Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 25 January 1810
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

					Sirs,
					Quincy, January 25, 1810.

During my absence, which was nearly through the whole month of July, the following state papers were translated by the gentlemen of my family, whom I left in Holland, and transmitted to Congress, or to be kept for me to sign, according to my directions after my return.

Amsterdam, 5th July, 1781—“The following is an extract from the registry of the Resolutions of their high Mightinesses the States General of the United Provinces of the Low Countries:—

Thursday, June 28, 1781.—His Serene Highness, the Prince of Orange and Nassau, having appeared in the Assembly, made to their High Mightinesses the following proposition:—

High and Mighty Lords, I have judged necessary to represent to your high Mightinesses, to examine with the greatest care, if, since the present troubles have arisen, proper attention has been paid to the placing the Marine of the State in that situation that it had been able to act efficaciously against an enemy, particularly one so strongly armed by sea as the kingdom of G. Britain is; or if any negligence or supineness hath had place in that respect; and in that case to what it ought to be attributed; and to the end to receive the necessary information on that head to write to the respective Colleges of the Admiralty, that they may make report and declare how many vessels they had in 1776, and how many were then equipped, and with how many men; what they have done since the English have begun to molest the ships of the inhabitants of this country, employed in the West-India trade, under pretext of the disputes arisen with their Colonies in North America; and by consequence from the end of the year 1776 and the beginning of 1777, to place themselves as much as was possible, and in their power, in a state to protect the commerce of this country; and what they have done since the troubles have begun in Europe; and that if it was to be feared the republic would have a share in them, to put it, as much as depended on them, in a state not only of protecting her commerce, but also to be able to assist in defending the country and in attacking the enemy; if they have been able to effect that which has been resolved by your high Mightinesses for this object; or if there has been a negligence in this respect, and in that case, for what reasons they have not executed these resolutions; if it has been possible for them to furnish the ships put in commission and equip them; to the end that it may appear from whence it arises that the republic finds itself in so deplorable a state of defence by sea, which is certainly the point the most interesting in this war, and upon which all the inhabitants of this republic have an eye.

Although on this occasion I make only mention of the defence by sea, I esteem it necessary to represent to your high Mightinesses, that I am very far from avowing by that, that the land forces of this State are sufficient to assure us that the country is in a respectable state of defence by land.

I do not think myself under the necessity of justifying my conduct, and that your high Mightinesses are ignorant of the efforts I have made since my majority, to place everything which regards the republic in a respectable posture of defence; nevertheless I have thought it in my power to represent to your high Mightinesses that I have on more than one occasion given it as my opinion, that the republic ought to be placed not only by land, but also by sea in a proper state of defence, to the end to be able to maintain its liberty and independence, and not to be obliged to take measures contrary to the true interests of the dear country, but conformable to those of a power from whose menaces it has at length more to fear, because it is not in a state to resist it. It is for that reason that even in the beginning of 1771, I have given to understand that the deputies of the Province of Holland and W. Friesland had proposed in the Assembly of your high Mightinesses, by the express orders of the gentlemen the States, their constituents, to cause to be formed a petition for the construction of twenty-four vessels of war: that I have not neglected to insist upon all occasions, as well upon the re-establishment of the marine as upon the augmentation of the land forces, and to press particularly more than once the conclusion of the petition for the construction of vessels: it is for the same reason that in the beginning of the year 1775, upon occasion of the exertions made by the gentlemen, the commissioners of your high Mightinesses, for the affairs of war, with some members of the council of State, to conciliate the different sentiments of the respective confederates, in regard to the plan of augmentation of the land forces, proposed by the council of State, the 19th of July, 1773, I have made a conciliatory proposition to this purport, viz.—“That the sum for the department of war should be fixed at 600,000 florins for the marine, and to make amends for that, that the sum of one million five hundred thousand florins, demanded in 1773, for an augmentation to be made of the land forces, should be reduced to 900,000 florins, which proposition was embraced at that time by the gentlemen of the States of Guelderland, Friesland, Overyssell and Groningen, but hath had no farther operation.

I shall not alledge here the entreaties that I have annually made with the council of State by the general petition, but shall communicate only to your high Mightinesses that proposition that I have made to the assembly of the gentlemen, the states of Holland and West Friesland, the 10th of March, 1779, which is of the same tenor with the letter I wrote the same day, to the gentlemen, the states of Guelderland, Zealand, Utrecht, Friesland, Overyssell and Groningen; a copy of which I have the honor to remit to your high Mightinesses. I cannot disguise, that in my opinion it was to have been wished, that what I then proposed had been more attended to; since I dare assure myself, that if the republic had found it good, at that time to have caused to be armed fifty or sixty vessels well equipped and provided with every necessary, whereof not less than twenty or thirty should have been of the line, and to have augmented the land forces to fifty or sixty thousand men on foot, it would not have found itself in its present unhappy circumstances, but it would have been respected as an independent state by all the powers; it would have been able to maintain the system of neutrality which it had embraced; and it would have seen itself in a state to promise itself with reason, under the divine benediction, that in giving great weight to the side to which it should be joined, it would not have been to be feared that any power whatsoever would have attacked it, but that it would have been managed by each; and that her friendship being sought by each, and not giving to any one of them just causes of complaint, it would have obtained the esteem and confidence of all the powers, which would have produced the best effects for the true interests of this State: certainly, and in every case, if it had been attacked in an unjust war, to which a State is always exposed, it would have seen itself in a state to make an opposition with hopes of success, and of obliging the enemy to seek the friendship of this State upon honorable terms for the republic.

Letter of his serene highness to the Lords the states of Guilderland, Zealand, Utrecht, Friesland, Overyssell, and Groningen.—

Hague, March 10th, 1779.Noble and Mighty Lords, intimate and good Friends,We think ourselves obliged to communicate to your noble mightinesses, our sentiments, respecting one of the most important objects of your deliberations, to wit: We are very far from judging that it would be expedient that this republic shall renounce the lawful rights which appertain to its inhabitants, in virtue of solemn treaties: we think on the contrary that they ought to be maintained by all the means that providence hath placed in the hands of this republic; but that it belongs only to your noble Mightinesses and to the noble mighty Lords, the states of the other provinces to decide when it is time, that their high Mightinesses ought to take the resolution of granting an unlimited protection to their commercial inhabitants, and that their high Mightinesses, not having engaged themselves by any treaty whatsoever with any foreign power to protect all branches of commerce, without distinction, no one hath a right to exact from them, that in granting protection they ought to grant it to all vessels without distinction; without leaving to their prudence to decide, whether they are in a condition to protect all the branches of commerce, and whether, if they can do it in the present moment, without hazarding important interests and exposing themselves to the greatest danger.

We think then, that in this case it will be proper to pay no regard to any thing else, than the true interests of the republic: and it is for that reason, that before a final resolution is taken to convoy vessels loaded with wood, it would be necessary to examine the state of the republic, both by land and sea. In our opinion nothing will be more expedient for this republic, than an exact and punctual neutrality, without prejudicing the treaties it has with foreign powers: but we think that to maintain & support it efficaciously, and not only so long time as it may please one of the belligerent powers, not to require of the republic in a violent and threatening manner that it take a part; that it will be proper that the republic be put in an armed state. That to this end it will be necessary to equip at least fifty or sixty vessels, not less than twenty or thirty of them to be of the line; and to augment the land forces to fifty or sixty thousand men; and that the frontier places should be put in a proper state of defence, and the magazines provided with the requisite munitions of war. In which case we are of opinion that the republic would be respected by all the powers, and could do without obstacle what is permitted by the treaties, or would not be prevented from doing and acting, what it should judge proper for its true interests.

 For these reasons we judge that the fidelity we owe to our dear country, require us to offer this consideration to the enlightened minds of your noble Mightinesses and to give your noble Mightinesses the deliberation of it, to take a resolution to the end, that by the construction of a considerable number of vessels, and particularly of the line, the marine may be reinforced; and that by the augmentation of the monthly pay, or premiums, or by such other arrangements, as your noble Mightinesses, and the lords the states of the other provinces shall judge proper, it may be effected, that the sailors necessary to equip them be procured, and that at the same time your noble Mightinesses grant the sums for the necessary augmentation to the end to carry the land forces to the number of fifty or sixty thousand men, and for the petitions respecting the fortifications and magazines.

When your noble mightinesses and the lords the states of the other provinces shall have done that, and this reinforcement both by sea and land shall have been carried into execution, we think that this is the epoch, when the republic may to advantage and as an independent state take the resolution of maintaining the rights which appertain to their inhabitants according to the treaties and particularly that of marine in 1674; but before that the republic is put in a respectable state of defence, we should fear, that a resolution to take under convoy all vessels indiscriminately, according to the letter of the said treaty, and particularly vessels loaded with ship timber might have very bad consequences for the true interests of this state, and expose the honor of its flag to an affront.

And it is for this reason, we are of opinion, that it would be proper that it should be resolved by an ulterior resolution, that the vessels loaded with masts, knees, beams and other kinds of wood necessary to the construction of ships of war, should not be taken under convoy, before an equipment of fifty or sixty vessels, not less than twenty or thirty of them of the line, is ready; and before having augmented the land forces to fifty or sixty thousand men of foot: but that in the mean time, to the end to protect as much as possible, the general commerce of this country, without exposing the important interests of the state. The necessary convoys, as they were announced, shall be granted to all other vessels, not loaded with contraband effects, to the end that all the branches of commerce may not be suspended and left without protection, during the time of the deliberation upon the protection of one branch only. We expect, that when the republic shall be put into this armed state, all the powers will leave her to exercise the right which belongs to her of keeping an exact neutrality and of observing also on their part every thing which the treaties it hath made may require of her, &c.

Which having been deliberated their high mightinesses have thanked his serene highness for the said proposition, regarding it as a new mark of his assiduous zeal and solicitude for the interests of the state, in declaring that their high mightinesses, acknowledge with gratitude all the efforts that his serene highness hath employed, since his majority, and in particular since the commencement of the war between the two neighboring kingdoms, to put the republic in a proper state of defence, both by sea and land, and could have well wished that these efforts might have had the desired effect in every respect. And besides it hath been found good and resolved that, conformably to the proposition of his serene highness, it shall be notified to the respective colleges of the admiralty in sending them a copy of the said proposition, that they may make report and render an account how many vessels they had in 1776, in what condition they were, and how many of them were equipped with the number of men; afterwards, what they have done, since the English have begun to molest the ships of the inhabitants of this country trading to the West Indies, under pretext of disputes arisen with their colonies in North America, and thus from the end of the year 1776, and at the beginning of 1777, to put themselves in a condition, as much as was possible, and in their power to protect the commerce of this country: and what they have done since the troubles have begun in Europe, and that it was to be feared the republic would become a party, to put themselves in a condition for what depended on them, to protect not only their commerce, but also to be able to aid in defending the country and attacking the enemy: if they have been active to carry into effect, what your high mightinesses have resolved upon this subject, and if any negligence hath had place in this regard, and in this case, for what reason they have not executed these resolutions; if they have been in the possibility of supporting and equipping the vessels put in commission to the end that it may appear, to what we ought to attribute the present situation.”

Amsterdam, July 7, 1781—was transmitted to Congress “the following Resolution was passed at the Hague the second of this month by their high mightinesses the states general respecting the duke of Brunswick.

Heard the report of Messrs. de Linden, de Hemmen and the other deputies of their high mightinesses for marine affairs, who, in consequence, and conformity to a commissorial resolution of their high Mightinesses of the 21st of last month, have examined a letter of Mr. the duke of Brunswick, dated at the Hague the same day, and containing serious complaints upon the proposition, that the gentlemen the deputies of the city of Amsterdam have made to his higness, after that many calumnies and atrocious accusations had been circulated against him in public: upon which having deliberated, it hath been found good and resolved,

That, saving the deliberations of the lords the states of the respective provinces upon the complaints relative to the proceeding of the gentlemen, the deputies of Amsterdam, their high mightinesses, not being able to see with indifference that my lord the duke Brunswick, in quality of field marshal of this state, be publicly accused in so enormous a manner, it may from this time be declared, as it is declared by the present, that it is not manifest to their high mightinesses that there are any reasons, which could furnish any grounds for such accusations and suspicions of bad faith and of corruption, as have been alledged to the charge of my lord the duke and that have been circulated abroad in anonymous writings, defamatory libels and dishonorable reports: that on the contrary their high mightinesses regard them as false and injurious calumnies spread with design to disgrace and wound the honor and reputation of my lord the duke, whilst that their high mightinesses hold the said lord the duke entirely innocent and exempt from the blame with which the libels and reports alledged, endeavor to disgrace him.

That, in consequence, the gentlemen the states of the respective provinces should be required by writing, and that it should be submitted to their consideration, if they cou’d not find it good, each in their provinces, conformably to the placarts of the country, to make the necessary regulations to restrain the authors, printers, and distributers of such like defamatory libels, and malicious and calumnious writings, by which the said lord the duke is so sensibly attacked and wounded in his honor and reputation.”

Amsterdam, July 7, 1781, was transmitted to congress,—“under the head of Petersburg there is the following article.

On the 8th of June, the minister of the court of Versailles had a conference with the count Osterman, vice chancellor of the empire and remitted to him a memorial containing representations upon the continual proceedings of the English against the commerce and navigation of neuters; upon the little activity of these last to prevent these arbitrary proceedings, and supporting thereby the principles of their declarations made to the belligerent powers, and the convention of neutrality, which has been agreed upon between them: upon the prejudice which must necessarily result from it, to the whole world: and upon the desire that the king his master has that it should be remedied by the vigorous co-operation of her imperial majesty; seeing that, without that the said association of neutrality, would turn only to the advantage of the enemies of France; and that the king, who to this moment has confined himself exactly to the principle of the abovementioned declaration and convention of neutrality, would see himself, though with regret, in the indispensable necessity of changing in like manner, the system which he had hitherto followed with respect to the commerce and navigation of neuters, and of measuring and regulating it upon the conduct which the English shall allow themselves, and which was so patiently borne by the neuters: objects, in regard to which his majesty has nevertheless judged it his duty to suspend his final resolution, until he can concert upon this subject with her imperial majesty.

Mr. Dana left Amsterdam this day and is gone to Utrecht; and from thence he will proceed on his journey to Petersburg without delay. Mr. Jennings does not accompany him.”

Amsterdam, July 10, 1781: “On Wednesday, the fourth of July, Mr. de Linden Blitterswyk, presiding in the assembly hath related and acquainted their high mightinesses that Mr. the duke of Brunswick had been with him that morning and given him to understand, that he had been informed of the resolution that their high mightinesses had taken, the second of July, upon the letter that he had had the honor of remitting to them the 21st of June last: that he was extremely sensible of the marks of confidence and affection that their high Mightinesses had been pleased to give him upon this occasion, and that in an affair, to the subject of which he had not directly carried his complaints to their high mightinesses; that he was nevertheless, not less persuaded that the intention of their high mightinesses could not be by that to let the affair rest provisionally, much less that thereby they should have satisfied the respectful demand and requisition contained in his said letter, by which he had required an exact and rigorous examination, and demanded for that purpose of their high mightinesses such steps as had been more amply mentioned in that letter: and that then only he had required such a justificatory resolution and satisfaction as had been afterwards demanded by that letter: that he ought to insist upon that so much the more, as by that provisional resolution, as taken without previous inquiry, one could by no means think him purged from the blame and affront which had been offered him: for which reason he had conceived that he could and ought to implore the resolution of all the high confederates themselves, as he still continued to implore it with entreaty, praying Mr. de Linden as president of the assembly of their high mightinesses to be pleased to acquaint them with it.

Which having been deliberated it hath been resolved and concluded to pray by the present, the gentlemen the deputies of the respective provinces to be pleased to acquaint the gentlemen, the states, their principals, with the above, to the end that in the deliberations upon the letter of the duke of Brunswick, such reflections may be made upon the above, as they shall judge proper.”

Amsterdam, July 13, 1781, was transmitted to Congress—“The following Placart has been published and posted up at Utrecht.

We, the States of the Province of Utrecht, make known, that we have learned with very great displeasure and indignation, that divers turbulent spirits, particularly of late, instead of conducting themselves peaceably as good inhabitants of the State, and leaving and confiding the care and direction of the public affairs of their dear country to the high and lawful Sovereign of these countries, and to those to whom the high Sovereign hath committed any administration of them, without meddling in this respect to excite or cherish any discord or divisions, feared not, not only by discourses and reports disadvantageously and maliciously invented, but also by the composition, publication and distribution among the people of Pasquinades, scandalous pamphlets, or libels, verses, prints and other like things, upon the conduct of the high Sovereign, or the administration and direction of those who are invested with any great or small posts or employs, to form scandalous reflections and malicious insinuations and calumnies, without foundation, proceeding only from a spirit of malignity and of party: and that in particular, such malicious persons have not feared to do it with respect to the person of his serene Highness, the Duke of Brunswick, Field Marshal in the service of this State. All suchlike malicious and calumnious undertakings and practices, tending only to excite and cherish broils, discord and division, and to blemish the honor and reputation of persons of high and less rank; and as particularly in this juncture, their consequences cannot but be altogether pernicious; it is, for this reason thought proper to remedy them efficaciously, as that hath been also done by divers precedent Placarts; for these causes we have found good to interdict and prohibit most expressly and in a manner the most serious, as we do interdict and prohibit by these presents, the making, printing, selling, distributing and spreading abroad any kind of scandalous or defamatory libels, verses, or prints, under what name or title soever they may be done, with or without the name of the author or printer; or of introducing or spreading in this province like works made and printed elsewhere; whether they tend to the prejudice of the high Sovereign or of the said Lord, the Duke of Brunswick, or of any other person of high or less rank in the service of this State, under penalty of confiscation of all the copies printed, which shall be found in this province, and of a fine of a thousand florins, as well for the author as the printer, distributor, introducer or seller, to be paid each time; and moreover to be punished and corrected at discretion, according to the exigency of things; to apply the said fine, one third to the officer who shall make the prosecution, one third to the profit of the informer, whose name shall be kept secret if he requires it, and one third to the profit of the poor of the Deaconship of the place, where the prosecution shall be made.

We ordain and command, moreover, all Officers and Judges of the city, towns, and countries of this Province, without exception, as we ordain and command by these presents, to execute strictly and precisely, and to cause to be executed our present Placart, according to its form and tenor, without any dissimulation or connivance. And to the end that no person may pretend ignorance of it, this placart shall be published and posted up, every where, where it belongs. Done at Utrecht, July 4, 1781. J. H. Comte De Rechteren.

					John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from William Plumer, 27 January 1810
From: Plumer, William
To: Adams, John

My dear Sir,
Epping January 27. 1810

Permit me to request you to accept my cordial thanks for the list of your works, obligingly communicated by your letter of the 9th. I hope I shall profit by the hints you give respecting the origen of the constitutions of several of the States & that of the United States, should I live to bring my history up to that period.
Let me entreat you, whenever you write your son in Russia, to mention to him the name of your most obedient / humble servant

William Plumer


Title: To John Adams from William Cunningham, 28 January 1810
From: Cunningham, William
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir.
Fitchburg, January 28th: 1810.

I have received your favour of the 16th. inst.
After I had distinctly named the causes of a deliberation, whether my fidelity as a Citizen must yield to my fidelity as a Friend, you might, I think, have dismissed the suspicion that they originated in any disappointment of my hopes; especially as you had recently told me of the treachery, perfidy, malice and revenge you had, in numerous instances, most unreasonably experienced from some or all of the thirty nine unsuccessful of the forty applicants for the same appointment; and more especially as at no moment, nor on any point, when I was looking for your assistance, did I offer my independency a propitiatory oblation for your favour. If there was nothing in the affair to which you have adverted, calculated to save my feelings, there was certainly nothing to provoke my resentment, and had there been, the utmost length to which I could have carried it, would have been a frank expression of my dissatisfaction—the jealousy which has found an explanation of my intended purpose in an ill-humour, I can only lament as an imperfection which does more than record the injury it would inflict.
I shall be scrupulously cautious against bringing myself under the reproaches of my conscience, and of giving any just occasion for the forfeiture of the esteem of those whose approbation, next to the consciousness of a good intention, is the most precious of all earthly consolations.
Much contained in our Correspondence, and much more in our Conversations, will not be extorted from me by any circumstances, out of yourself, while you live—some parts of both can never be divulged to any others than the implicated characters—perhaps never to them; nor is my resolution to divulge any part of either, yet decisively taken.
It is, indeed, true, that meditations on the approaching misfortune, of which I have daily premonition in the wasteing health of Mrs. C: have given me a melancholy cast, and when I connect with these meditations the discouraging state of our public affairs, I probably sink too deep in despondency.
It appears, however, most clearly to me, that a systematized plan, long since concerted by France to allure or impel our Country into a co-operation with her against England, is about to be crowned with success. In my judgment, we have reached the time, when the calamities you saw on their way in 1803, are visibly coming upon us. It is too sensibly realized to be disputed, that we have had copious experience already of the said consequences arising from those radical defects in Mr. Jefferson on which you founded the anticipation of existing evils.
Impressed with an idea of the fatal issue of a course, conceived in the vices you had depicted, and which has gained too much head from contributory streams of corruption, I cannot perceive that I should expose myself to the censure of Heaven, of the spirits of departed Patriots, of the souls of sincere ones yet on earth, of honour, of justice, of generosity, should I break through many personal and private ties, in an endeavour to check its progress.—
Must the machinations come to maturity which are to prostrate the world at the feet of Buonaparte? The Confederation of the Rhine, which has that object, is founded on the same plan, and parties are allured to it by the same considerations, which led to the formation and increase of the Family Compact between France and Spain in 1761. And Great Britain is not encompassed with more ills by the Confederation, than she was, for a little time, by the Compact. It is most worthy of our observation, that the Compact was effected by the art, bribery and threatnings of France, and was followed by the elevation of Great Britain, contrary to expectation, to the highest point at which she ever stood. But she cannot long stand with the world upon her back. Let her fall, if that must be her doom in the fair course of events; but the accumulation of her burthens by any wrong intentionally done her, would accelerate our destruction in the train of her overthrow, whether we contemplate the subject in the light of human reason, or in view of the righteous administration of the Supreme Governour.
I shall leave home tomorrow, or next day weather being favourable, for Boston, where I shall pass a few days. Should you wish to write to me again, you may address a Letter to me there, to the care of Messrs. Wm. Brown & Son, N. 13. Broad-Street.
With veneration and esteem, / I am, Dear Sir, / Your Friend & Servt

W. Cunningham Jr


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Rush, 1 February 1810
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

My dear & excellent friend
Philadelphia Feby 1. 1810

With this letter you will receive a bundle of Auroras, and another of the same size by the post of the next day—They are filled very much of late with our state politicks, but you will find many Columns still filled with complaints against Great Britain—so my son Richard tells me, for I assure you I have not read a Column in any one of them these six months. My wife asked me a few days ago what was the Object of Macons bill. I could not tell her. I have however Since seen an epitome of it in one of our daily papers. Of its design & tendency I can say nothing. But—let our rulers do what they will, I shall patiently submit to them.
Do we not my friend mistake the nature of Government, and the business & rank of the men who rule us? Was not government One of the Curses of the fall of man? and are were not laws intended to be our Chains? Of Course—are not our rulers who make & execute those Laws, nothing but—geolers—turnkeys—and Jack Ketch’s of a higher order? We give them titles,—put them into palaces, and decorate them with fine cloaths, only to conceal the infamy of their Offices. As labor—and parturition—and even death itself—(the Other Curses of the fall) have been converted by the goodness of God into blessings, So government, and rulers have in some instances become blessings to mankind. But this does not exempt them from the charge which I have brought against them. Let us do what we will to meliorate Our governments, and to chuse wise rulers, we cannot frustrate the designs of heaven. The former will always carry in their construction, and conduct marks of their being other forms only of Jails, stocks—whipping posts—Cells & dungeons—and the latter will always exhibit, notwithstanding the disguise of their titles, palaces and dresses, the insignia of the Offices I have already ascribed to them.
I thank you for your letter of the 17th: of January. Your short, but Sublime description of the Objects and nature of Christianity delighted me. I care not whether you are Calvanist or Armenian or both,—for both are believe the truth, and a true System of Religion I believe can only be formed from a Union of the tenets of each of them. But After all that has been said of doctrines they only “who have done good Shall come forth to the resurrection unto life, and they only who have done  evil to the resurrection of damnation.”
Next to my Bible I find the most satisfaction in reading the Works of Dr Hartley  upon both doctrinal and practical Subjects. His morality is truly evangelical. His posthumous letters to his Sister show him to have been a Saint of the first order.
ADieu! ever yours Affectionately
Benjn: Rush


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 8 February 1810
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

Sirs,
Quincy, February 8, 1810.

This people must have their own way: They proceed like no other; there cannot be a more striking example of this, than the instructions given to privateers and letters of marque.
The commander is ordered to bring his prizes into some port of the united provinces, or into the ports or roads of the allies and friends of this republic, especially France, Sweden, North America or Spain. And the ship shall be at liberty to join under a written convention with one or more privateers, or other similar ships of war, belonging to Hollanders, Zealanders, French, Americans, or Spanish, to undertake jointly any thing advantageous, &c. This is not only an acknowledgment of the independence of North America, but it is avowing it to be an ally and friend. But I suppose that in order to elude and evade, it would be said that these are only the instructions given by owners to their commanders. Yet these instructions are required to be sworn and produced to the admiralty for their approbation.
It is certain that the king of Spain, when he declared war against Great Britain, sent orders to all his officers to treat the Americans as the best friends of Spain; and the king’s pleasure being a law to his subjects, they are bound by it. [Notwithstanding all this, Spain never acknowledged the independence of the United States, nor received a minister from them till long after the peace of 1783.]
But what is there to oblige a citizen of the united provinces to consider the Americans as friends of the republic? There is no such law, and these instructions cannot bind. It is, nevertheless, very certain that no Dutchman will venture to take an American.
Notwithstanding the extreme caution and the slow deliberate policy of this government, they ventured, upon this occasion, to let out their secret wishes, though illegally, to their subjects, and left them to conjecture their views and designs for the future.
Upon my return to Amsterdam from Paris, I found my friend Mr. Dana, in great anxiety and perplexity. Congress had ordered him to go to St. Petersburg, and had sent him a commission as their minister, with instructions to conclude a treaty of friendship and commerce with the empress of Russia ; but they had given him no secretary of legation, nor made any provision for a private secretary, or even a copying clerk. They had moreover from the unfavorable influence of a party at home, or from some suggestions from abroad, a combination that had injured many other honest men, such as Mr. Arthur Lee, Mr. Izzard, Mr. William Lee and Mr. Jay, reduced Mr. Dana’s compensation below that of the other ministers. Mr. Dana had taken pains to persuade some gentlemen to accompany him, but could find none who would consent to go. He had before him the dreary prospect os an immense journey by land, through Holland, Germany, Denmark, and he knew not how many other nations, of whose languages he understood not one word; and in the French, which was the travelling language of Europe, he was yet but a student. In this situation, he requested me to let him have my oldest son, John Quincy Adams, for a companion and a private secretary or clerk. The youth was, in conversation, a ready interpreter of French for an American, and of English for a Frenchman; he could easily translate in writing, as Mr. Dana had seen, any state paper. He wrote a fair hand, and could coppy letters, or any other papers as well as any man; and he had the necessary patience of application to any of these services. I was at first very averse to the proposition, but from regard to Mr. Dana, at last consented. I would not however, consent to burthen Mr. Dana with his expenses, but advanced him money for that purpose, and desired Mr. Dana to draw upon me for more when that should be expended, which he did. He returned from Russia before Mr. Dana was recalled, and in this interval, Mr. Dana must have been put to other expenses for clerkship. Mr. Dana agreed with me in opinion that congress would finally make him a grant for a private secretary at least, and in that case he was to pay me the money I had advanced, or should advance for expenses, and nothing more.—All this I presume was known to congress, when they made the grant to Mr. Dana, not for the form but the substance, for it was Mr. Dana’s right. When Mr. Dana received the grant from Congress he returned me the sums I had advanced for expenses and no more. Neither the father nor the son ever received any thing for services. And what did the son lose by this excursion? He lost the honor of a degree in the University of Leyden, and he lost what was more precious, the benefit of four or five years studies in Greek and Roman literature under Luzac and others, and in the civil Law under Professor Pestell, unquestionably among the greatest masters in Europe, I should be quite unable to estimate these losses in money.
If the grant of Mr. Dana was intended merely as a reimbursement of his expenses for secretaryship and clerk hire, in my opinion it was very moderate; if it was to make him any amends for the unreasonable reduction of his salary, it was far short of what it ought to have been.
I have stated these facts as they lay in my mind; but as I have no memorandum in writing to which to have recourse, the whole depends upon memory. If there is any circumstance erroneous it will be acknowledged as soon as suggested.
My second son, after the departure of his brother, found himself so much alone, that he grew uneasy, and importuned me so tenderly to let him return to America to his mother, that I consented to that, and thus deprived myself of the greatest pleasure I had in life, the society of my children. We lost, at the same time, almost all our American acquaintance in Holland. On or about the 10th of August, 1781, the South Carolina, commodore Gillon, put to sea from the Texel, with Mr. Searle, Colonel Trumbull, Major Jackson, Mr. Bromfield, Dr. Waterhouse and Charles Adams on board as passengers. These had for some time composed a very pleasant American society; but now I was left alone with Mr. Thaxter. We regretted the loss of so much good company, and that of Dr. Waterhouse as much as any. He had resided three or four years, and taken the degree of Dr. in medicine, in the university of Leyden, where I first became acquainted with him. During part of the time of my residence in Leyden, I found Waterhouse and my two sons boarded in the same house. I took apartments in it, and finding him, though a sprightly genius, very studious and inquisitive, as well as sociable. I had no inquiries to make, but whether his moral character was good, and whether he was a loyal American. As to his morals, I could hear of no reproach or suspicion; as to his politics, though he came over from England, he came from the guardianship and pupilage of Dr. Fothergill, who was as good a friend to America, as any Englishman could be. He had inscribed himself on the records of matriculation, in the university of Leyden, Liberæ Reipublicæ Americanæ Federatæ Civis, and his conversation was in the style of a good American. I did not, therefore, hesitate to consider him, in some respects, as one of my family. This gentleman has now been so long known in the philosophical, medical and literary world, that it would be impertinent in me to say any thing more of him at present, than that 1 with him as happy as his benevolence and services to his fellow men have deserved.

John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 11 February 1810
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Quincy Feb 11. 1810

Thanks for yours of the first and the two Packetts. Who are they who furnish the Aurora with Such an infinite quantity and Variety of Compositions? There must be many hands, of no small Capacity or Information. In one you Sent me before, there was an Anecdote of a Plan of Washington to attack Philadelphia which was communicated to General How by a Person in his Confidence. The Narrator affirms he was intimate with Washington and daily at his Quarters. I have a Curiosity to know who this Old Man may be. I can think of no human Being, who can Support the Pretension.
Your Letter is so grave a Mixture of Religion and Politicks, that I wish I had Eyes Fingers and Time to write you an answer to it of a mile long.
You will “patiently submit to our Rulers, let them do what they will.” Not So Tittle Toss i—No factious opposition for me. No lying down of Government for me. But if our Government will substitute Virginia Fence for the Wooden Walls of Columbia as our Friend Jefferson did, I will not applaud. I will disapprove and modestly complain: and I cannot answer for myself that I shall not Say in Some unguarded Moment to a confidential Friend, who may betray me, Midas! Le Roy Midas a Les Oreilles d’ Ane.
You Seem to have borrowed, my Friend, from Tom Paine a kind of hatred to Government and to take Pleasure in representing it in an odious and disgusting Light. “Was not Government one of the Curses of Adams Fall?” If I were disposed to be merry, I would ask you Was not the Fall of Man owing to the Want of Government in Paradise? Had Adam possessed and exerted the proper Authority and Power of Government he would have tamed the Shrew who betrayed him and us. Pardon this appearance of Levity, on a Subject which ought always to be regarded with Reverence.
Are not Doctors Lawyers Priests, Merchants, Armies Navies, Commerce Manufactures Fisheries, Wheat Rye Barley Oats, Buckwheat, Wine Oyl Cyder Beer Punch Flip, Slings Drams, Shirts Sheets, Wool and Silk all the Curses of the Fall of Man? Yes every one of them: as much as Government, Jails Stocks and Whipping Posts. Why Should We loose ourselves in Lucubrations about Allegories or Mysteries which never can be explained or comprehended in this World: when all our Brains ought to be employed upon the present Means of extricating Us out of our Difficulties? It is altogether beyond the Grasp, and out of the Sphere of Human Understanding to comprehend, what would have been the State of this Globe and what the Condition of the human Race, if the State of Innocence had been continued. We Shall only loose ourselves and fall into absurdities by Conjectures.
Feb. 23. 1810. The Christian Religion is to flame through the Universe in Universal Love, excepting the Devil and his Angels, and their Imps and Dupes. What is to become of these? Will they be annihilated? or, will they repent, reform, and be forgiven? or will they remain? Some of them Seem to deserve unlimited Punishment: but I dare not dogmatise on this Subject.
I have not found in my Walks that Paine has made Infidelity general among the common People. They have Seemed to me rather allarmed. They asked are these the Notions in which We are to bring up our Children? This will never do. It will be fitting them for the Gallows!
It is very true as you observe England and The Tories have become very demure Since France and the Jacobins so impudently insulted Religion
All my Theology is Summed up in your Sentence “They only who have done good Shall come forth to the Resurrection unto Life.”
I have never regularly read the Works of Dr Hartley. My Fire Side to yours Send Greeting

J. AdamsOur Electioneering Racers have Started for the Prize. Such a Whipping and Spurring and huzzaing! Oh What rare Sport it will be? Through thick and thin, through Mire and Dirt, through Bogs and Fens and Sloughs dashing and Splashing and crying out, the Devil take the hindmost. How long will it be possible that Honor, Truth or Virtue should be respected among a People who are engaged in Such a quick and perpetual Succession of Such profligate Collissions and Conflicts?
Mr Gerry vs Mr Gore and Mr Gray vs Mr Cobb at are the Candidates, this heat.


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 17 February 1810
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

Sirs,
Quincy, February 17th, 1810.

Amsterdam, August 16, 1781, wrote to congress—“Mr. Temple has held offices of such importance, and a bank so considerable in America before the revolution, that his return to his native country at this time cannot fail to cause much speculation, and it is to be feared, some diversity of sentiments concerning him. As he came from London to Amsterdam, and did me the honor of a visit, in which he opened to me his design of returning and his sentiments upon many public affairs, it will be expected in America by many, although it is has not been requested by Mr. Temple, that I should say something concerning him.

I was never before, personally acquainted with this gentleman; but I have long known his public character and private reputation. He was ever reputed a man of very delicate sentiments of honor, of integrity, and of attachment to his native country: although his education, his long residence in England, his numerous connections there, and the high offices he held under the British government, did not ever admit of a general opinion, that his sentiments were in all respects, perfectly conformable to those of the most popular party in the colonies. Nevertheless he was never suspected to my knowledge of countenancing or concurring in, any of those many plots, which were laid by other officers of the crown against our liberties: but on the contrary was known to be the object of their jealousy, revenge and malice, because he would not. He was, however, intimate with several gentlemen, who stood foremost in opposition, particularly with Mr. Otis, who has often communicated to me intelligence of very great importance which he had from Mr. Temple, and which he certainly could have got in no other way, as early I believe as 1763, 1764 and onwards.

I cannot undertake to vindicate Mr. Temple’s policy in remaining so long in England; but it will be easily in his power to shew, what kind of company he has kept there; what kind of sentiments and conversation he has maintained, and in what occupations he has employed his time.

It is not with a view to recommend Mr. Temple to honors or emoluments that I write this. It would not be proper for me: and congress know very well that I have not ventured upon this practice, even in cases, where I have much more personal knowledge than in this. But it is merely to prevent, as far as my poor opinion may go, jealousies and alarms upon Mr. Temple’s arrival. Many may suspect that he comes in the confidence of the British ministry, with secret and bad designs, of which I do not believe him capable.

Mr. Temple, it is most certain, has fallen from high rank and ample emoluments, merely because he would not join in hostile designs against his country. This I think should at least entitle him to the quiet enjoyment of the liberties of his country and the esteem of his fellow citizens, provided there are no just grounds of suspicion of him. And I really think it a testimony due to truth to say, that after a great deal of the very freest conversation with him, I see no reason to suspect his intentions. I have taken the Liberty to give Mr. Temple my own sentiments concerning the suspicions which have been and are entertained concerning him, and the causes of them, and of all parts of his conduct that have come to my knowledge, with so little disguise, that he will be well apprised of the disappointment he may meet with, if any. I hope, however, that he will meet a more friendly reception in America and better prospects of an happy life, than I have been able to assure him.

Whether any services or sufferings of Mr. Temple could support any claim upon the justice, gratitude or generosity of the United States, or of the Massachusetts in particular, is a question, upon which it would be altogether improper for me to give any opinion; as I know not the facts so well as they may be made known, and as I am no judge if I knew the facts. But this I know, that whenever the facts shall be laid before either the great counsel of the United States or that of the Massachusetts, they will be judged of by the worthy Representatives of a just, grateful and generous people; and therefore Mr. Temple will have no reason to complain, if the decision should be against him.”

Amsterdam, August 16, 1781, wrote to Congress:—“The following verbal insinuation made to the Ambassador of Holland at the Court of Russia was transmitted to Congress in my absence and is now repeated by me, in order to complete the sets already forwarded.

The affection of the Empress to the interests of the republic of the United Provinces, and her desire to see re-established, by a prompt reconciliation, a peace and good harmony between the two maritime powers have been sufficiently manifested by the step which she had taken in offering them her separate mediation.

If she has not had the desired success, her imperial majesty has only been for that reason the more attentive to search out the means capable of conducting her to it. One such means offers itself in the combined mediation of the two Imperial Courts, under the auspices of which there is to be treated at Vienna of a general pacification of the courts actually at war. It belongs only to the republic to regulate itself in the same manner: her imperial majesty, by an effect of her friendship for it, imposing upon herself the task to bring her co-mediator into an agreement, to share with her the cares and the good offices which she has displayed in its favor. As soon as it shall please their high mightinesses to make known their intentions in this regard to Mr. the Prince de Gallitzin, the envoy of the Empress at The Hague, charged to make to them the same insinuation, this last, will write of it immediately to the minister of her imperial majesty at Vienna, who will not fail to take with that court the arrangements which are prescribed to him, to the end to proceed in this affair by the same formalities which we have made use of with the other powers.

Her imperial majesty flatters herself that the republic will receive this overture as a fresh proof of her benevolence, and of the attention which she preserves, to cultivate the ties of that friendship and of that alliance, which subsists between them.”

It does not appear by this insinuation, that the articles proposed by the two imperial courts to serve as a basis, for the negotiations of peace at Vienna were communicated to the Dutch minister at Petersburg or the Russian minister at the Hague, or by either to their high mightinesses. As the phrase, courts at war is used, and no hint about the United States of America in it, the probability, is that the articles are not communicated. I must confess I like this insinuation very much; because it may be in time an excellent precedent for making such an insinuation to the minister of the United States of America.

Amsterdam, August 17, 1781, wrote to Dr. Franklin:—“The day before yesterday were brought to my house fifty-one Bills of Exchange, amounting to 40958 £.f. all drawn on the 22d of June, 1781, at six months sight, on the Hon. Henry Laurens, Esq. in favor of Mr. John Ross.

This is a phænomenon which none but you philosophers can explain; at least I can think of but one hypothesis which might account for it. It is, that they had received information that I had gone to Vienna, to make peace; had made it, and thereby obtained Mr. Laurens’s liberty, and removed to Holland; and gone over too myself to the Court of St. James’s to be presented to the King of Great Britain. Say! Do I reason like one of the initiated? I am glad they made this discovery, because by this means I am almost out of the scrape; and should have been wholly so, had not an unlucky letter from Mr. Ross been produced, copy of which is inclosed, in which Mr. Ross desires Messrs. Larwood, Van Hasselt and Van Suchtelen “to present them for acceptance to the Hon. John Adams, Esq. representative at present from the United States at your place, or to any of the agents employed by him.”

Probably this may be in payment of the debt to Mr. Morris and Mr. Ross, which you found due to them upon settlement. However, all conjectures are fruitless, as I have no letter of advice or any intimation concerning them. The Bills are drawn by Mr. Hopkinson and countersigned by Mr. Smith, like former ones: They are indorsed by Mr. Ross and have all the appearances of genuineness.

Messrs. Larwood & Co. have agreed to wait until I could write to your excellency to know whether you could pay them, and whether you would choose that I or any other should accept them. If you cannot pay them, they must be protested, for my loan is exactly in the state it was when I had the honor to give your excellency an account of it at Paris. And although the Dutch have beat the English, they do not yet venture to lend money to America.”

Amsterdam, August 18, 1781, wrote to Mr. Jennings:—“The Pou I read nine months ago, with contempt and disgust. I would not have gone through it, if it had not been merely to know that I had read it; as I think it a duty to read every thing which relates to America.

An Engagement there has been, (on the Doggersbank) in the olden style. A good hint this to our enemies. It would bring them to reason, if they were rational creatures.—Parker’s own Account is enough to shew, that the Dutch did their duty: but will not Parker be shot for not doing his?

The Empress of Russia has invited their high mightinesses to the Congress—“Qui doit etre a Vienne.” But what Says the King of England?

I thank you sir for the books on Public Happiness, (by the Marquis de Chattelux,) which I received safe, but have not seen the gentleman who brought them. Have not yet received the books from Ostend. Regards to Mr. Lee.

At the end of this letter is this note: I find that there is not a motion made by an American upon the continent, but what is immediately known in London among certain circles, and bandied about in such a manner, that the ministry know it as well as they.—There is not a paragraph inserted in the London Courant, but what is directly told from what quarter it comes—your name and your neighbors are mentioned.”

Amsterdam, August 18, 1781, wrote to Congress:—“We have received at last Parker’s account of the action with Admiral Zoutman—according to which the battle was maintained with a continual fire for three hours and forty minutes, when it became impossible for him to work his ships. He made an attempt to recommence the action, but found it impracticable. The Bienfaisant had lost her maintopmast, and the Buffalo her mizzen yard; and the other vessels were not less damaged in their masts, rigging and sails. The enemy did not appear in a better condition. The two squadrons remained sometime over against each other. At length the Dutch retired, taking, with their convoy, their course to the Texel. He was not in a condition to follow them. The officers and all on board behaved with great bravery; and the enemy did not discover less courage. He incloses the particulars of the killed and wounded; and of the damages which the vessels have sustained. The last is prudently suppressed by the ministry.

The list of the killed and wounded in the action of the 5th of August, 1781.

killed.wound.total.

Fortitude,206787Bienfaisant, 62127Berwick,185876Princess Amelia,195675Preston,104050Buffalo,206484Dolphin, 113344104339443

The Dutch List is—

killed.wound.total.

Admiral De Ruiter, 4390133Admiral General,74148Batavier,184866Argo,118798Holland,64Admiral Piet Hein,95867476besides Capt. Bentink of the Batavier.”Amsterdam, August 18, 1781, wrote to Mr. Bondfield:—“I have received your favor of August the 7th, with much pleasure, and thank you for the agreeable news it contains. The Dutch have sent off Parker, if you will pardon a very homely expression, with a flea in his ear. There is an end, sir, from this moment of British tyranny upon the sea. (Alas how short sighted!) The heart and spirit of the English navy is certainly broke, and their skill and courage gone. They have lost their courage in finding the other maritime powers have equal skill with themselves.”

What a miserable figure does this letter make in 1810?Sirs,

Amsterdam, August 22, 1781—wrote to congress—“The constitution of this country is such that it is difficult to discover the general sense. There have been, all along, circumstances in which it might be discerned; but these were so feeble and so susceptible of contradiction and disguise; that some extraordinary exertions were necessary to strike out unquestionable proofs of the temper and opinion of the nation. In the spring of this year, the part of this people which was most averse to war, was for making propositions and concessions to England in order to obtain peace. This policy was not only injudicious, but would have been fruitless; because the English would have made peace, upon no other terms, than this nation’s joining them against France, Spain and America, which would have been its ruin. If, nevertheless this party had prevailed, and sent ambassadors to London to solicit peace, the court of St. James’s would have found so many arts and pretences for spinning out the negotiation, and would have obstructed the commerce of Holland so much, as to bring on a discouragement and despair among the people. In these critical circumstances, something uncommon was necessary to arrouse the Nation, and bring forth the public voice. The first step of this kind was the proposition of the United States of America to their High Mightinesses, which being taken ad referendum, became a subject of deliberation in every city of the republic: and the publication of the memorial of the nineteenth of April, which made the American cause, the primary object and main spring of the war, the topic of conversation in every private circle as well as in every public assembly. This memorial gave all parties an opportunity to know with certainty the public opinion. And accordingly such a general and decided approbation was discovered every where, that the few who detested it in their hearts, never dared to open their mouths. Emboldened by this, Mr. Vanberckel came forward with his application to the states for a vindication of his character; and although he has not obtained an answer, yet it has been discovered that his enemies have not been powerful enough, either to condemn or to censure him. Not long afterwards followed the manly proposition of the regency of Amsterdam, for an enquiry into the causes of the inactivity of the state, and in course their direct attack upon the duke of Brunswick.
The American memorial, has not obtained and probably will not obtain for a long time, an acknowledgment of American independence; but it discovered with absolute certainty the sentiments of the nation. Mr. Vanberckel’s petition has not procured him a formal justification: but it has proved that his enemies are too weak to punish or to censure him. The proposition of Amsterdam has not obtained an enquiry into the causes of the sloth of the state, nor the appointment of a committee to assist the prince: but it has occasioned an universal declaration of the people’s sentiments, that the state has been too inactive and the counsels of the court too slow. The application of Amsterdam against the duke has not procured his removal: but it has procured an universal avowal that the public counsels have been defective, a universal cry for an alteration, and has obliged the court to adopt a different system.
When the public counsels of a country have taken a wrong bias, the public voice pronounced with energy, will sometimes correct the error, without any violent remedies. The voice of the people, which had been so often declared, was found by the late sea action, to be so clear, that it has produced many remarkable effects; among which none deserve more attention, than the following declarations of the prince. The first was inserted by order, in the newspapers, in these words.
“As pains are taken to draw the public into an opinion that the vessels of the Meuse (i.e. of Rotterdam) and of Middlebourg (i.e. of Zealand) which at first had orders to join the squadron of the Texel (i.e. only those of Amsterdam) had afterwards received counter orders, as it is given out in some cities, almost in so many words and which are propagated, God knows with what design: it is to us a particular satisfaction to be able to assure the public, after authentic information and even from the supreme authority, that such assertions are destitute of all foundation, and absolutely contrary to the truth: that the orders given and never revoked, but on the contrary repeated more than once, to the vessels of the Meuse, to join the convoy of the Texel, could not be executed, because it did not please Providence to grant a wind, and the other favourable circumstances necessary to this effect: while at the same time with an attack from an English squadron, would not willingly have seen diminished, the number of vessels which lay at that time in their Road. It is nevertheless much to be regretted, that circumstances have not permitted us to render the Dutch squadron sufficiently strong to have obtained over the enemy a victory as useful as it was glorious.”
On the fourteenth of August, the prince wrote the following letter to the crews of the vessels of the state.
Noble, respectable, and virtuous, our faithful and well beloved!
We have learned with the greatest satisfaction, that the squadron of the state, under the command of rear Admiral Zoutman, although weaker by a great deal, in ships, guns and men, than the English squadron of Vice Admiral Parker: has resisted so courageously, on the fifth of this month, his attack, that the English squadron after a most obstinate combat, which lasted from 8 o’clock in the morning to half after eleven, has been obliged to desist and to retire. The heroic courage, with which vice Admiral Zoutman, the captains, officers, petty officers, and common sailors and soldiers, who have had a part in the action, and who under the blessing of God Almighty have so well discharged their duty in this naval combat, merit the praises of all, and our particular approbation. It is for this cause we have thought fit, by the present to write to you, to thank publicly in our name the said vice admiral captains, officers, petty officers and common sailors and soldiers, by reading this letter, on board of each ship, which took part in the action, and whose captains and crews have fought with so much courage and valour, and to transmit by the secretary of the fleet of the state, an authentic copy, as well to the said rear admiral Zoutman, as to the commanders of the ships under his orders, of the conduct of whom, the said rear admiral had reason to be satisfied. Testifying moreover, that we doubt not, that they and all the other officers of the state, and soldiers, on those occasions that may be presented, will give proofs that the state is not destitute of defenders of our dear country and of her liberty, and that the ancient, heroic bravery of the Batavians still exists, and will not be extinguished.
 Whereupon, noble, respectable, virtuous, our faithful and well beloved, we recommend you to the divine protection. Your affectionate friend,
William, Prince of Orange.
By order of his highness,
T. J. De Larrey.
Hague, 14th August, 1781.
Thus although the enemies of England in this republic do not appear to have carried any particular point against the opposite party; yet it appears that they have forced into execution their system, by means of the national voice, and against all the measures of the Anglomanes. The national spirit is now very high; so high, that it will be dangerous to resist it. In time all things must give way to it. This will make a fine diversion, at least for America and her allies. In time, I hope we may derive other advantages from it. But we must wait with patience here, as we are still obliged to do in Spain: and as we were obliged to do in France, where we waited years before we succeeded.”
Amsterdam, August 22, 1781—wrote to congress—“The late glorious victory obtained by admiral Zoutman over admiral Parker, is wholly to be ascribed to the exertions of Amsterdam. Pretences and Excuses would have been devised, for avoiding to send out the fleet, and indeed for avoiding an action when at sea, if it had not been for the measures which have been taken to arouse the attention and animate the zeal of the nation. The officers and the men of the army, and especially of the navy; appear to have been as much affected and inflamed by the proceedings of the regency of Amsterdam as any other parts of the community. Notwithstanding the apparent ill success of the enterprizes of the great city; it is certain that a flame of patriotism and of valour has been enkindled by them, which has already produced great effects, and will probably much greater.
It is highly probable, however, that if the regency of Amsterdam, had taken another course, they would have succeeded better. If, instead of a complaint of sloth in the executive department, and a personal attack upon the duke Louis of Brunswick, they had taken the lead, in a system of public measures, they would have found more zealous supporters, fewer powerful opposers, and perhaps would have seen the ardor of the nation increase with equal rapidity. For example, as an acknowledgment of the sovereignty of the United States of America, was a question legally before them; they might have moved a resolution or as they commonly express it, made a proposition in the states of Holland to acknowledge it by receiving their minister and forming a treaty with them. This measure would have met with general applause among the people throughout the seven provinces, and the example would have been followed by the regencies of other cities—or they might have proposed in the states to acceed to the treaty of alliance between France and America.
However we ought to presume that these gentlemen knew their own countrymen and their true policy better than strangers: and it may be their intention to propose other things in course. It is certain that they have animated the nation to an high degree; so that a seperate peace, or any mean concessions to G. Britain cannot now be made. The good party have the upper hand, and patriotic counsels begin to prevail.”
Amsterdam, August 22, 1781—wrote to Dr. Franklin: “I am desired to inclose the within copies to your excellency; although I doubt not you have received the originals; and although I know not, what may be in your power to do for the relief of Messrs. Curson and Governieur. Their pretended offence is sending warlike stores to America; although the London papers say it was corresponding with me. I never received a line from either of those gentlemen, nor ever wrote to them more than a line, some time last autumn, to request them to send some letters and gazettes to Congress. I have lately looked over those letters and find nothing in them of consequence, except strong warnings to our countrymen, not to expect peace, and some free strictures on the conduct of sir Joseph Yorke towards the republic; for which reasons the British ministry will take care not to publish them.”
Amsterdam, August 24, 1781—received a letter from Dr. Franklin, accompanied with a letter from the president of congress, containing the following commission.
The United States of America, in congress assembled, to all to whom these presents shall come, send Greeting.
Whereas these United States, from a sincere desire of putting an end to the hostilities between his most christian majesty and these United States on the one part, and his Britannic majesty on the other, and of terminating the same by a peace, founded on such solid and equitable principles, as reasonably to promise a permanency of the blessings of tranquility: did heretofore appoint the Hon. John Adams, late a commissioner of the United States of America at the court of Versailles, late delegate in congress, from the state of Massachusetts, and chief justice of the said state, their minister plenipotentiary, with full powers, general and special, to act in that quality, to confer, treat, agree, and conclude with the ambassadors or plenipotentiaries of his most christian majesty and of his Britannic majesty, and those of any other princes or states whom it might concern, relating to the re-establishment of peace and friendship. And whereas the flames of war have since that time been extended, and other nations and states are involved therein: now, know ye, that we still continuing earnestly desirous as far as  depends upon us, to put a stop to the effusion of blood, and to convince the powers of Europe, that we wish for nothing more ardently than to terminate the war, by a safe and honorable peace; have thought proper to renew the powers formerly given to the said John Adams, and to join four other persons in commission with him, and having full confidence in the integrity, prudence and ability of the Hon. Benjamin Franklin, our minister plenipotentiary at the court of Versailles, and the Hon. John Jay, late president of congress, and chief justice of the state of New-York, and our minister plenipotentiary at the court of Madrid, and the Hon. Henry Laurens, formerly president of congress, and commissioned and sent as our agent to the united provinces of the low countries, and the Hon. Thomas Jefferson, governor of the commonwealth of Virginia, have nominated, constituted and appointed, and by these presents do nominate, constitute and appoint the said Benjamin Franklin, John Jay, Henry Laurens, and Thomas Jefferson, in addition to the said John Adams, giving and granting to them, the said John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, John Jay, Henry Laurens and Thomas Jefferson, or the majority of them, or such of them as may assemble, or in the case of the death, absence, indisposition or other impediment of the others, to any one of them, full power and authority, general and special, conjunctly and separately and general and special command to repair to such place as may be fixed upon for opening negotiations for peace, and there for us and in our name, to confer, treat, agree and conclude, with the ambassadors, commissioners and plenipotentiaries of the princes and states whom it may concern, vested with equal powers relating to the establishment of peace; and whatsoever shall be agreed and concluded for us, and in our name to sign, and thereupon make a treaty or treaties, and to transact every thing that may be necessary for completing, securing and strengthening the great work of pacification, in as ample form, and with the same effect as if we were personally present and acted therein; hereby promising in good faith, that we will accept, ratify, fulfil and execute whatever shall be agreed, concluded and signed by our said ministers plenipotentiary or a majority of them, or of such of them as may assemble, or, in case of the death, absence, indisposition or other impediment of the others, by any one of them, and that we will never act, nor suffer any person to act contrary to the same in whole or in part. In witness whereof we have caused these presents to be signed by our president, and sealed with his seal. Done at Philadelphia the fifteenth day of June, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty one, and in the fifth year of our independence, by the United States in congress assembled.
(L.S.) Samuel Huntington, Pres.
Attest, Charles Thompson, Sec’ry.

John Adams.