Title: To Benjamin Franklin from David Hartley, 19 November 1782
From: Hartley, David
To: Franklin, Benjamin

My Dear friendLondon Nov 19 1782
I take the opportunity of Mr Laurens going to Paris to transmitt one line to you, only to express to you my constant & affectionate remembrance of you, in your public character, & as a private friend; And my sincerest wishes for your personal health & happiness, and for success to all your pacific Counsels. The report wch prevails at present on this side of the water, is, that the negotiators at Paris have made some considerable progress towards pacification. Such news wd be acceptable to every country in the world. I shall be very glad to hear from you with any information upon that subject wch it may be proper for you to give; because many of the documents wch have appeared in public require explanation. I am anxious in the cause of peace. You will allways find me persevering in those pacific principles wch have hitherto been the guide of my thoughts and conduct. It was at one time proposed to me, that I shd have been employed in the negotiation. It seemed at that time to be so near the point, that I was requested to keep myself in readiness at the shortest notice. However that proposition passed off. I am ready to confess to you, that such an office wd have been most acceptable to me; And doubly so to have conspired with you in the common of humanity and peace. Your ever affecte
D H.


Title: Lafayette to the American Peace Commissioners, 21 November 1782
From: Lafayette, Marie-Joseph-Paul-Yves-Roch-Gilbert du Motier, marquis de
To: American Peace Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Adams, John,Jay, John,Laurens, Henry

GentlemenParis November the 21st 1782
Since the Early Period When I Had the Happiness to Be Adopted Among the sons of America, I Ever Made it My Point to do that Which I thought Would prove Useful to Her Cause or Agreable to Her Citizens. After We Had Long Stood By ourselves, France did join in our Quarrell, and So Soon as Count d’Estaing’s departure Made My Presence Unnecessary, I Had a Permission to Return to France Where, Among other things, I Endeavoured to Impress this Court With the Propriety to Send a Naval force, and An Auxiliary Army to Serve Under the orders of General Washington. The Plan of a descent in England Lengthened My Negotiation, the Succour was at Last Sent, and Arrived at a Critical Period. It Prevented Evils, But did not Produce Any great Immediate Good Untill that Naval Superiority Which I Had Been Promised Was Sent to Cooperate With us, and Helped us in the Capture of Lord Cornwallis.
This Event Ended the Campaign in Virginia, and the Army I Had Commanded Was of Course Separated. Congress Gave me Leave to Go to France, and to Return at Such time as I should think Proper. I Had it in Command to Make Some Representations at this Court, and the General’s Particular Instructions Were By all Means to Bring a Naval and Land Assistance to Operate in our America.
Count de Grasse’s defeat Having Ruined our Plans, I Now was despairing to fulfill the Intentions of Congress and the orders of My General, When it Was Proposed to me to Serve in the Army Under the direction of Count d’Estaing. This Has Appeared to me the only Way I Had to Serve My Views, I Had the Honor to Consult you About it, and Upon Your Approbation of the Measure, I Consented to Accompagny Count d’Estaing in His Expeditions, Provided it Was in My Capacity, and Even Under the Uniform of an American officer, Who Being for a time Borrowed from the United States, Will obey the first order or take the first Opportunity to Rejoin His Colours.
Had I not Been detained By You, Gentlemen, Upon Political Accounts Which You Have Been Pleased to Communicate to Congress, I Would Have Long Ago Returned to America. But I Was With You of Opinion, that My Presence Here Might Be Useful, and Since it Appears Matters are not Ripe for a treaty, My first Wish is Now to Return to America With such force as May Expell the Enemy from the United States, Serve the Views of Congress, and Assist Your Political Operations. When, or How this May Be Offered I am Not Yet Able to determine, or I Would not Be at Liberty to Mention, But, However Certain I Have Been of Your Opinion, I think it A Mark of Respect to Congress not to depart Untill I Have Your Official Approbation of the Measure.
With the Highest Respect I Have the Honor to Be, Gentlemen, Your Obedient Humble Servant
Lafayette
Their Excellencies Mrs franklin, Adams

Endorsed by John Jay: marq. Fayette to Comrs 21 Nov 1782


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Robert R. Livingston, 21 November 1782
From: Livingston, Robert R.
To: Franklin, Benjamin

SirPhiladelphia 21st. Novr. 1782
Congress a few days since passed the enclosed Resolution No. 1. by which they have added Mr Jefferson to the Commission for concluding a peace; the established character of this Gentleman gives me reason to hope, that his appointment will be very acceptable to you, and the other Gentlemen in the Commission, I have not yet learned, whether he will take the task upon him, but I have reason to beleive he will, the death of his Wife having lessened in the opinion of his friends the reluctance which he has hitherto manifested to going abroad— I think it would be proper to make a formal anunciation of this Resolution to the Court of France. You will naturally give such a representation of Mr. Jefferson’s character as will secure to him there, that esteem and confidence which he justly merrits— The Resolution No. 2. needs no comment, or if it does Mr Morris will prove the abler Commentator, I resign the task to him.
For what end is the shew of Negotiation kept up by England, when peace upon the only terms he can possible expect to obtain it is far from her heart— Her Ministers I suppose, like some ministers of the Gospel, who are unwilling to quit the pulpit, when they have tired out their hearers, expect to keep the People together by calling out at every period “now to conclude” while they continue the same dull tale for want of skill to wind it up. The French Army are at Providence at a loss which Way to move ‘till they receive further orders from home: all of them seem prepared to embark except the Legion which is to remain for the present. The fleet are still at Boston. By accounts from Jamaica we learn that the British have recovered most of their settlements on the Bay—some attention will I hope be paid in the treaty of peace to secure to us the share we formerly had in the Logwood Trade it was a valuable remittance to us, and the low price at which we were enabled to sell renders it important to other nations that we should not be excluded from furnishing it as usual— You will find by the enclosed paper, that Mr. Burgess an English Merchant was not permitted to settle at Boston and obtain the rights of Citizenship upon the principles which must be alarming to England, it shews at the same time the respect that is paid to the resolutions of Congress notwithstanding all that has been said and written to prove the contrary— I am, Sir with great Respect and Esteem your most obedt. humble Servant
Robt R Livingston

PS I forgot to mention that I am solicited by Mr. Barlow to transmit you proposals for printing a work of his, which you will find described in the enclosed proposals, as they are accompanied with a specimen of his poetry which is as much as I have seen of it—you will judge yourself how far it deserves the patronage he wishes you to give it.
The Honorable Benjn. FranklinNo. 21.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jonathan Williams, Jr., 21 November 1782
From: Williams, Jonathan Jr.
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dr & Hond SirNantes Novr 21—1782
I arrived here safe the day before yesterday and found that the Ship Marquis de la Fayette Capt Buffington had arrived to my address from Salem with a prize which was bound from New-york to London with 50 hhds of Tobacco. In this Ship are several Brittish Officers some of whom were in Cornwallis’s Army & are under parole from Genl Washington. Some others are prisoners but we have given them their Parole in Town till you please to extend it, they were all bound home on private Business & were Passengers in the ship
these last mentioned are
Capt Macintosh—71 Regt
Capt Campbell 71— do with his Lady
Lieut— Campbell 71— do
Mr Burnes Surgeon Mate 71 do
Capt Meggs—60— do— with a Lady—
I told these Gentlemen that as the Treatment of Prisoners in England was on a more liberal & humane footing than formerly I did not doubt you would grant their Paroles to go to England— they engaging not to Serve in any military capacity till duely exchanged. As there are several neutral Ships going hence to Ostend they wish to take that mode on account of their Baggage, but nothing can be done without your answer which I request you to give me as early as possible and if you consent I will take from them the proper Paroles & transmit them to you.—
I hope your are now quite recovered— My Father who talks of paying me a visit in the Spring writes me that Aunt Mecom is well tho’ much depressed on acct of the loss of her Grand Daughter.
I am as ever dutifully & affectionately yours—
His Excellency Doctor Franklin Passy


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Lafayette, [on or before 22 November 1782]
From: Lafayette, Marie-Joseph-Paul-Yves-Roch-Gilbert du Motier, marquis de
To: Franklin, Benjamin

[on or before November 22, 1782]
Mis. [Marquis] de Lafayette’s Best Respects Waït Upon Mr franklin and Would Be Much obliged to His Excellency for a Copy of His Memorial to the french Court As He Intends Pressing Upon this Subject in a Letter to Count de Vergennes.
The Mis. de Lafayette Begs Also to know at What time Captain Barnay Has Set out for L’orient, and When His Courier is Expected Back— Count de Vergennes Appears Unwilling to Decide Any thing Before Chev de la Luzerne’s dispatches Have Been Received.
What is the day and Hour Which Mr franklin Has Appointed for a Meeting of the three Ministers Agreable to what He was pleased to say on Tuesday last.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to François Steinsky, 23 November 1782
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Steinsky, François

Passy le 23. Novembre 1782.
J’ai reçu, Monsieur, la Lettre très obligeante que vous m’avez fait l’honneur de m’écrire le 12. Septembre 1781, par la quelle je suis charmé d’apprendre que vous étez arrivé en bonne Santé chez vous. Une longue et pénible Indisposition m’a privé du plaisir de vous repondre plustôt et de vous remercier de l’élégant et beau Présent de la Nape à Caffé que vous avez eu la bonté de m’envoyer. J’en admire beaucoup le Travail ingenieux, et pense que les Manufacturiers de votre Pays ont porté leur art à une grande Perfection. Les seules Nouvelles en Physique dans ce Pays icy depuis votre Depart, sont la Chaleur violente produite en souflant de l’air dephologistiqué sur du Charbon de bois, qui a fondu la platine en peu de minutes, et qu’on regarde comme le Feu le plus chaud que l’art ait encore pu produire. Et la Méthode pour alumer une Chandelle en cassant un Tube de Verre; dont vous verrez les Descriptions dans le Journal de Physique de l’Abbé Rosier. La Corde sans fin du Sr. Verra pour élever l’eau a aussi attiré l’attention et l’Etonnement des Physiciens. Vous m’obligeriez infiniment en m’informant des nouvelles Decouvertes utiles faites en votre Pays, et Je serai fort aise de recevoir de tems en tems de vos Nouvelles. J’ai l’honneur de vous souhaiter une bonne Santé et toutes Sortes de Prosperités, et vous prie de me croire avec beaucoup de Consideration, Monsieur, Votre très humble et très obeissant Serviteur./.
B Franklin
Mr. Steinsky.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Joshua Barney, 23 November 1782
From: Barney, Joshua
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir,L Orient Novr. 23d. 1782.
I have the honor to inform you that I only arrived last night owing to My carriage having broke down on the Road. I have found the Dispatches and According to Your orders have Dispatched a Courier with them to You. Your not having Given any Directions to Mr. Barclay concerning the Dispatches he Declines having any thing to do with them except providing me With the person who brings them. Therefore you will plan to Settle with the Courier on that head. My ship is at present Ready for Sea and hope I shall not be Detain’d any time And Am Your Most Obt. And Hble Servt
Joshua Barney
Excellency B Franklin

Addressed: His Excellency / B. Franklin / Passy / Nr. Paris
Notation: Joshua Barney Nov. 23 1782.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Castries, 23 November 1782
From: Castries, Charles-Eugène-Gabriel de La Croix, marquis de
To: Franklin, Benjamin

A Versailles le 23. 9bre. 1782.
Jai recû, Monsieur, la lettre que vous m’avez fait l’honneur de mecrire le 17 de ce mois pour m’informer que vous avez fait connoître à M Barclay qui est actuellement à l’orient quelles sont celles des munitions deposées à Brest et appt. au Congrés qui doivent etre embarquées de preference. En consequence de ce que vous m’avez marqué, je donne mes ordres á Brest pour qu’on satisfasse aux demandes qu’il Sera dans le cas de faire pour remplir Sa commission.
J’ai l’honneur d’etre avec une parfaite consideration, Monsieur, Votre &c
M franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Juliana Penn, 23 November 1782
From: Penn, Juliana
To: Franklin, Benjamin

SirSpring Garden London. November 23d: 1782.
In consequence of Your obliging Permission, I loose no time in begging Your Assistance & Protection, in the recovery of the rights and Possessions of an unfortunate Family, who have so heavily felt the Misfortunes of this War, and who are likely still to be dreadful Sufferers, if They are not properly consider’d.
You, Sir, are so well acquainted with our losses, that it would be unnecessary to take up your time with relating them: I therefore Earnestly Entreat You to take them into consideration, and by restoring us to our rights and Fortune, confirm the great Character You have so justly merited; and to wch: I shall be proud to owe my Prosperity, and that of my Children and Family.
I know that Lord Shelburne has authorised Mr: Vaughan to back my application to You; but I flatter myself that the justice of my Cause alone will be sufficient recommendation to You. It is then to your feelings that I address myself; and in confidence of your well known Wisdom & Humanity, I adopt You for the Guardian of William Penn’s Grand Children, and remain with respect, Sir, Your Excellency’s Oblig’d and Obedient Humble Servant
Juliana Penn


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Jay, [24 November 1782]
From: Jay, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dr SirSunday Morng [November 24, 1782]
Mr Oswald expressed his Desire to me last Evening that we would meet him, at any Time & place that might be convenient to us. As Mr Strachey is confined by a swelled Face, at Mr Oswalds; I promised the latter to propose to you our meeting there at 11 OClk. Tomorrow.
I am Dear Sir Sincerely Yours &c
John Jay

Endorsed: recd Nov. 24. 82


Title: Henry Strachey’s Remarks to the American Peace Commissioners, 25 November 1782
From: Strachey, Henry
To: American Peace Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Adams, John,Jay, John,Laurens, Henry

Strachey’s return to Paris opened a new round of intensive negotiations which culminated in the signing of a provisional peace treaty on November 30. The present document is Strachey’s recollection of what he said to the American peace commissioners when he presented them with the British counterproposal to their second draft treaty. This meeting was held at 11 A.M. on Monday, November 25, at Richard Oswald’s residence.
The only one of the American commissioners to keep a daily record of these negotiations was John Adams. His diary records the prolonged arguments over the fisheries article, in which he played the lead role. The debate over the fisheries began as soon as Strachey presented the British proposal, and consumed the first day’s session. The following day, the American commissioners summoned Fitzherbert to discuss the parallel negotiations with Vergennes concerning French fishing rights. After having been “discussed and turned in every Light,” the fisheries article was finally settled on November 29.
The other major source of contention was the Loyalists. Among the American commissioners, Franklin held the strongest views and his contributions were key. Over breakfast on the second day of negotiations, the Americans agreed to reject the proposed article about the refugees. Franklin read his colleagues the letter he had written to Oswald on the subject, published below under November 26, which they approved of his sending as a personal statement. Much of that day “was spent in endless Discussions about the Tories,” wrote Adams. “Dr. F. is very staunch against the Tories, more decided a great deal on this Point than Mr. Jay or my self.” For Franklin’s role in breaking the deadlock over this issue, see his Proposed Article of November 29, below.
Henry Laurens arrived in Paris just in time to participate in the last day of negotiations. Approving of what his colleagues had achieved and were still fighting for, Laurens added to Article 7 a clause concerning slaves.

25th. Novr. 1782
Since I was here last, I have seen, and conversed with, almost every one of the King’s Council. They are unanimous in the desire of concluding the Peace. But they are also unanimous in declaring that they think You unreasonable in refusing a general Amnesty and Restoration of Property, to the Refugees. They are unanimous in declaring that those Two Points must be insisted upon, and that every thing ought to be risqued, rather than submit to Terms highly dishonorable to the British Government. And I must add that those of His Majesty’s Ministers, who have been the most zealous Advocates for the Independence of America, are the most forward (if there is the least difference) in condemning America for making a moment’s hesitation upon these Points, which seem to affect equally the Honor, the Justice, and even the Policy of America, as of Great Britain.
The Article of the Fishery is another Point. They were determined to resist the Proposition I carried over. They are apprehensive of future Quarels— To obviate which as much as possible, they have expunged that part of the Article, which proposed the Privilege of drying on Cape Sables, and upon the Shores of Nova Scotia, but have left to You what is conceived will be amply sufficient for Your Accommodation.
Objections were made to almost the whole of the Paper I carried from hence, as deficient in point of Form and Precision. The King’s Ministers have therefore drawn out the Articles as they wish them to stand, and in Form similar to all other Treaties— They have left out several Preambles, as unnecessary, and unusual. The Point regarding the Debts, though somewhat altered in the Forms of Expression, is exactly as You put it, in respect to Substance. The Article of Independence, is adopted precisely in the Words dictated by Yourselves. The Boundaries, they are not satisfied with; and they hope upon a little more Consideration of the real Rights of the Crown, You will have no Objection to admit of the Extention of Nova Scotia to Penobscot— That is left open for amicable Discussion. But I will acknowledge, (depending upon your not taking Advantage of what I say) that they are not disposed to break off the Treaty absolutely, upon that Article.
The Restitution of the Property of the Loyalists, is the grand Point upon which a final Settlement depends— If the Treaty breaks off now, the whole Business must go loose, and take it’s Chance in Parliament, where I am confident the warmest Friends of American Independence, will not support the Idea of the Confiscation of private Property.
Here is the Treaty in such shape as Mr. Oswald can immediately sign—and the War is—for ever I hope, at an end— By this Treaty, You have your Independence confirmed, and in Your own identical mode of Expression. By this Treaty You acquire that vast Extent of Territory You have claimed— New York, with all Your Artillery there, is ceded to You— You will consider well whether You will reject these great Objects for which You have so long and bravely fought, merely upon the Non-admission of a Demand the most humiliating and degrading to Great Britain, and clearly repugnant to the Honor, the Justice, and even the good Policy of America herself.
It is necessary I should apprise You, that in the Article of Restitution, the Words Rights and Properties are added to the Word Estates, in the view of securing the Proprietary Interests, derived from ancient and solemn Charters—
25th. Novr. 1782. As much as I could recollect of my opening to the Commissrs. at Paris—


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Jay, [25 November 1782]
From: Jay, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dr SirMonday afternoon [November 25, 1782]
The Marquis de la Fayette is about to depart, & wishes for a speedy answer to his Letter— The enclosed Draft of one, meets with Mr Adam’s approbation, & if it also meets with your’s, be pleased to sign a Copy of it, and send it by the Bearer—
I am Dr Sir sincerely Yours &
J. Jay
His Exy Dr Franklin

Addressed: His Exy. / Doctr. Franklin / Passy


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from François-Pierre de Séqueville, [25 November 1782]
From: Séqueville, François-Pierre de
To: Franklin, Benjamin

[November 25, 1782]
Le Roi ne verra pas demain mardi 26. Messieurs les Ambassadeurs et ministres Etrangers.
La Cour prendra le Deuil le 27 de ce mois, à l’occasion de la mort de la Psse Charlotte Amelie, de Dannemk. Sa Majesté le portera cinq jours.
De SEQUEVILLESecrétaire ordinaire du Roi, à la conduitde Mrs. les Ambassadeurs.

Addressed: a Monsieur, / Monsieur francklin ministre / Plenipre. des Etats unis de / l’amerique septentrionale / a Passy De sequeville


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Richard Oswald, 26 November 1782
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Oswald, Richard

Sir,Passy, Nov. 26. 1782.
You may well remember that in the Beginning of our Conferences, before the other Commissioners arriv’d, on your mentioning to me a Retribution for the Loyalists whose Estates had been forfeited, I acquainted you that nothing of that Kind, could be stipulated by us, the Confiscations being made by Virtue of Laws of Particular States, which the Congress had no Power to contravene or dispense with, and therefore could give us no such authority in our Commission. And I gave it as my Opinion and Advice honestly and cordially, that if a Reconciliation was intended, no mention should be made in our Negociations of those People; for they having done infinite Mischief to our Properties by wantonly burning and destroying Farmhouses, Villages, and Towns, if Compensation for their Losses were insisted on, we should certainly exhibit against it, an Account of all the Ravages they had Committed which would necessarily recall to View Scenes of Barbarity that must inflame instead of conciliating, and tend to perpetuate an Enmity that we all profess a Desire of extinguishing. Understanding however from you, that this was a Point your Ministry had at Heart; I wrote concerning it to Congress; and have lately received the following Resolution. Viz—
“By the United States in Congress assembled.
“Resolved,
“That the Secretary for Foreign affairs be and he is hereby directed to obtain as speedily as possible authentic Returns of the Slaves and other Property which have been carried off or destroyed in the Course of the War by the Enemy and to Transmit the same to the Minister Plenipotentiary for negociating Peace. “Resolved,
“That in the mean time the Secretary for Foreign affairs inform the said Ministers, that many Thousands of Slaves and other Property to a very great Amount have been carried off or destroyed by the Enemy; and that in the Opinion of Congress the great Loss of Property which the Citizens of the United States have sustained by the Enemy, will be considered by the several States, as an insuperable Bar to their making Restitution or Indemnification to the former Owners of Property which has been or may be forfeited to, or confiscated by any of the States.”
In consequence of those Resolutions and the circular Letters of the Secretary the assembly of Pensylvania then sitting passed the following Act, viz,
“State of Pennsylvania, in General Assembly.
Wednesday, September 18. 1782.
“The Bill intitled. ‘An Act, for procuring an Estimate of the Damages sustained by the Inhabitants of Pennsylvania, from the Troops & Adherents of the King of Great Britain, during the present War,’ was read a second time,
“Ordered to be transcribed and printed for the public Consideration.
Extract from the Minutes,(signed) Peter Z Lloyd.Clark of the General assembly.
“Bill intitled, An Act, for procuring an Estimate of the Damages sustained by the Inhabitants of Pennsylvania, from the Troops and Adherents of the King of Great Britain, during the Present War.
“Whereas great Damages of the most wanton nature, have been committed by the Armies of the King of Great Britain, or their Adherents, within the Territory of the United States of North America, unwarranted by the Practice of civilized Nations, and only to be accounted for, from the vindictive Spirit of the said King and his Officers; and whereas an accurate Account and Estimate of such Damages, more especially the waste and Destruction of Property, may be very useful to the People of the United States of America, informing a future Treaty of Peace; and in the mean time may serve to exhibit in a true Light to the Nations of Europe, the Conduct of the said King, his Ministers, officers and adherents; to the End, therefore, that proper measures be taken to ascertain the Damages aforesaid, which have been done to the Citizens and Inhabitants of Pennsylvania, in the Course of the present War, with this State:
“Be it enacted by the representatives of the Freemen of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, in general assembly met, and by the Authority of the same, that in every County of this State, which has been invaded by the Armies, Soldiers or Adherents of the King of Great Britain, the Commissioners of every such County, shall immediately meet together, each within their County, and issue Directions to the assessors of the Respective Townships, Districts and Places within such County, to call upon the Inhabitants of every Township and Place, to furnish Accounts & Estimates of the Damages, Waste & Destruction, which hath been done & committed as aforesaid, upon the Property real or personal, within the same Township or place since the first Day of [blank in MS] which was in the Year of our Lord 177 , and the same Accounts and Estimates to transmit to the said Commissioners without Delay. And if any Person or Persons, shall refuse or neglect to make out such Accounts and Estimates, the said assessors of the Township or Place, shall from their own Knowledge and by other reasonable & lawful Methods, take and render such an Account and Estimate of all Damage done or committed as aforesaid.
“Provided always, that all such Accounts and Estimates, to be made out and transmitted as aforesaid, shall contain a Narrative of the time and Circumstances, and if in the Power of the Person aggrieved, the Names of the General or other officer, or Adherent of the Enemy, by whom the Damage in any Case was done, or under whose Orders the Army, detachment, Party or Persons committing the same acted at that time, and also the Name and Condition of the Person or Persons, whose Property was so damaged or destroyed; and that all such Accounts and Estimates, be made in current Money upon Oath or Affirmation of the Sufferer or of others having Knowledge concerning the same; and that in every Case it be set forth, whether the Party injured hath received any Satisfaction for his Losses, and by whom the same was given.
“And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, that the said Commissioners having obtained the said Accounts and Estimates from the assessor of the several Townships & Places, shall proceed to inspect and register the same in a Book to be provided for that Purpose, distingushing the districts and Townships, and entering those of each Place together; and if any Account and Estimate be imperfect or not sufficiently verified and established, the said Commissioners shall have power, and they or any two of them are hereby authorised to summon and compel any Person, whose Evidence they shall think necessary, to appear before them at a Day & Place appointed, to be examined upon Oath or Affirmation concerning any damage or Injury as aforesaid; and the said Commissioners shall upon the Call and Demand of the President or Vice-President of the Supreme Executive Council, deliver or send to the Secretary of the said Council, all or any of the original Accounts and Estimates aforesaid and shall also deliver or send to the said Secretary, Copies of the Book aforesaid, or any Part or Parts thereof upon reasonable Notice.
“And be it farther enacted by the Authority aforesaid, that all Losses of Negro or Mulatto Slaves and Servants, who have been deluded and carried away by the Enemies of the United States, and which have not been recovered or recompenced, shall be comprehended within the Accounts and Estimates aforesaid and that the Commissioners and assessors of any County which had not been invaded as aforesaid, shall nevertheless inquire after and procure Accounts and Estimates of any Damages suffered by the Losses of such Servants and Slaves, as herein before directed as to other Property.
“And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, that the Charges and Expences of executing the Act, as to the Pay of the said Commissioners and Assessors, shall be as in other Cases; and that Witnesses shall be rewarded for their Loss of time and Trouble, as Witnesses summoned to appear in the Courts of Quarter Sessions of the Peace; and the said Charges and Expences shall be defrayed by the Commonwelth, but paid in the first Instance out of the Monies in the hands of the Treasurer of the County rates and Levies upon orders drawn by the Commissioners of the proper County.”
It appears by subsequent Newspapers that this Bill passed into an Act.
We have not yet had time to hear what has been done by the other assemblies; but I have no doubt that similar Acts will be made by all of them; and that the Mass of Evidence produced by the Execution of those Acts, not only of the Enormities committed by those People (the Royalists) under the Direction of British Generals, but of those committed by the British Troops themselves, will form a Record that must render the British Name odious in America to the latest Generations. In that Authentic Record will be found the burning of the fine Towns of Charlestown near Boston; of Falmouth just before Winter when the Sick, the Aged, the Women and Children were driven to seek Shelter where they could hardly find it; of Norfolk in the midst of Winter; Of New London; of Fairfield; of Esopus; &c. &c. besides near a hundred and fifty miles of well settled Country laid waste, every House and Barn burnt, and many hundreds of Farmers with their Wives and Children butchered and scalped.
The present British Ministers when they reflect a little will certainly be too equitable to suppose that their Nation has a right to make an unjust War (which they have always allowed this against us to be) and to do all Sorts of unnecessary mischief unjustifiable by the Practice of any civilized People, which those they make War with are to suffer, without claiming any Satisfaction; but that if Britons or their Adherents are in return deprived of any Property it is to be restored to them, or they are to be indemnified! The British Troops can never excuse their Barbarities. They were unprovoked. The Loyalists say in Excuse of theirs, that they were exasperated by the Loss of their Estates, & it was Revenge. They have then had their Revenge. Is it right they should have both?
Some of those People may have a Merit with regard to Britain; those who espoused her Cause from affection; these it may become you to reward. But there are many of them who were Waverers, and were only determined to engage in it by some occasional Circumstances or Appearances; these have not much of either Merit or demerit; and there are others who have Abundance of Demerit, respecting your Country, having by their Falshoods & Misrepresentations brought on and encouraged the Continuance of the War. These instead of being recompenced should be punished.
It is usual among Christian People at War to profess always a Desire of Peace. But if the Ministers of one of the Parties chuse to insist particularly on a certain Article which they have known the others are not and cannot be empower’d to agree to, what Credit can they expect should be given to such Professions?

Your Ministers require that we should receive again into our Bosom those who have been our bitterest Enemies, and restore their Properties who have destroy’d ours: and this while the Wounds they have given us are still bleeding. It is many Years since your Nation expell’d the Stuarts and their Adherents, and confiscated their Estates. Much of your Resentment against them may by this time be abated. Yet if we should propose it and insist as an Article of our Treaty with you, that that Family should be recalled and the forfeited Estates of its Friends restored, would you think us serious in our Professions of earnestly desiring Peace?
I must repeat my Opinion, that it is best for you to drop all mention of the Refugees. We have proposed indeed nothing but what we think best for you as well as ourselves. But if you will have them mentioned, let it be in an Article which may provide; that they shall exhibit Accounts of their Losses, to Commissioners hereafter to be appointed, who shall examine the same, together with the Accounts now preparing in America of the Damages done by them, and state the Account, and that if a Ballance appears in their Favour it shall be paid by us to you, and by you divided among them as you shall think proper. And if the Ballance is found due to us, it shall be paid by you.
Give me leave however to advise you to prevent the Necessity of so dreadful a Discussion, by droping the Article; that we may write to America, to stop the Enquiry.
With great Esteem & Respect, I am, Sir, Your most obedient & most humble Servant
B Franklin
Richard Oswald Esqe.Copy

Notations by Franklin: Read to the Commissioners at Paris, the same Day / Honble. R. Oswald Esqr
Endorsed: Refugees & Loyalists


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Richard Oswald, 26 November 1782
From: Oswald, Richard
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Paris 26 Novr 1782
By a Letter from Mr Dundass, Lord Advocate of Scotland, dated 12th Novemr, he writes that a Nephew of his, Son of the Lord presedent of the Court of Session, Francis Dundas a Captain of the 1st Regimt of Guards is now at London a Prisoner upon his Parole, having Served in Lord Cornwallis Army. And wishes much to be discharged under any Obligations or Conditions of Exchange that may be thought proper, & may in the Interim Restore him to his freedom in his Rank of Service— I should consider this as a particular Obligation on my part
RO


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Robert Pigott, 26 November 1782
From: Pigott, Robert
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Hond. SirGeneva 26 Novemr 1782
I ought in duty to have wrote before this time to express the Satisfaction I Receivd at Paris from the honour of your Acquaintance, & also to acknowledge your very many Civilitys, and If I have been guilty of an Omission in this particular, The cause arose from an apprehension of being troublesome. No Person can have a greater respect & more sincere regard for Dr: Franklyn than myself. Your Name is Immortal, yes Sir What Man who prizes Humanity will not have pride honor & Pleasure in giving Praise to so venerable a Character. I hope the Battle is finally fought & won, & that the Civil Crown(?) so honorably obtained will long be enjoyed in Peace & happyness.
I had the pleasure of seeing Yesterday your Grandson & his Companion Jeanet. They were both in perfect Health, and I consider as two Young Plants which will produce good fruit when transplanted into their native Soil. They appear of Character so different yet each good in their Kind. As I propose to pass the Next succeeding months in Geneva I hope to see them often, if you have any Instructions to give concerning them I shall have much pleasure in receiving Them. I take the Liberty to inclose your Excellence a Letter which is destined for Boston. The Young Man to whom it is addressed is said to be a great Genius & full of Talents. His Parents are very worthy People & greatly respected. They sollicit me to intreat your Excellence to say a word in his favour to some friend at Boston, & also his itinerant Companion by name Serre. These two young Men formed a Project to establish themselves in America animated with the Ideea of the new World where they might have a better opportunity to distinguish Themselves than in the old.
Mrs Pigott desires to present her best Respects which concludes me with all possible regard Honorable Sir Your very devoted Servt.
Robert Pigott

Notation: Pigott 26 Nov. 1782.


Title: The American Peace Commissioners to Lafayette, [27 November 1782]
From: American Peace Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Adams, John,Jay, John,Laurens, Henry
To: Lafayette, Marie-Joseph-Paul-Yves-Roch-Gilbert du Motier, marquis de

Sir[November 27, 1782]
We have recd. the Letter you did us the Honor to write on the 25th. Inst.
Our Country has had early & repeated Proofs both of your Readiness and abilities to do her Service. The Prospect of an inactive Campaign in america, induced us to adopt the opinion, that you might be more useful here than there—especially in Case the Negotiation for peace on the Part of France & England, should be committed to your managemt; for Your Knowledge of our affairs, & attachment to our Interests, might have been very advantageous to us on such an occasion. But as an opportunity now offers of your being instrumental in producing a Cooperation, which would probably put a glorious and speedy Termination to the War in america, we for our part, perfectly approve of your going with Count D’Estaing in the Manner proposed.
We have the Honor to be &c.
Marqs. de la FayetteDr. of joint Letter to Marqs. Fayette Appd. verb [Approved verbally]


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Richard Bache: Three Letters, 27 November 1782
From: Bache, Richard
To: Franklin, Benjamin

I.
Dear & Hond: SirPhiladelphia Novr. 27th. 1782.
Give me leave to introduce to you Mr. Stuart, Brother to my particular Friend Colonel Walter Stuart; this young Gentleman has resided some time in America, and has gained the esteem of all his Acquaintanc; as a Person deserving your Notice & Civilities, I therefore recommend him to you.
I am Dear Sir Your affectionate Son
Rich Bache
Dr. Franklin

Addressed: His Excellency / Dr. Benjamin Franklin / Minister Plenipoy: from the United / States of No: America / at / Passy / Favored by Mr. Stuart
Notation: Richd. Bache Nov. 27. 1782.

II.
Dear & Hond: SirPhiladelphia Novr. 27h. 1782
Permit me to introduce to your acquaintance, Mr. Moses Miers who having resided for some time here, is now going to join his establishment at Amsterdam— He is generally esteemed here as a Gentleman of Probity & Honor; as such I recommend him to your Notice & Civilities. I am Dear Sir Your affectionate Son
Rich Bache
Dr. Franklin

Addressed: His Excellency / Dr. Benjamin Franklin / Minister Plenipoy: from the United / States of No. America / at / Passy / Favored by Mr. Miers
Notation: Richd. Bache Nov. 27. 1782.

III.
Dear & Hond: SirPhiladelphia Novr. 27th. 1782.
I have lately wrote you by a variety of opportunities,—since my last, I have the pleasure to inform you a small part of the three Hhhds [hogsheads] of Claret, you were so kind to order me, came safe to hand, and proves of excellent Quality; Mr. Bonfield has done ample justice to his Commission— I wish I may be fortunate enough to get the remaining twenty Boxes; ten of which were sent to L’Orient & ten to Rochfort— Sally has packed up in the Box that contains Squirrel Skins for Temple, all the Newspapers, except a few of yesterday & this day’s date, which you will receive herewith— We are all in good Health, & join in Love & Duty to you.

I am, Dear sir, ever Yours affecly.
Rich Bache
Dr. Franklin

Addressed: Dr. Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Ingenhousz, 27 November 1782
From: Ingenhousz, Jan
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear SirVienna Nov. 27 1782.
I have at last recieved the German American newspapers as far as august 6th. they have diverted me and many of my friends. I wish to have some more, if you have recieved some of a later date. The almanac is not arrived.
I hope mr. wharton will send me soon an answer after having recieved your admonitory note, you was so good as to join to my lettre. I can not but be anxious about the principels of that Gentleman, after he brooke his word of honour, by which he promish’d me as well by writing as by words, that he will make it his first duty to write to me. Instead of writing to me, he writes to mr. Coffyn, who is interested but for a small part in the trade, and that gentleman divides the provenue between him and Dr. Bankroft, without my Consent, and without my having any intelligence of their acting according to the will of mr. wharton but what mr. Coffyn himself writes me. Indeed I have not the least Sus’picion of mr. Coffyn’s honesty. The fault lies in the negligence of mr. wharton, which however unaccountable in a man of his quality, can not be taken by me as yet for a want of integrity. But Dr. Bankroft’s unwillingless of giving me any account of the transaction, tho requested repeatedly to doe so by mr. Coffyn by you and by my Self, can not but inspire me with unfavourable ideas of that gentleman. If I was to be treated with such an abominable behaviour as every body, but me, would suspect by the proceeding of mr. S. Wharton towards me, it would hurt me materialy in my moderate circumstances, the more so, as I loose about one hundred pound St. a jear by a reform which the emperour has made, in taking away the right of a free longing [lodging] from every one who belongs to the Court. This reform, of which nobody understands the reason, I could never have exspected to touch me, as I was engaged to settle here under express promiss that I should enjoy Constantly the benefits, which the court granted me without my making the least Step to obtain them, and which is les that the Empress offred me. I could exspect so much the less this harm from that Souverain, as he him Self gave me his hand, shaked it, and toll’d me Monsieur Ingen Housz je suis bien aise d’apprendre que vous restez avec nous, je vous reconnois pour un parfaitement honnete homme; Comptez sur moi, je serai toujours votre ami. I wrote him a lettre upon it, repeating him his own promiss and telling him very respectfully, that I have the greatest confidence in Such gracious expressions and that I would doe an injury to his Majesty and magnanimity, if I should permit me to harbour in my breast the least fear of loosing at my age a part of the emoluments which I accepted after having been sollicited during 4 months to accept of them. All has been to no purpos; I doubt even, whether my reluctant submission to be a looser has not done me more harm than good. This makes me sometimes low spirited and unfit for business. If mr. wharton’s behaviour had been such as I had a right to expect from him, it would have kept up my spirits by having gained by trade what I lost by having too much Confidence in Courts. You remembre I did live quieter in the small Northumberland court than at the most August Court of the world.
I should wish you would ask to mr. Bankroft the original lettres of mr. Wharton and runn them over, or, as this would not suit your business, let them be red over by your grandson or clerk, who could give me a short account of what mr. Wharton may have wrote about my share in the trade. This would, I think, discover at once, whether those gentleman have conspired to cheat me or not; tho it will not exculpate Dr. Bankroft of his unwillingness of giving me a propre account of my own affaires, which he has in hands. Be So kind as to quiet me on these accounts. Nusquam tuta fides!
The polemical piece of the german translator will not be in the frensh Edition. I hear from a friend of Dr. Priestley, he is some what in peine about his manner of acting with me. His friend, now here, Sees the Revd. Dr. is mistaken in his doctrine by not knowing my decisive experiments.
I sent a paper about it to the R. Society, by which, as I have understood, every body has been convinced I am perfectly in the right.
I will follow your good advise by abstaining from polemics, not to loose time or be vexed.
Mr. le Begue, who has the M.S. a long while, doe not goe on with the printing. I wish I could come over my Self.
I am respectfuly your obedient humble Servant and faithfull friend
J. Ingen Housz
I refer farther to my former lettres.

Addressed: a Son Excellence / Mr. B. Franklin, Ministre Plenip. / des Etats unis de l’Amerique / septentrionale &c &c. / a Passy
Endorsed: Nov. 27. 82


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Robert R. Livingston, 27 November 1782
From: Livingston, Robert R.
To: Franklin, Benjamin

SirPhiladelphia 27th. Novr. 1782
An opportunity offering from this port to write directly to you, I do not chuse to hazard anything by the Post which carries this to Boston, particularly as I did not hear till just now that a frigate was to sail from thence, and it is uncertain whether this will arrive in time to go by her— This then only accompanies the newspapers which contain all the public information now in circulation—
The Memorial of Messrs. Lé Marque and Fabre are transmitted to South Carolina, as it is a matter in which the United States are not concerned— It is to be hoped that the State will do justice to the Claimants if as is asserted Gillon acted under authority from them— He just left this with his Ship not in the most honorable manner having as I am informed been arrested by order of the proprietor of the Ship for his proportion of the prize money.— The Sherif stands in the gap—
The Swiss Officer mentioned in yours I have sent to Edenton to get information about, you shall have the result of my enquiries in my next—
As your Grandson will probably chuse to continue in the line he is in, I cannot but think he might find important advantages from opening a correspondence with this Office— His dilligence and accuracy in collecting and transmitting intelligence would procure him friends here—my attatchment to you will render me desireous to place them in the best light.
I am Sir, with great Respect and Esteem your most obedt. humble servt.
Robt R Livingston
No 22. 2plicate


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Benjamin Vaughan, 27 November 1782
From: Vaughan, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Benjamin

My Dearest Sir,Paris, Nov. 27, 1782.
I am so agitated with the present crisis, that I cannot help writing you, to beseech you again and again to meditate upon some mild expedient about the refugees, or to give a favourable ear, and helping hand to such as may turn up.
Both sides agree that the matter of expence is nothing; and the matter of honour in my opinion is least to that side, which has most sense and most justice on its side. It seems to me that the matter of present peace, and future happiness, are the only points of true concern to either.
If I can judge of favourable moments, the present is of all others most favourable to our views of reconciliation. We have liberal American Commissioners at Paris, a liberal English Commissioner, and a liberal first minister for England. All these circumstances may vanish to-morrow, if this treaty blows over.
If you wanted to break off your treaty, I am perfectly sensible that you could not do it on grounds in which America would more join with you, than this of the refugees. On the other hand, if England wanted to break, she could not wish for better ground on her side. You do not break; and therefore I conclude you both sincere. But in this way, I see the treaty is likely of itself to break. I pray then, my dearest, dearest Sir, that you would a little take this matter to heart.
If the refugees are not silenced, you must be sensible what constant prompters to evil measures you leave us, what perpetual sources of bad information. If the minister is able, on the other hand, to hold up his head on this one point, you must see how much easier it will be for you both to carry on the great work of reunion, as far as relates to prince and people. We are not well informed about the deeds of the refugees in England; and we can only now be well informed by publications that would do irreparable mischief.
Besides, you are the most magnanimous nation; and can excuse things to your people, which we can less excuse to ours. Not to mention, that when Congress sent you her last resolutions, she was not aware that you would be so near a settlement, as you are at present. To judge which is the hardest task, yours, or England’s, put yourself in Lord Shelburne’s place. The only marks of confidence shown him at Paris, are such as he dares not name; and the only marks promised him, are future national ones. England has given much ground of confidence to America. In my opinion England will do HER business in the way of RECONCILIATION, very much in proportion, as you do your business generously at the present peace. England is to be won, as well as America is to be won; and I beg you would think with yourself and your colleagues about the means. Excuse this freedom, my dearest Sir; it is the result of a very warm heart, that thinks a little property nothing, to much happiness. I do not however ask you to do a dishonourable thing, but simply to save England; and to give our English ministry the means of saying on the 5th December we have done more than the last ministry have done. I hope you will not think this zeal persecution; for I shall not mention this subject to you again, of my own accord.
I know you have justice on your side; I know you may talk of precedents; but there is such a thing as forgiveness, as generosity, and as a manly policy, that can share a small loss rather than miss a greater good. Yours, my dearest Sir, most devotedly, most gratefully, most affectionately,
Benjamin Vaughan.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jonathan Williams, Jr., 27 November 1782
From: Williams, Jonathan Jr.
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear & Hond SirNantes November 27—1782
The Bearer is Capt George Meggs of the 71st Regiment taken in his Passage from N york to London by the Ship Marquis de la Fayette, arrived here to my Address. As this Gentleman has some pressing Business in London & wishes to return thither as soon as possible, I have taken the Liberty of giving him his Parole as far as Paris, & then he will be considered still a Prisoner unless you consent to grant his Parole & permission to go to England. He has a Lady under his escorte who accompanys him—
I am as ever Your most Dutiful & affectionate Nephew.
Jona Williams J

Addressed: His Excellency / Doctor Franklin / Minister Plenipotentiary to the United States / Passy
Notation: Jona. Williams Nantes Novr. 27th. 1782


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to David Hartley, 28 November 1782
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Hartley, David

Dear FriendPassy, Nov. 28, 82
I received your very kind Letters of Oct. 29, 31, & Nov. 8. I thank you much for the Receipt you send me. It may be of use hereafter, tho’ at present the Gravel has left me. I shall send the Book you desire by Mr Vaughan. And you may depend on my doing every thing in my Power to serve the Person you recommend. I have only time to add that I am ever Yours most affectionately
B Franklin
David Hartley Esqr

Addressed: To / David Hartley Esqe. / Member of Parliament, Golden / Squire, / London.
Notation: Mr. Fox [torn] himself the Honor of waiting upon [torn: Mr. Ha]rtly—but not being fortunate enough [to find] him at home will take the Liberty of waiting upon him another day [?]to know whether the Letter may have been delivered him


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to James Jay, 28 November 1782
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Jay, James

Sir,Passy, Nov. 28. 1782.
I received the Letter you did me the Honour of writing to me the 27th past. I have no direct Powers from Congress to transact Exchanges, but have taken the Liberty in your Case, to absolve the Parole of Captain Francis Dundas, of the first Regiment, now a Prisoner on Parole in London, on Condition that yours be also fully discharged. You will know whether this Condition is comply’d with by applying to the Lord Advocate of Scotland, who is his Uncle. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient and most humble Servant
B Franklin
Sir James Jay.

Addressed: To / Sir James Jay / London
Endorsed: from Doctr: Franklin Novr: 28. 1782


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Francis Dana, 17/28 November [i.e., 28 November 1782]
From: Dana, Francis M.
To: Franklin, Benjamin

SirSt: Petersbourg Novr. 17 / 28 1782.
I wrote to Mr: Livingston in Augt: last: to advise Congress of a custom established at this Court by order of Her Majesty, That every Power entering into any Treaty with her, shou’d pay Six Thousand Roubles to Four of her Ministers (making in the whole Twenty four Thousand) upon the signing of the Treaty: And that if any occasion shou’d offer for me to make a Treaty on the part of the United-States, it wou’d be indispensably necessary Congress shou’d enable me to advance that sum. I have lately written to him upon that subject again, and acquainted him. “If the present negotiations for a Peace shou’d happily suceede, I shall have occasion for the money mentioned in that letter, before I can expect an answer from Congress; and shall apply to Doctr: Franklin and Mr: Adams to advance it between them.” I accordingly wrote to Mr: Adams by the last post, and desired to know of him if he wou’d agree to advance one moiety of the sum (which will be somewhere about Twenty three to Twenty five hundred pounds sterlg: as the Course of Exchange may be) if the supposed case shou’d happen. I told him I shou’d make the same application to you by this post; which I have thought it my duty to do, to the end I may be prepared as far as possible, to meet that event. You will judge whether it is consistent with yours to grant it in case it shou’d become necessary before I shall receive an answer from Congress upon the subject. As Mr: Adams is now near you, and as it wou’d be useless to obtain the consent of one of you only, I suppose you will consult together upon the matter, which I am sensible is not without its difficulties on your parts. Shou’d you see your way clear to answer each for one Moiety of the money, it wou’d be sufficient to authorise me to draw upon you for it in the very moment when it shall be indispensably necessary for me to advance it.
I am, Sir, with the greatest Respect and Esteem Your most obedient humble Servant
His Excellency Benja: Franklin Minister Plenipotentiary &c By the Post of the 18th. thro’ Mr. W.


Title: Franklin’s Proposed Article 5, [29 November 1782]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

The final day of negotiations was held at Jay’s residence at the Hôtel d’Orléans. In attendence were Oswald, Strachey, Fitzherbert, Franklin, Adams, Jay, and Henry Laurens (who had just arrived from London). They spent the day wrangling over the British ultimatum about the fisheries and the issue of compensation for the Loyalists. For most of the day, the success of the negotiations was in doubt.
While Adams argued about the fisheries, Franklin brought up the issue of compensation for American citizens who had suffered in the war. He took from his pocket the present document and proposed it as a substitute for Article 5 of the British counterproposal. All four American commissioners elaborated on its contents: Adams explained the history of Gage’s doublecrossing the citizens of Boston; Franklin testified to the goods confiscated in Philadelphia, including his own library; Laurens described the plunder of slaves and silver in the Carolinas; and Jay offered other examples. The British commissioners “retired for some time.” When they returned, they agreed to drop the offensive terms of both articles. The Americans reciprocated by offering more favorable terms in Article 4, regarding creditors. The entire treaty was reviewed and corrected, and the commissioners agreed to sign and seal fair copies the following day. That evening Strachey wrote to a British official that he was “half dead from perpetual anxiety” and would not rest until he knew how these compromises would be viewed. “If this is not as good a Peace as was expected,” he continued, “I am confident it is the best that could have been made.” The American commissioners justified their own compromises in their letter to Livingston of December 14.

[November 29, 1782]
Article proposed
It is agreed that his Britannic Majesty will earnestly recommend it to his Parliament to provide for and make Compensation to the Merchants and Shopkeepers of Boston whose Goods and Merchandise were seized and taken out of their Stores, Warehouses and Shops, by Order of General Gage and others of his Commanders or officers there; and also to the Inhabitants of Philadelphia for the Goods taken away by his Army there. And to make Compensation also for the Tobacco, Rice, Indigo and Negroes &c. seized and carried off by his Armies under Generals Arnold, Cornwallis and others from the States of Virginia, North and South Carolina, and Georgia; and also for all Vessels and Cargoes belonging to the Inhabitants of the said United States, which were stopt, seized or taken, either in the Ports, or on the Seas by his Governors or by his Ships of War, before the Declaration of War against the said States.
And it is further agreed that his Britannic Majesty will also earnestly recommend it to his Parliament to make Compensation for all the Towns, Villages and Farms, burnt and destroyed by his Troops or Adherents in the said United States.

Facts.
There existed a free Commerce upon mutual Faith between Great Britain and America. The Merchants of the former Credited the Merchants and Planters of the latter with great Quantities of Goods on the common Expectation that the Merchants having sold the Goods would make the accustomed Remittances; that the Planters would do the same by the Labour of their Negroes and the Produce of that Labour, Tobacco, Rice, Indigo, &c.
England before the Goods were sold in America, sends an armed Force, seizes the Goods in the Stores, some even in the Ships that brought them and carries them off. Seizes also and carries off the Tobacco Rice and Indigo, provided by the Planters to make Returns, and even the Negroes from whose Labour they might hope to raise other Produce for that Purpose.
Britain now demands that the Debts shall nevertheless be paid.
Will She, can She justly refuse making Compensation for such Seizures?
If a Draper who had sold a Piece of Linnen to a Neighbour on Credit, should follow him, take the Linnen from him by Force, and then send a Bailiff to arrest him for the Debt, would any Court of Law or Equity award the Payment of the Debt, without ordering a Restitution of the Cloth?
Will not the Debtors in America cry out that if this Compensation be not made, they were betray’d by the pretended Credit; and are now doubly ruined, first by the Enemy, and then by the Negociators at Paris, the Goods and Negroes sold them being taken from them with all they had besides, and they are now to be obliged to pay for what they have been robb’d of?

In Franklin’s hand: Read to the Commissioners Nov. 29. 82
Notation by Richard Oswald: Reparation of Damages, Devastations, Plunder—&ca—


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Vergennes, 29 November 1782
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Vergennes, Charles Gravier, comte de

Sir,Passy, Nov. 29. 1782
I have the honour to acquaint your Excellency, that the Commissioners of the United States, have agreed with Mr Oswald on the Preliminary Articles of the Peace between those States & Great Britain. To-morrow I hope we shall be able to communicate to your Excellency a Copy of them. With great Respect I have the honour to be, Sir, Your Excellency’s most obedient and most humble Servant
B Franklin
Comte de Vergennes.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Ingenhousz, 29 November 1782
From: Ingenhousz, Jan
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear FriendVienna Nov. 29th. 1782.
Yesterday I was favoured with your kind lettre dated Nov. 12., which gave me the greatest satisfaction, as the defection of the colonies from their alleys is entirely Contradicted by your lettre as well as by the papers inclosed. That for some English people here so flattering news was still so much credited among them a few days ago, that a gentleman of note say’d in full compagnie, that it was true, indeed, America has taken a Frensh instead of an English husband, but that she did not like her spouse and was determin’d to kukhol him very soon, grow rid of him and mary a good one. I told him, that, if his prediction should proove true, America Could never place her herself among the venerable matrons, the other republicks, without blushing, as beyng an adulteress and vile prostitute.

I red the article of your american Constancy to the first Lord of the Bedchambre and gave him a translation of it in Frensh for the Emperour. He was much pleased with it. The Duch envoye was allso highly delighted with the news; and principaly with the Pensylvania packet of august 27.
I found inclosed Six german news papers, who amuse me and my friends very much. I hope you will continue to send me some more when you have done with them. The lettre of Dr. Bankroft does not clear up the matter; and mr. S. wharton can not excuse himself of his not writing to me. One circumstance, joined by the rest, should make any one Suspect of Som evil intention in that Gentleman; which is, that, when at orient, he wrote me three letters, in which he referrs tho a third one which I never recieved, tho that third one was sent of after the first and before the last, and what makes the suspicion still greater, is that justly that middel lettre contained the whole account of the Cargo, name of the ship, of the master, add to this that this particular adventure regarded only him and me. So that, by this lettre being never come to hand, and perhaps never having existed, I am quite left in the dark about the whole affair; nay I could even not discover whether the Ship in which the goods were put, is arrived, if mr. wharton should make me believe it was perish’d or taken. For that reason I requested a copy of that lettre from him, without telling him the reason of this demand.
However suspicious all these circonstances may be, I can not think that a man of so much personnal dignity, a membre of the souverainty of America should commit such mean action as to sheat a man who placed the greatest confidence in him.
I Send you a wire folded up in a spiral, which you must arrange as you see the wire on the figure I join to it. Leave at the end of it the bit of agaric. When you have a bottle of white glas of about a pint or more filled with good dephlogisticated air, take away the curk and clasp your thumb of the left hand on the orifice. In the mean time turn for a moment the bit of agaric in the flame of a candle till you see it is every were kindled. Hold the wire in the right hand till you see that the piece of agaric gives no more any Smoak but is become quite a red hot coal. Then thrust it immediately in the bottle to above the half of its depth and keep it there till it is consumed. The coal of the agaric will increase in heat so as to set fire to the end of the wire. The flame will slowly run up and the melted metal will now and than fall d to the bottom of the glass, and will Crack it, if even you leave water in the bottle. You will be highly delighted with the experiment. My bottles for that purpose have a metal bottom. You only want to send an empty bottle of flint glass with a good kurk stopper upon it, to mr. Sigau de la fond who lives in the rue S. Jaques maison de l’université, in the neighbourhood of mr. le Begue. He has allways a good deal of dephlogisticated air ready, and will be glad to let you have as much as you please. He is a good friend of Dr. le Begue. You must recommand not to leave more water in the bottle than is sufficient to keep the curck moist, for the motion of water with this air spoils the air.
I think you aught to be more cautious not to take medicines without the greatest necessity, than to take them at all. For in your age the principal thing is not to hurt the stomach. The most part of medicines destroy the appetite, and therefore harm as much, if not more, in one regard as they may do good in the other. I think opening the pores by bathing, rubbing, and exercising the body are the savest precautions against a relaps.
I am very respectfully your obedient humble servant and affectionat friend
J. Ingen Housz

In the figure the wire is tapered to a very sharp point, when it kindles with a jarr of a quart, or even less in fire; because it is only required to set fire to one end of it.

Addressed: a Son Excellence / Mr. B. Franklin / Ministre Plenipot. des Etats / de l’Amerique &. &. / a Passy
Endorsed: Nov. 29. 82


Title: Preliminary Articles of Peace, [30 November 1782]
From: Franklin, Benjamin,Jay, John,Laurens, Henry,Adams, John,Oswald, Richard
To:

[November 30, 1782]
Articles agreed upon, by and between Richard Oswald Esquire, the Commissioner of his Britannic Majesty, for treating of Peace with the Commissioners of the United States of America, in behalf of his said Majesty, on the one part; and John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, John Jay, and Henry Laurens, four of the Commissioners of the said States, for treating of Peace with the Commissioner of his said Majesty, on their Behalf, on the other part. To be inserted in, and to constitute the Treaty of Peace, proposed to be concluded, between the Crown of Great Britain, and the said United States; but which Treaty is not to be concluded, untill Terms of a Peace shall be agreed upon, between Great Britain and France; and his Britannic Majesty shall be ready to conclude such Treaty accordingly.
Whereas reciprocal Advantages, and mutual Convenience are found by Experience, to form the only permanent foundation of Peace and Friendship between States; It is agreed to form the Articles of the proposed Treaty, on such Principles of liberal Equity, and Reciprocity, as that partial Advantages, (those Seeds of Discord!) being excluded, such a beneficial and satisfactory Intercourse between the two Countries, may be establish’d, as to promise and secure to both perpetual Peace and Harmony.

Article 1st.
His Britannic Majesty acknowledges the said United States, Vizt. New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia, to be free Sovereign and independent States; That he treats with them as such; And for himself, his Heirs and Successors, relinquishes all Claims to the Government, Propriety, and territorial Rights of the same, and every part thereof; and that all Disputes which might arise in future, on the Subject of the Boundaries of the said United States, may be prevented, It is hereby agreed and declared that the following are, and shall be their Boundaries Vizt.
Article 2d.
From the north west Angle of Nova Scotia, Vizt. that Angle which is form’d by a Line drawn due north, from the Source of St. Croix River to the Highlands, along the said Highlands which divide those Rivers that empty themselves into the River St. Laurence, from those which fall into the Atlantic Ocean, to the northwesternmost Head of Connecticut River; thence down along the middle of that River to the 45th. Degree of North Latitude; from thence by a Line due West on said Latitude, untill it strikes the River Iroquois, or Cataraquy; thence along the middle of said River into Lake Ontario; through the middle of said Lake, untill it strikes the Communication by Water between that Lake and Lake Erie; thence along the middle of said Communication into Lake Erie, through the middle of said Lake, untill it arrives at the Water Communication between that Lake and Lake Huron; thence along the middle of said water communication into the Lake Huron; thence through the middle of said Lake to the Water Communication between that Lake and Lake Superior; thence through Lake Superior northward of the Isles Royal & Phelipeaux, to the Long Lake; thence through the middle of said Long Lake, and the water Communication between it and the Lake of the Woods, to the said Lake of the Woods, thence through the said Lake to the most Northwestern point thereof, and from thence on a due west Course to the River Missisippi; thence by a Line to be drawn along the middle of the said River Missisippi, untill it shall intersect the northernmost part of the 31st. Degree of North Latitude. South, by a Line to be drawn due East, from the Determination of the Line last mentioned, in the Latitude of 31 Degrees North of the Equator, to the middle of the River Apalachicola or Catahouche; thence along the middle thereof, to its junction with the Flint River; thence strait to the Head of St. Mary’s River, and thence down along the middle of St. Mary’s River to the Atlantic Ocean. East, by a Line to be drawn along the middle of the River St. Croix, from its Mouth in the Bay of Fundy to its Source; and from its Source directly North, to the aforesaid Highlands which divide the Rivers that fall into the Atlantic Ocean, from those which fall into the River St. Laurence; comprehending all Islands within twenty Leagues of any part of the Shores of the united States, and lying between Lines to be drawn due East from the points where the aforesaid Boundaries between Nova Scotia on the one part and East Florida on the other shall respectively touch the Bay of Fundy, and the Atlantic Ocean; excepting such Islands as now are, or heretofore have been within the Limits of the said Province of Nova Scotia.
Article 3d.
It is agreed, that the People of the United States shall continue to enjoy unmolested the Right to take Fish of every kind on the Grand Bank, and on all the other Banks of Newfoundland; Also in the Gulph of St. Laurence, and at all other Places in the Sea where the Inhabitants of both Countries used at any time heretofore to fish. And also that the Inhabitants of the united States shall have Liberty to take Fish of every kind on such part of the Coast of Newfoundland, as British Fishermen shall use, (but not to dry or cure the same on that Island,) and also on the Coasts, Bays, and Creeks of all other of his Britannic Majesty’s Dominions in America, and that the American Fishermen shall have Liberty to dry and cure Fish in any of the unsettled Bays Harbours and Creeks of Nova Scotia, Magdalen Islands, and Labrador, so long as the same shall remain unsettled; but so soon as the same or either of them shall be settled, it shall not be lawful for the said Fishermen to dry or cure Fish at such Settlement, without a previous Agreement for that purpose with the Inhabitants Proprietors or Possessors of the Ground.
Article 4th.
It is agreed that Creditors on either side, shall meet with no lawful Impediment to the Recovery of the full value in Sterling Money of all bonâ fide Debts heretofore contracted.
Article 5th.
It is agreed that the Congress shall earnestly recommend it to the Legislatures of the respective States, to provide for the Restitution of all Estates, Rights, and Properties which have been confiscated, belonging to real British Subjects; and also of the Estates Rights and Properties of Persons resident in Districts in the Possession of his Majesty’s Arms; and who have not borne Arms against the said United States: And that Persons of any other Description shall have free Liberty to go to any part or parts of any of the thirteen United States, and therein to remain twelve months unmolested in their Endeavours to obtain the Restitution of such of their Estates, Rights and Properties as may have been confiscated; And that Congress shall also earnestly recommend to the several States a Reconsideration and Revision of all Acts or Laws regarding the premises, so as to render the said Laws or Acts perfectly consistent not only with Justice and Equity, but with that spirit of Conciliation which on the Return of the Blessings of Peace should universaly prevail. And that Congress shall also earnestly recommend to the several States, that the Estates Rights and Properties of such last mention’d Persons shall be restored to them; they refunding to any Persons who may be now in Possession the bonâ fide Price, (where any has been given,) which such Persons may have paid on purchasing any of the said Lands, Rights, or Properties since the Confiscation.
And it is agreed that all Persons who have any Interest in confiscated Lands, either by Debts, Marriage Settlements or otherwise, shall meet with no lawful Impediment in the prosecution of their just Rights.
Article 6th.
That there shall be no future Confiscations made, nor any prosecutions commenced against any Person or Persons, for or by reason of the Part which he or they may have taken in the present War, and that no person shall on that account suffer any future Loss or Damage either in his Person, Liberty or Property; and that those who may be in confinement on such charges, at the time of the Ratification of the Treaty in America, shall be immediately set at Liberty, and the Prosecutions so commenced be discontinued.
Article 7th.
There shall be a firm and perpetual Peace, between his Britannic Majesty and the said States, and between the Subjects of the one and the Citizens of the other, Wherefore all Hostilities both by Sea and Land shall then immediately cease: All Prisoners on both sides shall be set at Liberty, & his Britannic Majesty shall, with all convenient Speed, & without causing any Destruction or carrying away any Negroes, or other Property of the American Inhabitants withdraw all his Armies Garrisons and Fleets from the said United States, and from every Port, Place, and Harbour within the same; leaving in all Fortifications the American Artillery that may be therein: And shall also order and cause all Archives, Records, Deeds and Papers belonging to any of the said States, or their Citizens, which in the Course of the War may have fallen into the hands of his Officers to be forthwith restored and delivered to the proper States & Persons to whom they belong.

Article 8th.
The Navigation of the River Mississippi from its Source to the Ocean, shall for ever remain free and open to the Subjects of Great Britain and the Citizens of the United States.
Article 9th.
In case it should so happen that any Place or Territory belonging to Great Britain, or to the United States, should be conquered by the Arms of either, from the other, before the Arrival of these Articles in America, It is agreed that the same shall be restored, without Difficulty, and without requiring any Compensation.
Done at Paris, the thirtieth day of November, in the year One thousand Seven hundred Eighty Two
Richard Oswald [seal]John Adams [seal]B Franklin [seal]John Jay [seal]Henry Laurens. [seal]

Witness
The Words [and Henry Laurens] between the fifth and sixth Lines of the first Page; and the Words [or carrying away any Negroes, or other Property of the American Inhabitants] between the seventh and eighth Lines of the eighth Page, being first interlined
Caleb WhitefoordSecretary to the British Commission. W. T. FranklinSecy to the American Commission

Separate Article.
It is hereby understood and agreed, that in case Great Britain at the Conclusion of the present War, shall recover, or be put in possession of West Florida, the Line of North Boundary between the said Province and the United States, shall be a Line drawn from the Mouth of the River Yassous where it unites with the Mississippi due East to the River Apalachicola.
Done at Paris the thirtieth day of November, in the year One thousand Seven hundred and Eighty Two.

Attest
}
Richard Oswald
[seal]

Caleb Whitefoord

Secy. to the British Commission.

Attest
}
John Adams
[seal]

 W. T. Franklin
 B Franklin
[seal]

Secy. to the American Commission.
John Jay
[seal]

Henry Laurens
[seal]


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Gilles de Lavallée and Other Offerers of Goods and Schemes, [c. November 1782]
From: Lavallée, Gilles de
To: Franklin, Benjamin

News of the peace negotiations inspires a number of merchants, manufacturers, and schemers to make offers to Franklin during the period of this volume. In November, Gilles de Lavallée outlines his plan to establish in the 13 “Colonies Unies” factories for making ribbons, yarns, and thread as well as textiles, coverlets, and sheets. His letter is published below.
On September 26, Petit, a bénéficier of the Church of Paris, wants Franklin to meet his relative Villiers, a horologer who wishes to present the watch he has invented, based on new principles. The watch has been praised in the Journal des savants and admired by other watchmakers.
The firm of Destombes frères writes on November 15 requesting Franklin to forward to Matthew Ridley a list of articles which they manufacture in Roubaix, a center of the wool trade, not far from Lille. Should American merchants ask Franklin to recommend a commercial house, they enclose a note for him describing their goods.
On November 26, M. Arnauld, director of a maison d’éducation et école de mathématiques in Belleville, describes his school in the hope that Franklin will recommend it to those Americans considering a foreign education for their children. The school caters to the nobility and enrolls students from different parts of the world. The enclosed prospectus notes that the school is under the authority and jurisdiction of the cantor of the Eglise de Paris and strives to inculcate a love for Christian wisdom and piety. It is located in the suburbs of Paris and draws on teachers from the city for instruction in music, dance, and fencing.
Another educational project is that sent by the Nouvelle Librairie de la Cour et de l’Académie of Mannheim, on December 24. Believing that the study of the Greeks and Romans alone can form one’s taste for knowledge and that the sciences and the arts make a nation foster progress, greatness, and happiness, they have undertaken to publish Roman writers of the Golden Age at a price everyone can afford. Currently 37 volumes have appeared, representing 18 authors, and this collection may be had for 39 l.t. They hope that Franklin, wishing to cultivate the talents of American youth, will take several copies of each to sell and distribute in his native land. Surely this is a goal worthy of a patriot.
In their studies two correspondents claim to have uncovered the secret workings of nature. Mamboumel de Saradin, writing from Lévigny, near Mâcon, on December 19, is not known as a physicist but has been performing experiments for the past 40 years and has perfected his discovery of the system of nature. The implications for agriculture are extensive. He hopes that Franklin can stop by his house in Burgundy to see some of his experiments and wishes him every success in negotiating the independence of the United States.
On January 1, Godefroi Roi fils takes up the pen for his father, J. J. Roi, a Protestant pastor at Chaux-de-Fonds in Neuchâtel, who had written a year earlier offering to dedicate to Franklin his work Texte de la Nature rétabli, the result of 20 years of close observation. He hopes that Franklin can examine the work when he has the time or submit it to the “accadémie de Massacusetts” to test the truth of his theories. What better occasion to announce the restoration of nature’s origins than that of the rebirth of America under the laws of virtuous liberty? Over the space of 28 pages he offers samples of his ideas and projects on underwater exploration, agriculture, irrigation, and education. If Franklin does not see any way to favor his projects, could he recommend them to His Prussian Majesty through one of the Prussian commercial agents at Paris?
With peace near at hand, L. Lanoix writes on December 10 from Bordeaux to offer Franklin half his ship, the Grand d’Estaing, to carry goods to Congress. In return he would like letters of recommendation for merchants at Philadelphia to whom he might address his own cargo. He will need a passport also.
M. Antheaume, director of the royal hat factory at Rennes, writes from that city on December 12. Like his parents before him, he has suffered financial reversals, and recently a shipment of hats to the Philadelphia firm of Lacaze & Mallet has been refused because the hats were found to be unfashionable. The Philadelphia firm proposes instead that he send textiles and other articles. This is an opportunity to expand his business, but he requires 30,000 livres as an initial investment and hopes that Franklin will intercede. As proof of his reliability he encloses an account of his assets and the proposal from Lacaze & Mallet.
Erdmann Frédéric Senff, inspector of the saltworks at Dürrenberg, Saxony, has read that the English have destroyed many saltworks in the United States and proposes in a letter of December 21 to go over to help remedy the loss. Five or six thousand pounds sterling would serve to launch the project. He can send certificates attesting to his expertise.
On January 12, Daniel Alfons von Sandoz-Rollin, secretary to the Prussian ambassador, sends an undated memoir from the Société du commerce maritime de Prusse proposing trade on a scale greater than has hitherto been possible. The society will fill orders for textiles and articles of clothing manufactured in the region and will arrange for transportation by ship. Franklin will know what is needed and will be able to recommend reliable merchants in America.

   D: Historical Society of Pennsylvania

Mémoire
[c. November, 1782]
Le Jour que J’ai eu l’honneur d’offrir verbalement mes Services à vôtre Excellence pour former divers Etablissemens de Manufactures dans les 13. Colonies Unies de l’amérique Elle eû la bonté de me demander Si Je n’avais pas un Mémoire à lui présenter à ce Sujet; Je n’en avais pas alors, J’eû L’honneur de vous le dire.
Je Crois qu’il est de mon devoir de le faire aujourdhui et Je viens Suplier vôtre Excellence de vouloir bien l’éxaminer.
Je puis faire, et faire Etablir partout ou je me trouverai sans avoir besoin de Modêle.
1º. Des Metiers grande Mécanique propre à faire par un Seul ouvrier toute Sorte de Rubans, soit en fil, Laine, Soye, Cotton &ca. depuis 10. pièces à la fois Jusques à 30. et de toute Largeur par un seul et même metier, unis, Croisés ou faconnés.
2º. Des Moulins à monter, retordre et mettre en Echevaux par la même Machine toutes Sortes de Matières filées au dégré de Serré que l’on désirera Sans aucun apprantissage.
3º. Des Rouets mécaniques pour faire filer par une Seule Personne depuis 2. brins Jusques à Six à la fois Soit Laine ou Cotton.
4º. Une Navette roulante propre à faire par un ouvrier toute Sorte de toiles, des Couvertures de Lits, du Drap &ca. de la plus grande Largeur.
Non seulement Je puis faire Ces Machines, mais Je puis aussi former Les ouvriers pour travailler avec.
J’ai Chez moi et qui travaillent Journellement Les metiers Mecaniques à Rubans, Le Moulin à retordre et mettre en Echevaux toute Sorte de matière filée, La navette roulante pour faire des Etoffes de la plus grande Largeur; J’aurai quand il me plaira les Rouets mécaniques à filer ainsi que Les ouvriers faits & occupés à ces divers ouvrages dont la majeure partie sont mes apprentis, on peut Les venir voir travailler pour en mieux Juger.
Comme Je ne Suis pas pressé et que rien ne me force de quitter ma Patrie, Je desirerais qu’il plaise à Vôtre Excellence de vouloir bien m’instruire, aprés avoir pris les plus éxactes Informations et Vérifié par les faits et Sur Les Lieux, La vérité de ce que J’avance, Qu’elle serait La Protection, Le Secour que Je pourrais obtenir du Congrés pour m’aider à former Ces Etablissemens.
Je desire il est vrai de porter mes Talents Chez un Peuple Brave, Sage & Libre, que J’aime et que Je respecte et à qui Je voudrais de tout mon Coeur être utile, Mais si le Zêle & L’amour propre m’engagent à faire cette Démarche, La Raison m’ordonne de ne La faire qu’aprés que Je Serai assuré d’une Subsistance au moins Egale à Celle que J’ai maintenuë dans ma Patrie et dans ma famille par mon travail &ca. &ca.
Ma Résidence est à Ercuis en Picardie prés de Beaumont sur Oize Distance de Paris de 10. Lieües Et me nomme Gille de Lavallée fabricant en grande Mécanique./.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from the Comtesse de Golowkin, [after November 1782]
From: Golowkin, Wilhelmina von Mosheim, comtesse de
To: Franklin, Benjamin

[after November, 1782]
J’ai une grace à vous demander, mon Papa, j’ai demain Jeudi une petite Course à faire à la Campagne, ma Voiture ordinaire est caseè, je me trouve dans L’embarras— N’aurès vous pas la bontè extrême pour moi de me prêter votre Diligence (rien que la Voiture sans chevaux:) J’ose vous faire cette demande parceque comme vous avès aussi une Berline il vous seras peut-être ègal de vous en servir un jour, et de me rendre Le service essentiel de me prêter l’autre dont je vous promets d’avoir soin comme de moi-même— Adieu, mon Papa, si je ne savois que vous êtes la bontè et L’obligeance même, je n’ôserois pas vous faire cette demande mais jusqu’à prèsent vous n’avès existè que pour faire du bien aux autres. Je vous embrasse aussi tendrement que je vous aime.
C. Golofkin

Addressed: à Monsieur / Monsieur le Docteur Francklin / à Passÿ
Notation: Golofkin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Taylor, 1 December 1782
From: Taylor, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear SirCircus, Bath 1st. Decr. 1782.
The great friendship you have ever shewn me, produces a liberty which I trust you will forgive, as the subject is a matter of the utmost importance to me, and my family— I see in Freemans Philada. Journal of the 27th. february 1782 among the names of those who have forfeited their Estates, two John Taylors, and as I have not heard from my Agent Wm. West nor from any other person in Philada. since Decr. 1775 I am under the greatest anxiety least my property shoud fall under one of them— Pray tell me Sir is that unfortunately the case? If it is! what have I done to incur so heavy a punishment!—is my residing here the cause? — I did it to take care of a sickly wife, six small children, and an aged Mother. Or shou’d I have quitted all these tender Concerns and have gone an Individual to America? Surely that cou’d never be expected— I quitted it Sir with my good father in 1762 long before the beginning of the unhappy dispute— He was ever their warm friend and they told him he and his, shou’d ever have their love; and be assur’d good Sir not a thought ever enter’d my heart which cou’d give a shadow to suspect my warmest attachment and sincerest good wishes to that Country—but I need not take up your time with declarations of this kind— No man knows me and my family better than yourself; and may I add Dr Sir! my hopes that you will in consequence of it, think me worthy of your friendship and assistance in this distressfull business; and by your interest or advice point out to me such methods as I shou’d pursue, to reverse the forfeiture, if it has taken place, or prevent it at any future time.
I shou’d have taken a Journey to intreat this great favor in Person; was not my wife in so precarious a state of health that I cannot think of leaving her. She desires and my Mother joins in most respectful Compliments to You and I am most truly and respectfully Dear Sir Your very obliged & obedt Servt.
John Taylor

Endorsed: Answer’d by Mr Laurens—
Notation: Tailor Mr. John, 1st. Decr. 1782.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from George Walker, 1 December 1782
From: Walker, George
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir,Calais 1st December 1782.
An old friend will excuse this familiarity of address to the Minister.
I found by Mr. Wharton of Philadelphia, when he did me the honour of a visit at Calais, that I was still alive in your memory and good opinion; and that you were content with the excuses I had made you thorough him for my silence. Circumstances however seem now to be approaching, which call upon me to trouble a friend. Publick fame announces the prospect of a speedy peace. It may be so. Sore experience is a mistress that will teach men wisdom, who would not learn it from Dr. Franklin.
Suppose therefore a Peace! Or suppose the war to continue!
In either case is there any way in which your advice and assistance can be of service to an old and honest fellow-labourer in the same cause? You know my history; you know the history of Barbadoes. I fall a sacrifice to the accursed politicks of the British ministry, and the vengeance of their Secretary for America. The hurrican followed and compleated the ruin. Creditors had no mercy, because my wife’s separate property had been settled for her separate use. I now subsist upon the kindness of Mrs. Walker, whom I refused to drag down with me in my fall. Sufficient to her is a share of the calamities upon all estates in England.

I had proposed that the common misfortune should have been born in common by all parties concerned; but neither the Publick of England, nor the Publick of Barbadoes, was disposed to apply an adequate remedy: indeed Barbadoes could not without the approbation of England, and England satisfied itself with an act of charity, like a wealthy man to a poor beggar, instead of some wise political regulations becoming a great people.
I have found in France more than I expected. From the national character, I expected civility from all individuals in the class of gentlemen; and from government an azylum and personal liberty; even that was denied me in all places to which the British dominion extends. But I have found too what I was not to have expected. I have had the good fortune to be distinguished by the notice of several persons of rank and consequence: particularly I am honoured with the favour of the Duc de Croÿ, and the Prince his Son. The Duc is so kind as to say he will see you, and hopes to interest M. de Vergennes in my behalf. With such friends in conjunction with Dr. Franklin, I must no longer look upon myself as quite unfortunate.
I have seen Mr. Laurens on his return to Paris; but his stay was short; and as his voyage had been tiresome, and himself seemed indisposed in body and mind, we had but little conversation. I could have wished for much. I only mentioned my intention of writing to you, he offered to be the bearer of the letter; but it was not then written. If you see him inclined to co-operate with you in any thing for my advantage, perhaps this is an opening to be improved.
I will not waste your valuable time in compliments or excuses, but believe me as formerly, Dear Sir, Your very affectionate and respectful humble servant
George Walker


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jonathan Williams, Jr., 1 December 1782
From: Williams, Jonathan Jr.
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear & hond SirNantes Decemr. 1. 1782.
The Ship Nonesuch is just arrived in 22 Days from Philadelphia. Thinking it of great Importance that the public Dispatches should go forward with the utmost Expedition, and the Post not going out for two Days to come, I thought it my Duty to send off this Express which I hope will be agreeable.
I have given the Courier eight Louis which please to reimburse with sufficient for his Return and such allowance for his Trouble as you may think he merits: The account of his Expences he will give you.
Inclosed is a Letter for Mrs Williams which contains a miniature Picture belonging to her please to give it to Billy to forward by some safe private Hand.
I am as ever yours most dutifully & affectionately
Jona Williams J


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jean de Neufville & fils, 2 December 1782
From: Neufville, Jean de, & fils
To: Franklin, Benjamin

SirAmsterdam 2d. Decr. 1782
We had the honour of Addressing your Excellcy. on the 24th. Octr. last on the subject of 4 Small Continl. Bills endors’d by Mr. Wm. Foster for The Honble. R R Livingston, on Which we have no reply.
We now are to give you advice of having Endorsed 2 Continl. Bills No. 279 & 280—in date of 31st Jany. 1782 for 300 Dollrs. pble. to George putnam—which we hereby accordingly do agreable to the directions by said Mr. Putnam’s Endorsement— There remains only for us to add the respectful Sentiments With Which we have the honour to be Your Excellency’s Most Obedt. Humble Servants
John DE Neufville Son
His Excellency Dr. B Franklin Ministr. plenipo: for the States of Amca. at the Court of Versailles


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Adams, 3 December 1782
From: Adams, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

SirParis Decr 3. 1782
The Moments we live in, are critical and may be improved, perhaps to advantage, for which purpose I beg Leave to propose to your Consideration, whether it is not proper for Us to write to Mr Dana at Petersbourg, acquaint him with the Signature of the Preliminaries, inclose to him an authentic Copy of them and advise him to communicate it to the Ministers of the Empress, and to all the Ministers of the neutral Powers at her Court, together with a Copy of his Commission to Subscribe to the Principles of the armed Neutrality. The present Seems to me, the most proper Time for this Step.
The United States are as much interested in the Marine Treaty as any Power, and if We take this Step We may with Propriety, propose, if not insist upon an Article in the definitive Treaty respecting this matter, which will be as agreable to France And Spain as to the United Provinces.
I have heretofore mentioned to Mr Jay a Similar proposal, who approved it, and I will propose it again to day to him and Mr Laurens. If you approve the measure, you will be so good as to order an authentic Copy to be made of the Preliminary Treaty, that We may prepare a Letter the first Time We meet.
I have the Honour to be, Sir, your most obedient
J. Adams
His Exy. B. Franklin Esqr


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Sarah Bache, 3 December 1782
From: Bache, Sarah Franklin
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear & Honoured SirPhiladelphia. December 3d 1782
By this Vessel you will receive a tin and a Wooden box; both with grafts of the best new town Pippins which Mr Powell was obliging enough to procure, each of the grafts has a peice of the Old wood remaining to it, the wooden [torn: box] was put up by him in a particular manner with wax and tallow, the other by Mr Bache according to your directions, Mr Powel advises that the grafts should be placed in the earth as soon as they arrive till it is time to use them, and desires to be informed which succeeds the best—the Family at present are all well and join in the sincerest Love to you with your Afectionate Daughter
S Bache

Addressed: His Excelly. / Dr: Franklin / Minister Plenipoy: from the / United States of No: America / at / Passy. / favored by Mr. Miers / [In Myers’ hand:] L.Orient Jany. 13th. 1783 Forwarded by—Yr. Excellency’s Mo Obedient & very Hble Servt. Moses Myers


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Robert R. Livingston, 4 December 1782
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Livingston, Robert R.

Sir,Passy, Decr. 4. 1782.
We detain the Washington a little longer expecting an English Passport for her in a few Days; and as possibly some Vessel bound for North America may sail before her, I write this Line to inform you that the French Preliminaries with England are not yet signed, tho’ we hope they may be very soon. Of ours, I enclose a Copy. The Dutch & Spain have yet made but little Progress, and as no definitive Treaty will be signed till all are agreed, there may be Time for Congress to give us farther Instructions if they think proper. We hope the Terms we have obtained will be satisfactory, tho’ to secure our main Points we may have yielded too much in favour of the Royalists.— The Quantity of Aid to be afforded us remains undecided, I suppose something depends on the Event of the Treaty.— By the Washington you will be fully informed of every thing.
With great Regard, I have the honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient & most humble Servant.
B Franklin
R. R. Livingston Esqr.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Percival, 4 December 1782
From: Percival, Thomas
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Manchester Decemb. 4. 1782.
Messrs. James and Charles Hill, are the Sons of Mr. John Hill, late a very considerable Tradesman in Manchester, and have left their Native Country in consequence of the Bankruptcy of their Father.—
Tho. Percival.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Joshua Barney, 5 December 1782
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Barney, Joshua

Sir,Passy, Dec. 5. 1782.
I receiv’d your Letter of the 23d. past duly by the Express. I was very glad to see the Minister’s Dispatches, as the Want of them had much delay’d our affairs. I have kept the Express hoping to have sent by him our final Letters. But the Answer of the Court being not yet obtained, & the time when we may expect it being from some present Circumstances very uncertain, I dismiss him, and shall send another when we are ready. In the mean time, it may be agreable, and of some use to you to know, that tho’ Peace between us & England is not concluded, (and will not be till France & England are agreed) yet the Preliminary Articles are Signed, and you will have an English Passport. I acquaint you with this in Friendship, that if you have any little Adventure on your own Account you may save the Insurance: but you will keep it to yourself for the present. Hold your Ship ready, as we know not how soon we may be ready to dismiss you. With great regard, I have the honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient and most humble Servant
B Franklin

P.S. Let me know what Vessels are at L’Orient bound to America, and when they sail.—
[In Franklin’s hand:] If any Vessel for North America Sails before you, send with her the enclos’d for Mr Livingston & let me know by whom it goes—
Capt. Barney.