Title: Inaugural Address, 4 March 1797
From: Adams, John
To:

4 March 1797

When, in early times it was first perceived; in early times that no middle course remained for America remained; between unlimited submission to a foreign Legislature, and a total Independence of its claims: men of reflection, were less apprehensive of danger, from the formidable Power of fleets and Armies they must determine to resist; than from those Contests and dissentions, which would certainly arise, concerning the forms of Government to be instituted, over the whole and over the parts of this extensive Country. Relying however, on the purity of their intentions, the Justice of their cause, and the Integrity and Intelligence of the People under an overruling Providence, which had so Signally protected this Country from the first, The Representatives of this Nation,  not only broke little more than half its present Number to pieces the chains which were forging, and the Rod of Iron that was lifted up, but frankly cutt asunder the Ties which had bound them and launched into an ocean of Uncertainty.
The Zeal and ardour of the People, during the revolutionary War, supplying the Place of Government, commanded a degree of order, sufficient at least for the temporary preservation of Society. The Confederation, which was early felt to be necessary, was prepared, from the models of the Batavian and Helvetic Confederacies, the only Examples which remain with any detail and precision, in History, and certainly the only ones, which the People at large, had ever considered. But reflecting on the Striking difference in so many particulars, between this country and those, where a Courier may go from the seat of Government to the frontier in a single day, it was then certainly foreseen by Some who assisted in Congress at the formulation of it, that it could not continue for ten Years be durable.
Negligence of its regulations, inattention to its recommendations, if not disobedience to its authority, not only in individuals but in States, soon appeared with their melancholly consequences; Universal Languor;—jealousies and Rivalries of States; decline of navigation and Commerce; discouragement of necessary manufacturers; universall fall in the value of Lands and their produce; contempt of public and private faith; loss of consideration and credit with foreign nations; and at length, in discontents, Animosities, combinations, partial conventions, and insurrection, threatning some great national Calamity.
In this dangerous emeregen Crisis, the People of America, were not abandoned, by their usual good Sense, presence of Mind, resolution or integrity.—Measures were pursued to concert a Plan, to form a more perfect Union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility provide for the common defence, promote the general Welfare, and Secure the blessings of Liberty. The public disquisitions, discussions and deliberations issued in the present happy Constitutions of Government.
Employed in the Service of my Country abroad, during the whole course of these transactions, I first saw the Constitution of the United States in a foreign Country.  Irritated by no litterary Alliteration, animated by no public debate, heated by no party animosity, I read it with great Satisfaction, as a result of good heads, prompted by good hearts; as an Experiment, better adapted to the Genius, Character, Situation and relations of this nation and Country, than any which had ever been proposed or suggested. In its general Principles and great outlines, it was conformable to such a system of Government, as I had ever most esteemed and in some States, my own native state particularly in particular, had contributed to establish.  Claiming a right of Suffrage, in common with my fellow Citizens, in the Adoption or rejection of a Constitution which was to rule me and my Posterity, as well as them and theirs, I did not hesitate to express my Approbation of it, on all Occasions, in public and in private.  It was not then, nor has been since, any Objection to it, in my mind that the Executive and Senate were not more permanent. If there is any Party in this Country formed for the purpose of introducing an hereditary or even a more permanent Executive or Senate, which however I have no reason to believe or suspect, I am not entirely of that number possessed of their Confidence, nor Admitted to their Secret. Nor have I ever entertain’d a thought of promoting any Alteration in it, but Such as the People themselves, in the course of their experience Should see and feel to be necessary or expedient and by their Representations in Congress and the state Legislatures, according to the Constitution itself adopt and ordain.
Returning to the bosom of my Country, after a painful Seperation from it; for ten Years, I had the honour to be elected to a station under the new order of Things,  of which have been attended with as much constancy as my health and strength would admit, and I have repeatedly laid myself under the most Serious Obligations to Support the Constitution. The operation of it has equalled the most sanguine Expectations of its Friends: and from an habitual Attention to it; satisfaction on its administration and delight in its effects, upon the Peace, order, Prosperity and Happiness of the nation, I have acquired an habitual Attachment to it, and Veneration for it.
What other form of Government indeed can so well deserve our Esteem and love?
There may be little Solidity in an ancient idea; that congregations of Men into Cities and nations, are the most pleasing Objects in the sight of Superiour Intelligencies: but this is very certain, that to a benevolent human Mind, there can be no Spectacle presented by any nation, more pleasing, more noble, majestic, or august, than an Assembly like that which has so often been seen in this and the other chamber of Congress, of a Government, in which the Executive Authority, as well as that of all the Branches of the Legislature; are exercised by Citizens selected, at regular periods, by their neighbours to make and execute Laws for the general good. Can any Thing essential? any Thing more than mere ornament and decoration be added to this by Robes or Diamonds? Can Authority be more amiable or respectable; when it descends from Accidents, or , or institutions established in remote Antiquity, than when  fresh from the Hearts and Judgments  and enlightened People? For it is  represented? it is their  and only for their  under whatever form, it may appear.  The Existence of Such a Government as ours, for any length of time, is a full proof of a general dissemination of Knowledge and Virtue, throughout the whole body of the People. And what Object;  or Consideration more pleasing than this can be presented to the human mind? If national pride is ever justifiable or excusable it is when it Springs, not from Power or Riches, Grandeur or Glory, but from conviction of national Innocence Information and Benevolence.
In the midst of these pleasing Ideas, We Should be unfaithfull to ourselves, if We Should ever loose sight of the danger to our Liberties, if any thing partial or extraneous Should infect the Purity of our free, fair, virtuous and independent Elections. If an Election is to be determined by a majority of a single Vote, and that, can be procured by a Party, through Artifice or corruption, the Government may be the Choice of a Party, for its own Ends, not of the nation for the national good. If that Solitary Suffrage can be obtained by foreign nations by Flattery or Menaces, by fraud or Violence, by terror Intrigue or Venality, the Government may not be the choice of the American People, but of foreign nations.  It may be foreign nations who govern Us, and not We the People who govern ourselves. And candid Men will acknowledge, that in Such Cases, Choice would have little Advantage to boast of our Lot or Chance.
Such is the amiable and interesting System of Government (and such are some of the Abuses to which it may be exposed) which the People of America have exhibited to the Admiration and Anxiety of the Wise and virtuous of all nations for Eight Years under the Administration of a Citizen, who by a long Course of great Actions, regulated by Prudence, Justice, Temperance and Fortitude; conducting a People, inspired with the same Virtues and animated with the same ardent Patriotism and love of Liberty, to independence and Peace, to increasing Wealth and unexampled Prosperity; has merited the Gratitude of his Fellow Citizens, commanded the highest Praises of foreign nations, and Secured immortal glory with Posterity.
In that retirement which is his voluntary choice, may he long live to enjoy, the delicious recollection of his Services, the Gratitude of his Country Mankind; the happy fruits of them to himself and the World, which are daily increasing, and that Splendid Prospect of the future Fortunes of his Country, which is opening from Year to Year. His Name will may be still a rampart, and the Knowledge that he lives a Bulwark, against all open or Secret Ennemies of his Countries Peace. This great Example has been recommended to the imitation of his Successors, by both Houses of Congress, and by the Voice of the Legislatures and the People, throughout the nation.
On this Subject it might become me better to be Silent, or to Speak with diffidence: But as Something may be expected, the occasion, I hope will be admitted as an Apology, if I venture to SayThat
If, a Preference, upon principle, of a free Republican government, formed upon long and Serious Reflection, after a diligent and impartial Inquiry after truth; if, an Attachment to the constitution of the United States, and a conscientious determination to support it, untill it Shall be altered by the Judgments and Wishes of the People, expressed in the mode prescribed in it;—if, a respectfull Attention to the constitutions of the individual States, and a constant caution and delicacy towards the State government; if an equal and impartial regard to the Rights Interests, honour and Happiness of all the States in the Union, without preference or regard to a northern or Southern an Eastern or Western position, their various political opinions on unessential Points Sentiments or their personal Attachments; If, a Love of virtuous men of all Parties and denominations; if a love of Science and letters, and a wish to patronize every rational Effort to encourage Schools Colledges, Universities Academies and every Institution for propagating Knowledge, Virtue and Religion among all Classes of the People: not only for their benign Influence on the happiness of life in all its stages and Classes and of Society in all its forms; but as the only means of preserving our Constitution from its natural Enemies the Spirit of Sophistry, the Spirit of Party, the Spirit of Intrigue, the profligacy of Corruption and the Pestilence of foreign Influence, which is the Angel of destruction to elective Governments; If, a love of equal Laws, of Justice and humanity in the interiour Administration; if an inclination to improve Agriculture, Commerce, and Manufactures for Necessity Convenience and defence; if, a Spirit of Equity and humanity towards the aboriginal nations of America and a disposition to meliorate their condition, by inclining them to be more friendly to Us, and our Citizens to be more friendly to them; If, an inflexible determination to maintain Peace and inviolable Faith, with all Nations, and that System of Neutrality and Impartiality, among the belligerent Powers of Europe; which has been adopted bymy predecessor this Government, and So Solemnly Sanctioned by both houses of Congress, and applauded by the Legislatures of the states and the publick opinion untill it shall be otherwise ordained by Congress; if, a personal Esteem for the French nation, formed in a residence of Seven years, chiefly among them, and a sincere desire to preserve the friendship which has been so much for the honour and Interest of both nations; if, while the conscious honour and Integrity of the People of America, and the internal Sentiment of their own Power and Ennergies must be preserved, an earnest Endeavour to investigate every just cause and remove every colourable Pretence of complaint; if an Intention to pursue by amiable negotiation a Reparation for the Injuries that have been committed on the Commerce of our Fellow Citizens, by Whatever Nation; and if Success cannot be obtained, to lay the Facts before the Legislature that they may consider, what further measures the honour and Interest of the Government and its Constituents demand. if, a resolution to do Justice, as far as may depend upon me at all times and to all nations, and maintain Peace, Friendship and Benevolence with all the World; if an unshaken Confidence in the honour, Spirit, and Resources of my country the American People on which I have So often hazarded my all and never been deceived; if, elevated Ideas of the high Destinies of this Country, and of my own duties towards it founded on a Knowledge of the moral Principles and intellectual improvements of the People, deeply engraven on my mind in early Life, and not obscured but exalted by Experience and Age;—And, with humble Reverence I feel it to be my Duty to add, if, a veneration for the Religion of a People, who profess and call themselves Christians, and a fixed resolution to consider a decent respect for Christianity, among the best Recommendations for the public service: can enable me, in any degree to comply with your Wishes, it shall be my strenuous Endeavour, that this Sagacious Injunction of the two houses shall not be without Effect.
With such and this great Example before me; with the Sense and Spirit, the Faith and Honour, the duty and Interest of the Same American People, pledged to Support the Constitution of the United States I entertain no doubt of its continuance, in all its Ennergy and my mind is prepared, without hesitation, to lay myself under the most Solemn Obligations to support it, to the Utmost of my Power.
And may that Being, who is supream over all, the Patron of order, the Fountain of Justice, and the Protector, in all Ages, of the World, of virtuous Liberty, continue his Blessing, upon this Nation and its Government and give it all possible Success and duration, consistent with the Ends of his Providence.


Title: To John Adams from François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 4 March 1797
From: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan
To: Adams, John

Sir!
Kemp-wik Oneida Lake 4 March. 1797

Permit me to address You with few words upon your election to the Presidencÿ of the United States: Mÿ wishes in this part are entirely accomplished—May America remain happÿ in peace, and prosper under your administration—So that the names of Washington and Adams may be combined at every new election—as those of August and Trajan; maÿ its Thankfulness compensate in part the Sacrifices, which You will be obliged to continue—Sensible of my obligations towards you—in so many respects, and of my duty, with regard to you exalted Station, in not abusing your precious time / I am with Sentiments of the highest esteem / and regard / Sir! / Your most obed—and obliged Sert

Fr. Adr. vanderkemp.


Title: To John Adams from William Davis, 6 March 1797
From: Davis, William
To: Adams, John

Respectful Sir.Boston 6th March 1797

Permit me, most respectfully to congratulate yr. Excellency on yr. advancemt. to this, your exalted Station; permit me, also, (in confidence) earnestly to request an appointment here, on the first vacancy, whereby I may be enabled to support my Family, in this my advanced age, & whereby I may render my Country some little service. nothing, but imperious necessity, can apologize, for thus addressing your Excy. & making this most earnest request... & as in duty bound shall every pray.
William Davis


Title: To John Adams from Oliver Wolcott, Jr., 6 March 1797
From: Wolcott, Oliver, Jr.
To: Adams, John

Treasury Department March 6th. 1797

The Secretary of the Treasury has the honor most respectfully to transmit to the President of the United States, a letter from James Read Collector of Wilmington, dated the 7th of January 1797—recommending Joseph Burch to be first Mate, Robert Dorsey to be second Mate, and William Snell to be third Mate of the Revenue Cutter on the North Carolina Station.—
It is the opinion of the Secretary, that it will be adviseable to grant Commissions to the persons abovementioned agreeably to the recommendation & in the manner proposed by the said Collector.—
All which is most respectfully / Submitted

Oliv WolcottSecy. of the Treasy


Title: To John Adams from Edward Davies, 7 March 1797
From: Davies, Edward
To: Adams, John

Hond Sir
Philada: March 7: 1797

Necessity compells me to make the within request, that is if you will be pleased to grant me Forty Dolls which shall be Imediately repaid on my return from Boston, I should not have deignd to make the request, But relying on your Generosity—I had every expectation of receiving of receiving Money from Congress, but was dissapointed, owing to my not laying the Papers before the House sooner in the last Session, therefore it was put off untill next, which I hope to meet with Success then, I have served my Country faithfully through her long and arduous struglle for Liberty which I had the misfortune to loose my leg, but the loss did not deter me; for I was true to the cause untill I saw our Independance was thourouhly established, and shall still continue so while I exist, I am a stranger in this Place, and wishing to go on to Boston to see my Famely as I have been absent from them some time, having no other source of getting money at present to pay off my expences here but of applying to your Honour for assistance, which I flatter myself your Honour will consider my conditions and render me such assistance as your Honour thinks fitt, your complyance with the above shall be acknowledged by your Solicitor—

Edward Davies


Title: To John Adams from Oliver Wolcott, Jr., 8 March 1797
From: Wolcott, Oliver, Jr.
To: Adams, John

Treasury Department March 8h. 1797

The Secretary of the Treasury respectfully transmits to the President of the United States, a communication from the Commissioner of the Revenue, covering two Letters to him & from the Collector of Providence on the subject of a proposal made to the said Collector for fixing & maintaining the stakes and Buoys in Providence River.
It is the opinion of the Secretary, that it is adviseable to authorize a Contract on the terms proposed. being one hundred and forty Dollars.
All which is respectfully / Submitted

Oliv WolcottSecy of the Treasy


Title: Memorandum, 8 March 1797
From: Adams, John
To:

1797 8 March

drew an order for 2000 Dollars Warrant issud Same day. I indorsed it the 9th.


Title: To John Adams from John Cosens Ogden, 9 March 1797
From: Ogden, John Cosens
To: Adams, John

Sir
New-Haven March 9th 1797

The health of David Austin Esqr. the present Collector of the customs in New Haven, is declining so fast, that it is generally supposed that death, will put a period to his valuable life within a short period time.
As that office will then be vacant, I thought it to be my duty, in as early a season, and in as respectful a manner as possible, to ask it of Your Excellency for myself.
Perhaps an application of this kind would come with more propriety, and with greater certainty of success from others in my behalf, than from myself.—Most men will urge reasons for a preference before other candidates. In my case I appeal to your Excellency from publicly known facts, not for my own sake alone, but for the sake of those who are connected with me.
I am not so totally a stranger to Your Excellency as not to be known as the son in law of that meritorious officer General Wooster, who so valiantly sacrificed his life and fortune together in the late war,—An event which deprived his widow and family of a very valuable property. This has been made doubly poignant to them as the Genl. entered the service, possessed of his military and other lands in Vermont, which have been lost by the independence of that State—of the incomes of the naval office & British half-pay as a captain.—The commutation of his widow was paid at a time, when it was greatly depreciated, and the  distresses of her affairs from taxation depreciation of public credit—fall of lands in value, and a long deprivation of any former incomes forced her to part with them, when other sources failed, from public events.  She is now totally destitute of any income, and made happy with her daughter at an advanced age. Her daughter’s once handsome expectations have been lost in the wreck of her family having never come into her possession or mine.
As is and I trust ever will be our duty and wish, we have sought to make her mother happy.—The office I now ask will enable us to do this better, to educate our children for useful citizenship, and to provide for the wants of advancing age.
Upon General Woosters first entering the army, I superintended the then Naval Office a long time, so that the business is not  novel. When your Excellency joins your ideas of national gratitude and tenderness to suffering citizens, to  these which I have suggested. I trust that your nomination will not be wanting to secure me the office I now solicit. The family with which I am connected will receive that as a favor done to them, They will no longer have reason to fear that rulers have arisen, who have forgot their husband and fathers valor, patriotism, service, & sacrifices.
I have the honor to be / Your Excellencys / devoted Servant

John C. Ogden


Title: To John Adams from Tanguy de Laboiniere, 9 March 1797
From: Laboiniere, Tanguy de
To: Adams, John

					Monsieur
					Philadelphie le 9 mars 1797.

				Le plus sincere homage que je croye pouvoir Rendre à L’opinion qu’a L’Amérique entiere de vos vertus, & La Liberté que je prends de vous adresser Les observations que je publie Sur la Discussion qui Existe malheureusement aujourdhui entre les Etats-unis & La République de france. quelque soit le jugement que vous porterez sur mes opinions à cet Egard, je me flatte que vous Reconnaitrez dans cet ècrit Les sentimens Loyaux d’un français attaché à sa Patrie, mais qui désire ardemment de voir Renaitre entre elle &  Les Etats-unis Les sentimens D’affection &  D’union qui ont pris naissance à une Epoque chere aux Deux Nations &  qui sont d’un si grand interet pour L’une & pour L’autre.j’ose nourrir L’Espérance que les nuages qui Les obscurcissent aujourdhui Disparaiteront sous votre administration, & j’en vois L’augure Dans votre Discours D’installation.je Suis avec Le plus Profond Respect, / Votre très humble &  très / obéissant serviteur

					Tanguy De Laboiniere


Title: From John Adams to Pierre Auguste Adet, 13 March 1797
From: Adams, John
To: Adet, Pierre Auguste

Sir—
Philadelphia March 13th 1797—

I have received the Letter you did me, the honour to write me this morning informing me, that you have important Things to communicate to me, and requesting an hour for an interview;—Tomorrow morning at ten OClock I shall be glad to receive you; meantime I have the honour to be with great consideration / your most Obedient and most humble / Servant
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Jonathan James Maund, 13 March 1797
From: Adams, John
To: Maund, Jonathan James

Sir
Philadelphia March 13. 1797.

A few days ago I received your obliging Letter of the 13th of February—
It would be a greater pleasure to me, than any that I shall enjoy, unless the times should be better, than my apprehensions to Cultivate the Oats, you have been So polite to send me, But the four Acres of Cincinnatus must be this year unplouged, if some other person will not attend to them.
If I am not mistaken you promised to write me the beginning of December upon Politicks, although you are entitled to my best thanks for the Oats. I dont consider them as a Compensation for the failure of the Politicks.
Your kind remembrance of my family Obliges me very much—I should be Very glad to know how the Elections of Representatives have gone in Virginia, and how your people digest the News we have of the Conduct of the French. I am Sir with / Much Esteem your Very humble servt
John Adams—


Title: To John Adams from Pierre Auguste Adet, 13 March 1797
From: Adet, Pierre Auguste
To: Adams, John

                            Monsieur Le Président.
                            Philadelphie Le 23 ventose An 5eme de La Republique française 13 mars 1797. (v.s.)

                        J’aurois desiré pouvoir vous présenter mes hommages Comme ministre de L’a Republique française, j’ose esperer  que vous me permettrés de vous Les offrir comme particulier.  j’aurois deja sollicité cette Faveur si ma santé ne m’en Eut empechè.  je ne puis plus differer de vous la demander, quoique je sois Loin de me bien porter.  j’ai des Choses extrêmement importantes à Vous Communiquer.  je vous prie en conséquence de vouloir bien m’accorder un moment d’entretien.  à L’heure que vous aurés La bonté de m’indiquer. je m’empresserai de me Rendre auprès de vous, pour vous  m’avés inspirés, et dont je vous prie d’agréer L’expression.

                            P.A. Adet


Title: From John Adams to James McHenry, 14 March 1797
From: Adams, John
To: McHenry, James

Philadelphia 14 March 1797.

The President of the United States, requests the Secretary at War to take into his consideration the following Questions and make report of his opinion in Writing.
1. Whether the Refusal to receive Mr. Pinckney and the rude orders to quit Paris, and the Territory of the Republick, with such Circumstances of Indignity, Insult and Hostility as We have been inform’d of, are bar’s to all further measures of Negotiation? Or in other Words a fresh mission to Paris be too great an humiliation of the American People, in their own Sense and that of the World.
If another mission be admissible, can any part, and what parts or Articles of the Treaty of Amity and commerce with Great Britain be offered to France or ultimately conceeded to that Power, in case of necessity, if demanded by her.
3. What Articles of the Treaty of Alliance, and of the Treaty of Commerce with France, Should be proposed to be abolished?
4. Whether it will be prudent to say any Thing, concerning the consular convention with that Power, and if it will what Alternations in it Should be proposed.?
5. Whether any new Articles Such as are not contained in either of our Treaties with France or England Shall be proposed, or can be agreed to if proposed by the French Government?
6. What Documents shall be prepared to send to France as evidence of Insults and Injuries, committed against the Commerce of the United States by French Ships of War or Privateers, or by French Commissioners Agents, Officers, or Citizens?
7. In what terms shall Remonstrances against spoliations of Property, capture of Vessells, Imprisonment of Masters and Mariners, Cruelties, Insults and Abuses of every kind, to our Citizens be made.?
8. In what terms shall restitution, Reparation, Compensation and Satisfaction be demanded for Such Insults and Injuries?
9  Shall demand be made of Payment to our Citizens, for Property purchased by the French Government in Europe, or in the East and West Indies.
10  Shall demand be made of the French Government of Payment for Vessells and Cargoes, captured and Seized, whether by ships of War or private Ships?
11  Shall any Commission of Inquiry and Examination like that with England be agreed to?
12  What Articles in the British Treaty can be offered to France, without Compensation, and with Compensation and what Compensation shall be demanded?
13. Shall a Project of a new Treaty abolishing the old Treaties and Consular Convention be proposed to France?
14. Shall Such a Project with a Project of Instructions to the Minister, be prepared and laid before the Senate for their Advice and consent, before they be sent to Europe?

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Timothy Pickering, 14 March 1797
From: Adams, John
To: Pickering, Timothy

Philadelphia 14. March 1797

The President of the United States requests the Secretary of State to take into his Consideration, the following Questions, and make report of his Opinion in writing.
1. Whether the refusal to receive Mr. Pinckney, and the rude orders to quit Paris, and the Territory of the Republic, with Such circumstances of Indignity, Insult and Hostility, as we have been informed of are Bars to all further Measures of Negotiation? Or in other words will a fresh Mission to Paris be too great an humiliation of the American People in their own Sense and that of the world?
2 If another mission be admissible, Can any part and what parts or articles of the Treaty of Amity and Commerce with Great Britain be offered to France or ultimately conceded to that Power in Case of Necessity if demanded by her.
3 What articles of the Treaty of Alliance and of the Treaty of Commerce with France Should be proposed to be abolished?
4 Whether it will be prudent to say any thing Concerning the Consular Convention with that Power and if it will what Alterations in it should be proposed?
5 Whether any new articles, such as are not Contained in either of our Treaties, with France or England shall be proposed, or Can be agreed to if proposed by the French Government.
6 What Documents shall be prepared to send to France as evidence of Insult and Injuries committed against the Commerce of the United States by French Ships of War, or Privateers, or by French Commissioners, Agents, Officers, or Citizens be made.
7 In what Terms shall remonstrances against Spoliations of Property, Capture of Vessels, Imprisonment of Masters, and Mariners, Cruelties, Insults and abuses of Every Kind to our Citizens to be made.
8. In what terms shall restitution, Reparation, Compensation and Satisfaction be demanded for such Insults and Injuries.
9. Shall demand be Made of payment to our Citizens for property purchased by the French Government in Europe or in the East & West Indies.
10. Shall demand be made of the French Government of payment for Vessels and Cargoes Captured and Siezed whether by Ships of war or private Ships.
11. Shall any Commission of Inquiry and Examination like that with England be agreed to.
12. What Articles in the British Treaty Can be offered to France, without Compensation and with Compensation and what Compensation shall be demanded?
13 Shall a project of a new Treaty abolishing the Old Treaties and Consular Convention be proposed to France?
14 Shall such a Project with a Project of instructions, to the Minister, be prepared & laid before the Senate for their Advice and Consent before they be sent to Europe.
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Elkanah Watson, 17 March 1797
From: Adams, John
To: Watson, Elkanah

Sir
Philadelphia March 17.1797

I have received with Pleasure your polite Letter of the 5th. and thank you for your kind Compliments.
I am very much disposed to believe, that you have been misinformed concerning “Some very leading Characters in the State of N. york.” If they have been “disappointed” it has been in the Election of the V.P. not in mine: and that by no means on the Ground of “the known Independence of my mind”. I assure you I think very differently of these Gentlemen, if I guess who they are that you mean.
Inclosed is a Poem, full of Flattery to me, but of exquisite Poetry. I have heard it was written by a Mr Bacon of Albany or its Neighbourhood formerly of Brooklyne in Massachusetts. I send you the Poem, to desire you to let me know if there is any such Person in your Neighbourhood and what is his Character.
I am Sir/ your very humble servant

John AdamsI think it more likely that you wrote it, tell me.  See my note of observation on the back of this letter


Title: Notes on Pinckney Case, 19 March 1797
From: Adams, John
To:

March 19. 1797,

There are 3 Cases which may now be supposed.
1. Mr Pinckney may be recd and in a fair and honourable Train of Negotiation.
2. Mr Pinckney may be neither recd nor rejected, but kept in suspence.
3. Mr Pinckney may be rejected, with Circumstances of Indignity Insult and Hostility
+ Which will render it at least questionable whether any other diplomatic Measures can be adopted.
4. Mr Pinckney may be rejected for Causes real or pretended which will admit of a further Essay at Negotiation.
In the 2d. of these Suppositions Shall the Senate be conviened alone, or Congress.
In the 3d Congress must be called—and in that Case, shall any diplomatic Mission be nominated to the Senate? and what defensive Preparations shall be recommended to Congress. In Case any further diplomatic Mission is nominated to the Senate what shall be its Instructions? will not a thorough revision of the Treaties and Conventions with France be necessary and what new System shall be proposed directly, eventually or conditionally.
Will each Minister make up his mind upon this subject and draw up a sketch of a Plan.
In Case Congress is convened, what shall be the Speech? Will each Minister turn his Thoughts to this subject and minute his Ideas as they occur.— Shall an Embargo, general or partial be recommended? Can a partial Embargo be practicable?
Shall it be recommended to Congress to authorise by Law, any Armament or Equipment of Vessells for Defence?
Shall Letters of Mark and Reprizals be recommended to be granted?
Shall any vigorous Efforts to compleat, arm man and employ the Frigates be recommended?
Shall any further Exertions towards a naval Power be recommended?
Shall any Augmentation of the Army be recommended?
Shall any Additional fortifications be recommended?
Shall any Additions to our Artillery Armed Ammunition &c be proposed?
Shall Privateers be proposed to be let loose?


Title: To John Adams from Henry Knox, 19 March 1797
From: Knox, Henry
To: Adams, John

(private)My dear Sir
Boston March 19 1797

I experience a reluctance in addressing you lest I should absorb a certain portion of your time which ought to be used for more important purposes.
I doubt whether I ought to congratulate you on being elevated to the Cheif Magistracy of the United States; for it is questionable wheth very questionable, whether there are not more thorns than roses in the situation.  But I religiously felicitate my Country on having you at the helm of Government. And in doing this, I feel the operation of a certain selfishness that Our maker interwove in our construction.  I feel a confidence in the safety of our political bark. The elevation was justly your due; and had any other person been chosen, the majority of Electors in my poor opinion would either have been ignorant of your character, or unworthy of the trust reposed in them
Your speech on the day of your inauguration appears, to have given general satisfaction.  The part relatively to France is peculiarly pleasing, as thereon hopes are entertained that you may devise some decisive, and prompt expedient to prevent that rash people from pushing us to extremities.  A little further, and every principle of attachment in this Country will be uprooted forever, and the public mind prepared to embrace the first opportunity, of being avenged for the unprovoked outrages we are suffering.
Whether this crisis can be avoided is with the little information I possess, entirely uncertain.  But it appears highly proper, that every experiment which would afford the least hope, should be tried. If after every effort, nothing should be found to be effective, the American people would meet with fortitude, an event which could not by their cheif Magistrate be controuled or averted—
Among the expedients which have presented themselves to my mind, the one I am about to mention, only, seems to promise much; and I confess I should entertain considerable hopes from it. I submit it with respectful diffidence as a suggestion, which may not before perhaps have been entertained by you.
Let Mr Jefferson be sent to France As soon as possible, as Envoy Extraordinary, to make those explanations of our situation and disposition towards France, and of their mistakes and errors towards us, which can be done with perfect truth, and which being told in the language of friendship by him, would most probably be acceptable. Their pride would be gratified by the mission of the Vice President of the United States—This circumstance of rank, and the high estimation he is held in as the friend of the french revolution would effect all the reconciliation that could possibly be effected by any measure whatever.  If the mission should be unsuccessful, his report upon his return, would unite and brace the public mind to those exertions the case might require. In either event the glory and Wisdom of the measure would redound to the President of the United States, who would be considered as having done all that was possible to serve the interests of his Country.
The measure would be highly acceptable to the great majority of Federalists who wish peace with all the world—The party in this Country whose Zeal for France has been greater than their love for the United States would be delighted with the event. For excepting some renegade foreigners, it cannot be supposed that many native Americans would wish to plunge their Country in a war
It may be suggested that General Pinckneys pride would be hurt by this step. I should believe the contrary. On so momentous a crisis in the affairs of his country, it would be natural for him to be pleased, with the countenance of so dignified a person as the Vice President, and one so much known and respected in France.
It may perhaps be further suggested, that the dignity of the United States would be wounded by sending so important a character in the Government, on such a mission—But this objection could not be a sound one, when the magnitude of the measure should be considered, and that the cheif Justice was employed in a similar case.—But the dignity of character is an important requisite in the mission.  I entertain so good an opinion of Mr Jeffersons patriotism, as to beleive he would not hesitate at, much less refuse the offer.
The motive which has induced this suggestion, is as pure, as it is respectful to you. I know not the reasons which might be urged against its adoption. But there may exist just and insuperable objections, with which I am unacquainted. Every political measure is susceptible of various views, and it is the duty of good Citizens to repose themselves with confidence under the protection of their government—No person possesses this confidence in a greater degree than I do on the present instance, and there is no one who wishes more sincerely that your administration may be prosperous to your Country, and glorious to yourself.
I am by dear sir / with perfect respect and / attachment / Your most Obedient / Servant

H Knox


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Law, 19 March 1797
From: Law, Thomas
To: Adams, John

Sir.
Philadelphia March 19th 1797

As the current of population was Westerly & towards the Lakes, perhaps it would be adviseable to anticipate disputes about boundaries &ca. with the Spanish & British Settlers, and consequently to devise some easy mode of adjustment witht previous reference to Europe
It occurs to me that Pitsburgh or some central spot might be agreed upon for Commissioners from Quebec, New Orleans and the Federal City to meet at; the number of Commissioner might be two from each place & should the Commissioners of two nations disagree then the Commissioners from the third Nation should decide & his Award have force till the Foreign Power & the United States confirmed it; such a system of arbitration would prevent local broils from becoming National Wars, by delay and aggravation, as also the politicks of Europe would not contaminate the minds of the disputants, the interest of all would operate in favor of Harmony & Commerce—
If this seminal idea is a good one, it must take deep root in your fertile mind & be matured by your benign disposition.
I will not venture to suggest the advantages to accrue to Government by the Federal City being ready in 1800, nor to expatiate on the benefits to result from your visiting it soon, for I am aware of the imputation of selfishness—
With much esteem / & respect / I remain / Your most Obt / Hl St

Thomas Law


Title: To John Adams from Prince Abbondio Rezzonico, 19 March 1797
From: Rezzonico, Prince Abbondio
To: Adams, John

Sir
Rome, the 19th March, 1797

It was certainly a great satisfaction to me, as it has been to all those, that Know your Parts and your heart, to hear your Election in President of these United States. Agree therefore I beg you, my rejoicings; which are no Less effect of my duty, than of that Friendshiph, that I had been so happy as to make with you at London.
I take, at the mean time, the Liberty of raccomanding to you, Sir, Mr. John Sartori, that has been here an other time. He is of a very good and honest family of this City; and may surely deserve your Consideration. Since I have a great interest as for him, as for his Family; I will take as a particular favour if he will experience its gracious effects.
I have the honor to be with very much Respect and Friendship
Sir
Permit me to make occasion therefore to congratulate you, assuring you, that it is difficult for me to express how rejoiced I am at your advancement, as impossible to declare how far I have the honour to be / your most humble, and Obedient Servent

Prince Abondio RezzonicoI take the liberty to present to you the Monument of my Uncle


Title: From John Adams to Timothy Pickering, Jr., 20 March 1797
From: Adams, John
To: Pickering, Timothy, Jr.,Lee, Charles

March 20. 1797—

The President of the United States requests The Secretary of State and the Attorney General to take into their Consideration the 3.ss of the 2d Article of the Constitution of the United States. “He (the President) shall from time to time give for Congress, information of the State of the Union and recommend to their consideration, such measures as he shall judge necessary and Expedient. He may on Extraordinary occasions, convene both Houses or Either of them” &ca.
As no extraordinary occasion has as yet occurred since the Establishment of this Government, there can be no precedents to Guide us, and as it is not impossible or improbable, that such an extraordinary occasion as is intended in the Constitution may soon occur, the President wishes that a Precedent may be formed, which will hereafter require no Alterations.
The President therefore requests the Gentlemen to Consider, 1st. whether the Members of Congress can be convened by Proclamation only without Writ. 2d. Whether by writ only without proclamation, 3 Whether by Proclamation & writ both 4. The Form of the Writ and Proclamation.
The President wishes the practice of our Ancestors to be Examined, both in England and in the American Colonies before the Revolution, and all the good adopted and all the bad if any Expunged


Title: From John Adams to Commissioners of Washington City, 20 March 1797
From: Adams, John
To: Washington City, Commissioners of

Gentlemen
Philadelphia March 20th 1797

I have received the Letter, you did me the honour to write me, on the 22d of this month.
Your congratulations “on the preference given” by my fellow Citizens, in the Choice of the first Magistrate of the Union, and the Expressions of your Confidence are Very obliging.
I am not apprized of any reasonable objection to the Measure Suggested, of offering Scites for houses to the Ministers of foreign Nations, but I think the proposition to them, would be made with most propriety by you, Gentlemen, the Commissioners, and to Enable you to do it Consistently, I will desire the Secretary of State to Make out a List of the foreign Ministers with their Titles
The subject is new to me, and there may be difficulties in it which have not occurred to me. The opinion of President Washington Expressed in his Letter to you of the 18th of September 1796 has great weight with me. He mentions how ever some  which had occurred to you as hinted to him by the Spanish Minister or Mr Barry but these are not Explained. If you are aware of any I should be glad to have them stated to me with / Great Esteem I am Gentlemen your / Humble servant

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from David Humphreys, 20 March 1797
From: Humphreys, David
To: Adams, John

Sir
Lisbon March 20th: 1797.

It was only by the arrival of a vessel yesterday from America that we received the certain intelligence of your Election as President of the United States. On which auspicious occasion permit me to offer my sincere congratulations & assurances of support (in whatever situation I may be) to an Administration, which, in my anticipation, will not be less glorious to yourself than beneficial to your Country.
In the latter part of the time of the Administration of your Predecessor, I addressed a few thoughts to him on the subject of establishing a kind of naval militia, for the purpose of manning our vessels of War. But apprehending that letter might not have reached him previous to his retirement from Office, I take the liberty of just repeating my idea of the practicability & advantage of such a measure.  In the adoption of it, I have been led to believe that many serious & great evils might be avoided, which have occurred & still do occur in procuring men for the naval Service in most, if not all, other nations.  I presume not to trespass upon your time by going into any detail of the Project. But if it shall appear that Seafaring Men owe their exertions to the support of Government (from which they are perhaps more peculiarly in need of protection than their fellow-Citizens who remain always on shore) not less than the rest of the Community, I should, hope that some effectual mode of providing a sufficient number of them for the public Service,  for a limited and convenient term of time, might be devised, without bearing unequally hard on that useful class of Citizens. Without the adoption of some measure of a similar nature, great difficulty in manning our frigates and consequent prejudice to the public Service may occur, especially so long as the state of our merchant Service, shall occasion the wages of Seamen to be so much higher in America than in Europe, as is the case at present. Indeed I should doubt whether any Government could with facility face the expences resulting from such wages, for a length of time & on a considerable scale. Under a free Government such as ours, where all enjoy its protection, may it not then be fairly enquired whether all ought not to be obliged to be in readiness to render their personal Services to the exigencies of the State in the way most suitable to their profession, whether for this object the Seamen ought not to be unregistered in the several States, and whether each State might not with propriety be required to furnish its quota when necessary.—I am happy to learn that some of our frigates are likely to be fit for Sea soon, as no one has been more in condition to appreciate the necessity of their being employed (at least some of them) in the European or Mediterranean Seas, than myself; and I suppose few have had more early or frequent occasions of expressing their sentiments in writing on the subject. Hoping therefore the importance of the subject will be deemed an excuse for my troubling the Chief Magistrate of the United States with a few reflections upon it, and submitting them to your superior consideration, I hasten to conclude with assurances of the perfect respect & esteem, with which, / I have the honour to be, Sir, / Your mo. ob: & mo. hble Servt
D. Humphreys


Title: To John Adams from George Taylor, Jr., 20 March 1797
From: Taylor, George, Jr.
To: Adams, John

Department of State 20th. March 1797

G. Taylor Jr. with respectful compliments to the President of the United States, has the honor to send hereto annexed a memorandum of the papers signed by the President for this office from the 4th instant to this day
Memorandum of papers signed by the President of the United States for the Department of State from the 4th instant, to this day
Commissions Joseph Bench,of No. Caro—1st. Mate of a CutterRobert Dorseyofdo.2.do.William Snellofdo.3do.
Patents for lands to the virginia line—4Sea letters1657Mediterranean passports300do. do100


Title: To John Adams from Tench Coxe, 22 March 1797
From: Coxe, Tench
To: Adams, John

March 22d. 1797.

Mr. Coxe has the honor respectfully to enclose to the President the principal letter from his brother. There were several others of nearly the same date, but they were of no consequence in a public view, but as they went to confirm parts of the letter of the 26th November.
It appears to have been the opinion of Mr. D. W. Coxe that very advantageous operations against the Spanish Dominions were so seriously in view as to render a peace utterly improbable.  It is not doubted he meant the Colonies of Spain. Of these Louisiana was always desireable to Britain on account of West India supplies. The loss of this country has rendered it more important to them. Recession of it by Spain to France would quicken their anxieties for Louisiana. Genl. Simcoe has been transfer’d from upper Canada to the Vicinity of the Gulf of Mexico. He is said to have a very extensive knowledge of the N. A. Indians & of their Territory. No British Commandant, so well informed for an expedition against Spanish North America, occurs. This remark extends to any possible views upon Santa Fe.  The idea of a movement from Canada, which would involve an infringement of the Neutral Territory of the U.S. appears to be utterly improbable, tho well calculated to draw off the Troops from the vicinity of New Orleans, as a feint.  An Indian Movement headed by  British people seems all that is possible to be originated thro the Governors of the Canadas.


Title: To John Adams from Oliver Wolcott, Jr., 24 March 1797
From: Wolcott, Oliver, Jr.
To: Adams, John

Treasury Department March 24th. 1797

The Secretary of the Treasury respectfully transmits to the President of the United States, a Letter from the Commissioner of the Revenue dated the 20th. instant covering a proposal made by a Theodore Lincoln for building a Light House upon Cape Cod in the State of Massachusetts.
It is the opinion of the Secretary, that all circumstances considered, it will be for the Interest of the United States to close with the said proposal.
All which is most respectfully / Submitted

Oliv WolcottSecy of the Treasy


Title: To John Adams from United States Congress, 25 March 1797
From: United States Congress
To: Adams, John

					Proclamation
for an Extraordinary Session of Congress.

25 March, 1797.

Whereas the Constitution of the United States of America
provides that the President may, on extraordinary occasions,
convene both houses of Congress; and whereas an extraordinary occasion exists for convening Congress, and divers great
and weighty matters claim their consideration, I have therefore
thought it necessary to convene, and I do by these presents
convene the Congress of the United States of America, at the
city of Philadelphia, in the commonwealth of Pennsylvania, on
Monday, the fifteenth day of May next, hereby requiring the
senators and representatives in the Congress of the United
States of America, and every of them, that, laying aside all
other matters and cares, they then and there meet and assemble
in Congress, in order to consult and determine on such measures as in their wisdom shall be deemed meet for the safety and
welfare of the said United States.
In testimony whereof, &c.

John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from Tristram Dalton, 26 March 1797
From: Dalton, Tristram
To: Adams, John

Sir
George Town. Maryland 26th March 1797

In offering to You my Congratulations upon your being placed at the Head of the Government of the United States, by the suffrages of a free and enlightened People, it would be in common with those who have, or who take, Occasion to address you—
In doing this I should but reiterate the sincere Sentiments which I did myself the pleasure of expressing in my last of the 16th January—when the Issue of the Election was pretty well ascertained—
Since that date I have received, if possible, an additional satisfaction, which is the almost universal Approbation, and Confidence, of the People, discovered on this Event—
You have entered on the Administration—in a critical Period—
Your “dependance upon the Sense, Spirit, and Resources of the People, under a humble hope of the divine Blessing” will prove a Solid Support—The “Aid of your Friends”, where they can be of any service, you can rely upon—and I take this opportunity to tender you mine in any Way that you may be pleased to command me—
I pray most fervently, that the Efforts of our external and internal Enemies to divide our Counsels & People, may be baffled, and that a more clear political Horizon may, ere long, present itself to the Friends of our Country—and its Constitution of Government.
The French Nation will find themselves deceived and duped by the Traitors, who have misled them in their opinions of the Inhabitants of these States—Is it not surprizing that their Government should not have recollected, that the Errors of the British Government, in our revolution, arising from their hastily embracing false representations of the Spirit & Disposition of the People, tended to our Good, and to the ruin of their Cause? The Conduct of the French will probably be of real Service to us—It ought to rectify our Opinions and false Partialities, to learn us political Wisdom, to fix a National Character, independent of any, and every, foreign influence.
If our losses at Sa and Affronts on Land, should teach us these useful Lessons, the Sacrifice of Property will prove a cheap Purchase—“We shall see of what Stuff American Souls are made”—I have no doubt of their proving themselves worthy Independance—
In course of Mail, I was honored with your much esteemed Favor of the 19th Jany, and pray you to accept my hearty Thanks for this friendly and confidential Communication—It has added to the number of those that I have received from Yourself, for many years, and in various situations of Life—Among the irreparables, that I lost in a Ship, which was burned on her Passage from Massachusetts to this Place, and in which were my furniture—Books, &c. were all the Letters that I had received from you, from our Juvenile Years, to the period of that unfortunate Event—The loss of these, and some other valuable Papers, with my family Portraits by Copely, I exceedingly lament—My own Memorandum, farming and other Observations, were purified by this fatal accident—All these I had most carefully laid by, as a source of Comfort, if it should please Heaven to continue me on this Stage, after I should be obliged to quit an active Life—which I think no Man ought to do, while he has health, and the Use of his faculties, continued to him—
Thanks to a Gracious God—my constitution is good—my health is uninterrupted—The slender abilities I had—have not been permitted to rust—And these, such as they are at the Service of my Country, so far as is consistent with my Years—and Rank in Society—
When I came to this District, it was with a View to see the commercial House, that I had engaged in, properly under way—expecting then to have returned to, and lived at Boston. Mr. James Greenleaf was a Partner, possessed at that time of a handsome property—& was to have gone to Europe—there to negociate the business of he Company—Mr. Lear having made most excellent arrangements for their Accounts both in England—and Holland—
Mr. G—soon after diving into unwarrantable speculations, and not going to Europe. Mr. Lear and I proposed a dissolution of the Copartnership, to which he readily consented—and it took place more than twelve months since.
Mr. Lear and I never had to do, in the least degree, with Mr. Gs speculations, but his continuing in this Country—running wild in Plans—tended to paralyze the business of the late Company—The War & Troubles in Europe are very unfavorable to the Trade of this Quarter. Peace alone will discover the superior advantages of this situation—owing to the waters of the Potomac.
From the aforementioned Causes, I find myself a Man of greater liesure than I wish to be—
This subject leads me to take another liberty. To name the City of Washington. I shall not be so particular about the Affairs of it, because my friend Mr. Lear tells me that he has been so—No Person could give a better Account of the Proceedings respecting it than he is capable of and no one would do it more impartially.  Few, very few, are to be found, concerned in this business, whose Tales—and Representations—are to be relied upon—This is a Country of Speculators—Whoever treads this Ground, must do it with the utmost caution—if he expects to escape impositions and censures—Parties are so wide from each other—that their endeavors to serve each their own Interests would strange the Child, if it were possible.
They have viewed the Movements of the late President, relative to the City. & to the East and West Ends of it, with a jealous—attentive Eyes.  They could not suspect him of indifference towards any part of the Territory—because it was well known to be the favorite Object of his Heart—
It is supposed by some that a Person from N. England would not participate in their fond feelings—I have assured such—when opportunity offered, that You would not lose Sight of so important an Establishment—sanctioned by several Laws of Congress—if not, by fair construction, become a part of the constitution of the United States—
I have added that they might rely upon your fostering Care and due attention—This I did, knowing your Love for the Tranquility of our Country—
Will you permit me to add that a Visit to the City, as early as your important Avocations would permit, could be a source of great Satisfaction to many People in the Southern States—& tend to give a spring to the publick Works, and to private Exertion—
Our friend Mr. Cranch tells me, that he has taken occasion to mention to You the wishes of the Friends to the City that it should receive the favor & honor of Your Personal Benediction—
On this desirable Event, Suffer me to add, that my House, in the City, to which my Family will remove in all this month, will be at your Service; and that it would make Mrs. Dalton and myself perfectly happy to have You use it as your own—How happy, I will not undertake to express, would Mrs. D. be to see with Yourself your best & her highly esteemed Friend Mrs. Adams—whose necessary Absence from You untill the fall she greatly laments—
Mrs. Dalton & our Children—unite with me in offering to you our most respectful regards—and best Wishes—I scarcely know what apology to make for extending this Epistle to three Sheets—sensible how little time you can have to listen to private tales—If a promise not to intrude again so far—If an uninterrupted correspondence for near half a century—and if an unalterable Attachment—can plead an excuse—I beg They may be accepted.
I am—with the most perfect Regard / Dear Sir / Your Friend / And most Obt. hble. Servt
Tristram Dalton


Title: To John Adams from John M. Pintard, 26 March 1797
From: Pintard, John M.
To: Adams, John

Sir
Madeira 26th March 1797

Altho not officialy Announced Nevertheless from the last advices from America I think I can with Confidence address you as the Successor of our Late Beloved President and Congratulate my Countrymen on the choice they have made. The purport of this Letter is to Request that you will be pleased to grant me a favour that your Predecessor in office was Kind enough to oblige me in and I Beg that you will excuse the trouble it may occasion; It is to do me the favour to Sett for your Portrait which I have Requested my Uncle Elias Boudinot Esqr. to Send me. he will deliver you this Letter and add his Request to mine and from my Personal Knoledge of you I feel Satisfied that I shall not Be disappointed. I had the Honor to Escort you into New york at the Head of the Westchester Light Horse when you was first elected vice President of the United States in the Year 1789. and Since that Period have held the appointment of Consul for the United States at this Island where it will give me great Pleasure to Render you acceptable Services. I have been favoured by the late President with his orders for the Madeira wine he drank at his table and have Allways been very Particular in the choice of it Mr Boudinot will Shew you a Specimen of the wines I can Ship and if you approvve of them and Honor me with your Commands you may allways be assured of having the pure and genuine Juice of the Grape Mrs Pintard joins me in Most Respectfull Compliments to you and Mrs Adams and allow me to Subscribe myselfe with great Respect / Sir / Your Most obedient / and very Humble Servant

John M. Pintard


Title: To John Adams from Elbridge Gerry, 27 March 1797
From: Gerry, Elbridge
To: Adams, John

No 4
My dear Sir
Cambridge 27th March 1797

A social friend, but not one whose politicks have been much in unison with mine, has suggested to me the policy of your sending Mr Jefferson, at the present crisis, as a minister to France. at first blush, the measure struck me forcibly: Mr Jefferson being much in the confidence of France, & of her officers & adherents in the United States; the antipode of her enemies amongst us; possessed of qualities & accomplishments, which suit the French nation; & the head of that party, who, in case of a war with France, would now oppose it, even if inevitable.  seeing the first effect of this proposition on my mind, the gentleman alluded to proposed that I should bring it to you, & I manifested no dislike to the proposal; but I shall seldom, if ever again, yeild to such a request: as the object of my correspondence will be information, & not council; & as your friends will probably be investigated & assailed thro’out the United States & Europe, to communicate the suggestions of others; which, will often make them the unguarded instruments of intriguing men, & will impose on yourself, the arduous task of distinguishing between the adulterated & unadulterated parts of their correspondence.  the proposition alluded to appears to me, on reflection, to involve consequences which in the first instance do not present themselves to veiw; & as it will undoubtedly be made to you, I feel an obligation from the circumstance mentioned, of making a few remarks on it; which, notwithstanding my first intention, I should otherwise have avoided—the appointment, abstractedly considered as it respects France, still appears to me a desirable object; but as it relates to the constitution, the President, Vice-President, & the publick, it is I conceive of a delicate nature.  in case of the removal, resignation, death, or inability of the President, his powers devolve on the Vice President; & altho there is no possibility of the first, or probability, I hope, of the two next events, yet, an inability may arise from indisposition: in which case, the public, particularly those opposed to the V President, in his absence, would be clamorous for supplying his place; as the constitution expressly requires his services, when the presidents power to act, ceases.  the constitutionality of the measure may therefore on this ground, as well as on that of being always prepared to supply a vacancy, be questioned; and, if the executive can vacate the office of V.P. for a month, it may for twelve months or four years; & thus render the provission by the constitution, of a Vice President, a meer nullity.  As it respects the President, it is generally considered better policy for him to be always, clearly, within the line of the constitution, if possible, than to be suspected of trenching upon it.  he may, & probably will, be officially called on to approve of bills, which will involve constitutional questions; & be thus, unavoidably, exposed to the clamor of his enemies: but can it be good policy, to arm them voluntarily with pretexts, that he has originated in his executive capacity unconstitutional measures; when there exists no necessity for the case? the disadvantages resulting to his predecessor, under such circumstances, will perhaps determine this question.—as it relates to the VP, there is now a prospect of a good understanding between the President & himself; but may not such a proposition produce in his mind apprehensions, that the President is opposed to him, & that he contemplates a plan to remove him from office; or, if not, that such an appointment would prostitute the dignity of his present office, & degrade him in the eyes of foreigners, as well as of his fellow citizens. in either case, he would be disgusted with the proposal—in respect to the public, it being divided into two political parties, whose exertions have been great as they respected the choice of President & V President, & it having fortunately happened that each has obtained its object in part, would not such an appointment, even if accepted, & agreable to the VP’s party, as it respects an accomodation with France, deprive them of the pleasing prospect of his republican influence in the Senate; & thus renew those party animosities, which at present appear to have subsided in a considerable degree? this, Sir, you can best determine: & I shall omit other remarks, pro & con, what will undoubtedly occur to your capacious mind.
I have read with inexpressible pleasure, your speech on the day of your inauguration. the just & comprehensive veiw which you have taken, of our critical situation at the commencement of the revolution, of the subsequent danger attending the establishment of government, of the origin progress & final issue of the confederation, of the necessity of a more energetic system, of the advantages resulting from the administration of the present constitution, of the preference due to elective republican governments, when compared with those, “descending from accidents or institutions established in remote antiquity”, & of the danger resulting from foreign influence; and the declaration of the principles by which your administration will be governed, have had a very happy effect in couching the dim-sighted politicians in this quarter, & cannot fail, as I conceive, of securing to yourself the general confidence & attachment of the people of the UStates.
I hope, e’er this that your happiness is compleat, by the arrival of Mrs Adams. I should have paid my respects to her, before she left Quincy, had my health permitted; but Mrs Gerry & myself have been confined the whole winter, by a species of slow fever & influenza; which still continues on her, but has abated on my part. pray give our best respects to her, & accept them yourself; & be assured my dear Sir, I remain with every sentiment of / esteem, & respect, yours sincely

E GerryP.S  I have this day renewed my correspondence with the Vice President, which I think will not diminish your mutual friendship.


Title: To John Adams from Joseph Ward, 27 March 1797
From: Ward, Joseph
To: Adams, John

Respected Sir
Newton March 27th. 1797

Out of the abundance of the heart the mouth speaketh; Your exaltation, has so perfectly fulfilled my wishes, and gratified the strong feelings of my heart, I cannot suppress the sentiments which it inspires: Having long indulged a belief of “the high destinies of our country,” this event seems an additional omen, and brightens the glorious hope.—The ruling characters of the world have generally had narrow views; limited to a kingdom, or district, they calculated for a day, and lived by the hour. Your Address, opens a vast field for contemplation, contains a chain of ideas which encircles the nations, embraces the world and all its ages.—“Your country first, and next all human race:” it rises far above the walk and contains ideas too big for birth in royal minds: It embraces being, reposes on Providence, measures time, and meets eternity.
Contemplating such objects, “assimilates the mind and makes it great.” It seems to have been little known, and less regarded, by the rulers of nations, “that those who honor God, shall be honored, and by acknowledging Him in all their ways, they shall be directed by His wisdom,” and hence it is (as I believe) they generally live and die like the worthless vulgar; and their names soon mingle with the forgotten millions.
Immortal fame, as well as “the souls calm sunshine and the heartfelt joy, is virtues prize.” It is so rare a sight to see a great and cultivated mind devoted to the highest good of a nation, setting a pure example copied from the divine principles of Christianity, that when such a character appears he is regarded as a new star in the planetary system, and mankind view him as a superior Intelligence with mingled emotions of love, and admiration.
May Your Administration, be a point of time, as it were cut out of eternity, by Infinite Wisdom, and destined to be a light to the nations, to ages living and unborn, a star to the western world to guide posterity in the paths of wisdom from era to era until time consumes all things else.
I bend an humble knee to Him who liveth forever, and implore His benediction, That your life may be precious in His sight,—your every step guided by wisdom, crowned with success, and accomplish the highest possible good;—that as time rolls on your sun may brighten even while it descends, and its evening rays continue to surpass its meridian glory,—until satisfied with life, and all the ways of Providence to man, your mind “shall clap the glad wing and tower away” to that world “where God shines forth in one eternal Day.”
Farewell.
Joseph Ward

P.S.
Great men often have quackery served up to them, in lieu of sentiment. The following may be a specimen.
As the mad politicians of Europe, with some of our own, will I fear (so long as they are out of Bedlam, where they ought to be) give your mind additional anxieties and labour, which with the growing mountain of cares attached to your high station, will so much exhaust nature that your whole system mental and material will want many cordials to support its energies.  you may feel too strongly this truth, expressed by a sublime genius, “There is but one solid pleasure in life, and that is doing our duty.”—To labour for the welfare of millions, and the felicity of ages to come, is indeed a glorious work; it is the nearest imitation of the Parent of the Universe;—but it wears the mind, and often cuts shorter the thread of life.  Great minds destined to such energies, must often break the chain of ideas, to play with little thoughts, or the perpetual strain will wear out or untune the powers. Hence eminent men whose life was most dear to the world have seldom reached a high point in age. It may perhaps be as difficult for great minds to descend to little things, as for little minds to rise; but it is necessary; there are no Angels in flesh, and so long as men have bodies they must take care of them.  Such men should study more for pleasures; every thing that has musick for their spirits; for a merry heart is the medicine of life.  To hear all kinds of musick; and to listen to the playful conversation of the Ladies often, will relieve the spirits, and serve to break the tough thread of politicks. To acquire knowledge, precious as the gem is, at the loss of health, is not (I guess) a very good bargain; and as you have enough of the former, I am anxious that you should by all means preserve the latter.—To study while riding, (and no day should pass without riding many miles, and with a quick step) the motion, will counteract the relaxing effects of intense thinking; and by custom it will soon become natural, give vigour to all the powers, and at once lengthen and sweeten life. The universe appears to be in motion; and I suspect Angels could not enjoy health without it: Certain it is the deep thinkers of this world often die for want of it.  I am impressed with an idea that amusements, and exercises, in various forms, must mingle with your immense labours, or you may too soon (for your country) mingle with the skies.—
As I recommend trifles, to great minds, reading this, may be in point. Its littleness, is its apology.


Title: From John Adams to Commissioners of Washington City, 28 March 1797
From: Adams, John
To: Washington City, Commissioners of

No. 56.
Gentlemen
Philadelphia march 28. 1797

I have received the Letter you did me, the honour to write me on the 22d. of this month.
your congratulations, “on the preference given” by my Fellow Citizens, in the Choice of the first Magistrate of the Union, and the Expressions of your Confidence are very obliging.
I am not apprized of any reasonable objection to the measure Suggested, of offering Scites for houses to the Ministers of Foreign nations: but I think the Proposition to them would be made with most Propriety by you, Gentlemen, the Commissioners, and to enable you to do it, consistently, I will desire the Secretary of State to make out a List of the foreign Ministers with their Several Titles.
The Subject is new to me, and there may be difficulties in it, which have not occurred to me. The Opinion of President Washington, expressed in his Letter to you fo the 18. of September 1796, has great Weight with me. He mentions however, difficulties which have occurred to you, as hinted to him by the Spanish Minister or Mr. Barry: but these are not explained. If you are aware of any, I Should be glad to have them Stated to me. With great Esteem I am / Gentlemen, your humble Servant

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Henry Knox, 30 March 1797
From: Adams, John
To: Knox, Henry

Dear Sir
Philadelphia March 30th 1797

I received with much pleasure your favor of the 19th. If I Should meet with any “roses” in my Path, I Shall thank you for your Congratulations, and when I set my foot on “Thorns” as I Certainly shall, I shall thank you Equally for your Condolence, But when you assure me that you “feel a Confidence in the Safety of our Political Bark” you give me much Comfort, and I pray you may not be disappointed—
It is a delicate thing for me to speak of the late Election. To my self personally “my Elevation” might be a matter of Indifference or rather of aversion, Had Mr. Jay or Some Others been in question, it might have less mortified my Vanity and infinitely less alarmed my apprehensions for the Public But to see such a Character as Jefferson, and much more such an unknown being as Pinckney brought over my Lead and trampling on the Bellies of hundreds of other men infinitely his Superiors in Talents, Services, and Reputation, filled me with apprehensions for the Safety of us all, it demonstrated to me, that if the project Succeeded our Constitution Could not have lasted four years; we Should have been set afloat and landed the Lord knows where—That must be a Sordid people indeed, a people destitute of a Sense of Honor Equity and Character, that could submit to be governed, and see hundreds of its most meritorious men Public Men governed by a Pinckney under an Elective government. Hereditary government when it imposes young, new, inexperienced Men upon the Public has its Compensations and Equivalent, but Elective government have none. I mean by this no disrespect to Mr: Pinckney. I believe him a worthy Man, I speak only by Comparison with others—
I have it much at heart to Settle all disputes with France and nothing shall be wanting on my part to accomplish it—Excepting a Violation of our faith and a Sacrifice of our honor. But Old as I am, War is even to me less dreadful to me than Iniquity or deserved disgrace—No thing can be done of much moment in the way even of negotiation without the Senate and no thing else without Congress
Your project has been long ago considered and determine on—Mr: Jefferson would not go, his reasons are obvious, he has a Station assigned him by the Nation, which he has no right to quit, nor have I any right perhaps to Call him from. I may hereafter communicate to you, what I have never communicated to any other, what has passed upon the Subject, the Circumstance of Rank is too much. We shall never be respected in Europe while we confound Ranks in this manner, in their Eyes the Chief Justice was too much to send to England, I have Plans in Contemplation that I dare say will satisfy you when they come to be develloped—I regret the time that must be Lost before the Senate and Representatives Can assemble. If we wish not to be degraded in the Eyes of foreigners we must not degrade ourselves—What would have been thought in France Europe if the King of France had sent Monsieur his Eldest Brother as an Envoy? What of the King of England if he had sent the prince of Wales? Mr: Jefferson in Essence is the Same Situation. He is the first prince of the Country and the Heir apparent to the sovereign authority quod hoc—His consideration in France is nothing. They Consider nobody but themselves. Their apparent Respect and real Contempt for all men and all Nations but Frenchmen are proverbially among themselves,—They think it is in their power to give Characters and destroy Characters as they please—and they have no other rule but to give reputation to their Fools and to destroy the reputation of all who will not be their Fools—Their Efforts to “populariser” Jefferson and to “depopulariser Washington are all upon this principle, to a Frenchman the most important man in the world is himself and the most important nation is France, he thinks France ought to govern all nations and that he ought to govern France. Every man and nation that agrees to this he is willing to populariser. Every man and nation that disputes it doubts it he will depopulariser if he Can.
This is all in Confidence from Sir your / Very humble Servant
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Lincoln, 30 March 1797
From: Adams, John
To: Lincoln, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Philadelphia March 30. 1797

I received with much Pleasure your favour of the 19th. If I should meet with any “Roses,” in my Path, I shall thank you for your congratulations, and when I set my foot on “thorns” as I certainly shall, I will thank you equally for your condolence. But when you assure me that you “feel a confidence in the safety of our political Bark,” you give me much comfort, and I pray you may not be dissappointed.
It is a delicate Thing, for me to Speak of the late Election.  To myself, personally it “my Elevation” might be a matter of Indifference, or rather of Aversion. Had Mr Jay, or Some others been in question, it might have less mortified my Vanity, and infinitely less allarmed my Apprehensions for the Public. But to see such a Character as Jefferson, and much more such an unknown Being as Pinckney, brought over my head and trampling on the Bellies of hundreds of other Men infinitely his Superiours in Talents, Services and Reputation, filled me with Apprehensions for the Safety of Us all. it demonstrated to me, that if the Project succeeded our Constitution could not last four years; We should have been Set afloat and landed the Lord knows where.  That must be a Sordid People, indeed, a People destitute of a sense of honour, Equity and Character, that could submit to be governed, and see hundreds of its most meretorious Public Men, governed by a Pinckney under an elective Government. Hereditary Government, when it imposes, young, new, inexperienced Men upon the Public, has its Compensations and equivalents: but elective Governments have none. I mean by this no disrespect to Mr Pinckney—I believe him a Worthy Man. I Speak only by Comparison with others.
I have it much at heart to settle all disputes with France and nothing shall be wanting on my Part to accomplish it, excepting a violation of our faith and a Sacrifice of our honour.  But Old as I am, War, is even to me, less dreadful, than Iniquity or deserved disgrace.  Nothing can be done of much moment in the Way even of negotiation without the Senate and nothing else without Congress.
Your Project has been long ago considered, and determined on—Mr Jefferson would not go. His Reasons are obvious. He has a Station assigned him by the Nation, which he has no right to quit, nor have I any right perhaps to call him from. I may hereafter communicate to you, what I have never communicated to any other, what has passed upon this Subject.  The Circumstance of Rank is too much. We shall never be respected in Europe, while We comfound Ranks in this manner, in their Eyes.  The Chief Justice was too much, to send to England.  I have Plans in Contemplation that I dare say will Satisfy you, when they come to be develloped.  I regret the time, that must be lost before the Senate and Representatives can assemble.
With two Such popular Characters at the Head of Massachusetts so near to Rhode Island: with Governor Clinton at the head of N. Y. and Governor Henry, in Virginia so near to N. Carolina: there is some reason to be jealous.  a convulsion, with such Men engaged openly or Secretly in favour of it, would be a Serious Evil. I hope however that my fears are groundless.—and have too much Charity for all of them, to imagine that they mean to disturb the Peace of our Israel.
Mr Henshaw like all others must apply to the President, if he has any Views of Employment.—He has never communicated to me any desire of any Thing. I believe him to be a very worthy man.
This Letter is very free, and of course confidential.
We have got down Molosus to two and an half Cents: but I was obliged to reduce it, the Senators being equally divided.  But when they saw that I had reduced it to three Cents, they took the Resolution to take away the Drawback on Rum, and reduced Molosus half a Cent lower.—They have not been very Severe upon me for what they call my Partiality for the Eaters and Distillers of Molosus.
With great Regard, I am, Sir your / most obedient

John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from Jan Willink, 31 March 1797
From: Willink, Jan,Willink, Wilhem
To: Adams, John

Sir!
Amsterdam 31 March 1797.

Permit us to congratulate your Excellency on your Election to the first office in your Country: In the discharge of which, We must sincerely and ardently wish you the success that our personal knowledge and experience assure us, your Exertion, Zeal and perseverance to promote the Honor, Interest, and Prosperity of the United States will most amply merit:
The warm part We take in the Welfare of your Republic, as well as our personal esteem and regard for your Excellency, all combine to fortify our Hopes and desire, that you may enjoy perfect Health and Vigor, to meet and sustain the fatigues of your present elevated Station, and long live to taste in joy and tranquillity their happy fruits.
With great respect We have the honor to be /  Your Excellency’s /  most obedient and /  very humble Servants

Wilhem & Jan WillinkN&J Van Staphorst & Hubbard


Title: From John Adams to Timothy Pickering, Jr., March 1797
From: Adams, John
To: Pickering, Timothy, Jr.,Wolcott, Oliver, Jr.

March 1797

The President of the United States, requests The Secretary of State, The Secretary of the Treasury, The Secretary of War and the Attorney General of the United States to take into their Consideration and Make reports of their Opinions in writing
1st. Whether the refusal to receive Mr Pinckney and the rude orders to quit Paris, and the territory of the republic with such circumstances of Indignity, insult & Hostility as we have been informed of, are Bars to all further measures of Negotiation? Or in other words will a fresh Mission to Paris be too great an Humiliation of the American People in their own sense and that of the World?
2. If another Mission be admissible can any part and what parts as Articles of the Treaty of Amity and Commerce with Great Britain be offered to France, or ultimately conceded to that Power in Case of necessity if demanded by her?—
3. What Articles of the Treaty of Alliance and of the Treaty of Commerce with France should be proposed to be abolished
4. Whether it will be prudent to say any thing concerning the Consular Convention with that Power, and if it will what Alterations in it should be proposed?—
5. Whether any new articles, such as are not contained in either of our Treaties with France or England shall be proposed or Can be agreed to if proposed by the French Government?
6. What Documents shall be prepared to send to France as Evidence of Insults and Injuries Committed against the Commerce of the United States by French ships of War, or Privateers or by French Commissioners agents, officers or Citizens
7. In What Terms shall remonstrances against spoliations of Property, Capture of Vessels, Imprisonment of Masters and Mariners Cruelties, Insults and abuses of Every Kind to our Citizens be made?—
8. In what terms shall be restitution, Reparation, Compensation & Satisfaction be demanded for such Insults and Injuries?—
9. Shall demand be Made of payment to our Citizens for property purchased by the French Government in Europe or in the East, or West Indies?—
10. Shall demand be made of the French Government of payment for Vessels and Cargoes Captured and Seized Whether by Ships of War or private Ships?—
11. Shall any Commission of Inquiry and Examination like that with England be agreed to?
12. What Articles in the British Treaty can be offered to France without Compensation and with Compensation, and what Compensation shall be demanded?
13. Shall a project of a new Treaty abolishing the Old Treaties and Consular Convention be proposed to France?—
14. Shall such a Project with a Project of Instructions to the Minister be prepared and laid before the Senate for their advice and Consent before they be sent to Europe


Title: Prescription, March 1797
From: Adams, John
To:

ca. March 1797

Rx. Muriat: Hydrargyr Эi. = 1 Scruple = 20 grains
Cream. Tartar.  Эii. = 2 Scruples = 40 grains.
Dissolve in one Pound of Soft Water or Rosewater.


Title: To John Adams from Elkanah Watson, 1 April 1797
From: Watson, Elkanah
To: Adams, John

Sir
Albany. 1st. Apl. 1797

I am hon’d with your Obliging Letter of the 17th. Inst. After the departure of My Letter of the 5th. Ulto. I Regretted that I had touched on a delicate Subject Since however it is So, I feel impressed with the propriety of unveiling the Mistery, which I Request May be considered as Confidential—I had Spent the Evening of writing you in Company with Chancellor Livingston who in the Most decided Manner affirmed the fact I disclosed to you—and unreservedly Mentioned Mr. Hamilton & Co. as the persons who were under the disappointment & for the Reasons only assigned to you.  The day Insuing, the Same Conversation being on the Carpet at My table; when Judge Hobart & the Chancellor formed part of the Company, the Same fact was admitted by the Judge, but qualified in this Manner—“that he had heard Mr. H—Say that he Supposed Mr. Pinkney would under present circumstances be the Most proper Character for President, because he Was a New Man—& Would not draw in his train the Spirit of party”—a curious assertion however for the Most decided party Man in America.
I have taken unwearied pains to find Out Mr. Bacon. their is a person of that Name at Troy from Near Boston of poetic talents—I have Sent the Poem Ireland by a friend to him, he disavows it; and I have Since found it Was Wrote by a Mr. Honeywood a Native of Connecticut—an Attorney & Printer at Salem Near Skeensbo. in this State—a Man of a Most amiable Character—and a Refined Genius as Well Poet—as a Self taught Painter, Capable by a Little experience in the Schools of Europe of Reaching the highest Point of Reputation: I have now in my possession an original Painting of his—the Subject Virginius Slaying his Daughters, which I wish I could Send you—as it displays at once a genius of the first Kind—The first Specimen I had of it was in travelling thro this City in 1788 I discoverd Sticking up in a Tavern—a Painting Representing a Group of Drunken Dutchmen So Well Characterized that I immediately Inquired Out the Residence of Mr. H—& hazarded a Line to him, to prevail on him to emmerge from his obscurity—I feel myself highly flattered to be Suspected the author of such a Charming performance—However I have not the Least particle of a Poet in My composition.
Your Letter to Me has given Rise to Some Laughable Incidents, & as you permit Me to write you with freedom, I Will tell you the Story in a few words.  My Little Tour in Holland had familiarized the people in this Quarter to a Knowledge of your Kindness to Me when in that Country—Many in Consequence had predicted that from My Long Residence in Europe—My Knowledge of the French Language, & other concurring circumstances that It was probable I should obtain an appointment a’broad under your Administration. Your Signature appearing at the Post Office on the back of a Packet directed to Me So Soon after your election, the Report was flying all about the City even before I had opened the Letter, that I had a foreign appointment; but as If to take off my amour propre—unfortunately it Was Soon fixed on an Ambasy to the Dey of Algiers. I happened in an Hour after to go into the Senate (Chamber) than Sitting—the Country Members opened their Mouths & all stared on Me as the Algeriene Ambasador. It was in Vain to deny—Some Had Seen the Letter—& Others the Commission altho No Mortal had Seen the Inside of your Letter except My Wife.  The Report has Lasted in full Vigor for 3 days, & now the Inquisitive busy bodies begin to believe Me, when I tell them I have never aspired, wished, or tho’t of any Kind of public Life—to be a usefull Private Citizen being the height of My ambition.
Perhaps No person from the days of Noah down to the Present time had ever a more important trust Committed to his Charge in a More trying Crisis than the One Now devolved on you—
The eyes of the World are turned to you with anxiety, to See what expedients Can be devised to extricate us from the Precipice Now before Us—to avoid the final & dreadfull appeal to Arms, especially without an Object, or a hope on Our Side of avenging Ourselves or gaining any thing by the Sickening Contest—But broken Bones—
I am with Profound Respect Sir / Your Obliged Hl. St.

E. WatsonNote—the Moment your Proclamation appears—War appears seems (we fear) Inevitable—