Title: To John Adams from Oliver Parsons, 4 February 1823
From: Parsons, Oliver,Cooley, James
To: Adams, John

					Mr: Adams—
					Granville 4th: February 1823

				Your Letter accompanying the two Vols. of your Defence came safe to hand—It gives us much pleasure to acknowledge the honor conferred on our Institution by this donation—We receive it, Sir, with gratitude, and hold it as a memento of one of the greatest men of our Country—Sensible that the scenes of this life are rapidly receding from your view, permit us to tender our wishes that your last days may be your best days and that an honorable life may be closed by a glorious immortalityIn behalf of the / Dickinson Library / Company

					Oliver ParsonsJames CooleyCommittee


Title: To John Adams from Littleton Dennis Teackle, 4 February 1823
From: Teackle, Littleton Dennis
To: Adams, John

					Sir,
					Chamber of the House of Delegates Annapolis 4th: February 1823

				As Chairman of the Committee of Public Instruction, I take the liberty of transmitting a Bill reported for that purpose, and beg the favor of your views upon the System proposed, and that you will be pleased to note its defects, and to suggest Amendments.Presuming upon a knowledge of your liberal, and Philanthropick disposition, I venture to essay this claim upon your time, and attention—I have the Honor to be with the Highest Respt. & Consideration / Your Obt Sevt

					Littleton Dennis Teackle


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Herttell, 7 February 1823
From: Adams, John
To: Herttell, Thomas

Sir
Quincy February 7th. 1823

I have received your letter of 30th. with the pamphlet, and thank you for both. Your remarks on the Law of imprisonment for debt are written with much ability and patient thinking. I am not able to answer it, or any part of it. The evils of such imprisonments are very great, distressing and oppressive, they are neither good for creditor, or debtor; yet a total abolition of them, would produce such a convulsion in society, and would affect all its various interests through all their ramifications, so materially, that I should feel a diffident hesitation in giving a public opinion upon this ques or any other great question under consideration of the Legislature. If the question were new, whether credit should be tolerated in society at all accept at the absolute hazard of the creditor himself, I should not hesitate— The commercial world deem it necessary to establish it by law; but even they have found it necessary to qualify it by Bankrupt Acts and insolvent Laws, remidies not much better than the disease, If ever bankrupt law was necessary, it seems to be so now, but if one were past, it would soon grow unpopular, And be reproached to the Government, as it was twenty years ago, It might however relieve many present inconveniences;— I am Sir your obliged, and most / obedient humble Servant
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to David Sewall, 8 February 1823
From: Adams, John
To: Sewall, David

Dear Sir
Montezillo February 8th. 1823

Though I cannot, read, nor write, I can feel as sensibly as ever, a friendship of seventy years of age. Your letters always give me pleasure; The difficulties arrising in your State, are nothing at all, they will be nothing but an amusement to you for a few years to come; what is a penitentiary, or a seat of Government, they will occasion a little squib scribbling and sparring for a few years, and then will be settled, for the best accommodation of the People, and then all will acquies as quietly as lambs,—I feel much curiosity concerning your Kittery Bridge, Our Country growes like a Gosling, like a Mushroom or like a Gourd. But it is not grown with one moment quicker rapidity than I expected it would fifty years ago—My constant correspondence for half a Century, has expressed this expectation, in equally, as strong terms,—give human nature full scope and there is energy enough in it, to produce all these, and still greater effects,
Fear not to tax the politeness of your friend by confering fresh favours, upon your Classmate
John Adams
PS your State is destined to be the greatest in New England—


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Jefferson, 10 February 1823
From: Adams, John
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir,
Quincy February 10th. 1823.

Your Virginia Ladies have always been represented to me, and I have always believed it, are among the most beautiful, virtuous, and accomplished of their Sex, One of them has given me a most luxurious entertainment in a narration of her Visit to your Domicil. Her discription of the Mountain, the Palace, the Gardens, the vast Prospect, The lofty Mountains at a distance. The Capacious Valley between them, The Ocean of Fogg and vapours appearing in the morning, There dissipation with the rising Sun, And every thing else, Are painted in colours so distinct and lively, that I seem to have as cleare an idea of the whole scene, As if I had led her by the hand, in all her rambles. Her account of the hospitality of the Family, Almost gave me a jealous, and envious fit, as Swift Says Popes Couplet gave him. But now to the point, This Lady says she saw in your Sanctum, sanctorum, A large folio Volume, on which was written libels, On opening which, She found it was a Magazine of Slips of news papers, and pamphlets, vilifying calumniating and defaming you. I started as from a trance, exclaiming, what a dunce have I been all my days, And what lubbers my Children, and Grand Children, were, that none of us, have ever thought to make a similar collection. If we had I am confident I could have produced a more splendid Mass than yours, I could have enumerated Alexander Hamilton, and Thomas Paine. The two most extraordinary men, that this Country, this age even or this World, ever produced. “Ridendo dicere verum quid vetat?”
I most sincerely congratulate you on the recovery of your hand, and am your friend for this, and / I hope, and believe, for all future Worlds
J. Adams


Title: To John Adams from William Tudor, Jr., 10 February 1823
From: Tudor, William, Jr.
To: Adams, John

					Dear & Venerable President,
					Oaklands. Gardiner. Feby. 10th. 1823.

				Your most kind & approving letter, respecting “the life of James Otis,” I received the day before I left town to pass a few weeks with my friends in this mansion. I had not an opportunity at the moment to return you my thanks, but I cannot resist troubling you with them now. My anxiety was great to know your opinion, and as you beyond all other men living or dead, was the best qualified to judge of the correctness of my work, the condescension & favor you have shewn it most deeply oblige me. And though I must perhaps attribute your sanction in part to the goodwill, that you would  be apt to shew towards the son of a former friend, still it gives me the highest satisfaction, and will in a great degree prepare me to receive with indifference any unfavorable strictures it may receive from the rest of the world.Since my arrival here I have begun to read Botta’s history of the American war, which I had before only glanced at. The work certainly has great merit, tho’ it is not without errors. One of these has struck me so much, that I beg to ask your opinion of it, for though it seems to me a mistake of some magnitude, the author may perhaps be right and I may have been in the wrong. In  the 40th page & two or three following ones, he attributes in no small degree the uneasiness that arose in the Colonies after the peace of 1763 to the efforts of French agents, who traversed the colonies in all directions, and did every thing to excite the ill will of the people towards England & to stir them up to resistance. Now it is my impression that this is bringing in French agency at least ten years before it was actually employed; and that the French had no more connection with conduct of parties in Massachusetts at this period & long afterwards, than the Chinese. My impression has always been that the French hardly sent any agents among us till after 1774 at least & perhaps not till after 1776. But this is a curious part of history, and I should be very glad to know your opinion, respecting the period when the French began actively, tho secretly to meddle in our affairs. Mr Botta has I think in this matter confounded dates a little, & misled by the general character of that nation & their subsequent interference has attributed to them an original share in the contest between England & the Colonies which she never possessed.I am Sir with the highest respect / and gratitude / Your Mo obed sert

					W. Tudor

					If you favor me with a reply the direction should have Maine added to Gardiner—as there are other towns of the name—


Title: From John Adams to Littleton Dennis Teackle, 15 February 1823
From: Adams, John
To: Teackle, Littleton Dennis

Sir
Quincy February 15th. 1823.

I have received with gratitude the letter you did me the honour to write me on the 4th. instant—
The report of the Committee for a system of Education for the State of Maryland has been read to me, and I have heard it with admiration. It appeared to me the most perfect system of Instruction that I have ever known, or read for any community; It will do immortal honor to the noble natures of the Maryland people if they will adopt it, and support it. I am not able to point out any defect in it, and I see no room to suggest any improvement of it. I beg leave however to make one observation; I am far from agreeing in opinion with my late learned and excellent friend Dr. Rush, whose literary and scientifick exertions have done so much honor to America That I think too much cannot be done to encourage and promote a critical Study of the Greek, and Roman Classicks; And even the Oriental Languages may deserve attention. For the World is all before us, And Asia and Africa will soon attract our Commercial enterprize and tempt our curiosity, for Greece and Egypt; Abyssinia and Ethiopia are opening wide their communications with the Ganges, and the Niger.—
with great respect Sir, I have the honor to be you most obent. Sert.
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to William Tudor, Jr., 16 February 1823
From: Adams, John
To: Tudor, William, Jr.

Dear Sir
Quincy 16’ feb 1823

I thank you for your favour of the 10 feb 1823 I have the satisfaction to find that every body gives as good a character to of your book as I have done in my letter to you. Judge Quincy our friend Shaw & all, who have read it, speak of it as I do—And to my little surprize the daily advertizer speaks of it as it ought and let me add one circumstance more I am well informed that it sells rapidly; & rapt into future times let me prophecy, as long as North America shall have a soul it will sell and immortalize your name as well as mine, for James Otis was the real father and real founder of the American empire more certainly than Romulus that of the Roman. I know very well that petit maitres will accuse me of enthusiasm but the barking of Ladies lap dogs—though they frighten sheep, only amuse me.
Your character of Botta is judicious on the whole. Your observations concerning French emissaries is perfectly correct as far as I know. I never knew nor heard of any Frenchman in America between 1753 & 1775. None ever applied to me or to any of the characters that you have drawn, that I ever knew heard or suspected. After the war had broke out in 1775 & 76 now & then, here & there, a scattering French man appeared bringing a letter from Dr Dubourg to Dr Franklin. This Dr. Dubourg had been acquainted with Dr Franklin in Paris & had translated his works into French. These officers applied to Congress for commissions in our army. These application were regularly & constantly referred to me, as chairman of the board of war—& Dr. Franklin shewed me their letters of introduction & recommendation from Dubourg and they gave me vexation enough to be well remembered. This part of Bottas history I believe to be a mere fiction of French or Italian brains. There is throughout Botta a manifest bias in favour of France. He knew nothing of the real character of the conduct of france towards this country & if he had he would not have revealed it. The King was honest & sincere but some of his ministers and some of their subordinate agents were very selfish intrigueing insidious & corrupt. Botta has also a manifest bias in favour of the Southern States against the Northern. There is another very characteristic remark in his history—he says that Robert Morris deserved as much of America as Dr Franklin & Gen Washington & my friend Dr Mease of Philadelphia has written a life of Mr. Morris. Future ages, if they should ever discover any thing of the truth—they may write a volume of commentaries on these subjects. I feel at present an insuperable reluctance to recollect them & what is more decisive a total incapacity to describe them. I am Sir as usual your friend & hum Sert
Gardiner State of Maine
Since you have demonstrated such talents at biography—I wish you would undertake some more lives If James Otis was Romulus—Saml Adams was more than Remus. Write his life then. His grandson Samuel Adams Wells can furnish you with more ample materials which ought to be preserved which I fear his delicacy will prevent him from publishing There is another life which I wish to see—that of Josiah Quincy. Judge Quincy his son possesses a large quantity of precious materials very curious and of much importance which I suppose the judge will be restrained from publishing by apprehensions of suspicions of filial partiality. He will no doubt commit those materials to you, if you will undertake to put them together. I will do my utmost to persuade both Quincy & Welles to commit their cabinets to you.
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to John Thornton Kirkland, 17 February 1823
From: Adams, John
To: Kirkland, John Thornton

Revrd and Dear Sir.
Quincy Feby 17th. 1823.

I have received the honor of your Circular of February 1823. The System of regulations contained in it has my most cordial approbation. It appears to me to be admirably calculated to preserve the morals and secure the Studies of those young Men who are to be the future Masters of the World. The Corporation may be assured of my higest respects and my zealous co-operation as far as respects my Posterity, and all others within my narrow circle
I am Sir very respectfully your / Obedient humble Servant.
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Joseph Richardson, 17 February 1823
From: Richardson, Joseph
To: Adams, John

					Dear Sir,
					Hingham Feby. 17. 1823.

				I have taken the liberty to send you a copy of my American Reader, and if the task may not be too great to request your notice of its contents.The second edition of this work is sold out and a new one is in the press. The work has many competitors and needs patrons. If I mistake not its pages are uniformly devoted to the great principles of knowledge, virtue and liberty to which, sir, your life has been so zealously and successfully consecrated.An ardent desire that the minds of our youth may be early imbued with the same principles dictated in the compilation of this work.A concise expression of your approbation of this work, if such it merits, will confer a distinguished favor on the compiler.With very great respect / I am yours.

					Joseph Richardson


Title: From John Adams to François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 21 February 1823
From: Adams, John
To: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan

Dear Sir
Quincy February 21st. 1823.

How deeply I thank you. Our Quincy Library will be honord with the name of Vanderkemp. Virgil and Manilius, shall be sent to Mrs. Quincy, and Mrs. Gould. Oh that I had begged Manilius while I could read, for I believe much may be discovered in him, on the remotest Ancient mythology, his ratio I believe is the logos of Pythoagoras and Plato, and all our modern Trinitarians—
I do not love to write or think of the Negotiation at Paris in 1782, 1783—Lord Bolingbroke in his latter days, Said of the Duke of Marlbrough he was so great a Man, I have forgot his faults, And I say of Dr. Frankline, he was so great a Man that I wish I could forget his faults and follies. The Ladies letter you hint at I know nothing of—The records of Congress if they are not smothered will show enough of the proceedings of the Chevelier de La Lucerne and Mr. Marbois with Congress, To furnish a clue to any faithful historians to penetrate the labyrinth of that Negotiation. And if that will not explain the whole, The conduct of the Count de Vergnns and his premier comis. Mr. Renneval and the Counts conversations with Mr. Herbert now Lord St. Hellens, as communicated by him to me; would explain the whole mystery—
I did not expect Mr Watson would bublish my last letter to him for, “tantes componere lites non possum—
I assure you I agree with you and Mr. Jefferson in apprehending, the selfdeceitful imbecility of dotage for my old brain boils up so many reminiscences of ancient facts and conversations which I think ought to be committed to writing but which I am utterly incapable of doing, that, they sometimes over balance my reason.
As to my letters, and my wifes letters you may do with them what you please, For I never wrote a line in my life and I know she never did, that I should wish to conceal from all the world—
I am Sir with never ending friendship / Yours—
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from John Graham, 23 February 1823
From: Graham, John
To: Adams, John

					Venerable and Respected Sir,
					298—Broad-Way. New York. Feby 23d. 1823—

				Permit me the honor of presenting You with the Inclosed Speach, as a Specimen of my Bar-talents, my love of liberty and humanity.Should the sentiments therein contained, meet with the approbation of the Man, who, as a Philosopher, and statesman, has not his Superior in America—it would be more flattering to my feelings than any one event I have ever experienced in the whole course r of a long life.I have nothing so good to add as to Assure You, I pray God, that you may long enjoy health and happiness without a sigh; and that a tear may never fall upon your cheeks. I am, / Most Venerable & Respected Sir, / with the greatest  esteem / Your Most. Obt.—Most. Humle. Servt.

					John A. Graham—


Title: From John Adams to François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 24 February 1823
From: Adams, John
To: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan

					Dear Sir
					Quincy 24. feb 1823

				In your last letter you request copies of my letters to Dr Price. They are inclosed.These letters and many others & other writings & conversations to the same effect destroyed my popularity, with mankind. The Turgoites the Reondoccettians—Roachfocaution the Brissotians, the jacobins & the Sans Cullots, in france took offence & pronounced me an aristocrat, & would have guillotined me if I had been there. In England, the dissenters generally clergy & laiety—all who were called or suspected to be republicans—all the radicals and even the Duke of Richmond Dr Price and even Mr Fox, did not approve. In America the ultrafed antifederalists, who were nearly half the nation took offence and all the radicals & ultra  democrats were outrageous with Franklineans & Jeffersonians at their head. It cost me all my power all my living & almost all my reputation & all my hopes in this world for myself & my family—Nevertheless, my dear friend, there is no part of my life, no part of my laborious & hazardous exertions that I retrospect with so much cordial and conscientious satisfaction & delight. What use you intend to make of the inclosed copies I know not—but you may do with them as you please. The time when those letters were written ought to be marked, for at that time, all man kind were against me and not a single living creature that I knew dared to agree with me. Their conviction of their error has caused them & the world more blood carnage & horrors than quantum sufficit I am & shall be your friend forever

					J. A


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Jefferson, 25 February 1823
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Adams, John

					Dear Sir
					Monticello Feb. 25. 23.

				I recieved in due time your two favors of Dec. 2. & Feb. 10. and have to acknolege for the ladies of my native state their obligations to you for the encomiums which you are so kind as to bestow on them. they certainly claim no advantages over those of their sister states, and are sensible of more favorable circumstances existing with many of them, & happily availed of, which our situation does not offer. but the paper respecting Monticello to which you allude was not written by a Virginian but by a visitant from another state; and written by memory after at least a dozen years after the visit. this has occasioned some lapses of recollection, and a confusion of some things in the mind of our friend, and particularly as to the volume of slanders supposed to have been cut out of newspapers and preserved. it would not indeed have been a single volume, but an Encyclopedia in bulk. but I never had such a volume. indeed I rarely thought those libels worth reading, much less preserving and remembering. at the end of every year, I generally sorted all my pamphlets, and had them bound according to their subjects. one of these volumes consisted of personal altercations between individuals, & calumnies on each other. this was lettered on the back “Personalities,” and is now in the library of Congress. I was in the habit also, while living apart from my family, of cutting out of the newspapers such morsels of poetry, or tales as I thought would please, and of sending them to my grand-children who pasted them on leaves of blank paper and formed them into a book. these two volumes have been confounded into one in the recollection of our friend. her poetical imagination too has heightened the scenes she visited, as well as the merits of the inhabitants to whom her society was a delightful gratification.I have just finished reading O’Meara’s Bonaparte. it places him on a higher scale of understanding than I had allotted him. I had thought him the greatest of all military captains, but an indifferent statesman and misled by unworthy passions. the flashes however which escape from him in these conversations with O’Meara prove a mind of great expansion, altho’ not of distinct developement and reasoning. he seizes results with rapidity and penetration, but never explains logically the process of reasoning by which he arrives at them. this book too  makes us forget his atrocities for a moment in commiseration of his sufferings. I will not say that the authorities of the world, charged with the care of their country and people had not a right to confine him for life, as a Lyon or Tyger, on the principle of self-preservation. there was no safety to nations while he was permitted to roam at large. but the putting him to death in cold blood by lingering  tortures of mind, by vexations, insults, and deprivations, was a degree of inhumanity to which the poisonings, and assassinations of the school of Borgia & the den of Robespierre Marat never attained. the book proves also that nature had denied him the moral sense, the first excellence of well organised man. if he could seriously and repeatedly affirm that he had raised himself to power without ever having committed a crime, it proves that he wanted totally the sense of right and wrong. if he could consider the millions of human lives which he had destroyed or caused to be destroyed, the desolations of countries by plunderings, burnings and famine, the destitutions of lawful rulers of the world without the consent of their constituents, to place his brothers and sisters on their thrones, the cutting up of established societies of men and jumbling them discordantly together again at his caprice, the demolition of the fairest hopes of mankind for the recovery of their rights, and amelioration of their condition, and all the numberless train of his other enormities, the man, I say, who could consider all these as no crimes must have been a moral monster, against whom every hand should have been lifted to slay him.You are so kind as to enquire after my health. the bone of my arm is well knitted, but my hand and fingers are in a discouraging condition, kept entirely useless by an oedematous swelling of slow amendment. God bless you and continue your good health of body and mind.

					Th: Jefferson


Title: From John Adams to Elkanah Watson, 28 February 1823
From: Adams, John
To: Watson, Elkanah

Dear Sir.
28 Feb. 1823

I thank you for your note of Feb’y 12th. and for the communication of Judge Troups letter. I am very much obliged to him for his civility to me as well for his testimonies in honor of your meritorious exertions for the public good. Your active life has been employed as far as I have known the history of i, in the promoting useful Knowledge and useful arts: for which I hope you have received or will receive a due reward. Shafts are wanton sports and secret and public malice are common to you and all other men who distinguish themselves. “Envy does merit as its shade pursue, and like the shadow proves the substance true.” This or something more sublime must be the consolation of us all. I return the enclosed letter of Judge T——. & am your friend—.
John Adams—by proxy.


Title: From John Adams to John Graham, 28 February 1823
From: Adams, John
To: Graham, John

Sir–
Quincy Feb’y 28th. 23 1823

I have rec’d and heard y’r favor of Feb 23d and the pamphlet enclosed, it is a free manly & independent argument at the bar—it is quite orthodox in liberty, humanity, & in law—at least I think so as far as the judges express’d their sentiments—“The court agrees with Dr Graham, in most of the points wh’ he has taken on the subject of examinations & confessions taken in the police office;.”
A personal examination of persons accused or suspected of crimes before a magistrate—can be justified upon no other principle than this that he may have an opportunity of being witness for himself in his own favor—if he can say anything or produce anything wh’ may show his own innocence he ought to have an opportunity of doing it, and be discharged without further prosecution. but no insidious question ought to be put to him by wh’ he may be betray’d—into any confession of any fact that may discover his guilt if he is guilty.—his examination ought to be public; & he ought to be allowed counsel if he can have it. The speech is able and eloquent and I have read it with pleasure—. I am sir—your obliged humble servant
J. A.


Title: From John Adams to François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 28 February 1823
From: Adams, John
To: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan

Quincy February 28th. 1823.

In your last Letter you requested copies of my Letters to Dr. Price. They are inclosed—
These letters and many others, and other writings and conversations to the same affect destroyed my popularity with mankind.—The Turgotests, the Condorcetians, the Rochefaucaultians the Brissotians the Jacobins and the Sans Cullotts—France took offence and pronounced me an aristocrat Rochefoucauldians; and would have Guillotined me if I had been there—In England the Dissenters, generally Clergy, and Laity—All who were called, or suspected to be republicans. All the radicals, and even the Duke of Richmond, Dr. Price, and even Mr Fox did not approve—In America the Antifederalists, who were nearly half the Nation; took offense and all the radicals and ultra democrats were outrageous with Franklineans and Jeffersoneans at their head—it cost me all my living and almost all my reputation, and all my hopes in this world, for myself and my family—Nevertheless my dear friend, there is no part of my Life, no part of my laborious and hazardous exertions that I retrospect with so much cordial and conscientious satisfaction and delight—What use you intend to make of the inclosed copies I know not—But you may do with them as you please— The time when those letters were written ought to be marked, for at that time all mankind were against me and not a single living creature that I knew dared to agree with me. There conviction of their error has caused them, and the World, more blood carnage and horror, than quantum sufficint—
I am and shall be your friend forever
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from R.H. Gardiner, 1 March 1823
From: Gardiner, R.H.
To: Adams, John

					Sir
					Gardiner (Maine) March 1. 1823

				Knowing the interest which you feel in every thing relating to the improvement of the rising generation I take the liberty of inclosing to you an account of the Gardiner Lyceum recently established in this town & the inaugural address of its first principal.With the greatest / respect / I remain / Your Most obedt

					RH Gardiner


Title: To John Adams from Joseph Bartlett, 2 March 1823
From: Bartlett, Joseph
To: Adams, John

					Sir,
					Boston. 2d. March. 1823

				It gives me the most heart-felt pain—to address you another line on the subject of my little Vol:—My only apology Must be—”et necessitate rei.”—to a mind like yours, it will be Sufficent—: My old friend  Doctor Danforth—advised me, to remove for a few Weeks into the Country—My State of health, imperiously demands it—I wish to go this Week—if I can gain a trifle for the purpose—I am now out doors & have been & am now very Sick—poverty urges me out—prudence Says Stay with in doors—Whatever you Send, the Stage Man will deliver me Safe—pray you to excuse a Man who has the most incurable of all crimes—poverty.With gratitude & respect—.

					Jos: Bartlett

					It will oblige me forever, to comply with this request—

			J B.


Title: To John Adams from François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 3 March 1823
From: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan
To: Adams, John

My Dear and Respected Sir!
Olden barneveld 13 Febr. 1823—

I cordially thank you for your affectionate Letter of the 4th—So Soon I did not expect a fresh proof of your kindness—my wife and Daughter Shared in my happiness—I was pleased with the explanation of your Seal—It Shall be preserved with the Seal—and—after my death—with all your Letters—and those of your beloved Lady—delivered to J. Q—or Th—— So that no unhallowed eye may be cast upon them. I believe, I asked it before, but if not—I will do it now—Do you not recollect—that during that negotiation—it was whispered in the circles at Paris, that the French Government, through the dexterity of a Madame—at Supper by the Philosopher—obtained the Letter of congress, by which they were authorised to give up the fisheries—and which was directly returned—and caused the boldness, with which French urged a Sacrifice—previously Sanctioned by Congress? you know—that by Similar means John de Witt obtained a private Letter of the Grand Monarque to Davaux—which—having been Shewn to the Count, was instantaneously reconvey’d—to the Mignon, and cost the Pensionary as it was Said—100000 gl—How blessed was your arrival on the Spot—without it J. J.s resistance would have been in vain—
I Shall be glad, to receive your Lett. to Dr Price—I Send you Virgil and Manilius, and as there is no book binding here, you will be pleased, to ask in my name mrs Quincy or mrs Guild—to pay the costs—and although—I—oui carta Suppellex—may not return these, I will cordially thank either of them—if it pleases Providence, that I once more Should visit Quincy—but for this is little hope yet—I can not be believed—unthankful—and the Lady—who be Stows this favour upon me, may then have the pleasure of presenting the two Vol.—as a mite to John Adams treasure—in my name to Quincy’s Library—I am delighted with J. Quincy’s Success—the Yankees can never press the odious Steps of the New-yorkers—or paying eminent public Services with the foulest ingratitude—but will twine a garland around the head of an enlightened and upright judge.
I remain with the highest respect / Your obliged frend

Fr. Adr. vander kemp

P.S. Your Letter to Elkana—was directly—before it was printed, Spread through Albany—So that I directly received a copy. I am told He Send you another with a Book—and Recived an answer—which he endeavors to conceal—it is rumoured however—You Should have written—"Manÿ might have contemplated and projected the Canal Navigation—but—that after all—De Witt Clinton executed the plan" if true—it was a hard pill for E. to digest.I do not hesitate—to copy a paragraph from a Lett. lately received from Monticello, as I am allways apprehend, that I may be in a Similar Situation, without preceiving it—mentioning his inability to write, he adds "Perhaps too it may have been a providential favour, to prevent my betraying on paper that want of mind, which is the necessary effect of the decline of body, and of which we are too apt to be insensible ourselves, when it becomes very obvious to others"—how blessed, that neither of you Both has yet to fear this Catastrophe!—


Title: From John Adams to Peter Perpignan, 4 March 1823
From: Adams, John
To: Perpignan, Peter

					Sir
					Quincy March th 4th: 1823.

				I have rec’d y’r letter of the 26th of last month—and I thank you for y’r infinitessinal miniature of President Washington—I cannot see it even with the help of a solar microscope & should not be able to distinguish the features or the figure, clearly enough to know; whether it is a fair representation of the hero—I am always pleased to see correct representations of that great man—the more they are multiplied and the wider they are scattered and diffused the better, but I totally despise the miserable catch penny tricks by wh’ he is represented in situations where he never stood & as the author of measures in wh’ he had nothing to do & wh’ he did not even approve—this is a kind of rapine of fame counfounding all distinctions between right & wrong, truth &—falshood virtue & vice, subversive in short of all political morality—. I am sir yr humble servant

					J. Adams.

   But the young-eyes of my family & friends say that it is at good as good at a Likeness of him as they have seen from any pencil or chisel.


Title: From John Adams to François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 7 March 1823
From: Adams, John
To: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan

Dear Sir
Quincy March 7th ’23 1823

In one of your letters if I remember right, you expressed a desire to see my letters to Mr. Calkoen, the history of those letters is this. At a dinner with a large company I met with that learned, civilian who came to me and seated himself by my side and expressed an ardent curiosity to converse with me upon the subject of the American war he asked me many questions in French in which language he was very imperfect he had no English and I had little no Dutch: I was about as clumsy in French as he was, however he asked me many questions, to wh’ I gave him prompt answers. Some of the gentlemen present who understood the language better help’d us a little to interpret: but at the conclusion of the conversation I s’d to him I feared I had not fully understood his questions and not clearly expressed my answers: but if he w’d do me the honor to commit his questions to  writing I would give him the answers in writing. Accordingly in a very short time I received from him twenty six questions in Dutch. Mr. Le Roy (now I presume one of the most oppulent merchants in New York: was then a young gentleman very amiable, very intelligent, always very friendly to me, as was his Aunt Mad. Chabanelle and all her family. Mr. Le Roy—offered to translate them for me into English—and he did so in a very correct and literal sense. I immediately commenced writing answers, & I wrote him twenty six letters one letter every day. Mr Calkoen acknowledged that I had comprehended his questions & given him perfectly intelligible answers—Mr Calkoen composed out of those letters a dissertation upon the question whether the Americans would maintain their independence or not: he composed a comparison between the Dutch Revolution & the American and concluded by this observation as it was a miracle that the Dutch revolution succeeded it would be in his opinion a greater miracle still if the Americans did not. This composition he read to a society of Men of letters who met periodically at Amsterdam and it consequently became a subject of  much conversation in the City.—But these letters had much less effect in opening the eyes of the Dutch nation than two other measures; I had received from London two large pamphlets—one from Gen. Burgoyne an apology for his conduct & ill success in America; another from Gen. Howe containing his justification of his Conduct in America and his want of success.—Both these works represented the British cause in America, as more forlon and desperate than even I had done in my letters to Mr. Calkoen; I imployed Cerisier to get these translated into French and he had it done in so short a time as amazed me. I had a large edition of them printed and scattered as many of them as I could and they were scattered by others and were read by every body who had given an attention to the War, and produced a general conviction that the game was up with England—When you have keep this pamphlet as long as you please, and read it as much as you please return it to me, as I have no other copy—
I am your friend and humble Servant, est olim.
John Adams—


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Jefferson, 10 March 1823
From: Adams, John
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir.
Quincy March 10th 1823

The sight of your well known hand writing in your favour of 25. Feb. last, gave me great pleasure, as it proved your arm to be restored and your pen still manageable—may it continue till you shall become as perfect a calvinist as I am in one particular. Poor Calvins infirmities his rheumatism his gouts and sciatics made him frequently cry out Mon dieu Jusque au quand Lord how long! Prat once Chief Justice of New York always tormented with infirmities dreamt that he was situated on a single rock in the midst of the Atlantick ocean, He heard a voice—“Why mourns the bard Apollo bids the rise, renounce the dust, and claim thy native skies.”
The Ladies visit to Monticello has put my readers in requisition to read to me Simons travels in Switzerland, I thought I had some knowledge of that country before, but I find I had no idea of it. How degenerated are the Swiss—They might defend their country against France, Austria, and Russia—neither of whom ought to be suffered to march armies over their Mountains. Those powers have practised as much tyrrany and immorality as even the Emperor Napoleon did over them or over the Royalists of Germany or Italy. Neither France Austria or Spain ought to have a foot of land in Italy—
All conquerors are alike. Every one of them. “Jura negat sibilata nihil non arrogat armis.” We have nothing but fable concerning Theseus Bacchus and Hercules and even Sesostris, but I dare say that every one of them was as tyranical and immoral as Napoleon—Nebuchandnezzar is the first great conqueror of whom we have any thing like history and he was as great as any of them. Alexander and Cesar were more immoral than Napoleon. Zingis Kan was as great a conqueror as any of them and destroyed as many millions of lives and thought he had a right to the whole globe if he could subdue it. What are we to think of the crusades in which three millions of lives at least were probably sacrificed—and what right had St Louis and Richard Coeur de Lion to Palestine and Syria more than Alexander to India, as Napoleon to Egypt and Italy. Right and justice have hard fare in this World, but there is a power above who is capable, and willing to put all things right in the end, et pour mettre chacun a sa place dans l’Universe and I doubt not he will
Mr English a Bostonian has published a volume of his expedition with Ishmael Pashaw up the river Nile. He advanced above the third Cataract and opens a prospect of a resurrection from the dead of those vast and ancient Countries of Abyssinia and Etheopia. A free communication with India and the river Niger and the City of Tombuctou. This however is conjecture and speculation rather than certainty—but a free communication by land between Europe and India will e’re long be opened—A few American steam boats, and our Quincy Stone Cutters would soon make the Nile as navigable as our Hudson Potomac or Missisippi. You see as my reason and intellect fails my imagination grows more wild and ungovernable, but my friendship remains the same—Adieu

John Adamsby proxy


Title: To John Adams from Harrison Gray Otis, 12 March 1823
From: Otis, Harrison Gray
To: Adams, John

					Dear Sir,
					Boston 12 march 1823

				Your favor of the 9th february was receiv’d by me yesterday—It establishes beyond doubt that your memory at an age when that faculty fails in most men, is more vigorous than mine though I have not yet attained the age at which mental energy by the Constitution of New York is decreed to be ipso facto extinct—My recollection of what passed at the dinner referr’d to by you is too vague to enable me to Comply with your request. I however remember having had the honor of dining at your table with Mr Bayard and others in Philadelphia at one of the smaller parties to which it was my good fortune to be frequently bidden—It was about the time that the new mission to France had been proposed by you—You were extremely thoughtful and silent during dinner, and the Conversation was chiefly carried on tète a tète between those who happened to sit next to each other—After dinner it became somewhat more general, untill at length in Consequence of some remarks from Mr Bayard in allusion to the Executive measures then pending, you opened upon him in a tone of ardent (and as he tho’t of indignant) expostulation—That the Conversation turned upon objections Suggested by Bayard to those measures and a justification of them by yourself is a fact of which I have no doubt—But the details have entirely escaped me—It occasioned to the Company an embarrassment from which it did not recover Mr Bayard afterward Complained to me of being treated with unkindness aggravated by the Considerations of your high station and of your table imposing upon him restraint. I endeavor’d to sooth him by saying what I truly thought that nothing disrespectful or offensive was intended by you, and I believe I took the liberty of expressing to you my regret at what had passed as you state in your letter—As to “setting down whatever may have been disgraceful to you in the opinion of that company”; I cannot think, though some of them were exceedingly dissatisfied with the measure in question, that any of them ever coupled the idea of “disgraceful” with your character or Conduct—And in regard to my saying what may lessen your reputation with posterity, I consider your great name and the worth of your public and private virtues to be the property of your Country, on which (being a tenant in Common) if I had the power (which I have not) I should not have the right to Commit waste—It will never be my vocation to hold up a smoked glass between the eye of Posterity, and the softened radiance of the setting sun—I have the honor to be with great veneration and regard / Dear Sir / yr most obedt Servt

					H. G. Otis


Title: To John Adams from John Rhea, 15 March 1823
From: Rhea, John
To: Adams, John

					Washington 15 March 1823

				Please to accept the inclosed Copy of a Circular letter, you will by it perceive that I am not with willing to have the Commerce of the united States subverted—. I am with great respect Your obt Sert

					John Rhea


Title: From John Adams to Robert Hallowell Gardiner, 16 March 1823
From: Adams, John
To: Gardiner, Robert Hallowell

Sir
Quincy 16 March 1823

I thank you for your favour of the 1 March inst. and the valuable pamphlets inclosed. The inaugural address of Mr. Hale by its ingenuity & ample intelligence is perfectly adapted to the deep utility & novelty of the institution of the Gardiner Lyceum. You will be please to present my thanks to the first principal for his inaugural address, & receive the same for yourself from your very humb Sert
J A
P S. Present my compliments to Mrs Gardiner & your brother W Tudor if he is still with you.


Title: From John Adams to Harrison Gray Otis, 17 March 1823
From: Adams, John
To: Otis, Harrison Gray

Dear Sir.
Quincy March 17th. 1823.

I have received your kind letter of the 12th. march instant—The contents of which are entirely satisfactory to me—Your memory is quite as particular as I could expect any Gentleman of the company to retain, except myself. I must confess I was very sure on the subject of my mission to France I was attacked by two armies, a french army and an English army—each warring upon me to conquer me into an alliance with its nation; I was running the gauntlet between the two, all the way fighting both—and the Senate behaving as if possessed of the devil in their nocturnal concurses at Binghams—and sending to me, committees, after committees to insult me. to my However I fought my way through conquered both armies, carried my Country safe into harbour—left her at peace with all nations, civilized and savage, in possession of navy yards that would now sell for ten times their cost, an abundance of Ship timber of the very best quality—Ships and Officers of the best Character and quality who have since carried the country to a hight of glory which it never before attained and a treasury rich with five millions of dollars—I felt it is true like Epaminondus Chevalier Bayard and General Wolf in the Arms of Victory—and in my opinion then, and ever since covered with glory. And posterity if it ever knows the truth will sanction my sentiment—for I did then apply to myself the figure of the miser populus me sibilat sed plaudo me ipsum.—
There is but one more of those private sodalities which I recollect with any dissatisfaction, and that is one at which I believe you were not present—It was after the return of our ambassadors from France with a demand for an apology from me for my Speeches to Congress and answers to addressees. And a still grosser demand for argent, beacoup d’argent? At this little company Gen. Smith and Mr. Bayard were two. The rest of the company I do not recollect at present. The conversation turned on the French  demand of apologies and tribute. The whole company appeared to think & feel as I did, except Gen. Smith who spoke out boldly that our Ministers ought to have stipulated to pay the money—This opinion amazed me, and I said “Gen. Smith, I cannot reconcile that sentiment with political independence, republican virtue, or even a moral sense.” I recollect nothing more harsh or more severe than that. I thought that these club dinners were subrosa and as confidential as the private suppers of Frederick the great with Voltaire, Maupertuis, and the Marquis and D’Argent But it seems that some Gentleman of the company was pleased to communicate it to the Marylanders who at the ensuing election of Gen. Smith, propagated as an argument against him, that he had been reprehended by the President at his table; Frivolous as this argument was the Gen. thought fit to procure a certificate from Mr. Bayard which was published—in which he called my observations a hasty speech of the President that to be sure ought to be, And I suppose was considered a sufficient answer to the popular allegation against the Gen—The General however considered this as a proof of my personal enmity to him in which he was most assuredly entirely mistaken; for from personal intercourse between me and my family, And him, and his family, and from a family connexion between his family and mine,—my personal partialities were entirely in his favour—
I have the honour to be Sir / your obliged humble Servant
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Joseph Bartlett, 17 March 1823
From: Bartlett, Joseph
To: Adams, John

					Sir,
					Boston: 17t March. 1823

				The Most severe sickness has prevented Me, since last Novr. I was confined to a small bed in my Office without any attendant except My faithful Dog—or any Medical Aid—Alas! poor Yorick—I was too Much like Lazarus to take private lodgings—this has delayed my small Vol: to this late period, & which has caust caused—Many errors to creep into its pages—which a Gentleman of Your Head & heart will easily forgive—I now do myself the honor, to forward You five Copies—of my small pook Book, & even this Must be paid over to Printers & Bookbinders—the subscription price is one dollar each—I would have waited on You personally My feeble Health, prevented.—Whatever you May enclose me—I shall Gratefully receive—May the Almighty ever delight to bless You—. & protract your Years—& when your Sun of life Sets—May there be Not one cloud to obscure your passage “to another and a better world.”—History will do you full Justice—& Posterity assign—You a conspicuous Niche, in the temple of Fame.—Believe me Most truly / With Real Respect— / Your Most obt. humble Servt.

					Jos. Bartlett

					NB. I forwarded Some Books—last Week to Your Son—at Washington


Title: From John Adams to Robert Mayo, 18 March 1823
From: Adams, John
To: Mayo, Robert,Bartow, William

Gentlemen.
Quincy Montezillo 18th. March 1823

I have received and procured to be read to me your pamphlet—The very title of a Juvenile Company Liberary Company sounds delightfully in the ears of an old Man who wishes well to posterity—The vivacity intelligence ingenuity and elegance of the address has given me great pleasure, And the whole plan appears to me to be judicious and meritorious—To reccommed Books of merit to your adoption would be to compose a very large catalogue I reccommend to all my young friends Dr. Barrows works, not for his Theological Creeds and dogmata but for his moral discourses and especially his five Sermons or Industry, and Bishop Butlers Sermons and the Preface to those Sermons, Sir James Harris’s Works, especially his dialogue on Virtue, These are the finest specimens of morals I have ever read—
An ardour for knowledge and education appears to me to be bursting forth into flames, in every part of this Continent which will afford means & opportunitys to the riseing Generation for which they will be for the industrious use of which they will be responsible to their Country and Mankind—The prospect is so brilliant, and so attractive, as almost to excite in an Old Man a wish to live another Age, at least it will be a great consolation in Death, I have given away all my Library except a very small portion of necessaries of Life, to your cordial well wisher—and very humble Servant
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Harrison Gray Otis, 29 March 1823
From: Adams, John
To: Otis, Harrison Gray

Dear Sir.
Quincy 29th. March. 1823.

Voltaire at eighty, raved Tradgey; And I fear that you will think that I, at eighty seven and a half, am raving politicks and history. Be it so. but a regard to my own family and above all, to the sacred regard to the honour, the interest and duty of my Country, imperiously, demand of me that I should rave on—I must confess to allude to some former figures, when I was running the gantlet, and when I was drawn between twelve horses though I had the fixed resolution of a Martyr I had not the fortitude of some of them to suffer in silence I sighed and groaned and sobbed, and sometimes screached and screamed, And I must confess to my shame and sorrow, that I sometimes swore.—
If I were a man of fortune, I would bequeath a sum for some future Hogarth to contrive, and some future Stuart to execute a Picture Characteristick of those times and scenes. And another sum, to some future Scott or Cooper to write a Romance Characteristick of those times and scenes to be entitled the reighn of fugitive foreigners, emissaries and Vagabonds for such indeed were the principal personages of the Drama He would find Buckinghams in plenty, whether he will find a Charles or not, I presume not so say—
To return to one of Mr Simond’s figures I was the Coachman on the box it is true but I had neither reins in one hand nor the whip in the other, both reins and whip were in the hands of Alexander Hamilton, And instead of speaking to my Horses, the more I said, the more furiously they were driven. The state of the Government at that time was the most absurd, inconsistent and ridiculous Chaos that ever existed in fact or imagination—but as I will not fatigue you with too much at once, I will reserve the discription of it to another letter—
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Harrison Gray Otis, 4 April 1823
From: Adams, John
To: Otis, Harrison Gray

Dear Sir.
Quincy April 4th. 1823.

Ridendo dicere verum quid vetat. Mr. Simon has given us a factitious sketch of the last years of the last Century, and the first years of the present—And why should not I add a few commentary’s, still ridendo, for I cannot review that tragicomico farce, grave as it was to me, without laughing—I was President a mere cipher, the Government was in the hands of an oligarchy consisting of a triumvirate who governed every one of my five Ministers; both houses of Congress were under their absolute direction What ever I proposed to the triumvirate, were sure to be rejected. My Nominations to the Senate were sure to be negatived or thwarted embarassed and imperiously imposed upon me, by nocturnal caucuses at the pompous Mansion House—The main spring, the prime mover of all this Machenery, was Alexander Hamilton. whether Mr. Simon ment me alone, or the whole dominant party by his weak hands I know not—but in either case, he was certainly in the right, for the worshipers of St. Denis were more numerous and powerful than the devotees of St. George. But if I was weak, as I certainly was, Alexander Hamilton was stark mad—As I shall more clearly prove and illustrate in some future letter—In the mean time I will add that I am your / Sincere friend—

John Adamsby proxy


Title: To John Adams from William Rotch, 9 April 1823
From: Rotch, William
To: Adams, John

					Respected Friend John Adams
					New Bedford 4th moth. 9—1823

				The Old Colony memorial was lately put into my hands with a view I suppose that I might see my doom portray’d by A Coffin, in a letter to J Adams Esqr. in the year 1785, lately hunted up after laying quiet Thirty-seven years, and now carefully publish’d; not by the person to whom it was addres’d, who no doubt saw no cause for it; but by order of my friend John Adams, with his directions to insert it, word for word; as it was a letter of personal reflections, and fraught with falshood and false suggestions throughout, which thou could not know whether true or false, would not candor have dictated an enquiry into the truth of the charges therein contain’d before it was put to press; what could be thy motive in this transaction? was it the effect of old age bordering on second childhood? This I find to be my case in some instances; (though I hope never to the injury of any individual) or was it some other case? I wish it may be the former; but the injunction of word for word I fear puts it beyond the weakness of Old age alone; but if it was with a view to asperse my character, I apprehend it is too late, for whether it is bad or good, will probably remain much as it is to the end, which is very near; I am now Eighty Eight years of age, one foot on the verge of time, and the other like hanging over Eternity; I am yet in the world, and that seems to be all; therefore if thy motive in this publication was unfriendly, I believe it will have no more effect on me, than the diging up the bones of John Wickliff and burning them after being inter’d forty one years, had on him.—The Editor of the Old Colony at the close of these letters has done me justice, which I may coroberate without Egotism and say, that I have done more than any man in America to extend the Whale fishery, and secure it to the Unites States; when I was in France the Assembly were about laying a duty of twelve livers pCt. on all imported oil which would have been an intire prohibition; myself & Son exerted all our abilities the contrary to our immediate interest to have it reduced to four, with no other motive but to leave an opening for American oil, we could not succeed at four, but got it reduc’d to five, which left the opening for American oil; we made a great increasing demand in France for the use of animal Oil, by which according to my wish America was greatly benefited.—my motive for going to England and France was this; I had lost by British captures about Sixty Thousand dollars, and the Alien duty of £17 Stg pTon on oil taking place by our seperation from Great Britain, render’d it impossible to proceed without a certain loss, which though evident, yet we continued it two years at that certain loss, with a hope something favourable might take place, but nothing of that kind appearing, I thought it necessary to seek elsewhere; France I found the most favourable; there we enter’d on the Fishery, intending to pursue it no longer than five years and return to the United States.—That tale of Coffins respecting Bermudas has not even the shadow of truth.—I suppose we have lost one valuable Whale fishery; that is to the River St. Lawrence and Streights of Blisle; which we should be glad to pursue.—Thou wrote me several years ago for information of the whale fishery; I had kept a regular account of what had been taken for about Twenty years with the different kinds of oil & bone and the different seas taken in, of which I would most gladly have furnish’d thee, but as I wrote thee I could find none of my minutes and supposed I had I had destroy’d them with a great number of useless papers when I was going to England; some years after I found about one half of them, but apprehending it was too late to be of any use I let them rest.—I remain with respect Thy assured Friend

					Wm Rotch

					PS it has become difficult for me to write, therefore the defects of every kind must be placed to 88—


Title: From Thomas Jefferson to John Adams, 11 April 1823
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Adams, John

               Dear Sir
               Monticello April 11. 23.

            The wishes expressed, in your last favor, that I may continue in life and health until I become a Calvinist, at least in his exclamation of “mon Dieu! jusque à quand”! would make me immortal. I can never join Calvin in addressing his god. he was indeed an Atheist, which I can never be; or rather his religion was Dæmonism. if ever man worshipped a false god, he did. the being described in his 5. points is not the God whom you and I acknolege and adore, the Creator and benevolent governor of the world; but a dæmon of malignant spirit. it would be more pardonable to believe in no god at all, than to blaspheme him by the atrocious attributes of Calvin. indeed I think that every Christian sect gives a great handle to Atheism by their general dogma that, without a revelation, there would not be sufficient proof of the being of a god. now one sixth of mankind only are supposed to be Christians: the other five sixths then, who do not believe in the Jewish and Christian revelation, are without a knolege of the existence of a god! this gives compleatly a gain de cause to the disciples of Ocellus, Timaeus, Spinosa, Diderot and D’Holbach. the argument which they rest on as triumphant and unanswerable is that, in every hypothesis of Cosmogony you must admit an eternal pre-existence of something; and according to the rule of sound philosophy, you are never to employ two principles to solve a difficulty when one will suffice. they say then that it is more simple to believe at once in the eternal pre-existence of the world, as it is now going on, and may for ever go on by the principle of reproduction which we see and witness, than to believe in the eternal pre-existence of an ulterior cause, or Creator of the world, a being whom we see not, and know not, of whose form substance and mode or place of existence, or of action no sense informs us, no power of the mind enables us to delineate or comprehend. on the contrary I hold (without appeal to revelation) that when we take a view of the Universe, in it’s parts general or particular, it is impossible for the human mind not to percieve and feel a conviction of design, consummate skill, and indefinite power in every atom of it’s composition. the movements of the heavenly bodies, so exactly held in their course by the balance of centrifugal and centripetal forces, the structure of our earth itself, with it’s distribution of lands, waters and atmosphere, animal and vegetable bodies, examined in all their minutest particles, insects mere atoms of life, yet as perfectly organised as man or mammoth, the mineral substances, their generation and uses, it is impossible, I say, for the human mind not to believe that there is not, in all this, design, cause and effect, up to an ultimate cause, a fabricator of all things from matter and motion, their preserver and regulator while permitted to exist in their present forms, and their regenerator into new and other forms. we see, too, evident proofs of the necessity of a superintending power to maintain the Universe in it’s course and order. stars, well known, have disappeared, new ones have come into view, comets, in their incalculable courses, may run foul of suns and planets and require renovation under other laws; certain races of animals are become extinct; and were there no restoring power, all existences might extinguish successively, one by one, untill all should be reduced to a shapeless chaos. so irresistible are these evidences of an intelligent and powerful Agent that, of the infinite numbers of men who have existed thro’ all time, they have believed, in the proportion of a million at least to Unit, in the hypothesis of an eternal pre-existence of a creator, rather than in that of a self-existent Universe. surely this unanimous sentiment renders this more probable than that of the few in the other hypothesis some early Christians indeed have believed in the coeternal pre-existance of both the Creator and the world, without changing their relation of cause & effect. that this was the opinion of St. Thomas, we are informed by Cardinal Toleto, in these words “Deus ab æterno fuit jam omnipotens, sicut cum produxit mundum. ab æterno potuit producere mundum.—si sol ab æterno esset, lumen ab æterno esset; et si pes, similiter vestigium. at lumen et vestigium effectus sunt efficientis solis et pedis; potuit ergo cum causâ æterna effectus co-æterna esse. cujus sententiæ est S. Thomas Theologorum primus.” Cardinal Toleta. Of the nature of this being we know nothing. Jesus tells us that “God is a Spirit.” 4. John 24. but without defining what a spirit is “πνευμα ὁ θεος.” down to the 3d. century we know that it was still deemed material; but of a lighter subtler matter than then our gross bodies. so says Origen. “Deus igitur, cui anima similis est, juxta Originem, reapte corporalis est; sed graviorum tantum ratione corporum incorporeus.” these are the words of Huet in his commentary on Origen. Origen himself says “appellatio ασοματον apud nostros scriptores est inusitata et incognita.” so also Tertullian “quis autem negabit Deum esse corpus, etsi deus spiritus? spiritus etiam corporis sui generis, in suâ effigie.” Tertullian. these two fathers were of the 3d. century. Calvin’s character of this supreme being seems chiefly copied from that of the Jews. but the reformation of these blasphemous attributes, and substitution of those more worthy, pure and sublime, seems to have been the chief object of Jesus in his discources to the Jews: and his doctrine of the Cosmogony of the world is very clearly laid down in the 3 first verses of the 1st. chapter of John, in these words, “εν αρχη ην ὁ λογος, και ὁ λογος ην προς τον θεον και θεος ην ὁ λογος. οὑτος ην εν αρχη προς τον θεον. παντα δε αυτου εγενετο, και χωρις αυτου εγενετο ουδε ἑν ὁ γεγονεν.” which truly translated means “in the beginning God existed, and reason (or mind) was with God, and that mind was God. this was in the beginning with God. all things were created by it, and without it was made not one thing which was made.” yet this text, so plainly declaring the doctrine of Jesus that the world was created by the supreme, intelligent being, has been perverted by modern Christians to build up a second person of their tritheism by a mistranslation of the word λογος. one of it’s legitimate meanings indeed is “a word.” but, in that sense, it makes an unmeaning jargon: while the other meaning “reason,” equally legitimate, explains rationally the eternal preexistence of God, and his creation of the world. knowing how incomprehensible it was that “a word,” the mere action or articulation of the voice and organs of speech could create a world, they undertake to make of this articulation a second preexisting being, and ascribe to him, and not to God, the creation of the universe. the Atheist here plumes himself on the uselessness of such a God, and the simpler hypothesis of a self-existent universe. the truth is that the greatest enemies to the doctrines of Jesus are those calling themselves the expositors of them, who have perverted them for the structure of a system of fancy absolutely incomprehensible, and without any foundation in his genuine words. and the day will come when the mystical generation of Jesus, by the supreme being as his father in the womb of a virgin will be classed with the fable of the generation of Minerva in the brain of Jupiter. but we may hope that the dawn of reason and freedom of thought in these United States will do away all this artificial scaffolding, and restore to us the primitive and genuine doctrines of this the most venerated reformer of human errors.So much for your quotation of Calvin’s “mon dieu! jusqu’a quand” in which, when addressed to the God of Jesus, and our God, I join you cordially, and await his time and will with more readiness than reluctance. may we meet there again, in Congress, with our antient Colleagues, and recieve with them the seal of approbation “Well done, good and faithful servants.”

               Th: Jefferson


Title: From John Adams to William Rotch, 13 April 1823
From: Adams, John
To: Rotch, William

Sir
Quincy 13 April 1823

I have received the letter you write me on the 10 April instant and I thank you for it because it gives me an opportunity of making an apology & that is none other than the one you have pointed out viz “old age bordering on second child hood” When I read those letters in the old Colony memorial I regretted those offensive passages & was sincerely glad that the editor had done you justice. Those offensive passages ought to have been suppressed—but though I am some what younger than you I am less fortunate.  I can neither read or write. I am dependent on others for both & in dictating a few lines of a letter my attention & memory sometimes fail me Be assured that I bore no ill will to your name or your family with several of whom I have had an agreeable acquaintance. I am glad that one half of your minutes of the whale fishery are still preserved—it is very desirable that they should be published—Our ages are so nearly alike that we shall never meet in this world but I hope soon to meet you in a better being your friend & humb. Sert

J. A


Title: To John Adams from Caesar Augustus Rodney, 20 April 1823
From: Rodney, Caesar Augustus
To: Adams, John

					Venerable & Dear Sir,
					Wilmington April 20th. 1823.

				I hope the occasion will induce you to pardon this trespass, on the tranquility of your retirement.The original letter, of which the enclosed is a copy, was lent, some years since, to a friend, who, by accident, mislaid it, and did not find it, until lately, when he returned it to me. This paper relates to the occurrences of that day, the most important, perhaps, in history, on which the first Declaration of American Independence was adopted. The conspicuous & distinguished part you acted in the trying scene, has become matter of history. But this is not the case, with many of your compatriots, who gave their firm & zealous support, on the occasion. Will you be so obliging, as to hear the paper read, and to inform me, whether it be, in your opinion, accurate, particularly, with respect to the conduct of the  late Cæsar Rodney.Yours Very Respecy / & Sincerely

					A. Rodney


Title: To John Adams from Selleck Osborn, 24 April 1823
From: Osborn, Selleck
To: Adams, John

					Sir—
					Boston, April 24, 1823.

				Pride, rather than interest, makes it desirable to add an illustrious name to my list of patrons.—Historical Justice, slow but certain in its operation, renders more and more conspicuous, through the subsiding mist of party prejudice, the figure of the earliest and boldest champion of our independence—the efficient negociator in times of national distress—the patriot at all times.—To this tribute of respect, entirely sincere as it is, permit me to add the assurance of my earnest wish for your health and happiness.

					Selleck Osborne.


Title: To John Adams from James Hyman Causten, Sr., 26 April 1823
From: Causten, James Hyman, Sr.
To: Adams, John

					Dear Sir,
					Baltimore 26th. April 1823

				Your esteemed favor of 2d. March 1822, in answer to my letter of 20th February preceding, duly came to hand. Since that period your Son (our distinguished Secretary of State) kindly gave me access to the original correspondence, filed in his department; in which I traced the manner in which the suppression of the second article of the Convention with France of 20th. Sep 1800 was obtained; but nothing has yet appeared to show the Motive for the President & Senate asking for the suppression. It appears that the Senate Consented to the ratification of the Convention in its original Shape; except the Second article, which they expunged, most probably at the instance of the President; and that, with that single alteration it was Sent back to Minister Vans Murray, by the President, without assigning the reasons for the alteration. There is, therefore, a blank in the history of the transaction, which I should be happy to have filled up, and you will readily perceive that your recollection  alone can fill it, as the then Senate as a body are extinct.I have been informed that on the anniversary of your birth, probably in 1801, your fellow Citizens of Braintree—presented you with a complimentary address, in which, or in your answer to it, much credit is given for your successful efforts to exonerate the United States from the entangling obligations of the French treaties of 1778 and the Consular Convention of 1788.—I should be much gratified with the possession of authentic copies of these:—For I know of no event, either in the internal or external relations of our Country of more vital importance to the true interests of the Nation; and I am desirous to see a halo of fame encircle the heads of those Sages whose foresight guided the State to her true interests, and who had the firmness to oppose the strong current of popular passion then prevailing. The deep importance and Latent springs of the suppressed second article, before mentioned, have not been enquired into: I do not think an examination of its features can fail to show that great mischiefs were wrapped up in it, and that, under all the circumstances, nothing less than the most profound wisdom Could avert its accumulated dangers. In short, all the wrongs and liabilities that had been committed or grew out of the violations of treaties, or otherwise, during the long and desolating wars in which France had been engaged, were thus drawn to a single point, in which either party had a Nucleus ready formed on which to build up all the baser passions when untoward Circumstances should call them into action.But I am digressing from the object of my letter,—the Motive provoking the suppression. I am induced to state my own supposition of the motive, which is formed in the general features of the transaction, without direct evidence.—under the hope that some of my suggestions may tend to aid your recollection. It appears to me that the first object of the Executive was to obtain the abrogation, of the treaties of 1778 & the Consular Convention of 1788—that the Second object was to avoid a recognition of the indemnity claimed by France under the article of mutual guarantee upon the principle that the Cæsus federis did not exist, while France alleged that it did exist in its least equivocal form,—and also her claim for indemnity under the Consular Convention:—And the third object was to obtain indemnity for Spoliations &c. due to our Merchants.The French claims could arise only under the old treaties, while the American claims, in addition to the treaties had the provisions of international law to sustain them—therefore, by expunging the Second article (the only one that saved the old treaties) the Claims of France would be sunk, while those of our Merchants would still exist under the general law of Nations.If this Subject is of sufficient interest to overbalance the inconvenience it would give you to reply to my letter, I should rejoice exceedingly; but I am at great loss for a suitable apology for my trespass on your retirement; I trust, however, that my desire to preserve the quo animo of an act in which our Common Country and your own fame are interested will have due Consideration.With profound respect & high esteem / I am Dear Sir / Yr. mo. Obt. Sert.
				Jas H. Causten


Title: From John Adams to Selleck Osborn, 27 April 1823
From: Adams, John
To: Osborn, Selleck

Sir
Montizillo 27 Ap 1823

I have received your letter of the 24 April & have desired my friend Mr Shaw to subscribe my name to your proposals.
I am Sir your very hum Sert
J. A


Title: To John Adams from Joseph de Valnais, 28 April 1823
From: Valnais, Joseph de
To: Adams, John

					My venerable & respected friend,
					Boston April 28th 1823

				It is with regret I announce to you our intention of immediate departure from this Country—We embark for England on Thursday, & we cannot go without assuring you of our best wishes for the continuance of your health & happiness, it would have given us much pleasure to have seen you once more, but our engagements have been such as to render it impossible to leave town—We shall always cherish the remembrance of the very friendly intercourse we have been honoured with by yourself & your family.I have the honour to be / with the highest respect / your Excellencys / most obedient Servant

					the Consul of Francede Valnais

					Our best respects to your family