Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Charles Thomson, 18 December 1764
From: Thomson, Charles
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Philada. 18th Decr. 1764
The Urgency of my business which called me another way deprived me of the pleasure of waiting on you to Chester. However my best Prayers and wishes attend you, and I hope e’er now you are safe in London. The first Day of my Journey I travelled about 32 Miles up the Lancaster Road and lodged at the 19th. Tavern. This Road tis true is much frequented and on that account the great Number of Inns might be in some measure excused, were it not that they are almost equally numerous on every other Road thro the Province; In consequence of this the Manners of the people are debauched, their bodies enervated, their time and Money uselessly dissipated and this I look on to be one great Reason of the want of Cash so much complained of and of the many failures that have and must happen among trading people thro the Province. I should therefore be exceeding glad to see this matter regulated, and instead of the perquisite arising from Tavern Licenses that our Governor had a handsome fixed annual Salary. You remember the Story of Cyrus, the Way he took to break the Spirit and soften the War-like Disposition of the Lydians and render them more abject Slaves by erecting Bagnios and public Inns. I think ’tis Herodotus tells the Story. I will not say that is the design of our great Ones. But certain it is that almost in every tavern keeper the Proprietors have a warm advocate and that the more effeminate and debauched a people are, the more they are fitted for an absolute and tyranical Government.
Since your Departure the Effects of Party Spirit has reached the Seats of Justice. In York County a Dedimus was sent up and an entire new set of Justices put into Commission. In Chester County the change was not so great, some having voted right at the late Election and Mr. Chew it [is] said with much ado prevailing to have one or two Quakers continued. However Morton, the chief Burgess of Chester and some others were left out, and Wm. Moore put at the head of the Commission. So ill had they concerted Matters and so eager was the president to resume his former seat that he published the Commission the morning before the Court, upon which some who were dissatisfyed with the Man and measure would not appear so that had not the Cheif Burgess of Chester been prevailed on to act in Consequence of the Charter granted to the Burrough the Court must have drop’d for want of a sufficient Number of Justices and all the Actions depending been discontinued. In Philadelphia County Pawlin (in whose favour they exerted themselves so much at the Election but who unluckily did not answer their purpose in the House), John Potts &c. are left out and others more pliant put in their Room. What Changes are made in the other Counties I have not heard. This however serves to shew the Spirit of the times and the necessity of a Change.
I am sorry to inform you there is Reason to fear the Indian War is not quite at an End. Colonel Boquet, as no doubt you have heard marched into their Country, at whose approach they were so alarmed that they begg’d for Peace, agreed to deliver up the prisoners and to give Hostages for their due observance of the Peace. At the time appointed the Delawares and Senecas came in and brought with them near two hundred prisoners and gave the Delawares six and the Senecas two Hostages, the Shawanese kept back. However after some Days they also came and brought with them a few prisoners and gave six of their chief Men Hostages. With the prisoners and Hostages Colonel Boquet returned to Pitsburgh from which place in a few Days as we are just now informed the six Shawanese Hostages have made their Escape. So that it is to be feared it will require another Campaign to bring them to Reason. A Letter from the Army says the Indians have been supplied from the French on the Illionois. The Colonel is expectd [in] Town in a few Days.

The Sunday before Mr. Hamilton sailed Notice was given at the Presbyterian Meetings by the Ministers for the heads of the heads of the Congregations to meet next Day on Matters of the greatest Importance. The design was as I am informed to sign a Petition to the Proprietaries requesting them to exert their utmost Influence to prevent a Change of Government. As I did not see it I can say nothing certain but doubtless you will hear of it in London. I am with sincerest Esteem Dear Sir Your hearty Welwisher and affectionate Friend
Chas Thomson

Addressed: To / Benjamin Franklin Esqr / in Craven Street / London
Endorsed: Mr Thomson. 19 Inns in 30 Miles


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Hannah Walker, 18 December 1764
From: Walker, Hannah
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honour’d Sir
Westbury, the 18th: Decr: 1764
I received yours on the 16th. Instant with greater Joy then we Can Express to us all to think you are safe arrived in England in so short atime and were Extremely glad to hear that your good Family are all well when I read on the 10th: Instant in the Newse Paper as you was to Embark for England it was with the greatest Joy Imaginable to Read Over Such a paragraph but a great Deal more Agumented to hear of your Safe arival in so Short atine. Most Honour’d Sir I Return you Humble thanks for your kind Letter which is one of the greatest Comforts in this world to receive A Letter from you or any of your Dear Family. I hope Miss Franklin receiv’d my Letter as she was so kind to Desire me to write to her as I Did accordingly as She need not think I was so ungratefull not to return an answer to so kind an Invitation. I hope we may Live in hopes of seeing you in the Countrey. We all Joyn in Begging the Axeptance of our Dutys to you from your Ever Most Humble and Obedient Servant
Hannah Walker

Addressed: To / Benjamin Franklin Esqr / at / Mrs Stevensons Craven / Street Strand / London


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from David Hall, 20 December 1764
From: Hall, David
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir,
Philada. Decr. 20. 1764.
Tho’ I have nothing material to say, yet as I promised to write you by every Ship from this Port to yours, choose rather to put you to a small Expence of Postage, than be altogether silent.

I begin then with acquainting you, that Mrs. Franklin and Sally are well, as is your Son, who I saw the Day before Yesterday. The Papers are sent you by this Vessel, and among them that of this Day, in which you will see a Paper in your Behalf, signed by John Hughes, desiring the Author or Authors of an Answer to your Remarks, to publish his or their Names, &c. Mrs. Franklin tells me she has sent you the Answer, else I should have done it.
You will see a Proclamation in one of the Gazettes, in which there is a Cessation of Hostilities against the Indians, and of Consequence the Troops will be discharged but the Six Shawanese Hostages have given Colonel Bouquet the Slip at Pittsburgh, which gives, I understand, some Uneasiness; the Reason of their going off not known, at least not made publick; but I have heard that one of them had a Quarrel with one David Owen, a white Man, but a worthless Fellow, in which the Indian was killed, and that that was the Occasion of the others going off; however, as the Colonel is expected in Town in a Day or two, we shall probably hear further. If the Papers have come to your Hands, you will find the Shawanese were more backward than the other Indians in agreeing to the Peace, the Reason of which we have since heard was, that at the Time they were treating with the Colonel, there were a Number of French Traders in their Town, who, it is said, brought them Plenty of Goods and Ammunition, and that this is the third time they have been supplied by the French during the late War. I don’t know any thing else in the News Way just now worth communicating; only that we have a very bad Gang about Town, who are every Night robbing Houses, or attacking People about the Skirts of the City, so that I suppose we shall have another Hanging Bout by and by. Our Roads as you will see by this Day’s Paper, are also infested by Highwaymen.

Business goes on as usual; we are now printing the Votes of the New Assembly, there being an Order, it seems, to print the Minutes of every Sitting, as soon as conveniently they can be done. Hope to have the Pleasure of hearing from you soon, with all your News; which will be most agreeable to Dear Sir, Yours most affectionately,
David Hall.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from [Springett Penn], 22 December 1764
From: Penn, Springett
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Dublin Decemr. 22d 1764
Having this Day read in the paper of your Safe Arrival in London My Mother and myself Congratulate you on your safe Arrival and hope you have left your Family and the rest of our Friends well. I the other day received a letter from Mr. Pennington who informed me you were coming over in order to Petition his Majesty to take the Government on himself and that it would in such Case be adviseable for me to put in my Claim. I should therefore be much Obliged to you if among the other marks of Friendship you have shewn me you would send to Mr. Life who I hope will soon be able to wait on you (as he has been very ill of late) to consult what will be proper to be done. He can shew you an Opinion of Mr. Jacksons about this Matter.
Mr. Pennington in a former Letter wrote me the Intail of Pennsbury would be soon barred and in this last has not said whether it was or not but no Doubt you can inform me. My Mother joins in Compliments of the Season. I remain with great Regard [your] humble Servant
[Springett Penn]


Title: Table of Revised Postal Rates, [1764]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

On Sept. 21, 1764, Franklin and Foxcroft recommended that the proposed new postal act change the schedule of rates between colonial offices from one based chiefly on a few specified places to one stated in general terms of mileage alone, thereby eliminating several inconsistencies resulting from the earlier method. The postmasters general adopted this recommendation, and the clause in the new bill making the change was certainly one of those Todd showed to Franklin about December 24. In brief, the bill (which was enacted without change in this particular on May 10, 1765, as 5 Geo. III, c. 25) specified that a single-sheet letter going not more than 60 miles should pay 4d.; one going between 60 and 100 miles, 6d.; between 100 and 200 miles, 8d.; and any letter going more than 200 miles should pay another 2d. for each additional 100 miles or fraction thereof.
Either in September, when Franklin and Foxcroft were drafting their recommendations, or in December, after Franklin’s interview with Todd, Franklin prepared this table. Since the draft is undated, one cannot state with certainty which was the occasion; hence it is placed here with other undated documents of the year 1764.
The post offices listed here are the only ones specifically mentioned in the act of 1710, and the rates of postage prescribed in that act for letters between New York and each of the other offices are shown in one column in pence sterling. The next column shows what the rates would be under the proposed bill when determined by the mileages given in an earlier column. Since the rates shown are only those between New York and the few offices mentioned in 1710, this is far from being a complete list of postal rates under the new law. For mail between any two places mentioned which would have to pass through New York, however, it is possible to determine the rate after adding together the two mileages. Thus, a letter between Boston and Philadelphia, said to travel a total of 366 miles, which would pay 1s. 9d. under the old act, would now pay only 1s. 4d. (6d. plus 10d.), a reduction of not quite one-fourth.

Table of the Distances of Places, and Rates of Postage in North America, showing the Changes propos’d to be made by the New Act.

Places
  Distances in Statute Miles
  Postage by thepresent Act
  Postage propos’dby the New Act
  Difference

From New York
to Perth Amboy
   30
   6
   4
  abated 2d. which is
  1/3

to Bridlington
   80
   6
   6
  No Change

to New London
  150
   9
   8
  abated 1d. which is
  1/9

to Philadelphia
   96
   9
   6
  abated 3d.
  1/3

to Newport
  196
  12
   8
  abated 4d.
  1/3

to Boston
  270
  12
  10
abated 2d.
1/6

to Portsmouth
  330
  12
  12
No Change

to Annapolis
  240
  12
  10
abated 2d.
1/6

to Salem
  290
  15
  10
abated 5d.
1/3

to Ipswich
  300
  15
  10
abated 5d.
1/3

to Piscataqua
  330
  15
  12
abated 3d.
1/5

to Williamsburgh
  411
  15
  14
abated 1d.
1/15

to Charlestown
  856
  18
  22
added 4d.

  Note; That Portsmouth is at Piscataqua and the chief Office there and it was an Error in the old Act to give them different Postages; and a lower Postage from New York to Portsmouth, than to Salem and Ipswich, which are nearer the one by 40 and the other by 30 Miles.

      1:0

      1:3

      See Douglas
      1:6
      1:10

  Endorsed: Post Office Changes of Rates
[Also on this page:] of the Kindness I met with in that Country and the happy Hours I spent in their Conversation.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to [Grey Cooper], [1764?–1775]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Cooper, Sir Grey

Sir,
[1764?–1775]
I used to put two Ounces of Bark finely powdered into a Bottle of Wine, and let it stand 24 Hours, in which time it will have given to the Wine a sufficient Quantity of its Virtue, and the Powder itself will be pretty well subsided. When I had drank two or three Glasses out of the Bottle, I used to fill it up with fresh Wine, because the Bark will not give forth all its Virtue to the first Quantity of Wine, but continues communicating more as fresh Wine offers to receive it, so that on the whole I suppose I may have drank a Gallon of Wine off the first Quantity of Bark. Every time I pour’d out a Glass to drink, I us’d to shake the Bottle, generally not ’till I had fill’d my Glass; but sometimes before, when I felt any feverish Indisposition and chose to have some of the Substance of the Bark expecting thence greater or more speedy Effects. I am, Yours affectionately
B Franklin


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Peter Franklin, [before 1765]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Peter

In its surviving printed form this letter is headed “To Mr. P. F. Newport, New England,” and since it begins “Dear Brother,” the person addressed could only have been Franklin’s brother, for many years a merchant and shipmaster in that town. Comparatively little is known of this member of the family, fourteen years older than Benjamin, and there is no other evidence than this letter that Peter wrote ballads or was interested in music. The verses he had written and asked Benjamin to have set to music have not survived in any identifiable form. Readers interested in eighteenth-century music, however, may be grateful to him, since he provided the occasion for the response printed here, which reveals a good deal of his more famous brother’s views on that subject.
As printed in Experiments and Observations, the letter is undated and appears near the end of the volume close to and after another letter on a musical subject addressed to Lord Kames, dated June 2, 1765. This letter must have been written before that date, for it is known that Peter Franklin had moved from Newport to Philadelphia and had become postmaster of the latter city by October 1764, remaining there until his death in 1766. The suggestion in the first paragraph that “some country girl in the heart of the Massachusets” might have been more successful in setting the ballad to music “than any of our masters here” indicates that Benjamin was almost certainly writing from England, for there was no one whom he could have presumed to call a “master” of musical composition in Philadelphia in that period. The editors confess that in first assigning this letter a probable date they overlooked this passage and so failed to print it, as they probably should have done, no later than in volume X with other documents of 1762, the year Franklin left England at the close of his first mission. It is included here, however, at the end of 1764, the last year in which Peter Franklin spent any time in Newport.

Dear Brother,
[Before 1765]
***I like your ballad, and think it well adapted for your purpose of discountenancing expensive foppery, and encouraging industry and frugality. If you can get it generally sung in your country, it may probably have a good deal of the effect you hope and expect from it. But as you aimed at making it general, I wonder you chose so uncommon a measure in poetry, that none of the tunes in common use will suit it. Had you fitted it to an old one, well known, it must have spread much faster than I doubt it will do from the best new tune we can get compos’d for it. I think too, that if you had given it to some country girl in the heart of the Massachusets, who has never heard any other than psalm tunes, or Chevy Chace, the Children in the Wood, the Spanish Lady, and such old simple ditties, but has naturally a good ear, she might more probably have made a pleasing popular tune for you, than any of our masters here, and more proper for your purpose, which would best be answered, if every word could as it is sung be understood by all that hear it, and if the emphasis you intend for particular words could be given by the singer as well as by the reader; much of the force and impression of the song depending on those circumstances. I will however get it as well done for you as I can.
Do not imagine that I mean to depreciate the skill of our composers of music here; they are admirable at pleasing practised ears, and know how to delight one another; but, in composing for songs, the reigning taste seems to be quite out of nature, or rather the reverse of nature, and yet like a torrent, hurries them all away with it; one or two perhaps only excepted.
You, in the spirit of some ancient legislators, would influence the manners of your country by the united powers of poetry and music. By what I can learn of their songs, the music was simple, conformed itself to the usual pronunciation of words, as to measure, cadence or emphasis, &c. never disguised and confounded the language by making a long syllable short, or a short one long when sung; their singing was only a more pleasing, because a melodious manner of speaking; it was capable of all the graces of prose oratory, while it added the pleasure of harmony. A modern song, on the contrary, neglects all the proprieties and beauties of common speech, and in their place introduces its defects and absurdities as so many graces. I am afraid you will hardly take my word for this, and therefore I must endeavour to support it by proof. Here is the first song I lay my hand on. It happens to be a composition of one of our greatest masters, the ever famous Handel. It is not one of his juvenile performances, before his taste could be improved and formed: It appeared when his reputation was at the highest, is greatly admired by all his admirers, and is really excellent in its kind. It is called, The additional Favourite Song in Judas Maccabeus. Now I reckon among the defects and improprieties of common speech, the following, viz.
1. Wrong placing the accent or emphasis, by laying it on words of no importance, or on wrong syllables.
2. Drawling; or extending the sound of words or syllables beyond their natural length.
3. Stuttering; or making many syllables of one.
4. Unintelligibleness; the result of the three foregoing united.
5. Tautology; and
6. Screaming, without cause.
For the wrong placing of the accent, or emphasis, see it on the word their instead of being on the word vain.

And on the word from, and the wrong syllable like.

For the Drawling, see the last syllable of the word wounded.

And in the syllable wis, and the word from, and syllable bove

For the Stuttering, see the words ne’er relieve, in

Here are four syllables made of one, and eight of three; but this is moderate. I have seen in another song that I cannot now find, seventeen syllables made of three, and sixteen of one; the latter I remember was the word charms; viz. Cha, a, a, a, a, a, a, a, a, a, a, a, a, a, a, arms. Stammering with a witness!
For the Unintelligibleness; given this whole song to any taught singer, and let her sing it to any company that have never heard it; you shall find they will not understand three words in ten. It is therefore that at the oratorio’s and operas one sees with books in their hands all those who desire to understand what they hear sung by even our best performers.

For the Tautology; you have, with their vain mysterious art, twice repeated; Magic charms can ne’er relieve you, three times. Nor can heal the wounded heart, three times. Godlike wisdom from above, twice; and, this alone can ne’er deceive you, two or three times. But this is reasonable when compared with the Monster Polypheme, the Monster Polypheme, a hundred times over and over, in his admired Acis and Galatea.
As to the screaming; perhaps I cannot find a fair instance in this song; but whoever has frequented our operas will remember many. And yet here methinks the words no and e’er, when sung to these notes, have a little of the air of screaming, and would actually be scream’d by some singers.

I send you enclosed the song with its music at length. Read the words without the repetitions. Observe how few they are, and what a shower of notes attend them: You will then perhaps be inclined to think with me, that though the words might be the principal part of an ancient song, they are of small importance in a modern one; they are in short only a pretence for singing. I am, as ever, Your affectionate brother,
B.F.
P. S. I might have mentioned Inarticulation among the defects in common speech that are assumed as beauties in modern singing. But as that seems more the fault of the singer than of the composer, I omitted it in what related merely to the composition. The fine singer in the present mode, stifles all the hard consonants, and polishes away all the rougher parts of words that serve to distinguish them one from another; so that you hear nothing but an admirable pipe, and understand no more of the song, than you would from its tune played on any other instrument. If ever it was the ambition of musicians to make instruments that should imitate the human voice, that ambition seems now reversed, the voice aiming to be like an instrument. Thus wigs were first made to imitate a good natural head of hair; but when they became fashionable, though in unnatural forms, we have seen natural hair dressed to look like wigs.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Peter Collinson, [1764–1765]
From: Collinson, Peter
To: Franklin, Benjamin

My Dear Friend.
Fryday [1764–1765]
I think you[r] Vindication is admirably well drawn up You make Mee Smile now and then with a keen back Stroke and then with a Home Thrust. It must Mortifie Allen for it cuts Him to the Quick. He has poisoned the Barclay Family. I wish you had one to spare to send my penny post Directed to Mr. David Barclay Junior in Cheapside.
If you have them not to spare I think they Should be reprinted Here you’l find them of great Service to remove prejudices.
I am much yours
P Collinson

Addressed: To / Ben Franklin Esqr. / at / Mrs Stephensons / in Craven Street / Strand


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Greenwood, [1764–1775]
From: Greenwood, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Mr. Greenwood,
[1764–1775]
Takes the Liberty to inform Dr. Franklin and friends that he has Three very large and Capital Pictures just arrived, and to be seen at an empty House, almost opposite the Cocoa Tree, Pall Mall, from Ten in the Morning till Three o’Clock.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Alexander Small, [c. 1764]
From: Small, Alexander
To: Franklin, Benjamin

[c. 1764]
I have just recollected that in one of our great storms of lightning, I saw an appearance, which I never observed before, nor ever heard described. I am persuaded that I saw the flash which struck St. Bride’s steeple. Sitting at my window, and looking to the north, I saw what appeared to me a solid streight rod of fire, moving at a very sharp angle with the horizon. It appeared to my eye as about two inches diameter, and had nothing of the zig-zag lighning motion. I instantly told a person sitting with me, that some place must be struck at that instant. I was so much surprized at the vivid distinct appearance of the fire, that I did not hear the clap of thunder, which stunned every one besides. Considering how low it moved, I could not have thought it had gone so far, having St. Martin’s, the New Church, and St. Clement’s steeples in its way. It struck the steeple a good way from the top, and the first impression it made in the side is in the same direction I saw it move in. It was succeeded by two flashes, almost united, moving in a pointed direction. There were two distinct houses struck in Essex street. I should have thought the rod would have fallen in Covent Garden, it was so low. Perhaps the appearance is frequent, though never before seen by Yours,
A.S.


Title: Poor Richard Improved, 1765
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

During Franklin’s first mission to England, 1757–62, he left the preparation of the annual issues of the Poor Richard almanacs to his partner, David Hall. When he returned to Philadelphia, Nov. 1, 1762, the issue for 1763 had already been on sale for a little over five weeks, and his extended travels through the northern colonies during the summer and fall of 1763 certainly prevented his helping to prepare the issue for 1764. Thus Poor Richard for 1765, publication of which the Gazette announced on Sept. 27, 1764, was the first in seven years to which he may have made any contribution as author, compiler, or editor.
Franklin’s deep involvement in political affairs during the summer of 1764 suggests that he again left in Hall’s hands at least the assembling of the usual astronomical and other data, and such lesser details as the selection of verses and aphorisms to be inserted on the pages for each month. Yet the preparation of the preface and the “literary” material that regularly occupied considerable space on the right-hand pages of the pairs allocated to each month may well have been a different matter. There is no external evidence that Franklin participated in any way in the preparation of this almanac, but examination of the preface and other “literary” material suggests strongly that he may have been responsible for most of it.
Passage of the Sugar Act in April 1764 certainly made him aware that a considerable disarrangement of the familiar patterns of colonial trade was impending, and especially that the foreign West Indies would be much more effectively cut off than before as a source for the continental colonies’ supply of sugar, molasses, and rum. These commodities, if imported only from the British islands, would go up in price; existing local taxes and the possible passage of a Stamp Act would increase the financial pinch. In his earlier editing of both Poor Richard and the Gazette he had often provided his readers with suggestions and practical information on expedients by which they could benefit themselves in adverse economic situations, and much of the material in Poor Richard for 1765 is of exactly the same sort. For this reason the editors believe there is a strong possibility that Franklin took time from his other activities during the summer of 1764 to write the preface and select the other material reprinted below from this issue. If so, it was certainly the last time that he made any contribution to Poor Richard before the dissolution of his partnership with David Hall. As has been the practice in earlier volumes of this edition, these extracts are printed as the first document of the year for which the almanac was issued.

Courteous Reader,
The Patriarch Noah, Founder of the New World after the Flood, is called a Preacher of Righteousness. Righteousness, or Justice, is, undoubtedly, of all the Virtues, the surest Foundation on which to erect and establish a new State. But there are two humbler Virtues, Industry and Frugality, which tend more to increase the Wealth, Power and Grandeur of the Community, than all the others without them. Of these Virtues Poor Richard has been a Preacher now more than thirty Years, and, he hopes, not without some Success. He finds, however, that his Audience increases, and is thence encouraged to continue his Admonitions, assuring all that practice them, that they will reap great Advantages to themselves, at the same time that they contribute to the Prosperity of their Country.
Taxes are of late Years greatly encreased among us, and now it is said we are to be burthened with the Payment of new Duties, while our Trade is at the same time to be curtailed and restricted. I do not mention these Things by Way of Complaint, or to excite Discontent in others. I know the late Wars have increased Public Debt, which can only be discharged by Taxes and Duties; and that ’tis just and necessary, public as well as private Debts should be honestly and punctually paid. I have heard too, that some of our Trade has been illegal, hurtful to the Nation, and therefore ought to be restricted: And yet, though in most Cases, my political Faith is, that what our Superiors think best for us, is really best; nevertheless, in what relates to our Commerce with the foreign Islands, I give some Credit to the Opinion of a very intelligent Merchant, my Neighbour; who assures me, that the West-India Planters, by superior Interest at home, have procured the Restraints to be laid on that Commerce, in order to acquire to themselves the Advantage of solely supplying with their Commodities, both Britain, and her Northern Colonies, and of Course a Power of raising their Prices on both at Pleasure. If so, and as we cannot help it if it is so; what are we to do, but, like honest and prudent Men, endeavour to do without the Things we shall, perhaps, never be able to pay for; or if we cannot do without them or something like them, to supply ourselves from our own Produce at home. To this End, I have collected and written a few plain Instructions, which you will find in the Right Hand Pages of each Month; First, for making good Wine of our own wild Grapes. Secondly, for raising Madeira Wine in these Provinces. Thirdly, for the Improvement of our Corn Spirits, so as they may be preferable to Rum. And this seems very material; for as we raise more Corn than the English West-India Islands can take off, and since we cannot now well sell it to the foreign Islands, what can we do with the Overplus better, than to turn it into Spirit, and thereby lessen the Demand for West-India Rum, which our Grain will not pay for? Fourthly, for supplying ourselves with a Syrup, every Way superior to Melasses; and Fifthly, for obtaining Sugar from our own Vegetables, in reasonable Plenty. These Things, if attended to, and practised with Success, may greatly relieve us. I show my Good-will, however, by offering them to your Consideration; which is all that is in the Power of Your faithful Servant,
Richard Saunders.

An important Observation of Aaron Hill, Esq; concerning the Wild Grapes of America, and the WINE that might be made of them.
“You will wonder (says he in his Letter to the Secretary of the Board of Trade) since Grapes are of so easy a Growth in those Countries, what unenterprizing Spirit has possessed the Inhabitants, that Wine is not a staple Commodity among them. The Truth is, they want Skill and Philosophy. Their Glebe having never been weakened by Culture, retains too rich and too oily a Rancour. Hence the Flesh of their natural Grapes is too clammy, and instead of a free fluid Liquor, emits, in the Pressing, a Juice of a ropy Consistence, like Jelly, mixed with a fibrous and pulpy coarse Substance, that floats up and down in the Liquor. And the natural Heat of those Latitudes exciting a rapid and strong Fermentation, this Excess in the Ferment is increased by the Foulness of too turbid a Must; so that before it can clarify it works itself acid.
“As they want a Conception of the Cause of this Fault, they are sure to fall short of its Remedy. They ought to dig Vaults, and therein let down close covered fermenting Backs, deep into the Ground, where the Air would be cooled and kept temperate; In these Backs, their bruised Grapes, after treading or breaking, should lie five or six or more Days, before Pressing; during which time the Skins, fermenting and soaking together with the Must, would, by Effect of their tartarous Salt, mixing with, and rarifying the oily Tenacity of the Juice, separate the Winey Part from the Fleshy, and give Thinness and Fluidity to the Liquor, so that being afterwards pressed out in Hair Bags, and put fine into the same Backs to work, the Fermentation would stop at its due Point of Time, and the Wine be rich, lively and durable.”
The above-mentioned Mr. Hill, being allowed to have great Skill in every thing relating to Wine and Vineyards, was consulted concerning the producing of Madeira Wine in America; on which he gave the following Advice and Information, viz.
That the Plants may be procured either by the Grape Stones, or Vine Cuttings, from Madeira.
That if Grape Stones are procured, they should be sowed in long Furrows or Trenches about five Inches in Depth, and the Trenches distant a Foot from each other. They will there shoot up the first Summer into well-rooted Vines, and may be transplanted in Autumn to their Places in the intended Vineyard. They will bear moderately the first Summer after transplanting, and plentifully the second.
But from the Cuttings you will have a Vineyard in half the Time. Their best Length is about 18 Inches, their Thickness not exceeding a Man’s little Finger. Both Ends, as soon as taken from the Vines, to be dipp’d in an equal Mixture of Tallow and Pitch melted together, and not more than Blood-warm, and sent over pack’d in Sand. They are to be planted in square Holes, nine Feet asunder, one Cutting in a Hole, not upright, but slanting to an Angle of 45 Degrees. The Earth pressed close about it, and about three Inches only appearing above the Surface. Near the End of the first Summer after the Planting, should the Land between the Plants be well digged, and so once a Year, and hoed over oftener, to cut up the Weeds.
A Pole, ten Feet long, should be fixed with each Plant, on the North Side of it, and close behind it. Only one upright Stem is to be suffered to shoot up, which, as fast as it rises, must be tied with a Rush to the Pole, that it may not be hurt by high Winds. And when the Side Branches are shot out the Length of a Yard, two other Poles should be fixed, one on each Side the central One, in the very same Line, and each three Feet distant therefrom. To these Side Poles must be tied the Side Shoots, which should always, on each Side the Stem, be kept to the Length of three Feet from the middle upright Body of the Vine. There will be Room for six Side Shoots on the Right, and six on the Left of the Stem; the Ends of the lowest of these being tied in horizontal Extent, to the right and left Side Poles, at about 18 Inches from the Ground, the next two at 18 Inches above them, and so upwards for the rest. In pruning, they should never be cut in Summer, lest the Wound bleed too much; but if at that Season any of the Shoots require shortening, break them off at a Joint, by a Snap, or bending back of the Shoot betwixt the Thumb and Fore-finger.
The farther Advices and Directions of this Gentleman, for the Gathering and Pressing the Grapes, and conducting the Fermentation, may be in our next Year’s Almanack.

How to manage the Distilling a Spirit from Rye, or other Grain, that shall be preferable to common Rum.
It is well known to Chymists, that all Spirit drawn from Vegetable Substances, is the same, when highly rectified. But as no drinkable Spirit is highly rectified, those drawn from different Vegetable Substances, retain something generally of the Qualities of the Substances from which they are drawn.
And as Bread Corn is rather more wholesome and agreeable to the Body of Man, than Sugar or Melasses, there can be no Doubt, that if the Spirits be drawn with equal Care and Judgment, those from Grain, so far as they retain the Qualities of Grain, shall be more wholesome than those from Melasses.
But the Corn Spirits made in our Country, have generally a vile burnt Smell and Taste, that renders them very disagreeable.
This arises from the fermented Grain being put into the Still, where it burns to the Sides, or Bottom, and thence communicates that offensive Smell to the Spirit; or from the Sediment of the Liquor burning to the Bottom, for want of Care and proper Management.
To prevent this, after the Fermentation is compleated, let the Liquor be strained as clear as possible from the Grains; to free the Grains more perfectly, you may, if you please, use a Hair-Cloth and Press.
The Liquor thus strained, tho’ as clear as you can well make it, will still have some Sediment, if suffered to be quiet in the Still for any Time.
You are therefore carefully to observe this easy Rule. Leave the Still open till the Liquor is almost hot enough to boil; and all the while keep it constantly stirring, that the grosser Parts may not settle to the Bottom, and there form a Sediment that will adhere and burn. When the Liquor is grown so hot that you judge it will soon boil, then clap on the Head and close it. When it boils, its own continual Motion from the Bottom upwards, will prevent a Sediment, and consequently that mischievous Burning.
Take Care also to supply your Wormtub constantly with cold Water, so that the Spirit as it runs may feel cool to your Hand.

Thus shall it come forth pure and sweet, and in the Opinion of unpreju[di]ced Judges, preferable to common Rum. Probatum est.
Concerning Sweets.
Our common Father has divided his Benefits among his Children, with more Equality than is generally apprehended.
To the Inhabitants of the West-Indies he has given the Sugar Cane, from which, by the forced Labour of Slaves, Sugar and Melasses are extracted, for their Masters Profit.
This is denied to us of the Northern Colonies: But then we have an Infinity of Flowers, from which, by the voluntary Labour of Bees, Honey is extracted, for our Advantage.
This Boon of Providence we do not make the most of.
Were People more attentive to the Management of Bees, great Profits would arise to the Owner, as well as to the Country, both from the Honey and the Wax.
Forty Gallons of Honey were produced on one Plantation near Oxford, in one Year.
Were this general, how little Need should we have of the coarse Sugars and Melasses of the West-Indies for our common Use. Metheglin, made from Honey, is a kind of Wine. Mead, a weaker Metheglin, is the best of Small Beer. Bread and Honey is pleasant and wholesome Eating. ’Tis a Sweet that does not hurt the Teeth. How many fine Setts might be saved; and what an infinite Quantity of Tooth Ach avoided!
Could the People of the Northern Colonies see and know, the extreme Slovenliness of the West-India Slaves in making Melasses, and the Filth and Nastiness suffered to enter it, or wantonly thrown into it, their Stomachs would turn at the Thoughts of taking it in, either with their Food or Drink.
But we have in our Power another Syrup, both pleasant and wholesome, capable of serving all the Family Purposes of Melasses, and more; I mean the Syrup produced by boiling down the express’d Juice of the Sweet Apple, before Fermentation, till it comes to a proper Consistence. A Gentleman in Bucks County, has, I am informed, practised this some Years, with great Success, plentifully supplying the Demands of his own Family, and having some to spare. It answers some Purposes of Sugar, and does extremely well in Tarts, &c.
And even Sugar itself is not quite out of our Power to make, though not from the Sugar Cane.
The express’d Juice of red Beets, strained and purified a little, then boiled down to the Consistence of a Syrup, and set in a warm Place for some Months, will grain into Sugar. Every two Pound of Beets makes two Ounces and a Half of Sugar.
And from the Sugar Maple great Quantities may be made. In the Frontiers of Connecticut they are now much in the Practice of it. A Friend, who has lately travelled that Way, assures me, that at Northfield, and so up to the Fort and Settlement, called No. IV. they make more than they can consume, and sell it at Eight Dollars and One Third per Hundred Weight. Some Families last Year made Five Hundred Weight.
Extract from Mr. Anderson’s History of the Rise and Progress of Commerce, containing some curious Chronological Anecdotes.
In the Year 1208 London’s first free Charter, for electing their own Magistrates, was obtained.
1212 London Bridge was built of Stone.
1234 Straw was used for the King’s Bed.
1246 Most of the Houses of London were covered with Thatch.
1266 Cities and Boroughs were first represented in Parliament.
1299 Spectacles and Windmills were invented.

1300 The Convenience of Chimnies was not known, but every Family sat round a Fire, in the Middle of a smoaky House. Wine was then sold only by Apothecaries, as a Cordial. The Houses were all of Wood, and it was reckoned a Kind of Luxury to ride in a two-wheel’d Cart.
1302 The Mariner’s Compass invented, by which a Voyage could be performed in three Months, which before took up three Years.
1340 The Parliamentary Grants to the King were then in Kind and 30,000 Sacks of Wooll was this Year’s Grant.
1344 Gold first coined in England.
1351 Groats and Half Groats were the largest Silver Coin.
1357 Coals first exported from New-Castle to London.
1391 Playing Cards invented in France for the King’s Amusement.
1405 Great Guns first used in England, at the Siege of Berwick.
1417 Paper, made of Linen Rags, invented.
1505 The first Shilling coin’d in England.
1509 No Sallads in England; Carrots, Turnips and Cabbages were imported from the Netherlands.
1543 Pins first made in England, before which the Ladies used skewers.
1547 Silk Stockings first worn by the French King.
1561 Queen Elizabeth wore the first Pair of Silk Stockings in England.
1577 Watches were first brought into England from Germany.
Memoirs of the Culture of SILK.
About 2500 Years before Christ, the Empress Siling began the Culture of Silk in China, where it was confined near 2000 Years, before it reached India and Persia.

A.D. 555 This Silk Culture first brought into Greece, particularly Athens, Thebes, and Corinth.
1130 Roger, King of Sicily, established it at Palermo and Calabria, by Work men brought from Athens and Corinth, at the Time of the Crusades.
1300 The Italians received it from Sicily.
1600 It was established in France.
1740 Begun in America. The best Levant Silk is brought from Shirvan and the other Northern Provinces of Persia, about the Caspian Sea, the same Climate as Pennsylvania. In Italy, One Hundred Mulberry Trees, well grown, are worth £100 Sterling per Annum. That Part of the Imperial Revenue in China, paid in Silk, amounts to above 955,000 lb. Troy, and perhaps this is not the twentieth Part of the Produce of that Empire. One Million of Trees disposed into Mulberry Walks, in Pennsylvania, would in a few Years, enable a yearly Remittance to Great-Britain of a Million Sterling, and no Ways interfere with the other necessary Branches of Labour in the Community.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Anthony Todd, 2 January 1765
From: Todd, Anthony
To: Franklin, Benjamin

General Post Office January 2d: 1765.
Mr. Todd presents his Compliments to Mr. Franklin, and is greatly distressed for want of the Clauses, and desires he would send them by the Bearer.

Addressed: To / Mr. Franklin

Endorsed: Mauduit agt for the Massachusetts at the olive Tree near the Sun Tavern South Side of St Pauls
Pump Court No. 4 two per Staim right hand S. Meredith


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Deborah Franklin, 8 January 1765
From: Franklin, Deborah
To: Franklin, Benjamin

My Dear Child
Philadelphia Jan the 8 1765
I donte think the Packit will sail at the time but I write lest it shold and I shold be found wantting in my Duty and you be displesd.
In the firste plase Salley is Come home Shee traveled the coldest day I ever felte or that I ever remember and staid at the ferry [?] house till the next day then walked over one halef of the river and then in the bote the other halef but Shee is att home Safe now and we air all blocked up Could. I donte think we have had so much Snow this thirtey years one Can hardly see the Topes of the postes now it is two deep to go a Slaying I am told the river is inhabeyted with Taverens but I have not seen it. Jamey Allin fell in but as mony pepel was on he had presente helpe. I did not hear that he got Cold. Poor Naney is quite fritened. She ses they hante such snowing wather in London and what makes it the more terrabel we hante Cole to burne which shee is sorrey for but their was an opertunity and Shee desired to go and keep Chrismas att Burlinton. So I wraped her in a dubel gound after Shee was drest and gave her sum good advise to keep her selef warme and she wente a way while it snowed faste. I hope shee got thair safe but I have not heard. The marbel fireplaces is come safe but be Kind eneuef to tell our worthey friend Mr. Collinson that thair was not one Case in ither of the Boxes. I sente for our Cusin Wilkison to take the marbel ought and Stueby to take Care of the bundel of Levess but it was not thair. The Mantel is quite Curis indeed, but I donte remember wather you sed in what room the beste [?] shold be put. Yisterday I Spook to Nabor Headock but he ses thair is no such Thing as painting till next March with ought the wather shold olter verey much so I muste indever to make my slef as esey as I Can but I did raly think I shold a bin allmoste ready to a mouefed as soon as this wather has brook up.

I send you a Bill inclosed Robinson is returned but did not see Mr. Foxcrofte. He staid thair as Long as his money lasted and longer. Foxcroft had a graite Cold and Co[u]ld not venter over as it was contrarey to the advise of his Doctor but Mr. Rolfe ses he writes him he shall be in town the end of this munth but I donte think he Can for shold it be ever so good wather the rhodes wold not be pasobel but I leve it as I know things will be as thay will.
I forgot wether I told you I had maid inquirey and anserd Mr. Chew and inquired a bought Thomas Millers Houses. Amos Struttel has Bought them at one third more than they air worth indeed I wold not a given a bove halef he has for them. I have had one letter from Sister mecom her youngest grand child is dead mabe I wrote that before. Cusin Devenporte is Cume home laste evening Col. Boqet [Bouquet] was to see us and Mr. Orrey. Salley will write I beleve this poste. All our friends and nabers is well, our good naber Soumains is well. We have receved our mrs Stephens letter by a friend by N. Yorke. We air glad to hear Ante Rookxs is better my Love to them and all our good friends our mr Bartram was to see us and asked us to celebrate his Birthday and his Dafters marag. Shee is sed [illegible] toke a young Marchant in town. We did not go. The wather was so sharpe. God bless you my dear Child. I am your afeckshenit wife
D Franklin
I long to know hough your Arm is and wather John was of aney Sarvis to you I hope you did not meet with any hurt in the passag.

Endorsed: Mrs Franklin Jan. 11. 1765 Answd


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Mary Stevenson, 9 January 1765
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson

Craven street Jan. 9. 65
Your good Mama and myself are both of Opinion that the Christmas Gambols at Bromley last a great deal too long. We expected you three Days ago.
Give my Compliments to Dr. Hawksworth, and tell him I have read three or four times, and every time with great Pleasure, his Dialogue in the Magazine between Mr. Sellaway and Friends in the Club. I call the Dialogue his, being sure that nobody else could write it: “Because why? The Thing speaks itself.”
I cannot conceive that any Inconvenience can arise from my loving young Ladies and their believing that I love them. Therefore you may assure your Friend Dolly that she judges right. I love all good Girls because they are good, and her for one Reason more, because you love her. I am, my dear Friend Yours affectionately
B Franklin

Endorsed: Jan 9–65


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Bernard Ogden, 9 January 1765
From: Ogden, Bernard
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Esteem’d Friend
Sunderland in the County of DurhamJany. 9. 1765
Though not personally acquainted yet I presume upon thy goodness to trouble thee with these few lines, to desire what Information thou may have in thy power to give relative to an Affair in Philidelphia or its Environs, the distance of which from hence, and not knowing whom to apply to, I hope will plead my excuse with thee the case as follows,
One Thos Cookson of Lancaster town or County died in 1751 or 2. leaving an only Daughter married to one Gallaway, this Daughter without Issue. Their is now living in this place two daughters of Cooksons only sister (he having no Brother,) who seem to be his Heirs, and as such have been applied to and Offer’d a sum of money for their right to their Uncles Effects now if thou could either from thy own knowledge or by recommending to a proper person, advise what steps the Heirs must take to come at the true value, of the Effects, thou wilt do an act of great kindness, for tho’ not in want, yet an addition will not be unseasonable but their circumstances are not such as tempt them to sell what may be their due to a disadvantage thy answer to this will be very agreable, and if in return I can be servisable to thee in this part of the World, thou wilt oblige mee by signifying thy request and by my ready compliance thou wilt be convinced how much I am thine
Bernard Ogden

By the Neices account Cookson seems to have been a surveyor of Land, some time Deputy Governor a Drawer of Conveyanc’s, one secretary Paters was Executor to his Will.

Addressed: For / Benjn Franklin Esqr / Pensylvania Agent / to be left at Peter Collinson / in Grace Church Street / London


Title: John Penn and the Provincial Commissioners: Order to Pay Benjamin Franklin, 11 January 1765
From: Penn, John,Provincial Commissioners
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Philada. Jany. 11th. 1765.
Pay to Benjamin Franklin Esqr. or order the Sum of Fifty five Pounds in full of his Salary as a Commissioner appointed to dispose of and apply the late Grant from this Province of £55,000 to His Majesty’s Use.

  John Penn

£55 — —

  Jos: Fox

To Charles Norris
}
  Lynford Lardner

  Mahlon Kirkbride
  Thos: Cadwalader

  and John Morton, Esqrs
  Jos. Galloway

Janry 12th. 1765 Reed of Chas Norris

Jon Hughes

Fifty five Pounds in full of the above Order
Jos: Fox


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to David Hall, 12 January 1765
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Hall, David

Dear Mr. Hall,
London, Jan. 12. 1765
I received your kind Letter of Nov. 22. and thank you for your good Wishes in my Behalf. I had, after a short Passage, the Pleasure of finding our Friend Strahan and all his Family well and happy; and my other Friends as cordial as ever. I am oblig’d to you for calling so often at our House, and doubt not a Continuance of your Friendly Offices towards my little Family, which need them more than ever, as we have now more Enemies.
I received the Papers, and should be glad you would send me withal any new Pamphlets that may come out among you in my Absence.
Mr. Karr of the Pennsylvania Coffee House desires you would send the Papers to him directed agreable to the enclos’d.
The Printing Press I have enquired after, and find it is not yet done.
As to the Politics of this Country, there has lately been a dead Calm, the Heart of the Minority seeming to be broke, by the Death of sundry of the Leaders, and of the Barkers. Whether any thing will revive the Opposition during the Session of Parliament now begun, I cannot guess, but rather think it unlikely.

My love to Cousin Molly, and tell her I took extreamly kind the Lines she sent me just at my Departure, tho’ I had not time to answer them. I pray for every Blessing on her and you, and all yours, being with great Sincerity Your affectionate Friend and humble Servant
B. Franklin

Addressed: To / Mr David Hall / Printer / Philadelphia / via N York / per Packet
Endorsed: Mr. Franklin, January 12. 1765. [And in another hand:] For Perusal.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from James Parker, 14 January 1765
From: Parker, James
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honoured Sir
Woodbridge, Jan. 14. 1765.
In Hopes you have received a Letter from me since your Leaving us, which I sent inclosed in one to Mr. Strahan, from New York, per a Merchant Ship, I now attempt a Second to you: I therein told you, I had taken Dunlap’s Deed to you according to your Instructions, and taken McCleave’s Bond for the Money he proposed on that Score. I was returned from Philadelphia, before your Letter from the Capes came up, wherein you mention McNott’s Affair: I upon the Notice you wrote about it, wrote to Dunlap and McNott: the latter of which informed the other that he had agreed to pay you, and that it would suit him better so to do, that he had wrote to his Agent in England to pay you, and that those Orders were gone home: that however he Mr. McNott agreed to give you a Bond for the Money due, which if paid in England could be afterwards taken up, which Bond he executed and sent to me, so I give Dunlap Credit for it: This I hope will be agreeable to your Instructions or Intentions: The Sum is £48 4s. 10d. payable the first of May next. Mr. Foxcroft is not come up from Virginia yet, tho’ as I was let to understand he would be up about Christmass, and I not having heard from him to the Contrary, I set out the last of the Year to meet him there, but then met a Letter informing he could not come till the Beginning of February, so I returned again. The Winter had seemed middling, till the 25th of December, when a violent Snow Storm happened, and it has been cold ever since, Snow several Times, and once for 48 Hours together about eight Days ago, and the Snow is now on a Level with us a little more than 3 Feet deep, and in some Banks above 6 Feet. Delaware River and Brunswick all close—the Ferry to New-York extremely difficult, the Bay full of Ice. It is thought by most, that from the 25th Decem. to this Day, the Weather has exceeded the hard Winter of 1740. God only knows, whether it will continue so long or not. I fancy it is very bad to the Eastward, no Post having come in for a Fortnight past from that Way. We do the best we can this Way. I am desired to send you the four last Philadelphia News papers, which I do with this: Wish to hear of your safe Arrival. All your Friends of Philadelphia, Burlington, &c. were well: nothing more material since your Departure as I know of, but what the News-papers will inform you of, which being what is needful at this Time, we all join in respectful Complements, and remain Your most obliged Servant
James Parker.
PS. I have wrote to Mr. Strahan, that I hoped you would pay off the Ballance of my Account to him.

Addressed: For / Dr. Benjamin Franklin / Craven-Street / London
Endorsed: J. Parker Jan. 1765


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from James Parker, 22 January 1765
From: Parker, James
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honoured Sir
Woodbridge. Jan. 22. 1765
About seven Days ago, hearing one Capt. Kid was about to sail for London from New-York, and the Packet by whom this is design’d to go not being come in then; I wrote you, at the same Time sent a Packet of News-papers, being the four last of the Pensylvania Gazette wherein was some Pieces wrote concerning your Remarks on the Protest. That Packet with the Letter I had put in the Ship’s Bag, but whether this may not get to your Hand before that or no, I can’t say, tho’ that Ship was to have sailed before this: The Packet came in Wednesday last, and is to sail next Wednesday, and as I suppose you will have Letters from Philadelphia by this same Packet, I need say little about them: only that your People are all well, Mr. Foxcroft not come up from Virginia yet, tho’ expected next Month: I told you in my two last, I had taken Dunlap’s Deed of the Land of McCleve, &c. That I had also Maj. McNott’s Bond for £40 odd Pound: and that he had said he had sent Orders to his Agent to pay you that in London: which if he does, on your Receipt he can have his Bond up: I did the best I could in both those Matters, but whether they may turn out well, I can’t say; for I just now received the inclosed Piece from Mrs. Franklin, who says, a Man has applied to her about it; but in your Absence, I don’t know what to say: Besides the House upon it, and some Land, is reserved by the Deed to McCleave during his Life, and I don’t know any Answer I can send as I have no Power in it, nor do I know who you left, if any Power with any Body, to do any Thing with it: I cannot help taking Notice, that while the Writer degrades the Land, he thinks a Tenant might get a Living on it, provided You would allow for Repairs: &c. I shall write about what he says they are now destroying the Place more than before, to have McCleave spoke to about it, tho’ its very possible that may be the Case, and as it is now convey’d to you, some Measures should be taken to prevent any Waste being committed on it, which your Orders and Directions are the best Rule to go by.
The first Snow we had here this Winter was the 19th of December, and we have not had a Drop of Rain since, but continual Snows: The Snow is now very deep, we having had two hard Snows within 5 Days past. And our great Puffers of our pretending to go into Woollen Manufactures must find their Puffs vain, when they will know, that this long Snow will kill more Sheep to the Northward of Philadelphia, than will be bred next Summer: In our Neighbourhood, being near the Salts, we have as good a Chance of rearing Sheep thro’ the Winter as almost any Place in these Parts and some of my Neighbours have already lost a Sixth of their Flock, and as the Prospect is melancholly it is probable a Quarter will die in general: for the Snow looks as if it would lie a great While: and if it continues as many Weeks as it has been, many will lose one Half: The Ground has not been seen near my House these 4 Weeks. The Weather has been excessive cold, tho’ we have now and then a little Relaxation, yet not so much as to thaw any Places that are frozen. Many People here think it exceeds the Year 1740, for the Time it has been, but hope it may not continue so long.
I think, if I remember right, just before you went off, you talked of giving me the Book of Accounts of Benny Mecom, but you did not, nor do I know any Thing of it. I have had but very few Letters from him since he has been at New Haven, tho’ I have wrote sundry Times to him, especially pressing him to settle the Post-Office Accounts, and he promises that it shall be done, I expect them every Post: I don’t know what sort of a Hand he makes of it, but he prints no Newspapers, altho’ Green prints one at Hartford:
I have wrote twice to Mr. Strahan since your Departure, with which I sent a small Bill: but as I find I have no Dependance on Mr. Holt, I hope you will pay Mr. Strahan my Ballance as proposed, and I must look to my own Hands for the Repayment, which I hope to accomplish.
I think I told you, that I purpose to go to Philadelphia, some Time in February, to prosecute the Business you enjoined me, by which Time I hope to hear of your safe Arrival in England.
If any Thing needful remains, I must defer it till next, for I don’t recollect any Thing material: We all join in respectful Complements, whilst I remain Your most obliged Servant
James Parker.

Addressed: For / Dr. Benjamin Franklin / Craven-Street / London / From J Parker / per Packet


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Joseph Galloway, 23 January 1765
From: Galloway, Joseph
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir,
Philada. Jany. 23. 1765
I wrote you a few Lines this morning, in a hurry, not expecting to meet with another Opport[unit]y by this Packet, but in that I am agreably disappointed, by an Express that Sets of[f] for N. York in the morning.
The Assembly has been now Setting Since the Seventh of this Instant, and no Terms of Accommodation from the Governor has yet appeard, nor is there any probability thereof. It Seems, instead of them, the Governor has Sent down to the Provincial Commissioners of Appeal, A Letter, Direction or Mandate, a Copy of which [I] Inclose. From a View whereof we find that altho at last the Proprietors, from the dread of displeasure of men who he has found means grossly to deceive consents to an Equitable Taxation of their uncultivated Located Lands; yet they cannot prevail on themselves to do the people of Pennsylvania the same Justice with respect to their [torn] the Injustice is proportionately much higher.

But with what Propriety, this Letter was directed to the Commissioners of appeal, I am not able to discover. The words of the Law is to be the Rule of Assessment to the Commissioners and Assessors, They have taken a Qualification to obey and execute them, and as they are plain and Explicit and enacted by men who well understood the different Qualities of this kind of property. How then can the Commissioners of Appeal deviate from the words of the Law which are, that the “Uncultivated Lands belonging to the Proprietors shall not be assessed higher than the lowest rate at which those of the Inhabitants Shall be assessed,” and the best of the latter are by the Same Law directed to be assessed at £15 per Cent. and the lowest or worst at £5 per Cent. only? Did the Governor Conclude he had the Power of the Pope to dissolve those Gentlemen from their Qualifications. Or is not this Letter of a piece with all the rest of their Iniquitous and trifling Conduct? For, why have not the Governors in all this Time lay[d] this desire of the Proprietarys to have this part of their Lands tax’d with Equity before the Assembly, the only place to obtain it. Is it because they are afraid to own themselves unjust in their late Claim? Or is it because they Suspect that if they shoud agree to do Justice to the people in this respect they will demand it also with respect to his City Lots, which trifling as it is in the whole, their Sordid Souls cannot Consent to Give up?
The Majority, you left at your Departure in Assembly, continue firm and resolved in their Desires to get rid of a Proprietary Government. The Minority are So Sensible of their want of Power that the[y] have not made the least Attempt to Oppose or prevent it by any measures in the House. And the people are every day growing more unanimous in the Same Wishes.
Mr. Croghan tomorrow Set of[f] for Carlisle on his way to the Illinois Country, to take possession thereof In behalf of the Crown, and Expects to Complete his Design by the month of May, he is to be attended by another Gentleman, an Officer of the Army and 100 of the Troops from Fort Pitt. But before he departs from that Place he proposes to obtain Hostages from the Delawares and Shawanese for his safe passage through their Country and his return. In Short the precautions he intends to take shoud he Succeed in them renders it very probable he will meet with success, and do that at a trifling Expence which has Cost the Crown and this Province [as] I am informed near half a Million.
Your Family were well a few hou[rs ago] as was the Governor your Son who left My House this Morning. But I conclude they will write. I am Dear Sir Your Affectionate humble Servant
Jos. Galloway

Addressed: To / Benjamin Franklin Esquire / Deputy Post Master general / of No. America in / Craven Street / London / Per Packet
Endorsed: Mr. Galloway Jan: 23. 1765


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Humphrey Senhouse, 31 January 1765
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Senhouse, Humphrey

Sir,
Cravenstreet, London, Jan. 31. 65
I wish I could give you any Encouragement to hope Relief in your Case by means of Electricity. No Instance of the kind has fallen within my Knowledge. On the contrary, I have try’d it on some Patients, but without the least Success. I am, Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin

Addressed: To / Major Senhouse / in / Carlisle
Endorsed: Jany. 31 – 1765 Dr. Benjn. Franklin to H Senhouse Electricity no cure for Deafness


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Charles Garth, [1 February 1765]
From: Garth, Charles
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Queen’s Square, BloomsburyFriday Morning [February 1, 1765]
Mr. Garth presents his Compliments to Mr. Franklin, begs Leave to acquaint him, that the Request of the Agents for ½ an hour’s Audience to their Deputation was yesterday mention’d to Mr. Grenville, who was pleas’d to signify his Compliance therewith, and that he would send us Notice when he would choose to be attended.

Addressed: To / B. Franklin Esqr. / in Craven Street


Title: Notes on Parliamentary Precedents, [c. 6 February? 1765]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

Among Franklin’s papers are two sheets on which he entered notes about three acts of Parliament. One sheet, written on both sides, is badly torn at the top and down one edge. The other, of which he used only one side and which is in better condition, is a continuation of the first. The acts in which he was interested had granted to areas not previously represented in the House of Commons the right to send knights and burgesses: 28 Hen. VIII, cap. 26 (1535/6), relating to the principality of Wales; 34 and 35 Hen. VIII, cap. 13 (1542), to the county palatine of Chester; and 25 Car. II, cap. 9 (1672), to the county palatine of Durham. Each of these acts contains a preamble setting forth the reasons for granting representation to the region concerned and to certain boroughs or cities in it.
Franklin wrote out, in full or in abstract, what seemed to him the pertinent parts of these preambles, sometimes underlining the most significant phrases or passages, and he noted the grants of representation. He added his own commentary pointing out analogies to the situation of the American colonies: Wales had not been part of the “Realm” of England before being “incorporated” during the reign of Henry VIII, and neither were the colonies under George III; if the two counties palatine had been unjustly subjected to legislation and taxation without representation in Parliament, the same was true of the colonies.
Franklin did not date his notes and it is impossible to say with certainty just when he made them. The time was obviously between the beginning of the agitation over the Stamp Act in 1765 and the final breakdown of efforts to effect an accommodation between the mother country and the colonies in 1775. Almost certainly he did this work early in the period, when discussion of the relation between taxation and representation was first coming to the fore, and when other writers in Great Britain were also using historical precedents and analogies—the cases of Wales, Chester, and Durham among them—to bolster their arguments on one side of the debate or the other.
Franklin’s specific purpose in examining the statutes and making these notes is also unclear. He may have intended to use the material in one of his letters to the English press or in some separate pamphlet, but study of his known writings during these years reveals no direct use of these precedents, although the contention that the colonies were not a part of the realm appears several times, among others during his examination before the House of Commons on the repeal of the Stamp Act, Feb. 13, 1766. Another possibility is that he gathered this material to pass along to some other writer, such as his friend Thomas Pownall. The former governor of Massachusetts cited the three precedents (though not exactly as Franklin might have wished) in the third edition of his Administration of the Colonies, published in January 1766, and he enlarged upon them in the fourth and fifth editions of 1768 and 1774.
A stronger possibility seems to the editors to be that these notes have some connection with a paper written by Franklin’s co-agent, Richard Jackson. An undated draft in Jackson’s hand endorsed by Franklin “Mr. Jackson’s Opinion of Parliamentary Power over the Colonies” survives among Franklin’s papers. It is printed directly following the present document. In Jackson’s draft he noted that Parliament had made laws “at all times” for the colonies, for the Kingdom of Ireland, and for Wales, Durham, and Chester. He went on to discuss the decisions to “blend” the last three “with the other parts of the Kingdom” and to give them representation in Parliament, and he particularly cited the preambles of the Chester and Durham acts. Carl Van Doren has suggested that Jackson drafted this paper at about the same time that he delivered a speech in the House of Commons, Feb. 6, 1765, opposing the pending Stamp Bill. One of the reports of this speech indicates that in its course Jackson produced copies of the Chester and Durham acts, particularly mentioning their preambles, as precedents for direct representation of the colonies in the legislative body that imposed taxes on them. The suggested date of his manuscript among the Franklin papers, therefore, may be at least approximately correct.
If there is a direct connection, as seems quite likely, between Franklin’s notes and the use of the same precedents in the speech and the draft manuscript of his friend and co-agent, it would be tempting to speculate as to which of the two men suggested to the other the potential usefulness of the examples of Wales, Chester, and Durham in the debate over taxation of the American colonies. The present editors, however, have been unable to find any conclusive external evidence of such a connection, however plausible it seems, so all that appears to be historically justified is to print these two documents from the Franklin papers, one by Franklin, and the other by Jackson, in direct sequence under the probable date of the Jackson paper, and to permit the reader to form his own judgment as to the relationship, if any, that may exist between them.

[1765–1775]
[27 Hen. VIII, cap. 26. Preamble. Albeit the Dominion and Principality of Wales is and ever hath been united to and under the Imperial Crown of this Realm, whereof his Majesty is very Head, nevertheless because in the Principality divers rights, usages and laws are far discrepant from the Laws and Customs of this Realm, and also because the] People of that Dominion [have a speech not consonant to the natural Mother Tongue] used in this Realm.

[And] some ignorant People made a Dis[tinction between the King’s] Subjects of the Realm and his Subjects of [Wales]
[His] Highness therefore
[Of his] Love to his Subjects of the Principality,
[And to] bring the Subjects of his Realm and those of his [Dominion] to Concord and Unity.
[By the] Advice of Lords and Commons, and Authority of the same hath enacted, that henceforth
[The] said Country or Dominion of Wales shall be incorporated with his Realm of England.
[It] seems clear, that before this Act, Wales was not under[stood as] within the Realm, tho’ subject to the same Prince. [And was] Subject to the Crown, tho’ not to the Parliament.
[To sub]ject it to Laws made by the Latter it was thought [right?] to give it all the “Freedoms, Liberties, RIGHTS [and Laws], that the King’s Subjects naturally born within this [Realm had] and enjoy’d.”
[And] among the rest § 29 the Right of sending Knights [and Burg]esses to Parliament.
[The Sta]tute of the 34th and 35th. Hen. 8. cap. 13. Preamble sets forth, [that the] County Palatine of Chester had hitherto been excluded [from the] high Court of Parliament, to have any Knights and Burgesses [in the] said Court
By Reason whereof
[It] had sustained manifold Disherisons, Losses and Damages as well in [their Lands, Goods, and Bodies as in the good government of the Commonwealth of the country, and have been bound by the Statutes and yet had no Knights] or Burges[ses in the Court of Parliament for the said County Palatine, the inhabitants for] lack thereof have [often been touched and grieved with Acts and] Statutes made within the s[aid Court, as well derogatory unto the most] ancient Privileges and Liberties, and p[rejudicial to the common We]alth, quietness, rest, and Peace of the King’[s Subjects inha]biting within the same.

For Remedy whereof
It is enacted that the County of Chester [shall have] two Knights, and the City two Burgesses, &c.
Which Knights and Burgesses were to [have like Author]ity, to all Intents and Purposes, like Lib[erties, Dig]nities, Privileges, &c. &c. with other Knig[hts and Burgesses.]
Notes,
The Preamble is part of the Chester [Petition.]
It charges preceding Parliaments w[ith doing the] County great Injustice, with wronging the [people by] depriving them of their Liberties, destroying [their Peace.]
These Charges are repeated or twice m[entioned?]
The Parliament does not deny or exten[uate them.]
But allows their Truth, and adopts the[m in the] Preamble of the Act.
If the County Palatine of Chester, belong[ing to the King, and] near him, under his Eye and immediate Protect[ion]
Might be and was oppress’d by Parlia[ment]
As they had no Representative there
How much more liable to such Oppr[ession may the] King’s Colonies in America suppose them[selves to be]
Without Representatives in Par[liament.]
It is probable the Parliamentary Authority [they ac]knowledge they had been bound by, was introduc’d by the King’s Governing them by Ordinances, first without mentioning Parliament, perhaps before Parliament existed; and afterwards to give greater Appearance of Authority, mentioning Parliament.
  Statute 25. Car. II. c. 9. Preamble sets forth
That the Inhabitants of the County Palatine of Durham have not hitherto had the Liberty and Privilege of sending Knights and Burgesses to Parliament.
“Altho’ liable to all Payments, Rates and Subsidies granted by Parliament equally with the Inhabitants of other Counties who have Knights in Parliament.

“[And] are therefore concerned equally with others the Inhabitants of this Kingdom to have Knights and Burgesses in Parliament of THEIR OWN Election to represent the condition of their Country, as the Inhabitants of other Counties have,” &c.
  This contains the strongest Parliamentary Acknowledgments and Authority of this Truth.
That a People liable to Rates and Subsidies granted by Parliament, are THEREFORE intitled to have Representatives in Parliament
“Of their own Election.”
“To represent the Condition of their Country.”
  Which could not otherwise be so well understood or taken care of.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Trusler, 6 February 1765
From: Trusler, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
London February 6th. 176 5
The Literary Society desirous of extending their Scheme, and rendering it as general as possible, have presumed to enclose one of their Plans, and are induced to hope, should it meet with your Approbation, for the Honour of your Name as a Subscribing Member, and for any further Encouragement you may think proper to assist them with. An Answer directed to me opposite the High House, King Street, Covent Garden, will be esteemed a Favour, by the Collective Body. I am Sir In the Name of the Society, Your most obedient humble Servant.
Jno. Trusler

Addressed: To / Dr. Franklin.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Mary Stevenson, 8 February 1765
From: Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir,
Kensington Feb. 8. 1765
I got home extremely well last night, and met with nothing to make me uneasy but my own reflections. Before I came to pall mall I repented my acceptance of your obliging offer, for I consider’d myself as the cause of what the poor coachman suffer’d from the cold, which I might have avoided. This reflection destroy’d the tranquility which the fineness of the evening would have inspir’d.
My aunts were both very uneasy, not on my account, but my mother’s, who they thought was very ill by my staying so late. What a train of bad consequences upon one false step!
I hope my mother is better; my aunt continues to mend. Don’t forget to execute your project for sunday. I am Dear Sir Your faithful and affectionate Servant
M Stevenson

Addressed: To / Dr Franklin


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, 9 February 1765
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Deborah

My dear Child,
London, Feb. 9. 1765
I have been so hurried of late, that I could not write much by this Packet. One Letter to the Speaker, and one to you, is all I shall be able to make out. Thanks to God, I am got perfectly well, my Cough quite gone. My Arms, too, continue mending, so that I can now put on and off my Cloaths, but do not practice it yet, as it still hurts me a little. John continues with me, behaves very well, and talks of returning with me.
Mrs. Stevenson has bought the Things you wrote for, and they will go in Capt. Robinson. She presents her Compliments, and wishes you would come over and bring Sally. I purpose sending in the Chest some Books for Cousin Colbert, if the Bookseller sends them in time enough.
I hope to be able to return about the End of Summer. I will look out for a Watch for Sally, as you desire, to bring with me. The Reason I did not think of it before, was your suffering her to wear yours, which you seldom use your self.
Major Small arriv’d here about 3 Weeks since, very well, and gave me the Pleasure of hearing that he left you and Sally and our other Children well also. The News of Col. Bouquet’s Success gave great Satsifaction here, but to none more than myself, upon his Account as well as the Country’s.
I don’t know whether I mentioned in any former Letter that I could wish you to send me what Letters come to your hands directed for me in my Absence. I particularly want those that went from the Post Office here.
I am oblig’d to our Landlord for his Civility, and shall always remember it. I hope by this Time your Trouble of Moving is over, and that you are compleatly settled.
I went to see Mrs. West. She was then unwell, and I did not see her; and have since been too busy; but shall wait on them again very soon.
My Love to all. I am, my dear Debby, Your affectionate Husband
B Franklin
I rec’d. yours of Dec. 6. 12, and 19.

Addressed: To / Mrs Franklin / at the Post Office / Philadelphia / via New York / per Packet / Free B Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Deborah Franklin, 10–21 February 1765
From: Franklin, Deborah
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Feb the 10, [1765]
I am set down to Confab a littel with my dear child as it Semes a Sorte of a hollow day for we have an ox arosteing on the river and moste pepel semes plesd with the a fair but as I partake of none of the divershons I stay at home and flatter myselef that the next packit will bring me a letter from you.
By the laste packit thair was a letter from mr. Jackson to you the poste Came in laite att night I did not know hough to ackte as you had not sed aney thing to me a bought what I shold due with the letters had it a bin direckted to the Speker I shold a sent it to Mr. Fox but in the morning Billey Franklin Came to town and he and Mr. Galloway Came and [red?] the letter thay sed tha wold write to you as I supose Billey did for he did not stay in town maney minites as he had letters to send. He had not heard the packi[t] was cumin when he lefte home which was the reson he maid no stay.
We have nothing stiring amoungst us but phamlits [pamphlets] and Scurrilitey but I have never sed or dun aney thing or aney of our famely you may depend on it nor shall we. All our good friends Cole [call] on us as yousall [usual] and we have bin asked ought but I have not gon but Salley has within this mounth but Shee was att Billeys all moste seven weeks.
This day the man is a puting up the fier plases that Came from London the darke one is in the parler. I am in hopes the harthes will be laid the wather will begin to be wormer and the Sun Stronger. The plasterer is a finishing the lathing of the stair Cases and I am a geting the lore parte of the house clened ought readey for the laying the kitching flore all this a bought the house.
Now a littel of what hapens Dr. Whit of Jermanton deyed this week. Mr. Plumsted in comin from N York had liked to be drounde he fell in seven times he gave a man ten pounds to pul him over the river on a bord leyin flat doune. He was in that Condishun for two owers but got home well and not aney Cold as I hear of. Now for a verey good pees of news our Governer gave in money for the poor ten pounds and fortey Cord of wood which is worth Sixtey pounds and more as it is sold now you donte know hough everey bodey loves him and we think our Governer is a kingbird. Salley is well and will write this time. Our Nabor Thomsons is verey well and our other friends. My love to Mrs. Stephenson to our Polley to Mr. and Mrs. Strahan and their whole famely and all of our friends.

Feb. 17
Sens I wrote the above our Cusin Antoney Willkison deyed verey sudenly. I had not herd that he was unwell tell his man Came for me he was dead he sed I have not seen my Cusin sense as the wather is so verey sever and slepey. On Freyday I got a man to helpe Gorge to Cute and Clear a way the Ise att the street dore and a bought the pump and [guter?]. It was near three feet thick. I never knew such a winter in my time but I am in hopes the worste of the wather is over. For severel day Gorge and my selef have bin att the New house a geting the roomes readey for the painter as Mr. Hadock ses he hopes he shall get to worke in march. I shall get the harthes Laid and if verey Cold wather is then we Can make a fier to prevent the painte reseveing aney dommaig. I only wish I was remouefed then I hope to be more relieved but I have not one ower my one att this time as a reporte is got aboute that you air arived in London and our friends all Come to know for them selves. The Mr. Whortons have all bin to inquier Hugh Robertes, Abel James and maney more.

Feb. the 21
Yisterday the letters by the packit Came and I had flattered my selef that I shold a heard that you was arived att laste but it was not so but I hope by nexte packit that I shal heare that you air safe and well. Salley writes so I leve to her to tell hough Billey duse for I donte know wather he knew that the packit is to saile so soon as nexte Satterday. Coll. Bouquet has Cold Several times to see us as Cap. Orrey thay air bouth verey well. This morning is so verey Cold that I Can hardly hold a pen in my hand so shall write to you agen as soon as posabel. Brother and Sister is well not one word of Mr. Foxcrofte but the Suthren poste is not Com in nor has the Virjaney maile for more than two munthes. Mr. Mickill leyes dead now he was walking out his dore the day before he deyed.
Sense I wrote the a bove Mr. Hall Came in with the mareyland papear no Virjaney maile. Mr. Hall desiers to be rememberd to you my love to Mrs. Stephenson it wold be neadles to menshon names as everey bodey desiers to be remember to you. I am my Deareste Childe youre afeckshonet wife
D Franklin

Endorsed: Mrs Fn. Feb. 21 1765 Answd


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to [Thomas Pownall], [11–12 February? 1765]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Pownall, Thomas

Sir
[February 11–12? 1765]
I send you enclos’d the Paper you desire. You will judge of the Propriety of Publishing it as it is, or what Alterations should be made in it. If there were any Liklihood of its being adopted, I could rather wish it were presented to the Ministry, provided their present Scheme of a Stamp Act might be laid aside.