Title: Post Office Instructions to James Parker, 22 April 1757
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Parkers, James

      Mr. James Parker
      [General Post O]ffice
      }
      April 22, 1757

      Sir
      [in] North America

As you have undertaken to execute the Office of Comptroller of the General Post Office during our Absence and that of the present Comptroller the following Instructions are necessary for your Observation viz.
[1.][Illegible] Every Post Master on the Continent to send you a Comptroller’s B[ill] containing an Account of the Letters paid and unpaid that he [has?] [illegible] sent to other Offices that so you may charge him or them with the same in your Books which you are to do on the Receipt of those Bills. If any Postmaster neglects to send his Comptroller’s Bills you are to write to him and urge him to be punctual.
2. Every Post-Master ought to send you his Quarterly Account regularly, immediately after the Quarter Day; if any neglect this, you are likewise to write to them and urge them to Punctuality. When you receive those Accounts, you are to examine and compare them with your Comptroller’s Book, and with the preceding Accounts received from the same Offices, correct the Mistakes and Errors, if any, and observe whether any new or uncustomary Charges are introduced.
3. As there is an Inconvenience in the Accounts kept, when different Quarter Days are observed by different Offices, you are to endeavour to bring them all to the Observation of the same Quarter Days, viz, Lady Day, or March 25. Midsummer at June 24. Michaelmas or Sept. 29. and Christmas or Dec. 25. the same being the Quarter Days used in the General Post Office in Great Britain.
4. After the Quarterly Accounts are corrected and rectified, you are to carry the Ballances due from the several Postmasters to the Debit of their respective Accounts in your Comptroller’s Book; and endeavour to collect and receive all such Ballances from time to time as they arise, directing them to be remitted to you in such Specie and Manner as to you shall seem most advantageous to the Office; giving Credit to the several Postmasters in your Books likewise for the Ballances or other Sums you from time to time receive.
5. The Money receiv’d from the several Offices, after deducting a Commission of 7½ per Cent which is allow’d you for your Care and Trouble in the Premises, you are to remit to us or either of us while we remain in England, in good Bills of Exchange, till you shall have farther or other Orders.
6. If any Postmaster should in our Absence die, or resign his Office, misbehave therein, or neglect the Duties there[of] or remove out of the Town or Country where his Office was usually kept, you are to appoint another to execute the same pro tempore till you receive farther Direction from us in that Matter; taking Care that such Deputy by you appointed do not act but under the usual and legal Securities and Qualifications.
7. You are to communicate a Copy of our additional Instruction relating to the Carriage of Newspapers per Post to the several Post Offices and their respective Riders and endeavour by all prudential Methods in your Power that the same be observed and executed.
8. We have Reason to believe that the Office is injur’d greatly by the present Rider between Philadelphia and Frederickburgh in Virginia. And, if, after the Allowances that will now be made him and the Advantages he will receive by Carrying Newspapers, he refuses to give the Security and take the Qualification required of other Riders, you are hereby directed to remove him and appoint another; and if he should after such removal presume to ride and carry Letters contrary to the Act of Parliament, you are to cause him to be prosecuted, at our Expence.
9. If you find it necessary to take any Journeys for the better executing your Office of Comptroller, and in Compliance with these Instructions, you are to keep an Account of your Expences in such Journeys, which Accounts being reasonable, shall be allow’d you, together with a suitable Consideration for your Time and extraordinary Trouble.
10. There is a Post Office in Nova Scotia, under our Direction, but the Officer has never sent us any Account. You are to write to him, and acquaint him, that no Account from his Office has ever come to our Hands since he received his Commission, which was about the Beginning of 1754, and desire he would forward to you an Account of his Office from that time to the End of the last Quarter, with all Expedition. Many Letters from different Parts of the Continent are sent to Boston Office for Nova Scotia, and forwarded thither by Sea, no Person appearing in Boston to pay the Postage; so that a good deal of Money, it is thought, arises at present in that Office, while the Army is canton’d in so many different Parts of America. Mr. Hubbard’s Accounts will show how much of what has been charg’d to his Office is forwarded to Nova Scotia, and Mr. Colden’s will show whether any have been forwarded thither by Sea from New York.
11. You will inquire into the State of the Post Office at Burlington and endeavour to put it on such a Footing as may render it useful to the Inhabitants, and beneficial to the General Post Office.
12. While we stay in England you are to write to us per every Pacquet or other convenient Opportunity, acquainting us with your Proceedings in the Premises, and informing us of every Thing that may require our farther or more particular Direction.
13. In general, you are to inform yourself from time to time whether the Posts continue to keep their Stages regularly, and whether the respective Postmasters give such due Attendance at their Offices as is satisfactory to the Publick; and to endeavour the Rectification of every thing that you find amiss, so that Correspondence may not be impeded or interrupted by any Neglect or Mismanagement in the Post Offices, or Misconduct of the Riders, nor any just Cause of Complaint be given to the Merchants or others who correspond per Post.
So wishing you Health and Success we remain, Your assured Friends
Franklin & Hunter

Memorandums for Mr. Parker.
To enquire of Mr. Tuthill Hubbard, what is done in the Recovery of Mr. Huske’s Bond; and if recover’d to desire Mr. Hubbard to remit us the Money.
To enquire of Ditto what Sums he has receiv’d from the Eastern Offices, that Credit may be given them, and Mr. Hubbard charg’d with the same.
To enquire of Messrs. Peat & Hurd whether they have paid any Money on our Account to Mr. Holt, and how much, that Mr. Holt may be charg’d with it.
To get the Quarterly Account from Trenton Office, that ended Sept. 29. 1756, that the State of it may be entred in your Books, the said Account being lost or mislaid.
To enquire of Hartford Postmaster for Account between Nov. 1755 and April 12. 1756, the same not being to be found at present among the Office Papers.
To receive of Mr. James Thompson, late Postmaster of New Brunswick, the remainder of his Note, now left with you.

 Endorsed: [Words cut off] Comptroller 1757


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, 29 April 1757
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Deborah

My dear Child
New York, April 29. 1757
I wrote to you yesterday per Post. This is only to acquaint you, that I am determined against going in the first Pacquet.

Send me the Indian Sealskin Hussiff, with all the Things that were in it. It will be an acceptable Present to a Gimcrack great Man in London, that is my Friend. In the right hand little Drawer under my Desk, is some of the Indian Lady’s Gut Cambrick; roll it up as you would a Ribband; wrap it in Paper, and put it into the Housiff with the other Things.
Among my Books on the Shelves, there are two or three little Pieces on the Game of Chess; One in French bound in Leather, 8vo. One in a blue Paper Cover, English; two others in Manuscript; one of them thin in brown Paper Cover, the other in loose Leaves not bound. If you can find them yourself, send them: But do not set anybody else to look for them. You may know the French one, by the Word ECHECS in the Titlepage.
I wrote you fully about the Accounts Books; so add only my Love to all Friends, from Your affectionate Husband
B Franklin
 Addressed: To / Mrs Franklin / Philada. / per favour of / Mr McMichael


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jacob Duché, Junior, 6 May 1757
From: Duché, Jacob, Jr.
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Philada. May 6. 1757
As you kindly offered me your best Services before you left Philadelphia, which, as I had then no Commands to trouble you with; I declined the Honor of accepting, I now beg Leave to make Use of the Liberty you permitted me, to request you to take Charge of the inclosed Letters. I believe you are personally acquainted with the Gentlemen to whom they are directed, and may perhaps have an Opportunity of seeing them yourself. I wish you the highest Success in your laudable Undertakings, as I am well convinced that all your Actions hitherto have been immediately for the Public Good, and trust that in your future Conduct, you will still have that noblest of Ends in View.
I am, Sir, Your assured Friend and very humble Servant
Jacob Duché Junr.
P.S. My Father sends his Compliments and best Wishes to you.

Addressed: To / Benjamin Franklin Esqr.
Endorsed: Jac. Duché junr May 6. 57


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from ———, 10 May 1757
From: ——
To: Franklin, Benjamin

The accurate determination of longitude by a ship at sea long remained an unsolved problem. Several theoretically possible methods were advanced during the two centuries and a half after Columbus, but when put to actual test none proved both practicable and sufficiently reliable to serve the needs of mariners, especially of those embarked on long east-west voyages, such as the crossing of the ocean. So urgent did the matter become that several large prizes were offered for the discovery of an accurate and usable method. Among these the British Parliament offered in 1714 a prize of £20,000 for any method capable of determining a ship’s longitude within half a degree, with proportionately smaller prizes for methods of lesser exactitude; grants were also provided to assist promising experiments. The act placed the administration of the scheme in the hands of commissioners commonly called the Board of Longitude.
The most promising method—and the one which ultimately won the prize—was by the construction of a timekeeper more reliable than any previously built, which, once set to accord with the local time at some point of known longitude, such as the Royal Observatory at Greenwich, England, could be carried on shipboard and compared with the local time at sea as found by celestial observation. The time when the sun or moon, for example, will be at a certain position in the sky at Greenwich on a given date can be predicted and set down in a table prepared in advance, and, since the earth revolves through one degree every four minutes, it becomes a simple calculation to convert the difference between Greenwich and local ship’s time into degrees, minutes, and seconds of longitude east or west of Greenwich.  That is, it is a simple matter if the timekeeper is unaffected by the ship’s motion, even in a heavy storm, or by changes in temperature, humidity, gravity (at different points on the earth’s surface), or other external conditions. It may gain or lose somewhat if that gain or loss is constant and has been ascertained in advance, but it must not fluctuate erratically. To determine the longitude of a ship within half a degree, after six weeks at sea, the timekeeper must be accurate to approximately three seconds a day throughout the voyage. And an error of considerably less than half a degree in determining a ship’s position in unpropitious weather has often spelled disaster. At the time of the Act of 1714 no timekeeper made could come close to meeting these conditions when taken to sea.
Inevitably the huge rewards offered by Parliament attracted the attention not only of mathematicians and ingenious mechanics, as they were intended to do, but also of cranks and visionaries, some of whom were as sure that they had solved this problem as they were that they could square the circle or create perpetual motion. The unknown writer of this letter to Franklin may indeed have been something of an ingenious mechanic, as he clearly esteemed himself to be, but even if one discounts heavily his inability to express himself with entire clarity, it seems necessary to class him with the many enthusiasts who bombarded the Board of Longitude with unworkable schemes for solving not only the problem officially before it but others quite outside its province.
It is an interesting coincidence, however, that the man who ultimately did win the parliamentary £20,000 for his chronometer, John Harrison (1693–1776), was at this very time completing one of his preliminary models in England and planning the device, finished in 1759, which won him the first half of the grand prize. And there is perhaps a touch of irony in the fact that Harrison, the son of a Yorkshire carpenter with virtually no formal education, could not put his ideas on paper any more effectively than could Franklin’s Philadelphia correspondent. There is no evidence that Franklin ever brought this letter to the attention of the Board of Longitude after he reached England. He did, however, pay Harrison 10s. 6d. on Dec. 1, 1757, “to see his Longitude Clock.”

Worthey Sir
Philada. May 10th. 1757
Not Haveing the Happiness of your Acquaintance I have at the instigation of Some of My Freinds and your Acquaintance Made bold to beg one Favour of you that is when in England to Lay this Letter before the Royal Society which is to give them to under Stand that I have invented and try’d a Clock and have made a watch up of the Same Motion as the Clock which I Give this Name too for a Sort of a Description of its moving Power; its a Geometrical Celendrical Concave Triangle Horizontial Watch or Clock. I have taken the Clock Slung or Suspended it by a String and twist or work it how you will it goes as unaltriable as a fix’d Clock. The Way I first Discoverd it was indeavouring to Correct the Disadvantages of Common and Horizontial Watchess which are Great. Not only this I have Discovird but Have found a Principal or Cause in Nature to make a machine that will Go of its owne Cause for Stop your the wheel take your finger away it goes but When I add more wheels so as to make minutes Hours and Seconds it Stops but am in hopes by the Blessing of Almighty God—to bring it in a Short time to Perfection So as to Move on the Same Cause of the Watch and Clock for I Can Make the Watch as Well as the Clock Strike true Seconds. I have further invented a Watch or improved one So as to make it wind it Self up as it Goes. This I found out When apprentice as Well as a Collet for turning Watch or Clock Wheels Which were I in England as the work Men was to See it their is None of them but would Give a Guinea a Peice for it Saves a man half his Time in makeing a Clock or Watch for it fits Different Size arbours and Never Casts them. What has made me So Shy of Not Communicating it before was this my Good Friend Ls Es I Shewe’d it to being a Curious man he Directley Privateley went to work and Sett others and Came to me for a Second Sight but Luckeley I Gest what he was after and was Confirm’d for then he Said he would Get a Patent for it but Wee Should Go halves in the Profit but their is No trusting Such men When one Detected in so base an Action. I have made a Great Number of Machines of one kind or other for the Despatch of Work that Would be too tedious to Mention time being Short. The afforesaid Ls Es thought to Amuse me out of Gilding and Polishing Which I have Brought to a Great Perfection and Said it was for a freind of his in Carolina but I repaid him in his owne Kind and Gave him the Receip he Gave me and Says he I told you I knew how to Do it as Well as you and So thought to Gett Some of my Practical Remarks but Was Mistaken for I had Receive’d an affront from a bigots of ED of my owne Profesion about the trifeling Dial. I Must Acknowledge he is a better Nitting Nedle Case Maker than a Clock Watch or mathematical instrument Maker Witness Govenor Tinker Reflecting telescope Which I made a New Mirror and alterd the focus of the Glassess he Spoild. Excuse me for this affront has Cause me to Ask the fa[vour] of the Gentlemen of the Society. NB Ls Es intended the Gilding &c for E, d. What is ment by the Perpetuial Motion and Londitude and what Reward for I am Determind Never to Stir on uncertanties being in a Good Trade at Present but will Lett them Die With me if they Cannot make it Worth my Wile to emprove to their Desir’d Satisfaction Which if I am Incouragd I am in No Doubt but by the Blessing of Almighty God I Shall in Due time do for I Can Say I Never Craved a favoir of the almighty God of Wisdom but in Due time I had my Desired end answer’d. Now Gentlemen Ile Give you as Plaine a Description of my Clock and Watch as I Dare Venture at Present.

This I first made goe with two Globs and two Triangles but Now Goes With a Single of Each for the more Convenencey of Putting it into Watch Work.
Now Gentlemen I have Given you a Draught of it Exacttley How I Draw it on Steel and Brass and file and turn it Putt it to Geather and it shall ware time out of mind for Letts Reason a Common Watch has two Braking Pins Which Causess it to Hurrey and Go So much faster at Some times and So Slow at others. The Horizontial ones has remedyd this Misfortune but has one as Great that is if they are un[illegible] in Winding She Will Stop a Little [Dirtey?] is the Same and the Worst Take of[f] the Regulating Spring or you Cannot move the Celinder. If you Press the Wheel so as to Break it and the Nex thing It is not till further [sic] for I shall Describe my owne but this I can assure you this of mine is Such that it moves So Light that your 1 or 2 Pinion Shall be wore out Sooner than the Regulating Cause that is the Triangles and Globes besides the force Given is Such that Without the Regulating Spring you Cannot Stop them. No Longer than you hold your finger or Point against the Moveing Cause though I make it Go true time without a regulating Spring I mus Needs Say that if you Saw one you would Say as Samuel Kirk said the most ignorant man in the World Would be Convins’d its So Demonstriable to Sight that I Cannot Describe it With my Pen. You Can No more Err in Makin the Size of Each triangle and Globe than in Makeing a Pinion of 6 to a Wheel of 48 for to Make it Ware well it must be the Height of [illegible] and an [?] but How to Regulate this. [Remainder missing].


Title: William Franklin to Elizabeth Graeme, 12 May 1757
From: Franklin, William
To: Graeme, Elizabeth

My dearest Betsy,
New-York, May 12, 1757
I am this Moment return’d from an Excursion of four or five Days in the Jerseys. The Mail is made up and the Post just upon his Departure. I detain him just to acknowledge the Receipt of two Letters from you, which I have not Time to read thro’.
This is all that I can possibly say at present; your Regard imagine the rest, for Your truely affectionate
Franklin


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to [Peter Franklin], 21 May 1757
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Peter

Dear Brother,
Woodbridge, N Jersey May 21. 1757
I have been now near 6 Weeks waiting for the Sailing of the Pacquet, and know not yet when she is like to sail.
I received yours of the 7th Inst. with the Invoice and Memorandum, which I shall endeavour to comply with. As to the Pay, I expect not to meddle with your Paper Currency; for I always lose by it. With the Goods I shall send Directions about the Time and Manner of Payment.
My Love to dear Sister and Thanks for your and her kind Wishes and Prayers, is all at present from Your affectionate Brother
B Franklin
My Wife is here, but Billy and Sally are at New York. If they were present they would join with her in Love to you, Duty, &c.

Endorsed: Brother & Sisters Letters & my Coppies The Price Currant [Janury?] you of the Last Payment.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to the Earl of Loudoun, 21 May 1757
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Loudoun, John Campbell, 4th Earl of

My Lord,
Woodbridge, N. Jersey. May 21. 1757
Having determined not to go in the first Pacquet, I retired hither about two Weeks ago, to have Leisure for Settling some private Affairs before the Sailing of the second; which is the Reason I have not for some time been to pay my Respects to your Lordship.
In your present Multiplicity of important Business, I would not be too importunate. But if your Lordship should think it fit, and can spare a few Minutes to appoint some Persons of Credit in Pensilvania, or direct Governor Denny to nominate them, to enquire into the Claims of the Masters whose Servants have been taken into the Service from that Province, and report thereon to your Lordship when the Campain shall be over, it would in the meantime quiet the Minds of the Sufferers, as well as show your Lordship’s Regard for Justice.
I hear it is reported, that the second Pacquet is to accompany the Fleet, and that the third may probably be sooner in England. If this is so, a Hint of it from your Secretary would be esteem’d a great Favour, by him who has the Honour to be, with the sincerest Respect and Attachment, My Lord, Your Lordship’s most obedient and most humble Servant
B Franklin
Rt. Honble. Earl of Loudoun


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jane Mecom, 21 May 1757
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Mecom, Jane

Dear Sister,
Woodbridge, New Jersey, 21 May, 1757.
I received your kind letter of the 9th instant, in which you acquainted me with some of your late troubles. These are troublesome times to us all; but perhaps you have had more than you should. I am glad to hear that Peter is at a place where he has full employ. A trade is a valuable thing; but, unless a habit of industry be acquired with it, it turns out of little use; if he gets that in his new place, it will be a happy exchange, and the occasion not an unfortunate one.
It is very agreeable to me to hear so good an account of your other children; in such a number to have no bad ones is a great happiness.
The horse sold very low indeed. If I wanted one to-morrow, knowing his goodness, old as he is, I should freely give more than twice the money for him; but you did the best you could, and I will take of Benny no more than he produced.
I don’t doubt but Benny will do very well when he gets to work; but I fear his things from England may be so long a coming, as to occasion the loss of the rent. Would it not be better for you to move into the house? Perhaps not, if he is near being married. I know nothing of that affair, but what you write me, except that I think Miss Betsey a very agreeable, sweet-tempered, good girl, who has had a housewifely education, and will make, to a good husband, a very good wife. Your sister and I have a great esteem for her, and if she will be kind enough to accept of our nephew, we think it will be his own fault, if he is not as happy as the married state can make him. The family is a respectable one, but whether there be any fortune I know not; and as you do not inquire about this particular, I suppose you think with me, that where every thing else desirable is to be met with, that is not very material. If she does not bring a fortune she will help to make one. Industry, frugality, and prudent economy in a wife, are to a tradesman, in their effects, a fortune; and a fortune sufficient for Benjamin, if his expectations are reasonable. We can only add, that, if the young lady and her friends are willing, we give our consent heartily, and our blessing. My love to brother and the children. Your affectionate brother,
B. Franklin.

P.S. If Benny will promise to be one of the tenderest husbands in the world, I give my consent. He knows already what I think of Miss Betsey. I am his loving aunt,
Deborah Franklin.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Ezra Stiles, 23 May 1757
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Stiles, Ezra

Dear Sir,
New York, May 23. 1757
I have been waiting here near Six Weeks for the sailing of the Pacquet, and know not yet when that will be. From London I will send you the Account you desire of the Verification of the Meridian of France; and one of the best Thermometers I can procure. If in any thing else I can do you pleasure, signify it by a Line directed to me at the Pensilvania Coffee House in Birchin Lane. I shall always be glad to hear of your Welfare, being, with sincere Esteem and Regard, Dear Sir, Affectionately yours
B Franklin

Addressed: To / The Revd Mr Ezra Stiles / at Newport / Rhode-Island / Free / B Franklin
Endorsed: Benja Franklin Esqr. May 23. 1757. Recd. 28 May 1757. Wrote to Mr. Franklin in London Mar. 30. 1758—by Capt. Gallatly.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, 27 May 1757
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Deborah

My dear Debby
New York, Friday, May 27. 57Afternoon
Mr. Parker being doubtful this Morning, whether the Rain would permit his setting out to day, I had prepared no Letter to send per Sally when he took a sudden Resolution to go. Mr. Colden could not spare his Daughter, as she helps him in the Post Office, he having no Clerk.
I inclose only the 4th. Bills, which you are to put up safe with my Writings; the first Set I take with me, the second goes in Radford, and I now send the third by Bonnel.
All the Pacquets are to sail together with the Fleet, but when that will be is yet uncertain. For yesterday came in three Privateers with several Prizes, and by them there is Advice, that the French Fleet which was in the West Indies, is gone to the Northward, and now ’tis question’d whether it will be thought prudent for these Transports to sail, till there is certain Advice that the Grand Fleet is arrived from England. This, however, is only Town Talk.
I send Mr. Kneeland’s Letter. Pray forward the Paper he writes for per first Opportunity.
I send a Memorandum receiv’d from Joseph Crocker, with a Note on the Back of it.
I leave it to yourself, whether to go home directly or stay a little longer. If I find we are not like to sail for some time I shall perhaps step down again to Woodbridge and try to finish my Work. But it may be that your longer Absence from home will be attended with some Inconvenience.
I am making up a Bundle of Papers to send you. Put them into my Room.
I can hear nothing yet of the Cloaths.

I have been very low-spirited all Day; this tedious State of Uncertainty and long Waiting, has almost worn out my Patience. Except the two or three Weeks at Woodbridge, I know [not when] I have spent Time so uselessly as since I left [Philadelphia].
I left my best Spectacles on the Table. Please to send them to me.

Saturday Morning
Jemmy got here early and tells me Mr. Parker and the Children got well down.
In my Room, on the Folio Shelf, between the Clock and our Bed Chamber, and not far from the Clock, stands a Folio call’d the Gardener’s Dictionary, by P. Miller.
And on the same Side of the Room on the lowest Shelf, or lowest but one, near the Middle, and by the Side of a little Partition, you will find standing or rather lying on its fore Edge, a Quarto Pamphlet, cover’d with blue Paper call’d a Treatise of Cyder-making.
Deliver those two Books to Mr. Parker.

Sunday Afternoon
Yesterday while I was at my Lord’s, with whom I had the Honour to dine, Word was brought in, that 5 Sail of French Men of War were seen off Egg Harbour the Day before, and as some of the French Prisoners lately brought in in the Prizes reported that such a Number of Men of War sailed with them from the West Indies to go to the Northward, it might be suppos’d to be them if the Account from Egg Harbour was true. If on Examination it should be found true, and the French take it in their Heads to cruize off this Port with such a Force, we shall then be shut up here for some time, for our Fleet here is not of Force sufficient to venture out. If this story be not true, yet ’tis thought by some we shall hardly sail till there is certain Advice of the English Fleet’s being arriv’d at Halifax, and perhaps not till a Convoy comes from thence hither to guard us. So I am wavering whether I had not best go down again to Woodbridge, and finish my Books.
I spent the Evening last Night with Mr. Nichols’s Family, who all desired their Compliments to you and Sally.
I send one of the French Books translated.
Monday Morning. Our going is yet uncertain. I believe I shall put every thing on board to morrow, and either go down again [to Wood]bridge, or send for the Trunk of Books hither, to employ myself till we have [Word to board?].
I have wrote to Sister Jenny, and [hope] to quiet [torn] them. Family Quarrels are the [torn] most indiscreet [and sca]ndalous of [Quarrels. So?] let me beg of you my dear [Wife not] to have any [Part in] this. Write [torn] about in in my Absence. [Your] loving [Husband]
B Franklin

Postscript. I wish you would, per next Post, write a Letter to Sister Jenny, and recommend a Reconciliation. Capt. Radford is at length dead.
The Report of French Men of War off the Coast is vanished.

Addressed: To / Mrs Franklin / at / Woodbridge


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jane Mecom, 30 May 1757
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Mecom, Jane

Dear Sister,
New York, May 30, 1757.
I have before me yours of the 9th and 16th instant; I am glad you have resolved to visit sister Dowse oftener; it will be a great comfort to her, to find she is not neglected by you, and your example may, perhaps, be followed by some other of her relations.
As Neddy is yet a young man, I hope he may get over the disorder he complains of, and in time wear it out. My love to him and his wife and the rest of your children. It gives me pleasure to hear that Eben is likely to get into business at his trade. If he will be industrious and frugal, ’tis ten to one but he gets rich, for he seems to have spirit and activity.
I am glad that Peter is acquainted with the crown soap business, so as to make what is good of the kind. I hope he will always take care to make it faithfully, never slight manufacture, or attempt to deceive by appearances. Then he may boldly put his name and mark, and in a little time it will acquire as good a character as that made by his late uncle, or any other person whatever. I believe his aunt at Philadelphia, can help him to sell a good deal of it; and I doubt not of her doing every thing in her power to promote his interest in that way. Let a box be sent to her (but not unless it be right good) and she will immediately return the ready money for it. It was beginning once to be in vogue in Philadelphia, but brother John sent me one box, an ordinary sort, which checked its progress. I would not have him put the Franklin arms on it; but the soapboilers arms he has a right to use, if he thinks fit. The other would look too much like an attempt to counterfeit. In his advertisements, he may value himself on serving his time with the original maker, but put his own mark or device on the papers, or any thing he may be advised to as proper; only on the soap, as it is called by the name of crown soap, it seems necessary to use a stamp of that sort, and perhaps no soapboiler in the king’s dominions has a better right to the crown than himself.
Nobody has wrote a syllable to me concerning his making use of the hammer, or made the least complaint of him or you. I am sorry however that he took it without leave. It was irregular, and if you had not approved of his doing it, I should have thought it indiscreet. Leave they say is light, and it seems to me a piece of respect that was due to his aunt to ask it, and I can scarce think she would have refused him the favour.
I am glad to hear Jamey is so good and diligent a workman; if he ever sets up at the goldsmith’s business, he must remember that there is one accomplishment without which he cannot possibly thrive in that trade, (i.e. to be perfectly honest). It is a business that though ever so uprightly managed, is always liable to suspicion; and if a man is once detected in the smallest fraud it soon becomes public, and every one is put upon their guard against him; no one will venture to try his hands, or trust him to make up their plate; so at once he is ruined. I hope my nephew will therefore establish a character as an honest and faithful, as well as skilful workman, and then he need not fear employment.
And now as to what you propose for Benny I believe he may be, as you say, well enough qualified for it, and when he appears to be settled, if a vacancy should happen, it is very probable he may be thought of to supply it; but it is a rule with me, not to remove any officer that behaves well, keeps regular accounts, and pays duly; and I think the rule is founded on reason and justice. I have not shown any backwardness to assist Benny, where it could be done without injuring another. But if my friends require of me to gratify not only their inclinations, but their resentments, they expect too much of me. Above all things I dislike family quarrels, and when they happen among my relations, nothing gives me more pain. If I were to set myself up as a judge of those subsisting between you and brother’s widow and children, how unqualified must I be, at this distance, to determine rightly, especially having heard but one side. They always treated me with friendly and affectionate regard, you have done the same. What can I say between you, but that I wish you were reconciled, and that I will love that side best that is most ready to forgive and oblige the other. You will be angry with me here, for putting you and them too much upon a footing, but I shall nevertheless be, Dear sister, your truly Affectionate brother,
B. Franklin.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Isaac Norris, 30 May 1757
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Norris, Isaac

Sir,
New York, May 30. 1757.
After waiting here above Seven Weeks for the Sailing of the Pacquet, the Time of her Departure is no more ascertain’d now than it was the Day of our Arrival.
The Pacquets it is now said are all three to sail with the Fleet; the two first to be dismiss’d soon after the Fleet is at Sea; the third to go with the Fleet to the Place of Rendezvous, and not to be discharg’d till the Arrival and Junction of the Fleet from England.

But this is not certain: Resolutions change as Advices are receiv’d or Occurrences arise. And it is doubted whether the Fleet will sail from hence till there is certain News of the Arrival of that from [Englan]d. Since there is Intelligence that Beaufremont’s Squadron is gone from the W. Indies to the Northward.
I have had the Honour of several Conferences with my Lord on the Subject of the Servants. His Lordship objects first that it appears by the List, which I laid before him that many of the Servants were inlisted in General Braddock and Gen. Shirley’s time; with those he has nothing to do. 2dly. That many were inlisted before the Act of Parliament appointed Satisfaction to be made to the Masters; and as all the Lawyers agree, that the Right to take them without Pay was clearly in the King before the Act, no Satisfaction should be made or expected for those. 3d. That the particular Proofs of the Loss of each Servant, and of his being inlisted in the K’s Service do not appear. 4th. That the Affair is now so intricate and perplex’d, that it would take more time to examine and settle it than he can possibly spare. 5th. That if his Officers had done wrong in not paying for the Servants as they took them, the Fault was our own; it was owing to some principal People among our selves, whom he could name, who had always assur’d the Officers the Assembly intended to pay for the Servants; and by that Means led them into the Error. His Lordship made several other Observations and Objections, all which I answered and endeavoured to remove as well as I could; but there is, I believe, one at Bottom, which it is not in my Power to remove, and that is the Want of Money. The Expences of an American War necessarily run very high; and are complain’d of by some in England; and his [Lordship is un]willing to discourage the Ministry at home by large [demands?]. He will therefore mix none of those of his Predecessors with his own, makes the most frugal Agreements, and avoids all Payments that he can avoid with Honour. For Instance, there is a Ballance not very large, due to me on my Account of Waggons and Forage Supply’d to General Braddock. I presented the Account to his Lordship, who had it examin’d and compar’d with the Vouchers, and on Report made to him that it was right, order’d a Warrant to be drawn for the Payment. But before he sign’d it, he sent for me, told me that as the Money became due before his time he had rather not mix it in his Accounts; it would be the same thing to me to receive it in England; he believ’d it a fair and just Account and as such would represent it home, so that I should meet with no Difficulty in getting it paid there. I agreed to his Lordship’s Proposal, and the Warrant was laid aside.

I once propos’d to his Lordship that if he would appoint or desire Gov. Denny to appoint some Persons of Credit in Pensilvania to examine the Claims of the Masters, and report to his Lordship at the End of the Campaign, it might for the present make the Minds of the Sufferers more easy, and he could then order Payment for such Part as he should find right for him to pay, and we might endeavour to procure Satisfaction elsewhere for the rest. His Lordship declin’d this, saying that he knew not who to appoint, being unacquainted with the People; that he did not care to trouble Govr. Denny with it; of whom he must ask it as a Favour; and besides, Auditors in the Plantations, of Accounts against the Crown, had in many Instances been so shamefully partial and corrupt, that they had lost all Credit. If he appointed Auditors, they must be some of the Officers [of] the Army, who were acquainted and understood the Affair, and at present they were engag’d in other Duty.
I will not trouble you with a Detail of all I said to his Lordship on this Affair tho’ I omitted nothing material that occurr’d to me. But I find he is for keeping the Matter in Suspense, without either promising Payment or refusing to pay; perhaps till he receives Direction about it from home. He does not seem to like however that I should make any Application there relating to it; and chuses to keep the List in his Hands, till his Return from the Campaign.
The List is indeed so very imperfect, that I could not promise my self much from laying it before him. Of many Servants it is not noted by what Officers, or in what Company or even in what Regiment they were inlisted; of others the Time they were bound for, or had served, or had still to serve, is omitted: Of others, no Notice is taken of the Price they cost. Nor is there any Distinction of Apprentices. Tho’ perhaps the Account is the best that could be obtained the Time and other Circumstances considered. Upon the whole, as the Enquiry, if it is ever made by my Lord’s Order, will be by Officers of the Army, they being in his Lordship’s Opinion the fittest Persons and most impartial; as all Inlistments before the Commencement of his Command, will be rejected, and also all before the Act of Parliament; As very clear Proofs of every Circumstance, when the Servant was inlisted, by what Officer, of what Regiment, &c. &c. will be insisted on, and the Recruit[ing] Officers at the Time took such effectual Care to prevent in many Instances, the Masters knowing any thing of those Circumstances; I am enclin’d to think very little Benefit will be produc’d by such Enquiry; and that our Application home for some Allowance on that Account will be better founded on what the Assembly after their own Enquiry have thought themselves oblig’d to pay, than on such an imperfect List as has been sent me. This however I submit. And if it should be still thought proper to apply in England on the Footing of that List another Copy must be sent by some future Opportunity.
His Lordship has on all Occasions treated me with the greatest Goodness, but I find frequently that strong Prejudices are infus’d into his Mind against our Province. We have too many Enemies among our selves; I hope in time Things will wear a better Face.
Please to present my humble Respects to the House, and believe me, with great Esteem, Sir &c.

P.S. Sunday morning June 5. At length we are going on board: All the Pacquets as I wrote above fall down together; and tis said the Fleet will certainly sail to morrow—But how little those Notices are to be depended you will see by the enclos’d wrote and sent to me at Woodbridge two Weeks ago by Capt. Conyngham, one of my Lord’s Aid de Camps by my Lord’s Order.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Ezra Stiles, 2 June 1757
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Stiles, Ezra

Dear Sir,
New York, June 2. 1757
Having waited here near Eight Weeks for a Passage to England, we are at length told we shall certainly sail tomorrow.
For your Amusement I enclose you a Copy of a Letter I lately sent to a philosophical Friend in Carolina. I shall not forget your Thermometer, and shall be glad to hear from you when in England. I am, Dear Sir, with great Esteem, Your most obedient Servant
B Franklin

Addressed: For / The Revd. Mr Ezra Stiles / at / Newport / Per Mr James / Franklin.
Endorsed: Recd. 9th. June 1757. Ansd. a second Time Mar. 30. 1758


Title: William Franklin to Elizabeth Graeme, 2 June 1757
From: Franklin, William
To: Graeme, Elizabeth

My dearest Betsy
New York, June 2, 1757
By one Accident or other we are still in N. York. But I know not how to complain of my Detention; for has it not afforded me the Pleasure of another Letter from my Betsy. A Letter for which I cannot be enough thankful. I must answer it in short; the Time of our Departure being now positively fix’d to this Afternoon. The Name of our Pacquet is, The General Wall, Capt. Lutwych, Commander. My Lord says she shall not be taken to Halifax, but accompany the Fleet for 3 or 4 Days only, in order to take on board Duplicates of his Dispatches sent by the Earl of Leicester, which is to sail directly for England. Capt. Bonnel, in the Harriot Pacquet is to go with the Fleet to Halifax, there to wait till they proceed upon the Expedition. I believe but few, if any, Letters sent by the Pacquet are opened. If you direct for me to the Care of Peter Colinson, Esqr. F.R.S. in London, I make no Doubt of your Letters coming safe.
My Lord, and Sir Charles, go in a 50 Gun Ship to Halifax; and Genl. Abercrombie in the Nightingale a 20 Gun Ship, Capt. Campbell, Commander. The whole of this Grand Armament seems at length destined for Louisbourg only!
Once more adieu. Adieu, my dearest Betsy. I need not repeat (for you must know) how much I am Your most affectionate
W. Franklin

P.S. I have not seen Mrs. Abercrombie for this Week past; she having gone down to the Hook with her Husband, and intends to remain on board with him till the Sailing of the Fleet.
To Miss Graeme
 Addressed: To / Miss Eliza Graeme / In / Philadelphia


Title: David Hall’s Remittances to England, 1757–1765
From: Hall, David
To:

[June 2, 1757]
The partnership agreement with David Hall, Jan. 1, 1748, provided that Hall was to pay one half the net income of the printing office to Franklin at every monthly clearing of accounts. Apparently such strict regularity did not prove feasible and Franklin did not insist upon it. During his prolonged trip to England, however, he did expect Hall to send him bills of exchange at reasonable intervals covering, in round figures, the amounts due. In the record book labeled “Accounts Current Book David Hall Commencing Anno 1748,” Hall devoted folios 19, 24, and 29 to a listing of the bills of exchange he sent to his senior partner in England. In each instance he noted the drawer of the bill he had bought, the English firm or public office on which it was drawn, the amount in pounds sterling, and the ships (usually with the captains’ names) by which he had sent the original bill and other copies. The dates run from June 2, 1757, to April 12, 1762, with one single entry of Feb. 25, 1765, soon after Franklin had gone back on his second mission as agent for the Pennsylvania Assembly. With the exception of this final item all the bills of exchange are mentioned in the surviving correspondence between the partners during Franklin’s absence. While the particulars of the individual bills hardly need to be printed here, a summary of Hall’s remittances may be useful in connection with that correspondence, which will appear at appropriate dates in this and later volumes:

              Date
              Sterling
              Date
              Sterling

              1757,
              June
              2
              £100
              0s.
              0d.
              1759,
              Feb.
              28
              £100
              0s.
              0d.

              July
              4
              100
              0
              0

              March
              24
              100
              0
              0

              Sept.
              4
              100
              0
              0

              June
              18
              200
              0
              0

              Oct.
              18
              100
              0
              0

              Dec.
              15
              200
              0
              0

              (Nov.
              12
              100
              0
              0)
              1760,
              March
              5
              200
              0
              0

              1758,
              Jan.
              6
              100
              0
              0

              April
              18
              100
              0
              0

              Feb.
              4
              100
              0
              0
              1761,
              Feb.
              9
              200
              0
              0

              April
              24
              100
              0
              0

              June
              1
              100
              0
              0

              April
              24
              149
              12
              5
              1762,
              April
              12
              300
              0
              0

              July
              22
              100
              0
              0
              1765,
              Feb.
              25
              150
              0
              0

              Nov.
              13
              100
              0
              0
              Total
              £2799
              12s.
              0d.

              1759,
              Jan.
              18
              100
              0
              0


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to [Peter and Mary Franklin], [4 June 1757]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Peter,Franklin, Mary

[New York, Saturday, June 4, 1757]
I enclose you an Order of Cousin James’s on Mr. Collins for 35 Dollars. Please to receive them, and send them per first safe hand to my Wife. If you can get it in Gold, it may be enclosed in a little Packet and sent per Post … Billy presents his Duty. … I pray God to preserve you both.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from David Hall, 4 July 1757
From: Hall, David
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir.
Philadelphia July 4th. 1757
My last to you was by the Rebecca, Captain Arthur (via Liverpool) covering the second Copy of the £100. Bill. Inclosed you have now the third Copy of the same Bills, in Case of Miscarriages; and you have likewise inclosed the first Copy of another Bill for the same Value, on the same Gentlemen, which I hope will come safe to Hand. The Exchange of this last the same as the first 67½.
In my letter per Arthur, I promised to send you the Copy of a Letter, I lately received from Mr. James Hunter of Fredericksburgh, relating to our Virginia Customers which is as follows.

Gentlemen.
Fredericksburgh 26th May 1757.
Whenever you are pleased to send me a list of the Ballances due on your Gazettes, I will collect the Same for you and Mr. Franklin without any Gratuity. I would recommend to you in future to discontinue the Gazettes to those who do not pay for the whole Year at Entrance, and I am of Opinion you will find no considerable decline in your Customers thereby. I am sure the Subscribers on my list would readily agree.
Thomas Franklin is the Rider between Williamsburgh and this place, and he hath not shown me the Names of his Subscribers, if they be good, it may not be so convenient for him to finger the Entrances If you be inclineable to serve them. You may load a Waggon with Papers for Virginia if the Pay is not demanded till the Year’s End.
From what you see this Gentleman writes, I believe it will be best to follow his Advice, and take none but those who pay as he directs.
By the last Post I receiv’d a letter from Mr. Christopher Chamney in Virginia wherein he tells me he has lately paid, Eight Pounds Sixteen Shillings that Currency to Mr. John Stretch, Money received by him from different People on Account of our Gazette. I answered him that we were much obliged to him for the Trouble he had taken about our Affairs; but, as I had heard, from several Gentlemen, that that Person had refused to take Money for us, or to be concern’d at all with our Papers, should take it kind if, for the future, he would send any Thing he might receive for us by Letter, or order his Correspondent here (if he had any in this Place) to pay us. This I thought proper to do, as I heard you say you did not like Mr. Stretch’s receiving for us. I am, Yours,
DH.
To Benjamin Franklin Esqr LondonCopiaVia NY per Halifax Packet BoatOriginal per the Pennsylvania Cap Lyon


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, 17 July 1757
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Deborah

[Falmouth, July 17, 1757]
The bell ringing for church, we went thither immediately, and with hearts full of gratitude, returned sincere thanks to God for the mercies we had received: were I a Roman Catholic, perhaps I should on this occasion vow to build a chapel to some saint; but as I am not, if I were to vow at all, it should be to build a lighthouse.


Title: William Franklin to Elizabeth Graeme, 17 July 1757
From: Franklin, William
To: Graeme, Elizabeth

Falmouth July 17, 1757
I have now the Pleasure to inform my dearest Betsy that her Franklin is safely arriv’d in England about two Hours ago, after a Passage of 27 Days. I am so much hurried in getting our Things ashore, and enquiring for Horses and Carriages for transporting us up to London, that I have not Leisure to give you any of the Particulars of our Voyage. I design to do it however by the very first Opportunity. In general, we were highly favour’d with Winds, were several Times chac’d, and met with no Accident, except the Night before our Arrival, when we narrowly escap’d running ashore on the Rocks of Scilly, owing to our not having discover’d the Light ashore till it was almost too late to avoid them. Altho’ our Passage cannot, when compar’d to most others, be deem’d a very disagreeable one, yet I cannot but be [of] Opinion that let the Pleasures of this Country be ever so great, they are dearly earn’d by a Voyage across the Atlantick. Few are the Inducements that will tempt me to pass the Ocean again, if ever I am so happy as to return to my native Country.
I question if I shall have it in my Power to write again by this Pacquet, as ’tis said she will sail sometime this Week; so that no Post after our Arrival in London can possibly reach her.
I must beg you to say for me to your good Family, and let my great Hurry plead in Excuse for your seeing so soon the Name of your affectionate
Wm: Franklin
For Miss Graeme.
 Addressed: To / Miss Elizth. Graeme / In / Philadelphia


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Ferdinand John Paris, 12 August 1757
From: Paris, Ferdinand John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir,
Hampstead Friday Afternoon past 4.12. Augst. 1757.
In Consequence of my Letter to You, of the 10th. Instant, I am now to acquaint You, that it’s believed the Youngest of the Proprietarys is some where from Home, and has not received, at least he has not answered, his Brother’s Letter, touching the Appointment for to Morrow; Which, therefore, must go off; And they will take the first Opportunity to fix some other Time, Of which, You shall have due Notice, from, Sir, Your most humble Servant
F: J: P:
Benjamin Franklin Esqr. 12. August 1757 Copp Mr. Paris’s Second Letter to Mr. Franklin.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to the Proprietors: Heads of Complaint, 20 August 1757
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Proprietors

“I believe I shall be able to deal very well with Mr. Franklin,” wrote Thomas Penn when first informed of the Assembly’s plan to send him as agent to England. To undercut his mission, Penn sought assurance from the Duke of Cumberland that Postmaster General Sir Everard Fawkener would “by no means support Franklin” in opposing the Proprietors, and he sowed seeds of jealousy, so he thought, between the new emissary and long-time agent Richard Partridge; Penn told Partridge he “did not desire to have any conversation with him [Franklin]—This did not displease him [Partridge] and we parted mighty good Friends.” In a final move to thwart Franklin’s agency, Penn urged James Hamilton to come to England to help refute Assembly arguments.
Meanwhile, Franklin busily prepared his own case: “I went to visit Dr. Fothergill, to whom I was strongly recommended, and whose Counsel respecting my Proceedings I was advis’d to obtain. He was against an immediate Complaint to Government, and thought the Proprietaries should first be personally apply’d to, who might possibly be induc’d by the Interposition and Persuasion of some private Friends to accomodate Matters amicably. I then waited on my old Friend and Correspondent Mr. Peter Collinson, who told me that John Hanbury, the great Virginia Merchant, had requested to be informed when I should arrive, that he might carry me to Lord Granville’s, who was then President of the Council, and wish’d to see me as soon as possible. I agreed to go with him the next Morning. Accordingly Mr. Hanbury called for me and took me in his Carriage to that Nobleman’s, who receiv’d me with great Civility; and after some Questions respecting the present State of Affairs in America, and Discourse thereupon, he said to me, ‘You Americans have wrong Ideas of the Nature of your Constitution; you contend that the King’s Instructions to his Governors are not Laws, and think yourselves at Liberty to disregard them at your own Discretion. But those Instructions are not like the Pocket Instructions given to a Minister going abroad, for regulating his Conduct in some trifling Point of Ceremony. They are first drawn up by Judges learned in the Laws; they are then considered, debated and perhaps amended in Council, after which they are signed by the King. They are then so far as relates to you, the Law of the Land; for The King is the Legislator of the Colonies.’ I told his Lordship this was new Doctrine to me. I had always understood from our Charters, that our Laws were to be made by our Assemblies, to be presented indeed to the King for his Royal Assent, but that being once given the King could not repeal or alter them. And as the Assemblies could not make permanent Laws without his Assent, so neither could he make a Law for them without theirs. He assur’d me I was totally mistaken. I did not think so however. And his Lordship’s Conversation having a little alarm’d me as to what might be the Sentiments of the Court concerning us, I wrote it down as soon as I return’d to my Lodgings.”
Sometime between August 13 and 16, reported Thomas Penn, “Mr. Franklin came according to his appointment to pay me a visit previous to his entering upon Business. He professed his desire to do every thing in his Power to settle the differences that subsisted between us and the Assembly. We spoke of things generally, my Brother being in the Country on a Tour, I did not think it proper to do otherwise. The next day he came to Town, and we sent for Mr. Franklin, and appointed the 20th. of last Month to receive what he had to offer, which he proposed to do in the way of conversation, but as we had told him, it was absolutely necessary to have what he demanded in writing, he delivered a loose Paper not address’d to any body called heads of Complaint, a Copy of which I send you but I think it shou’d not be made publick.”

London Augst. 20, 1757.
Heads of Complaint
1. That the reasonable and necessary Power given to Deputy Governors of Pennsylvania by the Royal Charter, Section 4th. and 5th. of making Laws with the Advice and Consent of the Assembly, for Raising Money for the Safety of the Country and other Publick Uses, “according to their best Discretion,” is taken away by Proprietary Instructions enforced by penal Bonds, and restraining the Deputy from the Use of his best Discretion; tho’ being on the Spot, he can better judge of the Emergency State and Necessity of Affairs, than Proprietaries residing at a great Distance; by Means of which Restraints sundry Sums of Money granted by the Assembly for the Defence of the Province, have been rejected by the Deputy, to the great Injury of His Majesty’s Service in Time of War, and Danger of the Loss of the Colony.
2. That the indubitable Right of the Assembly, to judge of the Mode, Measure and Time of Granting Supplies, is infringed by Instructions that injoin the Deputy to refuse his Assent to any Bill for Raising Money, unless certain Modes, Measures, and Times in such Instructions directed, make a Part of the Bill; whereby the Assembly, in Time of War, are reduced to the Necessity of either losing the Country to the Enemy, or giving up the Liberties of the People, and receiving Law from the Proprietary; and if they should do the latter in the present Case, it will not prevent the former; the restricting Instructions being such, as that, if comply’d with, it is impossible to raise a Sum sufficient to defend the Country.
3. That the Proprietaries have injoined their Deputy, by such Instructions, to refuse his Assent to any Law for raising Money by a Tax, tho’ ever so necessary for the Defence of the Country, unless the greatest Part of their Estate is exempted from such Tax. This, to the Assembly and People of Pennsylvania, appears both unjust and cruel.

The Proprietaries are now requested seriously to consider these Complaints, and redress the Aggrievances complain’d of, in the most speedy and effectual Manner; that Harmony may be restored between the several Branches of the Legislature, and the Publick Service be hereafter readily and fully provided for.
B Franklin,Agent for the Province of Pensilva.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Sturgeon, 22 August 1757
From: Sturgeon, William
To: Franklin, Benjamin

[Philadelphia, Aug. 22, 1757]
Mrs. Franklin favoured me with the Sight of a Letter wrote to you by one Mr. Waring, in which your Thoughts are desired on the important Subject of instructing the Negroes in the Principles of Christianity. As I have the Honour of being employ’d by the Society, a[s] Catechist to the Negroes in this City I take the Freedom to make mention of the Affair to you. When I first arrived here, few or none of the Colour were Christians; but by the Blessing of God, several of them, after proper Instruction, have been baptised, and are regular Communicants of our Church; and others who do not communicate, behave orderly, and attend the Service of the Church.
I am forced chiefly to instruct them by the Ear; but if a School could be opened for their Use under the Care and Inspection of the Minister, or some other prudent Person or Persons, the Work would in time become easy, and much Good might be done to them, and several of the lower Rank of White People.


Title: Post Office Account with William Hunter, 29 August 1757
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Hunter, William

Pasted on page 26 of Franklin’s Ledger, 1764–1775, is a small slip of paper on which he wrote a memorandum which appears to have nothing to do with the accounts to which it has been attached. Although the memorandum as a whole is dated 1772, it is printed here at the date of the earliest item on it.

London, May 5, 1772
Hunter

1757
Aug 29.
31.
  10.
0

Do
  42.

Oct. 27
  20.
  0.
0

  400.
  0.
0

1758
May 3
  35.
  0.
0

Aug. 26
  40.
  0.
0

Nov. 21
  100.
  0.
0

1759
Mar. 1
  191.
  5.
0

The above Sums taken from Banker’s Book (Brown & Sons) all above the Line are settled in the Post Office Account between W. Hunter and me. Query, How were the subsequent Sums settled.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from David Hall, 14 September 1757
From: Hall, David
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Philadelphia, 14th Septemr 1757
I make no Doubt but long before this comes to hand, you have received the first and Second Copies of the second Hundred Pound. I sent you one by Capt. Arthur, Via Liverpool, the other by Capt. Lyon.
Inclosed I have now sent you the first Copy of another Bill, for One hundred Pounds, the Exchange the same as the others, Sixty Seven and a half, which you will please to own the Receipt of, as soon as it reaches you, and likewise of what has been sent before. As there are only three setts of Hunter’s Bills shall send but two of them, till I hear of one at any Time being intercepted.
We shall begin in a Week or two more from this Date, to expect to hear from you in Case you have had the Good Luck to escape the Monsieurs, which by what we have heard lately, seems to be a pretty difficult Matter to do, as they cover the seas in a Manner with their Privateers &c. Yours &c.
D H
To Benjamin Franklin Esqr. via Liverpool per Industry Cap. Nuttle
Copy Via Liverpool per the Philadelphia Capt. Ferguson Jr [?] per the Carolina Cap. Duncan
Wrote at the same time under Cover to his Father to Mr. William Franklin.


Title: William Franklin to the Printer of The Citizen, 16 September 1757
From: Franklin, William
To: Printer of The Citizen

Soon after beginning his negotiations with the Proprietors, Franklin became convinced that they “were repeatedly publishing scandalous and malicious Falshoods against the Assembly and People of Pennsylvania” in the English press. A letter in The Citizen, or General Advertiser, Sept. 9, 1757, aspersing the Assembly and the Quakers, provided the immediate occasion for a reply, but, because it might appear improper for the Assembly’s chief negotiator with the Penns to engage in such a newspaper controversy, the response appeared over the signature of William Franklin. It was published in The Citizen, September 16, reprinted in The London Chronicle, September 17–20 (Number II below), and repeated in The Citizen on the 23d. Gentleman’s Magazine printed it in the September issue (distributed in October) with an extended introduction prepared by the Franklins (Number I below). On Dec. 8, 1757, The Pennsylvania Gazette reprinted the letter as it had appeared in the September 23 Citizen, and in a further demonstration of Franklin’s assiduous propagandizing, it was inserted as an appendix in Richard Jackson’s An Historical Review of the Constitution and Government of Pennsylvania, which appeared in London in June 1759 under Franklin’s guidance and sponsorship. An introduction in this work praised the letter’s good effect: “since that Time [September 1757] no one has ever offer’d to publish the least Thing in Contradiction; altho’ before, scarce a Week elaps’d without the News-Papers furnishing us with some anonymous Abuse of that Colony.”

I
In our Magazine, Vol. XXV. p. 87 [487]. Vol. xxvi. p. 28. we have given a very particular account of the disputes between the assembly of Pennsylvania and the late Governor Morris, which had exactly the same cause, and produced exactly the same effects, as the late dispute between this Assembly and Mr. Denny.
The acting governor, who is only lieutenant governor, besides the royal instructions, receives instructions from the proprietaries. By these proprietary instructions the governor is required not to pass any bill for taxing their quit rents, their located unimproved lands, and their purchase money at interest, but the assembly have ever been determined to frame no money bill, in which these quit rents, lands, and money shall be exempted, for the following reasons.
1st, Because they conceive that neither the proprietaries nor any other power on earth, ought to interfere between them and their sovereign, either to modify or refuse their free gifts, and grants for his majesty’s service.
2d, Because though the governor may be under obligation to the proprietaries, yet he is under greater to the crown, and to the people he is appointed to govern, to promote the service of his majesty, and preserve the rights of his subjects, and protect them from their cruel enemies.
3d. Because a tax laid comformable to the proprietary instructions, could not possibly produce the necessary supply. By these instructions all the proprietors estate, except a trifle, and all located unimproved lands, to whomsoever belonging, are to be exempted. There remains then to be taxed, only the improved lands, houses, and personal estates of the people. Now it is well known, from the tax books, that there are not in the province more than 20,000 houses, including those of the towns with those on plantations. If these, with the improved lands annexed to them, and the personal estate of those that inhabit them, are worth, one with another, £250 each, it may, we think, be reckoned their full value; then multiply 20,000 the number of houses, by £250 the value of each estate, and the produce is £5,000,000 for the full value of all our estates, real and personal, the unimproved lands excepted. Now three per cent. on five millions is but one hundred and fifty thousand pounds; and four shillings in the pound on one hundred and fifty thousand pounds, being but a fifth part, is no more than thirty thousand pounds; so that we ought to have near seventeen millions to produce, by such a tax, one hundred thousand pounds.
4th. Because the bill
   In the bill which passed in March last, the proprietary estate was not taxed, that matter being intended to be referred to the determination of superior authority in England.
 which they have prepared, without the exceptions required in the proprietaries instructions, is exactly conformable to an act lately passed by a former governor, and allowed by the crown.
It is indeed matter of equal astonishment and concern, that in this time of danger and distress, when the utmost unanimity and dispatch is necessary to the preservation of life, liberty, and estate, a governor should be sent to our colonies with such instructions as must inevitably produce endless dispute and delay, and prevent the assembly from effectually opposing the French upon any other condition, than the giving up their rights as Englishmen.
The assembly, indeed, have been stigmatized as obstinate, fanatical, and disaffected; and reproached as the authors of every calamity under which they suffer. A paragraph in one of the public papers, which lately echoed the charge that has been long urged against them, has been answered by Mr. William Franklin of Philadelphia, who is now in England. We shall insert the paragraph and reply at large, as we cannot exhibit any other representation with equal authority.

II

  Pennsylvania Coffee-houseLondon, Sept. 16, 1757.
   To the Printer of the Citizen.
Sir,

In your Paper of the 9th Instant, I observe the following Paragraph, Viz. “The last Letters from Philadelphia bring Accounts of the Scalping the Inhabitants of the Back Provinces by the Indians: At the same Time the Disputes between the Governor and the Assembly are carried to as great a Height as ever, and the Messages sent from the Assembly to the Governor, and from the Governor to the Assembly, are expressed in Terms which give very little Hopes of a reconciliation. The Bill to raise Money is clogged, so as to prevent the Governor from giving his Consent to it; and the Obstinacy of the Quakers in the Assembly is such, that they will in no Shape alter it: So that, while the Enemy is in the Heart of the Country, Cavils prevent any Thing being done for its Relief. Mr. Denny is the third Governor with whom the Assembly has had these Disputes within a few Years.”
As this Paragraph, like many others heretofore published in the Papers, is not founded on Truth, but calculated to prejudice the Public against the Quakers and People of Pennsylvania, you are desired to do that injured Province some Justice, in publishing the following Remarks; which would have been sent you sooner, had the Paper come sooner to my Hands.
1. That the Scalping of the Frontier Inhabitants by the Indians is not peculiar to Pennsylvania, but common to all the Colonies, in Proportion as their Frontiers are more or less extended and exposed to the Enemy. That the Colony of Virginia, in which there are very few, if any Quakers, and none in the Assembly, has lost more Inhabitants and Territory by the War than Pennsylvania. That even the Colony of New York, with all its own Forces, a great Body of New-England Troops encamp’d on its Frontier, and the regular Army under Lord Loudoun, posted in different Places, has not been able to secure its Inhabitants from Scalping by the Indians; who coming secretly in very small Parties skulking in the Woods, must sometimes have it in their Power to surprize and destroy Travellers, or single Families settled in scattered Plantations, notwithstanding all the Care that can possibly be taken by any Government for their Protection. Centinels posted round an Army, while standing on their Guard, with Arms in their Hands, are often kill’d and scalp’d by Indians. How much easier must it be for such an Enemy to destroy a Ploughman at Work in his Field?
2. That the Inhabitants of the Frontiers of Pennsylvania are not Quakers, were in the Beginning of the War supplied with Arms and Ammunition by the Assembly, and have frequently defended themselves, and repelled the Enemy, being withheld by no Principle from Fighting; and the Losses they have suffer’d were owing entirely to their Situation, and the loose scattered Manner in which they had settled their Plantations and Families in the Woods, remote from each other, in Confidence of lasting Peace.
3. That the Disputes between the late and present Governors, and the Assembly of Pennsylvania, were occasioned, and are continued, chiefly by new Instructions from the Proprietors to those Governors, forbidding them to pass any Laws to raise Money for the Defence of the Country, unless the proprietary Estate, or much the greatest Part of it, was exempted from the Tax to be raised by Virtue of such Laws, and other Clauses inserted in them, by which the Privileges long enjoyed by the People, and which they think they have a Right to, not only as Pennsylvanians, but as Englishmen, were to be extorted from them, under their present Distresses. The Quakers, who, tho’ the first Settlers, are now but a small Part of the People of Pennsylvania, were concerned in those Disputes only as Inhabitants of the Province, and not as Quakers; and all the other Inhabitants join in opposing those Instructions, and contending for their Rights, the Proprietary Officers and Dependants only excepted, with a few of such as they can influence.
4. That though some Quakers have Scruples against bearing Arms, they have when most numerous in the Assembly, granted large Sums for the King’s Use (as they expressed it) which have been applied to the Defence of the Province; for Instance, in 1755, and 1756, they granted the Sum of £55,000 to be raised by a Tax on Estates real and personal, and £30,000 to be raised by Excise on Spirituous Liquors; besides near £10,000 in Flour, &c. to General Braddock and for cutting his Roads, and £10,000 to General Shirley in Provisions for the New England and New York Forces, then on the Frontiers of New-York; at the same Time that the Contingent Expenses of Government to be otherwise provided for, were greatly and necessarily enhanced. That however, to remove all Pretence for Reflection on their Sect, as obstructing military Measures in Time of War, a Number of them voluntarily quitted their Seats in Assembly, in 1756; others requested their Friends not to chuse them in the ensuing Election, nor did any of that Profession stand as Candidates, or request a Vote for themselves at that Election, many Quakers refusing even to vote at all, and others voting for such Men as would, and did, make a considerable Majority in the House, who were not Quakers; and yet four of the Quakers, who were nevertheless chosen, refused to serve, and Writs were issued for new Elections, when four others, not Quakers, were chosen in their Places; that of 36 Members, the Number of which the House consists, there are not at the most above 12 of that Denomination, and those such as are well known to be for supporting the Government in Defence of the Country, but are too few, if they were against such a Measure, to prevent it.

5. That the Bill to raise Money said in the above Article of News, to be so clogged as to prevent the Governor from giving his Assent, was drawn in the same Form, and with the same Freedom from all Clogs, as that for granting £60,000 which had been passed by the Governor in 1755, and received the Royal Approbation; that the real Clogs or Obstructions to its passing were not in the Bill, but in the above-mentioned proprietary Instructions; that the Governor having long refused his Assent to the Bill, did in Excuse of his Conduct, on Lord Loudoun’s Arrival at Philadelphia, in March last, lay his Reasons before his Lordship, who was pleased to communicate them to one of the Members of the House, and patiently to hear what that Member had to say in Answer, the Governor himself being present; and that his Lordship did finally declare himself fully satisfied with the Answers made to those Reasons, and to give it as his Opinion to the Governor, that he ought immediately to pass the Bill, any Instructions he might have to the contrary from the Proprietors notwithstanding, which the Governor accordingly complied with, passed the Bill on the 22d of March, and the Money, being £100,000 for the Service of the current Year, has been ever since actually expending in the Defence of the Province; so that the whole Story of the Bill’s not passing, the clogging of the Bill by the Assembly, and the Obstinacy of the Quakers preventing its Passage, is absolutely a malicious and notorious Falshood.
6. The Assertion of the News-Writers, “That while the Enemy is in the Heart of the Country, Cavils prevent any Thing being done for its Relief,” is so far from being true: That First, the Enemy is not, nor ever was, in the Heart of the Country, having only molested the Frontier Settlements by their Parties. Secondly, More is done for the Relief and Defence of the Country, without any Assistance from the Crown, than is done perhaps by any other Colony in America; there having been, soon after the War broke out, the following Forts erected at the Province Expence, in a Line to cover the Frontier, viz. Henshaw’s Fort on Delaware, Fort Hamilton, Fort Norris, Fort Allen, Fort Franklin, Fort Lebanon, Fort William Henry, Fort Augustus, Fort Halifax, Fort Granville, Fort Shirley, Fort Littleton, and Shippensburg Fort, besides several smaller Stockades and Places of Defence, garrisoned by Troops in the Pay of the Province, under whose Protection the Inhabitants, who at first abandoned their Frontier Settlements, returned generally to their Habitations, and many yet continue, though not without some Danger, to cultivate their Lands: By these Pennsylvanian Troops, under Col. Armstrong, the greatest Blow was given to the Enemy last Year on the Ohio that they have received during the War: in burning and destroying the Indian Town of Kittanning, and killing their great Captain Jacobs, with many other Indians, and recovering a Number of Captives of their own and the neighbouring Provinces: Besides the Garrisons, in the Forts, 1100 Soldiers are maintained on the Frontiers in Pay, being armed and accoutred by the Province, as ranging Companies.
And at Philadelphia, 15 Iron Cannon, 18 Pounders, were last Year purchased in England, and added to the 50 they had before, either mounted on their Batteries, or ready to be mounted, besides a Train of Artillery, being new Brass Field Pieces, 12 and 6 Pounders, with all their Appurtenances in extreme good Order, and a Magazine stored with Ammunition, a Quantity of large Bombshells, and above 2000 new Small Arms lately procured, exclusive of those in the Hands of the People. They have likewise this Summer fitted out a 20 Gun Province Ship of War, to scour the Coast of Privateers, and protect the Trade of that and the neighbouring Provinces, which is more than any other Colony to the Southward of New England has done. Pennsylvania also, by its Situation, covers the greatest Part of New Jersey, all the Government of the Delaware Countries, and great Part of Maryland, from the Invasions of the Indians, without receiving any Contribution from those Colonies, or the Mother-Country, towards the Expence.
The above are Facts, consistent with the Knowledge of the Subscriber, who but lately left Philadelphia, is now in London, is not, nor ever was, a Quaker, nor writes this at the Request of any Quaker, but purely to do Justice to a Province and People, of late frequently abused in nameless Papers and Pamphlets published in England. And he hereby calls upon the Writer of that Article of News to produce the letters out of which, he says, he has drawn those Calumnies and Falshoods, or to take the Shame to himself.
William Franklin.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from David Colden, 18 September 1757
From: Colden, David
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Septr. 18th. 1757
About the time you left America I was employed in endeavouring with my Fathers assistance to form an Explication of the Phenomena of Electricity, on his Principles of Action in Matter; some conceptions had occurred to me in pursuing the Experiments made by you and Mr. Canton which gave me reason to hope it might be effected, on very simple principles. If you were at this time with us, I make no doubt what I have wrote on that subject, and which I now take the liberty to send you, would be much more correct. However I am so unwilling to have it appear in publick, before you have had an oppertunity of judging it, that I have desired my Cousin Alexander Colden to leave it with you some time for your consideration: the favour which I have formerly had of corresponding with you on this subject gives me assurance that you will take the trouble of considering it and of letting me know your sentiments of it. I shall esteem it a great feavour Sir that you make corrections in any part that may appear to want it. I had much rather not have it published, than that it should afterwards appear unworthy the notice of the Judicious; but if it meets with your approbation I shall reckon myself very safe in the publication. I must beg you to let my Cousin see what you write me on this occasion, that he may know how to order the Printing, for I shall desire him to delay it, in case you make any material objections, till I have an oppertunity of obviating them, or recalling my error. Your advice to my Cousin in any thing concerning this Peice shall be most gratefully acknowledged by Sir Yrs.
To Benjn Franklin Esqr.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from David Hall, 19 October 1757
From: Hall, David
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Philadelphia, 19th October 1757
My last to you by the Carolina Captain Duncan, contained the second Copy of a Bill of Exchange for £100. which I hope is come safe to hand.
You have now inclosed the first Copy of one other Bill for £100. (which will make the fourth Hundred remitted you since you left Philadelphia) the Receipt of which you will please to own by the first Vessel after it comes to hand, and likewise for that before sent. This last I had for Sixty-five, the others I think I acquainted you Cost Sixty Seven and a Half. &c.
D H
Inclosed is a Copy of the first letter of Advice relating to the above Bill of Exchange.
To Benjamin Franklin Esqr. per the Myrtilla Capt Budden Copy per Philadelphia Capt Stewart Via Liverpool


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to John Fothergill, [October 1757]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Fothergill, John

Dear Doctor
Tuesday morning, [October, 1757?]
I took the 30 grs. of Comp[oun]d Powder of Contrayerva you prescribed, and had a good Night.
I had no Headach in the Morning, as when I took the Hartshorn Drops; and therefore did not cup.
But I have had all Day yesterday, a Giddiness and Swimming in my Head, which, every time I rise up, or turn suddenly, makes me stagger a little.
I hear a humming Noise in my head, and seem now and then to see little faint twinkling Lights. And my Head feels tender.
Will Abstinence be sufficient to remove this Disorder: or do you still advise Cupping, and any thing farther, for Your affectionate Friend
Dr Fothergill


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Bartram, 12 November 1757
From: Bartram, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

[Philadelphia, November 12, 1757]
Here is a visible Aurora Borealis; at 7 a Clock it was about two hours high, to the northward pretty bright. Soon after Day light disappeared it was much more East, where it was redder with some faint streamers, whose Points reached near 45 Degrees Elevation, which soon disappeared, and the Light descended by Degrees under the Pole, and by 10 a Clock was near extinct. I should be very glad to know whether (and how) it appeared this Night with you, which may assist in some Philosophical Enquiries. I have not observed any this Fall before. Yesterday the Weather was cool and clear, and the Wind pretty strong at North; and I believe this the coldest Evening we have had this Fall, tho’ this Week we had Ice as thick as a Dollar.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, 22 November 1757
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Deborah

My dear Child,
London, Nov. 22. 1757
During my Illness which continued near Eight Weeks, I wrote you several little Letters, as I was able; the last was by the Pacquet which sailed from Falmouth [above a week since: in that I informed you that my intermitting fever which had continued to harrass me, by frequent relapses, was gone off, and I have ever since been gathering strength and flesh. My doctor, Fothergill, who had forbid me the use of pen and ink, now permits me to write as much as I can without over fatiguing myself, and therefore I sit down to write more fully than I have hitherto been able to do.
The 2d of September I wrote to you that I had had a violent cold and something of a fever, but that it was almost gone. However, it was not long before I had another severe cold, which continued longer than the first, attended by great pain in my head, the top of which was very hot, and when the pain went off, very sore and tender. These fits of pain continued sometimes longer than at others; seldom less than 12 hours, and once 36 hours. I was now and then a little delirious: they cupped me on the back of the head which seemed to ease me for the present; I took a great deal of bark, both in substance and infusion, and too soon thinking myself well, I ventured out twice, to do a little business and forward the service I am engaged in, and both times got fresh cold and fell down again; my good] Doctor grew very angry with me, for acting so contrary to his Cautions and Directions, and oblig’d me to promise more Observance for the future. He attended me very carefully and affectionately; and the good Lady of the House nursed me kindly; Billy was also of great Service to [me, in going from place to place, where I could not go myself, and Peter was very diligent and attentive. I took so much bark in various ways that I began to abhor it; I durst not take a vomit, for fear of my head; but at last I was seized one morning with a vomiting and purging, the latter of which continued the greater part of the day, and I believe was a kind of crisis to the distemper, carrying it clear off; for ever since I feel quite lightsome, and am every day gathering strength; so I hope my seasoning is over, and that I shall enjoy better health during the rest of my stay in England.
I have now before me, your letters of July 17, July 31, August 11, August 21, September 4, September 19, October 1, and October 9. I thank you for writing to me so frequently and fully; I believe I have missed none of your letters yet, but those by Lyon, who was taken.
You mention Mr. Scott’s being robbed, but do not say to what value; was it considerable? I have seen Mr. Ralph, and delivered him Mrs. Garrigues’s letter. He is removed from Turnham Green; when I return I’ll tell you every thing relating to him, in the mean time I must advise Mrs. Garrigues not to write to him again, till I send her word how to direct her letters, he being unwilling, for some good reasons, that his present wife should know any thing of his having any connections in America. He expresses great affection for his daughter and grand children. He has but one child here.

I have found David Edwards, and send you some of his letters, with one for his father. I am glad to hear that our friends at] Newark got well thro’ the Small Pox.
The above Particulars are in Answer to Things mentioned in your Letters, and so are what follows.
Governor Shirley’s Affairs are still in an uncertain State; he is endeavouring to obtain an Enquiry into his Conduct; but the Confusion of Publick Affairs here, occasions it to be postpon’d. He and I visit frequently.
I make no doubt but Reports will be spread by my Enemies to my Disadvantage, but let none of them trouble you. If I find I can do my Country no Good, I will take care, at least, not to do it any Harm. I will neither seek nor accept of any thing for my self; and though I may perhaps not be able to obtain for the People what they wish and expect, no Interest shall induce me to betray the Trust they have repos’d in me: So make yourself quite easy with regard to such Reports.
Mr. Hunter is better than he has been for a long time. He and his Sister desire to be remembred to you.
I believe I left the Seal with Mr. Parker.
I am glad to hear that Mr. Budinot has so seasonable a Supply; and hope he will not go to mining again.

I am oblig’d to all my Friends that visit you in my Absence. My Love to them.
[Mr. Ralph delivered me your letters very obligingly; he is well respected by people of value here.
I thank you for sending me brother Johnny’s journal; I hope he is well, and sister Read and the children.
I am sorry to hear of Mr. Burt’s death. He] came to me at New York with a Proposal that I did not approve of; but it show’d his Good Will and Respect for me: When I return, I’ll tell you what it was.
I shall entertain Mr. Collinson and Dr. Fothergill with your Account of Tedyuskung’s Visit.
I should have read Sally’s French Letter with more Pleasure, but that I thought the French rather too good to be all her own Composing. I suppose her Master must have corrected it. But I am glad she is improving in that and her Music. I send her a French Pamela.

You were very lucky in not Insuring the Rum. We are oblig’d to Mr. Booth for his Care in that Remittance. I suppose you have wrote to acknowledge the Receipt of it. I have not yet seen Mr. Birkett.
I am not much surpriz’d at Green’s Behaviour. He has not an honest Principle, I fear. I have not yet seen Mr. Wolstenholme, but he is arrived.
I am glad you went to Eliz. Town, and that Ben. has got that good Girl. I hope they will do well. When you write remember my Love to her.
Dec. 3. I write by little and little, as I can find Time. I have now gone thro’ all your agreable letters, which give me fresh Pleasure every time I read them. Last Night I received another, dated October 16. which brings me the good news that you and Salley were got safe home, your last of the 9th being from Eliz. Town. Budden’s [ship is not yet come up to London, but is daily expected, having been some time at Cowes. Mr. Hall has sent me a Bill, as you mention. Mr. Walsteinholme is come to town and I expect to see him to day. When I have enquired how things are with Green, I shall write some directions to you what to do in the affair.
I am glad to hear that Miss Ray is well, and that you correspond. It is not convenient to be forward in giving advice in such cases. She has prudence enough to judge for herself, and I hope she will judge and act for the best.

I hear there is a miniature painter gone over to Philadephia, a relation to John Reynolds. If Sally’s picture is not done to your mind, by the] young Man, and the other Gentleman is a good hand and follows that Business, suppose you get Sally’s done by him and send it me with your small Picture, that I may here get all our little Family drawn in one Conversation Piece.
I am sorry to hear of the general Sickness. I hope it is over before this Time, and that little Franky is recover’d.
I was as much disappointed in my Intention of Writing by that Pacquet, as you were in not receiving Letters by her; and it has since given me a great deal of Vexation. I wrote to you by way of New York, the Day after my Arrival in London, which I do not find you have receiv’d.
I do not use to be a backward Correspondent though my Sickness has brought me behind hand with my Friends in that Respect.
Had I been well, I intended to have gone round among the Shops, and bought some [pretty things for you and my dear good Sally, (whose little hands you say eased your headache) to send by this ship, but I must now defer it to the next, having only got a crimson satin cloak for you, the newest fashion, and the blacksilk for Sally; but Billy sends her a scarlet feather, muff, and tippet, and a box of fashionable linen for her dress; in the box is a thermometer for Mr. Taylor and one for Mr. Schlatter, which you will carefully deliver; as also, a watch for Mr. Schlatter. I shall write to them; the black silk was sent to Mr. Neates, who undertook to forward it in some package of his.
It is now twelve days since I began to write this letter, and I still continue well, but have not yet quite recovered my strength, flesh or spirits. I every day drink a glass of infusion of bark in wine,] by way of Prevention, and hope my Fever will no more return. On fair Days, which are but few, I venture out about noon.
The agreable Conversation I meet with among Men of Learning, and the Notice taken of me by Persons of Distinction, are the principal Things that sooth me for the present under this painful Absence from my Family and Friends; yet those would not detain me here another Week, if I had not other Inducements, Duty to my Country and Hopes of being able to do it Service.
Pray remember me kindly to all that love us, and to all that we love. ’Tis endless to name Names. I am, my dear Child, Your ever loving Husband
B Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Hunter, [30 November 1757]
From: Hunter, William
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir,
Wednesday Morne [Nov. 30, 1757]
If convenient, I should be oblig’d to you for three or four Hundred Pound Draughts on your Banker. My Sister wants one of Twenty Pound; for Marketting. Yours,
Wm. Hunter
 Addressed: To / Mr. Franklin


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to William Coleman, 8 December 1757
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Coleman, William

At a Meeting of the Trustees at the Academy March 14th 1758
Present

Richard Peters
Thomas White

William Coleman
Alexander Stedman

Mr. Franklin having by a Letter to Mr. Coleman dated from London Dec. 8th 1757 requested him to inform the Trustees that he had on their Account discharged a Bill of Articles for an Apparatus in Experimental Philosophy, amounting to £69 11s. Sterling and that he had further undertaken to pay Mr. Collinson a Ballance of £138 4s. 2d. Sterling due to him on the same Account and having in the same Letter likewise requested that the Trustees would remit him the Sum of £207 15s. 2d. Sterling to reimburse him; the Trustees present taking this Affair into Consideration are of Opinion that the above Sum of £207 15s. 2d. Sterling should forthwith be remited to Mr. Franklin by the Treasurer, and desire the President to issue an Order for that Purpose.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to David Hall, 9 December 1757
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Hall, David

Dear Mr. Hall
London, Dec. 9. 1757
I have yours of June 23. July 4. and 31. Sept. 14. and 30. and Oct. 19. and have receiv’d of you since I left Philadelphia, four Bills of One hundred Pounds Sterling each. I thank you for your Care in sending them, and your full Accounts of News, &c.
I have been long ill. But I thank God am now pretty well recover’d, and hope to be a better Correspondent for the future. I have bespoke the Letter of Caslon, but find him very dilatory. I doubt I shall not be able to get you a Hand that is good for any thing.
You mention sending me two Copies of the last Treaty at Eastown, but they proved to be of that at Harris’s Ferry. I wish you had sent me a Poor Richard’s Almanack. It is impossible to form any Judgment yet when I shall return; but hope it may be early in the Summer.
I am oblig’d to Dr. Evans for the Journal. Lord Anson heard I had such a Thing, and sent for it to day. Say nothing of this.

This Nation has been almost in Despair, on Account of their bad Success everywhere during this Year; but the King of Prussia’s late good Fortune begins to revive them again. He will have a great Sum granted him by Parliament. Just now we have the News, that Prince Bevern has gain’d a compleat Victory over the Austrians in Silesia. They were double his Number, tis said, and attack’d him in his Camp, thinking to force his Intrenchments; but after 4 hours bloody Conflict, they gave over the Attempt; he came out and attack’d them in his turn, the Austrians broke and fled three different Ways; he pursu’d 6 German Miles, came up with one Third, and cut them to pieces; the King, who was marching to his Assistance met another Division, and demolish’d that. How much of this will prove true I know not: But that there has been a Victory is generally believ’d.
My Love to Polly and the Children, Mrs. Leacock, &c. in which Billy joins. I have only time to add, that I am, Dear Friend Yours affectionately
B Franklin
Mr. Strahan and Family are well

Addressed: To / Mr David Hall / Philada.
Endorsed: B. Franklin Decr. 9. 1757.