Title: Jacques Barbeu-Dubourg: Prefaces to the Two Volumes of the Œuvres, [before 30 September 1773]
From: Barbeu-Dubourg, Jacques
To:

For almost twenty years, since Dalibard had brought out his translations of Experiments and Observations in 1752 and 1756, Europeans with no knowledge of English had been out of touch with Franklin’s activities. During that period two more editions of the Experiments had appeared, each larger than the last, and another was in preparation; but few even among the philosophes could have had more than a vague idea of what the recent work involved. Dubourg, the avid publicist, decided to remedy this ignorance. He based his volumes on the latest edition of the Experiments, that of 1769, but added to it, along with numerous observations of his own, much new material that Franklin made available to him; about a third of the items had never before appeared in print. The translation, in consequence, revealed the American more fully than ever before, “l’étendue de ses connoissances et la Fécondité de son génie.” The effect, though impossible to measure, was considerable. Dubourg reported jubilantly at the end of the year that the two volumes were being received “avec une sorte de passion favorable,” and that they would exalt the reputation of America not only in France but throughout Europe. If what he said was true, and it probably was, the Œuvres helped to create the reputation that a few years later stood Franklin and his country in such good stead.

  [Before Sept. 30, 1773]
  PRÉFACE DU TRADUCTEUR

Au milieu des Sauvages de l’Amérique il s’éleva presque subitement, sur la fin du siecle dernier, une Ville dont l’enceinte n’est pas encore circonscrite, et qui ne cesse de s’étendre de jour en jour suivant les alignemens qui lui furent premiérement tracés.
Son nom est Philadelphie, et l’amour fraternel est son unique loi fondamentale; ses portes sont toujours ouvertes à tout le monde; et quoique son Fondateur en ait formellement exclus deux sortes d’hommes, l’athée et le fainéant, il semble que cette exclusion même n’ait été que comminatoire; car s’il existoit un athée dans le reste de l’univers, il se convertiroit en entrant dans une ville où tout est si bien; et s’il y naissoit un paresseux, ayant incessamment sous les yeux trois aimables soeurs, la richesse, la science et la vertu, qui sont les filles du travail, il prendroit bientôt de l’amour pour elles, et tâcheroit de les obtenir de leur pere.
Les Trembleurs (ou Quakers) persécutés en Angleterre, s’étant réfugiés en Amérique sous la conduit de Guillaume Pen, y fonderent cette colonie. C’étoient des hommes d’une trempe fort singuliere. L’espece d’enthousiasme, qu’un nommé Fox leur avoit communiqué, n’avoit pour objet que les vertus morales, sans aucun dogme métaphysique. Ils s’excitoient au tremblement pour consulter le Seigneur sur tout ce qu’ils vouloient entreprendre; et après avoir médité sur leurs devoirs dans le plus profond recueillement, prenant leurs lumieres naturelles pour des révélations extraordinaires, ils se croyoient tous autant de prophetes et de prophetesses. Ainsi Pen crut que le ciel lui avoit inspiré d’acheter et de payer de deux côtés (du Roi d’Angleterre, et des Sauvages) le terrein désert où il vouloit bâtir sa Ville, afin que son établissement fût béni de Dieu et des hommes. Ces Trembleurs, depuis quelques années, ont beaucoup rabattu de leur enthousiasme, mais ils ont précieusement conservé leurs maximes et leurs usages; chacun présente lui-même son propre hommage à la Divinité; les femmes mêmes sont admises à prêcher parmi les hommes; tous sont réputés Prêtres et Prêtresses; tous s’appellent freres et soeurs, et se traitent constamment comme tels. …
<Montesquieu called Penn a true Lycurgus, and the learned authors of the Encylopédié have repeated this untenable comparison. Judge trees by their fruit: Lycurgus formed a destructive people, who were subject to a thousand privations, never grew in number and never, in six centuries, produced a scholar or an artist of note; Penn formed a lovable people, who enjoy the good things of life, have increased a hundred fold in less than a hundred years, and combine respect for the arts and a keen interest in science with the greatest simplicity of manners.>
En 1746, époque mémorable dans l’histoire de la Physique par la fameuse expérience de Leyde, feu M. Collinson, de la Société royale de Londres, envoya en présent à ses bons amis de Philadelphie, un tube électrique, avec des instructions sur la maniere de s’en servir, ne doutant pas qu’ils n’en fissent un très bon usage. Ce tube, qui fut heureusement remis à M. Franklin, l’occupa tout entier pendant quelques mois, après quoi il crut devoir rendre compte à M. Collinson de ses expériences et de ses réflexions sur cette matiere.
Quoique ses Lettres ne fussent pas originairement destinées à voir le jour, elles furent bientôt publiées en Anglois et traduites en François. Elles parurent aussi neuves et aussi intéressantes à Paris et à Londres qu’en Pensylvanie, et commencerent à faire connoître à l’Europe ce Philosophe Américain qui, du premier vol, déployant ses ailes sans effort, s’étoit élevé à une hauteur dont nos plus célebres Physiciens demeurerent tout étonnés.
La réputation de M. Franklin s’est toujours soutenue, toujours accrue depuis. Sans composer aucun traité en forme, son génie s’est exercé successivement sur quantité de sujets divers; et à mesure que l’occasion s’en est présentée, il a fait part de ses découvertes à ses amis dans des Lettres familieres, où il leur propose du ton le plus modeste les idées les plus lumineuses.
Ces divers morceaux, après avoir été imprimés et réimprimés séparément, ont été réunis en un Volume in-4º. publié à Londres, où l’on en prépare encore actuellement une édition nouvelle. Mon attachement pour l’Auteur m’en a fait entreprendre la traduction, et son amitié pour moi l’a engagé à tirer de son portefeuille quelques morceaux qui n’avoient point encore paru, pour enrichir l’édition Françoise. Puissé-je me flatter que le Public ne trouvera pas trop discordantes quelques petites réflexions que j’ai pris la liberté d’y inserer, tantôt au commencement, et tantôt à la fin de divers articles.
Ce qui me fait espérer que l’on aura quelqu’indulgence pour moi, c’est qu’on verra que les petites lettres, que j’ai eu occasion d’écrire à M. Franklin pendant le cours de cette édition, m’ont attiré des réponses qui ne le cedent au reste de l’ouvrage ni pour l’agrément, ni pour l’utilité.
Dans l’édition Angloise, les différentes matieres sont mêlées ensemble presque sans ordre; et le volume de celle-ci étant grossi de plus d’un tiers, cette espece de confusion en auroit été d’autant plus désagréable. J’ai donc cru devoir présenter séparément tout ce qui a rapport à l’Electricité; et ranger le reste ensuite, non seulement par ordre de matieres, mais encore, autant qu’il m’a été possible, dans l’ordre des dates. Ces deux Parties s’étant trouvées à peu près égales, et ayant très-peu de rapport entre elles, les amis de l’Auteur et les miens m’ont conseillé de les partager en deux Tomes, que diverses personnes aimeront mieux avoir séparément, et que les autres pourront faire relier en un seul volume.
On a placé tout au commencement le portrait de l’Auteur, et à la fin de chaque Tome les figures relatives aux objets qui y font traités.
  Une chose qui paroîtra presqu’incroyable, quoique très vraie, c’est que M. Franklin, toujours occupé d’une multitude d’affaires graves, tant publiques que particulieres, n’a jamais fait de la Physique que son délassement; connoissant aussi peu les heures perdues, que beaucoup de gens ici ne connoissent l’emploi du tems. Né avec un esprit solide, et élevé au milieu des Quakers, il a su n’en point prendre les singularités, mais où auroit-il pris des gôuts frivoles? Dévoué sans relâche au service de sa Patrie, il a été constamment chéri et révéré de ses Concitoyens, l’ame de leurs conseils au-dedans, et chargé de leurs intérêts au-dehors; présent, absent, il a toujours rempli leurs voeux, et réciproquement il a toujours sû leur inspirer tout ce qu’il a voulu pour leur bien commun. Les sciences utiles ont fait à Philadelphie, sous son influence, des progrès d’une rapidité presque sans exemple; et la Société Philosophique qui s’y est formée, à laquelle toutes les Colonies voisines ont pris part, et qui l’a choisi pour Président, a donné dès la fin de sa seconde année un volume de Mémoires, où l’on voit avec admiration un si parfait accord du savoir le plus éminent avec la vertu la plus pure, qu’on trouveroit difficilement dans l’ancien monde quelque chose de comparable à ce début du monde nouveau.

DISCOURS PRÉLIMINAIRE DU TRADUCTEUR
Ceux qui ne voyent qu’un Electricien dans M. Franklin, ne le connoissent pas à moitié. La multitude d’objets divers que comprend cette seconde Partie de ses Œuvres montre l’étendue de ses connoissances et la fécondité de son génie.
Il commence par un morceau de physique générale dans un goût tout-à-fait neuf, à mon avis. L’explication qu’il y donne de divers météores, des vents alisés, des orages, des trombes, et autres grands phénomenes de la nature, est d’une simplicité, et en même-tems d’une force de dialectique qui enchante. N’ayant pu emprunter de l’expérience qu’un premier point d’appui assez mobile, il s’élance rapidement de-là dans les régions aëriennes jusqu’à une hauteur prodigieuse, sans qu’on perde un seul moment de vue la direction du fil à l’aide duquel il s’y est élevé. Trois ou quatre savans Américains, en lui rendant toute la justice qui lui étoit due, ont cru appercevoir quelques points défectueux dans cette brillante hypothese; mais un Dominicain, qui se croit obligé de s’éloigner en quelque chose des opinions du Docteur Angélique, ne le combat pas avec plus d’égards et de défiance de lui-même, que ces MM. n’en ont montré en attaquant M. Franklin. Quelquesuns cependant ramassent tant de forces, et les déployent avec tant d’art, que le commun des Lecteurs a de la peine à prévoir de quel côté penchera la victoire; mais notre Auteur paroît l’emporter enfin.
J’ai cru devoir placer ce morceau le premier, à raison de son étendue et de son importance; je serai désormais plus fidele à l’ordre des tems.
Le plus ancien des ouvrages imprimés de M. Franklin, qui fut publié à Philadelphie en 1745, nous rappelle à nos propres foyers, pour nous apprendre à nous chauffer mieux et avec plus d’œconomie. Il a médité de nouveau sur la même matiere, et nous promet encore une nouvelle construction de cheminée.
De la physique, M. Franklin passe tout-à-coup à des réflexions politiques sur la population. Les Princes, qu’Homere appelloit les pasteurs des peuples, devroient faire leur plus sérieuse étude de cet objet, et ne sauroient en puiser la connoissance dans une source plus pure.
L’Inoculation de la petite vérole fournit la matiere des deux lettres suivantes; mais M. Franklin se contente de marquer l’intérêt qu’il y prend, en excitant ses correspondans à la traiter d’une maniere qui réponde à son importance.
Dans le morceau qui suit, il se réduit également à présenter au public les conjectures plausibles d’un de ses amis sur la lumiere que rend l’eau de la mer dans certaines circonstances.

Mais on retrouve bientôt M. Franklin tout entier dans ses résponses au Gouverneur de la Nouvelle Angleterre, au sujet des changemens qu’on se proposoit de faire dans l’administration des Colonies de l’Amerique. On y verra, sans doute, avec plaisir une prévoyance singuliere, et une annonce quasi prophétique des événemens futurs, fondée sur la plus profonde connoissance tant des vrais rapports des intérêts de l’un et de l’autre pays, que de la disposition des esprits, qui avoit été représentée sous un faux jour au Parlement d’Angleterre.
L’espece de bonhommie avec laquelle M. Franklin débite ensuite d’excellentes leçons œconomiques, ne paroitra peut-être pas aussi agréable ici que dans sa patrie, où ce petit sermon a fait sur les esprits de tout un peuple une impression dont il y a peu d’exemples dans l’histoire ancienne.
Retournant de-là à la physique, à l’occasion des nouvelles expériences de quelques Chymistes sur le froid produit par l’évaporation des liqueurs, M. Franklin propose des conjectures très-ingénieuses, tendantes à établir une nouvelle théorie des conducteurs du feu ordinaire; et il en déduit immédiatement nonseulement l’explication peu commune de quantité de faits trèscommuns, mais encore une bonne observation de pratique sur le remede le plus approprié à la brûlure et aux douleurs inflammatoires.
Les réflexions sur les différentes couches de terre sont d’une belle ame: celles qui suivent sur la salure originaire de la mer montrent une heureuse sagacité d’esprit; et celles qui concernent l’utilité qu’on peut retirer des cheminées pendant l’été, font également honneur à l’esprit et au coeur de M. Franklin.
On sera peut-être étonné de se trouver redevable d’un nouvel instrument de musique à notre Philosophe. Cet instrument ne paroît pas fait pour produire beaucoup d’effet dans un orchestre, mais on assure qu’il porte au coeur des accens si touchans qu’il semble étonnant que les virtuoses dont Paris abonde, ne lui ayent pas fait jusqu’ici plus d’accueil. D’un autre côté, je crains que nos Musiciens ne soient pas contens de la façon dont il parle des compositions de la musique moderne, quoique sa critique paroisse assaisonnée d’un véritable sel attique.
Dans la lettre sur la propagation du son, M. Franklin est conduit à des vues neuves par des observations fines. Dans la suivante, il proteste ingénuement de son ignorance sur la cause de certaines ondulations qu’il a peut-être observées le premier, quoiqu’une infinité de gens en ayent habituellement de semblables sous leurs yeux.
Ses remarques sur la profondeur des canaux navigables, et ses petites expériences à ce sujet, peuvent servir à mettre quelques Physiciens sur la voie pour déterminer avec précision le juste point de leur excavation.
M. Franklin donne ensuite de bons avis à un ami, en l’exhortant à apprendre à nager, et raconte avec grace comment il traversa un vaste étang en nageant à voile.
Mais que dirai-je de ses quarrés et cercles magiques? Je crains que beaucoup de personnes ne s’en amusent point du tout, et que d’autres ne s’en amusent trop.
A l’égard de sa correspondance avec Mlle. Stevenson, je suis persuadé que beaucoup de peres de families desireroient un semblable Mentor à leurs filles. Sans avoir l’honneur de connoître personnellement cette petit Philosophe, j’ai par devers moi des preuves non équivoques des progrès qu’elle a faits sous un si grand Maître. Mais il suffit de lire les dissertations que M. Franklin lui adresse, soit au sujet des marées remarquables dans certaines rivieres, soit au sujet des moyens de se désaltérer avec l’eau de la mer, soit au sujet de l’évaporation de l’eau de quelques rivieres qui ne portent pas leur tribut à l’océan, comme on l’imagine communément, soit enfin sur la différence des couleurs par rapport à la chaleur, sans compter ce qu’il lui promet encore pour déterminer exactement la véritable cause des rhumes; pour juger de l’intelligence et du goût qui lui attiroient de telles lettres.
Ce que M. Franklin a daigné m’adresser au sujet de son bain d’air, et de l’abondante transpiration des corps nuds, ne peut que faire beaucoup regretter la perte du jeune Médecin qu’il avoit engagé à entreprendre une suite d’expériences à ce sujet, qui auroient pû devenir infiniment intéressantes. Il n’est pas douteux que MM. Pringle et Huck ne fussent très en état d’y suppléer, s’ils vouloient en prendre la peine, et on seroit fondé à l’espérer de leur zele pour le bien de l’humanité, si l’on ne connoissoit en même-tems la grandeur et l’importance de leurs occupations.
J’avoue que, dans ce que dit M. Franklin des qualités tant corporelles que spirituelles des peuples de l’Amérique, il n’y a presque rien qui n’eût déjà été dit; mais comment, et par qui, et dans combien de contes absurdes ce peu de faits vraiment intéressants n’étoient-ils pas en quelque sorte noyés?
Quelques Lecteurs trouveront peut-être un peu forte la maniere dont s’exprime M. Franklin par rapport au Parlement d’Angleterre, au sujet des dissentions qui se sont élevées entre la Métropole et les Colonies; mais il est à considérer qu’il est le Ministre accrédité de ces Colonies pour défendre leurs droits à la Cour Britannique; et l’on a vu ici, il y a environ trois ans, dans les Ephémérides du Citoyen, puis dans un brochure séparée, la traduction des réponses pleines de vigueur qu’il avoit faites un jour dans le Parlement, et qui avoient été imprimées immédiatement à Londres.
Si je n’avois pas craint qu’on ne pût m’imputer d’engager quelques personnes dans un double emploi, et de grossir inutilement ce volume, j’aurois été tenté d’y insérer, 1°. ces mêmes réponses au Parlement; 2°. un certain extrait du London-Chronikle, qui est écrit du ton le plus fin et le plus agréable, et dont on a déja la traduction à la suite des Lettres d’un Fermier de Pensylvanie; 3°. enfin un petit préambule exquis, fourni par notre Auteur, pour mettre à la tête du beau projet du Colonel d’Alrimple, inséré dans un des Journaux d’Agriculture de l’année derniere. On auroit eu ainsi le recueil de toutes les Œuvres connues de M. Franklin.
Mais il n’est pas tems de songer à former un corps complet des œuvres d’un auteur vivant, sain de corps et d’esprit, et travaillant journellement, peut-être avec plus d’ardeur que jamais. M. Franklin est dans son automne, et c’est la saison des fruits.
Sa Patrie le rappelle; elle a des droits sur lui, mais ce ne sont pas des droits exclusifs; toute la terre est la patrie du vrai Philosophe, et il y eut peut-être moins de vraie philosophie dans l’ancien portique d’Athenes, que dans le nouveau portique de Philadelphie.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jan Ingenhousz, 30 September 1773
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Ingenhousz, Jan

My dear Friend,
London, Sept. 30. 1773
I rejoic’d as much as any Friend could do, at the News we receiv’d here from time to time of your Successes in your Profession, and of the safe Recovery of your illustrious Patients of that most amiable Family: But it griev’d us all at the same time to hear that you did not yourself enjoy Health in that Country. Surely their known Goodness will graciously give you Leave of Absence, if you have but the Courage to request it, and permit you to come and reside in England, which always agreed well with your Constitution. All your Friends here will be made happy by such an Event.
I had purposed to return to America this last Summer, but some Events in our Colony Affairs, induc’d me to stay here another Winter. Sometime in May or June next I believe I shall leave England. May I hope first to see you here once more?

I shall be glad to see the Work of Abbé Fontana on that Disease of Wheat. As yet I have not heard that it is come to England.
Sir W. Hamilton writes from Naples, that after many Experiments, he has not been able to perceive any certain Signs of Electricity in the Torpedo. It is perhaps best that there should be two Opinions on this Subject: for that may occasion a more thorough Examination of it, and finally make us better acquainted with it.
It is not difficult to construct a Needle so as to keep pointing to the Meridian of any one Place, whatever may be the Variation in that Place. But to point always to the Meridian wherever the Needle may be remov’d, is I apprehend not possible.
Mr. Nairne, has, as you have heard, finished a very fine Electric Machine. I have seen Sparks from the Prime Conductor 13 Inches in length. He has added a large Battery, and produces a Discharge from it sufficiently strong to blast growing Vegetables, as Lightning is suppos’d to do. From a greater Force used, perhaps some more Discoveries may be made. I am much pleas’d with the Account you give me of your new Machine of white Velvet rubbed upon Hareskin.
Last Year the Board of Ordnance apply’d to the Royal Society here for their Opinion of the Propriety of erecting Conductors to secure the Powder Magazines at Purfleet. The Society appointed a Committee to view the Magazines and report their Advice. The Members appointed were Messrs. Cavendish, Watson, Delavall, Robertson, Wilson and myself. We accordingly after viewing them drew up a Report, recommending Conductors to each, elevated 10 feet above the Roof, and pointed at the Ends. M. Delavall did not attend, but all the rest agreed in the Report, only M. Wilson objected to pointing the Rods, asserting that blunt Ends or Knobs would be better. The Work however was finished according to our Direction. He was displeas’d that his Opinion was not followed, and has written a Pamphlet against Points. I have not answered it, being averse to Dispute. But in a new Translation and Edition of my Book printed lately at Paris, 2 Vols. 4to., you will see some new Experiments of mine, with the Reasonings upon them, which satisfy’d the Committee. They are not yet printed in English, but will in a new Edition now printing at Oxford; and perhaps they will be in the next Transactions.
It has been a Fashion to decry Hawkesworth’s Book: but it does not deserve the Treatment it has met with. It acquaints us with new[?] People having new Customs; and teaches us a good deal of new Knowledge.
Capt. Phips is returned, not having been able to approach the Pole nearer than 81 Degrees, the Ice preventing.
M. Fremont, an ingenious young Italian who was lately here, gave me a little Spy Glass of his Making upon Pere Boschovich’s Principles, the Ocular Lens being a composition of different Glasses instead of the Objective. It is indeed a very good one.
Sir John Pringle is return’d from Scotland, better in Health than heretofore. He always speaks of you with Respect and Affection: as does Dr. Huck and all that knew you. I am ever, with the sincerest Esteem, Dear Sir, Your faithful and most obedient Servant
B F
Dr IngenhauszWrote at W.W. for next week


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, 6 October 1773
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Deborah

My dear Child,
London, Oct. 6. 1773
I must, I find, stay another Winter here absent from you and my Family, but positively nothing shall prevent, God willing, my Returning in the Spring.
I had no Line from you by the last Packet, but had the Satisfaction of hearing you were well. I thank God, my Health continues; but I cannot in the course of things expect it much longer, which makes me the more anxious to be where I would chuse to die—at home.
Mrs. Stevenson and Polly send their Love to you and yours. The Children are fine. The eldest now talks every thing. They are carried every day to the Park; and as they live in the same Street, the eldest calls on me sometimes to tell God-Papa little Stories of what he has seen there; His pretty Prattle makes me the more long to see our own Grandchildren. God grant me that Satisfaction, and that I may find you all well and happy. Sally should give me a Line now and then, for I love to read her Letters. I am ever, My dear Debby, Your affectionate Husband
B Franklin

Addressed: To / Mrs Franklin / at / Philadelphia / viâ N York / per Packet / B Free Franklin


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to William Franklin, 6 October 1773
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, William

Dear Son,
London, October 6, 1773.
I wrote to you on the 1st of last month, since which I have received yours of July 29, from New York.
I know not what letters of mine governor H. could mean, as advising the people to insist on their independency. But whatever they were, I suppose he has sent copies of them hither, having heard some whisperings about them. I shall, however, be able at any time, to justify every thing I have written; the purport being uniformly this, that they should carefully avoid all tumults and every violent measure, and content themselves with verbally keeping up their claims, and holding forth their rights whenever occasion requires; secure, that from the growing importance of America, those claims will ere long be attended to, and acknowledged. From a long and thorough consideration of the subject, I am indeed of opinion, that the parliament has no right to make any law whatever, binding on the colonies. That the king, and not the king, lords, and commons collectively, is their sovereign; and that the king with their respective parliaments, is their only legislator. I know your sentiments differ from mine on these subjects. You are a thorough government man, which I do not wonder at, nor do I aim at converting you. I only wish you to act uprightly and steadily, avoiding that duplicity, which in Hutchinson, adds contempt to indignation. If you can promote the prosperity of your people, and leave them happier than you found them, whatever your political principles are, your memory will be honored.
I have written two pieces here lately for the Public Advertiser, on American affairs, designed to expose the conduct of this country towards the colonies, in a short, comprehensive, and striking view, and stated therefore in out-of-the-way forms, as most likely to take the general attention. The first was called, Rules by which a great empire may be reduced to a small one; the second, An Edict of the king of Prussia. I sent you one of the first, but could not get enough of the second to spare you one, though my clerk went the next morning to the printer’s, and wherever they were sold. They were all gone but two. In my own mind I preferred the first, as a composition for the quantity and variety of the matter contained, and a kind of spirited ending of each paragraph. But I find that others here generally prefer the second. I am not suspected as the author, except by one or two friends; and have heard the latter spoken of in the highest terms as the keenest and severest piece that has appeared here a long time. Lord Mansfield I hear said of it, that it was very ABLE and very ARTFUL indeed; and would do mischief by giving here a bad impression of the measures of government; and in the colonies, by encouraging them in their contumacy. It is reprinted in the Chronicle, where you will see it, but stripped of all the capitalling and italicking, that intimate the allusions and mark the emphasis of written discourses, to bring them as near as possible to those spoken: printing such a piece all in one even small character, seems to me like repeating one of Whitfield’s Sermons in the monotony of a school-boy. What made it the more noticed here was, that people in reading it, were, as the phrase is, taken in, till they had got half through it, and imagined it a real edict, to which mistake I suppose the king of Prussia’s character must have contributed. I was down at lord Le Despencer’s when the post brought that day’s papers. Mr. Whitehead was there too (Paul Whitehead, the author of Manners) who runs early through all the papers, and tells the company what he finds remarkable. He had them in another room, and we were chatting in the breakfast parlour, when he came running in to us, out of breath, with the paper in his hand. Here! says he, here’s news for ye! Here’s the king of Prussia, claiming a right to this kingdom! All stared, and I as much as any body; and he went on to read it. When he had read two or three paragraphs, a gentleman present said, Damn his impudence, I dare say, we shall hear by next post that he is upon his march with one hundred thousand men to back this. Whitehead, who is very shrewd, soon after began to smoke it, and looking in my face said, I’ll be hanged if this is not some of your American jokes upon us. The reading went on, and ended with abundance of laughing, and a general verdict that it was a fair hit: and the piece was cut out of the paper and preserved in my lord’s collection.
I don’t wonder that Hutchinson should be dejected. It must be an uncomfortable thing to live among people who he is conscious universally detest him. Yet I fancy he will not have leave to come home, both because they know not well what to do with him, and because they do not very well like his conduct. I am ever your affectionate father,
B Franklin.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jane Mecom, 9 October 1773
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Mecom, Jane

Dear Sister,
London, Oct. 9. 1773
I have not heard from you since your Goods arriv’d. I hope they got safe to hand, and that they please.
I write this Line just to let you know I am well, Thanks to God, and to cover a Paper of mine printed here, which I send because you desired I would send you what I published from time to time, and I am willing to oblige you; but often they are things out of your way so much that I omit sending them, and sometimes I forget it, and sometimes I cannot get a Copy to send, which was the Case of a Piece since this now enclos’d, viz. An Edict of the King of Prussia, all that were printed being gone in a few Hours.
I hope you and Jenny and her Husband continue well which to hear will always be a Pleasure to Your affectionate Brother
B Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Joseph Priestley, 14 October 1773
From: Priestley, Joseph
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir,
Calne 14. Oct 1773.
If I had had a frank for Mr. Johnson, I should not have given you this trouble; but Ld. Shelburne is not at home, and my covers for him are expended.
I hope you received my letter, in which I gave you some account of my discovery of an alkaline air, tho’ I have not had the plea[sure of] hearing from you since. I am still busy in examining its properties and affinities, some of which are curious enough. The most remarkable observation I have made is of the manner in which it affects alum put into it. This substance absorbs it very fast, and then comes out perfectly white, and altogether unlike what it was; but I have not yet examined it any farther.
I have also found that this alkaline air is slightly inflammable. This is not observed without attention, for a candle dipped into it goes out several times before there is much appearance of its inflammability. This, however, agrees with the opinion of chymists, that volatile Alkali contains phlogiston.
As you have not written to me, I hope you are planning an excursion to Calne, along with Sir John Pringle, or some of our friends. This would make me very happy. I am, with great respect, Dear Sir, yours sincerely
J Priestley.

Endorsed: Dr Priestley. Oct. 1773


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Thomas Percival, 15 October 1773
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Percival, Thomas

Dear Sir,
[London 15 October 1773]
I have received here your Favour of September 18th. enclosing your very valuable Paper of the Numeration of Manchester. Such Enquiries may be as useful as they are curious, and if once made general would greatly assist in the prudent Government of a State. In China, I have somewhere read, an Account is yearly taken of the Numbers of People, and the Quantities of Provision produc’d. This Account is transmitted to the Emperor, whose Ministers can thence foresee a Scarcity likely to happen in any Province, and from what Province it can best be supply’d in good time. To facilitate the collecting this Account, and prevent the Necessity of entring Houses, and spending time on asking and answering Questions, each House is furnish’d with a little Board to be hung without the Door during a certain time each Year, on which Board, is marked certain Words, against which the Inhabitant is to mark Number or Quantity somewhat in this Manner,

MenWomenChildren
}
Persons
  122
  }
5

Rice or Wheat

5 Quarters

Flesh

1000 lb.

All under 16 are accounted Children, and all above as Men and Women. Any other Particulars the Government desires Information of, are occasionally mark’d on the same Boards. Thus the Officers appointed to collect the Accounts in each District, have only to pass before the Doors, and enter in their Book what they find marked on the Board without giving the least Trouble to the Family. There is a Penalty on marking falsly, and as Neighbours must know nearly the Truth of each others Account, they dare not expose themselves by a false one to each others Accusation. Perhaps such a Regulation is scarce practicable with us.
The Difference of Deaths, between 1 in 28, at Manchester and 1 in 120 at Monton, is surprizing. It seems to show the Unwholesomeness of the Manufacturing Life, owing perhaps to the Confinement in small Close Rooms: or in larger with Numbers, or to Poverty and want of Necessaries, or to Drinking, or to all of them. Farmers who manufacture in their own Families what they have occasion for and no more, are perhaps the happiest People and the healthiest.

‘Tis a curious Remark that moist Seasons are the healthiest. The Gentry of England are remarkably afraid of Moisture, and of Air. But Seamen who live in perpetually moist Air, are always Healthy if they have good Provisions. The Inhabitants of Bermuda, St. Helena, and other Islands far from Continents, surrounded with Rocks against which the Waves continually dashing fill the Air with Spray and Vapour, and where no wind can arrive that does not pass over much Sea, and of course bring much Moisture, these People are remarkably healthy. And I have long thought that mere moist Air has no ill Effect on the Constitution; Tho’ Air impregnated with Vapours from putrid Marshes is found pernicious, not from the Moisture but the Putridity. It seems strange that a Man whose Body is compos’d in great Part of moist Fluids, whose Blood and Juices are so watery, who can swallow Quantities of Water and Small Beer daily without Inconvenience, should fancy that a little more or less Moisture in the Air should be of such Importance. But we abound in Absurdity and Inconsistency. Thus, tho’ it is generally agreed that taking the Air is a good Thing, yet what Caution against Air, what stopping of Crevices, what wrapping-up in warm Clothes, what Shutting of Doors and Windows! even in the midst of Summer! Many London Families go out once a Day to take the Air; three or four Persons in a Coach, one perhaps Sick; these go three or four Miles or as many Turns in Hide Park, with the Glasses both up close, all breathing over and over again the same Air they brought out of Town with them in the Coach with the least change possible, and render’d worse and worse every moment. And this they call taking the Air. From many Years Observations on my self and others, I am persuaded we are on a wrong Scent in supposing Moist, or cold Air, the Causes of that Disorder we call a Cold. Some unknown Quality in the Air may perhaps sometimes produce Colds, as in the Influenza: but generally I apprehend they are the Effects of too full Living in proportion to our Exercise. Excuse, if you can, my Intruding into your Province, and believe me ever, with sincere Esteem, Dear Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant
B F

Notation: To Thomas Percival.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Joseph Galloway, 21 October 1773
From: Galloway, Joseph
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Trevose, Bucks, Octr. 21st. 1773
Mr. John Coxe, the Son of Mr. William Coxe my Friend and Neighbour, comes to England with Intent to finish his Study of the Law at one of the Temples. His good Character and close Application to the Business of his intended Profession, added to an Opinion I have entertained of his Abilities, induces me to recommend him to your Notice and Advice. Any Favors you shall be so kind as to confer on him will be adding to the Number of those already done to Dear Sir, your faithful humble Servant
Jos. Galloway

Addressed: To / Benjamin Franklin Esqr / in / Craven Street / London


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Francis Maseres, 26 October 1773
From: Maseres, Francis
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir,
Inner temple, Oct. 26, 1773.
Having had occasion to mention the Abbé Reynal’s account of the European colonies, and to quote a passage from it in my French memoire written in defence of my draught of an Act of parliament for settling the laws of the province of Quebec, I thought it a proper compliment to him to send him a copy of that Memoire. In return for this civility he has sent me a letter in which he acquaints me that the edition that was published last year of his work above mentioned was a stolen one, and very imperfect; and that he is now writing an accurate edition of it: and he desires that I would assist him in that design by sending him accurate accounts of the population, the State of the trade, shipping, agriculture, produce, and other Material circumstances relating to the British colonies in North America. This I am utterly unable to do and therefore beg leave to refer him to you, who can do it better than any body I know, if your leisure and inclination permit you to take the necessary trouble to assist this writer in compleating his useful work. I remain your’s
F: Maseres.

Addressed: To / Dr: Benjamin Franklyn / at Mrs: Stevenson’s / in Craven Street / in the Strand. / London.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Robert Hare, 28 October 1773
From: Hare, Robert
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Philadelphia Octr 28th: 1773.
I beg you to accept my warmest thanks for the fervor of the recommendations you favor’d me with. They are not only likely to promote my views of business but have introduc’d me into a very agreeable society and been principally instrumental in procuring the happiness I enjoy here.
I have delay’d these acknowledgements under hopes that your arrival here would give me an opportunity of making them personally and it greatly dissapoints me that I must not hope for that pleasure this year. I am Sir very respectfully Your oblig’d and obedient Servant
  Rt Hare.

Addressed: Dr Benjan: Franklin / Craven Street / London.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Deborah Franklin, 29 October 1773
From: Franklin, Deborah
To: Franklin, Benjamin

My Dear child
ocktober the 29. 1773
I have bin verey much distrest a boute you as I did not [have] aney letter nor one word from you nor did I hear one word from aney bodey that you wrote to so I muste submit and indever to submit to what I am to bair. I did write by Capt. Folkner to you but he is gon down and when I read it over I did not like it and so if this dont send it I shante like it as I donte send you aney news nor I donte go abrode.
I shall tell you what Consernes my selef our youngest Grand Son is the finest child as a live he has had the Small Pox and had it verey fine and got a brod a gen Capt. All will tell you a boute him and Benj Franklin Beache but as it is so dificall to writ I have desierd him to tell you I have sente a Squerel for your friend and wish her better luck. It is a verey fine one I have had verey bad luck with two thay one kild and another run a way all thow thay was bred up tame I have not a Caige as I donte know whare the man lives that makes them. My love to Salley Franklin [as] was my love to all our Cusins as thow menshond remember me to Mr. and Mrs. Weste due you ever hear aney thing of Amelly Evens as was.
Thanke you for the Silke and hat it at the womans to make it up but have it put up as you donte [torn; illegible] I thonke it is verey prittey what was the prise I desier to give my love to everey bodey [that?] I shold love. Billey was in towen 5 or 6 day when the child was in the Small pox Mrs. Franklin [has?] not sene him yit I am to tell a verey pritey thing a bout Ben the players is Cum to town and thay air to ackte on munday he wanted to see a play he unkill Beache had given him a doler his mamah asked him wather he wold give it for a ticket or buy his Brother a necklas he sed his Brother a necklas he is a charmin child as ever was Borne my Grand children air the Beste in the world. Salley will write. I Cante write aney mor I am your afeckshone wife
D Franklin


Title: The Managers of the Pennsylvania Hospital to Franklin, David Barclay, and John Fothergill, 29 October 1773
From: Managers of the Pennsylvania Hospital
To: Franklin, Benjamin,Barclay, David Junior,Fothergill, John

Philada. October 29th. 1773.
Esteemed Friends John Fothergill Benjamin Franklin David Barclay
We have lately received from our Friend David Barclay on Your behalf the State of the Accounts relating to the mony received by you for the Use of the Pennsa. Hospital, and of the Payment of the Bills drawn on you by the Managers, a Ballance remaining in favour of the Hospital, being £134 1s. 2d. we have drawn on you payable to our Treasurer Joseph Hillborn a Bill No. 33 dated 26th inst. for that Sum.

Gratefully sensible of this fresh proof of your Beneficence and Friendship in the Transaction of this Business we return you our Sincere Acknowledgments for ourselves for the Contributors and the many afflicted Objects who are the immediate partakers of this Charitable Act.
The mony arising from this Gratuity has been placed out on real Securities which is a very seasonable and acceptable Addition to our Capital Stock, the Income of which, tho’ still far short of our Yearly Expences; Yet as the Institution maintains its Reputation for usefulness in many respects, and is conducted to the Satisfaction of the Contributors we have Grounds to hope will continue to merit the Attention of the Benevolent in such manner as to enable the Managers to encounter the Difficulties frequently occurring without reducing our Funds, that as the number of Patients increase our Endeavours united with the Physicians may extend the means of Relief to the diseased and impotent for whose sake this laudable Charity was instituted.
In the Course of this Year we have lost by Death our Treasurer Joseph King, two Physicians Doctr. Phineas Bond and Dr. Cadwalader Evans, and lately a Manager, Isaac Jones, all of whom were assiduous in their several Departments for the promotion of the Benefit of the Hospital. Dr. John Morgan and Dr. Charles Moore are appointed to succeed the Physicians Joseph Hillborn Treasurer, and Robt. Strettell Jones a Manager in the Room of his Father, and we have no doubt will unite their Endeavours with us for the general good of the Institution under our Care. We are very respectfully Your much obliged Friends


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Samuel Rhoads, 29 October 1773
From: Rhoads, Samuel
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Friend
Philada. October 29th 1773
Inclos’d are the Votes of the present Assembly. What happen’d last year I doubt not the Speaker has Communicated; this year they sat but a short time, chose their Officers and adjourn’d.
Some Domestick Affairs of the Speakers call’d him out of Town Imiediately after he left the Chair; the Committee of Correspondance I presume will not meet till he returns. I have therefore undertaken to send the Votes, which will shew what is done.
As no new Instructions are given to the Agent no doubt the old Ones remain Valid; and he may Justly presume that it was not owing to any Neglect in the Assembly that they have not this Year given their Instructions to their Agent as formerly, But to a Confidence that he needed none. I am with great Esteem and respect thy Assured Friend
Saml Rhoads

Addressed: To / Benjamin Franklin Esqr. / Agent for / Pennsylvania / in / London
Endorsed: Saml. Rhodes Octr 29—1773


Title: Reply to D. E. Q., [after 30 October 1773]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

The publication of “Rules by Which a Great Empire May Be Reduced to a Small One,” signed Q.E.D., attracted considerable attention, which Franklin stimulated by two shorter contributions to the same paper. On October 18 the Public Advertiser reprinted the “Rules,” and in the issues of October 29–30 it carried a reply from some one—Sir Francis Bernard, according to Franklin—who signed himself D.E.Q. The writer gave fourteen rules of his own that the Americans, he argued, were following in order to destroy the empire. The essay was an unwieldy bludgeon: the style was prolix to a degree, and the satire heavy-handed. This dart was in reply.

To the Printer of the Publick Advertizer
Sir
[After Oct. 30, 1773]
D.E.Q. that is Sir F. Bernard in his long labour’d, and special dull Answer to Q.E.D. endeavours to persuade the King, that as he was his Majesty’s Representative, there was a great Similitude in their Characters and Conduct, and that Sir: F.’s Enemies are Enemies of his Majesty and of all Government.
This puts one in mind of the Chimney-sweeper condemn’d to be hang’d for Theft, who being charitably visited by a good Clergyman for whom he had work’d, said, I hope your Honour will take my part, and get a Reprieve for me, and not let my Enemies have their Will; because it is upon your Account that they have prosecuted and sworn against me. On my Account! How can that be? Why, Sir, because as how, ever since they knew I was employ’d by your Honour, they resolv’d upon my Ruin: for they are Enemies to all Religion; and they hate you and me and every body in black.
Z.Z.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jane Mecom, 1 November 1773
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Mecom, Jane

Dear Sister,
London, Nov. 1. 1773
I received your kind Letter of June 28. with great Pleasure, as it inform’d me of your Welfare.
I thank you for your good Wishes that I may be a means of restoring Harmony between the two Countries. It would make me very happy to see it, whoever was the Instrument. I had us’d all the smooth Words I could muster, and I grew tir’d of Meekness when I saw it without Effect. Of late therefore I have been saucy, and in two Papers, Rules for reducing a great Empire to a small one;  and, An Edict of the King of Prussia, I have held up a Looking-Glass in which some Ministers may see their ugly Faces, and the Nation its Injustice. Those Papers have been much taken Notice of, many are pleased with them, and a few very angry, who I am told will make me feel their Resentment, which I must bear as well as I can, and shall bear the better if any publick Good is done, whatever the Consequence to myself. [In the margin: This to yourself.] In my own private Concerns with Mankind, I have observ’d that to kick a little when under Imposition, has a good Effect. A little Sturdiness when Superiors are much in the Wrong, sometimes occasions Consideration. And there is Truth in the Old Saying, That if you make yourself a Sheep, the Wolves will eat you.
I communicated Coz. Jenny’s Verses to my little Circle of Female Friends who made the Bouts Rimez, and they were pleas’d to praise them. I hope she is got well home from her Visit to Nantucket. My Love to her.
Your Neighbour Hall must have been pretty well advanc’d in Years when he dy’d. I remember him a young Man when I was a very young Boy. In looking back how short the Time seems! I suppose that all the Passages of our Lives that we have forgotten, being so many Links taken out of the Chain, give the more distant Parts Leave as it were to come apparently nearer together.
I was glad to hear of the Ship’s Arrival in which I sent your Things. I hope they will prove agreable and advantageous to you. If you possibly can, try to increase your Capital, by adding the Profits. Consuming all the Profits and some of the Principal, will soon reduce it to nothing. I am ever, my dear Sister, Your very affectionate Brother
B Franklin


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Peter P. Burdett, 3 November 1773
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Burdett, Peter P.

Sir,
London, Nov. 3, 1773.
I was much pleased with the Specimens you so kindly sent me, of your new Art of Engraving. That on the China is admirable. No one would suppose it any thing but Painting. I hope you meet with all the Encouragement you merit, and that the Invention will be, (what Inventions seldom are) profitable to the Inventor.
I know not who (now we speak of Inventions) pretends to that of Copper-Plate Engravings for Earthen-Ware, and am not disposed to contest the Honor of it with any body, as the Improvement in taking Impressions not directly from the Plate but from printed Paper, applicable by that means to other than flat Forms, [is] far beyond my first Idea. But I have reason to apprehend I might have given the Hint on which that Improvement was made. For more than twenty years since, I wrote to Dr. Mitchell from America, proposing to him the printing of square Tiles for ornamenting Chimnies, from Copper Plates, describing the Manner in which I thought it might be done, and advising the Borrowing from the Bookseller, the Plates that had been used in a thin Folio, called Moral Virtue delineated, for the Purpose. As the Dutch Delphware Tiles were much used in America, which are only or chiefly Scripture Histories, wretchedly scrawled, I wished to have those moral Prints, (which were originally taken from Horace’s poetical Figures) introduced on Tiles, which being about our Chimneys, and constantly in the Eyes of Children when by the Fire-side, might give Parents an Opportunity, in explaining them, to impress moral Sentiments; and I gave Expectations of great Demand for them if executed. Dr. Mitchell wrote to me in Answer, that he had communicated my Scheme to several of the principal Artists in the Earthen Way about London, who rejected it as impracticable: And it was not till some years after that I first saw an enamelled snuff-Box which I was sure was a Copper-plate, tho’ the Curvature of the Form made me wonder how the Impression was taken.
I understand the China Work in Philadelphia is declined by the first Owners. Whether any others will take it up and continue it, I know not.
Mr. Banks is at present engaged in preparing to publish the Botanical Discoveries of his Voyage. He employs 10 Engravers for the Plates, in which he is very curious, so as not to be quite satisfied in some Cases with the Expression given by either the Graver, Etching, or Metzotinto, particularly where there is a Wooliness or a Multitude of small Points or a Leaf. I sent him the largest of the Specimens you sent containing a Number of Sprigs. I have not seen him since, to know whether your Manner would not suit some of his Plants, better than the more common Methods. With great Esteem, I am, Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant,
B. Franklin


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to William Franklin, 3 November 1773
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, William

Dear Son,
London, Nov. 3, 1773.
I wrote you pretty fully by the last packet, and having had no line from you of later date than the beginning of August, and little stirring here lately, I have now little to write.
In that letter I mentioned my having written two papers, of which I preferred the first, but the public the last. It seems I was mistaken in judging of the public opinion; for the first was reprinted some weeks after in the same paper, the printer giving for reason, that he did it in compliance with the earnest request of many private persons, and some respectable societies; which is the more extraordinary as it had been copied in several other papers, and in the Gentleman’s Magazine. Such papers may seem to have a tendency to increase our divisions, but I intend a contrary effect, and hope by comprising in little room, and setting in a strong light the grievances of the colonies, more attention will be paid them by our administration, and that when their unreasonableness is generally seen, some of them will be removed to the restoration of harmony between us.
B. Franklin


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to William Brownrigg, 7 November 1773
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Brownrigg, William

Franklin’s curiosity about the interaction of oil and water had first been aroused, as he mentions in this famous letter, by an experience on shipboard in 1757, and reawakened by another in 1762. He seems to have pondered the significance of what he had observed on those occasions, but to have done nothing further until—at some time that cannot be exactly determined—he experimented with pouring oil on a pond in Clapham Common. The result amazed him: half an acre of water became “smooth as a Looking Glass.” When he and Sir John Pringle visited Brownrigg at Ormathwaite in 1772, the three repeated the experiment on Derwent Water. Franklin’s interest was now fully aroused, and he continued to probe the puzzle—with John Smeaton near Leeds, in a pond in Green Park, and then in October, 1773, on a much larger scale but with inconclusive results in the waters off Spithead. Meanwhile he had heard further from Brownrigg on the subject (above, Jan. 27), and this letter was his reply. In it he gathered together his observations and advanced a theory to account for the spread of oil upon water and the effect on calming waves. The theory was incomplete, just as the experiments were inconclusive; but it aroused much interest at the time and had its influence on the later study of surface tension.

Dear Sir,
London, Nov. 7, 1773.
Our Correspondence might be carried on for a Century with very few Letters, if you were as apt to procrastinate as myself. Tho’an habitual Sinner, I am now quite ashamed to observe, that this is to be an Answer to your Favour of January last.
I suppose Mrs. Brownrigg did not succeed in making the Parmesan Cheese, since we have heard nothing of it. But as a Philosophess, she will not be discouraged by one or two Failures. Perhaps some Circumstance is omitted in the Receipt, which by a little more Experience she may discover. The foreign Gentleman, who had learnt in England to like boiled Plumbpudding, and carried home a Receipt for making it, wondered to see it brought to his Table in the Form of a Soup. The Cook declar’d he had exactly followed the Receipt. And when that came to be examined, a small, but important Circumstance appeared to have been omitted. There was no Mention of the Bag.
I am concerned that you had not, and I fear you have not yet found time to prepare your excellent Papers for Publication. By omitting it so long, you are wanting to the World, and to your own Honour.
I thank you for the Remarks of your learned Friend at Carlisle. I had when a Youth, read and smiled at Pliny’s Account of a Practice among the Seamen of his Time, to still the Waves in a Storm by pouring Oil into the Sea: which he mentions, as well as the Use of Oil by the Divers. But the stilling a Tempest by throwing Vinegar into the Air had escaped me. I think with your Friend, that it has been of late too much the Mode to slight the Learning of the Ancients. The Learned too, are apt to slight too much the Knowledge of the Vulgar. The cooling by Evaporation was long an Instance of the latter. This Art of smoothing the Waves with Oil, is an Instance of both.
Perhaps you may not dislike to have an Account of all I have heard, and learnt and done in this Way. Take it, if you please, as follows.
In 1757 being at Sea in a Fleet of 96 Sail bound against Louisbourg, I observed the Wakes of two of the Ships to be remarkably smooth, while all the others were ruffled by the Wind, which blew fresh. Being puzzled with this differing Appearance I at last pointed it out to our Captain, and asked him the meaning of it? “The Cooks, says he, have I suppose, been just emptying their greasy Water thro’ the Scuppers, which has greased the Sides of those Ships a little;” and this Answer he gave me with an Air of some little Contempt, as to a Person ignorant of what every Body else knew. In my own Mind I at first slighted his Solution, tho’ I was not able to think of another. But recollecting what I had formerly read in Pliny, I resolved to make some Experiment of the Effect of Oil on Water when I should have Opportunity.
Afterwards being again at Sea in 1762, I first observed the wonderful Quietness of Oil on agitated Water in the swinging Glass Lamp I made to hang up in the Cabin, as described in my printed Papers, page 438 of the fourth Edition. This I was continually looking at and considering, as an Appearance to me inexplicable. An old Sea Captain, then a Passenger with me, thought little of it, supposing it an Effect of the same kind with that of Oil put on Water to smooth it, which he said was a Practice of the Bermudians when they would strike Fish which they could not see if the surface of the Water was ruffled by the Wind. This Practice I had never before heard of, and was obliged to him for the Information, though I thought him mistaken as to the sameness of the Experiment, the Operations being different; as well as the Effects. In one Case, the Water is smooth till the Oil is put on, and then becomes agitated. In the other it is agitated before the Oil is applied, and then becomes smooth. The same Gentleman told me he had heard it was a Practice with the Fishermen of Lisbon when about to return into the River, (if they saw before them too great a Surff upon the Bar, which they apprehended might fill their Boats in passing) to empty a Bottle or two of oil into the Sea, which would suppress the Breakers and allow them to pass safely: a Confirmation of this I have not since had an Opportunity of obtaining. But discoursing of it with another Person, who had often been in the Mediterranean, I was informed that the Divers there, who when under Water in their Business, need Light, which the curling of the Surface interrupts, by the Refractions of so many little Waves, they let a small Quantity of Oil now and then out of their Mouths, which rising to the Surface smooths it, and permits the Light to come down to them. All these Informations I at times revolved in my Mind, and wondered to find no mention of them in our Books of Experimental Philosophy.
At length being at Clapham, where there is, on the Common, a large Pond, which I observed to be one Day very rough with the Wind, I fetched out a Cruet of Oil, and dropt a little of it on the Water. I saw it spread itself with surprising Swiftness upon the Surface, but the Effect of smoothing the Waves was not produced; for I had applied it first on the Leeward Side of the Pond where the Waves were largest, and the Wind drove my Oil back upon the Shore. I then went to the Windward Side, where they began to form; and there the Oil tho’ not more than a Tea Spoonful produced an instant Calm, over a Space several yards square, which spread amazingly, and extended itself gradually till it reached the Lee Side, making all that Quarter of the Pond, perhaps half an Acre, as smooth as a Looking Glass.
After this, I contrived to take with me, whenever I went into the Country, a little Oil in the upper hollow joint of my bamboo Cane, with which I might repeat the Experiment as Opportunity should offer; and I found it constantly to succeed.
In these Experiments, one Circumstance struck me with particular Surprize. This was the sudden, wide and forcible Spreading of a Drop of Oil on the Face of the Water, which I do not know that any body has hitherto considered. If a Drop of Oil is put on a polished Marble Table, or on a Looking Glass that lies horizontally; the Drop remains in its Place, spreading very little. But when put on Water it spreads instantly many feet round, becoming so thin as to produce the prismatic Colours, for a considerable Space, and beyond them so much thinner as to be invisible except in its Effect of smoothing the Waves at a much greater Distance. It seems as if a mutual Repulsion between its Particles took Place as soon as it touched the Water, and a Repulsion so strong as to act on other Bodies swimming on the Surface, as Straws, Leaves, Chips, &c. forcing them to recede every way from the Drop, as from a Center, leaving a large clear Space. The Quantity of this Force, and the Distance to which it will operate, I have not yet ascertained, but I think it a curious Enquiry, and I wish to understand whence it arises.
In our Journey to the North when we had the Pleasure of seeing you at Ormathwaite, we visited Mr. Smeaton near Leeds. Being about to shew him the smoothing Experiment on a little Pond near his House, an ingenious Pupil of his, Mr. Jessop, then present, told us of an odd Appearance on that Pond, which had lately occurred to him. He was about to clean a little Cup in which he kept Oil, and he threw upon the Water some Flies that had been drowned in the Oil. These Flies presently began to move, and turned round on the Water very rapidly, as if they were vigorously alive, tho’ on Examination he found they were not so. I immediately concluded that the Motion was occasioned by the Power of the Repulsion above mentioned, and that the Oil issuing gradually from the spungy Body of the Fly continued the Motion. He found some more Flies drowned in Oil, with which the Experiment was repeated before us; and to show that it was not any Effect of Life recovered by the Flies, I imitated it by little bits of oiled Chip, and Paper cut in the form of a Comma, of this size , when the Stream of repelling Particles issuing from the Point, made the Comma turn round the contrary way. This is not a Chamber Experiment; for it cannot well be repeated in a Bowl or Dish of Water on a Table. A considerable Surface of Water is necessary to give Room for the Expansion of a small Quantity of Oil. In a Dish of Water if the smallest Drop of Oil be let fall in the Middle, the whole Surface is presently covered with a thin greasy Film proceeding from the Drop; but as soon as that Film has reached the Sides of the Dish, no more will issue from the Drop, but it remains in the Form of Oil, the Sides of the Dish putting a Stop to its Dissipation by prohibiting the farther Expansion of the Film.
Our Friend Sir J. Pringle being soon after in Scotland, learnt there that those employed in the Herring Fishery, could at a Distance see where the Shoals of Herrings were, by the smoothness of the Water over them, which might be occasioned possibly, he thought, by some Oiliness proceeding from their Bodies.
A Gentleman from Rhode-island told me, it had been remarked that the Harbour of Newport was ever smooth while any Whaling Vessels were in it; which probably arose from hence, that the Blubber which they sometimes bring loose in the Hold, or the Leakage of their Barrels, might afford some Oil to mix with that Water which from time to time they pump out to keep the Vessel free, and that same Oil might spread over the surface of the Water in the Harbour, and prevent the forming of any Waves.
This Prevention I would thus endeavour to explain.
There seems to be no natural Repulsion between Water and Air, such as to keep them from coming into Contact with each other. Hence we find a Quantity of Air in Water, and if we extract it by means of the Air-pump; the same Water again exposed to the Air, will soon imbibe an equal Quantity.
Therefore Air in Motion, which is Wind, in passing over the smooth Surface of Water, may rub, as it were, upon that Surface, and raise it into Wrinkles, which if the Wind continues are the elements of future Waves.
The smallest Wave once raised does not immediately subside and leave the neighbouring Water quiet; but in subsiding raises nearly as much of the Water next to it, the Friction of its Parts making little Difference. Thus a Stone dropt in a Pool raises first a single Wave round itself, and leaves it by sinking to the Bottom; but that first Wave subsiding raises a second, the second a third, and so on in Circles to a great Extent.
A small Power continually operating will produce a great Action. A Finger applied to a weighty suspended Bell, can at first move it but little; if repeatedly applied, tho’ with no greater Strength, the Motion increases till the Bell swings to its utmost Height and with a Force that cannot be resisted by the whole Strength of the Arm and Body. Thus the small first-raised Waves, being continually acted upon by the Wind are, (tho’ the Wind does not increase in Strength) continually increased in Magnitude, rising higher and extending their Bases, so as to include a vast Mass of Water in each Wave, which in its Motion acts with great Violence.
But if there be a mutual Repulsion between the Particles of Oil, and no Attraction between Oil and Water, Oil dropt on Water will not be held together by Adhesion to the Spot whereon it falls, it will not be imbibed by the Water, it will be at Liberty to expand itself, and it will spread on a Surface that besides being smooth to the most perfect degree of Polish, prevents, perhaps by repelling the Oil, all immediate Contact, keeping it at a minute Distance from itself; and the Expansion will continue, till the mutual Repulsion between the Particles of the Oil, is weakened and reduced to nothing by their Distance.
Now I imagine that the Wind blowing over Water thus covered with a Film of Oil, cannot easily catch upon it so as to raise the first Wrinkles, but slides over it, and leaves it smooth as it finds it. It moves a little the Oil, indeed, which being between it and the water serves it to slide with, and prevents Friction as Oil does between those Parts of a Machine that would otherwise rub hard together. Hence the Oil dropt on the Windward Side of a Pond proceeds gradually to Leeward, as may be seen by the smoothness it carries with it, quite to the opposite Side. For the Wind being thus prevented from raising the first Wrinkles that I call the Elements of Waves, cannot produce Waves, which are to be made by continually acting upon and enlarging those Elements, and thus the whole Pond is calmed.
Totally therefore we might supress the Waves in any required Place, if we could come at the Windward Place where they take their Rise. This in the Ocean can seldom if ever be done. But perhaps something may be done on particular Occasions, to moderate the Violence of the Waves, when we are in the midst of them, and prevent their Breaking where that would be inconvenient.
For when the Wind blows fresh, there are continually rising on the Back of every great Wave, a number of small ones, which roughen its Surface, and give the Wind Hold, as it were, to push it with greater Force. This Hold is diminished by preventing the Generation of those small ones. And possibly too, when a Wave’s Surface is oiled, the Wind in passing over it, may rather in some degree press it down, and contribute to prevent its rising again, instead of promoting it.
This as a mere Conjecture would have little weight, if the apparent Effects of pouring Oil into the Midst of Waves, were not considerable, and as yet not otherwise accounted for.
When the Wind blows so fresh, as that the Waves are not sufficiently quick in obeying its Impulse, their Tops being thinner and lighter are pushed forward, broken and turned over in a white Foam. Common Waves lift a Vessel without entring it, but these when large sometimes break above and pour over it, doing great Damage.
That this Effect might in any degree be prevented, or the height and violence of Waves in the Sea moderated, we had no certain Account, Pliny’s Authority for the Practice of Seamen in his time being slighted. But discoursing lately on this Subject with his Excellency Count Bentinck of Holland, his Son the Honble. Capt. Bentinck, and the learned Professor Allemand, (to all whom I showed the Experiment of smoothing in a Windy Day the large Piece of Water at the Head of the Green Park) a Letter was mentioned which had been received by the Count from Batavia, relating to the saving of a Dutch Ship in a Storm, by pouring Oil into the Sea. I much desired to see that Letter, and a Copy of it was promised me, which I afterwards received. It is as follows.
Extrait d’une Lettre de Mr. Tengnagel à Mr. le Comte de Bentinck, écrite de Batavia le 15 Janvier 1770. Près des Isles Paulus et Amsterdam nous essuiames un orage, qui n’eut rien d’assez particulier pour vous être marqué, si non que notre Capitaine se trouva obligé en tournant sous le vent, de verser de l’huile contre la haute mer, pour empecher les vagues de se briser contre le navire, ce qui réussit à nous conserver et a été d’un très bon effet: comme il n’en versa qu’une petite quantité à la fois, la Compagnie doit peut-être son vaisseau à six demi-ahmes d’huile d’olive: j’ai été présent quand cela s’est fait, et je ne vous aurois pas entretenu de cette circonstance, si ce n’étoit que nous avons trouvé les gens ici si prévenus contre l’expérience, que les officiers du bord ni moi n’avons fait aucune difficulté de donner un certificat de la verité sur ce chapitre.
  On this Occasion I mentioned to Capt. Bentinck, a thought which had occurred to me in reading the Voyages of our late Circumnavigators, particularly where Accounts are given of pleasant and fertile Islands which they much desired to land upon, when Sickness made it more necessary, but could not effect a Landing thro’ a violent Surff breaking on the Shore, which rendered it impracticable. My Idea was, that possibly by sailing to and fro at some Distance from such Lee Shore, continually pouring Oil into the Sea, the Waves might be so much depressed and lessened before they reached the Shore, as to abate the Height and Violence of the Surff and permit a Landing, which in such Circumstances was a Point of sufficient Importance to justify the Expence of Oil that might be requisite for the purpose. That Gentleman, who is ever ready to promote what may be of publick Utility, (tho’ his own ingenious Inventions have not always met with the Countenance they merited) was so obliging as to invite me to Portsmouth, where an Opportunity would probably offer, in the course of a few Days, of making the Experiment on some of the Shores about Spithead, in which he kindly proposed to accompany me, and to give Assistance with such Boats as might be necessary. Accordingly, about the middle of October last, I went with some Friends, to Portsmouth; and a Day of Wind happening, which made a Lee-Shore between Haslar Hospital and the Point near Jillkecker; we went from the Centaur with the Longboat and Barge towards that Shore. Our Disposition was this; the Longboat anchored about a ¼ of a Mile from the Shore, part of the Company were landed behind the Point, (a Place more sheltered from the Sea) who came round and placed themselves opposite to the Longboat, where they might observe the Surff, and note if any Change occurred in it upon using the Oil: Another Party in the Barge plied to Windward of the Longboat, as far from her as she was from the Shore, making Trips of about half a Mile each, pouring Oil continually out of a large Stone Bottle, thro’ a Hole in the Cork somewhat bigger than a Goose Quill. The Experiment had not in the main Point the Success we wished; for no material Difference was observed in the Height or Force of the Surff upon the Shore: But those who were in the Longboat could observe a Tract of smoothed Water the whole Length of the Distance in which the Barge poured the Oil, and gradually spreading in Breadth towards the Longboat; I call it smoothed, not that it was laid level, but because tho’ the Swell continued, its Surface was not roughened by the Wrinkles or smaller Waves before-mentioned, and none, or very few Whitecaps (or Waves whose Tops turn over in Foam) appeared in that whole Space, tho’ to windward and leeward of it there were plenty; and a Wherry that came round the Point under Sail in her way to Portsmouth, seemed to turn into that Tract of choice, and to use it from End to End as a Piece of Turnpike Road.

It may be of Use to relate the Circumstances even of an Experiment that does not succeed, since they may give Hints of Amendment in future Trials: It is therefore I have been thus particular. I shall only add what I apprehend may have been the Reason of our Disappointment.
I conceive that the Operation of Oil on Water, is first to prevent the raising new Waves by the Wind, and secondly, to prevent its pushing those before raised with such Force, and consequently their Continuance of the same repeated Height, as they would have done, if their Surface were not oiled. But Oil will not prevent Waves being raised by another Power, by a Stone, for Instance, falling into a still Pool; for they then rise by the mechanical Impulse of the Stone, which the Greasiness on the surrounding Water cannot lessen or prevent, as it can prevent the Winds catching the Surface and raising it into Waves. Now Waves once raised, whether by the Wind or any other Power, have the same mechanical Operation, by which they continue to rise and fall, as a Pendulum will continue to swing, a long Time after the Force ceases to act by which the Motion was first produced. That Motion will however cease in time, but time is necessary. Therefore tho’ Oil spread on an agitated Sea, may weaken the Push of the Wind on those Waves whose Surfaces are covered by it, and so by receiving less fresh Impulse, they may gradually subside; yet a considerable Time, or a Distance thro’ which they will take time to move may be necessary to make the Effect sensible on any Shore in a Diminution of the Surff. For we know that when Wind ceases suddenly, the Waves it has raised do not as suddenly subside, but settle gradually and are not quite down till long after the Wind has ceased. So tho’ we should by oiling them take off the Effect of Wind on Waves already raised, it is not to be expected that those Waves should be instantly levelled. The Motion they have received will for some time continue: and if the Shore is not far distant, they arrive there so soon that their Effect upon it will not be visibly diminished. Possibly therefore, if we had began our Operations at a greater Distance, the Effect might have been more sensible. And perhaps we did not pour Oil in sufficient Quantity. Future Experiments may determine this.
After my Thanks to Capt. Bentinck, for the chearful and ready Aids he gave me, I ought not to omit mentioning Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander, General Carnac, and Dr. Blagdon, who all assisted at the Experiment, during that blustring unpleasant Day, with a Patience and Activity that could only be inspired by a Zeal for the Improvement of Knowledge, such especially as might possibly be of use to Men in Situations of Distress.
I would wish you to communicate this to your ingenious Friend Mr. Farish, with my Respects; and believe me to be, with sincere Esteem, Dear Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant.
B Franklin
Dr Brownrigg

Notation: Extract of a Letter from Benjamin Franklin LLD. and F R.S. to William Brownrigg M.D. and F.R.S. concerning the stilling of the Waves by means of Oil. Recd. May 15th, 1774


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Grey Elliott, 8 November 1773
From: Elliott, Grey
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Hammersmith 8th Novr. 1773
Agreable to my promise I take the Liberty of inclosing a State of the Produce of the Province of Georgia: it was Compiled by a Gentleman in the Customs, and is I think done with accuracy as he was assisted in it by most of the Gentlemen in trade, and every Light in their Power given. In the Year 1758 the Exports seem triffling, compared with the former and Succeeding Years, owing to the General Embargo which you may recollect took place in America that year. In the Year 1759 almost the whole Crop of Indigo made in Georgia was Shipt from Carolina, which was also the Case in 1762. In 1760 a Considerable increase appears, Chiefly in the Article of Deer Skins, which is thus to be accounted for, the Indian trade before that time was carried on almost entirely from Charlestown, altho sometimes when Vessels offered in Georgia, some small parcels of skins were shipped from thence, but scarce any had been so for two Years before: The Gentlemen concerned in that Branch in Charlestown, finding Men of property began to trade in Georgia, and fearing to Lose a Business then very profitable, Established a House in Savannah, and exported from thence. In the Years 1761 and 1762 you find the exports of that Article considerably decreased, this was owing to the Charlestown Gentlemen selling out their Stock and trade, for which they had a very considerable premium, to some Merchants in Savannah, but it being Stipulated that the purchase money should be paid in Skins and in Charlestown, from thence of Course they were exported. After that period the exports of that Article are regular. Silk you will find a decreasing Article since Government withdrew the bounty; few now except the Germans at Ebenezer breed Worms, and what little is made among them is owing to the Industry of a private Shop-keeper there. I must however observe that the imports into Great Britain have not lessened in proportion to the exports from Georgia, as I think at least one third of what appeared to be exported from thence while the Bounty continued, was raised by the Swiss on the Carolina side of Savannah River, and is now Shipped from Charlestown: the reason it was not exported from thence before was, that Altho they had the premium from the Society of Arts, in Carolina in common with the other Colonies, (at least I think so) yet the bounty from the Crown was confined to Georgia, and of Course they brought their Cocoons from Purysbourg[?] to the filature in Savannah. Silk cannot I think ever be a Staple while our Settlements are in a manner Confined to the Sea Coast, but I am persuaded it will be well worth while to encourage the Cultivation, or rather raising the White Mulberry in the back Settlements, for many reasons too tedious to trouble you with now. Tobacco is an Article that will soon be very Considerable, above 50 hogsheads were shipped in the Vessel I came over in, and when the Lands lately Ceded by the Indians are settled, I am persuaded many thousands of hogsheads will be raised in Virginia I am told the Crops rather are decreasing. The different Articles of Exports January last I have not got, but the Amount was £110,400. If any thing else in this Compilation appears worthy Your Attention and requires explanation, I shall with great pleasure as far as I can do it.
I must now beg Leave briefly to state to you the Affair of the Barony: should you think it proper to take up the matter when the Boards meet, it may perhaps not be unuseful. The Barony was granted originally by the Lords proprietors of South Carolina in the Year 1716 or 1718, but not run out till the Year 1732, some time but not long, before the Charter of Georgia was granted. I must own that it appears Clearly to me that the proprietors made known to the Trustees and their Officers, their Grant and Claim, and I believe the Lines of the original Survey are yet to be Seen. The president and Assistants alotted it at different times, as you will see by the extracts from their Minutes which I took the Liberty to leave with you; and some disbanded Soldiers, of whom some are yet alive, had the Kings bounty of Land, as it was termed, alotted them within the lines in the Year 1749. After the Trustees surrendered their Charter, and the Kings Government took place, the two first Governors did not Scruple to give Grants for several Alottments under the Trustees, and within the Barony; the last of these Mr. Ellis it is to be presumed was not ignorant of the Claim, for during his Administration, an Act was passed for Quieting possessions which appears to have been and certainly was Intended to defeat it: the Claimants however remonstrated against the Act here, and it was repealed by an Order in Council, this was I think about the year 1758. When Sir James Wright Came to the Government he, having I believe been Concerned for the Claimants, would not issue Warrants, or sign any Grants for Lands within the Limits of the Claim, which by this time were pretty well known, and in the Year 1764 or 1765 or thereabouts, an Act for the Limitation of Actions being passed in Georgia, a clause was by the Legislature Inserted in it, expressly excepting the Claim of Sir Wm Baker from being affected by it. Thus the matter stands; I think I mentioned to you the Offers of Composition, proposed by the Claimants to the holders of Land, which it must be acknowledged are Moderate and favorable, Yet in some particular cases almost Impossible to be complied with. By the Petition which I believe Mr. Knox furnished you with, the foundation of the Intended Application to the Crown thro him is clear and plain, yet he, having I presume particular reasons, misunderstood the Intent of it, and wrote to Committee of Correspondence that he wanted Authority to treat with the proprietors for the purchase, which was Certainly never Meant. I had some Correspondence with the Late Mr. Linwood and Mr. Baker the Claimants on the Subject, which if you think proper, I will Communicate to you, and when Mr. Baker comes to town, should you Judge it necessary, I will with your Approbation, and by no means otherwise, have a Conversation with him on the Subject, and if he can be brought to Join, or acquiesce in the solicitation you may make for Satisfaction to be made out of the Surplus of the produce of the Ceded Lands, it may perhaps not be unserviceable; but this I submit to Your better Judgment; as I will by no means Interest my self in this or any other matter relating to the province, but so far as you may approve; and I shall always be exceeding happy to have it in my power to furnish you with any information that may be of use while you remain in England, or Chuse to transact the Affairs of Georgia, and as this matter of the Barony is at present the most Interesting point, I could earnestly wish it may if possible be determined while you are here; as to myself I can with great truth assure you, that I am not in the least personally concerned in it.
I must now Apologize for this Long Scrawl, which I hope you will excuse. I shall be from home for some days, but should any thing I have touched upon in this Letter, require my Waiting upon you in the mean time, a Line directed for me at Hammersmith will come to my hands. I am with respect Sir Your most Obedient Humble Servant
Grey Elliott

A vessel sails for Georgia in about 8 or 10 days, Should you have occasion to write.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Charles Wilcox, 8 November 1773
From: Wilcox, Charles
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Bristol 8th, Nov’r. 1773.
Your very Polite and Esteem’d Favor of the 5th Current, came in Course of Post yesterday, Inclosing Me one for Anto. Stewart Esqr. for which you have my Thanks. It will always give Me Pleasure to be Serviceable to you here. You will give Me leave to acquaint you that the Concord Capt. Volans for Philadelphia will sail from hence about the 12th Jany. Any Letters you have for that Place shall be duly taken care of, or any Thing Else you are pleas’d to reccommend to Me, be Assured Sir nothing will give Me greater Pleasure than to have very frequent Opportunitys to convince you how much I esteem you, and I beg leave in Haste to Say that I am very Respectfully Dear Sir Your most Obedient and Obliged Humble Servant
Chas: Wilcox
Benj. Franklin Esqr

Addressed: Benjn Franklin Esqr LLD / Craven Street, / London


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jacques Barbeu-Dubourg, 25 November 1773
From: Barbeu-Dubourg, Jacques
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Mon cher Maitre,
A Paris ce 25e. 9bre. 1773
J’ai reçu le paquet que vous avez eu la bonté de m’envoyer par M. Stanley, qui ne m’a point laissé son adresse, et que je n’ai pu savoir d’ailleurs. Ce paquet contenoit les Transactions philosophiques de Philadelphie, la vie de M. Collinson, et les deux dernieres pieces que vous avez publiées dans les papiers publics, et j’ai lu le tout avec le plus grand plaisir. J’aime le ton gay avec lequel vous persiflez vos ridiculum acri fortius et melius magnas plerumque secat res. J’ai été bien content de la reflexion de M. Collinson sur la vie champetre et les occupations du jardinage qui semblent plus assorties que toute autre avec la probité et la candeur. Je me tiens pour averti par Messieurs Otto et Morgan de cultiver des Coronasolis, pour tirer de l’huile de leurs semences. La machine de M. W. Henry, quoiqu’elle ne paroisse pas decrite assez clairement, m’a paru fort ingenieuse. M. de Reaumur a fait part au public d’une idée assez analogue que M. Le Prince de Conti lui avoit suggerée au sujet de ses fours à poulets. A propos de cela j’attens avec d’autant plus d’impatience la description de votre nouveau poele que je me propose de reprendre sur la fin de l’ hiver avec un ou deux amis le project de faire couver des oeufs et elever des poulets avec oeconomie sans le secours des poules couveuses. Si vous aviez jamais speculé sur cela, je vous prie de me faire part de vos reflexions.
S’il y a quelque critique de votre ouvrage, je n’en suis pas encore informé. On en parle tres bien de toutes parts; les feuilles periodiques en ont fait les plus grands eloges, cependant le debit n’y repond pas jusqu’icy; il est vrai que le tems des fetes de la Cour apres la saison des vacances est une circonstance tres defavorable.
Si j’ai donné mon adresse aux ecoles de Medecine, ce n’est pas que j’aye changé de demeure; c’est parceque le Bedeau de la faculté qui y demeure et qui est mon relieur, s’est chargé de tous les details, et n’avoit pas droit de faire mettre son nom au frontispice ainsi c’est de ma part un domicile d’election chez lui, comme il est d’usage commun d’elire domicile chez son procureur quand on a des procès, afin qu’il soit le premier instruit des significations qu’on recoit à ce sujet. Quant à la rue, ce n’est pas de la boucherie, mais de la bucherie, mot derivé vraisemblablement de bucher, et celui cy de buche, ou busche, et cette rue a pu etre ainsi appellée par rapport aux chantiers de bois de chauffage ou les buches sont entassées en grandes piles, lesquels chantiers sont en tres grand nombre de ce meme côté de la riviere, mais aujourd’huy un peu plus loin, parce qu’on les repousse successivement a mesure que la ville etend son enceinte.
J’ai eté fort aise de faire connoissance avec M. Fromond, mais il a demeuré trop peu de tems icy. Je lui ai porté un exemplaire de vos oeuvres pour lui et un dont il a bien voulu se charger pour le P. Beccaria. J’en ai envoyé un a la societé philosophique de Roterdam par la voye d’un Chapelain de l’ambasse de Hollande (M. de la Broue) et un a la societé royale de Gottingue par le moyen de M. Zanoni. Il faut esperer que M. Pickering ne tardera pas desormais d’arriver avec ceux dont il s’est chargé pour vous de si bonne grace.
Quelques discussions que j’ai eu a essuyer de la part du graveur et de son imprimeur en taille douce m’ont empeché de pouvoir vous envoyer plustôt les 12 portraits que l’on vous demande separement; mais enfin j’en ai fait tirer un demicent de nouveaux et je ferai partir demain la douzaine en question avec les six exemplaires que vous desirez aussi de l’ouvrage par les voitures ordinaires tout simplement, sans attendre ni chercher davantage d’occasions, attendu que cela fait un paquet suffisant pour les messageries. Je l’ai adressé a Calais a M. Audibert du Pont negociant qui vous l’expediera aussitôt pour Londres.
M. Dalibard est tres content de sa glace, quoique beaucoup plus chere que celles de ce pays cy. Il vous salue et vous remercie. Lorsque vous me ferez la grace de m’envoyer quelque chose par la poste à l’avenir, il me parviendra franc de port, si vous voulez prendre la peine de mettre a votre lettre une première envelope a mon adresse, et de l’arreter avec tres peu de cire sans cachet; d’ajouter a cette lettre tous les papiers ou brochures qu’il vous plaira, de recouvrir le paquet d’une bande transversale de papier d’un ou deux pouces de large, arretée sans cachet avec un peu de cire, avec une souscription a Monsieur Zanoni, enfin de recouvrir le tout d’une envelope exterieure avec votre cachet, et d’y mettre l’adresse a Monseigneur, Monseigneur le Duc d’Aiguillon, Pair de France, et Ministre d’etat a Versailles. Si le paquet faisoit un trop gros volume, il seroit a propos d’en faire deux envois successifs en le partageant, quoique un paquet de 8 ou 10 feuilles d’impression puisse passer ainsi sans difficulté.
M. Le Roy lut le 13e. de ce mois a la rentrée publique de l’Academie des siences un memoire sur les conducteurs destinés a preserver les batimens, dont je me serois fait un devoir de vous rendre compte en detail, s’il ne m’avoit dit qu’il vous le communiqueroit. Il pretend que M. Wilson n’etoit pas le seul de l’avis des conducteurs sans pointe; en ce cas j’etois dans l’erreur a cet egard.
J’ai vu M. Le Marquis de Courtenvaux, et diné chez lui lundi dernier, où nous bumes a votre santé. Il a une magnifique machine electrique, ou je compte essayer quelques experiences dans le courant de la semaine prochaine. Je ne manquerai pas de vous rendre compte du succès, s’il en vaut la peine. Il y a pourtant apparence que ce ne sera pas immediatement, parce qu’il pourra etre besoin de plusieurs seances et peutetre meme de divers preparatifs, et que l’on ne fait pas toujours aller les ouvriers aussi vite que l’on voudroit; vous devez le savoir aussi bien ou mieux qu’un autre, d’ailleurs je ne sais peutetre pas encore bien tout ce que j’aurai à leur demander.
J’espere que l’extrait du vieil Almanac de Pensylvanie ne sera pas seulement applaudi icy, mais qu’il y fera du fruit. Dieu le veuille. Mademoiselle Biheron, Mademoiselle Basseporte et ma femme m’ont chargé de vous faire bien des amitiés. Pas une d’elles ne se portent bien; ce sont trois emplatres, mais qui vous sont bien attachées. J’ai bien peur que cela ne vous conviennent gueres.
Pour moi, je me porte bien, graces à Dieu, et si bien que j’aurois passé la mer pour aller vous trouver cet hiver, si ma femme eût eté en un etat ou je pusse la quitter. Si sa santé se raffermit nous ferons le voyage ensemble l’année prochaine, si elle veut m’en croire. J’ai l’honneur d’etre avec un tendre et inviolable attachement, Monsieur et cher Ami, Votre tres humble et tres obeissant serviteur
Dubourg
Mes respectueuses civilités, s’il vous plait a M. Pringle.

Addressed: To / Dr. Franklin f. r. s. Deputy / Postmaster general of North America / Cravenstreet / London / for the Post office


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jean-Baptiste LeRoy, 29 November 1773
From: Le Roy, Jean-Baptiste
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Lundy 29 Nov. [1773]
Je me proposois tous ces Jours cy de vous écrire Monsieur et cher confrère pour vous rendre compte d’un mémoire que j’ai lu à notre rentrée publique sur la forme des conducteurs de la Foudre ou des Gardes-Tonnerre mais malgré moi cela ne m’a pas été possible. Cependant Je crois que M. Dubourg vous en aura écrit. Deux choses m’ont déterminé à cette Lecture l’une la nécéssité de faire mieux connaître dans ce pays cy par une Lecture publique la necessité et les avantages de ces Gardes-Tonnerre l’autre de dissiper tous les nuages qui pourroient rester dans les Esprits sur leur forme. Mais Je vous en écrirai plus au long. Cette lettre n’est que pour vous prévenir que vous recevrez au premier Jour la caisse des gravures des Oiseaux de M. De Buffon qui est partie il y a deja du temps. Vous trouverez dans cette caisse les mémoires de mon frère dont j’ai déja eu l’honneur de vous parler. J’y en ai mis aussi deux ou trois pour M. Walsh que vous voudrez bien lui faire remettre. J’ai pris la liberté de vous recommander dernierement par une lettre dont je l’ai chargé pour vous M. Desdouaires qui va en Angleterre pour y faire quelques éducations. C’est un homme fort honnête et à qui je vous serai bien obligé de rendre Service, si vous le pouvez.
Je vous dois mille et mille remercimens pour tout ce que vous avez bien voulu faire pour mon Parent M. Stanley. Il n’a cessé de me parler dans les différrentes fois que je l’ai vu de toutes vos politesses et de tout ce que vous aviez fait pour lui rendre service. Adieu Monsieur et cher confrère. Pardonnez si je vous quitte si promtement. C’est bien contre mon coeur je vous assurre mais je crains que la poste ne parte sans emporter ma lettre. Vous ne doutez pas de tous les sentimens qui m’attachent à vous pour la vie
Le Roy

Addressed: To / Benjamin Franklin Esqu. / Deputy Post Master of North / America, Fellow of the Royal / Society / in Craven Street / London.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from the Marquis de Condorcet, 2 December 1773
From: Condorcet, Marie-Jean-Antoine-Nicolas Caritat, marquis de
To: Franklin, Benjamin

A paris ce 2 Xbre [1773]
Voici, mon cher et illustre confrere, quelques questions que je prends la liberté de proposer à la Société philosophique de Philadelphie, et dont je vous supplie de vouloir bien me procurer la reponse.
1°. Si les pierres calcaires et les silex renfermant des productions marines, ou des empreintes de productions marines, ces productions soit coquilles soit empreintes de poissons ou de végetaux appartiennent-elles à des especes conues, et ces especes se rencontrent elles dans les mers voisines de Philadelphie ou dans des mers eloignées? (Les analogues vivans des fossiles que nous trouvons en france n’existent souvent que dans les mers voisines de l’équateur.) A quelle hauteur sur les montagnes et a quelle profondeur sous la terre trouve-t-on de ces productions? Se rencontrent-elles egalement dans les montagnes qui ont une forme piramidale et dans celles dont la forme est hemi-spherique? Y’a t’on trouvé des os fossiles et à quelles especes appartiennentils?
2°. A-t-on pour la direction de l’aiguille aimantée des observations faites soit a Philadelphie soit dans les colonies voisines de maniere qu’on sache quels ont été dans le même lieu les changemens que cette direction a éprouvés année par année? (Les observations faites à Paris semblent indiquer que l’aiguille y décrit de grandes oscillations en sorte que sa plus grande vitesse a repondu a l’annee 1684, et à quatre degrés environs vers l’ouest, et la durée de l’oscillation serait entre un siecle et demi et deux siecles.) Si on a de bonnes observations faites à peu près année par année à Philadelphie je voudrais en avoir une table.
3°. Les hauteurs du Barometre ont elles avec les changemens de tems les mêmes rapports que dans notre Continent? Cela doit être en general mais il peut y avoir quelques singularités capables de jetter un grand jour sur la science métereologique science importante et qui est encore dans son enfance puisque nous ignorons même quelle partie dans le changemens du poids de l’atmosphere est due à l’effet des corps celestes et quelle partie est due à des causes locales, que nous n’avons que des conjectures sur les formation de la plupart des météores.
4°. Je voudrais savoir si dans les colonies anglaises, il y a des Negres qui ayant eu leur liberté y aient vecu sans se mêler avec les blancs. Si leurs enfans négres nés libres et elevés come libres ont conservé l’esprit et le caractere negre ou ont pris le caractere Europeen. Si on a vu des gens d’esprit parmi eux.
5°. Si l’on rencontre dans les plaines ou sur les montagnes de l’amerique des pierres qui come la basalte, et la pierre ponce paraissent devoir leur origine à des volcans, si on y trouve des charbons de terre, des houilles inflammables ou non inflammables, et si ces productions sont au dessus ou au dessous de quelques bancs de coquilles.
Je me flatte, mon cher et illustre confrère que [vous] voudrez bien me faire avoir une réponse à ces questions, quoique je n’aie jamais eu le bonheur de voir le promethée moderne. J’ai l’honeur d’être avec l’attachement le plus inviolable, monsieur et cher confrere votre très humble et très obeissant serviteur
Le M[arqu]is de CondorcetSec. [de l’Aca]démie des Sciences rue de Louis le grand.

Addressed: To / Franklin Esq. Agent / of the English colonys / London
Endorsed: M. Condorcet


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Nathaniel Falconer, 2 December 1773
From: Falconer, Nathaniel
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
2d of December 1773
This will inform you of my Savef arrivall of Dover after a passage of 30 Days. I took my Leave of mrs. Franklin the Last Day of November in the morning when She mrs. Beach and the two Boys where all well. I hope in a few Days to have the pleashure of takeing by the hand my best Compliments to mrs. Stevenson mrs. and mr. hewson and master Temple. I am Dear Sir your most Humble Servant
Nath Falconer

postscript. I have not put aney of your Letters ashore for Resons I Shall Give you when we meet. Ship marrey and Elizabeth

Addressed: To / Docter Franklin / in / Craven Street Strand / London


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Ellis, 8 December 1773
From: Ellis, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Grays Inn 8th: Decr. 1773
Mr. Ellis presents his kindest respects to Doctor Franklin, he has seen Doctor Fothergill very lately, who is very urgent to have his thoughts on Coffee go to the press. Mr. Ellis hopes that Doctor Franklin will be so good accordingly to promise to send him his thoughts on the [?] Subject, considering it in a Political light of the advantages it would be to Government to encourage the growth of Coffee in our Islands, by Lowering the duties and excise.

Mr. Ellis would be glad as soon as the Doctor has done with the french book on Coffee which Mr. Ellis lent him he would be much obliged [?] to him to return it as the [torn] on the Subjects which [torn].

Addressed: To / Doctor Benj. Franklin / at Mrs. Stevensons / in Craven Street / Strand


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jonathan Shipley, 9 December 1773
From: Shipley, Jonathan
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Twyford Dec: 9th. 1773
Tho I gave my Daughter Georgiana full powers to return You our best thanks for the kind Visit You intend us, I cannot help assuring You myself that We shall be most extreamly happy to see You and hope You will come as soon and stay as long as your Affairs will permit.
Your Countrymen in N. America have done me too much honour for the little merit of meaning well. I am glad they seem to approve of moderate and conciliating measures in which I fear We shall not have the wisdom to join with them. I am, Dear Sir, Your obligd and affectionate humble Servant
  J. St. Asaph


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Cushing, 11 December 1773
From: Cushing, Thomas
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir,
Boston Decr 11. 1773
Since the foregoing I have received another Letter from the Speaker of the House of Deputies of Rhode Island and wrote at their desire, requesting that I would use my Endeavors to procure them G: Rome’s original letter, I must therefore repeat my request to you Sir that you would be so Kind as procure and transmitt said Letter to Metcalf Bowler Esqr or Mr. Henry Merchant of Rhode Island. Therein you will much oblidge their House of Deputies. I conclude with respect Your most humble Servant
Thomas Cushing
To Benja: Franklin Esqr

Addressed: To / Benjamin Franklin Esqr LLD / in / London / per Favour Mr/ Jhon Sprague / QDC