Title: To George Washington from Richard Dallam, 8 January 1791
From: Dallam, Richard
To: Washington, George

Sire,
MaryLand Harford County Jany 8 1791

I Beg leave Humbly to Adress myself to Your Excellency And pray to be enrolled with Your dependants and Sollicitors for Office that when an Opportunity offers I may be a pertaker of such Bounty as you may please to bestow.
I am an admirer of Your Virtues, and am happy On the reflection, that Kind Providence, has placed so good a man at the head of the Government of my Country and given the Power to the disposition to do good.
As I suppose myself Unknown to Your Excellency both in Person And Charactor I submit to your consideration a few facts as recommendatory to my Petition.
In the Beginning of the Opposition of America to Great Britain, I tooke an active & desided part.
I was a member of the first Convention of this State, and One of the first Committee Men of the County, I inrolld myself a private in its first Company of militia, from which I was raised to a Sergt⟨,⟩ then Ensign, then Lieutenant, then Chosen Quarter Master to the Batalion, then Major, and then Colo., after I was Appointed by the State Lieutenant of the County in which Office I continued five years to the end of the War. I Had the Honor also of serving Congress, 11 months As D. pay M. Genl to the flying Camp. I was in the retreat thro⟨ugh⟩ the Jerseys And with

the Army, when you gave a check to the Enemy, and a happy turn to our Affairs, by the Capture of the Hessians at Trenton.
I also acted for the State As Commissary & Commissioner for the County.
I settled All my Accounts with the different Departments I had the Approbation of my superiors and their Thanks and my pay was never equal to my Expences In the Begining my circumstance were Independant and eascy equal to my wish and ambition.
My Patriotism led me to Vest a considerable part of my Property in the Loan Office; A Greater part of the remainder I staked as security for the Purchases I made for the State, which were so considerable, that on the settlemt of my Accounts, more than 12,000£ Specie was due me, of which 10,000£ was paid me in State Certificate in Lieu of Specie by which Acts its known to Your Excellny that I sunk Much the Greater part And the Cheaf of my Property.
At the End of the War I wished to live retired as A farmer, but my crops failed, my Family sickend And her Who was the Companion of my Youth And Friend of my Bosom died. And I am left growing old and infirm and reducd in my circumstances, And I now for the first time sollicet & am desirious to have an appointment to some Office under the Government of my Country that will afford me support, I am desended from an Ancient Family in America of Good repute and Charector I have an Acquaintance Amoung a Number of the Worthys of America. Governor Johnson was my Friend. Govr Paca a near Kinsman & Bro. in Law, Goverr Caswell of Caro. was also a near relation a perticular Friend & correspondant till his death. I am in Charector a Plain Sober, Temperate, Modest, Industrious, Moral, And I wish to be A religious Man.
Of All Professions that of A Soldier is the most contrary to my Natural disposition but yet in time of danger I have not felt fear. After what I have said I know nothing further to add to this commendation of myself. But that should You in Your Goodness take notice of me by makg a provision for me by Appointmt to some Office, I will be faithfull and diligent in the performance of my duty And Gratitude Inclination and disposition will prompt, that none in these Virtues shall exceed me.
The Benevolence of Your Heart will plead for my Intrusion

and the change of my Affairs brought about, by no Extravegence or Intemperence of my Own or Family is the only Apology I can make I shall therefore rest myself on your Excellency⟨s⟩ compassion and whether my Application meets my desire or not, I shall ever remain one of the many, Who Venerate Your Charecter And give thanks to the Almighty for having placed You at the Head of Our Governmt And I will continue my prayers for Your Life to a great old Age and After Death that you may be received to A Heavenly Kingdom, And subscribe myself with All defference Your Excellencys Most Obedt and Hum. Servt

Richd Dallam


Title: To George Washington from George Gibson, 8 January 1791
From: Gibson, George
To: Washington, George

May it please Your Excellency
8th January 1791.

In the month of January 1779, Your Excellency in conference with a committee of Congress was pleased to order me to reinlist for the War the men of the first State Regiment of Virginia under my command on the same terms that the Continental troops were enlisted with an assurance if the State of Virginia wou’d not take them, Congress wou’d—I have searched the Office & find the committee have reported generally. I am constrained to apply to Your Excellency humbly praying Your Excellency will please to direct that a certificate may be given me that such order hath existed. I have the Honor to be with the most profound respect Your Excellency’s most Obedient Humble Servant

Geo. Gibson


Title: Tobias Lear to Daniel Grant, 8 January 1791
From: Lear, Tobias
To: Grant, Daniel

Sir,
Philadelphia January 8th 1791.

Mrs Washington requests me to present, and begs your acceptance of her best thanks for the very excellent mutton and pair of canvas-back Ducks which you have been so polite as to send to her.
I have delayed acknowledging the receipt of your letter or informing you of the safe arrival of the mutton until we should have an opportunity of judging of its goodness otherwise than by the eye. This opportunity occurred yesterday when it made a very conspicuous dish at the table, where there was a large company of Gentlemen from different parts of the Continent, and the mutton was pronounced to be the best they have ever seen. I am Sir, Your most obedient Servant

T. Lear.


Title: To George Washington from Alexander Hamilton, 8 January 1791
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

Treasury Department January 8th 1791

The Secretary of the Treasury has the honor respectfully to transmit to the President of the United States a Contract made by the Collector of Portsmouth in New Hampshire with Titus Salter for furnishing the Light house on New Castle Island with oil, wick, fuel & candles, and for the care & lighting of the same from the 15th day of August 1789 to the 1st day of July next, including some small repairs for the Sum of five hundred and fifty five dollars and ninety nine cents.
The Situation of this establishment, in regard to the title to it, appears to have produced some irregularities; and a similar observation occurs in regard to the mode of signature on the part of the United States. These, however, the Secretary humbly conceives, will not on examination appear essential. He begs leave to remark that altho’ the charge of £54 lawful money per annum for keeping the Light house is not among the most reasonable of those compensations, yet the general expences of the establishment which are to be provided for by the same party, appear to be moderate: No provisional clause relative to approbation is inserted in the instrument now transmitted, but the Collector states in his letter that a separate agreement has been made, duly providing for the Submission of the contract to the pleasure of the President. Signed,

Alexander HamiltonSecy of the Treasury


Title: To George Washington from Timothy Pickering, 8 January 1791
From: Pickering, Timothy
To: Washington, George

Sir,
Philadelphia Jany 8 1791.

Having been accidentally detained here longer than I expected, and a little leisure now presenting, I have thought it would not be misapplied in suggesting the means of introducing the art of husbandry, and civilization, among our Indian neighbours.
In the treaty with the Creek Indians, I observe provision is made for furnishing them with domestic animals and instruments of husbandry, with a view to change those people from hunters to husbandmen.
If it is the wish of the United States (and the clause just mentioned, in the treaty with the Creeks, warrants the supposition) thus to instruct the Indians in the most important of all arts, the art of husbandry, and to reclaim them from a savage to a civil state; I am disposed to believe that the wish is founded on practicable ideas. But no means hitherto used appear to me to have been properly calculated to produce that effect. It is certain they have not succeeded. And hence many, perhaps most people, think the idea of civilizing the Indians perfectly Eutopian. They instance the numerous attempts with a few of the most promising Indian youths, who, after several years instruction at our schools and colleges, returning to their own country, again become mere savages. But this conclusion is not fairly drawn. We take a few young Indians, & educate them in the stile of the children of men of fortune. We spare no pains or expence to give them what is called Learning: but never teach them a single art by which they may get a subsistence. When grown up to manhood, ⟨we⟩ send them back to their tribe. But what shall they do? They must eat; and their bodies must be covered. How shall they obtain food and cloathing? Their parents & friends have scarcely enough to supply their own necessities. There are no literary professions among them; and their nation has no lucrative offices to bestow. The youths must then provide for themselves. How shall they do it? With all their learning they acquired no mechanic art; and though surrounded by farmers, they were not taught the art of husbandry. What, then, is their resource? From absolute necessity they become hunters: for hunting furnishes both food and cloathing. But being hunters,

they soon become savages; and all their civil learning is lost upon them.
This, I knew, was the general result of educating Indians: but a remedy did not occur till I became personally acquainted with them in the late conference at Tioga. Indeed, till then I had never had the subject in contemplation. The remedy seemed obvious. Prevent the necessity of their becoming hunters, and they may be gradually civilized. Instead of educating them like the sons of men of independent fortunes, teach them only reading, writing and arithmetic: and while they are acquiring these arts, let them practically learn the art of husbandry. In a word, bring them up precisely in the manner in which our substantial farmer⟨s⟩ educate their own sons, till they reach the age of twenty one. When thus instructed—when thus habituated to the most useful labour, place them in the conditi⟨on⟩ of those farmers’ sons: Give to each a cow, a yoke of oxen, a plough, a cart, and the other proper instruments of husbandry: Give them the other necessary domestic animals. They will need no other gifts; they have land in abundance, inviting the hand of Cultivation.
To introduce this degree of civilization, the method promising the best success appears to me to be this. Appoint some benevolent man, whose prudence equals his benevolence, to treat on the subject with that tribe of Indians which shall appear best disposed towards the measure. Let it be offered as an experiment, for the benefit of volunteers; with an assurance that ’tis meant for their good; and that it shall be dropped, if, after a fair experiment, it should not be found useful and agreeable to them. The proposition would be—To open in one of their towns, a school of plain learning and husbandry. The director, or superintendant, should have a discreet schoolmaster to teach reading, writing & arithmetic—and two or three young men who are complete farmers, to teach the art of husbandry, to such Indian boys and youths as should be found willing to learn, and whose parents should approve of the plan.
If the Indians should ever learn and practise the arts of civil life (and I cannot admit the idea that their minds are cast in a mould so different from that of the rest of their species as to be incapable of cultivation) I am inclined to think a beginning must be made nearly in the manner here suggested.
The annual expence, for the first two or three years, need not

exceed two thousand dollars. The expence afterwards would be proportioned to the number of cattle &c. which should be furnished. The continuance of expence might be limited to a moderate term of years. Perhaps nearly the whole charge might eventually be defrayed by the Indians, by voluntary grants of land, in such manner as the President of the United States should approve.
The experiment being once made & found successful, might be repeated among all the Indian tribes: and as soon as husbandry shall, with general approbation, be established in a nation, they will find their extensive hunting grounds unnecessary; and will then readily listen to a proposition to sell a part of them, for the purpose of procuring, for every family, domestic animals & instruments of husbandry.
The idea here suggested is interesting to humanity: it is peculiarly interesting to the United States. Even in a pecuniary view it is important. A single campaign would cost more than the entire establishment of these schools of humanity among all the Indian nations within their limits.
The British, I am informed, expend many thousands annually, in presents to the Indians of the Six Nations. But the charity (if such it can be called) is as ill placed as it is ill conducted. In its consequences it is highly injurious to the Indians themselves: for in proportion to the largeness of the presents usually received, their industry will naturally be abated. The object of the plan here sketched, is to furnish the Indians with the means, & to produce a disposition, to support themselves in a condition of all the most eligible for the mass of a nation—the condition of husbandmen. To me the plan appears not difficult to execute. And if it would be the surest and the cheapest method of preserving the friendship of the Indians (as I conceive it would) it may merit public attention. Its expediency struck me so forcibly, I could not forbear submitting it to your inspection. I have the honour to be, with very great respect, Sir, yr most obedt servt

T.P.


Title: To George Washington from Rufus Putnam, 8 January 1791
From: Putnam, Rufus
To: Washington, George

Sir:
Marietta [Northwest Territory] Januy 8th 1791.

The mischief which I feared, has overtaken us much sooner than I expected. On the Evening of the 2d instant, between sunset and daylight-in; the indians supprised a new settlement of our people at a place on the Muskingum, called the Big-bottom, near forty miles up the river, in which disaster eleven men, one woman, and two children, were killed: Three men are missing—and four others made their Escape. Thus, sir, the war, which was partial before the campaign of last year, is, in all probability, become general: For, I think there is no reason to suppose that we are the only people on whom the savages will wreak their vengeance, or that the number of hostile indians have not encreased since the late expedition. Our situation is truly critical: The governor and secretary both being absent; no assistance from Virginia or Pennsylvania can be had. The garrison at Fort Harmar, consisting at this time of little more than twenty men, can afford no protection to our settlements And the whole number of men, in all our settlements, capable of bearing arms, including all civil and military officers, do not exceed two hundred and eighty seven, and these, many of them, badly armed. We are in the utmost danger of being swallowed up should the Enemy push the war with vigor during the winter; this I belive will fully appear, by taking a short view of our several settlements, and I hope justify the extraordinary measures we have adopted, for want of a legal authority in the territory to apply to for aid in the business. The situation of our people is nearly as follows:
At Marietta are about eighty houses, in the distance of one mile, with scattering houses about three miles up the Ohio. A set of mills at Duck creek, four miles distant, and another mill, two miles  up the Muskingum. Twenty two miles up this river is a settlement, consisting of about twenty families⟨;⟩ about two miles from them, on Wolf Creek, are five families and a set of mills. Down the Ohio, and opposite the Little Kenahawa, commences the settlement called Belle prairie, which extends down the river, with little interruption, about twelve miles, and contains between thirty and forty houses. Before the late disaster, we had several other settlements, which are alredy broken up. I

have taken the liberty to enclose the proceedings of the Ohio company and Justices of the sessions on this occasion, and beg leave, with the greatest deference, to observe, that, unless government speedily send a body of troops for our protection, we are a ruined people. The removal of the women and children, &c., will reduce many of the poorer sort to the greatest straits; but, if we add to this the destruction of their corn, forage, and cattle, by the enemy, which is very probable to ensue, I know of no way, they can be supported; but, if this should not happen, where these people are to raise bread another year, is not easy to conjecture, and most of them have nothing left to buy with. But my fears do not stop here; we are a people so far detached from all others, in point of situation that we can hope for no timely relief, in case of emergency, from any of our neighbours: and, among the number that compose our present military strength, almost one half are young men, hired into the country, intending to settle by and by; these, under present circumstances, will probably leave us soon, unless prospects should brighten; and, as to new settlers, we can expect none in our present situation; so that, instead of encreasing in strength, we are like to diminish daily; & if we do not fall a prey to the savages, we shall be so reduced and discouraged as to give up the settlement, unless Government shall give us timely protection. It has been a mystery with some, why the troops have been with drawn from this quarter, and collected at the Miami; that settlement, is, I believe, within three or four day’s march of a very populous part of Kentuckey, from whence, in a few days, they might be reinforced with several thousand men: Whereas, we are not within two hundred miles of any settlement, that can probably more than protect themselves.
But, I forbear suggestions of this sort, and will only observe further, that our present situation is truly distressing; and I do, therefore, most earnestly implore the protection of Government, for myself and friends inhabiting these wilds of America. To this we conceive our-selves justly entitled; and, so far as you, Sir, have the means in your power, we rest assured that we shall receive it in due time. I have the honor to be, with the highest possible respect, Sir, Your most obedient and most humble servant,

Rufus Putnam.


Title: From George Washington to William Washington, 8 January 1791
From: Washington, George
To: Washington, William

Dear Sir,
Philadelphia January 8th 1791.

I have had the pleasure to receive your letter of the 7th of November, and I beg you will be assured that I have a proper sense of your polite invitation to reside with you while in Charleston, if I should pay a visit to the southern States in the ensuing year.
It is my intention to visit the southern States next spring; provided the new Congress should not meet immediately on the rising of the present which will be on the 3rd of March—If it should not be in my power to leave this place by the middle of that month I must give up my tour for this season as setting out at a later period would bring me into the southern States in the warm and sickly months, a circumstance which I would wish by all means to avoid—But Sir, you will permit me to decline the acceptance of your polite invitation; for I cannot comply with it without involving myself in an inconsistency as I have determined to pursue the same plan in my southern that I did in my eastern visit; which was not to incommode any private family by taking up my quarters with them during my journey—I am persuaded you will readily see the necessity of this resolution both as it respects myself and others—It leaves me unembarrassed by engagements, and by a uniform adherence to it I shall avoid giving umbrage to any by declining all such invitations of residence.
The journey in the manner I shall make it would be too much for Mrs Washington, She will not therefore accompany me, but joins in compliments to Mrs Washington and yourself. With very great esteem and regard, I am dear Sir, Your most obedient Servant

G. Washington


Title: To George Washington from Hyacinth de Chappedelaine, 9 January 1791
From: Chappedelaine, Julien-Joseph Hyacinth de
To: Washington, George

Your Excellency
Savannah [Ga.] 9th Jany 1791

The marks of friendship and kindness which you have had the goodness to bestow upon me during my tour through the United States have made too deep an impression upon me not to be remembered with the most lively sensibility. The interest which you have always taken in the welfare of the French gives a title to them and to me to make you acquainted with my arrival at Savannah with the heads of three noble families of Bretagne, who have come over with me to establish themselves on the Isle of Sapels with me and M. Dumousset, in order that they may enjoy, in pleasing tranquility, the unspeakable advantages of a wise Government, of which you are the head & spring. They have begged me to become their intercessor with you, to engage you to look with a favourable eye upon the new Colony which we are about to found. If you deign to view it in this light, it will be considered by us as a happy presage—and we may then promise ourselves the greatest Success—we wait with impatience for your Excellency’s acquiescence in this request, fully persuaded that our gratitude will equal the profound respect

with which I have the honor to be Your Excellency’s most humble & Obedt Sert

⟨Le Mr⟩ de Chappedelaine


Title: To George Washington from Walter Healey, 10 January 1791
From: Healey, Walter
To: Washington, George

Calcutta, Jany 10th 1791. Proposes to convey his title to the village of Allenagur near Calcutta to the United States for the establishment of an American factory. Solicits the post of U.S. consul to India.


Title: To George Washington from Robert Lewis, 10 January 1791
From: Lewis, Robert
To: Washington, George

Honored Uncle
Philadelphia 10th January 1791

In requesting your attention to a subject of the greatest importance to Myself, and in begging your permission to communicate it with freedom and confidence, I trust I shall not trespass on the respect which your goodness toward me has deeply impressed on My Mind.
My opinions of happiness, and the inclinations of My heart have determined Me to change my situation in life—with a view to this great object I declared my regards, when last in Virginia, to a young lady whose beauty & Merit had engaged my affections and esteem, and whose worth will I fondly hope entitle her to your approbation, which will Ensure to me every happiness I desire. It was impossible for Me to take this determination without thinking of the consequence which might attend My connexion with you, Sir—under that idea I beg leave to assure you, that it is My first wish to remain with you, to profit from a situation

so Eligible as the patronage of an Uncle whom I love with the purest affection—and if the change which I mention, may be reconciled to that wish, I shall be perfectly happy—but if that is impossible, I shall hope to carry me into the retirement of a Country life, the continuance of your regards, which I value far above all price.
To avoid the Embarassment which I apprehended to myself from personal communications of this matter in the first instance, I have used the liberty of addressing you by letter—Should you desire to learn any particulars, I shall be happy to Explain them in a conversation. I intreat you to believe that I shall ever remain your dutiful Nephew, and Obliged Humble Servant

Robt Lewis


Title: To George Washington from Edmund Randolph, 10 January 1791
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Washington, George

    Sir
    Philadelphia January 10. 1791.

   I do myself the honor of informing you, that the plan for opening a contract with the woollen manufacturer, appears, as far as I am able to judge, to be proper in itself, and likely to be approved by the legislature of Virginia.
   But I must confess, that I have paid more attention to the propriety of the President, undertaking a correspondence with the British Artist. I am told and believe, that it is a felony to export the machines, which he probably contemplates to bring with him. Permit me therefore to submit to your consideration, whether the continuance of your agency in this affair may not be somewhat objectionable? The project has been announced to Virginia; and the executive of that state can easily transact this business for themselves. I have the honor, sir, to be, with the highest respect, your mo. ob. serv.

    Edm: Randolph.


Title: To George Washington from the Seneca Chiefs, 10 January 1791
From: Seneca Chiefs
To: Washington, George

Father,
Philadelphia, 10th January, 1791.

Your speech written on the great paper, is to us, like the first light of the morning to a sick man, whose pulse beats too strongly in his temples, and prevents him from sleep: He sees it and rejoices, but he is not cured.
You say, that you have spoken plainly on the great point: That you will protect us in the lands secured to us at Fort Stanwix, and that we have the right to sell, or to refuse to sell it. This is very good. But our nation complains, that you compelled us, at that treaty, to give up too much of our lands: We confess that our nation is bound by what was there done, and, acknowledging your power, we have now appealed to yourselves, against that treaty, as made while you were too angry at us, and therefore, unreasonable and unjust: To this you have given us no answer.
Father,
That treaty was not made with a single State; it was with the thirteen States: We never would have given all that land to one State. We know it was before you had the great authority and as you have more wisdom than the Commissioners who forced us into that treaty, we expect, that you have also more regard to justice, and will now, at our request, reconsider that treaty, and restore to us a part of that land.
Father,
The land which lies between the line running South from Lake Erie to the boundary of Pennsylvania, as mentioned at the treaty at Fort Stanwix, and the Eastern boundary of the land which you sold and the Senekas, confirmed to Pennsylvania, is the land on which Half Town, and all his people live, with other chiefs who always have been, and still are disatisfied with the treaty at Fort Stanwix: They grew out of this land, and their fathers fathers grew out of it, and they cannot be persuaded to part with it: We therefore intreat you to restore to us this little piece.
Father,
Look at the land which we gave to you, at that treaty, and then turn your eyes upon what we now ask you to restore to us, and you will see that what we ask you to return, is a very little piece. By giving it back again, you will satisfy the whole of our nation:

the chiefs who signed that treaty, will be in safety; and peace between your children and our children, will continue so long as your land shall join to ours. Every man of our nation will then turn his eyes away from all the other lands which we then gave up to you, and forget that our fathers ever said that they belonged to them.
Father,
We see, that you ought to have the path at the carrying place from Lake Erie to Niagara, as it was marked down at Fort Stanwix, and are all willing it should remain to be yours. And if you desire to reserve a passage through the Conewango, and through the Chetaughque lake, and land for a path from that lake to lake Erie, take it where you best like. Our nation will rejoice to see it an open path for you, and your children, while the land and water remain: But let us also, pass along the same way, and continue to take the fish of those waters, in common with you.
Father,
You say that you will appoint an agent to take care of us. Let him come, and take care of our trade, but we desire he may not have any thing to do with our lands; for the agents which have come among us, and pretended to take care of us, have always deceived us whenever we sold lands; both when the king of England, and when the States have bargained with us. They have, by this means, occasioned many wars, and we are, therefore, unwilling to trust them again.
Father,
When we return home, we will call a great council, and consider well how lands may be hereafter sold by our nation, and when we have agreed upon it, we will send you notice of it. But we desire, that you will not depend on your agent for information concerning land: For after the abuses which we have suffered by such men, we will not trust them with any thing which relates to land.
Father,
We will not hear lies concerning you, and we desire that you will not hear lies concerning us; and then we shall certainly live at peace with you.
Father,
There are men who go from town to town, and beget children, and leave them to perish, or, except better men take care of

them, to grow up without instruction. Our Nation has looked round for a father, but they found none that would own them for children, until you now tell us, that your courts are open to us, as to your own people!
the joy which we feel at this great news, so mixes with the Sorrows that are passed, that we cannot express our gladness, nor conceal the remembrance of our afflictions: We will speak of them at another time.
Father,
We are ashamed that we have listened to the lies of Livingston, or been influenced by threats of war by Phelps, and would hide that whole transaction from the world, and from ourselves, by quietly receiving what Phelps promised to give us for the lands they cheated us of: But as Phelps will not pay us, even according to that fraudulent bargain, we will lay the whole proceedings before your court. When the Evidence which we can produce, is heard, we think it will appear, that the whole bargain was founded on lies, which he placed one upon another; that the goods which he charges to us, as part payment, were plundered from us: that if Phelps was not directly concerned in the theft, he knew of it at the time, and concealed it from us; and that the persons we confided in, were bribed by him to deceive us in the bargain: And if those facts appear, that your court will not say that such bargains are just, but will set the whole aside.
Father,
We apprehend that our evidence might be called for, as Phelps was here, and knew what we have said concerning him, and as Ebenezer Allen knew something of the matter, we desired him to continue here. Nicholson, the interpreter, is very sick, and we request that Allen may remain a few days longer, as he speaks our language.
Father,
The blood which was spilled near Pine Creek, is covered, and we shall never look where it lies. We know that Pennsylvania will satisfy us for that which we spoke of to them, before we spoke to you. The chain of friendship will now, we hope, be made strong as you desire it to be: We will hold it fast, and our end of it shall never rust in our hands.
Father,
We told you what advice we gave the people you are now at

war with; and we now tell you, that they have promised to come again to our towns next spring: We shall not wait for their coming, but set out very early, and shew to them what you have done for us, which must convince them that you will do for them, every thing which they ought to ask. We think they will hear, and follow our advice.
Father,
You gave us leave to speak our minds concerning tilling the ground. We ask you to teach us to plow and grind corn: to assist us in building saw-mills, and supply us with broad axes, saws, augers, and other tools, so as that we may make our houses more comfortable and more durable; that you will send smiths among us, and above all, that you will teach our children to read and write, and our women to spin and to weave. The manner of your doing these things for us, we leave to you, who understand them; but we assure you, that we will follow your advice, as far as we are able.

            Present at signing,

            Joseph Nicholson, interpreter.

            his

            Ty Matlack.

            Corn X Planter.

            mark

            his

            his

            John X Dechart,

            Half X Town.

            mark.

            mark.

            his

            his

            Jem. X Hudson,

            Great X Tree.

            mark.

            mark.


Title: To George Washington from John I. Sonnet, 10 January 1791
From: Sonnet, John I.
To: Washington, George

Fifth Street, Jany 10th 1791
May it please Your Excellency

Although the recital of the distresses of another, is painful to a heart so susceptible of sensibility as is that of Your Excellency; Yet both by your public and private Character, I am emboldened to lay my misfortunes at your Excellency’s feet; and although

Your Excellency’s time is necessarily dedicated to the best and most important Uses in the State, Yet ’tis capable of stooping, to alleviate Distress and if anything is capable of atoning for the present Liberty I take ’tis the keen ’tho’ secret pangs of necessity.
Your Excellency’s Petitioner, was some time ago Teacher of the french Language in Dickinson College (in Carlisle) under the care of the Revd Dr Charles Nisbet, from whom and some of the first Characters in that borough, Your Excellency’s petitioner possesses the strongest Recommendations. That your Excellency’s petitioner having with deep felt Grief, beheld the dreadful Ignorance existing among the Settlers of the Frontiers, and being desirous of adding his Mite for the benefit of his fellow Creatures, removed there; built at his own expense a suitable Dwelling &ca for the reception of Youth and Children to be taught such necessary branches of learning as they stood in need of; and requiring only a small proportion of labour as recompense: but Alas’ as contented Poverty and Vice, are mostly companions, I found the poor Wretches ready to receive; but unwilling when the time came to make the least Acknowledgment.
Your Excellencys petitioner and family, after staying the Ten Months were Obliged to remove, from a place of Poverty and Ebriety to a Village more inhabited, from which he has been persuaded by some Gentlemen, (to whom he has the Honour of being known) to come to this Metropolis, in hopes that the subserviency of his Talents might be found Acceptable to his fellow Citizens; and having began a Seminary, under the patronage of four of the most respectable Characters in the City, was in hopes of living above pinching Want, and in some measure of supplying the immediate calls of Nature, but his Seminary not encreasing with the severity of a rigourous Season, Your Excellencys Petitioner is reduced to extreme Necessity, not having another meal to approach, for himself, a Wife, and a Mother in law of Seventy five Years of Age.
Your Excellency’s petitioner therefore most humbly begs the kind assistance of your Excellency’s influence, in obtaining some employment for him, in order to tear him from the impending Destruction which threatens him.
Your Excellencys Petitioner is happy in being able to produce a respectable Character, Is a member of the Church of England, and has also the honour of being a member of that Antient and

most Honorable Society which Your Excellency distinguished in honoring as Grand Master.
Your Excellency is the only One I have been emboldened to open my distresses to, therefore humbly beg, that if your Excellency ⟨thinks⟩ fit to disregard the humble prayer, That it may, and in all probability with its distressed author Sink into Oblivion. This is with the greatest respect and profound Reverence The humble Prayer of Sir, Your Excellency’s most Humble and Obedient Servant

John I. Sonnet


Title: To George Washington from John Eager Howard, 11 January 1791
From: Howard, John Eager
To: Washington, George

Sir
Annapolis [Md.] January 11th 1791

I have the honor to enclose an Act of Assembly of this State entitled “An Act to empower the Wardens of the Port of Baltimore

to lay and collect the duty therein mentioned,” which cannot take effect until ratified and confirmed by an Act of Congress. I therefore request the favour of you to lay the same before Congress for their confirmation, if approved. I have the Honor to be Your Excellency’s most Obedt Servant

J. E. Howard


Title: From George Washington to Beverley Randolph, 13 January 1791
From: Washington, George
To: Randolph, Beverley

Sir,
Philadelphia January 13th 1791

The various and important business which required my particular attention in the beginning of the present session of Congress will, I presume, sufficiently apologize to your Excellency for this late acknowledgment of your letter of November last.
I have attentively considered the request which your Excellency has made, by desire of the Legislature, that I would again open the business of establishing a Woollen manufactory in Virginia; and it is with infinite regret that I must decline any further agency in it; at least so far as relates to carrying on a correspondence

with the person in Great Britain who has proposed to establish the Manufactory. I am persuaded that your Excellency and the Legislature will see, upon reflection, the impropriety of my appearing in this business while I remain in my present situation; for I am told that it is felony to export the Machines which it is probable the Artist contemplates to bring with him, and it certainly would not carry an aspect very favorable to the dignity of the United States for the President, in a clandestine manner, to entice the subjects of another Nation to violate its laws.
I have communicated the subject of your Excellency’s letter to the Secretary of State and the Attorney General, who are both of the same sentiment which I have expressed, and for the reason mentioned.
I am, however, happy that my agency is not absolutely necessary to the completion of this object; for the project has been announced to Virginia, and the original letter from the Artist has been transmitted to your Excellency. This communicates every thing that I am possessed of on the subject, and leaves it with the State of Virginia to do whatever may be thought best in the affair.
Impressed as I am with the utility of such an establishment I shall ever be ready to give it every aid that I can with propriety; and I am certain that your Excellency and the Legislature will impute my conduct, on this occasion, to its true motive. With due consideration, I have the honor to be Your Excellency’s most Obedt Servt

G. Washington


Title: From George Washington to Henry Knox, 14 January 1791
From: Washington, George
To: Knox, Henry

Sir,
United States, January 14th 1791.

On as full a consideration of the last speech made to me by Cornplanter, Half Town, and the Great-tree, Chiefs of the Seneka Nation, as my comprehension of their meaning enables me to give, I am led to the following conclusions, which, if there is

any propriety in discussing their request, or yielding the land asked for, I wish you to consider as the basis of the communications to be made to these people.
In the first place, it appears to me that Cornplanter and the other chiefs, now in the City of Philadelphia, do not constitute a representation of their Nation. And to undo, or perhaps even to enter on the revision of treaties which have been deliberately and formally concluded, but under circumstances of equal deliberation and form, would be to open a door to certain inconvenience, and probable difficulty—by encouraging applications which the Indians would not fail to make to the United States.
That it is a matter which requires mature consideration, how far any assurances regarding the restoration of lands, which have been ceded by treaty to the United States can be made, without the participation of the Senate—and that no assurance should be given which may involve a dispute with any individual State, respecting its claim to the land applied for.
That they be informed that no Agent for Indian Affairs will be authorized to dispose of their lands.
Not comprehending the precise meaning of the clause respecting Children, I do not remark upon it.
In reply to the last clause of their speech, I have to observe, that such expense cannot be incurred. What is made will be for objects the most beneficial. The enclosed letter from Colonel Pickering contains some good ideas of improvement, and, if necessary, may be useful in framing the answer to the Cornplanter, and the other Indians who are with him. I am, sir, Your most Obedt Servt

Go: Washington


Title: To George Washington from Timothy Pickering, 15 January 1791
From: Pickering, Timothy
To: Washington, George

Sir,
Philadelphia Jany 15. 1791

I intended to have done myself the honour of waiting on you in person: but a letter may give you less trouble.
General Knox informed me that it would be agreeable to you that I should undertake the superintendency of the northern Indians; I mean particularly the Six Nations. I answered, That by the new constitution of Pennsylvania, a Continental appointment

was declared to be incompatible with the appointments I held under the State and I supposed the nature of such superintendency would not warrant any considerable emolument. In a subsequent conversation I intimated a willingness to perform the necessary services respecting the Six Nations, without any formal appointment: but this idea seemed not to have been approved. Afterwards I found that all the Indians north of the Ohio were already arranged under one department, of which General St Clair was the Superintendant, who, with your permission might appoint a deputy. General Knox seemed to wish that the matter might be suspended until the arrival of Genl St Clair, who was daily expected. Since that time I have reflected on the subject; and, upon the whole, would beg leave to decline taking the superintendency proposed. Though not without expressing the real pleasure I feel in the favourable sentiments you entertain concerning me; and assuring you of my readiness to perform any occasional services in that line which your wishes for the public good may require.
  Permit me, Sir, to add a few words relative to the subject of the last letter I had the honour to write to you. Before I wrote, two circumstances made me hesitate. One, lest it should be thought that I, like many projectors, was contriving an employment for myself: The other, lest, if such a plan should be approved and established, I should, in fact, be requested to undertake the execution of it: to which request, sentiments of humanity and regard to the public good might urge me to yield; while other views, and the feelings of my family, might be strongly opposed to it. My opinion, however, of the utility, as well as of the practicality of the plan proposed for introducing the act of husbandry and civilization among the Indians, remains the same. It was an opinion not hastily formed. But lest a partiality for a project of my own should mislead my judgement, I submitted it to the examination of two or three gentlemen of discernment; and it received their approbation, before I would venture to give you the trouble of reading a long letter about it.
Altho’, sir, I have declined the proposed permanent agency in Indian affairs, I have not withdrawn my views from Public life, but should cheerfully engage in it, whenever an opening for useful employment, more beneficial than the offices I hold under the state shall present. Two of these offices are now rendered

certain, by recent reappointments somewhat unexpectedly made. But they are all of too little value for me to depend on during the rest of my life. Whenever therefore, any suitable employment shall offer, I shall feel myself peculiarly obliged by your remembrance of me. With the most sincere respect, I am, sir, Your obedient, humble servant

Timothy Pickering


Title: From George Washington to Edward Rutledge, 16 January 1791
From: Washington, George
To: Rutledge, Edward

My Dear Sir,
Philadelphia Jany 16th 1791.

I can but love & thank you, and I do it sincerely, for your polite & friendly letter of the 11th of November, which came to my hands only the day before yesterday. The sentiments contained in it are such as have uniformly flowed from your pen and are not more pleasing than they are flattering to me.
The present Congress can sit no longer than the 3d of March; and should it not be found expedient to convene the new one immediately upon the rising of it; and should not the old one by Acts of the present Session, prepare work for the Executive which may render my absence from the Seat of Government (soon after the adjournment) incompatible with my public duties; I shall, most assuredly, endulge myself in a tour through the Southern States in the Spring. But it will readily be perceived that this event must depend upon the time I shall be able to commence the journey, for I do not hesitate to acknowledge that I am not inclined to be in the Southernmost States after the Month of May—and my journey, on several Accts, must be made slow and easy.
It was among my first determinations when I entered upon the duties on my present Office, to visit every part of the United States in the course of my Administration of the Government,

provided my health, and other circumstances would admit of it: and this determination was accompanied by another—viz.—not by making my head quarters in private families to become troublesome to them in any of these tours. The first I have accomplished in part only, without departing in a single instance from the second, although pressed to it by the most civil & cordial invitations. After having made this communication to you, you will readily perceive, my dear Sir, that it is not in my power (however it might comport with my inclinations) to change my plan without incurring the charge of inconsistency if not something more exceptionable; especially too, as it is not more than ten days since I declined a similar invitation to yours from my namesake & kinsman Colo. Willm Washington of your ⟨state to⟩ lodge at his house when I should visit Charleston. With affectionate esteem & regard I am—My dear Sir Yr Most Obedt Servt

Go: Washington


Title: From George Washington to the United States Senate and House of Representatives, 17 January 1791
From: Washington, George
To: United States Senate and House of Representatives

[Philadelphia] January 17. 1791.
Gentlemen of the Senate, and House of Representatives

I lay before you an official statement of the appropriation of ten thousand dollars, granted to defray the contingent expences of government by an act of the 26th of March 1790.
a copy of two resolutions of the Legislature of Virginia, and of a petition of sundry Officers and assignees of Officers and Soldiers of the Virginia line on continental establishment, on the subject of bounty-lands allotted to them on the north-west side of the Ohio: and
a copy of an act of the Legislature of Maryland to empower the Wardens of the Port of Baltimore to levy and collect the duty therein mentioned

Go: Washington


Title: To George Washington from Anonymous, 18 January 1791
From: Anonymous
To: Washington, George

Sir:
A Foreign Land the 18th Janry 1791

Although my name will not be, to this paper many where you preside know me personally, I have been under your command when you were surrounded with eminent Danger. I lost every thing by the American War, nor, did I ever join the enemies of America in thought, word, or deed. I am banished from my native country like many others; because I cannot pay my debts; If I had the gold which I exchanged for paper money to go against Qubec it would be of great use to me; and I send continental money of 75 by this vessel to Philadelphia to sell; these things, at this time, I suppose are of little moment, they are or will be soon forgotten but for god sake do not forget Your unfortunate Country men.
As you have been so long doing good, I suppose that it must have become easy to you, would it therefore, not be worthy of your attention to Emancipate from old debts which never can be paid, as well as from Tyrany; I should like to have the power of returning to my native country for I have a sincere attachment to a certain Lady in it, and I suppose there may be many others in the same predicament; but never on the humiliating terms of going to Prison.
Suppose some Member, who has tasted the calice of Missfortune (for such there is to my knowledge) and who has tolerable knack of telling his story. Should bring in a bill for such a purpose

It might perhaps be useful—I am sure it would [be] comfortable & Lawful I have the honour to be Your Countryman.


Title: To George Washington from Giuseppe Chiappe, 18 January 1791
From: Chiappe, Giuseppe
To: Washington, George

Excellence
Le 18e Janiver 1791 a Mogador

J’ay eû l’honnoeur d’êcrire a Vôtre Excellence voye de Cadix & de Madrid le 13e & 28e du mois de May de l’année qui vient de terminer, affin de l’informer sur tout ce qui s’êtoit passé rapport a la mort inopinée du Feu Roy Sydy Mohamet Ben Abdalla & sur l’installation de son successoeur Sydy Mulay Liazid (q:D:g) J’ay appris ensuite de mon Frere Francisco qu’il avoit obtenu un Delai sur l’ambassade, pour que le tems ne fut si pressè a la nation pour concurrir au nombre des autres à l’Homage qu’on se dispose de prêter au Nouvel Emperoeur, qui fait toujours connoitre d’avance les dispositions pacifiques, par les quelles il se propose de reçevoir amicalement tous les Representants; Mon dit Frere Francisco aussi bien que mon Frere Geronimo a Tanger doivent avoir continuées regulierement leurs informations, parce qu’ils ont êtés jusqu’appresant plus a portée de les perçevoir, s’êtant S.M.I. detenue fort long tems dans ces Contrées du Nort. La presente va sous Couverte du Consul Général a Londres, qui Je ne doute pas voudra l’encheminer au plus vîte & par le Canal mieux connu, & c’est pour continuer a V. E. les nouvelles qui peuvent servir de lumiere, & contexter les apparences d’une solide Paix que Dieu benisse. Le Monarque est passé a Mequinez, d’ou il se propose de venir pour le Printems a l’autre Capitale de Maroc; Mon Frere Francisco a êté ordonné de le suivre, ce qui contribuira beaucoup a entrettenir la bonne armonie sur l’attente de l’Ambassade qui ne devroit pas tarder, & que Je suppose deja en route. Dernierement l’Embassadeur de Portugal êtoit arrivé a Gibralter aussi bien que celuy d’Engleterre, & celuy de Ragusa, & on les attend incessemment a la Cour. Ils suivront bien tôt les autres, & Je souhaitte que celuy des Etats Unis puisse les devancer pour prouver a S.M.I. l’empressement qui les anime a se procurer son amitié, & sa correspondence; J’ose me flatter d’y pouvoir concurrir par mes services, & Je ne manquerois pas d’y contribuer personnellement

  aussi-tôt que J’aurois l’honnoeur de me presenter a S.Due: M.I: de qui dans sa Minorité J’ay toujours reçues des marques non equivoques de sa bienvaillence & de sa valable portection; Mes Amis encore a la Cour ne desisteront pas de se prêter avec leur assistance pour seconder mes desirs, & toutes mes expositions pour la bonne issüe. Le 30:e de 9bre passé la Fregatte Americaine nomée Thomas Wilson sous Capn ⟨Exploration⟩ Waite avec 16. Personnes d’Equipage y compris le Capn est arrivée a cet Port venant de Philadelphe en droiture pour charger de Mules, & le 13. de Court [courant] elle est repartie avec 68. Mules pour l’Ilse de Tabago; Nôtre Gouvernement l’a très-bien reçue & fetée, & de ma part Je l’ay assiduement assistée en preference, selon que mon devoir le demande; Je voudrois bien que les affaires encouragent reciproquement le Comerce, pour que Je puisse me rendre utile a l’Illustre Nation que Je serve, & prouver a V. E. la haute consideration avec la quelle J’ay l’honnoeur d’être trés-respectueusement De Votre Excellence Le Très Hle & Trés Obt Servitœur.

Giuseppe Chiappe


Title: To George Washington from Thomas Jefferson, 18 January 1791
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Washington, George

Jan. 18. 1791

The Secretary of State having received from the Chargé des affaires of France a note on the Tonnage payable by french vessels in the ports of the United States has had the same under his consideration, and thereupon makes the following Report to the President of the United States.
The Chargé des Affaires of France, by a note of the 13th of December represents, by order of his Court, that they consider so much of the Acts of Congress of July 20th 1789 and 1790 as imposes an extraordinary Tonnage on foreign vessels, without excepting those of France, to be in contravention of the 5th Article of the Treaty of Amity and Commerce between the two nations; that this would have authorised on their part a proportional modification in the favours granted to the American

navigation: but that his sovereign had thought it more conformable to his principles of friendship and attachment to the United States to order him to make representations thereon, and to ask, in favour of french vessels, a modification of the Acts which impose an extraordinary Tonnage on foreign vessels.
The Secretary of State in giving in this paper to the President of the United States, thinks it his duty to accompany it with the following observations.
The 3d and 4th Articles of the Treaty of Amity and Commerce between France and the United States, subject the vessels of each nation to pay, in the ports of the other, only such duties as are paid by the most-favoured nation: and give them reciprocally all the privileges and exemptions, in navigation and commerce, which are given by either to the most-favoured nations. Had the contracting parties stopped here, they would have been free to raise or lower their Tonnage as they should find it expedient, only taking care to keep the other on the footing of the most-favoured nation.
The question then is whether the 5th Article, cited in the note, is any thing more than an application of the principle comprised in the 3d and 4th to a particular object? or whether it is an additional stipulation of something not so comprised?
I. That it is merely an application of a principle comprised in the preceding articles, is declared by the express words of the article, to wit, “Dans l’exemption cidessus et nommement compris &c.[”] “in the above exemption is particularly comprised the imposition of 100. sols per Ton established in France on foreign vessels.” Here then is at once an express declaration that the exemption from the duty of 100 sols is comprised in the 3d and 4th Articles; that is to say, it was one of the exemptions enjoyed by the most-favoured Nations, and as such, extended to us by those articles. If the exemption spoken of in this 1st member of the 5th Article was comprised in the 3d and 4th articles, as is expressly declared, then the reservation by France out of that exemption (which makes the 2d member of the same article) was also comprised: that is to say, if the whole was comprised, the part was comprised. And if this reservation of France in the 2d member was comprised in the 3d and 4th Articles, then the counter reservation by the United States (which constitutes the 3d and last member of the same article) was also comprised. Because it is

but a corresponding portion of a similar whole on our part, which had been comprised by the same terms with theirs.
In short the whole Article relates to a particular duty of 100 sols laid by some antecedent law of France on the vessels of foreign nations, relinquished as to the most-favoured, and consequently to us. It is not a new and additional stipulation then, but a declared application of the stipulations comprised in the preceding articles to a particular case, by way of greater caution.
The doctrine laid down generally in the 3d and 4th Articles, and exemplified specially in the 5th amounts to this. “The vessels of the most-favoured nations, coming from foreign ports, are exempted from the duty of 100 sols: therefore you are exempted from it by the 3d and 4th Articles. The vessels of the most-favoured nations, coming coastwise, pay that duty: therefore you are to pay it by the 3d and 4th Articles. We shall not think it unfriendly in you to lay a like duty on Coasters, because it will be no more than we have done ourselves. You are free also to lay that or any other duty on vessels coming from foreign ports: provided they apply to all other nations, even the most-favoured. We are free to do the same, under the same restriction. Our exempting you from a duty which the most-favoured nations do not pay, does not exempt you from one which they do pay.”
In this view it is evident that the 5th Article neither enlarges, nor abridges the stipulations of the 3d and 4th. The effect of the Treaty would have been precisely the same had it been omitted altogether; consequently it may be truly said that the reservation by the United States in this article is completely useless. And it may be added with equal truth that the equivalent reservation by France is completely useless: as well as her previous abandonment of the same duty: and in short the whole article. Each party then remains free to raise or lower it’s Tonnage, provided the change operates on all nations, even the most-favoured.
Without undertaking to affirm, we may obviously conjecture, that this article has been inserted on the part of the United States from an over-caution to guard, nommement, by name, against a particular aggrievance, which they thought they could never be too well secured against: and that has happened, which generally happens; doubts have been produced by the too great number of words used to prevent doubt.

II. The Court of France however understands this Article as intended to introduce something to which the preceding articles had not reached; and not merely as an application of them to a particular case.
Their opinion seems to be founded on the general rule, in the construction of instruments, to leave no words merely useless; for which any rational meaning can be found. They say that the reservation by the United States of a right to lay a duty equivalent to that of the 100 sols, reserved by France, would have been completely useless; if they were left free, by the preceding articles, to lay a Tonnage to any extent whatever, consequently that the reservation of a part proves a relinquishment of the residue.
If some meaning, and such a one, is to be given to the last member of the Article, some meaning, and a similar one, must be given to the corresponding member. If the reservation by the United States of a right to lay an equivalent duty, implies a relinquishment of their right to lay any other, The reservation by France of a right to continue the specified duty to which it is an equivalent, must imply a relinquishment of the right on her part to lay or continue any other. Equivalent reservations by both, must imply equivalent restrictions on both. The exact reciprocity stipulated in the preceding articles, and which pervades every part of the Treaty, ensures a counter-right to each party for every right ceded to the other.
Let it be further considered that the duty called tonnage in the United States is in lieu of the duties for anchorage, for the support of Buoys, Beacons, and Lighthouses, to guide the mariner into harbour, and along the coast, which are provided and supported at the expence of the United States, and for fees to measurers, weighers gaugers &c. who are paid by the United States; for which articles, among many others (light-house money excepted) duties are paid by us in the ports of France under their specific names. That Government has hitherto thought these duties consistent with the Treaty; and consequently the same duties under a general, instead of specific names, with us, must be equally consistent with it; it is not the name, but the thing which is essential. If we have renounced the right to lay any port duties, they must be understood to have equally renounced that of either laying new or continuing the old. If we ought to refund the port duties received from their vessels since the date of the

act of Congress, they should refund the port duties they have received from our vessels since the date of the Treaty; for nothing short of this is the reciprocity of the Treaty.
If this construction be adopted then, each party has forever renounced the right of laying any duties on the vessels of the other coming from any foreign port, or more than 100 sols on those coming coastwise. Could this relinquishment be confined to the two contracting parties alone, the United States would be the gainers, for it is well known that a much greater number of American than of French vessels are employed in the commerce between the two countries: but the exemption, once conceded by the one nation to the other, becomes immediately the property of all others, who are on the footing of the most-favoured nations. It is true that those others would be obliged to yield the same compensation, that is to say, to receive our vessels duty free. Whether we should gain or lose in the exchange of the measure with them, is not easy to say.
Another consequence of this construction will be that the vessels of the most-favoured nations, paying no duties will be on a better footing than those of natives, which pay a moderate duty, consequently either the duty on these also must be given up, or they will be supplanted by foreign vessels in our own ports.
The resource then of duty on vessels for the purposes either of revenue or regulation, will be forever lost to both. It is hardly conceivable that either party, looking forward to all these consequences, would see their interest in them.
III. But if France persists in claiming this exemption, what is to be done? The claim indeed is couched in mild and friendly terms; but the idea leaks out that a refusal would authorise them to modify proportionally the favours granted, by the same article, to our navigation. Perhaps they may do what we should feel much more severely; they may turn their eyes to the favours granted us by their arrets of December 29th 1787 and December 7th 1788 which hang on their will alone, unconnected with the Treaty. Those arrets, among other advantages, admit our whale oils to the exclusion of that of all other foreigners. and this monopoly procures a vent for seven twelfths of the produce of that Fishery, which experience has taught us could find no other market. Near two thirds of the produce of our cod fisheries too have lately found a free vent in the Colonies of France.

This indeed has been an irregularity growing out of the anarchy reigning in those colonies. Yet the demands of the Colonists, even of the Government party among them, (if an auxiliary disposition can be excited by some marks of friendship and distinction on our part) may perhaps produce a constitutional concession to them to procure their provisions at the cheapest market, that is to say, at ours.
Considering the value of the interests we have at stake, and considering the smallness of difference between foreign and native Tonnage on french vessels alone, it might perhaps be thought adviseable to make the sacrifice asked; and especially if it can be so done as to give no title to other the most favoured nations to claim it. If the act should put french vessels on the footing of those of natives, and declare it to be in consideration of the favours granted us by the arrets of Decr 29th 1787, and December 7th 1788, (and perhaps this would satisfy them), no nation could then demand the same favour, without offering an equivalent compensation. It might strengthen too the tenure by which those arrets are held, which must be precarious, so long as they are gratuitous.
It is desirable, in many instances, to exchange mutual advantages by Legislative Acts rather than by Treaty: because the former, though understood to be in consideration of each other, and therefore greatly respected, yet when they become too inconvenient, can be dropped at the will of either party: Whereas stipulations by Treaty are forever irrevocable but by joint consent, let a change of circumstances render them ever so burthensome.
On the whole, if it be the opinion, that the 1st construction is to be insisted on, as ours, in opposition to the 2d urged by the Court of France, and that no relaxation is to be admitted, an answer shall be given to that Court defending that construction, and explaining in as friendly terms as possible, the difficulties opposed to the exemption they claim.
2. If it be the opinion that it is advantageous for us to close with France in her interpretation of a reciprocal and perpetual exemption from Tonnage; a repeal of so much of the Tonnage law will be the answer.
3. If it be thought better to wave vigorous and nice discussions of right, and to make the modification an act of friendship and

of compensation for favours received, the passage of such a bill will then be the answer.

Th: Jefferson


Title: To George Washington from John Patton, 18 January 1791
From: Patton, John
To: Washington, George

Sr
Philada 18th Jan: 1791

Should the Bill now before the Legislature for raising a Revenue from Distilled Liquors be approved by your Excellency & passed into a Law, I beg leave to offer myself a Candidate for the Office of this District.
I hope you will excuse my laying before your Excellency the Motives which induce me to make the present Application—I have a large Family of Children & am considerably advanced in years, added to which it would be a gratification I should ever most sensibly feel to be appointed to an office by you sir in the federal Government—Permit me also to observe, that it may be said the office I hold under the State is advantageous. on the contrary I beg leave to assure your Excellency that from the late alterations made by Law I find it scarcely adequate to a bare support of my Family and am determined to decline the Office.
Should I be so happy as to meet your approbation in my present application, I can truly say the Duties of the Office shall be faithfully executed and from my general knowledge of the Inhabitants from long experience as Vendue Master I may without presumption assume a knowledge which few have experienced.
The Gentleman also who is now Collector of Excise under the State is my Relation, and from him I should also receive every necessary information.

Had he came before your Excellency for the office you should not be troubled with my application. Whatever may be your determination, permit me sir to say it cannot add to, or diminish that high respect and esteem which I ever have had, and shall always have for your Excellency. I have the Honor to be your Excellencys most Hble Serv.

Jno. Patton


Title: To George Washington from William Rawle, 18 January 1791
From: Rawle, William
To: Washington, George

[18 January 1791]

At a special meeting of the Directors of the Library Company of Philadelphia January 18th 1791.
The Directors of the Library Company of Philadelphia desireous of shewing a respectfull mark of Attention to the President and Congress of the United States Resolve that the President and Members of the Senate and of the House of Representatives of the United States shall have the free Use of the Books in the Library in as full and ample Manner as if they were Members of the Company—By order of the directors

W: Rawle secretary.


Title: To George Washington from John McDowell, 19 January 1791
From: McDowell, John
To: Washington, George

Sir,
Cross Roads Chester County [Pa.] Jany 19th 1791.

Understanding that there is a Bill now before the Legislature of the United States the intent of which is to lay an excise upon spirituous liquors &c. which, if approved by your Excellency will probably be passed into a Law the present Session, I take the liberty of making this early application to be appointed the Inspector of Excise under the said Act, in such district as shall include the County of Chester in the State of Pennsylvania, where I at present reside.
I flatter myself if I shall be so successful as to meet your Excellency’s approbation upon this occasion that the duties of the appointment will be executed with a strict adherence to the Laws and with integrity.
The place I at present fill, the trusts which I have been honor’d with under the State Government, at different times, and my character in general will I hope meet your approbation, when given by the Gentlemen who compose the Delegation of

this State in Congress, with whom I have the honor of an acquaintance, and to whom I beg leave to refer your Excellency for information.
Whether I am fortunate or otherwise in this my first application for any office of profit no event whatever can either heighthen or decrease my love and esteem for the President of the United States. I have the honor to be with the sincerest respect Your most obedient Servant

John McDowell


Title: From George Washington to the United States Senate, 19 January 1791
From: Washington, George
To: United States Senate

Gentlemen of the Senate
United States January 19th 1791.

I lay before you a representation of the Chargé des Affaires of France, made by order of his Court, on the Acts of Congress of the 20th of July 1789, and 1790 imposing an extra tonnage on foreign Vessels, not excepting those of that Country; together with the Report of the Secretary of State thereon: and I recommend the same to your consideration, that I may be enabled to give to it such answer as may best comport with the justice and the interests of the United States.

Go: Washington


Title: To George Washington from Battaile Muse, 20 January 1791
From: Muse, Battaile
To: Washington, George

Honorable Sir,
Berkeley County [Va.] Jany 20th 1791

Your Favour dated the 27th of Decr was delivered me by your Nephew Major George A. Washington—the 7th day of this month—I gave Him a Perticular acct of your Estate under my Care as well my opinion in answer to your Benevolent Letter, which I expect will be Communicated to you should you at any

Time desire any thing from me in my Power I shall think it my Duty to Pay Perticular attention to your Commands.
I am Sencible of your Fatigueing sittuation & would not have Troubled you with this address only at the Perticular request of Mr Joseph Hickman whome has met with a misfortune a few weeks Past by Fire. the man is a Tenant of yours in Frederick County—under Lease for 14 years which Lease Expires the 31st day of Decr 1798—116 acres rent £11.12.0. He had His Dwelling House Burnt & nearly all his Furniture He therefore Prays you will remitt His Last years rent and Permit Him To sell His Lease—and also To remitt the Sum Called for in the Lease on acct of the Transferrence His House & greater Part of His Furniture was burnt as I am Told From good Authority.
Mr Hickman is not a very Poor Man—His haveing a Family To maintain with other Losses He informs me He has Lately sustain’d makes His Present sittuation destressing, which I make no Doubt is True. haveing Stated Mr Hickmans Sittuation I Conclude with assureing—that I will obey your commands respecting Mr Hickman & all others from you. I am Sir your Most Obedient Hble Servant

Battaile Muse


Title: From George Washington to Timothy Pickering, 20 January 1791
From: Washington, George
To: Pickering, Timothy

Sir
Philadelphia January 20th 1791

I have had the pleasure to receive your letters of the 8th and 15th of this month. I feel myself much obliged by the trouble you have taken, in the former, to detail your ideas with respect to introducing the art of husbandary and civilization among the Indians. I confess, that your plan, or something like it, strikes me as the most probable means of effecting this desirable end, and I am fully of opinion with you, that the mode of education which has hitherto been pursued with respect to those young Indians who have been sent to our Colleges, is not such as can be productive of any good to their nations—reason might have shewn it, and experience clearly proves it to have been the case. It is, perhaps, productive of evil. Humanity and good policy must make it the wish of every good citizen of the Unites States, that husbandry, and consequently civilization should be introduced among the Indians. So strongly am I impressed with the beneficial effects which our Country would receive from such a thing, that I shall always take a singular pleasure in promoting, as far as may be in my power, every measure which may tend to ensure it.
I should have been very glad if it had comported with your interest & inclination to superintend the Northern Indians, as I am persuaded that nothing would have been wanting on your part to attach them to the United States, and to cultivate that Disposition for civilization which now begins to dawn among them. Whoever undertakes this business must be actuated by more enlarged views than his private interest, or he can never accomplish the wished for end. With very great regard & esteem, I am, Sir Your most Obedt Servt

Go: Washington


Title: Commission, 22 January 1791
From: Washington, George,Jefferson, Thomas
To: Johnson, Thomas,Carroll, Daniel,Stuart, David

City of Philadelphia, January 22, 1791.
To all who shall see these Presents Greeting

Know Ye, That reposing special Trust and Confidence in the Integrity, Skill, and Diligence of Thomas Johnson and Daniel

Carroll of Maryland, and David Stuart of Virginia, I do . . ., in Pursuance of the Powers vested in me by the Act intituled “An Act for establishing the Temporary and Permanent Seat of the Government of the United States,” hereby appoint them the said Thomas Johnson, Daniel Carroll and David Stuart, Commissioners for surveying the District of Territory accepted by the said Act for the permanent Seat of the Government of the United States, and for performing such other Offices as by Law are directed, with full Authority to them, or any two of them to proceed therein according to Law; and to have and to hold the said Office, with all the Powers, Privileges, and Authorities to the same of Right appertaining, each of them during the Pleasure of the President of the United States, for the Time being.
In Testimony whereof, I have caused these Letters to be made Patent, and the Seal of the United States to be hereunto affixed. Given under my Hand, at the City of Philadelphia, the Twenty second Day of January, in the Year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and ninety one, and of the Independence of the United States of America, the Fifteenth.
By the President

George Washington
Thomas Jefferson


Title: To George Washington from John Eager Howard, 22 January 1791
From: Howard, John Eager
To: Washington, George

Sir
Annapolis [Md.], January 22d 1791.

I have the honor to enclose two Acts of the General assembly of Maryland; the one “An Act to cede to Congress a district of ten miles square in this State for the seat of the Goverment of the United States;” the other “An Act to condemn land, if necessary,

for the public buildings of the United States:” also sundry resolutions for advancing seventy two thousand dollars for the purpose of erecting said buildings. I have the honor, to be, your Excellencys Most Obedt servt

J. E. Howard


Title: To George Washington from Henry Knox, 22 January 1791
From: Knox, Henry
To: Washington, George

War Department, January 22d 1791

The Secretary of War to whom the President of the United States referred the consideration of various papers and information, relative to the frontiers of the United States.
Respectfully Reports:
That the frontiers from several causes are at present so critically circumstanced, as to claim an immediate consideration, and such arrangements, as may upon investigation be found indispensibly necessary for the preservation of good order, and the protection of the inhabitants exposed to the hostilities of certain indian tribes.
That in order to obtain a clear view of the existing circumstances of the frontiers, the following summary statement is submitted, and also that a judgment may be formed of the measures necessary to be adopted on the occasion.
That in the first place it may be proper to explain the relative situation of the Government of the United States, with the Choctaw, Chickasaw, and Cherokee nations of Indians. It will appear by the journals of the late Congress and the paper herewith submitted, marked A No. 1—that the United States did in November 1785, and in January 1786, form treaties with the Cherokee, Choctaw, and Chickasaw nations of Indians by which their boundaries were defined.
That the State of Georgia claimed the right of pre-emption to nearly all the lands belonging to the said indian nations.
That it will appear by the Act of Legislature of the said State passed the 21st day of December 1789, a copy of which is herewith submitted marked A No. 2. that the said Legislature has granted and sold to three private companies its said right of preemption to almost the whole of the lands of the Choctaws and Chickasaws, and part of the Cherokees, amounting in all to 15.500.000 acres.
That although the right of Georgia to the pre-emption of said lands should be admitted in its full extent, yet it is conceived, that should the said State, or any companies or persons claiming under it, attempt to extinguish the indian claims, unless authorised thereto by the United States, that the measure would be repugnant to the aforesaid treaties, to the Constitution of the

United States, and to the law regulating trade and intercourse with the indian tribes.
That the President of the United States, apprehensive that individuals belonging to said companies might from ignorance, or otherwise, pursue a line of conduct derogatory to the United States, caused the said treaties and the law to regulate trade and intercourse with the indian tribes to be published on the 25th day of August 1790, together with his proclamation requiring all persons to govern themselves accordingly.
But notwithstanding this warning, it appears from the information contained in A No. 3, that certain persons claiming under the said Companies are raising troops for the purpose of establishing, by force, one or more settlements on the lands belonging to the aforesaid indian nations.
The authority of the United States is thus set at defiance—their faith pledged to the said indians and their constitution and laws violated, and a general indian War excited on principles disgraceful to the Government.
But, there is another point of view in which this subject may be placed—It is said, the Spanish Officers stationed on the Mississippi, alarmed at the proposed settlements have decided to prevent them by force—Although the settlements should be made in opposition to the government of the United States, yet the interference of the Spaniards would start a new subject of discussion which merits some consideration.
Hence arises the following question—Is not the General Government bound, by the indispensible obligations of its own rights and dignity—by the principles of justice and good faith to the aforesaid indian nations—by the principles of humanity—as it respects the innocent inhabitants of the frontiers who may fall victims to an unjust indian war, to interpose its arm in an effectual manner to prevent the intended settlements?
That in the second place, the protection to be afforded the frontiers during the ensuing year, requires an immediate arrangement.
That it is to be apprehended the late expedition against the Miami indians will not be attended with such consequences as to constrain the said indians to sue for peace—But, on the contrary that their own opinion of their success, and the number of trophies they possess, will probably not only encourage them to

a continuance of hostilities, but may be the means of their obtaining considerable assistance from the neighbouring tribes. In addition to which they will probably receive all possible assistance in the power of certain malignant whites, who reside among them.
That it therefore appears from the examination of this subject, to be incumbent on the United States to prepare immediately for another expedition against the Wabash indians with such a decided force as to impress them strongly with the power of the United States.
That the objects of the expedition will in a considerable degree regulate the nature and number of troops to be employed.
That if the measure of establishing a strong fortification and garrison at the Miami village should be decided upon as proper and necessary, a considerable Encrease of the regular force for that and the other objects, mentioned in this report, would be requisite.
That a strong post and garrison at the said Miami village with proper subordinate posts of communication, have always been regarded as but little inferior to the possession of the post at Detroit. But, while there were existing hopes of obtaining the latter, it did not appear proper to incur the expence of an establishment at the former place. Those hopes however having vanished for the present, it seems to be a point of real importance to effect an establishment at the Miami Village.
That a post established at the said place as the consequence of a successful expedition, would curb and overawe not only the Wabash indians, but the Ottawas and Chippewas and all others who might be wavering and disposed to join in the War. The said post would more effectually cover the line of frontier along the Ohio, than by a post at any other place whatever.
That it would therefore of consequence afford more full security to the territory of the United States Northwest of the Ohio. In this point of view it would assist, in the reduction of the national debt, by holding out a security to people to purchase and settle the public lands. The purchasers of land from the Government will have a right of protection, and there will be no doubt of their claiming it forcibly.
The regular force upon the frontiers seems utterly inadequate for the essential purposes of the United States.
The frontiers, from the Northeast to the South West are

nearly inclosed by the possessions, garrisons, and claims of two formidable foreign nations, whose interests cannot entirely coincide with those of the United States.
Numerous indian tribes reside in the vicinity, whose hostilities are easily excited by their jealousy of the encroaching settlements and rapid population of the frontiers.
Bold and unprincipled Adventurers will arise, from time to time, who, in advancing their own schemes of avarice, or ambition, will be incessantly machinating against the public Peace and prosperity.
These several circumstances, and the distance from the seat of Government, require that a wise and vigorous system should be adopted and executed, as well to protect effectually the inhabitants of the frontiers, as to curb the licentious, and prevent the evils of anarchy, and prevent the usurpation of the public lands.
But, besides these considerations, it would appear from information, that the State of Georgia is desirous that more troops should be placed on its frontiers. There are at present three Companies in Georgia, and another is raising there. Those four companies amount to one quarter part of the establishment.
The paper marked B No. 1 will shew the number and stations of the troops at present in service, and the numbers wanting to complete the establishment of one thousand two hundred and sixteen non-commissioned Officers and privates.
If the intended settlements upon the Choctaw, Chickasaw, and Cherokee lands are to be effectually prevented and the Government enabled to place troops upon the Tenassee which would at once awe the Creeks, if turbulent, and thereby comply with the desires of Georgia, and prevent the projected settlement on the Muscle Shoals. And if an establishment should be made at the Miami Village, it would require that the establishment should be augmented so as to form a legionary corps of two thousand, one hundred and twenty eight, non-commissioned and privates.
If this augmentation should take place two modes present themselves by which the object could be effected, both of which, and estimates thereon, are contained in the paper marked B No. 2, the one amounting to 101.466 40/100 dollars and the other to 98.542 40/100 dollars.
The question which arises on this subject is,

Whether the objects proposed to be accomplished by the troops will fully compensate for the additional expence?
The United States have come into existence as a nation embarrassed with a frontier of immense extent, which is attended with all the peculiar circumstances before enumerated, and even with others which are obvious, but which are unnecessary to recite.
The population of the lands lying on the Western waters are increasing rapidly. The inhabitants request and demand protection—if it be not granted, seeds of disgust will be sown—sentiments of separate interests will arise out of their local situation, which will be cherished, either by insidious domestic or foreign emissaries.
It therefore appears to be an important branch of the administration of the General Government, to afford the frontiers all reasonable protection as well in their just rights as against their enemies—And at the same time it is essential to shew all lawless adventurers that notwithstanding the distance, government possess the power of preserving peace and good order on the frontiers. It is true economy to regulate events instead of being regulated by them.
But whether the regular establishment be encreased or not, it seems indispensible, that another expedition be made against the Wabash indians—Affairs cannot remain where they are. Winter imposes peace for the present, but unless the attention of the Indians are called to their own Country, they will upon the opening of the Spring, spread general desolation on the frontiers by their small parties.
That the said Wabash Indians amount to about eleven hundred warriors—to this number may perhaps be added of other more distant indians one thousand.
If this should be the case the Army for the Campaign ought to consist of three thousand well arranged troops, in order to be superior to all opposition, and to prevent the trouble and expence of being repeated.
That the reports herewith submitted, marked C No. 1 will exhibit the species of defensive protection permitted during the last year by the General Government—the system directed by the Executive of Virginia during the month of December 1790, and the plan of a regiment of Rangers proposed to be raised on

the frontiers to answer the same purpose, and an estimate of the expence thereof.
That in case the said plan of a regiment of rangers should be adopted the same would furnish five hundred non-commissioned and privates for the proposed expedition.
That the other force necessary to complete the number of three thousand might be raised under the term levies, to serve for the expedition, which it is presumed would not exceed four months.
That to induce the men to engage voluntarily for the said object it is respectfully suggested that it might be proper to appoint the best and most popular Officers in Kentucky and the frontier Counties to superior commands with delegated authority to appoint their subordinate officers—and the idea is also submitted how far a bounty of five dollars in money or clothing would be proper.
That the result therefore of the ideas suggested herein and in the report marked C No. 1. are,
First—That the situation of the frontiers requires an additional defensive protection, at least until offensive measures shall be put into operation. The plan of a regiment of rangers is therefore submitted.
Secondly—That the peculiar situation of the frontiers requires the augmentation of one regiment of regular troops to consist of nine hundred and twelve non-commissioned Officers and privates.
Thirdly—That another expedition which shall effectually dispose the Wabash and other hostile indians to peace, seems indispensible.
That the Army for the said expedition might be thus composed.

            Regular troops; if the same should be augmented
            1.200.

            Rangers; if the same should be adopted
            500.

            Levies; so called for the sake of distinction
            1.300.

            3.000.

But, if the Regulars should not be augmented, nor the Rangers adopted, then the number of Levies ought to be proportionately encreased.
That a Corps of Levies raised for the expedition whose Officers should be selected by the General Government and who

should possess a pride of arrangement and discipline would be more efficacious, and more economical, than drafting the Militia, cannot be well questioned.
It is to be observed that the engagements of four hundred and twenty of the troops on the frontiers expire during the present year, and that by the last accounts only sixty of that number had re-inlisted on the new establishment.
As the reduced pay of the late establishment has therefore discouraged the recruiting service, the idea is suggested that a bounty of eight dollars should be given to all the recruits who have or shall re-inlist for three years on the said establishment. Were Congress to authorize this bounty, the subscriber is of opinion that all the recruits required would be immediately obtained.
That the paper marked B No. 3 contains an estimate of the expence of the proposed number of Levies.
That the paper marked B No. 4 contains in one view the extraordinary expence which would be incurred by the Rangers: Levies, and other objects of the proposed expedition.
All which is humbly submitted.

H. KnoxSecretary of War


Title: To George Washington from Benjamin Reeder, 22 January 1791
From: Reeder, Benjamin
To: Washington, George

Sir
Maryland, Charles County 22 Jan. 1791

I have it in contemplation to sell the Reversion of between three and four Hundred acres of land near your seat in Virginia, and as it is Probable this land will not only suit you, but that you will give as much, or more for it, than any other Person I beg leave to make you an offer of it.
It is land I obtaind by marriage with a Miss Slaughter And the old ladys life is to be reserved in it, you are well enough acquainted with the Probable incumbrance from the reserve, and, I Presume, with the Situation and Value of the land not to need a description on those heads. a Proper Title will be made if you Purchase.
As I have not the Honor to be known to you, it may not be improper to refer you to Gentlemen to whom I am known. To the Honble Mr Dan. Carroll Mr Stone & Mr Co⟨ntee⟩ I am a little Known.
I will be obliged by Hearing from you on the above Subject, and when I assure you that necessity makes me offer this Property for sale. I hope my candour will be an ⟨excuse⟩ for my obtruding. I have the Honor to be Sir your most obedt Hble sert

B. Reeder


Title: From George Washington to William Deakins, Jr., and Benjamin Stoddert, 24 January 1791
From: Washington, George
To: Deakins, William Jr.,Stoddert, Benjamin

Gentlemen,
United States Georgetown January 24th 1791.

I enclose you several proclamations expressing the lines which are to bound the District of ten miles square for the permanent

Seat of the general government, which I wish you to have made public with all expedition. And in the most general and extensive manner that you can to prevent any kind of speculation. Let them be published in the News Papers—put up in public places and otherwise so disposed as to answer my object as fully as possible. The Proclamations are this moment struck off and the Mail is about to be closed, which prevents me from adding more at this time; but I shall write you more fully upon this subject in a few days. I am, Gentlemen, Your Most Obt Servt

Go: Washington


Title: Henry Knox to Tobias Lear, 24 January 1791
From: Knox, Henry
To: Lear, Tobias

Dear sir,
War department 24th January 1791

I send by the bearer for the use of the President of the United States, a set of the Atlantic Neptune in three volumes folio, and a volume of the West India Atlas, which I imported from the England for public service—I have only to request that your would please to sign the duplicate receipts herein enclosed. I am Dear sir Your humble servant

H. Knox


Title: To George Washington from Louis Lagrenade et al., 24 January 1791
From: Lagrenade, Louis
To: Washington, George

May it please your Excellency
[24 January 1791]

  We The free coloured people of the Island of Grenada, having taken into consideration a writing, the purport of which (they are informed) is your Excellency’s generous dispositon of giving that unfortunate Class of people, an Asylum in the southern parts of the States of your Excellency’s Government; have inclosed herewith, a Copy of the same humbly requesting your Excellency to Confirm its authenticity; in order that they may have that faith in it which a subject of such magnitude requires. Such an Act of your Excellency’s Generosity, will excite their deepest gratitude and they will deem themselves peculiarly blest, if their unhappy Situation in these Islands can have touched your Breast so as to move your Benevolence to furnish them with the means of coming out of their Captivity, and to introduce them into a new Canaan, where they will enjoy all the Happiness of that precious Liberty, which you gloriously and generously defended, and maintained in favor of Your illustrious Countrymen. Your Excellency’s Rendering this a Certainty, will determine Sixty thousand free Coloured Individuals to Settle in Your Country for the Honor and prosperity of their Family’s, and there to enjoy a tolerable existence; them & their Slaves will be fully sufficient to form their Establishments.
It will be then that the plains of America (from that time became the Happy residence of People capable of the Highest Gratitude, for the Clemency bestowed upon them, by your Excellency & the Honourable Congress) will be with greater Certainty, the Asylum of Peace free from the disturbance of all those who might endeavour to interrupt the Continuance of the Happiness of our Benefactors, which we would always support with the same resolution, and ardour, as they themselves have showed; an example to all the Nations of the World, in procuring for themselves that independency which they now enjoy. It is with those Sentiments that we are in Hopes to attain to those days, so Happy and so desirable; which will enable us to prove to You, all the veneration, and respect, with which we Have the

Honor to be. May it please Your Excellency Your most Humble and Most Obedient Servants The Committee.

Los Lagrenade
Jn Pre Saulger
F: Julien
Joseph Green