Title: To James Madison from James Madison, 15 May 1794
From: Madison, James
To: Madison, James

Dear Uncle
Falmo// the 15th May 1794
I wrote you some time past, and my not receivg an answer, conclude, it did not reach Phila. The purpose of it was, that I had it in contemplation, to commence business on my own a/c, and was under the disagreeable necessity of begg. yr assistance. You will please write me immediately on the business.
Please direct the letter to the care of Robt Patton Fredbg. From Yr Dependant Nephew
Jas. Madison


Title: From James Madison to James Madison, Sr., 19 May 1794
From: Madison, James
To: Madison, James, Sr.

Hond. Sir
Philada. May 19. 1794
Your favor of the 5th. came to hand a few days ago. I hope you will have secured me the corn & a plenty of it. I am at a loss to give directions concerning the laths & plank. If M. C. can conveniently spare the Horses to bring it from my brothers, it will no doubt be best to get it from him. Otherwise it will cost less in the end to take it of Mr. C. I will attend to the Forte Piano & the Dictionary for my sister. As I have not yet sold my land & probably shall not at present, it will be convenient to receive a bill for about 200 dollars, or more if you can spare it. No time shd. be lost in remitting it. Mr. Dunbar will probably be able to accomodate you. I am offered 3600 Dollars for the land, but am advised by good judges not to listen to any thing like that price. The discontent as to the excise has probably been stirred up for some electioneerg. purpose, and will subside of course; unless fostered by other excises now in agitation here, to wit, on manufactured Tobo. & refined Sugar. I oppose these, & wish it were possible to get rid of the principle altogether without a worse alternative. A land tax tho’ far preferable to excises in my judgment, & as appears, in that also of my Constituents, is yet viewed in a very unfavorable light generally. It was lately proposed by a Committee of ways & means, & rejected in the House by a vast majority. You will have seen by the papers that the Embargo is not to be continued. The price of flour is in consequence at 50/. Pa. Cy. There are no late accts. of importance from abroad. The adjournment of Congs. will probably tho’ not certainly take place in 15 or 20 days. I hope M. C. & Sawney will make ready for Harvest without waiting for my presence, as I can not be sure of being there in time. My dutiful regards to my mother & yourself
Js. Madison Jr


Title: To James Madison from Alexander White, 19 May 1794
From: White, Alexander
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Woodville 19h May 1794
I am favd with yours of 12th. instant—since which a Gentleman has arrived from Philadelphia who left it on Wednesday, and says the Embargo is not to be continued.
I should myself prefer a direct tax to an extension of the Excise, or to the introduction of any new indirect tax which has yet occurred to my mind. Whether a tax on Carriages (except as an article of manufacture in the hands of the Maker or Vendor) can come under the latter description is at least equivocal. By a direct tax I understand a tax in which no one participates except the man who pays it. With this understanding of the Constitution I cannot distinguish between a tax on my Carriage, and a tax on any other part of my property real or personal. Adieu and believe me Yours &c
Alexr White


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 25 May 1794
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir
Philada. May 25. 1794.
Your favr. of the 15th. Inst: came to hand yesterday. I will procure you the “Definition of parties,” and one or two other things from the press which merit a place in your archives. Osnabrigs can be had here. Negro Cotton I am told can also be had; but of this I am not sure. I learn nothing yet of Blake. The inclosed paper will give you the correspondence of E. R. & Hammond on an occurrence particularly interresting. You will be as able to judge as we are of the calculations to be founded on it. The embargo expires today. A proposition some days ago for continuing it was negatived by a vast majority; all parties in the main concurring. The Republican was assured that the Embargo if continued would be considered by France as hostility: The other had probably an opposite motive. It now appears that throug⟨h⟩out the Continent the people were anxious for its continuance, & it is probable that its expiration will save the W. Inds. from famine, without affording any sensible aid to France. A motion was put on the table yesterday for re-enacting it. Measures of this sort are not the fashion. To supplicate for peace, and under the uncertainty of success, to prepare for war by taxes & troops is the policy which now triumphs under the patronage of the Executive. Every attack on G. B. thro’ her commerce is at once discomfited; & all the taxes, that is to say excises, stamps, &c. are carried by decided majorities. The plan for a large army has failed several times in the H. of Reps. It is now to be sent from the Senate, and being recomended by the Message of the P. accompanying the intelligence from the Miami, will probab[l]y succeed. The influence of the Ex. on events, the use made of them, and the public confidence in the P. are an overmatch for all the efforts Republicanism can make. The party of that sentiment in the Senate is compleatly wrecked; and in the H. of Reps. in a much worse condition than at an earlier period of the Session.


Title: To James Madison from James Monroe, 26 May 1794
From: Monroe, James
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Phila. May 26. 1794.
I have been with Mr. R. & have given him no final answer. The fact appears to be that the message to me was directly from the President, so that a decision settles it. He has also had an interview with Mr. Dayton.
May I request of you to go to Mr. Randolph, & settle the matter with him. I promised him you wod. in the course of ½ an hour. If it has not the approbation of my few friends & yourself in particular & certainly will decline it. Weigh therefore all circumstances, & paying as little regard to private considerations as shod. be, tell him for me what answer to give. I write in haste in the Senate, being engaged on the balance bill. Yr. friend & servt
Jas. Monroe
An answer must be given the President immediately.


Title: To James Madison from James Madison, Sr., 26 May 1794
From: Madison, James, Sr.
To: Madison, James

Letter not found. 26 May 1794. Acknowledged in JM to James Madison, Sr., 6 June 1794. Concerns a bill of exchange for JM from William Triplett for $200 on a Philadelphia mercantile house.


Title: From James Madison to John Sitman and Others, 28 May 1794
From: Madison, James
To: Sitman, John

Letter not found. 28 May 1794. Acknowledged in Sitman and others to JM, 22 Jan. 1795. Concerns an address that Sitman has sent to JM (possibly a “petition of sundry inhabitants of the towns of Salem, Beverly, and Danvers, in the State of Massachusetts,” which was read in the House of Representatives on 7 Apr. 1794 [Annals of CongressDebates and Proceedings in the Congress of
          the United States … (42 vols.; Washington, 1834–56)., 3d Cong., 1st sess., 561]).


Title: Military Establishment, [30 May] 1794
From: Madison, James
To:

[30 May 1794]

   On 1 April the House approved a resolution to raise an additional military force of 25,000 men “during a war which may break out between the United States and any foreign European Power” but on 19 May rejected a “bill to augment the military force of the United States.” On 30 May the House took up a Senate bill—“An act to increase the Military Force of the United States, and to encourage the recruiting service”—which authorized the president to raise an additional 10,000 troops for three years. Debate pitted Federalist advocates of military preparedness against Republican opponents of standing armies (Annals of CongressDebates and Proceedings in the Congress of
          the United States … (42 vols.; Washington, 1834–56)., 3d Cong., 1st sess., 558, 709–10, 735).

Mr. Madison did not accede to the principle of the bill. He did not see any such immediate prospect of a war, as could induce the house to violate the constitution. He thought that it was a wise principle in the constitution, to make one branch of government raise an army, and another conduct it. If the Legislature had the power to conduct, an army, they might embody it for that end. On the other hand, if the President was empowered to raise an army, as he is, to direct its motions when raised, he might wish to assemble it for the sake of the influence to be acquired by the command. The Constitution had wisely guarded against the danger on either side. He could not, in the present case consent to the breaking down of this barrier of public Safety. He saw no necessity for it; nor any violent probability, that this country will be speedily invaded by any force, to which the present military establishment cannot make an adequate resistance. Let us hear from the Minister whom we have just sent to Britain, before we take such abrupt and expensive measures. We shall certainly hear from him, at least, before we are invaded. Now if we enter into a calculation of the time requisite for his arrival in Britain, for commencing his business, and for sending back an account of what kind of reception he has met with, we shall find that by this period, Congress will have sat down again; or at least the interval will be so small, as to make it not worth while to embrace any measure of this kind. Upon the whole, he could not venture to give his consent for violating so salutary a principle of the constitution, as that upon which this bill incroached.


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 1 June 1794
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir
Philada. June 1. 1794
The Stamp Act was poisoned by the ingredient of the tax on transfers. The centinels of Stock uniting with the adversaries of the general plan formed a large majority. The carriage tax which only struck at the Constitution, has passed the H. of Reps. and will be a delicious morsel to the Senate. The attempt of this Branch to give the P. power to raise an army of 10,000, if he should please, was strangled more easily in the H. of R. than I had expected. This is the 3d or 4th. effort made in the course of the Session to get a powerful military establishment, under the pretext of public danger and under the auspices of the P.’s popularity. The bill for punishing certain crimes &c. including that of selling prizes has been unexpectedly called up at the last moment of the Session. It is pretended that our Citizens will arm under French Colors if not restrained. You will be at no loss for the real motive, especially as explained by the circumstances of the present crisis. The bill for complying with Fauchet’s application for a million of dollars, passed the H. of R. by a large majority. The Senate will certainly reject it. Col. M. is busy in preparing for his embarkation. He is puzzled as to the mode of getting to France. He leans towards an American vessel which is to sail from Baltimore for Amsterdam. A direct passage to F is scarcely to be had, and is incumbered with the risk of being captured & carried into England. It is not certain that Negro Cotton can be had here. German linnens of all sorts can. Nothing of Blake. Tomorrow is the day of adjournment as fixt by the vote of the two Houses; but it will probably not take place till the last of the week. We have had 8 or 10 days of wet weather from the N. E., which seems at length to be breaking up. Yrs. Affy.
Js. Madison Jr


Title: Madison’s Courtship and Marriage, ca. 1 June–15 September 1794 (Editorial Note)
From:
To:

Editorial Note
In eighteenth-century American society the relationship between husband and wife was a private, almost secret, matter. History and biography have been poorer for this fact, as witness Martha Washington’s destruction of her husband’s letters after his death. Thus the affectionate exchanges between John and Abigail Adams have long stood out and been cited as unusual survivals of that era of intense privacy. William T. Hutchinson and the other early editors of this project understood the relationship of JM and his beloved Dolley and accordingly announced at the outset (PJMRobert A. Rutland et al., eds., The Papers
          of James Madison: Presidential Series (1 vol. to date; Charlottesville, Va.,
        1984—)., 1:xxxv) that letters to and from Dolley Madison “which throw light upon her husband’s career” would be printed. In short, there is more to a statesman’s life than politics and tobacco prices. For example, Catharine Coles’s 1 June 1794 letter to Dolley Payne Todd, disclosing that “he hopes that your Heart will be calous to every other swain but himself,” reveals an aspect of JM’s life that would be obscured if we consider only the Virginia congressman’s political correspondence in this period. The narrative of JM’s courtship has been well told in Ketcham, James Madison, pp. 376–82, Brant, Madison, 3:401–14, and Virginia Moore, The Madisons: A Biography (New York, 1979), pp. 10–17.


Title: Catharine Coles to Dolley Payne Todd, 1 June 1794
From: Coles, Catharine
To: Madison, Dolley Payne Todd

Philidelphia 1 June 1794
I told you my Dear Cosen that I should not stay very Long here after you was gone we propose Leaveing this next Wednesday for New york.
Now for some News all the good Folks in this House are well only Cosen Sally is sikish, Capn Preston is gone, Sukey & Mrs Grenup are all so. Mr Grove is in the Pouts about you, tell Anny I have not seen Mr Porter so I cant tell how he Looks, the General is pretty so so, J—— B—— Round the Corner is melancholy, Lawrance has made me his Confidant Poor Fellow I fear he will not meet with Suckcess, now for Mad—— he told me I might say what I pleas’d to you about him to begin, he thinks so much of you in the day that he has Lost his Tongue, at Night he Dreames of you & Starts in his Sleep a Calling on you to relieve his Flame for he Burns to such an excess that he will be shortly consumed & he hopes that your Heart will be calous to every other swain but himself he has Consented to every thing that I have wrote about him with Sparkling Eyes, Monroe goes to France as Minister Plenipo. M—— has taken his House do you like it. Poor Coln Bur has Lost his Wife he is gone to New York. Dont you think that I have wrote enough for this time adieu. Mr Coles Joins m⟨e⟩ in affectionate Love to you your Mother & Sisters & remember us to all frien⟨ds.⟩ Your Sincere friend
Catharine Coles


Title: Neutrality, [2 June] 1794
From: Madison, James
To:

[2 June 1794]

   On 13 March Vice-President Adams broke a tie in the Senate to pass the Neutrality Act, which prohibited citizens from enlisting or accepting commissions in foreign military forces, fitting out foreign privateers and warships, or participating in filibuster expeditions. On 31 May JM was in the minority when the House voted to consider the act immediately (Annals of CongressDebates and Proceedings in the Congress of
          the United States … (42 vols.; Washington, 1834–56)., 3d Cong., 1st sess., 68, 743–44). In Committee of the Whole on 2 June a motion was made to strike out the act’s sixth section, which forbade the sale within the United States of prizes captured by foreign warships or privateers. Smith (South Carolina) opposed the motion, citing Jefferson’s printed diplomatic correspondence to buttress his arguments against permitting the sale of French prizes in American ports.

Mr. Madison replied to Mr. Smith, in substance, as follows.
He should not follow Mr. S. in the long argument which he had extracted chiefly from the correspondence of Mr. Jefferson; because, were it admitted to be well founded, it did not reach the true point to be decided. It was not merely a question, whether we were bound by treaty to permit the sale of French prizes. There was another question, whether we were bound, by the law of nations and of neutrality, to refuse that permission. It had not been shewn, that we were bound to such refusal. A neutral nation might treat belligerent nations unequally, where it was in consequence of a stipulation prior to the war, and having no particular reference to it. It was laid down expressly, by all the best writers, that to furnish a military force to one of the parties, in pursuance of such a stipulation, without a like aid to the other, was no breach of neutrality; and it amounted to the same thing whether the equilibrium were destroyed by putting an advantage in one scale, or taking a privilege from the other. The executive had expounded the law of nations, and our treaties, in this sense, by leaving the sale of French prizes free, and forbidding the sale of British prizes. For the legislature to decide, that we were bound by the laws of neutrality to forbid the sale of French prizes also, would be to make themselves the expositor of the law of nations, to condemn the exposition of the executive—to arm Britain with a charge against the United States, of having violated their neutrality, and, what ought particularly to be avoided, to arm her with claims of indemnification for injuries done her by the sale of prizes. Such a proceeding would be the more impolitic and extraordinary, as it could not fail to give extreme disgust to the French Republic, by withdrawing a privilege which it had been determined could be rightfully allowed her; and, as the British minister, lord Grenville, had admitted in his conversations, with Mr. Pinkney, that Britain had reason to be satisfied, on the whole, with the conduct of the United States, as a neutral nation.


Title: From James Madison to James Madison, Sr., 6 June 1794
From: Madison, James
To: Madison, James, Sr.

Hon’d Sir
Phila. June 6. 1794.
I recd. yours of the 26 Ult: on the subject of the bill of exchange, and at the same time a draught from Mr. Triplet for 200 dollars on a house here which has accepted it. I have not yet fixt on a Forte Piano but have several in my eye; and will make a choice as soon as I can satisfy myself, and will have it forwarded it [sic] as soon as an opportunity offers. The adjournment is put off till monday next. I shall set out in a few days thereafter, in company with Col: Monroe who is to embark at Baltimore for France. If I could fix the time, I should be glad to have a conveyance provided for me from Fredg; but that cannot yet be done. I wish however you could keep horses ready to be sent down in case previous notice should get to your hand. If the little chair is not unfit for use I would prefer that mode. I shall have a servant with me. I refer to the inclosed papers for several articles of foreign information. Yr. Affe. Son
Js. Madison Jr


Title: To James Madison from Joseph Mussi, 9 June 1794
From: Mussi, Joseph
To: Madison, James

Sir
Monday Eveng 9. June 94.
My Brother Stephen Mussi partner in the houses under the firm of Bolongaro Simonetta in frankfurt, & Bolongaro Simonetta, & Co. in Amsterdam having allready procured Sevl. Loans, will be disposed to Lend any Sum to the united States at four, & a half ⅌ Ct. interest, Commission, & all Charges encluded, if requested. Whenever you understand that the Executive Should wish it, I Shall immediately write to my Brother, & as a Citizen of united states I’ill be happy of any opporty. to be of Service.
We Spoke of it few weeks ago after dinner at the house of major Butler, who told me to mention it to you. I wish you good voyage to virginia, & remain with Sentiments of true esteem—Sir your most obt. Servt.
Jos. Mussi
I beg to present the enclosed with my best Compliments to Mr. Jefferson.


Title: From James Madison to James Madison, Sr., 15 June 1794
From: Madison, James
To: Madison, James, Sr.

Hond Sir
Baltimore June 15. 1794
I got here the evening before last, and shall leave this the day after tomorrow in company with Mr. Jones who met Col. Monroe here. I shall probably be three days on the road to Fredg. and must there provide a conveyance home; unless you should have been able to save me from that necessity. If Mr. Blair shd. send this by an immediate opportunity, there may possibly be time after the receipt of it to forward horses to meet me at Fredg. where I shall halt a day if no more. I mentioned in my last that I wd prefer travelling from Fredg. in a chair if that arrangement be practicable. Yr Affe. son
Js. Madison Jr


Title: To James Madison from Walter Jones, 18 June 1794
From: Jones, Walter
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir.
June 18th. 1794.
I remain your Debtor for two Letters, which obligation would have been Sooner discharged, but that the accounts we heard of the adjournment of Congress rendered it improbable that my Letters would find you in Philadelphia.
I write this by a transient & hasty opportunity, which allows not time for any reflexions or questions on public affairs. I just take time to mention that many weeks ago an Intimation Came to me from a distant part, that one of our Senators meant to resign, & a proposition, that I should take measures, to become his Successor. I cannot finally resolve yet, upon the Course I shall take; and indeed it would depend much upon the probable prospect of not being repulsed, if I attempted it. I hear that Colo. Hopkins is looked upon generally as one who will Succeed, and I do not hear of any other person particularly named. Our part of the Country is So out of the Line of general Intelligence that we Collect with difficulty the general opinion of the State.
Should you think proper to mention my Name, to the Delegates you may meet with, & to write me Some time hence on the prospect you take of the probable Success of my declaration, it would contribute much to Shape my resolution. I am dear Sir with affectionate and sincere Esteem
Walt: Jones


Title: From James Madison to Joseph Jones, ca. 1 July 1794
From: Madison, James
To: Jones, Joseph

Letter not found. Ca. 1 July 1794. Alluded to in Jones to JM, 6 July 1794. Reports the poor condition of wheat crops between Fredericksburg and the mountains of Virginia.


Title: From James Madison to John Lee, ca. 1 July 1794
From: Madison, James
To: Lee, John

Letter not found. Ca. 1 July 1794. Mentioned in JM to Lee, 15 Nov. 1794. Requests information on Ambrose Madison’s and JM’s Kentucky lands.


Title: From James Madison to Hubbard Taylor, ca. 1 July 1794
From: Madison, James
To: Taylor, Hubbard

Letter not found. Ca. 1 July 1794. Mentioned in JM to John Lee, 15 Nov. 1794. Requests information on Ambrose Madison’s and JM’s Kentucky lands.


Title: To James Madison from Joseph Jones, 22 July 1794
From: Jones, Joseph
To: Madison, James

Dr: Sr
Fredg 22d. July 1794
I expected to have been with you before now but have been unwell a few days past wch. has delayed me. Anty. goes up with a few things to Monroes wch. I suppose will be wanting there while I am up. He brings all the Coffee that came here in the Matt package—package and Coffee weighed 38 lb whe. it was the whole that should have come I am uninformd. I have sent you a pine apple cheese which I hope will prove good those in general that have been used here were approved of as good. I shall go through Culpeper and if nothing unforeseen prevents will set off Tomorow. You have several packages at Andersin’s or Blairs. Yr. friend & Servt
Jos: Jones


Title: From James Madison to Joseph Jones, ca. 12 August 1794
From: Madison, James
To: Jones, Joseph

Letter not found. Ca. 12 August 1794. Alluded to in Jones to JM, 14 Aug. 1794. Explains that JM cannot meet Jones in Charlottesville as planned owing to Antoine’s illness. Asks Jones to inform Jefferson of the delay.


Title: From James Madison to Dolley Payne Todd, 18 August 1794
From: Madison, James
To: Madison, Dolley Payne Todd

Orange Aug: 18. 94. I recd. some days ago your ⟨p⟩recious favor from Fredg. I can not express, but hope you will conceive the joy it gave me: The delay in hearing of your leaving Ha⟨n⟩over which I regarded as the only ⟨s⟩atisfactory proof of your recove⟨r⟩y, had filled me with extreme ⟨… dis⟩quietude, and the co⟨mmun⟩ication of the welcome event was ⟨e⟩ndeared to me by the stile in which it was conveyed. I hope you will never have another de⟨li⟩beration, on that subject. If the sentiments of my heart can gua⟨r⟩antee those of yours, they assure me there can never he a caus⟨e⟩ for it. Is it not cruel that I should be obliged to mingle w⟨ith⟩ the deliciou⟨s …⟩ your letter the pain …
… I cannot ⟨di⟩smiss my fears that his illness may at least be prolonged. ⟨O⟩n the most favorable supposition, I can not venture to expect that he will be able to travel in less than 10 or 12 days. I should not hesitate to set out without him, tho’ in several respects inconvenient were it not forbidden by his utter ignorance of our language, and my being the only ⟨pe⟩rson here who knows a word of his; ⟨so⟩ that in case his ⟨il⟩lness should continue his distress as well as that of those around him would be inexpressible; to say noth⟨in⟩g of the difficulty of followi⟨n⟩g me in the event of his getting wel⟨l.⟩ This adverse incident is t⟨he⟩ more mortifying as I had spared ⟨n⟩o efforts and made some sacrifices, to meet you at ⟨…⟩ than I hoped when we ⟨par⟩ted. I limited …
… set out. If he so far recovers that I can leave him, without being a⟨ble⟩ in a few days, according to appearances, to travel, I shall then endeavo⟨r⟩ to proceed without him, and let him make his way after me as well as he can: In the mean time, allow me to hope that this unavoidable delay, will not extend its influence to the epoch most ⟨… an⟩d to repeat the claim ⟨wh⟩ich I apprised …


Title: William W. Wilkins to Dolley Payne Todd, 22 August 1794
From: Wilkins, William W.
To: Madison, Dolley Payne Todd

Philadelphia August 22nd. 1794.
I will not delay a Moment my ever dear and valued friend to reply to your last interresting Epistle. Flattered as I am by your Condecension in consulting me on this important Occasion and truly and disinterestedly solicitous for your Welfare—the Task I undertake is far from being a painful one. As your friend I feel not the least Hesitation in forming my Opinion—ought I then to feel any reluctance in communicating it?
Mr. M——n is a Man whom I admire. I knew his Attachment to you and did not ther⟨efor⟩e content myself with taking his Character from the Breath of popular Applause—but ⟨consul⟩ted those who knew him intimately in private Life. His p⟨ersonal⟩ Character therefore I have every reason to believe is good and amiable. He unites to the great Talents which have secured him public Approbation those engaging Qualities that contribute so highly to domestic Felicity. To such a Man therefore I do most freely consent that my beloved Sister be united and happy.
Yes my dear and amiable Julia you have my fullest and freest Approbation of the Step you are about to take. No Wish is dearer to my Heart than your Happiness & Heaven is my Witness that nothing is less selfish than my Attachment to you. That I have not been insensible to your Charms ought not I think to be regarded as a Fault—few persons in similar Situations would not have felt their irresistible Influence; but none I will venture to say could have mingled in their Emotions more true Respect and more fraternal Affection than I have.
With respect to the Settlement on your Son—I will give ⟨yo⟩u my Sentiments frankly. You are placed in a critical Situation in this Affair—the Eyes of the World are upon you and your Enemies have already opened their Mouths to censure and Condemn you. I hope you will disappoint them—I believe you will now be just—for you have hitherto always been generous. I must confess I conceive it to be your duty to make some Settlement upon him and I know you too well to doubt your Inclination to do it. The only Question can be to what Amount and in what Manner shall this Settlement be made.
Mr. M——n is as I am informed a Man of genteel tho not of large property. He has a right to expect some part but does not want the whole of your Estate. I would suggest therefore that your House and Stables situate in Fourth Street be previously to your Marriage conveyed to Trustees in Trust to receive the Rents Issues and profits during the Minority of your Son and apply the same first to discharge the Sum of ⅌350 with the Interest (being the remaining Sum due of the purchase Money & which ought to he regarded as an Incumbrance on the premises) & in the second place to the support & Education of your Son (stipulating if you please that for this purpose the payments of the proceeds be made to your future Husband and yourself as it is to be presumed your Son will always remain under your joint Care and Protection) and in trust farther to convey the premises to your Son in fee Simple upon his arriving to the Age of twenty one Years—but if he should die before he attains that Age to convey to yourself and your Heirs.
Your Son as a residuary Legatee of his Grand Father will be intitled to something—but the Amount of the Legacy is wholly uncertain. The provision which I have mentioned will in your Circumstances be a generous one—I only fear it will be thought unreasonably great. But those who know Julia as well as ⟨I do⟩ will look for Conduct at once maternally affectionate and exaltedly bountiful.
If I have given my Opinion with too much freedom—I earnestly solicit your pardon. I am sensible that neither Age or Wisdom or Relationship authorize me to advise—but your own Command has opened my Lips and Friendship bids me be sincere. With the truest—warmest Wishes for your Happiness I am my dear Julia ever & affectionately yours
Wm. W. Wilkins
My respects to Mrs. payne. Hallowell informs me that he considered himself obliged to pay the Money to Isaac & has paid it to his Order. Compliments to Miss Anna. I must beg her pardon for detaining these Letters so long in my possession as I expected daily to hear from you & wished to dispatch in one packet. I shall attend as usual to your Affairs till my power is revoked.


Title: To James Madison from Hubbard Taylor, 22 August 1794
From: Taylor, Hubbard
To: Madison, James

Letter not found. 22 August 1794. Acknowledged in JM to Taylor, 15 Nov. 1794. Provides information on Ambrose Madison’s and JM’s Kentucky lands and promises to make further inquiries about them.


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 1 September 1794
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Letter not found. 1 September 1794, Orange. Mentioned in JM to Jefferson, 5 Oct. 1794. Discusses deer for stocking Jefferson’s park at Monticello. Received by Jefferson 18 Sept. (Jefferson’s Epistolary Record [DLC: Jefferson Papers]).


Title: Dolley Payne Todd to Eliza Collins Lee, 16 September 1794
From: Madison, Dolley Payne Todd
To: Lee, Elizabeth (Eliza) Collins

Hair-Wood—September the 16th. [1794]
I receav’d your precious favour from Bath & should have indulged myself in writeing an answer but for the excessive weakness In my Eyes. And as a proof my dearest Eliza of that confidence & friendship which has never been interrupted betwe[e]n us I have stolen from the family to commune with you—to tell you in short, that in the cource of this day I give my Hand to the Man who of all other’s I most admire. You will not be at a loss to know who this is as I have been long ago gratify’d In haveing your approbation. In this Union I have every thing that is soothing and greatful in prospect—& my little Payne will have a generous & tender protector.
A Settlement of all my real property with a considerable Adition of Money is made upon him with Mr. M——s full approbation. This I know you feel an Interrest in or I should not have troubled you with it—you also are acquainted with the unmerited sensure of my Enimys on the subject.
Mr. & Mrs L. Lee have left the neighbourhood to our great regret as we wished much their presence to day, they being the only Family Invited except his sister & Brother Washington—but how shall I express the anxiety I feel to see you? That friend whose goodness, at many interresting periods I have greatfully experienced would now rejoice us by a sight of her—tell your dear Lee that he must not suplant D P T in your Affections but suffer her whilst she deserves it to share with him your ever valuable Esteem. Adeiu! Adeiu.
It is yet uncertain whether we shall see you before the meeting in Phila. Mama, Madison, Lucy, Gorge, Anna and Hariot joine in best love to ⟨you⟩ & yours.
Dolley Payne Todd
Evening.
Dolley Madison! Alass!


Title: To James Madison from Henry Lee, 23 September 1794
From: Lee, Henry
To: Madison, James

My dear sir
Alexa. sepr. 23d. 94.
I hear with real joy that you have joined the happy circle & that too in the happiest manner. To your lady present my most respectful congratulations. She will soften I hope some of your political asperitys. The day which blessed you cursed me. I left my family to join the troops destined to restore order in Pensylvania. What a cursed event, who could have supposed such a disaster possible in this day of reason, among a people of reason. Surely these things must influence our political leaders to harmonize more than they have lately done & to regard as a solemn truth that tolerable happiness to a nation had better be preserved than risked in pursuit of greater felicity. We are more than tolerably happy & we ought to be content. Whatever may be my difficultys or whatever my fate I sincerely wish you & your better half every good which mortality permits. Farewel
Henry Lee
Present me to my friend & relation Mr W & ask him if he received a long letter written by me from Norfolk.


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 5 October 1794
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir
Harewood Ocr. 5. 1794.
On my return to Orange I dropped you a few lines on the subject of the deer. On my way into this part of the Country I passed Col. John Thornton of Culpeper, who has a Park, and will spare you with pleasure two or three, if you can not be otherwise supplied. He thinks he could by advertizing a premium of 10 or 12 dollars a head procure from his neighbors as many fawns to he delivered at Monticello as you would want. If you chuse to make use of his assistance, a line to the care of Mr. Fontaine Maury at Fredg. would soon get to hand.
This will be handed to you by Mr. Bond who is to build a large House for Mr. Hite my brother in law. On my suggestion He is to visit Monticello not only to profit of examples before his eyes, but to ask the favor of your advice on the plan of the House. Mr. Hite particularly wishes it in what relates to the Bow-room & the Portico, as Mr. B. will explain to you. In general, any hints which may occur to you for improving the plan will be thankfully accepted. I beg pardon for being the occasion of this trouble to you, but your goodness has always so readily answered such draughts on it, that I have been tempted to make this additional one.
I write at present from the seat of Mr. G. Washington of Berkeley, where, with a deduction of some visits, I have remained since the 15th. Ult: the epoch at which I had the happiness to accomplish the alliance which I intimated to you I had been sometime soliciting. We propose to set out in 8 or 10 days for Philada. where I shall always receive your commands with pleasure, and shall continue to drop you a line as occasions turn up. In the mean time I remain Yrs. Mo: affecy
Js. Madison Jr


Title: From James Madison to James Madison, Sr., 5 October 1794
From: Madison, James
To: Madison, James, Sr.

Dear & Hond Sir
Harewood October 5. 1794.
I have detained Sam by whom I send this so much longer than I intended & you expected that many apologies are due for the liberty. I hope it will be a sufficient one that I found him indispensable for a variety of little services, which I did not particularly take into view before I left Orange. These he can himself explain, and I therefore leave the task to him; proceeding to the history of what relates to myself. On my arrival here I was able to urge so many conveniences in hastening the event which I solicited that it took place on the 15th. Ult. On the friday following we set out accompanied by Miss A. Payne, and Miss Harriot Washington, on a visit to my sister Hite, where we arrived the next day, having stopped a night in Winchester with Mr. Balmain. We had been a day or two only at Mr. Hite’s, before a slight indisposition which my wife had felt for several days ended in a regular Ague & fever. The fits tho’ succeeded by compleat intermissions were so severe that I thought it prudent to call in a Physician from Winchester. Docr. Mackay not being in the way Docr. Baldwin attended, and by a decisive administration of the Bark soon expelled the complaint. She has since recovered very fast & I hope notwithstanding a slight indisposition this morning which may be the effect of fatigue & change of weather, that no return is in the least to be apprehended. We left Mr. Hites the day before yesterday. Our time was passed there with great pleasure on our side, and I hope with not less on the other. Our departure however was embittered by the loss sustained the night preceeding by my sister, which you will have an account of from Mr. H. by this opportunity. In about 8 or 10 days we expect to set out for Philada. Your daughter in law begs you and my mother to accept her best and most respectful affections, which She means to express herself by an early opportunity. She wishes Fanny also be sensible of the pleasure with which a correspondence with her would be carried on.
I saw Fraily at Mr. Hite’s. He promises stedfastly to be with you in about a fortnight at farthest; and to do every thing on his part requisite for a vigorous prosecution of the undertaking at Bernard’s Ford.
I must ask the favor of my mother to make out a memorandum of the Cloathing &c. to be obtained at Mr. Dunbars for the negroes; & of yourself to have it transmitted along with a list of other articles such as Salt Iron &c—which may [be] wanted for the winter’s use. I heard with great satisfaction by Mr. Howard that her complaint which appeared in so doubtful a character when I left her, had taken a turn that promised an early & I hope entire recovery. With my sincerest prayers that perfect health & every other good may attend you both, I remain Yr. Affete son
Js. Madison Jr
I called soon after I came into the neighbourhood on Mrs. F. Hite, & found her & family well. I intend to repeat my visit if possible & to introduce her new relation to her.


Title: To James Madison from Richard Taylor, 11 October 1794
From: Taylor, Richard
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Jefferson Kentucky 11th. Ocr. 1794
When your Brother the late Mr. Ambrose Madison was in Kentucky I purchased a Tract of Eight hundred Acres of Land of him the remainder of Hancock Eustaces Survey after he had sold Majr Croghan One hundred & six acres & Mr. Hancock Lee had got his claim satisfied. I have payed for the Land all but one Thousand Acres of Land on Green river oposit the mouth of Rough creek which I am ready to convey at any time. Your Brother beeing on his Journey & in a Hurry he cou’d not make me a Deed nor did I ask him for any obligation for his makeing one for he gave Mr. Hubard Taylor a Genl. Power to do all his Business in Kentucky Directing him to make me a Deed to the afore-mentioned Land, but from his remote Situation from me & the Land it has been Neglected. Now I shou’d bee obliged to you to Inform me How I can gett a Title to the Land as I expect Mr. Taylors Power ceases on the Death of your Brother. This sir is a mater of present concern to me as I have parted with some of the Land. As for News we have very little here, only Major Whitley went against the Chickamogas with Five hundred Kentucky & Cumberland Volunteers Kill’d & Took upwards of Fifty & did not loose one man. As for Politticks as you corrispond with Mr. Hubard Taylor and Mr. Nicholas one of whom is a Violent Democrat the other for supporting Government so long as he thinks it a good one of which last I believe there is a large Majorraty in our State. As for Famaly News we have Six sons & one Daughter all well. Have nothing more to add but that I remain with great regard your most Obt. Servt
Richd: Taylor


Title: To James Madison from Joseph Jones, [ca. 28 October] 1794
From: Jones, Joseph
To: Madison, James

Dr. Sr.
Fredg. [Ca. 28 October 1794]
I have your favor from Philadelphia and very sincerely rejoice with you on your late change of condition and safe arrival in the City. Present my congratulations to your Lady. The tea china you mention is here and shall be packed up carefully and sent by Capt. Lambert who informs me he shall leave this place Tomorow evening or next day for Philadelphia. Monroe must certainly be safe in France from all accounts tho’ we have no letters from him. He got there at a moment of great agitation but which like a sudden gust or squal has soon blown over. When I parted from Monroe he intimated to me that if any balances from him shod. be pressed for or I shod. enter into any engagement wherein he should be concerned and wch. was then contemplated and has since taken place and I shod. want his aid before I should hear from him that probably I could thro’ Mr. Edmd. Randolph obtain money on his accot. Presuming this might be done I lately mentioned it to him that I wished to obtain 1000 dols. on accot. as agent for Monroe of which he might retain abt. £120 due by Walker Carter in Philadelphia and the balance I shod. draw for if to be had. Mr. Randolph informed me he wod. have W. Carters settled and expected I might in a few days be accommodated with the balance but did not speak certainly. An immediate and pressing demand on Col. Carter has induced me to take the liberty to draw a bill of £50 this money on Mr. Randolph on Monroes accot. and to request he will have it paid, this I shod. not have done but from necessity having already advanced all I had or could raise on ⟨acct.⟩ the land purchased from Col. Carter in wch. Monroe is in part concerned. Will you speak with Randolph on it and inform me what is the prospect of its Being paid that if it shod. not be honored I may try some way of providing for it in time. I do not choose to draw on Monroe before I hear from him and am informed th[r]o’ what channel to make the drafts. Yr. friend & Servt
Jos: Jones
Lambert goes to Lloyd & Sparks.


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 30 October 1794
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Th: J. to J. M.
Monticello Oct. 30. 94.
In the moment of the departure of the post it occurs to me that you can, by the return of it, note to me the amount of Mazzei’s claim against Dohrman, for the information of the Van Staphorsts. I will put off my answer to them for that purpose. The day you left me I had a violent attack of the Rheumatism which has confined me ever since. Within these few days I have crept out a little on horseback, but am yet far from being well, or likely to be so soon. I wish much to see the speech, & to know how such an armament against people at their ploughs, will be represented, and an appeal to arms justified before that to the law had been tried & proved ineffectual, by the fact, not by the certified opinion of a magistrate paving the way to an embassy. Adieu, a thousand respects to mrs. Madison & joys perpetual to both.


Title: To James Madison from Philip Freneau, 2 November 1794
From: Freneau, Philip
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir,
Monmouth, East Jersey, November 2d. 1794
As I hear there is a probability of a new printer being wanted for the House of Representatives, I take the liberty to Solicit Your interest in favour of Mr. Francis Bailey, by whom, You may rest assured, the work of every kind will be executed to perfect Satisfaction. If Mr. Childs and Mr. Swaine should resign the business; I make no doubt but Your influence with Mr. Beckley will be exerted for this purpose. Mr. Bailey is an old, tried Republican; and, perhaps I scarcely need tell You, has stood forth in the worst of times, both as a printer and Soldier, a friend to the rights, liberties, and interests of this country. Such characters Merit consideration; and permit me to tell You, that in my opinion, it would be preferable that the whole of the work were entrusted to his care; dividing the business, I never could persuade myself, answered any good purpose: and if one such person as Mr. Bailey were made responsible for the whole, considering his attention and abilities, and the capital printing apparatus he is furnished with, I am convinced the House would find their account in having the work done by him. I am, Sir, with perfect esteem—Your sincere friend
Philip Freneau


Title: To James Madison from Joseph Jones, 4 November 1794
From: Jones, Joseph
To: Madison, James

Dr. Sr.
Fredg. 4th. ⟨November 179⟩4
I last week informed you I had packed up the china and sent it on board a vessell commanded by Capt. Lambert (his name is Lambeth) who expected to sail the next day. He goes to the house of Lloyd and Sparks of Philadelphia. A spell of rainy weather that commenced while he was loading has detained him untill to day, so that you may expect him soon after the receipt of this letter. I inclose the receipt.
That you may understand the reason of my drawing a Bill for £50 on Mr. Randolph and also requesting him to settle a demand agt. Walker Carter of about £125. on accot. of Col. Monroe proceeded from my having contracted with Col. Carter for his Loudon land, in which purchase Monroe was if I made it to be concerned. The Colonels first proposition was to have six hundred pounds paid down but afterwards from growing and pressing demands upon him he found it necessary to demand a prompt payment of £1500. Finding the offer I made him the best that upon his terms came forward, he closed with me. Having no communication from Monroe through what channel to make draughts for such part of the first payment as I shod. have occasion to call upon him for, I informed Mr. Randolph That Monroe had intimated to me, before we parted, that if my engagements for him were of such nature as to make it necessary, I might probably on application to him be assisted on his accot.—and requested to know from him if I could get on Monroes accot. 1000 dols. If so he might retain a sum he stood answerable for accot. of Walker Carter, and furnish me the balance. Mr. Randolph informed me he wod. in consequence of my application settle Walker Carters debt, and wished me to wait awhile for the balance expecting daily to hear from Monroe. Hearing nothing from Monroe or any further communication from Mr. Randolph, and being pressed by Col. Carter to assist him with £50 to settle an unavoidable demand, I at length ventured to make the draught on Mr. Randolph as Agent for Monroe, assuring him none other shod. be made untill we heard from him. I will thank you therefore to speak with Mr. Randolph on the matter and prevail on him if it can be done to honor the bill, for which and the other sum if it be necessary a bill on Monroe may be furnished by me, so soon as I am informed in what manner to make the draughts. If there is no prospect of the bill being paid, I beg you to inform me of it withot. delay, that I may make provision here. The first payment I can accomplish with the remnant of the 1000 dols., if I am not much disappointed here—I mean the £1500 down, besides exonerating the land of 1100t. to Col. Pendleton due by Judts. and elegits served on the land for which he has agreed To accept good bonds in payment, these I can furnish. Also 1000 to the ⟨Ets.⟩ of Wm. Carr of Dumfries. For the balance I have two annual payments. Upon the whole I think the bargain good @ 3 dols. ⅌ acre the sum agreed on for about 5000 acres even altho’ it is incumbered as I have mentioned, and with many Leases at low rent. The money incumbrances are to be deducted from the price. I mention these circumstances between ourselves, not wishing them to be spoken of. When you commence operations let me hear from you as usual. I take Baches paper furnish me any others you can spare. You have with your Lady my best wishes. Yr. friend & ⟨servt.⟩
Jos: ⟨Jones⟩


Title: To James Madison from James Innes, 5 November 1794
From: Innes, James
To: Madison, James

my dear Sir
Wednesday one oClock Nov 5th. [1794]
Since I saw you this morning it has been communicated to me as the wish of the president that I should spend this afternoon with him—as he is more at leisure than he probably may be hereafter to communicate to me the objects of my Western mission. I take the liberty therefore of sending you my apology for not waiting upon you on to day which I hope may be considerd in its proper light—and not viewed as a mark of Inattention from one, who will never fail to be with the most sincere respect & Esteem yr friend & Sert
Jas: Innes.


Title: From James Madison to James Madison, Sr., 10 November 1794
From: Madison, James
To: Madison, James, Sr.

Hon’d Sir
Philada. Novr. 10. 1794
My last was as far back as the return of Sam from Harewood. I have postponed writing untill the Session should commence for two reasons. One you will readily conjecture: The other that I might inclose the introductory proceedings. From the want of a Quorum of Senators, these have not yet taken place. It was expected that the defect would be supplied to day. Whether it will be or not I cannot yet say. We have no late information from England. The first communication with Jay which has been published in our gazettes, was dry & equivocal on the part of Ld. Grenville. It is thought however that his mission will not be without effect; especially if the French successes continue to alarm the British Govt. Another favorable circumstance is the naval equipment by Denmark & Sweeden. The former has 30 sail of the line in service. You will have seen Monroe’s reception by the Natl. Convention. This is all the acct. recd. with respect to him; no letters public or private having yet come to hand. The Western insurgents appear to have been brought either by reflection or fear to a perfect submission to the laws. By a vessel which sailed yesterday for Fredg. I have sent you a barrl. of Sugar containg 112 lb. The price £5.12. Pa. Curry. It is very high, but the quality very good. It was not to be got cheaper, & as I knew of your disappt. thro’ Mr. Hite, I thought it best to secure a supply limited to that quantity. The same vessel carries another Barrl. with 1½ bushls. of Red Clover seed, which I wish you to make Sawney sow in Feby. on the old mountain field. There will be eno’ for the whole field whether in Wheat or Rye, and he will so distribute it as to make it hold out. It is to be sown on the top of the Wheat or Rye, taking advantage of a snow if there be one particularly just before it melts. But this circumstance is by no means essential, and ought not to retard the sowing beyond the last of that Month. The price of wheat here has been up at 12/. P. C. & flour £3. It is not so high at present but is not much below it; and the purchase is pretty spirited. I expected to have inclosed the letter from Dolley promised in my last but must wait till the next post. She has written it; but an interruption at the moment of sending this to the Office; prevents her letting me have it in time, and the delay of a moment may lose the oppy. altogether. We have both been well since our arrival here. She joins all her affections to mine, for my mother & yourself. Yr. dutiful son
Js. Madison Jr.


Title: Admission of a New Congressman, [11 November] 1794
From: Madison, James
To:

[11 November 1794]

   On 13 April John Francis Mercer of Maryland resigned his House seat, and during the recess Gabriel Duvall was elected to the vacancy. On 7 November the House referred Duvall’s credentials to the Standing Committee of Elections. On 11 November Murray objected to reading the committee’s report before admitting Duvall.

Mr. Madison was for the report being read. It would only delay the admission of the gentleman for a few minutes. It was therefore better to receive it, and then take him in. There was a question, if Mr. Mercer was now to appear before the house, could he take his seat? Mr. Madison would not undertake to answer the question. It was a delicate one. He would have the report read. If it was favourable, act as concurring with it. If not so, lay it aside, and admit the member from Maryland to qualify without taking any notice of it.

   Philadelphia Gazette, 12 Nov. 1794 (also reported in Gazette of the U.S., 11 Nov. 1794, and Dunlap and Claypoole’s Am. Daily Advertiser, 12 Nov. 1794).

[11 November 1794]

   Parker spoke in favor of Murray’s objection.

Mr. Madison was still for reading the report of the committee. His object was to accelerate the reception of the Gentleman, which would inevitably and properly take place. If the House were to admit him to qualify, without first reading the report, it might hereafter be asked, Why was a report made at all, when the House refuse to read it? It might, on a future occasion, be said, “Perhaps that report has been unfavourable, and the House have contradicted the report of their own committee.”

   Philadelphia Gazette, 12 Nov. 1794 (also reported in Gazette of the U.S., 11 Nov. 1794). Murray waived his objection, the report was read, and the House admitted Duvall to his seat.


Title: To James Madison from Killian K. Van Rensselaer, 14 November 1794
From: Rensselaer, Killian K. Van
To: Madison, James

Dr Sir
Albany Novr. 14th. 1794.
The Bearer Robert S. Van Rensselaer (son of Coll. Philip Van Rensselaer) has it in contemplation to make a tour through some part of Europe, he is a young Gentleman of respectability and Character and Recommend him to you as such. His father will evince his Gr⟨at⟩itude to you & I will consider myself under obligations also, if you will furnish him with letters to Mr. Munro & Mr. Pinckney in Europe, with whom I have no acquaintance.
Chancellor Livingston & Coll. Burr have both interested themselves in obtaining letters, and I must beg the favour of your attention to this request also. I am Dr. Sir with Sentiments of Esteem Yours
K. K. Van Rensselaer


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 16 November 1794
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir
Philada. Novr. 16. 1794.
I have recd. your two favors of Ocr. 30 & Novr. 6, the former not in time to be answered on Monday last. Mazzei’s claim on Dorhman is £2000 N. Y. Currency, with interest at 7 per Ct. from Novr. 1788. It is secured by a Deed of Trust empowering me to sell a tract of land granted to Mr. D. by an Act of Congress of Octr. 1. 1787. (see Journals of that date). Mr. Randolph thinks that a Court of Equity would not interfere with a summary execution of the trust. I hear nothing from Dorhman; nor can even say whether he is still in N. York. I have mentioned to Mr. R. the books and he has promised to let me have them. Judge Wilson is on the Southn. Circuit, and I suppose the volumes in his hands can not be got till he returns. I will however make the trial. The gentleman by whom they are to be sent to you has not yet made his appearance.
The Senate having not yet a Quorum I cannot send you the P.’s Speech. You will have seen by the papers that the Western Scene is closed. H. is still with the army. You will perceive his colouring on all the documents which have been published during his Mentorship to the commander in cheif. When I first arrived here the conversation ran high for a standing army to enforce the laws. It is said the Militia will all return with the same doctrine in their mouths. I have no doubt that such an innovation will be attempted in earnest during the session, if circumstances should be favorable. It is probable however that the P. will not embark in the measure; and that the fear of alarming N. England will be another obstacle.

The elections for the next Congs. are generally over except in Virginia & N. Carola. & N. York. In N. Hampshire the choice is much the same. In Masshts. there has been a violent contest in most of the districts. All that will probably be gained is a spirit of enquiry & competition in that quarter. Ames is re-elected after the most unparall[el]ed exertions & calumnies in his favor, and according to report by the addl. aid of bad votes. Dexter is to run a second heat but will probably succeed. Sedgwick’s fate is not known. The chance is said to be in his favor; but it is agreed that he will be well sweated. As he has not yet appeared, he is probably nursing his declining popularity during the crisis. From N. Y. we are promised at least half of the new representatives for the republican scale. N. Jersey has lost old Clarke who will no doubt be replaced by a successor of other sentiments. In this State, the election, notwithstanding its inauspicious circumstances, is more republican than the last. Nine at least out of thirteen are counted on the right side; among them Swanwick in the room of Fitzimmons, a stunning change for the aristocracy. Maryland pretty much as heretofore. I shd. have first noted that in Delaware Patten the Republican ex-member, is chosen by a large Majority. The representation of Maryland will vary little from the present. In S. C. Smith has been carryed by the British merchants in Charleston & their d[e]btors in the Country, in spite of the Rutledges & Pinkney’s who set up agst. him Jno. Rutlege jur. Tucker was also a candidate. Smith had a majority of all the votes. In general the changes also in that State will be for the worse. The death of Gillon has made way for Barnwell if he chuses to step in. Hunter also is out; but it is said his successor (a Mr. Harper) will be a valuable acquisition, being sound able & eloquent. The prospects for the Senate are—the reelection of Langdon for N. H. The election of Payne, an incognitum, in place of Bradley for Vermont who appears to have been out of favor with both parties—the reelection of King in N. Y. owing to the death of 2 Repubn. members of the State Legislature—the chance of a Republican successor to R Morris, said to be a good one; a like chance in Delaware. In Maryland the Chance is bad, but nothing worse than the present delegation is to [be] apprehended. Potts has resigned, & Henry it is supposed will either withdraw or be rejected. The event in Virga. you will know. The information from N. C. is not decisive, but favorable; the same as to S. C. Izard has relinquished his pretensions. In Georgia the question lies between Gun & Telfair. The former it is thought will be rechosen.
I must refer to Newspapers which I suppose you occasionally see from Richd. for the posture of things in Europe. In general they are extremely favorable to F. and alarming to all the Sovereigns of Europe. England seems still bent notwithstanding, on the war. She is now to subsidize the Emperor as well as the K. of Prussia. Accordg. to the intelligence handed to the public it would seem that the humiliating memorial of Jay inspires less contempt, than the French victories do terror, and that the tone towards this Country will be much changed. It is even intimated that satisfactory arrangements will be made on most, if not all the points in question. Not a line official or private from Monroe. His enthusiastic reception you will have seen.
Prices here are very different from those you mention. Wheat at 12/– Corn 6/6. Beef at 8d. & other things in proportion. House Rent 50 PerCt. higher than last Winter. Mrs. M. offers her best returns to you. Always & affecy. Yours
Js. Madison


Title: To James Madison from Joseph Jones, 16 November 1794
From: Jones, Joseph
To: Madison, James

Dr. Sr.
Fredg. 16th. Novr. 1794.
Your favor of the 7th. I received on Friday evening on my return from Richmond. I am in hopes the China has got safe and sound to hand. I have not heard from Mr. Randolph but take for granted what you mention that the bill will be paid as he had accepted it. I promised no further application should be made untill we heard from Monroe although my engagements for him and some small balances due from him when he went away will not well admit of delay. Certainly we shall hear from him by the French Corvette lately arrived at Baltimore with it is said despatches for the Minister. Mr. Jay’s representation was not in the stile of firm demand for compensation for injuries done to our citizens but rather supplicating the benevolence of his Britannic Majesty for relief. What his Powers or instructions were I know not but if they were such as to justify the language of his representation they merit contempt rather than applause. Grenville’s answer is a palpable evasion of justice or rather a dishonourable denial of it. The injuries have been done under the authority of the nation. The nation therefore shod. redress them. Can Americans expect justice from the Courts while the acts of the King in Council are the rule of decision? After the Courts have decided shod. there be Occasion for the interference of the governmt. Then it may be proper to appt. Comrs. who in concert with American Comr. are to discuss the measures and principles on which the business is to be finally settled, very civil and satisfactory indeed. Who is to supply the Chief Justices place in the Courts in the mean time for I think it will require some years to get through the work or is Mr. Jay to continue our Envoy with the emoluments of that Office superadded to those of Chief justice in which Character he does nothing to intitle him to payment. I hope the Republican interest in the legislature will be strengthened from the North, as it is in danger of loosing support from the South by a late election, or at least of gaining nothing from that quarter. Wise is chosen Speaker. Harvie got only 19 votes for the chair. Who will be the Senator or Senators (for they say Taylor will certainly resign) is very uncertain—there are many spoken of Tazewell, C Lee Corbin, Harvie, Dawson W. Nicholas—also yourself and Giles. Some say Henry is willing to serve as Govr. Shod. the fact be ascertained he will be elected, otherwise the contest will I expect rest bet. Brooke & Wood. The first will probably succeed. I have tried all over the Town for Hams, there are none. Some midlings & a few shoulders alone can be got. Mrs. Willis sometimes has bacon to sell I have requested her Brother who dines with her to day to inquire, and let me know—if any they shall be secured. I am Yr. friend & Servt.
Jos: Jones.
P. S. Mrs. Willis has no bacon to spare. I shall make further inquiry for bacon.


Title: From James Madison to James Madison, Sr., 17 November 1794
From: Madison, James
To: Madison, James, Sr.

Dear & Hond Sir
Philada. Novr. 17. 1794
I now inclose the letter omitted in my last. We have not had the pleasure of a single line from Orange since yours recd. just before leaving Berkeley. I hope it will not be long before our expectation is gratified on this point; and that you will be able to tell us all that we wish in favor of the re-establishment of my mothers health and the continuation of your own. I shall be glad also to have a word added with respect to matters at my two Farms. In my last I informed you of my having sent 1 ½ bushls. of Clover seed for the field at Sawney’s where Wheat was sowed among Corn. The barrel containing it, with another containing 112 lb. Sugar for you were consigned to Mr. Anderson. I hope both will have arrived safe.
The Senate have not yet a Quorum, and of Course the business of the Session can hardly be said to be commenced, nothing being done, but some small matters in the H. of Reps. which made a Quorum the 2d. day. The army sent agst. the Insurgents is announced to be on the return, the object of their destination being accomplished. The accounts from Europe shew more & more the irres[is]tible force of the French armies & the distresses of their combined Enemies. From England the information tho’ not decisive is favorable to the views of this Country. Not a word official or private is yet come to hand from Col. Monroe. The enthusiastic reception given him by the Natl. Convention was communicated thro’ the foreign Newspapers. Wheat has been as high as 12/6. It is now about 12/. where the weight & quality are good. Did Fraily attend according to promise and what has been done towards the Mill? I hope at least that a legal commencement of the work has not failed. Yr. Affee. son
Js. Madison Jr


Title: To James Madison from Joseph Jones, 19 November 1794
From: Jones, Joseph
To: Madison, James

Dr. Sr.
Fredg. 19th. Novr. 1794.
I have your favors of the 12th. and 14th. of the month with the Papers inclosed. It is somewhat strange we have no letters public or private from Monroe when so many opportunities have offered since his arrival and in particular the Corvette arrived at Baltimore with despatches for the Minister of France. The Republic appears to pursue her victories in all quarters and to bid fair to vanquish the violence of party at home—the removal from the Com: of public safety of those Members who appeared to be contending for controul may establish unanimity and moderation in their councils. If it shall not abate the enthusiasm of the people for Liberty, and cool the ardor of the Armies the policy which they profess to adopt in the interior cannot fail to produce happy effects. The head important in Baches paper does not open to my view any well founded hope or prospect of a speedy or successfull issue of Mr. Jays negociation. The Pensylvania or at least the Philadelphia election seems to have Run in favor of the Republican party. I lament that Ames has outvoted Ja[r]vis. Wheat here is 6/ & 6/3. The Merchants say they have lately suffered mu⟨c⟩h by some shipments to Baltimore in consequence of the wheats heating in the vessell, the quality of wheat is generally bad and slovenly managed. The promptitud⟨e⟩ of the militia in turning out to support the laws will I hope be a stumbling block to the advocates for a standing Army. Not being able to procure you any bacon I send you half my remaining stock. They are small and may serve as a relish. Yr. friend & Servt
Jos: Jones.
There is a vessell now loading for Philaa. on board of which I will send the package and will by next post inform you her name & the Commander wch. at present I do not know.


Title: To James Madison from Joseph Jones, 21 November 1794
From: Jones, Joseph
To: Madison, James

Dr. Sr.
Fredg. 21t. Novr. 1794.
The inclosed paper will inform you on board what vessell and to whom consigned the small cask I send you goes—it contains Anthony informs me four gammon and one shoulder. I wish I could have sent you more and larger peices but you must be content with what and such as they are. I set out in the morning for Loudoun and Albemarle and shall not return in less than 8 or 10 days. Your letters to me in Fredericksg. I shall receive on my return. Health and happiness attend you. Tazewell and S. T. Mason I hear are the Senators to Congress. Yr. friend & Servt.
Jos: Jones.


Title: Address of the House of Representatives to the President, [21 November] 1794
From: House of Representatives
To: Washington, George

[21 November 1794]
The House of Representatives calling to mind the blessings enjoyed by the people of the United States, and especially the happiness of living under Constitutions and laws which rest on their Authority alone, could not learn with other emotions than those you have expressed, that any part of our fellow Citizens should have shewn themselves capable of an insurrection.

We feel with you the deepest regret at so painful an occurrence in the annals of our country. As men regardful of the tender interests of humanity, we look with grief, at scenes which might have stained our land with civil blood. As lovers of public order, we lament that it has suffered so flagrant a violation: as zealous friends of republican government, we deplore every occasion, which in the hands of its enemies, may be turned into a calumny against it.
This aspect of the crisis, however, is happily not the only one, which it presents. There is another which yields all the consolations which you have drawn from it. It has demonstrated to the candid world, as well as to the American people themselves, that the great body of them, every where, are equally attached to the luminous and vital principle of our constitution, which enjoins that the will of the majority shall prevail: that they understand the indissoluble union between true liberty and regular government; that they feel their duties no less than they are watchful over their rights; that they will [be] as ready, at all times, to crush licentiousness, as they have been to defeat usurpation: in a word, that they are capable of carrying into execution, that noble plan of self government, which they have chosen as the guarantee of their own happiness, and the asylum for that, of all from every clime, who may wish to unite their destiny with ours.
These are the just inferences from the promp[t]itude with which the summons to the standard of the laws has been obeyed; and from sentiments which have been witnessed in every description of citizens, in every quarter of the Union. The spectacle therefore when viewed in its true light may well be affirmed to display in equal lustre, the virtues of the American character, and the value of Republican government. All must particularly acknowledge and applaud the patriotism of that portion of citizens who have freely sacrificed every thing less dear than the love of their country, to the meritorious task of defending its happiness.
In the part which you have yourself borne through this delicate and distressing period, we trace the additional proofs it has afforded of your solicitude for the public good. Your laudable and successful endeavors to render lenity in executing the laws conducive to their real energy, and to convert tumult into order without the effusion of blood, form a particular title to the confidence and praise of your constituents. In all that may be found necessary, on our part to complete this benevolent purpose, and to secure ministers and friends of the laws against the remains of danger, our due co-operation will be afforded.
The other subjects which you have recommended, or communicated, and of which several are peculiarly interesting, will all receive the attention which they demand. We shall on this, as on all occasions, be disposed to adopt every measure which may advance the safety and prosperity of our Country. In nothing can we more cordially unite with you, than in imploring the supreme Ruler of Nations to multiply his blessings on these United States: to guard our free and happy Constitution against every machination and danger; and to make it the best source of public happiness, by verifying its character of being the best safeguard of human rights.


Title: House Address to the President, [24 November] 1794
From: Madison, James
To:

[24 November 1794]

   The Committee of the Whole took up the House’s reply to the president that JM had reported. Dayton moved an amendment concerning Indian and military policy (see Address of the House of Representatives to the President, 21 Nov. 1794, n. 3).

Mr. Madison observed, that it had been the wish of the committee who framed the address to avoid entering into the minutiæ of the speech, lest their answer should exceed the usual limits. However as it seemed a wish to amplify in some particular parts, perhaps it would not be amiss to glance at the policy observed towards foreign nations. He therefore wished to add, to the motion made, if the original mover had no objection that it should be tacked to it, a clause to the following purport: “Solicitous also as we are for the preservation of peace with all nations we cannot otherwise than warmly approve of a policy in our foreign transactions, which never loses sight of that blessing.”

   Aurora General Advertiser, 25 Nov. 1794 (reprinted in Dunlap and Claypoole’s Am. Daily Advertiser, 26 Nov. 1794; also reported in Gazette of the U.S., 25 Nov. 1794, Philadelphia Gazette, 25 Nov. 1794, and Independent Gazetteer, 26 and 29 Nov. 1794).

   This amendment responded to the following section of Washington’s annual address to Congress: “My policy in our foreign transactions has been, to cultivate peace with all the world; to observe treaties with pure and absolute faith; to check every deviation from the line of impartiality; to explain what may have been misapprehended, and correct what may have been injurious to any nation; and having thus acquired the right, to lose no time in acquiring the ability, to insist upon justice being done to ourselves” (Fitzpatrick, Writings of WashingtonJohn C. Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of
          George Washington, from the Original Manuscript Sources, 1745–1799 (39 vols.;
        Washington, 1931–44)., 34:37).

[24 November 1794]

   Smith (New Hampshire) and Hillhouse proposed further amendments. The committee approved Dayton’s amendment after separating it from JM’s. JM “proposed an alteration in the latter part of the amendment he had offered, and to make it read ‘—which keeps in view as well the maintenance of our national rights as the continuance of that blessing’” (Aurora General Advertiser, 25 Nov. 1794). In debate Republicans supported JM’s amendment because it approved the stated objectives of Washington’s foreign policy without endorsing specific aspects such as Jay’s mission. Federalists criticized it because it avoided a general approval of the president’s policy.

Mr. Madison conceived the clause as he offered it perfectly explicit and unequivocal. The President says, that peace has been his object, it is proposed that the house shall say in answer that that is the policy they wish pursued also, and the amendment he proposed, he was of opinion, did this unequivocally.

   Aurora General Advertiser, 26 Nov. 1794 (reprinted in Dunlap and Claypoole’s Am. Daily Advertiser, 27 Nov. 1794; also reported in Gazette of the U.S., 25 Nov. 1794, Philadelphia Gazette, 25 Nov. 1794, and Independent Gazetteer, 29 Nov. 1794).

   Debate became extremely divisive. Tracy urged JM “rather to withdraw his motion of amendment altogether than bring it forward at such an expence of the good temper of the house. The present session had commenced with good auspices, and much cordiality, and he would be extremely sorry to disturb this tranquility.” JM “said that he felt sensibly the force of the remarks made by the gentleman who was last up” and therefore withdrew his amendment (Philadelphia Gazette, 25 Nov. 1794).


Title: House Address to the President, [27 November] 1794
From: Madison, James
To:

[27 November 1794]

   After JM withdrew his amendment concerning foreign policy, FitzSimons proposed an amendment that denounced the “self-created societies.” This provoked an extended and heated debate in the Committee of the Whole, which approved Giles’s motion to strike out the words “self-created societies” (Annals of CongressDebates and Proceedings in the Congress of
          the United States … (42 vols.; Washington, 1834–56)., 3d Cong., 2d sess., 898–99, 907–8, 914). On 26 and 27 November the House considered reinstating those words.

Mr. Madison—said he entirely agreed with those gentlemen who had observed that the house should not have advanced into this discussion, if it could have been avoided—but having proceeded thus far it was indispensably necessary to finish it.
Much delicacy had been thrown into the discussion, in consequence of the chief magistrate; he always regretted the circumstance, when this was the case.
This he observed, was not the first instance of difference in opinion between the President and this house. It may be recollected that the President dissented both from the Senate and this House on a particular law (he referred to that apportioning the representatives)—on that occasion he thought the President right. On the present question, supposing the President really to entertain the opinion ascribed to him, it affords no conclusive reason for the House to sacrifice its own judgment.
It appeared to him, as it did to the gentleman from Georgia, that there was an innovation in the mode of procedure adopted, on this occasion. The house are on different ground from that usually taken—members seem to think that in cases not cognizable by law, there is room for the interposition of the House. He conceived it to be a sound principle that an action innocent in the eye of the law, could not be the object of censure to a legislative body. When the people have formed a constitution, they retain those rights which they have not expressly delegated. It is a question whether what is thus retained can be legislated upon. Opinions are not the objects of legislation. You animadvert on the abuse of reserved rights—how far will this go? It may extend to the liberty of speech and of the press.
It is in vain to say that this indiscriminate censure is no punishment. If it falls on classes or individuals it will be a severe punishment. He wished it to be considered how extremely guarded the constitution was in respect to cases not within its limits. Murder or treason cannot be noticed by the legislature. Is not this proposition, if voted, a vote of attainder? To consider a principle, we must try its nature, and see how far it will go; in the present case he considered the effects of the principle contended for, would be pernicious. If we advert to the nature of republican government, we shall find that the censorial power is in the people over the government, and not in the government over the people.
As he had confidence in the good sense and patriotism of the people, he did not anticipate any lasting evil to result from the publications of these societies; they will stand or fall by the public opinion; no line can be drawn in this case. The law is the only rule of right; what is consistent with that is not punishable; what is not contrary to that, is innocent, or at least not censurable by the legislative body.
With respect to the body of the people, (whether the outrages have proceeded from weakness or wickedness) what has been done, and will be done by the Legislature will have a due effect. If the proceedings of the government should not have an effect, will this declaration produce it? The people at large are possessed of proper sentiments on the subject of the insurrection—the whole continent reprobates the conduct of the insurgents, it is not therefore necessary to take the extra step. The press he believed would not be able to shake the confidence of the people in the government. In a republic, light will prevail over darkness, truth over error—he had undoubted confidence in this principle. If it be admitted that the law cannot animadvert on a particular case, neither can we do it. Governments are administered by men—the same degree of purity does not always exist. Honesty of motives may at present prevail—but this affords no assurance that it will always be the case—at a future period a Legislature may exist of a very different complexion from the present; in this view, we ought not by any vote of ours to give support to measures which now we do not hesitate to reprobate. The gentleman from Georgia had anticipated him in several remarks—no such inference can fairly be drawn as that we abandon the President, should we pass over the whole business. The vote passed this morning for raising a force to compleat the good work of peace order and tranquility begun by the executive, speaks quite a different language from that which has been used to induce an adoption of the principle contended for.
Mr. Madison adverted to precedents—none parallel to the subject before us existed. The inquiry into the failure of the expedition under St. Clair was not in point. In that case the house appointed a Committee of enquiry into the conduct of an individual in the public service—the democratic societies are not. He knew of nothing in the proceedings of the Legislature which warrants the house in saying that institutions, confessedly not illegal, were subjects of legislative censure.


Title: To James Madison from George Nicholas, 29 November 1794
From: Nicholas, George
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir,
Novr. 29th. 94.
I am indebted to you for your two last agreeable and friendly favors; the acknowledgment of that debt would not have been so long postponed, if [it] had not been from an expectation of collecting some thing worthy your attention. But after waiting some months I find the present moment as barren of important intelligence as any preceeding one.
Our campaign has ended, and altho no calamity has befallen our army, it is certain that they have gained no great or signal advantage. The official account which represented the engagement as an important and brilliant victory obtained over the united force of the indians and Canadians with the loss of hundreds to the enemy, has gradually diminished until it is said that the enemy had not more than 700 combatants in the field, and that they did not lose more than 30 or 40 of them. It will remain for you to calculate and determine whether such a victory is a sufficient compensation for the expence incurred: and others ought to reflect whether the additional experience of this year will not be sufficient to prove beyond all doubt that the present mode of conducting the war is an improper one.
But the expences and consequences of our little movements will be so inconsiderable when compared with those of the army nearer to you, that I suppose little will be said or thought of them. The army has exhibited a spectacle which I never expected to have lived to see; 20,000 american citizens drawn into the field to act against their fellow citizens: and what is still more strange a great part of them volunteers. Men must be far advanced into that state which will make them proper objects for slavery, when they place such a blind reliance on any man’s judgment or representations, as to be induced to offer their services to be the butchers of their countrymen. And that is a strange and inconsistent law which will not put it in the power of the President to call out the militia to enforce the laws when he shall judge it proper, but authorizes him to do it, when one of his servants, shall suppose it to be necessary upon ex parte information laid before him by order of the President: and by this means put it in the power of the President to do it when he pleases without being responsible for it’s being improperly done. If he is to be responsible for the late movement it is impossible that he can justify the levying and marching such an army upon such an occasion. If it was proper for government to have resorted to an armed force before the other powers had been sufficiently used, two hundred men would have been as adequate to the task as the 20,000. But it may be said that the information which was received by the executive of the situation of that country caused him to entertain a different opinion. If the event has proved that information to be false, he was in fault not to have obtained better: there cannot be a greater defect in the executive of any government, than to place it’s confidence on improper persons in the first instance and afterwards to act from an implicit confidence in their false uncandid and partial representations.
I feel the truth of these observations the more forcibly because I have good reason to believe that the public opinion in your part of America, respecting the intentions of the inhabitants of this country, has been formed upon information of the kind above mentioned. Is it not generally believed with you that it is our wish and intention to seperate from the Union, and that our navigation is only made use of as a pretext to enable us to execute our real designs? If this idea is taken up to the eastward it must have proceeded either from conjectures formed there without any thing to justify them; or upon opinions formed upon false information from this quarter. I can with great truth assure you that as far as I know or believe no such wish or intention does prevail here; and I am satisfied that such an attempt would be opposed by 99 out of 100 of the people. All that we want is to be put upon an equal footing with our fellow citizens in the enjoyment and protection of our most undoubted and invaluable rights: the only means which we mean to use for their attainment are proper and constitutional representations to those whose duty it is to obtain them for us. The rights are sufficiently important to engross our whole attention; and these not having been properly attended to heretofore will justify the warmest representations that we can now make on this subject. No secret purpose ought to be supposed to influence our conduct when the ostensible one is alone sufficient to justify it. If it should still be thought that there is a secret purpose covered by this ostensible object, remove the cause of complaint, and then if the complaint itself is not at an end I will agree that the opinion is well founded. Put us upon the same footing with the other free men in America and I pledge myself that time will show that we are at least as much attached to the American government as any part of it’s citizens. This must necessarily be the case if we consider only our own local interests. For we are more exposed than any other part of the government and therefore in greater want of the aid of a powerful government. But if we are to be subject to all the inconveniences which attend the being a member of that government, and enjoy none of the advantages which ought to follow that connexion, we then pay the price without receiving the considerations: how long we may continue to be satisfied in that situation is more than I can undertake to determine. As our attachment to the american government is founded on a conviction that it is to the interest of every part of that government to continue united, and that it is peculiarly the interest of this part of it, as long as the government is conducted on those general principles on which it is founded, it will only be necessary for the government to act up to those principles to insure a continuance of that attachment. My political creed on this subject is short and I believe is similar to that of most people in this country.
I believe that we have an undoubted right to the navigation of the western waters;
that we cannot exist as a people without the uninterrupted enjoyment of that right;
that the Spaniards will never permit us to enjoy that right without compulsion;
that it is not the wish or the interest of the greater part of America that we should enjoy this right;
that it is the duty of the genl. government to obtain for us this right at every hazard;
that they have power sufficient to effect it;
and that if they do not obtain it for us, that we shall be at full liberty to use our own strength to obtain it, as soon as we shall be convinced that that strength is adequate to the purpose.
As a citizen of America I felt myself much interested in the success of the commercial resolutions which you introduced at the last session of Congress; and as much disappointed at their not being finally adopted. The question involved on them was unconnected with the temporary measures which were necessary for the existing moment. Indeed that very crisis proved the propriety of the principle you advocated as nothing else could prevent our being thrown into a similar situation at the pleasure of any government stronger than we are at sea. The art of the opposite party in advocating the temporary measures in exclusion of your’s is obvious. Persevere; the true public interest must finally be seen and will prevail: besides the importance of this question of itself; the urging of it will have a greater tendency to open the eyes of the people of the eastern states to the conduct and policy of their representatives in Congress than every other question put together which ever will be agitated in Congress. As long as they can persuade their people that the southern members are inimical to the general government; that their conduct proceeds from that disposition; and that the opposition of the eastern members to their measures proceeds from a proper degree of attachment to that government, they will be safe. But once satisfy the people that their representatives have opposed a measure which is not only essentially necessary to the prosperity of America as a nation, but peculiarly so to their part of America, and they will see immediately the pernicous tendency of their measures, and change them for men of different principles.
I shall be happy in hearing from you as often as your leisure will permit; and am with the greatest respect and esteem, Dr. Sir, yr. most obdt. servt.
G: Nicholas.


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 30 November 1794
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir
Philada. Novr. 30. 94
Mr. Fleming has been here & set out on his return yesterday. I did not however know of his arrival till a very short time before his departure. Contrary to your expectation he returns by land, not with his goods. On this acct. added to the lateness of the Season, and my not being able to get all your books, I concluded it would be best to put off sending what I could get, till the Spring, when they can all be sent together, and perhaps be less exposed to accidents. The books in the hands of Wilson could not be obtained in his absence. And Mr. R. has not been able yet to find the Book on Mineralogy left with him. You will see by the inclosed that you are to receive a sett of Chalmer’s Treaties. I send you the letter to me accompanying it, for the sake of the references which if correct may deserve notice; tho’ they come from a Quarter not very learned one would suppose on such subjects. You will be so good as to return the letter, as I am yet to answer it.
The attack on the most sacred principle of our Constitution and of Republicanism, thro’ the Democratic Societies, has given rise to much discussion in the H. of Reps. and has left us in a critical situation. You will have seen the P.’s Speech. The answer of the Senate was hurried thro’, with the most full and emphatic eccho of the denunciation of these Societies. In the mean time the answer of the H. of Reps. tho’ prepared & reported without any loss of time, was, contrary to usage, printed for consideration, and put off from Friday, till monday. On the intervening saturday, the Senate presented them, which with the P.’s reply was immediately out in the Newspapers. I refer for both to the Richd. Newspapers which you will probably have seen. The answer of the H. of Reps. both as reported & as agreed to are inclosed. The Come. consisted of Sedgwick Scott & myself. The draught was made as strong as possible on all proper points, in order the better to get it thro’, without the improper one. This succeeded in the Come.; Scott concurring in the expediency of silence on that; tho’ in the House he changed his ground. When the report was taken up on Monday Fitzimmons moved “to reprobate the self-created Societies &c. which tho’ in strictness not illegal, contributed by their proceedings to mislead the weak & ignorant.” This opened the debate which you will no doubt have an oppy. of reading in the Virga. papers if you chuse. It so happens that I can not send them by the mail. The argts. in favor of the motion fell with equal weight on the press & every mode of animadverting on public men & measures. After some time the proposition was new modelled, and in a less pointed shape underwent discussion for several days. On the first question wch. tried the sense of the House, the division was 47 agst. 45. for the usurped power. This was in a Committee of the whole. On a renewal of the same question in the House the decision was reversed by 47 in the affirmative & 45 in the negative. A motion was then made to limit the censure to the Societies within the scene of insurrection, which was carried by the casting vote of the Speaker. In this form the whole proposition was abandoned. This was on thursday. On friday, it being foreseen that some evil accomodation would come from the other side & succeed, It was proposed by Mr. Nicholas to insert the sentence which distinguishes the first ¶ of the Answer agreed to, from the Report. An attempt was made to add “& self created Societies,” after “combinations,” but it had so little prospect of success that it was withdrawn. The Answer was presented on saturday, and rec’d the reply in the inclosed paper, which you will be at no loss to understand. The Republicans were considered by their opponents as rather victorious by the result in the House. The reply of the P. is claimed by the latter as a final triumph on their side; and it is probable that so it will prove. You will easily conceive my situation thro’ this whole business. It was obvious that a most dangerous game was playing agst. Republicanism. The insurrection was universally & deservedly odious. The Democratic Societies were presented as in league with it. The Republican part of Congs. were to be drawn into an ostensible, patronage of those Societies, and into an ostensible opposition to the President. And by this artifice the delusion of N. Engld. was to be confirmed, and a chance afforded of some new turn in Virga. before the elections in the Spring. What the success of this game will really be, time must decide. If the people of America are so far degenerated already as not to see or to see with indifference, that the Citadel of their liberties is menaced by the precedent before their eyes, they require abler advocates than they now have, to save them from the consequences. Lengthy as the debate was, I took but little part in it; and that little is very erroneously as well as defectively stated in the Newspapers. No private letters from Monroe. An official one of Sepr. 15—speaks of the utmost prosperity at home—of the irresistable discipline & enthusiasm of their armies, and of the most unalterable affection to this Country. All that is given out from Jay’s negotiation is in favr. of some advantageous result. How is your Rheumatism—& Mr. Randolph’s complaint?