Title: To John Adams from Edmé Jacques Genet, 28 February 1780
From: Genet, Edmé Jacques
To: Adams, John

       Monsieur
       a Versailles ce 28 fev 1780

      J’ai écrit à Ostende pour les deux gazettes en question. En attendant je continuerai à vous en prêter des miennes, toujours le plutôt qu’il Sera possible. Je Suis charmé de Savoir que mr. votre fils est de retour en bonne Santé à Passy. Quelque jour de ce printems il faut que vous me l’envoyés avec Mr Cooper’s grand child, et mr. votre autre fils. Je leur ferai voir Versailles, et je ferai en sorte qu’ils S’en retournent Satisfaits. Mon fils ne pourra point les recevoir: il part pour l’allemagne dans 4. jours et y restera un an. Mais a Son retour il aura l’honeur de faire leur connoissance. Je vous remercie des Souhaits que vous voulés bien faire pour lui.—Je vous fais mes remerciemens De votre Excellent projet de constitution pour votre patrie. Je l’ai parcouru rapidement: il me paroit propre à prevenir toutes difficultés. Je le ferai traduire pour le publier tel qu’il est, et on y ajoutera les changemens, en bien ou en mal, qui auront été faits, et dont je vous prierai de me donner connoissance. Voici ci joint la liste des Constitutions qui me manquent. Je vous Serai obligé de tâcher de me les procurer. J’ai l’honeur d’etre avec un inviolable attachement Monsieur Votre trés humble et très obéissant serviteur

       Genet

     Constitutions demandées par Mr Genet

      Massachusetts

      New Hampshire

      Connecticut
      }
      if the former ones, he has them.

      Rhode Island

      N. Carolina

      Georgia


Title: Edmé Jacques Genet to John Adams: A Translation, 28 February 1780
From: Genet, Edmé Jacques
To: Adams, John

       Sir
       Versailles, 28 February 1780

      I have written to Ostend for the two gazettes in question. In the meantime, I will continue, always as soon as possible, to lend you mine. I am very happy to hear that your son has returned in good health to Passy. Some day this spring you should send me him, together with Mr. Cooper’s grand child and your other son. I will show them Versailles and ensure they return satisfied. My son will be unable to receive them, as he is leaving for Germany in four days and will remain there a year. But on his return, he will have the honor of making their acquaintance. I thank you for the good wishes you sent him. I thank you also for your excellent project for a constitution for your state. I scanned it quickly and it appeared to me well suited to prevent all difficulties. I will have it translated in order to publish it as it is, and then add the changes that will be made, for better or worse, and of which you will undertake to inform me. Please find enclosed the list of the constitutions that I lack. I will be obliged if you would try to obtain them for me. I have the honor to be, with an unshakable attachment, sir, your very humble and very obedient servant

       Genet

     Constitutions requested by Genet

      Massachusetts

      New Hampshire

      Connecticut
      }
      if the former ones, he has them.

      Rhode Island

      N. Carolina

      Georgia


Title: To John Adams from James Moylan, 28 February 1780
From: Moylan, James
To: Adams, John

      Dear sir
      L’Orient 28 Feby. 1780

     I received your much esteem’d letter of the 22d. with the memorandums it inclosed of the articles you wish to send to Boston by the Alliance. Captain Jones, on my application to him to permit those goods to be loaded on his vessel, immediately consented and told me he wou’d write you by this post, in consequence of which I shall prepair them and distinguish the property as you direct.
     In Mrs. Adams’s memorandum is mention’d half a Dozen: Damask Table Cloaths. Those, are not to be purchased in this Kingdom without the Napkins, say twelve to every Table cloath, and this, which the French call a sett, cost from 120 to 250 livres according to their quality. I shou’d be glad of your advice what is to be don in this case as well as to Know what colour’d velvet is meant in Mr. P. B. Adams’s list and the Delph and stone ware in that of Mrs. Adams’s and what quantity. You will have full time for this explination as I shall lay in the other goods in the mean time.

      I remain with much respect Dear sir Your most obedient & humble Servant
      James Moylan

      P.S. This letter gos under cover to my Banker as you forgot to mention the street and as I Know there are more than one Hotel de Valois in Paris.


Title: From John Adams to Edmé Jacques Genet, 29 February 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Genet, Edmé Jacques

       Dear sir

       Paris Feb. 29. 1780

     I have this Moment yours of the 28. I thank You, Sir, for your kind Invitation to my three Sons, to come some time in the Spring, and spend a day at Versailles, which will be very agreeable to them, and to me.

     I am happy to find that the Report of the Committee has your Approbation; and shall be very glad to see it translated and printed as it is. Every Attempt of this kind may be worth preserving, and will be a Gratification at least to Posterity to see the gradual Progress of Society, and the slow March of the human Understanding in the Science of Government.
     On the Moment of the Receipt of your Letter I have written to Congress, requesting their Aid in procuring the Constitutions of Georgia and of North Carolina. That of the Massachusetts is at present according to their late Charter: that of New Hampshire is the same. As soon as the Massachusetts shall have established a new one, New Hampshire will follow their Example, and I shall undoubtedly have Copies of them as soon as they can cross the sea, and I will send them without Loss of time to you.
     Rhode Island and Connecticut have made no Alterations in their Governments, but proceed according to their Charters, which You already have.
     The Convention of the Massachusetts, had received the Report of the Committee which I sent you and had considered and agreed to the Declaration of Rights with very little Alteration, before I took my Leave of them. They then adjourned to the first of January. I was very happy to observe the Temperance, Wisdom and Firmness of this Assembly, and hope they will accomplish their great Work with Success. I assure You, it was more comfortable building Constitutions of Government at Cambridge, than sailing in a leaky Ship, or climbing over the Mountains, or lodging in the Chimneyless and Windowless Taverns of Galicia, Leon, Castile or even Biscay and Guipuscoa. Yet I shall look back with equal pleasure upon both, if they contribute to lay the Foundations of a free and prosperous People.

       I am with sincere Affection yours

       John Adams


Title: From John Adams to James Lovell, 29 February 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Lovell, James

      My dear Friend
      Paris Hotel de Valois Rue de Richelieu Feb. 29. 1780

     I cannot let the Marquis go off, without a Line to you. He took leave of the King a few days ago, in the Uniform of an American Major General, and attracted the Eyes of the whole Court more than ever. He had on no doubt his American Sword which is indeed a Beauty, and which he shews with great Pleasure, upon proper Occasions. The workmanship is exquisite, and there are Emblems on it, representing him, in all the most remarkable Situations he has been in in America. He goes out in a Frigate of the King the Hermione from Rochfort, he carries with him Cloaths enough for the Army to make him welcome to them, if they had not known him before.
     I must break off. Yours

      J. Adams

      Excuse one hint more about orders to draw upon you know whom, without which We shall be ridiculous.


Title: From John Adams to the Chevalier de La Luzerne, 1 March 1780
From: Adams, John
To: La Luzerne, Anne César, Chevalier de

      Sir
      Paris March 1. 1780

     I have not had opportunity, Since I left Braintree, to pay my Respects to you. The good old Sensible had like to have laid her Bones in the Atlantic, as there is great Reason to believe our Sprightly Companion the Courier de L’Europe did. She parted from Us in a violent Gale of Wind And has not Since been heard of.
     The Misfortune of a Leak in the Sensible, gave me, an Opportunity of Seeing Spain. We landed at Ferrol and passed through Corunna, Betanzos, Lugo, Astorga, Leon, Burgos, Bilbao, and from thence to Bayonne. Although the Journey was painful for the Time, I reflect upon it with Pleasure, because I had a fine opportunity of seeing a Country and a Nation that I little expected to have ever seen, and what gave me more Satisfaction, of finding that the Spanish Nation and Government, are in the most friendly disposition towards the United states.
     Guichen I hope is beforehand with Rodney, and Ternai, will have the Start of Walsingham or Barrington or whoever commands the Squadron from Ireland: in all Events I think the English will be inferiour in the West Indies, and on the Coast of the Continent, and as long as the Allies have the naval Superiority in the American Seas, in which I comprehend the West Indies with the Continent, my Countrymen have no great Exertions by Land to fear against them.
     What think you, of Stationing a few French or Spanish Ships of the Line and a few Frigates at Rhode Island, with orders to cruise upon Occasion and intercept Transports and Merchant ships? Would not this distract the English and distress them more than any other Use that could be made of the like Number and Force of ships?
     The Irish are not yet satisfied, they are about repealing Poynings Law, and the Correspondence between the Counties in England, gives great Allarm to the Ministry. They have increased the Minority more than any Thing that has ever happened. Lord Norths Loan is not yet opened, and does not seem in So promising a Way as he represented it. Nor is the Contract with the East India Company, yet compleated. And there is more Embarrassment attending it than they own. The Navy Bills depreciate, and loose Credit, and it costs them immense Bounties to get Men. But I am called away, and can only assure you, of my sincere Respects and affectionate attachment.


Title: From John Adams to François Barbé-Marbois, 1 March 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Barbé-Marbois, François de

      Dear Sir
      Paris March 1st. 1780

     You advised me to take my Son with me, to Europe, and I followed your Advice, and went further and brought his Brother to bear him Company, and went further still and brought a Grandson of our Friend Dr. Cooper. I thought the more of our Youth I brought here for an Education, the more the Acquaintance between the Countries would be extended, and the Connections strengthened. They are all learning French as fast as possible at a Pension.
     These young Gentlemen are likely to be under Obligations to this Country for more than their Education. I reveal no Secrets of Government. I have none. But the Bruit of Paris is that there is a strong Armament preparing at Brest, which is to be employed in the best possible Manner for our Relief. God grant it.
     I had the Honour to dine this day with Comte Sarsefield, in company with the Comte de la Luzerne, the Viscount Sarsefield, and a great deal of other good Company: but I am very sorry I had not the Honour to bring Letters from the Chevalier and You to your Friends.

     I presume, e’er this You speak English like a Philadelphian, that is with a great deal of Purity, Ease and Fluency. My affectionate Respects to the Family if you please.
     I am with great Esteem, Sir, your Friend and Servant

      John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Franklin, 2 March 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

      Passy March 2d. 1780

     Mr. Adams’s respectfull Compliments to Dr. Franklin, informs him that Monsieur the Comte De Vergennes has appointed him next Tuesday to be at Versailles in order to be presented to the King and Royal Family. Mr. Adams will have the Honour to breakfast at Passy with Dr. Franklin, at an hour early enough to go to Versailles, which he supposes will be 8 oClock.


Title: To John Adams from Bidé de Chavagnes, 2 March 1780
From: Chavagnes, Bidé de
To: Adams, John

       Mon cher monsieur

        ca. 2 March 1780

      Jay receu la lettre que vous m’avez fait lhonneur de mecrire a l’honneteté que je vous connois jen ay deviné une partie, un americain de boston qui est icy dont je cultive la societé m’a expliqué le reste. Jay eté infiniment sensible ainsi que madame de chavagnes a votre souvenir, et aux nouvelles preuves de votre amitié que je cheris beaucoup. Je ne lay pas eté moins D’apprendre par vous, que, aprés avoir eprouvé la fatigue inseperable des chemins montueux d’espagne, des intemperies, et des rhumes, vous voila ainsi que votre chere famille qui me lest devenue aussi, reuni a la nation francoise qui ne peut que sapplaudir de vous posseder, vous connoissant deja. Si un chacun dans cette grande ville avoit mes sentiments pour vous, il ne vous resteroit rien a desirer de tout cequi pourroit contribuer a votre bonheur le plus parfait. Vous avez du recevoir a paris une lettre de moy par laquelle je vous reiterois lassurance de ces sentiments pour vous que je conserveray toutte ma vie. Je vous mandois que javois veillé a vous faire parvenir vos malles comme jen avois les clefs je les ay fait plomber. Si mrs. les fermiers generaux vouloint donner un ordre de plomber cequi n’est point ouvert cela seroit convenable. Si vous avez trouvé les chemins raboteux, je les ay trouvé bien durs aussi de la corogne a brest, enfin la pauvre vieille sensible qui a fait le bonheur de mes jours par celuy de vous y avoir en allant et revenant ma rendu a brest ou je lay quittée, elle a grand besoin, ainsi que moy de reparations; je crois que les miennes pourroint bien estre bornées a un mois de repos tout au plus, ma santé, et mes affaires cependant m’en demanderoint bien deux car je nay pas trouvé une compagne du perou au ferol surtout. Après quoy je travailleray de tout mon coeur a la cause commune desirant fort pouvoir contribuer au bien estre particulier de votre nation dont les honnetetés et bons traitement mont inspirés la plus vive reconnoissance et lattachement le plus solide. Et si je netois pas employé avec une meilleure fregatte sur vos côtes avant votre retour dans votre chere patrie jay dumoins le plus grand desir et l’esperence que ce soit moy qui vois y remette encor un jour, cen seroit un des beaux de ma vie. Cest a boston et a brintry que jetois grand et satisfait et je noublieray jamais ces lieux la. Je viens dy ecrire; jy fais offrir mes hommages a mde adams quand vous y ecrivez je vous prie de le faire pour moy. Et si je puis a la fin de cette anneé obtenir la permission d’aller a paris je seray bien flatté D’avoir lhonneur de vous y voir, de vous demander la continuation de votre souvenir, amitié et bontés, dy connoitre le docteur franklin pour qui jay la plus grande veneration ainsi que pour tous les votres. Presenter mes respects enfin a monsieur de sartines qui ne pouvoit pas me servir mieux qu’en me donnant la mission que jay eu. Je ne scay comme il aura trouvé les petits canards de boston et le tableau que je luy ay envoyé. Jeus bien desiré pouvoir le satisfaire dans tous les genres, mais ma pauvre sensible etoit bien peu faite pour faire la guerre je desirerois bien quil me met a même de faire mieux, la volonté ne me manque pas. Adieu mon cher monsieur, recevoir de temps en temps des nouvelles de votre santé de celle de vos chers enfents mr dena et taxter, sera une vive satisfaction pour moy. Je vous souhaite a tous une bonne santé. Accordez moy la continuation de votre souvenir et amitié et ne doutez point des sentiments du plus sincere et respectueux attachement avec les quels jay l honneur d’estre pour la vie Mon cher monsieur Votre tres humble et tres obeissant serviteur

       Bidé de chavagnes
       capne des vaux du roy de france

       Ma moitié sensible a votre souvenir et a vos santés vous offre mille voeux et compliments.


Title: From John Adams to the President and Corporation of Harvard College, 3 March 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Harvard College

     Paris, 3 March 1780. LbC (Adams Papers).
     This was a cover letter for that of 2 March from Antoine Court de Gébelin to the President and Corporation presenting the first six volumes of Gébelin’s nine volume Monde primitif to the college. John Adams’ letter, except for the formal opening and closing, and excerpts from Court de Gébelin’s letter, are printed in note 2 to a letter of 13 Oct. 1780 from Edward Wigglesworth, treasurer of Harvard College, to AA (Adams Family CorrespondenceAdams Family Correspondence, ed. L. H. Butterfield and others, Cambridge, 1963–., 4:4–6). That note also contains an account of the means by which the six volumes reached their destination.


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Digges, 3 March 1780
From: Digges, Thomas
To: Adams, John

      Sir
      London 3 Mar 1780

     In a letter from Mr. L of the 16th Feby. I find He was good enough to mention me to You and that you gave direction for any letters I might have occasion to write to be forwarded a Mons. Mons. Fernando Raymond San, Nogiciant chez Mons. Hocherau Libraire Pont neuf Paris. I shall be very happy in giving you any information of movements here that may come to my knowlege because in doing so I am certain I may in some degree serve the cause of my Country. I have never missd as yet any letter from Paris by Common Post directed For Mr. Wm. Singleton Church Nandoes Coffee House Temple Bar London. I dont mention my direction with a view to draw you in for answering any thing I may have to write, but meerly to serve you in any thing you may require of me—that direction under cover to Mr. Edward Bridgen Merchant Pater nostre Row will also find me. I am thus explanitory at the onset, because it might not be safe to mention so much by common post, and that I have a safe opportunity of conveying this to You by a Capt. Carpenter of the late Cartel ship to Bristol from Boston who goes on business to Passy, and will return in 10 or 12 days: If in the course of that time you chuse any other direction you may mention it to me by a line by Capt. Carpenter. I send by Him the news papers of four or five days back from which you will gather every thing doing here. The friends to Ministry and their measures are hoping every hour to hear that Clinton (who embarkd only 7,000 Effective Men, tho they are said to be ten, in the latter end of Decr) is in possession of Charles Town.

     That Detatchment consisted of the Lt. Infantry and Grinadiers of the 7th, 23d, 33d, 42d, 63d and 64th British Regiments; a legion of Horse, the New York Volunteers; Fergusons Corps; Yagers; four Battalions Hessian Grenadiers; one Hessian Regiment; and a detatchment of the 71st. British Regiment. Many are of opinion a part of this army was intended for the Windward Islands, and that they embarkd and saild the 26th Decr., and was much hurt by a Storm after sailing; but this does not seem probable, as there are no accounts from N York later than the 23d Decr., and the most intelligent accounts then, said they were not to sail till the 12 or 15 Jany. 2,000 under Lord Cornwallis who said to be intended for the Chesapeak to burn two or 3 french men of war then in James River, and to serve as a diversion in favour of the other five going against Chs. Town.
     The toreys and others of the friends to Ministry do not at all seem to be in spirits about the picture of Affairs in America and the West Indies; nor do they rejoice so much as I have seen them on much less trivial occasions, for the success of Rodney over the Spaniards. They now begin to fear that the fleet at Gibraltar will be blockd up by the Cadiz fleet under Gaston which has many ships superior to Rodneys; They also fear much from the French getting a majority in the West Indies, from whence some late accounts are Come of vast sickness and disorder onboard the English Ships. The naval War will seemingly be removd for the next summer to that quarter. Rodney was to sail about the 20 or 25th Feby. with four ships for the Wt. Indies, and Walsingham will not take more than that number as a Convoy to about 100 Wt. Indiamen which will sail between the 15 and 20th Instant. More ships of war will probably conduct this fleet off the land. It is most likely the N York and Quebec trade about 50 more will sail at or near the same time. I dont hear of any troops or Ships of War going to that station; but there is a talk going about that Wallace will have a small squadron and carry 4 or 5 thousand men out but I dont beleive it in the later instance.
     You will find by the papers sent to Dr. F that the Ministry have been hard run in several parliamentary questions lately. Their party is loosing ground dayly, and the County Petitions for reform &c. seems to be a heavy weight round their necks—these meetings and Assosiations are very similar to former movements in America and it strikes me in the end there will be a serious rumpus if reforms do not take place. The Committees of each County have already appointd 3 Deputies to meet and act for the Whole. This is exactly a Congress and it will likely be stiled so eer it is long. I dont know whether these movements at home, or the Disturbances in Ireland chagrin and depress the ministry most. It appears that the Sovereignty of this Country over that, will not be of many months duration. The armd Assosiations of Ireland amount to near 64,000 Men, who from appearances seem determind to free themselves from every restriction laid on them by this Country. Their parliament are going to put an end to all appeals to England—to render the judges of that Country independant of the Crown, they at present holding their Offices durante bene placito and not quamdiu se bene gesserent as in England—To have a Hebeas Corpus act—to repeal Poinings Law which enacts that all Bills shall orriginate in the Council and not in the Commons—to confine the new supplys to the apportionment of new duties only—to give Counties on their own Manufactures—and to have a mutiny Bill which last goes immideately to the grant point of Jurisdection, &c.—this is all making for America but would have come better and more servicable to Us a Year or two ago. Even with all the present appearances against this Country, and the certainty of America succeeding to Her wish, I do not discover among what we term the Patriots in Parliament, many men that go straight forward in their wish for american Independence. Those whom I intimately connect myself with are clearly and decidedly for it—Viz: Lds. Camden, Effingham, Coventry and Bp. of St Asaph; Sr. G Saville, Dd Hartley and but a few others in the Commons—the rest whom I converse with, are all for Independence on some provisos, such as England to remain with a feather of Sovereignty, for America to give up the French Alliance, federal Alliance with England &c. &c. I wish they saw the Interests and exact state of both countries in a clearer view.
     If you take in any of the English morning papers I think you will do well to fix a mode for getting regularly that calld the London Courant published by Almon in Piccadilly. The real state of Ship news, dispatches, sailing of Fleets &c. are as regularly and justly put into that paper as can be. The Courier de l’Europe also in them points is pretty chaste.

      I am Sir Yr very Obt Sert,
      T D——s


Title: From John Adams to Samuel Adams, 4 March 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Adams, Samuel

      Dear Sir
      Paris Hotel de Valois, Rue de Richelieu March 4. 1780

     This will be delivered to you by Mr. Izard, who goes out in the Alliance, with Mr. Lee, Mr. Wharton, Mr. Brown and others. He will wait on you of Course, and will be able to give you, good Information concerning the Intentions of the English and their military Preparations by sea and Land: and those of the French and Spaniards, at the same Time.
     He will also give his Opinion very freely concerning American and other Characters here as well as Measures. In many Things his opinions may be just, but in some and those not a few I am sure they are wrong.
     The great Principle, in which I have differed from him, is this, in the Mode of treating with this Court. He has been always of opinion that it was good Policy, and necessary to hold an high Language to this Court. To represent to them, the danger of our being conquered subdued if they did not do this and the other Thing for Us, in order to obtain Money and other Aids from them. He is confident they would not have dared to refuse Us Any Thing.
     Altho no Man in America or in the World, was earlier convinced than I was, that it was the Interest of France and Spain to support the Independence of America, and that they would Support it, and no Man is more sensible than I am of the Necessity they are under to support Us, yet I am not and never was of Opinion that we could with Truth or with good Policy, assume the Style of Menace, and threaten them with returning again to G. B. and joining against France and Spain—even tell them that We should be subdued, because I never believed this myself, and the Court here would not have believd it from Us.
     The Court here have many Difficulties to manage as well as we, and it is a delicate and hazardous Thing, to push Things in this Country. Things are not to be negotiated here, as they are with the People in America, even the Tories in America, or as with the People of England.
     There is a Frankness however that ought to be used with the Ministry, and a Candor, with which the Truth may be and has been communicated: but there is a roughness harshness, that would not fail to ruin, in my opinion the fairest Negotiation in this Country.
     We are anxious to hear from you having nothing since the Beg. of Decr. and very little since We left you.
     Your Fred & Sert,


Title: From John Adams to the President of Congress, No. 13, 4 March 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Huntington, Samuel,President of Congress

     Paris, March 4. 1780.. RC in John Thaxter’s hand (PCC, No. 84, I, f. 303–306). printed: Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev.Francis Wharton, ed., The Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States, Washington, 1889; 6 vols., 3:532–534; various American newspapers, including the Pennsylvania Gazette of 17 May and the Boston Independent Chronicle of 1 June.
     With this letter, received by Congress on 15 May, John Adams enclosed the Mercure de France of this date, which contained an account of Rodney’s victories over the Spanish on 8 and 16 Jan., and the relief of Gibraltar. Adams believed that Adm. Sir George Rodney’s success was due largely to luck and that, while providing the ministry with a momentary lift, the victories had “added very little to their Riches or their Power.” They had not dampened the volunteer movement in Ireland or the county association movement in England, nor had they provided Britain with a Channel Fleet or quieted Dutch resentment against British attacks on their commerce. Finally, he provided detailed information on French naval vessels intended for America.


Title: To John Adams from Edmund Jenings, 5 March 1780
From: Jenings, Edmund
To: Adams, John

      Dear Sir
      Brussels March. 5th. 1780

     I had the honor of receiving your favor of the 27th Ultimo, which gives me much Satisfaction to find that England is not likely to have any foreign Assistance; I was, I must Confess, much imposed on this head, not by the common reports but by an account, which a very faithful and, in general, an intelligent Correspondent gave me.
     The regular Troops in Ireland cannot possibly exceed 4000, and those chiefly Horse; there are besides about 40,000 Men, who have regimented themselves and already acted in Arms, contrary to Law and in violation of the freedom of Parliament. These will defend their Country against their foreign and domestic foes. England is considered in no very friendly light by them, altho the King has calld them his faithful and loyal people at a time when they have done much more, than America had, when He abused them with the name of Rebels. But his Object is to make the Irish His friends, and not the friends of England, that He may serve himself of them. For this purpose, He has courtd, and stil Courts the Body of the people composed of roman Catholics, by every possible Sacrifice of the antient System; but by doing this, He has in general disgusted the Dissenters, who are the richest and most industrious party. They will I doubt not, leave the roman Catholics and Church Men to settle their Differences, and agree with one another, as they Can, and go to America, where they will be a valuable Acquisition. You will see by the Papers, that the bill for the repeal of Poynings Law is not yet brought into the House, the Opposition wisely endeavouring to hav it backed by the grand Juries of the several Counties, which I doubt not will be done, shoud this pass the Irish Legislature, the Council of England will be much embarrassed, it will either Acknowledge the Absolute Independence of Ireland on the Parliament of G B, or by a refusal disgust the Irish, who will plainly see that the Supreme Power is only retaind to invalidate the late Concessions. Ireland will by Consequence be very sparing in her grants, and wait for some favorable Opportunity to carry its Point. Shoud the bill pass the Council of England, the King will gain a great Party in Ireland, and the other Island will be dissatisfid at losing another of its Royalties. This internal Strength of Ireland will be great, if this Question can be settled to general Satisfaction, but she is actually so poor and exhaustd, that she cannot give much money, and be of great Assistance to England at present. Shoud Commerce be established and the Idleness of the people broke through, in Time the real Strength of G B will be much increas’d.
     I have never Known the parties of G B Act with more Consistency than at present, their Committees of Correspondence so wisely established according to the example set them by your great friend Mr Samuel Adams and yourself, gives them a force, which I hope nothing can resist. I was informed at the End of last Summer with great Joy, by a Friend, who is an active Man in Opposition, that all parties had Agreed to sacrifice their private Animosities, and give up their particular pursuits and unite for the public good and Happiness: but I was told at the same time, that with respect to our Country, there was a Constitutional Impossibility in Suffering her Independancy: this they pretendd was the Language and Sentiment of Lord Chatham, as if his words Alone were sufficient to make Law or right, but I understood at the same time this was a Language held to please the King, that He might be renderd thereby less adverse to them. I felt great Uneasiness at seeing them Court Him, by this Sacrifice of Common Sense and Common Right, in order to get into place; for these words are nonsensical and the Idea they give, if they give any, are most fatal. I have written on this Subject to them, this is certainly a proof of some rottenness and makes me doubt of the Soundness of their principles, and duration of the present Union. However they go on well in their plans, which are well laid. The first proof of the people of England recovering themselves from their former Stupidity, and showing a degree of Sensibility was in the affair of Kepple and Palliser, the next the Choice of a new Member for Middlesex; and afterwards of Wilks as Chamberlain. The proceedings of the Opposition in Parliament have been likewise so well plannd and conductd, that they daily gain ground. The last Minority on the Motion for a list of Pensioners was formidable. The Confusd Conduct of Lord North renders him ridiculous, and the Consciousness of his Weakness and Danger was evident to the World, when he dared not to divide the House, with which He was threatnd by the Minority, on the putting off the reading Mr. Burkes Plan, which was to have come on last Thursday, and of which I am anxious to Know the fate. It is possible it will pass the Commons with Alterations and be rejectd by the Lords, for the King will not part with a Jot of his Influence, or if He does part with that Influence, which is gaind by Corruption, He will take care to maintain and increase that, which is securd by military forces. I have long seen that this was his Object, and it is now Evident to all. His Alterations in the Militia Laws, which have alterd their original Nature and Intention—his turning out the Lords lieutenants who displease Him—his Management of the Army from his first Elevation to the Throne—the raising the fencible Men of Scotland, as they are calld and the admission of roman Catholics into the Army are all Proofs of his modelling the Military force for himself and against his Country: fortunately however He has weaknd it by his Corruption and his bad Choice of Commanders to such a degree that the antient Spirit of the Soldiers is much evaporated. All my late Letters, to England have Asked, whether the Opposition is prepared for the worst? Whether it is prepard for a denial of its demands, or for the Consequence of the Success it aims at? Whether if it gains the Ascendancy in Parliament it proposes to Acquiesce in the Kings will or to thwart it? I have said that it must know nothing can bend Him to its desire, and therefore there is nothing to be done but to Eat their pudding, like Slaves in Silence, or be overuld by the Army. It being the Language of Many, besides Mr. Smelt of York, That the Kings Power is not great enough and that if they are determind to try the great Question, greatly, they must now think of the Means. If they do not the present plan is defective. As long as Parliament is obedient this King will suffer it to meet, when it ceases to be so, He must get Power how and where He can, his Honor, as He calls it, and the heads of his Ministers demand the Utmost for their Protection. You Ask, Sir, whether I think the people have spunk enough to resent their Injuries and do themselves Justice? I think they have no true Spunk, their antient Spunk is gone, they have by no means that Heroism they once possessed, their principles are thoroughly Corrupted, but, I think, that they may Commit and be guilty of Strong Acts. That in a fit of fury they may tear in peices many of the Oppressors, but this will not proceed from any Sense of feeling for the public, but of their particular Interests, should the trade of England suffer some Capital Blow, such as the loss of Jamaica, the public Madness will break out at Once, had the british people met half the losses, which the French and Spanyards have the Minister had been long since ruin’d. No Sense of national Honor touches them, their feelings are Selfish, but it is by this Selfishness, which is a Sign of their Depravity, that they may recover from their present Vice and folly; for Misfortune, that best Correctress of human vice and human folly may reduce them to a State of Sobriety, Check the present predominant Avarice and Ambition and learn them to feel for the Miseries of Others. For the good of them, of Us, and all Mankind, I wish it may happen soon.
     I mentioned to You, Sir, that I had written to England on the Constitutional Impossibility of acknowledging the Independance of America, it makes part of a dialogue, which I suppose to have passed between the Duke of Devonshire, Mr. C. York and Lord Chatham. The occasion, which gave rise to it was a Conversation, I had with a friend on the different Manners of the Death of those Gentlemen, I will take the Liberty of making an Extract from it.
     Mr. C. York.
     “If the Reasons adducd for the Support of the Omnipotence of Parliament, and the necessity of a Supreme Power, are not sufficient for the Maintenance of the right of the Sovereingty of G B over America, does not your Lordship see a Constitutional Impossibility which forbids G B. relinquishing her claim?”
     Lord Chatham.
     “A Constitutional Impossibility? Pardon me, Sir, I cannot feel the Effect of Words, which give me no Ideas. A Man may reason on the Omnipotence of Parliament and on the necessity of a Supreme Power; but what Data has He to Judge of this new invented Jargon? I am bold to say, it is meant to impose on the Imagination and not convince the Judgment, it implies not a reasonable Right, which the other pretences are made Use of to Establish, but an irresistible Necessity. This, Sir, is in politics, what Mistery is in Religion, it is the last resort of those, who cannot bring Man over to their fancies by reason, and therefore make use of Something beyond human Comprehension to mislead them. What is meant, by this Constitutional Impossibility? Is it meant, that the Independance of America violates the Saxon constitution of England, which the Barons of Old endeavourd to maintain against the Norman Tyrans, who had formd the design of governing them without their Consent in all Cases whatever? Is it Contrary to the Principles of that Constitution, which the real Patriots, who first opposed the Maxims and practices of the wretchd Race of Stuarts, and on which, the Revolution was afterwards Established? They who see that the American Opposition is founded on the true Principles of the Constitution, which Supposes an Impossibity to govern men by a despotic Power, without their Consent and for the avowd Emolument of the Governors, and not of the governed, will laugh at this new figment, and perhaps be somewhat Suspicious of those, who Adopt it, as having some conceald Object in View, which they dare not openly Express.
     “This notion Sir, of a constitutional Imposibility is somewhat Stale after the Trick of a Necessity of State, which was formerly played off ineffectually against the people of G B, who were not to be imposed on by senseless Expressions, when their own dearest rights were in Question.
     “But if these Words of a Constitutional Impossibility, for they are but words, are opposed by an Impossibility in fact, what Sir is to be done? It is said, that they who adopt these sounds acknowledge the Impracticability of subduing the Americans by Violence, which is the only way of establishing a despotic Power. Men who see this and stil Maintain this new invented mode of deceiving Themselves and the people will be somewhat confounded by an acknowledgd Impossibility in fact, and a groundless impossibility in Theory. The One I believe will give way to the other.
     “I have spoken thus strongly freely against this Trick of Words, because it is industriously propagatd they fell from me, as if my Name was sufficient to give Sense to Nonsense. Is it not surprising? It would be so, if we did not Know Mankind to see people using the Name of Him to serve their purposes, whom they had attempted to ridicule for his bombastical Nonsense. They mount on the Crutches of an infirm Old Man to hobble into place and Employment, but let them take care, they will stumble at every Step, and will fall too, if they have not a natural Strength Themselves.
     “If the different Parties are willing to preserve their Country, let them fix on some solid Principle of Union, that it may be solid, it ought to be Just; in vain will they boast, that they have given up their private Animosities and particular Views, Animosities and Views, they ought never to have had, and which have disgraced them, broken the Spirit of the people of England; in Vain, I say, will they pretend they are united in one Common Cause for the good of the Empire, if the Bond of their Union is not Clear and Just when it is founded on Sounds and not on Substance, it will not last, a new Jargon will be adopted to invalidate the Old, whenever particular Views and partial Objects make a Seperation of Interests Neccessary. What merit, Sir, had the Infamous Triumvirate of Octavius Antony and Lepidus, when they sacrificed their several Friends to serve their private purposes of Ambition? They quarrelld with Each other because their Union was not found on Honesty.”
     I have written to show the Actual force of England and Ireland and the destination of Walsingham.
     Have you seen a Pamphlet, entitld Facts, which has been sent me by the Author, whom I take to be Dr. Price, have you seen also? a Pamphlet written by a General Lloyd, who went to Paris last year as a Spy, offering himself to go to America whilst He was in the Pay of the british King? It is entitld a Rhapsody on French Politics and Invasions; the book was soon bought up by Government which makes me desire to see it, I have sent to England for it to be Got coute que Coute. I am told your Son is with you, pray make my best respects to Him.

      I am, Dear Sir, with greatest Respect Your Most faithful & Obt Hble Servt
      Edm: Jenings


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Digges, 7 March 1780
From: Digges, Thomas,Dundas, T.
To: Adams, John

      Sir

       7th Mar/80

     Since my letter of the 3d. a Gazette Extraordinary, has announcd the arrival of dispatches from Adl. Digby, who is returnd with the fleet and spanish prizes from Gibraltar, and brought in with him a french 64 Gun Man of War and three store ships bound under Her Convoy from L’Orient to the East Indies. The French and Spaniards seem lately to have been totally unadvisd as to the movements of English fleets and ships, and to have placd their Convoys in tracks to be taken. This Man of War has 60,000 £ in specie on board and was most fortunately for Digby met with on the 23d Feby. Rodney saild from Gibr. with the fleet the 14th. and parted with it the 18th. taking four ships of the line only with Him to the Wt. Indies. A like number will probably go under Walsingham about the 20th or 25th Instant with the fleet to the West Indies. Arbuthnot has left his American station and taken the heavy ships 4 of the line with him to the Wt. Inds. Some say that he carryd some troops with Him. By every appearance there are no more troops going to No. Ama. and it looks as if Ministry meant not to continue the American War but to let it dwindle and die away. News from the Southern Expedition from N York is dayly expected. A transport with upwards of 200 Hessians on board and which was driven off in a storm is arrivd at St. Ives. She saild with the Expedition from N York the 26 Decr. and a few days after received considerable damage in a severe gale which it is thought seperated and dispersd the Fleet. We have no exact accounts from this vessel yet, but from what can be collected it appears the storm will save Chas Town for some little time further, and not unlikely baffle every future attempt. These uncommon instances of good fortune at Sea at least to Rodneys fleet have raisd the Spirits of the people very much, but you find but very few even in their moments of exultation who wish a continuance of the American War.

      I am yr obt Sert,
      T. Dundas


Title: From John Adams to the President of Congress, No. 14, 8 March 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Huntington, Samuel,President of Congress

      Sir
      Paris Hotel de Valois Rue de Richelieu March. 8th 1780

     Yesterday I went to Court in Company with the American Minister Plenipotentiary, and had the Honor to be presented to the King, by the Secretary of State for foreign Affairs: after which, I had the Honor to go round with all the foreign Ambassadors, and make a Visit to the Queen, the King’s Brothers, Sister, Aunts, and Daughter, which are all the Branches of the Royal Family, and to be presented to each of them in Turn, and after them to the Comte de Maurepas.
     After these Ceremonies were over, we were all invited to dine with the Comte de Vergennes.
     As Ceremonies of this Kind, are so much attended to in this, and all other Countries of Europe, and have often such important Effects, it is proper that Congress should have Information of them.

      I have the Honor to be, with the greatest Respect, Sir, your most obedient and most humble Servant,
      John Adams


Title: From John Adams to the President of Congress, No. 15, 8 March 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Huntington, Samuel,President of Congress

     Paris, 8 March 1780.. RC in John Thaxter’s hand (PCC, No. 84, I, f. 311). LbC (Adams Papers); notation in Thaxter’s hand: “March 10th. Delivered the above to Mr Brown of Charlestown S. Carolina.”printed: Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev.Francis Wharton, ed., The Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States, Washington, 1889; 6 vols., 3:539.
     In this letter, read by Congress on 11 Sept., John Adams reported the false rumor that Louis Charles, Comte du Chaffault de Besné was to command in the West Indies and Charles Henri Théodat, Comte d’Estaing in the Channel, and enclosed newspapers from Paris, The Hague, and Amsterdam, all dating from the first week in March.


Title: William Gordon to John Adams and Francis Dana, 8 March 1780
From: Gordon, William
To: Dana, Francis,Adams, John

      My Dear Sirs
      Jamaica Plain Mar. 8. 1780

     You are so united by commission, in mind views and principles, that there is no writing to the one without the other; for which reason I address you jointly. I rejoiced when I heard that you were safely landed upon the Terra Firma of Europe; and hope that you have had a secure journey over the Pyrenean mountains, which I suppose to be as high as any you ever crossed in America, tho’ not so bad to pass, nor quite so woody. From the first I considered your appointments as a happy circumstance, but I have been more fully confirmed in the thought since receiving a letter from the Honle Arthur Lee. Mine to him in return I send enclosed, as he may have left Paris. Should He have quitted France and be upon his return to America; be pleased to open and read the same. The letters for Europe are no less precarious than those from thence; so that I am discouraged writing so frequently and fully as I should otherwise do: But I promise you to be a faithful correspondent in return to what you send me, upon the receipt of it. Friend Dana I know to be an able, but I can’t add a willing and ready writer. He has established his character for being very backward at his pen. How far his secretariship may improve him can’t say: but am dubious lest should he be desired to continue the correspondence in behalf of the partnership, he will plead off, by alleging that the appointment of Congress respected nothing more than the negotiation. Argue and settle the point as you may between you; if I do but hear from one or other of you I shall be satisfied; for I do not pretend to give either the preference, any further than as nature has set you one before the other, by priority of existence. I shall expect that your answer contains news, and private articles of intelligence that may be committed without danger, to one who is not troubled with a laxness, but can keep secrets even from the wife of his youth: be it also considered, that I am historiographer, and mean to go out of the common road by assigning reasons and motives and causes that are not known to the generality of the scribbling tribe. You will naturally conclude, from my drawing thus upon you, that I mean to make a proportionable advance. I will attempt it: but am at a loss to judge what commodity will be reckoned most valuable: shall therefore send you an assortment.
     I shall appear singular, should I not mention what every body for the present will insert, our having had a very hard winter, by which, many of the islands in the Bay, Rhode Island, Long Island &c. &c. have been joined to the Continent; the Sound has been frozen over; and the town of Boston has been exposed to the oppressive incursions of the country, who have extorted a hundred and a hundred and twenty pounds, lawful not old tenor, per cord for their wood, and who made the poor parson, the father of this production, pay the last saturday four dollars per lb. for veal, wherewith to feed—not his children—but family. The winter has been breaking up for some time; and hitherto Heaven has orderd so mercifully, that the amazing quantity of snow has been dissolved so gradually, that I have heard of no damage having been done by floods. A rapid thaw must have carried off bridges mills etc. in an abundance. The Convention is adjourned till June; and I am in good hopes that the gay cards in and out of the pack will lose the game, and that we shall at length carry it for a good constitution. There are in the Council—who want not an aberation that they may retain the chance of continuing in. There are in the House, who wish not to have an independent Senate. There are in both, honest men and real patriots. My earnest prayer is that they may be greatly multiplied. The Convention went over the report of the Committee, without making, I apprehend, any very material aberations, excepting the addition of a saving clause for the revision of the Constitution by a new Convention in 1795; which saving clause will probably prevent the rejection of the form the present may finally agree upon. I could not fall in with the proposal of my friend John Adams, a little before he left Braintree when he took his first voyage to Europe, to admit of a most notoriously defective plan that should be perpetual, tho’ it was urged in the strongest terms: but tho’ I may esteem the present defective and materially so, yet with this wise and wholesome proviso I will give it my utmost support. The Convention have ordered what they have concluded upon to be printed and circulated thro’ the State, and to be considered by the people, who are to return their thoughts upon the whole and particular parts of the plan, by the time to which they have adjourned; that so they may be the better able to determine what shall come forth finally for the reception or rejection of the publick. I have never attended, but the once you saw me at Cambridge. My informer told me that Pain, Parsons, and Lowell behaved well upon the whole and acted like honest men; but you will wonder where was the fore thoughts of the last, when I mention that he moved that Parsons should be declared ineligible—for which the dry parson of Dartmouth rubbed him down very cleverly. Whether Lowell was the cats-paw or—he missed his aim and lost the chesnuts. The following is a copy of what is said to have been found in Mr. Poillmans pulpit—“The prayers of this congregation are desired for our paper currency in a weak and low condition by reason of its depreciated and fluctuating state—that indulgent heaven would of its infinite mercy be pleased to restore it to its former value, or speedily first prepare it for its great and last change.” The subject is too serious and sad to be made a jest of; or the writer might have credit for his humor. Our money does not grow better. A convention of gentlemen from several States have met at Philadelphia upon the business of regulating trade; they have adjourned to April, that so there may be an opportunity of having representatives from every State. I promise myself no lasting or real advantage from regulations. I am sick of them, from past experience; and till the fact proves the contrary will not believe that the country people of N England, will ever come into one, so as to adhere to it. Our finances are in a horrid situation, heaven grant that those of G B may be proportionably bad, and that the want of cash and credit may reduce king lords and commons to submit to the acknowledgement of American Independence.
     The state of the army makes it a mercy that the force of the king has been much lessened by the detachments sent off about Christmas. Our men are fully equal I suppose to our magazines. How far the Congress are loaded with business and difficulties, you will hear in a more certain and direct-way, from some of its members. My journey to Greenich to pay my respects to General Gates before he went to Virginia, prevented my seeing you before you sailed. He is returned to his own house without having met with all that respect from every Northern State, that his services entitled him to.
     Mr. Dana can supply all that is wanting to complete the history of which the following is a part.
     Col. Henly called the Lords day last when I showed him the letter alluded to and took mine to Gen Washington which he promised to deliver into his own hands.
     It is long since I was at Boston; and the roads have not admitted my going to Braintree or Cambridge, I design seeing both when travelling will admit. The Corporation have chosen Mr. Gannet Steward; at present I can scarce think that Mr. Hastings has been treated with the utmost propriety. I have exhausted my budget, when I have added, that I sincerely wish you direction and success in the important matters committed to your management; & am with sincere respect & much esteem, Gentlemen, your very humble servant & real friend,

      William Gordon

       March 11

     I had purposed including a letter to Dr Lee but understanding he is recalled and expected soon, shall keep it to be forwarded by the post. Should Dr Franklin be deceased; pleased to open his letter, which you may then read, and forward what is enclosed for Mr Tabor of Rotterdam. Mr Parker’s contains a state of his affairs &c. I wish it to get safe and soon to him, without being subject to the inspection of any of the British ministry or their agents.


Title: To John Adams from Edmund Jenings, 8 March 1780
From: Jenings, Edmund
To: Adams, John

      Dear Sir
      Brussels March. 8th. 1780

     I have done myself the Honor of sending You a Copy, of what was written into Holland and have since (the 5th Instant) taken the Liberty of giving my Idea of the Conduct of the Parties in England and Ireland, and likewise laying before you an Extrait of what I have written on the Phantastic Notion taken up of a Constitutional Impossibility of Acknowledging the Independance of America.
     I receivd no Letter yesterday from England, but I cannot help observing to you, least it shoud escape your Notice that the public Papers say, that “the Dispatches taken in the American Packet, bound from France to the Congress by the Foudroyant, contain an Account of the French intended Campaign in America,” they say likewise from Belfast Feb 21. “that the Friendship, a Ship from St. Kitts to the Bristol Channel, which came North About from thence, put in here yesterday. The Master of her informs us, that He left that place on the 17th of Janry, on which Day, He heard that a fleet of Transports, under Convoy of two Ships of the Line and three frigates, had arrived at Antigua from N York, on the 14th. with Upwards of four thousand Men on Board after a passage of only Nineteen Days.”
     This Corresponds with what an English officer here has informd me.
     I Hope the french Ministry are informd of these Things. I beleive the regular Troops in England do not consist of so many as 10,000 and those chiefly Horse. I have written a Letter to Mr. Lee, addressed to the House of Mr. Grand, I am fearful it is not receivd. Give me leave to beg of you to enquire after it and at the same Time desire Mr. Grand to let you have some things, He has left there for me. There are among other Matters some Maps, which you may perhaps find Useful.
     I have picked up an Excellent Pamphlet written in the Year 1756. entitld Examen de la Conduit des Anglois. It is well calculatd to rouse the Dutch against the English, it being a detail of a breach of Treaties and of Injuries done to the Commerce and Flag of Holland.

      I am Dear Sir with the greatest Respect your Most Faithful & Obt Hble Servt,
      Edm: Jenings


Title: From John Adams to the President of Congress, No. 16, 10 March 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Huntington, Samuel,President of Congress

     Paris, 10 March 1780. RC (PCC, No. 84, I, f. 313–315). LbC in John Thaxter’s hand (Adams Papers); notation by Thaxter: “Delivered to Mr. Brown 15th March.” printed: Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev.Francis Wharton, ed., The Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States, Washington, 1889; 6 vols., 3:541.
     In this letter, read by Congress on 11 Sept., John Adams again commented on Adm. Sir George Rodney’s luck in his victories over the Spanish fleets, and noted rumors that Rodney had enjoyed further success against some French vessels. He believed, however, that the admiral’s good fortune was attributable directly to the French and Spanish insistence on keeping an “immense” fleet in the European theater at a time when the dispatch of even a quarter of those ships to American waters could bring a decisive victory. Finally, Adams noted with pride the reported successes of American privateers and enclosed the Courier de l’Europe of 3 March and the Gazette de France of 10 March.


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Digges, 10 March 1780
From: Digges, Thomas
To: Adams, John

      Dr sir

       Mar 10. 1780

     A packet boat is arrivd from Jamaica which saild from thence the 29th Jany. with accounts of Fort Omoa being again in the possession of Spain, and that one of our Men of War has taken a Spanish Ship of War bound to that quarter of So America with Stores. She was piercd for 64 Guns but carryd only 52. The Jamaica fleet saild the 24th. Jany. Convoyd rather slightly only with a force of about two fiftys and as many frigates—about forty Merchantmen in all. Nothing yet from America but it is generally surmisd and beleivd that a Storm has seperated and dispersd Clintons fleet intended for the southern Expedition.
     I am wth gt regard your


Title: To John Adams from Elkanah Watson Jr., 10 March 1780
From: Watson, Elkanah Jr.
To: Adams, John

      Sir
      Nantes. 10th. March. 1780

     Circumstances I flatter my self will plead my Excuse for addressing to you this letter. Agreable to the advise of my friends and my own Inclinations, I Embarked ab’d of the Mercury Packett last Augt. with an Intention of persuing my mercantile proffession (till the war is happily terminated) in France; and of travelling in Europe, previous to this resolution in the years 77 and 78, I made a compleat tour of America Even to the borders of Florida; and Establish’d Extensive mercantile connections in the several states. My alluring prospects Induc’d me to determine to unite myself mutually with Jona. Williams Esqr. of this City in business, before my departure from America, previous to which I considered with attention the necessity of being fully recommended; but as I was perticularly recommended to you Sir by Mrs. Adams, Majr. Genl. James Warren and Lady, also Robt. T. Paine Esqr. I repos’d my confidence in those Letters and consequently did not provide others for this quarter th’o to the other ports, of Europe I am fully supported by Letters from the most substantial merchants in New-England; the day before our departure you arriv’d in Boston, consequently I left the letters for you with Genl. Warren; Our stay then being so contracted that I came off, almost depriv’d of any letters for Nantes; however I was fortunate in being presented with a line from Mrs. Mecomb which I had the honour to deliver to the Honbl. Benj’n Franklin Esqr. at Passi. My motive in addressing this Epistle, is to crave the honour, of Introducing my self to you Sir and to congratulate your safe arrival in Europe. As I am at this period launched upon a stage of life, that I wish to Improve to the best advantage and as I wish to cultivate my manners before I commence my travells in Europe (or return to America). Pardon me Sir If I urge your goodness in supplying my deficiency of recommendations, by favouring me with a few Lines to your acquaintance in Nantes (agreeable to Genl. Warrens Letter which I flatter my self he communicated before your departure,) particular to Mr. Williams as I have commenc’d a connection with him, that will probably augment in proportion to his being assur’d respecting my character, family, connections etc. in America; another to Mr. Swighaiuser probable will be productive of Extending the circle of my polite Edifying acquaintance. Probable you are sufficiently acquainted with my fathers circumstances to announce his affluence. etc.—besides his, be assur’d Sir I have the patronage of the principal merchants in N. England.
     My father resides in Plymh.—and has depuis the war, been uniformly strenuous in support of Independence.
     As my predominant ambition is to contribute to the good, and Improvement of my country I am persuaded your patriotic disposition will Even prompt you to contribute in refining and Improving those of the present generation who’s first wish is to add to the Emolument of their youthfull, virtuous and bleeding country.

      Your attention at this time, shall Ever be acknowledged with particular gratitude by Sir Your Most Obdt. & Very Hl. St.
      Elkea. Watson Jr.

      If your Important concerns will permit, a condecension of an answer, please direct to me at Mr. Williams.

       Apl. 10th

     This letter was forwarded once before under cover to my friend and former correspondence Mr. Wharton he being then at L’Orient, it return’d back to me by that rout.
     The attention of mankind at this period seems to be turn’d to the Important object, of your mission, which is announc’d in the gazette’s both of Europe and America. May GOD permit that you may prove the Author of preventing the further Effusion of human blood, that the present distraction of mankind may be lull’d into perfect harmony: and that we may once more Injoy the blessings of an Interupted and permanent peace, founded upon the basis of Liberty and Independence.


Title: From John Adams to Edmund Jenings, 12 March 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Jenings, Edmund

      Dear Sir
      Paris Hotel de Valois Rue de Richelieu March 12 1780

     I have to acknowledge the Receipt of three excellent Letters—one of the first, the other of the fifth and the third of the eighth of March. Thank You for the Copy of your Letter to the Pensioner and for your dialogue between York and Chatham.
     It is undoubtedly the Duty of every Commercial Nation, to make their Flag to be respected in all the Seas and by all the Nations, not by insulting and injuring all others, like Great Britain, but by doing Justice to all others, and by insisting upon Justice from them. But how is Holland to obtain Justice from the English, who take a manifest pleasure and pride, in showing her, and all Europe, that they despise her? Holland seems to be as corrupted and unprincipled, as Great Britain, but there is one great difference between them. Great Britain has a terrible naval Force, Holland has next to none. Great Britain has Courage and Confidence in her Power. Holland has none. I don’t mean that the Dutch are destitute of personal Courage, but national Courage is a very different thing.
     The curious Doctrine of a constitutional Impossibility of acknowledging our Independence is well exposed in your Dialogue. I suppose the Idea was taken from Lord Chatham’s dying Speech, when he conjured up the Ghost of the Princess Sophia of Hanover to whose Posterity being Protestants, the Act of Settlement had consecrated the Succession to the Crown, and its Authority over all parts of the Dominions. This was a masterly Stroke of Oratory to be sure, and shows that my Lord Chatham in his last Moments, had not lost the Knowledge of the prejudices in the Character of the English Nation, nor the Arts of Popularity. But a more manifest Address to the Passions and Prejudices of the Populace, without the least Attention to the Justice or Policy of the Principle, never fell from a popular Orator ancient or modern. Could my Lord Chatham contend, that the Heirs of the Princess Sophia of Hanover, provided they should be protestants, had the Throne and its Prerogatives entailed upon them, to everlasting Ages, over all parts of the British Dominions, let them do what they would, govern without Parliament, lay Taxes without Law dismiss Judges without Faults, suspend Laws, in short do every thing that the Stewarts did, and ten times more yet so long as they were Protestants, could there be no Resistance to their Will, and no Forfeiture of their Right to govern? I said this was a Figure of Rhetoric, employed by his Lordship ad captandum Vulgus. I believe so still, but I believe he meant it also ad capitandum Regem, and that he thought, by throwing out this Idea, that he was not for acknowledging our Independence, the King who at that Time was distressed for a Minister able in conducting a War, would call him into the Ministry. I ever lamented this black Spot in a very bright Character. I don’t remember any thing in his Lordships Conduct, which seemed to me so suspicious to have proceeded from a perverted Heart, as this Flight. Allowance, however, ought to be made, perhaps he was misunderstood, and would have explained himself fairly, if he had lived.
     I have not seen the Pamphlet intituled Facts, nor that by Lloyd, nor the Examen, should be glad to see all of them. I find a difficulty in getting Pamphlets from England, but I will have a Channel to obtain them, by and by.
     I went to Mr. Grand’s, as soon as I received yours of the eighth. Mr. Grand, the Father, was out, and no other in the House knew any thing of your Letter or Maps or other things. I will speak to the Father the first Opportunity.
     Mr. Lee is gone to L’Orient.
     What think You of Luck? Had any Gambler ever so much as Rodney? One of our Tories in Boston, or half way Whigs, told me once, God loves that little Island of old England, and the People that live upon it. I suppose he would say now God loves Rodney. I don’t draw the same Conclusion from the Successes, that the Island, or the Hero have had. I think it would be Blasphemy to say, that he loves so degenerate and profligate a Race: but I think it more probable, that Heaven has permitted this Series of good Fortune to attend the wicked that the righteous Americans may reflect in Time, and place their Confidence in their own Patience, Fortitude, Performance, political Wisdom and military Talents, under the Protection and Blessing of his Providence.
     There are some who believe that if France and Spain had not interposed, America would have been crushed. There are in other parts of Europe, I am told, a greater Number who believe, that if it had not been for the Interposition of France and Spain, American Independence would have been acknowledged a Year or two ago. I believe neither the one nor the other. I know the deep Roots of American Independency on one Side of the Water, and I know the deep Roots of the Aversion to it; on the other.
     If it was rational to suppose, that the English should succeed in their Design and Endeavour to destroy the Fleets and naval Power of France and Spain, which they are determined to do, if they can, what would be the Consequence? There are long Lists of French and Spanish Ships of the Line, yet to be destroyed, which will cost the English several Campaigns and a long Roll of Millions, and after this they may send sixty thousand Men to America, if they can get them and what then? Why the Glory of baffling, exhausting, beating and taking them will finally be that of the American Yeomanry, whose Numbers have increased every Year, since this War began, as I learnt with Certainty in my late Visit Home, and will increase every Year, in spite of all the Art, Malice, Skill, Valour and Activity of the English, and all their Allies. I hope however that the capricious Goddess, will bestow some of her favours upon France and Spain, and a very few of them would do the Work. If Rodney’s Fortune should convince Spain that She is attacking the Bull by the Horns, and France and Spain, that the true System for conducting this War, is by keeping just Force enough in the Channel to protect their Courts and their Trade, and by sending all the rest of their Ships into the American Seas, it will be the best Fortune for the Allies they ever had.
     I long to learn Mr. J.s Success at Madrid, and Mr. Laurens’s Arrival in Holland, where I will go to see him sometime in the Summer or Fall.
     I have the Honor to be etc.,

      John Adams

      P.S. Pray can you inform me, what Sums have been annually paid, as Subsidies by France, or England, to the House of Austria, or the King of Prussia, or other Powers, in former Wars?


Title: From John Adams to the President of Congress, No. 17, 12 March 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Huntington, Samuel,President of Congress

      Sir
      Paris Hotel de Valois Ruë de Richelieu March 12th. 1780

     It is an Observation made some Years ago by a great Writer of this Nation de Mably, that the Project of being sole Master of the Sea, and of commanding all the Commerce, is not less chimerical, nor less ruinous, than that of universal Monarchy, on Land: And it is to be wished, for the Happiness of Europe, that the English may be convinced of this Truth, before they shall have learned it by their own Experience. France has already repeated, several Times, that it was necessary to establish an Equilibrium, a Ballance of Power at Sea: and She has not yet convinced any Body because She is the dominant Power: and because they suspect her, to desire the Abasement of the English, only that, She may domineer the more surely, on the Continent. But if England abuses her Power, and would exercise a kind of Tyranny over Commerce, presently all the States that have Vessels and Sailors, astonished that they had not before believed France, will join themselves to her to assist her in avenging her Injuries. Principes des Negotiation. p. 90.
     The present Conjuncture of Affairs resembles so exactly the Case that is here put, that it seems to be a literal fulfilment of a Prophecy.
     A Domination upon the Sea is so much the more dangerous to other maritime Powers and commercial Nations, as it is more difficult to form Alliances and to combine Forces at Sea, than at Land. For which Reason it is essential, the Sovereign of every commercial State, should make his national Flagg be respected, in all the Seas, and by all the Nations of the World. The English have ever acted upon this Principle, in supporting the Honor of their own Flagg, but of late Years have grown less and less attentive to it as it respects the Honor of other Flaggs. Not content with making their Flagg respectable, they have grown more and more ambitious of making it terrible. Unwilling to do as they would be done by, and to treat other Commercial Nations, as they insisted upon being treated by them, they have grown continually more and more haughty, turbulent and insolent upon the Seas, and are now never satisfied until they have made all other Nations see that they despise them upon that Element.
     It is said by the Baron de Bielfield, that Piracies and Robberies at Sea, are so odious, so atrocious and so destructive to the interests of all the European Nations, that every thing is permitted to repress them. Providence has not granted to any People, an exclusive Empire upon the Seas. To aim at setting up a Master there, to prescribe Laws to other free Nations, is an Outrage to all Europe.
     I have quoted these Authorities, because they contain the true Principle, upon which, as I have ever concieved, the English began this War, and upon which they will assuredly continue it, as long as they can get Men and Money, which will be as long as they shall have Success. They contain also the true Principle of the Conduct of France and Spain, and Holland and all the other Powers of Europe. The Outrages committed upon the Dutch Commerce and the Insults offered to their Flagg ought to be and are alarming to all the Maritime Powers.
     The late Successes of the English, will have no Tendency to allay the Fears of these Powers; on the contrary, they will increase the Alarm, by showing the precarious Situation they will all be in, if England should finally succeed, which some of them may perhaps apprehend from the late brilliant Fortune of Admiral Rodney.
     One cannot but be struck with the rapid Series of fortunate Incidents for the English, which has been, published here in the Course of about three Months that I have been in Europe. The little Affair of Omoa began it; the Repulse at Savannah succeeded with all its Consequences; the Curacao Fleet was next, Langara’s fate soon followed, Gibralter was relieved, Don Gaston’s Squadron was dispersed by a Storm, and Admiral Rodney had Opportunity to get safe out of Gibralter. The French East India Fleet brings up the Rear. There is hardly in History such a Series of Events that no human Wisdom could provide against or foresee: yet after all, the Advantage gained is by no means decisive, altho’ no doubt it will raise the Ambition of the English, and in some degree damp the Ardor of their Enemies.
     It must not have this Effect however upon America. Let the Maritime Powers of Europe fare as they will, we must be free, and I trust in God we shall be so whatever may be their Fate. The Events of War are uncertain, at Sea more than even at Land. But America has Resources for the final Defence of her Liberties, which Britain will never be able to exhaust, though they should exhaust France and Spain, and it may not impossibly be our hard Fate, but it will be our unfading Glory, finally to turn the Scale of the War, to humble the Pride which is so terrible to the Commercial Nations of Europe, and produce a Ballance of Power upon the Seas. To this End, Americans must be Soldiers and Seamen.
     It is proper however, to keep constantly in Sight the Power, against which We have to contend.
     The English have in all the Ports of England, in a Condition of actual Service, or at least given out and reported to be so, twenty Ships of the Line. In the Course of the Spring and the Month of June, eight others which are now repairing, and three new ones in the Course of the Year. The whole Squadron for the Channel will be thirty one. The Squadron of Arbuthnot at New York, consists of five —that of Jarvis at the Western Islands is two, including the Dublin, which was detached from Admiral Rodney and is now in bad Condition at Lisbon—one only at Jamaica for the Lion is too far ruined to be counted. The Fleet at the other Islands, joined by the Hector, detached from Rodney, the Triumph and the Intrepid, lately sailed from England, is Nineteen, seven of which at least are in too bad a Condition for actual Service. That of India, including two which serve for Convoys, consists of ten: two of which however are returning to be repaired or condemned. The Lenox, is a Guard Ship in Ireland.
     Rodney entered Gibralter with four Spanish Ships of the Line, the Phanix of eighty Guns, the Monarca, the Princessa and the Diligente of seventy, besides the Guipuscoa, now the Prince William, of sixty five, which he took with the Convoy on the eighth of January. He entered also with the Shrewsbury of seventy four which joined him from Lisbon. His Squadron must therefore have consisted of twenty four Ships of the Line. If he left the Panther and another at Gibralter he must have gone out with twenty two.
     Whether he is gone with this whole Fleet to the West Indies, or only with part of it, and with what part, is yet undetermined by the Public.
     France and Spain however, have a vast Superiority still remaining, which, if it should be ably managed, will easily humble the English: but if it should be unwisely managed, or continue to be as unfortunate as it has been from the Moment of the Comte D’Estaing’s sailing from Toulon, will even in this Case last long enough to consume and exhaust their Enemies.
     I have the Honor to inclose the Mercury of France of the eleventh of March, the Hague Gazettes of the sixth and eighth, the Amsterdam Gazette of the seventh and the Leyden of the seventh, and to be with the highest Consideration, Sir, your most obedient and most humble Servant,

      John Adams


Title: From John Adams to the Chevalier Goësbriand, 13 March 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Goësbriand, Chevalier de

      My dear Sir
      Paris Hotel de Valois Rue de Richelieu 13th. March 1780

     I have recieved the Letter, which You did me the Honor to write me from Brest, the twenty seventh of last Month; and am very sensible of your kind Remembrance of me.
     The Zeal and Ambition, which You discover for the Service of your Country and her Allies, is laudable; and altho’ I have small pretensions to be capable of judging of the Qualities and Abilities of a Marine Officer; yet I make no Scruple to assure You, that according to all the Observations I made, in the two Voyages I had the pleasure to make with You, and according to the best Judgment I have, You are very capable of serving your Country in an higher Sphere than that respectable one, in which I saw You.
     Nothing gives me more pleasure than to find, that officers and other Gentlemen, who have been to America, have been pleased with their Reception there, and I am much obliged to You for your candid and indulgent Expressions of your Esteem for my Countrymen.
     Your Request does not appear to me either unjust or ridiculous; but the Enemy have made such Havock among the American Frigates in the Course of a long War, that We have Numbers of Captains and other Officers, who have been long in Service, who are now out of Employ. We have therefore no Frigate vacant.
     Your present Rank and Command in the Marine, are very respectable and your Prospects very good. You will have Opportunity to distinguish yourself by your Abilities, your Zeal and Activity, in the Service of the King who will not fail to reward your Merit in due Time. Remember me with Affection to your Brother Officers & believe me to be with much Esteem & Respect, Sir, your most obedient & most humble Servt.

      John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Digges, 14 August 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Digges, Thomas

      Sir

       March 14. 1780

     I had not till This afternoon, your Favour of the third of this month. I am greatly obliged to you, sir for this and the other of the 7th. I may promise to be as faithfull a Correspondent, as the particular Situation I am in, will permit: But you must be very sensible, that I cannot be very exact in the Payment of Debts of this sort.
     I really cannot devine the Principle, nor the Passion, nor the Humour upon which the Exchange of the Prisoners is refused. After exchanging between the British Government and American Authority in France after the numerous Exchanges between Boston and New York, and Between Boston and Hallifax I should think, if they were uniform even in their Whimsies, they could not refuse an Exchange between America and England. This Method was adopted more for the Ease of British subjects than American Citizens, and the rude Rejection of it, will hurt them more than Us.
     There are three French Frigates arrived, from Charlestown S.C. which sailed the 24 Jany. and left all quiet, not even expecting an Ennemy, which leaves 27 days for Clinton to have proceeded from N. York, a Circumstance which increases the Probability, that the fleet met with a storm. The french Men of War which were in Chesapeak Bay are all Safe so that Cornwallis must have failed of that Part of his Enterprise, If he ever had it in View.
     I believe with you that the Committees of Correspondence in England and Ireland must embarrass the Ministry: but will they be of any Use to Us, if the Persons who take the lead in these Correspondences Associations and Congress, should prevail and get into Power, will not their Aeconomical Projects rather injure than serve our Cause, by enabling them to command more Money, and make greater Exertions. But is there any common Principle of Union left in the Minds of the People which can be made a Foundation of Union and bind them together, against both the Terms and the Allurements of the Court? These Movements to be sure a very similar to those in America.
     The Committee of Correspondence is purely an American Invention. It is an Invention of Mr. Sam. Adams, who first conceived the Thought, made the first Motion in a Boston Town Meeting, and was himself chosen the first Chairman of a Committee of Correspondence, that ever existed among men. They do him Honour by adopting his Discovery, but I am afraid they will do Us all Injury, by turning his Empire against Us.
     If the Irish are as wise, as their first Efforts seem to indicate, they will take Advantage of this Opportunity, to obtain compleat Liberty. They show plainly that they understand what is necessary to this End and proceed towards it with a Caution that will insure them success.
     It is a vast Pleasure to hear that the great and amiable Characters you mention, are clearly for American Independance. It is not all to be wondered that Minds, which have comprehended the Truth of Things from the Beginning of this Controversy should continue to see, in a just Light the Situation and the Interests of both Countries. And nothing is more certain than that all those who are for Independance, on Provisoes, will find themselves deceived and disappointed as egregiously as ever a Bernard, an Hutchinson a Gage or an How, have done. Have those who talk of America’s giving up the Alliance, ever considered what they say? Would not these very Men despise her if she did it, for doing it? Would not America, if there is any Ingenuity, Modesty, Candour, Honour or Virtue of any other denomination in her forces despise herself for so doing. Would not the Universe detest her, as well as despise her? Would she not throw herself by such a Measure more absolutely into the Power of Great Britain, than she ever would have been if she had submitted to the Claims of Parliament in all Cases whatsoever. Surely Americans, have common sense, they are capable of some Reflection, they have some Knowledge of their Interests, and they have some Sentiments of what is right and fit.

     Those who talk of federal Alliances, with America, do they mean against France and Spain? Could England trust America, after violating her Virgin faith, with such shameless Prostitution if she were to make such a League. England might think that France would not trust her again, but England could not trust her more. I know not how such Ideas strike other Minds but to me they seem the fruit of a total Dissolution of all Principles, and all moral Sentiments and Feelings, and they suppose such a Dissolution in America, but those who suppose it will find themselves mistaken, they will find that there are Principles there which will be an Overmatch for Fire and Sword.
     There are others who talk of constitutional Impossibilities of acknowledging American Independance, a strange unmeaning Gibberish which they have inferred from Ld Chathams observation that the Act of settlement had consecrated the Descent of the Crown, and its Authority and Preogatives over all the dominions to the Heirs of the Princess Sophia of Hanover: as if the Act of settlement was made to abolish all the Principles which produced it, and upon which it was founded.
     I should be very happy to take the London Courant: and will endeavour to accomplish it. I have the Honour to be, with much Respect, sir, your most obedient servant,

      Ferdinando Raymond San


Title: From John Adams to the President of Congress, No. 19, 14 March 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Huntington, Samuel,President of Congress

     Paris, 14 March 1780. RC in John Thaxter’s hand (PCC, No. 84, I, f. 321–324). LbC (Adams Papers); notation by Thaxter: “NB. Nos. 15, 16, 17, 18 & 19 were delivered to Mr. Brown of S. Carolina. No. 15th on the tenth of March, the rest on the 15th. of March 1780.” printed: Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev.Francis Wharton, ed., The Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States, Washington, 1889; 6 vols., 3:545–547.
     In this letter, read in Congress on 11 Sept. and based on information taken from Thomas Digges’ letters of 3 and 7 March (both above), John Adams reported on the troops sent with Lt. Gen. Sir Henry Clinton to Charleston, naval operations, the progress of the county association and volunteer movements in England and Ireland, and events in Parliament.


Title: From John Adams to Gabriel de Sartine, 14 March 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Sartine, Antoine Raymond Jean Gualbert Gabriel de

      Sir
      Paris Hotel de Valois Ruë de Richelieu, March 14. 1780

     I have just received from London, the Letters, Extracts of which are inclosed. They may possibly contain Some particulars, of Use to your Excellency. I beg your Pardon, sir, for troubling you with Intelligence which you undoubtedly have Much sooner, in greater detail, and with more Authority than mine. But in such Times as these, great Effects are sometimes produced by, small particulars of Intelligence: for which Reason, if your Excellency will permit it, I will take the Liberty to send you from Time to Time, the best Intelligence I can collect. I have the Honour to be with, the greatest Respect, your Excellencys most obedient & most humble servant,

      John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Alexander Gillon, 14 March 1780
From: Gillon, Alexander
To: Adams, John

      Sir
      Amstm 14 March 1780

     I should have had the pleasure of answering your respectfull favour of 20th. past ere now had I not waited to have inform’d you what was doing here. The States are still sitting and I have reason to believe will not adjourn soon, various are the Reports of their proceedings but from what I am able to gather from there I can depend on. The Grand business is done between the Northern Powers on A footing very convenient to this Country as it must compel the English to quit interrupting the Trade of the Neutral Powers. Was I sure this Letter wou’d meet no Eye but yours I could say much on this pleasing subject but few Letters there are that pass into the direct chance without inspection. I shall however seek a private safe hand to write you fully on some very interesting matters that are now in Agitation and others that was put in Execution the 4 Instant. It gives me great pleasure to be Assurd of your Countenance and Aid and that you differ from Other Opinions on the propriety of any of the United States entering into such separate engagements as I am authorisd to make, it is A priviledge I hope every state will ever preserve pressure of enforcing their own Sovereignty. I thank you for your Advice on the Ships in Question, shall follow it and shall take the Liberty of acquainting you with the Result. I am with fervent wishes for your Wellfare Sir Your most Obdt. & most hble Servt.,

      A. Gillon


Title: From John Adams to Arthur Lee, 15 March 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Lee, Arthur

      Dear Sir
      Paris March 15th. 1780

     Inclosed is a Letter from London: I have recieved another from Mr. Jennings, who says he inclosed a Letter for you lately, but does not mention the Date, in one to the House of Mr. Grand, and desires me to enquire there, for some things of his, particularly some Maps which You left there. I have enquired of Mr. Grand and his Son Henry, but they know nothing of it.
     There is Room to hope that Clinton’s Army, destined to Charlestown, is defeated by a Storm. One of the Vessels is got to St. Ives in Cornwall, with one hundred and fifty or two hundred Yagers on Board. Charlestown has the Glory of defending herself twice, with great Courage and Ability, and if the Skies have defended her a third Time, it is to be hoped, She will not be again attempted. It would be hard indeed if Rodney and Digby had all the good Luck. The Cards have run strangely against Us for sometime: but Lord Sandwich’s desire of having fifty Sail of the Line in the Channel, will I hope turn the Tide against him in the West Indies and North America, and if it goes against him there, it will not be much for him any where.

      I am with great Esteem, Sir, your most obedient Servant,
      John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Richard Henry Lee, 15 March 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Lee, Richard Henry

      My Dear Sir
      Paris Hotel de Valois Ruë de Richelieu March 15th. 1780

     After my last Embarkation for Europe, Your Letter of October the eighth was brought me on Board the French Frigate the Sensible, just upon the point of sailing, so that I had no Opportunity to answer it in America, and since my Arrival in Europe, I have gone through a Land Journey from Ferrol in Spain to Paris little short of four hundred Leagues, in the dead of Winter, in such Roads and such Accomodations, as almost wore me out. I have scarcely recruited myself enough to recollect what I had to do.
     I thank you, Sir, for your kind Congratulations, on my Return to my Family and Country, both which I had the inexpressible Pleasure to find in perfect Health.
     My Countrymen are so nice and so difficult to please, in the Choice of a Constitution of government, that I cannot say how long it will be, before they will adopt one, but of this I am very certain, that they have one at present which is very tolerable, and that the Temper and Genius of that People will not endure a bad one.
     You recommend to me to continue in public Life, but You practise the Reverse yourself. How is this? are not the same Obligations upon You that You think lie upon me?
     You and I have had Experience enough of public Life, to be very well convinced, that there are great Trials of our Patience, very little pleasure, and no Satisfaction at all to be found in it. I was never very fond of public Life, myself, but on the contrary, I avoided it with the utmost Care for many Years. But stepping into the midst of civil Dissentions, when I first entered on the Stage of Life, it was impossible for me to avoid having an Opinion of my own, and Principles like those of the Majority of my Countrymen, these Principles I frankly professed at all Times and in all Circumstances, however critical and dangerous, which involved me in an unavoidable Necessity, when the Times grew more tempestuous, to step on board the Ship and take my Fortune with the Crew. It is and will ever be the sweetest Reflection of my Life, that I did so. But I have ever been thoroughly sensible of the Instability, of a public Career, and I have ever endeavored to preserve my Mind prepared to return to my Rocks and Forrests, with Tranquility, which I am perfectly sure at present, that I could do, and with pleasure too. Yet I assure You I begin to fear that Habits will steal upon me, by length of Time, which I shall find it hard to break, when the Time shall come that I must retire. This time will certainly arrive with the first Moment that I cannot serve the public with Honor and some prospect of Advantage and I have many Reasons to suspect, that the Time is not very distant.
     The Chevalier de la Luzerne, I have Reason to think from an agreeable Acquaintance with him in the Course of a Passage to America of forty seven days, from some Knowledge of him that I had before and after, is a candid and impartial Man, possessed of no Principles or Views inconsistent with his public Character, and very able to do service to his Country and ours. The same of Mr. Marbois. I lament most sincerely the unhappy Contests that preceeded his Arrival and wish that they may be extinguished, but I know too well the Circumstances to expect that they will.
     As to my Negotiations, our Sons or Grandsons have a better Chance of completing them, than I have. There is, or at least there was a System of Policy and of military Operations, that if it had been pursued, might have given me something to do. It is not my fault, nor the fault of America that it was not.
     The Fishery and the Navigation of the Missisippi are Points of such Importance, that your Grandson, when he makes the Peace, I hope will secure them. I am sure, he will omit nothing in his Power to do, for that purpose.
     You will hear before You read this of a Series of good Fortune, which has happened to Rodney and his Fleet. But the Allies will be superior by Sea in America and the West Indies, so that We may hope, that the Tide will turn. England will remain without Allies altho’ Denmark has done a foolish Thing by restoring to the English some Prizes sent into Norway by the Alliance. She seems to be sorry that She did it. It was upon the Principle, that they had not acknowledged our Independence, and that all Powers were their Enemies, with whom they had no Treaty, a Principle long since exploded, and of which they are at present ashamed. Ireland and England are following our Example: and if France and Spain act with sufficient Vigour in America and in the West Indies, all is ours, with an ordinary Success, otherwise all will be aback. But We must persevere. The more Success Great Britain has, the more Reason We have to dread her, and we ought to be more determined to hold out forever.

      I am with great Esteem, Sir, your Friend & humble Servant,
      John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Joseph Gardoqui & Sons, 15 March 1780
From: Gardoqui, Joseph & Sons (business)
To: Adams, John

      Hond. Sir
      Bilbao 15th March 1780

     We have in course been honour’d with your much esteemed 25th. Feby. and 1st Instant and are happy to hear of your safe arrivall at your place of residence where most sincerely wish you all manner of success.
     We expected ’ere now to have had the pleasure of giving you some agreable intelligence from America, from whence we dayly expectt some arrivalls, but none has apear’d to this day, however you may depend that whenever it does, will immidiatly comunicate you, assur’d that we shall with great pleasure ship duplicates and triplicates of the same sort goods sent per Babson and the next oportunities that shou’d offer, taking proper care that the ships and Masters are such as may produce the desir’d effectt.
     Give us leave to beg that you wou’d not mention the Commission any more, we are happy whenever we can be of service to any private person of your States, so that you may hereby infer our degree of satisfaction in rendering you any, so pray be free of comand.
     We have postly advises from our brother at Madrid of Mr. Carmiachael’s wellfare, and of their being dayly companions, and by yesterday’s letter we find they soon expectt to see there his Excellency John Jay Esqr. whom they expect to meet at Aranjuez which is 7. leagues beyond Madrid, so that whatever intelligence we can gett of his Excellency’s success, you may depend to be inform’d by those who beg leave to return you many thanks for mentioning to said Minister. We hope with you to see soon a solid and lasting treaty between your Constituents and this Kingdom being our heartiest wish. It is with pleasure we hear of the strong armament preparing at Brest, and if we have some further hints of their being bound to America, for which parts an equal armament is preparing at Cadiz, and there is some Accounts that mention that they are to be joyn’d, so that it must precisely produce some good effectt towards you, however we shou’d be glad to hear that they are bound that way. You may rest assur’d that no oportunity will be lost in comuniting your worthy Lady of your wellfare and everything else that may tend to make her eassy in your absence.
     In expectation of your further comands we beg leave to add our respectts to the Honble. F. Dana Esqr. and the rest of the Gentlemen and subscrive with the greatest esteem, Hond. Sir Your most obt. & obliged Servts.

      Joseph Gardoqui & Sons