Title: Editorial Note
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In the years immediately preceding the American Revolution, GW devoted considerable time and effort to the acquisition of large tracts of land in western Virginia and in the Ohio Valley. By 1775 he laid claim to over 37,000 acres in the West, acquired under the proclamations of 1754 and 1763 for his military services during the French and Indian War or through purchases from other veterans. In 1770, in payment for a debt of £2,000 owed him by his neighbor John Posey, GW received a warrant from Posey for 3,000 acres, the amount of bounty land that Posey was entitled to under the Proclamation of 1763. GW used the major part of the warrant to claim 2,813 acres on Millers Run, a tributary of Chartiers Creek, in an area that was then considered a part of Augusta County, Va., but by 1784 lay across the boundary in Washington County, Pennsylvania. William Crawford surveyed the tract for GW in 1771, but GW was not able to patent it until July 1774. The remainder of Posey’s warrant was applied to the 587–acre tract at Round Bottom on the Ohio River.
GW began to have difficulties with squatters on his Millers Run land in the early 1770s. Crawford reported in May 1772 that he had turned off several men who had built cabins on the land, paying them a small consideration for their improvements. Crawford then built houses on the land to establish GW’s claim. In October 1773, however, another, and more determined, group of settlers moved onto GW’s land. Crawford wrote GW in December: “Som people, about 10 or 12 in number, has gon on your Cherter land within this few days and there is no geting them of without by Force of Arms They are in Couraged by Majr [Edward] ward Brother to Colo. Croghan, ho Claims the Land, and says he has grant. . . from Crown for that Land

and he will undemnifie them, if they will set in any house whare no Person is Living. . . . he farther ads that Colo. Croghan says you and my self has used his Brother Colo. Croghan very ill in pretending to bey his Land and did not, but want and took the best of it, and would not agree to pay him. . . . I think such Proceeding as those if not Stopd will soon set the Hole County in ruin those men have not bought of him, but took your Land and say the[y] will Keep it, I cold Drive them a way but they will com back Emedetly as soon as my back is turnd, They man I put on the Land they have drove away and Built a house so Colse to his dore he cannot get into the house at the dore.” George Croghan may indeed have urged the squatters to settle on GW’s land. Croghan, one of Pennsylvania’s largest land speculators, was undoubtedly piqued that he had failed in his attempts to enmesh GW in his land schemes. In 1770, besieged by creditors on every side, Croghan had tried to retrieve his fortunes by an ambitious scheme to reactivate an earlier grant he had received from the Indians, setting up a land office at Pittsburgh to deal with sales of his claims. After GW visited Pittsburgh in October 1770 on his land-seeking western tour, he noted in his diary on 21 Oct. that all of the land between Raccoon Creek and Chartiers Creek was owned by Croghan and that by Croghan’s account it was “a body of fine Rich level Land,” which “he wants to sell, & offers it at £5 sterg. pr. hundd. . . . provided he can sell it in 10,000 Acre Lots.” Croghan, assuming that his bait had been taken, wrote a colleague jubilantly that he was “likely to sell another tract to Coll. Washington and his friends. If I do that, I expect to have one good nights rest before Christmas, which is more than I have had for eight months past I assure you.” As GW continued his trip down the Ohio, however, he began to have second thoughts about Croghan’s proposals. “The unsettled state of this Country,” he noted in his diary on 21 Oct., “renders any purchase dangerous.” His suspicions of Croghan increased after William Crawford wrote that he feared Croghan “has not a proper title to what he now is Claiming.” GW’s skepticism was well founded. After the final boundary settlement between Virginia and Pennsylvania, Croghan was able to obtain legal title to none of the lands he claimed.
During the next few years Crawford continued his attempts to keep squatters off the Millers Run land. As late as September 1776 he wrote GW that “your Land on Shurtees Creek is well Cultivated Redy to your hand; the men on it thinking you have no patent for the Land or that if you have that youl will Lease them the Land on Reasonable tearms.” In their conflict with the squatters, GW and Crawford were confronting a long-established if extralegal Pennsylvania land policy. Under the Penns a relatively lenient view of illegal settlers had evolved, the proprietors believing that any occupation of the land was

preferable to leaving it vacant and unimproved. Original settlement and improvement had come to represent a more valid claim to unoccupied land than the mere possession of a patent. Boundary disputes often were referred to local tribunals where sentiment was strongly in support of illegal settlers and opposed to absentee land speculators.
After his return to Mount Vernon in 1784, GW began to take stock of his western landholdings. The Pennsylvania-Virginia boundary dispute finally had been settled in 1780, and when the line was run in 1784–85 it left GW’s Chartiers Creek land on the Pennsylvania side of the boundary. Aware that squatters had long established themselves on his Millers Run land and made relatively extensive improvements, GW in the spring of 1784 instructed his nephew John Lewis to inform the settlers that he had a legal patent to the property and that he would “most assuredly assert his right to it.” He was, however, willing that they should remain as tenants on the land “upon a just & moderate Rent.” Lewis did not deal with the tenants directly but published advertisements informing them of GW’s intention to repossess his land.
      In September 1784 GW decided to make a tour in which he would inspect his landholdings in the West, oversee the sale of the land at Washington’s Bottom, Pa., held jointly with Gilbert Simpson, Jr., and investigate the possibilities of river navigation up the Potomac into the Ohio Valley. In addition, he contemplated at last a face-to-face meeting with the recalcitrant settlers on his Washington County land. Arriving in the area of Chartiers Creek on 18 Sept., GW met the assembled tenants on 20 September. The squatters were Seceders, a Presbyterian sect that had separated from the Church of Scotland in 1733. All were men of some consequence in the community. They did not come to the meeting in the role of supplicants. James Scott and Squire John Reed, spokesmen for the group, contended that while they had no doubts concerning the successful outcome of any legal action, they were willing to purchase the land if GW offered moderate terms. GW replied that even though he was not eager to sell he would make the group a final offer to sell the entire tract, which he did. After some discussion the settlers decided to take their chances in court.
Determined now to submit the matter to litigation, GW met with attorney Thomas Smith in what is now Uniontown, Pa., on 21 September. The uncertainties surrounding GW’s case are evident from notes on the case in Smith’s hand:
Brief of General Washington’s Land on Millers Run
23 March 1771 Col. Wm Crawford Surveyed 2813a. on Miller’s Run for George Washington—the right not mentioned.

14 October 1770 John Posey entered into a Bond to Genl Washington Conditiond to Convey his Right to 3000a. under the Proclamation of 1763.
5th 1774 A Patent for 2813a. the above Survey granted to G. Washington but as the Copy of the Survey Returned to the Office by Lewis the County Surveyor, & on which the Patent Issued, is not obtained, the Date of it does not yet appear.
Col. Crawford made Improvements on the Land for General Washington before the adverse Parties claimed (but what those Improvements were does not appear)—1 May 1772. Col. Crawford found six Men on the Land who had built a House & cleared 2 or 3a.—he paid them £5 for their Improvement, & built 4 Cabbins viz. one on each Corner of the Land.
While GW was gathering the papers pertinent to his case in Virginia, Smith made a preliminary entry for the case in the Washington County court for the December term. Following GW’s wishes, Smith had the case entered into the Pennsylvania Supreme Court docket and requested that Bushrod Washington help collect the necessary papers. In the meantime Smith also had ejection notices served on the squatters by the Washington County sheriff. The case was formally removed from the lower court in March 1785 and the papers delivered to the Supreme Court. Determined to establish that his claim to the land on Chartiers Creek antedated the settlement of his opponents, GW devoted much time during the next year to marshaling his evidence. He consulted John Harvie, Virginia’s land officer in Richmond, for assistance in retrieving documents from the land office, asked Edmund Randolph for advice, instructed his western Pennsylvania land agent Thomas Freeman to aid Smith “in hunting up the evidence necessary for the prosecution of my ejectments in the Court of Washington,” and sought the testimony of prominent residents in Pennsylvania to support his claims. GW believed that a clear title to the tract “may make a difference of between £3500 and £4000 to me for which I can sell the Land in dispute if I establish my right to it.” Much of his correspondence on the case over the next year dealt with what he anticipated his opponents’ arguments would be. It was essential to his case to establish not only that his claim antedated the settlement of the squatters but also that he had fulfilled the obligation of making improvements on the land before they occupied it, a major factor in previous ejectment cases in Pennsylvania courts. GW himself was convinced that his opponents would base their case on the fact that they had occupied the land by October 1773. His position was further jeopardized by doubts about whether William Crawford was legally qualified to make the surveys on Millers Run. Crawford apparently had not taken the oaths required by his office. On the other hand, all grants for bounty lands had been confirmed in 1779

by an act of the Virginia assembly. In July 1785 GW sent the documents he had collected to Smith with a spirited defense of his legal position in regard to the Millers Run land. In addition he drew up a brief of the case giving both his position and that of his opponents:
The ground on which it is presumed the Defendants will place their Defence;

                  Pleas
                  Answers

                  1st—That Captn Crawford was a great Land jobber, and to effect his monopolies had recourse to many expedients—amongst which, that of using the names of people of influence was one, to cover his claims until he could dispose of the Lands;—by which means it became difficult for strangers, and those who had lately come into the Country, to obtain settlements otherwise than by purchase from him.—That the Country was thereby injured, and emigrts imposed upon.—That as this was known to be the case, no credit could, or ought to have been given to his Notification that the Land belonged to me.
                  1st—The character, & general conduct of Captn Crawford must speak for themselves,—and these, I conceive, will bear the test of examination.—If he was a forestaller or monopolizer of Land, it is unknown to me.—I had no hand in the speculation.—nor have I a foot of Land in the Western Country that I do not hold under Military rights, except the tract on Yohiogany whereon Gilbert Simpson lives, and a small tract of between two & 300 acres at the Great Meadows; both of which I purchased.—Indeed, comparatively speaking I possess very little land on the Western Waters.—to attempt therefore to deprive me of the little I have, is, considering the circumstances under which I have been, and the inability of attending to my own affairs, not only unjust, but pitifully mean.

                  2d.—But, admitting the fact to be as it has since proved,—yet, my Survey they have said, and it is supposed will contend, was a private one, unauthorized, and consequently of no validity.
                  2d—This Survey was regularly made by a Person legally appointed for a special purpose—and, as far as his Surveys were covered by Military Warrants and rendered valid by the Surveyor of the County in which they lay, Patents were directed to issue on them, if no Caveats were offered in bar.

                  3d.—That their Occupancy preceeded the date of Captn. Crawfords Deputation, and legal return of the Survey upon which my Patent issues; and consequently not be affected by transactions subsequent thereto.
                  3d—If this is a fact, & it is essential for them; it rests upon them to prove it.—but it must certainly be unimportant if I can prove my Survey—my possession—my purchase of the first claim to it.—the relinquishment of Col Cannon—the Warnings given them of my Right &ca.—all of which were previous to any claim they can, or do pretend to have.

                  4th.—Supposing (they may say, because they have said it) that my Patent was originally good, yet, my right is forfeited for want of that cultivation and improvement which was required by Law, and which is conditional of the Grant.
                  4th.—It may be asked how I could improve or cultivate the Land when they had taken possession of it & violently detained it from me?—But the fact is, and it is well known to Colo. [John] Stephenson, Gilbert Simpson, & many others, that I had a number of hands under a manager to whom I paid £100 pr ann, for the express, & only purpose of saving my Lands according to Law—That these people began on the Great Kanhawa where the Lands were first Patented—That they were working upwards therefrom to this very Tract; and would have saved this tract also if the disturbances with the Indians, which forced them to abandon the work (to my great disappointment & loss)—and the unjustifiable conduct of themselves, would have permited it; as I had until June, or July 1777, to comply with the Law.

                  5th.—That one of the Defendants, in behalf of the rest had been sent to the Land Office of this State to ascertn the truth of the Report of my having a Grant of the Land;—but finding no Record of the Patent or Survey, the presumption was, that none had ever been made; and was considered by them as an evidence that my name had only been used by Captn. Crawford to secure it for his own purposes.
                  5th.—Whether this search was really made, or not, is not for me to determine; but admitting it, it can be no reason why I should loose my right, because they did not, or even could not, discover a record of it. if the fact existed & unequivocal proof thereof can be adduced—of which the Patent is an incontestible one.

                  6th—That they never had any legal notice of its being my Land—nor legal warning to quit it—without which, under the conviction above, they were not bound to regard either.
                  6th—What really is, or may be construed, legal notice in such a case, is not for me to decide.—The fact is (& I believe it was pretty well known) that Captn. Crawford did business for me in that Country.—that as soon as they had taken possession of the Land, he either in person, or otherwise informed them that it belonged to me; and this without waiting for my orders.—That as soon as I was advertized of the matter, and frequently afterwards, it was impressed upon them; accompanied with assurances, that I should, as soon as it was in my power, assert my Right to it.

                  7th.—That no person was living on the Land when they took possession of it—and that the only House thereon was deserted.
                  7th—The matter as it has been represented to me, is, that the man whom Captn. Crawford placed on the Land to keep possession, being from home, they took advantage of his absence and built a House so close to the one in wch. he lived, as to exclude the entrance of it.—This is mentioned by Captn. Crawford in a Letter, & probably can be proved by Mr. Mar Stephenson, Morgan and others.

                  8th—That (provided they discover that their possession not prior to the date of the Warrt. to Captn. Posey) if my title is derived from a Military claim and the Warrt. which gives that claim is of subsequent date to their settlement, it can have no operation to their prejudice.
                  8th.—The Act of 1779, with the measures, which had been previously taken by me,—and my claim before the Defendts had any knowledge of the Land, must obviate every plea of this kind.

                  9th.—Under these circumstances, and this conviction, they took possession; and at great expense have improved the Land; and ought not in Law or equity to be deprived of it.
                  9th—This argument is pointedly against them because the fact is, & no doubt if proper pains is taken to obtain the evidence, the proof will be, that they knew this Land was reputed to be mine.—That as soon as they set down upon it, they were so informed, and repeatedly warned off, and admonished of the consequences of continuing thereon.—If notwithstanding, from disbelief of the report, or disregard of the several notices given them, they would persist, it, certainly, must be in their own wrong, and not to the loss of my property.—for was the case otherwise, no one could be secure in Lands at a distance—as possession & occupancy wd. set aside the best title, and put legal Right at defiance

GW also prepared for Smith a statement of the “ground on which the title of G: Washington to the 2813 acres of Land in Washington County, State of Pennsylvania, is founded; with the evidence in support thereof”:

                  Ground
                  Evidence

                  1st Colo. Crawford as an acquaintance and friend—and one who had a Military claim under the Proclamation of 1763, which he was desirous of securing—proposed to be at the trouble of looking out the Lands whilst GW was to use his endeavours to obtain the Warrants. accordingly the tract of 2813 acres which is now the subject of dispute, was explored, and allotted for the use of GW; and every measure which could be taken at that early period, was adopted to secure it.
                  1st—The Letters now sent, and those already in the hands of Mr Smith are declaratory of this.

                  2d—At the request of GW, and subsequent to the appointment of Captn Crawford by the Masters of William & Mary College (by whom all Surveyors were appointed), for the purpose of Surveying 200,000 acres of Land granted to the first Virginia Regiment as a bounty under the Proclamation of 1754, and previous to the Occupancy of the defendts he (Crawford) made an actual survey of this tract, and returned a certificate thereof to G.W.
                  2d.—This Survey was left among other Papers in the hands of Mr Smith—or with Majr Thos Freeman of the County of Fayette; who does business for GW; the latter not having it, tho’ he well recollects to have been possessed of it when he was last in the Western Country.

                  3d—Occupancy of the Western Lands before, at, long after this period, was expressly forbid by the Kings Proclamation:—His Governors instructed not to grant Patents;—and the Surveyors restrained from receiving Entries & locations; except to such as were entitled under the Proclamation of Octr. 1763 for Military Services which was permitted by a subsequent act of the Governor and Council and Warrants granted consequent thereof[.] Every step therefore which the defendants took was in open violation of the Acts of the then existing Government; even supposing there had been no prior claim to the Land in dispute;—but so far as was the case from this, that the Survey of it for GW which was long before they had come into the Country, and consequent of a Military claim which I had purchased from Captn. Posey, as will appear by Bond of the 14th. of Octr. 1770, with wch. the Land was covered as soon as a Warrant could be obtained, must do away every shadow of legal, or equitable claim from them.
                  3d.—The Bond from Captain Posey is herewith sent, and sufficiently authenticated it is believed—The Warrent from some Papers GW has lately met with, and as he presumes it will appear by the Patent, which is in the hands of Mr. Smith, is not dated until the 25th. of Novr. 1773—How such a lapse of time should have happened betwn the purchase of the Right, and the obtainment of the Warrant, GW is utterly at a loss to acct. for.—If the discovery of this should be made by the defendants it is supposed they will lay much stress on it, as they pretend they came to the Land in Octobr. 1773, which being a month before the date of the Warr, they will say G.W. can derive no benefit therefrom—This should be guarded against.

                  4th.—Some person, or persons, setting up a calim to the Land, or part thereof, within the limits, wch. had been marked; rather than dispute with them, Captn. Crawford purchased for the use & benefit of GW this claim—This was previous to the coming of the Defendants into the Country; or to any knowledge they could have had of the land.
                  4th.—A Letter which it is supposed was left in the hands of Mr. Smith, from Captn. Crawford to GW, declares this; it not being in the possession of GW. tho well remembered having such as induces this supposition.

                  5th.—Colo. Cannon, a Gentleman of Reputation, who lives in the Country, and in the vicinity of the disputed Land—took possession of it, and made some improvements thereon; but upon discovering marked trees—and upon tracing them, finding a regular Survey, well bounded; and understanding upon enquiry, that the Survey was made by Colo. Crawford for the use & benefit of GW he quit it.—This also was antecedent to any view, or knowledge the Defendants had of the Land.
                  5th.—GW having received this information from Colo. Cannon himself, there can be doubt of his giving testimony thereto.—as also, that it was well known in those parts at the time the Defendants took possession of the Land, that it belonged to GW.

                  6th.—They were informed of this first instance—repeatedly & admonished afterwds.—& ordered to leave the Land, acknowledge themselves Tenants, or abide the consequences; as GW. was determined to prosecute his Right thereto as soon as circumstances would permit him to do it.
                  6th.—The Defendants could not indeed did not deny to GW having knowledge of these things.—they confessed that they had seen advertisements. posted on the Land giving this information; but may deny it all or be silent thereafter at the tryal.—Colo. Crawfords letters are expressive of it, and he, and his Brother Vale. were well knowing to it.—however, as they are both dead—the most likely persons to prove it now are Colo. John Stephenson, Marcus Stephenson, Colo. Cannon, Mr. Morgan (who Surveyed under Captn. Crawford) Mr Leet, Geo. McCormick—Gilbert Simpson Captn. [Van] Swearingin Cap: [Matthew] Ritchie & others, some of whom were connected with & aiding & assisting Crawford at those times.

                  7th.—It was currently reported, and as generally believed to be Land belonging to GW as the nature of the thing would admit of before, at the time, and after the Defendants had taken possession of it (which by their own accts was not until Octr 1773) no plea of ignorance therefore can possibly be offered in justification of their proceedings.

                  8th.—This Land was not only surveyed in the manner, and under the circumstances before mentioned; but improvements thereon were made for the use & benefit of GW & an expence incurred before the Defendants ever saw it. on his acct.
                  8th.—Colo. Crawfords letters declares this expressly, and it is believed that some one, or more of the persons named above will be able to prove it.—With respect to one Cabbin, there can be no doubt because it remains there to this day unless it has been removed, or destroyed since the 20th of September last; when, in Company with Col Cannon, Captn. Swearingen Captn. Richie Mr. Geo: McCormick & others GW was on the Land, saw another House built so close to it as, in a manner, to exclude the entrance into it; and heard them acknowledge that it was on the land before they cam to it.

                  9th.—In the Spring of 1774 (If memory serves) Captn. Crawford received a further appointment from the Masters of Willm. & Mary College to be Deputy Surveyor of Augusta County under Thos. Lewis Esq (in which County the Land then lay); immediately after which, a certificate was returned in due form to the Secretarys Office, reciting the Military right under which it was claimed—where upon a Patent, with the Seal of the Colony & the Governors issued without any opposition, in June, or July of the same year; which was as early as any legal Surveys were made, or could be made, in that Country.—but this Survey, with the proceedings antecedent thereto which were of record, being lost, nothing but presumptive proof can be drawn from thence.—this however must be as strong as any presumptive proof whatever can be, because we must suppose that public offices act agreeably to the Laws and Constitution of the Country in which they are instituted, or by established Rules & regulations of their own when these are silent—The Patent then (which. is yet in existance) being the last act for transfering the right of the Crown, to doubt the regularity of the proceedings in which it was founded, is to cha: the Land Office, and Executive for the time being of this state, with maladministration.
                  9th.—Captn. Crawfords Commission to be Deputy Surveyor of Augusta, is to be found either in the Hands of Mrs. Crawford, his widow—or Mr Bradford’s who has charge of his Papers— The certificate from the Register of the Land Office, declares that the Survey with many other Papers fell into the hands of the enemy and were destroyed: no recourse therefore can be had to any records herein antecedant to the Patent; which by being in the possession of GW was saved, and has been put into the hands of Mr. Smith.

                  10th.—These proceedings being recognized by an Act of the Virga. Assembly entitled “An Act for adjusting & settling the titles of Claimers to unpatented Lands under the present & former Government previous to the establishment of the Commonwealths Land Office” the first claim therein declares expressly, that all Surveys made before the 1st day of Jany 1778 by the Surveyor of a County under either of the rights which are therein recited, and against which no Caveat had been entered, should be good & valid—and moreover, that Military locations by actual Surveys made under special commission, should become valid upon taling out Warrants and resurveying according to Law. All of which should have been done; but in the case of GW. it was altogether unnecessary; inasmuch as the legal forms had all been complied with four years before the passing of the Act.
                  10th. The authenticated act (by the Seal of the Commonwealth of Virginia, and signature of the Governor) herewith sent, is very expressive of the case of G.W.

                  11th.—No Caveat was evr. entered by the Defendants in bar to the right of GW, with a view to prevent the issuing of a Patent;—nor has any steps ever been taken by them (known to GW) to obtain the Land themselves,—either in the State of Virginia or Pensylvania—Putting their whole dependance upon a violent obtrusion, made under as unfavorable circumstances as can well be conceived.
                  11th.—The Register of the Land Office has declared that no Caveat was ever entered in the Ld. Office of this State by the Defendants—That no application appears from the records, to have been made to the Commissioners who were appointed by the Act of Assembly to hear & determine disputed titles—And that no location thereof has ever been made in this State by them, or any body in their behalf.

                  12.—The letter from Mr. [John] Harvie, Register of the Land Office deserves particular consideration, as it points to the Rules and Regulations of that Office, & gives much useful information.
                  12th—This letter is sent and may be used as occasion shall require.

                  13th.—The agreement between the States of Virginia & Pensylvania respecting territorial boundary—saves the private property, and rights of all persons who may have acquired titles under either Country respectively, previous to the ascertaining and running such boundary, altho’ they should be found to fall within the other.
                  13th.—An authenticated record of this agreemt, is sent.

During the summer of 1785, GW continued to prepare his defense in anticipation of the Pennsylvania circuit court hearing. Even without complete documentary proof, he wrote Edmund Randolph in August, “the matter is so clear, in my judgment, as not to admit of dispute before an impartial Jury; but an impartial Jury I do not expect—& much less since I have heard that the high Sheriff of the County (lately chosen) is of the fraternity of my competitors.” By early September GW’s annoyance with the settlers had increased to the point that when he heard what proved to be an unfounded rumor of their planning to move off his land, he instructed Smith to seek punishment for these “defendants as willful & obstinate Sinners.” Because “they have withheld the Land from me ten or twelve years after all the admonition I could give, & the favorable offers which have been made them—& finally have put me to the expence & trouble of bringing & supporting Ejectments,” he wrote Smith, “it is my wish & desire, whether they leave the land voluntarily, or are compelled to do so by a course of Law, that you will sue them respectively for Trespasses, rents or otherwise as you shall judge best.”
In the summer of 1786, still in pursuit of evidence for the upcoming hearing before the Pennsylvania circuit court, GW made the dismaying discovery that Posey’s warrant was dated 25 Nov. 1773, “posterior, according to my opponants acct to their settlement.” Even so, and in spite of the disappearance during the war of a number of legal documents supporting his claim, GW remained confident enough of the outcome to request Smith to offer the lands for sale subject to the success of the ejectment proceedings. The lands “have been so unproductive of every thing but vexation and trouble,” he wrote Charles Simms in September 1786, “that I am resolved to sell them at long or short credit, as may best suit the purchaser, provided I can get near the value of them.” Noting that the tenants at their meeting with GW in September 1784 had chosen litigation instead of accepting his offer of twenty-five shillings per acre, “they must give more now if I oust

them.” The nisi prius court, presided over by Pennsylvania Supreme Court justice Thomas McKean who was riding circuit, was set to try the case of Washington v. James Scott et al. at its September 1786 session in Washington County, with Hugh Henry Brackenridge appearing for the settlers. GW had hoped to attend but a brief illness prevented it.
The ejectment cases were heard on 24, 25, and 26 October 1786, after which Smith wrote: “I have the very great pleasure to inform you that Verdicts have been given in your favour in every one of them.” Smith, having decided that James Scott was the leader of the settlers, had arranged for Scott’s case to come up first. Each of the plaintiffs insisted on having his turn in court. Indeed, Smith wrote, “each would have demanded a separate trial; but as I had consolidated the Ejectments against these Dependants, they were obliged to try them all together, & the trial did not last long.” Many of the jurors, he was convinced, would have preferred to find for the defendants. Smith’s astute maneuvers in jury selection had aided GW’s cause, which was also immeasurably strengthened by Thomas McKean’s refusal to allow the question of improvements on the land to be entered as evidence in the proceedings. Though elated at his victory, Smith retained a certain sympathy for the settlers: “I believe that the Defendants in the Ejectments will be with you soon (to) endeavour to do what they ought to have done when you made them the Offer—I verily believe that it was more their misfortune than their fault that they then rejected it. You have now thirteen Plantations—some of them well improved—I take it for granted that the improvements increase the value of the Land much more than all the expences of the Ejectments—those who mad[e] them are now reduced to indigence—they have put in Crops this season, which are now in the ground—they wish to be permitted to take the grain away—to give this hint may be improper in me—to say more would be presumptuous.”
GW could now afford to be magnanimous. He wrote George McCarmick in November: “Altho’ those people have little right to look to me for favor or indulgences, & were told, if they run me to the expence of a Law suit, that they were not to expect any; yet as they are now in my power, it is not my wish to intention to distress them more than the recovery of my property obliges. They may therefore continue on their respective places either as Tenants at an equitable rent which shall be deemed reasonable between man & man, or as purchasers, if the terms can be agreed on between us.” In the end GW also allowed the tenants credit for part of their crops but not for the improvements they had made.

      During the 1790s GW continued to lease his Millers Run lands to new tenants, but difficulties in securing dependable agents and his growing conviction that distant land was “attended more with plague than profit” led him by 1794 to offer his Millers Run land for sale at four dollars an acre. In 1796 he sold the land to Col. Matthew Ritchie. Unlike some of the purchasers of GW’s other land, Ritchie made prompt payments. After Ritchie’s death in February 1798, considerable contention arose between GW and Ritchie’s executors relating to payments and other matters concerning the land, and at the time of GW’s death in December 1799 there were still payments due on the Millers Run land.


Title: To George Washington from James Keith, 10 February 1785
From: Keith, James
To: Washington, George

Sir
New York 10th Feby 1785

Your Excellency will remember in Octr 1782 I was tried upon the following charges (Viz.) 1st for presuming “to detach a party of armed Men from the Garrison of West Point, without the consent or knowledge of the Commandant, and putting them under the direction of a person who was not an Officer; to the prejudice of good Order and Military discipline. 2d For a palpable contempt and disobedience of General Orders; having connived at, and assisted in the pernicious and illicit intercourse of traffic with the Enemy, by furnishing Joseph Brown with a Military Guard, which he made use of for the protection of Stores and merchandize brought from within the Enemy’s lines;” Putting the Guard under the direction of a person who was not an Officer was the only part of the Charge of which I was found guilty; but such were the Clammours of the People, at that time, against the injurious practice of bringing goods from New York, that policy made it necessary to mark for a Victim the man, who first should be found in any degree, to have encouraged it. Appearances being suspicious, the censure of the Court Martial fell heavily upon me.
Although from the complexion of the whole case, one would naturally be induced to draw the most unfavorable conclusions respecting my intentions; yet with the utmost sincerity, I now Assure your Excellency (and appeal to that great being who knows the heart, as a Witness to the truth of the Assertion) that I had not, at the time, the most distant Idea, that the Stores and Merchandize, mentioned above, were of the contraband kind—they were reported to me to consist of boots, Shoes, and other Articles, of which I knew both officers & men stood in the greatest need; and considering the pressing wants of the Army, I conceived myself not only authorised, but in duty bound, to give them every protection in my power, under these impressions, I was incausiously led, for the greater security of the goods, to leave the Guard to the direction of the Owner of them. and however unwarrantable, or even Criminal, this measure might, at that time, appear; or with what degree of severity soever a military tribunal might have animadverted upon it, I am persuaded, from the tenderness shown by your Excellency to Officers who have been rather unfortunate than base, that I

should have been treated as a Subject of pardon, had not policy dictated the impropriety of the Grant.
I have therefore to solicit (as no evils can now result from the indulgence) that, should your Excellency be convinced that my Misfortune arose rather from inadvertence than foul design, and that the Claims of Justice are satisfied, you would condescend so far as to signify it by a line—this will wipe the reproach from my name—cheer the hearts of an indigent tho’ innocent family—replace me in the Esteem of my Countrymen, and, by recommending me to the Compassion of Congress, may, possibly prove a means of procuring those emoluments, to which, after more than seven Years hard Service, I conceive myself justly Entitled.
The papers accompanying this Address, as they speak the sentiments of a number of Gentlemen who from a long and intimate Acquaintance are best able to decide the motives of my Conduct, I beg leave to submit to your Excellency’s perusal.
Conscious I am that the freedom with which I have intruded upon your Excellency’s retirement needs more than an appology—If a regard for my own quiet and a future wellfare of those with whom I am Connected by the dearest & most tender Affections have tempted me to the Commission of a second Offence, I have only to rely on your Excellency’s goodness to pardon, what your nobility of Mind must forbid you to censure as a fault. I have the Honour to be With the most perfect Respect Your Excellency’s most Obedient and Most Humbe Servt

James Keith


Title: To George Washington from La Luzerne, 15 February 1785
From: La Luzerne, Anne-César, chevalier de
To: Washington, George

Sir.
Paris February 15th 1785.

The Marquis de la Fayette has delivered to me the letters of your Excellency and I am extreemely flattered by this mark of your attention and of your remembrance. I have executed your commissions near his Majesty and the Royal family, and the King is concerned that your domestic affairs deprive him of the satisfaction to see a man, whose talents and virtues have procured the hapiness of his Country and excited the admiration of all others.
I thank You heartily for the news, your Excellency has been pleased to give me of America. The present excellent formation of Congress gives me great hopes that the public debt will be secured and that all the other branches of administration will take a more regular form. A nation, which has done so great things, as Yours, during ten years, is expected to crown their atchievements by acts of justice. This qualification is so common in America that I am persuaded it’s voice will be heared in all your assemblies and America will be at last as just in time of peace as it has been patient and brave during the War.
Since my arrival in Europe the different cabinets have been much agitated; the Emperor has produced some pretentions against holland which are not yet adjusted. He has likewise manifested a desire to annex the Dutchy of Bavaria to his Dominions and to cede by way of Exchange to the Elector the Austrian possessions in the Netherlands. This arrangement seems to displease very much to the different military powers in Europe. Preparations of War are going on at Vienna, at Berlin, in holland and in France. It is however very probable that the War will not take place in the course of this year; but a general flame is certainly very near to break out & tho’ France and England be very far from wishing for War it will be very difficult to prevent the troubles of Germany if the Emperor does not of his own accord give up his pretentions. The Imperial Court seems to be intimately united with that of Russia; two powers rich in ressources

and full of ambition; and as they are not happy enough to have, like America, at their head a man, who prefers the welfare of Mankind to his private advantage, there are great aprehensions of a general War in Europe. The events of it will be read by your Excellency in your retreat with a small degree of satisfaction, for you will observe that far from giving liberty to some nation this War will only serve to encrease the miseries of several countries during many years.
I am very thankful for the interest you are pleased to take in my fate, which is not yet decided. If I was allowed to follow my own inclination I should wish to return to America and to be happy with my old friends; but a consequence of my profession is: to accept of the destination which is prescribed to me. Whatever it may be I shall never forget the attention and friendship of your Excellency. I beg you to continue in those sentiments and to honor me sometimes with your letters. With the most sincere and respectful attachment and acknowledgement I have the honor to be Sir your Excellency’s Most obedient and very humble Servant,

le che. de la luzerne


Title: To George Washington from Samuel Love, 15 February 1785
From: Love, Samuel
To: Washington, George

Sir
15th February 1785

My Brother Colo. Philip Love of botitourt Coty (formerly a Subaltern officer in the Maryland Troops in the time of the Last French and Indian war) on his way down this winter to visit us, Lodged with Colo. Thomas Lewis of Augusta County—who inform’d him you was anxious to See or hear from Some person that Could give any acct of the distance navigation, and Situation of the Several water Courses and hights of Land from fort-Pitt to Lake arie—at his Request inclos’d is a Rough Ideal map of the water Courses &c. from fort-pitt to Lake arie —by which you will the better understand the description he gives of that part of the Country &c.—he Says that the alliganey River Continues nearly the Same width and depth as at pittsburg to the Mouth of French Creek—the distance 130 measured miles—to

Vinago a french fort thereon, from thence as the Road goes Sundry times Crossing French-Creek to Fort Lebeuff near a small Lake of the Same name, from which french Creek has its Source, is about 40 miles—from thence to the French fort on Lake Arie 15 Miles—that, there is a very wide Swamp or Readier Morass with a Small Stream of water Runing through the middle Cover’d all over with what they Call White Pine of an amazing Size and So very thick Set, that the Sun is hid at noon day—the Rise and Extent of this morass is unknown to him but is Some where beyond Lake arie and has its direction by that Lake (on the westward) at the distance of about a mile, and from thence Runs in a pretty Straight direction and falls into French Creek about 5 or 6 miles below fort-Lebeuff—the banks of the Lake my brother Say’s are on that Quarter appearantly very high Except at the French fort and there he thinks they are not more than 8 or 10 feet from the Surface of the water to the top of the bank—from which the ground gradually descends to the morass above mention’d the distance about a mile or at the most not more than 1–[1]/2 miles—in his opinion the Surface of the Swamp Lays Several feet below the Level Surface of the water in the Lake—and thinks that if it was not for the Large and thick groth of pine in the Swamp—that if the water was let out of the Lakes it would of it Self Shortly make a passage for battows to French Creek. the ground all the way is very boggey and deep, So Soft that the French were obliged to Cossway the Road—from the enterance of the morass near Lake arie to fort Lebeuff for the Conveniance of Carriages and indeed Could no[t] now travel without, from fort to fort—but to Return to French Creek—my Brother Says he was Station’d at fort Lebeuff in fall 1760—and Continued till the Spring 1761—that he frequently visited the garrison wc. Likewise keept at the french fort on the Lake—by which he Came acquainted with the Situation of both places that at the time he took possession of fort Lebeuff there was a number of Large battows there nearly finished by the French (as they Supposed with which to Retake fort-pitt[)]—he Says, the French Creek is from Sixty to Eighty yards wide and a great part of the way deep water, yet there is Such a number of very Sharp turns and Shoales in it that it [is] not possible to Carry a vessel of burden down but in a high fresh and then very dificult on Some of the Shoales and

points—the Creek is Remarkably Crooked and formes a number of horse Shoes which in Circumferance are five or Six miles and not more in many places then half a mile aCross from point to point—the french Left Likewise Several thousand feet of plank at Lebeuff which our people floated down with Some deficultly to Vinango—thus Sir, I have given you the best description of that part of the Country I Could from the notes my Brother Left with me. he Express’d a great desire to wait on you himself for the purpose: but time would not permit—he will be down again next fall if nothing prevents—and if you think to Converse with him will be more Satisfactory. he will then wait on you—in the mean time, if this Imperfect information will be of any Service to you it will give pleasure both to him and me—am with high Esteem and all due Respect Sir Your Most Hble Servt

Saml Love


Title: To George Washington from Hugh Williamson, 19 February 1785
From: Williamson, Hugh
To: Washington, George

Sir
New York 19th Feby 1785

Application has been made to Congress lately by James McMechen who is connected with James Rumsey of Virga in the newly invented Machinery for pressing Boats through the Water. Mr McMechen has laid before the Committee, to whom his Memorial was refer’d, a Certificate that you was pleas’d to give him respecting the Invention. We observe your Opinion that “He has discovered the Art of working Boats by Mechanism and small manual Assistance against rapid Currents.”
Though this Opinion is clearly in favour of the Invention the Committee have great Doubts whether Mr McMechen has interpreted it fairly. He says that his Boat will by means of the Machinery and without any manual assistance ascend a rapid Stream and that the small manual assistance which you mention refers only to working the Boat in dead Water. If this is true the motion of the Boat depends on the adverse motion of the Stream and it’s Speed must be as the Resistance. The Committee

would have presumed that the Progress of the Boat depended on the Mechanism, which being well contrived; the Boat with few Hands or with little force would go much faster either in a Current or in dead water than by help of any former Invention. But if it is true, as Mr McMechen alledges, that the Boat is forwarded by the Opposition of the Stream & that against swift Streams it does not even require the aid of manual Assistance the Case is essentially different and the Discovery extremely important.
Mr McMechen we find expects a Patent for the Invention from the Legislatures of the several States, but he further requests that Congress would give him a large Tract of Land in consideration of the Benefit which the western Country must receive from his Boat. Certainly an Improvement so well calculated to promote Commerce and Agriculture as Mr McMechen supposes his Boat, ought to be liberally encouraged but we fear that he colours too high, mistakes the Facts or miss-represents them.
It is with much Reluctance I give you any Trouble on this subject but being very desirous to know in what Rank this Improvement should be placed I am to request your Opinion on this Position that the Boat stems the Current and requires least manual help where the opposite Stream is most swift, for such Powers does he ascribe to his Boat.
You have probably heard some Time since that the Indian Commissioners have finished the second Treaty. The last was held with the Wiandot Delaware, Chippawa and Ottawa Nations. The Shawnees did not attend.
It is difficult even at this Hour to say how much Land is purchased for the Use of the United States. By the first Treaty the six Nations ceded all to the Westward of a certain Line, say to the west of Pensylvania. By the second Treaty the Indians first mentionned have reserved a Quadrangular Piece of Land viz.
Beginning at the Mouth of Cayahoga thence up the River to the Portage to the Tuscarawas Branch of Muskingum, then down that Branch to the Forks above Fort Lawrence, then West to the Portage of big Miami which runs into the Ohio, then along the Portage to the great Miami or Omai, thence down to its Mouth, thence along the south Shore of L. Erie to the Mouth of Cayahoga. Those Indians cede all to the East, South & West of the reserved Tract. Probably there may be 12 or 14

millions of Acres clear of any interfering Claims of Indians to the West or North. I presume Congress will soon try whether they can agree on the best mode of sinking Part of their Debt by this Land. I have the Honor to be with the utmost Regard Sir Your obedt hble Servt

Hu. Williamson


Title: To George Washington from Frederick Weissenfels, 21 February 1785
From: Weissenfels, Frederick
To: Washington, George

Sir:
New York Febr: 21st 1785.

When I had the honor to be under your Comand, my Sufferings, were alleviated in your presence, I underwent the Fatigues of the different Campaingns with Pleasure, and when finished I returned with my Numerous Family to the Cottage, not without Some hopes, of being rewarded by my Country but my reward proved paper Notes Which from necessity of my Family I am obliged to Sell at 2/6 for Every 20/. What litle I had before I entered in the Service, I Spent during the Contest; I have been an inhabitant of this State for upwards of 20 Years, no notice is taken of me, and I have reason to believe by Cause I am a foringner, with patience I have borne this neglect. I now take Shelter under your Exellencys Pattronage and take the liberty to ask for no more then a Letter of recomendation, Such as your Exellency thinks propre to bestow on my Military Character, and perhaps abilietys, in ordre that I may awaile mySelf of the Bounty Congress has been pleased to grant to foringn Officers, Which will Ennable me, to offer my Services Elsewhere, I wass bred to a Militairy life from my infancy, in that Employ I probable muss End my Days, and Which is infinitely more desirable then to linger out a life of Neglect and disappointment.
I flatter my Self, Sir, you will pardon the liberty I have taken,

and permit me with the Sincerest Esteem and respect to be Your Exellencys Most obiedient Humble Servant

Fredr. Weissenfels

I have to produce ample testimonials that I have Served in my Early days in the Prussian army and the States of Holland, from the latter, I Entered the last French Warr in the Brittish army and Came to this Country as a Comissiond officer. F:W:


Title: From George Washington to James Rumsey, 22 February 1785 [letter not found]
From: Washington, George
To: Rumsey, James

Letter not found: to James Rumsey, 22 Feb. 1785. On 10 Mar. Rumsey wrote to GW: “Your favour of the 22d Ultimo has Just Came to hand.”


Title: To George Washington from Josiah Parker, 24–28 February 1785
From: Parker, Josiah
To: Washington, George

Portsmouth [Va.] February 24[–28]th 1785.

I feel myself much honored with your very friendly polite letter of the 6th Ultimo, which by some means or other did not reach me untill the 10th Instant. About the 1st I sent to Richmond by my deputy a letter to my care from your Nephew to you. this letter was put into the post office at Richmond, but least it should miscarry I have the pleasure to inform you that about the middle of December he was at Turks Island on his way to Charles Town and much on the recovery. next Saturday I am to have your acorns from Princess Anne and some of the honey Suckles if to be found, but as it is not an evergreen it may be difficult now to procure, but as the Mistake if any will be of so little consequence I have requested my friends Colo. Thorowgood & Willoughby to send those supposed to be the Honey Suckle which probably may be the wild Jessamine, both of which I think beautifull; some of my friends indeed I myself have some very good grape vines. It is not known by me if you have those things in abundance with you or not. The Live oak if

it will live with you at all must be in your most sandy soil. & the Jessamines & Honey Suckles in the most swampy.
The mode you have adopted for the remainder of your days are I think the most agreable you could fix on. nothing can be so delightfull to a great mind, as mixing in the most agreable walks of Nature richly cultivated by art; and so deranged as to have the most chosen of our heavenly beauties all arranged & mixed in pleaseing variety in one field, it is indeed my dear sir a paradise, and my ardent wish is that you may live to make one of your own in this world and that you will meet an everlasting one hereafter I doubt not. should it so happen that I could add any thing to the field it will add to my pleasure on every reflection; was our old friend Colo. Tayloe alive he would feel himself happy in your retirement and would add every thing to your happiness in his power.
The vessell that carries this was ordered of very suddenly or the acorns &c. would have accompanied this, the next opportunity to Alexandria will certainly carry them if any time in March, but Should it so happen that no other goes, the vines as well as the Shrubs shall be conveyed in the fall, and in the course of the summer I shall make every enquiry into the vegetable fields that can be procured.
Every body here expresses there great desire to see you at this place and I flatter them it is probable you will feel an inclination in the spring to visit this part of the state. I can assure you there is no people more gratefull for your Services, or who would be more happy in convincing you of it than the citizens of the lower Counties, with every wish sir for your happiness, I do myself the honor and pleasure of writeing myself your obliged very humble servant

J: Parker

Since writeing Colo. Willoughby has sent me up a box which accompanies this and is forwarded by Dear Sir your obliged friend & humble servt J: Parker
Portsmouth Feby 28th 1785


Title: To George Washington from Rochambeau, 24 February 1785
From: Rochambeau, Jean-Baptiste Donatien de Vimeur, comte de
To: Washington, George

My Dear Général
Paris february the 24th 1785.

I have Received by the Marquis de la fayette’s hands the two letters wherewith you have honoured me on August the 20th and November the 25th ultimate, you may believe that Since his coming-back you are the main subject of our conversations. I have been ravished to Learn that you Was Philosophically Enjoying of the glory and of the Général consideration that the part which you had in the most memorable revolution during Eight years, has So rightfully deserved to you from all your countrymen and from all the universe.
We have here Some Storms which rumble about our heads, and yet, I do not believe that the navigation of the Escaut’s river will bring us to war, and I believe that this navigation’s quarral Will be sooner Settled than your pretentions against the Spanish on that of Mississipius.
as Soon as the Shores of the oyo will be peopled, that the Lands will be covered with harvest, the opening of this Wares will Engage your countrymen to force the barriers that the Spanishs lay on their territory to all Strange nations—I am Very Sorry that Mr Le Jay has not Settled this affair before his disparture. there were Some Conferences about it, and I was told, may be wrongfully, that the americans had been too Stiff. this affair cannot be conciliated but by a Convention of trade to the advantage of the two Neighbouring nations, which prevents every wrong use.
a Gread affair which threatens us here of War more than any other, it is the Succession of Bavaria circle, that the Emperor

has an unmeasurable mind of joining to his other States, whether by Exchange or by any other Way, it is believed that the King of Prussia, and the other Sovereign States thire, will not Suffer that the Emperor increase So considerably his territorialy Dominion. The Elector of Bavaria is devoted to him and hates the Duc des Deux Ponts his natural inheriter. but the King of Prussia, but the Empire, but the Greatest part of Europe do not thing the Same.
my respects I beseech you, my Dear Général, to M[adam]e Washington and to all your familly, M[adam]e de Rochambeau and the mine give thousand Compliments, the most Sincere, to you, and take part as much as me to your happiness and to all What can Satisfy you. I am with respect and the most inviolable attachment my Dear Général Your most obediént and very humble servant.

le cte de rochambeau


Title: From George Washington to Thomas Jefferson, 25 February 1785
From: Washington, George
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir,
Mount Vernon 25th Feb. 1785

I had the pleasure to find by the public Gazettes that your passage to France had been short, and pleasant. I have no doubt but that your reception at the Court has been equally polite, & agreeable.
I have the honor to inclose you the copy of an Act which passed the Assemblies of Virginia and Maryland at the close of their respective Sessions; about the first of last month. The circumstances of these States, it is said, would not enable them to take the matter up, altogether, on public ground; but they have granted at the joint and equal expence of the two, 6666⅔ dollars for the purpose of opening a road of communication between the highest navigation of the Potomac, & the river Cheat; and have concurred in an application to the State of Pensylvania for leave to open another road from Fort Cumberland or Wills Creek, to the Yohiogany, at the three forks, or Turkey foot.
Besides these Joint Acts of the States of Virginia & Maryland the former has passed a similar law respecting the navigation of James River, and its communication with the Greenbrier; and

have authorized the Executive to appoint Commissioners, who shall carefully examine & fix on the most convenient course for a Canal from the Waters of Elizabeth River in this State, to those passing through the State of North Carolina; and report their proceedings therein, with an estimate of the expence necessary for opening the Same, to the next General Assembly; and in case they shall find that, the best course for such canal, will require the concurrence of the s[t]ate of North Carolina in the opening thereof, they are further authorized & instructed to signify the same to the said State, and to concert with any person or persons who may be appointed on the part thereof, the most convenient and equitable plan for the execution of such work; & to report the result to the General Assembly.
With what Success the Books will be opened, I cannot, at this early stage of the business, inform you; in general the friends of the measure are better stocked with good wishes than money; the former of which unfortunately, goes but a little way in works where the latter is necessary, and is not to be had. and yet, if this matter could be well understood, it should seem that, there would be no deficiency of the latter, any more than of the former; for certain I am, there is no speculation of which I have an idea, that will ensure such certain & ample returns of the money advanced, with a great, and encreasing interest, as the tolls arising from these navigations; the accomplishment of which, if funds can be obtained, admits of no more doubt in my mind, under proper direction, than that a ship with skilful Mariners can be carried from hence to Europe. What a misfortune therefore would it be, if a project which is big with such great political consequences—commercial advantages—and which might be made so productive to private adventurers should miscarry; either from the inability of the two States to execute it, at the public expence, or for want of means, or the want of spirit or foresight to use them, in their citizens.
Supposing a danger of this, do you think, Sir, the monied men of France, Holland, England or any other Country with which you may have intercourse, might be induced to become adventurers in the Scheme? Or if from the remoteness of the object, this should appear ineligable to them, would they incline to lend money to one, or both of these States, if their should be a disposition in them to borrow, for this purpose? Or, to one or

more individuals in them, who are able, & would give sufficient security for the repayment? At what interest, and on what conditions respecting time, payment of interest, &ca could it be obtained?
I foresee such extensive political consequences depending on the navigation of these two rivers, & communicating them by short & easy roads with the waters of the western territory, that I am pained by every doubt of obtaining the means for their accomplishment: for this reason, I also wish you would be so obliging as to direct your enquiries after one or more characters who have skill in this kind of work; that if Companies should be incorporated under the present Acts, and should incline to send to France, or England for an Engineer, or Man of practical knowledge in these kind of works, there may be a clue to the application. You will perceive tho’, my dear Sir, that no engagement, obligatory or honorary can be entered into at this time, because no person can answer for the determination of the Companies, admitting their formation.
As I have accustomed myself to communicate matters of difficulty to you, & have met forgiveness for it, I will take the liberty, my good Sir, of troubling you with the rehearsal of one more, which has lately occurred to me.
Among the Laws of the last Session of our Assembly, there is an Act which particularly respects myself; and tho’ very flattering, is also very embarrassing to me. This Act, after honorable, flattering and delicate recitals, directs the treasurer of the State to Subscribe towards each of the Navigations fifty Shares for my use & benefit; which it declares, is to be vested in me & my heirs forever. It has ever been my wish, & it is yet my intention, never to receive any thing from the United States, or any individual State for any Services I have hitherto rendered, or which in the course of events, I may have it in my power to render them hereafter as it is not my design to accept of any appointment from the public, which might make emoluments necessary: but how to decline this act of generosity without incurring the imputation of disrespect to my Country, & a slight of her favors on the one hand, or that of pride, & an ostentatious display of disinterestedness on the other, is the difficulty. As none of these have an existence in my breast, I should be sorry, if any of them should be imputed to me. The Assembly, as if determined that

I should not act from the first impulse, made this the last act of their Session; without my having the smallest intimation or suspicion of their generous intention. As our Assembly is now to be holden once a year only, I shall have time to hit upon some expedient that will enable me to endulge the bent of my own inclination, without incurring any of the imputations before mentioned; and of hearing the sentiments of my friends upon the subject; than whose, none would be more acceptable than yours.
Your friends in our Assembly have been able to give you so much better information of what has passed there, & of the general state of matters in this Commonwealth, that a repetition from me is altogether unnecessary, & might be imperfect.
If we are to credit Newspaper Accts the flames of War are again kindled, or are about to be so, in Europe—None of the sparks, it is to be hoped will cross the Atlantic and touch the inflameable matter in these States—I pray you to believe that with sentiments of sincere esteem & regard I have the honor to be Dr Sir—Yr Most Obedt Hble Servt

Go: Washington


Title: To George Washington from Joseph Dashiell, 26 February 1785
From: Dashiell, Joseph
To: Washington, George

Sir
Worcester County Maryland Feby 26th 178⟨5⟩

In consequence of my promise when at Annapolis I have the Honour to inform you that the price of Lumber is much Higher with us this winter than usual, On acct its being remarkably

dry, Many of our Mills not having water to cut more than half their usual quantity: shingles appear to be (from reasons I cannot account for) kept up in Proportion with plank.
I have thought proper to Insert the prices current at this time, for the articles inserted below.
If you should stand in need of any of the Articles here Mentioned, and cannot furnish them on better terms shall be glad to serve you, in forwarding a complyance with Any Bill you may send over. I am Dear Sir with much Esteem your Very Hubl. Servt

Joseph Dashiell


Title: From George Washington to George William Fairfax, 27 February 1785
From: Washington, George
To: Fairfax, George William

My Dr Sir,
Mount Vernon 27th Feby 1785.

In a letter of old date, but lately received, from the Countess of Huntington, she refers me to a letter which her Ladyship says you obligingly undertook to forward to me: never having received one from her to the purport she mentions, there can be no doubt but that this letter with your cover to it, have met the fate of some of mine to you; as I have wrote several within the last twelve or eighteen months, without any acknowledgement of them from you.

The only letters I recollect to have received from you since my retirement are dated the 9th of Decr 1783, and 10th of June 1784. the first, relates to the heir of Mr Bristow—the second, to a case with pictures, which you were so obliging as to commit to the care of the revd Mr Bracken; & which has not yet got to hand. In Novr last at richmond, I happened in company with this gentleman who told me it was then in his possession at Wmsburgh, and that it should be forwarded by the first safe conveyance to this place—for your kind & polite attention in this matter, I pray you to receive my sincere thanks.
As soon as your letter of the 9th of Decr, abovementioned (accompanied by one from Mrs Bristow, & the memorial from the Executors of the Will of her deceased husband) came to my hands, I transmitted them to the Govr, who laid them before the Assembly which was then sitting; but what the result of it was, I have never yet heard, precisely. The case was involved in the general confiscation of British property, which makes discrimination difficult —How far the Law on national ground is just—or the expediency of it in the political scale, Wise & proper, I will not undertake to determine; but of this I am well convinced, that the most wretched management of the sales has pervaded every State; without, I believe a single exception in favor of any one of them.
I cannot at this moment recur to the contents of those letters of mine to you which I suspect have miscarried; further than that they were all expressive of an earnest wish to see you & Mrs Fairfax once more fixed in this country; & to beg that you would consider Mt Vernon as your home until you could build with convenience—in which request Mrs Washington joins very sincerely.I never look towards Belvoir, without having this uppermost in my mind. But alas! Belvoir is no more! I took a ride there the other day to visit the ruins—& ruins indeed they are. The dwelling house & the two brick buildings in front, underwent the ravages of the fire; the walls of which are very much injured: the other Houses are sinking under the depredation of time & inattention, & I believe are now scarcely worth repairing. In a word, the whole are, or very soon will be a heap of ruin. When I viewed them—when I considered that the happiest moments of my life had been spent there—when I could

not trace a room in the house (now all rubbish) that did not bring to my mind the recollection of pleasing scenes; I was obliged to fly from them; & came home with painful sensations, & sorrowing for the contrast—Mrs Morton still lives at your Barn quarters—The management of your business is entrusted to one Muse (son to a Colonel of that name, whom you cannot have forgotten)—he is, I am told, a very active & industrious man; but in what sort of order he has your Estate, I am unable to inform you, never having seen him since my return to Virginia.
It may be & I dare say is presumed that if I am not returned to my former habits of life, the change is to be ascribed to a preference of ease & indolence, to exercise & my wonted activity: But be assured my dear sir, that at no period of the War have I been obliged myself to go thro’ more drudgery in writing, or have suffered so much confinement to effect it, as since what is called my retirement to domestic ease & tranquillity. Strange as it may seem, it is nevertheless true—that I have been able since I came home, to give very little attention to my own concerns, or to those of others, with which I was entrusted—My accounts stand as I left them near ten years ago; those who owed me money, a very few instances excepted, availed themselves of what are called the tender Laws, & paid me off with a shilling & sixpence in the pound—Those to whom I owed I have now to pay under heavy taxes with specie, or its equivalent value. I do not mention these matters by way of complaint, but as an apology for not having rendered you a full & perfect statement of the Accot as it may stand between us, ’ere this. I allotted this Winter, supposing the drearyness of the season would afford me leisure to overhaul & adjust all my papers (which are in sad disorder, from the frequent hasty removals of them, from the reach of our transatlantic foes, when their Ships appeared): but I reckoned without my host; company, & a continual reference of old military matters, with which I ought to have no concerns; applications for certificates of service &c.—copies of orders & the Lord knows what besides—to which whether they are complied with or not, some response must be made, engross nearly my whole time. I am now endeavoring to get some person as a Secretary or Clerk to take the fatigueing part of this business off my hands—I have not yet succeeded,

but shall continue my enquiries ‘till one shall offer, properly recommended.
Nothing has occurred of late worth noticing, except the renewed attempts of the Assemblies of Virginia & Maryland to improve & extend the navigation of the river Potomac as far as it is practicable—& communicating it by good roads (at the joint & equal expence of the two States) with the waters of the amazing territory behind us—A copy of this Act (exactly similar in both States) I do myself the honor to enclose you. One similar to it passed the Legislature of this State for improving & extending the navigation of James river, & opening a good road between it & Green-briar. These acts were accompanied by another of the Virginia Assembly very flattering & honorable for me—not more so for the magnitude of the gift, than the avowed gratitude, & delicacy of its expression, in the recital to it—The purport of it is, to vest 100 shares (50 in each navigation) in me & my heirs forever. But it is not my intention to accept of it; altho’, were I otherwise disposed, I should consider it as the foundation of the greatest & most certain income that the like sum can produce in any speculation whatever. So certain is the accomplishment of the work, if the sum proposed should be raised to carry it on—& so inconceivably will the tolls increase by the accumulating produce which will be water borne on the navigation of these two rivers; which penetrate so far & communicate so nearly, with the navigable waters to the Westward.
At the same time that I determine not to accept the generous & gratuitous offer of my Country, I am at a loss in what manner to decline it, without an apparent slight or disrespect to the Assembly on the one hand, or exposing myself to the imputation of pride, or an ostentatious display of disinterestedness on the other—neither have an existence in my breast, & neither would I wish to have ascribed to me. I shall have time however to think of the matter, before the next session; for as if it was meant that I should have no opportunity to decline the offer at the last, it was the closing act thereof, without any previous intimation, or suspicion in my mind, of the intention. Admitting that Companies should be incorporated for the purposes mentioned in the Act, do you conceive my good Sir, that a person perfectly skilled in works of this sort, could be readily obtained from England? and upon what terms?

It is unnecessary I persuade myself, to use arguments to convince Mrs Fairfax & yourself, of the sincere regard & attachment & affection Mrs Washington and I have for you both, or to assure you how much, I am, My Dr Sir &c. &c.

G: Washington

P.S. Do you think it would be in your power, with ease & convenience, to procure for me, a male & female Deer or two. the cost of transportation I would gladly be at. If I should ever get relieved from the drudgery of the pen, it would be my wish to engage in these kind of rural amusements—raising of shrubberies &c. After what I have said in the body of this letter, I will not trouble you with an apology for such a scrawl as it now exhibits—You must receive it, my good Sir, as we have done better things—better for worse. G.Wn


Title: From George Washington to the Countess of Huntingdon, 27 February 1785
From: Washington, George
To: Huntingdon, Selina Hastings, countess of

My Lady,
Mount Vernon 27th Feby 1785.

The very polite & obliging letter which you did me the honor to write to me on the 8th of April by Sir James Jay, never came to my hands until the 17th of last month; & is the best apology I can make for a silence, which might otherwise appear inattentive, if not disrespectful, to a correspondence which does me much honor.
The other letter which your Ladyship refers to, as having passed thro’ the medium of our good friend Mr Fairfax—has never yet appeared; & it is matter of great regret, that letters are so often intercepted by negligence, curiosity or motives still more unworthy. I am persuaded that some of my letters to Mr Fairfax, as well as his (covering your Ladyships) to me, have miscarried, as I have never received an acknowledgment of some of mine to him, tho’ long since written.
With respect to your humane & benevolent intentions towards the Indians; & the plan which your Ladyship has adopted to carry them into effect, they meet my highest approbation; & I should be very happy to find every possible encouragement given to them. It has ever been my opinion, since I have had opportunities to observe, & to reflect upon the ignorance, indolence & general pursuits of the Indians, that all attempts to reclaim, & introduce any system of religeon or morallity among them, would prove fruitless, until they could be first brought into a state of greater civilization; at least that this attempt should accompany the other—& be enforced by example: & I am happy to find that it is made the ground work of your Ladyships plan.
With respect to the other parts of the plan, & the prospect of obtaining Lands for the Emigrants who are to be the instruments employed in the execution of it; my letter to Sir James Jay in answer to his to me on this subject, will convey every information,

which is in my power, at this time to give your Ladyship; & therefore I take the liberty of enclosing a transcript of it. Agreeably to the assurance given in it, I have written fully to the President of Congress, with whom I have a particular intimacy, and transmitted copies of your Ladyships plan, addresses & letter to the several States therein mentioned, with my approving sentiments thereon. I have informed him, that tho’ it comes to him as a private letter from me; it is nevertheless optional in him to make it a matter of private communication to the members individually, or officially to Congress, as his judgment shall dictate; giving it as my opinion, among other reasons, that I did not belive since the cession of Lands by individual States to the United States, any one of them (except New York) was in circumstances, however well inclined it might be, to carry your Ladyships plan into effect.
What may be the result of your Ladyships Addresses to the States of North Carolina, Virginia, Pennsylvania and New York, individually; or of my statemt of the matter in a friendly way to the President of Congress for the united deliberaion of the whole—is not for me to anticipate, even were I acquainted with their sentiments. I have already observed, that neither of the States (unless Nw York may be in circumstances to do it) can in my opinion furnish good Lands in a body for such emigrants as your Ladyship seems inclin’d to provide for. That Congress can, if the treaty which is now depending with the Western Indians should terminate favourably & a cession of Lands be obtained from them, which I presume is one object for holding it, is certain; & unless the reasons which I have mentioned in my letter to Sir James Jay should be a let or bar, I have not a doubt but that they would do it; in which case, any quantity of Land (within such cession or purchase) might be obtained. If, ultimately, success should not attend any of these applications, I submit as a dernier resort, for your Ladyships information & consideration, a Gazette containing the terms upon which I have offered several tracts of Land (the quantity of which is since encreased) of my own in that country, & which lie as convenient to the Western Tribes of Indians, as any in that territory (appertaining to an individual State)—as your Ladyship may perceive by having recourse to Hutchens’s[,] Evans’s, or any other map of that Country, and comparing the descriptive

Lands therewith; & being informed that Virginia has ceded all her claim to lands No. West of the Ohio, to the United States—& that the Western boundary of Pennsylvania is terminated by a meredian which crosses the river but a little distance from Fort Pitt.
It will appear evident, from the date of my publication, that I could not at the time it was promulgated, have had an eye to your Ladyships plan of emigration; and I earnestly pray that my communication of the matter at this time, may receive no other interpretation than what is really meant—that is, a last (if it should be thought an eligible) resort.
I have no doubt but that Lands, if to be had at all, may be obtained from the United States, or an individual State, upon easier terms than those upon which I have offered mine; but being equally persuaded that these of mine, from their situation & other local advantages, are worth what I ask, I should not incline to take less for them, unless the whole by good & responsible characters (after an agent in their behalf had previously examined into the quality & conveniency of the land) should be engaged upon either of the tenures that are published; especially as these Lands, from their particular situation, must become exceedingly valuable, by the Laws which have just passed the Assemblies of Virginia & Maryland for improving and extending the navigation of Potomac, as high as is practicable, & communicating it with the nearest western waters by good roads: & by the former assembly to do the same thing with James river, & the communication between it & the Great Kanhawa—by means of which the produce of the settlers on these Lands of mine, will come easily & cheaply to market. I am &c. &c. &c.

G: Washington


Title: To George Washington from Richard Henry Lee, 27 February 1785
From: Lee, Richard Henry
To: Washington, George

Dear Sir,
New York feby 27th 1785

I am now to thank you for the letter that you did me the honor to write to me on the 8th of this month, and which I received on the 17th with the enclosures.
Sir James Jay had mentioned the plan of Lady Huntingdon to me, previous to the receipt of your letter, and at the same time that your packet reached me, there came one to Congress from Governor Henry with her Ladyships letter and plan enclosed, which the Governor strongly recommended. It was presently observed that the terms upon which lands had been ceded to the United States did not leave it in the power of Congress to dispose of them for any purpose but for paying the debts of the public by a full and fair sale of all the ceded lands—It was indeed remarked, that those religious people whom her Ladyship had in prospect to transplant & fix on our frontier were remarkable in the late war for an unanimous and bitter enmity to the American cause, and as such might form a dangerous settlement at so great a distance, contiguous to the Indians, & easily accessible to Canada. Especially in the present very unfriendly temper of mind that we now suppose the British nation possesses with respect to us. It was therefore ordered that Governor Henry’s letter with the enclosures should be filed, but nothing more done in the affair —Finding this, I concluded it not necessary to shew your letter, either publickly or privately—I have therefore returned to you, Lady Huntingdon packet. It appears to me, that Georgia is the most likely State in the Union to close with her Ladyship, if the latter argument mentioned in Congress should not prevent it. I am sorry to hear that you are so interrupted by applications that ought not to be made—I hope however that you will not suffer them so to prevent your necessary exercise, as to injure your health.
The investigating and opening our western navigation is an object of great importance and well worthy of your patronage—I believe, as I hope, that it will be found by experience to be of great utility both to the public and to the private adventurers. Very little has yet been done in Congress respecting the Western Country—but a very full discussion of that business

will soon come on, when it is to be expected that our affairs in that quarter will be put under better regulations than hitherto they have been. The mischiefs that experience & reason both join in proving to flow from the Sessions of Congress being held in our large Citys, produced the necessity of determining on some place of easy retirement for the federal government, and the unhappy neglect of attendance on the part of the Southern States has furnished an opportunity for a Majority in Congress to fix on a spot too excentric—My wishes would have been to have gone further south, but of two evils it was best to choose the least, and therefore we thought it better to fix somewhere in retirement than to continue wandering, or to fix in the midst of dissipation.
We had but just determined upon sending a Minister to the Court of London (Mr John Adams) when this day 28th feby, we receive a letter from our Commissioners for making treaties &c. at Paris, the copy of a letter from the Duke of Dorset, Minister from London to Versailles, to our Ministers, in answer to a proposition from them for making a treaty of Commerce with G. Britain for settling other points of difficulty arising from the late peace—for which his Grace declares the determination of his Court to be ready to settle all these affairs upon terms of equal & lasting good to both countries whensoever the U. States shall send to their Court a Minister properly authorised for the business—This looks well at least—and we shall shortly make the experiment of their sincerity—The King of Prussia thinks that there will be no war between the Emperor & Holland, and indeed it does now seem probable that his judgement will prove right—I have sent the letter you committed to my care for the Marquis on to France by the packet. I have the honor to be, with the highest esteem and regard dear Sir Your most obedient & very humble servant

Richard Henry Lee


Title: From George Washington to Henry Knox, 28 February 1785
From: Washington, George
To: Knox, Henry

My Dear Sir,
Mount Vernon 28th Feby 1785

Your favor of the 31st Ulto came to my hands by the last Post. enclosed are letters under flying Seals to Count de Rochambeau & the Marqs de Chastellux (late Chevr) introductory of Mr Swan. also certificates for Lieutts Seaver & Henley. if these will answer the purposes designed, I shall think nothing of the trouble, but be happy in having given them.
Upon summing up the cost of my projected building in Alexandria, I found my finances not equal to the undertaking; & have thereupon suspended, if not altogether declined it. Notwithstanding, if any Vessel should be coming hither from that part of your state where the Limestone abounds, & where it is to be obtained at a low price, & would bring it at a low frieght, unburn’d: or if in this State it could be brought hither from Boston as Ballast, or at a low freight, I should be glad to get some; in either of these ways. I use a great deal of lime every

year, made of the Oyster shells, which, before they are burnt, cost me 25 a 30/ pr hundred Bushels; but it is of mean quality, which makes me desirous of trying Stone lime.
The Assemblies of Virginia & Maryland passed laws before their adjournment, for improving and extending the Navigation of this River as far as it shall be found practicable; a copy of which (for they are exactly the same in both States) I send you—they also gave a sum of money for the purpose of opening, & keeping in repair, a good road of communication between the Eastern & Western Waters. And this State passed a Similar Act respecting James River, & the Communication with Green Brier (a branch of the Great Kanhawa) which opens equally advantageously to another part of the Western territory; Shares in either or both of which, in my opinion, presents to monied men the most certain, & lucrative Speculation of any of wch I can have any idea.
The State of Virginia accompanied these proceedings with another Act, which particularly respected myself; & tho’ generous in the extreme, is rendered more valuable by the flattering, yet delicate expression of its recitals. It directs their Treasurer to subscribe for my use & benefit, one hundred Shares (50 in each Navigation); which it declares vested in me & my heirs for ever. But I can truly aver to you, my dear Sir, that this Act has given me more pain than pleasure—It never was my inclination—nor is it now my intention, to accept any thing pecuniary from the public: but how to decline this gift without appearing to slight the favors (which the assembly ascribe to a sense of gratitude) of my Country, and exhibiting ⟨an⟩ act of seeming disrespect to the Legislature on the one hand—or incurring ⟨the⟩ imputation of pride, or an ostentatious display of disinterestedness on the other, is my embarrassment: but I must endeavor to hit upon some expedient before the next Session (for I had not the smallest intimation of the matter before the rising of the last) to avoid any of these charges, and yet follow the bent of my wishes; which are to be as independent as the Air—I have no body to provide for, & I have enough to support me through life in the plain, & easy style in which I mean to spend the remainder of my days.
I thank you for the particular acct which you have given me of the different Rivers to which the British have given the names of St Croix—I shall be much mistaken if they do not in

other matters, as well as this, give us a good deal of trouble before we are done with them. and yet, it does not appear to me, that we have wisdom, or national policy enough to avert the evils which are impending—How should we, when contracted ideas, local pursuits, and absurd jealousy are continually leading us from those great & fundamental principles which are characteristic of wise and powerful Nations; & without which, we are no more than a rope of Sand, and shall as easily be broken.
In the course of your literary disputes at Boston (on the one side to drink Tea in Company, & to be social & gay—on the [other] to impose restraints which at no time ever were agreeable, & in these days of more liberty & endulgence, never will be submitted to) I perceive, & was most interested by something which was said respecting the composition for a public walk; which also appeared to be one of the exceptionable things. Now, as I am engaged in works of this kind, I would thank you, if there is any art in the preparation, to communicate it to me—whether designed for Carriages, or walking. My Gardens have gravel walks (as you possibly may recollect) in the usual Style, but if a better composition has been discovered for these, I should gladly adopt it. the matter however which I wish principally to be informed in, is, whether your walks are designed for Carriages, and if so, how they are prepared, to resist the impression of the wheels. I am making a Serpentine road to my door, & have doubts (which it may be in your power to remove) whether any thing short of solid pavement will answer.
Having received a letter from Majr Keith (dated at New York) and not knowing where to direct my answer, I take the liberty of putting it & the Papers wch it enclosed] under cover to you, as he was of the Massachusetts State, & I presume only came to New York on business. He is one, among numberless others, who want me to do inconsistent things, namely to annul—or rather do away, the effect of his Court Martial. The other letter for a Mr Palmer, be so good as to put into a channel for delivery.
Mrs Washington joins me in affectionate regards for Mrs Knox, and the rest of the Family, & I am My dear Sir, With great truth and sincerity—Yrs

Go: Washington


Title: To George Washington from Charles MacIver, February 1785
From: MacIver, Charles
To: Washington, George

May it please your Excellency
At the Printing-office in Alexandria [Va.][February 1785]

I presumed to do myself the Honour of writing you last November, on the first Prospect of Convalescence, after a lingering Illness. A few Weeks afterwards my Health was perfectly reestablished; in so much that I might have resumed my Business, or accepted more eligible Offers. But the Affair on which I wrote your Excellency lay so much at my Heart that I was unwilling to come under any permanent Engagements till I should hear from your Excellency. In such Circumstances, may I therefor hope that your Excellency will condescend to drop me a Line expressing your Opinion of the Practicability or Expedience of my Proposals. I am, very respectfully, Sir Your most devoted & humble Sert

Chas MacIver


Title: From George Washington to Matthew Campbell, 1 March 1785
From: Washington, George
To: Campbell, Matthew

Sir,
Mount Vernon [c.1] March 1785

You cannot be more concerned than I am at the misunderstanding respecting the plaister of Paris, but as I conceive you have been much imposed upon in the cost at New York, & in the freight of it to Virginia (for it certainly might have come as ballast)—and as your reduced price is far above what I ever had the smallest idea of giving by the quantity, it must await your order at my landing: or, as it was landed there from a want of that previous advice of the price which I expected, & which was to have determined me as to quantity—I will, if it is more

agreeable to you, send it to Alexa. to whomsoever you may direct. This is all Mr Graham’s letter (which I enclose for your satisfaction) required of me, if I did not like the price.
If Mr Graham did not tell me that you believed you could afford to take about ten Dollars per ton for it; I am more mistaken than I generally am in transactions of this sort. But as it was not my intention to give even this price by the quantity, I requested—& Mr G——m promised to let me know your lowest price & inform me thereof: this advice I expected by the Post, for I do not recollect to have heard that any was to be sent to Alexandria. I told Mr Gra[ha]m then, & I repeat it now, that for a small quantity merely for the purpose of experiment I should not regard the price: but to pay thirty odd pounds, & to be at the expence of preparing it by pulverization afterwards, is too costly an essay to satisfy my curiosity to discover whether it be a good manure or not.
You have been deceived too Sir by the person or persons, to whom you entrusted the measuring or weighing; for as soon as I return’d from Annapolis, I made my overseer, John Fairfax, weigh the whole very carefully, and it amounted to no more than 17,550 pounds, which he is ready to swear to—& this after a good deal of wet had fallen on it, part of which it must have imbibed; especially that part which was in powder in two large casks, & which I conceive must have lost all its virtue.
If you incline to let me have a small part of what was landed here, I should be glad to know it by return of the Post; as it must either be run thro’ a Mill (which I believe millers will hardly agree to) or be pounded by hand (which will be a tedious operation) before it can be used, & the season is at hand for spreading it on the ground. I will render an exact accot of every ounce I use, & you may charge what you think proper for it. I am &c.

G: Washington


Title: From George Washington to Charles MacIver, 1 March 1785
From: Washington, George
To: MacIver, Charles

Sir,
Mount Vernon 1st March 1785.

Whilst I was at Richmond in November last, I received a letter & extracts from you on the subject of emigration—It was put into my hands at a time when I was much engaged, accompanied by many other papers, which with them were put by & forgotten, until your second letter reminded me of them. As I do not clearly comprehend your plan, & if I did, as a discussion

of it by letter would be tedious & less satisfactory; if you will be at the trouble of calling upon me at any time when I am in Alexandria, or of riding down here; I will give you my sentiments with freedom & candour, when I more fully understand it. I am &c.

G: Washington


Title: To George Washington from Joseph Mandrillon, 1 March 1785 [letter not found]
From: Mandrillon, Joseph
To: Washington, George

Letter not found: from Joseph Mandrillon, 1 Mar. 1785. On 22 Aug. GW wrote Mandrillon: “I had the honor to receive your letter of the first of March.”


Title: To George Washington from Edward Newenham, 3 March 1785 [letter not found]
From: Newenham, Edward
To: Washington, George

Letter not found: from Edward Newenham, 3 Mar. 1785. GW wrote Newenham on 25 Nov.: “I have been favored with your letter of the 3d of March. . . .”


Title: To George Washington from John Boyle, Jr., 4 March 1785
From: Boyle, John Jr.
To: Washington, George

Sir
Richmond [Va.] 4th March 1785.

I have now the honour to forward your Excellency a Letter from my good friend Sir Edwd Newhenham, as also four small Packages for you, which were entrusted to my care by the same Gentleman—Upon my Arrival here I was inform’d you was gone with Le Marquis de Fayette to Annapolis, & I could not learn with any certainty how soon you might return to Mount Vernon, as it was my intention immediately upon my Arrival, to have done myself the honor of waiting upon your Excellency with the said Packages &c. I was at a loss what to do, the Ice blocked my Vessell up a considerable time in the river, & the danger of the Thaw’s made my Attendance there, absolutely necessary. So that ’tis only within these few days that I was inform’d of your Excellency’s return to Mount Vernon. I still intended to have done myself the pleasure of waiting upon you, but that the hurry of Business & having just parted with my Chief Mate, to go Master of another Vessell, made my stay here indispensably requisite. So that I hope your Excellency, will excuse this seeming inattention in me, & attribute it solely to the true cause which sprung from my desire of delivering them in person—His Excellency Govr Henry, having intimated that he

would forward them, I have accordingly given them into his hands for that purpose. Should your Excellency have any thing to forward to Sir Edwd Newenham or any other Gentleman in Ireland, shall be happy in being favor’d with your Commands, As I shall be ready to Sail about the 30th Inst. for Dublin, and have the honor to be with much respect, Your Excellency’s Most obedt hble servt

John Boyle Junr

P.S. You have also inclosed a Letter for Lady Washington, but I don’t know who it is from as it was put on board the Ship in my Absence.