Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 17 October 1792
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Philadelphia Oct. 17. 1792.
I recd yesterday yours of the 9th. and perceive that the hurry in which I wrote from Bladensbg. has exposed you to an anxiety against which I ought to have guarded by being more explicit. The morning I was at mount Vernon, I took out of my phaeton box (wherein all my papers were) your letter to mr. Carrol (because I was to see him that day) and five letters from individuals to me which I wished to shew to the President. These not being returned to me till my carriage was prepared for the journey, I put them in my pocket. A neighbor of his going to Alexa. that day picked up your letter to mr. Carrol & two of mine abovementd. The former he put into the post-office & it was delivd to mr. Carrol even at the moment I wrote from Bladsbg. tho’ I did not know it, the latter he carried to the Presidt. The other three letters I have not yet recd. but the whole five were so unimportant that I had not a moment’s uneasiness about them. You will have heard of the reelection of Mercer, and of the death of Colo. Mason. This last is a great loss, and especially at a moment when our state seems ripening for a constitution. Beckley has got a house for Monroe, in Arch street between 6th. & 7th. Adieu à revoir. Your’s affectionately
Th: Jefferson


Title: For Dunlap’s American Daily Advertiser, [20 October] 1792
From: Madison, James
To:

Mr. Dunlap,
[20 October 1792]
The dispensation of the clerkship of foreign correspondence upon Mr. Freneau is the next circumstance, in the political conduct of Mr. Jefferson, which has given offence to the American. Upon this point the full force of his genius appears to have been collected, his passions roused, and his imagination to have displayed an unusual degree of brilliancy. The appointment of this gentleman to that station has been deemed an act of such enormity, that, like the original sin of our first parents, it could never be expiated. Deductions too, equally strange and wonderful, have been drawn from it. The imputation of a mere breach of duty in this respect, was a charge too mild and lenient for the supposed enormity of the crime. The humble sphere of the office, with any detriment which might possibly arise from an injudicious appointment in it, was a scale too limited for his capacious mind, and was accordingly immediately bounded over by our adventurous and salient author. In the fervor of his zeal, I presume, for the “public welfare,” it has been relied on, even as a proof of his hostility to the government itself. Happily however the tribunal to whom the appeal has been made, will be neither so fanciful nor indignant. Those malign and unfriendly passions, which prey on the mind of the writer, are entirely personal, and may be traced to personal motives. But it is not my desire at present, in pursuit of these doughty combatants, to make incursions into the enemy’s territory. Foreign conquest is not the object of this essay. Those idolators of monarchy, friends of the imperial cause, whether they defend it by questionable speculations,

   Catullus, whom I consider as the American, says, in effect, that the publication by Mr. John Adams, upon the subject of government, has been written so obscurely, that no person could tell whether he was an advocate for hereditary orders or not; of course, that it would bear either construction. I had concluded, from the perusal I once gave that voluminous and ponderous work that the equivocation, intended, had been covered with so thin a veil that no person would mistake his sentiments on that point. Indeed I have always understood, it was acknowledged by his more intimate friends, that its principal merit consisted in the candor with which he supported, at the risk of his popularity, that kind of government. It is with reluctance I mention this gentleman; I should not have done it had his friend not brought him forward.

 or more open and explicit avowals of their faith, may for a time rest in repose. A more humble purpose, a more domestic defence of the personal rights, the vindication of the well-earned fame of a virtuous citizen, against impertinent and malicious slanders, is the sole object of the present undertaking.
The propriety of every act, in public as well as private life, must be scanned by some known and fixed principles. If it stands the test of these the agent will, in proportion to its relative importance, merit well of his country; and on the contrary, if by this measure it should be found defective, he will in the degree be entitled to reprehension. These are in general so plain and obvious, and especially in relation to the duties of the several departments of our government, that when any act of a public servant shall be announced, if facts are likewise submitted, the unsophisticated common sense of every citizen may immediately arrange it in the scale to which it belongs.
The dispensation to office, tho’ among the most important, is likewise among the most simple of public duties. One solitary principle governs every case: “That the man appointed to an office shall be irreproachable in point of morality, and in other respects well qualified to discharge its duties with credit to himself and advantage to his country.” The most ordinary capacity may comprehend the principle, and know what should be done. Talents of the more elevated kind are only requisite to enable those trustees of this portion of the public confidence, in the range of faculties, judiciously to distinguish between men, and to select those best suited for the stations to which they shall be destined. To apply, in short, the most expedient means for the attainment of given ends. If appointments, from the highest to the lowest grade, will bear the test of enquiry by this criterion, those who confer them may rest contented: they have nothing to apprehend from the reproach of their own consciences, or the censure of the public.
To fill with propriety the humble station in question, but few qualifications appear to be necessary, and these to be comprized in the following particulars: “that he be a citizen of some one of these states, and acquainted with foreign languages.” That he should be a citizen, and if not a native, a resident for a term of sufficient duration to assure a superior attachment to this, over every other country, seems absolutely necessary; for whatever belongs to the department of state, in which affairs with foreign nations are transacted, may pass through his hands; and that he should possess a knowledge of foreign languages, must be equally so; for otherwise he would receive a compensation without being able to render any service for it.
Limited, however, as the scale of necessary qualification may be, yet candor must admit that it is difficult to find them united in the same person; for it is a fact which cannot be controverted, that there are but few Americans, in any rank or circumstances of life, who possess an extensive knowledge of foreign languages. A strict adherence, then, to the first requisite must, from necessity, diminish the required proficiency in the latter.
Another circumstance of material weight, must still contribute to reduce the sphere of selection, to a much narrower scale. The compensation of 250 dollars per annum, will invite no respectable character from a distant state, to abandon a lucrative profession, or the comfortable ease of private life. Nor will it induce, especially when the comparative grade of office is contemplated, any person to accept it, even in the city in which the Congress may chance to reside, to whose ordinary subsistence it would not yield a considerable aid. In short, it must be manifest, that there can be no choice in the appointment, and if a suitable person should be found, it must be rather the effect of accident, than warranted by circumstances.
For this office, I have been informed, Mr. Freneau presented the following well-authenticated claim.

   I have understood he was recommended by several of his fellow-collegiates: men of high reputation, and who were interested in his welfare.

 A native of one of the middle states, he had been liberally educated at Princeton. To an accurate knowledge and refined taste in the English language, he had added a similar acquirement of the French; the nation with whom we have the most intimate connexion, and whose language has become, in a great measure, throughout Europe, the general medium of political negociation. That through life his morals were without blemish, and his conduct in the course of the revolution, though variously occupied, that of a sound whig and a republican. Perhaps his sufferings, having been taken a prisoner in the late war, and confined for a considerable time in the ship Jersey, that noted receptacle for unfortunate American captives, may have excited some additional sympathy in his favour. Such, however, I have understood, were his pretensions and whether they were not sufficient to have recommended him to an higher station, the public will determine.
To what trait in his character, what defect in his qualifications, does the American object? To his occupation? and if so, to occupations generally, or to this in particular? The low rate, or grade of compensation, it has been already shewn, precluded the hope of obtaining a man out of business. And to that of the press in particular, what well-founded objection can be opposed? Is it less honorable, less beneficial to mankind than all others? and does the American come forward to traduce and lessen it in the estimation of the public? Vain and unworthy effort! For whilst its services shall be remembered in raising man from a low and degraded state of barbarism to the high improvement of his talents, in the perfection of the arts and sciences, which forms the proud boast of modern times, every attempt of this kind must be reprobated.
Whether he had already set up a press, or was about to do it (for the American may have it either way) it being the supplemental aid in support of his family, to enable him to undertake the duties of this clerkship, wherein does the difference consist? If in the former instance it would have been proper, why less so in the latter? Unless it can be shewn, that the effort to establish a press, should in all cases be discouraged, or discouraged when attempted by a man of his character—a whig and republican? Would it not be hard on men of merit in his line, and highly detrimental to the public, if the door of preferment should be shut against them, and the friendly countenance of the most respectable and virtuous of their countrymen, inhibited?

The conduct of the press itself, is, in every respect, a distinct thing, and for which Mr. Jefferson can be no way accountable. Like the professions of law or medicine, the emoluments belong to the proprietor; and for his agency therein, he alone is answerable. If an impartial vehicle of useful information, it will be respected; and if otherwise, it will fail; but in this, the Secretary can be no further interested, than any other republican. This, and every other press, in a free country, is or should be open to him and others to publish their sentiments in. To say that this was more so, would impute to it what others would deny, as reproachful to them. It would, in fact, derogate from the merit of the very impartial, and respectable channel, through which I now furnish these comments. That he has, however, in any instance availed himself of it, in the communication of his sentiments to the public, has not been shewn, and disproved, so far as he knew any thing about it, by the oath of the Printer.
The objection on the point of influence, if the characters in question were capable of it, appears to me so light and contemptible, in relation to this appointment, as scarcely to merit any farther notice. For the discharge of duties absolutely necessary, and well defined, the office was created by law, and a salary annexed to it. If the person appointed performs those duties, what other claim can the principal have on him? Is he not entitled, in such event, as well to the approbation of the head of the department, as to the legal compensation? Degraded, indeed, would the condition of a freeman be, if to the acceptance of an office of this kind, was enjoined, not only the performance of its public duties, but likewise a low subservience, in those domestic concerns, to the will of a superior, upon which his welfare, happiness and fame depended. Those circumstances which characterize an influence of this kind, bear a different aspect. It can exist only in those cases, where there is no intervening office, no stable ground, on which the independant mind may rest secure: in those cases where the employment itself is occasional, and the person to be employed, and the compensation for the service, discretionary. If such a case does exist, ’tis not my wish to make the application; for the sake of public decorum, of common decency, I could have wished there had been no foundation for the allusion.
The negociation, by which this worthy character is stated to have been brought into this subaltern office, has been described with great pomp and solemnity. A gentleman for whose public and private virtues—for whose talents and very eminent services to his country, and particularly for whose disinterested and republican patriotism, the good people of these states have long entertained the most exalted esteem, has been represented as the negociator; and for the purpose of subverting the government which he contributed so essentially to establish. Can the public mind, when these slanderous imputations are passed in review, withhold from their author, the contempt and abhorrence, which are deservedly his due?


Title: To James Madison from John Sevier, 30 October 1792
From: Sevier, John
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Camp at Knoxville October. 30th. 1792
This Country is wholy involved in a War with the Creek & Cherokee Indians. I am not able to suggest the reasons, or the pretended cause of their depredations. The success of the Northern tribes over our late unfortunate Armies, have created great exultations throughout the whole Southern Indians, and the probability may be, they expect to be equally successfull. The Spaniards are makeing use of all their Art, to draw over the Southern tribes, and I fear have stimulated them to commence their hostilities. Governor Blount has indefatigably laboured to Keep ⟨th⟩ose people in a pacific humour but in Vain. ⟨Wa⟩r is unavoidable, however ruinous & calamitous ⟨i⟩t may be in it’s operations. A tollerable well directed force speedily employed would suppress and give a check to the hostile part of those Nations, but should it be neglected for any length of time, the whole will become warmly engaged, and should that be the case the weight and burthen of such an extensive and expensive War would in my Opinion become almost insupportable.
I have the pleasure of informing, I have recovered my health, and am with great regard Dear Sir Yr. Mo. Obe.
John Sevier


Title: Notes on Law Cases, [ca. 4 November] 1792
From: Madison, James
To:

[ca. 4 November 1792]
A. brought trespass on case vs. B. damages laid at £50
B. instead of expected offsetts, brought like action, damages laid at £100
In the trial at suit of A. Jury found £205.13.6. wch. was remitted to £50.
In the 2d. do at do. of B. Jury found £161–4–4. which was remitted to £100.
Appeals from the County to the district Court have been entered in both cases; at the instance of B generally for the sake of delay. At the instance of A on acct. of evidence excepted to. The evidence was a statement of the acct. by A but unsigned by him, and made out for another occasion, subsequent to which defects and mistakes had been discovered by A. The statement had been obtained by B. on a promise to return it which was not done; and at the Bar, before the paper went to the Jury, A’s side of the account was torn off & destroyed.
Qu: 1. In case the Jdgt. in suit of A be confirmed; and in the suit of B the exceptions be allowed so as to bring on a new trial; Can the acct. of A. be reproduced in setoffs or Can A sett off any items not produced or not allowed on trial of the suit of A; or can any errors or miscalculations of the Jury appearing by their informal notes or marks on the acct. given in evidence be rectified by offsett or will A be barred from setting off the overplus remitted.
Qu. 2. In case of resort to Chancery, can the difference of the 2 Verdicts be estabd. in favr. of A; or how far & in what mode can the redress of Chancery be obtained.
It is to be observed, that altho’ A limited in fact his damages to the supposed balance (that not however appearing on the declaration); he omitted (by advice of his lawyer) to exhibit in his acct. the Credits of B.
That at the trials a consolidation was proposed on the part of B. & rejected on the part of A.


Title: Notes on William Loughton Smith’s Politicks and Views, [ca. 4 November] 1792
From: Madison, James
To:

[ca. 4 November 1792]
Outline of Answer
The pamphlet a continuation of the attack on republican principles commenced by the American &c in the Newspapers.
The charges agst. Mr. Jeff—on already completely repelled; the answers (if necessary) may be recapitulated.
The insinuation agst. Mr. R—— merits little notice.
The attack on J. M. rests on two absurd & incredible suppositions 1. that Mr J. at the time stated, foresaw a rival in Col: H. 2. that J. M. has sacrificed his principles & prostrated his understanding from an implied complaisance to the ambitious & malicious views of his friend. The want of facts must have produced this fiction, and never was a plot or its incidents worse contrived.
The attack relates to the followg. topics
1. That he introduced the proposition for establishg the Ex. Depts., & particularly the Treasy. Dept.
Ansr. This false. The Journals shew Mr. Boudinot or Benson introduced the propn. Of no consequence if true—to report plans &c—not intended as practised on—(here may come in if requisite a view of that subject and the advantages taken in extendg. Reports beyond the view of Congs) as in the assumption—coupling excise & impost—manufactures report—provision for frontier—Bank—
2. Reference of provision for the public debt &c. to the Secy. of Treay. in consequence of the Memorial from public credrs.
Ansrs. J. M. one of the Come. only.

At the eve of the session, & that assigned as the reason.

an extraordinary expedient, excused perhaps by the crisis of a transition from the former to a new state of things which might particularly require the digest of a system by a single mind—like the revisal & digest of laws committed to persons out of the ordinary course of legislating.
3. Removeability from office by the Presidt.
Answr. This a matter of opinion; and that opinion sanctioned by the most enlightened of all parties—by the great principles of a well regulated Govt—& by the evident mischief in practice of combining a branch of the Legisl: in the superintendance of Executive officers—or as contended for by some, of letting them hold their places during good behavior.
4. Amendts. to Constitution—These due to the opposition by candor & good faith—reproach shd. fall not on those who promoted, but those who impeded them. J. M. particularly responsible, by the part he had taken, to press this business. Had other amendments of a doubtful nature been urged—he might have been suspected on one side of insidiously defeating his own attempts—had the structure of the Govt. been touched, he wd. have been still more opposed and abused from the very quarter that brings this complaint agst. him.
5. Discrimination.
Ansr. The form proposed at least marked with honesty

In another and very different form, discussed with respect by the Secrety.’s Report.
The doctrine, clearly maintained by the Secy. himself in his Report in favr. of Stuben, to whom it was less applicable than to the bulk of the army.

   In that Report the further claims of Baron S. were pressed notwithstanding his final settlement & payment, on the ground of that being accepted by his necessities—a claim far inferior to that of the private soldiers.

The public faith to the original creditors, never bona fide fulfilled by depreciated paper of one form, more than private debts pd. by like paper of another form (see the speeches of J. M in the Register & Newspapers). The tender of the public to individuals as coercive, as of one individual to another under the authority of the public. The paymt. in certificates therefore rests on the same unjust ground with all the retrospective payts. in paper money; and an equitable revisal as proper in the former as it wd be in latter case, if practicable. A redress of retrospective injustice, is not itself a retrospective act but the reverse.

The principle of discrimination admitted by the old Congs. in making good the depreciation of pay legally & formally discharged
settling with officers, for 40 for 1. money (which by the way carried interest) at the rate of 3 or 4 for one.
Admitted by the present Congs. in

  discriminating
  between foreign & domestic debt.

  between fedl. & state debts—if of
    same oblign. as insisted.

arbitrarily defering ⅓
funding indents at 3 PerCt.
Continental bills at 100 for 1.

If those discriminations & defalcations in which the public had a selfish motive have not prevented the rise of public credit, a plan which by payg. the full sum renounced every interested motive, could not have prevented that object.
If the disinterested part of the people of U. S. had decided the question, it is fairly presumable the measure wd. have been carried.
If the disinterested part only of their Reps. had voted, it is at least a problem what the decision wd. have been.
(Here a review of the funding system may if proper be made)
6. Assumption—was opposed on the grounds stated in the printed debates (which see). Experience has shewn that even if it had been made so equal so just & so consistent with its own principles, as to have obtained universal concurrence in a full system of taxes for paying off the debt—it would have been better to leave the State debts to be provided for by State taxes additional to the federal taxes, in order to hasten the extinguishment of the whole debt. (Here if proper, general view of funding system of the measure)
7. Residence bill—(original fault in Meeting at N. Y. &c). The subject did not originate with Va. The insinuation of improper combination with the assumption, too obscure to receive any precise answer. It may be remarked generally that if there be any reality in the connection of the two subjects—it may be ascribable to 3 different kinds of views in those who acceded to it.
1. A disinterested respect for the aggregate good of the Union, and a belief that such a compromise was called for & justified by the state of things at the moment. Of the members swayed by this consideration, an indulgent tho’ not an approving judgment may be formed.

2. Local interest. As far as this supposed to coincide with right & the general interest, it partakes of the above motive. As far as consulted under a disregard of national considerations—it merits a high degree of censure.
3. Interested speculations in the measure—Agnst those who intended or used it for this purpose, no indignation too severe.
The inconsistency of arguments on the residence bill drawn from the Constn. is not sufficiently pointed out to be explained.
8. Difference of pay in favor of Senators. Inducements to public service shd be in proportion to the private sacrifices—& sufficient to procure the requisite qualifications. As the utility of the Senate will depend on the respectability of characters, as the emoluments can not in general be deemed lucrative, and as a more entire renunciation of other pursuits is implied—no man need blush at the opinion even if erroneous, that the pecuniary inducements ought to be made stronger in the case of the Senate, than House of Reps. Whether erroneous or not will be determined by the permanent spirit & character of that branch of the Legislature, under the influence of the operating provision.
9. Excise—J. M. condemned the principle of excise, at the time he acceded to it. It was forced on him by the necessity of revenue—and the general repugnance to direct taxes. And however he may still wish an exchange of the excise for some other revenue at the call of the people, and by the act of the Govt. yet whilst the law is in force, he is known to be the firm friend of all proper measures for maintain[in]g it.
Under this head the merits of indirect & direct taxes may be discussed—and of the excise on home spirits particularly; two remarks occur for development. 1. The unequal operation of this law in N. E. where large distilleries are establishd. & in the other States where domestic ones prevail. 2. That the excise in the latter is as objectionable as wd. be an excise on family Breweries in Engd where the fiscal avidity has not dared to extend itself—or on undistilled liquors in the U. S. in every part of which, the spirit of the people wd. probably revolt from such a tax.
10. Bank. The previous intimation of the design—& silence of its opponents thereon, nothing—Banks admit of various modifications—they can exist witht. incorporation—A Constitutional modification possible. To have opposed it before its appearance wd. have been called premature & the effect of prejudice. The proposition to Penna: false—unconstitutionality never waved. Known to have been uniformly asserted from the beginning to the end of the business. Duration & conditions of the plan 2d. ground of objection. To lessen the evil by a change of these was parliamentary & proper—the more so as it was apprehended from the beginning that the 1st. objection—however sound wd. be overborne. In the same view a concurrence in the supplemental bill was proper. If any fault in the business, it was in those who thought the 1st. bill inadmissible & yet voted for it on the presumption & private assurance only, that the 2d. wd. follow—dangerous step & pregnant with dishon[or]able tendencies. If there was any mercenary change of opinion in the progress—it was in those who sold their objections agst. the 1st. Bill to their private interest in the species of paper admitted into the Bank by the 2d. Notice also the introduction of the Bill for seat of Govt. into the Senate by Genl. S. whilst the Bank bill was before the P. It is known that: J. M. never considered the Bank as a real bar to the Removal to the Potowmac—his great apprehensions were that it might have that appeara[n]ce, & thence be used as an engine for turning the fears & hopes of particular States, to party purposes. This might be one of his objections to the duration. Whether these apprehensions well founded best known to those acquainted with the subsequent History of Congs. The delay of objections to the 3d. reading a mere casualty—which ought to have been instantly redressed by going back into Come. but this tho’ asked & urged, positively refused by the eagerness of the friends to the Bank.
Here may follow a general view of corrupt tendency of the Estabt. as evinced by experience—and every investigation into the nature & effects of such institutions that may be judged proper.
It has been Noted under the respective heads, that particular discussions might be subjoined. It is conceived however that it would be better to shorten as much as may be those defensive explanations—and then enter on a proper discussion of the objects presented by the administration—closing with a historical view & present state of Parties; and charging home on the guilty ones, the proofs agst. them—in their writings—conversations—attacht. to heredy. Cincinnati—the admissions of Catullus—doctrine as to public debt—irredeemability—increase by assumptions—interesting the Bank (accordg to the reported plan) in perpetuating the debt by coupling the duration of Charter therwith—doctrine of Genl. Welfare—see federalist—Board of Bounties—favoritism in buying up debt—policy of paving way for British Govt. by plans of British administration—&c.


Title: Address of the House of Representatives to the President, [9 November] 1792
From: Madison, James
To: Washington, George

[9 November 1792]
The House of Reps. who always feel a satisfaction on meeting you are much concerned that the occasion for mutual felicitation afforded by the circumstances favorable to the National prosperity, should be abated by a continuance of the hostile spirit of the Indian tribes; and particularly that the reiterated efforts for effecting a pacification with them should have issued in new proofs only of their persevering enmity, and the barbarous sacrifice of citizens who as the messengers of peace were distinguishing themselves by their zeal for the public service. In our deliberations on this important department of our affairs, we shall be disposed to pursue every measure that may be dictated by the sincerest desire on one hand, of cultivating peace, & manifesting by every practicable regulation, our benevolent regard for the welfare of these misguided people, & by the duty we feel on the other, to provide effectually for the safety & protection of our fellow Citizens.
It is with deep regret also, we learn that there shd. have been any occasion for apprehending unlawful combinations & proceedings for the purpose of obstructing the execution of the Act imposing duties on spirits distilled within the U. S. It is not more essential to the preservation of true liberty that a Govt. shd. be always ready to listen to the representations of its Constituents, & to accomodate its measures to the sentiments & wishes of every part of them as far as will consist with the good of the whole than it is that the just authority of laws actually & constitutionally in force, should be stedfastly maintained. Under this impression every department of Govt. & all good Citizens must learn with pleasure the purpose you have formed, to execute this part of your trust with the requisite firmness & energy.
The productive state of the public revenue, and the confirmation of the credit of the U. S. abroad, evinced by the loans at Antwerp & Amsterdam, are communications the more gratifying as they enforce the obligation to enter on systematic & effectual arrangement for discharging the public debt as fast as the conditions of it will permit; & we take pleasure in the opportunity to assure you of our entire concurrence in the opinion that no measure can be more desireable whether viewed with an eye to the urgent wish of the community, or the intrinsic importance of promoting so happy a change in our situation.
The adoption of a Constitution for the State of Kentucky is an event on which we join in all the satisfaction you have expressed. It may be considered as particularly interesting, since, besides the immediate benefits resulting from it, it is another conspicuous demonstration of the facility & success with which an enlightened people is capable of providing, by free & deliberate plans of Govt. for their own safety & happiness.
The operation of the law estabg. the post office, as it relates to the transmission of newspapers, will merit our particular enquiry & attention; the circulation of political intelligence thro’ these vehicles being justly reckoned among the surest means of preventing the degeneracy of a free Govt.; as well as of recommending every salutary public measure to the confidence & cooperation of all virtuous Citizens.
The several other matters which you have communicated & recommended, will in their order receive the attention due to them. And our discussions will in all cases we trust be guided by a proper respect for harmony & stability in the public Councils, and a desire to conciliate more & more the attachment of our Constts. to the Constitution, by measures accomodated to the true ends for Which it was establish’d.


Title: To James Madison from John Dawson, 12 November 1792
From: Dawson, John
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Rich: Nov: 12 92
We have heard from several elections & have reason to think that the friends to Mr Clinton, or rather the opponents to Mr. Adams are generally chosen. Moses Hunter however is chosen for the Frederick district, who it is said will be friendly to Adams. Whether S. T. Mason or Colo Peyton is elected for Loudon &c is not yet known—if the latter it is to be feard that he will be for Adams. I wish Hunter coud be written to by some gentleman in Philaa. & Peyton shoud he be chosen.
I feel great anxiety on this business & shall use every effort in my power to procure a unanimous vote of the state—this I fear cannot be done but think there will be not more than two or three against Clinton. His enemies propagate a report that he is much opposed to moving the goverment to the Potowk. I wish you woud collect every information you can & forward to me before the 3d. Wednesday in the next month. You will be interested to hear that our Governor is a warm friend to Adams. I am with esteem yr. friend & Sert
J Dawson


Title: To James Madison from William Overton Callis, 19 November 1792
From: Callis, William Overton
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir,
Richmond 19th. November 1792
I observe by an Act of the last session of Congress, that the Door for claimants for Personal Service against the U. States, is again open: I have taken the liberty therefore to inclose you a Power of attorney to settle my claim with any Person authorised to do it.
In the year 1778 I retired from the Army as a supernumerary Luent. of the 4th. Virginia Regiment, under an arangment of the Army at the White Plains. Under a subsequent resolve of Congress all such officers as were there dera[n]ged were entitled to one years full pay in lieu of every other compensation, this I have never received as will fully appear reference being had to the Books (I suppose) in the War-office.
If the Vouc[h]er sent is sufficient to obtain this compensation, you will be pleased to transmit it to me in this Place, if not, any others that may be necessary, shall be sent forward to you, as soon as I am informed what they are.
The District in which I reside having made choice of me as an Elector to Vote for a President and Vice President of the United States, I conceive it a duty incumbent on me to make every enquiry into the Characters and ab[i]lities of Gentlemen, who are at present, or who may hereafter be nominated for those important offices, in my power. Of the President, whose character, Virtues, and abilities are not unknown to the most ignorant of almost every Country in Europe as well as America I need make no enquiry. The Present Vice President, by his vote on the Representative Bill, has evinced to me his partiality to the E. States, and his enmity to the Southern, and will therefore decidedly meet my disapprobation. Clinton then appears to be the only alternative; of this Gentleman then I wish your Sentiments; this perhaps is a delicate Subject, but the Interest of my Country I think dema[n]ds it, and when I declare that I write to you in co[n]fidence, and that no abuse will arise on my part, that you will give it with the fre[e]dom of a Republican. With the highest respect & Esteem I am Dear Sir Yr. Mo. Ob
W. O. Callis.


Title: To James Madison from George Lee Turberville, 19 November 1792
From: Turberville, George Lee
To: Madison, James

My dear Sir.
Richd Co. Virga. Novr. 19th 1792
I arrived at home on the fourth of October, & in about 10 Days was thrown up again with the Gout which has kept me confined ever since. Thinking that you wou’d probably leave home before my Letter cou’d reach you, I deferred writing untill I knew certainly that you were in Philadelphia, this the Fredericksburg Paper of the 15th. informed me, & I embrace the earliest oppy. by a private hand to Fredericksburg—the Post will not reach that place until Thursday night.
Enclosed you will receive a Copy of Governour Reeds Letter to Genl. Lee that I promised you when last I saw you. Its date you will Observe is Novr. 21st. 1776. Reed & Lee continued very intimate untill After Monmouth Battle June 28th. 1778. Tho Reed had been making use of every Art to ingratiate himself at head Quarters for some time previous to that Battle, so soon as it was known that an Open Rupture had taken place between Genls. Washington & Lee which happen’d on the Field of Battle & was followed next Day by Lee’s Arrest, Reed published a peice in Collins’s Trenton Paper containing an Acct of the Action at Monmouth & reflecting much upon poor old Lee. This peice was without any Signature, Lee in the next paper animadverted very severely upon Reed’s peice & its Author who he really did not know. A few days after the Appearance of Lee’s peice signed by him, Reed sent to him a very complaisant & apparently a very Friendly Message (or he wrote to him I forget which) reminding him that he had written the Letter of which the enclosed is a copy, that he (Reed) was now very well at head Quarters, that Lee had a great many Young men about him, that Wilkinson had divulged a correspondence between Genls. Gates & Conway, which was productive of much mischeif, that this Letter might also be brought forward agt. him, & therefore that he shou’d esteem it a particular favor if Genl. Lee wou’d return him the original. After some little Search, Genl. Lee (not suspecting the least Duplicity in Reed) wrote him that he verily beleived the Letter to which he alluded had been long ago distroyed, that he had been in long Captivity, & had unfortunately lost many of his papers of very great Value, that he cou’d not find the one Reed wanted, nor did he recollect whether he had or had not preserved it. At all Events that Genl. Reed might rely on it, no Young Gentleman nor any other Member of his Family wou’d ever be base enough to divulge its contents, to his injury. Satisfied with this Reply in a very short time Reed wrote the Genl. a very haughty Letter—insisting that he shou’d recant or apologize for the peice he had publish’d in Collins’s Paper publicly thro’ the same Channel, or else that the Genl. must no longer expect to number him amongst his Friends—“& indeed says Reed at this time I do think you have few enough (Friends), & you may venture to retain me by this small condescension.” Old Lee’s wrath was up on receiving Reeds Letter, in two very short lines he refused to apologize & treated his proffered Frien[d]ship, with contempt. A very few days after this & before the conclusion of the Court Marshall which sat on Old Lee We found the Original of the Enclosed. Genl. Lee tho’ so long as I staid with him always refused to suffer a publication of this Letter, & I obtained a Copy without his knowledge. This Acct. will shew you some traits in Reeds Character & in Old Lees too which probably you knew not before. The whole transaction except the immediate Receipt of the Letter of Novr. 1776 passed under my Eye.
The Presidents Speech I have seen. Its Contents give me a great deal of Concern. The Indians I fear will be very formidable & distructive to our Frontieres. Is it possible that they are directed by Indian Councils alone? I fear Not. The Spaniards & the English too envy our tranquillity I suspect & are at the Bottom, or at least are instrumental in fomenting Discord, furnishing Supplies & directing the proceedings of our Enemy. War produces Taxes. The more Revenue the more Power, the Greater the feild of Speculation, Funding Jobs, &c. Those who favor such Schemes are Enemies to Peace & Œconomy but Such men are unfortunately in power amongst us—thus within & without are vexations & Dangers.
The French too I fear are a lost People, very different indeed is the situation both of Foreign & Domestic Affairs from what they were, when you rose in the Spring. The President is mistaken so far as my information extends as to the Tax on distilled Spirits, he says opposition to the Law seems to be dying away, if he means by that that the people begin to relish it, I differ very much in opinion from him. Universal Opposition thro. this State from the Warm Springs down to the lower End of Lancaster will be the result, if this System is not repealed this session. You know how violently all persons are opposed to the Still Tax, with you in Orange Colo. Taliaferro told me that our Friend & Acquaintance Genl. Stevens had lost his popularity, which was once very great, altogether by becoming an Inspector, or Commissioner for collecting the Spirit & Still Tax. A direct Tax on Lands wou’d be more fair & infinately More favorable to the Southern Interests.
Have you heard any certain Acct. of Mr. de la Fayette, I am very much interested in his welfare, having served with him two Campaignes one of them in his Family—his Virtues & his integrity have suffered no diminution as yet in my Estimation. Wou’d to God he wou’d come to America!
I shall be very happy to hear from you when yr. Leizure will permit direct⟨ed to me?⟩ in Richd Co. by the Northern Neck Post. He passes my door. My dea⟨r Mrs.?⟩ Turberville has been extremely ill since we got down th⟨ere?.⟩ I thin⟨k she is?⟩ now better than when we parted, my little Boy too ⟨has⟩ just got over a severe attack. Mrs. T. joins me in most Affte. Comp⟨liments⟩, & my little Boy standing by desires his Love to you. Beleive me to remain with great sincerity Yr Most Affte. Friend
George Lee Turberville
NB. I wish I cou’d get the Memoires of Genl. Lee’s Life. I am told they are in print in Philadelphia let me know the price & point out a channel for me to remit you the money, & you will do me a singular favor by sending the Book on to me.

G. L. T.


Title: Public Debt, [19 November] 1792
From: Madison, James
To:

[19 November 1792]

   The Committee of the Whole took up the section of the president’s speech dealing with reduction of the public debt. FitzSimons moved for a resolution that the House should adopt measures and direct the secretary of the treasury to report a plan to reduce the debt.

Mr. Madison wished for information before he could agree to the motion just made. The exact state of our finances, he conceived, necessary to be well known before measures were taken for the reduction of the debt. The house of representatives had already unequivocally expressed their general sentiments on the subject, in their answer to the President’s speech; but it was not time, he conceived for the adoption of measures with a view to realize what appeared the general wish, until the information, on which those measures were to be grounded, was received.

   General Advertiser, 20 Nov. 1792 (reprinted in Federal Gazette, 21 Nov. 1792, and Gazette of the U.S., 24 Nov. 1792).

[19 November 1792]

   FitzSimons and Williamson defended the motion.

Mr. Madison again expressed it as his opinion, that information should form the basis of any provision for the reduction of the debt. If the motion were adopted, information, no doubt could be obtained before the final adoption of any measure; but he insisted on the necessity of making that information the groundwork of any proceeding on so important a subject.

   General Advertiser, 20 Nov. 1792 (reprinted in Federal Gazette, 21 Nov. 1792, and Gazette of the U.S., 24 Nov. 1792).

[19 November 1792]

   Mercer opposed the motion. Smith (South Carolina) said the main issue was whether the House had enough information “that would warrant a beginning in the work of reducing the public debt.”

Mr. Madison drew a distinction between the deliberative functions of the house and the ministerial functions of the Secretaries. The deliberative functions, he conceived, should be first exercised before the ministerial began to act. It should be decided by the house, in the first instance, he conceived, whether the debt should be reduced by imposing new taxes, or varying the burdens, or by new loans. The fundamental principles of any measure he was of opinion, should be decided in the house, perhaps even before a reference to a select committee. He did not pretend to determine whether the motion now before the house might not involve a reference of a ministerial nature merely. But he well knew, he said, that the act establishing the Treasury department had been so construed as to give it a greater latitude than was contemplated when the law past, much against the opinion of a great portion of the people. In the infancy of our government, that latitude, perhaps might be necessary; but he saw no necessity for it at present.

   General Advertiser, 21 Nov. 1792 (reprinted in Federal Gazette, 21 Nov. 1792, and Gazette of the U.S., 24 Nov. 1792).

[19 November 1792]

   Page proposed to amend FitzSimons’s resolution by striking out the last part, which called for a reference to the secretary of the treasury.

Mr. Madison saw some difficulty in drawing the exact line between subjects of legislative and ministerial deliberations—but still there certainly was a space between them. Gentlemen who argued the propriety of calling on the Secretary for information, plans and propositions, involved the propriety of permitting that officer in the shape of a plan or measure to propose a new tax, and say whether it should be a direct or indirect one. Yet, if it was proposed directly to give this power to the Secretary, few members, he believed, would agree to it. He was in favour of striking out.

   General Advertiser, 21 Nov. 1792 (reprinted in Federal Gazette, 21 Nov. 1792, and Gazette of the U.S., 24 Nov. 1792).

   After Gerry opposed the Page amendment, the Committee of the Whole postponed further action.


Title: To James Madison from Joseph Howell, 21 November 1792
From: Howell, Joseph
To: Madison, James

Sir
Accountants Office Novemr. 21. 92
The enclosed papers left with me, I have examined and made the necessary Notes thereon. I am Sir Your obedt. servt.
Joseph Howell


Title: From James Madison to James Madison, Sr., 23 November 1792
From: Madison, James
To: Madison, James, Sr.

Hond. Sir
Philada. Novr. 23. 92
I have sent by a Vessel just sailed a small cask of port wine—a few Glass & plate wares with some knives & forks and two or three Books for Fanny. They are addressed to Mr. Anderson. Among the Books are two translations of Telemachus. One was bought before that in 2 vol: which is the proper one for her use could be met with. The supernumerary one which is the best for the English reader may be disposed of. Wheat & flour have risen considerably, the latter to 41/. Pa. Cy. and the accts. from Europe of different kinds, make it probable that the market will continue good. Yr. Affe. son
Js. Madison Jr


Title: To James Madison from Edmund Pendleton, 28 November 1792
From: Pendleton, Edmund
To: Madison, James

Letter not found. 28 November 1792. Acknowledged in JM to Pendleton, 6 Dec. 1792. Expresses concern over the fate of the French.


Title: To James Madison from William Overton Callis, 2 December 1792
From: Callis, William Overton
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir,
Richmond 2d December 1792
Your favor of the 25 Ult. came to hand last evening: I have to acknowledge the polite attention to the request contained in my last. If I should be fortunate enough to succeed in my claim, your own prudance will dictate to you to the proper channel to transmit the proceeds. I have now to retu[r]n you my particular thanks for your communications, relative to the Competitors for the Vice Presidency; and am particularly happy to add that I am confident that Mr A. will not get more than one Vote from this State: but whether Mr C. will get the ballance is not so certain, but thinking with you that ant[i]republicanism, and not antifœderalism is now most to be guarded against, I flatter myself he will: but I could wish for my own part that we had neither to contend with.
The assembly have made considerable progress in the Revisal of the Laws of this commonwealth and will I think deserve some credit, if they do not, as I fear they will, leave them unfinished. A reform in the Militia Law has been unsuccessfully attempted. And no other innovation can at present be effected but such as are absolutely necessary to assimilate it to the Law of the General Government on that subject. With the highest esteem and reeal [sic] regard I am D Sr. Yr. Mo. Obt
W. O. Callis


Title: From James Madison to Edmund Pendleton, 6 December 1792
From: Madison, James
To: Pendleton, Edmund

Dear Sir
Philada. Decr. 6. 1792
I am just favored with yours of the 28th. Ult. I wish I could remove your anxiety for the French. The last accounts are so imperfect & contradictory that it is difficult to make any thing of them. They come also thro’ the Brussels & English channels, which increases the uncertainty. It appears on the whole that the combination agst. the revolution, and particularly agst. their new republic, is extremely formidable, and that there is still greater danger within from the follies and barbarities which prevail in Paris. On the other hand it seems tolerably clear that the nation is united against Royalty, and well disposed to second the Government in the means of defence. At this distance it is impossible to appreciate particular mea⟨sur⟩es, or foresee the turn which things may finally take.
The Newspaper tax noticed by the P. has been referred to a Come. but no report has yet been made. It is of great importance that some change should take place that will remove the obstruction which has been thrown in the way of information to the people. In all Govts. the public censorship is necessary in order [to] prevent abuses. In such an one as ours, where the members are so far removed from the eye of their Constituents, an easy & prompt circulation of public proceedings is peculiarly essential.

The election of a vice P. has excited in this quarter considerable animation, and called forth comparative portraits of the political characters of Mr. Adams & Govr. Clinton the only candidates brought into the field. The former has been exhibited in all its monarchical features; and the latter in the antifederal colors it wore in 1788. There are not sufficient data here to calculate with certainty the event of the contest. The probability is rather favorable to Mr. A; but not in such a degree as to prevent pretty keen apprehensions among his friends. As the opposition to him is levelled entirely agst. his political principles, and is made under very great disadvantages, the extent of it, whether successful or not, will satisfy him that the people at large are not yet ripe for his system.
We are informed by the last advices from Eu⟨ro⟩pe that the harvest has generally been scanty; & that in England particularly it has suffered prodigiously from the wetness of the season. From this cause, and the general state of things abroad, a great demand on our stock is anticipated. Wheat is already up at 9/. & flour at 45/ of this currency. The rise must soon communicate itself to Virginia & it is to be hoped the farmers will not lose the benefit of it by premature sales. We all regret the detention of Col. Taylor. I hope the cause of it has ceased & that we shall soon have his arrival in proof of it. It is probable that Mr. Jefferson will not remain very long in his public station; but it is certain that his retirement is not to be ascribed to the Newspaper calumnies which may have had that in view. With the greatest affection I remain Dr. Sir Yrs.
Js. Madison Jr


Title: To James Madison from William Overton Callis, 9 December 1792
From: Callis, William Overton
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir,
Richmond 9th. December 1792
I received your favor 27th last Month in due time: and now inclose you my own affadavit and a certificate from Genl. Wood, who commanded the Regiment at the time of my derangement; which (the Paymaster, Benjn Lawson, being dead) is I conceive the best evidence that the nature of the case will admit of. This compensation having been allowed by congress in lieu of all others subsequent to the arangement, I conceive that the money never was, nor never could be in the hands of the Paymaster or Colonel. These Vouchers being I hope sufficient, I hope to obtain the claim. You will use the method most agreable to yourself in conveying them to me. With real Esteem I am Dr Sr Yr. Mo Ob
W. O. Callis
I am not a little astonished that the Books I suppose, in the possession of the Commissioner of Army accounts do not shew has paid or not.

WOC.


Title: From James Madison to Edmund Pendleton, [10 December] 1792
From: Madison, James
To: Pendleton, Edmund

Dear Sir
[10 December 1792]
As you find an amusement in our Newspapers I inclose two of the last; which however contain little of consequence, except a new report from the Treasury Dept. The Mover of the reference which gave birth to it declared he did not mean to authorize a proposition of new taxes, and it appeared that some at least voted for the Motion on that idea. You will find however that a different construction has been made by the head of that Dept. Quer: is not a tax on horses a direct tax, and therefore unconstitutional in the form proposed? Quere. How much will Va. pay more than her share of such a tax, compared with Connecticut & the Southn. States generally than the Eastern? Quer. Is it not rather hard that those who are to have least of the benefit, shd. constantly be saddled with most of the burden? Quer. if a new tax & a direct tax is to be encountered is it not mockery to begin with one that is to raise 40 odd thousd. dollars only, as a fund for sinking the debt? Quer—but there wd. be no end to the Queries arising out of the project. Yrs. affely.
Js. Madison Jr.


Title: From James Madison to Daniel Carroll, 11 December 1792
From: Madison, James
To: Carroll, Daniel

Letter not found. 11 December 1792. Acknowledged in Carroll to JM, 13 Jan. 1793. Reiterates request for information about the Potomac navigation. Comments on the tax on horses as a direct tax and its unequal effect between North and South. Gives news concerning France and Browse Trist.


Title: From James Madison to George Washington, 14 December 1792
From: Madison, James
To: Washington, George

Dcr. 14. 92
Mr. Madison presents his respectful compliments to the President, and informs him that Mr. Johnson, the candidate for the light-house appointment, having left the City yesterday morning, it cannot now be ascertained how far he is apprised of the limited provision annexed to the place.


Title: To James Madison from John Vining, 18 December 1792
From: Vining, John
To: Madison, James

Dear sir,
Wilmington Decr 18th 1792
In compliance with the Desire of a number of my Constituents, I take the Liberty to enclose to you a Memorial from the Merchants of Wilmington to which they request your Patronage. Having Business of peculiar private Importance before the Legislature of this State which will meet on the first of January, I shall necessarily be absent from the House of Representatives until about the middle of the next month, when I hope to rejoin my Friends both of the Demo-&-Aristocratick Order. The former of which I confess, I have ever & I hope ever to prefer.
You will soon discover by a comparative View of the Law & the Memorial, how necessarily tributary & dependent the smaller importing Ports must be when in the Neighbourhood of a large exporting Capital. This Inconvenience by the Operation of the Law allowing Drawbacks upon certain exported Articles has been most sensibly felt by the Merchants of this place, & I doubt not by all other trading places similarly situated. In the great Article of Coffee, & which is the principal Article of Importation, it augments the Price or rather creates a Difference of nearly a Cent between Philadelphia & Wilmington. This is a hardship which certainly demands a Legislative Interference & I doubt not will recieve every prudent Accommodation. Your presenting the Memorial as soon as conveniently may be will be highly gratifying to myself as well as to those who are more immediately interested.
I venture also to tresspass upon your Goodness another Memorial which if you think proper, I will thank you to offer to the Chair, it represents the Case, (whether remidiable or not) of a very Meritorious Citizen who thinks he has a right at least to be heard, & to mingle his Hopes with the general Mass of those who have been Sufferers from the same Source.
We are now rejoicing in our little but patriot⟨ic⟩ Borough on the Defeat of the combin’d Armies, & we most cordially pray that we may not be premature but that the Letters of Dumorier are genuine. If you should do me the Honor of a Line upon the Subject of the Memorials I will be obliged to you for the most authe⟨n⟩tick Intelligence upon the Interesting Subject of France. I am with every Se⟨n⟩timent of respect & regard your very Hubl Sert
John Vining


Title: For the National Gazette, 20 December 1792
From: Madison, James
To:

Dec. 20. [1792]
Who Are the Best Keepers of the People’s Liberties?
Republican.—The people themselves. The sacred trust can be no where so safe as in the hands most interested in preserving it.
Anti-republican.—The people are stupid, suspicious, licentious. They cannot safely trust themselves. When they have established government they should think of nothing but obedience, leaving the care of their liberties to their wiser rulers.
Republican.—Although all men are born free, and all nations might be so, yet too true it is, that slavery has been the general lot of the human race. Ignorant—they have been cheated; asleep—they have been surprized; divided—the yoke has been forced upon them. But what is the lesson? That because the people may betray themselves, they ought to give themselves up, blindfold, to those who have an interest in betraying them? Rather conclude that the people ought to be enlightened, to be awakened, to be united, that after establishing a government they should watch over it, as well as obey it.
Anti-republican.—You look at the surface only, where errors float, instead of fathoming the depths where truth lies hid. It is not the government that is disposed to fly off from the people; but the people that are ever ready to fly off from the government. Rather say then, enlighten the government, warn it to be vigilant, enrich it with influence, arm it with force, and to the people never pronounce but two words—Submission and Confidence.
Republican.—The centrifugal tendency then is in the people, not in the government, and the secret art lies in restraining the tendency, by augmenting the attractive principle of the government with all the weight that can be added to it. What a perversion of the natural order of things! to make power the primary and central object of the social system, and Liberty but its satellite.
Anti-republican.—The science of the stars can never instruct you in the mysteries of government. Wonderful as it may seem, the more you increase the attractive force of power, the more you enlarge the sphere of liberty; the more you make government independent and hostile towards the people, the better security you provide for their rights and interests. Hence the wisdom of the theory, which, after limiting the share of the people to a third of the government, and lessening the influence of that share by the mode and term of delegating it, establishes two grand hereditary orders, with feelings, habits, interests, and prerogatives all inveterately hostile to the rights and interests of the people, yet by a mysterious operation all combining to fortify the people in both.
Republican.—Mysterious indeed! But mysteries belong to religion, not to government; to the ways of the Almighty, not to the works of man. And in religion itself there is nothing mysterious to its author; the mystery lies in the dimness of the human sight. So in the institutions of man let there be no mystery, unless for those inferior beings endowed with a ray perhaps of the twilight vouchsafed to the first order of terrestrial creation.
Anti-republican.—You are destitute, I perceive, of every quality of a good citizen, or rather of a good subject. You have neither the light of faith nor the spirit of obedience. I denounce you to the government as an accomplice of atheism and anarchy.
Republican.—And I forbear to denounce you to the people, though a blasphemer of their rights and an idolater of tyranny. Liberty disdains to persecute.


Title: To James Madison from Joseph Barnes, 20 December 1792 (Abstract)
From: Barnes, Joseph
To: Madison, James

Abstract. 20 December 1792, Philadelphia. A list of proposed alterations to the 1790 federal patent law, followed by “observations tending to demonstrate the Necessity and equity of the proposed amendments.” Includes remarks on how James Rumsey’s discoveries in working with steam power have been denied legal protection. “Since it is not the wish of any good Citizen, ’tis presumed the Legislature will not, if it can avoid it, put it in the power of any plagiarist, or designing person to force an honest Inventor to see a Lawyer, and go thro’ all the tedious and expensive processes of A Court, as the only possible means of possessing himself of the Inventors discovery.”


Title: To James Madison from Joseph Jones, 24 December 1792
From: Jones, Joseph
To: Madison, James

Dr. Sr.
Fredg. 24th. Dec. 1792.
I thank you for your letters with the papers inclosed. It appears from the accounts I have seen that Mr. A. will be reelected and I think and have heretofore expressed that opinion to Monroe that the investigation of his opinions and their tendency was not commenced in time to make the impression on the Public mind that was necessary to effect a change—nor do I think his conduct in office (if it be true what I have heard) has been treated with that free animadversion it required and wch. wod. have operated agt. him in the Public opinion had it been exposed. It has been said he has manifested from the commencemt. of his official Character an evident attachment to parade distinctions and rank—that he deviated in one instance at least from his declaration in the commencement of the governmt. that he shod. adhere to the sense of the representative body on a division of the Senate—that in another he divided the Senate by his vote and that laterly he has manifested in some instances a party spirit. If these reports and some others of a similar nature were well founded the laying them open with proper inferences wod. have had considerable weight with the community at large and have been construed into a settled disposition to inculcate and establish sentiments and manners among the people favourable to his opinions as promulgated in his works—they were known before his first appointment—these wod. have shewn an adherence to those opinions and a continuation of his efforts. Some good though not all that was hoped for from the discussion may result—but generally feeble attacks serve only to strengthen the Party assailed. The Secretaries plan of a sinking fund I have read over but do not yet comprehend, it is intricate and so complicated it appears to me to require some time and attention to understand. At first view I think it well calculated to keep us all in the dark excepting those near the seat of governmt. where the finances are better understood than with us and who thrive on speculation—the tax on horses cannot fail to serve the purposes of easing the eastern and burthening the southern interest—there are few pleasure Horses in the eastern and middle compared to the southern states. If the annual Taxes produce a surplus and it can every year be known or pretty nearly what they furnish—that surplus might every year be applied by direction of the legislature in buying up or sinking the debt withot. an intricate nine or ten years operation involved and perplexing—the more simple and intellegible our money matters are the better, and impositions and abuses sooner detected. Never let the public accot. pass unexamined—the omiting this necessary duty will in a few years make the undertaking too formidable to be encount[er]ed with willingness and be hurried over in a slovenly manner. We hope for a confirmation of but hesitate in yeilding full assent to the letter that has been published from Belfast—the manner of it and some expressions contained in it make me doubt its authenticity. Perhaps it is badly translated. Health and happiness attend you. Yr friend & Servt
Jos: Jones.
Wheat has fallen here below 6/. Is there any reason to fear it will not be up in the spring.


Title: Repayment of Bank Loan, [26 December] 1792
From: Madison, James
To:

[26 December 1792]

   By the Bank Act of 1791, the federal government paid $2 million, from funds previously borrowed at 6 percent interest and appropriated for debt reduction, for its shares in the Bank of the United States. The bank in turn lent the government $2 million to be applied toward the reduction of debt as previously appropriated and to be paid off in $200,000 annual installments over the next ten years (U.S. Statutes at LargeThe Public Statutes at Large of the United
          States of America … (17 vols.; Boston, 1848–73)., I, 196). On 24 Dec. 1792 the Committee of the Whole took up “the bill to provide for a reimbursement of a Loan made of the Bank of the United States.” JM “offered several observations to shew the propriety of postponing the bill for a few days, in order to the members having time to revolve in their minds several propositions which have been suggested in relation to this business: Whether, by an appropriation of the sum, which, it is said, now lays dormant in the Treasury—Whether by a sale of the shares in the bank, or by a loan, to provide for the object.” FitzSimons objected that JM’s “idea goes to an immediate interference with an appropriation already made, and leaves to a contingency a provision to supply its place.” JM replied that FitzSimons “offered as good a reason as he could have suggested in favour of applying the money in the treasury to the object now in question” (Gazette of the U.S., 26 Dec. 1792). The committee reported the bill, and on 26 Dec. Steele moved that the House strike out the bill’s first section, which authorized another loan, at 5 percent interest, to pay off the 6 percent loan from the bank.

Mr. Madison was desirous to hear the reasons that could be given by the friends of the bill, for requiring so much greater a loan than the sum demandable by the bank. He observe⟨d⟩ that there was a large balance of money lying in the treasury, unappropriated, at least to his knowledge; if, however, this balance was appropriated by the executive, he wished to know it. He did not suppose but that if it was, it must have been done with propriety; and he would be one of the last men in the house to injure any existing appropriation.

   Dunlap’s Am. Daily Advertiser, 1 Jan. 1793 (also reported in General Advertiser, 28 Dec. 1792, Gazette of the U.S., 29 Dec. 1792, and Federal Gazette, 1 Jan. 1793).

[26 December 1792]

   Sedgwick objected that “the subject involved a degree of delicacy at present which perhaps it would be better not to express.” This veiled hint must have been related to unused treasury funds that were owed to foreign creditors, but JM was unwilling to drop the matter.

Mr. Madison said, that, either the public money lying d⟨ormant⟩ in the treasury, is, or is not, appropriated. ⟨If it⟩ is appropriated for carrying on the Indian war, he was of opinion it could not be touched by a diversion in favour of the bank, upon the uncertainty of having it replaced by a fresh loan to answer the original specific appropriation. Perhaps, said Mr. Madison, I am ignorant of my situation, if so, I hope gentlemen will relieve me, by explaining candidly the real state of the business.

   Dunlap’s Am. Daily Advertiser, 1 Jan. 1793 (also reported in General Advertiser, 28 Dec. 1792, Gazette of the U.S., 29 Dec. 1792, and Federal Gazette, 1 Jan. 1793).

[26 December 1792]

   Williamson opposed “selling the Bank stock belonging to the United States.… It would have an effect something like an ex post facto law.”

Mr. Madison expressed extreme surprise at the arguments of the gentleman last up, because they were absolutely, in direct contradiction to that gentleman’s opinion, and the opinion of the legislature, and the reports of the Secretary of the Treasury in all former occasions, for it has hitherto been held up as a valuable and secure resource in case of emergency, to have that stock to dispose of, and why shall it not be of the same quality with the stock of the other subscriber—transferrable? It is the first time, said Mr. Madison, I ever heard the thing denied, that the United States should dispose of their stock, when ever it became the interest of the country to do it, with equal facility, as other stockholders do—I believe, however, the gentleman (Mr. Williamson) may have been right in his intentions, but he is certainly wrong in the application of his arguments. Mr. Madison again expressed a desire that some candid explanation might be given respecting the appropriation of the money lying dormant in the treasury, whether it was demanded abroad by the country to which it was due and for which it had been borrowed. There was not any necessity for hurrying a decision on one part of the question, respecting the propriety of borrowing at 5 per cent. to pay off a debt at 6, that could be deliberated upon without precipitation—the other part of the question involved a very different subject, that of diverting a sum already appropriated for a particular purpose, and applying it to another purpose, they paying the bank installment &c. and this on no better foundation than the uncertainty of a new loan to replace the original appropriation. He declared, that he could not see how gentlemen would be able to answer to their constituents for such conduct, especially if it was originally intended to satisfy the debt of installments due to France—a debt of justice and of gratitude; if it was intended to pay a debt, to support a glorious cause, the cause of liberty. He wished it could be sent there if possible on the Wings of the Wind! It may be argued, that the whole of this debt is not yet demandable; yet as an appropriation has been made to pay it, it is presumable, that it would be particularly acceptable, from the situation of France at this time. He concluded by declaring his dissent from any diversion of the appropriation unless further lights could be thrown on the subject, than had yet appeared.

   Dunlap’s Am. Daily Advertiser, 1 Jan. 1793 (also reported in General Advertiser, 28 Dec. 1792, Gazette of the U.S., 29 Dec. 1792, and Federal Gazette, 1 Jan. 1793).

   JM was giving vent to the suspicion that Hamilton was withholding money earmarked for repayment of the French loan in order to use the funds “to aid the Bank to which he was partial” (Fleet, “Madison’s ‘Detatched Memoranda,’” WMQWilliam and Mary Quarterly., 3d ser., III [1946], 546). Hamilton’s official stance was that affairs in France were so unsettled by the revolution that “further payments on account of the United States to the government of that country” ought to be suspended (Hamilton to William Short, 5 Nov. 1792, Syrett and Cooke, Papers of HamiltonHarold C. Syrett and Jacob E. Cooke, eds., The Papers of Alexander Hamilton (26 vols.; New York, 1961–79)., XIII, 19).

[26 December 1792]

   Williamson objected that JM “had misunderstood him, and that he was equally anxious with him, both as to the honor of the country and the propriety of its measures.”

Mr. Madison rose again, to explain in regard to the misconception of his arguments by Mr. Williamson. He was willing to admit of any reason for a diversion of the appropriation of the former loan in order to pay part of our debt to France, except one; he would admit of any reason from the executive, but one, and that was, what he had heard alledged, not in, but out of Congress—”that there would ever exist a possibility of paying the debt over again.” This reason he could never admit; because although it might be vainly presumed, that the present government of France had not yet arrived at a proper stage of maturity, yet it must be evident to all the rational part of mankind, that it was sufficiently established to insure it against all possibility of a retrograde motion.

   Dunlap’s Am. Daily Advertiser, 1 Jan. 1793 (also reported in General Advertiser, 28 Dec. 1792, Gazette of the U.S., 29 Dec. 1792, and Federal Gazette, 1 Jan. 1793).

   JM voted with the minority when the House defeated Steele’s motion. He “then moved to strike out 2,000,000 and insert 200,000. The object of this motion was to provide only for the payment of interest on the loan and the first instalment, which becomes due on the first of January” (Federal Gazette, 1 Jan. 1793). A 27–26 majority favored JM’s motion, but Speaker Jonathan Trumbull’s casting vote defeated it. On 27 Dec. Sedgwick urged the House to take up the bill, as the loan “is so near being due,… and 200,000 dollars to be raised immediately.” JM responded: “If this be the only reason for dispatch, then limit the proposed loan to that amount, and we will consent to its being instantly referred to a committee of the whole” (Dunlap’s Am. Daily Advertiser, 1 Jan. 1793). On 27 Feb. 1793 the motion to strike out the bill’s first section was revived in the Committee of the Whole. JM “was in favour of striking out the section—setting aside the consideration that the United States are not under obligation to discharge the whole sum of two millions at the present time; he very much doubted the policy of making loans at that amount, when the question, Whether any saving could be made thereby, is problematical, considering the rate of interest in Europe. He thought it probable, that before the time came round, when the United States might be obliged to discharge the whole of this debt, money may be obtained on more advantageous terms than at present, if it should be found necessary to borrow” (Gazette of the U.S., 2 Mar. 1793). The committee approved the motion. On 28 Feb. the House passed the bill, amended to provide only for payment of the first installment, and the president signed it on 2 Mar. (Annals of CongressDebates and Proceedings in the Congress of
          the United States, 1789–1824 (42 vols.; Washington, 1834–56)., 2d Cong., 2d sess., 898; U.S. Statutes at LargeThe Public Statutes at Large of the United
          States of America … (17 vols.; Boston, 1848–73)., I, 338).


Title: To James Madison from Richard Peters, 31 December 1792
From: Peters, Richard
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
31 Decr 1792
I percieve, by the News Papers, that Congress are about establishing Fees in the Admiralty Side of the District Court. I have heard that considerable Deductions have been made from the Fees as mentioned in the Bill first brought forward by Mr Smith of S. C. I saw that Bill & objected both to the Clause embarrassing the Seamen in their Lien upon the Ship, & to the Quantum of Fees. The first I have understood is omitted & very properly. As to the Fees as they first stood, they are in many Instances 50 ⅌Cent lower than those customary here; & I am convinced, from more than 20 Years Experience on this Subject, that they are at least 25 ⅌ Cent too low. If the Bill as it now stands has made still greater Deductions, the Hire of a common Clerk could not be paid out of the Fees. I wish not that any exorbitant Fees may be taken, but I do not see why Congress should depretiate their Offices so that none but the meanest Talents & the most incapable Citizens will appear in them. The Proceedings in the Admiralty are necessarily higher in Expence than those in the common Law Courts. They must be chiefly in writing, & there is some Nicety in conducting the Business. Yet as to the Costs of Suits for Seamen’s Wages, the Merchants in this District pay very few; as the summary Examinations by the Judge of the District, keep Causes out of Court, &, when they go into it, the Captain or Merchant is most commonly in the Wrong. Out of at least 150 which have pass’d thro’ my Hands, there have not been above 7 or 8 Suits in the Court; & I can truly say that I have, in the Course of these Examinations, found the Captain or Merchant, quite as often wrong as the Sailors. If the Suit goes against the Sailors the Fees are generally lost. My Observations are confined to the Fees demandable by the Clerk & Marshall, the latter Officer particularly, in some Instances, loses Money by doing his Duty, & the former gets little by many Services. The Marshall sometimes gets a Lift by Commissions, but the Clerk has no Way to indemnify himself. The Establishment of Fees for Advocates is a Solecism in Admiralty Arrangements. The Proctor only should have ascertained Fees. I say Nothing of these Characters who are the best provided for in your Bill. Give them what you please, or Nothing—they know their Business too well, not to have learnt the Science of taking Care of themselves. I have troubled you with these Remarks, believing you not averse to recieving Information, but whether you can profit by them, if you should think them of any Weight, I know not, as the Tide, in this particularly, seems running too violently the wrong Way. I have no other Object than a Desire to have the public Business well done; & if the Officers cannot support themselves by fair Means, those who have an Aversion to starving by their Honesty will abandon the Offices, & leave them to be filled by those who have not such unthrifty Scruples. Yours very sincerely
Richard Peters


Title: Bill for the Relief of Lewis Garanger, 2 January 1793 (Abstract)
From: Madison, James
To:

Abstract. 2 January 1793. The bill authorizes the comptroller of the treasury, “in the adjustment of the claims of Lewis Garanger, to allow him the pay and subsistence of a Captain of Artillery” from 29 Sept. 1780 until 15 Nov. 1783.


Title: To James Madison from Hubbard Taylor, 3 January 1793
From: Taylor, Hubbard
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
January 3d. 1792 [1793]
Your favor by Majr Lee of the 29th. Sepr. was duly received. I am much oblige to you for your good wishes on my behalf while the election for Respres. ⟨to⟩ Congress was depending in this state. As I failed the Successfull Candidate stood first in my view, in whoom I hope you will find a sound republican, and good Representative; should this be the case I shall not (as to myself) so much regret the loss of my election, only so far as it disappointed me from the pleasure of seeing my friends & some other advantages that I might have derived from usefull information &C.
I very forceably feel the weight of your observations, respecting the fermentations of our new state; and hope the disorders will be cured in a short time; but I fear the prospect is not on the favorable side at present as public interest is too much sacrificed to popular views.
I am extreamly sorry for the attack on the Secretary of State, and particularly more so on account of the object at which its leaveled. It was a matter entirely new here—as I had not seen or heard any thing of it untill the rect. of your favor. I hope ee’r its long to hear that the matter will be ended on the favourable and republican side.
It is reported among us that there is a considerable majority of both branches of the Genl. Govt. in favor of carr[y]ing on a vigorous war with the Indian tribes, the ensuing spring. Our existance almost depends on it in a toofold point of view, first as to defence, secondly as to the circulating money amongst us—which is much less than wd. have been had the main Army come down the last fall. Nothing else could have keep us from distress untill the trade of the Mississippi shall be opened the prospect of which we are flattered brightens [e]very day, but a confirmation of it would be greatfull tidings Indeed.
The Second session of our Legislature ended the 22d. Decr. No meterial alteration took place either in the Judiciary or Revenue Laws. A Resolution passed the house of Reps. for the discrimination of Lands, for Taxation as to quality, A Bill was brought forward in consequence of it to which was added, the payment of a part of all Tax’s (those on Law process excepted) in either Tobo. or hemp this with some objections to the mode of Classing the Lands occationed it to be lost—tho it was not intended to take effect for the present year.
Our Country has encreased very much this last year both by way of the Wilderness as down the river. Our Crops the last year were generally good, particularly small Grain which has been better than usual. No great quantity of Tobo. was made this year the discouragement for two years past ocation but little attention to the Culture of that Article. A part Cash is now biding for that Article tho’ at the Low price of 12/ & 14/—& could we get all cash even at those prices it would be productive to the inhabitants. Hemp is at about 20/—⅌ 100 but little of this Article has as yett been exported as very great consumption is necessary for the Citizens and new adventurers. We n[e]ver untill this last summer derived any real services from the purchase of Horses in this County for public Service the former having been through the hands of the Merchants. Those last made by Bills D: Q: M has been for Cash only—& by advertising some time before which gives every one an oppy. to apply by which means the Money has been more generally circulated over the State & the public much better provided with good Horses and at a Low price.
Our friends in this quarter are all well, and beleave me to be with the greatest esteem Dr Sir Yr. Affe. and very humble: sert:
H Taylor


Title: Military Establishment, [5 January] 1793
From: Madison, James
To:

[5 January 1793]

   On 20 December 1792 Steele introduced a resolution to reduce the military establishment and to repeal the relevant sections of “An Act for making further and more effectual provision for the protection of the frontiers of the United States” of 1792, which JM had reported from committee during the first session. Steele’s resolution was taken up in Committee of the Whole on 2 January 1793 (Annals of CongressDebates and Proceedings in the Congress of
          the United States, 1789–1824 (42 vols.; Washington, 1834–56)., 2d Cong., 2d sess., 750, 773).

Mr. Madison said the present discussion involved a revival of the question agitated the last session, whether the militia or regular troops were to be preferred in carrying on the Indian war? It is said that this is not the time to reduce the military force of the country—that the President is invested with the power of reducing the army—that while important negociations are pending, it will be attended with inauspicious effects to lessen the impressions of our power on the mind of the Indians. These considerations, he acknowledged to be weighty—but if the force of the country can be continued on as respectable a footing as at present, and at the same time the expence greatly diminished, the government would be inexcusable not to do it. It is supposed that this may be done in perfect consistency with impressing the enemy with the fullest impression of our power. He suggested therefore the eligibility of compleating the effective force by the addition of volunteer militia—to organize compleatly the regular troops already raised—and to restrict them to the number that they at present consist of. To reduce this idea to effect, he suggested to the gentleman from North-Carolina a modification of his motion, by an amendment in conformity to these ideas.


Title: To James Madison from Francis Corbin, ca. 10 January 1793
From: Corbin, Francis
To: Madison, James

Letter not found. Ca. 10 January 1793. Mentioned in Corbin to JM, 29 Jan. 1793. Requests JM “to write to the old judge Pendleton upon the Subject of the Ensuing Election to Congress: and to intercede with him in my behalf.”


Title: From James Madison to Joseph Jones, ca. 12 January 1793
From: Madison, James
To: Jones, Joseph

Letter not found. Ca. 12 January 1793. Mentioned in Jones to JM, 21 Jan. 1793. Encloses newspapers with intelligence of the military victories and the establishment of the First Republic in France. Requests that the papers be forwarded to Ambrose Madison.


Title: To James Madison from Daniel Carroll, 13 January 1793
From: Carroll, Daniel
To: Madison, James

My dear Sir,
Jany. 13th. 1793
Your favor of the 11th Ulto. came to hand. Notwithstanding I have hitherto been disappointed in procureing the intelligence requested respecting the Potok. Navigation, I have not desisted in my endeavours & have hopes of success. I have allways considerd the Success of this undertakeing in so important a view in many respects, that my utmost endeavours have been exerted in favor of it, & in some instances not without effect. There has been a delay from what causes I do not know alltogether. The funds being ample, delay in such an interest is self evident folly, indeed the greatest possible extravagance. The Business now appears to wear a much more favourable aspect. The Stock of the Co. is fifty thousand pounds Sterling—in shares of £100 Stg each. Little more than ½ has been expended. The Locks for the Little falls are on hand, & the Directors purpose to enter likewise on those at the Great falls immediately. You will say why not at the Great falls first? It is intended whilst they are compleating to have a small portage from the tail of the Canal to the Bed of the River & from thence to proceed by the Little falls to tide Water &ca. About 50 to 60 hands are now employd in takeing out the Rocks from the Canal of the Little falls, & walling—some of these on Monthly wages others on Contracts, & the Directors contracting for more. Mr. Harbaugh with his Men engagd in getting the Timber for the Locks at the Little falls, & will have a number of Masons employ’d immediately in makeing dry walls there to be ready against the Lock frames are prepard. It is intended that some of the hands engagd or to be engagd shall be employ’d at such places as may be necessary in the River between the two falls in proper season, and as I mention’d preparations for the Locks at the great falls to be enterd on. Applications were made to the Assemblys of Maryland & Virginia to take of[f] the restrictions on Slaves being employd from either State, so that they might be obtaind for public purposes. Maryland granted—Virginia refusd, not from any enmity to those measures, but as I am informd from mismanagement in bringing forward & conducting the business. On the River considerable improvement it is said was done last year by Contract, & a further Contract enterd into with the same person for work to be done to the highest part of the Navigation. Captn. Henry is at work with 27 hands at a place Calld Hauses falls cutting a passage through a small neck of Land that runs into the River. I beleive some other contracts are made on the Poto.—& some small matters done in the Shannadore. Captn. Henry informd me lately that there are abt 50 Boats belonging to the upper Navign for the transportation of produce in the present State of the Navigation.
I observe what you say about the tax on horses. It must certainly be a direct tax—as to the inequallity between N & S. I have not materials to judge by. I suppose yr. debates will afford some. If horses are to be the objects, will it not be impossible to draw the line between those for pleasure, & otherwise. Wou’d not Taxes on Carriages be more simple & equall; but still this is a direct Tax. Of these matters however I am no judge.
I congratulate you on the Success of the French agt Brunswick &ca. in other words of the Cause of Liberty against Despotism. If they seal these successes by exhibiting a magnanimity, wisdom & moderation in their civil institutions yet to be formd, their glory will be crownd, & the benefits to ma[n]kind in general ensur’d.
In What Situation is the M La Fayette? I feel strongly for that most worthy & great Man. I see an extraordinary article in the paper—of a Message from the Senate to yr. House of a letter from some of the Citizens of Thoulouse addressd to Congress denouncing La Fayette. Explain this.
Few things cou’d have given me more pleasure than the information from you respecting my young friend Browse Triste, I participate in the happiness this event occasions among my worthy friends, whom I sincerely congratulate on the occasion, & remain, My Dear Sir, allways & Sincerely Yr most affte friend & Sert
Danl Carroll


Title: Indian Lands, [17 January] 1793
From: Madison, James
To:

[17 January 1793]

   On 14 November 1792 the House appointed a committee headed by White to prepare a bill “to regulate trade and intercourse with the Indian tribes,” which he reported on 29 November. On 15 January 1793 JM moved an amendment which the House took up two days later (Annals of CongressDebates and Proceedings in the Congress of
          the United States, 1789–1824 (42 vols.; Washington, 1834–56)., 2d Cong., 2d sess., 684, 731, 827; Gazette of the U.S., 16 Jan. 1793).

Mr. Madison’s amendment, which had been ordered to be printed, was taken into consideration. It is in the following words—viz. Strike out the eighth Section, in the words following,
“And be it further enacted, That no sale of land, made by any nation or tribe of Indians within the United States, shall be valid to any person or persons, or to any state, whether such state may have the right of preemption of such land or not, unless the same shall be made, and duly executed, at some public treaty held for that purpose, under the authority of the United States.”
And in lieu thereof insert the following:
And be it enacted, That no person shall be capable of acquiring any title, in law or equity, to any lands beyond the Indian boundaries, and within those of the United States, by purchase, gift or otherwise, from the Indians, holding or claiming the same; and that it shall be a misdemeanor in any person, punishable by fine and imprisonment, at the discretion of a jury, to obtain, accept, or directly or indirectly, to treat for any title to such lands from the said Indians, or any other for them. And that, where any such Indians shall, of their own accord, desire to sell any part of their lands, and it shall be deemed for the interest of the United States, that a purchase shall be made, the same shall be done no otherwise than by treaty or convention, to be entered into pursuant to the constitution; the lands so purchased, to enure to the use of whoever may have the right of pre-emption thereto, and shall pay the price thereof.
Mr. Madison observed, that misunderstandings, quarrels and wars with the Indians had originated from the circumstance of persons having obtained, through fraud or other improper means, possession of the lands belonging to the Indians. This consideration rendered it highly important that this whole business should be under the absolute and sole direction of the public authority, in order to guard effectually against the fatal consequences which may result to the public by being precipitated into a war, thro’ the arts of unprincipled persons, who while the public are made to sustain great calamities, often find means to extricate themselves from bearing their proportion of the inconveniences and expences.


Title: To James Madison from Joseph Jones, 21 January 1793
From: Jones, Joseph
To: Madison, James

Dr. Sr.
Fredg. 21st. Janry. 1793.
I have recd. your favor inclosing the Papers containing the late important and agreeable intelligence from Europe. The affairs of France have taken a very favorable turn and bid fair to establish the new republic. I agreeable to your request, forwarded the papers to Mr. Ambrose Madison under the care of Mr. J. Blair who promised they shod. have the earliest conveyance. This day is set apart here for a public dinner and rejoicing in consequence of the news received and has been ushered in by a discharge of Cannon. Yr. friend & Sevt
Jos: Jones.


Title: To James Madison from George Lee Turberville, 28 January 1793
From: Turberville, George Lee
To: Madison, James

My very dear Friend,
Jany. 28th. 1793. Richmond County Virginia
Your favor of December 2d. last past reached me in 22 days, for which receive my thanks, a severe fit of the Gout has deprived me of the use of my Limbs ever since, tho’, thank heaven the mildness of the Winter, surpassing every thing the Memory of Man ever knew in this Country is again bringing me about. Mild as the Winter has been, no Snow having as yet ever whiten’d the ground, & very little frost, Still it has been fatal to numbers more hearty young men & greater numbers of people having gone off precipitately with violent peripneumonies than were ever known—before, three Physicians have gone off & Doctor Jones (who I hope will be with you in Congress from this District) has had a narrow escape & is just recovering. So much for the events of the neighbourhood.
The French Republic is in my opinion confirmed—the Potentates allied agt. France will be puzzled to bring into the Field, a Force adequate to that of the last year, & the French Nation, now a Nation of soldiers, will be better prepared to withstand their attack, they are more united, & less Factious too. The Fate of human nature is involved in Europe at least in the Event of the French Revolution, & I do think that we may now without the Spirit of Prophecy predict, that the Reign of Despotism in whatever form it may appear in Europe will scarcely survive the 18th. Century. America may rejoice, & plume herself in the idea of having made the Rent in the great Curtain that withheld the light from human nature by her exertions she let in the day & the Rights of Man became legible & intellegible to a shakled World. O may her future Conduct be alike serviceable to human nature, if the same spirit reigned in the bosoms of our Eastern Bretheren, that inspired their Breasts in 1776. & 1777. when their Members in Congress rose & with true Patriotic virtue assented to a sacrifice of their Fortunes in the Bestruction [sic] of Boston for the good of the Common Cause, we shou’d not Now see Assumption schemes, endless Funding Schemes, & Factious acts to aggrandize the Few at the expence of the great mass of the People prevalent in almost every debate, & Visible in almost every Act of Congress.
I mean to be in the next Assembly & my Object is to carry a Remonstrance in the most solemn Mode from this State to Congress, in which our sister States shall be invited to concur, having real justice & the evident good of all our Citizens (that is the honest & disinterested ones) for its object I cannot but hope it will generally avail, & in order to compass it, I cou’d wish to possess if it can be had an Authentic Statement of the Public Paper interest, funded, Bank—&c &c—and also as accurate a state of the sources from which the Revenue that supports this mass of Paper wealth is drawn—for I am well assured, that 9/10ths. of the Paper are in the hands of Persons north of Susquehanhah, & 7/8ths. of the Revenue is raised from the Labour on the South of that River—it is impossible to give you even the outline of what I contemplate in a letter, but if you can repose a confidence in me to furnish me with the Statements above mentioned I give you my word they shall not be acted upon before we ⟨meet?⟩ & if it is not possible for you to come down amongs⟨t us⟩ next summer, I will most certainly spend a few days with you when you shall appoint in order to confer upon the undertaking that I do assure you is now uppermost in my mind.
A Recurrence to fundamental principles is Absolutely necessary upon all occasions if we mean to continue a free people, how fortunate for us it wou’d be if every man cou’d be brought, to feel precisely as he did in 1777. & 1778, much I fear that no people ever suffered a greater chang⟨e⟩ in the Same space of time, than those of our Fellow Citizens in the U. S. who reside on the North of susquehannah have done in 17 years last past. My Paper is out—I write in bed—near Midnight, excuse the incoherent scrawl, thank heaven my dear Wife has mended surprizingly, altho within a few days the two abcesses have become connected & the Syringe throws water near 8 inches thro’ ⟨the⟩ side—from hole to hole, My little Boy often talks of you he is now asleep. Mrs. T. join⟨s⟩ in best Affection, & beleive me to remain with real regard & respect Yrs. very sincerely
George Lee Turberville


Title: To James Madison from Francis Corbin, 29 January 1793
From: Corbin, Francis
To: Madison, James

My Dear Sir
Jany. 29th. 1793.
Two or three weeks ago I wrote to you and requested you to write to the old judge Pendleton upon the Subject of the Ensuing Election to Congress: and to intercede with him in my behalf. Having heard nothing from you since—and being under some apprehensions that Mr. J. Taylor has interfered to injure me, by infusing his Antifederal Spirit into one or two men here, I have thought it well again to address you on the Subject. I am now in King Wm. in the midst of Electioneering forth and have no proper implements for writing so that you must Excuse the Paper &c.
Let not my apprehensions with respect to Taylor be known to any body but our friend Mercer. I am Dr Sir with much sincerity & Regard Yr: Mo: Ob. St.
Francis Corbin


Title: To James Madison from Joseph Jones, 7 February 1793
From: Jones, Joseph
To: Madison, James

Dr. Sr.
Fredg. 7th. Febry. 1793
I have received your letters with the papers inclosed and have delivered to Mr. Blair those intended for your brother to be forwarded by the first conveyance. The good fortune of the Frenchmen seems to be joyfully entertained by the Republicans in Boston and the public display of their joy will I hope produce a good effect on the minds of many of the people in that quarter and revive their attachment to and call forth their efforts to maintain those republican sentiments for which they were once distinguished but which for some time past seems to have languished among them from, I hope, a supposed state of security, rather than any real change in their principles respecting government. I am much pleased to find by some resolutions that have passed there will be a strict scrutiny into the management of the public money and hope e’re long to see our System of finance more simple and in great degree freed from its present complicated arrangement, which requires the penetration and labourious attention of an acute calculator to investigate and comprehend—these matters are unavoidably intricate to a degree, but ours seem to me to be designedly involved—the more they are freed from these intricacies, the more easily will error or misconduct be discovered and the examination of the accounts entered upon with less reluctance. There is no branch of public administration more unwilling⟨ly⟩ undertaken by those whose duty it is to superintend it, than the investigation of intricate public accounts, and to this cause we are to ascribe in general the abuse of financial trust, and the misapplication of public money. The friends of our finance system appear to be disposed to push every measure this Session wch. they conceive expedient to establish and compleat the System, and will I expect succeed if the terminatio⟨n⟩ of the Session does not interfere.
Our wheat is geting up again, it is now six shillings for 60 lb wt. How is it in Philadelphia and what the supposed prospect of its being highe⟨r?⟩ Yr. friend & Servt
Jos: Jones.