Title: To John Adams from Elbridge Gerry, 23 November 1783
From: Gerry, Elbridge
To: Adams, John

          My dear Mr Adams
            Philadelphia 23d Novr 83(Sunday Eveng)
          Mr Thaxter arrived here last Evening, by the Way of New York, with the definative Treaty, having narrowly escaped a severe storm by reaching that Port on Wednesday Evening— your Favours by him I have received with great Pleasure, as I was in Want of the Information they contain, as well as of your Sentiments on several important Subjects—
          Governor Reed will probably deliver You this, & my Confidence in him will induce me to be explicit—
          The great object of our political Enterprize with Britain is obtained; & if We have Wisdom & Virtue to improve the advantages, the Issue must be happy. “Laus Deo” should be the Motto of America & inscribed on every Device for commemorating this great Event; for none but atheists can be insensible of the first obligations wch. result on the Occasion.
          Our Gratitude should nevertheless be shewn to such Individuals, as by their eminent Services, have been principal Instruments in promoting the Measure; & I consider it as an Act of Justice, with a meritorious Washington & Green, to rank those that are equally so in my Mind, an Adams & Jay. You well know that I am not addicted to Flattery, that I have an aversion to so contemptible a practice; but sensible as I am of the Benefits derived from your able negotiations in Europe, as well as your Services in America, give me Leave to express an Impatience, & Concern, not merely at the feeble attempts to sully the Reputations You have so nobly acquired; but also at the neglect & Indifference that has been manifested in doing that Justice to your Characters which Generosity & good Policy should in my opinion long ’eer this have exhibited; & which no Exertions on my part shall be wanting to perpetuate— indeed the Ingratitude which You have hitherto experienced is not to be imputed to the Citizens of America at large, but to some amongst them of ambitious & perhaps envious principles who think “all made for one, not One for all.”
          Our Concerns are twofold, foreign & domestic.— the former by the Abilities, (entirely, by the Integrity & Abilities) of two of our Ministers, in negotiating the peace, are so far upon the best Footing. the Success of our Arms, God knows, would have been of no Service to Us, had not the Magnanimity & Fortitude of our Ministers induced them to have departed in some Instances from their, (excuse me for calling them) servile Instructions— to compleat our external Concerns, nothing appears to me necessary, excepting Treaties of Commerce on reciprocal Terms, with every European Power that desires it. I am therefore fully of your opinion, with Respect to the Continuance of our Ministers for this purpose, & for establishing a Treaty of Amity with the Dey of Algiers & those other barbary princes that infest our Commerce, after which, I can see no necessity, but great Inconveniences in sending Ministers abroad or receiving them at Home, unless for special purposes. You will probably enquire, what Inconveniences I allude to, & the answer is, the Inconveniences of being entangled with European politics; of being the puppets of European Statesmen; of being gradually divested of our vertuous republican principles; of being a divided, influenced, & dissipated, people; of being induced to prefer the Splendor of our Court, to the Happiness of our Citizens; & finally of changing our Form of Government, established at an amazing Expence of Blood & Treasure, for a vile Aristocracy or an arbitrary Monarchy. these are the Inconveniences, or rather the deplorable Evils which I apprehend from a permanent System of Embassies, & had You seen what I have been so unfortunate as to see, after only three Years Absence from Congress, almost a total Change of political principles; had You the same Reasons for tracing those Effects to the Causes alluded to, perhaps We should not differ much in our proposals for a Remedy. We are my dear sir happily placed at a distance from civilized Nations, We are surrounded by barbarous ones, which if they could be humanized, would in my opinion be as far beyond some that boast of being civilized, as they conceive themselves to be above the others. if such a Love of Grandeur & power, as induces Men to prefer Art, Intrigue Injustice, perfidy & Inhumanity to the contrary Vertues, designate a civilized Nation, in Gods Name, may America never aspire to the delusive Honor, but may her ne plus Ultra be such a Degree of Dignity as is consistent with good Faith, & admits the Salus populi to be suprema Lex—remote then from civilized Nations, wherein consists the policy of such Connections with them as must produce a Change of our principles both moral & political, a Change of our Government; the Loss of our internal Confidence & Tranquility; an Interest in their Broils & quarrels; in short Wars perpetual intestine or foreign? perhaps You may say these are chimeras, mere Creatures of the Imagination; that can never be realized, by a ministerial Intercourse with European Powers: but behold the Influence already established in the United States by such Means, & then judge for Yourself, with this Assurance, if We differ in opinion on this point, that I shall with the greatest pleasure listen to your Reasons & be happy in acquiescing in them.
          Our domestic affairs are much deranged in Consequence of the Necessity We have been under from the Commencement of the War of neglecting them altogether, or of using temperary Expedients— the first object of Attention is the Support of publick Credit. Independence will disgrace Us, unless We are honest in Payment of the publick Debts. this is a difficult Task! but not impracticable. an Impost has been layed or rathar proposed, & the Objections to it have been represented as manifesting a Disposition to violate the publick Faith. this Representation is neither candid nor just, & those who are opposed to the Impost have as I conceive better Reasons on their Part, for suspecting the Supporters of the Plan of a Design to establish an undue Influence, & to involve the Affairs of the Treasury in Mystery & perplexities that cannot be easily developed. the Fact seems to be this, it is difficult to form a Valuation & collect Taxes by the Confederation as it now stands. It may therefore require such an Alteration as will remedy these Defects; the former, may be removed by adopting Numbers in Leiu of property, & the latter, by enabling Congress to levy Executions on the property of Individuals of delinquent States, with provision for obliging the Treasurers thereof to reimburse the Amount of the property, with Damages, to such Individuals, out of the first Money that may be brot into the respective Treasuries— I have the fullest Confidence in the Integrity of the States, & am persuaded they will either accede to some such propositions when made by Congress, or propose others that will be equally effectual. but surely they are under no Obligation of Reason or Justice, to adopt a System for supporting publick Credit, incompatible with the principles of the fœderal Constitution, & dangerous to their Liberties— the people in some of the States have objected to the half pay or Commutation granted by Congress to the Army; & the Reason assigned is that this Grant was expressly made, to reimburse the Losses sustained by the Depretiation of their pay, which has been since made good. this I beleive was the Fact, & therefore the objection has much Weight, but such a vertuous Army claims the Generosity of their Country, & I am happy to find that the opposition to the Commutation has in a great Measure subsided. indeed one Circumstance seems to have greatly increased the Opposition, the Superiority which the officers, on their Return Home, naturally assumed over their fellow Citizens, who were at least their Equals, & in many Instances Superiors before the War— your Letter to Congress on the Necessity of providing for payment of our foreign Debts has been improved for the purpose of supporting the System of Impost, but whether it will be finally adopted by all the States is at present problematical— some of the powers of the Superintendant of Finance, were given him at a Time when the Affairs of the Treasury were greatly deranged, by the Distruction of the paper Currency, & when the Demands of Money for supporting the War were great & indispensible, but the Exercise of these powers at the present Time is considered as being unnecessary by some of the States, & indeed as being dangerous & unconstitutional: they have therefore proposed by Instructions to their Delegates such Alterations as shall prevent the Influence apprehended from the Powers mentioned. indeed there has been lately an Alarm in the Minds of the best Republicans amongst Us, at Measures supposed to have arisen from the Influence mentioned, connected with that of the State of P——a, & a foreign Minister thorough paced in politics. to preserve therefore the fœderal ballance, Congress have determined no longer to reside in this City, but to erect Buildings for their Residence in two places, on the potowmack near George Town, & on the Deleware near Trenton; & untill the Buildings are erected, to sit alternately at Annapolis & Trenton. One fœderal town it is conceived, will collect a Number of wealthy Citizens, who with some of the foreign Ministers & the great Officers of the Departments under Congress, may form an oligarchical plan of Influence that may be subversive of our Liberties. but the alternate Residence of Congress in two places, will prevent in a great Measure such a Collection, & the Influence of one Town will counteract that of the other. the Expence of the Buildings is an object of no great Consequence, & double Archives may be kept without much Expence. this Measure was effected by a Junction of the eastern & southern States, being violently opposed by this & some others of the middle States. I confess the Measure appears to be more approved, on Account of the Quarter from whence the Opposition comes— another Species of Influence supposed to have had its Birth in a foreign climate & to have been innocently fostered by the worthy officers of our Army, has made its Appearance under the Denomination of the Cincinnati. the Institution & Strictures thereon are inclosed for your perusal— a peace Establishment is proposed for garrisoning our western Frontiers & guarding the Magazines, but It is doubtful whether Congress will accept the proposition. should We have the Treasury under a Super Intendant with power to appoint all the Officers thereof; should We consent to the Impost, wch is veiwed as an intricate System for raising Supplies, without the Check constitutionally vested in the Legislatures, or the possibility of detecting Frauds in the Collection or Expenditures of the publick Monies; should We have one fœderal Town with Such Materials for an oligarchical Influence as have been mentioned; should We have a peace Establishment which by various pretences may hereafter be increased to a dangerous standing Army, not under the Controul of the respective States; should We consent to an order of Cincinnati consisting of all the Officers of the Army & Citizens of Consiquence in the united States; how easy the Transition from a Republican to any other Form of Government, however despotic! & how rediculous to exchange a british Administration, for one that would be equally tyrannical, perhaps much more so? this project may answer the End of Courts that aim at making Us subservient to their political purposes, but can never be consistent with the Dignity or Happiness of the united States.—
          Your Resignation is not yet, & I flatter myself will not be accepted. The propriety of inserting Mr Jay & Yourself in the Commissions cannot I think fail of being so considered by Congress. if there are three Commissions, the preference may be in Rotation, in the first A, J, F in the second J F A in the third F A. J—& so on in more Commissions— Congress have determined on a circular Letter to the States for delegating a Power for a Time to regulate the Commerce of the Union, so as to counteract the commercial Systems of G Britain or other Powers unfavorable to the States I will endeavour if possible to comply with your request respecting Du Coudrai, shall write to Mrs Adams & give her the Information proposed, & shall be mindful of your proposals respecting Mr Thaxter; but not knowing what Members the new Congress will consist of, I can form no Conjecture of the Measures that will be adopted on any Occasion—
          Mr Jay is very friendly to You having written a Letter highly in your Favour to Congress, recommended You as Minister to the Court of London, & declared his Refusal of the office if offerd to him—
          Your Lady & Family were well about six Weeks past. her Father died about that Time—
          You will please to communicate what You think expedient to Mr Jay & Mr Dana, of the preceeding Scroll & be assured I am on every occasion yours sincerely
          EG

            in your Letters to Congress, it may be expedient to omit Circumstantials or Minutia as your General or comprehensive Letters are most acceptable.


Title: From John Adams to Jean George Holtzhey, 24 November 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Holtzhey, Jean George

          Sir
            London Novr: 24. 1783.
          Since I have been in London, a number of Gentlemen have expressed a Desire to have the Medals, struck by you in Commemoration of the Connection between your Country and mine.—
          I should be obliged to you, if you would send me three of each Sort, and apply to Messrs Wilhem & Jan Willink for your Pay, who will charge it to my Account. Send them, if you please, to the Care of Mr: John Stockdale opposite Burlington House, Piccadilly, London.— The sooner they arrive here the better— I fancy Mr: Stockdale would be able to sell a great Number of them here, if you should think proper to send them to him for Sale If you could procure me also, three of those, which were struck by the Society Liberty and Zeal, in Friesland, I should be glad.
          I am Sir very respectfully your most humble Servant.


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Cushing, 26 November 1783
From: Cushing, Thomas
To: Adams, John

          Dear Sir
            Boston Novr. 26th. 1783
          I have not had the Honor of any of your Favors for some time past. althô I have been frequently favoured with Letters, from divers commercial Houses in France and Holland, upon the Subject of Bussiness, owing to your kind mention of my Name to those Houses, for which I am oblidged to you— I heartily congratulate you and my Country, that You, togather with the other Commissioners, have been able to Negotiate and Settle a Peace upon such honourable & Advantageous terms: These Negotiations do you great Honor in the Estimation of the People and I sincerely hope you will not fail to receive ample testimonials of their Gratitude— It gives us great Pleasure to hear by the last Vessells from Europe that the Definitive Treaty was signed on the Third of September last.
          I sincerely wish that the Articles of the Treaty of Commerce between G Brittain and the United States, now in contemplation, may be formed by the Commissioners of the contracting Powers, upon Principles of Liberality and Reciprocity and thereby such a beneficial Intercourse be established between the two Countries as to promise and secure to both perpetual Peace and Harmony, but I very much fear from the latest intelligence from England that the Ministry are governed by such narrow and self interested Veiws that there is very little prospect at present of any such Treatys being Agreed upon—
          I apprehend it will take some time before the People throughout the United States entertain just Sentiments of their Importance as a Nation, We are yet in our Infancy, Time and Experience must discover & Convince us of the necessity of supporting our Character and Credit as a Nation, and that, for these purposes, we must Invest Congress with such Powers as are essential to a Continental Government & must effectually provide them with a sufficient Fund to pay the Interest, if not, the principal of the National Debt— The Measures that have been heretofore recommended by Congress to the United States to Effect this Bussiness have not as yet been Complied with by the States, Congress last Spring repeated their recommendations upon this subject, Most, if not all, of the Southern & Middle States have Complied, The Governor opened the late Session of our General Assembly with a Speech strongly recommending a Compliance with the recommendations of Congress relative to this interesting subject & in about Ten Days after in a message, (Wherein he communicated some Extracts of yr Letters to the Financier & took occasion to mention your Name with great Honor) he repeatedly urged their Attention to this Bussiness and after much Debate and Altercation the Two Houses have past an Impost Acct for the Purpose of furnishing a revenue, which I imagine will meet the Approbation of Congress and I hope Connecticut Rhode Island and New Hampshire will after a little more Consideration pass simular Acts, so that I am really of Opinion that Matters with respect to the support of our Public Credit Are in a much better train than they have as yet been. Dr Holten who has just arrived from Congress Informs that they had come to a Resolution to fix their Residence at Trenton but it gave such uneasiness to the Members from the Southern States that Congress found themselves under a Necessity to reconsider the matter and the southern & the Eastern members after some Consultation, Uniting in their Sentiments, Agreed to move for Congress’ setting Alternately at Annapolis in Maryland & at Trenton in the Jers’y’s & accordingly the Motion was Agreed to & the Measure adopted by Congress and it has been Attended with the happy Effect of removing many Jealousies that were Subsisting, & of uniting the members of Congress in all their Measures for the Public Good more than ever,
          Having been informed that you had frequently complained that your Freinds had not kept you properly Informed of what was passing here, I, as one of them, could not refrain from writing you by this Opportunity, tho I am very doubtfull whether I have furnished you with any thing New—
          I shall esteem my self happy in hearing from you as often as your Leisure will permit— I wish you much Health & all the Honor & Happiness you can expect in this Changeable State and remain / with great Respect / Yr Freind & Humble Servt.
          Thomas Cushing

            PS. It is apprehended there will be some difficulty in Settling the Line between this State & Nova Scotia however hope the Definitive Treaty will be so explicit as to prevent all Dispute—


Title: From John Adams to C. W. F. Dumas, 28 November 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Dumas, C. W. F.

          Dear Sir
            London Nov. 28. 1783.
          I have been So taken up with Royal Societies and Royal Accademies, with British Musæums and Sir Ashton Levers Musæum with Wedgwoods Manufactory of Earthen Ware and Parkers of Glass, &c that I have not had time to write you a Line. You Observe I say nothing of Politicks for although I have been introduced to the great Politicians at their Desire I have not found them Sufficiently well disposed to induce me to Spend much time that Way.
          I think to Stay here a few Weeks and then return to the Hague unless I should in the mean Time, receive orders from Congress to go elsewhere.
          Write me all the News, if you please under Cover to Mr Joshua Johnson Coopers Row, great Tower Hill, or John Stockdale, Opposite Burlington House Piccadilly.—either of these Addresses will do.—
          I expect Mrs Adams, to arrive Somewhere in Europe, in France England or Holland I hope it will be Holland, and in Such a Case I shall Soon be there.
          My Respects to the Ladies, and believe me / your most obedient
          J. Adams


Title: To John Adams from C. W. F. Dumas, 28 November 1783
From: Dumas, C. W. F.
To: Adams, John

          Monsieur
            Lahaie 28e. Nov. 1783.
          Il y a longtemps que je me serois fait un devoir de vous écrire, si j’avois eu votre adresse, qu’on vient de m’apprendre de la part de Mr. Ridley. Je ne puis cependant entrer dans les mêmes détails, ni parler aussi clair, que lorsque vous êtes à Paris. Car si nous som̃es présentement bien avec la Tamise, ceux d’ici ne le sont pas encore tout-à-fait; & ils trouveroient mauvais, avec raison, que les paquebots fussent dépositaires de leurs secrets.
          Les tergiversations, pour ne pas terminer avec cette rep., ne font nullement ici l’effet que se promettent ceux delà & deça qui les mettent en oeuvre. On les méprise au pied de la Lettre; & certain parti continue de gagner, en faisant tourner à son profit tous les projets de l’autre.
          On ne s’inquiete pas plus de ce qui vient de se passer sur les frontieres, que de la lenteur à terminer qu’on montre dans vos quartiers; & l’on ne doute pas que tout cela est manigancé par certaines gens ici & à B–d–c.
          On sait aussi de la meilleure main, qu’il n’est pas vrai que la Cour de Londres témoigne ne pas vouloir de Mr. De Linde; & que tout ce qui s’est dit & écrit sur ce sujet, est forgé par une cabale de Diplomatiques à L—— & à Lah——, pour faire plaisir à quelqu’un.
          Permettez, Monsieur, que Mr. votre fils trouve ici Mes amitiés.
          Nous avons tous pris une part sensible à votre indisposition à Paris, & à votre bon rétablissement, & espérons que vous jouissez présentement d’une santé inaltérable.
          S’il y a des nouvelles Américaines & Britañiques, ou quelque avis pour nos amis, que vous puissiez, Monsieur, me marquer sans inconvénient, je les recevrai avec plaisir & reconnoissance, & en ferai bon usage.
          Je suis avec grand respect, / De Votre Excellence / Le très-humble & très-obéissant serviteur
          C.w.f. Dumas

          Translation
          Sir
            The Hague, 28 November 1783
          I would have made it my duty to write to you a long time ago, if I had had your address, of which I have just been apprised by Mr. Ridley.1 I cannot go into the same detail, however, nor speak as clearly as when you are at Paris. For, although we are at present in good standing with the Thames, those here are not yet completely so, and they would look askance, and with reason, on packet boats being the depositories of their secrets.
          The tergiversations, while we are still on the subject of this republic, do not at all have the effect promised by those on either side who are putting them into action. They are literally held in contempt, and a certain party continues to win out by turning to its own advantage all the projects of the other.2
          One is no longer troubled by what just happened at the borders, except for the slowness in finishing up shown by your side, and one does not doubt that all this is a scheme on the part of certain people here and at B–d–c.3
          I have it from a reliable source that it is not true that the Court of London shows evidence of not wanting anything to do with Mr. De Linde and that all that has been said and written on this subject has been wrought by a cabal of diplomats at London and The Hague for the pleasure of a certain someone.4
          Permit me, sir, to send my friendly greetings here to your esteemed son.
          We have all been greatly moved by your indisposition at Paris and by your strong recovery, and we hope that at present you enjoy unalterable good health.
          If there is news, American or British, or an announcement for our friends that you might write me, sir, without inconvenience, I would receive it with pleasure and gratitude and would make good use of it.
          I am, with great respect, your excellency’s very humble and very obedient servant
          C.w.f. Dumas


Title: From John Adams to C. W. F. Dumas, 4 December 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Dumas, C. W. F.

          Dear Sir.
            London Decr: 4. 1783.
          Last Night I received your favour of the 28th Novr: and hope in future to hear often from you, although I dont expect to be informed of the Politicks of the Country, so particularly as heretofore, yet you may write freely under the Same Cover.
          I should be glad, however to know, truly what has happened upon the Frontiers; I hope the Comte de Linden will be appointed notwithstanding the Paragraphs as Silly as they are impudent, which represent St: James’s as against it.
          Mr: Fox will rule the Roost here for some time. The present Ministry is very Strong in Parliament, but not so well principled nor so well disposed, towards America as they ought to be.
          We are in daily Expectation of the Arrival of our Courier Barney, at Havre de Grâce— if he should not bring me orders of another Sort I shall come to the Hague, and wait the Arrival of my Family— My Boy desires his respects.
          Your’s most respectfully.


Title: From John Adams to Isaac Smith Jr., 4 December 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Smith, Isaac Jr.

          Dear Sir.
            London December 4. 1783.
          Your Favour of Novr: 19th did not find me, till yesterday, which I regret, because I should have had an earlier opportunity to thank you for your kind Congratulations.
          It is indeed to me the highest Satisfaction to see my Country at Peace after so Long and so distressing a War, and much more to see her in a Situation which places her Liberties and Prosperity out of Danger— nothing which can happen will ever make me regret the Part I have taken, because it was taken upon full Deliberation, and upon the Principle of Duty as a Man and a Citizen, not only without any Prospect of bettering my private Interest but with the Sure and certain Expectation of injuring it very considerably.
          I hope Sir and believe that after some Time there will be no Objection to your returning to America, if you chuse it.

          The News of the Death of my Father Smith notwithstanding his Advanced Age, affected me much and makes me anxious to hear from my Mrs: Adams who must be affected more tenderly.
          I hope Soon to hear of the Arrival of this Lady and her Daughter in Europe, either in France England or Holland, most probably the last as that is my Home, where I should be glad to see you if I should not be so lucky as to meet you in England before I leave it.— Your Brother I hope soon to see here on his Return from Paris.
          with much Esteem and Affection I am your / Fd: and Sert:


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Franklin, 5 December 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

          Sir
            London Dec. 5. 1783.
          Commodore Jones is just arrived from Philadelphia with Dispatches. Those directed to the Ministers I opened. one contained nothing but Newspapers and Proclamations. The other contained a Letter to “the Commissioners” and a Sett of Instructions. The Letter bears Date the 1. of November the Instructions the 29 of Octr.— a remaining Packet is directed to you alone, but probably contains a Commission to Us all to treat of Commerce with Great Britain.
          Mr Jay and Mr Laurens are at Bath and the bearer is inclined to go on to Paris. I shall Send on the Dispatches and depend upon your Sending Us, the earliest Intelligence, if you find a Commission (in the Packet to you,) in Pursuance of the Resolution of the first of May last, because that Parliament must do Something before they rise respecting the Trade, and their Proceedings may probably be Somewhat the less evil, for knowing beforehand that there is in Europe a Power to treat.
          I Shall wait with Some Impatience to hear from you because, if there is no Commission under Cover to you, in which I am named, I Shall go to the Hague, and there take up my abode for sometime. I have just recd a Letter from Willink &Co which Shews that Money is exhausted & Credit too. He incloses me his Letter to you, but I fear you will not be able to assist him. With great respect &c


Title: To John Adams from Tristram Dalton, 5 December 1783
From: Dalton, Tristram
To: Adams, John

          Dear Sir
            Newburyport Decer. 5th. 1783
          By two Gentlemen who went in Ships bound for London, and of whose arrival in that City accounts are received, I had the pleasure of writing your good Self under the 16th July—& 8th August 83, both which Letters I hope reached you safe, and found you in health— As far as time or observation permitted, I gave a sketch of the politics in this Government—and wish the present day afforded a better prospect—it does not— the Affairs of the Continent wear a gloomy face, owing, in a very considerable degree, to the almost total deficiencies of the several States, in supplying the public Chest, agreeably to the principles of the Confederation; which makes it necessary for Congress to recommend new modes, that create Jealousies—. it has ever appeared to me a selfevident truth, that to preserve their freedom and independence, the several States should immediately, and they were able, in their own way, have complied with the requisitions of Congress, which were founded on Calculations to which no reasonable objections could be made— beside doing justice to public Creditors, and thereby supporting establishing & of course extending public faith, this mode of proceedure would have stifled the Clamours of domestic sufferers—and stopped the Mouths of our internal, who I may almost say are our infernal, Enemies— Had the several States done this, it is probable that Schemes of ambitious men, now too apparent, would have slept in their bosoms—or perhaps never would have been known by the Possessors that they had them— indeed I cannot help entertaining so charitable an opinion of Mankind, as to suppose, the follies and carelessness of the many first suggest to Knaves the benefit that may accrue to themselves by the exercise of their cunning— I ask pardon for detaining You a moment with any reflection of my own— especially as your extensive acquaintance with Men & Things may prove to the contrary—proceding to give you some account of the transactions of the G Court in their last Session—and of some public Movements in Congress which may prove of the greatest importance—
          The Sessions lasted from the 24th Septr to the 28th. October— Supplying the federal Chest was the object which called the attention of all— the Recommendations of Congress were frequently read—canvassed—condemned—approved—the impost bill, referred over the preceding session, of which I gave you a full account the 16 July; taken up—laid by—the subject proposed to be taken up de novo—a Committee of both houses appointed to prepare a new bill— the proceedings in every Stage blocked by Gentn. on account of the Estimation of the public debt containing an article of 8 million dollars to pay the Commutation of the halfpay promised the Officers of the army— at length it was made a serious Question, in the House, whither any Clause relative to the Commutation or half Pay should be inserted in the bill—which, after a long & warm debate, was determined, by Yeas & Nays, in the negative— thus this point which had made so much noise thro’ the Commonwealth, was settled by their Representatives—forty of whom had instructions from their constituents not to vote any Monies to Congress, without an express proviso, that no part of the same be applied to the payment of halfpay or Commutation—
          After this objection was removed the house proceeded in the bill, which, after very warm debates therein, and long Altercation with the Senate, (who were, uniformly, and almost unanimously, in favor of an impost nearly conformant to the Mode prescribed by Congress) passed—but with this exception—that all tryals for offences against the act, should be had, in the usual Manner, at the Courts of Common Pleas—with Liberty of Appeal to the Supreme Judicial Court of this Commonwealth— This bill the Governor approved—it is not to be in force untill all the other States in the Union pass similar ones—and as no further provision was made by the Legislature for establishing permanent funds, to pay the Deficiencies, which was a part of the Scheme proposed by Congress, and as that Body resolved that no part should take place without the whole was adopted, it is easily seen that the passing the impost bill alone can have no good effect— indeed the Act, as it stands, may be construed a single, unconnected, Grant—for the Zeal of the Gentn. who were opposed to payment of the Commutation, went so far as to obtain an erasement of a Clause, that referred to the resolves of Congress, upon which it was founded— if therefore the other States are as cautious to prevent any reference to the Resolves of Congress—they may accept the Grants—
          But, my dear Sir, where shall We land, if the States suffer the public Treasury to be unsupplied—what greater sport can be afforded the Enemies of these States—or what more poignant Grief given their Friends—the End being confusion and discord with every Evil attendant— Jealousies are plentifully sowed and carefully nursed—they will grow and soon become serious—from the Measure, that I am informed, Congress has in Contemplation—nothing less than a Peace Establishment. It is doubted by some few in Congress, whither the Articles of Confederation give a Right to them to make such an Establishmt— If they do contain such a right, can it be prudent, nay can it be safe, to attempt the Exercise of it— Will our Northern Brethren even listen, without indignation, to the proposal of a Standing Army in time of Peace—certainly no— what commotions will rise, instanter, if the Measure is adopted— The Necessity of guarding our frontiers & maintaining our out posts by regular forces, will be a flimsey excuse to the common Sense of these Inhabitants— And yet this Measure is warmly espoused by many Gentn. in Congress—and I wish the attempt may not be made—
          Congress are also about erecting a new State on the Ohio, back of Virginia—the Lands whereof are to be given to the Officers in Lieu of Commutation, & other promises—which if, as is probable, people of the military profession should settle, would greatly assist the Designs of a few Men, who it is frequently said are aiming to establish an oligarchical Government—that despairing to effect their Schemes by unnoticed Art & Design, they are endeavoring to heave all into Confusion from whence may be expected the Loss of Liberty. I am sorry to find it the opinion of the real friends of this Country, as of the aforegoing description, that our present Confederacy cannot long subsist— This great difference in their conduct is evident— While the former wish to see a sudden & violent dissolution take place, the well disposed aim at enlightning and awakening the Minds of the People—that another more perfect System of Confederacy may be easily slid into & adopted— I dread the Consequences, as it respects the views of other Nations and our internal Peace— if these States should ever be severed, and their Union put afloat, must we not expect every advantage will be taken by foreign Powers?— will not the easiness, with which we may become a prey, induce the attempt, and shall we not, in the End, find ourselves in the situation of Poland—the Subjects of different Monarchs—?.
          It is universally said Congress, have not sufficient Powers— whatever internal Power they may want, sure I am that their external Powers are ample— I never heard those spoken of as deficient— Now pray, Sir, what powers can be given Congress for the good of their Constituents—which can be exercised on a free people—are not the difficulties unsurmountable that must attend coercion— if Seizure of Property belonging to the Inhabitant of any deficient State, after forms prescribed have been observed, should be permitted, will it not tend to the ruin of the trade of that State, as the mercantile is the only interest, almost, which may be found out of the State—and the property within would not be easily taken—
          I trouble you, my dear Sir, with many Questions, which I cannot expect answer’d in a Letter—and were You present I should trouble you with many more—for I really want your good Advice, especially as I am in a public Line— Your Country wants your Counsels— This Commonwealth wishes the Opportunity of paying that respect to Merit which I hinted in a former Letter— This Week I am informed that Governor Hancock intends resigning the Chair— I think the next Session will have his resignation—
          I am sorry to have the occasion to tell you that Governor Trumbull has asked Leave to resign his Office next Spring—having, in an elegant and affectionate Address, left his wholesome Advice—and ardent prayers— He assigns, as the Cause of his Wishes to retire, the infirmities of Age, being 74 years old— perhaps, Washington Like—he pants for a private Life—having filled his Station with a proportionable Eclat— it is said however that the public confusions with which the State of Connecticutt is threatned, from the Power which the lower Orders of People have possessed themselves of, blindly led by groveling ambition, is the real Cause of this worthy Magistrates’ resignation—and that, from the same reasons, will follow that of a Number of his best Councellors—
          When I look on the paper I have scrabled, Friendship almost trembles at the fear of trespassing— Should my intelligence be of the least Service or Gratification to you I regret not the time it cost me or if you’ll please to accept the Design, pardoning the deficiencies, as a small token of my Affection, I shall be happy—
          Flattering myself with hopes that the present Easterly Winds may waft me a Line from you, I remain with the greatest possible Sincerity / Dear Sir, / your unalterable Friend / & obliged hble Servant
          Tristram Dalton


Title: To John Adams from C. W. F. Dumas, 5 December 1783
From: Dumas, C. W. F.
To: Adams, John

          Monsieur
            Lahaie 5e. Dec. 1783
          J’ai le plaisir de remarquer, par l’honorée vôtre du 28e. Nov., que nous avons pensé & écrit l’un a l’autre le même jour. Nous sentons & partageons sincerement la joie que vous aurez d’embrasser bien-tôt Made. Adams & vos chers Enfans, que nous supposons venir aussi. Mon Epouse, ainsi que ma fille, languit de lui rendre leurs devoirs; & la premiere s’empressera de lui remettre tous les Dépôts que vous avez laissés entre ses mains ici.
          Com̃e je ne vois par votre Lettre, Monsieur, si vous resterez avec Madame tout de bon à Lahaie, ni par conséquent si vous voulez avoir l’hôtel entier à votre disposition & à la sienne au mois de May prochain, & qu’il m’importe cependant de prendre les arrangemens les moins ruineux pour trouvert un autre couvert pour nous, je vous demande en grace, Monsieur, de me faire au plutôt connoître clairement toutes vos intentions à cet égard, afin que je prenne mon parti là-dessus à votre satisfaction, & sans trop de perte & d’inconvéniens pour nous: car c’est aux environs du nouvel an, com̃e j’ai déjà eu l’honneur de vous en parler dans une autre Lettre, qu’on loue les maisons ici, pour les occuper au mois de May: alors on peut choisir ce qui convient; autrement il faut payer le double, pour être très mal à son aise
          L’on est indigné ici, & l’on doit l’être aussi en france, de la raison pitoyable alléguée par le D—— de M——r à Versailles, pour ne pas finir la paix à Paris. Ils appellent cette raison une impudente fausseté; & l’on va prendre ici des résolutions en conséquence.
          Au cas que vous vous proposassiez, Monsieur, de passer l’hiver ici avec Madame Adams, souhaitez-vous que mon Epouse fasse votre provision de tourbes, pendant que les Canaux seront encore ouverts; car après cela on doit en payer cher de mauvaises. En ce cas faites-nous s. v. p. savoir combien de cent tonneaux vous en voulez.
          Mr. Fagel, que j’ai vu au cercle, m’a chargé de ses complimens pour vous. Mr. De Gyzelaer, avec les siens, m’a prié de vous faite part de son union prochaine, dans 2 ou 3 mois avec une aimable Demoiselle.
          Ma famille vous présente ses respects, & bien leurs complimens à Mr. votre fils ainsi que les miens.
          Je suis avec grand respect, De Votre Exce. / Le très-humble & très obéissant serviteur
          C.w.f. Dumas

          Translation
          Sir
            The Hague, 5 December 1783
          I have the pleasure of noting, from your esteemed letter of 28 November, that we thought of and wrote to each other on the same day. We feel and sincerely share the joy that you will experience in embracing Mrs. Adams and your dear children, who we suppose are also coming. My wife and my daughter look forward to paying their respects to her, and the former will hurry to give to her all that you deposited here in her hands.
          As I cannot tell from your letter, sir, if you are planning to reside with madame right here at The Hague, nor consequently if you want the whole house at your disposal and hers this coming May, and as it is important meanwhile that I make the least ruinous arrangements to find another dwelling for us, I ask you please, sir, to let me know clearly all your intentions in this matter as soon as possible, so that I can make my decision in this regard in a way that meets your needs, and without too much loss and inconvenience for us, because it is around New Year’s, as I had the honor of informing you in another letter, that houses are rented here for occupancy in the month of May. Then one can choose something serviceable. Otherwise you have to pay twice the price, only to be very uncomfortable.
          Everyone is indignant here, as they must also be in France, at the pitiful reason put forward by the Duke of Manchester at Versailles for why the peace has not yet been concluded at Paris. They call this reason an impudent falsehood, and they are going to make resolutions here as a consequence.1
          If you intend, sir, to spend the winter here with Mrs. Adams, would you like my wife to acquire the peat for you while the canals are still open, because after that you have to pay a high price for poor quality. In that case please let us know how many hundreds of barrels you want of it.
          Mr. Fagel, whom I saw on my rounds, asked me to send his compliments to you. Mr. de Gyselaar, while sending his own, begged me to inform you of his upcoming union, in two or three months, with a fine young lady.2
          My family sends you their respects as well as their compliments to your esteemed son, and please add my own.
          I am with great respect, your excellency’s very humble and very obedient servant
          C.w.f. Dumas


Title: To John Adams from Jean George Holtzhey, 5 December 1783
From: Holtzhey, Jean George
To: Adams, John

          Your Excellency!
            Amstm: the 5 dec. 1783
          About three month ago I receved a fine silver medal out of Your name from a gentleman Who came from Paris, on the independency of your Illustrious Republiq, at same time was informed that your Hon. was soon Expected here which was true, but i disovered it too late i there fore take this opportunity to return you may hearthy thanks for satisfaction you have done me, is also for the attention you pay my work in Shewing it and creating admirors. is I understandy well, you desire three medals on the declaring of the independecy, and three medals on the Treaty of friendship and Comerce between our States and your Illustrious Republic
          These Six medals in Boxes f6.6. amont att— f.37.16— which sum shall when opportunity offerts Rec. from Mess. W— & J. Willink my very good friends.
          a small silver medal with the discription and Case so as was distributed here on occasion of a patriottik treat by an un known well-meaning Faterlander, have the honor to present you this, i had kapt a small number of them, to divide them amongst some few admirors for to Compleat Cabinets amongst whom i have the Honor to reekon you, of the medal made by the society of liberty in friesland are none to be had And as yoúr Hon recommends me Mr. John Stokdale (under whose Cover i send you the medals) to dispose of my medals i dos hisitate to send him on your recomendation of Each three of the medals which i have give out since the rupture if more are required shall send ’em.
          having the Honor most / Obient Humbel Servant
          Joan George Holtzhey


Title: To John Adams from George Wythe, 5 December 1783
From: Wythe, George
To: Adams, John

          5 Dec. 1783.
          Often had I almost resolved to write to you, to supply, in some measure, by an epistolary correspondence, the want of that conversation, which I had no other cause to regret than the interruption of it by the distance between us; and had more reasons than I can enumerate to covet. But uncertainty of communication, and a doubt whether the merit of any thing I could say would be an apology for diverting your attention from affairs incomparably more momentous hitherto kept me reluxtantly silent. Your letter, therefore, by mr Mazzei, delivered to me this day, by which I learn your wish to receive a line from me, and that too whereever you be, was received with joy. I accept the invitation with a pleasure one feels in renewing an acquaintance with an old friend whose company was entertaining and improving. O were our habitations so neighbouring, that

            —θαμ᾿ ενθα δ᾿ εοντες εμιςγομεθ᾿ ⋅ ουδε κεν ημεας
            Αλλο διεκρινε ϕιλεοντε τε τερπομενω τε,
            Πριν γ᾿οτε ⋅ δη θανατοιο μελαν νεϕος αμϕεκαλυψεν!

          Οδυου. Δ. 180
          A letter will meet with me in Williamsburg, where I have again settled, assisting, as professor of law and police in the university there, to form such characters as may be fit to succede those which have been ornamental and useful in the national councils of America. Adieu.


Title: From John Adams to John Jay, 7 December 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Jay, John

          Dear Sir
            London Decr. 7. 1783
          The night before last, Commodore Jones arrived, with Dispatches from Congress. Two Packets were directed to the “Ministers,” and one larger one to Dr Franklin. The two first I opened. one of them contained nothing but News Papers,. The other contained, a private Letter from the President and a Sett of Instructions to the Ministers for Peace. These I copied, and Sent on the originals to Passy, together with the Packet to Dr Franklin, unopened.
          If it is found to contain a Comn. to Us, in conformity to the Resolution of the first of last May the Doctor will inform Us by the first Post if not by Express.
          In the meantime, I wish to consult with you, if it were possible upon our new Instructions, which chalk out Some new Business for Us. I would Send you a Copy of them, if I were not afraid of ministerial Curiosity. Mr Bingham makes me think you will be Soon here.
          I inclose herewith a Letter from the President to you and another to Mr Laurens, which I must beg the Favour of you to deliver to him, as I dont know his Address.
          Mifflin is the new President, and Congress have adjourned to Anapolis, and are to Set after sometime, one Year, at George Town upon Potomack and one Year on the Delaware. Coll Ogden had Arrived, with the News of the Signature of the definitive Treaty: But Thaxter had not in the first Week in November.
          Barneys destination is Havre de Grace, and his orders are positive to Sail in three Weeks, for Philadelphia.
          Mr Morris has drawn So many Bills upon my Bankers in Amsterdam, that a Number have been protested for Non Acceptance: So that if Mr Grand cannot assist in preventing the Protest for Non Payment the Catastrophe must now come.— This you will not mention at present.
          With great Esteem, I am yours
          John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Samuel Osgood, 7 December 1783
From: Osgood, Samuel
To: Adams, John

          Annapolis Decemr: 7th. 1783
          I should have done myself the Pleasure of writing to you before this Time; But since Joining Congress, we have been in an unsettled Posture.— little other Business has been done than that of determining a Place, or Places, for the future Residence of Congress.— The Discussion of these Questions bro’t into view many others, of great Importance.— The Decissions of Congress, you are undoubtedly acquainted with, respecting their future Residences.— But you may probably be uninform’d, as to the Motives & Reasons, that operated in the Minds of the Delegates of several of the States, to agree to Measures, that seem to be attended with no inconsiderable Inconveniency on several Accounts.— They are such, as have made the Measure unpopular to all those, who are not capable of discerning the absolute Necessity of placing Congress in a Situation, that will have the greatest Tendency to make them a free & independent Body—& it is more especially disagreeable to those who have long had a settled Plan of placing Congress in a Situation, where it would be morally impossible that they should not be fettered & shackled with an Influence, that would absolutely controul all their Measures.—
          The Simplicity of the first Class, will operate powerfully in Support of the second, who, possess’d of no small Share of Cunning & Address, will use all their Endeavors to keep out of Sight, the true Reasons of the Measure, & at the same Time place it in such a Point of Light, as to create strong Prejudices against it in the Minds of the uninformed & unthinking Part of the Society, who are too apt, for the Sake of a little present Relief, to reject Plans that would have a Tendency to secure to them very great future Advantages.—
          When Ignorance & Cunning are combined, as is frequently the Case, against wise & politic Measures, hard is the Task of the Man, who is honestly endeavoring to oppose the Systematical Intrigue of a few, by Reasons of public Utility & Propriety.— This may be the Situation of those Members of Congress, who have supported the Propositions for two permanent Places, at which the Residence of Congress shall be alternately equal.— The Objections against it are easily adduced, & of such a Nature as will at once make sensible Impressions upon the Popular Party: or rather those who do not look beyond the present Day, nor consider the Necessity of securing to Posterity the Blessings which are at their Disposal.— There are several Weighty Reasons to support the late Decissions of Congress.— It was necessary to accommodate the several Parts of the Continent, some of which were greatly agitated, & dissatisfied with the first Determination of Congress.— It was necessary in Order to destroy Systems, which would finally have ended in absolute Aristocracy—the Effects of which have been too apparent for several Years past— It would not have been possible, that Congress should ever have been a free & independent Body in the City of P——a.— Plans for absolute Government, for deceiving the lower Classes of People, for introducing undue Influence, for any Kind of Government, in which Democracy has the least possible Share, originate, are cherished & disseminated from thence.—
          With Respect to accommodating the several States in the Union, it is a Matter of absolute Necessity.— The seven eastern States may, by the Iron Hand of voting, carry the Seat of Congress much more Northward than it really ought to be, & accommodate themselves very well— But it is unnatural to suppose that the southern States would chearfully submit to such a Decission; they openly declare that they cannot, & will not; & as a fœderal Town cannot be erected without their Concurrence; the final Event must have been, that Congress would have again fallen into the City of P——a, & there remained, until the several States for Want of Confidence in them, should have voluntarily put an End to their Existence; which, without pretending to have the Gift of Prophesying, one might easily foresee would not be a very distant Period.— As to the Matter of travelling one or two hundred Miles farther, it is of no Weight—The Climate has some—But if Congress can dispatch all their Business in the Fall & Winter, which they certainly may do in future, our pointed Objection against a southern Climate will not exist at those Seasons of the year.— I am therefore fully of the Opinion that public Harmony & Concord are Objects of no small Consequence in the Union & that private Inconvenience ought always to give Way to them.—
          That Systems of Intrigue & Influence have been laid, that they are too strongly rooted already, is but too well known to those who have had a Share in public Business for these several Years past.— A Recital of the various Measures & Manœuvres, that tend to corroborate the Opinion, would be too tedious for a Letter— I need only say, that the sensible Part of those who are deeply engaged in the intriguing Plans, are most violent against the Decission of Congress, respecting two Places of Residence, that they have ever since, had strongly marked in their Countenances, an evident Air of Dejection.— their unexpected disappointment seems to have irritated them much, & we must be prepared to meet a Torrent of Abuse & many scurrilous Observations.— The Prostitutes to Influence are capable frequently of making the wrong seem to be Right— But with a Jealous, well informed People, Truth will prevail; & there is little Danger of their condemning honest, well meant Endeavors to serve them.—
          The System of Influence began, when the United States were reduced to the most deplorable Situation, on Account of their Finances; when the virtuous Spirit of the People began to Subside, & when among many an Indifference to the Cause began to be too manifest— At this fatal Moment the eagle eyed Politican of our great Ally, discovered the absolute Importance of the Aid of his Master, & the critical Situation of the United States.— It was then he ventured to propose that Congress should subject their Peace Commissioners to the absolute controul of a foreign Court. It was then found to be necessary to establish Ministers of State, a Financier, a Secretary at War, & a Secre[tary] for foreign Affairs.— It was necessary to place Congress in a Situation before the Close of the War that the Members of that Body, excepting a chosen few, should know little or nothing of the Negociations abroad— It was necessary to create an Office of foreign Affairs, & that the Chevalier & his Secretary should be the Persons behind the Scene to manage & direct all the Measures t[here]of.— In the Beginning of the year 1781 Congress found themselves extremely embarass’d—they had no Money, nor any Credit—the southern States were some of them abandonned to, & others of them overrun by the Enemy— The Delegates from those States found it impractible for the eastern States to afford them much Assistance; & some from Despair of other Means, & others probably from less virtuous Motives, agreed to give up the united States to foreign Power, perswading themselves & endeavoring to perswade others, that disinterested Benevolence alone, was the Principle from which that Court always acted.— All Hommage was due & it became Treason to speak, think or even look, as if one suppos’d it possible that she should do us an Injury, or act from interested Motives.— The Weakness & the Wickedness of the southern States placed the united States in a most humiliating Situation, opend the Door of Intrigue, which has been disclosing more & more every Year since— I have no Doubt their Object was to s[erve] their own Country; & for this Purpose, they became humble devo[ted] Worshippers of the golden Image—and every Person that did not flatter, & dance attendance as much as they, was immediately set down as having a contracted, illiberal Mind.— Attention and a smile elated the one Party, whilst a cold formal Reception & often a pointed Neglect, mark’d evidently the point of Light in which the other was viewed.—
          In this Situation was Congress, when the great Officers of State commenced— The Financier & Secretary for foreign Affairs were admirably well adapted to support, & not only so, but to become the principal Engines of Intrigue— The first mentioned Officer, is a Man of inflexible Perseverance— He Judges well in almost all Money Matters; & mercantile Transactions— He well knows what is necessary to support public Credit— But never thinks it necessary to secure the Confidence of the People, by making Measures palatable to them— A Man destitute of every Kind of theoretic Knowledge; but from extensive mercantile Negociations, he is a good practical Merchant; more than this cannot be said with Justice.— He Judges generally for himself; & acts with great Decision— He has many excellent Qualities for a Financier, which however do not comport so well with Republicanism, as Monarchy.— Ambitious of becoming the first Man in the united States, he was not so delicate in the Choice of Means, & Men for his Purpose, as is indispensably necessary in a free Government— The good Ally of the United States could assist him in Money, & he was heartily dispos’d to make her very grateful Returns— The United States abound with Men absolutely devoted.— With such a Financier and with such Materials, it is easy to conceive what an amazing Power he would soon acquire.— He stood in need of foreign Support, & they stood in need of him; thus far the political Machinery was in Unison; & republicanism grated harsh Discords.—
          The Secretary for foreign Affairs was a Man of more acquired Knowledge, & less natural Ability—A Person as completely devoted to promote all the Views & Wishes of our good Ally, as his Minister & Secretary could possibly be.— His Office was mestireous, & secret to all those, who ought to have a perfect Knowledge of all it contain’d— It was undoubtedly public to all those, to whom it ought to have been a profound Secret— Two foreigners were private Secretaries in that Office; one of which it is probable was a Disciple of the Sorbonne educated a Jesuit—the other had been a french Priest.— With this Arrangement, it is impossible to suppose that any Thing of Importance, would not be communicated immediately to such as the Interest of the united States required, should not know it.— More real Injury resulted from this Arrangement, than could possibly have done, if there had been no Office & no pretended Secrets.— It was a Snare to our faithful foreign Ministers, & a secure Asylum, to such as were dispos’d to prostrate the Honor & Dignity of the United States, before the polluted Shrine of Monarchy. In this Situation it was impossible to support an honest Man; All our foreign Ministers, excepting one, have felt very severely the Effects of this unaccountable System.— It is strange that so many, who seem to be republicans, were so easily drawn into the Snare, & that they either could not, or would not see, that it was giving up at once, all the Priviledges for the Preservation of which we had freely lavish’d our Blood & Treasure.—
          It was fortunate for the United States, that the Secretary at War, was a true Republican, & totally oppos’d to Intrigue & aristocratical Measures—had Genl. Schuyler, who nearly carried the Choice, been plac’d in that Office, It is a great Question in my Mind, whether it would have been practicable for Congress, to have disbanded their Army.— The Financier only wanted a Person in that Office who would go any Lengths with him: a Number of Officers as well as Citizens were ripe for the Measure— It had undoubtedly been deliberately digested—And the Finance Office was probably the Center of Motion.— I am well informed that an Attempt was made to draw in the late Secretary at War—But he checkd it, with a Firmness, that will always do him Honor.— such a Triumvirate, would have been too powerful for the United States; & Heaven only knows what Kind of a Form our fœderal Government would have assum’d.— The present, by that Party, is held in the utmost Detestation, & they will persevere inflexibly in their Attempts for any Alteration, by Intrigue, & by open Force, when Matters are matured, & promise more Success, than at present.—
          These Plans, in which our good Allies, were undoubtedly more than idle Spectators, originated in the Beginning of the Year 1781 & operated fully before the End of the Year.
          Having given you a general View of the prevailing politics of Congress at that Time, I hope it will not be altogether useless to communicate to you, as far as my Memory serves me, The Reasons that were urged in Support of several important Decissions of Congress respecting our foreign Ministers.— The first took Place in June 1781 a few Days before I Join’d that Body.— It respected your Commission for Peace— The Business was all matured before I arrived, therefore I am not well able to say, what suggested to Congress the Idea of an Alteration— However I had not to look any farther, to satisfy myself, after I had perused the several Letters that pass’d between you & the C. de V——s respecting the Resolutions of Congress of the 18th. of March 1780; & also the Publication of your Commission, for a commercial Treaty with great Britain.— That you might be restricted as to the free exercise of your own Judgment, If Nature had not made you servile & submissive, it was expedient that you should pointedly instructed— I find by the secret Journals, that after a New Instructions were made out for you alone, before the final Completion, the Report was recommitted, with Directions to the Committee to confer with the Chevalier.— I find the Committee reported to Congress several Amendments propos’d by him, the most material of which was “and you are ultimately to govern yourself by the Advice of the Minister of his most Christian Majesty.” &ca— The Amendments were all said to be carried in the affirmative; the yeas & nays on the above Clause, shew that there were but Eight States in Favor of it— And it has always been a Question whether the Instructions were valid, as nine States never agreed to them & the Confederation requires the Assent of nine States, on all Questions relating to Treaties.— But it was not sufficient to let it rest here; A Treaty of Peace was a very important Matter to the united States; too much so, to be committed to any Individual.— Two great Objects in that Treaty, would be, the Fishery & western Territory: & local Views might operate too powerfully in the Mind of a single Person: He would certainly urge that most, which would be most beneficial to the Part of the Continent from which he might happen to be taken.— The Ultimata with Respect to the Limits of the united States agreed upon in 1778 or 1779 being repeated, there was some Reason, why there should be more than one Peace Commissioner, Indeed there would have been a very good Reason for it, considering the general Terms of the last Instructions, had not that humiliating Clause been inserted, which made all our Peace Commissioners a mere Cypher. The Names of those Commrs. who nobly dared to act contrary to the Intention of that inglorious Restriction will be immortalized, by every true American.— Congress having agreed upon five Commissrs.—The infamous Instructions made out for you, were adopted verbatim for the five—And the Objectionable Parts were warmly debated again in Congress.— However Eight States agreed to them; & it is a very great Misfortune at this Time, that we cannot from the Journals, show that there were no more the Yeas & Nays not being call’d. That there were no more, I am sure as an Individual, having the Names of the Persons who were willing to submit their dearest Interests to Judges deeply concern’d in the Decision.— It was objected at the Time, that Eight States were not competent to pass such Instructions & that the Articles of Confederation invested no Power in Congress by which they could make a foreign Court the Arbiter of Peace [&] War for the united States.— I have as yet no Reason to alter my Opinion, which is, that both were unconstitutional. To make War nine States are necessary: but the Confederation is not as explicit respecting the making of Peace— It is held by some, that seven States only are necessary—& some who assisted in framing the Confederation, say, that this was the Idea of the Framers— But an Idea so replete with Inconsistency, seems to me Inadmissable.— The Purport of Instructions, which containd those degrading Restrictions you are fully acquainted with; but by what I have colle[cted] from Mr. T——r, you are not so fully acquainted with some Endeavors in Congress to procure a Repeal of those Objectiona[ble] Parts.— After the C. de— V——s was made acquainted with the unbounded Confidence, that Congress by those Instructions placed in the Ministers of his most Christian Majesty, he wrote to Congress, in the Name of his Master, a Letter expressing the Satisfaction that the Confidence gave, & the Moderation that would be discovered in the Use of the Power; that all his Exertions would be to promote the Welfare of his Ally.— But intimates, that he has been informed that the Measure was not unanimously agreed to in Congress.— And that if the Want of unanimity is likely to produce any Division in Congress, that may tend to destroy the Union & Harmony of that Body, he would willingly relinquish a Deposit, so delicate in its Nature, & of such great Importance— He suggests the fresh Obligations his Master is laid under, by this confidential Commission, to render every possible Service to the United States— But if Congress should see fit to withdraw the Power, the Obligation will be lessened, & the United States must in Consequence thereof, be particularly attentive to their own Interests— The Meaning of which, needs no Comment.— If I do not misremember the above is nearly the Purport of the Letter.— Notwithstanding this, in the Space of fifteen Months, three several Attempts were made in Congress, to revise & alter those Instructions, But to no Purpose.— Those who severely reprobated them, were not clear, that it was expedient to withdraw them. It had become a Matter of Delicacy, & the Situation of the United States, was not so happy, as to encourage them to do an act that would probably wound the feelings, if not give great Offence to the C. de. V——s— I am not uneasy now, that the Power was not withdrawn— I am happy that the Intention of the Instructions were gloriously eluded.—
          I have Reason to beleive, that those Members who warmly supported the Measure at first, have been made to fear the Resentment of the united States.— They have endeavored to explain to Congress the Reasons of the Measure.— They offer no better, than the extremely exhausted Situation of the Country at that Time, & the Despondency, evident from the small Exertions of all the States.— Doctor. Witherspoon has been candid enough on the floor of Congress, to hint at a better Reason, which was, your obstinate Dispute with the C. de. V.s I have always suppos’d, that the object was to clip your Wings, & make you more tame & docile; & that if they had at first adopted the Idea of having five Commissioners, they would not have made them mere Spectators.—
          After the Provisional Treaty arriv’d, some were heartily pleas’d, & others discovered a Degree of Mortification— It was evident that our Commrs. acted for themselves—that they put a proper & rational Construction upon their Instructions— But it was said that they had grossly disobeyed them— That the Court of F——e must unavoidably be extremely irritated; that instead of making the most confidential & unreserved Communications to, & instead of being governed in the least by the Advice of the Ministers of his most C—— M.—— They had made, & signed a Treaty, without their Knowledge or Concurrence.—not only so they had entered into a private Stipulation with the Minister of great Britain of little or no Consequence to the United States, as pointedly against the Court of Madrid, as it was in favor of G—— B——n.— It was not only unwise to encourage G—— B——n to carry war into the Floridas, but it was an extraordinary, & unnatural Disobedience of Instructions. Our Commissioners must be immediately censured, & positively directed to communicate the secret Article; otherwise Congress would become Partners in their criminal Secrecy.— These Observations did not operate so as to ensure the Party of Success, in a censuring Resolution— It was tempered— A Proposition was made expressing the great Satisfaction of Congress in the Conduct of their Commrs. & obliquely censuring them, for that Secret Article— This was not palatable— It was then said that his most C—— M—— had instructed his Minister here, to remonstrate to Congress in severe Terms, against the Conduct of our Commrs.; & that Congress would act wisely, to anticipate the Business— But this had no better Effect—& the Matter subsided— It was a Matter of Surprize and Astonishment to the Franklinites, that the God of Electricity consented to act with you secretly. However, if I might be allowed to form an Opinion, it would be, that the electrical Machine discharged itself invisibly—for where there is unbounded Confidence, surely there is no Reason for the least Reserve— He does not consider his most C—— M—— as an Ally, but as a Father to the United States whenever he mentions him it is in this Light.—
          The next act of Congress of Consequence, was the recalling your Commission for entering into a commercial Treaty with G. B. The Debates upon this Question were not so warm, & lengthy as upon the above.— The principal Reason that was urged, for taking it from you, was that there were in Effect two Commissions for the same Purpose: It was insisted upon, that the Ministers for Peace were empowered by their Commission to make such Commercial Stipulations in a Treaty of Peace, as should be found necessary—that this virtually repealed the Commission to you— To set the Matter in a clear Point of Light, that there might be no Interference in the Negociations, that the Business might be all done in Concert, seven States revoked your Commission— These were some of the Observations made Use of at the Time— But I suppos’d then, & am more confirmed in my Opinion now, that it was a foreign Manœuvre, not merely to mortify you, but the real Intention at that Time was, to have no Commercial Treaty with G—— B——n This Sentiment prevail’d very much at that Time; And it is not destitute of warm Advocates now.— It is the same with Respect to a commercial Treaty with the Court of St. Petersburgh.— It has been too apparent, that the Court of Verseilles are very anxious to confine our Trade as much, as possible, to themselves.— It was not till some Time after this Event, that the Delegates of Masstts. in examining the Instructions to which the Peace Commrs. were referred, as containing the Expectations & Wishes of Congress, found that not a single Word respecting the Fishery, was to be found therein.— This obliged them to move for the Instruction that afterwards pass’d respecting the same—which was long before Congress, & met with an unaccountable Opposition; the Reason is probably containd in a Letter Mr. J—— transmitted to Congress.— It may not be useless to make some Observations upon this Letter.— It contained Sentiments which were suppos’d by some to be predominant in that Persons Mind, before the Reception of it.— It was an unexpected & extreme Mortification to the Party—& I beleive the Secretary for foreign Affairs handed it immediately to Congress, without consulting them; for I am perswaded if he had done it, the Result would have been, that Congress should never see that Copy.— But they received it, & the only alternative was, to invalidate it— It was therefore asserted that Mr. M——s never wrote it.— he, who was soon made acquainted with it, I am informd, positively disowns it— But, say they, consider the Improbability of it— here is a Copy & a Translation too, why is not a Copy of the Original furnish’d— This Letter must have come thro British Hands, & it is a mere Peice of cunning of theirs, to decive and Prejudice our Ministers against a faithful Ally— But if it was not a Forgery—it is of little Consequence for Time has discov[ered] that the C. de V——s paid no Attention to it as he has not taken any one of the Measures pointed out in that Letter However it was thot best to beleive it a Forgery: & that Mr. J—— was unreasonably Jealous.— Many of the Party in Congress were undoubtedly very much disappointed in Mr. J—— He tho’t & acted like a wise & an independant Man; & they did not wish him to think or act himself.— It was not expected that he would take so decided a Part in favor of the Fishery, as it was said, t[hat] he once tho’t it of no considerable Import[ance] to the United States— It was therefore apprehended that you & Mr. L——s would unite in favor of them, & that the other two would not Care much about them.— It was expected that this Division would frequently happen, until Mr. J——[’s] Letters discovered him to be a faithful & cautious Minister.— a little Time before this, It was moved & debated, with as much warmth as any Question had for a long Time occasioned whether Mr. Laurens, as one of the Peace Commissioners should be suspended, until he should have informed Congress, whether he really addressd the Commons of G—— B——n in the shameful Stile of the Petition or Memorial, printed as his among the Deb[ates] of the House of Commons of G. B——n— If it was really his he had discovered so much Weakness, & so deeply wounded the Honor & Dignity of the United States, that he ought not on any Account to be continued in his important Trust— There was too much Truth in the Observation— But as the Members of the eastern States relied on him, to Join with you in supporting Our Claim & Right to the Fisheries, they could not consent to his Suspension, had it not been for this, he would certainly have been suspended—had they then known the decided Part Mr. J would take—& that the other would have discovered a Degree of unexpected Flexibility in some Instances, he would have been suspended— But I conceive from very different Motives— I have no Doubt that the Aim of the Party was to weaken your Support— they only know what they meant, but this was my Opinion at the Time— It remains yet a Mistery, whether he was the real Author of that humiliating Peice, published as his.—
          It was concluded by some in Congress from a Passage or two in Mr. Laurens’s Letter to them, after he first met you in Holland, that he was not well pleased with the Reception you gave him—or that you did not properly Estimate the Value of his Services, in not accepting of his Assistance in negociating a Loan.— I beleive some wish’d at that Time to make a Difference between you, if possible; & the systematical Junto were capable of framing here, & disseminating there, (& vice versa) what they pleas’d.— If I remember rightly the Passages hinted at, were not of much Consequence, & did not seem to be dictated by Disappointment.—
          You will pardon me in candidly mentioning to you the Effects of your long Journal, forwarded after the signing of the provisional Treaty.— It was read by the Secretary in Congress.— it was too minute for the Delicacy of several of the Gentlemen.— they appeared very much disposed to make it appear as ridiculous as possible; several ungenerous Remarks were made upon it, as being unfit to be read in Congress, & not worth the Time expended in reading it.— The Day after it was read, the Delegates of Masstts. found on the Table of Congress your Letter addressd to J. Jackson or the Delegates— A Passage in that Letter led them to conclude that your Journal was not intended for Congress, as you mention that you had enclosed for his Perusal a Journal; & there was none enclosed.— They therefore agreed to move that the Journal might be delivered to them— This Motion soon found Opponents. It was then said that it contained Matters of great Importance, which you had not mentioned in your other Letters—but we examined your other Letters, & found all the great Matters touch’d upon, & the smaller ones omitted.— The Secretary for foreign Affairs, was sent for to know whether it came address’d to him; he produced three several Covers with your Seal, all directed to him, and the foldings corresponded to those of the Journal: after this, we let the Matter subside, as we found we should loose the Question; & also, that a Number of the Members were convinced, that there was some Mistake: nothing was said against it afterwards.— Whatever your Intentions were respecting your Journal, it was necessary for us to take the Measure we did; & it had a very happy Effect.—
          By a Letter lately received from Mr. D—— it is probable he has left the C——t of St. P—— sometime since.— If my Memory would serve me at this distant Day, to relate the various Manœuvres with Respect to him, it might serve to show how compleatly the System has operated here, as well as in Europe.—
          Mr. Dana’s Character was fix’d as an Antigallican, from the first Letter he wrote to Congress from St. P——, after he had confer’d with the french Minister at that Court.— He wrote as an independent Man ought to— He gave his Sentiments freely upon the politicks of France. This Mode of thinking, however well founded, was very unpalatable to Congress in general. At that Time he ought not to have committed his own Tho’ts to Paper—much less ought he to have wrote so freely against Gallican Measures without Cyphers.— as Congress never received but One Copy which was either the Duplicate, or triplicate, the others must have fallen into Hands of our Ally—And consequently injure us extremely— The frequent Instances of her Generosity forbids every illiberal Sentiment— It indicates a little, contracted & Jealous Mind which would enter into the Minutæ of their Politicks, & take every Opportunity to make unfavorable Inferences from mere Appearances only.— This seem’d to be the Light in which this Letter was viewed— It was necessary therefore to point out to Mr. D—— the Line of Conduct which he ought to pursue: to let him know that Congress would not listen to any Insinuations against our great & good Ally, & to damp that Ardor which he seem’d to discover, for displaying his Ministerial Commission— A Lengthy Report was consequently made upon his Letter; the Work of John Morin Scott, in which Mr. D——’s Conduct was criticized upon unreasonably—& set in a very unfavourable point of Light— This Report could not obtain the Sanction of Congress; It was therefore referred to the Secretary for foreign Affairs, for a new Draught, which was not much less severe. It was agreed that both Draughts should be postponed, & a short Resolution was proposed, & adopted— I mention this Circumstance, because I am informed, that previous to the sending forward the Resolution, Mr. R. R. L——n forwarded one of those unauthentic Draughts; which, if true, was an unpardonable Peice of Cunning in him—for there was a Debate in Congress how those Drafts should be disposed of; & it was the Sense of Congress, that they should die.— That Mr. L——n was capable of this, is but too evident, from many Specimens of his Disposition to Intrigue.— Ever afterwards, the Systematical Junto, levelled their envenomed Shafts against him Mr. D.—& however important it might be to the united States, to have a Treaty with the Empress, they preferred the Sacrifice of that Advantage, rather than that Mr. D should have the Honor of negociating that Treaty. so strong has the Current been in favor of Gallican Politicks, that I am perswaded the Party here, were mortified at your Success with the united Netherlands, & were very content with the Ill Success of Mr. Jay as well as Mr. D.—
          It was long since evident that Mr. J—— & Mr. Carmichael did not agree entirely— But before it had fully opened—there was an Attempt made in Congress, to transfer Mr. C—— to the Minister at Verseilles— The Motion set forth, that his Services were no longer necessary at the Court of Madrid, & that a Secretary was necessary to the Commission at Verseilles that Mr. Carmichael be accordingly appointed to the said Commission, or to this Purport.— It is not the Usage to make such Appointments without a Nomination & Ballot— It was therefore objected to. The Question was divided, & agreed to, that Mr. C——’s Services were not necessary at the Court of Madrid. The Party who made the Motion were very much perplexed how to vote—for if they should agree to it & then not obtain the Transfer, they would defeat themselves— This really happened.— near two years ago, & they have been very content to let Mr. C—— continue from that time to this.—
          The Marquis La Fayette has zealously interested himself in all our important Matters—he assumes the Language [of] a true born American, & is a very popular Character in the Country— But if I Mistake not he is deeply immersed in European Politicks: which are the worst that can possibly exist for America— When he last left this Country he went with an evident Design to assist our Commrs. in negociating the Peace it was pretty plainly intimated that he wish’d to be one of the Number—had he been added to them, it would not have been more extraordinary, than some other Matters that have taken Place— An Instruction however to you to consult & advise with him, was carried— I do not apprehend you were much the wiser for the Informa[tion] you might have obtain’d from that Quarter. few Americans are worthy to be trusted in some of the most important Concerns of the United States—& not a single Foreigner.—
          Doctor Franklin has long been urging Congress to m[ake] his Grandson a Minister; his last Letter presses them on this Subject & is accompanied with a particular Requ[est] purporting to be from the Minister of Sweden.— Nothing is to be feared from these Instances—for I am sure at present, that Congress will not make him a Minister; & I hope the Period never will arrive.— It is said he has served an Apprenticeship; But with such a Master, & such Examples, [he] must be tenfold the wore for it.—
          The little Conversation I had with Mr. Thaxter led me to this narrative— I wish I had Time to arrange it better & not only so, but to examine our foreign Papers, from which, I doubt not that I could make many Extra[cts] that would be worthy of Communicating.—
          You will I think be convinced that french Politicks have a great Ascendency among us— They have taken very deep R[oot] May Heaven finally extricate us from all foreign Intrigues.—


Title: To John Adams from John Jay, 9 December 1783
From: Jay, John
To: Adams, John

          Dear Sir
            Bath 9 Decr. 1783 So. Parade No. 5
          Last night I recd. your obliging Favor of the 7 Inst. & the Letters mentioned to be enclosed with it— The one for Mr Laurens was immediately sent to his Lodgings.
          The Circumstances you mention are interesting, and will afford matter for Deliberation & Comments when we meet. My Return to London will depend on one of two Things Vizt. on being satisfied that I am to expect little or no Benefit from the Waters—or (in Case of their being useful) on my having reaped all the advantage they can afford me. They have I think done me some, but as yet not much good— My Physician tells me more Time is necessary—
          I perfectly approve of your not having sent me Copies of any private Papers; which is probably of the less Importance as our Commission is not yet come to either of our Hands; tho’ perhaps it may, as you observe, be enclosed in the Packet directed to Doctr. Franklin— my Letters make no mention of it.
          From what I heard you say at London I had flattered myself that you intended soon to visit this Place— it is worth your seeing, and you would find it agreable— Be pleased to make my Compts. to your Son, and believe me to be / Your Friend & Servt.
          John Jay


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Franklin, 10 December 1783
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

          Sir,
            Passy, Dec. 10. 1783.
          I received the Letter you did me the honour of writing to me the 5th. Instant by Commo. Jones, with the Dispatches he brought. The Packet directed to me alone, contain’d only a Letter to the Magistrates of Hambourg, and a Diploma of Doctor of Divinity from the College at Princetown for the Reverend Mr Wren: No Commission, nor any Mention of it; so that it seems to have been forgotten or dropt. Perhaps our Letter which went with the Definitive Treaty may remind the Congress of it.
          I received the Letter you mention from Messrs Willink & Compa. I immediately consulted Mr Grand, who brought me a Sketch of his Account with Mr Morris, by which it appeared that it was not in our Power to give Relief. I hope your Presence in Holland may be of Service
          With great Respect I have the honour to be / Sir / Your most obedient humble Servant
          B Franklin


Title: To John Adams from C. W. F. Dumas, 12 December 1783
From: Dumas, C. W. F.
To: Adams, John

          Monsieur,
            Lahaie 12e. Dec. 1783
          Je satisferai de mon mieux à votre desir dans l’honorée votre du 4e. court., concernant ce qui se passe sur les frontieres. Vous vous rappellerez d’abord, que l’Empereur avoit révoqué le Traité de Barriere. Selon ce Traité, qui n’a jamais été observé dans tous ses points ni d’un côté ni de l’autre, certains petits Territoires étoient cedés à la rep. près de ses Forts en Flandres en 1715 & 1718. Si vous regardez la Carte, vous trouverez l’embouchure de l’Escaut, & par conséquent la Navigation d’Anvers, fermée par les deux Forts hollandois, de Lillo au N. Est & Liefkenshoek au S. Ouest de la riviere. En suivant le rivage du coté de ce dernier fort vers le N. Ouest, vous verrez la miserable village & terre marécageuse de Doel, le tout ne valant pas, dit-on, 1000 Ducats, & qui est dans le cas de ces territoires de la Barriere. Autre fois la Garnison de Liefkenshoek enterroit ses morts dans le cimetiere de l’Eglise de ce village: Mais, depuis plusieurs années, elle enterroit dans les fossés du Fort. Au mois d’Octobre passé, un Soldat meurt à Liefkenshoek, &, sous prétexte qu’il étoit Catholique, & devoit pourrir en terre benite, le Com̃andant le fait enterrer à Doel avec un Cortege de 30 hom̃es armés dit-on à cartouches & bayonettes. Le Bailli Autrichien allegue l’ordre de l’Empereur qui défend à touts Militaires étrangers de marcher sous les armes sur son territoire, verbalise, met arrêt sur la troupe hollandoise, qui, ne se laissant pas arrêter, retourne au Fort. Peu de jours après, Mille, tant fantassins que cavaliers de Gand, par ordre de la Cour de Bruxelles, marchent, par le territoire de la rep. c’est-à-dire, par un chemin plus long, afin de pouvoir user de représailles, & vont jetter le cadavre déterré dans les fossés de Liefkenshoek; quelques autres jours après, ils occupent aussi le fort St. Donat & quelques redoutes près de L’Ecluse en Flandres, situés Sur un semblable petit territoire en litige depuis la révocation arbitraire du Traité de Barriere. Ces voies de fait ont été suivies de Mémoires de la Cour de Bruxelles, remis au Ministre de la rep. à Bruxelles, d’autres présentés ici par Mr. De Reischach, où, entre autres, on demande satisfaction de l’insulte com̃ise par la garnison de Liefkenshoek, avec quelques insinuations doucereuses sur un accom̃odement amiable de toutes choses. Les républicains ici ne doutent pas, que cette noise n’ait été suscitée par le D—— de B. W. & par les mauvais Conseillers, tous ses créatures, qu’il a laissés au Pce. en quittant, & enfin par plusieurs Mines. étrangers tant ici qu’à Londres, qui forment, disent-ils, avec les Anglomanes de ce pays, une Cabale, pour détacher la Rep. de la Frce., & la rembarquer dans l’ancien systême Anglo-Autrichien.
          On assure, que peu après l’occupation du fort St. Donat, &c. l’Envoyé de l’Empr. eut un Entretien avec le St——r, que celui-ci se pressa de noter par écrit, qu’il montra à quelques membres du Gouvernemt., mais qui ne fut point goûté, portant que l’Empr., dans sa réponse (encore à faire) aux propositions provisionelles de L. H. P. consentira sans doute avec plaisir à la Com̃ission proposée pour arranger les frontieres; mais que, com̃e la Gr. Br. avoit été garante du Tr. de Barre. annullé recem̃ent par l’Empr., sa M. desiroit que la rép. achevât la paix le plutôt le mieux, separémt. & sans la Fce., avec la Gr. Br., parce qu’il convenoit que celle-ci garantît aussi ces nouveaux arrangemens.— Cette anecdote a reçu depuis un degré de probabilité de plus, par la proposition du D. de Manchr. aux plenipes. de la rep. à Paris, de régler le Traité définitif séparément de la fce. soit à Lahaie ou à Londres.— Ces propositions, qui découvrent des vues hostiles dans les Cabinets de Londres & de Vienne contre la fce., n’étoient déjà nullement du goût des républicains d’ici, lorsque le 30 Nov. on reçut la nouvelle de la défaite des Angl. aux Ind. or., qui, jointe à celle que les Marates ont déjà violé la paix dont les Anglois se sont tant réjouis & vantés, doit faire conclure, que ces Repns. n’auront guere de peine à maintenir leur systême, contre la cabale qui voudroit les embarquer avec l’Empr. & les Angl. contre la fce. & la Pr.; car selon une autre anecdote, des plus accréditée, le R. de P. doit avoir écrit très-sérieusement à un gd. persge. ici, pour lui conseiller de se guérir de son Anglomanie, & de rétablir une boñe harmonie entre ces rep. & lui, pour son bien & intérêt & celui de sa maison; com̃e d’un autre côté il est clair que l’Empr., passionné pour s’agrandir du côté des Turcs, doit craindre, dès qu’il sera engagé avec eux, d’avoir le R. de Pr. & la Fce. sur les bras, & par conséquent aussi indirectement cette rep., Si elle n’est rengagée dans les liens de la Gr. Br.
          Voilà, pour le coup, assez de politique. Vous trouverez, Monsieur, une continuation désagréable de Stagnation dans l’Emprunt, causée surtout par celui que la Hollde. vient de résoudre en faveur de la Compe. des Indes or. de 8 millions de florins.
          Agréez, Monsieur, les respects de ma famille, & permettez que nous présentions ici nos amitiés à Mr. votre fils.
          Je suis avec grand respect, / De Votre Excellence / Le très-humble & très-obéissant / serviteur
          C.w.f. Dumas

          Translation
          Sir
            The Hague, 12 December 1783
          I will do my best to satisfy your desire expressed in your esteemed letter of the 4th of this month concerning what is happening on the frontiers. You will recall, first of all, that the emperor revoked the Barrier Treaty. According to this treaty, which was never observed in all its provisions by one side or the other, certain small territories were ceded to the republic near its fortresses in Flanders in 1715 and 1718. If you look at the map, you will find the mouth of the Scheldt, and thus navigation to Antwerp, shut by two Dutch fortresses: Lillo northeast and Liefkenshoek southwest of the river. If you follow the bank on the side of the latter fortress to the northwest, you will see the wretched village and swampy terrain of Doel, the whole of which, they say, is not worth 1,000 ducats and lies within one of those barrier territories. Formerly the Liefkenshoek garrison buried its dead in the cemetery of this village’s church but for several years has used the fortress’ ditches for burials. Last October a soldier died at Liefkenshoek, and under the pretext of his being a Catholic who had to be buried in sanctified ground, the commander had him buried at Doel by a cortege of thirty armed men, who, they say, had cartridges and bayonets. The Austrian bailiff, citing the emperor’s order forbidding all foreign military personnel from marching under arms in his territory, placed under arrest the Dutch troops, who, refusing to be arrested, returned to the fortress. A few days later a thousand troops from Ghent, as many infantrymen as cavalry, marched by order of the Court of Brussels through the territory of the republic, that is to say, by a roundabout route, in order to retaliate, and threw the disinterred body into the ditches of the Liefkenshoek fortress. Several days later they also occupied the St. Donat fortress and several redoubts near the canal locks in Flanders, situated on a similar small territory under dispute since the arbitrary revocation of the Barrier Treaty.1 Those assaults were followed by memorials from the Court of Brussels, delivered to the minister of the republic at Brussels, and others presented here by Baron von Reischach,2 in which, among other points, they demanded satisfaction for the insult committed by the Liefkenshoek garrison, along with several honeyed insinuations about an amicable accommodation of all matters. The republicans here have no doubt that this quarrel was instigated by the Duke of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel and by the bad advisors, all his creatures, whom he bequeathed to the prince when he left,3 and also by several foreign ministers, both here and at London, who, it is said, are forming a cabal with the Anglomanes of this country to detach the republic from France and return it to the old Anglo-Austrian system.
          It is certain that not long after the occupation of the St. Donat fortress, etc., the emperor’s envoy had a meeting with the stadholder, which the latter hurried to put down in writing, and which he showed to several members of the government, but which was not to their liking. It stated that the emperor, in his response (still to come) to the provisional propositions of Their High Mightinesses, would undoubtedly consent with pleasure to the proposed commission to set the borders. But as Great Britain was the guarantor of the Barrier Treaty recently annulled by the emperor, His Majesty desired the republic to make peace with Britain as soon as possible, and without France, because it was suitable for Britain to also guarantee the new arrangements. This anecdote has since become somewhat more plausible with the Duke of Manchester’s proposal to the republic’s plenipotentiaries at Paris to settle the definitive treaty separate from France, at either The Hague or London. These proposals, which reveal the hostile views of the governments at London and Vienna toward France, were already not to the liking of the republicans here, when on 30 November news was received of the English defeat in the East Indies4 and that the Mahrattas had already violated the peace that the English so rejoiced in and boasted of. This news leads us to conclude that these republicans will not have much difficulty maintaining their position against the cabal that is trying to align them with the emperor and the English against France and Prussia. According to another anecdote from the most credible sources, the king of Prussia has written very seriously to a great personage here to counsel him to cure himself of his Anglomania and to reestablish a good harmony between this republic and himself, for his own good and self-interest as well as that of his house. On the other hand it is clear that the emperor, passionate about expanding in the direction of the Turks, must fear, once entangled with them, having the king of Prussia and France on his hands and by consequence and indirectly also this republic, if it has not resumed its ties with Great Britain.
          So, for the moment, enough politics. You will find, sir, a disagreeable continuation of the stagnation in lending, caused above all by the loan that Holland just undertook on behalf of the East India Company in the amount of eight million florins.
          Please accept, sir, the respects of my family, and permit us to extend here our friendly greetings to your son.
          I am with great respect, your excellency’s very humble and very obedient servant
          C.w.f. Dumas


Title: To John Adams from William Vaughan, 12 December 1783
From: Vaughan, William
To: Adams, John

          Dear Sir
            Mincing Lane Decr. 12 1783
          On my return into the City after doing myself the pleasure of paying you my respects, I found some engagements on my hands in the line of business which will oblige me to make our excursion on Thursday or Friday instead of Wednesday. which I had mentioned to your son this Morning: If convenient & I do not hear further from you I hope I shall have the pleasure of seeing you & your Son to breakfast on Thursday or Friday about 10 Clock that we may sally forth all the Morning & to expect the pleasure of your company to dinner after the fatigues of the day. I could have put the questeon to you at Mr Copleys had you been less engaged: I am with great respect / Dear Sir / Your most obedt. / humble Servant.
          W Vaughan