Title: Continental Congress Report on a Treaty of Commerce between the United States and Great Britain, 1 May 1783
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Continental Congress
To:

[Philadelphia] May 1, 1783

The Commitee to whom was referred the letter from Mr. Adams of the  report:
That they have examined the different instructions given to our Commissioners and Ministers abroad and find that the Commissioners for making peace have an implied power to comprehend commercial stipulations in a Treaty of peace; but that there is no direct subsisting power of entering into a treaty of commerce with Great Britain distinct from the treaty of peace.
The Committee are of opinion that a special commission for that purpose ought without delay to be transmitted to the three remaining commissioners for peace Mr. Franklin Mr. Adams and Mr. Jay; and this for the following reasons:
First it is to be inferred from Mr Adams letter who as one of them is to be supposed to know their intention that the Commissioners for making peace have it not in contemplation to interweave into the treaty of peace such ample commercial stipulations as might supersede the necessity of particular treaty of commerce, otherwise it would be misplaced to urge Congress to appoint and authorise a minister for that purpose
2dly. Though it should be the intention of the said Commissioners to enter largely into commercial stipulations, yet if difficulties should intervene in that business, which might postpone too long the benefits of a definitive treaty of peace, they may judge it preferable to forego for the present such stipulations, to bring that important object to a speedy conclusion.
3dly. It is of great importance to The United states as soon as practicable to have a treaty of commerce with Great Britain, not only on account of the immediate advantages of that commerce, but from the possibility of making it the means of extending our commercial privileges with other nations; and because it is probable the impressions of the present conjuncture, may be more favourable to the views of these states than a future period.

The Committee are also of opinion that it will be expedient to authorise the Commissioners to enter into a temporary convention agreeable to Mr. Adam’s idea to last for one year, to give time to mature and conclude the treaty of commerce and to instruct them at the same time to stipulate that the treaty which they may enter into shall be subject to the reversal and observations of Congress before it shall be finally concluded.
On these principles The Committee submit the following resolution:
That a Commission be prepared to Messrs. Adams, Franklin & Jay, authorising them or either of them in the absence of the others, to enter into a treaty of Commerce between the United States and Great Britain, subject to the revisal of the contracting parties previous to its final conclusion; and in the mean time to enter into a commercial convention to continue in force One—year; That the secretary for foreign affairs lay before Congress without delay a plan of a treaty of commerce and instructions relative to the same to be transmitted to the said Commissioners.


Title: Continental Congress Report on the Corps of Invalids, 1 May 1783
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Continental Congress
To:

[Philadelphia] May 1, 1783

Resolved that the corps of Invalids be reduced; such officers as have lost a limb or been equally disabled in service to retire on full pay for life, such officers as may not be included in this description to retire on the same principles with other officers of the army; such non commissioned officers and soldiers as being strangers in the country and having been disabled in service are incapable of providing for their own subsistence and are proper subjects for a hospital, to be received into some fixed hospital to be appropriated for the purpose and there supported during life on such provision as may be hereafter determined to be intitled in the mean time to their usual rations and cloathing—and such non commissioned officers and soldiers disabled in service, as may have homes to which they can retire, to be discharged on the principles of the resolution of the 23d. of April last.
That the Secretary at War be directed to take proper measures previous to the reduction to ascertain the different classes above described.
That the officers who shall retire on full pay, may at their option collectively accept in lieu of such full pay for life the amount of  years full pay on the terms of the resolutions of the  last.
That at the reduction of this corps all the officers and men shall receive one months pay and shall share in any further payments which may be made to the other parts of the army when reduced.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from George Washington, 2 May 1783
From: Washington, George
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Newburgh [New York] 2d May 1783.
Sir

A necessary absence from Camp and several unavoidable interruptions have been the occasion of, and must be my apology for with holding the inclosed thoughts on a peace establishment so long.

If they will afford any assistance, or contain any thing satisfactory, I shall think my time and labour well spent.
I have the honour to be Sir   Your Most Obt: servt G Washington


Title: Continental Congress Motion on Funds for Payment of the Army, 2 May 1783
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Continental Congress
To:

[Philadelphia] May 2, 1783

Whereas it is the desire of Congress when the reduction of the army shall take place to enable the officers and soldiers to return to their respective homes with convenience and satisfaction, for which purpose it will be indispensable to advance them a part of their pay before they leave the field: And Whereas at the present juncture, there are many other engagements, for which the public faith is pledged and the punctual performance of which is essential to the credit of the United States; neither of which important objects can be effected, without the vigorous exertions of the several states in the collection of taxes;
Therefore Resolved that the respective states be called upon in the most earnest manner, to make every effort in their power to forward the collection of taxes, that such a sum may without delay be paid into the common treasury as will be adequate to the public exigencies; and that Congress confidently rely, for an immediate and efficacious attention to the present requisition, upon the disposition of their constituents not only to do justice to those brave men, who have suffered and sacrificed so much in the cause of their country, and whose distresses must be extreme should they be sent from the field without the payment of a part of their well earned dues; but also to enable Congress to maintain the faith and reputation of the United States; both which are seriously concerned in relieving the necessities of a meritorious army and fulfulling the public stipulations.

Resolved that as an additional mean of accomplishing the same and a further application be immediately made to His Most Christian [Majesty] to induce him to add three millions of livres to the six millions already granted in part of the loan of 4,000,000 of dollars requested by the resolutions of  and that his said Majesty be informed that Congress will consider his compliance in this instance as a new and valuable proof of his friendship, peculiarly interesting in the present conjuncture of the affairs of the United States; and will apply a part of the requisitions now subsisting upon the several states to the repayment of the said three millions.
Resolved that the Superintendant of Finance be directed to take the necessary arrangements for carrying the views of Congress into execution & that he be assured of their firm support towards fulfilling the engagements he has already taken, or may take on the public account during his continuance in office.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Philip Schuyler, 4 May 1783
From: Schuyler, Philip
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Saratoga [New York] May ⟨4.⟩ 1783
My Dear Sir

Your several favors of the 18th & 25th March and 2d. ult: were delivered me on the first Instant by a man from Charlotte County who found them at Mr Loudons at Fish kill, that of the 23d April I had the pleasure to receive yesterday.
Persuaded as I have long been of the necessity of terminating the war both from the want of exertion in ourselves and the possibility of a change in European politics I received the account of the preliminaries being signed with the sincerest satisfaction. I confess I suspected Lord Shelburnes sincerity and dreaded with you that France and her allies would have insisted on terms that would have thrown the Game into his hands had he negotiated only with a view to divide, and deceive the powers opposed to Britain, and yet favorable as I concieve the terms are to us, I find many amongst us not satisfied especially with respect to the boundary of these states, for my part I think the partition lines more favorable to us than those which our Commissioners had in charge to insist upon.
I did not pay much attention to the terms in which the offer of a seperate Jurisdiction within this state to Congress were couched as I was persuaded Congress would not approve of the Situation. If that body should seriously determine on a permanent residence in this state, and signify it to the legislature I make little doubt but that the cession of Jurisdiction will be made agreable to their wishes, & that at the place in question or any other, the two cities excepted.
Altho our legislature seems still inclined to confer powers on Congress Adequate to the proper discharge of the great duties of the Soverign council of these states, yet I perceive with pain that some, chagrined at disappointment, are already attempting to inculcate a contrary principle, and I fear It will gain too deep a root, to be eradicated until such confusion prevails as will make men deeply feel the necessity of not retaining so much soveriegnty in the states Individually.
I attempted during the last meeting to make the landed provision you mention but found mens minds not quite ripe for it, a concurrent resolution was however carried with few dissentments, to make a generous allowance to our line. I hope It will be a prelude to another extending to the whole Army. It would facilitate the measure if the other lines could be induced to petition Congress for a recommendation to this state to give the bounty lands promised in 1776, and to extend the quantity, and If Congress in the recommendation would declare that we should have credit for the Amount on the same terms as we shall Sell to our own citizens, the request would certainly be complied with.
The sentiment is so universal not to pardon those of the disaffected whose estates have been confiscated, that I believe their warmest advocates will not attempt to Introduce a bill for the purpose, but I believe that in conformity to one of the provisional articles no molestation will be given to such other Citizens of New York as have remained in the power of the enemy and whose conduct may have been equivocal or opposed.
I don’t much relish the invitation given to Russia and the emperor to become parties to the treaties. They may perhaps insist on stipulations being inserted which might greatly embarrass us. Suppose Shelburn should be able to Induce them to Insist on more favorable terms for the disaffected, especially as he has been pressed so hard on that Subject in the british parliment and that France should comply? What will be the consequences? Singly to prosecute the war may not be in our powers, and to restore all, burthened with debt as we are, would be severely felt.
We wait with impatience the happy moment when we shall Embrace you Betsy and my Little Grandson. Adieu we all Join in Love & best wishes
I am Dr Sir every affectionately & sincerely Yours &c. &c.

Ph: Schuyler
Colo Hamilton

I do not answer Betsys letter as I suppose she will have left Philadelphia before this.


Title: Continental Congress Report on Peace Arrangements for the Department of Foreign Affairs, 8 May 1783
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Continental Congress
To:

[Philadelphia] May 8, 1783

The Committee appointed “to consider what arrangements it will be proper to make relatively to peace,” submit the following report on the department of foreign affairs:
Resolved that the ordinances and resolutions heretofore passed relatively to the department of foreign affairs shall continue in force subject to the alterations and additions following:
That the Secretary for that department shall be considered as the head of the diplomatic corps of the United States, and to remove any doubts which may have existed respecting the nature of his office, it is hereby declared to be his duty from time to time to lay before Congress such plans for conducting the political and commercial intercourse of the United States with foreign nations, as may appear to him conducive to the interests of the said states.
That the said secretary be intitled to the same allowance for salary and expences as is hereafter specified for a minister at a foreign court, and that instead of two under secretaries as by the resolution of the 1st of March 1782, there be appointed under him one official secretary with the same allowance as to a secretary of embassy, the said secretary to be nominated by him & appointed by Congress.
That each minister shall be allowed Eight thousand dollars in lieu of all salary and expences; except for the postage of letters and for the purchase of public prints and papers, which shall be a charge upon the United States.
That the said minister shall be invested with consular powers, and shall accordingly be at the same time, consul general in the Country where he resides having the superintendence and controul of all vice consuls or inferior commercial agents, but shall not be at liberty to engage directly or indirectly, in any kind of trade or traffic whatsoever.
That for the more convenient management of the commercial interests of the United States, there shall be so many vice-consuls appointed to reside in foreign ports, with which the trade of the said states may be carried on, as shall from time to time be found necessary; and that the said vice-consuls shall have free liberty to trade, but no salary or other emolument, except the usual commissions on such matters as they may be authorised to transact on account of the United States, and reimbursement for contingent and reasonable expences incurred on their behalf.
That the secretary for foreign affairs prepare and lay before Congress an ordinance conformable to the foregoing principles for regulating the consular powers and privileges and the plan of a convention to be entered into with foreign nations for that purpose.
That whenever Congress shall judge it expedient to appoint an official secretary to any embassy he shall be intitled to a salary of one thousand dollars and to a place in the house and at the table of the Minister with whom he shall reside.
The Committee think it unnecessary to report concerning the rank of the Secretary for foreign affairs, relatively to other heads of the executive departments as this is an object comprehended in another report depending before Congress.


Title: Continental Congress Report on the Garrisoning of Frontier Posts by Continental Troops, 12 May 1783
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Continental Congress
To:

[Philadelphia] May 12, 1783

The same Committee submit the following report on the letter of the 3d. instant from the Commander in Chief:
That the Commander in Chief be directed whenever the posts within the United states shall be evacuated pursuant to the articles of peace to place within the same, composed of the troops under his command [who have inlisted for three years &] whose times of service may not then have expired, such garrisons as he may judge necessary; till Congress shall determine on the further arrangements proper to be made relatively to that object; and that he take such measures for transporting to the said posts artillery stores and provisions, as he may judge expedient, for which purpose the Superintendant of Finance is directed to afford all the assistance in his department which circumstances will permit.


Title: Robert Morris to Alexander Hamilton, Richard Peters, and Nathaniel Gorham, 15 May 1783
From: Morris, Robert
To: Hamilton, Alexander,Peters, Richard,Gorham, Nathaniel

Office of Finance [Philadelphia] 15th. May 1783
Gentlemen

In Consequence of the Conversation which passed between us this Morning I shall give you the best information in my Power as to the State of my Department and the Resources I can command.
You have in the enclosed Paper Number one an Account of Receipts and Expenditures from the Commencement of the Year to the End of the last Month by which it appears that there is an Advance on Credit to the Amount of near six hundred thousand Dollars exclusive of what may appear in Mr. Swanwicks Accounts for the Month of April. A large Sum is also due on Genl. Green’s Drafts and the Contractors are to be paid in this Month for the Supplies of January last. At the End of this Month therefore that Anticipation must necessarily be much increased. As will appear from the slightest Reflection after what is to be said of our Resources.
These are either foreign or domestic. As to the first I enclose the Copy of the last Letter I have received from Mr. Grand and I have to add to what is contained in that Letter that the Day it was received my Drafts on him over and above those mentioned in it amounted to Three million and forty thousand two hundred and seventy eight Livres and six deniers. I have directed therefore Mr. Barclay to pay over to Mr. Grand any Monies which may be in his Possession and I have directed Messrs. Willink &ca. of Amsterdam to do the same after deducting what may be necessary to pay the Interest of their Loan falling due the first of June next. But as I have no Accounts how much has been borrowed since the End of January and as all which had been borrowed before was disposed of I cannot determine how far they can come in Aid of Mr. Grand neither can I tell until the Receipt of his Accounts what Aid he may stand in need of. In these Circumstances I am obliged to leave about eighteen hundred thousand Livres (which remain of a Sum placed in the Hands of Messrs. Le Couteulx for answering Drafts intended thro Havanna to answer any Deficiency of other Funds to pay my Drafts on Mr. Grand. These then Gentlemen are all the foreign Resources except what the french Court may advance on the late Resolutions of Congress and you will see by the enclosed Translation of a Letter from the Minister of france what little Hope is to be entertained from that Quarter.
Our domestic Resources are twofold first certain Goods and other Property such as Horses Waggons &ca. These latter will produce very little and the former are (by the Peace) very much reduced in Value and from the nature of the Goods themselves they are chiefly unsaleable. Very little Reliance therefore can be placed on this first Dependance. The Amount I cannot possibly ascertain for I do not yet know (and cannot until the opening of them now in Hand shall be compleated) the Kinds Quality and Situation. Some are damaged those which were deemed most Saleable have been tried at Vendue and went under the first Cost and much the greater Part will certainly not sell at a fourth of their Value.
The only Remaining Resource is in the Taxes and what they may amount to, it is impossible to tell. But you have enclosed an Account of what they yielded the four first Months of this Year and you will see from thence that if all Expence had ceased on the first day of this Month the Anticipations already made would not have been absorped by the same Rate of Taxation in eight Months more.
Now then Gentlemen you will please to consider that if your Army is kept together they will consume as much in one Month as the Taxes will produce in two and Probably much more. To make them three Months Pay will require I suppose at least six hundred thousand Dollars and every Day they continue in the Field lessens the Practicability of sending them Home satisfied. The Anticipations of Revenue are threefold two of which appear as to their Effects in the public Accounts and one very considerable one tho it produces great Relief is not seen. It consists in the Drawing of Bills on me for the public Service by different Persons and at different Usances. I imagine that these Amount at the present Moment to one hundred thousand Dollars. The other Anticipations consist in Loans from the Bank or the issuing of my own Notes. As to the first of these it is limited in its Nature by the Capital of the Bank which being small will not admit of great Deductions and it depends much upon Circumstances whether the Bank will go to the Extent which they may go. If they find the Revenues increasing and the Expences diminishing they will; otherwise they certainly will not. As to the Notes I issue (and which form the greater Part of my Anticipations) these have also a certain Limit to exceed which would be fatal. I must not so extend that Circulation as that I shall be unable to pay them when presented for that would totally destroy their Credit and of Course their Utility.
Now Gentlemen if any Thing of this Sort should take place before the Army are disbanded you will see at once that they could be fed no longer and must of Course disband themselves. I will not dwell on the Consequences but I will draw one clear Conclusion which you have doubtless by this time anticipated viz. that unless they are disbanded immediately the Means of paying them even with Paper will be gone. And this Sentiment I have not only delivered to you but to a former Committee as well as to many individual Members of Congress.
But Gentlemen when I speak of disbanding the Army I beg to be understood as meaning to reserve a sufficient Garrison for West Point. And on this Subject I pray to be indulged in a View of our Political and military Situation as far as relates to this capital Object of my Department. And first as to our political Situation I conceive that we are at Peace. It is true that the definitive Treaty is not that we know of compleated but it is equally true that all the other beligerent Powers have been disarming for months past and I presume they are at least as well acquainted with the State of things as we are. To express Doubts of the Sincerity of Britain on this Subject is I know a fashionable but in my Opinion a very foolish Language. We have the best Evidence of their Sincerity which the Nature of Things will admit for we know they are unable to carry on the War and we see & feel that they are passing every Act and doing everything in their Power to conciliate our Affections. Expressions of Doubts as to their Sincerity if intended to foster Enmity against them will fail of the Effect and produce the direct Contrary for every Body will soon learn to consider them as unjustly suspected and their Ministers will take Care to inculcate and enforce the Sentiment.
As to our military Situation some of the Troops in the Southern States have already mutinied the principal Part of them are ordered away and since the floridas are ceded to Spain it follows that those Troops which may remain in the Southern States will have to operate against the Spaniards if they operate at all. So that every Man except those under the Generals immediate Command and the little Garrison of fort Pitt are in fact disbanded to every Purpose but that of Expence.
The Prisoners are some of them going and the rest gone into New York so that in a few Days the Enemy will be able to do every Thing which they could do if the greater Part of our Army were gone Home. For they could not take West Point if it is properly Garrisoned and they could ravage the Country in spite of our Army when theirs shall be all collected.
Our Situation therefore seems to be this. We are keeping up an Army at a great Expence and very much against their Inclinations for a meer Punctilio and by that Means incapacitating ourselves from Performing what they begin to consider as a kind of Engagement taken with them. I shall detain you no longer on this Subject but must repeat one Observation which is that unless the far greater Part of our Expences be immediately curtailed the Object Congress had in View by their Resolutions of the second Instant cannot possibly be accomplished.
I have the Honor to be   Gentlemen   your most obedient and humble Servant

Robt. Morris

The honorable
Mr. Hamilton
}
a Committee of Congress

Mr. Gorham

Mr. Peters


Title: Continental Congress Motion on Instructions to Francis Dana, [21 May 1783]
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Continental Congress
To:

[Philadelphia, May 21, 1783]

Resolved that Mr. Dana be informed that the treaties lately entered into for restoring peace have caused such an alteration in the affairs of these states as to have removed the primary object of his mission to the Court of Russia, the acquisition of new supports to their independence; that though Congress approve the principles of the armed neutrality founded on the liberal basis of a maintenance of the rights of neutral nations and of the privileges of commerce; yet they are unwilling at this juncture to become a party to a confederacy [which may hereafter too far complicate the Interests of the united States with the Politics of Europe] and therefore if such a progress is not yet made in this business as may make it dishonorable to recede; it is their desire that no further measures may be taken at present towards the admission of the United States into that confederacy.
[That Congress deem it inexpedient at this time to acceed to the Armed nutrality if such progress is not already made in that business as to render it dishonorable] provided the steps already taken do not imply an honorary engagement for the payment of that money.
That with respect to a commercial treaty with Russia, they consider the benefits of it to this country in any extensive degree as rather remote, and have therefore little present inducement to enter into it, besides a desire of cultivating the friendship of that Court and preserving a consistency with the disposition already manifested towards forming a connection therewith—and also of laying the foundation of a future intercourse when the circumstances of the two countries may be more favourable to the same. That as experience will enable both nations to form a better judgment hereafter of the principles upon which that intercourse may be most advantageously conducted, Congress would wish any treaty now formed to be of temporary duration & limited to a fixed period. That in this view unless Mr. Dana shall have already formed engagements or made proposals from which he cannot easily recede if a more indefinite or extensive nature before this reaches him, he be instructed to confine the duration of the proposed treaty of commerce to fifteen years agreeable to the term limited for a similar treaty with the Court of Sweden and to stipulate expressly that the same shall be subject to the revisal of Congress previous to its final conclusion; and that in all matters he insist upon exact reciprocity. That so soon as this object shall be accomplished, or if he discovers any repugnancy on the part of the Court of Russia to entering into a treaty with these states on liberal principles he be permitted to return. That with respect to the money mentioned in his letter of the  to be employed in presents to the ministers of that Court he be informed, that as by the confederation no persons holding offices under the United States are permitted to receive presents from foreign powers, so it is not consistent with the situation or policy of these states to adopt that practice in their transactions with other nations [and that he be instructed to decline paying the same unless the Steps already taken by him towards forming a Treaty or Treaties shall in his Judgmt imply an Engagemt to make such Payment.]


Title: Continental Congress Motion that Furloughs be Granted to Noncommissioned Officers and Soldiers, [26 May 1783]
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Continental Congress
To:

[Philadelphia, May 26, 1783.] On this date Hamilton moved “That the Commander in Chief be instructed to grant Furlows to the noncommission’d Officers & Soldiers in the service of the U S inlisted to serve during the War, who shall be discharged as soon as the definitive Treaty of Peace is concluded.”


Title: Continental Congress Motion of Protest against British Practice of Carrying off American Negroes, [26 May 1783]
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Continental Congress
To:

[Philadelphia, May 26, 1783.] A motion made by Hamilton on this date protested against the British seizure of Negroes belonging to citizens of the United States.


Title: Continental Congress Motion on Officers Holding Brevet Commissions, [26 May 1783]
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Continental Congress
To:

[Philadelphia, May 26, 1783]

Resolved That the officers at present holding brevet commissions in the army be intitled to the pay and emoluments of the ranks which they respectively hold.


Title: Continental Congress Motion on the Evacuation of New York, 29 May 1783
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Continental Congress
To:

[Philadelphia] May 29, 1783

Resolved that General Washington be informed in answer to his letter of the  that it is the desire of Congress the evacuation of New York and its dependencies may not be retarded by a preference to that of any other place.


Title: Continental Congress Report on Measures to be Taken for Carrying into Effect the Provisional Peace Treaty, 30 May 1783
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Continental Congress
To:

[Philadelphia] May 30, 1783. On this date a committee, consisting of Hamilton, Oliver Ellsworth, Ralph Izard, James Madison, and Benjamin Hawkins, reported on “what further steps are proper to be taken … for carrying into effect the stipulations contained in the articles between the United States and Great Britain.” The committee recommended that the states execute the articles of the treaty providing for the recovery of debts owed English merchants, the cessation of confiscations of Loyalist property, and the restitution of the property already seized.


Title: Continental Congress Motion on Appointment of Committee to Consider Allowances of Land for the Army, 30 May 1783
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Continental Congress
To:

[Philadelphia] May 30, 1783

That a Committee be appointed to consider of the best manner of carrying into execution the engagements of the United States for certain allowances of land to the army at the conclusion of the war.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to George Clinton, 1 June 1783
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Clinton, George

PhiladelphiaJune 1st 1783
Sir.

In my last letter to Your Excellency I took occasion to mention that it was of great importance to the state, at this time to have a representation here as points in which by its present situation it is particularly interested are dayly and will be dayly agitated. It is also of importance at this moment to the United States (not only from general considerations but) because we have a very thin representation in Congress and are frequently unable to transact any of those matters which require nine states. I wish your Excellency would urge a couple of gentlemen to come on, as it becomes highly inconvenient to me to remain here and as I have staid the full time to be expected.
I observe with great regret the intemperate proceedings among the people in different parts of the state in violation of a treaty the faithful observance of which so deeply interests the United States. Surely the state of New York with its capital and its frontier posts (on which its important fur-trade depends) in the hands of the British troops ought to take care that nothing is done to furnish a pretext on the other side, even for delaying much less for refusing the execution of the treaty. We may imagine that the situation of Great Britain puts her under a necessity at all events of fulfilling her engagements and cultivating the good will of this country. This is no doubt her true policy; but when we feel that passion makes us depart from the dictates of reason, when we have seen that passion has had so much influence in the conduct of the British councils in the whole course of the war—when we recollect that those who govern them are men like ourselves and alike subject to passions & resentments—when we reflect also that all the great men in England are not United in the liberal scheme of policy with respect to this Country and that in the anarchy which prevails, there is no knowing to whom the reins of government may be committed when we recollect how little in a condition we are to enforce a compliance without claims—we ought certainly to be cautious in what manner we act, especially when we in particular have so much at stake, and should not openly provoke a breach of faith on the other side, by setting the example.
An important distinction is not sufficiently attended to—the 5th article is recommendatory the sixth positive. There is no option on the part of the particular states as to any future confiscations prosecutions or injuries of any kind to person liberty or property on account of any thing done in the war. It is matter of discretion in the states whether they will comply with the recommendations contained in the 5th article; but no part of the 6th can be departed from by them without a direct breach of public faith and of the confederation. The power of making treaties is exclusively lodged in Congress. That power includes whatever is essential to the termination of the war and to the preservation of the general safety. Indemnity to individuals in similar cases is an usual stipulation in treaties of peace, of which many precedents are to be produced.
Should it be said that the associations of the people, without legal authority do not amount to a breach of the public faith? The answer is if the government does not repress them and prevent there having effect, it is as much a breach, as a formal refusal to comply on its part. In the eye of a foreign nation, if our engagements are broken, it is of no moment whether it is for the want of good intention in the government or for want of power to restrain its subjects. Suppose a violence committed by an American vessel on the vessel of another nation upon the high seas and after complaint made, there is no redress given. Is not that a hostility against the injured nation which will justify reprisals?
But if I am not misinformed there are violations going on in forms of law. I am told that indictments continue to be brought under the former confiscation laws; a palpable infraction if true of the 6th article of the treaty to which an immediate stop ought no doubt to be put.
It has been said by some men that the operation of this treaty is suspended ’till the definitive treaty—a plain subterfuge. Whatever is clearly expressed in the provisional or preliminary treaty is as binding from the moment it is made as the definitive treaty which in fact only developes explains and fixes more precisely what may have been too generally expressed in the former. Suppose the British should now send away not only the negroes but all other property and all the public records in their possession belonging to us on the pretence above stated should we not justly accuse them with breaking faith? Is this not already done in the case of the negroes, who have been carried away, though founded upon a very different principle a doubful construction of the treaty, not a denial of its immediate operation? In fine is it our interest to advance this doctrine and to countenance the position that nothing is binding ’till the definitive treaty, when there are examples of years intervening between the preliminary & definitive treaties?
Sir Guy Carelton in his correspondence has appeared to consider the treaty as immediately obligatory and it has been the policy which I have persued to promote the same idea.
I am not indeed apprehensive of a renewal of the war, for peace is necessary to Great Britain; I think it also most probable her disposition to conciliate this country will outweigh the resentments which a breach of our engagements is calculated to inspire. But with a treaty which has exceeded the hopes of the most sanguine which in the articles of boundary & the fisheries is even better than we asked, circumstanced too as this Country is with respect to the means of making war, I think it the height of imprudence to run any risk. Great Britain without recommencing hostilities may evade parts of the treaty. She may keep possession of the frontier posts, she may obstruct the free enjoyment of the fisheries, she may be indisposed to such extensive concessions in matters of commerce as it is our interest to aim at; in all this she would find no opposition from any foreign power; and we are not in a condition to oblige her to any thing. If we imagine that France, obviously embarrassed herself in her Finances would renew the war to oblige Great Britain to the restoration of our frontier posts, or to a compliance with the stipulations respecting the fisheries (especially after a manifest breach of the treaty on our part) we speculate much at random. Observations might be made on the last article which would prove that it is not the policy of France to support our interests there. Are we prepared, for the mere gratification of our resentments to put those great national objects to the hazard—to leave our western frontier in a state of insecurity—to relinquish the fur trade and to abridge our pretensions to the fisheries? Do we think national character so light a thing as to be willing to sacrifice the public faith to individual animosity?
Let the case be fairly stated: Great Britain and America two independent nations at war—The former in possession of considerable posts and districts of territory belonging to the latter—and also of the means of obstructing certain commercial advantages in which it is deeply interested.
It is not uncommon in treaties of peace for the uti possidetis to take place. Great Britain however in the present instance stipulates to restore all our posts & territories in her possession. She even adds an extent not within our original claims more than a compensation for a small part ceded in another quarter. She agrees to readmit us to a participation in the fisheries. What equivalent do we give for this? Congress are to recommend the restoration of property to those who have adhered to her, and expressly engage that no future injury shall be done them on person liberty or property. This is the sole condition on our part where there is not an immediate reciprocity (the recovery of debts and liberation of prisoners being mutual, the former indeed only declaring what the rights of private faith which all civilized nations hold sacred would have dictated without it) and stands as the single equivalent for all the restitutions and concessions to be made by Great Britain. Will it be honest in us to violate this condition or will it be prudent to put it in competition with all the important matters to be performed on the other side? Will foreign nations be willing to undertake any thing with us or for us, when they find that the nature of our governments will allow no dependence to be placed upon our engagements?
I have omitted saying any thing of the impolicy of inducing by our severity a great number of useful citizens, whose situations do not make them a proper object of resentment to abandon the country to form settlements that will hereafter become our rivals animated with a hatred to us which will descend to their posterity. Nothing however can be more unwise than to contribute as we are doing to people the shores and wilderness of Nova-scotia, a colony which by its position will become a competitor with us among other things in that branch of commerce in which our navigation and navy will essentially depend. I mean the fisheries in which I have no doubt the state of New York will hereafter have a considerable share.
To your Excellency I freely deliver my sentiments because I am persuaded you cannot be a stranger to the force of these considerations. I fear not even to hazard them to the justice and good sense of those whom I have the honor to represent. I esteem it my duty to do it because the question is important to the interests of the state in its relation to the United States.
Those who consult only their passions might choose to construe what I say as too favourable to a set of men who have been the enemies of the public liberty; but those for whose esteem I am most concerned will acquit me of any personal considerations and will perceive that I only urge the cause of national honor, safety and advantage. We have assumed an independent station; we ought to feel and to act in a manner consistent with the dignity of that station.
I anxiously wish to see every prudent measure taken to prevent those combinations which will certainly disgrace us, if they do not involve us in other calamities. Whatever distinctions are judged necessary to be made in the case of those persons who have been in opposition to the common cause, let them be made by legal authority on a fair construction of the treaty, consistent with national faith and national honor.
I have the honor to be with perfect respect Yr. Excellency’s Most Obed servant
Your Excellency will have been informed that Congress have instructed General Washington to garrison the frontier posts when surrendered with the three years Continental troops. This is more for the interest of the state than to have them garrisoned at its particular expence—and I should wish that permanent provision might be made on the same principle. I wait to see whether any Continental peace establishment for garrisons &c. will take place before I engage the consent of Congress to a separate provision.
I cannot forbear adding a word on the subject of money. The only reliance we now have for redeeming a large anticipation on the public credit already made and making for the benefit of the army is on the taxes coming in. The collection hitherto is out of all proportion to the demand. It is of vast consequence at this juncture that every thing possible should be done to forward it. I forbear entering into details which would be very striking upon this subject. I will only say that unless there is a serious exertion in the states public credit must ere long receive another shock very disagreeable in its consequences.

His Excellency Governor Clinton


Title: Continental Congress Report on Land for the Army, 4 June 1783
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Continental Congress
To:

[Philadelphia] June 4, 1783

The Committee appointed to consider of the best manner of carrying into execution the engagements of the United States for certain allowances of land to the army at the conclusion of the war submit the following resolution:

Congress having by their resolution of the  promised certain allowances of land to all officers, and to such soldiers of the United States engaged to serve during the war, who should continue in service to the end thereof.
Resolved that ’till provision can be made by the United States for locating and surveying to the officers and soldiers aforesaid the portions of land to which they are respectively intitled, certificates be given to them when furloughed or discharged as evidences of their claim upon the United States, specifying the name of each person, the regiment or corps to which he belongs, his rank therein, and the quantity of land to which he is in intitled—the certificates to be signed by the Pay Master General and to be in the form following: (Name and station)  in the  (Regiment or corps) is intitled to  (insert the quantity)  acres of land as a gratuity for his services during the war, agreeable to the resolutions of  the  day of  1783
[and that Certificates issue in like manner to the legal representatives of such officers & Soldiers as have been slain by the Enemy on producing proper proofs of the Titles.]


Title: Continental Congress Motion Respecting the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, 4 June 1783
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Continental Congress
To:

[Philadelphia] June 4, 1783
Mr. Livingston having signified to Congress his desire of relinquishing the exercise of the office of foreign affairs and his intention of returning to the state of New York:
Resolved that the secretary of Congress be directed to receive the papers of the said office into his care, ’till a successor to Mr. Livingston can be appointed and that next Wednesday be assigned for the election of a Secretary for the department of foreign affairs.
Resolved that the thanks of Congress be presented to Mr. Livingston for his services during his continuance in office, and that he be assured Congress entertain a high sense of the ability zeal & fidelity with which he hath discharged the important trust reposed in him.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to John Fitzgerald, [10 June 1783]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Fitzgerald, John

[Philadelphia, June 10, 1783]
Dr. Sir
The inclosed letter is for Mr. Bowman who married Mrs. Cattle. I am told he is at Alexandria which make me trouble you with the letter. Should he have left that place for South Carolina, I will thank you to forward it to him.
No definitive treaty yet arrived nor any thing else of importance new. I write in Congress & have only time to add that I am   Yr. sincere & affectionate friend
A Hamilton
Philadelphia, June 10. 1783


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Major General Nathanael Greene, [10 June 1783]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Greene, Nathanael

[Philadelphia, June 10, 1783]
Dr. General,
I inclose you a couple of letters from Mr. Carter one for yourself, the other for Mr. Kenlock. There is nothing for me to add, except that I wish you when the business shall be transacted to transmit the bond to me under cover to General Schuyler at Albany. I expect to leave this shortly for that place and to remain there ’till New York is evacuated; on which event I shall set down there seriously on the business of making my fortune. It has been hinted to me that you have some thoughts of making our state the place of your residence. You will easily believe me sincere when I express my wishes that this may be the case—and when I add that I shall consider it as a valuable acquisition to the state.
There is so little disposition either in or out of Congress to give solidity to our national system that there is no motive to a man to lose his time in the public service; who has no other view than to promote its welfare. Experience must convince us that our present establishments are Utopian before we shall be ready to part with them for better.
I write in Congress and therefore can not enlarge; but I need not assure you that no one will at all times have more pleasure in hearing from you than myself as no one is more warmly & sincerely Your friend   than Dr Sir   Yr. Obed serv
A Hamilton
PhiladelphiaJune 10. 1783


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to George Clinton, [11 June 1783]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Clinton, George

[Philadelphia, June 11, 1783]
Sir
In two or three letters, which I have had the honor of writing to Your Excellency lately, I mentioned the necessity of a representation of the state here and at the same time of my returning to my private occupations. I am obliged to inform Your Excellency that I cannot remain here above ten days longer.
I have the honor to be Yr. Excellency’s Most Obed ser
Alex Hamilton
PhiladelphiaJune 11th. 1783


Title: Continental Congress Report on American Participation in a European Neutral Confederacy, 12 June 1783
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Continental Congress
To:

[Philadelphia] June 12, 1783
Resolved that the Ministers Plenipotentia[r]y be instructed in case they should comprise in the definitive treaty any stipulations amounting to a recognition of the rights of neutral nations, to avoid accompanying them by any engagements which shall oblige the contracting parties to support those stipulations by arms.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Major William Jackson, [19 June 1783]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Jackson, William

[Philadelphia, June 19, 1783]
Sir,
Information having been received, that a detachment of about Eighty mutineers are on their way from Lancaster to this place, you will please to proceed to meet them and to endeavour by every prudent method to engage them to return to the post they have left. You will inform them of the orders that have been given permitting them to remain in service ’till their accounts shall have been settled, if they prefer it to being furloughed and of the allowance of pay which has been made to the army at large & in which they are to be included. You will represent to them, that their accounts cannot be settled without their officers whom they have left behind them at Lancaster. You will represent to them with coolness but energy the impropriety of such irregular proceedings, and the danger they will run by persisting in an improper conduct. You will assure them of the best intentions in Congress to do them justice; and of the absurdity of their expecting to procure it more effectually by intemperate proceedings. You will point out to them the tendency which such proceedings may have to raise the resentments of their country and to indispose it to take effectual measures for their relief. In short you will urge every consideration in your power to induce them to return; at the same time avoiding whatever may tend to irritate. If they persist in coming to town, you will give the earliest notice to us of their progress and disposition. Should they want provisions, you will assure them of a supply, if they will remain where they are, which you are to endeavour to persuade them to do in preference to coming to town.
I am Sir Yr. most Obed serv
A HamiltonIn behalf of the Committee
PhiladelphiaJune 19th. 1783Major Jackson


Title: Continental Congress Report on Letter from George Washington Respecting Pay for the Army, 19 June 1783
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Continental Congress
To:

[Philadelphia] June 19, 1783
The Committee on the letter from General Washington report: Resolved that copies of the letter from the Commander in Chief of the 7th. instant with its inclosures be transmitted to the several states for their information and that their attention be recalled to the resolutions of the 2d of May last to facilitate the punctual payment of the notes issued to the army on account of their pay.
That the Commander in Chief be informed Congress approve the variation made by him in the manner of furloughing the troops.


Title: Continental Congress Report on Conference with the Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania on the Mutiny, 20 June 1783
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Continental Congress
To:

[Philadelphia] June 20, 1783
The Committee to whom you were referred the letters & papers communicated to Congress by the Executive council of Pensylvania, through their delegates report.
That they had a conference yesterday as directed with the Supreme Executive Council, in which in the first instance the propriety of calling out a detachment of Militia to intercept the mutineers on their march from Lancaster was proposed to the Council suggesting the danger of their being suffered with impunity to join the troops in the barracks, who a few days before had manifested a dangerous spirit by an insolent and threatening message sent to Congress in the name of a Board of serjeants and who it was apprehended would be ready to make common cause with those on their march for mutinous purposes. That the Council having shown a reluctance to call out any part of the Militia expressing an opinion that they would not be willing to act till some outrage should have been committed by the troops, there appeared to the Committee no alternative but to endeavour to dissuade the mutineers from coming to town and if they failed in that attempt, to make use of expedients to prevent the troops in the barracks from joining in any excesses and to induce the detachment from Lancaster to return to that place.
That in this view & at their desire Major Jackson met the detachment then on its march to the city and endeavoured to engage them to return to the former place (urging the considerations contained in the annexed instruction to him) but the said detachment persisted in their intention of coming to this city and arrived here this morning. That upon conferring with the Superintendent of Finance, they find there is a probability, that the Pay Master General to whom the settlement of the accounts of the army has been committed, and who having all the documents in his possession can alone execute the business with propriety, will shortly arrive from the army and will immediately enter upon a settlement with the troops in this state; that in the mean time measures will be taken to prepare the business for a final adjustment. That there will immediately be sent to Lancaster a sum of money to be paid to the troops on account of the month’s pay heretofore directed to be advanced to them, the payment of which has hitherto been delayed by particular circumstances; together with notes for three months pay intended to be advanced to the men when furloughed. That they have desired this information to be transmitted to the Commanding officer here and at Lancaster, with this declaration that the corps stationed at Lancaster (including the detachment) can only be settled with or paid at that place.


Title: Continental Congress Resolutions on Measures to be Taken in Consequence of the Pennsylvania Mutiny, 21 June 1783
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Continental Congress
To:

[Philadelphia] June 21. 1783
Resolved that the President and Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania be informed that the authority of the United States having been this day grossly insulted by the disorderly and menacing appearance of a body of armed soldiers about the place within which Congress were assembled, and the peace of this City being endangered by the mutinous disposition of the said troops now in the barracks, it is, in the opinion of Congress, necessary that effectual measures be immediately taken for supporting the public authority.
Resolved that the Committee, on a letter from Colonel Butler, be directed to confer, without loss of time, with the Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania, on the practicability of carrying the preceding Resolution into effect, and that in case it shall appear to the Committee that there is not a satisfactory ground for expecting adequate & prompt exertions of this State for supporting the dignity of the federal government, the president on the advice of the Committee be authorized to summon the members of Congress to meet on Thursday next at Trenton or Princeton in New Jersey, in order that further and more effectual measures may be taken for suppressing the present revolt & maintaining the dignity & authority of the United States.
Resolved that the Secretary at war be directed to communicate to the commander in chief the state & disposition of the said troops, in order that he may take immediate measures to despatch to this City, such force as he may judge expedient for suppressing any disturbances that may ensue.


Title: Alexander Hamilton and Oliver Ellsworth to John Dickinson, [23 June 1783]
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Ellsworth, Oliver
To: Dickinson, John

[Philadelphia, June 23, 1783]
Sir,
We have the honor to inclose for Your Excellency and the Council a copy of the resolutions communicated in our conference yesterday. Having then fully entered into all the explanations which were necessary on the subject, we shall not trouble your Excellency with a recapitulation. But as the object is of a delicate and important nature, we think it our duty to request the determination of the council in writing.
We have the honor to be with perfect respect Yr. Excellency’s Most Obed servts

PhiladelphiaJune 23d. 1783


Title: Continental Congress Report of a Committee Appointed to Confer with the Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania on the Mutiny, 24 June 1783
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Continental Congress
To:

[Philadelphia] June 24, 1783
The Committee appointed to confer with the Supreme Executive Council of Pensylvania on the practicability of taking effectual measures to support the public authority, in consequence of the disorderly and menacing appearance of a body of armed soldiers surrounding the place where Congress were assembled on Saturday the 21st instant beg leave to report:
That they had a conference the morning following with the Supreme Executive council aggreeably to the intention of Congress and having communicated their resolution on that subject informed the Council that Congress considered the proceeding on which that resolution was founded of so serious a nature as to render palliatives improper and to require that vigorous measures should be taken to put a stop to the further progress of the evil and to compel submission on the part of the offenders. That in this view they had thought it expedient to declare to the executive of the state in which they reside, the necessity of taking effectual measures for supporting the public authority. That though they had declined a specification of the measures which they would deem effectual, it was their sense that a number of the militia should be immediately called out sufficient to suppress the revolt. That Congress, unwilling to expose the United States to a repetition of the insult, had suspended their ordinary deliberations in this city ’till proper steps could be taken to provide against the possibility of it.
The Council after some conversation informed the Committee, that they would wish previous to a determination to ascertain the state and disposition of the Militia, and to consult the officers for that purpose.
The day following the Committee waited upon the Council for their final resolution, having previously presented a letter addressed to His Excellency The President of which a copy is annexed, requesting the determination of the Council in writing.
The Council declined a written answer alleging, that it had been unusual on similar occasions, that they were unwilling to do anything which might appear an innovation in the manner of conducting conferences between their body and Committees of Congress; adding however that they were ready to give their answer in writing, if Congress should request it. They then proceeded to a verbal answer in substance as follows.
That the Council had a high respect for the representative sovereignty of the United States and were disposed to do every thing in their power to support its dignity. That they regretted the insult which had happened, with this additional motive of sensibility, that they had themselves had a principal share in it. That they had consulted a number of well-informed officers of the militia, and found that nothing in the present state of things was to be expected from that quarter. That the Militia of the city in general were not only ill provided for service, but disinclined to act upon the present occasion. That the Council did not believe any exertions were to be looked for from them, except in case of further outrage and actual violence to person and property. That in such case a respectable body of citizens would arm for the security of their property and of the public peace; but it was to be doubted what measure of outrage would produce this effect; and in particular it was not to be expected merely from a repetition of the insult which had happened.
The Council observed, that they thought it their duty to communicate their expectations with candour, and passed from the subject of the practicability of vigorous measures to the policy of them. They stated that General St Clair with the approbation of several members of Congress & of Council had by a declaration in writing permitted the mutineers to choose a committee of commissioned officers to represent their grievances to Council and had authorised them to expect that a conference would be allowed for that purpose. That it was said the mutineers began to be convinced of their error and were preparing submissions. That from the steps which had been taken the business seemed to be in a train of negotiation, and that it merited consideration how far it would be prudent to terminate the matter in that way, rather than employ coercive means.
The Committee remarked with respect to the scruple about giving an answer in writing, that they could not forbear differing in opinion as to its propriety. That nothing was more common than written communications between the executives of the different states, and the civil and military officers acting under the authority of the United States. That for a much stronger reason, there was a propriety in this mode of transacting business between the Council and the committee of the Body of Congress. That indeed it would be conformable to the most obvious and customary rules of proceeding, and that the importance of the present occasion made it desireable to give to every transaction the greatest precision.
With respect to the practicability of employing the militia, the Committee observed, that this was a point of which the Council was alone competent to judge. That the duty of the Committee was performed in explicitly signifying the expectations of Congress.
And with respect to the policy of coertion the Committee remarked that the measures taken by Congress clearly indicated their opinion. That the excesses of the mutineers had passed those bounds within which a spirit of compromise might consist with the dignity and even the safety of government. That impunity for what had happened might encourage to more flagrant proceedings, invite others to follow the example and extend the mischief. That the passiveness of conduct observed towards the detachment which had mutinied at Lancaster and come to the city in defiance of their officers had no doubt led to the subsequent violences. That these considerations had determined Congress to adopt decisive measures. That besides the application to the state in which they reside for its immediate support, they had not neglected other means of ultimately executing their purpose but had directed the Commander in Chief to march a detachment of troops towards the city. That whatever moderation it might be prudent to exercise towards the mutineers, when they were once in the power of government it was necessary in the first instance to place them in that situation. That Congress would probably continue to persue this object unless it should be superseded by unequivocal demonstrations of submission on the part of the mutineers. That they had hitherto given no satisfactory evidence of this disposition, having lately presented the officers they had chosen to represent their grievances with a formal commission in writing, enjoining them if necessary to use compulsory means for redress, and menacing them with death in case of their failing to execute their views.
Under this state of things, The Committee could not forbear suggesting to the Council that it would be expedient for them so to qualify the reception which they should think proper to give to any propositions made by the mutineers as not to create embarrassment should Congress continue to act on the principle of coertion.
The Committee finding that there was no satisfactory ground to expect prompt and adequate exertions on the part of the Executive of this state for supporting the public authority were bound by the resolution under which they acted to advice the president to summon Congress to assemble at Princeton or Trenton on Thursday the 26th. instant. Willing however to protract the departure of Congress as long as they could be justified in doing it, still hoping that further information would produce more decisive measures on the part of the Council, and desirous of seeing what complexion the intimated submission would assume, they ventured to defer advising the removal ’till the afternoon of the day following that on which the answer of the Council was given. But having then received no further communications from the Council, and having learnt from General St Clair that the submissions proposed to be offered by the mutineers, through the officers they had chosen to represent them, were not of a nature sufficiently explicit to be accepted or relied on; that they would be accompanied by new demands, to which it would be improper to listen; that the officers themselves composing the Committee had shown a mysterious reluctance to inform General St Clair of their proceedings, had refused in the first instance to do it and had afterwards only yielded to a peremptory demand on his part; The Committee could no longer think themselves at liberty to delay their advice for an Adjournment, which they this day accordingly gave; persuaded at the same time that it was necessary to impress the mutineers with a conviction that extremities would be used against them before they would be induced to resolve on a final and unreserved submission.
Philadelphia June 24th. 1783


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to George Clinton, 29 June 1783
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Clinton, George

Princeton [New Jersey] June 29th. 1783
Sir,
It is proper I should inform Your Excellency that Congress have lately removed to this place. I cannot enter into a detail of the causes; but I imagine they will shortly be published for the information of the United States. You will have heared of a mutiny among the soldiers stationed in the barracks of Philadelphia, and of their having surrounded the state house where Congress was sitting. Fortunately no mischief insued. There was an insolent message sent to the Council. It was at once determined that should any propositions be made to Congress they would not take them into consideration whatever extremities might ensue, while they were surrounded by an armed force.
General St Clair with the advice of some members of Congress and of the Council permitted the mutineers to appoint some commissioned officers to represent their grievances and they were at last glad of a pretext for going away.
Congress judged it proper to use coertion upon the occasion & having sent an order to the Commander in Chief for a detachment of troops, at the same time called for the assistance of the militia. The conduct of the executive of this state was to the last degree weak & disgusting. In short they pretended it was out of their power to bring out the militia, without making the experiment.
This feebleness on their part determined the removal of Congress from a place where they could receive no support; and I believe they will not easily be induced to return.
The removal and a proclamation by the President announcing to the mutineers that extremities would be persued against them have intimidated them into a submission. They have impeached two of their officers Carbury & Sullivan, who immediately fled. A few others are suspected.
It is to be lamented that the offers from our state have not been upon a more acceptable plan; it is probable if they had been, the scales would incline in our favour. I wish the Legislature were sitting and would enlarge them. To your Excellency I need not urge the advantages that will accrue to a state from being the residence of Congress.
I have the honor to be   Yr. Excellency’s Most Obed serv
A Hamilton


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to James Madison, [29 June 1783]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Madison, James

[Princeton, New Jersey, June 29, 1783]
Dear Sir
I am informed that among other disagreeable things said about the removal of Congress from Philadelphia it is insinuated that it was a contrivance of some members to get them out of the state of Pensylvania into one of those to which they belonged and I am told that this insinuation has been pointed at me in particular.
Though I am persuaded that all distinterested persons will justify Congress in quitting a place where they were told they were not to expect support (for the conduct of the Council amounted to that) yet I am unwilling to be held up as having had an extraordinary agency in the measure for interested purposes when the fact is directly the reverse. As you were a witness to my conduct and opinions through the whole of the transaction, I am induced to trouble you for your testimony upon this occasion. I do not mean to make a public use of it; but through my friends to vindicate myself from the imputations I have mentioned.
I will therefore request your answers to the following questions:
Did that part of the resolutions which related to the removal of Congress originate with me or not?
Did I as a member of the Committee appear to press the departure; or did I not rather manifist a strong disposition to postpone that event as long as possible, even against the general current of opinion?
I wish you to be as particular & full in your answer as your memory will permit. I think you will recollect that my idea was clearly this: that the mutiny ought not to be terminated by negotiation; that Congress were justifiable in leaving a place where they did not receive the support which they had a right to expect; but as their removal was a measure of a critical and delicate nature, might have an ill appearance in Europe, and might from events be susceptible of an unfavourable interpretation in this country, it was prudent to delay it ’till its necessity became apparent, not only ’till it was manifest there would be no change in the spirit which seemed to activate the council, but ’till it was evident complete submission was not to be expected from the troops; that to give full time for this, it would be proper to delay the departure of Congress ’till the latest period which would be compatible with the idea of meeting at Trenton or Princeton on thursday—perhaps even ’till thursday morning.
I am Sir   Yr. most Obed serv
Princeton June 29th. 178⟨3⟩


Title: Continental Congress Motion that Major General Howe be Directed to March Troops to Philadelphia, 30 June 1783
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Continental Congress
To:

[Princeton, New Jersey] June 30, 1783
That Major General Howe be directed to march such part of the force under his command as he shall judge necessary to the State of Pensylvania; and that the Commanding Officer in the said state be instructed to apprehend and confine all such persons, belonging to the army, as there is reason to believe instigated the late mutiny; to disarm the remainder; to take, in conjunction with the civil authority, the proper measures to discover and secure all such persons as may have been instrumental therein; & in general to make full ⟨examination⟩ into all parts of the transaction & ⟨having⟩ taken the proper steps to report to Congress.


Title: Continental Congress Motion that States be Requested to Send Delegates to Congress, 2 July 1783
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Continental Congress
To:

[Princeton, New Jersey] July 2, 1783
Whereas by the Confederation the assent of nine states is requisite to the determination of matters of principal importance to the United States and the representation in Congress has for some time past generally consisted of less than that number of states in consequence whereof the public business at an interesting juncture has suffered and continues to suffer great delay and embarrassment:
Resolved that the states which are not present in Congress be informed that it is indispensable they should without loss of time send forward a delegation to Congress.


Title: Continental Congress Motion that Congress Return to Philadelphia, 2 July 1783
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Continental Congress
To:

[Princeton, New Jersey] July 2, 1783. On this date, John Francis Mercer moved that Congress adjourn and return to Philadelphia. This motion was written and seconded by Hamilton.


Title: Continental Congress Motion that the States Settle the Accounts of Officers in the Mustering Department, 18 July 1783
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Continental Congress
To:

[Princeton, New Jersey] July 18, 1783
That it be recommended to the several states to liquidate & settle the accounts of the depreciation of the officers employed in the Mustering department on the same principles as have been observed in liquidating & settling those of other officers of the army.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Elizabeth Hamilton, 22 July 1783
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Hamilton, Elizabeth

PhiladelphiaJuly 22d. 1783
I wrote you my beloved Betsey by the last post, which I hope will not meet with the fate that many others of my letters must have met with. I count upon setting out to see you in four days; but I have been so frequently disappointed by unforeseen events, that I shall not be without apprehensions of being detained, ’till I have begun my journey. The members of Congress are very pressing with me not to go away at this time as the house is thin, and as the definitive treaty is momently expected.
Tell your father that Mr. Rivington in a letter to the South Carolina delegates has given information coming to him from Admiral Arbuthnot, that the Mercury-frigate is arrived at New York with the definitive treaty, and that the city was to be evacuated yesterday by the treaty.
I am strongly urged to stay a few days for the ratification of the treaty; at all events however I will not be long from My Betsey.
I give you joy my angel of the happy conclusion of the important work in which your country has been engaged. Now in a very short time I hope we shall be happily settled in New York.

My love to your father. Kiss my boy a thousand times. A thousand loves to yourself.
A Hamilton


Title: Continental Congress Report on a Memorial of Lieutenant Colonel Jean Baptiste de Ternant, 23 July 1783
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Continental Congress
To:

[Princeton, New Jersey] July 23, 1783
The Committee on the letter from the Secretary at War respecting Lt Col Ternant submit the following [r]esolution:
That Lt Col Ternant be informed that Congress in continuing General Armand in the command of his corps at the time of his promotion to his present rank had reasons of a peculiar nature without any intention derogatory to the merit of Lt. Col Ternant of whose useful and distinguished services in the several confidential and important stations in which he has been employed they entertain a just sense.
That Lt. Col Ternant receive the emoluments of Lt Col Commandant.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to John Jay, [25 July 1783]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Jay, John

[Philadelphia, July 25, 1783]
Dear Sir
Though I have not performed my promise of writing to you, which I made you when you left this country, yet I have not the less interested myself in your welfare and success. I have been witness with pleasure to every event which has had a tendency to advance you in the esteem of your country; and I may assure you with sincerity, that it is as high as you could possibly wish. All have united in the warmest approbation of your conduct. I cannot forbear telling you this, because my situation has given me access to the truth, and I gratify my friendship for you in communicating what cannot fail to gratify your sensibility.
The peace which exceeds in the goodness of its terms, the expectations of the most sanguine does the highest honor to those who made it. It is the more agreeable, as the time was come, when thinking men began to be seriously alarmed at the internal embarrassments and exhausted state of this country. The New England people talk of making you an annual fish-offering as an acknowlegement of your exertions for the participation of the fisheries.
We have now happily concluded the great work of independence, but much remains to be done to reach the fruits of it. Our prospects are not flattering. Every day proves the inefficacy of the present confederation, yet the common danger being removed, we are receding instead of advancing in a disposition to amend its defects. The road to popularity in each state is to inspire jealousies of the power of Congress, though nothing can be more apparent than that they have no power; and that for the want of it, the resources of the country during the war could not be drawn out, and we at this moment experience all the mischiefs of a bankrupt and ruined credit. It is to be hoped that when prejudice and folly have run themselves out of breath we may return to reason and correct our errors.
After having served in the field during the war, I have been making a short apprenticeship in Congress; but the evacuation of New York approaching, I am preparing to take leave of public life to enter into the practice of the law. Your country will continue to demand your services abroad.
The bearer of this is Mr. Carter, who with Mrs. Carter are making a jaunt to Europe. I presume you have heard of my connection in the family. Your acquaintance with Mr Carter makes it unnecessary I should request your civilities to him, which my friendship for him would otherwise do in the warmest manner. I anticipate the pleasure which Mrs. Jay and Mrs. Carter will enjoy in the society of each other, possessed as they both are of every quality to please and endear. I beg you to present me most respectfully to Mrs. Jay and to be assured of the affection and esteem of Dr. Sir Your Obedient servant
Alexr. Hamilton
PhiladelphiaJuly 25. 1783.His Excelly John Jay Esqr


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to George Clinton, [27 July 1783]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Clinton, George

[Princeton, New Jersey, July 27, 1783]
Sir
A few days since I was honored with Your Excellency’s letter of the ; and was glad to find your ideas on the subject corresponded with mine.
As I shall in a day or two take leave of Congress, I think it my duty to give my opinion to the legislature on a matter of importance to the state, which has been long depending and is still without a prospect of termination in the train in which it has been placed. I mean the affair of the grants. It is hazardous to pass a positive judgment on what will happen in a body so mutable as that of Congress; but from all I have seen, I have come to a settled opinion, that no determination will be taken and executed by them in any other manner, than in that prescribed by the confederation. There is always such a diversity of views and interests, so many compromises to be made between different states, that in a question of this nature, the embarrassments of which have been increased by the steps that have preceded, and in which the passions of the opposite sides have taken a warm part, decision must be the result of necessity. While Congress have a discretion they will procrastinate; when they are bound by the constitution they must proceed.
It is therefore my opinion that it will be adviseable for the Legislature when they meet to review the question; and either to relinquish their pretensions to the country in dispute, or to instruct their delegates, if a decision is not had within a limited time to declare the submission to Congress revoked and to institute a claim according to the principles of the confederation.
It would be out of my province to discuss which side of the alternative ought in policy to prevail but I will take the liberty to observe that if the last should be preferred it would be expedient to remove every motive of opposition from private claims, not only by confirming in their full latitude previous to the trial the possessions of the original settlers, but even the grants of the usurped government. It may happen that it will be eventually necessary to employ force; and in this case, it would be of great importance that neither the inhabitants of the grants, nor powerful individuals in other states, should find their private interest in contradiction to that of the state. This has already had great influence in counteracting our wishes, would continue to throw impediments in the way of ulterior measures, and might at last kindle a serious flame between the states.
I communicated to Your Excellency in a former letter that I had declined pressing the application of the legislature to Congress respecting the state troops for garrisoning the frontier posts, because temporary provision had been made in another way, which would save the state the immediate expence and because there was a prospect of some general provision for the defence of the frontiers on a Continental establishment, which was to be preferred on every account. A report for this purpose is now before Congress; but the thinness of representation has for some time retarded and still retards its consideration.
The definitive treaty is not yet arrived, but from accounts, which though not official appear to deserve credit, it may be dayly expected. A Gentleman known and confided in has arrived at Philadelphia, who informs that he saw a letter from Doctor Franklin to Mr. Barkeley telling him that the definitive treaties were signed the 27th of May between all the parties—that New York was to be evacuated in six months from the ratification of the preliminaries in Europe, which will be the 12th or fifteenth of next month.
As it is not my intention to return to Congress I take this opportunity to make my respectful acknowledgement to the legislature for the honorable mark of their confidence conferred upon me, by having chosen me to represent the state in that body. I shall be happy if my conduct has been agreeable to them.
With perfect respect   I have the honor to be   Yr. Excellency’s Most Obedient servant
Alex Hamilton
PrincetonJuly 27. 1783


Title: Defense of Congress, [July 1783]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To:

[July, 1783]
However men actuated by private pique or party views may take pleasure in stigmatizing the conduct of Congress with or without reason, considerate and good men who are solicitous for the honor of their country will act upon very different principles. They will view with regret those instances in which the measures of that body may be really intitled to blame, will be cautious how they bestow it where it is not merited, and will always examine with candour before they condemn. Though it is certainly true that the infallibility of that or any other body is a doctrine to be reprobated in a free country, and a servile complaisance to its errors would be as dangerous as despicable; yet it must be allowed that an opposite extreme may be little less pernicious. A captious disposition to arraign without examination, to accumulate undistinguishing censure, to excite jealousies against the phantom without the substance of power, to blame for defects in the constitution itself not in the administration of it, is a vice of nearly as mischievous a tendency in the public mind as a blind and superstitious reverence. In the present circumstances of this country most evil is to be apprehended from the prevalency of the former spirit; for new governments emerging out of a revolution, are naturaly deficient in authority and require that every effort should be made to strengthen not to undermine the public confidence. This observation applies with peculiar force to the government of the union; the constitutional imbecillity of which must be apparent to every man of reflexion.
It is therefore painful to hear, as is too fashionable a practice, indiscriminate censures heaped upon Congress for every public failure and misfortune; without considering the intire disproportion between the means which that body have it in their power to employ and their responsibility. It is equally exceptionable to see all the errors of their predecessors concentered in a mass of accusation against the subsisting body. If there have been meritorious acts performed by Congress at any period of the revolution, all the praise of it is confined to the immediate actors; if there have been faults committed they descend with increasing odium upon all who come after. The good deeds of Congress die or go off the stage with the individuals who are the authors of them; but their mistakes are the inheritance of all those who succeed.
It is true Congress in a political capacity are perpetual; but the individuals who compose it in fact undergo frequent changes. It is not more reasonable to charge any present set of members for the mismanagement of a former set allowing it to be real; than it would be to impute to George 3 the crimes adulteries or murders of Henry the 8th. It is a principle of the English law that the King never dies; and yet no man in his senses on account of this fiction of the law will transfer to the reigning monarch the infamy of his predecessor’s misconduct. It is not less unjust or absurd to blame a subsisting Congress the greater part of whose members have had no agency in the measures which are the objects of crimination, for the ill consequences of those measures.
It is not much to be wondered at that this error should exist among the uninformed parts of the community, who can only be expected to have general notions of Congress without any precise ideas of their constitution—and who therefore will be disposed to view them always under the same form without attending to the changes which the body is continually undergoing. But when men more enlightened fall into the same fallacy it is an argument of disingenuous intentions, and proves them to be under the influence of passion of prejudice or of something worse.
The chief topics of clamour against Congress are either positive breaches of faith by avowed departures from express stipulations as the reduction of the Continental money from forty to one, or negative, as the general nonperformance of the public engagements.
As to those of the first kind without entering into a discussion of particular instances, without examining whether those which may have happened may have been produced by inexperience, necessity, levity or design, it will be sufficient in justification of the present Congress to say that a large majority of them had no share whatever in those acts which are the subject of complaint. And as to those of the last kind, there always has been and is a conclusive and satisfactory answer to be given for Congress. The power of raising money is not vested in them. All they can do is to assign their quotas to the several states and to make requisitions from them. This they have not failed to do in the most ample manner; and if the states do not comply to enable them to execute their engagements, the delinquency is not to be charged upon Congress.
Should it be said that Congress ought not to have made engagements without the power of fulfilling them, this is to say that they ought to have given up the contest and to have betrayed the liberty of America. It was necessary to incur debts to support the revoluion; and no man who is a sincere friend to it, can be serious in advancing the position that this essential resource ought not to have been employed from a scruple of that nature. If Congress indeed after a definitive conclusion of the peace consent to be the instruments of future engagements, without more effectual provision at their disposal, they will then merit the indignation of every honest man.
But the present Congress have more than this general argument to offer in their vindication. They can say with truth that so far from having committeed any positive violations of faith, they have manifested an uniform and anxious solicitude for the restoration of public credit, and for doing complete justice to every class of public creditor. Having found by repeated and dayly experience that the provisions of the confederation were unequal to the purpose; they have had recourse to extraordinary expedients. Their plan of the  for funding the public debt is now depending before the several legislatures, nor is it possible for them to give a more decisive proof of their disposition to justice than is contained in that plan.
Congress stand in a very delicate and embarrassing situation: on one hand they are blamed for not doing what they have no means of doing on another their attempts are branded with the imputations of a spirit of encroachment and a lust of power.
In these circumstances it is the duty of all those who have the welfare of the community at heart to unite their efforts to direct the attention of the people to the true source of the public disorders the want of an efficient general government and to impress upon them this conviction that these states to be happy must have a stronger bond of Union and a Confederation capable of drawing forth the resources of the Country. This will be a more laudable occupation than that of cavilling against measures, the imperfection of which is the necessary result of the constitution.
It may appear extraordinary that these observations should be introductory to remarks on the transaction which at this time principally engages the public attention—to wit the removal of Congress from this city; but there is a chain of ideas which naturally connects the general opinion of Congress with the judgment to be passed upon their conduct in this particular instance. This chain will easily be traced by men of discernment.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to John Chaloner, 2 August 1783
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Chaloner, John

[New York, August 2, 1783. On August 14, 1783, Chaloner wrote to Hamilton: “Your favr of the 2nd. reached me the 12th Instant.” Letter not found.]


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Richard Soderstrom, 4 August 1783
From: Soderstrom, Richard
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Boston, August 4, 1783. Asks Hamilton to serve as attorney in Soderstrom’s suit against James Jarvis.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to James Duane, [5 August 1783]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Duane, James

[New York, August 5, 1783]
Dr. Sir
Mrs. Schuyler having some business in this city obliged me to pass into it. I do not find that the definitive treaty is here, though I am inclined to believe that definitive orders have been received respecting the evacuation, and advice of the sailing of a fleet of transports for that purpose. A new embarkation of German troops is going on. But upon the whole I do not imagine the evacuation will be completed ’till after the September equinoxes. Some late indictments in our state have given great alarm here. Many who have all along talked of staying now talk of going. We have already lost too large a number of valuable citizens.
I am with great regard D Sir   Yr Obed ser

A Hamilton
New York Aug 5th

Through forgetfulness I left a small tavern Bill at Princeton unpaid—for a few dinners. Do me the favour of paying it for me. I mean the Tavern where we dined together.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Robert R. Livingston, [13 August 1783]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Livingston, Robert R.

[Albany, August 13, 1783]
Dr. Sir
I arrived here two days ago. Being in company with Mrs. Schuyler I was induced, in complaisance to her, to pass through New York. But I was sorry not to find any satisfactory ground to believe that the suspicions entertained of the arrival of the definitive treaty were well founded; though Rivington when it is mentioned to him shrugs up his shoulders and looks significantly; and Sir Guy has never explicitly denied its having been received by the Mercury. Measures however seem to be taking in earnest towards an evacuation. A second and a considerable detachment of Germand troops is embarking. Intelligence is current of the sailing of a large fleet of transports from England. Yet I do not think the British will take leave before the ides of October.
The spirit of emigration has greatly increased of late. Some violent papers sent into the city have determined many to depart, who hitherto have intended to remain. Many merchants of second class, characters of no political consequence, each of whom may carry away eight or ten thousand guineas have I am told lately applied for shipping to convey them away. Our state will feel for twenty years at least, the effects of the popular phrenzy.
The subject you wrote to Maddison and myself about we have since attended to; but we found that nothing could be done in it. Such a thing would always be difficult there; and unluckily it is to be feared that a certain influence has of late increased not friendly to that line of thinking and acting which we call proper.

I left in charge with several of my friends who have promised their attention to it, the business of an extra-allowance. There was when I came away a prospect of a full representation. I flatter myself it will not be neglected. I am very truly & cordially Dr Sir Yr. Obedient ser
A Hamilton
I beg your care of the inclosed.
My respects to the ladies, with those of Mrs. H—Augt. 13. 1783
The Hon. Mr. Livingston


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to James Duane, 20 August 1783
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Duane, James

Albany, August 20, 1783. Requests information concerning 40,000 acres of land in Tryon County on which Abel James holds a mortgage.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to George Clinton, 20 August 1783
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Clinton, George

[Albany, August 20, 1783. On August 20, 1783, Hamilton wrote to Philip Van Rensselaer: “I send you a line to the Governor.” Letter not found.]


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to John Canfield, 30 August 1783
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Canfield, John

Albany, August 30, 1783. Asks Canfield to sell a farm which belongs to John Carter and is located in Salisbury, Connecticut.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Robert R. Livingston, 30 August 1783
From: Livingston, Robert R.
To: Hamilton, Alexander

ClerMont [New York] 30th. Augt. 1783
Dr Sir
I felt a resentment at hearing that you had passed without stoping at Clermont that your friendly letter of the 13th. has hardly yet calmed. Abstracted from the pleasure of seeing you I had a thousand political inquiries to make for I have not yet been able to philosophize myself into that tranquil indifference which is perhaps necessary to ones happiness. I am much obliged to you for the attention you have given to the matter I mentioned without being greatly disappointed at its want of success. I consider it as a feather that would have graced my cap But do not feel much pain at going as plain as my neighbours. The affair of the allowance & commission is of more serious import in the present state of my finances but I am less sanguine on that point than you appear to be and scarce know a man in your absence on whom I can rely for carrying it thro’.
I seriou[s]ly lament with you the violent spirit of persecution which prevails here and dread its consequences upon the wealth commerce & future tranquility of the state. I am the more hurt at it because it appears to me almost unmixed with pure or patriotic motives. In some few it is a blind spirit of revenge & resentment but in more it is the most sordid interest. One wishes to possess the house of some wretched Tory another fears him as a rivale in his trade or commerce & a fourth wishes to get rid of his debts by shaking of his creditor or to reduce the price of Living by depopulating the town. It is a sad misfortune that the more we know of our fellow creatures the less reason we have to esteem them. Tho perhaps philosophically considered this may be designed to weaken attatchments which habit alone would otherwise render too strong for our duties to heaven & ourselves—as violent exercise tires & puts us out of breath as we approach the end of the course to prevent the active soul from wearing out its weaker companion by lengthening the race.
Mrs. Livingston & my sisters return their comps. to Mrs. Hamilton to whom you will be pleased also to present mine.
I am Dr Sir with the truest esteem & regard Your   Most Obt hum Servt


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Richard Soderstrom, 30 August 1783
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Soderstrom, Richard

[New York, August 30, 1783. On the envelope of a letter which Soderstrom wrote to Hamilton on August 4, 1793, Hamilton wrote: “Answered 30th by the post.” Letter not found.]


Title: James Duane and Ezra L’Hommedieu to Alexander Hamilton and William Floyd, 1 September 1783
From: Duane, James,L’Hommedieu, Ezra
To: Hamilton, Alexander,Floyd, William

Prince Town [New Jersey] Sept. 1. 1783
Honorable Gentlemen,
We enclose you an Extract of Dispatches from his Excellency our Governor received this Day, respecting the Instructions of the Legislature at their last Sessions for the Security of the Western Posts.
You will be pleased to observe that an official Report on a subject so interesting to the State is deemed to be necessary; as well as a particular Detail of the Motives which influenced Congress, against the declared sense of the State, to give Directions to the Commander in Chief for garrisoning those Posts with Continental Troops. This is a Duty to which, not having been present at the Debates, we find ourselves incompetent. We can therefore only refer his Excellency and the Legislature to you, our worthy Colleagues, who being fully possessed of the Facts, can alone give the necessary official Information.
With Sentiments of the most perfect Esteem and Regard we have the Honour to be Gent. Your most Obedient Humble Servants
Jas. Duane
Ezra LHommedieu
The Honorable Colos. William Floyd & Alexander Hamilton


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to James Duane, [14 September 1783]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Duane, James

[Albany, September 14, 1783]
Dr. Sir
The enclosed was delivered me by Doctr. Schuyler with a request to transmit it to one of the delegates of the state for patronage. He assures me that what he asks has been done in similar cases; particularly for some Hospital surgeons belonging to the State of Pensylvania. If so there will prob⟨ably⟩ be no difficulty in the case. I beg l⟨eave⟩ to recommend it to your attention.
Doctor Schuyler has served with reputation and deserves well of the public; as I am informed from authority which I credit.
I have the honor to be D Sir   Yr. Obed serv.
A Hamilton
AlbanySep. 14. 1783
The Honble Mr. Duane