Title: To Benjamin Franklin from J. G. Kettilby, 27 April 1771
From: Kettilby, J. G.
To: Franklin, Benjamin

This letter reveals virtually all that seems to be known about the writer. Yet that is enough to establish him as an innovator in printing: he had developed a type font composed not only of single characters but also of complete words. The invention would seem sure to have intrigued Franklin, for some years later a closely similar one, of the so-called logographic process, evoked his immediate and sustained interest. But Kettilby’s process apparently did not. Although his letter was clearly in response to some inquiry from Franklin, no further correspondence between the two has come to light, or any evidence that they met during Franklin’s visit to Dublin later in the year. We are forced to let the letter stand by itself.
 Honoured Sir,
Mitre Alley Dublin 27 April 71
You may depend on all that I have wrote to be fact, and all that I have said in my bill, except the extra velocity which Error was owing to the adjacent Printers who inform’d me that 3 impressions in a Minute were as much as any man could do to hold it 12 hours and so that I was sure mine would take off 5 single and if double forms 8 sheets in a Minute successively and that by the agency of a Lad or Girl about 14 with incredible ease and precision. Their excellencies are cheapness durability ease and Elegancy in working. The Platen is a Cylinder or Roll and the tympan stout felt which will make the finest impression to copper-Plate that can be invented. A word to the wise may suffice. I never had the least information in Printing nor any assistance in any part so that my proofs appear to a great disadvantage.
I hope by September to alarm the whole Fraternity with real Exhibitions of Presses Matrices Moulds types singled and in Words. As to the extra No. of Boxes and the incommodeous extent of the Cases they are only imaginary for as 750 current words will be always ready at hand the less single types will do by near ½ and of course the less room in the common cases which will make a deal of room for the whole words which will all stand upright and close tine by tine as the inclos’d specimen in ½ Inch Boxes so that a little space will hold a large Quantity and prevent them from battering and make them more ready to the Compositiors hand than a Single loose-type can possibly be because he will never have the face nor foot of the type to invert as must inevitably be the case and that very frequent when the types lye in the cases promiscuously &c. The herd of Compossitor will esteem me no better than the Press-men and Pressmakers. Tho’ I can’t but think I Shall have the pleasure to please the Master Printer after their Predjudice is once remov’d. And sure I am it must please the Bookseller and their customers Yes and the impatient and Ambitious Authors or Pirats will extol the inventor of so expeditious a method of getting their works out of the Printers hands.
If any of the printers should think I don’t allow room sufficient for any new coin’d words I must let them know that I rejoice to find that the disgustful method of intermixing italics with Romans is generally discarded from the best offices and Justly prohibited by the most Polite Authors so that the Italian Cases may be remov’d to the Foundery or at least put up in a corner of the office by those who chuse to use them for Dedications Prefaces and Introductions which is the best use they can be converted to unless it be to print Lillys Syntax for those who cant distinguish a latin from an English Word.

The Price of our Rom-Eng Size Matrices is 3s. 6d. per Matrice if for a founder’s use But if for the use of a private Printer to cast for his own use or a noblemans use only 1s. per Matrice if only struck to a proper depth but if justified and adjusted one and all to an equal depth and straight in the line 1s. 6d. per Matrice. In a single fount of Eng. Rom. their will be 150 different sorts and the Moulds if for a Founders use will be £2 12s. 6d. if for a Private persons use only £1 1s. The first founder in London has wrote me word that £5 5s. is the lowest price of the Moulds and 5s. per Matrice and 6s. for some. Mr. James I mean. Do you know how far Dr. Wilsons types excel the best founders in London for good Metal? I think his will stand double the time of those imported here. If you like the face of his type I will engage for their durability from Sir, your oblig’d Humble Servant
J. Kettilby
P.S. Please to put the inclos’d in the Penny Post.
As far as I know your Humble Servant is the only inventor of the 750 current words. If any Compositor should object against the multitude of Boxes You may tell him there is no more than in a complete Fount of Gr[eat] Pr[imer?] which is made easy by practice.

 Addressed: To / B. Franklin Esqr. / London


Title: Edward Hughes to Joshua Sharpe, 28 April 1771
From: Hughes, Edward
To: Sharpe, Joshua

These volumes have occasionally included documents that were not written by or to Franklin, but throw light on his character or activities. The one below is included for a quite different reason: it has been alleged to throw light, but in fact does not. A recent account of his second English mission concludes, from the sole evidence of this letter, that he was involved in some business so illegal that he was in danger of arrest. If the evidence has nothing to do with him, the conclusion evaporates.
 Dear Sir
Sheerness 28th: of April 1771
I was duly favour’d with your letter of the 8th: since which have not heard a Syllable from Mr. Francklin, but of him, that he is taking his Measures to return to America in the Squadron of Admiral Montague; Tho’ he promises not to stirr without my previous knowledge, his Conduct has the appearance of making that Notice so short as will probably be ineffectual, that I will not rely on these assurances, therefore earnestly beg the favour you will Act for me in this Affair respecting Mr. Francklin, as you woud do were it your own Case, but I must pray it may be Still and quiet as possible, not to expose him but to secure us, and to do all that is proper without delay. I think when he is arrested his friends will find such security you approve, rather than lett him be detain’d here. I intend waiting on you at Chambers next Thursday and am ever Dear Sir Your Oblig’d Humble Servant
Edwd Hughes
 Addressed: To / Mr. Joshua Sharpe / att his Chambers in / Lincoln’s Inn / London
Endorsed: 28th April 1771  Lre Hughes


Title: To Benjamin Franklin, John Fothergill, and David Barclay from a Committee of the Managers of the Pennsylvania Hospital, 3 May 1771: résumé
From: Managers of the Pennsylvania Hospital
To: Franklin, Benjamin,Fothergill, John,Barclay, David Junior

<Philadelphia, May 3, 1771. When the managers learned from Fothergill that the money allotted to the Hospital from the unclaimed shares of the Pennsylvania Land Company is payable as soon as attorneys are authorized to receive it, they convened a meeting of the contributors on April 30 last, which passed a resolution empowering them to issue a letter of attorney to Franklin, Fothergill, and Barclay. They have done so, carefully following the draft that Fothergill sent, so as to be sure of conforming precisely to the requirements of the Bank. The letter, which is enclosed together with a copy of the resolution, has been witnessed by John Allen, Capt. Nathaniel Falconer, and one of his seamen, who will be ready to attest to it. The documents are in a small box sent in care of Allen, who has been asked to deliver it to Barclay. The new managers, to be chosen at the annual election a few days hence, will inform them what should be done about selling the stock and transferring the funds. Signed by Israel and James Pemberton, John Reynell, Thomas Wharton, and Samuel Rhoads.>


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Samuel Rhoads, 3 May 1771
From: Rhoads, Samuel
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Friend
Philada: May the 3d 1771
I receiv’d thy kind Favour of Feb: 10 and am much oblig’d by the several usefull papers Pamphlets and Samples contain’d therein. Thy Friend Wooller has taken much Pains in explaining the Method of making our Houses secure from Fire—which I hope will be of great Service—we are much oblig’d to him. I have given several little Bitts of the Lime Stone to some of my Acquantance in the Country in hopes it may be found here. I am told they make Lyme in Berks County that will harden Under Water. I have sent for a Sample of it and will try it. We certainly have plenty of Stone very like this in appearance and I hope of the same Quality. I am the more concern’d for this discovery, as we are told it was very Usefull in the Masonry of the Works under water in the Duke of Bridgwater’s Canal and we expect shortly to be Canal mad, and may want it in such Works also.
The growing Trade of Baltimore Town in Maryland drawn principally from our Province west of Susquehana begins to alarm us with serious Apprehensions of such a Rival as may reduce us to the Situation of Burlington or New Castle on Delaware and we can devise no Means of saving our selves but by a Canal, from Susquehanna to Schullkil and amending the Navigation of all our Rivers so far as they lead towards our Capital City. A great number of thy Friends are very Anxious for promoting this Work, particularly the Canal, if it is Practicable thro the Heart of the Country. And as thou wast kind enough formerly to send me several Papers relating to the Navigation of Calder River, I request the favour of adding thereto the last Accounts and Instructions respecting Canals, the Construction of their Floodgates, wast Gates, &ca. The Assembly have Order’d the Speaker to Procure the remainder of the Statutes, to Compleat their Sett in the State House Library by which I suppose we shall have those relating to Canals, but if they are to be had singly Please to send [one] or two the most Instructive in the Rates Terms and Conditions of Carryage, passing thro Grounds &ca. and the Cost shall be paid.
I Congratulate thee on the Prospect we have of the sum of Money lodgd in the Bank, for the Pennsylvania Hospital being now paid, and of thy Pleasure in receiving it for that Charity which thou had so great a share in Establishing. We last Night executed a Power of Attorny to thee, to Doctr Fothergil, and David Barclay to apply to the Court of Chancery in Order to receive it—and least our Hospital Seal should not be sufficient Evidence of our Act and Deed we called three Witnesses who may be examined [by] your People on Oath respecting the due executing the Power of Attorny. If any difficulty should Occur you will not fail of Acquainting us with it by the first Opertunity. My Wife, Children, and thy old Friend Ann Paschal desire to be kindly remembred to thee. Thy sincere and Affectionate Friend
Saml Rhoads
 Addressed: To / Benjamin Franklin Esqr. / Agent for Pennsylvania / in / London / per / Capt Falconer
Endorsed: S. Rhoads   May 3. 71   Canals


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Anne Johnson Clarke, 5 May 1771
From: Clarke, Anne Johnson
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honoured Sir,
Barbados May 5th. 1771
I take the liberty to acquaint you we arriv’d here the 9 of Deceber. last and tho it was a long passage it was not a bad one. I was very kindly receiv’d by Capt. Clarke’s Mother and relations; Capt. Clarke not finding A [sea?] Man here, was oblig’d to go to Antigue in search of him in eight days after our arrival, upon which his Mother gave me a very friendly invitation, to stay with her till he return’d, and said to both of us, she shou’d look upon me and treat me in every respect as her own Daughter; I consented and have been with her ever since; Capt. Clarke was gone nine weeks, and when he return’d, was order’d immediately to Grenada and is not yet return’d; but I believe is on his passage; As a War was then so much talk’d of, both Capt. Clarke and his Friends thought it wou’d be very improper for me to go with him, and beg’d if I cou’d make myself easy, I wou’d Continue with his Mother. My compliance was to oblige them, and I have no reason to repent, for by taking their advice, I have gain’d their esteem so far, as to see they are always glad when they can do any thing to contribute to my happiness. Capt. Clarke’s family is one of the first in the Island, his Brother is very rich, and has Travel’d a great deal, and keeps open house, not only for his friends but, Strangers, both European and Foreigners, and is Commissioner of the Coustoms.

I hope you enjoy your health, and Mrs. Stevenson, Mrs. Tickell and Mrs. Hewson theirs, to whome if you please to make best respects—love to Miss Franklin and Master Temple. A line from you to signify you and your Friends are well wou’d give the greatest pleasure to Dear Sir, Your much honour’d Niece
A. Clarke
P.S. If you will favour me with a line, please to direct, for Mrs. Peter Clarke   Barbados.
My Brother is well and joins with me in Duty to You.
 Addressed: To / Dr. Benjamin Franklin, / Craven Street / Strand / London
Endorsed: Mrs Clarke


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Pownall, 7 May 1771: résumé
From: Pownall, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

<Whitehall, May 7, 1771, a note in the third person. A warrant is signed appointing Mr. Coxe,on Governor Franklin’s recommendation, to the Council of New Jersey; wishes to know who will take charge of sending the warrant.>


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to John Canton, 12 May 1771
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Canton, John

Sir,
Cravenstreet, May 12. 1771
Dr. Ingenhauss and myself purpose to set out on Friday next to visit Birmingham and some other manufacturing Towns, intending to be absent about 10 Days; a young Kinsman of mine accompanies us. Will you make a fourth, and so reduce our Triangle to a Square? The Dr. has just been here, and requested me to write to you immediately, as he is equally desirous with me of your good Company. We can stay for you till Sunday, if that will suit you better.

Dr. Ingenhauss is to carry me on Tuesday next, to see a Gentleman from Holland of a most inventive Genius, who has brought with him Models of some new and very curious Machine. I have leave to take any Friend with me: if it will be agreable to you, call upon me at 11 a Clock. The Bearer will wait for your Answer. I am, dear Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin
 Addressed: To / Mr Canton / at the Academy / Spital Square


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to the Massachusetts House of Representatives Committee of Correspondence, 15 May 1771
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Massachusetts House Committee of Correspondence

Gentlemen,
London, 15 May, 1771.
I have received your favor of the 27th of February, with the Journal of the House of Representatives, and copies of the late oppressive prosecutions in the Admiralty Court, which I shall, as you direct, communicate to Mr. Bolland, and consult with him on the most advantageous use to be made of them for the interest of the province.
I think one may clearly see, in the system of customs to be exacted in America by act of Parliament, the seeds sown of a total disunion of the two countries, though, as yet, that event may be at a considerable distance. The course and natural progress seems to be, first, the appointment of needy men as officers, for others do not care to leave England; then, their necessities make them rapacious, their office makes them proud and insolent, their insolence and rapacity make them odious, and, being conscious that they are hated, they become malicious; their malice urges them to a continual abuse of the inhabitants in their letters to administration, representing them as disaffected and rebellious, and (to encourage the use of severity) as weak, divided, timid, and cowardly. Government believes all; thinks it necessary to support and countenance its officers; their quarrelling with the people is deemed a mark and consequence of their fidelity; they are therefore more highly rewarded, and this makes their conduct still more insolent and provoking.
The resentment of the people will, at times and on particular incidents, burst into outrages and violence upon such officers, and this naturally draws down severity and acts of further oppression from hence. The more the people are dissatisfied, the more rigor will be thought necessary; severe punishments will be inflicted to terrify; rights and privileges will be abolished; greater force will then be required to secure execution and submission; the expense will become enormous; it will then be thought proper, by fresh exactions, to make the people defray it; thence, the British nation and government will become odious, the subjection to it will be deemed no longer tolerable; war ensues, and the bloody struggle will end in absolute slavery to America, or ruin to Britain by the loss of her colonies; the latter most probable, from America’s growing strength and magnitude.
But, as the whole empire must, in either case, be greatly weakened, I cannot but wish to see much patience and the utmost discretion in our general conduct, that the fatal period may be postponed, and that, whenever this catastrophe shall happen, it may appear to all mankind, that the fault has not been ours. And, since the collection of these duties has already cost Britain infinitely more, in the loss of commerce, than they amount to, and that loss is likely to continue and increase by the encouragement given to our manufactures through resentment; and since the best pretence for establishing and enforcing the duties is the regulation of trade for the general advantage, it seems to me, that it would be much better for Britain to give them up, on condition of the colonies undertaking to enforce and collect such, as are thought fit to be continued, by laws of their own, and officers of their own appointment, for the public uses of their respective governments. This would alone destroy those seeds of disunion, and both countries might thence much longer continue to grow great together, more secure by their united strength, and more formidable to their common enemies. But the power of appointing friends and dependents to profitable offices is too pleasing to most administrations, to be easily parted with or lessened; and therefore such a proposition, if it were made, is not very likely to meet with attention.
I do not pretend to the gift of prophecy. History shows, that, by these steps, great empires have crumbled heretofore; and the late transactions we have so much cause to complain of show, that we are in the same train, and that, without a greater share of prudence and wisdom, than we have seen both sides to be possessed of, we shall probably come to the same conclusion.
The Parliament, however, is prorogued, without having taken any of the steps we had been threatened with, relating to our charter. Their attention has been engrossed by other affairs, and we have therefore longer time to operate in making such impressions, as may prevent a renewal of this particular attempt by our adversaries. With great esteem and respect, I have the honor to be, &c.
B. Franklin.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Isaac Smith, 17 May 1771
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Smith, Isaac

Sir
Cravenstreet May 17. 1771
Being greatly hurried in preparing for my Journey, I have barely had time to write the enclos’d. I cannot find M. Allamand’s Paper: But you will meet with no Difficulty in Holland. A good general Rule in travelling foreign Countries, is, to avoid as much as possible all Disputes, and to be contented with such Provisions and Cookery as you meet with in the Inns, so you will have the best the Country affords in the Season, which you cannot know so as to direct, and if you attempt to direct the Cookery they will not understand or be able to follow your Orders, and whatever Difficulties you put them to they will be sure to charge you extravagantly for, particularly in Holland. I inclose a Card of the House at which I lodg’d in Paris. It is a good one, that I can recommend to you. If full, Mrs. Mean, the Landlady, will advise you in the Choice of another. Wishing you and your Companion a good Journey and happy Return to your Friends, I am, Sir Your most obedient humble Servant.
B Franklin
M. Dessin at the Hotel D’Angleterre at Calais, will advise you about your Journey, Baggage, &c. His is a good House, and I recommend it to you as your Inn, when there.
 Addressed: To / Mr Isaac Smith


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Samuel Franklin, 17 May 1771
From: Franklin, Samuel
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Boston, 17th may 1771.
I Received your kind favour of the 5 febr. and am verry Glad to hear that you and Coz. Sally Were Well and it adds to our joy the encouragement you give us of Seeing you once more in Boston. My wife and Children have thro gods goodness (Enjoyd) with myself a good Share of health which is a great Blessing. I have one favour to ask of you Sir that is one more of the prints of your Self—for Mr. Bowen my minister, if you have any left. I was to see your Sizter Mecom yesterday. She and her daughter are Well and was pleased to read of your intentions in my Letter. My wife with my four daughters Joyns with me in Love to you and Coz Sally. Hoping these few Lines may find you both Well as they leave us Which is all at present after Wishing prosperity May Still attend you from your Loving Kinsman
Samuel Franklin
Dr Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Giambatista Beccaria, 20 May 1771
From: Beccaria, Giambatista
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Beccaria, after almost twenty years, revised and expanded his well known Dell’ Elettricismo artificiale, e naturale libri due... (Turin, 1753). He prefaced the new edition with the open letter printed below, which was a reply to the letter describing the armonica that Franklin had sent him a decade earlier. The relevance of that instrument to elettricismo artificiale is not obvious. But Franklin’s description had recently been published for the first time in English, and translated into Italian; the armonica was in the public eye, and Beccaria may well have wanted to use his connection with its inventor to advertise his new edition. In any case Franklin was so much impressed with the work that he helped to promote an English translation, which eventually appeared as A Treatise upon Artificial Electricity... (London, 1776).

Turin 20. May 1771
I thank you, most excellent Sir, for the exact description of your new and really harmonious harpsichord with glasses, which you have sent me (to you it is given to enlighten human minds with the true principles of the electric science, to reassure them by your conductors against the terrors of thunder, and to sweeten their senses with a most touching and suave music); and if I were entitled to it I would thank you, in the name of Italy, for having given the appellation of armonica to your agreeable instrument, in consideration of our harmonious language. So far as I am concerned, I do not know how better to show you my gratitude for the many other marks of your kindness, than by sending to you this new product of my labor, and accompanying it with the wish that it may still be in keeping with your first opinion of it, as you were pleased to express it.
As for the length of this volume, I hope it will not tire you; for, apart from the common excuse that I have not had time enough to write with more brevity, I have preferred to reply rather than to repeat myself whenever a reply would serve to make the subject more clearly understood; and to tell the truth, I do not think that the quantity of the material that is assembled and simplified is disproportionate to the size of the work.

Nor will you be surprised that I conclude this book, too, with expressing the hope of having added further definitions to the theory; for you too teach well, by your example, how slowly and how little our senses proceed in the investigation of every little parcel of inexhaustible Nature. And how many refinements does not a science, however comprehensive, still lack today? We measure the paths of light, yet we do not know how it proceeds through them. We can define the order of the system of the world, yet we do not know the force which links its parts in a most divine way, etc.
But what would happen if further definitions of electrical matters produced another, different theory? The appearance of all that I have so far been able to see takes any such suspicion from my mind; still, even in such a case, the value of these works of mine, if indeed they have any, would subsist. The experimental data would remain the same; their connection and unity, far from crumbling, would improve.
I hear that you are preparing to go back to your country. Whether America or Europe possess you, preserve yourself to the world, to science, and the lovers of it. Wherever you may be, I shall always be the most devoted admirer of your great merit, etc.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Charles Jackson, 20 May 1771: résumé
From: Jackson, Charles
To: Franklin, Benjamin

<General Post Office, May 20, 1771, a note in the third person. Sends a piece of elastic gum with a thousand good wishes.>


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jacques Barbeu-Dubourg, 27 May 1771
From: Barbeu-Dubourg, Jacques
To: Franklin, Benjamin

A Paris ce 27e may 1771
Monsieur, oserois-je encore ajouter, et cher Ami?
Il y a bientôt huit mois que vous ne m’avez honoré de vos nouvelles, je cherche à me flatter que ce n’est que faute d’occasions; mais je crains de me faire illusion à cet egard, attendu le grand nombre d’Anglois qui viennent successivement en france. Auroisje eu le malheur de vous deplaire en quelque chose? Tandis qu’il n’y a persone au monde de qui j’ambitionne davantage l’estime et l’affection, j’avoue que de mon coté, il y a aussi 5 à 6 mois que je ne vous ai donné le moindre signe de vie et d’attachement, mais vous savez quelle est ma position, mon quartier écarté, et d’ailleurs mes compatriotes voyagent beaucoup moins que les votres. Repartirez vous donc pour l’Amerique sans nous dire le plus petit adieu? Ne conserverez vous au delà des mers aucun souvenir de quelquun qui vous est si attaché, qui regarde comme le vrai paradis terrestre le climat que vous choisissez pour votre sejour, ou vous avez provigné toutes les siences et toutes les vertus, et où il se transplanteroit volontiers s’il etoit plus jeune, pour y recevoir de vous des leçons dans tous les genres sur les rives du Skuilkil et de la Delaware.
Les volumes des Ephemerides du citoyen longtems retardés par les entraves ordinaires de la librairie de ce pays cy, ont reparu près à près, et en voila 9 depuis 5 mois, dont je vous adresse à la fois un exemplaire pour M. Rush, independamment du votre ce qui fait 18 volumes en tout. On nous fait esperer que les autres se succederont rapidement, et j’ai renouvellé votre souscription à cet effet.
Je comptois pouvoir vous envoyer par la même occasion mon manuel de l’humanité que l’on m’a arreté pendant plusieurs mois, et qui doit enfin etre actuellement imprimé a Bouillon; je l’ai etendu jusqu’a 92 articles, et j’ose me flatter que vous le trouverez bien amelioré; j’y entame les plus grandes questions de la politique, et peutetre trouverez vous que je les envisage sous des points de vue que l’on n’avoit pas encore presentés au public, au moins puis-je vous assurer que je n’ai copié persone en cela. J’esperois egalement vous envoyer un exemplaire de mon petit ouvrage sur la pairie; mais apres m’avoir longtems et tres indignement baloté à ce sujet, on m’envoya enfin hier une brochure qu’on me marquoit etre cela, et où je n’en ai reconnu qu’environ moitié, encadrée dans une espece de factum sur l’affaire personelle d’un homme en place. J’ai recriminé contre cet abus de confiance, mais je n’ai encore osé pousser de hauts cris de peur qu’apres avoir defiguré l’ouvrage on ne se porte jusqu’a en maltraiter egalement l’auteur, car sur quoi peut on compter sous un gouvernement tel que le notre?
Encore puis-je vous assurer que je redoute le changement dont ce gouvernement mêmes emble aujourd’huy menacé. Il semble à nos Robins que le Roi et le peuple ne soient faits que pour eux; qu’avec des mots vagues de loix alleguées en gros et sans aucunes citations expresses, ils doivent decider souverainement de tout, et leur joug seroit bientôt devenu plus insupportable que celui du plus fier despote. Que resultera-t-il donc de tout cecy? C’est ce qu’il ne me paroit pas facile de prejuger.
Le Chancelier pousse vigoureusement les Parlementaires qui se defendent pitoyablement; mais les esprits sont si universellement indisposés que depuis les Princes du sang jusqu’aux poissardes des halles, tout devient frondeur. Pendant ce tems là, la depredation des finances est à son comble, et comment le Roi se passera-t-il d’augmenter la charge publique, ou sur quoi mettra-t-il des nouveaux impôts, et que ne risqueroit-il pas dans une si grande fermentation des esprits, sur lesquels on diroit qu’un vent Britannique auroit soufflé d’un bout à l’autre du royaume? Louis 14 fit en 1667 une celebre ordonnance qui defendoit a ses parlements de faire aucune remontrance sur ses loix qu’apres les avoir enregistrées, et cette ordonnance fut par eux enregistrée purement simplement et sans aucune reclamation. Louis [15] par l’edit de decembre dernier permet les remontrances avec l’enregistrement, pourvu qu’il ne s’ensuive pas une resistance sans fin; les robins crient que c’est renverser toutes les loix et tout le monde le repete sur leur parole. Voila d’ou nous en sommes.
Les Anglois sont-ils plus sages? J’en doute; mais j’espere pour l’honneur du genre humain que vous empecherez par votre profonde sagesse et votre heureuse influence que la contagion [remainder missing].


Title: To Benjamin Franklin, John Fothergill, and David Barclay from a Committee of the Managers of the Pennsylvania Hospital, 3 June 1771: résumé
From: Managers of the Pennsylvania Hospital
To: Franklin, Benjamin,Fothergill, John,Barclay, David Junior

<Pennsylvania Hospital, June 3, 1771. Last year’s committee sent them, a few weeks ago, a resolution of the contributors and a power of attorney to receive the funds due the Hospital from unclaimed shares of the Pennsylvania Land Company; copies of both are enclosed. Although the needs of the Hospital are acute, the Managers dare not draw any of the money until they know that the legal requirements have been met and the transfer made. Franklin, Fothergill, and Barclay are therefore urged to inform them immediately whether the power of attorney was in proper form and, if so, whether the cash is in hand. If it is, the Managers will promptly sell bills of exchange to meet their pressing needs. Signed by John Reynell, Samuel Rhoads, and James Pemberton.>


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to a Committee of the Library Company of Philadelphia, 5 June 1771
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Library Company of Philadelphia

Gentlemen,
London, June 5. 1771
Inclos’d is an Invoice of the Books shipp’d for the Library Company by Mr. Strahan. I happen’d to be in the Country when they were pack’d up, so had not an Opportunity of seeing them. But if you find any Mistake he will rectify it. I wish them safe to hand.
Upon Enquiry, I find that to purchase all the Transactions of the several Philosophical Societies in Europe will amount to about £300 Sterling, which I imagine may be thought too great a Sum for our Company to lay out in such Books. I did not think they would have amounted to near that Sum. The French Encyclopedie probably contains Extracts of the most material Parts of all of them. That Work may be had for about 60 Guineas at present: But a new and improv’d Edition is now in hand, which will be out in about two Years, and considerably cheaper, the Scarcity of the first Edition having greatly advanced the Price. If you were to order the future foreign Philosophical Transactions as they come out, I believe they may readily be had, and am told they will amount to about 10, or 12 Guineas a Year. With great Regard, I am, Gentlemen, Your most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin
Messrs. Michael Hillegas Richard Waln, and R. Strettel Jones.
 Endorsed: B Franklin’s Letter London, June 5, 1771 per Capt Williams


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Peter Miller, 12 June 1771
From: Miller, John Peter
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir!
Ephrata in Pennsylvania the 12th. of June 1771.
Being prevented by many Interruptions, the Discharge upon your worthy Letter was so long postponed. I send you hereby a Collection, which for the most part uncommon. I do not pretend, that they Word for Words hath been the Father’s Tenets; for he himself would never publish any, and protested against others, which, by doing also, hath increased the Division in the Church. Yet can I give Assurance, that if the Father was alive, and would read them, that he would own them. I wish, that it hath been in my Hand, to make all pallatable according to the modern Taste: but Truth hath haired Lipps, and used in its Utterance a rough Tune. I offer the whole to your Freedom, either to burn or publish the same, or to make such alterations, as you think best: for altho’ I am convinc’d of the Veracity of the Substance of the whole, yet must I sue for Pardon when the Expressions are defective, for I am a Foreigner to the Idiotism of the Language, which I hope to obtain from your Clemency. I hope, the whole will be forwarded by the Care of your Lady, with which and her Family we have in your Absence cultivated the same Friendship, which was established for many Years: but I gave Mr. Christ. Marshal Liberty, to peruse said Writings, and even to copy of for his Friends, if he would, which have inquired for such Things, which I thought necessary not to conceal from you.

The Present, which I have added, was the Father’s musical Book, wherein are contained the most part of the musical Concerts, by himself composed. It did cost three Brethren three Quarters of a Year Work to write the same: by the Imbellishment thereof it will appear, what a great Regard we had for our Superior, in the whole Book there is no musical Error. And as it was written, before the Mystery of Singing was fully discovered, therefore are not all the Keys therein mentioned. The Masters of that Angelic Art will be astonished to see, that therein a Man, destituted of all human Instruction, came therein to the highest Pitch of Perfection meerly through his own Industry. Also that, when he did set up a School in the Camp, not only the Members of the Single Station were therewith occupied for Many Years: but also the Family-Brethren were also thereby enamoured, that their naturall Affection to their Families suffered a great Loss.
It is a Wonder, how the seven Notes and few half-notes can be so marvellously transposed, as to make thereby 1000 Melodies, all of 5 Tunes, and some of 6 Tunes, yea some of 7 Tunes, also that they came not one the other in the Way. In the Composition the Father had the same Way as in his Writings, viz: he suspended his considering Faculty, and putting his Spirit on the Pen, followed its Dictates strictly, also were all the Melodies flown from the Mystery of Singing, that was opened within him, therefore have they that Simplicity, which was required, to raise Edification. It is certain, that the Confusion of Languages, which began at Babel, never did affect Singing: and therefore is in the Substance of the Matter in the whole World but one Way of Singing; altho’ in particulars there may be Differences.
As concerning our Oeconomy: it is true that it received by the Father’s death a severe Shok; yet have we through the Grace of God, both Brethren and Sisters, hitherto maintained our Ground and a visible Congregation. But shall not propagate the Monastic Life upon the Posterity; since we have no Successors, and the Genius of the Americans is bound another way.
I have your kind Greeting communicated both to the Brethren and Sisters in the Camp: which all send you their humble Reciprocation, the number of Brethren being 12. and of the Ladies 26 all good old Warriours. We all wish, that God would grant you in your high Age the Spirit of Rejuvenescency, and that, when Satiated with Years, you might occupy your Lot in the Lord’s Inheritance: in which humble Wishes I in particular remain Sir your obedient Servant
Peter Miller
P.S. Please to tell Mr. Neate the humble Respect from all the Camp, especially from Brother Obed and me.
To Benjamin Franklin Esquire!


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Katherine French, 17 June 1771
From: French, Katherine
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monday 17th. June [1771]
Mrs. French understands that Docr. Franklin dines with the Bishop of St. Asaph’s to morrow hopes he will do her the favor of dining with her on Wednesday or Thursday, both days will be giving her a double pleasure, she has provided chess players for each day.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jonathan Shipley, 24 June 1771
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Shipley, Jonathan

This letter is the first that survives in a correspondence that continued for the rest of Franklin’s life. The acquaintance had in all likelihood originated through Shipley’s brother William, whom Franklin had known for more than fifteen years. By 1771 it embraced the Bishop’s whole family, and was thriving as the green bay tree.
Jonathan Shipley (1714–88) was that rarity among eighteenth-century prelates, a man who grew more liberal as he aged. He was educated at Reading and Oxford and ordained in 1738; he then became a tutor in the household of the Earl of Peterborough, whose niece he soon married. She was a maid of honor of Queen Caroline, and opened the road of preferment to him. He followed it: prebendary of Winchester, chaplain-general to the Duke of Cumberland in the War of the Austrian Succession, Dean of Winchester; in 1769 he was consecrated Bishop of Llandaff, and in the same year translated to the see of St. Asaph. There he remained, largely because he became almost at once an outspoken opponent of ministerial policy toward America. This change was undoubtedly accelerated by his ripening friendship with Franklin, but the Bishop had a mind of his own; his later stand on toleration for dissenters was of a piece with his attitude toward the colonies. He was, in short, a friend whom Franklin had reason to cherish.

My Lord,
London June 24. 1771.
I got home in good time, and well. But on perusing the Letters that were come for me during my Absence, and considering the Business they require of me, I find it not convenient to return so soon as I had intended. I regret my having been oblig’d to leave the pleasing Society of your Lordship and Family, and that most agreeable Retirement good Mrs. Shipley put me so kindly in possession of. I now breathe with Reluctance the Smoke of London, when I think of the sweet Air of Twyford: And by the time your Races are over, or about the Middle of next Month (if it should then not be unsuitable to your Engagements or other Purposes) I promise myself the Happiness of spending another Week or two where I so pleasantly spent the last.
I have taken the Liberty of sending by the Southampton Stage, directed to your Lordship, a Parcel containing one of my Books for Miss Georgiana, which I hope she will be good enough to accept, as a small Mark of my Regard for her philosophic Genius: And a Specimen of the American dry’d Apples for Mrs. Shipley, that she may judge whether it will be worth while to try the Practice. I should imagine that the sweet Summer Apples, which cannot otherwise be kept till Winter, are best to be thus preserv’d. I doubt some Dust may have got among these, as I found the Cask uncover’d; therefore it will not perhaps be amiss to rinse them a Minute or two in warm Water, and dry them quick in a Napkin. With the greatest Esteem and Respect, and many Thanks for your and Mrs. Shipley’s abundant Civilities, I am, My Lord, Your Lordship’s obliged and most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin

P.S. The Parcel is directed to be left at the Turnpike next beyond Winchester.
Bp. of St. Asaph


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Harvard College: Vote of Thanks, 24 June 1771
From: Harvard College
To: Franklin, Benjamin

At a Meeting of the President and Fellows June 24th 1771. That the Thanks of this Board be given to Dr. Franklin for his kind remembrance of Harvard College expressed in his many friendly Offices and valuable Donations to this Society, particularly in his late Present to our Library of two accurate Mathematical Treatises of Mr. Maseres; and the learned and elaborate Work of Hoogeveen de Graecis Particulis. They also thank Dr. Franklin for the Pleasure he has given them of placing his Effigies among those of their other Benefactors: and Voted that Professor Winthrop do transmit a Copy of this Vote to Dr. Franklin.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from the Massachusetts House of Representatives, 29 June 1771
From: Massachusetts House of Representatives
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir,
Province of the Massachusetts Bay June 29th, 1771
Your Letter of the 5th. of Febry last has been laid before the House, the Contents are important, and claim our fixed Attention. We cannot think the Doctrine of the Right of Parliament to tax us is given up while an Act remains in Force for that Purpose, and is daily put in Execution, and the longer it remains the more Danger there is of the People’s becoming so accustomed to arbitrary and unconstitutional Taxes, as to pay them without Discontent, and then as you justly observe no Minister will ever think of taking them off, but will rather be encouraged to add others. If ever the Provincial Assemblies should be voluntarily silent on the Parliament’s taking upon themselves a Power thus to violate their Constitutional and Charter Rights, it might hereafter be considered as an Approbation of it, or at least a tacit Consent that such a Power should be exercised at any future Time. It is therefore our Duty to declare our Rights, and our determinate Resolution at all Events to maintain them.
The Time we know will come when they must be acknowledged, established and secured to us and our Posterity. We severely feel the Effects not of a Revenue raised, but a Tribute extorted without our free Consent, or Controul; Pensioners and Placemen are daily multiplying, a Fleet and a Standing Army posted in North America, for no other apparent or real Purpose than to protect new Exactors Collectors of the Tribute, for which they are to be maintained, and many of them in Pomp and Pride, to triumph over, and insult an injured People, and suppress if possible even their Murmurs. And there is Reason to expect that the continual Increase of the Number will lead to proportionable Increase of a Tribute to support them. What will be the Consequence? either on the one Hand an abject Slavery in the People, which is ever to be deprecated, or a determined Resolution to openly assert and maintain their Rights and Liberties and Privileges; the Effect of such Resolution may be for some Time retarded by flattering Hopes and Prospects; and while it is the Duty of all Persons of Influence here unitedly to endeavor to inculcate the Sentiments of Moderation, it will be in our Opinion equally the Wisdom of British Administration to Consider the Danger of forcing a free People by oppressive Measures into a State of Desperation. We have Reason to believe that the American Colonies, however they may have disagreed among themselves in one Mode of Opposition to arbitrary Measures, are still united in the main Principles of constitutional and natural Liberty; and that they will not give up one single Point in Contest of any Importance, tho’ they take no violent Measures to obtain them. The taxing their Property without their Consent, and thus appropriating it to the Purposes of their Slavery and Destruction, are justly considered as contrary to, and subversive of their original social Compact, and their Intention in uniting under it. They cannot therefore readily think themselves obliged to renounce those Forms of Government to which alone, for the Advantages implying or resulting, they were willing to submit. We are sensible, as you observe, that the Designs of our Enemies in England, as well as those who reside here, is to render us odious as well as contemptible, and to prevent all Concern for us in the Friends of Liberty in England; and perhaps to detach our Sister Colonies from us, and prevent their Aid and Influence in our Behalf, when the Projects of oppressing us further, and depriving us of our Rights by various violent measures should be carried into Execution. In this however we flatter ourselves they have failed: But should all the other Colonies become weary of their Liberties, after the Example of the Hebrews; this Province, we trust, will never submit to the Authority of an absolute Government.
We are now led to take Notice of another fatal Consequence which we are under strong Apprehensions will follow from these Parliamentary Revenue Laws; and that is making Governors of the Colonies and other Officers independent of the People for their Support. You tell us there is no Doubt of such Intention, and that it will be persisted in if the American Revenue is found sufficient. We are the more inclined to believe it, not only because the Governor of the Province of New York has openly declared it, with regard to himself, to the Assembly there, but also because the present Governor of this Province has repeatedly refused to accept of the usual Grants for his Support, tho’ he has not been so explicit as to assign a Reason for it. The Charter of this Province recognizes the natural Right of all men to dispose of their own Property; and the Governor here, like all other Governors, Kings, and Potentates, is to be supported by the free Grants of the Representatives of the People. Every one sees the Necessity of this to preserve the Ballance of Power and the Freedom of any State. A Power without a Check is subversive of all Freedom. If therefore the Governor, who is appointed by the Crown, shall be totally independent of the free Grants of the People for his Support, where is the Check upon his Power? He becomes absolute, and may act as he pleases: He may make Use of his Power, not for the Good of those who are under it, but for his own private seperate Advantage, or any other Purpose to which he may be inclined or instructed by him upon whom alone he depends. Such an Independency threatens the very Being of a free Constitution; and if it takes Effect will produce and firmly establish a Tyranny upon its Ruin. The Act of Parliament of the 7th. Geo. 3, intitled An Act for granting certain Duties in the Colonies &c. declares that it is expedient that a Revenue should be raised in his Majesty’s Dominions in America, for making more certain and adequate Provision for defreying the Charge of the Administration of Justice, and the Support of the Civil Government in such Provinces where it shall be found necessary, and towards further defreying the Expences of defending, protecting and securing the said Dominions. These are the very Purposes for which this Government by the Charter is empowered to grant Taxes—So that by the Act aforementioned the Charter is in Effect made void.
Agreable to the Design of that Act, the Governor it seems is first to be made independent, and in Pursuance of the Plan of Despotism, the Judges of the Land and all other important civil Officers successively, next follows an independent military Power to compleat the Ruin of our civil Liberties. Let us then consider the Power the Governor already has, and his Majesty’s Representative on all our Acts, and judge whether the Purposes of Tyranny will not be amply answered. Can it be expected that any Law will pass here, but such as will promote the favorite Design; and the Laws already made, as they will be executed by Officers altogether dependent on the Crown, will undoubtedly be perverted to the worst Purposes? The Governor of the Province and the principal Fortress in it are probably already thus supported. These are the first Fruits of the System: If the rest should follow, it would be only in a greater Degree a Violation of our essential natural Rights. To what Purpose then will it be to preserve the old Forms, without the Substance? In such a State and with such Prospects, can Britain expect any thing but a gloomy Discontent in the Colonists? Let our Fellow Subjects then recollect what would have been their Fate long ago, if their Ancestors had submitted to the unreasonable and uncharitable Usurpations, Exactions and Impositions of the See of Rome in the Reign of Henry the Eighth. Soon would they have sunk into a State of abject Slavery to that haughty Power which exalteth it self above all that is called God: but they had the true Spirit of Liberty, and by exerting it they saved themselves and their Posterity. The Act of Parliament passed in the 25th. of that Reign is so much to our present Purpose, that we cannot help transcribing a Part of it, and refer you to the Statute at large. In the Preamble it is declared that the Realm of England “hath been, and is free from Subjection to any Man’s Laws but only to such as have been devised, made and ordained within the Realm for the Wealth of the same”; and further, “It standeth therefore with natural Equity and good Reason, that in every such Law humane, made within this Realm or induced into this Realm by the said Sufferance, Consent, and Customs, your Royal Majesty, and your Lords Spiritual and temporal, and Commons representing the whole State of your Realm in this your Majesty’s high Court of Parliament, hath full Power and Authority, not only to dispence but also to authorize some elect Person or Persons to dispense with those and all other humane Laws of this your Realm, and with every one of them as the Quality of the Persons and Matter may require. And also the said Laws and every one of them to abrogate, annul, amplify or diminish, as it shall seem to your Majesty, and the Nobles and Commons of your Realm present in your Parliament meet and convenient for the Wealth of your Realm. And because that it is now in these Days present seen that the State, Dignity, Superiority, Reputation and Authority of the said imperial Crown of this Realm by the long Sufferance of the said unreasonable and uncharitable usurpations and Exactions is much and sore decayed, and the People of this Realm thereby impoverished.”
It is then enacted, “That no Person or Persons of the Realm, or of any other his Majesty’s Dominions shall from henceforth pay any Pensions, Censes, Portions, Peter pence, or any other Impositions to the Use of the said Bishop or of the See of Rome, but that all such Pensions &c which the said Bishop or Pope hath heretofore taken &c, shall clearly surcease and never more be levied, nor paid to any Person or Persons in any manner or wise.” Nothing short of the Slavery and Ruin of the Nation would have been the Consequence of their submitting to those Exactions: and the same will be the Fate of America if the present Revenue Laws remain, and the natural Effect of them the making Governors independent takes Place. It is therefore with intire Approbation that we observe your Purpose freely to declare our Rights and to remonstrate against the least Infringment of them. The capital Complaint of all North America hath been, is now, and will be, until relieved, a Subjugation to as arbitrary a Tribute as ever the Romans laid upon the Jews or their other Colonies. The repealing these Duties in part is not considered by this House as a Renunciation of the Measure: It has rather the Appearance of a Design to sooth us into Security in the midst of Danger. Any Species of Tribute unrepealed will stand as a Precedent to be made Use of hereafter as Circumstances and Opportunities will admit: If these Colonies acquiesce in a single Instance, it will in Effect be yielding up the whole Matter in Controversy. We therefore desire that it may be universally understood, that altho’ the Tribute is paid, it is not paid freely. It is extorted and torn from us against our Will; We bear the Insult and Injury for the present, Grievous as it is, with great Impatience, hoping that the Wisdom and Prudence of the Nation, will at length dictate Measures consistent with natural Justice and Equity: For what shall happen in future, we are not answerable. Your Observation is just, that it was certainly as bad Policy, when they attempted to heal our Differences by repealing Part of the Duties only, as it is bad Surgery to leave Splinters in a Wound which must prevent its healing, or in time occasion it to open afresh.
The Doctrine that no Agent ought to be received or attended to by Government, who is not appointed by an Act of the General Court, to which the Governor has given his Assent, if established, must be attended with very ill Consequences: For besides the just Remarks you have made upon it, if whatever is to be transacted between the Assemblies of the Colonies and the Government, is to be done by Agents appointed by and under the Direction of the three Branches, it would be utterly impracticable for an Assembly ever to lay before the Sovereign their Complaints of Grievances occasioned by the corrupt and arbitrary Administration of a Governor. This Doctrine, we have Reason to think was first advanced by Governor Bernard, at a Time when he became the principal Agent in involving the Nation and the Colonies in Controversy and Confusion. Very probably it is now become a Subject of Instruction to Governor Hutchinson, who refuses to confirm the Grants of the Assembly to the Agents for the respective Houses. In this he carries the Point beyond Governor Bernard, who assented to Grants made in general Terms, for Services performed, without holding up the name of Agents; but Governor Hutchinson declines his Assent even in that Form. So that we are reduced to a Choice of Difficulties; either to have no Agent at all, but such as shall be under the Influence of the Minister, or to find some other Way to support an Agent than by grants of the General Assembly. But we are fallen into Times, when Governors of Colonies seem to think themselves bound to conform to Instructions, without any Regard to the Civil Constitutions or even the publick Safety. In the Name and by order of the House of Representatives I am with respect your most humble Servant
Thomas Cushing Speaker
To Benjamin Franklin Esqr LLD
(Duplicate)
 Endorsed: Thos. Cushing, Speaker to B. Franklin, June 29th, 1771


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Noble Wimberly Jones, 3 July 1771
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Jones, Noble Wimberly

Sir,
London July 3. 1771.
In mine of May 1. I enclosed a copy of the Petition intended to be presented to the King in Council, in behalf of the possessors of the lands claimed by Sir William Baker’s assigns. I am now to acquaint you, that it was presented accordingly, and is referred down to the Board of Trade for their opinion. But as the Board is about to adjourn for some months, we are advised not to press the consideration of it till they meet again, as they have now too little time to attend to it properly. Immediately on their return to business we shall urge for their report.
I see by the Newspapers that your new Assembly is also dissolved, I am sorry for these Differences, which must be uncomfortable to you and all that wish the Welfare of the Province.
It is now thought that a Peace between the Turks and Russians is likely soon to be concluded, which gives a better Prospect of the continuance of Peace among the other Powers of Europe, for it seldom happens that a War, begun between any two of them, does not extend itself sooner or later till it involves the whole. Spain shew’d a strong inclination to begin with us, but France being not willing or ready to join her, she has smother’d that inclination for the present. With great esteem, I am Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin
 Addressed: Noble Wimberley Jones Esq.   Savannah-Georgia


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Cadwalader Evans, 4 July 1771
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Evans, Cadwalader

Dear Doctor,
London, July 4, 1771.
I acquainted you some time since that I expected soon to obtain satisfactory Answers to your Queries relating to the Specimens of Silk you sent over; but I was disappointed till lately that I had a Meeting with Mr. Patterson, esteemed one of the best judges of that Commodity, who favoured me with the enclos’d Paper, and, in Conversation, with the following particulars.
He thinks that the Water, tho’ clear at first, may grow foul with the Impurities of the Cocoons reel’d in it, and therefore should be chang’d as that appears to be the Case.
He gave me a Skain of what is called the best Italian Silk imported here, and advised me to send over as a Pattern, for our People to endeavour to imitate, with regard to its Evenness, Cleanness from Nibs and Lustre; and that they might better see the Difference and understand his remarks he wish’d the Skains sent over hither might be returned with it. I send them altogether accordingly.
He says the Silk reel’d from 12 Cocoons fetches nearly as good a Price as that from 6, because it winds well, and there is less fine Waste; the Dropping accidentally or through Inattention 3 or 4 of the Cocoons out of 12 not weakening the Thread so much in Proportion as when the same Number are dropt out of 6; nor is the Thread so apt to break in Winding.
I observe that the Italian Silk had a sweet smell as if perfumed. He thinks it is the natural smell of the Silk when prepared in perfection.
He understands that the Piedmontese Reel is esteemed preferable to Mr. Pullein’s.
He says we may carry that Produce to what Length we please, it is impossible to overstock the Market, as the Demand is continually increasing, Silk being more and more worn, and daily entering into the composition of more and a greater Variety of Manufactures.
I communicated your Thanks to Mr. Walpole, who was pleased to assure me he should always be ready to afford the Design all the Assistance in his Power, and will endeavour to procure some Eggs for you from Valencia against the next Season.
I am much obliged to you for the Snuff box. The Wood is beautiful. The Manufacturer should be encourag’d.
I hope our People will not be disheartened by a few Accidents, and such Disappointments as are incident to all new Undertakings, but persevere bravely in the silk Business till they have conquer’d all Difficulties. By Diligence and Patience the Mouse ate in twain the Cable. It is not two Centuries since it was as much a Novelty in France as it is now with us in North America, and the People as much unacquainted with it.
My Respects to my good old Friend Mr. Wharton. I hope he is recovered of the Indisposition you mention. With sincere Esteem, I am, Dear Sir, Your affectionate Friend, and humble Servant,
B. Franklin.
Dr. Cadw. Evans.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, 4 July 1771
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Deborah

My dear Child
London, July 4. 1771
This is just to let you know that I am well, and that I shall write fully to you per Capt. Sparks or Falconer. My Love to Sally; and Son Bache, and the little Gentleman. I am as ever Your affectionate Husband
B Franklin
 Addressed: To / Mrs Franklin / Philadelphia / per favour of / Capt. Gill


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, 4 July 1771
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Deborah

My dear Child,
London, July 4. 1771.
I received your kind Letters of April 24. I hope that very bad Cold you had is gone off without any ill Consequences. I have found by a good deal of Experience, that three or four Doses of Bark taken on the first Symptoms of a Cold, will generally put it by. It was a terrible Accident indeed which happened to poor Mr. Rogers and his Family. If I were to build again, I would contrive my House so as to be incapable of burning, which I think very possible and practicable.
I pray God that your Grandson, in whom you seem to take so much Delight, may be preserv’d as a Comfort to you. By your Accounts (and indeed by all the Accounts I have heard) he must be a charming little Fellow. My Love to him. I send him a small Token of it in a new Hat.
You ask me when I think I shall return? I purpose it firmly after one Winter more here. In answer to your other Questions, Nanny is still with Mrs. Stevenson as a House- and Cook-Maid. She knows not what is become of her Husband. By good Luck she had no Child. Capt. Ourry is abroad, as a travelling Tutor to a Son of Lord Galway. Sir John Peyton we have not seen for some Years. Mrs. Stevenson still has the French Crown you sent him over, as Gloves. Mrs. Clarke went with her Husband, Capt. Clarke in his Ship to Barbadoes, where she remains among his Relations. Mr. and Mrs. Strahan and Family, Mr. and Mrs. West, Mrs. Stevenson, Mr. and Mrs. Hewson, and Sally Franklin, are all well. When I see any of those first named, they enquire of your Welfare, and desire to be remembered to you. Sally presents her Duty.
I send you per Capt. Falconer two plated Canisters and a Sugar Ditto, which I hope will be agreable to you. I brought them lately from Sheffield. You can get a little Chest made for them as well there as it could be done here.
I wrote a few Lines to you yesterday per Packet, and per Capt. Gill, and am as ever, Your affectionate Husband
B Franklin
Mention to me in your next every thing you want and would have me send or bring with me.
 Addressed: To / Mrs Franklin / at / Philadelphia


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to William Smith, 4 July 1771
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Smith, William

Reverend Sir,
London, July 4. 1771
I received the Box containing eleven Copies of the Transactions sent me by order of the Society, and have already delivered most of them as directed. There should be more care taken by the Binder in collating the Sheets, particularly of Books sent so far. The Book for the Society of Arts had one Sheet twice over, and the Duplicate was return’d to me on a Supposition that it might be wanting in some other Volume. This I did not find: But the Book for Dr. Fothergill wanted a Sheet in the Appendix to the Astronomical Papers, from p. 33 to 40 inclusive, and the other Sheet would not supply the Defect. When the other Box arrives, I shall take care to deliver and dispose of the Books agreable to the Intentions of the Society. I am, Sir, Your humble Servant
B Franklin
Dr. Smith, Secry. to Philosl. Society


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Bond, 6 July 1771
From: Bond, Thomas
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir.
Philadelp: July 6. 1771.
This will be delivered to You by Mr. Daniel Kheun, the Brother of Doct. Kheun, Professor of Materia Medica and Botany in our Colledge. He is going to Sweeden to study Divinity and proposes returning here with the pastoral Charge of some of the Swedish Congregations. His Brother thinks Doct. Franklin’s Patronage will be of particular Service to him in his Designs and both he and I shall think ourselves much obliged for your Civilities to him.
My Second Son Richard is studying Physic and Surgery with such Application his Friends have Expectations of his making a Figure in the different Branches of his Profession, especially the latter. He is to be examined in our Colledge next Year, and is then to finish his Studies in Europe. But where to send him to the greatest Advantage, is with Me a Doubt. Most of our young Men have depended on Edenbourgh and London for their Education. The School of Edingburgh seems at this Time to be better calculated to please the Fancy, than to form the Judgement; and indeed the many extraordinary Novelties incullcated there, would be a Barr to public Confidence in this Part of the World. As far as We can judge from the public Exhibitions, Surgery in London is a mere mechanic Art, well executed. The Accademy of Surgery in Paris, aims at uniting Science to their Profession and have done thereby Honour to it. But whether they have men of Eminence in their Hospitals and Theatres of Anatomy I know not. My Friends Astrue, Winslow, Ferin, Huno, and Le Cat are dead. From the Character and Writings of Gaubius there is Reason to Think Physic is scientifically, and usefully, taught in Leyden, and yet it is said that School is neglected. Vanswieten has aimed at a Reform of the medical Institutions in Vienna, and yet the World is annually misled by Absurdities and Falsehoods under his Sanction. Who, that has tryed the Cicuta, can read the Account given of it without a Blush? The Uva Ursi has indeed the Appearance of being a safe and valuable Addition to the Materia medica: this We will give them Credit for. Thus, my dear Friend, You see the Difficulties I am under, in an Affair I have much at Heart, and which it is in your Power to remove. Every Man who is acquainted with the Writings of Sir John Pringle, must wish to see Physic cultivated on his Principles, and would be much pleased with his Advice in a medical Education. If therefore You could, at some Liesure Hour, collect his Sentiment on this Occasion, and communicate it to me, it would be the highest Satisfaction. Oh! what Pleasure it would give Me to have the Portrait of that medical Sage at your right Hand.
Good Mrs. Franklin has presented Me with a new Picture of You which has been much visited, and much admired, it is generally agreed there is in it a remarkable sensible meaning, added to a most stricking Likeness. I most sincerely thank you for this additional Instance of your Friendship.
On the 28th: of June We had a Commencement in the Colledge the Farce was prettily played off. I have sent You one of the medical Dissertations Dedicated to Yourself and the Governour: the Author is really a Man of Merit. There is another on a Dropsy, which mentions the extraordinary Success of my Method in the Cure of Dropsies in the Pennsylvania Hospital, which I would Gladly have Sent to Sir John, but the Facts are there so badly chosen, and the Principles so much mistaken, that I cannot patronise it. This will lay me under the disagreable Necessity of revising my Notes on that Subject.

Our Philosophical Society continues, tho’ few Papers have been sent to it since the Publication; a Correspondence with the learned Societies in Europe would be useful and reputable, and probably a Spur to Us. This I hope you will keep in View, whereby You will greatly oblige all the Members, and particularly Dear Sir Your most affectionate humble Servant
Th Bond


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John J. Zubly, 9 July 1771
From: Zubly, John Joachim
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Savanah July 9. 1771.
By a Letter lately received of Mr. Jasper Mauduit I find that Gentleman (whom I have not the Pleasure to know) has applied for your kind assistance to remove Some Greivances imposd in this place on protestant dissenters. I am very happy to learn that Mr. Jones Speaker of our late assembly has accordingly recievd a Letter from You on the Subject. From Your known Regard to the civil and religious Rights of Mankind I should not have expected less tho I was loath the litle disputes between our Rector and myself should ever be known beyond this place and never offerd the Letter publishd on the occasion any where for Sale but in our little Comunity. I am still in Doubt whether it ever reachd England and beg Leave to inclose a Copy merely to put you in full Posession of the Case and should be happy in any Gentlemans animadversions that may think I should have treated this Subject in a gentler manner. Give me Leave Sir to offer you my humblest thanks for thus far interfering in our Cause, if to remove Impositions and establish or confirm a friendly Cariage among Members of the same Community, should, as I hope, be the Consequence, I know You will feel an ample Reward for Your trouble in Your own Bosom.
This demand is still kept up, but now under another Name that [?] of Sextons fees for attendance. We can have no objection to pay the Parish Sexton at the same Rate with the other Parishioners when his attendance is required and I have on that footing only last week allowed him two shillings for attending a funeral, but I conceive a material Difference between allowing him some thing of my own accord and being obliged to pay him whether he is employed and performing any duty or no. Small attempts of this kind have at times been attended with very great Consequences. It is easier to preserve a Right then to recover it and what dissenters may expect, in part may be judged from the Tenor of the Bill sent by the upper house to the lower, in which a Rate is fixd on all dissenters to be paid to the Rector tho his attendance is not required nor any Duty performed. This Bill indeed had not a single Vote in its favour in the lower house, where I had a hearing on the Subject, but it very sufficiently indicates the disposition of the upper, so very Tenacious [?] and of such narrow principles as to refuse a Second reading to a Bill passed in the lower to lay out a Burying Ground for protestant dissenters in the Commons of this place, in which as freeholders we have an undoubted [?] property. It is not impossible but a Bill in favour of the Jews for the same purpose met with the same fate for being in bad Company. Our Slaves however, who I suppose are no more in the Establishment than Jews or dissenters bury in that Commons unmolested by any.
It happens hence that unlucky thus in political as well as religious Matters, I am a Dissenter from Governor and Council. The principles of the humble Enquiry are diametricaly opposed to those who saw people with halters on their Neck for complaining of and opposing the Stamp act. This thriving Country is nevertheless in a very Strange Situation and for a very just [?] Cause have been exposd to a Doubt whether it may claim the Benefit of some Laws the Want of which would endanger its very Existence. I beg Leave respectfully to subscribe my self Sir Your most obliged humble Servant
J J Zubly


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Samuel Franklin, 12 July 1771
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Samuel

Loving Cousin,
London, July 12. 1771
I received your kind Letter of May 17. and rejoice to hear that you and your good Family are well. My Love to them.

With this I send you the Print you desire for Mr. Bowen. He does me Honour in accepting it.
Sally Franklin presents her Duty to you and Mrs. Franklin.
Yesterday a very odd Accident happened, which I must mention to you as it relates to your Grandfather. A Person that deals in old Books, of whom I sometimes buy, acquainted me that he had a curious Collection of Pamphlets bound in 8 Vols. Folio, and 24 Vols 4to. and 8vo. which he thought from the Subjects I might like to have, and that he would sell them cheap. I desired to see them, and he brought them to me. On examining, I found that they contain’d all the principal Pamphlets and Papers on Publick Affairs that had been printed here from the Restoration down to 1715. In one of the blank Leaves at the Beginning of each Volume the Collector had written the Titles of the Pieces contain’d in it, the Prices they cost him, &c. also Notes in the Margin of many of the Pieces. And this Collector I find, from the Hand-Writing and various other Circumstances, was your Grandfather, my Uncle Benjamin. Wherefore I the more readily agreed to buy them. I suppose he parted with them when he left England and came to Boston soon after your Father, which was about the Year 1716 or 17, now more than 50 Years since. In whose Hands they have been all this time I know not. The Oddity is, that the Bookseller, who could suspect nothing of any Relation between me and the Collector, should happen to make me the Offer of them. My Love to your good Wife and Children, concludes from, Your affectionate Cousin
B Franklin
Saml [?] Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Miss Todd, 12 July 1771: résumé
From: Todd, Miss ——
To: Franklin, Benjamin

<Friday, July 12, 1771; a note in the third person. Will call on Franklin at noon tomorrow and accompany him to Walthamstow, and will bring him safe to town on Monday morning.>


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jonathan Williams, Sr., 12 July 1771
From: Williams, Jonathan Sr.
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honoured sir
Boston July 12th 1771
Cap. Lloyd was to Sail yesterday; I inclos’d a Bill for £100 and put it in the Bag a few oures afterward I Received another Bill for one thousand Gilders £90 Sterling Which I now inclose to you. Please to Credit me for the Net Proceeds. Mr. Foxcroft and Lady Came to town the night before last Well. I am your Dutyfull Nephew and much Oblig’d Humble Servant
Jona Williams
 Addressed: To / Benjamin Franklin Esqr / at Mrs Stevensons in Cravinstreet / London / per Lloyd


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from a Committee of the Massachusetts House of Representatives, 13 July 1771
From: Massachusetts House of Representatives
To: Franklin, Benjamin

For many years the Massachusetts General Court had passed annual legislation that taxed the income of all royal officials residing in and paid by the province. In 1768 the customs commissioners, created by one of the Townshend Acts, were also assessed as resident officials. Although they argued that their salaries were exempt as coming from the crown, not the province, they said that they paid under threat of prosecution by local tax collectors. In 1769, however, they requested Lieutenant Governor Hutchinson to secure them exemption in future. He considered their grievance valid and was inclined to agree in principle; yet he saw no possibility, as he wrote Hillsborough, of convincing the House. The matter was submitted to the law officers of the crown, who reported early in 1770 that all royal officials, whatever the source of their salaries, were subject to any tax levied on them by the province in which they resided. This opinion was forwarded to Hutchinson, and by him to the commissioners.
There the matter rested until February, 1771, when the government suddenly overrode the earlier legal opinion and that of Richard Jackson, counsel to the Board of Trade. Hutchinson had been promoted to governor, and his instructions were being prepared; in them was inserted an article forbidding him to assent to any tax bill that did not exempt salaries of royal officials paid by the crown. The Governor was taken aback by this article; Whitehall’s reversing itself to support the commissioners, he believed, created a needless political crisis and was a disservice to government. But he had no choice. In early July he vetoed the tax bills for that year, and notified the House that he had done so on instruction. In its angry response the House asserted some startling constitutional views: it denied the right of Parliament to create the customs commissioners or to collect any revenue in America, claimed that the provincial charter empowered the House to tax as it pleased, and stigmatized the Governor’s act as an abrogation of the charter. These assertions rested upon bold premises. If the commissioners had no legal standing, Parliament had no power to regulate colonial trade. If the Governor violated the charter by obeying his instructions about a tax bill, as about moving the General Court or refusing a salary from it, the royal prerogative was circumscribed by whatever interpretations the colonial legislatures might put upon their charters. The position of the Massachusetts House, in short, was a significant logical advance along the road toward independence.

Sir,
Boston July 13th. 1771.
We take this Opportunity just to acquaint you that our Governor has received a late Instruction by which he is expressly forbid for the future upon any Pretence whatever to give his Consent to any Law or Laws whereby the Commissioners, or any Person employed in the King’s Service whose Offices have no peculiar Relation to this Province shall be liable to pay Taxes during his Residence here, for such Salaries or Allowances as do not issue out of any Monies granted by the Legislature of this Province. This Instruction was communicated to the House the last Day but one of the late Session and threw the House into great Consternation, as it was looked upon to be as arbitrary a Measure as any that has yet [been] taken by Administration. You will see the Message of the Governor to the House in Consequence of this Instruction and their Answer, in the inclosed Paper. This is indeed a natural Effect of the Right assumed by Parliament to tax America; for if the Property of the Colonists is at the Disposal of the Mother Country, to be taxed by Parliament at Pleasure, it infers a Right in them to exempt such Persons as they please from any Share of the Burthen. The People of every Class in Town and Country, except the Crown Officers, are greatly alarmed, and think it would, if conceded to, be a Precedent, for the future Exemption of all who will fall into and support the oppressive Measures, which will have a Tendency to increase the Number of their Dependents, and consequently to give them an Influence which must be to the greatest Degree dangerous. We have not Time to enlarge at present, but shall write you more fully by the next Opportunity. In the mean Time we inclose you an Account of the Taxes the Commissioners have paid, under the Hands of the Assessors, which appear to have been so light, that we can hardly think their Complaint of them can arise from any other Principle but a haughty Disposition to be independent of the Government of this Province, which they have heretofore treated with an insufferable Insolence: We are with respect Your most humble Servants

      Thomas Cushing
      James Otis

    Saml Adams

  Committee of the House of Representatives
Benjamin Franklin Esqr
 Endorsed: Thos. Cushing, Jas. Otis, and Saml Adams Com. Ho. of Reps of Mass to Benjn Franklin July 13th 1771.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to John Bartram, 17 July 1771
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Bartram, John

My good and dear old Friend,
London, July 17. 1771
I received your kind Letter of April 29. wherein you complain of your Friends here not writing to you. I had written a Letter to you on the 20th. of the same Month per Osborne, which I hope is long since got to hand; but I confess I ought to have written sooner, to acknowledge the Receipt of the Box of Seeds, whereby I was much obliged.
As to your Pension, there is not, I believe, the least Reason for you to apprehend its being stopped. I know not who receives it for you here, or I should quicken them in writing to you. But there is no Instance in this King’s Reign of taking away a Pension once granted, unless for some great Offence. Young is in no Esteem here as far as I can learn.
I wish your Daughter Success with her Silkworms. I am persuaded nothing is wanting in our Country for the Produce of Silk, but Skill; which will be obtain’d by persevering till we are instructed by Experience.
You take Notice of the Failing of your Eyesight. Perhaps you have not Spectacles that suit you, and it is not easy there to provide one’s self. People, too, when they go to a Shop for Glasses, seldom give themselves time to chuse with Care, and if their Eyes are not rightly suited, they are injured. Therefore I send you a compleat Set, from No. 1. to 13. that you may try them at your Ease; and having pitch’d on such as suit you best at present, reserve those of higher Numbers for future Use as your Eyes grow still older; and with the lower Numbers, which are for younger People, you may oblige some other Friends. My Love to good Mrs. Bartram and your Children. I am, as ever, Your faithful Friend and Servant
B Franklin
P.S. July 30. On Enquiry I find your Pension continues, and will be regularly paid as it becomes due to the Person you empower to receive it for you.
Mr Bartram
 Endorsed: B. Franklin to John Bartram Dated London July 17. 1771.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Ebenezer Kinnersley, 17 July 1771
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Kinnersley, Ebenezer

Dear Sir,
London, July 17. 1771
I was much oblig’d by your Account of the Effect of the Lightning on Mr. Holder’s House. It will be in the Transactions here. I wonder it is not to be found in yours.
Those here who aimed at obtaining a very great Electric Force, have been much discouraged by the Breaking of the Bottles that compos’d their Batteries. A Gentleman of my Acquaintance lost 8 out of 20 at one Stroke; another 12 out of 40. Having heard that Pere Beccaria had lined the Inside of a great Iron Kettle with Cement, and then coated a Part of the Cement with Tinfoil, from whence he could discharge a great Stroke; and if any Crack happen’d to his Cement, he mended it again with a hot Iron; I recommended trying to make Batteries of Paper, by straining the Sheets on Frames, drying them hot before the Fire, then impregnating them with melted Wax, and afterwards coating them with Tinfoil. This another ingenious Friend has try’d, and as he writes me it succeeds.
The same (Mr. Henley) has invented an Electrometer which seems useful. I send you a Draft of it. It shows in what degree a Bottle is charg’d, that is, whether half, three quarters, &c. So that knowing the Force of a full Charge of any Bottle or Battery, you may by this, while charging, know the Proportion you have of such Force.
Your Experiment showing that a Stroke with black Lead on Paper would conduct a Shock, was new to me. I mention’d it to some who since tell me that they also find the solid Black Lead in a Pencil conducts as well as Wire; Which indeed, (the other being true) is not to be wonder’d at. It is however the only Property of Metal Black Lead possesses, as far as we yet know it.
Mr. Canton melts Silver and Gold Wire by Electricity, not only into fine bright little Globules, but also into Spherules of Glass, some of which he has shown me by his Microscope. They were transparent, the Light passing thro’ them, and appearing in a Focus on the Paper.
Mr. Henley has several Times melted Iron Wire lying at the Bottom of a White Stone Plate filled with Water. The Iron was destroy’d, and mark’d the Plate with an indelible black Stroke.

Sparks flew from it out thro’ the Water, and fell red hot on the Table.
I wish I had any thing of more Importance to communicate. Business, during the Winter, takes up my time, so that I make no Experiments myself, but what I hear of I shall continue to send you. Being, with sincere Esteem, Dear Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin
P.S. I cannot find the Draft I promised, so must attempt a Sketch.

   [The drawing is based on the original, which is too faint to reproduce.]

Mr Kinnersley
 Endorsed: To Dr Ebenezer Kinnersley. From Dr. Benjamin Franklin


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jane Mecom, 17 July 1771
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Mecom, Jane

Dear Sister,
London, July 17. 1771
I have received your kind Letter of May 10. You seem so sensible of your Error in so hastily suspecting me, that I am now in my turn sorry I took Notice of it. Let us then suppose that Accompt ballanced and settled, and think no more of it.
In some former Letter I believe I mention’d the Price of the Books, which I have now forgotten: But I think it was 3s. each. To be sure there are Objections to the Doctrine of Pre-existence: But it seems to have been invented with a good Intention, to save the Honour of the Deity, which was thought to be injured by the Supposition of his bringing Creatures into the World to be miserable, without any previous misbehaviour of theirs to deserve it. This, however, is perhaps an officious Supporting of the Ark, without being call’d to such Service. Where he has thought fit to draw a Veil, our Attempting to remove it may be deem’d at least an offensive Impertinence. And we shall probably succeed little better in such an Adventure to gain forbidden Knowledge, than our first Parents did when they ate the Apple.
I meant no more by saying Mankind were Devils to one another than that being in general superior to the Malice of the other Creatures, they were not so much tormented by them as by themselves. Upon the whole I am much disposed to like the World as I find it, and to doubt my own Judgment as to what would mend it. I see so much Wisdom in what I understand of its Creation and Government, that I suspect equal Wisdom may be in what I do not understand. And thence have perhaps as much Trust in God as the most pious Christian.
I am very happy that a good Understanding continues between you and the Philadelphia Folks. Our Father, who was a very wise man, us’d to say, nothing was more common than for those who lov’d one another at a distance, to find many Causes of Dislike when they came together; and therefore he did not approve of Visits to Relations in distant Places, which could not well be short enough for them to part good Friends. I saw a Proof of it, in the Disgusts between him and his Brother Benjamin; and tho’ I was a Child I still remember how affectionate their Correspondence was while they were separated, and the Disputes and Misunderstandings they had when they came to live some time together in the same House. But you have been more prudent, and restrain’d that “Aptness” you say you have “to interfere in other People’s oeconomical Affairs by putting in a Word now and then unasked.” And so all’s well that ends well.
I thought you had mentioned in one of your Letters a Desire to have Spectacles of some sort sent you; but I cannot now find such a Letter. However I send you a Pair of every Size of Glasses from 1 to 13. To suit yourself, take out a Pair at a time, and hold one of the Glasses first against one Eye, and then against the other, looking on some small Print. If the first Pair suits neither Eye, put them up again before you open a second. Thus you will keep them from mixing. By trying and comparing at your Leisure, you may find those that are best for you, which you cannot well do in a Shop, where for want of Time and Care, People often take such as strain their Eyes and hurt them. I advise your trying each of your Eyes separately, because few Peoples Eyes are Fellows, and almost every body in reading or working uses one Eye principally, the other being dimmer or perhaps fitter for distant Objects; and thence it happens that the Spectacles whose Glasses are Fellows suit sometimes that Eye which before was not used tho’ they do not suit the other. When you have suited your self, keep the higher Numbers for future Use as your Eyes may grow older; and oblige your Friends with the others.
I was lately at Sheffield and Birmingham, where I bought a few plated Things which I send you as Tokens, viz. A Pair of Sauceboats, a Pair of flat Candlesticks, and a Saucepan, lined with Silver. Please to accept of them. I have had one of the latter in constant Use 12 Years, and the Silver still holds. But Tinning is soon gone.
Mrs. Stevenson and Mrs. Hewson present their Compliments, the latter has a fine Son. Sally Franklin sends her Duty to you. I wonder you have not heard of her till lately. She has lived with me these 5 Years, a very good Girl, now near 16. She is Great Grandaughter of our Father’s Brother John, who was a Dyer at Banbury in Oxfordshire, where our Father learnt that Trade of him, and where our Grandfather Thomas lies buried: I saw his Gravestone. Sally’s Father, John’s Grandson, is now living at Lutterworth in Leicestershire, where he follows the same Business, his Father too being bred a Dyer, as was our Uncle Benjamin. He is a Widower, and Sally his only Child. These two are the only Descendants of our Grandfather Thomas now remaining in England that retain that Name of Franklin. The Walkers are descended of John by a Daughter that I have seen, lately deceased. Sally and Cousin Williams’s Children, and Henry Walker who now attends Josiah are Relations in the same degree to one another and to your and my Grandchildren, viz

What is this Relation called? Is it third Cousins? Having mentioned so many Dyers in our Family, I will now it’s in my Mind request of you a full and particular Receipt for Dying Worsted of that beautiful Red, which you learnt of our Mother. And also a Receipt for making Crown Soap. Let it be very exact in the smallest Particulars. Enclos’d I send you a Receipt for making soft Soap in the Sun.
I have never seen any young Men from America that acquir’d by their Behaviour here more general Esteem than those you recommended to me. Josiah has stuck close to his musical Studies, and still continues them. Jonathan has been diligent in Business for his Friends as well as himself, obliging to every body, tender of his Brother, not fond of the expensive Amusements of the Place, regular in his Hours, and spending what Leisure Hours he had in the Study of Mathematics. He goes home to settle in Business, and I think there is great Probability of his doing well. With best Wishes for you and all yours, I am ever, Your affectionate Brother
B Franklin
I have mislaid the Soap Receipt but will send it when I find it.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Cadwalader Evans, 18 July 1771
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Evans, Cadwalader

Dear Doctor,
London, July 18, 1771.
I wrote to you of the 4th instant per Gill, and sent you a Paper of Observations on your Specimens of Silk drawn up by Mr. Patterson, who is noted here in that Trade, with a Specimen of Italian Silk as a copy for our People to imitate. But they must not be discouraged if they should not come up to the Lustre of it, that being the very finest, and from a particular District in Italy, none other being equal to it from any other District or any other Country.
The European Silk I understand is all yellow, and most of the India Silk. What comes from China is white. In Ogilby’s Account of that Country, I find that in the Province of Chekiang “they prune their Mulberry Trees once a year as we do our Vines in Europe, and suffer them not to grow up to high Trees, because thro’ long Experience they have learn’d that the leaves of the smallest and youngest Trees make the best Silk, and know thereby how to distinguish the first Spinning of the Threads from the second, viz. the first is that which comes from the young Leaves that are gather’d in March, with which they feed their Silkworms; and the second is of the old Summer Leaves. And it is only the Change of Food, as the young and old Leaves which makes the Difference in the Silk. The Prices of the first and second Spinning differs among the Chinese. The best Silk is that of March, the coarsest of June, yet both in one year.” I have copied this passage to shew that in Chekiang they keep the Mulberry Trees low; but I suppose the Reason to be, the greater Facility of gathering the Leaves. It appears too by this passage, that they raise two Crops a year in that Province, which may account for the great Plenty of Silk there. But perhaps this would not answer with us, since it is not practis’d in Italy, tho’ it might be try’d. Chekiang is from 27 to 31 Degrees in North Latitude. Duhalde has a good deal on the Chinese Management of the Silk Business.
Dr. Pullein is an Acquaintance of mine. I will forward any Letters you may send him. He lives in Ireland, but often comes to London.
As you did not write to Dr. Fothergill, I communicated to him what you wrote in favour of Mr. Parke who is to wait on him tomorrow. I shall be glad to render the young Man any Service here.
We had a cold backward Spring here, and it is since the Solstice that we have had what may be called a warm Day. But the Country now looks well with the Prospect of great Plenty. It is however the general Opinion that Britain will not for some years export much Corn, great Part of the arable Land being now enclosed and turn’d to Grass, to nourish the immense Number of Horses raised for Exportation, there being a Rage in France and other parts of Europe for English Horses, that seems increasing every year.
I hope our Friend Galloway will not decline the Public Service in Assembly with his private Business. Both may be too much for his Health: But the first alone will be little more than an Amusement: And I do not see that he can be spared from that Station without great Detriment to our Affairs and to the general Welfare of America. I am with sincere esteem Your affectionate friend and humble Servant.
B. Franklin.
Dr. Cadw. Evans.
P.S. The enclosed Notes were given me by Mr. Small a Leading Member of the Society of Arts, with a Desire that I would send them over to some Member of your Philosophical Society; supposing the Herb may be of some use.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Cushing, 20 July 1771
From: Cushing, Thomas
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Boston July 20: 1771
At the desire of the Committee of the House of Representatives I now transmitt you a Copy of the Commissioners Taxes in the Towns of Dorchester, Roxbury, and Brooklyn for the years they respectively resided in those towns certified by the Assessors of the Several Towns aforementioned. I am with respect Your most humble Servant
T Cushing
Benjamin Franklyn Esqr


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jonathan Shipley, 25 July 1771
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Shipley, Jonathan

July 25. 1771
I should have been happy in accompanying your Lordship on that agreable Party, or in being at Twyford instead of this dusty Town; but Business kept me here longer than I expected. I now purpose to set out on Tuesday next, if nothing at present unforeseen does not happen to prevent me. I hope to find the good Family well, which will add greatly to the Pleasure I promise my self in that sweet Retreat. With the greatest Respect, I am, Your Lordship’s most obedient humble Servant
Ld. Bishop of St. Asaph


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Whitehurst, 25 July 1771
From: Whitehurst, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Clumber Park July 25 1771
I sent the two Clocks on Tuesday last by Clark; to the Bell in Wood Street, Directed for you in Craven Street, the Strand.
I hope they will please and Come Safe to hand. I have been So much out, I could not Engrave the Plates, and therefore Chose to Send them in the State they are In rather than keep them longer. Mr. Tompson Engraver in red lyon Street Clerken well, will do them in a day or two at any time, giving him proper Directions. Please to give him a line when you Chuse he Should wait on you. I am Sir your Most Obedient Servant
John Whitehurst
 Addressed: To / Docr. Benjn: Franklin / Craven Street the Strand / London
Endorsed: J. Whitehurst   Clocks


Title: Complaints of William Hunter against William Hewson, [July? 1771]
From: Franklin, Benjamin,Hunter, William
To:

In the autumn of 1762 William Hewson, Polly Stevenson’s husband-to-be, entered into partnership with Dr. William Hunter, the famous anatomist, to give lectures and demonstrations to medical students. In 1769 Hunter finished building a new house in Great Windmill Street, where Hewson had a small apartment; the two now shared equally in the profits of the course. Hewson and Polly were married on July 10, 1770, and soon afterward moved into a house near Hunter’s. But in the spring of 1771 Hunter announced that the partnership would be dissolved the following winter because Hewson’s family responsibilities were preventing him from giving enough time to his work. Both men took their trouble to Franklin. He was well acquainted with Hunter and, through his long friendship with Polly, was involved in Hewson’s affairs. He made at least two memoranda of his discussions with Hunter, this one of the anatomist’s complaints against his young partner, and another of his stipulations for the remaining months of the partnership. The second Franklin dated. The first he did not, but internal evidence suggests that it preceded the stipulations by at least a few weeks; we are therefore assigning it to July.

[July?, 1771]
  Complaints

That he gave Leave to go to Blenheim once, but not repeatedly, not for an Absence of 10 Days from Business, which was the more inconvenient as Dr. H. was then indisposed with a Lax.
That Dr. H. has not only suffer’d this Loss of Mr. H’s Time and Assistance but by his Management has lost a Friend, Mr. B.
That Mr. H. would have used a Body of Dr. Hunter’s Purchasing to make a Skeleton, who it could not be expected should purchase Bodies for him for such purposes.
That he had employ’d a Man to pick Bones out of the Tubs and fit up a Skeleton for him, without Leave of Dr. H. which ought not to have been done till the Lectures were over.
That Mr. H’s Behaviour to Dr. H. was extreamly rude, and that he had said, he was a Fool to expect that Dr. H. would act like a Gentleman.
That for this Reason he Dr. H. must now come to a dead Stand, and insist on a specific and exact Compliance with the Articles; that Mr. H. should expect nothing from him for the future but what those intitled him to; that however this Resolution should have no retrospect. That he had endeavoured to serve Mr. H. who had turn’d that Endeavour to his Prejudice. He could therefore no longer be his Friend, tho’ he should not be his Enemy.
That he had taken a Guinea of two Dissecting Pupils who had not been attended for Dr. H. contrary to his express Declaration that he would have nothing.
That Mr. H. complain’d of being prevented giving half the Lectures. But Dr. H. knowing his Dislike to giving such as required much Speaking, had given those to favour Mr. H. That he had offered to leave it to the free Choice of the Pupils, which Mr. H. had declined. That he had refused to give one which Dr. H. had requested him to give. That Dr. H. should not have given so many, but that he had been inform’d the Pupils were not so well satisfied with Mr. H.’s Lecturing, at least on some Points.
Dr. H. began by saying I had got into an unpleasant Situation that of hearing the Complaints of two Persons who could not agree; that he was sorry to give me the Trouble of hearing his, but it was in some degree necessary as he suppos’d I heard the others. At the Conclusion I told him, I should think it no Trouble to hear their Complaints if I could be of the least Use in accommodating their Differences; but since that was not likely, I could only wish as I had a Regard for both, that they would go on to the End of their Term as quietly as possible, since that would be most to the Credit of both. That I had given and should give this Advice to Mr. H. which I hoped he would follow.
Some other Particulars of Complaint were mention’d, such as Mr. H’s calling the House his, and threatning to break into it. Proposing to make Preparations of two Fetus Heads which Dr. H. had already prepar’d.

The Lectures were of little importance now to Dr. H. But he had built a House for them, and must either continue them or lose the Expence, unless he let the House. I thought he was about to intimate, that if Mr. H. had behav’d well, he might have let it to him, but he did not go so far.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to James Read, [before 1 August 1771]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Read, James

[Before August 1, 1771]
The most friendly Advice I can give you, is, to begin paying the Debt immediately, tho’ in ever so small Sums. This will show an honest Disposition, and may in time compleat the whole. If you would stand fair in the Opinion of your Friends, and cannot pay the Principal, pay at least the Interest as it arises.