Title: XII. To the Inhabitants of the Colony of Massachusetts-Bay, 17 April 1775
From: Adams, John,Novanglus
To: Inhabitants of Massachusetts Bay Colony,Massachusettensis

       My Friends,

        17 April 1775

      We now come to Jersey and Guernsey, which Massachusettensis says “are no part of the realm of England, nor are they represented in parliament, but are subject to its authority.” A little knowledge of this subject will do us no harm, and as soon as we shall acquire it, we shall be satisfied, how these islands came to be subject to the authority of parliament. It is either upon the principle that the king is absolute there, and has a right to make laws for them by his mere will, and therefore may express his will by an act of parliament or an edict at his pleasure, or it is an usurpation. If it is an usurpation, it ought not to be a precedent for the colonies, but it ought to be reformed, and they ought to be incorporated into the realm, by act of parliament, and their own act. Their situation is no objection to this. Ours is an insurmountable obstacle.
      Thus we see that in every instance which can be found, the observation proves to be true, that by the common law, the laws of England, and the authority of parliament and the limits of the realm, were confined within seas. That the kings of England had frequently foreign dominions, some by conquest, some by marriage, and some by descent. But in all those cases the kings were either absolute in those dominions, or bound to govern them according to their own respective laws, and by their own legislative and executive councils. That the laws of England did not extend there, and the English parliament pretended no jurisdiction there, nor claimed any right to controul the king in his government of those dominions. And from this extensive survey of all the foregoing cases, there results a confirmation of what has been so often said, that there is no provision in the common law, in English precedents, in the English government or constitution, made for the case of the colonies. It is not a conquered, but a discovered country. It came not to the king by descent, but was explored by the settlers. It came not by marriage to the king, but was purchased by the settlers, of the savages. It was not granted by the king of his grace, but was dearly, very dearly earned by the planters, in the labour, blood, and treasure which they expended to subdue it to cultivation. It stands upon no grounds then of law or policy, but what are found in the law of nature, and their express contracts in their charters, and their implied contracts in the commissions to governors and terms of settlement.
      The cases of Chester, and Durham, counties palatine within the realm, shall conclude this fatigueing ramble. Chester was an earldom and a county, and in 21 year of king R. 2. A. D. 1397, it was by an act of parliament, erected into a principality, and several castles and towns, were annexed to it, saving to the king the rights of his crown. This was a county palatine, and had jura regalia, before this erection of it, into a principality. But the statute which made it a principality, was again repealed, by 1. H. 4. c. 3. and in 1399, by the 1. H. 4. c. 18. Grievous complaints were made to the king in parliament, of murders, manslaughters, robberies, batteries, riots, &c. done by people of the county of Chester, in divers counties of England. For remedy of which it is enacted, that if any person of the county of Chester, commit any murder or felony in any place out of that county, process shall be made against him by the common law, ’till the exigent, in the county where such murder or felony was done: and if he flee into the county of Chester, and be outlawed, and put in exigent for such murder or felony, the same outlawry or exigent, shall be certified to the officers and ministers of the same county of Chester, and the felon shall be taken, his lands and goods within that county shall be seized as forfeit into the hands of the prince, or of him that shall be lord of the same county of Chester, and the king shall have the year and day and waste; and the other lands and goods of such felons, out of said county, shall remain wholly to the king, &c. as forfeit. And a similar provision in case of battery or trespass, &c.
      Considering the great seal of England, and the process of the kings contracts did not run into Chester, it was natural that malefactors should take refuge there and escape punishment, and therefore a statute like this, was of indispensible necessity, and afterwards in 1535, another statute was made, 27. H. c. 5. for the making of justices of peace within Chester, &c. Recites the king, considering the manifold robberies, murthers, thefts, trespasses, riots, routs, embraceries, maintenances, oppressions, ruptures of his peace &c. which have been daily done within his county palatine of Chester &c. by reason that common justice hath not been indifferently ministred there, like and in form as it is in other places of this his realm, by reason whereof the said criminals have remained unpunished; for redress whereof, and to the intent that one order of law should be had, the king is impowered to constitute justices of peace, quorum, and goal delivery, in Chester, &c.
      By the 32. H. 8. c. 43. another act was made concerning the county palatine of Chester, for shire days.
      These three acts soon excited discontent in Chester. They had enjoyed an exemption from the king’s English courts, legislative and executive, and they had no representatives in the English parliament, and therefore they thought it a violation of their rights, to be subjected even to those three statutes, as reasonable and absolutely necessary as they appear to have been: and accordingly we find in 1542.–34. and 35. H. 8. c. 13. a zealous petition to be represented in parliament, and an act was made for making of knights and burgesses within the county and city of Chester. It recites a part of the petition to the king, from the inhabitants of Chester, shewing, “that the county palatine, had been excluded from parliament, to have any knights and burgesses there; by reason whereof, the said inhabitants have hitherto sustained manifold disherisons, losses and damages, in lands, goods and bodies, as well as in the good civil and politick governance and maintenance of the common wealth, of their said country: and forasmuch as the said inhabitants have always hitherto been bound by the acts and statutes, made by your highness and progenitors in said court, (meaning when expressly named, not otherwise,) as far forth as other counties, cities and boroughs, which have had knights and burgesses, and yet have had neither knight nor burgess there, for the said county palatine; the said inhabitants for lack thereof, have been oftentimes touched and grieved with acts and statutes, made within the said court, as well derogatory unto the most ancient jurisdictions, liberties, and privileges of your said county palatine, as prejudicial unto the common weal, quietness, rest and peace of your subjects, &c.” For remedy whereof, two knights of the shire and two burgesses for the city are established.
      I have before recited all the acts of parliament, which were ever made to meddle with Chester, except the 51. H. 3. st. 5. in 1266, which only provides that the justices of Chester, and other bailiffs, shall be answerable in the exchequer, for wards, estcheats, and other bailiwicks; yet Chester was never severed from the crown or realm of England, nor ever expressly exempted from the authority of parliament: yet as they had generally enjoyed an exemption from the exercise of the authority of parliament, we see how soon they complain of it as grievous, and claim a representation, as a right; and we see how readily it was granted.—America, on the contrary, is not in the realm, never was subject to the authority of parliament, by any principle of law, is so far from Great-Britain, that she never can be represented; yet she is to be bound in all cases whatsoever.
      The first statute, which appears in which Durham is named, is 27. H. 8. c. 24. §21. Cuthbert bishop of Durham, and his successors, and their temporal chancellor of the county palatine of Durham, are made justices of the peace. The next is 31 Eliz. c. 9. recites, that Durham is, and of long time hath been an ancient county palatine, in which the Queen’s writ, hath not, and yet doth not run; enacts that a writ of proclamation upon an exigent, against any person dwelling in the bishoprick, shall run there for the future. And §5. confirms all the other liberties of the bishop and his officers.
      And after this, we find no other mention of that bishoprick in any statute until 25 Char. 2. c. 9. This statute recites, “whereas the inhabitants of the county palatine of Durham, have not hitherto had the liberty and priviledge of electing and sending any knights and burgesses to the high court of parliament, altho’ the inhabitants of the said county palatine are liable to all payments, rates, and subsidies, granted by parliament, equally with the inhabitants of other counties, cities, and burroughs, in this kingdom, who have their knights and burgesses in the parliament, and are therefore concerned equally with others, the inhabitants of this kingdom, to have knights and burgesses in the said high court of parliament of their own election, to represent the condition of their county, as the inhabitants of other counties, cities, and burroughs of this kingdom have.” Enacts two knights for the county, and two burgesses for the city. Here it should be observed, that altho’ they acknowledge that they had been liable to all rates, &c. granted by parliament, yet none had actually been laid upon them before this statute.
      Massachusettensis then comes to the first charter of this province, and he tells us, that in it “we shall find irresistable evidence, that our being a part of the empire subject to the supreme authority of the state, bound by its laws, and subject to its protection, was the very terms and conditions by which our ancestors held their lands and settled the province.” This is roundly and warmly said: but there is more zeal in it than knowledge. As to our being part of the empire, it could not be the British empire, as it is called, because that was not then in being, but was created seventy or eighty years afterwards. It must be the English empire then, but the nation was not then polite enough to have introduced into the language of the law, or common parlance any such phrase or idea. Rome never introduced the terms Roman empire until the tragedy of her freedom was compleated. Before that, it was only the republic, or the city. In the same manner the realm or the kingdom, or the dominions of the king, were the fashionable style in the age of the first charter. As to being subject to the supreme authority of the state, the prince who granted that charter thought it resided in himself, without any such troublesome tumults as lords and commons; and before the granting that charter, had dissolved his parliament, and determined never to call another, but to govern without. It is not very likely then, that he intended our ancestors should be governed by parliament, or bound by its laws. As to being subject to its protection, we may guess what ideas king and parliament had of that, by the protection they actually afforded to our ancestors. Not one farthing was ever voted or given by the king or his parliament, or any one resolution taken about them. As to holding their lands, surely they did not hold their lands of lords and commons. If they agreed to hold their lands of the king, this did not subject them to English lords and commons, any more than the inhabitants of Scotland holding their lands of the same king, subjected them. But there is not a word about the empire, the supreme authority of the state, being bound by its laws, or obliged for its protection in that whole charter. But “our charter is in the royal style.” What then? Is that the parliamentary style? The style is, this “Charles, by the grace of God, king of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c.” Now in which capacity did he grant that charter? As king of France, or Ireland, or Scotland, or England? He govern’d England by one parliament, Scotland by another. Which parliament, were we to be governed by? And Ireland by a third, and it might as well be reasoned that America was to be governed by the Irish parliament as by the English. But it was granted “under the great seal of England”—true. But this seal runneth not out of the realm, except to mandatory writs, and when our charter was given, it was never intended to go out of the realm. The charter and the corporation were intended to abide and remain within the realm, and be like other corporations there. But this affair of the seal is a mere piece of imposition.
      In Moore’s reports in the case of the union of the realm of Scotland with England, it is resolved by the judges that “the seal is alterable by the king at his pleasure, and he might make one seal for both kingdoms (of England and Scotland,) for seals, coin, and leagues are of absolute prerogative to the king, without parliament, nor restrained to any assent of the people”, and in determining how far the great seal doth command out of England, they made this distinction. “That the great seal was currant for remedials, which groweth on complaint of the subject, and thereupon writs are addressed under the great seal of England, which writs are limited, their precinct to be within the places of the jurisdiction of the court, that was to give the redress of the wrong. And therefore writs are not to go into Ireland, or the isles, nor Wales, nor the counties palatine, because the king’s courts here have not power to hold pleas of lands or things there. But the great seal hath a power preceptory to the person, which power extendeth to any place where the person may be found, &c.” This authority plainly shews that the great seal of England, has no more authority out of the realm, except to mandatory or preceptory writs, (and surely the first charter was no preceptory writ) than the privy seal, or the great seal of Scotland, or no seal at all. In truth, the seal and charter were intended to remain within the realm, and be of force to a corporation there; but the moment it was transferred to New England, it lost all its legal force, by the common law of England; and as this translation of it was acquiesced in by all parties, it might well be considered as good evidence of a contract between the parties, and in no other light, but not a whit the better or stronger for being under the great seal of England. But “the grants are made by the king for his heirs and successors.” What then? So the Scots held their lands of him who was then king of England, his heirs and successors, and were bound to allegiance to him, his heirs and successors, but it did not follow from thence that the Scots were subject to the English parliament. So the inhabitants of Aquitain, for ten descents, held their lands, and were tied by allegiance to him who was king of England, his heirs and successors, but were under no subjection to English lords and commons.
      Heirs and successors of the king, are supposed to be the same persons, and are used as synonimous words in the English law. There is no positive, artifical provision made by our laws or the British constitution for revolutions. All our positive laws suppose that the royal office will descend to the eldest branch of the male line, or in default of that to the eldest female, &c. forever, and that the succession will not be broken. It is true that nature, necessity and the great principles of self-preservation, have often over-ruled the succession. But this was done without any positive instruction of law. Therefore the grants being by the king for his heirs and successors, and the tenures being of the king his heirs and successors, and the preservation being to the king his heirs and successors, are so far from proving that we were to be part of an empire as one state subject to the supreme authority of the English or British state, and subject to its protection, that they don’t so much as prove that we are annexed to the English crown. And all the subtilty of the writers on the side of the ministry, has never yet proved that America is so much as annexed to the crown, much less to the realm. “It is apparent the king acted in his royal capacity as king of England.” This I deny. The laws of England gave him no authority to grant any territory out of the realm. Besides, there is no colour for his thinking that he acted in that capacity, but his using the great seal of England: but if the king is absolute in the affair of the seal, and may make or use any seal that he pleases, his using that seal which had been commonly used in England, is no certain proof that he acted as king of England; for it is plain, he might have used the English seal in the government of Scotland, and in that case it will not be pretended that he would have acted in his royal capacity as king of England. But his acting as king of England “necessarily supposes the territory granted to be a part of the English dominions, and holden of the crown of England.” Here is the word “dominions,” systematically introduced instead of the word “realm.” There was no English dominions but the realm. And I say that America was not any part of the English realm or dominions. And therefore, when the king granted it, he could not act as king of England by the laws of England. As to the “territory being holden of the crown,” there is no such thing in nature or art. Lands are holden according to the original notion of feuds of the natural person of the lord. Holding lands, in feudal language, means no more than the relation between lord and tenant. The reciprocal duties of these are all personal. Homage, fealty, &c. and all other services, are personal to the lord; protection, &c. is personal to the tenant. And therefore no homage, fealty, or other services, can ever be rendered to the body politick, the political capacity, which is not corporated, but only a frame in the mind, an idea. No lands here or in England are held of the crown, meaning by it, the political capacity—they are all held of the royal person, the natural person of the king. Holding lands, &c. of the crown, is an impropriety of expression, but it is often used, and when it is, it can have no other sensible meaning than this—that we hold lands of that person, whoever he is, who wears the crown—the law supposes he will be a right, natural heir of the present king forever.
      Massachusettensis then produces a quotation from the first charter, to prove several points. It is needless to repeat the whole, but the parts chiefly relied on, are italicised. It makes the company “a body politick in fact and name, &c. and enables it to sue and be sued.” Then the writer asks, “whether this looks like a distinct state or independent empire?” I answer no. And that it is plain and uncontroverted, that the first charter was intended only to erect a corporation within the realm, and the governor and company were to reside within the realm, and their general courts were to be held there. Their agents, deputies and servants only were to come to America. And if this had taken place, nobody ever doubted but they would have been subject to parliament. But this intention was not regarded on either side, and the company came over to America, and brought their charter with them. And as soon as they arrived here, they got out of the English realm, dominions, state, empire, call it by what name you will, and out of the legal jurisdiction of parliament. The king might by his writ or proclamation have commanded them to return, but he did not.

       NOVANGLUS


Title: XIII. To the Inhabitants of the Colony of Massachusetts-Bay, April 1775
From: Adams, John,Novanglus
To: Inhabitants of Massachusetts Bay Colony,Massachusettensis

        My Friends,

        April 1775

      Another Clause in the Charter, quoted by this Writer, contains the Power “to make Laws and ordinancies, for the good and Welfare of the said Company, and for the Government and ordering of the Said Lands and Plantations and the People inhabiting the Same; So as such Laws and Ordinances be not contrary or repugnant to the Laws and Statutes of this our Realm of England.”
      This is the usual Clause inserted in the Charters of all Corporations in England, and it is intended to restrain those Bodies politick within the limits of the Constitution and the Laws. It expressed no more however, than the Law would imply. For the King could not erect a Corporation within the Realm and give it Power to Superceed or overrule the general Laws of the Kingdom. A Similar Clause is inserted in the Laws of this Province which impower Towns to make By Laws “so as they be not repugnant to the Laws of the Province.” I suppose this Clause was inserted in that Charter to restrain the Corporation from Setting up any Form of Government different from the English Constitution in general, and perhaps was intended to subject them to the Common Law [and to Such Statutes as were then in force. But if We allow it the utmost Latitude of Construction, and Suppose that it meant to confine them to Obedience to Common Law,] and all statutes which were then in Force, and to all others which Should thereafter be made, this is no more than they would have been bound to, if no such Clause had been in the Charter, so long as they and their Charter remained in England, which both Grantor and Grantees then intended. But the Moment the Charter and the Company were removed to New England beyond the four Seas, out of the Realm, out of the Extent and local Limit of the Laws of England, that moment they were discharged from all obligation of obedience to the Laws of England. The Charter lost all Force, which it ever had by the Laws of England, as a legal Instrument, and became only Evidence of a Contract. The whole Plan and Design of all Parties was essentially changed. If a Charter granted in England, to be exercised there, can be forfeited by the Laws of England, the Translation of that Charter and Company to America, and setting up a Government here under it, was a forfeiture of it. What the Consequences of this forfeiture were, is another Question. The King might have commanded the Adventurers to return, and upon their Refusal might have Seized their Estates in England, if they had any: that is all. But he did not. But it did not bring our Ancestores, who were allowed to remain here, under the Authority of Parliament nor under the absolute Power of the King. Nay, what is more, this Charter was deemed forfeited and void for these very Reasons in the King’s bench, Trinity. 11. Car. 1. Yet our Ancestors continued to enjoy their Priviledges and carry on Government, according to that Charter, from that Time, untill the Reign of James the second, nay untill the Revolution. In a Collection of original Papers relative to the History of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay, page 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, you will find the Evidence of all this. “A Quo Warranto brought against the Company of the Massachusetts Bay by Sir John Banks, Attorney General.” This Quo Warranto goes upon the Principle upon which I have all along proceeded, vizt, that the common Law had made no Provision for erecting Governments or Colonies out of the Realm and therefore, any Royal Charter, out of the Realm was void. The Quo Warranto begins “That Sir Henry Roswell and all the Massachusetts Company &c used &c in several Parts beyond the Seas out of this Kingdom of England, without any Warrant or royal Grant (meaning that quoad hoc the Royal Grant was void) the Liberties, Priviledges, and Franchises following &c. 1. To be a Body Politick &c. 8. To appoint councell Houses in England, and beyond seas and there, when they please, to hold a Court of such of the said Company as they please; and in such Courts to make such Laws and Statutes concerning the Lands, Goods, and Chattells of that Company and other Persons beyond seas against the Laws and Customs of England &c.”
      9. To transport out of England beyond the seas his Majestys subjects and others and them, at their Wills, to governe on the seas and on Parts beyond the seas.
      14. To examine on Oath any Person in any Cause [touching Life and Member and to proceed to tryal, Sentence, Judgment and Execution] touching Life and Member, Lands, Tenements, Goods and Chattels, against the Laws and Customs of England,” “All which Franchises Liberties &c the said Sir Henry Roswell and others of the said Company have for all that Time, and still do usurp &c.”
      This Quo Warranto, manifestly, is grounded on the Principle, that the Laws of England did not extend beyond Seas, and therefore that the Charter, when translated beyond Seas, was void.
      In Michaelmas. Term. 11. Car. 1. Eaton, and in Hillary. 11. Car. 1. Roswell, and in Pass Paschal 13. Car. 1. Young, and in Hill. 12. Car. 1. Saltonstall, and Mich. Car. 1. Venn, came in and pleaded, that they never usurped any the Said Liberties &c nor doth use or claim any of the Same, but wholly disclaim them. Where-upon the Court gave Judgment, That they shall not for the future intermeddle with any Liberties &c aforesaid but shall forever be excluded from all use and claim of the same &c. Cradock made default, and was convicted of the usurpation, but had Judgment against him. Harwood, Perry, Wright, Vassall, Goffe, Adams, Browne and Foxcroft, pleaded and had Judgment as Eaton. The rest of the Patentees being in New England stood outlawed and no Judgment was entered up against them. In Consequence of these Proceedings, an order of the Privy Council was Sent 4. April 1638 to Mr. Winthrop in his Majestys Name, “requiring and injoining the Said Winthrop or any other in whose Power the said Letters Patent were, that they fail not to transmit The Said Patent hither, by the Return of the Ship, it being resolved in Case of any further Neglect, &c their Lordships will move his Majesty to reassume into his Hands the whole Plantation.” The Intent of this order, was that the Patent should be sent over, that the Government of the Colony might be under a Corporation in England according to the original and true Intent of the Patent.
      But did Mr. Winthrop, or any other of the Adventurers return the Patent! No. Young as the Plantation was they had the Courage and the Wisdom to keep their Patent, in their own Power. But as this Translation of the Patent to New England, instead of using it within the Realm as was at first intended is of great Importance, in this controversy, We must be a little more particular.
      The Charter as I have said Shews upon the Face of it, that it was intended to erect a Corporation within the Realm. The first Governor, Deputy Governor and Assistants were chosen in England, 13. May 1628. Cradock was chosen Governor and Goffe Deputy Governor in England, and as soon as the Election was over they with the Assistants appointed Mr. Endicot their Governor in the Plantation. This shews that they had one Governor in England, who was the Head of the Corporation, and another in America, who was only principal Agent or Manager for the Company. And in this manner the Affairs of the Company were conducted untill July 1629, when the Company in England projected a much larger Embarkation of Adventurers and a Translation of the Patent itself to New England. A Committee was appointed to consider of it, and advise with Council. The Company had been at great Expence, without any Returns or rational Prospect of Profit. Johnson, Winthrop, Dudley, and others, not the rascally Rabble of Romulus but Gentlemen of Family, Fortune, Education, and Figure, offered to go over with their Families, upon Condition that the Patent and Charter Should go with them. The Objection against it, was a doubt whether the Transfer was legal. The Report of the Committee is not on Record, but a Mr. White a Counsellor at Law was of the Company and his opinion was taken, and the Company concurred with it “that the Government and Patent Should be Settled in New England.” It is much to be wished that this important opinion of Mr. White was preserved. It might discover “Arcana.” It was certainly a wise and judicious opinion, in Point of Prudence and Policy, and has been vastly Successfull, for the Plantation probably had dwindled away, but for that Advice. However Governor Winthrop himself, who knew very well the Laws of England were confined within Seas, must have [been Sensible that there could be no Provision in that Law, for the Translation of the Company beyond Seas—and indeed they Seem to have] been all Sensible of this and to have considered the Charter only as a Licence to their People to go abroad. On the 20. of October, at a General Court in England, Mr. Winthrop was chosen Governor, and the Deputy Governor and Assistants chosen were all such as proposed to go over with the Charter. They went over accordingly, and the Existence of the English Power in America is entirely owing to this manifest departure from the first Intent of the Charter, for at this critical Time Richlieu and De Monts were upon the Point of making Settlements here which would have excluded the English forever.

       Massachusettensis says that this clause in the Charter—“So as such laws be not contrary or repugnant to the laws and statutes of this our realm of England” is as evident a recognition of the authority of Parliament over this Province as if the words “Acts of Parliament” had been inserted

      But there is no such Clause in the first Charter or the second, and if there had been in the first Charter, it would have now been void. For by an express Clause in the first Charter, every Part of it was to be expounded most favourably for the Grantees, and therefore if there had been two contradictory Clauses in it, that must have done which was most in favour of the Grantees. Now they think that any Clause, obliging them to Obedience to Parliament, would have been directly repugnant to the Clause now under Consideration which gives them the Liberties and Immunities of natural born subjects.
      Soon after, We are Struck with a Smart Remark indeed “if We are not annexed to the Realm we are Aliens.” It is not a little Surprizing, that this Writer should let Such Blunders escape him. If he had ever read one Page in a Book concerning the Connection of Scotland, Ireland, Jersey, Guernesy, Gascoin &c with England, he must have seen the Contrary. He might have forgot it, or this observation might escape him inadvertently. It is too uncandid to suppose, that he thought he should never be answered, and that it would pass well enough with the Ignorant, and serve to deceive them.
      But unfortunately, all History and Law are against it. Lord Coke observed what a Concurrence of Judgments, Resolutions, and Rules there be in our Books in all Ages concerning this Case, as if they had been prepared for the deciding this Point; and that which never fell out in any doubtfull Case, no one opinion in all our Books is against this Judgement, in Calvins Case, who was not of the Realm, but yet was no Alien because born within the Allegiance of the King.

       The opposition he says has been executed chiefly by persons of desperate fortunes.

      But this round Affirmation is a downright Contempt of Truth. The Denial and opposition has been planned and conducted by Men of the first Fortune in North America. Nay by the first Fortunes in this Province. I will undertake to Name three Gentlemen on the Whigg Side, in Boston any one of whom is able to purchase Bernard, Hutchinson, the four Judges of Admiralty, and the five Commissioners of the Customs, and still have an handsome Fortune left.

       Novanglus

       to be continued.

      Let me now dismiss this Paper of January the Sixteenth. It contains the Ground, the Principle and Foundation of the whole Building. It is an Attempt to prove the Supream Authority of Parliament by the Constitution. But it is the feeblest, the most frivolous, the weakest, the most absurd, Effort that ever was made. One would have thought that a Master Builder would have laid his Corner Stone to the best of his skill. Without the constitutional Authority contended for in this Paper, all the other Writings of Massachusettensis are mere Harrangue. Whoever reads it, and considers it, will be convinced how easy it is for any Scribbler on the side of Power, by Means of the Court Trumpetters to get a Reputation; and that this Man, however he has been cryed up for a Wit and Humourist and altho’ he is a pretty popular Declaimer, is not the most knowing Man in the World, in the grounds of this great Controversy.

        Novanglus


Title: To John Adams from Samuel Swift, 30 January 1775
From: Swift, Samuel
To: Adams, John

      Bror. Adams

       1775. Monday Jany 30th

     (a Memento for Tyrants as A man has it) Seting before a warm fire totus Solus with a Tankard of honest Cyder on my Rifles hand and as honest a dish of Clambs (taken out of Our pious Fore fathers powdering tub) on my left.

        “I lookd and blesst my Self, nor would I Change my State,
        For all the pompous Riches of the Great”

       or those who would be tho’t great, as is better Renderd. in the Original. And having just Read Nov Anglus of this day which pleases me not a little, and which wants but very little Alterations indeed—yet you will allow me freedom of speech, nay it is Rather a distinction without a Real difference, yet permit me. Speaking of the Financier, he Says—“because he had hungry Cormorants enough about him in England,” (a glaring truth) “whose Cooings were more troublesome to his ears, than the Croaking of the Ravens in America.” Now sir, as, Cooing is more Applicable to Doves, whether Gabbeling or Cabling Cormorants had not been as figurative? no matter; when Nov Anglus comes to his Bernardian propositions by way of proof from this 29th. to his 97th Some few intermediate and perhaps insignificative ones excepted, he puts (with his Observations thereon) matters in a Glorious Light, more especially when he Adds “That Hutchinson and Oliver notwithstanding all their disguises which you well Remember were in Unison with him in the whole of his Measures, can be doubted by no man.” It Appears &c. If you should see Nov Anglus before I do tel him to go on and prosper. He merits publick thanks. Give my best Regards to your desireable Lady whom I love as much, and as well, as I ought to;—tel her I have a Small Action pending at our Supr. Court, which, when it will set, to effect, is a matter greatly Uncertain, tel her as it is an Affair of my own, I Shall not offer her Lord a ffee (the Action is Swift vs Jackson et al on a Sci Facv. Scire Facias) but that She bespeak him in the Action And that for her Noticeing him of it, I will present her with the prettiest Canister of Tea and the finest Loaf of Sugar the City affords. For under those Genl. Rules are excepted these that follow, Bona, Melior, Optima; She is an Invalid, therefore I Administer that to her medicinally. At the same time I am for keeping up to all salutary Rules and measures. Tel her further, that, when the Spring Opens I and my Mistress will pay our best Respects to her when if your pork and Apples are not all Spent, that we Shall expect a dish of fry’d pork and Apples for an first, middle and last dish; and further that if in the interim, or ever, she or you with her Shall vouchsafe to call upon us, that we have the Standing dish of Clambs at your service, and that we shall present e’m with as much Simplicity and honesty (the change of time and Air excepted) as Adam and Eve did the Raritys of the Garden. We have no News but are eagerly expecting to expect. Adieu,

      Sam Swift

      P.S. Dr. Franklins Sentiments and Answer to Sh——ly are truly Glorious except the last—which Nov-Anglus has put in three lines, in a Glorious light.


Title: From John Adams to a Friend in London, 10 February 1775
From: Adams, John
To:

       February 10, 1775

     “The account you give of an overbearing influence in the house, and the want of feeling and spirit out of it, is of a very serious and melancholy kind: Americans are very sensible, that such accounts are true, and expect to fall a sacrifice to the knavery in the cabinet and the folly out of it, unless preserved by their own virtue, their frugality, or valour, or both.

     “Shorter parliaments, a more equitable representation, the abolition of taxes and the payment of the debt, the reduction of placemen and pensioners, the annihilation of bribery and corruption, the reformation of luxury, dissipation and effeminacy, the disbanding the army, are all necessary to restore your country to a free government, and to a safe, honourable, and happy life. But is this practicable, is there a resource in human nature for hope of such a miraculous change? Is there one example of it in history, or experience? A nation is easily corrupted, but not so easily reformed. The present reign may be that of Augustus, but upon my honour I expect twelve Caesars will succeed it. What is to become of America if they should? Ought she not to think in time, and prepare for the worst.
     “I have a great curiosity to know how the proceedings of the Congress at Philadelphia are relished in London, at St. James’s, and St. Stephen’s. I think it may be seen from them, that America is not insensible of her danger, nor inattentive to the means of her safety.
     “I am also very anxious to know what the friends of Liberty think of the hasty dissolution of parliament; for my own part, I have ever thought this the most insidious and artful step of the present reign, it seems to betray more contempt of the people, at the same time that it betrays a dread of some remaining sense and integrity among them, than any thing else which has been done. You will allow, Sir, that the broil with America is a very great national concern. At a time when America was assembled to concert measures relative to this great concern, a new parliament is called of a sudden, before the people could hear from America, as if the minister disdained or dreaded that the nation should have opportunity to judge of the state of America, and choose or instruct their representatives accordingly; as if the minister scorned or feared that the people, the electors, should have opportunity to hear and converse together upon facts, before they chose their members.
     “The design of the ministry seems to have been likewise to give the friends of liberty the go-by, in England as well as in America; determined to pursue their system, they would not suffer the friends of the constitution to converse or correspond together before the day of election, lest the constituents should bind the candidates to act an honest part. It is not easy to convey to you, Sir, an adequate idea of the state of this province. It is now at last true, that we have no government, legislative, executive, or judicial. The people determined never to submit to the act for destroying their charter, so dearly purchased, preserved and defended by the toil, treasure, and blood of their ancestors, are every where devoting themselves to arms. Our Duke of Alva is shut up with his troops, and his forlorn Mandamus Counsellors in Boston.—What the ministry will do is uncertain,—all the British fleet and army cannot change men’s opinions; they cannot make a juror serve, nor a representative. An attempt to cram a form of government down the throats of a people, to impose a constitution upon a united and determined people by force, is not within the omnipotence of an English parliament.
     “If they attempt a campaign like that of Kirk, if they send the sword and fire to ravage in this country, they will find in New-England an hundred thousand descendants of the puritans in the Charles’s and James’s days, who have not yet lost entirely the spirit of Englishmen under the English commonwealth.
     “Our enemies give out that persons who have distinguished themselves here, in opposition to the power of parliament, will be arrested and sent to some county in England, to be tried for treason; if this should be attempted, it will produce resistance and reprisals, and a flame through all America, such as eye hath not seen, nor ear heard, neither hath it entered into the head of the minister or his minions to conceive.
     “I beg the continuance of your favours, and am, with the warmest wishes for the safety of both countries.”


Title: Editorial Note
From:
To:

      While John Adams was writing his Novanglus letters, the town of Braintree met, on 6 March 1775, for its annual meeting to elect town officials and to dispose of other business enumerated in the five-point warrant (Braintree Town RecordsSamuel A. Bates, ed., Records of the Town of Braintree, 1640 to 1793, Randolph, Mass., 1886., p. 454–455). Strictly speaking, some of the other business was in violation of the Massachusetts Government Act, but the town showed no disposition to abide by the law and ignore the critical condition of public affairs and the response of the Continental and the Provincial congresses to the crisis.
      The town voted to name nine selectmen, three for each of its three precincts. Joseph Palmer, moderator of the meeting, led the list; others were Norton Quincy, John Adams, Ebenezer Thayer, Esq., perennial Braintree representative to the General Court, Deacon James Penniman, Edmund Soper, Jonathan Bass, Eliphalet Sawen, and Capt. Thomas Penniman. These men, in addition to the duties of selectmen, were to assume those of Overseers of the Poor and assessors, being paid only for the last named (sameSamuel A. Bates, ed., Records of the Town of Braintree, 1640 to 1793, Randolph, Mass., 1886., p. 455).
      The town also named Adams to two committees. He was chosen with eight others, Palmer probably serving as chairman, “to prepare a covenant similar to the association of the Continental Congress” for adoption by the town. At an adjourned meeting on 7 March, Adams was named chairman of a committee of nine “to consider what encouragement may be proper to be given to such as may enlist and form themselves into Companies of Minute men” (sameSamuel A. Bates, ed., Records of the Town of Braintree, 1640 to 1793, Randolph, Mass., 1886., p. 455–456). The reports of these two committees immediately follow. Up in Boston, meanwhile, Adams had been named once again by that town to a committee to choose the Massacre Day orator for 1776. The committee chose Rev. Peter Thacher, but whether Adams participated in the decision we do not know (Boston Record Commissioners, 18th ReportCity of Boston, Record Commissioners, Reports, Boston, 1876–1909; 39 vols., p. 216, 225).


Title: I. Report of the Braintree Committee on the Continental Association, 15 March 1775
From: Adams, John,Braintree, town of,Niles, Elisha
To:

        Braintree,
        1775 March 15th.

      The Committee appointed the Sixth of March Inst. to prepare a Covenant agreeable to the association of the Continental Congress to be adopted by this Town offered the Same to the Town as follows (viz.)
      Association or Covenant
      We the inhabitants of the Town of Braintree in the Province of the Massachusetts Bay; having taken into our most Serious Consideration the Subject matter of the association entered into by the Continentall Congress on Octr. 20th. 1774, And being determined to do every thing in our power to confirm and establish that union which at this time so happily Subsists among our Selves not only in this Town and Colony but also throughout the Continent: and which We humbly hope may be blessed by heaven as the peaceable means of recovering and establishing our rights and liberties in such a manner as to hand them entire to Generations yet unborn have freely and voluntarily entered into the following association. Avowing our Allegiance to the King: our affection and regard for Brittons in all parts of the World, affected with the deepest anxiety and the most alarming apprehensions at those grievances and distresses with which Brittish Americans are oppressed, And having taken under our most Serious Deliberation the state of the whole Brittish Continent so far as our abilities and opportunities permitted, we find that the present unhappy situation of our affairs is occasioned by a ruinous System of Colony Administration adopted by the Brittish Ministry about the year 1763 evidently calculated for enslaving these Colonies, and with them the whole Brittish empire. In prosecution of which System various acts of Parliament have been passed for raising a revenue in America, for depriving the American Subject in many instances, of the constitutional Tryal by Jury, exposing their lives to danger, by creating a new and illegal trial beyond the Seas, for Crimes alledged to be committed in America; And in the prosecution of the Same System Several late cruel and oppressive Acts have been passed respecting the Town of Boston and Province of the Massachusetts Bay, and also an Act for extending the Province of Quebec so as to border on the Western frontiers of these Colonies, establishing an arbitrary Government therein and discouraging the Settlement of Brittish Subjects in that Wide and extended Country. Thus by the influence of civil principles, and ancient prejudices, to dispose the inhabitants to act with hostility against the free protestant Colonies, whenever a wicked Ministry shall chuse to direct them.
      To obtain redress of these grievances which threaten distruction to the lives, liberty and property of his Majestys Subjects in North America We are of opinion that non importation, non consumption and non exportation agreements faithfully adhered to will prove the most speedy, effectual and peaceable measures, and therefore We do for our Selves in particular as well as being Members of said Town of Braintree firmly agree and associate under the sacred ties of Virtue, honour and love of our Country as follows.
      First That We will not import from Great Brittain or Ireland or from any other place any Such goods Wares or Merchandize as shall have been imported from Great Brittain or Ireland nor will We from this Day import any East India tea from any part of the world, nor any Molasses, Syrups, panales, Coffee or piemento from the Brittish Plantations or Dominica, or Wines from Madeira or the Western Islands; or foreign Indigo.
      Second That we will neither import or purchase any slave imported since the first Day of December last; and will wholly discontinue the slave trade; and will neither be concerned in it our Selves nor will We hire our Vessells nor Sell our Commodities or Manufactures to those who are concerned in it.
      Third As a non Consumption Agreement strictly adhered to will be an effectual Security for the observation of the non importation, We as above Solemnly agree and associate that from this day We will not purchase or use any East india Tea whatever; nor will We nor any person by or under us purchase or use any of those goods, Wares or Merchandize We have agreed not to import which We shall know or have any Cause to Suspect were imported since the first day of December last except such as come under the rules and directions of the tenth article of the association of the Continental Congress.
      Fourth The earnest desire We have not to injure our fellow Subjects in Great Brittain, Ireland or the West indies inclines us to suspend a non exportation untill the tenth day of September 1775 at which time if the said Acts and parts of Acts of the British parliament hereafter mentioned are not repealed, We will not directly or indirectly export any merchandize or Commodities whatsoever to Great Brittain, Ireland or the West Indies except Rice to Europe.
      Fifth Such as are Merchants and use the British or Irish trade, will give orders as soon as possible to their agents, factors and Correspondents in Great Brittain and Ireland not to ship any goods to them on any pretence whatsoever as they cannot be received in America; And if any Merchant residing in Great Brittain, or Ireland, shall directly or indirectly Ship any wares goods or Merchandize for America in order to break the said non-importation Agreement or in any manner counterviene the Same, on such unworthy Conduct being well attested it ought to be made publick; and on the Same being so done, We will not from thence forth have any Commercial Connexion with such Merchant.
      Sixth, That such as are owners of Vessels will give positive orders to their Captains or Masters not to receive aboard their Vessels, any goods prohibited by the said non-importation Agreement on pain of immediate dismission from their Service.
      Seventh. We will use our utmost endeavours to improve our breed of Sheep and increase their Number to the greatest extent and to that end We will kill them as sparingly as may be especially those of the most profitable kind; nor will we export any to the West Indies or elsewhere.
      Eighth That We will in our Several stations encourage frugality, oeconomy and industry and promote agriculture, arts and manufactures of the Country especially that of Wool and Will discountenance and discourage every species of extravagance and dissipation and on the death of any relative or friend We will conform as near as may be to the association of the Continental Congress relative thereto.
      Ninth That such as are Venders of goods or Merchandize will not take Advantage of the Scarcity of goods that may be occasioned by their association, but will sell the same at reasonable profits, and if any Vender of goods or Merchandize shall sell any such goods on higher terms, or shall in any manner or by any device whatsoever violate this Agreement, no person ought or will any of us deal with any such person or his or her agent or factor at any time hereafter for any Commodities whatsoever.
      Tenth In Case any Merchant, Trader or other Person shall import any goods contrary to this association the same ought forthwith to be sent back again without breaking any of the packages thereof.
      Eleventh That the Committee of Correspondence, the Committee of observation in this Town together with John Adams, Elisha Niles Esqrs., Mr. Joshua Hayward, Mr. Eliphalet Sawen, Deacon Benjamin Bass, Deacon Ebenezer Adams, Mr. Seth Spear, Mr. Samll. Holbrook, Mr. John Vinton, Mr. Azariah Faxon, Mr. Ebenr. Thayer 3d, Mr. Seth Turner and Mr. Joshua Hayward Jr. be one Committee whose business it shall be attentively to observe all persons touching this Association, and when it shall appear to the Satisfaction of a Majority of said Committee that any person within the limits of their appointment has violated this association that such Majority do forthwith cause the truth of the Case to be published in the Gazette, to the end all such foes to the rights of British America may be publickly Known and universally Contemned as the enemies of American liberty and thence forth We respectively will break off all dealings with him or her.
      Twelfth That all Manufactures of this Country be sold at reasonable prices, so that no undue advantage be taken of a future scarcity of goods.
      Thirteenth. And We do further agree and resolve that We will not have any trade, dealings, Commerce, or intercourse with any District, Town, Colony, or Province in North America which shall not acceed to, or which shall hereafter violate said association of the Continental Congress, but will hold them as unworthy of the rights of Freemen, and as inimical to the Liberties of their Country.
      And whereas it is of the utmost importance that the Salutory association of the Continental Congress be effectually executed; and the plans of the foes to America defeated, who aided by Tyrannical power intend to import goods, wares and Merchandize prohibited by said association, by assistance of such Merchants and Traders as to this intent shall basely prostitute themselves; and it will be extreamly difficult to distinguish between goods imported before the first day of December last and such as after said day shall be imported and Secretly dispersed throughout the Colony.
      And whereas it is expresly recommended by the Continental Congress to the Provincial Conventions and to the Committees in the respective Colonies, to establish such farther regulations as they may think proper for carrying into execution their association, We do farther resolve, That from and after the tenth day of october next it will be indispensibly necessary that all goods, Wares or Merchandize directly or indirectly imported from Great Brittain, or Ireland, Molasses, Syrups, paneles, Coffee or Piemento from the British Plantations, or from Dominica; Wines from Madeira or the Western Islands and foreign Indigo, should cease to be sold or purchased in this Colony, notwithstanding they shall have been imported before the first day of December aforesaid; unless the acts, and parts of acts of Parliament particularly enumerated in the Close of this association be then repealed. And it is strongly recommended to the Inhabitants of this Town that from and after the said Tenth Day of October, they cease to Sell or purchase, and prevent being exposed to Sale within this Town any goods, Wares or Merchandize and above enumerated, which shall at any time have been imported into America, whether before or since the first day of December aforesaid, unless said acts of Parliament shall be then repealed.
      And it is strongly recommended to the Committee named in the 11th. article of this association, that they exert themselves in causing the same to be strictly executed, And that after the said Tenth of October (unless the acts and parts of acts of Parliament as aforesaid are repealed) that they apply to all the Merchants and Traders in this Town and take a full inventory of all the goods, Wares or Merchandize in their possession whether they shall have been imported before or since the first day of December, aforesaid, requiring them to offer no more for Sale until said acts be repealed.
      And if any Merchant, Trader, or others shall refuse to have an inventory taken or shall offer for Sale after the said tenth of October, any such goods, Wares, or Merchandize, it is expressly recommended to the abovenamed Committee that they take the goods into their possession, to be stored at the risque of the proper owner untill the repeal of the Acts aforesaid, and publish the Names of such refractory Merchants, Traders, or Purchasers, that they may meet with the merits of enemies to their Country. And be it advised to the inhabitants of this Town that they by no means fail vigorously to assist and Support their Committees in discharging this as well as all other duties of their offices.
      Provided, Always, That in Case the last resolve in this association shall be recommended by the next generall American Congress and adopted by all the united Colonies, then it shall be and remain in full force and virtue otherwise to be void and of no effect.
      And We Solemnly, individually and Collectively bind our Selves under the ties aforesaid, to adhere to this association, untill such parts of the several Acts of Parliament passed since the Close of the last War, as impose or continue duties on tea, Wine, Molasses, Syrups, Paneles, Coffee, Sugar, Piemento, Indigo, foreign paper, glass, and painters Colours imported into America; and extend the Powers of the Courts of Admiralty beyond their ancient limits, Deprive the American Subject of Trial by Jury, authorize the Judges Certificate to indemnify the prosecutor from damages that He might otherwise be liable to from a trial by his Peers, require oppressive security from a Claimant of Ships or goods seized before he shall be allowed to defend his property are repealed; And untill that part of the act of 12 G: 3d Chr. 24 entitled an act for the better Securing his Majestys Dock yards, Magazines, ships, ammunition, and Stores, by which any person charged with committing any of the offences therein described in America, may be tried in any shire or county within the realm is repealed. And untill the four acts passed in the last Session of Parliament (viz.) That for blocking up the Harbour of Boston, That for altering the Charter and Government of the Massachusetts Bay, And that which is entitled, For the better Administration of Justice, And that for the extending the limits of Quebec: Are repealed.
      The foregoing Association being Determined upon by the Town of Braintree very unanimously at a full meeting of the Inhabitants March 15. 1775 was ordered to be recorded in the Towns Book and that every Householder within said Town be Supplyd with a printed Copy thereof by Elisha Niles.

       Attest. Elisha Niles, Town Cler.


Title: II. Report of the Braintree Committee respecting Minute Men, 15 March 1775
From: Adams, John,Braintree, town of,Niles, Elisha
To:

        Braintree,
        1775 March 15th

      The Committee appointed to consider relating to Minute Men offerd their report as follows.
      The Committee appointed to consider what Encouragement it will be proper for the Town to give to Minute Men to be raised in this Town: Report as their opinion that it is proper for this Town to make Provision for three Companies of Minute Men each to consist of Forty one Men including officers one Company to be raised in each Precinct and that each Man in these Companys be allowed by the Town one shilling and four pence per Day for one day in every Week during the pleasure of the Town Provided he shall attend the Exercise under arms from Two to Six oClock and the Clerk of the Company and the Captain shall certify that he was present at The calling the Roll at two oClock and at six oClock in the afternoon of the exercising Days: And upon this Condition also that he shall be compleatly provided with arms and ammunition according to the recommendations of the Provincial Congress.

       Signed by order of the Committee
       John Adams Chairman

      The Report of the Committee respecting Minute Men was voted accepted.
      Voted. That the Select Men in the Several Precincts in the Town be desired and directed to Supply the officers of the Minute Men in their respective Precincts with money to pay aforesaid Men day by day: And in Case there shall be no publick monies which may without prejudice be applied to said purpose, that they Borrow money on the Towns Credit to affect it.


Title: To John Adams from Samuel Swift, 13 March 1775
From: Swift, Samuel
To: Adams, John

       13th. March 75

      Trusty and well Beloved

     I have Read a specimen of Nov Anglus as of this day and am not a little in Raptures with it, should have Rejoyced if Edes & Gill had began and finished this days paper with his masterly performance, which I hope in God may be continued for the Edification of the Good people for whose Good it was designed and as this is Something of a leasure time may we go on.
     God will prosper his endeavours. It is beyond the limits of a Contracted Letter to descend to particulars. Suffice it then that I only particularly mention one vizt. “nor was any provision ever made until the Reign of Henry 8th. for trying treasons abroad and the Acts of that Reign were made on purpose to catch Cardinal Pole” well observd. and that Act being many years prior to Any of these Colonies who now join (and thank God they all join) to Save themselves from impending Ruin. Those Colonies could not then be in Contemplation. The Remarks of N. Anglus upon Massachusetensis of Janry 16th. are health to my Navil and Marrow to my bones. His other demonstrations Relative to the delusive pretensions of Massa. is to the well pleasing of Thousands.
     No man is Corn for himself, the publick have a Claim to the Gifts of N. Anglus, may nothing but death the common Lot of all men prevent his progress, and as Moses Guided under God the Israelites of Old so let N. Anglus guide direct and Stear this our New English Israel, and to a mind formd like that of N. Anglus it carrys a Reward with it that only the truly Generous soul can Rightly Concieve of. As I am in a Measure Confin’d Should you See this worthy Cityzen N.A. before I do, press him on to his duty for the sake of a most Loyal and dutiful people who are ill used and Abused by those who are called but misscall’d the Lords Anointed. His path shall Shine more and more.
     There is a party, Devil-drove who now begin to be hagar ey’d and who have Recourse to all that is Hellishly Artful, in order to keep their heads above water and cannot do it neither, for if their infernal Lyes Should Chance to Obtain Credence for 24th hours it is 12 more than Usual. Let Nov Anglus neither eat nor drink til he has slain Paul.
     I percieve that at our Town Meeting this day had, Our Respective officers are as before, except the Torys, with Whom short work was made. You’l see this days papers, in which you’l find Sundry Good peices of Speculation. Massa. may Cavil but not Argue that the Acts i.e. all the Acts of Henry the 8th. were made &c but no matter give him Rope and he’l hang himself, which ought to have been done years ago had he been worth hanging. It is Reported that the Gentlemen of the Sword try to pick a Quarel within the Gates of the City, tho perhaps they would not Attempt it a Greatways without e’m; as to the desolution of P——t there are various Conjectures. If you should by Chance see N. Anglus before me Greet him thrice heartily in behalf of your most affectionate friend And hum Sert. at Comd.,

      Saml. Swift


Title: From John Adams to Mercy Otis Warren, 15 March 1775
From: Adams, John
To: Warren, Mercy Otis

      Madam
      Braintree March 15. 1775

     I thought myself greatly honoured, by your most polite and agreable Letter of January the thirtieth; and I ought to have answered it, immediately: but a Variety of Cares and Avocations, at this troublesome Time, which I confess are not a justification of my Negligence, as they were the real Cause of it, will with your goodness of Disposition be allowed as an Excuse.
     In requesting my opinion, Madam, concerning a Point of Casuistry, you have done me great Honour, and I should think myself very happy if I could remove a Scruple from a Mind, which is so amiable that it ought not to have one upon it. Personal Reflections, when they are artfully resorted to, in order to divert the Attention from Truth, or from Arguments, which cannot be answered, are mean and unjustifiable: but We must give up the Distinction between Virtue and Vice, before We can pronounce personal Reflections, always unlawfull. Will it be Said that We must not pronounce Cataline a Conspirator, and Borgia a Rascall, least we should be guilty of casting personal Reflections? The faithfull Historian delineates Caracters truly, let the Censure fall where it will. The public is so interrested in public Characters, that they have a Right to know them, and it becomes the Duty of every good Citizen who happens to be acquainted with them to communicate his Knowledge.
     There is no other Way of preventing the Mischief, which may be done by ill Men: no other Method of administering the Antidote to the Poison.
     Christianity Madam, is so far, from discountenancing the severest Discrimination, between the good and the bad, that it assures us, of the most public and solemn one conceivable, before Angells and Men: and the Practice and Example of Prophetts, and Apostles, is Sufficient to Sanctify Satyr of the Sharpest Kind.
     The Truth is, Madam, that, the best Gifts are liable to the worst Uses and Abuses, a Talent at Satyr, is commonly mixed with the choicest Powers of Genius, and it has such irresistable Charms, in the Eyes of the World, that the extravagant Praise, it never fails to extort, is apt to produce extravagant Vanity in the Satirist, and an exuberant Fondness for more Praise, untill it looses that cool Judgment, which alone can justify him.
     But the lawfulness of the exercise of this briliant Talent, may be argued from it being a natural one. Nature, which does nothing in vain, bestows no mental Faculties, which are not designed to be cultivated and improved. It may also be inferred from its admirable Utility and Effects. If We look into human Nature, and run through the various Classes of Life, We shall find it is really a dread of Satyr that restrains our Species, from Exorbitances, more than Laws, human moral or divine, indeed the Efficacy of civil Punishments is derived chiefly from the same source. It is not the Pain the Fine, &c that is dreaded so much as the Infamy and Disgrace. So that really the civil Magistrate may be said in a good sense to keep the World in order, by Means of Satyrs, for Goals, Stocks, Whipping Posts and Gallows’s are but different Kinds of it. But classical Satyr, such as flows so naturally and easily from the Pen of my excellent Friend had all the Efficacy, and more, in Support of Virtue and in Discountenancing of Vice, without any of the Coarseness and Indelicacy of those other Species of Satyr, the civil and political ones.
     If you examine the Life and Actions of your poorest, lowest and most despised Neighbour, or the meanest servant you know, you will find, that there is Some one or more Persons, of whose Esteem and good opinion he is ambitious, and whose Scorn and Derision he dreads perhaps more than any other Evil. And this Desire of Esteem and dread of Scorn is the principle that governs his Life and Actions. Now the Business of satyr is to expose Vice And vicious Men as such to this scorn and to envoke Virtue, in all the Charms which fancy can paint, and by this Means to procure her Lovers and Admirers.
     Of all the Genius’s which have yet arisen in America, there has been none, Superiour, to one, which now shines, in this happy, this exquisite Faculty. Indeed, altho there are many which have received more industrious Cultivation I know of none, ancient or modern, which has reached the tender, the pathetic, the keen and severe, and at the same time the soft, the Sweet, the amiable, and the pure, in greater Perfection.

      I am Madam, with great Respect your Friend,
      John Adams


Title: To John Adams from James Warren, 15 March 1775
From: Warren, James
To: Adams, John

      Dear Sir
      Plym: March 15th 1775

     With some difficulty I have Obtained the Inclosed. Some scruples which you have not resolved, and some fears, and Apprehensions from Rumors Abroad have Occasioned the delay, and reluctance. The Copy I got last Night. Have had no time to read it over. You will please to Examine and Correct &c. and do with it as you think proper, haveing as I dare say you will, a proper regard to prudence under present Circumstances. It is A long while since I had a line from you. Perhaps some may have Miscarried. The Bearer waits and I can only Add my regards to Mrs. Adams. And that I am Yr. Friend &c,

      J. Warren


Title: To John Adams from John Waite, 18 March 1775
From: Waite, John
To: Adams, John

      Sir
      FalmouthMarch 18th 1775

     A sacred regard to the american association on the one hand and an earnest desire not to injure my fellow subjects in Great Britain on the other is the reason of my writing you at this time to request your advice for my future conduct and also to confirm or set me right in my judgment in a Late affair that has happened in this Port. The case is as follows a Vessell arived here from Bristol the 2d inst with rigging and sails for a new Ship owned by a Merchant in Bristol in order to carry his Ship home. The question was whether the puting said rigging and sails on board said Ship which had been ready to receive them ever since Last fall and go immediately back with them to England would be a breach of the association. I was of opinion that it would not being one of the Committee of Inspection. Your answer will very much Oblige Sir your most huml Servt.

      John Waite

      P:S: The merchant that owned said rigging and sails did not know of the american association when he shipped them.


Title: To John Adams from Samuel Swift, 31 March 1775
From: Swift, Samuel
To: Adams, John

      Bror. Adams

       31. March 75

     I was in hopes you would have just called as you went out of Town, more especially as I Asked the favor I wanted to have troubled you with the inclosed—but you forgot me. I Sent and got the Group it is Admirally well done as far as it go’s, but, pauca desunt, vizt. Act. II. Scene I. The persons are, Hateall, Hazlerod, Monsieur, Beau-Trumps, Simple, Humbug, Sr. Sparrow, yet the first part that is Acted is by Scriblerius, who is not in the Scene, nor is Collateralis tho both Speak, and Hateall tho in it Says not a word during the whole Scene Sr. Sparrow do’s not Act Any part in it or in the whole play, tho mentioned at the Opening, nor do’s Commodore Batteau ever make his Appearance upon the Stage, tho both him and Sparrow are in the Dramatis Personae it may be Tasty but to me it Seems that these two last mention’d might have Acted some part how small soever.

     Hateall with his nut brown Kate &c. is inimatable, but what go’s even if possible beyond life itself is, in the Same Scene vizt. 3d. Tis not my temper ever to forgive, I hated Brutus. I hate the Leaders. I hate the People, &c in Meagre, oh, it is Ad imum pinxit. So much for the fifteen Friends to Government. Yesterday morn the Tote of the Army marched erly over the Neck, and as the Appearance was Unusual it excited the Curiousity of some and the fear of Others. Our worthy fellow Citizen Paul Revere was posted away it is said to Concord—&c. They marched it seems as far as Jamaica-plain, and there the light Infantry display’d their Military Genius to the Admiration of Stumps and Alderbushes, for they in the most heroick manner disregarding even mud and Water, fil’d Off to the left near the new Bridge in the Fresh meadow Near Scarboroughs, manfully lay’d Siege to a Certain Swamp, Surrounding the Same, many of e’m entering into it and drove thro it Sometimes above Ankle deep in real mire as appeard by many of their Shoes after the seige was over. They traversed all the Thickets, swamps, meadows and deserts between Jamaica plain and Rents the Tavern at Roxbury where they came out into open field and view, and from thence they marched Clear to Boston via Roxbury where they Arrived by 10 o’Clock A.M. of the same day except 2 or three missing men who in 2 or 3 hours after were observed to come into Town lame, and it was tho’t by some, that these 2 or 3 last Straglers had waded thro Swamps, mud and mire ful knee Deep or they were very Muddy at least. They are now in their several Barracks Refreshing themselves after so long and tedious a forc’d March. Shall watch their motions from time to time Sir and Render you an Account in due season. Please to forward the inclosed for your honest old fashioned friend.

      Fidelis


Title: To John Adams from William Tudor, 4 April 1775
From: Tudor, William
To: Adams, John

      Dear Sir
      Boston Apl. 4th. 1775

     The interesting Advices we rec’d here on Sunday, and which the Papers will acquaint You, have had almost as great an Effect on People in this Town, as the Arrival of the Port Bill produc’d. The Women are terrify’d by the Fears of Blood and Carnage. The Merchants are dispirited, by the Expectation of Lord North’s Bill for the Prevention of the Newfoundland Fishery; and the Trading to any Parts but G. Britain or English W. Indies. They now begin to think England can do more easily without Us, than we at first Thought. What Cowards does Interest make men! Thank God our Salvation is not dependent On the Virtue of Merchants, if it was—our Perdition would be unadvoidable.
     Americans may now shew whether they deserve Freedom, by discovering Resolution and to prefer Poverty to Slavery.
     I hope The Gloom which at present prevails will go off in a Day or two, as it did after first June last. And the Spirit of Liberty, Glory, Honour, Virtue succeed, and glow with tenfold Warmth.
     It has been wish’d that Novanglus would for a Week or two quit the Pursuit of Massachusettensis and give Us some Strictures, on these new Manoevres, and infernal Measures.

      Your very hum. Servt.,
      Wm Tudor

      If it would not be too much Trouble I should be much oblig’d to Mrs. Adams for a Copy of Collins’s Elegy on the Death of the Patriots that fell at Culloden. My little Friend John, has it by Heart.


Title: From John Adams to Joseph Palmer, 2 May 1775
From: Adams, John
To: Palmer, Joseph

      HartfordMay 2, 1775
      Dr sir

     We are very anxious to know the State of Things at Boston, Cambridge, Watertown and Roxbury. The Accounts We have here are very confused and uncertain. I hope the News Papers, will come now.
     Our Accounts from N. York are very well. That Province is getting into a Train, which will Secure the Union of the Colonies, and Success to their Efforts. The little, dirty, ministerial Party there, is humbled in the Dust.
     Certain military Movements of great Importance, and with the Utmost Secrecy have been set on foot in this Colony of Connecticutt, which I dare not explain in writing, but refer you to Coll. Foster, Danielson and Bliss.
     I know very well the Multiplicity of your Business, but as it is of great Consequence that We should be minutely informed of every Thing, I must beg you to write as often as possible and perswade others to write me. Mr. Cooper, Mr. Ward, any Body that can write Facts. The Letters will follow us and reach us, at last. I am sensible you must have a Multitude of Applications. But I am advised by Coll. Hancocks just to hint to you a Request in Behalf of my Brothers, if Either of them should have an Inclination to engage in the Army. I have never Said any Thing to them, because I choose to leave them, in a Case of such interesting Importance, to their own Inclination and Discretion. I am your Friend and sert

      John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Edward Dilly, 3 May 1775
From: Dilly, Edward
To: Adams, John

      London May 3d 1775
      Dear Sir

     I have only One Moments opportunity of acknowledging your favor of the 30th of Decr and of informing you that the Packet inclosed was sent agreeable to direction. Every friend of Liberty and the English Constitution rejoice to hear of the Firmness and unanimity of our Brethren in America. By your own Virtue, Valor and Perseverance you are to expect a deliverance from the Yoke. Every attempt from the City of London has proved ineffectual. I have sent you an Answer to Dr. Johnson’s Pamphlet Taxation no Tyranny with the News Paper of this Day. Wishing you all success. I am most cordially Yours &c.


Title: To John Adams from James Warren, 7 May 1775
From: Warren, James
To: Adams, John

      Watertown May 7th: 1775
      My Dear Sir

     After I had Executed my Commission at Providence, I Returned Home set Mrs. Warren down in her own Habitation, made the best provision I could for the security of our Family, and some of our Effects which we considered to be not very safe at Plymouth, and Immediately hastened to this place in order to contribute my mite to the publick Service in this Exigence of affairs. Here I have been near a week every day resolving to write to you without beginning to Execute such a resolution till now. And Indeed every thing seems to be in such Confusion that I hardly know where to begin, and perhaps I shall be at as great a Loss to know where to End. I find our own Body Extreamly weakened by the several detachments (to use the stile of the Times) made from it. When I see the seats of many of my Friends on whom I used to place my principal dependance empty, and feel the want of them as I do, at a Time when they are more wanted than ever, I am almost discouraged: however as I was Born to Struggle with difficulties, shall Endeavour to answer the End of my Creation as well as I Can. The Congress since I have been here has generally been full, Unanimous, and Spirited, ready and willing to do every thing in their power and frequently animated by the most agreable News from the other Colonies. The principal objects of our attention, have been the regulation and officering of the army, and arming the men and devising ways and means to support the Enormous Expence Incured under our present Situation, and these I dare say you can easily Conceive to be attended with many difficulties under the present Circumstances of our Government in which recommendations are to supply the place of Laws, and destitute of Coercive power Exposed to the Caprice of the People, and depending entirely on their virtue for Success.
     We have Voted to Issue Notes for 100,000£ and to request your aid in giving them a Currency. The Committee of Ways and means to sit again. We are Embarrassd in officering our army by the Establishment of minute men, I wish it had never taken place, and the necessity of haveing our Field officers appointed is every day seen and  Indeed in my opinion that should have been the first thing done. As to the army itself it is in such a shifting, fluctuating state as not to be capable of a perfect regulation. They are continually going and Comeing. However they seem to me to want a more Experienced direction. I could for myself wish to see your Friends Washington and Lee at the Head of it and yet dare not propose it tho’ I have it in Contemplation. I hope that matter will be Considered with more propriety in your Body than ours. If you Establish a Continental army of which this will be only a part, you will place the direction as you please. It is difficult to say what numbers our army Consists of. If a return could be had one day it would by no means answer for the next. They have been so reduced at some times that I have trembled at the consequences that might take place. Our new Levies are coming in and by that means I hope they will be in a more permanent state. I believe there are about 6,000 in Camp at present. They are Employed at Cambridge in heaving up Entrenchments, somewhere about Phip’ Farm. I have not seen them. The Extream want of the Exercise of a fixt settled Government is sufficiently felt here at this time, and has produced the assignment of a Time to take that matter under Consideration. Next Tuesday is the time. What will be done I know not. I am Inclined to think they will Vote to assume a Government, but who is to form this Constitution, who is to rigg the Ship I cant tell. It appears to me a Business of such a nature, so Important, and in which an Error once Committed, will probably be as lasting as the Constitution itself, that I am afraid to meddle, it is sufficient for such a Genius as mine to know the places and use of the several ropes after the Ship is rigged. However we have a Chance. Success is the Criterion that generally determines the Judgement. If we should either by accident or by the force of our great abilities Build up a Grand Constitution with the same ease we could a Bird Cage, we shall be equally Clever fellows. If I dont Tire your patience now you shall have more of this in my next.
     The Infatuation of the Inhabitants of Boston has reduced us and themselves to the precise state I have Expected it would do. We have been obliged for their sakes to pass some votes that we did not well relish. We have admitted the refugees to send out for their Effects, tho I dont Expect any advantage from it. In short I voted for it more to gratifie my friend Warren than from any other motive. There is no Guard against the Generals Treachery. He will find some pretenses for the base arts practiced to abuse that People, and will finally keep a large number of them there. When he lets them out at all it is very slowly. When the Tories, and Tory Effects are in, and his Reinforcement arrives I presume no more of them will come out. They are to be pitied tho’ this is the Effects of their own folly. The misery they are already reduced to in the Town is great, and may be seen described in the Joy of the Countenances of those who get out. By the way I have Just heard that Edes has stole out. I wish his partner was with him. I called on Mrs. Adams as I came along. Found her and Family well. Your being out of health when you left us gives me some Uneasiness. Shall be glad to hear that you are well and happy. I shall make no apology for this Letter. Not because I think it stands in need of none, but because I know your Friendship will Cover, and Excuse a Multitude of Faults. My regards to all my Friends perticularly Hancock and Adams I have no time to write to either of them. I am with great Sincerity Your Friend &c,

      Jas. Warren

      I think they go on Charmingly and Swimmingly at York.
      Inclosed are a Letter from Mrs. Adams, and an Extract of a Letter from your Friend Hutchinson found among a Curious Collection of Letters now in the hands of our Friends. I am well assured of the authenticity of it, and send this particular Extract more because it seems to be especially Calculated to be used where you are than because it shows a greater degree of wickedness than many others.


Title: John Adams’ Service in the Continental Congress
From:
To:

Editorial Note The first session of the Second Continental Congress began on 10 May 1775 and ended officially on 1 August. What went on at the congress, apart from the actions recorded in the printed journal, remains a matter for some conjecture. For the First Congress, one of the best sources is Adams’ Diary, but from April to September 1775 the burden of business apparently kept Adams from getting down his impressions and recording debates; there are no entries for this period. Adams’ attitude toward the various measures actually adopted by the congress can be gleaned from his letters, but his views while measures were being debated are unrecorded. The number and content of his letters make them a valuable mine of information, long recognized. Of the members’ letters printed by Burnett for this session, approximately 21 percent are by Adams (Letters of MembersEdmund C. Burnett, ed., Letters of Members of the Continental Congress, Washington, 1921–1936; 8 vols., 1:89–186). His Autobiography contains what are really the only accounts of his position on the appointment of George Washington as commander in chief, on the necessity for the colonies to take over the powers of civil government, and on the monumental dispute with John Dickinson over the second petition to the King and the whole question of reconciliation (Diary and AutobiographyDiary and Autobiography of John Adams, ed. L. H. Butterfield and others, Cambridge, 1961; 4 vols., 3:314–325, 351–354). The Autobiography, however, suffers somewhat from hindsight, for these sections were written in 1805. Adams served on nine committees during the first session. Because no evidence has been found to determine the exact role he played on these committees, his service can most usefully be presented in tabular form, showing the dates of appointment, the members with whom he served, and the dates and availability of reports.
     Committee Assignments
     3 June – 31 July 1775

      3 June. James Duane, William Livingston, Samuel Adams, JA (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 2:80).
      To report an address to the people of Ireland.
      Reported 21 July (same, p. 194); Dft not found.
      Report adopted: 28 July (same, p. 212).
      printed: same, p. 212–218.

      7 June. William Hooper, JA, Robert Treat Paine (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 2:81). To bring in a resolve for a fast day.

      Reported and report adopted: 12 June (same, p. 87); Dft, following Editorial Note.
      printed: same, p. 87–88.
      See JA to James Warren, 11–23 July (below).

      8 June. JA, Silas Deane, Thomas Mifflin (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 2:82).
      To examine the papers of Philip Skene and report.
      Reported and a resolution adopted: 10 June (same, p. 86); Dft not found.
      See JA to James Warren, 21 June, and JA to Joseph Palmer, 5 July (below).
      Some of Skene’s papers are in PCC, No. 51, I:1–7.

      16 June. Richard Henry Lee, Edward Rutledge, JA (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 2:92–93).
      To draft a commission and instructions for General Washington.
      Reported commission and commission adopted: 17 June (same, p. 96); Dft not found.
      Reported instructions and instructions adopted: 20 June (same, p. 100–101); Dft not found.
      printed: same, p. 96, 100–101
      See JA, Diary and AutobiographyDiary and Autobiography of John Adams, ed. L. H. Butterfield and others, Cambridge, 1961; 4 vols., 3:321–323 and JA to AA, 17 June, Adams Family CorrespondenceAdams Family Correspondence, ed. L. H. Butterfield and others, Cambridge, 1963– ., 1:215.

      19 June. Patrick Henry, Thomas Lynch, JA (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 2:98).
      To meet with General Lee to find out whether he will accept his appointment.
      Reported and report accepted: 19 June (same); Dft not found.
      printed: same.

      19 June. Richard Henry Lee, Edward Rutledge, JA (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 2:99).
      To draft commissions for major and brigadier generals.
      Reported and report adopted: 19 June (same); Dft not found.
      Commission for Artemas Ward, dated 19 June, in MHi: Ward-Perry-Dexter Papers.

      23 June. JA, John Rutledge, James Duane, Benjamin Franklin, James Wilson (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 2:106).
      To get engraved plates, paper, and printers for paper currency.
      No report found.

      22 July. Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Jefferson, JA, Richard Henry Lee (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 2:202).
      To report on the House of Commons resolution of 20 Feb. 1775.
      Reported: 25 July (same, p. 203); Dft in Jefferson, PapersThe Papers of Thomas Jefferson, ed. Julian P. Boyd and others, Princeton, 1950– ., 1:225–230.
      Report adopted: 31 July (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 2:224).
      printed: Jefferson, PapersThe Papers of Thomas Jefferson, ed. Julian P. Boyd and others, Princeton, 1950– ., 1:230–233.

      31 July. John Langdon, JA, Stephen Hopkins, Silas Deane, George Clinton, Stephen Crane, Benjamin Franklin, Caesar Rodney, Thomas Johnson, Patrick Henry, Joseph Hewes, Christopher Gadsden, Lyman Hall (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 2:234–235).

      During recess to inquire in all colonies about lead and lead ore and the processes for obtaining and refining it; also to make similar inquiry into the cheapest and easiest method for making salt.
      No report found. The congress simply urged the colonies to procure lead, and the Secret Committee was empowered to import salt (same, 3:456; 4:290, 413; 5:522).

     In addition to his committee work, Adams signed along with other members of the congress the second or Olive Branch petition to the King of 1 Sept. 1775, although he thought the gesture futile, even inimical to the colonies’ best interests. Adams’ major role was played on the floor of the congress in the debates over the state of America that began on 16 May. The outbreak of fighting in Massachusetts had convinced him that the congress would have to take supportive action. Specifically, he wanted it to assume responsibility for the army at Cambridge and to increase defensive measures. He held that negotiation with Great Britain from a position of strength made much more sense than attempted reconciliation through petition and addresses. Impatient as he was for firm measures, he recognized that the congress would move slowly, for it reflected the mood of the people (JA to James Warren, 6, 11 July, below). Adams’ opposition to reconciliation and his support for resistance made him one of the leaders of the group that would ultimately push for independence.


Title: Draft Resolution Appointing a Fast-Day, 12 June 1775
From: Adams, John
To:

       ante 12
       June 75

     Resolved that it be and hereby it is recommended to the Inhabitants of the united Colonies in America of all Denominations That Thursday the 20th day of July next be set apart as a day of public humiliation fasting and prayer, that a total Abstinence from servile labor and recreation be observed and all their religious Assemblies solemnly convened to humble themselves before God under the heavy Judgments felt and threatened, to confess those manifold our manifold sins that have brought them upon us, to implore the forgiveness of Heaven, that a sincere repentance and reformation may influence our future Conduct, that the and that a Blessing of Heaven may descend on the husbandry, Manufactures and other lawful Employments of this people and especially that the Union of these American Colonies in defence of their Just Rights and priviledges (for which hitherto we thank God) may be preserved, confirmed and prospered, that the Continental and Provincial Congresses may be inspired with Wisdom and prudence Concord and firmness, that Great Britain and its Rulers may have their eyes opened to discern the things that shall make for the peace and Happiness of the Nation and all its Connections And that America may soon behold a Gracious interposition of Heaven for the redress of her many Grievances, the restoration of her invaded Liberties, a reconciliation with the parent State upon terms Constitutional and Honourable to them both and the Security of them to the latest posterity.


Title: From John Adams to James Warren, 26 May 1775
From: Adams, John
To: Warren, James

      Phyladelphia May 26. 1775
      Dr Sir

     The Bearers of this are two young Gentlemen from Maryland, of one of the best and first Families in that Province. One of them is a Lawyer, the other a Physician. Both have independent Fortunes. Such is their Zeal in the Cause of America, and Such their fellow Feeling for the People of our Province, that they are determined to Spend the Summer, in our Camp in order to gain Experience and perfect themselves in the Art military. They are soldiers already. Their name is Hall.
     It will be of great Importance that these Gentlemen should be treated with the Utmost Delicacy, and Politeness. Their Letters to their Friends will have a great Influence on the Southern Colonies.
     I Should take it as a favour if you would introduce these Gentlemen, to all our best Friends, and to the Knowledge of every Thing that can Serve the Cause.
     I can not inform you of any Thing, passing here that is worth knowing. I hope We shall give Satisfaction. But it must be a work of Time. I am your Friend,

      John Adams


Title: From John Adams to John Winthrop, 29 May 1775
From: Adams, John
To: Winthrop, John

      Phyladelphia May 29. 1775
      Dr Sir

     The Bearers of this are two young Gentlemen from Maryland. Aquilla Hall and Josias Carvill Hall, both of one of the best Families in Maryland, and both of independent Fortunes.
     Their Errand to Cambridge, is to join our Army as Volunteers, against the Enemies of their Country in order to gain Experience, in the Art of War, in which they have already made good Proficiency.
     As it is of importance that they should be treated with Politeness and Respect, I have taken the Freedom to give them this Letter, and to beg the favour of you to shew them, Harvard Colledge.

     The Congress, Sir, have great Objects before them indeed. All is Secret but what you will see in the News Papers. If the Ministry, upon receiving Intelligence of the Battle of Lexington, dont receed all Ceremony will be over. At present We shall be fully United, and I hope shall do well.
     My respectfull Compliments to all Friends. News of every Kind will be told you by the Bearers. Yr huml sert,

      John Adams

      We Suffer, excessively for Want of Letters and Intelligence from Cambridge. I must beg you would do me the Honour to write me, and desire all our Friends to do the same.


Title: To John Adams from Philopattria, 1 June 1775
From: Philopatria
To: Adams, John

      Eastown,June 1st: 1775
      Honour’d Sir

     An ancient, and accounted a long headed Man, in these parts, has drop’d some words devising a scheme of reconciliation between the Colonies and Mother Country; which I think worthy of notice; and I am persuaded your zeal to a reconciliation is such that you will lend an ear to healing propositions, let it come from what quarter it may. Otherwise you would be unworthy of that eminence of character, which you profess, for republican candour of sentiment. He observed, suppose the Congress were to offer as much to the crown, as all the duties amount to, by a proper estimate, meaning all such duties, which we agree they have a right to lay as regulators of trade, and that exempt from all imposition on the Crown called runing; which might be easily assess’d on each Province, by having recourse to their books of entry, and making at the same time, a proper allowence for what are run, which it is thought have been nearly as much again. And besides this to offer a number of forces well disciplin’d, in case of requisition, as was the case the two last wars;—so many thousands or hundreds, from each Province according to their importance and ship, Victual, Pay and cloath the same; some or all, as best judged of by the wisdom of the Congress; and the same to continue for a certain season, or during the expedition, as was the case in the attack last Wars, upon Carthagenia and the Havannah. At least, the most strenious endeavours ought to be used, to some how or other effect an accommodation, considering what lamentable confusion and distress must attend the quarrel if continued any space of time; and that of aiming at independency at present, affords the most frightful of all aspects, whilst the Mother Country has such power over the Ocean.
     So hoping that these hints, may have their due weight, tho’ communicated unknown, by the old Gentleman that dropt them; at the same time not doubting, every salutory scheme will be thought of, by yourselves; yet, that nothing may escape commemoration, which seems of a beneficial nature, in order, somehow to effect a speedy reconciliation; I hope you will not be offended at the Contents hereoff, from Sir, Your unknown Friend, & humble Servant,

      Philopattria

      PS: I had like to have forgot that the venerable Sage would have insisted that all the obnoxious acts of Parliament should be repealed at the same time that the above mentioned offers were made, the one to be the inseperable condition of repealing the other, and in the space of ten, fifteen or twenty year, as the Provinces flourish and trade increases, an additional quantity both in money and troops, according to pressing requisitions from home, but still the mode of raising, as well as the quantity also, to be wholly left in the power of the different Assembly’s.
      And to confess the truth, the within letter on account of your reputed eloquence in the Congress, I direct to you, as it is thus more likely thereby you will have a due influence on that august Assembly altho your under no constraint but may still pursue your own opinion.