Title: Enclosure: Benedict Arnold to George Washington, 25 September 1780
From: Arnold, Benedict
To: Washington, George

On Board the Vulture Sepr. 25th1780
Sir

The Heart which is Concious of its Own rectitude, Cannot attempt to paliate a Step, which the World may Censure as wrong; I have ever acted from a Principle of Love to my Country, since the Commencement of the present unhappy Contest between Great Britain and the Colonies, the same principle of Love to my Country Actuates my present Conduct, however it may appear Inconsistent to the World: who very Seldom Judge right of any Mans Actions.
I have no favor to ask for myself. I have too often experienced the Ingratitude of my Country to Attempt it: But from the known humanity of your Excellence I am induced to ask your protection For Mrs. Arnold from every Insult and Injury that the mistaken Vengence of my Country may expose Her to: It ought to fall only on me. She is as good, and as Innocent as an Angel, and is Incapable of doing wrong. I beg She may be permitted to return to Her Friends in Philada. or to come to me as She may choose; from your Excellency I have no fears on Her Account, but She may Suffer from the mistaken fury of Her Country.
I have to request that the Inclosed Letter may be delivered to Mrs. Arnold and She permitted to write to me.
I have also to Ask that my Cloths & Baggage which are of little Consequence may be Sent to me. If required their Value shall be paid in Money.
I have the honor to be with great regard & Esteem   Your Excellencys   Most Obedt Hble Servt.
B Arnold
His Excelly Genl. Washington.
NB   In Justice to the gentlemen of my Family Colonel Varick & Major Franks, I think myself in honor bound to declare, that they as well as Joshua Smith Esqr (who I know is suspected) are totally Ignorant of any transactions of mine that they had reason to believe were Injurious to the Public.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Major General Nathanael Greene, 25 September 1780
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Greene, Nathanael

Verplanks, [New York] 25th Septr. 1780
Sir,

There has just been unfolded at this place a scene of the blackest treason, Arnold has fled to the Enemy. André the British Adjt Genl is in our possession as a Spy. This capture unravelled the mystery. West Point was to have been the Sacrifice, all the dispositions have been made for the purpose and ’tis possible, tho’ not probable to night may still see the execution. The wind is fair, I came here in pursuit of Arnold but was too late. I advise your putting the army under marching orders, and detaching a brigade immediately this way.
I am with great regard   Your obedient Servant
Alexr. Hamilton Aid de Camp


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Elizabeth Schuyler, 25 September [1780]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Schuyler, Elizabeth

[Robinson’s House, Highlands, New York] Sepr 25 [1780]

In the midst of my letter, I was interrupted by a scene that shocked me more than any thing I have met with—the discovery of a treason of the deepest dye. The object was to sacrifice West Point. General Arnold had sold himself to André for this purpose. The latter came but in disguise and in returning to New York was detected. Arnold hearing of it immediately fled to the enemy. I went in persuit of him but was much too late, and I could hardly regret the disappointment, when on my return, I saw an amiable woman frantic with distress for the loss of a husband she tenderly loved—a traitor to his country and to his fame, a disgrace to his connections. It was the most affecting scene I ever was witness to. She for a considerable time intirely lost her senses. The General went up to see her and she upbraided him with being in a plot to murder her child; one moment she raved; another she melted into tears; sometimes she pressed her infant to her bosom and lamented its fate occasioned by the imprudence of its father in a manner that would have pierced insensibility itself. All the sweetness of beauty, all the loveliness of innocence, all the tenderness of a wife and all the fondness of a mother showed themselves in her appearance and conduct. We have every reason to believe she was intirely unacquainted with the plan, and that her first knowlege of it was when Arnold went to tell her he must banish himself from his Country and from her forever. She instantly fell into a convulsion and he left her in that situation.

This morning she is more composed. I paid her a visit and endeavoured to sooth her by every method in my power, though you may imagine she is not easily to be consoled. Added to her other distresses, She is very apprehensive the resentment of her country will fall upon her (who is only unfortunate) for the guilt of her husband. I have tried to persuade her, her apprehensions are ill founded; but she has too many proofs of the illiberality of the state to which she belongs to be convinced. She received us in bed, with every circumstance that could interest our sympathy. Her sufferings were so eloquent that I wished myself her brother, to have a right to become her defender. As it is, I have entreated her to enable me to give her proofs of my friendship.
Could I forgive Arnold for sacrificing his honor reputation and duty I could not forgive him for acting a part that must have forfieted the esteem of so fine a woman. At present she almost forgets his crime in his misfortune, and her horror at the guilt of the traitor is lost in her love of the man. But a virtuous mind cannot long esteem a base one, and time will make her despise, if it cannot make her hate.
Indeed my angelic Betsey, I would not for the world do any thing that would hazard your esteem. ’Tis to me a jewel of inestimable price & I think you may rely I shall never make you blush.
I thank you for all the goodness of which your letters are expressive, and I entreat you my lovely girl to believe that my tenderness for you every day increases and that no time or circumstances can abate it. I quarrel with the hours that they do not fly more rapidly and give us to each other.


Title: George Washington to George Clinton, 26 September 1780
From: Washington, George
To: Clinton, George

Robinsons [New York] September 26, 1780. Sends details of the Arnold-André plot.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Isaac Ledyard, [27 September 1780]
From: Ledyard, Isaac
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[Fishkill, New York, September 27, 1780]
Dear Sir

Since writing two Letters to his Excely. concrning Mr. Wm. Smyth. I have learned for a certainty that he was laying a plan for rescuing Joshua Smyth which was frustrated by Col. H. Hay his Uncle in Law.
I would wish to give you all ye. information I can in this young Mans Case that you may be ye. better able to determine concerning him, which causes you this trouble.
I am my dear Col.   Your Affectionate
I Ledyard
Col. Hammilton


Title: George Washington to Comte de Rochambeau, 27 September 1780
From: Washington, George
To: Rochambeau, Comte de

Near West Point, September 27, 1780. Sends news of Major General Benedict Arnold’s treason.


Title: George Washington to the Officer Commanding at West Point and Its Dependencies, 27 September 1780
From: Washington, George
To: Officer Commanding at West Point and Its Dependencies

Robinsons [New York] September 27, 1780. Sends instructions for placing the “several posts … in a state of defence at the shortest notice.”


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Ebenezer Foot, 28 September 1780
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Foot, Ebenezer

Continental Village [New York]28th of Sept. 1780
Sir:

Your letter to the General was delivered to me on the road. You will on receipt of this permit the officer with the flag to return delivering him the enclosed letter. This I know to be His Excellency’s intention, and he yesterday gave orders for the purpose which seem not to have reached you. I am Sir   Your Most Obed’t
A. Hamilton   Aide De Camp
To Mr. FootCrompond


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Brigadier General Anthony Wayne, 28 September 1780
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Wayne, Anthony

[Tappan, New York] September 28, 1780

The General desires you on receipt of this to send a party of fifty men to proceed ten miles down the River road beyond the ferry to give security to the guards who are conducting the prisoners to Head Quarters on an upper route.


Title: George Washington to the Board of General Officers, 29 September 1780
From: Washington, George
To: Board of General Officers

Tappan [New York] September 29, 1780. Informs board that it is to consider Major John André’s case and to decide his punishment.


Title: George Washington to Lieutenant General James Robertson, 30 September 1780
From: Washington, George
To: Robertson, James

Tappan [New York] September 30, 1780. Explains cause for delay in receiving and sending letters. Informs Robertson that Major John André’s “necessaries” will be delivered to André as requested.


Title: George Washington to George Clinton, 1 October 1780
From: Washington, George
To: Clinton, George

Orangetown [New York] October 1, 1780. Reiterates Army’s urgent need for flour.


Title: George Washington to Major General Arthur St. Clair, [1 October 1780]
From: Washington, George
To: St. Clair, Arthur

[Tappan, New York, October 1, 1780.] Directs St. Clair to take command of West Point. Sends instructions for this command and reviews the orders that have been given for that and nearby posts.


Title: Testimony at the Trial of Joshua Hett Smith, [2 October 1780]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To:

[Tappan, New York, October 2, 1780]

Lieutenant-colonel Alexander Hamilton was next produced on the part of the Prosecution, and sworn.
Q. Please to declare what you know respecting Mr. Smith, the Prisoner, declaring that he had been on board the Vulture, sloop-of-war, belonging to the enemy, and fetching a person on shore from that vessel?
A. I was present when Mr. Smith, the Prisoner, made his Confession before the gentlemen already mentioned by Colonel Harrison, which was substantially as follows:—That he had been employed by Major-generals Howe and Arnold, for the purpose of procuring intelligence from the enemy; that General Arnold informed him of an interview he was to have with Colonel Robinson of the British army, in which he assured him he expected to derive information of importance, and wished to engage Mr. Smith to go on board the Vulture, sloop-of-war, then lying in the North-river, to bring Colonel Robinson on shore for the purpose of that interview; that he gave Mr. Smith an order for a boat to execute this commission; that he went secretly and in the night on board the Vulture, to the best of my recollection, with a note from General Arnold to Colonel Robinson; that his being on board was known not only to Colonel Robinson, but to the officers of the vessel; that instead of Colonel Robinson, a person under the name of John Anderson came on shore with him; that General Arnold and Anderson were that night and the next day at his (Mr. Smith, the Prisoner’s) house; that he was an absolute stranger to the business they transacted; that he was not able to return with Mr. Anderson in the same manner he had brought him to the interview, on account of his having the fever and ague; that he therefore took a different mode, and proceeded with him by King’s Ferry towards the White Plains; that he left him on the road, I do not exactly recollect at what place, and returned himself; that either previous to his setting out, or in the course of the journey, he assisted Mr. Anderson to exchange the clothes he had for others, which Mr. Smith furnished, I believe he said, at the desire of General Arnold; that he understood from General Arnold, before he undertook the commission, that his (General Arnold’s) hopes of procuring intelligence from Colonel Robinson, were founded on Robinson’s desire to make terms for the safety of his estate. Mr. Smith, in the course of his examination, asserted his innocence of the transactions between General Arnold and Mr. Anderson, with very solemn protestations and appeals to heaven. On being pressed as to the possibility of his having given this interpretation to the business he was concerned in, from the circumstances of Colonel Robinson having come up in a King’s vessel, which must necessarily have been with the privity of Sir Henry Clinton; having deputed a third person to represent him in a matter which would have been to all intents and purposes, treason; the giving intelligence to an enemy, as pretended by General Arnold, and of his having been received, and a third person sent, in presence of the officers of the ship, all which denoted that the object of the interview must have had the sanction of Sir Henry Clinton, as before intimated, and, consequently, must have been for promoting the interests of the enemy, Mr. Smith appeared at first a good deal embarrassed, but finally replied that he acted from the perfect confidence he had in General Arnold, whose rank and services to the country would not suffer him to entertain the least suspicion of his being capable of entering into a treasonable combination with the enemy. Mr. Smith, on being questioned if the person he brought on shore was dressed in a uniform, answered, that he could not perfectly distinguish whether he wore a uniform or not, but that he had on a red coat, with a blue surtout. Mr. Smith also acknowledged, in the course of his examination, to the best of my memory, that he had carried a Pass on board the Vulture, for John Anderson from General Arnold. Lieutenant-colonel Hamilton also mentions that, from the subsequent circumstances, this John Anderson proves to be Major Andre, Adjutant-General to the British Army, who has recently suffered death.
Q. By Court. Did Mr. Smith mention his having been on board the Vulture before he brought this person, under the name of John Anderson, on shore?
A. Not to my knowledge; I was not present at the whole of the Confession.
Q. By Mr. Smith. Was not my reason given for going on board the ship in the night, and was it not that General Arnold told me he did not wish the source of his intelligence, as yet, to be known to every body?
A. I have a faint recollection that it was.
Q. By Mr. Smith. Don’t you recollect that I said I was very roughly used by the officers of the watch, on board the ship?
A. I think I do on your first arrival, or rather on your approach.
Q. By Do. How then could it be with the officers’ privity that I came on board.
A. I did not suppose that the officers of the ship had a previous knowledge of your intention to come on board; but, in the roughness of sea manners, gave you the kind of reception you mentioned to have met with, as you complained of no rude treatment, by the other officers, after you were once known, and acknowledged that they were acquainted with your communication with Colonel Robinson. By communications I mean that you came on board, on business with Colonel Robinson. You acknowledge the officers of the ship were also acquainted with the person, John Anderson, having been sent on shore with you.
Q. By Do. Do you mean that I declared my ignorance as to General Arnold’s designs, as they were then discovered, or of General Arnold’s intentions in sending me on board the vessel?
A. You declared your ignorance of any criminal intention whatsoever in General Arnold.
Q. By Do. Don’t you recollect my saying that General Arnold, when he applied to me for a coat for Anderson, said he was only a merchant, and from pride had borrowed a coat from an officer in New York?
A. I do not.
Q. By Do. Don’t you recollect my appealing to you, before the gentlemen present, at the time of the examination, with respect to my political character, as far as you knew it; and whether a charge of that kind could be laid against me, without the highest proof of my being knowing to Arnold’s design?
A. I recollect you appealed to me respecting your political character; and that my answer was, that in the early part of this contest, you had exhibited appearances of an intemperate zeal for the cause of America.
Q. By Do. What do you mean by an intemperate zeal?
A. An excessive warmth.
Q. By Do. Was not my character in New York always esteemed as a warm friend to the cause of America, before we quit the city, as far as came to your knowledge?
A. Many persons esteemed you as a zealot on the popular side; though intimations of doubt have been made to me of the sincerity of your pretensions, I believe from a suspicion of your family.
Q. By Do. Was it from any suspicions against me, or from any part of my political conduct, that you could learn?
A. Not from any part of your own political conduct.
Q. By Do. Do you recollect my conduct in New York, on the sixth of March, 1775?
A. Not precisely on that day, but on the preceding evening I do recollect it. You then appeared active to promote the interest of the Whig Party; and I believe at that time you were sincere.

Q. By Do. Before I gave a detail to General Washington, at Robinson’s house, of my transactions with General Arnold, was I not requested to do it, the General limiting me to the last ten days?
A. You were asked to give an account of every thing you knew of General Arnold’s transactions within a short time past. I do not remember the precise period.
Q. By Do. Was it in consequence of threats from General Washington, that I gave that account?
A. Colonel Harrison has already given a just idea of what passed from the General to you on that occasion. The General expressed himself with some warmth.
Q. By Do. Did you not hear his Excellency tell me that General Arnold was gone off to the enemy?
A. I believe I did.
Q. By Do. Did I not confess that I was ignorant of his going off, upon the General’s informing me of it?
A. I believe you did.
Q. By Do. Don’t you recollect that General Washington mentioned to me that this man, whom I brought on shore by the name of John Anderson, was the Adjutant-general to the British army?
A. I think I do.
Q. By Do. Did I not appear very much surprised at hearing it?
A. I do not exactly recollect your appearance at this time.
**************
Q. By Mr. Smith to Lieutenant-Colonel Hamilton. Don’t you recollect that when I said that I had brought one, Anderson, on shore, that I said I understood that Anderson was to negotiate Robinson’s business with General Arnold?
A. You did profess that supposition.


Title: George Washington to James Duane, 4 October 1780
From: Washington, George
To: Duane, James

Tappan [New York] October 4, 1780. Criticizes proposed Congressional plan for raising a permanent army. Is concerned that slightest success “will lull us into security.” States that “the history of the war is a history of false hopes and temporary expedients.” Fears this winter “will open a still more embarassing scene.” Reports that interview at Hartford produced nothing conclusive.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Colonel Timothy Pickering, [5 October 1780]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Pickering, Timothy

[Tappan, New York, October 5, 1780]
Dr. Sir

I am directed by The General to inform you in confidence, that the army will march from its present ground as soon as the weather permits. You will make your arrangements accordingly. When the weather clears, if you will call at Head Quarters, you will be informed of the particular disposition.
I am D Sir   Yr. Obed ser
A Hamilton   Aide De Camp
Hd. Qrs. Octr. 5. 80
Col PickeringQ M G


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Marquis de Lafayette, [8 October 1780]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Lafayette, Marie-Joseph-Paul-Yves-Roch-Gilbert du Motier, marquis de

[Paramus, New Jersey, October 8, 1780]
Dr. Marquis

The General is very anxious to hear from you and that your corps should join the army. Your men must have suffered exceedingly yesterday and last night, and your baggage is here. Be with us as soon as you can; but send the express back immediately with an account of your success.
Yrs. Affectionately
AH
Paramus Octr. 8. 1780
Marquis De la Fayette


Title: George Washington to Benjamin Franklin, 9 October 1780
From: Washington, George
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Bergen County [New Jersey] October 9, 1780. States that the idea of a tour of Europe with Franklin after the war would be tempting if domestic affairs were not so urgent. Asserts that the American military and political situation is such that the country can only be saved by either peace or money from America’s allies.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Philip Schuyler, 10 October 1780
From: Schuyler, Philip
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Albany [New York] October 10, 1780. Is still confined to his room with gout. Reports that British forces “were collected at St Johns to make separate attacks on the Grants, Saratoga and the Mohawk river.”


Title: George Washington to Samuel Huntington, 11 October 1780
From: Washington, George
To: Huntington, Samuel

Passaic Falls [New Jersey] October 11, 1780. Approves of resolution for the Army establishment with certain reservations. Recommends either half-pay for life or full pay for seven years for all officers. Approves the number of regiments planned, but recommends an increase in the number of men and officers in each regiment. Makes suggestions concerning the cavalry and artillery. Believes that term of enlistment should be increased and that bounties should be paid in specie. Disapproves of allowing the states to reduce number of regiments and officers; asserts this should be in the hands of Congress.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Lieutenant Colonel John Laurens, [11 October 1780]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Laurens, John

[Preakness, New Jersey, October 11, 1780]

[1]   Since my return from Hartford, my Dear Laurens, my mind has been too little at ease to permit me to write to you sooner. It has been wholly occupied by the affecting and tragic consequences of Arnold’s treason. My feelings were never put to so severe a trial. You will no doubt have heard the principal facts before this reaches you; but there are particulars, to which my situation gave me access, that cannot have come to your knowlege from public report, which I am persuaded you will find interesting.
[2]   From several circumstances, the project seems to have originated with Arnold himself and to have been long premeditated. The first overture is traced back to some time in June last. It was conveyed in a letter to Col. Robinson; the substance of which was, that the ingratitude he had experienced from his country, concurring, with other causes, had intirely changed his principles, that he now only sought to restore himself to the favour of his king, by some signal proof of his repentance, and would be happy to open a correspondence with Sir Henry Clinton for that purpose. About this period he made a journey to Connecticut, on his return from which to Philadelphia, he solicited the command of West Point; alleging that the effects of his wound had disqualified him for the active duties of the field. The sacrifice of this important post was the atonement he intended to make. General Washington hesitated the less to gratify an officer who had rendered such eminent services, as he was convinced the post might be safely trusted to one, who had given so many distinguished specimens of his bravery. In the beginning of August, he joined the army, and renewed his application. The enemy, at this juncture, had embarked the greatest part of their force on an expedition to Rhode Island; and our army was in motion to compel them to relinquish the enterprise or to attack New York in its weakened state. The General offered Arnold the left wing of the army; which he declined on the pretext already mentioned, but not without visible embarrassment. He certainly might have executed the duties of such a temporary command, and it was expected from his enterprising temper, that he would gladly have embraced so splendid an opportunity. But he did not choose to be diverted a moment from his favourite object, probably from an apprehension, that some different disposition might have taken place, which would have excluded him. The extreme solicitude he discovered to get possession of the post, would have led to a suspicion of the treachery, had it been possible from his past conduct to have supposed him capable of it.
[3]   The correspondence thus begun was carried on between Arnold and Major André Adjutant General to the British army, in behalf of Sir Henry Clinton, under feigned signatures and in a mercantile disguise. In an intercepted letter of Arnold which lately fell into our hands he proposes an interview, “to settle the risks and profits of the copartnership”; and in the same stile of metaphor, intimates an expected augmentation of the garrison, and speaks of it as the means of extending their traffic. It appears by another letter that André was to have met him on the lines, under the sanction of a flag in the character of Mr. John Anderson. But some cause, or other, not known, prevented this interview.
[4]   The 20th. of last month Robinson and André went up the River in the Vulture Sloop of War. Robinson sent a flag to Arnold with two letters; one to General Putnam inclosed in another to himself; proposing an interview with Putnam, or in his absence, with Arnold, to adjust some private concerns. The one to General Putnam was evidently meant as a cover to the other, in case by accident, the letters should have fallen under the inspection of a third person.
[5]   General Washington crossed the river, in his way to Hartford, the day these dispatches arrived. Arnold conceiving he must have  heard of the flag, thought it necessary for the sake of appearances, to submit the letters to him and ask his opinion of the propriety of ⟨comply⟩ing with the request. The General with his usual caution, though without the least surmise of the design, dissuaded him from it, and advised him to reply to Robinson, that whatever related to his private affairs, must be of a civil nature, and could only properly be addressed to the civil authority. This reference fortunately deranged the plan and was the first link in the chain of events that led to the detection. The interview could no longer take place, in the form of a flag, but was obliged to be managed in a secret manner.
[6]   Arnold employed one Smith to go on Board the Vulture the night of the 22d to bring André on shore with a pass for Mr. John Anderson. André came ashore accordingly, and was conducted within a picket of ours to the house of Smith, where Arnold and he remained together in close conference all that night and the day following. At day light in the morning, the commanding officer at Kings ferry, without the privity of Arnold moved a couple of pieces of cannon to a point opposite to where the vulture lay and obliged her to take a more remote station. This event, or some lurking distrust, made the boatmen refuse to convey the two passengers back, and disconcerted Arnold so much, that by one of those strokes of infatuation, which often confound the schemes of men conscious of guilt, he insisted on André’s exchanging his uniform for a disguise, and returning in a mode different from that in which he came. André who had been undesignedly brought within our posts in the first instance remonstrated warmly against this new and dangerous expedient. But Arnold persisting in declaring it impossible for him to return as he came, he at length reluctantly yielded to his direction. Smith furnished the disguise, and in the evening passed Kings ferry with him and proceeded to Crompond where they stopped the remainder of the night (at the instance of a militia officer) to avoid being suspected by him. The next morning they resumed their journey Smith accompanying André a little beyond Pine’s bridge, where he left him. He had reached Tarry town, when he was taken up by three militia men, who rushed out of the woods and seized his horse.

[7]   At this critical moment his presence of mind forsook him. Instead of producing his pass which would have extricated him from our parties and could have done him no harm with his own, he asked the militia men, if they were of the upper or lower party, distinctive appellations known among the enemy’s refugee corps. The Militia men replied they were of the lower party; upon which he told them he was a British officer and pressed them not to detain him, as he was upon urgent business. This confession removed all doubt; and it was in vain he afterwards produced his pass. He was instantly forced off to a place of greater security; where after a careful search there were founded concealed in the feet of his stockings several papers of importance delivered to him by Arnold; among these were a plan of the fortifications of West Point, a memorial from the Engineer on the attack and defence of the place, returns of the garrison, cannon and stores, copy of the minutes of a council of war held by General Washington a few Weeks before. The prisoner at first was inadvertently ordered to Arnold; but on recollection, while still on the way, he was countermanded, and sent to old Salem. The papers were inclosed in a letter to General Washington, which having taken a route different from the one he returned by, made a circuit, that afforded leisure for another letter, through an illjudged delicacy written to Arnold with information of Anderson’s capture, to get to him an hour before General Washington’s arrival at his quarters, time enough to elude the fate that awaited him. He went down the river in his barge to the vulture, with such precipitate confusion, that he did not take with him a single paper useful to the enemy. On the first notice of the affair he was persued, but much too late to be overtaken.
[9]   Arnold a moment before his setting out, went into Mrs. Arnold’s apartment and informed her that some transactions had just come to light which must for ever banish him from his country. She fell into a swoon, at this declaration; and he left her in it to consult his own safety, ’till the servants alarmed by her cries came to her relief. She remained frantic all day, accusing every one who approached her with an intention to murder her child (an infant in her arms) and exhibiting every other mark of the most genuine and agonising distress. Exhausted by the fatigue and tumult of her spirits, her phrenzy subsided towards evening and she sunk into all the sadness of affliction. It was impossible not to have been touched with her situation; every thing affected in female tears, or in the misfortunes of beauty, every thing pathetic in the wounded tenderness of a wife, or in the apprehensive fondness of a mother, and, ’till I have reason to change the opinion, I will add, every thing amiable in suffering innocence conspired to make her an object of sympathy to all who were present. She experienced the most delicate attentions and every friendly office ’till her departure for Philadelphia.
[8]   There was some color for imagining it was a part of the plan to betray the General into the hands of the enemy. Arnold was very anxious to ascertain from him the precise day of his return and the enemy’s movements seem to have corresponded to this point. But if it was really the case, it was very injudicious. The success must have depended on surprise, and as the officers at the advanced posts were not in the secret, their measures might have given the alarm, and General Washington taking the command of the post might have rendered the whole scheme abortive. Arnold it is true had so dispersed the garrison as to have made a defence difficult, but not impracticable; and the acquisition of West Point was of such magnitude to the enemy, that it would have been unwise to connect it with any other object however great which might make the obtaining it precarious.
[10]   André was without loss of time conducted to the Head Quarters of the army, where he was immediately brought before a board of General Officers, to prevent all possibility of misrepresentation or cavil on the part of the enemy. The Board reported, that he ought to be considered as a spy and according to the laws and usages of nations to suffer death; which was executed two days after.
[11]   Never perhaps did any man suffer death with more justice, or deserve it less. The first step he took after his capture was to write a letter to General Washington conceived in terms of dignity without insolence and apology without meanness. The scope of it was to vindicate himself from the imputation of having assumed a mean character for treacherous or interested purposes; asserting that he had been involuntarily an impostor, that contrary to his intentions, which was to meet a person for intelligence on neutral ground, he had been betrayed within our posts and forced into the vile condition of an enemy in disguise, soliciting only that to whatever rigor policy might devote him a decency of treatment might be observed, due to a person who though unfortunate had been guilty of nothing dishonorable. His request was granted in its full extent, for in the whole progress of the affair, he was treated with the most scrupulous delicacy. When brought before the Board of Officers, he met with every mark of indulgence and was required to answer no interrogatory, which could even embarrass his feelings. On his part, while he carefully concealed everything that might involve others, he frankly confessed all the facts relating to himself; and upon his confession without the trouble of examining a witness, the Board made their report. The members of it were not more impressed with the candor and firmness mixed with a becoming sensibility, which he displayed than he was penetrated with their liberality and politeness. He acknowleged the generosity of the behaviour towards him, in every respect, but particularly in this, in the strongest terms of manly gratitude. In a conversation with a Gentleman who visited him after his trial, he said he flattered himself he had never been illiberal; but if there were any remains of prejudice, in his mind, his present experience must obliterate them.
[12]   In one of the visits I made to him (and I saw him several times during his confinement) he begged me to be the bearer of a request to the General for permission, to send an open letter to Sir Henry Clinton. “I foresee my fate (said he) and though I pretend not to play the hero, or to be indifferent about life; yet I am reconciled to whatever may happen, conscious that misfortune, not guilt, has brought it upon me. There is only one thing that disturbs my tranquillity—Sir Henry Clinton has been too good to me; he has been lavish of his kindness. I am bound to him by too many obligations and love him too well to bear the thought, that he should reproach himself, or that others should reproach him, on the supposition of my having conceived myself obliged by his instructions to run the risk I did. I would not for the world leave a sting in his mind, that should embitter his future days.” He could scarce finish the sentence, bursting into tears, in spite of his efforts to suppress them; and with difficulty collected himself enough afterwards to add, “I wish to be permitted to assure him, I did not act under this impression, but submitted to a necessity imposed upon me as contrary to my own inclination as to his orders.” His request was readily complied with, and he wrote the letter annexed, and with which I dare say, you will ⟨be as⟩ much pleased as I am both for the dic⟨tion⟩ and sentiment.
[15]   There was something singularly interesting in the character and fortunes of André. To an excellent understanding well improved by education and travel, he united a peculiar elegance of mind and manners, and the advantage of a pleasing person. ’Tis said he possessed a pretty taste for the fine arts, and had himself attained some proficiency in poe⟨try,⟩ music and painting. His knowlege appeared without ostentation, and embellished by a diffidence, that rarely accompanies so many talents and accomplishments, which left you to suppose more than appeared. His sentiments were elevated and inspired esteem. they had a softness that conciliated affection. His elocution was handsome; his address easy, polite and insinuating. By his merit he had acquired the unlimited confidence of his general and was making a rapid progress in military rank and reputation. But in the height of his career, flushed with new hope from the execution of a project the most beneficial to his party, that could be devised, he was at once precipitated from the summit of prosperity and saw all the expectations of his ambition blasted and himself ruined.
[16]   The character I have given of him is drawn partly from what I saw of him myself and partly from information. I am aware that a man of real merit is never seen in so favourable a light, as through the medium of adversity. The clouds that surround him are shades that set off his good qualities. Misfortune cuts down the little vanities, that in prosperous times served as so many spots in his virtues; and gives a tone of humility that makes his worth more amiable. His spectators who enjoy a happier lot are less prone to detract from it, through envy, and are more disposed by compassion to give him the credit he deserves and perhaps even to magnify it.
[17]   I speak not of André’s conduct in this affair as a Philosophe, but as a man of the world. The authorised maxims and practices of war are the satire of human nature. They countenance almost every species of seduction as well as violence; and the General that can make most traitors in the army of his adversary is frequently most applauded. On this scale we acquit André, while we could not but condemn him, if we were to examine his conduct by the sober rules of philosophy and moral rectitude. It is however a blemish in his fame, that he once intended to prostitute a flag; about this a man of nice honor ought to have had a scruple, but the temptation was great; let his misfortunes cast a veil over his error.
[13]   When his sentence was announced to him, he remarked, that since it was his lot to die there was still a choice in the mode which would make a material difference to his feelings, and he would be happy, if possible, to be indulged with a professional death. He made a second application by letter in concise, but persuasive terms. It was thought this indulgence being incompatible with the customs of war could not be granted and it was therefore determined in both cases to evade an answer to spare him the sensations, which a certain knowlege of the intended mode would inflict.
[14]   In going to the place of execution, he bowed familiarly as he went along to all those with whom he had been acquainted in his confinement. A smile of complacency expressed the serene fortitude of his mind. Arrived at the fatal spot, he asked with some emotion, must I then die in this manner? He was told it had been unavoidable. “I am reconciled to my fate (said he) but not to the mode.” Soon however recollecting himself, he added, “it will be but a momentary pang,” and springing upon the cart performed the last offices to himself with a composure that excited the admiration and melted the hearts of the beholders. Upon being told the final moment was at hand, and asked if he had any thing to say, he answered: “nothing, but to request you will witness to the world, that I die like a brave man.” Among the extra ordinary circumstances that attended him, in the midst of his enemies, he died universally esteemed and universally regretted.
[18]   Several letters from Sir Henry Clinton and others were received in the course of the affair, feebly attempting to prove, that André came out under the protection of a flag, with a passport from a general officer in actual service, and consequently could not be justly detained. Clinton sent a deputation composed of Lt General Robinson, Mr. Elliot and Mr. William Smith to represent as he said the true state of Major André’s case. General Greene met Robinson & had a conversation with him, in which he reiterated the pretence of a flag, urged André’s release as a personal favour to Sir Henry Clinton, and offered any friend of ours in their power in exchange. Nothing could have been more frivolous than the plea which was used. The fact was that besides the time, manner, object of the interview, change of dress, and other circumstances, there was not a single formality customary with flaggs and the passport was not to Major André, but to Mr. Anderson. But had there been, on the contrary, all the formalities, it would be an abuse of language to say, that the sanction of a flag for corrupting an officer to betray his trust ought to be respected. So unjustifiable a purpose would not only destroy its validity but make it an aggravation.
[19]   André himself has answered the argument by ridiculing and exploding the idea in his examination before the board of officers. It was a weakness to urge it.
[20]   There was in truth no way of saving him. Arnold or he must have been the victim; the former was out of our power.
[21]   It was by some suspected, Arnold had taken his measures in such a manner, that if the interview had been discovered in the act it might have been in his power to sacrifice André to his own security. This surmise of double treachery made them imagine Clinton might be induced to give up Arnold for André, and a Gentleman took occasion to suggest this expedient to the latter, as a thing that might be proposed by him. He declined it. The moment he had been capable of so much frailty, I should have ceased to esteem him.
[22]   The infamy of Arnold’s conduct previous to his desertion ⟨is⟩ only equalled by his baseness since. Besides the folly of writing to Sir Henry Clinton; assuring him that André had acted under a passport from him and according to his directions, while commanding officer at a post, and that therefore he did not doubt he would be immediately sent in; he had the effrontery to write to General Washington, in the same spirit, with the addition of a menace of retaliation, if the sentence should be carried into execution. He has since acted the farce of sending in his resignation. This man is in every sense despicable. Added to ⟨the sc⟩ene of knavery and prostitution during his command in Philadelphia, which the late seizure of his papers has unfolded; the history of his command at West Point is a history of little, as well as great, villainies. He practiced every dirty art of peculation; and even stooped to connections with the suttlers of the garrison to defraud the public.
To his conduct, that of the captors of André forms a striking contrast. He tempted them with the offer of his watch, his horse and any sum of money they should name. They rejected his offers with indignation; and the gold, that could seduce a man high in the esteem and confidence of his country, who had the remembrance of past exploits; the motives of present reputation and future glory to ⟨cloak⟩ his integrity, ⟨had no charm for three simple peasants, leaning⟩ only on their virtue and an honest sense of their duty. While Arnold is handed down with execration to future times, posterity will repeat with reverence the names of Van Wert, Paulding and Williams!
I congratulate you my friend on our happy escape from the mischiefs with which this treason was big. It is a new comment on the value of an honest man; and ⟨if it were possible, would endear you to me more than ever.⟩
Adieu
A H


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Elizabeth Schuyler, 11 October 1780
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Schuyler, Elizabeth

[Preakness, New Jersey, October 11, 1780. On October 13, 1780, Hamilton wrote to Elizabeth Schuyler: “Two days since I wrote to you my dear girl.” Letter not found.]


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Marquis de Barbé-Marbois, [12 October 1780]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Barbé-Marbois, Marquis de

[Preakness, New Jersey, October 12, 1780]

In my absence from Camp, the Commissary of prisoners has no doubt informed you, that your Brothers were not at New York. I am sorry you were so long kept in suspense about an explanation which without a determined disposition to blunder ought to have been long since obtained.
I find, my Dear Sir, on the experiment in several ways, that I cannot regularly procure the New York papers in exchange for those of Philadelphia. The only certain mode would be to send a weekly flag for the purpose, but the General apprehensive of popular jealousies, thinks it would be inconvenient. I shall with pleasure continue to forward them as often as they come into my hands; but I will not give you the trouble of sending regularly those of Philadelphia, as the object you have in view cannot be answered by it.
We are again told of an embarkation on the point of sailing three days since. We have been so often deceived that we are diffident of accounts of this kind; but the present come with a degree of emphasis, that intitle them to attention. No particulars. The want of money makes us want every thing else—even intelligence.
I have received since my return several letters from you. I agree with you My Dear Sir that while we call to our friends for help, we ought to help ourselves; and I am mortified that we seem not to be in a disposition to do it. The late deliberations on our military affairs prove that we have not profitted by experience; still the same system of feebleness and temporary expedients. Misfortune may at last enlighten us; but it may come too late to do any thing more than to make our “darkness visible” and discover to us “sights of woe.” I confess I view our affairs in a gloomy light. We hear there is to be a Congress of the neutral powers to meet at the hague this winter to mediate a peace. God send it. We want one.
Permit me to repeat to you the assurances of my attachment.
A Hamilton
October 12th. 80


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Isaac Sears, [12 October 1780]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Sears, Isaac

[Preakness, New Jersey, October 12, 1780]

I was much obliged to you My dear Sir for the Letter which you did me the favor to write me since your return to Boston. I am sorry to find that the same Spirit of Indifference to public Affairs prevails. It is necessary we should rouse and begin to do our business in earnest or we shall play a losing Game. It is impossible the Contest can be much longer Supported on the present footing. We must have a Government with more Power. We must have a Tax in kind. We must have a Foreign Loan. We must have a Bank on the true Principles of a Bank. We must have an Administration distinct from Congress and in the hands of Single Men under their orders. We must above all things have an Army for the War, and on an Establishment that will Interest the Officers in the Service.
Congress are deliberating on our Military Affairs; but I apprehend their resolutions will be Tinctured with the old Spirit. We seem to be proof against Experience. They will however recommend an Army for the War, at least as a Primary object. All those who love their Country ought to Exert their Influence in the States where they reside to determine them to take up this object with energy. The States must sink under the Burden of Temporary Inlistments, and the Enemy will conquer us by degrees during the intervals of our weakness.
Clinton is now said to be making a considerable detachment to the Southward. My fears are high, my hopes low.
We are told here, there is to be a Congress of the Neutral Powers at the Hague for meditating a Peace. God send it may be true. We want it. But if the Idea gets abroad ’tis Ten to one, if we do not fancy the thing done and fall into a profound Sleep ‘til the Cannon of the Enemy awaken us next Campaign. This is our National Character.
I am with great regard   Dear Sir   Your most Obedient   Servant,
A. Hamilton
Octr. 12th. 1780
Isaac Sears Esqr.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Philip Schuyler, [12 October 1780]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Schuyler, Philip

[Preakness, New Jersey, October 12, 1780. On October 19, 1780, Philip Schuyler wrote to Hamilton, “Your favor of the 12 Inst. I had the pleasure to receive last night.” Letter not found.]


Title: George Washington to Comte de Rochambeau, 12 October 1780
From: Washington, George
To: Rochambeau, Comte de

Preakness [New Jersey] October 12, 1780. Agrees that Rochambeau should ask to have his “present park” doubled. Will send particulars about British embarkation as soon as they are ascertained.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Elizabeth Schuyler, [13 October 1780]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Schuyler, Elizabeth

[Preakness, New Jersey, October 13, 1780]

I would not have you imagine Miss that I write to you so often either to gratify your wishes or to please your vanity; but merely to indulge myself and to comply with that restless propensity of my mind, which will not allow me to be happy when I am not doing something in which you are concerned. This may seem a very idle disposition in a philosopher and a soldier; but I can plead illustrious examples in my justification. Achilles had liked to have sacrificed Greece and his glory to his passion for a female captive; and Anthony lost the world for a woman. I am sorry the times are so changed as to oblige me to summon antiquity for my apology, but I confess, to the disgrace of the present age, that I have not been able to find many who are as far gone as myself in such laudable zeal for the fair sex. I suspect, however, if others knew the charms of my sweetheart as well as I do, I should have a great number of competitors. I wish I could give you an idea of her; you have no conception how sweet a girl she is; it is only in my heart that her image is truly drawn. She has a lovely form, and a mind still more lovely; she is all goodness, the gentlest, the dearest, the tenderest of her sex—ah, Betsey, how I love her!
Two days since I wrote to you my dear girl and sent the letter to the care of Colonel Morris: there was with it a bundle to your mamma, directed to your father, containing a cloak which Miss Livingston sent to my care. I enclosed you in that letter, the copy of a long one to my friend Laurens with an account of Arnold’s affair. I mention this for fear of a miscarriage as usual.
Well, my love, here is the middle of October; a few weeks more and you are mine; a sweet reflection to me; is it so to my charmer? Do you find yourself more or less anxious for the moment to arrive as it approaches? This is a good criterion to determine the degree of your affection by. You have had an age for consideration, time enough for even a woman to know her mind in. Do you begin to repent or not? Remember you are going to do a very serious thing. For though our sex have generously given up a part of its prerogatives, and husbands have no longer the power of life and death, as the wiser husbands of former days had, yet we still retain the power of happiness and misery; and if you are prudent you will not trust the felicity of your future life to one in whom you have not good reason for implicit confidence. I give you warning; don’t blame me if you make an injudicious choice; and if you should be disposed to retract, don’t give me the trouble of a journey to Albany, and then do as did a certain lady I have mentioned to you, find out the day before we are to be married that you “can’t like the man”; but of all things I pray you don’t make the discovery afterwards, for this would be worse than all. But I do not apprehend its being the case. I think we know each other well enough to understand each other’s feelings, and to be sure our affection will not only last but be progressive.
I stopped to read over my letter; it is a motley mixture of fond extravagance and sprightly dullness; the truth is I am too much in love to be either reasonable or witty; I feel in the extreme; and when I attempt to speak of my feelings I rave. I have remarked to you before that real tenderness has always a tincture of sadness, and when I affect the lively my melting heart rebels. It is separated from you and it cannot be cheerful. Love is a sort of insanity and every thing I write savors strongly of it; that you return it is the best proof of your madness also.
I tell you, my Betsey, you are negligent; you do not write me often enough. Take more care of my happiness, for there is nothing your Hamilton would not do to promote yours.


Title: George Washington to Samuel Huntington, 13 October 1780
From: Washington, George
To: Huntington, Samuel

Preakness [New Jersey] October 13, 1780. Informs Congress that Baron von Steuben is going to Philadelphia “to obtain some determination on his department.” Reiterates recommendation that Congress assist von Steuben.


Title: George Washington to Francisco Rendon, 13 October 1780
From: Washington, George
To: Rendon, Francisco

Preakness [New Jersey] October 13, 1780. Acknowledges receipt of Rendon’s letters. Wishes Rendon success in proposed expedition. Will forward details of the British expedition as soon as they are received.


Title: George Washington to Comte de Rochambeau, 14 October 1780
From: Washington, George
To: Rochambeau, Comte de

Preakness [New Jersey] October 14, 1780. Approves of Rochambeau’s plans for winter quarters.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Comte de Rochambeau, [15 October 1780]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Rochambeau, Comte de

[Preakness, New Jersey, October 15, 1780]
Dr. Sir

I think I informed you a day or two since of an embarkation; it has not yet sailed but is ready waiting for a fair wind; and is supposed to consist of about 3000 men. The Grenadiers and light infantry compose a part of it and there is some cavalry; this denotes an expedition to some part of the Continent, perhaps to establish a post in Virginia, perhaps to make a descent in North Carolina and form a junction with Cornwallis. Much may be said for both. The Marquis knowing I was writing to you, begs me to tell you the report of a debarkation is contradicted, and he requests you will add a line to his European dispatches to this effect. There is an account in the New York paper that President Laurens was taken off Newfoundland the 2d. of Septr., and there is a rumour that Mr. Deane is gone to England. This last I hope is false; I am afraid the first is true. Adieu My Dear Sir
Affecty Yr. hum serv
A Hamilton
Octr. 15—80
Arnold ’tis said is a good deal caressed by the enemy. I believe it is their policy to avail themselves of his former character, and make their acquisition as important as possible, endeavouring to persuade the world that disgust at our proceedings and a conviction that our affairs were in a desperate situation were his motives. I expect to see him in the English papers the Monk of the present day. I think it would be well to counteract this by an authentic deta[i]l of all his villainies little as well as great.


Title: George Washington to Samuel Huntington, 15 October 1780
From: Washington, George
To: Huntington, Samuel

Preakness [New Jersey] October 15, 1780. Sends letters concerning proposal for a “Resident Commissary of Prisoners.”


Title: George Washington to Sir Henry Clinton, 16 October 1780
From: Washington, George
To: Clinton, Henry

[Preakness, New Jersey] October 16, 1780. Complains about severity with which Charles, Earl Cornwallis, and Francis Rawdon-Hastings punish inhabitants who assist British deserters.


Title: George Washington to Colonel John Lamb, 16 October 1780
From: Washington, George
To: Lamb, John

[Totowa, New Jersey] October 16, 1780. Regrets that Lamb’s presence at court cannot be dispensed with.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Brigadier General Henry Knox, [17 October 1780]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Knox, Henry

[Preakness, New Jersey, October 17, 1780]
Dr Sir,

Mr. Garanger has returned from ⟨Philadelphia⟩ with a resolve of Congress ⟨that it⟩ cannot employ him. ⟨He⟩ writes me it was because ⟨there was⟩ no testimonial ⟨from the⟩ General or from you. ⟨I assume⟩ the Committee did not transmit your letter. I confess there seems to me something hard in this Gentleman’s case, to be rejected after having taken so much pains and lost so much time to put himself in a situation to be useful. I wish some expedient could be fallen upon to change the footing on which he now stands for a more eligible one. If you really think he may be useful to your corps and will write to The General to that effect, on the supposition that Congress acted on the principle I have mentioned, I dare say The General will interest himself for him in the manner you wish.
Very Affecty
Oct 17th.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Philip Schuyler, 17 October 1780
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Schuyler, Philip

[Preakness, New Jersey, October 17, 1780. On November 12, 1780, Schuyler wrote to Hamilton, “Both your favors of the 17th & 22nd. ult I had the pleasure to receive.” Letter of October 17 not found.]


Title: George Washington to Major General Nathanael Greene, 18 October 1780
From: Washington, George
To: Greene, Nathanael

[Totowa, New Jersey] October 18, 1780. Discusses Greene’s new command in the South.


Title: George Washington to Comte de Rochambeau, 18 October 1780
From: Washington, George
To: Rochambeau, Comte de

Preakness [New Jersey] October 18, 1780. Sends details of the sailing of British expedition. States that expedition’s objective is rumored to be either the South or Rhode Island. Reports arrival of a fleet from England.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Marquis de Fleury, 20 October 1780
From: Fleury, Marquis de
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Camp at Newport [Rhode Island] 20: 8tober 1780.

I have receiv’d your Letter, my dear friend, and thank you for it. Though I desire much to hear from you, do not think that I will submit you to a correspondence which Could not agree with your constant occupations: do not mind my Letters, Read them if you have time; Let them by if you have not, & answer only when you have nothing better to do.
We idle people must not intrude upon your time. I know how much you are hurri’d at head-quarters. I know besides, you Love & esteeme me. It is enough. I do not want to be sure of it, that you Repeat it often. Do not suppose however, that I have no great pleasure to hear from you; you would mistake my meaning, it is only that I would receive your Letters with Less pleasure, if they were troublesome to you.
We have no news here. The frigate who is going to france on an important business, is not sail’d yet: but is to sail soon. You know I suppose, who is our ambassador. I wish’d two. One from your side. I cannot writte what I was going to say. We shall a day or other open our heart, and everything will appear in his true Light. But no more of tedious politics.
Mrs. Carter told me you was soon to be married to her sister, Miss betsy Schuyler. I congratulate you heartyly on that conquest; for many Reasons: the first that you will get all that familly’s interest, & that a man of your abilities wants a Little influence to do good to his country. The second that you, will be in a very easy situation, & happin’s is not to be found without a Large estate. The third (this one is not very Certain) that we shall be or connect’d or neighbors. For you most know, that I am an admirer of Miss Pegguy, your sister in Law; & that if she will not have me; Mr. Duane may be cox’d into the measure of giving me his daughter; this Litle jest is between you & I. It woud be very improper for anybody else.
It is Reportd the british fleet Lays as yet at gardner’s bay. If the anchoring is not very safe there, they must have suffer’d of an heavy gale we had Lately. What is Rodney doing at N. York? I do not Like his remaing there. I do not Like more guichen’s incredible Return. My good man, what does all this mean? Still! Let us do our duty, god will do the Remainder. Faisons notre devoir, Le ciel faira Le Réste. il peut tout excepté faire que je cèsse d’être votre amy & sèrviteur.
fleury


Title: George Washington to the Board of War, 21 October 1780
From: Washington, George
To: Board of War

Preakness [New Jersey] October 21, 1780. Asks Board to explain what is meant by “the line of the army.”


Title: George Washington to Sir Henry Clinton, 21 October 1780
From: Washington, George
To: Clinton, Henry

[Preakness, New Jersey] October 21, 1780. Discusses proposal for a resident commissary of prisoners.


Title: George Washington to Major David S. Franks, 21 October 1780
From: Washington, George
To: Franks, David S.

Preakness [New Jersey] October 21, 1780. Discusses proposed court of inquiry into Franks’s conduct.


Title: George Washington to Major General William Heath, 21 October 1780
From: Washington, George
To: Heath, William

Preakness [New Jersey] October 21, 1780. Directs Heath to appoint a court of inquiry to examine the conduct of Lieutenant Colonel Richard Varick and Major David S. Franks.


Title: George Washington to Lieutenant Colonel Richard Varick, 21 October 1780
From: Washington, George
To: Varick, Richard

Preakness [New Jersey] October 21, 1780. Discusses procedure of proposed court of inquiry into Varick’s conduct.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Philip Schuyler, 22 October 1780
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Schuyler, Philip

[Preakness, New Jersey, October 22, 1780. On November 12, 1780, Schuyler wrote to Hamilton: “Both your favors of the 17th & 22nd, ult I had the pleasure to receive about the latter end of the month.” Letter of October 22 not found.]


Title: George Washington to Major General Horatio Gates, 22 October 1780
From: Washington, George
To: Gates, Horatio

Preakness [New Jersey] October 22, 1780. Has been directed by Congress to order a court of inquiry into Gates’s conduct as “Commander of the Southern Army.” States that Major General Nathanael Greene has been instructed to take over Gates’s command during inquiry.


Title: George Washington to Major General Nathanael Greene, 22 October 1780
From: Washington, George
To: Greene, Nathanael

Preakness [New Jersey] October 22, 1780. Orders Greene to assume the command of the southern army until an inquiry has been made into Major General Horatio Gates’s conduct in the southern campaign. Orders Greene to appoint the court of inquiry.


Title: George Washington to Colonel Charles Harrison, 22 October 1780
From: Washington, George
To: Harrison, Charles

Preakness [New Jersey] October 22, 1780. Orders Harrison to proceed south with Major General Nathanael Greene to reorganize the corps of artillery.


Title: George Washington to John Mathews, 23 October 1780
From: Washington, George
To: Mathews, John

Passaic Falls [New Jersey] October 23, 1780. Will comply with Mathews’s request concerning Mrs. Mathews as soon as situation permits. Discusses southern situation.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Lieutenant Colonel Richard Varick, 24 October 1780
From: Varick, Richard
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[Robinson’s House, Highlands, New York, October 24, 1780. “… I am to beg you, to be so obliging, as to send me your deposition, by the first conveyance, of what my conduct was, or appeared to be to you, from the morning of the 25th after you arrived here ’till that of the 28th Sept., when you left us. Whether any part of my conduct or language betrayed any privity of Arnold’s rascally designs agt. his country or of his flight to the enemy. God only knows that my then unsuspicious mind would not admit the idea, till Mrs. Arnold’s declaration in her phrenzy ‘That he was gone forever,’ alarmed my fears & that soon after waited on his Secy., fearful to discovery but anxious that he should know my apprehensions & beg’d him to see Mrs. Arnold at her request.… I wish you, in your depn. to declare whether any & which of the papers found on André were in my handwriting. I am told one of Sheldon’s Returns is. I can very well account for it.…” Letter not found.]


Title: George Washington to Major General Alexander McDougall, 24 October 1780
From: Washington, George
To: McDougall, Alexander

Preakness [New Jersey] October 24, 1780. Approves of McDougall’s entering Congress as a delegate from New York.


Title: George Washington to Comte de Rochambeau, 24 October 1780
From: Washington, George
To: Rochambeau, Comte de

Preakness [New Jersey] October 24, 1780. Approves of Rochambeau’s sending the Duc de Lauzun’s cavalry to Connecticut for the winter. Sends news of captures by the French fleet and describes British fleet in New York harbor.


Title: George Washington to the Board of War, 25 October 1780
From: Washington, George
To: Board of War

[Totowa, New Jersey] October 25, 1780. Distrusts information that was given to board by a supposed British deserter who may well be a spy.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Elizabeth Schuyler, [27 October 1780]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Schuyler, Elizabeth

[Preakness, New Jersey, October 27, 1780]

It is now a fortnight since I have received a line from my Charmer; but I attribute it to the interruptions of conveyance. I wish however you would write by the post, which would ensure me a letter once a week at least; for though I am convinced there is no neglect on your part, yet I cannot help being uneasy, when I have been longer than usual without hearing from you. I am afraid you may be unwell, and this apprehension torments me. I feel it is essential to my happiness that the period should arrive when all my moments will be softened, enlivened and blessed by your company. I almost pine after peace. Then, if ever I suffer you to be out of my sight, it will be an unwilling sacrifice to decorum.
How happy am I to think that one month more puts an end to our long separation; shall I find you my Dear girl as impatient to receive me as I shall be to fly to your bosom? I have ever since you gave me leave to do it, considered loved and cherished you as my own; but the prospect of your being so by those sacred ties which society has established and heaven approves has something delightful in it, that I find myself incapable of expressing. How often have I with Eloisa exclaimed against those forms which I now revere as calculated to knit our union together by new and stronger bands. It is not true that—

“Love free as air at sight of human ties
Spreads his light wings and in a moment flies.”

A sincere passion takes pleasure in multiplying the ties by which it is held to its object, and every new sanction is a new gratification. It seems to think it never can be closely enough linked to what it loves.
With transport will my heart answer to the question, will you take this woman to be thy wedded wife?
Prepare my charming bride to crown your lover with every thing that is tender, kind, passionate and endearing in your sex. He will bring you a heart fraught with all a fond woman can wish.
I expect in a few days to go to Philadelphia for a day or two. I shall there see my friend and make him participate in my good fortune by giving him a picture of my mistress. After that I will return to Head Quarters, where I shall remain a fortnight and then set out for Albany. You will see me before the end of next month.
I will write you no news, because I send all we have to your father. We have some very good from the Southward that bids fair to change the face of affairs.
Meade already begins to recant. I have received a letter from him on the Journey in which he tells me he finds he must return to the army. This will be a new proof to you that I cannot leave it, as we both so ardently desire.
God bless you My Darling girl. Mention me affectionately to your Mother and to Peggy. Tell all the family I love them, and assure yourself that my affection for you is inviolable.
A Hamilton
Octr. 27th. 80
I had a charming dream two or three night ago. I thought I had just arrived at Albany and found you asleep on a green near the house, and beside you in an inclined posture stood a Gentleman whom I did not know. He had one of your hands in his, and seemed fixed in silent admiration. As you may imagine, I reproached him with his presumption and asserted my claim. He insisted on a prior right; and the dispute grew ⟨heated⟩. This I fancied ⟨awoke⟩ you, when yielding to a sudden impulse of joy, you flew into my arms and decided the contention with a kiss. I was so delighted that I immediately waked, and lay the rest of the night exulting in my good fortune. Tell me I pray you who is this rival of mine. Dreams you know are the messengers of Jove.
I send you two letters that came to my care one for Peggy the other for yourself. The one


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Lieutenant Colonel Richard Varick, [28 October 1780]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Varick, Richard

[Preakness, New Jersey, October 28, 1780]
Dr Sir

I have received several letters from you to Harrison and myself: the requisitions of which I believe have been mostly complied with. It is impossible for me to ascertain what papers have been forwarded and what remain to be forwarded, as Harrison transacted the matter before he went away and left no minute. If you will let me know particularly what are deficient I will with pleasure forward them by the first opportunity.
I am with great regard
Oct. 28 1780
Harrisons & Meade’s depositions have just gone on—


Title: George Washington to George Clinton, 29 October 1780
From: Washington, George
To: Clinton, George

Preakness [New Jersey] October 29, 1780. Reports that Joshua Hett Smith has been acquitted and is being returned to West Point.


Title: George Washington to Marquis de Lafayette, 30 October 1780
From: Washington, George
To: Lafayette, Marie-Joseph-Paul-Yves-Roch-Gilbert du Motier, marquis de

[Totowa, New Jersey] October 30, 1780. Does not think that a campaign at this time is feasible. States that American force is not large enough to attack New York.


Title: Deposition in Favor of Lieutenant Colonel Richard Varick, 31 October 1780
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To:

[Preakness, New Jersey, October 31, 1780. “Personally appeared before me John Glover, Brigadier General in the Army of the United States, Alex. Hamilton, Lt. Colonel and Aide De Camp to The Commander in Chief, who being duly sworn, deposeth and saith, that from all the circumstances of the behaviour of Richard Varick, Esqr., on the late occasion of the desertion of Major General Arnold, so far as the said Alex. Hamilton was witness to them, he was fully persauded of the innocence of the said Richard Varick Esqr. in the treasonable proceedings of the said Arnold.…” Document not found.]


Title: George Washington to Major General William Phillips, 31 October 1780
From: Washington, George
To: Phillips, William

Preakness [New Jersey] October 31, 1780. Has instructed Abraham Skinner concerning the proposed exchange of prisoners.


Title: George Washington to the Chevalier du Bouchet, [October 1780]
From: Washington, George
To: Bouchet, Chevalier de

[Preakness, New Jersey, October, 1780.] States appreciation of the friendship of the French.


Title: George Washington to Samuel Huntington, 1 November 1780
From: Washington, George
To: Huntington, Samuel

Preakness [New Jersey] November 1, 1780. Transmits memorials from Captain Joseph Traversie and from “the Canadian families which have taken refuge” in Albany.


Title: George Washington to Francisco Rendon, 1 November 1780
From: Washington, George
To: Rendon, Francisco

Preakness [New Jersey] November 1, 1780. Sends details of British embarkation.


Title: General Orders by George Washington, 1 November 1780
From: Washington, George,Tilghman, Tench,Hamilton, Alexander
To:

Totowa [New Jersey] November 1, 1780. Announces regulation of Army by the Congressional resolves of October 3 and 21. Directs officers to meet and make arrangements conformable to these regulations.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Jeremiah Wadsworth, 2 November 1780
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Wadsworth, Jeremiah

[Preakness, New Jersey, November 2, 1780. The description of this letter in the dealer’s catalogue states that the letter “mentions General Schuyler and refers to his leaving Albany to meet the Convention.” Letter not found.]


Title: George Washington to Samuel Huntington, 4 November 1780
From: Washington, George
To: Huntington, Samuel

Preakness [New Jersey] November 4, 1780. Sends news of British troop and naval movements. Reports that Army received announcement of new establishment with satisfaction.


Title: George Washington to Comte de Rochambeau, 4 November 1780
From: Washington, George
To: Rochambeau, Comte de

[Preakness, New Jersey] November 4, 1780. Is happy to hear that Rochambeau’s son has departed for France. Sends reports of British troop movements.


Title: George Washington to Lieutenant Colonel William Stephens Smith, 4 November 1780
From: Washington, George
To: Smith, William Stephens

[Totowa, New Jersey] November 4, 1780. Approves Smith’s decision to take the place of a retiring lieutenant colonel.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Colonel Timothy Pickering, 6 November 1780
From: Pickering, Timothy
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Preakness, New Jersey, November 6, 1780. Describes efforts to obtain boats for projected attack on the posts on the northern end of Manhattan Island.


Title: George Washington to William Smith, [15 November 1780]
From: Washington, George
To: Smith, William

[Passaic Falls, New Jersey, November 15, 1780.] Thanks Smith for the notice of Washington’s election to American Philosophical Society.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Colonel Charles Stewart, [18 November 1780]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Stewart, Charles

[Preakness, New Jersey, November 18, 1780]
Dr. Sir

You will see that Mr. Farge is a man in distress. The General has given him an order to draw rations. From his situation he cannot draw them dayly. Can you advance him for two or three months at a time? This is wholly private.
Yrs. with great regard
Alex Hamilton
Hd. Qrs. Nov. 18. 80.
Mr. Stewart


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Colonel Timothy Pickering, [20 November 1780]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Pickering, Timothy

[Passaic Falls, New Jersey, November 20, 1780]
Dr. Sir

Be so good as to urge the bringing forward the boats; there is no time to be lost. They ought to be with the others by Wednesday evening, if possible.
Yr. very hum serv
Alex Hamilton   Aide De Camp
Hd. Qrs. Novr. 20th. 80
I think I mentioned to you in my first note, that the boats would be by this time at Dobbes ferry. ’Tis there the teams must go.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Colonel Timothy Pickering, [20 November 1780]
From: Pickering, Timothy
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[Preakness, New Jersey, November 20, 1780]
Sir

I instantly sent off an Express on the Receipt of your first Note to Major Cogswell with Orders requiring him immediately to dispatch five Teams with Carriages for five additional Boats at Dobbs Ferry which had arrived there since the others were sent for!
I will send again to know if the first Order was executing, and directing that the Boats be at the two Bridges by Wednesday-night.
I am Sir &c
Tim Pickering QMG


Title: George Washington to Sir Henry Clinton, 20 November 1780
From: Washington, George
To: Clinton, Henry

[Passaic Falls, New Jersey] November 20, 1780. Proposes a meeting of commissioners for the exchange of prisoners.


Title: George Washington to Samuel Huntington, 20 November 1780
From: Washington, George
To: Huntington, Samuel

Passaic Falls [New Jersey] November 20, 1780. Discusses problems involved in exchanging prisoners with Great Britain.


Title: George Washington to Colonel Thomas Craig, 21 November 1780
From: Washington, George
To: Craig, Thomas

[Totowa, New Jersey] November 21, 1780. Orders Craig to move his men to Elizabethtown.


Title: George Washington to Major John Mauritius Goetschius, 21 November 1780
From: Washington, George
To: Goetschius, John Mauritius

[Preakness, New Jersey] November 21, 1780. Is planning a move toward Elizabethtown. Instructs Goetschius to secure all “watercraft” on the Hackensack.


Title: George Washington to Major James Parr, 21 November 1780
From: Washington, George
To: Parr, James

[Preakness, New Jersey] November 21, 1780. Instructs Parr to attempt to capture those inhabitants who are reported to be ready to carry provisions to the enemy.


Title: George Washington to Brigadier General Anthony Wayne, 21 November 1780
From: Washington, George
To: Wayne, Anthony

[Totowa, New Jersey] November 21, 1780. Orders Wayne to march his troops to Acquackanonck, New Jersey, for foraging purposes.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Marquis de Lafayette, 22 November 1780
From: Lafayette, Marie-Joseph-Paul-Yves-Roch-Gilbert du Motier, marquis de
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Light Camp [New Jersey] November the 22d 1780

Inclosed, my dear hamilton, I send you a letter for M de Marbois wherein are contain’d two exemplaires of my dispatches to doctor franklin. In the hurry of our Arrangement I forgot to mention them to the General. Be pleased to give him a Summary of theyr contents to which I have added the Southern News of Yesterday; tell him that knowing from experience how Negligent we were in sending accounts to europe, I take upon myself to forward such as may influence mediating powers in Case of a Negotiation.
I have made a Calculation about Boats, and I think that if we act upon a large scale in the Staten island expedition we ought to have forty Boats—about [a] thousand (the hundred artillery men included) for the watering place and Richmond. Your attack should have two hundred; in this Calculation I put the gen⟨eral⟩s and other officers &c.—twelve hundred men at thirty per Boat Makes 40 Boats; at least we ought not to have much less.
Let me know, my dear friend, if what we were speacking of last night and the night Before last will be Complied with. In Consequence of what was said By the General I was set at liberty to speak fully to G. who was charm’d with the Beauty and propriety of the thing. I am fully, fully of opinion that we would be very wrong Not to go (at least Conditionnally) upon that plan which perhaps will be as easy as any thing else; we may even say: il est beau même d’en tomber. Adieu; write me upon what Scale, that I may prepare my troop; to morrow we must carry your private affair; show me your letter Before you give it. Yours
Lafayette

I had an other exemplary of my ⟨candor⟩ to Chev de ternay, and with a Becoming degree of pride give him the southern accounts.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Colonel Timothy Pickering, [22 November 1780]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Pickering, Timothy

[Passaic Falls, New Jersey, November 22, 1780]
My Dr. Col

There are five more boats will be at Dobbes ferry, say the Slote, thursday night. Endeavour if possible to have teams there for them by that time. You will receive further instructions in the mean time. Let us hear from you on this article.
Alx Hamilton   Aide De Camp
Novr. 22d. 80


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Colonel Timothy Pickering, [22 November 1780]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Pickering, Timothy

[Passaic Falls, New Jersey, November 22, 1780]
Dr Sir

The additional boats must take the same route with the others; when they arrive they must be muffled.
A Hamilton   ADC
The impress if possible ought to be deferred ’till after the point of execution. But if you pass by to day and will call in, we can best speak of this.
Nov 22d


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Colonel Timothy Pickering, [22 November 1780]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Pickering, Timothy

[Passaic Falls, New Jersey, November 22, 1780]
Dr Sir

The Boats are not under present circumstances to go to the Notch till tomorrow as you will see by the letter herewith.
Alx Hamilton   ADC
Nov. 22d.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Colonel Timothy Pickering, [22 November 1780]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Pickering, Timothy

[Passaic Falls, New Jersey, November 22, 1780]
Sir

A working party of fifty men is ordered to parade tomorrow morning eight oClock at your quarters to take your orders. The object is to repair the road & briges for the march of the army to New Windsor by Pompton, Ringwood &c. A party of Artificers must accompany—A special charge to do the business well.
Yr hum serv
Alx Hamilton   Aide De Camp
Hd. Qrs. Novr. 22d. 1780


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Colonel Timothy Pickering, 22 November 1780
From: Pickering, Timothy
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Camp [Passaic Falls, New Jersey] Novr. 22. 1780.
Dr. Sir,

The five boats I had collected at Dobbs’ ferry arrived at Colo. Baldwin’s last evening. They want some repairs which are making.
The five which came from King’s ferry to the slote, were at paramus last Evening.
I am &c
T. Pickering QMG


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Colonel Timothy Pickering, 22 November 1780
From: Pickering, Timothy
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[Passaic Falls, New Jersey] Novr. 22nd. 1780
Sir

I believe it possible tho’ difficult to have Teams at the slote by Thursday night to take up five more Boats. I will endeavor to effect it. I presume they will come provided with oars. Must not they too be muffled? what Route are they to take? I shall be glad of further Instructions. It will doubtless be necessary to impress Horses on this Occasion.
T Pickering QMG


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to George Washington, [22 November 1780]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

[Passaic Falls, New Jersey, November 22, 1780]
Dear Sir,

Sometime last fall when I spoke to your Excellency about going to the Southward, I explained to you candidly my feelings with respect to military reputation, and how much it was my object to act a conspicuous part in some enterprise that might perhaps raise my character as a soldier above mediocrity. You were so good as to say you would be glad to furnish me with an occasion. When the expedition to Staten Island was on foot a favourable one seemed to offer. There was a batalion without a field officer, the command of which I thought, as it was accidental, might be given to me without inconvenience. I made an application for it through the Marquis, who informed me of your refusal on two principles—one that giving me a whole batalion might be a subject of dissatisfaction, the other that if an accident should happen to me, in the present state of your family, you would be embarrassed for the necessary assistance.
The project you now have in contemplation affords another opportunity. I have a variety of reasons that press me to desire ardently to have it in my power to improve it. I take the liberty to observe, that the command may be proportionned to my rank, and that the second objection ceases to operate, as during the period of establishing our winter quarters there will be a suspension of material business; besides which, my peculiar situation will in any case call me away from the army in a few days and Mr. Harrison may be expected back early next month. ⟨My command may consist of⟩ an hundred and fifty or two hundred men composed of fifty men of Major Gibbes’ corps, fifty from Col Meig’s regiment and fifty or an hundred more from the light infantry: Major Gibbes to be my Major. The hundred men from here may move on friday morning towards  which will strengthen the appearances for Staten Island, to form a junction on the other side of the Passaick.
I suggest this mode to avoid the complaints that might arise from composing my party wholly of the light infantry, which might give unbrage to the officers of that corps, who on this plan can have no just subject for it.
The primary idea may be, if circumstances permit to attempt with my detachment Byards Hill. Should we arrive early enough to undertake it, I should prefer it to any thing else, both for the brilliancy of the attempt in itself and the decisive consequences of which its success would be productive. If we arrive too late to make this eligible (as there is reason to apprehend) my corps may form the van of one of the other attacks; and Byards Hill will be a pretext for my being employed in the affair, on a supposition of my knowing the ground, which is partly true.
I flatter myself also that my military character stands so well in the army as to reconcile the officers in general to the measure. All circumstances considered, I venture to say any exceptions which might be taken would be unreasonable.
I take this method of making the request to avoid the embarrassment of a personal explanation; I shall only add that however much I have the matter at heart, I wish your Excellency intirely to consult your own inclination; and not from a disposition to oblige me, to do any thing, that may be disagreeable to you. ⟨It will, nevertheless, make me singularly⟩ happy if your wishes correspond with mine.
I have the honor to be very sincerely,   and respectfully   Yr Excellencys   Most Obed Servant
A Hamilton
Novbr. 22d. 1780
His Excellency General Washington


Title: George Washington to Major Samuel Darby, 22 November 1780
From: Washington, George
To: Darby, Samuel

[Preakness, New Jersey] November 22, 1780. Sends instructions for the “march” of the boats to Acquackanonck.


Title: George Washington to Brigadier General Henry Knox, 22 November 1780
From: Washington, George
To: Knox, Henry

[Preakness, New Jersey] November 22, 1780. Orders Knox to prepare artillery to cover passage of troops across river.


Title: George Washington to Colonel Timothy Pickering, 22 November 1780
From: Washington, George
To: Pickering, Timothy

[Preakness, New Jersey] November 22, 1780. Sends instructions for preparation of boats for the attack.


Title: George Washington to John Sullivan, 25 November 1780
From: Washington, George
To: Sullivan, John

Passaic Falls [New Jersey] November 25, 1780. Introduces the Chevalier de Chastellux. Asks Sullivan to support the promotion of Brigadier General Henry Knox and Washington’s ideas on the “Inspectorate department.”


Title: George Washington to Samuel Huntington, 25[–26] November 1780
From: Washington, George
To: Huntington, Samuel

Preakness [New Jersey] November 25[–26] 1780. Will furnish the return of the officers of engineering department after Brigadier General Louis Le Bèque Du Portail arrives. Advocates increase in compensation for officers in the inspectorship. Recommends Simeon DeWitt as the successor to Robert Erskine as geographer of the Army.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Colonel Timothy Pickering, [27 November 1780]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Pickering, Timothy

[Preakness, New Jersey, November 27, 1780]
Dr. Sir,

The General desires you will have the boats removed from Doddes to Pompton as speedily as you can & from thence as soon as possible to Kings ferry. The Officer of the Jersey light infantry will take your orders. He will remain in the neighbourhood of Pompton till the Jersey Brigade arrives.
Alx Hamilton   Aide De Camp
Hd. Qrs. Nov 27. 80
The Qr. M General


Title: George Washington to Colonel Charles Armand, 27 November 1780
From: Washington, George
To: Armand, Charles

Passaic Falls [New Jersey] November 27, 1780. Regrets that Armand plans to resign. Commends Armand for his services.


Title: George Washington to Colonel Christopher Greene, 27 November 1780
From: Washington, George
To: Greene, Christopher

[Preakness, New Jersey] November 27, 1780. Asks Greene, if ordered to West Point by Comte de Rochambeau, to take only men who will remain in service under new arrangement of Army.


Title: George Washington to Major General William Heath, 27 November 1780
From: Washington, George
To: Heath, William

[Preakness, New Jersey] November 27, 1780. Asks Heath to forward a letter to Colonel Elisha Sheldon ordering Sheldon into winter quarters.


Title: George Washington to Major General Robert Howe, 27 November 1780
From: Washington, George
To: Howe, Robert

[Preakness, New Jersey] November 27, 1780. Sends instructions for the march to Kings Ferry.


Title: George Washington to Samuel Huntington, [27 November 1780]
From: Washington, George
To: Huntington, Samuel

[Preakness, New Jersey, November 27, 1780.] Introduces the Vicomte de Noailles.


Title: George Washington to Samuel Huntington, [27 November 1780]
From: Washington, George
To: Huntington, Samuel

[Preakness, New Jersey, November 27, 1780.] Introduces Comte de Damas.


Title: George Washington to Samuel Huntington, [27 November 1780]
From: Washington, George
To: Huntington, Samuel

[Preakness, New Jersey, November 27, 1780.] Introduces Mauduit du Plessis.


Title: George Washington to the Officer Commanding the New Jersey Brigade, 27 November 1780
From: Washington, George
To: Officer Commanding the New Jersey Brigade

[Preakness, New Jersey] November 27, 1780. Sends instructions for guarding area in vicinity of the “Clove.”


Title: George Washington to the Officer Commanding the New Jersey Light Infantry Companies, 27 November 1780
From: Washington, George
To: Officer Commanding the New Jersey Light Infantry Companies

[Preakness, New Jersey] November 27, 1780. Orders boats at “Doddes” transferred to Pompton. Orders establishment of a guard at Dobbs Ferry.


Title: George Washington to Comte de Rochambeau, 27 November 1780
From: Washington, George
To: Rochambeau, Comte de

[Preakness, New Jersey] November 27, 1780. Discusses situation in South. Explains that Army is moving into winter quarters at New Windsor. Asks Rochambeau to send Colonel Christopher Greene’s regiment to West Point.


Title: George Washington to Colonel Elisha Sheldon, 27 November 1780
From: Washington, George
To: Sheldon, Elisha

Preakness [New Jersey] November 27, 1780. Orders Sheldon to march to Virginia and enter into winter quarters. Sends directions concerning the horses. Requests Sheldon to confer with the governor of Connecticut concerning the completion of his regiment.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Marquis de Lafayette, 28 November 1780
From: Lafayette, Marie-Joseph-Paul-Yves-Roch-Gilbert du Motier, marquis de
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Paramus [New Jersey] Novr. 28. 1780
Dear Hamilton,

Here I arrived last night and am going to set out for Philadelphia. Gouvion goes strait to New Windsor and by him I write to the General, I speak of Hand & Smith whom I recommend and add—
“If however you was to cast your-eye on a Man who I think would suit better than any other in the World Hamilton is, I confess the officer whom I would like best to see in my  .” Then I go on with the idea that at equal advantages you deserve from him the preference, that your advantages are the greatest, I speak of a cooperation, of your being in the family, & conclude that on every public & private account I advise him to take you.
I know the general’s friendship and gratitude for you, My Dear Hamilton, both are greater than you perhaps imagine. I am sure he needs only to be told that something will suit you and when he thinks he can do it he certainly will. Before this campaign I was your friend and very intimate friend, agreable to the ideas of the World. Since my second voyage, my sentiment has increased to such a point, the world knows nothing about. To shew both from want and from scorn of expressions I shall only tell you. Adieu   Yrs
La Fayette


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Marquis de Lafayette, 9 December 1780
From: Lafayette, Marie-Joseph-Paul-Yves-Roch-Gilbert du Motier, marquis de
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Philadelphia december the 9th 1780
Dear hamilton

On the first days of your Arrival at Albany I dare say you had Nothing to do with Any Body’s letters. But I will now Become the Bolder in interrupting your Amorous Occupations as exclusive of other Motives the importance of the Matters I have to Mention may Countenance your indulging your dear self with some Minutes Respite. You may therefore, my good friend, Catch this opportunity of taking Breath with decency, which will Be attributed to the strength of your friendship for me.
Until I am arriv’d at this place, I have been Angry with you for not permitting my speaking immediately to the General on your Affair. This Cursed way of a letter you have insisted upon has been the Cause of my Miscarrying, as the General had innocently put it out of his own power to oblige you. But at present, I think it has been for the Best.
On my Arrival at Paramus I wrote a letter to the General which Cll Gouvion was to deliver to himself at New Windsor; so that more expedition had been made than you had thought. But the General having unfortunately Altered his mind and taken the Road to Morristown, an other misfortune threw Gnl hand in his Way, and Remembering your advices on the occassion he hastened to make him the proposition, and in Consequence of it wrote his letter to Congress.
From Paramus I went Myself to Mr. Lots, and from there to Morristown where I met the General, and knowing that my letter Could not Reach him under some days, I Became Regardless of your Wishes and made a verbal application in my own name and about the same terms that had Been settled Between us. I Can’t express [to] you, my dear friend, how sorry and disappointed I felt when I knew from the General that (greatly in Consequence of your Advices) he had settled the whole matter with Hand and writen for him to Congress. I Confess I Became warmer on the occasion than you would perhaps have wish’d me to Be, and wanted the General to Allow my sending an express who would have over taken the letter as it was in the hands of Gnl St. Clair. But the General did not think it to be a Convenient Measure, and I confess I may have been a little Blinded on its propriety. I took Care not to Compromise you in this affair when the General expressed a true desire of obliging you, and in a manner you would have been satisfied with. Now for the voyage to france.
Congress seem Resolv’d that an envoy Be Sent in the way you wish, and this was yesterday determin’d in the house. Next Monday the Gentleman will Be elected. I have already spoken to Many Members. I know of a Number of Voices that will Be for you. This day and that of to morrow will be By me employ’d in paying Visits. As soon as the Business is fix’d upon, I shall send you an express. I think you ought to hold yourself in Readiness, and in Case you are Call’d for Come with all possible speed; for you must go immediately that you may have Return’d before the Beggining of operations.
If you go, my dear Sir, I shall give you all public or private knowledge about Europe I am possessed of. Besides many private letters that may introduce you to my friends, I intend Giving you the key of that Cabinet as well as of the societies which influence them. In a word, my good friend, Any thing in my power shall be entirely yours.
Mr de Sartine is no more a Minister, and in his Room we have the Marquis de Castries whom I have often Mentioned to you as my intimate friend and a man of Great Worth; of all Men in france he is the Minister whom Both on public or private Accounts I should have Nam’d, he is on the Best terms with Mr. Necker; from him I expect a great deal, and he will understand you perfectly.
Some private Vessels are arriv’d from france. No public dispatches; Jones has been dismasted and sent Back Again. No Cloathes; we don’t know either what they are doing or what they intend to do.
It Appears however that the Spaniards will this Winter attack St. Augustine. I wish they would Come and fetch us. I wish at least they would keep a Correspondence of Movements, with Gel Greene. I have wrote to the General on the subject and will, if he pleases, write to the dons. Count d’estaing Commands the Spanish land and Naval forces. He is gone to See (it is said) with sixteen Ships. If the General pleases, I wish d’estaing Could be writen to in the West Indies. We shan’t be able to Attack Newyork before june. We can yet set out for Charlestown By the 15th of february and have taken the place By the 1st of May.
As to myself, my dear Sir, I don’t know what to do; the General held up to me the idea of a Cooperation. He is going to be alone, you know how tenderly I love him, and I don’t like the idea of Abandonning him. On the other hand Every Body, Laurens himself, advises me to stay. If the Spaniards attack, the British will keep in Garrisons. But I don’t like to say I will, and if I think that, upon the whole, I may be useful, I shall go. One of the Reasons that keep me is the desire of Chatting with you Before you Sail; some few days will determine me.
I Beg, my dear hamilton, you will present my Best Respects to your Lady, Miss Schuyller, Miss Peggy and all the family. My Compliments wait on Gel Schuyller. Adieu   Yours wholly
Lafayette

Mr henry laurens has been Confin’d to the tower under suspicion of high treason. Congress seem determin’d to Retaliate.


Title: Registry of Marriage of Elizabeth Schuyler and Alexander Hamilton, 14 December 1780
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Schuyler, Elizabeth
To:

Albany, December 14, 1780. After this date in the Registry of the Reformed Church of Albany appears the following entry: “Colonel Hamilton & Elisabeth Schuyler.”


Title: Poem by Major James McHenry, [14–15 December 1780]
From: McHenry, James
To:

[Albany, December 14–15, 1780]

’Tis told, my friend, in poets lore,
The muse has an exhaustless store
From which she draws with wond’rous skill
Of choicest fancies what she will.
With these she decks the heroes’ hearse
Or forms with these immortal verse.
Last night I sought her dear retreat
And laid me at the fair one’s feet.
She knew my errand, sway’d her wand,
Then pointed to a rising stand,
From whence the fairy world was seen
And you embosomed with your Queen.
(As thus ye lay the happiest pair
A rosy scent enriched the air
While to a music softly sounding
Breathing, panting, slow, rebounding)

Love arose with pow’rful spell,
Hence, he cried, to dismal dell
Imps who haunt the gloomy breast
Ever jealous—never blest;
This is ground for holy feet
Here the sports and pleasures meet.
Then in whispers caught the ear
What the gifted only hear.
“Chains of Priests or modes of art
Weakly hold the human heart,
Hence my Eloisa said
Give me those that love has made.”
Now his fluttering wings out spread
Three times he bless’d the bridal bed,
While o’er it Faith her mantle threw
And said small care would keep it new.

Last Prudence came, in sober guise
With Pilgrim’s pace, and wisdom’s eyes;
Forth from his stole a tablet took
Which you received with thankful look.
Genius had deeply mark’d the ground,
And Plutus finely edg’d it round.
This done, he bade you long improve
In all the sweets of mutual love.

And now would friendship’s voice prevail
To point the moral of the tale.
Know then, dear Ham, a truth confest
Soon beauty fades, and love’s a guest.
Love has no settled place on earth;
A very wan’rer from his birth;
And yet who happiness would prove,
Like you must build his hopes on love,
When love his choicest gifts has giv’n
He flies to make another heav’n;
But as he wheels his rapid flight
Calm joys succeed and pure delight.
Faith adds to all; for works we’re told
Is love’s alloy, and faith the gold.

Now genius plays the lovers part;
Now wakes to many a throb the heart;
With ev’ry sun brings something new,
And gaily varies every view;
Whilst Prudence all his succour lends
To mark the point where pleasure ends.
For, borne beyond a certain goal,
The sweetest joys disgust the soul.
He too instructs us how to use,
What’s more a blessing than the muse (wealth);
For well he knows, deprived of this
That toil and care is human bliss.

All these attendants Ham are thine,
Be’t yours to treat them as divine;

To cherish what keeps love alive;
What makes us young at sixty five.
What lends the eye its earliest fires;
What rightly managed still inspires.