hereby further ordered and directed, that all American ships and vessels, which shall have voluntarily come

into any port of Great Britain since the twentieth of January, 1783, shall be admitted to an entry, and after such entry made shall be entitled, together with the goods and merchandizes on board the same ships and vessels, to the full benefit of this order. And the right honourable the lords commissioners of his majesty’s treasury and the lords commissioners of the admiralty, are to give the necessary directions herein, as to them may respectively appertain.Signed, William Fawkener.Note.Quincy, Dec. 15, 1811.—This Order in Council is the first link in that great chain of Orders in Council, which has been since stretched and extended, till it has shackled the commerce of the whole globe; that of Great Britain herself, as much as any other. Poor unfortunate commerce! Universal commerce! The commerce of the world! Thou art become, like the author of all our calamities, an object of commisseration to every humane and feeling mind! Bound with strong cords and bandages, by the head and shoulders, arms and hands, thighs, legs and feet, like the unhappy patient in Dr. Rush’s tranquilizing chair.I have before observed that this moment in English and American history, appeared to me of great importance. That coalition administration, which afterwards subverted the British constitution by the India bill, in one point now subverted it in another by making the thing absolute in all commercial matters. The law of nature and nations was a part, of the common law of England, and a part an essential part of the constitutional law of the British empire. The maratime and naval law of nations was also a part of the constitutional law of England. Parliament itself had no more authority over it than the king, and the king no more than Zingis Can, or the king of Otaheite. Yet this combination of nobles of all parties undertook by an act of Parliament, to divest themselves and the nation of all authority in matters of commerce and navigation, and to make the thing absolute over commerce and the seas, that he might have the power to deprive America of the rights he had so recently acknowledged by the preliminary and provisional treaty. I mean the rights of an independent maratime power.As the foregoing Proclamation of the 14th of May 1783, or rather the act of Parliament on which it was founded in the box of Pandora from which have issued all the plagues which have since distressed and still torment the commerce of the world; I will next insert Mr. Hartley’s apology for it, though in his heart, to do him justice, he detested and despised it.I shall afterwards send you some copies of bills brought into Parliament before the fatal one was passed, to shew the struggle there was between equity and monopoly; between iniquity and reciprocity; between justice and selfishness; between honesty and exclusion.These must be the subjects of future letters. I shall conclude this by an act of justice to Mr. Hartley. From the first he lamented the coalition; but while a minister abroad under it, he was somewhat cautious and reserved, but afterwards in England, he was open and explicit in all companies in condemning the coalition as the most fatal error, the most destructive measure that ever had been adopted. I dined with him at his brother’s in London, with a very large company, in which he engrossed almost the whole conversation at table, in a long dissertation on that coalition and its fatal measures. He inveighed against it as the cause of all the then difficulties of the nation and of all her prospects of future calamities. This to be sure, was seasoning more like a politician, than like a philosopher, because the future is hidden from us: But Sir John Temple, who was present, agreed with him and applauded him in every thing he had said.From all this I inferred in my own mind that the old whigs, the Cavendishes, the Bentinks, the Wentworths, had become heart sick of their new tory associates in the coalition. They had reason, for they were soon both discomfited and discomforted; and Mr. Pitt, a youth, a boy, became the ruler for more than twenty years. A very able and noble youth however, whether wise or erroneous in his whole system.But the disposition of the king in council, has been obstinately preserved over commerce, navigation, and naval power to this day.[I am very apprehensive, Messrs Printers, that I shall exhaust your patience and that of your readers. If I should, upon the slightest intimation of it, I will desist. I wish you to understand that it is my desire, that you will omit no communications which may be more immediately necessary for the public to know, for the sake of inserting any of my papers.]

					John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to James Monroe, 19 December 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Monroe, James

Sir
Quincy December 19. 1811

I thank you for The Copy of The Presidents Message, and for the Volume of Documents. They do great honour to The President, to his Ministers and Ambassadors: and I rejoice in the Appearance of unanimity they have produced in Congress and in The Nation: which not withstanding all the apprehensions representations and Threats of Divisions, is greater than I have ever known in America for fifty years. I am, Sir, with great respect your obliged Servant
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 19 December 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Quincy December 19. 1811

When I was a Boy, not ten years old, I heard Smith Richard Thayer, a great Authority, say “When Duty and Interest go together, they make Staving Work”
By your own Shewing it was Richards Duty to be over ruld or ruled over by his Wife: and by my Shewing I shall make it appear to be his Interest.
He will Soon be Secretary of the Treasury. Or he may be a Judge of the Supream Court, or an Ambassador abroad when he pleases: or perhaps Vice President or President. Pensilvania has not had her Share, and Virginia a fourfold Proportion of American Honours. Virginia must now Court Pensilvania and New York too, or those two last will Soon join New England and play the Mischief, with the first. The Reason why Pensilvania had not her Share in the first twelve years, was that Pensilvania appeared, According to Farmers Dæmonology, to be Seized by the Spirit which entered into the Swine and rushed down Steep into the Sea. Mifflin, McKean, Dallas, all of you indeed, Seemed to have adopted what The great Randolph calls “The infernal Principles of French Fraternization.” They were for going to War with England, and forming a closer Alliance with Robespierre and his forerunners and after followers. I thought this Project no better than making a League with The Devil. I have wondered that Jefferson did not promote Pensilvanians. I am glad Madison begins to think of it.
I know how it is.—It is So Sweet fatigued at Night with Study and Business, to sit down and chat with Consort and Daughters and Son Richard and his fascinating Wife that you cannot bear to think of loosing any part of the Entertainment. Just So have I fretted Several Times when they have taken away from me my Comfort.
But Non Nobis, Non nobis Solis nati Sumus.
Mrs Smith’s Breast is “perfectly and radically healed.” Her Arm is Weak and Stiff, but the Surgeons Say it will be perfectly restored by time.
Your mute Art is far preferable to the loquacious ones. What becomes of all the great Talkers? What happened to Cicero Demosthenes Burk Fox Pitt, Otis, Patrick Henry, R. H. Lee Bayard, Ames, Dexter, Harper, and a thousand others? I some times think that orators are unfit for Judges or Legislators or Executive offices; any Thing that requires cool deliberation and deep Judgment. A mute Franklin or a mute Washington or even a mute Jefferson is not to be found among all our orators; at least in Success and popular Importance. What will become, too, of our two great reigning Orators, Randolph and Quincy? They had better hold their Tongues.
The Winds begin to rustle, the Clouds gather, it grows dark; Will these airy Forces rear up the Ocean to a foaming Fury? A Spirit Seems to be rising; a Spirit of Contrition and Shame at our long Apathy and Lethargy; a Spirit of Resentment of Injuries; a Spirit of Indignation at Insolence: and what to me is very remarkable, a Spirit of greater Unanimity, than I have ever witnessed in this Country for fifty years. What Say you to your Friend?

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 19 December 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan

Dear Sir
Quincy Decr. 19. 1811

Lord! Lord! What a Coat you have cutt out? It would require an hundred Taylors for twenty years to make it up. I would not undertake to make a Button hole in it, during the whole Remainder of my Life.
I thank you however, for the sketch of your contemplated Work.
I shipped, on board the Carriage of my Son in Law Colonel William Stevens Smith the two first Volumes of The Memoirs of your American Academy of Arts and Sciences. They are now at a Place called Smiths Valley, in a Town called Lebanon, about four miles from Hamilton, a Post Town, where my Grandson John Adams Smith is Postmaster. If you can Send for them you will find them at the Valley. I had not the third Volume: but will endeavour to send it to you next Summer.
To what a Stupendous height, has your state of New york grown in twenty years? Of how much greater Importance has it become, unembarrassed as it is with Slaves, in a commercial Agricultural, manufacturing, military and political View, than Virginia? You will undoubtedly soon feel your Importance, but I hope you will adopt the equitable Mercantile Maxim “Live and let live,” and not ride So high a Horse as Virginia has.
There Seems to be a Storm arising and I can have little hope of living to See fair Weather again. A War will introduce great Changes in America: but none which can redound to my honour or profit or pleasure whatever it may do to yours. The United States can Sustain no ultimate Injury from it. On the contrary it will lay a Sure and certain Foundation for great and durable Power. Whether they will Use it well or ill, but be left to Time to reveal.
God prosper long our noble States / So sings and So prays your old Friend.

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 21 December 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

               Quincy, Dec. 21, 1811.

            The journal of the 22d of May 1783, proceeds—Mr. Hartley’s observations and propositions left with the American ministers, the 21st of May 1783:A proposition having been offered of the American ministers for the consideration of his Britannic majesty’s ministers, and of the British nation, for an entire and reciprocal freedom of intercourse and commerce between Great-Britain and the American Unites States, in the following words, viz.—“That all rivers, harbors, lakes, ports and places, belonging to the United States, or any of them, shall be open and free to the merchants and other subjects of the crown of Great Britain and their trading vessels, who shall be received, treated, and protected, like the merchants and trading vessels of the state in which they may be, and be liable to no other charges or duties—And reciprocally, that all rivers, harbors, lakes, ports and places under the dominion of his Britannic majesty, shall be open and free to the merchants and trading vessels of the said United States, and of each and every of them who shall be received, granted and protected like merchants and trading vessels of Great Britain, and be liable to no other charges and duties, saving always to the chartered trading companies of Great Britain, such exclusive use and trade of their respective ports and establishments, as neither the other subjects of Great Britain, or any the most favored nation participates in.”It is to be observed that this proposition implies a more ample participation of British than the American States possessed even under their former connection of dependence on Great Britain, so as to amount to an entire abolition of the British act of navigation in respect of the thirteen United States of America; and although proceeding on their part from the most conciliatory and liberal principles of amity and reciprocity; nevertheless it comes from them, as newly established states, and who in consequence of their former condition of dependence have never yet had any established system of national commercial laws, or of commercial connections by treaties with other nations; free and unembarrassed of many weighty considerations, which require the most scrupulous attention and investigation on the part of Great Britain, whose antient system of national and commercial policy is thus suddenly called upon to take a new principle for its foundation, and whose commercial engagements with other ancient states may be most materially affected thereby. For the purpose therefore of giving sufficient time for the consideration and discussion of so important a proposition respecting the present established system of the commercial policy and laws of Great Britain and their subsisting commercial engagements with foreign powers; it is proposed that a temporary intercourse of commerce shall be established between Great Britain and the American States previously to the conclusion of any final and perpetual compact. In this intervening period, as the strict line and measure of reciprocity from various circumstances cannot be absolutely and completely adhered to; it may be agreed that the commerce between the two countries shall revive, as nearly as can be, upon the same footing and terms as formerly subsisted between them; provided always that no concession on either side, in the proposed temporary convention, shall be argued hereafter in support of any future demand or claim. In the mean time, the proposition above stated may be transmitted to London, requesting with his majesty’s consent that it be laid before parliament for their consideration.It is proposed therefore that the unmanufactured produce of the United States should be admitted into Great Britain without any other duties, those imposed during the war excepted, than those to which they were formerly liable. And it is expected in return that the produce and manufactures of Great Britain should be admitted into the United States in like manner. If there should appear any want of reciprocity in this proposal, upon the ground of asking admission for British manufactures in America, while no such indulgence is given to American manufactures into Great Britain—the answer is obvious, that the admission of British manufactures into America, is an object of great importance, and equally productive of advantages to both countries; while on the other hand the introduction of American manufactures into G. Britain can be of no service to either, and may be productive of innumerable frauds, by enabling persons so disposed to pass foreign European goods, either prohibited or liable to great duties by the British laws, for American manufactures.With regard to the West Indies, there is no objection to the most free intercourse between them and the United States. The only restriction proposed to be laid upon that intercourse is prohibiting American ships carrying to those colonies any other merchandize than the produce of their own country. The same observation may be made upon this restriction as upon the former. It is not meant to affect the interest of the United States; but it is highly necessary, least foreign ships should make use of the American flag to carry on a trade with the British West-India Islands.It is also proposed upon the same principle to restrain the ships that may trade to Great Britain from America, from bringing foreign merchandize into Great Britain. The necessity of this restriction is likewise evident, unless G. Britain meant to give up her whole navigation act. There is no necessity of any similar restrictions on the part of the American states, those states not having as yet any acts of navigation—Thus far the journal of May 22, 1783.Orders in Council were now become fashionable in England. We received a new one in a letter from Mr. Laurens to the American ministers.Tuesday morning, 4 o’clock,10th June, 1783.Gentlemen—This moment landed. As a boat is going over to Calais, the inclosed proclamation may possibly arrive new to you. To me it wears the aspect of one part of a commercial treaty. I shall not wonder should I see our friend D H. in London, this week. I purpose lodging there to night. There and every, I shall be as I am, your faithful, however feeble and obedient servant. Signed, HENRY LAURENS.The Order in Council inclosed with Mr. Laurens’ letter was the following proclamation.—Now, indeed, notwithstanding all the martyrdoms of Hambdens, Sydneys and Russells, against the principle, royal proclamations had acquired the force of laws. They have maintained all the omnipotence that parliament once claimed, to 1811. How it will end history should have taught that headstrong oligarchy of nobles who were the authors of it, and then thought themselves perfectly sure of having the command of it in their own hands though in the king’s name.At the Court of St. James’, the 6th of June, 1783, present the king’s most excellent majesty in council—Whereas by an act of parliament passed this session, intitled “An act for preventing certain instruments from being required from ships belonging to the United States of America, and to give to his majesty for a limited time, certain powers, for the better carrying on trade and commere between the subjects of his majesty’s dominions and the inhabitants of the said United States;" it is owing among other things enacted, that during the continuance of the said act, it shall and may be lawful for his majesty in council, by order or orders to be issued and published from time to time, to give such directions and to make such regulations with respect to duties, drawbacks or otherwise, for carrying on the trade and commerce between the people and territories belonging to the crown of Great Britain, and the people and territories of the said United States, as to his majesty in council shall appear most expedient and salutary, any law, usage or custom to the contrary notwithstanding. His Majesty doth, therefore, by and with the advice of his privy council, hereby order and direct, that pitch, tar, turpentine, indigo, masts, yards and bowsprits, being the growth or production of any of the United States of America, may, until further order, be imported directly from thence into any ports of this kingdom, either in British or American ships, by British subjects or by any of the people inhabiting in and belonging to the said United States or any of them; and that the articles above recited shall and may be entered and landed in a port of this kingdom, upon payment of the same duties, as the same are or may be subject and liable to, if imported by British subjects in British ships from any British island or plantation in America, and no other, notwithstanding such pitch, tar, turpentine, indigo, masts, yards and bowsprits, or the ships in which the same may be brought, may not be accompanied with the certificates or other documents heretofore required by law; and his majesty is hereby farther pleased, by and

with the advice aforesaid to order and direct, that any tobacco, being the growth or production of any of the territories of the said United States of America, may likewise, until further order, be imported directly from thence, in manner above mentioned, and may be landed in this kingdom and upon the importer paying down in ready money the duty commonly called the old subsidy, such tobacco may be warehoused under his majesty’s locks, upon the importer’s own bond for payment of all the farther duties due for such tobacco, within the time limited by law, according to the net weight and quantity of such tobacco at the time it shall be so landed, with the same allowances for the payment of such farther duties, and under the like restrictions and regulations in all other respects, not altered by this order, as such tobacco is and may be warehoused by virtue of any act or acts of parliament in force. And the right honorable the lords commissioners of his majesty’s treasury, and the lords commissioners of the admiralty, are to give the necessary directions herein, as to them may respectively appertain.Signed, Stephen Cottrell.To shew the sense of the American ministers, upon those proclamations and Orders in Council, I shall insert two letters from Mr. Laurens, though not exactly in the order of dates.To their Excellencies the Ministers Plenipotentiary from the Unites States of America, at Paris.London, 17th June, 1783.Gentlemen—I had the honor of addressing you the tenth, immediately after my landing at Dover. As early as possible after my arrival here, I obtained an interview with Mr. Secretary Fox, who was pleased to read to me part of his latest dispatches to Mr. Hartley, which he supposed would reach Paris on the fourteenth.—’Tis probable, therefore, that before this time, as much of the contents as is proper for your knowledge has been communicated.“Reciprocity” since the tenth of April, has undergone a certain degree of refinement. The definition of that term, appears now, to be, possession of advantages on one side; and restrictions on the other. The navigation act, is the vital of G. Britain.” “Too delicate to

bear a touch.”The sudden and unexpected, perhaps illicit arrival of ships and cargoes from America, may have caused this change of tone. But you have heard in detail, and are more competent to judge.From a desire of forming an opinion, I asked Mr. Fox, whether he thought I might venture for a few days to take the benefit of Bath, and yet be time enough at Paris for the intended commercial agreement? He replied, “I rather think you may.” One need not be a conjurer to draw an inference. You will either have finished the business before I could travel to Paris; or without being missed there, I may go to Bath to repair my nerves.In this state of uncertainty, when it is easy to perceive affections are not as we could wish them, nor quite so warm as we had been taught to believe, it would not be wise to commit the United States. Wherefore I shall rest the business till I hear from you; or until a more favorable prospect—flattering myself with hopes of your surmounting the late seeming difficulties.—An inconvenience on your side is preferable to the hazard of a disgrace.I am with great regard and respect, &c. Signed, H. Laurens.To their Excellencies the Ministers Plenipotentiary from the United States of America, at Paris.London, 20th June, 1783Gentlemen—Permit me to refer to what I had the honor of writing to you the 17th.—You will recollect my suggestions, as soon as we perceived the falling off, from those warm assurances, which had been pressed in March and April. They were not ill-founded. I delayed a week in hopes of intelligence, and left you with reluctance. The temper of the times forbids even an essay.What a happy country is this, where every thing pertaining to the public, is rendered to them in newspapers? See the inclosed, containing nearly as accurate an account of certain recent occurrences, as if it had been penned by one of the parties. It might indeed have been made a little stronger. Modest men are sometimes restrained from attempting a public good from a dread of the effects of envy; of being held up in an invidious light. It would be cruel to disturb them.I have learned nothing from America, save what you may have read in the prints. To-morrow I shall proceed to Bath, and be waiting for intelligence as well from yourselves as from congress. Some consolation arises from reflecting that while I am endeavouring to mind my health, you suffer no inconvenience from my absence. With sincere regard and respect, I have the honor to be, gentlemen, your obedient and most humble servant.Signed, Henry Laurens.In the next letter you will read Mr. Heartley’s apology for these extraordinary changes of principle and feeling.

               John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 25 December 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

Dear Rush
Quincy December 25. 1811

I never was so much at a loss how to answer a Letter, as yours of the 16th.
Shall I assume a Sober Face and write a grave Essay on Religion Philosophy, Laws or government?
Shall I laugh like Bacchus among his grapes, Wine fats Vatts and Bottles? or
Shall I assume the Man of the World, the Fine Gentleman, the Courtier, and Bow and Scrape with a smooth smiling Face, soft words, many compliments and Apologies? think myself highly honoured, bound in gratitude? &c &c &c
I perceive plainly enough, Rush, that you have been teazing Jefferson to write to me, as you did me some time ago to write to him—
You gravely advize me “to receive the olive Branch” as if there had been War. But there has never been any hostility to my Part, nor that I know, on his. When there has been no War, there can be no room for Negotiations of Peace.
Mr Jefferson speaks of my political opinions: but I know of no Difference between him and myself relative to the Constitution, or to Forms of Government in General.
In Measures of Administration, We have differed in opinion. I have never approved the Repeal of the Judicial Law, the Repeal of the Taxes, the Neglect of the Navy, and I have always believed that his system of, gun boats for a National Defence was defective. To make it compleat, he ought to have taken a hint from Molieres Femmes Présieuses, or his Learned Ladies, and appointed Three or Four Brigades of Horse with a Major General and 3 or 4 Brigadiers of Horse to Serve on board his Gallies of Malta. I have never approved his long Embargo or any non-intercourse or Non Importation Laws.
But I have raised no Glamours nor made any Opposition to any of these Measures. The Nation approved them, and what is my Judgment against that of the Nation.
On the contrary he disapproved of the Alien Law and Sedition Law which I believe to have been constitutional and Salutary if not necessary.
He disapproved of the 8 per Ct Loan and with good Reason, For I hated it as much as any Man: and the Army too which occasioned it.
He disapproved perhaps of the partial War with France; which I believed, as far as it proceeded to be a holy War.
He disapproved of Taxes and perhaps the whole Scheme, of my administration &c And so perhaps did The Nation.
But his Administration and mine, are passed away into the dark backward, and are now of no more importance, than the Administration of the Old Congress in 1774 and 1775.
We differed in opinion about The French Revolution. He thought it wise and good and that it would end in the Establishment of a free Republick.—I saw through it, to the end of it before it broke out, and was sure it could end only in a Restoration of the Bourbons or a military Despotism, after deluging France and Europe in blood. In this opinion I differed from you as much as from Jefferson: but all this made me no more of an Enemy to you that to him, nor to him than to you. I believed you both to mean well to Mankind and your Country. I might suspect you both to Sacrifice a little to the infernal Gods, and perhaps unconsciously, to suffer your judgments to be a little Swayed by a Love of Popularity, and possibly by a little Spice of Ambition.
In Point of Republicanism, all the difference I ever knew or could discover between you and me, or between Jefferson and me consisted first
1 in the difference between Speeches and Messages. I was a Monarchist because I thought a speech more manly, more respectful to Congress and the Nation. Jefferson and Rush preferred Messages
2. I held Levees once a week, that all my Time might not be wasted by idle visits. Jeffersons whole Eight years was a Levee.
3. I dine a large Company, once or twice a Week. Jefferson dined a dozen every day.
4. Jefferson and Rush were for Liberty and Strait Hair. I thought curled Hair was as Republican as strait.
In these and a few other Points of equal importance; all miserable Frivolities that Jefferson and Rush ought to blush, that they ever laid any stress upon them, I might differ; but I never knew any Points of more Consequence, on which there was any Variation between US.
You exhort me to “Forgiveness and Love of Enemies” as if  I considered or had ever considered Jefferson as my Enemy. This is not So. I have always loved him as a Friend. If I ever received or suspected any Injury from him I have forgiven it long and long ago, and have no more Resentment against him than against you.
You enforce your Exhortation by the most solemn considerations that can enter the human Mind. After mature Reflection upon them and laying them properly to heart; I could not help feeling that they were So unnecessary, that you must excuse me if I had some Inclination to be ludicrous.
You often put me in Mind that I am soon to die. I know it and Shall not forget it.
Steping once into my Kitchen one day I found Two of my poor Neighbours, as good Sort of Men as two Drunkards could be. one had Sotted himself into a consuption. His Cough and his Paleness and Weakness Shewed him near the last Stage Tom, who was not So far gone, as yet, though he Soon followed, said to John “You have not long for this world.” John answered very quick “I know it Tom as well as you do. But why do you tell me of it? I had rather you Should Strike me.” This was one of those Touches of Nature, that Shakespeare or Cervantes would have noted in his Ivory Book.
But why do you make so much ado about nothing. Of what Use can it be for Jefferson and me to exchange Letters. I have nothing to Say to him, but to wish him an easy Journey to Heaven when he goes, which I wish may be delayed as long as life shall be agreable to him. And he can have nothing to Say but to bid me to make haste and be ready
Time and chance, however, or possibly design may produce e’er long a Letter between Us.
A deep Snow fell yesterday, for the first time this year
John AdamsMrs Smith is charmingly. Her Arm and Hand grow better fast.


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Rush, 26 December 1811
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

My dear old friend,
Philadelphia Decemr 26th: 1811.

During the time Cobbett was abusing me in his newspaper to the great joy of a number of our tory Citizens, I met Hamilton Roan in a family in which I was called to see a patient. We had met before at Major Butlers table. He took me by the hand in the most cordial manner. “Our situation said I Mr Roan is a good deal alike in Philada—We are both in an enemy’s country.”  “no Sir” (said he)—“I am in a foreign Country only,” alluding to the avidity with which the Scandal published against me had been drowned by the  class of citizens above mentioned. It is true the papers no longer pour forth weekly and daily calumnies against me, but I am still in an enemy’s country. My patients and my pupils (with a few exceptions) are my only friends, out of my own family. Do you wonder then at my complaining at of my son Richard for deserting me? Independently of his affection and kindness to me,—his office protected kept the libellers of my reputation in Awe.—But what have you done to render your  fellow citizens so hostile to you? I answer my first offence was keeping company with the messrs: Adams & Jno Hancock in the year 1774 and afterwards subscribing the Declaration of independance—my second offence (of far less magnitude than the first) was opposing the wheelbarrow Constitution of Pennsylvania in 1776, and the men who supported it particularly Jos: Read  which acts are still remembered with malice resentment by some of our old constitutional now democratic citizens. My third offence was writing down the old sanguinary criminal law of our state, by which I made many old testament divines & saints and my enemies. My fourth offence was writing against monkish learning commonly called the latin & greek languages, by which I produced a confederacy of pedagogues against me. My fifth and last offence was teaching a new system of medicine part of which consisted in the use of remedies that did violence to the feelings & common sense of our citizens, and in inculcating a belief that our yellow fever was of domestic origin. “These were the most unkindly cuts of all” They armed a host of malignant & ruthless passions against me. They placed my reputation in the hands of between 20 and thirty physicians each of whom brought into the field against me his circle of patients and family connections. Were I to detail to you the many acts of unkindness, ingratitude, treachery, malice & cruelty I have received from the last class of enemies I have mentioned, you would wonder how I have survived them. There are several species of hatreds, such as, the odium politicum, the odium theologicum—the odium philologicum, and the odium medicum. I have felt, severely felt the effects of them all. The last has been by far the worse. It has been the hatred, not of men—but of beings actuated by a Spirit truly demoniacal. In reviewing my conduct towards all the classes th of enemies that I have enumerated I cannot see much cause to complain of myself. Now and then I have yielded to the natural irritability of my temper under the sudden pressure of an injury, and spoke und used my lips unadvisedly against them,—but in general I have been silent and always disposed to repay their malice injuries with kindness, and forgiveness. Not a paragraph has ever found its way from my pen to a newspaper in defence of my innocence, or to expose their the folly ignorance, falsehoods and malice of my enemies. While I thus open my heart to my dear old friend, in complaints against many of my fellow citizens, do not suppose that my life has been made completely miserable by them. The good I have enjoyed in Philada since the year 1774 has far very far exceeded the evil I have suffered. I have been blessed with an excellent wife, and affectionate as well as intelligent and worthy children. I have had the constant and faithful attachment & support of half a dozen powerful and popular citizens (several of whom are of the old School in politicks) against the  malice of my medical brethren & One of them opened his purse to me at the time when the publications against my practice reduced the income from my business £400 below the expenses of my family. In addition to these sources of enjoyment & comfort, I have derived from my studies and professional duties  a large share of intellectual and moral pleasure. The midnight cry of “past twelve oClock” has often found me insensible to the Cold of Winter and the heat of Summer while I have been engaged, with ineffable delight in forming a new arrangement of facts in order to derive from them new principles, and new modes of treating diseases. For these, and all gods other mercies to me. I desire to be truly, sincerely and for ever thankful.—
My dear wife who has been the faithful Companion of my labors pains and pleasures has sometimes told me the friend no Character in Biography more like  mine than Luther’s.—Ardent in all his my pursuits, fearless of the consequences of attacking old prejudices, and often hasty in my manner of speaking of my enemies. To the defects in the temper and conduct of the illustrious reformer I heartily subscribe, but I think there is a character in the old testament which more nearly accords with mine. It is that of the prophet Jeremiah. I shall give it to you in his own words. “Woe is me! my mother, that thou has borne me a man of strife, and a man of Contention to the whole earth. I have neither lent on Usury, nor have men lent to me on Usury, yet every one of them doth curse me.” Jer: 15.10.
I proceed now to the second part of your letter. I do not consider my Son as having been called upon to share in the honors of the general government, nor do I believe the office to which he has been appointed will satisfy the claims, or appease the jealousy of Pennsylvania as you have supposed. You will say perhaps, what can she mean by asking for a larger representation in the honors of the general government? Is not Mr gallatin a Pennsylvanian? I once heard of a servant girl who quarrelled with a mulatto fellow servant & called him “a no nation son of b——th”. many of our citizens who would blush to use apply such low and indelicate language to any man, do not hesitate to say Mr gallatin is “a no state man”, and that he belongs as much to the Union as to Pennsylvania.
I sincerely rejoice in Mrs. Smith’s complete recovery. Please to present my Congratulations to her, and the Compliments of the Season to your excellent Mrs Adams in which all my family join.—
Health, friendship & respect! / from Dear Sir yours / Affectionately
Benjn: Rush
PS: I forgot to mention a 6th Source of hostility to me from a part of my fellow citizens. It was brought on by my concerning in establishing a College at Carlisle in this state. Dr Ewing who wished to be at the head of all the learning of the state, opposed it with all his might, and had the address to unite the Presbyterians in the city with him, who in consequence thereof became my enemies,—and that to such a degree as to oblige me for a while to separate from them. From more just views of Dr Ewings character, they have since  forgiven me, and became my friends. The College at Carlisle; now in the hands chiefly of the Presbyterians, is now in th a flourishing institution. Its President, a Dr Atwater from Connecticut has given it great Celebrity.


Title: To John Adams from Daniel Johnson, 28 December 1811
From: Johnson, Daniel
To: Adams, John

Hon John Adams Esqr
Boston 28th. Decr— 1811—

I have taken the liberty to enclose to you a Prospectus of a work, which I am about printing, should sufficient encouragement be found, to justify the undertaking.
I have been casting my eyes over the list of our venerable political fathers, to select some man to commence my lists, and from whom I might at the same time be enabled to gain some character of the author. I have been induced to believe that you, from your extensive political researches would be the best qualified to give me the information which I want.
I am with sentiments of respect / & esteem your obedient servt Daniel Johnson


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 2 January 1812
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

					Quincy, January 2d, 1812.

				Mr. Hartley’s memorial—June 1, 1783. The proposition which has been made for an universal and unlimited reciprocity of intercourse and commerce between Great Britain and the American United States requires a very serious consideration on the part of Great Britain, for the reasons already stated in a memorial dated May 19, 1783, and for many other reasons, which in the future discussions of the propositions will appear. To the American States likewise, it is a matter of the deepest importance, not only as a proposition of commercial intercourse, which is the least part, but most principally as a political basis and guarantee for their newly established constitutions. The introduction of British interests into a communion of intercourse, will bring forward an universal guarantee on the part of Great Britain, in the future progress of political events which may affect the United States of America in their national capacity. The proposition is fertile, in future prospects to Great Britain, and America also may wisely see in it a solid foundation for herself.

All circumstances are most fortunately disposed between Great Britain and the American States, to render them useful friends and allies to each other, with a higher degree of suitableness between themselves than any other nations can pretend to. France cannot interchange reciprocities with the American States, by reason of numberless impediments in her system of government, in her monopolies, and her system of commerce. France has the great disability of difference in language to contend with, and the institution of the present French manufactures has never at any time heretofore been trained or adapted to American commerce. The only particular and specific facility which France ever possessed for American intercourse has for many years been transferred into the British scale by the cession of Canada to Great Britain. The future commerce between France and America will chiefly be regulated by such conveniences as France can draw to herself from America, without much aptitude

on the part of France to accommodate her manufactures and commerce to American demands. In short an exchange of reciprocities between France and America would run against the stream on both sides—and all established habits, manners, language, together with principles of government and commerce, would militate against such a system.Conformably to this reasoning it appears, that France has not att any time entertained any systematical design of forming any union or consolidation of interests with America. She took up the American cause as instrumental to her political views in Europe. America likewise accepted the alliance with France for her separate views, viz. for the establishment of her independence. The alliance therefore is completed and terminated, without leaving behind it any political principle of future permanent connexion between them. Occasional circumstances produced a temporary alliance. Similar circumstances may on any future occasion produce a similar event of a temporary compact. Dissimilar circumstances, arising from any future political views of the court of France in Europe, may without any inconsistency of principle, throw the power of that kingdom into a scale adverse to the future interests of the American States. In such case therefore, where there cannot exist any permanent political connexion between France and America, and where the commercial attachments can be but feeble—it would be vain to expect in the French nation any such ally as newly established States ought to look out for, to give maturity and firmness to their constitutions.As to Spain, every argument which has been stated respecting diversity of language, manners, government, monopolies, and system of commerce, from those which prevail in the United States of America, obtains in a superior degree. And much more to add besides; for Spain is not only incompetent to interchange reciprocities with the American States; but likewise her own situation in America, will at all times render her extremely jealous of her neighbours. The only activity which Spain has exerted in the war, has been to procure a barrier against the American States, by annexing West Florida to her former acquisition of New–Orleans; thereby embracing the mouth of the Mississippi, and by means of that river jointly with her landed possessions, established a strong and jealous barrier against any future progress of the American States in those parts. [N.B. The 1st of January, 1812. Fas est et ab hoste doceri.]Mr. Hartley proceeds—Spain therefore cannot be looked upon by the American States as a suitable object of their election, to become a permanent ally and friend to them.Portugal also labors under all the disabilities of language, manners, monopolies, government, and system of commerce. Her national power and importance would be likewise insufficient to constitute a strong and permanent ally to the American States. All these nations will undoubtedly be found to have many commodious qualities for participation in commerce—but the permanet faculties necessary to constitute a firm and permanent ally to the American States, will be found deficient in them.As to the Italian states, or any other powers in the Mediterranean, they are certainly not adequate to any competition of political alliance with the rising states of America. They will also form very commodious links and connections in the general circuit of commerce, but beyond these considerations they have no share in the present question. The several states of the Germanic body are in the same predicament.As to the northern powers, viz. those in the Baltic, they are not favored either by vicinity or climate, for a frequent or facile intercourse of commerce with America. And even respecting several material articles of commerce, jealousies and competitions might arise. As to political alliances, there are no such in prospect from them to the American states; even if there were any superfluity of force in any of them, beyond the necessities of their respective domestic situations. The extreme distance would be conclusive against any possible application of such power, as a political alliance favorable to the establishment and confirmation of the American states.The only maritime state on the continent of Europe remaining to be discussed as a competent candidate for commerce or connection with America, is the Republic of the United Netherlands, commonly called Holland. In respect to American commerce, the Dutch have among themselves every facility combined, which the separate states of Europe possess distinctively in their own concerns, or nearly. Their industry, their frugality, and habits of commerce may even carry them so far, as to make them rivals to the Americans themselves, in the transportation of European merchandise to America. These faculties of commerce would have been of infinite importance to the American States, if the war had continued between G. Britain and them. But upon the event of peace, it becomes a matter of the most perfect indifference to America, whether each European state navigates its own commerce into the ports of America, which will be open to all; or whether the commercial faculties of Holland enable her to exceed in rivalship, her European goods to America, beyond the proportion of her national share. The faculties of a nation of carriers may be fortunate for the Marine of that nation; but considering themselves, and with respect to other nations, they

are but secondaries in commerce. They give no ground of reciprocity or participation. That one nation should say to another, you shall navigate all our rivers, harbours, lakes and ports and places, if we may do the same in yours, is a proposition of reciprocity; but that Holland should say to America, we will bring European goods to you, or you may be your own carriers, is neither concession nor reciprocity. Holland is not a nation of rivers, harbours, lakes, ports and places, for the distribution of goods and manufactures for internal consumption; and therefore her reciprocities must be very scanty. Holland is the market place of Europe, and the Dutch seamen are the carriers appertaining to that market place. The admission of American ships to that market place, freely to import and to export, is undoubtedly an act of reciprocity on the part of Holland, as far as it goes; but in no degree adequate to the unlimited participation of American commerce, throughout all the rivers, harbours, lakes, ports and places of that vast continent The commercial reciprocities of Holland, therefore, being inferior on her part towards America; the next point of view, in which Holland is to be considered, as relevant to this question, is as a nation of power, capable of becoming an effectual and permanent ally and guarantee to the American states; for that is the great object, which America, as a wise nation recently arisen into Independence, ought to keep in view. Holland has certainly been a nation of great and celebrated naval force. She remains so still; but having for many years suspended her exertions of force, and having directed the faculties of her people into the commercial line, she seems not to have any superfluity of force beyond the necessity of providing for her own security, and certainly no such redundance of power as to extend to the protection of distant nations, as allies or guarantees. It appears therefore upon the whole of this argument, that Holland although a commercial nation, cannot even interchange commercial reciprocities with America, upon an equal footing, and that her faculties of force are inadequate to those which America ought to expect in the permanent allies and guarantees of her country.

The independence of the American States being established, their first consideration ought to be, to determine with what friendships and alliances they will enter into the new world of nations. They will look round them, and cast about for some natural permanent and powerful ally, with whom they may interchange all cementing reciprocities both commercial and political. If such an ally be to be found any where for them, it is still in Great Britain; at least it is certain, that in looking round Europe, no other is to be found. There is no inherent impossibility to prevent such connection from taking place; it must depend upon the free will and common interest of the parties. There are all possible faculties on both sides to give and to receive all adequate and beneficial reciprocities, which are practicable, and more likely to be permanent between independent parties, than between two parties, of which one is dependent on the other. Great Britain is undoubtedly the first of European nations in riches, credit, faculties, industry, commerce, manufactures, internal consumption and foreign export, together with civil liberty which is the source of all, and naval power which is the support of all. The dominions appertaining to the crown of Great Britain are large and fertile, its colonies still extensive, and in close vicinity to the American states, Great Britain being an American as well as an European power, and all her empire connected by her naval force.The territories of the American states, from the Atlantic ocean to the Mississippi, contain an inexhaustible source of riches, industry, and future power. These will be the foundations  of great events in the new page of life. Infinite good or infinite evil may arise, according to the principles upon which the intercourse between Great Britain and America shall bo arranged in its foundation. Great Britain and America must be still inseparable, either as friends or foes.—This is an awful and important truth. These are considerations not to be thought of slightly, not to be prejudged in passion, nor the arrangements of them to be hastily foreclosed. Time given for consideration may have excellent effects on both sides. The pause of’ peace, with friendly intercourse, returning affection and dispassionate inquiry can alone decide these important events, or do justice to the anxious expectation of Great Britain and America.THUS ends the memorial of Mr. Hartley, dated 1st June, 1783, but not presented to us till many days afterwards. Your readers will make their own reflections upon every part of it; each one according to his own views, principles, and feelings. I shall ask indulgence only for a very few notes.1. The style of it was civil and inoffensive, and we believed, that Mr. Hartley had no ill will to our country or to us. We accordingly received it, not merely with the politeness of Ambassadors, but with the cordial good humour of friends and companions.2. The facts in it, however, might be supposed to be as well known to the American ministers as to Mr. Hartley. In his reasonings and inferences it cannot be supposed that any one of the American ministers could agree with him one moment.3. The drift and the object of it, was plainly and expressly an alliance between the United States and G. Britain. This might have been taken much amiss. We were already bound in honor and good faith by a treaty with France. We could not be in alliance with France and Great Britain at the same time. This proposition, therefore, seemed to be an intimation to us to violate our virgin faith. Mr. Hartley always denied that he meant we should break our faith; but said it was to be done with the consent of France. This appeared as extravagant as any thing in the memorial itself. We should have as soon thought of proposing such a thing to congress, where we knew it must produce a severe vote of censure, upon us; as to the French Cabinet, where they would have thought us bereaved of common sense and common honesty.4. We wanted no more alliances. Treaties of commerce and amity could do us no harm; and I wished for such with all the maritime nations and the whole commercial world. But the treaty of alliance we already had with France, was in my opinion too much. As it was made it ought to be sacredly fulfilled. But of all the nations on the globe, Great Britain was the LAST with whom I would have made an alliance. Not only the natural and unavoidable competition in commerce, navigation, naval power, and even manufactures; but even the similarity of language, customs, manners, and religion in this case, it might have been forever, and we have seen and felt by experience, render such an alliance jealous, suspicious, and utterly impossible to be cordial. I felt enough of it, when I was in England, and I dare appeal to every American minister who has resided in G. Britain, since I was there, whether he has not felt the same. Nay I will go further and appeal to every British Ambassador who has ever been sent to the United States, whether he has not seen and felt the same jealousies and embarrassments. Similarity of language, dress, deportment, manners and even religion, furnish the means of secret and impenetrable intrigue and corruption, that always have and always will produce constant jealousy, suspicion, and frequently misrepresentation and abuse.5. I cannot but remark Mr. Hartley’s great anxiety for our independence and the preservation of it, by political and commercial alliances. But where was the danger of our independence? I thought we had been indebted for our independence to God and our own swords. It is true we had been obliged to France for kind assistance in her men, money and naval power; but this was still secured to us by our treaty of alliance with that power. We had entire confidence in France, notwithstanding little passions in a minister and less intrigues in some subordinate agents. But if we had been diffident of France, and very jealous of any designs of that power upon our independence, we knew the limits of her power in America, and had not the smallest fear of it. Where then was the danger of our independence? If it existed any where, it was in Great–Britain. And against this danger we already possessed the best security that could be found upon earth in our alliance with France.6. As to Spain, we knew her power, her inactivity, her pacific disposition, and her policy too well, not to know that she would not do more to assist France in conquering America than Great Britain would. From Holland surely Mr. Hartley could not imagine our independence in danger. Her idol had been neutrality so long, that she was scarcely able to support her own. Was it the emperor of Germany, or the empress of Russia, the king of Prussia, Denmark or Sweden, the pope of Rome, or the republic of Venice, who were to undertake to conquer America, after Great–Britain had failed?7. Absurd, chimerical and extravagant, as this memorial is, it was probably prescribed to Mr. Hartley by the coalition cabinet; it is the system probably contemplated in that statute which has engendered all the Orders in Council; and it is the system invariably pursued by Great Britain to this day. This cannot excite our wonder so much, as to find at this day, in the United States of America, a powerful party, who zealously co–operate with the British Cabinet in pursuit of the same system. My confidence, however, in the sagacity and solid judgment of the great body of my fellow–citizens, is undiminished, and if I am not deceived, the snare will be again broken and we shall escape.

					John Adams.