Title: To John Adams from James Lloyd, 7 April 1815
From: Lloyd, James
To: Adams, John

					Sir.—
					Boston April 7. 1815.—

				Availing of the permission you have accorded to me I have to acknowledge the receipt of your several favors from the 26th. Its to the 31st. inst,—the three enclosings covered by the former of them, I have now the honor to returnThe original letters in the Patriot, relative to the missions to France or the pamphlet publication of them, I have never read.—part of them were published during my absence from Boston, and to which circumstance, as well as to my not being a subscriber to that paper, it may in some measure be attributed, that they escaped my attention; and I am also ready to admit it may probably also have been owing, to their having first appeared through a channel, not within the pale of the prevalent political church in Massachusetts. (of which I am a parishioner, if not in all respects a Communicant) that they did not attract more of observation, and remark, within the small circle of my association.—not that I mean to have it inferred, that they could have appeared through any different ephemeral medium; for I fully admit the existence, as well on the one side as the other, of that narrow and illiberal interdiction of the press requiring a party imprimatur to give currency to any political sentiments it may publish, which both yourself and Mr Randolph have so justly recognized, and reprobated.—for the offer of that publication I am obliged, but I will not trespass upon your indulgence for it, as I can without doubt, and shall within a few days have access to it, either in the Pamphlet, or on the files of the Patriot at the Athenaeum; an institution which does great credit to one of your Connexcions Wm. S. Shaw Esqr, and which is also enriched, as I have been informed, by a very valuable collection of books belonging to your Son.— Thus I again revert Sir, a little too shamelessly perhaps you may think, to that sin of ignorance, which so easily besets not only the mass of our Countrymen, but myself, and to which I fear I should have to plead guilty when brought to the bar, even to the extent which my opponents might be disposed to urge against me.—To almost every political occurrence there is more or less of secret history, and the friendly familiarity with which you have been pleased to address me, will I trust excuse, if not warrant my obtruding a little of it, on you in the present letter.—feeling gratified by the developments, and the fluent display of both antient and modern learning, rendered still more interesting by its adaptation to recent events, and the circumstances of our Country, which your correspondence has not, and could not well–fail to display, I had from the beginning distinctly marked out to my own mind, the course which it would be equally grateful & proper for me to pursue, even in the discussion of Copies, on which my own sentiments should not precisely conform, probably to the better founded opinions you might entertain:—this course dictated to me to receive with much respect any communication you might be pleased to make; to avoid altogether the language and the feelings of a disputant; and to bear in mind what I have never felt any temptation to forget, that I was addressing one who deservedly ranked very high, among the most eminent of the Founders of the Liberty—the Patres Conscripti of his Country—and this I was happy to notice was the course very frankly & honorably proferred to me by yourself in one of your late letters.—To revert after this exordium to the secret history of the unimportant occurrence to which I have before referred, You will permit to observe, that on the receipt of Mr Randolphs published letter, viewing it as a manifesto to the Public, probable principally calculated for the Meridian of Virginia, rather than as an address to me individually, and feeling an aversion from other occupations, or from apathy or indolence, and from a reluctance to get engaged in political epistolary squabbles, I had determined not publicly to reply to it.—personally I perceived nothing that required my doing it.—but altho’ I had come to this decision I did not rest wholly satisfied.—He had in some degree be-littled that Section of the  Country to which I more immediately belonged, and He had wantonly gone out of his way to make an attack on a Gentleman in my estimation alike venerable for his age, and estimable for his public services, and to whom I felt indebted for a very handsome and volunteer attention rendered doubly grateful to me from being offered at the same time that he probably ranked me among the number of his political opponents.—.—thus I remained restless under my own silence, until a piece which appeared in one of our papers, stating that, “possibly the Gentleman to whom Mr R. had addressed his letter might not feel it incumbent on him to become the champion of New England, and that possibly he might not like to enter the lists with an adversary so powerful in the use of the weapons of satire, &ca”—caught my eye casually some days after its publication, and immediately reversed My determination.—from the existence of these feelings, and this accident, the public have been taxed with the perusal of a long letter and I am indebted to it for the present correspondence,—for some notice and harmless misrepresentation in the public prints, to which I have paid very little regard or attention; for a letter from a General Officer, and also one from a Lady, who probably derived some relief from the experience of feelings, not towards me, which it would have done her quite as much honor, not to have entertained, or have suppressed.—In publishing a reply in the news-papers little excuse I am aware ought to be derived from the haste with which it was written, for altho’ it was written hastily  & in some respects even negligently, it certainly did give, and was intended to give, the honest, and nearly unvarnished impressions of my mind at the moment.—but if the expressions it contained in relation to the missions to France have wounded your feelings as I fear they have, it is a subject of regret to me,—In your last letter, you tell me Sir, that after the publication of your letters in the Patriot, you did not expect that a slur would be cast upon those missions by any man “of honour any intelligence,”—on the latter point, that of intelligence, in this immediate instance I certainly cannot avoid to join issue—coram judice lis est—and I must abide the sentence of the Court.—but after observing that a greater degree of sensibility appears to have been excited, than perhaps the occasion required, I must be allowed to state, that I cannot perceive how honorable feelings can have been in any degree outraged, or even implicated in this question,—following your example in illustration, let me ask, how stands this case Sir—?—a leading political measure of a great Public functionary becomes a subject of discussion, and of contrariety of sentiment in the public estimation—on the one side the expediency of the measure is doubted, or to take the strongest ground, is absolutely and unreservedly condemned, by a man little known, and perhaps little conversant with the minute history of the period to which it relates, and who does not take the trouble to assign even a single reason for his opinion, and this too at the same time and with the same ink, with which he expresses a general respect and confidence in the authority from which that measure emanated;—thus is one side of the question situated, I cannot say supported;—on the other, the measure is adopted by the highest organ of the Nation:—is supposed to have been successfully carried into effect, and is elaborately sustained by a detailed appeal and exposition to the Public by its author, an habile, and veteran Statesman is nearly a hundred pages;—What must be the result of such a collision of sentiment, where the disparity of authority, and the means of judging, are like a mountain to a mole-hill, it is almost needless to ask?—one of two things must inevitably exist, either, the comparatively rash political Tyro, must submit to pay the forfeit of his ignorance or presumption; or, the measure itself is not so firmly based, upon a recognition of that general and innumeable fitness, which its advocates from a reliance on their own perceptions and convictions may suppose it to be;—but let the weights preponderate as they  may, I cannot discern how the discussion of a topic which implicated no many motives, nor impeached any ones integrity, and which after seventeen years have passed away must stand upon its own merits, tested by its effects, can be considered as mingling any thing dishonorable in the opinions which have been formed with regard to respecting it.—  My sentiments respecting the missions to France owed their durability, probably in some degree to my respect for the source form which they emanated, and that source was yourself Sir.—The excitement which existed in the Northern States in 1798 flowed scarcely from any other fountain, and delighting in its exhibition, I could not, (while unadvised of the clogs and discordance of the domestic machinery of the Government.) well reconcile it to my belief, that so able and experienced a Politician whose acquaintance with the vibrations of popular opinion had been too intimate, and too long continued, to suffer him to mistake the meteors of the night for the appearance of Aurora, would have sounded the tocsin of alarm, and awakened a Continent to Arms! unless he had first been thoroughly certain of the ground on which he built his System, and been convinced of his own power and ability, opposition notwithstanding, to have carried his measures into effect.—I had hoped and believed,—perhaps biased by my wishes, that this might have been one by a steady adherence to the same policy:—but it was not the actual collision with France merely as France, that I considered as of any material importance, for situated as the parties were to each other, this must have been very transient and unfrequent, but it was the incidental and attendant circumstances that presented many charms to my contemplation,—Collision however rarely it presented could occur nowhere but upon the water, and of its issue I felt no doubt;—the privation of an intercourse with France, situated as she was, could be of little importance, and to compensate for that, our National feelings and pride of character would have been called into action—our  Naval establishment especially, I had hoped might have been preserved and extended by it—for of its future extension and application I have no anticipation, but brilliant and welcome ones;—for not expecting before the arrival of the Millennium, which is to convert into one great Paradisaical family, all the members of the Human Race, that the passions will cease to operate, or the Lion lie down with the Lamb, I confess I had much rather have the United States, in good hands, play the rôle of Judah, than that of   Issachar, a strong ass crouching between two burthens, and by a due application of the ultima ratio, as occasion might require, becoming themselves Lords of the ascendant, instead of sinking into the submissive dupes, of the jealousy, the intrigue, or the contumely of any other Powers.—but that all this a persistence in the war with France, or the ground work of their results might have been difficult, perhaps impracticable to have effected your forcible description of the state of      our Governments and of the country at the time, furnish very powerful evidence,—this state of things was and undoubtedly the material obstacle in playing out the game; for the Miranda episode could I think have had very little effect upon any decision connected with it; for I should imagine that no Man, whose grade of intelligence was superior to that of the Chiefs of Nookaheevah, could have counted on it for a moment, as the basis of any important national position.—The articles of association between Sucre, and Salas, and Miranda, with which you have favored me, wi I have perused with equal attention and amusement, but I cannot reconcile it to my belief, that such a Man as William Pitt, who sustained his own system, good or bad, through a period of unexampled difficulty, and with an extent, if not violation of principle, which no British Minister since the revolution of 1688. has dared to attempt, could seriously listen to such skimble, skamble stuff as the propositions of Sucre and his associates,—the agents of the Junta, of Deputies, of the Cities, and Colonies of South America, who re-assembled in such numbers at Madrid (in neither of which places could they have whispered a syllable of a revolutionary project, but at the expense of the heads that uttered it,) as to make it important that they should receive a report at an early day from Paris, in order that these Deputies might separate at Madrid and disperse themselves, over the immensely extended provinces of South America, in order there to prepare a grand and simultaneous revolutionary explosion!—that these famous soi-disant Delegates, accredited by no Signatures but their own, should agree to open the navigation of the Lake Nicaragua, and to unite by the Straits of Panama, the Pacific and Atlantick Oceans—from a connexion between the Bank of Mexico and that of England, to support the latter, and should undertake to pay Great Britain not only an adequate subsidy for the military Contingent, but also gratuitously to  present to her a sum in metallic medium, equal to the extinction of a considerable part of her National Debt, when these propounders and bountiful Contractors could probably with difficulty muster money enough among themselves to pay the bill of their washerwoman, presents such a tissue of absurdities, as to make it at this day hardly credible that any man of common sense could attempt to dupe his political contemporaries with it.—possibly Mr Pitt if he ever gave any encoragement to the project, might have over-estimated the extent of disaffection which existed in the Spanish Colonies, and been willing to have amused Miranda, and not to check its progress, in order that if it attained any head, he might avail of it for the depression of another of the old Continental Powers and the advancement of Great Britain; are objects, to which British Statesmen have long been sufficiently alive.—possibly even, He might give a courteous and significant reception to any hints respecting it from the American Minister; instruct his     Jesuits to put the mine in train, and be very willing, while his own remained perdue, to let the American Government commit itself in the project.—To me, the whole scheme appears inferior only  in simplicity, and about upon a par, with the magnificent proposition of Doctr. Thornton of the Patent office, at Washington, whom perhaps you may recollect;—which was, that we should conquer and over-run all South America, unite the two Continents in under One Grand Republican Government, to be placed under the surveillance, and legislation, of a Congress of Deputies from all the Cities, and all the States, not only of South, but also of North America, who should hold a permanent sitting on the top of Mount Chimborazo, twenty thousand feet above the level of the Sea; no doubt expecting, that their deliberations, pour le bonheur du genre humaine, would be sublimated in a ratio, proportioned to their elevation above the ordinary regions of mortality.—I agree with you entirely Sir—that a state of peace, if to be preserved without the sacrifice of important rights or interests, and an exemption from the intimate European connexions from the leading features of the policy of the United States in their foreign relations;—they are doctrines which when occasion required I have never failed to advance, but I acknowledge I do not accord with you in opinion, that we should look towards France as our natural ally under almost any circumstances;—natural alliance must spring from something like natural affection, or if this is too literal, from intimate connexion, or if still a more remote definition be preferable from a reciprocity of interests and services,—now upon none of these bases does it appear to me, that a strict union between the two countries can be cemented.—the difference of language, of religion, of habits must nearly as effectually prevent an amalgamation of their feelings, as if the People of the one Nation were black, and the other white.—In war, on our own soil we are, or ought to be, and if we are not foreign alliance would not make us so, the dominant Power over any force that could be brought against us,—her assistance on the shore we therefore do not want, and ours to her we could not give, if she required it.—      France is not, and cannot be for many years, if at all, an essentially great Naval Power—She may renovate her resources and hereafter have money to build ships, and she may build them, but she has not colonies to any considerable extent—she has not the fisheries—the mercantile spirit—her People have not the habits—Nature has denied them the harbours that would create Seaman, and make her speedily a very important maritime Nation; as a long period probably must elapse, before the distractions of the British Empire unite again paralize her supremacy, or permit France again to show her head in any force upon the water;—on the ocean therefore she can afford us but little assistance, on that element we must recive depend upon ourselves for our protection, and if a Knowledge of this necessity should quicken our exertions in preparing the means of doing it, we ought to hail it as a blessing.—In Commerce with France, we can have no very intimate connexion, happily situated herself, with a fertile country, a good climate, and an industrious, cheerful, and economical population, she has few wants either of convenience or luxury that we can supply,—nor has she anything to give us in return worthy of our acceptance.—her Brandies—her Silk,—or her smuggled watches and laces, would neither improve our health, invigorate our persons, nor amend our morals.—France has with us no inadicable principles of civil liberty imbued in her existence, as I trust we have in ours—after five and twenty years of Revolutionary spasms arising from the corruptions of her former Government, and attended too with circumstances of great horror and suffering, her People sit down as quietly, and as debonair, under “Le Roy le veut” of Louis le Desiré (comme on l’apelle,) as under that of Lewis the XIVth.—There is therefore no common lien, no mutual bond of attraction subsisting between the two nations to infuse their affection or unite their interests in any thing like a natural, or beneficial permanent alliance.—a temporary one undoubtedly we shall have when the circumstances of both Power relatively to others may render it eligible.—It is true France assisted us in our Revolutionary struggle, for which I am willing to be grateful to her without caviling at the motives from which that assistance originated,—but that contest has passed away forever, similar exigences never can again occur.—it is true also, that it may be for the interest both of France and the United States to controul and keep in check the paramount pride and power of Great Britain—but located as the Parties are, even in this effort France and the United States could render each other but little assistance,—if attained at all it must in gre a great measure be effected by us single handed, and were it even needful that we should follow the example of the Romans and teach our Oarsmen their duty by rowing in the Sand, if the power of the Country were steadily and judiciously directed, I should not despair of the ultimate accomplishment of the object.—in addition to all this I confess to you Sir, so far from considering France as a natural, or if you please, and Honest Ally for this Country, that “timeo Danaos et dona ferentes”, has had both a long, and powerful influence on my mind, and I have seen nothing from the conduct of the Compte de Vergennes at the peace of 1783 to the present moment to remove it.—Our Constitution of Government no one is better able to appreciate than yourself.—like The human productions they have their defects, and without any reference to the idiotical clamour about Royalty, which no man unaccomodated with a blister and a straight waistcoat can for a moment suppose to be adapted to this Country, I think I should be very willing to leave those defects to your amendments, if you had the power to carry them into effect.—and even as there constitutions at present exist—I have little doubt, if administerd honorably, nationally, and locally, upon the broad principles of public good, and not of party predominance, that they may be made to contribute to the welfare and prosperity of the Country.—and altho’ I do not agree with      the poet who tells us,“for forms of Government let fools contestthat which is best administered, is best—”  yet I should be now sincerely glad to find our own so well administered, as to put all contest with regard to it at rest forever.—Requesting you to pardon this long letter which I have endeavored ineffectually to make shorter, and for which I may probably gain a better reception, by assuring You that it is not my intention to make a future similar trespass upon your patience—I have the honor to be Sir / very truly / Yr. Respectful & Obedt Servt

					James Lloyd.

					I take the liberty to enclose a very excellent essay on the right of the U:S: to the fisheries which has appeared in a Connecticut paper, and which perhaps might not otherwise meet your eye.—at the moment of closing this letter your obliging favor of the 5th. has been handed to me, the enclosures it contained I will return under a separate cover tomorrow.—Respectfy—

			J. Ll:


Title: From John Adams to François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 8 April 1815
From: Adams, John
To: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan

Respected Sir
Quincy April 8: 1815

I forgot in my last the most brilliant Topick, of all that splendid Phenomenon in the female World, of Genius Taste Learning Observation and Reflection, Madam La Baroness de Stael Holstein. You Seem to Suppose that I have the honour of her Ladyships Accquaintance. Alass! I never had Such good Fortune! I never Saw her Face or figure. Indeed I Should be afraid to behold either, for I have as great a Terror of learned Ladies, as You have. I feel Such a consciousness of Inferiority to them, as mortifies and humiliates my Self love, to such a degree that I can Scarcely Speak in their presence. Very few of these Ladies have ever had the condescention to allure me to talk. And when it has So happened, I have always come off, mortified at the discovery of my own Inferiority.
Where Shall I begin or end with Madame De Stael, whom I have never Seen?
When I arrived in France in 1778, Lingua Gallica inscius, Mr Neckars Eloge De Colbert, and his Commerce des Grains, were recommended to me by Some of the most learned Ecclesiasticks of France, among twenty other Books in a Catalogue of which would take up too much time and Space at present, as Models of the Purity and Elegance of the French Language. I Studied them, at 40 years of Age and more, as our Boys At School and Colledge, Study Tully’s Orations and Offices: and as I studied Pascals Provincial Letters and the Thousand and one Nights. Pray do not laugh! this is a very grave Subject! Mr Neckar was then Controuler of the Finances in France and the most popular Man in Europe, Dr Franklin excepted. Madam Necker was as popular as her Husband and represented as the most perfect Model and Example of female Litterature, Science, Activity, Industry philosophical benevolence and Christian Charity.
Alass again! It was not my good fortune to be admitted unto this virtuous protestant, learned, ingenious, Scientific, elegant, tasty Family. I never saw the Lady nor her Daughter. I was once presented to the Husband and the Father, on my first Appearance at Versaille, but never Saw him afterwards, except occasionally and transiently, among a Crowd of Courtiers in which he Scarcly knew  me, or I him.
How did this happen? De Vergennes was Minister of foreign Affairs, and our Communications and Intercourse was exclusively with him. Vergennes was jealous of the Popularity, Influence and power of Neckar, and therefore discountenanced and discouraged all Intercourse or Communication between the American Ministers and Mr Neckar. Neckar besides was a Protestant.
With the Baron de Stael I was acquainted; have eat and drank with him; had familiar Tête a Tête conversations with him; which I could detail at Length. He was a Sweedish Patriot, His Marriage with Miss Neckar was an Intrigue of the Queen of France. Madam de Stael knows not all that I know of the History of her own Life and that of her Husband. But how can I waste Eyes Fingers and time, in Writing Anecdotes of this kind,? The Baron was the handsomest Man in Europe.
I have had Some Experience of Popularity. Hutchinson Franklin Washington and Neckar, were the four most popular Men and Names that I have known. Neckar I believe deserved it most. But where is it all? Where are all these Names and Fames? Bubbles Salted and pickelled and preserved in earthen Potts as I have heard or read the Girls Some times have attempted to preserve Soap suds Bubbles
John  Adams


Title: To John Adams from James Lloyd, 8 April 1815
From: Lloyd, James
To: Adams, John

					April 8. 1815

				J. Lloyd has the honor to return with his respectful compliments, the papers received in Mr Adams’ favor of the 5th. inst.—Of Baptiste Irvine he has no knowledge, except that he is an imported Illuminatus, benevolently working for the instruction of the benighted inhabitants of the United States, whom fulfils his vocation with about the same degree of Zeal and humility as have been manifested by many of his Compatriots, and that he exercises, this his métiér, with so little discretion, as on his appearing in the gallery of the Senate Chamber shortly before Mr L... left Washington, to     expose himself to a justly deserved, and well-applied, Parliamentary castigation from mr Crawford, the present Minister of the U:S: at Paris.—


Title: From John Adams to Richard Rush, 10 April 1815
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Richard

Dear Sir
Quincy April 10. 1815

It does not Signify, to grow old. You never can get rid of worldly Affairs. I never was more distracted with Business. It pours in upon me from all quarters. I want to write you every day, and two or three times a day. I have read your speculations with pleasure, but with Some grains of reserve. I Send you a Richelieu, upon the Fisheries, Said to be from Connecticut. That State is a rich bed of Genius in our Yankee Garden: but I did not believe there was a Man in it, capable of writing that paper.
Rush! The Vulgar Say “Sauce for a Goose, is Sauce for a Gander.” The Wise Jurists Say “He who would have Equity, must do Equity.” And which of these Maxims is the most elegant, and the most intelligible?
If We demand the Fisheries, the three hundred Millions of Acres of Western Lands or even our Independence, We must acknowledge these Right of the British Nation, if there is such a Nation, to the Navigation of the Missisippi. And what harm can result to Us, from that quarter? In time of War, this would be a nullity to Britain in theory and practice. In time of peace, what harm can it do to Us? If the British Nation should hereafter be found to have any Lands upon the Mississippi or the Missouri, what Injury can they do to Us by Swimming down a thousand miles if you will, upon that River to the Gulp of Mexico.? Smuggle, they may, and So can We. And when Shall We find the bottom of this unfathomable Gulph of Smuggling?
Pray, good Government? please to give Us a correct Map of the U.S. how many hundred or thousand miles of Sea Coast? of Lake Boundaries? of Land Boundaries? Is it possible to annihilate Smuggling? I will warrant you that our People will Smuggle as much and to as much profit as the Britons. Not the Eight hundred thousands Troops of Napoleon nor his Eighteen thousand Douaniers, could prevent Smuggling in this Country. Neither G. B. nor France, nor Holland nor Spain with all their Armies, Navies and Custom houses Officers ever have been or ever will be able to Suppress Smuggling. All that Governments can do, is to maintain a constant War with Smuggling; each contriving, according to Mr Jeffersons expressions “Which can do the other the most harm.
I wish I could converse with you every day. of what Use are Armies? Navies, and Navies only are or can be, our Security. Write to me my dear Child, with all the Naivete of Infancy; tell me your inmost thoughts. If We lett Canada and Nova Scotia alone, they will drop of themselves from the British Tree; and will be very willing to Unite with Us.
But depend upon it. If this Collision between Missisippi and Labradore Fisheries is not cautiously and prudently managed it will divide the States.
John Adams
P.S. Pardon, despise, or excorate as you think fit, the Stupid and wicked Editorial Introduction to the Richelieu. These assassins would Stabb Madison through their own hearts.


Title: To John Adams from Pseudonym: "A Friend to the Fisheries", 12 April 1815
From: Pseudonym: “A Friend to the Fisheries”
To: Adams, John

					Boston April 12th. 1815

				The shortness of the time allowed me & limited means of investigating the subject must be my apology for the scanty & very inadequate information now communicated. The fisheries of the United States may be divided into three different kinds. The Bank. The streight of Labrador—And the shore fisheries—. The first is apparently the most important, this has ex been most exclusively carried on by the State of Massachusetts, the vessels employed have never exceeded two hundred, and are from 60 to 90. tons burthen—say 75. on an average their crews are from 8. to 10. men—making 9 the average; they land in the course of the season, 900 Quintals to each vessel, so that it will appear we employ in this branch of the fisheries 175 vessels making 13,125. Tons, 1575 men. And that the fish taken by them amount to 157,500. quintals Vessels employed in this branch of the fisheries are the most expensively fitted, provided with cables to ride in the open ocean at all times.—as the first & last fares are made in the most tempestuous seasons. In this business three fares or voyages to the Grand Banks are usually made—the first so early as to land the fish before the 20th. May, that they may be carried before the weather is hot; Fish so made are calling Spring merchantable & are worth from 1. to 1$50 per quintal more than West India Fish; they are calculated for the north of Spain & are shipped for Bilboa where they are preferr’d to all others—from those Madrid is supplied, the usual price for them at Bilboa from 7$ to 9$ per quintal—The second fare is usually landed in August & in consequence of their being kept in the vessel in hot weather are made very salt & unfit for any market excepting the West Indies, of course are sold for that purpose & are called Jamaica Fish the usual price of which is from 3. to 4$ pr quintal here. The third or last fare arrives so late that not more than half of them are cured until Spring: these are called Fall Merchantable, fit for Spanish Markets generally & worth about half a dollar less than Spring Merchantable—. The Labrador Fishery which in my opinion is by far the most important, is so general that I find it extremely difficult to collect facts respecting its extent. The best information I can obtain induces me to believe that 500. vessels have been usually employed; these vessels are from 75. to 120 tons burthen which would average 90. their crews consist of 12 men; in the same proportion being made up of from 9 to 15—men They land about 12 hundred quintals each vessel one with another, from which it will appear that 500. vessels in this business would be 45,000 tons, that they would employ 6,000. men who would take in the course of the season 600,000 quintals of Cod Fish—I have obtained official information in but one instance—which I transcribe from the records of the Custom House in a small town of this state = “36 Vessels employed in the Labrador Fisheries 33-75 tons 423 men employed—which landed 39,087 quintals of Fish all of which were brought home & made in said town.” Vessels employed in this branch of the Fisheries are fitted at much less expense then those that go to the Banks, nothing more being requisite than for a merchant vessel & those of any burthen may be employed—Each vessel is provided with whale boats according to the size of the vessel from 2 to 4 in number, with those they take the Fish, while the vessels are safely moored in the Harbours on the Labrador Coast, where they remain untill they are fully loaded by the boats, which go out & return full of Fish, sometimes four times each, every day—The season for fishing on the coast is from the 10th. of June untill September, the bait call’d Capalince preceeds the Fish which follow in immense scools, about the 15 of June & continue untill the last of August—. Industry alone is wanting to insure a full Cargo—The Fish made on the Labrador are suitable for the south of Spain & can be the first at Market which is very important, those brought here & cured are calculated for the Streights, particularly Naples, Leghorn, & Rome.It may not be improper to observe that more oil is made from those Fish than from others, perhaps owing to the vessels always being in the harbour—the advantages of this branch of the Fisheries over others are many. First any good Vessel with a small outfit is suitable—Second—The person employ’d only in midsummer of course less hazard—& Thirdly when Fish are plenty part of them can be made & sold to Americans on the coast at the price here which enables the crew to load their vessels again & return nearly as soon as if none were sold—With this statement before me in which I have full confidence what comparison can I as a Merchant make between this Commerce & the Lake of the Woods, Moose Island—or a road to Canada—As a statesman what comparison between this nursery for a growing Navy & a few tribes of tawny Savages in the western world—but I am going beyond my sphere & my intentions—The Shore Fisheries from their nature cannot be ascertained with any correctness and as the Fish are better suited to the consumption of this country than a foreign market shall make no farther observations respecting them. If any thing useful can be gathered from these Cursory observations it will gratify—

					A Friend to the Fisheries


Title: From John Adams to William Rotch, 13 April 1815
From: Adams, John
To: Rotch, William

Sir
Quincy April 13. 1815.

Having very cogent motives to collect Information relative to our New England Fisheries, a Friend has kindly referred me to you as you will see by the inclosed Papers which I pray you to return to me, by the Post.—Any information you will be so good as to convey to me by the Stage or Post relative to any of our Fisheries in Whales Cod Salmon Seals Macceral or any other species especially on the Coasts of Labradore, in the Strights of Bell Isle, in the Gulph of St Laurence or the Coasts of Nova Scotia & & & will be gratefully received and duly acknowledged / by Sir your Friend

John Adams—


Title: To John Adams from Richard Rush, 15 April 1815
From: Rush, Richard
To: Adams, John

					Dear sir.
					Washington April 15. 1815.

				Your valued favors of the 5th and 10th, have gratified, instructed, and consoled me. As far as I stand informed, the administration have never dreamed that the war, or the treaty of Ghent, diminished the nicest hair of our rights to the fisheries, as we have ever before enjoyed them. On the 10th of November 1814, the joint mission wrote to the British commissioners exactly as follows—“In answer to the declaration made by the British plenipotentiaries respecting the fisheries, the undersigned, refering to what passed in the conference of the 9th of August, can only state, that they are not authorised to bring into discussion any of the rights or liberties which the United states have heretofore enjoyed in relation thereto. From their nature, and from the peculiar character of the treaty of 1783 by which they were recognized, no further stipulation has been deemed necessary by the government of the United States to entitle them to the full enjoyment of all of them.” But fears have been entertained here, that some of the violent politicians of New England, (caring not so as they stabbed Mr Madison “if the wound went through their own hearts,”) would set the example of a different doctrine, and leave the rest of the nation to make out the case of its fisheries not merely single handed against Great Britain, but induce all New England finally to help her in the argument, as happened in the end with the case of impressment. This although it never could or ought to have led to any abandonment of any rights or priviledges on this important subject, might have lessened the zeal to move in their defence. The opinions from such writers as Richlieu, and from such men as Mr Lloyd, are calculated to dispel such discouraging apprehensions. It holds out the hope, that New England will be herself again. And let New England but will it, and in six months we will tare old England to pieces, if she dare   attempt to curtail in the slightest particular this antient indefeasible, valuable, right. I mean tare her to pieces on this continent, and give her blows elsewhere that she would surely feel, and report having drawn upon herself. I am greatly indebted to you for the piece signed Richlieu. I have read it thrice over with great attention. It is admirably calculated to open the way to sound opinions. It is written with ability; though I must say what I think, that one of the letters I have had the pleasure to receive traces the outline of a bolder, a more comprehensive, a more powerful argument: The title by original occupancy, in the first hardy settlers of New England, is a striking view of the subject. So the one which treats it as an adjunct of our independence. And under the head that former treaties, not formally, or by necessary implication, repealed in a new one, are presumed to be revived, the strongest authorities of written law  may be adduced. On all points the argument is with us. Only let New England be so too, and there will be no difficulty.The memoir of Mr Lloyd has not yet been returned to me, detained I am sure from the interest taken in the subject. I now look for it daily. As soon as it comes I shall have the pleasure to transmit it to Quincy. Every letter I receive from that place increases the pleasure and renews the obligations I feel at the kindness and friendship with which its venerable inhabitant honors me. May I prove worthy of it, and transmit to my own children the lessons of patriotism, which, in ways always to be remembered with delight, I have learnt at his hands.

					Richard Rush.


Title: To John Adams from William Rotch, 20 April 1815
From: Rotch, William
To: Adams, John

					Respected Friend
					New Bedford 4th mt  20th 1815

				I recd. thy favor of the 13th Inst. & note thy enquiries respecting the Fisheries, I have no knowledge of the small fisheries, Cod, Salmon, Mackrael, Seal & ca. none of any consequence being pursued from this quarter; the whale fishery I have had perfect knowledge of, and kept a regular acct. of all that was obtaind in America from about the year 1752 to 1775—but this acct. I cannot find, I fear it was destroyd with many useless papers some years ago; if on further search I can find it, I will transmit it if not too late.—the Market for our Oil is totally changd, England took all the Sperm oil we Obtaind untill the begining of the Revolutionary war, our seperation brought the Alien duty upon us of £18-11g per Tun—which by gradual addition now amounts to £30-11s, amounting to a prohibition, we now depend on our own Country alone for the consumption, the great encrease in this way of late years has exceeded what we ever ship’d annually to England, it is therefore to be hop’d that the fishery will be kept alive, we have but a small concern in this place; the last outfit but 8 vessells from 200 to 280 Tuns, three of which were captur’d on their return, the other six brot. about 7700 Barrels of Sperm oil, we shall not send this year more than five or six.—I am with respect thy assured / Friend

					Wm. Rotch

					PS. after the peace of 1763 we had a good fishery for some years in the River St Lawrence & Streight of Bell isle, yet very little pursued for many years, yet it may be again productive, I hope the British will not deprive us of it


Title: From John Adams to James Lloyd, 22 April 1815
From: Adams, John
To: Lloyd, James

Respected Sir
Quincy April 22 1815

I know not whether you have a Taste for Romances.? If you have, as I acknowledge I have, it is in my power to amuse You: perhaps as usefully, if not as agreably, as Amadis of Gaul, the History of the Seven Champions or Huon of Bourdeaux.
At present, Sir, I will give you, an Extract of a Letter dated New York. April 11, 1815. Subscribed W. S. Smith.
“On the subject of the correspondence between General Miranda and General Hamilton, and the contemplated emancipation of South America, the Edinburgh Review of October 1808, January 1809. Vol. 13. P. 277, gives the interesting Address of Don Juan Pablo y Gusman, a native of Arcquipa in Peru, and an ecclesiastic of the order of Jesus, to his Countrymen, which you will find preceeded by the observations of the Reviewers, page 289 and 290, detailing the Articles, proposed to the British Government by Miranda authorised by the South American Agents, who Sought Miranda, at Paris. This Document is dated Paris 22d of Decr. 1797. Miranda had a Conference with Mr Pitt in January. The Outline of the proceedings was fully agreed upon; and so far had the preparations advanced, that General Miranda, in a Letter to General Hamilton, dated April 6th. 1798 wrote as follows, ‘Cellci vous sera remise, mon cher et respectable Ami, par mon Compatriote Don —— charge des depeches, de la plus haute importance pour le President des Etats Unis. Il vous dira, confidentiellement, ce que vous voudrez apprendre, sur ce sujet. Il parait que la moment de notre emancipation, approche. et que l’Etablissement de la liberte, sur tout le continent du nouveau monde, nous est confié par la Providence. Le seul danger que Je prevois, c’est l’introduction des principes Français que empoisoneraient la liberté dans son berceau, et finiraient par detruire la votre.’ Nay, so far did the arrangement advance, that on the 19th of October, he wrote to the same Gentleman in the following terms, ‘Vos souhaits, sont en quelque sorte remplis, puisque on est convenu ici, que, d’un coté, on n’employera point, aux operations terrestres des troupes Anglaisses, vu que les forces auxiliaires de terre devront etre uniquement Americaines, tandis, que de l’Autre, la marine sera purement Anglais. Tout est applani, et on Attend seulement le fiat de votre illustre President, pour partir comme L’Eclair.’ Mr Shaw will redily furnish you with the Volume. I must call your Attention to the contents of page 293, and the note referring to a pamphlet entitled “Additional reasons for the immediate emancipation of South America, by William Burke, in short, the perusal of these Documents from page 277 inclusive will gratify your curiosity, and perhaps place that question in a different point of light, in which some Circumstances may have induced you to view them. In 1801 the Project was again revived. But the preliminaries of the Peace of Amiens being signed put a stop to its further progress. On the revival of the War in 1803, in 1804, under the Administration of Mr Pill, the South American question was again revived. In one of the Edinburg Magazines for one of the aforementioned years, you will find General Hamilton’s Answer to Miranda.”
I inclose Col. Smiths, Letter which I pray you to return to me. I have never read the Edinbourgh Reviews nor the pamphlet upon the subject for it always appeared to me to be no more entertaining or instructive than searching the Records of Bedlam. I may however hereafter look up the Volumes and Pages; for this subject must not Sleep. I may possibly find causes to laugh as heartily as I did at your Account of Dr Thorntons sublime Project of a Congress on the Summit of the highest of the Andes, with two or three hundred obedient submissive confederated Republicks at their feet; and why not civilizing and christianizing all Asia and Affrica as well as Europe and America? Surely the four quarters of the Globe want it very much.
With great and sincere Esteem, I am
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to James Lloyd, 24 April 1815
From: Adams, John
To: Lloyd, James

My dear sir.
Quincy April 24. 1815.

I have not yet, treated your Letters to me, which I esteem above all price, with the respect they deserve; nor indeed with common Civility. I cannot but hope, that in the great order of things, which We for the moment are so apt to think confusion; some good may accrue to Our Country from this correspondence.
In your favour, of Feb. 6. 1815, You have given a Proverb a Maxim of more value to the statesmen of this Nation, than Diamonds. “The Progress of the Horseman, can only be proportioned to the speed of his Horse.” Had Hamilton, the “Commander in Chief” of both Houses of Congress, of all the five heads of Departments, of General Washington, and consequently of the President of the United States, been aware of your Principle and acted upon it, the Revolution of 1801. would not have happened. There is no Rodomontade, no Exaggeration, Mr Lloyd, in this Language: in Essence it is strictly true.
Your allusion to the Tryal of Captain Preston and his soldiers, touches me more nearly than you can imagine. To this hour, my Conduct in it, is remembered, and is alledged against me to prove that I am an Enemy to my Country, and always have been.
It was one of those Cases of which I could give you the History of many, in which my head and or my heart or perhaps, a conspiracy of both, compelled me to differ in Opinion, from all my Friends; to sett at defiance their Advice, their remonstrances, their Raillery, their Ridicule, their Censures and their Sarcasms, without acquiring one symptom of Pity from my Enemies.
I could give you several other Anecdotes, curious enough; perhaps memorable, of the same kind, which if you wish to read them, shall be at your service. At present, I will confine myself to one.
After the Battles or skirmishes of Concord and Lexington on the 19th. of April 1775, the Militia of Massachusetts, Connecticutt New Hampshire and Rhode Island, marched to Cambridge Roxbury Medford Charleston &c to drive the British Army into the Sea: And if their first Ardor had not been restrained, by considerations of the Union of the Colonies, they would have done it.
When, in the beginning of May; Congress met, no Man knew, whether the Skirmish at Concord, the Battle of Lexington, or the Assembly of an Army of Militia at Cambridge and the other Neighbourhood of Boston, in hostile array against his Royal Majesty’s, regular disciplined and veteran Troops and Fleets; would be approved, or condemned by that continental Assembly. Those who had been Members the Year before, i.e in 1774 and now met the same Gentlemen again, I assure you had great Reasons for doubts and apprehensions, fears and Jealousies.
The Army at Cambridge, had poor Arms, no cannon, but the Hancock and Adams, no Tents, no Barracks, no provisions but from day to day, no cloathing for change, no Magazines, very little powder and but few balls. Congress could not be brought to look the Crisis, in the face. It was easy to see that the members dared not either on the one hand to command or advise the assemblage about Boston to disperse and go home; or, on the other, to approve and adopt it, as a continental Army. A majority of them lived in hourly expectation of news that the British Troops had marched out of the Town of Boston, and scattered the Militia of New England at Cambridge, to the four Winds. For the opinion that four or five thousands Regulars could march where they pleased in America was not peculiar to Parliament or Ministry. As many believed it, in This Country, in proportion, as in England. But when days and Weeks past away, and instead of any such intelligence, all accounts agreed that the Britons were completely imprisoned in the Town, they began to think what must be done, and the People began to be clamourous that something should be done. Should they give up the Contest? No. The People at least the Whigs, out of doors, and in their own Colonies would stone them. Should they adopt the Army at Cambridge? or raise a new one of their own? This last project would require a long time: and it was very uncertain whether it would ever be practicable. If they adopted the Army now on foot, Who should command it? A New England Army, under a New England General, they were pleased to say, would be dangerous to the other Colonies; for no man then dared to utter the Word State or Nation. Who then should be general? On this question; the Members were greatly divided. A Number was for Mr Handcock; then President of Congress and extreamly popular throughout the United Collonies and called “King Handcock” all over Europe. A greater Number, (can you believe it?) were for General Charles Lee, then in Philadelphia, extremely assidious in his Visits to al the Members of Congress at their Lodgings, and universally represented in America as a classical and universal Schollar, as a Scientific Soldier, and as one of the greatest Generals in the World, who had seen service, with Burgoyne in Portugal, and in Poland &c and who was covered over with Wounds he had received in Battles. In Short, this General Lee was a kind of Precursor of Miranda. He excited much Such in Enthusiasm and made as many Proselytes and Partisans. A Number was for Washington: but the greatest Number was for Ward.
In the midst of this Chaos, the Massachusetts Delegates dayly received Letters from their Friends and constituents, at home, entreating them to urge Congress to a decision: for the Army wanted many Things and every thing was uncertain. The Anxiety of New England, and her Members in Congress, may be well imagined, may be easily conjectured; In this state of Things, in His John Adams, who had previously taken unwearied pains with his own Colleagues, and with other Members in private to form some plan, and agree upon Something to be done without success, met Samuel Adams, in the State House Yard in Philadelphia, from various Walks and Avocations. “What shall We do, to get Congress to adopt our Army? said Samuel Adams to John Adams. I will tell you, what I am determined to do, said John to Samuel.” I have taken pains enough to bring you to agree upon something: but you will not agree upon any Thing; and now I am determined to take my own Way let come, what will come. Well, said Samuel “what is your Scheme”? Said John to Samuel, I will go into Congress, this Morning, and move that a day be appointed to take into Consideration the Adoption of the Army before Boston the Appointment of a General and Officers, and I will nominate Washington for Commander in Chief. “I know not what to think of that" Said Samuel “I am afraid of the consequences of that.” Congress was by this time assembled. The fratrum par, went together into the house and John made his Motion “that a day might be appointed to take into consideration the Adoption of the Army before Boston, and the appointment of a General.” I pretend not to record his Speech. It is gone into the air, like the frozen and thawed Words of Lapland celebrated in the Spectator. But he supported his Motion, by an history in detail of our New England Army of Militia a Character of its Officers and Soldiers, an enumeration of its Wants and Necessities and doubts and Uncertainties about the Union of the colonies and every thing else: and concluded by observing, that he apprehended, the greatest difficulty, would arise, in the appointment of a General. Upon this point, he feared there was much diversity of sentiments; but he hoped, that cool deliberation, candid discussion, and above all, the critical and dangerous Situation of the Country, might bring Parties together, and prevail upon them to Unite. For his part, he had made Up his mind. There was a Gentleman, well known in several of the Colonies, who had considerable experience of military service in the last French War, who was a member of that House, and highly esteemed by all the members: for that Gentleman, he should give his vote. At these Words, Washington, who satt but three chairs off, and not more from the door of the library room, darted into it like a streak of Lightening, and was seen no more, during that deliberation. Samuel Adams, slowly rising, seconded, the motion, but said not one Word in Support of it.
The then aged, cool and wise Pendleton, who then was, and continued afterwards, beyond his Eightieth year, to be a kind of Oracle in Virginia, arose and said “he was for adopting the Army at Cambridge but against changing the General. The Army was wholly from New England. They had selected their own Commander, were satisfied with him, and had proved themselves capable, of confining the Enemy within the limits of Boston: and he though it would be great injustice, to supercede their Leader, and impose a Stranger upon him and them."
The sagacious Mr Sherman of New Haven, followed Mr Pendleton on the same side. “He was personally acquainted with General Ward; knew him well; he was well known, in several of the Colonies, and especially in all New England, and esteemed by all. A full proportion of the Army was from Connecticutt, whose People, Officers and Soldiers, he knew, had entire confidence, in their present Leader, who also had seen service, gained experience, and given good Satisfaction in the last french War. (this speech you see was directly pointed in answer to me) “He therefore, was utterly averse to any Innovation or Alteration in the command of the Army.”
Mr Richard Henry Lee, said a few Words against any Change in the command of the Army, and in favour of appointing a time to consider of the adoption of it. Mr Cushing spoke, with more decision and Energy, that was usual with him, in honour of his Friend Ward, and against the appointment of any One over him.
Mr Paine spoke with that superb Vivacity, which he exhibited upon some special Occasions for a few minutes, against any Change “General Ward had been his contemporary, and his Classmate at Colledge. He had studied by his side and knew his Worth.”
Mr Hancock was President, and had no Opportunity to Speak: but his Countenance and Gestures, sufficiently manifested his sentiments and feelings. I will not disguise nor soften the Truth; he exhibited as much Indignation and Vengeance as his Countenance Face could express.
Other Gentlemen spoke, according to their different Views; but the question was called for, and a future day appointed. In the Interval of time, great pains were taken among the Members out of doors, and at their quarters, to convince them, of the great importance of Harmony, Union and Unanimity, in so delicate an appointment; on which might depend, not only the success of the War, but the Union of the Colonies.
When the appointed day arrived, the Conferences, discussions or Debates, call them which you will, were renewed. The Nominations were made: Ward, I believe by Mr Cushing: Lee by Mr Mifflin; and Washington by Mr Johnson of Maryland. The opposition to a Change of Commander, was not so warm as it had been before: but still each Candidate had his Advocates. Nevertheless all Agreed, in the great Importance of Unanimity. This Point was urged from all quarters of the house, with a force of reason, eloquence and pathos, (all lost in air), that never has been exceeded in the Counsels of this nation.
It was finally agreed, to postpone the Election to a future day, in hopes that Gentlemen, laying aside, all private feelings, local Attachments, and partial motives by a deliberate consideration might agree, in one, and unanimously determine to support him, with all their influence. The Choice was accordingly postponed. By this time all the Friends of Ward, among whom there was not one more sincere than John Adams, who had known him at school, within two doors of his father’s house, and who had known him afterwards in his riper Years at Worcester, and who knew his military services in the French War) were fully convinced that Washington, should be preferred to Lee; and they had reason to believe as well as to fear, the Delegates from the Southern and middle States; would vote for Lee, rather than for Ward, or any other New England man; and all the most sober and considerate Members would have preferred either Ward or Washington, to Lee.
When the day of Election arrived, after some Observations on the necessity of Concord harmony and Unanimity, in the present portentous moment, Congress proceeded to the Choice, and the suffrages were all found to be for George Washington.
From this narration, it appears that “Washington was the Creature of a Principle; and that principle was The Union of the Colonies. He knew it; and it is not wonderfull that he preached Union. But is it not wonderfull that one Party should now found their Arguments in favour of the Union principally on the Authority of Washington? And that the other Party in his name and under pretence of his Authority, Should intrigue and caball the destruction of the Union? Good God! Is there a Man or Woman in the United States, of common sense and information who wants the Authority of Washington; to prove the necessity of Union? Is there one, who can abuse the name of Washington, to influence a seperation or division?
From this narration, it also appears, that the Boast, of   Mr Randolph is vain and unfounded. We owe no thanks to Virginia for Washington. Virginia is indebted to Massachusetts for Washington: not Massachusetts to Virginia. Massachusetts made him a General against the Inclination of Virginia never made him more than a Colonel. Massachusetts had made Ward a General and Commander in Chief, some months before, to some purpose; for under him was fought the Battle of Bunkers Hill, the most important Event, the most obstinate Contest, the most bloody Action of the whole Revolutionary War; and this glory was acquired before Washington was a General. On the other hand, if Mr Randolph is capable of gratitude, he ought to thank Massachusetts, who for the sake of Union, submitted to a state of real degradation, infinitely lower than “the Administration of John Adams.” Indeed there can be nothing more absurd, preposterous, or affrontive to common Sense, than to call that degradation, which was in reality, exaltation. The Glory of the United States never Shone with so much splendor, at home or abroad before nor since, as during the Administration of John Adams. It’s effulgence, as often happens produced its extinguishment. It excited the dread both of France and England at the same time with the Jealousy and Envy both of Federalists and Republicans; and of none more than ***
Would Mr Randolph, now say, that “John Adams was ill-omened,” in his exertions to get Washington appointed a General? Not only against the Judgment and inclination of his own Colleagues out of the most respectable and able of the Delegates from Virginia herself?
Is there, Mr Lloyd, in the history of Nations, an Example of submission to a mere point of Policy, to be compared, to the compliance of all New England; their General; their Army; and all its Officers: with an Arrangement, which placed a total Stranger, over the heads and Bodies of them all? At a moment too, when they were flushed with the Victory of Bunkers Hill? For a Victory indeed it was; the most important Event, and to this day the most glorious Action in the history of North America. It gave unshaken Confidence to the People from New Hampshire to Georgia, in their own Valour, which nine tenths of them, to that hour had doubted.
It was not owing to any Want of Sensibility, I assure you sir, that no public remonstrance was made, and no public murmours heard. Poor John Adams, upon his return to the Army and his Constituents, had enough to do, to apologize for the Part he had taken in the Change.
“Was there ever known, in the history of the World, an instance, of changing the commander in Chief of an Army, in the sight of an enemy, and in hourly expectation of another Battle, more bloody and desperate than the first? Was it not unexampled to supersede a General, a Commander in Chief universally esteemed beloved and confided in by his army and their Country, by appointing another, an entire stranger, whom they had never seen whose name they had scarcely heard? Was there another Army or Country that would submit to it”? Was it not astonishing, that a high spirited independent Militia, had not Shouldered their Firelocks and marched home? “Or at least refused to receive the New Commander? “Was it not to have been expected that the Officers would have resigned their Commissions When such a flight of Officers of high rank, all Strangers was sent and placed over them? “How could you, in such critical Circumstances, assist in putting the cause of your Country, at such eminent hazard!” &c. &c. &c.”
These questions, Mr Lloyd, and many other questions of similar import, were put to me, wherever I went, by my best Friends: and I had no other Way to soften their hard thoughts, but by appeals to their Patriotism; by urging the Policy and necessity of sacrificing all our feelings to the Union of the Colonies; and by Panegyricks upon Washington, Lee, Gates, Mifflin, Reed &c.
In a few Words, I was subjected to almost as bitter exprobrations for creating Washington Commander in chief as I had been five Years before, for saving Preston and his Soldiers from an unrighteous Judgment and Execution.
Are not these facts, as new to you as any political Tale that could be brought you from Arabia, or by a special Messenger from Sirius the dogstar? Should I take the Oath of Thuanus, the great Martyr to the faint Ideas of his Age of religious Liberty “Pro veritate historiarum mearum Deum ipsum obtestor” would you believe me?
It is sufficient for me to say that the Facts are true and I attest them with my hand John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Richard Rush, 24 April 1815
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Richard

Dear Rush
Quincy April 24. 1815

The first Thing that Struck me when I recd your favour of the 15th. was the Seal. I will not tell you, at present how many reflections this excited before I opened the Letter. I determined at once to answer it by my Seal. You will See it on the Outside of this. An Ellipsis Surrounded by 13 Starrs, protecting a Pine Tree, with a Codfish and a Buck. A very bright Starr at the Top of the Pine. The Cod represented the Fisheries the Buck Represented the Western Lands three or four hundred millions of Acres. The Pine Signified the future Navy of the United States; and the Starr upon its Pinacle the new States, one after another to grow out of the thirteen; Immediately after the Peace of 1783 Franklin Struck a mean base, Servile, adulating Medal, at the publick expence, which he Sent to all Europe. I had a private Seal cutt, at my private expence: but I had not courage enough to have the Motto I had prepared for it, engraved upon it. The Motto was “Piscemur, Venemur, Ut Olim. Vanity, you See, is always timid.
“New England will be herself again.” With the deepest Grief I acknowledge  She has forgotten herself. But I must be allowed to make the only Apology for her in my Power: a poor Apology it is, at best, but it is the Example of Virginia and Pensilvania and New York and Kentucky. I remember the time, when all these States, forgot themselves; with a Jefferson, a Madison, a Clinton and a Mackean at their head; not to mention a Burr, who was more opperative than all of them.
New England is Sufficiently humiliated. She can, no longer be represented, as terrible to the Middle, the Southern and the Western States. Kentucky, Ohio, Tennesee, New Orleans and New York have proved themselves more formidable to New England than She ever did to them. We must be candid, Mr Rush and Speak and write freely to one another. For forty Years, and more have my feelings, been harrowed, with the clamours of the Southern and middle States, of the formidable Power of New England; and the danger to the middle and Southern States from New England. How many Sacrifices have I made, and Seen made to this Prejudice? The Truth, the Sacred Truth is, that the most prevalent Systematic Policy of the middle and Southern States has been for forty years, to destroy the Character and Influence of every Men of real Merit Talents and Influence in New England. And to raise up and exalt whom? A Bidwell, a Skinner, a Gannet. Or to rise to honest Men, of no Talents, a Dearborne, a Varnum, and a Seaver; A Sewell, a Dexter, an Ames a Lloyd, are not only held in no Estimation; but are ran down. And where are Hancock, Samuel Adams and the Protomartyer of Bunkers Hill? General Joseph Warren? and where is Elbridge Gerry? and his Widow? And his Children? Tacitus and Quintilian! You will never, induce me to believe that Fate or Chance governs this World; nor to doubt whether Wisdom or Benevolence governs it. But I cannot always See it.How can I explain to you, the Value, the importance, and the Necessity of the Fisheries? New England, as a body is as ignorant of it as Ohio or Tennessee. They are a Monopoly. Not more than a dozen or two of Men in New England know their History their Extent or importance. And every Man engaged in them, dreads Rivalry and competition. He is afraid of French and English Jealousy, no less than of the Competition of his Neighbours. It is a Mystery. A profound Enigma. A Pamplet or a Newspaper that Should devellope this riddle would produce a Consternation first, and a blaze and a fury afterwards even in New England itself.
You may depend upon it, if one Particle of our Rights or Liberties in the Fisheries is relinquished or abandoned by the national Government, there is an End of the Union forever. New England knows that She alone, can Sustain the whole force of Great Britain forever. Kentucky Tennessee and Louisiana have lately discovered that they can defend themselves as well as New England. With these proud and well grounded Sentiments at both Ends of the Continent, what are We to expect? Reconcilliation must, by Some means or other, be contrived, Or.—I will not Say what I forebode.
Piscemur, Venemur, Ut Olim: but
The narrow Systems of Party Despotism must be broken down, or at least modified. Your sincere Friend
John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from Richard Rush, 25 April 1815
From: Rush, Richard
To: Adams, John

					Washington April 25. 1815.

				R. Rush presents his respectful compliments to Mr Adams, and begs leave to enclose him a note which he has just received from Mr Monroe. In consequence of it, R. R. has, in the face of all past trespasses, ventured to send the papers back again to Mr Monroe. This will add a few days more to delays hitherto incurred, but to such good purpose that R. R. flatters himself with the hope of absolution.


Title: To John Adams from James Lloyd, 27 April 1815
From: Lloyd, James
To: Adams, John

					Boston April 27. 1815

				Mr Lloyd has the honor to acknowledge the receipt of Mr Adams respected favor of the 22nd. ult. and the interesting enclosure it communicated from Colo. Smith.—None of the inhabitants of the United States are entitled to more of the respect of the American Republic, than the Citizens of New York, for the enlightened, and patriotic regard, they give to the extension, and expansion, of those unrivalled advantages, which the bounty of the giver of  every good gift has either accorded to them; or placed within their easy attainment.—On this head Mr Ld, had intended to have dilated more fully.—but he has delayed it until he is on the point of leaving town for Rhode Island for a few days & will not retain the letter of Colo. S until his return.—Future Generations will witness  the City of New York as the central Point of an immense chain of water communication from Hudsons Bay to the Gulf of Mexico—flowing through regions of unbounded wealth and power and of countless numbers, and along with it, may also witness the Amer. Republic, or its successor, the mistress not only of the Ocean, but of the World.—The news of the day creates much speculation.—That the military mania and talent of the effective pawn of the French nation should induce it to prefer King Stork, to King Log, is perhaps not incredible, but the denouement of the Drama appears to complete for the time of its enacting.—Mr Lloyd has the honor to present to Mr Adams his most respectful compliments.


Title: To John Adams from François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 7 May 1815
From: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan
To: Adams, John

Mÿ Dear and Respected Sir.
Oldenbarneveld 7 Maÿ 1815.

It Shall be a part of my Sundays devotion to give you my Sincerest thanks for your kindnesses which I received in your Letters of the 3d and 8th of April I feel Sensibly I cannot be grateful enough for these as theÿ contribute always So efficaciously to dispell the gloom, which hovers over  me now and cheer up my depressed Spirits, and why then Should I not apply to this remedy whose Salutary effects I experienced So often—Non Sum qualis eram and claudicat ingenium I indulge too often in my too Sanguine prospects and feel then the poignance of disappointments with a redoubled force You may guess Sir! how my fleeting tranquility was disturbed by the late European events but it cannot be adequate to what I really Suffered I hoped to lay down my head in peace and blended this hope with dreams of happiness which Should have been bestowed on both Continents and your excelent Son one of the means to whom his country Should become indebted for these blessings: the last I will not yet give up and remain, firmly persuaded, that it Shall not be through a want of abilities or exertions in Him if his patriotic views are not accomplished The almighty blessings prosper Him and bring from darkness Light once more forward!
How Shall his bosom glow when He sees his Sons in health in London! how Shall he be delighted with their improvements and cultivate their promising talents in that Scientific  country He Shall now repay to them, what he received from his father!
Although your heart delighted in this Sacrifice, it must have given to you and your Lady Some momentarÿ painful reflections but you did not educate them for yourselves alone you wished, that they Should follow their Fathers Steps—and to what higher School under their fathers eye could you have entrusted their tuition? Had I lived near you it would have been to me a pleasant task to double my visits to discourse with you on their journey their arrival their entrance in a new world,  and discuss with one another—on the future expansion of talents yet in the bud—on the preeminnce  at which they might arrive through unrelenting industry but then too, it could not fail or now and then a Shadow would be Spread over these Scenes when we Survey’d the possibility of these blasted hopes perhaps in that Same instant, are vainly imagined that their maturity was approaching However had I lived So near you, then now and then you would have visited my Solitary cottage and walked in my garden with me, and admired the vegetables reared by my own hand, and dispelled the dark Phantoms if they approached too near in entertaining me from your treasured lore of ancient and modern learning without any of us fearing, that a different System or clashing opinion or on Theology Politics or Literature would have rendered him obnoxious as an Heretick, while your Lady would have Strewed Some flowers on our walk Alas! this was not our Lot and I Should be undeserving the distinguishing favours which you continue to bestow upon me if I did not value them highly nevertheless it  remains a truth that an affectionate Letter and the presence of a frend do widely differ
Two of my valued frends leave this neighbourhood—Col. B. Walker removed his family to Madison county—and Judge Platt goes to reside at Albanÿ—with the Latter I was intimately connected Since 93 with the first Since 98. It is true, Since I kept no horses, it was but Seldom I enjoy’d their Society—Scarce once in a year, except they could make it convenient to come here—but theÿ were So near bÿ—they Shared So Sincerily in all that, which did befall me, that the wide distance, by which we are now Separated—Seems a gap as that of death It will not appear all ways So!
Next week I Shall enjoy the gratification, that my good wife goes with my frend Mappa and her Daughter—to See her children and grand-children at Philadelphia, what a pleasing Satisfaction to my heart that She, to whom I am So infinitely indebted, can obtain an object, for which I doubt not—She Secretly wished, although her delicacÿ prevented its utterance—when She deemed it unfeasible, Mÿ Noble Son—and my frend Busti offered me, to charge them Selves with the expences of this journeÿ and I thank God that I can as cheerfully receive, as I give—when I know the heart of the Donor—Think—my Dear Sir! what I must have felt—when—bÿ an unexspected Small Legacÿ—how thankfully I remain for the offer—we can defray the costs of this So much desired excursion from our own Scanty purse.
But I believe I wrote now as much on my Self as John Randolph—I would claim nevertheless—though I can not write like this Virginian worthy in one point the preeminence—that I write to an friend from Whom I have nothing to conceal—and He for the Public, which he Should be discontented with—if it believed literaly all he asserted.
Will you give me the Objectionable parts of Monroe’s and Pinkney’s Treatÿ—which maÿ have induced President Jefferson to reject it—I read it more than once—but mÿops Sum—and await your verdict.
Recommend me to your Ladÿ—I remain / Dear and respected Sir / your affectionate and obliged frend!

Fr. Adr. vanderkemp


Title: To John Adams from Jedidiah Morse, 10 May 1815
From: Morse, Jedidiah
To: Adams, John

					Hond. & Dear Sir,
					Charlestown May 10th. 1815

				I am honored & obliged by your favor of the 6th. of March, & wait with desire for your “two or three samples of such a history as you should write.”—I hope they will be of very considerable length—the longer the more acceptable—And if you please let these samples be of portions of our history best known to you—& least known to others.—My present engagements prevent my enlarging now—as I intend hereafter—The enclosed pamphlet may not have fallen under your eye—It contains some things whh may amuse & interest you & Mrs Adams—What a wonder in this wondrous age, has happened in Europe!—The hand of the Lord is in this thing—What are to be the consequences  He alone knows.—With high respect / & esteem, I am, Sir, Your friend—Servt

					J. Morse


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Melville, Jr., 11 May 1815
From: Adams, John
To: Melville, Thomas, Jr.

Sir
Quincy May 11th 1815

I have received the letter you did me the honour to write me, on the 7th of this month, with its enclosures, a diploma of honorary member of the Berkshire Agricultral society; the address of my friend Elkanah Watson Esqre & the premiums to be given at your next Exhibition of Cattle—
I pray you Sir to present my thanks to the society, & to their Executive Committee, for the honor they have done me by this Election, and to accept yourself the assurance of my sensibility of the obliging manner in which you have communicated their respects.
That great improvements may be made in the Agriculture, and manufactures & consequently in the commerce of this Country, cannot be doubted; & your society promises as much in proportion as any other. The breeds of Cattle are of great importance; but hitherto little regarded. I delight in these prospects, but nothing can be expected from an Octogenarian, worn out with labours & Anxieties public, private & domestic.
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Jedidiah Morse, 15 May 1815
From: Adams, John
To: Morse, Jedidiah

Dear Doctor
Quincy May. 15. 1815

I thank you for your favour of the 10th. and the Pamphlet inclosed “American Unitarianism.” I have turned over its Leaves, and found nothing that was not familiarly known to me
In the preface, Unitarianism, is represented as only thirty years old in New England. I can testify as a Witness to its old Age. Sixty five years Ago, my own Minister the Reverend Lemuel Briant, Dr Jonathan Mayhew of the West Church in Boston, The Reverend Mr Shute of Hingham The Reverend John Brown of Cohasset, and perhaps equal to all, if not above all, The Reverend Mr Gay of Hingham; were Unitarians. Among the Laity, how many could I name Lawyers, Physicians, Tradesmen, Farmers? I could fill a Sheet, but at present will name only one. Richard Cranch a Man who had Studied Divinity, and Jewish and Christian Antiquities more than any Clergyman now existing in New England
More than fifty years ago I read Dr Samuel Clark, Emlyn, and Dr Waterland. Do you expect, my dear Doctor to teach me any new thing in favour of Athanasianism?
There is, my dear Doctor, at present existing in the World a Church phylosophic, as Subtle as learned, as hypocritical, as the holy roman, Catholic, Apostolic and Œcumenical Church.
This phylosophical Church was originally English. Voltaire learned it from Lord Herbert, Hobbes Morgan Collin Shaftsbury Bolingbroke &c &c &c
You may depend upon it, your Exertions will promote the Church phylosophic more than the Church Athenasian, or Presbyterian.
This and the coming Age will not be ruled by Inquisitions or Jesuits. The restoration of Napoleon, has been caused by the Resurection of Inquisitions and Jesuits.
I am, and wish to be your Friend
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Waterhouse, 22 May 1815
From: Adams, John
To: Waterhouse, Benjamin

Dr Sir
Quincy May 22 1815

Your favr is recd. Gallia changefull as a Child at play “now calls in Princes; now drives away,” and this is exactly conformable to Examples Sett her by England Scotland and Ireland in the 17th Century; to that of Holland, Geneva, Switzerland &c in the 18th. and Austria Russia Sweden Prussia Saxony and the whole Confederation of the Rhine in the 19th. And our dear beloved Country has not been wanting to the Duties of Fraternity in exhibiting proofs that She is Of the Same Family.
I am not about to become a Leader or Follower in Theology. To my own Master I Stand or fall.
As to Napoleon, I Say again, read Alexander, in Quintus Cursuis in Plutarch, or Arrian; read Charles 22th and Oliver Cromwell read Jack Cade and Wat Tyler, Rienzy, King Theodore, Mazzio nelli and Pascall Paoli. Read all these Puppets, and then ask is there a Juggler behind the Scene, who exhibits all these Tragedies Commedies and Farces? For the Benefit of a Night? Oh! No! Tis Wisdom and Benevolence, too profound and exalted for thy comprehension, poor ignorant Superficial Mortal as thou art. What an Enthusiast I am!
Your Fable of the Westphalia Hogs, if Mankind would but Seriously consider it, is worth as much as your kine Pock Inoculation
Dean Swifts Yahoos are not half so instructive as your Westphalia Hogs. I insist upon it that you tell me the Author, the Book the Chapter, the Verse, in which you found that Couplet
“Hogs of Westphalia are a Saving brood
What one lets drop, the other takes for food.”
I do not remember it; tho’ I have Some Suspicion that I have Seen it.
It is the most pithy, the most laconic, the most nervous Essence of Party Spirit that I have ever read. I Say as Swift Said of Pope
When he can in one Couplet fix
More Sense than I can put in Six
I cry, pox take him and his Witt
It gives me such an envious fit.
It is the History of all Factions and all Parties I have ever known.
I am your Steady Friend
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Horatio Gates Spafford, 24 May 1815
From: Spafford, Horatio Gates
To: Adams, John

					Respected Friend—
					Albany, 5 Mo. 24, 1815.

				As I have not, for a long time past, been favored to hear from thee, I presume to address thee again. I hope thy health continues to afford thee happiness & enjoyment, & most devoutly hope for thy good in every thing.I am just commencing another Work, of which I send a Prospectus.By a Letter that reached me yesterday, I learn that Pres. Jefferson enjoys good Health. Is thy Son probably now at London, or if I should address to him there, would this Letter probably find him?Is the paragraph, marked in the inclosed, true? If not too much trouble, please inform me, & send back the paper.If thou art unwell, please have the goodness to direct some friend to inform me. With much esteem & respect, thy friend.

					H: G. Spafford.


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Waterhouse, 30 May 1815
From: Adams, John
To: Waterhouse, Benjamin

Waterhouse
Quincy May 30th. 1815

You made that Westphalian Couplet yourself, Sleeping or waking, nobody but you could have dreamed or thought of
Hogs of Westphalia are a saving brood
What one lets drop, the other takes for food.
It so perfectly and summarily comprehends the whole Genius and history of Party and Faction from the Ipso dixit of Pythagoras to the disciples of the Scottish Creolian of Nevis.
And does “Jonathan” think, “the Roman catholic Priest of Boston, the best Priests of Boston”? Parson Prince, the Chronologist, who exclaim’s “Oh Strange,” and “Oh sad.”
Upon clementary Principles Napoleon is the most legitimate Souvereign in Europe, having been twice elected by a great Nation. If the August conclave at Vienna can decree a King for France why may they not destine the Duke of York, or Mrs Clark to be King of our beloved united States? Why may they not lay all Nations and Kingdoms under Interdict? Popes have Sett Precedents enough.
I believe you are mistaken. It is Mackean of Bowdoin Colledge not McKean the Orator at Cambridge, who has edited Goldsmith. According to your Account, he is an Enthusiast. I have been coaxed by a fascinating Woman unto a Subscription for the Work. If your Account of it is correct, I shall wish my name to Cobbets Letters.

John Adamsah poor man, dalilah has shorn his Locks! Not his wife howeverA A


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Waterhouse, 2 June 1815
From: Waterhouse, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

					My Dear Sir,
					Cambridge 2d. June 1815.

				I am desirous of knowing whether you ever received from me a parcel of selected News-papers, and pieces cut out of News-papers, by the sloop of war that brought out the Dutch Minister, commanded by Captn. Baker? I am curious to know, because there were efforts to prevent any but high federal papers being sent, by those Americans in Boston, through whose hands all letters & packets passed before they reached the hands of the Purser of the Man of war; who received 25 cents for each letter or packet. The wretched policy of our little Boston merchants was to transmit to Europe every thing against the great American cause; & to withold every thing favourable. I myself heard as much avowed on the day previous to the sailing of that public ship. I have reason for suspecting that my letters & packets for you by that ship were detained, in Boston; but I have not the least reason for believing that the Captn. of the Corvette had any knowledge of such dishonorable practices. If it were done it all, it must have been the dirty work of some of our “Boston Slaves,” the federal printers, in conjunction with their fellow servants in the counting houses of India wharf, & broad-way—I dined with your father at General Dearborn’s about three weeks ago (the General you know married Mr Bowdoin’s widow). For a fortnight past we have been laughing together most heartily upon paper. I received a letter from him yesterday, with a short, but humourous P.S. by your mother; so that you find that your old friends are neither so old, infirm, or busy, but they can find time to shake their aged ribs at the folly & nonsense of their fellow creatures. I was describing the slavish cast of our federal leaders, & printers, as it regards British politics; and the still more stupid conduct of their beast-like followers in America, who swallow, instinctively, what is dropped down for them from the creatures about them; that they selected nothing provided for them by the pure hand of Nature; but that all they received was second handed. I said they reminded me of the economical swine of Westphalia, whose fat-hams are so famous throughout the world; and I closed my speculation with this couplet,Hogs of Westphalia are a saving brood,What one let’s drop, the other takes for food.Your father immediately wrote to know who was the author of it? I wrote for answer that I did not know,—that I could recollect no poem, song, psalm, or ballad that contained it; that it had at times, floated in my brain; but where it originally came from I could not tell. He thereupon wrote thus—”Waterhouse you made that Westphalian couplet yourself; sleeping or waking, nobody but you could have dreamed, or thought of it.—it so perfectly, & summarily comprehends the whole genius & history of Party, & Faction from the ipse dixit of Pythagorus to the disciples of the Scottish Creolian of Nevis”—“Yes your fable of the Westphalia hogs, if mankind would but seriously consider it, is worth as much as your kine-pock inoculation. Swift’s Yohoos are not half so instructive. It is the most pithy, the most laconic, the most nervous essence of party spirit I have ever read. It is the history of all parties, & all factions”—Be that as it may, it so struck your father, that he has been laughing ever since. I am told that it sometimes impedes his breakfast, and that he, at other times, he will lay down his knife & fork, to bestow a hearty burst of laughter on the delicious pork of Westphalia—Now I thought I would treat our Ambassor at the Court of St. James’ with a dish it, though hashed over & cold, in preference to the common smoked dried subject of politics, which must be to him, like the brassica bis cocta, of the Romans.I may possibly be disposed to laugh without being at first sensible of the origin of this vulgar propensity. I once saw in a London print-shop, two pictures, entitled In, and Out. The first represented a gay dressed gentleman lounging in his arm-chair, with a table before him covered with plenty of good things to eat, & Burgundy Champaigne & Claret to drink, with this inscription “He that’s  in, let him grin.” The other represented a poor fellow meanly dressed, with a crust of bread, and a redish, with a porter-pot laying in its side, while he bore a lank & dismal countenance of want and discontent, and underneath was written—“He that’s  out, let him pout.”—The army has been reduced to its peace establishment of 10,000. The medical establishment is reduced to less than a quarter its number, but of that small number the President has thought fit to retain me, which affords me three times as much as I ever received, per annum, from this ungrateful college.I write this by Dr Eustis, who sails in the Congress frigate His appointment to the Hague is very generally approved. He is blessed with the company of his amiable Lady; & he is also fortunate in having Mr Everett.As to politics, so called, you will see the froth of the public mind in our newspapers. Some of our clergy are pitiably non plus’d by the return of their “monster” Bonaparte, whom they had long since consigned over to the Devil. The Faction are as much non plus’d. They are waiting to know what to think from London, or as your father will have it, from “Westphalia.”The termination of the far-famed Hartford Convention was as vapid as the last dropings of the worm in  a Distillery of New England Spirit. Poor Otis is chop-fallen; and Lowell retired in despondency. Caleb Strong is, this moment, by the noise, replaced in the great close stool-chair of Massachusetts, where he will set twelve months longer.At my present writing there is, what the sailors call, a “fiery south-wester,” with that peculiar dampness of the atmosphere, that causes the ink to blurr; & occasions a sick headach in the writer; which compels him to the use of ruled paper, which gives it rather a school-boy appearance which please to excuse.Mrs. Waterhouse & all her children, with my sister, desire a respectful remembrance to you & Mrs. Adams. Can I do any thing to serve you here, command me.With much esteem & steady attachment I remain / your friend & humble servt

					Benjn. Waterhouse


Title: From John Adams to Timothy Alden, 4 June 1815
From: Adams, John
To: Alden, Timothy

Sir
Quincy June 4th 1815

I have your favour of 1st Feb with your 5 volumes. The dedication needs no apology.
In your account of my Ancestors there are two errors. My Great Grand mothers names was Abigail Baxter, not mary. I gave you this misinformation from confused traditionary memory. but I have since found her grave stone, in our Church yard beside that of her husband. the name was Abigail.
The second error was is Ebenezer Adams is represented as the second Son of Joseph, whereas he was the youngest of the five, the genuine order is Joseph, John, Samuel, Josiah & Ebenezer.
I have also found the ancient rough mount Wollaston & Braintree north Common Granite rocks, at the head & foot of my Great great Grand Father. Hammered & hewn as well as the age would allow, before marble or Slate were discovered in the Country & before a stone Cutter had been imported.
It is but lately that I have become a student in Church yards, but I find there is amusement & instruction to be found there, though they generally abound too much in panegyrick. I am Sir respectfully
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Horatio Gates Spafford, 4 June 1815
From: Adams, John
To: Spafford, Horatio Gates

Friend Spafford
Quincy June 4th. 15

My Son is probably in England: but I have no Letter from him later than the 21. March, then at Paris in the Center of the curious Revolution.
Charles 12th of Sweden, at Bender had a fracas with the Turks, in which he exerted his personal Strength and desperate Valour. When the Affray was over, an officer complemented him, as he thought, by saying “I am told you Majesty killed a dozen Janisaries with your own Sword.” Charles made no other answer than “A Story commonly gains one half by telling.” The Paragraph you marked has gained three quarters by telling, and several Lies. I transmitted to Congress, at the time, an exact Account of my little harrangue and of the Kings Answer. If our national Records and Files have been preserved with integrity, there it remains. It remains also in my Letter Book: but I shall not rummage a dozen Trunks to find a miserable trifle of no consequence to our Country, to you or to me. It is sufficient for me to say, that neither George the third nor his son have fulfilled his Promises to my Country then made to me, as her Representive.
As to your Prospectus, I can subscribe for no more Publications: so affirms thy Friend
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Cornelis de Gyselaar, 7 June 1815
From: Adams, John
To: Gyselaar, Cornelis de

Dear Sir,
Quincy June 7th. 1815

My Friend of forty Years, The Honourable William Eustice Esqr, will have the Honour to present you with this Letter. He was educated under our immortal Hero, Patriot and Martyr Warren, and severd served in our Armies through the Revolution—His Career of Services in our State Legislature in our national Congress and in our Executive Department, as Secretary of War &c, would be too long to enumerate.
He is now our Minister Plenipotentiary to the Kingdom or the Republick of Holland, which I shall call it?.
Recollecting the delightfull Hours I have passed with you I could not neglect this opportunity, to receive the remembrance of an Octogenarian; and to introduce One manly Character to another. Our Friend Van der kemp still lives as learned ingenious, benevolent and humane, as civil and polite as ever and more respected and revered renowned than ever he was in Holland.
When I recollect France, Holland and England, and find almost every Man I know, departed, I cannot fail to recollect Homers Leaves of the last years Trees. Where are they? Mr Everett, the Secretary, is one of our first Schollars, and Mr George Eustice the Nephew of the Minister, appears to me to be an amiable and intelligent Youth. I am, my dear Sir / your Friend
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Jefferson, 19 June 1815
From: Adams, John
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear sir
Quincy June 19. 1815

Education, which you brought into View in one of your Letters; is a subject so vast, and the systems of Writers are, So various and so contradictory: that human Life is too short to examine it: and a Man must die before he can learn to bring up his Children. The Phylosophers, Divines, Politicians and Pædagogues, who have published their Theories and Practices, in this apartment are without number
Your present Inquiries, I presume, are not confined to early Education; perhaps do not comprehend it. The Constitution of a University is your Object, as I understand you. Here also the subject is infinite. The science has so long laboured with a Dropsy, that it is a wonder the Patient has not long since expired. Sciences of all kinds have need of Reform, as much as Religion and Government.
I never know what to write to you; because I consider it, as Sending Coal to Newcastle.
Talerand Perigord, soon after his arrival at Philadelphia presented to me his “Rapport Sur l’instruction publique.” I presume he presented the Same Work to you. This production has some fame and may suggest some Ideas to you.
The Universities in Protestant Germany have at present the Vogue and the Ton in their favour. There is in Print a Coup-DŒil sur les Universités, et le mode D’Instruction Publique de L’Allemagre Protestante; en particulier Du Royaume de Westphalie, Par Charles Villers.” Correspondent de l’Institut national de France, de la Societé Royale des Sciences de Gœttingue, etc.
There is also in print “Recueil de recherces sur l’education; memoire qui a concouru, en l’an XI a la Société des Sciences et Arts de Grenoble, Sur, cette question, Quells Sont les moyens de perfectioner l’Education physique et morale des enfans?” Par J. J. Droüin, employé au ministere des relations exterieures.”
If I had not reason to presume that you possess these Pamphlets I would attempt to give you Some account of them. They will convince you, that you have a task difficult and perplexed enough.
The War of the Reformation Still continues. The struggle between different and opposite Systems of Religion and Government has lasted from Huss and Wickliff to Lindsey and Priestly. How many powder Plotts, Bartholomews days, Irish Massacres, Paris Guillotines, how many Charles’es and Maurices Louis’s and Williams, Georges and Napoleons have intervened. And the Philosophers, if We believe Condorcet, have been as arrant Hypocrites as any of them.
I am, as ever,
John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Jefferson, 20 June 1815
From: Adams, John
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir
Quincy June 20. 1815

The fit of recollection came upon both of Us, so nearly at the same time that I may, Sometime or other, begin to think there is some thing in Priestlys and Hartleys vibrations. The day before yesterday I sent to the Post office a letter to you and last night I received your kind favour of the 10th.
The question before the human race is, Whether the God of nature Shall govern the World by his own laws, or Whether Priests and Kings shall rule it by fictitious Miracles? Or, in other Words, whether Authority is originally in the People? or whether it has descended for 1800 years in a succession of Popes and Bishops, or brought down from Heaven by the holy Ghost in the form of a Dove, in a Phyal of holy Oil?
Who shall take the side of God and Nature? Brach-mans,? Mandarins? Druids? or Tecumseh and his Brother the Prophet? or Shall We become Disciples of the Phylosophers? And who are the Phylosophers? Frederick? Voltaire? Rousseau? Buffon? Diderot? or Condorcet? These Phylosophers have shewn themselves as incapable of governing mankind as the Bourbons or the Guelphs.
Condorcet has let the Cat out of the Bag. He has made precious confessions. I regret that I have only an English Translation of his “Outlines of an historical View of the progress of the human Mind.” But in pages 247. 248 and 249 you will find it frankly acknowledged that the Phylosophers of the 18th Century, adopted all the Maxims and practiced all the Arts of the Pharisees, the ancient Priests of all Countries, the Jesuits, the Machiavellians &c &c to overthrow the Institutions that Such Arts had established. This new Phylosophy, was by his own account, as insideous, fraudulent hypocritical and cruel, as the old Policy of Priests, Nobles and Kings. When and where were ever found or will be found, sincerity, Honesty or Veracity in any Sect or Party in Religion Government or Phylosophy? Johnson and Burke were more of Catholicks than Protestants at Heart and Gibbon became an Advocate for the Inquisition. There is no Act of Uniformity in the Church or State phylsophick. As many Sects and Systems among them as among Quaker and Baptists.
Bona. will not revive Inquisitions Jesuits or Slave Trade for which hebetudes, Bourbons have been driven again into Exile.
We shall get along, with or without War.
I have at last procured the Marquis D’Argens’s Ocellus Timæus and Julian. Three such Volumes I never read. They are a most perfect exemplification of Condorcets precious Confessions. It is astonishing they have not made more Noise in the World.
Our Athanasians have printed in a Pamphlet in Boston Your Letters and Priestleys from Belshams Lindsey. It will do you no harm. Our Correspondence Shall not again be So long interrupted.
Affectionately

John Adams
Mrs Adams thanks mr Jefferson for his friendly remembrance of her, and reciprocates to him a thousand good wishes.P.S. Tickner and Gray were highly delighted with their Visit; charmed with the whole Family.
Have you read Carnot? Is it not afflicting to See a Man of such large Views so many noble Sentiments and Such exalted integrity, groping in the dark for a Remedy? a ballance or a mediator between Independence and Despotism? How shall his “Love of Country,” his “Honor” and his “national spirit” be produced.
I cannot write a hundredth part of what I wish to Say to you
J.A.