Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Count Andreas Peter von Bernstorff, 22 December 1779
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Bernstorff, Andreas Peter, Graf von

Sir,
Passy, near Paris, Decr 22. 1779.
I have received a Letter from M. De Chezaulx, Consul of France at Berghen in Norway, acquainting me that two Ships, viz. the Betsey and the Union, Prizes taken from the English on their Coasts, by Capt. Landais, Commander of the Alliance Frigate, appertaining to the United States of North America, which Prizes having met with bad Weather at Sea, that had damaged their Rigging and occasioned Leaks, and being weakly mann’d, had taken Shelter in the supposed neutral Port of Berghen, in order to repair their Damages, procure an additional Number of Sailors, and the necessary Refreshments; That they were in the sd Port enjoying as they conceived, the common Rights of Hospitality, establish’d and practis’d by civiliz’d Nations, under the Care of the above said Consul, when on the 28th of Oct last, the said Ships with their Cargoes and Papers were suddenly seized by Officers of his Majesty the King of Denmark, to whom the said Port belongs, the American Officers & Seamen turn’d out of their Possession, & the whole deliver’d to the English Consul.
M. De Chezaulx has also sent me the following/ as a Translation of his Majesty’s Order, by which the above Proceedings are said to be authorized, viz.
“Le Ministre d’Angleterre ayant insisté sur la Restitution de deux Batiments dont s’étoit emparé le Corsaire Americain nommé l’Alliance commandé par le Cape Landais, et qui ont été conduites à Berghen, savoir The Betsey de Liverpool et L’Union de Londres, sa Majesté lui a accordé cette demande, sur le fondement qu’elle n’a pas encore reconnu l’Independance des Colonies associeés contre l’Angleterre, et parceque ces Batiments à cause de cela, ne peuvent pas être regardés comme bonnes et lègitimes Prises; c’est pourquoi les dits deux Navires seront sans retardement declarés libres, et auront la Liberte de partir avec leur Chargements.”

By a subsequent Letter from the same Consul, I am informed that a third Prize belonging to the United States, viz: the Charming Polly, which arrived at Berghen after the others, has also been seized and delivr’d up in the same Manner; and that all the People of the three Vessels after being thus stript of their Property (for every one of them had an Interest in the Prizes) were turned on Shore to shift for themselves, without Money in a strange Place, no Provision being made for their Subsistance or for sending them back to their Country.
Permit me, Sir; to observe on this Occasion, that the United States of America have no War but with the English, they have never done any Injury to other Nations, particularly none to the Danish Nation. On the Contrary they are in some Degree its Benefactors, as they have open’d a Trade of which the English made a Monopoly, and of which the Danes may now have their Share; and by dividing the British Empire have made it less dangerous to its Neighbours. They conceived that every Nation whom they had not offended was by the Rights of Humanity their Friend; they confided in the Hospitality of Denmark, and thought themselves and their Property safe when under the Roof of his Danish Majesty. But they find themselves stript of that Property, and the same given up to their Enemies, on this Principle only, that no Acknowledgement had yet been formally made by Denmark of the Independance of the United States. Which is to say, that there is no Obligation of Justice towards any Nation with whom a Treaty promising the same has not been previously made. This was indeed the Doctrine of ancient Barbarians, a Doctrine long since exploded, and which it would not be for the Honour of the present Age to revive, and it is hoped that Denmark will not by supporting & persisting in this Decision, obtained of his Majesty apparently by Surprise, be the first Modern Nation that shall attempt to revive it. “Les Anciens, (says Vattel, in his excellent Treatise entitled Le Droit des Gens) ne se croyent tenus à rien envers les Peuples qui ne leur étoient unis par un Traité d’Amitié. Enfin la Voix de la Nature se fit entendre aux Peuples civiliseés; ils reconnurent que tous les Hommes sont Freres.”
An Injustice of the same kind done a Century or two since by some English in the East Indies, Grotius tells us “ne manquoit pas de Partisans, qui soutenoient que par les Anciennes Loix d’Angleterre on ne punissoit point en ce Royaume les Outrages commis contre les Etrangers, quand il n’y avoit point d’Alliance contracté avec eux.” But this Principle he condemns in the strongest Terms (Hist. des Troubles des Pais bas Liv. 16.—)
The United States oppress’d by and in War with one of the most powerful Nations of Europe, may well be supposed incapable in their present infant State of exacting Justice from other Nations not disposed to grant it; but it is in human Nature that Injuries as well as Benefits received in Times of Weakness and Distress, national as well as personal, make deep and lasting Impressions; and those Ministers are wise who look into Futurity, and quench the first Sparks of Misunderstanding between two Nations, which neglected may in time grow into a Flame, all the Consequences whereof no human Prudence can foresee, which may produce much Mischief to both, and cannot possibly produce any good to either.
I beg leave through your Excellency, to submit these Considerations to the Wisdom and Justice of his Danish Majesty, whom I infinitely respect, and who I hope will reconsider and repeal the Order above recited; and that if the Prizes, which I hereby reclaim in behalf of the United States of America, are not actually gone to England, they may be stopt & redelivered to M. De Chezaulx, the Consul of France at Berghen, in whose Care they before were, with Liberty to depart for America when the Season shall permit. But if they should be already gone to England, I must then claim from his Majesty’s Equity the Value of the said three Prizes which is estimated at 50,000£ Sterling, but which may be regulated by the best Information that can by any means be obtained.
With the greatest Respect, I am, Sir, Your Excellency’s most obedient & most humble Servant.
B FranklinMinister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America to the Court of France—
[In Franklin’s hand:] Copy of a Letter to the Minister of Denmark for Foreign Affairs
 Notations: Decr. 22. 1779. memorial to the Danish Court inclosed in Doctr. Franklin’s Letter of March 4. 1780 recd. May 15. / Doct Franklin’s Memorial to the Danish Court reclaiming prizes taken by P. Jones Squadron & which putting into a port of Denmark were ordered to be seized & delivered to the British Consul.— Enclosed in Doctr Franklin’s letter of March 4. 1780


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Sartine: Two Letters, 22 December 1779
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Sartine, Antoine-Raymond-Gualbert-Gabriel de

I.
Sir
Passy Decr. 22. 1779.
They have written to me from England, that they propose to Send two Cartel Vessels with American Prisoners to Morlaix, one from Portsmouth, the other from Plymouth, in order to clear both Prisons at once. For this purpose they desire another Passport; which if your Excellency has no Objection to it, I Should be glad to send by the first Opportunity. I am, with the greatest Respect, Your Excellency’ &c.
M. De Sartine.

II.
sir
Passy, Dece. 22. 1779.
The Six Americans Seamen, viz (here name them) concerning whom I wrote to your Excellency the  of November past, are confined at Coutances. They had not named the Place to me distinctly in their first Letter. Their Boat is Stove to Pieces on the Beach. I beg your Excellency’s Order for their Discharge, and am with the greatest Respect Your Excellency’s &c.
M. De Sartine.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to John Dalton et al., 22 December 1779
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Dalton, John

Gentlemen
Passy, Dec 22. 1779.
I received yours of the 9th. Instant. Herewith you have the Order of Mr. de sartine for your Discharge. For your present Relief, and to bear your Expences to Nantes, you may draw a Bill upon me for two Hundred and forty Livres, which shal be paid here upon Sight. Be frugal and make the most of it.
Your friend and servant.
BF
Messr. Christopher Bubier and others Americans Prisoners at Coutances.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jonathan Williams, Jr., 22 December 1779
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Williams, Jonathan Jr.

Ever since September 18, when Franklin had forwarded to Vergennes Congress’ invoices for military supplies and clothing, he had been awaiting the French government’s response. At long last, it came. When Franklin wrote the following letter, he must have just received Vergennes’ promise of a new loan of 3,000,000 l.t. The sum was generous, but did not come close to covering the whole of Congress’ requests, which had included, for the navy, two fully outfitted ships, miscellaneous chandlery items, fabric and buttons for officers’ uniforms, and 2,800 suits of clothing for the sailors. The more extensive list of supplies needed for the army ran to thirty-eight pages, beginning with seven pages’ worth of weaponry and ammunition. The next eighteen pages listed various tools and supplies including assorted saws, files, augers, chisels, nails, rasps, shoemakers’ nippers and pincers (French shoes were of notoriously poor quality), fourteen colors of paint (ranging from 4,000 lbs. of white and Spanish brown to 8 oz. of carmine), paint brushes, gold and silver leaf, horse combs, sheep shears, saddle furniture and spurs, padlocks, spoons and cups, tent linen, thread, needles and thimbles, assorted writing supplies, maps of North America, “100 Setts of Mullers Military Works in English except his ‘Treatise of Artillery’ of which there is no want,” musical instruments for field bands, and collections of German music. Next, Congress ordered 49,024 complete sets of soldiers’ uniforms, each variety of which was specified down to the minutest detail of thread color and button design. In addition, there were orders for extra fabric, notions, buckles, and hats. Finally came four pages of miscellaneous items under the heading, “Indian Goods.” This included blankets, clothing, yardage of assorted fabrics, jewelry, looking glasses, knives, tobacco boxes, glass wampum, smoking tomahawks, needles, graduated sizes of kettles and other cooking equipment, measuring cups and weights (made to English standards), beaver traps, and, at the end of the list, “50 groce best Jews harps.”
Franklin would have applied the entire French loan to these invoices had he not felt obliged to use a substantial portion to pay existing interest bills and drafts on Congress. When Lafayette promised to supply 15,000 stands of arms and 100,000 pounds of powder, Franklin decided to apply the remaining French funds towards 10,000 complete sets of uniforms. That number soon increased to 15,000 sets, at Chaumont’s urging, but was lowered again to 10,000 by February, 1780. The procurement of these supplies, and the problems of transporting them, would occupy Franklin for more than a year.

 Dear Jonathan
Passy, Decr. 22. 1779.
I received yours of the 1st. & 11th. inst. and thank you for the Intelligence they contained.
I did not write the Letter you mention to the People of Ireland.
I have at last obtained a Promise of Some money towars the supplies and shall want I believe 10,000 suits of Cloaths with shirts, hats stockings and shoes, what can you do towards furnishing them? M. de Chaumont thinks is best to send the Cloth. But the Marquis De Lafayette and my Orders are for Cloaths ready made. It is an affair that Requires Dispatch. Inclosed I Send you the Proposition of a Person residing in Nantes, to furnish Cloth. You can talk with him. I inclose the judgement you desire relative to the Prize Goods brought in by the Mifflin. The Papers which have been Sent to me, remain with me, being the justification of the judgment. I am ever Y. A. U.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from J.F. Frin & Co., 22 December 1779
From: J.F. Frin & Co.
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur
Paris 22 Xbre 1779.
Nous avons reçu hier une lettre de nos amis d’amsterdam Mrs. Daniel Crommelin & fils, dont nous prenons la liberté de vous remettre cijoint une copie par laquelle vous verrez ce qu’ils desirent relativement au paiement de divers effets du congrès dont ils sont porteurs et les observations qu’ils font pour faciliter à l’avenir une circulation plus suivie et plus assurée entre les Etats d’Hollande et ceux de l’Amérique: nous vous prions de nous mettre en état de leur répondre à ce sujet ou si vous préférez de le faire directement, nous nous chargerons avec bien du plaisir de leur faire passer votre lettre.
Nous profitons de cette occasion pour joindre à la présente 49 effets sur vous même, Monsieur, mont. a Drs. 2982 que nous vous prions d’accepter et nous retourner ensuite.

Nous avons l’honneur d’être avec respect Monsieur Vos très humbles et très obéissans serviteurs
J. f. FRIN ET Compe.Banquiers ruë du Carouzel
M Le Docteur franklin à Passy.
 Endorsed: Presented 22d Decr.
Notation: Frin & Comy. 22 Dec 79.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Rodolphe-Ferdinand Grand, [after 22 December 1779]
From: Grand, Rodolphe-Ferdinand
To: Franklin, Benjamin

[after December 22, 1779]
Mr Grand a Lhonneur de presenter Son respect á Monsieur franklin & de lui observer qu’il Conviendroit peut etre denvoyer en hollande la notte des articles que Le Congrés demande pour en sçavoir Les prix & les Comparer avec Ceux des autres Pays doù l’on peut les tirer; il n’est pas necessaire dattendre pour Cella que les promesses soyent Imprimées. Mr Grand propose d’envoyer cette notte par le Courrier de Demain vendredy.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from the Chevalier de Laneuville, [after 22 December 1779]
From: Laneuville, Louis-Pierre Penot Lombart, chevalier de
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur
[after December 22, 1779]
La lettre de change de 60 dollars que j’ai perdu, n’a pu se retrouver; mr grand m’a déclaré ne la pouvoir payer que sur un mot de votre main; si cela peut se faire sans inconvénient vous m’obligeries beaucoup.
J’ai recu depuis des duplicata de mr TurmBull s’il etoit possible que vous en acceptiés un par duplicata je crois que cela leveroit toutes difficultés et ce sans inconvénient. Je vous en envoye un en consequence que vous aurés la complaisance de me renvoyer soit que vous l’accepties soit que vous ne l’acceptiés pas.
J’attend mon frere de jour en jour, des qu’il sera revenu nous irons aurons le plaisir de vous aller voir en attendant je vous prie d’etre persuadé de l’estime et des sentiments avec lesquels je suis, Monsieur, votre tres humble et tres obeist serviteur
Lombart
rue Beautreillis hôtel Charny
 Notation: Lombart


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Digges, 24 December 1779
From: Digges, Thomas
To: Franklin, Benjamin

24th. Decr. 79
9th. & 17th. Decr.  14th Nov
Dr. Sir
I have not yet been able to get the order for Books you some time ago sent me, so fully compleated as I wish; the Bookseller is busey in compleating it & gives me fair promises it shall be done by monday, at least all those that are not out of print. I will then forward it as you direct & draw for the amot. together with the overplus of Cap. C——s accot on whom I shall inclose you a bill for the payment of that Ballance. There is yet nothing done about the Cartel, which is seemingly owing to the want of specification of numbers from your side.
Last week a Flag of Truce with 90 British Prisoners arrivd from Boston at Pensance; She saild the 12th Novr. There is a brig also to Bristol very lately arrivd which left Boston the 25th. Novr. also a Flag of Truce with 45 Prisoners. The Passengers of these vessels are cheifly Gentlemen & Ladys who were capturd in the Jama. June fleet (9 of which it seems were taken off Newfoundland & carryd into Boston) and the Captains Hill & Boulderson of two Falmo Packets & their Crews; The Condition of their parole is, to return an equal number of Amn. Prisoners confind in England, in these vessels either to France or Amera., otherways these Parole passengers are to return to Boston in six months. The arrival of some of the leaders bound by this agreement, is so recent, that nothing conclusive has yet been done; & the application has not yet been regularly made to the Admiralty or Board of Sick & hurt, who are alone competent to say whether or no the agreement shall be complyd with: one of the Gentn most active to have it so, has been with Lord North, & he promises very fairly it shall be done. The accots. by these vessels are that Fort Stanwix was taken by Butler by surprize— That Jay & Monr. Gerard had saild from Phia in the Confederacy Frigate—and that J. Adams, and F. Dana His Secy, had saild in a French Frigate from Boston abot. the 24th. Novr. The American Papers say that Adams is appointed sole Plenipoy to Europe to talk upon Peace only with the Powers at War; As we hear they are all arrivd in France, you know better than any one else what their errand is. I hope J. Adams errand may be successful, but it strikes me that He is only appointed to prevent those delays in a parley, that must necessarily take place in sending messages across the Atlantic— In case any confidential messenger is wanted in such a negotiation the Gentn. who went to you from hence Apr. last (Mr. V. Jaques D——d) freely offers Himself, and will obey any call for that purpose. His intention in so doing is meerly to serve so good a cause & from no sinister motive whatever.
As you get the Papers regularly I need not animadvert upon the two late Gazetts every one here says that the Compte ought to be hangd for his misconduct in that affair. The People of Boston were a little clamorous agt. Him & His Country for his demanding a surrender of the Garrison to the King of F——. The numbers in killd & wounded are sunken already from 1500 to 300 & I believe the last is near the truth. We talk much now of prosecuting the Amn. War, so that I fear this glimmering of success at Savanah, will lead us on to deeper mischiefs. It is in every ones mouth that the Dutch fleet now in the Texel loaded wth naval stores for France, together with their Convoy, be it what it will, is to be attacked as they pass the Channel & if possible brought into England. The West Inda. fleet of 5 of the line & abot. 40 merchant ships are still detaind by contrary winds; sixteen or 18 sail of the line are said be going a part of the way with them, & then to the releif of Gibr. I expect to hear from you by Mr W —— & am with great regard Yrs.
Wm. Ferguson
Monsr. B. F——
 Notation: Decr 24 1779


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Hartwell, 24 December 1779
From: Hartwell, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Hond Sir
Boulogne Prison December the 24 1779
I make Bould to Beg one Favour of you if you will Be So good and Gracious as to grant to me a Poor Prisoner to Take me out of Prison and I will Be Ready to Searve you at aney Call I am an amiricainn I was Borne in Boston I was in the Engilsh Searvis a wile and I made my Escape from them and got into a Smugler going over to flushing thining to git to france But a hard gale of winde comeing on drove us on Shoare in Switsin Bay Honrd Sir Their is a Cutter in Cailis and She is to have a Congres Commision and I should Be glad to go in hur as She whants hands I was a going to write to Mr Deane But The Pass Master Tould me that he was not in france I knowed Mr Deane Verry well Before he Left Cambridge Honred Sir I hope you Will not forgit me for I am Ready to willing to fight for My Cuntry I have gone through a grate Deale of Trobel in trying to git to france I Did not know your Hounor was in france till the Pass master tould me wich I was glad to hear for I thought to git Some Relivement from your goodness Honrd Sir if you are so good as to take Notice of me you will git me a Pass I Hope Hound Sir I am not Deciveng you I was Borne in Boston and I know Esq Hancok and have Sailed in his Imploy Honrd Sir I hope you will write me answer from your Humble Searvant and well wisher
John Hartwell
 Addressed: To / Docr Franklin / Paris / in France
Notation: J. Hartwell 24 Decr. 79


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Lafayette, 24 December 1779
From: Lafayette, Marie-Joseph-Paul-Yves-Roch-Gilbert du Motier, marquis de
To: Franklin, Benjamin

    Paris 24th december at two o’clock in the morning
    Dear Sir

I don’t loose Any time in informing You that mde de Lafayette is happily deliver’d of a son, and too much depend on your friendship not to be Certain that You will be pleas’d with the intelligence— The Boy shall be Call’d George, and you will easily Gess that he bears that Name as a tribute of Respect and love for my dear friend Gnl Washington. I Beg you will Give Notice of it to Mr. William Franklin and doctor Bancroft.
The Many Marks of affection I have Receiv’d from the Citizens of the United States, Make be bold to impart to any of them, any happy event that May happen to me— But I do it with a much Greater Confidence and pleasure when I think the News will be Receiv’d and heartly felt By My Respected friend Mr. Franklin.
With the Most Sincere affection I have the honor to be Yours
Lafayette
 Notation: La Fayette. 24 Decr 79


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Anthony Merry, 24 December 1779
From: Merry, Anthony
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Queen Square, Westminster, the 24h. December,1779.–—
The many pleasing Convivial hours we formerly spent together in Cornhill and Queen Square, and the continued proofs I ever received of the Social humane turn of your disposition; makes me certain that you will not deem any Apology necessary for my giving You this trouble, and begging Your most friendly care of Conveying the enclosed letter to a most worthy & highly esteemed friend and near Relation of mine, (in any way that You may think most proper for it’s having a safe & speedy Passage) and to prevent it’s meeting any Cautionary interruption, I leave it open for Your’s and the perusal of any other person whose duty may prompt them to examine whether it contains any thing more than the feeling dictates of a friendly Heart; when, I am sure it will have speed rather than delay given to it by your self, or any other person of Similar Sentiments.
You will find it is addressed to a worthy Officer of His Majesty’s 62d. Regiment of foot, who has been a prisoner ever since the Convention of Saratoga; and tho’ myself & all his friends have had some letters from him, and we have repeatedly written to and devised means for his release, (by a letter I had from him this week, dated Cambridge, near Boston, in November last,) I find not one letter from any of his friends have ever reach’d him; which adding greatly to the misery of his long captivity, I am impelled by hope, and necessitated to seek your humane friendly assistance not only in conveying the little comfort the enclosed may give him, but (as far as you can consistent with Your own Honour, and propriety) contribute to his release by useing Your powerfull influence for his being speedily exchanged for a person of equal rank with himself: And as the Bonds of Generous Friendship and twenty eight years Service together, has linked my Relation so firmly with a Major Harnage, in the same Regiment, that they neither can, or will accept, of a Release without it’s extending to both; I am forced to encrease my request and obligation to you, by intreating that any friendly Interposition You may be kind enough to use, may Act equally to them both: And as they are greatly destitute of Cloaths, and every necessary and Comfort of Life, your knowing it, I am sure will induce You to recommend them to the Notice & attention of some friend who may have the power and Inclination to supply them; Assuring You that myself, and all Captain Hawker’s family, will be happy in shewing the like humane Service to any of Your own, or friend’s Connections here.—
All Our Old Friends at the George & Vulture are alive and well, and thank God I have exceeding good health, which I sincerely hope You enjoy likewise.— To be certain of it’s safety, I trouble my old friend, (the Great Musical Genius,) Mr. Burton, with the care of this; and if you think it proper to favor me with a reply, (for I shall ever be happy to hear of your health) Mr. Burton, (who will leave you his address,) will be so obliging as to Convey it to me, as likewise a duplicate of this to You in a post or two, to guard against Accidents; & if either this or the Copy are lucky enough to get to Captain Hawker’s hands, & produce the Completion of my Ardent Wishes, You will be better able to conceive, than I shall be to express, the Gratefull Respect and Esteem with which I shall ever remain.
Dear Sir, Your much obliged, and Most Obedient, Humble Servt
Anthy. Merry
Dr. Franklyn Paris

Addressed: To / Doctr: Benjn: Franklin / at / Paris / Monr Burton chez Mad L’Esprit / Rue St Thomas du Louvre / Paris
Notation: Merry 24 Decr. 1779.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Robert Montgomery, 25 December 1779
From: Montgomery, Robert
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Alicante 25th. Decr. 1779
I had the Honour of Paying my Respects to your Eccely: under the 18th Current and Since have your Truly Esteem’d of the 26th ulto and beg lave to Return you my best thanks for the Satisfaction you are Pleased to Express on Learning that I had been Quieted in my Establishment here by the favour of his Catholic Majesty, and Also for your good Wishes for the Continuance of My Tranquility and do not fear that any thing Will happen on my Part hence forward that Will give Cause for the Contrary.
It is Natural to Expect Shortly a Plenipotentiary from Congress to the Court of Madrid. I will on your Advising Me give Orders to My Banker there to furnish him With Whatever Money he May have Occation for during his Risidence at this Court, or anything Elce in My Power your Eccy. may Readily Command.
It is Reported here that the Count dEstaign has been Repulsed with Loss in an Attack on Savanna; but hope it is Without foundation.
The Blockade of Gibralter Continues With the Greatest Vigillence but Nothing Elce doing there Nor in the Medeteranian of any Consequence. Wishing your Eccy: the Comps of the Season With Every Success and Happeyness I have the Honour to be very Respectfully Sir your Eccellency’s Most Obedt Most Humble Servent
Robt Montgomery
The Honorable Benjamin Franklin Esqr. Passy
 Notation: Robt: Montgomery 25 Mar 79


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Henry M. Mühlenberg, 25 December 1779
From: Muhlenberg, Henry Melchior
To: Franklin, Benjamin

May it please Your Excellency!Philadelphia the 25th December 1779.
Your Excellency’s most humble Servants, the united german Lutheran Ministers in the A: Ind: states should not perturbate the extensive political Circles in Your most weighty Station for the Interest of the States, if we could avoid it. Being called, sent and supported into these Parts of the Globe by the Revd. Directors and Professors of the Orphan-House and College of His sacred Prussian Majesty’s Dominions at Hall in Saxony and permitted to keep up a Correspondence with the said Reverend Gentlemen concerning religious Matters, but left destitute to get any Letter home, we trust therefore in Your Excellency’s innate approved Philanthropy, Magnanimity and condescending Kindness, that it might please Your Excellency, if possible, to recommend the enclosed Letter to His Prussian Majesty’s most Excellent Ambassador, or His Honble Secretary to be conveyed in Their Packet to Berlin, from thence it will come safe to Hall. But if not suitable that Way, to send the Letter to the Post-Office. By granting this our most humble Request, Your Excellency’s most humble Petitioners shall in Duty be bound to continue in fervent Prayers.
Henry Mühlenbergsenior minister of the german Lutheran Ministry in behalf of the Rest
To His Excellency Dr: Franklin Minister plenipotentiary of the U S of North America at the Court of Versailles.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from James Woodmason, [25 December 1779]
From: Woodmason, James
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
[December 25, 1779]
The Order you gave me, is at last, with much disappointment to myself compleated. I desird Mr: Caslon to acquaint you that Mr: Whatman had made me a Parcel, which upon tryal did not bear Ink strong enough. About 2 months since he finish’d another which pleased me much, this Ltre is on a Sht: of it. I immediately sent 2 Reams to be Marbled, & till this day could not by any means get it done, the reason given me by the Marbler is, that he has been obligd to Marble each Sheet 3 Times. If I have your pardon for the Delay & the Paper gives you satisfaction, I shall feel much pleasure. By the next Amsterdam Ship, shall without fail send it & shall be much obliged to have a Line, whether it gives satisfaction.
Mr: Beaumarchais Agent Mr: Le Tellier is now in London. I have made him some Paper for his Proposals. But I find that he is not yet determined whither to use English Paper or not. My Father is in Buckinghamshire & was well, when last I heard of him, he desires his affectionate respects to you & expressed that he wish’d me to return you his Thanks for your very kind reception to me. I am Sir Your most Obedt: & very Obligd hble Servt
James Woodmason
 Addressed: To His Excellency / Benjn: Franklin Esqr: / Paris
Notation: Woodmason Mr. James 4 Jany. 1780.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Jay, 27 December 1779
From: Jay, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir,
St. Pierre de la Martinique, Decmr. 27. 1779.
Having on the 7th. of November last lost our Masts off the Banks of Newfound Land and been obliged to come to this Place to refit, I am constrained to draw upon you for Part of the Salary due to me as Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States of America to his Catholic Majesty, agreable to the Intention of Congress expressed in their Resolution of the 15th. of October last, of which the inclosed is a true Copy, having been faithfully transcribed from a certified one in my Possession. I have drawn a Sett of Bills of this Date on your Excellency at Sixty Days Sight in favour of William Bingham Esquire, for three thousant three hundred & Seventy nine Livres & eight Sols Tournois.
As I soon expert [expect] to have the Pleasure of seeing you (intinding to sail in the morning) I shall forbear adding anything further than that I have the Honor to be with great Respect & Esteem. Your Excellency’s most obedient servant
(signed) John Jay.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Torris, 27 December 1779
From: Torris, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honnoured Sir
Dunkerque The 27th. December 1779
I This Moment receive the Petition to Your Excellency from Our Surgeon Boutey. Was this restless man a Good Subject, he certainly wou’d not have troubled Your Excellency on a Matter which he well knew, was not in my power to perform untill I had received from Morlaix the Accounts of the Sales of the prises, the amount of Same, & the remainder of the Ransoms, & ’tis what I do not Expect for some Weeks. All I Cou’d do, from honesty, for him, the Crew, & Concerns, was to divide the Money I Got, & ’tis what I carefully & Scrupulously have done, & the said Boutey has got above 50 Louis dor; He knows Very well that my most ardent Wishes are to Settle the First Cruise of the Black Prince as soon as possible, that I want no kind of Sollicitations on the head, but I press our Correspondants every where all in My Power, to be Enabled to finish.
The Black Prince & Princess are Sailed the 21st. inst. & I should have had The honour to write Your Excellency of it, had not Mr Coffyn done it him Self. I hope I shall Soon have The Satisfaction to Inform Your Excellency of Some Good prises & Ransoms & of deeds which will much displease our Ennemies.
I have the honnour to be With gratitude & Respect Honnd. Sir Your most Humble & most Obedient Servant
J. Torris
His Excellency Benjn. Franklin.
 Notation: T Torris. Decr. 27. 1779


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to J.F. Frin & Co., 28 December 1779
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: J.F. Frin & Co.

Gentlemen
Passy, Decr. 28. 1779.
I return your 49 Bills accepted, as of the Day on which they were presented.
The obligations of Congress, mentioned to you by Messrs. Cromelin and fils ought not to have been brought to Europe, their Operation is in America and they must be returned thither and produced annually to the Treasurer in order to receive the interest. As the Obligations are if I am not mistaken payable to the Bearer, there was a Risque in sending them, equal to the Insurance, which perhaps is 50 per Cent, and the same Risque must be incurr’d in returning them; as if taken they would become the Property of the Captors. It was therefore either through Folly or an Intention to deceive, that they were sent over to be sold here. Folly if they continue to be of the Value express’d in them: knavery if they are of that species which has depreciated with the Currency on which they were founded; and which I have heard is now 2000 per Ct. the only obligations of Congress that have kept up their Value, are those the Interest of which is paid in france by Bills Such as those I have now accepted for you.
To assist your friend in Sending back those Papers, with as Little Risque as Possible, I Shall readily certify Copies of them if produc’d to me; tho’ I think it may as well be done by a Notary in Holland. This may save Proprietors Claim if the Vessel Should be lost or the papers destroy’d. But not if they are taken because I apprehend that whoever produces them will have a Right to demand the Interest. I have the honour to be &c.
Messrs. J.f. Frin & Compe. Banquiers Rue du Carousel.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jonathan Williams, Jr., 28 December 1779
From: Williams, Jonathan Jr.
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear & honoured Sir.
Nantes Decemr 28. 1779
I have received your Favour of the 22 Instant with the Judgement of the Mifflins Prize Goods, and Mr Coulougnac’s Proposals about furnishing Cloth &c. Agreeable to your desire I have conversed with him and find that he realy can furnish at good Prices, but he has no great Quantity by him at present. I have taken some Patterns which I inclose. N 1. is in my Opinion a very cheap article. I was obliged to pay 6 s. an ell more when I furnished Cloaths to the public. The Colour in the Pattern is not meant as a pattern of the Colour for all the linings must be white. N 2 is in my Opinion the kind of Cloth that will suit but I think to answer the Views of Congress it should be about 20 s. per Ell better in Quality. N 3 is a very good Cloth but rather too stout. I think it more fit for great Coats than under Coats. N 4 is very proper for waistcoats & Breeches & I think the Quality excellent, it may perhaps be thought too good but in this kind of Goods if you go to very cheap Things you will have them good for nothing. The Prices include all Charges and the Goods are deliverable at Nantes. Mr Coulougnac must send or go to Lyons for any considerable supply and I suppose you must allow at least 2 months Time for any of the Goods to arrive, but after that Time we can go on very expeditiously and I think I can furnish you with as Cheap Cloaths & in as little Time as any one else; it must be remembered that all I do the Charges are included which is an article of consequence to be added if you agree else where. You will observe by my Accot that the Commrs have paid more than 20,000 Livres for Charges of Transportation.
Shirts & Shoes may be had here. I shall be able to get the latter done at 3 Livres 10 s. I could I suppose have them at 3. Livres but such as Congress desire you will I am sure have them no where cheaper. The Shoes you paid 3 l.t. for in Paris formerly amounted to near my Price after the Charges were added & were too small after all. My next shall inform you more particularly about Shirts. As this is the Country for Linnen I can undertake them at as cheap a rate as any body. And I am sure I can have them & all the other Things in readiness as soon as any body. If you choose to contract for certain Prices I will do the Business that Way & take my Payment at 4, 8 & 12 months you allowing me the Loss on my Bills after 4 months. On these Conditions I could undertake to furnish you a Soldiers Suit compleat agreeable to Congress’s Orders at 34 l.t. delivered here free of Charges. I could perhaps do it for 30 l.t. but it would not answer the Expectations of Congress neither in size nor Quality. Or if you like better I will do the Business on Commission at 2½ per Cent. Mr de Chaumont asks me if I could do the Business in 2 months. I told him it was impossible to do it so soon. People may promise it but I am sure nobody will perform it.
I am ever your dutifull & affectionate kinsman
Jona Williams J
I have a Letter from Mr Bache 2d. Nov. He & his wife were then well. My next shall inform you what I can do in Hatts & Hose. I can furnish Hatts from 15 to 30 Livres per dozen & very good for soldiers—
 Notation: J Williams 28 Dec 79


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Joshua Johnson, 29 December 1779
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Johnson, Joshua

Sir
Passy Dec. 29. 1779.
I am much obliged by your kind attention in sending me from time to time the American newspapers that have come to your hands. Please to accept my thankful Acknowledgements.
I have the Pleasure now to acquaint you that tho’ my application at your Request for arms or a Loan of money for your Province in particular was not attended with success the Opinion here being (as I think I formerly wrote to you) that all such applications, should regularly come thro’ the Congress; yet an aid being now lately granted to that Body for the whole, there is no doubt but Maryland will obtain its share of what Shall arrive in America.
If I have not corresponded with you so punctually as you might expect, and as I could have wished to do, I pray you to excuse me. I have had too much Business with too Little Help. The constant expectation of a Secretary, who had long been voted, but did not arrive prevented my engaging such assistance as I wanted. And I have not been able by increased Application fully to Supply the Difficiency.
I do not understand that by the Treaty of Alliance between france & America, an American taking a house and settling in france to carry on Business is exempted from the Duties & services that would have been required of a Native of france inhabiting the same house. The droit d’aubaine is indeed abolished in our favour, But in other Respects, I Should suppose that Americans settled here as well as frenchmen settled in America, must while they live as Inhabitants, be Subject to the Laws of the respective Countries, of which they at the Same time claim and enjoy the Protection, I am sorry however that you find this so Inconvenient as to induce you to quit the kingdom. Particular Circumstances may have occasioned the Quartering of soldiers on the Inhabitants last year which in time of Peace may rarely happen.
With great Esteem I have the honour to be, sir y m. o. & m. h. S.
Mr. Joshua Johnson.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Arthur Lee, 29 December 1779
From: Lee, Arthur
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir,
Paris Decr. 29th. 1779
I find that there remain scarce fifty pounds of the funds that were in my hands, & my inevitable expences in quitting this place & returning to my Country, will I apprehend amount to four or five hundred.

If the state of the public funds in your disposal will permit you to furnish me with that Sum it will save me from very great difficulties & distress.
I have the honor to be, with very great respect, Sir, Yr most Obedt. H. Servt.
The Honble. Doctor B. Franklin M.P.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Landais, 30 December 1779
From: Landais, Pierre
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Please your Excellency
Paris 30th Decemr 1779
I Receiv’d only the 15th Decemr. the copy of a letter from Capt Jones to your Excellency, dated on board the ship of War Serapis, at anchor without the Texel Octor. 3d. 1779 (but not certifyed by your Excellency, as you did me the honor to tell me you wou’d do) of which letter you told me the copy was in a newspaper. I beg to know in which, for I had never an idea of it. For all I have answerd to the four general charges your Excelly told me that were laid against me. Viz—
1t. Disobedience of orders.
2d. Of having fird upon the B.H. Richard while the engagement of the 23d Sepr. against the Serapis & Cs. of Scarborough.
3d. Of having not Assisted the B.H. Richard as soon as possible.
4th. Why I did not go to take the fleet the next day.
Without having seen any thing of this letter before the 15th. otherwise I wou’d have answer’d Article for Article.
The first one I only told you of it, & did not chuse to give it in writing, keeping it for America, where I intended to ask for a court Martial to judge of it, as I told Capt. Jones on board the B.H. Richard, when he insulted me so grievously. If before to be there he did not give me full satisfaction, for all it cost me a great deal to own that I have been so abusd by a man. I am going to give you the particulars of words & facts that passed.
About noon the 24th Augt., Ast. Richy saw a sail bearing NNW shew’d signal to the other ships, & set sail as fast as possible after her, at one oClock came up with the B.H. Richard, she shewd signals for to drop a stern, took in our light sails & hauld up our courses; we bore away to let him get a head, but as we kept way with her under our top sail, The BH Richd under all sails, she told us to drop a stern. At 3 oClock saw another sail, at ½ past 3 a signal from the B.H. Richard for boats every ship sent one, ours return’d immediately but I was desir’d to go aboard Capt Jones a calme coming on three boats were sent after the vessel in chase, I went on board Capt Jones at ½ past 5 oClock amongst other things that was said it was reported that the Captain of the prize brigg call’d the May Flower, had said that there was an eighteen gun London privateer about 7 miles up in the river of Limrick, & in the same river an excise tender, besides that there was a fifty gun man of war riding at anchor nigh a small island in the next bay to the north. I was mov’d whether it was proper to go for the said privateer. I said I had orders that were not consistent with such a plan, & if there was any thing to be done it was to go for the fifty gun ship (being in our way to the north) for besides all our ships might go together, to engage her, we might have the advantage of surprising her & engage her, while she laid at anchor, but for the privateer it was not worthwhile to send boats & men to run the hazard to be taken by the said privateer, or be cut in the river by some boats, even by the said tender which might soon be armd; no more was said about it.

I told Capt Jones he had prevented my chasing that brig, & come up within two miles of her, from what distance I woud have sent my boats & protect them in all cases. But by sending boats at that distance, foggy weather & wind might cause the loss of the Boats & men, besides the vessel being arm’d might have took them being at that distance out of our power to prevent it. Moreover I told him in such cases as this, I woud chase & not venture my boats & men while I cou’d go with the Ship. I parted from him thinking that matter was over.
Next forenoon he spoke to me & ask’d me Wheter I had a crew ready to man the prise. N.B. his boats had been several times aboard & back to the B.H. Richard. I told him when I was to man a prise I shoud chuse my Prise Master—shou’d be one of the first on board, otherwise he cou’d not be answerable of what might have been done; He told me he had lost one of his boats with 7 Men that run away in her & had sent another with fifteen after: he desir’d me to go aboard his ship. I told him I woud go as soon as weather wou’d permit, but for the present it was too foggy for to leave my Ship.
In the afternoon 25 clear weather, I went according to my promess on board the B.H. Richd. & ask’d of Capt Jones what he wanted with me, that I cou’d not stay long. He told me he had to speak to me, but delay’d, there came, the master of the prise to take his orders, & I had been about an hour Capt. Jones had told me nothing material. I wish’d him well & was going away. He came after me stopt me, and took me by the hand, in the entry of the poop cabin, he told Me he was my best friend, & told for proof, shewing me the Alliance that I had the honor to Command, was owing to him, for he had the order from his Excellency Dr Franklin to take the command from me when the dispute between my Officers & me at LOrient. I told him it was reported to me the contrary. That several American gentlemen had told me to take care of him &c. & that I had told him myself, when the difference was to be examin’d by five gentlemen he had chosen, him & my officers without telling me a word of it before the moment I was to appear before them, that he wanted to sacrifice me, that I was willing to be so, but I was going to foretell Mr Ray de Chaumont of it, what I did. He told me I was the greatest rascal in the World if I had that thought, that was the way he took to convince me of the contrary. I was affronted at such an expression, seeing I was angry he tryed to make me believe that such expression in english was not abusive, all this pass’d between him & me. I wanted to return to my ship but he detaind me yet, & made me go in the cabin, where was Lt. Cl. Wibert writing. Then Capt Jones began to Speak about the day before, that I had Cross’d [him] in his Chase, I answerd it cou’d not be for I was a good way a Stern, when I begun to Chase, & only with the same sails, I came up with him, & was getting all the sails up when the signal for dropping a Stern was made. He said no such signal had been made. I replied that I was sure it had been made, for we were hoisting up our Starboard lower steering sail, then that I went down to seek what was the signal for. I saw it was for to drop a stern, he told me ’twas not true, no such signal was made, I got up & told him his Officers shou’d testafy it, when he saw that I was going for enquiry, he told me if it had been made ’twas without his knowledge, the Capt of the prise was calld in & ask’d what course she kept when Chas’d he answer’d to the SSW, but by the calm he had had the head to the North it (was then I Chas’d her) then Capt Jones begun to speak again about the boats he has lost the night before. I told him ’twas not my fault, He ask’d me if ’twas his. I answerd it was the consequence of having not let me chase the day before, he told me what I said was an untruth, I was thunderstruck & did not believe my ears & ask’d him what he said, he repeated it. I ask’d him if he gave me the lye. He answerd me yes damn you, stammering between his teeth. I told him if he had been out of his ship he wou’d have punish’d immediately, He told me whenever I pleasd. I don’t think I cou’d have shew’d more regard to any General on such an Occasion in the anger I was in than to take my hat for to go away. But he took the key that was upon something, & went for to lock the door upon me, but I was next the door, I prevented it & laid the key upon the table, I told him I shou’d have him brought before a court Martial for using me so on board his Ship. I told L. C. Wilbert and L. C. Chamillard to remember what they had heard & seen. Capt Jones seeing his fault said he was going to lock the door for to prevent any body to com in. I went away but swore inwardly to never go aboard the said ship again. Next day after, the BH. Richard came to speak to me L.C. Chamillard had the speaking trompet & ask’d how I did & I had my french pilot to answer him.
Capt Landais in his answer to the 25th articles has answerd article 4th, to this he will add only that the vengeance was about two or three miles windward towards the sail, that she was stiffer & best sailing vessel for to go after the brig but no signal was made to her, that Capt Jones & his purseur wanted to take a great many things out of the prise, that Capt. Landais was offerd to have some slops & other things, but he said that every thing that were found in the prise, ought to remain there for the benefit of Congress & crew &ca—that he wore his ship for to come closer to the prise for to have his boats. The next morning he went for to speak to the B.H Richard, but the sea being pretty high, & the said ship so poorly steered that Capt Landais kept from the B.H Richard for fear of being boarded & coud not hear what they said.
The 5 Sepr. at 11 oClock in the morning, the Alliance steerd to the W.N.W. 7 leagues the wind at SW till 6 oClock that it shifted to the West then he took the Starboard tack. At three next morning he chas’d & took a Sloop in ballast bound from Leith to Shetland where was put in a midshipman and two seamen on board & orderd to go to the B.H Richard, that was in the NE of Faro-island; at 4 oClock saw another sloop, chas’d & took her at 8 oClock, she was loaded with coal bound from Greenoch to Shutland, I sent her also to the B.H. Richard having heard that Capt Jones had complaind. I had given orders to the other ships; but for all he was so jealous of giving orders he & the Pallas had those two sloops two days in tow & have given them no orders at all, & God only knows what are become of the two Sloops & men. I did venture to give orders to the Betsey out of my Own Authority, by the virtue I was Capt & parted from all the rest of the ships when I took her, & the orders I gave was to follow me, but if parted forcibly to go to Bergen &ca. As to the Union he sent me word I might do all about her, accordingly I man’d her, gave the prise master the same orders & told him to follow us, & if Capt Jones sent him any orders to receive them. I gave no other orders, & if I had not gave those, they would I believe go as the two Sloops, without any for all they were in company four days longer.
In the evening I refus’d to go on board the B.H. Richard as I had said, by the reason of what pass’d on the 25th Sepr & I sent him answer adequate to the arrant he sent me. In that respect I look’d upon him as Capt of a Man of War in the american service as I was my self. So I look’d upon us both to be upon a level, but if I had look’d upon him & myself intrinsically, as we became both to be Captains of men of war from the begining, upon our different Characters & did according to the native nation report on both I woud have us’d him accordingly.
On the 23d Sepr. as the Alliance not seeing the signal for the line of Battle it is not surprising (for the B.H. Richard us’d commonly to make the signal at the mizen peake when the ships were a head of her) but it is that neither Capt Cotineau nor the two Lieutenants of the B.H. Richard did not see it, at least they have not sign’d the article 10th.

I have answer’d at large, what he says of the same day besides the certificate given by the Officers of the Alliance answer on that Subject.
The Alliance had neither power left nor signal made to pursue the fleet for to take some of the Ships. The Serapis fird at the Alliance, & this frigate fir’d so well upon the enemy that the Cs of Scarborough had three shots within two feet distance at her laboard line of water under the main tack indeed I don’t think above fifty or sixty shots or bar shots came in the hulk of Rigging of the Alliance, but some shots remain yet in the Alliances side. She fird so briskly upon the Cs of Scarborough ten broadsides, that she cou’d not aim so well as if the Alliance had been silent, only two musket shots went through her mizen stay sail, if the Alliance had kill’d but one man on board the Seraphis Capt. Jones woud certainly have been carried to England where he wou’d have (as they say by the news papers) have been rewarded for his former behaviour in that Country.
Upon the whole, the Capt. of the B.H. Richard has behav’d so well in all respects for to not take or destroy the whole fleet of the enemy, that I must say loudly, that the King of England ought to reward him for it.
(signed) P. Landais
 Notation: P. Landais. Dec 30. 1779


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Henry Lee, 30 December 1779
From: Lee, Henry
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Hond Sir
Casdis 30. Dr. 1779
I take the Liberty of writing to You hoping that you wont take it amiss I Henry Lee nave to General in America Has met with the Misfortune to be in Goal in Cadis. I Came here Second Capt of a Brigg from Phillidelphia Loaded with Tobaco and I haveing four Barrells & two Boxes of Snuff for my Private trade came here and not Knowing the Laws of this Place their Came on bord a Custom house Officcer and Perswaded me to Sell it to him I did sell it hime & I being very buize sent the Doctr for the Money the same Officr. that Bought it took it away and the Doct to Pay him as I Could not leave the Ship at this time. So they went away from the Ship and went on bord a Guard Ship and Put the Doctor in Confinment the Next Morning the same Officr came on bord to Buy More But their was no more for him. I askd him where the Doctr was he told me that he had Paid him and thought he was a Spending my Money on Shore this was the Answer I got from him this time and in two Days after I herd the doctor was in Prison and in five Day from the first time I had Communicatinon to my Sorrow their Came on bord too Solder & a Officer for Me and Put me in the Goal— with the Doctor where I am at this time without the help of a Frind or a mouthfull of Meat to Put in My head or a Shirt to My Back. For I being Lockd up in a Close rume Could not hear nor Speak to Any Body. After being in here 9 weeks got Liberty to Speak to the Joaler and got Pen & Paper to write to Your honr to se if I Cant get my Liberty to go to My Native Country again the Man that Bought the Tobaco did not Pay me nor is he Put in goal the money came to 281 Dollr & 2 Riyal of Plate. I beseach Your honr to Speak to the Spanish Embassador to write to the Cout of Spain for me on the Account of my family as never Being Brought to this disgrace before and this time Inocently I have no Support nor any Body to help me withot your help I have a Lon Office Bill of four Hundd. Dollers but Cant get it Changed. I Shall be very Glad if your Honour will be so good as to Write to Some Consul in this Place to Change it for Me to Assist me in Misarble Place of Confinment. I would be glad if Your honr would rite to Genl Lee about it as I am Locked up Directly I Wrote this Letter to You I Should be Very Glad to hear from Your honor as soon as Possible. Sir I Remain Yours att Command Not forgeting the Honble United States of America
Henry Lee
Doct Benjaman Franklin
 Notations: H Lee / Henry Lee


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Amelia Barry, 31 December 1779
From: Barry, Amelia
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Most Dear Sir,
Legn. [Leghorn] 31st. Decr 1779
One of the happiest days of my life, was that in which I was honored with your condescending favor of the 28th. ulto. for which I return you my most sincere and grateful acknowledgments. I had heared a few days ago, of the death of my revered God-mama from a Mr. Logan— I will not renew a grief which Time I hope, has abated, by saying more on so painful a subject, than that I was most sensibly affected at it:—but ’tis wrong to lament the Happy!
Your Excellency’s intelligence in regard to the object of my sollicitations for Mr. Barry, is most considerate & kind, and claims my highest gratitude; as does your instructions concerning the Lot, which I shall strictly follow. But your disinterested generosity in the affair of the profits arising from the sale of Govr. Pownall’s new edition &c of my Father’s Map, I feel, but cannot attempt to express; and indeed I have the highest sense of that Gentleman’s goodness to me, at a time when I did not believe that he recollected my ever having had an existence: I have wrote him a letter of thanks, and hope soon thro’ your means, to hear from him; and indeed my dear paternal Friend, you say true, that “any little supply will be welcome.” My circumstances condemn me to Obscurity, but it is not allowed me; nor can I lament that it is not, for the most kind & flattering notice I am honored with, from many persons, whose merit & stations render justly my Superiors:— Yet the Education of my Children (a Son & 3 Daughters,) is now become necessary; and the means for effecting it (but in the most contracted degree,) are with-held from me: Should I receive anything considerable from Govr. Pownal, I will endeavour to make it a little fund for that purpose, be my difficulties in other things, ever so great: I will not, if possible to avoid it, leave my little Flowers without Culture, should I search Heaven & Earth for the means; as every evil is to be expected, where Ignorance is suffered to take root.
Many, very many favors have I and my Parents, received from you my Dear Sir, and your Family;—once more pardon the presumption of my imploring, which is your literary Works, if not a matter of inconvenience to you to oblige me with; and your having the goodness to insert your Name in the title, as your Gift to “Your dear Child,” (sweet epithet! more delightful to me, than being called the Favorite of the first Prince on earth,) will with your Picture, which hangs before me, be a testimony of your condescending Friendship to me; and I shall in writing, enjoin my children to preserve and transmit this to their descendants, as a most sacred deposit, never to be parted with, till Virtue and Wisdom ceace to be objects of their pursuit.
I will not, after re-iterating my most grateful acknowledgments for your condescending favor, enlarge this letter further, than to beg you will permit me occasionally, to pay my devoirs to you; and indeed I shall never most revered Sir, expect a punctual correspondence on your part, only indulge me once in 3, 4 or 5 months, with a line, to inform me of your health, which with Mrs. Bache’s, (dear friend of my early years!) that of her little darlings, Govr. Franklin’s, and all you love, I pray Heaven long to continue.
The same generous indulgence which I have thro’ life, experienced from your Excelly. will I flatter myself, induce you to pardon the vanity of my wishing one scrap of my rhyming attempts to be read by you, & remain in your possession. I take the liberty to inclose the trifle; & beg you will accept my fervent wishes for your being blesst with many happy years.
With the sincerest veneration & respect I have the honor to be Sir Your Excellency’s most obliged & devoted
A. Barry
His Excelly. B. Franklin Esqr.
 Notations in different hands: A Barry Dec 31 79 / Dec. 31. 79


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Dumas, 31 December 1779
From: Dumas, Charles-Guillaume-Frédéric
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur
La Haie 31e. Xbre. 1779
J’eus hier le plaisir d’avoir la nouvelle, dont ci-joint copie. Notre Ami est parti ce matin, pour Amsterdam, les Etats de la province s’étant séparés. Il m’a remis les nouvelles protestations des villes. Vous les aurez, dès que je les aurai traduites.
Depuis plus de 15 jours que je suis de retour ici, je n’étois presque pas sorti, à cause d’un rhumatisme. Le gd. Facteur a trouvé cela fort mauvais, & avanthier, que je l’allai voir, il me fit une très-violente querelle d’Allemand, prétendant que je lui manquois, que je ne devois pas partir du Helder sans lui en donner préalablement connoissance, c’est-à-dire, demander permission. Je suppose que ce qui le piquoit, c’étoit de n’avoir eu occasion de se servir de moi pour faire accepter à Mr. Jones la Commission & le changemt. de pavillon. Je me modérai. Mais voyant enfin qu’il se mettoit tout-à-fait sur le pied de Maître à valet vis-à-vis de moi, & qu’il m’imputoit des choses odieuses, je parlai haut à mon tour, & j’allai déterminément le quitter pour toujours, lorsqu’il s’est radouci, & m’a fait entendre qu’il souhaittoit que nous nous vissions comme par le passé.
Recevez, Monsieur, mes voeux sinceres à l’occasion de ce nouvellement d’année. Je suis toujours avec le plus respectueux attachement, Monsieur Votre très humble & très obeissant serviteur
Dumas
 Addressed: à Son Excellence / Monsieur B. Franklin / Min. Plenip. des Etats-unis / &c. &c. / Passy./.
Notation: Dumas Decr. 31. 1779


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Strahan, 31 December 1779
From: Strahan, William
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
London Decr. 31. 1779.
I am just now informed by a very intelligent Friend, on whose Judgement and Veracity I can securely depend, that Mr Adams is lately arrived in France from Boston, in his way hither, vested with full Powers from the Congress to propose Terms of Reconciliation with Great Britain; and that in this Negotiation you had no Concern.
You must know, whether there is any real Foundation for what I now tell you. If there is none, I give you this Trouble to no Purpose; but if there is, though I wish Peace, I do assure you, as ardently as any body can, I shall exceedingly regret that an Event so much wished for should take place without your Participation.
I have only to add, that if you can make me of any Use to you, or to the general Cause, on the present Occasion, you may command me in any Way you please; and be assured that any Trust you may think fit to repose in me shall be executed with the strictest Fidelity, and precisely as you shall direct and prescribe.— I hope you have known me long enough to believe, that neither my known Attachment to his Majesty’s Person and Government, nor any other Consideration whatever, could influence me to betray, in the smallest Tittle, any Confidence you may have occasion to place in me. I wish to be instrumental in doing good, but shall be particularly careful to do no Hurt.
If you think this Letter worthy of any Notice I leave it to you to settle the Manner of our Correspondence. If not, I hope you will not take in evil part this Interruption from Dear Sir Your old and affectionate humble Servant
Will: Strahan
One Person only, who has no Connexion with the Ministry, knows of my writing to you.
 Addressed: A Monsieur / Monsieur Benjamin Franklin / à / Paris


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jean-Pierre de Chaumont, [December 1779]
From: Chaumont, Jean-Pierre de
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur,
[December, 1779]
J’étois venu pour avoir l’honneur de vous presenter un memoire qui ma été adresse De la part D’un Prince D’allemagne qui Desire ne Se Nommer qu’apres que vous aurés bien voulu me faire passer Votre réponse à Ce Mémoire; ou me permettre D’avoir l’honneur de venir prendre vos ordres à ce Sujet.
Je Suis avec Respect Monsieur Votre tres humble et tres obeissant Serviteur
ChaumontSecretaire General des hussards et DeMgr le Duc De Chartres au Palais Royal.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to John Rutledge, [1779?]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Rutledge, John

Sir,
[1779?]
The Bearer M. Savarit goes to America, with a View of establishing a House there, for Supplying the Country with Arms of various kinds of the Manufacture of Charleville, which is reckon’d one of the best in France: He is recommended to me as a Gentleman of excellent Character, by Persons of Distinction here; and I beg leave to recommend him to your Excellency, and to request for him your Countenance and Protection. I have the Honour to be, with great & sincere Respect, Your Excelly’s &c
To his Excellency John Rutledge Esqe Governor of South-Carolina.


Title: An Arabian Tale, [1779?]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

It should come as no surprise that Franklin would try his hand at a genre of story-telling so popular during his lifetime: the oriental or pseudo-oriental tale. Ever since Antoine Galland published the first ten volumes of Les Mille et une nuits (The Arabian Nights) in 1704–11 and Pétis de La Croix’s five-volume Les Mille et un jours appeared in 1710–12, scores of English and Continental writers indulged an eager public by setting narratives and tales of their own invention in exotic arabian locations.
In the Paris of 1779, the oriental vogue was indulged anew by a number of fresh collections of so-called oriental tales. A certain Mlle M***, in June, published a volume of Contes orientaux, ou les récits du sage Caleb, voyageur persan. To sing its praises adequately, the Journal de Paris required three pages; by the end of August, the work was in its second printing. Three months later, the comte de Caylus’ Nouveaux contes orientaux was published in two large volumes, complete with illustrations.
Franklin, during this period, was evidently discussing the merits of certain of these collections with his literary friends, who praised the stylistic elegance of Les Mille et un jours. In the absence of any other clues, it seems to us that he might have written either one or both of his pseudo-oriental tales in 1779. We are therefore publishing “An Arabian Tale” and “A Turkish Apologue” at what we believe is their earliest likely date.
The two pieces have a thematic link, as well as the stylistic one: they both explore the vanity of reason. Reason, as Franklin would write to the intuitive Mme Brillon, is a “chose bien incertaine”; true and sure instinct is worth much more.

  [1779?]
  An Arabian Tale.

Albumazar, the good magician, retired in his old age to the top of the lofty mountain Calabut; avoided the society of men, but was visited nightly by genii and spirits of the first rank, who loved him, and amused him with their instructive conversation.
Belubel the strong came one evening to see Albumazar; his height was seven leagues, and his wings when spread might overshadow a kingdom. He laid himself gently down between the long ridges of Elulem: the tops of the trees in the valley were his couch; his head rested on Calabut as on a pillow, and his face shone on the tent of Albumazar.
The magician spoke to him with rapturous piety of the wisdom and goodness of the Most High; but expressed his wonder at the existence of evil in the world, which he said he could not account for by all the efforts of his reason.
Value not thyself, my friend, said Belubel, on that quality which thou callest reason. If thou knewest its origin and its weakness, it would rather be matter of humiliation.
Tell me then, said Albumazar, what I do not know; inform my ignorance, and enlighten my understanding. Contemplate, said Albumazar, the scale of beings from an elephant down to an oyster. Thou seest a gradual diminution of faculties and powers, so small in each step, that the difference is scarce perceptible. There is no gap, but the gradation is complete. Men in general do not know, but thou knowest, that in ascending from an elephant to the infinitely Great, Good, and Wise, there is also a long gradation of beings, who possess powers and faculties of which thou canst yet have no conception.


Title: A Turkish Apologue, [1779?]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

  [1779?]
  A Turkish Apologue.

Abdéllamar was young, strong & handsome. He had studied all the fine Arabian Writers, and was Master of all their Science. He was vain of his Knowledge, and said within himself, Behold, I am a reasonable Being! Why has God given me the Passions and Appetites of Animal Nature? They debase me. I ought to subdue them.
God was offended; and said to an Angel, “Take from that Man all his Appetites, since he depises them, and all his Passions, except his Vanity, which he calls his Reason.” The Command was immediately obeyed.
Abdéllamar was in the midst of a profound philosophic Speculation, which his Servant disturb’d by informing him that his Dinner was prepared.— What is it?— It is of Mutton roasted, with a Sauce of Herbs and Spices.— Shall I, said he to himself, who am a reasonable Being, defile myself by putting Bits of the Flesh of a dead Beast into my Mouth, and swallow them? The Thought disgusts me. So he commanded the Dinner to be removed; saying, I will not dine to day.
His Father had provided a Match for him. The Virgin was fair as the Morning, fresh as the Rosebud, pleasing as the Houries of Paradise. Before his Change he had been ravish’d at the Sight of her Charms. But now, when it was propos’d to fix the Bridal Day, he said to himself, Shall I who am a reasonable Being, submit myself to perform the Functions of a Brute? He deferr’d his Nuptials.

The fond Hopes his Parents had conceiv’d, of seeing Abdellamar promoted to the most honourable Offices, for which he seem’d so fit; and of finding themselves continue to live in the Offspring of their beloved Son, were thus cruelly suspended. He postpon’d his Dinner & his Marriage from Day to Day, till Disease and Death came on, and as a parching Summer Drought after a verdant Spring; cut off all their flattering Expectations.—
 Notation in Franklin’s hand: Abdéllamar


Title: Editorial Note on Undated Letters Assigned to 1779
From:
To:

The number of undated documents we are publishing at the end of 1779 is the largest so far for the end of a year. The reason for such abundance is that after Franklin received news of his appointment as minister plenipotentiary in mid-February, many correspondents henceforth addressed him with that title, providing us with a safe chronological clue of “1779 or thereafter.” Our policy being to publish documents at the earliest plausible date, we have assigned to the following roundup a quantity of letters possibly written later but impossible to date with any precision.
The following five documents, however, may well belong to the months of 1779 covered in previous volumes; while all are undated, they make reference to events that occurred earlier in the year.
Jean-Baptiste Le Roy informs Franklin that the proposed dinner party at de Montalembert’s has been postponed due to the host’s illness. He also mentions his pleasure at Franklin’s remark, made some time previously, to the effect that experiments carried out during an aurora borealis should employ needles of all kinds of metals and substances. They are in perfect agreement on that point. He also hopes that the Doctor will accept M. de Paulmy’s proposal.
An interesting memorandum in Le Ray de Chaumont’s hand addresses the problem of the lack of Protestant schooling for the children of foreigners living in France. He suggests that, in order not to scandalize the clergy, the government should grant the privilege of a chapel to the consuls of foreign countries, just as the ministers from abroad have one in their residence. The consuls could occupy vast quarters where they would also gather a teaching staff. Since it is important to stem the discontent of fathers whose children are taken to mass against their will, he wonders whether Franklin would not open his own chapel and school in one of the many large buildings available in Passy, right in the neighborhood. To avoid friction and gossip no Catholics would be admitted. Since there will always be an American minister in Paris, such an institution, of great use to the kingdom, would last forever. It should not, however, receive too much éclat in order to spare the clergy’s lungs.
A letter from Guénard de Faverolle, a twenty-two-year-old officer who seems more bent on a diplomatic career than on a military one, may also date from somewhat earlier in the year. For the last four years, he says, he has been attached to the marquis de Bombelles, France’s minister plenipotentiary to Regensburg. He has studied public law, traveled to various parts of Germany and Austria and has followed the negotiations of the Peace of Teschen. His great wish now is to join the chevalier de La Luzerne in America and he would be glad to carry letters and dispatches to Congress. The French minister to Munich, M. O’Dunne would vouch for his discretion.
Joseph Parker addresses a letter to Franklin’s alias, “Monsieur François,” about his ship bound for England. He depends upon Franklin’s kind attention to his case, and sends some papers, which Franklin may forward or suppress as he thinks proper. Although Parker is a good friend of the Reverend Mr. Gordon, he hates to trouble him with mercantile business.
A tantalizing note was sent by Le Roy one Thursday reminding his friend that around 4 p.m. a deputation of the Académie des sciences would come to see son appareil—but what instrument are they talking about? A mention of a letter from chevalier d’Arcy confirms that this was written before October, 1779, when he died.
Some notes, even though cryptic, reflect the intellectual interchange between colleagues, with its active borrowing and lending. Pierre Poissonnier, the chemist and doctor, asks Franklin to return to its author, Mauduit, the memoir on electricity that he had been reading. This can easily be done at the home of M. Watelet where they are to meet the following Saturday. Neighbor Le Veillard, writing in English, is sending a messenger to pick up The Conscious Lovers which he forgot to take along the previous day when Franklin lent it to him. An unnamed correspondent who must have shown the American minister a newspaper or gazette offers him the chance to insert in its pages whatever he wants about the brave colonies he is representing in France. He only has to send his recollections to M. Dérival in Brussels and he will receive further issues.

Samuel Wharton, while visiting in Passy, assures Franklin that in less than two hours he returned to Temple the American papers he had been lent. In another message, carefully dated by the hour but in no other way, Wharton desires to borrow the Parliamentary Registers containing the Howe correspondence and promises to return them by the following day. On a Wednesday when the London post brought him no newspaper, Wharton goes off to “Suave” to buy some portraits for his friends.
Wharton’s friend Samuel Petrie, also in France, begs for a chance to read the most recent American papers and on another occasion forwards some item he received from London by that day’s mail.
Edward Bancroft forwards a letter from Lord Buckinghamshire’s brother that came from England via Mr. Walpole.
Several of these undated notes have to do with dinner parties. A certain M de Bougon does not remember the exact date on which Franklin is to dine at the duc de La Vallière’s, a party which he is planning to attend himself. Bancroft accepts Franklin’s “obliging invitation” for an unspecified Thursday. Comte and comtesse de Brancas hope that Franklin and Temple can join them for dinner on a Wednesday the 6th at their residence in the faubourg St. Germain. Farmer General Geoffroy Chalut de Vérin asks the grandfather and grandson to have dinner with him the following Saturday.
In his capacity as secretary for Mme Helvétius, but forgetting to put a date, Cabanis answers a lost letter from Franklin and accepts his dinner invitation for the following day. He and the abbé de la Roche will certainly come, but the lady does not promise anything yet since she sees that the Doctor obviously prefers the comtesse de Forbach. Cabanis hopes that she will prevent “les révoltes” that Franklin mentions; they interest her much more than the Doctor seems to believe.
Le Roy expresses his regrets one Thursday: he is unable to accept Franklin’s dinner invitation for Saturday since the Académie will be in session. He and his wife will try their luck on Sunday but Franklin may be entertaining too many of his fellow Americans that day.
A few very short messages thank Franklin for a favor or express the writer’s goodwill toward him. Soeur Marie du St. Esprit, dating her note “De L’avé Maria de paris 1779,” warmly thanks Franklin for his generosity towards the poor and hopes that his benefactions will continue. The comte de Maillebois, of the Académie des sciences, is so glad that the package for America reached him just as he was leaving and will come soon to express his gratitude. Le Roy offers “mille et mille” good wishes, and recommends Billiaux, who will mend his lamps. Père Bertier, not finding Franklin at home, leaves greetings for him.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Lafayette, [1779?]
From: Lafayette, Marie-Joseph-Paul-Yves-Roch-Gilbert du Motier, marquis de
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Friday Morning [1779?]
I Must Beg Your Pardon, My dear Sir, for My not Having the Honor to Waït Upon You this Morning But I Had the fever all Night and phisicians forbid My Going out Before diner. In Case I am Better, I Will do Myself the Honor to Waït Upon You to Morrow about one in the Morning, and in the Mean While I Have the Honor to Be Very Respectfully Your obt Hble Sert
Lafayette


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jonathan Williams, Jr.: Memorandum, [1779?]
From: Williams, Jonathan Jr.
To: Franklin, Benjamin

[1779?]
Money like any other Merchandise becomes cheaper (or depreciates) in proportion as the quantity at Market exceeds the Quantity demanded.

Suppose the public Emission of Congress paper to be in

Dollars.

48 millions

If this money is worth but about one quarter its real value it may be concluded that one quarter the Sum is sufficient for the medium of Trade
}
12 millions

The Surplus unnecessary quantity is

36 millions

which if taken out of the market (or out of Circulation) would bring the remaining paper to the value of Gold & Silver.
If Foreign merchants who have recd this Paper Money for their Goods were to lend the whole to Congress for 10 or 20 Years so much as they lend would be so much taken out of Circulation (the annual Expences of the States being funded by Taxes) and the value of the remainder would increase in proportion as its quantity approachd the quantity necessary for the purposes of Trade. Thus if 9 million be at once lent to Congress, the remaining 39 millions in Circulation would increase in value as 9 is to 36 or one quarter. The Price of Merchandise would be reduced in that proportion & the supplies to carry on the War would be procur’d in that proportion more advantageously; this would so encrease the confidence in our Funds, and give such encouragement to foreign Trade, that another 9 millions might be borrowed with much facility & that done the money would be one half better & Goods would of Course be still cheaper. The War would be carried on at still less Expences. The Taxes raised for the Expences of the State, at first but just sufficient, would become more than necessary, & throw another surplus out of Circulation & so the advantage would continue augmenting till Paper money becomes as good as Gold & Silver, and people instead of wishing to part with it would keep it in preference to Gold & Silver as they used to do in Philadelphia before the War.
At the End of this, Congress will owe say 36 millions of Dollars for which they will pay an annual Interest 5 per Ct one million 800 thousand Dollars & this will then be our national Debt, which as our circumstances may be, may either be paid of or, like the Stocks of England remain transferable from one to another, the dividend or Interest to be paid at certain periods.—
The provincial Paper should be sunk by Provincial taxes & but one Sort of money(?) should be current.
 Endorsed: Jona Williams about Money


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Anne-Catherine de Ligniville Helvétius: Two Editions of “The Elysian Fields”, [c. 1 January 1780]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Helvétius, Anne-Catherine de Ligniville d’Autricourt

For a letter of so ostensibly personal a nature, “The Elysian Fields” was widely circulated among the Auteuil circle and made public very quickly. Franklin himself, after presumably delivering to Madame Helvétius an autograph, printed two versions on his private press. We have no clues as to who, if anyone, helped him with the original (the draft of which is now lost), or who was responsible for the stylistic and grammatical improvements that were incorporated in the second printing. All we know is that both editions were issued from Passy and were included in the collection of bagatelles now in the Yale University Library. The other surviving set of bagatelles, owned by the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris, includes only the corrected second edition.
Variant versions, differing slightly in wording and grammar from both of the Passy imprints, circulated around Paris as well. One of them ended up in the hands of the Baron Grimm, who published it in the Correspondance littéraire of April, 1780. Another, provided by Chamfort, made its way into J. Castéra’s collection of Franklin’s writings published in 1798. As for later reprintings by those closest to Franklin, it is curious that the abbé Morellet, who might have been expected to possess both of Franklin’s versions, quoted in his Mémoires the text of the first edition with idiosyncratic corrections of his own. So did William Temple Franklin, in the 1818 edition of his grandfather’s writings.
As the textual history must remain to some degree mysterious, so must Franklin’s intentions. Was this a genuine proposal of marriage, couched in terms facetious enough to allow for a gracious way out, or was it nothing more than a piece of light flirtation? The long-accepted theory that Franklin and Turgot were serious rivals for the widow’s hand, and that Mme Helvétius fled to the countryside in June, 1780, to escape the Doctor’s persistent proposals, has now been discredited. Yet there can be no question that this witty, gracious woman held a profound place in the Doctor’s affections, one that did not go unnoticed among their friends. Monsieur Brillon, in a letter to Philadelphia in December, 1785, quoted Madame Helvétius as bemoaning Franklin’s departure: “Ah, ce grand homme, ce pauvre cher homme, nous ne le verons plus.” His lapidary reply: “C’est bien votre faute, Madame.”
There is no doubt that, while in Paris, the Doctor seriously considered the thought of remaining in France for the rest of his life. He wrote as much to Congress in March, 1781, when offering his resignation. And when proposing to the Brillons, in mid-April of that year, a match between their older daughter and Temple, he pledged that, should such a union take place, he too would stay in Europe. Whether he ever privately hoped to combine residences with Madame Helvétius (as his household flies would propose in another bagatelle, the “Petition of the Flies”) may never be known. In the meantime, all of Paris savored his public declaration.

  [c. January 1, 1780]
I.
M. F——N A Madame H——s.
Chagriné de votre Resolution barbare, prononcée si positivement hier au soir, de rester seule pendant la vie en l’honneur de votre cher mari, je me retirois chez moi, tombois sur mon lit me croyant mort, & je me trouvois dans les Champs Elisées.
On m’a demandé si j’avois l’envie de voir quelques Personages particuliers. Menez-moi chez les Philosophes. —Il y en a deux qui demeurent ici près dans ce Jardin: Ils sont de trèsbons voisins, & très-Amis l’un de l’autre. —Qui sont ils? — Socrate & H****. —Je les estime prodigieusement tous les deux; mais faitez moi voir premierement H****, parce que j’entends un peu de François & pas un mot de Grecque. —Il m’a reçu avec beaucoup de courtoisie, m’ayant connu, disoit-il, dereputation il y a quelque temps. Il m’a demandé mille choses sur la Guerre, & sur l’état présent de la Religion, de la Liberté, & du Gouvernement en France. —Vous ne demandez rien donc de votre chere Amie Madame H*****; & cependant elle vous aime encore excessivement, & il n’y a qu’une heure que j’étois chez elle. Ah! dit il, vous me faites ressouvenir de mon ancienne Félicité. —Mais il faut l’oublier pour être heureux ici. Pendant plusieurs des premieres années, je n’ai pensé qu’à elle. Enfin je suis consolé. J’ai pris une autre Femme. — La plus semblable à elle que je pouvois trouver. Elle n’est pas, c’est vrai, tout-a-fait si belle, mais elle a autant de bon sens, un peu plus d’esprit, & elle m’aime infiniment. Son étude continuelle est de me plaire; & elle est sortie actuellement chercher le meilleur Nectar & Ambrosie pour me regaler ce soir; Restez avec moi & vous la verrez. J’apperçois, disois-je, que votre ancienne Amie est plus fidelle que vous: Car plusieurs bons Partis lui ont été offerts qu’elle a refusés tous. Je vous confesse que je l’ai aimée, moi, à la folie; mais elle étoit dure à mon egard, & m’a rejeté absolument pour l’amour de vous. Je vous plains, dit-il, de votre malheur; car vraiment c’est une bonne & belle femme & bien aimable. Mais, l’Abbé de la R****, & l’Abbé M****, ne sont ils pas encore quelquefois chez elle? Oui, assurement; car elle n’a pas perdu un seul de vos Amis. —Si vous aviez gagné l’Abbé M**** (avec le Caffé à la Crême) de parler pour vous, peutêtre vous auriez reussi; car il est Raisoneur subtil comme Duns Scotus ou St. Thomas; il met ses Arguments en si bon Ordre qu’ils deviennent presque irrésistibles. Aussi si l’Abbé de la R**** a été gagné (par quelque belle Edition d’un vieux Classique) à parler contre vous, cela auroit été mieux: car j’ai toujours observé, que quand il conseille quelque chose, elle a un penchant très-fort à faire le revers. —A ces mots entroit la nouvelle Madame H**** avec le Nectar: A l’instant je l’ai reconue être Madame F****, mon ancienne Amie Americaine. Je l’ai reclamée. Mais elle me disoit froidement, J’ai été votre bonne Femme quarante-neuf années & quatre Mois, presqu’un demi siecle; soyez content de cela. J’ai formé ici une nouvelle Connection, qui durera à l’Eternité.
Déplu de ce Refus de mon Euridice, je prenois tout de suite la Resolution de quitter ces Ombres ingrates, de revenir en ce bon Monde, revoir le Soleil & vous. Me voici! Vengeons nous.

II.
M. F——N A Madame H——s.
Chagrin de votre barbare Resolution, prononcée si positivement hier au Soir, de rester seule toute votre Vie en l’Honneur de votre cher Mari, je me retirai chez moi, je me jettai sur mon Lit, me croyant mort, & je me trouvai dans les Champs Elisées.
On me demanda si j’avois envie de voir quelques Personnages particuliers. Menez-moi chez les Philosophes. —Il y en a deux qui demeurent ici-près dans ce Jardin: ils sont de trèsbons Voisins, & très Amis l’un de l’autre. —Qui sont-ils? — Socrate & H****. —Je les estime prodigieusement tous les deux; mais faites-moi voir premierement H****, parce que j’entends un peu de François & pas un mot de Grec. Il me reçut avec beaucoup de Courtoisie; m’ayant connu, disoit-il, de Réputation il y avoit quelque Temps. Il me demanda mille Choses sur la Guerre, & sur l’Etat présent de la Religion, de la Liberté, & du Gouvernement en France. —Vous ne vous informez donc pas de votre chere Amie Madame H****; cependant elle vous aime encore excessivement, & il n’y a qu’une Heure que j’étoit chez elle. Ah! dit il, vous me faites ressouvenir de mon ancienne Félicité. —Mais il faut l’oublier pour être heureux ici. Pendant plusieurs des premieres Années, je n ai pensé qu’à elle. Enfin je suis consolé. J’ai pris une autre Femme. —La plus semblable à elle que je pouvois trouver. Elle n’est pas, il est vrai, tout-à-fait si belle, mais elle a autant de bon Sens, un peu plus d’Esprit, & elle m’aime infiniment. Son Etude continuelle est de me plaire; & elle est allée actuellement chercher le meilleur Nectar & la meilleure Ambrosie pour me regaler ce Soir; restez avec moi & vous la verrez. J’aperçois, dis-je, que votre ancienne Amie est plus fidelle que vous: caron Lui a offert plusieurs bons Partis qu’elle a refusés tous. Je vous confesse que je l’ai aimée, moi, à la Folie; mais elle étoit dure à mon Egard, & elle m’a rejetté absolument pour l’Amour de vous. Je vous plains, dit-il, de votre Malheur; car vraiment c’est une bonne & belle Femme & bien aimable. Mais l’Abbé de la R****, & l’Abbé M****, ne sont-ils pas encore quelquefois chez elle? Oui assurement; car elle n’a pas perdu un seul de vos Amis. —Si vous aviez engagé l’Abbé M**** (en lui donnant du Caffé à la Crême) à parler pour vous, peut-être vous auriez réussi; car il est Raisonneur subtil comme Duns Scotus ou St. Thomas; il met ses Argumens en si bon Ordre qu’ils deviennent presque irrésistibles; ou bien en faisant présent à l’Abbé de la R**** de quelque belle Edition d’un vieux Auteur Classique, vous auriez obtenu qu’il parlât contre vous; & cela auroit encore mieux réussi: car j’ai toujours observé, que, quand il conseille quelque Chose, elle a un Penchant très-fort à faire le contraire. —A ces Mots entra la nouvelle Madame H**** avec le Nectar: à l Instant je reconnus en elle Madame F****, mon ancienne Amie Américaine. Je la réclamai. Mais elle me dit froidement, j’ai été votre bonne Femme quarante-neuf Années & quatre Mois, presqu’un demi Siécle; soyez content de cela. J’ai formé ici une nouvelle Chaîne, qui durera l’Eternité.
Fâché de ce Refus de mon Euridice, je pris tout de suite la Resolution de quitter ces Ombres ingrates, de revenir en ce bon Monde, revoir le Soleil & vous. Me voici! Vengeons-nous.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Beaumarchais, 1 January 1780
From: Beaumarchais, Pierre-Augustin Caron de
To: Franklin, Benjamin

ce 1er Janvier 1780.
Mr De Beaumarchais a l’honneur de présenter Son respectueux hommage a Monsieur franklin. Il le prie de vouloir bien remettre au porteur de la présente les 56 lettres acceptées. Un peu de dérangement dans la Santé de Mr De Beaumarchais l’empéche d’aller lui mesme renouveller a Monsieur franklin les assurances du respect avec lequel il est le très dévoué Serviteur du noble ministre des Etats unis.
 Notation: Beamarchais 1. Janvier 1780.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jonathan Williams, Jr., 1 January 1780
From: Williams, Jonathan Jr.
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear & honoured Sir
Nantes Jan. 1 1780
I shall send you on monday next by Mr. Montory Patterns of a Shirt a Hat & a pair of Hose. The Shirt you will find to be made of a strong fine Dowlas or morlaix Linnen exactly as discribed by Congress, and the Workmanship is well executed, I will venture to say better than any Soldiers Shirt in the french Army; you will observe that the puckers at the Risbands are let in & not sewed on as is usualy the Way. These Shirts I can furnish at five Livres each all charges of Transportation included. I can if you please do it at 3 Livres a Shirt, but they will not answer the Discription of Congress & as the Directions are very particularly given, I think they should be very exactly attended to. The Hat I find will cost about two Livres seven Sols each £2..7s. I could furnish them at 2 3s each but again I observe I think them too common.
The Stockings I do not pretend to show as good enough for the Purpose but finding a parcell of about 4 or 5000 pair here which I can procure at one Livres seven Sols (1..7s) a pair I thought the cheapness might tempt you. I beg you will Favour me with your Answer & I hope with your Order to enter on this Business. You may depend I will give satisfaction if it is possible to do it by great Industry & little Profit. Please to say in your Answer whether you will contract for Prices or have the Business done on Commission. I think the former way much less liable to Difficulty & Disatisfaction for it will be a long accot of a thousand little Charges, please to say also what the uniform shall be as Congress mentions several.
I am ever with the greatest Respect & sincere Wishes for many happy Years Your dutifull & affectionate Kinsman
Jona Williams J
Mariamne desires her dutifull Respects & Compliments of the Season.
 Notation: J Williams Jan 1 1780


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Coder, 3 January 1780
From: Coder, Henry
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur Le Docteur,
Paris ce 3e. janvier 1780.
Persuadé que vous serez bien aise de concourrir avec moi a placer honnetement Mr. L’air De Lamotte neveu de Mr. Dubourg notre ami commun, je vous engage a écrire a Mr. Le Comte de Broglie à son hotel rue St. Dominique, et de lui marquer l’intérêt que vous prenez à ce jeune homme et combien vous seriez flatté qu’il l’agreat pour son Secretaire. Je lui ai dejà parlé et fait parler par Mr. De Boismartin Secretaire de ses Commendemens et L’homme en qui il a la plus grande confiance. Je ne doute pas que votre recommandation n’influe beaucoup à le determiner en Sa faveur.
Si vous preferez, Monsieur Le Docteur, de faire dire par Mr. De La faiette de votre part, ce que je vous propose d’écrire à Mr. Le Comte de Broglie cela n’en vaudroit que mieux. Mais dans ce dernier cas il faudroit que Mr. Le Marquis De La faiette eut la bonté de faire cette demarche tout de suite, ou bien m’adresser hotel d’angleterre rue de Seine la lettre que j’ai l’honneur de vous demander pour Mr. Le Comte de Broglie.
Je Suis avec respect Monsieur Le Docteur Votre très humble et très obeissant serviteur
H. CODERC
 Notation: N Coder Jan 3. 80


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from David Hartley, 3 January 1780
From: Hartley, David
To: Franklin, Benjamin

My Dear friend
Jan. 3 1780
It is so long since I have heard from you that I fear the communication is Stopped between us. It is between two & three months. As you know that Peace is the object of every view of mine, the present extremely anxious state of affairs, makes me wish for some communication with you. You know that my opinion & wish has always been to refer the choice & decision of any specific proposition to the general sense of the people of England. I strongly believe that the propositions of last May & June wd have been well received by them, tho they were not approved by Ministers. However I think they did good, because those propositions have been much talked of lately, & have brought forward the general idea of Peace into public contemplation. I always wish to be in readiness for any fair opportunity, but who can say with any degree of confidence; If you will make such or such an offer, it will do. Any Proposition wch shd be offered to the public shd be short & simple, such as; A Truce for ten years. I wd not clog it with a word more. So much for a foundation. The idea of the previous removal of the troops as a preliminary, seems to be a rub in the way; It does not I think sit easy even upon those who do most strongly wish the removal of them. It has the air of something humiliating, & I confess to you that I cannot see the necessity of it, if a truce for ten years cd be agreed to, as a single fundamental proposition. I am confident that without the specification of this circumstance the single unembarassed proposition of a Truce for ten years, wd be recd by the public to much more advantage. Surely after a ten years truce we shd not again hear of another American war. If I cd abridge the present actual war only ten days, for so distant a chance of a possible war ten years hence, I shd think it a good bargain. You must be sensible that people (multitudes especially) dont like to do things upon the appearance of compulsion even that they might otherwise most wish to do. I shd lament if such a circumstance as that above mentioned shd defeat a truce of ten years. Believe me, I have found it a heavy clog upon the proposition whenever the Subject has been discussed. Give me a truce for ten years & I will trust for every good event afterwards.
But you may say; If you had mentioned france in your proposed suspension of arms I shd immediately have shewn it to the Minister & have endeavored to support that Idea. Agreed then; But as an Englishman I cannot make the first offer to France. The offer is made to America; If America says agreed, if France be included, I say agreed too. But no Englishman can be the proposer in the first instance of a truce to France.
Would to God that any man cd with proper Confidence make such a simple proposition, to the nation, in Parliament as this, of a Truce for ten years to begin with, neither more nor less. I know one that wd think it the happiness of his life to lay one stone in the foundation for future peace; & such a proposition as a truce for ten years wd in my opinion give the best & strongest hope. I speak plainly to you because of the infinite magnitude & importance of the object. It remains with your discretion for the rest.
See the difficult situation of any friend to peace here. A or B may doubtless offer, without any consultation, the simple proposition of a truce for ten years in Parliament. Suppose Parliament to concur, & to make the offer to America with the Done first. If after that A shd fail upon the humiliating demand alluded to in limine, the Consequence might be the bitterest enmity & eternal alienation between the two nations. If on the other hand to avoid so unwarrantable a risque for any man to take upon a private judgement in obtruding questions in the dark, A or B shd be induced to clog the original simple proposition with a disgusting condition, The whole might then fail in the outset. Now you have all that I can say to you. Give it a very serious consideration. I wd take a barefoot pilgrimage to Mecca to be assured of safe grounds to act upon. Opportunities may offer to you of giving such communications as you may think proper. You know me to be a friend to Peace, & I am Confident you will believe me when I tell you, that no fallacious offers or negotiation, shall go knowingly thro my hands or be recommended by me.
The report in this Country is that Mr. Adams is coming over from America charged with specific instructions respecting any negotiation wch may arise for Peace. Give me leave thro your means to transmit my best respects to him, & my most earnest wishes for the accomplishment of Peace. If that be the ground of his Mission, I shall be extremely happy to concur with you and him towards that blessed end, to the utmost power & assistance that I can give. In this I committ myself to your discretion. It is of infinite Importance to watch the present moment. I am convinced that the negotiations for peace, tho hitherto unsuccessfull, have still done much service to the Cause of peace, by bringing it as the foremost object to the public thoughts. Keep up to that mark. By watch & ward we may at length hit the moment of success. If we relax or despair All may be lost. I shall be impatient to hear from you.
I am Your affectionate friend
G.B.
To Dr Franklin—&c &c &c