Title: To James Madison from Samuel Stanhope Smith, 15 September 1778
From: Smith, Samuel Stanhope
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir,
Hampden-Sidney Septr. 15th. 1778

I have read over your theoretical objections against the doctrine of moral liberty; for practically you seem to be one of its disciples. I remember the manner in which you have formerly expressed yourself upon that intricate subject. And indeed they express the difficulties that occured to me in attempting to resolve it. I reasoned without hopes that the solution I have given it is at least as clear, & as free from material defects as any I had seen, otherwise I should not have submitted it to your discernment. It was with a view to avoid the objections with which you press me, that I made a distinction betwixt desire, & volition; & supposed that the latter solely regards our actions, & not merely the objects themselves that excite desires the immediate motives of volition. I conceive it to be a faulty mode of expression to say that the will determines itself. The will is only a faculty of the soul. Its self determinations would be indeed blind & undistinguishing. But perhaps the same objection does not lie against the mind determining her own volitions, after fair examination of the different motives that allure her. She will in that case chuse & act in a manner the most agreable to herself: & yet she has power to suspend her choice still longer, & consider more attentively the motives before her: she has even the power by intense application, by pursuing a certain train of ideas with frequency, by leaving out some branches in the train & cultivating others, to render an object originally less agreable, at length the most pleasing. This seems to be a happy mechanism of nature to make neither good nor evil necessary, by puting it in our power to cultivate the virtuous in opposition to the vicious motive. I am aware of the question that presses this part of the theory. What determines her to suspend her immediate volition, or to push the inquiry & comparison among her motives any farther? I have endeavoured to answer it in my dissertation, by finding certain habitual motives of duty, & self-interest, whose perpetual presence in the mind appears to be designed by nature to guard her from the danger to which she would be exposed from the force of other motives without this seasonable check in the co[n]stitution. You will say if the sentiments of duty are more plea[s]ing than others they will have their necessary effect; otherwise, they will make but a vain opposition against their fatal antagonists. I say that these sentiments of duty, independent of any pleasure that may attend them, ca[rr]y an authority, & an interest with them that fits them to ballance any, or all other motives, unless it be in the case of inveterate habits which indeed seem to induce a species of necessity in action. When I say fits them to ballance &.c I do not mean to affirm that they have just an equal mechanical momentum, or force of attraction. I would wish rather to exclude, as far as possible, all mechanical ideas out of moral subjects. But only that they have such an influence as to prevent any necessary & irresistible effect of their antagonists. The mechanism of the idea is the objection which I make to your illustration of a motive deficient by ⅓ of the force necessary to produce an action—which then would not be commensurate to the effect, & would require some supplement to make up the deficiency. It appears to me impossible that there should be such deficiency of motion in the proportion of ⅓ or any other quantity. Every motive is an adequate occasion, I would rather say than cause, of volition. For suppose there is one motive possessed of its full power, without any defect. This would be an adequate cause in the mechanical phrase; but then suppose it to be opposed by a thousand others of equal force; then if the first were only possessed of a power adequate to the effect, before the others interposed their influence; all being mutually opposed by all would produce an utter incapacity in the will to move. And if pursuing this hypothesis we suppose each of the others somewhat less in power than the first, then they would diminish a proportionable part of its influence; being but barely sufficient in the beginning, otherwise there would be no room to suppose a deficiency of ⅓, it would be incapable to produce any effect; contrary to experience where we hourly percei[ve] volitions to arise in the midst of a thousand contending motives. From whence I conclude that there is no deficiency of mot[ive] in any common case; but every motive may be a sufficient occasion of action. Occasion I call it because to me the influen[ce] of motives appears to consist rather in rousing & disposing the mind for action than in any absolute causality, to use an extremely metaphisic[al] term, which they enjoy. Human nature is a compages of sen[ses?], passions, &c. besides the power of understanding & reason whose business is to compare together their impressions and emotions, & to determine betwixt them. The former affected by their proper objects produce sensations either pleasing or painful, which raising desire of some species become the motives of action. By a crowd of these we are constantly solicited; the understanding as it were situated in the midst of a large prospect, from whence it has a commanding view of a great extent & all the motives comprehended within it, perceives that happiness may flow to her from many different quarters (I omit on purpose the consideration of the motives that may be derived from pain). It is impossible to grasp every pleasure that occurs to the imagination at the same time. And yet if all motives enjoyed an absolutely necessary causal influence, we should unavoidably endeavour to reach them all at once; or remain fixed & immovable in the midst of their contrary attractions. But since the understanding contemplates them without any such constraint following, we must be possessed of some innate vigour & force of soul, to fix the choice upon one, & to pass another by after having passed a judgment upon this previous contemplation. To preserve the liberty of these elections one happy expedient of nature is the consciousness that no single object or class of objects is absolutely, & alone necessary for our happiness. A thousand others may serve the purpose equally well. Or if they are less pleasing at first, we know that by turning our attention to them, habit will supply the place of original nature. This habitual recollection often prevents the violence with which the mind would be apt to rush towards a particular end, & seems not a little favourable to the exercise of our moral freedom. This sentiment derives the greater probability from the common observation that habit induces a species of necessity; for this reason perhaps, that the habitual indulgence of one appetite &c gives it such strength, & so turns the attention of the mind from every other object, that she comes at length to regard it as almost her only happiness. How that innate vigour & force of soul is exerted in determining her elections I confess I cannot explain. Yet is not this any valid objection against the truth. It is no more than occurs in every speculative subject. It is at least as easy to explain as the necessary force of motives upon a mind conscious of her own liberty. In every common phenomenon of nature we must be contented with some inexplicable circumstance. It is well if we can investigate the general process & economy of nature. Can we explain how the colour of green is formed? can we even explain what green is, unless by appealing to a common sensation of mankind? Altho we are not able to explain the idea of moral liberty, & that innate energy of mind that is involved in it, so as to be exempt from all questioning & doubt, yet we have as clear a sentiment of nature to appeal to, as in the case of colour.
If the existence of human liberty may be demonstrated; if the mechanism of nature that contributes to it may be unfolded; if the aids in our own constitution, & in the system of things that are subservient to it can be investigated; we are not to reject the idea of liberty as fallacious because we cannot pry deeper into this subject than is practicable in all other subjects in nature. We have a power to chuse among a variety of motives. we chuse freely. Do you ask me to explain that power, & the precise manner in which it acts? I cannot in language more than I can the nature & sensation of colour, but I refer you to an obvious experiment—make a choice betwixt two opposite motives, & you may have as precise an idea as any words can convey in any case. It is the only definition that can be given of simple ideas. By this process we find out, with as much certainty as is competent to the human mind in any science, that obscure & inexplicable part of this subject after which we inquire. You ask, might we not have had the same feeling in acting under an absolute & irresistible inspiration from Heaven? And if so, no valid argument can be derived from thence in favour of moral freedom. What might have been possible with the Deity I will not dispute. But we are to be guided in our reasoning upon the present system of things, by the present appearances they exhibit. To say the least, we are in possession of a very plausible argument. It lies upon the fatalists to prove that it is actually false.
The habitual motives of duty & interest, which I have introduced into my dissertation, I designed to be the ultimate stage to which a fatalist could drive me; & not merely a new link in the endless chain of Arminian suspensions & self-determination[s.] If this doctrine be not vindicable without seizing an end of that chain, then I confess it is not vindicable at all.
But I have been drawn much farther into this subject agai[n] than I designed when I first sat down to write. I take my leave of it; I care not if it be for ever. I was led into it merely as a subject of curious amusement. Every thing is amusing that affords employment to the powers of reason. I have no conception, like the bigot[s] of all parties, that the existence of religion, or the salvation of men depends upon the solution of this question. When all parties are afraid lest the opinions of their antagonists are destructive of religion, it is a proof that none of them are so. Such doubty champions are true knight-errants in philosophy, & like Don Quixote when they cannot find real adventures have an admirable talent at inventing imaginary ones. As I have no inclination to contest about questions merely of a speculative nature, as essential to good morals, I have still less ambition to distinguish myself as a sectary. I pretend not to the talents that would intitle me to be a leader if that were an honourable station; & I am not willing to be implicitly led. Sects in philosophy have been injurious to the progress of knowlege; & in religion, to the cultivation of charity & good morals. I mean zealous & implicit partizans; for as the world goes, it has become almost necessary to assume some name, & to class yourself even with those you despise. In the present situation of ecclesiastical affairs there seems to be a favourable opportunity to unite some of our religious parties, if their leaders were sufficiently catholic. I should be ready to concur in such a design. I have a mind benevolent & diffusive enough to wish for an event that might extinguish reserve, suspicion, & animosity, & proud enough to scorn to beg it. I would be glad to know what turn religious politics are likely to take in the legislature? what maxims of penal law are about to be adopted? upon what principles the clergy are denied the common privileges of citizenship, when they are not intitled to be a distinct body in the state, nor to receive any extraordinary support from the laws?
The parents of some of the students have requested that their sons might be exempted from learning the greek. Your Brother I believe thought it a privilege, & perhaps that was one reason for his desiring at present to enter upon the study of French. I can translate with considerable ease out of that language; the pronunciation I am convinced I am by no means perfect in, tho I had a native of France living in my house above a month; & in speaking the tongue I must unavoidably be greatly deficient for want of a habit in it. I do not chuse to teach what I am so little master of.
I hope to have the pleasure of your letters whenever your more serious avocations will afford you leisure. And be assured that they will always afford the greatest gratification to
Sir,    Yrs &c.
Saml S Smith


Title: Session of Virginia Council of State, 10 November 1778
From: Virginia Council of State
To:

Tuesday November 10th 1778.

present
His Excellency;
John PageDavid Jameson
Dudley DiggesJames Madison
Thomas WalkerAnd
Nathaniel HarrisonBolling Stark
Esquires.

The Board taking into consideration the perilous Situation of the People of Monongalia County, Advised the Governor that orders be given to convey 130 Rifles belonging to the public at Fredericksburg, to that County addressed to the Care of the County Lieutenant with Directions to sell them for their value to such of the Inhabitants who from their particular Situation & Circumstances are most in want of Arms & who are most likely to make proper use of them: That he pay to John Pierce DuVall Esquire two hundred & forty pounds for transporting the said Arms & one thousand pounds powder out of the money arising from the Sale of the said Arms according to contract entered into with Colonel Gaddis of Monongalia, & it was accordingly Ordered by the Governor.
Adjourned till tomorrow 10 oClock
Signed  John Page
Dudley Digges
Thos Walker
Nathl Harrison
David Jameson
James Madison
Bolling Stark


Title: Patrick Henry in Council to Virginia Delegates in Congress, 14 November 1778
From: Henry, Patric
To: Virginia Delegates in Congress

Gentlemen,
Wmsburg Novr. 14th. 1778.

The Executive power of this State having been impressed with a strong apprehension of incursions on their Frontier Settlements from the Savages situated about the Illinois & supposing the Danger would be greatly obviated by an enterprize against the English Forts & possessions in that Country which were well known to inspire the Savages with their bloody purposes against us, sent a Detachment of Militia consisting of one hundred & seventy or eighty men commanded by Col. George Rogers Clarke on that Service sometime last Spring. By Despatches which I have just received from Col. Clarke it appears that his Success has equalled the most sanguine expectations. He has not only reduced Fort Chartres & its dependencies but has struck such a Terror into the Indian Tribes between that Settlement & the Lakes that no less than five of them viz. the Puans, Sacks, Renards, Powtowantanies & Miamies who had received the Hatchet from the English Emissaries have submitted to our Arms[, surrendered?] all their English presents & bound themselves by Treaties and promises to be peaceable in future.
The Great Blackbird a Choppowaw chief has also sent a Belt of peace to Col. Clarke influenced he supposes by the Dread of Detroits being reduced by the American Arms. This latter place according to Col. Clarkes representation is at present defended by so inconsiderable a Garrison & so scantily furnished with provisions for which they must be still more distressed by the loss of Supplies from the Illinois, that it might be reduced by any number of Men above five hundred. The Governor of that place Mr. Hamilton was exerting himself to engage the Savages to assist him in retaking the Places that had fallen into our Hands, but the favourable impressions made on the Indians in general in that Quarter the influence of the French on them & the reinforcement of their Militia Col Clarke expected flattered him that there was little danger to be apprehended. Included in the Despatches is a Letter from Captn. Helm who commands a party posted by Col Clarke at St. Vincents. according to this information The Wabash & upper Indians consisting of the Piankeshaws Tawaws Peorias Delawares Pikakishaws Masketans & some of the Shawanese Chiefs had also given up all their tokens of attachment to our Enemies & pledged their fidelity to the united States. Captn. Helm adds that he was on the point of setting out with the assistance of part of the Inhabitants of St Vincent & some of the principal Wabash Chiefs with a View to retake a quantity of Merchandize seized by the English from Detroit, belonging to the people at St Vincents & on its way to them. The Captain speaks with Confidence of Success in this enterprize & extends his hopes even to the destruction of Detroit if joined on his way by the expected number of Indians & Volunteers. My reason for troubling Congress with these particulars is, that they may avail themselves of the Light they throw on the State of things in the Western Country. If the party under Col. Clarke can cooperate in any respect with the Measures Congress are pursuing or have in view I shall with pleasure give him the necessary orders. In order to improve & secure the advantages gained by Col. Clarke I propose to support him with a reinforcement of Militia. But this will depend on the pleasure of the Assembly to whose consideration the measure is submitted.
The french Inhabitants have manifested great Zeal & Attachment to our Cause, & insist on Garrisons remaining with them under Colo. Clarke. This I am induced to agree to, because the Safety of our own Frontiers, as well as that of these people demands a Compliance with the Request. Were it possible to secure the St. Lawrence & prevent the English Attempts, up that River by seizing some post on it, peace with the Indians would seem to me to be secured.
With great Regard I have the Honor to be Gentn. your most obedient Servant
P. Henry

P. S. Great Inconveniences are felt here for want of Letters of Marque.
honble Virga. Delegates


Title: Session of Virginia Council of State, 17 November 1778
From: Virginia Council of State
To:

Tuesday November 17th 1778.

present
His Excellency;
Dudley DiggesDavid Jameson
Thomas WalkerJames Madison
Nathaniel HarrisonBolling Stark &
Joseph Prentis Esquires

Walter Batwell esquire a British Subject & formerly an Officer in the British Service having been for some years in this State and hitherto been unable to remove himself & family to Britain & having set forth his Distressed Situation to this Board & praying an allowance of Rations for the Support of himself & Family until next April by which Time he has reason to apprehend he shall be able to remove to some part of Europe; And as this Board consider the said Walter Batwell as a Prisoner of War, They advised his Excellency to Order that two Rations a Day be allowed by the Commissary at this Station unto the said Batwell until the first Day of May next taking his Draught upon the British Commissary General of Prisoners for the amount of such Rations; And his Excellency ordered accordingly.
To this Measure Bolling Stark Esquire Dissented, It not appearing to him that the said Walter Batwell can, with propriety, be considered as a prisoner of War, for altho’ he was a half pay Officer under the British King at the time of his comming to this State, as is set forth yet from his own confession it appears also that he some time ago resigned or sold the said Commission, consequently must stand in the same predicament with other British Subjects now residing in this State who have refused to take the oath of fidelity thereto. That the said Batwell is an object of Charity the Dissentient is fully convinced of; yet the proper mode to adopt for relieving him, as the Dissentient humbly conceives, is not by Rations out of the public Stock of provisions, but by private Contributions: Add to this that establishing such a precedent may possibly be attended with bad consequences at this juncture in as much as every person in a distressed Situation hath an equal claim on the public fund of provisions. Upon these principles & for these Reasons he entered his Dissent.

Adjourned till tomorrow 10 oClock
Signed  Dudley Digges
Thos Walker
Nathl Harrison
David Jameson
Jas Madison
Bolling Stark
Jos. Prentis


Title: Patrick Henry in Council to Henry Laurens, 23 November 1778
From: Henry, Patrick
To: Laurens, Henry

Sir
Wmsburg Novr. 23d. 1778.

I am Honoured with the Receipt of your Favour of the 14th. instant covering two Acts of Congress viz. one of the 10th. instant for obtaining from this State & Maryland, Gallies to attack East Florida. another of the 11th for requesting permission to export from Petersburg in Virginia a Quantity of Flour & Bread for the use of his most Christian Majesty.
No Time has been lost in giving Efficacy & Despatch to both these Measures. Orders are issued to the Naval Office to permit the Exportation of the Flour & Bread as requested. I only wish that the French Gentlemen might be informed, that the Quality of our Flour this year is by no means equal to what it is in common Harvests, owing to the Weavil & other Accidents.
In the Deliberation which was had on the Subject of furnishing the requisite Aid to attack Florida, the Council with myself ever anxious to forward the Views of Congress, were not a little embarrassed. We have two Vessels called Ship Gallies drawing eight or nine feet water carrying about eighteen 3 or 4 Pounders & one of them formed to use two heavy Guns in the Bow in Still Water with Men, & about Six smaller Gallies, calculated for Service in the Bay or rivers. The latter it is thought cannot without great Danger of Sinking, be sent to Sea. The former are therefore pitched upon to go on the Service required, if Congress think them fit. In the mean time Orders are given for them to be got in readiness which I’m informed may be in three Weeks; and they will proceed to Charles Town unless they are countermanded by Congress.

Besides these two Vessels there is the Ship Caswell belonging to this State Stationed in North Carolina to protect the Trade. She carrys about Guns 12, 9, & 6 pounders & 135 men & draws about 5 feet Water. I write to Day to Governor Caswell to know if she can be spared, & if possible to get her added to the other two above described, for the expedition. When Congress were pleased to call for Vessels fitted for this particular Service, their Designs might have been answered if the Service had been explained. Not being favor’d with any such Explanation I have been obliged to proceed in uncertainty.
When General McIntosh was directed to begin his Operations on the Frontiers against the Indians I gave orders to 14 Counties beyond the Mountains to furnish him with any number of Militia he should call for. His Requisitions were sent to such of them as he chose long since. The number of Men sent to him, I know not. But a few Days ago three County Lieutenants appeared before the Council Board & informed that their Counties & two others adjacent, were called upon by the General to send him 1,000 men immediately. These Gentlemen easily convinced the Executive, that it was impossible to comply with this Demand, because it would be the 20th December before the men could be assembled at some rendezvous to begin the march, & that no Tents, Kettles, Horses, provisions or Necessaries were to be had for the Service: And because many of the Troops would have 400 Miles to proceed thro’ a Country chiefly Desart, & utterly unfurnished with those Things which are essential to the Support of human Life at that inclement Season when the Snows are several Feet Deep on the great Ridges of Mountains, many of which Lay in their Rout. Knowing therefore the utter impossibility of the Measure, the Council unanimously concurred with me in judging it necessary to countermand General McIntosh’s orders, & I have accordingly done so. The General shall be apprized of it as soon as possible, & will take his measures accordingly.
I did myself the honor to inform you by Letter which I doubt from yours has not reached your Hands, of several Matters respecting the marching of the Militia from this State to Charles Town, which was requested by Congress. When the requisition arrived here the Assembly was sitting. It became necessary to lay the matter before them as the Law gave the power of marching the Militia to a Sister State only in cases of actual Invasion. An Act was thereupon passed to enable the Executive to send out the Militia when certain Intelligence of an intended Invasion should be received. Just in the Instant when orders were going to be sent to put the Men in Motion for Charles Town, a Letter from Governor Johnston arrived, by which it was apparent the Enemy had no Designs on that place but it was said, meditated a Descent on the Eastern Shore. Upon this the Council thought with me it was proper to suspend the Matter, & it has remained in that Suspense ’till the present Time.
I send inclosed a List of sundry Acts of Congress received Since Septr. last, most or all of which I thought I had acknowledged the Receipt of by particular addresses which I had the honor of sending you.
The Variety of Matter which the present occasion calls on me to mention will I hope plead my Excuse for the Length of this Letter.
I beg to be presented to Congress in the most acceptable manner & in Terms expressive of that high Regard with which I have the Honour to be
Sir Yr. Mo. obedt. & very hble Servt.
P. Henry

P.S. I am looking out for a Messenger to carry your Despatches to Govr. Caswell


Title: Patrick Henry in Council to Henry Laurens, 28 November 1778
From: Henry, Patrick
To: Laurens, Henry

Sir,
Wmsburg Novr. 28th 1778.

Your favor of the 16th. inst. is come to hand together with the Acts of Congress of the 26th. of August for establishing provision for Soldiers & Seamen maimed or disabl’d in the public Service—of the 26th September for organizing the Treasury, a proclamation for a General Thanksgiving, & three Copies of the Alliance between his most Christian Majesty & these united States.
I lost no time in laying your Letter before the privy Council & in deliberating with them on the Subject of sending 1,000 Militia to Charles Town So. Carolina. I beg leave to assure Congress of the great Zeal of every Member of the Executive here, to give full Efficacy to their Designs on every occasion. But on the present, I am very sorry to Observe, that Obstacles great & I fear unsurmountable, are opposed to the immediate march of the Men. Upon Requisition to the Deputy Quarter Master General in this Department for Tents, Kettles Blankets & Waggons, He informs they cannot be had. The Season when the March must begin will be severe & inclement, & without the fore-mentioned necessaries impracticable to men indifferently Clad & equipped as they are in the present general scarcity of Clothes.
The Council as well as myself are not a little perplexed, on comparing this Requisition to defend South Carolina & Georgia from the Assaults of the Enemy with that made a few Days past for Gallies to conquer East Florida. The Gallies have orders to rendezvous at Charles Town, which I was taught to consider as a place of acknowledged Safety; And I beg leave to observe that there seems some Degree of Inconsistency in marching Militia such a Distance in the Depth of Winter under the Want of Necessaries to defend a place which the former measure seemed to declare safe.
The Act of Assembly whereby it is made lawful to order their march confines the Operations to measures merely Defensive to a Sister State & of whose Danger there is certain Information recd.
However as Congress have not been pleased to explain the matters herein alluded to, & altho a good deal of perplexity remains with me on the Subject, I have by advice of the privy Council given orders for 1,000 Men to be instantly got into Readiness to march to Charles Town, and they will march as soon as they are furnished with Tents, Kettles and Waggons In the mean Time if Intelligence is received, that their march is essential to the preservation of either the states of So. Carolina or Georgia the men will encounter every difficulty & have Orders to proceed in the best way they can without waiting to be supplied with those necessaries commonly afforded to Troops even on a Summers march.
I have to beg that Congress will please to remember the State of Embarrassment in which I must necessarily remain with Respect to the ordering Gallies to Charles Town in their way to invade Florida, while the Militia are getting ready to defend the States bordering on it, & that they will please to favor me with the earliest Intelligences of every Circumstance that is to influence the measures either offensive or Defensive.
I have the Honor to be Sir Yr. mo: obed. & very Hble Servant
P. Henry

P.S. The Despatches to Govr. Caswell are sent by a safe hand


Title: Patrick Henry in Council to Virginia Delegates in Congress, 4 December 1778
From: Henry, Patrick
To: Virginia Delegates in Congress

Gentlemen,
Wmsburg December 4th 1778

The great distress our Trade has of late and does at present suffer from the Ships & privatiers of the Enemy which infest our Coast has given the Executive power inexpressible uneasiness. A great number of Captures have been made not only of Vessels belonging to this State but of those belonging to our Allies and the other States. And as the long nights and windy Season during which it is well known European Merchantmen embarking in the American Trade adventure with most confidence have now taken place, it may be expected the Vigilance of the Enemy and consequently our losses will daily increase. The departure of the French Fleet from the American Coasts is another Circumstance that will embolden them in their depredations & enable them to shut up our ports with a force so inconsiderable as to be easily spared from other Services. In this situation of Things, having no armed Vessels of our own of sufficient Strength to oppose even privateers except two which have been found on trial too slow to be of use against them & which are besides soon to be sent against East Florida on the requisition of Congress, The Council have advised me to request your application to Congress for some naval Assistance from them. As I am a total stranger to the Naval Affairs of the Continent it is impossible for me to determine what degree of aid can be afforded or ought to be asked. A single Frigate or even a single Ship of less force would render very essential service. But unless the Continental Ships are engaged in some very critical enterprize I cannot help suggesting that the duty owing to our Allies who trade chiefly into Chesapeek Bay & the Interest Maryland & Pennsylvania and in some degree North Carolina as well as Virginia have in the protection of Trade through that Channel evidently claim all the Assistance Congress can possibly give us. Certain it is that on no other Station within the united States the remains of their Fleet can be of such extensive benefit or so easily & plentifully supplied with provisions, or if their destination be to distress the Trade of the Enemy it may with the greatest probability be presumed they would on our Coast save from the depredations of the Enemy ten Vessels for one that would be captured by offensive Cruises; not to mention the security of the former and the danger of the latter services. I have only to add that it is the earnest wish of the Council as well as myself that this measure may be pressed on Congress in the most cogent terms & yt.
I am Gentn. with great Respect Yr. most obedt. & Hble Servant
P. Henry


Title: Session of Virginia Council of State, 23 December 1778
From: Virginia Council of State
To:

Wednesday December 23d 1778.

Present
His Excellency;
Dudley DiggesJames Madison &
Thomas WalkerBenjamin Waller
Esquires

The General Assembly having passed a Resolution empowering the Governor with the Advice of Council, to raise a Regiment of Voluntiers to consist of Six hundred Men rank & file, with proper officers to command them, for the particular purpose of guarding the British Prisoners which are now, or may hereafter be stationed in this Commonwealth, &, until such Regiment be raised, to call out Detachments of the Militia for the purpose aforesaid; and it being represented that upwards of 4000 prisoners are on their March to Charlottesville in Albemarle County—The Board advised his Excellency to give Orders to the County Lieutenants of Amherst, Buckingham, Louisa, Orange, Culpeper & Goochland to march one hundred of their respective Militias to guard the said Prisoners when Colonel Charles Lewis of Albemarle shall give them Notice, & to desire the said Lieutenants respectively in conjunction with two of their field officers immediately to appoint two Captains two Lieutenants & two Ensigns & to direct them forthwith to raise two Companies of Voluntiers to relieve the Militia in the Duty of guarding the said prisoners; And the Board also advised that Charles Lewis Esqr. be appointed the Colonel, Francis Taylor the Lieutenant Colonel, & William Fountaine the Major to command the said Regiment, when raised; And that a Letter be written to Colonel Lewis informing him of what has been done and desiring that he would represent to the Officer who commands the Escorte to the prisoners the necessity of his staying ’til a regular Guard is inlisted, by shewing the Danger of committing the Business to raw Militia ill armed, half Clad, ignorant of Discipline, & of every thing requisite to prevent the Mischiefs which may be done by the prisoners, many of whom as well Officers as privates may be ill disposed & watchful to take every Advantage which Ignorance or Inattention may give them.
Adjourned till tomorrow 10 oClock.
Signed  Dudley Digges
Thomas Walker
James Madison
Benja Waller


Title: Patrick Henry in Council to John Jay, 11 May 1779
From: Henry, Patrick
To: Jay, John

Sir,
Williamsburg 11th. May 1779.

On Saturday last in the Evening a British Fleet amounting to about thirty Sail consisting of one 64 Gun Ship (supposed by some to be the Saint Albans, and fifteen or Sixteen large Ships, some of them either Frigates or armed Vessels it is not known certainly which, and the others Vessels of lesser Size) came into the Bay of Chesapeak, and the next day proceeded to Hampton Roads, where they anchored, and remained quiet until Yesterday about Noon, when several of the Ships got under way, and proceeded towards Portsmouth, which place I have no doubt they intend to attack by Water or by Land, or by both, as they have many flatt bottomed Boats with them for the purpose of landing their Troops. As I too well know the weakness of that Garrison I am in great Pain for the Consequences, there being great Quantities of Merchandize, the property of French Merchants and others in this State, at that Place as well as considerable Quantities of Military Stores which tho’ Measures some time since were taken to remove, may nevertheless fall into the Enemys Hands. Whether they may hereafter intend to fortify and maintain this Post is at present unknown to me, but the Consequences which will result to this State and to the united States finally if such a measure should be adopted, must be obvious. Whether it may be in the power of Congress to adopt any measures which can in any manner counteract the Design of the Enemy is submitted to their Wisdom. At present I cannot avoid intimating that I have the greatest Reason to think that many Vessels from France, with public and private merchandize may unfortunately arrive while the Enemy remain in perfect Possession of the Bay of Chesapeak, and fall Victims unexpectedly.
Every Precaution will be taken to order Look out Boats on the Sea Coast to furnish proper Intelligence but the Success attending the execution of this necessary Measure, will be precarious in the present Situation of Things.
It is not in my Power to be more explicit at this Time, but the Weightiness of this affair has induced me not to defer sending the best Information I cou’d obtain by Express.
You may depend that so soon as further particulars respecting the Designs of the Enemy, shall come to my Knowledge, they shall be communicated without Delay to Congress.
With great Regard I have the Honor to be Sir your most obedient Servant

P. Henry
The Honble. John Jay President of Congress Philadelphia


Title: To James Madison from Philip Mazzei, 13 June 1779
From: Mazzei, Philip
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir,
Hob’s Hole, June 13th. 1779.

There was in the copy of the Cipher you gave me twice 8. It may perhaps be so in my original. I have converted one of the 2 in 81. I have likewise added the j besides the v, & so completed the Alphabet consisting of 26 letters, & not of 24. I wish therefore that you will keep the inclosed, & destroy the other, to avoid misunderstanding.
I have put my papers with a 4 pounds ball in a bag to be thrown overboard, if prudence should require it; but I have first made an extract, & have interlined it in old papers of private accounts &c, which I don’t think would be taken from me, as both figures & words are masked in a manner as to give no suspicion; & it will be necessary the assistance of my memory to recollect myself the originals they represent. In case I should sink the papers & escape, the said memorandum will enable me to act while I am waiting for the copies of my Commissions & Instructions, the sending of which I hope you will not neglect. These, I suppose, could be amended & improved in proportion to the amendment & improvement of your venerable board. If such a thing was to happen (which I ardently wish for the public good) pray, have my observations upon them considered, & that use made of them which you think they deserve. I hope you will believe me when I tell you, that the greatest inducement for a Sovereign to grant a loan of good [gold?] & silver will be the prospect of great part of the money remaining in his Dominions. Success in this scheme will afford us a great & sudden relief. Therefore all proper means ought to be used to promote it. Among the steps, which could be taken to defeat the scheme, I cannot think of one more effectual, than that of sending out 2. Agents, one to a place to borrow the money, & one to spend it in another. However well disposed the Gran-duke, or the Genoese might be to lend us money, I am confident that as soon as they know, that part of it is to be drawn in favour of another part of Europe to pay for things, which could have been bought in their Country, they would withdraw highly, & in my opinion justly, disgusted. I told you already, that I ought to have been furnished with a copy of the invoice given to Mr. Smith, with a power to purchase on equal terms (’though at this juncture it would have been proper, in order to obtain our end, not to stand upon trifles) & if such articles, as we are in want of, are not to be got there, our intention would produce a good effect, & I could then with propriety say that such things must be purchased elsewhere immediately, & untill they could be manufactured in their Country. The late Governor, Mr. Page, & you agreed in January last, that, in good policy as well as gratitude, as much money as it was necessary to employ in goods, was to be layed out in the country of the Lender, or Lenders. If prudence & common sense are to be given up, & the interest of the Country sacrificed to gratify the humour & spleen of narrow-minded & ill-disposed men, we are in a really bad condition. It is a melancholy reflection, that the men, who have caused obstacles to be put in the way, are those better acquainted than others with the difficulty of borrowing money, & the disposition of men to trust thousands in goods rather than £50. in cash. A Sovereign has a much greater interest to find market for the manufacturies of his Country, & especially where they are almost on the ground for want of a market. Pray, remove the obstacles, rather help me, & instruct me about a banker to keep your money, & accept & pay your bills’ in case I should succeed. I told you, that if I should not, I will publish a factum, in which no circumstance shall be omitted, & the Actors shall be justly described. I really think, that both my honour & regard to my Friends would require it, & I feel that my personal resentment would have a small share in it in comparison to the sensibility for the public good. I don’t doubt but I should make some impression, as I am confident that I shall have in my power to render, exclusive of that, essential services to the Country. I leave to your prudence to make a proper use of this letter, but as to Mr. Jefferson & Mr. Page I wish they will take the trouble to read it, & consult with you on quid agendum. I refer y[ou] to Mr. Page for an information abt. Capn. Wood[ford’]s fate. Remember me to our Friends, & believe me most sincerely,
dr. Sir, Your most Obliged & Obedt. Servt.
Ph. Mazzei

17. do. Near Urbana.

We are here stopped, & probably shall be obliged to go back. It is reported that several privateers are in the bay, & have done a great deal of mischief, which cannot be avoided as long as your men of war are most usefully, honorably, & patriotically employed in fishing oisters. The season is so advanced, that I am much uneasy abt. the cloathing for the army, & I think it will be prudent, as soon as I get to Paris, to persuade my acquaintances to become adventurers by sending on the terms proposed the articles you want for it, least it should be too late when I get to Tuscany.


Title: Order of Virginia Council of State Placing Henry Hamilton and Others in Irons, 16 June 1779
From: Virginia Council of State
To:

In Council, June 16, 1779.
The Board proceeded to the consideration of the letters of Colonel Clarke, and other papers relating to Henry Hamilton, Esq; who has acted some years past as Lieutenant Governour of the settlement at and about Detroit, and commandant of the British garrison there, under Sir Guy Carleton as Governour in Chief; Philip Dejean, Justice of the Peace for Detroit, and William Lamothe, Captain of volunteers, prisoners of war, taken in the county of Illinois.
They find that Governour Hamilton has executed the task of inciting the Indians to perpetrate their accustomed cruelties on the citizens of these states, without distinction of age, sex, or condition, with an eagerness and activity which evince that the general nature of his charge harmonized with his particular disposition; they should have been satisfied from the other testimony adduced that these enormities were committed by savages acting under his commission, but the number of proclamations which, at different times were left in houses, the inhabitants of which were killed or carried away by the Indians, one of which proclamations, under the hand and seal of Governour Hamilton, is in possession of the Board, puts this fact beyond doubt. At the time of his captivity it appears, that he had sent considerable detachments of Indians against the frontier settlements of the states, and had actually appointed a great council of Indians to meet him at the mouth of the Tanissee, to concert the operations of this present campaign. They find that his treatment of our citizens and soldiers, captivated and carried within the limits of his command, has been cruel and inhumane; that in the case of John Dodge, a citizen of these states, which has been particularly stated to this Board, he loaded him with irons, threw him into a dungeon, without bedding, without straw, without fire, in the dead of winter and severe climate of Detroit; that in that state he harrassed and wasted him, with incessant expectations of death; that when the rigours of his situation had brought him so low that death seemed likely to withdraw him from their power, he was taken out and attended to till somewhat mended, and then again, before he had recovered abilities to walk, was returned to his dungeon, in which a hole was cut seven inches square only, for the admission of air, and the same load of irons again put on him; that appearing again to be in imminent danger of being lost to them, he was a second time taken from his dungeon, in which he had lain from January to June, with the intermission before-mentioned of a few weeks only; that Governour Hamilton gave standing rewards for scalps, but offered none for prisoners, which induced the Indians, after making their captives carry their baggage into the neighbourhood of the fort, there to put them to death, and carry in their scalps to the Governour, who welcomed their return and successes by a discharge of cannon; that when a prisoner brought alive, and destined to death by the Indians, the fire already kindled, and himself bound to the stake, was dexterously withdrawn and secreted from them by the humanity of a fellow prisoner; a large reward was offered for the discovery of the victim, which having tempted a servant to betray his concealment, the present prisoner Dejean being sent with a party of soldiers, surrounded the house, took and threw into jail the unhappy victim, and his deliverer, where the former soon expired under the perpetual assurances of Dejean, that he was to be again restored into the hands of the savages, and the latter when enlarged was bitterly and illiberally reprimanded and threatened by Governour Hamilton.
It appears to them that the prisoner Dejean, was on all occasions the willing and cordial instrument of Governour Hamilton, acting both as judge and keeper of the jail, and instigating and urging him by malicious insinuations and untruths, to increase rather than relax his severities, heightening the cruelty of his orders by the manner of executing them; offering at one time a reward to one prisoner to be the hangman of another, threatening his life on refusal, and taking from his prisoners the little property their opportunities enabled them to acquire.
It appears that the prisoner Lamothe, was a Captain of the volunteer scalping parties of Indians and whites, wh[o] went out, from time to time, under general orders, to spare neither men, women, nor children.
From this detail of circumstances which arose in a few cases only, coming accidentally to the knowledge of the Board, they think themselves authorized to presume by fair deduction what would be the horrid history of the sufferings of the many who have expired under their miseries (which therefore will remain for ever untold) or who have escaped from them, are yet too remote and too much dispersed to bring together their well grounded accusations against these prisoners.
They have seen that the conduct of the British officers, civil and military, has in its general tenor, through the whole course of this war, been savage and unprecedented among civilized nations; that our officers and soldiers taken by them have been loaded with irons, consigned to loathsome and crouded jails, dungeons, and prison ships; supplied often with no food, generally with too little for the sustenance of nature, and that little sometimes unsound and unwholesome, whereby so many of them have perished that captivity and miserable death have with them been almost synonimous; that they have been transported beyond seas where their fate is out of the reach of our enquiry, have been compelled to take arms against their country, and by a new refinement in cruelty to become the murtherers of their own brethren.
Their prisoners with us have, on the other hand, been treated with moderation and humanity; they have been fed on all occasions with wholesome and plentiful food, lodged comfortably, suffered to go at large within extensive tracts of country, treated with liberal hospital[ity], permitted to live in the families of our citizens, to labour for themsel[ves], to acquire and to enjoy property, and finally to participate of the principal benefits of society while privileged from all its burthens.
Reviewing this contrast which cannot be denied by our enemies themselves in a single point, which has now been kept up during four years of unremitted war, a term long enough to produce well founded despair that our moderation may ever lead them into the practice of humanity, called on by that justice which we owe to those who are fighting the battles of their country, to deal out at length miseries to their enemies, measure for measure, and to distress the feelings of mankind by exhibiting to them spectacles of severe retaliation, where we had long and vainly endeavoured to introduce an emulation in kindness; happily possessed by the fortune of war of some of those very individuals, who having distinguished themselves personally in this line of cruel conduct, are fit subjects to begin on with the work of retaliation, this Board has resolved to advise the Governour that the said Henry Hamilton, Philip Dejean, and William Lamothe, prisoners of war, be put into irons, confined in the dungeon of the publick jail, debarred the use of pen, ink, and paper, and excluded all converse except with their keeper. And the Governour orders accordingly.
(A Copy)
Attest
Archibald Blair, C. C.


Title: To James Madison from Philip Mazzei, 18 June 1779
From: Mazzei, Philip
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir,
Urbana, June 18th. 1779.

With a disturbed mind I am now going to write to you on topics not very agreable. Mr. Penet told me, that although the Capn. was a scotchman, all the crew were Americans. Perhaps it was so at that time, but at present we have no more than 2. Americans on board, one of which is the cabbin-boy. We have an Italian & a Spaniard (who came on board on my account) & a frenchman; all the rest are british. The Capn. has been left by 2. mates since he came in the river, the last of whom with another young fellow (both americans) went away since I came on board, & I heared him tell the Capn. that no other will do for him but a scotchman. He has no mate now, & says he wants none. I think he will go without, which you know how imprudent it will be. In time of the invasion he sent away 4. saylors. Mr. Penet did not like so strange an economy when saylors are so difficult to be replaced, & while they rise dayley in their demands. Probably they were Americans. The Capn. told me at Port-Royal, that he wanted only 2. men; I knew he wanted 4, or 5; he lost 2. since, as I said above; & now Giovanni tells me that he refused to take a Genoese good saylor, saying that he had men enough, when he had just in my presence done his utmost, but without purpose, to get a scotchman. The prospect is really gloomy. I assure you, that I do not like my present situation. I am however obliged to appear satisfied, & trust to chance, as thare is no other vessel for me to go. The fellow knows it too well, & has made his terms accordingly. He has obliged me to put on board a prodigious quantity of provisions, besides other very costly conveniencies, & to give him a bill for 60 ghineas payable in France for 2 square yards room. Since I came up, besides the currancy I brought with me, which I thought would have sufficed, I have been obliged to part with many ghineas, & to draw at last on Mr. Blair for £.615. In comparison to this neighburhood every thing is for nothing in Williamsburg. To give you a specimen of the expences in this part of the world I need only to tell you, that for 6 small hams I have been obliged to pay £.60:15. If we should stay here 8, or 10 days longer the Capn. will buy more provisions, & probably charge £.300. more for my share. These heavy expences, joined to what I already observed to you, induce me to wish, that as a lover of justice you would propose what you think right as soon as you have a majority capable of deciding on disinterested principles. I did, & do now, agree with you, that it was better to say nothing of this when I was in Williamsburg, but I don’t think it would be prudent to delay too long. I will be extremely obliged to you, my dear Sir, if you will contrive to spare me the unpleasant business. It is noble to offer, & very disagreable to ask. I was appointed the 8th. of January. My expences from that time to April deserve some consideration, as I was at your orders, sometimes going about to look for a passage, & other times waiting after having prejudiced my interest in hurrying the settlement of my affairs to get in readiness; but since that time I find that I am above £3000. out of pocket already, exclusive of the £615. drawn on Mr. Blair, & the hard money. I abhor the very idea of venality, but the other extreme is not always a merit. I did, you know, refuse the Governor’s offer of paying me for my services; I confined my own salary myself to what will hardly bear my expences, considering the travels; & I wish for nothing more; but on the other hand I would be treated as a gentleman, & cannot bear advantages to be taken of me by people endowed with jewish principles. I wish you may not consider my expressions as complaints of an old woman. I only mean to open my bosom to you, & hope you will make use of my hints in proper time as a sensible unprejudiced friend. If my salary is to begin at the time of my appointment I am satisfied with discharging all expenses without making an Apothecary’s account. But let it be as it will, I must beg the favour of you to let me know as soon as possible what I am to depend upon. I will likewise observe to you, that Mr. Jameson seemed to hint that the £7000. currency were left in my hands in lieu of the 700. st; to which I could not decently object, because he did not express himself fully. I proposed to accept of currency to facilitate matters. It would be really strange that I should take it at an exchange different from what I could have for the stirling I can command in Europe, & with which I must now maintain myself. I have been offered 15 at Port-Royal & Fredericksburg; but 12. was the exchange at the time I recd. the money I had left in Richmond, & that ought to be the exchange in equity for both parties. The gold I have expended here, & what I am to pay the Capn. in France, will oblige me to borrow money of Penet & Co; which I know I can have on my own credit, but I shall be obliged to return it as soon as I arrive in Tuscany, where perhaps I am not now worth a penny, if all my effects were put on board Woodford’s vessel, as I had directed. It is true, that my Friends will not let me in want, but would it not be prudent [and] more honorable, that I should be supplied from hence? Abt. or rather above the half of my first year’s salary will be gone by the time I get to France, & the ballance due me for the year is £.116:13:6 St. Whether you pay me my expences till then, or my year begins at the time of my appointment, there can be no objection to give me credit immediately for £5, or 600. St. on Penet & Co: And I can tell you that there is no doubt of a refusal, if I can get there, & acquaint Da Costa with what Penet thought proper to confide to me, & would not trust to writing. I hope you will not neglect to remit tobacco as often as you can, which you must continue to do for the credit of our Country even after having obtained the loan.
There being a probability of going out, & the pilot leaving us here at the mouth of Rapahanack, I must seal. Adieu.
Mr. Joseph Warwick of Hob’s Hole is the Pilot, who has promised me to send this in a parcel to the Governor by a safe hand. Please to let me know the receit by first opportunity.


Title: Thomas Jefferson in Council to Thomas Whiting, 26 June 1779
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Whiting, Thomas

Sir
In Council June 26th. 1779

At the request of the directors of the public Buildings in Richmond, I am to desire that you will provide for them locks of different kinds fit for house doors, hinges for do., window glass, putty, lathing nails and shells. For the quantities I must refer you to the Directors themselves. I am Sir Your Humble Servant,
Th: Jefferson

Memod. for the Board of Trade.
800 feet of Glass—10 by 12.
300 lb Putty
500 lb of white lead in Kegs ground.
50 Gallons Linseed oil
250000 4d. Nails for lathing
25000 Floaring 20d. brads:
25,000 20d. Nails.
50,000 6d. do.
20,000 10d. do.
Six large strong locks—12 pr. strong HL hinges—12 good locks
for inside doors—
Iron plates.


Title: From James Madison to William Bradford, 17 July 1779
From: Madison, James
To: Bradford, William

Wmsbg. July 17th. 1779
My dear friend

I had the pleasure of receiving yours of the 29th.[?] Ulto. by yesterday’s post, and agreeable to your request take this immediate opportunity of acknowledging it.
The Inhabitants of this City roused by the extortions of the times and the example of your State are instituting regulations similar to those you mention. Whether they will have the necessary prudenc[e,] firmness & perseverence, or whether the other parts of the State will concur in the undertaking time only can shew. The Specific Tax adopted here and the plentiful crops in prospect in the middle States it is to be hoped will facilitate the execution of it.
The Govr. has recd. authentic information from the Southward that Gen Lincoln on the 20th. of last Month made a regular attack on the Enemy’s lines on the mainland opposite the Island abt. 20 Miles from C. Town where our main body lay. The assault continued 56 Minutes. A party of Highlanders which sallied out were driven back with great slaughter. The result was however that the Genl. finding the place more impregnable than he expected & reinforcements from the Island having arrived during the engagement withdrew his troops with all his wounded & Artillery. Our loss is represented as inconsiderable and that of the Enemy as probably material. Govr. Rutledge adds that our Army was greatly animated with the experiment and were satisfied that had the Enemy quitted their lines, that in a fair & open combat, they should have beat them.
The General Washington a Ship belonging to this State and just arrived from France, left Brest in company with a fleet consisting of 1–80 Gun Ship[,] 5–74[,] 2[?] Frigates[,] 24–20 Gun Ships with 60 Transports containing 10,000 troops destined for the W. Indies. She parted with the Fleet on the 1st. of June off Madeira.
I mentioned to you in my last that upon the receipt of it it would be necessary to change the direction of your Letters from this City to Orange. I propose to set of[f] about the last of next week.
Adieu
JM Jr.


Title: Money, [September 1779–March 1780]
From: Madison, James
To:

[September 1779–March 1780]

Money.
Observations written posterior to the circular Address of Congress in Sept. 1779, and prior to their Act of March, 1780.
It has been taken for an axiom in all our reasonings on the subject of finance, that supposing the quantity and demand of things vendible in a country to remain the same, their price will vary according to the variation in the quantity of the circulating medium; in other words, that the value of money will be regulated by its quantity. I shall submit to the judgment of the public some considerations which determine mine to reject the proposition as founded in error. Should they be deemed not absolutely conclusive, they seem at least to shew that it is liable to too many exceptions and restrictions to be taken for granted as a fundamental truth.
If the circulating medium be of universal value as specie, a local increase or decrease of its quantity, will not, whilst a communication subsists with other countries, produce a correspondent rise or fall in its value. The reason is obvious. When a redundancy of universal money prevails in any one country, the holders of it know their interest too well to waste it in extravagant prices, when it would be worth so much more to them elsewhere. When a deficiency happens, those who hold commodities, rather than part with them at an undervalue in one country, would carry them to another. The variation of prices in these cases, cannot therefore exceed the expence and insurance of transportation.
Suppose a country totally unconnected with Europe, or with any other country, to possess specie in the same proportion to circulating property that Europe does; prices there would correspond with those in Europe. Suppose that so much specie were thrown into circulation as to make the quantity exceed the proportion of Europe tenfold, without any change in commodities, or in the demand for them: as soon as such an augmentation had produced its effect, prices would rise tenfold; or which is the same thing, money would be depreciated tenfold. In this state of things, suppose again, that a free and ready communication were opened between this country and Europe, and that the inhabitants of the former, were made sensible of the value of their money in the latter; would not its value among themselves immediately cease to be regulated by its quantity, and assimilate itself to the foreign value?
Mr. Hume in his discourse on the balance of trade supposes, “that if four fifths of all the money in Britain were annihilated in one night, and the nation reduced to the same condition, in this particular, as in the reigns of the Harrys and Edwards, that the price of all labour and commodities would sink in proportion, and every thing be sold as cheap as in those ages: That, again, if all the money in Britain were multiplied fivefold in one night, a contrary effect would follow.” This very ingenious writer seems not to have considered that in the reigns of the Harrys and Edwards, the state of prices in the circumjacent nations corresponded with that of Britain; whereas in both of his suppositions, it would be no less than four fifths different. Imagine that such a difference really existed, and remark the consequence. Trade is at present carried on between Britain and the rest of Europe, at a profit of 15 or 20 per cent. Were that profit raised to 400 per cent. would not their home market, in case of such a fall of prices, be so exhausted by exportation—and in case of such a rise of prices, be so overstocked with foreign commodities, as immediately to restore the general equilibrium? Now, to borrow the language of the same author, “the same causes which would redress the inequality were it to happen, must forever prevent it, without some violent external operation.”

The situation of a country connected by commercial intercourse with other countries, may be compared to a single town or province whose intercourse with other towns and provinces results from political connection. Will it be pretended that if the national currency were to be accumulated in a single town or province, so as to exceed its due proportion five or tenfold, a correspondent depreciation would ensue, and every thing be sold five or ten times as dear as in a neighboring town or province?
If the circulating medium be a municipal one, as paper currency, still its value does not depend on its quantity. It depends on the credit of the state issuing it, and on the time of its redemption; and is no otherwise affected by the quantity, than as the quantity may be supposed to endanger or postpone the redemption.
That it depends in part on the credit of the issuer, no one will deny. If the credit of the issuer, therefore be perfectly unsuspected, the time of redemption alone will regulate its value.
To support what is here advanced, it is sufficient to appeal to the nature of paper money. It consists of bills or notes of obligation payable in specie to the bearer, either on demand or at a future day. Of the first kind is the paper currency of Britain, and hence its equivalence to specie. Of the latter kind is the paper currency of the United States, and hence its inferiority to specie. But if its being redeemable not on demand but at a future day, be the cause of its inferiority, the distance of that day, and not its quantity, ought to be the measure of that inferiority.
It has been shewn that the value of specie does not fluctuate according to local fluctuations in its quantity. Great Britain, in which there is such an immensity of circulating paper, shews that the value of paper depends as little on its quantity as that of specie, when the paper represents specie payable on demand. Let us suppose that the circulating notes of Great Britain, instead of being payable on demand, were to be redeemed at a future day, at the end of one year for example, and that no interest was due on them. If the same assurance prevailed that at the end of the year they would be equivalent to specie, as now prevails that they are every moment equivalent, would any other effect result from such a change, except that the notes would suffer a depreciation equal to one year’s interest? They would in that case represent, not the nominal sum expressed on the face of them, but the sum remaining after a deduction of one year’s interest. But if when they represent the full nominal sum of specie, their circulation contributes no more to depreciate them, than the circulation of the specie itself would do; does it not follow, that if they represented a sum of specie less than the nominal inscription, their circulation ought to depreciate them no more than so much specie, if substituted, would depreciate itself? We may extend the time from one, to five, or to twenty years; but we shall find no other rule of depreciation than the loss of the intermediate interest.
What has been here supposed with respect to Great Britain has actually taken place in the United States. Being engaged in a necessary war without specie to defray the expence, or to support paper emissions for that purpose redeemable on demand, and being at the same time unable to borrow, no resource was left, but to emit bills of credit to be redeemed in future. The inferiority of these bills to specie was therefore incident to the very nature of them. If they had been exchangeable on demand for specie, they would have been equivalent to it; as they were not exchangeable on demand, they were inferior to it. The degree of their inferiority must consequently be estimated by the time of their becoming exchangeable for specie, that is the time of their redemption.
To make it still more palpable that the value of our currency does not depend on its quantity, let us put the case, that Congress had, during the first year of the war, emitted five millions of dollars to be redeemed at the end of ten years; that, during the second year of the war, they had emitted ten millions more, but with due security that the whole fifteen millions should be redeemed in five years; that, during the two succeeding years, they had augmented the emissions to one hundred millions, but from the discovery of some extraordinary sources of wealth, had been able to engage for the redemption of the whole sum in one year: it is asked, whether the depreciation, under these circumstances, would have increased as the quantity of money increased —or whether on the contrary, the money would not have risen in value, at every accession to its quantity?
It has indeed happened, that a progressive depreciation of our currency has accompanied its growing quantity; and to this is probably owing in a great measure the prevalence of the doctrine here opposed. When the fact however is explained, it will be found to coincide perfectly with what has been said. Every one must have taken notice that, in the emissions of Congress, no precise time has been stipulated for their redemption, nor any specific provision made for that purpose. A general promise entitling the bearer to so many dollars of metal as the paper bills express, has been the only basis of their credit. Every one therefore has been left to his own conjectures as to the time the redemption would be fulfilled; and as every addition made to the quantity in circulation, would naturally be supposed to remove to a proportionally greater distance the redemption of the whole mass, it could not happen otherwise than that every additional emission would be followed by a further depreciation.
In like manner has the effect of a distrust of public credit, the other source of depreciation, been erroneously imputed to the quantity of money. The circumstances under which our early emissions were made, could not but strongly concur, with the futurity of their redemption, to debase their value. The situation of the United States resembled that of an individual engaged in an expensive undertaking, carried on, for want of cash, with bonds and notes secured on an estate to which his title was disputed; and who had besides, a combination of enemies employing every artifice to disparage that security. A train of sinister events during the early stages of the war likewise contributed to increase the distrust of the public ability to fulfil their engagements. Before the depreciation arising from this cause was removed by the success of our arms, and our alliance with France, it had drawn so large a quantity into circulation, that the quantity itself soon after begat a distrust of the public disposition to fulfil their engagements; as well as new doubts, in timid minds, concerning the issue of the contest. From that period, this cause of depreciation has been incessantly operating. It has first conduced to swell the amount of necessary emissions, and from that very amount has derived new force and efficacy to itself. Thus, a further discredit of our money has necessarily followed the augmentation of its quantity; but every one must perceive, that it has not been the effect of the quantity, considered in itself, but considered as an omen of public bankruptcy.

   As the depreciation of our money has been ascribed to a wrong cause, so, it may be remarked, have effects been ascribed to the depreciation, which result from other causes. Money is the instrument by which men’s wants are supplied, and many who possess it will part with it for that purpose, who would not gratify themselves at the expence of their visible property. Many also may acquire it, who have no visible property. By increasing the quantity of money therefore, you both increase the means of spending, and stimulate the desire to spend; and if the objects desired do not increase in proportion, their price must rise from the influence of the greater demand for them. Should the objects in demand happen, at the same juncture, as in the United States, to become scarcer, their prices must rise in a double proportion.

   It is by this influence of an augmentation of money on demand, that we ought to account for that proportional level of money, in all countries, which Mr. Hume attributes to its direct influence on prices. When an augmentation of the national coin takes place, it may be supposed either, 1. not to augment demand at all; or, 2. to augment it so gradually that a proportional increase of industry will supply the objects of it; or, 3. to augment it so rapidly that the domestic market may prove inadequate, whilst the taste for distinction natural to wealth, inspires, at the same time, a preference for foreign luxuries. The first case can seldom happen. Were it to happen, no change in prices, nor any efflux of money, would ensue; unless indeed, it should be employed or loaned abroad. The superfluous portion would be either hoarded or turned into plate. The second case can occur only where the augmentation of money advances with a very slow and equable pace; and would be attended neither with a rise of prices, nor with a superfluity of money. The third is the only case, in which the plenty of money would occasion it to overflow into other countries. The insufficiency of the home market to satisfy the demand would be supplied from such countries as might afford the articles in demand; and the money would thus be drained off, till that and the demand excited by it, should fall to a proper level, and a balance be thereby restored between exports and imports.

   The principle on which Mr. Hume’s theory, and that of Montesquieu’s before him, is founded, is manifestly erroneous. He considers the money in every country as the representative of the whole circulating property and industry in the country; and thence concludes, that every variation in its quantity must increase or lessen the portion which represents the same portion of property and labor. The error lies in supposing, that because money serves to measure the value of all things, it represents and is equal in value to all things. The circulating property in every country, according to its market rate, far exceeds the amount of its money. At Athens oxen, at Rome sheep, were once used as a measure of the value of other things. It will hardly be supposed, they were therefore equal in value to all other things.

Whether the money of a country, then, be gold and silver, or paper currency, it appears that its value is not regulated by its quantity. If it be the former, its value depends on the general proportion of gold and silver, to circulating property throughout all countries having free inter communication. If the latter, it depend[s] on the credit of the state issuing it, and the time at which it is to become equal to gold and silver.
Every circumstance which has been found to accelerate the depreciation of our currency naturally resolves itself into these general principles. The spirit of monopoly hath affected it in no other way than by creating an artificial scarcity of commodities wanted for public use, the consequence of which has been an increase of their price, and of the necessary emissions. Now it is this increase of emissions which has been shewn to lengthen the supposed period of their redemption, and to foster suspicions of public credit. Monopolies destroy the natural relation between money and commodities; but it is by raising the value of the latter, not by debasing that of the former. Had our money been gold or silver, the same prevalence of monopoly would have had the same effect on prices and expenditures; but these would not have had the same effect on the value of money.

The depreciation of our money has been charged on misconduct in the purchasing departments: but this misconduct must have operated in the same manner as the spirit of monopoly. By unnecessarily raising the price of articles required for public use, it has swelled the amount of necessary emissions, on which has depended the general opinion concerning the time and the probability of their redemption.
The same remark may be applied to the deficiency of imported commodities. The deficiency of these commodities has raised the price of them; the rise of their price has increased the emissions for purchasing them; and with the increase of emissions, have increased suspicions concerning their redemption.
Those who consider the quantity of money as the criterion of its value, compute the intrinsic depreciation of our currency by dividing the whole mass by the supposed necessary medium of circulation. Thus supposing the medium necessary for the United States to be 30,000,000 dollars, and the circulating emissions to be 200,000,000 the intrinsic difference between paper and specie will be nearly as 7 for 1. If its value depends on the time of its redemption, as hath been above maintained, the real difference will be found to be considerably less. Suppose the period necessary for its redemption to be 18 years, as seems to be understood by Congress; 100 dollars of paper 18 years hence will be equal in value to 100 dollars of specie; for at the end of that term, 100 dollars of specie may be demanded for them. They must consequently at this time be equal to as much specie as, with compound interest, will amount, in that number of years, to 100 dollars. If the interest of money be rated at 5 per cent. this present sum of specie will be about 41 1–2 dollars. Admit, however the use of money to be worth 6 per cent. about 35 dollars will then amount in 18 years to 100. 35 dollars of specie therefore is at this time equal to 100 of paper; that is, the man who would exchange his specie for paper at this discount, and lock it in his desk for 18 years, would get 6 per cent. for his money. The proportion of 100 to 35 is less than 3 to 1. The intrinsic depreciation of our money therefore, according to this rule of computation, is less than 3 to 1; instead of 7 to 1, according to the rule espoused in the circular address, or 30 or 40 to 1, according to its currency in the market.
I shall conclude with observing, that if the preceding principles and reasoning be just, the plan on which our domestic loans have been obtained, must have operated in a manner directly contrary to what was intended. A loan-office certificate differs in nothing from a common bill of credit, except in its higher denomination, and in the interest allowed on it; and the interest is allowed, merely as a compensation to the lender, for exchanging a number of small bills, which being easily transferable, are most convenient, for a single one so large as not to be transferable in ordinary transactions. As the certificates, however, do circulate in many of the more considerable transactions, it may justly be questioned, even on the supposition that the value of money depended on its quantity, whether the advantage to the public from the exchange, would justify the terms of it. But dismissing this consideration, I ask whether such loans do in any shape, lessen the public debt, and thereby render the discharge of it less suspected or less remote? Do they give any new assurance that a paper dollar will be one day equal to a silver dollar, or do they shorten the distance of that day? Far from it: The certificates constitute a part of the public debt no less than the bills of credit exchanged for them, and have an equal claim to redemption within the general period; nay, are to be paid off long before the expiration of that period, with bills of credit, which will thus return into the general mass, to be redeemed along with it. Were these bills, therefore, not to be taken out of circulation at all, by means of the certificates, not only the expence of offices for exchanging, re-exchanging, and annually paying the interest, would be avoided; but the whole sum of interest would be saved, which must make a formidable addition to the public emissions, protract the period of their redemption, and proportionally increase their depreciation. No expedient could perhaps have been devised more preposterous and unlucky. In order to relieve public credit sinking under the weight of an enormous debt, we invent new expenditures. In order to raise the value of our money, which depends on the time of its redemption, we have recourse to a measure which removes its redemption to a more distant day. Instead of paying off the capital to the public creditors, we give them an enormous interest to change the name of the bit of paper which expresses the sum due to them; and think it a piece of dexterity in finance, by emitting loan-office certificates, to elude the necessity of emitting bills of credit.


Title: Advertisement for Missing Horse, 25 October 1779
From: Madison, James
To:

Williamsburg, October 25, 1779.

Strayed or stolen from the common of this city, a sorrel horse, about 12 years old, and upward of 14 hands high, with a hanging mane and switch tail; he is of a strong make, his hind feet are white and he has a few saddle spots. He formerly was owned by Mr. Edwin Fleet of King & Queen, deceased. Whoever will deliver the said horse to me in Williamsburg, or to Col. James Madison in Orange, shall be paid one hundred dollars.
James Madison, Jun.


Title: From James Madison to William Bradford, [30 October–5 November] 1779
From: Madison, James
To: Bradford, William

[Williamsburg, 30 October–5 November 1779]

satisfaction, a visit from
I must own as your not
any beneficial affects fro[m]
a satisfaction should be
your health, than that
the waters have been as
I flatter myself they have
for a confirmation of it to
future season when it may be convenient for you to extend your ride as far as Orange; where I may generally be found in those months in which the Springs are most used.
The abrupt arrival of the French on the Coast of Georgia will have reached you long before this. Reports already begin to prevail that the British Army is in part if not wholly captivated. It will be a great disappointment to me I confess if many of them escape. This fortunate event will thoroughly cure them of their rapacious zeal for the rich & flourishing Metropolis of S. Carolina. The people in that quarter have been sorely infested with them for the greatest part of a year, and will no doubt cooperate, by the most decisive exertions
rate of Articles best [?]
Every days experience
[ex]pedients can extricate
[reme?]dial Tax imposed in
tly the demand for Money
no reliance on foreign loan[s]
[ev]er afforded any sensible
relief, nor ca[n] any [relief be expected?] as long as our money is in a course of depreciation. The sale of confiscated estates or of unappr[opr]iated lands can have little influence I fear on an evil of such magnitude. The most natural & extensive remedy we can apply seems to be taxation & Congress seem to have stretched it as far as they thought they could prudently venture. Their requisition from the States as well as I recollect, for the current year amounts to no less than 60 Million of Dollars. Most people supposed when it was made, that it wd. be at lea[s]t equal to this years expenditures, and when aided with other resources would produce a favourable revolution in the State of our Finances. I own I was myself of this number. But the present state of things threaten a total disappointmt. of their expectations. And from the Journals of Congress a copy of which has lately fallen into my hands, I find that on the 4th. of June last the emissions of the present year amounted to rather more than 35 Million of Dollars; which, as the last 2 or 3 emissions appear to have been double the preceeding ones, & the [n]ecessity of a progressive enlargement in the remaing seven Months will con[ti]nue[,] will probably swell them by end of the year to 100 Million. Should this be the case the Continental debt instead of being aided by the taxes of this year, will be higher by 40 Million of Drs. than at the beginning of it. Is it not manifest then that untill some measures are generally taken to prevent the further emission of money whilst the redemption of that already emitted is going on that the public credit must every day grow worse & worse? What [bett?]er views Congress may have I am a total stra[nger to.]
I am somewhat astonished as they must be fu[ll]y sensible of the evil and have been a[p]prized of the remedy adopted here that they hav[e not] recommended it to the other States. It promises I think certain relief, and the people in general as far as I can find are so much of the same
was ever less unaccepta[ble]
I have dwelt so
room to add
off on my return to
always give me infin[ite]
unalterable friendship.


Title: Proclamation Ordering Embargo, 30 November 1779
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To:

[30 November 1779]
By His Excellency Thomas Jefferson, Esq; Governour or Chief Magistrate of the commonwealth of Virginia:
A Proclamation.

Whereas the exportation of provisions from this state will be attended with manifest injury to the United States, by supplying the enemy, and by rendering it difficult for the publick agents and contractors to procure supplies for the American troops, and will moreover give encouragement to engrossers and monopolizers to prosecute their baneful practices, I have therefore thought fit, by and with the advice and consent of the Council of State, to issue this my proclamation for laying an embargo on provisions; and I do hereby lay an embargo on provisions, viz. On all beef, pork, bacon, wheat, Indian corn, pease or other grain, or flour or meal made of the same; to continue until the first day of May next. And I do hereby strictly prohibit all mariners, masters, and commanders of vessels, and all other persons whatsoever within this state, from loading on board any vessel for exportation, and from exporting all or any of the above species of provisions, by land or water, from the date hereof, during the term aforesaid, under pain of incurring the penalties inflicted by the act of Assembly intitled An act to empower the Governour and Council to lay an embargo for a limited time, except as in the said act is excepted. And I do hereby strictly charge and command all naval officers and others, in their respective departments, to exert their best endeavours to the end that this embargo be strictly observed.
GIVEN under my hand this 30th day of November, 1779
Thomas Jefferson.


Title: From James Madison to James Madison, Sr., 8 December 1779
From: Madison, James
To: Madison, James, Sr.

Hond Sir
Williamsburg Decr. 8th. 1779

Having an opportunity by Mr. Collins I add a few lines to those I sent by Col. Burnley on the Subject of your’s by him. The Assembly have not yet concluded their plan for complying with the requisitions from Congress. It may be relied on that that can not be done without very heavy taxes on every species of property. Indeed it is thought questionable whether it will not be found absolutely impossible. No exertions however ought to be omitted to testify our zeal to support Congress in the prosecution of the War. It is also proposed to procure a large sum on loan by stipulating to pay the Interest in Tobo. A tax on This Article necessary for that purpose is to be collected. Being very imperfectly acquainted with the proceedings of the Assembly on this matter I must refer you for the particulars to the return of Majr. Moore, or some future opportunity. The law for escheats & forfeitures will be repealed as it respects Orphans &. The effects of the measures taken by the Assembly on the credit of our money & the prices of things cannot be predicted. If our expectations had not been so invariably disappointed they ought to be supposed very considerable. But from the rapid progress of depreciation at present and the universal struggle among seller[s] to bring up prices, I can not flatter myself with the hope of any great reformation. Corn is already at £20 & rising.
Tobo. is also rising. Pork will probably command any price. Imported goods exceed every thing else many hundreds PerCt.
I am much at a loss how to dispose of Willey. I can not think it would be expedient in the present state of things to send him out of the State. From a New Arrangement of the College here nothing is in future to be taught but the higher & rarer branches of Science. The preliminary studies must therefore be pursued in private Schools or Academies. If the Academy at Prince Edward is so far dissolved that you think his return thither improper, I would recommend his being put under the instruction of Mr. Maury rather than suffer him to be idle at home. The languages including English, Geography, & Arithmetic ought to be his employmen[t] till he is prepared to receive a finish to his Education at this place.
By the late change also in the College, the former custom of furnishing the table for the President & professors is to be discontinued. I am induced by this consideration to renew my request for the Flour mentioned to you. It will perhaps be the only opportunity I may have of requiting received & singular favours, and for the reason just assigned will be extremely convenient. I wish to know without any loss of time how far this supply may be reckoned & 5 or 600 lb. at least, I persuade myself may be spared from your Stock withou[t] encroaching on your own consumption. Perhaps Mr. R. Burnley would receive & store it for me. Capt. Wm. Anderson I believe also lives at that place and would probably do any favour of that sort. I am desired by a Gentleman here to procure for him 2 Bear Skins to cover the foot of his Chariot. If they can be bought any where in your Neighborhood I beg you or Ambrose will take the trouble to enquire for them & send them to Capt. Anderson at Hanover Town. If the flour should come down the same opportunity will serve for them. Capt. Anderson may be informed that they are for Mr. Norton. If they can be got without too much trouble I should be glad of suceeding as he will rely on my promise to procure them for him.
Having nothing to add under the head of News I subscribe myself Yr. dutiful Son
James Madison Jnr.

PS. I have got the Warrant on S. Young’s Claim, but do not think fit to trust it to the present conveyance. There is one fine [sh]irt among mine with your mark but I believ[e it among the?] number transferred to me by my moth[er.]


Title: From James Madison to Benjamin Harrison, 16 [December] 1779
From: Madison, James
To: Harrison, Benjamin

Sir
Williamsburg Novr. [December] 16th. 1779

Being notified that the General Assembly have honoured me with a delegation to serve this commonwealth in general Congress, I beg the favour of you Sir to communicate to them my acceptance thereof, and my assurances that as far as fidelity and zeal can supply the place of abilities the interests of my Country shall be punctually promoted.
I have the honor to be with great respect Yr. Most Obt Servt.
James Madison Junr.


Title: From James Madison to James Madison, Sr., 20 March 1780
From: Madison, James
To: Madison, James, Sr.

Philadelphia Monday March 20th. 1780.
The extreme badness of the roads and frequency of rains rendered my journey so slow that I did not reach this place till saturday last. The only public intelligence I have to communicate is that the great and progressive depreciation of the paper currency had introduced such disorder and perplexity into public affairs for the present and threatened to load the United States with such an intolerable burden of debt, that Congress have thought it expedient to convert the 200,000,000 of Dollars now in circulation into a real debt of 5,000,000 by establishing the exchange at 40 for 1. and taxes for calling it in during the ensuing year, are to be payable at the option of the people in specie or paper according to that difference. In order to carry on public measures in future money is to be emitted under the combined faith of Congress and the several States, secured on permanent and specific fun[ds] to be provided by the latter. This scheme was finally resolved on on saturday last. It has not yet been printed but will be immediately. I shall transmit a copy to you by the first opportunity. The little time I have been here makes it impossible for me to enter into a particular delineation of it. It will probably create great perplexity and complaints in many private transactions. Congress have recommended to the States to repeal their tender laws, and to take measures for preventing injustice as much as possible. It is probable that in the case of loans to the public, the state of depreciation at the time they were made will be the rule of payment, but nothing is yet decided on that point. I expect to be more at leisure to write fully by next post. Yrs. &c. &c.
James Madison Junr.


Title: Election to Board of Admiralty, [22 March] 1780
From: Continental Congress
To:

[22 March 1780]
Resolved, That a member be elected for the Board of Admiralty, in the room of Mr. [James] Forbes, who by reason of sickness cannot attend.
Congress proceeded to an election, and the ballots being taken, Mr. [James] Madison was elected.


Title: Virginia Board of Trade to Virginia Delegates in Congress, [ca. 1 April 1780]—Note on Missing Letter
From: Board of Trade (Virginia)
To: Virginia Delegates in Congress

Editorial Note
1 April 1780. Under this date, on page 30 of a bound manuscript volume entitled “Board of Trade Minute Book, 27 November 1779–7 April 1780,” in the Virginia State Library, is recorded: “Ordered that a Letter be written to the Hons. The Delegates from Virginia in Congress, requesting them to aid Mr. Moss.”
John Moss, an agent of Virginia for equipping its continental line, expected to visit Philadelphia, under orders from the Board of Trade, to sell three hundred hogsheads of tobacco owned by the Commonwealth, because of “the most pressing Necessity for securing the deficient supplies for the Officers & Troops, now on the Southern Expedition” sent to compel the British to abandon their siege of Charleston. Since the editors have found no conclusive reference either to the letter or to Moss’s mission, they are not certain that the dispatch was ever sent to JM and his fellow delegates. Although a letter dated 13 August 1781 indicates that Moss had once visited Baltimore or Philadelphia for a similar purpose, it is not clear that this trip was made in the spring of 1780. Moss (1750–1809) was from Fairfax County (William P. Palmer et al., eds., Calendar of Virginia State Papers and Other Manuscripts [11 vols.; Richmond, 1875–93], II, 326).


Title: Board of Admiralty to Messrs. Hewes, Smith, and Allen, 7 April 1780
From: Board of Admiralty
To: Hewes, Smith, and Allen

April 7th. 1780Gentlemen
We received by the last Post your letters of the 1st. January and the 6th of March last, giving us an Account that on the 25th of December some villans with false keys had entered the ware House where the public Canvass was stored and carried away the whole except three Bolts—that they likewise carried away a large Quantity of Salt from you; that you had found out some of the Offenders had hanged two and were in pursuit of a third. The hanging all that were concerned in perpetrating this Villany would indeed be a poor compensation to you or to us for any losses we have sustained. Perhaps by writing to Virginia to some proper persons you may discover with whom the goods were lodged there for Sale, and may be able to recover a part & perhaps the whole value of them. Doubtless there was a gang concerned in this business and part of it reside in Virginia.
As you are interested in this matter we trust that you will take the best measures for the detection of these Robbers and the recovery of the Goods or the value of them.
Considering the circumstances of this Roberry we cannot forbear taxing you with neglect, but we have still a greater reason to blame you when we consider that if you had complied with requisition made for the Canvass in pursuance of the Commercial Committees Order by William Bennett of Edenton, who writes to Francis Lewis Esquire then of the Commercial Committee, now of this Board in his Letter dated Edenton Decemr. 1779, “I applied to Messrs. Hewes Smith & Allen for the 37 pieces sail Duck, but they could give me no account of them till they had overhawled their Books” the Duck would have been safe. That overhawling of Books could be necessary in Order to the delivery of the 37 Pieces of Duck we cannot conceive when by a return of the Continental Stores that have been received by Hewes, Smith & Allen, made by Hewes Smith & Allen dated Edenton Augt. 28th. 1778 and rendered in October 1779 it appears that they were in your possession. If the Duck had been delivered to Order which you ought to have complied with, it would not have been lost.

If you thought it was not our property when demanded you will not, we hope, think it our loss now it is stolen. We should be glad upon an explanation of this dark business to have reason to continue that confidence we once placed in your constant Attention to Public Charges.
We desire you will transmit to us by the first safe opportunity the balance of your Accounts with the Marine & Commercial Committees being

£2493.13.4
}
£6447.1.9 No. Carrolina Currency

3953.8.5

agreeably to accounts furnished & settled by your Mr.[?] Hewes
I am Gentlemen Your Hble servant    By Order
J. Brown Secy


Title: Report of Board of Admiralty, 10 April 1780
From: Board of Admiralty
To:

April 10th 1780
The Board of Admiralty beg leave to inform Congress that they are about to order the Mercury a Continental packet from Boston to this Port, and as that vessel is a very fast Sailer they are of opinion that it would be expedient to bring round in her some of Sugar belonging to the Public at that place, and request that they may be Authorized to order 20 hhds of it to be put on board of her.


Title: Board of Admiralty to John M. Nesbitt and John Nixon, 12 April 1780
From: Board of Admiralty
To: Nesbitt, John Maxwell,Nixon, John

April 12th 1780Gentlemen
Congress having impowered and directed this Board to call upon the Several Agents for A settlement of their respective Accounts relative to the Continental Prizes you are therefore requested to furnish the Board with an Account of the disposition of all such Prizes under your Agency.
I am Gentlemen Your Obedt Hble sert    By Order
John Brown Sec:


Title: Virginia Delegates in Congress to George Washington, 12 April 1780
From: Virginia Delegates in Congress
To: Washington, George

April 12th[, 1780]
We have the honor to enclose your excellency a letter from Governor Jefferson and am with the highest respect
your most obedient & very humble Servant
C GriffinJames Madison Jun


Title: Board of Admiralty to James Nicholson, 17 April 1780
From: Board of Admiralty
To: Nicholson, James

April 17th 1780Sir
The Board were this day favoured with your letter of the 27th Ultimo by which they find the frigate Trumbull is compleatly rigged, wooded, & Watered with 120 Men on board officers included, and that she only waited for some additional provision & Cannon which you have no doubt will be on board in three weeks.
As the Continental Ship Saratoga Captain John Young is now launched and fitting with the utmost expedition the Board intend that Ship to Cruize in concert with the Trumbull, therefore you are hereby directed to take a Short Cruize in such latitudes as you think will be most likely to annoy the enemy, and afterwards come into Delaware towards the latter end of the Month of June, in Order to join the Saratoga and any other of the Continental Ships which may be here at that time. On your arrival at the capes send an express to advise the Board thereof and the State of your Ship, who (Should there be Occasion) will give Orders for compleating your complement of Men & Provision from hence. Any Prizes you may take you are to send into this port, if from your situation and other circumstance it may be deemed the most convenient.
The Board have reason to expect the Continental frigates Alliance & Confederacy soon on this Coast, therefore they hope to have a Squadron of respectable force, especially if the Deane & Bourbon can be added.
I am Sir &c &c    By Order
John Brown Secy


Title: Board of Admiralty to Seth Harding, 2 May 1780
From: Board of Admiralty
To: Harding, Seth

May 2d. 1780Sir
The Board are favoured with your letter of the 28th Ultimo informing them of the arrival of the frigate Confederacy.
As the Masts & Spars wanted for the Confederacy can be furnished here, you are directed immediately to proceed up with the Ship to this place where the most speedy measures will be taken for fitting her out again with all expedition.
I am Sir Your very Hble servant    By Order
John Brown secy


Title: Seal for the Admiralty of the United States, [4 May] 1780
From: Continental Congress
To:

[4 May 1780]
The Board of Admiralty reported the device of a seal for the Admiralty of the United States: the arms, thirteen bars mutually supporting each other, alternate red and white, in a blue field, and surmounting an anchor proper. The crest a ship under sail. The motto Sustentans et Sustentatus. The legend U. S. A. Sigil. Naval.
Ordered, That the same be engraved, and used as the seal of the Board of Admiralty of the United States of America.