Title: From John Adams to the President of Congress, No. 77, 2 June 1780
From: Adams, John
To: President of Congress,Huntington, Samuel,President of Congress

     Paris, 1 June 1780. RC (PCC, No. 84, II, f. 90–95). printed: Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev.Francis Wharton, ed., The Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States, Washington, 1889; 6 vols., 3:752–758.
     This letter, read in Congress on 5 Sept., contains John Adams’ analysis of Lord George Germain’s speech of 5 May opposing Gen. Conway’s bill to end the American war, and is virtually identical to that of 28 May to Edmé Jacques Genet (above). The only significant difference between the two letters lies in the third and fourth paragraphs from the end of the letter, corresponding to the fifth paragraph from the end of the Genet letter (see descriptive note and note 17). The text of the two paragraphs, which should be compared with the corresponding paragraph in the Genet letter, is as follows:
     “His Lordship Says, that the People would return to their allegiance, if they were not restrained by the Tyranny of those, who have got the Powers of Government. These are the Assemblies, Senates, Governors and Congress. Now what Power have any of those but what the People please to allow them? By what Engine is this Tyranny expressed? Is it by the Militia? In order to judge of this let us consider the Constitution of the Militia. The Militia is in fact the whole People, for by the Laws of every State, every Man from Sixteen to Sixty years of Age, belongs to the Militia, is obliged to be armed, to train and to march upon occasion or find a substitute. The officers are chosen by the Men? Except the General officers, who are appointed by the assemblies. It is this very Militia, that forms the Body of Voters, who annually choose the Members of Assembly and the Senates and Governors? Is it possible that these men should tyrannize over Men upon whom they are so entirely dependent? As well might it be reproached to his Lordship and his Collegues in Administration that they tyrannized over their Royal Master, who can displace them at his Pleasure. The Assemblies thus annually chosen by the People or Militia, annually choose the delegates in Congress, and have Power to recall them at Pleasure. Will the militia then obey either, assemblies or Congress in the Execution of tyrannical orders or any orders that are not generally agreable to them? The thing Speaks for itself. Is it the continental army then, that is the Instrument of their own Servitude and that of their Country. Every officer holds his Commission at the Pleasure of Congress. But his Lordship and his Collegues often represent the continental army as So Small and feeble, as to be unable, to make Head against the British Troops, and it is true that they are constantly employed in that service. And it is true that they are nothing in Comparison of the Militia. What would become of them then, if the Militia or any considerable Number of them was to join the British Troops?
     “There has never been any part of the Continental Army, in more than three or four of the thirteen States at a Time, watching the Motions of the British army, and confining them to the Protection of their Men of War. What has there been then in the remaining Nine or ten states for an Instrument of Tyranny? This is too ridiculous to need too many Words.”
     With the exception of the first paragraph and the closing, John Adams’ reply to Germain’s speech was printed in various American newspapers, appearing first in the Pennsylvania Packet of 19 December. No satisfactory explanation has been found for the letter’s publication more than three months after it was received by Congress, unless the published text was taken from a duplicate that has not been found. In a letter of 19 Dec., James Lovell sent the article from the Packet to Abigail Adams, who secured its publication in the Independent Chronicle of 11 Jan. 1781 and the Continental Journal of the same date (Adams Family CorrespondenceAdams Family Correspondence, ed. L. H. Butterfield and others, Cambridge, 1963–., 4:36–37, 59, 64). Among the other newspapers in which the piece appeared were the Virginia Gazette of 30 Dec. 1780, Providence Gazette of 17 Jan. 1781, and the Salem Gazette of 23 Jan. 1781.


Title: From John Adams to the President of Congress, No. 79, 4 June 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Huntington, Samuel,President of Congress

     Paris, 4 June 1780. RC (PCC, No. 84, II, f. 98–101). printed: Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev.Francis Wharton, ed., The Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States, Washington, 1889; 6 vols., 3:762–764.
     In this letter, read in Congress on 25 Sept., John Adams provided a digest of newspaper accounts from Cádiz, Toulon, Brest, Paris, Ostend, Leyden, Brussels, and London for the period between 2 May and 3 June. The reports concerned Spanish and French naval operations, efforts of European merchants to trade with America, Dutch efforts to obtain redress from Britain for Fielding’s attack on Adm. van Bylandt’s convoy, and the general European response to the declaration of an armed neutrality.


Title: To John Adams from John Jay, 4 June 1780
From: Jay, John
To: Adams, John

      Dear Sir
      Madrid 3 May Aranjues 4 June 1780

     There is a Destinction between Ceremony and Attention which is not always observed tho often useful. I Of the latter former I hope there will be little of V between us, of the latter much. Public as well as personal Considerations dictate this Conduct, on my Part, and I am happy to find by your favor of the 15 Inst. Ultimo, that you approve it in the same Light mean not to be punctilious.
     The Hints contained in your Letter correspond very much with my own Sentiments and I shall endeavour to render them more diffuse them, but. . .. This Court seems to have great Respect for the old adage “festina lente”—at least as applied to our Independance.
     The Count D Florida Blanca has hitherto pleased me, I have found in him a Degree of Frankness and Candor which indicates Probity, as w his Reputation for Talents is high. The acknoledgment of our Independence is retarded by Delays which in my opinion ought not to affect it. The Influence of that Measure on the Sentiments and Conduct of our Enemy as well as the neutral Nations makes it an object very important to the common Cause, I cannot think its Suspension is necessary in the adjustment of the Articles of Treaty. They might with equal Hands be settled afterwards. As America is and will be independent, in Fact, (. . .is of great Consequence. America will never purchase such Acknowledgement of any Nation by Terms she would not otherwise accede to. Things not names are her objects. the being so in name can be of no real moment to her individualy, but Britain derives Hopes prejudiciall from the Hesitation of Spain very injurious to the common Cause, and I am a little surprized that the Policy of destroying these Hopes does not appear more evident. If the Delay proceeds from such Expectations that they may affect the Terms of Treaty, it is not probable that they will be realized. She America is to be won attached by Candor Generosity Confidence and good offices, not a contrary Conduct will not conciliate or persuade.
     But whatever may be the Cause of the mistakes on this Subjects I must do them the Justice to say that this Court the general Assurances given me by Count D. F B. argue a very friendly Disposition in the Court towards us and I hope Facts will prove them to have been sincere. They certainly must be convinced that the Power of the united States added to that of Britain and under her Direction, would enable the latter her to give Law to the Western World, and that Spanish America and the Islands would then be at her Mercy. Our Country is at present so well disposed to Spain and such cordial Enemies to Britain that it would be a Pity this Disposition should not be cherished. Now is the time for France and Spain to gain the Affections of that extensive Country—such another opportunity may never offer. France has acted wisely,—I wish similar Counsels may prevail here. Would it not be a little extraordinary that if Britain should be before Spain in acknowledging our Independence. If she had any Wisdom left she would do it. She may yet have a lucid Interval tho she has been very long out of her Senses. Spain will be our Neighbour. We both have Territory enought to prevent our coveting each others and I should be happy to see that perfect Amity and cordial affection established between us, which would insure perpetual Peace and Harmony between us to both. I cannot write you particulars but nothing here appears to be certain as yet. I shall in all my Letters advise Congress to rely principally on themselves, to fight out their own Cause as they began it with Spirit, and not to rely too much on the Expectation of Events which may never happen.
     Have you received any late Letters from America. Mrs. Jay received one from her Sister of the 10 April, which mentions several that had having been sent to me by the Way of France. I hear of many Letters but recieve scarce any.

      I am Dear Sir Your most obt. Servt.
      JJ.

      P.S. my Compliments to Mr. Dana.


Title: From John Adams to the President of Congress, No. 80, 5 June 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Huntington, Samuel,President of Congress

     Paris, 5 June 1780. RC (PCC, No. 84, II, f. 102–105). LbC in John Thaxter’s hand (Adams Papers notations by Thaxter: “18th June 1780. This day delivered Mr. Hall of Virginia Nos. 79 & 80 to go by the Way of Amsterdam—also two Packets of newspapers and several private Letters.”; “June 23d. 1780. This day Mr. Adams delivered to Drs. Boush and Lewis of Virginia at their Hotel the duplicates from No. 10. to No. 80 inclusive, to go by the Buckskin Capt. Jones from Bordeaux. NB. the aforesaid Duplicates with the Duplicate of No. 81 and the Originals Nos. 82, 83, 84, 85, and 86 were put up in one packet.” This is the final letter to the president of Congress copied into Lb/JA/10 (Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel No. 98). For information regarding this Letterbook, see part 2 of the Introduction: “John Adams and His Letterbooks” (above). printed: Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev.Francis Wharton, ed., The Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States, Washington, 1889; 6 vols., 3:767– 769.
     In this letter, read in Congress on 25 Sept., John Adams provided a series of news accounts published in the Courier de l’Europe regarding British naval operations. The news from Torbay, Plymouth, and Portsmouth included frequent but erroneous reports of the sailing of Graves’ and Walsingham’s fleets, which had made those forces “real objects of Humour.” Adams also included accounts from St. Petersburg and Hamburg on the operations of the Russian and Swedish navies in support of armed neutrality. Finally, he provided translations of petitions from Amsterdam grain merchants to the States General of the Netherlands and to the Provincial States of Holland and West Friesland calling, as had earlier petitions (to the president of Congress, 2 June, No. 78, calendared, above), for the earliest possible implementation of measures to protect Dutch vessels from the depredations of belligerent warships.


Title: To John Adams from Edmund Jenings, 5 June 1780
From: Jenings, Edmund
To: Adams, John

      Sir
      Brussels May i.e. June 5. 1780

     I have receivd your Excellencys Letters of the 28th and 30th Ultimo, together with that, which I had the Honor of Communicating to your Excellency upon a very serious Affair. Whatever Explanations I may receive on that Head, I shall think it my Duty to lay them before your Excellency, whomever they may Affect. Your Mind is fortified Against Unmanly and dangerous Suspicions, and therefore no Slight Suggestions will Operate with You, Against Any One, to the Shame and Prejudice of an honest Cause, but having grounds of Proofs of Fraud and Treason, Your Judgment and Discretion will prevent the public Mischief, resulting from them. I perceived last Year, when I had the Honor of seeing your Excellency a different Disposition in certain Persons. I saw too much Confidence in Some, and too much Distrust in Others, and our Country I beleive feels the Consequences. I believe your Excellency saw the Same and thought with me there was but little sound Philosophy or policy in such Procedure.
     Your Excellencys Observations on the Speeches of Ld. G Germaine and Genl. Conway have struck me much, and ought to do so those, who are most esteemd therein; but their Eyes are blinded and their Hearts are hardened too much for any thing, but the severest Misfortunes to bring them back to the Ways of Wisdom and Peace, but ever Misery, which is in General the best Correctress of the Forward and Obstinate, now looses its proper Effect, and serves only to increase the public Criminality and Madness, every place, offerd to them, makes them Shut their Eyes the closer; every one receivd, makes them more Callous, however one cannot help, and perhaps it would be a Neglect of Duty not to persevere in Endeavouring to detect the fallacy of Knaves, and to enlighten the simple, in hopes that the attempt to do good, may in the due Course of divine Wisdom produce the desird effect.
     The traiterous and Malicious Lying of Lord G. Germaine never was more Obvious than in his Speech of the 6th. of last month; but the people of England cannot now, it should seem be governd by any thing Else. They will not, they dare not, attend to Truth. They beleive in Nothing, but what flatters the Wickedness of their Hearts. Does this proceed entirely, from natural Causes or is there a divine Interposition in it? The last is possible and probable we Know, that it is Sometimes the Wisdom of Heaven to produce some great general Good by such Extraordinary Means. I have found in a very scarce book, which I picked up here, this Idea suggestd, that marks the Character of the people of G Britain at this Juncture. I will take the Liberty of laying it before your Excellency.
     Posons avant toutes Choses cette verité, si souvent etablie dans les saintes Lettres; que l’un des plus terribles effets de la Vengeance divine est lorsqu’la punition des nos peches precedens, Elle nous liera a notre sens reprouvés, en Sorte que nous sommes sourds à tous les sages avertissements, aveuglés aux Voyes de Salut, que nous sont montrés, prompts a croire tout ce qui nous perd, pourvu qu’il nous flatte, et hardis a tout entreprendre sans jamais Mesurer nos forces avec celles des Ennemis, que nous irritons. This Character of the Jewish people of old and of the british at this time, I find in a famous book entitled les Imposteurs insignes at the End of which, de Recoles the Author, has made Reflections Historiques sur la Malice et la punition temperelle de la Nation Juive. I believe your Excellency will think it applicable to the present Time and will make use of it as a Comfort, that if human reason and efforts are apparently fruitless, it is in the design of Providence that they shoud be so, for the surer working the general Happiness.
     If the Inveterate Malice of Lord G Germaine shocks, Much more ought the futility of a Conway make us laugh. It is not possible, humanly Speaking, that his Lordship shoud be a better Man, but surely the general might be wiser; He has had a Course of Years and Experience to Correct the original Weakness and Insignificance of his Head. You Know He was called a Parade Character, and you see by the Absurdity of his Ideas, that he is entitled to it. I am much pleased with the Manner, in which your Excellency has showed it, nothing can be more forcibly done. But give me leave Sir, to take Notice of what your Excellency has said with respect to the Rivalship and Enmity, that must Ever subsist between England and America. Your Excellencys Condescention to me emboldens me to take this Liberty, Which I am Confident your Goodness and Candor will pardon.
     I am well Convinced, that a Rivalship and Enmity will ever Subsist between the two Countries, but have ever avoided openly saying so to the English, a great Body of whom have no Inducement to make Peace, but on a Supposition of it being done almost on any Terms and a change of Councils and Conduct ensuing, the antient Harmony May be restored. By the English I mean those, who have always been Shocked at the Principles, or frighted at the Consequences of the War: these may be divided into three Bodies, the first are those, whose Virtues make them the friends of Liberty all over the World; they are our friends from Principle and are therefore good and Steady Men; but they are few. The second, are numerous, but are selfish; they have ever opposed the designs of the Court against America, because they saw, if they were crowned with success, their own Liberty would be in danger, these men have hitherto actd Steadily, as the practices of the Minister serve daily to Convince them of the original Intention of his System. The third, are those, who, without honor or honesty, have concurred in every attempt against America without Shame or remorse in hopes of promoting a selfish personal, or mistaken national Interest, but feel at length themselves in danger of being impoverishd, and the Nation ruined for ever. These Men begin to retract, they wish to Stop Short. Their numbers increase daily owing to the danger and Misery, to which they find themselves every moment Approaching, and being in hopes that if a Peace is once concluded, the operation of Time will do that, which fraud and force have vainly attempted, they look for a cordial Reconcilement with America, a Connection of Commerce, and perhaps a future Alliance, as the only Means of saving themselves, which they call the saving of the Country. These are numerous at this Time, and are increasing in numbers daily; they are powerful, and being nearly touched begin to be very Active for Peace, which they imagine will produce the Object, they have in View. The first Class, Sir, will ever Continue our friends, because they are the true friends of liberty and Virtue, the second, it is probable, will be so, so long as the Court Acts in its present barefaced Manner. But the last, if once they understand that the farmers in America are Universally of Opinion that from the Time, they became independant England became their Natural Ennemy, and that the Commercial Interests of the two Countries will be ever incompatible, that the Alliance between France and America is natural and indissoluble these Men, I say will change the Tone of their Clamor; their present Hopes and Views will vanish at once, and they will Obstinately and desparately urge the Continuation of the War, as a Matter that Cannot make their Condition worse and may perhaps make it better.

     I must Confess although I am well Convincd of the Truth of your Excellencys Observations, yet I have ever indulged the English I have met with in these flattering Hopes, as the only Means to induce them to seek for Peace if I have done wrong I wait for your Excellencys Correction.
     I am Sir With the greatest Consideration Your Excellencys Most Obedient & faithful Humble Servant

      Edm: Jenings


Title: From John Adams to C. W. F. Dumas, 6 June 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Dumas, Charles William Frederic

      Sir
      Paris Hotel de Valois Ruë de Richelieu Sir June 6. 1780

     I thank you, for your Letter in answer to mine of 21. May, and for your kind congratulations on my arrival here.
     Mr. Brown, with whom you took your Walks in the Neighbourhood of Paris, has been gone from hence, Some Weeks, on his Way home. I Should have had much Pleasure, if I had been one of the Party. I have rambled, in most of the Scenes round this City, and find them very pleasant, but much more in debted to Art than to Nature. Philadelphia, in the Purlieus of which, as well as those of Baltimore, and York Town, I have often sought Health and Pleasure, in the same way in Company with our venerable Secretary Charles Thompson, will in future Times, when the Arts shall have established their Empire in the new World, exhibit scenes much more Striking. But Boston above all, around which I have much oftener wandered in Company with another venerable Character, little known in Europe, but to whose Virtues and public Merit in the Cause of Mankind, History will do Justice, will one day exhibit Scenes of Grandeur and Beauty, Superiour to any other Place I have ever yet seen.
     The Letter of G. Clinton, when I transmitted it to you, was not suspected to be an Imposition. There are some Circumstances, which are sufficient to raise a question, but I think, none of them are conclusive, and upon the whole I have little doubt of its Authenticity. I shall be much mortified if it proves a fiction. Not on account of the importance of the Letter, but the Stain that a Practice So disingenuous, will bring upon America. When I first left America such a fiction with all its Ingenuity, would have ruined the Reputation of the author of it, if discovered, and I think that both he and the Printer would have been punished. With all the freedom of our Presses I really think that not only the Government, but the Populace would have resented it. I have had opportunities of an extensive Acquaintance, with Americans, and I must Say in Justice to my Country men, that I know not a Man that I think capable of a Trick at once So able and so base. Truth is indeed respected in America, and So gross an affront to her I hope will not, and I think cannot go unpunished.
     Whether it is genuine or not, I have no doubt of the Truth of the Facts, in general. And I have reasons to believe, that if the Secret Correspondences of Bernard, Hutchinson, Gage, How, and Clinton, could all be brought to light the World would be equally surprized at the whole Thread of it. The British Administration and their servants have carried on from the beginning a System of Duplicity, in the Conduct of American Affairs that will appear shocking to the Public, whenever it shall be known.
     You have seen A. Rodneys account of the Battle of the 17th. of April. The Scepter of the ocean, is not to be maintained, by such Actions as this, and Birons and Keppells. They must make themselves more terrible upon the ocean to preserve its dominion. Their Empire there is founded only in fear—no nation loves it. We have no other News.

     I have the Honour to be . . . most obedient and most humble servant

      John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Edmund Jenings, 6 June 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Jenings, Edmund

      Dear Sir
      Paris June 6. 1780

     Yours of June 2d., I have just now received that of 27. May I duely received and the other inclosing—the curious Mess from London I received—all safe, in time and untouched. I have never missed a Letter from you. They all come Safe—and the seals in good order. You may write freely I am persuaded.
     It was, haste, or Inattention that I did not acknowledge them in the one of 28 ultimo. I am sometimes, so engaged, that I cant answer Letters, regularly by the Post. But I assure you I have no reason to think that one Letter to me, or from me has been stopped. I have written to London, Amsterdam, Hague, Nantes, L’Orient, Bourdeaux, Ostende, Lille, and Spain and received answers very punctually, so that I think you need not fear. I have 2 Letters from your neighbour Mr. Lee not yet answered—and a great Bundle before me—from others. I really believe that Letters addressed directly to me, will come as safely as any Way. I wrote you on the 29th. again I think, and by that you will see that I had received all. The short Letter, inclosing the one from London, I sat down to answer, on the spot, and wrote a good deal—but was irresolute about sending it. I could not Satisfy myself what to say. I was very uneasy. Propagating such Distrust is the D—l if it is without foundation, as I verily believe it is. But if it has foundation what then. Why the hottest region in the hot country is too cool. Still I know not, whether I understand it.


Title: From John Adams to William Lee, 6 June 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Lee, William

      Dear Sir
      Paris June 6. 1780

     I had duely your Favours of 10 May, and another Since Rodneys Account of the Action of the 17 April. But have not been able to answer before.
     The Language which is held by the English both in and out of Parliament, is quite incomprehensible by me. Do they really believe what they say? Do they believe that America, will return to them? Well! next Winter, which approaches fast, there must be 22 millions more. Will it come easily? Will they easily get Men, to replace those who are dying in Georgia, Carolina and the West Indies? Will they easily get Seamen? How is it all to be done? What is to be done with Ireland? what with the maritime Confederacy? &c. I dont See, a Way out of the Labyrinth, for them. They are the best Judges of their own Interest. They must have their own Way. They have not yet taxed Experiments enough. They must Satisfy themselves. One Thing brings Consolation with it to me. The more thoroughly they exhaust themselves in this War, the longer it will be, before they will begin another with Us—and I am persuadd if Peace was made this year, they would make another War with Us, as soon as ever they should be able. Will, will not be wanting—nothing but Strength will be wanting.
     I am told Several Vessells have arrived at Amsterdam from Boston and one from Philadelphia, if any News should be obliged for it. We must Soon hear from Clinton—and other quarters. The Gentlemans Correspondent I conclude from your hint was Mr. Dumas.Adieu. I had not any Correspondence with him, till since the Receipt of your Letter. I inclosed him Copy of Clintons Letter, and have received an Answer.

      Adieu.


Title: To John Adams from John Bondfield, 6 June 1780
From: Bondfield, John
To: Adams, John

      Sir
      Bordeaux 6 June 1780

     I am honor’d with your Favors of the 24 and 25th. Ultimo. Five years are not sufficient to place in oblivion the means formerlly in Use to obtain the ways and means of subsisting, there is a degre of delight when become independent that to a Being once in possession never loses the Idea every Man in Buissness tho his revenues springs from reciprocal wants are obtained in a line which appear less subservient to revenues dependent on employments being raised to that State that requires no further solicited for the future pursuit of wealth consideration where even moderate talents are added Succeed and frequently we see honors the result, if therefore the commercial Line has these advantages can you doubt but the 9/10ths. of Human Beings will endeavor to obtain the Sumit and why not in America. Policy and war are two Elements that require more than Theory. The practical part were totaly unknown before the last War, peace luld the few rising flames. They reasumd their consideration in 63 say the political branch. The Interest of Colonies became a Studdy, this Studdy was circumscribed, few extended beyond the objected presented and very very few saw the aim and the means to obstruct the event under these circumstances it is not inconsistent to see Men more ready to renew the track they understand, than to change the fram of their Ideas, by throwing in a new Chain totaly estrange to their former existence.
     We are strangely effected by the inteligence this day recievd from Cadiz a Bultin has been transmitted advancing “Congress finding themselves any longer unable to make good their engagement had resolved to a total anihilation of their Emissions declaring they would only redeem their Debt of 200 Milion at the rate 97 1/2 Per Cent Loss, say for every 100 Dollars pay only 2 1/2 thereby sink 39/40ths of the Debt by an Act of Bankruptcy.” this was brought me upon Change in the face of hundreds which I declared false and the product of some base design. It is begining at the wrong end, the revolution being Singular in the extent and prospect, it is probable as the States advance in firmness, by discoveries hitherto hiden, they may in their progress establish plans which to other rising States would have submerged them in Eternal darkness. I give no credit to this report it being very different from that laid down in Mr. Clymer and Carols Letters of the 14 April.

     The Roulier the Wine was sent by would not according to the time laid down be at Paris before the 27 May. I therefore flatter myself you will receive have it at that time and by your next I may have the satisfaction to learn the Balsamick Virtues which to you and the Abbeys connoiseurs ensssences by your experiments may have extracted.
     I shall duely Note the Etiquette which as you justly represent is Essentialy nessessary on many occations in this Kingdom. With respect I have the Honor to be Sir your very hhb Servt.

      John Bondfield


Title: From John Adams to Edmund Jenings, 7 June 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Jenings, Edmund

      Dear Sir
      Paris June 7. 1780

     I threatened you with a great deal of Egotism for the public good.
     I was chosen by my native Town into the Convention 2 or 3 days after my Arrival. I was by the Convention put upon the Committee—by the Committee upon the sub committee—and by the sub Committee appointed a Sub sub Committee—so that I had the honour to be principal Engineer. The Committee made some alterations, as I am informed the Convention have made a few others in the report. But the frame and Essence and substance is preserved. I wish this was printed in England. I think it would much assist their Committees and Associations. The Principles, of it, must be the Principles on which, those Committees must proceed or they will fail.
     I think it is good Policy to keep up the Remembrance of my Commission by now and then a Hint in the public Papers. The People must be reconciled by Degrees, to our Sovereignty.
     There never was an Example of such Precautions, as are taken by this wise and jealous People in the formation of their Government.
     I cannot give you all the Particulars now but if you desire these another Time I will, I have much to say to you if I could get time on this subject of Constitutions. Europe has been much deceived on this Head.
     Secret.


Title: From John Adams to Joshua Johnson, 7 June 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Johnson, Joshua

      Dear sir
      Paris June 7. 1780

     This moment I am favoured with yours of the 3. Yours of the 2 May, I duely received, and answered the 16, in which inclosed a Letter to Congress. Afterwards I duely received yours of the 20th. acknowledging the Receipt of mine of 16, and writing your design to send the Letter to Congress by the dove. In yours of the 3d. you acknowledge the Receipt of mine of 26, with another Letter to Congress which you propose sending by the Buckskin. I am much obliged to you for your Care.
     I have been So occupied, that I have not answered the Letters of my private Friends, for a Week or two past as I ought. We have not a Word of News, but what is in the Papers. Rodneys vain, distracted Letter, makes the principal subject of Conversation. We are very anxious to hear from Charlestown. It is astonishing to me, that among all the Vessells that have arrived, not one Line comes from Congress, nor any member. If I was of a jealous Temper I should Suspect fowl play. But I wont harbour such a Thought untill I have proof. Let me beg of you Sir, to make particular Enquiry of all Captains and Passagers, that come to your Port, whether they have any Letters for me, the Honourable Francis Dana Esqr. or Mr. John Thaxter.
     Pray thank Mr. Williams for his Letter to me and Newspaper. I will answer him soon.
     I am with much Esteem your sert


Title: To John Adams from Bidé de Chavagnes, 8 June 1780
From: Chavagnes, Bidé de
To: Adams, John

       Mon tres cher monsieur
       a nantes ce 8e. juin 1780

      Je suis fort inquiet de votre santé, de celle de vos chers enfants de mrs. Dena et taxter, jay eu lhonneur de vous ecrire il y a plus de 15 jours pour vous en demander des nouvelles et vous prier de men donner, car j y prends l’interest le plus vif par continuation, et a moins de grandes affaires, ce seroit une grande peine pour moy de n’en point recevoir. Je me suis porté a merveilles pendant le temps agreable que jay passé auprés de madame de chavagnes qui me demande toujours bien de vos nouvelles, qui voudroit vous connoitre, et qui me charge de vous presenter ses civilités. Jay bien du chagrin d’estre obligé de las quitter demain pour rejoindre brest. Jay besoin de toutte ma raison et de tout mon courage dans la circonstance presente, et dans celle a venir. Le commandant de la marine a brest m’a fait proposer il y a quelques temps de m’embarquer en second sur le vaisseau le bien aimé de 74 canons que j avois quitté pour ma pauvre vieille sensible, en fait de service je ne puis jamais ny ne scay dire non. Je ne scay quelle sera la recompense de ma bonne volonté, mais sur ce que lon me marque que ce vaisseau sous peu pourra bien convoyer une flotte. J ignore dans quel endroit, veuille le ciel que nos rencontres ne soint pas plus facheuses que de boston au ferol et a brest car de tous les vaisseaux du roy de france, le bien aimé que je connois pour avoir eté un an dedans, est bien le plus mauvais voilier fait pour estre gagné bien viste et pour ne rien pouvoir joindre. Je suis destiné pour les mauvais vaisseaux et pour les mauvaises et vieilles fregattes, mais je vais de bon coeur partout la fortune qui m’a bien servi jusqu’icy nous aidera j espere. Et si nos forces reunies peuvent cette année operer comme il faut, vous allez, messieurs les ministres, vous donner et aux peuples une paix durable et avantageuses ces interests la sont en bonnes mains fasse le ciel que cela soit, et que si je ne suis pas a même D’avoir le bonheur de vous voir cet hyver a paris comme je le desirois et esperois. Je puisse dans 2 ans vous rammener encor dans votre chere patrie, auprés de votre aimable famille que j aurois bien du plaisir a revoir avant la fin de mon existence. Tout cela est dans les decrets de la providence. Il faut, en laidant de touttes ses forces sy soumettre. Voila ce que je me propose surtout dans ce moment. Je seray bien content D’apprendre que vous jouissez dans notre patrie, flattée de vous posseder, de toutte la santé et le bien estre que je vous souhaite. Continuez moy votre souvenir, bontés et amitié et soyez bien persuadé de ma reconnoissance, du sincere et respectueux attachement avec lequel jay lhonneur d’estre pour ma vie Mon tres cher monsieur votre tres humble et tres obeissant serviteur, Bidé de chavagnes capne des vaux du roy
      Jembrasse vos chers enfants de tout mon coeur et le petit Docteur couppar. Je vous prierois quand vous verrez monsieur de sartines de vouloir bien me rappeller a son souvenir en luy offrant mon profond respect. Ne commandant plus, je ne puis guere luy ecrire pour ne pas le gêner. Mille choses a mr. denas a mr. taxter.


Title: Bidé de Chavagnes to John Adams: A Translation, 8 June 1780
From: Chavagnes, Bidé de
To: Adams, John

       My very dear sir
       Nantes, 8 June 1780

      I am very concerned about your health and that of your dear children and Messieurs Dana and Thaxter. I had the honor to write you more than two weeks ago, asking you for news and entreating you to send it to me, for I take the most lively interest in the continuation of our correspondence and, excepting the demands of business, it would give me great pain were it to end. The pleasant time that I have spent with Mme. de Chavagnes has benefitted me greatly. She always asks for news of you, whom she would like to meet, and sends her regards. I am very sad to have to leave her tomorrow to return to Brest. I need all my reason and courage in the present circumstances and those to come. Some time ago the naval commander at Brest proposed that I embark as second officer on the Bien Aimé of 74 guns, the vessel that I left for my poor old Sensible. When it comes to doing my duty I cannot say no. I cannot say what the result of my good fortune will be, but I was told that this vessel would very shortly be escorting a fleet. I do not know its destination, but I pray to God that our encounters will be no worse than those between Boston, Ferrol, and Brest, for the Bien Aiméis by far the worst sailer of all the King’s vessels, liable to be caught very quickly and unable to catch anything herself. This I know from having served on her for a year. I am destined for bad ships and old frigates, but I go everywhere cheerfully, hoping that fortune which has been kind so far will be so again. And if our combined forces can operate this year as they should, you, the ministers, will be able to give yourselves and the people a lasting and advantageous peace. These matters are in good hands and I pray to heaven that it will be so, and that if I do not have the pleasure of seeing you in Paris this winter, as I desire and hope, in two years I will be able to return you to your dear country and charming family which it would give me great pleasure to see before I die. But all is dictated by Providence and, although one may seek to sway it with all his strength, it must be obeyed. That is what I intend to do, particularly now. I would be most happy to hear that you are enjoying your stay in our country, which prides itself on your presence, and to wish you good health and happiness. In the continuation of your remembrance, kindness, and friendship be most assured of the gratitude and sincere, respectful devotion with which I have the honor to be forever, my very dear sir, your very humble and very obedient servant,Bidé de chavagnes capne des vaux du roy
      I embrace your dear children and the little Dr. Cooper with all my heart. I pray that when you see Monsieur Sartine you will remind him of me and offer him my profound respects. No longer a commander, I cannot, with propriety, write to him directly. Many regards to Mr. Dana and Mr. Thaxter.


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Digges, 8 June 1780
From: Digges, Thomas,Brett, Alexander
To: Adams, John

       Dr. Sir
       London June 8. 1780

      My letters of the 9th., 26th., and 29th., ultimo have not, I fear, all got safe to hand; that of the former date was probably lost when the packet was taken. I continue to forward you Pamphlets and New Papers via Ostend as Neutral vessells sail, and shall do so until I have some orders to the contrary. Mr. F. Bowens at Ostend receives and forwards them to the Hotel Vallois to you; I mentiond some time ago to him that you would give him a line in order to direct them more properly should you see fit; at any rate a line from you to Him may not be amiss, for it may insure more attention to parcels thus forwarded.

      I mentiond to you there was a mode of getting papers abroad by means of agreement with the Post offices: If you find that way more eligible than the present you have only to write me to put a stop to sending them by way of Ostend. They can be conveniently forwarded every 9 or 10 days as heretofore, provided you do not dislike the delays consequent to merchantile vessels sailing; The trouble is little or none to me, for I get a friend near the Tower to purchase and ship them for the profits of first reading. I should be glad of a line to know your determination on this point, and whether parcells have got safe sent on the following days—Apr. 25—May 6—May 16th.—May 27th.—and the present day. I will annex if I have time the particular books and papers sent by each conveyance in order that you may prove if any have been lost.
      I have passd to your Credit four Louis D’ors received by Capt. Cazneau, and Mr. T——r told me a few days ago he had orders from Mr. Grand to pay me any demands (as far as 20 or 25 Guineas) I might make on Him. The City is in such a ferment on Account of the mob, and the houses of all Papists (of which discreption most likely Monsr. T——rs is one) that I shall take up twenty Guineas from him the first time I go into the City, most likely this afternoon; and I will account with you therefor. Most likely Mr. Jas. Barnet, the Bearer of this, will have twelve guineas to pay you on my account. He was Captain of a vessel part ownd by Monr. Rey De. Chamont on whom he has given me a bill for 12 Guineas which I was recipiatd to advance him to get him forward, and if this bill should not be paid (which I am not certain it will) Mr. Barnet promises to pay the money to you as well as any further small sum he may have occasion to take up at Ostend.
      You must recollect every circumstance relative to the non acceptance of the two Cartels from Boston to England in Decr. last. The vessel which C——z——au was master of will come off considerably sufferer by the voyage she went to Ireland and is on her way to NY. Mr. Mitchell of Boston who ownd the other had his ship seizd at Bristol as a prize formerly taken on a voyage from Glasgow to N York. His perseverance and petitions for redress on account of the Cartel not being complyd with, has got him payment for His ship and all Expences, for last week the ministry or rather Admiralty listend to his suit, and payd him £2918:0:0 Sterling which is near 1000£ more than was expectd; but when an account was to be made out, that was supposd would be dockd, there was no harm in making out an exhorbitent one. I firmly beleive they payd it principally thro fear.

      Mitchell is 8 or 10 days on his way back, and will most probably be the first to state the whole transactions to the board and Council who Commissioned him to come to Europe in the Cartel. I wish the other vessel had fared as well. The non complyance with the Cartel in point of releasing an equal number of American Prisoners here, will naturally be much resented in America, and will I suppose, cause some stoppage to be made in the Cartels between Boston and N York, if not lead to an act of just retaliation.
      The American Cartel from hence to France seems totally at a stand for some months back and the prisoners are in consequence very discontented and numbers entering into the English service: There remains about 250 or 60 in all.
      You will see by the inclosd part of a news paper the Camp and Position of the Protestant Petitioners on fryday last. The papers herewith sent will inform You of all the riotous and alarming proceedings since. Martial Law was proclaimd or rather read at the Parade of St. James on Wednesday and it still continues over all parts of the Metropolis. A great reenforcement of horse and foot being calld in in Consequence thereof, the mob were in a great measure dispersd and got under last night (i.e. Thursday for I have now got to the 9th.) and a camp of 6,000 men is formd in Hyde park instead of going to Plymouth where they were intended. The mischeif done by fire and plunder both to private and publick property is incredible and nothing can throw greater disgrace upon the civil authority, or on the Government for want of energy, than that a very few hundreds Rioters and plunderers did such compleat mischief, alarmd the whole City for many nights, and intirely put an end to all police and government for several days. The bent of all seemd leveled at the Catholics, nothing of politics seemd to actuate the Mob. Patriots as well as Toreys and ministerealists seemd to be indiscriminately the objects of wrath, tho in the latter part of the Riot the bent seemed to be levelld at the Court side of the question. The Words no Popery, no Papists, down with the Papists, &c &c &c were writ up on almost every House and wall. Strange it is to tell but those bigotted Petitioners seemd to have forgot all the innovations on their rights as Englishmen, for 15 years past, and now for a trifling phantom, a fear for Popery getting in, they rise in multitudes and by conflagration and Theft ruin hundreds of innocent people, While the principal authors of the mischief go unpunishd. The Mob revelld in Theft, drunkenness, and destruction to property for several nights without hardly an appearance to put a stop to it by Magistrates or military. There were

      no prisons to confine in, no majestrates to commit, no constables to apprehend, nor no soldiery to protect. About 100 daring fellows, chiefly boys, compleatly destroyd New Gate (the Strongest prison in Europe) and in one hour from the first onset releasd upwards of 300 prisoners; They could with much more ease and facility and in less time too have compleatly destroyd the Bank of England, which they threatend the same Evening, but some over zealous patriot diverted their purpose by a harrangue and desiring them to follow him to Lord Stormonts Mansfields in Bloomsbury and defer the Business of the Bank till next night. At this very next night, so little was the protection given to the City, that the Country might have been put totally afloat by the destruction of the Bank, had not some other persuit diverted the attention of the mob and drew them off.
      That quarter of the City is now guarded by several pieces of Artillery, by different Troops of Horse and foot, and no sort of Business has been done for Tuesday Wednesday and Thursday; for in stead of plodding merchants on the Exchange the Horse and foot have been quarterd and parading within. The K—g I dare answer for it is now the happiest Monarch in Europe; He is now at the head of everything and I beleive at the summit of his wish. This is the Country this is the People and power which are to bring America to unconditional Submission!!!
      Not a word yet authentic from Chas. Town; report is current that ministry have accounts that Clinton was repulsd or gave up his purpose the 28th. April.
      I hope for a line (if but a line) when any satisfactory accounts arrive from thence to your quarter. We are all in the Dumps about the state of naval affairs in the Wt. Indies and think Jamaica will fall an easy prey to the Spanish fleet which lately saild from Cadiz.
      I am with the Greatest regard Dr. Sir Yr. obt. Servant

       Alexr. Brett

       Fryday 9th. late at night. Lord Geo Gordon was taken up this Evening at 5 by a party of Soldiery aided with a Secretary States warrant. He was some hours under Examination at the Horse-Guards and was committed to the Tower for High Treason about 10 at night. This will breed a great disturbance among his Party, and it is generally lookd upon as an impolitic act, for the discontents in Country Towns and in Scotland are such as would indicate a rising among the people.


Title: From John Adams to Unknown, 9 June 1780
From: Adams, John
To: UNKNOWN

      Dear Sir
      Paris June 9. 1780

     Governor Pownal, on the 24 of May in the House of Commons, made a Motion for Leave to bring in a Bill to enable his Majesty, to make a Convention, Truce, or Peace, with the thirteen States of America. He flattered himself, that Such a Bill, as he wished to bring in, would at this moment produce very happy Effects. He knew America well, and from the very best Information he could assure the House, that the People of that Country, were at present Split, into two great Factions, the one for France, the other for England. If his Information was good, and he had not a doubt, but it was, the Party in favour of England, was greatly predominant; a Moment ought not therefore to be lost; and he trusted, that the moment, it should be known in America, that the King had sufficient Powers to treat with the Colonies, he was almost confident a Revolution would Soon take Place among the Americans. He requested that the House would not press him in that Stage of the Business, for a detail of his plan: but he would amply Satisfy the House upon the first reading of his Bill: he was perfectly clear, that it was not in the Royal Prerogative to make any peace, by which the dominions of the Crown might be allienated. No mention should be made in the Bill of dependence or Independence: but he proposed to vest discretionary Powers in the Crown to make Peace on any Terms.
     Governor Pownal tells us he knows America, well. It is indeed true, that he, passed a few years in America: but he has been twenty years absent. And in a Country like that, the Numbers, the Power, the political Views, are capable of great alterations in 20 years. And there have been such Changes in the Conduct of England, France and Spain, towards it, in the Course of this Period, as make it probable, that great Revolutions have been made in their sentiments, as well as their designs.
     Since Mr. Pownals departure from America, he has had very little Correspondence with it. And the few Correspondents he had, were among those who were Tories, in America, and are now Refugees in England. His principal Correspondent was Mr. Hutchinson, and he is called upon to say whether, the very best Information he talks of, was not derived entirely from Gover Messrs. Hutchinson, Galloway and Allen. One would have thought, that as the Information of these Gentlemen, has been found to erroneous for twenty years. The End of every year, regularly confuting all the Facts, they had asserted in the Beginning of it, would have been enough, to have made Mr. Pownal doubt, whether such Information was the very best.
     But why is not such Information produced? That the House may judge of it. The Letters might be produced with out the Names. And if England has the Majority in America, there could be no danger to the Letter Writers, if their names were made known. Is it reasonable that the World as such take Mr. Pownals opinion upon Trust, when the Facts upon which he forms his opinion may be communicated. This is the best Evidence.


Title: From John Adams to John Bondfield, 10 June 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Bondfield, John

      Sir
      Paris June 10 1780

     I am this moment honoured with yours of the 6. I am now able to inform you, that the Wine is in my Celler. The Hogshead appeared in good order. The Caise, was found to contain only forty whole Bottles, and the Fragments of Eight broken ones. It was very badly packed—only cutt straw within and not well guarded. Pray send me, two Caises more of the very best White bourdeaux Wine, of 50 Bottles each. Let great care be taken in the Packing if you please—and then please to draw on me for the whole, as soon as you please.
     I find the Wine in the Case good. Very good. If you come this Way, I pray you to feel the Virtues of it.
     Dont be anxious about the News from Cadiz. It is no Act of Bankruptcy. It ought to give every Man interested in American Affairs Confidence. It shows that Congress, are Masters of the Science of Paper Finances and that they have Firmness enough to adopt the right Practice. An Allarm was Spread here at first, but it subsides, and the most thinking judicious Men I converse with applaud this Measure as the most just as well as the most politick that could be adopted.
     The Trade of America is certainly extending most nobly. We shall shew, these fierce Islanders another year, what they have lost. My best Respects to Mr. Texier, and thank him for sending me so good wine, but pray him to pack the order the next to be better packed. I would send my Respects too to Madame Texier, if I dared. I ought to have paid them in Person when I was at Bourdeaux. But the Fatigue of my Journey, had worn almost destroyed me.

      Adieu.
      J. A.


Title: From John Adams to M. de Kemtenstrauss, 10 June 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Kemtenstrauss, M. de

      Gentlemen
      Paris June 10. 1780

     I Yesterday, received the Letter which you did me the Honour to write me, on the 9/5 1780.
     There is no doubt to be made, that your Society may obtain, in America, an entire Liberty of Conscience, because this unallienable Right of all Men, is established in all the thirteen united states both by Law and Practice. It is no less certain, that you may enjoy all the Priviledges, which belong to other Inhabitants of those Countries, except those of Serving in, certain public officers, which Strangers are not to enjoy untill after a Residence of a Year in some Instances, two Years in others and three Years, or perhaps somewhat more in a few of the highest and most important. It is equally certain that for Many, you may purchase in any of the States many Square miles of uncultivated Land, that which is cultivated too. The former at a very moderate Price, and the latter not very dear.
     As to the interiour Administration of domestic affairs, I am not sure, that I perfectly comprehend your meaning. But I conceive it would be difficult to obtain an Exemption from the general Laws of the Commonwealth, to which all orders of Men must submit, as far as is consistent with the rights of Conscience. There are however in Pensilvania Societies of Christians under the denomination of Moravians, and of Dunkers, who appear to have the Administration of the interiour affairs of the Towns where they reside, and very probably others for Similar Reasons might obtain similar Advantages. I have the Honour to be, most respectfully Gentlemen, your most humble and obedient servant.


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Pierce, 10 June 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Pierce, Benjamin

      Sir
      Paris June 10. 1780

     I have received your Letter of June the 1st. I am very Sorry for the Discontent uneasinesses on board the Alliance, which you mention in your Letter, and if there was any Thing in my Power to do to remove them, I would very chearfully do it. But as it belongs to the Department of another Gentleman, entirely distinct from mine, it is not possible for me to be informed of the facts but if I knew all the facts perfectly I have no kind of authority to give any opinion about them. I hope all things will however be soon, settled to Satisfaction. Please to return my respects to the Gentlemen, you mention. I am respectfully, your humble servant.


Title: From John Adams to the President of Congress, No. 81, 10 June 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Huntington, Samuel,President of Congress

     Paris, 10 June 1780. RC in John Thaxter’s hand (PCC, No. 84, II, f. 106–117). LbC (Adams Papers) notation by John Thaxter: “June 18th. 1780. This day delivered Mr. Hall of Virginia No. 81—to go by Way of Amsterdam.” This is the first letter in Lb/JA/12 (Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel No. 100). For this Letterbook, see part 2 of the Introduction: “John Adams and His Letterbooks” (above). printed: Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev.Francis Wharton, ed., The Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States, Washington, 1889; 6 vols., 3:774– 779.
     In the printed letter the first sentence of the paragraph in the recipient’s copy beginning “All Europe prays for the Liberty of the Seas” was placed at the end of the preceding paragraph and the following seven sentences describing “another outrage” by a British privateer were omitted. The “outrage” described concerned the actions of the captain of a Liverpool privateer who, after finding nothing to seize on a Dutch merchantman, robbed the Dutch captain and one of his passengers and gave each forty lashes. This long letter, read in Congress on 25 Sept., is a digest of newspaper reports concerning the progress of the armed neutrality, the outfitting of a commercial expedition from Trieste to the East Indies, the dismal prospects for Britain in the East Indies, in India, and on the coast of Africa, the continuing efforts in the Irish Parliament to assert Irish independence from the British Parliament, Dutch protests regarding the grounding of a French privateer on the Dutch island of Goeree (“Goree”) by three British coalships, and the capture of four Dutch ships by the British frigate Ambuscade. Finally, in accordance with a promise made in a letter of this date to the Comte d’Urre de Molans (LbC, Adams Papers), John Adams enclosed a letter of 18 May from the Comte (not found), requesting permission to raise a cavalry force for use in America.


Title: From John Adams to Jonathan Williams, 10 June 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Williams, Jonathan

      Dear Sir
      Paris June 10. 1780

     I have received yours of 23 of May, and I thank you for the Newspaper it contained. I have received the Resolutions at large, attested by Mr. Thompson, by the Way of Cadiz and another set from London. I pretend not to be Master of the whole system of Congress, nor of all the Facts, and Reasons upon which it is founded. But I think my self sufficiently informed, to give it as my opinion, that it is the best Thing that Congress could do. An Army they must have. They must prevent their Cities from being burned and their Citizens from being butchered. It is their duty also to see, that the public should not be wronged by the depreciation of the Paper. This they have done. It is their duty also to see that Individuals should not suffer Injustice. This I believe they have done, and I am sure they will do, to the utmost Extent of their Power, by general Laws.
     Some Persons here have been alarmed: but I think it was without understanding the Subject. I have the Pleasure, now to hear the opinion of Judicious, well informed Men who approve and Admire the Plan. Strangers have no Reason to expect any Distinction in their favour from the native and resident Citizens—and it is very clear that the Money had got down as low as 40 for one. And most Persons, who are possessed of it, got it at a cheaper rate. I am &c yours.

      J. A.


Title: To John Adams from Edmund Jenings, 10 June 1780
From: Jenings, Edmund
To: Adams, John

      Sir
      Brussels June 10th. 1780

     I have only Time to Acknowledge the Receipt your Excellencys Letters of the 6th. and 7th. of this month—the last inclosing the Report of a Constitution of &c.—(it shall be taken due care of.) and sending the inclosed Letter; which is more puzzling than the former; but which Serves, I think, to show there is no certain ground for Suspicion. I shall press for a more perfect Elucidation.
     I am with the greatest Consideration Sir your Excellencys Most Obedient & faithful Humble Servt.

      Edm: Jenings

      P.S. June 2d.
      Last night an Express arrivd at Lord George Germains with the disagreable news of Genl. Clintons failure agst Charles Town. The Report is, that He has been defeatd, and most of his Troops Killd or taken.


Title: From John Adams to Edmund Jenings, 11 June 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Jenings, Edmund

      Dear Sir
      Paris June 11th. 1780

     I have recieved with great pleasure yours of the 5th. I have certainly seen those extremes of Confidence and of Diffidence that You saw. We ought to attend to proofs, but we ought to discountenance Suspicions without Grounds. In these points We are agreed.
     I assure you, Sir, I am of your Mind, that Providence is working the general Happiness, and whether We co-operate in it, with a good Will, or without co-operate We must. We mortals feel very big sometimes, and think ourselves acting a grand Roll, when in Truth it is the irresistible Course of Events that hurries Us on, and We have in fact very little Influence in them. The utmost that is permitted to Us is to assist, and it is our Duty to be very cautious that what we do is directed to a right End. When We are sure of this, We are sure We are right, and need not fear that things will go wrong. When We read of blinded Eyes and hardened Hearts, in the Case of the Jews and Egyptians and many other Nations; when We read of Infatuation, to which many great Historians asscribe Examples of remarkable Folly, in the Government of Nations and signal Calamaties in Consequence of it, I do not think it necessary to bring in divine Interpositions, to account for such Occurrences in an extraordinary Manner.
     When Nations are corrupted, and grown generally vicious when they are intoxicated with Wealth or Power, and by this means delivered over to the Government of the baser Passion of their Nature, it is very natural that they should act an irrational part. They are really as a Body in a State Drunkenness. They neither act nor think like men in sound Health, and in possession of their Senses. Ambition, Avarice and Pleasure, when they prevail among the Multitude of a Nation to a certain degree, produce the appearance of a general Delirium and Intoxication.
     The Candor and Freedom, with which you have given me your Sentiments; upon the Observations made You upon Conways Speech, I assure you Sir, I consider as the most genuine Marks of Friendship. I wish I may be found in Experience to be mistaken in my apprehension that Britain will in future be unfriendly to Us. If She could have magnanimity enough to give up all America, I mean Canada, Nova Scotia and the Floridas as well as the United States, the natural Cause of Avidity and Hostility, which arises from Territory, would be removed. But can We obtain this? We shall I believe if She continues the War. But there is another Thing that comes upon me forever. English Sailors speak the American Language. They will find better Bread in our Service. They will find Beer and Grog and Beef and Pudding. What should hinder them from crouding to America? Will not the American Trade, once free, spread beyond even my most sanguine Expectations? England should have considered this long ago. Americans did, to my certain Knowledge, in great Numbers. Hostility will come from the Side of the English. America will have no Temptation to it, but the Provocations which England will give. The true American System will be Peace, eternal Peace: but this very System will provoke England. In future Times, America at Peace, and England at War, what will become of her? How many will fly, Sailors especially, to the standard of the Olive Branch. Will not this excite her Envy, her Jealousy; her Rage?
     The Reasons however that You offer, are very forcible, for omitting this part, or softening of it. You know the People of England better than I. It is impossible however to conceal these things. The People of England now know them very well, but are silent about them least they should stimulate other Nations to be more active, and the Americans too. There are unthinking members in America no doubt, who please themselves with vain hopes of Friendship and Kindness again with England: but the considerate People of all Ranks despair of it. I am sure action speaks louder than Words. There never was given by any Nation, more dreadful proofs of deadly Hate, than have been constantly given these five Years by the English to Americans. Lord Mansfield’s Words have been adopted in all their Actions. Kill them, kill them, right or wrong, by fas and nefas, kill them or they will kill you. Delenda est Carthago—sink them all upon one plank—burn them up, that they may not be useful to their Allies, nor destructive to Us. These have been their Words and Actions. Do You know the deep political Motive for ringing the everlasting Knell of Rebel and Rebellion. Have you not considered that the Nation have habitually settled it in their minds and Hearts, that Rebels have no Rights, that every thing is lawful against them. They are Insects, they are Reptiles, they are Serpents, they are wild Boars and Tygers, they are Devils in the English Imagination. Have not Parliament, Gazettes, Pamphlets, Common Prayers, Sermons, and every thing for these six years, shot this Word down deep into the minds of the People of England and produced its Effect. The Government, the Church, the Nation itself means to establish an ineradicable Hatred and Animosity against us. I am sorry for it.
     There is but one Way—that is make Peace—let Us live in Peace: in this Case We shall never designedly injure them. We shall trade with them, and in this Way help them to keep up some of their Importance. But they are in a right Way to drive away forever all our Trade, and make Us hostile too—for these horrible Passions engender the like in other Minds. I submit the whole to your Correction and am &c

      Adieu.
      John Adams


Title: From John Adams to the President of Congress, No. 83, 12 June 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Huntington, Samuel,President of Congress

     Paris, 12 June 1780. Dupl in John Thaxter’s hand (PCC, No. 84, II, f. 126–131). printed: Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev.Francis Wharton, ed., The Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States, Washington, 1889; 6 vols., 3:779–781.
     In this letter, read in Congress on 27 Nov., John Adams provided extracts from British newspapers, including the text of Thomas Pownall’s motion in the House of Commons on 24 May permitting the King to undertake peace negotiations with the United States (see JA to Unknown, 9 June, above). Adams also included resolutions adopted on 19 May at a meeting of Dublin merchants calling for an increased duty on refined sugar imported from England to promote the Irish sugar manufactory, and recent actions taken by the Irish Parliament on this and other matters. Finally, John Adams reported on the opening of the French port of Vendres on the Mediterranean coast, near the Spanish border, and commented on its usefulness for trade with the United States.


Title: To John Adams from Edmé Jacques Genet, 13 June 1780
From: Genet, Edmé Jacques
To: Adams, John

       Monsieur
       a vlles ce 13. juin 1780

      Le Sincere interêt que vous m’avés inspiré, joint au désir de prouver une vraie Satisfaction à mr. adenet qui aura l’honeur de vous remettre cette lettre, est le motif pour lequel je prens la liberté de vous l’addresser. M. adenet est depuis longtems de mes amis, et un des plus Zelès de ceux de la cause américaine. Il entend parfaitement la langue anglaise et il écrit très bien en Francois. C’est un homme très estimé dans la bonne Société et à qui S’interessent des gens de la premiere distinction. Il comptera parmi Ses principaux avantages l’honeur d’etre connu de vous, et comme il a quelque loisir, Si vous daignés, Sur ma parole, mettre confiance en lui, et qu’il ait le bonheur de vous être de quelque utilité par le moyen de la connoissance qu’il a des deux langues ce Sera pour lui un nouveau droit a l’Estime qu’il S’est généralement acquise. L’Etat de Sa fortune, Sans être considérable, le rend indépendant et il n’ambitionneroit que l’honeur de vous être de quelque utilité. Permettés qu’il ait quelque fois l’honeur de vous voir. Confiés lui quelques une de vos Pamphlets de Londres, Si vous en avés donc vous Soyés bien aise de faire voir des analyses à des Francois de vos amis; et vous Soiés content du zele et de l’intelligence qu’il y mettra. Je Serai ravi Si en l’introduisant aupres de vous, j’ai le bonheur de vous obliger tous deux. Je le recommande pareillement comme une honête et sûre liaison à mr. Francis Dana et à mr. Taxter.
      J’ai l’honeur d’etre, avec un sincere attachement Monsieur Votre très humble et trés obeissant Serviteur,

       Genet


Title: Edmé Jacques Genet to John Adams: A Translation, 13 June 1780
From: Genet, Edmé Jacques
To: Adams, John

       Sir
       Versailles, 13 June 1780

      I am motivated in taking the liberty to write this letter by the sincere interest you have inspired in me and the desire to give proof of the esteem in which I hold Mr. Addenet, who will have the honor of delivering this letter. Mr. Addenet is an old friend and one of those most zealous in the American cause. He understands the English language perfectly and writes very well in French. He is a man much esteemed in good society and in whom men of distinction have taken an interest. He will count amongst his principle advantages the honor of being known to you. He now has some free time and it would be for him a new claim to the esteem that he has so generally acquired if, upon my recommendation, you would deign to confide in him and he had the good fortune of being useful to you through his knowledge of the two languages. His fortune, while not large, renders him independent and his only ambition is to have the honor of being of some assistance to you. Permit him the honor of seeing you, show him one of your pamphlets from London if you have any left which you wish to see translated into French for your friends, and you will be very impressed with the zeal and intelligence that he brings to the task. I will be delighted, if in introducing the two of you, I have had the good fortune to be of service to you both. I also recommend him to Mr. Francis Dana and Mr. Thaxter as an honest and steadfast companion.
      I have the honor to be with a sincere attachment, sir, your very humble and very obedient servant.

       Genet


Title: To John Adams from Arthur Lee, 14 June 1780
From: Lee, Arthur
To: Adams, John

      L’Orient June 14th. 1780

     By the enclosed copy of a Letter I have sent Capt. Jones you will see that the dispute between him and Capt. Landais, is come to an alarming higth. The latter went on board the Alliance yesterday and has the command of her. The former has claimd the protection of the governing powers here, who will not employ force unless they have an express order for it from Above, or they come to blows on board the Ship. It was to prevent any such pernicious extremity, that I wrote the enclosed to Capt. Jones. But as it is apparently the interest and inclination of some people here to urge that extremity, I have no doubt but that attempts will be made to obtain an order from Court for violent means. You must be sensible how deep a wound it woud be to the Sovereignty and honor of the United States if a foreign Power were by force to deprive a man of the command who holds it under immediate authority of Congress, and give it to another who has no such authority. I hope therefore that you will talk with Dr. Franklin on the subject that he may be well advised before he adopts such a measure. I do assure you from what I can learn the Officers and Crew are so determined not to submit to any authority but that of Congress, that there will be bloodshed if it is attempted. Whereas if there is any such authority, and it were produced, they woud submit to it without hesitation. The dignity of our Country, the honor of the Laws, our National character and personal safety call upon every good American to endeavor to prevent the Commission of Congress from being insulted, and such disputes from being decided but by the Laws of America.
     I have the honor to be, with great regard & esteem, Dr. Sir Your most Obedient & Humle. Servant

      Arthur Lee


Title: To John Adams from Bidé de Chavagnes, 15 June 1780
From: Chavagnes, Bidé de
To: Adams, John

       Mon cher monsieur
       a brest ce 15e. juin 1780

      La lettre que vous m’avez fait lhonneur de m ecrire, et que jay receu deux jours aprés mon arrivée a brest, ma faite grand plaisir en m’apprenant que vous jouissez ainsi que vos chers enfents, mrs. dena et taxter, d une bonne santé. Je fais des voeux bien sinceres pour que vous las conserviez telle longtemps. La mienne est assez bonne aussi quoyque jaye eu bien du chagrin de me separer de mde. de chavagne qui ma chargé quand je vous ecrirois de vous faire tous ses remerciments de votre bon souvenir.
      Vous m’etonnez bien, mon cher monsieur, en me disant que vous ne pouvez avoir aucunes nouvelles de vos malles.Mr. de fessoles qui faisoit les fonctions d’intendant au mois de fevrier fit charger touttes vos affaires au carosse de la messagerie de brest a paris. Je les vis dans le dit bureau, les recommanday moymême, ainsi que les effets de mr. gerard, les graines pour mrs. de la luzerne et de malherbes de ces petits canards de boston que j envoyois a monsieur de sartines avec le tableau des hostilités des anglois envers vous a boston. Jay lhonneur de donner avis au ministre de ces envoys qui doivent estre rendus a paris et qui seront au bureau des messageries ou diligences de brest a paris, ou plutot a la douanne. Ils doivent toujours estre certainement a paris, car je viens de verifier moymême que ces effets ont partis de brest le 22 fevrier, et le cocher qui les a conduites a rennes a aidé a les recharger pour paris. Il n’est pas honnêtes aux gens des messagerie de notre capitale de ne vous en avoir pas donné avis. Je suis desolé de ce retard pour vous, ne desirant que votre satisfaction, et bien jaloux de pouvoir y contribuer. Si vous voulez envoyer votre Domestique ou mr. votre fils a la douanne ou a la messagerie vous recouvrerez surement tous ces effets. Je ne scay si mr. gerard a eu les siens ainsi que tous ces mrs. Si je pouvois icy vous estre bon a quelque chose, je me trouveray toujours trop heureux de vous persuader des sentiments du sincere et respectueux attachement avec lequel jay lhonneur d’estre pour ma vie, Mon cher monsieur, Votre tres humble et tres obeissant serviteur

       Bidé de Chavagnes capne. des vaux. du roy

       Jembrasse vos chers enfents. Compliments a mrs. dena et taxter. Mes profonds respects a messieurs franklin et de sartines.


Title: Bidé de Chavagnes to John Adams: A Translation, 15 June 1780
From: Chavagnes, Bidé de
To: Adams, John

       My Dear Sir
       Brest, 15 June 1780

      The letter that you did me the honor to write, and which I received two days after I arrived at Brest, gave me great pleasure on learning that you, your dear children, and Messrs. Dana and Thaxter were enjoying good health. I sincerely hope that it will remain so for a long time. My own health is quite good, despite my sadness at having to leave Mme. de Chavagnes, who asked that when I wrote I should send her thanks for remembering her.
      I was astonished, my dear sir, at your informing me that you were unable to obtain any news of your trunks.Mr. de Fessoles, who served as intendant in February, undertook to load all your belongings on the Brest to Paris mail coach. I saw them in the office and registered them myself, as well as the effects of Mr. Gerard, the seeds for Messrs. La Luzerne and Malherbes, and those little ducks from Boston that I sent to Mr. Sartine together with the painting of the British hostilities against Boston. I had the honor of informing the minister of these packages which were being sent to Paris and which should be waiting for you at the office of the Brest to Paris coach, or rather at customs. They must certainly be at Paris, for I have just verified that these effects left Brest on 22 February and that the coachman who carried them to Rennes transferred them onto the coach for Paris. It is unreasonable for the express agents of our capital not to have informed you of their arrival. I am very upset at this delay for your satisfaction is my only desire and I am always eager to accomplish it. If you wish to send your servant or your son to the customs or coach office, you will no doubt recover your belongings. I do not know if Mr. Gerard or the other gentlemen have received their own effects. If I have been of any help in this matter I would only be too happy to see it as an opportunity to demonstrate to you my sincere and respectful devotion, with which I have the honor to be for life, my dear sir, your very humble and very obedient servant,

       Bidé de Chavagnes capne. des vaux. du roy

       I send all my love to your dear children, my compliments to Messrs. Dana and Thaxter, and my profound respects to Messrs. Franklin and Sartine.


Title: From John Adams to the President of Congress, No. 84, 16 June 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Huntington, Samuel,President of Congress

      No. 84 Duplicate
      Sir
      Paris June 16th. 1780

     I have lately obtained a Sight of a Number of Pamphlets, published in London, which are given out as written by Mr. Galloway, but there are many Circumstances in them which convince me that they were written in Concert by the Refugees. I see many Traces, which appear unequivocal, of the hand of Governor Hutchinson in some of them. I have read them with pleasure and surprize, because it seems to me, that if their professed Intention had been to convince America, that it is both her Interest and duty to support her Sovereignty, and her alliances, they could not have taken a Method so effectual.
     “Such Treaties, says he (that is an offensive and defensive alliance between France and America) will naturally coincide with their several Views and Interests, as soon as American Independence shall be acknowledged by the Powers in Europe. America will naturally wish, while She is rising from her Infant State into Opulence and Power, to cover her Dominions under the protection of France; and France will find new Resources of Strength in American Commerce, Armies, and naval Force.
     “The Recovery of America from the disasters and distresses of War, will be rapid and sudden. Very unlike an old Country, whose population is full, and whose Cultivation, Commerce and Strength have arrived at their height, the multiplication of her numbers, and the increase of her power, will surpass all Expectation. If her sudden Growth has already exceeded the most sanguine Ideas, it is certain, that the increase of her Strength, when supported and assisted by France, and pushed forward by the powerful motives arising from her separate Interest, her own Preservation, and the prospect of her own rising Glory and Importance among Nations, will far outrun any Idea We have had of her late population.
     “Nor will it be the Interest of America to check the ambition of France, while confined to Europe. Her distance and the safety arising from it, will render her regardless of the Fate of Nations on this Side of the Atlantic, as soon as her own Strength shall be established. The prosperity or ruin of Kingdoms from whose Power She can have nothing to fear, and whose assistance She can never want, will be Matters of equal Indifference. She can wish for no other Connection with Europe than that of Commerce, and this will be better secured in the hands of an ally, than in those with whom She holds no other Connection. (The Word “no” is an evident Error of the Press). So that it will be of little moment to her, whether Great Britain, Spain, Holland, Germany, or Russia, shall be ruled by one or more Monarchs.”
     “The new States are, and will continue the allies of France, our natural Enemy, unless reduced; and although at this time, by far the greater part of the People wish and hope for an Union with this Country, and are ready to unite with Us, in reducing the power of their Tyrants, in the moment the least Encouragement shall be given for that purpose, which the infatuated Policy of every Commander has hitherto with-held, yet, should they be disappointed in their Hope, it will compell them to unite with the Enemies of this Kingdom. The mode of carrying on the War more cruel to Friends than Foes, added to the Inhumanity and Treachery of this Country, in not exerting its Powers for their relief, will not fail to create permanent Enmity and Resentments, and the Obligations of Gratitude to the Nation which shall save them from our Ravages, will stamp Impressions never to be effaced. Advantage will be taken of these dispositions, by the Policy of France, to establish Treaties of Alliance and Commerce with them, which will be founded on two great principles, their own mutual Interest, and the subduing the Power of Great Britain; and if She should be permitted to trade with them at all, it will only be to share with other Nations, in the worthless remains after their own and the purposes of their allies are served.”
     Here Congress will see the extream Ignorance or Deception of the Writer, in affirming that the “far greater part of the People wish and hope for an Union with Great Britain, and are ready to unite in reducing &c.” But notwithstanding the bad faith of the Writer, We see that such is the force of Truth, that he can not adduce an argument to persuade the English to continue the War, without producing at the same Time a much stronger argument to persuade the Americans, to adhere to the last to their Sovereignty and their alliances. Of this Nature are all his other arguments.
     “With the Independence of America” says he, “We must give up our Fisheries on the Banks of Newfoundland, and in the American Seas.” Supposing this to be true, which is in part but not in the whole if Great Britain looses the Fisheries does not America gain them? Are they not an object then to America, as important and desirable as to Great Britain? Has not America then at least as strong and pressing a motive to fight for them as Great Britain? The Question then is reduced to another, which has the best prospect of contending for them successfully? America, favoured by all the World, or Great Britain, thwarted and opposed by all the World? And to whom did God and Nature give them? The English lay great Stress upon the Gifts of God and Nature, as they call the advantages of their insular Situation, to justify, their Injustices and Hostilities against all the maritime Powers of the World. Why should the Americans hold the blessings of Providence in a lower Estimation, which they can enjoy, without doing Injury to any Nation or Individual whatsoever?
     “With American Independence,” says he, “We must give up thirty five thousand American Seamen, and twenty eight thousand more, bred and maintained in those excellent Nurseries the Fisheries. Our valuable Trade, carried on from thence with the Roman Catholic States, will be in the Hands of America. These Nurseries and this Trade, will ever remain the natural Right of the People, who inhabit that Country. A trade so profitable, and a Nursery of Seamen so excellent and so necessary for the Support of her naval Force, will never be given up, or even divided by America with any Power whatsoever.”
     If Great Britain looses sixty three thousand Seamen by our Independence, and I believe She will not lose much less, I mean in the Course of a few Years, will not America gain them? Are sixty three thousand Seaman a feebler Bulwark for America than Great Britain? Are they weaker Instruments of Wealth and Strength, of Power and Glory in the hands of Americans than in those of the English, at the Command of Congress than at the Command of the King of England? Are they not then as strong a Temptation to Us to continue the War, as to them? The Question then recurs again, which has the fairest prospect of Success? America which grows stronger every year, or England which grows weaker?
     He adds, “the British Islands in the West Indies must fall of Course. The same Power that can compel Great Britain to yield up America, will compel her to give up the West Indies. They are evidently the immediate Objects of France.”
     The true political Consequence from this is, to stop short, make Peace, and save the British Islands while You can. Once taken, it will be more difficult to get them back. The whole returns again to the Question, are You able to keep Peace at Home and in Ireland, and the East Indies, to settle matters with the maritime Powers, and go on with the War long enough to beat France and Spain, make them renounce the War and after that reduce the United States of America to Submission? Will your Soldiers, your Seamen, and your Revenues hold out ’till this is done, and after it shall be done be sufficient to keep up a force sufficient to keep down France, Spain and America?
     “France, he subjoins, expects from the Independence of America, and the Acquisition of the West India Islands, the Sovereignty of the British Seas, if not of Great Britain itself.” Is not this the strongest of all arguments for putting an End to the War?

     Now you may make Peace, and keep the West India Islands, and secure the Neutrality at least of America for the future, and in this Case, you may at least maintain your own Sovereignty and the freedom of the British Seas.
     France at present claims no more than freedom on any Seas. If you make Peace at present, You may have more of American Trade, in future than France, and derive more Support to your Navy than She will to her Marine from that Country and consequently may preserve your Liberty upon all Seas: but by pushing the War you will weaken yourselves and strengthen France and Spain to such a degree, that they will have in the End such a Superiority as may endanger your Liberty.
     But if Great Britain is to lose the West India Islands, and the Sovereignty of the Seas, by the Independence of America, surely France, Spain, or America, or all three together are to gain them. And are not these advantages as tempting to these Powers as to England, and as urgent Motives to pursue the War? So that We come again to the old Question, which is likely to hold it out longest? The immense inexhaustible Resources of France, Spain and America together, or the ruined, exhausted or distracted Kingdom of Great Britain?
     The Writer goes on. “France has long struggled to rival Us in our Manufactures in vain; this will enable her to do it with Effect.”
     If England were to make Peace now, it is very doubtful whether France would be able to rival her in Manufactures, those I mean which are most wanted in America of Wool and Iron. But if She continues the War, France will be very likely to rival her, to Effect, as it is certain She is taking Measures for the purpose, and the longer the War continues, the more Opportunity She will have of pursuing those measures to effect.
     “We receive, says he, from the West India Islands, certain Commodities absolutely necessary to carry on our Manufactures to any Advantage and Extent, and which We can procure from no other Country. We must take the Remains from France or America, after they have supplied themselves, and fulfilled their Contracts with their allies, at their own prices, and loaded with the Expence of foreign transportation, if We are permitted to trade for them at all.”
     Is it possible to demonstrate the Necessity of making Peace, now while We may, more clearly? We may now preserve the West India Islands, but continuing the War We lose them infallibly.
     “But this is not all We shall lose, with the West Indies,” says the Writer. “We must add to our Loss of Seamen, sustained by the Independence of America, at least twenty thousand more, who have been bred and maintained in the Trade from Great Britain to the West Indies, and in the West India Trade among themselves, and with other parts, amounting in the whole to upwards of eighty thousand, a Loss which cannot fail to effect the Sensibility of every Man, who loves this Country, and knows that its Safety can only be secured by its Navy.”
     Is not this full proof of the necessity of making Peace? These Seamen may now be saved, with the Islands whose Commerce supports them. But if We continue the War, will France and Spain be less zealous to conquer your Islands? Because by this means they shall certainly take away from You and divide among themselves twenty thousand Seamen. Taking these Islands from You, and annexing them to France and Spain, will in fact increase the Trade of France, Spain, the United Provinces of the Low Countries, the United States of America, and Denmark, and the twenty thousand Seamen will be divided in some proportion among all these Powers. The Dutch and the Americans will have the Carriage of a good deal of this Trade, in consequence of their dismemberment from You, and Annexation to France and Spain. Do You expect to save these things by continuing the War? Or that these Powers will be less zealous, to continue it, by your holding out to them such Temptations?
     “Will not Great Britain lose much of her Independence, in the present State of Europe,” continues the Writer, “while She is obliged to other Countries for her naval Stores?” “In the time of Queen Ann, We paid, at Stockholm, three pounds per barrel for Pitch and Tar, to the extortionate Sweede: and such was the small demand of those Countries for the Manufactures of this, that the ballance of Trade was greatly in their favour. The Gold which We obtained, in our other Commerce, was continually pouring into their Laps. But We have reduced that ballance, by our Importation of large Quantities of those Supplies from America.”
     But what is there to hinder Great Britain from importing Pitch, Tar, and Turpentine from America after her Independence? She may be obliged to give a somewhat higher Price, because that France, Spain, Holland and all other Nations will import them too. But will this higher Price induce America to give up her Independence? Will the prospect which is opened to the other maritime Powers of drawing these Supplies from America, in Exchange for their Productions, make them less zealous to support American Independence? Will the Increase of the demand upon the northern Powers for these Articles, in consequence of the destruction of the British Monopoly in America, make these Powers less inclined to American Independency? The British Monopoly and British Bounties, it was in fact, which reduced the Price of these Articles in the northern Markets. The ceasing of that Monopoly and those Bounties, will rather raise the price in the Baltic, because those States in America which Pitch and Tar chiefly grow, have so many articles of more profitable Cultivation, that without Bounties it is not probable that Trade will flourish to a degree, to reduce the Prices in the north of Europe.
     “Should a War take place between Us, and the northern Powers, where are We to procure our Naval Stores?” inquires the Pamphleteer.
     I answer, make Peace with America, and procure them from her. But if You go to War with America, and the northern Powers at once, as You are upon the point of doing, You will get them no where. This Writer appears to have had no Suspicion of the real Intentions of the northern Powers, when he wrote the Book. What he will say now, after the Confederation of all of them against Great Britain, for I can call it no otherwise, I am at a loss to conjecture.
     “Timber of every kind, Iron, Saltpetre, Tar, Pitch, Turpentine and Hemp, are raised and manufactured in America. Fields of an hundred thousand acres of Hemp are to be seen spontaneously growing between the Ohio and Mississippi, and of a Quality little inferiour to the European.”
     Are not these articles as precious to France, Spain and Holland, as to England? Will not these Powers be proportionally active to procure a Share of them, or a Liberty to trade in them, as England will be to defend her monopoly of them? And will not America be as alert to obtain the freedom of setting them to the best advantage in a Variety of Markets, as other Nations will for that of purchasing them?
     “Will the Coasting Trade, and that of the Baltic and Mediterranean, with the small Intercourse We have in our bottoms with other Nations, furnish Seamen sufficient for a Navy necessary for the protection of Great Britain and its Trade? Will our Mariners continue as they are, when our Manufactures are labouring under the disadvantage of recieving their materials at higher, and exorbitant Prices, and selling at foreign Markets at a certain Loss. Will these Nurseries of Seamen thus weakened supply the Loss of eighty thousand sustained by the Independence of America and the Conquest of the West Indies?”
     But what is the Tendency of this? If it serves to convince Britain that She should continue the War, does it not serve to convince the Allies that they ought to continue it too? For they are to get all that Britain is to lose—and America is to be the greatest gainer of all: whereas She is not only to lose these objects, but her Liberties too, if She is subdued. France and Spain and the other maritime Powers, are all to gain a Share of the Objects if Britain loses them—whereas they not only lose all Share in them, but even the Safety and Existence of their Flags upon the Ocean may be lost, if America is reduced and the British Monopoly of American Trade, Fisheries and Seamen is revived.
     “It does not require the Spirit of Divination to percieve that Great Britain, robbed of her foreign dominions and Commerce, her Nurseries of Seamen lost, her Navy weakened, and the Power of her ambitious Neighbours thus strengthened and increased, will not be able to maintain her Independence among the Nations.”
     If She would now make Peace, She might preserve not only her Independence, but a great Share of her present Importance. If She continues this War but a Year or two longer, She will be reduced to the Government of her own Islands, in two independent Kingdoms Scotland and England, probably. As to Conquest and Subordination to some neighbouring Power, that has Common Sense, would accept the Government of that Island, because it would cost them infinitely more to maintain it, than it would be worth.
     Thus, I have given some account of these “cool thoughts on the Consequences of American Independence” which I consider as the Result of all the Consultations and deliberations of the Refugees, upon the Subject.
     I think it might as well have been entituled, an Essay towards a demonstration, that it is the clear Interest and the indispensible duty of America, to maintain her Sovereignty and her Alliances, at all Events, and of France and Spain, Holland and all the maritime Powers to support her in the possession of them.
     I have the Honor to be with great Respect, Sir, your most humble Servant.


Title: From John Adams to the Comte de Vergennes, 16 June 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Vergennes, Charles Gravier, Comte de

       Sir
       Paris June 16th. 1780

      I have just recieved a Letter from Nantes brought in a Ship from New London.
      I inclose your Excellency a Newspaper inclosed in it, and an Extract of the Letter, which is from a Gentleman who is a member of the Assembly and one of the Judges at Boston. This is all the News I have. I hope your Excellency has more by the same Vessel.

       I have the Honour to be, with the greatest Respect, your Excellency’s most obedient and most humble Servant.
       John Adams


Title: Leray de Chaumont to Joseph Mathias Gérard de Rayneval, 16 June 1780
From: Chaumont, Jacques Donatien, Leray de
To: Rayneval, Joseph Mathias Gérard de

         Monsieur
         Passi ce 16 Juin 1780

        J’ay eu unne Conversation assez interessante avec M. Adams pour que Son Excellence M. Le Comte de Vergennes en Soit informée, et J’ay L’honneur de vous en remettre Le precis pour que vous ayez la Bonté de le remettre au ministre, Si vous jugéz qu’il meritte Son attention. Je Croyois que M. Adams etant isolé de M. Lée verroit autrement que Lors qu’il etoit inspiré par ce dernier, mais il parait que M. Adams persiste a Croire, Car Je L’ay toujours vu dans Le mesme Sentiment que C’est La france qui est L’obligée de L’Amerique, quand il se trouvera au Congres de paix, il y portera ces principes, et il est honoré a Les Soutenir publiquement Ce qui Seroit a mon avis Bien Scandaleux.
        Vous ne m’ayez Rien dit Sur le projet que Je vous ay donné d’aprovisoner L’Amerique, Cependant il faut Consider Monsieur, qu’on y a Besoing de tout et que personne n’osera y porter que les anglaz s’en apercevant de Nouvelles tentatives pour y accroitre le Nombre de torris deja tres considerable.
        Je ay L’honneur d’estre avec Le plus parfait devouement Monsieur Votre très humble et tres obeissant Servt.

         Leray de Chaumont


Title: Leray de Chaumont to Joseph Mathias Gérard de Rayneval: A Translation, 16 June 1780
From: Chaumont, Jacques Donatien, Leray de
To: Rayneval, Joseph Mathias Gérard de

         Sir
         Passy, 16 June 1780

        I have had a conversation with Mr. Adams that is of sufficient interest that it should be brought to the attention of His Excellency M. the Comte de Vergennes. I have the honor of sending you a summary that you would have the goodness to place before the minister if you judge that it merits his attention. I thought that Mr. Adams, being isolated from Mr. Lee, would see things differently from when he was under Lee’s influence. It appears, however, that Mr. Adams persists in believing, as I have often seen, that when France finds itself at a peace conference it will be obligated to America for the achievement of its objectives and that it is honorable to publicly maintain such an opinion that in my view is totally outrageous.
        You have said nothing regarding the plan that I submitted for supplying America. But, sir, it should be considered whether there is a need for all those supplies and personnel in order to assist the English, as one perceives from news reports, in their endeavors to increase the number of Tories, already very considerable.
        I have the honor of being with the most perfect devotion, sir, your very humble and very obedient servant.

         Leray de Chaumont


Title: Enclosure: Leray de Chaumont to Joseph Mathias Gérard de Rayneval: A Translation, 17 June 1780
From: Chaumont, Jacques Donatien, Leray de
To: Rayneval, Joseph Mathias Gérard de

          17 June 1780

        Account of a conversation that I had with Mr. Adams the day before yesterday.
        I went to see Mr. Adams to inform him of the news from Cádiz, which fulminated against the American congress for having set the value of its paper dollars at the rate of forty for one dollar in specie. I observed to Mr. Adams that the commerce justified the complaint, especially since the French merchants, who have sold the merchandise at three times its original cost, have consequently suffered losses because the original cost makes up only an eighth of what is owed from North America because of transportation costs and the double risks of war and independence. I added that many merchants would be shaken by such a flouting of their engagements should the congress not reconsider its action of March by adding a declaration in favor of those European merchants who have glimpsed the good that will proceed from the bad.
        Mr. Adams responded that the congress’ action was both very wise and very just, that those who complained were the agents or spies of the English who would have the injustice of treating the Europeans differently from the Americans, who from the first have recognized that in the American commerce the French have less to complain about than the others because it reflects the most far-reaching advantages for France because without America, to whom France cannot have too much obligation, England would be too strong for the house of Bourbon, and that had America, Russia, Denmark, Sweden, Portugal, and Holland joined in a confederation against England the merchants who will go bankrupt would be enchanted to have the pretext of the revaluation of the paper money, that the congress had been forced into this revaluation by the refusal of the credit that they had requested from their European allies.
        I swear that this response has been strongly implored to me and that we ought to have full confidence that Mr. Adams expresses the American view.


Title: From John Adams to the President of Congress, No. 85, 17 June 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Huntington, Samuel,President of Congress