Title: To George Washington from François Barbé de Marbois, 28 May 1791
From: Barbé de Marbois, François
To: Washington, George

Sir,
Metz [France] mai the 28th 1791.

I have So many times experienced the friendly disposition of your Excellency that I rejoice in the opportunity which is offered to me of introducing to you one of my nephews, Mr de Kellerman. he accompanies M. de Ternant with Some hope of replacing by interim my brother the Vice Consul & it would be happy for him in a Station either public or private to deserve the Same Kindness which I was so happy as to obtain. Mrs Marbois joins her recommendation to mine & as she is an american I hope it will make it easier for her nephew to obtain the friendship of her countrymen.
We could not be Strangers to hispaniola to the commotion by which the Kingdom has been agitated: we have returned to my native country which for being on the boundaries has not been less exposed to a confusion almost general. the result is as yet

quite unknown. the prevailing opinion is that of an impending war. & many prognosticate it for next Summer. I cannot think it So near & though our frontiers beginn to Swarm with troops within & without I consider these last as having no other destination but to give more weight to the negotiation. The country to whose government your Excellency so hapily presides appears to me to be the only one in the world where peace & hapiness are to be found. I have the honour to be with great respect Sir, Your Excellencys the humble obedient servant

De marbois


Title: To George Washington from Louis XVI, 28 May 1791
From: Louis XVI (of France)
To: Washington, George

Tres chers grands amis et alliés
[Paris, 28 May 1791]

nous avons choisi le sieur de Ternant Colonel Commandant du Régiment royal Liegiois pour aller résider auprès de vous en qualité de notre Ministre Plenipotentiaire. Il est parfaitement instruit des sentiments et des principes qui font la baze de nos liaisons avec vous, et nous ne doutons pas qu’il ne nous donne une nouvelle preuve de son zêle pour tout ce qui peut intéresser notre service, en se conduisant de la maniere la plus propre à vous convaincre du desir que nous avons de les perpetuer et de les resserrer de plus en plus. Nous vous prions d’ajouter une foi entiére à tout ce qu’il vous dira de notre part. Il ne peut trop vous assurer, et vous ne sauriez etre trop persuadés de l’affection

constante et de l’amitié sincére que nous portons aux Etats unis en général et à chacun d’Eux en particulier. Sur ce nous prions Dieu qu’il vous ait Tres chers grands amis et Alliés en sa sainte et digne garde. Ecrit à Paris le 28 mai 1791. Votre bon Ami et Allié

Louis Montmorin


Title: Tobias Lear to Alexander Hamilton, 29 May 1791
From: Lear, Tobias
To: Hamilton, Alexander

  [Philadelphia] 29 May 1791. Transmits under the president’s direction the enclosed from John H. Mitchell, which came in a letter from GW, dated Savannah, 13 May, received yesterday.


Title: To George Washington from d’Estaing, 30 May 1791
From: Estaing, Charles-Hector Théodat, comte d’
To: Washington, George

Sir,
Paris 30th May 1791

The devottees love to importune heaven—and every good Citizen seizes, with a delight mingled with the most respectful veneration, every opportunity of recalling himself to your memory. For this purpose no time can be more favorable, I will not say for myself; but for the whole nation, than the moment when a Minister of France, such as M. de Ternant goes to reside with you.
The President of the United States will find in the heart—in the principles—and in the talents of M. Ternant that which he loves, and that which he esteems. Our Revolution, which can be but imperfectly viewed at a distance, goes in this manner to announce its approach to General Washington. The Representative of France has communicative virtues; and it is permitted me to wish, as an individual who neither interferes with, nor is

instructed in anything, that they may extend themselves even so far as to have an influence upon the Ancient french Americans, for whom they are framing a Constitution at London. You are not ignorant that to see them even creating one, was one of my most ardent wishes when I was a public man. I am, with respect, Sir, Your very humble & Obedt servt

Estaing


Title: To George Washington from Henry Knox, 30 May 1791
From: Knox, Henry
To: Washington, George

Sir,
War Department [Philadelphia], 30th May, 1791.

The last Letter which I had the honor to address you was dated on the 17th ultimo. Since which your progressive distance rendered it improper for me to write, as it was almost certain that my Letters could not overtake you.
I now have the honor to address with the expectation of the Letters reaching you at Taylor’s ferry, and a Duplicate to be left at Mount Vernon.
Without entering into details, I shall have the honor at present to submit a general view of the most interesting affairs, relative to the proposed campaign.
The raising of the Levies, in New Jersey, this State, Maryland and Virginia has in general succeeded so well, that I conceived it unnecessary to have recourse to drafting the Militia, which not only seems entangled in some States with embarrassments, but the measure would occasion Substitutes at a much higher rate of compensation, than is allowed by the United States. This inequality in its best state would occasion uneasiness among the troops, and under certain circumstances might cause great evils.
The upper battalion, or that raised on the frontiers of this State has not succeeded, owing to the Militia being drafted, and Substitutes at high compensations being established; but as the Militia have been, or will be shortly dismissed, it is expected the battalion will soon be filled.
The recruiting of the regulars in New Hampshire, Massachusetts and Rhode Island, contrary to all expectations has not sueceeded,

owing as it is said, to the lowness of the pay. The Clothing being now distributed at the respective rendezvouss and the working season arrived, there are better prospects of success.
In Connecticut the service has succeeded better. One full company marched ten days past, and another is completing fast.
By the enclosed Schedule it will appear, that Thirteen hundred and two Regulars and Levies, have marched forward, and will march, on or before the first of June.
The advanced Guard consisting of One hundred and sixty Levies, reached Fort Pitt on the 18th instant, and they would be followed in close succession by other Companies and detachments.
The raising the battalion of rifle men, being part of the Levies in the territory of the United States, south of the Ohio, will have been retarded by the sickness of Brigadier General Sevier, who was dangerously ill at Richmond. But he had recovered, and on the 28th ultimo set out from thence, and assured me he had no doubt of the battalion being completed before the first of June. General Sevier had charge of the money for the battalion, and the Clothing moved from Richmond on the 25th ultimo—together with all the Goods necessary for Governor Blount’s treaty with the Cherokees, to be held on the last day of the present month.
From the train in which the business is in, I think it may be relied upon that about One thousand Regulars and Levies, will be on their march before the 20th of June—this opinion includes Sevier’s battalion—and the further number of Five hundred: before the first of July. This would make the number Two thousand eight hundred regulars and Levies, to which the number of Two hundred and fifty of the old troops who may be collected, may be added.
All the troops which shall march in the course of June, may be expected at the farthest to be at Fort Washington by the 15th of August. Hence it would appear that reliance may be had upon about Three thousand being assembled at Fort Washington, at the latest by the month of September. That period will be considerably later than was at first contemplated, but by good information, it will be the proper time.
I shall in due season communicate these prospects to Major General St Clair, and if he should judge the force inadequate to

the appearances, he must be empowered to call forth the additional number he shall think necessary from the Kentucky Militia, to act either conjointly or collaterally with the Army as he shall think proper.
The frontiers, as far as I have been informed, although much alarmed, have not been greatly injured. The mischiefs and depredations on the frontiers of this State, and Ohio county in Virginia, would appear to have been committed by the Delawares and Wyandots, and flowing directly from the murder of the friendly indians of those tribes by the party headed by Captain Brady on the 10th of March last.
The Cornplanter continues firmly attached to the United States, although some of his party was plundered and abused by the people of Westmoreland county of this State. Notwithstanding this circumstance, he with a large number of his people assembled in and about Fort Franklin on french creek, on a report of a large body of Western indians being in the vicinity with hostile intentions.
Colonel Procter made all possible expedition, but could not meet the Cornplanter, until the 8th of April, which was effected at Fort Franklin. Although it was Procter’s earnest desire to have gone forward to the western indians from Fort Franklin, yet the indians conceived that they should not be justified by their tribes, without making a previous communication. They dispatched their Runners to call a Council at Buffaloe creek, and Colonel Procter accompanied them to that place.
If the business be approved, the Cornplanter proposes himself to accompany Colonel Procter, with Two hundred Warriors.
This detention will retard General Scott’s desultory expedition, as it would not have a good appearance, to strike the Wabash indians first and invite them to peace afterwards.
Major General St Clair left Fort Harmar on the Muskingum, on the 2d of this month, intending to go to Lexington to concert measures with General Scott.
Major General Butler is at Fort Pitt—He will at present employ part of the Levies, so as to dismiss the Militia who were called out in consequence of the orders of the 10th of March last. Although it may be supposed by some people that the County Lieutenants have called out a greater number of men than actual circumstances rendered necessary, yet I am convinced as

the measure respects the reputation and dignity of the General government that it was right.
The Ordnance, Military stores, Medicines and Quarter Masters Stores, necessary for the Campaign, have been forwarded to Fort Pitt.
The force and the preparations, of all kinds, are in as much forwardness as the circumstances of the case would possibly admit, and I flatter myself as much as the public interests require.
The Vice President, the Secretary of State, and the Secretary of the Treasury, concurring with me in the propriety of assembling the Senekas, and others of the six Nations at this crisis, not only to prevent their joining the hostile indians—but, if necessary to induce them to join the troops of the United States: I have instructed Colonel Pickering accordingly—The 17th of June is the time, and the painted Post the place, at which the Council is to be held.
The goods necessary for the treaty have been forwarded to Colonel Pickering, and all the other necessary arrangements made.
I beg you to accept this general information until I shall have the honor to submit to you all the particular details which you may require.
Anxious that your journey may have been productive of health and satisfaction, I have the honor to be, With the most perfect Respect, Your Obedient humble servt

H. Knoxsecy of War


Title: From George Washington to the Inhabitants of Salisbury, North Carolina, 30 May 1791
From: Washington, George
To: Inhabitants of Salisbury, North Carolina

Gentlemen,
[Salisbury, N.C., c.30 May 1791]

Your expressions of satisfaction on my arrival in Salisbury are received with pleasure, and thanked with sincerity.
The interest, which you, are pleased to take in my personal welfare, excites a sensibility proportioned to your goodness—While I make the most grateful acknowledgement for that goodness, allow me to observe that your own determination, co-operating with that of your fellow-citizens throughout the Union, to maintain and to perpetuate the federal-government, affords a better assurance of order and effective government, with their concomitants, private and public prosperity, than the best meant endeavors of any individual could give.
Our national glory, and our domestic tranquillity, can never be tarnished or disturbed, while they are guarded by wise laws, founded-in public virtue among the measures which an enlightened and patriotic Legislature will pursue to preserve them. I doubt not the means of diffusing useful information will be duly considered.
My best wishes for the prosperity of your Village, and for your individual happiness are sincerely offered.

Go: Washington


Title: From George Washington to the United Brethren of Wachovia, North Carolina, 1 June 1791
From: Washington, George
To: United Brethren of Wachovia, North Carolina

Gentlemen,
[Salem, N.C., 1 June 1791]

I am greatly indebted to your respectful and affectionate expressions of personal regard, and I am not less obliged by the patriotic sentiments contained in your address.
From a Society, whose governing principles are industry and the love of order, much may be expected towards the improvement and prosperity of the country, in which their settlements are formed—and experience authorises the belief that much will be obtained.
Thanking you with grateful sincerity for your prayers in my behalf, I desire to assure you of my best wishes for your social and individual happiness.

Go: Washington


Title: To George Washington from Henry Emanuel Lutterloh, 3 June 1791
From: Lutterloh, Henry Emanuel
To: Washington, George

Sir!
Fayetteville [N.C.] June 3th 1791

On the 8th of Aprill 1787, You honoured me, with an Answer, upon my Proposition, to bring several German family’s, into the

State of Virginia—You was pleased to Mention the Dismal Swamp Company; and that you would convene them together to make my Proposalls &c. I took the Liberty to state My Reasons in My Answer of the 15th of May following why I could not come there.
Since that time, I have Obtained from this assembly the inclosed Grand—and a Lottery for five Succeding Years—to Support, and to carry My Importation Plan into Effect.
I feel myself exceedingly happy, to be able Thro’ this Grand, to offer my Service again, to Supply You, those few Mechanicks, which you were pleased to order: I wish to Know what Sort of Workman, You wante; and in which Ports, they should be delivered in Virginia.
The dismal Swamp Canal Company—is to finish The Canal, in which this state has joined—Therefore I wish to offer my Service to Them—and most humbly beg to honour me with, a recomendation That I may make my Proposalls, of my present plans. I Know by information from Europe; That I can procure any Number, of good Manufactoring, and Labouring Germans.
My Plan at present is not to receive any Cash in advance. but when the people arrived, to be paid in Produce.
if it was necessary and I received the order, I would come to Meet the Gentlemen of the Company—My being at Hilsborough with the Governor and Counsell to receive the inclosed Grand, prevented me, to show my respectfull attandance at Wilmington to assure in person, my profoundest respects in which, I have the honour to be. Sir, Your Most obedient and Most humble Servant

Henry, Emanuel Lutterloh.


Title: To George Washington from Thomas Jefferson, 5 June 1791
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Washington, George

Sir
Bennington [Vt.] June 5. 1791.

In my last letter from Philadelphia, I mentioned that mister Madison & myself were about to take a trip up the North river as far as circumstances should permit, the levelness of the roads led us quite on to Lake George, where taking boat we went through that, and about 25 miles into Lake Champlain. returning then to Saratoga, we concluded to cross over thro’ Vermont to Connecticut river and go down that instead of the North river which we had already seen, and we are so far on that rout. in the course of our journey we have had opportunities of visiting Still water, Saratoga, Forts Wm Henry & George, Ticonderoga, Crown point, & the scene of Genl Starke’s victory.
I have availed myself of such opportunities as occurred to enquire into the grounds of the report that something disagreeable had taken place in the vicinities of the British posts. it seems to have been the following incident. they had held a small post at a blockhouse on the North Hero, an island on the Vermont side of Lake Champlain, & something further South than their principal post at the Point au fer. the Maria, hitherto stationed at the latter, for Custom-house purposes, was sent to the Blockhouse, & there exercised her usual visits on boats passing to & from Canada. this being an exercise of power further within our jurisdiction became the subject of notice & clamour with our citizens in that quarter. the vessel has been since recalled to the Point au fer, & being unfit for service, a new one is to be built to perform her functions. this she has usually done at the Point au fer with a good deal of rigour, bringing all vessels to at that place, & sometimes under such circumstances of wind & weather as to have occasioned the loss of two vessels & cargoes. these circumstances produce strong sensations in that quarter, &

not friendly to the character of our government. the establishment of a custom-house at Alburg, nearly opposite to Point au fer, has given the British considerable alarm. a groundless story of 200 Americans seen in arms near Point au fer, has been the cause, or the pretext, of their reinforcing that place a few days ago with a company of men from St John’s. it is said here they have called in their guard from the Block-house, but the information is not direct enough to command entire belief.
On enquiring into the dispositions in Canada on the subject of the projected form of government there, we learn, that they are divided into two parties; the English who desire something like an English constitution but so modelled as to oblige the French to chuse a certain proportion of English representatives, & the French who wish a continuance of the French laws, moderated by some engraftments from the English code. the judge of their Common pleas heads the former party, & Smith the chief justice secretly guides the latter.
We encounter the Green mountains tomorrow, with cavalry in part disabled, so as to render our progress a little incertain. I presume however I shall be in Philadelphia in a fortnight. I have the honour to be with sentiments of the most perfect respect & attachment, Sir, your most obedient & most humble servant

Th: Jefferson


Title: To George Washington from Tobias Lear, 5 June 1791
From: Lear, Tobias
To: Washington, George

Sir,
Philadelphia June 5th 1791

Since I had the honor of writing to you on the 29 of last month, the two Platteaux, which Mr G. Morris sent from France, have arrived. One of them has received a slight fracture in the corner; but it has injured it very little.

In my letter of the 22d of may I mentioned that Hercules was to go on to Mount Vernon a few days after that. When he was about to go, somebody, I presume, insinuated to him that the motive for sending him home so long before you was expected there, was to prevent his taking the advantage of a six months residence in this place. When he was possessed of this idea he appeared to be extremely unhappy—and altho’ he made not the least objection to going; yet, he said he was mortified to the last degree to think that a suspicion could be entertained of his fidelity or attachment to you. and so much did the poor fellow’s feelings appear to be touched that it left no doubt of his sincerity—and to shew him that there were no apprehensions of that kind entertained of him, Mrs Washington told him he should not go at that time; but might remain ’till the expiration of six months and then go home—to prepare for your arrival there. He has accordingly continued here ’till this time, and tomorrow takes his departure for Virginia.
The Gentleman to whom you sold your Kanawa Lands is now in this place, and told me yesterday that he had purchased a Seat called Springsbury situated between Bush Hill & Mr Morris’ farm—and from another quarter I was informed he was to give eight thousand pounds for it with about 65 acres of land. This looks as if there was some confidence placed in him, and is a virtual contradiction of some accounts which I had the honor to transmit to you. He tells me it is his intention to build pretty extensively upon that place, in order to receive & accommodate such French Gentlemen as may come over here with their families to settle in the Western County (of whom he says he expects a considerable number this summer) until the Gentlemen can go out into that Country with their settlers & make such accommodations for their Ladies & children as will prevent those severe inconveniencies which have already been felt by some who have carried their families into the wilderness without having any previous accommodations made for them. He further says that for several years hence he shall find it necessary for him to be nearly half the time in this part of the Country in order to fecilitate the arrangements which he shall make for his settlements, and that this is another cause for becoming a purchaser here. I hope too many plans may not prove injurious to him.
In a vessel which arrived from Havre de Grace last week was

a quantity of wine which Mr Jefferson had ordered for your use & his own. But as he is still out of town it cannot be divided till his return which is expected the latter part of this week.
We have lately experienced a spell of excessive hot weather for the season. The Thermomiter stood for 5 days between 87 & 90 degrees. Since that time we have been favored with abundant & refreshing showers which have cheered the heart of the farmer and braced up the relaxed frame of the citizen. The prospect of Crops is very pleasing hereabouts. In Jersey the Hessian fly is said again to have made its ravages in the wheat.
On the 1st Instant, at the request of the Secretary of the Treasury, I delivered to him Commissions filled up with the following persons-—viz.
Drury Ragsdale, as Inspector of the Revenue for Survey No. 1 in the district of Virginia.
Edward Stevans, as ditto for Survey No. 2. in do.
Mayo Carrington, as ditto for Survey No. 3. in do.
Thomas Newton, as ditto for Survey No. 4. in do.
Edward Smith, as ditto for Survey No. 5. in do.
James Brackenridge, as Inspector for Survey No. 6 in ditto.
As the Secretary of State was absent when the seal of the United States was affixed to these Commissions they were not countersigned by him as is customary. This, however, does not make them less valid.
Mrs Lear Joins me in sentiments of respect & gratitude for you & sincere prayers for the preservation of your health—and a continuation of your happiness.
Mr Dandridge arrived here yesterday and is this day to be inoculated for the small pox, as a person who has not had it would be unsafe in this City for a single day. With the highest respect & most sincere attachment I have the honor to be Sir, Your obliged & grateful servt

Tobias Lear.


Title: To George Washington from Pierce Butler, 6 June 1791
From: Butler, Pierce
To: Washington, George

Dear Sir
Charleston [S.C.] June the 6th 1791

soon after Your departure I received the inclosed letter from Genoa —it came under Cover of one to me that I send with it—If You shall at any time hereafter think proper to Nominate a Consul at Genoa I believe the person in question as elligible as any foreigner to be got. He is very strongly recommended to me by the first Banker in that City; and by other respectable persons.
I beg leave to mention to You, that I had early in the second Session of Congress wrote to Itally and Holland for information on the subject of public Loans to the United States; to those letters I have only now received explicit answers; from these I have the fullest Conviction that Loans may be obtained for the United States on more Advantageous terms than are proposed by the Commissners in Holland to Mr Short; and which they by letter inform me that He has agreed to. I mention this for Your own information only—not wishing to have my Name spoken of in this business, because it woud in future prevent the Commissioners in Holland from Communicating to me as freely as they do at present, the State of Money transactions there—When I have the honor of seeing You I will shew You the proposals made to me from a Quarter that admits of no doubt.
I hope Sir You get well Home and feel no inconvenience from

Your Journey. I have the honor to be, with great respect and sincere Attachment—Dear sir Yr Most Obedt humble servant

P. Butler.


Title: To George Washington from Henry Knox, 6 June 1791
From: Knox, Henry
To: Washington, George

Sir,
War Department [Philadelphia], June 6th 1791.

On the 30th of the last month I had the honor to submit to you, a general view of the Affairs in my department—Nothing material has occurred since.
The frontiers seem to be quiet—Major General Butler in a letter dated at Fort Pitt, on the 22d ultimo says “that a boat has this day arrived up the river in 22 days from Fort Washington without seeing one Savage or meeting the least molestation on the passage.”
Mr Brown in a letter dated at Danville on the 26th of April says, “the plan of the expedition meets with universal approbation throughout the district, and the proposed number of Volunteers are already engaged. The board will again meet at this place on the 2d of May, to appoint and commission Officers, and to make final arrangements for putting the army in motion—General Scott will take the command, and unless countermanded will be in readiness to march upon the 12th or 15th of May—Doctor O’Fallon’s schemes have all blown up, not one man will join him from this Country.”

I have heard nothing from or of Colonel Procter since the 8th of April, as mentioned in my former letter.
I am apprehensive that his delay may interfere with, and retard General Scott’s expedition. But I hope that General St Clair will not permit it to be suspended too long.
The recruiting service still continues to languish in the eastern States—But in the States from Connecticut westward, recruits are obtained in greater numbers—from this State eastward, about Two hundred and fifty regulars are recruited, and additions are daily making to the number. Those in this City, will march in day or two, and those in New Jersey, about one hundred, will march next week—Those more east are ordered to move forward as fast as a company shall be collected at any rendezvous.
The upper battalion of the Levies of this State are nearly completed according to General Butler’s account—The number of Fifteen hundred at least, which I mentioned in my last will in all probability be marched in the course of the present month—This number is exclusively of those recruits who marched during the months of April and May—I have the honor to be Sir With perfect Respect Your most Obedt hume servt

H. Knoxsecy of War


Title: To George Washington from William Stephens Smith, 6 June 1791
From: Smith, William Stephens
To: Washington, George

Sir
New York June 6 1791

It becomes my duty to state to the President, that when I visited England the last winter, I noticed a very great change in the Public opinion, relative to the situation of affairs of my country, since I had the honor of residing their in a Public capacity, and in every company found the subject dwelt on in a flattering manner, except in one or two cases—when Merchants who had experienced injury from & obliquely reflecting on the subject of Legislative interference between the creditor and debtor—but even on this point I found them attentive, while not unsucsesfully I endeavoured to palliate the circumstances, and relieve the general government of my Country from the operation of opinions too hastily formed as to their countenancing such arrangements, or having any agency in their existance or operation. Without entering too minutely into a detail of those conversations, I shall take the Liberty of presenting Copies of such

Letters and notes as passed between me and several respectable Gentlemen, on subjects which may not be uninteresting; I shall take the Liberty of accompanying them with such observations only, as may tend to elucidate the objects they had in view and the circumstances which produced them.
It may not be improper here to remark, that I have received more Polite attention as an American, from some of the first characters in England during the Last Winter, than for the whole 3 years of my former public residence—this in some degree tended to lead me into a greater expence than I had Calculated on, considering the real object of my excursion, and greater than I should have wished to have been exposed to as a private gentleman. But having long been in the habits of sacrificing my private fortune to the service of my country, I could not restrain the disposition of carrying it still a little further, particularly as by submitting to it in the Present case, such information might be obtained, as might be serviceable to the President in his public station, and tend to relieve his mind from some uncertainty on those unexplained and apparantly rather jarring points, between America and Great Britain.
In the course of a few weeks after my arrival in London I was very earnestly solicited to wait on the Minister Mr Pitt or Lord Grenville, But this I pointedly declined, upon the principle of my appearing in London, in no other capacity than that of a private Gentleman, pursuing his private affairs, I was told, they had expressed a great desire to see me, and that my visit would be acceptable; I acknowledged myself complimented by this communication, and said, “that neither for my country nor myself, having any objects in view, that would Justify the apparent advance, I considered the step, as being a greater commitment on the part of my country than any private individual had a right to make, and as it related to myself; I wished rather to avoid the observations that such a visit might expose me to, both on the one & the other side of the atlantic; But however I observed, if any of the Gentlemen in the administration of England wished to see me, and they thought proper to communicate in writing that wish, and had been led to suppose that a private individual of that country merited such a mark of their attention—The great respect I entertained of the present administration would not permit me to pass by the communication unnoticed,”

some considerable time passed, without being marked with any other circumstance than numberless visits and invitations, tending to interrupt my private pursuits in such a manner as to deprive me of the ability of returning in the March packett as I wished. But having perfectly embraced the objects of my visit, I made arrangements to sail in the april packet, agreeably to my communication to the President, in December Last. After I had taken leave of my friends accordingly, Mr Colquhoun a Gentleman at the Head of the manufacturing interests of England, and from whom I had received many marks of friendship and civility, called on me, and said “since I had been in London he had had several interviews with Mr Dundas, and other Gentlemen in administration, who he knew would be disappointed if I left London without their seeing me, that the present convulsed state of European affairs so fully engrossed their attention, that they had frequently lamented that it had not been in their power to pay me those civilities which (they were pleased to say) from various circumstances they thought me entitled to” He then read me a copy of a note which he had sent to Mr Dundas; and haveing requested he would favour me with a copy of it, I have the honor of submitting the perusal of it to the President marked No. 1. I passed that evening being the 5th of April with the Honourable Mr Pultney of Bath House Picadilly, intending it as my last visit previous to my departure, which I had arranged for the next day, that I might be in time for the Packet at falmouth which was to sail on Saturday the 9th our conversation was chiefly political and without entering into a detail of It I shall only say, that I flatter myself that I had constantly in view the honor & dignity of my Country Her attachment to peaceble systems and the reluctance that she would feel at being obliged (from the injustice and cross-grained Politicks of Britain) to take any steps in the vindication of her own honor or the security of her frontiers, which at the present juncture might tend further to embarrass England and perhaps finally force America to throw herself into a Political scale decidedly inimical to the interests of Great Britain, he also, expressed great anxiety on the prospect of my leaveing England previous to the ministers having seen me, and was solicitous that I should postpone my voyge untill the May Packett, and was so pointedly pressing on the subject, that I was obliged to say, I would consider

of it, and let him know my determination in the morning and took my leave, The enclosed No. 2 is a Copy of what I addressed to him the next morning, and at 3 OClock in the afternoon Mr Pultney paid me a visit, informing me that he had just received a Letter from Lord Grenville one of the Principal Secretaries of state, which he gave me, upon my requesting permission to take a copy of it, he said the original was at my service it is marked No. 3. He then asked me if I could make it convenient to wait on his Lordship at the time mentioned, I told him I most certainly would, As I should think myself unpardonable in not makeing every return in my power to his polite communications at the same time requesting, that his Lordship might perfectly understand that by waiting untill saturday, I should risk the Loss of my passage, unless he should think proper to guard me from this inconvenience by an order to the Post office that the Packet should not leave me, about 5 OClock, I received a note from Mr Pultney containing one from Lord Grenville, marked No. 4 I consequently postponed my departure untill saturday, when agreeably to the wish of Lord Grenville, I waited on him at his house at St James.s—Upon being introduced he was pleased to express himself obliged by my attention to his request, made thro’ Mr Pultney & said “that he had, had several conversations with that gentleman & others Lately, on the subject of affairs between Great Britain and The United states of America, and that it was his wish not only in his private capacity, but as one of the Ministers of England; and He could assure me, a similar wish pervaded the cabinet that some amicable arrangements might take place between the 2 Countries, if their Mutual interests be examined with a frindly eye, and every point between them, explained and adjusted upon principles equally advantageous—he did not doubt that during the time I had been in England, I had noticed that the national wish fully corresponded with what he then declared to be the disposition of the present Administration, that they viewed with pleasure the rising dignity of America, and was happy to find the foundation so well Laid in a firm, wise, and Liberal Constitution, one that appeared to him, wisely calculated, to promote the happiness of America, and furnish its government with the ability of carrying into effect, any Arrangement that under it, they might consider themselves, authorised to make—that from the communications

  that had been made to him, since my arrival in England, by some Gentleman who were in habits of intimacy with me, he had early expressed a wish to see me, and was extreamly sorry, that my departure was to be so sudden, and that it had not been in his power to see me sooner, owing to the pressure of the Present Political affairs of Europe, which so engrossed the attention of Ministers that they had scarcely time to think on other subjects, he hoped however, that America nourished equally friendly dispositions towards England, and that some means might be fallen upon at Least to unite them again in the bonds of frindship”—I answered that “his Lordship communication thro’ Mr Pultney to a private Citizen of America was so extreamly polite and complimentaray, that it became incumbent on me as a Gentleman, to make the return I then did, by attending his Lordships appointment and acknowledged myself much obliged by the care he was pleased to take in the detention of the Packet—that I should not in consequence of this interview be obliged to wait the sailing of the next—that I could scar[c]ely harbour a thought, that the Ministers of Great Britain had any room to doubt of the friendly dispositions of the United States of America, particularly when they took a retrospective view of the conduct of America at the conclusion of the war, when she came forward by her Ministers, expressing her dispositions to examine and arrange upon liberal Principles all disagreeable points between the two Nations, that her Minister remained at the court of St James.s for 3 years and finally was obliged to return without having fulfilled the objects of his mission and not very favourably impressed with Ideas of the friendly intentions of England, towards the United States—That his Lordship must doubtless recollect, that the ostensible reason on the part of the ministers of England, why the friendly advances on the part of America were not at that time attended to, was, and it was publickly given, ‘that they did not conceive the then Government of America sufficiently coercive to carry into effect their engagements,[’] this answer at the time did not appear overcharged with delicacy particularly, when other Nations of Europe with Whom America had made engagements did not complain, but found her Government fully competent to carry into effect every arrangement they had made, that under these circumstances America had no other alternative consistant with that dignity of

Character, which it was her intention to support, but to wait untill England by her Minister, inform’d her, that she was satisfied with the Ability, and Honourable intentions of the government & rulers in America to fulfill their engagements, and that she was disposed to enter into an investigation of the affairs of the respective nations, and to make such establishments as might appear consistant with the real interests of each—That I felt no diffidence in declaring as a private Gentleman, somewhat acquainted with the dispositions of my countrymen, that as soon as England should think proper to take this step she would meet with every return of civility from the Government of the United states of America, that could be wished, but that the Ministers of England might not deceive themselves, I seriously thought that no other step could Lead to it, for they could not expect a second advance on the part of America, when the circumstances under which the first was made, and the causes that put a period to it, were fairly considered—” His Lordship Said “they had already determined to send a minister to America that Mr Elliot had been called to proceed to the United States in that Capacity, but a Letter had been received from him within a few days, declining the appointment, from some private reasons, and that ministry, were then in quest of some proper character, one that would be agreeable to the President & Legislature of America, and that as soon as they had fixed upon the Gentleman, no time would be lost in his makeing arrangements for an immediate departure, that he was sorry it was not from this Circumstance in his power to inform me, at what time he might be decidedly expected in America, but that he thought he might with safety say, it would not exceed 2 or 3 months, and observed, that it would be very agreeable if ⟨I⟩ would be so oblidging as to say what kind of Character would be most acceptable in America, and by what means a good understanding might be spedily produced, supposing it probable, that opposition was to be expected from those attached to a french party, who he had been informed were very strong in America”—I answerd, that “his Lordship appearing disposed to enter with great freedom, and with a very flattering degree of Confidence into this Conversation I should without reserve communicate to him my Ideas on the subjects he mentioned, in full Confidence, that they would be received with the same Liberallity and candour, with which

they were given, that it was a truth strongly impressed upon my mind, that most of the disagreeable points which had been raised and still existed between the United States of America and Great Britain, proceeded from a total want of Just information, relative to the real situation of affairs of that country, and of the principles that governed its people, or perhaps in some cases too great a disposition, in the former administrations of England, to believe, that nothing honourable, great, or dignified, could possibly issue from thence as a Source, the particular Class of Character in England who advocated this opinion, and the information of those on the other side the Atlantic upon which it was founded, could not be unknown to his Lordship—that it was a Circumstance Americans were at this present moment Lamented yet also excited their Astonishment that notwithstanding the freedom of intercourse between the 2 Countries, the affairs of America were even at present, by no means understood in England—that with respect to his first question, In my opinion the Minister sent from England to America to be agreeable to the Latter, should be a man of a fair mind and unblemished reputation, one whose character had never been committed in the late Contests between us & who from thence might at least be supposed capable, of makeing honourable and Just statements to the British court of what he notices in America worthy of Communication, that as I could not suppose England had any objects in view, relative to America at which a perfectly honourable and fair Character would hesitate in negotiating I supposed such a Character would be equally as agreeable to England as to America, and as america was in pursuit of no systems either foreign or domestic but such as Justice would warrant, She would not hesitate at haveing those pursuits examined by a Liberal and candid eye, neither with such a Character would she object at entering into a friendly Examination of the points to be discussed between the respective nations and in short, that a purely British Character, appeared to me the only one in a diplomatic point of view, which the one could promise themselves any advantage in employing, or the other feel its itself perfectly at ease in negotiating with, that with respect to the means by which a good understanding might be spedily produced, and the hint his Lordship was pleased to throw out, on the subject of a french Party in America & which I had before

heard spoken of, it might not be improper, in explaining the only means which in my mind could produce the good understanding wished for, a Little to contrast the conduct of England, and france relative to America, the opposition alluded to, was doubtless a matter clearly to be calculated on, that there were parties in America, might be readily allowed without the shadow of reflection, and that they consistd of the Principal Leading men in the country, one set very numerous, powerful and respectable in favour of France & another not so numerous or powerful, but Perhaps individually equally ⟨res⟩pectable in favour of England, and the 3rd was composed of that Class ⟨of⟩ americans who had attached themselves singly to the American Character unbiased by french or english Systems, excepting that which honor Justifies, and the strictest adherence to engagements require, that they could look with a friendly eye both on the one & the other but thier attachments were to there Country independent of Party, they reguarded measures and not men. That the french party (the term being made use of simply in contrast) was of course solicitous to strengthen itself by the Assistance and Countenance of France in order if possible to acquire the ascendency, while the english party is equally solicitous to acquire a preeminence through the medium of the same Countenance and attention from England—That the national Assembly of france notwithstanding the present supposed Confusion of their affairs, aware of this circumstance and the growing consequence of America as a source for the Consumption of Manufactures had already manifested a desire to Cultivate (in addition to their past acts of friendship) a Closer friendship and connection with America, by the Late appointment of Colo. Ternant as their Minister Plenipotentiary to the United States, a Gentleman of Abilities and popular in America, from the circumstance of his having served with the reputation of A Gentleman and a Soldier thro’ the whole of the war in the American army—That while France was thus strengthening her friends in America by acts of friendship and Attention to the United States, England was decidedly loosing ground by that species (perhaps) of unintentional neglect, which in the present state of political contention, if not soon remedied, might be productive of much injury, if not annihilation to the British interest in America, That the friends to this interest wished [(]& the third party mentioned,

Join them decidedly here) to see England come forward by her minister and manifest a desire (now the American Government was fully organized) to discuss all points of difference relative to a compliance with the late treaty of peace as a primary essential, that all matters of varience on either side, might be finally adjusted agreeably to the principles of Good Faith an National Justice, which doubtless was the intention of the parties at the time it was concluded; That after these points relative to the Late Treaty of Peace should be thus amicable adjusted and settled, The Friends of Great Britain and America would wish that a more friendly intercourse might take place, by means of a Treaty of Commerce, by which those disagreeable fluctuations in the duties upon British ships and British Manufactures might be done away, and the subjects of Great Britain treated in America in all respects as a most favoured nation, which was not the case at present, and would not be the case, untill there was a commercial Treaty between the two Countries—That by this means only, the duties on British Goods and British Shipping, would be fixed, never to exceed a certain rate—Greater facilities would be given to the collection of debts and to the transactions of merchants—The Power of consuls would be defined and the office rendered useful on both sides, which also could not be effected but by an explicit treaty—Many other regulations useful to both countries might be established; when the various objects which must compose a Treaty between two Countries so Circumstanced as Great Britain and The United States of America, come into full discussion, the result of which would probably be, to secure to Great Britain a preeminence in the American trade, over every other Country in Europe and to render those advantages permanent—That many Circumstances in the affairs of the United states of America pressed exceedingly at present for an almost immediate decission on the part of Great Britain before new difficulties arose, from some Loose operating causes or from the intrigues of rival nations—That it would be doubtless of advantage to the British interests in America, if All Public Characters, sent to that Country as was before Observed on the particular subject of Ministers, were men of whose characters had not been committed in the Late war, but above all, that, the office of Minister and Consul General, should be filled with pure British Characters—That as the connection between

Great Britain and America must be principally commercial, a Character should be fixed on for Consul General, who had not only some Local knowledge of the commerce of America but also Local & if possible practical knowledge of the trade of Great Britain and the other countries in Europe, so far as related to their commerce and intercourse with the United Stat⟨es⟩—Such Characters would acquire a preeminence over most foreign Consuls, while it would enable them by prudence and good Judgement to reconcile to the American mind, many apparent difficulties—which without extensive Commercial Knowledge it might be often impossible to overcome, that in a country like America which was merely agricultural and commercial and where the trade was carried on by British merchants and natives of Great Britain in every state in the Union, it would seem to be a matter of the greatest consequence to england to establish an accurate consular system with a superintending consul of extensive knowledge and Abilities, whos⟨e⟩ attention would of course be directed to the rise and progress of the Trade between the two countries, and who by the exercise of good Judgement watching every event, might be able to suggest useful hints for rendering the intercourses more beneficial between two Countries whose Language, manners Education & Tastes so perfectly assimulate as those of Great Britain and the United States of America.”
His Lordship Said “He perfectly agreed with me with respect to the discription of Characters proper to fill the offices mentioned, but that Candour Obliged him to state, and he spoke as the minister of England that, that part of the Treaty of peace, which related to the Military posts on the frontiers, must become a subject of discussion, as it was not only of great importance to the fur trade of England, and embraced a very respectable part of the Commercial and manufacturing interest of the kingdom but that the subject was also closely connected with the security of the frontiers of Canada and of their influence over the natives, that as to the natives he was very sorry to find The Government of the United States carrying on vigorous hostile measures against them, that in consequence of it the British trade had been very materially effected the two Last seasons & would be totally destroyed unless some measures were taken, to accommodate the differences, and that he had noticed some

observations in a late American Paper tending to impress the public mind with opinions, that England countenanced the depredations of the savages on the frontier—which gave him some uneasiness, for he could with truth assure me that the Cabinet of England disclaimed the Idea in the present Situation, but it was his duty to make this impression, that England could not with perfect indifference, see a tribe of indians extirpated, from whom they received such advantages, without endeavouring in some degree to shelter them, but he flattered himself, with the expectation that America would not proceed to too great extremities on this subject”—I must candidly acknowledge to the President that these Last observations produced in me a glow, and roused some former professional feelings, but these being from various circumstances in some measure checked, I answered in such a manner, as fully to convince the minister, that tho on mild questions, I was disposed to cultivate as much benevolence and friendship as the pursuits of peace and tranquility could look for, still on others I nourished feelings capable of meeting points less amicably marked, and in the way (as I think) they ought always to be encountered.
With respect to an investigation of the principles of the Treaty I answerd, “that I had not an Idea that my country, would discover any reluctance in entering into any investigations that should be properly presented by a minister, always haveing in view the perfect fulfilment of the Treaty, in such a manner, as not to bear hard upon either of the contracting parties, or to wound the feeling of either in the explanation of any of the articles of which it was composed, but in this pursuit I doubted not, but the negotiating minister, would be fully convinced, that the fur Trade of England might perhaps be rather benifited than checked, by withdrawing their troops within their own proper Limits—and that in consequence of it, and the rapid encreasing settlements of the frontier of America, that respectable part of the commercial and manufacturing interests of England which his Lordship was pleased to allude to, would be rather extended than injured, and that the connection the subject had with the security of the frontiers of Canada absolutely invited the removal, for then the troops and inhabitants of the United States together with the intermediate lakes would form an insurmountable barrier, between the present belligerent Savages and

the British inhabitants both of upper and lower Canada and that it might possibly be a point which america would not object to to enter into a defensive treaty with England as far as it would relate to mutual security against the savages or the frontiers of their respective territories—that with respect to the present hostilities between the United states of America and the Miami tribes of Indians, I doubted not but my Country would readily confide in the assurance his Lordship was pleased to make that the government of Great Britain totally disclaimed the Idea of at present aiding or abetting those Savages in the depredations they had made and were still makeing on some defenceless parts of the American frontier; That I believed those at the head of the Government of America entertained too favourable an opinion of the Characters of the present administration of England to suspect them of being capable, of countenanceing such inhuman and barbarous incursions—but that when in the packs and Haversacks of Indians slain in battle, were found British provisions, it was impossible to ascertain, whether it was procured from the British Garrisons in way of Barter for furs or other articles of indian traffic or whether it was supplyed for the purpose of enabling them to carry on the expedition, in Which those individuals had fallen a Sacrifice, that when those circumstances happened to a printer it might Justify the observations made and the Paragraphs published in the papers to which his Lordship alluded, but I believed he would not Suspect any gentleman in the administration of the Government of America could for a moment believe that the ministers of England could be capable of such measures—That as his Lordships observations pressed on the conduct of America, towards those Savages, I felt no diffidence in asserting that the Conduct of the United States towards the Savages on their frontiers was more strongly marked with Justice & benevolence than that of any power who had ever yet come in contact with them, that this assertion was founded on treaties already made with other tribes, and on simular offers extended with the hand of benevolence to those very indians to whom his lordship alluded, that America was willing at any period to make peace with them upon those express principles, which had produced tranquility to every other nation, and of which she might rather boast than be ashamd and that she felt herself perfectly competent not only to chastise, but even

if necessary to extirpate; still she would blush at excercising that power unless authorised by necessity and preceded by every consiliatory proposal that Justice could warrant or the Circumstances of the case admit of—That the war was by no means sought on our part, but being forced into it for the security of our settlements and protection of our frontiers, and in every stage of its progress continuing to hold in one hand mild and honourable terms of peace, while the other grasped the necessary weapons of war, it would be be rather probable that we should pursue the war, with vigour, untill peace the only object of it, was obtained, rather than check those exertions under any apprehension that England would side with Savages in such a cause, particularly if Ministers would but give themselves the trouble of Examining the question and weighing the principles of those treaties I alluded to, but even if they should think proper to take the side hinted at—America could only act one uniform part, Viz. being satisfied of the Justness of her Career and the integrity of her intentions she doubtless would pursue her measures with firmness and leave the event[”]—His Lordship asked me if I could favour him with a perusal of those treaties, I told him [“]I could, they were in the Possession of Mr Colqhoun, & I would request him to send them to his Lordship,” He observed he would be glad to peruse them and was “perfectly disposed to think well of the pursuits of the United States, and to nourish every favourable disposition, that he sought this interview that I might on my return to my country communicate to the President of the United states the real friendly dispositions of the Ministers of Great Britain and of the Nation at Large towards him and the Country over which he presided”—He then brought forward the present Constitution of Canada, which after conversing on some time we parted and I immediately set off for Falmouth, where I found the Packet waiting my arrival—There are several other points, than those I have here related, which may be calculated upon to be embrac’d on the propositions which may be expected on the arrival of the English Minister; which tho they were brought forward in a Less pointed manner and in conversations with other persons besides Lord Grenville, still doubtless are such, as we shall find them much Attached to, and perhaps worthy of some deliberate previous Considerations, but this Letter is spun out to such an unreasonable

Length that I am apprehensive I have already trespassed too much on the Presidents time and patience, therefore shall not proceed further than to state, that haveing thus communicated the opinions and dispositions of the present administration of England as received from one of the principal Secretaries of State; it may not be improper to assure the President that what is called the opposition, nourish equally friendly opinions. on the evening of the 8th of April when the new Constitution of Canada was introduced by the Minister, Mr Fox in opposing the bill among other reasons said “That the situation of Canada, with regard to the united States of America was also a reason why they should be very careful to extend to them every advantage they were capable of receiving. It was proved by fatal example unless Canada was restrained by the wish of the People, it would be in vain for them to think of restraining it by coertion. Prejudices had now so far subsided that he might freely confess, that the constitution and Government of America was of a structure, more likely to make a people happy and flourishing than any other that was ever Established in the world either Ancient or Modern. It behoved the house therefore to provide that the people of Canada should never have occation to contemplate with envy the situation of their neighbours, but that they should remain subjects of Britain by choice, founded on the experience of the superior advantage derived from it”—The President will doubtless perceive, that the Language adopted by me in the course of my communication with Lord Grenville was perfectly consiliatory, and as far as my knowledge of the sentiments of the people goes, I took the Liberty of concluding that they were favourable to a Liberal Commercial connection with Great Britain and considered myself as conforming to their dispositions in using such a stile of expression as appeared to me calculated, to excite favourable dispositions in the person to whom my discource was addressed. If however, my Zeal on any of the points here stated may have carried me on the one side or the other, too far, it must be recollected that it can in no point of view be considered as a committment of my country or the opinion of its rulers, but merely a committment of the opinion of a private individual who as he thinks it his duty to do, freely submitts them to the perusal of The President of The United States and with as much Candour as they were given to Lord Grenville

when sought for by him. With sentiments of the highest respect, I have the honour to be the Presidents most Obedient and very Humble Servant

W. S. Smith


Title: To George Washington from Robert Troup, 6 June 1791
From: Troup, Robert
To: Washington, George

  New York, 6 June 1791. As an officer of the federal court for the New York district, he has observed the conduct of Justus Bush Smith as deputy marshal both before and during his brother’s absence and states “with the strictest regard to truth, that Mr Smith has ever appeared to me to have been upright, vigilant, active and firm in the discharge of the several duties incumbent upon him;” he does not hesitate to declare that Smith “is in every respect well qualified to execute the office of Marshal of this District,” recommending him “in the strongest terms, to your faverable notice.”


Title: To George Washington from Henry Knox, 8 June 1791
From: Knox, Henry
To: Washington, George

Sir,
War Department [Philadelphia] June 8th 1791.

Colonel Procter has just arrived in this City by the way of Fort Pitt—He was unable to go forward to the Western Indians without an escort of the six nations—He could have obtained such an escort after counselling with them at Buffaloe Creek, from the 23d of April, until the 15th of May—But the Indians could not proceed either in Canoes along the lake, or by land, but required a vessel—He applied to Colonel Gordon, commanding Officer at Niagara for a vessel either public or private, for which he would pay, but he could not obtain one. The design therefore of inviting the hostile Indians to peace, previously to striking them, has been frustrated.
Brant with thirty Warriors having Girty, and McGee with him, set out from Grand River, to the Western indians about the 1 ith of May—The Senekas say that his design is peace—That he will return in June to the treaty at the painted Post—That in that case one half the Chiefs will attend at the painted Post, and the other go forward to oblige the Western indians to peace.
The Cornplanter continues his attachment to the United States, but he is exceedingly suspected by Brant’s people who are in an opposite interest—the six Nations are for peace.
Colonel Procter transmitted from Fort Pitt, a full account of his proceedings to General St Clair—He will therefore be no longer in doubt about pushing forward the Kentucky expedition.
Colonel Procter has not made a written Report yet—but he will soon do it—I have thought it proper to submit the substance of his Mission to you. I have the honor to be With the highest Respect Sir, Your most Obedt hum. servt

H. Knox


Title: To George Washington from Benjamin Lincoln, 10 June 1791
From: Lincoln, Benjamin
To: Washington, George

  Boston, 10 June 1791. Recommends for any “opening in the public line” Francis Cabot, his aide during the disorders of 1787 in Massachusetts, “a Gentleman of information & of great probity,” who “has justly merited the esteem & confidence of a very extensive acquaintance” and is “a Gentleman of a respectable family, brother to Mr Cabot one of our Senators in Congress.” Cabot “left this part of the Union, the last year, with an intention to establish him self at Georgetown in the commercial line; he finds his business small and that more difficulties attend his introduction than he expected.”


Title: From George Washington to Tobias Lear, 11 June 1791
From: Washington, George
To: Lear, Tobias

Dear Sir,
Fredericksburgh [Va.] June 1[1]th 1791

Yesterday we arrived at this place in good health, but with horses much worn down. To morrow I expect to reach Mt Vernon—where, even if my horses were able to proceed, I am obliged to remain until the 27th instant—the day appointed by me at the last meeting, to meet the Commissioners at George town, in order to fix on the spot for the public buildings, and for other purposes, arising from the residence Act.
I have, at this place, received your letter of the 30th Ulto; but none of an intermediate date between that of the 15th and it. Your directions to have them sent cross-wise the Country, was unlucky—first, because there are no cross-posts. 2d because my rout back was not irrevocably fixed—and 3d because I had, knowing these circumstances, directed from Charleston all letters which might be following me, to be returned to this place to await my call. The slow movement of the Mail in the three Southern States prevented (I presume) these directions getting to Richmond before the letters were forwarded to Taylors ferry—& my crossing at Carters (a ferry much higher up James River) has been the cause, or causes, I imagine, of my missing them.
Being interrupted by visitors, I shall postpone until I arrive at Mt Vernon, further communications; the principal, indeed the only purpose of this letter being, to advise you of my arrival at this place, and of my intended stay at Mount Vernon, for the reason which I have assigned. My best wishes attend you, Mrs Lear & the Child; and I am sincerely & affectionately Yrs

Go: Washington


Title: To George Washington from Tobias Lear, 12 June 1791
From: Lear, Tobias
To: Washington, George

Sir,
Philadelphia June 12th 1791

I flatter myself that this letter will either find you at Mount Vernon, or meet you there in a very few days. In either case, I hope I may be so happy as to congratulat you upon a safe return from your southern excursion.
The day before yesterday a Drayman brought 14 Cases of wine here marked G.W. which he said were from on board a vessel which had arrived from Charleston S.C.—There was no letter, bill of lading or any other paper accompanying them, and I have not yet been able to learn by whom, or by whose desire they were sent. They were, however, received & taken care of. The wine which Mr Jefferson sent for to France on your account has likewise arrived; but as the packages all came marked in Mr Jefferson’s name, I did not think proper to have any of them brought here until Mr Jefferson’s return from his Eastern tour, when he will be able to make a proper division of it, (as I understood him before his departure that a part of the wines which might arrive was for himself.) It was therefore all put into his Cellar.
Mr Fentham, with whom George & Lawrence board, gave me notice a few days ago that he did not think it would be in his power to accommodate them much longer, as he was placed in a very disagreeable situation by two of his boarders, young Gentlemen from Maryland, having left him without paying off their Account of board, which had been of a long standing, and upon which he depended to enable him to dis-charge some debts which were chiefly contracted for the supply of his house of which these young gentlemen had partaken. He expected his Creditors would come upon him immediately & the consequences would be very disagreeable. He thought he should be obliged at least to break up house-keeping. As I had about the middle of April, (at his earnest request) advanced him a quarter’s

board for George & Lawrence—which quarter will not expire ’till the latter part of this month, I had it not in my power to afford him any relief by a payment on their Acct—and I did not feel authorized to make any further advances even if he had requested it. I immediately acquainted Doctor Smith with these circumstances & requested his assistance in providing other lodgings for Geo. & Lawce in Case Mr Fentham should not be able to keep them. The Doctor told me he did not consider Mr Fentham’s case in so desperate a light as he did himself, and that he intended to request the College Treasurer to advance so much of his salary as would enable him to satisfy his Creditors and that he might then go on as he had done. But if it should finally so be that Mr Fentham could not continue them, there would be no difficulty in providing suitable lodgings for them, and that he would take care to give me timely information of a proper place. On this ground the matter rested ’till last evening, when George informed me that Mr Fentham intended to remove in a short time to Maryland where he had an advantageous offer of a School & a Parish. Should he carry his intentions into effect I shall then refer to Dr Smith’s offer of providing a place for them. They both express themselves very well satisfied with the fare & treatment which they have met with at Mr Fentham’s.
Washington has been detained from School this week past by the Chicken pox which he has had pretty severely—and which I expect will keep him at home most of the present week. The early commencement of the vacation (about the middle or latter part of July) with these interruptions, will not allow time to form an opinion of the effects of any new regulations which may have been formed in his School, before he goes to Virginia.
It is here a great subject of inquiry when you will be in this place; but nobody is able say further than that it is probable you will be here towards the last of the month. Mr Brown, however, undertook to fix the 25th of the month in his paper & from him the other printers have taken up that idea.
Some late English papers say that the Attorney General of G. B. has commenced a prosecution agst Mr Paine for some things contained in his Answer to Mr Burke. This, it was expected by many here, would be the case, when they first read his pamphlet, unless Government should be detered from such

a step by an apprehension of its exciting a popular commotion; for the book is said to be read with great avidity and much approbation by a large part of the Community in Great Britain—and almost universally in Ireland.
Mrs Lear unites with me in sentiments of the highest respect & in sincere wishes for your heath & happiness, with a respectful remembrance to all friends at Mt Vernon. I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect & most sincere Attachment, Sir, Your Obliged & Affect. Servt

Tobias Lear.


Title: From George Washington to Alexander Hamilton, 13 June 1791
From: Washington, George
To: Hamilton, Alexander

My Dr sir
Mount Vernon, June 13th 1791.

I am arrived at this place and just in time to acknowledge (in a hasty manner by this days Post—the first opportunity that has offered of writing to Philada since I left Savanna—) the receipt of your private letter of the 17th of April by Mr Smith who lodged it at Cambden, through which it was known my rout would be on my return to the seat of the Government.
Mr Wolcott may be informed that it is my intention to appoint him to the office of Comptroller—With respect to his successor as Auditor, I shall suspend any determination, (if no manifest inconvenience will result from it) until my arrival in Philadelphia, which however is not likely to happen before the 5th or 6th of July as (by appointment at the last meeting) I am to meet

the Commissioners, undr the residence Act on Monday the 27th inst: at Georgetown, and may, for aught I know to the Contrary, be detained there several days; and afterwards must move slowly, on account of the exhausted condition of my horses.
No letters from the Northward or Eastward of this, bearing date between the 15th & 30th of May have come to my hands—and having abundant evidence before I reached Charleston of the slow movements of the Mail through the three Southernmost States, I did, before I left that place—on the 9th of that month direct that all letters which might be for & following me to be returned to Fredericksburgh as the first place I should touch the post line upon my return—But these directions not arriving in Richmond in time (as I conjecture) the letters of that interval, agreeably to the superscriptions which I am informed were on them, were forwarded from that place to Taylors Ferry, in expectation of meeting me there—but to this circumstance, which was unknown to me—and to finding from better information than I set out with, that it would be more convenient to cross James river higher up than at Taylors; is to be ascribed my missing the communications which were made between the 15—& 30. of May as mentioned before. These dispatches I may be long without, & perhaps never get; for there are no cross Posts in those parts and the letters, which will have to pass through many hands, may find some who are not deficient in curiosity.
My return to this place is sooner than I expected; owing to the uninterruptedness of my journey by sickness—from bad weather, or accidents of any kind whatsoever—Having obtained before I left Philadelphia the most accurate account, I could get there, of the places & roads through, & by which I was to perform my tour; and the distances between the former; I formed my line of march accordingly; fixed each days journey & the day to halt; from neither of which have I departed in a single instance, except staying, from a particular circumstance, two days in Columbia, and none at Charlotte, instead of one at each—and crossing James river at Carters ferry in place of Taylors, as was the original intention. But the improbability of performing a tour of 1700 miles (—I have already rode more), with the same set of horses without encountering any accident by which a deviation would be rendered unavoidable appeared so great that I

allowed eight days for casualties, and six to refresh at this place when I should have returned to it—None of the former having happened, account for the 14. days I shall remain here before the meeting with the Commrs; one of whom Mr Johnston chief Justice of the State of Maryland, & living at a pretty considerable distance from Georgetown; having made his arrangements agreeably thereto, would not be able to meet me sooner.
I mention this matter, that if there is anything pressing in either of the Departments, it may be Known where I am. With affectionate regard I am sincerely yours

G: Washington


Title: From George Washington to Thomas Jefferson, 15 June 1791
From: Washington, George
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Sir,
Mount-Vernon, June 15th 1791.

I acknowledged the receipt of your letter of the 2nd of April from Richmond—since which I have only received two letters from you of the 10th of April and 15th of May.
Concluding that some of your dispatches may have been forwarded to Taylor’s ferry (by which route I did not return) I have to request, if that should have been the case, and the communications were of a particular or pressing nature; that duplicates may be addressed to me at Mount-Vernon, where I shall remain until the 27th of the present month, when, by an appointment before I went to the southward, I am to meet the Commissioners at Georgetown. I cannot now determine how long I may be there—but it is probable I shall not make any particular communications to you before my return to Philadelphia.
If the suggestion contained in your letter of the 10th of April, respecting the engravings, can be carried into effect at a moderate expence, I think it may answer a good purpose. I am Sir, Your most obedient Servant

Go: Washington

A letter from Major Shaw, Consul at Canton, of the 7th of December last, with it’s enclosures—and a very unexpected address from some Persons styling themselves, “free people of colour of the Island of Grenada,” are herewith transmitted for your consideration—and your opinions thereon when I see you in Philadelphia.

Go: Washington


Title: From George Washington to Henry Knox, 15 June 1791 [letter not found]
From: Washington, George
To: Knox, Henry

Letter not found: to Henry Knox, 15 June 1791. On 19 June GW referred Knox to “My letter of the 15th inst.”


Title: From George Washington to Tobias Lear, 15 June 1791
From: Washington, George
To: Lear, Tobias

Dear Sir,
Mount Vernon 15th June 1791

Your letter of the 29th ulto I acknowledged the receipt of from Fredericksburgh—since which, another of the 5th instt has been received.
The Commissions for Whitaker and McDowell were properly issued; as those also are, mentd in yr letter of the 5th, and it was on my Mind, that blank Commissions signed by me, were left with you for the Officers of the Revenue Cutters; This not being the case, quere, if there is not a necessity of sending some to me for my signature, as I shall not leave this before the 27th—may be detained at George town two or three days—and must, afterwards, proceed slowly, on acct of the low condition of my horses. The Secretary of the Treasury will be able to decide on this point, & I wish you to act in the matter accordingly as he shall advise you. I find another of the federal Judges (Hopkinson) has by his death occasioned a vacancy in the district of Pennsylvania. As some have, & others unquestionably will apply for the appointment; I wish you would use every indirect means in your power, to ascertain the public opinion with respect to the fittest character as a Successor to Hopkinson. Pursue the same mode to learn who it is thought would fill the present Auditors Office (as he will be appointed Comptroler) with the greatest ability & integrity. Severals have been brought to my view for the Comptrolers place (who I suppose would accept of the Auditors) as able & meritorious characters; among these are the names of Mr Richmond, the present Comptroler or Auditor of Maryland—Colo. Pickering—Mr Kean—Colo. Drayton (a Gentn of So. Carolina[)]—Colo. Forrest and others.
It is hardly to be expected by the Trustees of any College, that complaints will not be made by the parents or friends of the boys who go to it, if they conceive they are neglected; and if Trustees mean to do their duty, & support the reputation of the Siminary, they ought, I am sure, to be thankful for well founded representations

of neglect in the œconomy—police—or inattention of the professors & teachers.
I am glad to hear that the affairs of our own family are going on well—and it might not be improper to hint to the Servants who are with you (before they are joined by those with me) that it will be very idle & foolish in them, to enter into any combinations for the purpose of supplanting those who are now in authority—for the attempt in the first place will be futile & must recoil upon themselves; and because, admitting they were to make the lives of the present Steward & house-keeper so uneasy as to induce them to quit, others would be got to supply their places; and such too, as would be equally, if not more rigid in the exaction of the duties required of Servants. In a word, that these characters are indispensably necessary to take trouble off the hands of Mrs Washington & myself & will be supported; any attempts therefore to counteract them in the line of their duty, whilst they act agreeably to established rules, & their conduct is marked with propriety, will be considered as the strongest evidence they conceive of their own unworthiness, and dispositions to be lazy, if not dishonest. A good & faithful Servant is never affraid, or unwilling to have his conduct looked into, but the reverse; because the more it is inspected, the brighter it shines. With respect to the other matters of a domestic nature—mentioned in your letter of the 5th—I shall postpone touching upon them until I see you. We are suffering in these parts by a severe drought—Grass is scarcely worth cutting—& Oats, if Rain keeps off two or 3 days longer must be ruined—Corn is bad, but it is too early in the year to form an opinion of the yield of it. Remember me to Mrs Lear and be assured of the sincere esteem & friendship of Yr Affecte

Go: Washington


Title: To George Washington from Henry Knox, 16 June 1791
From: Knox, Henry
To: Washington, George

Sir
War Department [Philadelphia], June 16th 1791.

I write this Letter with the hopes of its meeting you at Mount-Vernon in good health, after your long and fatiguing journey.

By information from Fort Pitt of the 9th Inst., the tranquility of the frontiers is very great.
About Eight hundred of the troops have arrived at Fort Pitt, from the 16th of May to the 5th instant—Major General Butler had distributed these troops in such a manner, as to cover the frontiers from Fort Franklin on the Allegany, down to the Great Kenhawa, and so as to dismiss the Militia which had been called out.
All the Regulars enlisted, from this State to Massachusetts, have been ordered forward—They amount to about Three hundred, but it is expected they will have considerable additions.
There are some deficiencies in the battalions of Levies of this State, Jersey and Maryland, which will be completed it is expected in a few days.
The Virginia battalion is full, and marched the 4th inst., excepting a small deficiency occasioned by desertions.
By Colonel Procter’s additional communications, there can be no doubt but that Brant, accompanied by McGee and Girty, has gone to the hostile Indians with the concurrence of the British Officers—and the Indians invariably asserted his object was to effect a peace—If so, the British mean to have the merit of the action, if we could accept of a peace dictated by them.
I do not enter into details, until I shall have the honor to submit them personally to you. I am, Sir, With the highest Respect Your most Obedt hume Servt

H. Knox


Title: From George Washington to Henry Knox, 17 June 1791 [letter not found]
From: Washington, George
To: Knox, Henry

Letter not found: to Henry Knox, 17 June 1791. GW docketed Knox’s official letter of 17 April as answered on 17 June, and Knox wrote on 21 June to GW: “I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your favors, of the 15th and 17th instant.”


Title: From George Washington to Henry Knox, 19 June 1791
From: Washington, George
To: Knox, Henry

Sir,
Mount Vernon June 19th 1791

My letter of the 15th inst. mentioned that I had not received any letters from you between the 15th and the 30 of May—it should have been the 15th of April and 30th of May.
By the last post from the southward I received yours of the 17th of April—which renders a duplicate of that letter unnecessary.
As it appears to be alike requisite to the satisfaction of the public mind and to General Harmar’s honor that the enquiry which he requests should be instituted, I herewith transmit to you his letter to me, with its enclosures, in order that you may give the necessary directions for convening a board of Officers.
Being unacquainted with the state of the subject to which the enclosed letters from Messieurs Foster of Rhode Island relate, I refer them to your consideration. I am Sir your most Obedient servant


Title: To George Washington from Stephen Hall, 20 June 1791
From: Hall, Stephen
To: Washington, George

  Portland [District of Maine] 20 June 1791. Applies for the position of inspector of survey for the District of Maine: “I have so often troubled You with my applications, that I would gladly make even this more concise, lest I become tedious.”


Title: To George Washington from Thomas Jefferson, 20 June 1791
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Washington, George

Sir
Philadelphia June 20. 1791.

I am honoured with yours of the 15th instant, & not a little mortified with the miscarriage of so many of my letters. they have been of the following dates[:]
Mar. 27.
Apr. 2.
Apr. 10.
Apr. 17.
Apr. 24.
May 1.
May 8.
May 15.
June. 5. from Bennington. of these it appears that only the three first & that of May 15. had come to hand, & probably that of

June 5. has been recieved ere this. those of Apr. 17. & 24. & May 1. & 8. were sent, the two first to Charleston, & the two last to Taylor’s ferry. I now send copies of them, tho their contents are not at this time very interesting.
The papers from the free people of colour in Grenada, which you did me the honour to inclose, I apprehend it will be best to take no notice of. they are parties in a domestic quarrel, which I think we should leave to be settled among themselves. nor should I think it desireable, were it justifiable, to draw a body of sixty thousand free blacks & mulattoes into our country. the instructions from the government of the United Netherlands, by which mister Shaw has suffered, merit serious notice. the channel thro which application shall be made is the only difficulty; Dumas being personally disagreeable to that government. however, either thro’ him or some other it should certainly be conveyed.
Mr Remsen had unluckily sent off to New York all my letters on the very day of my arrival here, which puts it out of my power to give you the state of things brought by the last packet. I expect they will be returned tomorrow, & that my next may communicate to you whatever they contain interesting.
I recieved yesterday a letter from Colo. Ternan informing me of his appointment & that he should sail about the latter end of May. the court of Madrid has sent over a Don Joseph Jaudenes as a joint commissioner with de Viar, till a Chargé shall be named. he presented me the letter of Credence from the Count de Florida Blanca when I was at New York. he is a young man who was under Secretary to Mr Gardoqui when here.
Our tour was performed in somewhat less time than I had calculated. I have great hopes it has rid me of my head-ach, having scarcely had any thing of it during my journey. mister Madison’s health is very visibly mended. I left him at New York, meditating a journey as far Eastward as Portsmouth. I have the honor to be with the most respectful attachment, Sir, Your most obedient & most humble servt

Th: Jefferson


Title: To George Washington from Henry Knox, 20 June 1791
From: Knox, Henry
To: Washington, George

Sir.
War-department [Philadelphia], June 20th 1791

I beg leave to congratulate you upon your arrival at Mount Vernon after so lengthy a journey, and at such a sultry season of the year.
Mr Lear has informed me that you did not receive any letters from any of the other secretaries between the 15th and 30th of May, and desired me if any had been written by me during that period to transmit duplicates—But mine of the 30th ultimo of which duplicates were addressed was the first to reach you on your return.
Not having any material information to submit to you in addition to mine of the 16th instant I shall not further intrude upon you by this post—But if any thing of importance should occur previously to your arrival, I shall have the honor to inform you thereof. I have the honor to be Sir, with the highest respect, Your most obedt and very humble Servant

H. Knox


Title: To George Washington from Pierre-Charles L’Enfant, 22 June 1791
From: L’Enfant, Pierre Charles
To: Washington, George

sir
George town [Md.] jun 22. 1791

In framing the plan, here anexed, for the Intended federal City I regreted much being induced by the shortness of time from making any particular drawing of the several buildings—squars—and every other Improvement which the smalness of the scale of the general map together with the hurry with which

I had it drawn could not admit of having so correctly lay down as necessary to give a perfect Idea of the effect of the whole in the Execution.
My whole attention was given to the combination of the general distribution of the grand local[e] as to an object of most immediate moment and of Importance to this I yielded Every other consideration & have in consequence to sollicite again you Indulgence in submitting to you my Ideas in an In Compleat drawing only correct as to the situation and distances of objects all of which were determined after a local[e] well ascertained having for more accuracy had several lines run on the Ground cleared of the wood & after wards measured with posts fixed all along, to serve me as certain bases from after the which I might arrange the whole with a Certainty of making Every part fit to the various ground.
having first determined some principal points to which I wished making the rest subordinate I next made the distribution regular with streets at right angle north-south & East-west but after wards I opened other on various directions as avenues to & from every principal places, wishing by this not mearly to contrast with the general regulariety nor to afford a greater variety of pleasant seats and prospect as will be obtained from the advantageous ground over the which these avenues are mostly directed but principally to connect each part of the city with more efficacy by, if I may so Express, making the real distance less from place to place in menaging on them a reciprocity of sight and making them thus seemingly Connected, promot a rapid stellement over the whole so that the most remot may become an adition to the principal while without the help of these divergent communications such setlements if at all attempted would be languid, and lost in the Extant would become detrimental to the main Establishement.
several of these avenues were also necessary to Effect the junction of several out road which I conceived Essential to bring central to the City in rendering these Road shorter as is done with respect to the bladensburg & Eastern branche Road made above a mile shorter besides the advantage of thier leading from the direction given immediatly on the warfs at george town without passing the Hilly ground of that place whose agrandissement it will consequently check while it will accelerate those over rock

creek on the City side the which cannot fall spreading soon all along of these avenu forming of themselves a variety of pleasent ride and being Combined to Ensure a rapid Intercourse with all the part of the City to which they will serve as doses the main vains in the animal body to diffuse life trough smaller vessells in quickening the active motion to the heart.
as to on what point it is most Expedient first to begone the main Establishment, I belive the question may be easily resolve if not viewing by part but Embracing under one sight the whole Extant from the Eastern branch to george town & from the banck on the potowmack across towards the montagnes. for considering impartially the whole Extant and reflecting it is that of the Intended City then only one position will appear Capable of promoting the rapid agrandissment & setlement of the whole.
a cross the tiber up above were the tide water come lay certainly the elligible spot to lay the Fundation of an Establishement of the nature of the one in view, not because this point being central is the most liekly to diffuse an Equallity of advantages trough the whole territory and in return to derive a benefit proportional to the rise of its valu but because the nature of the local[e] is such as will made Every thing Concur to render a settlement there prosperous—there it will benefit of the natural jalousie which must stimulate Establishements on each of its opposed limits it will become necessarily the point of reunion of both and soon become populous.
a canal being easy to open from the Entrance of the eastern branch and to be lead a cross the first settlements and carried towards the mouth of the tiber were it will again give an issue in to the potowmack and at a distance not to far off for to admit the boats from the grand navigation canal from getting in, will undoubtedly facilitate a Conveyance most advantageous to trading interest. it will insure the storing of markettes which, as lay down on the map, being Erected all long the canal and over pounds proper to shelter any number of boats will leave of mart House from were when the City is grown to its fullest extant the most distant markets will be supplyed at command.
to these advantages of first necessity to considere to determine the seat of a City is added that of the positions which there offer and the which are the most suceptible of any within the limits of the Intended city of leading to those grand Improvements of

publique magnitude and as may serve as models for all subsequent undertaking and stand to future ages a monument to national genious and munificence.
after much menutial search for an elligible situation, prompted I may say from a fear of being prejudiced in favour of a first opinion I could discover no one so advantageous to Erect the Congressional building as is that on the west end of Jenkins heights which stand as a pedestal waiting for a monument, and I am confident—were all the wood cleared from the ground no situation could stand in competition with this—some might perhaps require less labour to be rendered agreable but after all assistance of arts none Ever would be made so grand and all other would appear but of a secondary nature.
that were I determined the seat of the presidial palace, in its difference of nature may be view as Equally advantageous to the object of adding to the sumptuousness of a palace the convenience of a house and the agreableness of a country seat situated on that ridge which attracted your attention at the first inspection of the ground on the west side of the tiber Entrance it will see 10 or 12 miles down the potowmack front the town and harbor of allexandria and stand to the view of the whole city and have the most Improved part of it made as addition to those grand Improvements for which the ground in the dependency of the palace is so proper.
fixed as Expressed on the map, the distance from the congressional House will not be to great as what Even the activity of business may be no mesage to, nor from the president is to be made without a sort of decorum which will doubtless point out the propriety of committees waiting on him in carriage should his palace be Uncontigous to Congress.
to mak how ever the distance less to other offices, I placed the three grand departments of state Contigous to the presidial palace and on the way leading to the Congressional House the gardens of the one together with the park and other improvement on the dependency are connected with the publique walk and avenu to the Congress House in a manner of most service a whole as grand as it will be agreable and Convenient to the whole City which from the distribution of the local[e] will have an easy access to this place of general report and all long side of which may be placed play house—room of assembly—accademies

and all such sort of places as maybe attractive to the larned and afford divertion to the idle.
I proposed Continuing the canal much farther up but this being not to be effectual but with the aide of locks, and from a level obtained of the height of the spring of the tiber the greatest facility being to bring those watters over the flat back of Jenkins I have the more readily a preference to avail of this water to supply that part of the city as it wi⟨ll⟩ promot the Execution of a plan which I propose in this map, of leting the tiber return in its proper chanell by a fall which issuing from under the base of the congress building may there form a cascade of forty feet heigh or more than one hundred waide which would produce the most happy effect in rolling down to fill up the canall and discharge it self in the potowmack of which it would then appear as the main spring when seen trough most grand & majestique avenu intersecting with the prospect from the palace at A point which being seen from both I have designated as the proper for to erect A grand Equestrian figure.
in the present unimproved state of the local[e] it will appear that the height were is marked that monument close intercept this view of the water from the plalace and in fact it is partly the case but it must be observed that having to bound the Entrance of the tiber ⟨illegible⟩ breadth of a canal of 200 feet which is the utmost breadth that can be preserve to avoid its being drained at low water. it will require much ground to be trown in to feel up, and at least as much as will Enable to levell that point of heigh ground betwen the tiber and n. yo[u]ng House to almost a levell with the tide water and of Course to procure to the palace and all other House from that place to congres a propect of the powtomack the which will acquire new swetness being had over the green of a Field well level and made brilent by shade of few tree Artfully planted I am with respectfull submission your most Humble a. obeident servant

P. C. L’Enfant


Title: To George Washington from Henry Knox, 23 June 1791
From: Knox, Henry
To: Washington, George

Sir,
War Department [Philadelphia] June 23d 1791.

The Post has arrived from Fort Pitt and brought Letters of the 16th instant, from Major General Butler—Every thing was tranquil—the Levies were posted so as to dismiss the Militia down to the Great Kenahwa.
I have written to Major General St Clair, not to expect more than 2,500 regulars and Levies in addition to the old troops on the Ohio—That if the service should require a greater number, that he must draw them from Kentucky in such numbers, and of such species of troops as he shall judge proper.
Nearly all the troops expected to be of service in the Campaign, are now moving forward.
I have just received a Letter from General Sevier, dated the ceded territory the 5th instant—in which he informs me, that three Companies of his battalion were raised, and would march in a few days for Fort Washington—As dependence was placed upon that district for Rifle-men, this information affords me great satisfaction.
That Governor Blount has informed him, there is likely to be a very large representation of the Cherakees, and that the treaty would probably be opened on the 5th of June.
That the Goods for the treaty, and Soldiers Clothing had all arrived safe some time before. I have the honor to be With the highest Respect, Sir, Your most Obedt hume servt

H. Knox