Title: From John Adams to James Bowdoin, 2 June 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Bowdoin, James

      Sir.
      London June 2. 1786

     Dr. Gordon, Yesterday called upon me, with the Letter which your Excellency did me, the Honour to write me, on the 10th. of April— I have long since transmitted to Congress, the Answer of the Board of Admiralty to the Representations relative to the Conduct of Capt. Stanhope, in which the Letters of that officers are disapproved,
     The Representations of the Encroachments on the territory of the United States, have been laid before the British Ministry: but I presume, they will, like many others be little attended to.— in short Sir, I must be so free as to say to you, that by every thing I have seen & heard in this Country, nothing of any material Consequence will ever be done, while there remains in force, a Law of any one State impeding the recovery of bona fide Debts contracted before the 30th. of Novr. 1782 or inconsistant with the Article of the Treaty of Peace respecting the tories—
     It is very true that mitchels Map, governed the American & British Plenipotintiories, in settling the Line between the two Nations. There is upon that Map but one River, which is marked with the Name of St. Croix, and that was the object undoubtedly fixed upon.
     There is no river upon that Map that I remember marked with the Name of schooduck or Megacadava next to the great river St. Johns, proceeding west ward upon that Map, is a little River inscribed Mechior R. next to that is another stream running between the

Words Carriage Harbour, next to that we come to a larger River, running from Kousaki L. into the Bay of Passimaquaddi and inscribed with the name of R. St. Croix next to that still proceeding Westward is Passamaquade R. But that inscribed R. St. Croix running from the sea, or what I call Passamaquaddi Bay, up to the Kousaki L. was marked with the Pencil for the Boundary— It is impossible for me to Say more— if the true St Croix cannot be discovered by these marks, there is no remedy, but by an Ulterior Agreement, or the Law of the Strongest— It is astonishing that to this hour, no man can produce a Map of all the Bay’s Harbours, Islands, & Rivers in that neighbourhood, that can be depended on, If the Ministry will meet me, in a fair discussion of the Question, or in any of the Methods pointed out to me by my superiors for a Settlement, I shall be glad, they have it under Consideration, & as soon as they give me an answer, I shall transmit it to Congress— but as they dont love pains & trouble as well as you & I do, I fear they will leave it all to sir Guy Carleton, who is no more of a friend to the United states, than any other British Knight and will be guided by the Royalists more than by Maps or Surveys. Why any of my Countrymen should choose to give to these Royalists so much Importance as they do, I know not, We should recollect that all Parties in this Country are pledged to support them, & Party faith is a stronger tye than national Faith—
     The paper relative to Alexr. Gross of Truro, I must transmit to mr. Jefferson, it being in his Department. I may nevertheless, previously communicate it to the Comte D’Adhemar, & request his friendly offices in the Matter
     Your

      J. A—


Title: From John Adams to Samuel Williams, 3 June 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Williams, Samuel

      Sir
      London June 3. 1786

     I am much obliged to you for your Letter of the 9. of April. The Memoirs of the Accademy of Arts and Sciences, Shall be sent to sir Joseph Banks, and the other Packet to Manheim.
     I am much more at ease in my own Mind to have my sons with you, than I should be to have them here with me, or at any other University. and nothing can give me more Satisfaction than to hear, that they behave with Propriety.
     Dr Gordons Voyage to England, and his Intention of remaining here, have probably diminished the Number of Subscribers in America, and I much doubt whether he will meet that Encouragement in Europe which he expects.
     Nobody thrives, no Book will sell in this Country, unless it is encouraged by the Court, and the Drs History be it what it may, will never be cherrished there. The Court and the Nation would be glad to have the whole story blotted out of Memory.— There is a general Disposition to prevent every American Work, and Character, from acquiring Celebration.— Every Thing American is so unpopular, that even Printers and Booksellers are afraid of disobliging their Customers, by having any Thing to do with it.— Nothing of the Kind will sell in Prose or Verse.— I am Sorry to Say that it appears to me the Seperation between the two Nations must and will be final and perpetual in Affection as well as in Laws. This, which is false Policy in this Country, will be ultimately it’s destruction, and make it a Signal Example to the World. It is a Pitty that because a People has been divided in halves, that the two Parts Should be destined to be forever Rivals and Ennemies at heart, and I cannot Say that our own Countrymen, have in all Things acted a rational Part. Yet I do think it has been and is in the Power of this Cabinet, to restore a real Friendship between the two Peoples. But I think now there is very little Chance of it because those very Men who acquired their

Fame, Popularity and Power by professing friendship to Us are now at least as bitter against Us as the others.
     All this however should not prevent Us from doing our Duty, in all points. We shall find our Interest in it at last.
     With great Respect and Esteem / I have the Honour to be, sir, your / most obedient and humble servant

      John Adams


Title: From John Adams to John Jay, 6 June 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Jay, John

      Dear Sir
      Grosvenor Square June 6. 1786

     I do myself the Honour to enclose Papers, relative to affrican Affairs, altho Mr Jefferson has transmitted them before, as it is possible his Conveyance may fail.
     The Intelligence all tends to confirm what has been more than once written to you before, that two or three hundred Thousand Pounds Sterling, will be necessary to obtain a perpetual Peace.— It is very clear, that a Peace would be worth more than that Sum annually, if you compute Insurance, and the Levant, Mediterranean, Portuguese & Spanish Trade.
     If Congress should be empowered to lay on Taxes upon Navigation and Commerce or any Thing else to pay the Interest of the Money borrowed in Europe You may borrow what you will.— if that is not done, The servants abroad had better be all recalled, and our Exports and Imports all Surrendered to foreign bottoms.
     Inclosed is a Bill now pending. The System of this Country is quite settled.— It is with our States to unsettle it, by Acts of Retaliation, or to acquiesce in it, as they judge for their own Good.
     With great Regard, I have the / Honour to be sir your most obedient / and most humble servant

      John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Jefferson, 6 June 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Jefferson, Thomas

      Dear Sir
      Grosvenor Square June 6. 1786

     Yesterday I received your Favour of 30. May with its Inclosures. You have Since that day no doubt received my Answer to yours of the 11th., in which I agreed perfectly with You in the Propriety of Sending Mr Lamb to Congress without Loss of time. I am content to Send Mr Randal with him but had rather he Should come to You first and then to me, and embark in London after We shall have had Opportunity from his Conversation to learn as much as We can.
     The Comte de Vergennes is undoubtedly right in his Judgment that Avarice and Fear are the only Agents at Algiers, and that We shall not have Peace with them the cheaper, for having a Treaty with the Sublime Porte. But is he certain We can ever at any Price have Peace, with Algiers, unless We have it previously with Constantinople? and do not the Turks from Constantinople, Send Rovers into the Mediterranean? and would not even Treaties of Peace with Tunis, Tripoli, Algiers and Morocco be ineffectual for the Security of our Mediterranean Trade, without a Peace with the Porte? The Porte is at present the Theater of the Politicks of Europe? and commercial Information might be obtained there.
     The first Question is, what will it cost Us to make Peace with all five of them? Set it if you will at five hundred Thousand Pounds Sterling, tho I doubt not it might be done for Three or perhaps for two.
     The Second Question is, what Damage Shall We Suffer, if We do not treat.
     compute Six or Eight Per Cent Insurance upon all your Exports, and Imports.

     compute the total Loss of all the Mediterranean and Levant Trade
     compute the Loss of half Your Trade to Portugal and Spain.
     These computations will amount to more than half a Million sterling a Year.
     The third Question is what will it cost to fight them? I answer, at least half a Million sterling a Year, without protecting your Trade and when You leave off fighting you must pay as much Money as it would cost you now for Peace.
     The Interest of five Mill half a Million Sterling is, even at Six Per Cent, Thirty Thousand Guineas a Year.— for an Annual Interest of 30,000£. st. then and perhaps for 15,000, or 10,000 We can have Peace, when a War would Sink Us annually ten times as much.—
     But for Gods sake dont let Us amuze our Countrymen with any further Projects of Sounding. We know all about it, as much ever We can know, untill We have the Money to offer. We know if We Send an Ambassador to Constantinople, he must give Presents. How much, the Comte de Vergennes can tell you better than any Man in Europe.
     We are fundamentally wrong. The first Thing to be done is for Congress to have a Revenue. Taxes Duties must be laid on by Congress or the Assemblies and Appropriated to the Payment of Interest. The Moment this is done We may borrow a Sum adequate to all our Necessities. if it is not done in my Opinion you & I as well as every other Servant of the United states in Europe ought to go home, give up All Points, and let all our Exports & Imports be done in European Bottoms. My Ind[ig]nation is roused beyond all Patience to see the P[eople] in all the United states in a Torpor, and see them a Prey to every Robber, Pirate and Cheat in Europe. Jews and Judaizing Christians are now Scheeming to buy up all our Continental Notes at two or three shillings in a Pound, in order to oblige Us to pay them at twenty shillings a Pound. This will be richer Plunder than that of Algerines or Loyds Coffee House. My dear friend Adieu

      John Adams


Title: Thomas Barclay to the American Commissioners, 10 June 1786
From: Barclay, Thomas
To: American Commissioners

      Gentlemen
      Mogadore 10th. June 1786

     I arrived here after an agreeable Passage of Five days and was very well received by the Governor, & by the People who seem pleased to see Persons from a Country at so great a distance come to compliment their Sovereign; As the Governor had no orders concerning our going forward, I was obliged to send a Courier to Morocco to demand that Permission, and at the same time wrote to Mr. Chiappi of that Place, desiring him to lay my Request before the King, that no greater Guard might be sent here, than would be sufficient to render the road safe & the Journey comfortable. To this Letter an answer was returned the Day before yesterday, that the King desired I might depend on a most gracious Reception, & Yesterday the Governor of Morocco with thirty Soldiers arrived here to conduct us to Court. His Majesty wrote to the Governor of Mogadore to furnish me with every thing I want, & to send me from hence satisfied, and has given orders at two places on the Road that we may be furnished with his own Mules. The Governor of Mogadore was so polite as to request I would return on board the Vessel to give him an Opportunity of receiving us at the Head of his Soldiers, & has since proposed making an Entertainment in the Country, but I declined both Offers on Account of the Parade and of the unavoidable expence that would have attended them. It is in vain to be troubling you at present with any Opinion about the probability of our Success, which indeed I think somewhat uncertain, there are some prejudices to be obviated and one Matter of Moment stands in the way. We have fixed on the Day after tomorrow for our departure and I shall as soon as possible have the pleasure of addressing

you from Morocco. In the mean time I am with the greatest esteem & Respect, / Gentlemen, / Your most obt. humble servt.

      Thos Barclay


Title: From John Adams to Rufus King, 14 June 1786
From: Adams, John
To: King, Rufus

      Dear Sir
      London June 14. 1786

     I had heard Sometime ago, of your Marriage with the amiable Daughter of my old Friend, Mr Alsop, as well as of that of Mr Gerry, and of both with the more Pleasure, probably as a good Work of the Same kind, for connecting Massachusetts and New York in the Bands of Love was going on here. Last Sunday under the Right Reverend Sanction of the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of st

Asaph were married Mr Smith and Miss Adams. It will be unnatural if fœderal Purposes are not answered by all these Intermarriages.
     In Answer to Mr Alsops Question, I have no difficulty in answering, that by Law, and Treaty, a Refugee, ought to be compellable by Proscess in the British Courts to pay a Debt due to an American Citizen, antecedent to the late War, and this without any Regard to or Enquiry concerning his Estate or his other Debts in America. a great Cry and Uproar, nevertheless would no doubt in such Case be excited, and the Courts would probably, Suspend and prolong the Proscess. There will never be an End of Questions and Chicane, untill the States repeal all the Laws which impede the Recovery of old Debts in America.
     I perceive that according to the Ideas of some, I am Sent here to make a new Treaty of Peace, the old one not being agreable to some Gentlemen who were in debt before the War. This I shall never be able to do. The Treaty as it was was too generally condemned here as too beneficial to Us, and the least mention of it, Setts too great Multitudes in a flame for Ministers to touch it.— The Ablest Minister this nation has living, and the Man of the most Influence fell a Sacrifice to it, and it became immediately an Object of So much Delicacy, that the Utmost Exertions of your Ministers, as Mr Jay and Dr Franklin very well know, could not obtain in nine months the Alteration of a Word of it, in the definitive Treaty. It is not likely then that the present young Minister, will venture on so hazardous a Step.
     The affair of Interest generally I Suppose depended upon the Usage and the Understanding of the Parties. But neither Custom nor the Understanding of the Parties, ever comprehended the Case that has happened. it never was Supposed that England would throw us out of their Protection, and make it not only criminal but impossible to trade with her subjects and pay their Demands. And therefore a Jury I think will not give the Interest, during the War. But a Jury is the only Tribunal to which an Appeal may be made, consistently with the Treaty.
     We shall talk forever in vain, My Friend, about the Dignity of our Country, and Fœderal systems, if the Feelings of our Countrymen are not more Sensibly affected, at the sound of those Sacred Words “Public Faith.”— If the Faith of the Nation cannot be depended on, like the Laws of Nature it will never be respected nor confided in at home nor abroad. If the People cannot be convinced of the

indispensible Importance and Necessity of this Principle, all must be given up to the Guidance of Chance & Accident, factious rage, insidious selfishness and delirious Enthusiasm
     With much Esteem, Dear sir, I have the Honour / to be, your most obedient & most / humble servant

      John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to John Jay, 16 June 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Jay, John

      Dr Sir
      Grosvenor Square June 16. 1786

     Two days ago, I was honoured with your Letter of the 4. of May, in which another of the first of the same month is referr’d to, and as I hear there is a Passenger expected from the Packet, I hope to receive it from him when he arrives in town.
     Lord Carmarthen told me Yesterday, “that he had Letters from Mr Anstey, mentioning his civil reception: his Lordship Said, too, that a Minister Plenipotentiary would certainly be Sent to Congress: that it was not from any Coldness or Want of Respect to the United States that it had not been already done; but merely from the difficulty of finding a proper Person: that he had received many Applications, but they had been generally from Persons who he was Sure would not be agreable in America: and in Some Instances from Persons more Suitable for a Place in the Customs, than in the Corps Diplomatique.”
     A long Conversation ensued upon the Subject of the Posts Debts &c little of which being new is worth repeating. The Policy of giving up the Interest during the War, and of agreeing to a Plan of Payment by Installments, was again insisted on, from various considerations, particularly from the evident Injustice of demanding Interest for that Period. it was urged that the Claim of Interest in most Cases was grounded upon Custom, and the mutual Understanding of the Parties: but that it never had been the Custom, nor had it ever been Understood or foreseen, that an Act of Parliament Should be passed, casting the American Debtor out of the Protection of the Crown, cutting off all Correspondence and rendering all Intercourse

criminal; for that was the Result and the legal Construction during the whole War. Here his Lordship fully agreed with me and even outwent me, Saying that “it was very true that by construction of the Law of this Land, it was High Treason in a Creditor in Great Britain to receive a Remittance, from his Debtor in America during the War. His Lordship added Some Slight Expressions concerning the Interest and wished that the Courts were opened for recovering the Principal. We might leave the Interest for an After Consideration. in Short they waited only for Some Appearance of a disposition.” The Answer to my Memorial of 30. Nov. contained their true Intentions. They Sincerely meant to fullfill “every Engagement, whenever they Saw a Disposition on our Part.” These Expressions you see are somewhat oracular, but they conveyed so much meaning to me that I will no longer hesitate to recommend to Congress to take up this matter and decide it at once. it would be going too far to point out the Mode. but it may be Suggested, whether it is not expedient for Congress to require of all the States who have made Laws irreconcileable to the Treaty, immediately to repeal them. declaring at the Sametime, that Interest upon Book Debts and Simple Contracts during the War, cannot be considered as any Part of the Bona Fide Debts intended in the Treaty. as to Specialties, there may be in Some Cases more Difficulty. Yet I dont See but the Same Reasoning is applicable to all. The legal Contract was dissolved by throwing Us out of the Protection of the Crown and our Subsequent Assumption of Independence, and had no Existence untill revived by Treaty, private honour and Conscience are out of this Question. those who think themselves bound by these Ties, will do as they please. but I believe under all the Circumstances, few Persons even of the most delicate sentiments will be Scrupulous. if Such a Declaration should be made by Congress, Candour will require that it Should extend to both sides, to the British and Refugee Debtor to American Creditors as well as Vice Versa.
     If Congress Should choose to avoid involving themselves in Such a Declaration, it would not be proper for individual States to do it; and in this Case, I humbly conceive the Laws ought to be repealed, and the Question left to Judges and Juries, who upon the Strictest Construction of Law Equity and the Treaty may in my opinion in most Cases if not in all, deny the Interest during the War to the Creditor. in some of these Ways relief must be had, or in none, for the Ministry here will never intermeddle in the Business.

     If any one Should ask what was the Intention of the Contracting Parties at the Treaty? The Answer must be, the Treaty itself must determine, and any one who reads it may judge as well as one of the Plenipotentiaries. The Word “heretofore,” was not used in Preference to the Words “before the War,” with any View to the Interest but to comprehend Debts which had been contracted during the War.— The Intention was, no doubt, that whatever Judges and Juries Should find to be a Debt, should be recovered. and I believe that any Man acting in the Character of either, will find it difficult to Say upon his Oath, that Interest during the War, is bona fide due.— did any Debtor, forseeing the War, contract a Debt, and pledge his Faith to pay Interest during the Continuance of it? Let this be proved and a Judge or Juror would compell Payment. But probably there is not one such Case.— The War may be considered as one of those Accidents, bona fide not expected or foreseen, against which Equity will always give Relief.
     With great and Sincere / Esteem I have the Honour to be, sir / your most obedient and most / humble servant

      John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Jefferson, 16 June 1786
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Adams, John

      Dear Sir
      Paris June 16. 1786.

     I inclose you the copy of a letter received from mr̃ Barclay dated Cadiz May 23. by which you will perceive he was still on this side the Mediterranean. has mr̃ Lamb written to you? I hear nothing from him nor of him, since mr̃ Carmichael’s information of his arrival in Spain. mr̃ Randall gave reason to expect that himself would come on. yet neither himself nor any letters from him arrive. perhaps they find conveyances for reporting to you the causes of their delay. I am anxious also to receive your opinion what is best to be done.
     The Swedish Ambassador asked me some time ago to give him in writing my thoughts on the best method of rendering the island of St. Bartholomew useful in the commerce between Sweden & the U.S. he afterwards pressed this on me every time I saw him till I was obliged to do it. I gave it as my opinion that to render that island most instrumental to the commerce of Sweden & the U.S. and also most useful to Sweden in every other point of view, it should be made a free port without a single restriction. as he had pressed this matter so much, I suspected his court might have instructed him to do it, and might also direct their minister at London to get your opinion on the same point. this latter possibility induced me to trouble you with information of what had passed here.
     I observe in the Leyden gazette of June 2. the extract of a letter dated Algiers Apr. 15. which says that on the 10th. of April an American vessel the Clementina captain Palmer from Philadelphia was carried in there by a cruiser. there being other circumstances mentioned in the same letter relative to our affairs which I know to be true, I am afraid this capture is also true.
     The king sets out on the 21st. inst. for Cherburg in order to animate by his notice the operations going on there. the Count d’Artois has lately been there. this is an astonishing effort of human industry. it is believed it will be among the best ports in the world & will contain the whole navy of France. those threats of invasion on England heretofore made, may become real in a future war, besides the bridle which this fixes in the mouth of the Thames.
     Present me affectionately to mr̃s & miss Adams, assuring them of my friendly & respectful remembrance of them, & how much I

regret that I am not of their party in visiting the gardens this summer; and accept yourself assurances of the esteem & regard with which I have the honor to be Dear Sir / Your most obedient humble servt

      Th: Jefferson


Title: To John Adams from the Marquis de Lafayette, 16 June 1786
From: Lafayette, Marie-Joseph-Paul-Yves-Roch-Gilbert du Motier, marquis de
To: Adams, John

      My dear Sir
      Paris june the 16th 1786

     This letter is Going by a private Hand, and While I am Reminding You of one of Your Sincerest friends, I am Happy in this Opportunity to Converse with You on some Objects of a Public Nature
     The Committee for American Commerce Has Met Some times, when I Have Endeavoured to Carry down the farm Generale— there I fought Unsupported, so Great is the influence of that Body, and altho’ I proved that We Would do Better Without them, than With them, and that the King’s Revenüe Should Encrease, While the price of Snuf was decreasing, Yet I lost the Battle, and Wished at least to Make a Handsome Retreat. there I was Countenanced By Many, Count de Vergennes Among them, who disapprouved of the Way of doing Business now adopted By messieurs of the farm— A

Contract with Mr̃ Moriss is Existing which furnishes the Whole Consumption at a High price, and Has Greatly Reduced the Valüe of that Commodity— the Bargain is preserved with A very formal Resolution Never More to Enter into Monopolizing Contracts, and in the Mean while the farmer Generals will take Annually from twelve to fifteen Hgshds of American tobacco, Coming from an American port on American or french Vessels, on the Same Conditions with that of mr̃ Moriss While the Contract lasts. as I went immediately after into the Country, You will Have been Acquainted with this By mr̃ jefferson
     in the Month of july, the Committee are to Meet Again, and I Hope the important Affair of Whale oil will be taken in Consideration— a Cargoe of timber, Shipped By mr̃ tracy, is Now at Brest, and a Very proper letter Has Been, I am Assured, writen By the Minister of the Navy— How far it Will Conquer Riga prejudices, I do not Yet know
     it Seems, My dear Sir, that lord George Gordon Has Been let loose Upon You— But the Gentleman is so wild, that it Very little Matters what He does— Your difficulties with that Ministry are of a More Serious Nature— I Confess I thought Great Britain Would act More Wisely— those people are Very Backward in American Concerns, Excepting when they Can Blacken the National Character— I am Happy to Hear the people at large are about taking fœderal Measures.— Virginia Has Begun Appointing Commissionners—and I Hope Congress will Have those powers that are Necessary to Give Energy to the Confederation, without Encroaching on those Rights which it is proper to leave within States so far distant, and so differently Circumstanced.
     Actuated By a desire of fœderal Measures, By the feelings I Have too often experienced while I Heard the situation of America so Much Mistaken, and By a sense of pride that Makes me wish to See the United states disdain to Walk the Beaten and Common path, I Confess I would like a Manly opposition to those Algerine Rascals— I am told they May Be Blocked up—and from mr̃ jefferson you Have Received particulars about it— Should Naples and portugal join, and What I would prefer, Give their Quotas in Monney, a Summer Blockade and Winter Cruize Might take place— Had You Any time to Spare, I Beg You Will let me know Your Sentiments which I know to be more favourable to a Negotiation— perhaps am I led too far By My Passions—But However Must Be less so, than if a land operation Could take place

     Should Some thing Be tried with the Court of Naples, and an American Gentleman Was sent there don’t You think our friend Mazzey to Be a Very proper Person?— He is Honest, Sensible, and Speacks the language—and in Case Some Commission Chargé d’affaires to italy was ever sent, He would I think answer the purpose— How far Congress may turn their Views towards that Country, I am not to determine.
     this letter is writen in Hurry, as I am to Send it to mr̃ jefferson without delay— I Beg You will present My Affectionate Respects to Mr̃s and Miss adams to whom Md̃e de lafayette and family Beg to be Remembered, as well as to Yourself and clel Smith whom I Beg to Receive My Most friendly Compliments— with Hearty and Ever lasting Sentiments of Attachement and Respect I Have the Honour to Be / My dear Sir / Your obedient Humble / Servant

      Lafayette


Title: To John Adams from Philip Mazzei, 17 June 1786
From: Mazzei, Philip
To: Adams, John

      Dear Sir,
      Paris 17. June 1786.

     I received in due time, from the Count of Sarcefield, the letter you honored me with, dated 20. ulto. According to your obliging direction, I have perused Hutchinson’s compilation, which the Count had of you & has been so good as to lend me. I have likewise perused Douglass’s, which I have borrowed of Mr. Jefferson. I cannot find in any one of them, that “les sauvages devoient être dépouillés de toutes les terres qu’ils ne cultiveroient pas” as Raynal says p. 449; nor what he says p. 461. about children “On immole des enfans de dix ans.” The injurious resolution, against the Indians, was taken by the People, according to him, in the year 1630; & the horrible sentence, against children 10. years old, was executed at the time when witchcraft was in fashion.
     A gentleman from Boston (Mr. Appleton) promised me to read with attention, in Raynal, the history of New-England, & to send me his observations, to help me in my confutation of his errors. Your time is precious, I Know, & I would not presume to desire of you to take any part of it from more important objects; but I hope that, without the least hindrance to them, you can & will please (whenever you see Mr. Appleton) desire of him in my name to performe his promise, as also to desire our good, noble, & worthy Friend Col. Smith, to send me his observations, on the same Author, abt. New-York & New-Jersey. I would be very glad to be informed of the truth or falsity of the 2. above-mentioned facts. I beg you will excuse the liberty I take of troubling you, Sir; that you will please to present my most respectful & sincere compliments to your most valuable Lady, & that will ever believe me a true wellwisher of your good Family, & most sincerely & respectfully, / Dear Sir, / Your Excellency’s most Humble, / & most Obedient Servant,

      Philip Mazzei


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Jefferson, 23 June 1786
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Adams, John

      Dear Sir
      Paris June 23. 1786.

     I hear of a conveyance which allows me but a moment to write to you. I inclose a copy of a letter from mr̃ Lamb. I have written both to him & mr̃ Randall agreeable to what we had jointly thought best. the Courier de l’Europe gives us strange news of armies marching from the U.S. to take the posts from the English. I have received no public letters & not above one or two private ones from America since I had the pleasure of seeing you, so I am in the dark as to all these matters. I have only time left to address heaven with my good wishes for mr̃s Adams & miss Adams, & to assure you of the sincere esteem with which I have the honour to be Dear Sir / Your most obedt. / & most humble sert

      Th: Jefferson


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Jefferson, 25 June 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Jefferson, Thomas

      Dear Sir
      London June 25. 1786

     last night I received yours of the 16.— Mr Lamb has not written to me. Mr Randal I have expected every day, for a long time. but have nothing from him, but what you transmitted me. my opinion of what is best to be done, which you desire to know is, that Mr Lamb be desired to embark immediately for New York, and make his Report to Congress and render his Account, and that Mr Randal be desired to come to You first and then to me, unless you think it better for him to embark with Lamb. It would be imprudent in Us, as it appears to me to incurr any further Expence, by sending to Constantinople, or to Algiers, Tunis or Tripoli. it will be only So much Cash thrown away, and worse, because it will only increase our Embarrassments make Us and our Country ridiculous, and irritate the Appetite of those Barbarians already too greedy.— I have no News of the Clementine Captain Palmer.
     The Sweedish Minister here, has never asked me any Question concerning the Island of St Bartholomew.— I Suspect there are not many confidential Communications made to him, from his Court; he has been here 20 or 30 Years and has married an English Lady, and is a Fellow of the Royal Society. From these Circumstances he

may be thought to be too well with the English. This is merely conjecture. Your Advice was the best that could be given.
     The Kings Visit to Cherbourg will have a great Effect, upon a Nation whose Ruling Passion is a Love of their Sovereign, and the Harbour may and will be of Importance.— But the Expectation of an Invasion will do more than a Real one.
     Mrs Adams and Mrs Smith, have taken a Tour to Portsmouth We took Paines Hill in our Way out, and Windsor, in our Return: but the Country in general disappointed Us.— from Guilford to Portsmouth is an immense Heath. We wished for your Company, which would have added greatly to the Pleasure of the Journey. Pray have you visited the Gardens in France? how do you find them? equal to the English?
     with great Regard I am, dear sir your / Friend & humble sert

      John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Edward Augustus Holyoke, 26 June 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Holyoke, Edward Augustus

      Sir—
      June 26, 1786—

     About the time of the proposition of a Correspondence between your society and the Royal society of Medicine at Paris, I made a similar overture to the Royal Accademy of Chirurgery, & met with a reception equally encouraging, but having never received from Mr. Louis the Perpetual secretary, any thing in writing I supposed it was forgotten or neglected— it is but a few Day’s since the inclosed

extract from the registres of the Royal Accademy of Chirurgery was sent to me from Paris, and I embrace the first oppertunity of doing myself the honor of transmitting it to you, to be laid before the medical society of which you are President—
     Yours

      J. A—


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Jefferson, 26 June 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Jefferson, Thomas

      Dear sir
      Grosvenor Square June 26. 1786

     Sometime Since I received from Gov. Bowdoin some Papers relating to Alexander Gross, with an earnest desire that I would communicate them to the French Ambassador here. I did so and his Excellency was so good as to transmit them to the Comte De Vergennes.— Mr Bartholomy however advised me to write to you upon the Subject, that you might prevent it from being forgotten.
     inclosed is a Letter, which I received Yesterday from Griffin Green at Rotterdam, with a Paper inclosed dated Dunkirk 15. June. 1786. relating to this unhappy Man. What can be done for his Relief I know not. Neither the Ransom Money nor the other Charges I Suppose can ever be paid. for Government never is expected to redeem Such Hostages and his Relations are not able. If this is the Truth as I Suppose it is, it would be better for the French Government and for the Persons interested, to set him at Liberty, than to keep him a Prisoner at Expence.
     Let me pray you to minute this affair among your Memorandums to talk of, with the Comte De Vergennes & Mr Rayneval, when you are at Versailles.— They will shew you the Papers, which have been transmitted them through the Comte D’Adhemar.
     I wrote you on the 23d. of May ulto—and on the 6th. inst.—which Letters I hope you have received.
     yours

      John Adams


Title: From John Adams to the Marquis de Lafayette, 26 June 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Lafayette, Marie-Joseph-Paul-Yves-Roch-Gilbert du Motier, marquis de

      My dear Marquis—
      London June 26, 1786—

     I am much obliged to you for your kind Letter of the 16th. I most heartily wish you success in your endeavours to introduce a benificial Commerce in Tobacco, oil, Timber & all other things, between the U.S. & France,
     Ld. G. G.’s attack was easily repulsed, The Ministry will not be so easily managed, in one word, I will let you into the whole secret, They think, that whatever wealth or Power may be possessed by the U.S. in Case of another war it will be all thrown into the scale of France, spain & Holland against them— They therefore dread the Growth of our Power, as much as they do that of the house of Bourbon— all their Arts, however cannot prevent our Growth, & their follies will cause the very event they fear, They scarcely leave us a Possibility of Neutrality, & if they were not fools, they would know that if we take a side at all, it will be & ought to be against them
     I confess I am sorry, that a Convention is to take Place because Congress would have done as well, at a less Expence & in a shorter time—
     I am in favour of a Negotiation with the Turks, & averse to all proposals of blocking them up fighting them & to all other speculations which may divert the Minds of our People, from the Policy of making immediate & perpetual treaties of Peace with them— My Reason are—The Damage to our affairs, arising from their Hostilities, is infinite—
     Insurance upon 3.000.000 of exports at 6. pr. Cent.
     Do— at Do— Do— imports at Do—
     Vessells & Cargoes Captured—
     Prisoners to be redeemed at 1500 Doll. pr. head
     Loss of all the Mediterranean & Levant trades.
     Do. & interruption of Trade to spain & Portugal
     Expence of Building & Equipping six & 8. frigates
     expence of maintaining them— Compute these Articles & You will find they will cost you a Million sterling every Year—
     On the other hand treaties of perpetual Peace may be had with them all for 3,00000£— Nay supposing in addition to this you should be obliged to give them annually 60.000 pr. annn. which is more than is given them by France or England— Cast up your account & strike your Ballance, & you will find it immense in favour of Negotiation—

     2d. A War with them will only enhance their demands
     3d. The Southern States will never agree to fight them because the ships & seamen must all be supplied from the states to the Northward of Maryland—
     From these Reasons I am alway’s mortified to hear Projects of War with the Algerines, because they appear to me to have a tendency to divert the Minds of our fellow Citizens from what is practicable & politick, to what is impracticable & unwise—
     I would not give a farthing for all the assistance that could be afforded us by Portugal & Naples—
     When we know it is easy to have peace for a small sum of money, it is very imprudent to think of War, I confine this Maxim however to the Turks, comprehending under that Term 5 Nations—
     with other Nations I would fight for Liberty, for Right, for Glory— at any Expence of Money, But when all the great Powers of Europe, encourage these Pirates & when they are manifestly stimulating them against us, & piquing our honour & spirit to fight them, from the most base and selfish & Malicious Motives, I am for outwitting these knowing ones— I hope we are too old to be taken in the Snare— The Glory of Wit & Wisdom is a prescious as that of Valour & Arms, & I would never submit to the Ignominy of being out generalled in Politicks, if I could help it, any more than in War—
     My family desire their Respects to Yours— A Marriage has taken place in it, which I suppose will not surprize you as you probably was apprized of the Intentions of the Parties I wont take another sheet for the Name of your friend

      J. A—


Title: From John Adams to Philip Mazzei, 26 June 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Mazzei, Philip

      Dr Sir
      London June 26. 1786

     The insinuation of the Abby Raynal, mentioned in your Letter of the 17th.—that “the Savages were to be dispossessed of Lands, which they would not cultivate,” is injurious.
     The first Settlers of New England, as well as of the other Parts of America, were Scrupulous to purchase the Title of the Indians, wherever they planted. In a Course of many Years practice in the

Courts of Law, I have had a great opportunity of knowing this Fact. There is Scarcly a Suit concerning Land, in which the Titles and Pretensions are not traced back to Indian Deeds.
     The “Immolation of Children of ten Years old,” is a Fiction of some Brain or other. The Abby I suppose, found it in some Newspaper Pamphlet or other Repository of political Lyes. He could have no Motive to adopt it, if he had not Supposed it to be true; but any Person in the least acquainted with the true History of the Country, would have corrected it.
     I have not yet Seen Mr Appleton: when I do, I will remind him of his Promise to You.— I am, very respectfully, Sir / your most obedient

      John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from David Griffith, 26 June 1786
From: Griffith, David
To: Adams, John

      Sir,
      Philadelphia 26th. June 1786

     The General Convention of the Protestant Episcopal Church acknowledge themselves greatly obliged to your Excellency, for your kind attention to their religious concerns, in forwarding their endeavours to obtain Consecration for Bishops, and such a succession in the Orders of her Ministry as is most conformable to their Principles, and agreeable to their wishes.
     Having instructions, from the Convention, to transmit, to your Excellency, their Vote of thanks, I do myself the hoñor, now, to inclose it.
     With the greatest respect for your Character, both private and publick, I have the hoñor to be, Your Excellency’s, most humble / and Obedient Servt.

      David Griffith, Prest.

     ENCLOSURE

      June 24th. 1786

     In Convention
     Resolved that the Thanks of this Convention be given to his Excellency John Adams Esqr. Minister Plenipotentiary at the Court of

Great Britain, for his kind attention to the concerns of this Church, and that the President be desired to transmit the same.
     Extract from the Minutes

      Fras. Hopkinson Secry.


Title: Thomas Barclay to the American Commissioners, 26 June 1786
From: Barclay, Thomas
To: American Commissioners

      Gentlemen
      Morocco 26th. June 1786

     This day week we arrived here, since which I have had two audiences from His Majesty, the first a public one & the second a private one of yesterday. It is but a few minutes since I heard that a Courrier will depart this Evening for Daralbeyda, & I have not time to enter into particulars. It will be agreable however for you to know, that the last draught of the Treaty is made, & will probably be signed in a few days, & that our stay here will not exceed that of a week from this time. I believe you will be satisfied on the whole, as there is only one article more I could wish to see inserted, & that I really think, in all human probability will never prove of the least Consequence.
     I shall proceed to Tangiers and take an early Opportunity of sending you a more detailed account of my proceedings; In the mean time I recommend your transmitting as soon as possible, through Mr. Carmichael The Powers to treat with Tunis & Tripoli, & (if Mr. Lamb has declined all further concern) for Algiers. If you had a Treaty with the Porte I flatter myself the rest would follow, & at all Events Tunis & Tripoli should be invited to our friendship.—
     There is a young man now under my Care, who has been a Slave some time with the Arabs in the Desart, his Name is James Mercier, born at the Town of Suffolk Nansimond County Verginia. The King sent him after the first Audience, & I shall take him to Spain. I have not time to add, but that I am Gentlemen / Your most obedient, / humble Servant,

      Thos Barclay


Title: From John Adams to John Jay, 27 June 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Jay, John

      Sir
      London June 27. 1786

     I have received the Letter you did me, the Honour to write me, on the 1st. of May; and the Pleasure of Congress Signified in it, Shall be Strictly observed. You will perceive by my Letter of the 4th. of March, that it was my Determination to make no Reply to his Lordships Answer of the 28th. of Feb. to the Memorial of the 30 of November, untill I should receive the Orders of Congress. As We hear that the Vessell which carried out that Dispatch, Sprung a Leak at Sea, put into Lisbon and did not Sail from thence till late in April, I do myself the Honour to inclose a Duplicate, of Lord Carmarthens Letter of 28. Feb. and of the Representations of the Merchants inclosed in it.
     With great Respect I have the Honour to be / Sir your most obedient and most / humble servant

      John Adams.


Title: Sidi Haj Tahar Ben Abdulhaq Fennish to the American Commissioners, [28 June 1786]
From: Fennish, Sidi Haj Tahar Ben Abdulhaq
To: American Commissioners

       [28 June 1786]

      Translation of the within Letter from his Excellcy. Sidi Hadg Taher Ben Abdelhack Fennish to their Excellcies: John Adams and Thomas Jefferson Esqrs.—
      Grace to God who is the Sole unity Whose Kingdom is the Only Existing one
      To their Excellencies John Adams and Thomas Jefferson Esqrs. This is to Acquaint You that I am ordered by the Emperor my Master (whom God preserve) to Acknowledge the receipt of your Letter, Sign’d at London and Paris on the first and Eleventh of October 1785, which has been delivered, into his own hands by the Hoñble Thomas Barclay Esqr. who Came to this Court, in order to negociate an Amicable Peace between My Master (whom God preserve) and all his Dominions, and those of the united States of America. This Matter has been happily concluded to the Satisfaction of all Parties, The Contents of this Treaty, you will learn from your Envoy the Said Thomas Barclay, to whom His Imperial has delivered it, together with á Letter for the united States;—
      I have likewise His Imperial Majesty’s Orders to assure you of his entire Aprobation of the Conduct of your Envoy, who has behaved himself with integrity and honor Since his arrival in our Country appearing to be á Person of good understanding, and therefore His Imperial Majesty has been Graciously pleased to give him two honorable favourable and unparalleled audiences, Signifying his Majesty’s perfect Satisfaction at his Conduct;

      As I am Charged with the affairs of your Country at this Court, I Can assure you, that I will do all That lies in my power to promote the friendly intercourse that is So happily begun; And of the assistance I have already given in your affairs, your Envoy will acquaint You, and Concluding I do Sincerely remain, Morocco the first day of the blessed Month of Ramadan 1200,— / (Sign’d) the Servt. of the King My Master— / whom God preserve—

       Taher Ben Abdelhack Fennish

      I do hereby certify that the above is á true Translation from the arabic Language of the annexed Letter, Morocco the 16th. July 1786

       Isaac Cardozo Nuñez


Title: To John Adams from Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, 30 June 1786
From: Staphorst, Nicolaas & Jacob van (business)
To: Adams, John

      Amsterdam 30th June 1786

     We are honored with Your Excellency’s Favor of 19th: Inst: mentioning You had perfected the Congress Bond No: 4543 and returned it by Mr: Daniel Parker, Who has delivered same to us—
     We take the Liberty, to inclose Your Excellency, the Edict of His Most Christian Majesty, appointing us in conjunction with Messr: Henry Fizeaux & Co: the Treasurers of his Finances in these United-Provinces. A Commission so highly honorable and consequential and congenial to our system of Politics, is very flattering to us; and it can but give Pleasure to the Well-Wishers to the Credit of America, that its Management is confided to a Commissioner of Congress Loans in this Country—
     We are respectfully / Your Excellency’s / Most obedient humble Servants

      Nics. & Jacob van Staphorst.


Title: To John Adams from Thomas McKean, 1 July 1786
From: McKean, Thomas
To: Adams, John

      Dear Sir,
      Philadelphia July 1st. 1786.—

     I do not write to you now as a Public Minister, tho’ I have a heartfelt pleasure in your being so, and at the very court where I long wished you to reside. The office of Chief Justice of this State now engages my principal attention; having quit the Congress in 1783. The affairs of our University, Philosophical & Agriculture Societies &c. employ my vacant time; and I enjoy a good state of health. So much respecting myself.—
     Permit me now, Sir, to request your attention to the subject-matter of the Letter inclosed herewith. It was written by William Augustus Atlee Esquire, senior Justice of the Supreme court of this State, one of my brethren. His father, William Atlee, an Englishman, died in this city, about forty years ago, without having made any disposition of his estate in England. It is believed, his real estate there was valuable, tho’ his eldest son, & heir at law, knows nothing more about it, than what he mentions in his letter to me. Will you be so kind as to make some inquiry regarding it, or cause it to be done? I should desire to be informed, whether the estate in the parishes of Acton and Ealy, called Ford-hook, near London, and that in Lincolns-Inn-fields, are to be found? What may be their present condition & value? Who is in possession? What shall be said by the possessors, when told of the claim of Mr: Atlee? Whether his being now an Alien, and very active in the late glorious Revolution, will be a Bar or even a Prejudice to his recovering real property in England? And any thing else relating to this matter, that can be known.
     I am aware of the liberty I am now taking with you, and of the trouble this will give you; but in behalf of a friend, and a worthy Gentleman, who has a numerous offspring, and from our former acquaintance, I am induced to sollicit your friendship on the occasion. It is not meant, that you should step out of your line in the least about it, but only, that you would be pleased to engage some sensible and trusty person to manage it under your direction. Your countenance alone will be of great weight, and may perhaps

intimidate mere occupants or possessors, and leave them more readily to yield up the estates to the true owner.
     The expences, this will occasion you, will be thankfully repaid to you or Order, by Mr: Atlee or myself, as soon as known.
     Mr: Cutting, who will deliver this, has just now been so good as to undertake the performance of every thing necessary, under your direction; so that you need not apply to any other person. I must beg the favor of you to pay him any money, that may be necessary for searches in offices, travelling expences &c. about this business. Could I form any judgment of them, I would advance the money here.
     I write in haste, and have only time to assure you, that you have my best wishes for your happiness, and that I am, with the warmest attachment, / Dear Sir, / Your Excellency’s / most obedient humble servant

      Thos M:Kean


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Jefferson, 3 July 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Jefferson, Thomas

       Dear Sir
       London July 3. 1786.

      Yours of the 23 of June is come to hand, with a Copy of Mr Lamb’s of 6 June from Aranjuez.
      There is no Intelligence from America of Armies marching to take the Posts from the English. The News was made as I Suppose against the opening of the Three Per Cents, and it had the intended Effect to beat down the Stocks a little.
      Altho the Posts are important, the War with the Turks is more So. I lay down a few Simple Propositions.
      1. We may at this Time, have a Peace with them, in Spight of all the Intrigues of the English or others to prevent it, for a Sum of Money.
      2. We never Shall have Peace, though France, Spain, England and Holland, Should use all their Influence in our favour without a Sum of Money.
      3. That neither the Benevolence of France nor the Malevolence of England, will be ever able materially to diminish or Increase the Sum.
      4. The longer the Negotiation is delayed, the larger will be the Demand.
      From these Premisses I conclude it to be wisest for Us to negotiate and pay the necessary Sum, without Loss of Time. Now I desire you and our noble Friend the Marquis, to give me your opinion of these four Propositions. which of them do you deny? or doubt? if you admit them all do you admit the Conclusion? Perhaps you will Say, fight them, though it Should cost Us a great Sum to carry on the War, and although at the End of it We should have more Money to pay as presents. if this is your Sentiment, and you can perswade the southern States into it, I dare answer for it that all from Pensylvania inclusively north ward, would not object. it would be a good Occasion to begin a Navy.
      at present We are Sacrificing a Million annually to Save one Gift of two hundred Thousand Pounds. This is not good Œconomy.— We might at this hour have two hundred ships in the Mediterranean, whose Freight alone would be worth two hundred Thousand Pounds, besides its Influence upon the Price of our Produce, our Farmers & Planters will find the Price of their Articles, Sink very low indeed, if this Peace is not made. The Policy of Christendom has made Cowards of all their Sailors before the Standard of Mahomet. It would

be heroical and glorious in Us, to restore Courage to Ours. I doubt not We could accomplish it, if We should set about it in earnest. But the Difficulty of bringing our People to agree upon it, has ever discouraged me.
      You have Seen Mr Randall before this no doubt, if he is not fallen Sick on the Road.
      This Letter is intended to go by Mr Fox. The Chev. De Pinto’s Courier unfortunately missed a Packet, which delayed him and consequently the Treaty a Month. The Queen his Mistress, as I wrote you a few Days Since, has given orders to her Squadron cruising in the Streights to protect all Vessells belonging to the United States. This is noble and Deserves Thanks.
      Accept the Sincerest Assurances of Esteem and / Affection from dear sir your most / obedient

       John Adams

      Mrs Adams having read this letter finds it deficient in not having added her best respects to mr Jefferson and Sincere thanks for his petitions.


Title: From John Adams to Robert Murdoch, 4 July 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Murdoch, Robert

      Sir
      London July 4. 1786—

     I am no stranger to the case of the unfortunate Alexander Grosse in whose favour You did me the honor to write me your Letter from Dunkirk of the 30th. June, I lately received from His Excellency James Bowdoin Esqr Governor of the Massachusetts an Application from the friends of Mr. Grosse, which as I was desired, I communicated to the Comte D’Adhemar, who has transmitted it to the Comte De Vergennes. I since received a Letter from a Captain Green at Rotterdam relative to the subject, which I have transmitted to Mr. Jefferson Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States of America at the Court of France—
     It is not the Custom, for Governments to redeem hostages

excepting such as were pledged by themselves, it is not, therefore in my power nor in that of Mr. Jefferson’s to redeem Mr. Grosse. but in this case the Captors for their own Interest should discharge him, since there is no hope, nor scarce a Probability that the Ransom or any part of it, should ever be paid— it is better to loose what is past, than to add continually to the Loss, although it be but a British shilling a day—
     Mr. Grosse would do well to write to Mr. Jefferson at Paris—and desire him to speak to the Ministers at Versailles, and if any thing can be done, with propriety, it will be, nevertheless, I believe that Government will not interfere, unless the Captors should throw upon them the Expence of the Maintenance of the Hostage, in which Case they may sett him at Liberty— The Captors I believe will find themselves obliged to carry this affair to account of profit & loss & poor Grosse himself, must probably sett down 7 Years of his Life as annihlated, it is the fortune of War—
     Your

      J. A—


Title: From John Adams to James Warren, 4 July 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Warren, James

      Dear Sir
      London July 4. 1786

     Your Favour of 30. April, is arrived. I am Surprized to read in your Letter that “our Poverty cant relieve Us from the Piracies of the Algerines.” Are the thirteen United States then not worth two or three hundred Thousand Guineas? Suppose they borrow it at Six per Cent. there will be Eighteen thousand Guineas to pay Yearly. We now loose a Million sterling a Year, by this War.— Are We able to loose a Million and not pay Eighteen Thousand Pounds? Give Congress Power and let them lay on Duties upon Imports or Exports upon thirteen states Sufficient to pay this Interest and you may borrow the Money. But I never heard or read of sluggards, who saw so many fantastical Lions in the Way, as our People appear to have Seen Since the Peace.—
     Our Oil may find a Market in every City where a Lamp is burn’d in the night, if our Merchants will take Pains by Samples and

Experiments to Shew the Inhabitants the Superiour Qualities of our Sperma Cæti Oil.
     The Picture you draw of the Ruin of the Country is horrible.— Bad as it may be, Paper Money or a suspension of Law Processes, I will venture to say would make it much worse.— I cannot be of your Opinion that there is “a total Change in Principles and manners” “nor that Interest is the only Pursuit,” “nor that Riches only are respected.” If you look back to the Year 1760 and from thence to 1774, You will find that Interest was courted and Riches respected, by as many, as they were during the War, and during the War by as many, as since the Peace.— as great a Number of, Men of Merit, who are poor are respected now, as were respected at any time Since our Memory. it is most certain that our Countrymen, are not and never were, Spartans in their Contempt of Weath, and I will go farther and Say they ought not to be. Such a Trait in their Character would render them lazy Drones, unfit for the Agriculture Manufactures Fisheries, and Commerce, and Population of their Country: and fit only for War. I am never apprehensive of Anarchy, because I know there is Wisdom and Address enough to prevent it.
     All Things must tend to restore publick Faith & Confidence. The Debt must be funded and the Interest paid. This will put an End to that Speculation in public Paper, which now employs all the Capitals, and produce a Circulation that will releive every Distress.
     The Encyclopædia is a valuable Collection of Knowledge and worth the Money. The Gentlemans Pocket Farrier and Truslers practical Husbandry, I will endeavour to send you. You may pay Dr Tufts for them.
     The Enthusiasm for Agriculture like Virtue will be its own Reward. may it run & be glorified.
     I have given my Daughter to Col. Smith a Man of Merit formed in the School of his Countries Afflictions. I Shall want her Company, in my old Age, but the Conveniences of Parents are not the principal Points to be consulted, in the Marriages of Children. The young Couple appear to be very happy, and may they continue so as long as they live.
     To return to Politicks, Our Countrymen are not yet informed of the magical Effects of Circulation, and of the ruin of Stagnation.— Stagnation must exist and Circulation can never take Place in Society where there is not Confidence of the Members in the Public & in one Another. This Confidence never will be restored, untill the Debt is funded and all Apprehensions of Paper Knavery is

annihilated. The only Way and the effectual Way to restore our affairs is for every Wise & good Man to Unite in restoring Confidence in the Publick.
     With great Esteem & regard, I am dear sir / your most obedient & humble sert—

      John Adams


Title: To John Adams from the Marquis of Carmarthen, 6 July 1786
From: Carmarthen, the Marquis of
To: Adams, John

      Sir,
      Whitehall July 6th: 1786

     I have received His Majesty’s Commands to inform You, that, in order to prevent the Abuses to which the Indulgence given by the Foreign Ministers is frequently liable, by granting that Protection which their Compassion often inclines them to afford to Persons who solicit it for the sole Purpose of screening themselves from the Laws of their Country, His Majesty has instructed His Secretary of State, for the future not to give Notice to the Sheriffs of London and Middlesex to insert the Name of any of His Majesty’s Subjects in the List of those, who are to be deemed under the Protection of any Foreign Minister excepting only such Persons, as may be employed by the said Foreign Ministers in the Capacity of menial Servants.
     I am with great Truth and Regard / Sir / Your most obedient / humble Servant.

      Carmarthen.


Title: The American Commissioners to John Lamb, [7 July 1786]
From:
To:

      Sir—
      London June 29th. 1786— [7 July 1786]

     The Importance of Peace with the Algerines, and the other Inhabitants of the Coast of Barbary, to the United States, renders it necessary that every information which can be obtained, should be laid before Congress: And as the demands for the Redemption of Captives as well as the amount of Customary Presents, are so much more considerable than seem to have been expected in America, it appears to us necessary that you should return without loss of Time to New York, there to give an Account to Congress of all the particulars which have come to your knowledge as well as of your own proceedings and of the Monies which have been paid on account of the United States, in consequence of your draughts upon the Minister in London.
     From Congress when you arrive there you will receive orders for your future Government and in the meantime we have no further Occasion for your Services in Europe.
     If you know of a Certain Passage immediately from any port in Spain, We advise you to avail yourself of it: if not, we think it most adviseable for you to come to Paris, and from thence, after having consulted with Mr. Jefferson, to repair to L’Orient and embark for New York, in the first Packett— As the Instructions we send to Mr: Randal are to come on to Paris in his Way to America, unless he should choose to accompany you from some port in spain, We desire you to furnish him with money for his Expences to Paris, & London out of the Cash already in your Hands, And We recommend to him as well as to you all reasonable attention to Economy
     We are Sir Your most / Obedt. Humble Servt.

      London June 29. 1786. John Adams

      Paris July 7. 1786. Th: Jefferson


Title: From John Adams to the Abbés Chalut and Arnoux, 8 July 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Chalut, Abbé,Arnoux, Abbé

      Mes chers Amis—
      July 8th. 1786

     Permettez moi de vous presenter Mon Ami monsieur John Trumbull Fils du Governeur Trumbull et cidevant Colonel au service des Etats Unis— Il a l’Ambition noble de consigner a l’immortality les Evenemens de notre Histoire par son Pinceau— vous verrez son Warren et son Montgomery— Mr. Trumbull est un Citizen tres estimable, et Je vous prie de l’assister avec vos Bontés

      J. A—

     TRANSLATION

      My dear friends
      8 July 1786

     Allow me to present to you my friend Mr. John Trumbull, son of Governor Trumbull and erstwhile colonel in the service of the United States. He has the noble ambition of immortalizing the events of our history with his

paintbrush. You will see his Warren and his Montgomery. Mr. Trumbull is a very praiseworthy citizen, and I pray you to assist him with your hospitality.

      J. A—


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Jefferson, 9 July 1786
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Adams, John

      Dear Sir
      Paris July 9. 1786.

     I wrote you last on the 23d. of May. your favor of that date did not come to hand till the 19th. of June. in consequence of it I wrote the next day letters to mr̃ Lamb & mr̃ Randall, copies of which I have now the honour to inclose you. in these you will perceive I had desired mr̃ Randall, who was supposed to be at Madrid, to return immediately to Paris & London, & to mr̃ Lambe, supposed at Alicant, I recommended the route of Marseilles & Paris, expecting that no direct passage could be had from Alicant to America, and meaning on his arrival here to advise him to proceed by the way of London, that you also might have an opportunity of deriving from him all the information he could give. on the 2d. of July mr̃ Randall arrived here and delivered me a letter from mr̃ Lambe dated May 20. of which I inclose you a copy, as well as of another of June 5. which had come to hand some time before. copies of these I have also sent to mr̃ Jay. yours of the 29th. of June by Dr. Bancroft & inclosing a draught of a joint letter to mr̃ Lambe, came to hand on the 5th. inst. I immediately signed & forwarded it, as it left him more at liberty as to his route than mine had done. mr̃ Randall will deliver you the present and supply the informations heretofore received. I think with you that Congress must begin by getting money. when they have this, it is a matter of calculation whether they will buy a peace, or force one, or do nothing.
     I am also to acknolege the receipt of your favors of June 6. 25. & 26. the case of Grosse shall be attended to. I am not certain however

whether my appearing in it may not do him harm by giving the captors a hope that our government will redeem their citizen. I have therefore taken measures to find them out & sound them. if nothing can be done privately I will endeavour to interest this government.
     Have you no news yet of the treaty with Portugal? does it hang with that court? my letters from N. York of the 11th. of May inform me that there were then 11. states present & that they should ratify the Prussian treaty immediately. as the time for exchange of ratifications is drawing to a close, tell me what is to be done, and how this exchange is to be made. we may as well have this settled between us before the arrival of the ratification, that no time may be lost after that. I learn through the Marechal de Castries that he has information of New York’s having ceded the impost in the form desired by Congress, so as to close this business. corrections in the acts of Maryland, Pennsylvania &c will come of course. we have taken up again the affair of whale oil, that they may know in time in America what is to be done in it. I fear we shall not obtain any further abatement of duties; but the last abatement will be continued for three years. the whole duties paiable here are nearly 102 livres on the English ton, which is an atom more than four guineas according to the present exchange.
     The monopoly of the purchase of tobacco for this country which had been obtained by Robert Morris had thrown the commerce of that article into agonies. he had been able to reduce the price in America from 40/ to 22/6 lawful the hundred weight, and all other merchants being deprived of that medium of remittance the commerce between America & this country, so far as it depended on that article, which was very capitally too, was absolutely ceasing. an order has been obtained obliging the farmers general to purchase from such other merchants as shall offer, 15,000 hogsheads of tobacco at 34, 36, & 38 livres the hundred according to the quality, and to grant to the sellers in other respects the same terms as they had granted to Robert Morris. as this agreement with Morris is the basis of this order I send you some copies of it which I will thank you to give to any American (not British) merchants in London who may be in that line. during the year this contract has subsisted, Virginia & Maryland have lost 400,000£ by the reduction of the price of their tobacco.
     I am meditating what step to take to provoke a letter from mr̃s Adams, from whom my files inform me I have not received one these

hundred years. in the mean time present my affectionate respects to her and be assured of the friendship & esteem with which I have the honour to be Dear Sir / Your most obedient and most humble servt

      Th: Jefferson


Title: To John Adams from Samuel Austin, 11 [July] 1786
From: Austin, Samuel
To: Adams, John

      Sir
      Boston 11th. June [July] 1786—

     Your favor of the 25 May last per Capt Biggilo, now lies before me.— In answer to which, shall only Observe. The difficulties and Obstacles you mention, which are in the way, and which at Present Prevents my Recovering my money, however Plausible, are altogether falacious, and without foundation with Respect to this State, yet it seems they are made an objection of such Magnitude that neither I, nor your Excellency can at Present Remove, but hope will soon be done by Congress.—
     With Respect to Brittish Subjects not Recovering their debts here, there is no Foundation for such a Charge against this state, there is not the least Obstruction in their way, nor any thing done to impeade their availing themselves of every law of this state, Eaqually with any Subject in it, and they are every day without any difficulty Recieving their just & legal demands, so that upon the same Principals, upon Supposition that there is State on the Continent who have made a law Preventing Brittish Subjects from recovering their just debts, and hereby done wrong, yet I say on the same Principles that the latter is Condemned, Most Certainly that Goverment where no such impediment takes place, must be acquited, and intirely Exculpated from every Charge of the kind, as not being by any Means in the like Predicament, with the State objected to.—
     This affair is of great Consequence to me, and must hope in time will have a favorable Issue—
     I think my self happy in having it Committed to your care, and under the Patronage of Congress and am well Sattisfied there will be nothing wanting on your part to serve me herein.— I would only further Observe, that Notwithstanding the Similarity there is in my case, and the other three Gentlemen, Yet I was the only Person to whom Genl How made Solemn Promise, he would either Restore the goods again or Pay for them—
     With the greatest Respect & Esteem / to you, your good lady, & family, / I am Sir Your oblidg’d Hume. Sert.

      Samuel Austin

      P.S Deacon Smith’s wife died about a fortnight since


Title: To John Adams from James Bowdoin, 11 July 1786
From: Bowdoin, James
To: Adams, John

       sir,
       Boston July 11th. 1786

      In addition to the papers I sometime ago sent you, relative to the encroachments made upon our Eastern boundary by our Neighbours of New Brunswick, I have the honor of transmitting to your Excellency copies of other Letters & papers upon the same subject—
      By Messrs. Smith & Bowles’s Deposition it appears, that the Province of New Brunswick is by its Charter bounded on the Western shore of Passamaquoddy; & that the seventh Town or Parish, besides other islands, includes Moose, Fred[k]: & Dudley Islands, which lie on the West side of Passamaquoddy bay, & are & have been for some time possessed by our people.—
      The proceedings of the Sheriff of the County of Charlotte, relative to these Islands & some of the people upon them, you have already been informed of.—
      The Papers now sent, respecting the seizure of the two Vessels mentioned in them, shew that it is the intention of the Government of New Brunswick, said to be founded on Letters or Instructions from Lord Sidney, to exclude us from the Navigation of that Bay: on the Western shore of which, & of the River Schooduck, running into that bay, a number of Townships have been by order of this Government laid out, & some of them sold. These Townships must for a long time be inaccessible, & of no value, if we are to be excluded from navigating that Bay: to the use of which, if the territory of the two nations bounds upon it, they have each, by the Treaty of peace, an equal right: the seizure of those Vessels must therefore be considered as a violation of the Treaty: especially as they were when seized on the Western side of the Bay.
      You will observe by the Deposition & by Colo Allan’s Letter it is said, that Lord Sydney had wrote to the Governor of New Brunswick, that Mr. Adams in April last had not mentioned any thing to the British Ministry, respecting the boundary lines of that territory or our claims to it: from whence the people there concluded, though very erroneously, that the territory or themselves were to be abandoned. It is hoped your Excellency has by this time had instructions from Congress to remonstrate to the British Ministry on

that head; & that you will be able at least to procure orders to the Governor of New Brunswick, that our people on these Islands be not in future molested; & that no interruption be given to our vessels with regard to the navigation of that bay—
      You will also observe by one of Mr. Delesdernier’s letters, that the seizure of the vessels was in retaliation for a vessel taken at the Westward. If this respects a vessel lately seized at Martha’s Vineyard, & I do not know of any other it can relate to, she was seized in the breach of our navigation Act, & the trial I am informed will be had at the next Court for that County. This however can be no justification of their seizures within the jurisdiction of this Commonwealth—
      At the late Session of the General Court that Act was suspended until the other States should adopt similar ones: Rhode Island & New Hampshire having suspended or repealed their Navigation Acts.
      I lately received your Letter with the Enclosures relative to the Whalefishery &c & this day had the honor of your Letter of the   of May— The former I have communicated to a number of Gentlemen in the mercantile line; & hope they will profit by the communication: & the latter will be shewn to confidential friends only— The Vessel being on the point of departure, I have only time to acknowledge the receiving of them, & to thank you for the information contained in them—
      With real & the most respectful regard, / I have the honor to be / Sir, / Your Excellency’s / Most obt. hb̃le Servt.

       James Bowdoin

      Papers enclosed
      1 Message to the Court about seizure of Vessels at Passamaquoddy—
      2 Messrs. Avery & Jones’s Letter about ditto
      3 Messrs. Delesdernier & Allan’s Letters to do. about do.
      4 Resolve of the General Court about do:
      5 Proceedings of Council about do:
      6 Messrs. Jones & Avery’s 2d letter about do: enclosing
      7 Messrs. Smith & Bowles’s deposition about do:
      8 Messrs. Cochran & Tuttle’s Deposition about Sheriff Wier—


Title: To John Adams from Tristram Dalton, 11 July 1786
From: Dalton, Tristram
To: Adams, John

      Dear Sir
      Boston July: 11th: 1786

     This morning has honored me with your most esteemed favors of the 26th May—for which be pleased to accept my sincere thank[s—]
     All on this side of the Atlantic, who speak of the affairs of these United States, joyn in the Opinion you express, “that they must soon take a turn for the better or become much worse—[”]
     Most of our Citizens appear too unconcerned, falsely supposing that they now sit, in safety, under their own vines—and that there are none to make them afraid— No People ever had a fairer opportunity to be what they have anxiously wished to be— None ever neglected their interests more— Jealousy—Pride & Luxury—an unbounded Thirst for baneful Commerce—want of attention to the internal resources of their Country—an insensibility of our truly independent Situation—with a great disregard to the importance of establishing a fair national Character—seems to pervade the Continent— From the seeds of division among us, much is to be dreaded— The popular disposition to reduce the payment of our domestic

Debt to nothing is a fruitful Subject for those, who wish us ill, to work upon—while Men of Honor and Friends to their Country execrate the Idea of such public Injustice— You presume that the Impost of 5 per Cent is granted to Congress— considering that our political Salvation so much depended upon it, there was the utmost reason to expect it— This Commonwealth has freely granted it agreeably to the requisitions made by Congress— all the States have passed grants thereof, but some with one restriction & some with others, that prevent its operation— New York is the farthest from their duty—even to an Absurdity for that State—well known for regarding their own particular interest— Congress have rejected their Bill that lately passed— This Commonwealth has, in the late session of their General Court, granted to Congress the supplementary Aid required by them— We anxiously wait the Completion of these measures—the consequence of neglecting which Congress has pointed out very fully, in their resolves of the past year
     The G Court of this State, in their late session, which ended on Saturday Evening being adjourned to the 31st of Jany. discarded, by a great majority, a proposal to emit a paper currency—and another for making real & personal Estate a tender in payment of Debts—
     A bill passed, to suspend totally the Navigation Act untill the other States adopt similar measures— This Act was a favorite one of mine—and the suspension of it, altho’ the few neighbouring States who had passed like laws had repealed theirs, gives me much uneasiness— I even fancied good effects began to flow from it— our large Vessells, lain by for a long time, were hired & hiring to freight Timber and other bulky articles to Ireland &c. our smaller ones enjoyed, uninterrupted, a snug business— Our importations from G Britain greatly lessened, and our trade become more safe, if not more extensive— indeed I had formed an idea that the Government was, in fact, bettered by this restraint—and that the continuance of it might be a considerable mean of saving us from ourselves— Now the door is again open’d for British Factors—British GewGaws British Manners & Customs—of all which our fellow Citizens are too fond—& from which, I thought, we were, in some degree, weaned— My Sentiments on this head are unpopular— The Country people are lead into a belief that their produce will fetch more money—and that Silver will be plenty in our Streets— May they not see the contrary— it may be expected that our importations, which began to be moderate, will encrease—and that the little remaining specie among us will

be drained in payment for necessaries that we could furnish ourselves with—or for trifles that a people, situated as we are, are better without—
     From the Treaty of Peace being laid before the General Court I have, uniformly, opposed the Measures taken to prevent the admission of Tories—and the last year had the Success, in the House of Representatives, to obtain a bill repealing these obnoxious Laws— This was stopped at the Senate— tired with my endeavours, I have not called up the bill in the late session—but have charged myself to do it the beginning of the next— I do not know of any law to prevent the recovery, in our Courts, of British Debts— The interest due upon those recovered is to be calculated and entered on record—and, if a negotiation of this article between the Courts of the U States & of G Britain, which was expected, should determine the payment thereof, an execution may be taken out to the amount without a new trial—
     That the British Merchants should be cautious of such as are connected with America may be a point of prudence—but it is unreasonable to stamp a Nation’s Character with infamy because a few, otherwise unnoticed, persons have been imprudently credited to large amounts— Any American who shewed his face in England immediately after the peace took place, and asked for goods, was entrusted— As might have been expected, most of them failed, and brought ruin on their Creditors— what is this to a nation?— To speak confidentially my opinion, this Nation must be in a much worse condition than even her enemies wish her, whenever her Character depends upon the conduct, of, not only a few paltry traders, but, even the whole commercial Line— Great & valuable I esteem this part of the community—but by no means the most considerable. Among many respected Characters who differ from me in the Act against the Tories—and in the Navigation Act, I am sorry to find our Friends—Tufts and Cranch, of the Senate— Even their Authority does not induce me to alter my opinion— I confess it ought to create a diffidence—
     Pardon my detaining you so long on Subjects that you are infinitely better informed of—and be pleased to accept of my sincerest wishes for success in your public negotiations—and for happiness in your private life—for with the highest regards, I am, / Dear Sir— / Your obliged Friend / And most hble Servant

      Tristram Dalton


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Jefferson, 11 July 1786
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Adams, John

      Dear Sir
      Paris July 11. 1786.

     Our instructions relative to the Barbary states having required us to proceed by way of negotiation to obtain their peace, it became our duty to do this to the best of our power. whatever might be our private opinions, they were to be suppressed, and the line marked out to us, was to be followed. it has been so honestly, & zealously. it was therefore never material for us to consult together on the best plan of conduct towards these states. I acknolege I very early thought it would be best to effect a peace thro’ the medium of war. tho’ it is a question with which we have nothing to do, yet as you

propose some discussion of it I shall trouble you with my reasons. of the 4. positions laid down in your letter of the 3d. instant, I agree to the three first, which are in substance that the good offices of our friends cannot procure us a peace without paying it’s price, that they cannot materially lessen that price, & that paying it, we can have the peace in spight of the intrigues of our enemies. as to the 4th. that the longer the negotiation is delayed the larger will be the demand, this will depend on the intermediate captures: if they are many & rich the price may be raised; if few & poor it will be lessened. however if it is decided that we shall buy a peace, I know no reason for delaying the operation, but should rather think it ought to be hastened. but I should prefer the obtaining it by war. 1. justice is in favor of this opinion. 2. honor favors it. 3. it will procure us respect in Europe, and respect is a safe-guard to interest. 4. it will arm the federal head with the safest of all the instruments of coercion over their delinquent members, & prevent them from using what would be less safe. I think that so far you go with me. but in the next steps we shall differ. 5. I think it least expensive. 6. equally effectual. I ask a fleet of 150. guns, the one half of which shall be in constant cruise. this fleet built, manned & victualled for 6. months will cost 450,000£ sterling. it’s annual expence is 300£ sterl. a gun, including every thing: this will be 45,000£ sterl. a year. I take British experience for the basis of my calculations, tho’ we know, from our own experience, that we can do, in this way, for pounds lawful, what costs them pounds sterling. were we to charge all this to the Algerine war it would amount to little more than we must pay if we buy peace. but as it is proper & necessary that we should establish a small marine force (even were we to buy a peace from the Algerines,) and as that force laid up in our dockyards would cost us half as much annually as if kept in order for service, we have a right to say that only 22,500£ sterl. per ann. should be charged to the Algerine war. 6. it will be as effectuel. to all the mismanagements of Spain & Portugal urged to shew that war against those people is ineffectual, I urge a single fact to prove the contrary where there is any management. about 40. year ago, the Algerines having broke their treaty with France, this court sent Monsr. de Massac with one large & two small frigates, he blockaded the harbour of Algiers three months, & they subscribed to the terms he dictated. if it be admitted however that war, on the fairest prospects, is still exposed to incertainties, I weigh against this the greater incertainty of the

duration of a peace bought with money, from such a people, from a Dey 80. years old, & by a nation who, on the hypothesis of buying peace, is to have no power on the sea to enforce an observance of it.
     So far I have gone on the supposition that the whole weight of this war would rest on us. but 1. Naples will join us. the character of their naval minister (Acton) his known sentiments with respect to the peace Spain is officiously trying to make for them, & his dispositions against the Algerines give the greatest reason to believe it. 2. every principle of reason tells us Portugal will join us. I state this as taking for granted, what all seem to believe, that they will not be at peace with Algiers. I suppose then that a Convention might be formed between Portugal, Naples & the U.S. by which the burthen of the war might be quotaed on them according to their respective wealth, and the term of it should be when Algiers should subscribe to a peace with all three on equal terms. this might be left open for other nations to accede to, and many, if not most of the powers of Europe (except France, England, Holland & Spain if her peace be made) would sooner or later enter into the confederacy, for the sake of having their peace with the Pyratical states guarantied by the whole. I suppose that in this case our proportion of force would not be the half of what I first calculated on.
     These are the reasons which have influenced my judgment on this question. I give them to you to shew you that I am imposed on by a semblance of reason at least, & not with an expectation of their changing your opinion. you have viewed the subject, I am sure in all it’s bearings. you have weighed both questions with all their circumstances. you make the result different from what I do. the same facts impress us differently. this is enough to make me suspect an error in my process of reasoning tho’ I am not able to detect it. it is of no consequence; as I have nothing to say in the decision, and am ready to proceed heartily on any other plan which may be adopted, if my agency should be thought useful. with respect to the dispositions of the states I am utterly uninformed. I cannot help thinking however that on a view of all circumstances, they might be united in either of the plans.
     Having written this on the receipt of your letter, without knowing of any opportunity of sending it, I know not when it will go: I add nothing therefore on any other subject but assurances of the sincere esteem and respect with which I am Dear Sir your friend & servant

      Th: Jefferson


Title: From John Adams to John Jay, 15 July 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Jay, John

      Sir
      London July 15. 1786

     On Wednesday, the 13. the Marquis of Carmarthen, informed me, that, Captain of the Mercury Man of War, to use his Lordships own Words “had received a Severe Rap, over the Knuckles, from the Lords of the Admiralty, for his Conduct at Boston.” His Lordship had “received a Letter from Lord How, accompanied with a long dull Letter, from Captain Stanhope which instead of being a justification of his Conduct was rather an Aggravation of it.”— His Lordship then called in his Under Secretary of State, Mr Fraser, and ordered the Letter from the Admiralty to be brought to him, which he read to me.— [It] inform’d him, that the Lords of the Admiralty, had called upon Captain Stanhope, for his justification of his Conduct to Governor Bowdoin and had received from him the Letter, inclosed for the Information of his Majesty, which their Lordships however thought no Apology. That their Lordships had accordingly, Signified to Captain Stanhope their Sensible Displeasure at his Conduct; and as the Mercury had been ordered home from the American Station, their Lordships would take Special Care, that he Should be no longer continued in that Service.
     The Secretary of State, was pleased to Say farther that he would Speak to Lord Sidney, concerning the Affair of the Eastern Line, that Sir Guy Carleton might have Instructions concerning it before he went out.
     His Lordship was asked if any Appointment had been made of a Minister Plenipotentiary to the United States, and Answered “Not Yet.”
     With great Respect I have the Honour / to be, sir your most obedient / and most humble servant

      John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Jefferson, 16 July 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Jefferson, Thomas

      Dear Sir
      London July 16. 1786

     last night Mr Randal arrived with yours of the 9th. If the Prussian Treaty arrives to You, I think you will do well to Send Mr Short with it to the Hague and Exchange it with Thulemeier, and get it printed in a Pamphlet Sending a Sufficient Number to you and to me. if it comes to me and you approve, I will Send Some one or go myself.
     The Chevr. De Pinto’s Courier unfortunately missed a Packet by one Day, which obliged him to wait a month at Falmouth for another. The Chevr. was greatly chagrined at the Delay. He is much obliged for your Notes, and I Should be more so for another Copy, having Sent mine to my Brother Cranch, who writes me that your Argument in favour of American Genius, would have been much Strengthened, if a Jefferson had been Added to a Washington, a Franklin and a Rittenhouse. I wrote you lately that the Queen of Portugal had ordered her Fleet cruising in the Streights to protect all Vessells belonging to American Citizens equally with those of her own Subjects against the Algerines.
     Boylstons Vessell Arrived in Boston, with Sugars, and he expects another Vessell hourly, with which he will go again to France.— He desires me, to express his Obligations to you and the Marquis, for your former Assistance. Coffin Jones has Sent a Vessell to L’Orient, with another Cargo of Oil. The French Government would do well to encourage that Trade. if they do not, it will go elsewhere. it is in vain for French or English to think, that Sperma Cæti Oil cannot find a Market but in their Territories. it may find a Market in every City that has dark nights, if any one will do as Boylston did, go and shew the People its qualities by Samples & Experiments. The Trade

of America in Oil and in any Thing else will labour no longer, than public Paper is to be sold under Par. while a Bit of Paper can be bought for five shillings that is worth twenty, all Capitals will be employed in that Trade, for it is certain there is no other that will yield four hundred Per Cent Profit, clear of Charges and Risques. as soon as this lucrative Commerce shall cease We shall see American Capitals employed in sending all where it will find a Market that is all over Europe if France does not wisely monopolise it as she may, if she will.
     inclosed is an oration of Dr Rush.
     I am my dear sir, your most / obedient

      John Adams


Title: Thomas Barclay to the American Commissioners, 16 July 1786
From: Barclay, Thomas
To: American Commissioners

      Gentlemen
      Morocco 16th. July 1786.

     I wrote you the 26th. of last Month and expected to have followed my Letter in a Week, but several unforeseen Matters have hitherto detained us; however I expect we shall set out tomorrow or the day following. The 13th. Instant the Treaty was sent to me by the Effendi since which some important alterations have been made which the Villainy & carelessness of the Talbe Houdrani (to whom the drawing was committed) made necessary; and yesterday it was again delevered from Tahar Fennish, to whose hands the King committed the arrangement of the Matter. It still wants an additional Article, or rather a Declaration which His Majesty has permitted to be made in his Name, but which he desired might not make a Part of the Treaty: when this is done, it will stand as I described it in my last Letter Vizt. “there is only one Article more I wish to see inserted & that I think will never prove of any

Consequence”. … When I send you the Treaty it will be necessary to accompany it with some Remarks with which I will not now trouble you, & the only one I shall make is, that the King throughout the whole has acted in a Manner the most gracious and condescending, and I really believe the Americans possess as much of his Respect & Regard as does any Christian Nation whatever. If you should think my services at Algiers, Tunis or Tripoli necessary, I hope your Commands will meet me in the South of Spain, for after returning to Paris it will be utterly impossible for me to engage further in the Business. A Peace with the Barbary Powers is absolutely essential to the Commerce of our Country, and I think a general one might be made notwithstanding the impediments that appear. The Emperor has ordered five Frigates on a Cruize in the Atlantic Ocean; He is now at Peace with all the World except Russia, Malta, Hamburg and Dantzick— A Treaty with the first of these Powers was concluded on, and the Articles drawn, but it was afterwards broke off. The Emperor complains much of the Treatment he receives from England, & Mr. Duff who came here some time ago as Pro-Consul, returned the day before we arrived, highly offended at His Reception, the Emperor having refused to receive the Letter which Lord Sydney wrote, saying he would read no Letters from England but such as were written by the King. I had a Letter yesterday from Mr. Carmichael and was in great hopes it would have covered one from you, but I am hitherto without the Pleasure of hearing from you;
     I am allways, / Gentlemen / Your most obet. humble / Servant.

      Thos Barclay


Title: To John Adams from Isaac Stephens, 18 July 1786
From: Stephens, Isaac
To: Adams, John

      Sir
      algir July 18th. 1786

     I take the Liberty of Directing a Letter to your Honour in order to Convey My Letters to Boston and Will be much obliged to you to forword them & further for gods Sake and the Love of Man to assist Us in this Sad State of Slavery allthough the Sum Is Large But we Cannot help that it is Despreat To be Under the Situation of a Slave as We are the property of the King as Much as his horse Sir if Mr Lamb has Related the Matter as he Told the King he Would be hear in four months and this King Never puts any Confidence in a Nation that Deceves him once I hope Mr Lamb will be hear Within the time for the King has given out that word—
     our Rademption Nothing Conserrns the peace from Your most obedent and humble Servent

      Isaac Stephens


Title: To John Adams from Samuel Adams, 21 July 1786
From: Adams, Samuel
To: Adams, John

      My dear Sir
      Boston July 21 1786

     There are two great Objects which I think should engage the Attention of Patriots here, & which appear to me to involve every thing else—to preserve entire our political Liberties, & to support our National Faith. To effect either of these Capital Ends, we must

counterwork the Designs of Great Britan, who to say the least does not appear to be our most cordial Friend, by her Emissaries amongst us, to ruin both. The internal Enemies of this Country ridiculed our early Ideas of Opposition, embarrassed our Measures through the whole Conflict and prolonged the War. They had nearly broke up our Army in 1782, and they are now practicing the same Arts, by influencing many weak Men to with-hold the necessary Aid of Taxes, to destroy the publick Faith. I should therefore think it very impolitick to increase their Number by admitting the Tory Refugees without Discrimination. Jonathan Philanthrop whom you well knew, with many others took a very active Part, & they were very successful in promoting the Designs of the British Government before the War; There are some among them who would be the fittest Instruments to be employed by that Court in tearing up, or rather undermining the Foundations of our newly erected Fabrick.— If you ask, What has thrown me into this Fit of Zeal against the Refugees? I answer, they already have or soon will in my opinion form a dangerous Faction. But I will be more explicit in my next.
     This Letter I commit to the Care of Mr Benjn. Austin junr whose Father and Connexions you are not unacquainted with. Adieu & believe me / your affectionate Friend

      S. A.