Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 3 July 1810
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

					Quincy, July 3d, 1810

Amsterdam, December 14, 1781—wrote to congress: “The first public body, which has proposed a connection with the United States of America, is the quarter of Oostergo, in the province of Friesland. The proposition is in these words.
Every impartial patriot has a long time perceived, that in the direction of affairs, relative to this war with England, there has been manifested, an inconceivable lukewarmness and sloth: but they discover themselves still more at this moment, by the little inclination, which in general, the regencies of the Belgic provinces testify, to commence a treaty of commerce and friendship with the new republic of the thirteen United States of North America; and to contract engagements, at least during the continuance of this common war, with the crowns of France and Spain. Nevertheless, the necessity of these measures appears clearly since according to our judgments, nothing was more natural, nor more conformable to sound policy, founded upon the law of nature the most precise, than that this republic immediately after the formal declaration of war by the English, (not being yet able to do any thing by military exploits, not being in a state of defence sufficiently respectable, to dare, at sea, to oppose one fleet or squadron to our perfidious enemy) should have commenced by acknowledging by a public declaration, the Independence of North America. This would have been from that time the greatest step to the humiliation of England, and our own re-establishment; and by this measure, the republic would have proved her firm resolution to act with vigor. Every one of our inhabitants, all Europe who have their eyes fixed upon us, the whole world, expected, with just reason, this measure from the republic. It is true, that before the formal declaration of war by England, one might perhaps have alledged some plausible reasons, to justify in some degree, the backwardness in this great and interesting affair. But as at present Great Britain is no longer our secret but declared enemy, which dissolves all the connections between the two nations; and as it is the duty, not only of all the regencies, but of all the citizens of this republic, to reduce, by all imaginable annoyances, this enemy so unjust to reason, and to force him, if possible, to conclude an honorable peace; why should we hesitate any longer to strike, by this measure so reasonable, the most sensible blow to the common enemy? Will not this delay occasion a suspicion, that we prefer the interest of our enemy to that of our country? North America, so sensibly offended by the refusal of our offer; France and Spain, in the midst of a war supported with activity, must they not regard us as the secret friends and favourers of their and our common enemy? Have they not reason to conclude from it, that our inaction ought to be less attributed to our weakness, than to our affection for England? Will not this opinion destroy all confidence in our nation heretofore so renowned in this respect? And our allies, at this time natural, must they not imagine, that it is better to have in us declared enemies than pretended friends; and shall we not be involved in a ruinous war, which we might have rendered advantageous, if it had been well directed? While on the other hand, it is evident, that by a new connection with the states of North America, by engagements at least during this war, with France and Spain; we shall obtain not only the confidence of these formidable powers, instead of their distrust, but by this means ee shall moreover place our colonies in safety against every insult: we shall have a well grounded hope of recovering, with the aid of the allied powers, our lost possessions, if the English should make themselves masters of them; and our commerce at present neglected and so shamefully pillaged would reassume a new vigour; considering that in such case, as it is manifestly proved by solid reasons, this republic would derive from this commerce the most signal advantages. But since our interest excites us forcibly to act in concert with the enemies of our enemy; since the thirteen United States of North America invite us to it long ago; since France appears inclined to concert her military operations with ours, although this power has infinitely less interest to ally itself with us, whose weakness manifests itself in so palpable a manner, than we are to form an alliance the most respectable in the universe: it is indubitably the duty of every regent to promote it with all his forces, and with all the celerity imaginable. To this effect we have thought it our duty to lay it before your noble mightinesses, in the firm persuasion, that the zeal of your noble mightinesses will be as earnest as ours to concur to the accomplishment of this point, which is for us of the greatest importance; that consequently your noble mightinesses will not delay to co-operate with us, that upon this important object, there be made to their high mightinesses a proposition so vigorous, that it may have the desired success: and that this affair, of an importance beyond all expression for our common country, may be resolved and decided by unanimous suffrages and in preference to every particular interest.”
Mr. Van der Capellen de Marsch was the first individual, who ventured to propose in public, a Treaty with the United States of America, and the quarter of Oostergo, the first public body. This is indeed but a part of one branch of the sovereignty; but these motions will be honored by posterity. The whole republic must follow. It is necessitated to it, by a mechanism, as certain as clock work; but its operations are and will be studiously, zealously slow. It will be a long time before the measure can be completed.”
Amsterdam, December 14, 1781—wrote to his excellency Francis Dana, Esq. at St. Petersburg: “This day was brought to me your kind favor of August 28, the first line I have received from you since we parted. A Line from my dear son, August 21, O.S. which I received three days ago, was the first from him.
The publick news from America, you have before now. It is grand, and I congratulate you upon it with a grateful heart. Our allies have this year adopted a system, which you and I have long prayed for, and have reason to be thankful for its triumphant success.
Soon after my return from Paris, I was seized with a malignant, nervous fever, which well nigh cost me a life: the consequences of it, in weakness, lameness, &c. are not yet gone off. I am better, but still almost incapable of that attention to business which is necessary. Your son Charles sailed with Gillon, put into Corunna, went from thence to Bilboa, and is about sailing in the Cicero, with Major Jackson, for home. Mr. Thaxter has escaped, with a very slight touch of a fever.—So much for the family.
I have lately received from congress, a new commission and instructions to this republic, to propose a triple or quadruple alliance, with the consent and approbation of the French court. This measure pleases me extremely, and nothing could be better timed, but I must beg you to conceal it.
 I have received a new commission for peace in which J. A; B. F.; H. L.; J. J. and T. J. are the ministers. I have received also, a revocation of my commission to make a treaty of commerce with Great Britain. These last novelties, I suppose, would nettle some mens feelings. But I am glad of them. They have removed the cause of envy, I had almost said: but I fear I must retract that, since——— . You know from what quarter this whole system comes. They have been obliged to adopt our systems of war and politics in order to gain influence enough to lessen us. But I will consent upon these terms to be diminished down to the size of a Lilliputian, or of an Animalcule in pepper water.—There is no present prospect of peace or negotiation for it; and I confess I never expect to be called to act, in consequence of any of these commissions about peace, and therefore may be the more indifferent.—When I was at Paris, some articles of the mediating courts were given me, and my sentiments desired, which I gave in detail, in a correspondence which congress has received from me in two different ways; so that they will have no expectations from a congress at Vienna; unless the late Cornwallization should excite them anew. In what light does Nerone Neronior appear by his last speech and by his answers to the addresses of both houses of parliament in consequence of it? Clapping his hands to his hounds and mastiffs to persevere in worrying the innocent, although he knows his animals have nothing to hope for but death.
This evening was brought me your dispatches to congress of 4th and 15th of September with all the papers enclosed, in very good order. I Shall send them by Doctor Dexter, by the way of France, as there is no prospect of any conveyance, for hence, sooner. I am exceedingly pleased with this correspondence and hope that you still harmonized with your noble correspondent. I am afraid he is too right in his conjectures: but I am happy to find that your sentiments upon the articles are the same, which I had expressed in my letters to the comte de Vergennes upon the subject. The articles, however, are not sufficiently explicit. You have before this time seen the answers of France and Spain to the imperial courts. Pray send me copies of them, if you can obtain them. I have been told the substance, but have no copies. I was happy to find France, Spain and America so well agreed in sentiment. I am very glad to find you can make any use of your Ward. I leave to your judgment every thing concerning him. Make him write to me, every week by the post. I am pleased with his observations in his travels, and with his cautious prudence in his letters.
We must be patient, and must humour our allies as much as possible, consistently with our other duties. I see no hopes of your being received any more than myself; but if, without being received, we can gain and communicate information to our constituents, we shall answer a good end. I am at present apparently and I believe really upon good terms with the Duke de la Vauguion; and the miffs at Versailles and Passy seem to be wearing away. Let me entreat you to write me as often as possible. Our country, by all accounts, is in great spirits; paper money quite stopped; every thing conducted in silver; trade flourishing, although many privateers and merchant vessels taken; crops the finest ever known. Great Britain has not lost less than twenty thousand men, in the last twelve months in America. They will not be able to send ten thousand to replace them: but if they could send twenty, they would only give opportunity for more Cornwallizations and Burgoinizations. With every sentiment of affection and esteem, &c,
P.S. To day Mr. S. arrived with your other letters. I shall take the best care and answer soon. I am still more happy to find you still patient and in good spirits. We shall do very well. I think you may expect some good news from me, before long.”
Amsterdam, December 16, 1781—wrote to Dr. Franklin: “I have at last received letters from Mr. Dana. Mr. Sayer arrived in town yesterday, with letters to me and dispatches for congress, which I shall transmit by the best opportunity.—Three days before, I had received a letter which came by sea; but had been almost four months upon the passage.
Mr. Dana appears to be in good spirits. He has communicated himself to the marquis de Verac; and has been very candidly as well as politely treated by that minister. Though he had not communicatedhis mission to the Russian ministry, on the fourth of October, the date of his letter; yet he finds friends in that country, and is in a way to procure important information concerning the politics of all the northern courts. His opinion of Dutch policy is not raised, by his journey to the north. But he speaks with great respect of the Dutch minister at Petersburg, as a Patriot in the only good and true sense and system in these times. He speaks prudently of the prince Potemkin, the compte Panin and the compte D’Osterman. The compte Panin is in the privy council, but has not yet reassumed his office, as chief minister of foreign affairs, although he has returned to court. The court has received the answers of Versailles and Madrid to the articles, and Mr. Dana hopes soon to know the reply of that court. Cannot we obtain a copy of the answer of Versailles?
Is not the last speech of the king of England and his answers to the addresses, especially that of the commons, rather inflammatory? This king’s ministers and governors, some ten or fifteen years ago, used to charge me with making “inflammatory harangues.” I think I have now a right to recriminate upon their master. He seems to be a very Bout-de-feu. But it must be confessed that his ministers manage Holland and some of the northern powers with a great deal of art and address. The Answer of Lord Stormont to Mr. Simolin, accepting the mediation of Russia, between England and Holland, is a master-piece. Its supreme excellence consists in its matchless effrontery, which is certainly not to be imitated by any other court or people under heaven. Such extraordinary things sometimes have an effect directly contrary to what one naturally expect: and therefore it is possible that this may succeed. It will not, however, most certainly, if a certain proposition, which I am instructed to make, should be made in time, as I hope it will.”
Amsterdam, December 18, 1781—wrote to congress: “Having received an invitation to the Hague, in order to have some conversation with some gentlemen in the government, concerning the further steps proper for me to take in the present conjuncture, I had determined to have undertaken the journey to day; but the arrival in town of the Duke de la Vauguion, determined me to postpone it until tomorrow. At noon, to day, his excellency did me the honor of a visit, when a long conversation ensued upon the state of affairs, at my house. His excellency informed me, that upon the communication I had made to him when he was last here, in person, and afterwards by letter of my new commission and instructions, he had written to the compte de Vergennes; had explained to that minister his own sentiments and expected an answer. His own idea is that I should go to the Hague, in some week when there is a president whose sentiments and disposition are favorable; and demand an answer to my former proposition; and afterwards that I should go round to the cities of Holland and apply to the several regencies. He thinks I may now assume an higher tone, which the late Cornwallization will well warrant, &c. I shall however, take care not to advance too fast, so as to be unable to retreat. His advice is to go to the Hague tomorrow, and meet the gentlemen, who wish to see me there; and this I shall do.
I have been very happy hitherto, in preserving an entire good understanding with this minister, and nothing shall ever be wanting on my part to deserve his confidence and esteem.I have transmitted by two opportunities; one by captain Trowbridge from hence, another by Dr. Dexter, by the way of France, dispatches from Mr. Dana, at Petersburg, by which congress will perceive that material advantages will arise from that gentleman’s residence in that place whether he soon communicates his mission to that court or not.
The English papers, which I forward by this opportunity, will inform congress of the state of things and parties in England. The ministry talk of a new system. Perhaps they may attempt Rhode-Island once more, in exchange for Charleston, and try their skill at intercepting our trade.
This conference with the French Ambassador convinced me, that he was either well read in the negotiations of D’Avaux or that he had been counselled by the Dutch patriots—my friends: perhaps both.”
Amsterdam, December 24, 1781—wrote to Messrs. De Neufville and Son: “I have received your favours of the 21st and 23d, and have now to inform you, that Mr. Barclay, consul general of the United States is arrived in town; and his commercial knowledge, as well as the nature of his office, make it proper, that I should relinquish to him, as I do, all the care that I might before have had of the continental goods, as Dr. Franklin has done. He will endeavor to finish this business with the utmost dispatch.
I think, however, that the United States have great reason to complain of the rejection of a proposal so reasonable, as that of an arbitration. Mr. Barclay’s first object will be, I presume, to get possession of the goods. Before the goods are delivered to him, it will be impossible for me to make any representations to Passy.
You have never yet stated what was the first cost of the vessels. I beg that the accounts may be made up immediately, that we may know how many guilders are demanded of us.”
				The Hague, December, 1781—wrote to the ambassador of France: “It has been insinuated to me, that the Spanish ambassador (the marquis de Lliano) has instructions from his court, to enter into negotiation with their high mightinesses concerning an alliance between Spain and the republic. If this fact has come to your excellency’s knowledge, and there is no inconvenience nor impropriety in communicating it to me, I should be very much obliged to you for the information; not merely from curiosity, but for my government in the steps I may have to take.By my late instructions, of which your excellency has a copy, I am to inform myself concerning the progress of American negotiations at the court of Spain: and if an alliance shall have been entered into between his Catholic Majesty and the United States to invite his catholic majesty into the alliance proposed between France, their high mightinesses and the congress; if no such alliance shall have been formed, to receive his catholic majesty, should he manifest a disposition to become a party.Congress have wisely enjoined it upon me to confer in the most confidential manner with your excellency; and I have made it a law to myself to take no material step in this negotiation, without your approbation; but my instructions seem to make it necessary to take some measures at least to sound the disposition of the Spanish ambassador. I would therefore beg leave to propose to your consideration and to request your opinion, whether you think it adviseable for me to do myself the honor of making a visit to the Spanish ambassador, and communicating to him the substance of my instruction, as far as it relates to the court of Madrid; or whether it would be better to communicate it, by letter; or whether your excellency will be so good as to take upon yourself this communication and inform me of the result of it.I am advised here to wait on the president of their high mightinesses as soon as possible, and demand a categorical answer to my former proposition; and then to wait on the grand pensionary, and Mr. Secretary Fagel; and in turn upon the pensionaries of all the cities of Holland, to inform them of the demand made to the president. But I submit it to your consideration, whether it will not be expedient to communicate the project of a triple or quadruple alliance, to some confidential members of the states, as to the pensionaries of Dort, Haerlem and Amsterdam for example; with permission to them to communicate it where they shall think it necessary:in order to give more weight to my demand.The court of Great Britain are manifestly availing themselves of the mediation of Russia in order to amuse this republic; and restrain it from exerting itself in the war, and forming connections with the other belligerent powers; without intending to make peace with her; upon any conditions which would not be ruinous to her. It is therefore of the last importance to Holland, as well as of much consequence to the other belligerent powers; to draw her out of the snare, which one should think might now easily be done, by a proposition of a triple or quadruple alliance.Tomorrow morning, at ten, I propose to do myself the honor of waiting on your excellency, if that hour is agreeable; in order to avail myself more particularly of your sentiments upon these points. In the mean time I have the honor to be, with the most perfect respect and consideration, &c.”The Hague, 20th Dec. 1781.Translation.I have received, sir, the letter which you have done me the honor to write me, and shall be very glad (tres impresse) to have that of conferring with you, upon the different points which it contains. And I will expect you, tomorrow morning at ten, as you desire. Receive, sir, fresh assurance of those inviolable sentiments, of a consideration the most distinguished, with which I have the honor to be your most humble and most obedient servant,The Duke De La Vauguion.Mr. Adams, Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States.Amsterdam, December 25, 1781—wrote to congress: “On the 18th of September, Lord Stormont delivered to the Baron de Nolken, envoy of Sweden, the following notification of the refusal of the mediation of the court of Stockholm, and the acceptance of that of Russia.The conservation of the public tranquility, has been the first object of the care of his majesty, during the whole course of his reign. The commencement of this reign has been signalized by the return of peace. The king has made great sacrifices to procure this blessing to humanity; and he had reason to flatter himself, that by this moderation, in the midst of victory, he was establishing the public tranquility upon solid and durable foundations. But these hopes have been disappointed, and these foundations have been shaken, by the ambitious policy of the court of Versailles. This court, after having secretly fomented the rebellion enkindled in America has leagued herself openly with the rebel subjects of his majesty; and by this violation of the public faith, by this direct act of hostility, she began the war.The conduct of the republic of Holland, during the whole course of this war, has excited a general indignation. This nation presents itself under an aspect very different from that of a nation simply commercial. It is a respectable power, connected for a long time with Great Britain, by the strictest alliance. The principal object of this alliance was their common safety, and especially their mutual protection against the ambitious designs of a dangerous neighbor, which their united efforts have so often defeated, to their mutual prosperity and that of all Europe.The desertion of all the principles of this alliance, which the king on his part has constantly maintained; an obstinate refusal to fulfil the most sacred engagements; a daily infraction of the most sacred treaties; succours furnished to these very enemies, against whom the king had a right to demand succour: an asylum and protection granted in the ports of Holland to American pirates, in direct violation of stipulations, the most clear and the most precise; and, to fill up the measure, a denial of satisfaction and of justice for the affront committed to the dignity of the king by a clandestine league with his rebel subjects; all these accumulated grievances, have not left to the king, any other part to take, than that which he has taken, with the most sensible reluctance. In laying before the public, the reasons, which have rendered this rupture inviolable, his majesty attributed the conduct of the republic to its true cause, the fatal influence of a faction, which sacrificed the national interest to private views: but the king has marked at the same time, the most sincere desire to draw back the republic to a system of strict union, of efficacious alliance, and of mutual protection, which has so much contributed to the prosperity and the glory of the two states.When the empress of all the Russias, offered her good offices, to effectuate a reconciliation, by a separate peace, the king, signifying his just gratitude for this new proof of a friendship, which is so precious to him, avoided to involve the mediation of her imperial majesty in a fruitless negotiation; but at present, as there are certain indications of an alteration of disposition in the republic, some marks of a desire to return to those principles, which the wisest part of the Batavian nation has never forsaken: a negotiation for a seperate peace between the king and their high mightinesses, may be opened with some hopes of success; under the mediation of the empress of all the Russias, who was the first to offer her good offices, for this salutary work. If his majesty did not, at first take advantage of it, it was because he had every reason to believe, that the republic at that time, sought only to amuse by an insidious negotiation. But the king would think that he answered ill the sentiments which dictated those first offers, and that he was wanting to those regards so justly due to her imperial majesty and to the confidence which she inspires, if he associated in this mediation any other, even that of an ally most respectable and for whom the king has the sincerest friendship.To any man who has even a superficial knowledge of the history of England and Holland, France and Germany, for a century preceding the foregoing declaration of Lord Stormont, it is impossible to read it, without a crowd of very serious reflections. I shall make but a few.1. The imputations against the republic, are either contemptibly frivolous or absolutely unfounded.2. Instead of the pretext of “public tranquility” and sacrifices to humanity, the wisest part of the nation imputed the cry of œconomy and the peace of 1763, to a determination to get rid of a whigish administration under Mr. Pitt and introduce a Scottish tory administration under Lord Bute.3. The great plan of this new administration was to abandon a foreign war, that they might have more leisure and more resources for commencing and prosecuting a war, against the meritorious and unoffending colonies in North America.But I forbear.

					John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Rush, 4 July 1810
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

Dear and venerable friend
Philada July 4th: 1810.

I have no objection to your knowing that by the “great hammer of the earth” I meant Napoleon. George the 3rd: I believe to be the great hammer of the ocean. I consider them both as the scourges of the human race, and in the language of the souls under the altar, I feel disposed to cry day and night,—“how long—how long” O! Lord wilt thou suffer them to trample upon the rights of individuals and nations, and to fill our world with widows and orphans, with poverty, & misery, & with tears and crimes.
And is this the 4th: of July? What a groupe of ideas are associated with those words! Patriots & heroes rise before me,—some of them just emerging from their graves. They ask the news of the day,—They hear of British & French insults and aggressions and of our dismantled Navy, & unprotected commerce;—They inquire into the conduct and Characters of the members of the present Congress—they visit the extensive arbour under which several hundred of the federal Citizens of Philadelphia had were are now assembled to celebrate the anniversary of the day which announced our independence. They listen to the orator appointed by them to commemorate the great events connected with it. They hear with astonishment, that he has been publickly quietly acquiesced in the charges made in a public newspaper of having committed fraud & forgery, and having laid exposed one of his illigitimate children at the door of a respectable citizen of Philadelphia—They recover the paleness of death in hearing the details of the degeneracy & depravity of the Country for which they toiled or bled. Their looks indicate a mixture of grief and indignation. and Behold! they tread back their Steps, and descend with haste and pleasure to their graves, now become pleasant agreeable and welcome to them, inasmuch as they conceal from their view the base & inglorious conduct of some of their cotemporaries, and of all their posterity.
I thank you for the friendly interest you take in the welfare of my family. My son Richard is now in business of 4000 dollars a year, and much respected by both all parties in politicks. My son James is now I hope proscuting his studies in London. My Eldest daughter has removed with her family to Quebec where her husband now holds a respectable appointment under the government, and enjoys much of the confidence of the governor. My 2nd: daughter is in England with her husband. My 3rd: daughter is now upon an excursion of pleasure in Maryland with her brother Richards wife. My 4th: son is in a counting house, and while where he stands high in the good opinion of his master. My two youngest boys are at School. My poor son John is still in the hospital, & still alienated in his mind upon one or two Subjects. But happily for him & his parents, he now suffers no pain either of body or mind.
I send you herewith two publications extracted from Dr Coxe’s museum. Present one of them to your family physician, and read the other, that is the Charge (if you think it worthy that honor) to your family circle—to all of whom my Wife & son Richard desire to be remembered with respect and affection.
Adieu! Adieu—from yours / sincerely & affectionately

Benjn: Rush
PS: You expressed a wish for an epigram. I send you herewith shall add to my letter a hasty performance of that kind written upon seeing the ground under the Presbyterian Church in Arch Street in which the Revd Gilbert Tennent (formerly minister of that Church) was buried, converted into a cellar to be let for a grocery store for the benefit of the church.
The trumpet sounds,—the waking dead arise,
And Tennents spirit quits its native skies.
To his own Church, it wings its joyful way,
And seeks reunion with its kindred clay.
“Where is my body”? cries the reverend saint,
“Behold it here good Sir”—“no—no—it a’nt,
My body rested under my Church floor,
That body rises from a grocery store.”—


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Rush, 5 July 1810
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

5 July 1810

In Contemplating the facility  with which our Once chaste & vi mistress “American liberty” admits  embraces of some of the most profligate and unprincipled men in our Country, I feel disposed to address her in the Words of the Song.
“I loved thee! beautiful and kind,
And plighted an eternal vow,
So altered are your face and mind,
’Twere perjury to love thee, now.”
B. Rush


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 9 July 1810
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

					Quincy, July 9, 1810.

Amsterdam, December 25, 1781—wrote to congress: “There has appeared an ulterior declaration, in addition to the
ordinances of the thirtieth of April and the third of November concerning the
navigation and the maritime commerce of the subjects of Prussia, during
the present war.
The ordinances, which the king has caused to be published of the 30th
of April and third of November of this year, have in truth, already
prescribed to the subjects of his majesty, the manner in which they
ought for their greatest safety to direct their navigation and their
commerce; nevertheless as several doubts have arisen in this regard,
his majesty in order to obviate them, and to direct his subjects who
trade by sea, has thought fit to establish, ordain and declare as
follows:
Article 1st. It cannot be doubted, and it is understood, that the
Prussian vessels which have put to sea before the publication of the
ordinance of the third of November, and which by consequence could not
be furnished with passports, expedited by the minister of foreign
affairs, which are therein prescribed, cannot be taken or molested by
reason of the want of such passports; but that the passports,
heretofore in use which they have taken at their departure, ought to
have, until their return, their force and value, and to procure them,
until that time, a sufficient security. To remove, however, still more
effectually, all difficulties, which might exist in this regard, the
obligation to furnish themselves with immediate passports from Berlin,
is not to commence until after the first of January, 1782; to the end
that every one may have time to take his measures in consequence.
Art. 2d. It is repeated and ordained, that small vessels, which do
not carry more than fifty lasts, as well as those which navigate only
in the Baltic Sea and in the North Sea, and which do not pass the
channel which separates France and England, are not obliged, at least,
if they do not themselves think it proper to take passports from
Berlin: But to gain time, it is permitted to them to take them as
heretofore, at their convenience, from the admiralties, the chambers
of war, and of the domains of each province, and from the magistrates
of the cities. In consequence of which, it is ordained to these
colleges in the most express manner, not to grant these passports, but
to the real and actual subjects of the king, with the greatest
precaution, providing carefully against all abuses which may be made
of them, and observing strictly the ordinances published upon this
object. The end, which his majesty proposed to himself in publishing
the declaration of the third of November, has been and is singly to
procure to Prussian vessels, which navigate beyond the channel in the
ocean or the Atlantic sea, and which carry their commerce into these
distant seas and regions, a safety so much the greater, against all
prejudicial accidents; in causing to be expedited to them passports by
his minister of foreign affairs, who, by his knowledge of the state of
public affairs, is the most in a condition to take the necessary
precautions.
Art. 3d. The navigators not being able to send to Berlin, complete
bills of lading of the cargoes of their vessels, before they are
entirely loaded, it is not required of those, who have occasion for
immediate passports of the court, any other thing, except that they
produce certificates and general attestations from the admiralties,
the chambers of domains, or the magistrates of the cities, concerning
the property of the vessel, and when the passport should express also
the cargo, concerning the quality of the cargo, that is to say, in
what it consists: which is sufficient to judge, whether the
merchandizes are lawful, and whether the passports requested can be
granted. The bills of lading and complete and specific attestations
of the quantity of each merchandise may be expedited as heretofore, in
the usual manner, to places where the loading is made by the
admiralties, the chambers of finances, or the magistrates of the
cities.
Art. 4th. In the ordonance of the thirtieth of April, his majesty has been
pleased to encourage his subjects to the national commerce, to advise
them to engage in maritime commerce, as much as possible, upon their own
account, and with their own merchandizes: and it has been established
in consequence, in the declaration of the third of November, that to
obtain passports from the court, it was necessary to prove by
requisite certificates, that the owners, both of the vessel and of the
cargo, were Prussian subjects: nevertheless, all this was properly
done, in the form of advice, and to render them so much the more attentive
to the precautions, which they ought to take; it is not, for this, the
less free and lawful to the subjects of the king, who have obtained
the requisite passports, to transport also in their vessels, in conformity
to the ordinance of the thirtieth of April, to places and ports, which are
not besieged, nor close blocked, merchandizes and effects, belonging to
foreign nations, and even to belligerent nations; provided that these
merchandizes are of the nature of those, which, according to the second
article of the declaration of the thirtieth of April, and conformably to
the customs and rights of nations, are permitted, and not of
contraband. His majesty will not fail to protect them in such cases,
according to the principles which he has adopted and established in
this regard, with other powers, allies and friends. And he has judged
necessary to declare, all which goes before, for preventing all abusive
interpretation of the declaration of the third of November.
Art. 5th. The captains and commanders of Prussian vessels, ought, when
they arrive in ports or places, where reside consuls of the king, to
present to them their passports, and demand of them attestations,
which certify that their vessels are furnished with passports
expedited to them.
Art. 6th. The commanders of these vessels would do well also to take
with them, the ordinances of the thirtieth of April and the third of November,
and the present declaration, to follow so much the better the precepts
of it, and to be able, in case of need, to show them, and justify
their conduct by them.
Nevertheless, those two ordonances, as well as
this, which renews them and serves to explain them, have not been
published, but for the direction of Prussian subjects, who exercise
navigation and maritime commerce; and, in cases, even where they may not be
furnished with passports requisite, they are not responsible for their
negligence, but to his majesty their lawful sovereign. And the
commanders of armed vessels of the belligerent powers, cannot think
themselves authorised thereby, to stop or to take them, when they
have not acted openly in a manner contrary to the principles of the
maritime neutrality, adopted by his majesty.—Given at Berlin, the 8th of December, 1781, by express order of the
king.
(Signed) Finkenstein,
E. F. De Hertzberg.
Amsterdam, December 26, 1781—wrote to Messrs. de Neufville and Son: “I received the letter with which You honored me yesterday.
Mr. Barclay’s office gives him full authority in the affair of the goods, and his abilities and experience enable him to do every thing that can be done: so that I shall, with great pleasure, leave the whole affair to him, ready however, at all times to render him any service in my power.
It gives me great pleasure to learn, that the affair is in a way to be settled. Mr. Barclay has written to his excellency Dr. Franklin, and his representation will be more proper, and more effectual than any thing could have been from me. My own sentiments concerning the bills, I had sometime ago written to his excellency and he has received them.”
Amsterdam, December 26, 1781—wrote to Mr. Searle: “Your two favours of December 3d and 14th are before me. Mr Barclay is arrived to my great relief. His office and character, as well as your recommendation, entitle him to every respect and civility from me.
You favor from L’Orient I answered; and transmitted, under cover to Mr. Cummings, some dispatches from Governor Reed. I condole with you, under the loss of Mrs. Searle: but such is the constitution of the world, and under the loss of friends, fortune, &c. all we have to do is to submit. Your resolution to spend the remainder of your days in Europe may not prove to be a law of the Medes. Whether, however, in Europe or America, I wish you success and prosperity.
Mr. Bondfield has acted hitherto, for the public at Bordeaux, and has ever behaved well, as far as I have known. I suppose that he will expect to be continued in the service, and to be consul or vice consul, if congress should appoint such an officer for that place. But perhaps congress will not appoint any but the consul general, and leave him to employ such persons as his agents in other cities, as he pleases.
The secretaryship for the mission to Versailles, I am convinced will never be filled up, while the present minister lives, unless it should be with the young gentleman.—The commission for peace is new modelled. The ministers to Versailles and Madrid, Mr. Laurens in the Tower, and Mr. Jefferson in America, are added, in the new commission, and there is no secretary appointed. Mr. Dana is still at liberty to act in it, in certain circumstances, which however will not happen, because the commission itself will not be called to act, a long time.
Portugal is but an English colony, and never in my opinion will have any thing to do with America, while the war lasts. Thus you see, that I have no great expectations of your succeeding in any thing of a public nature in Europe, at present. Your wish to be vice consul or consul in case another should be appointed is modest enough to be sure: but you know that congress have always many applications, and they weigh the pretensions of all, very carefully. Your appointment would be very agreeable to me; but all I can do in it is, to mention it to some of my friends.
As to your “sic vos non vobis, velera fertis oves.” It is true, that I am a sheep, and that I have been fleeced: but it gives me some pleasure to reflect, that my wool makes others warm. No! I had rather say I am a bird; that my feathers have been plucked and worn as ornaments by others. Let them have the plumage if they will; it is but a gewgaw. However, away with all this. It would be more just to say, that we are all too much addicted to disputing for the feathers, before we are quite in possession of the bird.
What do you mean by Ebenezer Kennersley? I do not understand you. Your sprightly wit is a proof to me that your health is better; and it has a friendly effect upon mine.
This insignificant letter was intercepted by the enemy, and the ministry thought fit to print it in the newspapers; no doubt with the generous design of exciting miffs among Americans. Among those seized at St. Eustatia were some of more importance, but those they carefully suppressed.”
Amsterdam, December 26, 1781—wrote to Mr. Jennings: “Your favor of the 24th was brought to me last night. It is true that I am not quite recovered of my illness. I have weaknesses and lameness that are new to me. Ill health is no novelty; but disobedience in my legs and feet, was unknown to me, until I had the late fever. I walk, however, every day, and find that I grow better, though but slowly.
Laurens has most certainly an honest soul. I think he must have his liberty ere long. Congress have it in their power to imprison a whole army; and surely there is no stronger reason for confining Mr Laurens, than Mr. Lovell or General Lee.
The hymn to Ceres I bought sometime ago at Leyden, and have hunted for it every where in order to send it to you: but it is lost. I have not yet found it in this town. Will procure it as soon as I can. I sent the 1st vol. of Pol. Holl. by Mr. Dexter, and will send second as soon as it is finished.
The Dutch will not accept the mediation of Russia, but upon two preliminary conditions. First, the enjoyment of all the rights of the maritime neutrality. Secondly; a complete indemnification for all the losses sustained in the war. The English will never agree to either: So this little bubble will burst like the great one—the congress at Vienna. But when will the powers leave off this boyish sport of blowing bubbles with tobacco pipes and soap suds?
You say “the most violent Englishmen are exceedingly dejested.” So, I am told they are here. They look as malicious as the devil. But why do they not quit the career, in which they will never find an end of their mortifications? A career, in which every appearance of success is a misfortune, and every signal defeat, a blessing?
It is no such miracle. There are in England and Scotland (according to Dr. Price) five millions and an half of inhabitants. There are in the United States  Millions. The former were at the commencement of the war, one hundred and forty millions in debt: the latter not a farthing. The former were undone with luxury and corruption; the latter not quite. There is no marvel, therefore, in the issue. They should have considered these things twenty years ago; but they would not. Great Britain carries on the war and pays her interest and maintains her government at an expence of twenty-five or thirty millions a year. America does not expend two. This cannot last always. But many reasons might be given in support of this opinion, that the longer it lasts, the better it will be for America in the end. If the lion is killed, young Hercules will have the skin. He does not want it, however, because he can be warm and comfortable without it.”

				Amsterdam, December 27, 1781—signed the following agreement.I, John Adams, minister plenipotentiary from the United States of America, hereby agree in behalf of the said states to indemnify Messrs. Van Arp and company, as directors and part owners of the ships, the Liberty and the Aurora, and all the other owners of the said ships, from all claims and demands whatsoever, which may be made on them, on account of the delivery of the goods, specified in the list hereto annexed, which were shipped on board the said ships, to the hon. Thomas Barclay, Esq. consul general of the said states. Witness my hand,John Adams.Amsterdam, December 29, 1781—wrote to congress: “The minister of the court of Vienna has announced to their high mightinesses, the accession of the emperor to the armed neutrality, in the following manner:The emperor having been invited by her imperial majesty of all the Russias, to accede to the principles of neutrality, which have been laid down in her declaration of the 28th of February, 1780, transmitted to the belligerent powers, his majesty has accepted of this invitation, so much the more willingly as he is convinced of the justice and equity of these principles. In consequence their imperial majesties have resolved between themselves, and caused to be exchanged at St. Petersburg, acts of accession on one part and of acceptation on the other, of which the subscriber, envoy extraordinary, has the honor to transmit copies by order of his court, to their high mightinesses, requesting them to accept of this communication, as a fresh testimony which the emperor is pleased to give them of his affections, and of his most perfect confidence.His imperial majesty hopes that this step will be considered as a new proof of his sincere and unalterable intentions to observe the strictest neutrality, and the most exact impartiality towards the belligerent powers. And as he has not ceased to give proofs of it through the whole course of this war, he flatters himself he shall be able to find in it, sufficient pledges of that attention and regard, which he has a right to require in return on their part, for the rights and liberties of neutral nations.Done at The Hague, this 11th December, 1781.

(Signed) The Baron De Reischack.The act of accession, presented with the foregoing note is of the following tenor.Joseph the second, by the grace of God, &c., &c. Having been invited amicably, by her majesty the empress of all the Russias to concur with her in the consolidation of the principles of the neutrality upon the sea, tending to the maintenance of the liberty of the maritime commerce, and of the navigation of neutral powers, which she has laid down in her declaration of the 20th of February, 1780, presented on her part to the belligerent powers, which principles imply in substance—That neutral vessels may navigate freely from port to port, and upon coasts of the nations at war.That effects belonging to the subjects of powers at war, be free, upon neutral vessels, excepting merchandizes of contraband.That no merchandizes be considered as such, but those enumerated in the tenth and eleventh articles of the treaty of commerce, concluded between Russia and Great Britain, the 20th of June, 1766.That, to determine what characterizes a port blockaded; this denomination is not to be given but to that whereby the disposition of the power which attacks it, with vessels sufficiently near, there is an evident danger of entering. Finally,That these principles serve as rules, in proceedings and judgments concerning the legality of prizes.And her said imperial majesty of all the Russias, having proposed to us to this effect, to manifest by a formal act of accession not only our full adhesion to these principles but also our immediate concurrence in the measures, to assure the execution of them, that we would adopt on our part, by contracting reciprocally with her said majesty, the engagements and stipulations following—viz.1. That on the one part and the other, we will continue to observe the most exact neutrality, and will carry into the most rigorous execution the prohibitions declared against the commerce of contraband of their respective subjects, with any of the powers already at war, or which may enter into the war in the sequel.2. That if in spite of all the cares employed to this effect, the merchant vessels of one of the two powers, should be taken or insulted by any vessels whatsoever, of the belligerent powers, the complaints of the injured power shall be supported, in the most efficacious manner, by the other; and if they refuse to render justice upon these complaints, they shall concert immediately upon the most proper manner of procuring it, by just reprisals.3. That, if it should happen, that one or the other of the two powers, or both together, should, on occasion, or in resentment of this present agreement, be disturbed, molested, or attacked; in such case they shall make common cause between themselves, for their mutual defence, and to labour in concert to procure themselves a full and entire satisfaction, both for the insult offered to their flag and for the losses caused to their subjects.4. That these stipulations shall be considered, on one part and on the other, as permanent and as making a rule, whenever it shall come in question to determine the rights of neutrality.5. That the two powers shall communicate amicably their present mutual concert to all the powers, who are actually at war.We, willing by an effect of the sincere friendship, which happily unites us to her Majesty the Empress of all the Russias, as well as for the well-being of Europe in general, and of our countries and subjects in particular, to contribute on our part, to the execution of views, of principles and measures as salutary, as they are conformable to the most evident notions of the law of nations, have resolved to accede to them as we do formally accede to them, in virtue of the present act, promising and engaging solemnly, as her imperial majesty of all the Russias engages herself to us, to observe, execute and warrant all the foregoing points and stipulations. In faith of which we have signed these presents with our own hand, and have hereunto affixed our seal.Given at Vienna, the 9th of October, 1781.Signed, Joseph.The Prince de Gallitzen has notified the acceptation of Russia nearly in the same words. By the fifth article, the two imperial courts ought to notify this to Congress, for it is most certain that the United States are one of the powers actually at war. Whether they will, or not, time must discover. But by the articles, to serve as a basis of peace at the proposed congress at Vienna, these two courts have certainly acknowledged the American colonies, to be a power at war, and a power sufficiently free to appear at Vienna and make peace with Great Britain.The confederation, for the liberty of navigation of neutral nations is now, one of the most formidable, that ever was formed in the world. The only question is, whether it is not too complicated and various to be managed to effect. The conduct of the empress of Russia towards this republic; and especially in offering her mediation for a separate peace between England and Holland, has excited some jealousies of her sincerity or her constancy. But I think it will appear in the end, that she intends, that Holland shall enjoy the full benefit of this confederation; which will effectually deprive England of that sovereignty of the seas which she so presumptuously proclaims and boasts. But if it should appear, which I do not expect, that the empress should advise the Dutch to give up the right of carrying naval stores, after the example of Denmark, her glory will suffer no small diminution, and I presume that Holland, humble as she is, will not submit to it, but make immediately common cause with the enemies of her enemy.The Hague, Jan. 2, 1782.—Translation.Sir—I am charged, on the part of the Duke De La Vauguion, to have the honor of informing you, that having but just arrived at Versailles, it has not been possible for him to write you; but that he will not fail to do so, by the first courier. I am zealous, sir, to acquit myself of this commission, and to seize the occasion it presents to me, to offer you assurances of the sentiments of distinguished consideration and respect, with which I have the honor to be, sir, your most humble and most obedient servant,Mr. Adams.Le Marchand, Sec.Amsterdam, Jan. 3, 1782—Sir—Last evening I received the letter, which you did me the honor to write me, yesterday; and am happy to hear of the safe arrival at Versailles of the Duke De La Vauguion. I hope in another post or two to hear further from his excellency. In the meantime I beg leave to assure you of the respectful sentiments with which I have the honor to be, &c.John Adams.Mr. Le Marchand, Secretary.To the Duke De La Vauguion.Amsterdam, Jan. 3, 1782, wrote to Dr. Franklin. “Yesterday were presented to me two other bills of exchange on Mr. Laurens, drawn 6th July, 1780, numbers 40 and 41, for 550 guilders each; which I wait your excellency’s orders to accept. I have never been informed of the exact number of the bills drawn on Mr. Laurens on that day; but there are by the numbers which have appeared, probably many not yet arrived.

I have the honor to make your excellency the compliments of the season, and to wish that the year coming may be as prosperous as the past, and as much more so as you please.

The states will not probably accept the mediation of Russia, but upon a preliminary, that the treaty of maritime neutrality be the basis of it, and other conditions which will render the navigation quite safe.”

					John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Homans, 12 July 1810
From: Homans, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

Sir
Boston 12th July 1810.

We have the honour to address you in conformity to a vote of the general Committee of the “Bunker Hill Association,” and request you to accept a Copy of the Oration delivered on the 4th. July last.—
In commemorating the feelings and principles which led to the glorious event of our revolution, it is peculiarly congenial to our grateful sensibility on this occasion, to render homage to the virtues of those Patriots who contributed thereto, and to express individually our personal respect for your Character and our thanks for your continued support of the republican Institutions of our Country.
May the evening of your valuable life be attended with that calm serenity and sublime enjoyment which the good man only knows, and which approximates this state of existence to immortal felicity

Benjamin HomansJ E Smith—William BlagroveCommittee.


Title: From John Adams to Rev. John Disney, 13 July 1810
From: Adams, John
To: Disney, Rev. John

Dear Sir
Quincy near Boston July 13th: 1810.

This letter will be presented to you by The Reverend Thaddeus Mason Harris Minister of Dorchester the next Town to this my very good Neighbor and worthy Friend, and what is of much more importance a Gentleman of Ingenuity and Learning, and what is of more consequence yet, of Spotless Morals and exemplary Piety.
He has business of an interesting Nature in England, and has occasion for a Voyage on account of his health, which has been for some time delicate, from too intense application to study as I believe. You will find him a rational creature, and not a fanatic in Religion, or Politicks; In him you will find the simplicity of a man and a Christian and you need not suspect any Intrigues of a Sinister Politician Ecclesiastical or Civill.
I have received several Valuable Volumes, and several seperate Publications from you, for which I have formerly thanked you, and now repeat my Expressions of Gratitude.
We are so mauled in this Country by the Hammer of all the Earth and the Hammer of all the Seas that we have no leisure to produce any thing worth presenting to you. I venture however to send you a little Volume of Discourses on Davila, which I published in loose papers twenty years ago in hopes of checking the Progress of Democratical Frenzy in this Country then in full sympathy with the madness of France. Whether it ever did any good or not, I know not, and that is the greatest affliction of honest Men who engage in Public services and sacrafice their Ease, their Comforts, their Fortunes, their Health, and risque their Lives, from the pure principle of doing good: that after all their Labours, Sufferings and sorrows, the World is left in doubt and they themselves are not very clearly convinced, whether they have done any good or not.
The pleasant Hours I passed at the Hide with my Friend Mr. Thomas Brand Hollis, and his Sister Miss Brand, are still fresh in my memory, and I cannot but wish my Friend Mr Harris, may be as happy there as I was;—though he cannot be accompanied by his amiable Consort as I was.
Mrs Adams requests me to present to you her best respects and her high Esteem.
My son John Quincy Adams, who has been tossed like his Father, from his Cradle on the tempestuous Ocean of Politicks, is now in Russia, as a Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States. Since his departure, Our university have published his Lectures on Rhetorick and Oratory, deliverd while he was Professor. I send you all the Copy I have, and am very sorry it is not in my Power to send you one, more decently bound.
I cannot conclude without recollecting the vast number of men of the Highest Power, The greatest Talents, and most universal Reputation who have departed since I left England: nor without dropping a Tear over those whom I tenderly loved as my Friends. With great Esteem and real affection, / I am sir your Friend and Humble Servant,

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Richard Sharp, 13 July 1810
From: Adams, John
To: Sharp, Richard

Sir
Quincy near Boston July 13 1810.

Mr Sturgis lately presented me with a Speech in Parliament on the Expedition to Copenhagen not more distinguished by its Eloquence, than by its magnanimous assertion of the Obligations of the Laws of Nations; of Equity and Humanity in short of the General rights of Mankind. I was not surprised when I found it was by my Friend Mr Sharp, whose acquaintance and Conversation I recollect with pleasure; accompanied however with melancholy Reflections on the Number of our Convivial associates who have since departed.
The Confused state of the Controversies between your Country and mine make it improper for me to write upon Public affairs. I therefore confine myself to thank you for your kind recollection, and barely to introduce to you my Friend Mr Harris a gentleman of great Merit who travels merely on private Business, but can give you a very good account of the State of things in this Country. Wishing you great Success in you Parliamentary Career I have the honor to be, / Sir your Friend and obliged humble Servant

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Dudley A. Tyng, 21 July 1810
From: Tyng, Dudley A.
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Boston 21. July 1810

In pursuance of the permission given by your very obliging favour of yesterday I have notified the trustees &c to meet at your House in Quincy at one o clock on Saturday next the 28th instant.—
The very sudden Departure of the late President of our University is I believe most heartily lamented by all the friends of Virtue and Science in our Country. His Death is peculiarly inauspicious at the present period. While political and theological Discussions are daily assuming a still more acrimonious aspect, a gentleman of his purity, firmness and moderation, in his elevated Station, was peculiarly valuable, and makes his death to be felt as no common loss—
With affectionate Respect / I am Sir your most / obliged Servant

Dudley A. Tyng


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 24 July 1810
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

					Quincy, July 24, 1810.

				Amsterdam, February 10, 1782, wrote again to Secretary Livingston—“On the 14th instant I had the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your duplicate of the 23d of October.I congratulate you, sir, on the glorious news contained in these dispatches; but I cannot be of your opinion, that, great as it is, it will defeat every hope, that Britain entertains of conquering a country, so defended. Vanity, sir, is a passion capable of inspiring illusions, which astonish all other men; and the Britons are without exception the vainest people upon earth. By examining such a witness as Arnold, the ministry can draw from him evidence, which will fully satisfy the people of England that the conquest of America is still practicable. Sensible men see the error; but they have seen it and lamented it these twenty years, till their hearts are broke. The intention of government seems to be to break the spirit of the nation; and to bring affairs into so wretched a situation, that all men shall see, that they cannot be made better by new ministers, or by the punishment of old ones.—It is suggested that some plan of conciliation will be brought into Parliament; but it will be only as deceitful as all the former ones. They begin to talk big, and threaten to send Arnold, with seventeen thousand men, to burn and destroy in the northern states; but this will prove but an annual vapor.I rejoice the more in colonel Willet’s glorious services, for a personal knowledge and esteem I have for that officer.Zoutman’s battle on Dogger’s bank, shews what this nation could do. But—It is somewhat dangerous to write with perfect freedom concerning the views and principles, of each party, as you desire. Indeed the views of all parties are enveloped in clouds and darkness. There are unerring indications, that all parties agree secretly in this principle, that the Americans are right, if they have power. There is here and there an individual, who says the Americans are wrong; but these are very few. The English party are suspected to have it in view, to engage the republic to join the English in the war against France, Spain and America. The prince is supposed to wish that this were practicable, but to despair of it. Some of the great proprietors of English stocks, several great mercantile houses in the service of the British ministry, (at the head of whom I will now say, in 1810, was the house of Hope) are thought to wish it too; but if they are guilty of wishes so injurious to their country and humanity, none of them dare openly avow them. The Statholder is of opinion that his house has been supported, that his office was created and is preserved by England. But I cannot see why his office would not be as safe in an alliance with France as with England, unless he apprehends that the republican party would, in that case, change sides, connect itself with England, and by her means overthrow him. There are jealousies that the Statholder aspires to be a sovereign; but these are the ordinary jealousies of liberty, and I should think, in this case, groundless.The opposite, which is called the republican party, is suspected of desires and designs of introducing innovations. Some are supposed to aim at the demolition of the Statholdership; others, at introducing the people to the right of choosing the Regencies. But I think these are very few in number and very inconsiderable in power, though some of them may have wit and genius.There is another party, at the head of which is Amsterdam, who think the Statholdership necessary; but wish to have some further check or restraint upon it—Hence the proposition for a committee to assist his highness. But there is no appearance that this project will succeed. All the divisions of the republican party are believed to think well of America, and to wish a connexion with her and France. The opposite party do not openly declare themselves against this. But peace is the only thing, in which all sides agree. No party dares to say any thing against peace; yet there are very respectable individuals who think that it is not for the public interest to make peace. As to congress “adapting measures to the views and interests of both parties,” they have already done it in the most admirable manner. They could not have done better, if they had been all present here, and I know of nothing to be added. They have a plenipotentiary here accredited to the Statholder as well as to the States, and provided with ample instructions. They have given power to invite the republic to accede to the alliance between France and America, with a power to admit Spain. All this is communicated too the Comte De Vergennes and the Duke De La Vauguion, and I wait only their advice for the time of making the proposition. I have endeavored to have the good graces of the leaders of the republican party; and have no reason to suspect that I do not enjoy their confidence; and I have received from the prince, repeatedly and in strong terms, by his secretary, the Baron de Larray, assurances of his personal esteem.I wrote, sir, on the 3d and 7th of May, as full an account of my presenting my credentials, as it was proper to write; and am astonished that neither original no duplicate nor triplicate has arrived. I will now venture to disclose a secret. I had the private advice of our best friends, and the ablest statesman in the republic, to take the step I did; though the French ambassador thought the time too early. My situation would have been ridiculous and deplorable indeed, if I had not done it; and the success of the measure, as far as universal applause could be called success, has justified it. Those who detested the measure in their hearts, were obliged to applaud it in words.—I am surprized to see, you think it places us in a humiliating light. I am sure, it raised me out of a very humiliating position; such as I never felt before, and shall never feel again, I believe. I have lately, by the express advice of all our best friends, added to that of the Duke De La Vauguion and the Comte De Vergennes, demanded a categorical answer.—I knew very well I should not have it. But it has placed the United States and their minister in a glorious light, demanding candidly an answer; and the republic has not yet equal dignity to give it. In this manner we may remain with perfect safety to the dignity of the United States and the reputation of her minister, until their high mightinesses shall think fit to answer, or until we shall think it necessary to repeat the demand, or make a new one; which, however, I shall not do, without the advice of the French ambassador, with whom I shall consult in perfect confidence.My motive for printing the memorial was that I had no other way to communicate my proposition to the sovereign of the country. The gentlemen at the Hague, who are called their high mightinesses, are not the sovereigns. They are only deputies of the states general, who compose the sovereignty. These joint deputies form only a diplomatic body; not a legislative nor an executive one. The states general are the regencies of cities and bodies of nobles. The regencies of cities are the burgomasters and shepins or judges, and counsellors, composing in the whole a body of four or five thousand men scattered all over the republic. I had no means of access to them by the press; because the president refused to receive my memorial. If it had been received, it would, of course, have been transmitted to all the regencies.  In that case it would have been printed, for there is no memorial of a public minister but what is printed. When the president said, sir, we have no authority to receive your memorial, until your title and character are acknowledged by our constituents and sovereigns, for we are not the sovereigns; I answered, in that case, sir, it will be my duty to make the memorial public in print; because I have no other possible way of addressing myself to the sovereign, your constituents. The president made no objection. And there has been no objection to this day. Those who dreaded the consequences, to the cause of anglomany, have never ventured to hint a word against it.—The Anglomanes would have had a triumph if it had not been printed, and I should, before this day, have met with many disagreeable scenes, if not public affronts. This openness has protected me.To conciliate the affections of the people; to place our cause in an advantageous light; to remove the prejudices which Great Britain and her votaries daily excite; to discover the views of the different parties; to watch the motions that lead to peace between England and Holland; have been my constant aim and employment, since I have resided here. The secret aid of government, in obtaining a loan, I have endeavored to obtain; but it can never be obtained, until there is a treaty.I have hitherto preserved a friendly connection with the French ambassador; and that without interruption. The new commission for peace and the revocation of that for a treaty of commerce with Great Britain, I have recieved.My language and conduct is that of a private gentleman: but those members of congress, who think this proper, know that I have held public places in Europe, too conspicuous for me to remain incognito in this country; nor is it for the interest of the public that I should attempt it.I should be extremely obliged to you, sir, if you would let me know the dates of all the letters that have been received from me since I have been in Holland, that I may send further copies of such as have miscarried.The States of Holland have accepted the mediation of Russia, on condition of saving the rights of the armed neutrality. There has been a balancing between a treaty with France and the acceptance of this mediation. Amsterdam said nothing—The mediation was accepted. But several provinces have declared for a treaty with France. People of the best intentions are jealous of a peace with England upon dishonorable terms; but France will prevent this; though she does not choose to prevent the acceptance of the mediation, as she might have done, by consenting to my making the proposition of a triple or quadruple alliance. Her ambassador says, the king must not oppose the empress of Russia, who will be of importance in the final settlement of peace.France has not ever discovered much inclination to a treaty with the republic. The demolition of the barrier towns, as well as the French ambassador’s opinion, against presenting my memorial at the time it was done, may explain this disinclination. I believe too, that France can explain the reason of the delay of Spain; where we make a less respectable appearance than in this republic. The delay of Spain is fatal to our affairs. Yet I know the American minister there, (Mr. Jay) to be equal to any service; which makes me regret the more, the delay of that kingdom. The constant cry is, why is Spain silent? We must wait for Spain. Nothing gives greater advantage to the English party. The nature of the government in an absolute monarchy like Spain, would render it improper and impossible, to make any application or memorial public. The nature of this government rendered it indispensably necessary. The business must begin in the public, that is, in all the regencies. De Wit and Temple, it is true, made a treaty in 5 days. But De Wit risqued his head by his temerity, upon the pardon and confirmation of the regencies. But was a time and a measure, which he knew to be universally desired. The case at present is different. Mr. Van Bleiswick, though he told me he thought favourably of my first application, would not have dared to take a single step, without the previous orders of his masters, as he told me.It is the United States of America that must save this republic from ruin. It is the only power that is externally respected by all parties: although no party dares as yet to declare openly for her. Nearly one half of the republic declares every day very indecently against France. The other against England; but neither the one nor the other declares against America, which is more beloved and esteemed than any other nation of the world.We must wait however, with patience.—After oscillating a little longer and grasping at peace, finding it unattainable, I think they will seek an alliance with America, if not with France. I had a visit, a week ago, from one of the first personages in Friesland, who promised me, that in three weeks I should have an answer from that province.”Amsterdam, Feb. 20, 1782— wrote to Dr. Franklin: “Yesterday I had the honor of yours of the 12th, and will take an early opportunity to send you all the light I can obtain by inferences from the numbers of the bills. Those already presented I shall accept, according to your advice.Your office is certainly a disagreeable one in many respects, and mine grows every day more and more disgusting to me. I wish myself at home every hour in the four and twenty, and I hope ere long to obtain permission to go. Affairs here are in such a situation that I could not be justified in going until congress shall appoint another, or recall me: or I would ask leave to return in the alliance. Is Mr. Laurens exchanged? If he is, and will come over here and take his own place, I would venture to go home without leave.The Duke de la Vauguion is returned. I had the honor to make my compliments to him on Saturday at the Hague, where I attended Dr. Macilane’s church on Sunday, and the Prince’s review upon the parade afterwards, and where in future I propose to spend more of my time.You need not be anxious about the result of my demand of an answer. It was a measure to which I was advised by the Duke de la Vauguion, and by the Compte de Vergennes, and by several worthy gentlemen in the government here. It was intended to bring necessarily into deliberation a connection with France and America on one side, at the same time when they considered the mediation of Russia on the other; in order to prevent their acceptance the mediation without limitations. The great city (Amsterdam) has lately faulted very much in point of firmness. I cannot but wish that the proposition for an accession to the alliance between France and America could have been made last week, the critical moment when it would infallibly have prevented the acceptation. But France did not think it politic to do any thing against the views of Russia. Nothing however, but delay will be produced by this Mediation.The United States  stand here in a more respectable light than in Spain.

Here, they are openly and candidly demanding an answer. If they receive one in the negative, it will be no more than the republic has a right to give; and we shall loose nothing; but remain exactly where we were before it. If they give no answer for a year to come, the dignity of the United States is safe.—That of the united provinces will be hurt by the delay if any. In Spain, the United States have been waiting in the person of one of their presidents, now going on three years, and have no answer. Now, I say, it is better to be open. Here the constitution demanded publicity. In Spain it forbid it.—But the dignity of the United States is injured more than it would have been, if the demand to that court could have been made public. For my own part, I own as a private citizen or a public man, I would not advise the United States to wait forever, either in Spain or Holland. If it suits not their affairs to make a bargain with us, let them tell us so candidly: and let us all go home, that at least we may not be under the necessity of calling upon your excellency for water to drink, which had much better quench the thirst of our army.”Amsterdam, Feb. 20, 1782—wrote to Major General the Marquis de la Fayette: “My dear General—yesterday maj. Porter brought me your kind favour of the first of this month, together with some letters from America, in one of which is a resolution of congress, of the 23d of November, “That the secretary of foreign affairs acquaint the ministers plenipotentiary of the U. States, that it is the desire of congress that they confer with the marquis de la Fayette, and avail themselves of his informations relative to the situation of public affairs in the U. States.”This instruction is so agreeable to my inclination, that I would undertake a journey to Paris, for the sake of a personal interview with my dear general, if the state of my health and the situation of affairs in which I am here engaged did not render it improper.

Permit me, however, to congratulate you on your arrival with fresh and unfading laurels; and to wish you all the happiness, which the sight of your family, the applause of the public, and the approbation of your sovereign can afford you. I should be happy in your correspondence; and if there is any thing in this country which you would wish to know, I should be glad to inform you as far as may be in my power.This republic is balancing between an alliance with France and America on the one hand, and a mediation of Russia for a separate peace on the other. The bias is strong for peace; but they cannot see a prospect of obtaining it, by the mediation. They are determined however to try the experiment, but are so divided about it, that all is languor and confusion. I fancy they will oscillate for some time; but at last, finding the negotiations for a separate peace, a mere illusion, they will unite with the enemies of their enemy.Upon your return to America, I should be obliged to you, if you would say to some of the members of congress, that if they should think fit to recal me, it is absolutely necessary, in my humble opinion, that they should have some other person here, invested with the same powers.

With the sincerest affection and esteem,
I have the honor to be, &c.”About this time wrote to Mr. Dana:—“Your favor of Dec. 31, Jan. 11, 1781-2, I received yesterday, and in an hour or two after, the letters inclosed were sent to me. As I have not received any of my letters by the Viscount de Noailles nor by the marquis, I was very anxious to know the news, and took advantage of your permission to open the letters. That from Mrs. —— gave me vast pleasure, it put me in spirits for the whole day. The other was wholly upon business. You may depend upon it, I shall make use of the liberty you allow me, with great delicacy.The accounts from America are very favorable: rather too confident that the war is nearly at an end; but not relaxing the string of a bow.You have seen in the papers, a requisition to the states, which made a lively sensation. If the negotiation for a separate peace should pass away, there is a probability of a connection with the other enemies of England. But you know this people.To the enquiry (of the empress) who will shew me any glory, the answer is easy, because there is but one way to it. Send an Ambassador to the United States of America; acknowledge their sovereignty; invite them to a congress at Vienna, with the other belligerent powers. What can be more simple and certain of success? This would be the brightest beam of all her glory. This would endure to all generations. This would give peace to mankind. For every other power of Europe would follow the example immediately.It was the father I meant by 20, who is now at liberty.Have you seen certain letters of Mr. D. in the Morning Post? Honesty always turns out right. Iniquity never makes joints and squares. An honest man has never any thing to do for his justification; but to wait for the testimonies of his enemies.(N.B. in 1810. This is only true, when we take into consideration the whole of space and duration.)I will send a dictionary to my dear son, by the first vessels that go in the spring. I pity him to be obliged to make brick without straw.(1810. N.B. This letter should have been inserted before that to the marquis de la Fayette.)Amsterdam, Feb. 21st, 1782—wrote to Mr. Jennings: “The next morning after the receipt of your letter, I went to Mr. de Neufville and paid him the eight ducats as you desired, for which I enclose his receipt.I want to know whether Mr. Laurens is exchanged for Gen. Burgoine? Whether he knows that he is in the general commission for peace, or not? Whether and when he intends to come over to the continent. Pray invite him for me (I dare not do it myself for fear of hurting him) to come and take his abode with me in my house, and take possession of his station here. You may easily do it, by means of your friend.I want your charitable aid in another affair. I have received letters from the parents of some others in prison, to whom I am desired to lend some money. I will inclose their names. Should be obliged to you, if you would take measures to supply them forwith withsterling each, and to know of them and of the others whom you befriended before, whether they are in want of more, and how much: but exort them, however, to frugality, for the sake of their parents.This is so malicious a kind of work, that I know it will gratify your ill nature.Nathaniel Beal, Lemuel Clark, Gridley Clark, Lewis Glover, Samuel Curtis, Jedediah Bass, Thomas Vinton, William Horton, are the names. The inclosed letter mentions a Benjamin Brackett and his case. I know the uncle, Joshua Brackett, and will advance any reasonable sum for him, if that can procure his release or exchange.

					John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 27 July 1810
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

					Quincy, July 27, 1810.

				Amsterdam, Feb. 21, 1782, wrote to the Hon. Robert R. Livingston, Secretary of State for foreign affairs. Secret and confidential.—Sir, I know very well the name of the family where I spent the evening with my worthy friend Mr.——, before We set off, and have made my alphabet accordingly; but I am on this occasion, as on all others hitherto, utterly unable to comprehend the sense of the passages in cypher. The cypher is certainly not taken regularly under the two first letters of that name. I have been able sometimes to decypher words enough to shew, that I have the letters right; but upon the whole I can make nothing of it, which I regret very much upon this occasion, as I suppose the cyphers are a very material part of the letter.The friendly and patriotic anxiety with which you enquire after my motives and reasons for making the proposition of the 4th of May, and for printing the memorial of the 19th of April, has put me upon recollecting the circumstances. If the series of my letters had arrived, I think the reasons would have appeared; but not with that force in which they existed at the time. I have never expressed in writing those reasons so thoroughly as I felt them.The hopes have never been sanguine in any body, of inducing the republic to a sudden alliance with France or America. The utmost expectation that many of the well intentioned have entertained, has been to prevent the government from joining England. I am sorry to say it, and if it should ever be made public it might be ill–taken: but there is no manner of doubt that the most earnest wish of the cabinet has been to induce the nation to furnish the ships and troops to the English, according to their interpretation of the treaty. Amsterdam distinguished itself, and its ancient and honorable burgomaster, Temmink, and its ablest pensionary, Mr. Van Berckel, have distinguished themselves in Amsterdam. When Mr. Laurens’ papers were discovered, they were sent forthwith to the Hague. The prince in person laid them before the states; sir Joseph York thundered with his memorials against Amsterdam, her burgomasters and pensionary. The nation was seized with amazement; and flew to the armed neutrality for shelter against the fierce wrath of the king. Instantly, sir Joseph York is recalled; a declaration of war appears, levelled against Amsterdam, her burgomasters and Mr. Van Berckel; and sir George Rodney in his dispatches pursues the same partiality and personality against Amsterdam.—What was the drift of all this? Manifestly to excite seditions against Temmink and Van Berckel. Here then is a base and scandalous system of policy, in which the king of Great Britain, his ministry and admiral all condescend to engage; manifestly concerted by sir Joseph York at the Hague, and I am sorry to add too much favored by the cabinet and even openly by the prince by his presenting Laurens’ papers to the states, to sacrifice Temmink and Van Berckel, to the fury of an enraged populace.This plan was so daringly supported by writers of the first fame on the side of the court, that multitudes of writings appeared attempting to shew, that what Temmink and Van Berckel had done was high treason.—All this had such an effect, that all the best men seemed to shudder with fear. I should scarcely find credit in America, if I were to relate anecdotes. It would be ungenerous to mention names, as well as unnecessary. I need only say, that I was avoided like a pestilence by every man in government. Those gentlemen of the bank of burgomasters, schepins, pensionaries and even lawyers, who had treated me with great kindness and sociability, and even familiarity before, dared not see me, dared not be at home when I visited at their houses; dared not return my vists, as they had done; dared not answer in writing a card that I wrote them. I had several messages circulated in a round about way, and in confidence, [some of them were sent and returned through the Hague] that they were extremely sorry they could not answer my cards and letters in writing, “Parceque l’on fait tout son possible, pour me sacrifier aux Anglomanes”—that is as much as to say in English. “Because they are exerting all their art and all their power to sacrifice me to the English madcaps.” Not long after this arrived the news of the capture of St. Eustatia, &c. This filled up the measure. You can have no idea, sir; no man who was not upon the spot can have any idea of the gloom and terror, that were spread by this event. The creatures of the court openly rejoiced in this, and threatened; some of them in the most impudent terms. I had certain information, that some of them talked high of their expectations of popular insurrections against the burgomasters of Amsterdam and Mr. Van Berckel, and did Mr. Adams the honor to mention him as one who was to be hanged by the mob in such company.In the midst of the confusion and terror, my credentials to this republic arrived from Paris, through an hundred accidents and chances of being finally lost. As soon as I read my dispatches, and heard the history of their escape by post, diligence, and trecht schoults, it seemed to me as if the hand of Providence had sent them on purpose to dissipate all these vapors.With my dispatches, arrived from Paris intimations of their contents; for there are no secrets kept at Paris. The people, who are generally eager for a connexion with America, began to talk; and paragraphs appeared in all the Gazettes, in Dutch and French and German, containing a thousand ridiculous conjectures about the American ambassador and his errand. One of my children could scarcely go to school, without some pompous account of it in the Dutch papers. I had been long enough in this country to see tolerably well where the ballance lay; and to know that America was so much respected by all parties, that no one would dare to offer any insult to her minister, as soon as he should be known. I wrote my memorial and presented it and printed it, in English, Dutch and French. There was immediately the most universal and unanimous approbation of it, expressed in all companies and pamphlets and newspapers; and no criticism ever appeared against it. Six or seven months afterwards a pamphlet appeared in Dutch, which was afterwards translated into French, called “Considerations on the Memorial;” but it has been read by very few, and indeed is thought by all parties not worth reading.The proposition to the president being taken ad referendum, it became a subject of the deliberations of the sovereignty. The prince, therefore, and the whole court are legally bound to treat it with respect and me with decency; it would be criminal in them to treat me or the subject with indecorum.If it had not been presented and printed, I am very sure I could not long have resided in the republic; and what would have been the consequences to the friends of liberty here, I know not. They were so disheartened and intimidated, and the Anglomanes were so insolent, that no man can say that a sudden phrenzy might not have been excited among the soldiery and the populace, to demand a junction with England, as there was in the year 1748. Such a revolution would have injured America and her allies, have prolonged the war, and have been the total loss and ruin of the republic.The period since the fourth of May, 1781, has been thick sown with great events, all springing out of the American revolution, and connected with the matter contained in my memorial. The memorial of Mr. Van Berckel; the proposition of the burgomasters of Amsterdam; their attack on the duke of Brunswick; the battle of Doggersbank; the appointment of Senior Del Campo to treat with Mr. Jay; the success of Colonel Laurens in obtaining orders for the French fleet to go upon the coast of America; their victory over Graves and the capture of Cornwallis; the emperor’s journey to his maritime towns, to Holland and to Paris; his new regulations for encouraging the trade of his maritime towns; his demolition of the barrier fortifications; his liberal and sublime ecclesiastical reformation; and the king of Sweden’s reproach to the king of England for continuing the war, in the very words of my memorial; these traits are all subsequent to that memorial, and they are too sublime and decisive proofs of the prosperity and glory of the American cause, to admit of a belief, that that memorial has done it any material injury.By comparing facts, events and dates, it is impossible not to believe, that the memorial had some influence in producing some of them. When courts and princes and nations have been long contemplating a great system of affairs; and their judgments begin to ripen; and they begin to see how things ought to go and are going; a small publication, holding up these objects in a clear point of view, sometimes sets a vast machine in motion at once, like the springing of a mine.“What a dust we raise!” said the fly upon the chariot wheel. It may be thought impossible to prove, that this whole letter is not a similar delusion to that of the fly. The counsels of princes are enveloped in impenetrable secrecy. The true motives and causes, which govern their actions, little or great, are carefully concealed. But I desire only that these events may be all combined together; and then that an impartial judge may say, if he can, that he believes, the homely, harmless memorial had no share in producing any part of this great complication of Good.But be all these speculations and conjectures as they may, the foresight of which could not have been sufficiently clear to have justified the measure; it is sufficient for me to say, that the measure was absolutely necessary and unavoidable. Without it, I should have been contemptible and ridiculous, (or obliged to retire to France or Germany.) By it I have secured to myself and my mission universal decency and respect, though not as yet an open acknowledgment or avowal.I write this to you in confidence; you may entirely suppress it or communicate it in confidence, as you judge for the public good.I might have added, that many gentlemen of letters of various nations have expressed their approbation of this measure. I will mention only two. Mr. D’Alembert and Mr. Raynall, I am well informed, have expressed their sense of it in terms too flattering for me to repeat. I might add the opinion of many men of letters in this republic.The charge of vanity is the last resource of little wits and mercenary Empirics, the vainest men alive, against men and measures to which they can devise no other objection. I doubt not but letters have gone to America, containing their weighty charges against me; but such charges, if supported only by the opinion of those who make them, may be brought against any man or thing.It may be said, that this memorial did not reach the court of Versailles, until after col. Laurens had procured the promise of money and ships. But let it be considered, colonel Laurens brought with him my credentials to their high mightinesses, and instructions to Dr. Franklin to acquaint the court of Versailles with this fact and request their countenance and aid to me. Col. Laurens arrived in March. On the 16th of April I acquainted the Duke De La Vauguion at the Hague, that I had received such credentials, and the next day waited on him in person, and had that day and the next two hours conversation with him each day upon the subject, in which I informed him of my intention to go to their high mightinesses.—All this he transmitted to the Comte De Vergennes; and thought it might procure me the reputation of vanity and obstinacy. I shall forever believe that it contributed to second and accelerate colonel Laurens’ negociations, who succeeded to a marvel, though Dr. Franklin says he gave great offence. I have long since learned, that a man may give offence and yet succeed. The very measures necessary for success may, or at least may be pretended to give offence.The earnest opposition made by the duke de la Vauguion, only served to give me a more full and ample persuasion and assurance of the utility and necessity of the measure. His zeal convinced me that he had a stronger apprehension that I should make a great impression, somewhere, than I had myself. “Sir,” said the duke, “the king and the United States are upon very intimate terms of friendship. Had you not better wait until we can make the proposition in concert?” God grant they may ever continue in perfect friendship; but this friendship does not prevent your excellency from conducting your negociations without consulting me. Why then am I obliged, in proposing a simple treaty of commerce, which the United States have reserved to themselves the entire right of proposing, to consult your excellency? If I were about to propose an alliance, or to invite or admit the Dutch to accede to the alliance between the king and the States, I should think myself obliged to consult your excellency—“But,” said the duke, “there is a loan talked of to be opened by the United States here, under the warranty of the king. How will it look for you to go to the states general, without my concurrence?” Of this I know nothing; but one thing I know, if such a loan should be proposed, the proposition I propose to make to the states general, instead of obstructing will facilitate it, and your proposal of a loan will rather countenance me.“Is there not danger,” said the duke, “that the empress of Russia, and the other northern powers, will take offence, at your going to the states general before them?” Impossible! they know that the Dutch have been our old friends and allies; that we shall have more immediate connections of commerce with Holland than with them; but what is decisive in this matter is, America and Holland have now a common enemy in Great Britain  at open war, which is not the case of any of the northern powers.“Had you not better wait, until I can write to the comte de Vergennes, and have his opinion?” I know already, beforehand, what his opinion will be. “Aye, what?” Why directly against it. “For what reason?” Because, the comte de Vergennes will not commit the dignity of the king, or his own reputation, by advising me to apply until he is sure of success; and in this he may be right; but the United States stand in a different predicament; they have nothing to loose by such a measure, and may gain a great deal.“But,” said the duke, “if Holland should join England in the war it will be unfortunate.” If there were danger of this, a proposition from the United States would be one of the surest means of preventing it: but the situation of Holland is such, that I am persuaded they dare not join England. It is against their consciences, and they are in bodily fear of an hundred thousand men from France. “God!” said the duke, “you have used an argument now, that you ought to speak boldly, and repeat peremptorily in all companies, for this people are governed very much by fear.” I have however spoken upon this subject, with delicacy upon all occasions, and shall continue to do so: but shall make no secret that I am sensible of it.After the duke had turned the subject round and round in all the lights it could bear, I told him, that I believed he had urged every objection against the measure that could be imagined: but that I was still clear in my former opinion. “Are you then decided.” said the duke, “to go to the states?” Yes, sir, indeed I must say I think it my duty.The duke paused a few moments and then said, “well, in that case you may depend upon it, I will do all in my power as a man, but not as an ambassador, to countenance and promote your application.”I shall make a comment or two, Messrs. Printers, upon this letter, without which it may not be so well understood.1st. It was written to justify myself for presenting my credentials to the states general and for printing my memorial, in answer to a letter from Mr. Secretary Livingston, in which, in plain English, he had reprimanded me, strange as it may seem, very severely, for my conduct in these instances.2. An allusion is made to a copy of a letter, or rather an extract of a letter, which was transmitted to me, through a friend, from London, said to have been written by one of the first personages in France, (meaning the comte de Vergennes) to one of the first personages in Great Britain, (meaning the Earl of Shelbourne) in these words, as nearly as I recollect them. “Nons n’avons pas une confiance, bien aveugle, en Monsieur Adams. On le croit honnêtte; on le souit ardent, inflexible même dans sa cause: mais il abonde trop en son sens, et ne scait pas se donner aux convenances.” “Nous aimons mieux, placer confiance en Monsieur Franklin.”3. I believed that the reproof in Mr. Livingston’s letter had been insinuated into him by the Chevalier de la Luzerne, or Mr. Marbois, or some other gentleman of the French legation, and that in consequence of previous instructions from the comte de Vergennes, or Mr. Rayneval. Such, whether corrupstly or not, was my belief.4. There is not an effect of that memorial, suggested in this letter as possibly or probably flowing from it, that I do not now in 1810, after near thirty years of examination and reflection, believe to have been produced by it. Holland then held a much higher consideration in Europe, than it has since.

					John Adams.