Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 2 March 1794
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir
Philada. March 2d. 1794.
Your favor of the 15th. Ult: came to hand two days ago. It was not my intention that my first to you should have been procrastinated to the present date; but several causes have concurred in producing the effect. Among others I was in hopes every week to be able to furnish you with the proceedings on the subject grounded on your Commercial Report; and particularly with such of them as related to yourself. It has so happened that I never could find leisure to make out for the press, the share I had in them till very lately. The earlier part of my observations were sent to the Printer several weeks ago, but never made their appearance till thursday evening last. The latter part is following, as you will find, as fast as I can write it out, which from the extreme length of it, the brevity of my notes, and the time that has run since the observations were delivered, is a task equally tedious & laborious. The sequel will be forwarded to you as soon as it gets into print. As you are so little supplied with the current information it may be necessary to apprize you that after the general discussions on the measure proposed by me, had been closed, and the first general resolution agreed to by a majority of 5 or 6, several of the Eastern members friendly to the object insisted on a postponement till the first monday in March. It was necessary to gratify them, and the postponement was carried by a small majority against the efforts of the adverse party, who counted on the votes of the timid members if forced before they could learn the sense of their constituents. The Interval has produced vast exertions by the British party to mislead the people of the Eastern States. No means have been spared. The most artful & wicked calumnies have been propagated with all the zeal which malice and interest could invent. The blackest of these calumnies, as you may imagine have fallen to the lot of the mover of the Resolutions. The last Boston paper contains a string of charges framed for the purpose of making the Eastern people believe that he has been the counsellor & abettor of Genèt in all his extravagances, and a corrupt tool of France ever since the embassy of Gerard. It appears however that in spite of all these diabolical manœvres, the town of Boston has been so far awakened as to have a Meeting in the town house, & a pretty unanimous vote for a committee to consider the subject & report proper instructions for their members in Congress. The Committee consists of men of weight, and for the most part of men of the right sort. There are some however who will endeavor to give a wrong turn to the business. I see by a paper of last evening that even in N. York a meeting of the people has taken place at the instance of the Republican party, and that a committee is appointed for the like purpose. As far as I know the names, the majority is on the right side. One motive for postponing the question so long was the chance of hearing from England, and the probability that the intelligence would strengthen the arguments for retaliation. Letters from Pinkney have accordingly arrived. As yet they are under the seal of confidence but it is in universal conversation that they mark precisely and more strongly than ever the unjust & unfriendly features which have characterized the British policy towards the U. States. Soon after the arrival of the Packet, Mr. Randolph wrote to Hammond desiring to know whether an answer had been received to your letter of May 1792. His reply was simply that it had not.
The scheme of Frigates to block up the Mediterranean has been pushed slowly, but successfully to the stage of resolutions on which a Bill is to be reported. The Majority has never exceeded two or three votes. Whether the scheme will finally take effect, is not certain. It probably will, unless accounts from Europe furnish hopes that Spain, or Portugal particularly the latter which is friendly and interested in our trade, may interpose.
Genèt has been superseded by Fauchèt, the Secretary to the Executive Council. The latter has not been here long eno’ to develope his temper & character. He has the aspect of moderation. His account of things in France is very favorable on the whole. He takes particular pains to assure all who talk with him of the perseverance of France in her attachment to us, and her anxiety that nothing which may have taken place, may lessen it on our side. In his interview with the President, he held the same language; and I am told by E. R. that the P. not only declared explicitly his affectionate solicitude for the success of the Republic, but after he had done so with great emphasis, desired, in order to be as pointed as possible, that his expressions might be repeated, by E. R. who acted as Interpreter. Fauchet does not speak our language. La Forest comes over with the Minister as Consul General: And Petry, formerly Consul of S. C. as Consul for this place. The political characters of these gentlemen as heretofore understood, give some uneasiness to the Republican party; and the uneasiness has been increased by the homage paid by the leaders of the other party to the new Minister. They may probably aim at practising on him, by abusing the madness of Genèt and representing the Republicans as rather his partisans, than the friends of the French cause. But if he is not an uncommon fool, or a traytor, it is impossible he can play into their hands, because the Anglicism stamped on the aristocratic faction must warn him of its hostility to his objects. Genèt has not taken any decided step in relation to his future movements. He is said to be poor; and by some to meditate a return to France with a view to join the army, by others a settlement in this Country as a farmer. If he is prudent he will not venture to France in her present temper, with all the suspicions & follies with which he is loaded. You must have seen that Brissot & his party have been cut off by the Guillotine.
I am informed by an anonymous letter from N. York, that large purchases are making there, & in the Eastern States, for supplying the British armaments in the W. Indies; and that American Vessels are chartering for the conveyance of them. This is really horrible. Whilst we allow the British to stop our supplies to the French Dominions, we allow our citizens to carry supplies to hers, for the known purpose of aiding her in taking from France the Islands we have guaranteed to her; and transferring these valuable markets from friendly & to unfriendly hands. What can be done. The letter writer suggests an Embargo. Perhaps the best step wd. be to declare that so long as G. B. will not allow the French to be supplied by us, we will not allow our supplies to go to her. It is not clear however that such a measure wd. stand the clamor of the merchts. seconded by the interest of the farmers & ship owners.


Title: From James Madison to Alexander White, 2 March 1794
From: Madison, James
To: White, Alexander

Letter not found. 2 March 1794. Acknowledged in White to JM, 30 Mar. 1794. Probably reports on legislation pending in Congress, including the bill for a naval force against the Algerine corsairs.


Title: To James Madison from Joseph Jones, 4 March 1794
From: Jones, Joseph
To: Madison, James

Dr. Sr.
Fredg. 4th. Mar: 1794
It is with real pleasure I learn there is a probability of a favourable issue to the consultations in Boston on the commercial propositions. If, before Mr. Pinkneys communications are promulgated, the People of that City in general felt a degree of resentment to the unjust and unprecedented conduct of the British nation towards us, the knowledge that we have nothing to hope or expect from them in future but a continuation of the like treatment, cannot fail to excite in them just resentment & the adoption of such measures as are calculated to counteract the unwarrantable policy of the British nation—their present policy and views, so far as they can be seen through, appear to me to be replete with danger to the future freedom of commerce and navigation; for what is it they may not attempt, if not accomplish, (stimulated by pride and avarice) when they shall possess all the great maritime ports of France ⟨near⟩ their coast, the French Wt India islands, and those places in the Et. Indies belonging to France, and having as they have generally had, untill the increased navy of France held them in check, so great a superiority at Sea. From experience we know the British nation disposed to dictate what shall be law on the water, and to make that Trade contraband and neutral property liable to seizure and condemnation wch. the Law of nations does not justify—and why, because she has Power, and having Power may enforce obedience and submission to her will. Thus the Strong who are regardless of Law kick and buffet the weak, and if they complain, or speak big or saucily, are kicked and cuffed again, untill they tamely submit to the insolent and overbearing hand of oppression. If I am to be the drudge of another let me have the consolation to know that I have not tamely or voluntarily submitted to that Slavish condition but am reduced to it by force, not consent. The cordial reception of the New Minister from France and the apparent affection manifested for his Nation so contrary to what was exhibited through the course of Genets ministry may be well ascribed to the readiness with which the Convention gratified the desire of the Executive here, and to the different conduct and deportment of Fauchet on his arrival, and presenting his credentials to the Executive—but I hold it next to impossible that he can be duped, possessing the abilities he is said to possess, by the mere ceremony of what they call Court parade. The inveteracy wch. at present exists between France and Britain like oyl and water may for a moment appear to mix but will soon separate. Our Executive indeed seeing how much the people of America in general are attached to the French revolution, and how loudly, on many occasions, they complain of British injury and injustice, may have seriously resolved to pursue a more friendly course to France than it is supposed they have done for some time past, especially as Mr. Pinkneys communications will not authorise a different conduct, or an adherence to British policy. Should Gallatine loose his seat it will I think be a public misfortune, not only as I take him to be a staunch Republican, but a man of respectable Character and abilities. Tell Monroe and his little woman if she is returned I wish them well. Yr. friend & Servt
Jos. Jones


Title: From James Madison to James Madison, Sr., 10 March 1794
From: Madison, James
To: Madison, James, Sr.

Hond Sir
March 10. 1794.
Yours of Feby. 17. came to hand some days ago. I have applied to Carr, and obtained the inclosed account of his Forte-Piano’s. The grand ones are as large as a Harpsichord & of the same form. The small ones would not occupy more room than a common square dining table with the leaves down. The advantage of the large ones consists in the superior swell of the Notes. But on this point Fanny can get sufficient information from her friends—or from the person you have in view for her Teacher.
I can offer no advice as to the Mill. You are a m⟨uch b⟩etter judge in every respect of the subject. It appears in g⟨ener⟩al that it would be better she should be leased on almost any terms than that you should be troubled with her. You know my thoughts already as to building the new one at home. I have no further acct. of the Threshing Mill.
I am glad to find that you have procured the apple Trees. My last will have shewn that the additional 20 would have my approbation.
You ask the fate of Genèt! He is superseded by Mr. Fauchét who lately arrived; and his conduct as complained of by the President disavowed. Whether he means to go to France or remain here I know not. By a little publication just made in the Newspapers by Fauchét all the commissions issued by Genèt for enlisting troops are revoked; and the neutrality of the U. S. recognized.
The depredations on our commerce from G. Britain become daily more ruinous to it. A further instruction for seizing our vessels has just appeared, which will be fatal to a great part of our shipping now out. The authenticity of the document is questioned, but the prevailing opinion admits it. The demand however from the French Ships, and for the English in the W. Indies keeps up for the present the price of Wheat & flour. The former has of late been 8 or 9/. & the latter in proportion.
The Commercial Resolutions are not yet decided on, except the first one. They stand the order of today. The event of them is more uncertain than ever; some of their friends beginning to think the outrages of G. Britain require something more effacacious & even some of their enemies beginning to hold the same language. There have been meetings on the subject at Boston, N. York & in this City. In Boston the Come. reported instructions to the Representa[t]ives favorable to the Resolutions; but the arts practised to alarm the people obtained a majority for leaving the Matter to Congress. In N. York, the Come. were unanimous for something, but seem to incline towards measures of defence on the idea that war will be unavoidable. In this City a motion in a large meeting on saturday evening to remonstrate agst. the Resolutions was rejected by a large majority. The Bill for six Frigates will have its third reading to day, & will probably pass. The recapture or evacuation of Toulon is confirmed. The British destroyed the 16 sail of the line taken from the French. Many of the Inhabitants in attempting to get to the British Ships were drown’d. Those left in the Town underwent military execution.
Inclosed are the papers containing what was urged by me on the commercial question. If Majr. Hite shd. not [be] in Orange, I wish you to forward them to him. Yr. Affe son
Js. Madison Jr


Title: To James Madison from Hubbard Taylor, 10 March 1794
From: Taylor, Hubbard
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Clarke County Kentucky 10th. Mar: 1794
I wrote you in February and inclosed you some publications of the Democratic Society of this State, and hope they got safe to hand. At that time I thought the remonstrance would have met with a great majority of signers, but now think differently. Altho’ there are but few (if any) but most ardently wishes for the grand object the Mississippi yet many think the remonstrance couched in too harsh language.
The alarm we have had respecting the probability of a British war, together with Clarkes intended expedition has frustrated the adventurers of produce down the River, some has declined all thoughts of the scheme. This has put a Stop to the purchase of Tobo. Hemp &c. by the Merchants.
The Resolutions proposing aditional duties on importations in certain cases was pu[b]lished in our last papers they are generally applauded by all I have heard speak of them, and I hope they will succeed.
You no doubt will have heard that the Indians faild to come in at the time appointed to deliver up the prisoners—their conduct has not disappointed many who are acquainted with their politicks in these matters. Wayne is still in close Winter quarters notwithstanding his many boasting threats to drink of the Lake waters in three weaks. The Cavalry after going out to Headquarters and reducing the horses much is sent back to this State to recruit there them again.
I am in great hopes you have got a good and sufficient proportion of Republicans in Congress this session the peace and happiness of the Union I suppose depends on it, but more particularly this State.
The furnace for making Iron that has so long been on hand in this Country has at length begun to produce good Castings—but no forge is yet erected; it has lessened the price of Castings at least ⅓ and are in hopes we shall soon get Iron in the same proportion.
The Small pox that made its appearance in this State this Winter has been very fatal both in the Natural way and by inoculation. Forty or upwards died in Lexington, the proportion has not been so great in the country tho but few families inoculated except near Lexington. It is thought the sickly fall Occationed its being so fatal.
None of our papers are worth inclosing or would send some forward to you. I wish you an agreable session And, I am with great regard and esteem Dr Sir yr affe. Hble. sert:
H. Taylor


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 12 March 1794
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir
Mar: 12. 1794.
The Merchants, particularly of N. England have had a terrible slam in the W. Indies. About a hundred vessels have been seized by the British for condemnation, on the pretext of enforcing the laws of the Monarchy with regard to the Colony trade. The partizans of England, considering a war as now probable are endeavoring to take the lead in defensive preparations, and to acquire merit with the people by anticipating their wishes. This new symtom of insolence & enmity in Britain, shews rather that she meditates a formal war as soon as she shall have crippled our marine resources, or that she calculates on the pusilanimity of this country & the influence of her party, in a degree that will lead her into aggressions which our love of peace can no longer bear. The commercial propositions are in this State of things, not the precise remedy to be pressed as first in order; but they are in every view & in any event proper to make part of our standing laws till the principle of reciprocity be established by mutual arrangements. Adieu
Js. Madison Jr


Title: To James Madison from the Republican Society of South Carolina, 12 March 1794
From: Republican Society of South Carolina
To: Madison, James

To Citizen James Madison, Representative from the Commonwealth of Virginia, in Congress.
Citizen Representative,
Charleston 12th March 1794.
The patriotic principles which have distinguished your conduct in the House of Representatives of the United States in the present Session, have attracted the particular attention of your fellow Citizens: and while they with indignation reprobate the contrary conduct of some other characters, who have imposed on their Constituents by holding forth doctrines as contrary to the interest of America, as they are disgraceful; they with pleasure behold in you, Citizen, the firm Patriot & true Republican.
The Republican Society established in this City, who have for their basis, a pure love of their Country and a just respect for its Laws and Constitution, cannot withold giving a testimony of their approbation of the part you have acted in support of the Dignity of America by preserving her faith to her Allies and resenting the injuries she has received from an ungenerous and implacable Enemy. They therefore unanimously Resolved that, you should be addressed by letter conveying to you this their opinion of your Conduct; and it is with the highest pleasure and satisfaction, I do now in their name and in compliance with their Resolve, give you, Worthy Citizen, their plaudit: receive then this mark of their esteem, and continue to preserve that general approbation, by exerting your talents to save your Country from dishonour and ignominy which may be brought on her, either by the weakness or by the baseness of others. In the name of the Republican Society established in Charleston—
S. Drayton Citizen President


Title: To James Madison from Joshua Barney and Others, 13 March 1794
From: Barney, Joshua
To: Madison, James

Sir,
Kingston, Jamaica March 13th. 1794
The American Masters of vessels now Forcibly detained here being occasionally Assembled for the purpose of mutual communications and comparison of Sentiments on their present Distressed situation. A Gazette from the United States was Introduced which contained the Resolutions by you proposed to the house of Representatives Jany 3d last, which were read with universal applause, and as the least token of their gratitude it was proposed that an address should be drawn up expressive of their sense of the propriety and expedience of the Resolutions, and particularly of their most sincere thanks to you who had proposed public redress that imediately affected and in fact alleviated their Grievances, this was unanimously agreed to, and the address which we now have the honor to inclose herewith prepared and signed, and we the undersigned were appointed to transmit the same to you. We with pleasure reflect that while we discharge the duty required by our confreres we have an opportunity to assure you of our Zeal and attachment to the Interests of our Country, and with how much satisfaction we would embrace any occasion to convince you of our readiness to render you any Services And are with Sentiments of the Most profound respect & Veneration Sir Your Most Obt. & Very Hble Servts.

Joshua Barney
Fred Folger
Wm. McIntire

[Enclosure]
Sir,
Kingston Jamaica 9th. March 1794
Seperated from our Country by the Illegal intervention of Force, detained in an unwholesome climate, by a designed procrastination of Justice, it has been through the medium of the public prints from America that we have been favored with your patriotick speech, and wise resolutions, proposed to the House of Representitives of the United States, the third of January last, when the pleasing, gratefull Accents resounded through our unfortunate little Circle, each congenial heart seemed to bound with Joy, and universal cheerfullness overspread each mind, for a moment our sufferings were forgotten, Native and Artless professions of Attachment to our Country fell from every tongue, Expressions of the most lively gratitude, and thankfulness succeeded, for the man, who was so sensible of the Dignity and Independance of his Country, and who could trace out the only true road to preserve it.
Sentiments of Honour, Justice, and public spirit so Manifestly displayed, exact our warmest thanks and merit our eternal gratitude.
It is not expected that persons of our profession should be acquainted with Affairs of State, or the policy of Nations but at the same time we trust we possess sufficient decernment to know where we are well treated and where not, and our various converse with the different Nations of the World afford us peculiar advantages to learn their Temper.
The Wisdom and Seasonable propriety of the resolutions were obvious to every thinking man, and it was the opinion that sound policy and the true interest of the United States dictates the measures therein contemplated.
Permit us Sir, to think with you, that by a course of self denial, to which every good Citizen would cheerfully Submit, we could make our enemies feel the effects of our power, and to that portion of annoyance and distress we could produce by a complete interdiction on our exports, added to what we can do by the spirit and activity of our citizens, we are fully perswaded we possess the means to exact respect from any Nation.
We want words to express our unfeigned thanks for the manly, Just, and dignified manner in which you vindicate our individual rights, when invaded from any quarter, and recommending public repariation when protection could not be extended.

To some it might be cause of discouragement, to be a Member of any Government that cannot afford complete protection to every Citizen, but we shall bear our wrongs with patience and becoming fortitude, no trials, no sufferings we can experience shall ever waver our Indivisable attachment to our Country, and we hold our lives ready to sacrafice when her cause requires it, we are perswaded of her good will to protect us, but at the same time we know her incompetancy at the present moment, and we sincerely lament the cause.
In conclusion we beg leave to add our most sincere wishes that you may enjoy health and serenity of mind, & that you experience that portion of happiness to which your Virtue and Patriotism so Justly entitles you.
With a Just sense of the exalted station which you so honourably fill, with the greatest reverence for your superior abilities, and sincere veneration for your uniform attachment to the welfare of your Country, and a gratefull remembrance of your labours in public Life, we most fervently pray for your preservation, with these sentiments we subscribe ourselves, Your most Obedient Humble Servants.
Joshua Barney
[and twenty-one others]


Title: To James Madison from Horatio Gates, 13 March 1794
From: Gates, Horatio
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Rose Hill, 13th: March, 1794:
I have read with attention your Reply to Messieurs Smith, Ames, & Dexter; I am certain there is not a Sound Whigg from the River St: Croix, to the River St: Marys, that does not Honour, and applaud, the Speaker; Go on my Friend, persevere in the Glorious Cause you have uniformly supported, and there will not be a true Republican in The US. that will not with Heart, and Voice, be ready to Support, and Exalt You; I confess the Conduct of the Eastern Men astonishes me, but I know, & have long known, the Character of the Sordid Individuals that inhabit their Trading Towns; Gain is their God, and present Gain is their Polar Starr, to which they forever Steer; The Body of the people, the Agricultural and the Men that will Defend the Country, are more Public Spirited, and will when it comes to the Push, make the others Succumb. In the Circumstances of England, I trust a War will be unnecessary; there is but one reason to apprehend so serious a Calamity; & that is; The Cround Despots may conceive, If France is not Subdued, Our Domination is at an End; and therefore Resolve, with all their Might, to try another Campaign; but it will be in Vain—And may Finally produce a Republic in England; & that, an Alliance Offensive, & Defensive, between the three great Republicks of the World, France, England, & America; This if not really the Thing Itself, will be the next thing, to the promised Milenium: In regard to The Algerines, I approve your plan, preferable to that of raising a Naval Armament; If there was no other Objection, & there are Several; The increase of patronage, should be cautiously avoided; or we shall too soon sink into the Corruptions of the Mother Country! Besides the Officering, The Jobbs, that Building, Equiping, Victualling, &c, of a Squadron of Ships of War must be taken into the Account of good things to dispose of—a word to the Wise.
I know your time is too precious to intrude upon unnecessaryly, therefore write only when you are quite at Leizure, please to Direct, and Frank the inclosed, to that Great, and Good Man Mr: Jefferson; After the Congress Rises your presence will be most Wellcome to My Mary, and me, at Rose Hill, seek no other Lodging. The latter end of June, or the very begining of July, a Number of us propose first a short Vissit to the Manor of Livingston, & then to go to Balls Town Springs, near Saratoga. This Bethsida, they say, cures all diseases, makes the Old Young, and the Ugly Handsome! There are good Accomodations, & excellent Living, two things, Joind to the Two others, with a good Society, & fine Girls! might Tempt even Plato, when as Young as You. That you may Enjoy the best things this Land can Bestow, is the sincere wish, of my dear Sir Your Affectionate, & Obedt: Servt:
Horatio Gates.


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 14 March 1794
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir
Philada. March 14. 1794.
The paper of yesterday inclosed, will give you a clue to the designs of the faction which has used Sedgwick for its organ. His immediate prompter will be seen both in his speech and in his propositions. Whether more be seriously aimed at than to embarrass the others which have been long depending, is by some doubted. Perhaps this may be one of the objects; but you understand the game behind the Curtain too well not to perceive the old trick of turning every contingency into a resource for accumulating force in the Government. It would seem however that less subtlety has prevailed in this than in some other instances. The ostensible reason for the provisional army is not only absurd; but remote from the present sensations of the public; and at the same time disarms the projectors of the cavil & calumny used with most success against the commercial propositions, towit, that they tended to provoke war by an unnecessary alarm & irritation to G. Britain. The commercial propositions were the subject of yesterday & will probably be resumed today. We admit that the change of appearances may require something further, but we contend that they ought to make part of our code, until the end be obtained; and that they will be proper whether we are to be at peace or war. In the former case they will have their intended operation: In the latter they will put our Extive. on the right ground for negocia⟨tion.⟩


Title: Closed Sessions of the House, [14 March] 1794
From: Madison, James
To:

[14 March 1794]

   During debate on JM’s resolutions on commercial discrimination in Committee of the Whole, Parker asserted “that probably without France [i.e., French aid during the American Revolution] the legislature would not be deliberating within these walls.” When “two or three persons in the gallery, upon this made a faint attempt to clap,” Tracy moved that the committee rise for the purpose of clearing the galleries (General Advertiser, 17 Mar. 1794).

Mr. Madison believed the business was placed on its true footing. It is no doubt a hardship that the misbehaviour of one or two individuals should banish an otherwise orderly gallery, but as a line could not be drawn, clearing the galleries was the only remedy. Especially on important questions, the request of any member, who might conceive similar conduct as an attack on the independence of deliberation, would command his voice for clearing the galleries.


Title: To James Madison from James Madison, Sr., [ca. 15 March] 1794
From: Madison, James, Sr.
To: Madison, James

[ca. 15 March 1794]
Timothy looks well; but the last sowed is much turn’d out of the Ground: the new Seed will be sowed as soon as the ground is dry enough
Wheat looks very well except the last 8 Bushels sowed
L. C has got stuff enough for 8 Waggons except the Naves & some stuff for Bar Share brakes—& is getting Shingles for a Grainary: How large will you have it
Apple Trees are all planted at Sawney’s—Money is come to hand but loss in the Coin
The Dams at the Ditches are all broke: they must be done with Stone; when convenient


Title: To James Madison from Henry Brockholst Livingston, 20 March 1794
From: Livingston, Henry Brockholst
To: Madison, James

Sir,
Rhinebeck 20th. March 1794.
Some time since I enclosed in a Letter to Mr. Bailey a Member from this State a Memorial Addressed to Congress, not yet haveing heard that he has presented the Same, I have by this Conveyance written to him requesting if he has any Objections to its Appearance, that he will deliver it to you: Being persu[a]ded you will not only Introduce it for me, but also Advocate the Cause of the Agreived Soldier: In this Sir I do not so much presume upon my Acquaintance with you, as I ⟨re⟩ly upon your known Attatchment to justice and the Able support you gave the Claims of the late Army, who, will I am convinced ever retain a proper Sence of your Endeavours to Obtain redress for them, tho unattended with the desired Success. I have the Honor to be Sir, Most respectfully Yours.
Henry B: Livingston


Title: From James Madison to Arthur Breese, 22 March 1794
From: Madison, James
To: Breese, Arthur

Letter not found. 22 March 1794. Acknowledged in Breese to JM, 11 and 16 Apr. 1794. Inquires about value and prospects for sale of JM’s Mohawk Valley land.


Title: From James Madison to William Walton Morris, ca. 22 March 1794
From: Madison, James
To: Morris, William Walton

Letter not found. Ca. 22 March 1794. Mentioned and enclosed in JM to Horatio Gates, 24 Mar. 1794. Also mentioned in Gates to JM, 27 Dec. 1794. Probably concerns JM’s Mohawk Valley land and encloses a letter from JM to Arthur Breese (see Breese to JM, 16 Apr. 1794).


Title: From James Madison to Horatio Gates, 24 March 1794
From: Madison, James
To: Gates, Horatio

Dear Sir
Philada. Mar: 24. 1794
Your favor of the 13th. has lain by me unanswered till I could give you the result of a proposition for an Embargo discussed for several days with shut doors. The decision did not take place till friday afternoon. The measure was then negatived by 48 agst. 46 votes. Those who took the lead in opposing it are now for transferring the power to the Executive even during the Session of Congress.
You will find in the newspapers the havoc made on our trade in the W. Indies. Every day adds new proofs of the ill will and contempt of G. B. towards us. Still I do not concur with those who see in these proceedings a design to make war in form. If she can destroy the branches of our commerce which are beneficial to her enemies, and continue to enjoy those which are beneficial to herself, things are in the best possible arrangement for her. War would turn the arrangement agst. her by breaking up the trade with her, and forcing that with her enemies. I conclude therefore that she will push her aggressions just so far and no farther, than she imagines we will tolerate. I conclude also that the readiest expedient for stopping her career of depredation on those parts of our trade which thwart her plans, will be to make her feel for those which she cannot do without.
I have nothing to add to the Newspaper details with respect to events in Europe. The campaign seems to have closed as triumphantly for the French Republic as the fears of its enemies could have foreboded. If that in the W. Indies should not exhibit a reverse of fortune, the public attention may possibly be called off from the French—to “the British Revolution.” You may then renew your prophetic wishes, which have created a Millenium under the auspices of the three great Republics.
I have forwarded your letter to Mr. Jefferson. Present my best respects to your very amiable lady, and accept the affectionate esteem with which I remain Dr. Sir Yr. Obedt. friend & servt.
Js. Madison Jr
P. S. The inclosed letter to Mr. William Morris son of the General is on business somewhat interesting to me. It was to have been hand[ed] to him yesterday, but he set out for N. York sooner than was expected. Will you oblige me so far as to have him enquired for, & the letter delivered to him?


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 24 March 1794
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir,
March 24th, 1794.
The past week has been spent chiefly on the question of an Embargo. It was negatived on Friday by 48 against 46, the former composed chiefly of Eastern, the latter of Southern members. The former are now for giving the power to the Executive, even during the session of Congress. In France, everything is in a state of vigor beyond what has been seen there. Fauchèt proceeds with great circumspection and prudence here.


Title: From James Madison to James Madison, Sr., 24 March 1794
From: Madison, James
To: Madison, James, Sr.

Letter not found. 24 March 1794, Philadelphia. Mentioned in James Madison, Sr., to John Lee, 5 Apr. 1794 (NcD): “he says by the Accts. from France, her affairs were never in so vigorous a situation.”


Title: To James Madison from Walter Jones, 25 March 1794
From: Jones, Walter
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir.
March 25th. 1794.
I am obliged by the Receipt of your favours of feby. 28 & march the 9th. I have waited some time for a little Leisure to persue my observations on a certain Subject; but the continued & unusual Interruption of various avocations for Some weeks past, promise such delay to the accomplishment of that purpose, that I think it improper to postpone any longer the acknowledgements justly due to your Attentions. The Printer by omissions & mistakes has made such work of the paper—several Sentences are made non-sense, which I have the Comfort to think existed not in the manuscript—I clearly foresaw the delicacy of your present Situation as it respected any concern with the press, on Subjects similar to that Offered to your Consideration; I wished to have the paper reviewed by a person in whose Candour & Judgment I could Confide; and I can with truth assure you, that I know not where to make a preferable Choice. The Subject is certainly a very important one, & from the Acrimony or Servility that too generally characterises our news-paper Essayists, I think not likely to be treated with a due degree of system, temper & freedom; I therefore think, at all Events, of having a few papers prepared, against the meeting of our Assembly, & having them published in immediate succession, in one of the most popular papers at Richmond. If in the Leisure of your summer Retirement you can furnish me with any hints or observations, respecting the nature & symptoms of our actually existing Factions, they would be great aids to one so withdrawn from the principal Scene of observation as myself. Your Correspondence at all times on any subject would be very grateful to me; but at present, my dear sir, I think all the friends of the true revolutionary principles of American Independance, Should act as much as possible in Concert. The defection from them of many in this & other parts of the Country, in respect both to numbers & Character is very distressing & not a little alarming. In this part I have scarcely a whig friend of any note. Some of the ci-devants, whose Zeal flamed to an absurd Excess formerly in degrading the British Nation, are now as intemperate in extolling their power, their prosperity, their Virtues and their Government. They can be as merry & witty on the Sans-Culottes & Carmagnioles, from the fund of London paragraphs, as the Expectants & placemen of G. Britain, whether they Consist of Lords, Sir Thomas’s, Cast Servants, low favourites, or the Fathers, Brothers Cousins or Sons of whores, who indubitably Compose a great proportion of that honourable Body. They forget that a few years ago they too had their opprobrious apellations of Jonathans, Yankees &C. from their present friends. Such men give great Shelter & Effect to the agency of the low british Inhabitants, whose exertions on the people are incessant; and the mass of the people are so unreflecting & torpid, that they are well fitted to yield to old Habits and opinions, however inconsistent with the dignity & Interest of the character they have derived from Independance on G. B. Southward of Rappahanock & upward in the State, I am told, things have a better Complexion, but I assure you, in the district of country where I live, the aspect of political Character is very disgusting to a whig of 1776.
I am the more impatient to hear the final Issue in the Congress of the Resolutions you brought in, as in your last you say their Success has become more dubious. Independent of their propriety in a Strictly Commercial point of view, in which I think they have the advantage of argument, their wholesome operation in other respects of more importance, Seems to be beyond the reach of rational Controversy, unless we make The Ledger, the Palate & the apparel of our people the only Criteria of national dignity & prosperity. No nation is really an independant one, unless their country their Laws, Government, & manners, are, taken collectively, far preferable in the View of the people to those of any other nation whatsoever. As well might we expect concord & prosperity in the married State, where either of the parties had transferred its affections to a third person. We have never posessed this necessary prejudice of an exclusive attachment to & pride in our own Country, the momen⟨t⟩ Hostilities ceased, we relapsed into our old opinions & Habits concerning Britain & her productions. It is this charm of inveterate Habits founded in former Subjection & political Nothingness, that every real american would wish to break & dissipate. The tendency of the Resolutions is evidently, pro-tanto, to break this charm; and their adoption therefore will be the wish of the real Citizens of america. It is not in the Constitution of human affairs to Command at once all the advantages that belong to any Situation. We are generally reduced to the choice of the least among Evils, and of the best among Blessings—or by a Comparison of the two avoid or persue the preponderating Side. These three Cases seem to comprehend every possible Situation of mankind; and on these Grounds the resolutions, when tried, will be impregnable. The principal Evils Seem to be, a temporary & partial Inconvenience from the Interruption in a partial degree of our Customary Channels of Supply of English Goods, with some diminution of Quantity & perhaps increase of Price: but our Inclination as well as Means will be promoted of obtaining on the best & most Direct Terms, the products of the whole world, without the prejudices of old Habits. Public Credit, May receive some Momentary Shock: but to me this is no objection, who ardently wish we had never heard of public Credit & the funding System; who had rather face the hazard & pretended Infamy of national Bankruptcy, than See realized the Consequences which that vile System presents in Fact or in prospect. The Diminution of Trade by the diminution of excessive Credit—may be other wise expressed—there will be fewer Stores Shops & firms, as they call them, but there will also [be] fewer idle fine Gentlemen at the head of them; & less fraud, dissipation of manners, & Bankruptcies. Above all we Shall begin the progress of a fixt national Character, and not remain independent de jure, & Colonists de facto. Adieu Dear Sir & beli[e]ve me with every Sentiment of affectte. regard Yours
W. Jones


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 26 March 1794
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir
Mar: 26. 1794
My last informed you that an embargo had been proposed & negatived. You will see by the inclosed that on a renewal of the proposition yesterday it went thro’ the H. of Reps. by a very large majority. The change took place among the Eastern members whose constituents were growing so clamorous under their losses in the W. Indies, as to alarm their representatives. The Senate will have the subject before them today, and will probably concur. It is said that some further measures are to be discussed in that House. The commercial propositions have not yet recd. a vote. The progress of the evils which they were to remedy, having called for more active medicine, it has not been deemed prudent to force them on the attention of the House during more critical discussions. They will however notwithstanding a change of circumstances, cooperate with other measures as an alter[n]ative System and will be pressed to a vote at the first favorable moment. Whether they can be carried into a law at the present Session is doubtful, on acct. of the lateness of the day, and the superior urgency of other questions. The point immediately depending is the discrimination between G. B and other nations as to the proposed duties on manufactures. If this should succeed, the future parts will I think meet with little difficulty. The Enquiry into the Treasury is going on, tho’ not very rapidly. I understand that it begins to pinch where we most expected—the authority for drawing the money from Europe into the Bank. H. endeavored to parry the difficulty by contesting the right of the Committee to call for the authority. This failing he talks of constructive written authority from the P. but relies on parol authority, which I think it impossible the P. can support him in. The old question of referring the origination of Taxes comes on today; and will in some degree test the present character of the House: I have written abundance of letters of late but fear they are stopped by the small pox at Richmond.
The people of Charlestown are taking a high tone. Their memorial, which is signed by Ramsay—the Gadzdens Young Rutlege & a very great no. of respectable citizens marks the deliberate sense of the people. The more violent has been ex⟨pres⟩sed by hanging & burning the effigies of Smith, Ames[,] Arnold, Dumourier & the Devil en groupe.


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 31 March 1794
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir
Philada. Mar. 31. 1794.
I have written of late by almost every mail, that is, three times a week. From your letter to Monroe I fear the small pox has stopped them at Richmond. I shall continue however to inclose you the newspapers as often as they are worth it. It is impossible to say what will be the issue of the proposition discussed in those of today. I forgot to mention in my last that the question whether the ways & means should be referred to the Secy. of T. as heretofore, or to a Come. lately came on & decided the sense of the House to be degenerated on that point. The fiscal party, perceiving their danger, offered a sort of compromise which took in Mercer & with him sundry others in principle agst. them. Notwithstanding the success of the strategem, the point was carried by 49 agst. 46. If the question had divided the House fairly there would have been a majority of ten or a dozen at least.


Title: From James Madison to Robert R. Livingston, 3 April 1794
From: Madison, James
To: Livingston, Robert R.

Dear Sir
Philada. April 3d. 1794
This will be handed you by the Revd. Mr. Toulmin of the Unitarian Sect from England, whose attachment to liberty has led him to this land of it. You will find him intelligent, and modest, and in every respect deserving the attention I solicit for him.
I was lately called on by a French gentleman who said he was your neighbour, and afforded me an opportunity of dropping you a few lines which I meant to have availed myself of, but was disappointed. I should however only have told you what you quickly see in all the newspapers. The embargo would have been the principal article of information. That measure was embraced with considerable unanimity, after much hesitation & some opposition from the Eastern quarter. A sequestration of British debts has since been proposed, and yesterday another mode of warring on the unfriendly system of G. B. was proposed by Mr. Clarke. You will find it in the paper of this evening which I inclose. Measures of this cast are a little checked by the revocation of the Edict of Novr. 6. which is urged here as more conciliatory than it deserves.
The Executive have recd. letters today from Mr. Pinkny of the 9th. & Mr. Short of the 19th. of Jany. The former contain little more I understand than an account of the new instruction of Jany. 8th. The latter are written from Madrid and suggest that Spain is by no means in good humour with G. B. and is retained in the connection with her more by a fear of France than any other cause. Mr. S. speaks of the Affairs of France as in a state of the most compleat triumph. With the greatest esteem I am Dear Sir Yr. Most Obed. servt.
Js. Madison Jr


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 3 April 1794
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Monticello Apr. 3. 1794.
Our post having ceased to ride ever since the inoculation began in Richmond till now, I received three days ago, & all together your friendly favors of Mar. 2. 9. 12. 14. and Colo. Monroe’s of Mar. 3. & 16. I have been particularly gratified by the receipt of the papers containing your’s & Smith’s discussion of your regulating propositions. These debates had not been seen here but in a very short & mutilated form. I am at no loss to ascribe Smith’s speech to it’s true father. Every tittle of it is Hamilton’s except the introduction. There is scarcely any thing there which I have not heard from him in our various private tho’ official discussions. The very turn of the arguments is the same, and others will see as well as myself that the style is Hamilton’s. The sophistry is too fine, too ingenious even to have been comprehended by Smith, much less devised by him. His reply shews he did not understand his first speech: as it’s general inferiority proves it’s legitimacy as evidently as it does the bastardy of the original. You know we had understood that Hamilton had prepared a Counter-report, & that some of his humble servants in the Senate were to move a reference to him in order to produce it. But I suppose they thought it would have a better effect if fired off in the H. of Representatives. I find the Report however so fully justified that the anxieties with which I left it are perfectly quieted. In this quarter all espouse your propositions with ardour, & without a dissenting voice. The rumor of a declaration of war has given an opportunity of seeing that the people here, tho’ attentive to the loss of value of their produce, in such an event, yet find in it a gratification of some other passions, & particularly of their antient hatred to Gr. Britain. Still I hope it will not come to that: but that the propositions will be carried, and justice be done ourselves in a peaceable way. As to the guarantee of the French islands, whatever doubts may be entertained of the moment at which we ought to interpose yet I have no doubt but that we ought to interpose at a proper time and declare both to England & France that these islands are to rest with France, and that we will make common cause with the latter for that object. As to the naval armament, the land armament, & the Marine fortifications which are in question with you, I have no doubt they will all be carried. Not that the Monocrats & Papermen in Congress want war; but they want armies & debts: and tho’ we may hope that the sound part of Congress is now so augmented as to ensure a majority in cases of general interest merely, yet I have always observed that in questions of expence, where members may hope either for offices or jobs for themselves or their friends, some few will be debauched, & that is sufficient to turn the decision where a majority is at most but small. I have never seen a Philadelphia paper since I left it, till those you inclosed me; and I feel myself so thoroughly weened from the interest I took in the proceedings there, while there, that I have never had a wish to see one, and believe that I never shall take another newspaper of any sort. I find my mind totally absorbed in my rural occupations. We are suffering much for want of rain. Tho’ now at the 3d. of April, you cannot distinguish the wheat feilds of the neighborhood yet from hence. Fruit is hitherto safe. We have at this time some prospect of rain. Asparagus is just come to table. The Lilac in blossom, & the first Whip-poor-will heard last night. No Martin’s yet. I have some hopes Short has sent Cortez’s letters for me by Blake. Pray ask E. R. if he has. My best affections to Colo. & mrs. Monroe. The correspondence with Hammond has never yet come into this quarter. Accept sincere assurances of affection.
Th: Jefferson


Title: From James Madison to James Madison, Sr., 7 April 1794
From: Madison, James
To: Madison, James, Sr.

Hond Sir
Phila. April 7. 1794.
Being reminded by your late letters of your certificates and the power of attorney to draw the interest, I have searched thro’ all my papers without being able to find either of them. I shall make another search, but it occurs to me that I may have carried these papers to Virga. & omitted to bring them back, and I have a faint impression of this sort on my memory. Be so good as to look among your papers, where they will be found if the impression be right; and to write without delay on the subject. It will be proper to inclose the papers to me if you meet with them.
No question has yet been taken on the sequestration of British debts. This motion was made by a member from N. Jersey. Another member from that State has moved that all trade with G. B. be stopped till the Treaty be executed, and the late depredations paid for. On this there has been neither question, nor debate. You will find in the inclosed paper the letter just recd. from Mr. Pinkney, the American Minister at London. My affecte. regards to my mother.


Title: To James Madison from John Dawson, 7 April 1794
From: Dawson, John
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir!
Richmond April 7. 94.
The last mail brought us no letters from Philadelphia, which is matter of much surprise as the news-papers came, & of much regret as most people are exceedingly anxious to know the determination of congress on the several very important subjects now before them.
The January packet which I find has arriv’d, brings the instructions of the B. King to the commanders of armd vessels of the 8th. These in the opinion of many are materially different from those given on the 6th. of november. In my judgment the difference is immeterial. For altho they may in some instances bear less hard on individuals, still they go to a violation of our rights as a neutral nation, & therefore ought not to be acquiescd in. Whatever steps it may be necessary to take on the spur of the occasion, I am fully convincd that the resolutions offerd sometime since by you, are the only things which can give us permanent security, & prevent that influence which the nation possessing our commerce must ever have on our public councils.
We have for some time had much talk of war. Whether we shall have it or not depends I think on the complexion of the proceedings of the B. Part. which I believe met on the 4 Jany. That the ministry of that country may wish for a war with this, is not improbable—but that the people shoud appears highly so, as their interests are immediately & materially effected by it.
Before this I presume the sequestration bill has pass’d. Several of the most open, & violent B. subjects in this place have in the course of the last week taken the oaths of fidelity to the state. This is clearly done to shelter their property, & doubt not but the same has happend in other places.
The elections of members to the general assembly have just commencd. From the temper of the public mind I have reason to think they will in general be republican—all of which I have yet heard, are so.
The French fleet I learn was to have saild from Hampton road on yesterday. They had cleard out, & passd the line of entry, & clearance, before the account of the embargo arrivd.
The military plan, as at first proposd has I find been lost, at which I rejoice. It may be, that something in that line may offer, & I cannot help again mentioning to you Quarrier, whom I before took the liberty of recommen[d]ing, as a person who I am persuaded woud make a most valuable officer, Especially in the artillery. With real Esteem Your friend & Sert.
J Dawson.


Title: To James Madison from Alexander White, 7 April 1794
From: White, Alexander
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Woodville 7th April 1794
When I consider the momentous struggle in which you are acting—I feel a reluctance to intrude, and yet cannot avoid expressing my regret that I had no intelligence from you by last Post. Public Prints however informed me of two important facts which had not before been fully authenticated the resolution of Congress for laying an Embargo, and the British Kings instructions rescinding those of 6h. Novr. 1793. What effect will the latter have on the minds and measures of Congress—they bear the appearance of relaxation, but if all the French West India Ports should be declared blockaded (and I think this not improbable) what real advantage will accrue to America from the change of System?
You will have the pleasure of hearing from General Scott that the Genêtites of Kentucky have not been able to raise a man Officers excepted; if we can escape a European War, we shall yet go on well. Is the piece published as Lord Dorchesters Speech to the Indians believed to be genuine? The last few weeks have been generally dry. For some days past it has been cold with frost, but the fruit has yet escaped. Grain in strong fresh ground looks well, but that in old or thin land is much injured by the winter. Our election took place on Tuesday. The Poll stood for Mat: Page 384. Archd Magill 285 Jas. Singleton 211—Wm. McGuire 164—Robt Page 162—Thomas Bush 153—Number of Voters 679. Our Post now goes weekly, I am Sir Yours sincerely
Alexr White


Title: To James Madison from Arthur Breese, 11 April 1794
From: Breese, Arthur
To: Madison, James

Sir.
Whitestown Ap. 11th. 94.
Your letter of the 22d. Ultimo. I Recd. a few days since. I live on the Sadaqueda Patent, three Miles from Lot No. 2. and am perfectly well acquainted with its general, situation, quality &ca. It is situated on the Mohawk river, near the confluence of two large Creeks, The Oriskany, & The Nine Mile Creeks—at the Distance of Nine Miles from Fort Stanwix, at which place a Canal, will be cut, so that the waters of Wood Creek, & the Mohawk, can communicate. There will then be an uninterupted Navigation for small Boats, to the Lake Ontario, excepting a trifling obstruction at the Falls of Oswego. The Country in every direction from the Lot is rapidly settling—the quality of the soil is unexceptionable. The rear as good as the Front. Prices of Land in its Neighborhood, in an unimproved State, is four Dollars Per acre—and the average worth of your Lot, is at least, that. Since I have been here, land has rose, Fifty Per Cent. which is nearly two years. And you may reasonably calculate a proportionable rise, for several years to come, Provided we are not engaged in a war, with some of the Belligerent Powers; such an event would check the settlement of this Country, and of course the price of Land must fall. People in this Place are generally Poor, few that would be able to advance you the Money, for the whole of the Lot, ’tho they might for part. So that you must calculate upon selling on a short credit. Town Lots in this Village are selling for £50. the acre, few can be obtained for that.
Your Lot being principally feasible Land, I suggest the Propriety of laying it out in 100. acre Lots, & selling it to Settlers at five Dollars an acre, upon a short credit, with Interest.
If I can contribute to’ads the consummation of your wishes—it shall be with Much Chearfulness. I have the Honor to be Sir, with Much Respect Yr. Most Obet. Humbe. Servt.
Arthur Breese


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 14 April 1794
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir
Philada. Apl. 14. 1794.
Having recd. one letter only from you, and that of very old date, I conclude that mine which have been numerous do not pass thro’ the obstructions thrown in the way of the Mail by the small pox. I continue however to write, hoping that the channel will have been reopened by the time each letter may get to Richmond. I have also written a request to Mr. Dawson to have my letters to you taken out of the post office and forwarded from Richmond by private hands if necessary.

Three propositions levelled at G. B. have latterly occupied the H. of Reps. 1. to sequester British debts. 2. to establish a lien on British merchandize or the value of it, as it arrives. 3. to suspend imports from G. B. & Ireland till the spoliations be redressed & the Treaty of peace be executed. The last has taken the pas in discussion. A majority are apparently in favor. Delay is consequently one of the arts of opposition. It is uncertain therefore when a vote will be obtained. It is probable also that much will depend on the state of foreign intelligence which is hourly changing in some of its circumstances. The Executive is said to meditate an envoy Extraordy. to G. B. as preferring further negociation to any legislative operation of a coercive nature. Hamilton is talked of, is much pressed by those attached to his politics, and will probably be appointed unless overruled by an apprehension from the disgust to Republicanism and to France. His trial is not yet concluded. You will see the issue it will have in the inclosed papers. The letter from the P. is inexpressibly mortifying to his friends, and marks his situation to be precisely what you always described it to be. The committee on ways & means was unfortunately composed of a majority infected by the fiscal errors which threaten so ignominious and vexatious a system to our country. A land tax will be reported, but along with it excises on articles imported, and manufactured at home, a stamp tax pervading almost all the transactions of life, and a tax on carriages as an indirect tax. The embargo will soon be a subject of deliberation again, as its continuance if proper ought to be decided some time before its expiration. Whether this will be the case cannot now he foretold. The French continue to triumph over their Enemies on the Rhine. We learn nothing from the W. Inds. except that Martinique had not surrendered on the 25th. Ult.
I put into the hands of your Cabinet workman here the Editn: of Milton sent you from France. He was packing up things for you which afforded a commodious berth for it. Yrs. always & Affy
Js. Madison Jr.
Fauchet has informally intimated the distaste to Gour. M. whose recall will follow of course.


Title: To James Madison from John Dawson, 14 April 1794
From: Dawson, John
To: Madison, James

Richmond April 14. 94
I thank you, my dear Sir, for your favour of the 7th & the papers enclosd.
On searching into the post office I found that there were a number of letters from you as well as Colo Monroe, for Mr. Jefferson. They have stopt here for some time owing to the communication being cut off. The post however set out yesterday morning for Charlottesville with them, & I believe there will be no farther interruption.
The language of Lord Greenville does not appear to me to be markd with the openness and candour of friendship. Disappointed in their expectation of success against the French the B. Court will probably pursue a different line of conduct towards this country that [sic] they woud have done, had the events in Europe favourd their wishes.
I thank you for your attention to Quarriers wishes, & am fully persuaded that he merits confidence.
We have receivd very few returns of the Elections. A very close one is expected here this day, of the result of which I will inform you in the Evening. With real esteem Yr friend & Sert
J Dawson


Title: To James Madison from James Madison, 14 April 1794
From: Madison, James
To: Madison, James

Dear Uncle.
Falmo// 14th April 1794
I have had it in contemplation to write You, some time past, but thought it most prudent to defer it as long as possible, knowing that yr attention was taken up wth business of much more importance, than answering my letters. I am now advancd in years, and think I am nearly master of the business now pursueing, think it needless to continue longer with Mr Dunbar.
I have a desire to commence business on my own acct. and in doing which, am under the disagreeable necessity, of beging yr assistance, this request is I know a very ungreatfull one, and I assure you Uncle it hurts my feelings much, when I make it, but what can I do. Tho it gives me some satisfaction to think I may at a future period have it in my power, to make full compensation, both to you and others. Am anxious to hear from you. From Yr much dependant Nephew
Jas Madison
I write this in great haste.

Currt. Prices of produce.

Wheat
 3/9
&
11/.
}
best prices

Corn

13/

Rye

 3/4

Tobacco

12/.

Flour
24/..

26/.


Title: To James Madison from James Madison, Sr., 15 April 1794
From: Madison, James, Sr.
To: Madison, James

Letter not found. 15 April 1794. Acknowledged in JM’s letter to his father of 25 Apr. 1794. Informs JM that his corn crop is deficient. Inquires about breeding two of JM’s mares. Describes a granary to be built at Montpelier. Comments on a piano to be bought in Philadelphia.


Title: To James Madison from Arthur Breese, 16 April 1794
From: Breese, Arthur
To: Madison, James

Sir.
Whitestown Ap. 16th. 94.
Some time since by the Mail I recd. a letter from you respecting Lot No. 2.

   Sadaqueda Patent

 I forwarded my answer immediately. By the last Mail I Recd. a letter from Mr. Wm. Morris, inclosing one from you to me. For fear that my first letter should get lost, I now inform you that I am perfectly well acquainted, with the general situation, & Quality of your Lot; and that it is worth four Dollars the acre, cash, & five upon a Credit. No Land in the Neighborhood of it, can be obtained for Less. My first Letter informs you with prescision, the quality of the soil &ca. If we are not engaged in a war with Europe, Land will appreciate much in Value. Any further Information, or assistance, that I can give you, shall be done with Chearfulness. I am Sir with much respect Yr. obedient Servant.
Arthur Breese


Title: To James Madison from Walter Jones, 16 April 1794
From: Jones, Walter
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir.
Northumd. Cthouse Apl. 16th. 1794
I this day received yours of the 31st. March, and was truly Surprised at being informed you had never heard from me, since your former favours were sent on. I wrote to you pretty much at large about the 18th. of March, and informed you that my reason for having, at that time, deferred writing so long, was the hope that I might find Leisure to send you an Inclosure, successive to the former, which however, to this day, I have never found. I think the Subject persued with System & Temper, would be a very useful one, & I have thoughts for preparing it against the meeting of our assembly. It would give me great pleasure to Communicate with you on this Subject or any other, but have little expectation of it, but thro the Epistolary Medium. If on your return, I could be informed thro what channel in Fredericsburg Letters would most directly pass to you, you would find me perhaps a troublesome Correspondent. Business will call me to that place as well as Richmond before Midsummer—I should derive singular Satisfaction, if either Trip Should produce a personal Interview.

We are much alarmed here at the prospect of war; and deprecate it as an Event, in which we have every thing to hazard, & nothing to gain. The merciless internal auxiliaries, which any nation, that could send a Small hostile fleet & army to our Coasts, might acquire, makes the view singularly distressing to us of the South—we have once escaped a Servile War, almost by Miracle: but it cannot rationally be hoped that we Shall again avoid it, in a like Conjuncture, especially since our Libertines in Philosophy & our Fanatics, have so vitiously meddled with the question of Emancipation. We have just heard that Captn. Knowles of the British Frigate dædalus, is taken into Custody at norfolk, as a hostage for the Treatment of Some american in the B. west Indies. It is at present a Confused report, and we are anxious to know the Truth of the fact & its probable Consequences. Adieu Dear Sir & believe me yours with my affectionate Esteem
Walt: Jones


Title: Nonintercourse with Great Britain, [18 April] 1794
From: Madison, James
To:

[18 April 1794]

   On 2 April Clark moved a resolution calling for nonintercourse with Great Britain, and on 14 April the Committee of the Whole reported the resolution to the House (Philadelphia Gazette, 3 Apr. 1794; Annals of CongressDebates and Proceedings in the Congress of
          the United States … (42 vols.; Washington, 1834–56)., 3d Cong., 1st sess., 594). JM offered the following amendment on 18 April.

“Whereas the injuries suffered and likely to be suffered by the United States, from a violation of our neutral rights and commercial interests on the part of Great Britain, and also from a failure in the execution of the 7th article of the treaty of peace make it expedient that our commercial intercourse with that nation should not remain as extensive as it now is, therefore resolved, that from the  day of  next our commercial intercourse with that nation be suspended.”


Title: From James Madison to James Madison, Sr., 21 April 1794
From: Madison, James
To: Madison, James, Sr.

Hon’d Sir
Philada. Apl. 21. 1794
I have at last found your Certificates, but have not yet applied for the Interest. The power of Attorney is probably lying in the office where it was left at the last draught of Interest.
You will see that Jay has been appointed to try the effect of a Minister Exty. to G. B. The proposition for enforcing our demand of redress by making our market a condition of it, is not yet come to a final question. A majority are clearly in favor of it; but the Eastern members are violently opposed to any other step than mere negociation, and spin out the discussion by unwearied resistance.
Martinique has surrendered to the British. In Europe France is overwhelming the armies combined agst. her. A vessel is just arrived from England and is said to bring letters from Mr. Pinkney. I have had no opportunity of learning more than what you will collect from the newspapers.
The embargo is continued till the 25th. of May. The adjournment of Congs. is still unfixed, and depends so much on foreign intelligence as well as the business before them that I can not hazard a guess as to the time.


Title: From James Madison to Alexander White, 21 April 1794
From: Madison, James
To: White, Alexander

Letter not found. 21 April 1794. Acknowledged in White to JM, 26 Apr. and 5 May 1794. Discusses constitutional objections to Chief Justice John Jay’s appointment as envoy extraordinary to Great Britain. Reports that public opinion in England continues to support the war against France.


Title: From James Madison to James Madison, Sr., 25 April 1794
From: Madison, James
To: Madison, James, Sr.

Hond. Sir
Philada. Apl. 25. 1794
Yours of the 15th. came to hand yesterday. I am sorry to learn that my crop of Corn proves so deficient. I must get the favor of you to have as much engaged as will do. If my directions for sowing oats have been followed, the less will be wanted. M. C. may fence in part of the meadow as he proposes for a pasture. I leave to your own judgment to decide whether the two mares shall be put to Majr. M.s or Bishops Horse. If the Colts when dropped shd. be fine, it may [be] well to prefer the former, if not the latter may be tried. My brother William’s advice may be taken. I approve the size of the Granary you have prescribed to L. C. As soon as that jobb is over, he can be making provision for the Stable according to directions formerly given, unless something more urgent interfere. You have never mentioned to me whether Mr. C’s mill pond has affected my meadow. I will attend to your wishes as to a Forte Piano &c. Unless the girls have extraordinary talents for music I doubt the advantage of bestowing much time on an accomplishment, which will be but imperfectly attained, and as experience shews, but for a few years exercised. You may let Mr. W. Webb know that Nothing is yet done in his affair; & Mr. A. Webb, that his claim is not allowed.
The non-importation law was on a second reading yesterday agreed to 57. to 34. Its passage thro’ the Senate is doubtful, or rather improbable. My last informed you that the Embargo is continued till May 25.


Title: To James Madison from Alexander White, 26 April 1794
From: White, Alexander
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Woodville 26h. April 1794
Your favr. of 21st instant is come to hand. Your kind attention amidst the multiplicity of business has my most grateful acknowledgements. I am really sorry the appointment of Mr Jay is disapproved of. From what I have observed and heard of his character I confess I was pleased with it. The constitutionality never occurred to me, and I do not recollect any clause in the Constitution, which could extend to the case, and having received an unexpected Call from home I have not time to look into it.
The Spring has been rather dry and cold though upon the whole it may be considered as not unfavourable. I am with real regard Dear Sir Your Obliged Friend
Alexr White


Title: From James Madison to Joshua Barney and Others, 1 May 1794
From: Madison, James
To: Barney, Joshua

Gentlemen
Philadelphia May 1. 1794
I have been favored with your letter of Mar: 13. from Jamaica with its inclosure, in which the American Masters of Vessels detained in that Island have been pleased to express their sentiments on the Resolutions proposed by me in the House of Representatives on the 3d. of January last. Having long regarded the principles on which those Resolutions were founded, as the basis of a policy most friendly to the just interests of our country, and most honorable to its public councils, I cannot be insensible to the approbation they may obtain from my fellow Citizens, and particularly from those more immediately attached to the prosperity of our commerce and navigation. Under this impression I have received the communication transmitted by you in such polite and friendly terms; and I hope it will be believed that I mingle with it all the sympathy which is due to the distresses of those who have been the victims of depredation. With the sincerest wishes that their unfortunate situation may speedily be exchanged for one which will correspond with their rights and their merits, I remain Gentlemen, with great respect and regard Your Obed: & Hble Servt.
Js. Madison Jr


Title: To James Madison from George Joy, 1 May 1794
From: Joy, George
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
London 1st. May 1794
I have yet to thank you for your favor of the 17th. May 1792 wch. Mr: Pinckney was so good to deliver me on his arrival and for wch. I should have made my acknowledgements before but for the constant Expectation of the pleasure of seeing you in America.
In perusing some detached parts of the diplomatic Correspondence in wch. Mr Jefferson has displayed statistical Abilities so much superior to the European Ministers it has occurred to me that he could not be in possession of certain Documents wch. have heretofore fallen in my way. I find that in Corroboration of many Arguments founded in reason (the proper foundation of the Law of Nations) he has quoted the written opinions of those respectable Authors, who had made that Law their study, wch. were not written for the purpose; and has not been sparing of his labor in referring to Authorities in point; and very much in point his Authorities are, God knows. I conclude therefore that he would have referred to Authorities in other Cases if they had been at hand—for instance that he would not have said on the subject of free ships making free Goods, in his letter to Genet of the 24th. July last “that England had adhered to the rigourous principle except, as far as he remember’d, the single Instance of her treaty with France”; if by reference to her treaties he could have seen that not only in the single Instance of her Treaty with France (meaning I suppose the Treaty of 1786) and in the Commercial Treaty of 1713 with the same Nation (Art: 17) but in the Treaties with Holland of July 1667 (Art: 3 referring provisionally to Art: 35 of the Treaty between France and the States General) and that of Febry. 1668 (Art: 10) and the Treaty Marine of 1674 (Art: 8) she has made stipulations contravening the rigourous principle—in her treaty with Spain too it is expressly provided (1667 Art: 26) that Enemy Ships shall make Enemy Goods and by implication of this Article combined with Art: 23 of the same Treaty Free Ships make Free Goods. With Prussia the general law of Nations is not expressly amended tho’ some Ambiguity hangs on the 10th & 11th Articles of the Treaty of 1766. With Denmark & Sweden it is less equivocal, the rigorous principal being expressly recognised

   Denmark 1670 Art: 20 and Passports subjoined.

   Sweden Apl: 1654 Art: 12 Do: 1656 Art: 4 & Passports subjoined.

   Ditto 1661 Art: 12 & Passports subjoined.

—with the Piratical States again not only do free Ships make free Goods but the Property and Persons of the Confederates are protected in Enemy Ships—with the Porte Free Ships make free Goods.
I notice also in Mr Jefferson’s letter to Mr: Pinckney of the 7th Septr: 1793 he says “possibly Great Britain may be bound by Treaty to admit the Exception (therein mentioned) in favor of Denmark and Sweden”—an Expression conveying a Doubt wch. would not have existed if he had had the Treaties before him—possibly also Mr Jefferson might have availed himself of the Explanation with Denmark (4th July 1780) to set forth to Mr Hammond the acknowledged Ideas wch. are entertained of the Term contraband wch. if I understand it right partakes of the nature of the ex Ore tuo Argument to confirm the right of neutral ships to carry such Goods to France, unmolested by British Cruizers, as are there declared not to be comprehended in this term—be this as it may, having met with a Collection of Treaties in a convenient form (published by Chalmers) I have thought it might not be unacceptable to Mr Jefferson; but as I have not the honor to be known to him at all I have presumed on your friendship to transmit the Books to him. I have taken the liberty to add another Copy wch. I hope you will find a convenient addition to your own Library and have had the Treaties of 1793 bound in with the 2nd Volume of each. I order’d the same to be done with the Treaty of the 19th Ult: between this Country Prussia and Holland but being printed in a 4to: form only it could not be effected; I therefore send it seperate. By this you will see that in the Auction for the Hirelings of Prussia this Country has outbid France for the year at least and notwithstanding the Provision for renewal of this Bargain on similar terms at the End of this period a Pretext may probably be found for increasing the demand according to the state of the Market.
Great scenes are acting at this Moment upon the Continent. Enthusiasm and Numbers are on the side of the French. Discipline, I apprehend, on the side of the Allies; and these last contrary to expectation were first in the field—they have taken the Ground wch. was most vulnerable but that wch. the french might reasonably wish them to take provided they feel themselves secure against internal Commotions and particularly if they are, as I understand, in sufficient force to issue a considerable body of Troops from the Neighbourhood of Lisle & Dunkirk on the one hand and Maubeuge on the other—how the Campaign will finish must of course be very doubtful—I am inclined to think favorably to the French—the greatest hope of the Allies must rest upon an internal diversion in their favor—without this they cannot be ignorant of the impossibility of subjugating France—this hope is founded on two Circumstances wch. if not equally plausible may be equally fallacious—’tis encouraged by the Reports of the Emigrants, desperate in their Circumstances and having even greater reason to try all hazards than those wch. prompted the American Refugees to similar representations; and the intemperate and sanguinary Measures of France, where without doubt the greatest Despotism reigns at this Moment, furnish another Cause for them to hope that Civil Dissentions will favor the return of Monarchy—the first of these tho’ feeble is strengthened by the difficulty wch. Ministers meet with to obtain better information, wch. has been so great as to induce them to apply to some American Gentlemen from France on the subject; who have prudently and properly declined to have any intercourse with them—the second tho’ much to be regretted and a real injury to the republican Cause in point of reputation, is not likely to destroy it in France if I may Credit the uniform testimony of a number of my Friends arrived lately from Paris and different parts of that Country—by these it appears that those who are most opposed to some of the Measures of the existing Government, and who have the Courage to declare it, are yet determined to suffer everything rather than receive the Law from foreigners; God forbid that this should be the Lot of any People; and succour the Polanders in their spirited and almost desperate Efforts to relieve themselves from it!
I cover this letter to my Friends Messrs. J. Wd. & Wm. Gibbs of Philadelphia to whose Care I send the Books also, that you may have no trouble with them and in the Event of your absence from that City they will be governed in sending them to you or retaining them for your return by the information they may receive at Mrs. House’s of the time when you are expected.

Mrs. Joy and my Brother desire to be remember’d to you with much Esteem and I am very respectfully, Dr sir, Your most obedt: servt:
Geo: Joy.
N 56 Hatton Garden.


Title: From James Madison to James Madison, Sr., 4 May 1794
From: Madison, James
To: Madison, James, Sr.

Hon’d Sir
Philada. May 4. 1794.
By a vessel which sails for Fredg. today, I have sent a small box containing the following articles 6 ps. very coarse muslins, 1 ps. of finer. 2 lb. Tea, 3 Books on Medicine, a few pamphlets & a Sett of marking instruments. The muslins were bought as being extremely cheap, and useful for various purposes. If my mother or sister wants any part of them they will make free with them. If the finer piece should not be applicable to any better purpose, I allotted it for shirts, in which it is said to wear as well as linnen. The coarser ps. I supposed might be dealt out in part to my negro women if thought proper, as far as would give them each some kind of garment. The cost would be a trifle, and they wd. probably be better pleased than with some thing in the ordinary way of equal value. I wish however that free use may be made of these as already hinted. The coarse ps. cost about 4 dolrs. each. The fine one abt. 4/. Va. Curry. a yard. The two books by Hamilton are for Dr. Taylor whom you will ask to accept of them. The other by Wallis I send for yourself. It is said to be an able performance. If Dr. Taylor on perusal of it shd. wish a copy, I will forward one for him. You will find that I have recovered the pamphlet by the French Chymist on the mine[r]al waters of Virga. The Squash seed is of the same kind with that inclosed lately in a letter.
As I retain the conviction I brought from home in favr. of the Mill at my brothers, I have been endeavoring to dispose of the piece of land on the Mohawk river. But the acct. I have of it embarrasses me. I perceive that by selling it now, I shall get 40 or 50 perCt. less than it will probably fetch in a year or two. I am assured by correct & authentic information, that it is of the best quality, that the country is rapidly settling all around it, that the navigation of the river will soon be opened, and that at a very few miles distance land of the same quality sells for 8 or 10 dollars an acre. Within three miles, lotts in a town lately laid out, sell for £50 an acre and are with difficulty got for that. I can not at present get more than between 4 or 5 dollrs. an acre. The gentleman who gives me my information is a respectable lawyer residing within three miles of the land, and intimately acquainted with it, as well as with that part of the Country. He writes me that within 2 years past Similar lands have risen at least 50 perCt. & that the prospect of future rise is at least as great. Notwithstanding these circumstances I am so much disposed to forward the plan of the Mill which I view as particularly favorable to the interest of my brothers as well as myself, that I [sic] if a pursuit of it depends essentially on my contribution, I shall not hesitate to make the sacrifice. Whether this be the case you can best decide & I will thank you for a line on the subject immediately on the receipt of this. Perhaps your funds ⟨ma⟩y be competent to the demand of the present year. I am persuaded also that notwithstanding the low rate of the pu⟨bl⟩ic paper, there would be less loss in your sale of that, than I should suffer from the present sale of the land.
The bill for suspending importations from G. B. & Ireland which passed the H. of Reps. by 59 agst 34 was rejected in the Senate, who are determined to rely on the extraordinary mission of Jay to sue for satisfaction. The H. of Reps. are occupied with new taxes to defray the expence of the naval armament, the fortifications &c. An increase of the impost, a stampt tax, further excises, and a land tax, are all proposed. I much fear that the aversion to the last will soon involve this Country in the pernicious revenue systems of Europe; and without ultimately avoiding the thing dreaded, as a land tax will be sure to be added on the first great occasion, that may arise. It is not certain how much longer the session will be spun out. I hope it will end at farthest within the present month. If I should determine to make the sale above mentioned, I shall probably be obliged to make a trip to New York before I return to Virginia.


Title: To James Madison from James Madison, Sr., [5 May] 1794
From: Madison, James, Sr.
To: Madison, James

[5 May 1794]
☓ Where shall the Laths, & plank be procured
☓ for the granary—
☓ Send the memorials—
☓ Forte Piano—no books. ⟨per brass?⟩ Wire pay Mr Blair when you come home 18/
☓ C——s Mill does no damage
☓ Excuse [sic] Law
☓ Bill of exchange


Title: To James Madison from Alexander White, 5 May 1794
From: White, Alexander
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Woodville 5h. May 1794
I have to thank you for your favr of 21st. Ulo. I deem it peculiarly unfortunate that any appointment by the President should at this time be considered as exceptionable. With regard to Mr Jay I confess I cannot discover any constitutional ground of objection. Whatever impropriety there may be in his holding two offices at the same time and receiving compensations for each, the constitution seems not to have provided a remedy, though the subject of incapacitation was considered, and provided for by the latter clause of the 6 section of that instrument. I am extremely sorry the spirit for carrying on the war against France still prevails in England. We shall never have perfect peace while the war rages in Europe, and if it should be of long continuance I fear we shall not be able to avoid taking a part in it. Should England succeed in subduing the French Islands I do not believe she will be permitted to retain them—after the conclusion of Peace—for however desirous the Emperor and others may be to place a Monarch on the thrown of France, when they find that impracticable, they will I conceive be still desirous to restore to France such a degree of power as to enable her to form a counterpoise to England in the scale of European Politics—this she cannot do without a Navy—and a Navy she cannot maintain without a forreign Trade. A young man of some credit has just arrived from Kentucky and says, that General Clarke has actually fallen down to the Mouth of the Ohio with 600 Men, where he now lies, and stops every boat on the River. I have not seen the young man, but from what I know of him, and the channel through which the account came from him to me, I fear it is true. The Weather has been uncommonly warm for several days, the Mercury at 9 O’clock Saturday Morning in Sunshine was at 94. Adieu and believe me sincerely Yours
Alexr White


Title: To James Madison from John Dawson, 6 May 1794
From: Dawson, John
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir!
Rich: May 6. 94
On my return to this place on the last evening I receivd your letter with the enclosure for which I thank you.

The rejection of the resolution of your house for prohibiting the commercial intercourse with great Britain, by the senate gives much discontent, as far as I have heard observation on it. The nomination of a envoy exty. at the time it was mad⟨e⟩ appears to me singular, & no doubt had its influence on the fate of the resolution. But the person appointed I think in almost every point of view one of the most improper that coud have taken place.
We have nothing worthy communicating. With real esteem Yr. friend & Sert
J Dawson


Title: Excise, [9 May] 1794
From: Madison, James
To:

[9 May 1794]

   On 7 May the Committee of the Whole reported eight resolutions on ways and means of raising revenue. JM voted with the minority when the House upheld provisions for a carriage tax, a stamp duty, and an excise on tobacco (Annals of CongressDebates and Proceedings in the Congress of
          the United States … (42 vols.; Washington, 1834–56)., 3d Cong., 1st sess., 653–56, 666–67). On 9 May the House considered the first resolution, which increased the impost. Clark moved that an additional duty of to percent be placed on British goods; FitzSimons claimed “that there was a progressive diminution of trade with Britain compared to increase of American commerce with other nations.”

Mr. Madison thereupon read a paper containing a state of trade with Britain.
In 1791, the exports from that country to America were to the value of

Dollars.

19,502,070

Imports from America to Britain in the same time.
 5,511,843

13,990,226

1792, Exports
19,711,369

 4,798,848

14,913,527


Title: Memorandum from John Taylor, 11 May 1794
From: Taylor, John
To: Madison, James

Phia. May 11. 1794
On the 8th. or 9th. instant T. asked leave of absence of the Senate, and expressed seriously his intention to resign. K. soon after invited T. into one of the committee rooms, and informed him, that he wished to converse with him seriously & candidly upon a very important subject. He stated that it was utterly impossible for the union to continue. That the southern and eastern people thought quite differently. That the former cloged and counteracted every operation of government. That when I & S of S. C. were out, the southern interest would prevail. That the eastern would never submit to their politicks. And that under these circumstances, a dissolution of the union by mutual consent, was preferable to a certainty of the same thing, in a less desirable mode. About this time E. joined K & T, as if by accident, tho’ T. thought from concert. K then, protesting that he had never mentioned the subject to E. before, ran over the same ideas, in which E. concured. K was throughout the chief spokesman, tho’ E. occasionally joined him, & appeared intirely to concur with him. It was pressed upon T. in this dilemma, that a friendly intercourse among the members, for fixing the outlines of a seperation was desirable. K. declared that he was very indifferent as to the line of division, from the potowmack to the Hudson. T. expressed his approbation of a friendly & cool discussion of great political subjects in conversation, but approved highly of supporting the union if possible, thought that no material contrariety of interests opposed it, but if he was mistaken, agreed that an amicable seperation was certainly preferable. Previously to coming to this extremity, T. said that an effort ought to be made to unite the two parties which distracted the government; that he considered the debt as the great cause of these parties. Because if we might judge from their mutual accusations, one party suspected that the other was determined to use this debt as a political machine, & to counteract its payment, whilst the other suspected the first of an intention to destroy it. Suppose therefore said T. the two parties were to act in such a manner as to remove these mutual suspicions, might it not give new vigor to the union? If it was proposed for instance, to disband the indian army—to employ one third of its present expence in sudden excursions upon the heels of each other into the indian country—instead of lessening the taxes, to devote by the strongest sanction the two thirds saved to the payment of the principal of the debt—to impose a new tax, founded upon the principle of equality, for the same object—to open a land office, particularly as to a great extent of country in the fork between the ohio—& Illinois, upon which there are no Indians, and to devote its product to the same object. Would not these measures prove that one party was willing to pay the debt—that the other, had annexed no political designs to its continuance—& would not a union of parties result from a removal of their mutual suspicions? Besides the western people would be better pleased, & more essentially benefited—the general belief now existing, that the lands are held up, tho’ devoted by law to this object, to give great land jobbers an opportunity to sell, and to enable them by legislative intrigues and corruption, to push their speculations beyond the Ohio, would be gratified—and the frauds in the imposition of taxes, dictated by local interests, would be rendered unnecessary. But K. would not agree to any thing of this kind—he said that there were other essential subjects of difference between the extremities of the union, besides the debt. That they never had and never would think alike. That M. whose conduct he had narrowly watched, particularly on the committee of ways & means, had some deep & mischievous design—that tho’ he should be of opinion to disband the army after this year if something very material did not happen, yet he would allow no money for carrying on the indian war, but leave it to support itself—that he would not consent to open the land office—and that in short he saw no remedy but a dissolution of the union. T. pressed K to state his suspicions of the designs of M.—to declare what points he wished to be conceded by his opponents—to state the supposed objects of the two parties, which disunited them, independent of the debt—and to say whether some alternative preferable to a dissolution of the union, could not be hit upon. But K declined any explanations of these kinds, contending that the only remedy for the political dissentions, was a dissolution of the union. And nothing being concluded upon, the conversation ended.

Remarks.
T. upon reflection, considers the above as worthy of being communicated to M. He is thoroughly convinced that the design to break the union is contemplated. The assurances—the manner—the earnestness—and the countenances—with which the idea was uttered, all disclosed the most serious intention. It is also probable that K & E, having heard that T. was against the constitution, have thence imbibed a mistaken opinion, that he was secretly an enemy to the union, and conceived that he was a fit instrument (as he was about retiring) to infuse notions into the supposed antifederal temper of Virginia, consonant to their views. T. cannot help believing that these views go far beyond what even this proposition discloses. A British interest is what he fears lurks at bottom. The southern temper greatly obstructs a close political connexion with Britain. Those who would get the power to the eastward, would easily effect it as to that moiety—and then Britain & the east united, could operate powerfully in various ways, to bring the south to their terms.
M. will see clearly, that this communication, tho’ proper to be made to him, ought not to be disclosed to others.


Title: To James Madison from William Cooper, [12 May] 1794
From: Cooper, William
To: Madison, James

Sir
[12 May 1794]
The inclosed Resolutions of this Town, passed at a very large Meeting of the Inhabitants, being conceived of importance to the United States, are dispatch’d by Express.
William Cooper. Town Clerk

[Enclosure]
At a legal and very numerous Meeting of the Freeholders, & other Inhabitants of the Town of Boston at Faneuil Hall on Monday the 12th day of May 1794
Resolved, As the sense of the Inhabitants of this Town, that the General Embargo, imposed by the Legislature of the United States on the Navigation & Commerce within the same, is a measure, founded in the highest policy & Wisdom—passed by a very great Majority.
Resolved, that the Inhabitants of Boston will cordially acquiesce in the continuance of the Embargo, untill in the opinion of Congress, the objects contemplated by that measure shall be fully accomplished—passed unanimously.
Att. William Cooper Town Clerk


Title: To James Madison from Alexander White, [ca. 12 May] 1794
From: White, Alexander
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
[ca. 12 May 1794]
I have the pleasure to contradict the report from Kentucky mentioned in my last of General Clarkes having fallen down the Ohio with 600 Men, I have seen the young man alluded to, and others who came with him. A report prevailed that a Mr Montgomery who has a Colonels commission under Clarke had taken Post at the mouth of the Ohio, and stopped all boats going down the river, but of this there was only a report not credited by the more intelligent. We have had great changes of weather from the excessive heat mentioned in my last—to severe frosts on the 7th. & 8th. instant, it is again moderate. I am Dear Sir Yours sincerely
Alexr White


Title: From James Madison to Alexander White, 12 May 1794
From: Madison, James
To: White, Alexander

Letter not found. 12 May 1794. Acknowledged in White to JM, 19 May 1794. Discusses tax legislation pending in Congress.


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 15 May 1794
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Monticello May 15. 1794.
I wrote you on the 3d. of April, and since that have received yours of Mar. 24. 26. 31. Apr. 14. & 28. and yesterday I received Colo. Monroe’s of the 4th. inst. informing me of the failure of the non-importation bill in the Senate. This body was intended as a check on the will of the Representatives when too hasty. They are not only that but completely so on the will of the people also: and in my opinion are heaping coals of fire not only on their persons, but on their body as a branch of legislature. I have never known a measure more universally desired by the people than the passage of that bill. It is not from my own observation of the wishes of the people that I decide what they are, but from that of the gentlemen of the bar who mix much with them, & by their intercommunications with each other, have under their view a greater portion of the country than any other description of men. It seems that the opinion is fairly launched into public, that they should be placed under the controul of a more frequent recurrence to the will of their constituents. This seems requisite to compleat the experiment whether they do more harm or good? I wrote lately to mr. Taylor for the pamphlet on the bank. Since that I have seen the ‘Definition of parties,’ and must pray you to bring it for me. It is one of those things which merits to be preserved. The safe arrival of my books at Richmond, & some of them at home, has relieved me from anxiety, & will not be indifferent to you. It turns out that our fruit has not been as entirely killed as was at first apprehended. Some latter blossoms have yeilded a small supply of this precious refreshment. I was so improvident as never to have examined at Philadelphia whether negro cotton & oznabrigs can be had there. If you do not already possess the information, pray obtain it before you come away. Our spring has on the whole been seasonable, & the wheat as much recovered as it’s thinness would permit. But the crop must still be a miserable one. There would not have been seed made but for the extraordinary rains of the last month. Our highest heat as yet has been 83. This was on the 4th. inst. That Blake should not have been arrived at the date of your letter, surprizes me. Pray enquire into the fact before you leave Philadelphia. According to Colo. Monroe’s letter this will find you on the point of departure. I hope we shall see you here soon after your return. Remember me affectionately to Colo. & mrs. Monroe, and accept the sincere esteem of Dear Sir your sincere friend & servt
Th: Jefferson