Title: John Adams to Charles Storer, 28 March 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Storer, Charles

          Dear Sir
          Auteuil March 28. 1785

        I have this moment received your Letter dated this month. your Letters always give me Pleasure, although the circumstances of the times have forbidden me, to enter into any particular Details with you or any one else, upon public affairs.— I am joined with others, and have doubts both of Delicacy and Prudence, if not of right, whether I may communicate Opinions, Reasonings or even Facts without their Knowledge and consent. We are to treat with the British Court, not the Royal Exchange, and whatever veneration I might have, for this last Assembly I Should be thought a mal-adroit Ambassador, if I might be there quoted, for Things which had not been represented at St. James’s.— Besides I Should look Still more unwise if it Should appear that Merchants were employed to pump out of me my Sentiments by Ministers behind the Sceene.
        I have a well grounded Faith in your Steadiness and Discretion and Shall ever be obliged to you for your Letters, but must be excused from entering into confidential Correspondence, any further than I can see a Safety in it.
        You may however affirm roundly and with perfect Truth, that the Disinclination to treat, is not in America, nor in the American Ministers. We have Full Powers to treat and conclude, which We made known to the British Ministry, through Mr Heartly. instead of being authorised to treat with Us, he was recall’d. We then repeated the Communication through the Duke of Dorsett. We were answered by a refusal to treat here, and an Invitation or rather a Proposition that the United States Should Send a Minister to St. James’s. We replied

to this, that We would transmit the Proposition to Congress, and in the mean time were ready to go in Person with our Plein pouvoir if that were agreable to them. This Offer has not been accepted. It can hardly be Said that We have waited for an Invitation. We have rather invited ourselves. I dont See what more We could have done unless We had all three flewn over in an Air Balloon, alighted at Lord Carmarthaens House pour demander a diner, of his Lordship.
        You have penetrated the true Motive of the Aversion of the British Ministry, a dread of engaging in an unpopular Business, rather than a Wish to profit from the monopoly of our carrying Trade to the W. Indies, or to Strengthen the Adventurers in the Whale Fishery. A Dancer on a Slackrope, Shudders at the Opening of a Door against him, lest a Blast of Air Should rush in and blow him over. Ireland and India are already blowing a Storm.
        I wish however that Congress would Send a Minister to England, and if he Should not Succeed, the World will Soon See that Congress have authority to make navigation Acts.
        The Powers of Congress to treat, were never disputed by France, Spain, Holland Sweeden, Prussia or any other Power. They have express Power to make Treaties of Commerce, by an Article of the Confederation, which you may read. There is it is true a limitation. But it would be easier to get a Navigation Act passed by each of the thirteen States, than to get this Limitation taken off. and if British Ministers or Merchants would decline treating upon this Pretext they are Still as weak as they have been these twenty Years, with only two Short Intervals.
        Yours affectionately

          John Adams


Title: The American Commissioners to the Comte de Vergennes, 28 March 1785
From: American Commissioners,Adams, John,Franklin, Benjamin,Jefferson, Thomas
To: Vergennes, Charles Gravier, Comte de

          Sir
          Passy March 28th. 1785

        We have the honour to enclose an extract of a letter from the Commissioners of the United States of America to Your Excellency dated Augst. 28th. 1778. Copy of Your Excellency’s ansr dated 27. Septr. 1778. & Copy of M. de Sartine’s letter to Your Excellency of

the 21st of Septr. 1778 all relative to a proposed negotiation with the States of Barbary. Not having any particular authority or instructions from Congress at that time to treat with those States, the Commissioners desisted from any further pursuit of the negotiation until Congress should have opportunity to deliberate & decide upon it. We are now able to inform your Excellency that we have received from the United States in Congress assembled special full powers to treat with each of the Powers of Barbary, Morocco, Algiers, Tunis, Tripoli and the rest; & we have lately received authentic information that one of those Powers at least, the Emperor of Morocco has commenced hostilities against the United States by the capture of a vessel belonging to Philadelphia by one of his frigates, which has spread an alarm among the American Merchants & Mariners, raised the præmiums of insurance, and made it necessary for us to do all in our power to prevent the further progress of the war as well as to procure the liberation of our Countrymen who are made prisoners. As it is impossible for us to go to Morocco & we have no power of substitution, we can do no more than write a letter to the Emperor & either invite him to send a Minister or authorize his consul in France to treat with us here, or to carry on the negotiation in writing at this distance through the French consul at Morocco, or propose to him to wait until we can write to America & Congress can send a consul to the Emperor.
        We therefore request the honour of your Excellency’s advice which of these measures is the most eligible, & whether your Excellency or the Minister in whose Department it is, would do us the favour to transmit a letter from us to the Emperor through the French consul.
        Looking over several treaties between Christian Powers & the Barbary States we find that the treaty between the crown of France & Algiers of April 1684 is upon the point of expiring; and we are desirous of knowing (if it is not improper that we should enquire) whether this treaty is or is likely to be renewed; because if there is a probability of a war Congress would probably prefer joining in the war, rather than to treat with Nations who so barbarously & inhumanly commence hostilities against others who have done them no injury.
        In order to lay before Congress all the information necessary to enable them to judge what is best for them to do, we have obtained from Holland a certain account of the presents given annually and occasionally by the States General to the Barbary Powers, and have

taken measures which promise success for procuring similar intelligence from other Christian States. And if there is no impropriety in the request we should desire to be informed what is the annual amount of the presents given by France to each of those States & in what articles they usually consist.
        We have the further honour to propose to your Excellency that his Majesty’s good offices and interposition may be employed with the Emperor, in order to provide as fully as possible for the convenience & safety of those inhabitants of the United States, their vessels & effects, who are now or my hereafter be in captivity in Morocco, according to the tenor of the eighth article of the treaty of commerce.
        With the highest respect / We have the honor to be / Your Excellency’s / Most obedient and / Most humble Servants

          John AdamsB. FranklinT. Jefferson


Title: John Jay to John Adams, 31 March 1785
From: Jay, John
To: Adams, John

          Dear Sir,
          Office for foreign Affairs 31st. March 1785.

        I have the Honor of transmitting to you herewith enclosed, a certified Copy of an Act of Congress of the 21st. Instant, instructing you

to communicate to Mr. St. Saphorin, the high Sense, the United States in Congress assembled, entertain of the liberal Decision made by his Danish Majesty, on the Question proposed to his Minister by You, respecting the Ordination of american Candidates for holy orders in the episcopal Church, commonly called the Church of England.
        Congress has been pleased to order me to transmit copies of your Letter, and the other papers on this Subject, to the Executives of the different States; and I am persuaded they will receive with pleasure this mark of your Attention, and of his Danish Majesty’s friendly Disposition.
        I have the Honor to be, with great Respect and / Esteem, / Dear Sir, / Your most obedient, and / very humble servant,

          John Jay


Title: From John Adams to Christian Lotter, 8 April 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Lotter, Christian

            Sir
            Auteuil Near Paris April 8 1785

          I have received your letter of the 30 of March as I did another Sometime ago. I congratulate you on the Increase of your family and wish the New born as well as his Parrents Health Long Life and Happiness
          My son is to embark in May for his native Country, where he is to finish his education for a Profession in which I hope he will be a usefull Man, you will be so good as to pack up for him whatever he writes for
          you may have the Arms of the United States put up as soon as you will and have E pluribus Unum painted over again in another colour if it is thought proper. I never gave any particular directions about it.— the Parcell containing a Book you may keep untill you can send it by a Private Hand.—
          I beleive I shall not continue the subscription to the Accademy
          I am sir your humble servt—


Title: From John Adams to the Baron Lynden van Blitterswyck, 8 April 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Blitterswyck, the Baron Lynden van

            Sir
            Auteuil near Paris April 8. 1785

          I take this Opportunity by Mr Bingham whom you once Saw at my House at the Hague to congratulate you on your agreable Situation in England as I entertain a pleasing Remembrance of those Social Hours We have heretofore passed together in Paris and the Hague, I cannot but cherrish a Hope of meeting you again in some Part of the World. Two months ago I thought it possible it might be in London and it is by no means certain that it will not be. Whether it is to be or not, I Should be very much obliged to you, if you would inform me, what are the Ceremonies of introducing a Minister to the King and Royal Family at St. James, and by whom he is introduced, and in what manner he is introduced to the Corps Diplomatique.
          with great Respect & sincere Esteem &c


Title: From John Adams to Richard Price, 8 April 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Price, Richard

            Sir
            Auteuil near Paris April 8. 1785

          I received sometime ago from Dr Franklin a Copy of the first Edition of your Observations, on the Importance of the American Revolution, and a few days Since, a Copy of the Second. I am very much obliged to you, Sir, for your kind Attention to me, and for these valuable Presents
          I think it may be said in general, in Praise of the Citizens of the United States, that they are Sincere Enquirers after Truth in matters of Government and of Commerce, at least that there is among them as great a Number in Proportion, of this liberal Character as any Country possesses. They must therefore but be obliged to you and to all others, who are able to through Light upon those Objects, and who are willing to take the Pains to give them Advice.
          I think myself happy to be perfectly agreed with you in Opinion, that the first Thing to be done, in order to the Improvement of Society, is, to Sett Conscience free. When all Men, of all Religions, consistent with Morals and Property, shall enjoy equal Liberty, Property, or rather Security of Property, and an equal Chance for Honour and Power. and when Goverment shall be considered, as nothing more misterious or divine, than any other Art or Science We may well expect Improvements in the human Character and in the State of Society. But at what an immense distance is that Period? nothwithstanding all that has been written, from Sidney and Lock down to Dr Price and Abbe de Mably, all Europe Still believes, that Sovereignty is a Sacred and divine right except a few Men of Letters; even in Holland their Sovereignty, although it resides at least in four Thousand Persons is all divine.
          I did not propose however, at this time to enter into Details: But if you will give me leave, I should be glad to communicate with you now and then upon these Matters.
          With great Esteem I have the Honour / to be, Sir your most obedient / and humble servant

            John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from William Gordon, 8 April 1785
From: Gordon, William
To: Adams, John

            My dear Sir
            Jamaica Plain Apr 8. 1785

          I hope this will find you at Westminster. I congratulate You upon your late appointment; it was what I wished for, as what I thought would be agreeable to you, & for the good of our country. The treaty of commerce may be too far settled to admit of alteration: but if your correspondents have not urged you in the most pressing manner, to exert every nerve to obtain an importation of our whale oil on much easier terms than at present, they have failed greatly. The continuance of the present duty is next to a prohibition, & will occasion the whale-men to remove from Cape Cod &c &c to Nova Scotia. I know what I assert to be fact, having my information from a gentleman concerned in the business, whose Captains have declared as much, as to themselves. Exert yourself also to obtain the support of the British ministry in settling with the Algerines, that our vessels may go to the Mediterranean with safety. By the by, a story has been propagated that Palfry was taken by the Algerines, & is now labouring at the Oar. I am fearful there is no truth in it: but as it is possible, that the ship in which he was might be driven out of sight in the night, & not be lost as is imagined, & be afterward taken, I wish you out of regard to his family & respect to his memory, to make inquiry & to receive certain information from the British resident at Algiers, whether any such American vessel was taken, in 1781, if I mistake not the date.
          The last Jany twelve month I sent You a letter, which was enclosed to my brother, & to be by him forwarded to Holland to Messrs De Neufville. He recd & sent it on. I have had no answer, how that happens I know not. You best know, whether there is any truth in my suspicion, that the free use I made of your liberal sentiments respecting the Tories to counter-act the narrow & pernicious politics of some individuals, has induced them to caution you against corresponding with me, especially in that free & open manner.
          Now for Massachusetts. The late Govr notified to the General Court his proposed resignation; thought by some Deeps to be a finesse for settling himself in the chair another twelve month. An answer was prepared. My friend informed me, that he did not like it, on account of its flattery; but learnt afterward that the complexion given it was meant to make it go down glib with the governors party, & thereby catch them. They were well pleased: but after agreeing to it, moved some addition, amounting really to a request that he would not resign for his bad health, & that they would dispense with his doing governmental duty. They could not carry it; the resignation took place. The Lt Govr Cushing was, let me say, with much officious effrontery recommended in the speech to the genl court for a successor. Mr Hancock used his influence to get him into the chair. Questions against Bowdoin were published in the Centinel of saturday. This gave the opposite party an opening for other questions in favour of him, & for publishing against Mr Hancock & Mr Cushing. Messrs Adams, Higginson, Davies, Lowell &c exerted themselves. The monday’s papers teemed with publications for Bowdoin & against the others. Hand bills were added. The election began. Hancock went to the Hall. If he expected shouts &c he was disappointed. Upon the close there were for Mr Bowdoin as Govr 574 for Mr Cushing about 340
          for him as Lt Govr " 665 for many voted for him as Lt Govr to give him bread, who had no notion of him as chief magistrate.
          Senators S. Adams 692. Tufts 901. Lowell 628. Deacon Phillips 739. Cranch 408. Heath 407.
          Roxbury Bowdoin 48 Cushing Lt Govr 42.
          Senators Phillips 49. Lowell 49. Heath 42. Tufts 47. Metcalf of Bellingham 33. Higginson 27. Cranch 5.
          Dedham   Bowdoin 86 out of 97
          Mystick   Do all
          Cambridge  Do 20. Cushing 10. Dana 11.
          Salem    Do most. By what can be gathered Mr Bowdoin is likely to be chosen by the people; & if so, he will serve, & the State be delivered out of the hand of Quacks. Tho’ it is now Your Excellency, I trust your good sense remains, & that You are for freedom among friends. Mrs Gordon unites in respects to Self Lady & family. Do not recollect any thing further that is material. I continue with real esteem / Your Excellencys sincere friend / & very humble servant

            William Gordon

            I have written currente calamo being in enormous haste.

            Apr 9.

          This comes by Col Norton one of our Senators, whom I take to be a worthy gentleman. He will inform you more about Mr Bowdoin, & what a winter we have had, & that we have now an immense quantity of snow upon the ground, more than for 44 years back.


Title: The Marquis de Lafayette to the American Commissioners, 8 April 1785
From: Lafayette, Marie-Joseph-Paul-Yves-Roch-Gilbert du Motier, marquis de
To: American Commissioners

            Gentlemen
            Paris April the 8th 1785

          In Consequence of Your desire, I Have Endeavoured to Collect informations, Relative to the presents which the African Powers Usually Receive from European Nations.
          By the inclosed Summary, You will get Every intelligences I Could obtain of what Has been done By Holland, Sweden, danmark, Venise, Spain, Portugal, and England. The Returns Nõs 2, 5, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, are Minuted Accounts of the Presents which at Several Periods Have been delivered By those Powers
          As to france, it Has Been More difficult for me to know their Exact Situation—their way of transacting Business with the Africans is peculiar to them, and it is a principle with Government Not to divulge it— I know we are not like the other powers obliged to Pay Certain tribute—our presents are Voluntary, with Respect to the Time, as well as to the valüe, and france is upon a much more decent footing with those pirats than Any other Nation— it Has Been Avoided to Give presents upon fixed occasions, Like a change of princes— The King of Morocco’s Envoys Have not Been Considered as Ambassadors, one Excepted who Came to present a Number of french men taken in foreign Vessels whom that King Had purchased from the Captors— upon the King’s Coronation, He was Complimented By tunis and tripoly— But the permission, I am told, was not Granted upon the delphin’s Birth
          it is However Customary that Every french Consul, when first introduced, Makes a present in His own Name—the last one at Alger, in the Return No 1 Cost 20,000 french livres—those to tunis and tripoly are much inferior
          in the last treaty of peace with tunis the present Nõ 3 was Sent By the late king of france—it did Cost about 50,000 livres, Besides which the french Merchants made a present of about 12,000 livres. The tunisian Ambassador who Came for the King’s Coronation Received the present Nõ 4 which Cost 68,840 livres
          Upon the occasion of the last peace with Morocco, the present to the Emperor was worth 163,708 livres, and to His officers 74,250 livres as Appears By the Return Nõ 6— the Ambassador from that Country, in the Circumstance I Have Mentioned, in the Year 1775, was Complimented with the Articles of the Return Nõ 8, to the Amount of 129,063 livres.
          The Return No 14th Contains the present to the Pacha of tripoly, By the Envoy He was permitted to Send for the King’s Coronation— it is worth 34,340 livres
          it is also Customary to pay the Expenses of those Envoys on the Road, and to Send them Back to their Country in a ship of war
          Such are, Gentlemen, the intelligences I Could Collect— I am to Apologize for the delay— But Considering the Variety of Articles, and the Reserve of Government upon this point, my Exertions Required Some time Before I Could gather all the interesting particulars
          With the Highest Respect I Have the Honour to be / Your Excellencies’s / Most obedient Humble / Servant

            Lafayette


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Cushing, 9 April 1785
From: Cushing, Thomas
To: Adams, John

            Dear Sir,
            Boston April 9th: 1785

          I am obliged to you for your favor of the 25th. Octr. last & for the intelligence it contained relative to the line between this State & Nova Scotia. I have lately at the request of the General Court forwarded to our Delegates at Congress the report of the Agents that were sent last fall to the Eastern parts of this State to make enquiry whether any encroachments had been made upon this State by the British; & also a number of other Papers relative to the boundary Line above referr’d to, I suppose you will soon hear from Congress upon this subject— I congratulate you upon your being appointed a Minister at the Court of Great Britain & hope the appointment will be agreeable to you, I sincerely wish you success in all your negociations & hope you will be able to do essential service to the United States by making a treaty of Commerce with that Nation that may be mutually beneficial. Our People begin to be very restless & uneasy under the restrictions & embarrassments our Trade labors under at the English Ports & will not any longer rest satisfied unless this Government or Congress retaliate—
          Colo. Norton, who will deliver you this Letter, is employed as an Agent from the County of Dukes County to apply to the British Government for Compensation for the Stock taken from the Inhabitants of said County in the year 1778, he has had the permission of this Commonwealth for this purpose several times during the War—

          If your Excellency can render him any service, it will be to the advantage of the Commonwealth at large, as the money that may be obtained for these People will be principally, if not wholly, applied to the payment of their Taxes for which they now stand indebted—
          With great Respect & Esteem, / I have the honor to be, / Dear Sir, / Your most Obedt. hble Servt.

            Thomas Cushing


Title: To John Adams from Tristram Dalton, 11 April 1785
From: Dalton, Tristram
To: Adams, John

            Dear Sir
            Boston April 11th. 1785

          Under date of the 21st Decem, of the last Year, I did myself the honor of addressing You; since which time I have not had the pleasure of receiving any advise of your good Self or esteemed Family, except by enquiry from some of their near connections—who, with me, regret their personal loss in not hearing oftener; tho’ they submit to the consideration of the great importance of your every moment—
          Your appointment to the Court of London has given great Joy & Confidence.
          The good Citizens of these States have been for some time very uneasy at the Situation of our Commerce with the Subjects of G Britain— Those of this State have abundant reason of resentment—
          To see the Whale Fishery decreasing, and tending rapidly to Annihilation—
          To see the Colonies of Nova Scotia & New Brunswick fed and nursed by provisions and supplies, freely exported from these States in British Vessels; while those belonging to the Citizens of them cannot enter their ports without insult—and are not permitted to land any article—
          To see British Vessells the only Carriers of our Lumber to their Islands—which must have immediately sunk without a supply from us—while all commerce with their plantations, of the least benefit, is prohibited—
          To see British Ships have the preference in the transportation of their own Manufactures to these Ports, owing undoubtedly to an insiduous influence that their interest caused with the Barbary States to interrupt our Navigation—
          To see these things, and many others of like nature, has roused the Spirit of the People to so high a degree, that, I am, humbly, of opinion, they would strictly comply with any measures, be they what they might, which Congress should think proper to recommend

          The Lre. of Rhode Island have, at length, on their part, passed an Act, vesting Congress with power “to regulate Commerce not founded on Principles of Equality—” There being not more than one State which has not granted this Power, I am in hopes of soon hearing that this recommendation is fully complied with—which must operate in the minds of those who now treat our Union with contempt—
          Another recommendation Congress has in contemplation—Vizt That They be vested with power to regulate Commerce between the several States themselves as well as with foreign Nations— if the present disposition and conduct of Connecticutt, & some other of the States, be considered, this measure must appear absolutely necessary
          Great expectations are formed from the Negotiation of the present Commission, Who, it is said, are going to London to settle a Treaty of Commerce with that Court—which may take up a different line of Conduct, should Congress be vested with the full powers beforementioned
          The General Court of this Commonwealth was prorogued on the 18th Ulto. to the 24th May, after a session of 8 weeks— They did much business— A new Code of Criminal Laws passed—with many other public & private bills— One of them, a Bill incorporating a Company, with powers to build a Bridge over Charles River—where the Ferry now is—which is expected to be passable next November twelve months—
          The Claim of this Commonwealth to Lands Westward of Hudson’s River is in a serious Train— A Foederal Court is appointed, by Congress, to be holden at Williamsburg in Virginia, on the first tuesday of next June— The Agents of this State and the Agents of the State of N York havg, previously, agreed on the Judges—
          The Agents on the part of this Commonwealth are Mr Lowell—Mr Sullivan—Mr Theo Parsons and Mr Rufus King— Mr Johnson of Connecticutt being engaged as Counsel— £4500 is granted to carry on the Cause— The Gentlemen of New York appear to be deeply impressed with the importance of the Subject, and treat it with more decency than they have heretofore
          You will hear of the Resignation of Governor Hancock—on Account, as he saith, of ill Health— since which Event, however, He has been the gayest Person in Town and has pursued convivial enjoyments uninterruptedly— It is not doubted that Mr Bowdoin will succeed him in the Chair, on a new Chaise— Mr Hancock pushed hard to get Mr Cushing, our present chief magistrate, elected—who, by this very endeavor, stands a chance of losing the place of Lt Governor—
          My private Affairs oblige me to take leave of the G Court, for the present—which will deprive me of the opportunity of handing you, in future, much political intelligence— indeed, sensible that your informations have been much better from others, I have troubled you with a few Sentiments, rather to show my wishes, than in an expectation of rendering any service—
          In every place my Friendship and Esteem continue sincere—and the receipt of any advise from You will afford me the greatest happiness—
          Mrs & Miss Dalton request my tendering their most respectful regards to your good Self & to Mrs & Miss Adams, to whom be so kind as to present mine—and beleive me— / Dear Sir— / Your affectiote Friend / And most hble Servant

            Tristram Dalton


Title: From John Adams to Elbridge Gerry, 13 April 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Gerry, Elbridge

            Dear sir
            Auteuil near Paris April 13. 1785

          I am, this moment informed, that the Packet is arrived but neither Dr F. nor I have any Letters as yet. this is unlucky, because We Shall not be able to answer by this Packet.
          I Suppose it is a question with you whether you shall Send a Minister to Spain; I really hope you will. it is a question too no doubt, who to send.— There will be some perhaps many, perhaps all for Mr Charmichael. I know not this Gentn personally. He is active and intelligent, by all, I have learnt. He has made himself Friends among the Spanyards, and among the foreign Ministers, and at the French Court, and at Passy. I see that the Comte de Vergennes, the Duc de la Vauguion who is gone to Spain, and Dr Franklin, have an affection for him, and are labouring to Support him. These Circumstances are much in favour of his Happiness, and if he has that pure and inflexible Virtue, that thorough Penetration into the Hearts of Men and the Systems of Affairs, and that unchangeable Attachment to our Country that you require in a public Man you will honour him with your Support. You know from his Correspondence with Congress whether he is this Man. I know nothing to the Contrary. But I confess to you, that the ardent Friendship of Courtiers and Diplomatick Characters, to any American Ministers is to me, a Cause of Suspicion. I know it to be impossible for any Man to do his Duty to his Country, and preserve it, all he can hope for is to be esteemed and respected, it is well if he is not hated and despised.
          But Mr Jay is Master of the Character in question. I have heard with Pleasure that Mr Charmichael in their last Interview Settled Things to the satisfaction of Mr Jay, and cleared up some Things which Mr Jay had not been Satisfied in. You may know the Truth from him. I am, disposed to favour Charmichael, from all I have heard of him, and know of him, at least so far as to wish for his Continuance in service provided you dont see Symptoms of his Endeavours to Support his Character upon foreign Interests, at the Expence of those of our Country. But there is too marked a Love for him for my Taste, in Characters in whose Friendship for America I have no Confidence. The greatest Danger to our foreign affairs has ever arisen from this, and ever will. from an Endeavour to obtain a Reputation in America, by gaining the Friendship of Courtiers and obtaining their Recommendations in their private Letters for themselves And their Connections. These favours are never obtained but by Sacrifices.— it is remarkable that Native Americans are rather avoided and there is a constant Endeavour to throw American Employment in Europe into the Hands of Persons born or educated in Europe, or at least Such as have lived long enough in Europe to become assimilated.
          There is nothing more dreadfull to America, than to have the Honour, the Reputation and the Bread of their Ministers abroad depend upon their adopting Sentiments in American affairs conformable to those which may be entertained and endeavored to be propagated by the Ministers with whom they treat.— You had infinitely better choose the Comte de Florida Blanca & the Comte de Vergennes at once for your foreign Ambassadors. I have seen and felt so much of it, that I dread it, like Death and Mr Jay does not dread it less.—
          And you have not a lesse important Thing to attend to in the Choice of a Minister for St. James’s.— Whoever he is, he will be in more danger there than any where, of too much complaisance to Ministers Courtiers, Princes & King. indeed, it is probable to me that whoever goes there, first if he is honest will have his Reputation ruined in America, by the Insinuations which will go against him, both in public Papers and private Letters. Lyars and Slanderers are more impudent there than any where, and they have more old Connections in America among whom to circulate them.
          With much Affection your old Fred & very humble / servant.

            John Adams

            My Regards to your Colleagues. if Temple comes to N. York and is received as Consull I hope you will continue some way to make Peace or Truce between him and Sullivan.— I hope Temple will be prudent and cautious if not he may do Mischief. But you have Weight with him, I know.


Title: From John Adams to John Jay, 13 April 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Jay, John

            Sir
            Auteuil near Paris. April 13. 1785

          I have written, by the late Packetts, for the Orders of Congress concerning near a Million of Guilders in the Hands of Messs. Willinks &c in Amsterdam, and requesting the Ratification of my last Loan, and other Subjects. by the February Packet, hourly expected I hope to have the Honour of Letters from you, with the Pleasure of Congress relative to those Matters.
          Our joint Dispatches will Shew, all the Information We have yet obtained concerning the Power of the Barbary States and the Costliness of their Friendship. We must proceed Slowly and cautiously.— I often hear the Trade of the Mediterranean and of the Levant Slightly Spoken of, and represented as of Small Value to the United States. I think very differently, with an absolute Certainty that time will demonstrate me in the right. But the rise of Insurance on all our Trade, is to be added to the full Value of the Trade We may have, in the Mediterranean and the Levant. and what is worse, We have the Cries of our Countrymen, in Captivity, in Chains, and exposed to many Cruelties to consider. it is not the Loss of Property which has induced any Nation to become tributary to them but this inhuman Practice of enslaving Captives. France England and Holland, have avoided Stipulating in Treaties to pay a Tribute: but Sweeden & Denmark have not, I hope we shall not imitate the Example of these last. if We are directed to negotiate, We shall probably negotiate through the French Consul, but it will be necessary finally for Congress to Send Consuls to Sign the Treaties, and to make the Presents.— We have collected Some Information which will be usefull to our Country, respecting these Powers: I wish We Were able to do as much, under our Commission to Spain. That Court will not treat here, and for Us to go to Madrid is a dangerous Measure. We know not how much time, the Negotiation there may require, and if We go, and return without Success, it will be industrously Spread by all the Diplomatick Corps, and will hurt the Reputation of our Country in Europe, and elate the English beyond Measure, inconveniences which may be avoided, by your conducting the Negotiation with Mr Guardoqui at New York, or by Congress Sending a Minister to Madrid. this I know is much desired by the Spanish Court, and by this Court, as many Simptoms have indicated, particularly a Conversation between the Duke de la Vauguion and me, a few days before his Departure for Madrid. a Minister at Madrid would be usefull to Us in conducting this Business with the Barbary Powers and is in all respects as far as I can see a desirable Measure.— The Expence, of maintaining three Ministers, is the same whether they reside at Auteuil, Passy and Paris, or at Madrid, Versailles and the Hague, and I am Sure We could not do less Seperately than We are likely to do together.
          You remember, Sir, that one of the first Things Mr Hartly Said to Us, was to propose in the Name of the King his Master and his Minister Mr Fox that Ministers should be exchanged immediately between Congress and st James’s.— You have recd before now, the formal Proposition from the Marquis of Carmaerthen, transmitted to Us, through the Duke of Dorsett to the same Effect. The Appointment of Mr Temple, as Consull General is a Still Stronger Indication of a real Wish in the Ministry, that this Measure may be pursued, and of a Secret Consciousness that they shall be obliged to treat. in their Refusal to treat here they would be justified by all the Courts and diplomatick Bodies in the World. I make no Scruple nor Hesitation to advise that a Minister may be sent nor will I be intimidated from giving this Advice by any Apprehension that I shall be suspected of a Design or Desire of going to England myself. Whoever goes will neither find it a lucrative or a pleasant Employment, nor will he be envied by me. I know that for years if he does his Duty, he will find no personal Pleasure or Advantage. But the Measure, of Sending a Minister to England appears to me, the Corner Stone of the true American system of Politicks in Europe and if it is not done We shall have Cause to repent it for a long time when it will be too late. Every Thing is callculating as it appears to me, to involve Us in a War with England. Cries and Prejudices are fomented in England and America, which have no other Tendency but to involve Us in a War, long before We shall be ready. Ten or fifteen Years hence, We Should have nothing to fear from a War with England, if they should be mad enough to force Us upon it. at present it would distress Us extreamly, altho it would ruin England. My System is a very Simple one.— Let Us preserve the Friedship of France and Holland, and Spain if We can and in Case of a War between France and England, let Us preserve our Neutrality, if possible. in order to preserve our Friendship with France and Holland, and Spain it will be usefull to Us to avoid a War with England. to avoid a War with England We should take the regular Diplomatick Steps to negotiate, to settle disputes as they rise, and to place the Intercourse between the two Nations upon a certain footing. Then We may understand one another, avoid Deceits and Misrepresentations. it is so much the Interest of England that We should be Neutral in a future War, that I am perswaded that cool and candid Reasoning with their Ministers upon the subject would convince them of it. The Force of Truth is greater, even upon the Minds of Politicians than the World in general is aware of. England is now mad with the hope of our having a War with Spain & even France in consequence of the Family Compact, and of our courting them to become our Allies and Undertake our Defence. Surely it would not be difficult for an American Minister to convince a British one that this is Chimerical, and that the only Thing they ought to expect from America is neutrality. The real Thing the English have to fear is our joining their Ennemies against them in a future War. She has no Alliance to hope from Us, unless Spain Should force Us into a War, and even then We ought not to ask or accept Aid from England, if We could avoid it, unless France from the Family Compact Should join Spain.
          This Reasoning and this System you see, goes upon the Supposition that We are independent of France in Point of Moral and Political Obligation. But if the sentiments of America are otherwise and those Principles are general which you and I once heard delivered with great Formality and Ennergy “viz That America ought to join France, against England in two future Wars, one to pay the Debt of Gratitude already contracted, and the other to Shew ourselves as generous as France had been” I confess myself all wrong, and to be so totally ignorant of the Rights Duties and Interests of my Country as to be altogether unfit for any Share in their publick Affairs foreign or Domestic.
          At any rate, our Negotiations in this Place, have not answered the Ends proposed by Congress, and expected by the People of America, nor is there now Scarcely a possibility that they should. I am very happy in my Friend Mr Jefferson, and have nothing, but my Inutility to disgust me, with a Residence here. But I presume Congress Will not think it expedient to renew the Commissions, or attempt any longer to carry on Negotiations with the rest of the World in this Place. if they Should however, I hope they will think of some other Gentleman in my Place, as it is my desire to return home, at the Expiration of the Term of the present Commissions.
          With great and Sincere Esteem and Respect / I have the Honour to be, Sir your most / obedient and most humble sert

            John Adams


Title: The American Commissioners to John Jay, 13 April 1785
From: American Commissioners
To: Jay, John

            Sir
            Paris April 13. 1785.

          Our letter to you the 18th day of March with those preceding that period which had been addressed to the President of Congress have conveyed exact details of our transactions till that time. Since the making out of that dispatch the following proceedings have taken place.
          The letter No 1. from Mr. Carmichaels to Dr Franklin dated Feby. 27. 1784 (instead of 1785) will apprize you that there is a prospect of Mr Hartwell’s regaining his liberty & property tho’ not without some delay, & probably some loss.
          The same letter will inform you of Mr Carmichael’s proceedings in the case of the brig Betsey taken by the Emperor of Morocco, & the papers which accompanied that letter and which we have marked No 1. a. b. c. d. e. f. g. will shew the progress in that business to the 15th of Janry last; and a subsequent communication from Mr. Carmichael marked No. 2. being a letter from the Ct. de Florida Blanca to him dated March 16th. 1785 will shew its situation at that time.
          With this last Mr. Carmichael also sent us the papers No. 3. a & b. the first being a letter from a spy employed by the Spanish court, a holy father of the order of the redemption of captives; and the second a state made out by the same person of the naval force of the Algerines from Feby 1. 1777 to Septr. 8. 1783. the revolutions it underwent during that period, the number of cruizes they made, prizes they took, & the nations from whom taken. While these give a smaller idea than had been entertained of this the most formidable of the Pyratical states, the following papers marked No. 4. a. b. c. d. e. f. g. h. i. k. l. m. n. o. p. q. will shew that the price of their peace is higher than the information heretofore communicated, had given us reason to expect. The paper No 4. a. is a letter from the M. de la Fayette to whose means of access to the depositories of this species of information, & his zeal for the service of the United States we are indebted for the intelligence it contained, as well as for the report No. 4. b. and the details No. 4. c. d. e. f. g. h. i. k. l. m. n. o. p. q. from these it will appear that Powers which, like France & England, can combine the terror of a great naval force with the persuasive of pecuniary tribute, yet give as far as 15,000 guineas to Morocco which holds but the second rank amongst these states. This information is still very incomplete, giving only a view of detached parts of the transactions between the European & African Powers: it will contribute however with what we have formerly laid before Congress, to enable them to form some estimate of what will be required of a people possessing so weak a navy and so rich a commerce as we do. These rovers will calculate the worth of the prizes they may expect to take from us in the Mediterranean & in the Atlantic; and making some allowance for the expence & losses they will incur in these enterprizes, they will adjust their demand by the result regarding little the representations which we may make of our poverty. They count highly too among the motives which will induce us to give a good price the horrors we feel on the idea of our countrymen being reduced to slavery by them. Some of the European merchants & perhaps consuls resident with them will probably not be backward in supplying their want of knowledge as to the extent & nature of our commerce and the degree of protection we are able to afford it.
          We have been many days in expectation of the arrival of the French Packet which should have sailed from N York the middle of Feb having been informed that as early as Dec Congress had referred sundry foreign affairs to the consideration of a Committee, & that the Packet arrived at NYork Jany 17 which conveyed our letter of Novr with a detail of the situation in which their business was on this side the Atlantic, we hope that the Packet sailing a month afterwards & now expected here will bring us further instructions. In the mean time the situation of our trade rendered it necessary to admit as little delay as possible with the Barbary Powers. We therefore thought it best to put that business in train. For this purpose we resumed a correspondence which had formerly taken place between the American Commissioners & this court, copies of which are herewith given in the papers marked No 5. a. b. & c. the want of money & the want of powers had discontinued this correspondence. We thought it a proper ground however whereon to found applications to this court for their aid in the treaties which may now be proposed. Mr Adams accordingly waited on the Count de Vergennes with copies of that correspondence (his colleagues being prevented by indisposition from accompanying him on that occasion) No 5. d. is his report of what passed, and No 5. e. a copy of the letter we addressed to the Count de Vergennes according to his desire—to this we have recd no answer. We propose to make no actual overtures to the Barbary states till the arrival of the packet now expected, which we suppose will convey us the ultimate will of Congress on this subject.
          A similar expectation of new information & instructions from Congress as to our affairs with the British court suspends till the arrival of this packet our taking any measures in consequence of the enclosed letter No. 6. from the Duke of Dorset the British Ambassador at this court. That their definitive answer must be required to the Articles in our instructions distinct from the treaty of commerce admits of no question: but as to the doubts they pretend and the information they ask with respect to the powers of Congress we do not decide what we shall say or do till we see whether we receive by this conveyance any new instructions.
          With the highest esteem & regard / We have the honor to be / Sir / Your most obedient & / Most humble Servants

            John Adams.B. FranklinTh: Jefferson


Title: To John Adams from Charles Storer, 13 April 1785
From: Storer, Charles
To: Adams, John

            Dear Sir,
            London. 13th. April. 1785.

          While I was at St: Quentin the last Winter, I was admitted to see a very large manufactory of Looking-Glass— ’Twas a particular priviledge, and allowed to but very few—yet the Gentleman to whom it belonged allowed me to ask any question—reserving to himself, however, the right of not answering those which should be improper— There were several hundred men at work, and all being in their proper places prevented there being any Confusion or Irregularity: One prepared a certain material—a second another—a third mixed them together—a fourth joined this mixture to another, & so on to the moulding, framing, shaping and compleating the work; but throughout the whole, though so many were concerned, there was but one only who knew the secret Composition and Art, and that was the Gentleman above, being the Head-Director & Manager— Now Sir, how far the Comparison will hold good between Politics & the manufacturing the brittle ware Glass, or how far the moulding and shaping the work may be similar, in one case, to the other, I will not pretend to determine—but really when I troubled you with my last, Sir, I considered you in the light of this Head-Director & Manager, to whom the true secret was alone known, and myself just then as one of the Sub-workmen—at least, (and the truth will out, you know, Sir,) I wished to be one. There was to be sure a degree of vanity in the thought, yet I ventured to ask your advice. May I hope, Sir, this prudent step will procure a pardon for my presumption? But do not beleive, as, (by the tenor of yours of the 28th. ult: that you were kind eno: to write me,) I fear you may, that I wished to be made acquainted with things improper to be communicated to me: nor imagine, sir, I should be indiscreet eno: to quote you, where I was not allowed. I hope, however, as you know the reason of my writing you, and as you flatter me with a reliance on my prudence, discretion & steadiness, (which good opinion will really do more towards making me discrete & steady than any thing else.) I hope therefore a further apology will be unnecessary.— I would not fail, however, to return you many thanks for the Communication you have made me, which I am very happy to find accords so well with what I had ventur’d to say myself— ’Tis a peculiar satisfaction, sir, to find we are not out of the way.—
          What has been done, or is doing in the political Line I am not able to say, and ’twould be needless in the present case, as you must be ever the best informed— You speak of Navigation Acts— I hope the United-States have virtue eno: left to join in common Cause for mutual Interest, and spirit eno: to shew the world they purchace nothing at the price of condescention or humility— By the Packet, just arrived from New-York, we learn that the General Assembly of that State are about laying an additional impost on British shipping, & heavy duties on Merchandises imported in British bottoms— This is a kind of Navigation Act, and its partiality may have a good tendency, if generally adopted; as it probably will be, if this Country does not meet us on proper grounds.— But surely, Sir, Congress will not send any one Minister to this Court, after having appointed three Commissioners to form a Treaty—and was not this Court the most bare-faced upon Earth, they would not have dared to make the request— Do they imagine that a Minister appointed now would be deputed with a fuller authority to conclude, than you have, supposing he would be empowered by instructions from the several States? I ask this, because I am inclined to think tis beleived here that Congress have not the right of making a Treaty of Commerce—and by the Articles of Confederation it appears that they can only form a general one—that is, so far as may not interfere with the internal police of the several States, in regard to imposts & duties on imports & exports— Here I think our Confederation is incompleat—at least if Congress have not, of themselves, a power to regulate the general Commerce, a general System might be adopted by them, from the particular Instructions of the several states to their Members in Congress— But, what a fine Chap you are, you will say, thus to give your opinion upon things of such importance. I beg pardon, Sir—but if I am wrong, let me beg you to put me right— ’Twill be charity to teach me, sir, and be assured I will be an attentive & diligent scholar.—
          To Mrs: Adams and family I have to present my best respects, and close with assuring you that I am with the most sincere esteem, dear sir, / Yr: Most Oblig’d, humle: servt:

            Chas: Storer.


Title: From John Adams to Philippe André Joseph de Létombe, 14 April 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Létombe, Philippe André Joseph de

            Sir
            Auteuil near Paris April 14 1785

          The Packetts which go Monthly from L’Orient to New york are very beneficial in my humble opinion both to France and America—and I cannot say that they would be more so if any alteration were made in the Plan
          But some Americans are of opinion it would be better to have them Sail from Havre de Grace as that is the sea Port of Paris the Convenience of transporting both Mails Passengers and Merchandizes would be greater to Havre: this Should be sett over against the Inconvenience of a Longer Passage sometimes and greater Risque in the Channell— I have not knowledge enough to determine even in my own Mind another thought has been mentioned viz. that the Packetts should go in the summer to Boston & the Winter to N York I beg leave to suggest this subject to your thoughts and Enquiries and to ask your opinion. the Passages I think would be Shorter and surer to Boston in May June July August and September. Perhaps in April—

          I am much obliged to you for Several letters and am really ashamed to be so much in Debt but I hope to do better as my Health is much improved
          Give me leave to introduce to you one who will have no need however of my recommendation Mr Chaumont— Mrs Adams desires her respectfull Compliments—
          I have the Honour to be sir your most obedient / and most humble servt—


Title: To John Adams from Ebenezer Crosby, 14 April 1785
From: Crosby, Ebenezer
To: Adams, John

            Sir
            New-York 14th. April 1785—

          From a grateful & lively recollection of your former favours & friendly disposition towards me, I am induced to trouble you with a request, which, tho’ sensible it will be readily granted, I do with great reluctance, well knowing your time is too important to the public, to be intruded upon by your private Friends—
          I have lately been honoured with the appointment of Obstetrick Professor in the University in this City—to discharge the duties of which, I am obliged to provide myself with a Female-Apparatus from London—the price of which I cannot learn— Having no other Friend or Acquaintance in London, I beg leave to take the liberty of enclosing five Guineas to you, & requesting you will do me the favour of advancing enough to make up the deficiency, if there should be any, which shall be remitted to you as soon as known—
          A Mr: Wright-Post, a Student in Medicine now in London from this City, is recommended to me, as a Gentleman who will readily and faithfully procure me the Machine—him I shall direct to wait upon your Excellency for the money
          I hope Mrs: & Miss Adams arrived safe & in health—also that you all continue to enjoy this great blessing—
          Mrs: Crosby joins in most respectful regards to you & them, with your most Obedient & / most Humle: Servant

            Ebenr: Crosby


Title: To John Adams from Richard Henry Lee, 14 April 1785
From: Lee, Richard Henry
To: Adams, John

            My dear Sir,
            New York April 14th. 1785

          The desire of paying my respects to an old and excellent friend compels me under all the pressures of ill health and much business, to avail myself of Colo. Smiths secure conveyance to take up my pen. It is long since I have written to you, but much longer since I have had the honor of hearing from you, and I am perfectly satisfied that both these effects have been produced by causes not fairly within our controul—perhaps the same obstructions may not so fully prevail hereafter, and if they do not, I shall be happy—
          Whilst I congratulate you on being appointed sole Minister to so eminent a Court as that of London, I cannot help congratulating my Country at the same time, for the just expectations that may be formed from the wisdom, patriotism, and diligence of its Minister— The untoward circumstances in which both countries are found [to] be placed, may have arisen from a neglect of decent and proper respect having been heretofore paid by each to the other— And if so, this advance on our part, may lead to the establishment of better conduct and happier consequences. That it may be so, may God, of his infinite mercy, grant— So far, I think that I pray devoutly for the honorable success of your Mission— Colo. Smith can give you so accurate a state of things here that it seems not necessary for me to enlarge on them—but with respect to this Gentleman, and his appointment, permit me to observe, that his established reputation is that of a Man of honor, of sense, and of very tried attachments to the success of our Union. His appointment (I mean the Office) Seems, as far as I have been able to investigate it, from a wish to shew respect to the Court of London, by an exact observance of all forms in such cases practised—
          I believe that Congress will adjourn (leaving a Committee of the States) in June next— So that when you find leisure and inclination to honor me with a letter, by sending it to the house of Wallace Johnson & Muir, my Correspondents in the City of London, they will forward your letter safely to me.
          I heartily wish you every honor and success in life that you can wish yourself
          Your affectionate friend

            Richard Henry Lee


Title: To John Adams from Wilhem & Jan Willink, Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, and De la Lande & Fynje, 21 April 1785
From: Willink, Wilhem & Jan (business),Staphorst, Nicolaas & Jacob van (business),La Lande & Fynje, de (business)
To: Adams, John

            Sir
            Amsterdam the 21. April 1785.

          As the Time of having inserted in Our Newspapers the payment of the Intrest of the United States is approching, and we Still deprived of Any Letters of Congress. We take the Liberty to advice yoúr Excelly. of it, not doubting but yoúr Excelly. Will find the Necessity of Having Regularly the Intrest paid when due, in Order to Maintain the Credit of the United States. and as the Money in Oúr hands Exceeds far the Sum Required for the payment of the Intrest, We must beg your Excelly. to favoúr ús with the Necessary Orders for that Purpose.
          We have the honoúr to Remain With trúe Consideration. / Sir / Your Excells. Most Obedt. / Most humble Servants.

            Wilhem & Jan WillinkNichs. & Jacob van Staphorstde la Lande & fynje


Title: From John Adams to Joseph Willard, 22 April 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Willard, Joseph

            Sir
            Auteuil near Paris April 22, 1785

          I have received the Letter you did me the Honour to write me the fourteenth of December, with the Resolution of the President and Fellows of the University of the Sixteenth of November, which, as well as the Concurrence of the Board of Overseers, does me great Honour and demands my most grateful Acknowledgements.
          My Son, John Quincy Adams, for whom this favour is intended will have the Honour to deliver you this Letter, and I beg leave to recommend him to the kind Protection of the Corporation, and the candid Friendship of his fellow Students. He has wandered with me in Europe for Seven Years, and has been for the last Eighteen Months my only Secretary, So that it may be easily conceived, I Shall part with him with Reluctance. But the Necessity of breeding him to some Profession, in which he may provide for himself, and become a usefull Member of Society, and a Conviction that no American can be any where So well educated as in his own Country, have induced me to relinquish the Pleasure of his Company and the Advantage of his Assistance. I think I do not flatter him nor myself, when I Say, that he is a Studious youth, and not addicted to any Vice: of his Advancement in Literature and the Sciences you will form an Estimate from his Examination, which would probably be more for his Ease and Safety if it could be in French, with which Language he is more familiar than his own. But as this is not to be expected, an allowance will naturally be made [on] Account of his long absence from home.
          It is somewhat delicate to give Advice upon the Point of your Travels to Europe. There is no doubt but considerable Advantages might be obtained, but considering the Time, the Expence and the Risque I think if I had the Honour to be a Member of the Corporation or the Overseers, I Should estimate these as probably So much more than the others, as to advise my Countrymen as they are so happy as to have a good President, to preserve him carefully at the Head of his University.
          Our Commercial Negotiations, Sir, which your public Spirit naturally enquires after, proceed so slowly and to so little Effect, that I wish myself on your side the Water, and whether any other Plan would Suceed better is too uncertain to excite any Sanguine Hopes. All the Ports of Europe, however are open to our Vessells, those with whom We have no Treaties as well as the others.
          I have the Honour to be, with the Utmost / Esteem and Respect, Sir Your / most obedient and most / humble Servant

            John Adams


Title: From John Adams to John Jay, 24 April 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Jay, John

            Sir
            Auteuil near Paris April 24. 1785

          The Letter you did me the honour to write me on the 11th. of February last, containing the Ratification of my last Loan, of two million Guilders, having been properly addressed to me as Minister at the Hague, by a mistake in the Post Office at Paris was Sent to Holland, from whence it returned to me last night.
          This Loan is long Since full, as my first Loan of Five million Guilders is nearly So; I must therefore Solicit the further Instructions of Congress, whether I am to open any new Loan or not.
          Your Letter to Dr Franklin Mr Jefferson and me of the 14. of January has been duely received and answered.
          If I had known a few Weeks Sooner, that Congress had resolved to Send a Minister to London, it would have saved you the Trouble of a Letter upon the Subject which you will receive by the Packet. it has appeared to me, for sometime to be an important and a necessary measure: and although the Gentleman who may be sent there, whoever he may be, will probably find himself entangled in a Thicket of Briars, from which he will hardly get free without tearing his flesh; yet I am perswaded that the Appearance of an American Minister at the British Court, will have good Effects upon our Affairs even in France and Spain and the nations in Alliance with them, as well as in the Courts and Nations in the opposite Scale of the Ballance but especially upon the British and American Nations. Will it be foreign to the Purpose, upon this Occasion, or improper for me to observe that the People in America and their Legislatures in the Several States, Should prepare the Way for their Minister in England to require a faithfull Execution of Treaties, by Setting the Example of a punctual Execution on their Part. if We establish the Principle that We have a Right to depart from the Treaty in one Article, because they have departed from it in another, they will certainly avail themselves of the same Principle and probably extend it as much farther, as their Sense of Justice is less and their Opinion of their own Power, however illfounded is greater. it cannot I think be too often nor too earnestly recommended to our Countrymen to consider the Treaty as Sacred and to fullfill it in all its Parts according to its real Spirit and Intention in good Conscience. in that most delicate Point of all respecting the Refugees, I even wish that the People could conquer their natural Feelings and even Suppress their just Resentments. This I am confident is the best Revenge that can be taken, and will most effectually disarm even those among them who are most distinguished for their Enmity. if We have any Thing to fear from Canada and Nova Scotia, or for our Whale Fishery, it arises and will arise from our own Severity to these People. and the same observation may be applyed to the Furr Trade and the Posts upon the Frontier.
          Your desire, Sir, to hear from me frequently and to have my poor opinion on the affairs of your Department does me great Honour, and shall be complied with to the Utmost of my Power: But I Shall have much oftener occasion for your Advice in Such affairs as are entrusted to me. I think myself extreamly happy in common with our Countrymen, that I have to correspond with a Gentleman to whom our foreign Affairs are very familiar by long Experience, who knows where our Difficulties and Dangers lie, and who has proved himself upon all Occasions Superiour to them.
          I am sorry to learn, that the French Chargé des affaires has demanded Mr Longchamps to be delivered up. and am the more Surprized because I had understood, from such Sources as I thought authentick that the Punishment to which he has been Sentenced, was Satisfactory at Court. It may not however be amiss for the French Government to keep up a Claim, which may be a standing restraint to their own Subjects in all foreign Countries. But It cannot be doubted, that the French Ministry know our Right to refuse, as well as theirs to demand, as there is no positive Stipulation between the two Powers that Criminals shall be mutually given up, and Surely it is no perfect Right by the Law of Nations. nor is it a common Practice. so far from it, that it will be difficult to shew an Example of it, where there is no Convention.
          Your Packet for Mr Charmichael shall be delivered to the Spanish Ambassador to go by his Courier, as you desire.
          With the Utmost respect and Esteem / I have the Honour to be, Sir / Your most obedient and / most humble servant

            John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Elbridge Gerry, 25 April 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Gerry, Elbridge

            Dear Sir
            Auteuil near Paris Ap. 25. 1785

          Your Favour of 14. Feb. I have received of Mr Jarvis, full, as usual, of important Information. I have recd, too the Ratification of my Loan.
          In all that I Said of Seperating the foreign from the Domestic Debt, and in every Thing I may write about our Affairs at home, I always mean to Submit my Guesses to the Superiour Lights and better Judgments of those who are at home. When I was with you in Congress, I frequently found myself at a Loss to judge of the State of Things and the Sentiments of Persons in our own State, which obliged me to make it a Rule to go home once a Year. I wish I could observe the Same Rule now. One looses at a distance the thread of Affairs, and frequently a true Judgment depends upon little Circumstances which We are not acquainted with. It is now Seven Years and an half, Since I left you at York Town, and the first of this Month compleated Seven Years, Since I landed at Bourdeaux, the Chain of my Intelligence has been frequently interrupted and always very imperfect. So that I frequently feel the Want of the Society of my Countrymen. It is really high Time for me to come home. The Powers of Europe often give Leave to their Ministers abroad to come home, for 6. 12 or 18 months, but as this I Suppose would hardly be granted by Congress, I have had thoughts of coming home, once for all, as soon as our present Commissions shall expire. I am really weary of the insipid Life I lead, and that Nullity and Annihilation to which We are reduced.
          You Say that a Report is before Congress to send Ministers to Spain and England and Mr Jay informs me that Congress have resolved to Send one to London. These, if I have any Judgment are right Measures. both of you, hint that I may possibly be Sent to London. if this Should happen, although I know it will be the most thorny, perplexing and distressing Errand upon which any man can be Sent, I will not refuse but I Shall expect however to be allowed to come home after a Year, whether I Succeed in any measure or not. if Mr Rutledge who is a very good Man, Should be sent or any other good Man, it will be so much the more for my Comfort and I shall take no offence. in this Case as our Commissions here will be dissolved, I shall return to the Hague, and come home the next Spring. I dont contend for the Necessity of having Ministers perpetually at the Courts of Europe: But untill your Affairs are Settled with Spain and England, I think it will be unavoidable. I wish We could do without them from this moment. it is a Life that I abhor. it is either Agony or Insipidity, never pleasant.— I take no more interest in any Thing about me, except the Business I have to do, than if I were dead.
          I beg you would give yourself no Anxiety about any Thing I Say respecting Salaries. I think the Reduction of them wrong. I dont find that Articles of Subsistence are cheaper Since the Peace, the Hire of Horses and Carriages is the Same, the Rent of Houses, Servants Wages, Provisions &c are much the Same. and We are more taken Notice of by foreign Ministers and have more to do with them. Upon the present allowance We can keep no Tables nor See any Company, at least in the Fashion of public Ministers. Retirement is more agreable to me than Company, but it is not for the Interest of the public. Mr Laurens or Mr Bingham with their Fortunes as it is Said might Spend three or four Thousands a Year of their own Incomes added to what you allow. But you know, I cannot. I have no Fortune and you know the Reason why I have not.— I am told it is reported, that I have one Per Cent allowed me upon the Loan in Holland, and that a Sum of Money is always given upon the Signature of a Treaty. This upon my Honour is totally false. of all the immense Sums that have been borrowed under my Name, not one farthing has ever come to my Benefit nor have I ever received a Farthing on the Signature of any Treaty, or made a farthing for myself in any Way but the Salary you have allowed me.— Many will call me a Fool, because all know I have been in a situation where I might have made Profits, and where many others would. But Such are my Sentiments, and my Head and Heart have been too full of the Public, to think much of myself or my Children.
          Mr Jefferson has recd and answered your Letter and returns his Regards to you. He is an excellent Hand.
          My Son, John Quincy Adams will deliver you this. I dont know how to do without him. But he must qualify, himself to get his Bread, for I have not the Means to provide for him, and to bring him up in a State of Dependance upon the Public or me, is not agreable to his Feelings or mine. So I send him to Colledge and the Bar, where if I had persevered myself it would have been much better for him and for two other fine Boys and one charming Girl, who with her Mamma desires to present her respectfull Compliments to you.
          I wish to learn if I could the state and Progress of our Cod and Whale Fisheries, the East and West India Trade, the Affrican Trade, and to know how our Commerce opens to Spain Portugal Italy as well as England France, the Baltic &c. &c. and the obstructions which interrupt or retard it.
          Mr Marbois Has demanded Longchamps. Some thing or other must be always kept in Agitation to excite Hopes and Fears. Such is Policy. But Influence is a Sort of Composition of Hopes and Fears, like the centripetal and Centrifugal Forces which keep the Planets in their orbits. take off one and the heavenly Body drops to the Center, let the other cease and it flys off in a Tangent.
          I have an excellent Letter from you of 16. June 1784 dated at Philadelphia, but I dont find any in July.
          What is to be done with the Cincinnati. Is that order of Chivalry, that Inroad upon our first Principle Equality to be connived at? it is the deepest Piece of Cunning yet attempted. It is sowing the Seeds of all that European Courts wish to grow up among Us, vizt. of Vanity, Ambition, Corruption, Discord, & Sedition. Are We so dim Sighted as to not See, that the taking away the hereditary descent of it, will not prevent its banefull Influence? Who will think of preventing the Son from wearing a Ribbon and a bit of Gold that his Father wore. Mankind love to see one Child at least of every beloved and respected Father possessed of his Estate, his office &c after his Decease. besides, when once the People begin to think these Marks Rewards, these Marks are soon considered as the only Proofs of Merit. Such Marks Should not be adopted in any Country where there is Virtue, Love of Country, Love of Labour.— When Virtue is lost Ambition Suceeds. then indeed Ribbons & Garters become necessary. but never till then. then indeed these Should be public Rewards conferred by the State, the civil sovereign, not private Men or Bodies. I have been asked why I have not written against it. Can it be necessary for me to write upon such a Thing? I wrote twenty Years ago some Papers which have been called an Essay on the Feudal Law in which my sentiments and the sentiments of our Ancestors are sufficiently expressed, concerning all such Distinctions and all orders of Chivalry and Nobility.— But Sir, while Reputations are so indiscreetly puffed; while Thanks and Statues are so childishly awarded, and the greatest real services are So coldly, received, I had almost Said censured, We are in the high Road to have no Virtues left, and nothing but Ambition to reward. Ribbons are not the only reward of Ambition. Wealth and Power must keep them Company.— My Countrymen give Reputations to Individuals that are real Tyrannies. No Man dare resist or oppose them. No Wonder then that Such Reputations introduce Chivalry &c without opposition tho without Authority. The Cry of Gratitude Gratitude is Animal Magnitism. it bewitches all Mankind and has established every Tyrany, Imposture & Usurpation that ever existed upon Earth. So true are those Words of Machiavel “Not Ingratitude, but too much love is the constant Fault of the People.[”] This is a Subject that requires a Volume, and you See, I am in haste.— I could not have believed, if I had not Seen it, that our officers could have adopted Such a Scheme, or the People the Legislatures or Congress have Submitted to it, one moment.— I dont Wonder at a Marquis de la Fayette or a Baron Steuben. They were born and bred to such Decorations and the Taste for them. From the Moment that Captain Jones had his Cross of Merit bestowed by the King and consented to by Congress, I suspected that some Such Project was in Contemplation. Awefull my Friend is the Task of the intelligent Advocate for Liberty. The Military Spirit, the Ecclesiastical Spirit the Commercial Spirit, and innumerable other evil Spirits are eternally devising Mischief to his Cause and disturbing his repose. it is a constant Warfare from the Cradle to the Grave, without Comfort Thanks, or Rewards, and is always overcome at last. Is not this Institution against our Confederation? Is it not against the Declarations of Rights in several of the States?
          Is it not an Act of Sovereinty disposing & creating of publick Rewards, presumptuously enterprized by private Gentlemen? Is the Assembly a lawfull Assembly?— Is it not cruel to call this a Clubb for private Friendship, or a society for Charity for Officers Widows & Children. Would even Such a Society be lawfull without the Permission of the Legislature?— Is it not Substituting Honour for Virtue in the Infancy of a Republic? Must it not introduce and perpetuate Contests and Dissentions pernicious in all Govts but especially in ours? Is it not an effectual Subversion of our Equality. Inequalities of Riches cannot be avoided as long as Nature gives Inequality of Understanding and Activity. and these Inequalities are not unusefull. But artificial Inequalities of Decorations, Birth and Title, not accompanying public Trusts, are those very Inequalities which have exterminated Virtue and Liberty and substituted Ambition and slavery in all Ages and Countries.
          I dont Wonder that the Word Republican is odious and unpopular, throughout the World. I dont wonder that so few, even of the great Writers have admired this Form of Government. Plato himself, I am fully perswaded from his Writings was not a Republican. it is the best of Governments, while the People are Republicans, i.e. virtuous, simple and of independent Spirit. But when the People, are avaricious ambitious and vain instead of being virtuous poor and proud, it is not.— A Republican is an equivocal Character. a Dutchman, a Genoese, a Venetian a Swiss, a Genevan and an Englishman are all called Republicans.— among all these shades you will Scarcely find the true Colour. our Countrymen, may be the nearest, but there is so much Wealth among them and such an universal Rage of Avarice, that I often fear they will only make their real Republicans miserable for a few Years, and then become like the rest of the World. if this appears to be their determination, it is not worth the while of You and me to die Martyrs to Singular Notions. You are Young and may turn fine Gentleman Yet— I am too old, and therefore will retire to Pens Hill,
          The World forgetting by the World forgot.
          I am my dear sir Your / Sincere Friend

            John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Elbridge Gerry, 25 April 1785
From: Gerry, Elbridge
To: Adams, John

            Marblehead 25th April 1785

          I am favoured my dear sir by the last post with yours of the 9th of september & 12th of December, since the Date of Which some Arrangements which I communicated in my last, & which You are probably e’er this officially informed of, correspond with your Wishes—
          I feel the Force of your observations respecting the Salaries of our Ministers; but Congress in point of œconomy, are very different from what they were when You was a Member. they are I think in some Respects (I mean several of the States) more parsimonious than our House of Representatives. œconomy in public & private Life is indispensible, but there is an infinite Difference between œconomy & parsimony, & yet how often is the latter mistaken for the other? With Industry, the first has a direct Tendency to increase the Wealth & Independence of an Individual or of a Community, whilst the latter, by restricting or withholding the Means destroys prevents this Effect. but the Fact is, the Delegates of about one half the Union look more at the comparitively trifling Expence of a Minister, than at the important object of his negotiation; & too many Members of the other half are so desirous of places themselves, that they will not be very solicitous to make those easy who fill places offices— this You may think is using much Freedom with Congress; but admitting the Fact, I should be very much offended if any person who was not equally disposed with myself to support their Dignity, should follow my Example. I expect however to return to Congress in about a Month, & if there is any prospect of Success, will agitate an Increase of Ministerial Sallaries
          I frequently give You Information which I am sure cannot be less painful for You to receive, than for me to transmit. but a Minister never can have too much Information, either respecting himself or his Department. mine is disinterested as it respects myself, friendly as it respects You, therefore there is Danger only of my mistaking Facts, not of misrepresenting them. You are to judge of their probability, & of the best Mode of counteracting plans to supplant You. such plans always have been & ever will be set on Foot against officers of an high order, whether civil, military, or ecclesiastical. You do not cannot therefore expect to be free from these Appendages of office, & your Conduct of Silence, in the Affairs of Fr——n & Lawrens, has I beleive been much more successful, than any other Measures You could have pursued: & with the Exertions of your Friends in this quarter has silenced opposition.— I know of no officer, (for I do not as some, do, consider those in office as servants) of the publick, except G. Washington, who has had a stronger opposition to him, than yourself: & I conceive it has alike terminated in a Minute Attention to the Conduct, & finally in a general & high approbation of both. Your political Sin, was your Refusal to be a Dupe to foreign Influence, & the Consequence was a most vigorous Exertion of that Influence, & of its Dupes Tools in America, consisting of an high aristocratical party, to dismiss You from, or to teaze You into a Relinquishment of office. this was seen thro by every intelligent Republicans, who considered the Struggle as nothing more, nor less than this, whether Republicanism or Aristocracy should prevail! they were therefore determined to storm the strong Holds of the latter Aristocratics, & the Issue has been, the Downfall in America of foreign Influence, of Cincinnati systems, & of plans to commit the purse strings of America, to a few who could not be comptrolled in their intricate Manœuvres, & instead of financing for, might would have finessed & pilferred the publick, & were in a fair Way of establishing an Influence that would have born down everything before it— I have been in hot Water since last July 1783, & but I think it begins to cool & that in a short Time Republicanism will be triumphant. God grant it may, be, & continue to be so, for I want to be out of publick Life & to enjoy domestic Felicity. there is such a Thing as this, even with Batchelors—
          another dangerous System, that of making Requisitions in Time of peace for Troops, has been successfully combatted & defeated. Recommendations are this Year, as they were the last adopted for raising 700 Men to take possession of the western posts, with this Difference the four States from Connecticut to pennsylva. inclusively, are requested to inlist the Men for three Years, unless sooner discharged.
          By Letters from NYork by the last post, Congress were considering the Reports respecting the Land Office, & Requisitions for supplying the Treasury the present Year. the Amount of the latter as reported by the Grand Committee is 3 Million Dollars one half to be paid in Facilities—
          The affairs of Commerce & Finance are in a bad Situation. the publick begin to be convulsed, & the Evils will, as it appears to me, cure themselves. Was I to be particular on either Head, I should say so much, that to save Trouble to both You & myself, I will say nothing more on the Subject—
          I am clearly of your opinion respecting a Treaty with the Barbary powers, & hope the Appropriation of 80,000 Dollars of the Dutch Loan by Congress will enable You to proceed in the Business— I am informed by the last post, that Congress had recd your proposition for a new Loan, & some conceived it inconsistent with the Regret You expressed of there having been any foreign Loans made to draw from Amer the United States, their vital Fluid.
          I hope You will consider the Opposition made to You as not being extraordinary. A plan was laid, by some who were in the Confidence of Mr Jefferson, to send him to Spain, keep You at the Hague, & to send Mr Robt R Livingston And Governor Johnson to paris & London, but it was happily defeated, & I beleive You & Mr Jefferson are as well supported, as any two Citizens of the US. would be, in your places.—
          I am sure, that my Exertions have been & will be to fix You in your present offices, & I think You will not be attacked very speedily in either of them. give my Regards to him as well as the Ladies of your Family & beleive me to be in every Occasion yours sincerely

            E Gerry

            our State politics would divert You if I had Time to relate them— Mr. H——k has ousted himself Mr B——n will probably succeed him


Title: From John Adams to Tristram Dalton, 26 April 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Dalton, Tristram

            Dear Sir.
            Auteuil April 26. 1785.

          My Son is going home, and for his sake as well as my own, I will not let him go without a Line to you.
          We are glad to find that Congress are in a Place where they may be comfortably accommodated, and are anxious to learn their Decisions. probably they may adjourn in June, but I hope they will accomplish something towards raising a Fund for the payment of the Interest of their Debts abroad and at home. without this their Credit will suffer. There is the Interest of seven millions of Guilders to pay in Holland for money borrowed under my signature, and I dont believe that I could pay it, out of my private Fortune, if it should be demanded of me. The rent of my Farm in Braintree and my House in Boston, is by no means adequate to it. and my Dutch Friends in general Love their Money so much better than me, that I don’t know what they will do to me, if the public leaves me in the Lurch.
          By the last Letters from N. York there is a probability that Mr: Rutledge may be sent to London, or some other Gentleman. I hope he will succeed, for he is a very good man, and bring the English to more rational Conduct. But he must endeavour to bring Americans into good humour too. His success in England will depend in some measure on his Success at home in bringing our Citizens to a right way of thinking and acting. He that will have Equity must do Equity, and qui sentit commodum, Sentire debet et onus are maxims, that I learnt at the Bar, and I find the Corps Diplomatique but another kind of Bar, who drink richer Wines, and live in greater Pomp, but do not understand their Maxims so well. Our People must not touch the Treaty in Word or Deed if they would strengthen the Hands of their Minister in London.
          Secondly. nothing would aid him more than a prompt and effectual Plan for paying the Interest of our Debt in Holland. You may think me a little Wild, but I really believe it is in the power of America to distress England, and to make it feel our Importance in this Way. If the People of America would establish certain Taxes, and Funds for the Payment of Interest in Holland, their Credit there, would be the best. American stock would be the highest upon Change, and we might even prevail with Capitalists, who have large sums in the British Stocks to sell out in order to purchase ours, an operation which would be instantly felt in the stock Exchange in London.
          Thirdly, consider, whether the article of our Confederation, which authorises Congress to treat with foreign Powers, is not encumbered with Exceptions in respect to Treaties of Commerce which must be revised.
          Fourthly. if any partial Laws are made in any of the States, unfavourable to British Navigation or Manufactures, which may be proper & necessary for what I know, should they not be made upon Condition, and to be void in Case a Treaty should be made with contrary stipulations in it?
          Fourthly to be upon their guard against false Reports and Misrepresentations. There are many Strangers in America from Nations who do not wish to see good humour and a good understanding restored, and perhaps some Natives and even good Patriots may have contracted Friendships received Favours or conceived Sentiments, which dispose them to believe unfavourable Accounts too rashly. even Habit and long Resentments very naturally excited and justly entertained before and during the War, may now mislead.
          My Paper is too short for more Politics. have you been teaching your Son, Mathematics. if you have not, you have a Pleasure to come. A few Evenings spent with mine, instead of Cards with the fashionable World, have shewn me that after thirty years Interruption a Man loves them as well as ever.
          yours,


Title: From John Adams to Samuel Mather, 26 April 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Mather, Samuel

            Sir
            Auteuil April 26. 1785.

          I received with Pleasure your valuable Legacy, and your Letter by Mr: Temple. I am obliged to you for these Attentions to me, and should have acknowledged them sooner if the public Service had not so constantly employed me.
          Your Son, and his Lady, with Mrs: Hay, were so kind, as to call and dine with us at Auteuil last Fall. They are now at Beaugency, at some distance from Paris, but in good Health.
          I had hopes of returning home, and of the Pleasure of seeing again my friends in Boston; but Congress are sending me to England, & what I am to meet with there or how long to stay I know not. I have however a great Comfort in knowing that if I can do no good there I shall soon go home.
          My Son John Quincy Adams will have the Honour to deliver you this, and let me ask the favour of you to shew him your Library, as it has an excellent Effect upon young Minds to look into the Libraries of such great characters as the Line of Dr: Mathers.
          With great Respect, &c


Title: From John Adams to James Sullivan, 26 April 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Sullivan, James

            Dear Sir.
            Auteuil April 26th. 1785.

          Yesterday at the Marquis de la Fayette’s, he told me, that he had received a Letter from Mr: Gerry, in which he was surprized to be informed that the French Chargé des Affaires had demanded Mr: Longchamps to be given up. This was unexpected to him, he said, as he had understood at Court that the Ministry were pretty well contented with the Sentence against Mr: Longchamps. He thought too that the Members of Congress, would be surprized, especially, as they probably received soon after the demand, Letters from him that the Ministers he thought would not press the Matter. I told him that I had received Information too, both from Mr Gerry and the minister of foreign Affairs to the same Effect. that possibly the French Ministry thought it necessary to make the demand and keep up the Claim as a Check upon the Kings own Subjects; although they might be Sensible of the improbability of the demands being complied with. He said this might be, and fully agreed with me, that as our Courts of Judicature had already taken Cognizance of the Cause, passed Sentence upon the Crime and carried that Sentence into Execution according to the Laws of the State, Congress could not with propriety now give him up, if indeed it were ever in any Case proper, without a Convention for that Purpose. We agreed farther in Opinion that it would be proper to say in the Answer to the Office, some handsome Thing to the Court and to give the Reasons for the Refusal in as soft Language as may be. I may add in a private Letter to you, that a complaisant answer, added to the Motive of restraining their own Subjects, may be all that is expected. It would not be proper for me to compromise the Marquis, by giving Official Information of this Conversation, although it is very proper to be communicated to some Member of Congress.
          I met Mr: Hailes the British Chargé des Affaires Yesterday at Dinner, at a Noble House in the City, and fell designedly into Conversation with him upon the Subject of the Frontier Posts, in the Course of which I asked him, what could be the Reason of the delay to surrender those Posts? He said he could not pretend to say, precisely, but he had no doubt it was the private Interest of some Individual Officer, or Trader which had hitherto studied pretences and Excuses for delay: but that we might depend upon it, there were no Thoughts at Court or in the Nation, of holding those Posts. Mr: Pitt was a Man of the most perfect moral Character, and of the highest Sense of public, and private Honour, and would abhor every Idea of violating the national Faith— He asked if I did not think him a wonderfull young Man. I told him I did. that I had often seen with surprize his firmness and Coolness, his comprehensive knowledge of Business, and his perfect command of himself, qualities in which he had shewn himself superior to all his Rivals. that he seemed to be the Man for the Salvation of the Nation if it were yet in a salvable State: But that he did not yet appear to be sufficiently Sensible how large a share America must have in assisting him to save the Nation. That he would finally miss his object, and fail in all his great Projects if he did not place the intercourse with America upon a proper footing— He laughed and said it was very true, and as soon as we have settled with Ireland, says he, we will take you in hand, and settle with you upon honest and generous Terms, but it is dangerous attempting too many Things at once. I think it very silly, says he in our People, to hold those Posts, and it does no good, and I have written so, & will again.
          This Letter will be delivered you, by my Son John Quincy Adams, who is going to Colledge and the Bar, where I beg Leave to solicit for him your kind Protection and Patronage.
          With great regard. I have the Honour to be, Sir &c


Title: From John Adams to James Warren, 26 April 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Warren, James

            Dear Sir
            Auteuil near Paris April 26. 1785.

          I See by the publick Papers that Mr Hancock has resigned, and I Suppose you have just passed through the Bustle of a new Election. it is a question here among Us Americans Who? General Warren Mr Bowdoin Mr Cushing and General Lincoln are in nomination. But We cannot elect you know and therefore nobody Says who he would vote for. We all agree that there is danger of less Unanimity than in the last. I know so well the Influence of Boston that I believe it will be a Boston Man, but which of the two I know not.
          But to something in which it is more proper for me to intermeddle. Temple your Friend is appointed Consul General, but whether he has yet embarked for N. York where I Suppose his Residence will be I know not. As much depends upon his Character and Conduct, both to Great Britain and America, it is a matter of Importance that he should be well advised, and I believe that no American has more regard for him than You have or more Influence with him. He is not without Knowledge in General and has had peculiar Opportunities for knowing the Commerce of America and has numerous Acquaintances, Some Friends and powerful Connections in America. I believe him to be in general a Well meaning Man, and if his Office depended upon a genteel Behaviour he would be very well qualified. But, he values himself much upon a Knowledge of Courts which he has not, and he looses himself too much in Ceremonies and Forms to be a great Master of Substance & Essence. He is not a prudent Man, and has the most confused Conceptions of the public Opinion and of the Reasonings upon which it is founded and of the real Springs and motives of Events of any Man of so much sense & Experience I ever saw.
          Such a Character therefore in my Opinion if his Friends do not advise him, will be in danger of doing much Mischief to the publick altho he may be sure of making his own Career very short.— If he goes on with those Airs of Mystery, and suffers his own Conduct to be equivocal or liable to two Interpretations, if he enters into personal Disputes without a manifest necessity, or brings on needless questions with Congress or its Members, or the states or Governors, with French or Dutch or other foreign Consulls or Ministers, or subjects or Starts and presses too hastily, indiscreet Claims for his Master, he will soon destroy himself altho he may previously do great harm. He is now an Englishman, and a servant of his King. let him then make no Pretensions as an American, because they will not be admitted and will only expose him. He must proceed slowly Softly and smoothly. He must support the Rights of his Master and the English Nation, but he must allow the Rights of all others. He is now in the right Road. He was the servant of the King and should have always looked to him and him alone for Service unless he had renounced his Service more decidedly and engaged more clearly than he did against him.
          My son will deliver you this. He has corresponded for sometime with yours at Lisbon and will give you the News of him. I have seen with Pleasure this Friendship forming, and hope there will be more formed in America between him and the sons of those Persons with whom I have passed my Life in Harmony, and acted in Concert for the Publick.
          It is long Since I had a Letter from you, or Mrs Warren to whom I pray you to present my best Regards. Mrs Maccaulay and Mrs Warren I Suppose have compared Notes of the History of Liberty on both sides the Atlantic.
          By the last Letters from America, it appears probable that the Drs Resignation will be accepted; an Event which will make a great Change in our foreign Affairs. No Man that I know would be likely to conduct them better here than his successor Mr Jefferson
          yours &c

            J. Adams


Title: Francesco Favi to the American Commissioners, 26 April 1785
From: Favi, Francesco
To: American Commissioners

            Messieurs
            Paris ce 26 Avril 1785

          Le projet du Traité, que vous m’avéz fait l’honneur de m’adresser dans le mois de Decembre dernier, et que vous avéz proposé à Son Altesse Royale Msgr̃ L’Archiduc Grand Duc de Toscane mon Maitre etoit trop conformé à Ses principes pourqu’il ne fût pas agrée.
          Ce Prince après L’avoir pris en consideration est venu dans la determination d’y adherer, et c’est par son ordre, que j’ai L’honneur de vous comuniquer la traduction cy jointe. Il y a quelques additions, qui ne changent rien ala Substance dela convention, mais que les circonstances locales, et les reglements du pays, aux quels toutes Les nations sont soumises, rendent indispensables. Vous verrèz, Messieurs, que Les Sujèts des Etats unis del’Amerique seront traités dans tous Les cas à Livourne comme la nation la plus favorisée, et qu’ils jouiront par consequent de tous Les avantages, qui sont accordés aux autres Nous demandons Les mêmes conditions, et la même reciprocitè pour Les Toscane, ainsi la base de ce Traité ne sauroit etre fondée sur une egalité plus parfaite.
          J’ai L’honneur d’etre avec Le plus grand / respect / Messieurs / Votre trés humble, et trés / Obeissant Serviteur

            favi.

          TRANSLATION

            Sirs
            Paris, 26 April 1785

          The draft of the treaty that you did me the honor of sending to me last December, and which you have proposed to his royal highness the archduke, grand duke of Tuscany, my lord, was too similar to his principles for him not to agree.
          This prince, having taken it into consideration, has come to the decision to approve of it, and it is on his order that I have the honor of sending to you the attached translation. There are a few additions that change nothing of the substance of the agreement, but local circumstances and the regulations of the country, to which all nations are subject, render them indispensable. You will see, sirs, that the subjects of the United States of America will be treated in every case in Livorno just as the most favored nation, and that they will enjoy in consequence all the advantages that are granted to others. We ask for the same conditions, and the same reciprocity for Tuscany, so that the basis for the treaty is perfect equality.
          I have the honor of being with the greatest respect, sirs, your very humble and obedient servant

            favi.