Title: A Dialogue between X, Y, and Z, 18 December 1755
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

The scorn heaped on Franklin’s Militia Act by the proprietary interest made necessary a sympathetic explanation of its unique features to help secure the wide popular support required for its implementation. Franklin explained his connection with the dialogue printed below in the autobiography: “To promote the Association necessary to form the Militia, I wrote a Dialogue, stating and answering all the Objections I could think of to such a Militia, which was printed and had as I thought great Effect.” The chaotic military scene in Pennsylvania during the nearly eleven months the Militia Act was in force makes it difficult to evaluate the effect of either the act itself or Franklin’s defense of it. Volunteer “militia” had operated along the frontier since before Braddock’s defeat, and regularly enlisted “rangers” were raised using funds provided by the £60,000 act. In view of the rather casual terms of the act, it is uncertain how much it contributed to an active defense which would not have been accomplished merely by the necessity of events and the loosening of the purse strings.

A Dialogue between X, Y, and Z, concerning the present State of Affairs in Pennsylvania.
X. Your Servant, Gentlemen; I am glad to see you at my House. Is there any thing new To-day?

Y. We have been talking of the Militia Act; have you seen it?
X. Yes; I have read it in the Papers.
Z. And what do you think of it?
X. The more I consider it, the better I like it. It appears to me a very good Act, and I am persuaded will be of good Use, if heartily carried into Execution.
Z. Ay, that may be; but who is to carry it into Execution? It says the People may form themselves into Companies, and chuse their own Officers; but there is neither Time nor Place appointed for this Transaction, nor any Person directed or impowered to call them together.
X. ’Tis true; but methinks there are some Words that point out the Method pretty plain to willing Minds. And it seems to me that we who joined so sincerely in the Petitions for a Militia Law, and really thought one so absolutely necessary for the Safety of our Country, should, now we have obtained the Law, rather endeavour to explain, than invent, Difficulties in the Construction of it.
Y. What are those Words you mention?
X. Here is the Act itself, I’ll read that Part of it. “From and after the Publication of this Act, it shall and may be lawful for the Freemen of this Province to form themselves into Companies, as heretofore they have used in time of War without Law, and for each Company, by Majority of Votes, in the Way of Ballot, to chuse its own Officers, &c.” The Words I meant are these, as heretofore they have used in Time of War. Now I suppose we have none of us forgot the Association in the Time of the last War; ’tis not so long since, but that we may well enough remember the Method we took to form ourselves into Companies, chuse our Officers, and present them to the Governor for Approbation and Commissions; and the Act in question says plainly, we may now lawfully do in this Affair, what we then did without Law.
Y. I did not before take so much Notice of those Words, but to be sure the Thing is easy enough; for I remember very well how we managed at that Time; and indeed ’tis easier to effect it now than it was then: For the Companies and Regiments, and their Districts, &c. were then all to form and settle; but now, why may not the Officers of the old Companies call the old Associators together, with such others in the District of each Company as incline to be concerned, and proceed immediately to a new Choice by Virtue of the Act? Other new Companies may in other Places be formed as the associated Companies were.
Z. You say right. And if this were all the Objection to the Act, no Doubt they would do so immediately. But ’tis said there are other Faults in it.
X. What are they?
Z. The Act is so loose, that Persons who never intend to engage in the Militia, even Quakers may meet and vote in the Choice of the Officers.
X. Possibly; but was any such thing observed in the Association Elections?
Z. Not that I remember.
X. Why should it be more apprehended now, than it was at that Time? Can they have any Motives to such a Conduct now, which they had not then?
Z. I cannot say.
X. Nor can I. If a Militia be necessary for the Safety of the Province, I hope we shall not boggle at this little Difficulty. What else is objected?
Z. I have heard this objected, That it were better the Governor should appoint the Officers; for the Choice being in the People, a Man very unworthy to be an Officer, may happen to be popular enough to get himself chosen by the undiscerning Mob.
X. ’Tis possible. And if all Officers appointed by Governors were always Men of Merit, and fully qualified for their Posts, it would be wrong ever to hazard a popular Election. It is reasonable, I allow, that the Commander in Chief should not have Officers absolutely forced upon him, in whom, from his Knowledge of their Incapacity, he can place no Confidence. And, on the other Hand, it seems likely that the People will engage more readily in the Service, and face Danger with more Intrepidity, when they are commanded by a Man they know and esteem, and on whose Prudence and Courage, as well as Good will and Integrity, they can have Reliance, than they would under a Man they either did not know, or did not like. For supposing Governors ever so judicious and upright in the Distribution of Offices, they cannot know every Body, in every Part of the Province, and are liable to be imposed on by partial Recommendations; but the People generally know their Neighbours. And to me, the Act in question seems to have hit a proper Medium, between the two Modes of appointing: The People chuse, and if the Governor approves, he grants the Commission; if not, they are to chuse a second, and even a third Time. Out of three Choices, ’tis probable one may be right; and where an Officer is approved both by Superiors and Inferiors, there is the greater Prospect of those Advantages that attend a good Agreement in the Service. This Mode of Choice is moreover agreeable to the Liberty and Genius of our Constitution. ’Tis similar to the Manner in which by our Laws Sheriffs and Coroners are chosen and approved. And yet it has more Regard to the Prerogative than the Mode of Choice in some Colonies, where the military Officers are either chosen absolutely by the Companies themselves, or by the House of Representatives, without any Negative on that Choice, or any Approbation necessary from the Governor.
Y. But is that agreeable to the English Constitution?
X. Considered in this Light, I think it is; British Subjects, by removing into America, cultivating a Wilderness, extending the Dominion, and increasing the Wealth, Commerce and Power of their Mother Country, at the Hazard of their Lives and Fortunes, ought not, and in Fact do not thereby lose their native Rights. There is a Power in the Crown to grant a Continuance of those Rights to such Subjects, in any Part of the World, and to their Posterity born in such new Country; and for the farther Encouragement and Reward of such Merit, to grant additional Liberties and Privileges, not used in England, but suited to the different Circumstances of different Colonies. If then the Grants of those additional Liberties and Privileges may be regularly made under an English Constitution, they may be enjoyed agreeable to that Constitution.
Y. But the Act is very short, there are numberless Circumstances and Occasions pertaining to a Body of armed Men, which are not as they ought to have been expresly provided for in the Act.
X. ’Tis true, there are not express Provisions in the Act for all Circumstances; but there is a Power lodged by the Act in the Governor and Field Officers of the Regiments, to make all such Provisions, in the Articles of War, which they may form and establish.
Y. But can it be right in the Legislature by any Act to delegate their Power of making Laws to others?
X. I believe not, generally; but certainly in particular Cases it may. Legislatures may, and frequently do give to Corporations, Power to make By Laws for their own Government. And in this Case, the Act of Parliament gives the Power of making Articles of War for the Government of the Army to the King alone, and there is no Doubt but the Parliament understand the Rights of Government.
Y. Are you sure the Act of Parliament gives such Power?
X. This is the Act. The Power I mention is here in Section LV. “Provided always, That it shall and may be lawful to and for his Majesty, to form, make and establish Articles of War for the better Government of his Majesty’s Forces, and for bringing Offenders against the same to Justice; and to erect and constitute Courts Martial, with Power to try, hear, and determine any Crimes or Offences by such Articles of War, and inflict Penalties by Sentence or Judgment of the same.” And here you see bound up with the Act, the Articles of War, made by his Majesty in Pursuance of the Act, and providing for every Circumstance.
Z. It is so, sure enough. I had been told that our Act of Assembly was impertinently singular in this Particular.
X. The G——r himself, in a Message to the House, expresly recommended this Act of Parliament for their Imitation, in forming the Militia Bill.
Z. I never heard that before.
X. But it is true. The Assembly, however (considering that this Militia would consist chiefly of Freeholders) have varied a little from that Part of the Act of Parliament, in Favour of Liberty; they have not given the sole Power of making those Articles of War to the Governor, as that Act does to the King; but have joined with the Governor, for that Purpose, a Number of Officers to be chosen by the People. The Articles moreover are not to be general Laws, binding on all the Province, nor on any Man who has not first approved of them, and voluntarily engaged to observe them.
Z. Is there no Danger that the Governor and Officers may make those Articles too severe?
X. Not without you can suppose them Enemies to the Service, and to their Country: For if they should make such as are unfit for Freemen and Englishmen to be subjected to, they will get no Soldiers; no body will engage. In some Cases, however, if you and I were in actual Service, I believe we should both think it necessary for our own Safety that the Articles should be pretty severe.
Z. What Cases are they?
X. Suppose a Centinel should betray his Trust, give Intelligence to the Enemy, or conduct them into our Quarters.
Z. To be sure there should be severe Punishments for such Crimes, or we might all be ruined.
X. Chuse reasonable Men for your Officers, and you need not fear their making reasonable Laws; and if they make such, I hope reasonable Men will not refuse to engage under them.
Y. But here is a Thing I don’t like. By this Act of Assembly, the Quakers are neither compelled to muster, nor to pay a Fine if they don’t.
X. It is true; nor could they be compelled either to muster or pay a Fine of that Kind by any Militia Law made here. They are exempted by the Charter and fundamental Laws of the Province.
Y. How so?
X. See here; it is the first Clause in the Charter. I’ll read it. “Because no People can be truly happy, though under the greatest Enjoyment of civil Liberties, if abridged of the Freedom of their Consciences, as to their Religious Profession and Worship: And Almighty God being the only Lord of Conscience, Father of Lights and Spirits, and the Author as well as Object of all divine Knowledge, Faith and Worship, who only doth enlighten the Minds, and persuade and convince the Understandings of People, I do hereby grant and declare, That no Person or Persons inhabiting in this Province or Territories, who shall confess and acknowledge one Almighty God, the Creator, Upholder and Ruler of the World; and profess him or themselves obliged to live quietly under the civil Government, shall be, in any Case, MOLESTED or PREJUDICED in his or their Persons or Estate, because of his or their conscientious Persuasion or Practice, nor be compelled to frequent or maintain any religious Worship, Place or Ministry, contrary to his or their Mind, or to DO or SUFFER any other Act or Thing, contrary to their religious Persuasion.” And in the eighth Section of the same Charter, you see a Declaration, that “neither the Proprietor, nor his Heirs or Assigns, shall procure or do any Thing or Things, whereby the Liberties in this Charter contained or expressed, nor any Part thereof, shall be infringed or broken; and if any Thing shall be procured or done by any Person or Persons, contrary to these Presents, it shall be held of no Force or Effect.” This Liberty of Conscience granted by Charter, is also established by the first Law in our Book, and confirmed by the Crown. And moreover, the Governor has an express Instruction from the Proprietaries, that in case of making any Militia Law, he shall take especial Care that the Charter be not infringed in this Respect. Besides, most of our Petitions for a Militia from the moderate Part of the People, requested particularly that due Regard might be had to scrupulous and tender Consciences. When Taxes are raised however, for the King’s Service, the Quakers and Menonists pay their Part of them, and a great Part; for as their Frugality and Industry makes them generally wealthy, their Proportion is the greater compared with their Numbers. And out of these Taxes those Men are paid who go into actual Service. As for Mustering and Training, no Militia are any where paid for that. It is by many justly delighted in as a manly Exercise. But those who are engaged in actual Service for any Time, ought undoubtedly to have Pay.
Y. There is no Provision in this Militia Act to pay them.
X. There is a Provision that no Regiment, Company, or Party, though engaged in the Militia, shall be obliged “to more than three Days March, &c. without an Express Engagement for that Purpose first voluntarily entred into and subscribed by every Man so to march or remain in Garrison.” And ’tis to be supposed that no Man will subscribe such particular Engagement without reasonable Pay, or other Encouragement.
Y. But where is that Pay to come from?
X. From the Government to be sure; and out of the Money struck by the Act for granting £60,000.
Z. Yes; but those who serve must pay their Share of the Tax, as well as those who don’t.
X. Perhaps not. ’Tis to be supposed that those who engage in the Service for any Time, upon Pay, will be chiefly single Men, and they are expresly exempted from the Tax by the £60,000 Act. Consequently those who do not serve, must pay the more; for the Sum granted must be made up.
Z. I never heard before that they were exempted by that Act.
X. It is so, I assure you.
Y. But there is no Provision in the Militia Act for the Maimed.
X. If they are poor, they are provided for by the Laws of their Country. There is no other Provision by any Militia Law that I know of. If they have behaved well, and suffered in their Country’s Cause, they deserve moreover some grateful Notice of their Service, and some Assistance from the common Treasury; and if any particular Township should happen to be overburthened, they may, on Application to the Government, reasonably expect Relief.
Z. Though the Quakers and others conscientiously scrupulous of bearing Arms, are exempted, as you say, by Charter; they might, being a Majority in the Assembly, have made the Law compulsory on others. At present, ’tis so loose, that no body is obliged by it, who does not voluntarily engage.
X. They might indeed have made the Law compulsory on all others. But it seems they thought it more equitable and generous to leave to all as much Liberty as they enjoy themselves, and not lay even a seeming Hardship on others, which they themselves declined to bear. They have however granted all we asked of them. Our Petitions set forth, that “we were freely willing and ready to defend ourselves and Country, and all we wanted was legal Authority, Order and Discipline.” These are now afforded by the Law, if we think fit to make use of them. And indeed I do not see the Advantage of compelling People of any Sect into martial Service merely for the Sake of raising Numbers. I have been myself in some Service of Danger, and I always thought Cowards rather weakened, than strengthened, the Party. Fear is contagious, and a Pannick once begun spreads like Wildfire, and infects the stoutest Heart. All Men are not by Nature brave: And a few who are so, will do more effectual Service by themselves, than when accompanied by, and mixed with, a Multitude of Poltroons, who only create Confusion, and give Advantage to the Enemy.
Z. What signifies what you thought or think? Others think differently. And all the wise Legislatures in the other Colonies have thought fit to compel all Sorts of Persons to bear Arms, or suffer heavy Penalties.
X. As you say, what I thought or think is not of much Consequence. But a wiser Legislator than all those you mention put together, and who better knew the Nature of Mankind, made his military Law very different from theirs in that Respect.
Z. What Legislator do you mean?
X. I mean God himself, who would have no Man led to Battle that might rather wish to be at home, either from Fear or other Causes.
Z. Where do you find that Law?
X. ’Tis in the 20th Chapter of Deuteronomy, where are these Words, “When thou goest out to Battle against thine Enemies, the Officers shall speak unto the People, saying, What Man is there that hath built a new House, and hath not dedicated it? let him go and return to his House, lest he die in the Battle, and another Man dedicate it. And what Man is he that hath planted a Vineyard, and hath not yet eaten of it? let him also go, and return unto his House, lest he die in the Battle, and another Man eat of it. And what Man is there that hath betrothed a Wife, and hath not taken her? let him go and return unto his House, lest he die in Battle, and another Man take her.—And—”
Z. These all together could not be many; and this has no Relation to Cowardice.

X. If you had not interrupted me, I was coming to that Part, Verse 8. “And the Officers shall speak farther unto the People, and they shall say, What Man is there that is FEARFUL and FAINT-HEARTED? let him go and return unto his House; lest his Brethrens Heart faint as well as his Heart”; that is, lest he communicate his Fears, and his brave Brethren catch the Contagion, to the Ruin of the whole Army. Accordingly we find, that under this military Law, no People in the World fought more gallantly, or performed greater Actions than the Hebrew Soldiery. And if you would be informed what Proportion of the People would be discharged by such a Proclamation, you will find that Matter determined by an actual Experiment made by General Gideon, as related in the seventh Chapter of Judges: For he having assembled 32,000 Men against the Midianites, proclaimed, according to Law (Verse the third) “Whosever is FEARFUL and AFRAID, let him return and depart early from Mount Gilead.”
Z. And pray how many departed?
X. The Text says, there departed 22,000, and there remained but 10,000. A very great Sifting! and yet on that particular Occasion a farther Sifting was required. Now it seems to me, that this Militia Law of ours, which gives the Brave all the Advantages they can desire, of Order, Authority, Discipline, and the like, and compels no Cowards into their Company, is such a Kind of Sieve, as the Mosaic Proclamation. For with us, not only every Man who has built a House, or planted a Vineyard, or betrothed a Wife, or is afraid of his Flesh; but the narrow Bigot, filled with Sectarian Malice (if such there be) who hates Quakers more than he loves his Country, his Friends, his Wife or Family, may say: “I won’t engage, for I don’t like the Act”; or, “I don’t like the Officers that are chosen”; or, “I don’t like the Articles of War”; and so we shall not be troubled with them, but all that engage will be hearty.
Z. For my Part, I am no Coward; but hang me if I’ll fight to save the Quakers.
X. That is to say, you won’t pump Ship, because ’twill save the Rats, as well as yourself.

Y. You have answered most of the Objections I have heard against the Act, to my Satisfaction; but there is one remaining. The Method of carrying it into Execution seems so round-about, I am afraid we cannot have the Benefit of it in any reasonable Time.
X. I cannot see much in that Objection. The several Neighbourhoods out of which Companies are formed may meet and chuse their Company-Officers in one and the same Day; and the Regiments may be formed, and the Field Officers chosen in a Week or ten Days after, who may immediately proceed to consider the several Militia Laws of Britain and the Colonies, and (with the Governor) form out of them such Articles, as will appear most suitable for the Freemen of this Province, who incline to bear Arms voluntarily; and the Whole may be in Order in a Month from the first Elections, if common Diligence be used. And indeed, as the Colonies are at present the Prize contended for between Britain and France, and the latter, by the last Advices, seems to be meditating some grand Blow, Part of which may probably fall on Pennsylvania, either by Land or Sea, or both, it behoves us, I think, to make the best Use we can of this Act, and carry it immediately into Execution both in Town and Country. If there are material Defects in it, Experience will best discover them, and show what is proper or necessary to amend them. The approaching Winter will afford us some Time to arm and prepare, and more Leisure than other Seasons for Exercising and Improving in good Discipline.
Z. But if this Act should be carried into Execution, prove a good One, and answer the End; what shall we have to say against the Quakers at the next Election?
X. O my Friends, let us on this Occasion cast from us all these little Party Views, and consider ourselves as Englishmen and Pennsylvanians. Let us think only of the Service of our King, the Honour and Safety of our Country, and Vengeance on its Murdering Enemies. If Good be done, what imports it by whom ’tis done? The Glory of serving and saving others, is superior to the Advantage of being served or secured. Let us resolutely and generously unite in our Country’s Cause (in which to die is the sweetest of all Deaths) and may the God of Armies bless our honest Endeavours.


Title: [Benjamin Franklin?] to ——, 25 December 1755
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: ——

Governor Morris and the commissioners appointed in the £60,000 money act worked diligently to organize more effective measures against the continuing Indian attacks. By December 4 they had decided to rely chiefly upon a fort to be erected at Shamokin (at the forks of the Susquehanna; now Sunbury) from which ranging parties would be sent out. Such a fort would be a stronghold in the very heart of the hostile country, and would forestall the rumored French plan to build one there. After Morris’ departure for New York on December 8, however, further calls for help, plus the advice of George Croghan and other frontiersmen, persuaded the commissioners to more immediate action. James Hamilton explained the new four-part plan to the governor: 500 men were to be taken “into Constant Service, half on this and half on the other side of the Sasquehannah, and to erect Five Block Houses on Each Side, and the space between them to be continually ranged by the respective garrisons”; George Croghan was to superintend activities west of the Susquehanna and the capable Conrad Weiser in the central frontier near Reading; and three commissioners, Hamilton, Joseph Fox, and Franklin, were to leave as soon as possible for defenseless Northampton County, where the need was greatest. Hamilton was empowered to issue militia commissions in the governor’s absence, and his party left Philadelphia on December 18.
They spent the night of the 19th in Bethlehem and reached Easton the following day, where they found “the greatest consternation.” The frightened inhabitants would not even enlist to garrison the proposed forts for their own defense. The commissioners stayed there for ten days organizing defenses, dispensing arms, and getting military companies to begin the construction of forts north of the Blue Mountains.
The purpose of the expedition, as its leader said, was to “See and Judge for Our Selves of Condition of the Country, and of the most proper methods for defending it.” It was not, as some have assumed, a military operation, nor was Franklin in charge, however significant his unofficial initiative may have been. His “military career” did not begin until January 5, 1756, after a conference with Morris in Reading which resulted in his being given full powers to direct the defense of the Northampton frontier.
Franklin was on the northeastern frontier for fifty days, first as one of three commissioners, later in sole charge in Northampton County. During the second period he commanded over 500 troops and directed all their supply, communications, and engineering activities. Although the documents printed below record the campaign in some detail, the following chronology of Franklin’s service may be helpful.

December 1755

18.
Commissioners Hamilton, Franklin, and Fox leave Philadelphia.

  19.
Arrive in Bethlehem toward evening.

  20.
Arrive in Easton.

  30.
Leave Easton; arrive in Bethlehem.

  31.
Leave Bethlehem for Reading.

January 1756

  1.
Arrive in Reading early afternoon.

  2.
Council meetings with Governor Morris.

  3.
Morris receives first word of attack on Gnadenhütten.

  5.
Franklin commissioned commander in Northampton County.

  6.
Leaves Reading for Bethlehem.

  7.
Arrives in Bethlehem.

  10.
Present at Moravian dinner; listens to music.

  11.
Attends Moravian preaching; “very attentive.”

  15.
Marches for Gnadenhütten about noon; spends night at Hays’ Tavern.

  16.
Passes Lehigh Water Gap; spends night at Uplinger’s.

  17.
(His 50th birthday) Marches for Gnadenhütten; rain forces return to Uplinger’s.

  18.
Arrives at Gnadenhütten early afternoon.

  19.
Begins building a fort.

  24.
Fortification completed; party sent to build what is later called Fort Franklin.

  25.
Flag is raised over fortification at Gnadenhütten and named Fort Allen.

February 1756

  1.
Party sent to build Fort Norris.

  4.
Franklin leaves Fort Allen; arrives at Bethlehem.

  5.
Arrives in Philadelphia late at night.

The letter from which the following extracts were printed in the Philadelphia papers was probably written by a member of the party with Hamilton; Franklin may have been the author, but the writer cannot be certainly identified.

[Easton, December 25, 1755]
The Country all above this Town, for 50 Miles, is mostly evacuated and ruined, excepting only the Neighbourhood of the Dupuy’s, five Families, which stand their Ground. The People are chiefly fled into the Jerseys. Many of them have thresh’d out their Corn, and carry’d it off, with their Cattle and best Houshold Goods; but a vast Deal is left to the Enemy. Numbers offered Half their Corn, Cows, Horses, Goods, &c. to save the rest, but could not obtain Assistance enough to remove them in Time. The Enemy made but few Prisoners, murdering almost all that fell into their Hands, of all Ages and both Sexes: All Business is at an End, and the few remaining starving Inhabitants in this Town, are quite dejected and dispirited. Captains Aston and Trump march up to Dupuy’s this Day, and are to build two Block Houses for the Defence of the Country between that Settlement and Gnadenhutten, which, when finished, the Inhabitants that are fled say they will return.
In the above Letter there is an Account of the following Mischief being done by the Indians above Dupuy’s, viz.
Brewer Decker, some of his Family killed, and his House burnt.

John Worley, and all his large Family killed; and a dead Indian found lying among them, known by the Name of John Mohock.
Peter Van Gordey, and his three Sons, their Houses all burnt.
Widow Contracht, her two Daughters taken Prisoners, some of the Family killed.
Peter Van Aken’s two Houses burnt.
John Van Camp’s House and Mill burnt.
Garrat Brink’s two Houses and Barracks burnt.
Henry Contracht’s House and Barn burnt.
Jacobus Van Gordey’s House and Barn burnt.
Stoffel Denmark’s Barn burnt. Besides many others, whose Names were forgot.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, 27 December 1755
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Deborah

My dear Child
Easton, Saturday Night, Dec. 27 [1755]

I receiv’d yours of the 24th with Pleasure [since it?] acquainted me of your and the Family’s Welfare. [I] am glad to hear that the Companies are forming in Town and chusing their Officers, and hope the Example will be followed throughout the Country. We all continue well, but much harrass’d with Business; after many Difficulties and Disappointments we march’d two Companies, yesterday, over the Mountains, viz. Aston’s and Trump’s. We wait here only for Shoes, Arms and Blankets, expected hourly, and then shall move towards Berks County. Our Compliments to Mr. Masters, and all enquiring Friends. When you write next to me, direct to Mr. Read’s Care at Reading. My Duty to Mother, and Love to the Children. I hope to find you all well at my Return. My Love to Mr. Hall; we have no fresh News here of Mischief, to be depended on. Send the News papers, and my Letters to Reading: and let me have all the little News about the XYZ Proceedings, Officers, &c. I am, with great Affection, Your loving Husband
B Franklin
I am oblig’d to Goody Smith for kindly remembring me. My Love to her. Brother John sends his Duty to Mother, Love, &c. he has receiv’d the Coat, and we the other Things.
 Addressed: To / Mrs. Franklin / Philadelphia / per favr Mr. Yard


Title: Provincial Commissioners: Instructions to William Parsons, 29 December 1755
From: Provincial Commissioners
To:

[December 29, 1755]
Instructions to Major Parsons
You are immediately to raise and take into Pay for one Month a Company of Foot consisting of 24 Men, to be employ’d as a Garrison, Guard and Watch for the Town of Easton, who shall be allow’d at the Rate of 6 Dollars per Month, with Arms and Ammunition, and 15 lb. of Bread and Meat per Week and a Gill of Rum per Day for each Man.
You are to keep a constant regular Watch with your Company every Night, 4 Sentinels being plac’d at the outer Ends of the four principal Streets, and one near the Guard Room, to be relieved every Hour, and during the Day one Sentinel at least on the Hill, to be relieved every 2 Hours, or oftener if you shall judge expedient.
You are likewise once at least in every Day, to send out a Scout to range some Miles round the Town, to examine all Thickets and Places capable of concealing Parties of the Enemy, and take Notice if any Tracks appear, or Marks of their Approach that the Inhabitants may be timely alarmed.
You are at leisure Hours to cause your Men to clear the Bushes away that are within and round the Town to the Distance of Musket Shot at least from the Town, that the Enemy may not use them as a Cover to conceal their Approaches.
You are to see that the two Companies of Capts. Martin and Craig, perform the Duty required of them by their Instructions, a Copy whereof is herewith delivered to you. To this End you are at proper Times to visit the Settlements enquire into the Conduct of those Companies, give Directions to rectify what is amiss, and send an Account of your Proceedings and the Reasons thereof to the Governor.
(here add No. 4.6.8.9. pt. of 10. 11. 12) of Wayne’s Instructions.
 Endorsed: Rough Draft of Instructions to Major Parsons. Decr. 29, 1755 No. 41.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Conrad Weiser, Jonas Seely, and James Read, 30 December 1755
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Weiser, Conrad,Seely, Jonas,Read, James

Gentlemen
Easton, Dec. 30. 1755.
We are just on the Point of setting out for Bethlehem, in our Way to Reading, where we propose to be (God willing) on Thursday Evening. The Commissioners are all well, and thank you for the Concern you express for their Welfare. We hope to have the Pleasure of finding you well. No News this Way, except that Aaron Depui’s Barn was burnt last Week, the Indians still keeping near those Parts. In haste, I am Gentlemen Your humble Servant
B Franklin
To Weiser, Seely and Read Esqrs
 Addressed: To / Conrad Weiser / Jonas Seely / James Read / Esquires / Reading


Title: Poor Richard Improved, 1756
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

Courteous Reader,
I suppose my Almanack may be worth the Money thou hast paid for it, hadst thou no other Advantage from it, than to find the Day of the Month, the remarkable Days, the Changes of the Moon, the Sun and Moon’s Rising and Setting, and to foreknow the Tides and the Weather; these, with other Astronomical Curiosities, I have yearly and constantly prepared for thy Use and Entertainment, during now near two Revolutions of the Planet Jupiter. But I hope this is not all the advantage thou hast reaped; for with a View to the Improvement of thy Mind and thy Estate, I have constantly interspers’d in every little Vacancy, Moral Hints, Wise Sayings, and Maxims of Thrift, tending to impress the Benefits arising from Honesty, Sobriety, Industry and Frugality; which if thou hast duly observed, it is highly probable thou art wiser and richer many fold more than the Pence my Labours have cost thee. Howbeit, I shall not therefore raise my Price because thou art better able to pay; but being thankful for past Favours, shall endeavour to make my little Book more worthy thy Regard, by adding to those Recipes which were intended for the Cure of the Mind, some valuable Ones regarding the Health of the Body. They are recommended by the Skilful, and by successful Practice. I wish a Blessing may attend the Use of them, and to thee all Happiness, being Thy obliged Friend,
  R. Saunders
A Correspondent requests I would give Place in my Almanack to the following Remarks, on the Advantages that may arise from a more general Use of Oxen for Draft in the Province of Pennsylvania; which I chearfully comply with, hoping it may be of Use.
  Suppose (says he) A.B. has two Sons to settle on Farms, who must each be supplied with a Team for Ploughing, Carting, &c. He purchases for C.D. four Horses, which, one with another, are seven Years old, and cost £12 each, £48   0   0

In seven Years Time they will be so worn out, as to be worth but little, since it will take near as much Provender to feed them, as the Value of their Work; but valuing them at one Half, is
}

24
  0
  0

Now allowing they should all live, and be free from Lameness, which is very unlikely, the Loss to C. D. is, in the Horses only,
}

  24
  0
  0

A.B. purchases for his other Son, E.F. four Oxen, which will do the same Work on a Farm in the Year as the four Horses, and they, one with another, are five Years old, and cost £6 each,
}

  24
  0
  0

In seven Years Time they will be twelve Years old, and will then sell to a Grazier for perhaps more Money, but we will only say as much, of which there is little doubt,
}

  24
  0
  0

He thereby saves all his first Cost in the Purchase; and in case of Lameness or any such Accident, the Ox will always sell to the Grazier for the same Money he cost when the Horse under such Circumstances would be entirely useless and lost.
Besides, as it is well known, Oxen will work every Day on good Grass or Hay only, and of that little more than Half what the Horse eats; E.F. saves all the Oats, Rye or other Grain that must be given to C.D’s Horses to keep them in working Order, and almost Half the Hay, which will amount at least, for the four Horses, to £20 a Year, and in seven Years, – – – – £140 0 0
He also saves the Smith’s Bill for Shoeing, Traces, &c. and the Sadler’s Bill for Gears, &c. as all those Necessaries for the Oxen can be made by the Farmer in rainy Weather, or in long Winter Nights when he can do no other Work.

Thus E.F. at 7 Years End (other Things supposed equal) will be richer than C.D. by saving the first Cost of his Team,
£24
  0
  0

And by saving in the Keeping,
  140
  0
  0

In the whole,
164
  0
  0

Besides the other mentioned Savings, and saving his Pasture from being impoverished by the close Biting of the Horses.
Suppose farther, that in Pennsylvania there are 20,000 Farmers, that keep Teams; if then all would go into this Practice, in seven Years after it became general, the Saving to the Province would be as follows,

20,000
Farmers, multiplied by

164
  Pounds,

80000

120000

  20000

£3,280,000

no less than Three Millions, and Two Hundred and Eighty Thousand Pounds. —A vast Sum!
But by the present Practice of Horse Teams, each of the 20,000 Farmers losing £164 in seven Years, the Amount is Three Millions and Two Hundred and Eighty Thousand Pounds lost to the Province.
The Difference is Six Millions Five Hundred and Sixty Thousand Pounds!

If this Practice of using Oxen were general, Beef would be more plenty, and great Sums of Money would be kept in the Province, that are now yearly carried out to purchase Cattle for our own Consumption.
Considerable Sums would be likewise kept in the Province that now are paid for foreign Hides and Leather. And great Sums might be brought into the Province for Beef and Leather exported. These Sums added to the Saving above stated, of Three Millions, Two Hundred and Eighty Thousand Pounds (or to the Difference, Six Million Five Hundred and Sixty Thousand Pounds) would soon make the Province rich, and occasion such a Plenty of Money to carry on Business, as has not hitherto been experienced, even in the Times of greatest Liberty for striking a Paper Currency.
It may be objected, That Oxen are slow in Motion, and Horses, moving quicker, dispatch more Work. That they must have a Driver besides the Ploughman. That the Farmers cannot ride them on their necessary Business, or to Places of Worship; and that they are not fit to travel the Road in Waggons on long Journeys.
To which it is answered; That if they are somewhat slower than Horses, in their Labour, they are more steady. That by proper Management in the Breaking, they may be taught to move much faster than is commonly imagined; viz. by breaking the Yoke at first with a Horse. That a Boy will do the Office of a Driver, tho’ all Oxen do not require it. That a Farmer may always keep a Horse or two for riding, which would be sufficient; whereas now many keep five or six, and some ten or twelve, according to their Quantity of Land. And as to travelling the Road, as the Millers Teams do, Oxen are not proposed for their Use.
To these Observations, my Friend adds, That in a former Almanack I recommended the Propagation of Red Cedar Trees, as being a durable Wood for Fencing Posts, &c. but he is of Opinion the round Leaf’d Locust Tree would be more serviceable, being equally lasting, growing more naturally, and in one third Part of the Time. This is submitted to Experience.

January. I Month.

Astronomy, hail, Science heavenly born!
Thy Schemes the Life assist, the Mind adorn.
To changing Seasons give determin’d Space,
And fix to Hours and Years their measur’d Race
The pointing Dial, on whose figur’d Plane,
Of Time’s still Flight we Notices obtain;
The Pendulum, dividing lesser Parts,
Their Rise acquire from thy inventive Arts.

A Change of Fortune hurts a wise Man no more than a Change of the Moon.
    There is no Virtue, the Honour whereof gets a Man more Envy, than that of Justice, because it procures great Authority among the common People; they only revere the Valiant, and admire the Wise, while they truly love Just Men; for in these they have intire Trust and Confidence, but of the former, they always fear one, and mistrust the other. They look on Valour as a certain natural Ferment of the Mind, and Wisdom as the Effect of a fine Constitution, or a happy Education; but a Man has it in his own Power to be just; and that is the Reason it is so dishonourable to be otherwise; as Waller handsomely expresses it,

Of all the Virtues, Justice is the best,
Valour, without it, is a common Pest;
Pirates and Thieves, too oft with Courage grac’d,
Shew us how ill that Virtue may be plac’d;
’Tis Constitution makes us chaste and brave,
Justice from Reason and from Heav’n we have;
Our other Virtues dwell but in the Blood,
That in the Soul, and gives the Name of Good.

Receipt against the Heart-burn.
    The Heart-burn is an uneasy Sensation of Heat in the Stomach, occasioned by Indigestion, which is the Mother of Gout, Rheumatism, Gravel and Stone. To prevent it, Eat no Fat, especially what is burnt or oily; and neither eat or drink any thing sour or acid. To cure it, Dissolve a Thimble-full of Salt of Wormwood in a Glass of Water, and drink it.
February. II Month.

Th’acute Geographer, th’Historian sage,
By thy Discov’ries clear the doubtful Page.
From mark’d Eclipses, Longitude perceive,
Can settle Distances, and Æra’s give.
From his known Shore the Seaman distant far,
Steers, safely guided, by thy Polar Star;
Nor errs, when Clouds and Storms obscure its Ray,
His Compass marks him as exact a Way.

Does Mischief, Misconduct, and Warrings displease ye;
Think there’s a Providence, ’twill make ye easy.

    Mine is better than Ours.
    Religion is so far from barring Men any innocent Pleasure, or Comfort of human Life, that it purifies the Pleasures of it, and renders them more grateful and generous; and besides this, it brings mighty Pleasures of its own, those of a glorious Hope, a serene Mind, a calm and undisturbed Conscience, which far outrelish the most studied artificial Luxuries. But hereafter,

How will the sensual Mind its Loss sustain,
When its gross Objects shall be sought in vain?
Incapable to act its darling Lust,
Yet spurr’d and prompted by a sharper Gust;
Pain’d for its Choice, would still its Choice resume,
Which (by sure Want) but more augments the Doom,
Made by wise Heav’n at one Conjunctive Time,
Its Wish and Grief, its Punishment and Crime.

Nought there the destin’d Wretched e’er shall find
To please the Senses, or relieve the Mind;
No luscious Banquet, or delicious Bowl,
To drown, in lewd Excess, th’intemperate Soul;
Nor gay Amusement more, nor jovial Throng,
That to their thoughtless Hours did once belong!

March. III Month.
    An excellent Application for a FRESH Burn.
    Beat or scrape Irish Potatoes to a soft pulpy Mass; mix some common Salt finely powder’d; and apply it cool to the Part. When it grows warm or dry apply a fresh Quantity.

When frequent Travels had th’instructive Chart
Supply’d, the Prize of Philosophic Art!
Two curious mimic Globes, to crown the Plan,
Were form’d; by his Creator’S Image, Man.
The first, with Heav’n’s bright Constellations vast,
Rang’d on the Surface, with th’ Earth’s Climes the last.
Copy of this by human Race possest,
Which Lands indent, and spacious Seas invest.

    Love your Enemies, for they tell you your Faults.
    He that has a Trade, has an Office of Profit and Honour.
    The Wit of Conversation consists more in finding it in others, than shewing a great deal yourself. He who goes out of your Company pleased with his own Facetiousness and Ingenuity, will the sooner come into it again. Most Men had rather please than admire you and seek less to be instructed and diverted, than approved and applauded; and it is certainly the most delicate Sort of Pleasure, to please another.

But that Sort of Wit, which employs itself insolently in Criticising and Censuring the Words and Sentiments of others in Conversation, is absolute Folly; for it answers none of the Ends of Conversation. He who uses it, neither improves others, is improved himself, or pleases any one. How amiably contrary is Pope’s Character of a Critic.

——the Man who Counsel can bestow,
Still pleas’d to teach, and yet not proud to know?
Unbias’d, or by Favour, or by Spite;
Not dully prepossess’d, or blindly right;
Tho’ learn’d, well-bred; and tho’ well-bred, sincere;
Modestly bold, and humanly severe:
Who to a Friend his Faults can freely show,
And gladly praise the Merit of a Foe;
Blest with a Taste exact, yet unconfin’d,
A Knowledge both of Books and human Kind;
Gen’rous Converse, a Soul exempt from Pride,
And Love to praise, and Reason on its Side.
Such once were Critics, such the happy Few,
Athens and Rome in better Ages knew.

April. IV Month.

Fram’d on imaginary Poles to move,
With Lines, and different Circles mark’d above.
The pleasur’d Sense, by this Machine can tell,
In what Position various Nations dwell;
Round the wide Orb’s exterior Surface spread;
How side-ways some the solid Convex tread:
While a more sever’d Race of busy Pow’rs
Project, with strange Reverse, their Feet to ours.

    Be civil to all; serviceable to many; familiar with few; Friend to one; Enemy to none.
    Vain-glory flowereth, but beareth no Fruit.

As I spent some Weeks last Winter, in visiting my old Acquaintance in the Jerseys, great Complaints I heard for Want of Money, and that Leave to make more Paper Bills could not be obtained. Friends and Countrymen, my Advice on this Head shall cost you nothing, and if you will not be angry with me for giving it, I promise you not to be offended if you do not take it.
You spend yearly at least Two Hundred Thousand Pounds, ’tis said, in European, East-Indian, and West-Indian Commodities: Supposing one Half of this Expence to be in Things absolutely necessary, the other Half may be call’d Superfluities, or at best, Conveniences, which however you might live without for one little Year, and not suffer exceedingly. Now to save this Half, observe these few Directions.
1. When you incline to have new-Cloaths, look first well over the old Ones, and see if you cannot shift with them another Year, either by Scouring, Mending, or even Patching if necessary. Remember a Patch on your Coat, and Money in your Pocket, is better and more creditable than a Writ on your Back, and no Money to take it off.
2. When you incline to buy China Ware, Chinces, India Silks, or any other of their flimsey slight Manufactures; I would not be so hard with you, as to insist on your absolutely resolving against it; all I advise, is, to put it off (as you do your Repentance) till another Year; and this, in some Respects, may prevent an Occasion of Repentance.
3. If you are now a Drinker of Punch, Wine or Tea, twice a Day; for the ensuing Year drink them but once a Day. If you now drink them but once a Day, do it but every other Day. If you do it now but once a Week, reduce the Practice to once a Fortnight. And if you do not exceed in Quantity as you lessen the Times, half your Expence in these Articles will be saved.
4thly and lastly, When you incline to drink Rum, fill the Glass half with Water.
Thus at the Year’s End, there will be An Hundred Thousand Pounds more Money in your Country.

If Paper Money in ever so great a Quantity could be made, no Man could get any of it without giving something for it. But all he saves in this Way, will be his own for nothing, and his Country actually so much richer. Then the Merchants old and doubtful Debts may be honestly paid off, and Trading become surer thereafter, if not so extensive.
May. V Month.

So on the Apple’s smooth suspended Ball,
(If greater we may represent by small)
The swarming Flies their reptile Tribes divide,
And cling Antipodal on every Side.
Hence pleasant Problems may the Mind discern
Of ev’ry Soil their Length of Days to learn;
Can tell when round, to each fix’d Place, shall come,
Faint Dawn, Meridian Light, or Midnight Gloom.

    Laws too gentle are seldom obeyed; too severe, seldom executed.
    Trouble springs from Idleness; Toil from Ease.
    Love, and be loved.
    June. VI Month.

These Gifts to Astronomic Art we owe,
Its Use extensive, yet its Growth but slow.
If back we look on ancient Sages Schemes,
They seem ridiculous as Childrens Dreams;
How shall the Church, that boasts unerring Truth,
Blush at the Raillery of each modern Youth,
When told her Pope,* of Heresy arraign’d
The Sage,† who Earth’s Rotation once maintain’d?
* Urban VIII. † Galileo.
    A wise Man will desire no more, than what he may get justly, use soberly, distribute chearfully, and leave contentedly.
    The diligent Spinner has a large Shift.

Lewis Cornaro, a Venetian of Quality and Learning, wrote a Book of the Benefits of a sober Life, and produced himself as a Testimony. He says, to the fortieth Year of his Age, he was continually perplex’d with Variety of Infirmities; at last he grew so careful of his Diet, that in one Year, he was almost freed from all his Diseases, and never after used Physick: He continued thus temperate all the rest of his Life, sound, chearful and vegete, and was so entire and perfect in his Strength at fourscore Years, as to be able to walk, ride, hunt, and perform every Office of Life as well as in his Youth. At length he died in his Chair, with very little Pain or Sickness, all his Senses being entire to the last, tho’ in the 120th Year of his Age.

——Mark, what Blessings flow
From frugal temperate Meals; ’tis they bestow
That prime of Blessings, HEALTH. All will confess
That various Meats the Stomach much oppress.
All may reflect how light, how well they were,
When plain and simple was their chearful Fare.
Who down to Sleep from a short Supper lies,
Can to the next Day’s Business chearful rise,
Or jovially indulge, when the round Year
Brings back the festal Day to better Chear,
Or when his wasted Strength he would restore
When Years approach, and Age’s feeble Hour
A softer Treatment claim. But if in Prime
Of Youth and Health, you take, before your Time,
The Luxuries of Life, where is their Aid
When Age and Sickness shall your Strength invade.

July. VII Month.

Vain Epicurus, and his frantic Class,
Misdeem’d our Globe a plane quadrangle Mass;
A fine romantic Terras, spread in State,
On central Pillars that support its Weight;

Like Indian Sophs, who this terrestrial Mould,
Affirm, four sturdy Elephants uphold:
The Sun, new ev’ry Morn, flat, small of Size,
Just what it measures to the naked Eyes.

    A false Friend and a Shadow, attend only while the Sun shines.
    To-morrow, every Fault is to be amended; but that To-morrow never comes.
    It is observable that God has often called Men to Places of Dignity and Honour, when they have been busy in the honest Employment of their Vocation. Saul was seeking his Father’s Asses, and David keeping his Father’s Sheep when called to the Kingdom. The Shepherds were feeding their Flocks, when they had their glorious Revelation. God called the four Apostles from their Fishery, and Matthew from the Receipt of Custom; Amos from among the Herdsmen of Tekoah, Moses from keeping Jethro’s Sheep, and Gideon from the Threshing Floor, &c. God never encourages Idleness, and despises not Persons in the meanest Employments.

Learn of the Bees, see to their Toils they run
In clust’ring Swarms, and labour in the Sun:
See ’em instruct in Work their buzzing Race,
The Sweets to gather, and to form the Mass.
The busy Nation flies from Flow’r to Flow’r,
And hoards, in curious Cells, the golden Store.
The little Ant (Example too, to Man
Of Care and Labour) gathers all she can,
And brings it to enlarge her Heap at Home,
Against the Winter, which she knows will come.
Man’s Understanding, dull’d by Idleness,
Contracts a Rust, that makes it daily less.
Unless you often plow the fruitful Field,
No Grain, but mix’d with Thistles, will it yield.
Ill runs the Horse, and hindmost in the Race,
Who long has been unpractic’d in the Chace.

August. VIII Month.

As pos’d the Stagyrite’s dark School appears,
Perplex’d with Tales devis’d of Chrystal Spheres,
Strange solid Orbs, and Circles oddly fram’d;
Who with Philosophy their Reveries nam’d.
How long did Ptolomy’s dark Riddle spread,
With Doubts deep puzzling each scholastic Head,
Till, like the Theban wise in Story fam’d,
Copernicus that Sphynxian Monster sham’d;

Plough deep, while Sluggards sleep;
And you shall have Corn, to sell and to keep.

    He that sows Thorns, should never go barefoot.
    Cornaro, among other Advantages arising from Temperance, mentions this as a material one, that a Man by outliving his Competitors, arrives at higher Dignities, and more profitable Employments, and by keeping his Mind clear, and his Body in Health, improves his Knowledge and Abilities, and can execute those Employments with greater Reputation. He might have added, That by living long, a Man long enjoys the Reputation and Fame he may have acquired. Aristotle was much more famous after his Death than during his Life; but Newton, who lived to the Age of 85, had been 60 Years a distinguish’d Philosopher, and many Years before he dy’d was universally esteem’d and admir’d. If Praise be, as Plato said, the sweetest Kind of Music, Newton long enjoy’d a Concert of that Music; and the following Lines were by many thought not too extravagant for his Epitaph.

Approach, ye wise of Soul, with Awe divine,
’Tis Newton’s Name that consecrates this Shrine!
That Sun of Knowledge, whose meridian Ray
Kindled the Gloom of Nature into Day!
That Soul of Science! That unbounded Mind!
That Genius, which exalted human Kind!
Confest supreme of Men! his Country’s Pride!
And half esteem’d an Angel, till he dy’d;

Who in the Eye of Heav’n like Enoch stood,
And thro’ the Paths of Knowledge walk’d with God;
Who made his Fame, a Sea without a Shore,
And but forsook one World to know the Laws of more.

September. IX Month.

He the true Planetary System taught,
Which the learn’d Samian first from Egypt brought;
Long from the World conceal’d, in Error lost,
Whose rich Recovery latest Times shall boast.
Then Tycho rose, who with incessant Pains,
In their due Ranks replac’d the starry Trains,
His Labours by a fresh Industry mov’d,
Hevelius, Flamstead, Halley, since improv’d.

    Laziness travels so slowly, that Poverty soon overtakes him.
    Sampson with his strong Body, had a weak Head, or he would not have laid it in a Harlot’s Lap.
    Simplicity, Innocence, Industry, Temperance, are Arts that lead to Tranquility, as much as Learning, Knowledge, Wisdom and Contemplation. A noble Simplicity in Discourse is a Talent rare, and above the Reach of ordinary Men. Genius, Fancy, Learning, Memory, &c. are so far from helping, that they often hinder the Attaining of it.
By the Word Simplicity, is not always meant Folly or Ignorance; but often, pure and upright Nature, free from Artifice, Craft or deceitful Ornament. In this Sense Pope uses it, in the Epitaph he made for his Friend Gay, too beautiful and instructive to be here omitted.

Of Manners gentle, of Affections mild,
In Wit a Man, Simplicity a Child.
Words ever pleasing, yet sincerely true,
Satire still just, and Humour ever new.

Above Temptation, in a low Estate,
And uncorrupted, ev’n among the Great.
A safe Companion, and an easy Friend,
Belov’d thro’ Life, lamented in thy End:
These are thy Honours; Not that here thy Bust
Is mix’d with Heroes, or with Kings thy Dust;
But that the Worthy, and the Good shall say,
Striking their pensive Bosoms, Here lies Gay.

October. X Month.

The Lyncean Galileo then aspires
Thro’ the rais’d Tube to mark the Stellar Fires!
The Galaxy with clustring Lights o’erspread,
The new-nam’d Stars in bright Orion’s Head,
The varying Phases circling Planets show,
The Solar Spots, his Fame was first to know.
Of Jove’s Attendants, Orbs till then unknown,
Himself the big Discovery claims alone.

When a Friend deals with a Friend
Let the Bargain be clear and well penn’d,
That they may continue Friends to the End.

    He that never eats too much, will never be lazy.
    When an Army is to march thro’ a Wilderness, where the Conveniences of Life are scarce to be obtained even for Money, many Hardships, Wants and Difficulties must necessarily be borne by the Soldiers; which nothing tends more to make tolerable, than the Example of their Officers. If these riot in Plenty, while those suffer Hunger and Thirst, Respect and Obedience are in Danger of being lost, and Mutiny or Desertion taking their Places. Charles the XIIth of Sweden, thus still’d a growing Clamour about bad Bread in his March thro’ the Wilds of Tartary: The Soldiers complained of it, and presented him a Sample of what was daily distributed to them, mouldy as it was, and half rotten. He received it coolly, examined it, and said, ’Tis bad indeed, but it may be eaten. And to prove his Words, he immediately ate it himself. Lucan gives us a glorious Picture of Cato, leading his Army thro’ the parched Desarts of Lybia,

Foremost, on Foot, he treads the burning Sand,
Bearing his Arms in his own patient Hand:
Scorning another’s weary Neck to press,
Or in a lazy Chariot loll at Ease.
The panting Soldier to his Toil succeeds,
Where no Command but great Example leads.
Sparing of Sleep, still for the rest he wakes,
And at the Fountain last his Thirst he slakes:
Whene’er by Chance, some living Stream is found,
He stands, and sees the cooling Draughts go round,
Stays till the last and meanest Drudge be past,
And, till his Slaves have drank, disdains to taste.

November. XI Month.

Cassini next, and Huygens, like renown’d,
The Moons and wondrous Ring of Saturn found.
Sagacious Kepler, still advancing saw
Th’ elliptic Motion, Nature’s plainest Law,
That universal acts thro’ every Part:
This laid the Basis of Newtonian Art.
Newton! vast Mind! whose piercing Pow’rs apply’d
The secret Cause of Motion first descry’d;
Found Gravitation was the primal Spring,
That wheel’d the Planets round their central King.

    To be proud of Knowledge, is to be blind with Light; to be proud of Virtue, is to poison yourself with the Antidote.

Get what you can, and what you get, hold;
’Tis the Stone that will turn all your Lead into Gold.

    There is really a great Difference in Things sometimes where there seems to be but little Distinction in Names. The Man of Honour is an internal, the Person of Honour an external, the one a real, the other a fictitious, Character. A Person of Honour may be a profane Libertine, penurious, proud, may insult his Inferiors, and defraud his Creditors; but it is impossible for a Man of Honour to be guilty of any of these. The Person of Honour may flatter for Court Favours, or cringe for Popularity; he may be for or against his Country’s Good, as it suits his private Views. But the Man of Honour can do none of these. He

Upright and firm, and steady to his Trust,
Inflexible to Ill, and obstinately just;
The Fury of the Populace defies,
And dares the Tyrant’s threatning Frown despise.
Always himself, nought can his Virtue move,
Unsway’d by Party, Hatred, Gain, or Love.
So the tall Summit of Olympus knows,
Nor raging Hurricanes, nor hoary Snows;
But high, in the superior Skies, is seen,
Above the Clouds, eternally serene;
While at its steady Foot, the rushing Rain
And rattling Thunder spend their Force in vain.

December. XII Month.

Mysterious Impulse! that more clear to know,
Exceeds the finite Reach of Art below.
Forbear, bold Mortal! ’tis an impious Aim;
Own God immediate acting thro’ the Frame.
’Tis HE, unsearchable, in all resides;
He the First Cause their Operations guides,
Fear on his awful Privacy to press,
But, honouring Him, thy Ignorance confess.

    An honest Man will receive neither Money nor Praise, that is not his Due.
    Saying and Doing, have quarrel’d and parted.

    Tell me my Faults, and mend your own.
    Well, my Friend, thou art now just entering the last Month of another Year. If thou art a Man of Business, and of prudent Care, belike thou wilt now settle thy Accompts, to satisfy thyself whether thou hast gain’d or lost in the Year past, and how much of either, the better to regulate thy future Industry or thy common Expences. This is commendable. But it is not all. Wilt thou not examine also thy moral Accompts, and see what Improvements thou hast made in the Conduct of Life, what Vice subdued, what Virtue acquired; how much better, and how much wiser, as well as how much richer thou art grown? What shall it profit a Man, if he gain the whole World, and lose his own Soul? Without some Care in this Matter, tho’ thou may’st come to count thy Thousands, thou wilt possibly still appear poor in the Eyes of the Discerning, even here, and be really so for ever hereafter.

Of Man’s miraculous Mistakes, this bears
The Palm, “That all Men are about to live,”
For ever on the Brink of being born.
How excellent that Life they mean to lead!
All Promise is poor dilatory Man,
And that thro’ every Stage. When young, indeed,
In full Content, we, sometimes, nobly rest,
Unanxious for ourselves; and only wish
As duteous Sons, our Fathers were more wise.
At Thirty Man suspects himself a Fool;
Knows it at Forty, and reforms his Plan;
At Fifty chides his infamous Delay,
Pushes his prudent Purpose to Resolve;
In all the Magnanimity of Thought
Resolves; and re-resolves; then dies the same.

    A Receipt for making Dauphiny Soup,
   *So called, because the Method for making it was first communicated to the Turks by a Gentleman of Dauphiny.
 which in Turkey is called Touble, and with which a great Number of Persons may be Plentifully fed at a very small Expence.
Take a Pound
   †The Author does not here mention what Pound, and therefore we suppose he means the usual Pound of 16 Ounces.
 of Wheat-meal, and knead it with Water a little salted. When the Paste is made, and kneaded so as to be a little soft, divide it in several Pieces, about the Bigness of an Egg each: Then spread them out with a Rolling-pin, so as to make the Paste very thin, and place the whole regularly upon a Table.
Have ready upon the Fire a Sauce-pan, or little Pot, or an Earthen Pipkin, with one Gallon
   ‡The French Pot is by our Dictionaries called a Quart, tho’ it really contains two Quarts English.
 of Water. When the Water grows hot, put in some Salt, and a Quarter of a Pound of Butter or Suet; and when it begins to boil fiercely, throw in your Paste, having first cut it in very small Bits; for the more thin and small they are, the more they will swell. And take Care to throw them into that Part of the Water where it boils the most fiercely.
After this a small Fire will be sufficient for making this Soup boil softly for an Hour and a Quarter, or for an Hour and a Half; but it will be necessary to stir it with a Spoon from Time to Time to the very Bottom, in order to prevent its sticking to the Saucepan.
If you find it grows too thick, put in some warm Water, and if it appears to be too thin, sprinkle into it a little Meal. This Soup is agreeable to the Taste, very filling and nourishing; and the Quantity above-mentioned will be sufficient for six Persons, one Half for Dinner, and the rest for Supper. But as what remains after Dinner will become thick when cold, it must for Supper be diluted with a little warm Water, and made warm again upon a small Fire; and Care must be taken not to let it stand long in the Sauce pan or Pot, lest it should acquire a brassy or iron Taste.
Ten Pounds of Meal made into Paste, will produce 13 Pounds and a Quarter, which prepared as before-mentioned, will be abundantly sufficient for feeding 60 Persons for a whole Day. And for these ten Pounds of Meal, making above 13 Pounds of Paste, there must be ten gallons of Water, two Pounds and a Half of Butter or Suet, and three Quarters of a Pound of Salt.

The better the Wheat-meal is, without, however, being too fine, the more it will swell or increase. But Flour will produce less Paste, and will dissolve too easily in boiling; and if the Meal be too coarse, it will not be tough enough, consequently will not spread thin enough, therefore that Sort of Meal should be chosen, which is commonly made use of for houshold Bread.
    A Receipt for preparing Rice, so as therewith to subsist a great Number of Persons at a small Expence.
    Rice is known to be one of the best Sorts of Food we have. Some whole Provinces, and even Kingdoms are nourished by it; and in others, the People draw more of their Subsistance from it, than either from Wheat or Rye.
There are several Ways of preparing it for Food, as with Water, with the Fat of Meat, or with Milk; but whatever Way you may chuse, you must begin with washing and cleaning it well three different Times in warm Water.
In order to prepare, with Water alone, a sufficient Quantity of it for feeding 30 Persons for a whole Day, put five Pounds
   *Here the Author tells us he means a Pound of 8 Ounces, called by the French Poids de Marc.
 of Rice into a Sauce-pan, or Pot, with five Gallons of Water, and a proportional Quantity of Salt: Make it boil upon a small Fire for three Hours, stirring it from Time to Time to prevent its sticking to the Vessel, and as you find it thickens pour in by Degrees more warm Water, to the Amount of five Gallons more. These five Pounds will produce sixty Portions or Shares, neither too thick nor too thin, two of which will be sufficient Food for one Person, and consequently, the five Pounds will be sufficient Food for thirty.
In order to prepare with Meal [sic], or the Fat of Meat, a sufficient Quantity of Rice for feeding 30 Persons for a whole Day, put forty Ounces of Meat into the first five Gallons of Water, and after you have made it boil and froth up, throw in your five Pounds of Rice, with the proper Quantity of Salt, after which proceed as before directed; or instead of Meat you may put 20 Ounces of Suet, and the Rice will be equally good.
And in order to prepare with Milk a sufficient Quantity of Rice for feeding 30 Persons for a whole Day, you are to proceed as with Water alone, only leave out a Gallon and a Half of the Water, and make it up with the same Quantity of Milk, first boiled and flected separately by itself, and not to be put in until the last Quarter of an Hour of the Boiling.
It is to be understood, that according to the Number of Persons you intend to feed, you are to augment or diminish in Proportion the Dose of Rice, Water, Meat, Suet, or Milk. And the Rice prepared with Water or Suet may be kept for two or three Days; but that with Milk is apt to turn sour the next Day.
These Receipts were, in December 1754, communicated to the Royal Academy of Surgery at Paris, by M. Recolin, upon occasion of a Project offered to the Court of France by M. Bouebe, who has invented a farinacious (or mealy) Powder, six Ounces of which diluted in a proper Quantity of boiling Water, is sufficient for supporting a Man for a Day; and it has by Experiment been found, that by this Means a Man may be supported in Health and Vigour for any Time; which Powder he proposes to sell at a Penny, or one Sous French per Ounce.
M. Recolin observes, that in the Year 1747, when there was a Famine in the South of France, and the Port of Bourdeaux was blocked up by the English, so that they could get no Supply by Sea, the King’s Commissary for Guienne caused to be printed a great Number of these Receipts, and dispersed them gratis thro’ the whole Province, by which 3 or 400,000 People were instructed and enabled to support themselves for six Weeks, and that in that Year fewer Persons died in that Province than had died at a Medium of ten Years before.
He further observes, that the Poor in many Countries live mostly on some sort of farinacious Powder diluted with boiling Water, and often with cold Water, particularly the Natives in America, who in their Huntings, or in the long Marches they sometimes make to meet and fight their Enemies, have nothing to subsist on but a little Meal made of Indian Corn; and that after having subsisted for many Weeks or Months solely on this Diet, they are not only healthful and vigorous, but the Wounds they receive in Battle are cured with surprizing Facility.
From all which he concludes, that there is nothing new or marvelous in the Powder invented by Mr. Bouebe; and to shew, that People may be supported at a cheaper Rate by the Dauphiny Soup than by his Powder, he states the Expence of the former as follows:
For making a Quantity of this Soup sufficient for subsisting sixty Men for a Day, take

Liv.
  so.
  de.

Ten Pounds of Wheat-meal, at five Sous per Pound
2
10
0

Two Pounds and a Half of Butter, at 16 Sous per Pound
2
0
0

Three Quarters of a Pound of Salt, at 11 Sous per Pound
0
  8
  3

Total,
4
18
3

That is, four Livres, eighteen Sous, and three Deniers.
And for making a Quantity of the same Soup with Rice and Water, sufficient for subsisting 30 Persons for a Day, take

  Liv.
  so.
  de.

Five Pounds of Rice, at 8 Sous per Pound,
2
0
0

Six Ounces of Salt at 11 Sous per Pound,
0
4
1½

Total,
2
4
1½

That is, two Livres, four Sous, and one Denier.
These he observes are the Paris Prices, but in Countries where these Provisions are much cheaper, the Expence will not be near so much. Any One who knows the Price of Meal, Rice or Salt, in another Country, may by the Quantity easily compute the Cost in the Money of that Country.
This Account was inserted in the London Magazine, not only as it was thought it might be agreeable to the Readers; but as it might be of great Service to the Troops in America; where, to attack the French, they must make long Marches through a Desart, or uncultivated Country.
To which we may add, That the Meal made of Indian Corn, mentioned as the Subsistance of Indian Warriors in their long Marches, is really made of parched Corn, pounded fine; and having thus previously passed the Fire, is ready for Food at any Time, when mixed with cold Water, so that no Fire is necessary to dress their Victuals, which if they were to kindle, their Marches or Ambuscades might be discovered by the Smoke or Smell of Burning.
Their Manner of parching the Corn is easy and expeditious. They fill a large Pot or Kettle nearly full of fine hot Ashes, and pouring in a Quantity of Corn, stir it up with the Ashes, which presently parches and bursts the Grain without much burning. Then the whole is thrown on a coarse kind of wooden Riddle, which separates the parched Grain from the Ashes. Sand heated in a Pot over a Fire will do as well, or better, and is easily separated from the Grain; and the Operation may be repeated till a sufficient Quantity is obtained, on any Occasion.
That six Ounces of Meal should sustain a Man a Day, is not unlikely, when it is considered, that it is almost all capable of being converted into Nourishment; that Nature does not absolutely require so much neat Addition daily to the Substance of the Body, and therefore Full-feeders, by frequent Evacuations, discharge great Part of their common Food not compleatly digested; but where so small a Quantity is admitted, the Discharges will be less frequent, and the Food moving slower through the Intestines, and being retained longer within them, is almost wholly assimilated.
In the Fifth Volume of the Edinburgh Medical Essays, the following Medicine is called a Specific for the Dysentery or bloody Flux, viz.
Mix an Ounce of Glass of Antimony, finely powdered, with a Drachm of yellow Wax: Keep it in an Iron Ladle over a slow clear Charcoal Fire about Half an Hour, continually stirring it with an Iron Spatula, until the Wax is all consumed, and ceases to emit Fumes. It will then be of the Colour of Snuff. Powder it fine, and keep it in a Bottle for Use. Dose, from six to ten Grains, till you find Relief.
Monsieur Geoffroy, of the Royal Academy of Sciences, and Fellow of the Royal Society, says, Of all the Preparations of Glass of Antimony this is doubtless the most perfect; for it is infinitely superior to the Chylista of Hartman, &c.
This Medicine (adds he) succeeds equally in bloody Fluxes, Diarrhea’s, simple Loosenesses, Quartan Agues, even the most obstinate; and in certain Cases of the Fluor albus.
He advises Caution in giving it; to begin with three or four Grains at a Dose, especially when it has been levigated again after Calcination; and thus, says he, may it be given safely to Children and pregnant Women. He has given it himself to several Women who were with Child in bloody Fluxes; they were all cured, and no Accident happened to any of them. He has observed no Difference in the Medicine, whether the Patient had, or had not, been bled or purged; whether the Disease were recent or of long Standing; whether, in fine, it were attended with a Fever or not. They were all cured equally well, &c. It purges sometimes, sometimes vomits, and sometimes a Cure is effected without any visible Effects: But where a Flux or Looseness is attended by a Fever, it must either purge or vomit, otherwise it cures the Looseness, but (says he) the Fever continues, &c. When it vomits, the Patient is to drink warm Water at every Motion. By gradually encreasing the Dose, he has given to 24 Grains; which only procured two or three moderate Stools the next Day. Nevertheless, he thinks it would be imprudent not to allow of an Intermission or Interruption, for sundry Reasons.
Vegetable Acids, as they would greatly encrease the emetic Quality with this Medicine, would, as he thinks, put the Patient’s Life in Danger; for which Reason he forbids the Use of acid Fruits and Aliments, that are liable to turn sour, as Milk, Wine, &c.
In obstinate Quartan Intermittents, which had resisted the most powerful Febrifuges, he has gradually given this Medicine on the two Days of Intermission (omitting the Day of the Fit) the Fits grew weaker, and generally the Fourth did not return. The Patients whom he cured in this Manner near a Year ago, have never had the least Return of the Fever.
Except in the Case of Fevers, all Patients who used this Medicine drank a Ptisan made with Rice, Oatmeal or Hartshorn, which prevents any Pain in the Stomach; for which Reason also, it is usually given in a Bolus, incorporated with the bitter Extracts, or cordial Electuaries. No Conserves or Syrups of acid Fruits to be ever used, for the Reasons already given.
More of this Gentleman’s Thoughts may be seen in Philosophical Transactions Quarto, Vol. 47. 1751 and 1752, Page 273.
With Half a Grain of this Medicine I have (says our Correspondent, at whose Instance this is published) cured a Child of my own (not a Year old) of a bloody Flux, when its Life was utterly despaired of.
In Loosenesses, which I have thought either troublesome or dangerous, I have, by taking this Medicine, often cured myself. Ripe Fruits, Milk and Vinegar, I have been always a great Lover of, and always indulged myself in; nor did I ever refrain from either even on the Days I had taken the Medicine. I have even taken the Doses in Conserve of Hips, and never found any ill Effects from this Practice, save in this latter Instance, like what Mr. Geoffroy observes, I have sometimes perceived a small Pain or Weight in my Stomach, which soon went off: However, I would not have the Gentleman’s Cautions the less observed.
    For the Ague or Intermitting Fever.
Take one Ounce of good Peruvian Bark, finely levigated; make it into an Electuary with Treacle or Molasses, mixing therewith twenty or thirty Drops of Laudanum; take this at about six or eight Doses two or three Hours apart, washing it down with a Glass of Madeira or red Wine. If any thing like the Jaundice, or Yellowness about the Eyes remains, chew Rhubarb a few Mornings.
    For the Dry-Gripes.
Take sixty Drops of Tincture of Castor, thirty of liquid Laudanum, in an Ounce of Mint or other simple Water, sweetened to your Taste; take of this Mixture a Spoonful every Half Hour, till you find Relief.
These Remedies are said to be excellent in their Kind; but as a Case may be mistaken by the Unskilful, let me, tho’ no Physician, prescribe something more, viz. Whenever you can have the Advice of a skilful Physician, Take that.


Title: William Hays to Robert Hunter Morris and the Provincial Commissioners, 3 January 1756
From: Hays, William
To: Morris, Robert Hunter,Provincial Commissioners

[Allen’s-Town, January 3, 1756]
I am sorry to inform you, by these Lines, of the bad News of our Defeat at Gnadenhutten. The Day you left Bethlehem, December 31, I set out as soon as possible, and marched with the Waggons about ten Miles, and I continued my March early next Morning, and proceeded with Safety, till I came within about two Miles of Gnadenhutten, and having order’d the Guard to take Care of the Waggons, I went a little before, one of the Brethren from Bethlehem being with me, and two of their Indians; but, advancing to the Top of a high Hill, I saw a great Smoke ascending from Gnadenhatten, upon which I gave my Horse to one of the Indians, and ran down on Foot, because of the Ice that was in the Valley, when I heard Guns go off very fast, and met two of my own Men galloping towards me, that had gone forward with some Indian Horses that were sent up from Bethlehem to winter there, and were within fifteen Perches of the Houses, and fired upon first by three Indians, and then by a great Company. They informed me of a great Number of Indians being there, and that there was not one of our Men in the Town, as they thought, alive, and begged of me to turn back, and protested that they would not return with me. Nevertheless I got the Guard, about eighteen Men, composed, and we put ourselves in running Order, to go and see how it was with our People, designing that if the Church was standing, we would go forward and help them, but if the Church was burnt, we might conclude that none of our People were there alive. Accordingly we went to a Hill, a little Distance off, to the North East Side of the Place, and there we saw the Church all on Fire, and almost flat, and a Body of Indians marching out upwards, and stopping among the Bushes, as we thought. We then consulted whether it was best to go down or not, and at last one Man in the Company offered to go by himself, saying, they could not shoot him, and accordingly went and found some dead Bodies there, but saw no Indians. He then returned to us; but the Evening coming on, we saw we could do nothing, it being too late, and not venturing to go to the Fire in the Night, we came back safe to Uplinger’s House, where there was a Number of People gathered together, and lodged there. About Twelve of the Clock, our Lieutenant came in almost dead with Cold, having little or no Cloathing on, and no Shoes, his Feet frozen, and all torn with Ice and Stones. He told me, that he had lain under a Rock in the River from about One of the Clock (after crossing it) till it was dark, and when he came away, he saw the Indians dancing and howling about the Fire, and computed that there was a Body of them, to the Number of 250 at least, and that he had fought them till they set Fire to the Houses to the Windward of them, and so filled the Church with Smoke, that he could stay no longer; and that a great many of their Guns bursted in their Hands, and their Ammunition being scarce, he ran out with his Men, and beat them off a little: But that they wheeled round the Smoke, and fired briskly on our Men, and killed some; that the rest ran away, and that he could not stop them by any Means, till they came about a Quarter of a Mile from the Place; and that then they drew up under a little Bank of the River, and fired briskly, while they had any Ammunition: That then an Ambuscade rose (and thought to have headed and stopped them in the River) which had not appeared before, on the other Side of the River, from the Mill; upon which they all fled, and many of them were shot down on the Ice, and in the River, and those that escaped lost their Guns, and some their Shoes.
We are now in a poor Condition of Defence, our Lieutenant being unfit for Service, and likely to be so for a long Time, and we have but few Guns, our Blankets all lost, our Ammunition spent, and upwards of twenty of our Number supposed to be killed, and several wounded. We are at a small Garrison, about eleven Miles from Bethlehem, and here design to wait for further Orders. There were several more Houses burnt on this Side the Mountain that same Day, and some People killed and wounded.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Robert Hunter Morris: Commission, 5 January 1756
From: Morris, Robert Hunter
To: Franklin, Benjamin

When Franklin and the other commissioners met Governor Morris in Reading on January 1, they all intended to take part in an Indian treaty at Carlisle before returning to Philadelphia, but news of a fresh disaster changed their plans. Indians had surprised and routed a military company at Gnadenhütten (see immediately above), again leaving the entire Northampton frontier open. As Morris told his Council: “The Commissioners have done every thing that was proper in the County of Northampton, but the People are not satisfied, nor … would they be unless every Man’s House was protected by a Fort and a Company of Soldiers, and themselves paid for staying at home and doing nothing … from Disposition of the Inhabitants, the Want of Conduct in the Officers and of Courage and Discipline in the Men, I am fearful that whole County will fall into the Enemy’s Hands.” He therefore proposed “that one of the Commissioners return to Bethlehem and Easton, and there give fresh Directions to the Troops and post them in the best Manner for the Protection of the remaining Inhabitants.” Franklin was the one chosen, and he left the next day for Bethlehem carrying this commission investing him with full authority to deal with all aspects of the emergency. An account of the company commanders who served under him and of their units follows:
Capt. Jacob Arndt (Orndt) (1725–1805), German-born, brought to Pennsylvania as a child, later a farmer and shoemaker in Rockhill Township, Bucks Co.; commissioned early in the Indian trouble, 1754. His company (“all farmers, and very likely and well behaved men”) was ordered to active duty by Franklin in mid-January, 1756; in Bethlehem, January 17–22, on its way to Fort Allen; helped construct Fort Norris, served as its garrison, and returned to Fort Allen in July. Nicholas Conrad served as ensign at Fort Norris; later officers included Lieut. Philip Marsloff and Ensign Jacob Kreider. Arndt was promoted to major, 1757, and was given full command east of the Susquehanna; settled on a farm and mill near Easton in 1760; served again in 1763–64; and was a member of the Supreme Executive Council during the Revolution. He was a leading citizen of Northampton Co. at the time of his death.
  Capt. George Aston (Ashton, Asheton), the probable builder and operator of the “Vernon,” later the “Warren,” tavern on the Lancaster Pike in Chester Co. His company generally acted with Trump’s (see below) until the end of January, then it stayed in the Delaware Water Gap region while Trump went on to Fort Norris. Aston’s men aroused local farmers by stripping boards from their barns for use in building Fort Hamilton. The company stopped at Nazareth on February 5, apparently on the way home. On March 2, 1756, Aston received £240 15s. 4d. pay for himself and his men. The company of a George Aston, possibly the same man, was on duty at Fort Augusta in 1758.
  Capt. William Craig, the son of Thomas Craig, was a tavern keeper and the first elected sheriff of Northampton Co., 1752; commissioned by Hamilton, December 1755; passed through Nazareth on the 20th with his “company of Ulster-Scotch”; performed guard duty along the frontier, January–February 1756. He drew £256 13s. 3d. pay for himself and company March 15; thereafter was stationed at Fort Hamilton. There is no record of his service after mid-1756.
  Capt. Charles Foulke (Folck, Volck), born at sea, 1709, while his parents were en route from Worms, Germany, to Newburgh, N.Y.; a member of the Moravian congregation at Allemängel, immediately south of the Blue Mountains in eastern Berks Co.; was ordered into service by Franklin in early January. His company arrived in Bethlehem the 11th; accompanied him to Gnadenhütten, January 15–18; helped construct Fort Allen; left there the 24th to build Fort Franklin; returned to Fort Allen in late February. Its officers and non-commissioned officers were Lieuts. Jacob Meas and Michael Beltz, Sgts. John White and Dewalt Bossing, and Corp. Christian Weyrick. The company drew £40 1s. 6d. pay on July 1, 1756.
  Capt. William Hays (Hayes) was probably a son of John Hays (1704–1789), original settler of Allen Township in Northampton Co. After the rout of his company at Gnadenhütten, January 1, the survivors were posted under Ensign Sterling near [John] Hays’s tavern on the Bethlehem road, while he himself went to Bucks Co. for more recruits; then he reported to Franklin at Fort Allen and was sent to help build Fort Norris. There is no record of further service and no payment for his company is listed in the General Loan Office Accounts, February-July 1756.
  Capt. James Martin (1710–1767), an early resident in Hunter’s Irish settlement, Mt. Bethel Township, Northampton Co.; lieutenant of Hunter’s Bucks Co. company, 1747–48, and one of the first justices of Northampton Co., 1752. He organized his company, December 1755, served in the “settlements above Easton” along the Delaware, and was “more to be confided in than any of the Rest,” according to William Parsons. He recovered from a “pleurisey” attack in January. There is no record of his company’s service after the payment of £244 19s. 6d. on Feb. 27, 1756.
  Capt. James McLaughlin had a Bucks Co. company in 1747–48 and by Dec. 29, 1755, had signed another one for two months’ service in Easton. It went to Reading with Franklin, where it was split: McLaughlin and thirty men were ordered to Harris’s Ferry by Governor Morris, while Lieut. Patrick Davis and twenty men were sent back to Bethlehem with Franklin. The latter group went to Nazareth briefly, but was on hand to lead the march to Gnadenhütten, where, after about a month, its enlistment time ran out and it disbanded, drawing £74 14s. 11d. on February 27. Davis himself stayed in the service and was listed “dead” in a report drawn up about 1763.
  Orndt: see Capt. Jacob Arndt, above.
  Major William Parsons, in charge of the local guard at Easton, the companies in the Delaware Valley, and supplies and communications generally. After January 5 he was, of course, under Franklin’s command. His guard detachment was “reduced” by late February. A lieutenant in his company was Jacob Wetterholt, later made a captain (brother of John Nicholas Wetterholt, see below), who led troops at various posts during 1756–57; his entry on a 1763 muster roll states that he was born in Germany, 36 years old, 5 feet 7 inches tall, round faced, brown hair, brown eyes. Known as a courageous and daring officer in fighting Indians, Wetterholt died of wounds, Oct. 9, 1763.
  Capt. Jeremiah Trexler (Traxeler, Tracksler, etc.), with his brother Peter, one of the original commissioners of Northampton Co., 1752, kept an inn twelve miles west of Bethlehem (now Trexlertown). Jeremiah was commissioned in December 1755, but his company was not ordered to duty until after Franklin’s return to Bethlehem, January 7. Slovenly and independent, if not actually insubordinate, he disobeyed orders to help Foulke’s company build Fort Franklin, remaining “within the Mountain” closer to his inn. He drew £384 “in full for Pay, Provisions and Work,” April 7, when he and his company were discharged.
  Capt. John Trump led his company out of Upper Dublin, fifteen miles north of Philadelphia, on December 17. In Easton until the 26th, he moved via Nazareth to the Delaware Water Gap region to help in building Fort Hamilton and to reinforce the strong point at the Dupuy (Dupui) farm. Ordered by Franklin to begin building Fort Norris, Trump led a detachment to Nazareth, December 31, to get bread and then assisted in the building of that fort. He passed through Nazareth again, February 18, on the way home; on being mustered out the company received £228 17s. 2d. pay, February 26. Trump was later captain of a militia company at the Germantown review of the Philadelphia Co. Regiment, May 18, 1756.
  Capt. John Van Etten (Vanetta), from an early eighteenth-century Dutch settlement in the Minisink region above the Delaware Water Gap, raised a company to defend the area in December 1755. A neighbor, James Hyndshaw, was lieutenant, later transferred elsewhere. Franklin ordered the company, Jan. 12, 1756, to the Minisink, where it remained on duty for about a year and a half. Van Etten’s journal (December 1756 to July 1757) reveals a conscientious officer who “dissiplind” and “exercissed” his men regularly and obeyed orders carefully. He became coroner, 1760; a Captain Van Etten (perhaps his son) was active in this area during the Revolution.

  Volck. See Charles Foulke, above.
  Capt. Isaac Wayne (c. 1700–1774) of Waynesborough, Chester Co., father of General “Mad Anthony” Wayne, led the first company ordered to the menaced area by the commissioners, December 15. He seems to have passed through Easton and arrived at his post at Dupuy’s by the 22d. He was ordered back to Nazareth by Governor Morris, January 3, and remained there as guard, and convoyed supplies until the 15th when he joined Franklin on the march to Gnadenhütten. The company remained at Fort Allen through February and was mustered out and paid off, March 20, receiving £192 2s. 3d. Wayne was a member of the Assembly, 1757–63.
The companies of Aston, Trump, and Wayne seem to have been organized by mid-December and hence were able to go immediately to Northampton Co. to support the distracted settlers. Wayne appears to have been a competent and dependable officer, but Parsons probably was not unwilling to see Aston and Trump go, after order had been more or less restored, since they were not much “to be confided in.”
  Capt. John Nicholas Wetterholt (Weatherhold, Wedderholt), came to the Lehigh Valley from Germany in 1754 with his brother Jacob (see above under William Parsons). Commissioned December 21, he and his company joined in the march to Gnadenhütten on the 17th and worked on Fort Allen. A detachment left on January 24 to help build Fort Franklin; shortly thereafter detachments were stationed at Hyndshaw’s, the Wind Gap, Fort Hamilton, Easton, Nazareth, and other posts in the eastern part of the county. Able and energetic, Wetterholt remained active until 1759, and in 1763 mustered another company in Northampton Co.

[January 5, 1756]
The Honourable Robert Hunter Morris Esquire Lieutenant Governor and Commander in Chief of the Province of Pensylvania and Counties of New Castle Kent and Sussex on Delaware.
To Benjamin Franklin Esquire
I do hereby authorize and empower you, to take into your Charge the County of Northampton, to dismiss all Persons who have been Commissionated by me to any Military Command, and to put other’s into their Places, and to fill up the Blank Commissions herewith delivered, with the Names of such Persons, as you shall judge fit for his Majesties Service; hereby ratifying all your Act’s and Proceedings, done in Virtue of this Power, and approving the Expences accruing thereupon. And I do further order and enjoin all Officers and Soldiers to Yeild Obedience to you, in the Execution of this Power, and all Magistrates, Sheriffs and others, in any kind of Civil Authority, and all his Majesties Liege Subjects, to be aiding and assisting to you in the Premisses. Given under my hand and Seal at Reading this 5th. Day of January 1756.
Robt: H: Morris
 Endorsed: Commission


Title: [Benjamin Franklin?] to ——, 6 January 1756
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: ——

[Reading, January 6, 1756]
Jacob Levan, Esq; was sent by us to hear the Particulars of the Affair at Gnadenhutten, and fearing to go alone, sent Fifty-six Men over the Mountains on Saturday Evening, and on Sunday followed them with seventeen more. As soon as they got to the Top of the Hill, they saw all the white People running up, and the Indians running on one Side of them, firing and killing them fast; upon which Levan did all he could to persuade our People to return with his seventeen fresh Men; but they were so terrified, tho’ not more than fifteen or twenty Indians, that no Arguments were sufficient to prevail till they got all together to a House, which the Enemy beset, and a hot Firing ensued on both Sides, in which he saw seven Indians killed, and one much wounded. Upon this the Enemy fled off a little, and two young Fellows stepped out and scalped two of them, but were again attacked, and had not Time to scalp the others; and not knowing the Number of the Enemy, they all rushed out together, and came off, some to this Place, and have brought us the two Scalps, and one Indian Gun, with a Tower Lock on it. They say the People are so elated with this Success, that 150 Men, under G. Custard, are gone over the Mountain to attack the Indians, and to scalp the others if not removed, tho’ they are undoubtedly dead. We had eleven white People killed, and nine dangerously wounded, one of whom behaved extraordinary well. The Commissioners intend to give these Persons a considerable Present for their Encouragement, and I believe it will have a very good Effect.


Title: [Benjamin Franklin?] to ——, 8 January 1756
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: ——

[Bethlehem, January 8, 1756]
I arrived here last Night. We met a Number of Waggons on the Road, moving off with the Effects of the People of Lehi Township. All the Women and Children are sent off out of that Township; and many of them have taken Refuge here; all in great Confusion.
The Substance of the Action at Gnadenhutten, as we have received it from divers who were there, is this. The Lieutenant, who commanded, had Fifty-two Men with him at Gnadenhutten, mostly Labourers, who came with Axes to look for Employment, but without Arms. A Detachment of the Company was down here with the Captain, to escort up some Waggons with Provision; and another Party was out to meet the Waggons, so that among the Fifty-two Men they had but Twenty-two Guns. The Lieutenant, and four others, were on the Scout on the other Side of the River, a little above the Town, which consisted of about 36 Houses, and a Church. They saw Tracks of two Indians in the Snow, and following the Tracks, came in Sight of a String of 200 Indians, who were running round to hem them in; so that finding no Way open to escape, either up or down the River, they were obliged to take right through the Water. The Indians followed them to the Bank, and when they were about half through the River, fired on them very thick, and wounded the Lieutenant in the Leg, so that he fell, and wet his Gun; they wounded also one Klein in the Belly, who, as soon as he reached the other Shore, turn’d and shot one of the Enemy down, who they saw roll down the Bank, and fall in the River. The Lieutenant (Brown’s) Coat was shot through in many Places, as were the Coats and Hats of the rest, but no others were wounded. They got into the Church, where they defended themselves well for some Time and killed several of the Enemy. One fell in the Middle of the Street; and another came from behind a House, and took the dead Man by the Leg, and was drawing him off, but was shot, and fell on the other. The Indians set the Town on Fire to the Windward of the Church, which presently filled it with Smoke, so that they could neither see nor breathe. Then, having well charged all their Pieces, they sallied out, and engaged the Enemy among the Houses, where they killed several more of them; and at last, their Ammunition being spent, the Lieutenant order’d every Man to shift for himself, and they separated. Klein, who was wounded at first, desired the Lieutenant not to leave him, and he led him over the Ice, on a Part of the River that was frozen. The Enemy fired very thick at them, and Klein fell, being shot through the Head. The Lieutenant took up his Gun, and while he was charging it, it was shot out of his Hand. He then got on a little Island, where was Abundance of Drift Wood, and hid himself under the Side of a Log with Leaves and other Trash, where he lay till Midnight, and then got off, and escaped to the Settlements. During his Concealment, he saw the Enemy all round looking for him, and heard them speak both English and Dutch, which he understands. The Town was chiefly burnt down with the Church. Hayes came up after the Action was over, and saw the Enemy march off with a Horse Load of Blankets our Men had left in the Church, but was too weak to attack them. It is supposed we had 20 Men killed; the rest got off, but several are badly wounded.
The Action at Allemangle was thus. Three Men, who had left their Dwellings over the Mountains, used now and then to go to the Top of the Mountain, from whence they could see them, to observe whether they were burnt, or yet standing. On Saturday last they saw Smoke from one of their Chimnies, and going a little nearer, saw two Indians standing Centry, a Number being in the House. They went back, and alarmed the Watch of two Townships, who assembled the next Morning, to the Number of Sixty Men, who went over the Hill, and divided into two Parties, to surround the House; but in going down the Hill, one of the Men fell, and his Gun going off, alarm’d the Indians in the House, who ran out into a Pine Swamp, and when one of our Parties came up, fired and wounded four. Our People went after them boldly into the Swamp, engaged them, and killed several. But our other Party hearing the Fire, fled without coming up to the Engagement; and three straggling Indians coming up with them, fired at them as they were on the Top of the Hill, and killed one. The Indians proving too hard for our People in the Swamp, they retreated to a House, from whence they fired on the Indians that surrounded them, and killed several. At length the Firing being heard, another Party of our People came up, and the Indians retreated. We got five Scalps, but they got nine of ours. Our Men are sure they killed eight at least. Two of our Wounded are since dead.