Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Pierre August Caron de Beaumarchais, [October 1796]
From: Beaumarchais, Pierre August Caron de
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Mr hamilton avocat.
Paris le 8 Briumaire an 5 répondantau 29 8bre, 1796. (vieux Stile)
Monsieur

Triplicata.
Un des hommes de mon pays que jai le plus honorés, estimés et chéris, L’ancien évèque D’autun, Taillerand Périgord, est revenu de L’amérique en france. Indépendament du plaisir de retrouver un ami Bienveillant échappé comme moi a la hache de nos Boureaux; j’etais fort empressé d’acquérir par lui les lumières qu’un homme de Sa force pouvait me transmettre a Paris, Sur L’esprit qui compose et gouverne aujourd’hui le peuple Américain; Ce Peuple avec lequel mon Entousiasme connu pour la cause qu’il Soutenait, m’a mis il y a plus de vingt ans en liaison Si utile a Ses plus puissans intérèts; mais dont les désirs de justice accumulés depuis vingt ans, ont causé en partie la ruine de ma Fortune!
Ce qui m’a le plus ranimé, dans la conférence amicale du très obligeant Taillerand, est, de Sa part, la certitude qu’il m’a donnée d’avoir vécu deux ans dans la liaison la plus intime avec le colonel Alexandre hamilton, ex ministre, et l’homme Selon lui, le plus Supérieur en tous genres dont votre Amérique S’honore. (je cite Sa propre expression) A quoi je me Suis écrié, plein de joie; ah! c’est bien le Seul homme aussi de l’équité duquel j’aye a me louer dans ce pays!
Mon ami m’a félicité d’avoir eu l’occasion de pouvoir rendre un juste hommage aux qualités de M hamilton; car il a lu chez un de nos amis, Casenove a Philadelphie, le mémoire en forme de lettre que, dans ma détresse a hambourg, je vous ai adressé en mars 1795. Ce Mr hamilton, cet homme juste, m’a t’il dit, que vous invoquiés alors comme ministre, en craignant qu’il n’abandonnat Ses fonctions avant la fin de vos affaires, les a trop tot, pour vous, abandonnées. Aujourdhui ce mesme hamilton, rentré modestement dans la classe des Citoyens non fonctionnaires publics, mais ayant conservé le respect général, est, dans le continent du nord, le plus grand des jurisconsultes, et le premier des avocâts Sous la clientelle de qui tout ce qui Souffre vont Se mettre. heureux les clients qu’il adopte! Et je vous regarderais comme un des plus heureux vous mesme, Si vous parvenés a l’engager de Se faire votre effenseur officiel. Je vais joindre, a t’il ajouté, toutes mes instances aux vôtres. Et en effet, Monsieur, cet ami généreux consent a vous écrire pour imprimer une plus grande force a ma prière, par la Sienne, c’est ce que Sa lettre vous prouve.
Je charge donc mon correspondant, Mr Chevâlié de Newyork, de vous remettre cette lettre, dont l’intention Sans réserve est de vous Supplier, Monsieur, de m’accepter comme client, Soit pour Soutenir tous mes droits, Sous quelque forme judiciaire qu’ils doivent être deffendus: Soit pour arranger mon affaire avec le congrés général par voie de conciliation, tant Sur la liquidation de mes créances avérées, que Sur la forme des paiemens dont je vous constitue L’arbitre; vous promettant et m’engageant, comme j’ai déja eu L’honneur de vous l’écrire, de n’en appeler a nul autre, Sur toutes les conditions auxquelles votre prudence m’aura Soumis, lorsque vous les aurés payées en pleine connaissance des faits. C’est moins ma cause que je plaide, moi qui touche presqu’a la fin mon orageuse carrière, que celle de ma fille unique que jai Léguée par vous aux Américains, a doter avec la dette Si Sacrée qu’ils ont contractée Envers moi!
Je vais donc joindre a cette lettre un pouvoir Spécial offert au très honorable homme, Mr Le Colonel Alexandre hamilton, aux fins d’établir, Soutenir, deffendre et règler tous mes droits dans la grande affaire des Services que j’ai rendus au Peuple Américain; avec liberté de passer mon pouvoir a telle personne qu’il voudra, S’il croit qu’il Soit utile aux intérèts de Son client, qu’un tiers en Soit plutot chargé, pour faire toutes les démarches; en Se réservant Seulement le titre de mon deffenseur et c’est le conseil que me donne non Bienveillant instituteur, Taillerand.
Je fais mon instante prière; jenjoins, j’ordonne au Zélé Mr chevalié mon correspondant de Newyorck, de vous passer, Monsieur, toutes les instructions intimes qu’il a recues de moi en divers tems; car la nature des lumières qu’il a du transmettre a mon juge quand vous l’étiés; et quand vous avés prononcé que j’étais au 1er janvier 1792, créancier du congrès depuis 17 années, Au moins de 2 millions 2 cent quatrevingt mille livres tournois, peut S’accroitre. Et, pardonnés Généreux homme! ce n’est pas par dèffiance de vos lumières que j’ai refusé d’adopter le résultat fautif de votre compte. Mais c’est parce que la perte en Serait énorme pour moi! Revoyés le.
Les instructions que Chevalié vous a transmises comme juge, ne Sont pas telles qu’il n’en puisse ajouter beaucoup d’autres, quant il parle a mon deffenseur. Mr chevalié puisera donc dans toutes mes correspondances tant anterieures que posterieures, tout ce qui pourra vous prouver de combien mes justes créances S’élèvent au dela de votre premier apperçu, quand vous éxaminiés L’affaire comme chef de la trésorerie. mais, avec un arbitre aussi équitable que vous, toutes les erreurs Se relèvent Sans aucune difficulte. Le titre de mon avocat, Si toutefois vous L’acceptes, comme Mr De Tallerand m’en flatte, éxige Seulement que vous envisagiés mes demandes Sous un point de vue different.

En effet le plus beau de mes titres, en épousant il y a vingt deux ans, les intérèts du Peuple Américain, ayant été d’avoir généreusement dédaigné les précautions minutieuses que le commerce prend toujours quand il envoie des objets prohibés, a un peuple opprimé qui Secoue L’esclavage, (Précautions qui m’auraient Semblé une très grave insulte a la Brave nation a qui je consacrais mes Soins;) il ne doit en Solliciter le remboursement rigoureux, qu’au titre du premier Ami que les Américains ayent rencontré en France, et qui ait Servi chaudement les intérèts de leur libération; car j’avais cru devoir laisser a ce peuple, avant mesme qu’il eut usé de mes envois, la plus immense latitude Sur la forme, le fonds et la nature des paiemens qu’il adopterait envers moi, en reconnaissant mes Services! nul ne Sait mieux que vous, Monsieur, quels Sont mes droits Sur l’amitié de ce grand Peuple, Et avec quels dangers pour moi j’ai tout bravé pour me les acquérir! ma Lettre a vous et ma dernière pétition en ont accumulé les preuves Sous vos yeux: Et cependant vingt ans Se Sont passés, Sans que ce peuple, excepté vous, m’en ait fait la moindre justice! vous L’obtiendrés, j’y compte et vous en rends graces d’avance. Le Peuple Américain, en vous voyant plaider ma cause, reconnaitre enfin qu’il est plus que tems de faire droit a de tels Services rendus, remis après vingt ans, pour la centième fois Sous L’oeuil de Ses représentans, Et par un homme tel que vous: il Sentira qu’il est de Son honneur de ne point laisser exhaler, publier en Europe les justes plaintes d’un vieillard ruiné pour avoir consacré Sa vie, Sa plume et Sa fortune, au Soutien de la liberté du Peuple qu’il invoque, et qui borne Sa récompense a demander un payement qui Seul peut assurer du Pain, oui du pain a Sa fille unique.
je vous Salue, vous respecte, et vous aime.

Caron BeaumarchaisCitoyen français, rappeléhonorablement dans Sa patrie,apres 3 ans de proscription.

Ne Sachant pas, Monsieur, Si vous accepterés, ou non, la défense de mes intérèts; Je laisse a votre profonde Sagesse a règler avec Mr Chevalié mon agent, chargé de ma procuration, Sous quelle forme il conviendra que ma Clientelle vous Soit remise Sans réserve; M’en rapportant parfaitement a vous.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Oliver Wolcott, Junior, [1 November 1796]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Wolcott, Oliver, Jr.

[New York, November 1, 1796]
Dr Sir

I wrote you a line from Albany expressing an opinion from Memory, that our Treaty with G B prohibitted the sale of prizes made by French National Ships. Being just returned to Town I have looked into the article which relates to the point & I fear that opinion was wrong. In a day or two I will write you more particularly.
Adets late communication demands a very careful & well managed answer.
Yrs.

A HNovember 1. 1796


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from George Washington, 2 November 1796
From: Washington, George
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Private
Philadelphia 2d. Novr. 1796.
My dear Sir,

On Monday Afternoon I arrived in this City, and among the first things which presented themselves to my view, was Mr. Adets letter to the Secretary of State, published by his order, in the moment it was presented.
The object in doing this is not difficult of solution; but whether the publication in the manner it appears, is by order of the Directory, or an act of his own, is yet to be learnt. If the first, he has executed a duty only; if the latter, he has executed it, and is himself responsible for the indignity offered to this Government by such publication, without allowing it time to reply—or to take its own mode of announcing the intentions of his country towards the Commerce of these United States.
In either case, should there be in your opinion, any difference in my reception & treatment of that Minister, in his visits at the public Rooms (I have not seen him yet, nor do not expect to do it before tuesday next), and what difference should be made if any?

He complains in his letter, that he had received no answers to the remonstrances in former communications (the dates of which are given). The fact is, that one at least of those remonstrances, were accompanied by as indecent charges, and as offensive expressions as the letters of Genet were ever marked with; and besides, the same things on former occasions, had been replied to, (as the Secretary of State informs me) over & over again.
That the letter which he has now given to the public will be answered and (to a candid mind) I hope satisfactorily, is certain; but ought it to be published immediately, or not? This question has two sides to it; both of which are important. If the answer does not accompany the letter, the antidote will not keep pace with the poison—and it may, & undoubtedly would be said, it is because the charges are just, and the consequences had been predicted. On the other hand—may not the dignity of the Government be committed by a Newspaper dispute with the Minister of a foreign Nation, and an apparent appeal to the People? And would it not be said also that we can bear everything from one of the Belligerent Powers, but nothing from another of them? I could enlarge on this subject, but add nothing, I am certain, that your own reflections thereon will not furnish. Whether the answer is published now, or not, would it be proper do you conceive, at the ensuing Session, which will close the political Scene with me, to bring the French affairs, since the controversy with Genet fully before Congress? In doing this it is to be noticed, that there is such a connexion between them and our transactions with Great Britain as to render either imperfect without the other; and so much of the latter as relates to the Treaty with that country has already been refused to that body: not because there was any thing contained therein that all the world might not have seen, but because it was claimed as a matter of right, and the compliance therewith would have established a dangerous precedent.
Since I wrote to you from Mount Vernon, on the eve of my departure from that place, and on my way hither, I received a letter from Sir John Sinclair an extract of which I enclose you—on the subject of an Agricultural establishment. Though not such an enthusiast as he is, I am nevertheless deeply impressed with the benefits which would result from such an institution, and if you see no impropriety in the measure, I would leave it as a recommendatory one in the Speech at the opening of the Session; which, probably, will be the last I shall ever address to that, or any other public body.
It must be obvious to every man who considers the Agriculture of this country, (even in the best improved parts of it) and compares the produce of our lands with those of other countries, no ways superior to them in national fertility, how miserably defective we are in the management of them; and that if we do not fall on a better mode of treating them, how ruinous it will prove to the landed interest. Ages will not produce a systematic change without public attention & encouragement; but a few years more of increased Sterility will drive the Inhabitants of the Atlantic States Westwardly for support; whereas if they were taught how to improve the old, instead of going in pursuit of new & productive Soils, they would make those acres which now scarcely yield them any thing, turn out beneficial to themselves—to the Mechanics, by supplying them with the staff of life on much cheaper terms—to the Merchants, by encreasing their Commerce & exportation—and to the Community generally, by the influx of Wealth resulting therefrom. In a word, it is in my estimation, a great national object, and if stated as fully as the occasion & circumstances will admit, I think it must appear so. But whatever may be the reception, or fate of the recommendation, I shall have discharged my duty, in submitting it to the consideration of the Legislature.
As I have a very high opinion of Mr. Jay’s judgment, candour, honor and discretion (tho’ I am not in the habit of writing so freely to him as to you) it would be very pleasing to me if you would shew him this letter (although it is a hurried one, my time having been much occupied since my arrival by the heads of the Departments, & with the Papers which have been laid before me) and let me have, for consideration, your joint opinions on the several matters herein Stated.
You will recollect that the conduct to be observed towards Mr. Adet must be decided on before tuesday next; that is, if he comes to the public room, whether he is to be received with the same cordiality as usual, or with coolness; and you will do me the justice to beli⟨eve⟩ that in this instance, and every other, I wi⟨sh⟩ it to be such as will promote the true policy ⟨and⟩ interest of the country, at the sametime th⟨at⟩ a proper respect for its dignity is preserved. My own feelings I put out of the question.
There is in the conduct of the Fr⟨ench⟩ government relative to this business is i⟨ncon⟩sistency, a duplicity, a delay, or a someth⟨ing⟩ else, which is unaccountable upon honor⟨able⟩ ground. It appears that the order under ⟨which⟩ Mr. Adet has acted is dated in July (early) ⟨and⟩ yet Mr. Monroe has been led to believe (tho⟨ugh⟩ much dissatisfaction he says has appeared) that no such order had, or would be issue⟨d un⟩less Great Britain set the example; and in a ⟨letter⟩ of August the 28th. he writes Mr. King to that effe⟨ct⟩ as the latter officially informs the Secretary of State: But I am fatigued with this and other matters which crowd upon me, and shall only add that I am
Very Affectionately Yo⟨urs⟩

Go: Washing⟨ton⟩
Colo. A. Hamilton

PS. I find I have not time before the hour for closing the Mail arrives, to take the promised extract from Sir John Sinclairs letter, I therefore send the original, with a request that it may soon be returned as I have given it no acknowledgment yet. The articles which he requests my acceptance of are not yet come to hand. G W____


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to George Washington, [5 November 1796]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

[New York, November 5, 1796]
Sir

Yesterday after the departure of the Post I received your letter of the 3d. I have since seen the answer to Adet. I perceive in it nothing intrinsically exceptionable—but something in the manner a little epigrammatical and sharp. I make this remark freely, because the Card now to be played is perhaps the most delicate that has occurred in your administration. And nations like Individuals sometimes get into squabbles from the manner more than the matter of what passes between them. It is all important to us—first, if possible, to avoid rupture with France—secondly, if that cannot be, to evince to the People that there has been an unequivocal disposition to avoid it. Our discussions therefore ought to be calm smooth inclined to the argumentative, when remonstrance and complaint are unavoidable, carrying upon the face of them a reluctance and regret—mingling a steady assertion of our rights and adherence to principle with the language of moderation, and as long as it can be done, of friendship.
I am the more particular in these observations because I know that Mr. Pickering, who is a very worthy man, has nevertheless something warm and angular in his temper & will require much a vigilant moderating eye.
I last evening saw Doctor Bayley our health Officer, who tells me, that the French Consul here, in a conversation with an assistant of the Doctors, who is a refugee from St Domingo, expressed a desire to make arrangements for the sick of a French fleet expected shortly to arrive in this port. I thought this circumstance worth communication.
With the most respectful Attachment   I have the honor to be Sir Yr. very Obed servant

A HamiltonNov. 5. 1796
The President of the U States


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Oliver Wolcott, Junior, 6 November 1796
From: Wolcott, Oliver, Jr.
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Phila. Nov. 6th. 1796
Dear Sir

I fear that your opinion of Nov. 3d has been founded on a partial view of the case.
You will remember that it has all along been a recd. opinion that the French had a right by Treaty to enjoy an indefinite asylum in our Ports: but that they could not claim the privilidge of selling Prizes in our Ports. The privilidge of an indefinite asylum in was also granted to British Ships of War & Letters of Marque, provided they had not made Prizes of French Vessells.
I do not therefore see, that the 25th. article of the British Treaty can be construed to abridge a right which we have acknowledged to be accorded to France under our prior Treaty especially as this article saves the rights of France expressly.
The right of selling Prizes stands on different ground. It might have been refused to France in all cases: it was however granted by the President in all cases. The British Treaty takes away this privilidge from Privateers; but it leaves the cases of Prizes to N. Ships as formerly. The United States may pass a Law to take away the privilidge of selling Prizes to National Ships; but they have passed no Law on the subject. The Presidents decisions now, must be consistent with his former decisions except where Treaties or Laws require a change. As before mentioned there is no Law; the British Treaty speaks only of Privateers and it has been ever held that a stipulation affecting Privateers could not be extended to affect N. Ships.
In short though I wish that your opinion may be found tenable, yet I do not at present see how it can be maintained. This you will see renders some of the other questions proposed by me both difficult & important. There was no inclosure in your Letter. Have we done right with Mr. Adet. I wish to know as we may hear further. Must we or must we [not] publish further in the Papers if so under what circumstances?
The Federal Ticket is lost here. There are still hopes that Mr. Adams will be elected, but nothing more. I hope Mr. P. will be supported as the next best thing which can be done. Pray write to our Eastern friends.
In haste yours.

Oliv Wolcott Jr.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Oliver Wolcott, Junior, [9 November 1796]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Wolcott, Oliver, Jr.

[New York, November 9, 1796]
Dr. Sir

I received yesterday your letter of the 6th & immediately wrote some additional letters to the Eastward enforcing what I had before written. Pensylvania does not surprise me.
I have reconsidered the opinion given to you on the 3d, & see no reason to change it. The reasoning which leads me to the conclusion has not been sufficiently explained. I will therefore be more particular.
The articles in our Treaty with France which respect the subject are the 17th and 22.
The 17th consists of two parts—1st It grants asylum in our ports for French Ships of War and privateers, with their prizes, and with liberty to carry them freely thence to their own ports. 2 It prohibits the giving refuge in our ports to such as shall have made prize of the subjects or property of the French. It grants no right to sell prizes in our ports—neither does the letter of the article prohibit prizes made of the French from coming into our ports—it only prohibits the instrument of making the prizes. But the construction justly adopted by the President was that the prohibition, in its true spirit, excluded the bringing in of prizes whether coming with or without the capturing Vessels. Tis upon this part of the Treaty alone that prizes made by national Vessels of G Britain were excluded from our Ports. For
The 22d. article with France is wholly confined to privateers—prohibitting those of other nations to fit, or to sell their prizes, in our ports. This article, if it had stood alone, would have left us as free to admit British national Ships, with their prizes, into our ports, as our 24th article with Great Britain leaves us free to admit French National Ships with their prizes. For these articles are the exact equivalent of each other. So that, as before remarked, the prohibition to the coming in or sale in our ports of prizes made upon the French by British National Ships was derived by construction & implication from the 17 article of our Treaty with France.
It follows that this article was considered as competent to prevent the coming in and sale of Prizes.
If so, the same or equivalent terms in the British Treaty must be competent to the same thing.
Now the 25th article of our Treaty with Great Britain has equivalent terms. We there read that “no shelter or refuge shall be given in their ports to such as have made a prize upon the subjects or citizens of either of the contracting parties, but if forced by stress of weather or the danger of the sea to enter therein, particular care shall be taken to hasten their departure and to cause them to retire as soon as possible.” This prohibition includes here, as in the 17th article of our Treaty with France, a prohibition to sell prizes in our ports, not the prizes of privateers only but prizes generally.
But France, it is answered, had a prior right by the 17th article of our Treaty with her, to come and bring prizes into our ports.
True, she had this right, and must have it still, notwithstanding the 25 article of our Treaty with Great Britain, but she had no prior right by Treaty to sell prizes in our ports and consequently, as the 25 article of our Treaty with Great Britain excludes, as the minor of a major, the selling of prizes in our ports—the exclusion so far is in force, because it contravenes no prior right of France. As far as the Treaty with France gives a right inconsistent with the above 25 article, that right forms an exception, but the exception must be only coextensive with the right. The conclusion is that France retains the right of Asylum, but is excluded from the right of selling. This gives effect to the 25 article with Great Britain—as far as the Treaty-right of France does not require an exception.
And this construction ought to be favoured, because it best comports with the rule of neutrality.
It will also best agree with the Presidents former decisions. He permitted France to sell prizes, not because Treaty gave her a right—but because he did not see clearly any law of the Country or of Nations that forbid it. But consistency does not require that this permission shall continue if there be any thing in the Treaty with G Britain against it. Consistency however does require that the same latitude of construction should be given to the 25 article of our Treaty with G Britain as was before given to the 17th article of our Treaty with France. The same latitude will, as I apprehend, exclude the sale of Prizes by France in the case in question.
I regret extremely the publication of the Reply to Adet, otherwise than through the channel of Congress. The sooner the Executive gets out of the news Papers the better. What may now be in its power will depend on circumstances which are to occur.
Yrs.

A HamiltonNov. 9. 1796
Oliver Wolcott Jun Esq


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Robert Morris, [10 November 1796]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Morris, Robert

[New York, November 10, 1796. On November 19, 1796, Morris wrote to Hamilton: “I … find your letter of the 10 Inst.” Letter not found.]


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to George Washington, [10 November 1796]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

[New York, November 10, 1796]
Sir

I have been employed in making and have actually completed a rough draft on the following heads “National University, Military Academy, Board of Agriculture, Establishment of such manufactories on public account as are relative to the equipment of army & navy, to the extent of the public demand for supply, & excluding all the branches already well established in the country.—The gradual & successive creation of a Navy, compensations to public Officers.—Reinforcement of provision for public Debt” I send you this enumeration that you may see the objects which I shall prepare for. But I must beg your patience till the beginning of the next week for the transmission of the draft, as I am a good deal pressed for time.
The Legislature having appointed Mr. Laurance district Judge—a succession will of course be to be provided. A conviction of his competency, a high opinion of his worth, and a long established personal friendship induce me to take the liberty of precipitating a recommendation to you of Mr. Troupe, the present Clerk of the District and Circuit court (the Attorney of the District being known to be disinclined to the Office). Mr. Troupe is a lawyer, professionally very respectable, so that his practice is inferior in productiveness to no other—but he has by the most unexceptionable means acquired a property sufficient to make it reasonable in him to withdraw from practice upon a salary such as that of the District Judge & latterly his health has somewhat suffered from a long course of excessive application. His moral character is without an imputation of any sort—indeed no man in the state is better esteemed than this Gentleman. So that, I believe, the appointment would be considered as altogether fit. I trust however that in expressing myself thus strongly it will not occasion to you a moment’s embarrassment, if any candidate more agreeable to you shall occur.

Very respectfully & Affecty I have the honor to be Sir   Yr. Obed servant

A HamiltonN York Nov 10th 1796
The President of the U States


Title: Draft of George Washington’s Eighth Annual Address to Congress, [10 November 1796]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To:

[New York, November 10, 1796]

That among the objects of labour and industry, Agriculture considered with reference either to individual or national welfare is first in importance may safely be affirmed without derogating from the just and real value of any other branch. It is indeed the best basis of the prosperity of every other. In proportion as nations progress in population and other circumstances of maturity this truth forces itself more & more upon the conviction of Rulers and makes the cultivation of the soil more and more an object of public patronage and care. Institutions for promoting it sooner or later grow up supported by the public purse—and the fruits of them when judiciously conceived and directed have fully justified the undertaking. Among these none have been found of greater utility than Boards composed of proper characters charged with collecting and communicating information and enabled to stimulate enterprise and experiment by premiums and honorary rewards. These have been found very cheap instruments of immense benefits. They serve to excite a general spirit of discovery & improvement to stimulate invention to excite new & useful experiments—and accumulating in one center the skill and improvement of every part of the nation they spread it thence over the whole nation at the same time promoting new discovery and diffusing generally the knowlege of all the discoveries which are made.
In the U States hitherto no such institution has been essayed though perhaps no country has stronger motives to it. Agriculture among us is certainly in a very imperfect state. In much of those parts where there have been early settlements the soil impoverished by an unskilful tillage yields but a scanty reward for the labour bestowed upon it, and leaves its possessors under strong temptation to abandon it and emigrate to distant regions more fertile because they are newer and have not yet been exhausted by an unskilful use. This is every way an evil. The undue dislocation of our population from this cause promotes neither the strength the opulence nor the happiness of our Country. It strongly admonishes our national Councils to apply as far as may be practical by natural & salutary means an adequate Remedy. Nothing appears to [be] so unexceptionable & likely to be more efficacious than the institution of a Board of Agriculture with the views I have mentioned & with a moderate fund towards executing them. After mature reflection I am persuaded it is difficult to render our country a more precious and general service than by such an institution.

I will however observe that if it be thought expedient the objects of the Board may be still more comprehensive. It may embrace the encouragement of the mechanic and manufacturing arts by means analogous to those for the improvement of Agriculture & with an eye to the introduction from abroad of useful machinery &c. Or there may be separate Boards one charged with one object the other with the other.
I have heretofore suggested the expediency of establishing a national university and a Military Academy. The vast utility of both these measures presses so seriously and so constantly upon my mind that I cannot forbear with earnestness to repeat the recommendation.
The Assembly to which I address myself will not doubt that the extension of science and knowlege is an object primarily interesting to our national welfare. To effect this is most naturally the care of the particular local jurisdictions into which our country is subdivided as far as regards those branches of instruction which ought to be universally diffused and it gives pleasure to observe that new progress is continually making in the means employed for this end. But can it be doubted that the General Government would with peculiar propriety occupy itself in affording neutriment to those higher branches of science which though not within the reach of general acquisi[ti]on are in their consequences and relation, productive of general advantage? Or can it be doubted that this great object would be materially advanced by a University erected on that broad basis to which the national resources are most adequate & so liberally endowed as to command the ablest professors in the several branches of liberal knowlege? It is true and to the honor of our Country that it offers many colleges and Academies highly respectable and useful—but the funds upon which they are established are too narrow to permit any of them to be an adequate substitute for such an institution as is contemplated & to which they would be excellent auxiliaries. Amongst the motives to such an institution the assimilation of the principles opinions manners and habits of our countrymen by drawing from all quarters our youth to participate in a common Education well deserves the attention of Government. To render the people of this Country as homogeneous as possible must lend as much as any other circumstance to the permanency of the Union & prosperity.
The eligibleness of a Military Academy depends on that evident maxim of policy which requires every nation to be prepared for war while cultivating peace and warns it against suffering the military spirit & military knowlege wholly to decay. However particular instances superficially viewed may seem exceptions it will not be doubted by any who have attentively considered the subject that the military art is of a complicated and comprehensive nature, that it demands much previous study as well as practice and that the possession of it in its most improved state is always of vast importance to the security of a Nation. It ought therefore to be a principal care of every Government however pacific its general policy to preserve and cultivate indeed in proportion as the policy of a Country is pacific & it is little liable to [be] called to practice the rules of the Military Art does it become the duty of the Government to take care by proper institutions that it be not lost. A Military Academy instituted on proper principles would serve to secure to our country though within a narrow sp[h]ere a solid fund of military information which would always be ready for national emergencies & would facilitate the diffusion of Military knowlege as those emergenc[i]es might require.
A systematic plan for the creation of a moderate navy appears to me recommended by very weighty considerations. An active external Commerce demands a naval power to protect it—Besides the dangers from War in which a state is a party. It is a truth which our Experience has confirmed that the most equitable and sincere neutrality is not sufficient to exempt a state from the depredations of other nations at war with each other. It is essential to induce them to respect that neutrality that there shall be an organised force ready to vindicate the national flag. This may even prevent the necessity of going into war by discouraging from those insults and infractions of right which sometimes proceed to an extreme that leave no alternative. The U States abound in Materials. Their Commerce fast increasing must proportionably augment the number of their seamen and give us rapidly the means of a naval power respectable if not great. Our relative situation likewise for obvious reasons would render a moderate force very influential more so perhaps than a much greater in the hands of any other power. It is submitted as well deserving consideration whether it will not be prudent immediately and gradually to provide and lay up magazines of Ship Timber and to build & equip annually on[e] or more ships of force as the developpement of resources shall render convenient & practicable—so that a future War of Europe, if we escape the present storm may not find our Commerce in the defenceless situation in which the present found it.
There is a subject which has dwelt long & much upon my mind which I cannot omit this opportunity of suggesting. It is the compensations to our public Officers; especially those in the most important stations. Every man acquainted [with] the expence even of the most frugal plan of living in our great cities must be sensible of their inadequateness. The impolicy of such defective provision seems not to have been sufficiently weighed.
No plan of governing is well founded which does not regard man as a compound of selfish and virtuous passions. To expect him to be wholly guided by the latter would be as great an error as to suppose him wholly destitute of them. Hence the necessity of adequate rewards for those services of which the Public stand in need. Without them the affairs of a nation are likely to get sooner or later into incompetent or unfaithful hands. If their own private wealth is to supply in the candidates for public Office the deficiency of public liberality then the sphere of those who can be candidates especially in a country like ours is much narrowed and the chance of a choice of able as well as upright men much lessened. Besides that it would be repugnate to the first principles of our government to exclude men from the public trusts because their talents & virutes however conspicuous are unaccompanied by wealth. If the rewards of the Government are scanty those who have talents without wealth & are too virtuous to abuse their stations cannot accept public offices without a sacrifice of interest which in ordinary time may hardly be justified by their duty to themselves and their families. If they have talents without virtue they may indeed accept offices to make a dishonest & improper use of them. The tendency then is to transfer the management of public affairs to wealthy but incapable hands or to hands which if capable are as destitute of integrity as of wealth. For a time particular circumstances may prevent such a course of things and hitherto the inference has not been verified in our experience. But it is not the less probable that time will prove it to be well founded. In some Government men have many allurements to office exclusive of pecuniary rewards—but from the nature of our government pecuniary reward is the only aliment to the interested passion, which public men who are not vicious can expect. If then it be essential to the prosperous course of every Government that it shall be able to command the services of its most able & most virtuous citizens of every class, it follows that the compensations which our Government allows ought to be revised & materially increased. The character & success of Republican Government appear absolutely to depend on this policy.
Congress have repeatedly directed their attention to the encouragement of manufactures, and have no doubt promoted them in several branches. The object is of two much importance not to assure a continuance of their efforts in every way which shall appear proper & conducive to the end. But in the present state of our Country we cannot expect that our progress in some essential branches will be as expeditious as the public welfare demands—particularly in reference to security & defence in time of War. This reflection is the less pleasing when it is remembered how large a proportion of our supply the course of our Trade derives from a single nation. It appears very desireable that at least with a view to security and defence some measures more efficacious than have heretofore been adopted should be taken. As a general rule manufactories carried on upon public account are to be avoided. But every general rule may admit of exceptions. Where the state of things in our Country leaves little expectation that certain branches of manufacture will for a great length of time be sufficiently cultivated—when these are of a nature to be essential to the furnishing and equipping of the troops and ships of war of which we stand in need—are not establishments on the public account, to the extent of the public demand for supply, recommended by very strong considerations of national policy? Ought our country to be dependent in such cases upon foreign supply precarious because liable to be interrupted? [If the necessary Supplies should be procured in this mode at great expense in time of Peace—will not the Security and independence arising from it very amply compensate? Institutions of this Kind commensurate only with our peace Establishments, will in time of War be easily extended in proportion to the public exigencies. And they may even perhaps be rendered contributary to the Supply of our citizens at large so as greatly to mitigate the privations arising from the interruption of trade. The idea at least is worthy of the most serious consideration. If adopted, the plan ought of course to exclude all those branches which may be considered as already established in our Country, and to which the efforts of individuals appear already as likely to be Speedily adequate.
A reinforcement of the existing provisions for discharging our public Debt was mentioned in my address at the opening of the last Session. Congress took Some preliminary steps, the maturing of which will no doubt engage their zealous attention during the present. I will only add, that it will afford me heartfelt Satisfaction to concur in such auxiliary measures as will ascertain to our country, the prospect of a Speedy extinguishment of the Debt. Prosperity may have Cause to regret, if, from any motive, intervals of tranquility are left unemployed, for accelerating this valuable end.]


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from George Washington, [11 November 1796]
From: Washington, George
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[Philadelphia, November 11, 1796. On November 21, 1796, Washington wrote to Hamilton: “Having written to you on Saturday the 11th. instant.” Letter not found.]


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to George Washington, [11 November 1796]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

[New York, November 11, 1796]
Sir

My anxiety for such a course of things as will most promise a continuance of peace to the country, & in the contrary event a full justification of the President, has kept my mind dwelling on the late Reply to Mr. Adet & though it is a thing that cannot be undone, yet if my ideas are right the communication of them may not be wholly useless for the future. The more I have considered that paper the less I like it.
I think it is to be regretted that answers were not given to the preceding communications of Mr. Adet. For silence commonly carries with it the appearance of hauteur and contempt. And even if the paper to be answered is offensive tis better & less hazardous to harmony to say so with calmness & moderation, than to say nothing. Silence is only then to be adopted when things have come to such a state with a Minister that it is the intention to break with him. And even in this case, if there is still a disposition to maintain harmony with his Government a Reply ought to go through our own Organ to it so as to distinguish between the Minister & the Government.
The reason given for not having answered the inquiry respecting the impressment of our seamen is too broad. When two nations have relations to each other, & one is at war, the other at peace, if the one at peace suffers liberties to be taken wth it by the enemy of the one at war which turns to the detriment of the latter, it is a fair subject of inquiry & discussion. The questions may be asked—how does this happen, what measures are taking to prevent a repetition or continuance? There is always possibility of connivance & this possibility gives a right to inquire, and imposes an obligation to enter into friendly explanation. Tis not a matter of indifference to our friend, what conduct of its enemy we permit towards ourselves. Much indeed in all these cases depends on the manner of the Inquiry. But I am satisfied the principle is as I state it & the ground assumed by Mr. Pickering in the latitude of the expression untenable.

These opinions are not confined to me. Though most people like the air of what is called Spirit in Mr. Pickerings letter, but some of the best friends of the cause whisper cautiously remarks similar to the above.
It is a question, now, well worth considering whether if a handsome opportunity of rectifying should not occur with Mr. Adet, it may not be expedient specially to instruct Mr. Pinckney to make the explanations; putting our backwardness here to the score of the manner of the inquiry & qualifying the generality of our principle—without giving up our right of judging of the measure of our compliance in similar cases.
I know you will so well appreciate the motives to these observations that I run no risk of being thought officious, & I therefore freely transmit them being always
with true respect & attachment   Sir   Yr. very obed ser

A HamiltonNov. 11. 1796
The President


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Tench Coxe, [12 November 1796]
From: Coxe, Tench
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[Philadelphia, November 12, 1796]
Sir,

Owing to the absence of Mr Whelen the matter with his concern was not settled till just before my late illness. I am now just getting out. The Pattersons take back their balance, about 10,000 Ds in their Lands and we take a moiety of the remainder. Out of these Mr Church will have to the amount of his remaining 17¾ tracts, taking none but what have been ours, and by a fair draughting Lot. I gave them their choice of this, a suit or a reference. As soon as they execute the papers I will advise you. I shall have 20 tracts, which were to have been sold and to square the account by near £1100. It is very inconvenient to me, but as the Lands are well worth the money & would be rising to a much greater Value, while the Matter was pending, it is much most profitable to proceed as has been done.
I shall be glad to see Mr Church & if my advice or assistance in regard to any of his Pennsylvania property, can be useful, I shall always be ready to afford it.
I am Sir, your mo. obt. st

Tench Coxe
Philada. Novr 12th. 1796


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Charles Maurice de Talleyrand-Périgord, 12 November 1796
From: Talleyrand-Périgord, Charles Maurice de
To: Hamilton, Alexander

paris 12 nov. 1796
alexander hamilton New york
Duplicata
Cher colonel hamilton

Vous recevres en même tems que cette letter une réclamation de M. de beaumarchais qui se confie avec un entier abandon a vous pour obtenir de l’amerique une justice qu’il invoque infructueusement depuis 20 ans. Vous aves apprécié dans le tems les services qu’il a rendus a votre pays. Il pense qu’un nouvel examen de son affaire conduiroit encore a des resultats plus favorables. Je n’ai pas craint de lui promettre votre interêt et vos conseils pour la suite de son affaire. Il sera heureux pour lui d’etre défendu par vous: ce sera le plus sur garant de l’équité de sa demande. Beaucoup de personnes s’y interessent ici: je partage sincerement cet interêt, et desire vivement pouvoir vous l’inspirer. Du reste en reclamant vos lumieres et vos conseils dans le cours de cette affaire, Mr. de beaumarchais n’a garde de vous demander les démarches qu’elle pourra entrainer: c’est de diriger qu’il vous prie: il doit s’en remettre pour toute la partie active a Mr. Sterret qu’il sait que vous estimes et a qui son intention est d’offrir un interêt proportionné au succès de sa reclamation.
Quoique je suis depuis deux mois en france, le pays est encore bien nouveau pour moi; je passe mon tems a l’etudier voila au vrai ce que j’y fais, et pas autre chose. A mon arriveè les papiers publics francois et anglois se sont amusés a beaucoup prononcer mon nom, a me supposer des vues, même des occupations: de tout cela il n’y a pas un mot de vrai. Il faut savoir la langue d’un pays, avant d’oser y parler: et j’en suis encore bien loin.
On m’a beaucoup questionné sur l’amèrique au moment de mon arriveè. J’ai repondu, comme je le devois, et en des termes qui, je crois, vous auroient convenu. Je n’ai pas manqué surtout de dire que je ne croyois point a l’éloignement des americains pour les francois; mais que, quand même cet éloignement èxisteroit il n’y auroit rien de plus naturel d’apres la conduite folle et audacieuse des agents de la france qui s’etoient toujours montrés l’ennemi de votre gouvernement.
Adieu, cher colonel hamilton: en reclamant vos bons offices pour mr. de beaumarchais j’use avec toute confiance du droit que me donne l’amitiè que vous m’aves toujours montrée. Vous m’aves promis de disposer de moi dans toutes les occasions; je vous somme de votre promesse pour vous et pour vos amis.
Soyez assez bon pour presenter mes hommages respectueux a Madame hamilton, me rappeler au souvenir de votre famille, et faire mes meilleurs compliments a MM. Seton, nic. low, hamond. Votre petit jean a t’il toujours autant de génie? Vous vous souviendres toujours, j’espere, que vous m’aves promis de m’envoyer dans quelques années votre fils aine pour lui faire faire son voyage de france.
Je vous renouvelle, cher Colonel hamilton, l’assurance des sentiments d’amitiè et respect
avec lesquels j’ai l’honneur d’être   votre &c &c

ch. mau. talleyrand.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from George Washington, 12 November 1796
From: Washington, George
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Philadelphia 12th. Novr. 1796.
My dear Sir,

In due time, and in good order, I received your letters dated the 4th 5th & 10th. instt: and shall be mindful of their contents.
What construction do you put upon the information received through the assistant of D——r B——? and what notice, if any, should it meet with now, or hereafter, if application should be made for leave, or the event take place without?
Having sometime since, called upon the different Secretaries for such matters (within their respective departments) as required to be communicated to Congress at the opening of the Session, the enclosed papers are from two of them; one has given a shape to the ideas. From the Treasury department I have received nothing yet; and presume nothing will come from the Secretary of it except such matters as are of the fiscal kind, founded upon facts and statements.
The Secretary of War has closed his notes, or draught, with a communication, a declaration, and an invocation, which I had no intention of introducing, if such sentiments could be avoided with that decent respect wch. is due to such members of both houses as have been uniform & steady in their support of those measures of government which I have thought the interest & welfare of this country required, and accordingly recommended.
The reasons which have operated a reluctance in my mind to touch this subject at the opening of the Session, are two—First, that it might not be supposed it was introduced for the purpose of a complimentary notice of the event, by those who might feel a disposition to offer it; and secondly, that it might not embarrass others, who had rather be silent; much less put it in the power of a third set, to oppose (if it should be attempted) sentiments of this sort, in the answer to the Speech.
These being my reasons, judge of their force. If they outweigh what may be considered as indifference—slight—or disrespectful in me, towards the body to whom the Address is made, let them prevail. If not, adopt in whole, or in part, or new model altogether to your liking, the sentiments, or expressions of Mr. McHenry.
Among the things noted in my Memorandums, & not to be found in the enclosures is an intimation to this effect—viz—that from the best information I have been able to obtain, and from the best view I have of the general system of European Politics, and of the state of matters in the Mediterranean in particular, our Commerce in that quarter will always be upon a precarious establishment unless a protecting force is given to it. If Congress in their investigation of the subject should coincide in this opinion, it will rest with their wisdom to decide whether that trade, in particular, is of sufficient importance to countervail the expence of its protection. How much beyond this to extend the view towards a navy, in the present uncertain State of our Fiscal concerns, merits consideration. My own sentiments lead strongly to the means of Commencement.
This last article in addition to the several matters contained in the enclosures, and what will naturally flow from the texts mentioned in your letter, together with a general reference to the proper Officers for estimates—Papers—&ca.—alluded to in the Speech will comprehend every thing that has occured to me, as necessary to be mentioned at the opening of the Session; and I would thank you much for letting me have the whole as early in next week as your convenience will permit—at any rate on Saturday; with your opinion on the propriety of giving Congress a full statement relatively to the Situation of our affairs with France, as suggested in my letter of the  instant.
With Affectionate regard   I am always Yours

Go: Washington

PS. I was in the very Act of closing this letter when yours of yesterday’s date came to hand—due consideration shall be given to the Contents of it.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from David Ross, 16 November 1796
From: Ross, David
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Bladensburgh [Maryland] Novr. 16. 1796
Dear Sir

Being engaged in electioneering prevented my writing as soon as I intended that a Mr. Reese (formerly of Baltimore & now connected with a Whole sale Store in Philadelphia) is said to have circulated in George Town, that he had seen, or heard of, a letter of yours to your friends in one of the West India Islands, in which you boasted of the hand you had in promoting our General Government but that it was not yet to your liking & that you had hopes still of introducing a King & Nobility and that you had keept up a correspondence for three years with the British Minister Mr Pitt, but as to the nature of it that was left to every one to draw his own inference. I thought it proper you should know this & judge for yourself whether it was worth your notice. One of Co. Mercers party came full of it from George Town to this place.
I have lately heard it hinted that you had acquiesced in Co. Mercers charge of your having through motives of friendship favor’d the Contractor for supplying the Western Army with Provisions, by your declining the issue it had been put on, by your correspondence with him. I took the liberty of asserting that if nothing farther had passed than what I knew of, that I had no doubt but that you considered any thing Co. Mercer could say of you was not worth your notice after I had enclosed to you Capt. Campbells & my answer lodged at the Printing office at Annapolis, to Co Mercers “Detail”—mentioning at the same time what those answers were. If anything farther has passed between you than what I know of I shall be glad to be informed and if there has not, whether I am right as to your motives for not doing what your correspondence intimated as I have no doubt but the subject will become more public & I wish to have it in my power to contradict & prevent the inference that may be otherwise drawn to your prejudice.
Co Mercer has done as to Mr Adams ⟨–⟩ as to yourself charging him in a late public sp⟨eech – –⟩ District with being an advocate for monarc⟨hy-⟩ partial quotations from his Works, and that he held the poorer classes of People in the greatest contempt—& gave in evidence of it, that Mr Adams at a sumptuous entertainment, told Co Mercer that that was too good for him & that such a Democrat (or Republican) ought to be satisfied with black broth and brown bread. I was present.
If any thing of this sort did pass Mr Adams was ridiculing Co Mercers pretensions to equality & Popularity as I have no doubt he enjoyed the entertainment as much, & showed as much as if not more aristocratical self-importance than, any one of the Company.

This party now assume the name of Republican & those that oppose them are monarchy men & Aristocrats: & these very men that were such opposers of the existing Government now profess the greatest attachment to it & alarm the People with apprehensions for their Government & liberties if they do not elect Mr Jefferson. And as the great body of the People have no knowledge of the characters & as Mr Jeffersons advocates are in general much the most active I should not be surprized if they should be imposed on to do what is so much against their own interest by risking the Peace & happiness of this Country in one who appears not to have been attached to the measures of Government which have keept us clear of European quarrels & secured to us the benefits of Neutrality.
In our District we have had the pleasure of defeating Co. Mercers & Mr Masons speeches by electing one who is for persevering in our present measures of Government; altho’ they had a majority in this County owing to the great confidence some of our leading characters have still in Co Mercer & his Politicks.
In haste   Your friend & obedt Servt.

David Ross


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Oliver Wolcott, Junior, 17 November 1796
From: Wolcott, Oliver, Jr.
To: Hamilton, Alexander

(Private)
Phila. Nov. 17. 1796
Dear sir

You must feel interested in knowing how our affairs stand with France, I give you a summary of them.
The Note to Colo. Pickering contains a summary of all the complaints of France since the commencement of the present War. They are as follows. That the Courts of the United States have taken Cognizance of Prizes to French Vessells. That the Treaty has been misconstrued, by permitting the admission of British Ships which have at some time made Prizes of French Vessells. Mr. Adets construction is that a B. Ship which at any time or in any place has made a Prize ought to be denied Asylum. Complaints are made of the proclamation of Neutrality & of the promptness with which the President requested Congress to enact Laws for preserving our Neutrality. The questions proposed by the President before Genets arrival are recited at length, & commented on as evidences of unfriendliness to France.
Lists of almost all the particular cases respecting privateers &ca are made out & the decisions of the Executive censured.
It is said that the Government has manifested partiality against France, by the alacrity which marked its conduct, in enforcing the Laws against them, & by tardiness in prosecuting the British.

That the American Government deceived France in respect to Mr Jays mission.
That the Treaty with G. B. is a violation of the Treaty with France, is equivalent to a Treaty of Alliances, & ought not have been made during the War.
A fulfillment of the 11th. article of our Treaty with France is required which stipulates that favours granted to other nations shall become common—this Mr. A. says will justify the French in taking British property on board of American Vessells, & in intending contraband as defined by the B. Treaty.
For these reasons, the commercial relations founded on Treaty are to be suspended untill the Government returns to itself. Nevertheless the French Nation regards the People as its friends.
The people in a declamatory rhapsody are directly addressed, in this ⟨style⟩ “O ye Americans”—an appeal is made to their passions; the injuries of the British during the last War are recounted, & the assistance of the French nation extolled; it is said that the suspension of the ministers functions is not to be regarded as an Act of hostility but of just resentment against the Government—when the Government returns to itself, the French will forget the injury.
France is said to be terrible to its enemies but magnanimous to its Friends, quick to resent injuries, but easily appeased.
The Executive & Mr. Jay are treated with personal indignity.
On the whole this is by far the most bold attempt to govern this Country which has been made. It is necessary to come to issue. Measures to prevent any panick or depression of the public opinion are necessary. We have the right of the question, but whether we shall be overuled by force will partly depend on the spirit of the people, partly on the issue of the Campaign in Italy & Germany.
I am ever yours

Oliv Wolcott Jr
Colo. Hamilton


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Oliver Wolcott, Junior, 17 November 1796
From: Wolcott, Oliver, Jr.
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[Philadelphia, November 17, 1796. On December 21 1796, Hamilton wrote to Wolcott: “I did not understand by your letter of the 17th. of November whether you meant or not to authorise the immediate commencement of the sale of the Stock.” Letter not found.]


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Robert Morris, 19 November 1796
From: Morris, Robert
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Alexander Hamilton Esqre
Phila 19 Novr 1796
Dear Sir

I am but just returned from the City of Washington after a long absence, and find your letter of the 10 Inst with others awaiting me, as yet I hardly know my Position, what I can or cannot do, but after looking round and counting Claims & Resources I will write to you again and you may rest assured that I will do all I can for your Convenience, for I am your constant & faithful Friend & Servt

RM


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Rufus Putnam, 19 November 1796
From: Putnam, Rufus
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Marietta [Territory Northwest of the River Ohio]November 19th. 1796
Sir

The eight acre Lot No. 305 belong to one of the rights Drawn in your Name in the Ohio Companys Purchas Lies adjoining to one owned by Commedore Abraham Whipple (Late of Rhode Island) who is desierous of purchasing it from you, Commedore Whipple after being much reduced in his property (by the failure of public Credit: like most of us who Served there Country in the late War), has retired to this Country where he wishes to accommodate himself with a little farm Neer the Town of Marietta and could he add your eight acre lot above mentioned to the one he has adjoining, and on which he is building a House and makeing improvemint he concives he sould be compleatly accommodeted: at his Desire therefore I requst to know if you will Sell this Lot and if so at what price. And for your information on the Subject I take the Liberty to give you a Description of the lot on which you may rely viz It lies on the West Bank of Muskingum river about two mile from its mouth or junction with the Ohio, the Soil is of the first quality and has about thirty rods front on the Muskingum, there is no Stream or Spring ariseing in or runing throug it, nor any thing more to recommend it than what I have Stated.
As Lands of the Same quality are Sold neer this town it is worth ten Dollars an acre and if you are disposed to part with it at this or any other price you will oblige Commedore Whipple (and me as his frind) to give him the refusal.

I have the honor to be with very great esteem & respect   Sir your most obedient Sert

Rufus Putnam

P.S. an answer is requested.

Colo. Hamilton


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Theodore Sedgwick, 19 November 1796
From: Sedgwick, Theodore
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Stockbridge [Massachusetts] 19. Nov. 1796
My dear sir

The letters inclosed will explain themselves. I will only add one fact—the young man “who was going to transact some business up the north river” came directly here in the stage which communicates with New York and of course went not nigh the river at all & is now waiting only for my answer. I need not say that this information must be kept secret, for however proper it may be, and I esteem it highly so, Dayton would doubtless deem it a breach of confidence.
I am sincerely & affectionately your friend

Theodore Sedgwick
Mr. Hamilton.


Title: Enclosure: Jonathan Dayton to Theodore Sedgwick, [13 November 1796]
From: Dayton, Jonathan
To: Sedgwick, Theodore

[November 13, 1796]
Dr. Sir,

This will be delivered to you by a young man who was going to transact some business up the North river, & whom, since writing the other letter, I have engaged to call upon you with it, & to bring me your answer. Every moments reflection serves only to impress me more with the importance of our fixing upon some plan of cooperation to defeat the designs of Mr. J——’s friends. If Mr. A. cannot succeed, is it not desirable to have at the helm a man who is personally known to, as well as esteemed & respected by us both? I assure you that I think it possible for you & me with a little aid from a few others to effect this.


Title: Enclosure: Theodore Sedgwick to Jonathan Dayton, [19 November 1796]
From: Sedgwick, Theodore
To: Dayton, Jonathan

[Stockbridge, Massachusetts, November 19, 1796]

Last evening, my dear sir, I had the pleasure to receive your favours of the 12th. & 13th. insts. accept for them and for your friendly congratulation on my appointment to a seat in the senate, my sincere acknowledgments. Believe me, that event, however grateful to my friends, is not pleasing to me. I preferred a seat in the house to any public station whatever, but I had firmly decided to retire from that, on the fourth of March next. How far my resolution may be altered, by any possible event, I can at present hardly conjecture.
I have been for some time past almost blind by an inflamation in my eyes, yet I cannot avoid attempting at least to answer to the interesting subject of your Letters.
Indeed I do not regard with indifference the preparations which are making for the approaching election of a President. Probably the peace and happiness of our country, possibly its freedom depend on the result. You expect reasonably, therefore and shall receive a free communication of my views and opinions on this important subject.
I believe for a thousand reasons, and particularly to impress a conviction on the authors of disorganisation & confusion, that success is not to be ensured by misrepresentation and falsehood, that Mr. Adams should be elected as President; and that to harmonize with the southern States, it is essential that the Vice President should be chosen from that part of the Community. By firmness, union, and adherence to the plan which seems to have been agreed on, we have every reason, I think, to expect success; for I perceive by the Philadelphia papers, which I received last evening of the 11th. that, not withstanding the immense weight of votes against us in that City, and in the County of Philad. there is, from the votes which are known, a ballance of more than 3,600 in our favour—a number which cannot, I think, be counterballanced by the votes which remain to be Computed. It seems to me, then, that you desponded too much, when you believed that Pensylvania would be unanimous in the opposition. Should I however be here mistaken, I feel a confidence, that Mr. Adams will receive, at least, twelve votes on the other side of the Delaware, which will, I have no doubt, secure his election; for he will have the first votes of all the electors not only of your State and of mine, but of all the other states east of that boundary. If there should be no election, in the first instance, Jefferson will undoubtedly be chosen by the present Jacobin House of Representatives. But to avoid that I feel confident that we should not deviate, from the course, which the federalism of the country is persuing. For I cannot bring myself to believe, for a moment, that the federal electors in So. Carolina; and that there will be seven of that description is past a doubt, can act so faithless and insidious a part, as to throw away their votes, preferably to giving them to Mr. Adams. Every consideration of duty and of interest, will concur in inducing them to act fairly and honorably on this occasion. If they now conduct as you suppose, they never hereafter can expect our confidence or support, and without them they must be over-whelmed by their adversaries in that part of the United states, nor without our aid can they expect to continue their favorite candidate in the administration. Be assured they can never act so absurd & stupid a part. It ought; and I presume will be sufficient for them, that the eastern Gentleman have left to them, wholly uninfluenced, the designation of their man. And if no confidence can be placed in their honor, it is impossible even to act extensively, in concert. On the other hand should we deceive their just expectations, and obtain a President and Vice-President from this part of the U.S. it would produce and continue, for the four succeeding Years, an incurable jealousy and hatred, between those, whose union and mutual confidence, are indispensable to the welfare, and probably the very existence of the Government. Rather, then, infinitely rather, if that be the alternative, had I been the injured, than the injuring party.
From every view, indeed, which I have been able to take of the subject, I have the most clear conviction, that every Elector on this side of the Delaware should give his suffrages for Adams & Pinckney. In that case we have every reason to conclude that they will be elected—we shall certainly know that we have performed our duty. To this it may be answered, that Mr. Pinckney may have the greatest number of votes, and of course be the President, contrary to the intention of a great majority of his electors. This may undoubtedly happen, but if so, it is, if I may so express it, a constitutional mischief, and we must console ourselves with the purity and federalism of our chief Magistrate. But on the other hand, the mischiefs of a breach of faith, I do not mean expressly, but impliedly given, for ⟨they certainly expe⟩ct and with reason that one of those offices will be filled by a southern man are innumerable and will, probably, be endless in their efforts. But I do not believe that event to be probable, for I think we have reason to expect that there will be several votes for Mr. Adams in Virginia, and none for Mr. Pinckney.

Respecting Mr. Burr, no man better than yourself knows the estimation in which I hold him. But in my concience I do not believe that every vote in Massachusetts would give him the least chance of an election to either of the offices; and the reason of my opinion I will detail to you. The party with which he has generally acted, altho’ they covet the aid of his character & talents, have not the smallest confidence in his hearty union to their cause. Indeed it is my firm belief that their veiws and his are not only distinct but opposite. Their want of confidence in him was incontrovertibly demonstrated in the support which the party gave to the appointment of Monroe.
You remember how anxious you was that Burr should be gratified by that office, and how complete the evidence was to both our minds, that he was defeated by the insidious machinations of that party. And wherefore was it that they prefered Monroe to him? Had they more confidence in monroe’s talents? They are not so stupid. In his integrity? no. But they knew the one would & the other would not condesend to Act as their tool. They doubtless respect Burr’s talents, but they dread his independence of them. They know, in short, he is not one of them, and of course they will never support but always effect to support him.
I am sorry I cannot dwell longer on this subject. If it be agreeable to you, you will please to deliver the inclosed. I feel extremely anxious that we should not appear to play false with our ⟨–.⟩


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to George Washington, [19 November 1796]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

[New York, November 19, 1796]
Sir

I duly received your letter of the 12th. instant. My avocations have not permitted me sooner to comply with your desire. I have looked over the papers & suggested alterations & corrections; and I have also numbered the paragraphs I. II. III &c in the order in which it appears to me eligble they should stand in the Speech.
I thought upon full reflection you could not avoid an allusion to your retreat in order to express your sense of the support of Congress—but that the simplest manner of doing it was to be preferred. A paragraph is offered accordingly.
I believe the commencement of a Navy ought to be contemplated. Our fiscal concerns if Congress please can easily be rendered efficient. If not tis their fault & ought not to prevent any suggestion which the interest of the Country may require. The Paragraph in your letter respecting our Mediterranean Commerce may well be incorporated in this part of the communication.
You will observe a paragraph I have framed contemplates a full future communication of our situation with France. At present it seems to me that this will best be effected in the following mode.
Let a full reply to Mr Adets last communication be made containing a particular review of our conduct & motives from the commencement of the Revolution. Let this be sent to Mr. Pinckney to be imparted to the Directory & let a copy of it with a short auxiliary statement of facts if necessary be sent to the House of Representatives. As Mr. Adet has suspended his functions I presume no reply can be made to him; but not having seen his paper I cannot judge.
The crisis is immensely important to the glory of the President & to the honor & interest of the Country. It is all important that the Reply to Adets last communication to whomsoever made should be managed with the utmost possible prudence & skill—so that it may be a solid justification—an inoffensive remonstrance—the expression of a dignified seriousness reluctant to quarrel but resolved not to be humbled. The subject excites the greatest anxiety.
I have the honor to be very respectfully & Affectly Sir   Your obed ser

A Hamilton
NYork November 19. 1796
The President of the U States


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from George Washington, 21 November 1796
From: Washington, George
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Philadelphia 21st. Novr. 1796
My dear Sir

Having written to you on Saturday the 11th. instant (accompanying it with enclosures) without hearing any thing from you in the course of last week, or by the Mail of this day, I begin to have uneasy sensations for the fate of my letter. To this cause, & to my solicitude to have the Papers returned, you must ascribe the trouble of receiving this letter.
If my last got safe to your hands, & indisposition, business, or any other cause should have prevented your looking into the Papers; I wish, even under these circumstances, that they may be returned to me immediately; for I have no copies, and have but little time to digest, and to put the several matters therein contained into form, that the whole may be revised again and again, before it is presented. Among these Papers do not forget to place Sir John Sinclairs letter to me, as I am desirous of giving it an acknowledgement.
You will perceive by the publication of Mr. Adets letter to Colo. Pickering (in Claypools Gazette of this date) that the French Government are disposed to play a high game. If other proofs were wanting, the time, and indelicate mode & stile, of the present attack on the Executive, exhibited in this laboured performance—which is as unjust as it is voluminous—would leave no doubt as to the primary object it has in view; but what consequences it may ultimately produce, is not so accessible to human foresight, as it may depend upon various contingencies & events. I have not seen the writer since my return to the City—nor is it presumable I shall do it under present circumstances, unless courted on my part.
The letter of Mr. Adet having been committed to the keeping of Mr. Bache, by him—Extracts having already been given to the public and other parts promised to be eked out (as would, it is presumed, subserve the purposes in view) induced an opinion that it was best to give the entire letter to the Public from Authority, and without delay, that the well informed part of the Community might judge for themselves.
The necessity of bringing the matter fully before Congress is now rendered indispensable and through that Medium it is presumed it will make its way to the Public with proper explanations. I am, as you know me to be, always and sincerely
Your affectionate

Go: Washington

P.S. Since writing the above, your letter of the 19th. with its enclosures have been sent to me. Accept my thanks for them. On account of the other matter contained in this letter I forward it—being written. Your sentimts. in this interesting crisis will always be thankfully received.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Oliver Wolcott, Junior, 22 November 1796
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Wolcott, Oliver, Jr.

[New York] Nov 22. 1796
Dr. Sir

I thank you for your Note sending me Adet’s letter. The present is in my opinion as critical a situation as our Government has been in—requiring all its prudence all its wisdom all its moderation, all its firmness.
Though the thing is now passed, I do not think it useless to say to you that I was not well pleased with the Secretary of State’s answer to Adets note communicating the order respecting neutral Vessels. There was something of hardness & epigrammatic sharpness in it—neither did I think the position true that France had no right to inquire respecting the affair of seamen. I am of opinion that whenever a neutral power suffers liberties to be taken with it by a belligerent one which turns to the detriment of the other belligerent party, as the acquiring strength by impressing our seamen, there is a good ground of inquiry demanding candid explanation.
My opinion is that our communications should be calm reasoning and serious, shewing steady resolution more than feeling having force in the idea rather than in the expression.
I am very anxious that our Government should do right on the present occasion.
My ideas are these—
As Adet has declared his functions suspended, the reply ought not to be to him but through Mr. Pinckney to the Directory.
It ought to contain a review of our conduct from the beginning—noticing our first & full acknowlegement of the Republic & the danger we run by it—also the danger we incurred by other large interpretations of the Treaty in favour of France adverting to the sale of prizes.
It should meet all the suggestions of the Minister correct his misstatements of Facts & meet argumentatively his principles. Where arguments already used are repeated, it ought to be in new language or by quotations in the body of the Reply not by referrence to other communications annexed or otherwise which embarrass the reading & attention.
It should review calmly the conduct of France & her Agents pointing out fully & clearly the violations of our rights & the spirit which was manifested—but in terms the most cautious & inoffensive.

It should advert to the policy of moderation towards the enemies of France which our situation & that of France, especially as to maritime power imposed upon us. It should briefly recapitulate the means of obtaining redress from G Britain employed by our Goverment & the effects they have produced.
It should explain why the Goverment could not safely adopt more expeditious modes why the Executive could not controul the judiciary & should shew that in effect the opposite Party as well as France suffered the inconven[ien]cies of Delay.
It should make prominent the consequences upon the peace & friendship of Governments if all accidental infractions from situation, from the negligences &c of particular officers are to be imputed with severity to the Government itself & should apply the remark to the case of the injuries we have suffered in different ways from the Officers & Agents of France.
It should make prominent two ideas, the situation in which we were with Great Britain prior to the last Treaty—so as to shew that by the laws of Nations as admitted to us & declared to France & the world prior to that Treaty, all the things complained of as resulting from that Treaty previously existed & it should dwell on the exception in that Treaty of prior Treaties.
It should point out strongly the idea that the inconvenience at particular junctions of particular stipulations is no reason for one party superseding them; but should intimate that the President is willing to review the relations between the two Country and by a new Treaty if the same shall be approved by the Senate to readjust the terms of those relations.
The article in the Treaty with France respecting an admission of the same privileges which are granted to other powers should be examined. This plainly means where there is any concession of a positive privilege which the U States were free to refuse, not where there is a mere recognition of the principles of the laws of Nations.
It should be made prominent, that the U States have always wished & still wish to cultivate the most amicable relations & are still disposed to evince this disposition by every method in their power. That in what they have said they mean only to shew that they have acted with sincerity & good faith & have rather received than given cause to complain. That they have been disposed to make a candid construction of circumstances which might seem inconsistent with a friendly conduct in France & claim a similar candour in the estimate of their situation & conduct.

There should be an animadversion upon the unfitness of looking beyond the Government to the Citizens.
And there should be these ideas properly couched that the UStates cannot admit that a just cause of resentment has been given that they appeal from the misapprehension which dictated this sentiment to the justice and mag[na]nimity of France for a retraction for it and for meeting them freely in the complete restoration of friendly intercourse; that France will not deliberately expect that they could make a sacrifice of self respect since she must be sensible that a Free People ought in every event to cherish it as a sacred duty & to encounter with firmness every danger & calamity which an attempt to make them forget it or degrade them from their Independent character may involve.
This would be the general complexion of the reply which I would give. The manner should be extremely caution smooth, even friendly, but yet solemn & dignified.
Yrs.

A H

The alliance in its future operation must be against our Interest. A door to escape from it is opened. Though we ought to maintain with good faith our engagements—if the conduct of the other party releases us, we should not refuse the release, so far as we may accept without compromitting our peace. This idea is very important.

O Wolcott Esq


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Stephen Higginson, 28 November 1796
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Higginson, Stephen

[New York, November 28, 1796. On December 9, 1796, Higginson wrote to Hamilton: “Your Letter of 28 of last month I received.” Letter not found.]


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Henry Sadler and Company, November 1796
From: Henry Sadler and Company
To: Hamilton, Alexander

New York, November, 1796. “We take the liberty of inclosing Copy of an obligation given for payt. of Commission on a certain contract made with the Agents of the French Republic—copy of which contract you have also herewith. As the F Republick would not pay for the Leather immediately on delivery—nor in Specie, and not having yet paid for the Amount of Leather delivered agreeable to said Contract—We conceive it has not been compiled with on its part & that the obligation given for payment of Commission is thereby annulled. We therefore request your opinion.…”


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Jeremiah Wadsworth, [1 December 1796]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Wadsworth, Jeremiah

[New York, December 1, 1796]
Dr. Sir

I have lately received a line from you. I had been apprised of the machination to cheat us into Mr Burr but I have no apprehension of its success. My chief fear is that the attachment of our Eastern friends to Mr. Adams may prevent their voting for Pinckney likewise, & that some irregularity or accident may deprive us of Adams & let in Jefferson.
Judge Tichener in passing through informed me that from something which had occurred to his recollection while here he feared that the votes of Vermont would be lost for want of being warranted by a subsisting legislative Act. If so, Adams will not have sufficient votes to prevent the question going to the House of Representatives & then we can be at no loss for the result. The whole number I venture to depend on for Adams (including Vermont & two in Pensylvania) is 73. Take off Vermont and there will be 69 which is less by one than the whole number of Electors.
It may be said Georgia also is irregular. This I do not consider as certain. But if so at first there was time enough to discover & rectify it. Not so as to Vermont. Besides who will take care to have the necessary authentic proof from Georgia? From Vermont it can be had & our patriots are not likely to neglect it.
Tis therefore a plain policy to support Mr. Pinkney equally with Mr. Adams.
Yrs. truly

A HamiltonDec. 1. 1796
J Wadsworth E


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Oliver Wolcott, Junior, [6 December 1796]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Wolcott, Oliver, Jr.

[New York, December 6, 1796]
Dr Sir

The President of the Bank of New York called upon me yesterday and manifested considerable anxiety about the State of the Bank. It seems the course of things lately, and their large accommodation to the Government, have produced a heavy ballance against them in favor of the Office of Discount at this place, which has lately called for 100000 Ds in specie & it is apprehended may speedily call for more.
The President mentioned this situation generally with only this view to shew that the Bank would probably be under a necessity of selling the Stock pleged with them, if the Government should not be punctual. It was at the same time declared that nothing but necessity would lead to any measure inconvenient to the Government yet it was thought adviseable to admonish of the probable necessity.
A Director, two or three days since, also mentioned to me that there was a sum of about 26000 Dollars of interest due to the Bank of which an account had been rendered but which was not paid—adding that in the present situation every little would help. Observations like these are of course confidential.
But the situation requires & will make it good policy that if in your power you should come to the aid of the Bank of New York. It would be wise if possible to anticipate a partial payment. It will also be useful to arrest for a time too free calls from the Office.
Friendly attentions & good offices on your part will inspire confidence & embolden the Bank to assist in future emergencies & it is very much the policy of the Treasury not to be exclusively dependent on one institution.
Yrs.

A HamiltonDecr. 6. 1796

Let me hear from you shortly on this subject. What is doing with Adet?

O. Wolcott Junr. Esquire