Title: To John Adams from Edward Hill, 4 September 1774
From: Hill, Edward
To: Adams, John

      Sir
      Boston August September 4th. 1774

     I wrote you a fortnight ago by Mr. Sullivan, since which almost every day has produced some new matter of joy to the friends of Liberty. The proceedings of the people at Salem Cambridge and other places—the resignation of many of the new Councillors—the behaviour of both juries at the Superior Court held here the last week; are some of the most important. I had proposed to send you a very particular account of these and to touch upon all the rest but Mr. Tudor having inform’d me that he has wrote you all the news, I think it unnecessary.
     All the actions for trial both the continued actions and the new entries were continued of Course to the next term for want of Juries. I entered all the Complaints and had judgment affirmed and shall take out the executions immediately. Mr. S. Quincy who appeared in the case of McCobb vs Gridley which was defaulted, entered his appeal by which I was prevented entering a Complaint. There were several other actions in the same predicament; all of which were continued for Advisement. I fil’d a Complaint how ever with the Clerk as I did not know whether it could be done at the next term if the Court should determine that the appeal was void. In the Case of Jackson vs Quincy the Plaintiff being dead I got a Gentleman to move that the Executor might come in and prosecute—and a minute was made accordingly. Mr. J. Quincy press’d very hard that the Case of Hallowell and Reeve might come on to be heard in Chancery I think. Mr. B Gridley opposed the motion for you and the Court continued it for this reason that it being a law matter and assigned for the second week it would be unfair to go on at that time in the absence of both the party and his Attorney.
     There was but one Argument during the Session which was in the Case of Gregg vs Dumas esqr. Many people were disappointed that the Bar did not refuse to go on with any Business. An Advertisement was posted up at the Court house threatning death to any one of the Bar who should appear at Court to do any Business. One of those was posted upon the Door of the Offices of both the Quincys.
     I cannot omit mentioning that I was present when the People assembled at Cambridge; and never saw men who appear’d so determined to pursue the measures they had plan’d. They were dress’d just as they are at work. Every man appeared as composed as if they were at a funeral. I saw many among them whom I should judge were 60 and 70 years of age.
     Mr. Mifflin of Phila. in a letter dated 27th Ulto. received last night writes my father that the Gentlemen were arrived from So. Carolina and New Hampshire and that the Gentlemen from this place were expected that night.
     I spent last Sabbath at Braintree with Mr. Trumbull who expects to leave us in a few days; Mrs. Adams will write you by this Conveyance.
     The following are the names of those of the Council who took the oaths but have since refused—(Voluntarily) A. Oliver Esq., Colo. Watson, Isaac Winslow, Jos. Lee, Saml. Danforth, J. Simpson, T. Hutchinson junr.—(by compulsion) Timo. Paine, A. Willard, Thos. Oliver. Messrs. Lee and Danforth were obliged to declare their having resigned in person to the Body at Cambridge — it is expected that not one will hold out a week longer.

      I remain with much respect, yr. most obed. Servt.,
      EDW. Hill


Title: I. Heads of Grievances and Rights, 9 September 1774
From: Adams, John,Continental Congress
To:

        ante 9 September? 1774

      Whereas since the Accession of the present King, Parliament has claimed a Power of Right to bind the People of the Colonies in North America by Statutes in all Cases whatsoever: And for carrying the said Power into Execution, has by some Statutes expressly taxed the People of the said Colonies, and by divers other Statutes under various Pretences, but in Fact, for the Purpose of raising a Revenue, has imposed “Rates and Duties” payable in the said Colonies, established a Board of Commissioners, and extended the Jurisdiction of Courts of Admiralty therein, for the Collection of such “Rates and Duties”— And whereas some of the said Statutes are also intended to render all Judges in the said Colonies dependant upon the Crown only—And whereas since the said Accession, Statutes have been made for quartering and supplying Troops to be kept in the said Colonies—And whereas since the Conclusion of the last War, orders have been issued by the King, under his sign manual that the Authority of the Commander in Chief, and under him, of the Brigadiers-general in the Northern and Southern Departments, in all military Affairs, shall be supreme, and must be obeyed by the Troops as such, in all the Civil Governments in America.
      And whereas a Statute was made in the seventh Year of this Reign, “for suspending the proceedings of the Assembly of New York &c” and Assemblies in these Colonies have of late Years been very frequently dissolved.
      And whereas during the present Reign, dutiful and reasonable Petitions to the Crown from the Representatives of the People in these Colonies have been repeatedly treated with Contempt.
      And whereas it has been lately resolved in Parliament, that by Force of a Statute made in the 35th Year of Henry the 8th, Colonists may be carried to England and tried there, on Accusations for Offences committed in these Colonies: And by a Statute made in the 12th Year of the Reign, such Trials are directed in the Cases therein mentioned.
      And whereas in the last Session of Parliament, three Statutes were made and declared to have Force within the Province of Massachusetts Bay—one, of them “for discontinuing &c the landing &c Goods Wares and Merchandizes at the Town and within the Harbour of Boston” &c another, “for the better regulating the Government” &c and the third, “for the impartial administration of Justice” &c—And whereas in the same Session, another Statute was made “for making more effectual provision for the Government of the Province of Quebec” &c
      And whereas the good People of these Colonies justly alarmed by the proceedings of Parliament and Administration, have duely appointed and directed Delegates to meet and sit in General Congress, at Philadelphia, in this Month of September 1774, in order to such Establishment, as that their Religion Laws and Liberties may not be subverted: Upon which Appointment and Directions the said Delegates being now assembled in a full and free Representative of these Colonies, taking into their most serious Consideration, the best Means for attaining the Ends aforesaid, do in the first Place (as their Ancestors in like Case have usually done) for vindicating and asserting their Rights and Liberties, declare:
      1. That the Power of making Laws for ordering or regulating the internal Polity of these Colonies, is, within the Limits of each Colony, respectively and exclusively vested in the provincial Legislature of such Colony: And, that all Statutes for ordering or regulating the internal Polity of the said Colonies or any of them, in any Manner or in any Case whatsoever, are illegal and void.
      2. That all Statutes for taxing the People of the said Colonies, are illegal and void.
      3. That all the Statutes before mentioned, for the Purpose of raising a Revenue, by imposing “Rates and Duties” payable in these Colonies, establishing a Board of Commissioners, and extending the Jurisdiction of Courts of Admiralty, for the Collection of such “Rates and Duties,” are illegal and void.
      4. That Judges within these Colonies ought not to be dependant on the Crown only: And, that their Commissions ought to be, during good Behaviour.
      5. That the raising or keeping a standing army within these Colonies, in Time of Peace, unless it be with the Consent of the provincial Legislatures, is illegal, pernicious, and dangerous. And, that every Statute for quartering or supplying Troops within the said Colonies, is illegal and void.
      6. That the orders aforesaid for rendering the Authority of the Commander in Chief, and under him, of the Brigadiers-general, supreme, are illegal and void.
      7. That for Redress of all Grievances, and for the amending, strengthening, and preserving of the Laws, Assemblies ought to be held in each of these Colonies frequently, and at least once in every Year: that such Assemblies ought not to be prorogued or dissolved, before they have had sufficient Time to deliberate, determine, and bring to Conclusion their Counsels on public Affairs: that any Statute for suspending the Proceedings of any such Assembly, is illegal and void. And, that every Dissolution of an Assembly within these Colonies, during the present Reign, on Pretence of Misbehaviour in the Representatives of the People, has been arbitrary, and oppressive.
      8. That it is the Right of the Subjects to petition the King; and, that a contemptuous Treatment of such Petitions, has a most pernicious Tendency.
      9. That the Resolution in Parliament on the Statute made in the 35th Year of Henry the 8th, was arbitrary and erroneous: And that any Statute directing the Trials of Colonists to be had in England or elsewhere, on Accusation, for Offences committed in the Colonies, is illegal and void.
      10. That the three Statutes made in the last Session of Parliament, and declared to have Force within the Province of Massachusetts Bay, are oppressive to the People of that Province, dangerous to the Liberties of these Colonies, illegal and void.
      11. That the Statute made in the same Session, “for making more effectual provision for the Government of the Province of Quebec” &c is not only unjust to the People in that Province, but dangerous to the Interests of the Protestant Religion and of these Colonies, and ought to be repealed.
      12. And they do claim, demand, and insist on all and singular the Rights and Liberties beforementioned as indubitably belonging to them: And no Declarations, Judgments, Doings, Proceedings, or Statutes, to the Prejudice of the People in any of the Premisses, ought in any wise to be drawn hereafter into Consequence or Example: And these their undoubted Rights and Liberties, with the Blessing of Divine Providence, which they humbly and ardently implore in Favour of their just Exertions to preserve the Freedom of rendering to their Creator the Worship they judge most acceptable to him, and to promote the Happiness of his Creatures, they are resolved, to the utmost of their Power, to maintain and defend.


Title: II. Motion on Nonexportation and Defense, 30 September 1774
From: Adams, John,Continental Congress
To:

        30 September 1774

      Resolved That the Province of the Massachusetts Bay, and the Town of Boston are now nobly Suffering and Struggling in the common Cause of American Freedom and therefore that it is the indispensible Duty of all the Colonies, to Support them by every necessary Means, and to the last Extremity.
      Resolved That Should Whereas Hostilities have been already been commenced against the Province of Massachusetts Bay and through them against all the Colonies, and whereas this congress have already advised the People of that Province by no Means to submit to the late Act of Parliament for altering their Government.
      resolved that in Case Hostilities should be further pursued against that Province, and Submission be attempted to be compelled by Force of Arms, that as soon as Intelligence of this shall be communicated to the several Colonies, they ought immediately to cease all Exportations of Goods Wares and Merchandice, to Great Britain, Ireland and the West Indies.
      Resolved, That, in Case any Person or Persons, Should be arrested, in the Massachusetts Bay, or any other Colony, by General Gage or any other Person, in order to be sent to Great Britain on Pretence of Accusation to be there tryed for any Crime whatsoever, commited in America, under Pretence of Authority of the Statute of Henry the Eighth or that of the present Reign, that this ought to be considered as a Declaration of War and a Commencement of Hostilities against all the Colonies and that Reprisals ought to be made in all the Colonies, and held as Hostages for the Security of the Person or Persons so arrested and all Exportations of Merchandice, to Great Britain Ireland and the West Indies ought immediately to cease.

       Resolved That Whereas the Debts and Taxes, the Luxury and Venality prevalent in Great Britain prove too clearly that Americans have can have little well grounded Hope of Defence, Protection or security from any Thing lout their own Wisdom and Valour, Frugality and Industry, in Times to come.

       Resolved that it be recommended to all the Colonies, to establish by Provincial Laws, where it can be done, a regular well furnished, and disciplined Militia, and where it cannot he done by Law, by voluntary Association, and private Agreements.

       Resolved that it be recommended to all the Colonies, to encourage Arts Manufactures and Agriculture, by all Means in their Power, and for this End to establish in each Colony a distinct Society, for,


Title: III. To General Gage, 10 October 1774
From: Adams, John,Continental Congress
To: Gage, Thomas

        ante 10 October 1774

       Sir

      The Delegates from the Several Provinces in North America, now assembled in Congress, beg Leave to address your Excellency upon Subjects of very great Importance, to your own Character to your own Happiness and Peace of Mind, as well to his Majestys Service, and to the Welfare of the Province over which you preside, and of all North America, perhaps of the whole British Empire.
      Your Situation sir is very important, it is extremely critical. A Rupture between the Troops under your Command and the Inhabitants of the Province over which you preside, would produce Consequences of the most Serious Nature. A Wound which could never be healed! It would establish Animosities which no Time could eradicate.
      The Province of the Massachusetts Bay are by your own Acknowledgment, generally engaged in a Refusal to comply with the Act of Parliament for altering their Government. We can assure you sir, that this Refusal is agreable to the Sentiments of this whole Continent, and that the People ought and will be Supported in it, by the united Voice and Efforts of America.
      We therefore intreat you sir, to desist from the further Fortifications of the Town, that the Jealousies and Apprehensions of the People, may be quieted and that they may not be driven to so desperate a step as that of quitting the Town and throwing themselves on the Charity of their Friends and Neighbours.

       We assure you Sir that whatever may be the opinions or Advice of your present Council the opposition of the people of the Town of Boston and Province of the Massachusetts Bay is a faction of


Title: IV. The Bill of Rights; a List of Grievances, 14 October 1774
From: Adams, John,Continental Congress
To:

        14 Oct. 1774

      Whereas, since the close of the last war, the British parliament claiming a power of right to bind the people of America by statutes in all cases whatsoever, hath in some acts expressly imposed taxes on them, and in others, under various pretences, but in fact for the purpose of raising a revenue, hath imposed rates and duties payable in these colonies, established a board of commissioners with unconstitutional powers, and extended the jurisdiction of courts of Admiralty, not only for collecting the said duties, but for the trial of causes merely arising within the body of a county.
      And whereas, in consequence of other statutes, judges, who before held only estates at will in their offices, have been made dependent on the Crown alone for their salaries, and standing armies kept in times of peace: And it has lately been resolved in Parliament, that by force of a statute, made in the thirty-fifth year of the reign of king Henry the eighth, colonists may be transported to England, and tried there upon accusations for treasons, and misprisions, or concealments of treasons committed in the colonies; and by a late statute, such trials have been directed in cases therein mentioned.
      And whereas, in the last session of parliament, three statutes were made; “one, intitled “An act to discontinue, in such manner and for such time as are therein mentioned, the landing and discharging, lading, or shipping of goods, wares and merchandise, at the town, and within the harbour of Boston, in the province of Massachusetts-Bay, in North-America;” another, intitled “An act for the better regulating the government of the province of Massachusetts-bay in New England;” and another, intitled “An act for the impartial administration of justice, in the cases of persons questioned for any act done by them in the execution of the law, or for the suppression of riots and tumults, in the province of the Massachusetts-bay in New-England.” And another statute was then made, “for making more effectual provision for the government of the province of Quebec, &c.” All which statutes are impolitic, unjust, and cruel, as well as unconstitutional, and most dangerous and destructive of American rights.
      And whereas, Assemblies have been frequently dissolved, contrary to the rights of the people, when they attempted to deliberate on grievances; and their dutiful, humble, loyal, and reasonable petitions to the crown for redress, have been repeatedly treated with contempt, by his majesty’s ministers of state:
      The good people of the several Colonies of New-hampshire, Massachusetts-bay, Rhode-island and Providence plantations, Connecticut, New-York, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, Newcastle, Kent and Sussex on Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, and South Carolina, justly alarmed at these arbitrary proceedings of parliament and administration, have severally elected, constituted, and appointed deputies to meet and sit in general congress, in the city of Philadelphia, in order to obtain such establishment, as that their religion, laws, and liberties may not be subverted:
      Whereupon the deputies so appointed being now assembled, in a full and free representation of these Colonies, taking into their most serious consideration, the best means of attaining the ends aforesaid, do in the first place, as Englishmen, their ancestors in like cases have usually done, for asserting and vindicating their rights and liberties, declare,
      That the inhabitants of the English Colonies in North America, by the immutable laws of nature, the principles of the English constitution, and the several charters or compacts, have the following Rights:
      Resolved, N.C.D. 1. That they are entitled to life, liberty, and property, and they have never ceded to any sovereign power whatever, a right to dispose of either without their consent.
      Resolved, N.C.D. 2. That our ancestors, who first settled these colonies, were, at the time of their emigration from the mother country, entitled to all the rights, liberties, and immunities of free and natural-born subjects, within the realm of England.
      Resolved, N.C.D. 3. That by such emigration they by no means forfeited, surrendered, or lost any of those rights, but that they were, and their descendants now are, entitled to the exercise and enjoyment of all such of them, as their local and other circumstances enable them to exercise and enjoy.
      Resolved, 4. That the foundation of English liberty, and of all free government, is a right in the people to participate in their legislative council: and as the English colonists are not represented, and from their local and other circumstances, cannot be properly represented in the British parliament, they are entitled to a free and exclusive power of legislation in their several provincial legislatures, where their right of representation can alone be preserved, in all cases of taxation and internal polity, subject only to the negative of their sovereign, in such manner as has been heretofore used and accustomed. But, from the necessity of the case, and a regard to the mutual interest of both countries, we cheerfully consent to the operation of such acts of the British parliament, as are bona fide, restrained to the regulation of our external commerce, for the purpose of securing the commercial advantages of the whole empire to the mother country, and the commercial benefits of its respective members; excluding every idea of taxation, internal or external, for raising a revenue on the subjects in America, without their consent.
      Resolved, N.C.D. 5. That the respective colonies are entitled to the common law of England, and more especially to the great and inestimable privilege of being tried by their peers of the vicinage, according to the course of that law.
      Resolved, 6. That they are entitled to the benefit of such of the English statutes as existed at the time of their colonization; and which they have, by experience, respectively found to be applicable to their several local and other circumstances.
      Resolved, N.C.D. 7. That these, his majesty’s colonies, are likewise entitled to all the immunities and privileges granted and confirmed to them by royal charters, or secured by their several codes of provincial laws.
      Resolved, N.C.D. 8. That they have a right peaceably to assemble, consider of their grievances, and petition the King; and that all prosecutions, prohibitory proclamations, and commitments for the same, are illegal.
      Resolved, N.C.D. 9. That the keeping a Standing army in these colonies, in times of peace, without the consent of the legislature of that colony, in which such army is kept, is against law.
      Resolved, N.C.D. 10. It is indispensably necessary to good government, and rendered essential by the English constitution, that the constituent branches of the legislature be independent of each other; that, therefore, the exercise of legislative power in several colonies, by a Council appointed, during pleasure, by the crown, is unconstitutional, dangerous, and destructive to the freedom of American legislation.
      All and each of which the aforesaid deputies, in behalf of themselves and their constituents, do claim, demand, and insist on, as their indubitable rights and liberties; which cannot be legally taken from them, altered or abridged by any power whatever, without their own consent, by their representatives in their several provincial legislatures.

      In the course of our inquiry, we find many infringements and violations of the foregoing rights, which, from an ardent desire, that harmony and mutual intercourse of affection and interest may be restored, we pass over for the present, and proceed to state such acts and measures as have been adopted since the last war, which demonstrate a system formed to enslave America.
      Resolved, N.C.D. That the following acts of Parliament are infringements and violations of the rights of the colonists; and that the repeal of them is essentially necessary in order to restore harmony between Great-Britain and the American colonies, viz:
      The several acts of 4 Geo. 3. ch. 15, and ch. 34.—5 Geo. 3. ch. 25.— 6 Geo. 3. ch. 52.—7 Geo. 3. ch. 41, and ch. 46.—8 Geo. 3. ch. 22, which impose duties for the purpose of raising a revenue in America, extend the power of the admiralty courts beyond their ancient limits, deprive the American subject of trial by jury, authorize the judges’ certificate to indemnify the prosecutor from damages, that he might otherwise be liable to, requiring oppressive security from a claimant of ships and goods seized, before he shall be allowed to defend his property, and are subversive of American rights.
      Also the 12 Geo. 3. ch. 24, entituled “An act for the better securing his Majesty’s dock-yards, magazines, ships, ammunition and stores,” which declares a new offence in America, and deprives the American subject of a constitutional trial by jury of the vicinage, by authorizing the trial of any person, charged with the committing any offence described in the said act, out of the realm, to be indicted and tried for the same in any shire or county within the realm.
      Also the three acts passed in the last session of parliament, for stopping the port and blocking up the harbour of Boston, for altering the charter and government of the Massachusetts-bay, and that which is entituled “An act for the better administration of Justice,” &c.
      Also the act passed in the same session for establishing the Roman Catholick Religion in the province of Quebec, abolishing the equitable system of English laws, and erecting a tyranny there, to the great danger, from so total a dissimilarity of Religion, law, and government of the neighbouring British colonies, by the assistance of whose blood and treasure the said country was conquered from France.
      Also the act passed in the same session for the better providing suitable quarters for officers and soldiers in his Majesty’s service in North-America.
      Also, that the keeping a standing army in several of these colonies, in time of peace, without the consent of the legislature of that colony in which such army is kept, is against law.
      To these grievous acts and measures, Americans cannot submit, but in hopes their fellow subjects in Great-Britain will, on a revision of them, restore us to that state in which both countries found happiness and prosperity, we have for the present only resolved to pursue the following peaceable measures:

       Resolved, unanimously, That from and after the first day of December next, there be no importation into British America, from Great Britain or Ireland of any goods, wares or merchandize whatsoever, or from any other place of any such goods, wares or merchandize.

      1st. To enter into a non-importation, non consumption, and non-exportation agreement or association.
      2. To prepare an address to the people of Great-Britain, and a memorial to the inhabitants of British America, and
      3. To prepare a loyal address to his Majesty; agreeable to Resolutions already entered into.


Title: To John Adams from Catharine Macaulay, 11 September 1774
From: Macaulay, Catharine
To: Adams, John

      Dear Sr

       Sepbr 11. 1774

     A Very long and uninterrupted course of sickness has hitherto prevented me the pleasure of answering your Letters dated Boston June 28 and Dec. 11:1773, The Letter dated June 28 was long before it reached me and being pillaged of those papers relative to the proceedings of the Council which are mentioned in it I fear it fell into bad Hands.
     In that Letter Dear Sir you desire me to inform you of what is meditating against you in England but had I received that Letter in time it would have been impossible for me to have given you any hint concerning the Boston Port Bill and the Bill for the better regulating the trials of the Soldiery and the Canada Bill. No Items were dropt of the intentions of the Ministry till they were ripe for execution nor did any person out of the secret and very few were in it conceive an idea that Government would venture such lengths.
     If you have all the English News papers in America you will have seen how strenously and ever zealously my Brother Mr. Sawbridge defended the injured rights of America but the bands of the Ministry in both houses are so numerous that opposition serves to no other purpose than to publish the sentiments of individuals not in the smallest respict to obstruct the designs of Government.
     The people of this country are so dead to any generous principle in policy that they regard the Quarrel of the Government with the Americans only as it may affect their own interest. They will snarl a litle if they meet with interruption in their commerce but I believe no evil short of the entire destruction of their property will produce an effectual opposition to the career of power.
     I must now thank you Dear Sir for the pleasure you have given me in introducing me to so agreable a correspondent as Mrs Warren. I assure you their is no circumstance can flatter me more than the being a favorite of the Ladies in general and in particular of Women of equal sentiment to your fair friend.

      I am, Dear Sir with Ardent wishes for the prosperity of the public and of your private happiness, Your much obliged And very Obed Servt,
      Catharine Macaulay

      PS I have just read the Bishop of St Asaphs speech on the affaires of America and think it one of the most capital performances I have seen of modern times.


Title: From John Adams to William Tudor, 14 September 1774
From: Adams, John
To: Tudor, William

      My Friend
      Phyladelphia Septr. 14, 1774

     I have been so totally taken up, that I dont know whether I have acknowledged your Agreeble Letters or not. They have been of Use as well as Amusement to me I assure you.
     You can hardly conceive the avidity with which your Letter and Mr. Trumbulls, and indeed every Scrap of Letter or Newspaper from Boston is read here. You cannot conceive the Esteem And Honour in which the Mass. is held here.
     While I write this, the Gentlemen Delegates are all around me reading your News Papers. I hear them all around me praising and admiring. By G——d says one, I dont believe there is such a People in the World! Another answers him, I really dont think there is so fine a People upon the Globe. So cool, so cautious, so prudent, and yet so unalterably determined.
     My Dear Friend, pray write to me by every opportunity. Dont wait for Returns from me. I have so much Business, so much Pleasure—so much Ceremony and so much Trifling to do here that I have not Time to write a Line. Yet I will give you a remembrancer when I can.
     The Congress are well united—but all is quiet as yet. We shall do tolerably well.

     As Choice a Collection as North America can Afford, I will answer for it.

      Adieu,
      John Adams

      Thank Mr. Williams, Mr. Hill and Mr. Trumble for their Letters to me and pray them to continue them.


Title: To John Adams from Joseph Palmer, 14 September 1774
From: Palmer, Joseph
To: Adams, John

      Boston, Sept. 14, 1774

     The spirit of liberty is amazingly increased, so that there is scarce a tory and hardly a neutral to be found in the country. This province seems ripe for a more popular government, if not restrained by congress, who will doubtless give all the encouragement to all that the good of the whole will admit of. Some talk of resuming our first charter, others of absolute independency. Our eye is to the congress—may wisdom direct your every step.—You will see that our government has told us, that the refusing submission to the late acts of parliament is general throughout the province; and that he should lay the same before his majesty: and since that I have received satisfaction that our friends to government are convinced they can’t carry these acts into effect; and are willing, if possible, to keep matters in a state of suspense until they hear from home. At the same time they continue to entrench and fortify the neck, professedly, and I believe really and only, for self-defence.


Title: To John Adams from William Tudor, 17 September 1774
From: Tudor, William
To: Adams, John

      Dear Sir
      Boston Sepr. 17th. 1774

     Nothing very material has taken Place here since Mr. Revere left Boston, by whom you will have particular Accounts. The Fortifications at the Entrance of the Town and Entrenchments &c. on the Neck advance rapidly, they have three hundred Soldiers constantly at Work there. Seven Regiments are already here with a Train of thirty Peices of Cannon, and two more Regiments from Quebec are every Week expected. What all these formidable military Maneuvres are to terminate in, Time will discover. General Gage professes to act only on the defensive. I wish we may not soon find something else is design’d besides the bare Protection of his Troops. Should he commence one Act of Hostility, such is the Spirit that prevails universally, a civil War would inevitably be the Consequence. The People expect and are preparing for the worst. It is thought that within a Month there has been sold out of this Town 5000 small Arms. Guns are so scarce here now that there is not a complete firelock to be purchased. The Countrymen almost every where turn out and exercise three Times a Week. There is said to be fifty Cannon in the upper Part of the County of Middlesex completely fitted for Service. May Heaven interpose at this very critical Period and avert the Calamities which must ensue, should we recur to this dernier Resort. But should it be necessary to recur to it, I shall think myself fortunate to be here, to join my Countrymen in their noble Cause. We can never bleed in a more righteous one.
     There has not been any Court allowed to sit in any County since the first of Sepr. Nor do we attempt to fill any Writs. The extreme Inconveniences that must soon be felt from this Supension of all Law Processes, will I fear produce the most shocking Convulsions. We already suffer greatly. You sympathise with Us, Sir, and will undoubtedly represent the Necessity we are in of Relief. The nervous Language with which You convey your virtuous, patriotic and sympathising Feelings must make Impressions on your Brother Delegates. I am sure of all your Exertions in this Way, and from them form the most sanguine Expectations.
     Whatever general, continental Measures may be agreed to for the other Colonies to adopt, some particular ones must be advised to for this Province particularly. The Acts of Parliament though they affect all the Colonies are immediately operative only in this. By them our Charter is destroy’d, and we thereby reduc’d to resort to first Principles.—I am prevented pursuing the Subject by a Call for my Letter.

      Your most obt. Servt.
      Will. Tudor


Title: To John Adams from William Tudor, 22 September 1774
From: Tudor, William
To: Adams, John

      Dr Sir
      Boston Septr. 22d. 1774

     On my Return from Salem this Afternoon I was gratified with the Receipt of your kind Letter dated at Prince-Town 28th. of last Month. I could have wish’d it a much longer one, though considering the public Character which You travel in that must occasion You many Invitations; and the important Business which you have engag’d to transact and which must very deeply employ your Time and Thoughts, I must acknowledge myself not only honor’d but oblig’d by your Letter, though so laconic a one. I hope to receive a longer one by Mr. Revere, and, as he will be a most faithful Mercury, pray let it be a political one.
     We find that your honorable Assembly have resolv’d that Nothing of their Counsels shall transpire till You have completed your Business. Whilst we must approve this Determination, we live impatient to learn the Result of your Deliberations. Our rankest Tories allow You to be a respectable Body, and are not a little anxious to know your Proceedings. Capt. Scott has got into Salem from London after a Passage of seven Weeks. He brings Nothing material; what is new, You will see in Draper’s Paper of to Day.
     The Town met yesterday for the Choice of Members to represent them in the General Court to be held next Month at Salem. The old Members were elected. The Town to Day voted to instruct them. They delegated also 3 Gentlemen to meet a provincial Congress to be held next Month. But I waive being particular because I know you will be fully acquainted with the Transactions at Town Meeting by an Express that I suppose will carry this Letter.
     Different are the Opinions what the House of Reps. will do when conven’d. As there will be only two constitutional Branches (strictly only one) of the Legislature, no Business will be done, in the old Way. Some suppose the House will resolve themselves into a grand Committee of Safety, after voting the Chair vacant, and adjourn themselves to some western Town of the Province. Yourself, Sir, and 3 Brothers will soon be greatly wanted here. I hope we shall do Nothing a Justification of which may not implicitly be involv’d in the Resolves of the Congress. Heaven preserve Us at this very critical, this most important Day from a Disunion of Sentiments. Surely our Sister Colonies will candidly regard Measures that at any other Time might be adjudg’d imprudent, when they consider the distress’d, the desperate Condition we are reduc’d to.
     Genl. Brattle still continues exil’d to Boston, (which is now the City of Refuge for the traiterous Groupe that compose the infamous Divan) and is I believe the most miserable Being existing. “You may read said the Duke of Florence, (as quoted by the great Bacon) that we are commanded to forgive our Enemies; but You never read we are commanded to forgive our Friends.” Brattle has been a pretended Friend to his Country. But his base temporising has brought on him the Detestation of some and the Contempt of all.

      I am my Dr. Sir with the greatest Respect, Affection and Esteem, your most obliged Friend and very hum. Servt.,
      Will Tudor


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Kent, 23 September 1774
From: Kent, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

      Boston, Septr. 23, 1774

     Our enemies, for their own further security, as well as to bring the town into the most complete dependence on the army and navy, spare no labor or pains; they suffer no owner of powder to take a single grain out of the town’s magazine, and there is none to be bought in the town. Two or three days ago, after the men of war had spiked up our cannon at the battery, they robbed us of six good pieces of large cannon, as we were carrying them in a gondola through the mill pond to Watertown. They take and keep the guns and cutlasses out of carts and wagons going over the Neck; and no doubt, if they thought they could disarm the town they would do it instantly. [He then mentions that their friends in Connecticut urged them to act before General Gage should receive the additional regiments which he expected —but that the people of Boston “would not undertake any thing material before they heard from the grand council of America, which we hope will remain forever.”] He then expresses a wish that the congress would consider their case, and says, “we are not suspicious that it can possibly be disagreeable to the grand congress that we should do everything in our power towards our defence; but to lie still so long as in any measure to disable us to secure ourselves by and bye, when we can now prevent it, would be very unwise, and it may be fatal to the town.” “It is necessary for us, as far as we can, to prepare for the worst that can happen; that we may not be unhappily surprised when the worst shall come. Look into Europe and see how tyranny flourishes; and if the tyrants will but join their forces, in a little time not one free state will be left on the other side of the Atlantic—which God forbid!
     In conclusion he says, “I do most heartily hope and desire, the body of representatives of all the colonies, may have eternity, for the glory of God, and the happiness of the American world. This is the prayer of the faith of your and their most cordial brother and friend.”


Title: To John Adams from Edward Dilly, 24 September 1774
From: Dilly, Edward
To: Adams, John

      Dear Sir
      London Sept 24th 1774

     Your favor of the first of August I received Yesterday by a private Hand. I most sincerly simpathize with you and the rest of my Brethren in America for the cruel hardships you labour under, but severe as your Trials are I am thoroughly convinced, that Unanimity and firmness among Yourselves will ensure you success in the end. Little did I think when I wrote you last, that such Violent and I may say Oppressive Measures would be adopted by any administration, and even some of the friends of the Ministry have been Astonished, at their going such lengths. It will not be long before the Grievances you feel in America, will be most severely felt in this Country, in the decline of our Manufactories and Commerce—however you have many warm and zealous friends on this side the Water, and I hope as we are just upon the Eve of a New Parliament, that your Grievances will soon be redressed by a repeal of those Acts which are contrary to the Chartered rights of America. Great Britain and her Colonies are entitled alike to a free Constitution, and an inability to enjoy Property is the Characteristic of Slavery. Taxation and Representation must go Hand in Hand, otherwise the People cannot be free. I hope to hear good Tidings from the Congress, as it is composed of such Wise and Able Men, I make no doubt, but they will devise such Measures as will be for the Welfare of the Colonies and ultimately tend for the good of the Parent Country, and that a line may be drawn to prevent all farther disputes. You will Oblige me very much, if you will favour me with any particulars of the Meeting, and of any remarkable incidents which may occur in your Province.
     Inclosed I send you two Letters from Mrs. Macaulay, one for yourself and the other for Mrs. Warren. She has been much indisposed for many Months past but is now much better, and I hope will be able soon to go on with her Work. America has not got two warmer friends in this Country than Mrs. Macaulay, and her Own Brother Mr. Alderman Sawbridge.
     Mr. Burgh has just Published his Second Volume of Political Disquisitions, and I have embraced the Opportunity of sending you a Copy together with a few of the Bp of St Asaph’s Intended Speech upon the Bill for altering the Charters and some other Pamphlets, in a Box to the Care of my friend Mr. Henry Bromfield of Boston. It will give me much pleasure to hear they prove acceptable to you and I shall esteem it a happiness to have the honor of hearing from you whenever Opportunity offers, and am with my warmest Wishes for America, Dear Sir, Your Affectionate friend and most Obedient Servant

      Edward Dilly


Title: From John Adams to Joseph Palmer, 26 September 1774
From: Adams, John
To: Palmer, Joseph

      Dr Sir
      Phyladelphia September 26. 1774

     Yesterday I had the Pleasure of receiving yours of the fourteenth Instant for which I am very much obliged to you. I receive a greater Pleasure from the Letters of my Friends, than ever, and every Line We receive is of Use to us.
     Before this reaches you, the Sense of the Congress concerning your Wisdom, Fortitude and Temperance, in the Massachusetts in general and the County of Suffolk in particular, will be public, in our Country. It is the universal Sense here that the Mass. Acts, and Murder Act ought not to be Submitted to a Moment. But then, when you ask the Question what is to be done? They answer Stand Still—bear, with Patience, if you come to a Rupture with the Troops all is lost. Resuming the first Charter, absolute Independency &c are Ideas which Startle People here.
     It Seems to be the general Opinion here that it is practicable for Us in the Massachusetts to live wholly without a Legislature and Courts of Justice as long as will be necessary to obtain Relief. If it is practicable, the general Opinion is, that We ought to bear it. The Commencement of Hostilities is exceedingly dreaded here. It is thought that an Attack upon the Troops, even tho it should prove successfull and triumphant, would certainly involve the whole Continent in a War. It is generally thought here that the Ministry would rejoice at a Rupture in Boston, because that would furnish him with an Excuse to the People at home, and unite them with him in an opinion of the Necessity of pushing Hostilities, against Us.
     On the Contrary, the Delegates here and other Persons from all Parts, are universally, very Sanguine, that if Boston and the Massachusetts can possibly Steer a middle Course between Obedience to the Acts, and open Hostilities with the Troops, the Exertions of the Colonies, will procure a total Change of Measures and full Redress for Us.
     However my Friend, I cannot, at this Distance pretend to judge. We must leave all to your Superiour Wisdom.
     What you propose, Sir, of holding out Some Proposal which shall shew our Willingness to pay for our Protection at Sea is a Subject, often mentioned in private Conversation here. Many Gentlemen have pursued the Thought, and digested their Plans. But what is to be the Fate of them I cant Say.

     It is my opinion, sir, that we do our full Proportion towards the Protection of the Empire, and towards the Support of the naval Power. To the Support of the standing Army, We ought never to contribute voluntarily.
     A Gentleman, put into my Hands a Plan, a few Days ago, for offering to raise 200,000 £. St. annually and to appropriate it to the maintenance of a Ship of War.
     But is not this Surrendering our Liberty? I have not Time however to discuss these Questions at present. I hope to have the Pleasure of considering these Things in private Conversation—mean Time, I pray God to direct assist and protect you, and all our Friends, amidst the Dangers that Surround you.
     Am glad to hear Mr. Cranch is about taking Refuge at Braintree. I wish every living Creature, except the Tories, was well provided for in the Country. My Respects to all your worthy Family. I remain, with great Respect, your Friend and humb sert,

      John Adams


Title: To John Adams from William Tudor, 26 September 1774
From: Tudor, William
To: Adams, John

      Dear Sir
      Boston Sepr. 26th. 1774

     Mr. Revere arriv’d late on friday Evening and brought Us your Letters. Each one communicated the animating Intelligence convey’d in them to his particular Circle, and by 11 o’Clock the next Morng. the Contents of your Letters had circulated through the Town. The Assurance you give us of the Unanimity that prevails in the Congress has banish’d the only Fear we had remaining—a Disunion of Sentiments. You would be surpriz’d to see the happy Effect this Assurance has had. The important News flew like Lightning, and as it flew, brightened and invigorated. A convincing Proof of the great Dependence we place in your Counsels and from whence you may form some Idea how anxiously we wait for the Result of your Deliberations. The Luxury and Corruption that has debauch’d and deprav’d all Ranks in great Britain has led them to treat public Virtue as a public Jest, and to consider the Love of one’s Country as the most idle Reverie. But I hope this Country will soon demonstrate to that mistaken Nation, that Patriotism is not a Chimaera, and that Americans in full Vigour retain that heroic Virtue which once directed the Conduct of their Ancestors as well as ours.
     It is now almost four Months since the unrighteous, cruel Port Act took Place, and though it has been carried into Execution with an unparalell’d Severity, the People are resolv’d to keep the Harbour blockaded to Eternity, rather than basely submit to the tyrannic Edicts of a British Parliament, in which every Principle of sound Policy has been made to yield to the Dictates of ministerial Revenge, back’d by royal Obstinacy.
     The Bostonians have learn’d to suffer and their Sufferings have operated in making them more determined. Take one Instance, Sir, among a hundred others. The other Day being at the North End I fell into Conversation with an honest Ship Carpenter. Very dull Times Mr. R.—“Yes Sir very dull. The last Vessel which was upon the Stocks in this Part of the Town was launch’d this Week, and there is not like to be another set up, for the admiral will not let them sail, after they are launched.” This is very discouraging, pray don’t you think it almost Time for Us to submit, pay for the Tea and get the Harbour opened. “Submit! (reply’d the indignant Mechanic) NO—it never can be Time to become Slaves. I have yet got some Pork and Meal, and when they are gone I will eat Clams. And after we have dug up all the Clam Banks, if the Congress will not let Us fight, I will retreat to the Woods. I am always sure of Acorns.”
     What a Roman! By Heavens I glory in being this Man’s fellow Citizen. When I meet with such Sentiments from such a Person, I easily anticipate the Period when Bostonian shall equal Spartan Virtue; and the American Colonies rival in Patriotism and Heroism the most celebrated of the Grecian Republics. Your hum. Servt.

      Will Tudor

      Pray, Sir continue to write me. Your Letters are the best Presents I can receive.


Title: From John Adams to the Boston Committee of Correspondence, September 1774
From:
To: Boston, Committee of Correspondence

      Gentlemen

       September? 1774

     As I am of the Opinion, that the Subjects of the Massachusetts Bay are without a King, Governor, civil or military Officers; so the People are again left in a State of Nature. For if it be Fact that the King has broke his Coronation Oath, by clipping our Charter &c.; it must be Fact, that we are at Liberty to choose what way of Government we like best. So have sent the worthy Committee, an imperfect Sketch of a Method for America to come into when all other milder Means shall fail; of securing our selves and Libertys &c. If you in your wiser Counsels, dont think of a better, which I Hope for the good of America you will: but if any thing that I have mentioned is of Service, I shall Answer my End.
     1st, Let the general Congress be adjourn’d, from time, to time till all is compleated; Vizt. Our political Salvation wrought out.
     2dly. Let there be a Congress in each County, in every Government in America; and them to choose Members, for a Congress, in each Government to agree, to stand by all the Measures; that shall be come into, by the present continental grand Congress; at all Hazards.
     3dly. Let the grand Congress agree to set up a Republic Government; something like that of Holland, of our own; by the Union of as many Governments, as possibly can be got to come into it. And then let the general Congress, Choose three Men out of their Body, to negociate it for them and us; they to follow the Directions of the main Body, from Day to day without fail. And when agreed on Measures; send said Committee to London: and let them there be join’d by Doctor Franklin, or some other capable Man, and then proceed to France, Spain, and Holland; and there settle it with them in the privatest manner possible; (as all concern’d must be put under the most sacred Oaths possible) for each of them States, to furnish us with ten or fifteen large Ships of their Line, and four small ones, from each Kingdom and State; to enable the Americans to ward off the Destruction of their Seaport Towns, by a British Fleet: to act as Auxiliaries, under Americans Standard; and them to be paid by us, in our future trading with them, or in Money &c. Which Forces, I don’t doubt, but that the above States would furnish us with; for the sake of the North-American Trade and some money; and to be reveng’d on Britain for former Drubbings. These three Nations could furnish us with the above strength, and with Ammunition, and reserve Strength enough at Home, to ward off the premeditated Blows, of the Plans of our weak Ministry at Home: And to make an Invasion on Britain if they were a mind to; if they sent Strength enough here, to stand any Chance with the above Auxiliaries: which would so humble and weaken Britain, that we could bring the Britons to acknowledge the Americans Republic, to be a distinct State; and we soon have the Liberty of trading with them to our Advantage.
     4thly. It will be objected against by some it’s Probable; that if we apply unto France, Spain or Holland, we shall be oblig’d to obey their Laws. Which is likely would be the Case, if appli’d to either of them separate, but if Application was made to all three together; I am of the Opinion, that we should be safe; for neither of them Powers, would suffer either of them, to engross this Country to themselves; for if they did, the Balance of Power would be so much against the other two, that they would not agree to it. And our Union would prevent a Division by them, of our united Governments. So that I dont apprehend any Danger by or from our Auxiliaries thus Procur’d
     5ly. To effect the above Plan, let Dr. Franklin be offered to be Stadtholder, and three Committee Men, to be Statesmen for Life, for three Provinces if they effect their Business with France, Spain and Holland, And let there be Statesmen and Counsellors Chosen, by each Government that shall agree to the above Plan; and them to have a Power invested in them, to disallow or approve of any Acts, that shall be made in any one of the united Provinces. And every Province to have the Liberty of Choosing their own Officers yearly; such as Governors, Secretaries, Counsellors and them to appoint all under Officers once a Year; and to turn out any undeserving ones. And let Representation be chosen as heretofore, and them to have the Power of Chusing Governors, Secretaries, Treasurers, Captains of all Fortresses, and Thirty five Counsellors, raise money to defrey all the Charges of Government yearly; and all the Laws that are now made, that shall be approv’d of, by Governor, Council and Representatives, that shall be chosen as above; shall pass an Act in favor of them &c. &c. So let every Government have the Liberty, of making their own Laws, for time to come: and be approv’d by our Statesmen and their Counsellors: all but what shall be made in the first Regulation, and the first establish’d Laws, not to be disallowed of even by them but confirm’d. And all that shall be made by any of the agreeing Governments afterwards, shall be establish’d, (if not disallowed of by them within twelve months, after it shall pass into a Law) it shall stand good. And each Government shall choose three Counsellors, to advise and assist the Statesmen, and their Counsellors, to be chosen on the last Wednesday in May yearly; all but the four Statesmen, as above to Remain for Life. And whenever, there shall be wanted, a Stadtholder; the Representatives of the united Provinces, or the major part of them, shall choose Him. All the commercial Acts and Regulations for Trade, shall be establish’d by the Statesmen, and their Council; together with all the Governors, Councils, and Houses of Representatives agreeing thereto in form throughout the united Provinces; or the major part of them. And all the Counties, and Towns to have all their Liberties continued unto them, as by former Charters; if they like them; with this Alteration, that every Town, shall have the Liberty of making any Act, or Acts for their own internal Regulations, and Convenience; so that the penalty, dont exceed forty shillings lawful Money, so that it may be tried by a single justice. And all Judges of Superior, and Inferior Courts; to be chosen by the Legislative Body of every government, consisting of first and second Governors, their Councils, and the Representative Body of each united Government; and to be displac’d at their Pleasure. And all Officers both civil and Military, to be chosen and preferred, according to their Merit; by the above Legislative Body; and not by Seniority as heretofore: by which Means the united Provinces will be officer’d by men, fit for their Stations. For if by Seniority, we have Instances in our Day, that the civil, and military Officers are not all fit for their Offices. And if Men were to be advanc’d in Life, according to their Merits; it would be an Encouragement, for them to out vie each other: so that every Man in and out of office, would be diligent, frugal and Active in their several Stations, and Departments, from the Stadtholder, to the Peasant; all aspiring to be Stadtholder, or to be advanc’d to the extent of their Ideas: which would make an advantagious turn, on all ambitious Minds; to the Advantage of any new Method of Government; and be pleasing to the Major part of each uniting Province’s Inhabitants.
     6thly. Let every one of the united Provinces, forthwith build Men of War, Thus and so. Hampshire one of 60 Guns; Massachusetts Bay, Connecticutt, New York, Pensilvania, Maryland and Virginia, each a 74 Gun Ship, Rhode-Island and Jerseys a 50 Gunship each, N & S Carolina’s one of 60 Guns each, Georgia’s one of 24 Guns: all to be kept on account of, and all to be paid for, by the united Provinces, in proportion to the Number of Inhabitants, there is in each Government; in Building as many more Men of War, as will make an equal Balance, according to the Number of Inhabitants: making the least Number of Inhabitants in any one Government the Rule for the Rest. By which Means, in a few Years we shall be strong enough, for any Fleet, that can be spared from any Prince in Europe; and to have enough left at Home, to Defend their own Kingdoms. The great Distance there is between them and us, will be of great Service to us; And another Advantage we have, is, that if either of the European Powers, should send a Fleet against us, they are so near each other, that they will hear of it; and some one of the Neighbouring Nations, it is likely would fall upon them, which would be a grand Piece of Impolicy, for any One Power to run the risque of their own States, to disturb us; England not excepted. And it is probable, that a Plan may be laid, to get some of the English Navy, to come over to our Government in the Confusion there is and will be, in the English Nation; by our thus and so Conducting &c.
     7thly. Let the united Governments agree, and encourage the raising of Hemp, as much as possible, and procure as many Duck Weavers, and Spinners to Come from Russia, Germany, and Holland as we Judge can be employ’d, by our own Produce of Hemp; and give Encouragement to all sorts of Mecanicks that it’s probable we can employ, to come from England, Ireland, Scotland, and from all other Parts of the European States. And let us invite over some of our English Ship builders, that our Men of War, may be built in the English Fashion. And let us encourage the raising of Sheep, as much as possible; that we may in a few Years, be able to Clothe ourselves and others, with our manufactored Broad Cloaths and with all other Sorts of Woolen Clothes.
     8thly. Let every one of the united Governments, raise a fund for the common Stock; exclusive of each Governments Charges, to be taxed on the Poles, and Estates of all the Inhabitants, as we us’d to be tax’d in Years pass’d; before a Union of the Colonies took Place; to be under the Direction and Inspection of the Statesmen, and their Counsellors, and to be in the Care of a Treasurer yearly Chosen, by the Legislative Body of each Government: And such money or Moneys, to be drawn out for the use of the Public, by the Statesmen and their Counsel; who shall be accountable to their Constituents therefor Yearly, for all Money they shall draw out of the Treasury; And the Treasurer for the Remainder: And all Accompts to be clos’d, and a Balance Struck, by the first Thursday in May yearly without fail. So that at every yearly Election, all the States Accompts may be laid before a New Assembly, for their Inspection; and they to Acquaint their Constituents, at their annual Town Meetings how their Money is spent &c. That every Government’s new Assembly, may the better know how much Money its probable will be wanted to be rais’d for the ensuing Year, According to the best of their Judgment; so as not to let the Treasury be empty, in Order to keep up the Credit of the new State at Home, and abroad; and to the Dread of our Enemies.
     9ly. Let the United Governments get the Loan of about a Million or more Sterling of France, Spain, or Holland or of all three; or of some other state, at least as much as will enable us to pay our Charges for the first Year till we can raise and procure Money some other Way, by Taxes &c. to enable us to Strike some bold Strokes, by Sea and Land; to our hereafter Credit in our valiantly defending our just rights and Liberties, against the Assassin of them: Lord North and his Minions.
     10ly. Let the Fees of the United Provinces public Officers be stated, Thus and so. The Stadtholder to have two thousand Sterling pr. Ann. Statesmen eighteen hundred; Their Counsellors, and Secretary one thousand pr Ann apiece; Clerks one hundred and fifty. All the single Governments, also to be settled—Governor Twelve Hundred, pr. Ann. Lieutenant Governor five Hundred. Secretary three Hundred. Treasurer Two hundred and fifty. Counsellors two Hundred pr. Ann. Chief Judge of the Superior Court two hundred and fifty pr. Ann. The under Judges two Hundred apiece pr. Ann. County High Sheriff five £ pr. Ann., and all other Officers in Proportion, where office will not honourably Support them, by the Judgment of the Legislative Body, they to agree on their Stipends.
     11ly. Let a well disciplin’d Militia be kept up, throughout all the united Provinces, by every town therein, without fail; under spirited officers, and them to be try’d couragious Men if such may be found: let Merit be the Just Reason, of every Officers Advancement, and not by Seniority; which ought to be out of Date, for the Preservation of the State.
     12ly. When ever the United Governments, want to raise Men for the Defence of the Republic; let every single Government furnish their Numbers, according to the Number of Men in each Government: by inlistments, or Draughts or Impressments, from each Town as each Province, shall think best: and them to be ordered to their Place of Rendezvous, by the Statesmen and their Council, there to wait for their further Orders; and to do whatsoever they shall be Commanded by Order of the Statesmen till discharg’d, or recalled by the Legislative Power of each united Province, to receive their Wages and be returned to the Towns from whence they came.


Title: From John Adams to William Tudor, 7 October 1774
From: Adams, John
To: Tudor, William

      Dr Sir
      Phyladelphia Octr. 7. 1774

     I have just Time to thank you for your Letters by Mr Revere, and all other of your Favours. The Task which lies upon me here is very arduous. You can form no Conception of it: and I can give you no Idea of it. The Assurances you give me, of the great Dependance of the People, upon the Result of the Deliberations of the Congress, increase my Anxiety. I fear the operations of the Continent will be too Slow, to afford immediate Relief to Boston. What Shall be done for that Town is the most difficult Question We have before Us. The Professions and real Disposition of the Gentlemen Seem to be the very best. But at this Distance from you We who come from you can scarcely form an Adequate Idea of your State—much less can Strangers, to whom Words and Descriptions can convey but very Imperfect Notions.
     I have taken great Pains to inform the Gentlemen, and to know their Sentiments. The Proposal of Some among you of reassuming the old Charter, is not approved here, at all. The Proposal of Setting up a new Form of Government of our own, is less approved Still. The general Opinion Seems to be, as far as I can collect it, that the Courts of Justice Should go on, upon the old Plan, according to the Charter and Laws of the Province. The Govr cannot remove any of the Judges or Justices, according to the Charter without the Advice of his Council of fifteen, which they will never give, if for no other Reason, because they will never be asked. To this there are two objections, the first that the Inferiour Judges And the Justices, may refuse to Act. Whether they will or not, We at this Distance cannot determine. This if practicable would be the most agreeable to the Gentlemen here. The Other Objection is that this will not relieve Boston. This is certain, and there is no Gentleman here who can devise a Method for the Relief of that devoted Town. My Feelings for its Distresses, are exquisite. I lie down with it, in my Mind, I dream of it all night, and awake with its ghastly Spectre before my Eyes.
     I wish that you and all the rest of our Friends had been more explicit in your private confidential Letters to Us, in pointing out what was thought of and what was desired by the People of Boston and the Massachusetts. The Expressions in all your Letters are a little enigmatical. We are left to guess at the Meaning. If it is a secret Hope of any, as I suspect it is, that the Congress will advise to offensive Measures, they will be mistaken. We have I have had opportunities enough both public and private, to learn with Certainty, the decisive Sentiments of the Delegates and others, upon this Point. They will not at this Session vote to raise Men or Money, or Arms or Ammunition. Their opinions are fixed against Hostilities and Ruptures, except they should become absolutely necessary, and this Necessity they do not yet See. They dread the Thoughts of an Action because, it would make a Wound which could never be healed. It would fix and establish a Rancour, which would descend to the latest Generations: It would render all Hopes of a Reconciliation with Great Britain desperate. It would light up the Flames of War, perhaps through the whole Continent, which might rage for twenty year, and End, in the Subduction of America, as likely as in her Liberation.
     In a Letter, which has been received here, in several, indeed, the Thought is thrown out, of removing the Inhabitants out of Boston. This would be the grandest Movement, imaginable, if it is practicable. But how all their Effects can be removed—how 20,000 People can go out—where they can find Support, I knew not. It has always been my opinion, that it was best for every Man Woman and Child, who had an Inclination to go, and could find a Place, to leave the Town. I removed out myself upon this Principle—altho a different Sentiment prevailed generally at that Time.
     The Congress will this Day consider, the Case of Boston, and I will write you more particularly in the Evening.

     Octr. 9th. Mr. Revere will give you all the News. I have this Day been to a Romish Chappell. My Imagination is so full of holy Water, Crossings, Bowings, Kneelings and Genuflections, Images, Paintings, Crucifixs, Velvet, Gold, but above all, the Musick. I am amazed that Luther and Calvin, were ever able to break the Charm and dissolve the spell. Adieu,

      John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Richard Cranch, 15 October 1774
From: Cranch, Richard
To: Adams, John

      Boston, Oct. 15, 1774

     I hear that a letter from one P——s, a clergyman in Connecticut, has been intercepted, and that an attested copy of it is now before our congress. The contents of it are very extraordinary—he informs the person to whom it is addressed, that he has received advice that several regiments more from England, and a number of men of war, are expected, and that when they arrive, hanging work will begin,—and that those only will be safe whose lintels and door posts shall be sprinkled. Our ministers in this province put up their ardent petitions in public for the direction and blessing of heaven on your congress.


Title: To John Adams from Samuel Cooper, 16 October 1774
From: Cooper, Samuel
To: Adams, John

       16th Oct. 1774

     Having just been informed that Mr. Tudor is going to Philadelphia, I take this opportunity to thank you for the obliging favor of your letter of 29th September. The struggle, as you justly observe, between fleets and armies and commercial regulations, must be very unequal: We hope, however, the congress will carry this mode of defence as far as it will go, and endeavor to render it as early effectual as it can be, since the operation of it must necessarily be slow—were we at ease we would wait— but being first seized and griped by the merciless hand of power, we are “tortured even to madness,” and yet, perhaps, no people would give a greater example of patience and firmness, could the people be sure of the approbation and countenance of the continent; in consolidating themselves in the best manner they are able, they should have, they say, fresh spirits to sustain the conflict. The report of an uncommon large quantity of British goods sent to New York and Philadelphia, naturally carries our thoughts to a non-consumption—Nothing could more thoroughly embarrass these selfish importers, and none ever deserved more such a punishment.
     Our provincial congress is assembled; they adjourned from Concord to Cambridge. Among them and through the province the spirit is ardent. And I think the inhabitants of this town are distracted to remain in it with such formidable fortifications at its entrance. Besides the regiments expected from the southward and Canada, we have several companies from Newfoundland, of which we had no apprehension until they arrived. The tories depend that the administration will push their point with all the force that they can spare, and this I think we ought to expect and take into our account.


Title: To John Adams from James Warren, 16 October 1774
From: Warren, James
To: Adams, John

      My Dear Sir
      Boston Octr the 16th: 1774

     I Recd yours of the 18th Sepr with A pleasure and satisfaction that render my Negligence in not Answering it before almost Inexcusable. I shant trouble you at this Time with any Apologies, but leave your Candour to Excuse me till I have an Opportunity to do it on A Social Evening att Braintree or Plymouth and Improve the Short Time I now have in Another way. Great has been my Anxiety since you left us not only for the publick determinations of your August Body but for your Health on such a Journey in a Season not the most favourable. I am however relieved by finding the last in A good State and by hopes that the first would be as I could Wish. That America will save the Massachussets or Perish with her, is a Resolution worthy of the Greatest Assembly that ever met on this Continent, and such an one as you can easily suppose I wish to see Carried into Execution, and more especially at a Time when Indeed our Affairs and Circumstances are such as require not only Great but Immediate support. It can be no longer A question whether any People ever subsisted in A State of Nature. We have been and still remain in that Situation, with this Additional Misfortune, that we dare not Attempt to Form A Civil Constitution or redress our Inconveniencies, least our Attempts should be disapproved of at Philadelphia and that perhaps made A Pretence to Justine our being left to the Mercy of our Enemies. You will Learn by the Bearer of the Meeting of our Provincial Congress at Concord on last Tuesday and their proceedings. We are A Large and I think A Respectable Body, but in perfect Leading strings, Intirely and professedly dependent on you for Motion if not for Being. I am Sensible of your many difficulties. I pity and pray for you. We are not without ours, our Constituents forming great Expectations from us, while we are Embarrassd by a Multitude of—difficulties from all quarters. We are all Sensible of the necessity of A Military Force to Oppose the Encroachments and Insults of our Enemies and that to Form support and Controul them, A Civil Goverment is necessary. But how the first is to be Established or the last Formed is a question which is left to Ourselves. We should be perhaps divided in Sentiment about it. What shall be the model of the last is certainly the most Interesting. We Impatiently wait for Revere who we flatter Ourselves will bring us some decisions on that Subject not only to Animate but Unite us. But as I write in A hurry and under disadvantages I must leave this Subject to your Other Friends and Correspondents who have not only more leisure but Abilities to handle it. Mrs. Warren is here and Joins heartily in Wishes for your Health and Success in your Undertakings. We Called on Mrs. Adams in our way here and had the pleasure to find her well. You will Undoubtedly hear from her by this Opportunity. She has Engaged to go to Plymouth with Mrs. Warren this week, who Cant wait for the Riseing of our Body. Though my Hopes from Philadelphia are somewhat damped by what I have seen and heard since I came to Town, I will hope for A happy Issue however that be I hope to see you in due Time and Am with Great Respect Your Sincere Friend and Humb. Servt.,

      Jas. Warren

      My Compliments and regards to Mr. Cushing and Paine and my Friend Mr. Adams tho’ he has forgot me. I suppose he cant see or think of a small Man while in such an Elevated Station. I need not if I could, tell you how much pleasure a Line from you would give me.


Title: To John Adams from Samuel Swift, 20 October 1774
From: Swift, Samuel
To: Adams, John

      Dear Bror

       Obr. 20. 74

     Yours of the 30th. Ult. I Recd, by Mr. Revere. He shew me Also your Cautionary paper, which was needless with respect to Any thing containd in your favour. But I have forbore to read it to Any Enemies or Suspected friends. In Obedience to your injunctions and my own inclinations, I carry’d your friendly mention of Mr. Wheelwright to him who was glad to hear of you &c. When I read your Amusing Letter (as thoughts are involuntary) I could not for my heart of me help thinking of Dean Swifts Letter to an Acquaintance of his. It began Chicke Coocoo my Lillicock See Saw Saccke downey. It was your being thus fettered with secricy which Occasioned you being thus upon your reserve guard. You are perfectly right sir. One of King Chas. Golden Rules was Reveal no secrets.
     I either Sir mentiond to you or Mr. Cushing or Mr. S. Adams that it was reported here that there was a disunion among the Congress and that it was forceably Urg’d by some Raskels on the other side of the Herring pond, tho I dispisd the tho’t, more especially as it came from the Torys who have a peculiar unintelligible Knack at Speaking the truth as well as Conveying their confused Ideas, and who cut out a lie in the exact shape they would have it.
     Yet Sir by one word droped in your Letter I was induced to believe there was not that strict harmony and Union. You Say “Our debates are Spun out into An immesurable length altho there is an Apparent Harmony Among us all.” Surely they would not be thus lengthy purely to shew and display their Golden talents at disputation. We all knew they were our best men therefore made Choice of ’em. And the pensylvanians remembering the Quakers and the Yorkers their Boundaries &c Confirm me in my Suspicions, but they will be ever mindful that what they are now upon is no detacht thing, but what equally Concerns ’em all, it is true the first Arrow glancd. against Massa. Bay but it is only hodie mihi Cras tibi. Your Simpathising with us are Signs of your Great Natural Affections. You know sir if One member is in pain the whole body mourns. We are to be pitied most surely for our destresses are very grate yet Our integrity we trust in God Shall not be moved, but we are in truly most melancholly Circumstances,—and we Read that the tender Enemies of the Wicked are Cruelty but in God will we put our trust. He is our help and Shield, and I doubt not will cover our heads in the day of Battle, if we must draw the Sword.
     As for my part I am no Swordsman but with my Gun or flail I fear no man more especially my Cause being Good as I think other wise I would not engage. Send word when you Return &c. I am yr. affectionate Bror,

      Sam Swift

      in haste Correct Errors


Title: Reply to A Friendly Address to All Reasonable Americans, 17 November 1774
From: Adams, John
To:

       post 17 November 1774

     A reasonable Americans Answer to, The friendly Address to him on the Subject of our political Confusions.
     Enquire who is the Author? Whether a Sandemanian, a Quaker, or an high Churchman?
     The Character you give me from an English Writer, of our civil Government, will not be disputed by me. The british Constitution, is in Theory, an excellent Structure,: and when wisely and justly administered, has produced as great and good Men, and as much Happiness and Glory to the Nation, as any form of civil Polity, ever yet reduced to Practice among Men, excepting the Commonwealths of Greece and Rome. Notwithstanding this, We ought always to remember that the Nation have been more indebted for their Prosperity, in all Periods of their History, to the Administration, than to the Constitution: and that national Happiness has never been their Portion but when the Administration has leaned, to the democratical, Branch, as in the Reign of Elizabeth, in the Inter regnum, and from the Revolution, to the Commencement of the present Reign.
     For the Same Reason, I agree, with my friendly Addresser, that “those who reside in the American Colonies, have been by far the happiest”: and that were they Sensible of their own Advantages, might still be so,” meaning by this that, they have it in their Power, by a vigorous Exertion of their Abilities and a Resolute Practice of the great Virtues of Frugality, Temperance, Sobriety, Courage, Industry and Fortitude, to resist the unrighteous Claims of the british Ministry and Parliament, and to obtain a full Restoration and a firm Establishment of their ancient Constitutions. But if the Americans, should be so abandoned by all Virtue and common sense, as to give Way to the Pretensions of the Ministry and Parliament, never failing and never ending disgrace, Misery, Contempt and Infamy, will be their Portion to all Ages. “The Blessings of Peace, and Plenty, the Benefits of an equitable and free Constitution,” would be lost to them forever. The “Protection and Patronage of the greatest maritime Power in the World” would be to them only the surer Pledges of their servitude, and instead of contributing, in but a Small Proportion, to the Support of the necessary public Expences, they may assure themselves they will be made to pay as much more, than any others, as the Members of the House of commons, are at a greater distance from them than from others, and have less feeling or fear for them, than for their Neighbours and Constituents.
     “If the Supreme Power of any Kingdom or State, through Want of due Information or Attention, Should adopt Measures that are wrong or oppressive, the Subjects may complain and remonstrate against them in a respectfull Manner; but they are bound, by the Laws of Heaven and Earth, not to behave undutifully, much more not to behave insolently and rebelliously.”
     This curious Passage deserves to be taken to Pieces and examined attentively.
     The Supream Power of any Kingdom or State is in the whole Body of the People. The collective Body of a People never did, and by the eternal Laws of Morality, as well as the indispensible obligations of the Christian Religion never can delegate, to any Magistrate or assembly, an absolute, unlimited and uncontroulable Power over them. If they should attempt to do it by a Vote, or by a Contract or Covenant under Hand and Seal, or by Oath, the Vote Contract and oath would be void, or else Morality and Religion must be void.
     There are therefore certain fundamental Laws, and certain original Rights, reserved expressly or tacitly, by every People in their first Confederation in Society, and erection of Government. They constitute what is called a Sovereign or supreme Power, or Supreme Legislative, to manage their Interests in common Affairs of War and Peace, but they reserve to themselves a Right of judging when that Supream Power answers the End of its Institution, and when it contravenes it.
     My Friend has made a Distinction, which makes him inconsistent with himself and involves him in Absurdities. His Distinction is between respectfull Remonstrances and Complaints, and undutifull ones, and between both and insolent and rebellious ones. He allows that “respectfull Complaints and Remonstrances may be made against wrong or oppressive Measures, adopted by the Supream Power, through Want of Information or Attention.” But I presume he must mean that these Remonstrances and Complaints, must be by the devout Heart offered up to God, in Prayers and Tears, Prius et Lacryma, not made to the Supreme Power itself. Because that Complaints and Remonstrances, even Petitions themselves may be thought by the Supreme Power to be disrespectful!, insolent and rebellious. The very Supposition, that must be here made is disrespectful! undutifull—The Supposition that the Supreme Power, has done or can do any Thing that is wrong or oppressive. The Supposition that the Supream Power, has been “inattentive, or Wanted Information,” is allso disrespectful!, and undutifull. For the Supream Power can do no wrong. The Supream Power is Supposed, as far as Respects the Society to be omnicient, omnipresent, omnipotent, and perfectly wise, just and good.
     However, our Friend has admitted, and he cannot go back, that the Supreme Power is not omnicient, omnipresent, omnipotent, or perfectly wise just and good, because he has expressly admitted, that it may want Information, and Attention, and that it may adopt wrong and oppressive Measures.
     Now if the Supreme Power may want Information, I would ask him how much Information it may want. May it want all degrees of Information? May it in Times of general Depravity, and Dissipation be grossly ignorant? May it neglect to Study the Geography of the Country, the Agriculture Arts, Manufactures, and Commerce of the Nation? May it be So debilitated by Debauchery, as to be incapable of acquiring Knowledge, and of judging of it?
     If it may want Attention, how much Attention may it want? May it not be filled up of Jockies and Gamblers, who never read nor think? May it not become incapable of that laborious study and deep Meditation which is necessary to comprehend, the complicated affairs of a great Empire? May it not become so incapable of Attention as to make it, a Rule, never to judge of Measures, any further than to enquire whether they are recommended by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, or by the Minister of the House of commons.
     This Writer professes to be a Friend to all reasonable Americans, and I am willing to believe that he thinks he is one: and as I profess to be a reasonable American, I am willing to suppose that he thinks himself a Friend to me. But many Characteristic Passages in his Pamphlet, have convinced others that he is a much more sincere Lover of himself. The absurd and exploded Doctrine of Passive obedience and Non Resistance, which he so dogmatically inculcates, shew him to be either a Sandemanian, a Quaker, or one of those few bigotted, rancorous, and delirious Episcopalians, who are yet remaining in North America, and to whom the glorious Revolution of our Government in 1688, is known to be as detestible, as the present opposition of America to the Tyranny of the british Administration. In these Last the selfish Rage for an American Episcopate, which they think can be instituted only by Parliament, has obliterated, that Contempt for Parliament, which was once occasioned, by their Rage for absolute Monarchy.


Title: Editorial Note
From:
To:

      On 26 October 1774 the Continental Congress adjourned, and its members returned home. John Adams left Philadelphia on the 28th, arriving in Braintree probably on 9 November (Diary and AutobiographyDiary and Autobiography of John Adams, ed. L. H. Butterfield and others, Cambridge, 1961; 4 vols., 2:157–160). In his passage through Massachusetts, he was informed of the actions of the Provincial Congress, which had begun meeting on 7 October in Salem, after the dismissal of the General Court by General Gage, and had moved to Concord on 11 October and to Cambridge on the 17th. It adjourned on the 29th, to reconvene on 23 November.
      When the Provincial Congress reassembled in November, the Massachusetts delegates to the Continental Congress who were also members of the Provincial Congress were appointed to the Committee on the State of the Province. At the same time resolutions were passed requesting the presence of Robert Treat Paine and John Adams, not yet chosen by Braintree as one of its representatives to the Provincial Congress—an indication that he was still in Braintree, but that Samuel Adams and Thomas Cushing had arrived at the congress (Mass. Provincial Congress, Jours.William Lincoln, ed., The Journals of Each Provincial Congress of Massachusetts in 1774 and 1775, and of the Committee of Safety, Boston, 1838., p. 49). On 28 November, Braintree added John Adams to its representation (Braintree Town RecordsSamuel A. Bates, ed., Records of the Town of Braintree, 1640 to 1793, Randolph, Mass., 1886., p. 453), but he does not seem to have attended until at least 5 December, when the congress resolved that “John Adams, Esq. be joined to the committee on the state of the province” (Mass. Provincial Congress, Jours.William Lincoln, ed., The Journals of Each Provincial Congress of Massachusetts in 1774 and 1775, and of the Committee of Safety, Boston, 1838., p. 58). On 2 December, Adams had been elected by the Provincial Congress to a seat in the Second Continental Congress, along with John Hancock, Thomas Cushing, Samuel Adams, and Robert Treat Paine. Their election was made official in the resolves of the congress of 5 December accepting the bill of rights, the statement of grievances, and the Association (same, p. 55, 56–58).

      John Adams’ first active role in the congress was probably his membership on the committee which reported on 7 December and was charged with drafting a resolve on the “taking the number of inhabitants, and the quantity of exports and imports of merchandize and of the manufactures of all kinds in this colony,” designed for the use of the delegates to the Second Continental Congress (same, p. 61). Reporting the same morning it was appointed, this committee recommended that a committee composed of a member from each county and maritime town be named for the purpose (same, p. 61–62). John Adams was not a member of this large committee, nor does his name appear again in the journal; thus, the extent to which he was active is not certain. His presence on the Committee on the State of the Province suggests that he may have had some role in the writing of two reports of that committee: an address to the inhabitants of the province, and a report on assuming civil government. Both were issued on the last day of the first congress, 10 December.


Title: Donation for the Boston Poor from Two Virginia Counties, 16 December 1774
From: Amelia and Dinweddie Counties, Virginia, inhabitants of
To: Adams, John,Adams, Samuel,Massachusetts Provincial Congress

     Virginia, 16 December 1774. LbC (MHi:Donations to Sufferers by the Boston Port Bill, p. 66); addressed: “To Sam & Jno. Adams Esqrs at Boston”; signed: “John Tabb, of Amelia Ro Bolling, Jno. Bannister Dinwiddie.”
     This letter was addressed to the two Adamses because the writers knew of no particular committee to which the donation could be sent. The donation was described as “a small Contribution of Grain” from “the Inhabitants of Amelia and Dinweddie Countys.” The letter praises the people of Boston for their “spirited conduct” and “their great perseverance in the Cause of American Liberty.”
     This letter was answered by Samuel Adams on behalf of the committee in February 1775 (LbC, MHi:Letters &c from the Boston Committee . . . respecting donations . . . , p. 124–125).


Title: Donation for the Boston Poor from Chesterfield County, Virginia, 17 December 1774
From: Adams, John
To:

     Virginia, Chesterfield County, 17 December 1774. LbC (MHi:Donations to Sufferers by the Boston Port Bill, p. 97–98); addressed: “To the Honble Thomas Cushing, Esq., Jno. Adams, Esqr. Mr. Sam Adams and Robt Treat Pain, Esqr. Boston”; signed: “Archibald Cary Benja. Watkins.”
     Virginia Chesterfield County. This letter notes that “Subscriptions have been made for the unhappy Inhabitants of Boston, whose Case we look as our Own and Cannot Enough admire their Fortitude under Such cruel Oppression as they for their own and the Common Cause of America have and are yet Suffering.” The amounts of grain donated are given and a request made that some of it be sold to pay freight charges. In addressing their letter to the Massachusetts delegation to the Continental Congress, the writers explained that it was “a Tribute you must pay to the High Confidence your Countrymen have placed in you by which your Charactors are made known to us.”
     This letter was answered by Samuel Adams on 1 Feb. 1775 on behalf of the committee (LbC, MHi:Letters &c from the Boston Committee . . . respecting donations . . . , p. 120–121).


Title: To John Adams from James Warren, 19 December 1774
From: Warren, James
To: Adams, John

      Dear Sir
      Plymo: Decr. 19th:1774

     It always gives me pleasure to hear of the Existence and Health of my Friend and his Family and more especially to have it from his own hand.
     The partiality discovered in yours of the 13th Instant is a strong Evidence of Friendship. I am sorry it should give you any Uneasiness, if the Elections you refer to are not Just such as you and I should Approve. I am Inclined to think they would not have been mended in the way you now think off. The drudgery of Application, with some little Experience may qualifie a man to make a tolerable, or at least not a despicable figure in my small Circle, but nothing can supply the want of those Abilities and that perticular Genius that alone must support his Character in the Other Station and perhaps be necessary to preserve even his Memory from Contempt if not Infamy. I have therefore no Uneasiness myself but what Arises from pride, which in An Officer may assume the Title of military Honour and may reduce me to the Dilemma of either forfeiting my Character by not doing my duty, or lessening it by doing it under Certain Curcumstances. I am pleased to find your Town makes such a figure in the military way, the Spirit is Catching and spreads into every Corner and Bids fair to Cherish the seeds and support the Stock of a riseing Empire. The last Vessel from England Arrived here last Fryday, left Bristol 8th Nov. I am told the Master says that near two thirds of the Members Chose are new ones, that the general Expectation was that the American Greivances would be redressed. He dined in Company with Mr. Burke 2 or 3 days before he came away, who was in high Expectation of A Committee from your Congress, which was looked for every day, and that Doctor Franklin had postponed his Voayge to America on the same Account. However they may be disappointed in this. I presume before now they have seen your demands, Extending so far beyond the repeal of the Acts of the last Session, that it will be hard work to Cure the wounds, without leaving A Splinter behind, and I hope if there be one left it will rankle till Extracted. Will the Continent be satisfied short of their demands? I hope not but sometimes hope with fear and Trembling.
     I have been Extreamly Engaged since my return as a Citizen and Soldier. Civil and military matters Engage my whole Attention and Engross all my Time, to Execute the Resolves of the Congress, to settle my military matters and prevent the feuds and dissentions that generally arise from the Folly of some and the Ambition of Others, is my whole Business and has superceded the Delightful study of Agriculture and scarce left a Trace in my mind of Tulls, fine Phylosophical System of Vegetation. If these matters Continue I may as well Beat my plowshares into Swords and pruneing Hooks into Spears. I am sorry to find you half resolved not to Attend our Anniversary. Your Company would give me the greatest pleasure and Add much to the festivity of the day.
     Do resolve to Come. Mrs. Warren gives her Love to Mrs. Adams, would be glad to see you both. She is well pleased with her letter and will Ask the favour of you to Inclose an Answer.
     I wish Mrs. Pollys News was True but have not Abundance of faith in such Intelligence. I will form some Expectations of seeing you on Wednesday and am with Sincerity and Esteem Yr Friend and Humbl. Servt.,

      Jas. Warren


Title: From John Adams to Mercy Otis Warren, 3 January 1775
From: Adams, John
To: Warren, Mercy Otis

      Madam
      Braintree Jany 3. 17745

     I remember, that Bishop Burnet in a Letter he once wrote to Lady Rachell Russell the virtuous Daughter of the great Southampton, and unfortunate Wife of Lord Russell who died a Martyr to English Liberties, Says “Madam I never attempt to write to you but my Pen conscious of its Inferiority falls out of my Hand.” The polite Prelate did not write to that excellent Lady in so bold a figure with half the sincerity, that I could apply it to myself when writing to Mrs. Warren.
     I will however Strive to grasp, my Pen hard enough, to write one Line in Answer to her kind Billet Deer 30.
     Mr. Adams assures Mrs. Warren, that nothing would have given him greater Pleasure than a Visit to Plymouth at the late anniversary, but it was out of his Power. He thanks Mr. and Mrs. Warren however, most heartily for their very kind and repeated Invitations. He shall think himself happy if he can find an opportunity, before the Month of May to make a Visit to his Friends at Plymouth, but it has been his Misfortune to have been so often and so long absent from home, for these twelve Months past, that he really thinks his Duty to his family oblige him, to leave it as little as possible.
     Mrs. Warren is pleased to mention Mr. Adams’s needfull Application to public, and his close Attention to private Business.” His private Business, Madam, has been totally annihilated, These twelve months past and more, by the inauspicious Course of public Affairs, and he has no kind of Prospect of its ever, coming into Existence again. He has therefore, learnt the important Lesson of Resignation to what he cannot alter, and should be very happy the remainder of his Days, to get his Bread by his Labour and Attention to a Farm. He thinks he could shine as an industrious Farmer, but he is too old to make a Figure in Arms the Profession to which We must for the future perhaps be obliged for our Safety and our Liberty as much as formerly we were to that of the Law. If the Standards should be erected, and A Camp formed, however, ten to one but he flies to it, but whether it will be for shelter, or as a volunteer, Time alone must discover.
     He thanks Mrs. Warren most kindly for her friendly Wishes for his Peace, Health, and Prosperity, and especially, when she wishes that he may return Laden with the Applauses of his Country, but most of all where she wishes he may return with a self approving Mind. Of the last he is Sure, if plain, direct, Simple and sincere Intentions to do what the Cause of Truth Justice, Liberty and Humanity, according to his Conceptions require of him, at whatever Hazard it may be can insure it. And as long as he shall act upon these Principles, he does not doubt of enjoying that sweetest Music to an honest Ear the Approbation of his Country, for this is seldom refused to Integrity of Heart, how inconsiderable soever the Abilities, that direct it. I am Madam, with more Esteem than I have Power in words to expend, your Friend and Sert

      Your humbl Sert,
      John Adams