Title: From John Adams to Samuel Adams, 27 April 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Adams, Samuel

            Dear Sir
            Auteuil near Paris Ap. 1785. 27.

          The Child whom you used to lead out into the common to see with detestation the British Troops and with Pleasure the Boston Militia will have the Honour to deliver you this Letter. He has since seen the Troops of most Nations in Europe, without any Ambition I hope of becoming a military Man. He thinks of the Bar and Peace and civil Life, and I hope will follow and enjoy them with less Interruption than his Father could.
          If you have in Boston a virtuous Clubb, such as We used to delight and improve ourselves in, they will inspire him with Such sentiments as a young American ought to entertain, and give him less occasion for lighter Company. I think it no small Proof of his Discretion, that he chooses to go to New England rather than old. You and I know that it will probably be more for his Honour and his Happiness in the result but young Gentlemen of Eighteen dont always See through the same Medium with old ones of fifty.
          So I am going to London. I suppose you will threaten me with being envyed again. I have more cause to be pitied, and al[though I will] not say with Dr Cutler that “I hate [to be] pitied” I dont know why I should dread Envy.— I shall be sufficiently vexed I expect. But as Congress are about to act with Dignity I dont much fear that I shall be able to do something worth going for. If I dont I shall come home, and envy nobody, nor be envied. if they send as good a Man to Spain as they have in Jay for their foreign department and will have in Jefferson at Versailles I shall be able to correspond in perfect Confidence with all those public Characters that I shall have most need of Assistance from and shall fear nothing.
          I am, my dear sir, affectionately yours

            John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Charles Chauncy, 27 April 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Chauncy, Charles

            Sir.
            Auteuil April 27. 1785.

          I was much obliged to you for your kind Letter by Mr: Temple which I received in London; but having been called from thence to the Hague, & from thence again to Paris by the public Service, and much employed with the Cares of my Family as well as the public Business I have not been able to answer it sooner.
          Mr: Temple is now appointed Consul General from the King of Great Britain to the United States, and much will depend upon his Prudence, Patience & Wisdom. he is in a Situation of much Delicacy, and must proceed with great Caution. he will therefore stand in need of the Advice of his Friends. His Knowledge of the Commerce and his respectable Connections will be of great Service to him if he setts out right. if I should go to England, as by the late Letters from Congress I must, I should be glad to have a friendly Correspondence with him. it may be usefull to both Countries as well as to us.
          Whether it will be possible to accomplish the Views of Congress in England I know not. if the same Blindness & Delusion should continue there, so much the worse for them. Our Country is in a Situation, to make her friendship much more Essential to the English than theirs can be to us, important as it is.
          I hope soon to have the Pleasure of reading your new Work which has a great Reputation and is upon a most interesting Subject— This Letter will be delivered you, by J. Q. Adams my eldest Son, who after seven years Travel is returning home where I hope he will find Friends and become in Time a usefull Man.
          With great & sincere Respect &c


Title: From John Adams to William Gordon, 27 April 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Gordon, William

            Dear Sir.
            Auteuil April 27. 1785.

          I am like other Debtors, afraid to look into my Affairs lest I should find the balance against me. it is so with you, I very much Suspect.
          You may not be sorry to be uninterrupted, for I suppose you are busy in writing your History. I should be glad to see it, because it is time there should be some sketch or full Draught in which there may be some Resemblance, when there are so many abroad which are called Pictures, but which have no likeness at all. indeed it is my Opinion that to collect the Materials and compose the work of a full, compleat, & impartial History, is the Labour of thirty years for a Writer of the first Talents. It is not, besides, as yet safe to publish the whole Truth. There are popular prejudices, aristocratical Jealousies, and despotic Terrors in the way, which will prevent the naked Truth from being seen by the Public for these fifty years. indeed I sometimes think that so much Quackery, and Exageration, so much Puff and Vapour has been mixed in that the Truth can never be fully distilled from the Dreggs.
          I hope for the Future to have a more frequent Communication with my Friends, with less Apprehension of spies, & Copyers, and Decypherers in the post office. Letters from good authorities say that I am appointed to England. I tremble at this trust, for I know how much depends upon it. Not so much however as has depended, and has not very fatally failed. so I shall undertake it with Chearfullness, be sure to do my own Duty and leave the Event to that Providence which will decide it, as it should be.
          Dr: F’s infirmity the stone, has confined him these 18 months. his Grandson is now sick of a Fever but is better, and I hope out of Danger. Mr: Jefferson is an excellent Citizen, Philosopher and Statesman, with whom I promise myself the most friendly and Cordial Correspondence, altho’ I shall leave him with regret. Mr: Humphreys our Secretary, is an accomplished Man, and when he ripens a little with years, & wears off a few Notions contracted in the Army,

will make a Figure in a higher Sphere. The Office of foreign Affairs is in so good Hands that I think our Affairs abroad were never so likely to be well managed. Where is my Friend Mr: Dana? Will he come abroad, or be promoted at home? surely our Countrymen love themselves and their own Interests enough to employ him somewhere in distinguished Service— My Son takes this Letter, for whom suffer me to solicit your good Will.
          I am Sir &c


Title: From John Adams to Ezra Stiles, 27 April 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Stiles, Ezra

            Sir
            Auteuil near Paris April 27. 1785

          I received with Pleasure, your Letter by Col. Humphreys whom I have found in all respects the Man of Merit and Taste whom you describe, well qualified for the Office to which Congress has appointed him. The last Letters from New York have given me, some Anxiety on his Account. If the Commissions to which he is attached Should be dissolved, and no Provision be made for him, he will be in a Situation like that in which I was left in 1779, when Congress dissolved the Commission, in which Dr Franklin Dr Lee and myself were joined, and without Saying any Thing to me left me to get home as I could. I found the Circumstance too painfull to wish my worst Ennemy in it, much less So good a Man and So worthy a Friend as Mr Humphreys. He will not however have an Ennemy to apprehend at Sea as I had.— I Sincerely hope he will not be forgotten or neglected. You probably know, before this time, his Destination.
          The Adjustment of our Commerce with Europe will require much time and deliberation, and I fear that the Limitation of the Authority of Congress to make Treaties of Commerce, will obstruct us for a time, and at length be found detrimental. it is true that every Enlargement of the Powers, of Congress, should be cautiously considered, but it seems very difficult to govern our Commerce abroad, in any other Way [than] under one direction.
          There Appears to be an Apprehension in America that the English have hostile Intentions. Multitudes of them are indeed Sour and peevish, but I believe War is very far from the Thoughts of any Body especially of any Man in Power. and as soon as they have Settled with Ireland, I hope they will agree with Us. if they do not it is they who have the most to fear.
          My Son who embarks in the May Packett for New York, will have the Honour to deliver you this Letter, as he passes through New Haven, if he Should fall down by Water from N. York to Newport. He is returning home, after an Absence of Seven Years, excepting about 3 months when he was there with me in 1779; and I hope he will make a good Citizen.
          With great and Sincere Esteem I have / the Honour to be, Sir your most / obedient and most humble / Servant

            John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Mercy Otis Warren, 27 April 1785
From: Warren, Mercy Otis
To: Adams, John

            Milton Hill April 27th 1785

          I thank you sir for your favour of the 13th Decmber. I take up my pen to acknowledge it, & to Congratulate you on your Domestic Felicity in the Last Eight months. but shall not direct to you at the pleasant Villa of Auteuil: but to the Court of London, as it is probable before this you & your Family have left the Residence of the distinguished literati of France; perhaps for the Grotto of Pope, or some more Elegant spot immortalized as the abode of British Genius—for whom the Americans have, & would long Continue a prediliction. did not both the ministry & the people practice Every method of allienation. Yet possibly more Consiliating measures may be adopted, before the Negotiations ar far advanced. The Marcatile Class are very angry, while the Repulican Resents with Dignity the Late Restrictions on Commerce, They would be happy to see Every Nation in Europe take the same steps. provided we were therby obliged to live within ourselves (which we can very well do) & had wisdom and Virtue to retain our own principles & manners independantly supporting a National Character Respected for the Simplicity Magnanimity & Vigour. But Alas! the Weakness of Human Nature.— I fear we are already too far advanced in Every species of luxury, to Receede, though much more than our political salvation depended on the Reform. an avidity for pleasure has increassed with our Freedom, & a thirst of acquitition for Its support pushes to the most dangerous Experiments. And though sensible it is owing to the perversion of Reason, a Corruption of Taste & the Cravings of Artificial Neccessity which causes the Restless pursuit of objects seldom attainable. Yet Neither the Reasonings of the Philosopher nor the maxims of Religion, will bring back to that Mediocrity which ought to bound the wishes of Man. Either the people or the individual who has tasted the more Refined & Elegant accomodations of Life—
          But to whom am I writing. I this moment Cast my Eye on a paragraph of yours. “I feel myself disposed to whine like Cicero in Exile.” & is it possible that you sir after 5 or 6 years spent in the most splendid Courts in Europe can look back & sigh for the Retirement & simplicity of Pens Hill. if you Really do, I pronounce you a Philosopher of the first Magnitude, & if Ever you Vollntarily return to that style. I think you will have a right to stand foremost on the list of Genuine Republians. you will at least have an Equal Claim to some Honourary Badge Emphatically Expressive of anciant Patriotism, as any of the Noble order of the Cincinnati— I dare not say more than Equal least I speak Treason—
          A late Resignation you have doubtless heard off. And had you been with us when the period of annual Election Revolved it is probable your Country would have manifested some tokens of Gratitude by Giving you Their suffrages for the first office of state. Yet their is no dependence on the popular Voice. Their would have been a manuvering against it least you should have held it too long for the Convenience of another who means to come in again the next year.
          There is such a blind attachment to this man of straw that I have little doubt he will have the opportunity of Establishing himself for life, perhaps the power of Entailing an Hereditary succession. if that should be the Case many would Cry “Come over into Macedonia & help us.[”] for I cannot suppose you think we are yet quite ripe for Monarchic Goverment—
          I am very sorry you Complain so much of your Eyes. Yet I dare say your optical Faculties are still strong Enough to discern. & I hope to Remove many Political Errors on Each side the Atlantic.
          But why do I spend a Moment on these subjects. I have not one to loose when duty dos not Direct to some point of utility—or the social affections interest from the part those have to act with whom we are tenderly Connected.
          But before I conclude, you sir will Give me leave to observe, that I have lived long Enough to be Convinced that we must pass through the world ourselves in order to know it thoroughly.
          Neither the page of History nor the Experienced lessons of those who have Gone before us, Can investigate the Character of Man, or Develope the Human Mind, till we see the Blunders of public, & feel the ingratitude & Baseness of private Men.
          The one I doubt not you will allways be quick sighted Enough to discern. the other I wish you may never be thoroughly taught. for with all your thirst for science you will be Happier to die without the aquirment of this knowledge.
          I have indeed seen Mrs Macauley. she has been treated in Boston & Its Environs with Every mark of Respect. she is a Lady of most Exsteordinary talents, A Commanding Genius & Brilliance of Thought. this in my opinion often out runs her Capacity of Expression which is often a little too prolix both in Conversation & Compotition, or Rather the Period, are a little too lenghthy to please at once— I dare say this will be Corrected in future as one of her american Friends had the Courage to tell her of it. she Replied she beleived the observation just, as she had always aimed more at the investigation of truth than the ornaments of style. but I think in this age of Refinement the Graces of the Latter, ought to soften the harshness of the Former, & prevent the mind from Fatigue while listening, to the Humiliating story of Human Conduct—
          We have a subscription out for an American Edition of her History down to 1744. It fills very fast, & I dare say will succeed to her Wishes.
          It was kind in you to wish the World would spread a Vail of Candour over a Circumstance you mentioned. doubtless that Ladys Independency of spirit led her to suppose she might associate, for the remainder of life with an inoffensive obliging youth, with the same impunity a Gentleman of three score & ten might marry a Damsel of fifteen—
          Mr Warren perhaps will not write by this ship. we had short Notice. He is Going a Journey And the season requires his Care & attention.— in his private Walks But in whatever Departments or wherever he resides be assured You have Their a Friend. You know his attachments are strong & when he likes or dislikes, Either men or measures, The shaking of a leaf will not alter his opinion.
          We wish for some of Your Excellent long letters.— some in that style directed to him at Philadelphia, Depend upon it were not useless, Either to you, or to your Country, Though from a Concurrence of Circumstances he was not Their.
          I will not tell you his opinions with regard to our present situation. He will do it Himself Ere long. He has wrote You very perticularly several times since Mrs Adams left us. I beleive the intercourse will be more secure while you Reside in England
          A Pleasing Circumstance to your Friends—perticularly / to yours / Respectfully—

            M Warren

            Shall I ask the Favour of you sir to procure a safe Conveyance for the inclosed to a young Gentleman at Lisbon—who has for you The affection of Friendship, & that Respect & Esteem you have a Right to Expect from the son of a patriot.—


Title: From John Adams to Elbridge Gerry, 28 April 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Gerry, Elbridge

            My dear Sir
            Auteuil near Paris April 28. 1785

          Your Letter of the 24 of February was this morning put into my Hand. That which you refer to as informing me, that Mr Livingston was in nomination with Mr Rutledge and me, I have not yet received.
          Of all the Letters I ever received in my Life, excepting one from Mr Osgood, this is perhaps the most friendly and faithfull and lays me under the greatest Obligations. I rejoice in the Explanation that took Place, and it is my duty to Say Something upon Some of the Particulars.
          1. It is very true that I have little Admiration of the Philosophical Philanthropy or Equity of the Slave Trade. This Defect however has never prevented, nor will ever prevent me from doing all in my Power to obtain Restitution of the Negroes taken from the Southern States and detained from them in violation of the Treaty. I am not conscious that any Philosophical Speculations Upon this Subject, have ever influenced my Conduct in this Respect, nor do I See that they ought to enter into this Business
          2 In negotiating the Treaty, I was not Sensible, nor do I now remember that any of my Colleagues were more anxious than myself respecting the American Debts. There was no difference of Sentiment among Us, upon this head that I can recollect. We were all Sensible of the hardship upon many Individuals, but it was so much a Point with the British, and a point that would have appeared in the Eyes of the World So much to our disadvantage, to have stood out upon, that We all thought alike upon the Subject. We have long Since done what depended upon Us, and all, for any Thing that I know with equal Assiduity, but We can get no Answer because, as I Suppose the British Ministry are determined not to treat here. if you Send a Minister to St. James’s, he must have an Answer. what it will be, I know not, although I am apprehensive it will be difficult to obtain the Interposition of Government in the matter of the Debts, it is clear to me, that the delay desired and proposed, will be at least as Advantageous to the British Creditors as to the American Debtors, and if Government cannot be prevailed with to Stipulate, I hope they may be convinced of the Necessity of the Measures taken by the States, and not treat them or consider them as Breaches of the Treaty, and that the Creditors may be quieted. in the Case of the Negroes it is clear, that they ought to restore every one of them or pay his full Value.
          3. I know pretty well the old Characters in Massachusetts, and am not apprehensive of committing any very material Mistake by misplacing Confidence, there.— if I conjecture, who you mean I have written to them only, in answer to Letters from them containing usefull Information, and professing Friendship I cannot well avoid answering Letters, but I have not, made any confidential Communications, that I know of, improperly. I have before received hints of Caution from others, and am obliged to you for yours.
          But my Friend, there is a deeper and broader difficulty. There has been a System of Politicks in America, as well as in Europe different from yours, Mr Jays, Mr Jeffersons and mine. there have been times when, I, with all my Faults, was considered as the only dangerous Obstacle in the Way of that System, altho they are now convinced there were others as inflexible and more able. There is now too a military Spirit of Ambition and of Chivalry which I dare Say I am suspected to dislike as much as the Slave Trade. instead of wondering that I am attacked, I only wonder that more Serious at least more plausible Objections have not been found against me. I dont perceive that any Instances have been quoted, in which any artfull Negotiator has flattered me, out of any Object important or unimportant. I am glad the Explanation took place and am obliged to the Gentlemen for their Candour in expressing their Objections and Apprehensions: but I must Say, if I really had the weak Passion, I know how to gratify it instead of putting it in their power by my Negligence of little Things, to mortify it. I know perfectly well the Way and have learn’d it from the greatest Masters and Models of obtaining the Influence of Ministers of State and even of Princes to gratify it. nay I have known the Way to have obtained Medals and Statues, Ribbons and Votes of Gratitude, and these I think are the Objects of the weak Passion, instead of Reproaches, Censures and Abuses.
          The Gentlemen who were placed in Competition with me are Characters of great Worth, and I should neither have felt an Envy or Resentment, if either had been appointed altho any Man who knows the History of my former Appointments, must be Sensible, that it would have been improper even for the public Service, that I should have remained in Europe, if I had not been appointed either to London or Versailles. a former Congress had been deceived into the Injustice of marking my Coat with a Stain for Conduct which merited a Statue, and I have been from that moment determined, it Should be wiped out, or that I would throw off their Livery forever. accordingly altho I dont know that I have claimed the Appointment to London, I have demanded to go home, if this Appointment or another Superiour to it was not given to me, nor Shall I blush in this Age or the next, in this World or the other for this determination. in truth I have not cared a Farthing, since the Peace whether I went home or remained in Europe. I have for some time intended to come home at the Expiration of our present Commissions as it is, I Shall probably come home next Spring in a manner more agreable to my feelings. if I do not see a Probability of doing Something worth staing for no Man can wish me to stay, and if I should be so happy as to arrange Affairs to tolerable Satisfaction no Man I hope would wish to refuse me leave to come home, either for a full do, or upon Congé, for no Swiss was ever more homesick than I. an Arrangement with England to mutual Satisfaction So as to prevent War, and consequently prevent the military Gentlemen from erecting an European System among Us, is all that remains in Europe near my heart. and I am perswaded that a Settlement with Spain, harmony with France, and Agreement with all the other Courts & Nations of Europe would follow it, of Course. This done, the sooner I get home the better: for altho I am perswaded You must have Ministers, for many Years with Several Courts I assure you I dont desire nor intend to be long one of them.
          our Friend the Marquis, whom I love, altho I fear he has, been instrumental of introducing bad Fashions among Us, informs me that Mr Smith is appointed Secretary of Legation to London. This Gentleman is to me a total Stranger. an Aid de Camp and a Knight of Cincinnatus, a Correspondent of the Marquis and his brother Humphreys, I see the Necessity of his being a prudent Man, and of my being so too. But he shall be treated by me with all the Kindness and Attention, that becomes the Relation between Us. Humphreys has all the qualifications for his Office which can be expected from an Aid du Camp & a Knight of Cincinnatus. His Genius Taste, and Knowledge are distinguished and his heart is excellent.
          I am my dear sir with every senti / ment of Esteem your Fried & humble / sert

            John Adams


Title: To John Adams from William Paca, 29 April 1785
From: Paca, William
To: Adams, John

            Sir,
            Annapolis in Maryland In Council April 29 1785

          We take the Liberty to solicit every possible Assistance you can give on the Subject of the enclosed Copy of a Letter which Samuel Chase Esquire Agent for this State while in England addressed to the Minister Mr Pitt. the Bills in Chancery are still depending and We have instructed Mr. Chase to make the Attorney General a Party if the Crown will not disclaim it’s supposed Interest.
          The State of Maryland will be much obliged by your Friendship and attention in this National and very interesting Concern and we flatter ourselves that with your Influence and Exertions a Disclaimer may be obtained from the Crown, and every Obstacle removed which lies in the way of a speedy Determination in Chancery.—
          We have the Honor / to be / Sir / Your most obedient humble servants

            Wm. Paca


Title: From John Adams to Elbridge Gerry, 2 May 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Gerry, Elbridge

            My dear Sir
            Auteuil near Paris May 2. 1785

          The Imputation of a weak Passion has made So much Impression upon me, that it may not be improper to Say a little more about it, even although I Should convert you, more and more to the Opinion of those who think the public Interest in danger from it. The Truth Should come out, and if the danger is real the Remedy is easily applied.
          According to all that I have read of Morals or Seen of Manners, there are, in Mankind various kinds of Vanity. And every Gradation of the Passions, and every Shade of their various opperations on the good or Evil of Society Should be Studied by you the Statesmen who are forming a new World.
          There is a Vanity whose Object is Show. its constant Study is to acquire Popularity to attract the Attention and Consideration of the World, and to impose upon Mankind, by Magnificence in Buildings, Furniture, Equipage, Dress, Titles, Ribbons, Stars, Garters, Crosses, and Eagles. Such is the Propensity of the World in general to admire those visible Objects and external Signs which Strike their Imaginations and Senses, that this Species of Vanity commonly changes the whole moral and political Character of a People, by turning their Attention, Esteem, Admiration and even their Confidence and Affection, from Talents and Virtues, to these external Appearances. while a People look for the former, they find them: the choicest Spirits, who have most Benevolence as well as Capacities, aim to do good, because they know they Shall be Supported by the People and enabled to do it. But when a People Seek for Marks those men acquire their Confidence and manage the public Affairs, who think of nothing but Marks. Washington had never existed, if he had not known that the People had formed the Idea of Such a Character, were enquiring for Such a one, and would love and Admire it more than that of a Cæsar or a Prince of Orange. and We shall See that if Orange Ribbons take Place in America, they will be chiefly sought and our next General will be a Prince of orange. I believe, I was never accused of this sort of Vanity. I never was infected with it, on the contrary my Interest and Reputation have been always in America lessened, by my living in a Simplicity even below what my Circumstances would have justified.
          There is another Sort of Vanity, which consists or at least Shews itself in empty boastings of Wealth, Birth, Power, Beauty, Parts learning, Virtues or Conduct. This is Seldom very mischievous, or gains any Reputation, but always prevents the Boaster, from acquiring the Character, which Sometimes he may merit. It is never indulged to be Sure by a Cunning Politician
          There is another Sort of Vanity, real Vanity as much as either of the other Sort, but certainly less pernicious. it is, on the contrary, although a Weakness and, if you will a Vice, a real Proof of a valuable Character. It is even a Vanity which arises from the Testimony of a good Conscience. When a Man is conscious of Services and Exertions, from the purest Principles of Virtue & Benevolence and looks back on a course of Years, Spent in the Service of other Men, without Attention to himself, when he recollects, Sacrifices, Sufferings and dangers, which have fallen in his Way, and Sees himself preserved through all and his labours crown’d with transcendant Success there arises a Satisfaction, and sometimes a Transport which he must be very wise indeed, if he can at all times conceal. I Say more it is Hypocricy oftener than Wisdom that pretends to conceal it. if I were to Say that I have felt this Consciousness, and experienced this Joy, I should be chargeable with Vanity, although you and every Man who knows me, must know it to be true, and that it is impossible it Should be otherwise.— if at Sometimes I have betrayed in Word or Writing Such a Sentiment, I have only to Say in excuse for it that I am not an Hypocrite, nor a cunning Man, nor at all times wise. and that altho I may be more cautious for the future, I will never be so merely to obtain the Reputation of a cunning Politician a Character I neither admire nor esteem. I have Seen So much of it, between the Years 1755 and the Years 1785, as to give me a thorough disgust to it. But the Gentlemen think that a public Minister “ought never to have the weak Passion.” in this I agree with them.— it is always an Imperfection, a Weakness, a Fault and if you will a Vice: but do they expect to find a Minister without a fault, and is not a weak Passion universally a Smaller Fault, than a Strong one? Is not even Pride more dangerous than Vanity, as are not Avarice, & Ambition, more pernicious than both? Is not even Craft, Cunning, Intrigue, much worse than the weak Passion?
          Although it is a Fault and a Scrurvy Folly which I dispize and disdain, whatever they may think of me, and even although I may have been guilty of it, We must however yeild So far to the Truth as to confess, that the greatest Men and the greatest Ministers who ever existed have Sometimes been horribly infected with it. I will not enumerate Examples in Antiquity, because every Body recollects that, not only their Poets and Orators but their gravest Historians and Philosophers are full of it. But look into Instances more recent. Sully, I Suppose will be allowed to be the greatest French Minister yet his Memoirs are one continued Panegyrick upon himself; he does even endeavour to disguise his weak Passion. Clarendon was one of the greatest English Ministers. Yet his History discovers as much Applause of himself as Sullys. D’Avaux was one of the first of the French Negotiators yet his Memoirs and his whole History is full of this Admiration of himself. I might mention even the Memoirs of De Torcy and the Duke of Marlborough. This last was an eternal Talker and forever about himself. Sir William Temple was the greatest Negotiator that England ever produced. Yet Vanity is written upon Benevolence in every Page of his Works almost and every Passage of his Life. Was there not an Exuberance of this Weakness in the late Earl of Chatham? and what do you think of Chesterfield?— Turgot and Neckar, are not inferiour to the rest, especially the latter, who can hardly write a Page without telling you how passionately he loves and admires himself and his wife. Bolingbroke has disguised it more, but it is very visible he did not feel it less, and that nothing but his ill Success and never ending Mortifications induced him to assume the disguise.

          In Short it is almost impossible, for any Minister to write Memorials or make the Slightest Notes of his Administration to avoid at all times the appearance of much of this childish, boyish Passion. especially a foreign Minister whose Duty it is to transmit to his Employers Accounts of his Measures and even often of transient Conversations.
          Gentlemen would do well to know a little more of the World and of the real Characters of Ministers and Negotiators, before they lay it down for a Rule that no Man is to be voted for as a Minister who has the weak Passion least they should exclude, the wisest, the most virtuous and benevolent, the ablest and most dissinterested, the most indefatigable and Successfull Ministers, that nature produces for their Choice.
          I Should be more vain than I am, if I pretended to be at all times destitute of Vanity.— I never yet saw nor do I expect to see a Man without it. I never knew but one Man who pretended to be wholly free from it, or whom any body thought to be so and him I know to be in his heart the vainest Man, and the falsest Character I have ever met with in life. The Pretension to have none of it is Affectation and gross Hypocrisy. and depend upon it, the Man who makes so much Pretension to it and takes so much cunning Pains to conceal at all times his Feelings, has artfull designs to carry, and infinitely more sordid Passions to gratify, Avarice Envy, Jealousy, Ambition or Revenge.
          After all, with real Esteem and Affection for the worthy Gentlemen who were put in Competition with me, I confess to you, it would mortify me extreamly, if thought one Member of Congress really believed, I had a larger Proportion of the weak Passion, than either of them. Surely he must be a young Member who never Satt in Congress with Us.
          These Criticisms Smell, as rank as the Ripeness of a Rabits tail, of french Politicks. Principle, Character Virtue, at a french Court is not confessed nor indeed permitted to exist. Louis the fifteenth laid it down as a Maxim confirmed to him by the Experience of fifty years that no honest Man would ever come to Court, and he accordingly Sett down every Man who came near him as a Knave. There are Books written, with the Title of “the Vanity of human Virtue,” and it is a general if not an Universal Sentiment at Court, that every Man who pretends to Character, or obtains a Reputation for Virtue is either an Hypocrite, or a Coxcomb. a Man who is capable “de S’estimer beaucoup,” (their own Phrase) is a Pretender to Character, and therefore a dangerous Man. if a Man of Virtue appears, and the Circumstances of the Times render it indispensable to call him to Court, the moment he has answered their End, if they can find no other Charge against him they set up the Cry of Vanity, and this is enough to let loose Tongues and Pens enough to tear his Reputation in Pieces. This was Signally the Case of Mr Turgot and Mr Malesherbe, as well as Mr Neckar Malesherbes indeed knew them so well by long Experience that the instant he saw what was coming he resignd. Neckar was pelted down with this kind of Pebble. a Saying of the King, either really dropped by him or invented and circulated, as his, was enough. “Neckar est vain et glorieux.” indeed all Neckars Writings are full of Self Applause, and there is a great Appearance of it in Turgots Character, but this did not prevent them from being really the best and greatest Ministers, and from doing the most good to the Kingdom of any, this Country has Seen for a long course of Years.— Courtiers were not long in discovering that I had Principles and a Character, and that I was not to be warped from my System, by any of their Arts, Douceurs, or Flatteries, and not being able to fix upon any moral Stain, or to excite any Suspicion of my Attachment to the American cause, or even to the Alliance with France, they found themselves reduced to their last Resource, which as it never fails them here they thought might do elsewhere, the Insinuation of Vanity.— I have not been illinformed of this, but I may have despized and neglected it too much.— instead of mortifying me, I declare that I believe it has increased my Vanity and made me more careless of avoiding the Appearance of it, than any Thing that ever happened to me in my whole life. it is I believe more than four Years ago, that a Friend of mine then in the Low Countries Sent me an Extract of a Letter from a Personage of great Consideration here to another of equal Note in London, which had been Sent to him, as I Suppose to caution him against me. The extract is in these Words, as near as I can recollect, not having the Paper before me “Nous n’avons pas, une Confiance bien aveugle en Monsieur Adams. On le croit honnête: on le Scait ardent, inflexible même, dans Sa cause: mais il a bond trop dans Son Sense et, ne Sçait pas Se donner aux convenances.” [“]Nous amons mieux placer Confiance, en Monsieur Franklin.”— “We have not a very blind Confidence in Mr Adams. We believe him honest: We know him to be ardent and indeed inflexible in his cause, but he abounds too much in his own Sense, and will not give into our Conveniences.”— I Saw the drift of this, with Indignation sometimes, Contempt at others but more often with real Exultation. and I am bold to Say to you, that if my Name Should live but two Centuries, this Extract will last as long and will do me more honnour with thinking and virtuous Men if such should then exist than Virginia Statues to the Marquis or yours itself to the General. if I had given into a few Such conveniences, as appointing Mailbois to command your Armies instead of Washington, Sending useless Arms to America at great Prices, yeilded Slyly away your Fisheries, and not disputed with France or Spain their right to the Illinois & Louisiana, I could have obtained a Confidence as blind as I wished, and infinitely more gratification to a weak Passion, than I shall ever now enjoy during Life. I have passed Mr Gerry through a Multitude of Snares Temptations, and Dangers in Europe, which I have never ventured to explain even to my most intimate Friends. it would not have been Safe for the public to put them upon Paper. perhaps it never will be wise, how much soever they might gratify my weak Passion. Nor are these Snares and Dangers all past. There are more to come.— I am Still to dance on a slack rope, or a tight Rope, Still to march on the Brink of Precipices, with English French and American Politicks watching the Moment to push me over. do you wonder at Mr Jays return, or do you think it Surprizing that I should wish to follow his Steps. an honest Man here, is not so happy as the military Gentlemen in America, with ten thousand Brother Officers ready to Support his Character and propagate his Fame, as well as ward off false Attacks. Our Business is Secret, and must be so very often liable to Jealousies, Surmizes, Misrepresentations and Slanders, which We are not at Liberty even to contradict and refute. Facts which if known would justify Us; and do us honour, we cannot publish without being charged with breach of Trust. &c
          Such Considerations, while the Publick was interested in my Fate, more than can be expressed with Decency have more than once put me on the rack and come very near to cost me my Life. at present the Country is safe and I look upon myself as of very little Consequence to any Body, and therefore nothing that can happen to me will give me so much Anxiety. Pidlers may nibble at Inadvertences at unguarded Expressions, in times of great Agitation of Mind, or at Excesses of Joy upon escaping Snares that would have deceived the Eyes of Argus. They will now disturb my repose but little, and not at all, long.—

          I will add one Thing more, Sir, if I had adopted or would now adopt the Principle, instead of putting you upon your guard against it, that “The United States ought to join France, in two Future Wars against England one to pay the Debt of Gratitude already contracted and the other to Shew themselves as generous as France has been, I could even now have all the Emmissaries thro the World, and almost all the Gazettes of Europe and America, employed to gratify my weak Passion, nay I could obtain much more solid Benefits.[”]
          When a Man is hurt he loves to talk of his Wound, and I know of no other Way to account for this long Letter which you see is intended only for you, and as it is not worth copying cannot be made shorter.
          With great Regard your Frd

            John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Franklin, 2 May 1785
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

          Passy, May 2. 1785.—

          Mr Franklin presents his Respects to Mr Adams, & acquaints him, that a New York Gentleman, Paul Randal Esqr. is just arriv’d at Paris, and has Letters for Mr Adams. He lodges at the Hotel d’Orleans, Rue St. Anne. He has been with Mr Franklin, but not knowing that Mr Adams liv’d so near, did not bring his Letters out with him. He intends waiting on Mr Adams, but perhaps the Letters may be obtain’d sooner by sending for them.—
          Mr Franklin has the Honour to inform Mr Adams, that he has now receiv’d the “Permission of Congress to return to America as soon as convenient.”


Title: To John Adams from the Baron von Thulemeier, 3 May 1785
From: Thulemeier, Friedrich Wilhelm, Baron von
To: Adams, John

            Monsieur,
            a la Haye le 3. Mai 1785.

          Je ressens une veritable Sátisfaction, en mettant aujourdhui la derniere main a un Ouvrage qui a commencé d’ètre entrepris a la Haye sous Vos auspices, et que Vous avés favorisé, Monsieur, de Vôtre mieux. Vous verrés par la lettre ci jointe que j’ai l’honneur de Vous adresser en commun avec Messieurs Vos Collegues, que le Roi n’a rien laissé desirer aux Etats de l’Amerique. Il s’agit actuellement que Vous aiés la bonté de faire mettre au net un Exemplaire du Traité dont nous sommes convenûs; j’en ferai autant de mon coté. Quèlque puisse ètre le plaisir que je me promettrais dans une entrevue, en renouvelant nôtre anciene connoissance, je crains cependant que les affaires du Roi m’attachant a la Haye S. M. ne préfère que l’echange se fasse par une voie sûre telle que le paquet des Ambassadeurs de L. H. P. Daignés Monsieur, m’accorder constamment une place dans Vôtre souvenir, et agréer les assurances de l’attachement inviolable autant que de la considération la plûs distinguée avec laquèlle j’ai l’honneur d’ètre / Monsieur, / Votre très humble et très obéissant / serviteur

            de Thulemeier

          TRANSLATION

            Sir
            The Hague, 3 May 1785

          I feel a true sense of satisfaction today as I place the finishing touches on a work which was begun at The Hague under your auspices and which you have encouraged, sir, with all of your best. You will see by the letter included herein, which I have the honor to address to you and your esteemed colleagues, that the king has left nothing to be desired for the States of America. At present there is only for you to have the goodness to carefully transcribe a copy of the treaty to which we have consented; I will do as much on my side. In spite of the pleasure I could secure myself in an interview, in renewing our old acquaintance, I fear nevertheless that the king’s affairs shall keep me at The Hague. His Majesty prefers that the exchange be made by a safe route such as the packet of the ambassadors of Their High Mightinesses. Be so kind, sir, to grant me always a place in your memory, and to accept the assurances of the inviolable attachment and of the most distinguished consideration with which I have the honor to be, sir, your most humble and most obedient servant

            de Thulemeier


Title: The Baron von Thulemeier to the American Commissioners, 3 May 1785
From: Thulemeier, Friedrich Wilhelm, Baron von
To: American Commissioners

            Messieurs,
            à la Haye le 3 Mai 1785.

          Les ordres du Roi que je viens de recevoir, me mettent à même de vous fournir, Messieurs, les éclaircissemens que Vous m’avez demandés par la lettre dont Vous m’avez honoré en date du 14. de Mars de l’année courrante. Sa Majesté veut bien agréer l’Article 19. tel qu’il a été minuté en dernier lieu: “que les vaisseaux armés de l’une des deux nations pourront entrer avec les prises faites sur leurs ennemis dans les ports de l’autre, en ressortir librement, ou les y vendre.”
          Elle se flatte que les Etats-Unis de l’Amérique apprécieront cette condescendance, et y reconnoîtront le desir de Sa Majesté de Leur donner des preuves de Son Amitié, d’autant plus qu’Elle ne fait point équiper des vaisseaux en course, et que Ses Sujets ne sont par consequent pas dans le cas de faire des prises sur mer.
          Le Roi se prête également à laisser subsister la clause ajoutée à l’Article 19, “que tout vaisseau qui aura fait des prises sur les Sujets de Sa Majesté Très Chrêtienne ne sauroit trouver un asile dans les ports ou havres des Etats-Unis.”
          Sa Majesté consent aussi que l’Article 4. du Traité soit minuté ainsi que Messieurs les Plénipotentiares Américains me l’ont proposé par la lettre ci-dessus mentionnée, hormis qu’on rétablira les mots de Sujets et Citoyens qui se trouvoient dans le Contre-Projet, au lieu personnes ou de tous et un chacun; et qu’on omettra le passage: “que le présent Article ne dérogera point aux loix de la Ville de Königsberg, qui défendent le commerce entre Etrangers dans l’enceinte de sa jurisdiction”; le droit d’étape de la Ville de Königsberg n’ayant été allégué que comme un exemple pour servir d’éclaircissement, et pour faire sentir la nécessité de la clause générale des Articles 2. et 3. “se soumettant néanmoins aux loix et usages y établis,[”] &ca.

          Je me félicite de pouvoir regarder la négotiation que j’ai eu l’avantage de traiter avec Vous, Messieurs, à peu près comme terminée. Les Etats-Unis de l’Amérique envisageront certainement l’empressement avec lequel le Roi souscrit aux différentes altérations du Projet du Traité de Commerce, comme un nouveau motif de protéger et favoriser le négoce et les liaisons que les Sujets de Sa Majesté formeront avec les Citoyens de la République. Il ne me reste que de Vous proposer, Messieurs, s’il ne conviendroit point de faire mettre au net le Traité même, afin que muni de notre Signature en conformité des pleinpouvoirs qui se trouvent entre nos mains, il puisse être échangé avec les formes usitées.
          J’ai l’honneur d’être avec la considération la plus distinguée / Messieurs, / Vôtre très humble et très obéissant Serviteur

            de Thulemeier

          TRANSLATION

            Sirs
            The Hague, 3 May 1785

          The king’s orders, which I have just received, offer me the chance to provide you, sirs, with the clarifications for which you asked me in the letter with which you honored me dated 14 March of the present year. His Majesty is willing to agree upon Article 19 in the way it was last composed: “that the armed vessels of one of the two nations will be allowed to enter the ports of the other with the prizes taken from their enemies, leave again freely, or sell them there.”
          His Majesty flatters himself in believing that the United States of America will appreciate this deference, and will recognize in his gesture His Majesty’s desire to give them signs of his friendship, insomuch as His Majesty is not having any vessels armed for battle and as his subjects are consequently not in a position to take prizes at sea.
          The king also accedes to keeping in the clause added to Article 19: “that no vessel which shall have made prizes on the subjects of His Most Christian Majesty shall have asylum in the ports or havens of the United States.”
          His Majesty also consents that Article 4 of the treaty be drafted in the form proposed to me by the American plenipotentiaries in the aforementioned letter, except that the words subjects and citizens shall be restored which had been in the counter-draft, in lieu of persons and one and all, and that the following passage shall be omitted: “that the present article will not infringe upon the laws of the city of Königsberg, which defend commerce between foreigners within the limits of its jurisdiction”; the law of intermediation of the city of Königsberg having been cited only as an example for the purpose of clarification, and to make felt the necessity of the general clause of Articles 2 and 3: “deferring nonetheless to the laws and customs there established,” etc.
          I am proud to be able to consider the negotiation which I had the gratification to treat with you, sirs, as more or less complete. The United States of America will certainly recognize the eagerness with which the king subscribes to the different alterations of the draft of the treaty of commerce, as a new inducement to protect and promote the trade and liaisons which the subjects of His Majesty will develop with the citizens of the republic. It only remains for me to ask you, sirs, whether it would not be agreeable to have the treaty itself drawn up, so that, ratified by our signature in conformity with the authority invested in our hands, it may be exchanged in accordance with the proper forms.
          With the most distinguished consideration, I have the honor to be, sirs, your most humble and most obedient servant

            de Thulemeier


Title: From John Adams to John Jay, 5 May 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Jay, John

            Sir
            Auteuil near Paris May 5. 1785.

          The Britons boast that All the Prophecies of the Loss of the American Trade, from the Independance of the United States have proved false: that the Experiment has been tryed and the Contest decided: that there was, at the Peace, a Competition of the Commercial Nations of Europe, for the Prize: that the Superiour Abilities of the British Manufacturers, and the greater Capitals of their Merchants, have enabled them to give our Traders better bargains and longer Credit than any others in Europe: that as we love our Interests and have Small fortunes, We must come to them who can furnish Us with goods of the best qualities, at the cheapest Rates, and allow Us the longest time to pay: that Britain has monopolized our Trade beyond Credibility. that all the foreign Merchants, French, Dutch, and even Spanish and Portuguese, who had engaged in our trade have failed, while few of theirs have Suffered.
          While on the one hand it is certain that in all this there is much exaggeration, it must be confessed on the other, that there is too much Truth; and the Success of your Mission to London, will depend very much upon the Researches of Congress and the States into this Subject and the Measures they may take in Consequence of their Enquiries. You will negotiate for Reciprocities in Commerce to very little Purpose, while the British Ministers and Merchants are certain, that they Shall enjoy all the Profits of our Commerce under their own partial Regulations.
          It behoves the whole People of America then to turn their Attention to this Subject. it would be presumption in me to discuss the Question, whether it is necessary that the States Should give to Congress a plenary Power to govern the Commerce of the whole Confederation. I have been too long absent and at too great a distance to be able to form a Judgment even to my own Satisfaction. but I can See numberless Mischiefs and Inconveniences, arising from the Want of Unity and System in the direction of Such Complicated Interests, and every State will find itself necessitated frequently to apply to Congress for their Interposition, either by Recommendations or Decisions.
          You will give me leave then to enquire, whether it may not be proper for Congress to call upon the States in Such manner as they may judge constitutional to furnish them, with Authentic Accounts of all the Exports and imports, of every State Since the Peace, of the Vessells which have entered, or cleared out, the Nation to which they belong, and all other particulars which may be thought proper. it Should Seem impossible that the Union can be preserved, without some Such general Repository of the commercial Interests and Knowledge. the Information to be derived from it, would bring the States to act in Concert by shewing the Necessity of it to all. and Congress or the States might take Such Measures as would insure them Justice against the English. from Such a View, they might lay such discouragements on Brittish Shipps and Manufactures, and procure such Advantages to their own, as would be beneficial to our Country, while it would Shew the English their own Weakness. heavy Duties might be laid upon Articles of Luxury wrought in England and imported from thence, which would discourge the extravagant Use of them among ourselves, place other nations upon as good or a better footing than the English, and raise a Revenue for the publick out of that Enthusiasm for England which has been and is still so unwise in itself and so hurt full to our Country. Such Measures as these, would discover to the English, that We know our own Strength and their Weakness and have probably a greater Tendency to influence the Ministry by preparing the Nation, than any Reasonings which can be used. it is a diplomatic Axiom, “that he always negotiates ill, who is not in a Condition to make himself feared.” But Measures for this Purpose must be taken by the People of America. our Army will be no Terror to them, because, they think at present they shall never send an Army to fight Us in our own Country, and they dont believe that ours will go abroad to attack them. They are too proud of their own Navy, and have too much disregard of ours, to dread Us upon the Sea although Experience should have taught them that their Commerce might be much endangered by our Cruisers. So that We have no Means to make an Impression on them, but by commercial Regulations which the Vulgar may see strike essentially at their Interests without injuring our own.
          With great and sincere Esteem I have the / Honour to be, Sir your most obedient and / most humble servant

            John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Samuel Osgood, 6 May 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Osgood, Samuel

            Dear Sir.
            Auteuil May 6. 1785.

          I have learnt with Pleasure, your Appointment to be one of the Commissioners of the Treasury of the United States and hope to hear by the next Packet, that you have accepted the Trust. It is of great Importance, that this Office should be in good hands, and the Duties of it, will no doubt give you full Employment, but I have heretofore rec’d so much benefit from your Correspondence, that I cannot but hope, you will find time to give me a Letter now and then. The Communication with England will be more frequent, and Opportunities by private hands, more common.
          The Appointment of a Minister to the Court of Great Britain will within a year or two, perhaps sooner, bring our Affairs to a Crisis, as the Professors of the modern Doctrine of Animal Magnetism express themselves. It will determine the Meaning of the mysterious English, and ascertain to the People of America, whether it will be probable or possible to continue long upon friendly or decent Terms with them or not. if they foresee or shall imagine that they foresee that they cannot, the Minds of the People will naturally prepare themselves for what they will expect, and their Resentments and Aversion to England, will increase, as fast, as their Affection, Gratitude and Attachments to France. Our military Gentlemen will rise in the Esteem and Admiration of the People, and be permitted to wear their Decorations and Laurels, not only without Opposition but with Applause and if a War breaks out, every new Officer, at the End of it must have one Mark, and every old one two, which you see will lay a convenient foundation for the Distinction between Dukes and Earls. I question whether the first War will make the Scaffold strong and high enough for the Monarch to mount, but I am clear in it, that two Wars more, and three different Marks, amounting to an Equivalent to three orders of Dukes, Marquisses & Earls, will be sufficient to conduct him truimphantly to his Throne. it is needless to tell you, that my political Career will be brought to its Crisis, and be terminated long before this and I hope my natural Career. but if it should not, a few years in a Garden, will be all that will remain to me. You are much younger and may live to Struggle and Scuffle again.
          You see I think the Mission to England an important one. Upon the conduct of the English depends their own Salvation from Perdition, and for what I know our Exemption from Monarchy and an European System of Politics compleat. But such is their Pride and Arrogance, and such are the feeble means, and forces of your Minister, that his Hopes are much fainter than his fears: he believes however he has thought of this Subject as much and as long as any Man, and if he is not prepared for it, it is want of Capacity, and not of good Will. There is no Evil under the Sun, which I dread so much as another War not so much from a fear of our Enemies, as from the Foibles of our Friends.

          You See this Letter is not fit for a Newspaper, nor for any Body to see, but in Confidence. But the Subject of it deserves the serious Contemplation of all who wish that We may preserve our present moral Character and political Institutions.
          I expect my own Reputation will be attacked from various Quarters, but when a Man is sure of a good Cause, and keeps a good Conscience, I don’t see why he should not hazard his Reputation as well as his Neck.
          Believe me to be, much your Friend


Title: From John Adams to Isaac Smith Sr., 6 May 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Smith, Isaac Sr.

            Sir
            Auteuil May 6. 1785

          My Son who is upon his return home will deliver to you and your worthy Family in all its Branches, the Respects and Affections of mine: but I ought not to Send him away without a Letter to you. The Letters with which you favour Us now and then by the Way of Spain and Portugal, always come Safe as I believe and are an agreable Refreshment to Us. We Shall always be thank full for a Letter, by any Route.
          Dr Franklin has recd Permission to return to America and Mr Jefferson is appointed in his Stead Minister Plenipotentiary to the Court of Versailles. I have received a Letter of Credence to the Court of St. James’s, and Mr William Smith is appointed Secretary to the Commission. I Shall go to England, as soon as I can get away, but it will be Some Weeks before I can take Leave and get under Way.— As the British Cabinet have repeatedly made the Proposition officially, and congress have now agreed to it, after their express desire, I Suppose I Shall be decently received there. But in what Temper, or what Plan of Politicks time alone can discover. it would be a Thing of considerable Consequence, if Arrangements could be agreed upon to mutual Satisfaction, but every Man must be Sensible of the difficulties in the Way and of the length of time necessary to discuss and remove them, if indeed they can be ever removed. I hope the People in America, who are most immediately interested, will consider these Things and have Patience. no unnecessary delays, will ever be made or consented to on my Part. but it is not in the Power of Such little Mortals as I am to move the Gods of the Earth out of their ordinary Course which is in curves and Spiral Lines, or out of their usual March which is very Slow.
          My kind Regards to Mrs Smith and your son & Daughter who are with you, and Mr Otis his Lady & Family and oll other Friends
          I am Sir very respectfully Your most / obedient humble Servant

            John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Mercy Otis Warren, 6 May 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Warren, Mercy Otis

            Madam
            Auteuil May 6. 1785

          My Son would go home, very improperly without a Letter to Mrs Warren, whose Virtues and Accomplishments his Father has so long admired.
          The Time is at length come in which the United States of America are to have a Minister at the Court of Great Britain. a time foretold by the Prophets and Seers, and Dreamers of Dreams but never, untill very lately Stedfastly believed by any to be so near at hand. it is much to be wished that they could have had one, to general Satisfaction in America, and more respectable in many Points than the Person on whom the lot has fallen. it is Fortune, and Figure, Birth & Grace Titles and Ribbons that make Impressions on Courtiers, and Succeeds with the fair, as they Say. This is true in a Sense. But how do they Succeed? Why to be earnestly courted to every Ball, every Entertainment, every Horse Race and Gaming Table, and perhaps to receive certain others Favours which shall be nameless. but all this at the Expence of incessant Fatigue, and Chagrin, to the consumption of all his Time and an Inattention to Business and neglect of all his Duties. this is a Success of which our Country has no Occasion, and for which her humble Minister has no Ambition. He has not the less Reason however to wish that he had more Advantages, and better qualifications for the Service, and above all that he had firmer Health, and better Spirits, Since he will probably meet with enough to try the strongest Nerves. if you consider the Groups upon Groups of Tories and Refugees in that Country in the Variety of their shapes and shades of their Colours, the Numbers of Emmissaries from other Parts of Europe, the Concourse of unexceptionable Americans, the impassioned English Scotch and Irish, all watching his Motions and most of them wishing and contriving his Fall whatever lustre in the Eyes of some People there may be in the Feather of being the first Minister to England, You Madam will easily see, that his Situation is more to be dreaded and pitied than envied. All this however does not distress him. His Age is too far advanced and his Character too fixed, to have any Apprehension of being drawn into any intentional Fault or imposed on to betray the Interest of his Constituents. He will therefore have no Penalties to apprehend but the loss of his Place, and to this Idea he is perfectly reconciled.
          When shall I have the Pleasure to hear again of my Friend Warren in public? his Retreat has been a great Mortification and misfortune to me. Yet I cannot blame him, for I catch myself wishing myself on the next Hill, half a dozen times in a day. I hope however to hear by some of the next opportunities that he is again called to the Service of his Country.— I am anxious to know if Mr Dana is to be again in publick at home or abroad. I hope he will not be Suffered to retire too. Our Country has not Such Characters to Spare from her most important Employments.
          I promise myself from Mr Gerrys Attendance in Congress, all those changes for the better in the Management of the general Affairs of the Union, which I have often Seen proceed from the Clearness of his Head and the Goodness of his Heart.
          I know of Scarcely any Man of more Address, more Industry or Perseverance. He never appeared in Congress without a great Influence. He deserves to stand higher in the Estimation of the Massachusetts, than he has appeared to me at this distance to stand. He has merited more of that State than I am afraid they know of.
          But I am wandering into Speculations which may be Suspected of Impertinence. be pleased to present my best Respects to Mr Warren, and believe me with / the greatest esteem, Madam Your / most obedient servant

            John Adams


Title: From John Adams to John Jay, 7 May 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Jay, John

            Sir
            Auteuil near Paris May 7. 1785

          In a former Letter I expressed a Doubt whether I Should go directly to London, or first to the Hague in order to take Leave: but upon further Reflexion, as I have not received a regular Letter of Recall, and another Minister to their High Mightinesses is not yet arrived, it Seems best to avoid Occasion of too much Speculation among our Creditors in that Country for the present. The Minister who shall do me the Honour to Suceed me, will probably bring my Letter of Recall, and I hope the Permission of Congress for me to go over to Holland, to pay there my last Official Respects, provided the State of our Affairs in London will admit of my Absence for the Space of Time necessary, which may be three Weeks. But if Congress should think this Ceremony unnecessary, or I Should be engaged in Business for the Public which cannot conveniently be left, I may take Leave of their High Mightinesses, and of his most Serene Highness, by a respect full Letter, which perhaps may answer the End. I hope to be in London by the End of this Month.
          As We have no Funds in England, or any other Part of Europe but in Holland, I must ask the favour of Congress to transmit me, their Authority by a Resolution, to draw upon their Bankers in Holland for the Amount of my Salary, and the Salary of Mr Smith, and Some little Disbursements which may be indispensable.
          My Friend and Colleague Mr Jefferson, brought with him an Order, to receive of Mr Grand a Sum of Money in Advance, to furnish his House, but Mr Grand having no Money in his Hands, but on the Contrary being much in Advance, made some difficulties which induced Mr Jefferson to apply to me. I accordingly drew upon your Bankers in Amsterdam a Bill in his Favour, for Six Thousand Guilders which he has received. as Mr Grand could only have advanced the Money by drawing on the Same Fund, one Commission has been Saved by this Means and I hope for the Approbation of Congress.
          Coll Humphreys brought with him, an order upon Mr Grand for Money to pay for a Medal to be Struck for each of the Generals Washington Gates and Green and for some Swords adjudged by Congress to other Officers, and upon Mr Grands Inability to make the Advances He applied to me. As We Supposed it to be the Undoubted Intention of Congress that these Small Presents should be made in honour of those great Events and immortal Actions, I consented to draw for the Money upon the Same Bankers to the Amount of about a Thousand Pounds. this also I hope will meet the Approbation of Congress.
          If you will pardon Sir a Transisition to a subject not much connected with the foregoing I may fill the rest of my Paper with an Observation which may have its Uses. The extream Severity of cold and drouth which has continued through the Months of February March April and to this day, has brought upon this Country, and perhaps others a Serious Calamity. There is Such a Scarcity of Herbage and Pasturage, that the poor People in many Places have been obliged to kill their Cattle, to prevent them from starving. In many other Places, they have been necessitated to feed their Cattle with Grain and Bread and other Things necessary for the Support of their Families. The daily Processions which pass before my Door, in Prayers for Warmth and Rain, are afflicting to Humanity. These Circumstances however have contributed to silence the Clamours of various Provinces against the Commerce between Us and the french West India Islands more than all the Authority of the King and Influence of Government.— The whole Nation must see, and the English too will probably See the Impossibility of Supplying their Islands with What and Flour and even the Necessity of importing considerable Quantities of these Articles as well as Rice from the United states into Europe. it is generally agreed that the Crops of Grass will be So diminished, that even if the Wheat should not fail they shall be obliged to apply so much of the latter to the subsistence of their Cattle, that they must import from Us. I wish you a plentifull Season, and industrious Husbandmen, that you may be able to supply the Wants of all Europe as well as your own. With the greatest Respect and / Esteem, I have the Honour to be, Sir your most obedient / servant

            John Adams


Title: From John Adams to John Jay, 8 May 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Jay, John

            Sir
            Auteuil near Paris May 8. 1785

          In executing the Instructions of Congress, of the Seventh of March last, as well as all former Orders, which concern the Court of Great Britain, the Ministry will no doubt find my Commission and Letter of Credence Sufficient Authority. But you will See by a Letter from the Duke of Dorsett, which your Ministers here Sometime Since transmitted, that the British Cabinet have conceived doubts, whether Congress have Power to treat of commercial Matters, and whether Our States Should not Seperately grant their Full Powers to a Minister. I think it may be taken for granted that the States will never think of Sending Seperate Ambassadors, or of authorising directly those appointed by Congress. the Idea of thirteen Plenipotentiaries meeting together in a Congress at every Court in Europe, each with a Full Power and distinct Instructions from his State, presents to view Such a Picture of Confusion, Altercation, Expence and endless delay, as must convince every Man of its Impracticability. neither is there less absurdity in Supposing, that all the States Should unite in the Seperate Election of the Same Man, Since there is not, never was and never will be, a Citizen whom each State would Seperately prefer, for conducting the Negotiation. it is equally inconceivable that each State Should Seperately Send a Full Power and Seperate Instructions, to the Ministers Appointed by Congress. What an heterogeneous Mass of Papers full of different Objects, various Views, and inconsistent and contradictory Orders, must Such a Man pull out of his Porte Feuille, from time to time to regulate his Judgment and his Conduct? He must be accountable too to thirteen different Tribunals for his Conduct: a Situation in which no Man would ever consent to Stand, if it is possible which I dont believe that any State Should ever wish for Such a System. I Suppose too, that the Confederation has already Settled all these Points, and that Congress alone have authority, to treat with foreign Powers and to appoint Ambassadors and foreign Ministers, and that the States have Seperately no Power to do either. Yet it is plain from the Duke of Dorsetts Letter that the British Cabinet have conceived a different Opinion. this is to be accounted for only by conjecturing that they have put an erroneous Construction on the Limitation, Restriction or Exception, in the Article of our Confederation, which gives to Congress the Power of Appointing Ambassadors and making Treaties. This Limitation is confined to Treaties of Commerce all others Congress have full Power to make. from this Limitation, however, will probably arise a great deal of Difficulty, and delay to me. if the British Ministry wish and Seek for delays this will be their pretext, but even if they Should wish for dispatch which is not likely they may have Propositions to make which will fall within the Limitation, and in Such Case it will not be in my Power to agree with them. I can only transmit the Propositions to Congress, who will perhaps transmit them to the States, and no Man can foresee when the Answers will be received So that the Business can be brought to a Conclusion.
          It is a long time that Congress have appeared to be aware of these Obstructions in the Way of our Prosperity but it does not yet appear that the States have been Sufficiently attentive to them to remove them. it is not to be Supposed that Congress will ever frame any Treaty of Commerce with any foreign Power, which shall be unequal, & partial among the States, or oppressive upon any one of them. and it is very clear, from the Situation and Circumstances of the Country, that no Such Treaty can ever be carried into Execution or last long. if the States Should be unwilling to confer upon Congress a Power to make Treaties of Commerce unlimited in Point of Time, it Should Seem that time alone might be a Sufficient Restriction, or the Limitation might be to a particular Nation, as the English for Example, for a certain time, although it must be always remembered, that We cannot favour the English with any Thing, which will not become common to other Nations the French, the Dutch & Sweeds at least.
          It is very possible that the Cabinet of St James’s may decline, even entering into any conferences at all, upon the Subject of a Treaty of Commerce, untill the Powers of Congress are enlarged. if they Should the People of America cannot be too Soon informed of it, and turn the deliberations in their Assemblies to this Object. in this Case the only present hope of your Minister will be, in obedience to his orders to convince the British Ministry, of the necessary Tendency of their restrictions on our Trade to incapacitate our Merchants in a certain degree to make Remittances to theirs, to urge the Surrender of the Posts, the Restitution of the Negroes, the Explanation respecting the Debts, and those other matters pointed out in his Instructions, in which the Right, & Power and Equity are too clear, to leave any plausible Pretences for delay, and to transmit by the earliest Opportunities to Congress full & true Accounts of his Proceedings.
          On the 30. of April 1784 Congress [“]recommended to the Legislatures of the States to vest them for 15 Years with the Power to prohibit any Merchandises from being imported or exported, in Vessells belonging to or navigated by the Subjects of any Power with whom, We Shall have no Treaty of Commerce: and to prohibit the Subjects of any foreign State, unless authorised by Treaty from importing into the United States any Merchandizes, which are not the Produce or Manufacture of the dominions of the Sovereign whose Subjects they are.” provided that the Assent of nine States be necessary.
          To Suppose that the British Cabinet, intended by the doubts of our Powers, expressed in the Duke of Dorsetts Letter, to assist Congress in obtaining from the Legislatures, a complyance with those Recommendations, would be more charitable than their Conduct in any other Instance would justify. I rather think it was a mere Excuse for delay. But it ought to opperate upon the Minds of the People of the States and their Assemblies, as a powerfull Incentive to Compliance. But it may be Still a question whether a Compliance of all the States, will Still Satisfy the British Cabinet, and they may require an express Vote of unlimited Authority to Congress for a certain Term at least from each State to enter into a Treaty of Commerce with them.
          I have not yet been able to learn with certainty how many and which of the States have agreed to those Recommendations of Congress. it will now be necessary for me to be very attentive to this and to request of you, Sir the earliest and most minute Intelligence of every Proceeding of Congress and the States relative to it.
          The last Year, must have been a prosperous Period in the United States: the high Prices of their Produce, and the low Prices of foreign Merchandizes are a demonstration of it. Yet our Shipping, our Seamen, our carrying Trade have been discouraged. present Ease and even Wealth Should not be our only Object. We ought to attend to Considerations of Strength and Defence. our Situation is different from Some of the Powers of Europe who have neglected their own Defence. Switzerland is Situated So, that if she Should be attacked by one Neighbour She would infallibly be defended by two others. if attacked by Sardinia She would be defended by France and the Emperor, if by the Emperor France & Sardinia would Support her if by France the Emperor and Sardinia would unite to protect her. This is so fully known to her and all her Neighbours, that She fears nothing, and is at no Expence. Holland if Attacked by France found a Friend in England When Attacked by England France Supported her, When the Emperor threatned her she found a Friend in France too. and She will forever be Sure, that neither of these three great Powers can ever Suffer her to fall a prey to any of the others.— She has relied so much upon this as to neglect her Defence, to her great regret at present But what are Switzerland and Holland, Small Powers limited by Nature, so that they never can be great to the United States of America, destined beyond a doubt to be the greatest Power on Earth, and that within the Life of Man. This is so well known, that instead of being overlooked among the Powers like Holland and Switzerland, We shall be more an Object of Jealousy than any other Power Upon Earth. all the Powers knew that it is impossible for any the proudest of them to Conquer Us, and therefore if We Should be attacked by any one, the others will not be fond of undertaking our defence. knowing We can defend ourselves, they will leave Us to do it, and if they assist Us at all it will not be untill We have done the Work and then it will be feebly and only with a View of deriving more Benefit and Reputation from it, than they do Us good. They will be pleased to see Us weakned and our Grouth a little retarded. it behoves the United States then to knit themselves together in the Bands of Affection and mutual Confidence, Search their own Resources to the Bottom, form their foreign Commerce into a System, and encourage their own Navigation and Seamen, and to these Ends their carrying Trade and I am much afraid We shall never be able to do this, unless Congress are vested with full Power, under the Limitations prescribed of 15 Years and the Concurrence of Nine states, of forming Treaties of Commerce with foreign Powers.
          With great Esteem, and Respect / I have the Honour to be, Sir Your / most Obedient and most humble / servant

            John Adams


Title: To John Adams from the Marquis de Lafayette, 8 May 1785
From: Lafayette, Marie-Joseph-Paul-Yves-Roch-Gilbert du Motier, marquis de
To: Adams, John

            My dear friend
            Paris May the 8th 1785

          Inclosed you will find what I intended to Carry this Morning— but the duke de Choiseùil’s death which Happened About twèlve o’ clock prevented my going out of town— The Bargain Has Been altered over and over, and I Have at last Secured the following advantages— 1stly the Vessels may be Americans 2dly the More precious part of the oil, Called Spermicity May Be left out— 3dly By the Contract it Rests with the American Society to obtain a diminution of duties which all lay at their Charge— By the Passports not only foreign but also National duties are taken off, and all the Anchorage, pilotage and other plagues of the kind which Give the Undertakers an extraordinary profit over and above the Common profits of other people who are admitted to sell their oils.

          if You think the Bargain is good, Your Son might Carry the proposition to our New England friends, and take charge of the Samples of oils that will Be Ready to Morrow—in which Case, I would propose His Meeting mr̃ jefferson where a man of the police will attend at Whatever Hour in the Morning You please to Appoint— when You Send Back the Papers, I will Show them to mr̃ jefferson and know from Him if it is Convenient we Should wait upon Him, Your Son, the police man and myself about ten in the Morning.
          God Bless You.

            L.F.


Title: From John Adams to C. W. F. Dumas, 11 May 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Dumas, C. W. F.

            Sir
            Auteuil near Paris May 11. 1785

          I received Yesterday your favour of the 3d. The Letters you Sent me from America I have received. one Packet contained old News Papers, the other the Ratification of my last Loan.
          I have received the orders of Congress to go to London according to the Article you read in an English News Paper which appears to have been copied, from a Gazette of New York. I have received too a Commission and Letter of Credence as Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States of America to the King of Great Britain, and Mr William Smith, formerly Aid de Camp of General Washington, is Secretary of Legation. Congress have resolved too, that it will be expedient to appoint a Minister to their High Mightinesses to Succeed me. at first I concluded to go to the Hague, and take my Leave of their High Mightinesses, and of the Nation, with all that Respect, Affection and Gratitude, which is due from me to them. but as I have not received a Letter of Recall, and my Successor is not arrived, I cannot yet take Leave according to the Forms; and I learn that Colonel Smith was to embark in the Packett for Falmouth, So that he may be expected by this Time, and I must See him as soon as possible, to receive from him Some additional Papers among which may possibly be, my Letter of Recall, So that I have concluded to go to London first. Upon the Arrival of my Letter of Recall or of my Successor, I Shall go over to the Hague if possible. But if I Should chance to be engaged in Business for the Public, which I cannot leave, I Shall take Leave of their High Mightinesses, and of his most Serene Highness by a respectfull Letter. In this Case however, I will not loose the Pleasure of a Visit to Holland, and of Seeing my Friends there, but will take a Journey thither with Mrs Adams as soon as the Public Service will admit.
          Whither this Mission to London is a subject of Felicitation or not, I know not.— one Thing I know, I quit the Situation in Europe the most to my Taste, and the most for my Health, for one, which will probably be agreable to neither. I exchange a quiet chearfull Mind for an anxious one and a Life of Ease, for a Scæne of Perplexity, Confusion and Fatigue. if the Public, however, Should derive any benefit from it, I Shall not regrett it.
          Dr Franklin has leave to return, and talks of embarking next Month. Mr Jefferson is Minister Plenipotentiary, at Versailles in his Stead. Our Commissions to negotiate Commercial Treaties remain in Force, and We shall continue that Business, Mr Jefferson and I, as usual. We shall concert all affairs by Letter, and meet together to Sign in London or Paris as may be convenient, or Sign the Treaties Seperately, if We cannot meet. The Communication between the Hague and London will be shorter and more frequent and I hope to hear from you often. My Family send their Respects to yours. My son is to take leave of Us tomorrow Morning and may Heavens Blessings attend him. Remember him and his Father to all our good Friends whom you know very well. With great Respect &c

            John Adams


Title: The American Commissioners to John Jay, 11 May 1785
From: American Commissioners
To: Jay, John

            Sir
            Paris May 11th. 1785

          Our last letter to you was dated April 13. 1785. and went by the packet of that month from l’Orient. Since that date the Letter No. 1. a. directed to Dtr Franklin enclosing those marked No. 1. b & c. and also the paper No. 2. have come to hand. These relate to supplies furnished by Mr Harrison to the crew of the ship Betsy taken by the Emperor of Morocco, on which subject Congress will be pleased to make known their pleasure to Mr Harrison or Mr Carmichael; they relate further to the general affairs of the Barbary States. A letter from the Marshal de Castries forwarded to us by the Count de Vergennes, marked No. 3. a. b. will shew the opinion of that Minister on the best method of conducting a treaty with those States. As we are as yet uninstructed from what sources to call for the monies necessary for conducting & concluding treaties with them, and no step can be taken but with cash in hand we await orders on this subject, and in the mean time wish to keep matters with the Emperor of Morocco suspended in their present state. The attention of Congress will have been called to this circumstance by our letter of Novr 11. and several letters subsequent to that date.
          As it is always well to know the dispositions of our neighbours, we enclose the letter No. 4. from a refugee of Louisiana to Doctr. Franklin—it contains moreover a proposition for the consideration of Congress.
          No. 5. a. and b. are a counterproject, with a letter covering it, from the Chargé des Affaires for Tuscany at this court. As some of the alterations of our draught which the counterproject proposes required explanations these have been desired & obtained in verbal conferences with Mr Favi. In consequence of these we shall immediately communicate to him in writing our dispositions on the Several parts of it.
          The letter No. 6. from the Baron de Thulemeier, received the 9th. instant contains the decisions of the King of Prussia on our last propositions. We shall close with him on the ground established in the several papers which have passed between us, and take immediate measures for putting the last hand to this treaty.

          We have the honor to be / With great respect / Sir / Your most obedient & / Most humble Servants

            John Adams.—B. FranklinTh: Jefferson


Title: From John Adams to John Jay, 13 May 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Jay, John

            Sir
            Auteuil near Paris May 13. 1785

          We meet as you know very well, so often with foreign Ministers, at Court and at other Places and have So many transient Conversations upon Subjects in which America is more or less concerned, that I Scarcely know when it is worth while to transmit them to you and when it is not. there is danger on one hand of degenerating into minuteness, and on the other of omitting Something which may be of Consequence.
          The Duke of Dorsett, has been in general very civil to Dr Franklin Mr Jefferson and me and I believe I may Say with Exact Truth, that he has Shewn Us as much Respect and Attention, as he has to the Ministers of any Power whatever: But Since the English Papers, from the Gazettes of New York have published my Appointment to his Court he has been more assiduous if I may use that Expression than ever.
          He congratulated me at Court very politely, on my Appointment, and Said if he could be of any Service to me in public or private, by writing to Mr Pitt or Lord Caermarthen, or to any of his private Friends it would give him pleasure to do it. I thanked his Grace in general Terms, and Said it was very possible he might be of Service to me, and to his own Country too as well as mine, if his Grace and his humble Servant thought alike upon certain Points.— He thought then as well as I, that it was proper We Should compare Notes, and Said he would come out to Auteuil and See me, on Saturday at twelve. Accordingly he came, and repeating his Professions of good Will, and his Offers of Service I told his Lordship that I did not mean to give him the Trouble of any Official Representations, but as he was willing to enter into private Conversation with me upon affairs I might ask him what could be the Reason, why the Posts upon our Frontier were not evacuated? He Said he could not tell. I added there had undoubtedly been full time, and it could but be considered as inconsistent with the Treaty. that he might well imagine it must be a tender Point with Us, and that Jealousies and Apprehensions would be very justly kept alive among all our People, untill the Treaty was fullfilled in this particular. He Seemed wholly at a Loss upon this Subject, and did not incline to compromise himself by hazarding any Opinion.
          I then mentioned the Debts, and Said it was certainly for the mutual Advantage of both Sides that We Should come to an Explanation, upon that Article. that to let loose the Law and perhaps the inflamed Passions of Some Creditors, upon the Debtors and their Estates might ruin the latter without paying the former. that if Execution was Served upon the Person of a Debtor, for Want of Estate by the ancient as well as modern Laws, he might in a Stated Period obtain his Liberty, upon his Oath, and then the Debt would be lost. if Execution Should be levied upon Estate, it must be Sold at Vendue, and in the present Scarcity of Money, would not be sold for half its Value, So that the Creditor might loose as well as the Debtor. That it would Surely be better for both Countries as well as for Creditor and Debtor, that the latter Should be allowed Time to turn himself, and to make the most of his Property. The Duke replied, that if the Matter should be represented in this Light, and made appear to be so, perhaps the Ministry and the Creditors might be Satisfied. But he added that Interest Should be paid. I answered that the question concerning Interest would not be changed at all by a delay. it would be the Same, whether the Principal were paid now or sometime hence. But I found his Lordship here again, unwilling to hazard any Opinions of his own.
          I then mentioned the Negroes, and asked why the Treaty was So little attended to in this Article? He asked whether any considerable Number had been carried off? I answered a very great Number, and not only against the Treaty, but confessedly so, for that Sir Guy Carleton, had at the time of his carrying them away, aknowledged it to be against the Treaty, but alledged that their Treaties with the Negroes obliged them to it, and therefore they must pay for them.— I added that this made it Still harder upon the American Debtors, and indeed made it perfectly just for them to withold payment, because that the Property of many of them, was thus wrongfully withheld from them. Property by which they might have been enabled to pay at least, much of their Debts.— But I found that either his Grace had not thought much upon these Subjects, or that his Prudence restrained him from Speaking freely, and he choose to waive Particulars, by repeating Offers of Service. I replied that I did not think it was proper for me to desire his Grace to make any Official Representations, because my first Address of that kind Should be made to Lord Carmaerthen, but that Noblemen and Gentlemen of high Rank, were often here and in Company with his Grace, and as Conversation turned often upon American Affairs, it might be in his Graces Power to rectify many Mistakes relative to these Subjects. it would be Still more in his power by his private Correspondences.— I could not however obtain any Specific Promises, but he concluded by more general Assurances, that he Sincerely wished that all questions might be settled to mutual Satisfaction, and entire Harmony and Affection restored &c &c.
          A few days after, the Duke came out a second Time to see me at Auteuil and brought me some Letters to the Custom House at Dover, which he believed would save me any Troublesome Visits of those Gentry, and Said he had written to Mr Pitt to desire him to Send an order to the Custom house, which would certainly answer the End.
          He then told me I must be in London time enough to pay my Respects to the King, on the fourth of June his Birth Day. that to that End I must carry over from hence a fine new Coat ready made, for that it was a Rule of Etiquette there for every Body to have new Cloaths upon that day who went to Court, and very rich ones, and that my Family must be introduced to the Queen. I told him I was sorry to hear that. But that I hoped it was not indispensable, for that as at the Court of Versailles, the Families of Ambassadors only were required to be presented, and Ministers Plenipotentiaries and Envoys, had their Option, my Family had chosen to avoid it here, for many Reasons. He Said it was true, that here, the Ettiquette required only the Presentation of Ambassadresses, but in England it was otherwise. And the Ladies and Daughters of all Ministers must be presented to the Queen.
          I hope Sir you will not think this an immaterial or a trifling Conversation when you consider, that the Single Circumstance of presenting a Family to Court, will made a difference of several hundred Pounds sterling in my inevitable annual Expences.— This is not the first serious Lecture that I have had upon the subjects of Ettiquette and even Dress. I have formerly related to you in Conversation another much more grave, which I had five Years ago from the Count de Vergennes. I believe I have also repeated to you Similar Exhortations made to me even by the best Patriots in Holland. There is a certain Appearance, in Proportion to Rank, which all the Courts of Europe make a serious Point of exacting, from every Body, who is presented to them.
          I need not say to you, Sir, because you know it perfectly that American Ministers have never yet been able to make this appearance at any Court. they are now less able to do it than ever. I lament this Necessity of consuming the Labour of my Fellow Citizens upon such Objects as much as any Man living, but I am sure that the Consequences of debasing your Ministers, so much below their Rank, will one day have Consequences of much more Importance to the Husbandman, Artisan & even Labourer.
          With the most cordial Esteem, I have the Honour / to be, Sir your most obedient and most / humble servant

            John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Charles Storer, 13 May 1785
From: Storer, Charles
To: Adams, John

            Dear Sir,
            London. 13th. May. 1785.

          In obedience to your Commands, by Mr: West, respecting Lodgings, I have been, yesterday & today, in search of such as I thought would suit you, but have not been able to find any.— There are many houses to be let—but these are either too large or too small; your direction being for “a Drawing Room, Dining Room, three Chambers, & one for one Servant only”— Besides, in all these Houses, the inconvenience respecting your Board constantly occurr’d—for Traiteur’s are not so common here as at Paris— This being the Case, I should advise it as best, being the surest and cheapest way, to take Lodgings in some Hotel, untill you can meet some house that will suit you—in which you will then have Mrs: Adams opinion— In Hotels, you know you may do as you please, and you are sure there to find room always—& there too you are boarded at no Trouble to yourself— You have tried the Adelphi—there are others in Covent-Garden, and a great one in Pall-Mall, at which last Mr: Bingham & Lady lodge—but this I am told is very expensive— However, I shall not give over my search after such lodgings as you describe, and write this only to desire some further instruction from you.— This I hope will reach you on Wednesday next, the 18th. inst.— The next day the Post leaves Paris, so I shall hope to hear from you, in reply to this, by the Post of the 24th. inst.— You will be kind enough to let me know when you leave Paris, & where you propose to alight here that I may meet you on your arrival.—
          Mr: West tells me your Son was to leave Paris this week— I hope he did not miss of a letter I wrote him the last week, as otherwise he may think it odd, not to see or hear from me before he left Europe, since I have been so long talking of going to Paris— However, should he not have received it, I hope he will assure himself of my best wishes for a pleasant passage, and a happy sight of his friends.—
          In hopes of hearing from you soon, I have only to add my best respects to Mrs: & Miss Adams, in which my Sister & Mr: Atkinson join, and to assure you that I am, with much esteem, dear sir, / Your much obliged / humle: servt:

            Chas: Stor[er]


Title: The American Commissioners to the Duke of Dorset, 16 May 1785
From: American Commissioners
To: Dorset, the Duke of

            My Lord Duke
            Passy near Paris May 16th 1785

          We received in due time the letter which your Grace did us the honour to write us on the 26th day of March last, and have delayed the acknowledgment of it in expectation of the arrival of the packets, by which we hoped for further Instructions from Congress.
          We have now the honor to inform your Grace that Congress on the 24th day of Feby last, appointed a Minister Plenipotentiary to reside at the court of His Britannic Majesty who proposes to proceed to London in the course of two or three weeks, which makes a more particular answer to your letter unnecessary
          With great respect / We have the honor to be / Your Grace’s Most obedient and / Most humble Servants

            John AdamsB. FranklinT. Jefferson


Title: From John Adams to C. W. F. Dumas, 18 May 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Dumas, C. W. F.

            Sir
            Auteuil 18 May 1785

          I have recd. yours of the 12th and thank you for your Congratulations and kind Wishes of Success. As Congress have not yet dissolved my Relation to the Republick of the United Netherlands, I cannot yet take Leave, but I hope to have Leave to go over from London for that Purpose, upon the Arrival of my Letter of Recall or of another Minister to Succeed me. I have received So many personal Civilities, and have Seen so much honest Friendship for my Country, in the United Provinces that I can never quit Europe contented without making another Visit, and I assure you my Family have not less Zeal for Such a Journey than I.
          We propose to leave Auteuil for London, on Fryday the 20. but We Shall not travel very fast. My Son left Us, the 12. and will Sail from L’Orient probably on the Same day, that We shall depart from Auteuil.
          What Shall I do, in London, for my Garden my Park, my River and my Plain. You See I call all the Environs of Auteuil mine and with good Reason, for I will lay a Wager, they have given me more Pleasure, in a few Months than they ever afforded their legal Proprietors for a Century.
          Mr Jefferson had Yesterday his Audience of the King and presented his Credentials as Minister Plenipotentiary to his Majesty. Mr Jefferson lives in the Cul-de-Sac Tête bout. pres les Boulevards. Dr Franklin is packing up his Effects and proposes to embark next month.

          No Alteration has been made in our Commissions to treat with other Powers, So that Mr Jefferson and I Shall proceed after Dr Franklins Departure to compleat the Negotitiations already begun, Several of which are far advanced. We Shall communicate with each other by Letters, by private Hands or by Couriers, when We cannot trust the Posts and perhaps meet together in London or Paris, once or twice, a Year, to finish any Thing which cannot be done Seperately.
          I made my Court to the King and Royal Family for the last time, Yesterday was a Week, and my Packages are all made, and every Thing arranged for our Departure, the day after tomorrow. Yet I do not take my Leave of France, any more than of Holland; I hate to think that I shall never See a Country again, because it feels like giving up a Part of one’s Liberty.
          My kind Regards to all our Friends, with whom We used to pass our Social Hours, and those of my Family to yours
          Adieu

            John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Jefferson, 23 May 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Jefferson, Thomas

            Dear Sir
            Dessin’s Calais May 23. 1785. Monday.

          We are just arrived, covered with Dust, and have hired, our Boat, to go over tomorrow at ten. no green Peas, no Sallad, no Vegetables to be had upon the Road, and the Sky is Still as clear dry and cold as ever. The Flocks of Sheep and herds of Cattle, through the Country Stalk about the Fields like Droves of Walking Skeletons. The Sheep are pastured chiefly I think in the plowed grounds, upon the Fibres as I suppose of the Roots of Grass turn’d up by the Plow.
          From a motive of Humanity I wish that our Country may have plentifull Rains, and our Husbandmen Industry, that they may Supply the Wants of their Suffering Fellow Creatures in Europe. You See I have nothing so mean as a Selfish or even a patriotic Wish in all this. But from the Same regard to Europe and her worthy Colonists in the West Indies, I hope that these rainless, heatless Heavens will convince them that it is abundantly for their good that We should bring and carry freely, our Flour Wheat, Corn Rice Flesh & Fish for their Soulagement
          Yours Affectionately

            J. Adams

            The Ladies Compts of course.