Title: To John Adams from William Cunningham, 22 November 1809
From: Cunningham, William
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir.
Fitchburg, Nov. 22d. 1809.

I have received your favor of the 15th. inst. It is no more than I expected, that your elucidations of the great transactions in which you were uinterruptedly engaged through the different periods of their existence, and in the making of which you have repeatedly had occasion to make personal allusions, would necessarily lead you into extensive correspondences. I think I told you as much soon after you commenced your public Letters. I really hope, that your life, and health, and vigour will be continued to you unimpaired to carry you through, and many years beyond the completion of your design. I shall take care not to interrupt, nor retard your progress with my speculations. If it is true, that “we bring forth weeds when our quick winds lie still,” you must bear abundantly of fruits, turned up so thoroughly as you are to ventilation—I wish you a great crop, and joy of the harvest. I know it would be unjust to yourself, to your Family, to your Country, that you should be “the grave of your deserving.” I have hinted, that you had better leave your Life to the peer of some Cominius, but if none but yourself can do yourself justice, “Twere a concealment
Worse than death, no less than a traducement
To hide your doings.”
There are some things, in some of my late letters, on which I have intended to be more full; and now that our correspondence is grow drawing to a close, I will be more frank and explicit with you on one or two of those subjects.
The expression in your Letter of Sep. 27.th. that, “Poor Democrats,” &c. “are at the feet of John Bull and his calves,” I should have let pass without objection, had I not thought it more chargeable with inconsistency than impropriety. By causing your Letters to Kalkoen to form a part of your present communications to the public, they are, I think, to be regarded as containing your present sentiments. In the one which replies to the enquiry respecting the authority of names over the Americans, (I have not the Letter by me to quote the very words.) You say, that if yourself, or if Washington, or if any others should secede, the ardour of your countrymen and their perseverance in the common cause would be unabated, because the people in general were acquainted with the ground of the controversy, and were engaged on principle in the defence of their rights and liberties. This, I know, was said in relation to a cause of great magnitude, in which the opinions of the people were deliberately made up. But, I would ask, is not our concern (imaginary or real,) in the present great struggle in Europe, regarded by the Federalists in general, as deep as it was when England unmask’d her intentions of forcing us into subjection? On supposition that it is, the same reasons exist why the Federal phalanx should remain unbroken, though there should be some desertions, as existed to keep the party against England, in the time of the Revolution, undivided. Whether the Federalists (but whether right or wrong in judgment is another question.) look on the strides of Buonaparte as of wearing a malignant aspect upon our liberties, need not be answered—and the fact is so obvious, that it is equally unnecessary to reply, whether they consider the cessation of Commerce; the dismantling of the navy, its handmaid; the continuance of a Falstaff in the chief command of the Army; and twenty other things, of a character to aggravate an exposedness to the ravages and domination of an insatiable Tyrant. I would now enquire, whether, according to your Letter to Kalkoen, you are not wronging the independency and discernment of your fellow countrymen, by supposing them so much under the influence of Leaders? I propose this question with some more confidence than I can collect from my disposition to deal ingenuously, because it is due in the spirit of fidelity, to the enquiry which you some time, since made. In your Letter to me of the 11th. of last Feb. you say:—“It is not wonderful that some among us are so eager to rush into the arms of Great Britain, but it is unaccountable that there should be so many.” Here you release the Federalists in general from an implicit confidence in Leaders, for admitting the predominancy of these, the enigma is solved. In the Letter, you proceed in a strain of reasoning, what you state to be palpably weighty, to shew, that the inclination towards England, is as if “the lamb should fly from its friendly flock and faithful shepherd to seek the friendship and protection of the wolf.” It surely cannot be unaccountable that these arguments are undiscerned by the people, if they are a pack that can be called any where with a whistle.
That some men have much greater influence than others is a concession due to the superiour capacity of some men to others. A commanding influence often arises from family connexion, and often from immense wealth, unconnected, in either case, with worth or talents; and, indeed, in some instances, of the greatest paucity of both. But the absolute dogmatical direction, either of men of talents, of blood, of worth or of wealth, is every where in exact proportion to the uncultivated condition of the public mind. It is in vain that we pass through the gallery of governmental portraits to find exactly our own likeness. I know it to have been, and that it is common with courtiers in King’s cabinets, to turn themselves, on every change of note, and as often as rigadooners in an assembly room and they have their followers, whom they lead, at pleasure, as the bell-weather can lead the flock, into pastures or upon ledges. But with us, at present, we have nothing depending solely on single a few persons. I am acquainted, as you are, with the manner of in which our elections are managed—that candidates, for the highest offices, are selected by a very few, and of these few, there is always the principal one; still he is not a Warwick, whose life blasts all the prospects of an Edward, and whose death is the expiration of his party. Of such examples of great personal sway, (which might be cited ad infinitum,) we are, as yet, without an instance. Burr set out, and I believe in pretty well provided, to be such a champion; but he burst in a nipping frost, and his ‘chesnuts’ out. The only person among us possessing an overbearing influence is, if my observation and advisers have not erred, is Mr. Jefferson. He is the Apollo of a powerful party, and Monticello is our Delphos. This gentleman, in his Notes on Virginia, had authority in long-tried experience for saying: “that one precedent in favour of power is stronger than an hundred against it,” which I take as equivalent to his confession, that when he abrogated the Judiciary, he set an apple on our youthful head, which could not be cleft by an hundred of our best archers. My mind has long been made up on the unconstitutionality of that repeal. It is unnecessary, especially as you are of the same opinion, to discuss the subject. In my judgment, an enlightened, impartial, honest and truly independent Judiciary, is of more consequence in maintaining the morals and liberties of a people, than every other branch—it was this alone which rendered tolerable the usurpation of Cromwell. But we have seen, and to our eternal injury it will be remembered, that such a Judiciary cannot be enjoyed, tho’ guaranteed by the Constitution, without parity in the coordinate branches of the government. I cannot forbear to remark here, that it is unfortunate, that the constitutionality of acts are so frequently discussed. These questions are always too deep and intricate for popular consideration and the frequency of their agitation impairs respect for the constitution—hence the propriety obligation, on the several departments of government, of to keep ing, in the ordinary course of their proceedings, fairly within the pale of the Constitution. To return. In making, Dear Sir, the objections I have made against your attacks on the Leaders of the Federalists, I have had a higher object than merely to waste words between you and me about it—I repeat, that I know the power of the head of a party, and I may be less inclined to compliment the people than yourself, and really and truly, I think them too much inclined to take their tine from the pitch which is given them; I have no great need, then, to find fault with expressions which issue from that contemplation of them. My design is this:—I see, in your public Letters, that these akin to the declarations by Gallatin, and others, that the arrangement entered into with Erskine would be disallowed. There are always some who, disliking to “travel in a crowd” will break away from their companions, to arrive first at the goal to which the whole body are marching.
I have told you, in former letters, that I ought to suspend an opinion on your present undertaking, till I should see its end. But this is a false sensibility to candour. After telling me in one of your Letters, that a man must be a foo blind not to see that Great Britain designs to bring us again under her subjection—after telling me in another Letter, that we are brought to the feet of John Bull and his calves—After saying, in another Letter, in explanation of the preceding sentence, that you meant by Calves, the leaders of the Federalists—and after saying, in another Letter, that the leaders are every thing, the people nothing, what am I to expect? Your end is visible.
Are we more under the calves of John Bull, than when George Washington was President, John Adams, Vice-President, and John Jay, Chief-Justice? Are we, (suffer me with all plainness to ask, are we) nearly so much under that calfish influence as when you yourself was President? I build this enquiry on the arguments which you repeatedly and publickly employed, not only to overthrow the prejudice existing against Great Britain, but to shew, that she would not receive our voluntary submission. Who, yourself excepted, ever went so far as this? Will you contend, that what you have said, on this subject, to public bodies which addressed you, and what, on the same subject, you have said to me, are immaginary contradictions? I think it important to the public security, that they should have before them, all the means which can enable them to determine, whether there is not “an unnoble swerving.” Should they perceive that there is, the errours you are now desseminating may be prevented from finding root in a too easy credulity, or in the profound respect which has been imbibed for your name. And Manilus will be roused before the city shall be taken. There are in your Letters, many things of a jocose, of a serious, and of a very delicate nature, which I have no wish, nor any warrantable cause to let loose from confinement.
O that the tendency of your public Letters was to “knit again this scatter’d coin into one mutual sheaf”—and not to make the “blunt monster with uncounted heads, more think, muddy and unwholesome in his thoughts.”—“more inexorable than tygers of Hyrcania.”
“What rein can hold licentious wickedness
When down the hill he holds his fierce career?”
But in addition to those reasons of a public nature for wishing enlargement to some of the matter entrusted to my keeping, I have private reasons: I do not know that I have an opinion on any political subject unsupported by your authority. I remember, that in the year 1774 or 5, you made a visit at my Father’s—I was then a small boy, but I have as strong a remembrance as if it was but yesterday, that I regarded with particular attention the bag in which your hair was tied; and that it served assisted to heighten my conceptions of your greatness. The bent of those conceptions, I have followed from that time to this, and it would be an endless labour to recite the sentiments of yours, written and oral, upon which most of my political speculations have been founded. I cannot omit the mention of an instance which strikingly confirms how well you thought I had profited of your instructions:—Entering your room in the year 1804, you accosted me Hume, and attributed to me the pieces which at that time appeared with that signature. I could not permit myself to enjoy the felicity of being supposed by you the writer of those numbers. You then extolled their contents, and pronounced them worthy a deathless mede. It is an inexplicable enigma, that you should write have spoken as you did then, and write as you do now. Am I wrong that I retain the opinions once common to us both, or you in departing from them?But yet farther. The retention by me exposes me to the unpleasant consequences of your disapprobation—this I feel as a cruelty. I cannot now enjoy your smiles without sacrificing my sentiments; and of this fact, of which I presume you are insensible, I will give you an admonitory example:—From an intimation that it would be agreeable to you to have your Letter to Dr. Webb published in a Worcester Paper, I caused it to be there printed, with an introduction, which I penned in the full flow of my esteem. The Letter which you returned me in answer to the one in which I transmitted to you the printed Letter to Webb is the only Letter couched in the spirit of a genuine cordiality, which you have written to me since, by your desire. I criticised your public Letters—The admonition from this fact, you may take from one of the charges made against you by your great accuser. But the business with which you tasked me, respecting your Public Letters, had no connection with your panegyric—it lay altogether in the shades. I knew its performance was difficult, for I had not forgotten the speech of Symmachus to the Imperial Court; but I expected a generous reception of what you had solicited; though I did not look for such a remuneration as Henry IV made to Sully when, in the transports of zeal for his Master’s honour, Sully rent in pieces the marriage articles which Henry had enter shamefully entered into with Henrietta d’Entragues; and when he intimated that his master was a fool for having signed them.
My comments were so evidently disagreeable to you that I discontinued them. In my letter of June 30.th—which was the second I addressed to you after I had received your enquiry, “Whether & wherein you had exposed yourself?” I proposed to suspend my remarks till I should receive some signification of your wish to have them continued—the request never was renewed. I did afterwards, however, notice one or two things—And now that I think of it, I will say a word or two about Col. Pickering. In one of your public Letters, you gave an account of an interview between yourself, and one of the Heads of Departments, at which you attempted to pacify a dislike of your proceedings, which was unexpectedly manifested by a tender of resignation, with begging that none of the Heads of Departments would think of resigning—that you was perfectly satisfied &c....Now in two or more of your Letters to me, you assert or insinuate, that Pickering was unfit on the score of capacity, for Secretary of State; and that fact you say, or insinuate, was known to some few in the nation who had “winnowed him with a rough wind.” Such being your impressions at the time of the interview, was there no impropriety in your answer to the Secretary? I pretend not to know what are the talents of Col. Pickering really are, but a certain Report of his, which I could not believe to have been penned by him, if destitute as you have described him, I questioned you about, but you never satisfied me whether he was assisted in its composition, although you have ascribed to him the production of Washington’s Address to Adet. I received your statements concerning him as correct, and answered you accordingly.
Liberty is a just object of adoration. I venerate the high-priests drawn up by the friends of Mr. Jefferson, and being in unison with his Message, may, by fair inference, be considered as expressing his sentiments. Objectionable as the proposition was thought by congress, they were constrained afterwards to adopt it. What I have to remark is this:—The whole weight of the objections to the proposition was, that England by her naval supremacy would have access to the depots of our exported articles, while France, like the titman at the trough, must squeel on an empty belly. What had we to do with the question, which would be the greatest gainers? Were not the committed totally unfounded in the assertion, that a trade to Gottenburg, for instance, would be war with France? If we had a right to trade with Sweden, it is a contradiction in terms to say, that the exercise of the right would be war with France any Power—it would be a war with nothing but our sympathies for suffering France. If we had a right to trade to Gottenburg, we had a right to put the privilege under adequate protection; and I have such confidence in our maritime prowess, as emboldens me to assert, that had we determined to maintain the trade, it would not have been three months before every obstacle to a free trade with every place in Europe, not actually blockaded, would have been surmounted. It is our own imbecility which gives encouragement to every imposition, and the powers that exult in our weakness are “gnarling which shall gnaw us first.” There is something, too, very deceptive in the statement by the Committee of the profits arising from a trade to the places which opened to us a market, which was made, as it appeared to me, with a view to reconcile us to the abandonment of the ocean altogether. On the subject of profit, it has been my opinion, that the difference in the amount of it, from a trade to all places in Europe, and to the single place of Gottenburgh, would be very inconsiderable. More than half, I believe, of the colonial produce shipped from this country to Europe, went, for a long time, to Hamburgh. Go where it will would, its distribution, like the waters of an aqueduct, would be to every place that wanted. Nine tenths of the surplus produce of this county goes to Boston—the other tenth to Salem. Was Boston closed against our waggons, and Salem open to their reception, would it be fair to compute the profits of the trade to Salem from the tenth which used to be carried there, when all the ten parts might go there and command a price from the necessities of Boston? This Report was, in my judgment But so were the calculations of the Committee made. I have been astonished at the unacquaintedness with betrayed by Congress when the subject before them has been of a commercial nature—Commerce is a child they know not how to handle—they have almost spoilt it by the pervardness they have taught it. But so long as village pettifoggers, correctly call’d by Mr. Randolph, “the patent politicians of the country,” are deputed to be our guardians, we are not to expect much profundity in the means of fostering the great and associated concerns, of our Agricultural and Commercial interists.
The Report of the Committee of Congress which I have been considering, was, I thought, so evidently predicated upon a friendly disposition towards France, and an enmity towards England; that and, to favour these impressions, it contained assertions so unwarrantable, that I placed it among the proofs against Mr. Jefferson, of his attachment to the one, and of his hostility to the other. It appeared to me, that “his givings-out,” in his Message, “were of an infinite distance from his true-meant design.”“The freedom of the seas.” as now given in toasts by this gentleman, explained by his opinions of the effect upon this country of trade, commerce and cities, has no other meaning, that I can discover, than that England shall douse her peak to the Gallic flag. That done, and supposing a powerful French influence in this country, our ‘measures of three hoops would not be increased to ten, nor would our conduits run with wine,’ as has been intimated or promised, but another measure would unfailingly be affected, and for which Mr. Jefferson has been an advocate:—our horses and our oxen might eat grass on Mount Vernon and India Wharf—in Market-street, and in Broad-way. Another consequence, still more to be deprecated, would ensue:—our fair Desdemona would fall by the hand of a jealous and an implacable Othello. This would be the consequence of an unnatural connexion with any foreign power, formed on the mistaken feelings of friendship.
We are told that Mr. Madison will steer by the Jeffersonian chart—I disbelieve it. If my charity does him too much honour, I pray hope there may be are no submerged rocks when there are no buoys, nor safe steerage where there is; especially should I wish this, were I concerned in the navigation of the ship of State—On the sea of Liberty she will be sucked into whirlpools, fatal as that in the Norway, if “passion and fancy,” have the helm. Should he steer by this chart, and my opinion of its inaccuracies is found, our Republican Liberty may not much outlast the Liberty enjoyed by the Medes after they disengaged themselves from the Assyrian yoke, which was forty years. We may then, by the kindness of Napoleone, lay the foundation of a Monarchy in a half-blooded American prince of his House. I have given you these reflections because, should I live to see the day when it would be unsafe to speak our thoughts, or “sew them in a sampler,” it would give me some comfort to reflect that I had put them in a letter. You have told me, and it is a fact attested by the accumulated experience of ages, “That Democracy is Lovelace and the People are Clarissa.” It is a democratic Demagogue who carries a dangerous sway over a thoughtless and credulous people—his own applause is the object of his art to teach their “tongues to tang arguments of state.”—it is he who throws order back into tohu bohu, for the purpose of riding omnipotent over the new confusion.
Another subject, of great delicacy, I have thought I would take the liberty to mention. It is no less than to offer you some advice respecting your treatment of Hamilton, when you shall again resume the consideration of his conduct. It is a transgression of a rule to give counsel unasked, but I am stimulated beyond subjection to rules, by what was suggested to me by your Son when I was at Quincy. He said, that when you entered again on that topick, “the little,” (using some harsh epithet.) “would have it,” meaning, undoubtedly, that he would be lash’d with severity. But, my dear Sir, if you mean to give weight to your animadversions, should they not be stated with calmness and candour? Let it be admitted, that he deserved to be treated as a Stigmatic—let it be admitted, that he took the example of Semiramis for proof that sensuality was connected with talents for governing, but neglected to learn from the same example, that it may be the associate of injustice and inhumanity—let it be admitted, that the marble mausoleum erected to his memory in New-York, should wear nothing but the indecent figures that Sesostris ordered to be sculptured on certain pyramids—let it be admitted, that he was officious, assuming, ambtious and a libeller, yet, injured as you feel yourself, what point can you possibly give your pen beyond a very candid and unruffled statement of such facts as will conduct the public minds to a just determination? Such a determination cannot eventually be avoided. This truth should be your consolation: It is the consolation of integrity, and the scourge affliction of vice, that “the final impartiality of the pulic,” will appear through every art that can be employed to brighten or to blacken, or to brighten. Pardon, great Sir, this freedom—if you judge me rude, judge me friendly. “There is a silence of such magnitude, energy, decision, as to be singly worth a whole life of some men”—I did regret that you broke this silence with regard to the person in view, but as I have no right to judge until I shall see the finâli, I shall suspend my conclusion, and I hope to be satisfied, that in breaking it, you imparted to your countrymen, the coup d’ veil, enabling them distinctly to discern, even through the mists of party, the abode of Truth.
I thank Mrs. Adams for her kind enquiries concerning the health of Mrs. Cunningham—the cold is a bracer, and lifts her a little out of the languidness of the summer—but I have strong forebodings, that I shall be left on the bough alone. She unites with me, most cordially, in regards to Mrs Adams, and your Family.
With veneration, and affection, / I am, Dear Sir, / Your most obliged Friend,

Wm. Cunningham. Jr


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 25 November 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

					Sirs,
					Quincy, Nov. 25th, 1809.

				AMSTERDAM, May 23, 1781—wrote to Dr. Franklin: I have the honor of your letter of the 19th, with its enclosures and thank your excellency, for the pains you have taken to communicate the news from America: which can scarcely be called bad, though Gen. Green lost the field. I had before received and published in the Amsterdam Gazette, the same accounts.—The gazetteers are so earnest after American news, that I find it the shortest method of communicating the American newspapers to all.I have received from congress, their resolution of 3d January, 1781, to draw bills upon me in favor of Lee and Jones, at six months sight for the full amount of the balance due on the contract made with them, for a quantity of cloathing for the army.—I have also a letter from Mr. Gibson, of the Treasury office, of January the 28th, which informs me that the amount of Jones’ and Lee’s account, is sixteen thousand, two hundred and forty four pounds, one shilling sterling.I have just received from Gottenburg the enclosed letters, one to your excellency, and one to Mr. Jay. I received both unsealed, with a direction to take copies. I have put my own seal upon that to your excellency, and request the favor of you to put yours upon that to Mr. Jay, and to convey it in the safest manner. It contains matter of great importance which ought to be carefully concealed from every eye but yours and Mr. Jay’s: for which reason I should be cautious of conveying it, even with the despatches of the Spanish Ambassador, especially as there are intimations in Mr. Lovell’s letter of too much curiosity with regard to Mr. Jay’s despatches, and as Mr. Jay himself complains that his letters are opened. I hope this instruction will remove all the difficulties with Spain, whose accession to the treaty (with France) would be of great service to the reputation of our cause in every part of Europe.It seems to me, of vast importance to us, to obtain an acknowledgment of our independence from as many other sovereigns as possible, before any conferences for peace shall be opened; because, if that event should take place first, and the powers at war with Great Britain, their armies, navies, and people weary of the war and clamoring for peace, there is no knowing what hard conditions may be insisted on from us, nor into what embarrassments, British art and obstinacy may plunge us.By the 10th article of the treaty of alliance, the contracting parties agree to invite or admit other powers who may have received injuries from Great Britain to accede to that treaty. If Russia and the northern powers, or any of them should be involved in the war in support of the Dutch, would it not be a proper opportunity for the execution of this article? or, why would it not be proper now to invite the Dutch?I have the honor to inclose a memorial to their High Mightinesses. My mission is now a subject of deliberation among the regencies of the several cities, and the bodies of nobles, who compose the sovereignty of this country. It is not probable that any determination will be had soon. They will probably first confer about it, with Russia and the northern powers. If these come into the war, perhaps, nothing will be done, but in concert with them. But if these should not engage in the war, this republic, I think, will readily accede to the treaty of alliance between France and America; for all ideas of peace with England are false and delusive. England will make peace with the Dutch upon no other condition, than their joining her in the war against all her enemies, which it is impossible for them to do, even if their inclinations were that way, which they are not. The public voice here is now well decided against England.I have the honor to be much of your excellency’s opinion, respecting duties. I mentioned Tobacco to shew what duties America was able to bear. Whatever sums a people are able to bear, in duties upon exports or imports upon the luxuries, conveniences, or necessaries of life, they are undoubtedly able to raise by a dry tax upon polls or estates, provided it is equally proportioned. Nay more, because much of the expense of collection and guarding against frauds, is saved.Our countrymen are getting right notions of revenue, and, whenever these shall become general, there can be no difficulty in carrying on the war.”Amsterdam, May 23, 1781,—wrote to Congress: I am earnestly desired to transmit the enclosed papers to congress. I know not whether it is in the power of congress to afford any relief to the owner of the vessel captured, recaptured and sold; but the appointment of a committee to consider and enquire; and an answer shewing the reasons why relief cannot be given, if the case should be found such, would have a good effect here. It does not appear by the papers, to what part of the United States the privateer belonged. If the owner should receive and give me information of it, I shall have the honor to transmit it.Amsterdam, May 24, 1781—wrote to Joshua Johnson, Esq. at Nantes: “I have received your obliging letter of May 8th, with the newspapers enclosed, for which, please to accept my thanks. The English meet a warm reception at the southward, where they have already had reason and will have more to repent of their rashness. I congratulate you upon the accession of Maryland to the confederation, and upon the general good prospect of affairs. Our country rises superior to all her difficulties, and I
hope in another year to see her shine. Will you please to transmit the inclosed letters to congress by the first opportunity, and present my compliments to your good family and all the good Americans in Nantes.”Amsterdam, May 24, 1781, wrote to Congress: “A proposition of very great consequence, has been made in the Assembly of the States of Holland, by the city of Amsterdam. It is conceived in these words:The gentlemen the Deputies of the City of Amsterdam, have, by the express orders of the gentlemen their principals, represented in the Assembly; that the venerable Magistrates had flattered themselves, that they should see the effects of the efforts attempted for some time by the admiralties to put to sea a quantity of vessels of war capable of protecting the commerce and the navigation of the inhabitants of this State, or at least some branches of them: that the gentlemen their principals had had reason to be confirmed in their expectation, above all, when they were informed, that a number sufficiently considerable of vessels of war, provided with things necessary, were ready to put to sea, and that orders had been positively given upon this subject: but to their extreme astonishment, they had learned sometime after, that the officers who commanded the said vessels, upon the point of executing the said orders, had given notice that the want of stores, provisions and victuals, put them out of a condition to obey the said orders. That the gentlemen their constituents, having considered, that not only this want of stores, &c. ought not to have existed, but that it might have been seasonably obviated, they had been so struck with this unexpected delay, in an affair which they judged of the last importance to this country, especially on account of certain particular circumstances, that they could not refrain from declaring freely, that they had lawful reasons to fear that such inactivity, left little hope of seeing effected a protection, which is of the last necessity, for the commerce and navigation, the total interruption of which cannot fail to occasion a great dearness, and to bring on very soon a most sensible scarcity; without speaking of the impossibility of striking blows to an enemy, who has for five months, attacked this State by an unjust war, and has already rendered himself master by surprise of a great number of rich vessels of war and merchant ships, and of some of our distant possessions.That the gentlemen the principals, in virtue of these reasons, and of others not less pressing, have judged that they could not longer delay to lay before the eyes of the members of the Assembly of your Noble and Grand Mightinesses, in a manner the most pressing and the most lively, the terrible consequences which this deplorable state of things, makes them apprehend for their dear country.That the Powers of the North, with whom the republic has entered into alliance, and from whom she has sufficient reasons to expect succours, have marked more than once, their astonishment at our inactivity, and at the affected tranquillity, with which the republic suffers all the insults of her enemy, without making the least preparation to repel them. That, from time to time, advices have come from our Ambassadors Extraordinary to the Court of Petersburg that we had not to expect, either from that court or from her allies, succours, but in proportion to the efforts, which the republic should make on her part.That these things have appeared, to the gentlemen the principals, of so great importance, and of so extensive consequence, that it is more than time that this Sovereign Assembly pass, as soon as possible, to a scrupulous examination of the true causes of such inactivity; that she cause to be given, instructions and an explanation of the state of defence of the country, relative to the necessary orders which she has given; that she obtain information concerning the reasons of the extreme sloth and lukewarmness, with which they proceed to the protection of the country, against an enemy formidable especially for his activity; and concerning the means which we ought to employ, to shut up the source of these evils and make them disappear.That the gentlemen the constituents, have desired to put themselves out of the reach of all reproach from the inhabitants of this country, whose total ruin advances with rapid strides, and who to this day, have not ceased to pour out with joy, into the public treasury, the imposts and taxes, which we have imposed on them, demanding in return, with the greatest justice, to be protected by the fathers of the country. To this end, and to ward off, as much as is in their power, the ruin of this republic, formerly so flourishing and so respected by its neighbors, they have charged in the manner the most express, their Deputies to the States, to insist, in the strongest manner, that we proceed to the forementioned examination; and that, on the part of this Province, things be directed in the generality, in such a manner, that we demand as soon as possible, to enter into negociation with the Court of France which has not ceased to give us such numerous and shining marks of her good will, and of her inclination to succour us against the common enemy, and has already shewn us, by the effects, that her offers of service do not consist in vain words, to deliberate with this court, concerning the manner in which it will be convenient and practicable to act, by communicating to each other, the reciprocal plans of operation, which we may attempt during this summer.That at the same time, it is not convenient to neglect to instruct our ministers at the Courts of Russia, Sweden and Denmark, of the state of things in this country, and of the means of defence, which the republic puts in motion; with express orders, to make without relaxation, to the said courts, pressing and redoubled instances, to send us a large number of vessels of war, well equipped, to which at least, one of them, has already shewn herself disposed; representing to them at the same time, in a pressing manner, the present necessity of sending us, conformably to the stipulation lately concluded and ratified, as soon as possible, the succours promised in the said convention.That besides the propositions, which we have pointed out, and from the success of which, the gentlemen the constituents promise themselves all sorts of advantages, the venerable Magistrates are still in the opinion, that this State, although abandoned to itself against all expectation and all hope does not cease to have numerous and sufficient resources, not to consider its defence as absolutely desperate; for it is very true, that after the enjoyment of a long peace, the first alarm of a war, and of an unforeseen attack, may at first, throw men’s minds into terror, disorder and consternation: but it is not less true, that the riches and resources of the nation in general, having received a considerable increase, by the enjoyment of the fruits of this peace, the supreme government finds itself, by employing them in a useful and salutary manner, in a condition, to make head, for a long time against an enemy, already exhausted by a long and expensive war, and to take so good measures, that we may force her to renew an honorable and advantageous peace.In fine, the gentlemen the said Constituents are of opinion, that, to give a ready effect to the resolutions tending to the said objects, and which may serve for the protection of the State, and of its establishments in the other parts of the world, and to discuss the resolutions with all the secrecy requisite, there be formed by the Lords, the States, a committee of some gentlemen of the respective Provinces, giving them the power and instructions necessary, to labour, conjointly with his Highness, the Prince Hereditary Stadtholder, to contrive, prescribe and put in execution, all the measures which shall appear the most proper and the most convenient, to the end, that we may under the benediction of God Almighty, repair the past, and wash out the shame and the dishonor, with which this republic is stained in the eyes of foreigners, and by a vigorous defence of the country, and of all which it holds most dear and precious, to maintain it in the advantages of a liberty purchased so dear, against all further evils and calamities.Finally, the gentlemen, the said Deputies, find themselves moreover, expressly charged, to cause to be laid in the records of Holland, the said proposition for the apology and the discharge of the gentlemen their Constituents,
and to insist, in all the ways possible, that we take in this regard prompt resolutions whereof we may see the effects; in the view of accomplishing their salutary designs to pray in the manner the most earnest and pressing, the other members to labour to obtain in favor of this proposition, the suffrages of the gentlemen their Principals, to carry it into the approaching Assembly.”Thus ends this manly address, in which, there is the appearance of the old Batavian spirit. In my excursions, through the various parts of this country, I have found the eyes of all parties turned towards Amsterdam; and all true patriots said that the salvation of the nation depended upon the firmness of that city. There has been, indeed, in Amsterdam, an appearance of feebleness and irresolution; but it has stood its ground.The presentation and publication of my Memorial to the States General which was more universally and highly applauded, than was expected by me or any one else, furnished the regency of the city, an opportunity to discover the general sense and the public voice: and they have not failed to take an early advantage of it. They have not mentioned a treaty with America, the reason of which omission was, that this subject was already taken ad referendum, and under the consideration of the several branches of the sovereignty. They mention only a negociation with France; knowing very well that this would necessarily draw on the other. So that things seem at present in a good train; but a long time will necessarily be taken up, according to the constitution and in the present disposition of this country, before any thing can be done to effect.I have the honor to be, &c.President of Congress.Amsterdam, May 25, 1781, wrote to Dr. Franklin: “I have the honor to advise you, that I have this day drawn four setts of bills of exchange, of two in each sett, for ten thousand livres tournois each, payable to the order of Capt. Joyner, Commodore Gillon not being yet arrived; and this sum being represented to me by Maj.
Jackson, to be absolutely necessary for the present use of the ship. I applied to the House of Fizeau & Grand to negotiate this business, but they declined it on account of the long term of six months, for payment.”Amsterdam, May 26, 1781, wrote to Messieurs Fizeau, Grand & Co: “I have the honor of your letter of the 17th inst. inclosing the sixty-six bills of exchange accepted by me, amounting to Bf. 109780, which you have paid and for which you have debited the account of the U. States of America.I yesterday received your other favor of the 25th inst. inclosing seventeen bills of exchange, accepted by me amounting to Bf. 16220, which you have paid for the U. States of America, and charged to their account. You request my approbation of these payments,
and it is justly due to you. You request also my  approbation of your negotiation of my draughts on Dr. Franklin. I take it for granted gentlemen, that this deserves to be approved; but, at present, it seems to me, that this is a matter which belongs to his excellency Dr. Franklin to judge of, and to him I submit it. If, however, it is necessary for me to examine that matter, I will do it; but at present I am but a tyro in the negotiation of bills of exchange. I am much obliged to you for your kind inquiries after my health which is much better.Amsterdam, May 25, 1781, wrote to cCongress.:“The following conversation concerning recaptures from the English, is, it is hoped, the first step, towards more intimate connections, between this republic on one side, and France and the U. S. of America, on the other.The Lords the States General, having judged that it would be of reciprocal utility to establish between France and the United Provinces of the Low Countries, uniform principles, with relation to captures and recaptures, which their respective subjects might make upon those of Great Britain, their common enemy, they have proposed to the Most Christian King to agree with them, on a regulation concerning this matter. His Most Christian Majesty animated with the same views, and desiring to consolidate
 more and more, the good correspondence which subsists between him and the United Provinces, has well received the overture of the Lords the States General—In consequence his said Most Christian Majesty and the said Lords the States General have given their full powers; to wit: His Most Christian Majesty to the Sieur Gravier Comte De Vergennes &c his Counsellor State of the Sword, his Counsellor in all his Counsels, Commander of his Orders, Minister and Secretary of State, and of his Commands and Finances; and the Lords the States General to the Sieur Lestevenon De Berkenrode, their Ambassador to the Most Christian King, who, after having duly communicated their respective powers have agreed on the following Articles:Art. I.—The vessels of one of the two nations, French and Dutch, retaken by the privateers of the other, shall be restored to the first owner, if they have not been in the power of the enemy during the space of twenty-four hours, at the charge of the said owner to pay one third of the value of the vessel recaptured, as well as of her cargo, cannon and apparel, which shall be estimated by agreement between the parties interested, and if they cannot agree among themselves, they shall apply to the officers of the admiralty of the place, where the recaptor shall have conducted the vessel retaken.Art. 2.—If the vessel retaken hath been in the power of the enemy more than twenty-four hours, it shall belong entirely to the recaptor.Art. 3.—In case a vessel shall have been retaken by a vessel of war belonging to the most christian king, or to the United Provinces, it shall be restored to the first proprietor, paying the thirtieth part of the value of the vessel, cargo, cannon and apparel, if it has been retaken in twenty-four hours, and the tenth, if it has been taken after the twenty-four hours; which sums shall be distributed as a gratification to the crews of the vessels recaptors. The estimation of the thirtieth and tenth before mentioned shall be regulated conformably to the tenor of the article first of the present convention.Art. 4.—The vessels of war and privateers of the one and the other of the two nations shall be admitted reciprocally, both in Europe and in the other parts of the world, in the respective ports with their prizes, which may be there unloaded and sold, according to the formalities used in the State where the prize shall have been conducted; provided nevertheless that the lawfulness of
the prizes made by the French vessels shall be decided conformably to the laws and regulations established in France concerning this matter; in the same manner as that of prizes made by Dutch vessels shall be judged according to laws and regulations established in the United Provinces.Art. 5.—Moreover, it shall be free to His Most Christian Majesty, as well as to the Lords the States General, to make such regulations as they should judge good, relative to the conduct, which their vessels and privateers, respectively shall hold in regard to the vessels which they shall have taken and carried into one of the ports of the two dominions.In faith of which, we, the aforesaid Plenipotentiaries of his Most Christian Majesty, and of the Lords the States General, in virtue of our powers respectively have signed these presents and have hereto affixed the seals of our arms.Done at Versailles the first of the month of May, 1781.Signed,(L. S.) Gravier De Vergennes,(L. S.) Lestevrnon Van Berkenrode.AMSTERDAM, May 26, 1781—wrote to Mr. Dumas: “I am honoured with your’s of the 23d, and perceive by it, that the error I mentioned was not of the press, but of the copy.I am very much obliged to Mr. Van Berckel for the proposition, which I have since read with vast pleasure in the French translation. It breathes the true Batavian spirit, and must have great effect. I think it was right not to mention America, whatever the venerable magistrates might think upon that subject.You mention that you have waited five years, the accomplishment of the promises of Congress, in consideration of your services. I am wholly unacquainted with any promise that congress ever made you, and therefore can make no answer to this part of your letter.You say farther, that I know that the congress had destined you, the secretaryship of this legation, under Mr. Lawrence, with five hundred pounds sterling of appointment. In this you are certainly mistaken; I never knew nor heard of this. Mr. Searle once mentioned to me, that Mr. Lovell had in a letter to you said something about 500 pounds sterling a year, but nothing that I heard about the secretaryship. Since the receipt of your letter, I have enquired of Mr. Searle, and am informed by him, that the congress appointed no secretary of legation under Mr. Lawrence: that they voted him five hundred pounds a year for the maintenance of a clerk or private secretary, and accordingly he brought one over with him, (Major Young:) but that congress afterwards altered this, and reduced the allowance for a clerk to £ 350.You say, that I promised you last winter at Amsterdam, that if I should receive a commission for this republic like that of Mr. Laurens, I would do with respect to you, what Mr. Laurens would have done.I told you that in my opinion it was not probable that congress would send me a commission for this republic; that congress would undoubtedly send a Minister here, now a war was broke out, but it was most likely it would be to some other gentleman. It was however possible, they might send one to me; and in such a case, I should cheerfully do for you, as far as any thing should be left to my discretion, whatever Mr. Laurens would have done.You add, that I told you at the Hague, that if it were not for want of finances I would give you the appointments which were destined you. I told you, that if there were any monies here, at my discretion to spend for the public, I would pay you myself, instead of leaving you, as I was obliged to do, to receive of Dr. Franklin. The sum was to be, whatever I could discover to be the intention of Congress; and until then, the sum which Dr. Franklin has allowed you until the farther orders of Congress. But I have not, to this hour, any such money.You speak of my grand credit with the Congress, as being sufficient to procure “a justification of the measure” you propose. But, sir, I assure you I have no credit with Congress, to boast of. If I ever enjoyed a share in the confidence of my countrymen, this was acquired by a most scrupulous attention and obedience to their principles, views and orders; and the moment I should depart from this line of conduct, and presume to make arrangements and establishments, without their orders, I should lose all: much greater services, sacrifices and hazards than mine, would not be a fund of merit sufficient to redeem me.I have also received your letter of the 24th, and thank you for the translation of the proposition of Amsterdam. In this letter you repeat the idea, that the secretaryship of this legation was intended for you. This idea, is entirely new to me; and it appears to be so far from well founded, that Congress are getting out of the practice of such appointments. They have left Mr. Franklin’s legation without such a secretary; and they have taken from me, the secretary of my legation for making peace, (Mr.Dana;) and as Mr. Searle informs me, they never had it in contemplation to appoint a secretary of legation here. I have received no notice or instruction or any such appointment; nor any intimation what are the designs of Congress towards you. There is no allowance made to me, but what was given me as minister for peace: and there is no provision made for me, for any secretary public or private; not even for a clerk, and I maintain my own private secretary, as I ever have done at my own expence.Upon the whole, it is absolutely out of my power, to do any thing whatsoever with respect to you, until I have the orders of Congress.I have received a letter from Mr. Lovell, in which he has inclosed a list of letters received in Congress, and among others, one from you, dated October 4th, received January 24th, against which Mr. Lovell has marked “concordia.” In the letter to me, Mr. Lovell says, “you make no remarks upon Mr. Dumas’s concordia.” These hints may contain something to your purpose, but I do not understand them. I have the honor to be with much esteem and respect.

					John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 28 November 1809
From: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan
To: Adams, John

Mÿ Dear Sir!
Oldenbarneveld 28 Nov. 1809.

I listen onlÿ to a pleasant emotion of my heart, in congratulating my Self, that among So manÿ blessings, with which the good God favours me till this instant, is the preservation of your precious life during another year. How precarious is it, if I Shall enjoÿ that favour once more: your age, alreadÿ above, what is commonlÿ allotted to men, mÿ own advancing years, with the frailties and vicissitudes of our life, and the losses, we meet daÿ by daÿ, weakening the presumtion of its probability: but, howewer that maÿ be, an acquaintance, and you have so often emboldened me to Say more, a frendship of nearly 30 years, must render mÿ participation in your happiness acceptable to you. To me it is a real comfort: it brightens in part, it dispels the gloom, which too much Since late hovers in mÿ mïnds, and clouds the evenings of my daÿs. The Almighty bless the last part of your mortal career—Respected, beloved Sir! and Shower the choice of his favours upon you—your ladÿ—children and relatives: He bestow upon you peace and contentment and Serenity of mind—with a firm reliance on a happÿ futuritÿ; So that you maÿ await unapalled his final Summons, encircled bÿ all, who are dear to you.
Tho it is a verÿ long time—my Dear Sir! Since you have honoured me with your favours, I Should have written before, had I not been unabled to perform it to mÿ wish thro head-ache—Since nearly two months, with Scarce a day’s intermission. This interrupted mÿ Studies and correspondence: happÿ for me, that it did not prevent mÿ manual exercise; it rather abated bÿ it: at lenght mÿ good constitution had overcome this malignant foe. I presume, that the desease originated chiefly from the mind, which has been cruelly dilacerated, bÿ the discovered baseness of a foreigner, who, recommended to me, covered the heart of a villain with the cloak of an high-accomplished Gentleman, and whom I had considered it a duty, to introduce to manÿ of mÿ respected frends, to Second his views and retrieve his broken förtune—I traced him out on his own Steps, and found myself in the disagreable necessity to warn and disabuse all mÿ frends. This is over—and he is covered with infamÿ. But Sir! what inflicted far a deeper wound on my heart was an European communication of the disgraceful fall of the friend of mÿ bosom—with whom I had been connected more than with a Brother during upwards 33 years. He—before a millionarÿ,—upwards 60 years of age, became, as I am informed, a bank rupt and fugitive thro the infamous conduct of his partner in commerce, a man of verÿ moderate talents, but of deep profligacÿ—unprincipled—and he a man of allways unquestioned integrity—firmness and extraordinarÿ talents. He was not if I am not mistaken, unknown to you, during your residence in Holland—at least bÿ name—Peter Vreede—of Leÿden—one of the late Dutch Directorÿ! So little avails virtue with the brightest qualities adorned, when religion is not the Saveguard of both. In Such a mood it is not Strange, that we become disgusted with mankind, that a lurking wish overpowers us, to See the moment approaching, in which we maÿ leave Such a world of woe. In Such a mood, mÿ Dear Sir! how consoling would have been the arrival of a few lines from your dear hand! I have, at lenght, Submitted with resignation, and recovered mÿ pristine Serenity. Mÿ Studies however have been interrupted. Few Latin Poëts, Catullus, Tibullus, Propertius, and in a more Serene hour Fontenelle, and Lord Kames Clements with Some religious meditations occupied mÿ attention. Now I have recovered again mÿ former tranquillitÿ, I Shall Studÿ with attention Father Quadrio’s storia e della ragione d’ogni Poësia—whom mr Baste Send me this year, and to whom compared Crescimbeni is Said to be merelÿ a ÿoung Scholar. This Shall chieflÿ emploÿ me this Season.
Do I remain Sir! a member of your academÿ in petto? you must perceive Sir! bÿ this question, that I am not yet insensible with regard to the obtained distinction. Might it not become an object worthy of your academÿ, to propose the Solution of a problem “Thro what means the militarÿ and commercial Spirit, can be most effectuallÿ entertained, and rendered permanentlÿ advantageous to a Free Nation under a Republican form of government?” Again one of your utopian Schemes, you will Saÿ; perhaps it is So. indeed Sir! there is more reality in the pleasure, I have felt in the lecture of mr and mrs. Adams Letters to Th. Hollis. What Satisfaction would it have afforded me Sir! had I been So intimately acquainted with her Ladyship as with her Consort, So esteemed by her as was Th. Hollis. It is true, I had Seen your Ladÿ and admired her unadorned beautÿ in Utrecht—I was favoured with a transient glance of her graceful conversation—when regaled at your hospitable table—but her Letters in the Anthologÿ Show an accomplishment of mind, to which I was a Stranger. It would be bestowing a favour upon me, and I am daring enough to ask you favours, persuaded of your willingness to bestow them, if in your power, if you Sir! would recommend me to your Lady’s good opinion, when She can recollect the man, whom She only has twice Seen.
My friend Cau writes me, that the Situation of the Dutch is deplorably wretched in everÿ respect—and—what he bewails more, that the majority cringes, crouches, and flatters to obtain a Share in the public plunder. He and the noble, disinterested de Gÿzelaer, both in good health, as late as april—enjoÿ in their retreat, otium cum dignitate. The Same blessing rest upon you, with the accomplishment of everÿ reasonable wish for yourself and familÿ—a Serene mind in a Sound bodÿ—till that instant—you are Summoned to a happier abode—
Nostri Sit parvula curaSit tibi, quanta placet; Si Sit modo—
till then, which I flatter myself, Shall continue during your life you can not doubt of the high and affectionate respect, with which I remain / Dear Sir! / Your obliged frend!

Fr. Adr. van der Kemp


Title: From John Adams to William Cunningham, 29 November 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Cunningham, William

Dear Sir
Quincy. Nov. 29. 1809

I return you the inclosed Letter, according to your desire.—No Eye but mine has seen it: and no Copy of it, or any Part of it has been taken.
I See So many difficulties and objections in the Way, that I despair of Success and therefore think it would be imprudent to commit myself.
What ever my Son Said to you, he said it by guess.—He knows nothing of my Plan.—You need be under no concern.—If I Should live to make mention again of The Gentleman, which is not very probable, I Shall be very mild with him. I could not give an adequate Idea of my Transactions in Holland without inserting in their Place, the Letters to Dr Kalkoen. The publication of these, or any other Letters of mine written thirty years ago, by no means implies, that I am of the Same Opinion now. Many things that I have then thought correct may not appear so now. original Documents will be scanned by Historians.
The inconsistences you mention are merely imaginary, as might be shewn: but our opinions differ so widely and upon so many Points that the discussion would require more time than I can possibly spare. I feel for you under your concern for Mrs Cunningham and the more sensibly for having been more than twenty years, so often under similar apprehensions for the dear Companion of my Life.
I have received another letter from you containing a hint from a Junto or Junta man, which Junta he belongs to, you do not say. You may easily imagine that a Republican would dress up a man of straw to divide the Federalists: or Vice Versa a Federalist would evoke a Ghost to divide the Republicans. But this is too ridiculous a Story for me to write a Word more about it.
I am dear Sir your Friend and humble Servant.

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Henry Dearborn, 4 December 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Dearborn, Henry

Quincy December 4th 1809

In undertaking to give you an account of the Manafactories in this neighbourhood I am apprehensive, I have, engaged more than I shall be able to perform to your satisfaction.
From my earliest Recollection, it has been a common observation that within two or three years, after a general Peace in Europe, American Commerce has declined to such a degree as to introduce Distress among the People for want of many of the Conveniences and some of the Necessaries of Life. In these Cases they have always turned their thoughts to Manufactories. A remarkable instance of this occurred after the Peace of Aix, La, Chapelle in 1748. Such was the pressure upon the People and such the despair of the return of Commerce that Gentlemen of all Ranks were engaged in Projects for introducing and establishing Manufactures. A number of the most wealthy and respectable Merchants in Boston among whom were Isaac Winslow Esqr Thomas Flaker and I beleive Peter Franklin and John Franklin, Brothers of Dr Benjamin Franklin Esqr and Norton Quincy Esqr,, conceived the Plan of establishing a Manufacturing Town and they prevailed upon the Honorable John Quincy the Father of Norton Quincy to convey to them a Part of his Farm till then known by the name of Sheds Neck. This was a Peninsula of about an hundred Acres of very good Land at the Confluence of two Navigable Rivers with two good Harbours for large Ships, and in one of the most beautiful Situations in this part of the Country. To this favoured Spot they gave the Name of German Town; laid it out in a handsome Plan for a City, intersected it with Spacious Streets and a Considerable Number of Houses were built upon it some of Stone, Some of Brick and Some of Wood. The Company imported from Germany a large Number of Manufacturers, as Glass Makers, Stocking Weavers, Stone Cutters, &c, and the Place soon became a busy scene. The Manufactory of Glass was established on a large scale. Eight or ten Stocking Looms were employed. The Manufactory of Woolen and Cotton Cards were established.
About the same time, Colonel Josiah Quincy, the Grand-Father of the Present Member of Congress; of the same Name, erected upon a point of Land on the other side of the River, Sperma Cæti Works, which were conducted upon a large Scale for a few years and then transferred to Germantown where they flourished, till the War of 1775 broke out when they declined from several Causes, the Principal of which I believe was the want of Head Matter. The War of 1775 and the War of 1755 proved fatal to Germantown. Commerce revived, and a free Commerce and flourishing Manufactures have never long continued together in this Country. Sedentary Employments are not long agreeable to American Labourers, when they can find Business in the feild of Agriculture. Of the Workmen some went into the Army, some to Sea, some to Farming, and some removed to Boston. General Palmer erected Chocolate works; and Salt Works, and during the Revolutionary War preserved the appearance of some Manufactures; but after the Peace of 1783, he left Germantown. The houses all but two or three have been taken down and nothing now remains but the Farm. The Sperma Ceeta Works, the Glass Works, the Card Works, the Potteries, the Stone Cutters, the Stocking Looms, have all disappeared. The descendants of some of the Stone Cutters, I beleive still preserve the trade in Boston. Of Eight or ten Stocking Looms all have been worn out or sold but one, which is still in use by Mr Henry Havewick and is capable of making perhaps Six hundred Pair in a year, which those who use them, know to be far preferable to any imported Hose, that can be purchased, and not dearer. The Salt Works Chocolate Works and all other Manufactures have long since deserted Germantown. They might all be revived by associations of Individuals, or by the Policy of Government in Case of Necessity.
The Manufactures that remain in the town of Quincy are neither many nor very important. 1st The Woolen, and Linnen, and Cotton Manufactures, are cheifly in private families, and these are too much neglected. The Principal professed Manufacturers are Mr Wilson Marsh and Sons and Mr Dwellee. Inclosed is a Letter from Mr Marsh giving an account of his works, which employ about forty Spinners, among the Females in the neighbourhood. 2nd. The Manufactory of Stone. This town abounds in a species of Granite which with their Chisells, Drills, and Wedges, the Workmen shape as they please. They divide the most Massy Rocks, into Morsels of any length, breadth, or depth they choose, and hammer the sides into Smooth Surfaces, which make handsomer and more durable houses than the Portland Stone in England, or that in the Neighborhood of Paris. This Branch of business requires, no other encouragement than the natural growth of the Country and the Multiplication of Inhabitants and Houses. Unless we accept the occasional demands of Government, for the best materials for Fortifications. 3. In Leather. We have but one Tanner and Primer, and one Currier, who carry on the Business to no great extent. 4th. The Manufacture of Shoes, and Boots, in this and all the Neighbouring Towns has been and still is very considerable for Exportation as well as home Consumption. 5th. We have Smiths, and Housewrights, and Bricklayers, for the ordinary Purposes, of Building and Agriculture, who want no other Encouragement than the ordinary prosperity of the Country. 6. The fishery has been established in this town, and is not yet wholly neglected. 7th Salt might be made in large quantities, for no place has more, or better situations, for the Works than this. But this will depend wholly upon the National Impost upon Imported Salt. Accept Sir this / imperfect Sketch, which is the best that can at present be furnished by your most obedient / Servant

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Rush, 5 December 1809
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

my dear friend,

 Philadelphia Decemr: 5th: 1809
I picked up some time ago a magazine in which I met with a revival of the Old controversy concerning the divine Origin of Episcopal and Presbyterian Ordination carried on by Dr Hobart and Dr Mason of New York. After reading a few pages of it, I threw down the magazine with disgust, and committed the enclosed thoughts upon that Subject to paper. The partiality you have been pleased to express for some of my dreams, has induced me to send you a Copy of it. It may perhaps Afford some Amusement to your Parish Minister After he has drunk his glass of wine & smoked his segar at your table.
I have great pleasure in informing You, that my son who sailed from Philada for Glasgow on the 15th of July, and my daughter who with her husband & Children sailed from Quebec on the 10th: of July for Plymouth both arrived at their wished port on the same day August 29th—the day on which their brother was married to one of the most amiable & accomplished woman in this Country. A rare Coincidence on one day of family blessings, for which I desire to be devoutly thankful!—my son has been well received; in Edinr and is much pleased with every thing he has seen and heard in that part of the World.
I send you herewith a few numbers of the Aurora.
Excuse the Shortness of this letter. For some weeks past my lectures—the hospital, & my private practice have occupied every moment of my time. My Class amounts to 300, 250 of whom are students of medicine. The rest are graduates in medicine, Clergymen & private gentleman.
with love to your fire side in which my dear Mrs Rush joins I am Dr Sir ever / Yours
Benjn Rush
PS: Has the history prophecy (as you called it) contained in my last letter as yet become history?—

An illustration of the exclusive The Claims of the Episcopal and Presbyterian Churches to the divine origin of thier respective modes of ordination proved to be just extracted from a manuscript copy of J:S:s travels into the East.
“In travelling passing through a part of Asia Minor I came to a Village where, I found the first thing I heard of, was a Controversy between two Taylors which engaged the attention of all its inhabitants. One of them contended that he was the descendant of Dorcas who possessed from the twelve Apostles a patent for the exercise of that his business, and that he had an exclusive right to make all the Cloathes that His were worn in the village. His name was Peter. Another, whose name was John, contended that he had that right exclusively, and that he could show the patterns of coats, breeches, and pantaloons cut out by the hands of his Ancestor Dorcas with her own hands. The Contest between these two Taylors was carried on with great acrimony, and fury. They branded each other with opprobrious names. Peter called the Cloathes made by John “dish clouts,” While John insisted upon it that all the Cloathes made by Peter were composed of “Old rags” that had belonged to a noted prostitute known by the name of the Whore of Babylon. Such was the rancour with which they disputed About thier exclusive patents for thier respective trades, that they would neither eat, nor drink with each Other, nor enter into each Others houses. Peter did not even acknowledge John to be One of the Craft, but always spoke of him by the name of the “Dish clout maker.” Besides these two Taylors, there were several Others who worked at the trade, who did not pretend to be the heirs or Successors of Dorcas, but who by long practice had become as neat Workmen as Peter and John. These persons were treated with equal the same contempt and obloquy by both of them, and Peter that he did John treated John. but I remarked that the inhabitants of the village in spite of notwithstanding all the two Taylors said against the Ancient rights, & Skill of each other, they that the inhabitants of the Village were all clad in a manner equally comfortable and decent, Although the Cloathes of some of them were a little more costly than Others. In contemplating the dispute between these two Taylors, and thier unhappy consequences, I could not help thinking how much more the Widows that wept over the Corpse of Dorcas, would have deplored her life, rather than her death, had they forseen the evils that the exercise of her trade would have brought upon this part of the World; and thou venerable Saint.! little didst thou think thy Charities would have become the Source of so much discord among thy followers, and that a monopoly of a trade, intended for the benefit of the whole human race, should have been claimed by any one of them. Descend gentle Spirit of benificence from thy blessed Abode, Where thou are now enjoying the rewards of thy liberal and pious labors, and heal, by thy presence and advice, the divisions that have taken place among the votaries of the Scissars and the thimble, and teach them, that thy art was not entailed in thy family, and that every Article of dress which completely covers those parts of the body which were intended to be concealed from the public eye, and which protects it from the inconveniences of heat, and Cold, is perfectly agreeable to the pattern by which thou didst make the Cloathes Coats, and garments for the poor of Joppa!”—


Title: To John Adams from Jonathan Webb, 8 December 1809
From: Webb, Jonathan
To: Adams, John

Sr.
Quincy Decr. 8, 1809

Agreeable to your request I have considered the Substance of Mr. Dearborns letter—
And hereby inform you what little I know respecting the several enquires therein mention’d. This Town abounds mostly of boot & shoemakers there appears to be about 20 shops employing from 80 to 100 hands, can be carried on with a small capital— It is not so good as it has been, no doubt the interuption of our trade has had an effect that way, and am inform’d the Southern States are in a way of manufacturing for themselves much more than they were some time since—
Notwithstanding there is a duty on imported shoes they will import some yet, the duty opperates rather as a tax on the southern states. There has been considerable improvements in this business lately especially Ladies morocco and kid shoes as they are call’d
The taning business has been profitable to those that could carry it on largely, but I think it not so now, and expect others that see how many tan-yards have been abandoned near Boston in a few years will think so too. Mr. Williams of Roxbury has carried it on as largely as any that I am acquainted with, I suppose his Capital to be about ten thousand dollars, but he affirms that it does not neat him 6 P. Ct. employs 5 or 6 hands—For my own part am neither one thing nor an othe, tan a little, curry a little, get a few shoes & boots made &C—Currying I think a better business than taning at present
Household manufactures I veiw as a matter of great importance to this Country, I shall rejoice to have our goverment give it not an elastick but a permanent spring so that those who may set up the business may not be disapointed; and if any foreign mechanick shou’d happen to come here may find employ and get a living at it; they will give us information in the art of manufactering. As to the means or method of encouraging manufactures I submitt must be left entirely  to the ability and wisdom of goverment—
Sr. I hope you will excuse my not making a reply to your request sooner. The only reason I can give is I despaired giving you any usefull information or advice; so that it was a burden to attempt it—I had rather read twenty of your publications communications  in the Patriot than make this scroll, I am much pleased with those pieces not altogether because it is placeing the saddle on the right Horse, but necessary truths ought to be made public, I think it a duty you owed to your Self, your Family, and above all your Country. I think it is rendering our Country essential service.
Am Sr. / with great Esteem / Yr. Huml. Servt.

Jona. Webb


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 8 December 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

					Sirs,
					Quincy, Dec. 8, 1809.

				AMSTERDAM, May 27, 1781—wrote to Congress: “In the assembly of the States General, the following report has lately been made:Messrs. De Linden, De Hemmen, and other deputies of their High Mightinesses, for maritime affairs, have in consequence of the commissional resolution of the twenty seventh of last month, examined a letter of the directors named in commission by the respective chambers, of the granted general company of the Dutch East Indies, to the assembly of seventeen, held the 23d of the same month at Amsterdam, representing the great inconveniences to which it would be exposed by the delay of the expedition of the vessels of the company, if it were not soon provided with the customary provisions, at least as much as in ordinary times; as well as the possibility that the enemy may attempt an attack in that country, upon which the directors would be exposed to answer for it; having in the different chambers, seven vessels ready to put to sea, with the hope that ere long this number will be still further augmented; soliciting to this end, a convenient number of vessels of war to give a safe escort to the ships of the company; while the directors, on their parts, will put all in motion, to watch over the safety of their vessels; Wishing to this end to arm some of these vessels in au extraordinary manner, that they may be able to oppose some resistance, both for themselves and for the others scattered over the sea of the Indies. That nevertheless, if their High Mightinesses could not determine themselves to this, they, the directors, hoped that they should not be responsible for the consequences that might result; that on the contrary, all the sharers in general, and their High Mightinesses in particular would agree, that in this, the directors have done all that could be required of persons to whom had been confided the direction of the goods, of so many widows and orphans, of persons who, under the immediate auspices of their High Mightinesses, had the honor to direct a colony whose prosperity is essentially connected with that of this country.Upon which, having demanded and received the considerations and the advice of the committees of the colleges of the respective admiralties, which are at present here, we have reported to the assembly, that the gentlemen the deputies should be of opinion, that notwithstanding the most ardent wishes to employ a sufficient number of vessels of war, not only for the defence of the ships, but also that of the possessions of the company of the East Indies of their country, it would, however, be impracticable at this time, considering the present situation of the navy of this state, universally known, which could not appear strange to any one instructed in the natural representations, so often repeated from time to time, by the colleges of the admiralty in this respect; especially if one considers that a navy fallen into so great a decay, could not be rebuilt so suddenly, and placed so soon upon a respectable footing; that moreover, this navy already so enfeebled, was become still more so, by the surprise and capture of different vessels of war, by casual disasters happened to others, and because the rest were dispersed in so many different places, that of the equipment projected for this year, there was wanting a great quantity of vessels and frigates well equipped and provided, at least such as in the case in question could be used; that besides the
vessels ready to act, which are already in the ports of the republic, ought in the first place and before all things, to serve for the defence of the coasts and harbors, or mouths of the rivers, as well as for the protection of the navigation towards the North Sea and the Baltic, and of the ships which return from thence. That, principally, by reason of the unheard of scarcity of seamen, occasioned, in a great measure by the capture of so enormous a quantity of Dutch merchant ships, which had been manned by the best seamen in the nation, it was almost impossible to determine the time when the other vessels of war in commission should be able to act. That nevertheless, the company of the East Indies was of too great importance to this country, for us to be able to reject entirely her demand; and by so much the less, as the Directors do not request to be protected to the detriment of the republic, but they demonstrate also, that they are really willing on their part to make their last efforts for their own defence, and contented themselves, to require the suitable support of the state, to sustain the forces which the Company was upon the point to put in action. That from a refusal of a requisition of this nature it might result, that in losing all hope in the protection of the State they may neglect also those efforts, which otherwise might be employed, with some appearance of success: That, besides the national establishments in this distant part of the globe would also fall, and without the least resistance into the hands of the enemy: and that this republic, at the end of the present war, would find itself destitute of all its resources.—That this presentiment, apparently ought to effect a close union of all the forces, to fulfill as far as possible the desire of the said Directors, and that to the end to try all practicable means, expecting at the same time the celestial benediction and the prompt and effectual succour of our High Allies. In default of ordinary remedies, it is necessary to have recourse without the smallest loss of time to extraordinary remedies: and to this effect his most serene Highness, in his quality of Stadtholder and Admiral General of the republic, ought to be solicited and authorised, if it were possible, either by borrowing vessels of war, with their equipages or by purchasing or hiring, here or elsewhere, other suitable ships which might be appropriated to this, or finally in every other practicable manner, to reinforce, at the expense of the country, the marine of the State, with the greatest celerity, and as much as possible. In consequence of which, in concert with the said Directors of the East India Company, we may regulate the time, the manner and the force of the protection to be procured for the company in question: the whole as his most serene Highness, saving the sense of the resolution of their High Mightinesses of the 26th of March last, shall judge the most convenient for the greatest utility of the republic and of the said company. Finally, that it would be convenient also, to intimate to the Colleges of the Admiralty, respectively, of this country, to co-operate, as much as possible, with his most serene Highness, not only to put and hold, with the greatest expedition, in a convenient state, the vessels of the republic, but also in particular, for every thing which may contribute to accelerate their equipment and sailing, and to the greatest success of the enrollment; with a promise that the extraordinary expenses, which shall result from it, and be advanced, with the advice of his most serene Highness, shall be restored and made good to them.Upon which having deliberated, Messrs. the Deputies of the Province of Zealand, have taken a copy of this report to be able to communicate it more amply.I do myself the honor to transmit such state papers entire, because Congress will be able to collect the real state of things from them, better than from any remarks of mine. The state of the republic is deplorable enough. There is but one sure path for it to pursue, that is instantly to accede to the treaty of alliance between France and America. They see this, but have not the firmness to venture on the measure. Indeed the military character, both on land and sea, seems to be lost out of this nation.—The love of fame, the desire of glory, the love of country, the regard for posterity, in short all the generous and sublime passions, are lost and succeeded by nothing but the love of ease and money. But the character of this people must change, or they are finally undone.Amsterdam, May 29, 1781, wrote to congress: “The English by the capture of St. Eustatia, appear to have committed the most complete blunder of all. There was found in that Island a greater quantity of property, belonging to the Britons themselves than to the French, Dutch, or Americans, They have broke up a trade that was more advantageous to them than to any of their enemies, as it was a channel through which British manufactures were conveyed to N. America, and much provision and assistance to their fleets and armies in the W. Indies. As the British merchants were warranted to trade to this Island by an act of parliament, all those who are sufferers by this capture are clamoring against government, as especially against Rodney and Vaughan, for illegally seizing their property, and threatening those commanders with as many lawsuits as there are losers. But what completes the jest is, that De La Motte Piquet has carried safe into Brest, two and twenty of the vessels loaded with the spoils of St. Eustatia, which Rodney had sent, under convoy of commodore Hotham, and four ships  of the line. So that Rodney after having lost his booty is like to have lawsuits to defend, and very probably the whole to repay to the owners. Thus the cards are once more turned against the gambler; and the nation has gained nothing but an addition to their reputation for iniquity. This is good justice. There is room to hope for more instances of it, because their fleets are coming home from the West Indies, and the Spanish fleet of thirty sail of the line, under Cordova, is again at sea, and it is hoped the French fleet will soon go out again.The English fleets are so fully employed by the French and Spaniards that the Dutch might do a great deal, if they would; but something, in this machine is fatally amiss. The Patriots weep, but all in vain. The fleets and ships that sail, are said to have orders to act only on the defensive. The Courtiers say that Amsterdam is the cause of the war: the friends of Amsterdam say that the Courtiers arc corrupted by the English. Some say the Prince declares he never will do any thing against the English:—Others say that he has authorised the French Ambassador to assure the king his master, that he is ready to make arrangements with his Majesty. Others report sayings of the Princess of Orange, that the conduct of some of the Courtiers will be the ruin of her family. All these reports serve to no purpose, but to shew the confusion and distraction of the country. However, there must be a change soon, for better or worse: for hunger will break down all ordinary fences.Amsterdam, May 31, 1781—wrote to Congress: “The following Memorial lays open a dispute between two nations.High and Mighty Lords,It is well known to your High Mightinesses, with what constancy, and for how long a time, the subscriber has had the honor to lay before you, by order of his court, how much she desires to accomplish a settlement of the differences, which exist upon the Rio Volta, between her subjects and your’s, who have, by little and little, wrongfully occupied and fortified the posts of Creve Cœur, and of Good Hope, which at present incommode and restrain the Danish establishment upon that coast, to a degree almost to destroy the existence of them; to put them to expenses for their maintenance, which absorb their utility, and to render more and more necessary, measures which his majesty would desire, not to be obliged to think of. In consequence, although the subscriber has rendered a faithful account of the assurances which have been repeatedly given him, of the desire which your High Mightinesses have to take away, even from its source, all subjects of misunderstanding reciprocally; a desire very conformable to that of the king his master; nevertheless, as nothing has resulted from these general assurances, he finds himself at present obliged to execute the orders, which he has received, to demand of your High Mightinesses, to cause to be evacuated the said forts of Creve Cœur and of Good Hope, the existence of which cannot consist with that of the establishments of Denmark. He has express orders to make this requisition: and to give to understand, that as his majesty will be very sensible of this friendly manner of terminating the present differences upon the coast of Guinea. So he will see, with sincere regret, that you oblige him to give to this affair, a more serious attention.The Hague, the 28th of April.(Signed) St. Saphorin.Amsterdam, May 31,1781—wrote to Congress. “The cities of Hærlem and Dort have seconded Amsterdam, although the other cities of Holland have hitherto been silent; as appears by the following declarations.A declaration of the gentlemen, the deputies of the city of Dort, concerning the proposition of the city of Amsterdam, made at the assembly of their noble and grand Mightinesses on the 18th of May, 1781.The gentlemen the deputies of Dort, have declared to the assembly, that they had been earnest to transmit to the regency of their city, the proposition of the gentlemen the burgomasters and counsellors of Amsterdam, communicating to them at the same time, that, with regard to the matter which makes the object of it, the gentlemen the deputies, had beforehand declared, that since the substance of the said proposition was entirely conformable to that, which for some time had formed among the gentlemen the constituents, the object of preliminary deliberations, the deputies had believed themselves tacitly authorised to adopt immediately the said proposition, in all its points; which determined them also to testify their very sincere gratitude to the gentlemen the deputies of Amsterdam, and in their persons to the gentlemen the burgomasters and regents of the same city, for the enlightened and vigilant zeal, with which these gentlemen in taking this step so salutary and so necessary, had shewn that they had at heart the true interest of their dear country, which had already experienced so many injuries. That at present, the gentlemen the deputies, after the communication alledged, found themselves expressly instructed, to cause to be inserted in the minutes of their noble and grand Mightinesses, for the justification of the regency of their city before posterity, that the venerable magistrates of Dort, approving what is before mentioned, had learned with a lively satisfaction the proposition before mentioned: that it was ready and disposed in the name of that city, to concur efficaciously in all the means which may be judged the most convenient, to save, wish alacrity, this country, now threatened and surrounded with the greatest and most terrible dangers. That, to this end, the venerable regents of Dort, would not fail to deliberate immediately, upon the particular points, which the proposition in question presents, and to cause in course their resolution to be transmitted to the assembly of their noble and grand Mightinesses.Note of the deputies of Hærlem, touching the provisional resolution taken by their noble and grand Mightinesses, upon the proposition of Amsterdam.The gentlemen the deputies of the city of Hærlem, resuming the extension of the 18th of May, have declared, that, in accepting the proposition of the gentlemen the deputies of the city of Amsterdam, their advice had been, that since the said proposition ought to be attributed to a laudable desire, to watch over the common interests, the gentlemen the deputies of Amsterdam, and in their persons, the gentlemen their constituents, ought to be thanked for the zeal and marked attention upon this occasion, for the utility of their dear country.—But as at that time, almost all the members relished this advice in such a manner, that the assembly had converted it into a provisional resolution, the gentlemen the deputies had a good right to presume, that in imitation of many antecedent facts, this advice would have become an essential measure to cause to be passed, the beforementioned provisional resolution. But, the gentlemen the deputies, seeing the contrary, and their remarks made in this regard, answered by a frozen silence, on the part of the other members, they have, both on account of this circumstance, and to ascertain what really passed in consequence of the proposition in question, and to justify the report made to the gentlemen their principals, upon this object, judged necessary to cause this note to be inserted in the minutes of their noble and grand Mightinesses.With hearty wishes that this dumb spirit may be soon cast out, I have the honor to be, &c.Amsterdam, June 1, 1781, wrote to Messieurs Fitzeau, Grand & Co. “I have received your favor of the 30th of May, enclosing four bills of exchange accepted by me, on the 24th of November last, and paid by you the 24th ult. amounting to B. f. 2200; and eleven others accepted by me on the 28th of last November, and paid by you the 28th ult. amounting to B. f. 6050, together 8250, for which you have debited the United States of America. For all which transactions you will please to accept my thanks.I return you, gentlemen, the three setts of draughts on his excellency Benjamin Franklin, Esq. signed for f. 2200: 2300: and 2500: together f. 7000 at two usances. I was accidentally prevented from returning them at the time you mentioned, which I hope will be no material inconvenience.”Amsterdam, June 1, 1781, wrote to Dr. Franklin. “On the 31st ult. I drew upon your excellency, in favor of the house of Fitzeau, Grand, & Co. three setts of exchange of two in a sett, for f. 2200: 2300: and 2500: together f. 7000 at two usances, to enable them to discharge the bills, drawn by congress on Mr. Laurens, accepted by me, and now become payable.”Amsterdam, June 1, 1781—wrote a memorial to the president of the assembly of their High Mightinesses, the States General of the United Provinces of the low countries.“Sir—I have received from my sovereign, the United States of America in congress, their express instructions, to notify to their High Mightinesses, the States General, the complete and final ratification of the confederation of the thirteen United States, from New-Hampshire to Georgia, both included, on the first day of March last.I do myself the honor to enclose an authentic copy of this important act; and to request the favor of you, sir, to communicate it to their High Mightinesses, in such manner as you shall judge most convenient; as, in the present circumstances of affairs, I know of no more proper mode of discharging this part of my duty.I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect and consideration, sir, your most obedient and most humble servant.”Amsterdam, June 1, 1781, wrote to the baron de Ray, secretary to his most serene highness, the prince stadtholder. “I have received from my sovereign, the United States of America in congress assembled, their express orders to notify his most serene highness the prince stadtholder, of the complete and final ratification of the confederation of the thirteen United States, from New-Hampshire to Georgia, both included, on the first day of last March.I do myself the honor to enclose an authentic copy of this important act; and to request the favour of you, sir, to communicate it to his most serene highness, in such manner as you shall judge most convenient and agreeable; as in the present situation of affairs, I know of no mode more proper, of discharging this part of my duty. I have the honor to be, with very great respect, sir, your most obedient and most humble servant.”Amsterdam, June 1, 1781, wrote to Mr. Dumas at the Hague. “Enclosed are two letters, one to the president of their high mightinesses, the other to the secretary of the prince, which after you have perused, I should be obliged to you, to superscribe, seal and deliver yourself or send by the post, as you shall judge most proper. The way of the post would avoid all questions and disagreements, and therefore perhaps, is best.”

					John Adams.