Title: To John Adams from C. W. F. Dumas, 9 October 1787
From: Dumas, Charles William Frederic
To: Adams, John

              Monsieur,
              La haie 9e. Oct. 1787

            En réponse à l’honorée vôtre du 1er. de ce mois, J’ai reçu & fait parvenir les Lettres que V.E. a eu la bonté d’écrire au Président, à Mr. Fagel, & à MM. Willink & Staphorst à ma priere. Je n’en ai pas de réponse encore, non plus qu’à 2 notes qui ont précédé de ma part, à Mr. Fagel, & dont voici copie.1 Je suppose néanmoins foiblement, que le tout a fait l’effet d’avoir été épargnés jusqu’ici, au milieu des excès qui continuent impunément. Malgré les placards & publications réitérées, en apparence les plus séveres, du Législatif & Exécutif, on laisse à la Meute faire ce qu’elle veut. Aussi 2 Maisons ont été lapidées cette nuit à côté de la nôtre. Au moins 40 l’ont été depuis 2 jours seulement. Mon tour peut encore venir. Ma pauvre fem̃e & moi pouvant à peine nous tenir, & tous deux continuellement dans les transes, au milieu de la Licence.— Jugez, Monsieur, de notre affreux état. Nous n’avons pu rester à l’hôtel de Fce.,2 & som̃es depuis Samedi 5 de retour chez nous.— L’accom̃odement d’Amsterdam n’est pas fini. J’attends de là reponse sur l’hôtel, & sur vos Lettres du 5 & 20 7br., dont j’ai implicitement accusé la reception à V.E. en accusant la date du 21, sous laquelle Mr. Smith me les a acheminées.—3 Nous ne ferons d’abord, si Dieu nous laisse exister, que le plus nécessaire absolu, & avec la plus d’économie pour que l’Hôtel soit tenable & sûr.— Agréez avec Madame, &c. les respects de notre martyre.— De V. Excl. le très-humble / & très-obéissant serviteur

              C.w.f. Dumas

            L’Agitation dans laquelle j’écris, est inexprimable. Je joins à ceci pour Votre Excellence, & pour que copie en puisse parvenir au Congrès. Un Acte que j’ai cru devoir faire hier, & dont j’ai remis le pareil à mon Epouse, afin que s’il m’arrivoit malheur, Ma famille & biens puissent au moins jouir de la réclame, & protection qu’autorisent le Droit des gens & les Traités. Au milieu de mon agitation, qui est grande, ma raison du moins est & sera intacte jusqu’au dernier souffle.

          TRANSLATION

              Sir
              The Hague, 9 October 1787

            In response to your favor of the first of this month, I received the letters which your excellency had the goodness to write at my request and forwarded them to the president, to Mr. Fagel, and to Messrs. Willink and Staphorst. So far I have received no reply, neither to those nor to the two preceding notes I wrote to Mr. Fagel, copied here. I assume, however doubtfully, that these have been saved up until now from the heart of the riots which continue with impunity. Despite posters and repeated proclamations from the legislature and executive, seemingly as severe as possible, the mob is left to do what it pleases. Thus, two homes next to ours were stoned last night. At least forty more, in the past two days alone, have been as well. My turn may yet come. My poor wife and I are hardly able to contain ourselves, both of us in constant anxiety in the midst of lawlessness. Consider, sir, our dreadful state. We were unable to stay at the Hôtel de France, and we have been home since Saturday the 5th. The accommodations in Amsterdam are not yet ready. I await reply from thence regarding the legation, and your letters of the 5th and 20th September, of which I implicitly confirmed receipt to your excellency by confirming the date of the 21st, under which Mr. Smith forwarded them to me. We shall, God permitting, first take care of the absolute necessities with the utmost parsimony to make the legation comfortable and safe. Please allow, with Madam, &c., for consideration of our martyrdom. From your excellency’s most humble and most obedient servant

              C.w.f. Dumas

            The state of agitation in which I write is inexpressible. I attach a deed to this letter for your excellency so that a copy may be forwarded to Congress, which I thought best to write up yesterday, and of which I have given a copy to my wife in the event that, were some mishap to befall me, my family and my goods could at the very least benefit from the protection authorized by the law of nations and the treaties. In the midst of my agitation, which is great, my reason at the very least is and shall be intact until my dying breath.


Title: To John Adams from Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, 9 October 1787
From: Staphorst, Nicolaas & Jacob van (business)
To: Adams, John

            Amsterdam 9th October 1787

          We have Your Excellency’s favor of 1st: Inst: advising it as most safe and prudent in your Opinion from what you had learned of the

unfortunate and critical Situation of public Affairs in our Republic and particularly in this City, that we should pay into the Bank of Amsterdam, the Money we have in hand belonging to the United-States; A Measure dictated no doubt by Your Excellency’s Zeal for the Interest of the United-States, without attending to the very triffling sums the Commissioners of Congress have in Cash, and that they must be better Judges of the Propriety of such a Step, from their local Situation and Connexions, than Your Excellency possibly could understand from exaggerated News-paper Accounts, which describe this Republic a Scene of Danger and Confusion, now that Tranquility is re-established except in this City, where every thing will be settled in a few days, and such Precautions have been taken, as to all appearance will secure the public Peace. But was it otherwise, We esteem it the duty of careful Men, to guard against popular Tumults, so as to shield their Valuable against every thing but universal Pillage, when the Bank will be exposed as well as all other Property. We adopted this Prudence fortunately without necessity; And you may rely, that had we judged it conducive to the Interest or safety of the United-States, We would have divested ourselves of the Charge of its Cash. Not having our Books at present with us, We are unable to ascertain exactly the Balance due to the United-States, but from Messrs. Puller’s late drafts for Payments made you, His Excelly: Thos: Jefferson’s Bill for Bo: f 3201:1:— and f 2000:—:— Furnished Mr: Dumas for Six Months Salary and towards Repairs of the Hôtel, It cannot be so much as f 20,000:—:— in hands of both Houses, which is liable every day to be called for, and too inconsiderable an Object, to create such Alarm as flying Reports seem to have inspired you with. Besides was the Sum of much greater Magnitude, considering that even the total Plundering of our Houses could not shock our Solidity, and that we are the immediate Debtors and answerable to Congress for all its Monies in our possession, We should not deem ourselves justifiable, in loading the United-States with the very high Agio now paid for Bank-Money and as it is likely to lower shortly, without a well grounded Conviction in our own Minds, that a Transfer in Bank would add to the Security of Congress Funds, Which is by no means the case in this Instance.—
          The Bills on Mr: John Rucker shall be regularly presented for Payment; Which with you we Doubt not will be effected.—
          We shall confer with Mr: dumas respecting the Repairs necessary to the Hôtel of the United-States, conformable to your Letter to us of 1st Inst: forwarded thro’ that Gentleman.

          We are respectfully / Your Excellency’s / Most obedient and very / humble servants

            Nics. & Jacob van Staphorst.


Title: Ratification of Third Dutch Loan, 11 October 1787
From: Adams, John,St. Clair, Arthur,Thomson, Charles
To:

            [11 October 1787]

          Be it Remembered that the within Contract or Engagement entered into by the honble: John Adams, Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America to their High Mightinesses the Lords the States General of the United Netherlands in behalf of the said States with sundry Money Lenders for a Loan of One Million of Guilders dutch Current Money, dated at Amsterdam the first day of June 1787, hath been read in Congress, approved and ratified and declared obligatory on the United States of America.
          Done in the City Hall in the City of New York, by the United States in Congess Assembled this Eleventh day of October in the Year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and Eighty seven and in the Twelfth year of our Sovereignty and Independence.—

            Ar. St. Clair Presidt.Chas Thomson Secy


Title: To John Adams from the Marquis de Lafayette, 12 October 1787
From: Lafayette, Marie-Joseph-Paul-Yves-Roch-Gilbert du Motier, marquis de
To: Adams, John

            My dear friend
            Paris October the 12th 1787

          Amidst the Buzzling of Interior and foreign Affairs, I am glad to find an Opportunity to Remind you of Me, Which May Be free from the Rogueries of french and English Post offices— I Have Been Sometime in Auvergne, Attending a preliminary Assembly in that My province, the journal of which I Have once directed, and am Now Again Sending to you altho’ it Contains Nothing interesting— My stay in Paris is But short, and I am Returning Again to Auvergne for five weecks—letters that would Arrive after the 23d, [instant], and Before the fifteenth of Decembr Could not probably Be delivered into My Hands.

          A New Regulation Had Been framed to fix the functions of the Assemblies and those of the intendants—it Had also Been directed that the printing of our journals Be Submitted to Certain formalities— Complaints Have Been Made About all that, and we are Going to obtain Conditions Much More favourable.
          the Affairs of this Country, Considered in a Constitutional light, are Mending fast— the Minds of the Nation Have Made a Great progress— Opposition is Not, I Confess, free from party Spirit— Many things are done or Said Which are Not Much to the purpose— But While desultory Expeditions are Rambling about, the Main Body Moves slowly on the Right Road— this Country shall within twelve or fifteen years Come to a pretty good Constitution—the Best perhaps that Can be framed, But one—May that one, the only one truly Consistent with the dignity of Man, Be for ever the Happy lot of the Sons of America? But I think a Representation will be obtained in France, Much Better than the one Now Existing in England.
          You know as much of the present politics, and Even more than I do— I Can’t Bear the thought of the late transactions in Holland— this Ministry Have Been Most Compleatly taken in—deceived also they Have Been with Respect to Ottoman affairs— I am afraid England will Cheat them too, Under the Appearance of Negociations— we are However Making Ready for war—and as the Prime Minister is a Man of Genius, and of very brillant as well as Sound parts, I think that, if one launched He will Act Vigourously— He Can Borrow Monney—the only thing is to know on What Conditions? But it Matters not with Respect to the operations—and the more they will afterwards want taxes, the Sooner we Get a National Assembly
          I Have Been thinking What our trans Atlantic Country ought to do, in Case there is a war— to take A part in it is very Brillant, But in My Humble Opinion Ought not to Be the plan— America May favour Her allies as far as a friendly, Helping Neutrality Can Go— But Not farther—Circumstanced as She is, a war would lay Her Under Great Expense with a little Profit— Such a Neutrality as I Point out to Myself will Be Beneficial to Her— But it Appears to me that would Be time to insist with England for a Restoration of the forts— Should they Make war to France, it Seems to me that they Cannot for the Sake of those forts Risk to Quarrel with the United States
          I Hear that the Convention Have finished their Business— But do Not know the Result, and Am very Anxiously waiting

Adieu, My dear Sir, My Best Respects wait on Mr̃s Adams and the Rest of the family— md̃e de lafayette is still in the Country— Most affectionately and Respectfully / Yours

            lafayette—


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Brand Hollis, 15 October 1787
From: Hollis, Thomas Brand
To: Adams, John

            Dear Sir
            The Hide octo. 15. 1787.

          I have read, more than once your defence of the constitutions of America and am instructed, entertained and convinced.
          you have proved your principle most masterly and satisfactorily from History, nothing now remains but that your country may benefit of your labors by putting your principles in execution. “opinionum commenta delet dies naturæ judicia confirmat.”
          Fears I have and great they are, that sufficient care may be taken with whom & how that balance will be lodged. a strict election & rotation is absolutely necessary for if the Archon or governor is continued longer than the fixed period by intrigue or interest he infallibly gains too much power. if he is præemient for wealth or family, called blood, then all the consequences of hæreditary nobility, with the emoluments of offices & succeeding royalty, with the name of King superinduced, dangerous with weak & superstious minds & then the person not to be removed much less brought to punishment without the danger of a common ruin!
          we are told “Nature breaks out in spite of all attempts to stifle it. a royal dignity is the most obvious thought to extinguish animosities between noble and commons.” it has operated with a vengeance Look on Sweden & Denmark. Surely, Dear Sir, this was an escape, there can be nothing natural in royalty, are not the royal persons made by the breath of our nostrils & can be unmade & how does such distinctions become mortals? unless when in the discharge of publick office?
          “a King you know, must be adored as a Demigod, with a Dissolute & haughty court about him of vast expence, and luxury, masks & revels to the debauching of the prime gentry both male & female. There will be a Queen of no less charge, in most likelyhood outlandish and a Papist. Besides a Queen mother, both with their courts &

numerous train, then a royal issue and their sumptuous courts, to the multiplying a servile crew, not of servants only, but of nobility & gentry, bred up then to the hopes not of publick but of court offices, to be stewards, chamberlains, ushers, grooms even of the closet-stool. and the lower their minds debased with court-opinions contrary to all virtue & reformation the haughtier will be their pride & profuseness.”
          attend to one, who spreads ruin & confusion about from the pretence only of royalty, of which she has only the Shadow & ought not to use even that, but for good considering how she has been honored. This Lady, should remember the state is not an inheritance, as a perpetuity, but as Alfred the Great expresses it in his testament,—it was an Inheritance he owed to the grace of God, to the goodness of his great men, and to the consent & approbation of the Elders of the people.— John saies, Jure hereditario mediante tam cleri quam populi unanimi consensu.— Charlemagè & the spanish cortes the same.— yet the balance was deficient. when I think of the past am apprehensive for the future. but I live in hopes & shall apply the saying of Euripides to your advice, “that one wise council is better than the strength of many.”
          I hope you have not forgot to read Lord Harveys correspondence with middleton. he treats Vertot & Stanhope with contempt seemingly deserved. his Lordship tho rediculed by Pope was a scholar & a gentleman of superior talents.
          The Dedication of Cicero tho strong, is said, to be strictly true. I am inclined to think with him from his authorities, that the people had not the power middleton inclines to give them.
          I have wrote to you with the liberty of a republican, and the extracts you will excuse from your own example. persevere in your researches, the Saxons and Spaniards with others will afford you more good matter to prove your doctrine
          I am, Dear Sir, / with the greatest esteem / your affect: Friend.

            T Brand Hollis.


Title: From John Adams to Cotton Tufts, 16 October 1787
From: Adams, John
To: Tufts, Cotton

              Dear Sir
              London Oct. 16. 1787

            I am very happy to learn, by your Letter of the 30. June that my Son is with Mr Parsons at Newbury Port.
            There is so much Appearance of War, that I thought it a Precaution of Prudence to Send my Manuscript Letter Books, and Collections of Papers, relative to all my Transactions in France and Holland, home by Mr Jenks. They are contained in a large Trunk, and are so numerous as to fill it, so that there is no room for any Thing else in it. I Suppose the Custom house officers will let it pass: but they may open it if they please. Yet I hope they will not disturb the order of the Papers. These I suppose are neither prohibited Goods, nor liable to Duties. Let me pray you sir, to Send them to Braintree, to the Care of Mr Cranch till my Return.
            What the British Cabinet intend, I know not. Preparations for War at an Expence of Several Millions have been made: and a Language rather irritating held: but whether France will move is the question. Mr Jefferson is made to believe they will. if they do, they will join the two Empires.— The Lord have mercy on that People, who stand in need of their Assistance, and have not firmness enough to insist on it, on independent and equal terms. The English Ministers profess to be friendly in Intention towards America: but the Devil trust them, I say.— Let Us take Care of ourselves. Let Us by no means give them the least Pretext or Provocation. but be prepared for what may happen.—
            My Duty and Love &c / yours most affectionately

              John Adams

            I hope soon to hear you have bought Mr Borlands house for me.


Title: To John Adams from John Jay, 16 October 1787
From: Jay, John
To: Adams, John

            Dr. Sir
            Office for foreign Affairs 16th. October 1787

          Since my last to you of the 3d. Instant I have not been favored with any Letters from you.
          I have at length the Pleasure of transmitting to you, herewith enclosed, an Act of Congress complying with your Request to return, and expressing their Sentiments of, and their Thanks for the important Services you have rendered your Country. They have not yet come to any Decision respecting a Minister or a Chargé des Affaires at London, nor directed me to convey to you any Instructions relative to any Matters within the Department of your Legation.—
          You will also find herewith enclosed, a certified Copy of an Act of Congress of the 11th. Inst. for ratifying the Contract you made on the 1st. June last, together with the Ratification in Form.—
          One of your former Letters mentioned the Advances made by Mr. Richard Harrison at Cadiz to Capt. Erwing and his Crew. I now enclose a certified Copy of an Act of Congress of the 12th. Inst. directing the Board of Treasury to reimburse Mr. Harrison.—
          A Set of the printed Journals of Congress from the 10th. May to the 25th. September last, together with a Succession of News Papers from the Date of my last Letter to this Day, will also accompany this.—
          I am not without Fears that one or perhaps more of your late Letters have miscarried; for none which have hitherto come to Hand make any Mention of Coll. Smith’s Arrival & Reception in Portugal. Perhaps you may have had Reasons to postpone writing on those Subjects for the present, and I mention it only that you may know in Case you have written, that your Letters have not come to Hand.—
          The public Mind is much occupied by the Plan of fœderal Government recommended by the late Convention.— many expect much Good from its Institution, and others will oppose its Adoption— The Majority seems at present to be in its Favor. For my part I think it much better than the one we have, and therefore that we shall be Gainers by the Exchange; especially as there is Reason to hope that Experience and the good Sense of the People, will correct what may prove to be inexpedient in it. A Compact like this, which is the Result of Accommodation and Compromise, cannot be supposed to be perfectly consonant to the Wishes and Opinions of any of the Parties. It corresponds a good Deal with your favorite and I think just

Principles of Government, whereas the present Confederation seems to have been formed without the least Attention to them.—
          Congress have thought it best to pass a Requisition for the Expences of the ensuing Year, but like most of their former ones it will produce but little.—
          As Mr. Jefferson’s present Commission will soon expire, Congress have directed another to be prepared for him. What further Arrangement they may think proper to make relative to their foreign Affairs is as yet undetermined. I am inclined to think that until the Fate of the new Government is decided, no very important Measures to meliorate our national Affairs will be attempted.—
          It is much to be wished that our Friends the Dutch may be able to escape the Evils of War, in a Manner consistant with their true Interest and Honor. I think it fortunate that neither France nor Britain are ripe for Hostilities. A little Republic surrounded with powerful Monarchies has much to apprehend, as well from their Politics as their Arms. It gives me Pleasure to reflect that we have no such Neighbours, and that if we will but think and act for ourselves and unite, we shall have nothing to fear.—
          I wish it may be convenient to you to return in some Vessel bound to this Port, that I may have the Pleasure of taking you by the Hand, and personally assuring you of the sincere Esteem and Regard with which I am / Dr Sir / Your most obt. and hble: Servt.

            John Jay—

          ENCLOSURE

              October 5th: 1787.

          By the United States in Congress assembled.
          On a Report of the Secretary for foreign affairs, to whom were referred Two Letters from the Honourable John Adams of the 24th: and 27th: of January last.
          Resolved that the Honorable John Adams, the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States at the Court of London, be permitted, agreably to his request, to return to America at any Time after the 24th: Day of February in the Year of our Lord 1788, and that his Commission of Minister Plenipotentiary to their High Mightinesses do also then determine.
          Resolved that Congress entertain a high Sense of the Services which Mr. Adams has rendered to the United States, in the Execution

of the various important Trusts which they have from Time to Time committed to him, and that the thanks of Congress be presented to him for the Patriotism, Perseverance, Integrity and Diligence with which he hath ably and faithfully Served his Country

            (Geteekend) Chas. Thompson Secry.


Title: To John Adams from the Marquis of Carmarthen, 24 October 1787
From: Carmarthen, the Marquis of
To: Adams, John

            Whitehall Octr. 24th. 1787.

          Lord Carmarthen presents his Compliments to Mr. Adams, he has had the Honor to receive his Note, and will not fail to inform His Majesty of the Attention he has shewn in deferring to pay his Respects to Their Majesties, on Account of one of his Children being ill of the Small-Pox— Which Lord Carmarthen begs leave to observe was extremely proper.— Lord Carmarthen, having no Apprehension of this Kind, will be very glad to have the Honor of seeing Mr. Adams Tomorrow.


Title: From John Adams to Hendrik Fagel, 25 October 1787
From: Adams, John
To: Fagel, Hendrik

            Sir
            London October 25. 1787

          I have received the Letter you did me, the honour to write me, on the eighteenth of October instant, and am extreamly Sorry to learn, that the Conduct of Mr Dumas has not the Approbation of their High Mightinesses. As Mr Dumas has not that I recollect, been employed in any Business by me, Since my Residence in England and as he has neither given me any Account of his Proceedings, nor transmitted his Dispatches to Congress through my hands, I am ignorant of the Particulars of his Conduct, which are not approved by their High Mightinesses.
          I have had So large Experience of the Friendship of their High Mightinesses, to the United States of America my Souvereign, and of their Candour and Goodness towards myself, that I Should not hesitate to comply with whatever I Should know to be their Inclination in any Thing within my Power, and consistent with my honour and my Duty. But as all the Authority by which Mr Dumas Acts, under the United States is derived directly from Congress and not from me, and as he carries on his Correspondence with that August Body by means of their Ministers at New York and not with me, it is not in my Power to do more, at this time, in Complyance with the Requisition of their High Mightinesses, Signified to me in your Letter, than to transmit a Copy of it to Congress, which Shall be done by the earliest Opportunity.
          With great Respect I have the Honour to be, sir / your most obedient and most humble / servant

            John Adams


Title: From John Adams to John Jay, 25 October 1787
From: Adams, John
To: Jay, John

            Dear Sir
            London Octr. 25. 1787

          I do myself the Honour to inclose Copy of Mr Fagels Letter to me of the 18th. and of my Answer of this day. and of my Letter to Mr. Dumas of this day.

          I am very Sorry for his embarrassed situation. But know not the Cause of it, but by Conjecture. one Thing I know that the United States may very easily be involved in a War by indiscreet Intimacies, between their servants and foreign Powers and national Parties.— Congress have but two Ways to take upon this Occasion. either to dismiss Mr Dumas at the Requisition of the states General, or to write a Letter or order one to be wrote desiring their High Mightinesses to articulate the Particulars of their Exceptions and Displeasure against Dumas. This may gain time and Save Mr Dumas for so much time as will arrange all Things decidedly in Holland. With great Regard your / most obedient servant

            John Adams


Title: From John Adams to the Marquis de Lafayette, 27 October 1787
From: Adams, John
To: Lafayette, Marie-Joseph-Paul-Yves-Roch-Gilbert du Motier, marquis de

            Dr. Sir—
            London october 27. 1787.

          I thank you for your Letter & the Proceedings of Auvergne— The Provincial assemblies, if they act only as Councillors of the King must operate for the benefit of the Nation— Le nombre des personnes choises dans les deux premiers Orders ne puisse surposer le nombre des Personnes choiseis pour le trois etats et les voix seront recueillies par tête, alternativement entre les Membres des differents ordres. Edit Du Roi. Juin 1787. Art. 1.
          Pray do the 3 estates sett all together, in the same room & debate together? & is the vote determined by the Majority of Members, or by the Majority of Estates?
          The Constitution of the Parochial assemblies, appears to be upon a very large and liberal scale—Ten Livres—& imposition fonciere ou personelle, appears to comprehend a good number— It seems a smaller qualification than our 40 shilling freehold or 40 pounds fortune—but perhaps I may not perfectly understand it— Let me congratulate you on the progress you make towards a good representation—
          Mr. Appleton when he was here, & after him Mr. Paine informed me that you desired to have a dozen Copies of my Bouidoir, accordingly when I saw my Bookseller I ordered him to send them to the

address of Mr. Jefferson— This will be delivered you by Mr. Parker, a Bostonian who I beg leave to introduce to you, He Will tell you all the News. He is very intelligent & has much information—
          Yours &.

            JA.


Title: To John Adams from Rufus King, 27 October 1787
From: King, Rufus
To: Adams, John

            Dr. Sir
            Boston 27. Oct. 1787

          I intended to have written to you previously to my departure from New York— Mr. Jay has undoubtedly transmitted to you the late Acts of Congress permitting your return to America after the expiration of your Commission to the English Court, and giving you the unequivocal thanks of the U.S. for the diligent, faithful, and able discharge of your various public Duties since your Residence in Europe— No minister of Congress having before received such Testimony of the public Approbation, you will naturally suppose the Truth, that the Partizans of those Ministers who have returned without any mark of public favor, were not entirely satisfied with the ample vote of Thanks in the present instance— this Distinction in my Judgment constitutes the principal value of the vote, since it proves that the measure was not of Course, but the Effect of singular merit.
          Your last loan in Holland was approved and ratified; and as on your return you will probably take leave at the Hague as well as at London, Congress judged it proper that your Legation to the former, should terminate with your Commission to the latter— there did not seem to be a Disposition in Congress to appoint a successor to either of these Courts at present; Mr. Jefferson’s commission is renewed for Versailles, and I intend writing to Col. Smith by this Opportunity in reply to his last letter relative to the London Legation—
          Some Difficulties have heretofore taken place in an allowance to Mr. Dana for a private Secretary while at St. Petersburgh; I was very happy in Effecting the customay allowance to Mr. Dana on this point

previously to my leaving Congress, and the more so as it will ease you of an Expence incurred for your Son while in Russia—
          Massachusetts, Connecticut, & Pennsylvania have called conventions in their respective states to consider the Report of the late General Conventions— these are the only states, whose Legislatures have been in session since the publication of the Report—
          With the highest respect & Esteem I have the honor to be Dr. Sir your Obt. & very Hble Servt.

            Rufus King


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Jefferson, 28 October 1787
From: Adams, John
To: Jefferson, Thomas

            Dear Sir
            London Oct. 28. 1787

          Mr Daniel Parker will have the Honour to deliver you this. He is an intelligent American, and well informed as any Man you will see from hence. I beg leave to introduce him to you.
          Let me thank you for your late Letter and the important State Papers inclosed with it.—
          I have ordered to your Address, a dozen Copies of my Boudoir for the Marquis, who desired Mr Appleton and Mr Paine to have them sent.— I have called it a Defence of the American Constitutions, because it is a Resistance to an Attack of Turgot. The two Volumes are confined to one Point. and if a City is defended from an Attack made on the North Gate, it may be called a Defence of the City, altho the other three Gates, the East West and South Gates were so weak, as to have been defenceless, if they had been attacked.— If a Warriour should arise to Attack our Constitutions where they are not defencible, I’l not undertake to defend them. Two thirds of our States have made Constitutions, in no respect better than those of the Italian Republiks, and as sure as there is an Heaven and an

Earth, if they are not altered they will produce Disorders and Confusion.
          I can tell you nothing of Politicks. All the World is astonished at the Secrecy of Mr Pitt.— Great Preparations for War, yet the World can find no Ennemy nor Object. Carmarthen “hopes the Scudd will blow over, and even that the Quarrell between the Port and Russia will be made up. Wh[ile] a Fire is burning in any quarter of Europe, no one can tell when or where it may Spread.” The General Understanding is that the U.S. are to be let alone, and they have given general orders to the Navy, to let American Vessells and seamen alone. They will have their hands full, I believe, and there is little Plunder to be made of Americans. So that We may be quiet,—as long as they will let Us.— But our Countrymen will do well to think of the Possibility of Danger and of the means of Defence. a War would cost Us more than We have of Cash or Credit, but if We should be attacked We must defend, Money or no Money, Credit or no Credit.— Whether John Bull, has Command enough of his Passions to see Us punctually fullfill our Treaties, as We must do, without being transported with rage, you who know him can tell as well as I.— We know this Gentlemans hasty Temper so w[ell] that I think We may very safely wish for the Continuance of Peace, between France and him, even upon Selfish Principles, tho our Commerce & Navigation would be greatly promoted by a War, if We can keep out of it.
          I tremble and agonize for the Suffering Patriots in Holland. You may judge to what L[eng]ths the Spirit extends against them by a formal Compl[aint] their High Mightinesses against Dumas, and a Requisi[tio]n to me, to employ him no longer but to appoint some other Person in my Absence. it is not, I am well persuaded as Agent for the United states, but as a Friend of France or of the Patriotic Party against the Statholder, that he has unfortunately incurred this Censure & Displeasure. Yet as Mr Dumas holds not his Character or Authority from me, I can do nothing, but transmit the Papers to Congress.
          With great Esteem, I have the honour to be / dear sir, your most obedient Servant

            John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Theophilus Lindsey, 30 October 1787
From: Lindsey, Theophilus
To: Adams, John

            Essex house. Octr. 30. 1787

          Mr Lindsey presents his most respectful compts to Mr Adams, with many thanks for his acceptable present. Mr L. hopes that America is

now reaping some of the fruits of his labours in its new and wise constitution lately published to the world and will profit by them for ages of ages. Mr L. has been prevented from paying his acknowlegements sooner by having been hitherto almost altogether in the country except at the end of each week.
          Mr L hopes that Mrs Adams is quite recovered and Coll. Smith and his lady well and begs his best respects may be tendered to them.


Title: To John Adams from C. W. F. Dumas, 2 November 1787
From: Dumas, Charles William Frederic
To: Adams, John

            Monsieur,
            La Haie 2e. Nov. 17871

          Malades mon Epouse & moi, je ne puis qu’en peu de Lignes accuser à V. Excellence la réception, & remercier de la Lettre dont Elle m’a honoré en date du 25 du passé, dont le contenu aussi sage qu’obligeant, avec des ordres que j’observerai, me laisse l’espoir, que ceux dont mon sort & honneur dépend, auront soin de l’un & l’autre sans se mêler d’affaires nationales qui ne les regardent pas, puis qu’innocent je suis toujours prêt à répondre à tout ce qu’on me demandera de positif. Non seulement ma foiblesse actuelle, mais la discrétion à tous égards, m’interdisent de rien ajouter, que nos voeux pour le bien-être de V.E. & de sa famille, au sincere respect avec lequel, quand il plaira à Dieu, terminera sa vie, / De Votre Excellence / Le très-humble & très-obéissant / serviteur

            Cwf Dumas

          TRANSLATION

            Sir
            The Hague, 2 November 1787

          Because my wife and I are ill, I can in but a few lines confirm to your excellency that I received and thank him for the letter with which he honored me on the date of the 25th of the past month. Its contents, as wise as they are obliging, and with orders I shall see to, gives me hope that those upon whom my fate and honor depend will take care of the one and the other without getting involved in national affairs which do not concern them. For, as an innocent man, I am always prepared to respond to any meaningful question put to me. Not only my present weakness, but discretion in every regard, prevents me from adding anything further other than our wishes for the well-being of your excellency and his family, and the sincere respect that I will have for him as long as he lives, your excellency’s most humble and most obedient servant

            Cwf Dumas


Title: To John Adams from Antoine Marie Cerisier, 3 November 1787
From: Cerisier, Antoine Marie
To: Adams, John

              Monsieur
              De Paris ce 3 Novembre 1787

            Dans le tems où le Parti Républicain alloit triompher où son succès alloit être affermi sur la base la plus inébranlable, celle d’une influence populaire sagement tempérée, ou enfin la doctrine Américaine des Adams, des Payne, des Price, des Priestley alloit avoir des temples & des Autels sur le Continent Européen, l’invasion violente & perfide de la Prusse a tout renversé. Vous savez la part que j’avois à cette belle, juste & grande entreprise. J’ai cru devoir me retirer; & je suis actuellement occupé à chercher, à travers les périls & les obstacles sans cesse renaissans des Restaurateurs & des vengeurs de la cause de la liberté: Non malgré le revers qu’elle vient d’essuyer, malgré la lâche & absurde politique de ceux que le destin avoit choisis pour la garantir d’un tel attentat en Hollande, je ne renoncerois jamais à l’espoir de la voir triompher encore. je regrette infiniment que votre Mission vous tienne attaché à un autre sol: Vous pourriez, dans la circonstance présente, me donner des conseils intéressans & appuyer en même tems une cause, qui n’est peut-etre pas étrangere a l’existence indépendante & prospere de l’Amérique unie. Car les Anglois enflés d’un succès qui répare une partee si considéráble de leurs maux dans la derniere guerre, pourroient porter leurs vues plus loin. Sans doute ils n’ouvriront pas tout d’un coup le plan de ramener l’Amérique sous le joug. Mais leur avantage actuel peut exciter le courage des Partisans qu’ils ont dans tant d’endroits & y exciter des mouvemens périlleux; En tout cas il n’est pas dans les interets des Etats-unis que l’Angleterre augmente sa force & que la puissance des François sur Mer & dans les Índes soit exposée à être ruinée. Vous voyez par l’exemple de Mr Dumas & de Mr von Berkel egalement exposés a un rappel odieux quel systême domine actuellement dans la Republique, si toutefois on peut donner ce nom à un Pays ou la force militaire étrangere a tout subjugué & dirige tout.1
            Etant actuellement occupé de ces grands interets étant même autorisé à m’en occuper par des Commissions Speciales qui m’ont été

déférées par diverses portions du parti patriotique, je serois flatté de me concerter avec Votre Excellence ou du moins avec le Ministre des Etats-Unis qui se trouve à Paris. Vous m’obligeriez infiniment de me faire passer une Lettre de recommandation aupres de lui.
            En attendant si vous voyez des Anglois qui s’intéressent à la liberté, voulez vous bien leur recommander notre cause. Il ne seroit pas inutile que dans les débats Parlementaires, le Parti de l’opposition fit envisager cette incursion Tartare en Hollande, payee par l’Angleterre, comme une mesure anti nationale populaire & propre seulement à fonder l’autorité du Roi & à préparer des fers à la Nation.
            j’ai l’honneur d’etre avec le plus profond / respect / Monsieur / votre très humble & / très obéissant serviteur

              A. M. Cerisier

            Mon adresse est aux Thuileries chez Madame la Marquese de Champunez
            J’ai vu Mrs les Abbés Chalut & Arnoud: Ils sont à peu près de mon Pays; ils connoissent une partie de mes Parens: Cette nouvelle circonstance jointe à l’idée avantageuse que vous leur aviéz donnée de moi, m’a procuré l’accueil le plus gracieux: Ils seroient bien flattés d’avoir de vos Nouvelles, & moi que vous voulussiez encore me faire valoir auprès d’eux: Leur estime peut m’être d’une grande utilité, surtout dans la circonstañce présente où la conquête a renversé toute ma fortune & mes espérances.

          TRANSLATION

              Sir
              Paris, 3 November 1787

            Just when the Republican Party was to triumph at last, when its success was assured on the firm base of popular sentiment guided by wisdom, just when the American doctrine of an Adams, Paine, Price, or Priestley was to have its temples and altars on the European continent, the violent and perfidious Prussian invasion ruined everything. You are aware of the part I played in this admirable, just, and great undertaking. I thought it best to withdraw, and I am now busy watching for the endless obstacles and dangers that continue for the restorers and avengers of liberty. In spite of the reversal of fortune that freedom has suffered, in spite of the craven, absurd politics of those whom destiny chose to defend her from just such an attack in Holland, I shall never give up hope in seeing her triumph anew. I regret immensely that your mission keeps you tied up in another land: in the present situation you could well provide useful advice and, at the same time, support a cause that is perhaps not unrelated to the independent and prosperous existence of a united America. For, after a victory that has undone much of the damage suffered in the last war, the English are now

puffed up with pride and may set their sights even higher. They will probably not initiate a plan to bring America back to submission all of a sudden. But their current advantage can excite the audacity of their allies, who are widespread, and provoke them into dangerous mobilizations. In any case it is not in the interest of the United States that England increase its force and that the power of the French at sea and in the Indies be subject to ruin. You can see in the case of Mr. Dumas and of Mr. van Berckel, both victims of an odious reminder, which system currently prevails in the republic, if indeed we can give such a title to a country where a foreign military force has conquered all and governs everything.
            As I am currently at work on these important interests and even authorized to work on them by special commissions which have been delegated to me by various sections of the patriotic party, I would be flattered to join efforts with your excellency or at least with the minister of the United States in Paris. I would be infinitely obliged to you if you could have a letter of recommendation sent to him.
            In the meantime, if you meet any English who are concerned about liberty, would you please refer them to our cause? It will not be futile if in the parliamentary debates, the opposition party represented this barbarian invasion into Holland, financed by England, as a measure taken against the people and only good for establishing the authority of the king and preparing shackles for the nation.
            I have the honor to be, with the most profound respect, sir, your most humble and most obedient servant

              A. M. Cerisier

            My address is at the Tuileries at the house of the Marquise de Champunez.
            I saw Messrs. Abbés Chalut and Arnoux. They are only a little way from my part of the country. They know some of my relatives. This new circumstance, along with the favorable impression that you had given them of me, procured a most gracious welcome. They would be pleased to receive some news from you, just as I would be flattered if you were to recommend me to them again. Their esteem can be of great service to me, especially in our present situation where the conquest has reversed all of my fortunes and hopes.


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Brand Hollis, 4 November 1787
From: Hollis, Thomas Brand
To: Adams, John

            Dear Sir
            The Hide Novem 4. 1787

          Tho revelling in what you justly call luxury, planting and adorning the place round me, yet you have presented me with the highest luxury in producing a people emancipated and enjoying their natural rights under just & equal laws procured by your exertions.
          Did envy enter into my composition you would have no small share of it. but my walk is humble and limited. I endeavour that the good is done but unconcerned who does it.
          The more I consider the new constitution of America the more I rejoice and congratulate my self & you. it is the wisdom of ages reduced to practice.
          your writings have pointed out the necessity of a balance in the legislature. by three independent equal branches & by just & equal representations of the people a total seperation of the executive from the legislative power & the judicial from both a free commonwealth will be established which mankind have never yet enjoyed.
          a more perfect frame of government may be imagin’d but it is to be consider’d what the people of these times will bear & therefore this is highly to be esteemed and most desirable to be put in execution.
          some minuter parts may be reconsidered and lead to more perfection.
          By appointing a President Senate & assembly the convention has wisely secured this Balance By giving the President very considerable power, tho not absolute but guarded by deliberation & advice most wisely & cautiously. perhaps in this we may not agree you may think more power necessary but recollect the constant abuse & tremble.
          He has a senate to advise with, if not too numerous of which I have some fear at least may be the case sometime hence, is security to him and safety to the people. The president’s power will not be improperly lessened, by his nominations to places & offices being approved by the Senate, for if he behaives well he will have friends, the danger is of too many.
          The manner of electing the president tho very cautious & guarded is not clear & distinct & there appears some confusion in the language. Part of the representative being renewed every two years is most wise, Harringtonian & miltonic. The votes of the members being publickly register’d is too democratical even for me, for it may affect the freedom of votes. subjecting the members to party rage.

would not instructing their representatives answer the purpose better?
          if I remember right in the treaty between America & Prussia. no letters of marque were allowed. it is to be lamented they are permitted by the new constitution. being contrary to the law of Christianity good Policy & a disgrace to human nature. The state alone should be enabled to conduct her own wars and not citizens make a trade of fighting against one another. “Sunt et Belli, sicut pacis, jura: justeque ea, non minus quam fortiter didicimus gerere.” Liv.
          The suspension of the Habeas corpus cannot be too much guarded against. Liberty suffered in England during the late convulsion & had it not been for a rider tacked to the bill, the best citizens would have been liable to the greatest oppression.
          Books should be free & exempted from any tax. to promote the erecting Libraries & as the means of knowledge & for the same reason printing types of all sorts & paper for printing & Ink till America can supply her self.
          The Liberty of the press is not mentioned in the new constitution & tho all or most of the states insist on it yet in the new constitution it should appear as an additional star & not shining only in England. it is the Bulwark of Liberty which therefore Despots dread and permit not.
          no tax on the postage of letters but what is necessary to bear the expence, which would be trifling, more prevents correspondence & communication of sentiments.
          members of each house to have the priviledge of franking under some general line to prevent abuse.
          That a person coming to settle in a country should pay a fine strikes me with horror when exacted in a country which justly glories in being free!
          was it st marino or Ragusa it might be prudent & necessary, from the few inhabitants & small extent of territory. But represent to your self, not only an ingenious poor man but a worthy honest man & of talents, injured by the laws delay & insolence of office, who has spent almost his whole substance in resisting oppression; flatters himself there is still a country an Asylum for the ingenuous tho wretched & where the long hands of Tyrants cannot reach; but when arrived at that happy land finds at last that he is cruelly disappointed and all his hopes cut of & cannot obtain a landing place for himself and family but at the expence of all his little remaing stock, his necessary Pittance; in such a distracted Situation, all hope is

lost & nothing remains for him abandoned & dejected, but to wait with patience a speedy admission into that state where truth & liberty reign triumphant & where Tyrants never come & the wretched are at rest.
          Shall it be possible for such an instance to be produced against a magnanimous people who having emancipated themselves will not participate that blessing to all the inhabitants of the world!
          no danger to the publick weal, the gain trifling & contemptible, whereas universal admission open as heaven would be but just liberal & magnificent & worthy of a people the preceptors of mankind.
          I have taken the Liberty to write to your Excellency with the freedom of a republican on a subject which is one of the few which ought only to interest a man to expatiate on the merits of the new constitution—is too great for me to attempt there are only some subordinate parts I dare to touch upon with diffidence & respect, which the love I bear the cause so much interests me in, therefore my mistakes you will pardon & correct.

            But Freedom bids me on thy merits dwell
            whose radiant form illum’d thy letter’d cell
            who to thy hand the noblest task assign’d
            That earth can offer to a heavenly mind;
            With reason’s arms to guard invaded laws,
            And guide the pen of truth in freedom’s cause.
            Too firm of heart at dangers cry to stoop,
            Not Lucre’s slave, nor vain ambition’s dupe:
            Through length of days invariably the same,
            Thy country’s Liberty thy constant aim.

          let me intreat you, tho you have proved your point, to continue your researches. you have been & will be most nobly gratified. which tho not absolutely necessary yet is pleasing & encouraging. when you have finished the pursuit as to facts & presidents. the publick wish you would oblige them with more of your own reflections & inferences being so much master of the subject and the more desirable & necessary for us in this Hemisphere as no one will undertake such a work—for

            La gola, él sonno, & l’ociose piume
            Hanno del mondo ogni vertù sbandita,
            Ond’ è del corso suo quarsi smarrita

            Nostra natura vinta dal costume:
            Et è si spento ogni benigno lume
            Del ciel, per cui s’informa humana vita;
            Che per cosa mirabile s’addita
            Chi Voul far d’Helicona nascer fiume.
            Qual vaghezza di lauro? qual di merto?
            Povera, & nuda vai Philosophia,
            Dice la turba al vil guadagno intesa.
            Pochi compagni havrai per l’altra via:
            Tanto tí prego piu gentile spirto
            Non lassar la magnanima tua impresa.

          with the greatest esteem for / your excellency’s worth & character / I have the honor to subscribe / my self your devoted Friend.

            T Brand Hollis.


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Jefferson, 10 November 1787
From: Adams, John
To: Jefferson, Thomas

            My dear sir
            London. Nov. 10. 1787

          Mr Boylston is going to Paris, with a Cargo of Sperma Cæti oil, and will be obliged to you for any Assistance or Advice you can give him.
          I forwarded a few days ago, from Mr Gerry, a Copy as I suppose of the Result of Convention.— It Seems to be admirably calculated to preserve the Union, to increase Affection, and to bring Us all to the Same Mode of thinking. They have adopted the Idea of the Congress at Albany in 1754 of a President to nominate officers and a Council to Consent: but thank heaven they have adopted a third Branch, which that Congress did not. I think that Senates and Assemblies should have nothing to do with executive Power. But still I hope the Constitution will be adopted, and Amendments be made at a more convenient opportunity.

          What think you of a Declaration of Rights? should not Such a Thing have preceeded the Model?
          People here are solacing themselves in the Prospect of the Continuance of Peace: and the tryumphant Party in Holland carry a high hand.— I Suspect that both are rather too Sanguine.— They have very insufficient Grounds for so much Exultation. My worthy Old Friends the Patriots in Holland are extreamly to be pittied: and so are their deluded Persecutors. That Country I fear is to be ruined, past all Remedy. I wish that all the good Men had Sense and Spirit enough to go to America.— With the usual / sentiments yours

            John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Jefferson, 13 November 1787
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Adams, John

            Dear Sir
            Paris Nov. 13. 1787.

          This will be delivered you by young mr̃ Rutledge. your knowledge of his father will introduce him to your notice. he merits it moreover on his own account.
          I am now to acknolege your favors of Oct. 8. & 26. that of August 25. was duly received, nor can I recollect by what accident I was prevented from acknoleging it in mine of Sep. 28. it has been the source of my subsistance hitherto, & must continue to be so till I receive letters on the affairs of money from America. Van Staphorsts & Willinks have answered my draughts.— your books for M. de la Fayette are received here. I will notify it to him, who is at present with his provincial assembly in Auvergne.
          Little is said lately of the progress of the negociations between the courts of Petersburg, Vienna, & Versailles. the distance of the former & the cautious, unassuming character of it’s minister here is one cause of delays: a greater one is the greediness & instable character of the emperor. nor do I think that the Principal here will be easily induced to lend himself to any connection which shall threaten a war within a considerable number of years. his own reign

will be that of peace only, in all probability; and were any accident to tumble him down, this country would immediately gird on it’s sword & buckler, & trust to occurrences for supplies of money. the wound their honour has sustained festers in their hearts, and it may be said with truth that the Archbishop & a few priests, determined to support his measures because proud to see their order come again into power, are the only advocates for the line of conduct which has been pursued. it is said & believed thro’ Paris literally that the Count de Monmorin “pleuroit comme un enfant” when obliged to sign the counter declaration. considering the phrase as figurative, I believe it expresses the distress of his heart. indeed he has made no secret of his individual opinion. in the mean time the Principal goes on with a firm & patriotic spirit, in reforming the cruel abuses of the government and preparing a new constitution which will give to this people as much liberty as they are capable of managing. this I think will be the glory of his administration, because, tho’ a good theorist in finance, he is thought to execute badly. they are about to open a loan of 100. millions to supply present wants, and it is said the preface of the Arret will contain a promise of the Convocation of the States general during the ensuing year. 12. or 15. provincial assemblies are already in action, & are going on well: and I think that tho’ the nation suffers in reputation, it will gain infinitely in happiness under the present administration. I inclose to mr̃ Jay a pamphlet which I will beg of you to forward. I leave it open for your perusal. when you shall have read it, be so good as to stick a wafer in it. it is not yet published, nor will be for some days. this copy has been ceded to me as a favor.
          How do you like our new constitution? I confess there are things in it which stagger all my dispositions to subscribe to what such an assembly has proposed. the house of federal representatives will not be adequate to the management of affairs either foreign or federal. their President seems a bad edition of a Polish king. he may be reelected from 4. years to 4. years for life. reason & experience prove to us that a chief magistrate, so continuable, is an officer for life. when one or two generations shall have proved that this is an office for life, it becomes on every succession worthy of intrigue, of bribery, of force, & even of foreign interference. it will be of great consequence to France & England to have America governed by a Galloman or Angloman. once in office, & possessing the military force of the union, without either the aid or check of a council, he would not be easily dethroned, even if the people could be induced to

withdraw their votes from him. I wish that at the end of the 4. years they had made him for ever ineligible a second time. indeed I think all the good of this new constitution might have been couched in three or four new articles to be added to the good, old, & venerable fabrick, which should have been preserved even as a religious relique.—
          present me & my daughters affectionately to mr̃s Adams. the younger one continues to speak of her warmly. accept yourself assurances of the sincere esteem & respect with which I have the honour to be, Dear Sir, your friend & servant

            Th: Jefferson

            P.S. I am in negociation with de la Blancherie. you shall hear from me when arranged.


Title: From John Adams to John Jay, 15 November 1787
From: Adams, John
To: Jay, John

            Dear Sir
            Grosvenor Square Nov. 15. 1787

          The Attack upon Mr Dumas, is but a Part of that system of Intimidation, that the present Tryumphant Party in Holland is pursuing, and if one were to conjecture, it would be plausible to Suppose that sir James Harris, was the Instigator of it. The English Court and Nation, with all their affected Contempt, and rude Execrations of the Dutch, have at Bottom a very great opinion of the Importance of that Power, in the Ballance between England and the House of Bourbon. Hints have been Several Times thrown out in the English Papers, of the Partiality of the American Minister at the Hague to France, and as Mr Dumas was supposed to be under my Direction,

            his motions have been imputed to me. Mr Dumas has a Pension from France reversible to his Daughter.— It would be better for Congress to pay this Pension at the Expence of the United States, or to dismiss him from their service, paying him however during his Life his annual Allowance, than to have a Person in their service, in the Pay of two Powers at once. if an English Ambassador or Charge D’Affairs or Agent at Paris the Hague Should receive from France a Pension for opposing the Interests of the United States, Congress would have Some cause to be uneasy. I am not att all Surprized therefore at the Attack Upon Mr Dumas.— Yet I should be very sorry it Should prevail against him. and therefore it is to be hoped that Congress will take time to deliberate upon the Subject. As there has been no formal Deliberation of their High Mightinesses upon my Memorial, and as the Correspondence has been hitherto, only between Mr Fagel and me, altho their high Mightinesses have been acquainted with it and have directed it on the Part of Mr Fagel; yet Congress are not obliged formally to Answer it. Sovereign to Sovereign and Minister to Minister, is the Diplomatic Maxim. Congress therefore may take as long time as they please to deliberate, and it is to be hoped, they will take so much that the present Passions may cool, and the present Scæne be shifted. after another year, or six or nine months Circumstances may be very different.— If We were to judge by the Tone of Arrogance at present in Holland, We should conclude that they would infallibly blow up a War, between England and France, and join the former. But this, to me, at least is very doubtful. Notwithstanding the Complaint against Mr Dumas and the Recall of Mr Vanberckel, if that should be agreed to, you will not find any hostile Disposition towards the United States— if France remains quiet, as she ought at present, for it is now too late for her to move, all Nations and Parties will sit down Satisfied with the Restoration of the Statholder, for some years, and there will be no formal Rupture with France or America. England has blustered, and France has Slept. but the former, have at heart no Inclination for War. Fifty Millions of Debt added to the Present, would produce a Tornado in this Country, the Consequences of which cannot be computed. England Holland and Prussia will be very glad to remain as they are. and France shows no Disposition to disturb them. As I take all the late Transactions to have been merely a System of Intimidation, You will not hear of those rigorous Prosecutions and cruel Punishments of the Patriots in Holland which are held out in Terror. Neutrality, eternal Neutrality will Still be the Passion and

Politicks in the United Provinces, both of Stathouderians and Patriots. There are no Warlike Characters among them. And the present dominant Party will be as anxious as their Adversaries, to avoid every Provocation to a War, either with France or England. William the Fifth is neither the Politician nor the Warrior, as William the third was. An Appearance of Spirit, and even of Arrogance has been assumed in the Netherlands as well as in England merely to overawe, and upon the Secret Presumption that they should not be forced into a War in earnest. This Policy has Succeeded so well, that I cannot help suspecting there was better grounds for it, than the World in general were acquainted with. I know that the Patriots in Holland, some of them at least, as long ago as Mr Rainevall made his curious journey into that Country, Suspected that their Ideas of Liberty were not to be supported, and accordingly thought very Seriously of emigrating to America. I dont mean however, by this the Capital Characters. Money is however so much better understood, and more beloved than Liberty that you will not hear of Many Emigrations. The Friends of France, affect to Speak slightly of Holland at present and of her Weight in the Scale. This is neccessary to excuse their Inattention, and Blunders, on the late occasion but France never committed a greater Error in Policy than she has done, by her Unskillful Negotiations at Berlin the Hague and London, since the Peace.— If Holland should be forced into a Renovation of her Connections with England America in my opinion, will have Reason to regret it. For I have not, a doubt, that England Holland & Prussia would get the better in a War against the House of Bourbon and America will be obliged to join the latter in self defence for after having humbled France, England would not Scruple to Attack the United states. That our Country may Act with Dignity in all Events: that she may not be obliged to join in any War, without the clearest Conviction of the Justice of the Cause, and her own honour and real Interest, it is indispensably necessary, that she should Act the Part in Holland of perfect Independence and honest Impartiality, between the different Courts and Nations who are now struggling for her Friendship, and who are all at present our Friends. This has ever appeared to me so clear and obvious, that I never could approve the Conduct of Mr Dumas or Messieurs Vanstaphorsts, in taking so decided Parts in favour of France and against the statholder, altho, I fully believe they followed the Judgments of their Understandings and the Inclinations of their hearts with Integrity and Honour.

          With great Respect I have the Honour to be / dear sir your most obedient and most hum / ble servant

            John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Patrick Miller, 19 November 1787
From: Miller, Patrick
To: Adams, John

            Sir
            Dalswinton 19th. November 1787

          I had the honour to receive Your Excellencys letter of the 30th. April. In the treatise on Naval Architecture which I requested you to transmit to Congress I signifyed my intention to make an Experiment with the Steam Engine as a Power to work my Water Wheel.—
          When preparing for this experiment, I conceived an Idea that the Capstorn might be employed as a Power better fitted to that purpose than an Engine to be moved by fire.— It answered my utmost expectations, and I have now the honour to send your Excellency an Account of the experimts. I made with it, a Copy of which I request you will transmit to Congress to be deposited with the Treatise— Be assured that I keep within bounds when I speak of Ships being made to go from four to five miles an hour in a Calm— It was my design to have communicated the Account of my experiments immediately after they were made, but coming here in a day or two thereafter I got engaged in different Improvements which occupyed and amused me to such a degree as to render Attention to any other Subject painful.—
          I wish America may perceive the Importance of this Discovery— Their Wood is of a Scantling fit to build Ships on this principle of very great force— Five or six such Ships would clear the Seas of all the African Cruizers.— In Calms or light Winds, very frequent in the Mediterranean Sea during the Summer Months, they would be superiour to any number of Ships of the present Construction of whatever force— Think not lightly of this Matter because You see nothing done in Britain— You will do me the honour to own Receipt of this, that I may know it has gone to your hands, directing to me at this place by Dumfries.—
          I have the honour to be with very great Respect / Your Excellencys / most obedient & / most humble servant

            Patrick Miller


Title: To John Adams from Joseph Barrell, 24 November 1787
From: Barrell, Joseph
To: Adams, John

            Sir
            Boston 24th: Novr. 1787

          I request the Liberty (in behalf of those who are engaged in the enterprize) to present to your Excellency a Medal which was struck to be distributed amongst the Natives on the North West Coast of America, and to commemorate the first American Adventure to the Pacific Ocean
          We have been carefull to Equip these Vessells in the very best manner, and that every Person on board Forty in number, were Americans
          We have also suffered no Coin but the Cents and half Cents of this State, and these Medals to go in the Vessells, none of which are to be parted with untill they have doubled Cape Horn this was done that it might be known that American Adventurers had been there
          If the Medal is acceptable to your Excellency it will gratify the Gentlemen concerned and in particular
          Your Most Obedt Servant

            Joseph Barrell


Title: To John Adams from Cotton Tufts, 28 November 1787
From: Tufts, Cotton
To: Adams, John

            Dear Sr.
            Weymouth Novr. 28. 1787

          On Saturday last, the Genl Court rose, having sat Five Weeks, but few Matters of Importance were accomplished. The first Thing that came under Consideration was the Recommendation of Congress to lay before the People a System of National Government reported by

the late continental Convention— Resolutions were passed for assembling the Towns for the Choice of Delegates to sit in Convention on the second Wednesday of January next, to adopt or reject it.— The Western lands lately confirmed to this State by an Agreement between the Commissioners of New York & this State, came next under Consideration—they contain about Six Millions of Acres, a considerable Part of which are of an excellent Quality, and will probably be sold for public Securities the ensuing Spring— Much Time was spent in devising the best Method for disposing of them— Bills & Resolves were framed & passed, afterwards rejected— Much ill Humour prevailed & the Session closed without any Agreement on the Subject— The next important Matter, was the Regulation of the Law and establishing the Fees of Attornies. A Bill with this Title had been before the Senate in the Year past and was laid aside as useless, it was called up by Honestus, became the Subject of Debate and at length was committed to Him and others for Repair— they reported a new Draught—this was debated from Day to Day—and finally it was determined to be ill constructed and totally inadequate to the purposes for which it was intended— This Bill threw the Gate wide open for every Person to practice Law and plead before the Courts, if of good moral Character— The House in a late Stage of the Session, sent for the Bill, tried their Skill upon it—and although they had passed the original Bill in a former Session—they now rejected the whole and I believe it has receivd its nunc dimittis. The Report of a Committee on the Petition of George Cabot Esq & others for erecting a Bridge across Beverly Ferry was taken up early in the Session—it was opposed with great Warmth and Address & supported with equal Zeal— Many Days were spent in hearing the Parties, and debating the Subject, the Issue was for a long Time doubtful— at length it terminated in favour of the Petitioners and a Bill has passed for erecting the Bridge— The Continuance of the tender Act (so called) was a favourite Point with our State Regulators, they succeeded so far as to obtain the Continuance of it for Three Months longer. The House which consists of more than 180 New Members, forms a very considerable Majority who have imbibed the Spirit of the Times— they discover no small Zeal to destroy the Aristocracy of the Senate— it was exceeding disgusting that the Senate should have a Negative, particularly in the Appointment of Collectors of Impost & Excise, they had excluded by their Vote some of the most faithful Collectors and chose new Ones in whom very little Confidence could be placed— it gave great Umbrage that the Senate

should nonconcur them in their Choice—as also in some Resolves for the unlimited Indemnity & Pardons of all of every Discription Character & Degree who had been concerned in the late Rebellion, (saving Nine excluded by Law) whilst on the other Hand the Indemnity to Military Offices & Magistrates (who had acted under Government in suppressing the late Rebellion and who upon a Change of Measures might be subject to vexatious Lawsuits) was limited to the Pleasure of the Gen Court
          Very few Matters of Importance were transacted other than those I have mentioned— Although in the Recess of the genl Court a large Committee of the House (of their own Appointment) sat for some Weeks to devise Ways & Means to supply the Treasury & provide for the Payment of the principal & Interest of the public Debts, Yet the Session passed over without their acting upon the Report or taking any Measures to restore the public Credit or provide for the Exigencies of Government— Great Attempts were made to prolong the Time for Payment of back Taxes, (which by a Report of the Treasurer amounted to £497,000) There was how ever on the whole a pretty good Agreement, not to limit the issuing of Executions beyond February next—except in some particular Instances— It appears that of the Taxes prior to 1784 and those issued since £200,000 (or thereabouts) have been annually discharged for three Years past— We are informed of great Exertions among the People to pay up their Back Taxes and notwithstanding our present Confusion, Could the Wisdom of the People be united, their Resources drawn forth and the Government acquire [. . . .] might yet enjoy as much Happiness as any People, but [. . .] this is ever to be expected without an Efficient national Government, is with me a Question— The proposed Plan I suspect will meet with much Opposition in this Commonwealth it has its violent Advocates & its violent Opposers— Too much Temper is discovered on both Sides— It would give me great Pleasure to have Your Sentiments (for my own private Use if not otherways permitted) upon this proposed Constitution—and I flatter myself that you will not withhold from Your Friend that Light, wch. your extensive Knowledge of Governments & long Experience enables You to afford me—
          As I take it for granted, that you will return in the Spring of the Year—I would suggest, whether it would not be best to draw on You for what Monies You can spare & which you would otherways bring with you—as you would in that Case probably save £5 [. . .]— I have purchased public Securities at different Times, tho not as yet to the

amount you have empowered me— so far as I have gone, I flatter myself that for the most part—the purchases have been fortunate as favourable Opportunities present—I shall proceed further In former Letters I have given You an Account of my Draughts on you, as they fall short of what you have given me a Commission for— I shall probably draw further before Your Return, perhaps for £200— However I wish You to take the first Opportunity to write to me of any Matter You wish to have executed before that Time—either relating to your New Farm at Braintree or what is above mentioned— As You will not probably have any Conveyance direct to Boston untill the Spring— The New York Packet I suspect will be the Vehicle— I am uncertain whether I shall have Time to write to Mrs. Adams, You will be pleased to present my Affectionate Regards to her—and accept of the same / From your Friend—

            PS. We are told that a War in Europe is inevitable—


Title: From John Adams to John Jay, 30 November 1787
From: Adams, John
To: Jay, John

            Dear Sir
            Grosvenor Square Nov. 30. 1787

          I do myself the Honour to inclose the Kings Speech at the Opening of Parliament as it has been transmitted to me from the Marquis of Carmarthen: and the Morning Chronicle of the 28, which contains, not the debates, for there were none, but the Panegyricks upon it. I have long Seen sir, in silent Astonishment and Grief the negligent and imprudent Conduct of a deceased French Minister of foreign Affairs, in his negotiations & Intercourse in Holland: the despicable History of a Mailbois, the unmeaning or ill meaning Intrigues of Raineval, the Rhingrave, not to mention others equally disgusting at Paris, with a Minister, whom you know. When I first knew or Suspected that the Dutch Patriots and their confidential Agents, had Surrendered themselves to female Intrigues I had a thousand Apprehensions, that they would finally meet with that Ruin which you perfectly well know would have been the devoted Fate of the United States if they had Submitted to Mr Deans System of De Mailbois’s and De Coudrai’s, ten years ago. Let me intreat Gentlemen to compare, what remains upon the Records or Files of Congress at that Period, with what happened before and at the Peace, with what has taken Place in Holland, and thank Heaven for their Providential Escapes.
          There are many worthy Characters, now Exiles from Holland and Refugees in Germany, the Austrian Netherlands and France for whom I have many years entertained an Esteem and Affection, whose melancholly Situation is truly deplorable. These however, have ever appeared to me to be too inattentive to the Sense of the common People in their own Country, too little acquainted with the Nature of Government, and too confidently dependant on the Support of France.

          The debate orations in Parliament upon the Speech inclosed are however more extraordinary, than any Thing that has occured.— The Interposition of Prussia in the affairs of Holland cannot be justified upon the Principles of the Law of Nations; and if Truth and Justice are not lost out of the World will be marked by the impartial, both in the present and future Ages with severe Censure. But the Speeches of Mr Fox and Mr Pitt appear to me to have Set every Tie that can bind Mankind, every Principle which ought to be held Sacred at open Defyance. it is openly avowed by both, that a Treaty of Alliance is in Agitation between England and Holland, at this moment when a Treaty recently made between France and Holland is in full force, and when there is no Pretence of a Violation of it. Is not this a most outragious Insult, in the Face of the whole World, for the Debates in Parliament are known to be published all over Europe, upon the Law of Nations, upon the Faith of Treaties, and national Honour. Is it the Intention of the Speech and of the Addresses which will eccho it back to the Throne, to force the House of Bourbon into a War? To me, it Seems manifest.— If France Should bear it patiently, what are We to think? The Fermentation in that Kingdom, occasioned by the Ruin brought upon it, by that Administration of whose Merits you have long since formed an accurate Judgment, and by the Exertions to obtain provincial and national assemblies threatens much Confusion. It is not possible to foresee, what the Effect will be. I own myself afraid that the Patriots in France will prove as Unskillful and Unsuccessful asserters of a free Government as those in Holland have been. a tedious Relaxation if not the most Serious divisions are to be apprehended. If however the House of Bourbon is unable to assert her Dignity upon this occasion, I am clearly convinced that the Pride and Arrogance of England will rise So high, as to demand the Demolition of Cherbourg, and attempt to Sever south America from Spain. nor will this be all: she will demand the Annihilation of Several Articles at least of the Treaties between France and the United States of America. Nor will they Stop here. if they can bind Holland in their Shackles, and France by her internal distractions is unable to interfere, She will make War immediately against Us. they are at present both at Court, and in the Nation at large much more respectful to me, and much more tender of the United States than they Ever have been before. but depend upon it, this will not last.— They will aim at recovering back the Western Lands at taking away our Fisheries and at the total Ruin of our Navigation at least.

          The United States of America, therefore, had never more Reason to be upon their Guard: to compleat their Constitution of Government: to Unite as one Man to meet with Courage and Constancy, the severe Tryal, which in all probability they will be called to undergo in a very few years.
          There is some room however to hope that Mr Pitt and Mr Fox are outrunning the Dutchmen in their Disposition for an alliance. The Friendship of France, appears to me, to be so neccessary to the King of Prussia, that I cannot yet believe that he will Advise the statholder, to follow the English Party so implicitly. The state of Europe at large is so confused, that there is not one Politician in the World, that I can hear of, who pretends to foresee, what turn affairs may take. With great / Respect I have the Honour to be, dear sir, your / most obedient and most humble servant

            John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Antoine Marie Cerisier, 6 December 1787
From: Adams, John
To: Cerisier, Antoine Marie

            Dear Sir.

              Decr 6th. 1787.

          After much anxiety on your account and many ineffectual Inquiries after your health & welfare, I was happy to learn by Your Letter, that you was safe at Paris, where I hope you will find friends, Employment & Satisfactions better than those you have left in Holland.—
          Inclosed are letters of Introduction to Mr. Jefferson & the Marquis de Lafayette.
          The strange turn, which affairs have taken is shocking, The English however will not derive the advantages from it, they expect—Nor

is France at so low an Ebb. or in so much danger, as some of her friends apprehend you need not dread the destruction of the french Marine—it is in no danger from the English, who will find it difficult enough to keep their heads above Water notwithstanding all their Bravadoes.
          My tender regards to my old friends the Abby’s De Chalut & Arnoux, whom I am happy to find you have been acquainted with. they are & will be your very good friends.— I should be glad to hear of you, as often as convenient by private Hands.—the post should not be trusted—
          with / great regard Dr Sir &c—

            J. A.


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Jefferson, 6 December 1787
From: Adams, John
To: Jefferson, Thomas

            Dear sir
            London Decr 6. 1787

          The Project of a new Constitution, has Objections against it, to which I find it difficult to reconcile my self. but I am so unfortunate as to differ somewhat from you in the Articles, according to your last kind Letter.
          You are afraid of the one—I, of the few. We agree perfectly that the many Should have a full fair and perfect Representation.— You are Apprehensive of monarchy: I, of Aristocracy.— I would therefore have given more Power to the President and less to the Senate. The Nomination and Appointment to all offices I would have given to the President, assisted only by a Privy Council of his own Appointment Creation. but not a Vote or Voice would I have given to the Senate or any Senator, unless he were of the Privy Council. Faction and Distraction are the sure and certain Consequence of giving to a Senate a Vote in the distribution of Offices.
          You are apprehensive the President when once chosen, will be chosen again and again as long as he lives. So much the better as it appears to me.— You are apprehensive of foreign Interference Intrigue, Influence.— So am I.— But, as often as Elections happen, the danger of foreign Influence recurs. the less frequently they happen the less danger.— and if the Same Man may be chose again, it is

probable he will be, and the danger of foreign Influence will be less. Foreigners, Seeing little Prospect will have less Courage for Enterprize.
          Elections, my dear sir, Elections to Offices which are great objects of ambition, I look at with terror.— Experiments of this kind have been so often tryed, and so universally found productive of Horrors, that there is great Reason to dread them.
          Mr Littlepage who will have the Honour to deliver this will tell you all the News. I am, my dear sir, with / great Regard

            John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from John Lillie Jr., 7 December 1787
From: Lillie, John Jr.
To: Adams, John

            Boston 7th December 1787.
            May it please your Excellency.

          Nothing but the importance of the following subject which immediately concerns myself could have induced me to beg your attention upon it, by being persuaded your time was gennerally employed in National affairs,— But as the result of this business is very interesting to me, I have taken the liberty to write & request your assistance & advice, and that you would have the goodness (if not too much trouble) to see His Excellency Governer Elliot on the occasion.— The circumstances are as follows.
          There is an Estate in St John Newfoundland known by the name of Lillie’s Plantation, which has been the property of My Ancestors for more than a Century past, & handed down from generation to generation,— This property legally decended to my Father Mr John Lillie who died about twenty two Years ago,— My Mother Mrs Abigail Lillie, as I was then a Child, thought best to lease it out for the term of twenty one Year’s, which lease expired the 29th of October last.— I should have gone down & taken possession of the Estate as

soon as I was of age, had it not been upon lease, which would have been to no effect, for that reason I omitted it till the expiration of the lease.— Under those circumstances my being the only Son & Heir, & indeed the only Male of the family living, I thought best to write His Excellency Governor Eliot on the subject about two Month’s before the expiration of the lease, in which I stated to him my claim, and informed him I had every Paper necessary to prove it lodged in my Agent’s hands in St Johns, and that I fully intended to be there early in the Spring, to settle upon, sell or lease the same, as no business could be done there in the Winter Season,— Also that the Person to whom it was leased had refused to pay the Agent for the Rent justly due for the last three Years,— I also observed to him as the helm of Government rested in his hands I did not doubt he would have the premises delivered up to the Agent at the expiration of the lease, and begged him to insist on the Person to whom it was leased to pay the balance due for the rent previous to his departure for Europe, that everything might be amicably & honorably settled previous thereto.
          Notwithstanding those representations I am sorry to say, that contrary to my opinion & that of every person in this Country who have been made acquainted with the circumstances, His Excellency was pleased one Month before the expiration of the lease, to issue Warrants for the purpose of levelling to the ground three Dwelling House’s &c and given to Persons, Fish Rooms & lots of Land (belonging to me) who had not the least claim thereto; which land Plantation was surveyed & placed on Record at St Johns by order of the late Predesessor of His Excellency Governor Elliot.
          This from all the information I can collect has been done in consequence of my being a Member of the late American Army; which does not in the least correspond with my ideas of the sense of the Definitive Treaty of Peace.— Or if I was considered an Alien, I think His Excellency has been rather too precipitate in his determinations, by ordering my property destroyed & Lands given away without the privilege of a hearing or even that of my Agent who is upon the spot.
          Your Excellency may easily conceive what trouble and difficulty may arise between the two Nations, if property is so taken & destroyed,— As you are sensible there are many Estates in this Town belonging to British Subjects now residing in England under similar circumstances, and which may with the same propriety meet with an equal fate,— Although humanity would recoil at a retaliation so cruel & unjust.

          I must therefore submit the above facts to your consideration, & hope you may not find it too inconvenient to speak to His Excellency Governor Elliot on the subject.
          I have the honor to be with great esteem & respect, Your Excellency’s most obdt / servt.

            John Lillie.


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Jefferson, 10 December 1787
From: Adams, John
To: Jefferson, Thomas

            Dear sir
            Grosvenor Square Decr 10. 1787

          I last night received, the Ratification of my last Loan and the inclosed Resolution of Congress of 18 July last, for the Redemption of Prisoners at Algiers.— It is probable you have received it before, but as it is, in your Department to execute it, and possible that you may, not have received it, I thought it Safest to transmit it to you, as I have now the honour to do, here inclosed. Mr Vanberckel, Son of the Minister, is arrived at Falmouth, by the Packet, but not yet in London. By him, I expect my Dismission. The American Newspapers, already arrived both from New York and Boston, announce it to have passed in Congress, the 5. of October. and now as We Say at Sea, huzza for the new World and farewell to the Old One.
          All Europe resounds with Projects for reviving, States and Assemblies, I think: and France is taking the lead.— How Such assemblies will mix, with Simple Monarchies, is the question. The Fermentation must terminate in Improvements of various Kinds. Superstition, Bigotry, Ignorance, Imposture, Tyranny and Misery must be lessened Somewhat.— But I fancy it will be found Somewhat difficult, to conduct and regulate these debates. Ex quovis ligno non fit Mercurius.— The World will be entertained with noble sentiments and enchanting Eloquence. but will not essential Ideas be sometimes forgotten, in the anxious study of brilliant Phrases? Will the Duke of orleans make a Sterling Patriot and a determined son of Liberty? Will he

rank with Posterity among the Brutus’s and Catos?— Corrections and Reformations and Improvements are much wanted in all the Institutions of Europe Ecclesiastical and civil: but how or when they will be made is not easy to guess.— It would be folly I think to do no more than try over again Experiments, that have been already a million times tryed. attempts to reconcile Contradictions will not succeed. and to think of Reinstituting Republicks, as absurdly constituted as were the most which the World has seen, would be to revive Confusion and Carnage, which must again End in despotism.— I shall soon be out of the Noise of all these Speculations in Europe leaving behind me however the most fervent good Wishes for the Safety and Prosperity of all who have the Cause of Humanity Equity; Equality and Liberty at heart. With the tenderest / Affection of Friendship, I am and ever shall be / my dear sir yours

            John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Jefferson, 12 December 1787
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Adams, John

            Dear Sir
            Paris Dec. 12. 1787.

          In the month of July I received from Fiseaux & Co. of Amsterdam a letter notifying me that the principal of their loan to the United states would become due the first day of January. I answered them that I had neither powers nor information on the subject, but would transmit their letter to the Board of treasury. I did so by the packet which sailed from Havre Aug. 10. the earliest answer possible would have been by the packet which arrived at Havre three or four days ago. but by her I do not receive the scrip of a pen from any body. this makes me suppose that my letters are committed to Paul Jones who was to sail a week after the departure of the packet: & that possibly he may be the bearer of orders from the treasury to repay Fiseaux’ loan with the money you borrowed. but it is also possible he may bring no order on the subject. the slowness with which measures are adopted on our side the water, does not permit us to count on punctual answers: but on the contrary renders it necessary for us to suppose in the present case that no orders will arrive in time, and to consider whether any thing, and what should be done? as it may

be found expedient to transfer all our foreign debts to Holland by borrowing there, & as it may always be prudent to preserve a good credit in that country because we may forced into wars whether we will or no, I should suppose it very imprudent to suffer our credit to be annihilated by so small a sum as 51,000 guilders. the injury will be greater too in proportion to the smallness of the sum: for they will ask “How can a people be trusted for large sums who break their faith for such small ones?” you know best what effect it will have on the minds of the moneylenders of that country should we fail in this payment. you know best also whether it is practicable and prudent for us to have this debt paid without orders. I refer the matter therefore wholly to your consideration, willing to participate with you in any risk, & any responsability which may arise. I think it one of those cases where it is a duty to risk one’s self. you will perceive, by the inclosed, the necessity of an immediate answer, and that if you think any thing can & should be done all the necessary authorities from you should accompany your letter. in the mean time should I receive any orders from the Treasury by P. Jones, I will pursue them, and consider whatever you shall have proposed or done, as non avenue.
          I am with much affection Dear Sir / your most obedient / & most humble servt

            Th: Jefferson


Title: To John Adams from Henry Remsen Jr., 14 December 1787
From: Remsen, Henry Jr.
To: Adams, John

            Sir
            New York 14th. Decemr. 1787

          Mr. Jay having been, and still continuing too much indisposed to attend to Business, has directed me to acknowledge the Receipt of your Letters of 10th. 22d. & 23d. September last, together with the Papers mentioned in them; which I have now the Honor of doing; and of transmitting to you herewith enclosed, the printed Journals of

Congress from 26th. September to 30th. Octr. 1787, and a Packet of the latest Newspapers.—
          I have the Honor to be with great Respect / Sir / Your most obt. and hblẽ. Servt.

            Henry Remsen Junr.


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Jefferson, 16 December 1787
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Adams, John

            Dear Sir
            Paris Dec. 16. 1787.

          I wrote you on the 12th instant, that is to say, by the last post. but as that channel of conveiance is sometimes unfaithful I now inclose you a copy of my letter of that date, and of the one of Fiseaux & co. inclosed in that. I have since received my letters by the packet, but, among them, nothing from the Board of Treasury. still their orders may be among the dispatches with which Paul Jones is charged for me, who was to sail a week after the packet. if he brings any orders, what you shall have done as I observed in my former letter shall be considered as if not done. on further consideration & consultation the object of my letter seems to increase in importance & to render it indispensible in us to do what we can, even without orders, to save the credit of the U. S. I have conferred with mr̃ Jacob Van Staphorst, who is here, on this subject. he thinks the failure would have so ill an effect that it should certainly be prevented, he supposes the progress of your late loan may by this time furnish money in the hands of Willincks & Van Staphorsts, to face this demand, & at any rate that these gentlemen will exert themselves to do it. by his advice I wrote to ask of them if I might count on their doing it, provided I forwarded your orders, and I wrote to Fizeaux & co. what steps I was taking, desired them to confer with Willincks & Van Staphorsts, and to regulate the expectations of our creditors accordingly. the answer of Willincks & Van Staphorsts which I shall receive the 22d. inst. and yours which I hope to receive about the same time will decide what is to be done. still it will be about the 28th. before Fizeaux can receive it through me, and he sais notice should have been given by the middle of the month.
          I see by the American papers that your commission to the United

Netherlands continues till the spring. will you have to go there to take leave? if you do, and will give me notice in time, I will meet you there. in so doing I shall gratify my wish to see you before you leave Europe, to confer with you on some subjects, and become acquainted with our money affairs at Amsterdam, and that ground in general on which it may be rendered necessary, by our various debts, for me sometimes to undertake to act. I am very ignorant of it at present.
          I am with great & sincere esteem Dr. Sir / Your most obedient & mo. humble servt.

            Th: Jefferson


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Jefferson, 18 December 1787
From: Adams, John
To: Jefferson, Thomas

            Dear Sir
            London Decr. 18 1787

          Last night I received your Letter of the 12. Mr Jarvis and Commodore Jones are arrived here from New york both charged with large Dispatches for you. Mr Jarvis sent his Packet on by Col. Trumbul who departed from hence for Paris last Thursday. Comr Jones went off a day or two ago. but both will arrive to you before this Letter. The Papers they carry, with a Renovation of your Commission at the Court of Versailles, contain I presume orders and Instructions about every Thing in Holland.
          As my Dismission from the Service, arrived at the Same time, not a

Word has been Said to me. Nevertheless Nil Americanum Alienum, and I have the honour to agree with you in Your opinion of the Propriety of keeping good our Credit in Holland. I should advise therefore that the Interest on Mr Fizeaux’s Loan at least Should be paid, and the Creditors requested to wait for their Capitals till further orders can be obtained from Congress. if they will not consent to that, I would pay them Principal and Interest, provided There is Money enough in the hands of our Bankers and neither you nor they have received contrary orders. No Authorities from me will be necessary. Your own Letter to Messrs Willinks and Vanstaphorsts will be sufficient. But if they make any difficulty, which I cannot conceive for Want of any orders from me, I will send them.
          You have recd Authority to negotiate the Redemption of our unfortunate Countrymen in Algiers. To you therefore I Send a Petition which I received from them a few days ago.
          With the highest Regard, I am / Dear sir, your most obedient and most hum / ble servant

            John Adams.

            N.B. the Letter which Colo. Trumbull will deliver addressed to Count Sarsfield, may be sent to his hotel as the Count is on the point of departure for Paris— on referring to a resolve of Congress of the 11th. of october 1787. I find the interest of the foreign debt & that part of the principal due in 1788. has commanded their attention & I suppose put in proper train for operation
            Yours—

              J. Adams.