Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Cumming, 30 December 1767
From: Cumming, Thomas
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Surry Street, Decr. 30th. [1767]
Thos. Cumming presents his best Respects to his worthy Friend Doctor Franklin, and begs Leave to introduce to his Notice the Bearer, who is canvassing for the Place of Library-Keeper to the Royal Society. The Doctor will be presented with a Book of that Gentleman’s, which if it has been already read by the Doctor, Cumming may save himself the Trouble of saying any Thing on Behalf of the Author’s Learning or Integrity, &c. If the Dr. has not yet read it, C. requests he may, and then act in Regard to his Friend, as he may be thought to deserve. C. begs his best Respects to the Doctor’s good Landlady.
 Addressed: To / Doctor Benjn. Franklin / Craven Street,


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Mary Stevenson, [1767–1770]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson

[1767–1770]
[First part missing] and a Train of various Amusements daily interfering, I as continually put off Writing till to-morrow; when I receiv’d the second Letter, I propos’d answering both together to-morrow; the same of the third; and now what a shameful Fault has this Procrastination led me into! a Fault which even my Polly with all her Goodnature, join’d to her Regard for me can hardly excuse.


Title: Causes of the American Discontents before 1768, 5–7 January 1768
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

Verner W. Crane has called this essay “perhaps the most famous contribution by Franklin, after the Examination, to the propaganda of the American Revolution.” The colonial reaction to the Townshend Acts, particularly in Massachusetts, was provoking such anger in England that Franklin felt the need to explain the American position. He first did so orally, to a large gathering that included some members of Parliament; the statement was well received, and he was urged to write out and publish it. When it appeared in The London Chronicle, he complained privately but hotly that editorial deletions had robbed it of its force.  His reason for complaining, however, is impossible to determine from the available evidence.
In 1774 the Chronicle, for reasons that remain mysterious, reprinted the essay in its issues of August 27–30 and August 30-September 1. The reprint contains a number of alterations, which might be expected to be Franklin’s restoration of material deleted in 1768. Those alterations that in any way affect the sense are supplied in footnotes below; a few words are also provided in brackets from the 1774 reprinting. The effect of the changes upon the essay as a whole is minimal. If they undo the editorial mangling of which Franklin initially complained, he had small ground for grievance. If he had more substantial ground, on the other hand, why did he not repair the damage when the essay reappeared? The answer may be that in 1774 the atmosphere was so tense that he had no desire to make it worse. But why did he not at least try to bring his propaganda up to date by referring to developments since 1768? The question is unanswerable. All that can be said is that between the two printings of his essay he made a few stylistic revisions that do not substantially affect the content.

To the Printer of the London Chronicle
The Waves never rise but when the Winds blow. Prov.
Sir,
As the cause of the present ill humour in America, and of the resolutions taken there to purchase less of our manufactures, does not seem to be generally understood, it may afford some satisfaction to your Readers, if you give them the following short historical state of facts.
From the time that the Colonies were first considered as capable of granting aids to the Crown, down to the end of the last war, it is said, that the constant mode of obtaining those aids was by Requisition made from the Crown through its Governors to the several Assemblies, in circular letters from the Secretary of State in his Majesty’s name, setting forth the occasion, requiring them to take the matter into consideration; and expressing a reliance on their prudence, duty and affection to his Majesty’s Government, that they would grant such sums, or raise such numbers of men, as were suitable to their respective circumstances.
The Colonies being accustomed to this method, have from time to time granted money to the Crown, or raised troops for its service, in proportion to their abilities; and during all the last war beyond their abilities, so that considerable sums were return’d them yearly by Parliament, as they had exceeded their proportion.
Had this happy method of Requisition been continued, (a method that left the King’s subjects in those remote countries the pleasure of showing their zeal and loyalty, and of imagining that they recommended themselves to their Sovereign by the liberality of their voluntary grants) there is no doubt but all the money that could reasonably be expected to be rais’d from them in any manner, might have been obtained, without the least heart-burning, offence, or breach of the harmony, of affections and interests, that so long subsisted between the two countries.
It has been thought wisdom in a Government exercising sovereignty over different kinds of people, to have some regard to prevailing and established opinions among the people to be governed, wherever such opinions might in their effects obstruct or promote publick measures. If they tend to obstruct publick service, they are to be changed, if possible, before we attempt to act against them; and they can only be changed by reason and persuasion. But if publick business can be carried on without thwarting those opinions, if they can be, on the contrary, made subservient to it, they are not unnecessarily to be thwarted, how absurd soever such popular opinions may be in their natures. This had been the wisdom of our Government with respect to raising money in the Colonies. It was well known, that the Colonies universally were of opinion, that no money could be levied from English subjects, but by their own consent given by themselves or their chosen Representatives: That therefore whatever money was to be raised from the people in the Colonies, must first be granted by their Assemblies, as the money raised in Britain is first to be granted by the House of Commons: That this right of granting their own money, was essential to English liberty: And that if any man, or body of men, in which they had no Representative of their chusing, could tax them at pleasure, they could not be said to have any property, any thing they could call their own. But as these opinions did not hinder their granting money voluntarily and amply whenever the Crown by its servants came into their Assemblies (as it does into its Parliaments of Britain or Ireland) and demanded aids; therefore that method was chosen rather than the hateful one of arbitrary taxes.
I do not undertake here to support these opinions of the Americans; they have been refuted by a late Act of Parliament, declaring its own power; which very Parliament, however, shew’d wisely so much tender regard to those inveterate prejudices, as to repeal a tax that had militated against them. And those prejudices are still so fixed and rooted in the Americans, that, it has been supposed, not a single man among them has been convinced of his error, even by that Act of Parliament.
The person then who first projected to lay aside the accustomed method of Requisition, and to raise money on America by Stamps, seems not to have acted wisely, in deviating from that method (which the Colonists looked upon as constitutional) and thwarting unnecessarily the fixed prejudices of so great a number of the King’s subjects. It was not, however, for want of knowledge that what he was about to do would give them great offence; he appears to have been very sensible of this, and apprehensive that it might occasion some disorders, to prevent or suppress which, he projected another Bill, that was brought in the same Session with the Stamp Act, whereby it was to be made lawful for military Officers in the Colonies to quarter their soldiers in private houses. This seem’d intended to awe the people into a compliance with the other Act. Great opposition however being raised here against the Bill by the Agents from the Colonies, and the Merchants trading thither, the Colonists declaring, that under such a power in the Army, no one could look on his house as his own, or think he had a home, when soldiers might be thrust into it and mix’d with his family at the pleasure of an officer, that part of the Bill was dropt; but there still remained a clause, when it passed into a Law, to oblige the several Assemblies to provide quarters for the soldiers, furnishing them with firing, bedding, candles, small beer or rum, and sundry other articles, at the expence of the several Provinces. And this Act continued in force when the Stamp Act was repealed, though if obligatory on the Assemblies, it equally militated against the American principle abovementioned, that money is not to be raised on English subjects without their consent.
The Colonies nevertheless being put into high good humour by the repeal of the Stamp Act, chose to avoid fresh dispute upon the other, it being temporary and soon to expire, never, as they hoped, to revive again; and in the meantime they, by various ways in different Colonies, provided for the quartering of the troops, either by acts of their own Assemblies, without taking notice of the A[cts] of P[arliamen]t, or by some variety or small diminution, as of salt and vinegar, in the supplies required by the Act, that what they did might appear a voluntary act of their own, and not done in obedience to an A[ct] of P[arliamen]t which, according to their ideas of their rights, they thought hard to obey.
It might have been well if the matter had thus passed without notice; but a G[overno]r having written home an angry and aggravating letter upon this conduct in the Assembly of his Province,  the outed P[rojecto]r of the Stamp Act and his adherents then in the opposition, raised such a clamour against America, as being in rebellion, and against those who had been for the repeal of the Stamp Act, as having thereby been encouragers of this supposed rebellion, that it was thought necessary to inforce the Quartering Act by another Act of Parliament, taking away from the Province of New York, which had been the most explicit in its refusal, all the powers of legislation, till it should have complied with that act. The news of which greatly alarmed the people every where in America, as (it has been said) the language of such an act seemed to them to be, Obey implicitly laws made by the Parliament of Great Britain to raise money on you without your consent, or you shall enjoy no rights or privileges at all.
At the same time a Person lately in high office,  projected the levying more money from America, by new duties on various articles of our own manufacture, as glass, paper, painters colours, &c. appointing a new Board of Customs, and sending over a set of Commissioners with large salaries to be established at Boston, who were to have the care of collecting those duties; which were by the act expressly mentioned to be intended for the payment of the salaries of Governors, Judges, and other Officers of the Crown in America; it being a pretty general opinion here, that those Officers ought not to depend on the people there for any part of their support.
It is not my intention to combat this opinion. But perhaps it may be some satisfaction to your Readers to know what ideas the Americans have on the subject. They say then as to Governors, that they are not like Princes whose posterity have an inheritance in the government of a nation, and therefore an interest in its prosperity; they are generally strangers to the Provinces they are sent to govern, have no estate, natural connection, or relation there, to give them an affection for the country; that they come only to make money as fast as they can; are sometimes men of vicious characters and broken fortunes, sent by a Minister merely to get them out of the way; that as they intend staying in the country no longer than their government continues, and purpose to leave no family behind them, they are apt to be regardless of the good will of the people, and care not what is said or thought of them after they are gone. Their situation at the same time gives them many opportunities of being vexatious, and they are often so, notwithstanding their dependance on the Assemblies for all that part of their support that does not arise from fees established by law; but would probably be much more so, if they were to be supported by money drawn from the people without their consent or good will, which is the professed design of this new act. That if by means of these forced duties Government is to be supported in America, without the intervention of the Assemblies, their Assemblies will soon be looked upon as useless, and a Governor will not call them, as having nothing to hope from their meeting, and perhaps something to fear from their enquiries into and remonstrances against this Mal-administration. That thus the people will be deprived of their most essential rights. That it being, as at present, a Governor’s interest to cultivate the good will by promoting the welfare of the people he governs, can be attended with no prejudice to the Mother Country, since all the laws he may be prevailed on to give his assent to are subject to revision here, and if reported against by the Board of Trade,  are immediately repealed by the Crown; nor dare he pass any law contrary to his instructions, as he holds his office during the pleasure of the Crown, and his Securities are liable for the penalties of their bonds if he contravenes those instructions. This is what they say as to Governors. As to Judges they alledge, that being appointed from hence, and holding their commissions not during good behaviour, as in Britain, but during pleasure, all the weight of interest or influence would be thrown into one of the scales, (which ought to be held even) if the salaries are also to be paid out of duties raised upon the people without their consent, and independent of their Assemblies approbation or disapprobation of the Judges behaviour. That it is true, Judges should be free from all influence; and therefore, whenever Government here will grant commissions to able and honest Judges during good behaviour, the Assemblies will settle permanent and ample salaries on them during their commissions: But at present they have no other means of getting rid of an ignorant or an unjust Judge (and some of scandalous characters have, they say, been sometimes sent them) but by starving him out.
I do not suppose these reasonings of theirs will appear here to have much weight. I do not produce them with an expectation of convincing your readers. I relate them merely in pursuance of the task I have impos’d on myself, to be an impartial historian of American facts and opinions.
The colonists being thus greatly alarmed, as I said before, by the news of the Act for abolishing the Legislature of New-York, and the imposition of these new duties professedly for such disagreeable purposes; (accompanied by a new set of revenue officers with large appointments, which gave strong suspicions that more business of the same kind was soon to be provided for them, that they might earn these salaries;) began seriously to consider their situation, and to revolve afresh in their minds grievances which from their respect and love for this country, they had long borne and seemed almost willing to forget. They reflected how lightly the interest of all America had been estimated here, when the interest of a few inhabitants of Great Britain happened to have the smallest competition with it. That thus the whole American people were forbidden the advantage of a direct importation of wine, oil, and fruit, from Portugal, but must take them loaded with all the expences of a voyage 1000 leagues round about, being to be landed first in England to be re-shipped for America; expences amounting, in war time, at least to 30 per cent. more than otherwise they would have been charged with, and all this merely that a few Portugal merchants in London may gain a commission on those goods passing through their hands. Portugal merchants, by the by, that can complain loudly of the smallest hardships laid on their trade by foreigners, and yet even the last year could oppose with all their influence the giving ease to their fellow subjects labouring under so heavy an oppression! That on a slight complaint of a few Virginia merchants, nine colonies had been restrained from making paper money, become absolutely necessary to their internal commerce from the constant remittance of their gold and silver to Britain. But not only the interest of a particular body of merchants, the interest of any small body of British tradesmen or artificers, has been found, they say, to outweigh that of all the King’s subjects in the colonies. There cannot be a stronger natural right than that of a man’s making the best profit he can of the natural produce of his lands, provided he does not thereby hurt the state in general. Iron is to be found every where in America, and beaver furs are the natural produce of that country: hats and nails, and steel, are wanted there as well as here. It is of no importance to the common welfare of the empire, whether a subject of the King’s gets his living by making hats on this or that side of the water. Yet the Hatters of England have prevailed to obtain an Act in their own favour, restraining that manufacture in America, in order to oblige the Americans to send their beaver to England to be manufactured, and purchase back the hats, loaded with the charges of a double transportation. In the same manner have a few Nailmakers, and still a smaller body of Steelmakers (perhaps there are not half a dozen of these in England) prevailed totally to forbid by an Act of Parliament the erecting of slitting mills or steel furnaces in America,  that the Americans may be obliged to take all the nails for their buildings, and steel for their tools, from these artificers, under the same disadvantages.
Added to these, the Americans remembered the Act authorizing the most cruel insult that perhaps was ever offered by one people to another, that of emptying our gaols into their settlements; Scotland too having within these two years obtained the privilege it had not before, of sending its rogues and villains also to the plantations. I say, reflecting on these things, they said to one another (their news papers are full of such discourses) these people are not content with making a monopoly of us, forbiding us to trade with any other country of Europe, and compelling us to buy every thing of them, though in many articles we could furnish ourselves 10, 20, and even to 50 per cent. cheaper elsewhere; but now they have as good as declared they have a right to tax us ad libitum internally and externally, and that our constitutions and liberties shall all be taken away, if we do not submit to that claim. They are not content with the high prices at which they sell us their goods, but have now begun to enhance those prices by new duties; and by the expensive apparatus of a new set of officers,  appear to intend an augmentation and multiplication of those burthens that shall still be more grievous to us. Our people have been foolishly fond of their superfluous modes and manufactures, to the impoverishing our country, carrying off all our cash, and loading us with debt; they will not suffer us to restrain the luxury of our inhabitants as they do that of their own, by laws: They can make laws to discourage or prohibit the importation of French superfluities; but though those of England are as ruinous to us as the French ones are to them, if we make a law of that kind, they immediately repeal it. Thus they get all our money from us by trade, and every profit we can any where make by our fisheries, our produce or our commerce, centers finally with them; but this does not signify. It is time then to take care of ourselves by the best means in our power. Let us unite in solemn resolutions and engagements with and to each other, that we will give these new officers as little trouble as possible, by not consuming the British manufactures on which they are to levy the duties. Let us agree to consume no more of their expensive gewgaws. Let us live frugally, and let us industriously manufacture what we can for ourselves: Thus we shall be able honourably to discharge the debts we already owe them, and after that we may be able to keep some money in our country, not only for the uses of our internal commerce, but for the service of our gracious Sovereign, whenever he shall have occasion for it, and think proper to require it of us in the old constitutional manner. For notwithstanding the reproaches thrown out against us in their public papers and pamphlets, notwithstanding we have been reviled in their Senate as Rebels and Traitors, we are truly a loyal people. Scotland has had its rebellions, and England its plots against the present Royal Family; but America is untainted with those crimes; there is in it scarce a man, there is not a single native of our country, who is not firmly attached to his King by principle and by affection. But a new kind of loyalty seems to be required of us, a loyalty to P[arliamen]t; a loyalty, that is to extend, it is said, to a surrender of all our properties, whenever a H[ouse]of C[ommons], in which there is not a single member of our chusing, shall think fit to grant them away without our consent; and to a patient suffering the loss of our privileges as Englishmen, if we cannot submit to make such surrender. We were separated too far from Britain by the Ocean, but we were united to it by respect and love, so that we could at any time freely have spent our lives and little fortunes in its cause: But this unhappy new system of politics tends to dissolve those bands of union, and to sever us for ever.
These are the wild ravings of the at present half distracted Americans. To be sure, no reasonable man in England can approve of such sentiments, and, as I said before, I do not pretend to support or justify them: But I sincerely wish, for the sake of the manufactures and commerce of Great Britain, and for the sake of the strength which a firm union with our growing colonies would give us, that these people had never been thus needlessly driven out of their senses. I am, your’s, &c.
F + S.


Title: On Railing and Reviling, 6 January 1768
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

On January 5, 1768, the Gazetteer published an intemperate attack on the Boston nonimportation resolutions and on the American attitude in general, signed “Old England.” The next day Franklin dashed off a reply, written on the back of a notice he had just received of a Council meeting of the Royal Society, and after slightly amending the draft sent it to the printer.

To the Printer of the Gazetteer
Jan. 6, 1768
Instead of raving (with your correspondent of yesterday) against the Americans as “diggers of pits for this country,” “lunaticks,” “sworn enemies,” “false,” “ungrateful,” “cut-throats,” &c. which is a treatment of customers that I doubt is not like to bring them back to our shop; I would recommend to all writers on American affairs (however hard their arguments may be) soft words,  civility, and good manners. It is only from a redress of grievances and equitable regulations of commerce, with mild and reasonable measures of government, permitting and securing to those people the full enjoyment of their privileges, that we may hope to recover the affection and respect of that great and valuable part of our fellow subjects, and restore and confirm the solid union between the two countries, that is so necessary to the strength and stability of the whole empire. Railing and reviling can answer no good end; it may make the breach wider; it can never heal it.
Old England in its Senses.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Winthrop, 6 January 1768
From: Winthrop, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Jan. 6, 1768.
I have read in the Philosophical Transactions the account of the effects of lightning on St. Bride’s steeple. ’Tis amazing to me, that after the full demonstration you had given, of the identity of lightning and of electricity, and the power of metalline conductors, they should ever think of repairing that steeple without such conductors. How astonishing is the force of prejudice even in an age of so much knowledge and free enquiry!


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to William Franklin, 9 January 1768
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, William

Dear Son,
London, Jan. 9, 1768.
We have had so many alarms of changes which did not take place, that just when I wrote it was thought the ministry would stand their ground. However immediately after the talk was renewed, and it soon appeared the Sunday changes were actually settled. Mr. Conway resigns and Lord Weymouth takes his place. Lord Gower is made president of the council in the room of Lord Northington. Lord Shelburne is stript of the America business which is given to Lord Hillsborough as Secretary of State for America, a new distinct department. Lord Sandwich ’tis said comes into the Post Office in his place. Several of the Bedford party are now to come in. How these changes may affect us a little time will show. Little at present is thought of but elections which gives me hopes that nothing will be done against America this session, though the Boston gazette had occasioned some heats and the Boston resolutions a prodigious clamour. I have endeavoured to palliate matters for them as well as I can: I send you my manuscript of one paper, though I think you take the Chronicle. The editor of that paper one Jones seems a Grenvillian, or is very cautious as you will see, by his corrections and omissions. He has drawn the teeth and pared the nails of my paper, so that it can neither scratch nor bite. It seems only to paw and mumble. I send you also two other late pieces of mine. There is another which I cannot find.
I am told there has been a talk of getting me appointed under secretary to Lord Hillsborough; but with little likelihood as it is a settled point here that I am too much of an American.
I am in very good health, thanks to God: your affectionate father,
B.F.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Joseph Galloway, 9 January 1768
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Galloway, Joseph

Dear Sir,
London, Jan. 9, 1768.
I wrote to you via Boston and have little to add except to acquaint you that some changes have taken place since my last, which have not the most promising aspect for America, several of the Bedford party being come into employment again; a party that has distinguished itself by exclaiming against us on all late occasions. Mr. Conway one of our friends, has resigned and Lord Weymouth takes his place. Lord Shelburne another friend, is stripped of the American part of the business of his office which now makes a distinct department, in which Lord Hillsborough is placed. I do not think this nobleman in general an enemy to America; but in the affair of paper money he was last winter strongly against us. I did hope I had removed some of his prejudices on that head, but am not certain. We have however increased the cry for it here, and believe shall attempt to obtain the repeal of the act,  though the Boston gazette and their resolutions about manufactures have hurt us much, having occasioned an immense clamour here. I have endeavoured to palliate matters for them as well as I can, and hope with some success. For having in a large company in which were some members of parliament, given satisfaction to all by what I alleged in explanation of the conduct of the Americans, and to show that they were not quite so unreasonable as they appeared to be, I was advised by several present to make my sentiments public, not only for the sake of America, but as it would be some ease to our friends here, who are triumphed over a good deal by our adversaries on the occasion. I have accordingly done it in the enclosed paper. I shall write you fully on other subjects very soon, at present can only add my respects to the committee, and that I am, dear sir, your faithful humble servant,
B. Franklin.


Title: On the New Office of Secretary of State for the Colonies, 13 January 1768
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

On January 12, 1768, the Gazetteer published an attack on the newly created Secretaryship of State for the American Colonies signed by “Old England,” the correspondent whom Franklin had recently rebuked for his intemperateness. The rebuke had had no effect: the effusion was as strongly worded as the previous one, and more ridiculous in its argument. The Stuarts had raised in America, according to the writer, “an offspring to prerogative that should be bound by the strongest ties of interest, to wage eternal war with parliamentary authority.” The colonies were coming to resemble Hanover, and would provide the King with “a prerogative army” to use against the liberties of Englishmen. Franklin felt impelled to answer this nonsense at once, and in his reply he expressed for the first time his opinion of the cabinet post that had just been carved for Lord Hillsborough out of the Secretaryship for the Southern Department.

  Jan. 13. [1768]
  To the Printer of the Gazetteer

Your correspondent of yesterday, who signs himself Old England, is extremely alarmed at the appointment of a separate secretary of state for the business of the Colonies, apprehending the most terrible consequences from it to our “Liberties, commerce, and most essential interests.”
His conceptions are,
1. That “this being a new lucrative office, having several dependants enjoying salaries under the government, must produce a new accession of power to the Crown.” But if, in consequence of this appointment, the Board of Trade and Plantations should be (as it is said it will be) laid aside as unnecessary,  since the secretary may, at any time, obtain from the experienced merchants who have traded to America, and from returned governors and other officers of the Crown, who have resided in that country, better information than that Board can give him, composed, as it sometimes has been, of country gentlemen, or the friends, or friends friends of Ministers, placed there, not for their knowledge of American affairs, but to receive pensions under the guise of salaries: there will then, by this arrangement, be a considerable diminution of the power of the Crown, as well as a great saving of expences to the nation.
2. That “an opening will be formed by means of this secret channel, for conventions with a premier, totally destructive to the freedom and trade of England.” We have long had secretaries of state for the affairs of France, Spain, and other countries at enmity with us; but was the appointment of such officer ever objected to, on a supposition that they might become “secret channels for conventions, destructive to the freedom and trade of England?” Have we then more to fear from our own offspring, a people of the same language and religion, than from our neighbouring old enemies, French, Spaniards, and Papists? May not the secretary for American affairs be as honest a man, and as faithful to the interest of the nation, as either of the other secretaries? And will he not be as answerable with his head as they are, if he should betray his trust?
3. But the great danger is supposed to be, that “America being the child of prerogative, and consisting of some millions of commercial subjects daily encreasing in riches and power, ranged under its banner, and bound to it by the strongest ties of interest,” may, in some imagined future contest between the crown and parliament, strengthen the hands of the former against the latter, to the utter “ruin of parliamentary authority.” Last year these writers were terrifying us with the apprehensions that the colonists would all become rebels, but now it seems the truth is, that they are like to become too loyal! For my own part, I am perfectly easy on both these points, having no doubt but the goodness and wisdom of our King and Parliament, improved by the mistakes of past times, will not only preserve the happy union that at present subsists between them, but will treat those people with such kindness and justice as shall strengthen and establish the constitutional connection of the two countries, notwithstanding all the endeavours of angry declaimers on both sides the water, to sow the seeds of dissention, and blow up the flames of discord, where every prudent consideration calls for concord and harmony. They do not, however, always act this part from a malignity of heart; it is sometimes from an insanity of head. To be apprehensive of chimerical dangers, to be alarmed at trifles, to suspect plots and deep designs where none exist, to regard as mortal enemies those who are really our nearest and best friends, and to be very abusive, are all symptoms of this distemper; and strong in your correspondent. I cannot therefore be offended with him; on the contrary, I never read his papers but I feel myself disposed to sigh, and to say of him, what the honest political barber, in the farce, often compassionately says of me, Ahpoor Old England.
Remembering, Mr. Gazetteer, the impartiality you have always manifested in what relates to my affairs, I shall ever wish well to your paper, whilst I am
Old England, in its senses.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Eleanor Morris, 18 January 1768
From: Morris, Eleanor
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Most Hononoured Sir
Westbury, Jan: 18 1768
I make bold hoping you will Excuse me my Cousins joyning me once more to Congratulate you on that Happy Day which we kept very joyfully for we had a Plumpuding for Dinner and the Children and we Drank your Health in tea in the Afternoon which Happy Day I may never live to see again but hope God will be Pleased to Continue Health and Happiness to your Self and all your Dear Family which I hope are all well. I Bless God for my Age I Enjoy a very good State of Health tho the weather has been so very severe I have been as comfortabe as my cousin could make me for tho I was Disappointed of our warm Parlar my cousin got a Bake Pan of Coals and used to Set it in my Room in a morning and bring my Breakfast to bed and the Same at Night before I went to bed to warm the Room and I have Escaped this Distemper but poor Henery and his Master have been very ill but both are got well again and he goes everey Day to School. I hope Dear Sir you will Pardan this Trouble as I may never live to see that Happy Day again my Cousins joyn me in begging the acceptance of our Humble Duties to your Self and good Family in America from your Most Humble and most obdient Servant
Eleanor Morris

P S hoping mrs. Stevenson his well and will Except of all our Humble Duties.

Addressed: To / Benjamin Franklin Esqre / at mrs Stevensons in Craven / Street near the Strand / London


Title: Pennsylvania Assembly Committee of Correspondence to Richard Jackson and Benjamin Franklin, 19 January 1768
From: Pennsylvania Assembly Committee of Correspondence
To: Jackson, Richard,Franklin, Benjamin

Gentlemen,
Philad. Jan. 19, 1768.
By Order of the House we inclose you Copies of a Letter from his Excellency General Gage, a Message from the Governor to the Assembly, and their Answer, and the Examination of George Croghan, Esq; Deputy-Superintendant under Sir William Johnson, for the Western District, taken before the House; by which you will perceive the present critical and alarming Situation of Indian Affairs, and that there is a Prospect of an immediate Rupture with the Natives, unless Measures are adopted to prevent it. By the Answer you will observe, that the Representatives of the People are exerting themselves in every Manner that they can conceive will tend to this salutary End. They have formed a Bill, now before the Governor, making the Offence of continuing, after Notice, on the Indian unpurchased Lands, Felony of Death without Benefit of Clergy, and warmly addressed the Governor to exert himself in bringing the Authors of the late horrid and cruel Massacre of the Indians at Conestogoe and Lancaster (which we find is one of the Causes of the Indian Discontent) to condign Punishment. What will be the Effect of this Law, should the Bill be passed, or what Part the Government will act on the Occasion, Time alone can discover.
But as the House are of Opinion, founded on Mr. Croghan’s Examination, that there is another Cause of Indian Jealousy and Dissatisfaction, without the speedy Removal of which, no durable and permanent Peace can be established between the Natives and His Majesty’s Colonies, they have ordered us to represent it to you in the strongest Terms; for though the Power of Redress does not lie with them, yet they esteem it their Duty, in a Matter of so much Concern to the Safety and Peace of His Majesty’s Subjects, to contribute as much as lies in their Power towards so important a Service: The Cause we mean is the Non-establishment of a Boundary negociated about three Years ago by His Majesty’s Orders to Sir William Johnson, between these Colonies and the Indian Country. The Delay of the Confirmation of this Boundary the Natives have warmly complained of, and that although they have received no Consideration for the Lands agreed to be ceded to the Crown on our Side of the Boundary, yet that its Subjects are daily settling and occupying those very Lands, and a Number of the Indian Warriors have been lately murdered on them, by the Frontier People, chiefly those of Virginia, in their Passage to or from War against the Cherokees. What has been the Cause of this Delay the House are not apprized; but it is their clear Opinion, that nothing less than the final Confirmation of the Boundary can lay the Foundation of a solid and lasting Peace with the Indians, as they fear no Laws, however penal, will prevent a Set of lawless Men, who infest the Frontiers of the Colonies, from entering and settling on these Lands, and, when intoxicated with Liquor, from killing the Natives who may fall in their Way. But should this Boundary be established, these frequent Causes of Indian Dissatisfaction would be removed, at least for many Years, as the Distance between our Frontiers and the Indian Country would be considerable, and their Right of Passage to War, near the inhabited Parts of the Province taken away. Under this View of Indian Affairs, the House have directed us earnestly to desire that you would use your Interest with His Majesty’s Ministry, to obtain, as soon as possible, the Accomplishment and final Ratification of this Boundary, so necessary to the future Safety of the Colonies, and to prevent the immense Expence which otherwise must unavoidably arise to Great-Britain. We are, with due Esteem, Gentlemen, Your assured Friends

William Rodman,
Joseph Galloway, Speaker,

Isaac Pearson,
James Pemberton,

Joseph Fox,
John Ross,

Joseph Richardson,
Thomas Livezey.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Deborah Franklin, [21–22 January 1768]
From: Franklin, Deborah
To: Franklin, Benjamin

My Deareste Dear Child.
[Jan. 21–22, 1768.]
yister day I had the pleshuer to reseve yours Dated November the 17 I had not hearde one worde abought you senes the later end of Auguste which was neare five munthes but I shall not dwell on that at this time. You reseded I hope all our letters wrote in September and ocktober and those from Mr. Bache and Salley and mine all so and I thinke you was told that Mr. Bache was gon to Jamako for three or fore munthes.
But I have another afair to write to you a bought poor Debbey has bin verey sorely aflickted indead I donte take pleshure in saying aneything to you that will give you aney uneseynes but I donte thinke I shold due write if I shold not tell you as mabey sumbodey eles shold write and you not heare the write. Debbey has had another Dafter borne laste September abought 8 or 9 weekes befor the Child was borne shee meet with a disaster and Cold not stand or walke or helpe herselef att all and was obliged to keep her Bead all the reste of her time and it was verey hott wather and shee grew verey weake indead. I never expeckted shee wold live or the Child but it plesed god shee did and the Child all so but two owers before the Child was borne her Husband was brought home all moste dead from sum plase in Mareyland well he lay verey ill and it was expeckted to dey everey day and her nurse was Coled a way before shee had gotten strenthe and shee Cote a bad Colde the Child had no milke and all moste kiled the poor littel mother att laste it was put ought as she Cold not due aneything for it and shee lay in Continewal pain scree[m]ing and Creying with what the Dockters Cole a spasmotacol disorder in her head and all her joyntes so bad as to turne her Eyes quite Crucked and to starte them aright and hurte her site threw her in to fitts and disjoynted her eyes so as her Chin fell down on her breste and has deprived her of her senses and shee is so hanted with such dredfull uglay thinges and the imginshon [imagination?] and soon the dockter ses it is a verey bad disorder indead but he is in hopes shee will get the better of it. The nighte be for laste shee was in graite distress Collin on her unkill and sed if he was thair shee shold not be treeted in such a maner. I sat by her and folded her in my armes and told her that I wold take as much Caire of her as thow you was thair and held her for two ower and Salley sat att her feet and wraped them up and had a thing to heet them a way. Att laste shee fell asleep and was yisterday as hapey as we Cold expeckte and still Contineus more hapey I pray god to Contineu it for her one [own] Sake as well as her Childrens it is verey harde on me now more the [than] 60 years old to be in everey stashon. I am fother and mother to owir one [our own] and so I muste be to poor Debbey by inkleynashon and for Credit Sake. I will leve of[f] and go and see her in hopes to tell you better news but be for I go I muste tell thee our Nevfew B Mecom has bin hear 5 or 6 dayes he went a way yisterday. I did not know his buisnes but he semed verey hapey and semed to think he had verey graite prospecktes before him and is in hopes to Convince his friends that he and thay shall be verey hapey before long he had sume Confrense with mr. Kinersly and the Revrd. Dockter Allison I Cante helpe tellin that Dr. Allison has Surprized Beney by tellin him that God in his mersey has maid the rode to Heaven So wide that sume of all Reig [Religious?] profeshons may go to heaven nay it is so wide that thay may go abreste but Ben thinkes he is mistaken and is a verey quere man and donte seme to like him but the Dr. trusted him with 6 or 8 letters to the moste noted men in proper plases. This minet I hear sad news is Cume to town that a Duch man has killed 10 or 14 Indians I will inquire and tell you but this is a dredfull letter [illegible] wrote you the news abought the Indians. This day our poor Mr. Sturgis burys his Childe for he was killed by the fall of a tree the same littel jentleman that admired you so much his Name was Fransis.
This is the third day that poor Debbey has bin better shee still thinkes shee has bin from home [and won’t?] let any body Contrey dickete her. The ocktober Packit is Cume and have a letter from you but I heare that nobodey else has aney I shold a toald you befor that our Mrs. Stephen is marreyed to Mr. Guning Bedfor you know him he is a verey Honeste and a verey good man. The Bills is to go by next Packit thay wold a gon by this but the Cirtifiket is not readey I sed I did not thinke thair was aney a Coshon but it will be readey by that time. Joseph Wharton Sener has been hear as was his son Thomas to day thay send love to you. Salley has wrote the poste waites. The Beens is att N Yorke. I write by the next Packit my love to good Mrs. Stefenson and Dafter and to Salley Franklin to Sir John I shall write to him or Salley will and tell him all the News aboughte the wedings. I donte forget Capt. Orrey. I am your Afeckshonet wife
D Franklin

yisterday ower Mr. Potts is son Joseph was marreyed to Sammey Powels Sister his firste wife was John Morrises Dafter shee deyed in Child bed [she] and thay ladey are one [own] Cusins thay Cold not pass metin so thay Signeyfid thair intenshons att the Staite House dore and was Marreyed by a magreystrat.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from James Parker, 21 January 1768
From: Parker, James
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Respected Sir
Newyork. Jan. 21. 1768
Since the New-Year I wrote you per Capt. Farquhar in a Merchantman: This being the first Packet we have had this three Months. I have very little extraordinary to inform you of, further than my last. Only I continue to creep along Slowly. You will see I have altered the Day of my Paper back to Monday, and the Hartford Rider is suppress’d. The Commissioners of the Customs at Boston, having assumed their Stations, inform our Officers that the Pay is to come from them for the future, you will only receive what is due to me from the Board at home, from May 1. 1766. to Octob 5. 1767, by the Power I sent you per Capt. Miller: ’Tis said, these Commissioners, are resolved to make all the Officers do their Duty Strictly, New Brooms sweep clean. And we begin to have our Hands full; However, I keep a good Heart, in a Consciousness of honestly doing what I am able, and if that won’t please, they have their own Remedy. My own Papers increase yet tho’ slowly. Weyman has dropt his Paper, and I hear he has a Day or two ago, applied to the Assembly to resign the Government Work in Favour of Hugh Gaine, he being to allow Weyman one Year’s Salary, and I hear they consented. As I knew Nothing of the Matter, so I scorn’d to undermine Weyman in it: I heard some of the Members mentioned me, but it was objected that I was a Custom-House Officer, and so not so fit for their Turn, and as I never thought of buying it; they have finished the Matter, What Weyman will or intends to do I know not, but Time will discover. Holt just as he was, I have Writs out, he keeps close, and tells every Body he does not owe me any Thing; yet no Accounts. Benny Mecom much after the old Rate, but as I cannot trust him no longer than till his Time is out in the Spring, I think he had best take to Journey-work; he can work well enough, and he does not seem qualified for a Master. I have not had a Copper of Rent from him: nor I believe ever shall.
Two Packets arrived since Farquhar sail’d, as you’ll see by the Papers: but as I have not a Line from you by either, I suppose you to be at Paris, or elsewhere in France at the Time of their sailing. I would not tire your Patience, but with all Respects remain Your most obliged Servant
James Parker.

Endorsed: Mr Parker


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Franklin, 22 January 1768
From: Franklin, William
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honoured Father
Burlington Janry. 22d. 1768
I wrote to you Yesterday, when I acquainted you that I had not receiv’d any Letters from you by the Pacquet, the Bag being either lost or not forwarded by the last Post, but he has since return’d and I have this Moment the Pleasure of receiving yours of Octr. 9. and Novr. 13; the last enclos’d in a Cover dated Novr. 17. I have but just Time to mention this, and must postpone answering them till the next Opportunity. Indeed I am apprehensive that this will hardly get over in Time to meet the Post on his Return to N. York.
Betsy joins in Congratulations on your safe Return to England with Honoured Sir Your ever dutiful Son
Wm: Franklin

P.S. I much doubt whether it will be good Policy to drop the Superintendencies, at least till the new Colonies are got into some Forwardness.

Addressed: To / Benjamin Franklin, Esqr., / D. Postmaster General of / North America, &c. / Craven Street / London / On his Majesty’s Service / Via N. York / per Packet
Endorsed: W. Franklin Jan. 6. to 22. 1768


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Francis Hopkinson, 24 January 1768
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Hopkinson, Francis

Dear Sir,
London, Jan. 24. 1768
I acquainted you in a late Letter that the Associates of Dr. Bray requested that you and Mr. E. Duffield, with my self, would purchase some Estate for them, the Profits of which might hereafter be apply’d to the Support of the Negro School; and I desir’d you would as soon as possible make such Purchase to the Amt. of £200 Sterling Value, so much being already in their Hands for that Purpose. I am now to acquaint you farther, that their Request is, that a Square of Ground may be purchased, one of those within the Plan of the Town, and likely in Time to be built upon, if such a one can be had, at any rate tolerably reasonable; this will be paid for immediately without waiting for the remainder of the £1000 I mention’d, as the Associates have other Money in Bank. I am, my dear Friend, Yours affectionately
B Franklin

Addressed: To / Francis Hopkinson Esqr / Philadelphia / per Capt Duncan
Endorsed: Dor. Franklin to F Hopkinson Jany 24. 1768


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from James Parker, 30 January 1768[–13 February 1768]
From: Parker, James
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honoured Sir
New-York, Jan. 30 [-Feb. 13]. 1768
About 8 Days ago, I wrote per Halifax Packet, and this going so soon after, I shall not be very tedious. Only must beg one Thing in Relation to Mr. Strahan: Mr. Holt has told some, that he never sent to Strahan for any Books, and that those you paid Mr. Strahan for me, was sent for by me only, and that he never was or could be answerable for any of them but such as he sold; that they were neither well bought or well chosen, and that he has most of them to deliver to me, whenever I please, &c. Now, as I had to my Sorrow recommended him to Mr. Strahan, I imagined the last Parcel was entirely Mr. Holt’s Ordering, as I never saw the Invoice of them. Will you do so much as to ask Mr. Strahan, if he ever received any Orders for Books in Holt’s Hand-Writing, which you will know, if shewn to you, and get him to certify whether aye or no: if he never ordered any, then am I to blame indeed, and ought to take Shame to myself, for accusing him in the Matter and have no Right to demand any Thing more of Holt, then the Books that are unsold, and the Pay for those he has sold. We may one Day come to a right Understanding of the Matter. I have Still Writs out for him, but he continues as usual. I refer you to mine by tother Packet for other Matters.
Mr. Potts writes me, you had paid him for one Quarter. I sent him One Guinea; and I would send another: But if you get my Money of the Custom-House, could you not easier pay him 3 Guineas for me, out of that Money. We all are much as usual, with our humble Salutations remain Your most obliged Servant
James Parker.
Mr. Franklin

Feb 13. 1767 [1768]
The Packet not going till this Day, I did not send it off. I wrote you the Hartford Rider was stopt. Jan. 1. But the Commissioners of the Customs thought it such an Insult upon their Authority, that they requested Mr. Foxcroft to revive it: Accordingly it is revived, tho’ in Fact it was no Advantage to the Revenue. However, I am content to please them if I could.
This Day a Vessel come in from Holland, who touch’d at Cowes but bringing in no News of Miller’s Arrival, by whom I sent you a Power; we are in pain for him.
Capt. Tillet is also coming up from London, a very long Passage. We expect the December Packet daily. This Morning Capt. Young in a Ship sailed for London. In a week or two another sails. All our Love as before from Yours
James Parker

Addressed: For/ Benjamin Franklin, Esqr/ Craven Street/ London / per Harriot Packet
Endorsed: Mr Parker Jan. 30 1768
[In Franklin’s hand at the top of the first page:]
Mr. Strahan is desired to peruse this, and when he comes this Evening, enable Mr. F. to write a proper Answer. Cravenstreet, Ap. 16


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jean Chappe d’Auteroche, 31 January 1768
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Auteroche, Jean Chappe d’

Sir
London, Jan. 31. 1768
I sent you sometime since, directed to the Care of M. Molini, a Bookseller near the Quây des Augustins a Tooth that I mention’d to you when I had the Pleasure of meeting with you at the Marquis de Courtanvaux’s. It was found near the River Ohio in America, about 200 Leagues below Fort du Quesne, at what is called the Great Licking Place, where the Earth has a Saltish Taste that is agreable to the Buffaloes and Deer, who come there at certain Seasons in great Numbers to lick the same. At this [pla]ce have been found the Skeletons of near 30 [large?] Animals suppos’d to be Elephants, several Tusks like those of Elephants, being found with those Grinder Teeth. Four of these Grinders were sent me by the Gentleman who brought them from the Ohio to New York, together with 4 Tusks, one of which is 6 Feet long and in the thickest Part near 6 Inches Diameter, and also one of the Vertebrae. My Lord Shelbourn receiv’d at the same time 3 or four others with a Jaw Bone and one or two Grinders remaining in it. Some of Our Naturalists here, however, contend, that these are not the Grinders of Elephants but of some carnivorous Animal unknown, because such Knobs or Prominances on the Face of the Tooth are not to be found on those of Elephants, and only, as they say, on those of carnivorous Animals. But it appears to me that Animals capable of carrying such large and heavy Tusks, must themselves be large Creatures, too bulky to have the Activity necessary for pursuing and taking Prey; and therefore I am enclin’d to think those Knobs are only a small Variety, Animals of the same kind and Name often differing more materially, and that those Knobs might be as useful to grind the small Branches of Trees, as to chaw Flesh. However I should be glad to have your Opinion, and to know from you whether any of the kind have been found in Siberia. With great Esteem and Respect, I am Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant
B F.
Abbe Chappe


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Thomas-François Dalibard, 31 January 1768
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Dalibard, Thomas-François

Dear Sir,
London Jan. 31. 1768
I sent you sometime since, Priestly’s History of Electricity, under the Care of Mr. Molini, Bookseller on the Quay des Augustins; I hope it got safe to Paris, and that you have receiv’d it. [I w]ish the Reading of it may renew your Taste for that Branch of Philosophy, which is already so greatly indebted to you, as being the first of [Man?] kind that had the Courage to attempt drawing Lightning from the Clouds to be subjected to your Experiments. In our Return home, We were detained a Week at Calais, by contrary Winds and Stormy Weather, which was the more mortifying to me, when I reflected that I might have enjoy’d Paris and my Friends there all that Time, and yet have been as soon at London.
As I became in Arrears with my Business by so long an Absence, I have been necessarily much occupied since my Return, and have therefore postpon’d from time to time, (and so long that I am now ash[amed of it]) the Purpose I had of writing soon to you [torn] the [torn] Sense I have of your Kindness to [me who was a] Stranger at Paris, and of the many Civilities I receiv’d from you there and from Mrs. Dalibard, which I assure you have made a lasting Impression on my Memory. I beg you will both of you accept my sincerest Thanks and Acknowledgements. The Time I spent in Paris, and in the improving Conversation and agreable Society of so many learned and ingenious Men, seems now to me like a pleasing Dream, from which I was sorry to be awaked by [fin]ding my self again at London. With the greatest Esteem and best Wishes for your Health and Happiness, I have the Honour to be Dear Sir Your obliged and most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin
M. Dalibard


Title: Subjects of Subjects [January 1768]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

At the close of 1767 a letter signed “S.N.” in The Gentleman’s Magazine (XXXVII [1767, supplement], 620–21) attacked the nonimportation resolutions passed by the Boston Town Meeting of the previous October. The writer asserted that the resolutions were aimed at ruining British trade and finances and were accompanied by “vain pernicious ideas of independance and separate dominion.” The reply printed below does not attempt to meet what was essentially a commercial argument, but transmutes it into constitutional terms. Although the approach is typical of Franklin, and the signature is one that he had used before, his authorship cannot be definitively established. Verner W. Crane has marshaled extremely strong evidence, however, for ascribing the essay to him (Letters to the Press, pp. 110–12 and notes), and we believe that the doubt about his authorship is negligible.

Mr. Urban,
[January, 1768]
Your anonymous correspondent, (See Vol. xxxvii. p. 620.) has declaimed on a subject, which by an unhappy combination of ignorance and obstinacy has become very like a bone of contention between the young and the old provinces of this great commonwealth.
It seldom happens in disputes of any kind but that one side or the other lay the foundations of their arguments on error; it happens more particularly so with your angry correspondent, for whose information I will beg leave to give a short sketch of the British constitution.
The British state or empire consists of several islands and other distant countries, asunder in different parts of the globe, but all united in allegiance to one Prince, and to the common law (Scotland excepted) as it existed in the old provinces or mother country, before the colonies or new provinces were formed. The prince, with a select parliament, or assembly, make the legislative power of and for each province within itself. Where vicinity made it convenient, several islands and provinces were at sundry times consolidated, and represented by one parliament, as the Isle of Wight, Cornwall, Wales, Cheshire, Durham, and Scotland; by which means all Great Britain and its contiguous isles, are unitedly represented in one assembly in parliament. It has not as yet been thought proper to unite Ireland to the old provinces, though lying very near; nor any of the provinces of America, which lie at a great distance. But notwithstanding this state of separate assemblies, the allegiance of the distant provinces to the crown will remain for ever unshaken, while they enjoy the rights of Englishmen; that is, with the consent of their sovereign, the right of legislation each for themselves; for this puts them on an exact level, in this respect, with their fellow subjects in the old provinces, and better than this they could not be by any change in their power. But if the old provinces should often exercize the right of making laws for the new, they would probably grow as restless as the Corsicans, when they perceived they were no longer fellow subjects, but the subjects of subjects.
To illustrate this matter by a comparison; Should it happen, through the revolutions of time, that some future king should make choice of Ireland for his seat of government, and that the parliament of that kingdom, with his majesty’s concurrence, should assume the right of taxing the people of England, would the people of England quietly acquiesce, or implicitly pay obedience to laws made by virtue of such an assumed right? And yet, as there is no law in being to prevent his majesty from making any part of his dominions the seat of his government, the case is by no means foreign to the present question.
The laws made here to tax the Americans affect them as a distinct body, in which the law makers are in no manner whatever, comprehended; whereas the laws made to tax Great-Britain, affect alike every member who gives his concurrence to such law. And hence arises the essential difference between real and virtual representations, so much agitated.
Your correspondent observes, “that we are loaded with 130 millions of debt; great part of which, was contracted by defending the Americans, and therefore that they are bound in gratitude, &c.” Were this argument of weight, and were the right of taxing to follow the obligation of defence, we have expended more than the whole sum on various occasions, in defence of the balance of power on the continent. Will your correspondent for that reason, argue, that Great-Britain has a right of taxing her friends in Germany? Hanover for instance, was formerly said to have cost this nation immense sums for its defence; and Hanover is a district under the obedience of the king of Great-Britain. Will it follow that we have any right to tax Hanover, or that Hanover, in gratitude for the sums we have expended in her behalf, should implicitly give up her ancient rights?
Upon the whole, the point in dispute does not depend on gratitude or defence, but on the right of Englishmen to give their own money with their own consent. While the Americans were in possession of that right, or thought themselves in possession of it, every requisition for that purpose by the king or his ministers was chearfully complyed with; but since that right, by the mistaken policy of one man,  has been brought in question; murmuring and discontent have succeeded, and every artifice is now practiced to withhold sums levied by a new mode; which had they been demanded in the old way, would have been willingly granted. I am, Sir, &c.
A. B.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Wharton, 9 February 1768
From: Wharton, Thomas
To: Franklin, Benjamin

This letter and subsequent ones from Joseph Galloway, George Croghan, William Franklin, and the Pennsylvania Assembly attest the seriousness of Indian affairs in the newly acquired western territories, and the urgent necessity of pacifying the savages by a formal settlement of the boundary that Sir William Johnson had discussed with them in 1765. Pacification was prerequisite for the success of the land speculators. Croghan, William Franklin, and the Whartons were trying to acquire huge tracts in Indiana, Sir William Johnson did business with the Whartons and looked favorably on their schemes, and Benjamin Franklin was lobbying for them in London. Shelburne, before surrendering jurisdiction over American affairs to Hillsborough early in 1768, had suggested changes in policy that would have aided the speculators; but it was by no means certain that Hillsborough would take the same attitude. Croghan enlisted William Franklin, Governor John Penn, the Rev. Richard Peters (the former provincial secretary and the Penns’ chief Indian negotiator), Joseph Galloway, and others to write letters urging the necessity of settling the boundary question. The next step was a conference with the Indians at Fort Stanwix in the autumn of 1768, which demarcated the boundary and opened the way for the speculators. There remained the problem-insoluble, as it proved-of inducing the government to ratify this agreement.

Dear friend
Philad. February 9th. 1768
I wrote thee on the 20th Ulto. per packet, and therein mentioned the horrid Murders committed by Frederick Stump, And that the Governor and Chief Justice had taken steps to apprehend Him, but before their Warrants could reach those parts, One William Patterson taking with Him a Number of Men, went to Stumps abode, who on their Appearing fled to the Woods, but Patterson made Use of a Decoy, that induced Stumps party to bring Him in, when He was Seized, bound and brought by Patterson down to Carlisle, and on the 23d January deliverd into the hands of the Sheriff of the County, for the other particular I refer thee to the paper now Enclosed. These transactions hath filled the Minds of the People with great Uneasiness, they being fully satisfied, that, there can be No security in a Government, w[h]ere either its Weakness or Connivance, prevents them from bringing such Atrocius Offenders to Justice. Its very fortunate that the House is sitting at this Time, as they improve every opportunity, to Urge the G-r to do his duty, by bringing those wretches to the Just Test of the Law; We are satisfied that those very Magistrates who Contraven’d the Kings Writ, are not Attempted to be removed, but instead thereof smoothing Letters have been wrote to them; And great threatnings are Uttered Against the Speaker and the Friends of the People, And w[h]ere it will End time must discover; Clear I am, that little security will shortly be even here, for some of Us, Unless We are so happy as to obtain the Wish’d for Change, and a Gentleman of Governor Franklin’s Abilities and Spirit, placed at the Head of Government. Indeed I have not Words to Convey fully to thee, the Prevalence of a Disposition in the Inhabitants of Cumberland County, to support All persons who kill Indians, And while that Lawless disposition continues, and the present Weakness of G-t prevails, there is little hope or reason to believe, We shall be at peace with the Natives.
I am now inform’d by a Person who came down Yesterday, that they threaten Patterson in such a Manner, that He thinks his Life unsafe, and is preparing to come with his Family to this City.
Col. Croghan the Day before Yesterday returnd from Sir Wm. Johnson’s, by whom our speaker receivd, an Obliging Letter from that Gentleman, wherein He expressly declares, “that one of the principal Causes of the Indians present discontent, and threatning prospect of An Indian War is, their Not receiving from this Government, that Justice and Satisfaction which the Murders of their People at Conestego and at Lancaster required.”
He had not then heard of the late Barbarous scenes perpetrated by Stump.
I expect that the House will Tomorrow resolve themselves into a Committee of the Whole house, to Consider the present distracted State of this Province, and Enter into Certain resolutions, particularly relative to the Various Murders, that have been Committed. That The Failure of the Executive Branch of this Government, in their Duty, in Not punishing former Offenders, may Justly be lookd upon, as an Encouragement to the recent Acts of Barbarity &c. &c. And therefore they renew their prayer for the Change of Government; but I fear they will not pass the House, in time for this Vessell.
It is intended by Sir William and Col. Croghan to have two large Treaties with the Confederate Nations of Indians, in Next Month, One to be held in the Seneca Country for the Northern Tribes at which Sir William will be present; the Other at Pittsburgh for the Western Indians, at which Col: Croghan is to Negociate Matters; At these Treaties, thro’ the great Influence of those Gentlemen, We hope, for at least a prolongation of Peace; It is proposed, that Our Assembly shall give about £3000 to those Nations, for the Wiping away the Blood of their Warriours and relatives, which has been spilt at a time they were in perfect Peace with Us; And this to be done distinct from the Kings Presents, And as an Attonement from this province. A Number of the Principal Members mett a few of Us last Evening, and they Agreed to the Measure; which I hope will be Carried through the House Tomorrow.
They have Agreed to build the Colonel house at the Barracks, and I Assure thee, We never before stood so Well with the Milatary, which the Other side Perceive.
I should be glad to inform thee of some Matters, which I dare not Committ to paper-but shall Just say, We are now stronger in the House, then at any time, since the Change of Government was on the Carpet; And I hope thou’l have strength enough to bring it to a happy Close, as in this Our future safety depends. I am thy Affectionate and Sincere friend
Tho Wharton
To Benjamin Franklin Esqr.

Endorsed: Mr Thos Wharton Feb. 9. 1768


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Lord and Lady Bathurst, [before 13 February 1768]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Bathurst, Lord,Bathurst, Lady

[Before February 13, 1768]
Dr. Franklin presents his respectful Compliments to Lord Bathurst, with some American Nuts; and to Lady Bathurst, with some American Apples; which he prays they would accept, as a Tribute from that Country, small indeed, but voluntary.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Martha Johnson, 15 February 1768
From: Johnson, Martha
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Hounored Sir
Letchlade Febry the 15 1768
I Recived yours with the inclosed and am gratly obliged to you for the troble I give you and sence there is nothing to be Exspected wee must be Contented without it. I hope you keep your helth very well and should be very glad to hear from you when Convenant. I hope Nancy Behaves her self well and to the satisfaction of her governess and mrs. stevinson and should take it as the gratest favor if you should hear of aney falt in her that you will be so kind to Chide her for it and give her your Best advise as I am sencable a word from you wold go a grate way but am in hopes she will behave so as not to have occason for it.
I must beg the favor you will be so kind as to think of poor Samey and git him provided for if posable which wold give me the gratiest pleasue immaigenable and should always acknoledg it the gratest favor you Could Do me I have got into my shop but Cannot tell yet how it will go on but am in hops in a little time to be a Better Judg but I think I have no Reason to Complain. Pleas to give my Respects to mrs. Stevenson and love to Salley so no more. I Remain your Duty full Cousen
Martha Johnson

Addressed: To / Docter Franklin / in Craven Street / Strand / London


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, 16 February 1768
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Deborah

My dear Child
London, Feb. 16. 1768
I wrote to you per Packet, and also by Mr. Ayres,  who goes in Sparks. But I must send you a Line per Capt. Falkener, and another per Capt. Story,  if ’tis only to say over again that I am well, and to acknowledge the Receipt of your kind Letters and Presents of Meal, Apples, Nuts, Cranberries &c.

I have written to Sally too by Mr. Ayres, My Love to her and all Friends. I can now only add, that I am Your ever loving Husband
B Franklin
The chief of my Letters will go per Story, who sails this Week.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Joseph Galloway, 17 February 1768
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Galloway, Joseph

Dear Sir,
London, Feb. 17. 1768.
In mine of Jan. 9. I wrote to you that I believ’d notwithstanding the Clamor against America had been greatly increas’d by the Boston Proceedings, we should attempt this Session to obtain the Repeal of the restraining Act relating to Paper Money. The Change of Administration with regard to American Affairs, which was agreed on some time before the new Secretary kiss’d Hands and enter’d upon Business, made it impossible to go forward with that Affair, as the Minister quitting that Department would not, and his Successor could not engage in it. But now our Friends the Merchants have been moving in it, and some of them have conceiv’d Hopes from the Manner in which Lord Hillsborough attended to their Representations. It had been previously concluded among us, that if the Repeal was to be obtain’d at all, it must be propos’d in the Light of a Favour to the Merchants of this Country, and ask’d for by them, not by the Agents as a Favour to America. But as my Lord had at sundry times before he came into his present Station, discours’d with me on the Subject, and got from me a Copy of my Answer to his Report when at the Head of the Board of Trade,  which some time since he thank’d me for and said he would read again and consider carefully, I waited upon him this Morning partly with Intent to learn if he had chang’d his Sentiments. We enter’d into the Subject, and had a long Conversation upon it, in which all the Arguments he us’d against the legal Tender of Paper Money were intended to show that it was for the Benefit of the People themselves to have no such Money current among them; and it was strongly his Opinion that after the Experience of being without it a few Years we should all be convinc’d of this Truth, as he said the New England Colonies now were, they having lately, on the Rumour of an intended Application for taking off the Restraint, petition’d that it might be continu’d as to them. However, his Lordship was pleased to say, that if such Application was made for the three Colonies of Pensilvania, New Jersey and New York, as I propos’d, it should have fair Play, he would himself give it no sort of Opposition, but he was sure it would meet with a great deal, and he thought it could not succeed. He was pleas’d to make me Compliments upon my Paper, assuring me he had read it with great Attention, that I had said much more in favour of such a Currency than he had thought could be said, and all, he believ’d, that the Subject would admit of; but that it had not on the whole chang’d his Opinion, any farther than to induce him to leave the Matter now to the Judgment of others, and let it take its Course, without opposing it as last Year he had determin’d to have done. I go into the City tomorrow to confer with the Merchants again upon it, that if they see any Hopes, we may at least try the Event: but I own my Expectations are now very slender, knowing as I do, that nothing is to be done in Parliament that is not a Measure adopted by Ministry and supported by their Strength, much less any thing they are averse to and indifferent about.
I took the Opportunity of discoursing his Lordship concerning our particular Affair of the Change of Government, gave him a Detail of all the Proceedings hitherto, the Delays it had met with, and its present Situation. He was pleas’d to say he would enquire into the Matter, and would talk with me farther upon it. He express’d great Satisfaction in the good Disposition that he said appear’d now to be general in America with regard to Government here, according to the latest Advices; and inform’d me that he had by his Majesty’s Order written the most healing Letters to the several Governors, which if shown to the Assemblies could not but confirm that good Disposition. As to the Permission we want to bring Wine, Fruit and Oil directly from Spain and Portugal, and to carry Iron directly to Foreign Markets, ’tis agreed on all hands that this is an unfavourable time to move in those Matters, G. Grenville and those in the Opposition, on every Hint of the kind, making a great Noise about the Act of Navigation, that Palladium of England as they call it, to be given up to Rebellious America, &c. so that the Ministry would not at present venture to propose it if they approv’d of it. I am to wait on the Secretary again next Wednesday, and shall then write you what passes farther that is material.
Be pleased to present my best Respects to the Assembly and Committee, and assure them of my most faithful Services. With sincerest Esteem and Regard, I am, Dear Sir, Your most obedient and most humble Servant
B Franklin
Jos. Galloway Esqr.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Lord Kames, 18 February 1768
From: Kames, Henry Home, Lord
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Edinburgh, 18th. Feby. [176]8
I begin to perceive in my decline of life that happiness, comfort at least, depends more upon what a Philosopher would call slight conveniences than a young man in the ardour of his studies is apt to imagine. I have bought a house in this Town which luckily is absolutely free of smoke except what is commonly called neighbour smoke; that is the smoke issuing from one vent sometimes goes down a neighbouring vent and issues into the Room when there is no fire in it. I apply to you for a remedy as to an universal Smoke Doctor; and if I had a remedy, mine would be the most compleat house in Edinburgh.
I have been thinking lately of adopting your Philadelphia Grate, as it promises to save Coal, and to diffuse an equal heat through the Room. But I first wish to learn from you whether it will perfectly answer its purpose, and whether you have made any improvement.
Will nothing again ever draw you to Scotland? I have got one of the finest places with an inchanting Winter Garden; and it would give me great joy to entertain you there. Your faithful friend
Henry Home


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Cadwalader Evans, 20 February 1768
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Evans, Cadwalader

Dear Friend:
London, Feb. 20, 1768.
I wrote you a few Lines per Capt. Falconer, and sent you Dr. Watson’s new Piece, of Experiments on Inoculation,  which I hope will be agreeable to you.
In yours of Nov. 20,  you mention the Lead on the Stills or worms of Stills as a probable cause of the Drybellyach among Punch Drinkers in our West India Islands. I had before acquainted Dr. Baker with a Fact of that kind, the general mischief done by the use of Leaden Worms, when Rum Distilling was first practiced in New England, which occasioned a severe Law there against them; and he has mentioned it in the second Part of his piece not yet published. I have long been of Opinion, that that Distemper proceeds always from a metallic Cause only, observing that it affects among Tradesmen those that use Lead, however different their Trades, as Glazers, Type-Founders, Plumbers, Potters, White Lead-makers and Painters; from the latter, it has been conjectur’d it took its Name Colica Pictonum by the Mistake of a Letter and not from its being the Disease of Poictou; and altho’ the Worms of Stills, ought to be of pure Tin, they are often made of Pewter, which has a great Mixture in it of Lead.
The Boston People pretending to interfere with the Manufactures of this Country, makes a great clamour here against America in general. I have endeavoured therefore to palliate matters a little in several public Papers. It would, as you justly observe, give less umbrage if we meddled only with such manufactures as England does not attend to. That of Linnen might be carried on more or less in every Family (perhaps it can only do in a Family way) and silk I think in most of the colonies. But there are many Manufactures that we cannot carry on to Advantage tho’ we were at entire Liberty. And after all, this Country is fond of Manufactures beyond their real value; for the true Source of Riches is Husbandry. Agriculture is truly productive of new wealth; Manufactures only change Forms; and whatever value they give to the Material they work upon, they in the mean time consume an equal value in Provisions, &c. So that Riches are not increased by Manufacturing; the only advantage is, that Provisions in the Shape of Manufactures are more easily carried for Sale to Foreign Markets. And where the Provisions cannot be easily carried to Market, ’tis well so to transform them for our own Use as well as foreign Sale. In Families also where the children and Servants of Farmers have some spare time, ’tis well to employ it in making something; and in Spinning or Knitting &c. to gather up the fragments (of Time) that nothing may be lost; for those Fragments tho’ small in themselves amount to something great in the year, and the Family must eat whether they work or are idle. But the Nation seems to have increased the number of its Manufactures beyond reasonable Bounds, (for there are Bounds to every thing) whereby Provisions are now risen to an exorbitant Price by the demand for supplying home Mouths; so that they may be an Importation from foreign Countries, but the Expense of bringing Provisions from abroad to feed Manufactures here, will so enhance the Price of the Manufactures that they may be made cheaper where Provisions grow, and the Mouths will go to the Meat. With many Thanks for your good Wishes, I am, Dear Friend Yours affectionately,
B. Franklin.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Thomas Wharton, 20 February 1768
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Wharton, Thomas

Dear Friend,
London, Feb. 20, 1768.
I received your favours of November 17, and 18, with another dozen of excellent wine the manufacture of our friend Lievezy. I thank you for the care you have taken in forwarding them, and for your kind good wishes that accompany them.

The story you mention of Secretary Conway’s wondering what I could be doing in England, and that he had not seen me for a considerable time, savours strongly of the channel through which it came and deserves no notice. But since his name is mentioned it gives me occasion to relate what passed between us the last time I had the honour of conversing with him. It was at court when the late changes were first rumoured, and it was reported that he was to resign the secretary’s office. Talking of America, I said I was sorry to find that our friends were one after another quitting the administration, that I was apprehensive of the consequences, and hoped what I heard of his going out was not true. He said it was really true, the employment had not been of his choice, he had never any taste for it, but had submitted to engage in it for a time at the instance of his friends, and he believed his removal could not be attended with any ill consequences to America. That he was a sincere well wisher to the prosperity of that country as well as this, and hoped the imprudencies of either side would never be carried to such a height as to create a breach of the union, so essentially necessary to the welfare of both. That as long as his Majesty continued to honour him with a share in his councils, America should always find in him a friend &c. This I write as it was agreeable to me to hear and I suppose will be so to you to read. For his character has more in it of the frank honesty of the soldier, than of the plausible insincerity of the courtier; and therefore what he says is more to be depended on. The proprietor’s dislike to my continuing in England to be sure is very natural; as well as to the repeated choice of assembly men not his friends; and probably he would as they so little answer his purposes wish to see elections as well as agencies abolished. They make him very unhappy, but it cannot be helped.
The proceedings in Boston, as the news came just upon the meeting of parliament and occasioned great clamour here, gave me much concern. And as every offensive thing done in America is charged upon all, and every province though unconcerned in it, suffers in its interests through the general disgust given and the little distinction here made, it became necessary I thought to palliate the matter a little for our own sakes, and therefore I wrote the paper which probably you have seen printed in the Chronicle of January 7, and signed F + S. Yours affectionately,
B. Franklin.


Title: Pennsylvania Assembly Committee of Correspondence to Richard Jackson and Benjamin Franklin, 20 February 1768
From: Pennsylvania Assembly Committee of Correspondence
To: Jackson, Richard,Franklin, Benjamin

Gentlemen,
[February 20, 1768]
We are particularly enjoined by the House of Assembly, now sitting, to request that you would co-operate with the Agents of the other colonies in any decent and respectful Application to Parliament, in case such Application is made by them for a Repeal of the late Act imposing Duties on the Importation of Paper, Glass, &c. into the American Provinces, which Act is looked upon highly injurious to the Rights of the People, and our commercial Interest. We are likewise directed to transmit you Copies of the several Messages which have passed between the two Branches of the Legislature, with the other Papers and Proofs taken and laid before the House during the present Sitting, which demonstrate the present unhappy State of the Province, and the Necessity of your fulfilling the Instructions you have received from the several late Assemblies, confirmed by this House in our Letter of the seventeenth of October last,  to prosecute to an Issue the Petitions now before His Majesty, with the most careful Attention to those Instructions, that all the Charter and legal Rights and Privileges are preserved and secured to the Inhabitants of this Province, and not otherwise. Mr. Jackson’s Letter of the ninth of December, was Yesterday read in the House, and we are ordered again to request that you would not miss any Opportunity of endeavouring to obtain a Repeal of the Act restraining the legal Tender of Paper Bills of Credit, for should a Rupture with the Indians unhappily take Place, which we have too much Reason to dread, the Assemblies must find it attended with the greatest Difficulty, if not impracticable, to raise the necessary Supplies. We are your respectful Friends,

William Rodman,
Joseph Galloway, Speaker,

Isaac Pearson,
James Pemberton,

Joseph Fox,
John Ross,

Joseph Richardson,
Thomas Livezey.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jane Mecom, 21 February 1768
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Mecom, Jane

My dear Sister,
London, Feb. 21. 1768
I received your kind Letter of Dec. 1. I condole with you affectionately once more on the grievous Affliction you have met with, praying God to make the rest of your Life more comfortable and happy.
I thank you for your Congratulations on my Daughter’s Marriage. She has pleas’d herself and her Mother, and I hope she will do well: but I think they should have seen some better Prospect than they have, before they married, how the Family was to be maintain’d.
It is a little unlucky that the Business you are fallen into, happens at present to be in disgrace with your Town Meeting: perhaps you may think of some other less exceptionable if their Resolutions continue and are regarded by the Ladies. My Love to your Daughter,  and believe me ever Your affectionate Brother
B Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from James Parker, 25 February 1768
From: Parker, James
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honoured Sir
Newyork, Feb 25. 1768.
Yours of the 2d and 12th of December, per Packet, I received, and observe the Contents of it: I shall be obliged to enlarge in this to be as particular as I can about the New-Haven Affair, and the Hartford Rider. Before I was directed up to New-Haven as Evidence I did not dream that Holt would stand that Trial as he did: Upon my Qualification, I declared to the Auditors, that on Mr. Holt’s Application to Mr. Hunter to set that Rider going, Mr. Hunter would not consent but with the utmost Reluctance, telling him it was taking Money out of one Pocket to put in to’ther, and that he could not by any Means allow him any Thing towards it, but such Letters as should go from or to any Place, where the Monday’s Post could not go to, and that it was on such a Plan Holt undertook it. Notwithstanding on his pleading with the Auditors, that the Post-Office had now availed themselves of his Scheme at his Cost, they ought to pay him the whole Cost: I as well as Mr. Ingersol objected to these Reasons, and I assured them that the Post-Office was not any Gainer by that Stage, but indeed a Loser, and that I believed had you been at home, it would probably have dropt before that Time. He replied, he knew it was false, that it was a great Advantage to the Revenue, and it would not drop. The Result of the Trial, you know, but on my Return home, I carefully examined all the Comptroller’s Bills, and on a strict Scrutiny, I think that Rider was a Loss to the Revenue, as on a general Course scarce one Third of the Letters came from and to Boston by the Thursday’s Rider, as did by the Monday’s, and supposing that only one Half of the Thursday’s Letters would have gone by the Monday’s if there had been no Thursday’s, then the Revenue were great Losers. On my representing this in its true Light, as I thought it my Duty to do, to Mr. Foxcroft, he ordered me to discontinue that Stage. It was done accordingly. Immediately thereupon, the Thursday’s Printer at Boston,  and Holt at New York set up a great Clamour; but I paid no Regards to their Clamour, as I knew the Justness thereof-but the Commissioners of his Majesty’s Customs at Boston, at the Instigation of their Printer, who is the Thursday Printer, wrote to Mr. Foxcroft, requesting it might be again set on Foot. And a Petition from these Parts, of several of Holt’s Friends was also sent to Mr. Foxcroft, accordingly Mr. Foxcroft has consented and I have again spoke to Riders and wrote to Boston, to set it a going for its no Interest of mine to have it stopt: nor should I have troubled you thus much, but for that they say they will complain of me to the Post-Master General in England; for that it is my doing, because (as they justly say) no body else could give such a [true] Information to Mr. Foxcroft: and therefore would have me punished for daring to do my Duty, to their Prejudice, as they say; The Commissioners say they want to hear often and quick from other Places, and therefore their very Letters will support it. I wish they may, I am no Way displeased that its began again, even tho’ the Revenue should suffer, whilst it is no Fault of mine, and as you are there on the Spot, if any Complaint should be made, I have given the true State of the Case, that if it shall be thought I deserve any Blame I shall be far from eluding it; and shall leave it to the better Judgment of my Masters, tho’ I did it not of my own Accord, nor do I think I committed any Crime in doing it, as I did. This shews the Danger of a Precedent in any Case: but I submit.
The Books I had of Hamilton and Balfour,  were never sent for, or ordered by me, but were sent to me for Sale; for such of them as I sold, I sent Pay for, and more, And since attaching the Books that were at New Haven, I believe near one Half of the whole Parcel are found unsold, (tho’ some lost or stolen), and those I have ready to deliver up to their Orders, for it would be unreasonable for me to pay for those unsold, as they were not at my Risk, then upon settling the Matter, I must pay for such as I can’t produce; which I hope, after tis known what they have received, will not be a very large Sum: So far I must suffer.

Holt still keeps close, tho’ tis generally said, it is with the Gout, he is confined, and he has it pretty bad. We have had some Altercations by Letter, but no Settlement, he has however, promised me a Copy of all the Books, as I told him, if he would let me have the Books, I would try to settle it. If I get the Copy of them, I shall try hard to do them myself: I long to bring it to a Conclusion before I go hence, and be no more.
I have just now got to the Quantity of one Ream of Paper printed on my News-paper; I still continue to gain Ground, tho’ slowly: I will struggle hard, and either conquer or die, tho’ I have not enough yet to support me, in this very dear Place; but all in God’s good Time.
I suppose you will be now preparing to return home, so wishing you a safe and pleasant Passage, I rest Your most obliged Servant
James Parker

Addressed: For / Benjamin Franklin, Esqr. / Craven Street / London
Endorsed: Parker Feb. 25. 1768 Upper Post Road


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Lord Kames, 28 February 1768
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Kames, Henry Home, Lord

London, Feb. 28. 1768
It gave me great Pleasure to see my dear good Friend’s Name at the Foot of a Letter I received the other day,  having been often uneasy at his long Silence, blaming myself as the Cause by my own previous Backwardness and Want of Punctuality as a Correspondent. I now suppose (as in this he mentions nothing of it) that a long Letter I wrote him about this time twelvemonth, on the Subject of the Disputes with America, did miscarry,  or that his Answer to that Letter miscarried, as I have never heard from him since I wrote that Letter.
I have long been of an Opinion similar to that you express, and think Happiness consists more in small Conveniencies or Pleasures that occur every day, than in great Pieces of good Fortune that happen but seldom to a Man in the Course of his Life. Thus I reckon it among my Felicities that I can set my own Razor and shave my self perfectly well, in which I have a daily Pleasure, and avoid the Uneasiness one is otherwise oblig’d sometimes to suffer from dull Razors, and the dirty Fingers or bad Breath of a slovenly Barber.
I congratulate you on the Purchase of a new House so much to your Mind, and wish that you may long inhabit it with Comfort. The Inconvenience you mention of Neighbour Smoke coming down the Vents, is not owing to any bad Construction of the Vent down which it comes, and therefore not to be remedied by any Change of Form. It is merely the Effect of a Law of Nature, whereby whenever the outward Air is warmer than the Walls of the Vent, the Air included being by those Walls made colder, and of course denser and heavier, than an equal Column of the outward Air, descends into the Room, and in descending draws other Air into the Vent from above to supply its Place; which being in its Turn cooled and condensed by the cooler Walls of the Vent, descends also, and so a Current downwards is continued during the Continuance of such Difference in Temperament between the outward Air and the Walls of the Vent. When this Difference is destroy’d, by the outward Air growing cooler and the Walls growing warmer, the Current downward ceases; and when the outward Air becomes still colder than the Walls, the Current changes and moves from below upwards, the warmer Walls rarifying the Air they include, and thereby making it so much lighter than a Column of the outward Air of equal Height, that it is oblig’d to give way to the other’s superior Weight, and rise; is succeeded by colder Air, which, being warmed and rarified in its turn, rises also, and so the upward Current is continued. In Summer when Fires are not made in the Chimneys, the Current generally sets downward from nine or ten in the Morning during all the Heat of the Day till five or six in the Afternoon, then begins to hesitate, and afterwards to set upwards during the Night, continuing till about Nine in the Morning, then hesitating for some time before it again sets downwards for the Day. This is the general Course, with some occasional Variation of the Hours according to the Length of Days or Changes of Weather. Now, when the Air of any Vent is in this descending State, if the Smoke issuing from a neighbouring Vent happens to be carried over it by the Wind, part will be drawn in and brought down into the Room. The proper Remedy then is, to close the Opening of the Chimney in the Room, by a Board so fitted that little or no Air can pass, whereby the Currents above-mentioned will be prevented. This Board to remain during the Summer, and when Fires are not made in the Chimney. Those Chimneys that have Fires in them daily, are not subject to this Inconvenience, the Walls of their Vents being kept too warm to occasion any downward Current during the Hours between the going out of one Fire and the kindling of another. And indeed in Summer, those Vents that happen to go up close joined with the Kitchen Vent, are generally kept so warm by that, as to be free from the downward Current, and therefore free from what you call Neighbour Smoke.
The Philadelphia Grate which you mention, is a very good Thing, if you could get one that is rightly made, and an ingenious Workman to fix it properly. Those generally made and used here are much hurt by fancied Improvements in their Construction, and I cannot recommend them. As Fuel with you is cheap and plenty, a Saving in that Article is scarce an Object. The Sliding Plates (of which I sent a Model to Sir Alexander Dick) are in my Opinion the most convenient for your purpose, as they keep a Room sufficiently warm, are simple Machines, easily fix’d, and their Management easily conceiv’d and understood by Servants.
I shall leave Europe with much greater Regret, if I cannot first visit you [and] any my other Friends in Scotland. I promise myself this Happiness. Your kind Invitation is extreamly obliging. With sincere Esteem and Respect, I am, My dear Friend, Yours most affectionately
B Franklin
I inclose a late Paper of mine, written to palliate a little the late offensive Behaviour of the Boston People relating to the use of the Manufactures of this Country.
Lord Kaims

Addressed: To / The Right honble. Lord Kaims, / at / Edinburgh B Free Franklin