Title: From John Quincy Adams to Abigail Smith Adams, 14 April 1801
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

My dear mother
Berlin 14. April 1801.

I received a few days ago your kind letter of 29 January. After having been so many months without a line from you, it gave me sincere pleasure to see your hand-writing again, though I could not but sympathise with the afflictions under the immediate burden of which it was written—I have cordially and deeply lamented my poor brother, and will obey your injunction respecting his child.
I learn with extreme satisfaction that under all these circumstances my father has retained his health and spirits—I have ever been fully convinced of his vigour and energy of mind, and was persuaded that it would bear him up on these occasions, as it had done in many former instances, of difficulty, danger and disappointment—I knew he was aware that in contributing to found a great republic, he was not preparing a school for public gratitude; that bad passions and bad practices would produce the same effects there, that they have in all other ages and climates with similar governments; and that he himself would in all probability be one of the most signal instances of patriotism sacrificed to intrigue and envy.
Mr. Hamilton’s pamphlet I have not seen, and have heard but very obscurely and imperfectly of the Essex junto and their manoeuvres—But I could not avoid the conclusion when once the fact was established of such a division in the friends to the Government, that the administration would certainly change hands—The usual details of party manoeuvering, intrigues, calumnies, perfidies, frauds, baseness and brutality of every kind, I have known very little of and have no desire to know more—That they would be, there was no reason to doubt, and that they have been can therefore give no surprize—The alledged motives of a public nature upon which Mr. Hamilton and his party separated from the government, are in themselves not merely a justification, they are the best eulogium of my father’s administration—I regret very much not having received your letter from Quincy not only as it contained explanations upon this subject, which I am very desirous to possess, but because it would have made known the reasons to me, for which you think it would be advisable for me to return home immediately. I am the more anxious for this, because two motives which to my own mind are of peculiar weight and importance have led me to a different determinationThe first is the present situation of the North of Europe, which seems more than at any other period, to render expedient the presence of a person in a public character from the United States—And the second is that being under a confident expectation of a recall from the new Administration, I do not think proper to have the appearance of anticipating it, by asking it myself—If for public reasons or from private motives, the President judges fit to remove me from this place, I shall submit, and go home, not to publish a libel against him, by betraying the documents of my mission, when they are no longer mine; not to insult him by blubbering to the house of Representatives an insolent complaint against him for recalling me. Not to treasure up in my heart wrath for the day of wrath, and ransack the United States for every private confidential letter he ever wrote, to make it a tool of malice and revenge against himself—High and illustrious as these precedents of patriotism are, I will sooner turn scavenger and earn my living by clearing away the filth of the streets, than plunge into this bottomless filth of faction that with the ordure with which I shall cover myself I may sink him out of office. I certainly never will ask him for any place—Nor will I complain if he removes me from that which I already hold—But in following my own feelings of delicacy, I think that the removal ought to be entirely an act of his own, and that it would be unbecoming in me to ask, or by any thing on my part provoke it.
That my brother’s conduct is in every respect such as to give you satisfaction, I rejoyce to hear, though I should have been certain it could not be otherwise, even had you not so written—I fully know his worth and have in him an unlimited confidence—It must be to him a source of equal pleasure to know that he has your approbation—The most exquisite enjoyment which can delight a filial heart, is the certainty of giving joy to that of a parent. I should have wished that he had changed his determination, and settled in our native State. Without feeling any thing of local prejudice I cannot consider either the physical, the moral or the political climate of Pennsylvania, as so healthy as that of Massachusetts—It is not inconsistent with religious ideas, and is much less so than shallow thinkers persuade themselves, with the lessons of natural and experimental philosophy, to suppose that the pestilence of the mind, which rages with such violence in that State under the name of party-Spirit, is intimately connected with that physical pestilence which sweeps away so many thousands of its people.
“The first magistrates of a republic (says Cicero) should always observe two precepts of Plato—The one, to sacrifice their own ease to the benefit of the people, and refer to that end all their actions—The other, to apply their cares to the whole body of the Republic, and not abandon one part for the sake of protecting another—For, (adds he,) they who consult the interests only of a part of the citizens, and neglect the rest, introduce into the city those most pernicious evils, discord and sedition; from which some become partizans of the populace, and others, of the better sort—very few, of the whole—Hence arose cruel dissensions in Athens, and in our republic not only seditions but these pestiferous civil wars—A firm and honest citizen, worthy of being placed at the head of his nation, will shun, will abhor such conduct, and give himself up entirely to the Republic.”—It is the misfortune of Pennsylvania to be governed by persons who care very little for the precepts of Plato, and perhaps know as little of those of Cicero—Pennsylvania has taken great and very laudable pains to reform her criminal code, and I hope the day will come when she will be no longer liable to the reproach of having been more solicitous to mitigate punishments than to diminish crimes. It is not from petty larcenies, and paltry frauds that the danger of our country proceeds—It is from political vices, widening into moral depravity of the worst kind—Against these Pennsylvania has provided no school of correctionno work shop gaol; no solitary dungeon; though she needs them much more than for offences against her common or statute Laws.—All the States of our union suffer by the same evil; but Pennsylvania is more afflicted with it than any of the rest.
The Gazette which I have begun to address to my father will abridge all I can say to you upon the politics of Europe—My greatest concern with regard to this plan is, that before the several numbers come to hand, all the news will be old—It was from this consideration that I dropp’d the purpose I had form’d when I first came to Europe, of sending something similar to the Secretary of State—I now venture upon the trial, especially as I feel a greater latitude of liberty in delivering my opinions upon facts, to my father, than to the official department.
The death of the Emperor of Russia, and the English expedition against Copenhagen, are the most important recent incidents in the North of Europe—When I wrote my letter to my father of March 24th: I little thought that Paul the first was no more. That on that very day he had perished, probably by an eruption of the volcano upon which he was doom’d to live—It is yet very doubtful whether the changes which I then anticipated as the probable consequence of such a contingency will actually take place. At least it is certain that the new Emperor has sent a Commission to the former Russian Minister in England, and that Count Panin is to be Vice-Chancellor again
Since Nelson’s first attack upon the line of defence before Copenhagen, and the armistice which succeeded upon its issue, there is nothing certain from that place—Whatever may happen there will be sooner known in England than here; and of course will reach you sooner by the newspapers than from me.
The day before yesterday, at half-past three o’clock afternoon, my dear Louisa gave me a Son—She has had a very severe time, through the winter, and is now so ill that I dare not write to her mother, to give her notice of this event. I will humbly hope that in a few days, I may be relieved from my anxiety on her account, and enabled to announce to her mother, only news of joy—The child is well.
Ever affectionately your’s
A.


Title: From Mary Otis Lincoln to Abigail Smith Adams, 16 April 1801
From: Lincoln, Mary Otis
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

My ever Dr friend
Cambridge April 16the 1801

We live in such changfull times that it is delightfull to meet an Old friend with the same face and feelings. Your excellent sister added much to my injoyment yesterday by passing half an hour with me I gave her a long message to you. but as it may be some days before she sees you I think best to write a line.
I have been wishing to pass a night or two with you a long time and had not Mrs Higginson calld for her sister I had a plan that would have turned Fast week to thanksgiving. It was my intention to have past two nights at Quincy two at Hingham & two at Plymouth. But having young domestics it would have been highly improper to have gone from home.
I must see you soon and as it will not be possible for me to be from home untill the last of Next Month, should you be in Boston and can not extend your visit to Cambridge I can meet you there if you will have the goodness to send for me word. I think of you & yours with unabated affection.
Have the goodness to present my affectionate Respects to Mr Adams I hope he will look at the Seat of Science the week after next. Tell him he must not forsake us tho the Essex Junto intend it. I flatter myself he will honor my humble habitation by a call.
To Mr & Mrs J Adams present my compliments. I shall be happy to see them & Miss Smith when ever convenient.
With best wishes for your health & happiness I am / as ever truly your friend

Mary Lincoln


Title: From William Smith Shaw to Abigail Smith Adams, 16 April 1801
From: Shaw, William Smith
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

My dear Aunt
Boston April 16th 1801

I have received the things you sent me by Townsend and my Aunt Cranch with your letter of this morning and the shirts, for which please to receive my thanks. I find this town so very noisy and the present situation in which I am so very different, on many accounts from any in which I have ever before been, that it will take some time before I shall become naturalized. This circumstance and not having any thing interesting to tell you are my reasons for not writing to you.
There has yet been no change of officers by Mr Jefferson in this state, excepting M the appointment of Mr Brown, who does not except of the office, in the place of Mr. Higginson. Mr. Blake is not appointed to the exclusion of Mr Otis as was reported, although the probability seems to be that he will. Mr. J. reinstating Gardner and Whipple of NHampsire are is to me demonstrative proof of his determination to wage war against all the wise measures of the preceding administration. The marshall and district Attorney of Vermont have had their commissions taken from them. I am told they are both excellent men and that nothing can be alledged against them, than that they did their duty in the prosecution of the UStates against Lyon
The Galen arrived here yesterday—but brings papers to 7 of March only two days later than we had before received, nothing new
I send you Monday and to days paper—also Hardgraves law tracts, which the Pt asked me to purchase for him. I shall speak to Ben Russell as you request. He has always been like the Desdemona of Othello’s distempered immagination, “who could turn and turn and yet go on, and turn again.” I hope to have the pleasure of seeing you at Quincy on Saturday
With every sentiment of respectful attachment / I am yours &c.
W. S. S.


Title: To John Adams from John Quincy Adams, 18 April 1801
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, John

My dear Sir,
18. April. 1801—

I enclose herewith the second number of my Gazette, which completes the Journal for the month of March. By the last post I sent to Hamburg a letter for my mother, with the information that on the 12th: inst. my wife was delivered of a son. But she was then extremely ill, & I wrote under the impression of great alarm on her account. She has since very much recovered, & as I am assured quite out of danger. I hope this will reach you at the same time with my letter to my mother, & relieve you from an interval of anxiety & suspence, which if proportioned to my distress, the three days succeeding the 12th:—must be painful in the extreme.
An armistice of fourteen weeks has been concluded between the English & the Danes. It has settled nothing as to the main question between the parties, but secures to the english the free passage of the Sound, which to be sure is nothing at all, & cutts off the co-operation of Denmark to the military & naval measures of the other northern powers. The english fleet will proceed, it is said, up the Baltic, & the Swedish ports being inaccessable, & the Swedish fleet not very likely to run the risk of coming out, will direct their second visit to the port of Revel, where there are ten Russian Ships of the line. They will surely however not venture this attack, after hearing of this change in Russia, without further & precise instructions from their Government. The english might perhaps have imposed more burthensome terms upon the Danes. But it is not the interests nor the policy of England to press them too hard. The convention will apparently give the English the command of the Baltic for this season, & promote the pacific disposition of the northern powers. Perhaps even of France.


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Catherine Nuth Johnson, 18 April 1801
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Johnson, Catherine Nuth

My dear Madam.
Berlin 18. April 1801.

As Nancy has vindicated her privilege of giving you the first notice that you were a Grandmamma, I presume I have no occasion to scruple at letting you know that last Sunday the 12th: instt: at half-past three o’clock afternoon, our dear Louisa gave you another grandson—To have been able to add that both she and her child have been ever since as well as the occasion could admit, would perhaps have been a pleasure too pure and unalloyed for mortal enjoyment—My feelings on the contrary during the greatest part of the week, have been those of strong alarm, and of deep distress—Her sufferings have been great; but she is now quite out of danger, and much better than considering the severity of her illness for three days, I could reasonably have expected—
She had never mentioned to you her expectations of this event, because her former disappointments had made us both doubtful of the issue, and her state of health during the whole period has been such as was by no means calculated to  remove our apprehensions.—She has indeed been able upon the whole to keep about more through the winter than any of the preceding years since her marriage, but with frequent severe turns and symptoms peculiarly unpropitious to her situation—A great and ample reward to her mind for all her sufferings has now been given her by an indulgent Providence in the birth of a charming, and apparently healthy child—I hope and pray that henceforth a turn more favourable in her health will take place, and that when she has again the happiness of embracing you, will find her fat, and as rosy as her boy.
With my affectionate regards to Mr: Johnson, and all the family I remain, dear Madam, / faithfully your’s
John Q. Adams.


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Thomas Boylston Adams, 21 April 1801
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Thomas Boylston

6.
21. April 1801.

The papers enclosed, are 1. A press copy, of my letter to you dated 28: of last month, which I have hitherto neglected sending you—2. Do: of the Gazette N: 2. which I have sent to your father—This you will peruse and then forward to him—It will not do for publication—The plan I think might be improved so as to make it very useful, for communicating a concise view of European events—But as yet both persons and things are spoken of with a great deal too much freedom for it to meet the public perusal—3. The number 2 of examination upon Hauterive’s book—You may find it dry and tedious, but it will not be without its use; and it is more in the way of my business, than most of the other things I have sent you.
By the last post I received the duplicate of your letter with the annual accounts—The original I have answered by triplicates—It pleases me to hear that the Silesian letters excited some interest, and I wish they were more worthy of the public attention.
I have already written to Mrs: Johnson, that Louisa made me a present of a boy, the 12th: of this month; and that after being dangerously ill the three subsequent days, she had very much recovered, and was quite out of danger.—But as my letter to her may possibly fail on the passage, I will thank you as soon as you receive this to inform Mr: Johnson’s family of this event—The most critical period, the nine days, are now past, and she is as well as would be expected in an ordinary case—Of course much better than I could hope from the threatening symptoms of the first days—It was the prospect of this circumstance, which hurried so much our returning journey from Silesia, and so much abridged the narrative of my last letters; from Breslau to Leipzig. From that time until the birth of the child, we were so far from having encouragements to the hope of a favourable event, that we never ventured to mention her state, to any of our friends in America—Heaven be bless’d for this favour beyond my hopes!
Your’s affectionately.
A.


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to Thomas Boylston Adams, 22 April 1801
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Adams, Thomas Boylston

my dear Thomas
Quincy April 22 1801—

I have read your Brothers Letters, with much pleasure; that part of them; in which he so dutifully, affectionatly, and generously tenders all his property for the use of his parents, affected both your Father and me most tenderly; thank God, we have not any occasion for it; our desires are moderate, our oeconomy strickt, our income, tho moderate, will furnish us with all the necessaries, and many of the comforts of Life; and if it bears not any proportion to 40 Years of Labour, hazard and fatigue, of risk of Life; and character—who is there to accuse? We shall go down to our Graves, certainly not in debt to the public; I hope you will publish that part of his Your Brothers Letter which accuses his Country men, of a sordid Spirit of gain; and an Infamous Spirit of party.—of a deficiency of taste, for the fine arts, and literature, in a degree unworthy of a people who are so apt to be vain of their acquirements, and boast themselves “as the freest and most enlightned” people upon the Globe; This State have given an Honorable Majority to Govr Strong. the votes are near 5000 Majority—so that Jacobinism has not triumph’d; as was designed in every instance in this state; tho it has shown itself too powerfull in many instances—I see the little General has been spouting in NYork, but notwithstanding his proffers he will mar the cause he wishes to defend, in vain may he strive to tread back the path he has wandered from; he and his associates have merritted all they feel and all they fear; the changes which have taken place create murmers but dumbness itself reigns upon the past, and one would imagine the last four Years of the administration annihilated, the writers who proclaim daily the wisdom of Washingtons, scarcely deign to notice that he had a successor—at a late federal feast in N York, where the Memory of Washington is Celebrated and Jay justly toasted, Hamilton is eulogized, whilst Adams is passed by in total neglect.
I mention this as one proof amongst a thousand, which daily occur, to show the unjust Spirit of party, and the determination that a President Shall be Subject to their controul, or be sacrificed by them. and this is, as evident a struggle for power in the federilist, as can be manifested by their opponents—I feel thankfull that your Father bears, and sees all these things with a total indifference towards them; that he is not embitterd by them, but views them with Calmness, pitty and compassion—there is no temper of mind which I wish to Strive harder against, than a sour discontented complaining disposition; if Benifits have been rendered, to which those are insensible who have received them; are we not all more or less Guilty of the Same offence, against that Being who impartially makes the Rain to desend, and the Sun to Shine upon the Evil, and unthankfull, as well as upon the most gratefull and upright of his creatures?
You will observe by an Extract of some late dispatches from mr. King, how much disposed Great Britain is to preserve a harmony and civility towards the United States—would this have been the case, if we had not made a convention with France? yet no man asks this Question. the writers in Bens, paper were no longer than last week, calling it a disgracefull Humiliation, and abuseing Jefferson for ordering the Beareau to be given up—The feds injure their own cause, when they complain of just and honest measures.
My dear Thomas I have a word to say to you, if upon any exigency you have occasion for a little money, 50, or a hundred dollars, let me know. I have a little fund from which I can draw it, and You shall repay it me again when you are able So do not feel yourself embarrassed at requesting it—I wish you was Settled in the County of Worster, there is said to be a good opening now Lincoln,  provided for, Strong a judge & Spraige dead—but I must leave you to your own judgement—I have found here a pr of your black silk Stockings which you said you missd. I suppose they were brought here last Summer.
Let me know when the Coachee is Shipt, I see Dagget is up for Philadelphia; he can take it I suppose if not already sent; I want it.
your sister inquires after you and says she hears nothing from you; the Boys are not yet returnd but are to come in May.
we have had one of the sourest coldest Springs I have known for many years, the trees scarcly show a leaf and the ground is brown; they call it Jeffersonian weather here. he may produce warmth enough for them, before the end of the Year however—
A kind remembrance to all inquiring Friends / Affectionatly Your Mother
A Adams


Title: To John Adams from John Quincy Adams, 25 April 1801
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, John

No: 3.
Dear Sir,
25. April. 1801

We have seen in examining the first chapter of the volume “upon the state of France at the end of the 8th: year”—that the author’s object there was to prove, that at the breaking out of the french revolution, there existed no public law in Europe, & we have alledged the grounds upon which we consider him as having failed in the proof of this proposition. The second chapter is entitled “general considerations upon the relative situation of France,” & its object is to prove, that a system of public law for Europe is necessary, & that France must take an active & powerful part in its formation. The method observed in this part of the work has exposed, or enabled, the author to run over again much of the ground already traversed in the first chapter, & to renew the question there discussed. He gives the same solution to it again; but here his infallible proof is, that England during the war has openly professed the desire to destroy the maritime power of France, & succeeded in drawing all the powers of Europe into her design. But this wish of England has never been a secret to the other powers, who knew perfectly well that the destruction of each other’s maritime power had for more than a century been one great object of policy both to France & England. That this desire burns at this day with increased violence in the breast of France, the citizen Hauterive’s book proves beyond a doubt—It is not the interest of the other European powers, & they are & have been always fully sensible of it, that either France, or England should succeed in accomplishing their purposes. They have all seen with regret, that the ruin of the french navy was one of the necessary, unavoidable evils which must result from that frantic war into which France plunged herself against them; but when by the combination of all their forces they were unable to defend themselves, their own possessions, their own fire sides, against her assault, how was it possible for them to take under their protection the interests of her navy?
Through the whole of Mr. Hauterive’s book he assumes as an established & undisputed fact, that the first coalition was a league of all Europe at the instigation of England, & utterly unprovoked on the part of France, for her subjection & dismemberment. This is a favorite point of view to the french diplomatic writers since the revolution, & having been driven from all the other posts of their reasoning, they return to this, after the thousandth & full & solemn refutation, with as much confidence as if it had never been disputed. Like all the rest it is false & hollow. England did not instigate the first coalition against France; nor take any part in the war, untill the second year after it began. These facts are susceptible of easy proof sufficient to satisfy any impartial mind, & I hope at some future period to offer you something further to show them in a conspicuous light. For the present, as the citizen Hauterive takes his statement for granted, without uttering a syllable in support of a point so fundamental, I shall equally content myself with stating directly the contrary, & leave the proof to the candid recollection, or investigation of the reader.
In pronouncing that a public law is necessary for Europe, Mr Hauterive will not be contradicted by the enemies of the french revolution; he only contradicts all the lowdest & most popular doctrines of the men, who accomplished it. But before he can persuade the rest of the world, that France must give that law, it is to be hoped they will duly weigh the grounds, upon which he urges so strange an opinion.
“Public law (says he) between nations, who have communications of neighbourhood, or of commerce with each other, consists of relations, if not permanent, at least perfectly ascertained. These relations express the rights & the duties of every state; they ensure to all, known & authorized means for preserving & cultivating the elements of their riches & power; they open before every one of them, a free career for the display of her faculties; they prevent the strong from intimidating the weak, & guard the sober against the turbulence of the mad.”
It is evident from this passage, connected with the contents of the first chapter, that by public law the author means the law of nations. That he wishes to represent treaties, as the only proper source of this, & that the principles prescribed by nature, & the maxims established by custom must all yield to this conventional law, to be dictated by France, & inspired by the exclusive spirit of her interest & convenience.
“Every nation, (he observes) excepting those, which are tormented by the blind passion of aggrandizement is interested in the existence of such a system of common safety & mutual guarantee; but none is so much interested in its establishment & permanence as France.” For, besides the disinterested impartiality for which France has always been famous, she can henceforth have no motive for desiring war. Her sources of prosperity are all within herself—The acquisitions, which she has just made, & which she will certainly keep, place her in an inattackable situation, & she is too  not to know that further conquests would weaken, instead of strengthening her.
But, (adds he) if, when the rights of France are once secured, the powers of Europe have nothing to dread from her, there is no other great power with regard to which it would be proper for them to go to sleep with the same security.” One can hardly avoid smiling at the bonhommie of this assertion; & of the serious argument consequent upon it, to prove (though still with the discretion of avoiding names) that Austria, Russia, England & Prussia are all ambitious from principle, & in their essence; all to be watched with incessant jealousy by each other, & by the rest of Europe; all to be considered as unappeasable enemies to the peace & safety of the world, while the full measure of unbounded confidence is to be given without a scruple to France—to France, the moderate; the glorious, the secure—the magnanimous protectress of public law.
It is indeed a curious circumstance, & so much deserves our attention, that I venture once more to call it into your notice, that after all the french revolutionary legislators at home, & negotiators abroad, had held up for many years, that the law of nature was the only obligatory law of Nations; had spurned at all usages, disdained all authorities, trampled upon all treaties, & solved every right & every duty into the imprescriptable principles of Nature, & unalienable rights of man, here should come in these latter days, a new diplomatic french teacher, to tell the world, that the whole European law of nations, was founded upon the treaty of Westphalia, & as that is annihilated, another law of nations must be made by Treaty in its stead; not bottomed upon the law of nature, & the rights of man, but upon principles of watchful jealousy against all other powers, & slumbering confidence in France. It reminds me of a story, Dr Franklin often used to tell of a french lady, whom he once heard say, in conversation with her sister—“I don’t know, sister, how it happens, that there is only one person in the world, who is always in the right, & that is myself.”
If for the refutation of such a doctrine, any thing more can be required than fairly to state it, the remark is obvious, that a public law, like that contemplated by Mr Hauterive is so far from being necessary, that it is utterly impracticable, & if it were otherwise, would be in the highest degree unjust; in fine, that if it were both practicable & reconcileable with justice, it must be founded upon a mutual temper of accomodation on the part of all the great powers, not upon partial favor towards one & dread of all the rest.
To show this in the clearest light, let us further examine in the author’s book; what he means by this necessary system of public law. “For all the great powers of Europe, & against each of them, excepting France (says he) a system is necessary, which may define in a precise manner, their geographical boundaries, the extent of their duties, the limits of their rights. The circumscribing lines must be clearly expressed; their extension must be susceptible to every one, nay liable to be foreseen when undertaken, before the damage is felt. At the same time a system is necessary, which may indicate to all the governments of Europe, the true circumstances of their Relative Situation, which may teach them, which are the nations, whom the nature of their relations points out to them as friends, as enemies, as neutrals; which in the calm of peace may prevent them from beholding with the same eye, the progress, or decline of any given state; which in war, may guard them against the errors of an inconsiderate indifference, & preserve them from the mistakes of an unenlightened prediliction.”
Upon these words no comment can be necessary. I only beg you, Sir, to weigh their full force, & then say whether the system, which they urge as necessary, were not a presumptuous attempt to render perpetual & unalterable, what God, by nature has made changeable & transitory? whether it would not be in the political world, as absurd an experiment, as that of king Canute, when he command the tide not to come & wet his feet? & whether, if it were possible to suppose it could ever be accomplished, it would not be the most entire & unqualified system of subjection & slavery, that ever was imposed upon mankind.
And what are the grounds, upon which this public avowal of a pretension on the part of France to give an all comprehensive Law of nations to the world are maintained? Her disinterested partiality as proved in History! Her safe & unattackable situation! And her principled aversion against conquest & aggrandizement!
It was a custom in Lilliput, as Captain Gulliver tell us, that whenever some execution remarkably cruel & tyrannical had taken place, the government immediately issued a proclamation to the people, largely descanting upon its own extreme gentleness & lenity. This practice has not been forgotten in republican France, & the period, when the Consuls announced to the french people, that they had just added by conquest, one sixth to their territories, their strength & their population, has a most happy coincidence upon Lilleputian principles of administration with the time, when the disinterested impartiality of France, & her antipathy against conquest are blazoned forth as her titles to be the legislatrix of Europe.
To all the ingenious suggestions of local & contingent motives for ambition, which the author imputes to the other great powers, it may be said that however true, they are immaterial. National ambition lies much deeper than these, & he himself is sensible of it, when he chuses to be candid. It must be acknowledged (says he) that Nations, when they aggrandize themselves, only yield to that expansive impulsion, which nature has impressed, upon all animated beings, whether they act individually, or combine to act with the energy of a collective activity & will.”
“Cet oracle est plus sur que celui de Chalcas.”
The rest of Europe may place more dependance upon the constant effects of this expansive impulsion in France, than upon the disinterested impartiality, or the hatred against making conquests, for which, she has so long been famed. If the character of the human heart had left the question doubtful before; France has taken care in her conduct to solve it beyond a doubt—The author has told us in the former chapter, that from the commencement of the last century, France has been constantly in a unattable situation; of course, perfectly safe; of course interested in the preservation of the then existing relations. Yet all those existing relations she has overthrown—in spite of her safe & inattackable situation, & in spite of a formal, solemn declaration to the world, made at the commencement of her revolution, against all conquest, she has chosen to aggrandize herself by one sixth, & to wade through oceans of blood for the accomplishment of that end—Savoy, the Netherlands, Geneva, Egypt &c are all irrefragable proofs what France really means by aversion to conquest & disinterested impartiality.
If indeed the project, which is unfolded in this book were effected; if by the force of her arms, & the skill of her diplomacy she could prevail upon all Europe to acquiesce in a law, made by her; defining the boundaries, the rights, the duties of every nation, prescribing to every people, whom they must consider as friends, as enemies, as neutrals; controling alike the progress of one State, & the decline of another, guarding against the indifference of every ally, & preserving from predilections in favor of her enemies, she could have no further occasion for conquest; the world would be prostrate at her feet. She might then leave the details of administration, the odious task of squeezing out the blood of the people, to satisfy her insatiable demands to the natives of the respective countries, & content herself with wielding her iron scepter alike over them all.
This is no imaginary picture. The author concludes the chapter by telling us, that the basis of the new french Law of Nations is already laid. That the Treaties of France with Holland, Spain, Switzerland, & some Italian States, shew the foundation of France’s federative & defensive system. The treaties with Prussia, her neutral system, & the treaties with Austria, with their subsequent rupture her system of hostility. The consideration of these three points, is pursued in the following chapter, the examination of which I shall reserve for my next letter.


Title: From Thomas Boylston Adams to William Smith Shaw, 27 April 1801
From: Adams, Thomas Boylston
To: Shaw, William Smith

Dear William
Philadelphia 27th: April 1801

I have your letter of the 17th:, which travelled, from Boston hither, in very agreeable company. I can readily conceive, the novelty of your situation in a Lawyer’s office, joined to other novelties of quite as pleasant a nature, would tend to distract your thoughts, for some time.
Without undertaking to advise you on the subject of your recent pursuit, I will barely say, that the Office of my principal, were I to be again a Student, should be my place of dwelling, almost uninterruptedly during the first twelve or fifteen months of my apprenticeship; during this time, you ought to read Blackstone, Cooke on Littleton, the two first vol’s of Hume’s England; Robertson’s Charles 5th: & Reeve’s history of the Eng: law. What course your patron will advise, I know not, but all other advice ought to be subservient to his direction. As a general memento, you may learn from me, that the best time to study law, is while you are in an the Office of another person, for after you have one of your own, your attention & time must be occupied, chiefly, by attendance upon Courts &ca:. It was not until I had considerable experience, that I could look upon a Client in any other light than an intruder into my Office, and nothing but his fee could persuade me to the Contrary. Jo: Dennie says he used to lock his Office door to keep Clients out. This is no violence to the truth, in his case, as I can readily conceive.
I shall be obliged to you, for occasional memoirs of town & Country occurrences, and will give you similar coin in return.
I am glad you have a chief magistrate, of your choice, and hope this may always be your lot, as it is mine, never to have been gratified in this particular.
The Shee Genl: after all, would not be Marshall, & therefore a far more ignoble man, has been appointed in his room—a man of crimes, if report be true. I do not know the man, even by sight; his reputation is much of a piece with that of many of our State Officers; indeed, I think it a pity, that the President, in appointing this man, has, so far, diminished the list of Candidates for the patronage of our Governor.
I have nothing new to offer—Present me kindly to all friends, and particularly to Mr: & Mrs: Foster—
Your’s
T. B. Adams.
Tell Mr. Callender, if you please, that the lottery in which he is interested has commenced & nearly finished drawing—I leave the examination of his tickets ‘till the last.


Title: To John Adams from John Quincy Adams, 28 April 1801
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, John

4.
Dear Sir
28. April 1801.

The third chapter of the book upon the State of France, concerns the relative situation of France, with regard to her allies. It begins with a magnificent eulogium upon that country, for her great exertions in former ages against the domineering ambition of the court of Rome, of the Venetian Republic, and of the house of Austria successively. There can be no doubt, but that the efforts of France have always been directed to pull down every other great power, and to increase her own—the more common place of vulgar policy; but it requires more ingenuity than even the writer I examine, possesses, to disguise it thoroughly under the mask of disinterested magnanimity.
“The thirty years war (says he) and the peace of Westphalia, put an end to the perpetual anxiety of all the other European states for their independence, of the Austrian power, and proved, both to the friends and enemies of France, that her policy was guided only by views of general interest, and of common guaranty.”
This is the text, upon which he indulges his extatic admiration of Cardinal Richelieu’s system, in a comment, where every single instance he adduces, is in the most notorious violation of historical truth. Can it be conceived, that a man at this day should have the courage to affirm, that in the thirty years war, France often had to support alone, the burden of the war—That she conquered the peace, that the treaty will forever testify her fidelity to her friends, her justice towards neutrals, her generosity towards her enemies—That she liberated Portugal and Holland from the Austrian yoke, and secured the independence of Switzerland—That she placed Sweden in the rank of preponderating powers—That she (France! The Cardinal de Richelieu!) placed religious liberty in the number of primitive rights, which belong to all nations, classed religious intolerance, that great pretext for the ambition of princes, in the European code, in the list of political crimes, and pointed it out, thenceforth as treason against humanity, as the one of the highest infractions of public law!
Yes, Sir, such is the historical accuracy of a work almost official from the present french government, summoning all Europe, and the United States, to acquiesce in a new system of public law, commenced and to be completed by France.
It cannot be necessary to enter into details of refutation upon these passages; but with regard to the share of France in the thirty years war, and the peace of Westphalia, I beg leave to make here a short quotation from a German historian—An historian of eminent fame, and distinguished for his strong attachment to that party in Germany, with which France in the thirty years war was allied, for his strong feelings against the ambition of Austria—and for his ardor in the cause of religious and political liberty.
“At length (after the death of Gustavus Adolphus) the period had arrived, to which Richelieu had looked forward with ardent impatience. Nothing but the utter impossibility of saving themselves in any other way could prevail upon the protestant states of Germany to support the pretensions of France upon them. This uttermost necessity now occurred. France was indispensable; and she exacted dear was the price she exacted for the active part she took henceforth in the German War—Full of splendor and glory she now entered upon the political theatre. Oxenstiern, to whom it cost very little to lavish away the rights and possessions of Germany, had already ceded to Richelieu, the imperial fortress of Philipsburg, and the other places demanded. And now, the German protestant princes sent in their names a separate embassy, to place Alsace, the fortress of Brisach (which was first to be taken) and all the strong places on the upper Rhine, the keys of Germany, under french protection. What french protection meant had been seen in the bishoprics of Metz, Tout and Verdun, which France had for centuries protected, even against their rightful owners. Now was the moment of promise arrived, to the hopes of France, of adding likewise Alsace to her extensive possessions, and by sharing the Spanish Netherlands soon afterwards with the Hollanders, to make the Rhine her natural boundary against Germany—Thus shamefully were the rights of Germany sold by German States to this faithless, rapacious power, who under the mask of a disinterested friendship, only strove for aggrandizement, and while with brazen front, she assumed the honourable appellation of protectress, was only thinking how to spread her net, and provide for herself in the general confusion.”
Schiller’s History of the thirty years War—Book. 4—
Here you see, Sir, something more than vague and general declamation, to form an opinion of the french system, so much extolled by the french pamphleteer—France wanted to get hold of Alsace, and the keys of Germany. But to get at the same time the reputation of disinterested impartiality, she took them only as to protect them. When they were once in her possession, she knew how to keep them, and accordingly secured all she could of them to herself at the peace. This is what the under secretary would smooth over, by saying, that “she claimed an increase of territory, only because it was necessary for her safety, and to secure the defence of her frontiers.”
It would be easy to pursue step by step the whole of his historical deduction from the peace of Westphalia downwards, and to prove the falsehood of the whole of it, by testimony equally irrefragable. You may judge of it from the frequency, with which the same motive of providing by an increase of territory for France’s safety and the defence of her frontiers, occurs to the author’s pen. In the first chapter he had argued, that from the commencement of the eighteenth century, France’s situation, was unattackable—But here he tells us, that the sole object for which Louis 14. carried on the war of the Spanish succession, was the safety of France, and the acquisition of some slight advantages—This purpose of adding safety upon safety to what is already vaunted as perfectly safe, is the only contrivance, the author’s ingenuity could furnish him for justifying the expansive impulsions of France, from the reign of Richelieu to that of Talleyrand; from the peace of Munster to the peace of Luneville.
To a writer, who assumes so large a licence with history, it could not be difficult to assert that the sole system of the enemies of France at the commencement of the War, was an universal combination of the four quarters of the globe against her alone. He makes no scruple of descending to particulars, and to affirm among other things that the United States were formally invited to join the coalition—This is not the most flagrant false statement in an enumeration, where Turkey is mentioned as one of the powers, who actually did suffer themselves to be drawn into the league—But I mention it because its falsehood will be more universally known in America, and therefore it may better than any other serve as a specimen to show what credit the author’s veracity deserves.
This imaginary universal combination against France could cost no more to dissolve, than to form it, and its inventor has made cheap of it, since it was only brought forward only to contrast with the federative system of France—This according to him, is admirably calculated for consistency, order, justice and stability; and no less admirably calculated to preserve the balance of Europe—It is founded upon two simple principles: “1. That the object of every alliance must be in peace to guarantee the permanency of the existing relations, and in war, to concert the defence of these relations against the undertakings of the common enemy. 2. The object of every alliance, whether in peace, or war, must be to guarantee the political interests of the continent from the exaggerated ascendency of the maritime interests.”
These principles are vaguely expressed, but the author himself gives explanations, which enable his reader to understand precisely their meaning—He might have solved the two into one, by saying, that the object of every alliance must be exclusively to promote the views and interests of France, and to effect the ruin of England—This is what the author is cautious not to avow; but its evidence bursts out in every page of his book.—It is not immaterial to know this, because here is the place, where a formal summons to the United States is totalized, to forsake their present federative system and adopt that of France—This passage is of so much importance, that it is fit you should have it, as literal as translation can make it.
“The bases of the maritime system of France, are the alliance of Holland, of Spain, of Liguria. The object of these alliances is known: it can give no umbrage to any one, and France is determined to defend with all her means, present and future, the common rights and interests, which are derived from it—It is for the maritime nations of Europe, who are not satisfied with the situation, in which the contradictions of their present federative system place them to chuse between the inconveniencies and advantages of that situation, and the advantages and inconveniencies, which the federative system of France presents. I need not say, that this appeal is addressed first to the Porte, to the States of Barbary, Naples and Portugal, and secondly to Denmark, Sweden and the United States.”
The appeal is made with an appearance of moderation, and with a seeming disposition to leave the choice of systems, to the specified powers themselves. The means of positive compulsion are not so effectual in the hands of France, with regard to her maritime, as with regard to her continental system—The bases of this too, our author says, are laid, and he makes the appeal here too, to the neighbours of France, to form alliances with her: but here all the shew of candour is abandoned, all the liberty of choice forbidden, and no alternative left the powers in question, but compliance with the french system, and devastation by french armies. “France (says he) will substitute military dispositions instead of federative dispositions, and if those princes will be deaf to the voice of interest, which urges them to ally themselves with her, she will ally herself de facto with the countries, which they may be incapable of defending, and make herself auxiliaries of all the means of subsistence and defence, which any of the territories, that her armies may occupy, will furnish.”
One of the most remarkable characteristics of the author, whose labours I am investigating, is a singular felicity of expression, which you will find very conspicuous in this passage—Thus, overrunning a country with innumerable armies, letting loose upon the harvests of the cottager, and the labours of the citizen, every harpy of plunder, and every fiend of desolation, pressing out with the screws of military execution, drop by drop, the blood and sweat of industrious poverty, to supply the deficiencies in the french finances, is here termed in “words that breathe and thoughts that burn,” France’s allying herself with a country de facto; giving to understand with an energy of which the author himself perhaps was not conscious, that the friendship and the hostility of France are in their effects so nearly the same, as to be best designated by the same appellations.
The great objection, for those powers, to whom the freedom of pursuing the system, which they themselves deem best, against their acceptance of the french invitation, is that besides the violation of their public faith, pledged in former treaties, the principle of reciprocity, of mutual interests, and equal rights is not included in, but on the contrary, is entirely excluded from the fundamental maxims, upon which they are told by this author, that all the Treaties of France are to be founded—To feel the force of this observation, please to apply the author’s two principles, to the alliance actually extant between France and Holland.—When this alliance was concluded, the existing relations of Holland with France, were those of a conquered country with its conquerors. If the object of the alliance was to preserve and defend these relations, it might very well suit the interests of France; but what becomes of those of Holland? The second principle gives the best answer to this question. An alliance against the influence of the maritime interests, is undoubtedly against the first and most important interests of Holland, a state almost exclusively commercial, and whose existence, much more certainly than that of England, depends upon prosperity of trade—Thus the alliance of Holland with France, upon the principles of this writer, is an alliance against her own interests, to preserve her as a conquest of France; the statement I believe perfectly just, but it is not adapted to inspire other States with the ambition of imitating the example.
Upon the subject of this chapter, and particularly upon the author’s view of the rise and progress of the maritime system, I forbear many observations only because I am persuaded they will occur to yourself on perusing the work, and because I am apprehensive of spreading into tediousness my comment upon it.
Ever yours,

            A.


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Thomas Boylston Adams, 28 April 1801
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Thomas Boylston

No: 7.
My dear brother,
28. April. 1801

I enclose my third letter upon the book concerning the State of France. I know not whether I shall have time to finish this examination, & my project of furnishing you with frequent articles upon foreign politics & literature, will of course cease by my recall, which I have now received.
As I suppose it was known to you, some days after it took place, you will probably not write to me again, from the expectation of my return—This will however unavoidably be delayed for some months. I cannot form a hope, that my wife will be in a state to undertake a journey for six weeks to come. I shall however go as soon as possible.
The proceeds of my property, which you may receive in the course of the summer, I will thank you not to put out again, but to keep ready to transmit to me upon my arrival. I shall if possible embark from Hamburg & for Boston.
If after my arrival, my leisure will admit, I shall not be forgetful of our friend Dennie or of my promise to contribute for him in the Port Folio—The nature of the articles I may furnish him, will be different, but perhaps as useful, as those I proposed—Do not forget to keep both my copies of the papar, for which I have spoken—One at least complete, from the prospectus—For that & the first number you sent I lent to a friend here, who has mislaid them.
Your’s—


Title: To John Adams from John Quincy Adams, 1 May 1801
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, John

My dear Sir.
1. May 1801.

I have received, and communicated to this Government, my recall from the mission here—I shall hasten my departure as much as possible; but the situation of my wife who is still confined to her bed, renders it uncertain when she will be able to travel at all, and yet more when to undertake the voyage. If a favourable opportunity from Hamburg for Boston occurs I shall give it the preference—But I can scarcely flatter myself with the hope of seeing you before the month of October.
Possibly some of my late letters to my mother, may lead you to the apprehension that this recall has proved personally unwelcome and unexpected to me—But I beg you to be assured that considering it as a measure dictated by a sense of the public interest, your determination has not only my cheerful acquiescence, but my hearty approbation—It has indeed appeared to me that from the peculiar situation of affairs in the North of Europe, the expediency of having some public character from the United States upon the spot, was stronger than it had been at any former period: but even if you should now concur in that opinion, you might reasonably not have entertained it when you concluded to recall me;—nor do I apprehend the public service will suffer from my removal.
With respect to my own prospects, upon returning home, as they involve the dependence of my family, (for in every other point of view I feel them to be perfectly indifferent to me) it is natural I should not be without concern; but I have no reason to distrust the bounties of Providence, and I hope my own exertions will never be wanting, for the fulfilment of my duties—If I were capable of shrinking from a measure of public benefit, because it is a private damage to myself, I should be unworthy to bear the name of your son.
A.


Title: From Thomas Boylston Adams to Abigail Smith Adams, 2 May 1801
From: Adams, Thomas Boylston
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

Dear Mother
Philadelphia 2d: May 1801.

Your favor of the 22d: inst. ulto, has been a few days in hand. I thank you kindly for “the word intended for my private ear,” and shall avail myself freely of the offer, when occasion may require. Since I wrote you last, I concluded that it was hardly worth while to Insure the Carriage, and therefore if fortune has proved adverse, your loss will be total as to the body of the Coach only, unless the vessel should have been cast away, the wheels & carriage were put between Decks & could not be washed overboard. As the Captain assured me, that his Schooner was a good sea-boat and he seemed a careful man, I have hopes that you may yet receive your property, unhurt & undiminished.
I have observed, like you, the silence, which is so studiously maintained with regard to the late administration. Now & then, the Aurora has attempted to stigmatize it by a comparison between it & the present, but the federal prints are sullenly reserved on the Subject, or if they come out at all, it is to bestow either languid praise or covert censure. I have remarked however nearly the same thing of almost every public character in our Country, upon his retiring from Office; he ceases to be the subject of conversation; no body seems interested about him, as he is no longer a spoke in the ladder of preferment, and this concurrence of facts is very apt to be construed into neglect, when perhaps the number of real participants in his welfare is equal if not superior to any period of his public career.
I noticed the extract from Mr: King’s dispatches, and was pleased to find an appearance of a regard to justice & moderation, testified by the English government. The remonstrances, which are said to have been made under the authority of our government, with respect to the proceedings of the British Vice Admiralty Courts, ought to have been productive of a reform, as they seem to have done been, but the merit of effecting this object will be ascribed to any body, rather than to those who deserve it. The Jeffersonians already assume all the credit of it to themselves.
I have this day received a letter from my Brother, dated the 7th. of February; he regrets the loss of some of your letters, & says he receives none from any body but me. My letter of December 6th: informed him of Charles’s death, though Mr: Murray, from the Hague, had first apprized him of it. At the same time he learnt from the English papers, the story of my father’s having been ill of a fever, at Washington, which distressed him very much, and from the pressure of both these incidents, he affirms that he could scarcely bear up, against them. There is little intelligence in the letter, but perhaps it will gratify you to read it, so I enclose it, with my best Love & duty & remain/ your Son
T B Adams
P.S. Monday 4th: May Please return me the letter enclosed—Remember me kindly to all friends—I heard from my Sister last week, that she was well—


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to William Stephens Smith, 3 May 1801
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Smith, William Stephens

Dear Sir
Quincy, 3 May, 1801.

I have to acknowledge the receipt of the raspberry bushes, and the pot of strawberry vines, for which accept my thanks. I have had them placed in a good part of the garden, and shall pay particular attention to them. I hope I shall be able to treat you with a plate of them, when I shall have the pleasure of seeing you at Quincy.
Whatever strange events occur in the political world, I think your path plain; the strict and impartial discharge of the duties of your office, with a prudent silence, without becoming the demagogue of any party.
Be so good as to send the enclosed by a safe hand. My love to Mrs. Smith and the children. Tell her I have commenced my operations of dairy-woman; and she might see me, at five o’clock in the morning, skimming my milk. Adieu, my dear Sir.
Your affectionate
A. Adams


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Thomas Boylston Adams, 5 May 1801
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Thomas Boylston

5 May 1801

.My child was yesterday baptized by the name of George Washington; and may the grace of Almighty God guard his life and enable him, when he is come to manhood, to prove himself worthy of it! I was not induced merely by the public character of that great and good man to show his memory this token of respect. President Washington was, next to my own father, the man upon earth to whom I was indebted for the greatest personal obligations. I know not whether upon rigorous philosophic principles it be wise to give a great and venerable name to such a lottery-ticket as a new-born infant—but my logical scruples have in this case been overpowered by my instinctive sentiments.


Title: From Mary Smith Gray Otis to Abigail Smith Adams, 7 May 1801
From: Otis, Mary Smith Gray
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

Washington May 7th 1801

It was with peculiar pleasure my dear Mrs Adams that I received your kind favour of 5th of April, having heard of the accident you met with, I was fearful it might have been attended with bad concequences. Your neighbours whom you mention as being sick, I hope are in a state of convalescence & that Quincy air, is more salubrious than it has been for some time past.
That the weather has been very tempestous with you I can easily imagine, we have had a continuation of storms & dull weather all the spring & I have sometimes thought, that the Sun had not shone clear for two days in succession since 14th Feby. untill the last ten days when he has cheer’d us with his enlivening rays which has put a new face to every thing; The Apple trees are in full bloom and the sweet Brier which grows here, in rich luxuriance perfumes the air. It is indeed a beautiful situation, but there are too many inconveniences here, to induce a stranger to settle, who can live any where else We have upon mature delibration, determinied to call Boston our home, and have accordingly sent our Furniture back; we intend to commence our annual visit the next week.
Mrs. Dalton has been confined for sometime, but is now well enough to be abroad, she desires to be particularly remembered to you. Mr. Cranch’s family are well.
There is nothing new here, at present, everything seems to be calm & tranquil; they are making great improvements round the Presidents house. Republicanism prevails in every direction.
Mr. Otis desires his respects to you, & is joined by me, in respectful regards to you Great & Good Man. Mary begs I would not forget her love to Susan. Harriet also desires to be remembered to all friends with / Your Affecte Friend
M. Otis


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Thomas Boylston Adams, 9 May 1801
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Thomas Boylston

My dear Brother
Berlin. 9. May 1801.

I returned too late in the evening: from Potsdam, to send the enclosed letter for you by the last post but I hope it will not be the longer delayed in its departure for waiting untill this day. The other is the 5th: upon a work the examination of which I have not yet finished, and which I must for the present suspend.
My wife is yet very slowly recovering but not yet able to sit up. I shall send my baggage to Hamburg beforehand to have it and  as soon as we are able to undertake the voyage: I shall think myself very fortunate if I can reach home by the month of October.
Your  and in this day of
This letter I  probably send it by  via Potsdam who is of  Minister to the United States.
Ever yours.
A.


Title: To John Adams from William Cranch, 9 May 1801
From: Cranch, William
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
City of Washington May 9th. 1801.

When you permited me to become your correspondent, I did not intend that it should be so long before I claim’d the privilege. But ill health, and an attention to the duties which you assign’d me, have hitherto deprived me of that gratification. On the 4th. of March, after dinner, I went to the Presidents house to take charge of the boxes which you left there in the morning. I found the house occupied by Mr. Claxton, who told me he could not let anything be removed without the order of Mr. Jefferson. At a distance, in one of the Rooms I saw Mr. Gallatin, and Mr. Nicholson & his wife—What there business was I do not know, but I suppose it was to observe the state of things, and perhaps to take an account of the Effects belonging to the United States.—The next day I waited on Mr. Jefferson for leave to take away the Boxes. He said he should go over to the house on the day after and would give orders to Claxton to deliver them. After some days I received notice that they might be taken away, and I had them ship’d on board the Schooner Patty, Captn. Hatch, addess’d to Mr. W. Smith, Boston to whom I enclosed a bill of lading by mail. I have not heard whether they arrived safe. On the 4th. of March, also, I call’d at the office of the secretary of state, and received my commission, and wrote a letter to the Secretary acknowledging its receipt & declaring my acceptance. Had I not taken the Commission out of the office, it would probably have shared the same fate with the Commissions of the Justices of the peace, all of which, except 2 or 3 which Mr. Marshall took with him to Alexandria, were Cancell’d. Mr. Swann of Alexanda. received his Commission as District attorney, but it was superseded by a Commission to John Thompson Mason for the same office. General Lingan’s Commission as Marshall, was not suffer’d to go out of the office—and Mr. Daniel Carroll Brent of Virginia (brother of the late member of Congress) was appointed in his place. All the Commissions remaining in the office were stop’d detain’d for consideration, and I believe the greater part cancelled. This was done upon the ground that the appointment was not complete untill the Commission was actually deliver’d—that untill delivery, the Commission is revocable, that a change of persons in the office of President, is only a change of the Will or opinion of the President.
Mr. Jefferson remain’d some days at Conrad’s, with Gallatin, Genl. Smith, Mr. Lincoln and Genl. Dearborn; who were aided occasionally, I believe, by the sage advice of Matthew Lyon, and Stephens Thompson Mason. In this council, I presume, the commissions were scrutinized, and the appointments agreed upon. On Govr. Johnson’s resigning declining, the office of Chief Judge several persons were talk’d of.—The place was offer’d to Judge Duval, one of the judges of the General Court of Maryland, but he declined. It was then offer’d to and accepted by Mr. Kilty of Annapolis. He did not get his commission untill the morning of the day on which the Court sat in Washington. This Gentleman was educated to the practise of physic, and was surgeon’s mate in Genl. Forrest’s regiment during the War. He has practised law some years, has been member of the Council of Maryland, and was lately employ’d by the Legislature to revise and republish the Laws of Maryland. I had practised with him and having often lodged in the same house while attending the Courts, we had become in some degree intimate. His political sentiments and mine did not coincide, but we had never any warmth in our discussions. He has considerable talent in Poetry & Music, and upon those subjects we always harmonized.
Our first act as a Court was to appoint a clerk for Washington County. There was a great number of candidates, and the task was difficult to decide between the merits and claims of each. I was for a Mr. Harris, because he perfectly understood the business and was best qualified. Mr. Marshall was for a relation of his. Mr. Kilty was for Mr. Munroe, the clerk of the Commissioners, who was recommended to him by Mr. Jefferson, as I have understood. Mr. Marshall & myself finally agreed upon General Forrest, because he had talents sufficient and was not wholly unacquainted with the business—because he had lost a limb in the service of his Country—had been a good officer, had fill’d respectable situations, and had been displaced from the office of Justice of the peace by Mr. Jefferson; and had need of the place for the support of his family.—This appointment however, is said not to be popular, and the Court has been publicly abused in the papers for making it. Mr. Munroe, one of the disappointed candidates, has threaten’d to have the Law constituting the court repeal’d, at the next session of Congress, for the purpose of turning the present Judges out of Office. This is an Idea which I find also advocated by most of the democrats. They contend that a person cannot hold an office which does not exist—that congress have the power of abolishing the office—and that the meaning of the words “during good behaviour,” is, during good behaviour and the continuance of the office. By such subterfuges as these, are people, infatuated by the animosity of Party, tempted to overturn the only foundation of that security of Life, Liberty and property, which is the essence of every free government. When Judges hold their office during the pleasure of a Majority of Congress, a Tyranny more despotic than that of a directory may easily follow.
I see “the Farmer of Quincy” given as a toast. I dare say the farmer of Quincy enjoys a thousand times more satisfaction than the President of the United States.
Please present my grateful & affectionate remembrance to my Aunt, and believe me always / most respectfully your obedient nephew
W. Cranch


Title: From Thomas Boylston Adams to William Smith Shaw, 10 May 1801
From: Adams, Thomas Boylston
To: Shaw, William Smith

Dear William
Sunday 10th: May 1801

The trial of the Gentlemen who were indicted for a Riot & Assault & Battery upon William Duane, was lately decided in the Mayor’s Court. Counsel for the Prosecutor were Dickerson, Cooper & Dallas—for Defendants, M. Levy and Rawle. By a mode of proceeding before this Court, the Defendant may first plead the general issue, Non cut and afterwards retract it, & submit to the Court, protesting his innocence. This enables both parties to relate their own story and supercedes a trial by Jury. The cause was opened by the junior Counsel for the Commonwealth, and he was followed by Duane, as the first witness. He delivered a plain story, though not unvarnished, but the fact of a violent beating & wholesome chastisement appeared pretty clearly proved. He stated a number of facts however, which were false and in one instance was guilty of absolute perjury: but he retracted his assertion when it appeared that he could not make it good and placed the circumstance of which he had been so positive, to the score of his belief.
The witnesses on the part of the prosecution, were more or less biassed, towards Duane’s politics and they saw things in a very different color from what, on the whole testimony appeared to be the true one.
When the defts related their stories, many circumstances of atrocity which had been attributed to the affair, vanished from the view of the Court, and excepting the manner in which the correction was administered I could not discover that it was disproportioned to the offence.
The Court took some days to consider upon the punishment and having come to an agreement, they pronounced sentence, upon the defts on Thursday last. Some of them were fined $120 and the costs of prosecution which amounted to $34 more; some an hundred and two of the number, only one cent each.
You may possibly remember the provocation, which was the cause of this chastizement, inflicted by the members of Several volunteer troops of horse; who had served against the Northampton insurgents. It was the refusal of Duane to give up the author of certain infamous paragraphs, which had been printed in the Aurora, charging those troops with improper conduct during their expedition, that originated the disturbance & obtained for the printer so faithful a drubbing. Instead however of prosecuting criminally the greatest offenders, he has sued them for damages & expects to obtain very ample satisfaction from the verdict of a jury—In this he may possibly be disappointed as the cause must be tried by a special jury, which will be summoned by the prothonotary instead of the Sheriff. The Court which passed so severe a sentence against these people, was so anxious to testify its impartiality, that many folks are of opinion, that they have done injustice in this instance. This is my opinion also, and I look upon it as a sore grievance, that our magistrates are, some of them, so much influenced by popular considerations & so apprehensive of being abused in the Aurora, that they will sacrifice men of their own party at the shrine of vulgar favor. The majority of the Bench are nominal federalists, and yet, least it should be said they had shewn favor to their own party, they have imposed a fine, which is more than double the amount which any body expected, and that too upon men who had no share in beating Duane, but were only present when it was administered.
Captain Mc:Kean is one of those against whom civil suits are instituted. Peter Mierkin, & three or four more are in the same predicament.
Our worthy Governor went, last Sunday to one of the Quaker meetings in this place. No particular attention was paid to him, except making room for him & suite to sit down. The Spirit moved an elderly sister to unburthen herself of a few thoughts, and she made the attempt, though without attracting much notice or attention from the Governor, until she happened rather awkwardly & mal-apropos to say—“We will not have this man to rule over us.” At this he roused and became suddenly a patient listener to the sequel, which, contrary to his apprehensions, did not enlarge upon that text. The application however did not escape many of the Congregation, though far from being intended by the speaker.
I have nothing new—love to all friends— / Your’s
T. B. Adams
Monday 14th: I have the pleasure to acknowledge the rec:t of your favor of the 5th: instt: informing me of the safe arrival of the Coachee, at which I am much rejoiced, for I omitted insuring as I intimated a design to do in my letter to my Mother.


Title: From Thomas Boylston Adams to William Smith Shaw, 14 May 1801
From: Adams, Thomas Boylston
To: Shaw, William Smith

Dear William
Philadelphia 14th: May 1801.

I enclose you a paper, which contains the Sentence referred to in my last, passed upon the troopers who flogged Duane. You will be able to form from the perusal of it, a more accurate opinion of the merits, than you could from my statement.
The Circuit Court of the United States, under the new organization, opened on Monday—Present the three Judges. I attended & heard the charge delivered by Judge Tilghman; it was well received & I think, deservedly so. The Grand jury was summoned by the new Marshal and though composed of respectable characters, was a very mixed assemblage.
I have been since Monday noon until last evening at Norristown County Court, and did not hear the proceedings in the case of the Senate against Duane—You will see by the papers the grounds upon which the trial was postponed to next term—The non-attendance of the Commissioners named on behalf of the Senate to take depositions, was assigned as the principal inducement to put off the cause—Mr. Otis was one of the Commissioners & can inform you why he did not attend a second time. It is said he left Washington before the second day of meeting arrived. I have no doubt that he had the best of reasons for not going or rather for not staying till the second meeting, and the bare-faced impudence of Duane in making this a pretext for postponing his trial, ought not to have availed him. I am really alarmed when I see such a multiplicity of examples, wherein these paltry grounds are admitted in our Courts of Justice to delay the trials of these criminals. Judge Chase is the only instance of firmness on similar occasions that can be produced, & had the principle laid down by him in the case of Cooper & Callender been applied to the present, the trial must have proceeded. But who can bear to be libelled in the Aurora?
I am cordially, your friend
T B Adams


Title: To John Adams from John Quincy Adams, 16 May 1801
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, John

My dear Sir.
Berlin 16. May 1801.

Mr: Welsh proposes to return home by the way of Amsterdam, and will be the bearer of this letter—With it, I enclose the 4th: number of the Gazette, and copies of former letters to yourself and to my dear mother.
I wish I could promise myself a more speedy departure than that which I anticipated in my last letter to you; but we can no longer form a hope of my wife’s immediate recovery—There is I persuade myself no danger in the weakness which remains upon her; but she is unable to walk, and even to stand—Impatient as I am to get home, I cannot force the nature of things, and must content myself with the hope of being released from this place by the beginning of July.—My child is very well.
I have been packing up my books and the baggage I have determined to take with me—The little library that I have collected here, bears no comparison with that I sent home, from Lisbon—It consists chiefly of german books; a language in which some of our countrymen think there is nothing like elegant or useful literature—As the Parisian fine lady of whom Montesquieu tells, could not conceive how it was possible to be a Persian.—My principal difficulty with regard to my books will be to find a place that will contain them, but I must not perplex myself about lodging them, while I know not where to lodge myself and my family.
I am ever dutifully your’s
A.


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to Elizabeth Smith Shaw Peabody, 19 May 1801
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Peabody, Elizabeth Smith Shaw

my dear Sister
Quincy May the 19th 1801

This will be deliverd to you by the Children who leave me this day. I hope they will return to their Studies with undiminishd zeal. They have had three months dissipation, in which I hope they have not acquired any ill habits, but close application will be necessary for them to retrieve the past time. William if he chuses may be fitted for colledge by the next july twelvemonths and it is the desire of his Friends that he may be—in the mean time writing and arithematic should be attended too, by both of them. their Mother has written to you, and no doubt exprest her mind upon several subjects relative to them, committing them to Yours and mr Peabody’es parental care I feel easy upon their account as far as it respects Your attention to them, but there is much they must do for themselves, for as Archimidies told the King, who finding much study necessary to acquire a knowledge of the Mathematick inquired if there was no easier method; there is no Royal way to the Mathematicks, replied the Sage. Study and application is very requisite for those who would attain proficiency in any art or Science. I hoped you would have made us a visit this Spring: but your numerous Family I fear will be the means of preventing you I hope and desire that you would furnish Yourself with proper help or you will find your task become too arduous; the Growth and prosperity of your institution depend, more upon your Family than the whole Town beside—.
Your son was well this morning. He visits us on Saturdays and keeps Sunday with us. If he fails his uncle seems quite unhappy—
You requested to know what he wants that you can supply Stockings for winter, and some linnen draws appear most necessary. We repose here at Quincy, amidst the Green Grass and Blossoms of the Season which are in great abundance; if we do not look down and pitty Things, we have equal reason to commisirate an infatuated deluded Multitude who are hastning upon themselves more missery, than they have enjoyed of tranquility and happiness for twelve years past. Measures are in agitation which will darken our Hemisphere, and over-Spread the whole Horizon; and the Multitude are driving, not knowing the destruction will which must overwhelm us in one common calamity—
I pray you to give my Love to Abbe. I wish you could spair her to pass a little time with us this Summer—
We present you our affectionate Regards with undiminished esteem: I am my dear sister / Yours
A A


Title: From John Adams to William Cranch, 23 May 1801
From: Adams, John
To: Cranch, William

Dear Sir
Quincy May 23d 1801.

I received with pleasure your letter of the ninth & thank you for the clear information it gives me of various matters which I had not before understood. I thank you too for your care of my boxes which contained only a few books papers pamphlets reports &c which Mr. Shaw had collected together belonging to him and me. They are arrived in safety.
It is not worth while to dispute about commissions during pleasure, because the President can revoke them or annul them without doubt. But commissions during good behavior stand upon a different foundation. They convey an Estate for Life in the office. The question is when that Estate vests? Some have been of opinion that it vests upon the act of the Senate giving their advice & consent to the nomination of the President. This opinion has given me some trouble because it was maintained by some of my ministers. It was never mine however. I always thought that some act of the President subsequent to the advice of the Senate was necessary to a perfect appointment. A commission is the highest evidence of such an act. But however the act is performed and whether the evidence of it is a commission a letter or a verbal appointment, the question is whether this act does not vest the estate in the person. An estate by descent vests in the son before with or without his consent. A deed of gift by a father may vest an estate without the knowledge of the son, and without the delivery of the deed into his hand. If an action should be brought against a Secretary a Clerk or even the President himself for cancelling a commission during good behaviour or even for witholding it, I think it is a fair question whether it might not be maintained.
Mr. Jefferson is a party man, full of party spirit and very ambitious. He depends entirely on the party who have placed him at their head & will hesitate at nothing when the leaders of it advise & demand of him. The man who could patronize Freneau, Baches Duane, Callender & Lyon, cannot be expected to be very delicate in his measures. He has already displaced & removed more officers in two months than his predecessor ever attempted in four years. I never displaced any man for his principles nor for his personal opposition or even ill treatment of me although I had information of instances enough. Yet the clamour against me was incessant for removals of men from office. But enough & too much of myself.
Gov. Johnsons refusal was unexpected to me. I am glad to find you are on good easy terms with Mr. Kilty. I am heartily glad of the appointment of Gen. Forrest to be clerk of your court for Washington County. Congress may as well take away a mans house or lands and give them to his neighbor as take away an estate for life in an office, and if such an arbitrary thing is attempted, it will give occasion to much altercation and perhaps legal contention.
The farmer of stony field has enjoyed himself better since he assumed that honorable station than he ever did before as member of Congress, minister abroad, or Vice President of President of the United States. How long this tranquility will continue I know not. Men are weak. No man can answer for himself a loss of health, a family misfortune, any of the common accidents of life are sufficient some times abbatue le courage of the firmest of human minds especially in old age.
Your letters are so full of intelligence that I value them highly. Pray continue your favors. The Presidents house, gardens &c and the city in general I presume will now be enjoyed arranged according to the dignity of the national government. Pray does the President hold levees or is the suspension or discontinuance of them to be one of the Republican reform.
I am affectionately yours


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Thomas Boylston Adams, 30 May 1801
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Thomas Boylston

9.
My dear Brother
30. May 1801.

I inclose you for Mr. Oldschool a letter commencing the review of a new publication of Mr. Gentz—You will perhaps enquire, why I begin upon this before I have finished the examination of the Etat de la France. The reason is that this last book was lent to me, that the owner called upon me to return it, and that I have been unable to procure me a copy of it either in this town or at the Leipzig fair, where I sent to get one—I was obliged therefore to postpone the further consideration of that work for the present, but I shall I hope in due time furnish you two or three more letters upon it. Gentz is publishing an answer to it of which I shall request Mr. Oldschool to take notice upon a proper occasion.
My wife recovers very slowly from the illness which was consequent upon her delivery. Till within these four days she has not been able to walk across her chamber. We hope however in about three weeks to leave Berlin, and I write this day to our friend Pitcairn requesting him to bespeak us a passage on board the Catherine, Captain Ingersoll, of New York, and thither bound. We shall probably sail about the last of July and in two months from that time, with the favour of the winds we flatter ourselves we shall stand on the same Continent  with you. I shall give you immediate notice of our arrival, and if your convenience could prevail, we indulge ourselves with the expectation that you will meet us there before we proceed to Boston or Quincy.
Young Mr. Adams as Captain Wallach would call him, is in good health, and when milk is plenty in good spirits. It is not yet definitively settled who he is like, or rather he is by turns like all his pappa’s and mamma’s dearest friends. You have your turn among the rest; but Louisa is sorely perplexed to ascertain how he came by his blue eyes.
Your client Mr. Engel has at last obtained a small office which will support his family and which removes him from Berlin—He requests therefore that whatever information you may wish to give him in future concerning his affairs in your hands you would direct it to his brother in law, a merchant, residing in this town, and bearing the name of Anton Frederic Palmie.
Mr. Welsh left us a fortnight since, for Amsterdam where he purposes to embark if he finds a good opportunity. I shall send this letter to him, but know not whether it will reach Amsterdam in Season
My last letters to you were of 5. and 9. May. Being without a Secretary and having packed up my letter books, I know not exactly how this letter should be numbered, but I have put it 9. at a guess.
Yours ever
A.