Title: To John Adams from John Trumbull, 20 March 1791
From: Trumbull, John
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Hartford March 20th. 1791:

I have just been reading the Philippic of Edmund Burke against the Revolution Society in London, & the National Assembly in France.  It has started a crowd of ideas in my mind, of whose propriety no one can so well judge as yourself.
This work presents itself in two points of view—as the declamation of the first of English Orators, & as the result of the collected wisdom of an old & experienced Statesman.
I acknowlege that in either view, I am disappointed in the performance.  As a Philippic, it undoubtedly contains many highly-laboured passages, expressed in forcible & pompous language, abounding in brilliant allusion, & full of satirical wit, indignation & contempt.  But where is the sublimity & pathos, tho’ often attempted, which can establish him as the rival of Cicero or Demosthenes?
He has written on the Sublime and Beautiful—he affects to be a sublime & beautiful Writer—but he mistakes the bent of his Genius.  His predominant talent is Wit—a sprightliness of allusion & brilliance of metaphor, well calculated to figure in the productions of a Swift or a Butler, but which loses its principal grace when tortured into sublimity, & obscured by the affected rotundity of pompous period.
Examine a sample.
“The anodyne draught of oblivion, thus drugged, is well calculated to preserve a galling wakefulness, & to feed the living ulcer of a corroding memory.  Thus to administer the opiate potion of amnesty, powdered with all the ingredients of scorn & contempt, is to hold to his lips, instead of the balm of hurt minds, the cup of human misery full to the brim, & to force him to drink it to the dregs.”
Is this Style? Is it sense? Is it English?—
But let us view him in the light of an able Politician.
He is undoubtedly right in asserting that France has at present no permanent Constitution, & that Government cannot long subsist in the National Assembly—He is right in his idea that the Revolution to this period has been the work of destruction, that it has annihilated the power & siezed the revenues of the King, the Clergy & the Nobility, that it has razed to the ground the Bastile of Despotism, & has not yet erected the fair Edifice of Constitutional & well balanced Government on its ruins.  He may be right in describing the loss of public Credit in France, & the instability of their Paper-assignats.  He is right in censuring many wild resolves of the National Assembly, many acts of unbounded licentiousness in the populace, & many needless indignities offered to the persons of their Sovereign & his Family.
Did it require the talents of a great Statesman to discover that in the French Revolution much was wrong & all was incomplete?
Can this calumniator of France, be the same Edmund Burke, who exhausted all his tropes in praise of America during her late contest with Britain? At the very period of his Panegyrics, would not our total want of a Constitutional Government, the weakness of our Confederation the depreciation of our currency, our public distresses, the wild ideas of licentious Liberty, & the unbridled insolence of our populace against the dignity of a Sovereign, happily indeed for himself, beyond the reach of personal insult, have afforded him themes, equally plausible & just, for contemptuous Philippic, & melancholy prognostication?  No—he then asserted that we had performed miracles—that we had tried Anarchy, & found it tolerable, & that Society was well regulated in America, by a Congress without power & a Government without resourceHe has since discovered that such miracles are incompatible with the climate of France!
But whence all his fury against Philosophers, who have asserted the rights of mankind, & his frequent ridicule of this enlightened age. On the subjects of Religion, of Government & of Humanity, is not this age more enlightened than the preceding? I grant that many of the Philosophers, whom he attacks were inaccurate in their ideas & wild in their Theories.  Awakened (to express myself in Burke’s manner) from the midnight darkness of Despotism, their eyes were dazzled by the orient light of Liberty, & instead of discerning objects in their native reality, their unaccustomed optics were pleasingly overstrained by a confused glare of visionary splendor.
But have they done no service to mankind, & was no innovation necessary to human happiness?
I am accustomed to view things on the brighter side, & am pleased with every bold effort of the mind, & every attempt to assert the rights and dignity of Man. Government, Morality & Religion are too august in themselves, too well supported by reason, & too necessary to the existence of rational Society, to be overthrown by the attacks even of Anarchy, Sophistry & Infidelity.  The world may perhaps reap eventual advantage from the labors of Philosophers, whose tenets in many particulars deserve abhorrence—from the prophane ridicule of Voltaire, the wild reveries of Rousseau, & the immoral sophistry of Hume.  Such Writers can never destroy the citadel of Government, but they will demolish the bulwarks of Tyranny—They cannot raze the Temple of Religion, but they will level the outworks of Superstition & enthusiasm.
But what must be the view of a Writer, who could overlook the merits of a Montesqieu, a Raynal, a Mably, & the long list of amiable assertors of the rights of mankind, & blend them with the factious & the infidel in one undistinguishing censure on Philosophers?
What was the situation of France before the Revolution—An unconnected groupe of Provinces, regulated by separate & contradictory Laws & Customs of Jurisprudence, & only held together as a Nation, by the undefined & despotic power of the Sovereign.  Her Religion, Bigotry in the lower ranks, Deism in the higher, & Intolerance in all.  Her King, a Despot in name—Her nobility infinitely too numerous for a Senate, & possessed of no legislative powers, & her Parliaments not even the shadow of an House of Representatives.  Her military force in the hands of the Crown, her Commerce degraded, her revenues collected by extortion, & a great part of her lands mortgaged to support the indolence of her Clergy, her Nuns & her Friars.
Amid the present diffusion of Science & with the example of British Freedom at her door, & American Independence among her Allies it was impossible She could have continued long in so mortifying a situation.  Though the only power of her Sovereign was Despotism, her Sovereign could be a Despot no longer. No spring was left of sufficient force to move the wheels of a Government at once so complicated & disjointed.  A Revolution, if not immediately necessary in Theory, must appear to every reflecting mind at least unavoidable in fact.
If this Sketch be justly drawn, what will become of all the eloquent periods of Burke’s declamation, in which he advises them to guard against innovations, & only endeavour to amend their antient Constitution.  What was their antient constitution, but an arbitrary & unlimited Monarchy?—From their early history he might indeed have revived some unacknowleged Clerical & Aristocratical claims—but he could not find a trace of Popular freedom.  His amendments to the Constitution of France must have been only made by adding some props & braces to the tottering pillar of Despotism.
If a thorough Reformation was necessary in France, were not most of the measures, which are the subjects of his censure equally necessary for the attainment of that end?  Was it not necessary to annihilate Arbitrary Power, that they might pave the way for a limited Monarchy? Was it not necessary to destroy the exorbitant claims of too numerous a Nobility before they could establish a well chosen & well regulated House of Lords?—Might it not be necessary to raise the representative Power, which never before existed, above its proper balance, that it might gain sufficient force & energy to hold its just rank in a permanent constitution?  Might it not be necessary to melt down the whole people into a general mass, previous to the new casting & organizing a well-balanced Government?  Can the Negative to these questions be proved true, & till proved, may we not check at least the severity of our censures?
Burke dwells principally on minutiæ—He catches the picture of the present moment, but seems not to possess the talent of retrospect & prospect which accompanies a great mind.
He indeed justly censures the capital error of the National Assembly—their ideas of pure Democracy; & their apparent ignorance of the necessity, the indispensible necessity, of the different orders in Government.  But he seems not to dwell on the subject as a matter of importance.  He throws it out as a vague sentiment arising in a mind aiming its artillery at more essential objects, at Parisian triumphs, proscriptive injustice, Dr. Price & the Revolution Society.
Whether the establishment of a well-balanced Government & a free Constitution in France will be effected, as in America, by the united wisdom of a National Convention, or whether it must be preceeded by the horrors of a Civil War, & finally be established in a Treaty of accommodation, Time alone can determine.  But I think we may venture to predict that France will never again be subjected to arbitrary Government & that She will at no very distant period reap an ample harvest from these seeds of Liberty already planted in her soil, but which a Burke could not discover among the broken furrows.
The advantages gained by France in the present revolution must be extensive & permanent—The errors of the National Assembly will be transitory in effect—and Posterity, speaking of them hereafter, may perhaps invert the sentiment of Shakespeare, & say—
“The good that they have done, lives after them,The evil lies interred with their bones.”
Thus Sir, I have in a very hasty manner given way to my feelings on the first perusal of Mr. Burke’s Pamphlet.  I pretend not to sufficient Information to enter into minuter disquisitions.
I will turn to a more agreeable subject.  The first Congress has now completed its sessions.  If they do not retire with a loud clamour of universal applause, they may receive sufficient consolation from the general happiness, which they have diffused over our Country.  In no nation, by no Legislature, was ever so much done in so short a period for the establishment of Government, Order, public Credit & general tranquillity. I only fear that the manifest increase of our circulating coin, together with the additional resources of Millions of Paper-Securities so rapidly appreciating, & the circulation of Bank-notes, may injure those general habits of Industry & Oeconomy, introduced by former years of Penury & Distress.  It will—unless drained off in more extensive and beneficial channels of Commerce.
All clamour concerning high wages & Salaries has now subsided—and the Judicious part of the community are becoming sensible that the compensations to Members of Congress, & to most of the Officers of Government are rather inadequate to their services & support.  As to Your Salary in particular, I find it universally agreed that it is too low—Had it not been for some political reasons, an attempt would have been made at the close of the last sessions to raise it about 3000 Dollars higher—This You probably know, & I have no doubt but this will be done at the next sessions.
From some strokes in your former letters, I fear that you resent too strongly the desertion of your Northern Friends on that occasion.  You may be assured that nothing personal was intended.  It was the result of a timid policy, & a cautious foresight of the clamour since actually raised on the subject of high compensations.  They sufficiently feel & regret the consequent diminution of respectability in your office—& are disposed to rectify their mistake.—You may ever depend on the firm attachment of the Northern States to your Person—but neither your sentiments, your spirit, your morals, or your manners can ever be highly popular among the licentious Lordlings, & noisy Democrats of the South, who, if it were possible to preserve a dignity & influence equal to their pride, would constantly aspire to become, not your Friends, but your Rivals.
I have the honor to be / with the greatest Respect, / Your most Obedt. Servt.
John Trumbull


Title: To John Adams from Samuel Huntington, 21 March 1791
From: Huntington, Samuel
To: Adams, John

Sir
Norwich March 21st: 1791

I am favoured with your letter of the 4th Instant inclosing a copy of Docr. Johnson’s resignation as a Senator, and shall communicate the Same to the legislature of this State at their approaching Session in May
With the most perfect / Respect, I have the / honour to be / Your Obedient / humble Servant
Saml. Huntington


Title: To John Adams from Samuel Allyne Otis, 24 March 1791
From: Otis, Samuel Allyne
To: Adams, John

Sir
March the 24th 1791

As there was a degree of heat not usual in Senate, when the question was taken on the second reading of the Cunsular bill sent from the House of Representatives for concurrence, I think it incumbent to submit the journal to your correction on that question, & on the two last acts of Senate in their Legislative capacity; relying that if they are not perfectly right, you will be so good as to put them so.
I have the honor to be / With esteem & respect / Your Excellencys / most Humble Sert

Sam. A. Otis


Title: To John Adams from Francis Dana, 27 March 1791
From: Dana, Francis
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Cambridge March 27th. 1791.

I have the satisfaction to inform you that I have at last receiv’d from the Secretary of the Treasury the money which Congress granted me for my expences for a private Secretary while at the Court of St: Petersbourg: and can now refund you the whole expence you have been put to on John’s account while with me there, as well as upon his return to Holland—In pursuance of your letter of the 4th. of Nov: 1784 (about a year after my return to America) in which you say “I shou’d be obliged to you if you will write me what I am in debt to you on account of my Son, and draw upon me for it, whatever it is, unless you can persuade Congress to allow it you.  They ought to allow you for a Clerk, and if they do, this expence may be saved me, and I am very little able or willing to bear it. Yet if it is not allowed you, I ought to bear it and will bear it, and still be obliged to you for your kind parental care of my boy” &c.  In pursuance of the foregoing letter, and agreing in opinion with you that Congress ought to allow me for a private Secretary, I drew upon you for the Cash only which I had advanced him at St: Petersbourg, and on his return to Holland. Informing you in my letter of the 14th. of June which enclosed a copy of my draft of the same date in favour of Jas: Allen for £ 357:16:9 sterlg: that “whatever Congress shou’d allow me for a private Secretary, to the amount of my Account of monies advanced your Son, I shou’d hold to your use”—In compliance with this proposition I am now ready to repay you that sum.
I had flattered myself that I shou’d have succeeded in obtaining a more liberal allowance from Congress than that of mere expences, for John’s benefit.  With this view I had inserted an article in my account first exhibited to the Treasury department; for a private Secretary for the whole time; but I was told Congress had not made any provision for private Secretaries, and that I cou’d be allowed only for my particular expences, and must state an account accordingly: Which I did, but added besides an article for his services during the time John was with me, still hoping something wou’d be allowed under that head.  The Treasury objected to passing  the account and said an application must be made to Congress as there were no resolutions authorising the Treasury to pass such an account.  Failing in both these attempts, I had recourse to a particular application to Congress, desiring that the account might accompany it.  They granted only the amount of the expences charged.  Nor have they ever allowed me my own travelling expences.  I have stated this matter so particularly to satisfy you that I did every thing in my power to obtain something for John personally.  Indeed, I believe, I shou’d have succeeded in part, had not his expences in returning to Holland run up so very high (all which were charged in the account & have been allowed) owing I presume to the great delays he met with in Sweden & Denmark thro’ the severity of the season.
I will now state the agreement we made in Holland, as it lays in my mind, that if it shou’d not exactly comport with your own understanding of it, that you will let me know it—As I must have gone with my servant only, if John had not accompanied me; which was thot by us improper if not unsafe, and that Congress wou’d certainly be willing to allow me any extra expence for a companion who might take possession of my public papers shou’d any accident happen to me on so long a rout: And as we both supposed from the literary fame of the Empress, that her capital abounded with good Academies, in which John might pursue his studies under my care, to equal advantage as in Leyden.  And you being desirous he shou’d improve so favourable an opportunity of travelling into Countries which he might otherwise never see, was so obliging us to intimate that if I shou’d wou’d take the charge of him, he shou’d go with me.  To which I most heartily agreed.  And also that you shou’d be put to no expence of his journey even tho’ Congress shou’d not allow me my travelling expences, or any thing for a private Secretary: but the expence of his instruction, cloathing, board & what pocket money I might think proper to allow him were to be reimbursed by you if I did not obtain a grant from Congress for a private Secretary, which I was to endeavour to do to save you from any expence.  I am happy to have succeeded so far; tho’ I have all along been troubled that I was under the necessity of drawing upon you (being engaged in building on my return home) by which means you have laid so long out of the money.
Mrs. Dada joins me in regards to your good Lady and yourself whose company we hear we are to be favoured with before long and for the summer.
I am dear Sir with the greatest respect / your much obliged friend & humble Servant

F M Dana


Title: From John Adams to Samuel Allyne Otis, 28 March 1791
From: Adams, John
To: Otis, Samuel Allyne

Dear Sir
Bush Hill March 28. 1791

I believe you may with propriety deliver to Mr Macpherson all his Papers except the Petition which was read in Senate, and a Copy of that if he desires it.
I am Sir, with great regard / your most obedient

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Samuel Allyne Otis, 28 March 1791
From: Otis, Samuel Allyne
To: Adams, John

Sir
Phila: March 28th 1791

I do myself the honor to enclose you a letter from Mr Lee, with his acct. for your approbation; it being agreeable to law—
The Report of the Secretary of the Treasury enclosed, in my opinion, should be brot. at large, on the journals of Senate; but I should be more satisfied with your approbation.
Mrs Otis and myself shall be happy to have you and the family to dine with us, on Saturday, but if engaged on that day, Will you be so good as to name a day to / your most humble Sert

Sam. A. Otis all be obliged for closed papers  inspected—


Title: From John Adams to John Trumbull, 31 March 1791
From: Adams, John
To: Trumbull, John

Dear Sir
Philadelphia March 31. 1791

The Secy. of the Treasury is so able and has done so well that I have Scarcely permitted myself to think very closely whether he could or could not have done better.  I may venture however to Say to you, that I have always been of your Opinion, that a System a little bolder would have been more Safe: and that it would have been better to have begun at once with a small direct Tax, a pretty liberal Stamp Tax, and an Excise, as well as an impost on Merchandise and Tonnage.
This day has brought me a masterly review of Burke, and I have been so well pleased with it as to use a freedom with it, which I hope you will excuse.  I think almost exactly with you of the French Revolution.  Absolute Monarchy appears to me to be dead, without a possibility of a resurrection in France.  A Counter Revolution is impracticable. Yet their present Constitution cannot be durable.  A Convention or a civil War, or both, must make some more judicious Provision, for repressing human Passions than has yet been adopted.  They must descend more deeply into the Abysses of the human heart and consider the Origin, Progress and Tendency of the Passions, and erect more permanent Barriers against them.
They will find the Judgment of Socrates, as infallible as an oracle, when he says to Clinias the Cretan and Magillus the Lacedemonian.  Veree, enim, O Viri optimi, Reipublicæ participes estis; quæ autem modo nominatæ Sunt, Aristocratia, Democratia et Monarchia, non Respublicæ, Sed Urbium habitationes quædam Sunt, in quibus pars una Servit alteri dominanti.  Platos Laws. Lib. 3. and in his 8th Book Nulla certe potestas hujus modi, Respublica est, sed Seditiones omnes appellari rectissime possunt. Nulla enim volentibus volens, sed volens nolentibus semper vi aliqua dominatur.  Human Passions domineer in each of the three simple Governments. To enquire which of them is the best is only to enquire which will produce most mischief, the Passions of one Man the Passions of the Majority of a Senate or the Passions of a Majority of the Multitude. To enquire whether a mixed Government is better than a Simple one, is to ask whether the Passions are as wise as just and as moderate as the Laws.  If these opinions are unerring oracles as I really believe them, a melancholly Consequence must be drawn from them, vizt that there has Scarcely ever been a Government upon Earth, but what was a sedition.  Some have been less gross than others however.
I thank you sir for you friendly Communications respecting myself.  It was News to me. I have said little concerning myself, and am determined to say still less.  To you however I will be so free in Confidence as to say, that as it has appeared to be the desire both of North and South to annihilate me and my Office, I have acquiesced, not indeed without some little Wonder at the Policy at least of the North.—If as you think, my Spirit, is not agreable to Some Gentlemen, I Shall not however humiliate much less debase that Spirit, in Complaisance to those Gentlemen.  If as you say my Morals are not agreable, I am at a Loss to know whether those morals are too good or too bad.  If they are too good I shall not make them worse, in Complaisance to those Gentlemen.  Heaven knows I with them better as much as any of them.  If as you suppose my manners are not agreable, I am at a Loss to guess in what particular.  Manners comprehend Curtesy, Civility, Hospitality and graceful Attitudes Gestures and Motions.  In point of Civility I have not been wanting: in Hospitality I have gone beyond not only all the Means that their Generosity has furnished, but beyond all the Income of my private fortune.  Instead therefore of reforming in this particular in their sense I am determined to alter according to my own sense and live more within my income. As to Elegance of Behaviour, without making any vain pretensions in this respect, I may boldly affirm that there is no southern Gentleman has right to reproach me, except the President, and he I know has no disposition to do it.
That there is or will be a Rival, I doubt not.  There is a French Intrigue at Work, to this Purpose as deep as it is wicked.  My Countrymen with all their Sagacity and with all their Vigilance, are not enough acquainted with the World, nor with the History of their own Revolution, to be upon their Guard against political Inventions, concealed with infinite Art urged with unwearied Dilligence, multiplied and varied with fruitful Ingenuity, and pursued with long perseverance.  Panegyricks upon Panegyricks come from Europe upon some Characters in order to lessen others; Politicks are carried on instead of Philosophy in learned and scientific Accademies Newspapers from Georgia to New Hampshire and Magazines &c are cooked & dressed.  The Populace are made the Dupes of their own feelings, Aristocrats are bloated with their own pride.  To me these Things are familiar.  I have been a suffering Witness and have a good Memory.  But my Misfortune is that no Man knows them all but myself.  But I will own to you, all that ever I have suffered, has never made so deep an Impression on me as to see New England duped more than all the rest: and made the blind Instrument of punishing the only Friends she ever had, for their Friendship to her.—I shall go on however as long as independent Spirit and Principles will support me. But the first moment these fail me, will be considered as a Revelation of the Will of Heaven to retire.
Yours
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Jefferson, 8 April 1791
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Adams, John

Apr. 8. 1791.

Th: Jefferson presents his respects to the Vice-president of the U. S. and has the honor to inclose him the copy of a letter from the President, just now received.


Title: To John Adams from Alexander Hamilton, 9 April 1791
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Adams, John

Sir
Treasury Department April 9th. 1791

I have just received a letter from Mr. Short which I wish to submit, in order to certain measures being taken upon it, to yourself and the heads of the executive departments, in pursuance of the President’s letter of the 4th. instant, which I take it for granted has been communicated to you by the Secretary of State.
I request therefore that you will please to name a time and place for the meeting; and that it may be as early as will be convenient to you after tomorrow.—
I have the honor to be / with the most respectful attachment, / Sir, / Your Obedient servant
Alexander Hamilton


Title: From John Adams to Alexander Hamilton, 9 April 1791
From: Adams, John
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Sir,
Philadelphia April 9: 1791.

I have received the Letter you did me the honor to write me this morning and as the Secretary of State accidentally fell in before I had opportunity to answer it, we agreed to propose a meeting at his House at two o’Clock on Monday next.  If that time and place are agreable to you, and the Secretary at War, they will be particularly so to me, who have the honor to be with great regard, Sir your most obedient and most humble Servt.

John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from Tench Coxe, 20 April 1791
From: Coxe, Tench
To: Adams, John

April 20th 1791—

Mr T. Coxe has the honor respectfully to enclose to the V. President of the United States a return of the licensed fishing vessels for one year, in which are included above 5000 Tons, which were not reported from the Custom houses, when the Registers abstract was furnished—


Title: From John Adams to Alexander Hamilton, 25 April 1791
From: Adams, John
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Dear Sir
Bush Hill April 25h. 1791

I do my self the honour to transmit to you my Accounts which remain unsettled, for the last two years and Eight months of my Administrations abroad in the service of the United States.  I have left a Blank for my Salary.  In my own opinion it is but Justice that it should be filled up with the sum of two thousand five hundred Pounds sterling a year, because this was the contract under which I accepted my Commission for the Peace in 1779 and that for their High Mightinesses in 1781 which last continued in force untill my Return home.  The Resolution of Congress which Stated the Salary of a Minister abroad at 9000 Dollars, could not reasonably be intended to operate upon Ministers and Commissioners which had been given and accepted upon different Conditions.  Such an Interpretation of it would make it amount to a Breach of public faith.  Moreover I have been well informed by Mr Gerry who proposed the alteration that the Reason of this Resolution was a Supposition that in that time of Peace the Expences of living in Europe were reduced.  This Motive was so far from being a just one, as applied to me, that I found the Expences of living in London about a quarter part dearer than I had ever known them in Paris or the Hague. This therefore was rather a Reason for raising my Salary to three thousand Pounds sterling a year, which I actually Spent than for reducing it to nine thousand Dollars.  I have been informed by Mr Barclay that Mr. Franklin charged and has been allowed, two thousand five hundred Pounds sterling a year till his Return, and as I am in the same Predicament with him, it is at least as just that it should be allowed to me. indeed it is more so because I certainly was obliged to spend more than that sum, and he undoubtedly spent less.
I have also requested an allowance for a private Secretary.  As the Business of my Mission to Holland as well as that to England lay upon me, in addition to my share in all the Negotiations with Prussia and the other Powers of Europe as well as the Barbary States, it may readily be conceived that I had a great deal of Business and Still more writing to do, as Copies of all such Correspondences must be preserved, and therefore I hope the Charge for a private Secretary will not be thought unreasonable.
An allowance is asked also for one Ministerial or Diplomatique Entertainment for each year.  This is done for two Reasons 1. because it is the Custom of the whole Corps Diplomatique. 2. because it seems to be a reasonable Custom and 3. because Mr Franklin has charged and been allowed for all Extraordinary Entertainments as I suppose, as he told me he had charged them or should charge them.
An outfit I have asked for, amounting to one years Salary. This will be but a very inadequate Compensation to me, for the extraordinary Expences I was put to by the Variety of services and multiplicity of Commissions, which were heaped upon me. My Case is Singular and distinguished from that of every other Gentleman who has ever been sent abroad in the service of the United States.  In 1779 Congress sent me abroad, with two Commissions one to negotiate a Peace, and another to his Britannick Majesty to make a Tr negotiate a Treaty of Commerce with that Power.  Under these Commissions I went to Paris and resided there which obliged me to take an House or Appartements ready furnished, and establish an Household and f Equipage and sett of servants there.  In 1780 Congress sent me a Commission to borrow Money in Holland to the amount of two thousand millions Dollars.  This obliged me to live in Holland.  in 1781 Congress sent me a Commission to treat with that Republick and a Letter of Credence to the states General.  This obliged me to hire an House and completely furnish it. because there was no such thing to be hired in Holland as Furniture, as might be done and was done by Mr Deane Mr Franklin, Mr Jay and Myself at Paris.  My Commission for the Peace obliged me to make Journeys to Versailles. My Commission for borrowing Money not only augmented my Expences, but gave me more trouble and occasioned more labour and perplexity than all the other services.  The frequent Removals from one Country to another, the continual Change of Servants and Liveries; the Wear and Tear of Baggage and Destruction of furniture; besides the perpetual plunder I was subjected to in my absence from my house in one Country, while attending my duty in another, have wasted and consumed my salary in such a manner that my family must be deprived of that reward for my Time, Trouble Risque and services, which all of Us were intituled to and which some may have been happy enough to secure  honestly to secure.  I say all of Us were intituled to it because that Congress on the 28. Sept. 1786 Resolved that their Ministers should live in such a stile and manner as they might find Suitable and necessary to support the Dignity of their public Character, and that besides their actual Expences a handsome Allowance be made to each of them as a Compensation for their time Trouble Risque and Services.
If the Articles I have submitted are allowed me difficult as it will be to justify myself to my Family, I shall be content. but if not, I must crave an Allowance of one half Per Cent, are and as Commissions on nine millions of Guildres, by me borrowed in holland for the United States.  When Congress allows four Per Cent to the Houses of Willinks and Vanstaphersts and their Undertakers upon all these Loans, which has already amounted to an handsome fortune to each House it would be extreamly hard and unreasonable to oblige me,  who had more trouble with every one of these Loans than those Houses had, nay who had more trouble with the first of them than they have had with the whole, not only to do this whole Business for nothing but live at my own Expence while I did it.  This must be my hard fate if nothing can be allowed me as Commissions nor for extraordinary services.  Larger Considerable sums were Spent by me, at times for secret services and other sums to no small amount were Advanced to Americans in Distress, some of them in Prison and others escaped: but as I have no Vouchers for these and I suppose Congress would not be willing to set a Precedent I make no Charge for them, Although they were Advanced out of my own Money Part of my salary.
Let me ask the favour of you sir to look over these Accounts and then present them to the Auditor.  That they may be Settled in Some Way or other, by the next sessions of Congress.
With great Esteem I have the honour / to be, Sir your most obedient and / most humble sert.

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from William Adams, 12 May 1791
From: Adams, William
To: Adams, John

Sir
Northumberland May 12th: 1791

Permit me the freedom of troubling you on the present occasion.—Informing your Excellency that I was an early Volunteer in the cause of Liberty &c—I had the Honor of being acquainted with you & Samuel Adams Esqr: in 1776 When you were both Members of Congress, and I was then Surgeon in the American Navy, which I have not a doubt through the Multiplicity of your business you may forget.—I continued uniformly the Stedfast Friend of my Country, & endeavored as an Individual, all in my power to effect the Grand Revolution, which was happily Perfected to the Honor of our common Cause, & the rights of Mankind.—In 1777 I was Commissioned cheif Surgeon to the Pensylvania Artilery, which Station I occupied untill by the fatigues, distresses, & casualties, of the war I was necessarily exposed to, was oblidged to retire from service in January 1781 being rendered incapable by a decay of health, & Doctor Cochran late Director of the American Army gave me a Certificate for half pay addressed to the Executive & Legislative Bodies of Pensylvania or either of them as a restitution for health, & property lost in the service of my Country, which Certificate I filed in Council, that in case of future Necessity by want of returning health, & when the Publick funds admited I might make application, from which season I did not make application, untill last February when I found by long experience that I had reason to believe my former health would never return, in consequence made application to Congress agreeable to their former Resolves for half pay by Petition and also Doctr: Cochran’s Certificate or a Copy thereof Attested by the Governor, and Secretary in my behalf for half pay, which was refered to the Secretary at War to report thereon.—I have not a doubt if Genl. Knox recollects He will report favorably thereon & I have wrote to him on the occasion—Therefore would now request of you Sir, As you have uniformly acted the Friend of your Country, as Senator, or Minister, to act the friendly part in Justice to those few that have suffered for their Country, & wants redress to alleviate in some measure their undeserved sufferings as they have suffered in the Grand cause of Mankind—Therefore would wish to apply to you as second Cheif Majistrate of the Union to assist me in the present case according to common Justice & Equity.  And if you should happen at any time during the Recess of Congress to be at Genl. Knox’s, if you would condescend to take the trouble you might see my Petition & Doctr. Cochrans Certificate in my favor, and if it appears to you eligible, might recommend to the Secretary at War in my favor—You will please to pardon my freedom in giving you this trouble, but I cant well refrain therefrom as I have no other Person to apply to for to redress my grievance, except it is the Gentleman who has proved himself his Countrys friend, and the Second Majistrate of our now happy rising Empire—I have the Honor to subscribe myself with every due sentiment of respect and esteem / Your Excellency’s / due Devoted &  / most Hble. Obedt: Servt.

Wm. Adams
P.S. I expect Thomas Proctor Esqr. Leiutt. of the City of Philadelpa. will deliver your Excellency this Letter—


Title: To John Adams from Tench Coxe, 25 May 1791
From: Coxe, Tench
To: Adams, John

Sir
Philadelphia May 25th. 1791

I have the honor to inform you that on a second application of your Steward, I this day paid a second Sum of one hundred Dollars—
A letter from the Supervisor of Virginia to a gentleman in this City mentions that the plan of the Bank does not appear to create any uneasiness there, and that he considers the excise or revenue law as likely to be popular on the South side of James River, where it was expected to give rise to a very animated opposition.
The Census of New Jersey was exhibited at this office a few days ago and amounts to 184,000 persons.  The frontier County, Sussex, is the second in population, & falls but a few hundred short of the oldest county in the State.
I have the honor to be with the highest respect, / Sir / your most obedient / and most humble Servant

Tench Coxe


Title: To John Adams from Henry Knox, 10 June 1791
From: Knox, Henry
To: Adams, John

My dear Sir
Philadelphia 10th of June 1791

I embrace the occasion of enclosing some letters, to thank you and Mrs Adams for the comfortable accommodation of your house at Bush Hill.  While the inhabitants of this City are panting for breath, like a hunted hare, we experience a in the Hall at Bush Hill a delightful and animating breeze
The paragraphs in the Connecticut and New York papers relative to your journey indicate envy and blackness of heart.  Who the Author of the articles is, I know not and it is quite immaterial.  But eminence must be taxed.
Perhaps the political heresies mentioned in the preface to the American edition of Paynes pamphlett; as coming from a more respectable quarter may occasion some uneasiness.  But the author has assured me that the note he wrote to the printer, never was intended for publication, but as a sort of apology for having detained the book which was a borrowed one, longer than the impatience of the printer would admit
But if the idea was aimed at your doctrines, it ought not to create a moments pain.  Conscious as you are, of the invariable pursuit of the public happiness, regulated by the sober standard of reason, it is not the desutory ebulition of this, or that mans mind that can divert you from your object. For while human nature shall continue its course according to its primary principles there will be a difference of judgement upon the same objects even among good men.
The President is expected to arrive here about the 23d or 25th instant But there is no information from him since the 16th of May  He has been perfectly received according to the abilities of the places through which he has passed
The indian Campaign must go forward.  We have marched and shall march by the latter end of this month 2,800 men. This force will be adequate with the addition of the troops already on the frontiers
Permit me to Congratulate you and Mrs Adams on the arrival of Colonel Smith.
I am my dear Sir / With the most respectful / Attachment Your obedient / Servant

H Knox


Title: From John Adams to Henry Knox, 19 June 1791
From: Adams, John
To: Knox, Henry

Dear Sir
Braintree June 19. 1791

I had yesterday the Pleasure of receiving your kind Letter of the 10th of this month, and am happy to find that you are pleased with your situation at Bush Hill.  I hope soon to hear of the Birth of a peaceable son of Mars, and that Mrs Knox is as well and in as good Spirits as you appear to be.
The Paragraphs in the New York Papers I know nothing of: The Lyes in the New Haven one I never heard of till Yesterday.  One Thing I believe: it was not Roger Sherman nor Dr Stiles who wrote them nor any Friend of theirs.
The Preface to Paines Nonsense has occasioned much Speculation.  It is thought rather early for Electioneering.  My head I thank God is not easily diverted from its Views nor my heart from its Resolutions; and therefore neither Paine nor his Godfather will much affect me: and I believe they will affect the Public as little.  It only grieves me that a Character who stood high is so much lowered in the public Esteem.
The cordial and glorious reception of the President in every part of his Tour, an omen for good to the People, and gives universal Pleasure, in this Part of the Country.
Although the Indian Campaign is an  yet the War I presume is a just and a necessary War, and therefore I rejoice that the Forces are so well collected and so far advanced.
The Arrival of Col Smith  happy Event for me and my Family and We all thank you sir, for your  Congratulations on it.
The Death of my learned and amiable Friend Dr Price has hurt me more than the little flickerings of Politicks.  Although his Zeal for Liberty was not always  to Knowledge, his heart was always upright and benevolent, and his Mind was open  Conviction
Three of my Family brought with them the Fever and Ague, but are better.  I hope to see you in October by which time I hope our mutual Friend will get the better of his frenchified delirium: meantime I am with great regard / your Friend and humble Servant

John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from Tench Coxe, 30 June 1791
From: Coxe, Tench
To: Adams, John

Sir
Philadelphia June 30.1791.

I have the honor to enclose you a continued bill of the Treasurer’s set of exchange, No. 1351, for five hundred dollars in your favour bearing date the 4th day of May 1791 and drawn on Benjamin Lincoln Eq. Collector of Boston.  I beg leave respectfully to observe, that the Secretary of the Treasury relies upon your readiness to indemnify the United States for any injury that might arise to them from the other bill, although he does not perceive how any disadvantage can possibly occur since you are certain it was not endorsed, and your son has prudently notified the Collector of Boston.
I lately transmitted under cover to you the 5th. Number of the paper, of the four first of which I have taken the liberty to request your perusal.
There appears already a certainty that the whole stock of the Bank of the United States will be subscribed as fast as the operation can be performed by the individuals, and there are reasons to believe that an animated exertion to avoid being shut out will take place.
The french duty on oil, in the passage of the bill through the Assembly, has been reduced to six livres per 100lb French equal to 108lb Avoirdupois.  I have not made a calculation, but it is said now to be more favorable than the footing on which it stood in 1790.  Our ships can no longer, on purchase by the citizens of France, be made free French bottoms.  The Tobacco business yet retains its original form, but as it was a precipitate and not an orderly proceeding, and a very unfit object for a convention representing the whole body of the nation, I hope it will not stand.
With the highest respect, I have the honor to be, /  Sir /  Your most obedt. /  & most humble servt.

Tench Coxe


Title: From John Adams to Tench Coxe, 14 July 1791
From: Adams, John
To: Coxe, Tench

Dear Sir
Braintree July 14. 1791

I have received your favour of the thirtieth of June, with a continued Bill of the Treasurers Set of exchange No. 1351 for five hundred Dollars in my favour bearing date the 4th. day of May 1791 and drawn on Benjamin Lincoln Esq Collector of Boston, and I thank you for the trouble you have taken in this Affair.—I shall certainly hold myself bound to indemnify the United States for any Injury that may arise to them from the other Bill, although I cannot perceive how any disadvantage can possibly occur, as it certainly was not indorsed by me, and the Collector has been notified of the accident.
Accept of my best thanks for the fifth Number of an Answer to Lord Sheffield, which is as well written and as important as the former.
I inclose as you desired in one of your last Letters, your Receipt of the 30th. of April and am very much obliged by your friendly Offices in this Affair. Brislers Receipt to you for 500 dollars paid him, I received inclosed in your Letter.
Permit me to congratulate, the Secretary of the Treasury on the Success and Glory of his Bank; and him and you on the general Prosperity of our beloved Country. It is rather a fortunate Circumstance for the Public that the Ray of the restless and ambitious should by being directed at me, be drawn off from the Treasurer and his most important Operations.
With great and Sincere Esteem I have the / Honour to be, dear Sir, your most obedient / and humble servant.

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Jefferson, 17 July 1791
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Philadelphia July 17. 1791.

I have a dozen times taken up my pen to write to you & as often laid it down again, suspended between opposing considerations.  I determine however to write from a conviction that truth, between candid minds can never do harm.  the first of Paine’s pamphlets on the Rights of man, which came to hand here, belonged to mr Beckley.  he lent it to mr Madison who lent it to me; and while I was reading it mr Beckley called on me for it, &, as I had not finished it, he desired me, as soon as I should have done so, to send it to mr Jonathan B. Smith, whose brother meant to reprint it.  I finished reading it, and, as I had no acquaintance with mr Jonathan B. Smith, propriety required that I should explain to him why I, a stranger to him, sent him the pamphlet.  I accordingly wrote a note of compliment informing him that I did it at the desire of mr Beckley, &, to take off a little of the dryness of the note, I added that I was glad it was to be reprinted here & that something was to be publicly said against the political heresies which had sprung up among us &c.  I thought so little of this note that I did not even keep a copy of it: nor ever heard a tittle more of it till, the week following, I was thunderstruck with seeing it come out at the head of the pamphlet.  I hoped however it would not attract notice.  but I found on my return from a journey of a month that a writer came forward under the signature of Publicola, attacking not only the author & principles of the pamphlet, but myself as it’s sponsor, by name.  soon after came hosts of other writers defending the pamphlet and attacking you by name as the writer of Publicola.  Thus were our names thrown on the public stage as public antagonists.  that you & I differ in our ideas of the best form of government is well known to us both: but we have differed as friends should do, respecting the purity of each other’s motives, & confining our difference of opinion to private conversation. and I can declare with truth in the presence of the almighty that nothing was further from my intention or expectation than to have had either my own or your name brought before the public on this occasion.  the friendship & confidence which has so long existed between us required this explanation from me, & I know you too well to fear any misconstruction of the motives of it.  some people here who would wish me to be, or to be thought, guilty of improprieties, have suggested that I was Agricola, that I was Brutus &c. &c. I never did in my life, either by myself or by any other, have a sentence of mine inserted in a newspaper without putting my name to it; & I believe I never shall.
While the empress is refusing peace under a mediation unless Oczakow and it’s territory be ceded to her, she is offering peace on the perfect statu quo to the Porte, if they will conclude it without a mediation.  France has struck a severe blow at our navigation by a difference of duty on tobo. carried in our & their ships, & by taking from foreign built ships the capability of naturalization.  she has placed our whale oil on rather a better footing than ever by consolidating the duties into a single one of 6 livres.  they amounted before to some sous over that sum.  I am told (I know not how truly) that England has prohibited our spermaceti oil altogether, and will prohibit our wheat till the price there is 52/ the quarter, which it almost never is. we expect hourly to hear the true event of Genl. Scott’s expedition.  reports give favorable hopes of it. be so good as to present my respectful compliments to mrs Adams & to accept assurances of the sentiments of sincere esteem & respect with which I am Dear Sir / your friend & servant

Th: Jefferson


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Jefferson, 29 July 1791
From: Adams, John
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir
Braintree July 29. 1791

Yesterday, at Boston, I received your friendly Letter of July 17th. with great pleasure. I give full credit to your relation of the manner, in which your note was written and prefixed to the Philadelphia edition of Mr Paines pamphlet on the rights of Man: but the misconduct of the person, who committed this breach of your confidence, by making it publick, whatever were his intentions, has sown the seeds of more evils, than he can ever attone for.  The Pamphlet, with your name, to so striking a recommendation of it, was not only industriously propagated in New York and Boston; but, that the recommendation might be known to every one, was reprinted with great care in the Newspapers, and was generally considered as a direct and open personal attack upon me, by countenancing the false interpretation of my Writings as favouring the Introduction of hereditary Monarchy and Aristocracy into this Country.  The Question every where was What Heresies are intended by the Secretary of State? The Answer in the Newspapers was, The Vice Presidents notions of a limited Monarchy, an hereditary Government of King and Lords, with only elective commons.  Emboldened by these murmurs soon after appeared the Paragraphs of an unprincipled Libeller in the New Haven Gazette, carefully reprinted in the Papers of New York, Boston and Philadelphia, holding up the Vice President to the ridicule of the World, for his meanness, and to their detestation for wishing to Subjugate the People to a few Nobles. These were Soon followed by a formal Speech of the Lieutenant Governor of Massachusetts very Solemnly holding up the Idea of hereditary Powers and cautioning the Publick against them, as if they were at that moment in the most imminent danger of them.  These Things were all accompanied with the most marked neglect both of the Governor and Lieutenant Governor of this State towards me; and alltogether opperated as an Hue and Cry to all my Ennemies and Rivals, to the old constitutional faction of Pensilvania in concert with the late Insurgents of Massachusetts, both of whom consider my Writings as the Cause of their overthrow, to hunt me down like a hare, if they could.—In this State of Things, Publicola, who, I suppose thought that Mr Paines Pamphlet was made Use of as an Instrument to destroy a Man, for whom he had a regard, whom he thought innocent and in the present moment of some importance to the Publick, came forward.
You declare very explicitly that you never did, by yourself or by any other, have a Sentence of yours, inserted in a Newspaper, without your name to it.  And I, with equal frankness declare that I never did, either by myself or by any other, have a Sentence of mine inserted in any Newspaper since I left Philadelphia.  I neither wrote nor corrected Publicola.  The Writer in the Composition of his Pieces followed his own Judgment, Information and discretions, without any assistance from me.
You observe “That you and I differ in our Ideas of the best the form of Government is well known to Us both.”  But, my dear Sir, you will give me leave to say, that I do not know this.  I know not what your Idea is of the best form of Government.  You and I have never had a Serious conversation together that I can recollect concerning the nature of Government. The very transient hints that have ever passed between Us, have been jocular and Superficial, without ever coming to any explanation.  If You suppose that I have or ever had a design or desire, of attempting to introduce a Government of King, Lords and Commons in other Words an hereditary Executive or an hereditary Senate, either into the Government of the United States, or that of any Individual State, in this Charge you are wholly mistaken.  There is not Such a Thought expressed or intimated in any public writing or private Letter of mine, and I may Safely challenge all Mankind to produce such a passage and quote the Chapter and Verse.  If you have ever put such a Construction on any Thing of mine, I beg you would mention it to me, and I will undertake to convince you, that it has no such meaning.  Upon this occasion I will venture to say that my unpolished Writings, although they have been read by a sufficient Number of Persons to have assisted in crushing the Insurrection of the Massachusetts, the formation of the new Constitutions of Pensilvania, Georgia and South Carolina and in procuring the Assent of all the States to the new national Constitution, Yet they have not been read by great Numbers.  Of the few who have taken the pains to read them, Some have misunderstood them and others have willfully misrepresented them, and these misunderstandings and misrepresentations have been made the pretence for overwhelming me with floods and whirlwinds of tempestuous abuse, unexampled in the History of this Country.
It is thought by Some, that Mr Hancock’s friends are preparing the Way by my destruction for his Election to the Place of Vice President, and that of Mr Saml. Adams to be Governor of this Commonwealth, and then the Stone House Faction will be sure of all the Loaves and Fishes, in the national Government and the State Government as they hope.  The Opposers of the present Constitution of Pensilvania, the Promoters of Shases Rebellion and County Resolves, and many of the Detesters of the present national Government, will undoubtedly aid them. Many People think too that no small Share of a foreign Influence, in revenge for certain untractable conduct at the Treaty of Peace, is and will be intermingled.  The Janizaries of this goodly Combination, among whom are three or four, who hesitate at no falshood, have written all the Impudence and Impertinence, which have appeared in the Boston Papers upon this memorable Occasion.
I must own to you that the daring Traits of Ambition and Intrigue, and those unbridled Rivalries which have already appeared, are the most melancholly and alarming Symptoms that I have ever seen in this Country: and if they are to be encouraged to proceed in their Course, the Sooner I am relieved from the Competition the happier I Shall be.
I thank you, Sir very Sincerely for writing to me upon this occasion.  It was high time that you and I should come to an explanation with each other.  The friendship which has Subsisted for fifteen years between Us, without the Smallest Interruption, and untill this occasion without the Slightest Slightest Suspicion, ever has been and Still is, very dear to my heart.  There is no office which I would not resign, rather than give a just occasion for one friend to forsake me.  Your motives for writing to me, I have not a doubt were the most pure and the most friendly and I have no suspicion that you will not receive this explanation from me in the same candid Light.
I thank You Sir for the foreign Intelligence and beg leave to present You with the friendly compliments of Mrs. Adams, as well as the repeated Assurances of the friendship, Esteem and respect of / Dear Sir / Your most obedient / and most humble servant
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to John Lathrop, 1 August 1791
From: Adams, John
To: Lathrop, John

Reverend Sir
Braintree August 1. 1791

With this, you will receive a Box of Books containing the Byzantine History in 28. Vols. and Muratori’s Collection in 29, which I pray you to present to the American Accademy of Arts and Sciences, and place in their Library, in behalf of / Sir your most obedient / and most humble Servant

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Joseph Brown, Jr., 6 August 1791
From: Brown, Joseph, Jr.
To: Adams, John

Charleston So. Carolina Augt. 6. 1791

The Recollection Sir of having had the honor of your Acquaintance, and of having receivd politeness and Attention from you in a foreign Country, emboldens me to address you upon a subject, which doubtless from your exalted Station you must be frequently importund with, that is to request your influence y with the President in my behalf to obtain the office of Collector of the port of Charleston in this State which is now become vacant by the death of the late Collector
Not Sir, that I wou’d presume the civilities alone which I receivd from you in France wou’d intitle me to take this liberty, but from your zeal and attachment to the American Revolution you would wish to Relieve such as have been sufferers by it.  One among numbers in this State I am, and as I have reason to believe that many other applications will be made for that Office Referrence will be had to my countrymen Representatives in Congress, who probably have each their friend to serve,  it is the weight of your interest therefore—which I solicit Sir, and if not thought unworthy, it will be receivd with the utmost gratitude—May America continue to reward you & your posterity with those Honors which you are so justly & meritoriously intitled to is the sincere wish of / Sir, / Yr Most Obedient Hble: Servt

Joseph Brown


Title: To John Adams from William Goforth, 11 August 1791
From: Goforth, William
To: Adams, John

May it please your Honour
Columbia in Hamilton County 11th. August 1791.

I would beg your attention for a few minutes while I lay before you the greivances of a number of remote, industrious; but unfortunate Citizens, who have formd a settlement near the confluence of the Little Miami & the Ohio Rivers, which I shall attempt by an induction of a number of particulars.  The Honourable John Cleves Symmes in a pamphlet Signd of Trenton the 26th day of November 1787. published to the world that the Honourable the Congress by their Act the 2nd. of October 1787. Authorized the commissioners of the treasury-board, to enter into a contract with him for a tract of Land which is afterwards described in said pamphlet as follows, viz. begining at the mouth of the great Miami River, thence up the ohio, to the mouth of the Little Miami River, thence up the same, to a place, where a due Westline, to be continued from the Western termenation of the Northern boundary line of the grant to Serjeant Cutler and company, shall intersect the Little miami River, thence due West, continueing the said Western line, to a place, where the said line shall intersect the main branch or stream of the great Miami River, thence down the great Miami River to the place of begining.  In consequence of the aforesaid publication a great number of Citizens became adventurers in the lands therein described.  after Mr. Symmes had sold a considerable quantity of these lands.  a report was made to Congress by their Geographer general, that the aforesaid boundaries contained eighteen hundred thousand acres (which before had been supposed to contain only one million of acres) and Mr. Symmes apprehending he could not make his stipulated payments for so large a quantity, and finding it necessary for him to be on his lands, deposited with the Honourable general Knox, a sum in certificates sufficient to make his first payment for a million of acres, and appointed agents and instructed them to enter into a contract denova with the commissioners of the Treasury-board for a million of Acres, and set out for the Western Territory.  at Limestone in Kentucke he met with Mr. Benjamin Stites, who had bought of and paid him for a considerable quantity of the aforesaid land while they were in Jersey (and who knew nothing of a second contract) ten thousand acres of which lay a little below the Junction of the Little Miami and Ohio Rivers.  Mr Stites after consulting with Mr. Symmes, by his approbation went down the Ohio with twentyseven men and a boy and landed a little below the Little Miami River, the 18th. day of November 1788. and after erecting four Blockhouses, proceeded to lay out a Town which is now known by the name of Columbia, and sold the greater part of his lands in said town, and those contiguous thereto, and some of these lands have been since sold and resold several times and undergone very considerable improvements, and it seems to be the general opinion that we have this Season fifteen hundred acres of Indian corn in the ground. on the 2d. day of Feb. 1789 Mr. Symmes arrived with a party of regular troops (under the command of Leiutenant Cursey) and formd a Settlement near the mouth of the great Miami River, now known by the name of Northbend.  On the 13th. of March 1789. I arrived at Columbia haveing purchased land of Mr. Stites prior to his leaveing Jersey.  after some time had elapsed and considerable improvements had been made a report reached us that Mr. Symmes had appointed agents and instructed them to enter into a new contract with the commissioners of the treasury-board and that they had effected it, and that the lands which had been bought of Mr. Symmes, and paid for by the inhabitants of Columbia, and Cincinati (a Town about six miles below Columbia) were left out of the contract, after a considerable time this report was confirmd by the arrival of Captain Israel Ludlow who had official orders to run Mr. Symmes line, and on the 19th. of July 1791. his Excellency Governor St Clair Issued his proclamation informing the inhabitants of Columbia and Cincinati, that the lands on which they lived had not been Aliend to anyone and that they were intruders, and at the same time that Mr. Symmes line ran as follows.  viz. beginning at a Stake on the Ohio River, a little below Cincinati, near Mill Crick (a about Seven miles below the mouth of the Little Miami River) and runing from thence twenty miles down the Ohio the several courses thereof to the mouth of the great Miami River, thence up the great Miami River the several courses thereof, till it comes to a place, from whence a line drawn due East will intersect a line drawn from the aforesaid Stake, runing parallel with the main course of the great Miami River so as to include one Million of Acres.  in this proclamation his Excellency prohibitted the inhabitants from extending the Settlements they had made, and from making new ones, till the pleasure of congress could be known and informd the Citizens that they were liable to be burnd of, and to have their habitations destroyed, and that the reason why they were not treated in that manner was oweing to the circumstance that we had been made to believe, the proprietors of the Miami purchase had a write to the land, and to give us time to lay our case before Congress, since which a petition has been forwarded to that Honourable Body.  from the above statement of facts your Honour will see the dilemma into which we are innocently and accidentally drawn.  you may rely upon it the people in general, at least so far as I am acquainted with them, are an honest set of industrious men, who would despise the Idea of a Tortuous possession and who came on these lands for which they have paid or agreed to pay, and men who viewd themselves settling in these remote parts of the Union, under the wing of Government on the most clear and legal principles.  if we are not put in the possession of the improvements we have made, we are undone, numbers of us have quite or nearly been ruind by the late war—and the assertions we have made to clear these lands may with propriety be compared to the last flash of an expiring Taper. It particularly apply’s to myself, I make bold to say my exertions in favour of my country were early and decided, and altho I never was rich; yet I had such a property as would greatly contribute to my comfort in the later stages of life, which was nearly destroyd by the war, my property was in a considerable degree absorbed in houses in the city of Newyork, at my return I received little or no rent, my property was greatly impaired, and myself nearly a bankrupt, my creditors have given me seven years to pay my debts, the accomplishment of which I have greatly at heart, and with a particular view to that end have come into these remote and uncultivated Regions, with a view to possess myself of lands, which by improvement and a general rise might facilitate my purpose.  I have an aged mother and an armful of children which I cant but wish to take some care of, my constitution tho good is the worse for age being on the wrong side of sixty, and what little property I brought with me is expended in improvements, and if these improvements are wrested from me, I can improve no more, I well know your honours time ought not to taken up with the misfortunes of an Individual, and indeed I should not have presumed to enter into a detail of mine did I not suppose they were in a considerable degree applicable to a number of my fellow adventurers: However our misery or well being depends on the movements of Government, the lands in question are yet the property of the publick, and it lays with our gardians to determine whether the Fee shall pass to us immediately from the officers of Government or through such medium as by them may be thought best; or whither any other person or persons shall be inricht by our labour.  should the fathers of our country take our particular case into consideration wishing to give us releif, they would doubtless be anxious to fall on ways and means the best calculated to accomplish, that end, and altho I would not attempt to say anything shall be done for our releif: or if done in what way and manner it shall be done; yet if your honour will be so indulgeing as to share a moment or two more, I will attempt to draw a line or two that would alleviate our misfortunes, and one which would effectually remove the Malady. as these lands are with the other publick lands for sale, should it be determind to give the preemption of a section (which is 640 acres, being a mile square and the common lots sold by Mr. Symmes) to each of the first settlers, to have choice according to priority of their haveing settled in the country, this would be Justice and benevolence on the part of Government; but would leave the greater number of those who have been the most industrious and made the most improvements under great difficulties, because a few who might have the first choice and so on to the fifth and sixth choice would take in all the improvements and be inricht at the expence of the labour and toil of the others, unless it were ordaind that in addition to the aforesaid Section each one should have the lands he had absolutely improved and fenced prior to the Governors proclamation, paying to the officer of Government in proportion to quantity. Secondly were it ordaind that every man should have deeded from the office all the lands he bought and paid Mr. Symmes for.  he paying into the office at a given time for the same, and giving bonds into the office to deed to all those to whom he had sold at the then Stipulated price, and if the first purchaser is not to be found in the purchase or will not act up to the aforesaid Idea then the officer of Government to make out the deeds to the several persons concernd, they paying into the office for the lands and deeds.  on this principle deeds would go down in proper gradation and every mans improvements would be secured.  but I must in candor say it is my opinion the most eligible way would be, to grant the lands to Mr. Symmes, he giveing bonds to Government to deed immediately to all those that had bought of and paid him for lands laying in said tract, at the then stipulated price, on this principle every man would secure his improvements, he would have the lands he had before made choice of, at his agreed price, and the lands would be paid for.  I should the more especially prefer this last principle of the grant being made to Mr. Symmes, as he has made his payment for a million of acres, and the last described boundaries does not, nor do I conceive it can possibly contain a Million of Acres.  Mr. Symmes has twenty miles on the ohio, runing the several courses thereof, which is allowd to give a straight line of fifteen miles, and as the line from the Stake near mill Crick is to run parallel with the main course of the great Miami River,. and as the two Miami Rivers at the Seventh Range of Townships is but Eight and a half miles apart, consequently the said line will cross the little Miami and take in six and a half miles of the lands the Fee of which has already passt to the officers and troops of the Virginia line.  at first view Mr. Symmes haveing sold and received pay for the lands yet belonging to the United States, has the appearance of a high presumption; but if the Idea be admitted, that in the first Instance he bought all the lands fronting on the ohio between the two Miami Rivers, and that the present difficulties would never have arose had it not been for the unfortunate mistake of the Geographer general, and that when he instructed his agents to make a second contract he took it for granted that they would secure to him all the said lands laying on the Ohio between the two Miami Rivers; it will undoubtedly gard him from any Suspicions of intentional fraud, and to me it is highly probable that the reason why he continued to sell those lands, and encourage the Citizens to improve was that as he then knew by the surveys already made that his quantum could not possibly be within the given Boundaries and therefore concluded that the deficiency would be made up with those contiguous lands.  but in whatever point of view Mr. Symmes conduct may stand, I flatter myself the unfortunate Citizens of Columbia and Cincinati, who have founded two towns which were it not for the aforesaid difficulties, bid fair to be the most flourishing of any in the Territory, in the very heart of the Indians best hunting ground, with great labour and toil, and in continual peril of the Savages (I believe the loss sustaind in horses only to the vicinity of Columbia has not been less than two thousand pound.  Some of them have been killd and scalped and others carried into Captivity. and altho the commanding officer of the regular troops has with a watchfull eye done everything to cover the inhabitants that could be expected from a brave and vigilant general yet the smallness of the number of his troops after the last falls campain frequently oblidged him to call out a part of the malitia of our infant settlements in defence of Dunlops and Cavaults Stations, on which occasion they have served against the common enemy without being any expence to Government by the way of pay, and when I again repeat that we boght our lands and paid for them: or agreed to pay for them and supposed ourselves to have taken possession on the most legal principles I flatter myself it will secure to us the kind offices of the Vice President. I am sure our cause is a Just one and on the solid principles of Justice and Whigism I earnestly ask it.
I have endeavour’d to hand your honour a true state of facts and if in any Instance I have made a mistake I flatter myself your candor will deem it such.
I have to beg your pardon for being so tedious you see it is of great consequence to the family of a poor old neglected Whig, as also to a great number of others.
I wish your Honour to believe me to be as in reality I am with every /species of respect your Honours most obedient humble Servant.
William Goforth


Title: From John Adams to Tench Coxe, 20 August 1791
From: Adams, John
To: Coxe, Tench

Sir
Braintree August 20. 1791

I have determined in all Events to remove my family into Philadelphia from Bush hill, on Account of the many Inconveniences We experienced last year in passing and repassing.
I write this to beg the favour of you to give my Steward John Brisler, your Advice and Assistance in procuring a house in Town.  As the time is short, I expect to be obliged to some disadvantage. But any house and any rent is better than what we suffered last year.  Your kindness so often experienced has brought upon you this new request from Sir your most obedient and / humble servant

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Tench Coxe, 27 August 1791
From: Coxe, Tench
To: Adams, John

Sir
Philada. Augt. 27. 1791

I am honored this day with your letter enclosing one for Mr. W. Hamilton, and one for your Steward, both of which I have put into the way of being delivered to them.  It will give me very great & sincere pleasure to be instrumental to the accommodation of Mrs. Adams & yourself, for which purpose I shall take all the pains in my power to procure a house, that will be suitable. Rents are much advanced, at least for good houses, by the demand for the French & Spanish diplomatic Gentlemen, the expectation of those from Britain, Portugal &c, the Bank, & some of the now Directors who will come from the other States.
I some time since did myself the honor to cover to you the last Number of the enumeration of Lord Sheffield.
By this days mail I recd. a very lengthy letter from one of our Countrymen in England in which he furnishes me with the substance of a report from a Comme. of the privy Council relative to the American Commerce. It is a very poor state paper as to the information & reasoning it contains, and winds up with a sufferance of the present state of things.  The West India Trade & that to their Northern Colonies are stated as objects on which the British Government ought to refuse even to treat—
With my most respectful Compliments to Mrs. Adams I have the honor to be with the highest respect, Sir /  your most obedt. /  & most humble servant

Tench Coxe


Title: To John Adams from Henry Knox, 28 August 1791
From: Knox, Henry
To: Adams, John

My dear Sir
Bush Hill 28.August.1791

I am sorry to inform you that Your faithful Steward Braidsly has been and still is very sick with an intermitting fever.  This is not the worse of it for both his children have the same disorder and his wife has indications of the same nature.  We shall with great pleasure afford them every aid which they may require.
I have been confined for some time past with the same vile disorder, as have several of my servants—But I hope I am surmounting the fever, and experience only the debilitory effects.
Mr. Braidsly has received Mrs. Adams’s letter, and would indeed rejoice to  aready and adure compliance to her commands—I hope however in a week or ten days that he will be about again.
We experience all the gratitude to you and Mrs. Adams for your kindness in suffering us to occupy your house during your absence.  but we have staid rather too long.  We expect however to move into Town in the course of the present week
Mrs. Knox some time ago wrote to Mrs. Adams what is enclosed, but what by some unaccountable mistake has been mislaid until now under the idea of its having been forwarded
I am my dear Sir /  with the most respectful /  and affectionate attachment /  your sincere and most /  humble Servant

H Knox


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Jefferson, 30 August 1791
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Adams, John

My dear Sir
Philadelphia Aug. 30. 1791.

I received some time ago your favor of July 29. and was happy to find that you saw in it’s true point of view the way in which I had been drawn into the scene which must have been so disagreeable to you.  the importance which you still seem to allow to my note, & the effect you suppose it to have had tho unintentional in me, induce me to shew you that it really had no effect.  Paine’s pamphlet, with my note, was published here about the 2d. week in May.  not a word ever appeared in the public papers here on the subject for more than a month; and I am certain not a word on the subject would ever have been said had not a writer, under the name of Publicola, at length undertaken to attack mr Paine’s principles, which were the principles of the citizens of the U. S. instantly a host of writers attacked Publicola in support of those principles.  he had thought proper to misconstrue a figurative expression in my note; & these writers so far noticed me as to place the expression in it’s true light.  but this was only an incidental skirmish preliminary to the general engagement, & they would not have thought me worth naming, had not he thought proper to bring me on the scene.  his antagonists, very criminally in my opinion presumed you to be Publicola, and on that presumption hazarded a personal attack on you. no person saw with more uneasiness than I did, this unjustifiable assault, and the more so, when I saw it continued after the printer had declared you were not the author.  but you will perceive from all this, my dear Sir, that my note contributed nothing to the production of these disagreeable peices.  as long as Paine’s pamphlet stood on it’s own feet, & on my note, it was unnoticed.  as soon as Publicola attacked Paine, swarms appeared in his defence.  to Publicola then & not in the least degree to my note, this whole contest is to be ascribed & all it’s consequences.
You speak of the execrable paragraph in the Connecticut paper.  this it is true appeared before Publicola. but it had no more relation to Paine’s pamphlet & my note, than to the Alcoran.  I am satisfied the writer of it had never seen either; for when I past through Connecticut about the middle of June, not a copy had ever been seen by any body, either in Harford or New Haven, nor probably in that whole state: and that paragraph was so notoriously the reverse of the disinterestedness of character which you are known to possess by every body who knows your name, that I never heard a person speak of the paragraph but with an indignation in your behalf, which did you entire justice.  this paragraph then certainly did not flow from my note, any more than the publications which Publicola produced.  indeed it was impossible that my note should occasion your name to be brought into question; for so far from naming you, I had not even in view any writing which I might suppose to be yours, & the opinions I alluded to were principally those I had heard in common conversation from a sect aiming at the subversion of the present government to bring in their favorite form of a king, lords, & commons.
Thus I hope, my dear Sir, that you will see me to have been as innocent in effect as I was in intention. I was brought before the public without my own consent, & from the first moment of seeing the effort of the real aggressor in this business to keep me before the public, I determined that nothing should induce me to put pen to paper in the controversy.  the business is now over, & I hope it’s effects are over, and that our friendship will never be suffered to be committed, whatever use others may think proper to make of our names.
The event of the King’s flight from Paris & his recapture will have struck you with it’s importance.  it appears I think that the nation is firm within, and it only remains to see whether there will be any movement from without.  I confess I have not changed my confidence in the favourable issue of that revolution, because it has always rested on my own ocular evidence of the unanimity of the nation, & wisdom of the Patriotic party in the national assembly.  the last advices render it probable that the emperor will recommence hostilities against the Porte. it remains to see whether England & Prussia will take a part. present me to mrs Adams with all the affections I feel for her and be assured of those devoted to yourself by, my dear Sir, your sincere friend & sert.

Th: Jefferson


Title: To John Adams from Henry Knox, 4 September 1791
From: Knox, Henry
To: Adams, John

My dear sir
Bush Hill 4th Septr 1791

I wrote you last Week informing you of the sickness of your steward and his Children.  I have now the pleasure to say they are on the recovery.  He is much better and the children are in a fair train—Their disorder appears to have been the worm fever, and he participated of the same sort of fever, although evidently mixed with the bilious fever—
The sick part of our family consisting of myself and several servants, who have had the intermittant & remittent fevers are also on the recovery. We shall leave bush Hill and move into town in the course of the week—Both Mrs Knox and myself experience the most lively gratitude to you and Mrs Adams for your kindness in permitting us, to occupy your house during the Summer, and we pray to accept our sincere thanks for the favor—Bush Hill is indeed a pleasant summer residence, but the fact is too well established by our experience, that from certain causes it is liable to vapours, morning and evening which are productive of ill health, and unhappiness—Perhaps this year may be singular on that account, and therefore in tenderness to the owner one would not wish to speak loudly on this subject—
Mr Cox has taken for you Mrs Keplies house the Corner of fourth and arch street—The situation is excellent, and the house tolerably good without having any large rooms.  but the rent 900 Dollars is extravagantly high—It was however that house or none, for there was not another good house to sulet in the City, and after there were a number of persons after it—There are no Coach house or Stables to it, but they may be obtained in the Neighborhood.
Affairs on the frontier are going on well although but slowly—The troops are about setting out upon a Main expedition from Fort Washington—And it is to be hoped the measure which are pursuing will establish tranquillity with the Indians on the basis of Justice and Humanity.
The President will set out in a few days 10, for Mount Vernon to return about the middle of October. Mr Jefferson set out Yesterday for Virginia to return about the same period.
With Mine & Mrs Knoxs, affectionate respects to Mrs Adams I am Dear Sir / with great affection and / sincerity, Your friend and / humble servant

H Knox


Title: To John Adams from Henry Knox, 11 September 1791
From: Knox, Henry
To: Adams, John

My dear sir
Philadelphia 11 Septr 1791

Mr Braidsly and his family are recovering fast.
But Mrs. Knox and myself have received a blow which demands all our fortitude
On tuesday last our lovely son Marcus in his ninth year was blooming with health, and on Wednesday night he was a lifeless corps.  In the afternoon of tuesday he began to droop which continued through the night.  And on Wednesday but which the Doctor and we conceived to be only the beginning of an intermittent.  But in the afternoon he was seized with a convulsion fit which with a repetion occasioned his disolution
His fond mother is inexpressibly afflicted on this sudden and awful event, which occasions put a pressure of grief as to be almost too much for human nature.
I hope however that time aided by the principles of Philosophy and religion may heal her wounded heart, but at present she is almost inconsolable
I am my dear sir / Affectionately and respectfully / Your obedient Servant

H Knox


Title: From John Adams to Henry Knox, 13 September 1791
From: Adams, John
To: Knox, Henry

Dear Sir
Braintree Septr. 13. 1791

Last night I received your favour of the 4th. and am much obliged by your Account of Affairs in this as well as in the Letter you wrote the Week before which I have also received.
Mrs Adams joins me in friendly regards to Mrs Knox and yourself. We are very Sorry for any unpleasant Circumstances you have found at Bush Hill: and very happy that it happened to be in our Power to accommodate your family for the Summer.
We are also under great Obligations to you for the Trouble you have taken to procure Us, an house in the City. The Rent is higher than I ever gave in Paris, London, Amsterdam or the Hague for Houses and Accommodations much Superiour. I have not a doubt however that You and Mr Coxe have obtained as good an House at as a cheap a rate for me as you could have done for yourselves, and probably better than I could have obtained for myself if I had been there.
At any rate I was determined to live in the City; for I had well nigh ruined the health of all my family as well as my own. I dont impute this misfortune to the Situation so much as to the necessity We were under of going to Town every day in all Airs and Weathers. Bush Hill is too Aristocratical a Situation for me.
I wish the President and Mr Jefferson pleasant Journeys and a happy return. I hope to embrace you by the middle of October.
Mean time I am with Sincere esteem / your Friend and Servant

John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from William Gordon, 15 September 1791
From: Gordon, William
To: Adams, John

Friend Adams
St. Neots Huntingdonshire Sepr 15. 1791

I had not abandoned the idea of renewing our correspondence; but should probably have delayed executing it, had not my indignation been roused, at the implied insult offered to  the good sense of the federal government in the newspaper (& as supposed ministerial) paragraph—“Mr Hammond the new Consul General to the United States of America & late secretary to the embassy at Madrid, will set off in a few days for Philadelphia. His appointment is of the highest importance to this country, as he has it in commission to conclude a treaty of offensive & defensive Alliance between England & America.  The outlines of the treaty have been already discussed, & we learn that some very considerable commercial advantages are held out to America as the basis of it, which will in time supplant the greater part of the trade of Russia with this country.”European salcity, alias stupid confidence, may say of it—latet anguis in herba—; but American penetration will see that neither latet, nor in herba belong to it, for that the snake is wholly uncovered.  I read in the prints, sometime ago, that your worthy President had informed the Senate, that proposals had been officially made to the British ministry for entering into a commercial treaty with this nation on terms of reciprocity, but that they had not been attended to.  Should the idea of an offensive & defensive alliance be in the least insinuated by the new consul general, I hope he will be told in the plainest American English, that the motto of the United States is—Peace & Commerce with all the world upon a principle of reciprocity, & that they are determined to be the dupes of no power on earth, by being drawn into an offensive & defensive alliance with the same: but that should an unexpected necessity oblige them to depart from their present resolution, the preference would be given to the French, as governed under the new constitution framed by the National Assembly—that so the insolence of the present ministry may meet with deserved rebuke.
No commercial advantages can be held out to America, that can in any degree compensate for her concluding such a proposed treaty, which will be charged like Pandora’s box with numberless evils, eventually destructive to American prosperity and liberty.
The armed neutrality, so justly proposed, and so successfully promoted by the empress of Russia, has subjected her to the rancorous hatred of numbers in & out of power, both in the army & navy, in public & private life, who are for monopolizing exclusive privileges to themselves, in defiance of the general rights of mankind.  John Bull would gladly oblige every foreign mariner to d’off his hat and pay him obeisance as he passes him on the High Seas, and to submit to a general search warrant, issued from the mouth of his cannon.
The resentment of the British minister against the Czarina has been much increased by the firmness she has discovered in abiding by her own demands upon, & proposals to the Turks, & by letting him see, that she was not afraid of an armed mediation.  His hauteur must also have been grievously hurt by the pointed & expressive compliment she has paid Mr Fox.  Pitt would now retaliate by undermining her trade to Britain through the medium of American commerce & with a view of alienating these two distant powers by making them rivals in commerce.  The position of B in regard to these two powers, points out the propriety of a perfect good understanding between them, soldered by a commercial treaty grounded upon reciprocity, that so the insolent airs of John Bull may be restrained.  It is hoped that the United States will take care to have it inserted in all their treaties of commerce, that neutral bottoms shall, in time of war, give security to all goods not specified as contraband.  I suspect that when this touch stone is applied to discover the integrity of British offers, like Ithuriel’s spear it will detect the imposter.
The minister having failed thro’ the glorious Polish Revolution, in his intended commercial treaty with that kingdom, and scheme of procuring Dantzick & Thorn for Prussia, by both of which he hoped eventually to injure and affront the empress, is now politically traversing the Atlantic with a similar view, flattering himself probably that young sovereignties, like green horns upon the turff are to be taken in by the knowing ones.  But You, who when young in tactics got to the windward of the French helmsman, Virgennes, will undoubtedly see in an instant to the bottom of the Pit that is digging for you.
In answer to this long testimony of my attachment to the American States, I request a speedy assurance, in the strongest terms, that the Americans will enter into no offensive & defensive alliance with G B nor into any commercial treaty, but upon the principles of reciprocity.  And in making even each treaty, you should remember not to preclude yourselves from any advantages that may accrue from the flourishing state of manufactures &c which will be likely to exist within the course of a few years in France, now that they have their liberties restored and secured.  I shall await with earnestness the receipt of your assurances, that I may, as soon as possible, expose the folly of attempting the seduction of the Americans by specious promises, from attending to their true interest.
The accounts given in the public prints of the amazing number of maple trees in the back settlements, together with the excellency & quantity of the sugar to be easily obtained from their juice, lead me to wish, that methods may be pursued, not only for supplying the American consumption, but that of Germany, without injuring posterity by a needless waste of the trees.
How fast an Office, under the sanction of Congress, for loaning to new settlers, upon mortgages at 5 or 6 % per ct, with a view to assist them in their improvements, would be for the benefit of the states, by promoting agriculture, & population, would submit to your judgment, as being upon the spot, & capable of knowing all circumstances.
You will have heard of the riots at Birmingham, and of the sufferings of Dr Priestley & others.  If dissenters, do not meet with better treatment & support from government, I augur that in a few years, should the French constitution be well rooted, numbers will emigrate with their families across the channel; while the length of the passage & the danger hinders their crossing the Atlantic.
Monr. Fayette has approved himself the genuine follower of the American Patriot under whom he served; & will continue, I trust, to deserve & enjoy the confidence of all his honest countrymen.
Besides a particular commission to tender our hearty respects to the President & his lady, & your lady, your own family among whom are included Mr & Mrs Smith and one or more children, I give you a general one to remember me to all my friends in and out of congress, whenever I may happen to be the subject of conversation.
Many things in this letter ought not to be known in G B to have been written by me, for there are many worthy characters, who confine their regards for social liberty to their own country, & are no more than mere patriots, instead of citizens of the world, embracing all mankind as their brethren, & praying for universal happiness.  The head of the letter informs you how to direct to Your sincere Friend & / very humble servant

William GordonI am fearful that somewhat painful has taken place in regard to my friend Hazard, having had no line from him since he was on the point of removing from New York to Philadelphia.


Title: To John Adams from Tench Coxe, 20 September 1791
From: Coxe, Tench
To: Adams, John

Sir
Philada. Septr. 20th. 1791

I have to acknowledge the honor of your letter of the 13th. instant—and am very happy to find that what has been done in regard to a house is satisfactory to Mrs. Adams and yourself.  It gives me great pleasure to inform you that I have a message this moment from Mrs. Keppele (the owner) from which I learn that Mr. Bradford will certainly move out on the 4th of October; so that I hope to have the painting &ca. completed and pretty dry before the meeting of Congress.  I have been very uneasy lest the fresh paint might prove as inconvenient as at Bush Hill.  I observe your wishes in regard to your Stables may be fulfilled by the best arrangement, which can be made.  I shall not fail to attend to this point.—
I am happy to observe the pleasantries in your allusions to the Newspaper attacks, which have made upon you.  It is almost presumption in me to pay due compliments to your past services and firm disinterested exertions in the Service of the United States.  It may however be a grateful satisfaction to you, Sir, to know that amidst all the fire, I have heard those, who concur’d in the warm language of the moment, acknowledge the ability and the disinterestedness, with which you had passed thro Scenes in which others had erred, or taken abundant care to enrich themselves.
With the highest respect / I have the honor to be, Sir— / your most obedt. / & most hum. Servt.

Tench CoxeI shall endeavour, Sir, in a few days to fix with precision the time when your house will be ready.—


Title: To John Adams from Joseph de Jaudenes, 26 September 1791
From: Jaudenes, Joseph de,Viar, Josef Ignacio de
To: Adams, John

Sir
Philadelphia 26th Septre. 1791.

The Commission, we are both honoured with by His Majesty, to reside near the United States, being officially connected; affords us the agreable opportunity of acknowledging the honor of your Letter of the 11th. Instant directted to Don Joseph de Viar; and the uniformity of sentiments that prevails among us to shew our ready disposition towards doing any thing that (being in our power) may tend to the prosperity of America and benefit of its Citizens; and evince you at the same time of the high respectt and esteem we entertain for your worthy Character; has induced us to comply very willingly with your wishes, giveing a Certificate in behalf of the Ship Margarrett commanded by James Magee Esqr., in such terms as will enable the Commander (we hope) to recive every assistance and marks of amity and attention; on the part of the Chieff Commanders, in any of the Dominion of the King of Spain our Master, where the Ship might putt in.
The accident that Don Joseph de Viar met with, ten days ago breaking his left arm, being so recent; makes it impossible for him to have the pleasure of writting to you separetdly, but he, as well as Don Joseph de Jaudenes shall allways feel happy with the honor of your Commands, to shew a new that—
They have the honor to be /  Sir with much esteem /  Your most obedient and /  most humble servants

Joseph de Jaudenes Joseph Ignats. Viar


Title: To John Adams from Rev. Zabdiel Adams, 4 October 1791
From: Adams, Rev. Zabdiel
To: Adams, John

Sir
Lunenburg Octor. 4th 1791

After my best regards to yourself and family, would immediately disclose to you the design of this letter.—Mr Jacob Welsh, an inhabitant of this Town, a gentleman of publick education, of good abilities & valuable improvements, born in Boston of reputable parents, & who spent some time in our army in the course of the last war, went to Europe before the end of it, first to France & then to England, where he purchased one of their carding & spinning cotton Machines, and at great Hazard brought it to Boston. At a pretty early period he preferred a petition to the General Court, that they would make it their own, & allow him compensation for his risque & trouble.  Whilst this petition was pending the Machine was so much exhibited to publick view, that it was a model after which 2 others have been made in this Commonwealth; so that the general court made him no compensation.  He has now presented a petition to Congress on the same design, which he has given into the hands of Mr Ames, who promises to give him his aid.  And to facilitate the business he has desired me to write you on the subject, requesting your attention to it; & if consistent with your views of propriety, to give him your support.—But, Sir, if he should be disappointed, & receive no compensation for his patriotick exertions in bringing said Machine into America, I hope the application may be the mean of introducing him to the knowledge of the supreme authority of these States; so that upon the first opening of a sutable birth, he may have such an appointment under Congress as will put him into reputable employment, and procure him the means of comfortable subsistence: for at present, by a series of misfortunes, he is very far from being opulent; & besides has an increasing family.  He is qualified to fill many stations under the government with dignity & advantage; and is more over a gentleman of good morals.—
If any station should be made, or become vacant, especially within the limits of Massachusetts, & you would be kind enough to speak in his behalf to President Washington, you would not only relieve a citizen of considerable merit; but confer an additional obligation on, Sir, your sincere friend, & very humble servant

Zabdiel Adams