Title: From Elizabeth Smith Shaw Peabody to Abigail Smith Adams, 5 May 1812
From: Peabody, Elizabeth Smith Shaw
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

Atkinson May 5th. 1812

The Calender informs me it is the month of May, my Dear Sister—I should not suppose it, by the warmth of the weather, the budding of the trees, nor the Verdure of the grass—for Lo, the ground is covered with Snow, two, or three Inches thick, & I am almost froven—It is an extraordinary Storm for the Season of the Year—It is not without most fearful apprehensions that I perceive this whole globe appear sickly, & convulsed, teeming with Commotions in the natural, moral, religious, & political World—The face of the latter assumes a formidable, dark aspect—What will be the effect of its menaces, is not for me to say—& hitherto my Sister, I have been very silent upon the Subject; not because I have been uninterrested, or am an unfeeling Spectator of the fate of my Country; nor because I do not feel more genuine Phylanthropy & Patriotism than appeared to glow in the breast of the King of Israel, who seemed to be quite composed, if he could only have Peace in his Day; for I pray, it may not only be in my Day, but Peace, & Liberty be transmitted to the latest Posterity—
Though I have thought much upon the Subject of Politicks, & feel deeply concerned, yet I dare not open my mouth, lest I should betray my own Ignorance—It is impossible to gain a Knowledge of Truth, by the newspapers, while party Spirit so evidently prevails—Perplexed in mazes, Calumny, falsehood, & Imbecility is I think what marks the Conduct of the present Day—& all the way I have to judge of a thing, is to know the Person who advocates the Cause—Frequent Elections no doubt give scope to all the malovelent Passions, but is it not the Imperfection, or Evil of a republican Government which cannot be avoided?—Like the Liberty of the Press, which to prevent, would rob of a natural Right, & establish Despotism—“Righteousness” is justly said, to be the Stability of any Nation, or Government—& here it is I fear we greatly fail, & totter to the Base—It gave me heart felt pleasure to find you thought George had improved—no one ever tried more than their possibles than Abby, & I have done—I am pleased to find Abby inherits her Father’s good spirit of Government, united with the Quincy dignity, & sweetness of manner—& a kind reproof administered with caution generally proves a Cup of Cordial, swallowed with ease—& George has so much reason, & ingeneiousness, as often to throw his arm round her neck, & say, “O Cousin! I do love you!—I know all you do is for my good”—I am sensible John is naturally more fiery, but when here, he never begins; but is too quick, & rash in resenting a supposed insult—& they are both very good to each other I have observed an Error in them, & in other Boys of very excellent Talents—that is, they trust to much to them, & are apt to be very negligent in their application, & exertions—whereas such should always be industrious, & lead, & head their Class—Talents were not given to lag, or sleep with—nor be wraped in a Napkeen—& to what eminence others have reached, surely, those who are blesed with Talents, may attain—as great—Mr Peabody requested Scions of your good Pear Trees, I hope Mr Adams did not forget to have them, Cut, that they may be brought when the children return—I wish a young root, or two of your Damask roses might be sewed in little Cloth Bag, or paper & sent me, I cannot get any in this part of the world—
Abby says, she knows when Mam’m has done writing, that is, when she has no paper to add a line more, & that if she wrote as much, there must soon be a scarcity of paper—How we strive for excuses, for our own neglect?—
Please to tell the Children, that Wilson has returned—Studies like a new Creature, & behaves exceeding well—Coffin, & Locke, have not yet come—Mr Orr boards here, & we have a set of most steady youths in the Academy—our House is as pleasant, & still as we want it—Please to give our respectful Love to the President, kind Love to all from your ever affectionate Sister
E P—
PS.—I thank you for the care you, & cousins took of my Son, His Sister intreated of him, to let her take home a peice of Cloth for to make him Shirts—But—all I can say is, I am thankful he is no worse, & hope he is good to Others, though he neglects himself—


Title: From Elizabeth Smith Shaw Peabody to Abigail Smith Adams, 16 May 1812
From: Peabody, Elizabeth Smith Shaw
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

My Dear Sister,
Atkinson May 16th. 1812—

I have the pleasure to inform you, that your dear Grandchildren reached here Friday noon, safe, & are very well in health, & I do not know that a greater share was every enjoyed in this Town, & in the Towns near us, than has been for months past—The Spotted Fever has afflicted many families, north, & west of us, but as yet, we have been preserved—& I hope Heaven will continue its merciful Protection,—& shield us from the Pestilence, that “walketh in Darkness”—I believe it is not so mortal as it has been—the Season of the year may have some favourable effect, at least I hope it will—The human Frame being so long compressed by the cold air, has engendered much billious matter, which occasions a putrid State of the blood, & breaks forth in Spots, abcesse’s, & sore throats, & mouth—Mr Peabody is sadly troubled by the latter, & been so almost a fortnight—His mouth, & throat swelled so suddenly last Saturday, that I feared he was taken with the old throat distemper, & he was unable to attend publick worship, & could hardly speak—He said, he could not live an Hour it seemed to him, if it increased, an hour more, as fast as it had done—But by steemings by Herbs, & vinegar, he grew easier—I never saw a person keep about, with such a mouth as he has now—I find it hard work to keep him from catching cold—for he will go out—Men, consider it their prerogative to do as they please—& so the poor head strongs must suffer—
I should have written to Mrs Cranch & Greenleaf, but company yesterday prevented—But she may depend, & you my Sister, that if we consider any danger more than we always have of Sickness I shall rejoice to have a place to send the Children, were I hope they may find Preservation—The mail is come, Mr Peabody says, & Joins in every affectionate sentiment for the President, you, & family with / your Sister

E P—


Title: From John Adams to John Adams Smith, 20 May 1812
From: Adams, John
To: Smith, John Adams

Mon cher Petit Fils
Quincy May 20th 1812

My letter to you of 22 Decr was unacknowledged till 24 March. Yours to me of 24 March, is not to be answered, This you see is but retaliation, which in these days seems to be the law of this land & of all lands & all seas. I do not accept the lame hand as an apology—Nor is the insinuation of ambidexterity of Jefferson any ornament or seasoning to the dish to my taste. Jefferson was my friend 37 years ago, is now, & ever since has been, and I have been his. and notwithstanding some & many appearances I have never seen so much duplicity in him, as in every other public man, whom I have ever numbered among my political Friends excepting two or three among whom neither Livingston Clinton or Washingtonwas is one. I rejoice my dear Grand Son, to find you an advocate for a Navy. Thirty seven years ago I was on a committee of Congress to create a Navy. A Navy grew like Jonah’s Gourd, or like a mushroom in a night. it furnished as with arms amunition cannon, Mortars, Cloathing. It captured great Quantities of European and West India goods, & in short proved a measure of Oeconomy for it more than paid every farthing of its expense. It left a noble ballance in the Treasury. In 1797. 1798, 1799 &c—John Randoph says I forced a Navy prematurely Yet that Navy procured more glory to this country, than all its policy all its heroism & all its Patriotism since 1783. It compleately protected our commerce & saved ten times more money to this nation than all its cost.
I hope you have read the speeches in Congress upon the subject of a maritime defence especially and above all those of Mr Quincy & Mr Loyd—in the present session. I have reason to believe there is not an enlightened Admiral, Post Captain Lieutenant or Midshipman in Europe who does not look with astonishment at our the blindness of our national councils relative to a naval defence. Let me give you an anecdote on two to shew the sense of naval Gentlemen in Europe. In June 1779 I was invited by Mr De Thevenot, intendant of the Royal Navy of France at L’orient, and one of the most learned skillful & respectable sea officers in Europe to dine with him At table he said to me—“Mr Adams Your Country is destined to be the greatest Naval Power in the World! What may be your reasons, Sir for thinking so? “because you are the rising power of the World & because you have every material of Naval Power within yourselves, you have, Iron, Hemp, Timber of all sorts particularly masts in great abundance & equal in quality with any nation in all Europe; & because you have Naval-Architects equal in skill & science to any in the World.”—I have the satisfaction to know, Sir that we have ingenious & skillful Shipwrights & a great many of them—but I should be afraid to say they were equal to any in these old Countries where there have been such superior advantages and Education & so much longer experience— “Notwithstanding Experience & Education—we all agree that the Frigates you have sent here—are equal to any. Your ship, Alliance, that now lies in this harbour, is as fine a Frigate as any in Europe, we have nothing in our Marine, Superiour to it. There is not a Frigate in the English Navy more compleat in any respect.” I cannot pretend to say Sir, what may happen a Century hence— “A Century! it will not be twenty years befor you will be the first commercial and Naval Power in the World.”— It is probable we shall have a good deal of commerce—but land is too plenty & living too cheap & easy with us at home—for our People to make much exertion at sea, beside they love peace and hate War too much to wish for power out of their own territory.—Anecdote 2d: In December 1780 in the harbour of Ferrol, in Spain. I was invited to dine on board an Eighty four Gun Ship—by the Comte De Sade a french Admiral commanding a squadron of half dozen Seventy fours and Eighty fours, bound to the West Indies. After dinner to Comte said to me, “your North America is going to be the greatest maritime Power in the World” how & when can that be, Monsieur Le Comte? perhaps in a thousand years, possibly in a hundred or two, but certainly it will be a great while befor it will be any great Naval Power. “A great while! Why we are all of opinion that it will not be twenty years after a peace, If your Independence is established, before you will be upon a footing at sea with the first Naval Powers of Europe.” How can that be Monsieur Le Comte? “How? Why we of the Navy have a maxim among us that with Wood, Iron & Hemp. a nation may do what it pleases, and you have all those ingredients in greater plenty than any people; your mechanicks know how to use them as well. and if you are not sensible of it at present it is impossible but you must soon find it out”—Twenty years, Monsieur Le Comte is too short a period for us to become a great Naval Power. I cannot say I should wish it in so short a time nor, indeed ever unless we should be compelled to it in self defence by ill usage from some foreign Power. These two conversations, which are truly related will convince you what the sentiments of enlightened Men in Europe were 30 Years ago—I will not relate to you the extravagant things that were said of me by the naval officers of Europe or by the most enlightened Statesmen, Enemies as well as Friends on account of my musroom Navy in 1797.8–9. but I am well informed that that Naval exertion excited the hopes of our friends, & the apprehensions of our enemies more than any thing that has been done by the US since the Peace of 1783.
I cordially agree with you in all your sentiments except one, I cannot admit that France may or can ruin this country. She cannot injure us so much as England can, nor can we hurt her so much as we can England. That Canada and Nova Scotia will seperate them selves from the British Empire at no very distant period—I am and have long been concerned. They cannot be governed but by a rod of Iron, I mean by severities that the People will not bear, If we should have a war in earnest with England, there can be no doubt that the US will endeavour to set her North American Colonies free & admit them into the Union. But I agree with you that the uproar about taking Canada was premature. The Navy is the Unum necessarium by which we may principally help ourselves or assist our Cobelligerents if we have or should have any
Love to all. We are all well, & if we continue so you shall not wait so long another time from an answer from your affectionate
John Adams


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Thomas Boylston Adams, 22 May 1812
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Thomas Boylston

N. 30.
St: Petersburg 22 May 1812.

Your N 19/10 dated 10 Septr: 7. Decr: 1811. and 3. Jany: 1812 was forwarded to me from Gothenburg, and received by me the 8th: of this present Month—And this day I received from Captain Henry, a letter dated Paris 12. April, enclosing yours N. 22/13 of 29. Feby—Your N 20/11 it seems had fallen into the hands of the Halifax Admiralty-Court, and is not to be expected—18/9 and 21/12 are therefore still outstanding—On the moving accidents by flood and field, to which our Correspondence is exposed it is useless to complain and not necessary to comment—I am indeed more mortified than you could be that my moral lectures intended exclusively for you, should have been ransacked by the harpies for proofs against that poor unfortunate Laurel—And I shall endeavour for the future to reserve my wisdome, more to myself...I suppose you will say to yourself in regard to my interest every thing that would be of any use for me to say to you; and therefore I may as well leave every thing to you, and to the blessing of Heaven.
By the list of my letters that you had received, contained in your N 19. I was gratified in finding that, with the exception of the unlucky packat by the Laurel, and of another which happened to hit the fancy of the french custom-house officers and mouchards of the police at Hamburg, all my other dispatches for you, to number 22. inclusive had safely come to hand—Your list was also very pleasing as it furnished the only Evidence I have had of the arrival of several vessels, by which I sent the letters, and for some of which I had been concerned—Since I have been in this Country I have been untill very lately left in perfect uncertainty whether nine tenths of my letters to America had ever reached their destinations.
Although I do get newspapers, often enough, and in variety enough to find them insupportably tedious, the very caput mortuum of dulness, yet those that I do get are not always of the right kind, to give me the information in which I feel the strongest interest—I receive a regular file of the National Intelligencer, and have it now down to the 25th: of February last—The debates in Congress are not what you are to understand as included in my complaints of dulness, though even among them I find some of my old acquaintance suspended occasionally in the midst of their Eloquence, by the discovery that there is not a Quorum of the house to hear them—But for the last two years, I have never had a steady succession of Boston Papers—and know very imperfectly the transactions of the Massachusetts Legislature—I have even seen only scattered numbers of the Patriot and have read only scattered fragments of the historical correspondence published in it—Your appointment as Chief Justice of the Court of Common Pleas, I learnt by letters from my Mother and from Mr Plumer, of New-Hampshire—Mr Everett wrote me from London, that there had been an entire new organization of the Courts of Common Pleas; and this was all I knew about it untill your letter informed me that the Common Pleas, were metamorphosed into a Circuit Court, and that your Colleagues were Mr N. Mitchill and Mr Ware of Wrentham. Others write me that they say nothing of these matters because I shall learn them all from you—And you tell me that you omit them because I shall hear them from others—I am therefore still in a great measure ignorant how big the spot of work cut out by the Legislature of last year, for somebody to do was, though I am very glad that so much of it was to be done by you.
Your Massachusetts Election for the ensuing year, is at the moment that I write decided—I regret very much that Mr Gray determined to decline a re-election—I can indeed conceive that he could not conveniently spare the time which his Office necessarily absorbed, but who could be required to sacrifice his time, with more reason than Mr Gray?—You have not informed me, neither have I heard from any other source, why the federal Candidate of the two preceding years was laid aside, or how the Sage of Northampton was prevailed upon to be held up again for the prize of a contested Election—Mr Strong has at least taken no part in those violent and dangerous Councils, which produced the elevation of Mr Gore—He was more cool, more cautious, more moderate during his former administrations, than Gore—He made no sacrifices to the frenzy of faction, nor to the most inveterate National enemies of his Country—I hope he never encouraged any symptoms of a system for dissolving the Union—Should the event of the Massachusetts Election shew a new change in the politics of the State, I think it could now have no effect upon the general politics of the Nation—But the hands of the federal Government would be unhappily weakened at a time when the welfare of the Country most imperiously demands that they should be strengthened, with such a State as Massachusetts in opposition to the Government of the Union.
The complexion of all the Accounts that I have received from America, since the meeting of Congress has been warlike, and if War must come, it may be as advantageously waged by us at this time; as it probably ever can be.—The British Orders of Council, the direct Cause of War, appear to be more firmly fixed in the system of English policy than ever—The manufactoring towns in the West and North of England are suffering the natural consequences of this system, and they have begun to shew themselves in a shape hideous enough in the eyes of most Ministers, but which appears to be viewed with perfect coolness and indifference by Mr Perceval.—In the shape of famine— Liverpool—Nottingham—Leeds—Manchester—Sheffield, all the flourishing towns, which had grown and prospered entirely by the intercourse with America, are precisely the places, where hunger is now breaking down the stone-walls—but Mr Perceval says it is only because the last years harvest was a bad one, and has no connection whatever with the orders in Council—and Mr Stephen ecchoes back the words of Mr Perceval, with an eloquent panegyric upon that great man—That there is or very shortly will be a famine in that part of England seems highly probable—But the soldiers are there, to shoot down rioters, men, women or children, and with their aid Perceval will get along untill the next harvest. In the mean time there is too much reason to apprehend a new incident in the Tragedy of European affairs, which will prolong the struggle perhaps for years. There is now a great scarcity of grain on this Continent as well as in England—In France it approaches already to a famine; but the prospects of the present harvest are good, and that Country is so situated, that even as early as June, the soil produces some resources to assist in feeding the People—This Country, to the very neighbourhood of St. Petersburg is a Land of Grain, and in ordinary times exports large quantities of it—But the scarcity is felt even here and the exportation is prohibited from all the Russian Ports in the Baltic—Poland is one of the Granaries of Europe—But there are little short of a Million of men in arms within its antient limits and on its borders, already consuming its present Stores, and ready to spread devastation over its future harvest.—In the debate in the British Parliament, to which I just alluded Mr Stephen admitted, and it was an extorted confession, that in her present Wants, England could expect no supply from any part of Europe—And Mr Perceval stated that during the last year, grain had been imported from France, to the amount of eight Millions.— It is from America chiefly if not altogether that England must now depend for relief from Famine.—And notwithstanding the promise of a fine Harvest in France this year, as the consumption of the present Season must encroach upon the production of the next—As not only the armies in Spain, but the innumerable myriads in the North, must be fed while destroying the sources of subsistence, I think it to say the least extremely probable that for the next year England will obtain no more supply, from the Continent than she does at present.—England, never produces grain sufficient for her own Consumption—I have heard, but not by information of which I am perfectly sure, that the prospect of Harvest this year, there, is bad—If the scarcity and the dependence upon America should continue during the next year, it will give us a new hold upon the pacific dispositions of England, of which I hope we shall avail ourselves in the most suitable manner.—
Captain Henry, mentions in his letter enclosing yours, that his Journey from to the North is postponed for the present—but he does not intimate for how long—Should he finally come it will give me pleasure to become acquainted with him, not only from the strength of your recommendation, but form what I have heard of this Gentleman from other Quarters.
We are all well; and have had a few days of Summer—Yesterday there was a fall of Snow—which will probably be the last, for more than three months—I hope the occasions of writing in that time will be frequent—in the interim I remain ever yours

A.


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to George Washington Adams, 25 May 1812
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Adams, George Washington

Quincy May 25 1812

I thank you my dear George for your Letter. I was glad to learn that you had such an agreable Ride to Atkinson, and that the objects of Nature presented themselves in Such pleasing coulours to you
The contemplation of nature, and its history fills the mind with the greatest variety of Ideas, and never brings weariness or disgust, and as an Elegant writer expresses it “The Study of Nature like the contemplations of Religion is,” forever rising with the rising mind
only reflect, that the Spacious oak, once existed in a small acorn. darwin in his Loves of the plants, a Book I dare Say which has not escaped your notice, thus expresses it—
“The pulpy acorn e’er it Swells, contains
The oak’s vast branches in its milky veins,”
who can contemplate the Heavens, without breaking forth with the psalmist, and proclaiming them the work of an Almighty hand!
daily acknowledge that almighty power to whom you are indebted for every moment of your existance, and unto whom you are accountable for your time, and the improvement of your tallents. waste not the Season of youth. it is a treasure, you can possess but once. I often think, no price would be too great to give: if I could at this Age possess the retentive powers of Youth; the true value of which I never rightly estimated but by their loss—
I inclose two Letters, and have the pleasure to Say that we are all well—my Love to your Brother. be kind and affectionate to each other. do not dispute, yeald, give up Something to each, and be assured the more friendly you are to each other, the more you will promote your own happiness, and the pleasure and comfort of all around you—
your affectionate Grand mother
A Adams—
PS it being Election week divide the inclosed between John & you


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Abigail Smith Adams, 28 May 1812
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

St: Petersburg 28. May 1812.

I find in your letter of 5. Jany: last that you make mention of others which you had written in Septr: Octr: and Novr: preceding—Of those, when the original of the enclosed was written, I had received only the last—that of 17 Novr:—But on the twelfth of this Month I received your’s of September 24. 1811—and last Monday that of 17. Feby: 1812—N:2. Your letter of October is yet to come; unless perchance it went to Halifax, or to some other den of Cacus, where the sacred rights of private Correspondence, with many other rights equally sacred to all honest and honourable men, are trampled under foot, incidentally.
Letter-writing may be called the trade, or in old English Law and Poetical language the mistery of persons in my condition—To us therefore it becomes habitually an object of importance to know, whether and when the letters that we write to our Correspondents are received by them, and whether those which are written by them in return are received by us—This may account to you for the formal stiffness with which I number in regular series all the letters that I write to you, and for that with which I particularize the time when I receive every one of yours that comes to hand—The receipt of letters from any of my friends, is always interesting to my feelings, although their contents must sometimes be, and of late have been peculiarly distressing—From you, every letter combines a double and treble interest, and even when long delayed on their passage, comes with a welcome almost as dear, as those, which have made the greatest speed.
Your letters continue to remind me of my obligations to superintend personally the Education of my eldest boys, and my own heart as constantly reminds me of my other motives for wishing to return home—I have written to have the children sent to me, if they can be sent this year; but I am afraid my request will be received too late for the accomplishment of my wish—I have also written to the President, expressing my desire not to be left here longer than another Winter, which will accomplish the period of absence which he and myself had contemplated when he was pleased to make me the offer of this mission—I have no expectation of enjoying in America the tranquility, the leisure, or the comforts of various kinds, which naturally attend my situation here—My family too, after my return will require a sort of provision, for which I shall be less prepared than when I left home, and for which I must rely upon a Gracious Providence—But as far as I can make up my mind, I am satisfied, that my duties both to my Country and to my family beckon me homeward—that I cannot in the nature of things make myself so useful to either of them here, as there, and that I must not at their expence consult my own ease or convenience. I regretted much that the opportunity afforded me for returning last Summer, was necessarily lost, though by Circumstances the result of which are among my most precious enjoyments—But I retain all my sentiments and opinions with regard to the office which I declined, and which I hope and trust is filled by a Gentleman better fitted for it than I should have been.
Dr: Johnson’s indulges himself in merriment (portly, not to say coarse merriment, such as suited his character) with Milton, for hastening home from Italy, at a critical period of his Country’s troubles, to let his zeal and patriotism evaporate in a private school—I think that notwithstanding the Doctor’s grave ridicule, I shall in this respect follow the example of Milton—My design is to be the schoolmaster of my children—A task for which I am not entirely without experience—I had taught George, what I am afraid he has in my absence forgotten, but what I still hope was not entirely lost—John has been too constantly absent from me, since he was of an age to learn any thing, but I do not intend he shall always be without such instruction as I can give him—Charles I have taken from the beginning—He reads French with ease, and speaks it I believe nearly as well as most French boys of his age—He speaks German too, but without any teaching from me; the English is of the three languages that which he is most embarrassed in speaking, but I am now teaching him to read it.—I flatter myself that with one year’s assiduity more, he will read all three as well as persons full-grown—After having executed with two of my children the Office of the school-mistress, I shall not feel ashamed to assume with them the duties of the schoolmaster—The question does indeed sometimes occur to me, whether I do not give them time which might be more usefully employed? Possibly there are meditations more sublime, and occupations more liberal, to which my vacant hours might be dedicated.—But there is an attraction in these more powerful than in the others, and no positive and commanding sense of duty has hitherto diverted me from them.
You will ere this have ample reason to be convinced that Mr: J’s rule of taking the exact Counterpart of England’s Interest, for the anticipation of her practical policy, is not likely to fail at this time—The Regent, since the Restrictions upon his authority have expired, has pursued a course equally unexpected to his former friends and adversaries—It is perhaps too soon to pronounce definitively upon its character—Louis XII. did not avenge the injuries of the Duke of Orleans—The Sovereign of Britain buries in oblivion the animosities of the Heir Apparent—In this point of View he might say like Harry the fifth in Shakespeare that
Consideration, like an Angel came
And whipp’d the offending Adam out of him.
But other motives, and other impulses are attributed to his present conduct, which if true exhibit him in a light for less Heroical—These are not merely circulated in the whispers of private scandal—They have been proclaimed by a Peer of the Realm, in open Parliament, and in language the most energetic and indignant—uncontradicted—So that the only change yet discovered at the head of that Government is an individual unprotected by that Wall of Brass which amidst the innumerable errors, and miseries, and calamities of the late Reign, surrounded and defended the person of the Sovereign—a respected private character.—There is no symptom of a change of policy towards America.
Of France and Russia, and the European Continent, I shall say nothing; and would to Heaven there were little to be said—You will hear enough and too much by public Report. Though we had a snow-storm here last Monday, being the 25th: of May, we have now what passes in this Country for Summer—I long for the pleasures of rustification which we enjoyed the last Season; but they are luxuries with which I cannot indulge myself—We are to pass the Summer in the City.—My daughter has four teeth, and is breeding four more—She is however very well; as we are all.—I remain ever dutifully your’s
A.


Title: To John Adams from John Quincy Adams, 12 June 1812
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, John

N. 14.
My Dear Sir.
St: Petersburg 12. June 1812

Within a few days I have received your kind favours of 19. Feby: and 10. Decr: last; the first of which was forwarded to me by Mr Hall, from Gothenburg, and the last by Mr Russell from London—Mr Hall came from Boston to Gothenburg, and has since arrived here in the Minerva, a vessel belonging to Mr W. R. Gray—he brought your letter of 19 Feby. and although from thence he transmitted it by the Post, I believe it had not been opened before it came to my hands—Mr Russell informs me that your letter of 10. Decr: together with one of 8 Decr: from my dear Mother, were enclosed originally under cover to Mr Barlow—That they were taken by an English Cruizer, on board the ship John, bound from Baltimore to Bordeaux, and were opened, at the admiralty Court in London—How far Sir William Scott was edified by your remarks upon the Liberties which the Gentlemen called Emperors and Kings take with the correspondence of us Republicans I have not learnt; but it seems he was willing to give another proof of the generosity of the world, by permitting the letter to be taken out of his Court and forwarded to its true destination after having had the benefit of reading it himself.
In the days of Demosthenes, we read that the Republican Athenians once intercepted certain Letters from that Gentleman, king Philip of Macedon, with whom they were at War, and who was but too successfully plotting their destruction—The public letters they naturally and justly considered as lawful prize; but when they came to that for Olympias, they transmitted it to her, unopened and untouched—This I think may pass for generosity—More generosity than I am afraid than the Admiralty Courts of any Modern State, monarchical or Republican would ever display.—Why is it that for an example of that delicacy and decorum of manners, which mankind in all ages have admired and celebrated, we must look back five Centuries before Christianity, and to a pure Democracy?
I shall follow your advice, and be very careful of your my opinions of the Common Law—One of my Motives for declining a judicial Station, was to avoid the duty of producing them to the public in a manner which might have a tendency to disturb the public tranquility—I have neither weight of influence nor energy of character enough to undertake the reformation of the moral and legal Code of my Country, though I think I have discernment enough to perceive defects in them, which a Man like those “qu’on ne trouve plus que dan les vies de Plutarque” might reform—When the present Mr John Lowell took his second degree at Cambridge (Anno Domini 1789) that he delivered a part in a forensic dispute, in which he said that with regard to any principles relating to the liberties of the People, you might as well take the Court Calendar Odes of the Poet Laureate for an Authority as Blackstone’s Commentaries This was about the time too when Mr Harrison Gray Otis said in a public Oration to the town of Boston that words only made the difference between Punic Faith and British Plausibility—English Laws, and English Virtue were not at that time in high repute at Harvard and Faneuil Halls—Now, it would not be safe at either of those places to utter such opinions—I know not that I ever could have concurred in them to their full extent—The Common Law has some admirable Institutions, some excellent principles, and many valuable usages, which our Countrymen enjoy—God forbid they should ever be deprived of them or become disgusted with them—For the sake of the good contained in them, I had rather tolerate much infirmity, and much evil, connected perhaps inseparably with them, than launch forth upon innovation, which I could not controul, and which might sweep away good and evil without discrimination.
I perceive by the Newspapers and other publications from America that the Supreme Judicial Court of Massachusetts have decided that the Common Law, does not apply to that Commonwealth, in certain cases of Libel—And that the Governor of the State questions the propriety of their decision—As represented by him, it appears to me so extraordinary, that although I have no reason to doubt his accuracy, I feel under an absolute necessity of hesitating in my assent to his Conclusions—For the protection of individual good-name against diffamation—One Law for members of the Legislature and the Supreme Executive; and another Law for Judges and Officers not eligible by the People!—Is that the Constitution of Massachusetts?—Is that the Nature of our Government?—divers weights, a great and a small! divers measures, a great and a small!—And this Law, subtilized out of the Massachusetts Constitution, by Judges upon the Bench!...A hedge for themselves; and the unsheltered tempest for others!—Can those things be?
Your extract of the letter from Monticello gave me pleasure—As to the Work’s not having so much Vogue as an author’s paternal feelings might wish, I shall easily reconcile mine to its destiny—Had it been more successful it would certainly have allowed me less future tranquility—That it should have no artificial bolstering from cabaling friends or puffers I was fully determined—From the natural decision of the public upon its merits I shall not appeal.
I have lately received from Mr Samuel Willows, at London a letter informing me that a new dividend of one shilling on the pound had been made of the Estate of Bird Sausage and Bird, and that he had received and held subject to my order at thirty days sight £173 Sterling being the part of the dividend due to me—He advises at the same time that it be drawn for from here rather than from the United States, as at a less unfavourable rate of Exchange—I believe his calculation is correct, but the rate of Exchange is very unfavourable for drawing upon England, here, and indeed every where—Or rather the English paper Currency is so depretiated that a pound Sterling is intrinsically worth exactly a pound lawful money of New-England—So that the Spanish Silver Dollar, which they coin over again and call a Bank Token, passes current in London as it does in Boston for six shillings.—I shall draw upon Mr Williams, at as favourable an exchange as I can obtain, and will request my brother to pay you six hundred dollars on this account, for which I must request you to have the goodness to acknowledge as the dividend upon Bird Savage and Bird’s effects declared at London in March 1812.—By the present exchange here it will not quite neet 600 Dollars, but within ten Dollars of it, and I think there is no prospect that it would produce more, either by waiting here, or by drawing for it from America.
We are all in tolerable health—though the Winter has scarcely yet disappeared.—I say nothing of the Assemblages of Emperors, Kings, Princes, Generals and Ambassadors, lowering in the North of Europe—Nor of the Millions destined to fatten the Corn-fields with their blood.—Would to God, I had as little to think upon the subject as I have to say.
I am Dear Sir, ever faithfully and dutifully your’s
A.


Title: From Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams to Abigail Smith Adams, 13 June 1812
From: Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

My Dear Mother
St Petersburg June 13th 1812

I cannot refuse myself the pleasure of answering, your very beautiful, and affectionate letter, of the 24 Feby, although I am at this moment, labouring under one of my severe sick headache’s, which afflict me so unceasingly, in my hair is already perfectly blanched. it is a bad apology for my silence but since I have nursed my little daughter I have suffer’d more than usual and have been continually  plagued with an Erysipelas in my Ears ever since the first Winter of my residence in this Country from the moment the cold weather sets in untill summer I have had the best advice on the subject but am inform’d there is no remedy but mineral waters or a mild Climate which are entirely out of my power as I am about to wean my daughter I trust I shall be able to address you more frequently and I flatter myself in the interim you will accept this long and tedious excuse—
Many many heartfelt thanks, for your kind, soothing, and consoling letters, which have infused a balm to my much wounded heart, and convinced me that I have still a tender, affectionate, and sympathising Parent. my eyes at this moment overflow with gratitude, for your attentions to myself, and distressed family, and I can only offer prayers to heaven, for your happiness, and prosperity, for in this world we can make you no return—
What you have said on the subject of Adelaides marriage, is so exactly my sentiment, that it is unanswerable. may she find happiness in the connection, years since she has hear’d me express my sentiments, when I had no idea, she would ever be placed in such a situation, she has carefully avoided saying a syllable to me on the proposed alliance, in her letter; you will therefore my dear Mother, not hint at my knowledge of the circumstance, as I wish to have no opinion on the subject—
My poor Caroline’s situation, has given me infinite pain She has written me a most affectionate letter, and solicits my advice, as to the course she ought to pursue, as it regards a means of subsistance. alas my dear Madam distant as I am from my home, and my best friends, I feel utterly incapable of judging, what would be either proper, or advisable, and did I dare, should certainly refer her to you, as the only person in whose opinion, she can place an entire confidence. goodness like yours my dearest Mother always runs the risk of being intruded on, and while I solicit the service; I feel that you have bestowed sufficient care and pains, on my unfortunate family to secure you from further trouble—
I sincerely mourn with my Sister TBA, for the loss of her sweet babe, and I never look at my own, without feeling the pang she must have suffer’d; say everything for me, to her my dear Mother in your own soothing manner, and she will find as I have, from experience, the heaviest part of her affliction will be assuaged—
And now dear Madam, permit me to rejoice with you, in the happy prospects of Hannah Smith, and our dear Charlotte offer them my sincere felicitations, with kind remembrance to my old friends Mrs Smith, and Mrs Welsh, tell Charlotte how much I regret the not being at her wedding, though I have left of dancing, on such an occasion. I believe I should have began again—Remember me most particularly to my dear Sister Smith, and assure her of my undiminish’d affection, and respect, kind love to Caroline, to Louisa, Susan, and Abigail, with my mostaffectionate respects to the President, to whom I return my most sincere thanks, for the kind and flattering manner in which he wrote, of my now Sainted Mother, he knew her merit and has fully acknowledg’d it—
For my Boys, what I can I say to you, dear Madam  part of your Letter distress’d me beyond conception, it surely could not have been meant as a reproach to me, but it cut me to the heart. I have so fully explained myself, and so often on this subject on my arrival in this City I discover’d our residence would most probably not be a short one and I solicited to have them sent for—Mr Ingraham, by whom I write has promised to see them, and you, he has been a great sufferer in this Climate, but will I hope find benefit from his voyage, he is a charming young man of firm, and excellent morals as a proof of which as a proof of which I am inform’d from the best authority, that he has withstood all the seductions, of this very dangerous place. he has seen us very often, and can give you all the information concerning us, you can require. Charles has been in very delicate health all this Summer Winter, but is now recovering. Louisa is ten Months old and has 6 teeth and 2 more nearlly through—I am obliged to conclude, & subscribe myself most gratefully, and affectionately yours
L C AI am ashamed to send this scrawl Louisa will suck and Charles will talk I am almost bewilder’d Catherine desires to be rememberd


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Thomas Boylston Adams, 14 June 1812
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Thomas Boylston

N. 31.
My Dear Brother.
St: Petersburg 14. June 1812

I have not received from you any letter of later date than that of 29. Feby. but I learn from a Boston Newspaper of 12. March that your fears for you youngest child were unhappily too well founded—Most sincerely and deeply do I sympathize with you upon this afflicting bereavement; and I pray that it may be made instrumental to you, and to your partner, and to us all in the only way by which good is derivable from such dispensations, by weaning us from undue attachment to the momentary existence of this life, and by reconciling us to a change which in the lapse of a few sands more or less must await us all.
For many months I have not made any observations in my letters, relating to my concerns under your management—As your Avocations had become so numerous and so frequent that the residence of my Sons in your family would have been inconvenient to you, and as their means of pursuing their Studies at Atkinson were more regular and uninterrupted than they could have been at Quincy, I am satisfied at their removal thither—If as it now appears to me more than probable, it should be found impracticable to send them to me this year, my hope and expectation is to return to them and to all my friends the next—But among the uncertainties in the midst of which it is my lot to live, continual suspense where and when my steps shall turn next is not the least painful and perplexing.—By the next Autumn I hope however to have some settled grounds upon which to determine, it they should not come out this year, what directions to give concerning them for the rest.
Not having yet received your last years Account, I am unable to conjecture how the balance of Cash in your hands will be at the receipt of this—One of your latest Letters has not made me sanguine in my expectations, but I trust you will have it in your power, to pay to my father six hundred dollars, on my Account, and to take his receipt for so much, it being for a dividend of one shilling in the pound, of the Effects of Bird, Savage and Bird, at London, declared in March last, and for which Mr Samuel Williams has authorized me to draw upon him to the Amount of £173 Sterling.—If however it should so happen that on receiving this, you should not be in funds to make this payment, you may either sell any Bridge or Turnpike Stock to raise money for the payment, or you may add it to the amount of my debt to my father upon which you pay him quarterly interest; and this additional interest to commence from the day you receive this letter—Let either of these alternatives be at my fathers own option, and pray him to make the option most suitable to his own convenience without regard to mine.
It is possible that Coll: Smith or his brother Mr Justus Smith, may make a remittance to you of a sum of money for the account of his son now with me—In that case it will of itself furnish you with funds more than sufficient for this payment of six hundred dollars—If you should receive from either of them any money on this account, you will please to give a receipt for it, as money, for the amount of which I am to be accountable to Mr William Steuben Smith, here—The money itself you will apply either to the payment to my father just mentioned, or in any other manner for my Account, and in the most advantageous manner for my interest.—You will give me the most immediate notice on receiving the money, as I have engaged to pay Mr Smith its equivalent here—You will of course understand that any such remittance to you will not be on account of my own demand upon Mr Justus Smith, according to his note to me which you have in your hands.
Within the last week, the first arrival from the United States at Cronstadt, for the present Season occurred; and the arrivals amount already to nearly twenty—The French as well as the Danish Governments have declared with sufficient formality the they will consider, and take and condemn as English property, or as having forfeited all claim to neutrality every vessel and Cargo, which shall have recurred to the protection of an English Convoy; and it is said there are French Privateers if not Danish Gun-Boats, ready to seize and carry in every vessel passing the Sound without an English or a Swedish Convoy.—How the French and Danes consider the vessels under Swedish Convoy I have not yet heard; but the Swedish Convoys have small respect for French privateers.—They have taken several of them and sent them into the Swedish Ports—The Swedish Convoys have orders to protect all neutral and particularly American vessels.
The general expectation for the last six months has been that a Peace between Russia and England would have been concluded before the opening of the Navigation; or at least that vessels under the English flag would have been freely admitted here. This change however has not yet taken place—It may happen from day to day; and according to every probability must happen very shortly—But this Season is already so far advanced, and so much time must pass before the removal of the prohibitions can be made known in England, that there will be only a short part of the Summer during which English ships will be admissible.
I mentioned to you in my last, that Captain Henry had forwarded to me your letter of Introduction from Paris—I presume that when you wrote it you were not informed of the Communications he had made to the U.S. Government—Some notice has been taken of these in the British Parliament—Lord Liverpool in the House of Peers and Lord Castlereagh in the house of Commons, admitted that Henry had been employed by Sir James Craig and did not contest the authenticity of any part of the Correspondence.—They made Sir James Craig the Scape Goat, for he had died just in time to make no reply—They knew nothing of Henry’s Mission untill after his recall and then had expressed no particular disapprobation of it—But they protested they had not intentions to promote a separation of the United States—Their treachery like their piracy was only incidental!
You will easily judge that Captain Henry’s Negotiation was no surprize to me—Though I believe I never saw him personally yet I had too long perceived traces of treasonable sympathy between Boston and the British Government in America, not to have been convinced that it existed, not only before this detection but even before Henry’s honest expedition in 1809. More of this, perhaps, hereafter—Ever your’s

A.


Title: From Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams to George Washington Adams, 14 June 1812
From: Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson
To: Adams, George Washington

St Petersburg June 14th. 1812

I write you my dear George, with a hope that this letter will not reach you. however as we have reports here of an Embargo, being to take place in America, early in the Season, I will not omit the opportunity which now offers, of assuring you of my tenderest affection, & solicitude, for your present and future welfare. Your Father, and myself, were very anxious to have both you, and your Brother, sent out to us here, and we still hope to have the pleasure of embracing you, down in the course of the Summer. should I not be disappointed, I flatter myself, I shall find you wonderfully improved, in every branch of your education; and anxious to use the utmost exertion to emulate the talents, and merits, of your father, and Grandfather. much is expected of you my darling Boy, and the progress you have hitherto made leads to the most flattering hope—
Tell your dear Brother, how much I am delighted with the rappid progress he has made in his writing, and that all I said to you, is equally meant for him. you are equally beloved & cherished and of both we form the same expectations—
Charles has been quite sickly all the winter, but is now getting much better, you have a sweet little Sister, who we think looks like Grandmama Adams, she is very handsome, and has the finest pair of black eyes you ever saw. I wish you could see what a good natured little mad cap she is, she plays all day long, and has called papa, and Mama, this six Weeks
Charles reads french beautifully, he has already read La Fantaines Fables through, and one Vol. of Berquin. he is as much delighted with these beautiful Stories, as you were. to you this will perhaps appear light reading, but remember, he is not yet five years old. he has an extraordinary taste for numbers, and your Papa takes infinite pains to cultivate it. I hope you pay due attention to this branch of your education, as it is highly necessary that you should perfectly understand it, to enable you in future, to conduct yourself with prudence, & regularity—
God Bless you both, and grant us a happy meeting soon. present me affectionately to Mr. & Mrs. Peabody, and to Abby Shaw, You may perhaps see the Gentleman who carries this letter, on his arrival, he has frequently visited me, and seen Charles, and your little Sister. and now my dear Children, I must close this letter, with every wish for your future happiness, from your tender, & affectionate Mother,
Louisa C Adams


Title: From John Adams to John Adams Smith, 15 June 1812
From: Adams, John
To: Smith, John Adams

My dear Child
Quincy June 15 1812

I duly received your letter of 22 Ult. as the merchants express it, so frugally,
To be sure, every thing in this world, if we consider only one side of it is to be lamented: because everything is imperfect. The laws and governments, the morals and religions, the customs and fashions of this low, dirty Planet, if we look at them in the abstract, view them only with our partial eyes, especially in fits of ill humour gloom and despondency; we shall gravely determine to be in a most deplorable condition. Yet this grand and beautiful; a lovely and delightful world.
Hunc Solem et Stellas, et decedentia certis
Tempora momentis; Sunt qui formidine nulla
Imbuti Spectent.
“What was there in my letter that could have been produced” you will say “all this solemn philosophy.” I answer, your lamentations over the abuses which may be made of the legitimate powers of majorities. In a house of Congress consisting chiefly of Lawyer, what would be the consequence of an unlimited power of debate in every individual? half a dozen Members in a minority of 750 speakers, might prolong, postpone, confound and defeat every measure essential to the salvation of the state. In the most critical moment when every thing depends, on promptitude, decision and dispatch, they might consume months and years in chicanery. when a ship before a gale of wind in a thick snow storm or a fog is suddenly discovered and declared by the pilot to be within a few yards of the rock or Shoals, what would be the fate if the sailors, boatswains, midshipmen or Lieutenants should claim a priviledge of harranging, reasoning & debating with the sailing master and the captain in speeches of an hour long? You lawyers can talk forever. Your Gardinier, a very clever Fellow, as the English express themselves, once spoke Seven hours, with the sole purpose of postponement and delay. I once at the Bar spoke five hours to give my client time to ride after a Record, but I was heard with perfect patience by the court and Jury, and was highly applauded by the Bar and the audience, because it was in favour of Justice. It was obvious to all the world, that my antagonist attempted to take an advantage, by demanding a piece of evidence not commonly required. By these five hours of respiration and perspiration I gained my cause, which was of great Value & manifestly honesty Limitations to the privilege of speech in a Legislature are as indispensable as they are to any Prerogative of any crown. The rules and orders of the house are all Restrictions without them an hundred Members, might speak a thousand times & other calumnies, Rebellion and Blasphemy upon every question. John Randolph alone could defeat, if he would, all measures of defence even if our country were invaded by a French or English Fleet & Army.
The difficulties of preserving affection & friendship between persons of opposite sentiments in Religion & politicks, especially when parties run high, are very great; but they may be overcome. Our navy is so lillipution that Hercules after a hearty dinner would sink it by setting his foot on it I had Like to have said that Gulliver might bury it in the deep by making water in it. Fie for shame! 8 millions of rich People so blind, so stingy or so cowardly.
Mr Jefferson is accused and may be justly suspected of sacrificing sentiment in some instances and bending Principle to his personal views of interest and ambition. If I knew anyone Man living or dead, who had not, I would worship him; not with λaτριa however. Washington, in my opinion was at least as selfish as Jefferson, Both had my esteem; neither my devotion, I loved both; but not with blindness of eyes.
What shall I say of your anxiety? Mr Pratt once my friend and one of my patrons, afterwards Chief Justice of New york: said to me “I should despair of a young Gentleman who could rise and speak at the Bar without Anxiety. Those feelings are only to be conquered by time and practice.” The same wise learned and eloquent Jurist said at another time, “In all my experience, I have never known a young man who studied, fail of success at the Bar.” I can only say the same thing in the same words. you know then the means and the indispensable condition.
we are all well
John Adams


Title: From John Quincy Adams to George Washington Adams, 18 June 1812
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, George Washington

My dear Son.
St: Petersburg 18. June 1812

In the course of the last Autumn and Winter, I wrote you five Letters on a particular, but most interesting subject; one of which I perceive by yours of 18. December you had then received—Soon after writing the last of them I became engaged in occupations which stopp’d me in the progress of my plan to continue that Series of Letters, and afterwards during the remainder of the Winter, my own infirm state of health, and that of your Mama, and of all the family have contributed to suspend the sequel of them—But I have not abandoned the intention of resuming it—I recommend it to you to keep those Letters separate from the rest; and if with the blessing of Heaven I should be able hereafter to take up and finish the thread of them you will perhaps be more capable of understanding their scope and connection than when you first received them.— In the meantime, I will no longer forbear to acknowledge the receipt of your letter, and am sorry to add that it did not give me so pleasing a prospect of your improvement as I could have desired
It is not upwards of five years since you began to learn to write, and yet your letter is written in so bad a hand that a boy with two years teaching would be ashamed of it.—But this is not all. The second and third pages of it are written topsy-turvy to the first, which is not only very unsightly and ridiculous in itself, but is a proof of carelessness in the writer which you should have known would not be pleasing to me—I hope that the next letter you send me will not only be better, but more carefully written.
Having said this much, for your own benefit, I take much more pleasure in telling you that I was gratified with the account you give me of the manner in which you employ your time, you will give my best respects to our uncle and Aunt Peabody, and thank them in my name for all their kind attentions to you and your brother John, in the absence of your Parents.—You tell me that if you do not try to advance in knowledge it is your own fault; and I am certain that you have every assistance given you to that end, that affectionate and faithful friends can afford—As you know your duty therefore, I am confident that you use your best endeavours to perform it.
As I was disappointed in the opportunity which presented itself for our return to America last year, I indulged myself for a long time with the hope, that we should accomplish it during the present—In this I have been disappointed again—But it is my ardent wish and my strong hope that we may be not longer separated from one another than untill the next Summer, and then it is my intention if it please God to come home.
Your brother Charles is now pretty well, and desires to send his love to his brothers George and John, of whom he speaks very often and wishes much to be with them—When we come, you must not laugh, if you find at first that he talks English a little queerly; because he has heard so little of it that he speaks both French and German much better.—He has read through all the Fables of La Fontaine, and one Volume of Berquin’s Ami des Enfans, which you remember you used to read to me. He is younger than you were then, and does not understand the Stories quite so well—But he improves so fast that I am in hopes he will very shortly be able to read them by himself.
Your little Sister is well too, and just going to be weaned—She has got  teeth, and promises soon to have more—She is very lively, and almost begins to say Papa and Mama—Charles loves her very much, as I am sure both her other brothers do even before seeing her.
I wish you to write me, particularly mentioning every book that you study; whether it be of English, Latin or Greek; and what progress you make in cyphering, for no doubt you have long before this begun upon it—Tell me too whether you have any opportunity to keep up your knowledge of French.—You must be now seriously beginning to prepare yourself for College.
I am, My Dear George, your affectionate father.
John Quincy Adams.


Title: From John Quincy Adams to John Adams, 23 June 1812
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir,
St: Petersburg 23 June 1812

It is several months since your Mama and I have received a letter from you, or since I wrote one to you, but the last that we did receive was so handsomely written that we were much pleased to observe your progress in that part of your studies. We hope that you have been and will be not less attentive to all the others. I suppose that before this time you have begun to learn Latin and Arithmetic.
There was a Gentleman here from Boston, Mr: Ingraham who came here last Summer and told me, he had seen George and you at your Grand papa’s before he came away—He passed the Winter in this Country, and sailed only a few days ago to return home.—For the Winter is so cold and lasts so long here that Ships can never go away before the month of June, being untill then frozen up by the ice. I was so much engaged in writing to other persons when Mr. Ingraham went, that I had not time to write to your brother and you, but I believe your Mama did—Mr. Ingraham told us that when he arrived at Boston, if he could find time he would go to Atkinson and see you—This letter will go so soon after him that perhaps it will reach America as soon as he will.
Your Grandpapa wrote me that he was engaged in a Correspondence with George and you, and George mentions having received several letters from him—I have no doubt you are both very grateful to him, as I am, for this kindness and attention to you, and I trust you will be careful to improve by the excellent advice which I am sure his letters will contain.
Your Brother Charles has learnt to read French and is now learning to read English—I teach him myself; and although last Winter neither his health nor mine allowed such constant application as I desired, yet he has learnt to read very well for his age—He longs to be with his brothers, and whenever I write to you, always asks me to give his love to you both—Your Sister Louisa is now more than ten months old, and we expect will talk and run about in a few weeks more.
Present my best Respects to your Uncle and Aunt, and my Kind remembrance to Cousin Abby: write me whenever you have the opportunity, and believe me your ever / affectionate father


Title: From John Marshall to Thomas Boylston Adams, 25 June 1812
From: Marshall, John
To: Adams, Thomas Boylston

Sir
Richmond June 25th. 1812

I received with much pleasure the lectures of Mr. Adams transmitted from you by the hands of Mr. Story. The pressure of official duties did not allow time for their perusal till lately.
This work will maintain the reputation Mr. Adams had previously acquired, & its publication will extend to other parts of the United States the fame which the delivery of the lectures gave to their author in Massachussetts.
Accept Sir my thanks for this mark of polite attention & believe me to be very respectfully your obedt. Servt.
J Marshall


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Abigail Smith Adams, 27 June 1812
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

N. 34
St: Petersburg 27 June 1812.

Mr Ingraham of Boston left this place a few days since, and I gave him a packet for Quincy, containing letters from me to my father and my brother, and to you from my wife and from Catherine— I had shortly before enclosed a letter for you, to a friend in London, to be forwarded, and I shall dispatch the present probably by the way of Archangel— Notwithstanding the numerous accidents which have befallen our letters upon their passages, there is at least this encouragement for perseverance in the frequency and punctuality of our Correspondence, that almost all the letters sooner or later arrive
Your’s of 8. Decr: however, which has reached me since the date of my last was as you anticipated, intercepted and perused by a British naval Officer, and Admiralty Judge— Mr Russell obtained it from Sir William Scott’s Court, and forwarded it to me
In that most edifying collection of documents, communicated to Congress on the 9th: day of March last, I find it written by the decent and virtuous Mr John Henry, that “he should not make use of the post offices when he could avoid it—because the contempt of decency and principles which forms part of the morals of the subaltern officers of a democracy, would incline them to break a seal with the same indifference that they break their words, when either curiosity or interest is to be indulged.”
Considering the errand upon which Mr Henry was employed when he committed to paper this folly of virtuous indignation against the morals of democracy; considering the character of the Corresondence, which he was so solicitous to secure from profanation, and the personage to whom it was addressed, I think there is not a maxim of Joseph Surface more truly comical than this.
It is not however form the subaltern officers of a democracy, but from the Members of a Legion of Honour, the Honourable Captains of Men of War, and the Right Honourable Judges of Admiralty Courts, the high minded Warriors and Magistrates of might Monarchies, that such a correspondence as yours and mine, comes with broken Seals— Far be it from me to suggest that such illustrious characters can be chargeable with contempt of decency and principle, or that they would incline to break a seal with the same differences as prompted by interest or curiosity they break their words!— Let me simply speak of facts—About this time last year Captain Campbell of the Plover a Sloop of War in His Britannic Majesty’s Service, boarded an American Vessel in the Baltic, press’d two of her men, native Americans, forced upon her two of his own invalids, British Subjects, and broke open all the private letters with which the American Captain was charged among which was one from you to me— When the American Captain arrived here and delivered me my letters he stated to me these facts— In order to obtain upon duly authenticated proof, the release of the impressed men, I gave notice of this occurrence to Mr J. S. Smith then our Chargé d’Affairs in England, who immediately addressed an Official Note upon the subject to the Right Honourable Marquis Wellesley— His Lordship answered that the Right Honourable the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty would make enquiry into the matter—and during the most noble Marquis’s Administration I heard no more about it— After his retirement from Office, his Successor, the Right Honourable Lord Castlereagh on the 5th: of March last wrote to Mr Russell now our Charge d’Affairs in London, that the result of the examination instituted in this matter by the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty was, that no letters public or private were broken open, and that no complaint was made by the Master of the Horace.— As to the Seamen, Flood and Patterson, they were supposed at the time to be Englishmen, but it appearing on examination that they are American Citizens an order has been given for their discharge. Lord Castlereagh adds that he has no doubt that this explanation of the conduct of Captain Campbell will appear perfectly satisfactory!— It does not appear that His Lordship took and notice, of that humane and generous part of the transaction, the forcing upon the American Captain, two of Campbell’s own sick British Seamen to be brought to a Country where they might have been treated as prisoners of War.
Mr Henry exhibits some Evidence that the Right Honourable Lord Castlereagh had expressed his particular approbation of his Correspondence— His Lordship thinks it was very unfair in the American Government to charge him with any hostile intentions towards the United States, but he refuses to produce when called upon in Parliament, that correspondence which he had approved—and I suppose he has no doubt that this explanation of his own conduct will appear perfectly satisfactory.— The sententious morality of Henry’s letters, and their magnanimous contempt and detestation of Democracy, must have been among their highest recommendations to the noble Lord’s favour; and as breaking seals is so peculiarly characteristic of the subaltern officers of Democracy, I dare say that if at His Lordship’s request the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty were to institute an examination whether your letter to me of 8. Decr: 1811. had been read in the High Court of Admiralty, the result would be as in the case of Captain Campbell, that no letters public or private were broken open.
The chances are about equal, that this very letter, before it reaches you, will have been read by some high and honourable or right honourable officer, Military or Judicial of the British Monarchy—The Court of Halifax, I understand have even the Candour to endorse upon the letters, before they allow them to be transmitted, “opened in Court, and filed, on the trial of” such and such a vessel— Sir William Scott is more observant of decorum—my letters come out of his Court without endorsement— I would barely suggest for the consideration of the Honourable Judge of the Vice-Admiralty Court, that with an endorsement upon the letter, it might not be so convenient for the Lords Commisioners of the Admiralty to report as the result of an examination instituted by them in the matter, that “no letters were broken open.”
And now let me add, for the information of their Honours of their Lordships, or to be short, of the reader that the family here are well with two or three slight exceptions—such as a rhumatism that I have taken by leaving off a flannel waistcoat on the 21st: of June, and the sore gums of Miss Louisa Catherine who is breeding four teeth at once— I submit, how far this may be important evidence upon the trial of the ship, and if the letter should be inspected for the discovery of a State Secret I have only to observe that the French, Austrian, Spanish, Russian, Neapolitan, Saxon, Bavarian Wurtemberg and Bavarian Ambassadors, Envoys, Chargés d’Affairs, Consuls &c &c—have all demanded Passports to leave St: Petersburg, and return to their respective Masters— Of what is to follow I may be silent— The trumpet will yield no uncertain sound; and it will be heard to the extremities of the Earth.
Ever affectionately your’s
A.


Title: To John Adams from John Quincy Adams, 29 June 1812
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, John

N. 15.
My Dear Sir.
St: Petersburg 29. June 1812

I enclose you a press-copy of my last Letter, thought it is more than ever uncertain whether either the original or the Copy will be suffered to reach you—We have lived in eventful times, but in the course of my life I have no recollection of a moment so full of portent as the present.—We have accounts here from the United States to 9. May, by the way of England—They are more immediately warlike than I expected, or could have wished—It has indeed long been my Conviction, even from the time when I participated so strongly in the former Embargo, that the British Orders in Council, unless abandoned, would inevitably produce a War between us and England—and in looking back it is an extraordinary demonstration of our extreme reluctance to engage in this War, that we have averted it for nearly five years—That England will abandon them without a War, is extremely doubtful yet; but there are Circumstances upon which I have wished to sound a hope that with a little more Patience, and Forbearance, we should see the downfall of that infamous compound of Robbery, Perjury and Fraud, by the weight of its mischief recoiling upon its authors, without being obliged on our part to resort to force for its destruction.
The most powerful patron and supporter of the Orders in Council, Mr: Perceval, First Lord of the Treasury and Chancellor of the Exchequer, was murdered within the Walls of the House of Commons on the 11th: of last Month, by an individual of disordered mind, but not mad enough to be absolved from the punishment of the Laws—Perceval’s Administration which even before his Death was struggling against the weight of a strong and growing opposition, was unable to support itself after his decease—They endeavoured to recruit their force by taking in Wellesley and Canning as subalterns under them, but were refused—The House of Commons passed a vote, to Address the Regent, and ask to him to form a new Administration, with a friendly hint how it was to be formed—Wellesley and Moira, and Canning, and the Opposition, and the Wrecks of the Perceval Ministry, were alternately manoeuvreing, mining, countermining and protracting, resigning and resuming, and publishing in the Newspapers, as if they were throwing dice or turning Cards, for the Executive Authority—This state of interregnum or Anarchy continued to the date of our last Accounts 5. June—I had flattered myself when the survivors of the Percival Administration resigned, that their Successors would immediately remove the great stumbling block the Orders in Council, and that we should be saved thereby from the impending War—But the formation of the new Ministry lingers so long that I now forbode little or nothing good from the issue of the struggle—The Perceval policy appears likely to maintain its policy ascendency yet a little longer; long enough I fear to produce that Catastrophe, from which we have so long endeavoured to preserve ourselves, but in which it seems the Will of Heaven that we should be involved.
At the same time while this Drama draws towards a tragical Conclusion, another still more terrible in its aspect is opening in the North of Europe—Russia there stands arrayed against the United Forces of France, Germany and Italy—The parties have been two years assembling against each other the whole power it was possible for them to put in motion, and last week the hostilities commenced by an invasion of the Russian Territories in Poland—The French, Austrian, Prussian, Spanish, Neapolitan, Saxon, Bavarian, Wurtemberg and Westphalian, Ministers and other Diplomatic agents at this Court have all asked for Passports and are on the Eve of Departure—The Russian Ambassador at Paris has done the same, and before this must be out of France—One of the greatest causes of this War, indeed in my opinion its only immediate Cause is the same British Orders of Council, which have bred the War between our Country and England—The expectation of this explosion also may contribute to procrastinate the final Ministerial Arrangements in England.
It was but yesterday that the account of the first hostilities in Poland reached this City; no Event of importance is yet known to have occurred; but it is believed impossible that many days should pass without a shock such as perhaps is unparralelled even in the sanguinary modern annals of Europe—What its Event will be, human wisdom cannot foresee; but here it is a moment of of profound and gloomy anxiety—And what singularly characterizes as the period is that prodigious as the armaments and preparations have been on both sides, not an intimation has been given to the public on either side of any misunderstanding between them—Russia has declared and adhered to the determination not to begin the War, but on the subject of the differences which had arisen between them, there has been a persevering refusal on her part to negotiate at all, the motive for which will doubtless now be assigned, but which as yet is unaccountable—The opinion prevails here that Sweden will be in Alliance with Russia, but the professed desire of Sweden is to remain neutral. She rejected great offers made to her, to join in the Alliance of France and Austria, and gave the first notice of that alliance here—She has made her own Peace with England upon the promise that England would acquiesce in her neutrality—But it does not appear that by this was understood the revocation of the Orders in Council, without which there can be no neutrality.
The publication of the documents communicated to our Government by Mr Henry, took place very shortly after the date of your letter of 19. Feby:—I perceive by the Boston Newspapers that the federalists there wish Mr Henry’s evidence to be construed as a testimony to their political virtue; and he certainly has taken pains to have it understood that he did not intend to expose the individuals with whom he treated—You observe that the Tory projects of H. and P. were not enough to be dreaded. I have perhaps thought them more formidable than they were; but Mr Henry’s mission and his letters have given further countenance to my opinions.—If the leaders of the Massachusetts and Connecticut Legislatures in 1809. were not ripe for open and avowed Negotiation with Henry, it was evidently not owing to any scruples of their own, but to their fears that the people would not go with them in their plan of rebellion—Henry’s letters throw a new and powerful light on the Compilation entitled Works of Fisher Ames—It was published while Henry was in Boston, and I knew at the time that an extraordinary number of copies were purchased for the express purpose of extensive circulation in the State of Vermont—If you have not read that Book, I beg you to procure it, and cast your eye over it with the recollection of the time when it was given to the public, the manner in which it was published, and the tendencies of its doctrines, to the state of popular Sentiment to which the object of Henry’s Mission was adapted—The present time is less favourable for the British intrigue to dismember our Union, than that was; but whenever we have a War with England, we shall have to contend against an internal struggle of the same Spirit—God Grant that it may be suppressed without blood!—I trust in God it will be suppressed.
Ever faithfully your’s
A.


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Abigail Smith Adams, 12 July 1812
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

N. 35.
St: Petersburg 12 July 1812

The political Condition of the World, not only engrosses all our thoughts, but absorbs all our faculties. A new War is just blazing out in the Country where I reside, and within three days distance of where I am—I have been nearly three years observing its Causes and witnessing its approaches, with the deep concern, that a common feeling of humanity, strengthened by the peculiar interest in favour of this Nation which my situation rendered so natural, could not fail to inspire I long cherished the hope, that some unforseen Event, some special and Providential Interposition, would avert a conflict, from the issue of which I could augur nothing propitious to mankind, but which the process of Time appeared to be bringing on with almost the regularity and certainty of the Revolutions of the Spheres—It has not so seemed good to that Providence whose ways however dark, are wise and merciful—The trial by Battle is upon its issue, and the destinies of the civilized World, and once more staked upon its Event.
With a still more anxious and painful sentiment, I have seen during the same period, and partly from the same Causes, the same Scourge of War suspended over my own Country—There too the natural and seemingly inevitable result of the passing Events was War, and there I more fondly indulged the hope, of some sudden and unexpected light to arise from darkness, which the Volume of sacred inspiration promises to the upright—When the frantic hand of an Assassin, without apparent motive, and without acomplice, cut short the days of the man, whom I considered as the only necessary producer and efficient author of this War, the first Sentiment which succeeded that of horror at the dead, which sent him so instantly to his account, was that of a reviving wish, which was at that moment nearly extinct; that this very act might in its Consequences, snatch my Country from that Calamity which to all human appearance had become unavoidable. After an interval of more than a month wasted in Cabals and intrigues, and serving only to prove the irreconcilable dissensions between the leaders of the various parties squabbling for the Government of England, another Event, as unexpected as the first, but consequent upon it has again cheered me with an additional gleam of Hope—which would even be strong and vivid but for the apprehension that the ardour and impatience of Indignation at our wrongs, may have precipitated measures on our part, which may yet involve us in that conflict, from which we have now otherwise the prospect of being happily extricated.
On the 16th: of June, the Death-blow was given in the British House of Commons to that political Pestilence, which has been raging nearly five years under the denomination of the Orders of Council—Their Revocation  has been extorted, with the most extreme Reluctance, from the remnants of the very same Ministry by which they were enacted; extorted by the cries of Famine, which it had spread over their own People; and by the fear of that convulsive desperation produced among them by it—As if determined to display before all mankind the clear, unequivocal and unanswerable demonstration, of the efficacy of commercial Restriction in America to controul the willful and wanton Injustice of a British Administration; they persisted in maintaining this infamous system, untill the proofs that thousands upon thousands of their manufacturers were starving under its operation, had been exhibited in the minutest detail, by the concurrent and uncontradicted evidence of an enquiry of many weeks, daily pursued—They then in a manner as awkward and ungracious, as that with which they had before adhered to their folly, declared their Intention to abandon it, and with one and the same breath, avowed that they yielded only to the gasping hunger of their People, and that they meant to clog their concession with conditions which America is under no obligation to grant, and some of which she will probably reject. There is even now an appearance of insincerity in their mode of proceeding, indicating that they have a trickish purpose to get the American Markets, open to relieve their People, and then to enforce again their piratical orders.—But as I believe the American Government, is more than a match for them at Negotiation; and as they now confess they must negotiate, I have no doubt they will be driven from this skulking hole, as they have from all their strong-holds, by the address and sagacity they will have to treat with; if by a commencement of hostilities on our part, their lingering and forced compliance should not come too late.
My principal anxiety therefore now is, for what may have been done in America—The Embargo of last April was applied at the moment when its power was most effectual, and was I strongly believe the wrenching stroke to the stubbornness of the British Ministers— Every thing that preceded viewed as preparatory for War was of similar tendency, and the publication of Henry’s Correspondence was not lost upon the two present heads of the Administration.—But I hear so much said foreboding a Declaration of War, or an actual commencement of hostilities by us, that I am uneasy lest in the moment of hurry to show the seriousness of our intention to vindicate our rights, we may have lost the benefit of their tardy repentance, and put the weapon of defence from our own hands into theirs.
The War which has finally broken out here, will doubtless make Russia, henceforth the ally of England against their present common Enemy—Both from England and from France the progress of this War will reach the United-States, much sooner, and perhaps with more accuracy than from this Capital—Since the invasion of the Russian Territories by the French troops, which began on the 12/24 of last Month, we have known here scarcely any thing of their proceedings—The Russian Armies have hitherto been retreating to unite in greater force for a general Action, but no important Event has yet happened, that we know—The armies on each side are said to be of more than four hundred thousand men.
The French Ambassador, and almost all the rest of the Diplomatic Corps, are yet here; but have now Passports to quit the Country—The Portuguese Minister, and myself only remain with certainty—The Danish Minister has not yet applied for Passports but perhaps soon will—As these Gentlemen constituted the company with whom we most frequently associated their departure occasions a considerable change in our individual conditions.—We are tolerably well in health.
I have no letter from you later than that of 17. Feby—If I judged of the Embargo, by its effects upon myself, in depriving me of your letters I should like it as little as any of my Yankey Countrymen, or as an Easton Miller—We do however in spite of it occasionally get news from America—I have learnt for example that Mr Strong is again Governor of Massachusetts—I do not think that the People of Massachusetts of late years can be charged with an undue attachment to favourites—They appear to choose Governors more for the pleasure of turning them out, than from any peculiar regard for them—I hope that neither Governor Strong, nor my dear Old Massachusetts, will again trust upon the staff of that bruised reed of Old England, for if they lean upon that it will go into their hand and pierce it—The fast anchored isle will slip from under them.
But as I had a hint some time ago that I must not talk; perhaps I shall do well to consider it as an admonition that I must not write....“But then I think”—as the Poet says; and so I will again bid you Adieu!
A.your N. 6. of 12 April—is received 13 July.


Title: To John Adams from John Quincy Adams, 13 July 1812
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, John

N. 16
My Dear Sir.
St: Petersburg 13 April July 1812.

I was closing up a letter, which I wrote yesterday to my dear Mother when I received, from Archangel, your favour of 7. April—hers of 12. of the same Month, and that of my brother of 18. March—A former letter from him, had already excited our anxiety for his infant Child—A subsequent paragraph in a Boston Newspaper, had apprized me of its decease—My Heart bleeds again with his, at this Event; which we are bound to believe ordained for wise and beneficent purposes, and which I pray may have been however afflictive, good for him and those most dear to him.
The Issue of the Election of Governor in Massachusetts, has been already sometime known to us—Entertaining a favourable opinion of the moderation and Discretion of Mr Strong, I augur no very great evil from his recovery by so scanty a majority, of the place which he lost by a majority nearly as weak—That the English faction have been compelled to take him for their champion, is proof enough that they are still wide of their mark.—He was heretofore shy of them and their politics—If he calculates upon a long second Career as Commander in Chief of Massachusetts, he will beware of them and their measures again.—If Henry’s Correspondence gave him votes this year, I doubt whether it will produce the same effect the next—That party, as long as they can keep up the struggle for the dominion of New England, or their hopeful Eastern-Empire, are doomed to roll the stone of Sisyphus—it will recoil upon them everytime they succeed in toiling it up to the top of the hill.
“Truckle to England; and go to War with France”—So said in his last days, Fisher Ames—So snarled from the first Embargo-time down to the argument for Captain Bingham, Timothy Pickering—so chattered from the affair of the Chesapeake downwards, the Yankey-Farmer and Boston Rebel—The Gentleman, who writes Analyses and Comments upon suppressed Documents—The Gentleman, who began by maintaining against me in a public Insurance-Office of Boston, that Berkley’s attack you the Chesapeake to search for and take deserters was perfectly justifiable—So openly and boldly, said Mr Gore to the Patriotic Massachusetts Legislature of 1809; and for so saying was made Governor of the Commonwealth at the next Election—So have said, still say and must say, in so many words, or in full substance to the same effect, not only every man who hankers after the Separation of the States hatched between Boston, Connecticut and Washington in 1804, but every man who pretends to have a system concerning our foreign Affairs, in opposition to that of our Government.—How Mr Strong will has extricated himself from the difficulty of talking to the Legislature on this subject I know not—I hope not as Mr Griswold talked to the Legislature of Connecticut—I think Mr Gore’s open dealing infinitely preferable to that.
But this doctrine of truckling to England, for the sake of going to War with France, never will; never can obtain an ascendency over the People of the United States; and it will forever end by tripping up the heels of those who build it upon the narrow scale of a New-England or Massachusetts system—By pinning themselves upon Old-England, they will not only always have to share more or less the Odium of her outrages upon our Country; but the danger of her treachery and perfidy to themselves; the depression of her disasters in her Wars with all the rest of the World, and the contempt at the notorious profligacy, and the stupid blunders of her Rulers.
I have the most respectful deference for your opinions upon the importance of naval armament, and an inclination perhaps more powerful than my own judgment, to concur with them all—But I have read with very little edification, the Speeches of Mr Quincy and Mr Lloyd on this subject—Both these Gentlemen are abundantly eloquent, and their discourses appear to me to contain a great deal of everything but persuasion—Mr Quincy threatens separation again peaceably if we can—forcibly if we must—“A Navy—or Separation”—And pray if you separate, my good, Sir, will not such men as General Varnum, and Mr Cutts, and Mr Seaver, have as bad an opinion of a Navy afterwards as they have now, and will they not quite as probably form the majority in your fragment of an Empire, as they form part of it now in the whole one—Will Connecticut river, and the Gennessee, and the white and green Mountains make their home upon the Mountain wave, any more than Ohio or Kentuckey or Tennessee—Separate, and in addition to all your external and internal enemies, look out for border wars; but do not talk of separating for a Navy, while New-England votes, turn the question against the Navy on the floors of the present Congress.—You are afraid the Europeans will call us pigmy Statesmen; but while we can shew them such Giant Statesmen as you we may laugh at their derision and return them scorn for scorn—Your excess of Stature, shall make up for our deficiency  and restore all to a level according to the modern moral doctrine of compensations—You call for a Navy to protect our Commerce, and shew us, calculation upon calculation of exports, tonnage, freight, percentage, and what not—but in conclusion you admit that an attempt to protect all this against Great-Britain would be ludicrously wild and fanciful and that all you ask is a force to protect your Coasts, Harbours and Coasting trade; which comparatively speaking she has but little injured, and which you have not proved that your half a dozen 74’s and your ten or twenty frigates would not supply with both temptation and apology for attacking.
Mr Lloyd does not threaten a dissolution of the Union, though he should not get this twenty frigates, but to conciliate the good-will of his hearers, he takes of their measures a review, compounded of ignorance, prejudice and party Spirit, with five parts error to one of truth, and brands them all as a series of dishonourable actions—He too is a stupendous calculator; and to prove that commerce has been utterly abandoned and ruined by our Government, quotes official returns, stating our exports of vegetable food in 1791 to have been about four millions and a half, and in 1811. upwards of twenty millions of dollars—I suspect that Edmund Burke taught these Gentlemen their Custom-House and Counting House Oratory—But Burke’s Arithmetic was in Unison with his Logic—Quincy casts up one Account and argues to another, and Lloyd’s returns give the lie direct to his argument—
Verily such Colossal Dialectics, such Patagonian ratiocination as these Speeches unfold, are not suited to the diminutive faculties of us “little Sons of little Men”; of us pigmy Statesmen, at whose puny dimensions the future cynic is to sneer with such piercing truth.
The Question of a Navy is a great One; and in my humble opinion embraces Considerations far more important and extensive than any that Mr Quincy or Mr Lloyd have seen fit to contemplate in their discussion of it—Far be it from me to depreciate the millions of dollars, to which freight, and tonnage, and exported fish, flour or manufactures may amount—But in this question something besides Dollars and Cents is concerned—I have no room to say more, and I intreat your indulgence for having said so much—
I am ever faithfully and dutifully your’s
A.


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to Elizabeth Smith Shaw Peabody, 17 July 1812
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Peabody, Elizabeth Smith Shaw

my dear sister
Quincy july 17th 1812

I received your Letter written upon the Birth-day of my only daughter, and memorable to me for that occasion, as well as the Eleventh of the Same Month upon which was Born J Q Adams, and a Sister whom I lost, and whom no doubt you recollect from the circumstances attending it, for you were with me.
so much for Egotism. now I will replie to your queries. in the first place, I have the pleasure to Say we are all well at this House, but my poor Son and daughter have a  double share of sickness in their Family. the Children are but just recovering from the hooping cough. when Abigail is taken down with the Scarlet fever—She is a very sick child. I have brought Elizabeth away hoping she may escape it. it is the third day and it will run to 5th or 7th
Quincy 2d
Col Smith has not yet arrived altho we have been looking every hour for more than a week. he gave us notice that he should leave home upon the 6th. upon the 4th he was detained. we begin to fear, that either mrs Adams or her sister Nancy who was to accompany her, is taken Sick upon the journey. we will however hope the best,
Quincy 3d
dr Tufts rode here yesterday for the first time, much exhausted, but better than I ever expected to see him again—
Quincy 4th
Pheby is better than she was a fortnight ago. She does not want for any necessary or comfort, except Sometimes a constant attendence with nourishment, which the girl who lives with her is too neglectfull of, and being young and heedless, and knowing that Pheby is too infirm to compel her, she sometimes wants her food before She can get it,— Mrs Adams & mrs Greenleaf are very kind and attentive to her. It is very difficult to get any proper person to Stay with her—we have not any Blacks in town, & white people who are good for any thing, do not like to live in a negro house—but if as I fear, She Should be quite helpless, we must find some person who will do it—
She is gratefull for kindness, the high affusion Blood runs in her veins, and she has much of the sovereign yet—
I love and respect and venerate her and would not See her want, while I had Bread to divide with her.
I am sorry Mr Peabodys mouthcontinues bad yet. it has been a disease many families have—
I do not yet despair of making you a visit some time before winter. I want to See you and my Boys to whom I send my Love—and as the President is waiting to take my Letter to the post office / I must close it and / Subscribe your affectionate Sister

Abigail Adams