Title: Joseph Hawley to the Committee of Conference of Congress, 23 October 1775
From: Hawley, Joseph
To: Committee of Conference of Congress

Gentlemen
Cambridge Octr. 23d. 1775.
To give you full Satisfaction that what was granted and paid in the last War to the Non commission officers and private Soldiers by this colony was in the whole much more than the whole which has been engaged to the Non commissiond officers and privates in the present service by the late Congress of this colony. Col. Warren and the Subscriber have bro’t for your inspection the Journals of the house for 1758 and 1759. and beg you to inspect the establishment for each of those years. The one is in page 350. of 1758. The other is Page 335. of Journal for 1759. As We are so unhappy as not to find your Honours at Head Quarters, Mr. Randolph will do us the favour to present the said Journals to you for inspection. We are with great respect Your Servants Joseph Hawley for himself and Mr. Warren

P:S: from the perticular Circumstances of this Colony we are unable to avail ourselves of the Journals containing [illegible]ishments
To The Honble the Comtee of the General Congress of the American United Colonies

Addressed: To / The Committe of / The Continental Congres / att / Head Quarters


Title: The Committee of Conference: Report to Congress, 24 October 1775
From: Committee of Conference
To: Congress

Sir
Cambridge Octo 24. 1775
We arrived at this place on the 15 and shoud have proceeded immediatly to perform the Duty imposed by the Congress, but the President of the Congress of New Hampshire was detained by the Illness of his Family from attending, after waiting two days for him it was determined to call in General Sullivan to represent that Colony. The president joined us next day, and we have been constantly employed in the Consideration of the many important Matters with which we are charged, all of which we hope will be finished today.
We enclose you a Copy of the Several Determinations of this Meeting on those Heads on which the Governors of Rhode Island and Connecticut, the Council of this Province the President of the Congress of New Hampshire together with the General were directed to be consulted, by Which you will see that they were unanimously of Opinion not only, that any Reduction of pay was absolutely impracticable but that a bare proposal of this Nature woud cause such Discontents, if not Mutinies as woud perhaps prove the Ruin of the Army. We are sorry to find this Opinion too much confirmed, by the Difficulty that occurs in prevailing on the Troops of Connecticut to enlist for the Month of Decembre only, according to the Directions of Congress.
Under these Circumstances we thought it our Duty to consent that the General shoud immediatly proceed to a new Inlistment of the present Army for the next Year without waiting for the Directions of Congress, being convinced by the Opinion, not only of the Gentlemen, we were directed to consult, but of every Officer we conversed with on the subject that every Moments delay was big with Danger. We have however reserved, in the terms of the new Inlistment a Right in Congress to disband at Pleasure without mentioning the Months additional pay Voted the Soldiers in Case they had listed at 5 Dollars per Month.
Last Night we received the Melancholy Account of the burning the Town of Falmouth, by some Ships Sent for that Purpose by Admiral Graves, the commanding officer of which declared he had orders to destroy every Seaport between that and Boston it is easy to conceive what Effects this must produce in this Camp, every Soldier who came from Falmouth insisting on Leave to go and take care of his Family and to find a place for them where they may be covered from the inclemency of the approaching Winter, indeed ’tis too reasonable a Request, to be refused, shoud the same Fate fall to the share of Many such Towns, tis easy to foretell what must happen to the army especally shoud it happen before the new Army is inlisted, this we hope will not only excuse our conduct, but induce Congress to hasten their Determinations upon this Matter.
One more Reason for despatch is that Men may much more probably inlist before; than after they feel the hardships of a Winter Campaign.
Upon examining the Journals of assembly it appears that the Men raised in the Years 1758 and 1759 by this Colony received fourteen pounds bounty and had thirty six Shillings per month pay, which, as their Engagements were for Six Months only, was much higher Terms than the present when no other Bounty is allowed than a Coat to each Man. We are with great Respect Sir your most Obedient
Thos LynchB FranklinBenj Harrison

Addressed: To / The honble / John Hancock Esqr / President of the Continental / Congress at / Philadelphia
Endorsed: N.B. Letter from Comm. of Conference. Cambridge 24 Oct. 1775 Recd. & read Novr. 2. with 2 reports from sd Comm.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Joseph Greenleaf, 26 October 1775
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Greenleaf, Joseph

Sir,
Head Quarters, Cambridge, Oct. 26. 75
I intended to have called upon you yesterday at Watertown, but was prevented by other Business.
Mr. Goddard, appointed Riding Surveyor to the General Post-Office, is on his Way, settling the Post-Offices from Philadelphia Eastward. He will probably be here in a few days, and has Instructions for Regulating everything relating to them. I think it will be right for the Committee to receive and pay all to the End of the last Quarter; and let the present Quarter, commencing with this Month, be on Account of the General Post-Office. I should be glad however to know from you, the Amount of the Receipts, and of the Disbursements, while the Offices were under the Direction of the Committee; which if you please you may send me at your convenient Leisure. I am very respectfully, Sir, Yours and the Committee’s, most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin

I do not recollect that I received the Letter you mention to have sent me in August last.
I return homewards this day.
Jos. Greenleaf Esqr

Addressed: To / Joseph Greenleaf Esqr / Wa[tertown]
Endorsed: Letter from Dr. Franklin Octr. 26. 1775.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Horatio Gates, 7[–8] November 1775
From: Gates, Horatio
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Head Qrs: 7th[–8]: November 1775
Thursday last I had the pleasure to send a Copy of General Lee’s Letter to Lord Thanet, and on Monday [another of?] one to General Howe, both these I suppose you received [torn.] I made strickt inquiry as you directed me after [torn], and find he died, and was buried about a Week before [torn Cam?]bridge, the Ten Dollars you paid into my Hands [torn sha]ll be disposed of to your Order. The Letter I shall [put in the?] Fire (if you think proper). Some Deodands has come to Us since you left Cambridge. A ship from your Port with One Hundred and Eighteen Pipes of Wine is wrecked to the Eastward, the Wine and Crew saved. She was bound into Boston. The Captain and Crew, are prisoners, and will be here in a Day or Two, when they arrive, you shall know who were the Shippers of This Cargo. A Vessel bound from Boston to Nova-Scotia with Dry Goods, is taken by Fishermen from Beverley and Carried in there. The letters found on board and brought hither are full of Commissions for Fresh Meat Forrage, and Fire wood to be sent at any price to Boston. A Sloop from the West Indies is taken by One of our Cruizers. She was bound to Boston, had Rum, Sugar, and Fruit on board, so Wine, and Punch will not be wanting to the Sons of Liberty. Let the Sons of Slavery get them how they can; One of Our Arm:d Vessells brought in on Fryday, a la[rge?] Sloop, and a Schooner, bound from Nova-Scotia to Bo[ston and?] full Freighted with Cattle, Sheep, Hoggs Poultry, Po[tatoes and?] Fire Wood; our Squadron are now at Sea and I [hope I shall?] have more news to send of their Success next P[ost. I shall?] recommend the Fitting of Arm’d Vessells to every [torn] how does the pulse of the Polliticians beat, since [the burn]ing of Falmouth, and Lord Dumores intrenching himself at Gosport? I shall never be able to write you a Line without half a dozen interruptions, an Ambassador from the Committee of safety at Marblehead will not allow me one moments peace but must this Instant have an Order for two Barrells of Powder for the defence of that Port. Capt. Macphersons horse is at the door and he s impatient to be gone. Adieu yours most truly
Horatio Gates

Addressed: To / The Honble. / Doctor Benjamin Franklin / Philadelphia


Title: The Pennsylvania Assembly: Instructions to Its Delegates in Congress, 9 November 1775
From: Pennsylvania Assembly
To: Pennsylvania Delegates in Congress

In May the Pennsylvania Assembly had committed its delegates to military resistance, colonial union, and a continued search for compromise. After the elections in October the new Assembly chose a new Congressional delegation, again including Franklin, and in early November drafted its instructions. By then the news had come that the King had refused to receive or answer the Olive Branch Petition and had proclaimed the colonies in rebellion, and at the same time Congress urged two colonies to establish revolutionary governments. The possibility of settling the crisis within the old constitutional framework was steadily growing fainter. But John Dickinson, the chief spokesman for majority opinion in the Assembly, continued on the moderate course set the previous spring. The drafting committee, appointed on November 7, reported two days later; the instructions that it submitted for the delegation were largely Dickinson’s handiwork, and seem to have been adopted without amendment. The first two paragraphs differed little from those of May, but the third was quite different: it attempted to buttress the status quo by forbidding the delegates to vote for independence or for a change of government. This position proved to be untenable. By the following spring the advocates of change swept away first the instructions and then the Assembly itself.

Gentlemen,
November 9, 1775.
The Trust reposed in you is of such a Nature, and the Modes of executing it may be so diversified in the Course of your Deliberations, that it is scarcely possible to give you particular Instructions respecting it
We therefore, in general, direct, that you, or any Four of you, meet in Congress the Delegates of the several Colonies now assembled in this City, and any such Delegates as may meet in Congress next Year; that you consult together on the present critical and alarming State of public Affairs; that you exert your utmost Endeavours to agree upon, and recommend, such Measures as you shall judge to afford the best Prospect of obtaining Redress of American Grievances, and restoring that Union and Harmony between Great-Britain and the Colonies so essential to the Welfare and Happiness of both Countries.
Though the oppressive Measures of the British Parliament and Administration have compelled us to resist their Violence by Force of Arms, yet we strictly enjoin you, that you, in Behalf of this Colony, dissent from, and utterly reject, any Propositions, should such be made, that may cause, or lead to, a Separation from our Mother Country, or a Change of the Form of this Government.
You are directed to make Report of your Proceedings to this House. Signed by Order of the House,
  John Morton, Speaker.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Govett, [between 9 November 1775 and 25]
From: Govett, William
To: Franklin, Benjamin

[Between November 9 and 25, 1775]
The Committee of Safety meet tomorrow Morning at 9 oClock And attend the Committee of Assembly at 10. On Wednesday Morning 9 oClock the Board meet and go into the Consideration of the appointment of a Commodore, at which times the Members are Requested to meet Punctually.
Wm. Govett Secry
To Benja. Franklin Esqr.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Catharine Greene, [13 November 1775]
From: Greene, Catharine
To: Franklin, Benjamin

My Dear Friend
Westerly monday noon [November 13, 1775]
I have Some days Past Plast [Placed] you at home happy with your Dear Children and Sister. I am not able to find Words to tell you how Pleasd I am to have our Boy with you I wish he may Deserve Such Goodness God Will Reward you. Thank you for your Kind letter from New haven I Shall write you as Soon as I get home am Just going. I write to Ray but the letter is got So soild would write Another if I was not in Such hast you will excus it. The family here all Desire there love and would been Glad it had been Convenient for you to Calld upon them. I am with true affection your Friend
Caty Greene

Did you travill as fast after you got by Springfield? how does it go on?

Addressed: To / Doctr. Franklin / Philadelphia


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Greene, 13 November 1775
From: Greene, William
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Friend
Westerly Novr: 13th: 75
On my Coming here I found Your Favor from Newhaven, it gives me great pleasure To hear You was so far on Your journey well, hope before this You have Arriv’d safe home. My little son who You have Taken with You how shall I enough express my Gratitude, I was much at a loss what to Doe with him. I had three Years past a good writing master so that he learn’t Very fast since he has been To an Indifferent school when not Otherways Ingag’d, but he being Very handy to go of Errands and upon the Farm, that he has had Very little Advantages that I really am at a loss what may be his Genius. If he has a Turn for learning shall give it him freely if not I shall be glad of Your Advice in regard to his Genius as I have a great Desire that he may be a useful member of Society. His Mamma has wrote him. My love to him Your Children and in perticular manner to Mrs. Meacome and except a share of the same from Your Sincear and much Oblig’d Friend.
Wm. Greene


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Robert Crafton, 15 November 1775
From: Crafton, Robert
To: Franklin, Benjamin

My good Sir,
London Novr. 15. 1775.
I can’t excuse myself from troubling you at this critical Juncture, having a very momentous Affair to communicate, with my poor Sentiments on it; and when a proper Conveyance offers, I should be glad of yours in return.
A Peace and Union between G. Britain and America, is certainly worth some Sacrifice on each Part; and if a middle Line could be drawn; tho’ it should not come up to the sanguine Ideas of either, it might perhaps be Wisdom to adopt it.
Such a Plan is now in contemplation, and I am not without Hopes, that it will be carried into Execution; so far at least as concerns Government here; it originates with a worthy Member in the lower House, who is zealous in the great Cause of Conciliation; and as he will explain himself fully to you, by this very Conveyance; I shall not weary you with a Repetition, of what will come so much better, from his Pen than mine.
My whole Design, is to assure you, that I have consider’d his Plan, as minutely as I am able; and am of Opinion, that it is highly eligible, and worthy the Attention of America; and tho’ it may, and must appear a Degree of Presumption in me; unequal as I am, to pronounce on Questions of such magnitude; yet I trust that my known Zeal and Integrity, will afford some Apology; and as our Friend here, has flatter’d me so far; as to consult me on the Occasion; I am in hopes to escape without any severe Censure.
I wish this may meet yourself and Family in good Health; and permit me to assure you, that among other happy Advantages, that will flow from this Reconciliation; that of your probable Return to England, will not be thought the least, by your many Friends here; and I must be vain enough, to thrust myself into that Circle. Interim I salute you and yours and remain your assured humble Servant
Robt. Crafton

Addressed: Benjamin Franklin Esqr. / Philadelphia
Notation: 15 Novr 1775


Title: The Pennsylvania Committee of Safety to the Lancaster County Committee, 17 November 1775
From: Pennsylvania Committee of Safety
To: Lancaster County Committee

In Committee of Safety, Philadelphia November 17th 1775
 Gentlemen
We have considered your respectful answer to our application for the public Arms in the County of Lancaster, and are fully satisfied with the reasons you assign for retaining them for the use of the poor Associators in said County, and have only to acknowledge your Zeal in the Public Cause and to desire you will send to us, the names of the persons in whose hands the Arms are left, that it may be known where to apply for them on any Emergency, and that the public property may be taken care of. We also acknowledge your care in carrying our Resolves, respecting Kearsley and Brooks into execution, and we are, Gentlemen Your most obedient humble Servants
  Signed by Order of the Board B. Franklin Presidt.
To the Committee of Lancaster County

Addressed: To / Jaspar Yeates Esq’r / chairman of the Committee / Lancaster
Endorsed: 17th. Novr. 1775


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from [David Hartley], 23 November 1775
From: Hartley, David
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
London November 23 1775.
Some American friends have desired to have an account drawn out of Mr. Hartleys proposition for terms of accommodation, drawn up with a view to send it to some of their friends in America for their opinion, therefore an account of the plan of those motions which are to be actually moved in the house next week has been drawn up from part of the letter which was sent to you a few days ago. I dont know to whom this account will be sent but if you should meet with it you may perhaps observe some slight differences from the account which was sent to you. Ld North moved on monday the repeal of the Boston port bill and the restraining bills of last year as being partial bills to make way for a general bill including all America, and as I hear to make prizes of all American vessels that can be catched. Mr. H’s proposals will stand thus: To suspend the act taking away the Massachusets charter and to suspend hostilities. To pass the act for Jury to slaves in all criminal cases. To pass an act replacing America to 1763. To pass an act of oblivion. Yours most sincerely
G B.

Addressed: Doctor. Franklin
Endorsed: 23. Nov 1775


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from [Jonathan Williams, Jr.], 23 November 1775
From: Williams, Jonathan Jr.
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear and honored Sir
London Nov. 23 1775.
I have already written to you by this Ship, since which I have come to a Conclusion with Mr. Blunt and shall engage in my new Business next Week. The Terms are to be as follows. I am to be ’till next July on probation; at the End of that Time I shall be able to judge of the Advantages and Disadvantages of the Connection. We are then to begin our Partnership, my share of the Capital to be the ¼ part of £20,000 for which I am to allow 4 per Ct Interest, and to have ¼ part of the Net Profits of the Business for my Labor and Care. Taking the darkest side of the Matter Mr. Blunt says the Business yields from 10 to 12 per Ct, and in Case of War or other Cause of Demand it will yield much more: he says he has made 30 per Ct. However reckoning at the Worst, I suppose it may produce about 11 per Ct, which, deducting the 4 I allow, will leave me 7 per Ct on £5000 equal to £350 per annum; and for this I shall be dependant only on my own Industry, which will yield me more satisfaction than double the Sum gained by fawning, and held at the Caprice of a haughty Superior, whose Vanity must be gratified at the Expence of Truth to insure a Continuation of his Favour. I will endeavour to get Mrs. Stevensons Money placed as you reccommend.
I thank you most sincerely for your Offer of Service. Mr. Alex[ander] interprets it to be (according to what he wrote) an Intention to get me the Agency if an Accommodation should be brought about. I am not to say what you intend, or what I deserve. You know what is best for me, and I acquiese.
Knowledge is always usefull whether applied or not. I shall therefore employ all my Leisure Time, and am determined to make myself master of every thing that can possibly relate to the Colonies. I hope I need not add, that I am attached to their Cause and interested in their welfare.
When I have a reputable thriving Business I shall think of my wished Connection, which I have often written to you about, and a reasonable Assistance at the same Time will greatly forward my Views: If Mr. A has it in his Power, and I succeed with the Lady, I know his assistance will be reasonable.
The mention of Politics in these unhappy Times is almost sufficient to prevent a Letter from arriving safe in America, but there surely can be no harm in writing, what is not designed to be secret, and no Man can disapprove of Sentiments that tend to Peace and Reconciliation.
You will see by the Papers that a Bill is to be brought in to cut off all Intercourse with the Colonies, and to repeal some of the late Acts. The Principle upon which this is founded I am told is, That as America has declared She will not trade with Britain, this Country is determined she shall not trade with any other Power if it can be prevented. That the Boston Port Bill and others were intended as a Punishment on that Colony, as being then the most refractory one; since that Time, all have come into the same Measures, therefore all are equally culpable, it is therefore they say unjust to make a Distinction and they propose by repealing these Bills to put them into one Situation and then to punish them all.
I am inclined to believe that the M[inistr]y are sick of this Business, and as to the Nation in general those who have the Liberty of thinking for themselves must see the fatal Consequences of the Controversy, and of Course wish for a Reconciliation. The Question then only is how this can be effected. I know not the Powers of the proposed Commissioners, nor the real Intention in sending them; but I am told that the former are very extensive, and that the Latter is to finish the Dispute. If the Design is founded on a Wish to settle with Justice to both Sides, and the Men are as good, and as honest, as the Trust will be great, I hope Peace and Happiness will succeed to War and Distress; but if there is any artfull Intention, cloaked under a specious appearance, and the Measure should turn out to be a Trick of State; America knows her Rights and her Ability to defend them. I have therefore only to add my Wish, that Virtue and Justice may be always [?rewarde]d with deserved Success. I am most dutifully and affectionately Yours &c.
I received my good Friend Billy T Franklins Letter and feel myself Happy in the Appelation of Kinsman which he gives me. I beg my Love to him. He will receive his Books by Read with the second parcell of your Things.
My best Respects to the Govr Mr. and Mrs. Bache and all Friends.

Addressed: Doctor B Franklin / Market Street / Philadelphia / Favoured by Capt Hunter via Virginia
Notation: 23 Nov 1775


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from [Jonathan Williams, Jr.], 23 November 1775
From: Williams, Jonathan Jr.
To: Franklin, Benjamin

London Nov. 23. 1773 [i.e., 1775]
Since writing the Inclosed, I have had some Conversation with a Gentleman relative to the proposed Bill, which he assures me is to look Back to all the Seizures made by the Kings Ships in America, and make them as well as all future ones legal Prises. The Bills proposed to be repealed are only the two fis[hing?] ones, and they intend to have as large a F[leet?] in America as they can raise and cut [off?] commercial Intercourse.
I am desired to give you this as [certain?] Information, to which I shall only add that I am as ever most dutifully and affectionately Yours.

Addressed: To / Doctor B Franklin / Market Street / Philadelphia
Notation: 23 Nov. 1773


Title: Song: “The King’s Own Regulars,” 27 November 1775
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

The King’s own REGULARS;
And their Triumphs over the Irregulars.
A New SONG,
To the Tune of,
An old Courtier of the Queen’s, and the Queen’s old Courtier.

Since you all will have singing, and won’t be said, nay,
I cannot refuse where you so beg and pray;
So I’ll sing you a song-as a body may say.
’Tis of the King’s Regulars, who ne’er run way.
O the old Soldiers of the King, and the King’s own Regulars.
At Preston Pans we met with some Rebels one day,
We marshall’d ourselves all in comely array:
Our hearts were all stout, and bid our legs stay,
But our feet were wrong headed and took us away.
  O the old soldiers, &c.
  At Falkirk we resolv’d to be braver,
And recover some credit by better behaviour;
We would not acknowledge feet had done us a favour;
So feet swore they would stand, but-legs ran however.
  O the old soldier, &c.

  No troops perform better than we at reviews;
We march and we wheel, and whatever you chuse.
George would see how we fight, and we never refuse;
There we all fight with courage-you may see it in the news.
  O the old soldiers, &c.
  To Monongehela with fifes and with drums
We march’d in fine order, with cannon and bombs:
That great expedition cost infinite sums;
But a few irregulars cut us all into crumbs.
  O the old soldiers, &c.
  It was not fair to shoot at us from behind trees:
If they had stood open as they ought before our great Guns we should have beat them with ease.
They may fight with one another that way if they please;
But it is not regular to stand and fight with such rascals as these.
  O the old soldier, &c.
  At Fort George and Oswego, to our great reputation,
We shew’d our vast skill in fortification;
The French fired three guns, of the fourth they had no occasion;
For we gave up those forts, not thro’ fear-but mere persuasion.
  O the old soldiers, &c.
  To Ticonderoga we went in a passion,
Swearing to be revenged on the whole French nation.
But we soon turned tail, without hesitation
Because they fought behind trees, which is not the fashion.
  O the old soldiers, &c.
  Lord Loudon he was a fine regular General, they say;
With a great regular army he went his way
Against Louisbourg, to make it his prey;
But return’d without seeing it, for he did not feel bold that day.
  O the old soldier, &c.
  Grown proud at reviews, great George had no rest,
Each grandsire, he had heard a rebellion supprest.

He wish’d a rebellion, look’d round and saw none,
So resolv’d a rebellion to make of his own-
  With the old soldiers, &c.
  The Yankees he bravely pitch’d on, because he thought they would not fight,
And so he sent us over to take away their right,
But least they should spoil our review clothes, he cried braver and louder,
“For God’s sake, brother kings, don’t sell the cowards any powder.”
  O the old soldiers &c.
  Our General with his council of war did advise,
How at Lexington we might the Yankees surprise.
We march’d-and we march’d-all surpriz’d at being beat;
And so our wise General’s plan of surprise was complete.
  O the old soldiers &c.
  For fifteen miles they follow’d and pelted us, we scarce had time to pull a trigger;
But did you ever know a retreat perform’d with more vigour?
For we did it in two hours, which sav’d us from perdition,
’Twas not in going out but in returning consisted our expedition.
  O the old soldiers, &c.
  Says our General, we were forced to take to our arms in our own defence:
(For arms read legs, and it will be both truth and sense.
Lord Percy (says He) I must say something of him in civility,
And that is, I can never enough praise him for his great-agility.
O the old soldiers, &c.
  Of their firing from behind fences, he makes a great pother,
Ev’ry fence has two sides; they made use of one, and we only forgot to use the other.
That we turn’d our backs and ran away so fast, don’t let that disgrace us;
’Twas only to make good what Sandwich said, “that the Yankees would not face us.”
  O the old soldiers, &c.
  As they could not get before us, how could they look us in the face?
We took care they should not, by scampering away apace;

That they had not much to brag of, is a very plain case.
For if they beat us in the fight, we beat them in the race.
  O the old soldiers of the King, and the King’s own Regulars.


Title: Contract between the Secret Committee and Thomas Mumford for Supplying Gunpowder, 28 November 1775: résumé
From: Committee of Secret Correspondence,Franklin, Benjamin,Dickinson, John,Harrison, Benjamin,Jay, John,Johnson, Thomas,Mumford, Thomas
To:

Less than a month after the creation of the secret committee Silas Deane, one of its members, wrote his friend Thomas Mumford to suggest that he come to Philadelphia to find out what profit could be made under the committee’s aegis. The letter seems to have crossed one from Mumford, who explained that two of his captains had already contracted for fifty tons of gunpowder in St. Eustatius; he was working through the Governor and the Connecticut delegation to secure from Congress permission to export goods sufficient to purchase the powder. Mumford presumably went to Philadelphia as Deane suggested, for the negotiations culminated in the document summarized below.
<Committee chamber, Philadelphia, November 28, 1775: The undersigned, a quorum of the committee of secrecy, contract with Thomas Mumford of New London, merchant, for a voyage or voyages to procure speedily fifty tons of good gunpowder or, if so much cannot be obtained, sufficient saltpetre and sulphur to make up that amount. The United Colonies will charter the vessel or vessels required, freight to be paid on their return, and will insure them against capture. The owners assume the risk of the sea, will employ prudent and skilful supercargoes, and will receive a 5% commission on the purchase. $28,500 in continental currency will be advanced to Mumford, for which he will render account to the United Colonies. The powder will be landed in the colonies at a safe and convenient place east of Chesapeake Bay, and the location will be revealed as soon as possible to a quorum of the committee. Signed by Samuel Ward, Franklin, Thomas Willing, Josiah Bartlett, Francis Lewis, and Thomas Mumford.>


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Catherine Meed, 28 November [1775?]
From: Meed, Catherine
To: Franklin, Benjamin

This letter is the first appearance of a niece whose existence Franklin seems to have forgotten. He had doubtless not seen her for many years, and she lived in a remote part of Pennsylvania. All we know of her first brief effort to refresh her uncle’s recollection of her is in the present letter and another below, December 16. She had written him on his return from England, with no response; here she is trying again. The second attempt elicited a reply. Although it has disappeared, it was clearly a baffled one: who was she? In December she explained, and then the extant correspondence breaks off for a decade.

She was unquestionably a niece of sorts. Her father was John Croker, who was the second husband of Deborah Franklin’s sister Frances. Three children of that marriage are recorded, and Catherine was not among them. After Frances’ death in 1740 the widower remarried and moved to Staten Island; in 1745 he and his new wife sold to Franklin their interest in some Philadelphia property left by Deborah’s mother. Thereafter the whole family disappeared from view except for Joseph Croker, Catherine’s brother or uncle, who died in 1758. We are inclined to think that Catherine herself was her father’s daughter by his second wife rather than by Deborah’s sister, in which case her relationship with Franklin was tenuous enough to explain his bafflement. Where she grew up, whom she married, and why she moved to the frontier are questions without answers. She exists only in four brief notes, two of them in 1775 and the other two ten years later.

Dear Uncle
Sunbury Shemokin Nov the 28 [1775?]
When I heard of your arrival nothing Ever made me So happy. I wrote Directly to you, but when I was not Honored with A line from you, I Could not help Crying, for your all the uncle I have in the world by my Poor Father. I thought you would not write to A Poor little Country Girle, but Every body Says you have no more Pride than A Child and that has incouraged me to write to you again. I often think if Could See you and Cousin Sally I would be the Happiest woman in the world, but I live A great way off.

Pleas to Give my [love?] to Cousin Sally and Except the Same from your Affectionate Cousin
Catherine Meed

Addressed: Honl. Benj Franclin / in / Philadelphia
Endorsed: Catherine Meed


Title: A Public Notice by Franklin and Robert Morris, 5 December 1775
From: Franklin, Benjamin,Morris, Robert
To:

Philadelphia, December 5, 1775.
Mrs. Brodeau, from England, Takes this Method of acquainting her Friends and the Public in general, that she has opened a Boarding School, in Walnut-street, near the Corner of Fourth-street, where young Ladies will be genteely boarded, and taught to read and speak the French and English Language, the Tambour, Embroidery, and every Kind of useful and ornamental Needle-Work.
Mrs. Brodeau hopes to prove by her Assiduity and Attention to the Morals and Behaviour of those Ladies entrusted to her Care, that she in some Measure merits the Recommendation she has been favoured with from her native Country.

Any Person desirous of Information concerning the Character and Recommendation of Mrs. Brodeau, may apply to either of us,
Robert Morris, B. Franklin.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Horatio Gates, 5 December 1775
From: Gates, Horatio
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Head Quarters 5th December 1775
For this Week past Fortune has Smiled upon Us from All Quarters, and last Night, word was brought out of Boston by some Inhabitants who left it Yesterday, that a Vessel was Just arrived there from Quebeck. The Master of which Declared that Our Troops, Assisted by near 6000 Canadians, took Possession of that Capital a day or Two After the Middle of November; that thereupon all the Ships belonging to the Ministerialists Slip’d their Cables, and push’d Down the River, thus is the whole Province of Canada most Gloriously Added to the United Colonies. You will in your Wisdom, no Doubt immediately let them take their Places accordingly. I wish Two or Three Battallions could be sent from them this Way, and the like Number of Ours replace theirs to Garrison Quebeck which with the Earliest of the Spring should be Fortified in the very best Manner.
Burgoyne Sails this Day from Boston in The Boyne Man of War for England, pretty Accounts he will carry his Tory Friends in Parliament, where I think he will be examin’d, and Cross examin’d, til he Sweats. If there is an honest Mob left in England, Gage and He, cannot ride the Streets of London in Safety.
Our Success by Sea you will hear enough of in Congress, but pray have no Doubts about Condemning the Glasgow Ship, as we want ever Tittle of her Cargoe for the Cloathing of The Troops, and other Publick Service. In the Mean Time my Voice shall be, Use what we want; if you like that best, your High Mightyness’s may pay for it Afterwards.
We have lately had some trouble to retain the Connecticut Troops and with Difficulty prevail’d upon them to consent to remain only to the 10th: Instant when the Legislature of this Colony have engaged to supply us with 5000 Militia to make good the Gap occasion’d by the Discharge of the Five Connecticut Regiments and The Absentees upon the Recruiting Service.
I look with Earnest Eyes towards Canada, and wish You and my Worthy Friend T. Johnston, could have been spared to have Assisted the Committee sent to Montreal. Indeed after the Fatigue you had just endured, it could not be expected from you. I hope there is Brains and Language sufficient in those upon that Delegation, to influence the Canadians to support all our Measures.
The Brilliantcy of General Montgomerys Character, will be the Admiration of Our Friends, and the Astonishment of Our Enemies. Colonel Arnolds resolute and persevering behaviour, even after 300 of his Command had left him, is a most meritorious Example. These Two Men should be held in High Estimation, and reward Accordingly. Col. Arnold begun with Taking Ticonderoga, and the Vessell then at St. Johns.
In case General Carleton, and Lord Pit Fall into your Hands, as I cannot but think they will, you will consider well how to dispose of them, That Capt. Allan taken at Montreal of the Connecticuts, should be directly return’d; or Mr: Carleton should go to Gaol.
My Compliments to Messieurs Johnston, and Chace. They never write to me, I want to know if the Serjeants and Corporals of the Regulars that I sent Chace ever deliverd him my letters of Recommendation (for that was all they contain’d). Our Arm’d Vessells are at Sea, I hope soon to send you further Accounts of their Success. A Play House is establish’d in Boston, as Mr. Hancock can inform You. They have Open’d with a Tragedy-it’s very probable they may conclude with One: The Fine Brass 13 Inch Mortar which we have got to Cambridge, looks as if he could Play his Part to perfection. I am ever Affectionately Yours
Horatio Gates

My best respects to Mr: Allen Senior and Mr: Bob Morris, to whom I have not Time to write, but if you please You may shew them this.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Horatio Gates, 7 December 1775
From: Gates, Horatio
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Head Qrs: 7th: December 1775
I did myself the Pleasure to write you upon Monday by Express. I now inclose to you, a Copy of General Lees Letter lately sent to General Burgoyne which if you approve of it may be publish’d in the News paper. I long to send you Lees and my Opinions of the measures to be pursued in Consequence of the Conquest of Canada, that is the Military Measures, somany Solons, cannot but execute to perfection the Civil Ones, we are inform’d, that your Hight Mightynesses are together by the Ears about independentcy, do not immitate the Dog in the Fable, who by snapping at the Shadow, lost the Substance, let Us first Establish’d our Freedom, when that is done, it will be time enough to Wrangle about Forms of Government. Perhaps this moment the Legislature of G. Britain has determined to endeavour to Force Us to a Slavish Dependance. When you hear that, you have only an independant Freedom to resolve upon! Glorious and Successfull as the Continental Arms have been, let us not Tarnish Them, nor by a Timmid Conduct draw down the Vengance of Providence upon our Ingratitude. You want none of this reasoning to stimulate you to Action, can not you inforce it with better of your Own into The Farmer, &c. &c. &c. ? I am ever Your Faithfull Humble Servant
Horatio Gates.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Charles-Guillaume-Frédéric Dumas, 9 December 1775
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Dumas, Charles-Guillaume-Frédéric

Dear sir,
Philadelphia December 9, 1775.
I received your several favours, of May 18, June 30, and July 8, by Messrs. Vaillant and Pochard; whom, if I could serve upon your recommendation, it would give me great pleasure. Their total want of English is at present an obstruction to their getting any employment among us; but I hope they will soon obtain some knowledge of it. This is a good country for artificers or farmers, but gentlemen, of mere science in les belles lettres, cannot so easily subsist here, there being little demand for their assistance among an industrious people, who, as yet, have not much leisure for studies of that kind.
  I am much obliged by the kind present you have made us of your edition of Vattel. It came to us in good season, when the circumstances of a rising state make it necessary frequently to consult the law of nations. Accordingly, that copy which I kept, (after depositing one in our own public library here, and sending the other to the college of Massachusetts Bay, as you directed) has been continually in the hands of the members of our congress, now sitting, who are much pleased with your notes and preface, and have entertained a high and just esteem for their author. Your manuscript Idee sur le gouvernment et la royauté, is also well relished, and may, in time, have its effect. I thank you, likewise, for the other smaller pieces, which accompanied Vattel. Le court exposé ce qui s’est passe entre la cour Br. et les colonies, &c. being a very concise and clear statement of facts, will be reprinted here, for the use of our new friends in Canada. The translations of the proceedings of our congress are very acceptable. I send you herewith what of them has been farther published here, together with a few newspapers, containing accounts of some of the successes providence has favoured us with. We are threatened from England with a very powerful force, to come next year against us. We are making all the provision in our power here to oppose that force, and we hope we shall be able to defend ourselves. But as the events of war are always uncertain, possibly, after another campaign, we may find it necessary to ask aid of some foreign power. It gives us great pleasure to learn from you, that toute l’Europe nous souhaite le plus heureux succes pour le maintien de nos libertes. But we wish to know whether any one of them, from principles of humanity, is disposed magnanimously to step in for the relief of an oppressed people, or whether if, as it seems likely to happen, we should be obliged to break off all connection with Britain, and declare ourselves an independent people, there is any state or power in Europe, who would be willing to enter into an alliance with us for the benefit of our commerce, which amounted, before the war, to near seven millions sterling per annum, and must continually increase, as our people increase most rapidly. Confiding, my dear friend, in your good will to us and our cause, and in your sagacity and abilities for business, the committee of congress, appointed for the purpose of establishing and conducting a correspondence with our friends in Europe, of which committee I have the honour to be a member, have directed me to request of you, that as you are situated at the Hague, where ambassadors from all the courts reside, you would make use of the opportunity that situation affords you, of discovering, if possible, the disposition of the several courts with respect to such assistance or alliance, if we should apply for the one, or propose the other. As it may possibly be necessary, in particular instances, that you should, for this purpose, confer directly with some great ministers, and show them this letter as your credential, we only recommend it to your discretion, that you proceed therein with such caution, as to keep the same from the knowledge of the English ambassador, and prevent any public appearance, at present, of your being employed in any such business, as thereby, we imagine, many inconveniences may be avoided, and your means of rendering us service, increased.
That you may be better able to answer some questions, which will probably be put to you, concerning our present situation, we inform you . . . that the whole continent is very firmly united . . . the party for the measures of the British ministry being very small, and much dispersed . . . that we have had on foot, the last campaign, an army of near twenty-five thousand men, wherewith we have been able, not only to block up the king’s army in Boston, but to spare considerable detachments for the invasion of Canada, where we have met with great success, as the printed papers sent herewith will inform you, and have now reason to expect that whole province may be soon in our possession . . . that we purpose greatly to increase our force for the ensuing year; and thereby we hope, with the assistance of well disciplined militia, to be able to defend our coast, notwithstanding its great extent . . . that we have already a small squadron of armed vessels, to protect our coasting trade, who have had some success in taking several of the enemy’s cruisers, and some of their transport vessels, and store ships. This little naval force we are about to augment, and expect it may be more considerable, in the next summer.
We have hitherto applied to no foreign power. We are using the utmost industry in endeavouring to make salt-petre, and with daily increasing success. Our artificers are also every where busy in fabricating small arms, casting cannon, &c. Yet both arms and ammunition are much wanted. Any merchants, who would venture to send ships, laden with those articles, might make great profit; such is the demand in every colony, and such generous prices are and will be given; of which, and of the manner of conducting such a voyage, the bearer, Mr. Story, can more fully inform you. And whoever brings in those articles, is allowed to carry off the value in provisions, to our West Indies, where they will probably fetch a very high price, the general exportation from North America being stopped. This you will see more particularly in a printed resolution of the congress.
We are in great want of good engineers, and wish you could engage and send us two able ones, in time for the next campaign, one acquainted with field service, sieges, &c. and the other with fortifying of sea-ports. They will, if well recommended, be made very welcome, and have honourable appointments, besides the expenses of their voyage hither, in which Mr. Story can also advise them. As what we now request of you, besides taking up your time, may put you to some expense, we send you, for the present, enclosed, a bill for one hundred pounds sterling, to defray such expenses, and desire you to be assured that your services will be considered, and honourably rewarded by the congress.

We desire, also, that you would take the trouble of receiving from Arthur Lee esquire, agent for the congress in England, such letters as may be sent by him to your care, and of forwarding them to us with your dispatches. When you have occasion to write to him to inform him of any thing, which it may be of importance that our friends there should be acquainted with, please to send your letters to him, under cover, directed to Mr. Alderman Lee, merchant, on Tower Hill, London: and do not send it by post, but by some trusty skipper, or other prudent person, who will deliver it with his own hand. And when you send to us, if you have not a direct safe opportunity, we recommend sending by way of St. Eustatia, to the care of Messrs. Robert and Cornelius Stevenson, merchants there, who will forward your dispatches to me. With sincere and great esteem and respect, I am, Sir, your most obedient, humble servant.
B. Franklin.
Mons. Dumas.
Philadelphia Dec. 12. 1775.

We the underwritten, appointed by the american congress a committee of foreign correspondence having perused the above Letter, Written at our Request, do approve and confirm the same.
(Signed) John Dickinson John Jay


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Charles Lee, 10 December 1775
From: Lee, Charles
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir,
Camp Dec’r the 10th 1775
I find that Gates has sent you a copy of my letter; I hope that is correct as I am desirous it shou’d be printed, on condition it meets with your approbation. The other too (Ld. Thanet) you may likewise publish, but I cou’d wish that his Lordship’s name shou’d be omitted and that the title shou’d be General Lee’s letter to a noble Lord. We are all here a good deal surpriz’d, and not a little shock’d, at the proceedings of your Assembly. We conceive that the injunction laid by these Gentlemen on their delegates to dissent from any resolve leading to independence is ill-time’d impertinent and impolitic, for as the question has not been agitated We can see no good effects from it, and apprehend many bad ones. It is indeed doing the busyness of Government better than any of their hireling writers; these Creatures in order to prejudice the People at home against you have labour’d to spread the opinion that independence is what you aim at, and they seem to have labour’d without success, but this accursed injunction will now give a solidity to their assertions which before they were destitute of. It also betrays some symptoms of timidity than which at a crisis like the present, nothing can be more pernicious. I am myself inclin’d to think that America is not yet ripe for independance, nor am I sure as men’s minds are now dispos’d that it wou’d be for their advantage but at the same time I am persuaded that if you loudly proclaim that nothing shall induce you to break the bands You risk the total loss of your liberties. A declaration of this kind will encourage and enable the Ministry to stand their ground or at least to procrastinate the issue. In short I am conceited enough to wish the Continent wou’d adopt the sentiments and language of my letter to Burgoyne, that is, if you chuse to declare great affection for the Mother Country, to assure ’em that unless they give up immediately the Ministry and Ministerial system you are determin’d to dissolve the connection. I am much mistaken if this is not the line You ought to pursue. Have you receiv’d my propositions, and do you approve of ’em? I wish you wou’d send some Man who has the reputation of being a Soldier to Virginia. I think Virginia is our weak vulnerable part. I have the highest opinion of Mr. Henry, but it is inconceivable how necessary it is in order to inspire the Common People with confidence that a reputed Soldier shou’d be at their head. They cannot be perswaded that a Man who has seen no service (altho of the first abilities) shou’d lead them to victory. This, I know, is folly and superstition; but it is a folly and superstition You must give way to. I really believe that the dullest Adjudant with the base reputation of having seen many battles and receiv’d one or two wounds has a better chance of effecting great things at the head of a raw People than a Man possess’d of all the attributes of Marshal Turenne himself if the latter was suppos’d not to have seen service. They never will think themselves safe under his auspices. I had a ridiculous instance of this truth here. A grave Citizen from N. Haven one day visited plow’d hill with me. A shell was thrown by the Enemy. This wise Person immediately seiz’d me by the arm. I happen’d not to stoop when the shell was seemingly over our heads. My Companion held himself erect, altho the rest fell flat on their faces. As soon as He had recover’d breath He told me He was sure I must act right, and that He was perfectly safe by doing just as I did. I mention this as an instance as a proof of bigotry which must be indulg’d. Upon the whole, I must repeat, that I think Virginia in danger and that you ought to take your precautions. We were for some time uneasy at the backwardness the Men shew’d in inlisting [?] for the new Army, but the tide has turn’d, and the affair goes on most swimmingly. Our Army will be soon compleat. Give us Powder and Boston shall be yours. You wou’d much oblige me by the present of a few lines from time to time. Adieu, Dear Sir, Yours most sincerely,
Charles Lee


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from George Ross, 10 December 1775
From: Ross, George
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Lancaster: Decr: 10th: 1775
I am told that the Congress have determined to raise four more Battalians in the Province. And as a member of the committee of Safety have been applyed to by several Gent who will be glad to enter into the Service.
Among others Mr: Thomas Hartly of York Town a Gent of the Law of distinguished Zeal in the Cause he is generally known to the Genl: [Gentlemen] who are members of the Committee of Safety And I think would fill the Office of Lieutn: Col: with Honor. When you have leisure (if such a thing be possible) you Don’t know how much pleasure a line from you would give me.
I am forced to write and keep the paper steady with the same hand having the Gout in my left hand and Elbow. And tho’ I should be glad to get rid of his Company yet I have so much of the Christian Spirit I use him kindly and with the greatest tenderness. Yet I own could I by any means bring about a seperation between the Gout and me I should do it, Non Obstante any Instructions even from the Assembly of Pennsylva. I am with real Affection Your Much Obliged and Obedient Humble Servant
Geo: Ross
Doctor Franklin

Notation: Thomas Hartly Lieut. Colonel Recommended by Geo: Ross


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Don Gabriel Antonio de Bourbon, 12 December 1775
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Bourbon, Don Gabriel Antonio de

Illustrious Prince
Philadelphia Decr: 12. 1775
I have just received through the Hands of the Ambassador of Spain, the much esteemed present your most serene Highness hath so kindly sent me, of your excellent Version of Sallust.
I am extreamly sensible of the honor done me, and beg you would accept my thankful acknowledgements. I wish I could send from hence any American Literary Production worthy of your perusal; but as yet the Muses have scarcely visited these remote Regions. Perhaps however the Proceedings of our American Congress, just published, may be a subject of some Curiosity at your Court. I therefore take the Liberty of sending your Highness a Copy, with some other Papers which contain Accounts of the successes wherewith Providence has lately favoured us. Therein your wise Politicians may contemplate the first efforts of a rising State, which seems likely soon to act a part of some Importance on the stage of human affairs, and furnish materials for a future Salust. I am very old and can scarce hope to see the event of this great Contest: but looking forward I think I see a powerful Dominion growing up here, whose interest it will be to form a close and firm alliance with Spain , (their Territories bordering) and who being united, will be able, not only to preserve their own people in peace, but to repel the Force of all the other powers in Europe. It seems therefore prudent on both sides to cultivate a good understanding, that may hereafter be so useful to both; towards which a fair Foundation is already laid in our minds, by the well founded popular Opinion entertained here of Spanish Integrity and Honour. I hope my presumption in hinting this will be pardoned. If in any thing on this side the Globe I can render either service or pleasure to your Royal Highness, your commands will make me happy. With the utmost esteem and veneration I have the Honour to be Your serene Highness’s most obedient and most humble Servant
Bn. Franklin
To His most Serene Highness Dn Gabriel of Bourbon. on receiving his Version of Sallust.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Mary Hewson, 12 December 1775
From: Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson
To: Franklin, Benjamin

My dear Sir
Kensington Dec. 12. 1775
By not being inform’d in proper time I have miss’d several opportunities of writing to you, which I regret because I wish to live in your memory, and to convince you that you are in mine. Do not sigh at the addition I make to the packet, for I ask no return, you have enough to do without scribbling to me, and my letters you may lay by till you have a few minutes to spare for relaxation.
My mother I suppose writes by the same conveyance so you will have what she has to say from herself. What I have to say of her is not so pleasing as I could wish, the disorder she had in her leg last summer is return’d, which, as it prevents her activity, lowers her spirits. I and my little ones are well. William is grown very bookish, I cannot say he reads yet, but he is an excellent speller, the words he has learnt he does not forget, and when he attempts to spell those he is acquainted with only by sound he manages very well according to the miserable rules of the present orthography; rules that are so perpetually violated, that now my attention is call’d to it I am astonish’d at the power of memory which enables us to read and write. As I reckon you are soon to be sovereigne, and lawgiver in the Empire of America, I pray you establish your alphabet that my grandchildren may attain the rudiments of learning more easily.
My son Tom is a genius that steps out of the common way of learning, he takes up a book and gives names to the letters, U. he calls bell and P. he calls bottle. He begins to chatter now and has some phrases of his own, a handkerchief he call a nose kitpi. I find that by our alphabet I can convey a new sound to you with precision, which it would be impossible to do by the common rule of spelling, so my uncommon learning is useful.
As to my daughter I cannot say much of her mental qualities at present, but her personal charms improve, I fancy she grows handsome; to give you some idea of her countenance I must tell you that I trace in it a strong resemblance of my aunt Rooke, whom you us’d to call your lovely. She is a jolly girl, and as her shape is suffer’d to take it’s natural form I believe her waist would measure nearly equal to that of a grown up fashionable lady, in circumference I mean. I hope your countrywomen will be too wise to adopt our present preposterous modes. I long to be in America, fancying that I there may appear without distortion. Perhaps you may think our heads were come to their full size before you left our island, but I assure you their magnitude is encreas’d this winter. A stranger would suppose the women were to carry burthens upon their heads, for they wear a cushion of hair almost as large as a porter’s knot.
My fortune is not yet settled tho’ Mr. Mure appointed a day for meeting my friends, and Mr. Henckell, Mr. Williams and Mr. Walter Blunt went and spoke for me. However Mr. M. was very polite and offer’d to settle the affair to my satisfaction, agreeing to all their demands, which he acknowledg’d to be reasonable, but referr’d them to Mr. Atkinson as he was more acquainted with the affairs than himself. Mr. A. postpon’d the looking into the affairs for a few weeks as he was much engag’d in business, which he said was a national concern, contracting with government to supply them with sheep and hogs to feed-the fish in the channel. M & A. do not contract for the arrival of the stock at Boston, the place it was destin’d for by government, so they will be paid for it, and the real destiny of the chief part is what I mention’d, and most probably the rest will go into the Atlantic. The fish are our friends so I may be allow’d to rejoice at their having a feast rather than our enemies.
Mr. Williams no doubt will inform you of his situation with Mr. Blunt. Lady Blunt has at length produc’d a boy. I have a niece. Dolly Blunt is still with her sister who is in a deep decline. So the world goes on; it is a wonderful mixture, and I think my letter resembles it. One good thing I have always found in the world that is Friendship, and amidst all my folly you will find that in my letter; nay I flatter myself that my medley may amuse you. God bless you! and prosper your undertakings. The blessing I dare to pray for, the subsequent part of the sentence I must only wish, for tho’ I believe your cause is just I am too pious to pray for prosperity. I am with sincere regard My dear Sir Your faithful and affectionate humble Servant
Mary Hewson


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Catherine Meed, 16 December 1775
From: Meed, Catherine
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Uncle
Sunsbury Shemokin Der 16 1775
I Recevd your kind Condesenging letter, and think myself happy to Inform you who I am-the Daughter of John Croker. I was once at your House when Very little. I am not Very Bigg yet but I am Sure I am at least A head taller Since you honered me with A letter. I hope I Shall never grow so proud but allways Endeavour to Deserve the Notice of so good and worthy an uncle. Pleas to give my love to my Dear Cousin Sarah and Except the Same from your Affectonate Cousin
Caterine Meed

Notation: Catharine Meed


Title: The York County Committee to the Pennsylvania Committee of Safety, 23 December 1775: résumé
From: York County Committee
To: Pennsylvania Committee of Safety

<York, December 23, 1775: By last night’s post came the newspaper account of Congress’ resolve that Pennsylvania should raise four battalions, and that the committee of safety should appoint the company officers and recommend field officers to the Congress. The time set was January 2, 1776, when the York County member of the Pennsylvania committee cannot attend. The county committee therefore recommends the following appointments: Thomas Hartley as lieutenant colonel of one of the battalions; David Grier, John McDowel and William Nicholls as captain, lieutenant, and ensign of one company, and Moses McClean, Lewis Bush, and Robert Hopes of the other. If a third company is raised in the county, Bernard Eichelberger should be “Captain or Leiutenant as you may think best.” The committee will do all in its power to fill the rolls quickly, with the best men and at the least expense. Addressed to Franklin, Robert Morris, and the committee of safety, and signed for the York committee by James Smith as chairman.>


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from [Samuel Wharton], 23 December 1775
From: Wharton, Samuel
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
London December 23. 1775
The Bearer hereof Mr. Wrixon, a Gentleman of Character and good Connexions in Ireland, I beg leave to introduce to your Frindship, Civility and protection. Major Trent is well acquainted with Mr. Wrixon, and knows his useful Qualifications, and I dare say, will, with great Pleasure mention Them to You; and give Me leave to add, That Mr. Wrixon has not been an indifferent Spectator of the unhappy Dispute, between this Country and America, as his late Publication will shew. If you can render Mr. Wrixon any acceptable Services, and particularly with Respect to his Views in America (Which He will amply explain to You) I flatter myself you will chearfully do it, and Thereby, much Oblige, Dear Sir Your most Obedient and affectionate Servant.
I dare not say a Word on publick affairs, Neither is it Necessary, as the Bearer will fully and faithfully represent Them to you. He carrys the restraining Act with Him.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Philip Mazzei, 27 December 1775
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Mazzei, Philip

Dear Sir,
Philada. Dec. 27. 1775
It was with great Pleasure I learnt from Mr. Jefferson, that you were settled in America; and from the Letter you favour’d me with, that you like the Country, and have reason to expect Success in your laudable and meritorious Endeavours to introduce new Products. I heartily wish you all the Success you can desire, in that, and in every other Undertaking that may conduce to your comfortable Establishment in your present Situation.
I know not how it has happened that you did not receive an Answer to your Letter from the Secretaries of our Society. I suppose they must have written, and that it has miscarried. If you have not yet sent the Books which the Academy of Turin have done us the Honour to present us with, we must, I fear, wait for more quiet Times before we can have the Pleasure of receiving them, the Communication being now very difficult.
I can hardly suspect Mr. Walpole of the Practise against you which you mention, especially as he was then expecting to have Lands of his own in America, wherein the Productions you were about to introduce must have been beneficial. I rather suspect a Person whom you may remember was frequently with him, I mean Martinelli. I rejoice that you escap’d the Snares that were laid for you, and I think all America is oblig’d to the Great Duke for his Benevolence towards it, in the Protection he afforded you, and his Encouragement of your Undertaking.
We have experienc’d here that Silk may be produc’d to great Advantage. While in London I had some Trunks full sent me from hence three Years successively, and it sold by Auction for about 19s. 6d. the small Pound, which was not much below the Silk from Italy.
The Congress have not yet extended their Views much towards foreign Powers, and particularly not to those of Italy, who are so distant. They are nevertheless oblig’d by your kind Offers of your Service, which perhaps in a Year or two more may become very useful to them. I am myself much pleas’d that you have sent a Translation of our Declaration to the Grand Duke; because having a high Esteem for the Character of that Prince, and of the whole Imperial Family, from the Accounts given me of them by my Friend Dr. Ingenhauss and yourself, I should be happy to find that we stood well in the Opinion of that Court.
Mr. Fromond of Milan, with whom I had the Pleasure of being acquainted in London, spoke to me of a Plant much used in Italy, and which he thought would be useful to us in America. He promis’d at my Request to send me some of the Seeds, which he has accordingly done. I have unfortunately forgotten the Uses, and know nothing of the Culture. In both those Particulars I must beg Information and Advice from you. It is called Ravizzoni. I send Specimens of the Seed inclosed.
I received from the same M. Fromond Four Copies of a Translation of some of my Pieces into the fine Language of your Country. I beg your Acceptance of one of them, and of my best Wishes for your Health and Prosperity. With great Esteem and Regard, I have the Honour to be, Dear Sir, Your most obedient and most humble Servant
B Franklin
M. Mazzei.

Endorsed: D. Franklin dated Phil. 27: Dec: 1775 Rec’d 8. Feb. 1776 Answerd.


Title: Achard de Bonvouloir to the Comte de Guines, 28 December 1775: extract
From: Bonvouloir et Loyauté, Julien-Alexandre Achard de
To: Guines, Adrien-Louis de Bonnières de Sousastre, duc de

The committee of secret correspondence had been in existence less than a month when it was approached by the Chevalier de Bonvouloir, an agent of the French court. The discussions that ensued, which this letter reports, set in train major developments on both sides of the Atlantic. At Versailles Bonvouloir’s report strengthened the hand of the foreign minister, the Comte de Vergennes, in pressing for arms and ammunition for the American rebels. In Philadelphia Congress responded to the agent’s visit by appointing Silas Deane, the following March, to go to France for the committee of secret correspondence and act as its agent there.
The background of Bonvouloir’s mission was a tour of American cities that he had made before the outbreak of hostilities. In Philadelphia he had been in touch with members of the first Continental Congress and believed he had acquired information of value; he had then gone to London in hope of putting it to use. There he met de Guines, the French Ambassador, who was in the process of persuading Vergennes that an agent should be sent to America, and who now proposed the young man’s name. In August, 1775, Bonvouloir was dispatched on his mission. It had, according to Vergennes’ instructions, two objectives. The first was innocuous, to observe and report. The second was less so, for it marked a departure from strict neutrality: the agent was to assure the Americans that France had no designs on Canada, wished them well, and would be glad if circumstances permitted their ships to use French ports.
Bonvouloir was back in Philadelphia by mid-December. Through contacts made during his earlier visit he gained access to the committee of secret correspondence, and under cover of night had three meetings with it in Carpenters’ Hall. By a strange coincidence the secret committee, of which Franklin was also a member, met at almost the same time with two other Frenchmen, of whom Bonvouloir had heard only a rumor. They were merchants, Pierre Penet and Emmanuel de Pliarne, who came from St. Domingue; a ship dispatched there for gunpowder brought them to Rhode Island on December 10. They offered to supply the colonists with arms, and cultivated the impression that they were agents of their government, which in fact they were not. Governor Cooke sent them to Washington, who in turn sent them-expenses paid-to Congress. Penet returned to France with a list of American requirements, just when Bonvouloir’s report was on its way to Versailles. The list gave body to the report, and by another coincidence reached the court just after the King had decided, the following May, to furnish the rebels with military supplies.
Bonvouloir had only this moment on stage. He subsequently went to Canada, where the British captured and imprisoned him. By the time he returned to France the time had long passed, if it had ever existed, for capitalizing on his mission, and he turned to Franklin for help in furthering his fortunes. Failing there, he secured a naval commission and went with his ship to India, where he died.

P[hiladel]phie le 28 Xbre 1775
  Jai trouvé, Comme je m’y étais attendu, Ce pais Cy Dans une agitation inconcevable. Les Confoederés font Des preparatifs immances pour Le printems prochain et malgré a Rigeur De La saison, ils Continuent La Campagne. Ils ont assiegé mont-Real qui a Capitulé et sont acctuellement sous quebec, qui, je pense, en fera Bientôt autant: ils se sont emparés De quelques Vaisseaux De Roy, Chargés De provisions De guerre et De Bouche: ils sont parfaittement Retranchés sous Boston, ils se font même une petite marine: ils ont une ardeur et une Bonne Volonté incroyable: il est vrai qu’ils sont Conduits par De Bonnes tetes.
  Trois choses importantes Leur manquent, une Bonne marine, Des provisions et De l’argent: ils en sont Convenus avec moy. Je vais Vous Rendre Compte mot pour mot De trois Conversations particulieres, que jai eues avec Mr. frankelain et trois autres Bonnes tetes qui Composent Le Conseil privé. Je suis entré Comme particulier Dans Leur intimité, par Le Canal Dun honnête français, Du quel je suis sur, et qui a acquis une Bonne part Dans La Confience Des Deputés. Ce français se nomme Daymons, je Vous Le Reccommande, il est Bibliotequaire De La Ville. Tout Ce que Vous me ferez passer, Viendra a son addresse, et mes pacquets seront marqués A.B. et ils me seront Rendus.
  Je ne Leur ai fait aucuns offres absolument aucuns, Leur promettant seullement, De Leur Rendre tous Les services qui Deppenderaient De moy sans me Compromettre, et sans me Rendre garant Des evennements en aucune façon, et Le tout par Le moyen De mes Connoissances et sans Leur faire aucune Confidance. Ils mont Demmande si La france Les aiderait, et à quel prix; je Leur ai Repondu; que je Croyais, que La france Leur Voullait Du Bien; qu’elle Les aiderait; que Cela pourait Bien etre; sur quel pied; que je n’en sçavais Rien mais que si Cela arrivait se serait toujours à Des Conditions justes et equitables, que Du Reste, s’ils Le jugeaient a propos, ils fissent Leurs propositions, que j’avais De Bonnes Connoissances, que je me Chargerais De presenter Leurs Demmandes, sans Rien plus. Ils m’ont Demmande si je Croyais, qu’il fut prudent a eux Denvoyer un Deputé plenipotantiere en france. Je Leur ai Dit que je mimaginnais, que Cela serait precipité même hasardeux, que tout se sçavait De Londres en france, et De france a Londres; et que Le pas serait glissant à La barbe [des] anglais, que sils me Chargeaint De quelque Chose, peut-etre auraige Des Reponses qui pouraient Dessider De La Conduite qu’il faudrait tennir: que Du Reste je ne Les Conseillais en aucune espece De façon, que jetais un particulier, Voyageur Curieux; mais que je serais Charmé si par Le moyen De mes Connoissances, je pouvais Leur Rendre quelques services, que je ne Les exposerais pas ny moy ny personne, que Des affaires De Cette consequence étaient trop Delicates pour y être etourdy, surtout nayant aucun droit ny aucun pouvoir, que je netais garant que D’une Chose, s’etait De ne pas trahir Leur Confiance. Ils ne sont que Cinq Dans Le Conseil privé Dont je Vous dirai Les noms à La fin de ma Lettre: tout Ce qu’ils font est Bien fait et à force sans La sanction Du Congrés qui est tres nombreux, et ou il s’est glissé Des feaux freres, ils en ont Decouvert un Ces jours qui a evité sa peinne par La fuite. Jai souvent avec Eux Des entrevues Comme particulier: chaqu’n se Rend Dans L’obscurité, par Des Routes Differantes Dans un Lieu marqué. Ils m’ont Donné Leur Confiance; après Leur avoir Dit que je ne promettais, noffrais et ne Repondais De Rien, et Les avoir averti plusieurs fois que jagirais Comme particulier Benevole.
  Voici Le Resultat De nos entrevué, Dont eux même m’ont engagé faire part a mes Connoissances, De même que De toutes Celles que nous aurons Dans La suite, et De L’état même De Leurs affaires, sans me Demmander à qui, ni Comment, ny ou je m’addresserais me Regardant Comme homme privé, et Dans Lequel ils ont De La Confiance....
  Ils sont persuadés qu’ils ne peuvent se soutennir sans une nation qui Les protege par mer: que Deux seulles puissances sont en état De Les secourir, La france et Lespagne; mais qu’ils scavent faire La Difference De L’une a L’autre. Je Leur ai fait encore sentir adroittement La superiorite en tout genre que Le Roy mon maitre a sur Lespagne, et ils en sont Convainqus. Ils sont même je pense Resollu, peutetre meme Depuis Longtems, De Recclamer sa majesté, mais jentrevois, qu’ils Veullent attendre que La Campagne soit ouverte, parceque Dans Ce pais Beaucoup De gens tiennent encore au Roy, qui ne Leur a pas fait encor assez de mal; ils Verraient peut etre avec inquietude une nation etrangere se mêler De Leurs affaires. Ils Veullent gagner Les esprits, et Leur faire sentir Le Besoin qu’ils ont Dêtre aidés en Cela je pense qu’ils sont prudents. Ils s’attendent D’avoir Leurs Villes Detruites, et Leurs maisons Brulées, Ce qui achevera De Leur faire abhorrer Les Leopards. Ils ont envoyé sans mon Conseil, un Brigantin a nantes nommé john, ou la st. jean Capitaine Charles forest addressé Mr. jean-daniel schweighoẅser.

  Ce Vaisseau portera ma lettre. Jembarque moy même un homme Dont je suis sur sans Cela je me servirais d’une autre Voye pour Vous ecrire; mais il est important qu’aucun mot ne Vous echape. Voici Les Demmandes qu’ils me prient De presenter pour eux. Le Batiment est Chargé farine et autres productions du paîs qu’ils ont envie D’echanger Contre d’autres effets, Dune autre nature; Comme La Carguaison D’importation excedera peut être Celle Dexportation, ils prient quon Remplisse Le Chargement, qu’on Leur permette Den faire passer Lexcedant a st. Domaingue, aux Lieux et personnes quon Leur indiquera, et qu’on en Reçoive Le payement en Denrées Du pais n’ayant pas De numeraires. Sil y avait moyen De Leur faire passer La même espece De marchandise en differents endroits De st. Domingue, mes Correspondants Ly iraient Chercher à Leurs perils et Risques: ils Voudraient Deux hommes Capables De Conduire Des fortifications. Sil en Vient ils irraient Les Chercher au Cap francais qui est La plus sure Route pour Les faire parvennir ici, parceque si par malheur ils etaient pris ils ne Risqueraient Rien, Les habitans De Ces Brulantes Contrées Vennant ici souvent pour Reparer Leur santé. Voici pour Le present Leurs demmandes se Chargeant Des frais, et ils mont prié De Les faire sçavoir a mes Connoissances. Je Leur offrirais Bien mes petits talens pour Le genie, mais je ne peux etre sedantaire, etant obbligé De Courir tous Les jours....
  Je ne Leur ai Rien Dit qui peut Leur faire Croire que j’aye Des Correspondances avec Le M[inistr]e, et j’agis Comme particulier, mais je Crois et jen ai de fortes preuves qu’ils simaginnent que je ne suis point Vennu Directement Deurope Dans L’hyver sans de fortes Raisons, ils n’en ont que plus De Confiance en moy et me marquent Des egards on ne peut pas plus flatteurs. Je Vais Vous faire part dun petit Billet que Le Conseil privé ma envoyé Ce matin par Desmonds [Daymon], homme sur et qui mest singulierement utile; j’y ai fait La Reponce que Vous Verrez; après Leur avoir Dit que Cecÿ se passait Comme De particulier a particulier, et avoir Reçu Les plus fortes assurances, qu’ils ne Le faisaient que pour me Communiquer Leurs doutes et me prier de Les ecclairer Le plus que Le peut faire un homme qui ne se mêle ny ne Connait Les affaires d’état.
  Je scai tout Ce qui se passe De plus secret et Leurs Deliberations me sont Communiquées, et en Les flattant et Leur Lachant un peu La main jen ferai Ce que je Voudrai.
  Ils m’ont tous dit qu’ils Combattaient pour etre Libres et qu’ils Le seraient à quelque prix que se fut, qu’ils étaient Liés par serment, et quils se feraient hacher plutot que de seder. Qu’ils sçavaient Bien qu’eux seuls ne pouvaient se soutennir par mer, et qu’il ny avait que La france en état De proteger Leur Commerce, sans Le quel Leur pais ne serait guers florissant: quils ignoraient si en cas que Cela en vint aux propositions, La france se Contenterait d’avoir Chez eux pendant un tems limité un Commerce exclusif pour L’indamniser Des frais que Lui occasionnerait Leur Cause, qu’ils ne pouraient pas payer D’une neutralité même D’un peu De secours en Cas de guerre entre Les deux nations, et D’un attachement inviolable, Choses auxquelles ils ne manqueraient jamais.
  Jai Repondu que Cela ne me Regardait point, qu’ils etaient prudents et sages; qu’ils Discuteraient Leurs Interests mais que quand L’on demmande on ne fait pas toujours La Loy. Ils sont plus puissants que L’on ne pense, Cela passe même L’Imagination, et vous en seriez surpris. Rien ne Les epouvante. Reglez vous Ladessus.
  Le bruit Court, qu’il est arrivé au Camp Deux officiers français Chargés De faire Des propositions, on m’a demmandé Ce que jen Croyais; jai Repondu que je n’en sçavais Rien que Cela me paraissait etrange, que La france etait Bien puissante, et que Loin d’offrir elle n’accordait même pas toujours Ce quon Lui demmandait....
Voici Le Billet que je Viens De Vous annoncer, Dont je garde L’original en anglais Ecrit de La main de Ces Mrs.
  Mr. De B . . . est prié De La part de Mrs. Du Conseil privé De Considerer et Repondre aux propositions suivantes. Le tout sans tirrer a Consequence et Comme de particulier a particulier. Scavoir.
1°. peut il nous informer Des dispositions De La Cour De france a L’egard des Colonnies Du Nord De L’amerique, si elles sont favorables, et De quelle maniere on en peut avoir une authantique assurance.
  2°. Pouvons nous avoir en france Deux habiles ingenieurs surs et Bien Reccommandés, et quelles demarches Devons nous faire pour nous Les obtennir.
  3°. Pouvons nous avoir directement en france Des armes et autres provisions De guerre, en Echange Des productions du pais: et nous accordera-t-on une libre entrée et sortie Dans Les ports français.
  Mr. De B. peut etre assuré, que, si par Le moyen De ses soins nous pouvons etre eccoutés favorablement nous aurons en Lui toute La Confiance, que Lon puisse Donner à un homme De Distinction, Dont la Bienveuillance pour nous, na pas encore Reç u une marque sure, De notre Recconnoissance.
  Voici ma Reponce. Si Cela Reussit ils ont Dit a quelqu’n (de qui je sçai tout Ce qui se passe) qu’ils me Regarderaient Comme un de Leurs membres et ne feraient Rien sans mon Conseil, ils me Regardent Comme Leur liberateur.
Reponce De Mr. De B . . . au Billet De Mrs. du Conseil privé.
  Je Reponderai, Mrs. a Ce que Vous me faites l’honneur De me demmander Le plus positivement possible, et Vous instruirai, autant, que peut être instruit lui même un homme particulier qui na point de part aux affaires du M[inisté]re. Mais je Vous Reponderai suivant mes Conjectures, La Voix publiques, et quelques avis de mes Connoissances.
  1°. Vous Demmandez quelle est L’intention De La france a L’egard Des Colonnies du Nord De L’amerique, je ne Crois point trop avancer, en vous disant quelle Vous Veut du Bien, et quelle na point eu je Crois Dautres sentiments pour Vous que De La Bienveuillance. Du Reste pour s’assurer authentiquement des Volontés de quelqu’un il faut si addresser directement. Le pas est scabreux, et demmande Bien des menagements. Je ne Vous donne D’avis ny pour ni Contre. Je ne Le prendrai pas sur moy. L’affaire est trop delicatte.

  2°. La france est Bien en etat De Vous Fournir Deux Bons ingennieurs, même plus. La seulle demarche, Cest de Les Demmander. Je Lai fait pour Vous, Mrs. sans me Rendre garant de La Reussite, quoique je L’espere ayant de Bons Correspondants.
  3°. Si Vous pouvez Vous procurer, Des armes et autres munitions, directement en france, en echange de Vos Danrées. Comme Cecy est affaire De marchant a marchant je ne Vois pas De grands inconvenniants De La part de La france. Je Vous addresserai, Même a D’assez Bons Correspondants, sans Me Rendre Responsable de Rien. Vous pouvez L’entreprendre à Vos perils et Risques. Car peut etre L’angleterre ne Vous Laissera pas tranquiles; et Vous ne Devez pas esperer detre deffendus. Du Reste je ne Vous Conseile pas denvoyer tout au Même port. Cela pourait faire du bruit. Jignore si L’on Vous donnera une libre entrée et sortie dans Les ports francais, se serait se declarer ouvertement pour Vous et la guerre pourait sensuivre. Peutetre fermera t’on Lesieux [les yeux], Cest Ce qu’il Vous faut. Jai L’honneur De Vous Repeter, Mrs. que je ne Reponds De Rien; je suis Bien peu De Chose, jai de Bonnes Connoissances C’est tout. Si je suis assez heureux pour Reussir je serai trop paye par L’honneur De Votre Confiance, et Le plaisir De Vous servir. Je suis Votre, etc.

Notation: M. de Bonvouloir


Title: The Cumberland County Committee of Correspondence to the Pennsylvania Committee of Safety, 29 December 1775: résumé
From: Cumberland County Committee of Correspondence
To: Pennsylvania Committee of Safety

<Carlisle, December 29, 1775: We understand that troops are to be raised in this province, and believe that we can recruit a complete battalion in this county; we enclose a list of officers whom we recommend. Having officers and men acquainted, when a corps is raised in a small district, serves the common cause and prevents discord, “too often prevalent amongst promiscuous Crowds of men.” Addressed to Franklin as president of the committee and signed by John Armstrong, Jno. Byers, Robert Miller, John Agnew, and James Pollock, the committee of correspondence of Cumberland County.>


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Israel Gilpin, 29 December 1775
From: Gilpin, Israel
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Wilmington Decmr the 29d 1775
My kinsman Doct. George Gilpin informs me that Severil of the manufactorys is like to Suffer for want of Stone or ground Coal Such as the glass work and blacksmith who is imployd in making Iron work for the Coloneys Ships &c. I think it is very provible if Strict Sarch and inquiry was made Coal mout bee had but am not sirtin but prohaps it wold Not bee a mis for the Congres or Committy to give som Direccions to som pirsons who the may think proper. I know of Severil plasis whar I have Saw Coal but for the quontity I Cant Say I Saw Coal Dug out of tusseys hill not three miles from heer and one mill [mile] from Delawa river. I have offen found Coal in Chester county neer whair I was born ten miles from the river. Inqure of Thomas Gilpin mirchant in Phila if he has no Coal by him that was sent him from Elk by his brother or if occasion I wil goe down and See. I am apt to think their is plenty 12 miles from Christiana crick. Inquire of Robart Lewis mirchant of phila if he knows of aney Coal [in?] his Land in Newlin township Chester County. I was informd by a gentilman who livs neer his Land that there was Coal their. As the Congres is now a promoting Every yousful art and sians as well as prosirving our Libarteys and properteys I have thaught it mout bee of youse to imploy Som honist Scilful men to make Sarch for Sulfer Coal &c. as it mout bee of immediate youse and sirvis and if a raconsileacion Shold take plase thees things wold bee of infinate youse to our posterity. From your most obediand Sirvant
Israel Gilpin

Addressed: To / Doct: / Bengemin Franklin / Philadelphia


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Robert Strettell Jones, 30 December 1775
From: Jones, Robert Strettell
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir,
30th. Decr 1775
Col. Lewis of Lower Dublin has ordered the Bearer to deliver these Prisoners to me as Secretary of the Committee of this City and Liberties; but apprehending them to fall more properly under the Notice of the Committee of Safety I have taken the Liberty of referring to you for your Orders being Sir Your most obedient humble Servant
R Strettell Jones

Addressed: Honble: Benjamin Franklin Esqr / President of the / Committee of Safety.


Title: Proposed Preamble to a Congressional Resolution, [1775?]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

The nature of this fragment is clear enough: it is to introduce a resolution, undoubtedly by Congress, authorizing some action against the crown. But what action is impossible to say. The preamble was not adopted and hence not recorded in the Journals, and its language is too general to identify the measure it was intended to justify. One possibility is the resolutions that sanctioned privateering in March, 1776. They began with a recital of the colonists’ grievances, and an amendment was offered “wherein the King was made the Author of our Miseries instead of the Ministry.” The amendment did not carry. The description of it, vague as it is, does not seem to fit the present document; in 1776, furthermore, Franklin had in mind another preamble, and, although he might conceivably have been considering two at once, this appears implausible. The one that we know he composed at that time stressed the Prohibitory Act, which lay behind the Congressional resolutions, and laid the blame for it on the British nation. The statute is not mentioned here, where the argument is quite different: allegiance becomes void when the King is demonstrably responsible for hostile acts. The fact that the acts mentioned, burning towns and inciting the Indians, were all ones that were much on Franklin’s mind in late 1775 is our reason for guessing that the draft belongs to that period.

[1775?]
And whereas whenever Kings instead of Protecting the Lives and Properties of their Subjects as is their bounden Duty, do endeavour to perpetrate the Destruction of either, they thereby cease to be Kings, become Tyrants, and dissolve all Ties of Allegiance between themselves and their People; we hereby farther solemnly declare, that whenever it shall appear clearly to us that the King’s Troops or Ships now in America, or hereafter to be brought there, do by his Majesty’s Orders, destroy any Town or the Inhabitants of any Town or Place in America, or that the Savages have been by the same Orders hired to assassinate our poor Outsettlers, and their Families [torn] that time renounce all Alleg[iance half-line missing]tain, so long as that King’s [half-line missing] submit to him or any of his [remainder missing.]


Title: Export License from the Secret Committee, 9 January 1776: résumé
From: Committee of Secret Correspondence,Franklin, Benjamin,Dickinson, John,Harrison, Benjamin,Jay, John,Johnson, Thomas
To:

<Philadelphia, January 9, 1776, to the New Hampshire committee of inspection: The secret committee, as empowered by the Congress, authorizes John Langdon of New Hampshire to export to the amount of $10,000 the produce of the colonies, in their service and according to the Continental Association; horned cattle, sheep, hogs, and poultry are excepted. Signed by Samuel Ward, John Alsop, Josiah Bartlett, Robert Morris, and Franklin; attestation by John Hancock that the signers are a quorum of the committee and have the requisite authority.>


Title: Contract between the Secret Committee and Oswell Eve and George Losch, 11 January 1776: résumé
From: Committee of Secret Correspondence,Franklin, Benjamin,Dickinson, John,Harrison, Benjamin,Jay, John,Johnson, Thomas,Eve, Oswell,Losch, George
To:

<January 11, 1776: It is agreed between the undersigned members of the committee and Oswell Eve and George Losch, of Philadelphia County, that Eve and Losch will manufacture all the saltpetre delivered to them by the committee during the next year into good gunpowder, provide the necessary sulphur and charcoal at their own expense, refine the saltpetre and carry it to the powder mills, and deliver the powder to Philadelphia as the committee directs; that they will be paid eight dollars for each hundred-weight of good powder so delivered; and that they will provide good, seasoned barrels, half-barrels, and quarter-barrels as directed and receive half the cost thereof. Signed by Franklin, Joshua Bartlett, Silas Deane, Thomas McKean, Robert Morris, and Samuel Ward for the committee, and by Oswell Eve and George Losch.>


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Catharine Greene, 13 January 1776
From: Greene, Catharine
To: Franklin, Benjamin

My Dear Friend
Warwick Jany the 13th [1776]
I Some times feel quite Bashfull Scribling a way to you So much but when troublesom a hint will do. But now I think of it it will Relax you for a moment from hard Study. How do you do Methinks Rather low Spirited. I have every letter Sayd or inquerd after Ray but Never of you of My Dear good Friend your Sister. Is She not extreem low Spirited for her? Dear Lady what Continued Sceenes of Misfortunes She has waded throw enough to have buried Seeverial Such as your friend. Mr. Greene is most all the while gone but Comes home with a Smile and I Smile again. Is not that as you used to tell me? I impute Great Part of the happiness of my life to the Pleasing lessons you gave me in that Journey. For those and all favors allow me to Subscribe my Self your most obligd friend
Caty Greene

Addressed: To / Doctr Franklin / Philadelphia


Title: Editorial Note on the Reorganization of the Indiana Company, 19 January 1776 to 20 March 1776
From:
To:

The Indiana Company, which represented the claim of the “suffering traders” to whom the Indians had ceded land at Fort Stanwix in 1768, contained a number of Americans who were not traders, William Franklin and Joseph Galloway among them. When the Company was absorbed into the Grand Ohio or Walpole Company at the end of 1769, the claim of the former became part of the grant for which the latter was negotiating in London. For the next five years and more the senior Franklin, as far as we know, had no concern with the Indiana Company as such; he was focused on the vastly larger Walpole scheme. Then in the spring of 1775 the promoters in London, through William Trent as their agent, moved to put parcels of their land on the American market before the crown had confirmed their grant. What parcels they had in mind is not clear, but those that they believed they had legal ground for selling were within the Indiana claim. Perhaps as a consequence, the Indiana Company began to re-emerge as a separate entity; its shareholders held meetings, first in western Pennsylvania and then in Philadelphia, to consider their prospects.
Franklin apparently became involved for the first time in December, to safeguard his son’s interests. He attended a meeting in Philadelphia just after Christmas, at which were discussed plans that Galloway had made for reorganizing the company. The discussions continued into the new year, and Franklin seems to have played a part in them. They produced five documents in January that he signed as agent for his son: to appoint three trustees for the company, to convert it into a joint-stock enterprise, to define the rights of shareholders and set a date for a meeting in March that would name a president and vice-president, to appoint a secretary and receiver general, and to appoint a surveyor general; the proceedings of the March meeting Franklin also signed. He subsequently paid his son’s share of costs incurred in the reorganization. This caretaking may seem odd at a time when he and the Governor were thoroughly estranged, but it probably stemmed from concern for the family. The old man was finding in his grandson a replacement of sorts for the son he had lost, and William’s claim to potential riches would be part of Temple’s legacy.


Title: Contract between the Secret Committee and John Brown, [before 20 January 1776]: résumé
From: Committee of Secret Correspondence,Franklin, Benjamin,Dickinson, John,Harrison, Benjamin,Jay, John,Johnson, Thomas,Brown, John
To:

<[Before Jan. 20, 1776]: Agreed between John Brown on the one part and members of the committee on the other that a voyage or voyages will be undertaken to procure thirty-six tons of gunpowder (or, failing that, sufficient saltpetre and sulphur to make up the same amount), 1,000 stand of good arms, 1,000 gun locks, twenty tons of lead, and 1,000 bolts of canvas. If the arms are unprocurable their value will be put into gunpowder or its ingredients, if they also are unprocurable into linen goods, and if none of these is procurable into gold and silver. Freight will be paid on the vessels’ return; they will be chartered for the use of the United Colonies, which will insure them against British capture while the owners will run the risk of the sea. Brown will employ competent crews, and will receive a 5% commission for buying new cargoes abroad. He will be advanced $20,000 in continental currency, for which he will render an account to the United Colonies, who will bear the whole risk of the adventure. The returning ships will be unloaded east of Chesapeake Bay and the committee notified as soon as possible of the location. Signed “the Day and Year aforesaid” by Brown and by Franklin, Josiah Bartlett, Thomas McKean, Robert Morris, and Samuel Ward for the committee.
Providence, Jan. 20, 1776: An acknowledgment by Nicholas Brown that he has received from John Brown $4,666⅔; that sum together with $2,000 sent to Nantucket to buy oil make up his one-third share in the contract, for which he will be accountable to the committee.>


Title: Notes for a Report from the Committee of [Secret] Correspondence, [after 25 January 1776]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

The arrival of captives taken in Canada, and the camp followers who were with them, created a new set of problems for the towns where the uninvited guests were billeted. Local authorities, hard pressed to house and feed the new arrivals, took their difficulties to Congress, which followed its usual practice of referring such matters and others to standing or ad hoc committees. The Congressional Journals are often uninformative about why these committees were given particular assignments, and the referral to which Franklin is responding here is a case in point. On January 25, 1776, Congress asked what it designated as the committee of correspondence to report on four letters. One was from a local committee, one from a captured surgeon, one from a group of British officers in custody, and one from General Washington. Those letters had one thing in common: they were not the business of the standing committee appointed the previous November, which later came to be known as the committee of secret correspondence; its rubric was to maintain contact with friends of America abroad. But Congress seems to have been so busy improvising a workable system that it ignored its own rubrics and used that committee, at least in its early months, for other kinds of correspondence. Franklin and his fellow members had a Pandora’s box of problems.
I.
[After January 25, 1776]
The Committee to whom the Letter from the Committee of Trenton was referred, are of Opinion,
That the Receipt thereof be acknowledged, and the Thanks of the Congress express’d for the Readiness with which its Orders relating to Gen. Prescot and Capt. Chace had been executed. The Same Committee on considering Dr. Huddlestone’s Letter, are of Opinion
That he be immediately set at Liberty on the Terms he mentions. And that a verbal Proposition be sent by him to General Carleton to enter into a Stipulation on both sides, not only to release all Physicians and Surgeons; but that if by the Fortune of War, the Hospital of either Army should fall into the Power of the other, the same Subsistence and Supplies should be afforded to the Sick and Wounded as if Friends; and that neither they nor the Attendants of the Hospital should be considered or detain’d as Prisoners. And it is farther the Opinion of the Committee, that if Govr. Carleton should not agree to the mutual Release of Surgeons Dr. Huddlestone is to be on his Parole to return immediately hither.

Notation: Report on Letter from Come. of Trenton and on Dr. Huddleston’s Letter Pospon’d 1776

II.
Agreed to set Dr. Huddlestone at Liberty on the Terms he mentions. And send by him a Proposition to Gen. Carleton, that it be Stipulated on both Sides, not only to release all Surgeons; but that if by the Fortune of War, the Hospital of either Army should fall into the Power of the other, the same Care should be taken of the Sick and Wounded as if Friends, and that nether they nor the Attendants of the Hospital should be considered as Prisoners. And if Govr. Carleton should not agree to the mutual release of Surgeons, Dr. Huddleston is to be on his Parole to return immediately.

Officers Answer at Lancaster
1. To be left on the Footing it was plac’d on in our Letter of the 18th.
  2. Resolve related merely to the Officers at Trenton, no Complaint having been received of those at Lancaster.
  3. 2 Dollars per Week was the Allowance of Congress, the Officers may refuse it or add to it on their own Acct as they please.
  4. Enquire the meaning-High Accounts from Trenton.
  5. See the Resolution of Congress-express Stronger than before what relates to Gen. Schuyler’s Promise.
  6. We shall be extreamly sorry to be reduc’d to the Necessity of confining them in Prison if they cancel their Parole.
  7. Cloathing ordered by us. Their Cloathing ordered to be brought up.
  8. Provided for in our former Letter.
  9. and 10. It is not desired to remove any Officer to the Prejudice of his Health. Directions given in former Letter relating to the Women and Children.

 Gen. Washington’s Letter
All the Tent Cloth to be got, shall be forwarded. Some arrived in Maryland.
No Arms to spare here. Write to the Assemblys &c. to strengthen G. Washington’s Application.


Title: The Carlisle Committee of Correspondence to the Pennsylvania Committee of Safety, 26 January 1776: résumé
From: Carlisle Committee of Correspondence
To: Pennsylvania Committee of Safety

<Carlisle, January 26, 1776: We have received your request of the 11th to send people to Philadelphia to learn the method used at the saltpetre works there and communicate it on their return. We recommend Jonathan Kearsley, who already has some knowledge of the process; he is willing, and will be able both to manufacture and to instruct others. In response to your letter of the 12th we have appointed Robert Miller to receive the saltpetre manufactured in the county. Addressed to Franklin as president of the committee of safety and signed by William Irvine, Ephraim Blaine, John Byers, and John Montgomery.>


Title: The York County Committee to the Pennsylvania Committee of Safety, 29 January 1776: résumé
From: York County Committee
To: Pennsylvania Committee of Safety

<York, January 29, 1776: The committee’s recommendation of officers was made, because the time was so short, without consulting them. Personal affairs prevent Barnet Eichelberger from serving; he has given his reasons in writing, and they are valid. His letter deals partly with private matters and is not enclosed; his lieutenant colonel will return the commission to Philadelphia. In his place John Edey (Edie) is recommended as first lieutenant; he is well behaved, well qualified, and so well connected that “he will have the greatest Influence in raising Men.” Please obtain the commission from the Congress and send it by the Lancaster post “or some safe hand.” Addressed to Franklin, Robert Morris, Owen Biddle, and the committee of safety and signed by James Smith, Chairman, and Michael Swoope.>