Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 20 September 1783
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir
Princeton Sepr. 20. 1783.
Your favor of the 31 ult: came to hand yesterday. As the reason which chiefly urged my departure for Virga. has ceased I have been led to protract my attendance on Congress by the interest I felt in some measures on foot, and the particular interest which my Constituents have in them. Two of these were the territorial cession and the permanent seat of Congress. The former was a few days ago put into a form which I hope will meet the ultimatum of Virginia. The first monday in next month is fixed for a decision of the latter; after which it may still be necessary to choose a temporary residence untill the permanent one can be made ready. I am utterly unable to foretell how either of these points will be determined. It is not impossible that an effective vote may be found attainable on neither; in which case the winter must be spent in this village where the public business can neither be conveniently done, the members of Congress decently provided for nor those connected with Congress provided for at all. I shall lose no time in looking out for quarters for you & entering into provisional engagements in your favor. Your other request relative to Miss Patsy shall be equally attended to as soon as I go to Philada. which will probably be towards the end of next week.
It will give me real concern if we should miss of one another altogether in the journies before us; and yet I foresee the danger of it. Mr. Jones & myself will probably be on the road by the middle of next month or a few days later. This is the time about which you expect to commence your journey. Unless therefore we travel the same road a disappointment of even an interview will be unavoidable. At present our plan is to proceed thro’ Baltimore & Alexandria & Fredericksbg. and we may possibly be at the races of the second place. I am at a loss by what regulation I can obey your wishes with regard to the notes I have on hand; having not yet made any copy of them, having no time now for that purpose, and being unwilling for severa[l] reasons to leave them all behind me. A disappointment however will be of the less consequence, as they have been much briefer & more interrupted since the period at which you ran them over, and have been altogether discontinued since the arrival of Congs. here.
My plan of spending this winter in Philada in close reading was not entirely abandoned untill Congress left that City and shewed an utter disinclination to returning to it. The prospect of agreeable & even instructive society was an original consideration with me; and the subsequent one of having yours added to it would have confirmed my intention after the abortive issue of another plan, had not the solicitude of a tender & infirm parent exacted a visit to Virga. and an uncertainty of returning been thereby incurred. Even at present, if Congs. sd make Philada. their seat this winter & I can decline a visit to Virga. or speedily get away from it my anxiety on the subject will be renewed.
Our last information from Europe is dated the 27th. July. France & Spain were then ready for the definitive signing of the Peace. Holland was on the point of being so. The American Plenipos. had done nothing on the subject and in case of emergency could only sign the provisional Treaty as final. Their negociations had been spent chiefly on commercial stipulations from which G.B. after very different professions & appearances, altogether drew back. The ready admission she found into our commerce without paying any price for it has suggested the policy of aiming at the entire benefit of it, and at the same time saving the carriage of the W. India trade the price she at first bid for it. The supposed contrariety of interests among the States and the impotence of the fœderal Govt. are urged by the ministerial pamphleteers as a safeguard agst. retaliation. The other nations of Europe seem to have more honorable views towards our commerce, sundry advances having been made to our Ministers on that subject.
Congress have come to no decision even as yet on any of the great branches of the peace establishment. The military branch is supported and quickened by the presence of the Commander in chief, but without any prospect of a hasty issue. The department of foreign affairs both internal & external remains as it has long done: The election of a Secy. has been an order of the day for many months without a vote being taken. The importance of the marine department has been diminished by the sale of almost all the Vessels belonging to the U.S. The department of Finance is an object of almost daily attack and will be reduced to its crisis on the final resignation of Mr. M. which will take place in a few months. The War office is connected with the Military establishment & will be regulated I suppose in conformity to what that may be. Among other subjects which divide Congress, their Constitutional authority touching such an establishment in time of peace is one. Another still more puzzling is the precise jurisdiction proper for Congress within the limits of their permanent seat. As these points may possibly remain undecided till Novr. I mention them particularly that your aid may be prepared. The investigation of the Mutiny ended in the condemnation of several Sergeants who were stimulated to the measure without being apprized of the object by the two officers who escaped. They have all recd. a pardon from Congress. The real plan & object of the mutiny lies in profound darkness. I have written this in hopes that it may get to Monticello before you leave it. It might have been made more interesting if I had brought the Cypher from Philada. tho’ my present situation required a great effort to accomplish as much as I have. I am obliged to write in a position that scarcely admits the use of any of my limbs, Mr. Jones & myself being lodged in this room not 10 feet square and without a single accommodation for writing.
I am Dear Sir, Your sincere friend & Obt Servt.
J. Madison Jr.


Title: From James Madison to Edmund Randolph, 20 September 1783
From: Madison, James
To: Randolph, Edmund

Dear Sir
Princeton. Sepr. 20. 1783.
I have nothing to add to my last on the subject of foreign affairs, further than that the Court of France has fixed on L’Orient as a free port for the U. S. The Virga. Cession underwent a decision of Congs. a day or two after my last. The form which they have given it may be seen in the hands of the Executive. I sincerely hope it may meet the Ultimatum of Virga. The circumstances which produced brevity in my last as strongly recommend it at present.
Adieu,
J. M Jr.


Title: Motion in re Jurisdiction of Congress over Permanent Site, [22 September] 1783
From: Madison, James
To:

[22 September 1783]
That the district which may be ceded to & accepted by Congress for their permanent residence, ought to be entirely exempted from the authority of the State ceding the same; and the organization & administration of the powers of Govt. within the sd. district concerted between Congress & the inhabitants thereof.


Title: Benjamin Harrison to Virginia Delegates, 26 September 1783
From: Harrison, Benjamin
To: Virginia Delegates

Gentlemen,
Council Chamber Sept. 26th. 1783.
Your two favors of the 8th. and 13th. instant came to hand by the last post one of them has been detained in the post office which I suppose has also been the case with one of mine. General Irvine’s complaint of the Virginians crossing the Ohio reached me I suppose on the same day that mine against the Pennsylvanians got to you which of them is right I will not undertake to say, but it is most likely that they are both so I shall use every endeavor to stop the people from this country tho’ I am confident I shall not succeed, there being no powers in the Executive to punish any kind of offenders, nor do the assembly incline to give them. I can order the militia to drive the people in and they may refuse obedience to the orders and escape all kinds of punishment; for five shillings in short Virginia will very soon be the Seat of anarchy and confusion unless our law makers find out that Government cannot be supported without lodging powers somewhere to enforce obedience to the laws.
I am not disappointed by the conduct of the english respecting our trade. I always thought they intended to amuse us ’till they could form a judgment of the temper we were in with respect to it, and therefore wished in some measure to curb the violent inclination there seemed to be for opening every avenue to them before a treaty of commerce was entered into. I look on the locusts that are crouding here as so many emissaries sent to sound our inclinations and to poison the minds of our people and if possible bring them back to their old and destructive paths; and I am sorry to say that I fear they will succeed unless Congress interfere.
I shall lay the resolutions of Congress on the proposed session of the back country before the assembly and suppose with you they will approve them as they differ very little from their proposals. the Guaranty required was too humiliating for me.
I am &c.
B H


Title: Benjamin Harrison to Virginia Delegates, 27 September 1783
From: Harrison, Benjamin
To: Virginia Delegates

Gentlemen,
Council Chamber Sepr. 27th. 1783.
Since I wrote to you yesterday I have seen the Attorney who tells me his performance respecting our claim to the western Country is ready for the inspection of the Committee and that as soon as it meets their approbation it will be transmitted to you.
I am &.
B. H.


Title: To James Madison from Edmund Pendleton, 29 September 1783
From: Pendleton, Edmund
To: Madison, James

1783, September 29 Virginia
Recovery from illness. Sir Guy Carlton. The people Eastward averse to the half-pay, or commutation. The British restrictive proclamation.


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 30 September 1783
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir
Philada. Sepr. 30. 1783.
My last was written on the supposition that Mr. Jones & myself would be on our way to Virga. by the middle of Ocr. and that my best chance of an interview with you might be at Alexandria at the time of the races. On further thought I fear that you may be led by that suggestion to suspend your setting out longer than you proposed, and that I may not find it practicable to leave this place finally before it will be practicable for you to reach it by pursuing your own plan. One circumstance which increases the uncertainty of my movements is a melancholy event in Mr. Jones family which may [a]ffect his plans, to which I shall as far as necessary make mine su[bservi]ent. It will rather therefore be my wish that you should ha[sten] than retard your journey, if it be a matter of indifference to y[o]u, tho’ not that you should do either if it be not so.
I have laid a train at Princeton which I hope will provide as commodious quarters as could be expected. If these sd. become necessary in Philada Mrs. House’s disposition towards you will be a sure resource. Mrs. Trist concurs in your idea of a boarding school; that it may be expedient for Miss Patsey for hours of instruction but no farther. She will enquire and think for you on the subject as far as her preparations for a voyage to the Mississippi will admit. She & Mrs. House make a tender of their respectful regards for yourself & Miss Patsey. I have nothing to add to my last on public subjects, nor to the above any thing but that I am Dr. Sir
Yr. sincere friend & obt. Servt.
J. Madison Jr.
As the latest papers are very barren I inclose a former one containing No. 1. of N. American, leaving the Author to your conjectures.


Title: From James Madison to the Reverend James Madison, 2 [October] 1783
From: Madison, James
To: Madison, James (Reverend)

Editorial Note
The editors are indebted to Professor Edmund S. Morgan for his assurance that the date line, salutation, and first thirteen words of this document are in the hand of President Ezra Stiles of Yale College. The remainder of the text, together with the names of JM and the Reverend James Madison, was copied by one of President Stiles’s children. The transcription appears in Volume 3, page 609 of Stiles’s manuscript “Itinerary.” The fact that JM’s letter was available for transcribing at Yale College suggests that Isaac Stiles either did not present it to the Reverend James Madison, president of the College of William and Mary, or that the addressee handed it back to the youthful bearer.
In his “Literary Diary,” under date of 10 September 1783, the Reverend Ezra Stiles recorded, “Writg Lett. recommendg my Son to &c. in Virginia &c.” Noting on 28 September that his “son Isaac” left that day “to go to Maryld or Virginia,” the father added on 27 November, “This Eveng. my Son Isaac returned to New Haven from Maryland and Virginia having been absent a little above two Months” (Franklin Bowditch Dexter, ed., The Literary Diary of Ezra Stiles [3 vols.; New York, 1901], III, 92, 95, 99). These entries seem conclusive in establishing that JM inadvertently dated his own letter of recommendation a month too early.

Dr Sir
Princeton Sept [Octr] 2 1783
If you receive this at all it will be from the hands of Mr Isaac Stiles son of the President of Yale College who proposes to seek his fortune in some one of the Southern States. His ultimate object is the profession of the Law; But his wish is to be introduced in the first instance into a Gentleman’s family where he may at the same time be employ’d in teaching the Languages & some of the more useful branches of science and may carry on his forensic studies under the auspices of a neighbouring Law[y]er. Being myself unacquaint[e]d with any situation in Virginia w[h]ich could answer these joint purposes, I take the liberty of giving Mr Stiles his introduction, and asking in his behalf such information and advice as you may be able to befriend him with
I am Dr Sir yours Sincer[e]ly
J. Madison Jr


Title: Benjamin Harrison to Virginia Delegates, 3 October 1783
From: Harrison, Benjamin
To: Virginia Delegates

Gentlemen,
Council Chamber October 3d. 1783.
Your favor of the 20th of last month came safe to hand. The determinations of the French and English respecting our trade is really alarming and in the end will prove ruinous to us if not counteracted by some spirited conduct on our part; I think the way is plain and easy with the latter; but with the former little can be done as trade has never been an object with the french court tho’ the want of it has been severely felt by the nation at large and frequently brought the Kingdom to the brink of ruin. Great Britain knows its intrinsic value and if we prohibit the use of their manufactures or west india commodities except when brought by our own vessels or by those of other nations and thereby oblige them to make their purchases in cash they will very soon come to a compromise. how far the powers of Congress may be competent to bring about this or any other regulation that will better answer the end is not for me to say, but surely they should at least take up the matter and recommend some general regulation to the States unfortunately for us the subject is not well understood here nor is that attention paid to it that its importance requires: yet we are some times reasonable people and can understand things if we please to give them due consideration. it will be your parts therefore to smooth the way by a plain and pointed state of the advantages that will derive to the union by a spirited opposition to the measures of the british ministry I have nothing either new or interesting to communicate to you and have therefore only to add that I am &c.
B. H.


Title: Virginia Delegates to Benjamin Harrison, 4 October 1783
From: Virginia Delegates
To: Harrison, Benjamin

Sr.
Prince Town Octr. 4th 1783
The last Post brought us your Excellencys favor of the 19th Ultimo. The Information which it Containd relative to the Pennsylvanians setling on the N. W. of the Ohio, we thought it our Duty to lay before Congress, and at the same time moved that it might be recommended to that State to take the most effectual measures to restrain its Citizens from a Measure which your Excellency seemd apprehensive might produce so many Evils to our State in Particular, and which we could not but think might be highly prejudicial to the Union in General. the fate of our Motion by no means answerd our Expectations, as you will see by the Enclosed vote. the Chief Arguments against adopting it were, that Pennsylvania had already used every means in her power for that Purpose, that Congress had Issued a Proclamation prohibiting persons from Setling on Lands within the boundaries of the United States & out of the limits of any of them, That such a resolution wd. reflect on the State of Pennsylvania, as it wd suppose that State to have been at least inattentive to a Subject which nearly concernd her own as well as the Welfare of the States in General, and that Congress had under consideration at this time the General arrangement of Indian affairs in which that Subject would be considered more comprehensively, and only waited for the Confirmation of the acceptance of the Cession by our Assembly to take Vigorous and effectual measures to put a stop to the Evils which wd. result from such irregular Proceedings. We have thought fit to Explain to your Excellency our Conduct in this Matter and hope that our Zeal for the Welfare of the State will apologize for it on the one hand & that the reasons above mentiond, will be deemd Valid on the other
We Enclose Your Excellency the Answers of Congress respecting the Guards & Vessels intended to be kept up, which have but lately passed, owing to the numerous important Subjects which have claimd the attention of Congress. we think it our Duty to transcribe for the Information of the Legislature some Paragraphs (in the Joint letter of our Ministers for treating of Peace) Explanatory of the Sense of some of the Preliminary Articles which have been heretofore P[ub]lishd, which Explanations they have given at the desire of Congress, as follows
Extract from the Joint Letter of Mr. Adams, Mr. Franklin & Mr. Jay dated July 18th 1783.
“The Words—for restoring the Property of Real British Subjects were well understood and Explaind between us (viz the Negotiators on both Sides) not to mean or comprehend American Refugees. Mr. Oswald & Mr. Fitzherbert know this to have been the case; and will readily Confess and admit it. this mode of Expression was preferred by them as a more delicate mode of Excluding those refugees and making proper distinctions between them and the Subjects of Britain whose only Particular Interest in America consisted in holding Lands and Property there.
The 6th Article viz where it declares that no future Confiscations shall be made &c &c. ought to have fixed the time with greater Accuracy We think the most fair and true Construction is that it relates to the date of the Cessation of Hostilities. We are Surprized to hear that any doubts have arisen in America respecting the time when the Cessation of Hostilities took Place. It most certainly took Place at the Expiration of one month after the date of that declaration in all parts of the World, whether Land or Sea that lays North of the Latitude of the Canaries The Ships afterwards taken from us in the more Northerly Latitudes ought to be reclaimed and given up. we shall apply to Mr. Hartley on this Subject, and also on that of transportation of Negroes from New York contrary to the Words and Intention of the Provisional Articles.”

   thus far the Joint letter

We Send Yr. Excellency the Papers containing the Proclamations of the King of Great Britain & the W. Indies Calculated to check our growing Commerce & Marine. it is conjectured that France will adopt some measures of a Similar nature. Shd. Britain or any other power, persevere in such a System of Commercial Politics we Imagine Congress will address the States either to adopt themselves or to enable Congress to adopt Regulations to counteract them, but this we do not advance as a certainty. It is easy to perceive how these regulations of Great Britain or France may embarrass our Commerce. It remains to be tried whether they themselves will not first and most Sensibly feel the effects of what we esteem an Ill Judged Policy. we are with the most perfect respect Sr.
Yr Excell’ys most obedt. Servts
Theok. BlandArthur LeeJohn F Mercerexcept as to the first paragraph


Title: To James Madison from Edmund Pendleton, 6 October 1783
From: Pendleton, Edmund
To: Madison, James

Editorial Note
About 1850 the present letter was calendared, probably by a clerk of Peter Force, as follows:

“1783, October 6. Virginia
To James Madison
“Garrisons in time of peace. A standing army the bane of society. Should garrisons be Continental or supported by the States where located. German-Town as a seat for the Government merely another name for Philadelphia. Trade with France restricted. Arrival of British ships. Rise in the price of goods. Races at Fredericksburg. 1 page 4°” (LC: Madison Miscellany).

The last four topics are obviously omitted from the Henkels’ summary. For trade with France, see Delegates to Harrison, 20 Sept., and n. 3; 4 Oct., and n. 9; Harrison to Delegates, 3 Oct., 1783. Although the Philadelphia and Richmond newspapers fail to mention rising prices, they leave no doubt of the more frequent arrivals of British ships (Pa. Packet, 20, 25, 27, and 30 Sept.; Va. GazetteVirginia Gazette, or, the American
          Advertiser (Richmond, James Hayes, 1781–86)., 27 Sept.; 4 Oct. 1783). In a recent letter, JM had mentioned the races at Fredericksburg beginning on 6 October (JM to Jefferson, 20 Sept. 1783, and n. 6). Pendleton may have remarked either that, as a trustee of the Fredericksburg Academy, he had been summoned to be in Fredericksburg on 7 October “upon business of the greatest importance,” or, what is more probable, that he was attending the General Court which had begun its sessions on 1 October in Richmond (Va. GazetteVirginia Gazette, or, the American
          Advertiser (Richmond, James Hayes, 1781–86)., 27 Sept.; Va. Gazette, and Weekly Advertiser, 4 Oct. 1783; David J. Mays, Edmund Pendleton, II, 205, 388, n. 15).

Virginia, October 6, 1783
… The question touching Garrisons in time of peace, is in its nature delicate as well as difficult, and therefore I don’t wonder there should be diversity of opinions about it. They seem useful & indeed necessary & yet have their certain evils, among which not the least considerable is that they lead to a standing Army, that bane of Society; nor is it less difficult to decide the question, if they are admitted, whether they ought to be Continental, or supported by & under the Government of the respective States where they are kept.
… German Town must be named in the competition for the permanent seat of Congress, merely as another name for Philad’a which I suppose they can’t name with propriety, for I can’t suppose a single man in the United States would prefer that Village to the great City so near it. I have thought for some time that the contest would end in a return to that City, as soon as resentment for their former neglect had a little worn off.


Title: Benjamin Harrison to Virginia Delegates, 10 October 1783
From: Harrison, Benjamin
To: Virginia Delegates

Gentlemen,
Council Chamber Oct: 10th. 1783.
The last post brought no letter from you. The Clerk of the Council informs me that whilst I was in Gloster you wrote for an account of the several sums of money that had been advanced by this State to the continent. the letter by some means or other has been mislaid. I have therefore to desire a copy of it and to request that you will be very particular in the enumeration of the Kind of grants if you mean to take it in the extensive manner it has been represented to me, it will be a work of time.
I am &c.
B. H.


Title: Receipt of John Francis Mercer, 11 October 1783
From: Mercer, John F.
To:

Oct. 11. 1783
Recd fm. Loan of the Honble Jas Madison Six hundred Dollars.
John F Mercer


Title: From James Madison to Edmund Randolph, 13 October 1783
From: Madison, James
To: Randolph, Edmund

My dear Sir
Philada. Octr. 13th. 1783
I returned here yesterday in order to be with Mr. Jones before his departure and make some little arrangements with him of a private nature. The past week has been spent by Congress in deliberating on 1. their permanent seat, 2. their temporary one. The competition for the former lay between the falls of the Potowmack and those of the Delaware. We hoped at first from the apparent views of the Eastern Delegates that they would have given a preference to Potowmack. In the event they joined with Pena. & the intermediate States in favor of the Delaware the consequence of which is that the vicinity of its Falls is to become the future Seat of the fœderal Govt. unless a conversion of some of the Eastern States can be effected. The next point was the abode of Congs. untill their permanent seat could receive them. The expediency of removing from Princeton in order “to the more convenient transaction of the affairs of the U.S. and accomodation of Congs.[”] was first determined on, Massts. Cont. & R.I. alone being opposed to it. Trenton was next proposed, on which Question the votes were divided by the River Delaware. Philada. came next in order. Besides its convenient position in relation to the Permanent seat, superior temporary accomodations for the public business and for Congs., arguments in its favor were drawn from the tendency of passing by these accomodations to others inferior in themselves & more distant from the perman[en]t seat, to denote a resentment unworthy of a Sovereign authority agst. a part of its constituents which had fully expiated any offence which they might have committed: and at the same time to convert their penitential and affectionate temper into the bitterest hatred. To enforce this idea some of the proceedings of Congs. expressive of resentment agst. Philada. were made use of. Great stress also was laid on the tendency of removing to any small or distant place, to prevent or delay business which the honor & interest of the U.S. require sd. be dispatched as soon as possible. on the other side objections were drawn from those sources which have produced dislikes to Philada. and wch. will be easily conjectured by you. on the question N.Y. Pa. Delaware Virga. & N. Carolina were ay; Masts. Cont. R.I. N. Jersey no; and Maryland & S. C[aro]lina divided. If either of the divided States had been in the affirmative it was the purpose of N. Jersey to add a seventh vote in favor of Phil. The division of S. Carolina was owing to the absence of Mr. Rutlidge & Mr. Izard both of whom would have voted for Phila. The State was represented by two members only. The division of Maryland represented by Mr. Caroll & Mr. McHenry was occasioned by the negative of the latter whose zeal for Annapolis determined him to sacrifice every consideration to an experiment in its favr. before he would accede to the vote for Philada. The aversion of the Eastern States was the ground of his coalition with them. The arguments in favor of Annapolis consisted of objections agst. Philada. Those agst. it were cheifly the same which had been urged in preference of Philada. On the question the States were Masts. Cont. R.I. Delaware, Maryland & N.C. ay. N.Y. N.J. Pa. Virga. no. S.C. divided. Virga. was represented by Mr. Lee Mr. Mercer & Mr. M. The first was in the affirmative. Mr. Jones & Mr. Bland were in Philad. The vote of the latter wd. have been in favor of Annapolis of the former in favr. of Philada. The opinion of Mr. L. & Mr. B. in favr. of Annapolis resulted from a dislike to Philada. & the idea that the views of Virga. would be promoted by it. That of their colleagues from a belief that the reasons drawn in favr. of Philada. from the national consideration reqd. a concession of local views, and even that a recision of the permanent vote for Trenton in favor of George Town, the object of Va. would be promoted by placing the Eastern States in Philada. They also supposed that the concurrence of the Eastern States in a temporary vote for Annapolis to take effect some weeks hence, was little to be confided in, since the arrival of a colleague to the Delegate from N. Hamshire would with the accession of Pena. who wd. prefer Trenton to Annapolis & be moreover stimulated by resentment, would make up seven States to reverse the removal to Annapolis. Add to the whole that ex[p]erience has verified the opinion that in any small place Congs. are too dependent on courtesy & favor to be exempt eithe[r] in their purses or their sensibility from degrading impositions. Upon the whole it is most probable that Philada. will be abode of Congs. during the Winter. I must refer to Mr. Jones for explanations on all these points; he will be in Richmond early in the Session. For myself I have engaged to return to Princeton to attend some interesting points before Congs. Having not yet settled my arrangements for the Winte[r,] I must for the pres[ent] be silent as to my [future?] situation. Mr. Van Berkel arrived a few [days ago?] Congs. are in a charming situation to receive him, [being?] in an obscure village, unde[te]rmined where they will spend the Winter, and without a Minister of F.A. After the rect. of this you will stop your correspondence, and probably not hear further from me. I set off tomorrow morning at 3 oClock in the Flying Machine for Princeton, and it is now advancing towards the hour of Sleep. In haste adieu My dear friend and be assured that
I am Yrs. sincerely
J.M Jr.


Title: Notes on Congress’ Place of Residence, [ca. 14 October] 1783
From: Madison, James
To:

Editorial Note
JM’s letter of 13 October 1783 to Randolph (q.v.) and this memorandum are sufficiently alike in their contents to suggest that they were written at about the same time. In the paragraph beginning with “Philada” in the margin, JM stated that Congress had resolved to fix its place of permanent residence at “the Falls of Delaware.” This decision had been reached on 7 October; hence these notes could not have been prepared before that date. They also appear to reflect the inconclusive debates during the next four days on the choice of a temporary meeting place of Congress. If JM had delayed until 21 October before summarizing the arguments for and against each of the towns or other locations proposed as a suitable site for the ad interim capital of the Confederation, he almost surely would have noted the important resolution adopted on that day (Jones to JM, 30 Oct., n. 5). Furthermore, he probably did not attend Congress on 19, 20, and 21 October (Motion in re Preliminary Peace Treaty, 18 Oct. 1783, ed. n.).
It is a reasonable assumption that JM gave these notes to Jefferson between 29 October and 3 November, when Jefferson stopped in Philadelphia before proceeding to Congress in Princeton. The memorandum was designed to inform him about issues which by then had not been entirely settled (Boyd, Papers of JeffersonJulian P. Boyd et al., eds., The Papers of Thomas Jefferson (18 vols. to date; Princeton,
        N.J., 1950——)., VI, 349 n.; Delegates to Harrison, 1 Nov. 1783 [1st letter]). In a letter of 11 November 1783 to Governor Harrison, devoted in part to summarizing the earlier competition among the delegates in Congress to have the temporary or permanent capital of the Confederation located at their preferred sites, Jefferson seems to have drawn some of his information from the present memorandum (Boyd, Papers of JeffersonJulian P. Boyd et al., eds., The Papers of Thomas Jefferson (18 vols. to date; Princeton,
        N.J., 1950——)., VI, 351–53).

[ca. 14 October 1783]

Permanent seat of Congress
North River—recommended for the permanent seat of Congs. chiefly by its security against foreign danger
Falls of Potowmac—By 1. geographical centrality—2. proximity to western Country already ceded—2. inducement to further Cessions from N.C. S.C. & Georgia. 4 remoteness from the influence of any overgrown commercial city.
Falls of Delaware—By 1. centrality with regard to number of inhabitants. 2 centrality as to no. of States & of Delegates. 3 facility of obtaining intelligence from sea.

Temporary seat of Congress
Princeton—in favor of it, 1. its neighbourhood to the Permanent [se]at, 2. inconveniency of a removal. 3. beneficial effect of a frug[al] situation of Congs. on their popularity throughout the States. 4 the risque in case of removal from Princeton of returning under the commercial & corrupt influence of Philada.—against it—1. unfitness for transacting the public business. 2 deficiency of accomodation, exposing the attending members to the danger of indignities & extortions, discouraging perhaps the fitest men from undertaking the service & amounting to a prohibition of such as had families from which they would not part.
Trenton. argts. in favor & agst. it similar to those respecting Princeton. It was particularly remarked that when the option lay with the President & committee between Trenton & Princeton the latter was preferred as least unfit to receive Congs. on their removal from Philada.
Philada. In favor of it. 1. its unrivalled conveniency for transacting the public business, & accomodating Congress. 2 its being the only place where all the public offices particularly that of Finance could be kept under the inspection & controul of & proper intercourse with Congs. 3. its conveniency for F. Ministers, to which, cæteris paribus, some regard would be expected. 4. the circumstances which produced a removal from Philada. which rendered a return as soon as the insult had been expiated, expedient for supporting in the eyes of foreign nations the appearance of internal harmony, and preventing an appearance of resentment in Congs. agst. the State of Pa. or City of Philada. an appearance which was very much strengthened by some of their proceedings at Princeton—particularly by an unnecessary & irregular declaration not to return to Phi[l]a. In addition to these overt reasons, it was concluded by sundry of the members who were most anxious to fix Congs. permanently at the falls of the Potowmac that a temporary residence in Philada. would be most likely to prepare a sufficient number of votes for that place in preference to the Falls of Delaware, and to produce a reconsideration of the vote in favor of the latter—Agst. Philada. were alledged. 1. the difficulty & uncertainty of getting away from it at the time limited. 2. the influence of a large comercial & wealthy city on the public Councils. In addition to these objections, the hatred agst. Mr. M. and hope of accelerating his final r[esigna]tion were latent motives with some, as perhaps envy of the prom[inence of] Philada. and dislike of the support of Pa to obnoxious recomendations of Congs. were with others.
Annapolis—in favor of it. 1st. its capacity for accomodating Congs. and its conveniences for the public business. 2. the soothing tendency of so Southern a position on the temper of the S. States.—agst. it, 1st. the preposterousness of taking a temporary station so distant from the permanent seat fixed on, especially as better accomodations were to be passed by at Philada. which was less than 4/5ths of the distance from the Permanent Seat. 2d. the peculiar force such a step would give to the charge agst. Congs. of being swayed by improper motives. Besides these considerations it was the opinion of some that a removal of Congs. to Annapolis would inspire Maryland with hopes that wd. prevent a cooperation in favor of George town, & favor the commerce of that State at the expence of Virginia


Title: From James Madison to Alexander Hamilton, 16 October 1783
From: Madison, James
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Dear Sir
Princeton Octr. 16. 1783
Your favor of the 6th of July by some singular ill luck never found its way to my hands till yesterday evening. The only part that now needs attention is a request that I will answer the following Question “What appeared to be my ideas and disposition respecting the removal of Congress—did I appear to wish to hasten it, or did I not rather shew a strong disposition to procrastinate it?” If this request had been recd. at the time it ought it might have been answered as fully as you then wished. Even after the delay which has taken place my recollection enable[s] me with certainty to witness that the uniform strain of yo[ur] sentiments as they appeared both from particular conversations with myself and incidental ones with others in [my] presence was opposed to the removal of Congress excep[t] in the last necessity; that when you finally yielded the measure it appeared to be more in compliance with the peremptory expostulations of oth[ers] than with any disposition of your own mind, an[d] that after the arrival of Congress at Princeton you[r] conversation shewed that you received the removal with regret than with pleasure.
Perhaps this obedience to your wishes may be too [late?] to answer the original object of them; But I could not [let pass?] such an opportunity of testifying the esteem & regard with


Title: Motion in re Preliminary Peace Treaty, [ca. 18 October] 1783
From: Madison, James
To:

Editorial Note
Although the journal of Congress omits mention of this motion, it appears to be the one summarized by Charles Thomson in his committee book as a proposal made by a delegate, whom he did not identify, “to transmit Exemplfd. Copies of prelimy. Arts. of peace to the respective States.” The doubt whether this entry refers to JM’s motion arises from the fact that Congress on 18 October named a committee—James Duane, chairman, William Ellery, and Samuel Huntington—to consider the motion noted by Thomson (NA: PCC, No. 186, fol. 133). As a rule, the author of a motion was chosen to be the chairman of the committee to which it was assigned. In this instance, JM may have asked to be excused from that appointment, for he seems to have been in Philadelphia on 19, 20, and 21 October (JCCWorthington Chauncey Ford et al.,
        eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789 (34
        vols.; Washington, 1904–37)., XXV, 706–10, 712–13, 718–19). The motion is of the same purport as one introduced by Hamilton in Congress on 14 May and recommitted on 30 May (JM Notes, 14 May, and n. 1; 30 May 1783, and nn. 1, 2).

[ca. 18 October 1783]
That an Exemplification of the articles concluded on the  day of  between the Ministers Plenipo: of the U.S & the K. of G.B. as ratified by Congs. on the  day of  be transmitted to each of the States & that they be informed that Congress deem it indispensable to the honor of the Confederacy & to the principles of good faith, that every act within the States respectively sd. be foreborne which may tend to render any of the stipulations in the said articles hereafter impracticable on the part of the U.S.


Title: Benjamin Harrison to Virginia Delegates, 18 October 1783
From: Harrison, Benjamin
To: Virginia Delegates

Gentlemen,
In Council Octo: 18th. 1783.
I received your favor by the last post with its enclosures which shall be laid before the assembly as soon as they meet which I hope will be next week.
The sooner Congress come to a determination on the subject of trade the better as I expect it will be the first thing of consequence that will be taken under consideration by this assembly
I am &c.
B. H.


Title: To James Madison from Edmund Pendleton, 20 October 1783
From: Pendleton, Edmund
To: Madison, James

1783, October 20 Virginia
Madison’s retirement from Congress. Congress has fixed its permanent residence in the woods of the Jersies. The importance of Madison taking a seat in the Virginia Assembly.


Title: Benjamin Harrison to Virginia Delegates, 25 October 1783
From: Harrison, Benjamin
To: Virginia Delegates

Editorial Note
This letter and the one from Harrison on 30 October to the Virginia delegates (q.v.) are included in this volume because they are dated before the expiration of the term of JM in Congress on 2 November. Obviously, they could not have reached their destination while he was still a delegate. On the other hand, they probably came to his attention. In Philadelphia JM was with Jefferson, who, as a member of the Virginia delegation, first attended Congress at Princeton on 4 November, the last of its sessions in that village. JM delayed his departure for Montpelier until 22 November in order to accompany Jefferson as far as Annapolis, where Congress had resolved to convene four days later (JCCWorthington Chauncey Ford et al.,
        eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789 (34
        vols.; Washington, 1904–37)., XXV, 797–98, 803, 807; Boyd, Papers of JeffersonJulian P. Boyd et al., eds., The Papers of Thomas Jefferson (18 vols. to date; Princeton,
        N.J., 1950——)., VI, 355, and n.).

Gentlemen,
Octo: 25th. 1783.
I am much disappointed in not receiving a letter from you by the last post, as we are all anxious to know where Congress means to fix its permanent residence, reports say it is to be in the woods near Princeton or on the deleware a little below Trenton. I think it impossible that either can be true, if I should be mistaken it will fix this State in an opinion that there is a decided majority against the southern States, and that they are not to expect that Justice they are entitled to when the interest of the other States shall induce a deviation from it. Tho’ great offers were made Congress to remove to us yet I never expected a compliance nor would I have voted for it if not commanded so to do, as the common principles of honor would have forbidden it, Maryland is the central State and there it ought to have been fixed, no great matter in what part of it tho’ George town was certainly the most proper. A sufficient [number] of members are not yet met to hold the assembly nor do I think we shall have one before the middle of next week.
I am &ca.


Title: Benjamin Harrison to Virginia Delegates, 30 October 1783
From: Harrison, Benjamin
To: Virginia Delegates

Gentlemen,
In Council Octo: 30th 1783.
The two last posts brought no letters from you which I am really sorry for as a full account of the proceedings of Congress on the place of their permanent residence was expected.
There are not yet a sufficient number of members to proceed to business.
I am &c.


Title: Virginia Delegates to Benjamin Harrison, 1 November 1783 (first)
From: Virginia Delegates
To: Harrison, Benjamin

Sir
In Congress Novr. 1. 1783.
We have the honor of transmitting to your Excellency two Resolutions of Congress respecting their permanent & temporary residence. We consider it as superfluous to enter into a minute detail of the progress of questions, the determinations of which (involving in ’em the general & particular interests of States) were protracted to a tedious length of time in order to give them the most mature deliberation. We therefore submit the result & will only generally remark, (that considering the present population of the Continent, so unfavorable as it is to an exclusive residence of the general Council at George Town & the votes of the Confederacy so unfriendly as they are to a southern station & observing that the negativing any other place, was an affirmative in favor of Princeton in which we sat, a situation every way agreable to the Eastern & middle States) we are led to hope, that our conduct as far as it tended to establish the present votes will be satisfactory to our constituents.
Congress have agreed to a Report on Indian Affairs, which we also enclose to Yr. Excellency. The very critical situation in which we found ourselves, with respect to those Savages, render’d it necessary to decide on a state of Peace or War. They in expectation of our determination in favor of the former, were already assembling in order to hold a Treaty. a moment so favorable was embrac’d in order to exact from ’em as a compensation for their unprovok’d & merciless ravages a district of Country, which might satisfy the claims of the Army & contribute towards alleviating the public burthens. other circumstances were also very pressing. We had before us authentic information of continual & extensive emigrations made into a Country which unless otherwise dispos’d of, wou’d not only remain profitless to the United States, but woud become a prey to lawless banditti & adventurers who must necessarily have involv’d us in continued Indian wars & perhaps have form’d Establishments not only on dissimilar principles to those which form the basis of our Republican Constitutions, but such as might eventually prove destructive to them. It was judg’d that a delay untill the Spring without taking the intermediate steps necessary to the then settling this Country with the Army & others, under the protection, direction & for the use of the United States, wou’d be sacrificing too much to that scrupulous delicacy, which might suggest a passive Conduct to Congress, as proper untill the State of Virginia shou’d have acceded to some alterations in the conditions of her Cession—which were indeed consider’d as of so trivial a nature as not to prevent her Delegates in Congress giving their unanimous assent to them.
To these Reasons which were continually press’d on our minds by the entreaties of the Army, urged by the Commander in Chief may be attributed the Proclamation issued by Congress, respecting the illicit Settlement of these Lands. The Delegates of Virginia were in a delicate situation not convinc’d of the necessity or propriety of their opposing measures generally thought to be for the public good & which perhaps it will be the future policy of the State to direct to be pursued with vigor & effect.
Yr. Excellency will find among the enclosures a state of the payments of the respective States & an account as far as has yet been compleated of the expenditures of Public Monies, with such other papers as we thought woud tend to elucidate our general Affairs.
Congress have had long before them a Report on those arrangements which may be necessary for our security in time of Peace. it is the result of the wisdom & experience of the Commander in Chief assisted by every Officer whose rank & reputation promis’d lights on the subject. the temporary adoption of such part of it, as may be necessary to provide Garrisons for the Western Posts which G. Britain has ceded & the guarding the Continental Stores, which it appears to be the present idea of Congress shou’d be distributed in five equal portions thro’ the States from North to South, may not admit of delay, but permanent measures on so important & delicate a subject, will no doubt be postpon’d untill our Constituents have time to deliberate & to express their sense on such plans as may be submitted to their consideration; & even what we are compell’d now to do, we think will have referrence to what they may hereafter generally direct.
We also transmit to your Excellency a Copy of a Letter from the Honble Jno: Adams. the subject is so important & interesting & at the same time the reflections made, so very evident & uncontrovertible, that to yr. Excellency all comment wd. be unnecessary. We will still add [?] that we have but too certain grounds to beleive that his prognostications are fast fulfilling. The late ordinance publish’d by the French Governor at Hispaniola (for which we refer to the Paper enclos’d) taken with the British Acts of Council, we cannot but consider as the preludes of a concerted System for imposing pernicious & cruel restrain[t] on our Commerce. Massachusetts as we hear by private Letters, has at length agreed to the Recommendations of Congress. If we once regain the reputation of mutual confidence & concertion, we can no longer dread the resentment of determined foes or the interested policy of undetermined friends & we cannot but rely, on the virtue, wisdom & temper which we know pervade the Continent & which have heretofore rendered us superiour to force, machination or intrigue.

We have the honor to be with every Sentiment of Respect Yr. Excellency’s most Obt. Servt.
Arthur LeeJohn F Mercer


Title: Virginia Delegates to Benjamin Harrison, 1 November 1783 (second)
From: Virginia Delegates
To: Harrison, Benjamin

Sir
In Congress Nov. 1. 1783
This day the Honourable Peter John Van Berckel Minister plenipotentiary from their High Mightinesses had his first public audience. We do ourselves the honor of transmitting to you a Copy of his Credentials, of his address on delivering them & the answer returned by Congress. The reception & Ceremony were more conformable to present circumstances & embarrassmts than to the Representatives of a Great Nation. Still the characters who were in attendance, & the cordiality with which they were conducted may well compensate for Pomp splendor & shew.
There is just now receiv’d authentic information from Colo. Ogden immediately arriv’d from France, that the Definitive Treaty was signed on the third of Septr. Mr. Adams, Mr. Franklin & Mr. Jay signed on the part of America, & Mr. Thackster Secretary of Mr. Adams had embarked in the L’Orient Packet with an authenticated Copy, & may be daily expected. We beg leave to congratulate Yr. Excellency on the happy event which is not the less important from the delay which has attended it.
We are with great respect & esteem Yr. Excellency’s most Obt:
Arthur LeeJohn F. Mercer


Title: To James Madison from Joseph Chew, 6 November 1783
From: Chew, Joseph
To: Madison, James

My Dear Sir
New York 6th Novr. 1783
I find I omitted many things in my Letter of yesterday as I dare say I shall in this let me Request you in the first Place to let me hear from you on the Receipt of that Letter as soon as Possible direct for me to be Left at the Commissry Generals in the Next Place have the goodness to write to me in London and give me as particular Account as you [can?] of the Regulations that may be made with Respect to trade by Congress or any Particular State I Earnestly wish to know the situation of Trade in Virginia & the Demand for British Goods—of this I have wrote to my friend your Father. another matter be so kind as to give me your Opinion how I might Expect to be treated should [I?] Visit Virginia on Either the footing of seeing my friends or that of doing Business. if you could inform your self of these matters, and write me sometime Early in December or by the middle of that month it [would?] be of Essential service to me. in your first Letter Provided I Can Receive it in ten or 12 days from this date Pray be as Particular as you can as to our friends in that you write me to London let What you say be in General Terms for fear of a miscarriage I will not Trouble you further at Present than to Request when you see General Washington Present my Respects to him in a Particular manner, and to assure I am with the Greatest truth my Dear Sir your most Affectionate Kinsman &c
Jos Chew
upon second thoughts when you write the Letter to m[e] here direct it to be Left at the Post office to the care of John Foxcroft Esq. who in case I should go sooner than I Expect will forward it to me when you write to me in England direct for me
To be Left at the House of James Christee Esq. Pall Mall London


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 10 December 1783
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir
Orange Decemr. 10th. 1783.
My journey from Annapolis was so much retarded by rains and their effect on the water courses that I did not complete it till the ninth day after I left you. I took Col. Mason in my way and had an evening’s conversation with him. I found him much less oppose[d] to the general impost than I had expected. Indeed he disclaimed all opposition to the measure itself but had taken up a vague apprehension that if adopted at this crisis it might embarras the defence of our trade against British machinations. He seemed upon the whole to acquiesce in the territoryal cession but dwelt much on the expediency of the guaranty. On the article of a convention for revising our form of government, he was sound and ripe and I think would not decline a participation in the work. His [he]terodoxy lay chiefly in being too little impressed with either the necessity or the proper means of preserving the confederacy.
The situation of the commerce of this country as far as I can learn is even more deplorable than I had conceived. It can not pay less to Philada. & Baltimore if one may judge from a comparison of prices here & in Europe, than 30 or 40 Per Ct. on all the exports & imports, a tribute which if paid into the treasury of the State would yield a surplus above all its wants. If the Assembly should take any steps towards its emancipation you will no doubt be apprized of them as well as of their other proceedings from Richmond.
I am not yet settled in the course of law reading with which I have tasked myself and find it will be impossible to guard it against frequent interruptions. I deputed one of my brothers to Monticello with the draught on your library, but Capt. Key was down at Richmond. As soon as he returns I propose to send again. My Trunk with Buffon &c. has come safe to Fredg. so that I shall be well furnished with materials for collateral reading. In conversing on this author’s Theory of Central heat I recollect that we touched upon, as the best means for trying its validity, the comparative distances from the Earth’s center of the summits of the highest mountains and their bases or the level of the sea. Does not the oblate figure of the earth present a much more extensive and perhaps adequate field for experiments? According to the calculations of Martin grounded on the data of Maupertius &c.

The Equatorial diameter of the Earth is
 7942.2. Eng: Miles

The polar diam:
7852.4. E.M.

difference between Eq: & pol: diameter
89.8 E.M.

The difference then of the semidiameters is 44.9. E. Miles, that is 1/87.94 of the mean semidiameter. calling this difference in round numbers 45 Miles, and disregarding the small variations produced by the elliptical form of the Earth, the radii will be shortened ½ of a mile by each degree from the Equator to the poles. It would seem therefore that the difference of distance from the center at the Equator & at the highest latitude that may [be] visited must be sufficient to produce a discoverable difference in the degrees of any heat emitted equally in every direction from the center: and the experiments might be sufficiently diversified to guard against illusion from any difference which might be supposed in the intermediate density of different parts of the earth. The distance even between the Equator & the polar circle produces a difference of no less than 33 1/6 miles i.e. 1/119 of the mean distance from the center; so that if the curiosity of the two setts of French Philosophers employed in ascertaining the figure of the earth, had been directed to this question, a very little additional trouble & expence might perhaps have finally solved it. Nay the extent of the U.S. computing from the 31°. of lat: to the 45°. only makes a difference of 7 miles in the distance from the center of the Earth; a greater difference I suppose than is afforded by the highest mountains or the deepest mines or both put together.
On my delivering you the draught on Mr. Ambler I remember you put into my hands a note which I never looked into, supposing it to relate to that circumstance. In examining my papers I perceive that I have lost it and mention it to put you on your guard in case the note sd. fall into bad hands & be capable of being abused. Present my respects to Mr. Mercer & the other gentlemen of the Delegation & be assured that I am Yrs sincerely
J. Madison Jr.
You will be so good as to give the inclosed a safe conveyance to Mrs. House.


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 11 December 1783
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Annapolis Dec. 11. 1783.
Your determination to avail yourself of the fine weather proved I fear a very unfortunate one. I pitied your probable situation in the tempestuous season which immediately succeeded your departure. it is now above a fortnight since we should have met, and six states only appear. we have some hopes of Rhodeisland coming in to-day, but when two more will be added seems as insusceptible of calculation as when the next earthquake will happen. we have at length received the Definitive treaty with a joint letter from all our Commissioners. not a tittle is changed in the treaty but the preamble & some small things which were of course. the Commissioners write that the riot of Philadelphia & departure of Congress thence made the most serious impressions in Europe, and have excited great doubts of the stability of our confederacy, and in what we shall end. the accounts were greatly exaggerated, & it is suspected that Gr. Br. wished to sign no treaty.
You have seen G. M. I hope & had much conversation with him. what are his sentiments as to the amendment of our constitution? what amendments would he approve? is he determined to sleep on, or will he rouse & be active? I wish to hear from you on this subject, & at all times on any others which occupy your thoughts. I see Bradford advertizes Smith’s history of N. York. as I mean to write for one for myself, and think I heard you say you had it not, I shall add one for you. our news from the good family we left is not agreeable. mrs. Trist is much agitated by the doubts and difficulties which hang over her & impede her reunion with mr. Trist. they are without lodgers except those we left there, & the ladies we left there propose soon to depart. we hear some circumstances of rudeness in mr. S. inconsistent with the inoffensiveness of character we had given him credit for. I wish you much happiness and am with the sincerest esteem Dr. Sir
Your friend & servt.
Th: Jefferson
P.S. I have taken the liberty of putting under cover to you a book for my nephew Peter Carr who is at mr. Maury’s in your neighborhood.


Title: Settlement of Accounts with Virginia, [31 December] 1783
From: Madison, James
To:

J. Madison Junr. in Account with the Commonwealth of Virginia

1783
Dr.

Credt

£
S
D
1782

£
S
D

March 29.
To cash recd. of Mr. Jones out of a sum recd. by him for
}

Decr. 31
By ballance settled

856
8
3

use of the Delegates to Congs. from the Sheriff of N.
50
18
11
1783
By service as Delegate to
}
715
—4
—

hampton

Congs. from Jany. 1. to

April
To do. recd. out of bills of exchange on Inglis & Co. for
}

Octr. 25. inclusive 298

one thousand dollars & Trumbul & Co. for 666⅔ remitted
100
—
—

days at 8 drs. per day

by J. Ambler Esqr. for use of the Delegates

To do. recd. out of do. on Jno. Ross & Co. for 1666⅔
}
100
—
—

By 12 days returning from
}
28
16
—

remitted by J. Ambler Esqr. for use of do.

Congs at do

May
To do. recd. on two bills dated 12 & 14 May 1783 for
}
200
—
—

£100 each on S. Inglis & Co. by D. Cochran in favr. of J.

1609
—8
—3

Ambler Esqr & remitted by Foster Webb in consequence

of warrants issued on my account

To. do recd. out of 2 bills for £500 each on Lacaze &
}
697
18
—

Mallet remitted by J. Ambler Esqr. for use of the Delegates

June
To do. recd. in 1 bill dated May 12 for £100 drawn by D.
}
100
—

Cochran in favr. of J. Ambler Esqr. remitted by W.[?]

in consequence of warrant issued on my acct.

Sepr. 5.
To do. recd. out of two bills on Lacaze & Mallet remitted
}

by J. Ambler Esqr. for use of the Delegates in consequence
246
15
—

of warrant issued on their[?] acct.

To do. in consequence of warrant issued

100
—

1595
—12


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 1 January 1784
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Annapolis Jan. 1. 1784.
Your favour of the 10th. Dec. came to hand about a fortnight after its date. It has occasioned me to reflect a little more attentively on Buffon’s central heat than I did in the moment of our conversation and to form an opinion different from what I then expressed. the term ‘central heat’ does of itself give us a false idea of Buffon’s hypothesis. if it meant a heat lodged in the center of the earth and diffusing it’s warmth from thence to the extremities, then certainly it would be less in proportion to the distance from that center, & of course less under the equator than the poles, on high mountains than in deep vallies. but Buffon’s theory is that this earth was once in a state of hot fusion, and that it has been, and still continues to be cooling. What is the course of this process? a heated body being surrounded by a colder one whether solid or fluid, the heat, which is itself a fluid, flows into the colder body equally from every point of the hotter. hence if a heated spheroid of iron cools to a given degree, in a given space of time, an inch deep from its surface, in one point, it has in the same time done the same in any & every other point. in a given time more, it will be cooled all round to double that depth, so that it will always be equally cooled at equal depths from the surface. this would be the case of Buffon’s earth if it were a smooth figure without unevennesses, but it has mountains and vallies. the tops of mountains will cool to greater depths in the same time than the sides of mountains & than plains in proportion as the line a.b. is longer than a.c. or d.e. or f.g. in the valley the line h.i. or depth of the same temperature will be the same as on a plain. this

however is very different from Buffon’s opinion. he sais that the earth being thinnest at the poles will cool sooner there than under the equator where it is thicker. if my idea of the process of cooling be right his is wrong and his whole theory in the Epochs of nature is overset.
The note which I delivered you contained an acknowledgement of my having borrowed from you a draught for 333 1/3 dollars and a promise to repay it on demand. This was exclusive of what I had borrowed in Philadelphia.
We have never yet had more than 7. states, and very seldom that, as Maryland is scarcely ever present, and we are now without a hope of it’s attending till February. consequently having six states only, we do nothing. expresses & letters are gone forth to hasten on the absent states that we may have 9. for a ratification of the definitive treaty. Jersey perhaps may come in, and if Beresford will not come to Congress, Congress must go to him to do this one act. even now it is full late. the critical situation in which we are like to be gave birth to an idea that 7. might ratify, but it could not be supported. I will give you a further account of this when it shall be finally settled.
The letters of our ministers inform us that the two empires have formed a league defensive against Christian powers & offensive agt the Turks. when announced by the Empress to the K. of Prussia he answered that he was very sensible on it as one is when informed of important things. France answered in a higher tone and offered to mediate. if Prussia will join France perhaps it may prevent the war: if he does not, it will be bold for France alone to take the aid of the Turks on herself. Ireland is likely to find employment for England. the United Netherlands are in high fermentation. the people now marshall themselves in arms and exercise regularly under the banners ensigns of their towns. their object is to reduce the powers of the Stadtholder.
I have forwarded your letter to mrs. House. mrs. Trist I expect left Philadelphia about the 18th. of Dec. for Pittsburgh. I had a letter from her in which she complained of your not having written and desired me to mention it to you. I made your excuse on the good grounds of the delays you must have experienced on your journey & your distance from the post road: but I am afraid she was gone before my letter reached Philadelphia. I have had very ill health since I have been here and am getting rather lower than otherwise. I wish you every felicity and am with sincere affection
Your friend & servt.
Th: Jefferson


Title: To James Madison from Edmund Randolph, 27 January 1784
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Madison, James

My dear friend
Richmond Jany. 27. 1784.
Altho’ your return from congress has brought you nearer in point of distance, it has fixed a wider gulph between us in point of communication by letter. But I do not mean to suffer the danger of miscarrage, to which even a private opportunity is exposed, whensoever any thing, worthy of notice, occurs. At present therefore I break in upon your retirement with the inclosed rough draught. I have not leisure to transcribe it with the alterations, which I made in the copy sent to the governor. Your friendship will excuse the inaccuracies, and you will collect the substance of my ideas, although they abound.
Believe me to be my dear Madison Yr. affte friend
E. R.


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 17 February 1784
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir
Orange Feby 17th. 1784.
I wrote to you a few days ago by the post acknowledging your favor of the 10th. of Decr. Mr. Maury has since afforded me an opportunity which I cannot omit to acknowledge that of the first of Jany. which has just come to hand, and to express the concern I feel at the account it gives of your ill health. I hope earnestly that this will find it in a better state and that I may soon receive a confirmation of such a favorable change. Your explanation of Buffon’s hypothesis has rectified my misconception of it and I forbear as I ought perhaps formerly to have done, making any further remarks on it, at least till I have seen the work itself. I forgot to mention to you in my last that I had recd. a letter from Mazzei dated at Richmond, apprising me of a proposed visit to Orange from whence he meant to proceed to Annapolis. As I wish in a little time to make an effort to import som[e] law-books, and shall probably hereafter extend the plan to other books, particularly from France, I must beg the favor of you to obtain the name & address of a fit Bookseller both in London & Paris if the means of such information should at any time fall in your way. I have committed to Mr. Maury’s care another letter to my worthy friend Mrs. House, which in case he should not proceed to Philada. he will put into your hand.
I am my dear Sir with the sincerest wishes for the reestablishment of your health and every other happiness, your Obt. friend & servant
J. Madison Jr.


Title: From James Madison to Edmund Randolph, 10 March 1784
From: Madison, James
To: Randolph, Edmund

My dear friend
Orange March 10th. 1784
Your favor of the 27th. Jany. was safely delivered to me about a fourtnight ago, and was recd. with the greater pleasure, as it promises a continuance of your friendly attention. I am sorry that my situation enables me to stipulate no other return than sincere & thankful acknowledgments. On my arrival here which happened early in Decr. I entered as soon as the necessary attentions to my friends admitted, on the course of reading which I have long meditated. Co: Litt: in consequence & a few others from the same shelf have been my chief society during the Winter. My progress, which in so short a period, could not have been great under the most favorable circumstances, has been much retarded by the want of some important books, and still more by that of some living oracle for occasional consultation. But what will be most noxious to my project, I am to incur the interruptions wch. will result from attendance in the legislature, if the suffrage of my County should destine me for that service, which I am made to expect will be the case. Among the circumstances which reconcile me to this destination, you need not be assured that the opportunity of being in your neighbourhood has its full influence.
I have perused with both pleasure and edification your observations on the demand made by the Executive of S. C. of a citizen of this State. If I were to hazard an opinion after yours, it would be that the respect due to the chief magistracy of a confederate State, enforced as it is by the articles of Union, requires an admission of the fact as it has been represented. If the representation be judged incomplete or ambiguous, explanations may certainly be called for; and if on a final view of the charge, Virginia should hold it to be not a casus fœderis, she will be at liberty to withold her citizen, (at least upon that ground) as S. C. will be to appeal to the Tribunal provided for all controversies among the States. Should the Law of S. C. happen to vary from the British Law, the most difficult point of discussion I apprehend will be, whether the terms “Treason &c.” are to be referred to those determinate offences so denominated in the latter Code, or to all those to which the policy of the several States may annex the same titles and penalties. Much may be urged I think both in favor of and agst. each of these expositions. The two first of those terms coupled with “breach of the peace” are used in the 5 art: of the Confederation, but in a way that does not clear the ambiguity. The truth perhaps in this as in many other instances, is, that if the Compilers of the text had severally declared their meanings, these would have been as diverse as the comments which will be made upon it.
Wa[i]ving the doctrine of the confederation, my present view of the subject would admit few exceptions to the propriety of surrendering fugitive offenders. My reasons are these: 1. By the express terms of the Union the Citizens of every State are naturalized within all the others, and being entitled to the same privileges, may with the more justice be Subjected to the same penalties. This circumstance materially distinguishes the Citizens of the U. S. from the subjects of other nations not so incorporated. 2. The analogy of the laws throughout the States, and particularly the uniformity of trial by Juries of the vicinage, seem to obviate the capital objections agst. removal to the State where the offence is charged. In the instance of contiguous States a removal of the party accused from one to the other must often be a less grievance, than what happens within the same State when the place of residence & the place where the offence is laid are at distant extremities. The transportation to G. B. seems to have been reprobated on very different grounds: it would have deprived the accused of the privilege of trial by jury of the vicinage as well as of the use of his witnesses, and have exposed him to trial in a place where he was not even alledged to have ever made himself obnoxious to it; not to mention the danger of unfairness arising from the circumstances which produced the regulation. 3. Unless Citizens of one State transgressing within the pale of another be given up to be punished by the latter, they cannot be punished at all; and it seems to be a common interest of the States that a few hours or at most a few days should not be sufficient to gain a sanctuary for the authors of the numerous offences below “high misdemeanors.” In a word, experience will shew if I mistake not that the relative situation of the U. S. calls for a “Droit Public” much more minute than that comprised in the fœderal articles, and which presupposes much greater mutual confidence and amity among the Societies which are to obey it, than the law which has grown out of the transactions & intercourse of jealous & hostile Nations.
Present my respectful compliments to your amiable lady & accept the sincerest wishes for your joint happinesses
Yr. affe. friend & Obt. Servt
J. Madison Jr.

P. S. By my brother who is charged with this I send Chattelleux’s work de la Felicetè public which you may perhaps find leisure to run through before May—also a notable work of one of the Representatives of the U. S. in Europe.


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 16 March 1784
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Annapolis Mar. 16. 1784.
I received yesterday by mr. Maury your favor of Feb. 17. That which you mention to have written by post a few days before is not yet come to hand. I am induced to this quick reply to the former by an alarming paragraph in it, which is that Mazzei is coming to Annapolis. I tremble at the idea. I know he will be worse to me than a return of my double quotidian head-ach. There is a resolution reported to Congress by a Committee that they will never appoint to the office of minister, chargé des affairs, consul, agent &c (describing the foreign emploiments) any but natives. To this I think there will not be a dissenting vote: and it will be taken up among the first things. Could you not, by making him acquainted with this divert him from coming here? A consulate is his object, in which he will assuredly fail. But his coming will be attended with evil. He is the violent enemy of Franklin having been some time at Paris, from my knolege of the man I am sure he will have emploied himself in collecting on the spot facts true or false to impeach him. You know there are people here who, on the first idea of this, will take him to their bosom & turn all Congress topsy turvy. For god’s sake then save us from this confusion if you can.
We have eight states only & 7. of these represented by two members. Delaware & S. Carolina we lost within these two days by the expiration of their powers. The other absent states are N. York, Maryland & Georgia. We have done nothing & can do nothing in this condition but waste our time, temper, & spirits in debating things for days or weeks & then losing them by the negative of one or two individuals.
We have letters from Franklin & the Marq. Fayette of the 24th. & 25th. of Dec. They inform us that North & Fox are out, Pitt & Temple coming in, that whole nation extremely indisposed towards us, & as having not lost the idea of reannexing us, the Turks & Russians likely to be kept quiet another year, the Marquis coming to America this spring, mr Laurence then about sailing for America, mr Adams leaving England for the Hague, mr Jay at Bath but about returning to Paris. Our ratification tho’ on board two different vessels at N. York in the hands of officers as early as the 20th. of Jan. did not sail thence till the 17th of Feb. on account of the ice. I will attend to your desire about the booksellers. I am considerably mended in my health & hope a favourable change in the weather which seems to be taking place will reestablish me.
I wish you would keep a diary under the following heads or columns: 1. day of the month. 2. thermometer at sunrise. 3. barometer at sunrise. 6. thermom. at 4. P. M. 7. barometer at 4. P. M. 4 direction of wind at sunrise. 8. direction of wind at 4. P. M. 5. the weather viz rain, snow, fair at sunrise &c. 9. weather at 4. P. M. 10. shooting or falling of the leaves of trees, of flours, & other remarkable plants. 11. appearance or disappearance of birds, their emigrations &c. 12. Miscellanea. It will be an amusement to you & may become useful. I do not know whether you have a thermom. or barom. If you have not, those columns will be unfilled till you can supply yourself. In the miscellaneous column I have generally inserted Aurorae boreales, &, other unclassed rare things. Adieu Adieu Yours affectionately
the above columns to be arranged according to the order of the numbers as corrected.


Title: To James Madison from Eliza House Trist, ca. 13 April 1784
From: Trist, Eliza House
To: Madison, James

ca. 13 April 1784. Mrs. Trist was at Fort Pitt awaiting transportation down the Ohio for a reunion with her husband. She wrote Jefferson regarding a misunderstood report that Virginia had “reward[ed] merit by making our friend Madison Governor.… I have wrote to him, but before I got your letter, which I beg you to forward” (Boyd, Papers of JeffersonJulian P. Boyd et al., eds., The Papers of
          Thomas Jefferson (18 vols. to date; Princeton, N. J., 1950——)., VII, 97–98). This letter was probably that forwarded by Jefferson with his 1 July 1784 letter to JM.


Title: To James Madison from Patrick Henry, 17 April 1784
From: Henry, Patrick
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir.
Leatherwood Apl. 17th. 1784
After so long Time had passed without hearing from you, Mr. Mazzei did me great pleasure in telling me you were well, & not averse to render stil further Services to our Country. Altho’ from the Length & Importance of those you have so happily accomplished some Respite might be demanded for the present, yet I must tell you I think several Matters of the greatest Moment forbid it. Is not the federal Goverment on a bad Footing? If I am not mistaken you must have seen & felt that it is. This is not the only Matter that wants Correction & Improvement. How mortifying is it to see a rich Harvest of Happiness, & Labourers wanting to gather it in?
I take my leave of you only ’til next month when I confide in seeing you at Richmond. Adeiu my dear Sir, I am yr. affectionate
P. Henry


Title: To James Madison from Alexander Hamilton, 18 April 1784
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Madison, James

18 April [1784?]
I take the liberty to introduce him to you, as to one who will be disposed, as far as your situation will permit and the circumstances of the State may render practicable, to patronise any just or equitable claims which he may have upon the State. What those claims are he will himself explain to you, I have assured him that he will find in you a friend to justice and an able advocate for whatever ought and is possible to be done for him, …


Title: Endorsement of Philip Mazzei’s Petition, 25 April 1784
From: Madison, James
To:

April 25th. 1783[4].
I have perused a paper entitled “A representation of Mr. Mazzeis conduct from the time of his appointment to be Agent of the State in Europe untill his return to Virginia”; and believe the proceedings of the Executive Board whilst I was a member of it to be therein correctly stated. Not having been present at the conversation between Governor Henry and Mr. Mazzei relative to an allowance of £1000 Sterlg per annum for his expences, I can say nothing as to that fact. I recollect only that that sum was mentioned at the Board as a Salary not exceeding the dignity of the business on which he was to be sent; and that the prevailing idea was that the salary should be left unfixed till his return to Virginia when he ought to receive a decent reward over and above the sum which he should have necessarily expended in supporting the rank and promoting the object of his Commission.
J. Madison Jr.


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 25 April 1784
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Annapolis Apr. 25. 1784.
My last to you was of the 16th. of March, as was the latest I have received from you. By the proposition to bound our country to the Westward, I meant no more than the passing an act declaring that that should be our boundary from the moment the people of the Western country & Congress should agree to it. The act of Congress now inclosed to you will shew you that they have agreed to it, because it extends not only to the territory ceded, but to be ceded; and shews how and when they shall be taken into the union. There is no body then to consult but the people to be severed. If you will make your act final as to yourselves so soon as those people shall have declared their assent in a certain manner to be pointed out by the act, the whole business is settled. For their assent will follow immediately. One of the conditions is that they pay their quota of the debts contracted. Of course no difficulty need arise: on this head: as no quota has been fixed on us unalterably. The minuter circumstances of selling the ungranted lands will be provided in an ordinance already prepared but not reported. You will observe two clauses struck out of the report, the 1st. respecting hereditary honours, the 2d. slavery. The 1st. was done not from an approbation of such honours, but because it was thought an improper place to encounter them. The 2d. was lost by an individual vote only. Ten states were present. The 4. Eastern states, N. York, [&] Pennsva. were for the clause. [Je]rsey would have been for it, but there were but two members, one of whom was sick in his chambers. South Carolina Maryland, & ! Virginia ! voted against it. N. Carolina was divided as would have been Virginia had not one of its delegates been sick in bed.
The place at which Congress should meet in Nov. has been the subject of discussion lately. Alexandria, Philada & Trenton were proposed. The first was negatived easily. Trenton had the 4. East. states. N. Y. N. J. & Pennsylva. We expect Georgia & Delaware shortly, in which case it will become possible that Philada may be determined on. The question is put off to be considered with the establishment of a commee of the states, which to my astonishment would have been negatived when first proposed had not the question been staved off. Some of the states who were against the measure, I believe because they had never reflected on the consequences of leaving a government without a head, seem to be come over. Dr. Lee is appointed an Indian Commr. He is not present, but is known to have sought it, & of course will accept. This vacates his seat here. I wish Short could be sent in his room. It is a good school for our young statesmen. It gives them impressions friendly to the federal government instead of those adverse which too often take place in persons confined to the politics of their state.
I like the method you propose of settling at once with Maryland all matters relative to Patowmac. To introduce this the more easily I have conversed with mr Stone (one of their delegates) on the subject & finding him of the same opinion have told him I would by letters bring the subject forward on our part. They will consider it therefore as originated by this conversation.
Mercer is acting a very extraordin[ary] part. He is a candidate for the secretaryship of foreign affairs[s] and tho’ he will not get the vote of one state I beleive he expect[s] the appointment. He has been endeavoring to defeat all foreign treaty to force the nations of Europe to sen[d] ministers to treat here that he may have the honor of fabricatin[g] this whole business. Tho’ he could not change the vote of his state, he intrigued with a young fool from North Carolina & an old one from New York, go[t] them to decide their states by voting in the negative, & there being but eleven states present one of which was know[n] before to be divid[e]d the whole set of instructions were re[j]ected, tho approve[d] by twenty one out of twenty five members present. The whole business has been in the dust for a month & whether it can be resumed & past depends on the incertainty of Delaware or Georgia coming on. Vanity & ambition seem to be the ruling passions of this young man and as his objects are impure so also are his means. Intrigu[e] is a principal one on particular occasions as party attachment is in the general. He takes now about one half of the time of Congress to himself, & in conjunction with Read [and] Spaight obstruct business inconcievably. The last is of North Carolina & no otherwise of consequence than as by his vote according[ly] can divide his state.
The more I have reflected on your proposition for printing the Revisal the more I have like it. I am convinced too from late experiments it cannot be passed in the detail. One of the Eastern states had their laws revised and then attempted to pass them thro’ their legislature, but they got so mangled that all consistence was destroyed & I beleived they dropped them altogether. Should this be printed I will ask you to send me half a dozen copies wherever I shall be.
Would it not be well for Virginia to empower persons privately to buy up her quota of old Continental money. I would certainly advise this were I not afraid that the possession of her quota on such easy terms would tempt her to refuse justice to the other states on this matter. For surely there would be no justice in wiping off her part of this debt by so much smaller a contribution than the others. If she would avail herself of it only to sheild herself against injustice and to enable her from an high ground to declare & do what is right, I should much wish to see her adopt secret measures for the purchase. I think some other states will do this, & I fear with unjust views. You know that many gentlemen of this state had money in the hands of merchants in England. I am well informed that these merchants have uniformly refused to pay them interest, saying the money was always ready if they would have called for it. This adds another to the many good reasons we had before against paying interest during the war.
I inclose herewith the spectacles you desired, price 13⅔ Dollars. I have as yet done nothing on your commission either general or particular for books, because I am in constant expectation of a short trip to Philadelphia & can so much better execute it on the spot. The money hitherto remitted us amounts to about 4. Dollars a day. The predicament in which this places us is well known to you. It is inconceivably mortifying. I expect daily to hear from the Treasurer. As soon as I do it will enable me to give some directions on the subject of your money. I have not heard lately from mrs House. Mrs Trist got safely to Fort Pitt through much distress. Congress hope to adjourn by the last of May. The estimate & requisitions for the year, the arrangements for the land office, & Foreign treaties are subjects they will endeavor to complete. Vermont is pressed on them by N. York & a day declared beyond which they will await no interposition but assert their right of government. The Chevalr. Luzerne has taken his leave of us. He makes a tour to the lakes before he leaves the continent. Marbois acts as Chargé des affaires till the arrival of a successor.
As it is certain that Congress will shortly adjourn, to meet again in Nov. it is desireable that the assembly should at as early a day as convenient appoint their delegation for the ensuing year, in order that such gentlemen as shall be continued, may receive notice of it while here, as this will enable them to take measures for their accomodation at the next meeting, determine them whether to send their baggage Northwardly or Southwardly &c.
Apr. 30. a London ship is arrived here which left that port the 25th: of March. Pitt was still in place, supported by the King, Lords, & nation in general, the city of London enthusiastically in his favor. Still there was a majority of 12 in favor of Fox who was supported by the Prince of Wales. It was thought the parliament would be dissolved. Congress has determined to adjourn on the 3d of June to meet in November at Trenton. Adieu Yours affectionately
Th: Jefferson


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 7 May 1784
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Annapolis May 7. 1784.
The inclosed resolutions on the subject of commerce are the only things of consequence passed since my last. You will be surprised to receive another pair of spectacles. The paper with them will explain the error. If you can dispose of the supernumerary pair do so, & I will remit the money to Dudley: if you cannot, return them by the next post & I will return them to him.
Congress is now on foreign treaties. Mercer has devised new expedients for baf[f]ling the measure. He has put it into Reads head to think of being appointed a foreign minister and has by his intrigues defeated every proposition which did not proceed on that ground. He is very mischievous. He is under no moral restrain[t]. If he avoids shame he avoids wrong according to his system. His fondness for Machiavel is genuine & founded on a true harmony of principle.


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 8 May 1784
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

8 May 1784. In his “Summary Journal of Letters,” Jefferson recorded that he received in Philadelphia on 24 May a letter from JM written in Richmond on 8 May (Boyd, Papers of JeffersonJulian P. Boyd et al., eds., The Papers of
          Thomas Jefferson (18 vols. to date; Princeton, N. J., 1950——)., VII, 235; Jefferson to JM, 25 May 1784). There is no clue concerning the subjects treated by JM in this missing letter. If JM adhered to his plan of leaving Montpelier for Richmond about 30 April, he would have been there for four or five days before writing to Jefferson (JM to Jefferson, 25 Apr. 1784). It is probably this letter which was offered in the Stan. V. Henkels Catalogue No. 686 (11–12 May 1892), item no. 182.
As a delegate from Orange County to the Virginia General Assembly, JM may have appeared before a member of the Council of State on 3 May to take the required oath, but the House of Delegates failed to muster a quorum until nine days later (JHDVJournal of the House of Delegates of the
          Commonwealth of Virginia; Begun and Held at the Capitol, in the City of Williamsburg.
        Beginning in 1780, the portion after the semicolon reads, Begun and
          Held in the Town of Richmond. In the County of Henrico. The journal for each session
        has its own title page and is individually paginated. The edition used is the one in which
        the journals for 1777–1786 are brought together in two volumes, with each journal published
        in Richmond in either 1827 or 1828 and often called the “Thomas W. White reprint.”, May 1784, pp. 3, 4).


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 8 May 1784
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Annapolis May 8. 1784.
I will now take up the several enquiries contained in your letter of Apr. 25. which came to hand yesterday.
‘Will it not be good policy to suspend further treaties of commerce till measures shall have taken place in America, which may correct the idea in Europe of impotency in the federal government in matters of commerce?’ Congress think such measures requisite, and have accordingly recommended them as you will perceive by my last. In the mean time they seem to think that our commerce is got & getting into vital agonies by our exclusion from the West Indies, by late embarrasments in Spain & Portugal, and by the dangers of the Mediterranean trade. These you observe form the aggregate of our valuable markets. They think that the presumption of one or two countries should not be a reason for suspending treaties with all countries: and that the prospect of effect from their recommendations on commerce will perhaps drive on the treaties. The present favourable disposition of the piratical states on the Barbary coast has been repeatedly urged by our ministers as a circumstance which may be transient & should therefore be seised to open the Mediterranean to us.
‘Has Virginia been seconded &c. in her proposition for arming Congress with powers to frustrate the unfriendly regulations of Great Britain?’ Pennsylvania & Maryland offered much larger powers. Those of Virginia might have been defeated by the British king repealing his proclamation one day & renewing it the next. Yet the powers & plans from all these states were different: and it was visible they would authorize no single measure. Therefore Congress recommended a uniform measure.
‘Is the impost gaining or losing ground?’ Gaining, most certainly. Georgia, North Carolina, New York, Connecticut & Rhode island are yet to pass it. The three first are supposed to be willing to do it. Connecticut has held off merely to try whether Congress would not rescind the commutation. Finding a firmness on this point it is said & beleived that at their next session they will come into it. Howell has often told me that R. I. will not accede to it as long as any other state holds off: but when every other shall have adopted it, she will.
‘Does the settlement of the public accounts make any comfortable progress’? They are going on, but slowly I believe. However they go on, and of course approach their term.
‘Has any resolution been taken by Congress touching the old Continental currency’? That question has been debated by a grand Commee upwards of a month. They yesterday came to the inclosed resolution. It was decided by only 6. votes against 5. I think it will gain strength in the House. The Southern and middle states I beleive are for it, & I think one or two of the Eastern may perhaps come over. Yet there is far from being a certainty of this.
‘Has —— forborne to take any step in favor of ——?’ Their object was certainly not the same with ours. Yet they have not openly set their faces against us, they have one delegate, honest & disinterested, who certainly will in no case do it?
‘Whether the war ceased in March or April?’ I think no decision has taken place on that subject in our court of Appeals. Our ministers write that it is no question on that side the water but that it ended in March.
The produce of our slave tax being nearly equal to the Continental requisitions, can you not get it appropriated to that purpose, & have it all paid in money? Virginia must do something more than she has done to maintain any degree of respect in the Union & to make it bearable to any man of feeling to represent her in Congress. The public necessities call distressingly for aid, and very ruinous circumstances proceed from the inattention of the states to furnish supplies in money. S. Carolina is the foremost state in supplies notwithstanding her distresses. Whence does this proceed? from a difference of spirit solely; from a pride of character; from a rejection of the unmanly supineness which permits personal inconveniency to absorb every other sentiment. There is no man who has not some vice or folly the atoning of which would not pay his taxes.
I am now to take my leave of the justlings of states and to repair a feild where the divisions will be fewer but on a larger scale. Congress yesterday joined me to mr Adams & Dr Franklin on the foreign commercial negotiations. I shall pursue there the line I have pursued here, convinced that it can never be the interest of any party to do what is unjust, or to ask what is unequal. Mr. Jay was to sail for America this month. His health has obliged him to return to try his native air. He is appointed Secy. for Foreign affairs. I pray you to continue to favor me with your correspondence. At the close of every session of assembly a state of the general measures & dispositions, as well as of the subordinate politics of parties or individuals will be entertaining and useful. During recesses other objects will furnish matter sufficient for communication. On my part I shall certainly maintain the correspondence. If moreover you can at any time enable me to serve you by the execution of any particular commission I shall agree that my sincerity may be judged by the readiness with which I shall execute it. In the purchase of books, pamphlets &c. old & curious, or new & useful, I shall ever keep you in my eye. Whether I shall procure for you the books you have before desired at Philadelphia or Paris shall be decided according to circumstances when I get to Philadelphia, from which place I will write to you.
I have a tender legacy to leave you on my departure. I will not say it is the son of my sister, tho her worth would justify my resting it on that ground; but it is the son of my friend, the dearest friend I knew, who, had fate reversed our lots would have been a father to my children. He is a boy of fine dispositions, and sound masculine talents. I was his preceptor myself as long as I staid at home, & when I came away I placed him with mr Maury. On his breaking up his school I desired mr Short to dispose of him, but mr Short I expect will go with me to Europe. I have no body then but you to whose direction I could consign him with unlimited confidence. He is nearly master of the Latin, and has read some Greek. I beleive he is about 14. years of age. I would wish him to be employed till 16. in completing himself in Latin, Greek, French, Italian & Anglosaxon. At that age I mean him to go to the college. I have written to my sister of the application I make to you & she will be very happy to have your advice executed. My steward Mr Key will furnish money to his tutors &c on your order. There is a younger one, just now in his Latin rudiments. If I did not fear to overcharge you I would request you to recommend the best school for him. He is about 10. years old, and of course ceteris paribus, of any two schools that nearest his mother would be most agreeable. You will readily understand I am speaking of the sons of mr Carr. I think Colo Monroe will be of the Committee of the states. He wishes a correspondence with you; and I suppose his situation will render him an useful one to you. The scrupulousness of his honor will make you safe in the most confidential communications. A better man [there] cannot be. I think your two loans to me amounted to 503⅓ Dollars. I paid for the first pair of spectacles 13⅔ Doll. & shall pay the same for the 2d. unless they should be returned. I now inclose you an order on the Treasurer for 407⅓ Dollars which will leave in my hand a balance of 68⅔ Dollars due to you which was about the sum you desired.
May 11. Many considerations have determined me to go on to Boston & take shipping from thence. This was a conclusion of yesterday. All my letters dated previous to that will state me as purposing to sail from N. York. I leave this place to-day; expect to stay in Philadelphia till the 25th. and to be at Boston about the 3d. of June. I am with the sincerest esteem Dr. Sir Your affectionate friend & servt.
Th. Jefferson


Title: From James Madison to James Madison, Sr., 13 May 1784
From: Madison, James
To: Madison, James, Sr.

Hond. Sir
Richmond May 13. 1784.
The Spectacles herewith inclosed came to my hands yesterday with information that the pr. first sent were forwarded by mistake. It will however give my mother a double chance of suiting herself. I wish the pr. which may not be preferred, to be sent down to me by the earliest opportunity, unless they should suit yourself & you chuse to keep them, as I am desired by the Maker to return them in case they sd. not be wanted. We did not make a House till wednesday & of course are but just beginning the business of the Session. Mr. Jefferson has been appd. an Associate with Dr. F. & Mr. Adams in forming commercial Treaties and will proceed immediately to Europe. He takes the place of Mr. Jay who is returning to America & who is to be the Secretary of F. Affairs if he will accept the office. I do not find that S. Jones is as yet here, & I suspend the sale of the Tobo. with a hope of its further rise. 38/. I believe may now be got, but 40/. is generally expected. I am your dutiful son.
J. Madison Jr.


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 14 May 1784
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

14 May 1784. In his “Summary Journal of Letters,” Jefferson recorded that he received on 19 June a letter written by JM in Richmond on 14 May, “inclosing on account B. Harrison John Pirkman’s draught on John J. Rogert [Bogert] Phila. for 333 1/3 D.” (Boyd, Papers of JeffersonJulian P. Boyd et al., eds., The Papers of
          Thomas Jefferson (18 vols. to date; Princeton, N. J., 1950——)., VII, 251). Writing to Jefferson from Richmond on 22 May, William Short appears to have enclosed JM’s now missing letter with his own (ibid., VII, 284–85 n.). B. Harrison was in all likelihood Benjamin Harrison, Jr.; John Pirkman (d. ca. 1786) was a Richmond merchant.