Title: Report of Viewers of a Road in the Northern Liberties, [April 1745]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

[April 1745]

Joseph Fox & al.vsMary Ball
}
The Persons appointed to View and lay out a Road &ca. Report as followeth.

To the Honourable the Judges of the Supream Court of the Province of Pennsylvania now Sitting
Whereas by an Order of the Supream Court held at Philadelphia the Twenty fourth day of September last, We the Subscribers were appointed “To View a certain Road leading from a Dam across the Creek called Gunners Creek to the plantation lately in Possession of Joseph Lynn and Jeremiah Elfreth near the Mouth of Frankfort Creek and to lay out a Road there if we should See Occasion and to judge whether for Publick or Private use and to Examine thro’ whose Improved Lands the same should pass and the Value of such Improved Lands as shall be taken up for the Use of such Road and to Certify all our Proceedings therein to this Court.”
And we having pursuant to the said Order Carefully viewed the premises Do Report to this Court that We are of Opinion there is Occasion for a publick Road between the places aforesaid Begining at the Dam abovementioned and extending thence on the Land late of William Ball deceased North East One hundred and ten Perches thence on the same Land North Sixty one Degrees East Three hundred and Seventy one perches, thence continuing the last mentioned Course on the unimproved Lands of divers Persons Six hundred and Eighty four Perches to a Line dividing the Land of William Logan and Samuel Parr at Forty Perches distance on the said Line from the River Delaware. And we have accordingly laid out a Publick Road as the same is above Described (a Draught whereof is hereunto annexed). But as the said Road as far as it passes over the Land late of William Ball (tho’ hereafter it may be of great Advantage to that Land) will in the Present Circumstances of the Plantation and Possessors be a much greater Damage thereto than benefit to the publick; And as there is a private Road now Subsisting by Agreement thro’ the said Plantation, which if Established a Private Road by this Court may Accommodate Sufficiently well all Persons concerned for the Present: We therefore think the publick Road abovementioned need not be opened thro’ the same ’till the Youngest Children of the said William Ball become of Age; At which time also Judgment may be better made what Allowance should be given to that Estate for the Ground which such Road will take up.
The Private Road thro’ the said Plantation begins at the Dam afd [aforesaid], thence South Seventy two Degrees and a half, East Forty Six perches towards the River Delaware Thence North fifty Six Degrees East Forty six perches to a Small Walnut Tree, Thence North Fifty nine Degrees East Eighty Eight Perches to a place a little beyond the Widow Balls House Thence North fifty nine Degrees and a half East Seventy perches to a place called the Red Gate, And thence North fifty four Degrees and three Quarters East Two hundred and Fifty five Perches to the above Described Publick Road at Edward Warners Corners: which private Road we are of Opinion should Subsist no longer than until the Publick Road through the said Plantation is opened as abovesaid, but be then given up and abolished in favour of that Estate. Read and Confirmed by the Court.

Thos. Howard
John Stamper

Philip Syng
Samll. Burge

James Morris
B. Franklin


Title: Agreement about the Road, [April 1745]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

[April 1745]
Whereas we the Subscribers have by a Written Agreement dated the day of   17   made with the late William Ball deceased a Right to a certain private Road thro the said William Ball’s plantation beginning at a Dam over Gunner’s Run and extending to the Land belonging to Edward Warner. And whereas by an Order of the Supreme Court held at Philadelphia the 10 day of September last Benjamin Franklin  James Morris  Philip Syng  Thomas Howard  John Stamper and Samuel Burge or any four of them were Appointed to view and lay out a Road thro’ the said Plantation if they Saw Occasion and they have accordingly laid out a publick Road thro’ the same which is to be opened when the Children of the said Willm. Ball become of Age, provided the private Road now used to the said Edward Warner’s Land be then given up. We therefore who have by the above mentioned agreement a Right to the use of the said private Road, do hereby Agree and promise for our Selves our Heirs Executors Administrators and Assigns, that if the said publick Road is Confirmed by the Court and laid open as aforesaid we will whenever the same shall be done, and we do hereby for our Selves our heirs Executors and Administrators relinquish and quit Claim from that time forever to the said private Road as far, as to the Land of the said Edward Warner. Wittness our Hands and Seals the day of April 1745.

Wight Massey [Seal]
Wm Callender [Seal]

Michl Hillegas [Seal]
Jos Fox [Seal]

Edwd: Warner [Seal]
James Parroch [Seal]

John Till [Seal]

John Coats [Seal]

Signed sealed and delivered (the above Interlineation first made) by James Parroch, John Till, and John Coats, in the Presence of us.
Jas: MorrisB Franklin

Sealed and deliver’d by Wight Massey, Michael Hilligas, Joseph Fox,  William Callender and Edward Warner, in the presence of us
Hugh RobertsJos. Oldman


Title: Old Mistresses Apologue, 25 June 1745
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

In both manuscript and print, this composition has had an unusual history. Three versions of it were among the papers which William Temple Franklin inherited from his grandfather. One was entirely in Benjamin Franklin’s autograph; this is the text reproduced here. The second was a contemporary copy, to which Benjamin Franklin himself made two additions. The third manuscript, made early in the nineteenth century, seems to have been intended for Temple Franklin’s edition of his grandfather’s writings. He decided, however, not to include it and the piece remained unknown to the public.
In 1850, nearly 30 years after Temple Franklin’s death, what remained of the Franklin papers he had owned were purchased by the London bookseller Henry Stevens of Vermont. Stevens’ catalogue offering the collection for sale in 1881 listed “Essays in form of Letters, on ‘Perfumes’ and ‘Choice of a Mistress,’ witty and explosive, but perhaps too Dean Swiftian for the press;” but Stevens did not enumerate the manuscript versions. The United States Government purchased the collection in 1882. It contained, as the librarians of the Department of State were startled to discover, two copies of the Old Mistresses—the copy with Franklin’s two additions, and the transcript that had been made for the printer.
Presumably Henry Stevens had withdrawn the Franklin autograph draft from the collection. In any event, it was subsequently acquired by the Chicago collector Charles Frederick Gunther, who later offered his library to the city of Chicago on condition that the city construct a fireproof building to house it. Mr. Gunther died in 1920 before any action had been taken on his offer; the collection became part of his estate; and his widow sold it—some 50,000 items—to the Chicago Historical Society. The Society disposed of those items which did not fall within its fields of interest. Thus Franklin’s autograph Old Mistresses’ Apologue was discarded. The manuscript passed through the hands of Forrest G. Sweet into the collection of Dr. A. S. W. Rosenbach of Philadelphia in 1926. Dr. Rosenbach prized it as “the most famous and the wittiest essay” Franklin ever wrote and gave it the place of honor in the exhibition of his Frankliniana at the Free Library of Philadelphia in 1938.
Meanwhile the letter had been frequently, if furtively, printed. In the catalogue of his collection Stevens listed two copies (one “on the purest vellum”) of “Dr. Franklin’s Two New Bagatelles [on Perfumes, and on Marriage],” edited and printed in London in 1881 from the original manuscripts in his possession; but it seems that this never got past the stage of printer’s proof. Possibly from Stevens’ unfinished printing, but more than likely from the two manuscript versions which gentlemen might see at the Department of State despite the special restrictions placed on them, other limited editions were privately issued. The first was made in 1885; Paul L. Ford did another in 1887, entitled “A Philosopher in Undress;” and two other printings were run off before 1889, one of them designed by form and type to be inserted between appropriate pages of Bigelow’s edition of Franklin’s writings.
Ford has recounted the story of his printing. In the Department of State, he explained to a friend, the Franklin letter “was kept very private, and when Bigelow wanted to add it to his edition, permission was refused by Bayard. To a distinguished politician and intimate friend, however, he gave an MSS. copy, which was read aloud at a dinner party in New York (after the ladies had left, it is needless to remark). Several gentlemen at once requested copies, which were declined on account of the troubled [sic] to the dis. Pol. involved, so the suggestion was made that he should have it printed. Very well—find me a safe printer—this was a poser to all but himself. He was a friend of mine and knew that for many years I had owned a press and was in the habit of printing little tracts, varying in editions from 1 to 50 copies; and so he came to me and asked me to do it as a favor, as it could not be done by an ordinary printer. Agreed. I added a title page, in keeping, as I thought with the matter, and put it into type, receiving [?] two copies, and sundry shekels in return. One copy went into my Franklin collection, and one into my press file. … You are at liberty to use as much or as little of this story as you please, only kindly omit my name, as I do not care to harness it, even with that of B.F. to such a cart.”
By such means Franklin’s essay acquired a clandestine fame. No nineteenth century editor or biographer, however, dared to print it. John Bach McMaster, who warmly praised The Speech of Polly Baker, thought the Old Mistresses’ Apologue “unhappily too indecent to print.” Ford was certain it would “shock modern taste.” Without being specific, Smyth spoke of Franklin manuscripts “the printing of which would not be tolerated by the public sentiment of the present age.” Not even that cheerful iconoclast Sydney George Fisher would quote it without deep excisions. Slowly, however, the national taste changed. In 1926 Phillips Russell printed the complete essay in his widely read biography of the man he called “the first civilized American.” Fifteen years later Franklin’s little essay achieved acceptance, if not complete respectability: Simon and Schuster included it in their Treasury of the World’s Great Letters, and that volume was delivered as a dividend to 225,000 members of the Book-of-the-Month Club.

My dear Friend,
June 25. 1745
I know of no Medicine fit to diminish the violent natural Inclinations you mention; and if I did, I think I should not communicate it to you. Marriage is the proper Remedy. It is the most natural State of Man, and therefore the State in which you are most likely to find solid Happiness. Your Reasons against entring into it at present, appear to me not well-founded. The circumstantial Advantages you have in View by postponing it, are not only uncertain, but they are small in comparison with that of the Thing itself, the being married and settled. It is the Man and Woman united that make the compleat human Being. Separate, she wants his Force of Body and Strength of Reason; he, her Softness, Sensibility and acute Discernment. Together they are more likely to succeed in the World. A single Man has not nearly the Value he would have in that State of Union. He is an incomplete Animal. He resembles the odd Half of a Pair of Scissars. If you get a prudent healthy Wife, your Industry in your Profession, with her good Œconomy, will be a Fortune sufficient.
But if you will not take this Counsel, and persist in thinking a Commerce with the Sex inevitable, then I repeat my former Advice, that in all your Amours you should prefer old Women to young ones. You call this a Paradox, and demand my Reasons. They are these:
1. Because as they have more Knowledge of the World and their Minds are better stor’d with Observations, their Conversation is more improving and more lastingly agreable.
2. Because when Women cease to be handsome, they study to be good. To maintain their Influence over Men, they supply the Diminution of Beauty by an Augmentation of Utility. They learn to do a 1000 Services small and great, and are the most tender and useful of all Friends when you are sick. Thus they continue amiable. And hence there is hardly such a thing to be found as an old Woman who is not a good Woman.
3. Because there is no hazard of Children, which irregularly produc’d may be attended with much Inconvenience.
4. Because thro’ more Experience, they are more prudent and discreet in conducting an Intrigue to prevent Suspicion. The Commerce with them is therefore safer with regard to your Reputation. And with regard to theirs, if the Affair should happen to be known, considerate People might be rather inclin’d to excuse an old Woman who would kindly take care of a young Man, form his Manners by her good Counsels, and prevent his ruining his Health and Fortune among mercenary Prostitutes.
5. Because in every Animal that walks upright, the Deficiency of the Fluids that fill the Muscles appears first in the highest Part: The Face first grows lank and wrinkled; then the Neck; then the Breast and Arms; the lower Parts continuing to the last as plump as ever: So that covering all above with a Basket, and regarding only what is below the Girdle, it is impossible of two Women to know an old from a young one. And as in the dark all Cats are grey, the Pleasure of corporal Enjoyment with an old Woman is at least equal, and frequently superior, every Knack being by Practice capable of Improvement.
6. Because the Sin is less. The debauching a Virgin may be her Ruin, and make her for Life unhappy.
7. Because the Compunction is less. The having made a young Girl miserable may give you frequent bitter Reflections; none of which can attend the making an old Woman happy.
8[thly and Lastly] They are so grateful!!
Thus much for my Paradox. But still I advise you to marry directly; being sincerely Your affectionate Friend.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to James Alexander, 15 August 1745
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Alexander, James

Sir
Philada. Augt. 15. 1745
I return you herewith your Draughts, with a Copy of one of them per Mr. Evans and a few Lines relating to it from him. I wrote to Mr. Parker last Post that they might be got done in Boston by one Turner who is said to be a good Engraver. Our only tolerable Engraver here will not undertake the Jobb. And for my own Part I would rather chuse you should get them done there, or by Mr. Evans, than abide by the Proposal I made you: Tho’ I will do them for you with what Dispatch I can, if you conclude on that Method. I have mislaid yours of June 17. and forget what further Explanation you desir’d. I am, Sir, Your most humble Servant
B Franklin

Addressed: To James Alexander Esqr   at  Perth Amboy


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Cadwallader Colden, 15 August 1745
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Colden, Cadwallader

Sir
Philada. Augt. 15. 1745
I receiv’d your Favour of the 20th past, with your medical Piece enclos’d, the Reading of which gave me a great deal of Pleasure. I show’d it to our Friend Mr. Bertram, who carried it home, and, as he since tells me, is taking a Copy of it; His Keeping of it for that End has prevented my Showing it to any other Gentlemen as you desired; and hitherto prevented my Writing to you upon it as I intended. But lest you should conclude me the very worst Correspondent in the World, I shall delay no longer giving you some Thoughts that occur’d to me in Reading of it; chusing rather to be blam’d for not writing to the Purpose, than for not Writing at all.
I am extreamly pleas’d with your Doctrine of the absorbent Vessels intermix’d with the perspiratory Ducts both on the external and internal Superficies of the Body. After I had read Sanctorius, I imagin’d a constant Stream of the perspirable Matter issuing at every Pore in the Skin: But then I was puzzled to account for the Effects of mercurial Unctions, for the Strangury sometimes occasion’d by an outward Application of the Flies, and the like, since whatever Virtue or Quality might be in a Medicine laid upon the Skin, if it would enter the Body it must go against Wind and Tide, (as one may say). Dr. Hales help’d me a little, when he inform’d me, (in his Vegetable Statics) that the Body is not always in a perspirable but sometimes in an imbibing State, as he expresses it; and will at Times actually grow heavier by being expos’d to a moist Air. But this did not quite remove my Difficulty, since, as these Fits of Imbibing did not appear to be regular or frequent, a Blistering Plaister might lie on the Skin a Week, or a mercurial Unguent be us’d a Month, to no purpose, if the Body should so long continue in a perspirable State. Your Doctrine, which was quite new to me, makes all easy, since the Body may perspire and absorb at the same Time, thro’ the different Ducts destin’d to those different Ends.
   I must own, however, that I have one Objection to the Explanation you give of the Operation of these Absorbents. That They should communicate with the Veins, and the Perspirants with the Arteries only, seems natural enough; but as all Fluids by the hydrostatical Law press equally in all Directions, I question whether the mere Direction of one of those minute Vessels (where it joins with a Vein or Artery) with or against the Stream of Blood in the larger Vessel, would be sufficient to produce such contrary Effects as perspiring and absorbing. If it would, both Perspirants and Absorbents might proceed from the Arteries only, or from the Veins only, or from both indifferently; as by the Figure in the Margin, whether the Vessel a b is a Vein or an Artery, if the Stream moves from a to b, the minute communicating Vessel c shall be a Perspirant, and d an Absorbent, and contrary if it moves from b to a. Yet I cannot say, I am certain the mere Direction of the Vessels will have no Effect; I only suspect it, and am making a little Machine to try an Experiment with for Satisfaction. ’Tis a Syphon made of two large Joints of Carolina Cane united at e, into which two small glass Tubes f and g are to be inserted one on the descending and the other on the ascending Side. I propose to fill the Syphon and the two glass Tubes with Water, and, when ’tis playing, unstop at the same Instant the Tops of both glass Tubes, observing in which the Water sinks fastest. You shall know the Success. I conceive the Pressure of the Atmosphere on the Apertures of the two glass Tubes to be no way different from the Pressure of the same on the Mouths of the Perspirants and Absorbents; and if the Water sinks equally in the two Tubes, notwithstanding the Direction of one against and the other with the Stream, I shall be ready to think we must look out for another Solution. You will say, perhaps, that ’twill then be time enough, when the Experiment is try’d and succeeds as I suspect; yet I cannot forbear attempting at one beforehand, while some Thoughts are present in my Mind. If a new Solution should be found necessary, this may be ready for Consideration.
I do not remember that any Anatomist that has fallen in my Way, has assign’d any other Cause of the Motion of the Blood, thro’ its whole Circle, than the contractile Force of the Heart, by which that Fluid is driven with Violence into the Arteries, and so continually propell’d by Repetitions of the same Force, till it arrives at the Heart again. May we, for our present Purpose, suppose another Cause, producing half the Effect; and say, that the Ventricles of the Heart, like Syringes, draw when they dilate, as well as force when they contract? That this is not unlikely, may be judg’d from the Valves Nature has plac’d in the Arteries to prevent the Drawing back of the Blood in those Vessels when the Heart dilates, while no such Obstacles prevent its Sucking (to use the vulgar Expression) from the Veins. If this be allow’d, and the Insertion of the Absorbents into the Veins, and of the Perspirants into the Arteries, be agreed to, it will be of no Importance in what Direction they are inserted: For, as the Branches of the Arteries are continually lessening in their Diameters, and the Motion of the Blood decreasing, by means of the encreas’d Resistance, there must, as more is continually press’d on behind, arise a kind of Crouding in the Extremities of those Vessels, which will naturally force out what is contain’d in the Perspirants that communicate with them. This lessens the Quantity of Blood, so that the Heart cannot receive again by the Veins all it had discharg’d into the Arteries, which occasions it to draw strongly upon the Absorbents that communicate with them. And thus the Body is continually perspiring and imbibing. Hence, after long Fasting, the Body is more liable to receive Infection from bad Air; and Food, before ’tis sufficiently chylified, is drawn crude into the Blood, by the Absorbents that open into the Bowels. To confirm this Position, that the Heart draws as well as drives the Blood, let me add this Particular. If you sit or lean long in such a Manner as to compress the principal Artery that supplys a Limb with Blood, so that it does not furnish a due Quantity, you will be sensible of a pricking Pain in the Extremities like that of a thousand Needles; and the Veins, that us’d to raise your Skin in Ridges, will be (with the Skin) sunk into Channels; the Blood being drawn out of them, and their Sides press’d so closely together, that ’tis with Difficulty and slowly that the Blood afterwards enters them when the compress’d Artery is reliev’d. If the Blood was not drawn by the Heart, the Compression of an Artery could not empty a Vein; and I conjecture that the pricking Pain is occasion’d by the Sides of the small Vessels being press’d together.
I am not without Apprehensions, that this Hypothesis is either not new, or, if it is new, not good for any Thing. It may however, in this Letter, (with the enclos’d Paper on a kindred Subject) serve to show the great Confidence I place in your Candour, since to you I so freely hazard myself (ultra crepidam) in Medling with Matters directly pertaining to your Profession, and entirely out of the way of my own. If you give yourself the Trouble of Reading them, ’tis all I can modestly expect. Your Silence about them afterwards will be sufficient to convince me, that I am in the wrong; and that I ought to study the Sciences I dabble in, before I presume to set Pen to Paper. I will endeavour however to make you some Amends, by procuring you from better Judges some better Remarks on the Rest of your Piece; and shall observe your Caution not to let them know from whom I had it.
The Piece on Fluxions I purpose shortly to read again, and that on the several Species of Matter, when you shall have what little I shall be able to say about them.
The Members of our Society here are very idle Gentlemen; they will take no Pains. I must, I believe, alter the Scheme, and proceed with the Papers I have and may receive, in the Manner you advise in one of your former Letters. The mention of your former Letters puts me in mind how much I am in Arrear with you: Like some honest insolvent Debtors, I must resolve to pay ready Money for what I have hereafter, and discharge the old Debt by little and little as I am able.
The Impertinence of these Moskito’s to me, (now I am in the Humour of Writing) prevents a great deal of mine to you, so that for once they are of some Use in the World. I am Sir Your most humble Servant
B Franklin

Endorsed: Benj Franklin

[Enclosure]
A Guess at the Cause of the Heat of the Blood in Health and of the hot and cold Fits of some Fevers.
The Parts of Fluids are so smooth, and roll among one another with so little Friction, that they will not by any (mechanical) Agitation grow warmer. A Phial half full of Water shook with Violence and long continued, the Water neither heats itself nor warms the Phial. Therefore the Blood does not acquire its Heat either from the Motion and Friction of its own Parts, or its Friction against the Sides of its Vessels.
But the Parts of Solids, by Reason of their closer Adhesion, cannot move among themselves without Friction, and that produces Heat. Thus, bend a Plumbet to and fro, and in the Place of Bending it shall soon grow hot. Friction on any Part of our Flesh heats it. Clapping of the Hands warms them. Exercise warms the whole Body.
The Heart is a thick Muscle, continually contracting and dilating near 80 Times in a Minute; By this Motion there must be a constant Interfrication of its constituent solid Parts; That Friction must produce a Heat, and that Heat must consequently be continually communicated to the perfluent Blood.
To this may be added, That every Propulsion of the Blood by the Contraction of the Heart, distends the Arteries, which contract again in the Intermission; and this Distention and Contraction of the Arteries may occasion Heat in them, which they must likewise communicate to the Blood that flows thro’ them.
That these Causes of the Heat of the Blood are sufficient to produce the Effect, may appear probable, if we consider that a Fluid once warm requires no more Heat to be apply’d to it in any Part of Time to keep it warm, than what it shall lose in an equal Part of Time. A smaller Force will keep a Pendulum going than what first set it in Motion.
The Blood thus warm’d in the Heart, carries Warmth with it to the very Extremities of the Body, and communicates it to them; but as by this Means its Heat is gradually diminished, it is return’d again to the Heart by the Veins for a fresh Calefaction.

The Blood communicates its Heat not only to the Solids of our Body, but to our Clothes, and to a Portion of the circumambient Air. Every Breath, tho’ drawn in Cold, is expir’d Warm; and every Particle of the Materia Perspirabilis carries off with it a Portion of Heat.
While the Blood retains a due Fluidity, it passes freely thro’ the minutest Vessels, and communicates a proper Warmth to the Extremities of the Body. But when by any Means it becomes so viscid as not to be capable of passing those minute Vessels, the Extremities, as the Blood can bring no more Heat to them, must grow Cold.
The same Viscidity in the Blood and Juices checks or stops the Perspiration, by clogging the perspiratory Ducts; or, perhaps, by not admitting the perspirable Parts to separate. Paper wet with Size and Water will not dry so soon as if wet with Water only.
A Vessel of hot Water, if the Vapour can freely pass from it, soon cools. If there be just Fire enough under it to add continually the Heat it loses, it retains the same Degree. If the Vessel be clos’d so that the Vapour may be retain’d, there will from the same Fire be a continual Accession of Heat in the Water, till it rises to a great Degree: Or, if no Fire be under it, it will retain the Heat it first had for a long time. I have experienc’d that a Bottle of hot Water stopp’d, and put in my Bed at Night, has retain’d so much Heat 7 or 8 Hours, that I could not in the Morning bear my Foot against it, without some of the Bedclothes intervening.
During the cold Fit then, Perspiration being stop’d, great Part of the Heat of the Blood that us’d to be dissipated, is confin’d and retain’d in the Body; The Heart continues its Motion, and creates a constant Accession to that Heat, the Inward Parts grow very hot, and, by Contact with the Extremities, communicate that Heat to them: The Glue of the Blood is by this Heat dissolved, and the Blood afterwards flows freely as before the Disorder.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to James Read, 17 August 1745
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Read, James

Dear J[emmy],
Saturday morning, Aug. 17, ’45
I have been reading your letter over again, and since you desire an answer, I sit me down to write you one; yet, as I write in the market, [it] will, I believe, be but a short one, tho’ I may be long about it. I approve of your method of writing one’s mind, when one is too warm to speak it with temper: but being myself quite cool in this affair, I might as well speak as write, if I had an opportunity. Your copy of Kempis, must be a corrupt one, if it has that passage as you quote it, in omnibus requiem quaesivi, sed non inveni, nisi in angulo cum libello. The good father understood pleasure (requiem) better, and wrote, in angulo cum puella. Correct it thus, without hesitation. I know there is another reading, in angulo puellae; but this reject, tho’ more to the point, as an expression too indelicate.
Are you an attorney by profession, and do you know no better, how to chuse a proper court in which to bring your action? Would you submit to the decision of a husband, a cause between you and his wife? Don’t you know, that all wives are in the right? It may be you don’t, for you are yet but a young husband. But see, on this head, the learned Coke, that oracle of the law, in his chapter De Jus Marit.Angl. I advise you not to bring it to trial; for if you do, you’ll certainly be cast.
Frequent interruptions make it impossible for me to go thro’ all your letter. I have only time to remind you of the saying of that excellent old philosopher, Socrates, that in differences among friends, they that make the first concessions are the WISEST; and to hint to you, that you are in danger of losing that honour in the present case, if you are not very speedy in your acknowledgments; which I persuade myself you will be, when you consider the sex of your adversary.
Your visits never had but one thing disagreeable in them, that is, they were always too short. I shall exceedingly regret the loss of them, unless you continue, as you have begun, to make it up to me by long letters. I am dear J[emmy], with sincerest love to our dearest Suky, Your very affectionate friend and cousin,
B. Franklin


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to William Strahan, 7 November 1745
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Strahan, William

Sir
New York, Nov. 7. 1745
Finding a Vessel here about to sail to London, I take the Opportunity to enclose you a second Bill, the first of which I sent via Maryland. I left Mr. Hall and all Friends well at Philada last Week, and hope to see them again in a few Days. I have not Time to add but that I am Sir Your very humble Servant
B Franklin
The English and Books are safe arriv’d.

Addressed: To  Mr Wm Strahan  Printer in  Wine Office Court Fleetstreet  London  Per Capt Bryant


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to William Strahan, 16 November 1745
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Strahan, William

Sir
Philada. Nov. 16. 1745
I wrote a Line to you via Maryland, and another via New York, lately, enclosing with each a Bill for £15 Sterl. The Third I now send you. I receiv’d the Books and Letter you sent in good Order, and purpose to write for another Parcel of Books by Mesnard who is to sail in 2 or 3 Weeks. I have now every Thing ready for Mr. Hall to go to the W. Indies, but feel some Reluctance to part with him these hazardous Times. He continues to enjoy his Health, as I hope you and yours do, being, Sir with sincere Respect, Your obliged humble Servant
B Franklin


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to William Strahan, 22 December 1745
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Strahan, William

Sir
Dec. 22. 1745
The above is a Copy of what I wrote you per Mesnard who sailed about 10 Days ago from this Port. This goes per Capt. Hargrave, who is soon to sail from Maryland. Enclos’d I send you a Bill for £15.7.1, which I hope will be readily paid. Enclos’d is also a Letter to Mr. Collinson, containing an Order for Books for the Library, which when you deliver you will have an Opportunity of proposing to furnish them. Please to add to the enclos’d List the following Books for me, viz. Starkey’s Pyrotechny asserted, an old Book. 6 Echard’s Gazetteer. 6 Watts’s Lyrick Poems. 6 Watts’s Logic with Supplement. 1 Watts’s Essays. also 5 or 6 lbs. of Long primer Fractions, i.e. to use with Long Primer in Arithmetic Work. Mr. Hall and all your Friends here are well, as I hope [obliterated].


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Robert Grace: Lease, 30 December 1745
From: Grace, Robert
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Robert Grace (see above, I, 209 n), whose parents died when he was young, was brought up by his grandmother and her second husband, Hugh Lowden, in their home on the north side of Market Street, between Front and Second, facing the Jersey Market. Under Lowden’s will, Grace inherited the life use of the property when his grandmother died in 1725. He was living there as a young bachelor when he and Franklin began their lifelong friendship, and it was there that the Junto held its meetings. Franklin’s first establishment was apparently a little west of Grace’s house on the same side of the street. Grace went abroad in 1733, remaining away for several years, and seems never to have lived in the former Lowden house again. On January 11, 1739, Franklin announced in the Gazette that he had moved “four doors nearer the River,” and it was probably at this time that he first rented the property from Grace, although no lease for the years 1739–45 has been found. Here he lived with his family, and here he maintained his printing office and shop and the post office. After Franklin formed his partnership with David Hall in January 1748 and withdrew from the active conduct of his printing business he “remov’d to a more quiet Part of Town,” occupying a house on the northwest corner of Sassafras (Race) and Second streets. The printing office and post office remained at the Grace property until 1752. Hall, who had married a week after the formation of the partnership, probably moved into the vacated living quarters at once and continued to make his home there until at least 1764.

December 30, 1745
Abstract: Robert Grace, merchant, leases to Benjamin Franklin, “Typographer,” for 14 years beginning Jan. 1, 1746, the lot, with all buildings and other improvements thereon, beginning at John Jones’s lot on the north side of Market St., running eastward 17 ft. to the Widow Read’s lot, then northward 164 ft. to Jones Alley (or Pewter Platter Alley, now Church St.), westward 34 ft. to Thomas Shute’s lot, southward 62 ft., then eastward by John Jones’s lot 17 ft., and then southward 102 ft. to Market St. Franklin is to pay £55 lawful money of Pennsylvania annually, in equal installments on July 1 and January 1, with a right to Grace to enter and distrain in case of default. Franklin is to keep the property in repair. No one is to exercise the trade of baker or brewer on the premises. By a memorandum at the end, dated March 28, 1757, the lease is extended for seven years beyond its original term at an annual rental of £60.


Title: The Antediluvians Were All Very Sober, 1745
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

[c. 1745]

The Antediluvians were all very sober
For they had no Wine, and they brew’d no October;
All wicked, bad Livers, on Mischief still thinking,
For there can’t be good Living where there is not good Drinking.
   Derry down.

’Twas honest old Noah first planted the Vine,
And mended his Morals by drinking its Wine;
He justly the drinking of Water decry’d;
For he knew that all Mankind, by drinking it, dy’d.
      Derry down.

From this Piece of History plainly we find
That Water’s good neither for Body or Mind;
That Virtue and Safety in Wine-bibbing’s found
While all that drink Water deserve to be drown’d.
      Derry down

So For Safety and Honesty put the Glass round.


Title: Extracts from the Gazette, 1745
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

	[Advertisement ] Lost on Friday, the 21st of December, 1744, betwixt Frankfort and Philadelphia, a Fowling-Piece, mounted with Brass, Dutch Make, a black Barrel, with a pretty wide Bore. Whoever has found it, and will return it to the Printer hereof, shall be sufficiently rewarded. [January 1]

	After a long Dearth of News, we have, by the late Ships, received English Papers to the 12th of November. The War, tho’ it creates a more general Appetite for News, does, we find, in this distant Part of the World, very much disconcert us News Writers. During the Peace, Ships were constantly dropping in at some Port or other of this Continent, and we had fresh Advices almost every Week from Europe; but now, by their waiting for Convoy, and other Hindrances and Delays, we are sometimes Months without having a Syllable. The Consequence is, that a Series of News Papers come to hand in a Lump together; and being each of us ambitious to give our Readers the freshest Intelligence, we croud all the latest Events into our First Paper, and are obliged to fill up the Succeeding Ones with Articles of prior Date, or else omit them intirely, as being anticipated and stale, and entertain you with Matters of another Nature. Hence the Chain of Occurrences is broken or inverted, and much of the News rendered thereby unintelligible. Hence you have tedious Accounts of the raising of Armies, the Motion of Fleets, or the Sieges of Cities, after you have been some Weeks acquainted with the taking of those Cities, and the beating of those Fleets and Armies; or perhaps you are never told at all by what Steps those great Events were brought about. Such a confused Method must make any Writings of a historical Nature less entertaining and instructive to the intelligent Reader. We purpose therefore to avoid it for the future in this Paper, as much as may be, and doubt not, but that for the sake of a clear and regular Account of the Affairs of Europe, our Readers will excuse us if we happen now and then to be a Week or two later than others with some particular Articles. [January 22]

[Advertisement ] Lost or left at some House, a good Kersey Great Coat of a dark Dove Colour; having a large Cape, with a Cap in its Lining, a Pocket on the right-side of the Coat. Whoever leaves it at the Post-Office, shall be Thank’d or Rewarded.
N.B. The said Coat has Hair Buttons. [February 5]

	   [Advertisement ] Any Gentleman, or Gentlemen, inclined to employ a Schoolmaster, by enquiring at the Printer’s hereof, may be informed of one well qualified, and whose Conduct and Method is well recommended. [February 19]

Mr. Franklin,
As Privateering is now so much in Fashion, the printing the following Question may be an Amusement, if not to the Privateers, yet to some of your Correspondents or Readers.
Suppose a Privateer, in the Latitude of 10 Degrees North, should, at 6 in the Morning, spy a Ship due South of her, distant 20 Miles; upon which she steers directly for her, and runs at the Rate of 8 Miles an Hour. The Ship at the same time sees the Privateer, but not being much afraid of her, keeps on her Course due West, and sails at the Rate of 6 Miles an Hour; how many Hours will it be before the Privateer overtakes the Ship?
N.B. The Sailing is supposed on a Plane as plain Sailing, and the Privateer keeps her Course constantly directed toward the Ship.
T.G.
[March 5]

	   [Advertisement ] Left at the Post Office, some Time ago, a Cane, with a wrought Head. The Owner, describing it, may have it again without any Charge. [March 12]

	   Saturday Night last died after a long Indisposition, Clement Plumsted, Esq; many Years an eminent Merchant and Magistrate of this City, and one of the Governor’s Council. His Funeral was respectfully attended by a great Number of People, who (instead of Wine and Biscuit heretofore customary) were serv’d each with one of Bishop Tillotson’s Sermons, suitable to the Occasion. [May 30]

Philadelphia, June 6. 1745
As the Cape-Breton Expedition is at present the Subject of most Conversations, we hope the following Draught (rough as it is, for want of good Engravers here) will be acceptable to our Readers; as it may serve to give them an Idea of the Strength and Situation of the Town now besieged by our Forces, and render the News we receive from thence more intelligible.
Cape-Breton Island, on which Louisburgh is built, lies on the South of the Gulph of St. Lawrence, and commands the Entrance into that River, and the Country of Canada. It is reckon’d 140 Leagues in Circuit, full of fine Bays and Harbours, extreamly convenient for Fishing Stages. It was always reckon’d a Part of Nova-Scotia. For the Importance of this Place see our Gazette, No. 858. As soon as the French King had begun the present unjust War against the English, the People of Louisburgh attack’d the New-England Town of Canso, consisting of about 150 Houses and a Fort, took it, burnt it to the Ground, and carried away the People, Men, Women and Children, Prisoners. They then laid Siege to Annapolis Royal, and would have taken it, if seasonable Assistance had not been sent from Boston. Mr. Duvivier went home to France last Fall for more Soldiers, &c. to renew that Attempt, and for Stores for Privateers, of which they proposed to fit out a great Number this Summer, being the last Year unprovided: Yet one of their Cruisers only, took 4 Sail in a few Days, off our Capes, to a very considerable Value. What might we have expected from a dozen Sail, making each 3 or 4 Cruises a Year? They boasted that during the War they should have no Occasion to cut Fire Wood, for that the Jackstaves of English Vessels would be a Supply sufficient. It is therefore in their own Necessary Defence, as well as that of all the other British Colonies, that the People of New-England have undertaken the present Expedition against that Place, to which may the God of Hosts grant Success. Amen. [June 6]

	   By some of our People, who have lately been Prisoners at the Havanna, we learn, that while they were there, an English Ship, from Jamaica, commanded by Captain William Lyford, which had met with the Hurricane at Sea, and lost her Masts, put in there in Distress; the Capt. waited upon the Governor, and surrendered himself a Prisoner, with his Vessel. But the Governor generously told him, no Advantage should be taken of his Misfortune: And Leave was given him to sell Part of his Cargo, in order to refit his Vessel, and pursue his Voyage. Thus have we at length taught our Enemies Humanity. [July 4]

From Trenton we hear, that on Friday the 21st past, two Lads, Benjamin and Severns Albertis, Brothers, going in a Canoe to fish near the Falls, the Canoe overset by running against a Log, and the latter was drowned, the other hardly escaping. Great Search was made for the Body on that and the three following Days, by a great Number of People in Boats and Canoes; but to no Effect, it being driven down, to the Surprize of many, as low as Burlington, and there taken up and interr’d on Monday.
From Abington we hear, that on Saturday, the 22d of June last, a Woman, who had been subject to the Falling-sickness, was found drowned in a Spring, into which it was thought she fell when in a Fit, having gone out to fetch Water.
Saturday last a Boy about 7 Years of Age, playing with some other Children in a Boat, accidentally fell into the River, and was drowned.

The same Day the Body of one John Holmes, who belonged to one of our Privateers, and was accidentally drowned, by falling into the River between the Boat and the Vessel a few Days before, was taken up and buried.
And on Sunday last a Woman of this City, who had been subject to Fits, was found dead in her Bed. [July 4]

	   Wednesday last, a great Number of Guns were distinctly heard in several Places round this City, the Occasion of which, as well as the Place where they were fired, was unknown till the Evening of the Day following, when an Express arriv’d with Advice of the Surrender of Louisbourg, which had caus’d great Rejoycings at New-York. ’Twas near 9 o’Clock when the Express came in, yet the News flying instantly round the Town, upwards of 20 Bonfires were immediately lighted in the Streets. The next Day was spent in Feasting, and drinking the Healths of Governor Shirley, Gen. Pepperel, Com. Warren, &c. &c. under the Discharge of Cannon from the Wharffs and Vessels in the River; and the Evening concluded with Bonfires, Illuminations, and other Demonstrations of Joy. A Mob gathered, and began to break the Windows of those Houses that were not illuminated, but it was soon dispersed, and suppress’d. [July 18]

	   [Advertisement ] Choice Bohea Tea to be sold by the Dozen or half Dozen Pound, at the Post-Office, Philadelphia. [August 8]

	   Thursday Night last the Rev. Mr. Whitefield arrived here from New-York. He was met and conducted into Town by about 50 Horse. The Evening following he preach’d at the New-Building, and twice or thrice every Day since to large Audiences. He purposes to set out speedily for Georgia, by Land, thro’ Maryland, Virginia, and the Carolina’s. [September 12]

	   [Advertisement ] Lost, about four Months ago, a dark coloured Cloth Surtout Coat. Whoever brings the said Coat to the Post-Office, in Philadelphia, shall have Ten Shillings Reward. [September 12]

	   [Advertisement ] Notice is hereby given to all Persons, who have old Pewter to dispose of, that by applying to the Printer hereof, they will be informed where they may have 12d. half Penny per Pound, for any Quantity, from One Pound, to a Thousand Weight, in Cash. [September 26]

	   [Advertisement ] On Monday next will be published, Poor Richard’s Almanack, for the Year of our Lord 1746, containing, besides what is usual; His Account of himself and his Way of Life with his Dame Bridget. A Table for the more easy and ready casting up of Pieces of Eight, Pistoles, Moidores, &c. Verses on several Subjects; viz. The Fool out of Fashion. Man’s insatiable Appetite. The best Wealth. Sacred Solitude. Zara. On Pleasure. Man’s Reward. Gold insolvent. Lavinia at threescore. The Opiate. Definition of Female Beauty. Together with many wise Sayings, Jokes, &c. &c. Sold by B. Franklin, at the customary Price. [October 31]

	   [Advertisement ] The Pennsilvania Fire-Places, made by Robert Grace, are sold by Lewis Evans, in Strawberry Alley; who takes care, if required, that they are fitted up, and set to the best Advantage, in Philadelphia, or the Parts adjacent. [November 14]

	   Several counterfeit Pistoles made of fine Brass, have lately appeared among us. They may be known by their being harder to the Teeth than Gold, and by their extream Lightness; a Piece of Brass equal in Bulk to a Piece of Gold, being not quite half the Weight. [November 21]

	   Just Published, The Pocket Almanack for the Year 1746. Printed and sold by B. Franklin. [November 28]

Philadelphia, December 24. 1745.
Taken away from the Post-Office, the 11th Instant, a Silver Spoon, marked T C, Philip Syng Maker: The Person supposed to have taken it, is desired to return the same, before exposed. [December 24]

Williamsburg, December 13. 1745.
Ran away from Hanover Court-house, on Thursday Night the 6th of this Instant, a Servant Man, belonging to the Subscriber, named Daniel Whealon, aged about Thirty, 5 Feet 9 Inches high, smooth-tongu’d, his Legs much swell’d. He had a dark grey Beaver Coating Jacket, with Metal Buttons, a Coat near the same Colour, with Metal Buttons, and other good Cloathing. He is an Irishman, a Convict, and a Smith by Trade; shoes Horses very well, makes Locks, and is dexterous at picking of any Locks. He has committed some Felonies lately, and is suspected of others; Has Money, a Silver Watch with only the Hour Hand, Silver Shoe and Knee Buckles, and other Things of Value: He stole when he went off, a middle-siz’d dark bay Horse, branded on the near Shoulder with a Heart; and a Virginia-made Saddle, with a Cut on the Seat, sew’d up with Silk: The Horse belongs to Abraham Bedel, living near the Place where the Upper Southanna Bridge stood, in Hanover County. It is thought he has a forg’d Pass. He ran away before, went to Carolina; and returned to his former Master, Mr. John Fitzgerald of King William County; but now will endeavour to get off, for fear of Prosecution for Felony.
Whoever will apprehend the said Servant, and secure him, so that he be brought to Justice, shall have Three Pistoles Reward, if taken in Virginia, or Six Pistoles if taken in any other Government. And for the Horse, Saddle and Bridle, One Pistole, if deliver’d to the above-mention’d Owner, or to me in Williamsburg.
William Parks

N.B. It’s supposed he’ll go to the Northward.
P.S. If the said Servant and Horse should be taken up and secur’d in Pennsylvania, or any of the Northern Governments, the Rewards will be paid at Philadelphia, by B. Franklin[December 31]

Philadelphia: Printed by B. Franklin, Post-Master, at the New-Printing-Office, near the Market.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Cadwallader Colden, [February 1746]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Colden, Cadwallader

Sir
[February 1746]
I receiv’d yours with others enclos’d for Mr. Bertram and Mr. Armit, to which I suppose the enclos’d are Answers. The Person who brought yours said he would call for Answers, but did not; or, if he did, I did not see him.
I understand Parker has begun upon your Piece. A long Sitting of our Assembly has hitherto hinder’d me from beginning the Miscellany. I shall write to Dr. Gronovius as you desire.
I wish I had Mathematics enough to satisfy my self, Whether the much shorter Voyages made by Ships bound hence to England, than by those from England hither, are not in some Degree owing to the Diurnal Motion of the Earth; and if so, in what Degree? ’Tis a Notion that has lately entred my Mind; I know not if ever any other’s. Ships in a Calm at the Equator move with the Sea 15 Miles per minute; at our Capes suppose 12 Miles per Minute; in the British Channel suppose 10 Miles per Minute: Here is a Difference of 2 Miles Velocity per Minute between Cape Hinlopen and the Lizard! no small Matter in so Weighty a Body as a laden Ship swimming in a Fluid! How is this Velocity lost in the Voyage thither, if not by the Resistance of the Water? and if so, then the Water, which resisted in part, must have given Way in part to the Ship, from time to time as she proceeded continually out of Parallels of Latitude where the Earths Motion or Rotation was quicker into others where it was slower. And thus as her Velocity tends eastward with the Earth’s Motion, she perhaps makes her Easting sooner. Suppose a Vessel lying still in a Calm at our Cape, could be taken up and the same Instant set down in an equal Calm in the English Channel, would not the Difference of Velocity between her and the Sea she was plac’d in, appear plainly by a violent Motion of the Ship thro’ the Water eastward? I have not Time to explain my self farther, the Post waiting, but believe have said enough for you to comprehend my Meaning. If the Reasons hinted at should encline you to think there is any Thing in this Notion, I should be glad of an Answer to this Question, (if it be capable of a precise Answer) viz.
Suppose a Ship sails on a N. East Line from Lat. 39 to Lat. 52 in 30 Days, how long will she be returning on the same Line, Winds, Currents, &c. being equal?
Just so much as the East Motion of the Earth helps her Easting, I suppose it will hinder her Westing.
Perhaps the Weight and Dimensions or Shape of the Vessel should be taken into the Consideration, as the Water resists Bodies of different Shapes differently.
I must beg you to excuse the incorrectness of this Scrawl as I have not time to transcribe. I am Sir Your most humble Servant
B Franklin

Addressed: To  Cadwalader Colden Esqr  Coldengham  Free B Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Cadwallader Colden, [February 1746]
From: Colden, Cadwallader
To: Franklin, Benjamin

[February 1746]
There is no Question but in the case you mention of a ships being taken up in a Southern latitude and let down in one some degrees more northerly the same moment she would have a degree of Motion Eastward but that it would shorten a Voyage from America to Europe I cannot think because as the alteration is made by insensibly small steps it can only be so much as an alteration of the Velocity in the least conceivable part of a degree of Latitude is greater than the resistance of the Water which in all cases remains the same and equally resists the smallest alteration of Velocity as the greatest. Suppose for example in the alteration of one second of latitude how much greater will the Velocity be in the Southward than northward? If it be 60 miles at the Œquator what will it be at 1 second on either side of the Œquator? The Difference is the force which the ship can acquire from the diurnal rotation of the earth in this second. Now it may be asked whether this Difference will be sufficient to overcome the resistance of the Water in any degree whatsoever, that is, whether it be not infinitely small in respect to the resistance of the body of Water which resists the motion of a ship and if so it can neither add to nor diminish the ships way in the time she alters her latitude one second, and if this be the case it cannot either forward or stop her way in a greater change of latitude because it is done by a continual addition of these seconds or rather of less than thirds or of any imaginable quantity so that according to my way of computation in answer to your question the difference of time in the going and return will be = o.
The shorter Voyages to Europe without doubt are chiefly owing to the more frequent westerly winds but this does not account for the reason why in going to Europe a ship is generally a head of the reckoning or you meet with the land sooner than by the computation of the ships way if it be well kept, whereas in coming to America the reckoning is generally a head of the ship. The true reason I think is from the Tides. The High Water every day is nearly three quarters of an hour more easterly on the globe than the day before or following the course of the moon advances daily about twelve degrees eastward and therefor they every day in sailing Westerly meet with the contrary current of the Water sooner than they do in sailing easterly, as in a river in going down the river you meet the flood sooner than you do the ebb in going up the river where the flood and ebb are nearly equal; for the difference of the force and length of the ebb more than the flood in rivers from the force of the accumulated fresh water cannot take place at sea. If you think proper to give this in your Miscellany as the reason of the shorter voyages from America to Europe than from Europe to America other things being alike, I’l u[nder]take to support it against any objection. There are some mistakes that I would be so far from being ashamed of them after I knew them to be such that I would be vain of them because none but those of a lively and quick and pierceing Imagination can fall into them. A Blockhead is uncapable of making such mistakes. There is even a pleasure in telling it after the mistake is discover’d and the person to whom it is told values the ingenuity which occasion’d the mistake and on reflection is conscious to himself that he would have valued himself for that very thought. There is a use likewise in mentioning these mistakes to others to guard them against those conceptions which please and flatter the Imagination most.
Suppose the difference between the lands end and the coast of America to be 72 degr. of longitude (I choose this number to avoid fractions), then the same high Water on the coast of America will happen six hours later at the lands end and therefor a ship will meet with one whole tide of flood against her there which would be an ebb in her favour on the coast of America and supposing her voyage perform’d in 30 days, every day equally approaching to America, she would every day have that tide lessen’d 1/30 of the time as she approaches. I once had thoughts to calculate an Equation to rectify a ships easting and westing but upon reflecting that a general equation cannot serve for every ship but must be different for every ship according to the several molds by which the ship is built and her being loaded or in ballast, I believe it will be of little use for according to the different molds of a ship and her being deep or light the tides have greater or less force on her way. The heavy dull ships must make much larger allowences than the best saylors and accordingly we generally find these heavy saylers most out in their reckoning.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from George Whitefield, [16 April 1746]
From: Whitefield, George
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Mr. Franklin,
[April 16], 1746
As it is a Minister’s Duty to provide Things honest in the Sight of all Men, I thought it my Duty, when lately at Georgia, to have the whole Orphan House Accounts audited, from the Beginning of that Institution to January last; the same I intend to do yearly for the future: An Abstract of the whole, with the particular Affidavits, and common Seal of Savannah affixed to it, I have sent you with this; be pleased to publish it in your weekly Paper. My Friends thought this was the most satisfactory Way of proceeding. To print every particular Article, with the proper Voucher, would make a Folio, and put me to a greater Expence than my present Arrears will permit me to be at; however, if any want further Satisfaction, they may consult the original Vouchers, &c. at Savannah, in the Hands of Mr. Habersham; or, if they desire it, and will defray the Expence of Printing, every single Article of Debtor and Creditor shall be published by, Sir, Your very humble Servant,
George Whitefield

         Orphan-House, in Georgia,

         Dr.
         Orphan-House, in Georgia,

         Cr.

         Sterling.

         Sterling.

         £
         s.
         d.

         £
         s.
         d.

         To Cash received from the 15th December, 1738, to the 1st January, 1745–6, by publick Collections, private Benefactions and annual Subscriptions, per Account,
         }
         4982
         12
         8
         By Cash paid Sundries by particular Accounts examined, from the 15th Decem. 1738, to the 1st January, 1745–6, for Buildings, Cultivation of Lands, Infirmary, Provisions, Wearing Apparel, and other incident Expenses,
         }
         5511
         17
         9¼

         To Balance superexpended, January 1. 1745–6,
         }
         529
         05
         1¼

         £5511
         17
         9¼

Savannah, in Georgia.
L.S. This Day personally appeared before us Henry Parker and William Spencer, Bailiffs of Savannah aforesaid, the Reverend Mr. George Whitefield, and James Habersham, Merchant of Savannah aforesaid; who, being duly sworn, say, That the Accounts relating to the Orphan House, now exhibited before us, of which the above is an Abstract, amounting on the Debit Side (namely, for Collections and Subscriptions received) to the Sum of Four Thousand, Nine Hundred, Eighty Two Pounds, Twelve Shillings and Eightpence, Sterling, and on the Credit Side (namely, for Disbursements paid) to the Sum of Five Thousand, Five Hundred, Eleven Pounds, Seventeen Shillings, and Ninepence Farthing, Sterling, do, to the best of their Knowledge, contain a just and true Account of all the Monies collected by, or given to them, or any other, for the Use and Benefit of the said House; and that the Disbursements, amounting to the Sum aforesaid, have been faithfully applied to and for the Use of the same. And the Reverend Mr. Whitefield further declareth, that he hath not converted or applied any Part thereof to his own private Use and Property, neither hath charged the said House with any of his travelling, or any other private Expences whatsoever.
George Whitefield,James Habersham

   Savannah, in Georgia.
This Day personally appeared before us, Henry Parker and William Spencer, Bailiffs of Savannah aforesaid, William Woodrooffe, William Ewen, and William Russell, of Savannah aforesaid; who being duly sworn, say, That they have carefully and strictly examined all and singular the Accounts relating to the Orphan House, in Georgia, contained in Forty One Pages, in a Book intituled, Receipts and Disbursements for the Orphan House in Georgia, with the original Bills, Receipts, and other Vouchers, from the Fifteenth Day of December, in the Year of our Lord One Thousand Seven Hundred and Thirty Eight, to the First Day of January, in the Year of our Lord One Thousand Seven Hundred and Forty Five; and that the Monies received on Account of the said Orphan House, amounted to the Sum of Four Thousand, Nine Hundred, Eighty Two Pounds, Twelve Shillings, and Eightpence, Sterling, as above; and that it doth not appear that the Reverend Mr. Whitefield hath converted any Part thereof to his own private Use and Property, or charged the said House with any of his travelling, or other private Expences; but, on the contrary, hath contributed to the said House many valuable Benefactions; and that the Monies disbursed on Account of the said House, amounted to the Sum of Five Thousand, Five Hundred, Eleven Pounds, Seventeen Shillings, and Ninepence Farthing, Sterling, as above; which we, in Justice to the Reverend Mr. Whitefield, and the Managers of the said House, do hereby declare, appear to us to be faithfully and justly applied to and for the Use and Benefit of the said House only.
William Woodrooffe,William Ewen,William Russel

Sworn this 16th Day of April, 1746, before us Bailiffs of Savannah; in Justification whereof, we have hereunto fixed our Hands, and the common Seal.
Henry Parker,William Spencer


Title: [Reflections on Courtship and Marriage, 17 April 1746]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

The Gazette of April 17, 1746, announced this pamphlet as “Just Published.” Charles R. Hildeburn assigned it to Franklin on the authority of a note, which he quoted as “By Benjamin Franklin. B.R. [Benjamin Rush],” in the copy belonging to the Library Company of Philadelphia. Paul L. Ford and Carl Van Doren accepted this attribution. However, the Library Company’s copy belonged in fact to James Read of Reading, who acquired it in 1774; and the inscription, in Read’s hand, actually reads “By Mr. Franklin (the printer of it) I believe. J R.” Another note on the title page, made by Lloyd P. Smith, librarian of the Library Company, on May 26, 1880, reads, “Jos. Sabin wrote me he had ascertained that Franklin was the author.” The editors do not know what evidence Sabin had, but their judgment is that the pamphlet’s style is too unlike Franklin’s to ascribe it to him.


Title: Memorandum, [18 April 1746]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

Memorandum 1746
[April 18, 1746]
Sally was inoculated April 18, being Fryday at 10 a Clock in the Morning.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to William Strahan, 22 May 1746
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Strahan, William

Sir
Philada. May 22. 1746
This is only to enclose a third Bill, for £15.0.0 Sterling the first and second of which went from this Port directly and from Annapolis: And to desire you to send me two setts of Popple’s Mapps of N. America one bound the other in Sheets, they are for our Assembly; they also want the Statutes at large, but as I hear they are risen to an extravagant Price, I would have you send me word what they will cost before you send them. Mr. Hall is well but has not time to write. We have heard nothing from you since yours of June 1745. I am Sir Your most humble Servant
B Franklin

P.S. I forgot to mention, that there must be some other large Map of the whole World, or of Asia, or Africa, or Europe, of equal Size with Popple’s to match it; they being to be hung, one on each side the Door in the Assembly Room; if none can be had of equal Size, send some Prospects of principal Cities, or the like, to be pasted on the Sides, to make up the Bigness.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to William Vassall, 29 May 1746
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Vassall, William

Sir
Philada. May 29. 1746
I have your Favour of the 19th Instant, with some Queries relating to the Small Pox; in Answer to which I am to acquaint you, That by the best Informations I have been able to procure, and which I believe are pretty near the Truth, between 150 and 160 Persons (mostly Children, the Small Pox having gone thro’ this Place twice within these 15 Years) have been inoculated since the 10th of April last, when the Distemper began to spread here; of which Number one only died, a Child of two Years old, who expired the third Day after the Operation, no Signs of the Small Pox appearing, and therefore its Death is not ascribed to that Distemper, but to another Disorder it laboured under when inoculated; the Operation being perform’d at the earnest Request of the Father, contrary to the Judgment of the Physician. Of the Rest who recovered or are on the Recovery, none have had so much as one dangerous Symptom. And yet perhaps all this Success will not serve to establish an Opinion of Great Advantage in the Practice of Inoculation, when it is known that at this Season the Small Pox have been of so benign a kind, in the common Way of Infection, that only five Persons of all Ages have died out of 160 or 170 who have had the Distemper without Inoculation; of which 5, one was a weak rickety Child; another a young Maid labouring under a violent Disorder incident to the Sex; and of the other three, tho’ I know not the Circumstances, yet since no Choice was made of Subjects, nor Preparation of Bodies generally used, we may suppose that sundry Accidents might possibly concur with the Distemper to carry them off. Especially if it be true as I have heard, that 171 Persons have this Spring had the Small Pox at Brunswick in the Jersies in the Common Way and all recovered, not one dying in the whole Town. Our Physicians however agree, that those who have taken the Infection in the Common Way here, have not generally had the Distemper so light as those that were inoculated. I could give you their Reasonings on the Subject, but as you principally require Facts, and Hypotheses however ingenious have a deal of Uncertainty in them, I forbear. The principal Advantages I see in Inoculation, are, that it gives an Opportunity of laying hold of a favourable Season (as the present seems to be) to go thro’ the Distemper; when otherwise a Person might not be taken down till it becomes generally more malignant, And that, the Time being fix’d for the Operation, you can prepare the Body by Temperance and a little Physic, where such Precautions may be of use. As to your going to New York to be inoculated, perhaps such a Journey is not quite necessary; since, as has been try’d here with Success, a dry Scab or two will communicate the Distemper by Inoculation, as well as fresh Matter taken from a Pustule and kept warm till apply’d to the Incision. And such might be sent you per Post from hence, cork’d up tight in a small Phial. You can hardly doubt of their taking Effect, since you seem to apprehend there might be Danger from my Letter, if it should have been near an infected Room. And I have somewhere read, that the Chinese actually preserve Scabs taken from a healthy Person for the Purpose, tho’ their Manner of Inoculation is different from ours. The Esteem I contracted for you in the short Acquaintance we had in Boston, will always render every Service in my Power to do you, a Pleasure, to, Sir, Your most humble Servant
B Franklin

Please to favour me with a Character of Treatise of Morality propos’d to be publish’d in Boston by Aristocles.

Addressed: To  Wm. Vassal Esqr  Boston  Free B Franklin
Endorsed: From Benj. Franklin Phila. May 29th. 1746


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to William Vassall, 19 June 1746
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Vassall, William

Sir
Philada. June 19. 1746
I received your Favour of the 9th Inst. with the New System of Morality. We have nothing lately publish’d here fit to send you in Return. A few Copies of the Enclos’d have been just printed at New York, at the Expence of the Author, who is a Friend of mine. His Intention in this small Impression, is, by distributing the Pieces among the few Learned and Ingenious in these Colonies, to obtain their Opinions, Censures, Corrections or Improvements, before he hazards a more general Publication. Five or Six Copies have been put into my Hands for this Purpose and I send one of them to you enclos’d. If you have Leisure and Inclination for these kind of Studies, please to read it with Attention, and favour the Author with your Remarks, through my Hands. I can assure you, he is a most candid and ingenuous Man, and will think himself more oblig’d to you for pointing out to him one Mistake, than to any one for 20 Encomiums. You may also communicate it to any of your Friends that you think likely in any Degree to answer the Author’s Intention.
Since the Account I gave you of the Small Pox here, I have been well informed, that about 3 Weeks since, 260 Persons had had that Distemper at New Brunswick in the Common Way, and that one only of the Number had died, who was an ancient Woman, and a Drinker of Rum. It spreads more and more among us, and continues favourable. We have never known so dry a Season. The upland Grass is almost all lost; the Country parch’d up. This dry Season may be remembred with the favourable Small Pox; perhaps one may be in some Degree a Cause of the other. I am, Sir, Your obliged humble Servant
B Franklin
 Addressed: To  Wm. Vassall Esqr  Boston  Free B Franklin
Endorsed: From Mr. Benjamin Franklin June 19th. 1746 June 19. 1746. From Mr. Benj Fra[nklin]


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Cadwallader Colden, 10 July 1746
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Colden, Cadwallader

Sir
Philada. July 10. 1746
I have your Favours of June 2d. and the 7th Instant. I thank you for your little Treatise. I have interleav’d it, and am Reading it and Making Remarks as Time permits. I deliver’d one, as you directed, to Mr. Evans; another to Mr. Bertram. The former declares he cannot understand it; the latter told me the other Day, that he could not read it with the necessary Attention, till after Harvest, but he apprehended he should find it out of his Reach. I have not seen Mr. Logan since I sent him one. Two other Gentlemen to whom I gave each one, have not yet given me their Opinions; and in Truth I think you are somewhat too hasty in your Expectations from your Readers in this Affair. There are so many Things quite new in your Piece, and so different from our former Conceptions and Apprehensions, that I believe the closest and strongest Thinker we have amongst us, will require much longer Time than you seem willing to allow before he is so much a Master of your Scheme, as to be able to speak pertinently of it. Indeed those whose Judgment is of Value, are apt to be cautious of hazarding it: But for my Part, I shall, without Reserve, give you my Thoughts as they rose, knowing by Experience that you make large candid Allowances to your Friends. In a Post or two more I shall send them, with Mr. Logan’s Sentiments, if he will give them me, as I intend to see him in a few Days. Dr. Mitchel (as you will see by the enclos’d, which please to return me) is gone to England. I have sent one of your Pieces to Mr. Rose.
I wish our Governor would go to Albany, for I imagine the Indians have some Esteem for him. But he is very infirm of late; and perhaps your Governor has not invited him in such a Manner as to make him think his Company would be really acceptable. Of this, however, I know nothing. If you go, I heartily wish you a safe and pleasant Journey, with Success in your Negociations. I am, with much Respect, Sir Your most humble Servant
B Franklin
 Addressed: To  The Honble. Cadwallader Colden Esqr  New York  Free B Franklin


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to William Strahan, 25 September 1746
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Strahan, William

Sir
Philada. Sept. 25. 1746
Your Favours of Feb. 11. and May 1. are come to hand. Mesnard arrived safe this Morning, and I suppose I shall have the Trunks out in a Day or two. Our other Ships Lisle and Houston not yet come, but daily expected. I am much oblig’d to you for your ready Compliance with my Requests. I sent you in the Spring a Bill on Messrs. Hoare and Arnold for £15 which I hope came to hand, and will be as readily paid as that on George Rigge for £15.7.1. I now send you the following Bills, viz.

Sterling

John Dening’s for
3.
   5.
7

George Copper for
   2.
   8.
0

J. Bordely’s for
   4.
   3.
3

Ra. Page’s for
   4.
   15.
0

Sarah Gresham’s for
   4.
   10.
0

Jno. Bond’s for
   13.
   17.
9

   £32:
   19:
7

I wish the Sum had been all in one Bill, as the Trouble to you would be less; but Bills have been scarce lately, and we were glad to get any. I think however to send you no more such small ones.

I shall as you desire deliver one of Ainsworth’s Dictionaries to Mr. Read. You will please to take the Charge of it, off my Account in your Book, and add it to his.
Please to send me per next Vessel 6 Dozen of Dyche’s Spelling Books, and as many of Owen’s, with a Dozen of Post-Horns of different Sizes. I shall speedily send you another Bill.
My Wife joins with me in Thanks to you and good Mrs. Strahan and young Master, for your great Kindness to our Daughter. She shall make her Acknowlegements herself as soon as she is able.
I congratulate you on the Defeat of Jacobitism by your glorious Duke, and the Restoration of Peace and Good Order within the Kingdom. We have just now an Account that a French Fleet of about 30 Sail were lately seen off Cape Sables; They are suppos’d to be from Brest. I hope they are follow’d by a superior Force from England, otherwise a great Deal of Mischief may be done in North America.
I am sorry it so happen’d that Mr. Collinson had bespoke the Books. The next Catalogue sent to him will be accompanied with a Request that he should purchase them of you only.

Our Friends Messrs. Hall and Read continue well. I am Sir Your most obliged humble Servant
B Franklin


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to [Thomas Hopkinson?], [16 October 1746]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Hopkinson, Thomas

Vaughan (Political, Miscellaneous, and Philosophical Pieces, London, 1779, pp. 478–86) thought the addressee was Andrew Baxter; Duane (Memoirs, … with a Postliminious Preface, Phila., 1834, II, 383–5) thought it was Francis Hopkinson; Sparks (Works, vi, 87–93) and Bigelow (Works, II, 211–18) believed it was Thomas Hopkinson; Smyth (Writings, II, 317–22) named Cadwallader Colden. The present editors believe that Thomas Hopkinson was the most likely original addressee, although this copy, in Franklin’s own hand, was sent to Colden as an enclosure in his letter of October 16.
Further confusion has arisen because none of the surviving manuscripts is dated. Duane dated the essay 1748; Sparks, Bigelow, and Smyth, 1747; while Vaughan’s footnote that the market referred to in the final paragraph was Hungerford, near Craven Street, where Franklin lived in London, in effect dated the paper after 1757 (when Baxter, to whom he said it was addressed, was seven years dead). Franklin’s letter to Colden makes it clear that his “Remarks” on Baxter’s book were already written by October 16, 1746. Subsequently Franklin lost his own draft and asked Colden, on July 30, 1747, to return the copy sent him. In time Colden seems to have done so, since it survives among Franklin’s papers instead of his.

[October 16, 1746]
According to my Promise I send you in Writing my Observations on your Book. You will be the better able to consider them; which I desire you to do at your Leisure, and to set me right where I am wrong.

I stumble at [the] Threshold of the Building, and [therefore have not read farther.] The Author’s Vis Inertiae essential to Matter, upon which the whole Work is founded, I have not been able to comprehend. And I do not think he demonstrates at all clearly (at least to me he does not) that there is really any such Property in Matter.
He says, No. 2. “Let a given Body or Mass of Matter be called A, and let any given Celerity be called C: That Celerity doubled, tripled, &c. or halved, thirded, &c. will be 2C, 3C &c. or ½C, ⅓C &c. respectively. Also the Body doubled, tripled or halved, thirded; will be 2A, 3A, or ½A, ⅓A, respectively.” Thus far is clear. But he adds, “Now to move the Body A with the Celerity C, requires a certain Force to be impressed upon it; and to move it with a Celerity as 2C, requires twice that Force to be impressed upon it, &c.” Here I suspect some Mistake creeps in occasioned by the Author’s not distinguishing between a great Force apply’d at once, and a small one continually apply’d, to a Mass of Matter, in order to move it. I think ’tis generally allow’d by the Philosophers, and for aught we know is certainly true, That there is no Mass of Matter how great soever, but may be moved by any Force how small soever (taking Friction out of the Question) and this small Force continued will in Time bring the Mass to move with any Velocity whatsoever. Our Author himself seems to allow this towards the End of the same [No. 2] when he is subdividing his Celerities and Forces: For [as] in continuing the Division to Eternity by his Method of ½C, ⅓C, ¼C, ⅕C, &c. you can never come to a Fraction of Celerity that is equal to oC, or no Celerity at all; so dividing the Force in the same Manner, you can never come to a Fraction of [Force] that will not produce an equal Fraction of Celerity. [Where] then is the mighty Vis Inertiae, and what is its Strength when the greatest assignable Mass of Matter will give way to [or be moved by] the least assignable Force? Suppose two Globes each equal to the Sun and to one another, exactly equipoised in Jove’s Ballance: Suppose no Friction in the Center of Motion in the Beam or elsewhere: If a Musketo then were to light on one of them, would he not give Motion to them both, causing one to descend and the other to rise? If ’tis objected, that the Force of Gravity helps one Globe to descend: I answer, The same Force opposes the other’s Rising: Here is an Equality, that leaves the whole Motion to be produc’d by the Musketo, without whom those Globes would not be moved at all. What then does Vis Inertiae do in [this] Case? And what other Effect could we expect if there were no such Thing? Surely if it was any Thing more than a Phantom, there might be enough of it in such vast Bodies to annihilate, by its Opposition to Motion, so trifling a Force?
Our Author would have reason’d more clearly, I think, if, as he has us’d the Letter A for a certain Quantity of Matter, and C for a certain Degree of Celerity, he had employ’d one Letter more, and put F (perhaps) for a certain Quantity of Force. This let us suppose to be done; and then, as it is a Maxim that the Force of Bodies in Motion is equal to the Quantity of Matter multiply’d by the Celerity, or F = C×A; and as the Force received by and subsisting in Matter when it is put in Motion, can never exceed the Force given; so if F move A with C, there must needs be required (See No. 3) 2F to move A with 2C; for A moving with 2C would have a Force equal to 2F, which it could not receive from 1F; and this, not because there is such a Thing as Vis Inertiae, for the Case would be the same if that had no Existence; but, because nothing can give more than it hath. And now again, if a Thing can give what it hath; if 1F can to 1A give 1C, which is the same thing as giving it 1F; i.e. if Force apply’d to Matter at Rest, can put it in Motion, and give it equal Force; Where then is Vis Inertiae? If it existed at all in Matter, should we not find the Quantity of its Resistance subtracted from the Force given?
In No. 4. our Author goes on and says, “The Body A requires a certain Force to be impressed on it, to be moved with a Celerity as C, or such a Force is necessary; and therefore it makes a certain Resistance, &c. A Body as 2A, requires twice that Force to be moved with the same Celerity, or it makes twice that Resistance, and so on.” This I think is not true, but that the Body 2A moved by the Force 1F, (tho’ the Eye may judge otherwise of it) does really move with the same Celerity as 1A did when impell’d by the same Force: For 2A is compounded of 1A+1A; And if each of the 1A’s or each Part of the Compound were made to move with 1C, (as they might be by 2F) then the whole would move with 2C, and not with 1C as our Author Supposes. But 1F apply’d to 2A makes each A move with ½C, and so the Whole moves with 1C, exactly the same as 1A was made to do by 1F before. What is equal Celerity but a Measuring of the same Space by moving Bodies in the same Time? Now if 1A impell’d by 1F measures 100 Yards in a Minute; and in 2A impell’d by 1F, each A measures 50 Yards in a Minute, which added make 100, are not the Celerities as well as the Forces equal? And since Force and Celerity in the same Quantity of Matter are always in Proportion to each other, why should we, when the Quantity of Matter is doubled, allow the Force to continue unimpair’d, and yet suppose one Half of the Celerity to be lost? I wonder the more at our Author’s Mistake in this Point, since in the same No. I find him observing, “We may easily conceive that a Body as 3A, 4A, &c. would make 3 or 4 Bodies equal to once A, each of which would require once the first Force to be moved with the Celerity C.” If then in 3A, each A require once the first Force F to be moved with the Celerity C, would not each move with the Force F, and Celerity C; [and consequently] the whole be 3A moving with 3F, and 3C? After so distinct an Observation, how could he miss of the Consequence, and imagine that 1C and 3C were the same? Thus as our Author’s Abatement of Celerity in the Case of 2A moved by 1F, is imaginary, so must be his additional Resistance. And here again I am at a Loss to discover any Effect of the Vis Inertiae.
In No. 6 he tells us, “That all this is likewise certain when taken the contrary way, viz. from Motion to Rest; For the Body A moving with a certain Velocity as C requires a certain Degree of Force or Resistance to stop that Motion, &c. &c.” That is, in other Words, equal Force is necessary to destroy Force. It may be so; but how does that discover a Vis Inertiae? Would not the Effect be the same if there were no such Thing? A Force 1F strikes a Body 1A, and moves it with the Celerity 1C, i.e. with the Force 1F. It requires, even according to our Author, only an opposing 1F to stop it. But ought it not, (if there were a Vis Inertiae) to have [not only the] Force 1F, but an additional Force equal to the Force of Vis Inertiae, that obstinate Power, by which a Body endeavours with all its Might to continue in its present State, whether of Motion or Rest? I say, ought there not to be an opposing Force equal to the Sum of these? The Truth however is, that there is no Body how large soever, moving with any Velocity how great soever, but may be stopped by any opposing Force how small soever, continually apply’d. At least all our modern [Philosophers] agree to tell us so.
[Let] me turn the Thing in what Light I please, I cannot [discover] the Vis Inertiae nor any Effect of it. Tis allowed [by all] that a Body 1A, moving with a Velocity 1C, and [a Force 1]F, striking another Body 1A at Rest, they [will after]wards move on together, each with ½C, and ½F; which, as I said before, is equal in the Whole to 1C and 1F. If Vis Inertiae as in this Case neither abates the Force nor the Velocity of Bodies, What does it, or how does it discover itself?
I imagine I may venture to conclude my Observations on this Piece, almost in the Words of the Author, “That if the Doctrines of the Immateriality of the Soul, and the Existence of God, and of Divine Providence are demonstrable from no plainer Principles, the Deist hath a desperate Cause in Hand.” I oppose my Theist to his Atheist, because I think they are diametrically opposite and not near of kin, as Mr. Whitefield seems to suppose where (in his Journal) he tells us, Mr. B. was a Deist, I had almost said an Atheist. That is, Chalk, I had almost said Charcoal.
Shall I hazard a Thought to you [that?] for aught I know is new, viz. If God was before all Things, and fill’d all Space; then, when he form’d what we call Matter, he must have done it out of his own Thinking immaterial Substance. The same, tho’ he had not fill’d all Space; if it be true that Ex nihilo nihil fit. From hence may we not draw this Conclusion, That if any Part of Matter does not at present act and think, ’tis not from an Incapacity in its Nature [but from] a positive Restraint. I know not yet [what other] Consequences may follow the admitting of [this position] and therefore I will not be oblig’d to defend [it. Torn] ’tis with some Reluctance that I either [torn] in the metaphysical Way. The great Uncertainty I have found in that Science; the wide Contradictions and endless Disputes it affords; and the horrible Errors I led my self into when a young Man, by drawing a Chain of plain Consequences as I thought them, from true Principles, have given me a Disgust to what I was once extreamly fond of.
The Din of the Market encreases upon me, and that, with frequent Interruptions, has, I find, made me say some things twice over, and I suppose forget some others I intended to say. It has, however, one good Effect, as it obliges me to come to the Relief of your Patience, with Your humble Servant
[B Franklin]
 Endorsed: Vis Inertia deny’d


Title: Receipt to Sarah Read, 21 October 1746
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Read, Sarah

Among Franklin’s papers in the American Philosophical Society is a receipt book of his mother-in-law, containing 27 receipts between 1715 and 1760, most of them between 1733 and 1747. Payments are recorded to William Rakestraw for carpentry, to Samuel Alford for making a silver spoon, to Anthony Nicholas “for Iron work Done too pump & Seller Dores of house,” to Bridget Sullivan for beef and veal, to Simon Edgell, Samuel Coates and others for various kinds of goods. Richard Warder signed two receipts for rent paid by Mrs. Read, Christopher Thompson signed one. There are receipts from three different Receivers General for quitrents paid the Proprietaries “on half a lot in high Street.” The only one given by Franklin is printed below. Mrs. Read’s signed receipt to her son-in-law on this settling of accounts is in his Ledger D.

Oct. 21. 1746
Settled all old Accounts with Mother Mrs. Sarah Read, and I am Dr. to Ballance, One Pound Seventeen Shillings and seven pence half penny; the Bond of Portues’s which I took up not reckon’d. Witness my hand
B Franklin
£1. 17s. 7½d.

Settled as above written, and the Ballance with £20 Cash making in all the Sum of Twenty-one Pounds Seventeen Shillings and seven pence half penny receiv’d towards that Bond per me
B Franklin

Mem[orandu]m. The Cash was paid to my Wife some time ago.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from James Smith, 25 October 1746
From: Smith, James
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Chester Town, Ocbr. 25th 1746
Yours of the 17th mentioning my chance in the New York Lottery for which I return you thanks And when you Shall get the money Please to Acquaint me. I may have Occation of Somthing in your way So that if you please to let the money lye with you tell then. I am with respects Sir Your Most humble Servant
Jam. Smith
 Addressed: To Mr. Benjamin Franklin  Philadelphia


Title: Extracts from the Gazette, 1746
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

	[Advertisement ] All Persons indebted to the Printer hereof for a Year’s Gazette, or more, are desired to make Payment. [February 11]

	From Lancaster County, and the upper Parts of Philadelphia County, we have received several Accounts of the Mischiefs done by mad Dogs, among the black Cattle, Horses, Sheep, &c. many of which run mad, and die a few Days after they are bitten, as do also the wild Creatures, Wolves, Foxes, &c. some sorts of which that us’d to be very shy of Man, have run madly into the People’s Houses and been kill’d there. To prevent the Spreading of this Evil, some whole Townships have kill’d all their Dogs. In our next we shall insert a Receipt, which is said to be an infallible Cure for the Bite of a mad Dog. [March 11]

	   Mr. John Bartram, Botanist, informs us, that he has had two fair Specimens of the English ash-colour’d Ground-Liverwort, sent him by Dr. Dillenius, Chief Professor of Botany at Oxford; which appears to be exactly the same Species with ours in Pennsylvania, and the Places and Manner of their Growth near alike. It grows, he says, flat and spreading on the Ground, as broad as the Palm of one’s Hand, in divided Lobes, in shady, poor, cold, clayey, or gravelly Ground; the upper Side is of an Ash Colour, the other is whitish, thick set with fibrous Roots by which it adheres close to the Ground. It is sufficiently plenty in many Parts of the Country. [March 27]

	   The Northern Post begins his Weekly Stage this Day at Three o’ Clock in the Afternoon, till next Winter, during which Time this Paper will be published on Thursdays. [March 27]

	   [Advertisement ] Found this Morning, a Pair of Silver Knee-Buckles; the Owner by applying to the Printer, describing their Marks, and paying the Charge of this Advertisement, may have them again. [March 27]

	   Notice is hereby given to the Constables of the several Wards in the City of Philadelphia, and to the Constables of all the Townships and Burroughs in the several Counties of the Province of Pennsylvania, That by a late Act of Assembly of the said Province, entitled, An Act for the more effectual Suppressing profane Cursing and Swearing, they are enjoined and required, to affix a Copy of the said Act in the most publick Place in their respective Wards and Districts, under the Penalty of Five Pounds, to each Constable who shall neglect his Duty therein; which Copies are now printed on single Sheets as the Act directs, and ready to be delivered by the Printer of this Paper, to the several Constables, for the Purpose aforesaid, on their calling or sending for the same. [April 3]

	   [Advertisement ] To be Let, A Large Dwelling House on Society Hill, with a Kitchen, Wash House, Chaise House, Stable, and a Garden improved. Enquire of Robert Grace, Merchant, in Philadelphia, or the Printer hereof. [April 24]

	   ††New-York Lottery Tickets, sold by B. Franklin. Price 30s. each. [May 15]

	   The Revd. Mr. Whitefield arrived in Town on Saturday, and has preached every Day since in the New Building, to crouded Auditories. [May 22]

Philadelphia, May 29. 1746.
To All Concerned. Whereas I, the Subscriber, employed B. Franklin to print £27.10.0 of Notes of Hand, viz. Twopenny, Threepenny, and Sixpenny Ones, out of meer Necessity for want of Pence for running Change, but made no more by him, nor any other Printer; whoever takes any of said Notes by me signed, shall have the same exchanged upon Demand with the best Money I have. Witness my Hand, Joseph Gray[May 29]

	   [Advertisement ] Lent from the Post-Office, Philadelphia, the second Volume of Pamela; the Person that has it, is desired to return it. [June 26]

	   There are great Rejoicings in Town on account of the Defeat of the Rebels by the Duke of Cumberland. [July 10]

	   [Advertisement ] Those who have any Muskets or Guns of a good sizeable Bore, or Cutlasses, to dispose of, may hear of a Purchaser, by applying to the Printer hereof. [July 24]

	   In Pursuance of the Governor’s late Proclamation for that Purpose, Thursday last was observed here with a becoming Solemnity, as a Day of Publick Thanksgiving to Almighty God, for the Suppression of the Rebellion in Scotland, &c. Great Numbers of People attended at all the Places of Worship in the fore Part of the Day; and his Honour the Governor entertained near a hundred of the principal Gentlemen and Inhabitants of the City at Dinner; where our Happiness under the present Constitution, both in Church and State, and the great Obligations we have to the Family on the Throne, were properly and decently remember’d. [July 31]

	   [Advertisement ] Lost, a Fortnight ago, in the Market Place, a Stone Sleeve Button, set in Gold. The Person that has found it, and will bring it to the Post-Office, Philadelphia, shall be sufficiently rewarded. [July 31]

	   [Advertisement ] Henry Pratt is removed from the Sign of the Ship a-Ground in Front-street, to the Royal Standard in Market Street, opposite the Butcher’s Shambles; where he keeps Tavern as formerly. [August 14]

	   Saturday last the Rev. Mr. Whitefield arrived here from New-York: He preached twice on Sunday, and once every Day since, in the New-Building, to crowded Auditories. [August 21]

	   Last Sunday Evening the Rev. Mr. Whitefield preach’d to a very large Auditory (among whom were many of the principal Persons of this City) a most excellent Sermon on Occasion of the late Victory over the Rebels; in which he set the Mischiefs of Popery and arbitrary Power, and the Happiness the Nation has enjoy’d under the present Royal Family, in the strongest Lights; and pathetically exhorted to Repentance and Amendment of Life in Gratitude for that signal Deliverance. No Discourse of his among us has given more general Satisfaction; nor has the Preacher ever met with a more universal Applause; having demonstrated himself to be as sound and zealous a Protestant, and as truly a loyal Subject, as he is a grand and masterly Orator. [August 28]

	   On Thursday last the Reverend Mr. Whitefield left this City, after having preached here the greatest Part of the Summer to large Congregations, which the longer he staid increased the more. He never was so generally well esteemed by Persons of all Ranks among us; nor did he ever leave us attended with so many ardent Wishes for his happy Journey thro’ Maryland and Virginia, and to Georgia, and a safe Return to this Place. We shall probably see him next Summer in his Way to Boston, unless he should embark in the Spring for Barbados, and the other West India Islands. [September 25]

[Advertisement ] Just imported, and to be sold by B. Franklin, Bibles of various Sizes, from large Folio, down to the smallest Pocket Bibles; Testaments, Common Prayers, Confessions of Faith, large and small, Gray’s Works, compleat, Vincent on Judgment, Dyer’s Golden Chain, Life of Monsieur De Renty; Journals of the Siege of Cape-Breton, with a large Map of Louisburgh, &c. Salmon’s Gazetteer, better than Echard’s; Watts’s Lyric Poems; Watts’s Logic, with Supplement; Watts’s Essays; Medical Essays of Edinburgh; Cocker’s Arithmetick, &c. &c.
Navigation Books. Quarto Waggoners for America; Mariner’s Compass Rectified; Mariner’s Calendar; Atkinson’s Epitome, with Scales and Dividers.
Latin School Books. Accidences; Lilly’s Grammars; Ruddiman’s Rudiments; Bayley’s Exercises; Vocabularies; Parsing Books; Roberts’s Cato; Wayett’s Phedrus; Selectae è Profanis Historiae; Selectae è Veteri Testamenti Historiae; Clark’s Grammars, Esop, Eutropius, Erasmus, Ovid, Nepos, Salust, Justin and Florus.
French School Books. Boyer’s Grammar; Blair’s Ditto; Boyer’s Dictionary; Sterling’s Cordery; French Testaments; Palaitet’s Arts and Sciences, French and English; Cambray’s Tales and Fables, Ditto; History of England, Ditto.
Dutch School Books. Beiler’s German Grammars; Ludwig’s Dictionary, High Dutch and English.
With Psalters, Primmers, Paper, Sealing Wax, Ink-powder, and all Sorts of Stationary Ware. [October 2]

Monday next will be published, and sold by B. Franklin, The Votes of the last Sessions of the Assembly of the Province of Pennsylvania. To which is added, The Treaty held with the Indians at Albany, in October, 1745. Price 3s. 6d.
N.B. Those who incline to take the Treaty without the Votes, may have it separate. [October 2]

	   Just Published, and sold by B. Franklin, Poor Richard’s Almanack, For the Year 1747. Likewise The Pocket Almanack, For the Year 1747. [November 6]

Philadelphia, November 6. 1746.
Lent, but forgot to whom, Locke’s essay on human understanding, and the two volumes of the Guardians. The persons that borrowed them, are desired to return them, to William Logan. N.B. Locke’s essay has my father J. Logan’s name in the tital page. [November 6]

Philadelphia, November 13. 1746.
Dropt about two weeks since, in Market-street, between the Market-house and Third-street, a dirty white linnen shirt, and a pair of thread stockings: The person that pick’d them up, is desir’d to send them to the Post-Office. [November 13]

Philadelphia, November 20. 1746.
[Advertisement ] All Sorts of Deeds and Conveyances, carefully drawn, by Thomas Hopkinson, in Front-street. [November 27]

	   ⁂The Northern Post begins his Fortnight’s Stage at Two o’Clock this Afternoon; during which Time this Paper will be publish’d on Tuesdays. [December 2]

Tuesday last died here Thomas Griffitts, Esq; Keeper of the Great Seal of this Province; he was for some Years one of the Judges of the Supream Court, and has been twice Mayor of this City.
He is succeeded in his Office as Keeper of the Great Seal by Lyn-Ford Lardner, Esq; the Proprietaries Receiver General. [December 16]

Philadelphia: Printed by B. Franklin, Post-Master, at the New-Printing-Office, near the Market.