Title: Marquis de Lafayette to John Adams, 8 March 1784
From: Lafayette, Marie-Joseph-Paul-Yves-Roch-Gilbert du Motier, marquis de
To: Adams, John

          My dear Sir
          Paris March the 8th 1784

        Before I Had a Pointed Reason to write, My friendship for You, and our Common zeal for the Public Had dictated it— But I must Begin with the Article that in My Mind Creates some Uneasiness
        it is writen from Amsterdam that Mr John Adams is very Violent Against the Society of the Cincinnati and Calls it a french Blessing—and that He says, altho’ I Have long Announced an intention to Go to America, I Never fulfill it, which seems to Hint a want of zeal to Comply with the desire of My American friends
        Was I to take the Matter up, as a french Man, I Might tell You, that the french Court Had Not, that I know of, dreamt of the Society Before Count de Rochambeau Was writen to By General Washington— and I Might Add, that Orders, titles, and such other foolish tokens of Vanity, are not more Valued in france, nor earn so Much, As they are in Germany, Russia, Spain, and Great Britain— But As it is as An American that I Engaged, Bled, Negotiated, fought, and Succeeded in our Noble Cause, I only want to Mark out my Conduct to You, whom I Esteem, and whose Esteem, in point of Republicanism particularly, I Hold in the Greatest Value
        The institution in itself I do not Examine—it is worth paying attention to it— should it be dangerous, it must not subsist— Should some parts be exceptionable, Amendments Must Be Made— in Case it is quite Harmless, the American officers Might Be indulged in

that, as the Country is not a little indebted to them— Opinions Must Be Collected, Because Opinions, of Honest Men May differ— Lee was the Hero of Some, General Washington Was Mine, and so on— I don’t loiter into the Merits or demerits of the Society— I only want to Acquaint You with the Part I Have taken
        The Society’s Letters Respecting the french Army were directed to their Generals and Admirals—the Permitting of it, Has Been Considered at Versaïlles, as a Compliment Paid to a large and Meritorious Body of Americans, as a Badge of Union Between the two Countries, and I Had no part to Act in the Business— The part I Acted, Was, 1stly., to Accept for myself, and deliver the Thanks of the Society to American officers pointed out By gñl Washington— 2dly after it Was Accepted By the french officers to deliver it to them in a polite and Brotherly Manner—and When I acted so, I was led By two Motives—the One, because, independant of the Affectionate and dutiful Regard that Binds me to Our Gallant, patriotic Army, independant of What Can Be said in favour of that Free Maçonnery of Liberty, it Has Ever Been My duty and inclination to set up in the Best Light Every thing that is done By a Body of Americans—and When wrong Measures, Such as are some times taken in County or town Meetings Have Been By me disputed for in foreign Compagnies, I will Be still more desirous to see a Proper Respect paid to the Measures of such a Respectable Body as the American officers— My Second Motive is, that Independant of Any Propriety of the Institution in itself, Had I Amendments to propose, it Should Be in America and Not in Europe, and that, on the Moment the Society is Unpopular, a two words Resolve from an Assembly May entirely destroy it, when, if danger is feared, I Heartily would Consent to the destruction.
        I Have not Entered into the Merits of the Assossiation— Your Opinion, and Mine, on the Subject, are not to Have Effect in Europe— Let us Reserve it for America, where it May Be of Use— I only Wanted My Conduct Not to Be Misrepresented to You—and As To My democratic principles, Let it Be Remembered, that at a time When Your Situation Was to the Worst, and My disobeïng this Court Might Be Ruinous, I Went over a Volonteer in the Cause from Which others Could not Recede Unless they Were Deserters.
        As to My Going to America, You know I came With an Instruction to settle a plan of Cooperation— Count de Grasse’s Misfortune postponed it— Negotiations Came on, and You thought I should stay— Count d’Estaing was Employed, and You thought I should Go

with Him— I did not set off Before the Affair of the Six Millions Was settled, as You Well know— When peace was Made, I Returned through Spain— The Minister and Consul Wanted free ports, Wished to Have L’orient, and Had no Instructions to Act officially— Instead of two that Were Promised, four Have Been Given—dunkirk, L’orient, Bayonne, and Marsïelles— That Affair Will Be soon Concluded, and Before the end of May I shall Set out for America— Many Reasons of delay Might Be pleaded— But they did not so much Weigh With me as to Retard the Intended Visit.
        This Confidential Letter I Consider as a personal Mark of Esteem for You, and Respect for Your Opinion— Altho’ We Have differed in a few points, our fundamental principles are the Same— it is not to the Great Man I write Because My popularity, Thank God, is Established in the Kind, Liberal Hearts of the American Nation at Large— it is to the Honest Man, Because, Altho’ Your opinion some times Has seemed to me wrong, Your principles Have Ever Been Right and I greatly Valüe Your Esteem— Adieu, My dear Sir, Let me Hear some times from You and / Believe me affectionately Yours

          Lafayette


Title: John Adams to the president of Congress, 9 March 1784
From: Adams, John
To: President of Congress

          Sir
          The Hague March 9th 1784.

        On the Eighteenth of February the Baron de Thulemeyer, Envoy Extraordinary to their High Mightinesses from the King of Prussia, did me the Honour of a Visit, but as he found I had Company, he soon took his Leave, and as I accompanied him to the Head of the Stairs, he told me, he had Something to propose to me from the King and desired to know, when he might call again. I offered to return his Visit at any hour he pleased. He chose to call upon me, and named Eleven the next day, at which hour he came, and told me “That the King who honoured him with a Personal Correspondence and was acquainted by Reputation with my Character, had directed him to make me a Visit, and to say to me, that as his Subjects had Occasion for our Tobacco, and some other things, and as we had occasion for Silesia Linens and some other Productions of his Dominions, he thought an Arrangement might be made between his Crown and the United States, which would be beneficial to both” and the Baron desired to know my Sentiments of it.
        I answered him, “that I was very Sensible of the Honour done me by his Majesty but that I had singly no Authority to treat or enter into Conferences Officially upon the Subjects that Congress had been pleased to confer upon their Ministers at the late Peace, Authority to enter into Conferences: that I could do nothing but in Concurrence, with Mr: Franklin and Mr: Jay, who were at Paris, but I thought I could answer for the good dispositions of those Ministers, as well as my own, for forming an Arrangement between the two Powers which might be beneficial to both. That I would write to those Ministers an Account of what had passed.[”] He desired I would; and said he would write by the first Post to the King, and enquire if his Majesty, had any Thing in Particular to propose,

would inform him of my Answer, and wait his farther Orders which probably he should receive as soon as I should have an Answer from Paris.
        I wrote the next day, and on Saturday last, receiv’d an Answer from Dr: Franklin and Mr: Jay, in which they say that they are perswaded, “that the Communication of the friendly Disposition of his Prussian Majesty, made to you by the Baron de Thulemeier will give great Pleasure to Congress. The Respect with which the Reputation of that great Prince has impressed the United States early induced them to consider his Friendship as a desireable Object, and We are happy in being authorized to assure his Majesty that they will most chearfully enter into such Commercial Treaty with him, as being founded on Principles of Reciprocity may be Productive of equal Benefit to both Countries. Altho’ We have no Commission to conclude such a Treaty, yet our Instructions from Congress enable us to join with the Kings Minister in preparing a Draft of such a Treaty, which being sent to Congress they would, together with a Commission to conclude the Treaty give us pointed Instructions on the subject, and much time might be thereby Saved, if you are of this Opinion, and his Majesty should be pleased to approve such a Measure, We think the Articles may be discussed between you and the Baron in the first Instance on the Principles which govern in the Treaties, you mention, both of which have been approved and ratified (i.e. with Holland, and Sweeden). that being done, we might confer together and write a joint Letter to Congress on the Subject: We shall nevertheless make this Communication a Part of our next Dispatch to Congress.”
        Yesterday meeting the Baron at Court, on Occasion of the Prince of Orange’s Birth day, he told me he had receiv’d another Letter from the King, and would call upon me in the Evening, which he did, and informed me, that the King had written to him, that he was collecting all Necessary Papers, and would soon send them to him, with his further Propositions to be made to me. I shewed him my Letter from Paris, with which he was well satisfied.
        He added, that the King, had directed him, to mention, Rice, and Indigo, as Articles in demand in his Ports of Embden and Stettin and that, a large Quantity of Virginia Tobacco, had been this year purchased in those Ports for the Baltic Market, and that the excellent Porcelaine of Saxony might be a desirable Article for the Americans.
        I beg Leave to submit to Congress, whether the Model of the

Treaty with Holland or Sweeden may not in general be convenient for one with Prussia, as also the Propriety of sending a full Power to their Ministers at the late Peace, or one or more of them, to conclude this Business.
        With a great deal of Difficulty, and at a dear Rate, I have at last obtained Money to Save Mr: Morris’s Bills which are payable this month, from going back. Messrs: Willinks and Co: will transmit the Contract for the Ratification of Congress. It is much to be lamented, that we are obliged to agree to so high terms but there was Absolutely no other Alternative but this, or protesting the Bills. This Business has hitherto necessarily prevented me from joining my Colleagues at Paris, in the execution of our Instructions.
        With great Respect, I have the honour to be, / Sir, / Your most Obedient / And most humble Servant

          John Adams.


Title: Wilhem & Jan Willink to John Adams, 9 March 1784
From: Wilhem & Jan Willink
To: Adams, John

            Sir
            Amsterdam 9 March 1784

          Agreable to your esteemed favour we have the honour to inclose your acct Amounting to ƒ1528:17:8 and charge Said Sum to the United States, having no Doubt, but your Excellency’s will find all right,
          Mr. Meyers tells us you’ll Send the papers to us, we Shall be glad the Same come in time to be Send to Congress by the Ships first sailing whch. may be in two or three days.
          The Loan goes tolerably well, and we are in great hopes to clear all the matter.
          We remain With great esteem. / Sir / Your Excellency’s Most / Humble & Obedt Servants

            Wilhem & Jan Willink

          Account of Several bills payd by order & for Account of His Excellency John Adams Esqre: as follow

              To Messrs: Duncan Ingraham Junr: as
               by q . . . . . . . . . . .
              ƒ 1041. 7 —

              to Mr: P: J: Gillot. Tea Merchant . . .
              do. . . . . . . . . . . . .
                 51.19. 8

              to Mr: Cornelis Warner. diffrent sorts
              of wine,  do: . . . . .
                357.19 —

              to J: A: Crajenschot. Bookseller . . . .
              do: . . . . . . . . . . . .
                 77.12 —

              Dutch Curry:
              ƒ 1528.17. 8


Title: Edmund Jenings to John Adams, 12 March 1784
From: Jenings, Edmund
To: Adams, John

          Sir
          London March 12th 1784.

        I take the Liberty of enclosing an American. newspaper & an Extract out of an English one.
        The House of Commons sat until 12 O Clock last night; and after very Warm Debates Mr Foxs resolutions, Stating all that has passed in the present Dispute, & justifying or attempting to do so, the Conduct of the House were Carried by a Majority of One.
        I am told Lord Sidney has sent to the Merchants a Plan for opening the Trade of the West Indias to the American Ships— a part of it

is to suffer Vessels of 80 Ton to bring Lumber & take back the produce of the Islands.
        I am with great Consideration / Sir / your Excellencys / Most Obedient / Humble Servant

          Edm: Jenings


Title: Wilhem & Jan Willink, Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, and De la Lande & Fynje to John Adams, 19 March 1784
From: Willink, Van Staphorst, and De la Lande & Fynje
To: Adams, John

          Sir
          Amsterdam 19 March 178[4]

        We have the pleasure to advice your Excellency that the Loan is So far advanced, that all the drafts will be payed, and we hope in course of time to compleat the whole sum of 2 millions.
        Mrs. de Neufville & Son have applyed to us for the payment of coupons of the loan opened at their House formerly consisting in

              7
              coupons of
              Septr. 1782 at ƒ25
              ƒ175  —

              7
               dito
              March 1783
               175 —

              ƒ350: —

              postage of letters
                 4:10

              ƒ354:10 —

they had payed in that time, we take the liberty to desire your Excellency to inform us, if we have to pay the same to be charged to the acct of the United States of America.
        We have the honour to remain with great esteem / Sir / Your Excellency’s most / Humb & Obedt: Servants

          Wilhem & Jan WillinkNichs. & Jacob van Staphorstde la Lande & fynje


Title: J. F. Rosart & Co. to John Adams, 21 March 1784
From: J. F. Rosart & Co.
To: Adams, John

          Monsieur!
          Amsterdam ce 21 Mars 1784

        Nous avons l’Honneur de Vous accompagner L’ouvrage de Mr. De Mablÿ, d’après La Promesse que nous fimes à Votre Excellence. Voÿlà la premiere Exemplaire qui Sorte de nos mains et que nous refusons à toute autre; Une Epreuve de la Confiance particulière que nous avons pour vous, Monsieur, et comme il nous importe de Beaucoup de prevenir la Contrefaction nous reposons dans les

assurances, que votre Excellence a bien Voulu donner, que l’exemplaire ne Sortira pas de vos mains jusqu’à ce que nous aurons l’Honneur de vous envoyer les 24 Exemplaires que vous nous avez demandées.
        Monsr l’Abbé de Mablÿ nous a écrit de commencer par l’envoÿe de 12 Exemplaire au Libraire Le Sieur Alexandre Jombert jeûne à Paris afin de mettre à l’Epreuve La facon d’agir des Censeurs Il ÿ ajoute, que Si on les retient qu’on prendra des mesures pour les faire passer par une aûtre Voÿe.
        Nous Sommes avec Respect / Monsieur! / Vos très humbles & très obeissants / Serviteurs

          J F Rosart & Comp

        TRANSLATION

          Sir
          Amsterdam, 21 March 1784

        We have the honor of delivering to you the work of Mr. Mably, according to the promise we made to your excellency. Here is the first copy that is leaving our hands, and which we are giving to no one else, a proof of the special trust that we have in you, sir, and as it is very important to us to prevent any pirating, we rely on the assurances that your excellency was so good as to give us, that this copy will not leave your hands until we have had the honor of sending you the 24 copies that you requested.
        Monsignor the Abbé de Mably wrote us to begin by shipping twelve copies to the bookseller Mr. Alexandre Jombert the Younger in Paris in order to test the reaction of the censors. He adds that if they are held back, measures will be taken to send them by another route.
        We are with respect, sir, your very humble and very obedient servants

          J F Rosart & Comp


Title: John Adams to Charles Spener, 24 March 1784
From: Adams, John
To: Spener, Charles

          Sir
          The Hague March 24. 1784

        I have received the Almanack you were pleased to Send me, and I beg of you to accept of my Thanks for it. I beg your Acceptance also of a Couple of Medals, which the Baron de Thulemeier has been So good as to convey for me to you. These Medals were not Struck by any publick Authority. They are the Invention and Execution of the

Medalist Holtzhey of Amsterdam Solely. Another has been Struck by the Society Liberty and Zeal in Friesland, but I have it not.
        You ask my Opinion of Some Things you have in Contemplation for next Year, and you shall have it, with Candor and Sincerity. General Washington never was, and, unless my Countrymen run generally mad, never will be Summoned by Congress, to become, the Legislator of America. The Legislation of America, has been long Since compleat, but if it were not, She has hundreds of Citizens better qualified, than any officer of her Army to be her Legislators.
        No Town has been and perhaps none will be Surveyed for the Meeting of Congress.
        The Portrait of Mr Hancock has some resemblance in the Dress and Figure, but none at all in the Countenance. I have not Mr Paines Portrait. I am sorry you have any Marks of an order of Cincinnatus which is the first Step taken to deface the Beauty of our Temple of Liberty.
        We have had three grand Objects in View, in all our political Transactions. 1. Political and civil Liberty. 2. Liberty of Commerce. 3. religious Liberty, whatever tends to illustrate these, would be proper for your Use. These are our real Glory. But perhaps it might contribute more to the Sale of your Almanack to insert Some Things which arise more from our Vanity and Folly.
        My poor Head is Scarcely worth preserving even in an Almanack, but as you request it, if I can conveniently get it done, you may perhaps have it, before the Year comes about.
        I have &c.


Title: John Adams to Wilhem & Jan Willink, Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, and De la Lande & Fynje, 24 March 1784
From: Adams, John
To: Willink, Van Staphorst, and De la Lande & Fynje

          Gentlemen
          The Hague March 24: 1784.

        I have received your favour of the 19: and congratulate you on the Success of the Loan. It gives me great Pleasure to find that American Credit is not quite exhausted, and I flatter myself that every

Day will contribute something, towards removing the Prejudices, and Jealousies, and towards confuting the Calumnies, which have hitherto obstructed you and me, in our Endeavours to serve the United States in this way
        The Coupons, paid by Mr: De Neufville, must in Justice be paid by you in Behalf of the United States; But I wish you to examine the account which you paid to Mr: De Neufville, heretofore, and see if these Coupons are not contained in that, and already paid, as I supposed they were. / I am &c.


Title: Baron von Thulemeier to John Adams, 25 March 1784
From: Thulemeier, Friedrich Wilhelm, Baron von
To: Adams, John

          Monsieur,
          à la Haye le 25. Mars 1784.

        Vous avez desiré, Monsieur, d’être instruit des marchandises & productions qui pourroient faire l’objet d’un négoce réciproque entre les Etats de Sa Majesté Prussienne & ceux des Etats-Unis de l’Amérique. Je suis trop flatté d’établir ces nouvelles liaisons de commerce de concert avec vous, pour ne pas m’empresser à vous communiquer les notions que j’ai recueillies, soit d’après les renseignemens que ma cour m’a accordés précédemment, ou celles qui pourront m’être parvenues par d’autres canaux. Le tableau que je vais mettre sous vos yeux sera cependant très succinct. En me bornant aux articles les plus essentiels, je vous offre, Monsieur, Sous les éclaircissemens que vous pourrez desirer, & qui seront peut-être nécessaires, quand la négociation dont nous sommes chargés aura pris quelque consistence.

          Importation dans les Etats de Sa Majesté Prussienne.
          a/ Tabac de Virginie
          b/ Ris.
          c/ Indigo.
          d/ Huile de baleine.

          Exportation des Etats du Roi pour les possessions des Etats-Unis de l’Amérique
          a/ Toiles de Silésie d’un débit général dans tout le Continent de l’Amérique, autant qu’aux Indes Occidentales.
          b/ Chanvre de Prusse, qui est un des meilleurs connus.
          c/ Porcelaine de Berlin, d’un travail plus fini que celle de Saxe, & moins chère.
          d/ Quelques productions de l’industrie Prussienne, telles que les quincailleries du Comté de la Marck, qui jusqu’ici ont passé, aussi bien que les toiles de Silésie, par les mains des Anglois, & ont par conséquent augmenté de prix à leur entrée en Amérique.
          e/ Des draps de toute espèce, des camelots & autres marchandises de ce genre.

        J’ajouterai, Monsieur, que le Roi abandonne au Congrès le choix de cet ou autre port de Ses Etats pour le commerce d’échange, ou pour le dépôt de marchandises, qui seroit le plus de sa convenance. Emden, situé vers la mer du Nord, ouvre la porte au négoce avec la partie Occidentale de l’Allemagne; Stettin, place maritime sur les côtes de la Baltique, avec l’intérieur de cette vaste Région, par le moyen de l’Oder. Enfin les ports des deux Prusses établissent un commerce suivi avec le Royaume de Pologne, où les productions de la pêche américaine, & en particulier la morue, pourront être débitées avec le plus grand avantage.
        J’ai l’honneur d’être avec la considération la plus distinguée, / Monsieur, / Vôtre très humble et très obéissant Serviteur

          Le Baron de Thulemeier

        ENCLOSURE

          Note.

            à la Haye le 25. Mars 1784.

          Le Sieur Christian Ravenhorst, Pasteur Luthérien à Eben Ezer en Géorgie, y est décédé depuis plusieurs annees, et sa veuve Anne Barbarine Krafftin est morte dans le même endroit le 1r. Juillet 1779. Par un testament réciproque érigé entre eux, le mari a prélégué la somme de 300 £ Stg. à ses trois soeurs établies dans les Etats de Sa Majesté Prussienne, et la femme a stipulé les mêmes avantages en faveur de sa famille domiciliée à Ravensburg. Le reste de la succession devoit écheoir en portions égales aux héritiers de l’un et l’autre Testateur, déduction faite de deux legs, chacun de 40 £. Stg. établis en faveur des missions religieuses de l’Inde, et de la maison des Orphelins à Halle. Les Srs. Joseph Schubtrin et Jacob Waldhauer à Eben Ezer, ont été nommés Exécuteurs testamentaires, et en cette qualité ils se sont mis en possession de tout l’héritage, ainsi qu’il paroît par une lettre qu’ils ont écrite en date du 4. Mai 1780. à la femme Marie Hoppin, demeurant à Daber en Poméranie, et l’une des soeurs du défunt Ravenhorst. D’après leur propre aveu, le mobilier de la succession avoit été taxé à 487. £. 19. sh; il s’étoit trouvé 400 £. en dettes actives, dont le recouvrement avoit été commis aux gens de loi. Il existoit d’ailleurs en immeubles 1300. arpens de terre, administrés provisionnellement par les Exécuteurs testamentaires. Pendant les troubles de la guerre Américaine les héritiers n’ont reçu aucune nouvelle de l’arrangement de la

succession; mais en dernier lieu le Professeur Freylinghausen, l’un des Directeurs de la maison des Orphelins à Halle, vient d’être informé par une lettre de Pensilvanie, que l’un des Exécuteurs, le Sr. Schubtrin, étoit décédé dans l’intervalle, et que le second, le Sr. Waldhauer, avoit été dépouillé par une bande de brigands de tout l’argent comptant et de tous les effets provenants de l’héritage confié à sa direction. En supposant que cet événement fût constaté par des preuves légales, les justes prétentions des héritiers sur les dettes actives subsisteroient cependant en leur entier, puisque le recouvrement n’en paroît pas avoir été effectué, aussi peu que celui des immeubles, dont l’aliénation avoit été annoncée comme impossible pendant le cours de la guerre. La nommée Sophie Neumann née Ravenhorst, établie à Berlin et soeur du Pasteur décédé en Géorgie, a réclamé la protection de son Souverain, et c’est en conséquence des Ordres du Roi, que le Soussigné Envoyé Extraordinaire de Sa Majesté a été autorisé de mettre les détails de cette affaire sous les yeux de Monsieur Adams, Ministre Plénipotentiaire des Etats-Unis de l’Amérique à la Haye. Il se flatte que ce Ministre voudra bien employer ses bons offices pour procurer aux héritiers une copie authentique du testament et de l’inventaire, et faire les représentations nécessaires là où il appartient pour que l’Exécuteur soit tenu à rendre compte du provenu de la succession, des déniers qu’il a administrés, et des capitaux et biens fonds dont la liquidation pourroit être encore indécise.

            de Thulemeier

        TRANSLATION

          Sir
          The Hague, 25 March 1784

        You wished, sir, to be informed about the merchandise and products that might be the objects of a reciprocal trade between the states of His Prussian Majesty and those of the United States of America. I am too flattered to establish these new commercial ties in concert with you not to hurry to communicate the ideas that I have collected, either from the information that my court has previously supplied me, or from information that I have received through other channels. The picture that I am setting before your eyes will be, however, very abbreviated. Limiting myself to the most essential goods, I am offering you the following, sir, pending clarifications that you might desire, and which perhaps will be necessary when the negotiations with which we are entrusted are on more solid ground:

          Imports to the dominions of His Prussian Majesty:
          a. Virginia tobacco.
          b. Rice.

          c. Indigo.
          d. Whale oil.

          Exports from the king’s dominions for the possessions of the United States of America:
          a. Linens from Silesia, marketable throughout the American continent and the West Indies.
          b. Prussian hemp, one of the best known.
          c. Porcelain from Berlin, of a finer workmanship than that of Saxony, and less expensive.
          d. Various products of Prussian industry, such as the hardware of the County of the Mark, which up to now have passed, like Silesian linens, through the hands of the English, and which therefore increased in price when they entered America.
          e. All sorts of cloth, camlets, and other merchandise of this sort.

        I might add, sir, that the king leaves it to Congress to choose one or another port of his states as the most convenient for the exchange of goods or for the deposit of merchandise. Emden, located near the North Sea, opens the door to business with the western part of Germany; Stettin, a maritime locale on the shores of the Baltic, to the interior of this vast region, by means of the Oder. Finally, the ports of the two Prussias establish a close business connection with the kingdom of Poland, where American fish products, in particular cod, could be retailed to great advantage.
        I have the honor of being with the greatest esteem, sir, your very humble and very obedient servant

          Le Baron de Thulemeier

        ENCLOSURE

          Note

            The Hague, 25 March 1784

          Mr. Christian Ravenhorst, Lutheran pastor in Ebenezer, Georgia, passed away there several years ago, and his widow, Anne Barbarine Krafftin, died in the same place on 1 July 1779. By means of a joint will set up by those two, the husband bequeathed as a preference legacy the sum of 300 pounds sterling to his three sisters, residing in the dominions of His Prussian Majesty, and the wife stipulated the same legacy for her family domiciled in Ravensburg. The rest of the estate was to fall in equal portions to the heirs of each of the testators, with funds taken out for two legacies, each in the amount of 40 pounds sterling to be settled on religious missions in India, and on the orphanage in Halle. Messrs. Joseph Schubtrin and Jacob Waldhauer of Ebenezer were named testamentary executors, and in that capacity they took possession of all of the estate, as it appears from the letter they wrote dated 4 May 1780 to a woman named Marie Hoppin, residing in Daber in Pomerania, one of the sisters of the late Ravenhorst. According to their own declaration, the personal property of

the estate was taxed at the rate of 487 pounds and 19 shillings; there were 400 pounds in outstanding debts, the recovery of which was committed to the lawyers. In addition there was real estate in the amount of 1300 arpents of land, provisionally administered by the testamentary executors. During the turmoil of the American war the heirs received no news at all about the arrangements made regarding the estate; but the latest word is that Professor Freylinghausen, one of the directors of the orphanage in Halle, was just informed in a letter from Pennsylvania, that one of the executors, Mr. Schubtrin, has since passed away, and that the second, Mr. Waldhauer, was robbed by a band of thieves of all the ready money and of all the effects from the estate entrusted to his administration. Supposing that this event is attested to by legal proofs, the just claims of the heirs to the outstanding debts would continue to exist in their entirety, as the recovery does not seem to have taken place, much less so in the case of the real estate, the alienation of which was declared impossible during the course of the war. The interested party, Sophie Neumann, née Ravenhorst, residing in Berlin and sister of the deceased pastor in Georgia, has requested the protection of her sovereign, and it is in consequence of the orders of the king that the undersigned special envoy of His Majesty has been authorized to place the particulars of this case before Mr. Adams, Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America at The Hague. He flatters himself that this minister will be so kind as to use his good offices to procure for the heirs an authentic copy of the will and of the inventory of the estate, and to make the necessary protests where it is pertinent in order that the executor is made to account for the proceeds of the estate, for the funds that he administered, and for the capital goods and real property whose liquidation might remain to be settled.

            de Thulemeier


Title: John Adams to the president of Congress, 27 March 1784
From: Adams, John
To: President of Congress

          Sir
          The Hague March 27th: 1784

        I have the Honour to inclose Copies of three Notes which I have receiv’d from the Prussian Minister, the Baron de Thulemeier, by which Congress will see, that the King has agreed to take our Treaty with Sweeden for a Model, reserving to each Party the right of suggesting such alterations as shall appear to him convenient— My Request to Congress is, that they would be pleased to send Instructions at the same time when they send a Commission, what Articles of the Treaty with Sweeden they would have expunged, and what new ones inserted, if any.— I mention the sending a Commission, because I suppose it is the Intention of Congress to send one— The Instructions already receiv’d are not a full Power under which any

Sovereign can conclude, nor regularly even treat. We can only confer. There will be some difficulty about the Signature, since his Majesty chooses the Negotiation should be conducted by Mr: De Thulemeier. if Congress send the Commission to their Ministers at the late Peace as they did the Instructions, Mr: De Thulemeier must take a Journey to Paris, or a Majority of the American Ministers must be at the Hague.
        It is a great Pleasure to me to be able to inform Congress that I have obtained a Promise of a sum sufficient upon the new Loan to save the Honour of the Financier’s Bills, altho’ I regret the Severity of the Terms, they were the most moderate, which would obtain the Money. I hope for the Approbation of Congress, and their Ratification of the Contract as soon as may be. Money is really so scarce, and there are so many Loans open on even higher Conditions, that it will not be possible I fear to obtain more Money here, on more reasonable ones. An Impost once laid on to pay the Interest whether by the Authority of Congress if that should be agreed to, or by that of the Several States, would soon give us better Credit here. But in order to keep up our Reputation upon which our credit depends, there should be somebody constantly residing here, to publish illustrations of our affairs, and to confute the Calumnies of our Enemies of all Denominations.
        With great, and sincere Respect I have the honour to be, / Sir / Your most obedient, humble Servant.

          John Adams


Title: John Adams to Baron von Thulemeier, 27 March 1784
From: Adams, John
To: Thulemeier, Friedrich Wilhelm, Baron von

          Monsieur le Baron
          The Hague March 27: 1784.

        I have received the Letter you did me the Honour to write me, the twenty fifth of this Month, and the Note included in it, both of which I have copied and transmitted to Congress, for their Instructions. As the Note relates to a private Affair, perhaps the Congress

may refer it to the Delegates of Georgia, but I should think it most prudent for the Interested, to send a Procuration to some Person in that State, to act in her Behalf and demand her Rights, as every Thing of this sort must be determined by the Law.— I should be obliged to you, Sir, if you would please to inform me as soon as convenient, whether you have any Objection to any Article in the Treaty with Sweeden, or any additional ones to propose.
        I should be glad to know too, if there is any Objection to allowing both Embden and Stettin to be Freeports for American Merchandizes, and all other Things relative to the proposed Treaty, as I am very happy to have the Honour of conducting with you the Negotiation of a Treaty, with one of the greatest Kings that ever existed.
        With great Respect I have the Honour to be, / Sir, / Your most obedient, and, most humble / Servant.


Title: John Adams to Marquis de Lafayette, 28 March 1784
From: Adams, John
To: Lafayette, Marie-Joseph-Paul-Yves-Roch-Gilbert du Motier, marquis de

          Sir
          The Hague March 28. 1784

        I did not receive your Letter of the 8th, untill the day before yesterday.— That I have not Seen with Pleasure, Approbation or Indifference, the Introduction into America, of So great an Innovation, as an order of Chivalry, or any Thing like One, or that has a Tendency to one, is very true. that I have been violent against it, is not So. I am not a violent Man. I have disapproved of this measure, with as much Tranquility and Self Recollection, and Phlegm, if you will, as if I had been a native fullblooded Dutchman. it is not more than two or three times, that I have had Occasion to Say any Thing about it, and then it was not I who introduced the Subject and then I Said very little.
        It is not my Intention to discuss the question. it is too ample a Field. But it is not done by the Sovereigns of our Country. What would be Said, in any Nation of Europe, if a new order, was instituted by private Gentlemen, without consulting the Sovereign? it is against our Confederation and against the Constitutions of Several States as it appears to me. it is against the Spirit of our Governments and the Genius of our People. Well may our Government be weak, if the Sovereign, the Confederation and Constitutions are thus neglected. it has and will unavoidably introduce Contests and

Dissentions, than which nothing is more injurious to Republican States, especially new ones. I Sincerely hope our officers, whose Merits, no Man is more willing to acknowledge and reward than I am, in any Way consistent with our Principles, will voluntarily, after a little reflection lay it aside. I have written nothing to America upon the subject.
        I See no motive of Reason or Prudence, for making a Mystery of our Sentiments upon this subject in Europe or America, or for reserving them for America. it is a publick Thing about which every Man has a right to think for himself and express his Thoughts.
        As to your going to America, Surely I have no Objection against it. being asked whether you was going to America I answered that you talked of it, but I questioned whether you would go, as the War was over, and I knew of no particular Motive you might have to go. if you go I wish you a pleasant Voyage, and an happy Sight of your Friends.
        With much respect


Title: Wilhem & Jan Willink, Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, and De la Lande & Fynje to John Adams, 31 March 1784
From: Willink, Van Staphorst, and De la Lande & Fynje
To: Adams, John

          Sir
          Amsterdam the 31st. March 1784.

        We received your Excellency’s most esteemed Letter of the 24th. of this Month. We rejoice with yoúr Excelly. in the Succes which has attended oúr Endeavours. So wel in promoting the Loan, as in maintaining the American Credit, assuring yoúr Excelly. of oúr further Care not only in Extending it as much as possible, bút even to Contribute towards it in Every way.
        The Account which we paid to Messrs. de Neufville & Son rúns only till the month of July 1782. thús the Coupons being of Later date are in Consequence not paid by us, as yoúr Excellency is pleased to authorise ús to it, it will be done in behalf of the United States—.
        We remain with a perfect Esteem / Sir / Your Excells. Most Obedt. / humble Servants.

          Wilhem & Jan WillinkNics. & Jacob van Staphorst.de la Lande & fynje


Title: John Adams to John Jay, 2 April 1784
From: Adams, John
To: Jay, John

          My dear Friend
          The Hague April 2. 1784

        I blush to acknowledge, that I received your favour of the 6. Feb. in its Season and in good Condition, and that I have not answered it.

        By leading a quiet Life, and by great Care and regular Exercise I have happily recovered a little Health and if you think it necessary I might now venture on a Journey to Paris. But I should be glad to wait here Six Weeks longer, that I may increase my stock of Strength a little more if possible, provided you will give me Leave.— I should be glad to know what you have upon the Carpet, and how advanced in brief, if you please.
        The Money for the Payment of Mr Morris’s Bills, is happily Secured, but We were a long time in bringing the Loan to bear.
        I have received, Several Letters from Boston and Philadelphia from very good Hands, which make very honourable and Affectionate Mention of you. You have erected a Monument to your Memory in every New England Heart.
        My Regards to your good Family, and belie[ve] me, your Sincere Friend

          John Adams


Title: John Adams to Arthur Lee, 6 April 1784
From: Adams, John
To: Lee, Arthur

          Dear Sir
          The Hague April 6. 1784

        Your Favour of 14. Jan. was brought me Yesterday. I have been obliged to come here, in order to raise Money, for the Payment of Bills to a large amount, which Mr Morris drew, at a venture, and have at length Succeeded, but it is So lately, that I have not yet joined my Colleagues in Paris, and I am undetermined, whether I Shall go there before the Commission you mention arrives, to treat with Such Nations as desire it, which are indeed all maritime nations. at present We have no Power to treat.
        I wish a Secretary of foreign Affairs appointed and that you may be the Man. There is no Man in America So well acquainted with our foreign Affairs and Surely they require a Man of Some Experience. Mr Jay merits every Thing you meditate for him: and his Country merits to have him placed, where his Abilities and Fortitude, may be a Barrier to her, where she is in danger.
        The new order of Chivalry, has given me, many a melancholly

hour.— It is a deep design to overturn the whole Edifice of our Republican Liberty, but as I know the officers do not mean this, and were not aware of it, I hope they will lay it voluntarily aside. if they do not Knights will make Barons, Earls, Viscounts, Marquises and Dukes and these Princes and Kings, in a very Short time.
        I have heretofore expressed your Regards to Mr Jay and will do it again as you desire. They have been, and will be, very acceptable to him.
        A Friend of mine in the Massachusetts, in a Letter Some months ago, gave me a confused hint, that Franklin had written to somebody, at me, or towards me or against me or about me: but I could make nothing of it, and did not know, till I received your Letter, that he had written against me to Congress. What he can have Said, after allowing me to be Sensible and honest, as you Say he does, I am curious to know.
        Mr Dana’s Arrival in Boston is to me a most joyfull Event.— He has been cruelly treated. No Man has a clearer Insight into the Secret Springs of our foreign Affairs. No Man more honestly attached to his Country. few Men more judicious and able. But in all our foreign Affairs Honos pro Crimine et ob Virtutes certissimum Exitium. The Times for the future will be better. But no Man employed abroad will ever enjoy that Sweet Security, which you have in Perfection in America.
        Let me Say one Word in favour of Sir James Jay to whom as a Physician I am under Obligations for his kind, faithfull and able assistance in a violent fever, which the putrid streets of Paris added to a long Journey in very hot weather and too close an Application to writing, brought upon me last fall. I have every Reason to think that he has been a faithfull American throughout, and not the Smallest to suspect him. I say this because I am informed he has been suspected by the People of the State of New York.
        you will oblige me, by Writing as often as you can. I have Suffered much for want of Intelligence from Congress. it is a long time Since We have recd any of the Journals.
        The Arts which have been practised to embroil American Ministers, Secretaries &c have been more black, more wicked and more deep, Since you left Europe, than I ever knew them while you were here. The vilest Canaille have been employed to write anonimous Letters containing the devilishest Lies. Spies have been set. the most private Conversation betrayed and misrepresented. in short

We have all been in an Inquisition. All have not had sufficient Caution, and Sagacity to avoid the Snares. it was never a pleasant Service. But all these Attempts have failed of their final Object, and We have fish and Fur and Pine Trees in Spight of all. farewell.

          J. A.


Title: Tristram Dalton to John Adams, 6 April 1784
From: Dalton, Tristram
To: Adams, John

          Dear Sir
          Newburyport April 6th. 1784

        By my friend Jona Jackson Esqr. who sailed for Ireland and England in Decer last, I did myself the pleasure of writing you fully, under date of the 5th of that month; and on the 26th I had the honor of receiving your Favors of the 8th Septemr preceding— Accept my sincere thanks for the confidential advice therein contained; which has been prudently, & I think very beneficially, communicated—
        Our mutual friend Mr Cranch has forwarded me the two pamphlets, in which Lord Richmond shews a Candor and Openness of opinion, as to the inherent Rights of the people, notwithstanding the Mists & Prejudices of Education and Rank, that few of his Peers will approve of, so far as to put it in practice. Such influence has the Crown, by means of the reveñue laws; and the Nobility, by their important place in the present Government of G B., that it is probable the British Nation, as such, would be ruined, ’eré so thorough

a reform, as is proposed by Richmond, can be adopted— Our last Advices from Ireland, which indeed are old, do not promise so complete a Reformation in that Kingdom as might be wished—
        To leave the almost ruined Kingdom of England, and the expected new one of Ireland, permit me to give you some Account of the State of Politics in this Commonwealth: which I undertake with great diffidence, hoping some abler pen may afford you such advise respectg our public affairs, as you must wish to receive; but which, I find, by former letters, has not been communicated in season—
        The General Court of this Commonwealth, after a session of more than nine weeks, was prorogued the 25th March, to the last Tuesday in May— Much public business has been passed on by them in their present sitting—and some very important business omitted, or referred—
        The definitive Treaty was communicated by the Governor, with the (enclosed) recommendations of Congress— A Committee of both Houses, consisting of Eleven, were immediately appointed to take the same into Consideration, and report—of which Committee the H’n’ble President of the Senate, and your hble Servant were members.—
        We sit twelve Evenings—and spent the time very industriously & attentively on the important Subject— The Result of the Committee you have in their report enclosed, which Report, by no means, pleased the President, being too liberal; and, as you’ll see, by the minutes thereon, was proposed by the Senate to be referred to the next Session— to this reference the House would not agree; neither would the House accept the report; rather owing to two Gentlemen, who had been of the Comee; wandring from the Question, & pressing their arguments for a singular opinion viz. that the Absentees, exceptg such as are mentioned in the fifth Article of the Treaty, had an optional right to become Citizens of the United States, or to remain the Subjects of G Britain— The passions of the Members were raised so high, on this doctrine’s being advanced, that they overlooked the plain purport of the report under Consideration, and rejected it. Nay,—so irritated were They, that when a Quire of printed hand bills, similar to one enclosed, of the doings of the Town of New Haven, were laid on the Table, by the Messenger, delivered him by a Printer’s Devil, he was instantly order’d to take the Person, who delivered them to him, into custody; but not being to be found, the Papers were order’d to be hove in the fire—

        The House, sensible of the necessity of acting on the Subject, chose a Comee— of seven, of their own Body, to take all the papers, relative to the Treaty, into consideration, and report— Copy of their report is herein enclosed for your perusal— This report the Senate proposed also to refer— this produced a Comee— of Conference, and that Comee, reported a bill, which you have also herein enclosed, as it passed into an Act— This Step was as far as I supposed possible to be taken at present, and is as far as, I beleive, any State has taken— I shall be happy to find it meets your approbation— The furthest, I presume, that may be taken is to restore those Estates which may have been confiscated, and not sold—
        Various Constructions are made of the 5th & 6th Articles of the Treaty— The two Gentlemen aforementioned are to the extent of the liberal; while, on the other extreem, some hold that the 5th Article only relates to the Absentees, and the sixth, in the whole, to those, only, who remained as residents in the United States— I sincerely wish that such measures may be finally adopted by the several States, as may “entitle their Decisions to the Approbation of disinterested Men, and dispassionate Posterity—”
        I am well pleased to find that you and Mr Jay are in the Com̃ission for settling the commercial Treaty with G Britain, & hope it will be extended to those with the several powers of Europe—
        My endeavours have been used to awaken the attention of Persons of influence in New Hampshire, to this important object—and I have corresponded with Mr Gerry, now at Congress, thereon— He writes me under the first of March 84 that “by outlines of a plan before Congress, for arranging our foreign Concerns, including those of Commerce”—“general principles are laid down which will prevent foreign Nations from taking Advantages, more especially of the Carrying Trade—and the business is by the report put into the hands of Messs Adams Franklin & Jay”— “indeed if the measures we have proposed in the Report should be adopted, our Commerce will be on the most extensive liberal and advantageous Footing— Doctor Franklin has, I think, without proper Authority, enter’d on Negotiations, by virtue of obsolete Powers, (as they appear to me) issued soon after his first arrival as a Com̃issioner in Europe— He has formed a Treaty with Sweden, and it is ratified, but I am apt to think you will not see any more effects of his seperate Negotiations— I am sure you will not with my consent—”
        The Commonwealth of Virginia, whose Interest it undoubtedly is to admit, without distinction, all Nations to carry her produce,

having but little Navigation belonging to their Citizens, has passed an Act, granting Congress such powers as to enable that Body to counteract the unjustifiable Proclamation of the King of G Britain—or the effects of any Acts of his Parliament which may be particularly levelled at the destruction of the Trade of these States— which Act they forwarded to the several Governments, recommending similar Laws to be passed, on which Condition theirs is to take place— Such jealousy unhappily prevails, in this State, against additional Powers being granted to Congress, that a like bill, with that of Virginia, reported by a Comee of both Houses, was referred to the next Session of the G Court when I hope it may pass—for if full powers of regulating our Commerce with foreign Nations, is not given to Congress, the Trade of the several States will soon be in a distracted Situation—& the sole benefit of it reaped by foreigners— there may be no occasion of granting adequate, perpetual, Powers—but they should have such powers as are sufficient—tho’ they may be limited as to time, untill Tryal is made, when, if approved of, they may be engrafted into the Confederation, or discontinued—or others adopted in their room—
        It is with much concern that I am oblig’d to repeat the melancholy account of the situation of our public Funds— in my former letters I have troubled you with my sentiments, and have no better intelligence to give, at this time, on the Subject—
        The general Impost, required by Congress, has been adopted in some States in the whole—by others in part— some have not passed on it,—& One or two have rejected it—while not any general System, for supplying the foederal Chest, is mentioned by any State— A Jealousy gains ground to the Northward that the Monies will not be properly applied— the Office of Financier is reprobated, & Instructions given to the Delegates of this State to endeavour an abolition of it, and an institution of a Board of Treasury, annually to be chosen—from different States—and by rotation— No appearance of settling the public Accounts, on which this Government sup̃ose they are greatly in advance— A very large Sum of old Emission Money in our Treasury, and in the hands of Individuals, beside redeeming our full Share of it, for the redemption of which surplus in our possession, no provision is likely to be made—an entire Silence as to reimbursing the enormous debt incurred in the Penobscot Expedition—are Matters so important that, unless they are settled, will prevent any further Grants or Supplies to Congress— Nay I suspect may cause a Stop in the payment of any more of the £400,000 heretofore

granted, of which only £91,000 is yet paid to the Receiver General, & this is more than any other State has paid, in proportion.— What must be the End of this? As I hinted in my last a party seem disposed to heave all into confusion, that their deep laid plans may take place— another party, thorough Republicans, say that this is the time to make a stand, and that the virtues and good sense of the People are so general, that it is possible such measures may be now taken as to prevent the ills of trusting the Aristocratical party with more power, and to place our Union on a stable Basis—
        How much farther can Congress proceed without the public Chest’s being supplied?— where will be our Faith—our Credit—? The Several States might raise their proportions of public Charges in their own way, and with ease, saving thereby their full independence— this neglected, such power must finally be given to Congress, to save the whole, as may be repented of when too late. It appears to me impossible that the U States can continue long, as such, in this unsettled Situation— The Powers of Europe will see & take advantage of it—
        Neither has this General Court provided for any revennue to supply their own Treasury. The Country Gentlemen insist that their Constituents cannot bear any more Taxes than are now laid on them—and want to adopt Excises and Duties on every article consumed by the People in the lower Towns— this not being agreed to, nothing was done to supply the Treasury—nor is any money now coming in to pay the Interest of our own consolidated Notes, except what arises from an Impost, and a partial excise which leave a great deficiency— this Neglect in the Legislature occasioned the State Securities to fall 10 per Cent— A little more dear bought experience may bring us to some consistent Conduct or our Independence will prove a Curse instead of a Blessing—
        In the enclosed Gazette You have the report of a Committee on the Order of the Cincinnati—which was unanimously accepted by the House— Pay the Officers and this Order will be harmless, but if persecution is added to Injustice, in withholding their righteous demands, They may, joyned to other Malcontents, become formidable— The Commutation with the Officers—and the Impost granted to Congress, cause a few County Meetings, but I beleive they will prove of no great Consequence—
        I have not had the happiness of seeing Mr Dana since his return from Europe—tho’ I have the pleasure of acquainting you that he

has been unanimously elected a Delegate to Congress—agreeably to your wishes—and proceed As soon as his health will permit—having been very unwell since his return to America.
        Difference in Sentiments arises between the British in Nova Scotia, and this Governmt—as to the Branch of the River St Croix, designed in the treaty of Peace— We claim the most Eastern— They the more Western—. permit me to ask whither any fixed certain Branch, & which, if either, was precisely ascertained by the Commissioners— I am told a No Line drawn from the Branch claimed by the British will not strike the High Land mentioned in the Treaty—This Matter must be settled and may probably be agitated at the next session of the G Court—. I should be happy to know your Sentiments thereon—
        This Government is renewing their Claims to Lands, Westward of Hudson’s River, not so much with an intent of settling as of ceding them to Congress; New York being disposed to compromise with Congress, by Cession of a part, reserving a handsome Share to themselves: which they are now granting to Settlers on easy Terms—The report of a former Committee on the Subject has been before the Court, and I think is in your hand writing—
        Many Affairs of great importance to each State—and to the U States are before them respectively—Your Assistance is much wanted: tho’ I acquiesce in your continued Absence, as it must be more beneficial to the whole—notwithstanding it deprives me a longer time of the honour of your Company to a Saturday dinner, which you were so kind as to promise me, in a former Letter—
        Speaking of a Saltfish Dinner, reminds me of the rapid Settlement making at Port Roseway in N Scotia—and the Attempts to rob us of the Whale Fishery— If the Alien Duty on Oyle is imposed by Britain, on that catched in Vessels, owned by Citizens of this State, it will infallibly transplant the People of Nantucket to Nova Scotia— I do’n’t doubt you are so fully sensible of this danger as to avert it if possible— I confess that the danger of losing so benificial and necessary a branch of business alarms me—
        You will pardon my imperfect Intelligence, on account of the desire I have to render you any agreeable Service—and permit me to hope such return of advice as you may think of Consequence—
        I have taken my leave of the Chair, as Speaker of the House, it being too great a Confinement for my health—and for my private Business—six months nearly of the past year having been employed

in that Station— I may be in the G Court the ensuing year, in some Capacity, being anxious to afford my poor assistance, at this critical time—
        Shall I ask the favor of your offering my most respectful Compliments to Mr Jay And his Lady—with Whom I had the Honor of dining at Philada, when He was President of Congress—
        My best Wishes and most sincere regards ever attend yourself—being with all sincerity— / Dear Sir / Your affectionate Friend / and most Obt hble Servt

          Tristram Dalton


Title: Edmund Jenings to John Adams, 6 April 1784
From: Jenings, Edmund
To: Adams, John

          Sir
          London April 6th. 1784.

        I have done myself the Honor of Answering your Excellencys Letter of the 10th of Febry by two different Posts, as far as was then in my Power. I have now to give your Excellency Information of the only Metter which remained Unanswered.
        I am told an Express is Arrived from Congress brought by a Mr or Major Franks announcing the ratification of the Treaty on the 14 of Febry,— The Major is believe gone on to Paris.
        the Elections are carrying on with great Violence, it is generally believd they will run against the Coalition— Mr Fox is likely to lose His in Westminster. & Lord John Cavendish is thrown out of the City of York.
        Mr Barclay is just returned to Paris. and Mr Ridley is now in London, Mr Chace talks of returning to America soon.
        Give me leave to Ask whether the Abbè Mablys Book is published in Holland.
        When does your Excellency expect Mrs Adams,?
        I beg to be remembered most kindly to your Son
        I am with the greatest Consideration / Sir / Your Excellencys / Most Obedient Humble Servant

          Edm: JeningsOld Slaughters Coffee HouseSt Martins Lane.


Title: John Adams to Samuel Osgood, 9 April 1784
From: Adams, John
To: Osgood, Samuel

            Dear Sir
            The Hague April 9. 1784

          On the 5th. I recd, your Favour, which came by Coll Herman, and another long Letter with it. You have obliged me very much. in the

Six years that I have passed in Europe, I never received So much Information, concerning the Spirit of the times.
          The Confederation appears to me, to be of great Importance, and that it ought to be Strengthened. This however cannot be done, but by preserving carefully the Liberties and Independence of the Seperate States. all Attempts to give Powers to Congress, incompatible with these will weaken rather than Strengthen the Confederation.— But Surely the Confederation must be essentially weakened, if Provision is not made for the Payment of our Debts. No Man in Or out of America, can have Confidence in the United States, if these are discovered not to have either Power or Will to do Justice.— What Surprizes me is, that those States which refuse Complyance with the Plan of Congress, do not propose any other. When Rhode Island refused to give Congress the Power to lay on Imposts I should have thought She would, at the Same time that she gave her Reasons for that Refusal, have declared her Readiness to lay on those Duties by her own Authority, and have passed a Bill laying on the same Duties, appropriated them to Specific Purposes, limited them to a certain duration, and commenced them from the time that the other states should do the Same, requiring as a condition than an Authentic Account of the Expenditure should be transmitted them annually. When Connecticutt remonstrated against the Half Pay or Commutation, I should have thought she would have declared her Readiness to give Congress the Power, or to lay on the duties herself, for the other Purposes, vizt, the foreign Debt, And the rest of the domestic Debt, and have prepared a Bill accordingly.
          Congress by insisting upon the whole as a System, and the States by rejecting the whole as a system, may injure the Confederation, the Credit the Honour and Power of the Nation very essentially. I should think it better to divide the Matter. Lay on Duties, by the Autherity of the Seperate states Or of Congress, expressly authorised by the states, for the Payment of the principal and Interest in proper time of the foreign Debt.— Then lay on Duties for the Payment of the Interest of the domestic Debt.— Then if it can be accomplished, for the Commutation, however, I do not mean and never expected, that my sentiments, should have weight in this Matter, of which I cannot be at this distance a competent Judge.— All I wish to impress, is the Importance of Union, and of Supporting our Reputation and our Credit.— We have lost & suffered much already, by the Appearances of a disposition to avoid, all Measures for the

Payment of our just Debts, and Every Appearance of this, will embolden our Ennemies of various Sorts.
          I am of your Opinion perfectly concerning the Army. I wish every military Commission annulled and every Man disbanded. if History is not a universal Lyar, there never was yet a permanent Army which did not in the End prove a Monster to devour the Land and Liberty.— annihilate it, then with all my heart to the last Cockade.
          As to your civil List, I can say nothing, excepting of that part which relates to foreign Embassies. The Swiss have no Ambassadors but upon particular occasions. And Upon the whole, I really think, it will be safest for Us to pursue in general a Similar Policy. Ambassadors abroad will do you no good, but rather harm, if not Supported in all the Splendor of other Powers— This would be an enormous Expence, without any considerable Advantage.— But the Expence is nothing in Comparison, of the Sentiments and Habits which will be contracted by your Ambassadors abroad, and imported among you by those of foreign nations. You cannot refuse an Ambassador from any Power, but you are not obliged to send and if you dont send, you will not often receive. I have no Objection to your recalling every Minister you have, but I think you ought to take great Care, not to leave one Minister alone in Europe, if you have one you ought to have at least two or three more.
          The new order of Knights, cannot endure, I think unless adopted by Congress and the States, and these I rather hope will discourage it. indeed it must be adopted or annihilated by public Authority. but I wish the Officers would lay it aside, without any Noise. it is I agree with you, the deepest Project of Evil which has yet been laid. The Officers however I believe did not intend, what is the natural Consequence of it. You have guessed right the source, as I conceive.
          I like very well the Residence of Congress, at Anapolis, or George Town or Trenton but I cannot see the Propriety of a federal Town. it is erecting a new and a 14th. sovereignty.— Mr Van Berckel can tell you what a Paye de la Generality is. a Country or Territory of the Generality. the Gentlemen here frequently Say to me, beware of a Territory of the Generality.— An Army will grow there. I can see no need of it.— Surely any state will sufficiently honour and protect the Congress, if there is no Army.
          I am not surprized, that certain Gentlemen Should be apprehensive of the Resentment of the United States. if their Conduct was generally known it must be disapproved.— I always knew this, and

therefore knew the Ground I Stood upon.— I was never apprehensive of being driven to the Necessity of justifying myself. without pretending to much Knowledge I may safly Say I knew both sides the Water too well, to be afraid of the Consequences of the Measures I have been obliged to take, either in Holland or elsewhere, though against Advice.
          i can be no surprize to any Man one who knows the real, Character of the Man, that Mr Jay and I were joined by our Colleague.— He never joined nor would join untill he found We were United and determined, to go through without him. then he joined, because he knew his Destruction would be the Consequence of his standing out. That he had leave to join I doubt not. and that he communicated all he could I doubt not. But the Business was So conducted that he could not communicate any Thing that could hurt Us. and the Signature of the Treaty without Communicating, he could not hinder and this Secured Us from Delays which would have lost Us the Peace.
          All Endeavours to confine our Trade to France will be ineffectual, and this is not I believe, so much expected, as to keep Us in a situation which may oblige Us to take a Part with France in another War with England. They must be Idiots to think of monopolizing our Trade.
          The Letter in English may be given out to be denied, but it will never be publickly denied.— This is a matter which will not bear a public discussion. But My Countrymen will not I hope be the Dupes of Such Finesse.
          There has never escaped me, one unkind or disrespectful Word or deed respecting Mr Laurens, but I agree with you that great Pains have been taken to produce Uneasiness between Us.— a Fellow, born in Normandy and educated in England, as I conjecture from Parity of Hands & other Circumstances has been employed at Amsterdam, to write anonimous Letters to Mr Laurens & Dr Franklin, full of Lies, with a manifest design of Setting Us all together by the Ears.— Mr Laurens hastily suspected Mr Jennings an amiable Man, and a Friend of mine incapable of such a Thing. This has produced a dispute between them too, in which Mr Laurens has discovered, a different disposition towards me, from what I expected, but he treats the anonimous Letter with the Contempt it deserves.— This very Fellow, this Anglo Norman has been lately at Dr Franklins, who gave him a Letter to bring to Mr Dumas. he chose, instead of bringing it on as he intended to send it from Dunkirk.— This is a matter

in Confidence. That this Fellow was hired to do this I dont doubt. but by whom, whether English Dutch or frenchmen may be a question. nay I dont doubt he was originally hired to come & insinuate himself into Mr De Neufvilles House, for such Purposes. in short nothing is too black to be suspected.— I have Seen enough of it, to be more cautious than, is natural to me.— They will get nothing of me by this Game. But I am sorry to say, that by appearances, Arts have been employed, which have allienated Mr Laurens in some degree from me.— He has not been, enough conversant, in our affairs upon the Continent of Europe, to be aware of all the diabolical Contrivances to deceive the very [elect].— I never had an Idea, that Mr Laurens, would reside in Amsterdam as Agent to borrow Money, while I was at Court at the Hague, as Minister. besides the Loan was opened, the Obligations signed, the Money obtained and in a good Way. in short the Business was all done. I told him how it was done. He said it was prudently and carefully done. and he went from me perfectly Satisfied. I was then and am now willing that Congress should appoint him Minister here and Agent, in my stead, if they please, but he cant be Minister, without a Credence. And to be Agent without being Minister is beneath him.


Title: John Adams to Samuel Osgood, 9 April 1784
From: Adams, John
To: Osgood, Samuel

            Sir
            The Hague April 9. 1784

          on the 5th, I received your Favour which came by Coll Herman, and another long Letter with it.— You have obliged me very much. in the Six Years that I have passed in Europe, I never received So much Information, concerning the Spirit of the Times in Congress.
          I very early Saw the Necessity of forming Connections with European Powers, and the Facility of doing it, but I saw equally early the infinite danger of these Connections, and that our Salvation would depend upon the manner in which they should be made and conducted, in order to guard against them, I Spared no Pains in Congress, while the first Plan of a Connection with France was under Contemplation. It is a certain Fact, that I Argued and laboured in Congress against any other Connection with France than a Commercial Treaty. and in this I succeeded, against the opinion of two of My best Friends. after this I left Congress & went home, to see my Constituents and to recruit my Health after a long & most fatiguing Attendance. While I was gone, the Term of our Army

expired, the little remnant of it after the Loss of Fort Washington &c retreated thro the Jersies, an Alarm if not a Panick Seized many. the Matter was brought on again by two excellent Members, and those Instructions were passed which involved Us in a Treaty of Alliance.— I dare say all these Facts were known at Versailles very soon, and I was marked out even then for too independent a Spirit.— Our Countrymen generally never had an adequate Idea of the Interest of France in our Seperation from G. B—indeed of the Necessity she was under to Secure it. nor have they now an Idea of the vast the immense Advantages she has derived from it— she has raised herself by it from the deepest Prostration in the Dust, to the highest Elevation she ever obtained. These are Ideas, which our People ought not to be strangers to, Although it is not prudent to make many Words about them at present on this side the water. It is of great Importance, to Posterity that the History of our foreign Affairs should be accurately ascertained, from the first debates in Congress on the subject in 1775 & 6, to this time, but I am afraid it will never be done. Fear, and Love and Complaisance, will prevent the Truth from being ever told, without disguise. and Posterity will have their Minds clouded with those Prejudices and Errors which have bewildered Us. Justice will never be done to those who have really Saved their Country, while unceasing Panegyricks will roll along with the Names of those who have embarrassed and betrayed it. There is, according to the most unerring of all the Ancient oracles I mean Tacitus,; There is such a Thing in human Nature as “Servitii Libido.” a Lust of servitude, a Passion to be slaves.
          The Question whether Congress shall impose Duties, is a very serious one. and if it be allowed at all, it must be under very clear Limitations, And for determinate Purposes and defined Periods and those not long ones. So far I should hope all will agree.— This Republick tryed the Experiment, and found at last, that the Seperate states must lay all Duties, and it is now established that their High Mightinesses Petition the states every Year, for the Moneys necessary for defined Purposes.— But what I contend for is, that some Method of raising Money, for paying the Debt should be fallen upon immediately. You have laid open to me Sceenes that terrify me. But all will go well. As to the Army, I wish with you that every Commission were annulled and every Man disbanded.
          The New order of Knights, I suppose would be laid aside, if either Congress or any one state should resolve against it. But I could wish that this might be avoided if possible and the Officers perswaded to

lay it, aside voluntarily. if Distinctions should arise between Cavaliers and Roundheads, and Disputes they would have unhappy Effects. some of the Officers must make a poor figure with their decorations among their Neighbours.
          The Instances, for a Minister to sweeden do not surprize me. Nothing of the Kind, however extravagant can surprize me. The Operation of Flattery upon the human Mind is well known. Even just Praise long continued, rarely fails, perhaps never fails, to exalt and render extravagant, even the firmest coolest and most Sagacious minds. Rebus Secundis etiam agregios duces insolescere.— His Success, in So many of his Selfish Plans, and Hostilities against others and the Ardour with which he is Supported in all of them for his Obsequiousness, by Politicians to whom all the Arts and Maxims of Aristotle, his Disciple Machiavil, and their Disciples the Jesuits are familiar both in Theory and Practice, have emboldened a Mind enfeebled with Age the stone & the Gout, and eaten with all the Passions which prey upon old Age unprincipled, untill it is no longer under the restraint even of Hipocrisy. He told me, that the United States ought to join France in two future Wars against G. B.—the first to pay the Debt We owe her, for making War for Us. and the Second to shew ourselves as generous as she had been.— This sentiment will ensure him Protection, and Intercession in whatever he aims at.— it is high time his Resignation was accepted. He has done Mischief enough. He has been possessed of the lowest Cunning and the deepest Hypocrisy, I ever met. the latter he, evey day lays aside, more & more, it being now he thinks unnecessary. I am informed he has lately written against me to Congress. What he can have Said after allowing me to be Sensible and honest I know not. He has heretofore tatled to Congess and misrepresented Expressions in private Conversation between him and me, alone, in anxious Consultation upon our dearest public Interests—in the worst of times, without giving me the least hint that he disapproved what I Said.
          I have been so sensible of danger from Foreigners that I was determined that no dangers of seas or Terrors of Prisons or Death, No Hardships of Voyages Journeys Climates, or Perils of Courts, Ministers or Assassins should deter me, from attempting all in my Power, to Ward it off.— But I was not aware of the Perils from false Brothren which have been worse than all the rest. Nevertheless, thro all Difficulties & Dangers, I have executed every Thing I have undertaken, and all is Secured.— I am now indifferent about all the Laughers, Weepers, Cursers & Flatterers. The first Wish of my soul,

is to go home. If, the People of America have not now sense & Spirit enough to put all to rights, they ought not in divine Justice to be free.


Title: Marquis de Lafayette to John Adams, 9 April 1784
From: Lafayette, Marie-Joseph-Paul-Yves-Roch-Gilbert du Motier, marquis de
To: Adams, John

          Dear Sir
          Paris April the 9th 1784

        A friendly letter I wrote You, and the One I Receive is not so affectionate as usual. The Value I set By Your Esteem, the Consequent fear least my Conduct Be Misrepresented to You, Such were the Motives that Actuated me— As to the institutions Alluded to, I only Need Saying that My principles are known— if You Have writen Nothing, I did more, for whatever I thought Ought to Be Amended, I Submitted to the President of the Society— and I think, Every Man’s influence, so far as it Goes, must Be Exerted for the Good of the public— But it Has Been My principle, in foreign Countries, Not to Blame American Measures— I don’t Say You are in the least wrong, particularly as You tell me You Never Spoke Unasked— I Have only told you, what in Similar Cases I Used to do— and I don’t See the least Harm in doing otherwise— as to My Going to America, I first went for the Revolution, and not for the war, and warfaring Was Only A Secondary incident, which in Support of the Rights of Mankind Had Become Necessary— Now I am Going for the people, and My Motives are, that I love them, and they love me—that My Arrival will please them, and that I will Be pleased with the Sight of

those whom I Have Early joined in our Noble and Successfull Cause.— I may add, that Opinions of Honest men, When they Have some influence, do more or less prove Serviceable— and How Could I refrain from Visiting a Nation whose I am an Adoptive Son, and where, particularly Among Your fellow Citizens, I Have Experienced so Many Marks of Affection and Confidence
        With Much Respect, and also with a Sincere Attachment I Have the Honour to Be / Dear Sir / Your obedient Humble / Servant

          Lafayette


Title: Baron von Thulemeier to John Adams, 9 April 1784
From: Thulemeier, Friedrich Wilhelm, Baron von
To: Adams, John

          Monsieur,
          a la Haye le 9. Avril 1784.

        J’ai l’honneur de Vous envoier ci joint en original le Projet du Traité de Commerce a conclure entre S. M. Prussienne et les Etats-Unis de l’Amerique, tel que le Roi vient de me l’envoier, Vous suppliant de me le faire passer de retour dès que Vous en aurés fait tirer Copie. Il me sera infinimint agreable de conduire de Conseil avec Vous, Monsieur, et a la Satisfaction reciproque de nos Maitres cette Negociation au bût desirable. Si Vous avés demain entre 7. h. et 8. du Soir un moment d’entretien a m’accorder, je m’empresserai a me rendre chés Vous pour apprendre Vôtre sentiment.
        Voici un liste, Monsieur, une designation des toiles de Silésie qui jusqu’a présent ont été le plûs recherchées pour Vos Compatriotes, si tant est cependant que le Negociant Silesien qui me l’a fournie ait été bien informé.
        J’ai l’honneur d’ètre avec la Considération la plûs distinguée / Monsieur, / Vôtre très humble et très obéissant Serviteur

          de Thulemeier

        ENCLOSURE

        Désignation des principaux articles des toiles de Silésie, qui ont été expédiés jusqu’ici aux Provinces Unies de l’Amérique Septentrionale par le Sieur Jean Godefroi Linckh, Négociant & Fabriquant à Hirschberg.
        1, hambrow Lawns.
        2, Lony Lawns.

        3, Pistol Lawns.
        4, Single Silesias.
        5, Tandem double Silesias.
        6, Tandem quadruple Silesias.
        7, Brown quadruple Silesias.
        8, Estopilles Unies.

        TRANSLATION

          Sir
          The Hague, 9 April 1784

        I have the honor of sending to you herewith the original of the draft treaty of commerce to be concluded between His Prussian Majesty and the United States of America, as the king just sent it to me, begging you to return it to me as soon as you have made a copy. It will be infinitely agreeable to work in consultation with you, sir, and to bring these negotiations to the desired end to the mutual satisfaction of our masters. If you have a moment tomorrow between seven and eight in the evening to grant me an interview, I will hasten to your residence to learn your opinion.
        Here is a list, sir, designating the Silesian linens which until now have been most in demand by your countrymen, if the Silesian merchant who provided it to me is well informed.
        I have the honor of being with the greatest consideration, sir, your very humble and very obedient servant

          de Thulemeier

        ENCLOSURE
        A list of the principal articles of Silesian linens that until now have been shipped to the United Provinces of North America by Mr. Jean Godefroi Linckh, merchant and manufacturer at Hirschberg

        1. Hamburg lawns
        2. Long lawns
        3. Pistol lawns
        4. Single Silesias
        5. Tandem double Silesias
        6. Tandem quadruple Silesias
        7. Brown quadruple Silesias
        8. Plain estopilles


Title: Editorial Note
From:
To:

          The draft Prussian-American commercial treaty that the Baron von Thulemeier submitted to John Adams with his letter of 9 April was the product of their meeting on 19 February, which Adams describes in his letter of the following day to Benjamin Franklin and John Jay, both above. Based on the Swedish-American treaty of 3 April 1783, the draft is interesting as the first effort by the two nations to establish a formal commercial relationship, but it was not the source for the 10 September 1785 Prussian-American Treaty of Amity and Commerce. That proceeded from the draft treaty submitted to Thulemeier by the American commissioners—Adams, Franklin, and Thomas Jefferson—on 10 November 1784. For that draft, which proceeded from a model treaty prepared by Jefferson, and the exchanges that followed, see the group document dealing with the opening of negotiations for the Prussian-American Treaty of Amity and Commerce, 10 November 1784 - 14 March 1785, below.
          The failure of the initiative undertaken by Thulemeier at the behest of the foreign ministry in Berlin was owing to the fact that while he possessed plenipotentiary powers, Adams and his colleagues did not. This meant that while the commissioners offered some suggestions for changes in the draft treaty (No. II, below), no substantive negotiations on their part took place. Thus, in early June 1784, when the Prussian response to the commissioners’ proposals was received, Adams simply sent their suggestions and the Prussian reply to Congress for its consideration together with the draft that Adams had sent previously. Congress would determine the treaty’s final form, and that document would then be returned to Adams and his colleagues with a commission permitting them to sign the treaty (to the president of Congress, 7 June, below). But no such treaty approved by Congress was forthcoming because when Adams’ letter and its enclosures

            arrived, Congress was in recess. The Committee of the States sitting in the interim wrote on 9 July, below, that it had no “power to appoint foreign Ministers, or to form Treaties” and thus could not “grant such a Commission, as you request or make any alterations in the proposed Treaty, or give any Instructions relative thereto.” The committee noted also that any action that it took would be irrelevant since Congress’ resolution of 7 May had constituted Adams, Franklin, and Jefferson a joint commission fully empowered to conduct negotiations and conclude a treaty with Prussia. When Adams received the committee’s letter he enclosed it with his 18 September letter to Thulemeier, thereby ending the first effort to conclude a treaty (LbC, APM Reel 107).
          The nature of the documents printed below, as well as their annotation, requires some explanation. The French text of the draft treaty (No. I, below) is from Adams’ copy of the original draft that he returned to Thulemeier as requested. John Quincy Adams made two additional copies. The first was enclosed with his father’s letter to the president of Congress dated 10 April, while the second was sent with John Adams’ 10 April letter to Franklin and Jay, both below. Franklin and Jay returned their copy, with suggestions for revisions to the draft entered in Jay’s hand, with their letter of 29 April, below. On 5 May, Adams sent that copy with his colleagues’ proposals to Thulemeier, who returned it to Adams, presumably when the Prussian sent his memorandum (No. II, below). Adams then sent the Franklin-Jay copy to Congress with his letter of 13 May, below. The translation done for Congress by John Pintard and printed here was made from the Franklin-Jay copy because in numerous instances the suggestions made by Franklin and Jay are incorporated into the translation, although most were later canceled, apparently in an effort to make the translation agree with the first copy sent by Adams to Congress on 10 April. The annotation of the draft treaty and of Pintard’s translation compares the proposed treaty to the Swedish-American treaty of 1783, indicating the similarities and differences between the two documents, and also indicating the changes entered by Franklin and Jay on the copy sent to them.
          Thulemeier’s memorandum (No. II, below) is of his conversation with Adams on the evening of 5 May 1784, in which the American discussed changes in the draft, his own and those of Franklin and Jay. The French text is in Thulemeier’s hand, and Pintard’s translation is from a copy by C. W. F. Dumas that Adams enclosed with his letter to the president of Congress of 7 June, below. The annotation focuses on the reasons why the Americans sought the changes specified and indicates the Prussian response to the proposed alterations that Thulemeier delivered to Adams in early June. Note also that all references to treaty articles in the annotation are in Arabic numbers, even if, as in the translation of the draft, they appear as Roman numerals.