Title: To Benjamin Franklin from James Parker, 8 August 1765
From: Parker, James
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honored Sir,
New York, August 8. 1765
Having received yours of the 11th of May, and 8th of June, the 30th of last Month, on my Way towards Burlington, with the Packet and Commission for Land-Waiter at New-York it may be not unnecessary, that I answer as fully as I can. As it was unexpected, and far from my Thoughts, I was the more surprized: It naturally excited me to reflect upon your re-iterated Kindnesses to me notwithstanding the Temptations I often am under to think the Contrary: I have a Heart perhaps too proud, but I would have it grateful, therefore would receive your Favours with Thanks, and whatever else I have been able to pay, I endeavour to practise. On the Receipt of yours, finding a Letter with it, for Mr. Stuart, Surveyor, &c. at Philadelphia, and my other Business leading me that Way, I immediately proceeded down to Philadelphia, The 2d of this Month I went there: But no Mr. Stuart was there, and Mr. Foxcroft was absent, I return’d to Burlington on Saturday: Monday the 5th I heard Mr. Stuart was arrived at New-York from Canada. I immediately set out for New York. I got here last Night: The Governor here not at home: This Morning I saw Mr. Stuart, who was just going off for Philadelphia, he received me pretty politely, but as he was going, wrote a Line to the Collector. I soon after waited on him at the Custom-House; he received me very civilly; but some of the other Officers looked cool. I told him my Intention to come, as I had done the Surveyor, in some Time; but that I would first put my Business abroad in some Order to quit it before I could give my Attendance, so I declined being qualified then, or executing the Bond: I saw and spoke to Mr. Nicholls also: He acquainted me, that since the new Regulations in Trade, he found the Business exceedingly troublesome: that it required excessive and continual Attendance, and that there was neither Fee nor Perquisite attending it: and upon which Account he chose to resign it: that Mr. Temple had appointed one Mr. Blondell, who he heard would not act any longer. And I was told also by others to the same Purpose: whereupon I visited Mr. Blondell, who received me very short and crusty, and would not have any Discourse with me. I found they expected me immediately to Act, and told me the Duty was constant Attendance, &c. But as I told them it was impossible I could so suddenly remove to New-York, I did not chuse to be qualified: and they could not look upon me, as an Officer without. After long Talk, wherein I promised to come assoon as I could, they all parted pleased, but Blundell, who protested he would not act: tho’ they said they would speak to him; As I have not propos’d any Thing to him, I should imagine, if it was worth his While to keep it before, it must be so Still, as he will have the Pay, till I be admitted and qualified: This is the last I heard or know of the Matter. Now, as it is hard getting even a Room only here at this Time of Year, and as my Business will not let me come immediately, so as my own House in this City, is let till next Spring, so I should rather have my whole Family and remove into my own House, than into other, especially as the Duty requires constant Attendance: As Mr. Foxcroft is expected every Day at Philadelphia, I have not yet had his Opinion about the PostOffice Affairs, but every Moment expect to hear from him. And altho’ I receive your Favours, with the sincerest Acknowledgments, and entirely in Obedience to your Request or Order, which is Law to me, I shall come to live in New-York, as soon as I possibly can get my Business so as to permit it, yet I ingeniously confess, I had rather been permitted to have resided at Burlington, if I could have still been honoured with the Place I possess in the Post-Office: but as their Lordships insist, that the Comptroller do reside in New-York, I chearfully submit. Indeed, my Printing-Materials in New York, which I had leased to Mr. Holt for four Years, reverts back to me, the first of May next, the same Day that my House can be taken Possession of by me again: so that if I can be permitted at any Rate to keep off till then, I shall be free to move hither, if I am obliged to come sooner, I must try to get Lodgings only, which will be excessively inconvenient to me. The New-Jersey Assembly lately sat, and having done a good deal of Business, I have their Votes, (their Laws I just finished) yet to do, and I told you in some of my former, that I was printing for Samuel Smith of Burlington, a History of New-Jersey: About one Half of which is printed, and I shall proceed with the rest assoon as the Votes are done, but all this will take me to cold Weather: Now, tho’ I can resign my Posts of Squire and Captain, with Pleasure, yet that of Parson I don’t so lightly part with: In that Employ, tho’ a poor Workman, I think I labour for a good Master, who has often rewarded me far more largely than I deserve: If I leave it, ’tis with great Regret: I don’t think I shall ever make any great Figure again in the printing Way, as the Stamp-Duty like a killing Frost, strikes a deadly Blow at all that Business. I shall attempt to resume it again, tho’ to little purpose.
These Considerations leads me to observe to you, that as I grow old and I am sometimes visited with the Gout, which is a Disorder that renders the Attendance necessary to do my Duty, in the Place of Land-Waiter difficult, How would I be pleased, if I have found favour with you, that you would rather extend the Kindness to my Son, as old Barzillai recommended his Son Chimham to David, 2 Sam. xix. 31. to 40, He’s young and vigorous, and capable of tramping along the Wharfs of the City three or four Times a Day, as I am assured I must every Day. I have the Pleasure to acquaint you, that I think he is greatly reformed, and is sober, tho’ not so fond of labour, as I could wish, yet that he refrains from Vice, and acts with far more Prudence and Care than I have been apprehensive of: Such an Office to him, would not only suit him, but as you observe to me, “might hereafter introduce him to something better in the same Branch,” especially if he acquitted himself well in it, which his Youth would enable him to do better than I could. Oh, Sir, could not the same Interest, that got that for me, get it for him? I should take it quite as well: He is desirous of living in this City, nor would I repine at living here myself whilst I continued in the Service of the Post-Office. For tho’ there will be always something to print in the Jerseys, yet I can find another to take that Place. However, not as I will, but as you shall think fit: My Son will consent to live in the Jersey’s. He has the Prospect of an increasing Family, and being now of Age, begins to think for himself. I propose whilst I stay at Burlington to go frequently to Philadelphia in Order to finish those Accounts: I should have proceeded in it e’er now, but, the Laws passed last Session in Jersey, being to be done in English, and there was no Fount of English in the Printing-Office of B. Mecom’s, (which I told you I had carried to Burlington) I was obliged to do them at Woodbridge. I had just finished them there, and was returning to Burlington, when your Letter, &c arrived. I have been excessively hurried about for some Time past, strain hard, to rub through my Difficulties, and hope I shall accomplish it in a While which has prevented me from proceeding in your Affairs, as fast as I would have done: Mr. Hall, I suppose writes, as he tells me he does, and I have wrote by every Opportunity I can catch. At this present, I write this at our Old Friend Hugh Hughes’s in New-York, who I am sorry to inform you, is in a State of Ruin occasioned by his being Security for one Mr. Blagge in New York for upwards of £500, Blagge having been his some Time before for about £200, and Blagg being ruined, Mr. Hughes is fell upon, he keeps close this Instant: but is trying to get all delivered up and become entire Insolvent, rather than go and lye in Jail, which will be his Fortune, if he is catch’d: They his Family are in great Distress at this Instant, and I sincerely sympathize with them, but can’t help them. The Emotions of my Mind in their Behalf, perhaps greatly adds to any Inchoherences I commit in this Letter, as well as Inconvenience in writing it. I will endeavour to write more correct the next Opportunity: If I can be dispensed with from Attending here till the Winter, I shall be satisfied, but shall be better pleased, if I can be permitted to stay till I can get into my own House—and shall be better pleased yet, if you should think it practicable to assist my Son in getting that Office for him rather than myself, tho’ perhaps you may yet think him too young. If I get into it, I will endeavour to do my Duty in the Strictest Manner possibly I can, and leave the Issue to Providence: not doubting but that same Providence, which has hitherto kindly defended me, will still preserve me under its Protection.
Mr. Holt I believe will never do much for me: His Time is out, as I told you next May: Whether he will set up separate or not, I know not. Mr. Royle, from Virginia arrived here the Day before yesterday, to try to regain his Health: He has a very bad Cough: but is otherwise brisk and cheery, he purposes to Philadelphia next Week. As you will doubtless have agreeable Letters from all your other Friends, it is the less needful for me to add any Thing further: B. Mecom continues at New Haven, has began a News paper, but I have not the greatest Hopes of his Success: I have assisted him all I can, but I am afraid to no Purpose: I wish I could write better Things of him. I have had my Health better since I have been at Burlington, than for some Time before. I pray God it may continue. I think I may say for all my Family as well as myself, that we send our humble Respects whilst I remain Your most obliged Servant
James Parker.
To Dr Franklin

Endorsed: Parker


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to David Hall, 9 August 1765
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Hall, David

Dear Mr. Hall
London, Augt. 9. 1765
I receiv’d yours of June 20. and 22. I have wrote my Mind fully to you in former Letters relating to the Stamp Act, so that I have but little to add, except what you desire to know about the 2s. on Advertisements. It is undoubtedly to be paid every Time the Advertisement is inserted. As to the Paper sent over, I did it for the best, having at that time Expectations given me that we might have had it stampt there, in which case you would have had great Advantage of the other Printers, since if they were not provided with such Paper, they must have either printed but a half sheet common Demi, or paid for two Stamps on each Sheet. The Plan was afterwards alter’d notwithstanding all I could do, it being alledged that Scotland and every Colony would expect the same Indulgence if it was granted to us. The Paper must now be sent back again: But I hope you will excuse what I did in Good Will, tho’ it happen’d wrong. The Molds I still think you should have, as you see that Paper from hence is much dearer than we can make it, with all the Charge of Carriage, but that I hope to get off.
I would not have you by any means drop the Newspaper, as I am sure it will soon recover any present Loss, and may be carried on to advantage if you steadily proceed as I propos’d in former Letters. I am, Yours affectionately
B Franklin

Addressed: To / Mr David Hall / Printer / Philadelphia / via N York / per Packet / Free / B Franklin
Endorsed: Aug. 9. 1765


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to John Hughes, 9 August 1765
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Hughes, John

Dear Friend
London, Aug. 9. 1765
Since my last I have received your Favour of June 20. The Account you give me of the Indiscretion of some People with you, concerning the Government here, I do not wonder at. ’Tis of a Piece with the rest of their Conduct. But the Rashness of the Assembly in Virginia is amazing! I hope however that ours will keep within the Bounds of Prudence and Moderation; for that is the only way to lighten or get clear of our Burthens.
As to the Stamp-Act, tho’ we purpose doing our Endeavour to get it repeal’d, in which I am sure you would concur with us, yet the Success is uncertain. If it continues, your undertaking to execute it may make you unpopular for a Time, but your Acting with Coolness and Steadiness, and with every Circumstance in your Power of Favour to the People, will by degrees reconcile them. In the meantime, a firm Loyalty to the Crown and faithful Adherence to the Government of this Nation, which it is the Safety as well as Honour of the Colonies to be connected with, will always be the wisest Course for you and I to take, whatever may be the Madness of the Populace or their blind Leaders, who can only bring themselves and Country into Trouble, and draw on greater Burthens by Acts of rebellious Tendency.
In mine of June 29. I sent you the Bill of Fees I had paid, amounting to £5 10s. 0d. Since which I have paid another Demand of £2 4s. 6d. Treasury Fees for a second Warrant, &c. the first not having included the Lower Counties. I now send with this, your Commission, with a Letter from the Secretary of the Stamp Office, with whom you are to correspond.
As to our Petition, the new Secretary of State, General Conway, has appointed next Wednesday to give us an Audience upon it, when I suppose it will be presented. And I have very little doubt of a favourable Progress and advantageous Issue. I am, my dear Friend, Yours affectionately
B Franklin
John Hughes Esqr


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Hugh Roberts, 9 August 1765
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Roberts, Hugh

Dear Friend,
London, Augt. 9. 1765
I wrote you lately that 20 Guineas was demanded by Kirk for engraving the Hospital Seal. I have since found a Man who will undertake it for 10, but I suppose will hardly do it so well. Let me know your Sentiments of this Expence.
A Friend in Paris has requested me to procure him two of our Pensilvania Fire Places. I wish you could get me a Couple of those that were cast by our Friend Grace, when the Moulds were good, and send them per next Ship. Mrs. Franklin will pay for them. As many People laid them aside, I hope this will not be difficult.
I thank you for your Friendly Visits to my little Family, which I begyou would continue, and give your Advice about the Finishing my Habitation, where I long to be, but cannot yet for sometime. Adieu, my dear Friend, and believe me ever Yours affectionately
B Franklin
Mr. H. Roberts

Addressed: To / Mr Hugh Roberts / Mercht / Philadelphia
Endorsed: Letter from B. Franklin dated London Augt. 9. 1765 recd Oct. 24th per Budden


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Penington and Son, 10 August 1765
From: Thomas Penington and Son
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Bristol 10th: August 1765
Last Mondays post we reced your favours of the 3d: Currant, in Answer to our Letter of the 31st. Ultimo. telling us by the Account we gave you of Mrs. Biglow’s familly that it did not Appear to you that she is the person Enquired after, but that you had Sent it by the Penny post to a Gentleman who was better acquainted with the Circumstances of the Affair than you: and that you woud Communicate his Answer to us as Soon as you received it; And which we have been every post since expecting. Shoud she not prove to be the Right person, we know not what the poor Creature can do, as She is pennyless; and tells her Story to us in the most Innocent manner, and Seemingly without Art or imposture. We wrote to Wellington the first instant to know if her Familly lived there, and to inquire into it: but hitherto have no Answer. She seems not a little Anxious to go thither her self, but the poor Wooman has not money to bear her Charges, and we disuade her from it untill we Reced the Gentlemans Answer from you which we Shall be Glad of. Interim we are with due Respect Sir your most humble Servants
Thoms Penington & Son
Hr. Benja: Franklin Craven Street

Addressed: To / Benjamin Franklin Esqr: / In Craven Street. / London / at Mrs. Stevenson’s
Endorsed: Pennington


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Wharton, 14 August 1765
From: Wharton, Thomas
To: Franklin, Benjamin

My Dear friend Benja: Franklin
Philada. August 14th. 1765
I had the pleasure of writing thee a few Lines on the 16 July per Capt. Clapp, since which, We have had the satisfaction of finding, by thy Letters of the 8th June that it would not be long, before the Petition would be delivered, and We sincerely hope its Prayer will be speedily Answered.
Since my last We have furthur Occasion to dread the Mischevious Consequences which must (if not timely Prevented) flow from the Conduct of those Wretched frontier Inhabitants; “Our Governor has receivd a Letter from Thomas Magee informing Him, that some of those People had kill’d an Indian Lad, and that the Delawares had declared, unless they receivd Satisfaction for the Murther and a stop was put to those Practices, as well as the Abuses they suffer, by some of those People, carrying out of bad Liquours and other Goods they should be under the Abosolute necessity, of entring into another War,” Nor can I learn that any steps are taking to sett this Matter right;
Three days past, Advice was receiv’d from George Croghan, that in pursuing his passage down the Ohio, He was sett upon, by a party of Indians belonging to Pondiac, in which engagement He lost Three of the Shawanese Chiefs, that Himself and Nephew were slightly wounded, that Assoon as Pondiac’s people knew who they were, they express’d great Concern at what had hapned, and promis’d to give Him no further Obstruction in his passage; He was then within two or three days March of the Illinois and doubted not of succeeding in the Engagement He had undertaken.

I have understood that for some Sundays past, there has been a Letter read, by the Parsons of the several Dutch Churches in this City which its said was wrote them by the Queens Chaplain, importing, that thou had given out Amongst the Great, that thou had lost thy Election, by those People introducing a vast Number of the Dutch to Vote, who were not entituled thereto, either by reason of their poverty, or not being Naturaliz’d, And that thy Enmity to them, was so great, that thou had obtaind the Additional duties, being laid on the Dutch Papers &c. I do not think the charge can give thee any Concern; yet Judged it prudent to advise thee thereof;
On the 11th Inst. Died William Plumsted after a short Illness of four or five days, His disorder was singular, being at first Attack’d by 2 or 3 Biles on the back of his Neck, which swelling the parts stopp’d the Circulation of the Blood to the Brains &c. threw Him into a Dilirium, attended with a Fever; since whose decease many Conjectures have Arrose, who will succeed in the Office of Probate for Wills; its generally Asserted that B Chew or L Lardner, will be Appointed; but I should think if a Change takes place, some Persons who have been less tied to Pr--ry Measures and more for a Royal Government will better deserve it, of the Ministry, And its of so Valuable a Nature, that I know of none of thy Friends but would be pleasd with it.
John Dickinson the last week published an Advertisement, informing the Electors of this Country, with his determination of declining the Service.
Thy Family are well my father desires his best Respects may be presented thee, and please to Accept the same from thy Assured and real friend
Tho Wharton


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to David Hall, 20 August 1765
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Hall, David

Dear Mr Hall
London, Augt. 20. 1765
I wrote to you per the Packet, and do not recollect that I have any thing material to add. Mr. Strahan tells me the large Paper Molds are sent to you. The Duty on Advertisements I before inform’d you, is for every time they are inserted in the Paper. But there is no Duty on Hand Bills or sticking Advertisements, which I suppose will therefore increase, if the others diminish.
There are some Hopes now entertain’d that the Act may be repeal’d next Session, but I believe with no great Foundation. We shall however see if any thing is to be done, and no Endeavours of mine shall be wanting.

My Love to Cousin Molly and your Children. I am, Yours affectionately
B Franklin

I wonder you have not got the two Line Brevier Capitals. I will enquire about them.

Addressed: To / Mr David Hall / Printer / Philadelphia
Endorsed: Mr. Franklin August 20. 1765.


Title: James Parker: Second Report on the Franklin and Hall Accounts, 22 August 1765
From: Parker, James
To: Franklin, Benjamin

August 22, 1765
After James Parker had sent Franklin a first report on his examination of the Franklin & Hall accounts in June (above, pp. 176–82), he went about other business for two months or so and then resumed his examination in the latter part of August. Apparently he did not spend much time at it, for his second report was for the most part merely a repetition of the first. It contains only five new entries, one at the end of the section the editors have designated as A-3, and four in B-1, each placed immediately after the earlier entries of Hall’s receipts of the same nature. Only these five additions to the account are reproduced here:

[A-3]

Account of Money received by B.F. for the Gazette, after July 15, 1749 to 1765. as examined per J P
£448:
10:
3

[B-1]

Do of same [Account of Money received by D. Hall. for Advertisements, paid when brought in, in the Gazette] received from June 13. 1765. to Aug. 22, 1765. examined per J P
72:
11:
6

Do of same [Account of Money received by D. Hall for single Advertisements, Blanks and other Work done in the Office] from June 13. 1765. to Aug. 22. 1765. examin’d per J P
2:
12:
0

Do of same [Account of Money received by D. Hall for printing Work, &c. charged in the Leidgers] from June 13. 1765. to Aug. 22. 1765 examined per J P
142:
11:
6

Account of Do [Account of Money received by D. Hall on Account of the Gazette] from June 13. 1765. to Aug. 22. 1765. examined per J P
290:
7:
7

Parker wrote Franklin, September 22, that he had enclosed this new account in a letter sent from New York “about a Fortnight ago,” that is, about September 8, but neither that letter nor any acknowledgment from Franklin has been found. That the account reached its destination, however, is established by the fact that it survives among Franklin’s papers.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, 23 August 1765
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Deborah

My dear Child
London, Augt 23. 1765.
I cannot let Major Small go without a Line to let you know I am well; tho’ I have wrote so much lately, that I have nothing to add.
I sent you a small Box of Tea per Capt. Budden.
My Love to Sally and all Friends. I wrote to always every Body by Budden, enclosing my Letters in a Packet to you. They were in the Care of Mr. Logan. Adieu my dear Debby Your affectionate Husband
B Franklin

Addressed: To / Mrs Franklin / Philadelphia / per favour of /Majr Small


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Emanuel Mendes da Costa, 25 August 1765
From: Mendes da Costa, Emanuel
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Royal Society house 25 August 1765
The Committee for examining Mr. Canton’s Experiments On the Compressibility of Water are Appointed to meet at the Society’s house on Thursday next 29 Inst. at 11 O’Clock. I am Sir Your h[umble] Servant
Emanuel Mendes da CostaCl[erk]


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Keziah Coffin, 29 August 1765
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Coffin, Keziah Folger

Loving Cousin,
London, Aug. 29, 1765.
I had the Pleasure of hearing yesterday, on Enquiry of our Cousin Folger, that you and your Husband and Daughter were well, when he was last on the Island. I recollect that when I sent you the Sliding Plate, I received a Dollar more than it came to, which I thought to have settled when I should send you the cast Plates; but as that perhaps was omitted after I came away, and I know not whether the Plates were even made or not; I send you here with a Pair of very nice Snuffers in some sort to ballance that Account; they cost 6s. Sterling, which is a little more than the Dollar.
Seeing some very neat Candlesticks where I bought the Snuffers, with a pretty Contrivance to push up from the Bottom, I bought some for my wife, and a Pair I send you, which I pray you to accept as a Token of Regard from Your affectionate Kinsman
B. Franklin
Remember me kindly to your Husband and Daughter, Tho’ I am unknown to them.

[In the margin:] The Things are in a little Box directed to you.
Superscribed: To Mrs. Keziah Coffin, Nantucket. Per fav’r of Mr. Folger, with a Box.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jonathan Folger, 29 August 1765
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Folger, Jonathan

Loving Kinsman
Augt. 29. 1765
I send to your Care a little Box for our Cousin Keziah Coffin, with a Letter, for her, and another for my Sister. I heartily wish you a good Passage home, and to amuse you in a leisure Hour send you a little Book of the English History, which I beg you to accept from Your affectionate Cousin
B Franklin


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, [August 1765]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Deborah

  [August 1765]
  [First part missing] per Mr. N. Evans

You should never be without Tubs sufficient in the Area to catch the Rain Water; for if it overflows there often, it may occasion the Foundation to settle, and hurt the Wall.
I am sending you per Budden (or Robinson) a Copper to be set in your Kitchen, with some other Things.
Let me have the Breadth of the Pier, that I may get a handsome Glass for the Parlour. I want also the Dimensions of the Sash Panes in the Buffets of the little North Room: and the Number of them. Also the Dimensions of the Windows for which you would have me bring Curtains, unless you chuse to have the Curtains made there.
Send me a little draft of the Lot you have bought that I may see the Dimensions, and who it joins upon. Who have you for a Tenant in the House, and what Rent do they pay?
Have you got the Carpets made, and do you want any more?

I think you cannot have Cellar Room enough, are the Vaults made?
I knew [several lines missing] all shut close while the Work is new: but I would have you do nothing to them, as I can cure them all when I return.
I forget the exact Dimensions of the Kitchen Chimneys, or I should send Sliders for them.
Have you mov’d every thing, and put all Papers and Books in my Room, and do you keep it lock’t?
Is the Passage out to the Top of the House fixed with Iron Rails from Chimney to Chimney?
As to oiling the Floors, it may be omitted till I return: which will not be till next Spring. I need not tell you to take great Care of your Fires.
What Room have you chose to sleep in? I wish you would give me a particular Account of every Room, who and what is in it, ’twould make me seem a little at home.
What Colours are they painted? I am, my dear Debby, Your affectionate Husband
B Franklin
My Love to Sally and all Friends. Have you bak’d in your Iron Oven, and how does it do? Does any body live at the Pasture House?


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Balfour, 2 September 1765
From: Balfour, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Edinb: Septr. 2d 1765
I am favourd with yours of the 9th Current giving me an Account of Mr. Mecoms affairs, which is indeed very bad, however the young Gentleman is much to be pitied, as it woud appear that his Circumstances in a good measure have gone wrong thro an Act of Providence. I am not uneasy with respect to myself, but am a little so with respect to Mr. Hamilton, who is not so well able to bear this loss, tho he woud not be pleasd if he knew I said so. I do think indeed Sir that you have acted generously, in suffering Mr. Mecoms effects to be equally divided amongst his Creditors; most willingly I give you power to act for us as you think proper, where coud we have our Affairs in better hands. I shall be glad to know if it is necessary to send up Mr. Mecom’s letters, the last I had from him settled the Account, which I admitted in his own way, after various deductions which I did not lay my Account with.
I shoud be very much obligd to you, if you woud recommend to me an honest Attorney at N York. One James Parker there owes us a good deal of money and there will be a Necessity for prosecuting it, if you coud indulge me in this it woud be very oblidgeing.
Your Friend Mr. Robert Alexander stands a Candidate for the Burghs of Anstruther, in the room of Sir Harry Erskine, and is likely to succeed. I shall be very glad to hear from you with your Conveniency and am with great Esteem and Regard Dear Sir Your most Humble Servant.
John Balfour

Addressed: To / Dr B. Franklin / London / [and in another hand:] Dr Franklin, at Mrs Stevenson’s / in Craven Street / in the Strand
Endorsed: Barflour [sic]


Title: “A Virginian”: Second Reply to Mr. Pym, 5 September 1765
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

The grounds for believing that this second letter by “A Virginian” was written by Franklin are indicated in the headnote to the first letter by the same writer, above, pp. 243–6. This piece is clearly an amplification of the other; the three intervening issues of Lloyd’s Evening Post contain no response by “William Pym” or any other correspondent to the “Virginian’s” first reply.

To the Editor of Lloyd’s Evening Post.
Sir,
Sept. 5, 1765.
The only reason I had for troubling you with my former letter, was to take off any impressions that might be received from one that taxes the colonies with ingratitude; which I find has been again and again repeated. I wish some abler pen had attempted to remove that, as well as some other prejudices; but no one having done so, as ingratitude is so odious, I cannot be unconcerned, when my countrymen are unjustly charged with it. If the Americans think themselves deprived of one of their most essential rights, are they ungrateful when they resent it, only because their grievance proceeds from their benefactors? Suppose I am under the greatest obligation to another, who has relieved me from distress, if he afterwards claims a right to take from me what he pleases without my consent, and I think he has no such right, am I ungrateful for opposing him? No; the very attempt, when he knew my heart was overflowing with gratitude, would rather increase my opposition. The sum demanded being great or small, makes no difference in the case; and yet the smallness of the late tax is urged as a reason why the error of the Americans must proceed from the heart, and not from the understanding. By this it is plain, that the opposition of the Virginians may be consistent with their having the most grateful sentiments. In fact, they are thankful for the favours they have received; have always had a great respect for the Parliament, and love good order and government; and yet they have expressed their disapprobation of some measures (perhaps too indecently, for the reasons above-mentioned.) I think they have rather shewn a great effort of virtue, in not suffering their respect for the mother country, nor gratitude for her favours, to overballance the duty they owed to their constituents. It is much to be wished that some arguments were used that might set the right of the Parliament in clear view; for as the Americans are a reasonable people, they would acknowledge their error when convinced of it. However, I find some here have very strange opinions about them. What a picture is drawn of the Gentlemen there, as if they were not as good Citizens, and had not as much humanity as the Gentlemen in England. There are some here, I dare say, and in all other countries, who have not much humanity, &c. but that is no reason why they are so in general. Accounts are taken from travellers, and from superficial observers, and such judge of a Community very often by a few individuals.
As to laws for the British Parliament being drawn up in the wilds of America, it is surely the wildest thought that ever was entertained. The case, in short, I take to be this; it is imagined, that the Americans will shortly throw off their allegiance to their Sovereign, and under that persuasion it is thought necessary to curb them. But it should be considered, that no people under easy circumstances ever desire a change of Government. It is not a thing ever wantonly undertaken; and even if some ambitious men, from selfish views, should desire it; unless there be some great grievance, they can have no handle to make use of for the purpose; so that nothing but some violent measure here, such as the abolition of their assemblies, will produce any such defection. To abolish their assemblies is a proposition of the most serious nature, and should be attended to by every well wisher to Great Britain. I should be glad to know what ill consequence would follow, if things were to remain upon their old footing. The colonies would still be dependent; they could pass no laws without the consent of the King, nor would they desire it; the form of the English Government is universally admired; nor can they expect to frame a better. The trade of the nation has hitherto increased with the growth of the colonies. If these flourish more, in the same proportion will the trade, the riches, and strength of the nation also increase. But this fine prospect is likely to be destroyed from a groundless jealousy; and to avoid an imaginary evil, a proposition is made that may be productive of a real one. Can it be supposed, that a people who have enjoyed the right of making laws among themselves for one hundred and fifty years——but I will say no more, only that such a step would be big with the fate of Britain and her sons.
I am, Sir, your most humble servant,
A Virginian.
P.S. Quaere. Are the children of English parents that are born in foreign parts of course subjects to our King? I ask only for information, though I am inclined to think they are not. And if they are not so naturally, what is it can make them so but their own consent? and if the first settlers then, that went over to America, had charters from the King, by which they and their posterity were to form assemblies, make laws, &c. is it not a kind of compact by which their posterity agree to become his subjects upon those conditions? Now if these charters can be made void by an Act of Parliament, will that very Act destroy the Compact by which they became subjects? I may be wrong in this particular, and, if I am, shall be glad to be set right in it.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from David Hall, 6 September 1765
From: Hall, David
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir.
Philadelphia Septemr. 6th 1765
Tho’ I have not had the Pleasure of hearing from you for a long Time, yet I cannot let any Opportunity to Europe slip without Troubling you with a few Lines, just to let you know, that your Family and mine are all well, and that Business goes on as usual, only that our Numbers of News Papers decreases prodigiously; some Market Days, ten or twelve leaving off together, all on Account of the Stamp Duty; so that I am afraid your Calculation in that Respect, will be found to be vastly deficient.
We are all in a Ferment here, as well, as in the other Governments, about the Stamp Law taking, or not taking place. You, very probably before this can reach, may have heard of Mr. Oliver, the Stamp officier being hanged in Effigy in Boston; a House pulled down, which was supposed to have been erected for the Business of the Stamp Office, and other Damage done him; upon which he resigned and, it is said, wrote home to the Commissioners of the Stamp-Office, letting them know that he could not put the Law in Execution; and that he believed it impracticable for any One else to do it. Soon after this Mr. Johnston, appointed for Rhode Island; Mr. McEvers for New York, and Mr. Coxe for New Jersey, all gave up their Commissions. At New-London the Stamp Officer has likewise been hanged in Effigy. And at New-Haven the House of the Officer there, has been beset by a Number of People, who desired to know whether he intended to act in that office, or resign? His Answer, it is said, was, that having accepted the Office in Person he did not think he had Power to resign. They then demanded whether he would deliver the Stamp Materials, as soon as they arrived, to them, in Order to make a Bonfire, or to have his House pulled down? Upon which he promised, that when they Arrived, he would either reship them to be sent back, or that when they were in his House, his Doors should be open, and they might then act as they thought proper, on which they despersed. Mr. Ingersoll has likewise been hanged in Effigy, as has Mr. Hood, the officer for Maryland. Mr. Mercer, the Officer for Virginia, is not yet Arrived, but the People of that Colony, are much enraged. Mr. Hughes has not yet resigned; whether he will, or not, I cannot say, but I understand his Friends are all endeavouring to get him to resign.
In short, there seems to be a general Discontent all over the Continent, with that Law, and many thinking their Liberties and Privileges, as English Men lost, or at least in great Danger, seem Desperate. What the Consequences may be, God only knows; but, from the Temper of the People, at Present, there is the greatest Reason to fear, that the Passing of that Law will be the Occasion of a great Deal of Mischief.
A Committee, from the different Assemblies, it is said, is to meet at New York, the First Day of next Month; in order to think of, and draw up, a Remonstrance, to be sent to the King, imploring Relief from Grievances; and, among other Things, to beg that he would be pleased to suspend the Execution of the Stamp Act, till the Petitions from the Colonies, with their Reasons against it, can be heard.
In my last, you may remember, I told you, that all the Papers on the Continent, ours excepted, were full of Spirited Papers against the Stamp Law, and that because, I did not publish those Papers likewise, I was much blamed, got a great Deal of Ill-will, and that some of our Customers had dropt on that Account. My Reasons for not publishing I need not repeat, as I then gave you them fully. However I was in Hopes that, that Storm would have blown over, and that the People would have been Satisfied with the Arguments I used for not inserting these Pieces; but I find I am much mistaken; for as the Time of the Law taking place draws nearer, the more the Clamours of the People increase against me, for my Silence in the Paper; alledging, that as our Gazette, spreads more generally than all the other Papers put together on the Continent, our not Publishing, as the Printers of the other Papers do, will be an infinite Hurt to the Liberties of the People. And I have been told by many, that our Interests will certainly suffer by it; nay, Hints have been given, that in Case of the Peoples being exasperated I must stand to the Consequences. So that how to Behave, I am really at a loss, but believe it will be best to humour them in some Publications, as they seem to insist so much upon it.

I could wish you was on the Spot, on many Accounts; and yet I should be afraid of your Safety, as the Spirit of the People is so violent against every One, they think has the least concern with the Stamp Law, and they have imbibed the Notion, that you had a Hand, in the framing of it, which has occassioned you many Enemies; but I make not the least Doubt, you would be able to clear your Self, if there was a Necessity for it, of all the ill natured Things that have been laid to your Charge, I am. Dear Sir Yours
D H
Sent by the Brig Betty Capt. MCoy to BristolTo Benjamin Franklin Esq.Copy Sent Sept. 7. 1765 per Nancy Capt. Carr


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Edward Nairne: Bill and Receipt, 6 September 1765
From: Nairne, Edward
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dr. Franklyn
Lond. Sepr. 6. 1765
Bot. of Edwd. Nairne

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Recd Janry 25: 1766 the Contents
  Edwd: Nairne


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Franklin, 7 September 1765
From: Franklin, William
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honoured Sir
Burlington, Septr. 7, 176510 P.M.
Having just heard that there is a Vessel to sail for Bristol Tomorrow Morning from Philadelphia, I embrace the Opportunity to send you a Copy of a Letter I this Week receiv’d from Mr. Coxe, with my Answer, and a Letter from our Speaker to the Speaker of Massachusets Bay. Mr. Coxe never consulted me on his Resignation, but on the contrary told me about 10 Days ago that he should certainly do his utmost to execute the Office; and at that Time he executed before me a Bond sent over to him for the Purpose by the Secretary of the Stamp Office in England. If he had been threaten’d or insulted on the Occasion, and could not have received Protection from the Government, his Resignation would have been excuseable. But I can’t learn that he has received any Threats, or was likely to receive the least Obstruction in the Execution of his Office, so that his Surrender is not only using the Gentleman ill who recommended him to the Office, but the Province in general, as it may subject them to be thought as culpable as the N. England Governments. The Messrs. Smiths here, and indeed most of the Inhabitants, are so angry with him on this Account that they have a Mind to publish something against him in the News-papers by way of Vindication of the Colony. They imagine that Mr. Coxe’s Letters will go by this Vessel, and would therefore be glad that you would lay the enclosed Letters before the Treasury, and inform their Lordships that Mr. Coxe is alone to blame for this extraordinary Procedure.
I have as yet received no directions from the Ministry relative to the Stamp Act, but if I should be impowered to appoint an Officer, pro Tempore, for distributing Stamps, upon the Death or Refusal of the one appointed from Home (as is the Case in the Customs) I doubt not but I shall be able to procure one that will execute the Office, with little or no Trouble. I could wish that it might be obtained for Capt. Davenport, but as the Officer is, I understand, to be bound himself in a Bond of £2,000 Sterling besides other Securities, I don’t know how that Matter can be managed.
Governor Colden, I’m told, is putting the Fort in a Posture of Defence, has ordered his Son to move in there with all his Effects, and is determined that he shall execute the Stamp Office till one is appointed from Home. He has got some Soldiers from the General, and the Men of War are drawn up before the Town to protect the Stamps when they arrive.

The Boston Writers have basely spirited up the People there to rise and destroy Mr. Oliver’s House, on Account of his being the Stamp Officer, &c. But, as is usual with Mobs when they once feel their own Power, they have gone much beyond what was desired by those who first raised them, and destroy’d the Houses, and plundered the Effects of several even of those who were against the Stamp Act, particularly Mr. Hutchenson the Lieut. Govr. But I must refer you to the Papers which I enclose, for further Particulars.
The Behaviour of these Mobs has intimidated most of the Stamp Officers, and occasioned them to resign. But Mr. Hughes was with me last Sunday, and seemd determin’d to hold out to the last. It is said the Presbyterians of N. England have wrote to all their Brethren throughout the Continent, to endeavor to stir up the Inhabitants of each Colony to act as they have done, in hopes of thereby making it appear to the Ministry too difficult a Matter to call them to account for their late outrageous Conduct.
Mr. Hughes, and your Friends at Philadelphia will I suppose write to you by this Conveyance, which makes it less necessary for me to say any thing of their Politics, and indeed, I have only Time to add Betsy’s Duty, and that of Honoured Sir Your affectionate Son
Wm: Franklin

Endorsed: Letter from Govr Franklin to B. Franklin, Sept. 7. 1765 relating to the Stamp Act.
Read Novr 1. 1765


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Hughes, 8–17 September 1765
From: Hughes, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Prospective stamp distributors came under attack in several colonies during August 1765, and by the beginning of September several had already resigned; see above, pp. 256–7. The turn of John Hughes, distributor for Pennsylvania and the Three Lower Counties, came a little later than some others, but his troubles were no less serious because of the delay.
Sometime in November Franklin sent to the ministry a collection of extracts of letters he had received describing disturbed conditions in several colonies. About half of this material consisted of extracts from his friend Hughes, dated between September 8 and 17. These were followed by one quotation from a letter of Joseph Galloway, September 20, and shorter ones from Zachariah Hood, distributor for Maryland, September 23, and James Parker, September 22. These three communications are printed below at their appropriate dates. The extracts from Hughes, bearing several different dates, may represent parts of separate letters, none of which survives in its entirety, but some or all of them may be taken from a single letter written in journal form. Because of this possibility and because the Hughes extracts constitute a series of reports on a single topic and are all dated within a period of ten days, it seems most useful to print them together as one document, just as Franklin presented them to the ministry.

[September 8–17, 1765]

Extracts of Letters from Mr Hughes, appointed Distributor of Stamps for Pensilvania
Philada. Sept. 8. 1765
——You are now from Letter to Letter to suppose each may be the last that you will receive from your old Friend, as the Spirit or Flame of Rebellion is got to a high Pitch amongst the North Americans; and it seems to me that a Sort of Frenzy or Madness has got such hold of the People of all Ranks, that I fancy some Lives will be lost before this Fire is put out. I am at present much perplext what Course to steer: For as I have given you Reason to expect I would endeavour to put the Act in Execution, and you no doubt have inform’d the Commissioners; I cannot in point of Honour go back, until something or other is done by the People to render it impossible for me to proceed: But perhaps when a Mob is on foot, my Life and Interest may fall a Sacrifice to an infatuated Multitude; and I know of no way to prevent it but absolutely declaring off as all the rest have done to the Eastward. But as yet I cannot prevail upon myself, notwithstanding the Threats of some, and the Persuasions of others, to do an Act that appears to me neither loyal nor Reputable.
I have hitherto kept Matters easy by saying I had nothing to resign, for I have neither received my Commission or any other kind of Writing from the Stamp-Office: But when it is known I have received my Commission, I fancy I shall not escape the Storm of Presbyterian Rage. And as Captain Friend is expected every day, my Doom will soon be known, but whether I may live to inform you, is yet in the Womb of Futurity.
By Governor Franklin’s Letters and by my last, you will see that Mr. Coxe has resign’d the Stamp-Office for New Jersey; and there is scarce a Day goes over my Head, but many People call upon me to resign, and say I am an Enemy to North America if I do not. But since I am now dipt, and must abide by Consequences be they what they will, I shall be exceedingly oblig’d to you, if it is consistent with your Judgment, to recommend my Son Hugh for Mr. Coxe’s Successor. My Son is married and settled in New Jersey, has a good Estate both real and personal, and can give any Security that may be required. I am the more induced to ask this Favour, as I think there will be no Difficulty in putting the Act in Execution in that Province; and if my Property, and perhaps my Life, may be lost in this Province, my Son I hope will be the better for the Office in that Province, which will be some Compensation for what Property may be lost out of the Family.

Sept. 10. 1765.
——Our Assembly met yesterday, and this day a Majority of 15 against 14. were for sending a Committee to New-York, to meet the Committee of Boston on the 1st. of October, where they insinuate there will be Men sent from every Colony, in order to unite, and become, as they express it, like a Bundle of Rods, alluding to the Fable of the Old Man and his Sons. This Scheme or Plan of Union is not only begun, but is indefatigably pushed forward by the Presbyterians principally.

Sept. 11. This Afternoon Capt. Friend arrived, and as he says he has no stampt Paper on board, all seems pretty quiet at present. The Assembly have named Joseph Fox, Geo. Bryan, John Morton, and John Dickenson, a Committee to go to the Congress at N. York.
  Sept. 12. Our Clamours run very high, and I am told my House shall be pull’d down and the Stamps burnt. To which I give no other Answer than that I will defend my House at the Risque of my Life. I must say, that all the sensible Quakers behave prudently.
  Sept. 16. in the Evening. Common Report threat[ens] my House this Night, as there are Bonfires and Rejoicings for the Change of Ministry. The sober and sensible Part of the People are doing every thing towards being in Readiness to suppress a Mob if there should be any Intention of Rising. I for my Part am well-arm’d with Fire-Arms, and am determin’d to stand a Siege. If I live till tomorrow morning I shall give you a farther Account; but as it is now about 8 aClock, I am on my Guard, and only write this between whiles, as every Noise or Bustle of the People calls me off.
  9 aClock. Several Friends that patroll between my House and the Coffee House, come in just now, and say, the Collection of Rabble begins to decrease visibly in the Streets, and the Appearance of Danger seems a good deal less than it did.
  12 aClock. There are now several Hundreds of our Friends about Street, ready to suppress any Mob, if it should attempt to rise, and the Rabble are dispersing.
  Sept. 17. 5 in the morning. We are all yet in the Land of the Living, and our Property safe. Thank God.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from James Parker, 22 September 1765
From: Parker, James
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honoured Sir
Burlington, Sept. 22. 1765Sunday Night
Yours of July 6. I received Thursday Night last, and the next Day I went down to Philadelphia, by Order from Mr. Foxcroft, so to do, assoon as the Packet came in, as he expected to receive a Draught of a Table of Rates from you; but by yours to him we are directed to make such Table here: There were a Number of Tables of Rates of Postage sent to him from England; which might have done very well, if all our Post-officers here understood the Geography of the Country so well as to know the Distances: Wherefore it was Mr. Foxcroft’s Opinion we should print such as we had before: Accordingly we set about one, and formed it, and I came up from Philadelphia this Day. To-morrow I set out for Woodbridge to print it there; as I have neither Rules nor Figures enough here; but it is not very probable, I shall have one done to send you per this Vessel, as I am told she is to sail next Wednesday; tho’ she came in but the Wednesday before. I am informed she is a very dull Sailer, and as some Merchantmen are to sail in a few Days after her, I shall try to send one by then. As I suppose Mr. Foxcroft writes to you all that is necessary about the Post-office, I need say the less on that Head.
I wrote you about a Fortnight ago, via New-York; but whether it went by a Vessel bound to Liverpool, or whether Mr. Colden kept it till this Packet I know not, wherein I inclosed a State of Mr. Hall’s Accounts as far as I had then done. I have had but a very little Time to proceed in them, nor cannot well, till I have finished Mr. Smith’s History which has yet 5 or 6 Sheets more at least, and then I purpose to proceed to all that I can, in the Affair. I hope you will receive that, because I had neither Time to copy my Letter or the State of the Account; tho’ there is a Copy of that State kept.
By the Packet before this, I answered yours about going to New-York. I have given my Tenant Notice to go out of my House, and purpose to remove thither in the Spring, if nothing extraordinary prevents: I wrote you some Intreaties about procuring that Place in the Custom-House for my Son; but perhaps he will be thought too young; and as I have never mentioned such a Thing to him, I would not have any of my Friends injured by him: tho’ I think he is mended a good deal, and I hope will in Time see his Follies and quit them: Tho’ the only Objection I have is, he seems to be desirous to live in the Country as well as I; yet I being grown old, it matters little where I spend the few Days the Divine Providence may permit me to enjoy here; The Whole rests upon my spending them in doing my Duty in whatever Station it shall please God to place me: and if I can behave so as not to discredit your Recommendations, it is all I shall desire; tho’ I am assured, as I told you in that Letter, that that Office requires a great deal of Attendance, tis said, much more than is adequate to the Allowance, to any Body that can get Bread any other Way: No Deputy is allowed; but the Surveyor of the Customs has given the Person that had it a new Appointment, which he will keep till I go, or till further Orders.
I saw Mr. Hughes at Philadelphia last Night, he is very poorly. He had just received yours per Capt. Caton: he shewed it to me, with the one inclosed about one Mr. Herbergh. That Herbergh is claiming some Lands this Way, but he can’t see what Authority that Letter can be of, to invalidate any of his Claims: But I have nothing to do with this.
As to what relates to the Stamp-Act, you will doubtless hear from many Quarters, of the Commotions about it: I have Reason for this once to be thankful, I am not a Master-Printer at New-York, or perhaps the Impetuosity of my Temper would have plunged me deep one way or the other: Whilst here, I only calmly behold them at a Distance: I shall not pretend to give my Opinion, as it can be of no Service any Way. I indeed am sorry to see them, and have Reason to think One Half of the Americans will die rather than yield, as the Fermentation is [almost] general to the Eastward nor does [it seem] much less [to the] Westward: tho’ in Philadelphia considering the Parties there, there are less than in other Places.
We all send our humble Salutations, and remain Your most obliged Servant
James Parker

Addressed: For / Benjamin Franklin, Esqr. / Craven-Street / London / per Packet
Endorsed: J. Parker Sept. 22. 1765 Americans will die rather than yield


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Daniel Wister, 22 September 1765
From: Wister, Daniel
To: Franklin, Benjamin

[Sept. 22. 1765]
[First part missing] understand the German Language.
I have at present nothing more to add, but that I remain, with my best wishes, for your health, happiness and speedy return among us, Your most assured Friend
Daniel Wister

Addressed: Philada / To / Benjamin Franklin Esqr. / in / London
Endorsed: D. Wister Sept. 22. 1765


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Zachariah Hood, 23 September 1765
From: Hood, Zachariah
To: Franklin, Benjamin

  Extract of a Letter from Mr. Zachary Hude [Zachariah Hood],Distributor of Stamps for the Province of Maryland,dated at New York, Sept. 23. 1765.
Our Province (Maryland) is extreamly heated. They have cut an Officer of the Tender in a shocking manner, pull’d down my House, and obliged me to flie (with a single Suit) or expect the same Fate as the Officer.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Charles Thomson, 24 September 1765
From: Thomson, Charles
To: Franklin, Benjamin

[September 24, 1765]
Yes, my friend, I grant that “Idleness and Pride tax with a heavier hand than Kings and Parliaments,” “and that frugality and industry will go a great way towards endemnifying us.” But the misfortune is, the very thing that renders industry necessary cuts the sinews of it. With industry and frugality the subjects of eastern tyrants might be wealthier than those of England or Holland. But who will labour or save who has not a security in his property? When people are taxed by their own representatives, though the tax is high they pay it chearfully, from a confidence that no more than enough is required, and that a due regard is had to the ability of the giver. But when taxes are laid merely to “settle the point of independence,” and when the quantity of the tax depends on the caprice of those who have the superiority, and who will doubtless lay it heavier in order to bring down the spirits or weaken the power of those who claim independence, what encouragement is there to labour or save? The wealth we thereby acquire will be a new motive, which fear or avarice will suggest, to tax us anew. No wonder then if people will chuse to live poor and lazy rather than labour to enrich their tax-masters, or furnish matter for new oppression. There never was any mention of the colonies aiming at independence, till the ministry began to abridge them of their liberties. I will venture to affirm, and to you I can appeal for the truth of what I say, that history cannot shew a people so numerous, so far removed from the seat of Royalty, who were so loyal, so attached to their King, and who at the same time had such true sentiments of liberty, as the British American Colonies. How long this will continue God knows.
The Sun of Liberty is indeed fast setting, if not down already, in the American colonies: But I much fear instead of the candles you mention being lighted, you will hear of the works of darkness. They are in general alarmed to the last degree. The colonies expect, and with reason expect, that some regard shall be had to their liberties and privileges, as well as trade. They cannot bring themselves to believe, nor can they see how England with reason or justice could expect, that they should have encountered the horrors of a desert, borne the attacks of barbarbous savages, and, at the expence of their blood and treasure, settled this country to the great emolument of England, and after all quietly submit to be deprived of every thing an Englishman has been taught to hold dear. It is not property only we contend for. Our Liberty and most essential privileges are struck at: Arbitrary courts are set over us, and trials by juries taken away: The Press is so restricted that we cannot complain: An army of mercenaries threatened to be billeted on us: The sources of our trade stopped; and, to compleat our ruin, the little property we had acquired, taken from us, without even allowing us the merit of giving it; I really dread the consequence. The parliament insist on a power over all the liberties and privileges claimed by the colonies, and hence require a blind obedience and acquiescence in whatever they do: Should the behaviour of the colonies happen not to square with these sovereign notions, (as I much fear it will not) what remains but by violence to compel them to obedience. Violence will beget resentment, and provoke to acts never dreamt of: But I will not anticipate evil; I pray God avert it.
I congratulate you on the change in the ministry: We hope for much good from it. For such seems the state of the British constitution at present, that from them we are to look for good or ill. Heretofore we have been taught to look for redress from another quarter. I am, Dear Sir, Your affectionate Friend, &c.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Lords Bessborough and Grantham: Commission to Benjamin Franklin and John Foxcroft, 25 September 1765
From: Bessborough, William Ponsonby, 2nd Earl of,Grantham, Sir Thomas Robinson, 1st Baron
To: Franklin, Benjamin

In the summer of 1765 the British postal service in North America was divided into two jurisdictions: a northern district, stretching from Virginia through Canada, and a southern district, including North Carolina, the continental colonies to the south, and the Bahama Islands. Under this new dispensation Franklin and Foxcroft, hitherto the deputy postmasters general for all of North America, were placed over the northern district and Benjamin Barons was placed over the southern. This commission confirmed Franklin and Foxcroft in their new position.

[September 25, 1765]
  [In the margin:] L.S.

The Right Honourable William Earl of Bessborough and The Right Honourable Thomas Lord Grantham, His Majesty’s Post Master-General of all His Majesty’s Dominions in Europe, Africa and America
To all to whom these presents shall come Greeting.
Know Ye, That We the said William Earl of Bessborough and Thomas Lord Grantham reposing especial Trust and Confidence in Benjamin Franklin of Philadelphia and John Foxcroft of New York, Esquires, and having received good Testimony of their Fidelity and Loyalty to His Majesty, and of their Ability and Sufficiency, to manage and better regulate the Posts on the Continent of North America, and of their Inclination and Capacity to improve and advance His Majesty’s Revenues therein, do, by these presents, nominate, depute, constitute, authorize and appoint them the said Benjamin Franklin and John Foxcroft, and the Survivor of them, Our Deputy Postmasters and Managers of the Post in all His Majesty’s Provinces and Dominions on the said Continent of North America, except No. Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, East Florida, West Florida, the Bahama Islands and their Dependencies, To have, hold, excercise and enjoy, the said Office, with all other Powers, Privileges, Profits, Advantages, and Authorities thereunto belonging unto them the said Benjamin Franklin and John Foxcroft and the Survivor of them, from the Day of the date hereof, for and during the Term of three Years, or ’till they receive a new Commission from Us, or ’till this present Commission be superseded. And We do hereby strictly require all Officers and others employed in or about the Posts already settled or to be settled, in any Part of His Majesty’s said Provinces and Dominions in No. America, except as before excepted, or in relation to the Revenue arising by the Post of Letters there, from time to time, to give an Account of their Doings and Transactions therein to the said Benjamin Franklin and John Foxcroft, and the Survivor of them, and to observe and obey their Orders and Directions, in relation to their respective Offices, Trusts, and Imployments; And the better to enable the said Benjamin Franklin and John Foxcroft and the Survivor of them, to execute the Office and Trust reposed in them; We do hereby delagate unto them or either of them, all Our Power and Authority to appoint sufficient Deputies Officers or Agents under them for the better managing and ordering the said Posts in North America; And for collecting and improving the Revenue arising thereby, granting them full Power and Authority so far as by Law We can, to suspend, remove or displace such Deputies, Officers, or Agents, and all or every other Person or Persons whatsoever employed, or to be employed, in the Management of the said Posts, or in the Collection of the said Revenue, who shall be guilty of any Neglect, Mismanagement, or Breach of Duty in their respective Offices, or Employments, from the farther Execution of his or their Office or Offices, And We do hereby authorize and empower them the said Benjn. Franklin and John Foxcroft and the Survivor of them, to allott, order, and settle from time to time, the Salaries or Allowances which each Deputy, Officer or Agent, who shall be employed in or about the said Posts, shall be paid for their Trouble, Care, or Charge in their respective Offices, And We do also, hereby give, grant, and appoint unto them the said Benjamin Franklin, and John Foxcroft and the Survivor of them for their Care Pains and Trouble, in the performance and Execution of the Office and Trust hereby granted and committed unto them the Yearly Salary of Six hundred Pounds to commence from the date hereof, which Salary they are to receive or be allowed in their Accounts, out of the Revenue arising to His Majesty, by the Post of Letters within the said Provinces and Dominions in No. America.
In Witness whereof We the said William Earl of Bessborough and Thomas Lord Grantham have hereunto set Our Hands, and caused the Seal of our Office to be affixed, this Twenty fifth day of September in the Year of Our Lord One Thousand seven Hundred and Sixty five, in the Fifth Year of His Majesty’s Reign.

Bessborough.Grantham.
By Command Heny Potts Secy.B. Franklin and John Foxcroft


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Anthony and Deborah Syddon: Deed, 26 September 1765
From: Syddon, Anthony,Syddon, Deborah
To: Franklin, Benjamin

September 26, 1765
Abstract: On March 12, 1708, Richard Hill conveyed to William Boulding two adjacent lots on the south side of High Street, Philadelphia, each 33 ft. wide and 306 ft. deep, bounded east by a lot of William Chew, south by the back ends of Chestnut Street lots, and west by lots lately vacant, in consideration of an annual ground rent of £6. Boulding devised all his real estate jointly to his two children, William Boulding the Younger and Mary Boulding, who later married Joseph Elgar. When these heirs partitioned their inheritance William Boulding the Younger granted and released to Joseph and Mary Elgar, Nov. 30, 1726, the larger part of the western of the two lots, measuring 15½ ft. wide on High Street and continuing at that width for 89 ft., then widening to the full original breadth of 33 ft., and so continuing for the remainder of the 306 ft. depth of the lot, together with a messuage at the front. The northeast corner piece of the original western lot, 17½ by 89 ft., was not included in this grant. The Elgars, in turn, conveyed their interest in the larger part of the eastern original lot to the younger Boulding, similarly excluding the northwest corner piece, 17½ by 89 ft. There were therefore two adjoining small corner pieces in the middle of the High Street end of the whole property. The younger Boulding received full title to the western corner piece (taken out of what became the Elgars’ lot) and the Elgars received the eastern one (taken out of what became Boulding’s lot). The parties provided that neither might build on the two-foot strip next to the other’s corner piece or on the southernmost eight feet of the 89-foot depth. As a result, there was left an alley, shaped like an inverted T, eight feet wide across the southern ends of the two corner pieces and four feet wide running north between them to High Street. Each party allowed the other free access to this alley.

FRANKLIN’S PROPERTY ON MARKET STREET, 1765
Shaded areas indicate lots acquired by Franklin:

A—
The eastern half of John Read’s property, acquired by him in 1711. He mortgaged it in 1724 and died the same year without paying the loan, but his widow, Sarah Read, secured title at a sheriff’s sale, 1729. By deeds of bargain and sale, lease and release, Mrs. Read transferred title in undivided equal interest to her two daughters and their husbands, Deborah and Benjamin Franklin and Frances and John Croker, April 9–11, 1734, and they leased it back to her for life use at a rent of “one Pepper corn only if demanded.” On Oct. 12, 1745, the Crokers granted their interest to Franklin for £60. Above, I, 362–70; III, 44–5. Sarah Read’s death, Dec. 7, 1761, terminated the tenancy.

  B—
The western half of John Read’s property, acquired by him in 1716. As with Lot A, his widow secured title at a sheriff’s sale in 1729. By indenture of April 12, 1734, Sarah Read transferred title to her son John Read, Jr., and he likewise granted her a lifetime lease. On Nov. 15, 1751, John Read and his wife Martha sold the lot and the dwelling house on it to Franklin for £390, subject to Sarah Read’s lifetime lease, at the expiration of which Franklin was to have full use and possession. Above, I, 362–3; IV, 208–9.

  C—
By a rather complicated series of transactions, Samuel Preston Moore acquired title to this lot in 1751 through the inheritance of his wife, the former Hannah Hill. On March 25, 1752, the Moores conveyed the property to Franklin on condition of paying an original annual ground rent of £6 for which they had been obligated and an additional annual ground rent to Moore of £10. The northeast corner of the original lot had been sold to Henry Frogly in 1720, and never came into Franklin’s possession. Above, IV, 295–6.

  D—
Richard Hill had conveyed this lot and the one adjoining it on the east in 1708 to William Boulding the Elder, from whom it passed in joint inheritance to his two children, William Boulding the Younger and Mary Boulding, later the wife of Joseph Elgar. They partitioned the property in 1726 in a somewhat complicated manner, the Elgars receiving the parcel concerned here. They conveyed their holdings to Laura Syddon in 1729 and she bequeathed this lot to her son Anthony Syddon in 1763. Two years later Deborah Franklin negotiated its purchase for her husband for £900 and the payment of a £3 ground rent to the heirs of Richard Hill. The deed was signed, Sept. 26, 1765, thereby completing the series of transactions through which Franklin acquired possession of the four parcels composing his Market Street property.

Joseph and Mary Elgar conveyed their two portions of this divided property to Laura Syddon, November 4, 1729, subject to a ground rent of £3 annually, and Mrs. Syddon, by her will dated June 22, 1763, devised the larger, western parcel with its dwelling house to her son Anthony Syddon, charging her estate in the two portions with an annual payment of £10 to a certain Thomas Syddon during his life.
Now, by indenture dated September 26, 1765, Anthony Syddon of Bucks County, Pa., yeoman, and Deborah his wife grant and sell to Benjamin Franklin for a consideration of £900 the aforesaid piece of land he had inherited, 15½ ft. wide on High Street, continuing that breadth south for 89 ft., then widening out to 33 ft. for the remaining part of the full depth of 306 ft. south; bounded north by High Street, east partly by the residue corner piece of the original western lot and partly by the original eastern lot, south by the back ends of Chestnut Street lots, and west “by Ground late of John Read deceased,” together with all messuages, improvements, and appurtenances, including particularly the right of ingress, egress, and regress in and through the T-shaped alley described above. Franklin is to pay the £3 ground rent to the heirs of Richard Hill forever. Syddon covenants his ownership subject to the encumbrances enumerated and warrants Franklin’s title, subject to Franklin’s payment of the specified ground rent. Syddon will pay all debts and legacies of Laura Syddon chargeable to the premises. Signed by Anthony and Deborah Syddon; witnessed by Whitehead Jones, Samuel Biles, John Vannosten, and Isaac Jones (the last two witnessing only to the wife’s sealing and delivery); acknowledged, October 29, 1765, by Anthony Syddon and (separately and privately) by Deborah Syddon before Isaac Jones, justice of the peace. The grantors’ receipt for £900 from Franklin is added. Recorded, October 31, 1765.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Cadwallader Colden, 1 October 1765
From: Colden, Cadwallader
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
New York Octr 1st. 1765
My regard to you makes me give you the trouble of the inclosd Printed Paper,
   No. 1 of the Constitutional Courant Date Sepr 21st. 1765
 one or more bundles of which, I am well informd, were deliver’d to the Post Rider at Woodbridge by James Parker, were distributed by the Post Riders in several parts of this Colony, and I beleive likewise in the Neighbouring Colonies: the doing of which was kept Secret from the Post Master in this Place. It is beleived that this Paper was Printed by Parker after the Printers in this Place had refused to do it, perhaps you may be able to Judge from the Types. As he is Secrettary to the General Post Office in America, I am under a necessity of takeing notice of it to the Secrettary of State by the return of the Packet which is daily expected, and I am unwilling to do this without giving you previous notice by a Merchant Ship which Sails Tomorow.
It will give me great pleasure to hear of your health and of your success in everything that tends to your benefit. I am with great Esteem and Affection Sir
To Dr: Benjm: Franklin, Craven Street London


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Mary Hopkinson, 1 October 1765
From: Hopkinson, Mary
To: Franklin, Benjamin

My Dear Sir
Philada, October 1th 1765
A Thousand Thanks to you for the agreeable knowledg of my Relations in England and for the Trouble yourself and your Friend Mr. Burrow have been at in obtaining it. When we consider how much Business of great importance of your own you must have to transact how must my Gratitude and my Childrens be heightened for the uncommon Care Regularity and Exactness you have used in tracing out my Family and for the favourable Character you have been pleased to give us. The marks of Regard you are continually Shewing to the Family of a deceased Friend is to me a convincing proof of the Goodness of your Heart and I must declare that among all my Husbands former Friends I know of but one Gentleman besides yourself who has been good enough to extend any of their Regard to his wife and Children and it is my Sincere prayer that every kindness you have been pleased to show to me and mine may be doubled in Blessings on yourself and Family. Shall I beg the further Favour of you to transmit the enclosed Packet and Letters as directed. I send you herewith an order on Messrs. Barclay and Sons for the Expence you have been at in this affair. Your Good will and Trouble I cannot repay and must therefore remain your ever obliged Friend and Humble Servant
Mary Hopkinson
P.S. Since the above I had the pleasure of another Letter from you containing an Extract from the parish Regester of Laycock of the Geneology of the Johnson Family. I look on myself much obliged to Mr. Montagu the Gentleman who has taken so much pains in procuring this Extract for me. If he has been at any Expence I beg you would be so good as to repay him and Messrs. Barclay and Sons will reimburse you. October 6th.

Addressed: To / Dr. Benjamin Franklin / Craven Street / London
Endorsed: Hopkinson


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, 2 October 1765
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Deborah

My dear Child,
London, Oct. 2. 1765
I wrote largely to you to go per Robinson, but Mr. Evans by whom I sent the Packet, was left behind: he will however deliver it to you with this. I sent you several Things in Robinson, of which that Letter will give you an Account. I am well, and as ever, Your affectionate Husband
B Franklin
P S. In Mr. Evans’s Care I now send you a very handsome Pair of Tongs, and Pair of Fireshovels. One of the Shovels is to take up Coals clear of Ashes, letting them pass thro’. I hope they will come in Time for your Winter Fires. They are well polish’d and Case harden’d.

Addressed: To / Mrs. Franklin / Philadelphia / per favour of / the Revd Mr. Evans


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Wharton, 5 October 1765
From: Wharton, Thomas
To: Franklin, Benjamin

My Dear friend
Philada. October 5. 1765
I had the pleasure of receiving thy favour of 13th July for which I thank thee; the intent of this is Principally to inform thee, that We have been most Industrously employd for many Days past, in our Election Affairs which terminated but this Evening and We have the happiness to know that our Labour is not Lost, having got in every Man We Proposd and of Coarse the Court side none, at all, they are I Norris J Fox, J Galloway, J Richardson, R Evans, T Livezey, Ml Hilligas and Hy Pawling; and thus it has fared with every Election thro’ the Province except Berks were We have lost our Worthy friend J Ross for which we are very Sorry. The lowest of our Ticket is 420 Votes above the Highest of theirs, indeed such another struggle We never saw, and the party are now Quit, the Pole was kept open for three days successively.
This day the Letters per the August packet came to Hand as well as the Vessell with the Stampd Paper came up to town, but such confusion and disorder it Created as thou never saw with Us, the Inhabitants collected to the State house by beat of Drum, and nothing Less then the distruction of our dear Friend J Hughes or [and?] the surrender of his Office were the Objects, [and?] finding Matter, thus Circumstancd, and He being reduced to a very low state by a severe Indisposition, He at last Promisd that He would resign on Second day next. I can say no more not having time to Copy this, fearing I shall not be able to get it on board;

Our City Election is Odly circumstanced, We having sett up James Pemberton in Opposition to G Bryan, and on counting the Votes they turnd out exactly equal, so that unless the Assembly find a difference We shall have another trial.
J Dickinson G Bryan and J Morton, are now at New York, in Consultation with the Committees from the other Colonies, relative to the Stamp Act, Rem[aining?] in great hast thy Affectionate friend
Tho Wharton

Addressed: For / Benjamin Franklin / Esqr / Deputy post Master General / of North America / In / Craven street / London / per Capt / via Bristol


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Deborah Franklin, [6–13 October? 1765]
From: Franklin, Deborah
To: Franklin, Benjamin

This document begins close to the upper margin of a leaf, without date or salutation but with “(5),” possibly a part of the original writing, at the top. The paper is in Deborah Franklin’s hand, but there is no signature. The writing occupies the whole of one rather large page, with the paragraph beginning “Salley is still att Burlinton” written sideways in the left margin. The remainder is written sideways on a second and otherwise blank leaf. Marginal tears on both leaves and stains on the second leaf have obliterated some words.
The manuscript is almost wholly without punctuation, and in several instances Deborah’s intended breaks between sentences are not entirely certain. In order to avoid any possibility of misleading the reader or unwittingly altering the sense, the editors have departed from usual practice and, wherever we believe the sense requires such a break, have surrounded with brackets the supplied periods and the following initial capitals that have been substituted for lower-case letters. If the brackets surround only a period, it is to be understood that the next word begins with a capital in the manuscript. Lesser punctuation than the period is left for the reader to supply.

[October 6–13? 1765]
This is an anser to your qustons[.]
  When you wente from home Billey desired to take sume more of your Books then what you laid ought so I got him a trunke to take them up in and as the shelveses looks prettey emtey I took down the reste and dusted them and had the shelves taken down and put up in the South Garrotes in the new house and Mis Elmer and my selef put them up[.] I took all the dead letters and papers that was in the Garrot and put them into boxes barrels and bages as I did  not know in what maner you wold have shelves in your room[. N]ow this I did for several resens one as it did imploy my mind and keepe me verey busey and as the wather was prittey good and I shold make room if Mrs. Franklin shold Come to town to stay aney time I was readey to reseve her[. N]ow for the room we Cale yours thair is in it your Deske the armonekey maid like a Deske a large Cheste with all the writeings that was in your room down stairs the boxes of glases for musick and for the Elicktresatecy and all your close and the pickters as I donte drive nailes leste it shold not be write[.] Salley has the Southroom two pairs of Stairs[. I]n it is a beed a burow a tabel a glase and the pickter shee youst to have in her room a trunke and books but thees you cante have aney noshon of[. T]he Northeroom Nanney took for her one [own] and I Cante tell much a bought it only it has a bead and Curtin and it is keep locked[.] I never saw it but ones I thinke excepte when shee was ill[. T]he Blewroom has the Armoneyca and the Harpseycord in it the Gilte Sconse a Carde tabel a seet of tee Chaney [china] I bought sens you wente from home the worked Chairs and Screen a verey hansom mohoganey Stand for the tee kittel to stand on and the orney mental Chaney but the room is not as yit finished for I think the paper has loste much of the blume by paisteing of it up  thair-fore I thought beste to leve it tell you Cume home[. T]he Curtins is not maid nor did I pres for them as we had a verey graite number of fleys as it is observed thay air verey fond of new painte[. T]he Southeroome I sleep in with my Susanah a bead with ought [without] Curtins a Cheste of Drowers a tabel a Glase and old black wolnot chairs sum books in my Closet and sume of our famely pickters[. I]n the frunte room which I had desind for gests I had the beed which you sente from Ingland a Chamber mahogney tabel and stand[. I]n the rom down stairs is the sid bord that you be spoke which is verey hansum and plain with two tabels maid to sute it and a Doz of Chairs allso[.] I sold to mr. Foxcrofte the tabeles we had as they did not sute the room by aney meens[. T]he potterns of the Chairs air a plain Horshair and look as well as a Paddozway [paduasoy] everey bodey admiers them[. T]he littel Southroom I had papered as the wales was much soyled[. I]n that is a pritey Card tabel and our Chairs that yoused to stand in the parler and orney mental Chaney over the fierplase on the flower a Carpit I bought cheep for the goodnes[. I]t is not quite new[. T]he large Carpit is in the blewroom the fier not maid yit in the room for our friends[. T]he Pickter of the Erel of Bute is hung up and a Glase[. T]his is but a verey imperfeckte a counte[. I]n the parlor thair is a Scotch Carpet which was found much Folte [fault] with and your time pees stands in one Corner which is all wrong I am told[. S]o then I tell them we shall have all things as thay shold be when you cume home[. A]s to Curtins I leve it to you to due as you like your selef or if as we tolked be fore you went[. I]f you Cold meet with a turkey Carpet I shold like it but if not I shall be verey esey as all thees things air be cume quite indifrent to me att this time but sense you doe so kindly inquier what things I want I shall tell you that when mrs. Franklin Come to town and wente to the Assembly Salley had nothin fitt to wair suteabe [suitable] to waite on her and as I never shold a put on in your absens aney thing good I gave Salley my new robe as it wanted but verey littel oltering[.] I shold be glad if you wold bring me a plain darke Sattin for a gound and if our Cusin wold make me a littel lase of a proper weedthe for a Cape [cap] or two I shold like it as it was their makeing and a light cloke such as you sente for Salley but it moste be biger then hers[.] I shold a had that but it was two small for me[. I]n the Northroome we sett as it is not quite finished yit as the dores air not up[. W]e have a tabel and chairs and the Smal Book case Brother Johns Pickter and the King and Quens pickter and a small Scotch Carpet on the flower[.] I desier you to remember drinking Glases and a Large tabel clothe or two when you Cume but I [s]hante wante them tell then[. I]f you shold meet with a pair of Silver Conisters I shold like it but as you pleas everey thing I have menshoned[. W]hen I say dores it is the bofet [buffet] dores[. T]hey air Glaised but it was on know [unknown] to me[. T]hey air in your room[.] I shall Counte the paines and send to you[. T]he Crain was put up this week and not before the railes not don as yit but promised soon to be dun[.] O my Child there is graite odes [odds] between a mans being at home and a broad as every bodey is a fraid thay shall doe wrong so everey thing is lefte undun[.]
Salley is still att Burlinton[.] I wrote her that Capt. Friend wold saile this week[.] I hope shee writes to you[.] Capt. orrey [Ourry] took with him her white Sattin to have maid fitt to wair agin[.] I donte know wather shee wrote a bought it or know have you ever seen Capt. orrey sens he a rived[. M]y Compleymentes to our Good mrs. and miss Stephenson and all friends as thow menshoned[.] I have Counted the paines in the dores thair is 8 in each dore be sides the spaces[?] att tipe the largest Sise[.] I will get mr. Rhodes to take mashuer of the fierplases and the pier for a Glase[. A]ll the Chimneys that I have yoused is verey good[.] I have baked in the oven and it is good[. T]he same man lives in house that did when I bought it but I donte know his name[. H]e paid 26 pounds a year but now the Lott is taken of[f] but he never spook to [me as] he is a Duchman I have not spook to him only to make a watter tube [tub] for the arrey [area.] The pente houses is not dun nor the stepes as the loot is not setteld[.] I fair you have not reseved all my letters[. I told you?] mr. Rhodes thought it beste not to dig a volte but I shall see him this evening if I Can but I donte go ought aney whair if I Can helpe it[.]
I have seen mr. Rhodes and [a tear and four illegible words] it the Carpenter Come on freyday and put up some Cornishes [illegible] Come to put up the Stepes at the north dore as mr. Rhodes thinks it may be [illegible] have voltes [vaults] att [illegible] place fenced of[f] for [illegible] he and mr. Smith think[?] it will all ways be a harbor for Rattes[?] and such Creepin things that is a [illegible] and I have Consented to have it don [illegible] I did write to you in the Spring and since for your orderes[?] I hope the Smith will put railes on the house to morrow[.] I due take all the Caire of the fiers in my power and some sort beside [illegible] for the men keep fier in two roomes while they worked and I did littel else but tend them least any acksidente shold hapen[.]


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Deborah Franklin, [8?–13 October 1765]
From: Franklin, Deborah
To: Franklin, Benjamin

In this letter Deborah Franklin was slightly more generous with periods than in the document immediately above, but the same problem recurs here of determining where she intended some of her sentences to end. The editors have therefore again surrounded their inserted periods and their substituted initial capital letters with brackets in order not to deprive the reader entirely of the privilege of introducing different sentence breaks if he so desires.

My Dear Child
[October 8, 1765]
I have bin so happey as to reseve severel of your dear letters with in these few days and to see a man that had seen you[. H]e teles me you look well which is next to seeing of you[. H]ough am I plesed to read over and over a gen I Cole it a husbands Love letter. I am afraid that you have not reseved all my letters for when I wrote you that I had maid that purchous I did write you that Mr. Rhodes sed he did think you had better not dig voltes att all leste it shold damaig the wales of the house so I never have don aney thing to wordes [towards] it[. O]ne reson was Mr. Palmer was gon down to worke at the light House so thair it leyes as it did when you wente a way[. T]he pente houses is as thay was and as the dispute is not ended the wale is open nexte the liverey Stabel and everey bodey maikes a free pasaig threw it and will tel the wale is maid up[.] I did write you word thair was a rale fense put op a Crose the lott betwen us and our nabor Humpefris and we have a gaite but it Cante be keep shut tell the remainder parte of the wale is dun[.]
I have wrote several letter to you one almoste everey day but then I Cold not forbair saying sumthing to you a bought publick afairs then I wold distroy it and then begin a gen and burn it a gen and so on but now I donte think to say one word a bought them as I beleve you have it much better then I Cold tell you[. O]ur Good Mr. Hughs has bin in the moste Deplorabales Condishon that ever man was in this world with a disorder that is Coled [called] a burning Cole and it is this day 3 weeks senes he has bin not abel to stir or be helpe att all[.]

[October 9]
This is wensday ocktober 9[.] I have bin to see Mr. Hughes who I found a littel better and a bel to stir himselef which I know will give you pleshuer and the more so as you will hear no doute hough he has bin yoused and by men that better things mought be expeckted from firste to have the bells mufled and send two Drumes a bought the town to raise the mobe and send them under Mr. Hughes window then send meisegers to tell him that thay was a Coming and wold be thair in a minit and all moste terreyfi his wife and Children to deth and after this the man who was at the head of thier afair to Compleymente him selef with the merrit of preventeing the mobe from falling on and distroying Mr. Hughes and his whole famely[.] I muste say sumthing more[. T]he Number was 8 who wente backwards and forwards while Jemey Allin was att the Staite house a Sperriting up the mobe and inraigeing of them to porsiste in the afair thay had meet a bought[.] Mr. Tillmman was the head of them[.] O hough I dispise such men[. N]ow I am to say sumthing a bought my one fameley[.] I told you that nanney wente to Burlinton last winter[.] I think Shee Stayed three weekes and got such a Cold that Shee was ill all winter and spring[.]. I thought Shee was in a decay this sumer[.] Shee has bin to be nursed a gen[.] Shee has had the yellow iandis [jaundice] to a verey graite degree. I wold a sente for Dr. Boond but Shee wood not have him but wold have an Inglish Doctor So Shee had one and I took all the Cair of her as I Cold and when Shee was abell I got a horse and took her ought everey day but it was the graites dificalty imaginobel as Shee had not bin yoused to ride in a one horse Chair[.] Shee did not like aney but a Coache or poste Charrit[.] I told her Shee shold be Contente and good youmerred or shee wold never be well agen hough ever we have dun all we Cold to get her to be good youmerred and shee is better att present but after the yellow wore off shee turned verey brown or rather black but shee will get the better I hope[.] I often did aske her if she was dissatfid at aney thing or if shee wold go back agen but shee sed no[.] I am in hopes when shee getes her Strenth Shee will doe agen[.] Gorge has bin verey ill all so but got better agen[.] Salley had a smarte fever for all moste 24 owers but the Stir that was maid on the Chaing of Govermente quite Coored [cured] her—and thanke God I have bin so favered that I have bin abel to nurse them all with Susanah to waite on me and I doe inioy [enjoy] my helthe verey well and am inabled to go and see my sick Nabors[.] I have had much trubel leste I shold a loste bouth my Nabor Sumaines but thay air bouth better agen[.] I have got one Barrel of apeles and thay air to be poot on bord this day[.] I hope thay will keep good tell you get them but I never heard wather you got them I sente to you laste fall or wather you got what I sente to you by Capt. Budin[.] Salley is still att Burlinton[.] I was willing shee shold go to be oute of the way att Eleckshon as I wold not have aney bodey a runing backwords and forwords a hearing and telling what shold be sed or what was not sed but keep my selef to my selef and so I did[.] I doe expeckte Salley in town on Satterday[.] I forget wather I told you that Mrs. Parker and Ladey Jane Came and stayd with me near two weeks[. T]hay was well[.] Mr. Foxcrofte is gon to Virjaney[. H]e was verey well when he wente from home[.] I hav wrote you ansers to all your dear qustons and lefte it on the tabel in the musick room and shut the dore but it is taken a way so I muste write it over agen I beleve[.O]ur Dear Sister Franklin desiers me to give her kindeste love to you hopes shee shall see you here in the Spring[.]

  [October 13]
  This is Sunday ocktober 13.

Yesterday I put on bord of Capt. Friend the same baile that you sente to us filed with Cranbareys[.] I Cold not get as maney as wold fill a Barril nor I Cold not get a halef Barrel so I took that[. T]hay air verey good as I [am Sure.] I hope thay will keep[. Y]ou have a Barrel of appels on borde which I hope will get safe to you[.] I took as much paines as I Cold to have them good[.] I shall get more to send by Capt. Budin[. H]e is not arived as yit but expeckted everey tide.
I thanke you for the worsted the Shuger nipers and the musling for my apron and for the Curtins[.] I think them verey honsum but I muste now tell you what hapened to the whole pees quite threw[. Y]ou was so kind as to send me sume Christeline Salte and it was laid direcktely over the role and it got Sum wator the moyster of the vesill and it was a verey long voyage[. I]t stained it of a verey light purpil blume but I hunge it up and brushed it[.] I did indever to have a pees cleend but it did not look so well as the whole pees and as it is to draw up I donte think it will be notised at all[.] I was once asked if it was the fashon[.] I sed I beleve so[.] I did not think to a told you of it but if you shold send or bring me the Saittin it shold be wraped up in a pees of Greenbayes or nape and that preventes the spoting[.] Salley not Cume home but our Dearpreshous is Cume to town and is to be with me while Shee Stays in town[. A]ll is well att home[.] I supouse you know thay air gon to live att the workes and all is well and in good ordor. Shee is gon to metin no bodey but my selef att home[. M]y Brother set oute yisterday for pitts Burge[. H]e was well and lefte a letter which I send[. I]f I shold menshon everey bodey name I shold fill a large shee[t] of paper with love to you[. E]verey one desire me that I see[.] I beleve I have reseved all the letters that you have wrote to me and I am indede verey much obliged to you for thinking of me as you doe[.] Billey Hunter grows a fine Boy indead[. H]e sends his Duty to you as Dose all the littel Boys and gorles[.] I hear my friend Cume in I am Coled [called] so Conclud as ever yours till Deth
D Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Joseph Galloway, [8–14 October? 1765]
From: Galloway, Joseph
To: Franklin, Benjamin

[October 8–14?, 1765]
[First part missing] It seems to me, from their present Temper that they will never be made easy without it. It can no way Affect, but rather promote the Interest of the Mother Country, as a new door of Information, which her Parliament really wants to enable it to make just Laws for the Plantations, will be opend. It will strike at, nay destroy, the Equity, and foundation, of their present Complaints, and shoud they after be tumultuous and rebellious, render them inexcusable and justify the Most rigorous Measures against them. But I am convinced it will remove all uneasiness and restore the Colonies to their former Obedience.
I wrote you, via Bristol, the Success of our late Election, I think we have now in the House 28. Members out of 36, for the Change. One half of the Protesters are out, and that half too who were chose in the Principal Counties, a strong proof of the peoples Disapprobation of their Conduct. As soon as the Assembly meet you may be assured Your and Mr. Jacksons Agencies will be Continued and New orders to prosecute the most Expeditious Measures for a Change.
Mr. Hughes has informed the Governor of his Resignation, and as he dare not take the Stamp Paper &ca. into his Custody, desired he woud take Care of them. They are by his Orders on Board of Capt. Hawker, whose ship now rides in this Port.
The 1st. of November is near. No Buisiness can be legally Transacted, no Law suits prosecuted, No vessels sail, no Securities for Moneys taken; The Merchant of Course will not purchase Flower, The Millers Wheat, the farmer cannot pay the Labourer, nor can the Labourer get Bread &c &c &ca. The Difficulties the present Madness of the Americans, have plunged their Country into is beyond the reach of my Conception. Tis a pity the Innocent and Loyal must suffer with the Guilty and Disloyal. I see no Prospect of an Immediate removal of them, Unless the same Madmen shoud Come to their Senses and oblige Mr. Hughes to break his Engagement with them and Execute the Law. Which I have told several of them I suspect will be the Case.
Mr. Hughes is now on the recovery and perhaps may Write before this Vessel sails, least he shoud not I write what relates to him at his request. The Sup. Court Sitting it is with difficulty I have found time for this Scrawl. My best Compliments to Mr. Jackson, and beleive me to be Dear Sir Your Truly Affectionate Friend and humble Servant
Jos. Galloway
Benj. Franklin Esq.