Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 3 August 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

					Sirs,
					Quincy, August 3, 1809.

				ON the 12th of September, 1780, wrote to Mr. Dana,
at Paris. “This will be delivered you by Mr. Samuel
Hartley, who is recommended to me by Mr. Diggs and
Mr. David Hartley. I should be obliged to you for any
civilities you may show him. Mr. Diggs recommends
him as an open friend to the American cause. There is
no news here but what you will see in the Leyden Gazette, which is my vehicle for conveying the news.Same day, wrote to Mr. David Hartley. “You were
not misinformed when you heard that the object of my
appointment was peace, nor do I differ from your opinion, that this appointment is honorable: altho’ I see no
prospect at all of ever acting in virtue of it. Peace will
never come but in company with faith and honor. When
these can be allowed to live together, let friendship join
the amiable and venerable choir. Peace, however, seems
to be flying away. The new Parliament may divide her
to the distance of seven years. And every year of the
continuance of war, will add some new humiliation to the
demands upon a certain country. So the fates seem to
have ordained, and we mortals must submit.The words underscored alluded to some insinuations
of Mr. Hartley, concerning a separate peace between us
and England, which I considered as an infamous perfidy.September 16, 1780, wrote to Congress. “I have
the honor to send by this opportunity, a few pamphlets
and papers, which relate to subjects interesting to the
United States, and therefore ought to be communicated
to Congress for their consideration.The attention of mankind is now turned, next to the
Congress of America, to that of Petersburg. The last letters from London say, they have information that one of
the first measures of this confederation will be an acknowledgment of American independence. Whether this is
true or not, I am not able to say: The councils of the
sovereigns of Europe are not easily penetrated: but it is
our duty to attend to them, and throw into view such information as may be in our power, that they may take
no measures inconsistent with their and our interests, for
want of light—a misfortune that may easily happen.
With this view I could wish that the United States had a
minister at each of the maritime courts. I say this upon
supposition that Congress can devise means of defraying
the expense, which to be sure would amount to a large
sum.I have heard that Mr. Searle has arrived at Brest, but
am not informed of his destination, nor whether he has
dispatches for me. I am anxious to learn from Congress
what their intentions may be respecting me. I have as
yet received no authority to draw upon any fund whatsoever for my subsistence, nor to borrow money for that or
any other purpose. I see no prospect of my commissions
being of any utility. Although many persons here think
that peace will be made in the course of the ensuing winter or spring, yet I must acknowledge I am of a different
opinion. The idea that France will dictate the conditions
of peace, if it is made now, cannot be borne by Englishmen as yet. They are not yet sufficiently humbled, although probably every year will add some fresh humiliation to the demands upon their country.The English privateers have taken some Russian vessels,
loaded with hemp and iron, which must bring the question
to a legal decision. The admiralty will probably discharge them: and it is thought the ministry, provided
the Dutch agree with the Northern powers, will give up
the point of free ships, free goods. They will not venture upon a war with all the world at once. Besides the
military force which they could not resist, they would not
be able to obtain any stores for their navy.But the great question now is, whether the Dutch will
agree. Their ambassadors are instructed to insist upon a
warranty of their East and West India dominions.—Whether the Northern powers will agree to this condition, is
a question. The States General, however, are sitting,
and will wait for dispatches from Petersburgh, and will probably be much governed by events.—What has happened in the West Indies and in North America, we shall soon
learn. Digby has sailed with a part of Geary’s late fleet,
whether for another expedition to Gibraltar, or whether
for the West Indies or for North America, is unknown.
The success of these operations will probably influence
much the deliberations, both at Petersburgh & the Hague.
This, time only can discover. It is said, however, that
Mr. Le Texier will be exempted by the States General
from the payment of duties upon his masts, hemp, iron
and other naval stores, that he is sending over land, to the
French marine.The capture of fifty five ships at once: so much wealth:
so many seamen and soldiers: and such quantities of stores, is a severe stroke to the English, and cannot but
have the most excellent effects for us, both in the West
Indies and North America. The right vein is now opened, and I hope that the courts of France and Spain will
now be in earnest, in convoying their own commerce, and
in cruising for that of their enemies. This is a short,
easy and infallible method of humbling the English, preventing the effusion of an ocean of blood, and bringing
the war to a conclusion. In this policy, I hope our
countrymen will join with the utmost alacrity. Privateering is as well understood by them as by any people
whatsoever. And it is by cutting off supplies, not by attacks, sieges, or assaults, that I expect deliverance from
our enemies. I should be wanting in my duty, if I did
not warn them against any relaxation of their exertions
by sea or land, from a fond expectation of peace. They
will deceive themselves, if they depend upon it—Never
will the English make peace, while they have an army in
North America.September 17, 1780, wrote to Mr. William Churchill
Houston, member of Congress from New-Jersey. “Last
night Mr. Dana arrived here from Paris, and brought me
your favor of the 11th of July. You cannot imagine,
sir, how much pleasure this letter gave me. I shall make
a good use of this and every other authentic information,
in order to prevent the unfavorable impressions, you
are aware of. It has been my greatest affliction since I
have been in Europe, that I have had so seldom letters
from my friends, or intelligence from America of any
kind. That business which is every body’s, is never done.
Most of the letters I receive, tell me, “you will be so
fully informed, both officially and by your other friends,
that I shall not trouble you with public affairs.” And
thus it is that I learn nothing. My friend Lovell, indeed,
remembers me, now and then: and considering his indefatigable labors in other things, is very good. Heaven
reward him for his virtues, sufferings and exertions, and
earth too.General Green’s report of Kniphausen’s exploit, is
much admired in Europe. Yet I am almost wicked
enough to wish that my friend Green had been beaten,
because his defeat would have insured the captivity of
Kniphausen and all his banditti.The late accounts from America, from all quarters,
have had a good effect in Europe. The capture of fifty
five ships at once by the combined fleet of France and
Spain, with the capture of Don Barcelo and the Quebec
fleet, have cast down the English cause to such a degree
as to put them upon the compassionate list, even with
some who detest their tyranny. You will not mistake
this for a promise or a hope of peace. This cannot be.
The heads of a king and ministers are at stake, in the negociation for peace: at least they suspect so. The new
parliament will not alter the system, unless to make it
more insidious. As to money, I can promise nothing but
my utmost exertions to procure it. It is lucky that I had
been here four or five weeks before my commission arrived, because I have had an opportunity to reconnoitre the
country.September 19, 1780, wrote to Congress,  “The day
before yesterday Mr. Dana arrived here from Paris, with
the dispatches from Congress which came by Mr. Searle.I am very sensible of the honor that is done me by
this appointment, (the provisional commission to negociate a loan of money, in case Mr. Laurens should not arrive, which has been before printed in these letters,) and
yesterday I set myself very seriously about discharging the
duties of it: and this day I have been some leagues into
the country upon the same service. There are good reasons for concealing the names of the gentlemen to whom
I have applied for advice and assistance; but they are such
as Congress would have approved if they had themselves
been here.I was told very candidly that I might possibly be
much mistaken in my information: I might think that
money was plentier here than it is: that America has
more friends here than she has: and that the difficulty of negociating a loan here was less than it is. That it was
mysterious that Congress should empower any gentleman
to negociate a loan, without at the same time empowering
the same or some other, to negociate a political treaty of
alliance and commerce, consistent with the treaties already made with other powers. That a Minister Plenipotentiary, here would be advised to apply directly to the
Prince and the States General. That he would not be
affronted or ill treated by either: and whether received
publicly or not, would be courted by many respectable
individuals, and would greatly facilitate a loan. I was
however encouraged to hope, that I might have some
small success: and was advised to a particular course, in
order to obtain it, that cannot as yet be communicated.I must however apprize congress, that there are many
delicate questions which it becomes my duty to determine
in a short time, and perhaps there is none of greater difficulty, than “what house shall be employed?” I have
no affections or aversions to influence me in the choice:
and shall not depend upon my own judgment alone, without the advice of such persons as Congress will one day
know to be respectable. But let the choice fall upon
whom it may, offence will be taken by several other houses, that have pretensions and undoubted merit. As this
may occasion censure and complaints, I only ask of Congress, not to judge of such complaints without hearing
my reasons: and this request I presume I need not have
made.I have only to add, that the moment Mr. Laurens shall
arrive, or any other gentleman vested with a like commission, I will render him every service in my power, and
communicate to him every information I may possess.
But I ought not to conclude, without giving my opinion,
that it is absolutely necessary, that Mr. Laurens, or whoever comes in his place, should have a commission of a
minister plenipotentiary. If that gentleman were now
here, with such a commission, it would have more influence than perhaps any body in America can imagine, upon the conduct of this republic; upon the Congress at Petersburg; and upon the success of Mr. Jay at Madrid."Although when the foregoing letter was written, there
were decisive reasons for concealing names, there are none
at present. I consulted many, but the gentleman here
intended was Mr. Bicker, a nephew of the two famous
Bickers who defended Amsterdam more than a century
before, against a Prince of orange. He was of one of
the most ancient, oppulent, and respectable families in that
city. This gentleman had been dismissed from the regency in 1748, and had applied himself to commerce in
a mercantile house of more than an hundred years standing, by which he had accumulated a clear fortune of several millions.—A patriot without alloy of French or English influence. One of the most sensible and well informed men: and the most intimate confidential friend of
Mr. Vanberckel. He was to me a sincere friend and
faithful counsellor, from first to last. He advised me to
enquire and consider, what houses were too much connected with the British ministry? These must not be
chosen. But he assured me I must ask other questions,
such as, What houses had other connections, that would
be equally likely to hinder or defeat the loan? He soon
afterwards explained himself to mean, houses too much
connected with the French ministry, and other houses
whose solidity and credit were not sufficiently established;
and he cautioned me in confidence particularly with regard to Mr. John De Neuville. He recommended the
Vollenhovens, as a house of unquestionable solidity, wholly Dutch, biassed neither by France nor England:—But
these were too rich to hazard so dangerous an experiment.
They declined upon my application to them at that time:—and have repented since, as I believe, for they have endeavored to retrieve their error, and have succeeded,
though not to so great advantage as they might have reaped if they had accepted my offer. He recommended too,
a particular Broker, who was so little of French or English that he understood not a word of either language. I
found from his predictions and by subsequent experience, that emulation produces the same passions and effects
among capitalists and mercantile houses, as it does between admirals, generals, ministers of state, & rival nations.September 20, 1780, wrote to Mr. Samuel Adams,
among other things: "I am very happy to learn from
your letter, that the people of Massachusetts have accepted
the Constitution. May they be wise in the choice of their
rulers and happy under them. The constitution and the
address to the people have much respect shewn them in
Europe. The accounts from various parts of the activity
and ardor of the people, are very pleasing and promise
good success. The accounts of embargoes distress me,
because they discourage trade and privateering, and I expect more benefit from them, than from your exertions
at land. Nothing will be done to effect until the allied
powers apply their attention to the destruction of the
British commerce, transports and marine.I hope soon to see Mr. Laurens, with a commission of
minister plenipotentiary to their high mightinesses.—This
would be a great political stroke and have great effects
many ways. The English are now all intoxicated. The
run of elections, indicate a continuance of war, and the
most desperate obstinacy.Sept. 20. wrote to Dr. Rush, "Your account
of the resurrection of the spirit of 1765 and 1766, is very
refreshing. The ladies having undertaken to support
American independence, settles the point.—Surely no
gentleman will ever dispute it against so many of the fair.
The ill bred mortals at St. James’s will continue to wrangle about it, but we knew long ago that they had no
politeness of manners. If Mrs. Rush reproaches you with
lukewarmness, I am sure there must be zeal enough in
the country: for it is impossible that you should be wanting in the necessary proportion of that quality. My best
respects to Mrs. Rush, and desire her to move in the assemblies of the ladies, that their influence may be exerted
to promote privateering.—This and trade are the only way
so lay the foundation of a navy, which alone can afford a solid protection to every part of our country. If I could have
my will, there should not be the least obstruction to navigation, commerce or privateering; because I firmly believe that
one sailor will do us more good than two soldiers.Keppel is thrown out at Windsor, Burke and Cruzer
at Bristol, and your friend Sawbridge in the city. It is
necessary in England for a man to be an enemy to his
country, in order to be popular. Where this is the case,
all is lost.September 20, wrote to Mr. Lovel. "I hope you
will send Mr. Laurens here minister plenipotentiary. We
have not shown so much attention and respect to this republic as it deserves, or as their interest or ours requires. A minister here would be able to do a great deal of good.
He would have a great influence upon the public opinion
of several nations. If Mr. Laurens declines, which I
hope he will not, pray send some other gentleman. We
daily expect news from Petersburgh, which, if it should be
unfavorable, I shall forever think it owing to our neglect in
not having a minister at the Hague.September 20, wrote to President Huntington. “I
thank you, sir, for introducing Mr. Searle to me: and
shall on all future occasions be obliged to you for recommending to me, such persons coming to Europe as you
shall think proper.The current of popular hopes and fears has been lately
much turned by the favorable news from America. But
the public opinion is of no consequence at this time. A
bloody minded and desperate administration in England,
holds the public opinion in contempt and derision, and
will pursue their fatal system to the utter destruction of
their country. Their emissaries now give out, that the
new Parliament will turn their thoughts to peace. But
this is permitted by the most malicious and deliberate deception, merely to influence elections in some places, keep
up the stocks, and amuse their enemies while they prepare some sly expedition against them, like that of Rodney to Gibraltar, and that of Clinton to Charlestown.Sept. 20, wrote to Dr. Cooper. “Am happy to
find by your letter so agreeable an intercourse of good
offices between the people and the French gentlemen in
America.The final accomplishment of the great work of a civil
constitution, I hope soon to hear is followed by a wise and
satisfactory choice of officers to administer the blessings
of it. If the people are not happy under this government, I shall despair of their finding happiness under any: for none was ever formed by any people with so much
deliberation, or I believe with more integrity. None existing in the world is more esteemed by such as ought to
be good judges. It may truly be said to be the admiration and the envy of the most enlightened part of mankind.We are in daily expectation of great news from North
America, the West Indies, and from the Northern Congress.—But if all these should be unfavorable to England,
she will not nevertheless yet make peace.September 20, wrote to Mr. Luzac, “I take the freedom to enclose four letters which I lately received. Adams and Houston are members of Congress; Rush has
been so; and Cooper is a celebrated clergyman of Boston.
All are men of the first reputation in that country. If you
think proper to publish them, they are at your disposal—only you will not mention names.These letters were accordingly published and were very
favorable to my views.

					John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 4 August 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

					Sirs,
					Quincy, August 4, 1809.

				ON the 20th of September, 1780, wrote to his excellency Joseph Reed, Esq. President, and the Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania, in answer to a letter
recommending Mr. Searle and his mission, that he might
depend upon every civility and assistance in my power,
consistent with the duties of the place I was in.Mr. Searle was sent by them to Europe, to borrow
money. Such was the distress of America for money,
that there were four agents then in Europe from several
states, all sent to borrow money, and all recommended
to me for assistance: Commodore Gillon, from South-Carolina, Mr. Mazzei, from Virginia, Mr. Searle,
from Pennsylvania, and Mr. Jonathan Loring Austin,
from Massachusetts. But as agent from the United States
for the same purpose, I wanted their assistance as much
as they mine. Neither United States nor separate States
had as yet much credit.September 23, 1780, wrote to Mr. Jennings at Brussels. “I find that my friend in Philadelphia re-printed
the letters on the spirit and resources of Great Britain, after which they were again printed in Boston and much
admired. A gentleman from Boston told me, he heard
there that they were written by one Mr. Jennings. I wish
his countrymen knew more than they do about that same
Mr. Jennings.I take a vast satisfaction in the general approbation of
the Massachusetts constitution: if the people are as wise
and honest in the choice of their rulers, as they have been
in framing a government, they will be happy, and I shall
die content with the prospect for my children, who, if
they cannot be well under such a form and such an administration, will not deserve to be at all.I wish the “Translation” might appear as soon as possible, because it may have some effects here. It certainly
will, for there are many persons here, attentive to such
things in English, whether in pamphlets or newspapers.
I wish it was published in a pamphlet, and I could get a dozen of them. I begin to be more fond of propagating
things in English, because the most attentive people to
our affairs read English, and I wish to increase the curiosity
after that language, and the number of the students in it.
You must know that I have undertaken to prophecy that
English will be the most respectable language in the
world, and the most universally read and spoken, in the
next century. American population will produce a greater number of persons who will speak English than any
other language: and these persons will have more general acquaintance and conversation with all nations than
any other people, which will naturally introduce their
language every where as the general medium of correspondence and conversation, among the learned of all nations, and among all travellers and strangers, as Latin was
in the last century, and as French has been in this. Let
us then encourage and advise every body to study English.I have written to Congress a serious request that they
would appoint an academy for correcting, improving, refining and ascertaining the English language. If congress
should do this, perhaps the British king and Parliament
may have the honor of copying their example. This I
should admire. I know not whether England will ever have
any more honor, excepting now and then, that of imitating the Americans.I am not altogether in jest. I perceive a general increasing inclination after English in France, Spain and
Holland, and it may extend throughout Europe. The
population and commerce of America will force their
language into more general use.”The "Translation" mentioned in this letter, was the
abridgment of Mr. Pownal’s memorial, which had been
translated into French at my request, by Mr. Adenet, and
printed by Mr. Luzac, under the title of Pensees Extraits,
&c. It was afterwards published in English, in London,
under the whimsical title of “A Translation into Common Sense and Plain English.”September 23d, wrote to Mr. Searle acknowledging the
receipt of the letters and dispatches brought by him from
Congress, and promising to do whatever might be in my
power to render his residence in Europe agreeable, and
to assist him in the purpose of his mission. That his relation of the state of affairs in our country, as it has been
repeated to me, was very pleasing and promised much
good; that I should obey the commands of Congress with
great pleasure, but with what success time only could discover.September 25, wrote to my correspondent in London.—“The people on your side the water seem determined to
revenge themselves, for the loss of their power on those
who have done all they could to preserve it.—I should
not say all they could.—They have never made an opposition upon any principle or system.—The man who condemns a minister in one breath for the American war,
and in the next for not doing more in it, and for not succeeding in it, will never make any great hand of it. One
who applauds the Americans for their resistance, and then
condemns the French for coming in aid of that resistance, and the Americans for accepting that aid, will never
make any great figure. An admiral who cannot serve
against America, and yet will serve against the French in
the American war, may well expect Keppell’s fate. Mankind are not well governed in this manner. If a man
would lead others to a good end, he must lay down his
principles and digest his plan. He should let others into
it, and obtain their approbation of it, and then pursue
it, through all its variety of fortune, and all its consequences.But what is this to us, who is in, or who out? The
nation will go to the end of its tether, as Governor Bernard did, let who will be in or out of Parliament. We
know the worst and are prepared. Let it come. The
weaker our enemies before they make peace, the safer
we shall be, and the longer the peace will last. As to the
friendship of Great Britain towards America, if they ever
had any, it is gone to all eternity. She can never forgive us the injuries she has done us. Send me a few copies
of the Memorial to the sovereigns of Europe, and a copy
of Dr. Price’s Population, &c.Sept. 24, wrote to Congress.—“Since the receipt
of the dispatches brought by Mr. Searle, I have been uninterruptedly employed in attempts to carry into execution, their designs.The first enquiry was, whether it was prudent to make
any communication of my business to the States General,
or to the Prince. Considering that my errand was simply an affair of credit, without any political authority, I
thought, upon consulting gentlemen of the most knowledge and best judgment, and most undoubted inclination
for a solid and lasting connection between the two republics, I found them of the same opinion, that it was best to
keep my designs secret as long as I could.I then enquired whether it would be proper to communicate any thing to the regency of Amsterdam, or any
other branch of this complicated government, and was
advised against it, and to proceed to endeavor to effect a
loan upon the simple foundation of private credit. I have
accordingly made all the enquiries possible for the best
and most unexceptionable house. To-morrow I expect an
answer to some propositions I made yesterday.This business must all be settled with so much secrecy
and caution, and I am under so many difficulties, not understanding the Dutch language, and the gentlemen I am
concerned with, not being much more expert in French
than I am, and not understanding English at all, that the
business goes on slower than I could wish. Commodore
Gillon, by his general acquaintance here and familiarity
with the language, which is his mother tongue, has been
as useful to me as he has been friendly.I never saw the national benefit of a fine language generally read and spoken, in so strong a light as since I have
been here.—The Dutch language is understood by nobody but themselves. The consequence of which has
been, that this nation is not known. With as profound
learning and as great ingenuity, as any people in Europe, they have been overlooked, because they were not known
and were situated among others more numerous and
powerful than they. I hope we shall take warning from
their example, and do every thing in our power to make
the language we speak, respectable throughout the world. Separated as we are from the kingdom of Great Britain,
we have not made war upon the English language, any
more than against the old English character. An academy for fixing and improving the English language,
would strike Great Britain with envy and all the rest of
the world with admiration.—The labors of such a society
would unite all America in the same language for thirty
millions of people to speak, by the middle of the nineteenth century.September 25, wrote again to Congress.—“There are
some persons in this republic who have been attentive to
this war, and know somewhat of the rise and progress of
the United States of America; but it is astonishing that
the number should be so small as it is. Even in this city
of Amsterdam, which is the most attentive to our affairs
and the best inclined towards us, there are few persons who
do not consider the American resistance as a desultory
rage of a few enthusiasts, without order, discipline, law
or government. There are scarcely any who have an
adequate idea of the numbers, the increasing population,
or the growing commerce of America.Upon my arrival here, some gentlemen were inquisitive
about our governments: I asked, if they had seen them
in print? I was answered no. Upon this I made it my
business to search in all the booksellers’ shops for a collection of American constitutions, which was published in
French two or three years ago, but could find only two
copies, which I presented to the gentlemen who made the
enquiries.Nothing would serve our cause more than having a
complete collection of all our American constitutions
correctly printed in English at Philadelphia, by order of
Congress, and sent to Europe as well as sold in America.
The Rhode-Island and Connecticut constitutions ought not to be omitted, although they have undergone no alteration, and it would be well to print the confederation,
in the same volume.This volume would be read by every body in Europe
who reads English and could obtain it, and some would
even learn English for the sake of reading it. It would
be translated into every language of Europe, and would
fix the opinion of our unconquerability, more than any
thing could, except driving the enemy wholly from the
United States.There has been nobody here, of sufficient information
and consideration, to turn the attention of the public towards our affairs—to communicate to the public, from
time to time, in a language that is understood, intelligence from England, France or America. But on the
contrary, there have been persons enough employed and
well paid by our enemies, to propagate misinformation,
misrepresentation and abuse.The ancient and intimate connection between the houses of Orange and Brunswick, the family alliances and
the vast advantages which the princes of Orange have derived, in erecting, establishing and perpetuating the hereditary Stadtholdership, against the inclination of the republican party: and the reliance which this family still
has upon the same connection to support it, have attached
the executive power of this government in such a manner
to England, that nothing but necessity could make a separation. On the contrary, the republican party, which
has heretofore been conducted by Barneveldt, Grotius,
the De Witts, and other immortal patriots, have ever
leaned towards an alliance with France, because she has
always favored the republican form of government in this
nation. All parties, however, agree, that England has
been always jealous and envious of the Dutch commerce, and
done it great injuries: that this country is more in the
power of France, if she were hostile, than of England;
and that her trade with France is of vastly greater value
than that with England. Yet England has more influence here than France. The Dutch, some of them at least, now see another commercial and maritime power
arising, with which it is their interest to form an early connection. All parties here see, that it is not their interest
that France and Spain should secure too many advantages in America, too great a share in her commerce, and
especially in the fisheries in the American seas. All parties too, see that it would be dangerous to the commerce
and even independence of the United Provinces, to have
America again under the dominion of England: And the
republicans see, or think they see, that a change in this
government and the loss of their liberties, would be the
consequence of it, too.Amidst all these conflicts of interests and parties, and
all these speculations, the British ambassador, with his
swarms of agents and emissaries, are busily employed in
propagating reports, in which they are much assisted by
those who are called Stadtholderians, and there has been
nobody here to contradict or explain any thing. This
should be the business in part of a minister plenipotentiary from Congress. Such a minister, however, would not
have it in his power to do it effectually, without frequent
and constant information from Congress.—This nation,
at present, is so ignorant of the strength, resources, commerce and constitutions of the United States; it has so
many doubts of our final success; so many suspicions of
our falling finally into the hands of France and Spain;
so many fears of offending the British ministry; the English ambassador; the great mercantile houses that are
very profitably employed by both; and above all, the
Stadtholder and his friends; that even a loan of money
will meet with every obstruction and discouragement possible. Such chimeras and many more are held up to
people, and influence their minds and conduct to such a
degree, that no man dares openly and publicly to disregard them.I hiave this day received an answer to some propositions
which I made last Saturday to a very respectable house,
declining to accept the trust proposed. I do not, however, despair. I still hope to obtain something; but I am fully persuaded, that without a commission of minister
plenipotentiary, and without time and care to lead the
public opinion into the truth, no man living will ever
succeed to any large amount. Those persons who wish
to lend us money, and are able to lend us any considerable sum, are the patriots, who are willing to risque British
and Stadtholderian resentment for the sake of extending
the commerce, strengthening the political interests, and
preserving the liberties of their country. They think,
that lending us money without forming a political connection with us, will not answer those ends. That cause
which rests on the shoulders of patriotism, in any part of
Europe, stands very insecurely: but in such a case, if
patriotism is left in a state of doubt, whether she ought
to sustain it, the cause must fall.Sept. 27, wrote to Dr. Franklin. "Mr. Samuel
Andrews, formerly of Boston, lately of Demarara, is going to Paris upon business respecting a vessel taken by the
French and carried into Martinico. He will lay before
you his papers, and hopes for your countenance in the
prosecution of his appeal, though he claims as a Dutchman, I have the honor to recommend him to your excellency’s notice.My affairs will oblige me to remain here, if Mr. Laurens should not arrive; and if he does it will be proper
for me to stay until I can communicate to him all I know
at least.I have often heard mentioned a letter from your excellency to the grand pensionary of Holland, near a year
ago. It is much esteemed here: but I cannot obtain a
sight of it: I should be glad to support the sentiments in
it, as far as I have heard them: but could do it to better
purpose if I had a copy of it, which if there is no material
objection I request or your excellency.What this republic will do, in the northern confederation, is a question that divides all parties. Neither Stadtholderians nor Republicans, neither Anglomanes nor
Francomanes are agreed. Time will show.”Sept. 28, wrote to Congress.  “On the fifth of
this month, the Barons of Wassenaar and Heekiren, ministers plenipotentiary of the states general, had their first
audience of the Empress of Russia, presented their letters
of credence and were graciously received. Wassenaar in
presenting his letters addressed the Empress in the following harangue.This is long and very complimentary on her project,
as great as it is just and equitable, the honor of which is
solely to her imperial majesty, &c. but at present I will
not copy it: nor the Empresses answer.October 2, 1780, wrote to Mr. Tracy, among other
things, “the English papers give out insurrections in
south America, on account of a new tax, and committees
of correspondence appointed a la Boston aise. Whether
this is true I know not: and whether it will be useful or
hurtful to us, if true, I am equally ignorant. I am not
apprehensive of any bad consequences to us. The elections in England have gone much in favor of the ministry,
and war will undoubtedly continue: whatever insinuations the Anglomanes may propagate among you."October 2, wrote to Mr. Jackson of Newburyport. “I
have long had it in contemplation to pay my respects to
you, but a wandering life and various avocations have
hitherto prevented me.I am very happy to find that our labours in convention
were not in vain. The constitution, as finished by the
convention and accepted by the people, is published in all
the public papers of Europe: the report of the committee having been published before. Both have been treated with much respect both in Europe and the other States
of America. The noble simplicity of your address to the
people is much admired.—The substitute for the governor’s negative is generally thought an amelioration: and
I must confess it is so wisely guarded that it has quite reconciled me.I want to hear of the elections: if these are made with
as much gravity, sobriety, wisdom and integrity as were
discovered in the convention, and among the people, in the whole course of this great work, posterity will be happy and prosperous. The first citizen will be one of two
whom we know. Whichever it may be, I wish him support and success. It is no light trust. However ambitious any man may be of it, whoever obtains this distinction, if he does his duty will find it an heavy burthen.—There are however other great trusts.—The Governor’s
office will be rendered more or less useful, according to
the characters that compose the Senate and the Council.
If the people are as prudent in the choice of these, as they
were in the choice of the convention, let the Governor be
almost what he will, he will not be able to do much harm.
He will be necessitated to do right.There is nothing which I dread so much as a division
of the republic into two great parties, each arranged under its leader, and concerting measures in opposition to
each other. This, in my humble apprehension, is to be
dreaded as the greatest political evil under our constitution. We cannot have a bad Governor, at present. We
may possibly have the best that might be found. But
we shall have a good one. One who means to do no
evil to his country, but all the good he can.The convention I shall ever recollect with veneration.
Among other things for bringing me acquainted with
several characters that I knew little of before, of which
number Mr. Jackson is one. I shall be much honored,
sir, if you will be so good as to write me the state of
things. There are more opportunities I think from your
port to Spain and Holland, than from any other.

					John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Elihu Phinney, 7 August 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Phinney, Elihu

Sir
Quincy August 7th: 1809

I received two days ago your favour of July 24th inclosing a  of the Otsego Herald and several other printed papers in Prose and verse. I thank you Sir for the amusement you have given me in these Compositions. There is a good deal of Wit and diverting humour in those in Verse.
A great mathematical Controversy that once in a Century invariably puzzles Mankind like a Riddle is completely decided by one Stanza:
Still there’s many who have wandered
Ninety nine should make a hundred
Whether meant of years or men
Whether nine or Ten makes Ten.
A great political question whether the United States ought to have a Navy is also settled by another Stanza
How our Navy’s potent Thunder
Still protects our trade from Plunder
Dealing out her balls and blows
To Columbia’s Pilfering foes.
You inquire of me concerning the views of the Essex Junto. I assure you I dislike very much the appellation. I know not what it means: nor who are the Men that compose it.—Does it mean British Subjects within the United States? If no there is no propriety in applying the word Essex to them: for I beleive there are fewer of these in Essex than in almost any County in the Union.
Does it mean the old Loyalists and their Relations & Connections? There are certainly no more of these in Essex than in Philadelphia New-York Boston or any other place.
Does it mean such Americans as love Old England? There are as many of them for what I know in Otsego as in Essex.
Does it mean those who hate the French? There are no more of these in Essex in proportion than in Schoharrie.
Does it mean those who are frightened out of their Wits at the name of Napoleon? There are no more of these Women and Children in Essex in proportion than there are in Lexington in Kentucky.
Not knowing therefore who the Essex Junto are I am not able to explain their veiws nor those of their Leaders.
You ask me to write upon various other subjects which might require more time than I have to live.
Have I”no Friend to serve no Soul to save?
You write as if you thought yourself an old man, and yet tell me you was born in ’55. I was born in 35: Yet you seem to think that I ought to undertake services that would require youth. Surely I have none of that Attribute left. I am in one point in the Care of a jolly old Maid with whom I once dined in London in Company with Mrs Macauley Graham at Mr Brandy Hollis’s. Sir said she to me I am in the full bloom of 74. I have not a tenth part of her Strength, Spirits, or bloom. You desire me to inform you when my son did or will sail for Russia. He sailed on Saturday the fifth of August at Noon with a fair wind for St Petersburgh with his wife and youngest Son. His two eldest sons he has left in the care of his friends at Quincy. I am Sir with / cordial good will your humble Servant

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 7 August 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

My dear Friend
Quincy August 7. 1809

I thank you for your favour of July 26 and its Enclosures.
You have frequently, in a most friendly manner advised me to write my own Life.—I Shall never have Resolution or Time to accomplish Such a Work: but having been called before the Publick most undesignedly and unexpectedly, and excessively reproached with one of the wisest most virtuous most successfull and most important Actions of my Life, the Peace with France in 1800 I undertook an Apology for it. You may See by the manner in which that is executed, how large a Work it would require to vindicate all the Actions of my Life.
I am now upon the Peace of 1783. That I shall exhibit chiefly in Copies of Documents and a few Extracts from my own Letters. How it will be received I know not. The Printers in Boston talk of an Edition of them in a Book. That is their Affair. I have nothing to do with it.
I wish your Lady and Daugher a Joyfull Return to you. I rejoice in James’s Success and Richards Happiness.
John’s Misfortune I deplore. I Sympathize with you, and with the keener sensibility as I have experienced the Feelings and Reflections of a Father in Circumstances perhaps Still more desperate calamitous, and afflicting, and afflicting.
Parents must have their Tryals. I am now experiencing Another. My oldest Son Sailed on Saturday the 5th of this Month for St. Petersbourg with his Family. The Seperation was like tearing me to Pieces. A more dutiful and affectionate Son there cannot be. His Society was always a cordial and a Consolation under all Circumstances. I maintain my Serenity however. I can only pray for his Safety and Success.
The Objects of his Mission I know only by Conjecture. I have thought these thirty years that We ought to have a Minister at that Court.
As Hamilton was the Soverign Pontiff of Federalism all his Cardinals no doubt will endeavour to excite the whole Church to excommunicate and Anathematize me. Content. It was time for a Protestant Seperation. Their avarice and Ambition their Servility to England and Menaces of the Union were misleading the Nation. Fundamental Errors in Doctrine and Practice, drew me once more out of my Obscurity: and it will be Sometime before they hear the last, if Life and health endure / of
John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 8 August 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

					Sirs
					Quincy, August 8, 1809.

				Amsterdam, October 4, 1780, wrote to Mr. Dumas—“I should be glad to see a copy of the dispatches
from the Dutch plenipotentiaries at Petersburgh, or at
least as exact an account of their substance as possible:
and to learn whether the object of the congress is simply
to form a plan for supporting each other and making a
common cause in defence of those principles only which
the three northern powers have already adopted, or whether they have in contemplation a more extensive regulation of maritime affairs.
I do not see how this congress can have a peace between the belligerent powers for its object, when the parties who compose it, have already so positively declared
for a neutrality. I wish with all my heart, that another
republic had a minister at the congress, or at least at the
court of St. Petersburg. Neither the cause nor the country of America is understood in any part of Europe, which
gives, opportunity to the English to represent things as
they choose.
Onesta è Sempre la causa di colui che parla Solo.I do not expect peace so soon as next spring; and I
should dread the interposition of the congress at Petersburgh, in the business. They understand not the subject.
It is impossible they should. America is not represented
there, and cannot be heard. If they should take into
consideration the affair of peace, I should be apprehensive
of some recommendation to save the pride, or what they
would call the dignity, of England, which would be more
dangerous and pernicious to America than a continuance
of the war. I am not afraid of a continuance of war.
A truce is ten times more to be dreaded.If all the powers at the congress at Petersburg would
agree together to acknowledge American independence,
or open a free commerce with America, and admit her
merchant ships and vessels of war into their ports like
those of other belligerent powers, this would be just indeed that perfect neutrality which they profess requires it. Refusing admittance to the American flag, while they
admit that of England, is so far from neutrality, that it is
taking a decided part in favor of England and against one
of the belligerent powers: a power too, which, in point
of numbers, wealth, industry, capacity, military and naval
power, as well as commerce, is quite as respectable as
several of those which are or will be represented in congress.I am very sorry I did not give Mr. Guild a letter to you.
He is an American of merit and a gentleman of letters,
taste and sense.”October 5th, 1780, wrote to Congress, that on the 6th
of September, the Baron De Wassenaar Staremburg, and
the Baron De Heckeron Brantzenburg, ministers plenipotentiary of their high mightinesses, had their first audience of the Grand Duke, Paul, and his Dutchess, and
made their harangues, which I sent to Congress with
the answers, but will not transcribe—only that Paul charged them to write to their masters that he considered the
republic as the first ally of the empire.On the 6th of September, the Prince of Prussia arrived
and made a magnificent entry into the city of St. Petersburgh.
Last night, I had a letter from the Hague, dated the
3d of October, which states that a courier had arrived
from their plenipotentiaries at Petersburgh, with dispatches
which take away all plausible pretexts from the temporizers, for delaying the accession of the republic to the
armed neutrality: that according to appearances, the
Emperor, the King of Prussia and Portugal, will acceed
to it, and that all would agree in a maritime code, which
should be useful to all nations for the future. But this
intelligence is so general, and has the air of being so conjectural, that I know not how much dependence is to be
had upon it.I have no other information to give Congress respecting
the execution of my new commission, except that I have
been busily employed ever since the receipt of it, in making the most particular enquiries in my power concerning the best house, the best terms, &c. I shall delay finishing any contract with any house, for a little while, in
hopes of Mr. Laurens’s arrival with a commission as minister plenipotentiary.—If he should not arrive in a reasonable time, I shall proceed as well as I can.”
October 6, 1780, wrote to Congress—“Her most
faithful majesty has published an ordinance, forbidding
all ships of war and privateers of the powers at war, to bring any prize into the ports of her kingdom.—It is as
follows.Experience having demonstrated that several privateers
of the nations now at war, have abused the commissions
and letters of marque with which they were furnished, notwithstanding the respect and good reception with
which they have been admitted into the ports of our
kingdom, in consequence of the system of exact neutrality, which we have resolved to pursue in the present circumstances; and it being just to consider of means to
put an end to the disorders which have often resulted,
when our laws in this regard have not been properly respected, any more than the sovereign freedom of our territory: we have judged proper to ordain, that in the ports
of our states and dominions, there shall be no more admitted, any privateer of any power whatever, nor any
prize, which the said privateers, ships or frigates of war
may have made or shall make, without any other exception, than of such cases in which the law of nations shall
render hospitality indispensable, with this condition always, that it shall not be permitted them, to sell or unload the said prizes which they may bring in, in the case
before mentioned; and that they shall not stay longer
than the time necessary to avoid the danger, or to obtain
the innocent relief, of which they shall absolutely stand
in need. And as to the privateers which are now in our
ports, they shall be notified to go out in the term of twenty days, to be computed from that on which such
notification shall be made to them. That the council of
war are thus to understand it, and accordingly to execute it, by expediting forthwith the necessary orders to Governors and commanders of our provinces, islands,
fortresses and maritime places. At the Palace of Lisbon,
the 30th of August, 1780—with the signature of her
majesty.”October 7, 1780, wrote to Mr. Jennings—“Mr. Bowdoin, a gentleman of Virginia, is passing through Brussells on his way to France. He is a young American of
good character here, and I recommend him to your notice.Pray what think you of the face of affairs? According
to present appearances, a year or two more will probably
deliver our country from the enemies within it, though it
may not bring peace. The King of England has so much
spirit and firmness, that it is not to be expected he will
make peace.The English have commenced hostilities, as usual,
without a declaration of war, against the Dutch, in St.
Martins; but I suppose this will be pocketed like all former insults. The Dutch, however, are somewhat enraged at it, at present. I have not so regular intelligence
from England here as I had at Paris; but I suppose the
ministry are omnipotent in Parliament, although the omnipotence of Parliament and of the British navy seems to
be somewhat reduced. I shall remain here until the arrival of Mr. Laurens, if it is till spring.”Same day, wrote to Mr. William Lee, recommending
the same Mr. Bowdoin, and added, "I am in hourly expectation of hearing of Mr. Laurens: but not without
anxiety for his safety, as he comes only in a packet. The
accounts from our country, by way of Spain, France,
England and directly to Amsterdam, are very flattering—But the one thing needful for a decisive campaign, a superiority at sea, is wanting, which takes away all ground
of sanguine expectation. The English, however, will be
in no very respectable situation, and they must be much
distressed. The casualties of the campaign and the severity of duty will reduce their numbers, by sickness, desertion and by the sword, in occasional skirmishes. What
shall we hear from the West-Indies?The English threw off the mask so unreservedly, after
the reduction of Charlestown, and discovered their ill will,
their wicked wishes and base designs, so clearly, that the
mortification to them must be double to make peace now,
to what it would have been before. But why do I talk
of peace? I am so well persuaded that the King of England will see all go, rather than make peace, and see so
clearly that his majesty is now omnipotent in England,
that it is scarcely worth while to mention peace.”October 11, 1780. From my first arrival in Holland,
I made the most diligent enquiries in my power concerning the constitution of government in that nation, both
as a federative republic, and in the particular form of each
separate state and city. As every thing in Dutch was
unintelligible to me, I asked if there was any thing in
English or French, from which I could obtain satisfactory
and authentic information. Sir William Temple was
mentioned: but as this work had been familiar to me
for many years, I asked for some other, and a French volume was put into my hands, which, upon examination,
I found to be so conformable to the practice, if not to the
theory of these governments, that I translated it into English with my own hand, and sent it to Congress in a letter,
in order to show them the formidable power of the house
of Orange, reinforced by the influence of the house of
Hanover, all which was opposed to us.11th of October, 1780. It may serve to let Congress into
the springs and motives which actuate this republic, to be
furnished with the following sketch of the constitution, so
far as it respects the authority of the Stadtholder.Here follows the manuscript, in ten very large folio pages, in a very fine hand: but curious as it is, the constitution of Holland is now so much altered, that it is not of
any use to transcribe it here. At the close of this letter
was added, Mr. Laurens is taken and carried into England.October 13, 1780, wrote to Mr. Le Vaillard, at Passy,
near Paris—“This moment Mr. De Neuville brought
me your favor of the 3d, and I am much obliged to you for giving me this opportunity of sending the enclosed letters to America by your son, to whom I wish a happy voyage and all imaginable prosperity.”Same day, wrote to Mr. Samuel Adams—“This letter is intended to go by Monsieur Le Vaillard, a young
gentleman bound to America, with design to engage in
the service of Mr. Holker, or to lay the foundation of a
mercantile house, either in France or America, as circumstances may be.
I have the pleasure to know his father and his family
and the young gentleman very well. They are all worthy and amiable, and have on many occasions been very
civil to me. I wish him success, and to this end, as good
acquaintance as may be in our country. I take the liberty to recommend him to your attention and civilities.Mr. Laurens is in England. The accounts are so contradictory, some saying he is in the Tower, others that he
is not yet arrived in London, that I cannot yet learn with
certainty, how he is treated.”Same day wrote to Dr. Rush—“Mr. Le Vaillard, the
amiable son of a worthy family at Passy, whom I very much
esteem will deliver you this letter. I dare say his behavior will be such as to recommend him, and I cannot but
request your attention to him. His father is in the king’s
service and a gentleman of letters.The British cabinet have lately determined on a vigorous prosecution of the American war. They have promised Clinton all the reinforcements they can possibly obtain. We know how many these will be, namely very
few. They will scrape the Augean stables of Hesse, and
Hanau, but will obtain fewer recruits than they did even
last year.”October 14, 1780, wrote to Congress—“Repeated
letters from London confirm the account of Mr. Laurens’s
being confined to the tower a close prisoner: that neither
his old correspondents, nor his refugee relations are suffered to speak to him.There have been so many precedents of exchanges,
Mr. Lovell, as well as the major generals Sullivan, Sterling and Lee, and others, having been exchanged as
prisoners of war, that it is very extraordinary that they
should now treat Mr. Laurens as a prisoner of state. It
is not however merely a proof that passion and caprice
govern their councils. I conceive it is intended to signify
to the tories in America, whom they believe to be more
numerous than they are, and to their officers and troops
serving in America that now they have obtained an election of parliament to their minds, they are determined to
prosecute the war with vigor, and to bring America still
to unlimited submission. For however our countrymen
may have flattered themselves with hopes of peace,
there is nothing further from the thought of the king of
England, his ministers, parliament and nation, for they
are now all his, than peace, upon any terms to which
America can agree. There is no future event more certain in my mind, than that they never will acknowledge
American Independence, while they have a soldier in the
United States, nay they would not do it, even after their
troops shall be all driven from the continent. I think I
see very clearly that America must grow up in war. It is
a painful prospect to be sure. But when I consider that
there are more people in America, than there are in the
united provinces of the low countries: that the earth itself produces abundance in America, both for consumption and exportation, and that the united provinces produce nothing but butter and cheese; and that the united
provinces have successively maintained wars against the
formidable monarchies of Spain, France and England, I
cannot but persuade myself, it is in the power of America
to defend herself against all that England can do.The republic where I now am, has maintained an army
of one hundred and twenty thousand men, besides a formidable navy. She maintains at this day a standing army
of thirty thousand, besides a considerable navy. All this
in a profound peace. What cause, physical or political,
can prevent three millions of people in America from
maintaining for the protection of their altars and firesides, as many soldiers, as the same number of people in Europe can maintain for mere parade, I know not.A navy is our natural and only adequate defence. But
we have but one way to increase our shipping and seamen,
and that is privateering. This abundantly pays its own
expences, and procures its own men. The seamen taken
generally inlist on board our privateers, and that is the
surest way of distressing the commerce of our enemies,
protecting our own, increasing our seamen, and diminishing theirs. And this will finally be the way, by capturing their supplies that we shall destroy, or captivate,
or oblige to fly, their armies in the United States.A loan of money in Europe would assist privateering,
by enabling us to fit out ships the more easily, as well as
promote and extend our trade, and serve us in other ways.
I wish I could give hopes of speedy success in this business. But I fear that Cornwallis’s account of his defeat
of general Gates, whether true or false, will extinguish
the very moderate hopes, which I had before for a time.There is a prospect, however, that the English will
force this republic into a war with them: and in such
case, or indeed any case, if there were a minister here accredited to the states general and to the Prince, Stadtholder of he united provinces of the low countries, he
would assist a loan—There is another measure that may
be taken by Congress to the same end: that is sending
some cargoes of produce, upon account of the United
States directly here, or to St. Eustatia, to be sold for the
payment of interest. The sight of a few such vessels and
cargoes would do more than many long reasonings and
negociations.Another method may be taken by Congress. Make a
contract with private merchants in Philadelphia, Boston,
Maryland, Virginia or else where, to export produce annually to a certain amount to Amsterdam, or St. Eustatia, or both, to be sold for the payment of interest. The
merchants or houses contracted with should be responsible,
and known in Europe, at least some of them.This country has been grossly deceived. It has little knowledge of the numbers, wealth, and resources of the United States, and less faith in their finally supporting
their independence, upon which alone a credit depends.
They have also an opinion of the power of England,
vastly higher than the truth. Measures must be taken,
but with great caution and delicacy, to undeceive them.On the same 14th of August, I780, wrote to my correspondent in London. “Yours of the 6th and 10th
are received. Upon what principle is it, that they confine Mr. Laurens as a prisoner of state?—after so many
precedents have been set? Sullivan, Sterling, Lee, Lovel
and many others have been exchanged as prisoners of war.Mr. Laurens was in England when hostilities commenced. He came into public, in America, after the declaration of independence, after the extinction of all civil authority under the crown, and after the formation of complete new governments in every state. To treat a citizen of a state, thus completely in possession of sovereignty
de facto, is very extraordinary. Do they mean to exasperate Americans, and drive them to retaliation? Are
these people governed by reason at all, or by any principle, or do they conduct according to any system, or do
they deliver themselves up to the guidance of their passions and their caprice? I saw so many contradictions in
the papers, about Mr. Laurens, that I hoped your first
account was a mistake—but your letter of the 10th makes
me think the first account right. Pray inform me constantly of every thing relative to him, and let me know it
any thing can be done for him, by way of France or any other.Cornwallis’s and Tarlton’s gasconade serves to diminish
the esteem of mankind for the people of England, by
giving fuel to their passions, and making them throw off
the mask. I do not believe that their advantage is half so
great, nor the American loss half so much as they represent. Time, you know, is the mother of truth. Audi
alteram partem, and wait the consequences. Fighting is
the thing. Fighting will do the business. Defeats will
pave the way to victories. Patience! Patience! Il y en
a beaucoup en Amerique.There will be no inhumanity, now, in leaving Mr. Laurens in the Tower, for a short time, in order to introduce some other things which occurred in this month of October. We shall soon return to Mr. Laurens.At dinner one day, with a large company at the house
of a great capitalist, I met the giant of the law in Amsterdam, Mr. Kalkoen. He was very inquisitive concerning
the affairs of America, and asked me many ingenious
questions. But he had spent his life in such ardent study
of his institutes, codes, novelles and pandects, with his
immensely voluminous commentations upon them, that
he had neglected entirely the English language, and was
very inexpert in the French. Interpreters were therefore
necessary: but conversation that requires interpreters on
both sides, is a very dull amusement. Though his questions were always ready, and my answers not less so, yet
the interpretation was very slow and confused. After some
time, one of the gentlemen asked me if I had any objection to answering Mr. Kalkoen’s questions in writing. I
answered, none at all. It was soon agreed, that the questions and answers should be written. Accordingly, in a
few days, Mr. Kalkoen sent me his questions in Dutch.
Mr. Le Roy, now of New-York, was obliging enough to
translate them for me into English, and I wrote an answer
to each question in a separate letter. I now send them to
you altogether. You may print as many, or as few of
them, at a time, in your paper, as you please—only be so
good as to preserve the dates. They gave so much satisfaction to Mr. Kalkoen, that he composed from the information contained in them, a comparison between the revolt of the Low Countries from Spain, and the revolution
of the United States of America, in which his conclusion
was, that as it was a kind of miracle that the former succeeded, it would be a greater miracle still, if the latter
should not. This composition was read by him to a society of gentlemen of letters, about forty in number, who
met at stated times in Amsterdam; and by that means,
just sentiments of American affairs began to spread, and
prevail over the continual misrepresentations of English
and Stadtholderian Gazettes, pamphlets and newspapers.

					John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from William Cunningham, 9 August 1809
From: Cunningham, William
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir.
Fitchburg, August 9th. 1809

I duly received your favour of the 31st. ult. The separation from you of your Son, would be, I knew, as painful to you both, as was the parting of Paris and Priam, when the son took leave of the Father for Lacedemon; but I was equally sensible, that I should have dishonoured the noble sacrifices you have made in the service of your country, had I have suggested a motive to induce your submission. And it would have been a fault in him if, in the full view of your own glorious example in rising superiour to domestic ease, and to all consideration of personal safety, you rushed for your Country into dangers almost as perilous as the gap into which Curtius plunged, he had paused to consider whether his obligations to his Country were paramount to all others. Of him may there be none but auspicious prognostications, and may these be fulfilled. Under the name of Aristides, you say he is banished, but surely not by an unfriendly Themistocles.
“British Bears and Tory Tigers,” are not intended for an indiscriminate application to the Federalists. From the manner in which, in your Letters, you have spoken of Mr. Jay, Judge Chase, Judge Dana, and others, it is evident that you consider many of the Federalists as the Hesperian Dragons, guarding the Tree of Liberty. But Bears and Tigers of whatever cast or country, which are like
“That mad Bull, whom Marius lets loose
On each occasion, when he’d make Rome feel him,
To toss our laws and liberties in the air,”
I would most freely join you in hunting down.
I shall forbear troubling you with any farther remarks on your public Letters. No one can enter more deeply into your true situation. I know the zeal, and ardour, and extent, and constancy, and disinterestedness of your exertions, to stretch out to your Country safe leading strings for her infancy—in inculcating lessons to guard her childhood, and to give her, at last, the stamina of a sound maturity. I know the pecuniary sacrifices which these exertions, particularly in their earliest exercise exacted, and which you bore with exultation. I know the ingratitude, and the obstacles from pride, and envy, and malice, and ambition, which were thrown in your way, and which no adventurer on the sea of glory, “with all his good works on board,” has been able to free his bark; and from which, if he could free it, there would be wanting the lest of his pilotage and prudence—the unshapen log can float downward on the stream, but it is the nicely constructed and skilfully managed barge which can alone make head against it.
I may have felt too deep an anxiety, whether a strong sensibility to the injuries you have experienced, might not excite your passions to an invasion of your judgment in conducting an exposition of your toils and difficulties.
Perceiving, at first, that your determination to publish originated in circumstances which would put all the virtues of the Man, and all the greatness of the First Character in the Nation, to the severest trial, I gazed with eagerness on the spectacle. And it may be because my fears fluttered too much in my a sense of our infirmities; or that my expectations of a finished example were so sanguinely set as to make me too vigilant of a failing, that I thought I saw it—as too eager a gaze on a brilliant and spotless mirrour, will soon stamp it somewhere with a proof of the imperfection of our sight. I have another apology:—At a conversation, to which I have before referred, you said of Hamilton, that you had confided a son to his instruction—that, when Vice President, you was, ex officio, connected with him in the commission on the sinking fund, and that your concurrence with him was indispensably required to enable him to carry his measures over Mr. Jefferson, another commissioner— and you was totally confounded in any attempt to explain his conduct in his Letter concerning you, aside from supposing it the offspring of a brain distempered with ambition—on this passion you descanted, and ended your remarks upon him with the expression of an hope that he was sincere in the professions of his last hour; and, turning your eyes upwards, you breathed a desire for his forgiveness and acceptance. I know not whether it was oweing more to too quick a susceptibility of the pathetic power of your  observations, than to a just appreciation of their propriety, that they sunk into my soul like the warm seal into the melting wax—they were as fragrant as the breeze freighted with the odours of “Ideme’s spicy forest.” I have retained this impression, and have nourished this delight, till they have become almost indelible, and may have made me, though I am sure inculpably, incorrigible to reason, like a memento in chalk, which at first might be wiped wholly away with a wet finger, but which gets a tenacity by standing, which can be covered, but not obliterated by a priming coat of distemper. If under either of these delusions, I have too freely suggested any doubts, you will forgive it.
The breaking out of a stifled resentment is generally like the springing of a cork from a bottle of porter—it is sudden, and the whole contents comes foaming after it. This, you know, is the accusation made against you; but with whatever degree of malice this accusation may be made, you can render it harmless as the viper which hung, for a moment, on the hand of Paul. I think with Seneca, that “a wise man is out of the reach of fortune; but not free from the malice of it; and all attempts upon him are no more than the arrows of Xerxes; they may darken the sun day but they cannot strike the sun. There is nothing so holy as to be priviledged against sacrilege. But to strike and not to wound is anger lost; and he is invulnerable who is struck and not hurt. His resolution is tried; the waves may dash themselves upon a rock, but not break it. Temples may be profaned and demolished, but the Deity still remains untouched.”
Your Letters, if they are not history, they are nearly allied to history; in this view of them, together with the certainty of their transmission to future times, they ought not, to be and I trust they will not, lack nor contain any thing to deprive them of an association with the Memoirs of the Cardinal de Retz, and the Duke of Sully; described by Blair, as the only works of this kind, which approach to the dignity and usefulness of history.
The opinion I expressed in my last on our settlement with England; was founded on the Letters which were exchanged in April between Mr. Erskine and Mr. Smith. But the published Instructions to the former by Mr. Canning, set this subject in a new light, and, if authentic, bring some of our trimmers from their lurking holes. That Mr. Madison should be secretly inclined to an accommodation with England, and to a continuance, and even to an invigoration of resistance to France, while at the same time, he is represented here as entertaining sentiments the reverse of this, is shewing him with the face of Janus—it is shewing him temporising as Bisiclus, arranging to-day under the standard of Pompey, to-morrow of Anthony. If the proverb, that the farthest way round is the nearest way home, was not bottomed on political windings, it is most scrupulously regarded by the generality of office seekers in a Democracy. I shall suspend an opinion upon this affair until I can know more of it.
In several points of view, I have thought favourably of Mr. Madison, and I presume him blameless in the negociations with England. But I am free to confess, that in the first twelve years of the Administration of the Government there was all we shall ever see of dignity, of ingenuousness, of candour and of sound policy. Since then, the Government has been in operation to little better than the frivolous purpose of public amusement, like the Chevalier D’Arey’s machine for whirling a coal of fire.
I cannot say to either Napoleone, or George the III, Icon Amlac. I am afraid to give the import of these words in English; and it may be necessary to refresh even your memory, that they stand at the head of the third chap. of the Narrative of Bruce’s Travels, where their signification is explained. I agree entirely with the Roman Menius, that the beaks of our enemies ships, are thr trophies of a naval superiority of which our safety demands the possession. Our Presidents had better imitate the example of Athelstan, or Edward the Elder, and give honours to the most adventurous navigators, and be themselves rowed by Kings, than to sculk, on the approach of danger, into an oyster shell. “Politicks,” says Burke, and in this he agrees with you, “Should be adjusted, not to human reasonings, but to human nature, of which the reason is but a part, and by no means the greater part.” To another sentiment of this profound Statesman you will subscribe, and its truth is most strikingly verified by the state of our Country:—“Of the public services, that of the Navy is the one in which temporising may be of the greatest danger, which can be worse supplied upon an emergency, and of which failure draws after it the longest and heaviest train of consequences.”
Our maritime power is a hydra, fitter, if its heads could be crushed, for the lake of Lerna, than for even a dry dock.
I have read your last Letter to Perley. It is well known that you draughted the Constitution of this Commonwealth, but I have no remembrance of your making before a public confession of it. Your opinion must have great weight in settling any point of controversy. A great diversity of practice obtains in the exercise of the right of suffrage. In some places, none are admitted to vote for Governour, but those who can vote for Senators and Representatives. And the pecuniary qualification, is frittered down, in most of our sea-ports, to the earnings of three pounds a year. The spirit, if not the letter of the Constitution, favours the admission of the plantation votes, but our Supreme Bench has given a different opinion, and the practice of thirty years is set aside. What is your opinion on all these points?
If you have seen Ramsay’s Life of Washington, you noticed that the biographer glided into the errour you have lately exposed. He says:—“No sooner had the United States armed, than they were treated with respect, and an indirect communication was made that France would accommodate all matters in dispute on reasonable terms. Mr. Adams embraced these overtures.” It was certainly right to have an errour corrected which was spreading its roots through our histories.
With veneration and esteem, / I am, Dear Sir, / Your most obliged Friend,
Wm. Cunningham. Jr


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 10 August 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

					Sirs,
					Quincy, August 10th, 1809.

				24th October, 1780—wrote to my correspondent in London: “Give me leave to trouble you to send me two newspapers, the General Advertiser and the Morning Post. Let them be sent constantly by the post. I have an opportunity already of seeing some other papers.Let me beg the favor of your sending me, also, General Burgoyne’s and General Howe’s narratives. When your funds are near exhausted, let me know. It would be but affectation in me, to offer money to Mr. Laurens, who cannot be at a loss: if he could be, he or you for him may command me. Where are Manly and Cunningham? If you can assist them, command me.”1780, October 27—wrote to Congress: “It seems to be now certain, that some of Mr. Laurens’ papers were taken with him.  There have been sent to his Most Serene Highness, the Prince of Orange, copies of letters from Mr. De Neufville, Mr. Gillon, Mr. Stockton and Colonel Derrick, and a copy of a plan of a treaty, proposed between the city of Amsterdam and Mr. William Lee.The Prince was much affected at the sight of these papers, and laid them before their Noble and Grand Mightinesses, the states of Holland and Westfriesland. One gentleman, at least, was present, who had been concerned in the transaction, who handsomely avowed the measure. The Regency of Amsterdam have since given, in writing, an unanimous avowal of it, and of their determination to support it. The letters of Mr. De Neufville and Mr. Gillon are said to be decent and well guarded. So that, upon the whole, it seems to be rather a fortunate event, that these papers have been publicly produced. I wish I could say the same of Mr. Laurens’s captivity, but I cannot. The rigor of his imprisonment and the severity of their behavior to him, are not at all abated.”

Upon this occasion, Messieurs Printers, I ought to observe, that although Mr. Vanberakel, with all that honor, integrity and fortitude which marked his character thro’ the whole course of his life, frankly avowed the measure, and although the Regency of Amsterdam resolved to support it, yet it is certain, the discovery of it spread an universal consternation throughout the Seven Provinces. I do not remember to have found one person who pretended to see the wisdom of it, though no man doubted the purity of the design. It was irregular.—Mr. Lee had no authority. The city could scarcely be said to have authority to bind itself to a man who had none. The city could not pledge the faith of the nation.—The utmost amount of it could be no more than an invitation to Congress to send an ambassador to the Hague. I have always believed that the Regency was importuned into this measure by Mr. De Neufville, who was then a very busy and a very popular man upon the Exchange of Amsterdam.1780, October 31—wrote to Congress: “The British ministry, by the terrible examples of the rioters, have so intimidated the nation, and by their success in the late elections, have so great a majority in Parliament, that they think themselves secure for seven years, and seem determined to go on with more vigor than ever.The letters from their Generals, Clinton and Cornwallis, &c. shew that they are now adopting a new system. These letters are full of panegyrics upon the tories and refugees.—Gage, the two Howes, and Burgoyne, made light of these auxiliaries, which made Mr. Galloway their enemy, and he has been very industrious in exposing their characters.—Indeed the ministry seem to be wholly governed now by Mr. Galloway, and their Generals seem to have adopted the same sentiments. The consequence is, that in America, at least where the British army rules, the refugees are cherished. Cornwallis, in his last letter, in which he gives an account of his battle with General Gates, assures the ministry that he is determined to make some examples among his prisoners: and private letters say that he hanged seventeen upon the field of battle, in the face of his army. But none of these are more decisive proofs of their present system than their treatment of Mr. Laurens, whom they are holding up to that nation in the frightful character of a rebel, knowing that this

word and this idea is enough to inflame them beyond all degrees of reason.It is not only in England and America, that they mean to spread a terror. They think they can terrify all nations; the Hollanders in particular. They have sent over to his Most Serene Highness, the Prince of Orange, some copies of letters taken with Mr. Laurens. I cannot learn that there are any, but from Mr. De Neufville and Mr. Gillon, who are here. But it is propagated that there are many more; and Mr. Vanberekel and the Baron Van Der Capellen are named. But I have very good reason to believe that they have not a line of either. The English are giving out, as is their practice every fall, that they are determined to send great forces to America. Fourteen regiments are talked of. Ten thousand men are talked of. But these threats will be executed as usual.—Fourteen regiments, if they send them, will not produce four thousand men in America, to repair all their losses in North America and the West Indies.We have one enemy more pernicious to us than all their army, and that is, an opinion, which still prevails in too many American minds, that there is still some justice, some honor, some humanity, and some reason in Great Britain; and that she will open her eyes and make peace. That there are individuals who have these virtues, cannot be doubted. Rome had many such, even after the Ultimi Romanorum. But they were so few in comparison to the whole, and had so little share in government, that by their endeavors to bring things back, they only served to make the nation more miserable.I am so fully convinced that peace is a great way off, and that we have more cruelty to encounter than ever, that I ought to be explicit to Congress. We shall be forced to wean ourselves from the little remainders of affection and respect for that nation; nay even from curiosity. While we are treated as we are, I cannot think it decent, that any American should voluntarily set his foot on British ground. The practice is too common to step over, upon motives of curiosity, pleasure or business; and I cannot but think it ought to be discountenanced.”1780, November 3d—wrote to Mr. Henry Grand, at Paris. “I have received your favor of October 13th, and thank you for your care in sending the letters. The newspapers may come by any opportunity. I should be obliged to you to send the newspapers regularly to Congress. The Journal des Seavans, and that of Mr. Linguet, you may keep, or send along to me, as you please: but I shall not renew the subscription for these.”Same day—“Mr. Adams presents his compliments to Mr. Van Blomberg, and wishes to know the answer of Mr. Bowens, because the business has been delayed so long, that it has become necessary to come to a conclusion as soon as possible.”

This Mr. Bowens and Sons, were a capital house in Amsterdam, near relations of Mr. Fickor, who recommended them to me, after the Vollenhovens had refused—Although these gentlemen received me very kindly and politely, as the Vollenhovens had done, and had given me some hopes, yet the Prince’s denunciation of Mr. Vanberekel and the Burgomasters of Amsterdam, had excited such an alarm, that the Bowens were intimidated, and refused.Same day—wrote to Mr. Dumas, at the Hague: “I have received the letter you did me the honor to write me on the 1st, and thank you for the information it contains. Enclosed are extracts of some letters concerning Mr. Laurens. You may depend upon the veracity and accuracy of the account in them; perhaps it may be useful to publish them, in whole or in part. This I leave to your discretion.”1780, November 4—wrote to Dr. Franklin: “Mr. De Neufville brought me this morning, a number of bills of exchange, drawn upon Mr. Laurens in the month of July, amounting to 7 or 800 sterling, and informed me that your excellency had declined becoming responsible for them, and referred him to me. I have enquired of Mr. Searle, who informs me there are about twenty thousand pounds in such bills, now on their way. If there were only 7 or 800 pounds, I would accept them for the honor of the United States, and run the venture of being able to pay them, by borrowing, or some other way: but twenty thousand pounds is much beyond my private credit. I have been, and am still pursuing all those measures to which I am advised, by gentlemen in whose judgment I can justify placing confidence, and am not without hopes of succeeding in some measure; but I have not as yet been able to obtain any money, nor any certainty of obtaining any in future. I write this, therefore, to your excellency, that if you could see your way clear, to become responsible for these bills, for the present, I will engage to see them paid with the money I may borrow here, if I borrow enough before the term of their payment expires, or as much of them as I shall be able to borrow. But in this case, if I shall not succeed in obtaining the money, your excellency will be answerable.—I should be sorry that the credit of the United States should suffer any stain, and would prevent it, if I could; but at present it is not in my power. The successes of the English in the Southern States, added to the many causes that obstructed our credit in this republic, before and since, some of which it would not be prudent at present to explain, will render a loan here difficult, but I still hope not quite impracticable.”1780, November 7—wrote to my correspondent in London: “Yours of the 24th, 27th and 31st ult. came, all together, last night. The note in that of the 27th, is of much importance to me. I wrote some time ago, to see if any thing could be done by way of exchange (of Mr. Laurens.) If a certain set are governed wholly by passion, it must be confessed they have as constant a gale of it, as a tempest so furious, will in the ordinary course of nature admit. C’en est fait, as you say. There are letters here for a certain friend (Mr. Laurens)—can you find out what is to be done with them?Have you seen the publication of the Burgomasters? What do the wise ones think of it? The English nation seems in a fine way. Such characters as my Lords Hillsborough and Loughborough, with a long list of etceteras, shooting up perpendicularly in government, and Burke, Pownal and Hartley, &c. unable to obtain seats, even in the Commons. People and government seem wonderfully cordial and harmonious.”

					John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from William Campbell, 12 August 1809
From: Campbell, William
To: Adams, John

Honoured Sir
Charleville Virginia August 12th. 1809

Have I mistaken your political principles or have I rightly understood them as being truly federal upon the Basis of our Constitution and the government of our own choice. The People of the United States at the time of choseing their Convention-men for the formation of the Federal Constitution upon which government as been Administered must have had all the zeal of Freemen emancipated from the yoke of Tyranny and abuse of Power added to this the prosperity granted under Benignant Heaven all seemed to combine and join in Unison for the general good and the establishment of a Constitution and the beginning of a government upon principles of Republicanism and of Right.—I entered into the service of my Country when young and have served both in a civil and military capacity I am now entirely out of any Public Office or Commission notwithstanding I continue to serve my Country in my more independant situation whenever I think I can be of service to her either small or great by the freedom I enjoy exerciseing liberally the right of one of the well meaning Sovereign People of the United States. A privilege boastedly valued by our Countrymen and often abused by an improper use of it The very power we struggled, recently, with so much difficulty to gain possession of, in the War with England, and which ought to be esteemed and cherished as a singular blessing from Heaven
Your age experience and well tried talents entitle you to a preeminent rank among the Sages and Patrons of our Country and could the evening of your days be spent more to your satisfaction than in diffuseing useful information inculcateing and enforceing on the riseing generation the necessity of an adherence to strict Christian principles as the only sure and safe guide to National and individual Prosperity and happiness. I write to you with the freedom of a Son to an aged Father and send you the subjoined copy some time since published in a newspaper in this part of the Country. I also send you the copy of a letter from myself to Colonel Pickering and conclude Respectfully / Your most Obedient

William Campbell Enclosure
                                                CongressionalCharleville February 27th. 1809
As no persons have announced their intentions of becomeing candidates at the next Election for a member to Represent this District in Congress and rather than the District shall be without one willing to serve the Electors of the Washington District may consider me as a man whose services they have at command as their Representative and after premiseing a few observations leave the issue in the hands of those that are Constitutionally and legally authorised to make the choice.
My political principles and opinions are Federal in the true sense of the word as nearly as my understanding and information has been capable of forming them I endeavour to educate my mind at all times to think well of those public characters that have made sacrafices for their Countries good and particularly the Revolutionary Federalists that stood forth with their lives and fortunes in the cause of American independance in the late War and the management of our concerns to the formation of our present government of liberty. I hope always to have a favourable and charitable opinion of the conduct of all men where it is not evidently wicked I am one of those kind of men adhereing to the Union agreeable to our Federal Constitution.
I am one of the Federalists that with the blessings of a good government in perpetuity on my native land.
I am one of those kind of Federalists that is ready to go as far into danger as any man in the World in support of the peace and dignity of that government in which I was nurtured from my infant state to the years of manhood.
I am one of those sort of Federalist that notwithstanding other men possess opinions different from me respecting the measures of government and they bearing the character of good men my charity extends to them as being fit for public trust.
I am one of those Federalists that accepted of a command in the Army during the administration of John Adams.
I am one of those Federalists that have a charitable opinion of the Public Acts of that microscope of American independance as far as I am capable of Judgeing and gave my vote and interest to reelect him to the Presidential chair.
I am one of those Federalists that would have voted for Mr. Andrew Russel had I have voted for any one at the last Election for Electors to vote for President and vice President because I know the man notwithstanding I most cordially disapprove of the general Ticket Law.
I am of the description of Federalists that condems the Practice of calumny and misrepresentation so frequent among men of different political principles and opinions as inconsistent with the American character or United family.
Partisans cannot reconcile this general goodwill towards mankind a Federalist can
Children be advised quit your asperity and party purposes be United and firm in one common cause the interest of all If you wish to stand under the best government in the World you must have Union If you wish to separate and fall go on with your abuse of each other and you will have foreign and domestic enemies enough to assist in facilitateing your destruction This Vast and extensive Continent cannot be peopled governed and defended without Unanimity in short this government cannot be maintained without Federalists. You must have friendship for your fellow creature charity justice and goodwill You must respect the opinions of others as well as your own you must be an American a Republican a Federalist.
Children you cannot plead the want of Precept nor example Take a retrospective view of the character and career of illousterous Washington with the band of Patriots that accompanied him throughout the American War and assisted him in Organizeing the Federal government. And above all the examples in ancient or modern times hearken to the King of Heaven who took upon himself mortality to give you not only liberty in this World but to ransom your Souls from eternal punishment.
You are not to understand from my offer to serve you that I intend to give you either meat drink or any thing else contrary to the Constitution and the laws of the States in order to obtain an Election If any other candidate comes forward and allows himself to be actuated by the same Republican principles we may have a free and uncorrupt Election
William Campbell

                     Enclosure
                                                Dr SirCharleville Virginia January 16th. 1809

Be not surprised at an address from a man with whom you have no personal acquaintance I have some knowledge of your character and served as a Captain of Infantry in the Army of the United States when you were Secretary of State of the United States and perhaps at that time not the least among my friends
Whilst I write to you as a Staunch Federalist attached to order and good government I regret to mention the news I have lately heard of the respectable State of Massachusetts, you represent, having serious discontents respecting the measures of the present administration of the general government. From your influence in that quarter much will be expected from you in reconcileing parties It becomes every man attached to the Union of the states and the Constituion in its original purity to interest themselves in reconcileing all inquietudes and opposition to the public will and to pursue by all constitutional means in their power a redress of grievances if any exist.
Let us imitate the example of illousterous Washington and attend well to his advice on leaving the Army of the United States and on retireing from the office of President of the United States.
I am a Federalist I entered into the military service of my Country in the year 1792 I served in the Army during the administration of John Adams I am a natural born citizen of the United States my nearest connections, which are numerous and perhaps all I have are within the United States my property and family is here and it is my duty and that of every true American to be firm in maintaining the Peace dignity and Independance of the Nation.
Be pleased to appreciate my motives in writing you this and receive my warmest wishes for your Success in promoteing the general welfare and beleive me to be Respectfully / your most Obedient Servt.
William Campbell