Title: [Fryday August 16. 1776.]
From: Adams, John
To:

      Fryday August 16. 1776.
      Resolved that a Member be added to the Committee to whom were referred the Letters and Papers respecting the murder of Mr. Parsons. The Member chosen Mr. J. Adams.

      Resolved that the Letters received Yesterday from General Washington, General Schuyler and General Gates be referred to the Board of War.
      Congress resumed the consideration of the Instructions given to Commodore Hopkins &c. and thereupon came to the following Resolution.
      Resolved that the said Conduct of Commodore Hopkins deserves the Censure of this House and this House does accordingly censure him.
      Ordered that a Copy of the Resolutions passed against Commodore Hopkins be transmitted to him.
      Although this Resolution of Censure was not, in my Opinion demanded by Justice and consequently was inconsistent with good Policy, as it tended to discourage an Officer and diminish his Authority by tarnishing his reputation; Yet as it went not so far as to cashier him, which had been the Object intended by the Spirit that dictated the Prosecution, I had the Satisfaction to think that I had not laboured wholly in vain, in his defence.


Title: [Saturday August 17. 1776.]
From: Adams, John
To:

      Saturday August 17. 1776. Congress resumed the Consideration of the Report of the Committee, to whom was referred Brigadier General Woosters Letter requesting an Inquiry into his Conduct, while he had the honor of commanding the Continental forces in Canada, which was read as follows:
      That Brigadier General Wooster produced Copies of a Number of Letters, which passed between him and General Schuyler, and of his Letters to Congress, from which it appears, that he from time to time, gave seasonable and due notice of the State of the Army under his Command, and what Supplies were in his Opinion necessary to render the Enterprize successful; that a number of Officers and other Gentlemen from Canada, who were acquainted with his Conduct there, and who happened to be occasionally in this City, were examined before the Committee; to which Letters, and the minutes of the examination of the Witnesses herewith exhibited, the Committee beg leave to refer Congress for further Information, and report, as the Opinion of the Committee upon the whole of the Evidence that was before them, that nothing censurable or blame worthy appears against Brigadier General Wooster.

      The Report being read again, was agreed to.
      But not, however, without a great Struggle.—In this Instance again as in many others, when the same anti New England Spirit which pursued Commodore Hopkins, persecuted General Wooster, I had to contend with the whole Host of their Ennemies, and with the Utmost Anxiety and most arduous Efforts, was scarcely able to preserve them from disgrace and Ruin, which Wooster had merited even less than Hopkins. In Woosters case there was a manifest Endeavour to lay upon him the blame of their own misconduct in Congress in embarrassing and starving the War in Canada. Wooster was calumniated for Incapacity, Want of Application and even for Cowardice, without a Colour of Proof of either. The Charge of Cowardice he soon confuted by a glorious and voluntary Sacrifice of his Life, which compelled his Ennemies to confess he was a Hero.
      The Board of War brought in a report which was taken into Consideration; whereupon Resolved, as in all the rest of the Journal.


Title: [Monday August 19. 1776.]
From: Adams, John
To:

      Monday August 19. 1776. Letters from General Washington referred to the Board of War.
      A Letter of the 14th. from Commodore Hopkins was read; whereupon Resolved That Commodore Hopkins be directed to repair to Rhode Island, and take the Command of the Fleet formerly put under his Care.
      Congress resumed the consideration of the Articles of War as revised by the Committee for that Purpose appointed, and after some time spent thereon, the farther Consideration thereof was postponed.
      This Report was made by me and Mr. Jefferson, in Consequence of a Letter from General Washington, sent by Colonel Tudor, Judge Advocate General, representing the Insufficiency of the Articles of War and requesting a Revision of them. Mr. John Adams and Mr. Jefferson were appointed a Committee, to hear Tudor and revise the Articles... . It was a very difficult and unpopular Subject: and I observed to Jefferson, that Whatever Alteration We should report with the least Ennergy in it, or the least tendency to a necessary discipline of the Army, would be opposed with as much Vehemence as if it were the most perfect: We might as well therefore report a compleat System at once and let it meet its fate. Some thing perhaps might be gained. There was extant one System of Articles of War, which had carried two Empires to the head of Mankind, the Roman And the British: for the British Articles of War were only a litteral Translation of the Roman: it would be in vain for Us to seek, in our own Inventions or the Records of Warlike nations for a more compleat System of military discipline: it was an Observation founded in undoubted facts that the Prosperity of Nations had been in proportion to the discipline of their forces by Sea and Land: I was therefore for reporting the British Articles of War, totidem Verbis. Jefferson in those days never failed to agree with me, in every Thing of a political nature, and he very cordially concurred in this. The British Articles of War were Accordingly reported and defended in Congress, by me Assisted by some others, and finally carried. They laid the foundation of a discipline, which in time brought our Troops to a Capacity of contending with British Veterans, and a rivalry with the best Troops of France.


Title: [Tuesday August 20 1776.]
From: Adams, John
To:

      Tuesday August 20 1776. A Letter of the 18th. from General Washington, with sundry Papers inclosed, was laid before Congress and read.
      Resolved that the same be referred to a Committee of five: the Members chosen, Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Franklin, Mr. Rutledge, Mr. J. Adams and Mr. Hooper.
      A Committee of the whole on the Articles of Confederation. Mr. Morton reported that the Committee had gone through the same, and agreed to sundry Articles which he was ordered to submit to Congress.
      Ordered that Eighty Copies of the Articles of Confederation, as reported from the Committee of the whole, be printed under the same Injunctions as the former Articles, and delivered to the Members under the like Injunctions as formerly.
      Thus We see the whole Record of this momentous Transaction. No Motions recorded. No Yeas and Nays taken down. No Alterations proposed. No debates preserved. No Names mentioned. All in profound Secrecy. Nothing suffered to transpire: No Opportunity to consult Constituents. No room for Advice or Criticisms in Pamphlets, Papers or private Conversation. I was very uneasy under all this but could not avoid it. In the Course of this Confederation, a few others were as anxious as myself. Mr. Wilson of Pennsylvania, upon one Occasion moved that the debates should be public, the Doors opened, galleries erected, or an Adjournment made to some public Building where the People might be accommodated. Mr. John Adams seconded the Motion and supported it, with Zeal. But No: Neither Party were willing: some were afraid of divisions among the People: but more were afraid to let the People see the insignificant figures they made in that Assembly. Nothing indeed was less understood, abroad among the People, than the real Constitution of Congress and the Characters of those who conducted the Business of it. The Truth is, the Motions, Plans, debates, Amendments, which were every day brought forward in those Committees of the whole House, if committed to Writing, would be very voluminous: but they are lost forever. The Preservation of them indeed, might for any thing I recollect be of more Curiosity than Use.


Title: [Wednesday August 21. 1776.]
From: Adams, John
To:

      Wednesday August 21. 1776. A Petition from Prudehome La Junesse was read and referred to the Board of War.
      The Committee to whom part of the Report from the Committee on Spies was recommitted, having brought in a report, the same was taken into Consideration where-upon
      Resolved, That all Persons, not Members of, nor owing Allegiance to any of the United States of America, as described in a Resolution of Congress of the 24th. of June last, who shall be found lurking as Spies, in or about the fortifications or Encampments of the Armies of the United States, or of any of them, shall suffer death, according to the Law and Usage of Nations by Sentence of a Court Marshall, or such other punishment as a Court martial shall direct.
      Ordered that the Above resolution be printed at the End of the Rules and Articles of War.
      The Board of War brought in a report, which was taken into Consideration whereupon resolved as in the Journal.
      Resolved that the Letter from General Washington read Yesterday, and that of the 12th, with the Papers inclosed, be referred to the Board of War.
      Resolved that a Committee of three be appointed to revise the Resolutions of Congress, respecting the place where Prizes are to be carried into, and to bring in such farther resolutions as to them shall seem proper: the Members chosen Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Morris and Mr. J. Adams.


Title: [Thursday August 22. 1776.]
From: Adams, John
To:

      Thursday August 22. 1776. Letters from Generals Washington and Schuyler with Papers inclosed, referred to the Board of War.
      The Board of War brought in a Report, which was read: ordered to lie on the Table.
      The Committee to whom the Letter from General Washington of the 18th was referred, brought in a report which was read: ordered to lie on the Table.
      A Committee of the whole on the Form of a Treaty: Mr. Nelson in the Chair.
      A Letter from Brigadier General Lewis: also a letter from the Committee of Carlisle, in Pennsylvania, inclosing a memorial from the Officers Prisoners there, were read and referred to the Board of War.


Title: [Fryday August 23. 1776.]
From: Adams, John
To:

      Fryday August 23. 1776. A Letter of the 21. from General Washington inclosing a Copy of a Letter from him to Lord Howe, together with his Lordships Answer was read:
      Resolved That the same be referred to the Board of War, with orders to publish the General’s Letter to Lord Howe, and his Lordships Answer.


Title: [Thursday August 29. 1776.]
From: Adams, John
To:

      Thursday August 29. 1776. A Letter of the 27th. from R. H. Harrison, the Generals Secretary, and one of the 28th. from General Mercer, both giving an Account of an Action on Long Island on the 27th. were read and referred to the Board of War.

      The Board of War brought in a report, which was taken into Consideration, whereupon Resolved. See the several Resolutions in the Journal.
      Resolved That the Committee, to whom the Plan of Treaties with the Amendments, was recommitted, be impowered to prepare such farther Instructions as to them shall seem proper, and make report thereof to Congress.


Title: [Fryday August 30. 1776.]
From: Adams, John
To:

      Fryday August 30. 1776. A Memorial from Mr. Kosciusko was read and referred to the Board of War.


Title: [Monday. September 2. 1776.]
From: Adams, John
To:

      Monday. September 2. 1776. A Letter of the 31. of August from General Washington, inclosing the determination of a Council of War, and the reasons for quitting Long Island, and a Copy of a Letter from Lord Sterling: Also, one of the 23d from General Gates, with sundry Papers inclosed: one from sundry field Officers in the Army at Ticonderoga, dated the 19th of August, with the Proceedings between a Court Martial and brigadier General Arnold.
      Also a Letter of the 23d, from Captain John Nelson, and one from Benjamin Harrison Junior, deputy Pay master General, with his Weekly Account, were read and referred to the Board of War.
      Congress being informed, that General Sullivan was come to Philadelphia, with a design to communicate a Message from Lord Howe:
      Ordered that he be admitted and heard before Congress.
      A petition from Michael Fitzgerald; one from John Weitzell and one from James Paul Govert, were read and referred to the Board of War.
      General Sullivan being admitted, delivered a Verbal Message he had in Charge from Lord Howe, which he was desired to reduce to Writing and then he withdrew.
      Resolved that the board of War be directed to prepare and bring in a plan of military Operations for the next Campaign.


Title: [Wednesday September 4. 1776.]
From: Adams, John
To:

      Wednesday September 4. 1776. Resolved that the board of War be directed to call in the several Recruiting Parties of the German Battalions, and to have them formed and armed with all possible Expedition, and forwarded to New York, taking measures, and giving proper directions to have the battalion recruited to the full Compliment as soon as the same can conveniently be done.
      Resolved, that the proposal made by General Howe, as delivered by General Sullivan, of exchanging General Sullivan for General Prescott, and Lord Sterling for Brigadier General McDonald be complied with.
      Congress took into Consideration, the Report of the Board of War, and after some time spent thereon
      Resolved that the farther Consideration thereof be postponed, till tomorrow.


Title: [Thursday September 5. 1776.]
From: Adams, John
To:

      Thursday September 5. 1776. A Petition referred to the Board of War.
      Resolved That General Prescot, and Brigadier General McDonald be sent by the Board of War, under an Escort, to General Washington, to be exchanged for General Sullivan and Lord Sterling.
      Congress resumed the Consideration of the Report of the Board of War, whereupon
      Resolved, That General Sullivan be requested to inform Lord Howe that, this Congress, being the Representatives of the free and independent States of America, cannot with propriety send any of its members, to confer with his Lordship in their private Characters, but that, ever desirous of establishing peace, on reasonable terms, they will send a Committee of their body, to know whether he has any Authority to treat with persons, authorized by Congress for that purpose in behalf of America, and what that Authority is, and to hear such propositions as he shall think fit to make respecting the same:
      That the President be desired to write to General Washington and Acquaint him, that it is the Opinion of Congress, no proposals for making peace between Great Britain and the United States of America ought to be received or attended to, unless the same be made in Writing and Addressed to the Representatives of the said States in Congress, or persons authorized by them: And if application be made to him, by any of the Commanders of the British forces on that Subject, that he inform them, that these United States, who entered into the War, only for the defence of their Lives and Liberties, will chearfully agree to peace on reasonable terms, whenever such shall be proposed to them in manner aforesaid.
      Resolved That a Copy of the first of the two foregoing resolutions, be delivered to General Sullivan, and that he be directed to repair immediately to Lord Howe.
      Resolved That tomorrow be assigned for electing the Committee.


Title: [Fryday September 6. 1776.]
From: Adams, John
To:

      Fryday September 6. 1776.
      Resolved that General Sullivan be requested to deliver to Lord Howe, the Copy of the Resolution given to him.

      Resolved that the Committee, “to be sent to know whether Lord Howe has any Authority to treat with persons authorized by Congress for that purpose in behalf of America, and what that Authority is, and to hear such propositions as he shall think fit to make respecting the same” consist of three:
      Congress then proceeded to the Elections, and the ballots being taken, Mr. Franklin, Mr. John Adams, and Mr. Rutledge were elected.
      Letters from Generals Washington, Schuyler, Gates and Mercer, referred to the Board of War.
      The Board of War brought in a Report—Resolutions upon it.


Title: [Saturday September 7. 1776.]
From: Adams, John
To:

      Saturday September 7. 1776.
       A Letter of the 5th. from Charles Preston, Major of the 26th. Regiment a Prisoner, was read and referred to the Board of War.
      Resolved, that a Copy of the Resolutions passed by Congress, on the Message brought by General Sullivan, and the names of the Committee appointed, be sent to General Washington.
      Congress resumed the Consideration of the Report of the Board of War whereupon
      Resolved, that all Letters to and from the Board of War and ordinance or the Secretary of the same, be free of all Expence in the Post office of the United States. &c.


Title: [Monday September 9, 1776.]
From: Adams, John
To:

      Monday September 9, 1776.
      Resolved, that in all Continental Commissions, and other Instruments where heretofore the Words, “United Colonies,” have been used, the Stile be altered for the future to the United States.
      The Board of War brought in a report, which was read.
      On this day, Mr. Franklin, Mr. Edward Rutledge and Mr. John Adams proceeded on their Journey to Lord Howe on Staten Island, the two former in Chairs and the last on Horseback; the first night We lodged at an Inn, in New Brunswick. On the Road and at all the public Houses, We saw such Numbers of Officers and Soldiers, straggling and loytering, as gave me at least, but a poor Opinion of the Discipline of our forces and excited as much indignation as anxiety. Such thoughtless dissipation at a time so critical, was not calculated to inspire very sanguine hopes or give great Courage to Ambassadors: I was nevertheless determined that it should not dishearten me. I saw that We must and had no doubt but We should be chastised into order in time.
      The Taverns were so full We could with difficulty obtain Entertainment. At Brunswick, but one bed could be procured for Dr. Franklin and me, in a Chamber little larger than the bed, without a Chimney and with only one small Window. The Window was open, and I, who was an invalid and afraid of the Air in the night blowing upon me, shut it close. Oh! says Franklin dont shut the Window. We shall be suffocated. I answered I was afraid of the Evening Air. Dr. Franklin replied, the Air within this Chamber will soon be, and indeed is now worse than that without Doors: come! open the Window and come to bed, and I will convince you: I believe you are not acquainted with my Theory of Colds. Opening the Window and leaping into Bed, I said I had read his Letters to Dr. Cooper in which he had advanced, that Nobody ever got cold by going into a cold Church, or any other cold Air: but the Theory was so little consistent with my experience, that I thought it a Paradox: However I had so much curiosity to hear his reasons, that I would run the risque of a cold. The Doctor then began an harrangue, upon Air and cold and Respiration and Perspiration, with which I was so much amused that I soon fell asleep, and left him and his Philosophy together: but I believe they were equally sound and insensible, within a few minutes after me, for the last Words I heard were pronounced as if he was more than half asleep.... I remember little of the Lecture, except, that the human Body, by Respiration and Perspiration, destroys a gallon of Air in a minute: that two such Persons, as were now in that Chamber, would consume all the Air in it, in an hour or two: that by breathing over again the matter thrown off, by the Lungs and the Skin, We should imbibe the real Cause of Colds, not from abroad but from within. I am not inclined to introduce here a dissertation on this Subject. There is much Truth I believe, in some things he advanced: but they warrant not the assertion that a Cold is never taken from cold air. I have often conversed with him since on the same subject: and I believe with him that Colds are often taken in foul Air, in close Rooms: but they are often taken from cold Air, abroad too. I have often asked him, whether a Person heated with Exercise, going suddenly into cold Air, or standing still in a current of it, might not have his Pores suddenly contracted, his Perspiration stopped, and that matter thrown into the Circulations or cast upon the Lungs which he acknowledged was the Cause of Colds. To this he never could give me a satisfactory Answer. And I have heard that in the Opinion of his own able Physician Dr. Jones he fell a Sacrifice at last, not to the Stone but to his own Theory; having caught the violent Cold, which finally choaked him, by sitting for some hours at a Window, with the cool Air blowing upon him.
      The next Morning We proceeded on our Journey, and the Remainder of this Negotiation, will be related from the Journals of Congress, and from a few familiar Letters, which I wrote to my most intimate Friends before and after my Journey. The abrupt uncouth freedom of these, and all others of my Letters, in those days require an Apology. Nothing was farther from my Thoughts, than that they would ever appear before the Public. Oppressed with a Load of Business, without a Clerk an Amanuensis, or any Assistance, I was obliged to do every Thing myself. For seven Years before this I had never been without three Clerks in my Office as a Barrister: but now I had no Secretary nor servant whom I could trust to write: and every thing must be copied by myself, or be hazarded without any. The few that I wrote upon this Occasion I copied; merely to assist my memory as Occasion might demand.
      There were a few Circumstances which appear neither in the Journals of Congress nor in my Letters, which may be thought by some worth preserving. Lord How had sent over an Officer as an Hostage for our Security. I said to Dr. Franklin, it would be childish in Us to depend upon such a Pledge and insisted on taking him over with Us, and keeping our Surety on the same side of the Water with Us. My Colleagues exulted in the Proposition and agreed to it instantly. We told the Officer, if he held himself under our direction he must go back with Us. He bowed Assent, and We all embarked in his Lordships Barge. As We approached the Shore his Lordship, observing Us, came down to the Waters Edge to receive Us, and looking at the Officer, he said, Gentlemen, you make me a very high Compliment, and you may depend upon it, I will consider it as the most sacred of Things. We walked up to the House between Lines of Guards of Grenadiers, looking as fierce as ten furies, and making all the Grimaces and Gestures and motions of their Musquets with Bayonets fixed, which I suppose military Ettiquette requires but which We neither understood nor regarded.
      The House had been the Habitation of military Guards, and was as dirty as a stable: but his Lordship had prepared a large handsome Room, by spreading a Carpet of Moss and green Spriggs from Bushes and Shrubbs in the Neighbourhood, till he had made it not only wholesome but romantically elegant, and he entertained Us with good Claret, good Bread, cold Ham, Tongues and Mutton.
      I will now proceed to relate the Sequel of this Conference, 1st from the Journal of Congress. 2d from the Letters written to some of my friends at the time: and 3dly a Circumstance or two which are not preserved in the Journals or Letters.


Title: [Fryday September 13. 1776.]
From: Adams, John
To:

      Fryday September 13. 1776. The Committee appointed to confer with Lord Howe, having returned made a verbal Report.
      Ordered that they make a report in Writing as soon as conveniently they can.


Title: [Tuesday. September 17th. 1776.]
From: Adams, John
To:

      Tuesday. September 17th. 1776. The Committee appointed to confer with Lord Howe, agreable to the order of Congress, brought in a report in Writing, which was read as follows:
      In Obedience to the orders of Congress, We have had a meeting with Lord Howe. It was on Wednesday last upon Staten Island, opposite to Amboy, where his Lordship received and entertained Us, with the Utmost politeness.
      His Lordship opened the Conversation by Acquainting Us, that, tho’ he could not treat with Us as a Committee of Congress, yet, as his Powers enabled him to confer and consult with any private Gentlemen of Influence in the Colonies, on the means of restoring Peace, between the two Countries, he was glad of this Opportunity of conferring with Us, on that Subject, if We thought ourselves at Liberty to enter into a Conference with him in that Character. We observed to his Lordship, that, as our Business was to hear, he might consider Us, in what Light he pleased, and communicate to Us, any propositions he might be authorised to make, for the purpose mentioned; but that We could consider Ourselves in no other Character than that, in which We were placed, by order of Congress. His Lordship then entered into a discourse of considerable Length, which contained no explicit proposition of Peace, except one, namely, That the Colonies should return to their Allegiance and Obedience to the Government of Great Britain. The rest consisted principally of Assurances, that there was an exceeding good disposition in the King and his Ministers, to make that Government easy to Us, with intimations, that, in case of our Submission, they would cause the Offensive Acts of Parliament to be revised, and the Instructions to Ministers to be reconsidered; that so, if any just causes of complaint were found in the Acts, or any Errors in Government were perceived to have crept into the Instructions, they might be amended or withdrawn.

      We gave it, as our Opinion to his Lordship, that a return to the domination of Great Britain, was not now to be expected. We mentioned the repeated humble petitions of the Colonies to the King and Parliament, which had been treated with Contempt, and answered only by additional Injuries; the Unexampled Patience We had shewn, under their tyrannical Government, and that it was not till the late Act of Parliament, which denounced War against Us, and put Us out of the Kings Protection, that We declared our Independence; that this declaration had been called for, by the People of the Colonies in general; that every colony had approved of it, when made, and all now considered themselves as independent States, and were settling or had settled their Governments accordingly; so that it was not in the Power of Congress to agree for them, that they should return to their former dependent State; that there was no doubt of their Inclination for peace, and their Willingness to enter into a treaty with Britain, that might be advantageous to both Countries; that, though his Lordship had at present, no power to treat with them as independent States, he might, if there was the same good disposition in Britain, much sooner obtain fresh Powers from thence, for that purpose, than powers could be obtained by Congress, from the several Colonies to consent to a Submission.
      His Lordship then saying, that he was sorry to find, that no Accommodation was like to take place, put an End to the Conference.
      Upon the whole, it did not appear to your Committee, that his Lordships commission contained any other Authority, than that expressed in the Act of Parliament, namely, that of granting Pardons, with such exceptions as the Commissioners shall think proper to make, and of declaring America or any part of it, to be in the Kings Peace, upon Submission: for as to the Power of enquiring into the State of America, which his Lordship mentioned to Us, and of conferring and consulting with any Persons the Commissioners might think proper, and representing the result of such conversation to the Ministry, who, provided the Colonies would subject themselves, might, after all, or might not at their pleasure, make any Alterations in the former Instructions to Governors, or propose in Parliament any Amendment of the Acts complained of, We apprehended any expectations from the Effects of such a Power would have been too uncertain and precarious to be relied on by America, had she still continued in her State of dependence.

      Ordered that the foregoing Report, and also the Message from Lord Howe as delivered by General Sullivan, and the Resolution of Congress, in consequence thereof, be published by the Committee, who brought in the foregoing report.
      Ordered that the said Committee publish Lord Drummonds Letters to General Washington and the Generals Answers.
      Two or three Circumstances, which are omitted in this report, and indeed not thought worth notice in any of my private Letters, I afterwards found circulated in Europe, and oftener repeated than any other Part of this whole Transaction. Lord How was profuse in his Expressions of Gratitude to the State of Massachusetts, for erecting a marble Monument in Westminster Abbey to his Elder Brother Lord How who was killed in America in the last French War, saying “he esteemed that Honour to his Family, above all Things in this World. That such was his gratitude and affection to this Country, on that Account, that he felt for America, as for a Brother, and if America should fall, he should feel and lament it, like the Loss of a Brother.” Dr. Franklin, with an easy Air and a collected Countenance, a Bow, a Smile and all that Naivetee which sometimes appeared in his Conversation and is often observed in his Writings, replied “My Lord, We will do our Utmost Endeavours, to save your Lordship that mortification.” His Lordship appeared to feel this, with more Sensibility, than I could expect: but he only returned “I suppose you will endeavour to give Us employment in Europe.” To this Observation, not a Word nor a look from which he could draw any Inference, escaped any of the Committee.
      Another Circumstance, of no more importance than the former, was so much celebrated in Europe, that it has often reminded me of the Question of Phocion to his Fellow Citizen, when something he had said in Public was received by the People of Athens with a clamorous Applause, “Have I said any foolish Thing?”—When his Lordship observed to Us, that he could not confer with Us as Members of Congress, or public Characters, but only as private Persons and British Subjects, Mr. John Adams answered somewhat quickly, “Your Lordship may consider me, in what light you please; and indeed I should be willing to consider myself, for a few moments, in any Character which would be agreable to your Lordship, except that of a British Subject.” His Lordship at these Words turn’d to Dr. Franklin and Mr. Rutledge and said “Mr. Adams is a decided Character:” with so much gravity and solemnity: that I now believe it meant more, than either of my Colleagues or myself understood at the time. In our report to Congress We supposed that the Commissioners, Lord and General Howe, had by their Commission Power to except from Pardon all that they should think proper. But I was informed in England, afterwards, that a Number were expressly excepted by Name from Pardon, by the privy Council, and that John Adams was one of them, and that this List of Exceptions was given as an Instruction to the two Howes, with their Commission. When I was afterwards a Minister Plenipotentiary, at the Court of St. James’s The King and the Ministry, were often insulted, ridiculed and reproached in the Newspapers, for having conducted with so much folly as to be reduced to the humiliating Necessity of receiving as an Ambassador a Man who stood recorded by the privy Council as a Rebell expressly excepted from Pardon. If this is true it will account for his Lordships gloomy denunciation of me, as “a decided Character.”—Some years afterwards, when I resided in England as a public Minister, his Lordship recollected and alluded to this Conversation with great politeness and much good humour. Att the Ball, on the Queens Birthnight, I was at a Loss for the Seats assigned to the foreign Ambassadors and their Ladies. Fortunately meeting Lord How at the Door I asked his Lordship, where were the Ambassadors Seats. His Lordship with his usual politeness, and an unusual Smile of good humour, pointed to the Seats, and manifestly alluding to the Conversation on Staten Island said, “Aye! Now, We must turn you away among the foreigners.”
      The Conduct of General Sullivan, in consenting to come to Philadelphia, upon so confused an Errand from Lord Howe, though his Situation as a Prisoner was a temptation and may be considered as some Apology for it, appeared to me to betray such Want of Penetration and fortitude, and there was so little precision in the Information he communicated that I felt much resentment and more contempt upon the Occasion than was perhaps just. The time was extreamly critical. The Attention of Congress, the Army, the States and the People ought to have been wholly directed to the Defence of the Country. To have it diverted and relaxed by such a poor Artifice and confused tale, appeared very reprehensible. To a few of my most confidential friends, I expressed my feelings, in a very few Words, which I found time to write: and all the Letters, of which I find Copies, in my Letter Book, are here subjoined, relative to this Transaction from its Beginning to its End.
      Extract of a Letter from John Adams to Colonel William Tudor, dated Philadelphia August 29. and continued to September 2, 1776.

          To William Tudor

         “So! The Fishers have set a Seine, and a whole Schull, a whole Shoal of Fishes, have swam into it and been caught. The Fowlers have set a Net, and a whole flock of Pidgeons have alighted on the bed, and the Net has been drawn over them.... But the most insolent Thing of all, is sending one of those very Pidgeons, as a Flutterer to Philadelphia, in order to decoy the great flock of all.... Did you ever see a decoy-Duck? or a Decoy Brant?”...

      Extract of a Letter from John Adams to Colonel James Warren, dated Philadelphia September 4th. 1776.

          To James Warren

         “Before this time, the Secretary, (Mr. Samuel Adams) has arrived and will give you, all the Information you can wish, concerning the State of Things here.... Mr. Gerry got in, the day before Yesterday very well.... There has been a change, in our Affairs at New York.— What effects it will produce, I cannot pretend to foretell. I confess I do not clearly foresee. Lord Howe is surrounded with disaffected Americans, Machiavilian Exiles from Boston and elsewhere, who are instigating him, to mingle Art with Force.... He has sent Sullivan here, upon his parole, with the most insidious, ’tho ridiculous message which you can conceive.... It has put Us, rather in a delicate Situation, and gives Us much trouble.
         “Before this day, no doubt, you have appointed some other Persons to come here and I shall embrace the first Opportunity, after our Affairs shall get into a more settled train, to return.... It is high time, for me, I assure you: Yet I will not go, while the present fermentation lasts.—I will stay and watch the Crisis; and assist Nature, like an honest Physician, in throwing off the morbific matter.”

      Another Letter from John Adams to Colonel James Warren, dated Phyladelphia September 8, 1776.

          To James Warren

         “I am going tomorrow Morning, on an Errand to Lord Howe; not to beg a Pardon, I assure you, but to hear what he has to say.... He sent Sullivan here, to let Us know, that he wanted a Conversation with some members of Congress.... We are going to hear him; but as Congress have voted, that they cannot send Members to talk with him, in their private Capacities, but will send a Committee of their Body as Representatives of the free and independent States of America; I presume his Lordship cannot see Us, and I hope he will not; but, if he should, the whole will terminate in nothing. Some think it will occasion a delay of military Operations, which they say, We much want.—I am not of this mind... Some think, it will clearly throw the Odium of continuing this War, on his Lordship and his Master.—I wish it may.... Others think it will silence the Tories and establish the timid Whigs.—I wish this also: but dont expect it. But all these Arguments and twenty others, as weighty, would not have convinced me of the Necessity, Propriety or Utility of this Embassy, if Congress had not determined on it.... I was totis Viribus, against it, from first to last. But, upon this Occasion, New Hampshire, Connecticut and even Virginia, gave Way.... All Sides agreed in sending me. The staunch and intrepid, such as were Ennimies as much as myself to the measure, pushed for me, I suppose, that as little Evil might come of it, as possible.... Others agreed to vote for me, in order to entice some of our Inflexibles, to vote for the Measure.—You will hear more of this Embassy.—It will be famous enough. Your Secretary, (Mr. Samuel Adams) will rip, about this measure, and well he may. Nothing I assure you but the Unanimous Vote of Congress, the pressing Solicitation of the firmest Men in Congress, and the particular Advice of my own Colleagues, at least of Mr. Hancock and Mr. Gerry, would have induced me to have accepted this Trust.”

      A Letter from John Adams to Samuel Adams, (then in Boston) dated Philadelphia September 8, 1776.

          To Samuel Adams

         “Dear Sir Tomorrow Morning Dr. Franklin, Mr. Edward Rutledge and your humble servant sett off to see that rare Curiosity, Lord Howe.... Dont imagine from this that a Panick has spread in Philadelphia.... By no means.... This is only refinement in Policy!... It has a deep, profound reach, no doubt! So deep that you cannot see to the bottom of it, I dare say!... I am sure I cannot.... Dont however be concerned. When you see the whole, as you will e’er long, you will not find it very bad.... I will write you, the particulars, as soon as I shall be at Liberty to do it.”

      A Letter from John Adams to Samuel Adams, then in Boston, dated Philadelphia September 14, 1776.

          To Samuel Adams

         “In a few Lines of the 8th. instant, I promised you, a more particular Account of the Conference.
         “On Monday last, the Committee satt off, from Philadelphia, and reached Brunswick on Tuesday night.... Wednesday Morning they proceeded to Amboy, and from thence to Staten Island, where they met the Lord Howe, by whom they were politely received and entertained.
         “His Lordship opened the Conference, by giving Us an Account of the motive which first induced him to attend to the dispute with America, which he said was the honor which had been done to his Family by the Massachusetts Bay, which he prized very highly.... From whence, I concluded in my own mind, that his Lordship had not attended to the Controversy, earlier than the Port Bill and Charter Bill, and consequently must have a very inadequate Idea of the Nature, as well as of the rise and progress of the Contest.
         “His Lordship then observed that he had requested this Interview that he might satisfy himself, whether there was any probability, that America would return to her Allegiance: but he must observe to Us, that he could not acknowledge Us, as Members of Congress or a Committee of that Body, but that he only desired this Conversation with Us, as private Gentlemen, in hopes, that it might prepare the Way, for the Peoples returning to their Allegiance, and to an Accommodation of the Disputes between the two Countries. That he had no Power to treat with Us, as independent States or in any other Character than as British Subjects and private Gentlemen. But that upon our Acknowledging ourselves to be British Subjects, he had Power to consult with Us. That the Act of Parliament had given Power to the King, upon certain Conditions, of declaring the Colonies to be at peace: and his Commission gave him Power to confer, advise and consult, with any number or description of Persons concerning the Complaints of the People in America. That the King and Ministry, had very good Dispositions to redress the Grievances of the People and reform the Errors of the Administration in America. That his Commission gave him Power to converse with any Persons whatever in America concerning the former Instructions to Governors, and the Acts of Parliament complain’d of. That the King and Ministry were very willing to have all these revised and reconsidered, and if any Errors had crept in, if they could be pointed out, they were very willing they should be rectified.
         “One of the Committee, Mr. Rutledge, mentioned to his Lordship, what General Sullivan had said, that his Lordship told him, he would sett the Act of Parliament wholly aside, and that Parliament had no right to tax America, or meddle with her internal Polity. His Lordship answered Mr. Rutledge, that General Sullivan had misunderstood him, and extended his Words much beyond their import.
         “His Lordship gave Us, a long Account of his Negotiations, in order to obtain Powers sufficiently ample for his Purpose. He said, he had told them (the Ministry, I suppose he meant) that those Persons whom you call Rebells, are the most proper to confer with, of any, because they are the Persons who complain of Grievances. The others, those who are not in Arms, and are not, according to your Ideas in Rebellion, have no Complaints or Grievances. They are satisfied, and therefore it would be to no purpose to converse with them. So that, his Lordship said he would not accept the Commission, or Command, untill he had full Power to confer, with any Persons whom he should think proper, who had the most Abilities and Influence. But having obtained those Powers, he intended to have gone directly to Philadelphia, not to have treated with Congress as such, or to have acknowledged that Body, but to have consulted with Gentlemen of that Body, in their private Capacities, upon the Subjects in his Commission.
         “His Lordship did not incline to give Us any farther Account of his Powers or to make any other Propositions to Us, than those which are contained in Substance in the foregoing lines.
         “I have the pleasure to assure you, that there was no disagrement in Opinion, among the members of the Committee, upon any one point. They were perfectly united in Sentiment, and in language, as they are in the Result of the whole, which is, that his Lordships Powers are fully expressed in the late Act of Parliament: and that his Commission contains no other Authority, than that of granting Pardons, with such Exceptions as the Commissioners shall think proper to make: and of declaring America, or any part of it, to be at Peace upon Submission: and of enquiring into the State of America, of any Persons, with whom, they might think proper to confer, advize, converse and consult, even although they should be Officers of the Army, or Members of Congress; and then representing the Result of their Inquiries to the Ministry, who, after all, might or might not, at their pleasure, make any Alterations in the former Instructions to Governors, or propose in Parliament any Alterations in the Acts complained of.
         “The whole Affair of the Commission appears to me, as it ever did, to be a bubble, an Ambuscade, a mere insidious Maneuvre, calculated only to decoy and deceive:—And it is so gross, that they must have a wretched Opinion of our Generalship, to suppose that We can fall into it.
         “The Committee assured his Lordship, that they had no Authority, to wait upon him, or to treat or converse with him, in any other Character, but that of a Committee of Congress, and as Members of independent States. That the Vote, which was their Commission, clearly ascertained their Character. That the Declaration which had been made, of Independence, was the Result of long and cool deliberation. That it had been made by Congress, after long and great Reluctance, in Obedience to the possitive Instructions of their Constituents; every Assembly upon the Continent, having instructed their Delegates to this Purpose, and since the Declaration has been made And published, it has been solemnly ratified and confirmed by the Assemblies: so that neither this Committee, nor that Congress, which sent it here, have Authority to treat in any other Character, than as independent States.... One of the Committee Dr. Franklin, assured his Lordship, that in his private Opinion, America would not again come under the domination of Great Britain: and therefore it was the Duty of every good Man, on both sides the Water, to promote Peace, and an Acknowledgment of American Independency, and a Treaty of Friendship and Alliance, between the two Countries. Another of the Committee, Mr. John Adams, assured his Lordship that in his private Opinion, America would never treat, in any other Character, than as independent States.... The other Member Mr. Rutledge concurred in the same Opinion.... His Lordship said he had no Powers nor Instructions, upon that Subject: it was entirely new.—Mr. Rut-ledge observed to his Lordship that most of the Colonies, had submitted, for two Years, to all the Inconveniences of Anarchy, and to live without Governments in hopes of Reconciliation: But now had instituted Governments. Mr. John Adams observed, that all the Colonies had gone compleatly through a Revolution. That they had taken all Authority from the Officers of the Crown, and had appointed Officers of their own, which his Lordship would easily conceive had cost great Struggles: and that they could not easily go back. And that Americans had too much understanding, not to know that after such a declaration as they had made, the Government of Great Britain never would have any Confidence in them or could govern them but by Force of Arms.”

      A Letter from John Adams to a Friend in Massachusetts dated Philadelphia, Fryday September 6, 1776.

          To Abigail Adams

         “This Day, I think has been the most remarkable of all.... Sullivan came here, from Lord Howe, five days ago, with a Message, that his Lordship desired a half an Hours Conversation, with some of the Members of Congress, in their private Capacities.... We have spent three or four days, in debating, whether We should take any notice of it.... I have to the Utmost of my Abilities, during the whole Time, opposed our taking any notice of it.... But at last it was determined by a Majority, ‘That the Congress, being the Representatives of the free and independent States of America, it was improper to appoint any of their Members to confer in their private Characters with his Lordship. But they would appoint a Committee of their Body, to wait on him to know whether he had Power to treat with Congress upon Terms of Peace, and to hear any Propositions that his Lordship may think proper to make.’
         “When the Committee came to be balloted for, Dr. Franklin and your humble Servant, were unanimously chosen.... Mr. Rutledge and Colonel Lee (Richard Henry Lee) had an equal Number: but upon a second Vote, Mr. Rutledge was chosen. I requested to be excused, but was desired to consider of it, till tomorrow. My Friends here advize me to go.... All the staunch and intrepid, are very earnest with me to go.... And all the timid and wavering agree in the request: So I believe I shall undertake the Journey. I doubt whether His Lordship will see Us: but the same Committee will be directed to inquire into the State of the Army, at New York, so that there will be business enough, if his Lordship makes none. It would fill this Letter Book to give you all the Arguments, for and against this measure, if I had Liberty to attempt it.... His Lordship seems to have been playing off a Number of Machiavillian Maneuvres, in order to throw upon Us the Odium of continuing this War. Those, who have been Advocates for the Appointment of this Committee, are for opposing Maneuvre to Maneuvre, and are confident that the Consequence will be, that the Odium will lie upon him.... However this may be, my Lesson is plain, to ask a few Questions and take his Answers. I can think of but one Reason for their putting me, upon this Embassy, and that is this. An Idea has crept into many minds here, that his Lordship is such another as Mr. Hutchinson: and they may possibly think, that a Man who has been accustomed to Penetrate into the mazy Windings of Hutchinsons heart, and the serpentine Wiles of his head, may be tolerably qualified to converse with his Lordship.
         “Sunday. September 8. Yesterdays Post brought me, yours of Aug. 29. The Report you mentioned ‘that I was poisoned upon my return at New York,’ I suppose will be thought to be a Prophecy, delivered by the oracle in mystic Language: and meant only that I should be politically or morally poisoned by Lord Howe.... But the Prophecy shall be a false one.”

      Extract of another Letter to a Friend, dated Philadelphia September 14th, 1776.

          To Abigail Adams

         “Yesterday Morning I returned with Dr. Franklin and Mr. Rut-ledge from Staten Island, where We met Lord Howe, and had about three hours Conversation with him. The Result of this Interview will do no disservice to Us. It is now plain, that his Lordship has no Power, but what is given him in the Act of Parliament. His Commission authorizes him to grant Pardons upon Submission: and to converse, confer, consult and advize, with such Persons as he may think proper, upon American Grievances, Upon the Instructions to Governors and the Acts of Parliament, and if any Errors should be found to have crept in, his Majesty and the Ministers were willing they should be rectified.
         “My ride has been of Service to me. We were absent but four days. It was an agreable Excursion. His Lordship is about fifty Years of Age. He is a well bred Man but his Address is not so irresistable, as it has been represented. I could name you many Americans in your own Neighbourhood, whose Art, Address and Abilities are greatly superiour.”


Title: [Monday September 16. 1776.]
From: Adams, John
To:

      Monday September 16. 1776.
      A Letter of the 14th. from General Washington, One of the 9th. from General Schuyler, inclosing a copy of one from General Gates, dated the 6th., and one of the 2d, from General Gates with sundry Papers inclosed, were read, and referred to the Board of War.
      A Committee of the whole, on a report of the Board of War. Mr. Nelson reported sundry Amendments and Congress adopted the Resolutions with the Amendments. The Resolutions, which may be seen in the Journal, contain the whole Plan of an Army of Eighty Eight Battalions, to be inlisted as soon as possible, to serve during the War.

      Resolved that tomorrow be assigned for taking into Consideration the Articles of War.


Title: [Wednesday September 18. 1776.]
From: Adams, John
To:

      Wednesday September 18. 1776.
      The Board of War, brought in a report, which was taken into Consideration and six resolutions adopted, from it, which appear on the Journal. The Remainder of the Report postponed.
      Resolved that the Board of War be directed to prepare a resolution for enforceing and perfecting Discipline in the Army.
      Congress took into Consideration the Instructions to the Commissioners &c.

      These I suppose, were the Ministers to France, and other Courts in Europe.


Title: [Thursday September 19. 1776.]
From: Adams, John
To:

      Thursday September 19. 1776.
       The Board of War brought in a report, which was taken into Consideration, and five Resolutions adopted from it, which see in the Journal. The last of these, is in these Words.
      That the Commander in Chief of the forces of these States in the several departments, be directed to give possitive orders, to the Brigadier Generals and Colonels, and all other Officers in their several Armies, that the Troops under their command may every day be called together, and trained in Arms, in order that Officers and Men may be perfected in the manual Exercises and Manoeuvres, and inured to the most exemplary discipline, and that all Officers be assured, that the Congress will consider Activity and Success, in introducing discipline into the Army, among the best recommendations for promotion.
      This Resolution was the Effect of my late Journey, through the Jersies to Staten Island. I had observed such dissipation and Idleness, such Confusion and distraction, among Officers and Soldiers, in various parts of the Country as astonished, grieved and allarmed me. Discipline, Discipline had become my constant topick of discourse and even declamation in and out of Congress and especially in the Board of War. I saw very clearly that the Ruin of our Cause and Country must be the Consequence if a thoughrough Reformation and strict Discipline could not be introduced. My Zeal on this Occasion was no doubt represented, by my faithfull Ennemies, in great Secrecy however, to their friends in the Army, and although it might recommend me to the Esteem of a very few, yet, it will be easily believed that it contributed nothing to my Popularity, among the many.
      A Memorial from the Chevalier Dorre was read. Ordered that it be referred to the Board of War.
      Congress resumed the Consideration of the Articles of War, and, after some time, the farther Consideration thereof was postponed.
      This was another Measure, that I constantly urged on with all the Zeal and Industry possible: convinced that nothing short of the Roman and British Discipline could possible save Us. Yet the Upright Hamilton with his usual Veracity, charges me, with being an Ennemy to a regular Army.


Title: [Fryday September 20th. 1776.]
From: Adams, John
To:

      Fryday September 20th. 1776.

      Congress resumed the Consideration of the Articles of War, which being debated in Paragraphs, were agreed to as follows.
      Resolved that from and after the publication of the following Articles, in the respective Armies of the United States, the Rules and Articles, by which the said Armies have heretofore been governed, shall be, and they are hereby repealed. The Articles are inserted in the Journal of this day, and need not be transcribed, they are the System which I persuaded Jefferson to agree with me in reporting to Congress. They fill about sixteen Pages of the Journal.—In Congress Jefferson never spoke, and all the labour of the debate on these Articles, Paragraph by Paragraph, was thrown upon me, and such was the Opposition, and so indigested were the notions of Liberty prevalent among the Majority of the Members most zealously attached to the public Cause, that to this day I scarcely know how it was possible, that these Articles could be carried. They were Adopted however, and have governed our Armies, with little variation to this day, the 7th. of June 1805.
      Ordered that the foregoing Articles of War be immediately published.
      Ordered that the Resolutions for raising the new Army be published, and copies thereof sent to the Commanding Officers in the several departments, and to the Assemblies and Conventions of the several States.
      These were for raising Eighty Eight Battalions, with a Bounty for inlisting the Men during the War, granting Lands &c. which may be seen page 357 and 358 of the Journal of 1776.
      Here again the Honesty of Hamilton appears. The Articles of War and the Institution of the Army during the War, were all my Work, and yet he represents me as an Ennemy to a regular Army. Although I have long since forgiven this Arch Ennemy, yet Vice, Folly and Villany are not to be forgotten, because the guilty Wretch repented, in his dying Moments. Although David repented, We are no where commanded to forget the Affair of Uriah: though the Magdalene reformed, We are not obliged to forget her former Vocation: though the Thief on the cross was converted, his Felony is still upon Record. The Prodigal Son repented and was forgiven, yet his Harlots and riotous living, and even the Swine and the husks that brought him to consideration, cannot be forgotten. Nor am I obliged by any Principles of Morality or Religion to suffer my Character to lie under infamous Calumnies, because the Author of them, with a Pistol Bullet through his Spinal Marrow, died a Penitent. Charity requires that We should hope and believe that his humiliation was sincere, and I (sincerely) hope he was forgiven: but I will not conceal his former Character at the Expence of so much Injustice to my own, as this Scottish Creolion Bolingbroke in the days of his disappointed Ambition and unbridled Malice and revenge, was pleased falsely to attempt against it. Born on a Speck more obscure than Corsica, from an Original not only contemptible but infamous, with infinitely less courage and Capacity than Bonaparte, he would in my Opinion, if I had not controuled the fury of his Vanity, instead of relieving this Country from Confusion as Bonaparte did France, he would have involved it in all the Bloodshed and distractions of foreign and civil War at once.


Title: [Monday September 23. 1776.]
From: Adams, John
To:

      Monday September 23. 1776. A Letter of the 20 and 21st. from General Washington; two of the 19th. from J. Trumbull; one of the 21st. from the Convention of Delaware; one of the 14th from R. Varick; one of the 19th. from Governor Livingston; also, one of the 14th. from General Schuyler and one of the 19th from Colonel Van Schaick, and one from Dr. William Shippen were read:
      Ordered that the Letter from Dr. Shippen be referred to the medical Committee, and the rest to the Board of War.
      Two Petitions, one from Colonel J. Stark, and the other from Mons. Devourouy, were read and referred to the Board of War.


Title: [Tuesday September 24. 1776.]
From: Adams, John
To:

      Tuesday September 24. 1776.
      The Board of War brought in a report, which was read. Ordered to lie on the Table.
      The Board of War brought in a farther report. Ordered to lie on the Table.
      Congress resumed the Consideration of the Instructions to the Commissioners and the same being debated by Paragraphs and amended, were agreed to.
      These Instructions were recorded only on the Secret Journal, and are not therefore, in my Power. They may be found, no doubt, at the Seat of Government, in the Office of the Secretary of State.


Title: [Wednesday, September 25. 1776.]
From: Adams, John
To:

      Wednesday, September 25. 1776. Two Letters from General Lee; one of the 24th. of August to the President, the other of the 27 of the same Month to the board of War, both dated at Savannah, being received, were read.
      Congress took into Consideration the Report of the Board of War, whereupon Resolved &c. These Resolutions fill two Pages of the Journal.


Title: [Fryday. September 27. 1776.]
From: Adams, John
To:

      Fryday. September 27. 1776. Two Letters of the 24th. and 25th from General Washington, with sundry Papers inclosed; one of the 20th. from the Convention of New York; one of the 22d. from Joseph Trumbull; one of the 25th. from Colonel John Shee inclosing his Commission; and one of the 25th. from Jon. B. Smith requesting Leave to resign his office of Deputy Muster Master general were laid before Congress and read. Ordered that the Letters from General Washington, be referred to a Committee of five. The Members chosen Mr. Wythe, Mr. Hopkinson, Mr. Rutledge, Mr. J. Adams, and Mr. Stone.
      Ordered that the Secret Committee deliver to the Board of War, the Care And Custody of all Arms, Ammunition and other warlike Stores now under their care, or that may hereafter be imported or purchased by them for Account of the United States of America.


Title: [Monday September 30. 1776.]
From: Adams, John
To:

      Monday September 30. 1776.
      Resolved that the Board of War be impowered and directed, on requisition of the General, or commanding Officers in the several departments, to send such Articles of Military Stores, and other necessaries, which they may have in their Possession, or can procure.
      Resolved that the Board of War be directed to order the three Virginia Battalions, now on their March to New York, to be lodged in the Barracks at Wilmington; there to remain till further orders.
      The Committee to whom were referred the Letters from General Washington of the 24th. and 25th instant, and the Papers inclosed therein, brought in their report, which was taken into Consideration; whereupon many Resolutions were passed, which appear in the Journal, and the Remainder of the Report postponed.


Title: [Tuesday October 1. 1776.]
From: Adams, John
To:

      Tuesday October 1. 1776.
       Resolved that a Committee of four be appointed to confer with Brigadier General Mifflin. The Members chosen, Mr. R. H. Lee, Mr. Sherman, Mr. J. Adams and Mr. Gerry.
      Resolved that a Committee of five be appointed to prepare and bring in a Plan of a military Accademy at the Army: The Members chosen Mr. Hooper, Mr. Lynch, Mr. Wythe, Mr. Williams and Mr. J. Adams.
      On this same day, I wrote to Colonel Knox in these Words. “This day I had the honour of making a motion for the Appointment of a Committee to consider of a Plan for the Establishment of a military Accademy, in the Army. The Committee was appointed and your Servant was one. Write me your Sentiments upon the Subject.”
      As this was, in my Opinion the most critical and dangerous Period of the whole revolutionary War, as all that I had seen and heard and read of the State of our Army made a great impression upon my Mind, and arroused the most allarming Apprehension, I will conceal nothing from Posterity. My own private Letters, to confidential Friends, will shew my Opinion at the time of the State of facts, and the measures that were necessary, to retrieve our disgraces. Like Mr. Gifford, I look back, with a sort of Scepticism, on the Application of those days and cannot account for the possibility of finding time amidst all my Employments in Congress and the Board of War, to write and copy the Letters I find in my Books. I had no Secretary or Clerk and all appears in my hand Writing. I wrote to Colonel Tudor

          To William Tudor

          Philadelphia September 26. 1776
          Dr. Sir

         Your obliging favours of September 6 from New York and that of the 23d from the Plains of Haarlem, are now before me. The Picture you draw of the Army, and the disorders which prevail in it, is shocking: but I believe it is just. But We often find, that in the variagated Scaene of human life, that much good grows out of great Evil.... A few disgraces and defeats have done more, towards convincing the Congress, than the Rhetorick of many months, assisted by frequent Letters from the General, and many other Officers of the Army, was able to effect. Before this time you have been informed, that the Articles of War, are passed and printed, and a new Plan for the formation of a permanent and regular Army, is adopted. I wish it may have Success.—Pray give me your Opinion of it.
         The late Events at New York have almost overcome my Utmost Patience. I can bear the Conflagration of Towns, nay almost any thing else, public or private, better than disgrace. The Cowardice of New England men is an unexpected discovery to me, and I confess has put my Philosophy to the Tryal. If I had heard, that Parsons’s and Fellows’s Brigades had been cutt to Pieces, and had my Father, my Brother and Son been among the Slain, I sincerely believe, upon a cool examination of my own heart, it would not have given me so much grief as the shamefull flight of the 15th. instant.... I hope that God will forgive the guilty in the next World: but, should any question concerning this transaction, come into any place where I have a Vote, I should think it my duty to be inexorable, in this. We have none of the particulars, but I conclude, that such detestable Behaviour of whole Brigades, could not have happened, without the worst Examples, in some Officers of Rank.—These, if any such there are, shall never want my Voice, for sending them to another World. If the best Friend I have, should prove to be one of them, I should think myself guilty of his Crime, and that I deserved his Punishment, if I interposed one Word, between him and death.
         I lament the Fall of the young Hero, Henly. But I wish you had been more particular, in your narration of the Enterprize, which proved so glorious and so fatal to him. You are much mistaken in your Apprehension, that We are minutely informed of such Events. We suffer great Anxiety, and the Public suffers many Misfortunes, for Want of Information. The Post Office, which has been in fault, is now beginning to do its duty. Dont you neglect yours.

           Colonel Tudor.

      Another Letter to Colonel Tudor, without a date, but about the same time.

          To William Tudor

          My young Friend.

         I pity the Situation of the General, because it is a difficult, a dangerous and a most important one. I make it my Rule to cover all Imperfections in the Generals, and other Officers of inferiour rank as well as I can, and to make full and ample Allowances for all their Virtues, Merits, and Services.
         I recollect that Polybius, who was as great a Judge of War as any of his Age, was loud in his Praises of the Roman Troops. He never imputed any defeat, to the fault of the men, but, universally to the folly and incapacity, of their Commanders. Our Generals and other Officers must learn the same Justice and Policy. General imputations of Cowardice and impatience of discipline to the Men, are false, or, if true, it is the fault of the Officers: it is owing to their ignorance, incapacity or indolence: and farther, if it was true, concealing is the Way to cure it, not publishing of it. The frequent Surprizes, by which our Officers and Men are taken, in the most palpable trapps, convince me, that there is a dearth of Genius among them.
         There never was perhaps, a Crisis, in which a Coincidence of Circumstances, offered a fairer Opportunity for some great mind, to shew and exert itself.
         And perhaps there is not in all Antiquity, if there is in universal History, an Example, more apposite to our Situation, than that of Thebes, or a Character more deserving of imitation, than that of Epaminondas.
         The Boeotians were remarkable, even to a proverb, for their dullness, and untill the Age of Epaminondas, made no figure in War. By the Peace of Antalcidas, the honor and interest of Greece, was prostituted to the Pride of Sparta. The Thebans were compelled to acceed to that Treaty, although it deprived them of the dominion of Boeotia, and the Spartans by tampering with a perfidious Aristocratick faction at last got possession of their citadel, and reduced the Thebans to unconditional Subjugation. From this wretched State both of foreign and domestic Slavery, they were delivered, by the Virtue and Ability of Epaminondas, and raised to power superiour to the other Grecian States. The honest Citizens, enraged to see their Country, thus cheated into Servitude, determined to set her free. The project was well laid, and boldly executed by Pelopidas, who entered the City with a small number of resolute men in disguise, destroyed Leontidas and Archias, the two Traytors and Tyrants, and with the assistance of Epaminondas and his friends, together with a body of Athenians, regained the Citadel. The Spartans hearing of this revolution, entered the territories of the Thebans with a powerful Army, to take vengeance of the Rebells, and reduce the City to its former Subjection. The timorous Athenians, dreading the formidable Power of Sparta, renounced all Friendship for the Thebans, and punished with great Severity, such of their Citizens as favoured them. The Thebans, destitute of Friends, and deserted by their Allies, appeared to the rest of the World to be devoted to inevitable destruction. In such a desperate conjuncture of Affairs, the Genius and Virtue of two great Men shone forth to the Astonishment of all Mankind.
         But what means did they Use?... Their Men were raw Militia, fresh recruits, new raised Citizens and husbandmen, unexperienced, undisciplined, unused to Subordination, having been born and educated under the most democratical government in all Greece, and, what is worse, from a natural or habitual hebetude, not very adroit, at learning any Thing.
         They began by training their Men, inspiring them with a Contempt and hatred of Servitude, and the noble resolution of dying in defence of the Liberty and glory of their Country. They judged it rash, to hazard a decisive battle, with their new raised Militia, against the best troops in Greece: but chose rather to harrass the Spartans, with frequent Skirmishes, to instruct their men in military discipline and the manoeuvres of War. The minds of their Soldiers were thus animated with the desire of glory, and their Bodies hardened to the fatigues of War, whilst they gained Experience, Confidence and Courage by daily Rencounters.
         These great Generals, like all others in similar Circumstances, never engaging presumptuously, but carefully watching for favourable Opportunities, let loose the Thebans, like young hounds upon their Ennemies, and rendered them alert and brave, by tasting the Sweets of Victory. By bringing them off, in Safety, they made them fond of the Sport and eager after the most dangerous Enterprizes. By this skilfull Conduct, they brought their forces, to defeat the Spartans at Platea, Thespia, Tenagra and Tegyra. These Actions were only preludes to the decisive Battle of Leuctra: for, flushed with these Successes, the Thebans dreaded no Enemy, however superior in number. Greece saw with Astonishment, the Spartans defeated by inferiour numbers of Men, who had always been held in Contempt. This train of Successes elated the Thebans, but only enraged the Spartans. They negotiated a Peace with Athens and all the other Grecian States, and Thebes was devoted to Spartan revenge. The largest Army, they ever sent into the field entered Boeotia, but Epaminondas, with six thousand Men only, by his admirable disposition of them and their bravery, engaged and defeated three times their number, and soon afterwards marched to the Gates of Sparta, and exhibited to that haughty People a Sight they had never before beheld.

           Coll. Tudor.

         John Adams to Henry Knox

          Philadelphia September 29. 1776
          Dear Sir

         This Evening I had the Pleasure of your’s, of the 25th.... I have only to ask you, whether it would be agreable to you, to have Austin made your Lieutenant Colonel? Let me know sincerely, for I will never propose it without your Approbation.
         I agree with you that there is nothing of the vast, in the Characters of the Ennemy’s General or Admiral.... But I differ in Opinion from you, when you think, that if there had been, they would have Annihilated your Army.... It is very true, that a silly Panick has been spread in your Army and from thence even to Philadelphia. But Hannibal spread as great a Panick, once, at Rome, without daring to take Advantage of it.... If he had, his own Army would have been annihilated: and he knew it. A Panick in an Army when pushed to desperation, becomes Heroism.
         However, I despize that Panick and those who have been infected with it, and I could almost consent that the good old Roman fashion of decimation should be introduced. The Legion, which ran away, had the name of every Man in it, put into a Box, and then drawn out, and every tenth Man was put to death. The terror of this Uncertainty, whose Lot it would be to die, restrained the whole in the time of danger from indulging their fears.
         Pray tell me, Colonel Knox, does every Man to the Southward of Hudsons River, behave like an Hero, and every Man to the Northward of it, like a Poltroon, or not? The Rumours, Reports and Letters which come here upon every Occasion, represent the New England Troops, as Cowards, running away perpetually, and the Southern Troops as standing bravely. I wish I could know, whether it is true. I want to know for the Government of my own Conduct, because, if the New Englandmen are a Pack of Cowards, I would resign my place in Congress, where I should not choose to represent Poltroons, and remove to some Southern Colony, where I could enjoy the Society of Heros, and have a chance of learning some time or other, to be part of an Hero myself.... I must say, that your Amiable General gives too much Occasion for these reports by his Letters, in which he often mentions things to the disadvantage of some part of New England, but seldom any thing of the Kind about any other Part of the Continent.
         You complain of the popular Plan of raising the new Army. But if you make the plan as unpopular, as you please, you will not mend the matter. If you leave the Appointment of Officers to the General, or to the Congress, it will not be so well done, as if left to the Assemblies. The true cause of the Want of good Officers in the Army is not, because the Appointment is left to the Assemblies, but because such officers in sufficient Numbers are not in America. Without materials the best Workmen can do nothing. Time, Study and Experience alone, must make a sufficient number of able Officers.
         I wish We had a military Accademy, and should be obliged to you for a Plan of such an Institution. The Expence would be a trifle, no object at all, with me.

         John Adams to Colonel Hitchcock

          Philadelphia October 1. 1776 Tuesday
          Dear Sir

         Yours of September the 9th. was duely received. The measure of a Standing Army, is at length resolved on. You have seen the plan. How do you like it? I wish it was liable to fewer Exceptions, but We must be content to crawl into the right Way, by degrees. This was the best that We could obtain, at present.
         I am extreamly sorry, to learn, that the Troops have been disheartened. But this despondency of Spirit, was the natural Effect, of the Retreats you have made, one after another. When the Men saw your General Officers, taken in a trap, upon Long Island, and the Army obliged to abandon that important Post, in consequence of that Ambuscade, and the City of New York, evacuated in Consequence of the Retreat from Long Island, the firmest Army in the World, would have been seized, in similar Circumstances, with more or less of a Panick. But your men will now recover their Spirits in a short time.
         There is a Way, of introducing Discipline into the most irregular Army, and of inspiring Courage into the most pusillanimous Collection of Men.
         Your Army, Sir, give me leave to say, has been ill managed in two most essential points. The first is, in neglecting to train your Regiments and Brigades to the manual Exercises and the Manoeuvres. Nothing inspires the Men with military pride and Ambition (for even the Men must have Ambition) like calling them together every day, and making them appear as well as they can. By living much together, and moving in concert, they acquire a confidence in themselves, and in each other. By being exposed to the Inspection, and Observations of each other, they become ambitious of appearing as clean and neat as they can, which as well as the Exercise preserves their health and hardens their Bodies against diseases. But instead of these martial, manly and elegant Exercises, they have been kept constantly at Work in digging Trenches in the Earth; which keeps them constantly dirty, and not having Wives, Mothers, Sisters or Daughters, as they used to have at home to take care of them and keep them clean, they gradually loose their Perspiration and their health.
         Another particular, which is absolutely necessary to introduce military Ardour into a new raised Army, has been totally neglected. Such an Army should be governed with caution and circumspection, I agree. It should act chiefly upon the defensive, and no decisive Battle should be hazarded. But still an enterprizing Spirit should be encouraged. Favourable Opportunities should be watched, and Parties should be ordered out upon little excursions and expeditions: and in this manner Officers and Men should be permitted to acquire fame and honor in the Army, which will soon give them a real fondness for fighting. They will love the Sport. But instead of this, every Spark of an enterprizing Spirit in the Army, seems to have been carefully extinguished.
         Our inevitable destruction will be the Consequence, if these faults are not amended. I rejoiced to hear of the Attempt, upon Montresors Island: but am vexed and mortified, at its shameful Issue. I am more humiliated still to learn, that the Enterprize was not renewed. If there had been Officers or Men, who would have undertaken the Expedition, a second, a third or a fiftieth time, I would have had that Island, if it had cost me, half my Army. Pray inform me what Officers and Men were sent upon that Attempt. It is said, there was shameful Cowardice. If any Officer was guilty of it, I sincerely hope he will be punished with death. This most infamous and detestable Crime, must never be forgiven in an Officer. Punishments as well as rewards will be necessary to Government, as long as fear, as well as hope, is a natural Passion in the human Breast.

           Colonel Hitchcock.

         John Adams to General Parsons

          Philadelphia October 2. 1776. Wednesday
          My dear Sir

         Your Letter from Long Island of the 29th. of August, has not been answered. I was very much obliged to You, for it: because it contained Intelligence of a transaction, about which, We were left very much in the dark, at that time, and indeed to this hour, are not so well informed as We should be. I think, Sir, that the Enemy, by landing upon that Island, put it compleatly in our Power to have broke their plans, for this Campaign, and to have defended New York. But there are strong Marks of Negligence, Indolence, Presumption, and Incapacity on our Side, by which scandalous Attributes We lost that Island wholly, and Manhattan Island nearly. I am happy to hear your Behaviour commended. But, Sir, it is manifest that our Officers were not acquainted with the Ground; that they had never reconnoitred the Enemy; that they had neither Spies, Sentries, nor Guards placed as they ought to have been; and that they had been shamefully remiss in Obtaining Intelligence, of the Numbers and Motions of the Enemy, as well as of the nature of the Ground.
         I have read, somewhere or other that a Commander, who is surprized in the night, though guilty of an egregious fault, may yet plead something in Excuse: but, in point of discipline, for a General to be surprized by an Enemy, just under his nose, in open day and caught in a State of wanton Security, from an overweening presumption in his own Strength, is a crime of so capital a nature, as to admit of neither Alleviation nor Pardon. Ancient Generals have been nailed to Gibbets alive, for such crimes.

         Be this as it may, I think the Enemy have reached their Ne plus, for this Year. I have drawn this Conclusion from the Example of Hannibal, whose Conquests changed the face and fortune of the War. According to Montesquieu, so long as he kept his whole Army together, he always defeated the Romans: but when he was obliged to put Garrisons into Cities, to defend his Allies, to besiege Strong holds, or prevent their being besieged, he then found himself too weak, and lost a great part of his Army by piece meal. Conquests are easily made, because We atchieve them with our whole force: they are retained with difficulty because We defend them, with only a part of our forces.
         Howe, with his whole Army could easily take Possession of Staten Island, where there was nothing to oppose him. With the same Army, he found no great difficulty, in getting Long Island, where even his Talent at Strategem, which is very far from Eminent, was superiour to the Capacity of his Antagonist. After this it was easy to take New York which was wisely abandoned to him. But, Sir, the Case is altered. A Garrison is left at Staten Island, another at Long Island, a little one at Montresor’s Island, another at Paulus Hook, a large Body in the City of New York and a larger still to man the Lines, across the Island, between the Seventh and the Eighth mile Stone. After such a division and distribution of his forces, I think he has nearly reached the End of his tether for this Year.
         The Ennemies Forces are now in a Situation peculiarly happy, for Us to take Advantage of.... If an enterprizing Spirit should be indulged and encouraged, by our Commanders, in little Expeditions to Staten Island, Long Island, Montresors Island and elsewhere, you would gradually form your Soldiers for great Exploits and you would weaken, harrass and dispirit your Enemy.
         Thus you see I scribble my Opinions with great Assurance, upon Subjects, which I understand not. If they are right, it is well, if wrong they will not mislead you.

           General Parsons.

      If these Papers should hereafter be read by disinterested Persons, they will perhaps think that I took too much upon me, in assuming the Office of Preceptor to the Army. To this Objection I can only reply, by asserting that it was high time, that the Army had some Instructor, or other. It was a Scaene of Indiscipline, Insubordination and Confusion. Colonel Tudor had been my Pupil, as a Clerk in my Office as a Barrister at Law. Colonel Knox had been a Youth, who had attracted my notice by his pleasing manners and inquisitive turn of Mind, when I was a Man in Business in Boston. General Parsons had been my junior for three Years at Colledge, and upon terms of familiarity. I had therefore no reason to suppose that either of them would take offence, at any thing I should write. Again I had formed an Opinion, that Courage and reading were all that were necessary to the formation of an Officer. Of the Courage of these Gentlemen and the Officers in general I had no doubt. But I was too well informed, that most of the Officers were deficient in reading: and I wished to turn the Minds of such as were capable of it, to that great Source of Information. I had met with an Observation among regular Officers, that Mankind were naturally divided into three Sorts. One third of them are animated at the first appearance of danger, and will press forward to meet it and examine it; another third are allarmed at it: but will neither advance nor retreat, till they know the nature of it: but stand to meet it: the remaining third will run or fly upon the first thought of it. If this Remark is just, as I believed it was, it appeared to me that the only Way to form an Army to be confided in, was a systematic discipline: by which means all Men may be made Heroes. In this manner, in time our American Army was made equal to the Veterans of France and England: and in this Way the Armies of France have been made invincible hitherto: and in the same Way, they will be ultimately conquered or at least successfully resisted by their Ennemies.
      All the Powers of Government, Legislative, Executive and judiciary, were at that time collected in one Centre and that Centre was the Congress. As a Member of that Body I had contributed my Share towards the Creation of the Army, and the Appointment of all the Officers: and as President of the Board of War it was my peculiar Province to superintend every thing relating to the Army. I will add without Vanity, I had read as much on the military Art and much more of the History of War than any American Officer of that Army, General Lee excepted. If all these Considerations are not a sufficient Apology, for my Interference, I submit to censure. Certain it is, that these Letters and many more that I wrote, without preserving Copies, were not callculated to procure me popularity in the Army: but on the contrary contributed to produce those misrepresentations which were diffused from that Source against me as well my Friend Samuel Adams and others. The Generals Secretaries and Aids, all from the Southward, Reed, Harrison &c. &c. were young Gentlemen of Letters, and thought full as highly of themselves as they ought to think, and much more disrespectfully of New England and even of Congress, than they ought to have thought, dictated Letters, which were not well calculated to preserve the Subordination of the military Power, to the civil Authority, which the Spirit of Liberty will always require and enforce. Of Hamilton, when he came into the Generals Family I need say nothing. For my Part I never heard of him till after the Peace, and the Evacuation of the City of New York. The World has heard enough of him since. His Petulance, Impertinence and Impudence, will make too great a figure in these memoires hereafter.


Title: [October 1st. 1776.]
From: Adams, John
To:

      October 1st. 1776.
       Resolved that a Committee of four be appointed to confer with Brigadier General Mifflin. The Members chosen Mr. R. H. Lee, Mr. Sherman, Mr. J. Adams and Mr. Gerry.
      Some time in the month of October 1776, I cannot from the Journals ascertain the day, worn down with continual Application, through all the heats of a Summer in Philadelphia, anxious for the State of my family and desirous of conferring with my Constituents on the critical and dangerous State of Affairs at home, I asked Leave of Congress to be absent, which they readily granted.
      However, before I proceed to relate the Occurrences of this Journey, I will copy some other Letters which ought to be inserted in this place, or perhaps they would be better thrown into an Appendix all together.

         John Adams to General Parsons

          Dear Sir
          Philadelphia August 19. 1776

         Your favours of the 13th and 15th are before me. The Gentlemen you recommend for Majors, Chapman and Dier Dyer, will be recommended by the Board of War, and I hope agreed to in Congress.
         I thank you for your Observations upon certain Field Officers. Patterson, Shepherd and Brooks, make the best figure, I think, upon paper. If it is my misfortune, that I have not the least Acquaintance with any of those Gentlemen, having never seen any one of them, or heard his name, till lately. This is a little remarkable. Few Persons in the Province, ever travelled over the whole of it more than I have, or had better opportunities to know every conspicuous character. But I dont so much as know, from what Parts of the Province Shepherd and Brooks come; of what families they are; their Educations, or Employments.... Should be very glad to be informed.
         Lt. Coll. Henshaw has been recommended to me by Coll. Reed for Promotion, as a usefull Officer.... But upon the whole, I think the List you have given me, dont shine.... I am very much ashamed of it.... I am so vexed, sometimes as almost to resolve to make Interest to be a Collonel, myself. I have almost Vanity enough to think, that I could make a figure in such a group. But a treacherous shattered Constitution, is an eternal Objection against my aspiring at military Command. If it were not for this insuperable Difficulty, I should certainly imitate Old Noll Cromwell, in one particular, that is, in launching into military Life, after forty, as much as I dislike his Character and Example in others. But enough of this.
         I wish I could find materials, any where in sufficient quantities, to make good Officers. A brave and able Man, wherever he is, shall never want my Vote, for his Advancement: nor shall an ignorant awkward dastard, ever want it, for his dismission. Congress must assume an higher tone of discipline over Officers, as well as these over the Men.
         With regard to Encouragements in Money and in land, for Soldiers to inlist during the War, I have ever been in favour of it as the best OEconomy and the best policy: and I have no doubt, that rewards in Land, will be given after the War is over. But the Majority are not of my mind, for promising, of it, now. ... I am the less anxious about it, for a reason, which does not seem to have much weight, however, with the majority: Although, it may cost us more, and We may put now and then, a battle, to a hazard, by the method We are in, Yet We shall be less in danger of Corruption and Violence, from a Standing Army, and our Militia will acquire Courage, Experience, Discipline and hardiness in actual Service. I wish every Man upon the Continent was a Soldier, and obliged upon Occasion to fight, and determined to conquer or to die.
         Flight was unknown to the Romans.... I wish it was to Americans. There was a flight from Quebec, and worse than a flight from the Caedars. If We dont attone for these disgraces, We are undone.
         A more exalted Love of their Country; a more enthusiastic Ardor for military Glory; a deeper detestation, disdain, and horror of martial disgrace must be excited among our People, or We shall perish in infamy.... I will certainly give my Voice for devoting to the infernal Gods, every man, high or low, who shall be convicted of bashfulness, in the day of battle.

           Gen. Parsons.

          P.S. Since the above was written, Congress has accepted the Report of the Board of War, and appointed Dier and Chapman, Majors. I had much pleasure in promoting Dier, not only from his own excellent Character, but from respect to my good friend his father.


Title: [Feb. 14. 1778.]
From: Adams, John
To:

      Feb. 14. 1778. A fine morning, the Wind at North West. At day break orders were given for the Ship to unmoor. My Lodging had been a Cott with a double Mattross, a good Bolster, my own Sheets and Blanketts enough. My little Son with me, We lay comfortably and slept well though there was a violent gale of Wind in the night.

      On the morning of Sunday the fifteenth of February, the last Anchor was weighed and We came under Sail before breakfast, with fine Wind, a pleasant Sun but a sharp cold Air. Thus I supposed I had bid farewell to my native Shore perhaps forever: but I was disappointed. The Captain, either to take leave of his friends, or in hopes of obtaining more Sailors, steered a course that was unexpected and We arrived and Anchored in the harbour of Marblehead about noon. Major Reed, Captain Gatchell, Father in Law of Captain Tucker, came on board and a Captain Stevens, who came to make me a present of a single Pistoll. He made many Apologies for giving but one. He had no more. He had lately presented Mr. Hancock with a beautiful pair and this was all he had left. I understood they had been taken from the English in one of the Prize Ships. The friends of our Officers, and others came on board in great numbers, and gave us formidable Histories of the Cruelties of the English Men of War and Privateers to the Prisoners they had taken from Us, in firing grape Shots into our defenceless American Merchant Ships after they had struck their Colours &c. Though I regretted these Things I was not sorry to hear them, because the more I heard of the dangers I had to encounter I thought, the better my mind would be prepared to meet the worst that could happen.


Title: [Monday February 16. 1778.]
From: Adams, John
To:

      On Monday February 16. 1778. We had for our mortification another Storm from the North East, and so thick a Snow that the Captain thought he could not go to Sea. Our Excursion to this place, was unfortunate, because it was almost impossible to keep the Men on board. Mothers, Wives, Sisters came and begged leave for their Sons, husbands and Brothers, to go on Shore for one hour &c. so that it was very hard for the Commander to resist their importunity. I was anxious because I thought We should not have another Wind so good as that We had lost. Congress and the Navy Board would be surprized at these delays, and yet there was no fault that I knew of. The Commander of the Ship was active and vigilant, and did all in his Power, but he wanted Men. He had very few Seamen: all was as yet chaos on board. His Men were not disciplined: even the Marines were not. The Men were not exercised to the Guns. They hardly knew the ropes. My Son was treated very complaisantly by Dr. Noel, and by a Captain and Lt. of Artillery who were with Us, all French Gentlemen. They were very assiduous in teaching him French. Noel was a genteel Man and had received somewhere a good Education. He had Scars on his forhead and on his hands which he said were wounds received last War, in the light horse Service. The Name of the Captain of Artillery, was Parison, and that of the Lieutenant was Begard. Since my Embarkation, Master Jesse Deane delivered me a letter from his Unkle Barnabas Deane, dated the tenth of February recommending to my particular care and Attention, the Bearer the only Child of his Brother Silas Deane Esqr. then in France, making no doubt, as the letter adds, that I shall take the same care of a Child in his Situation, which I would wish to have done to a Child of my own, in the like circumstances, it is needless to mention his Youth and Helplessness, also how much he will be exposed to bad company, and to contract bad habits, without some friendly Monitor to caution, and keep him from associating with the common hands on board. About the same time another Letter was delivered to me from William Vernon Esqr., of the Continental Navy Board at Boston dated February the ninth in these Words “I presume it is unnecessary to say one Word, in order to impress your mind with the Anxiety a Parent is under, in the Education of a Son, more especially when not under his immediate inspection, and at three thousand miles distance. Your parental Affection fixes this principle. Therefore I have only to beg the favour of you, Sir, to place my Son, in such a Situation, and with such a Gentleman, as you would choose for one of yours, whom you would wish to accomplish for a Merchant. If such a house could be found, either at Bourdeaux or Nantes, of Protestant Principles, of general and extensive Business, I rather think one of these Cities the best; yet if it should be your Opinion, that some other place might be more Advantageous to place him at, or that he can be employed by any of the States Agents, with a good prospect of improving himself in such manner, that he may hereafter be usefull to Society, and in particular to these American States, my views are fully answered. I have only one Observation more to make, vizt. in respect to the Oeconomy of this matter, which I am persuaded will engage your Attention, as the small fortune that remains with me, I would wish to appropriate for the Education of my Son, which I know must be husbanded, yet I cannot think of being rigidly parcimonious, nor must I be very lavish, lest my money should not hold out. I imagine a gratuity of one hundred pounds Sterling may be given to a Merchant of Eminence to take him for two or three Years, and perhaps his yearly board paid for. I shall be entirely satisfied in whatever may seem best for you to do and shall ever have a grateful remembrance of your unmerited favours, and sincerely hope in future to have it in my Power to make Compensation. I wish you health and the Utmost happiness and am with the greatest regards” &c.
      Thus I found myself invested with the unexpected Trust of a kind of Guardianship of two promising young Gentlemen, besides my own Son, a benevolent Office which would have been peculiarly agreable to me, if I had not a prospect before me of too much Occupation in my own to be at leisure to discharge the duties of it, with that Attention which it might require. I was soon relieved from the principal care of it, however, for Mr. Vernon chose to remain at Bourdeaux, and Mr. Deane, by the Advice of Dr. Franklin, was put to Le Coeur’s Pension at Passy with my Son J.Q.A. and his Grandson Benjamin Franklin Bache, since that time famous enough as the Editor and Proprietor of the Aurora.


Title: [February 18. Wednesday.]
From: Adams, John
To:

      February 18. Wednesday. We had a fine Wind for twenty four hours; but the constant rolling and rocking of the Ship, made Us all Sick. Half the Sailors were so. My young Gentlemen Jesse and John were taken about twelve O Clock the last night and had been very Sick all day. I was seized with it in the afternoon. My Servant Joseph Stevens and the Captain’s Will, were both very bad.


Title: [February 19. 1778.]
From: Adams, John
To:

      February 19. 1778. In the morning We discovered three Vessells a head of Us. They appeared to be large Ships, and Captain Tucker observing them with his Glasses, gave it as his Opinion that they were British Frigates and was preparing to give orders to avoid them. But a murmur arising among the Men which was countenanced by some of the petty Officers, if not by some of the three Lieutenants, who were eager for Prizes; “They would not run from an Enemy before they saw him; they would not fly from danger before they knew they were in it. They were only three fine rich English Merchantmen, or perhaps transports, and would make fat Prizes” &c. To humour his Men Captain Tucker gave orders to make all sail towards them. It was not long before We were near enough to see they were Frigates and count their Guns, to the full Satisfaction of every Man on board. No man had an Appetite for fighting three Frigates at once in our feeble State. Orders were given to put away, and our Officers had discovered that our Frigate sailed uncommonly fast near the Wind. This Course was therefore taken, and We soon lost Sight of two of the Ships, but the third chased Us the whole day. Sometimes she gained upon Us, and sometimes We gained in our distance from her.