Title: From John Adams to William Cunningham, 7 November 1808
From: Adams, John
To: Cunningham, William

Dear Sir
Quincy November 7th. 1808.

The letter of General Washington would have remained in obscurity forever, as far as I know, as it has been for twelve years past, had not a mean vengeance been hurled on the subject of it, for no other offence than his sterling integrity. You are the first person except one who ever asked me a question concerning the reasons for releasing, a certain Gentleman from the burthen of public office. That one was Barnabus Bidwell, in the violence of the tempest occasioned by the Presidential election in 1800. Believing his curiosity to be insidious, I gave him a civil but short answer, that he was a man of too much information not to perceive the impropriety of my complying with his request. Though circumstances are now altered, I shall insist that whatever I write to you upon the Subject, shall be confidential as long as I live.
What is it you require of me? Nothing less than a volume, which I have neither eyes nor hands nor time nor inclination to write, because it must contain the portraits of all my five Ministers; of a Dayton a Hillhouse a Goodhue in the Senate; of an Otis a Sitgreaves a Bayard and a Harper and several others in the house, with a Hamilton behind the scene; of a MacDonald a William Moore Smith Agent for British Creditors, a John Ward Fenno and a Porcupine, Cobbetts and many others out of doors. I have not mentioned a Liston nor a Bond, because whatever their secret influence might be, they were at least discreet. The subterranean intrigues as well as the overt acts must be develloped and described. The gentleman has wreaked his revenge on my Son in letters which Shew the character of the man; bitter and malignant, ignorant and Jesuitical. His revenge has been sweet and he has rolled it as a delicious morsel under his tongue. Suppose I should tell you that the studies of his early youth and of his riper years, had not been competent to the profound investigations, which his office required. We had discussions of great importance with France, England and Spain, especially the two former, Involving questions respecting neutral rights, respecting British and Tory claims of Ante–revolutionary debts. I could get nothing done as I would have it. My new Minister Marshall, did all to entire satisfaction. Suppose I should say he was very superficially read in the law of Nations. Suppose I should say, he was very far from any familiar and extensive acquaintance with the laws of England and indeed of his own land. Who would believe me? The Gentleman himself would believe me, because he is conscious of it, but he would not be likely to confess it in public. Perhaps half a dozen or a dozen men in the Union knew it, but these would be very unwilling to testify to it. Would it be decent, would it be possible for a President to publish such reasons and enter into endless disputes in the Newspapers to support them? His intrigues with Senators in opposition to me, and to measures I had adopted and nominations I had made led the Senators into violations of the Constitution, particularly in the nominations of Mr. Murray, Mr. Gerry, and Col. Smith. His écharnement against Mr. Gerry whose negotiations were more useful and successful than those of either of his Colleagues, was so furious, that he urged upon me a Report containing a Philippic against Gerry, as violent and outrageous as it was false and groundless. I blotted it out, but he was so angry with me that he scarcely treated me with decency. I finally, however admitted some expressions to pass, which I am now very sorry for. In every step of the progress of the negotiations with France, he opposed obstructed and embarrassed me to the utmost of his power, and in some instances with the secret aid of Hamilton as I suppose, had the art to get all the other four of my Ministers to join him.
Before I left Philadelphia I had called together all the five heads of Departments to consult upon instructions to Mr: Ellsworth Mr: Davie and Mr: Murray in their negotiations with France. We had met several days and discussed every point in controversy. We had reasoned and examined and convinced one another, until we had agreed unanimously upon every article and reduced the whole to writing. I gave it to the Secretary of State to reduce it into form, correct the language where it wanted any alteration; make a fair copy and send it as soon as possible to me at Quincy for revision and correction, that I might sign the instructions to be delivered to the Envoys. Arrived at Quincy I expected them by every post. Week after Week passed away, and no instructions arrived. I was uneasy, because our Envoys ought to be upon their passage. After a long time, instead of instructions came a letter to me signed by all five of the heads of departments, advising and most earnestly entreating me to suspend the embarkation of the Ministers. This triffling, this negligence of duty; this downright disobedience of my orders, most seriously alarmed me. I was responsible alone for measures to my Country which I knew to be indispensable to avoid a war abroad with France and a civil war at home, while we were involved and embroiled with England in very difficult controversies and I could get nothing done. I very cooly however preserved my temper and sat off immediately for Trenton to meet my Gentlemen face to face. At Trenton I found the gentlemen had wrought themselves up to a perfect enthusiasm and delusion. They appeared to be fully convinced that the first Ships would bring intelligence of the restoration of Louis 18th. Suwarrow at the head of a Russian Army on one side and Prince Charles at the head of an Austrian army on the other, were to conduct Louis 18th. to Paris and Versailles in Splendor & triumph. I preserved my temper very happily; called my Ministers together; heard all their reasons with the utmost coolness and candor; gave my reasons and opinions in answer to theirs and decided that the instructions should be finished and the Ambassadors embarked as soon as possible, which was done and they brought back peace abroad and at home. I found Hamilton at Trenton; he came to visit me. I said nothing to him upon politicks. He began to give his advice unasked. I heard him with perfect good humour; though never, in my life did I hear a man talk more like a fool. “The English Nation had the most perfect confidence in Mr: Pitt, and Mr. Pitt was determined to restore the house of Bourbon. The two Imperial Courts were determined to support the Bourbon’s; their Armies were triumphant; Louis 18 would be in glory at Versailles before my Ministers could arrive there. Offence would be taken at my sending a mission to the Directory,” and twenty other wild extravagances in the same style of dogmatical confidence. I answered every one of his topicks with candor and temper in too long a detail to be repeated here. Time has shewn that I was right and he wrong in every particular. They had even wrought upon Mr: Ellsworth to believe that the Bourbons would be restored before winter. He and Mr: Davie at dinner alone with me conversing upon the Subject, Ellsworth let fall an expression to that purpose, when I turned to him and said Mr: Ellsworth do you seriously believe that the Bourbons will be restored so soon. He answered, “Why, it looks a good deal so.” Upon that I said to them both, Gentlemen you may depend upon it, the Bourbons will not be restored these seven years, if they ever are. I request you seven years hence to recollect what I now say to you, and I supported my opinions by a long argument drawn from the nature and history, of all coalitions, from the waste of the Northern armies by sickness and desertion in France, and that forest of fortifications with which France is every where defended; from the property now possessed by Revolutionary men, and especially, from the enthusiasm and Revolutionary fury that still possessed the people of France. Mr: Ellsworth however behaved with perfect propriety throughout, and Mr: Davie was of my opinion in all points.
You shall now give me your opinion whether I was wrong in giving Mr: Pickering his congé. He is, for any thing I know a good Son, husband, father, Grandfather, brother, Unckle and cousin; but he is a man in a mask; sometimes of silk, sometimes of iron, and sometimes of brass; and he can change them very suddenly and with some dexterity, as I could shew you in many instances, though I have said little or nothing about him till now for nine or ten years.

J. Adams—


Title: To John Adams from William Cunningham, 12 November 1808
From: Cunningham, William
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir.
Fitchburg, Nov: 12. 1808.

To my letter of the 22d. ult. I have not been favoured with an answer; indeed my expectations of an answer were not confident, for in case of your disinclination to a farther disclosure concerning Mr. Pickering, the most delicate and intelligible intimation of it could be given in silence, and from that, too, I might infer your assent to another proposition in my letter, which you would not favour with your express approbation.
When the speculations, to which I have lately referred, were published, I did not take the Palladium, but since its establishment as the Government paper, I have received it. In that of last Tuesday, I see that the publication of my pieces is resumed, and from the editorial note which is prefixed, it appears, that instead of six, as I have informed you, the Editors, in Feb. & March, published seven numbers. Of my writings for the press, I do not retain copies, and it was only from recollection, which had not much room to err, that I said it was my seventh number which contained the matter treated by the printers as inadmissible. If, in the insertion of my numbers, they have been numerally correct, they suppressed, in the seventh, my encomiums on Mr. J. Q. A. But, with their files before them, to what inference are they liable if they have not printed a word of that number? I should not hazard a question so pointed at their veracity, and solvible by turning over of a few leaves, if I had not the most entire confidence, that not a single line of it has appeared in print.
I commenced the papers with the design I have communicated to you—I expected it would hold me to the full length of “Discourses on Davila,” incapable of their imitation in any other particular. Frustrated, in part, I am embarrassed with a doubt, whether the prosecution of my plan will answer any valuable purpose. I take the liberty to enclose the Palladium which contains number eight.
Permit me, Dear Sir, to renew through you my Respects to Mrs Adams, and your Family.
With veneration and esteem, / I am, Dear Sir, / Your Friend & Servt.
Wm. Cunningham, Jr.


Title: To John Adams from William Cunningham, 16 November 1808
From: Cunningham, William
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir.
Fitchburg, Nov. 16. 1808.

The person who carried to the office my the letter which I had the pleasure to write to you the 12th. inst. brought me yours of the 9th. You may depend, most assuredly, that your disclosures concerning the ci devant Secretary, shall not be divulged while you live, and may the day be distant which shall discharge me to my discretion in the use of the important matter you have deposited in my bosom.
The answer which you demand on the question you have referred to my opinion, I give, without hesitation, in the affirmative. I ask myself, what would have been done in such a case by any other person, conscious of his competency to the duties of his high Station, and alive to the responsibility in which it was holden by his Country? What, for instance, would have been done by Cicero? What by the Earl of Chatham? But, if for your conduct there was required the authority of precedent, it was furnished by your predecessor in his treatment of Randolph, and in his answer to the call of the House of Representatives for the papers in the case of the British Treaty. Of what avail to the Nation is the responsibility of the First Officer in the Republic, if his schemes, constitutionally sanctioned, can be frustrated by his Servants? And where is his regard to his honour, his dignity and the interests of his country, if, under the most flagrant instances of their misdemeanour, he will forbear the exercise of his authority over their stations?
With affection and esteem, / I am, Dear Sir, / Your Friend & Servt.
Wm. Cunningham, Jr.I have taken the freedom to send herewith another news-per.


Title: From John Adams to William Cunningham, 25 November 1808
From: Adams, John
To: Cunningham, William

Dear Sir
Quincy November 25th: 1808

I have your favour’s of the 12th and 16th: of the month. The letter of President Washington concerning J Q A. is at your discretion to make what use of it you please. All the communications concerning the other Gentleman made or to be made I confide to your sacred confidence. The great regard I had for your Grandfather and for your Grandmother, who was a beloved Sister of my Mother, and for your father, have induced me, especially as you was the first and the only person, who ever candidly asked me the question to commit to you a few hints concerning a subject on which I have been silent for so many years As against all the vile slanders, which have been published I have never said or written a word in my own vindication, I am not about to begin by a justification of myself for one of the most virtuous actions of my life. If my actions have not been sufficient to support my fame, let it perish. No higher ambition remains with me than to build a Tomb upon the summit of the hill before my door, covered with a six foot Cube of Quincy Granite, with an inscription like this.—
Siste viator.
With much delight these pleasing hills you view
Where Adams from an envious world withdrew
Where sick of Glory, faction, power and pride
Sure Judge how empty all, who all had try’d.
Beneath his shades the weary chief repos’d
And life’s great scene in quiet virtue clos’d.
To return to the famous Gentleman. He is extremely susceptible of violent and inveterate prejudices, and yet, such are the contradictions to be found in human characters, he is capable of very violent and sudden transitions from one extreme to an opposite extreme. Under the simple appearance of a bald head and straight hair, and under professions of profound Republicanism he conceals an Ardent ambition, envious of every superior and impatient of obscurity. I always think of a coal-pit covered over with red earth, glowing within, but unable to conceal its internal heat for the interstices which let out the smoke and now and then a flash of flames. He has been several years in Senate, but so totally obscure and insignificant as to keep him in an agony. Almost always in a minority of two, three, four or five in thirty-four, rarely saying anything that has been worth reporting, he broke out at last in a rage and threw a fire-brand into our Massachusetts Legislature against his colleague. The stubble was dry and the flame easily took hold. He has an hereditary right to this distinction, I mean a strong desire of celebrity with feeble means of obtaining it. If ever you Should see the Salem Newspapers published forty or fifty years ago, you will find them abounding with the writings of the good Deacon his father in vindication of the rights and prerogatives of the first Church in Salem. He became so emboldened by the noise he made that he wrote and published several letters to the King, subscribed with his own name. One part of the publick was amused, another diverted and a third fatigued with his ostentatious vanity for some years. Some 35 or 36 years ago I was engaged in a cause at Salem Court in which the Deacon was a witness; while he was under examination, though I treated him with the utmost respect and civility, he broke out without the smallest provocation into a rude personal attack upon me. I was then as a Son of liberty, obnoxious to the Judges, to the government, to the British Ministry and to the king. Though I was astonished at the Deacon’s manners I took no notice of them, till I came to examine his testimony in my arguments to the Jury. I then said I could not account for his unprovoked animosity to me, an entire Stranger to him, unless he meant to recommend himself to somebody to whom I was obnoxious, and I should not be surprized if in his next letter to the King he should do me the honour to denounce me to his Majesty. This little folly raised a general laugh at the Deacon’s expence, and as I suppose the Son was present he has never forgiven me. The concatenation of little and great events in this world is often very whimsical and very ridiculous. Have you never seen the Son’s speech to the Indians in 1794 or thereabouts? If you have not I may send you a copy of it. Great light may be thrown upon his character by this document. No man I ever knew had so deep a contempt for Washington. I have had numerous proofs of it from his own lips; yet he appears to the World a devout adorer of him. No man was a more animated advocate for the french; yet now he is as zealous for the English. But enough of this unpleasant subject. Thank you for the two numbers of Chatham, which discover a good deal of reading and reflection. Have you read Bruce’s travels into Abyssinia in search of the source of the Nile? You will find in the 2d volume much learning concerning David’s Commerce with Ophir and Tarshish in gold and silver &ca.
I am &ca.


Title: To John Adams from William Cunningham, 3 December 1808
From: Cunningham, William
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir,
Fitchburg, Dec. 3d. 1808.

Your favour of the 25th. ult. came duly to hand. What you have  already confided to me concerning Mr. P. and what more you may have the goodness to disclose, I shall not impart to any one. I repeat this assurance to relieve the solicitude which I perceive you cherish to have me sensibly impressed with the delicacy and importance of the communications, with which you have honoured me.
I hope, Dear Sir, that when the great Acts of your Life shall be told in Marble, that your countrymen will recover that just estimation of your worth, which shall consecrate in their hearts through every convulsive scene, the spot of your interment. I have a voucher in the majority of virtue, and in apposite examples, for asserting that it will be so.
I will get, if I can, the Salem Gazettes containing the anathemas of Dean. P. In the old block I may see the nature of the chip.
Of the speech of the Straight-hair’d Minister Plenipotentiary to the Indians, I have only some indistinct recollections. I would be much obliged to you for a copy of it—I shall strictly analyze its bearings on the Orator’s character. His contempt of Washington, and advocacy of French fanaticism are facts which, unfortunately, are unknown to the public. I wish my suspicions were obviated or confirmed, that his far-fam’d Report to Congress on our Foreign Relations was not his own unassisted performance. It is due to the deservedly laurel’d head, that the baldness conceal’d under a Cardinal’s Hat, should be exposed.
I thank you for the reference to Bruce’s Travels. I have some extracts from his books, but I have not the work itself. I am not unacquainted with, though I do not own, a work of much higher worth; but I know not how to speak of the “Defence of the American Constitutions,” without your taking an intimation that you can make me indebted for more than the perusal of it.
When Young & Minns resumed the publication of Chatham, they tendered to me their press as the a channel of communication to the public of my essays. Presuming that this offer would hold them, I concluded to write a few more papers, and to incorporate into one of them some notices of Mr. J. Q. A. To this I was induced by seeing the declination of Mr. Clinton to serve as Vice President—And as the Electors, on the popular side, must make a selection of another for that office, I thought it would be neither impolitic, nor too late to bring Mr. Adams into view thro’ a Federal paper. Accordingly in number XIII, I have spoken of him at some length. The papers containing Nos X and XI I send herewith.
With veneration and esteem, / I am, Dear Sir, / Your obliged Friend & Servt.
Wm. Cunningham, Jr.


Title: From John Adams to Isaiah L. Green, 9 December 1808
From: Adams, John
To: Green, Isaiah L.

Sir
Quincy Decr. 9. 1808

I received, yesterday, from the Post Office, under your franc, the nervous Reply of Nine of our Representatives to the certain resolutions. Having read it with pleasure I thank you for your politeness in Sending it to me. while it treats our Legislature with all the respect it deserves, it is written with as much candor and moderation as perspicuity and Energy. The Facts are fairly stated, and the conclusions  are so urgent, that I know of but one Answer that your Antagonists can give, and that is “Repeal the Embargo, let us arm our Ships give us letters of Mark, and We will Seek our fortune and fight our Way, in the Mean time build frigates as fast as you can to protect and assist Us and we will chearfully pay Coach Rates, Stamp Duties Land Taxes and bear all other Burthens the War may produce.”
If I had not known, by fifty years Experience, the enormous Gullet of Party, I should Scarcely have believed that a Majority of five hundred wise Men of the East, could have Swallowed Such large lumps, as that “in the Embargo Laws only We are to look for the cause of the public distress” and that in their repeal We may look “for permanent relief.”
But in a Letter intended only to thank you for your Civility I am not about to trouble you with political discussions of which I presume you have enough and to Spare.
I am Sir respectfully your most /  humble Servt.

J. Adams


Title: To John Adams from François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 14 December 1808
From: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir!
Olden barneveld 14 Dec. 1808

Tho I have actuallÿ nothing interesting to communicate, your kindness Shall make mÿ apologÿ, when I indulge a wish of Sending you a few lines. I hope, your health remains unimpaired—and your domestic enjoyments unaltered. These valuable blessings are indeed the utmost, which we can aim to attain here—To live alone for the Public—to endeavor to make Nations wise—and happÿ—approaches vanity—folly perhaps—when not checked bÿ Some latent Sparks of Public Spirit—I Should become disgusted with an infatuated ungrateful multitude! But what would have become of America, if you and your friends had been actuated by Such Selfish motives—unwilling to Sacrifice your ease—and place all what was dear to you in life in jeopardy? I know not—If I Should withstand the temptation—when my Country called me up in defence of its rights and Independence—but this I know, that I Should repent of my rashness. Perhaps mÿ Studÿing this Season Europe’s history during the 15 & 16 Cent Spread this gloom over mÿ ideas—tho I can not See—what—other effect must follow from the consideration of the historÿ of the last fortÿ years: neither is the prospect in futurity more bright—
Mr. Block from Enckhuizen Spent with us a few weeks—This was an unexpected agreable visit. He waits for an opportunity of embarking to Batavia—as a member of the high court of judicature in the Indies—and the promise of direct promotion, at his arrival He is thoroughly acquainted with European affairs, and can unfold a tale, which fills with horror. Never was Similar Despotism established—never continued by Similar means—and yet his colours are allways Softened—as having kissed his hand to the rising moon He is in manÿ respects a man of a verÿ respectable character and talents—you must have Seen him at the Hague—He then was Secretarÿ of de Gecommi Meerde Raeden van het Noorder-Quartier—one of the warmest and influential friends of the American cause—But he too joined the French in 1795—howewer—he considered the State of his countrÿ desperate—Tho he did not then yet See—that a master alone could be its final doom—a master in 1795—if limited—would have been the Saviour of that devoted countrÿ—May America, long yet See retarded that fatal period—but is there no reason to fear—that we are ripening with gigantic Steps for destruction—that the axe is already laid at the roots of our Liberty tree?
As you have identified yourselves So much with the Dutch—I must place here an Extract of the Journal Politique by J. C. Texier Westmuller—which Newspaper was before the property of our frend Luzac—of which he was robbed—by order of the French Despot.
Leyde 30 Aug.
“Gouvernor Daendels is arrived at Batavia—
All the Ministers of his Majesty the king, have received ordres—to be with their Bureaux at the Royal residence (Amsterdam) before the first of Nov. by which the value of the houses—as well as the rent had risen.
The king appointed Van Leÿden van Westbarendrecht, Minister of the interior departement—and Mollerus Minister of the Public Worship
As Ladies of the court are appointed My ladÿ van Randwÿck, van Zuylen van Nieveld, Cliffort, van der Hoop, Snoekaert, Corver Hooft  Schut van Castricum. First Groom Chevalier John Barend Bicker!! Grooms Col. Trip and Schut van Castericum—Chamberlains of the king Corver Hooft and Temmink—Governor of the Palace Marshal Zuylen van Nieveld”
Besides the Large perriwigs, the Burgomasters are decorated with a Toga and the Pews of honor are rebuild in all the churches
The Haring-vessels have not been Sent to Sea this year—by which the Public credit looses infinitely—and the poor crews are reduced to beggarÿ—
The Public intrests—when due, are paid one half cash—the other in paper moneÿ—So too—the payment of all Salaries, pensions, contracts &c the paper moneÿ looses already 7 pc.
It is permitted to destroy houses, without rebuilding others—only the Proprietors must acquaint the Magistrats with their intention, So that they, if inclined, may take for the Public—paying, what has been offered for the benefit of the ruins. In Enckhuizen have been already three of the greatest and most conspicous houses—one of these right opposite the City Hall (Stadshuys) demolished—and it is to be presumed, that manÿ of the principal houses at the Hague, and other cities Shall Share a Similar fate.
So that, my Dear Sir! if you and I after a few years more were Suddenly transplanted in the Hague or Amsterdam—we be as much Strangers to the places, as to the Inhabitants.
Can you instruct me—when and where Machiavel’s arte di guerra is published and printed? What a wonderful genius was that Machiavel—a Profound Politician an elegant historian! his mandragone!—what an excellent comedie—his Novelles! how full of wit and humour—going a par with Aristo’s and Boccacio. I Should wish to peruse his art of war:
Continue to live content and happÿ—your own heart will bless you with a reward which an ungrateful Countrÿ will not bestow,—till you are deaf to its voice. Continue me a Share in your frend Ship—while I remain worthy of it, and permit me, to renew my Solemn assurance—that I remain with the Sincerest respect. / Dear Sir! / Your most ob—and obliged frend!

Fr. Adr. vanderkemp


Title: To John Adams from Joseph Bradley Varnum, 15 December 1808
From: Varnum, Joseph Bradley
To: Adams, John

Hon’d Sir.
Washington December 15th. 1808

Having seen a Letter over your Signature, Addressed to Mr. Green, I feel myself constrain’d to return You my most Grateful Acknowledgement, for the high & Respectful Compliment, which you have been pleased to pay, bestow, on our Reply to the Resolutions of the Resolutions of the Massachusetts Legislature.
We conceived it a duty, we Owed to Ourselves, to Our Constituents, and to Our Country, to make a reply, and we feel high Consolation, in finding, that Our friends approve of the Manner, while we feel Conscienciously Responsible for the Correctness of the Matter, contained in it.
It would be Vanity in me to pretend to point out to you Sir, the Numerous Injuries & Insults, which Our Nation have Received from the Europea Belligerents; or the Measures which have been Adopted for redressing those Wrongs: presuming, that they Are all well known to you.—But at this portentous Crisis, both in Relation to Our Exterior concerns, & the Virolence of party Spirit which so lamentably pervades our Own Nation, I hope it will not be considered Amiss in me, to request the Aid of a Gentleman whose Abilities and patriotism, have done so much for the Independence of the Nation, and the happiness of the people, as is well known to have fallen to your Share , in Order, if the Measures which have been taken are incorrect, That I may be convinced of their incorrectness, and through in my might to Recind them, and in Order to form A correct Opinion of the Measures now proper to be pursued. The Opinions of so great a Statesman, would have much weight on my mind, and I have no doubt, on the public mind. And Sir, from these consideration, in connection with my great Anxiety to render the most Service to my Country, that my feble Abilities are capable of, I am constrained to Request your Opinion on the Whole Subject.—Any thing which may be communicated for my Individual Information, being intimated by you, may be considered a Sacred pledge in me, not to disclose it; but I should feel a peculiar pride in Quoting your Sentiments on Our General concerns publicly, so far as you may permit it; And I cannot doubt of the promotion of the National Interest by it.—
I am Hon’d Sir, with great / Respect, Your Obdt. Servt.

J. B. Varnum


Title: To John Adams from William Cunningham, 17 December 1808
From: Cunningham, William
To: Adams, John

                            Dear Sir.
                            Fitchburg, Dec. 17. 17808

Since I enjoyed the pleasure of addressing you on the 10th. inst. I have seen two numbers of the Palladium and found them both silent respecting Mr. J. Q. A. Doubtful whether the Editors would publish my encomium on him I retained a copy, which is subjoined, and which shall release your patience from any farther tax on that subject.
“The causes of the Embargo originating unperceived, and operating, at first, in concealment, surprised us like a pestilence whose attack we could not instantly parry, and whose ravages we could not prescribe. In a situation so peculiar, to pause and ponder were undoubtedly proper. This is an apology for the Embargo, when it was imposed, to which I have never denied it a title. If this situation was seized by some as auspicious to their the experiment of their anti-commercial speculations—if a foreign dictation led these, or  others to its adoption, yet the apology, with respect to the most venal, should qualify suspicion, and it is ample for the justification of those who, acquiescing in the Embargo, were unactuated by the motive, and unmoved by the servility which a vigilant jealousy has decried. It is time that these were rescued from the opprobrium with which this jealousy has covered them—it is a moment of danger, and we should recal every Coriolanus whom we have undeservedly banished. But I shall concern myself no farther than with the case of one in whose political course, intelligence, probably probity, and the high spirit of an American have been remarkably displayed. If party rage has intercepted and thrown aside the tribute to his merit which has been expressed by Truth, its violence can have no present object in impeding the fair examination of his pretensions to the unabated confidence of his countrymen. Against the insinuation that John Quincy Adams’ assent to the Embargo with was contaminated with one or the other of the corrupt motives which are so justly censurable, I would ask neither candour nor charity to defend him; his defence is perfect in his public conduct preceding that assent, in a particular official act immediately succeeding it, and in his public explanation. That he is in favour of the duration of the Embargo, that he considers it a proper abiding “refuge of our violated peace,” cannot be presumed without refusing to his veracity the courtesy which no act of his life can give a colourable warrant for withholding. I have other views than justice to Mr. Adams in his vindication. The cause of rational Liberty is concerned in it, for if opinions must be controuled by the Strength of party, of what use is wisdom, or any mental excellence? Our present awful crisis in concerned in it, for if party rumours have been unjust to reputation, it may be material to its issue that our sober reflections should repair their injuries. Referring to the Life of Mr. Adams as the best witness of his worth, I shall submit the testimony of an attentive and judicious observer of it to those who may be indisposed to the research.
“Philadelphia, Feby. 20. 18797
“Dear Sir.
Without intending to censure any others, I give it as my decided opinion, that Mr. Adams is the most valuable public character we have abroad; and that there remains no doubt in my mind, that he will prove himself to be the ablest of all our Diplomatic Corps.—The public, more and more, as he is known, are appreciating his talents and worth; and his country would sustain a loss if these were to be checked.”
Geo. Washington.”
It was obligation in union with justice, that dictated this panegyric. The personal safety of Gen. Washington had been much oweing to the arraignment of by Mr. Adams of the pretensions of that pestilential Revolutionist, Genet, who, with Gov. Mc.Kean, Mifflin, Cheif Justice Mc.Kean, Mr. Speaker Muhlenburgh, J. D. Sargent and others, had fomented so much disaffection in Philadelphia as to overawe the deliberations of Congress, and to menace the President. Let the panegyric at least shield the talents of Mr. Adams from the shafts of half-read wits. It is in the simplicity of narrative, and not in the fervour of friendship, that I have Spoken of Mr. Adams—appendant to my subject, it has restricted me to a mode and measure in my praise.”
I see it asserted in the Boston papers, that the Democratic Electors will vote for Mr. Clinton for Vice-President. In the New York Evening Post of an early date in Nov. I saw an article formally announcing that he declined being a Candidate for that office. I may have admitted it too hastily from an impression long before imbibed that he would refuse to serve in that station.
Mrs. Warren, in her History of the Revolution, vol. II, page 207, has given, in a note, a sketch of the character of the Count de Vergennes, drawn, I presume, by your pen. Before the appearance of this history, I had publickly coupled the venality of Vergennes and the obsequiousness of his American vassals, to explain the cause of an intermission in your Diplomatic career. I am covetous of the information which will enable me to fortify this explanation with the direct proofs of his being a visionary, and of his destitution of moral worth. Mrs. Warren had amassed much information, and where she has confined herself to plain narration she appears very well. In the difficult undertaking of portraying characters she has betrayed her own incapacity, though it must be acknowledged that she has not been unhappy in her delineations in the instances which did not require a deep investigation. She is the most unfortunate when she assumes the umpirage of political division.
With veneration and esteem, / I am, Dear Sir, / Your Friend & Servt

            Wm. Cunningham, Jun.

P.S. As I have not yet received Mr. Pickerings Speech to the Indians, I am fearful that the letter containing it may has been miscarried.


Title: To John Adams from Isaiah L. Green, 20 December 1808
From: Green, Isaiah L.
To: Adams, John

Sir
Washington Decr 20th 1808.

            I was highly gratified by the receipt of the letter of the 9th instant which you did me the honor to write me. Your Approbation of the Reply to the Legislature of Massachusetts, and of the measures of the General Government was extremely flattering. The crisis is highly important, but I trust and hope that the Almighty Guardian of America will still protect her against the open attacks and insidious plans, of all her enemies—

            I take the liberty to inclose you the annual report of the Secretary of the Treasury, and am with great respect your very Humble Servant.

Isaiah L Green


Title: To John Adams from William Cunningham, 21 December 1808
From: Cunningham, William
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir.
Fitchburg, Dec. 21. 1808.

I have received your favour of the 13th. inst. and give you my thanks for the offer of the 2d. & 3d. volumes of the Defence. If you would be at the trouble of putting them under a blank cover, superscribed with my address and cause them to be left at Wheelock’s, at the sign of the Indian Queen in Marlborough-Street, they will be brought to me by the driver of the Leominster stage—
I shall be unsusceptible of instruction if experience, much longer protracted, shall fail to convince me of an Oligarchic oversight of the Federal presses.
Your Advice to imprison in my bosom the friendship I feel for yourself and family, is entitled to all the gratitude which is due to a kind and generous intention, but its observance is impracticable. Although there is no one to whom a place of some profit could be more welcome, yet I have no prospect of any, nor would I take any at the costly price of mental sacrifice. I happened to be at Worcester at the first Court holden after the acquittal of Selfridge. There I was told by Mr. Speaker Bigelow, and others, that I was accused of having apostatized from Federalism. I informed them, that the expression of my firm conviction that Selfridge had been guilty of murder, and ought to have been hanged, was the sole ground of the accusation, and if that was eno’ to constitute a secession from Federalism, I wished to be considered as seceding. But I was not ejected. The great political parties in the State, arranged under their respective standards, on the simple question of the guilt or innocence of an individual, under a criminal accusation, was a curious spectacle. I am thoroughly persuaded of the power of Prejudice—through the heat of party feuds she sits, in regal pomp, in the human breast, dictating, most despotically, its decisions. But this heat must subside, and the tranquil scene succeed, when Reason shall be reinstated in her government—
As to Governour, if the democratic party greatly overmatched the other side, there could be no doubt of their adherance to Mr. Lincoln, but equipoised as are the parties. Candidates of the most commanding combinations should be held up. There are two things which, under present circumstances, discourage the friends of Lincoln from supporting him—The first is, that Creation is not only his “elder scripture,” but his only scripture. This brings out against him the whole body of the Clergy. The second is, that those most intimate with him, represent him as a man of inadequate attainments, and sanguinary as Marat or Robespierre. I convened yesterday with two of the most intelligent of the Republicans here, and they told me, that notwithstanding their own satisfaction with Lincoln, they should prefer a less exceptionable Candidate—Whom? They answered Mr. Adams—Why? They replied, that of whatever party he is, they were convinced of, and confided in, his capacity, his independence and in his integrity. If Mr. Adams could be chosen, on these considerations, I should hope he would think them so auspicious to a prosperous Administration, as authoritatively to require the sacrifice of every personal consideration. I will apprise you of whatever more I may hear.
With veneration and respect, / I am, Dear Sir, / Your Friend & Servt.

Wm. Cunningham. Jun.


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 22 December 1808
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

My dear Sir,—
Quincy, December 22. 1808.

I know not whether I shall make you smile or weep, excite your ridicule or pity or contempt when I reveal to you the mistery of my long delay to answer your last Letters. But before I unriddle that unusual negligence, I must say a few words concerning our Friend Whartons Attachment to Prophecies and his habit of applying them to passing events. I have no objection to the Study, but I am aware of extream dangers in applying the Predictions to Characters and occurrences as they appear or approach, and before they are complete and at an end. Public Men especially would make wild steerage were they to judge of Men and things, by their sense of the Prophecies.
Politicians, such as Pharisees, Machivilians and Jesuits have often employed interpretations of the Prophecies to excite superstitious Princes and enthusiastic Nations to engage in enterprizes, in no wise calculated for the good of Mankind. The Crusades which lasted two hundred years intoxicated all Europe and cost the Lives of three millions of Men were excited and supported by the Prophecies. The French Prophets too excited great troubles and brought horrible Persecutions upon themselves as well as great Calamities upon others by their presumptuous Prognostications. The Dissenters in England, some of them I mean and Dr. Tower among others, contributed I fear to assist and propagate that democratical Fury which desolated France and has subjugated the continent of Europe, and came very near producing in England a Revolution similar to that of France.
The most Atheistical Philosophers of France and of Europe encouraged in secret this engine to work upon popular Credulity and excite popular passions.
Bonaparte and his Politicians are manifestly holding out the Idea of the Restoration of the Jews to Jerusalem, and this delusion preceeded and accompanied his expedition to Egypt, and is still propagated far and wide. Fabers very fashionable Book I consider as a mere British political Pamphlet calculated to excite religious abhorrence in England against Napoleon. The Man may be pious and sincere, so might Archbishop Sand for what I know, but sincerity in error cannot convert it into Truth, and a Mans Passions, Prejudices and even his Patriotism often induce Men to adopt opinions without sufficient evidence.
It grieves me to relate an Anecdote of our Friend Dr. Priestley whom I greatly esteemed and sincerely loved, though I think he was seduced by a hot headed Friend Cooper to injure me very grossly. At Breakfast with me alone when I was Vice President, he talked very freely of the French Revolution and with great satisfaction. I heard him a long time in silent wonder, but in perfect good humour, till at last, when he pauzed, I asked him very cooly “Dr. Do you really believe that the French Nation will succeed in establishing a free Government?” He answered me with a good natured smile “Yes I do believe they will.” I then enquired “Upon what principles and by what Reasons do you ground your opinion? Is not all experience and all History against it?” “Why I fear it is,” said the Dr. “but I found my Judgment wholly upon the Prophecies. I understand the King of France to be the first of the ten horns of the great Beast which were to fall off, and I believe that the nine others will fall off after him at no very distant period of time.” “I am very glad to know your Reason, sir, and it is impossible for me to say that it is not sufficient: but it would be dangerous for public Men to hazard any great and decisive critical Measure upon such Information only” was my answer. The Doctor after a little pause added, with a smile “There is however I confess still some uncertainty attending it, for I was but yesterday reading The Travels of a French Gentleman in England in the year 1659. He had visited all parts of England, and said he found the Nation universally engaged in Deliberations upon the permanent form of Government they were to assume for the Preservation of Liberty for their Posterity. Various Parties were for different forms of a Republick, but all Parties unanimously agreed in this that there should never be Kings, Nobles or Bishops any more in England. Monarchy, Nobility and Prelacy were to be abolished forever. This was in 1659 when the Nation was so unanimous against Monarchy yet in 1660 the whole Nation went mad for Monarchy, Nobility and Prelacy again.” Thus the Dr. I thought as he did that this example had great weight. I was not unacquainted with the passage in the French Traveller, tho I have forgot his name; and the rise, progress and Termination of the civil war in England was very familiar to me. I read very early in Life Clarendon and Whitelock and all the principal writers upon that Period, and I know of no Book of mere History that was ever of more service to me than Clarendon or gave me so much insight into Men and Government, though I knew him to be partial. If our youth would read Clarendon more tho they should be obliged to read Johnson, Hume and Gibbon less there would be no loss.
Whether the Prophesies, my Friend, are divine, as you and I believe them to be, or whether they are mere human Inventions of learned and ingenious Men as Voltaire his Masters and Disciples represent them to be they profess to comprehend a vast dispensation of Providence beginning with the Creation and ending with the Conflagration of the World. The Universal History of the whole Family of Mankind therefore comes within the limits of this incomprehensible system. Not only the Hebrews, the Christians and Mahometans, but all the other Nations of the earth for all these have been more or less connected with the others, may be traced with a view to illustrate some passage or other in these ancient Predictions. A subject so sublime never fails to engage the attention, and often wholly engrosses it, of every Man of Learning and Genius who indulges himself in turning his Thought that way. It always excites enthusiasm and often transporting visions, and not infrequently Delirium. I do not think it an unlawful study, but I believe it to be a very dangerous one to any Man who is not well fortified with Philosophical as well as Theological Caution. To me it appears Presumption, I had almost said Impiety to pretend to foresee future events through this Telescope.
Having named Voltaire I may now explain my long silence. For three or four months I have been in company with such great Personages as Moses, Zoroaster, Sanchoniathan, Confucius, Numa, Mahomet and others of that Rank. In that period I have read four volumes of Voltaires Essai sur les Mœurs et l’esprit des Nations and three of his Louis 14 and fifteen, and these led me to read his Bible expliquée, his Philosophy of History, his Sermons, Homilies, Dialogues and a multitude of other Pieces in which his whole stock of Learning, wit, humour, satyr, scurrility, Buffoonery were exhausted. Many of these I had seen before. Indeed all his Materials have been familiar to me for more than fifty years. Morgans Moral Philosopher and some others of the same stamp fell into my hands at Worcester in 1755 and before and after that I had been acquainted with Lelands View of the Deistical Writers. And all my Life time some Deistical writer or other has fallen from time to time into my hands. Nothing new to me therefore has occurred from reading this Fatrass of Voltaire. Indeed I have been somewhat surprized to find that there is nothing new in him. He borrows every Thing from Herbert Blount, Tindal, Collins, Woolston, Shaftsbury, Bolinbroke, and the other English Infidels with a few additions from his Countryman Boulanger and two or three others.
The vast extent and variety of Talents which this mortal possessed had given him a Reputation, through the world and his wit and style attracted readers of all Nations. Every Body read his works. His Dramatic Compositions, his Epick Poems, his Historical Works, his astonishing Multitude of fugitive Pieces, his favourite Doctrines of Liberty temporal and spiritual and his daring attacks upon the Pope, the Monastic orders, and the whole Hierarchy of the Romish Church occasioned him to be more universally read than any other author that ever lived. This reputation gave him power to propagate through the world the miserable spoils which he borrowed or stole from the English Infidels with an effrontery more unjustifiable and inexcusable than that of the Hebrews which he censures so bitterly, when they borrowed Gold and Silver and Jewells of the Egyptians.
In opposition to him I have been consulting the Letters of the Jews of Portugal, Holland, Germany and Poland.
Never was poor Culprit more genteely whipped at the whipping post. They have convicted him of ignorance of every Thing he pretended to know and in multitude of Instances proved him to be guilty of the grossest Lies and Impostures as well as of inconsistencies and contradictions innumerable.
Although I have been so highly entertained as to neglect my most precious Correspondent I would not advise him ever to spend his time so idly, at least unless he should ever have as much Leisure as I have, and that I am very sure can never happen.
I have no Amanuensis and if I had I would not copy this Letter and therefore I pray you to burn it.
J. Adams.


Title: To John Adams from Amos J. Cook, 23 December 1808
From: Cook, Amos J.
To: Adams, John

Sir,
Fryeburg December 23d. 1808.

Your obliging letter of November 30. 1807. I had the pleasure of receiving, soon after its date, containing a copy of Latin Verses &c. in your own hand writing. Such a compliance with my wishes fills my heart with grateful emotions. It adds a stimulous to my exertions to be useful. You will please to accept my thankful acknowledgements.
At your request, I present you a translation of the verses, made by one of my pupils, Mr. Thomas Fessenden, aged 18. soon after they were received. This unfortunate youth, however, before he had time to write a copy from his first performance for your inspection, was violently seized with an apoplectic complaint, of which he is not yet entirely recovered. Not being able to copy them himself, I hope, will be some justification, for their coming in my hand, and at this late date. I delayed, hoping that the young man that would recover, that you might the better judge of the performance from his own pen.
Some of my other scholars translated them in prose. Mr. Fessenden’s, I supposed, would be the more acceptible for its being in rhyme.
If, Sir, you should think proper to give me your opinion on the performance, you would make my obligation to you greater than I can express.
With sentiments of unfeigned affection and respect, / your very humble servant,
Amos J. Cook


Title: From John Adams to Joseph Bradley Varnum, 26 December 1808
From: Adams, John
To: Varnum, Joseph Bradley

Sir.
Quincy December 26th. 1808.

I receive very kindly your obliging letter of the 15th. of this month. Ever since my return from Europe, where I had resided ten years and could not be fully informed of the state of affairs in my own Country, I have been constantly anxious and alarmed at the intemperance of party spirit and the unbounded license of our presses. In the same view I could not but lament some things, which have lately passed in public bodies. To instance, at Dedham and Topsfield; and last of all in the Resolutions of our Massachusetts Legislature. Upon principle, I see no right in our Senate and House to dictate, nor to advise, or to request our Represenatives in Congress. The right of the people to instruct their Representatives is very dear to them and will never be disputed by me. But this is a very different thing from an interference of a State legislature. Congress must be the “Cloud by day and the pillar of fire by night,” to conduct this Nation, and if their eyes are to be diverted by wandering light, accidentally springing up, in every direction, we shall never get through the Wilderness.
I have not been inattentive to the course of our publick affairs, and agree with Congress in their Resolutions to resist the decrees, edicts and orders of France and England; but I think the king’s proclamation for the impressment of Seamen on board our Merchantships has not been distinctly enough notified reprobated. It is the most groundless pretension of all. Retired as I am, conversing with very few of any party; out of the secret of affairs; collecting information only from publick papers and pamphlets, many links in the great chain of deliberations, actions and events, may have escaped me. You will easily believe, that an excessive diffidence in my own opinions, has not been the sin, that has most easily beset me. I must nevertheless confess to you that in all the intricate combinations of our affairs, to which I have ever been a witness, I never found myself so much at a loss to form a judgment of what the Nation ought to do, or what part I ought to act. No man then, I hope, will have more confidence in the solidity of any thing I may suggest, than I have myself.
I revere the upright and enlightened general sense of our American Nation. It is nevertheless capable, like all other Nations of general prejudices and National errors. Among these, I know not whether there is any more remarkable than that opinion so universal, that it is in our power to bring foreign nations to our terms, by with-holding our Commerce. When the Executive and Legislative authority of any Nation, especially in the old Governments and great powers of Europe, have adopted measures upon deliberation and published them to the World, they cannot recede, without a deep humiliation and disgrace, in the eyes of their own Subjects, as well as all Europe. They will therefore obstinately adhere to them at the expence even of great sacrifices and in defiance of great dangers. In 1774 Congress appeared almost unanimously sanguine, that a non-importation and a non-consumption association would procure an immediate repeal of acts of parliament and Royal orders. I went heartily along with the rest in all these measures, because I knew that the sense of the Nation, the publick opinion in all the Colonies required them, and I did not see that they could do harm. But I had no confidence in their success in any thing but uniting the American people. I expressed this opinion freely to some of my friends, particular to Mr. Henry of Virginia, and to Major Hawley of Massachusetts. These two and these only agreed with me in opinion, that we must fight, after all. We found by experience, that a war of eight years in addition to all our Resolutions was necessary, and the aid of France Spain and Holland too, before our purposes could be accomplished. Do we presume that we can excite insurrection, rebellion and a Revolution in England? Even a Revolution would be no benefit to us. A Republican government in England would be more hostile to us than the government Monarchy is. The resources of that country are so great; their Merchants, Capitalists and principal manufacturers are so rich, that they can employ their Manufacturers and Store their productions for a long time, perhaps longer than we can or will bear to hoard ours. In 1794 upon these principles and for these reasons I thought it my duty to decide in Senate, against Mr Madison’s resolutions, as they were called, and I have seen no reason to alter my opinion since. I own I was sorry when the late non-importation law passed. When a war with England was seriously apprehended in 1794, I approved of an Embargo, as a temporary measure to preserve our Seamen and property, but not with any expectation that it would influence England. I thought the Embargo, which was laid a year ago, a wise and prudent measure for the same reason; viz to preserve our Seamen and as much of our property as we could get in, but not with the faintest hope, that it would influence the British Councils. At the same time I confidently expected that it would be raised in a few months. I have not censured any of these measures because I knew the fond attachment of the Nation to them; but I think the Nation must soon be convinced that they will not answer their expectations. The Embargo and the Non-intercourse laws I think ought not to last long. They will lay such a foundation of disaffection to the National Government as will give great uneasiness to Mr. Jefferson’s Successor and produce such distractions and confusions as I shudder to think of. The Naval and Military force to carry them into execution would maintain a war. Are you then for war, you will ask? I will answer you candidly I think a war would be a less evil than a rigorous enforcement of the Embargo and Non-intercourse. But we have no necessity to declare war against England or France, or both. We may raise the Embargo, repeal the non-intercourse, authorize our Merchants to arm their Vessells, give them special letters of Mark to defend themselves against all unlawful aggressors, and take burn or destroy all vessels or make prize of them as Enemies that shall attack them. In the mean time apply all our resources to build frigates, some in ever principal Seaport. These frigates ought not to be assembled in any one port to become an object of a hostile expedition to destroy them. They should be separated and scattered as much as possible from New Orleans to Passamaquoddy. I never was fond of the plan of building Line of battle-ships. Our policy is not to fight Squadron’s at Sea, but to have fast sailing Frigates to scour the Seas and make impression on the Enemies’ Commerce; and in this way we can do great things. Our great Sea ports and most exposed frontier places ought not to be neglected in their fortifications; but I cannot see for what purpose an hundred thousand Militia are called out, nor why we should have so large an army at present. The Revenues applied to these Uses would be better appropriated to building Frigates. We may depend upon it we shall never be respected by foreign powers until they see that we are sensible of the great resources which the Almighty in his benevolent providence has put into our hands. No Nation under the sun has better materials, architects or Mariners for a respectable Maritime power. I have no doubt but our people, when they see a necessity will cheerfully pay the taxes necessary for their defence and to support their Union, Independence and National honour. When our Merchants are armed if they are taken they cannot blame the Government; if they fight well and captivate their enemies they will acquire glory and encouragement at home, and England or France may determine for themselves whether they will declare war. I believe neither will do it, because each will be afraid of our joining the other. If either should, in my opinion the other will rescind; but if we should have both to fight, it would not be long before one or the other would be willing to make peace and I see not much difference between fighting both and fighting England alone. My heart is with the Spanish Patriots and I should be glad to assist them as far as our Commerce can supply them. I conclude with acknowledging that we have received greater injuries from England than from France, abominable as both have been. I conclude that whatever the Government determines I shall support as far as my small voice extends.
I am Sir with respect and esteem Your humble Servt.
J A
N. B. The Tribute and the British licenses must be prohibited under adequate penalties.


Title: From John Adams to François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 31 December 1808
From: Adams, John
To: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan

Dear Sir
Quincy Decr 31 1808

In answer to your kind Inquiries concerning my health, in your favour of the 14th, I can inform you that I enjoy as good health as a Man in his fifteenth Lustre, can reasonably expect, except a little paralytic trembling in the hands, which does not much incommode me however in Writing.
I have been engaged this Summer as you have in reading History. Voltaires Moeurs et Esprit des Nations and the Histories of Louis 14th and 15th have been for some time my Amusement and Employment. The World has been a Scene of horrors as it is now and ever will be: and all Efforts to enlighten reform or amend it, if they are not wholly lost, will have very little and very Slow Effects.
Mr Block descriptions are no doubt just: but I am very far from despairing of our Commonwealth. I believe that no Axe is laid to the Root of our Liberty Tree, but We may be reduced to hard Necessities in defending it.
Your Court Kalender, extracted from the Journal Politique is indeed very curious. What would Burgomasters Hooft and Temmink, Mr Van Berkel and Mr Dumas Say if they should read it—I wish you would write a Dialogue between those Personages in the Elisian Fields and express their Sentiments upon this Subject.
How are our public Interests paid in America, instead of a depretiation of Seven Per Cent as in holland, our Medium is depreciated two or three hundred per Cent.
What can be the motive for demolishing Houses?
Machiavels Art of War is in the fourth Volume of an English Translation of Machiavels Works, published in London in 1775. Printed for T. Davies, Russel Street Covent Garden; J. Dodsley Pall Mall; J. Robson New Bond Street; G. Robinson Pater Noster Row; T. Becket T. Cadel and T. Evans, Strand. The Translator was Ellis Farnesworth M.A. Late Vicar of Rosthern in Cheshire. Translator of the Life of Pope Sixtus 5, and Davilla’s History of the Civil Wars of France. 2d Edition corrected in four volumes.
I may now inform you that you have been elected a Member of the Massachusetts M Academy of Arts and Sciences, and I hope you have received a Diploma. If you have not it has been owing to the corresponding Secretary’s having too much Business.
“What a wonderful Genius was Machiavel”? you exclaim. Wonderful indeed. What a wonderful Genius was Hobbs? Priestley? Bonaparte? Voltaire? all very Strange Genius’s however. I have read this last fall half a dozen Volumes of this last wonderful Genius’s Ribaldry against the Bible. How is it possible this old Fellow Should represent the Hebrews in Such a contemptible Light? They are the most glorious Nation that ever inhabited this Earth. The Romans and their Empire were but a Bauble in comparison of the Jews. They have given Religion to three quarters of the Globe and have influenced the Affairs of Mankind more, and more happily than any other Nation ancient or modern.
There’s a flight for you! more extravagant you will Say than any thing in Voltaire! Tel me why?
This Vault of Air, this congregated Ball
Self center’d Sun and Stars that rise and fall
There are, my Friend whose Philosophic Eyes
Look through and trust the Ruler with his Skies.
On the Brink of the Precipice I am not afraid to look down and to leap at the Word of Command.
Yours to the last

J. Adams


Title: To John Adams from William Cunningham, 31 December 1808
From: Cunningham, William
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir.
Fitchburg. 31st. Dec. 1808.

Enclosed is a News-paper containing, under the Worcester head, a copy of some remarks made at a Meeting of this Town. The author is so plainly indicated by the style of his address, and by his initial, that it is unnecessary, and might appear ostentatious, to be more particular.
With affection and gratitude, / I am, Dear Sir, / Your Friend & Servt.

Wm. Cunningham, Jr.


Title: From John Adams to William Cunningham, 3 January 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Cunningham, William

Dear Sir,
Quincy, Jan. 3, 1809.

I have your favours of December 17, and 21st. I hope you will not insinuate a comparison between John Q. Adams and Coriolanus. Whatever injustice or ingratitude may be done him, he has none of the Roman’s revenge, much less his treachery.
Of Mrs. Warren’s History I have nothing to say. The Count De Vergennes was an accomplished gentleman and scholar, and a statesman of great experience in various diplomatic and other ministerial stations. In treating with other nations, he considered the interest of his own country and left others to take care of theirs. His refinements were not invisible. His negociations were very like those of the British Cabinet with us at this day. All I have to say is, that all European Cabinets and Ministers are very much alike: and our only security against them is in our own fortitude and the sense and integrity of our own Ministers. Have you seen any wondrous skill in our foreign Ambassadors for some years past ?
I have sent to the Indian Queen the 2d and 3d vols. of a work which the English editor of the 2d edition calls an History of Republicks. It may be called The American Boudoir. What is a Boudoir? It is a Pouting room. And what is a Pouting room? In many gentlemen’s houses in France, there is an apartment, of an octagonal form, twelve or fifteen feet across, or thirty six or forty-five feet round, and all the eight sides, as well as the ceiling over head, are all of the most polished glass Mirrors: so that, when a man stands in the centre of the room he sees himself in every direction, multiplied into a row of selfs, as far as the eye can reach.
The humour of it is, that when the lady of the house is out of temper, when she is angry, or when she weeps without a cause, she may be locked up in this chamber to pout, and to see in every direction how beautiful she is. There are settees and chairs round the sides and commonly a bath in the centre, which may be made hot or cold. So that persons may see themselves naked in every posture. Such a Boudoir is the Defence. Our States may see themselves in it, in every possible light, attitude and movement. They may see all their beauties and all their deformities. Happy they who are made cautious by others’ dangers!
I return the editor’s letter, which, with a thousand other things, concurs to show that certain presses are under the controul of an aristocracy of bankers led by the nose by an oligarchy of Shylocks, all sycophants to Britain. A happy new year.

John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from Joseph Bradley Varnum, 7 January 1809
From: Varnum, Joseph Bradley
To: Adams, John

Hon’d Sir
Washington January 7th: 1809

Your Excellent Communication of the 26th. Ult. is highly appreciated among our friend here; and I do think, it would Expand it’s beneficial Effects, on the Affairs of our Nation if it’s contents could be published. But as I have no leave from you to do it, I shall feel my self  bound not to do it.—Please Sir, to Accept my most cordial thanks for your goodness in making the Communication.
I am Hon’d Sir with / great Respect Your / most Ob’dt. and very / humble Servant
J. B. Varnum