Title: To John Adams from Horatio Gates Spafford, 5 February 1815
From: Spafford, Horatio Gates
To: Adams, John

					Hond. & Esteemed Friend—
					Albany, 2 Mo. 5, 1815.

				I am duly favored with thy Letter. I did not see that venerable old Man for whom thou enquirest, although I intended to do so. The lateness of the season, bad roads, & too little time for my purposes prevented. I have received a Letter from him, however, a few days since, & am happy to hear of the continuance of his health.I send thee a little trifle, as one among the list of my children (of the brain.) And I enclose to thy care, a Letter, & a little package for the Secretary of the American Academy. Please have the goodness to forward them & to excuse the trouble I give thee.I, also, am very fearful that our Government are continuing our Ministers too long in Europe. Had I my wishes, they should return, & not soon be suceeded by any others. We can expect nothing from European powers but jealousy & hatred. We have nothing to do but to stay at home, & look well to the foes that are nourished at the same breast as ourselves. But—really, we must perish, unless our Administration can be made more efficient. With very sincere esteem & respect, thy friend,

					Ho. G. Spafford.


Title: From John Adams to James Lloyd, 6 February 1815
From: Adams, John
To: Lloyd, James

No. 2
Dear Sir.
Quincy February 6th 1815

In my first Letter, I requested the favour of you, to recollect and consider the positive and relative state of this Nation at the time when my “Missions to France” were instituted. I now request you to look over the List, of Senators and Representatives in Congress, at that time, and then tell me whether you think that the War Party had influence enough in this Nation to carry on a long War with France. If you Should be at a loss concerning the Influence of any Individual of either Party in either House, I promise You I will decompose the Character of that Individual, as a Chymist analyses a Mushroom.  And then you Shall judge for Yourself whether the War Party had Power to maintain a War against france, or not.
I affirm that they had not: And nothing but that Ignorance of the Nation of which you and I are So Sensible, could ever have deluded them into such a Confidence in their own Power and Such a vain conceit of their own Importance as they then exhibited.
I think, Sir, that in the fair Field of Controversy, I have a Right to request of you a frank and candid declaration of your Opinion, whether that Party had or had not Power, to Support a War with France, for any considerable time? And for what length of time?
But, Supposing for Argument Sake, what I peremptorily deny that they could have continued the War and maintained their superiority at the then approaching Election: Supposing the Strongest case that can be imagined, that the President of 1801 had been as absolute as Louis 14th or Napoleon, able to command by Conscriptions the whole Population of the United States: for what End or Object Should the War have been continued? Cui bono? What profit? What Loss? Losses enough. Taxes enough. If three Millions or five Millions could not be borrowed under an Interest of Eight per Cent, you may easily conjecture how soon We Should have Seen as glorious a Bankruptcy as We now feel. The French had no Commerce to enrich our Privateers, though they had Privateers to enrich themselves upon our Commerce. They had no Territories accessible to our Land Forces, to tempt Us with prospects of Conquests. Were our hopes of Aggrandizement in South America or in Saint Domingo?
Let me tell repeat to you once more, Sir, The Faction was dizzy. Their Brains turned round. They knew not, they saw not the Precipiece on which they stood.
In my last I observed that all the old Supporters of the Constitution and of Washingtons Administration had foreseen the Evil and hid themselves. I forebore to mention One, of more importance than any of the rest: indeed of almost as much Weight as all the rest, I mean Mr Jay.  That Gentleman had as much influence in the preparatory Measures, in digesting the Constitution, and in obtaining its Adoption as any Man in the Nation. His known familiarity with Madison and Hamilton, his connection with them in writing The Publius and his then connection with all the members of the old Congress, had given to those Writings more consideration than both the other Writers could have given them. But Mr Jay wearied with labours and disgusted by Injuries had retired and refused all further concern in the Government.
To dispatch all in a few Words a civil War was expected. The Party committed Suicide: they killed themselves and the national President, (not their President,) at one short; and then, as foolishly as maliciously indighted me for the Murder. My “own Missions to France” which you call “the great shade in my Presidential Escutcheon” I esteem the most Splendid Diamond in my Crown: or if any one thinks this expression too monarchical, I will say, the most brilliant feather in my Cap. To such an extent do We differ in Opinion.
I have always known, that my Missions to France were my Error Heresy and great Offence, in the Judgment, Prejudices, Predilections and Passions of a Small party in every Sate. But no Gentleman in the fifteen years past, has every publickly “assailed those Missions till your Letter to Mr Randolph.
A few years ago, a Scurrilous Scribler in Baltimore; as I Suppose one of those Vagabonds, fugitives from a Halter a Pillory or a Bailiff in Great Britain or Ireland, threw out his Bilingsgate upon me and my Missions to France. I published what I though a vindication of my Missions to France. Mr Pickering accused me as I remember, of writing an hundred Pages in justification of them. Those hundred Pages, I am afraid, you have never read, If you had I am confident you would not at this day have assailed my Administration on that quarter. I have a right to ask you, candidly, whether you have read it, or not? If you have, I Shall wonder at your censure of my “Missions,” if you have not I Shall wonder less.
Mr Randolph, in his Letter to you Says “The Artillery of the Press, has been long the Instrument of our Subjugation.” Such a Confession I never expected to See, from such a Penitent! And which were the Presses, that formed the Fortresses? And who were the Engineers, who directed this Artillery? Mr Randolphs own dear Friends, Ned. Church, Phillip Freneau, Peter Markoe, Andrew Brown, James Duane Greenleaf, Tennison, Cheetham, Tom. Paine, Stevens, Thompson, Callender? Wood, the classical Author who wrote the History of the Administration of John Adams in two larg Octavo Volumes, and last, not least Benjamin Austin and his Old South. Not to mention his own dear Cooper, Matthew Lyon, Parson Ogden, Parson Austin or Christopher Macpherson.
I believe Sir, you understand little of this Fatras, but you must understand it all; and much more, which may be hereafter explained, before you can judge, avec connoisance du cause, of the merit or demerit of my “Missions to France.”
We differ so widely upon this important Point that I feel an ardent Zeal to make a Proselyte  of you to my Faith, and I do not despair of it.
Mean time I am, with every Sentiment of Esteem / your very humble Servant

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from James Lloyd, 6 February 1815
From: Lloyd, James
To: Adams, John

					Sir,
					Boston feby 6. 1815.

				I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your respected letter.—for the interesting details which it contains be pleased to accept my thanks.—it will afford me some compensation for the repugnance under which I felt myself in a degree constrained to enter into a public political correspondence, that it has produced to me information from a source from whence  I might not otherwise have obtained it, and the intelligence and correctness of which cannot be questioned.—With regard to the relative and political circumstances of the United States at the time of the missions to France, I possessed no very minute personal knowledge—I had not then entered into public life, and could of consequence have retraced that æra, only from a remembrance of the feelings and the records of the day, and from an occasional expression of the sentiments of some of those persons who were more immediately connected with the events, and actors in the scenes of that period.—I am well aware however that in most political movements of importance, the secret springs of action are frequently more of operative than the ostensible ones—and as has been said on a different occasion, the progress of the horseman can of necessity only be proportioned to the speed of his horse, and that especially must this be the case, in a Government so essentially dependent on public opinion, and so liable from this and other causes to sudden vibrations as that of the United States—still as I have believed, that an existing Government is generally found on trial to be more powerful that was expected, I had hoped if the administration referred to, had continued the vigorous, and spirited conduct it had assumed, and which I always understood emanated principally from yourself, that it might have carried by its own impulse that Nation along with it, and a happy result have been the consequence; but I am not only willing to admit this may have been a fallacious expectation, as most certainly it would have been, had the public credit became as prostrate and all National feeling as callous, as they seem to be at the present moment, but I can also very truly assure you Sir, that I should receive more gratification from learning, that what I had considered as a mistaken policy, had resulted from a concurrence of circumstances which it might have been     unwise, perhaps impracticable to have resisted, rather than as I had before supposed from a deliberate course of measures flowing from a less imperative and controlling influence—for I have too little reliance on my own opinions, pertinaciously to close my judgement against those of others, or to attempt to defend them when I may be convinced, they have been formed from hasty and erroneous conclusions.—One of the few consolations with regard to my own political life which I enjoy is, that while receding from it, I have carried with me no feelings of personal animosity towards any human being with whom it has brought me into collision, and I can assure you, that sentiments of a very different description have been entertained by me towards yourself, even from a contemplation of the former periods of your life, when you principally assisted in laying the corner stone of the independence of your Countrymen, and in giving birth to an empire, whose destinies I should delight to hope, might as yet emerge with splendor, from the dark and lugubrious clouds, which at present so distressingly shroud and envelope them; and also from your conduct at a still earlier period when you nobly breasted the torrent of popular passion, by shielding from the effects of a highly-wrought public indignation, and from the aspirations of revenge, a man, who whatever might have been his merits or demerits as       an individual on the occasion for which he was arraigned, undoubtedly acted either in conformity with a sense of his official duty, or the orders of his superiors.—As little Sir, unless I have been extremely unhappy, unwittingly to myself in the expression of my opinions, can it be supposed that I would willingly trammel the fortunes of my Country with the vicissitudes of any permanent European alliance.—it is true, that feeling a disposition in resenting the conduct of an Aggressor, to consider the quo-animo of the assailant, as much as his means of annoyance, I may have thought differently from yourself as to the power which merited our first attention; yet had the Nation been in a due state of preparation, and its Government in the hands of those who could control, & would direct, its resources efficiently and honestly, with a single view for the benefit of the whole, for the attainment of both reparation and security, and with a probability of success, my feeble voice would not have been withheld, had it been required for the support of any measures which would have avenged the wrongs, and obliterated the insults that have been heaped upon us by several of the Powers of Europe, during that momentous period which has occurred since the erection of our own Government, and the commencement of the French Revolution;—the latter event seems now however, at least for a time, to have passed away, and if history  should hereafter bear evidence, that it has buried along with the atrocities it engendered, that destructive alienation and contention, which it has been in a great degree instrumental in producing and sustaining in our Country, we may in our retrospect of its effects, derive some benefit mingled with our regrets, from the severe lesson it will have taught us for the future.—By your expressions of ancient regard for the deceased members of my family, as well as for the dispositions you have had the goodness to express towards one of their few remaining decendants I acknowledge myself to be both highly gratified and indebted, and I beg you to be persuaded it would be a source of much satisfaction to me, should the latter, sentiment not only be continued but increased.—With sentiments of great consideration / I have the honor to be / Sir.— / Your very Respectfully obliged / & Obedt Servt.

					James Lloyd.


Title: From John Adams to James Lloyd, 11 February 1815
From: Adams, John
To: Lloyd, James

No. 3
Dear Sir.
Quincy February 11th. 1815

We are ignorant, as you intimate, of one another. We are ignorant of our own Nation; We are ignorant of the Geography, the Laws, Customs and maners and habits of our own Country. Massachusetts, as knowing as any State in the Union, is deplorably ignorant of her Sister States, and what is more to be lamented Still, She is ignorant of herself. She is composed of two Nations, if not three. One Party reads the Newspapers and Pamphlets of its own Church, and interdicts all Writings of the opposite Complection. The other Party condemns all Such as Heresy and will not read or Suffer to be read, as far as their Influence extends, any thing but their own Libells. “The Avenue to the public Ear, is Shut” in Massachusetts, as Mr Randolph says, it is in Virginia. “With Us, the Press is under, a virtual Imprimatur” to such a degree that I do not believe, I could get these Letters to you printed in a Newspaper in Boston. Each Party is deliberately and Studiously kept in Ignorance of the other. Has naked Truth, and honest candour, a fair hearing or impartial reading, in this or any other Country? Have not narrow Bigotry, the most envious Malignity, the most base, vulgar Sordid fishwoman Scurrillity and the most palpable Lyes, a plenary indulgence, and an unbounded licentiousness. If there is ever to be an amelioration of the condition of Mankind, Phylosophers, Theologians, Legislators and Politicians and Moralists will find that the Regulation of the Press is the most difficult dangerous and important Problem, they have to resolve. Mankind cannot now be governed without it: nor at present with it.
Instead of a consolation, it is an Aggravation to know that this kind of Ignorance is not peculiar to Massachusetts. It is universall. It runs though every State in the Union. It is at least as prevalent in New York Pensylvania and Virginia, as in Massachusetts. Parties in Politicks like Sects in Religion, will not read, indeed they are not permitted by their Leaders to read any thing against their own Creed nor indeed to converse with any but their own Clubb. The Bible, is forbidden to the Vulgar, by all Parties.
Let me give an Example. coming down from the Senate Chamber, when I was Vice President, a Hawker, at the bottom of the Stairs presented to me an Octavo Volume. Turning to the Title Page, I found it was “The American Rembrancer” written by Callender. I knew nothing of the Book or its Author, gave the Pedlar his Price and pocketted the Book. Turning over the leaves at home, I found it full of the grosses Lies and Calumnies against Washington against myself and the whole Government. I pointed to passages, but the Gentlemen of the ruling Party would take no notice of them. “They were below Contempt.” New England is ignorant of this Book. But it was circulated in the middle and Southern States and believed as an Oracle. No measures taken to counteract an Engine that contributed So essentially to the final Prevalence of the Southern over the northern Interest. “The Prospect before Us” appeared afterwards: but no measures were taken as an Antidote to that Poison. Not only was Ignorance permitted to remain, but Error and Falshood to run and be glorified.
If We turn our Attention to another Subject We shall See the same Ignorance, Inadvertency, Nonchallence or Apathy in the Leaders of the Faction who were for continuing the War. The utmost Exertions of all their recruiting officers, with all the Influence of Hamilton and Pinkney, reinforced by the magical Name of Washington, had not been able to raise one half of their favourite little Army. That Army was as unpopular, as if it had been a ferocious wild beast let loose upon the nation to devour it. In Newspapers, in pamphlets, and in common Conversation they were called Canibals, a thousand Anecdotes, true or false of their licentiousnes were propagated and believed. There was not in the House of Representatives, a more unbridled Tongue, or a more licentious vituperatory Orator against War the Army, the Navy, the Administration and all their measures and Men than Mr Randolph. He called the Army Raggamuffins, and was not even called to Order. Yet all these Things did not remove from the Minds of those Leaders the Ignorance of the faintness of their own Influence and the Imbecility of their Power. No proper measures were taken by means of the Press to counteract Abuses. Indiscreet and injudicious prosecutions were instituted by Some, of the Law Officers of the United States which did more harm than good; Yet these were thought sufficient to Suppress all Opposition. I pray you to remark, Sir that I Speak of the Leaders of the Advocates for continuing the War. The Soundest Statesmen of the ruling Party in both Houses approved of my Missions to France and were highly pleased with them as I will Shew you hereafter.
Another demonstration of the Inattention and Inconsideration, if not of the Ignorance of those Leaders, arose from an unfathomable Source of Mischief, which I fear, labitur et labetur in omne volubilis Ævum. I mean that Stream of misrepresentations of the Men and Measures of the Administration, in circular Letters from Members of Congress to their Constituents in the middle and especially in the Southern States, which began as early as 1789 when Congress was held in New York and continued through the Eight years of Washingtons Administration, flowing all the time in peculiarly copious Abundance against me: and which in the Electioneering Parliamenteering Campain of 1796, and from thence to 1801 Swelled raged foamed in all the fury of a tempest at Sea against me. A collection of those circular Letters, would make many Volumes and contain more lyes in proportion to the time, than the Acta Sanctorum. Yet no measures were taken, to raise Dykes against this Inundation.
Another Proof of Ignorance, may Surprise you: I hope it will not offend you. Washington Hamilton and Pinckney were assembled at Phyladelphia to advise in the Selection of Officers for the Army. The History of the formation of this Triumvirate would be as curious as that of Pompey Cæsar and Cassus, or that of Anthony, Octavius and Lepidus: and the Effects of it, have been and may be for any thing I know as prosperous or adverse to Mankind. One Thing, I know that Cicero was not Sacrificed to the Vengeance of Anthony by the unfeeling Selfishness of the latter Tryumvirate, more egregiously than John Adams was to the  unbridled and unbounded Ambition of Alexander Hamilton, in the American Triumvirate.
Washington Hamilton and Pinkney depended for the Support of their Power and the System of their Politicks, entirely on New York and Pensylvania. The Norhern and the Southern States were immoveably fixed, in opposition to each other. If this Triumvirate did not know this, they were as ignorant, as you and I know, as acknowledge. We all are of each other. Pensylvania was compounded, of Germans, Irish, Quakers, and a few Ancient English Families who had been generally attached to the Proprietary Government. These were the great capital Classes. The Subdivisions of Roman Catholicks, Episcopalians, Presbyterians, Methodists Anabaptists Moravians &c &c &c were infinite. The Quakers were all in Principle hostile to War. But I must pursue this Investigation in my next Thanks for you favour of
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from James Lloyd, 13 February 1815
From: Lloyd, James
To: Adams, John

					Boston Feby. 13. 1815

				J. Lloyd has the honor to acknowledge the receipt of the letter of Mr Adams, numbered 2, under date of the 6th.curt.—The justification of the missions to France noticed in that letter Mr. Lloyd has never read, but will shortly advert to them with equal readiness and impartiality.—In “a field of controversy” with Mr Adams it was not, nor is it now, his design to enter.—When putting on the armor of a combattant, his object was, by performing an act   of justice, to volunteer his services as a friend, and not as an opponent.—if in this wish he has failed, it ought, and can alone be imputed, to  the ignorance, and mal-adroitness, but not to the disfuntion or intention of the auxiliary.—Mr Lloyd with much satisfaction presents Sir Congratulations to Mr Adams on the pleasing and unexpected news of the day—he does this with the greater alacrity from the conviction, that no conditions of peace inconsistent with the interests on the honor of the Nation, would have been accepted by the American Commissioners;—among whom He has no doubt, Mr J. Q. Adams has had a distinguished influence; and he avails of this opportunity to remark, that of the conduct of that Gentleman while at     St. Petersburg, both as it respects his standing at the Imperial Court, and his attention to his Countrymen, he  has heard but one Sentiment expressed, that of unqualified respect and approbation.—Mr Lloyd intends at a less inclement season of the year having the honor personally to pay his respects at Quincy—when Mr Breck and Mr Lloyd will also wait on Mrs. Adams, of whom they frequently make mention in terms of the most respectful remembrance, and with regret, that a nearer vicinage does not exist between them, in order that they might be enabled to enjoy more frequently the pleasure of her society.—Mr Lloyd offers to Mr Adams, the Sentiments of his high and most respectful consideration.


Title: From John Adams to James Lloyd, 14 February 1815
From: Adams, John
To: Lloyd, James

No. 4.
Dear Sir
Quincy February 14th. 1815

The Quakers, as I said in my last, were in Principle against all Wars, and moreover greatly prejudiced against New England and personally against me. The Irish, who are very numerous and powerful in Pensylvania, had been and Still were Enthusiasts for the French Revolution, extreamly exasperated against old England, bitterly prejudiced against New England, Strongly inclined in favour of the Southern Interest and against the Northern. The Germans, hated France and England too: but had been taught to hate New England more than either, and to abhor Taxes more than all. A universal and perpetual exemption from Taxes was held up to them as a temptation, by underhand Politicians. The English and Scotch and Irish Presbyterians; the Methodists, the Anabaptists the Unitarians and Universalists with Dr Priestly at their head and all the other Sectaries, even many of the Episcopalians themselves had been carried away with the French Revolution, and firmly believed that Bonaparte was the Instrument of Providence to destroy the Pope and introduce the Millenium. All these Interests and Parties wire headed by Mr Mackean an Upright Chief Justice an enlightened Lawyer a sagacious Politician and the most experienced Statesman in the Nation; by Mr Mifflin, one of the earliest in the Legislature of Pensylvania and the first and Second Congresses of the Nation, an Active Officer in the revolutionary Army allways extreamly popular; by Jonathan B. Smith an Old Revolutionary Character. Dr Rush and George Clymer and Mr. Ingersol wished well to the Administration but Saw that nothing could be done and were quite discouraged, Mr John Dickinson and the venerable Charles Thompson were decidedly against Us, Gallatin and Dallas able and indefatigable Men, as opposite to Us as the Poles; and Tenche Coxe a Runaway, from his Master Hamilton. My Tryumvirate were either ignorant or wholly inattentive and inconsiderate of all these Things. Mr Jefferson knew them all. These Parties had all been making their Court to him for fifteen Years. And what had my Tryumvirate to depend upon to support a War against France? The Willings the Chews and the Allens, three very respectable Families, it is true, but who had Lost all Influence in Pensylvania by their invariable Opposition to the American Revolution. A complete Revolution had taken place in the Minds of the People against the national Administration as appeared by the Election of Mr Mackean for Governor by a Majority I believe, of thirty thousand Votes. The Revolution in the Legislature, though not yet So decisive, was nevertheless So great, that the Friends of the national Administration apprehensive of loosing all the Votes were obliged to beat a Parley with their Antagonists and agree to appoint half their Electors of President and Vice President from one Party and half from the other. Such was the State of Things, When I received two Letters, one from Frederick Augustus Muhlenburg and another from Peter Muhlenburg. These two Germans, who had been long in Public Affairs and high in Offices; were the great Leaders and Oracles of the whole German Interest in Pensylvania and the neighbouring States. Augustus very respectfully requested me to appoint him to Some Office. I Suggested the Idea to some of the heads of Departments; but none would hear it with patience. Indeed I had determined against it myself; because he had failed in Business and Several reports were in circulation unfavourable to his Integrity, as always happens in cases of Bankruptcy. As his Poverty might tempt him to misapply public Money I was afraid to trust him in any Office that would give him the disposal of any of it, and no other Employment occurred. Peter had served with Reputation in the Revolutionary Army as a General Officer, commanded a Brigade of German Troops, was universally allowed to be a brave and able Officer; he had long been a Member of Congress, had the universal Character of an honest Man representing a District of honest Germans. It is true, he had voted generally against the Administration. This Gentleman wrote me a Letter asking nothing, but Offering his Services in the Army, and expressly declaring that he would ask no Stipulation, with regard to Rank.
Detesting in my heart that contracted Principle of Monopoly and Exclusion which had prevailed, through Washingtons Administration, and to which I had So often been compelled to Submit, I was very desirous of relaxing it upon this Occasion. I determined to propose it to the Triumverate. Accordingly I took an Opportunity to propose it to General Washington in a Conference between him and me, alone. General Washington said “By all that I have Seen and heard in the late War, General Muhlenburg is a good Officer.” But the Triumverate would not consent. I was provoked enough to have nominated him, notwithstanding: but I knew, that he would be negatived by the Senate. Hamilton would give the hint to Pickering Pickering to Goodhue and Hillhouse and Sedgwicke and Bingham &c &c &c and down would fall the Guillotine of a Negative on the Neck of poor Muhlenburg. Unwilling to expose him to Such an affront, or myself to another, for this would not have been the first, I forebore to nominate him. And what was the Consequence? These two Muhlenburgs addressed the Publick with their names both in English and German, with Invectives against the Administration and warm recommendations of Mr Jefferson. Although I dreaded the Change, well knowing that the Party about to come into Power would conduct as they have done, I could not very Severely condemn the Muhlenburgs; for a Faction So Selfish and contracted, So entirely devoted to Such a Leader as Hamilton would pursue a System more destructive than the other.
The Muhlenburgs turned the whole Body of Germans, great numbers of the Irish and many of the English: and in this manner introduced the total change that followed in both Houses of the Legilature, and in all the Executive departments of the national Government. Upon Such Slender Threads did our Elections then depend. The Federalists had marched for twelve Years Super ignes Suppositos cineri doloso. What Strength? What Power,? what Force? had Such a Party to Support a War against France, when She held out the Olive branch to Us with both her hands upon our own terms.?
With feelings and Sentiments that I am not master of Language to express, I must enter on another Subject. If American History, is ever to be understood any or related with Truth, two Characters must be explained. Their Portraits must be drawn, at Full Length. Their Birth, their Education, their Services, their Marriages their Religion their Morals, their manners their political Principles and Connections, their Lives and their deaths, must be narrated by an Historian under the Oath of the President de Thou “Pro verilate, historiarum mearum Deum ipsum obtestor.” I myself, could write a Volume of Biography for each of them, if I had clear Eyes and Steady hands. But if I Should Spend Years in Writing them, I know they would not be read by any Party: and after all I Should not dare to take the Oath of Thuanus. These Characters, are Aaron Burr and Alexander Hamilton.
But I must pause, to acknowledge your favour of Feb. 6. Its Sentiments are worthy of the best of Men and Citizens. I may be more particular hereafter. Your Sagacity has penetrated one cause of the impossibility of maintaining the War against France, to Witt the “Prostration of Public Credit.” The Gulph of national bankruptcy yawned. The Monsters Paper Money Tender Law and Regulation of Prices all Stalked in horrors before me. I have hinted at this Subject in a former Letter and will consider it more in detail in a future one. Mean time, with unfeigned Regard
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Henry Channing, 14 February 1815
From: Channing, Henry
To: Adams, John

					Sir,
					Boston Feby 14th 1815.

				Under the recollection of the very great pleasure I enjoyed, last Friday, in having an opportunity once more to see & hear one of the few surviving Fathers of our country and the glorious revolution of ‘76; I cannot refrain from taking my pen, to congratulate you on the tidings of an honourable treaty of peace with Britain, which are announced by an arrival at N. York.When the tidings with the joyful peal of the Bells first assailed my ears, yesterday, the impulse of joy was checked by the apprehension, that the terms might not be such as an American wuld not exalt.—I met my worthy friend Mr Shaw, who greeted me with ardent congratulations. He immediately remarked “You do not appear to enter ardently into the joys of the day.” I answered—“ I wait to see the terms.”—He replied— “You do not know the character of Mr Adams—he would lose his life sooner than put his hand to a dishonourable treaty.”—This assurance  was completely satisfactory.I now sir, beg leave to present my warmest congratulations on this event, in which your son, the Honble John Q. Adams, will be distinguished, for his diplomatic talents, integrity and unsullied patriotism. May a gracious Providence speedily return him to a grateful country—and may the First honours she can bestow, be his crown, and give at least one proof that Republicks can be grateful. With veneration & gratitude for your faithful services to my beloved country—I have the honour to be—very respectfully—Yr Obedt Servt

					Henry Channing


Title: To John Adams from François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 18 February 1815
From: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan
To: Adams, John

Dear and respected Sir!
February 18, 1815

Again a few lines from your old friend, who continuallÿ receives fresh proofs of your unabated attachment. I owed to your distinguishing friendship, that I have been honored once more with a valuable Letter of your Ladÿ, which filled my breast with joÿ, and makes me nearly belief, that I must possess Something, worth noticing—to have in So far attracted her notice—I do not longer Suspect that your encomiums exceeded reality, now I am in possession of the evidences, which would not be contested—not even bÿ Edinburg—Critics.
It Shall give you Some pleasure—that this is the third daÿ—I am relieved bÿ my unrelenting Antagonist—He call’d this morning—but I Stopt mÿ ears—unwilling to admit him—although in a heavy Snow-Storm—and at lenght tired and disappointed, he must have Sneaked of So that I have preached this morning for mÿ family—and read and write the remaining part of the daÿ—A guard of kind—interesting Letters—and a barrel of Cyder—from my old frend Scriba—on the road being a formidable reinforcement—to repel his attacks, must have intimidated the fellow—but I dare not yet order an illumination, for fear he might return—and well may I fear Him—as I consider Him as the ugliest Satellite in the kingdom of Death. Methinks after a Struggle with him, during mÿ whole life, I may be permitted to negotiate a peace—Should it be under the unpalatable condition of drinking cyder—before breakfeast—during Six months—and I dare Saÿ—my Little—mighty Mistress—you know this is hereditary Sin by the Dutch—to be ruled par La Queroiella—and for this—I endeavour all ways to be on good terms with the fairest part of the creation—would ratifÿ the Negotiations—in full confidence in the wisdom and integrity of her nominal Lord—God grant—pardon this parenthesis—that Our enlightened Administration may act as conscientiouslÿ with our glorious peace-makers!—You did not doubt it—I am in politics a far distant descendant of St. Thomas—In the mean time—I was not backward—in procuring powder—to celebrate the event—at the request of mÿ Republican Neighbours—The roaring of cannon and the delightful Sound of music were alternatelÿ in our ears—and young and old Shall bid welcome the arrival of the happÿ news from Washington.
By my former complaints on the dayly visits of that unwelcome guest—I dare Scarce write his odious name, I might have given Some Suspicion, of mÿ impatience—and Some here might might tell you, that it does not equal that of Job—but I am not vexed with a teaxing woman—or I might have excelled him—but impatience or patience out of the question—that I could not bear Sufferings—you would not believe it—less So—when I inform me, that during Six months I had Some disagreable Sensation in the joint of mÿ left Shoulder—So much—that once making an extraordinarÿ effort—the Sudden paleness of my countenance disheartened wife and daughter—but what is Similar pains—to head-ache—there I have written again the odious word—you know I am not much conversant with technical or fashionable terms—I believe your Ladÿ would baptise that hinted at touch with the name of Rheumatism.

P.S. Last night I passed a term of painful anxiety—a rumour was reported—that the President had refused the ratification of the Signed treaty—this morning its falshood Seems to be ascertained—God be praised—and fill Soon our hearts with joy!—nothing could have prevented me, had it proved true—to load Him with a hearty curse—now I Shall content myself with praying—"O sancte kilmacloti! da, atn si bona tua nobis non prosent, ne mala tua nobis noceant!” Amen.Inclosed the cabbage Seeds from Col. A. Mappa


Title: From John Adams to James Lloyd, 21 February 1815
From: Adams, John
To: Lloyd, James

N. 6
Dear Sir
Quincy February 21st. 1815

In my Letter of the sixth of this Month, No. 2, I asked you “If three, or five Millions could not be borrowed under an Interest of Eight per Cent you may easily conjecture, how soon We should have Seen, as glorious a Bankruptcy, as We now feel.” In your Letter to me of the Same date, February the sixth, you admit that all would have proved “fallacious,” if publick “Credit had become as prostrate, and all National Feeling as callous, as they Seem to be, at the present moment.” Here, Sir, is a coincidence of Sentiment, certainly without any concert intercourse or communication between Us, some what remarkable. Your Sagacity accorded with my bitter Experience. I most sincerely condole with you, over that “callousness of national Feeling” which has appeared, in our dear New England, more grossly, if We except Washington and Alexandria, than any where else. That callousness, however, in another Year of War, notwithstanding the “prostration of publick Credit, would have been Softened, if not wholly dissovled. And this, the British Ministry have had Cunning enough to perceive. Witness the Treaty of Peace of 24th. Decr. 1814.
How shall I explain to you, Sir, the horrors of National Bankruptcy, of Paper Money, of tender Laws and of regulation of Prices, which then stared me in the face? For this purpose I must make a tedious and disagreable Circuit; and must hope and beg to be pardoned for that Egotism and Vanity which you think my “strong Foible.”
My Hobby Horse was a Navy: Alexander Hamiltons’s, an Army. I had no Idea, that France, involved as She was in Europe, could send any formidable Invasion to America. A petty squadron, a single ship of War or Privateer, might insult our Coasts and harbours as they had done; and a very small Force of Sailors and Soldiers might lay some of our Cities under Contribution. Against this danger I thought Brigantines, Sloops, Scooners, and Frigates well armed, manned and officered the most œconomical, the most certain and effectual Defence. And as many fortifications as we could afford to erect, in the best chosen places for the protection of our most exposed Cities, ought to be erected and garrisoned as soon as possible. Accordingly, in my Communications to Congress, I recommended Strong measures for maritime and Naval Defence; and four or six Regiments or Companies, (I forget which and will not Spend time to ascertain,) of Artillery to garrison the Fortresses already built or intended to be immediately erected.
But Alexander Hamilton, who fled from his own Unpopularity, and I may say from national Hatred, to the Barr at New York to acquire the Character of an unambitious Man: was found to be, (to borrow a little modest oratory from your Correspondent, Mr Randolph,) “Commander in Chief,” of the House of Representatives, of the Senate, of the heads of Departments, of General Washington, and last and least, if you will, of the President of the United States. This Language, you will Say is highly figurative: but in fact, and in Truth and in Essence, it is Strictly and litterally true. I am thankfull that the Sequel proved, that he was not “the Commander in Chief” of the Nation. This great Genius, this Sublime Statesman, this profound Politician, found that he could not apply himself to the black Letter Law in Latin and French; that he could not devote his Attention to the Interests and Causes of his Clients; This indeed had never been his Intention. Nothing was farther from his Thoughts. His deep meditations, were for the salvation of the United States, not for Nevis, his native Country. Accordingly he Sits down, and writes a long, elaborate voluminous Letter to a Confidential Friend, in Congress, in which he graciously condescended to delineate a perfect System of Administration. He projected Negotiation and Nominated Ambassador; He urged the Establishment of an Army of Fifty thousand Men, ten thousands of whom to be Cavalry; He advised to Seize upon all the sources of Revenue not yet occupied, to “invigorate the Treasury.” This Letter was brought to me, I believe by Mr Tracy. The Arrogance and presumption of it, I despised; the Extravagence of it astonished me; the gross Ignorance it betrayed and the fatal Influence I knew it would have with the ruling Party, grieved me to the heart. This Letter still exists, as I believe. If it does not, more than monkish Knavery has been exerted to destroy it. I appeal to Wolcott and Pickering and might appeal to many others, now living and to Several who are dead. The House of Representatives dared not adopt the Extravagance of this Plan: but without consulting the President, who was far beneath their notice they adopted part of the Scheme of their Leader and voted, as I remember about twelve thousand Men. Here must be an Hiatus valde deflendus.! If you wish to have it filled up, I will hereafter attempt it.
This Army, small as it was called for Revenue, Revennue demanded Taxes. Taxes had already raised three Rebellions as they were called and threatened three times, if not ten times three.
The publick Necessities were so apparent, that Congress authorised me to borrow five millions of dollars. They were So apprised of the difficulty and uncertainty of raising this Small Sum, that they dared not ascertain and limit the Interest at which it was to be borrowed, but threw all the Risk And responsibility upon me, to determine the terms of the Load. Of course Consultation after consultation took place between me, and my secretary of the Treasury, Mr Wolcott, concerning the Terms of this Loan. A Loan that now appears but a Trifle!
Mr Wolcotts opinion was that “the Loan could not be obtained at a less Interest than eight per cent.” I objected to this Interest. I thought it extravagent and unnecessary. I thought it might be had at six Per Cent. Where were We going? What were We about? Five Millions would be but a Sprat for the Nourishment of Leviathan. We must borrow more; if We gave eight per Cent now, for the next Ten Millions We must give ten or twelve per Cent, and so on without End. Mr Wolcott who appeared to me then, as he does now to be perfectly honest and disinterested in the Business, Said “The legal Interest in several of the States is seven or Eight per Cent The Interest given in private Transactions is much more, mounting to ten, twelve and still more, and I do not believe the Money can be obtained, at less than Eight.” I desired him to consider of it; and inquire farther. At another Interview, Mr Wolcott, persevered in his Opinion that Eight Per Cent was the lowest Interest at which the Loan could be obtained. He said, his Situation in the Treasury as Controuler and as Secretary, had given him opportunities to know the quantity of Money in the Country: that there was not Such a plenty of it, as Some People thought; that if the Loan Should fail, it would be a fatal discouragement to the People. That the recruiting service for the Army would be Stopped. That the Treasury would be embarrassed &c. I Said surely, there are in the United States Men of Wealth enough who love their Country well enough to lend 5,00,00n’s  at Six, upon the faith of the U.S. which ought to be as Stable as the Soil. think and enquire again. I was so distressed with this Question that I wrote a Letter to Mr Wolcott, remonstrating against that Interest of 8 per Ct. in which I Said that fifteen Years before, I had borrowed a larger Sum in holland, for 4 1/2. 5 1/2 and never more than Six per Cent, upon the naked Pledge of the faith of U.S, and therefore I could not but think an Unfair Advantage was taken of the Public. Mr Wolcott however, at our next conference persisted in his Opinion, was afraid to publish Proposals for the Loan at a less Interest than 8 per Cent. My Patience which had been put by Enemies and Friends to So many severe tryals, was quite exhausted and I broke out “This damn’d Army will be the ruin of this Country”! “If it must be So, it must, I cannot help it Issue your Proposals as your please.” I ask Pardon for that peevish and vulgar expression: but for the Truth in Substance and Essence of this narration I appeal to Mr Wolcott himself. I know that Oliver Wolcott dare not lie; and if he does not recollect these Facts, his Memory is not so good as mine.
At the rate of our Expences for the Support of Government, the Navy and that Army I was sure that national Bankruptcy must occur in one Year and what resource had We? Paper Money! I had been a Witness of the Nature and Effects of old Tenor from 1745 to 1751 and of Continental Currency from 1775 to 1782 indeed to 1791. and must We buffet our Way through such a Chaos to support an Army already called Raggamuffins and Canibals, in total Idleness and Inaction? Unless, they Spent their time in pillage and plunder, in debauching Wives and Seducing Daughters!
I think Sir, I have Suggested consideration enough to convince you, that the then dominate party had not Sufficient Influence in this Nation to proceed in the War against France after the Government of that Nation had offered Us peace upon honourable Terms; no nor after she had Offered Us Negotiation upon honourable Terms.
But If I had possessed the hands of Mydas, and could have changed Trees and Rocks into Gold; or could I by Stamping on the Ground have called up Legions of Infantry and Cavalry; for what purpose should I have continued the War? The End of War, is Peace: and Peace was offered me. Had I continued the War and raised a great Army every Wise Man in the World would have said of me, in the language of Boileau “Midas! Le Roi Midas! a les Oreilles d’Ane!”
Mr Hamilton and his Friends might have said
“Δος που ςτω, και την Γην κείνησω” But he had not the “που στω.” His Nation was not then harnessed in Taxes nor broken to the draught.
I ask again, a question, which I am not certain you will fully understand. If you do not, I will explain it hereafter. The Question is, Whether Mr Hamilton and Mr Pickering, expected to draw their Resources from South America or St. Domingo?
In your Note of the 13th you congratulate me, on “the News, of the day.” On the News from New Orleans I reciprocate your congratulations. On the News of Peace, I Say, Rejoice Always in all Things. But with what feelings of Indignation, of Grief, of Sorrow, and of humiliation, I rejoice, I leave you to consider, after reading the enclosed Letter, which in full faith in your honor and candor I trust to you, in confidence, you will return it to me by the post, without making any improper Use of it. I am, Sir with much Esteem, your / Friend

John Adams.Feb.22dI have now seen the Treaty and can cordially congratulate you on the Peace. May I ask the favour of you to think for me and my son in this perplexity?John Adams


Title: From John Adams to François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 22 February 1815
From: Adams, John
To: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan

My dear Friend
Quincy Feb. 22. 1815

Alexander Hill Everett Esquire, a Genteman of the Bar in Boston, who had his Law Education in the Office of my son John Quincy Adams: and accompanied him to Russia, five or Six years ago, and afterwards travelled, in various parts of Europe, is to be Secretary of Legation to our Embassy to Holland. He is elder Brother to the Reverend Mr Edward Everett, and as great a schollar. He wishes me to request of you the Priviledge of conveying your Dispatches to your Friends, and the honour of your Introduction to your Litterary Correspondents. Whatever you inclose to me Shall be conveyed to him.
I congratulate you upon the Peace. The Canon and the Bells have been enough to distract me, all day yesterday, and to day they will be louder Still. I am honoured with an Invitation to Boston to unite with the Great Men of our Massachusetts Land in Actions de Grace in Te Deums: but I cannot go. The horrid Road, the dubious Weather and above all tottering Limbs and four Score years, forbid the Marches and countermarches of ceremonious Processions, and frozen blood; cannot Sit an hour, or two, in a cold Stone Chappel, to hear prayers and Praises however fervent and pathetic discourse however  elegant or Sublime.
Though I have nothing to do, I was never busier, So that I cannot answer your Letter, gloomy but charming of Dec. 17.
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from James Lloyd, 23 February 1815
From: Lloyd, James
To: Adams, John

					Sir.
					Boston Feby 23. 1815.

				I had the honor the last evening to receive your obliging letter of the 21st. curt.—With the correspondence with which you have favored me, I should suppress my own sentiments without a motive for concealment, did I not acquaint you that I have been both pleased, and informed.—pleased with the independence of spirit, and vigour of intelligence, and freshness of recollection, which that correspondence eminently manifests; and informed by a correct narration of the secret history of an important political period, which I had before known, only by its more obvious and ostensible outlines.—nor am I the less gratified by the opportunity it has afforded me, of judging of the character of the late President of the United States, from the fervent emanations of his own mind, rather than from the   discolored vision of others.—In the first mention of “St. Domingo and South America” in your letters as connected with the sources of supply, (real or imaginary) for the then increasing expenditures of the United States, I had considered it intended, merely as an illustration of the destitution of ways and means to prosecute an extensive and distant warfare, but from the renewed reference to those objects, I perceive something more is meant than has yet met my eye, but I do not wish to impose a tax upon your kindness in the development of it, further than may be both acceptable and perfectly convenient to yourself.—Probably it might furnish a clue to an enigma I have never been able to resolve—the object of creating a large army for the purpose of waging war against France.—Supposing naval expeditions for the purpose of permanent territorial acquisition to be wholly out of the question, situated as we then were, or now are, for an abundance of unanswerable reasons, I confess in such a way I could never distinctly discern, the policy of raising a greater military force than would have been sufficient to keep alive the tone of public sentiment, by garrisoning the prominent fortifications on the seabord, supplying the needful number of marines for the Navy, and leaving a residue, adequate to afford a germ for the future military establishments of our Country, when other occasions might call for them.—Not so Sir with that branch of National protection which you have termed your hobby, but which ought to be considered as furnishing one of the strong evidences of your patriotism and discernment, in the selection, encoragement, and promotion of this comparatively cheap, and radical, and only effectual preventive defense of the Nation, and for the support and extension of which in any way, under any Circumstances, and indeed in time of profound peace, reasons may be found as plenty as blackberries, and had they been listened to, and acted on, might I have believed at a former period, been found fully equal to the security of our commerce, and also under the existing circumstances, to have scourged France (intangible as she was to us in most points) into a greater respect, and better conduct than she subsequently manifested.—and which with the appropriation of one third part of the expenditure, that has been for the greater part unprofitably, if not idly wasted during the last three years, might at the present  moment, on our own Coasts, and in their immediate vicinity, have Controuled the navy of any other Nation in the world, and bid defiance, ridiculous as the opinion has been presented to be, even to the Colossal maritime power of Great Britain,—For the perusal of the letter you were pleased to enclose to me, I am much indebted and offer you many thanks; you may be perfectly assured a knowledge of its receipt, or of its contents rested & will rest, exclusively with myself.—it is returned under cover lest you should have an early occasion to reply to, or otherwise use it.—I fully enter into, and appreciate the feelings and wishes of the writer, placed as he was, and which are very honorable to him.—At present I happen to be much accupied, but from the very cursory consideration I have given the subject, I have taken a somewhat different, and perhaps less correct, though I regret to state, not more grateful view of the points adverted to, than that of this very able Negotiator.—In the course of the ensuing week I hope to be more at leisure when I will have the honor to address to you a few brief remarks on the principal topick, to which the letter refers— / and In the mean time— / With Sentiments of increased estimation / And Great respect— / I am Sir / Your Obliged & Obedt Servt

					James Lloyd


Title: From John Adams to John Taylor, 24 February 1815
From: Adams, John
To: Taylor, John

Dear Sir
Quincy Feb. 24 1815

The Correction in your favour of the 10th is exact. I pray you to restore No. 24 to its place No. 3 and all the Subsequent ones to their Ranks. In future I will correct the procedure. But it may be Some time before I can go on, for I have So many Irons in the fire, that I cannot bring them at once on the Anvil and hammer them all in the nick of time.
I have not numbered this because it is a by business. I congratulate you on the Peace.
Why John Randolph Should dig a dead Body from the Grave merely for the pleasure of kicking it, I know not. But the poor Carcass feels not enough to flap the bug that Stinks and Stings.
As Usual your Sert
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to James Lloyd, 28 February 1815
From: Adams, John
To: Lloyd, James

Dear Sir
Quincy Feb. 28. 1815

I was engaged this Morning in writing a Letter to you No. 7, when I recd your favr of the 23d. inclosing the returned Letter of my son of Decr. 26, I have not numbered this because it belongs not to that Series.
I now inclose the original of a Short Letter I have written to my Son in Answer to his which I pray you to return to me, as I must send it by the first Opportunity. I demand all the Rights and Liberties of the Fisheries
1. From the Grant of God Almighty, in the constitution of his Universe,
2 As Englishmen intitled to all the Rights and Priviledges in the Fisheries which any Englishman ever possessed, which We ever possessed, because We have never renounced forfeited or relinquished them.
3 Because We conquered them from the French and the Countries in the Neighbourhood of them upon which they most depend
4. We derive no Right or Liberty in the Fisheries from the Treaty of 1783. That is no Grant, No Gift, no Bargain, no Sale, no Conveyance. It is only a solemn acknowledgement of anteceedent Rights and Liberties previously established upon far stronger and higher grounds.
Mr Fitsherbert, now Lord St. Hellens who appeared to be the most independent Spirit among the British Negotiators Said to me repeatedly “You have convinced me that you are right” Your Argument’s are unanswerable as far as I can see: “but the subject does not appear in the same light to our Government, for they persist in enjoining Upon Us to oppose and resist the Article to the last.” And resist it they did, till the last moment, and untill it was rendered certain, by the positive declaration of Laurens and Adams, that there could be no Peace nor Treaty without it.
The question, if it is to be made a question is of so much importance, that all the Lawyers in Boston ought to ransack the Libraries of Nations and their Laws and collect all the Authorities that can elucidate the Point. If I recollect with any degree of Precision the general Principles and particular passages in Books with which I was once conversant, tho’ now long neglected, I think I could prove beyond a doubt, that our Rights and Liberties in the Fisheries remain in Law as well as Reason, as they were ascertained by the Treaty of 1783.
But research is out of the question with me. My Eyes cannot bear it. Of South America and St. Domingo more hereafter. Meantime, I refer you, to Mr Breisteds huge Volumes of Hints on the approaching Bankuptcy of Great Britain in which John Adams is reproached with defeating certain Plans for setting South America free.
Your much obliged
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Jedidiah Morse, 1 March 1815
From: Morse, Jedidiah
To: Adams, John

					Respected & dear sir,
					Charlestown March 1st. 1815

				Some years ago, you may recollect, I informed you that I had engaged to complete Dr. Trumbull’s Hist. of the U. States, at his request, he feeling himself too far advanced in life to continue that work. I had made some preparations for that purpose, when, for a conscientious act, in opposing the election of Prof. Ware, as a violation of Mr Hollis’ Statutes, a scene of most violent persecution commenced, (in whh Miss. H. Adams, has been artfully made to act a conspicuous part) whh has been but recently terminated, (if indeed it can be sd. to have terminated) whh has created for me an immense deal of labor, in defensive measures, whh and, consumed both my time & health—In consequence I was obliged to to relinquish the design of writing this history—My enemies in this contest have been principally the same with whom you, sir, have had long to contend you know, therefore, their character & manner of combat.—I know not, sir, that you have at all interested yourself in this controversy, & if you have, I know not what is your opinion of its merits.—If you have not read my Appeal, & wish to see it. I will with pleasure send you a copy—& also of the pamphlet, entitled “Remark of the controversy,” whh appear to have closed it,—as no reply has been made to it.In this state of things, Dr. Trumbull having applied to me with solicitude to prosecute the History, I have concluded to undertake it. I do it, however, with much diffidence, & a deep sense of responsibility to GOD & my country.—Dr. T. has brought down this history, to the repeal of the Stamp Act. 1766. He furnishes no materials of great value beyond that period. Having read what Dr. T. has written, you know his manner of writing, & the Special design of history. His plan proposed to complete this history in 3 Vols. The first, whh is published, ends with the Indian Wars of 1764 & 1765—The next, one chap. only of whh is written, is to end with the capture of Burgoyne—the 3d. to end in 1792, completing 3 centuries from the discovery of America.—I shall probably alter this plan, & may, (shd. my life & health be spared,) bring down the history to the present time—in a sufficient no. of Vols,—I shall be collecting my materials accordingly.—In these circumstances, & with these views, I take the liberty, to apply to you, sir, (as I have done also to Gov. Jay) as having lived, & been in public life, during the whole period, of whh I propose to write the history, that you would favor me not only with such documents, both ms. & printed as you possess, but also with your advice, as, to the best manner of accomplishing this work—I could wish particularly, what would cost you little labor either of thought, or writing, familiar, as you are with the history of this period, that you would, just put on a sheet of paper, in chronological order, the series of prominent events from  1766, to this time, whh ought to be noticed in detail in such a history as I propose—& at the close of each article, refer to such documents, & where to be obtained, as may at the time occur to your mind—Your goodness, sir, I know will excuse me in asking this favor—as, to a mind like yours, whh can take in at one view this whole period, a compliance with my request will be easy to yourself—& be of very great use to me—my intention is to give a faithful history—especially of all those great events & occurrences, in whh the hand of Providence has been most visible—& I wd. wish also to do justice to all the prominent actors under Providence, in accomplishing these great events.I wish not, sir, to make known, but  particular friends, at present, the fact, that I am engaged in this history—I will thank you, therefore to mention it to no one, but to Mrs Adams, for the present.My heart has often wept over the sins & calamities of my country; the animosities & abuse divisions whh have existed even among good men—& the abuse whh has been heaped on on some of our worthiest patriots, & on, you sir, among the rest.—It is a consolation to know, that all sufferers for righteousness sake, shall be sustained & ultimately rewarded.I take the liberty to enclose you an occasional sermon whh I have lately published.Mrs  M. unites with me in best regards to Mrs Adams & yourself—Rest assured, Dr. sir, of the high consideration, & very sincere respect, of your obdt servt.

					Jedh Morse.


Title: To John Adams from James Lloyd, 2 March 1815
From: Lloyd, James
To: Adams, John

					Sir—
					Thursday Morning March 2, 1815.

				I have just had the honor to receive your respected favor of the 28th ulto. with its interesting enclosure, which I return immediately after perusal—by the confidence manifested in its communication you will be pleased to accept my thanks.—I agree with you Sir, most fully, both as to the very important value of the object in discussion, and that it ought not to be, and I hope never will be, surrendered.At the moment of reading the Letter of Mr J. Q. Adams, I was fearful that the ground taken by the British Commissioners was a tenable one, that of the effect of a war on pre-existing Treaties was a tenable one; but further reflection has convinced me, that such a construction cannot be sustained in this particular case, even admitting it to be the correct one upon general principles—I have however been able as yet to devote scarcely any attention, and very little reflection to the subject, my time since the receipt of that letter in addition to the ordinary claims on it, has Been occupied by a morning and afternoon attendance at the Council, to the business which at the close of a Session of the Legislature always becomes accumulated, and in some degree hurried.—I hope however in a few days to be more at leisure—when I will have the honor to address you more fully.—With very high respect / I am Sir / Yr mo: Obed Servt.

					J. Lloyd.

					Understanding that the Mail will not leave Boston for Quincy until Saturday, I have requested Mr Greenleaf to take charge of this letter, lest the enclosure might not otherwise reach you so soon as you would wish.—


Title: From John Adams to Jedidiah Morse, 4 March 1815
From: Adams, John
To: Morse, Jedidiah

					My dear Sir,
					Quincy March 4. 1815

				Thanks for your favour of the 1st and the Sermon. I have never Seen Trumbulls History, in print, and know nothing of it, but from the very hasty Perusal of the Manuscript you Sent me. I esteem Dr Morse and Dr Ware. The Vote of the former against the latter never diminished my Esteem for either: because I believed both to be able and conscientious Men. I esteem Dr Morse and Miss Adams and the flickerings and bickerings between them, have made no Change in my regard for either. In short Sir, I have been a Reader of Theological, Litterary, Phylosophical Political and Personal disputes for more than Sixty Years: and now I look at them with little more interest, than at the flying Clouds of the day.When you apply to me to assist you in Writing History, I know not whether I ought to laugh or cry. I have little Faith in History. I read it as I do Romance; believing what is probable and rejecting what I must. Thucidides Tacitus, Livy, Hume Robertson Gibbon, Raynal and Voltaire are all alike. Our American History for the last fifty Years is already as much corrupted, as any half Century of Ecclesiastical History from the Counsel of Nice to the Restoration of the Inquisition in 1814.If I were to write a history of the last Sixty years as the Facts lie rest in my memory, and according to my Judgment and under the Oath of Thuanus “Pro veritate historiarum mearum Deum ipsum obtestor,” a hundred Writers in America France England and Holland would immediately appear and call me to my face and before the World a gross Lyar and a perjured Villain.I have never preserved News Papers or Pamphlets. The few, I have ever attempted to Save, I have long Since given away. Mr Shaw has in his Athenaum more of them than any other Person. Private Letters I have preserved in considerable Numbers: but these ought not to be opened these hundred Years and then perhaps will not be found of much consequence, except as memorials of private Friendships.If you desire it I may hereafter give you two or three Samples of Such a History as I Should write. Anecdotes of no kind of Consequence now; unless they Should Serve to Shew how many thousands of Facts, are wholly concealed and unknown to the World and how many more will be finally unknown to Posterity; Facts which mark Characters and might materially influence great Events. I am Sir, with / Respect and Esteem your old Friend

					John Adams


Title: From John Adams to John Taylor, 5 March 1815
From: Adams, John
To: Taylor, John

				d 32No. 32.
					Dear Sir
					Quincy January March 5th. 1815

				A few Words more concerning the Characters of litterary Men. What Sort of Men have had the Conduct of the Presses in the United States for the last thirty Years? In Germany, in England in France in Holland, tho Presses even the Newspapers have been under the direction of learned Men. How has it been in America? How many Presses, how many Newspapers have been directed by Vagabonds fugitives from a Baillif, a Pillory or a halter in Europe?You know it is one of the Sublimest and profoundest discoveries of the Eighteenth Century, that Knowledge is corruption, that Arts, Sciences And taste have deformed the beauty and destroyed the Felicity of human nature, which appears only in perfection in the Savage State, the Children of Nature. Vide Rousseau and Diderot, passim. The former gravely tells Us, that the first Man who fenced a Tobacco Yard and Said “this is mine” ought instantly to have been put to death. The latter, as solemnly Says, the first Man who pronounced the Word “Dieu” ought to have been dispatched on the Spot; Yet these are Advocates of Toleration and Enemies of the Inquisition!I never had enough of the Etherial Spirit, to rise to these heights. My humble Opinion is that Knowledge upon the whole promotes Virtue and happiness. I therefore hope that you and all other Gentlemen of Property, Education and Reputation will exert your utmost Influence in establishing Schools, Colledges, Accademies and Universities and employ every Mean and Opportunity to Spread Information even to the lowest dregs of the People, if any Such there are. Even among your own Domesticks and John Randolph’s Serfs. I fear not the propagation and dissemination of Knowledge. The Condition of Humanity will be improved and ameliorated by its Expansion and diffusion in every direction. May every human Being—Man, Woman and Child, be as well informed as possible.But after all did you, ever See a rose, without a brier, a Convenience without an inconvenience, a good without an evil, in this mingled World? Knowledge is applied to bad purposes, as well as to good ones, Knaves and Hypocrites can acquire it as well as honest, candid and Sincere Men. It is employed as an Engine and a Vehicle to propagate Error Falshood Treason and Vice, as well as Truth, honour, Virtue and Patriotism. It composes and pronounces both Panogyricks and Phillippicks with exquite Art to confound all distinctions in Society between Right and Wrong. And if I admit as I do that Truth generally prevails and Virtue is or will be tryumphant in the End; you must allow that honesty has a hard Struggle, and must prevail by many a well fought and fortunate battle, and after all must often look to another World for Justice, if not for Pardon. There is no necessary connection between Knowledge and Virtue. Simple Intelligence has no essential Association with Morality. What connection is there between the Mechanism of a Clock or Watch, and the feeling of moral good and evil right and Wrong? A faculty, or a quality of distinguishing between moral good and Evil as well as physical happiness and Misery, i.e. pleasure and pain, or in other Words a Conscience an old Word, almost out of Fashion, is essential to Morality. Now, how far does, Simple, theoretical Knowledge, quicken or Sharpen Conscience? La Harpe, in Some part of his great Work, his Course of Litterature has given Us an Account of a tribe of learned Men, and elegant Writers who kept a kind of Offices, in Paris for Selling at all prices down to three Livres, Essays and Paragraphs upon any Subject good or evil; for or against any Party, any cause or any Person. One of the most conspicuous and popular Booksellers in England, both with the Courtiers and the Citizens, who employed many Printers and Supported many Writers, has often Said to me “The Men of Learning in this Country are Stark mad. There are in this City, a hundred Men, Gentlemen of liberal Education, Men of Science classical Schollars, fine Writers, whom I can hire at any time at a Guinea a day, to write for me, for or against, any Man, any party or any cause.” Can We wonder, then at any thing We read in British Journals Magazines, Newspapers or Reviews? Where are, and where have been the greatest Masses of Science of Litterature, or of Taste? Shall We look for them, in the Church or the State? In the Universities, or the Accademies? Among Greek or Roman Phylosophers, Hindoo Brachmans, Chinese Mandarins, Chaldean Magi, British Druids, Indian Prophets, or Christian Monks? Has it not been the invariable Maxim of them all to deceive the People by any Lies however gross? “Bonus Populus vult decipi; ergo Decipiatur.”And after all that can be done to disseminate Knowledge, You never can equallize it. The Number of Labourers must and will forever, be so much more multitudinous, than that of the Students, that there will allways be Giants as well as Pigmies, the former of which will have more influence than the latter, Man for Man, and head for head and therefore the former will be Aristocrats and the latter Democrats, if not Jacobins or Sansculottes.These Morsels and a million others analogous to them which will easily occur to you, if you will be pleased to give them a careful mastication and rumination, must I think convince you, that no practicable or possible Advancement of Learning can ever equalize Knowledge among Men to Such a degree that Some will not have more Influence in Society than others and consequently that Some will always be Aristocrats and others Democrats.You may read the history of all the Universities Accademies, Monasteries of the World and See Whether Learning extinguishes human Passions or corrects human Vices. You will find in them, as many Parties and Factions as much Jealousy & Envy, hatred and Malice, Revenge and Intrigue; as you will in any Legislative Assembly or Executive Counsel; the most ignorant City or Village. Are not the Men of Letters, Phylosophers, Divines Physicians Lawyers Orators and Poets, all over the World, at perpetual Strife, with one another?Knowledge, therefore, as well as Genius, Strength Activity, Industry, Beauty and twenty other Things, will forever be a natural Cause of Aristocracy.You every where, persist in connecting hereditary descent, legal Establishment and permanent duration, with natural Aristocracy; whereas it has nothing to do with them: it has no relation to them.You also Seize upon the Word “Crown” in your quotation in your Eighth page, as if I had meant an hereditary Crown. I meant no Such Thing. You who are a Lawyer know, that the Word Crown is a technical term to Signify the Executive Power: and Mr. Madison has as good a Crown as Louis 18 or George the third, and better too than either

					John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Richard Rush, 6 March 1815
From: Rush, Richard
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir.
Washington March 6. 1815.

After thanking you, most cordially, for the affectionate interest you have taken in my late indisposition, I must now say that I have happily gotten rid of all my complaints. Daily rides and walks this fine weather, with fish, oysters, and other good things in moderation, are fast giving me my usual strength. I hope soon to be better than ever. The Jesuits bark I hope I shall be able to do without; but the cider and water I have already commenced with, as a daily drink at dinner.
My wife was favored with your valued and gratifying letter last evening. She considers herself greatly honored, and says she will always remember the favor with pleasure and with pride.
You have now, Sir, lived to see your country through another war, and gloriously I hope. May I return you my respectful congratulations on the event, and may you still live to see many of the beneficial results upon the safety, interests, and grandeur of that country, which the struggle she has just passed through will, I trust, be the means of producing.
Although Mr J. Q. Adams, is now destined to fill our first foreign mission, as the reward, in part, of his useful services; yet, for my part, I must still say, that I wish we had the benefit of his talents at home. But the coincidence is remarkable in the hereditary honors continuing to run pari passu;—father and son each signing a treaty of peace; father and son successively ministers after the peace!
Accompanying this letter, I beg leave to send you a pamphlet lately prepared, with some care, by the government. It was in press and within a few days of being ready for distribution when the news of peace arrived. It was then determined to suppress it notwithstanding the note in front; whether on sufficient grounds I do not undertake to decide. But as it seems such has been the determination, you will permit me the liberty of saying, that it will be only for your own eye, or such discreet friends as you would trust it to, and from whom you would receive it again without publication. No other copy, that I know of, has gone from Washington. Mr Dallas was the penman of it, and I trust you will view it as an able and lucid display of historical truth.
With the highest respect, I / am, as at all times, / your attached and / devoted friend and / Sevt—
Richard Rush.


Title: From John Adams to James Lloyd, 6 March 1815
From: Adams, John
To: Lloyd, James

					N. 7Dear Sir
					Quincy March 6. 1815

				As method is of no importance, in my Letters I will deviate from the course I was in, to Speak of the Project of the Independence of South America in 1798, Since my glances at this Subject, have excited your curiosity, it Shall be gratified. As the Prudence and Necessity of my “Missions to France,” are cogently demonstrated, by this History, I pray you to read it with patience in Detail.During our revolutionary War, General Miranda came to the United States, travelled through many, if not all of them, was introduced to General Washington and his Aids, Secretaries and all the Gentlemen of his Family; to the other General Officers and their Families, and to many of the Colonels. He acquired the Character of a Classical Schollar of a Man of Universal  Knowledge, of a great General and Master of all the military Sciences; and of great Sagacity, an inquisitive Mind and an insatiable curiosity. It was a general Opinion and report, that he knew more of The Families Parties and Connections in the U.S. than any other Man in them. That he knew more of every Campaign, Siege, Battle and Skirmish that had ever occurred in the whole War, than any Officer of our Army or any Statesman in our Counsels. His constant Topick was the Independence of South America, her immense Wealth, inexhaustible resources, innumerable population, impatience under the Spanish Yoke, and disposition to throw off the dominion of Spain. It is most certain that he filled the heads of many of the young Officers with brilliant Visions of Wealth, free Trade, Republican Government &c &c &c, in South America.Hamilton was one of this most intimate Friends, and confidential Admirers and Colonel Smith, I presume was another. Off Burr, I will Say nothing, because I know nothing with certainty. Of Dayton I will Say little at present. Of Wilkinson, nothing at all at present. But of Winthrop Sergent Governor of the Mississippi Territory, and one of the most intelligent of them all I will Say that he acknowledged to me, with apparent humiliation and grief, that he had been one who had been carried away by the fashionable Enthusiasm, and been charmed with the Ideas of Wealth Glory and Liberty which the Independence of South America exhibited. General Knox was also one of his Intimates. I had never Seen Miranda, and have never Seen him yet. But this was the Universal Language, concerning Miranda, of all the Americans whom I met in France Holland and England, without one exception.Some Years after the Peace of 1783 Miranda came to England, and was Several Weeks in London. He never came near me. I never heard he had been there, till years afterwards. I have lately heard that his Apology for avoiding my House was, that if he had been Seen there the Spanish Ambassador might have been informed of it and the Marquis del Campo might have procured from Court an order for his Arrest. This excuse may be true: and I may and do conjecture other reasons that may be equally true; though I need not explain them at present. But he did meet Col. Smith Secretary of Legation to my Commission to the Court of St James’s; was intimate with him, though I knew nothing of it, and persuaded him to travel to Holland Prussia and Germany. On this Journey he persuaded Smith to lend him money to the amount of Some hundred Guineas to pursue his Travels to Russia. This Money he afterwards honourably and punctually remitted to his Benefactor. He afterwards entered the Service of France, commanded Armies, was accused of Treason, tryed and honourably acquitted. But he Soon went over to England procured Audiences and Conferences with Mr Pitt and Mr King; Some of the results of which I Shall proceed to State to you.On the 25th. of August 1798, I received at Quincy a Letter from Mr Pickering Secretary of State dated Trenton August 21 1798, inclosed in a large Packet of Papers among which was a Letter from Mr King, one from Mr Joseph Pedro Caro, and one from Miranda. Mr Pickering informed me that he had recd. under the Same cover two Letters, one for Colonel Hamilton and the other for General Knox, which he forwarded by the same Post to those Gentlemen.”Mr Kings Letter to the Secretary of State (Mr Pickering) dated Feb. 26. 1798 was in these Words “Two Points have, within a fortnight been Settled in the English cabinet respecting South America. If Spain is able to prevent the Overthrow of her present Government, and to excape being brought under the entire controul of France, England, between whom and France Spain, notwithstanding the War, a certain Understanding appears to exist, will at present engage in no Scheme to deprive Spain of her possessions in South America. But if, as appears probable, the Army destined against Portugal, and which will march through Spain, or any other means, which may be employed by France, Shall overthrow the Spanish Government, and thereby place the resources of Spain and of her Colonies at the disposal of France, England will immediately commence the Execution of a Plan, long since digested and prepared, for the complete Independence of South America. If England engages in this Plan, She will propose to the United States, to co-operate in its Execution. Miranda will be detained here under one pretence or another, untill Events Shall decide the Conduct of England. The Revolution of Spain is decreed: the Attempt will be made, and its Success is Scarcely doubtful. The President may therefore expect the Overture of England, and will, I am persuaded Act upon it, under the Influence of that wise and comprehensive policy, which, looking forward to the destinies of the New World, Shall, in the beginning, by great and generous deeds, Lay deep and firm the foundations of lasting Concord between its rising Empires. If possible, I will bring together and Seasonably arrange and Send to you, Such information, as I have been able to procure upon this interesting and very consequential subject, having found out and acquired the confidence of certain Jesuits, natives of South America, who with a View to its independance are, and for Several Years have been in the Service and pay of England. I have often conversed with them, and Seen the Reports which they have prepared for their Employers. These communications throw much Light upon the population, the revenues, the Oppression, and the temper and Character of the Spanish Americans.”I inclose Mr Pickerings original Letter and an Authenticated, Official Copy of Mr Kings; requesting the Return of them by the Post.In my next, I will devellope more of this Mystery; which I think abounds with Instruction to American Statesmen; among whom you Mr Lloyd must and will be enumerated, Whether you will or no. You are in a Cage, like Sternes Starling. You “cannot get out.”I am Sir, with entire confidence, your Friend

					John Adams


Title: To John Adams from François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 7 March 1815
From: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan
To: Adams, John

My Dear and high respected, friend!
Oldenbarneveld 7 March 1815.

The daÿ before I was so unexpectedly favoured with your affectionate Letters of the 22 & 23 of Febr. mr D. Parish with his usual politeness took a package of Letters for our Dutch friends under his charge for the Dutch Minister, who was so obliging—to offer me their conveÿence to Holland. Nevertheless it was a duty to comply with your friend’s demands, more so, as it appeared to me, that it would be acceptable to you. I regret however—that since the death of Luzac I do not cultivate anÿ literarÿ connexion there at least with regard to the Classics. I hope, I may have succeeded in filling up this gap—by introducing mr Everett to my friends, who, I am confident will exert themselves—to their utmost power—to render his residence in that country agreeable. I must enlarge a little on these letters for his information. I ventured to introduce him to Prof. Wyttembach—the Parson of Holland—to whom I am for a great part indebted the little I know of the learned Languages. I was accustomed to treat him with reverence—but our characters were too disparate to love Him—or court his intimacÿ—Perhaps the warm union between J. Luzac and me had some share in it. I would not write him in English, I dared not do it in Latin—I know—he will not criticise a Dutch Letter—and am confident, he shall be pleased, if alive, with this flattering mark of regard—in having introduced to his acquaintance—and although I have not said so—to his patronage  An American Scholar. Wÿttembach is no native Dutchman—although he lived there since 1771—he is a Swiss. Encouraged by your warm recommendation of mr Everett I have been so bold, to apply to Him the lines, in which Don Joseph Pardo de Figueroa—perhaps a relative or Ancestor of John Quincÿ’s esteemed friend is celebrated bÿ Vanierius—and concluding from what I have seen—what I have heard in Cambridge’s chapel—I have not overrated his merits:
Linguarum morumque Sciens, interprete nulloEuropæ varias gentes qui nuper obïbatHospes ubique novus, nulla peregrinus in urbe.
Mess. Willink will be of great service to Him at Amsterdam—my frend Born at Rotterdam shall be delighted in receiving an American under his hospitable roof—you know—He was here a number of years—and this our settlement and neighbourhood has risen under and fostered bÿ his cares. Although no Literarÿ men—he is an enlightened merchant—with a cultivated mind—and a heart—with would endear him to all around him—if he was as illiterate and dull, as mÿ ci-devant countrymen are too often delineated by the Englishmen and—Americans too. At my Dear friend’s Le Pole he shall be received as by you at Quincy, and maÿ come and return—as freely—as to his own house. I need to say nothing about Cou and de Gyzelaer—they would give, more than I should dare to ask.
I do not suppose, that the Diplomatic affairs shall crowd so much on the time of mr Everett—or he shall from time to time find leesure for an excursion to Leyden and Rotterdam. I have not the honour of being acquainted with the Embassadorial talents of Dr Eustis—but—let he be equal to the Duc de La Vauguion, I suspect Everett shall find himself often in the place of Berenger. I promised Miss Sophia Mappa to include a Letter of her, and trust you will oblige me—by requesting the Secretarÿ—to take it under his care.
I cordially reciprocate mÿ congratulations—Althoug we possess neither bell nor cannon—we were not idle—Invited with two Republicans and a Federalist—to arrange our rejoicings we convened—read the Treaty—wished one another joÿ—walked in procession—above two hundred persons—and were cheered by a good band of Music—all was harmonÿ not one single word disturbed our union—every house was illuminated—and although I do not believe that the halcyon days are so established—that no future blast is to be dreaded—I flatter myself—this day will leave some good seeds behind which maÿ ripen to maturity—I have now at least hope, that I shall lay down my head in peace—and I care verÿ little when, if I have, what I flatter myself with it, provided a competent subsistence for mrs v. d. kemp and her two children—
I was pleased with your Shoemaker—so was my wife and daughter—to whom I communicated it. There is more worth in such practical philosophy—than in the hugest volum in Folio of theorÿ—But did you never experience the truth of “video meliora proboque &c.? Wadstrom’s excentric performance would have amused you a moment of leisure—one of my correspondents in Boston informed me last year—that it was send you—this must be a mistake—I made a present of it to poor Charles Eliot! alas! poor Charles! and yet unwillingly I envÿ often the lot of those, who left us—It is an unpleasing reflection—mÿ usefulness is past—it soothes it in some manner that my family, and my two partial friends do not think so.—You saÿ, Benjamin Vaughan inserted it in Fr. works without his consent or knowledge: can that be so? The Editor of his Political Miscell—and Philosophical pieces ed. 8. 1779 London—says—“he took it from Lord kaims sketches. vol. ii Pag. 472, 3”—Lord Kames asserts “that this parable against persecution was communicated to Him by Dr Franklin”—and the Editor says “that he was told, that Dr Franklin has often imposed this parable upon his friends and acquaintance, as a part of a chapter of Genesis.” Your Ladÿ has send me the valuable little poëms. The authors could not imagine, that theÿ would cheer a recluse in the western woods—and yet they are rewarded by mÿ silent thanks. The Dutch Ministers communications were interesting to me and mrs v. d. K. many of our old friends and relatives arose as from the death before us—and well with a new lustre—by the munificence, display’d by them in behalf of their Countrÿ. Your Ladÿ can not regret this seeming neglect in the Embassadors family—All the Ladies of that rank are handsome—and accomplished—this is an axiom—a scrutinÿ of the Lady of Mount Wollaston, might have discovered some flaws—and found them homelÿ Dutch women.
I expect—the Schelde—Antwerp—Ostende—Newport shall be joined to Holland—The Advantage must be incalculable—the evils attending it in my opinion insignificant—I do not recollect one single example that commerce returned to the same spot, which she once finally had left—seldomer yet, than a river to an old channel—in which it first flowed. A residence of three months in that countrÿ—and well chiefly conversing with the mercantile class convinced me in 1787—that the boasted projects of Josephus ii did rest on quicksand—The mercantile genius was fled—not even its phantom  appeared in the men—their chief commercial transactions were entrusted to their wives and daughters—The chief business at Ostende—and a vast deal was performed—was on account of houses in London & Amsterdam—and well bÿ Dutch and Brittish Merchants or their Agents. Holland shall recover some commerce—but can never again become England’s competitor—this is bÿ Providence destined for this countrÿ—England—the government as well as the Mercantile interest will follow that golden mercantile maxim—and know “how to loose in time”—they will and must favour the Dutch—to checq our growth, as it is not in their power to wither it—and in this self interest must prompt whole Europe to support England—This Countrÿ must unavoidablÿ swallow up the whole in time.
Have the Letters of Madame Necker been published? I doubt not or you had an agreable acquaintance with Madame Stael—you do always homage to eminent talents—but I doubt much, except you say so, that your heart was equallÿ delighted with her—and an amiable good-natured man with a sound understanding would by me be prefered for an associate above the brightest genius of the world. Could I defraÿ the expences of travelling my dear Daughter should enjoy the happiness of seeing mr & mrs Adams and become acquainted with your amiable Susan—now she must remain contented—and considers herself greatly honoured with your affectionate wishes. Your Ladÿ has received the cabbage seeds—they will supplant the Cossacks. I made an alliance with—not Hyder-Ali chan—but the Easter-Cyder Kan—and drove away, a while, mÿ obstinate enemÿ—
I remain for ever your obliged friend,

Fr. Adr. vanderkemp

P.S. I leave it to your care to fold the Letter up again—and leave them unopened or seal them—as proprietÿ in your opinion dictates—7 March 1815.P.P.S I received this morning a Similar Letter as your from Rev. Edw. Everett—which occasioned the P.S. a new attack of violent head-ache compels me, to delaÿ mÿ answer to Him  v. d k.