Title: From Benjamin Franklin to William Strahan: Report on William Pitt’s Speech in the House of Commons, [14 January 1766]
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When Parliament reassembled on January 14 after a recess of about four weeks, the King delivered a speech from the throne recommending in deliberately indefinite terms that the members give attention to “the just Rights and Authority of the British Legislature” and the “Welfare and Prosperity of all my People.” The king promised that his ministers would lay papers relating to the “American disturbances” before the House of Commons. When the members of that body returned to their chamber after hearing the speech, Secretary of State Conway presented a selected group of such papers, and the customary motion was made and seconded for an address of thanks to the King for his speech. A memorable debate followed.
The most important speaker was William Pitt, who was present for the first time after a protracted illness. In the course of his speech he criticized the present ministry for its long delay in reporting to Parliament on events in the colonies, and he attacked much more severely the previous ministry, of which George Grenville had been the active head, saying that “every capital measure they have taken, has been entirely wrong!” Conway responded, agreeing in general with Pitt’s expressed opposition to taxing the colonies and explaining that he and his colleagues had held back the first, rather vague reports coming from America until “more precise and full” information became available.
Grenville then spoke denouncing the disturbances in America, which had grown into “tumults and riots,” now bordered on “open rebellion,” and he feared would soon “lose that name to take that of Revolution.” In response to Pitt’s statements he declared that he could not “understand the difference between external and internal taxation,” and that taxation was one branch of legislation and part of the “sovereign power.”
Pitt regained the floor, accepted Conway’s explanation of delay in presenting papers, but continued at considerable length in rebuttal of Grenville. In response to the former minister’s use of the term “rebellion,” Pitt declared flatly, “I rejoice that America has resisted,” and he elaborated on the historic distinction between legislation and taxation. In his peroration he summed up his opinion by declaring “that the Stamp Act [should] be repealed absolutely, totally, and immediately,” and that Parliament “may bind [the colonists’] trade, confine their manufactures, and exercise every power whatsoever, except that of taking money out of their pockets without their consent!”
The fullest report of Pitt’s speech, much of it given as direct quotation, with reports of the responses of Conway and Grenville to Pitt’s criticisms and of interpolations by other speakers, is in a pamphlet entitled The Celebrated Speech of a Celebrated Commoner, published in London by Stephen Austin at an undetermined date in 1766, and in another pamphlet, printed almost entirely from the same type and in the same year, entitled Political Debates, but bearing an almost certainly false imprint: “A Paris Chez J. W. Imprimeur.. . .” No writer’s name is given in either case. The summary and quotations given in the paragraphs above are taken from The Celebrated Speech. Under the heading of “Political Debates, &c.” the April 1766 issue of Gentleman’s Magazine, pp. 155–9, printed a slightly condensed version of the speeches as taken from the pamphlets. In the form of letters from London, the Pennsylvania Gazette, March 20 and 27, 1766, printed short reports on the debates in the Commons, January 14 and 15, on the address to the King, and in the issue of April 24 printed a long report in very nearly, but not precisely, the same words as The Celebrated Speech. The Gazette called it “Extract of a Letter from a Gentleman in London to his Friend in America, dated January 1766.” Occasional use of the first person in describing what took place indicates that the writer of this letter wanted it to be believed that he was present and had heard the speeches himself, though he seems actually to have used the pamphlet version as his source.
Apparently William Strahan, among others, had found it impossible to gain admission to the gallery of the House of Commons; he wrote David Hall, April 6, 1766, that “This Winter especially, when the Stamp Act was canvassing in both Houses, none but Members were admitted, and any Account of the Debates which could be procured from those who heard them, was so very lame and imperfect, it was really good for nothing.” He wrote again, May 10, of having been “restrained from hearing the most material Debates whilst the Stamp Act was under Consideration,” but was pleased to see from the Gazette issue of March 27 that Hall had received reports of the debates from others, including members of the Committee of Merchants working for repeal of the Stamp Act “as well as from Dr. F. whose Assiduity upon the Occasion was superior to any Thing of the Kind I ever saw before.”
There seems to be no way of discovering whether Franklin’s “Assiduity” had gained him admission to the gallery on January 14 (perhaps through the good offices of Richard Jackson, a member of Parliament), or whether the account printed below, written in Franklin’s hand and sent to Strahan, was based on what Jackson or some other member had reported to him. Nor is it possible to say whether Strahan considered it one of the “very lame and imperfect” reports he had seen. Comparing Franklin’s report with the pamphlet accounts, it is obvious that it is much shorter and omits a great deal of what Pitt said, including his expression of pleasure at American resistance and his flat statement at the end that the Stamp Act ought to be repealed, both quoted above. So far as it goes, however, Franklin’s account is in the main consistent with the pamphlets, though there are some differences and the pamphlets do not include his report of Conway’s expression of willingness to mount his horse and ride out of office when he should be superseded.
Franklin’s report is undated. It seems appropriate to assign it the same date as that on which Pitt’s speech took place.

[January 14, 1766]
Mr. Pitt spoke some time before one could divine on which side of the Question relating to America he would be; but beginning first to mention the Stamp Act by the soft Term of that unhappy Act, he went on, and every Time he had Occasion to mention it, it was by a Term still stronger, as unconstitutional, unjust, oppressive, &c. till he finally declar’d in express Terms that the British Parliament had in his Opinion no Right to raise internal Taxes in America, tho’ it had to regulate their Commerce and even restrain their Manufactures. He said many Things in favour of America, particularly that they had always readily granted Aids to the Crown in all our Wars, on Requisitions made to their several Assemblies, and particularly in the last War far beyond their Abilities, which the Parliament here considering had made them some Compensation; that the Act was therefore unnecessary; that no Minister before the last, (naming all the Ministers in order from the Revolution, and giving their Characters, some of whom were remarkable for their Firmness and Resolution, as well as their Understanding, had never thought fit or ventur’d to tax the Colonies; that he himself was sometimes represented as rash enough for any thing; and there had not been wanting some during his Administration that urg’d him to it as a thing that would have been acceptable to Gentlemen here, but they could not get him to burn his Fingers, with so unnecessary, so unjust, and therefore so odious a Measure: The Arguments of virtual Representation, of the Case of the Colonies being the same with that of Corporations in England, or of the Non Electors here, he treated with great Contempt as trifling, and insignificant and ridiculous; asserted that Representation in Parliament was originally and properly of Landed Property; that every 40s. a Year of landed Property in England still is represented by the Owner’s having a right to vote in County Elections; but that tho’ a Man in America had £1000 a Year in Land, it gave him no right to vote for a single Member of Parliament. That the Representation of the Commons, was not an original Part of the Constitution; the Owners of Lands only were call’d to Parliament and all the Lands in England were divided between the King, the Church, and the Barons. The Church, God bless it, had one Third at least. The Commons, were mere Tenants or Copy holders. But now the Case was greatly alter’d. The Church was stript of most of its Lands, and the Nobles had sold so much of theirs, that what remain’d in their Hands was but like a Drop of the Bucket compar’d to what was now in the Hands of the Commons. It was therefore on Account of their Lands properly that the Commons were represented in Parliament. As to the Representatives of Burroughs, it was wrong to suffer their Sitting in Parliament. It was the rotten Part of our Constitution, and could not stand another Century. How could we with any Face maintain, that a Burrough of half a Dozen Houses ought to have a Representative in Parliament to take care of its Interests; and yet that three Millions of People in America with many Millions of Landed Property should not have a single Vote in the Election of any one Member.
Mr. Grenville saying in Defense of the Act that he had before the Measure was entred into, call’d upon the House, and ask’d if there was any one Member that doubted the Right of Parliament to lay an internal Tax on America; and there was not one, Mr. Pitt answered, that That by no means prov’d the Rectitude of the Measure: for that there had long been in the House a Tenderness of opposing Ministerial Measures, a kind of—what shall I call it—Modesty, that made the Members rather doubt their own Judgments. He wish’d therefore that the young Members would apply them selves more to the Study of Publick Affairs, and qualifie themselves better to judge of them. That their Silence should be no Proof of the goodness of a ministerial Measure, he reminded the House, that from Year to Year he had in the same Manner call’d upon the House, to know if any one dislik’d our then Continental Connections, and but one ever took the Freedom to speak his Mind on that Head, and he should like him the better for it as long as he liv’d; for he indeed said frankly, “that he did not like what he was pleas’d to call my German War.” But with the rest it went down glibly. That Oppositions were generally interested; but his Sentiments of this Act had always been the same, and he had ever dislik’d it as destructive to Liberty; a Word often made use of by ambitious Men only as a Horse on which they might mount and ride into Preferment; but he had no such Views. Mr. Conway remark’d on this, that the Preferment he was in, was not of his own seeking; and that whenever the honorable Gentleman, for whose Abilities and Integrity he had the highest Veneration, should be, as he sincerely hop’d he soon would be, appointed to supersede him, he should with great Pleasure mount his Horse and ride out again.
These are the Particulars you chiefly desir’d an Account of. ’Tis the best I can give you. But I am sensible the Expression is far short of that used by the Speakers.

Addressed: To / Mr Strahan / Printer / New street / Shoe Lane


Title: “Homespun”: Further Defense of Indian Corn, 15 January 1766
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This is the first of two letters Goddard reprinted in the Pennsylvania Chronicle, March 16–23, 1767, the authorship of which William Franklin later also attributed to his father. On January 2, writing as “Homespun,” he had replied briefly to aspersions on Indian corn by “Vindex Patriae” (above, pp. 7–8), and that writer had responded with a letter in the Gazetteer of January 7. The first part of that long piece was a reply to another defender of the colonies. “Vindex Patriae” pointed out how much Scotland had benefited economically from the union with England; he declared that the laws, customs, and religion of New England were largely Scottish; and he viewed with alarm the possibility of an addition of colonial members to the House of Commons, who would, he believed, form a coalition with the Scottish members against the English interest. Then, in reply to “Homespun,” he declared that the white Americans rejected Indian corn as a food for themselves but assigned it instead as a diet for their slaves. “Homespun’s” answer, printed here, deals with both parts of the letter by “Vindex Patriae.”

  [January 15, 1766]
  To the Printer.

John Bull shews in nothing more his great veneration for good eating, and how much he is always thinking of his belly, than in his making it the constant topic of his contempt for other nations, that they do not eat so well as himself. The roast beef of Old England he is always exulting in, as if no other country had beef to roast; reproaching, on every occasion, the Welsh with their leeks and toasted cheese, the Irish with their potatoes, and the Scotch with their oatmeal. And now that we are a little out of favour with him, he has begun, by his attorney Vindex Patriae, to examine our eating and drinking, in order, I apprehend, to fix some horrible scandal of the same kind upon us poor Americans.
I did but say a word or two in favour of Indian corn, which he had treated as “disagreable and indigestible,” and this vindictive gentleman grows angry. “Let him tell the world, if he dares (says he) that the Americans prefer it to a place at their own tables.” Ah, Sir, I see the dilemma you have prepared for me. If I should not dare to say, that we do prefer it to a place at our tables, then you demonstrate, that we must come to England for tea, or go without our breakfasts: and if I do dare to say it, you fix upon me and my countrymen for ever, the indelible disgrace of being Indian corn-eaters.
I am afraid, Mr. Printer, that you will think this too trifling a dispute to deserve a place in your paper: but pray, good Sir, consider, as you are yourself an Englishman, that we Americans, who are allowed even by Mr. Vindex to have some English blood in our veins, may think it a very serious thing to have the honour of our eating impeached in any particular whatsoever.

“Why doth he not deny the fact (says Vindex) that it is assigned to the slaves for their food? To proclaim the wholesomeness of this corn, without assigning a reason why white men give it to their slaves, when they can get other food, is only satirizing the good sense of their brethren in America.” In truth I cannot deny the fact, though it should reflect ever so much on the good sense of my countrymen. I own we do give food made of Indian corn to our slaves, as well as eat it ourselves; not, as you suppose, because it is “indigestible and unwholesome;” but because it keeps them healthy, strong and hearty, and fit to go through all the labour we require of them. Our slaves, Sir, cost us money, and we buy them to make money by their labour. If they are sick, they are not only unprofitable, but expensive. Where then was your English good sense, when you imagined we gave the slaves our Indian corn, because we knew it to be unwholesome?
In short, this is only another of Mr. Vindex’s paradoxes, in which he is a great dealer. The first endeavoured to persuade us, that we were represented in the British Parliament virtually, and by fiction: Then that we were really represented there, because the Manor of East Greenwich in Kent is represented there, and all the Americans live in East Greenwich. And now he undertakes to prove to us, that taxes are the most profitable things in the world to those that pay them; for that Scotland is grown rich since the Union, by paying English taxes. I wish he would accommodate himself a little better to our dull capacities. We Americans have a great many heavy taxes of our own, to support our several governments, and pay off the enormous debt contracted by the war; we never conceived ourselves the richer for paying taxes, and are willing to leave all new ones to those that like them. At least, if we must with Scotland, participate in your taxes, let us likewise, with Scotland, participate in the Union, and in all the privileges and advantages of commerce that accompanied it.
Vindex, however, will never consent to this. He has made us partakers in all the odium with which he thinks fit to load Scotland: “They resemble the Scots in sentiments (says he) their religion is Scottish; their customs and laws are Scottish; like the Scotch they Judaically observe what they call the Sabbath, persecute old women for witches, are intolerant to other sects, &c.” But we must not, like the Scots, be admitted into Parliament; for that, he thinks, would increase “the Scotch interest in England, which is equally hostile to the cause of liberty, and the cause of our church.”
Pray, Sir, who informed you that our “laws are Scottish?” The same, I suppose, that told you our Indian corn is unwholesome. Indeed, Sir, your information is very imperfect. The common law of England, is, I assure you, the common law of the colonies: and if the civil law is what you mean by the Scottish law, we have none of it but what is forced upon us by England, in its courts of Admiralty, depriving us of that inestimable part of the common law, trials by juries. And do you look upon keeping the Sabbath, as part of the Scottish law? “The Americans, like the Scots, (you say,) observe what they call the Sabbath.” Pray, Sir, you who are so zealous for your church (in abusing other Christians) what do you call it? and where the harm of their observing it? If you look into your prayer-book, or over your altars, you will find these words written, Remember to keep holy the sabbath Day. This law, tho’ it may be observed in Scotland, and has been countenanced by some of your statutes, is, Sir, originally one of God’s Commandments: a body of laws still in force in America, tho’ they may have become obsolete in some other countries.
Give me leave, Master John Bull, to remind you, that you are related to all mankind; and therefore it less become you than any body, to affront and abuse other nations. But you have mixed with your many virtues, a pride, a haughtiness, and an insolent contempt for all but yourself, that, I am afraid, will, if not abated, procure you one day or other a handsome drubbing. Besides your rudeness to foreigners, you are far from being civil even to your own family. The Welch you have always despised for submitting to your government: But why despise your own English, who conquered and settled Ireland for you; who conquered and settled America for you? Yet these you now think you may treat as you please, because, forsooth, they are a conquered people. Why dispise the Scotch, who fight and die for you all over the world? Remember, you courted Scotland for one hundred years, and would fain have had your wicked will of her. She virtuously resisted all your importunities, but at length kindly consented to become your lawful wife. You then solemnly promised to love, cherish, and honour her, as long as you both should live; and yet you have ever since treated her with the utmost contumely, which you now begin to extend to your common children. But, pray, when your enemies are uniting in a Family Compact against you, can it be discreet in you to kick up in your own house a Family Quarrel? And at the very time you are inviting foreigners to settle on your lands, and when you have more to settle than ever you had before, it is [sic] prudent to suffer your lawyer, Vindex, to abuse those who have settled there already, because they cannot yet speak “Plain English?” It is my opinion, Master Bull, that the Scotch and Irish, as well as the colonists, are capable of speaking much plainer English than they have ever yet spoke, but which I hope they will never be provoked to speak.
To be brief, Mr. Vindex, I pass over your other accusations of the Americans, and of the Scotch, that we “Persecute old women for witches, and are intolerant to other sects,” observing only, that we were wise enough to leave off both those foolish tricks, long before Old England made the act of toleration, or repealed the statute against witchcraft; so that even you yourself may safely travel through all Scotland and the Colonies, without the least danger of being persecuted as a churchman, or taken (up) for a conjurer. And yet I own myself so far of an intolerant spirit, that though I thank you for the box-in-the-ear you have given Tom Hint, as being, what you justly call him, “a futile calumniator,” I cannot but wish he would give you another—for the same reason.
One word more, however, about the Indian corn, which I began and must end with, even though I should hazard your remarking, that it is certainly “indigestible,” as it plainly appears to stick in my stomach. “Let him tell the world, If he dares, (you say) that the Americans prefer it to a place at their tables.” And, pray, if I should dare,—what then?—Why then—“You will enter upon a discussion of its salubrity and pleasant taste.” Really? Would you venture to write on the salubrity and pleasant taste of Indian corn, when you never in your life have tasted a single grain of it? But why should that hinder you writing on it? Have you not written even on politics? Your’s,
Homespun.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Benjamin Kent, 19 January 1766
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To:

Dear Sir:
Boston Jany: 19th: a.d. 1766.
With a pleasing pride I often recollect, your former complaisance in calling me Brother Ben and agreable to the Old saying non Animam Mutant, qui trans mare Currunt. I still challenge the Honour of being your Friend: but I should be but a miserable private Friend, If I was not the Friend of all men: and it is from that, principle, as well an especial Love and Esteem I have of the Patriot that I [tell] you we have lately by An Indian discover’d a small wilderness Root which steeped in Madira Wine has not faild, on many tryals to carry off any fit of the Gout in a very few Hours time. This information I have from those persons of the very best credit, who have experienc’d it, and what is very wonderfull a couple of Glasses of this Wine will make the Part affected being well wrapped up to Sweat profusely while all other parts of the body are nowise affected. As to politick of which we are brim full and running over. I think it would be imprudent to give you my Thots on that Subject, and I can no more expect from you information of the political state of Afairs at home, than a passenger in a Storm at Sea, could expect the Captain shoul’d inform him of all the distresses of the Ship. Farewell Dear Sir I am,
Ben. Kent

Addressed: For, The Honble: / Benjamin Franklin / Esq; / In London / per Capt Scott
Endorsed: B Kent


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Beveridge, 20 January 1766
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Sir
Philadelphia Jany 20th 1766
Herewith you will receive three Copies of some familiar Epistles &c, which I have printed. Two bound to be delivered to Dr. Pringle, and one on Common paper as they were Sold here for your self. I have given one bound in the same manner to Mrs. Franklin, which waits your return at your own house, but this common one is in order to shew to any of your friends, or the Book-sellers, if you please to try, for me, if they will undertake to sell some Number of the Copies but I hope you will take Care they do not serve me as Mrs. Franklin tells me they served you &c— or if you and the Dr. think fit, you may shew it to the reviewers. But I would not leave it long in their hands, lest by some means or other it should come abroad in London, as I have a view of reprinting it either there or rather at Glasgow &c.
I have been advised by some to send several Copies more, to your Care, viz for Lord Halifax, his Grace &c. of Canterbury &c. but as they were not of my Acquaintance I thought it Presumption, and absolutely refused, unless you think it would answer some better purpose than I can forsee. I wish you all Happiness a Speedy and Safe Return, which is all at present from Sir Your very humble and most obedient Servant
Jno: Beveridge


Title: Pennsylvania Assembly Committee of Correspondence to Richard Jackson and Benjamin Franklin, 21 January 1766
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To:

  Philadelphia, January 21, 1766.
  Gentlemen,

Inclosed is a Copy of our last, with a Duplicate of the Address to the House of Commons therein mentioned, on the Subject whereof, and the other Matters recommended to your Attention in the said Letter, we have nothing more to add.

We have laid Mr. Richard Jackson’s Letter, of the Ninth of November, before the Assembly, now sitting, who observing that he informs them, that the Petitions for a Change of this Government, from Proprietary to Royal, “may be dropped, by proper Instructions for that Purpose, notwithstanding they are presented,” have directed us to assure you, that they are by no Means inclined to withdraw the Petitions; but, on the contrary, desire that you will prosecute them with the utmost Expedition to an Issue, provided it may be done with Safety to all those Rights and Privileges, to which the People of this Province are entitled, under their Charters and Acts of Assembly, agreeable to the Instructions heretofore sent you, a Triplicate whereof is also inclosed. We are, with great Respect, Gentlemen, Your most obedient, and most humble Servants,

Joseph Richardson,
  Isaac Pearson,

  Joseph Galloway,
  Giles Knight.

  Thomas Livezey,


Title: “A Friend to Both Countries”: More Arguments against the Stamp Act, 23 January 1766
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To:

To the Printer.
[January 23, 1766]
The sketch in your last Friday’s paper, of the arguments on both sides, relating to the American stamp act, (signed A Friend to my Country) is, I think, on the whole, a pretty fair one. There are, however, a few omissions in it, which I beg leave to supply.

On behalf of the colonies it is farther said, that, allowing the principle, which they do not, nor never did dispute, that they ought in justice to bear with other subjects their share of common burthens, yet the act was unnecessary whether we look backward or forward. As to what is past, they have in all wars exerted themselves fully equal to their abilities, and in the last, beyond them, which has been acknowledged by government here; and that they still are under a heavy load of debt incurred by that war, for which all their provincial land-taxes, taxes on personal property, excises, poll-taxes, taxes on the profits of business, &c. &c. during many years to come, are mortgaged. And as to the occasions of expence that may hereafter, arise, the ancient established method of calling on their assemblies by requisitory letters from the crown, is sufficient to answer all purposes; since they always should, as they always have done, think themselves obliged in duty, on such requisitions, to grant aids suitable to their circumstances. That besides this, they actually pay great taxes to this country, in the accumulated price (occasioned by its taxes) of all the British manufactures they consume; and which, if it were not for the restraints on their trade, they might buy cheaper elsewhere. That the acts for regulating commerce and navigation, and the Post-office act, differ very materially from the stamp-act. The former lay duties on the importation of goods, which people may buy or let alone, and the other fixes a rate for the carriage of letters, that is merely a quantum meruit for service done, and which every man may do in another way, if he thinks it cheaper and safer, i.e. he may send his letter by a special messenger, or by his friend. But the stamp act forces the money from the country under heavy penalties, and denies common justice in the courts, unless they will submit to part with it, and this without the consent of the legislative body, in which only the country has representatives. And though it is true, that the distance between session and session gave time enough for “preparing proper arguments to oppose the stamp act”; yet that time was rendered of no use, the petitions that were sent over from the colonies, containing their reasons against it, not being admitted, or so much as read, because it was, it seems, contrary to an established rule, importing that petitions should not be received against a money bill. The parliament may have “asserted a right” to tax Ireland; but it is certain they have never practised it. And though it should be allowed right neither to tax Ireland or the colonies by act of a legislature in which they have no representative, it does not appear how “all the counties in England could found a like claim on that principle,” since they are all represented; there not being a landed freehold estate above 40s. per ann. in any county, that does not give its owner a right to vote for a member of parliament.
A Friend to both Countries.


Title: “Pacificus”: Pax Quaeritur Bello, 23 January 1766
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While there is no certainty that Franklin wrote this piece, the probability is strong, as Verner W. Crane has pointed out in Letters to the Press, pp. 54–5. The satirical vein is characteristic of a good deal of Franklin’s writing at this time, as is his use of inverted logic; references to the origins of the colonies appear in others of his papers, and the suggestion in the closing paragraph that the colonies might be repopulated by the importation of English felons reminds the reader strongly of his celebrated piece on “Felons and Rattlesnakes” in 1751 (above, IV, 130–3) and other references to the same subject. The use of the signature “Pacificus,” somewhat comparable to his earlier “Pacificus Secundus” (above, pp. 4–6), is a deliberate theft of the pseudonym used by one of the more vehement advocates of strong measures against the colonists, and so furthers the satirical purpose of this paper.

  Jan. 23, 1766.
  To the Printer of the Public Advertiser.

  Pax quaeritur Bello.
Sir,
The very important Controversy being next Tuesday to be finally determined between the Mother Country and their rebellious American Children, I shall think myself happy if I can furnish any Hints that may be of public Utility.
There are some Persons besides the Americans so amazingly stupid, as to distinguish in this Dispute between Power and Right, as tho’ the former did not always imply the latter. The Right of Conquest invests the Conqueror with Authority to establish what Laws he pleases, however contrary to the Laws of Nature, and the common Rights of Mankind. Examine every Form of Government at this Day subsisting on the Face of the Globe, from the absolute Despotism of the Grand Sultan to the Democratic Government of the City of Geneva, and it will be found that the Exertion of Power in those Hands with whom it is lodged, however unconstitutional, is always justified. The Reign of the Stuarts might serve to exemplify this Observation. Happy it was for the Nation that, upon Trial, the superior Power was found to be in the People. The American Plea of Right, their Appeal to Magna Charta, must of course be set aside; and I make no Doubt but the Grand Council of the Nation will at all Hazards insist upon an absolute Submission to the Tax imposed upon them. But that they will comply without coercive Measures, is to me a Matter of very great Doubt: For when we consider, that these People, especially the more Northern Colonies, are the Descendants of your Pymms, Hampdens, and others of the like Stamp, those outrageous Assertors of Civil and Religious Liberties; that they have been nursed up in the same Old English Principles; that a little more than a Century ago their Forefathers, many of them of Family and Fortune, left their native Land, and endured all the Distresses and Hardships which are the necessary Consequences of an Establishment in a new uncultivated Country, surrounded with a cruel Blood-thirsty Enemy, oftentimes severely pinched with Cold and Hunger; and all this to enjoy unmolested that Liberty which they thought was infringed: I say, however these People may be mistaken, they will not tamely give up what they call their natural, their constitutional Rights. Force must therefore be made use of.
Now in order to bring these People to a proper Temper, I have a Plan to propose, which I think cannot fail, and which will be entirely consistent with the Oeconomy at present so much in Vogue. It is so cheap a Way of going to work, that even Mr. G—— G——, that great Oeconomist, could have no reasonable Objection to it.
Let Directions be given, that Two Thousand Highlanders be immediately raised, under proper Officers of their own. It ought to be no Objection, that they were in the Rebellion in Forty-five: If Roman Catholics, the better. The C——l at present in the P——ze Service may be at their Head. Transport them early in the Spring to Quebec: They with the Canadians, natural Enemies to our Colonists, who would voluntarily engage, might make a Body of Five or Six Thousand Men; and I doubt not, by artful Management, and the Value of two or three Thousand Pounds in Presents, with the Hopes of Plunder, as likewise a Gratuity for every Scalp, the Savages on the Frontiers might be engaged to join, at least they would make a Diversion, which could not fail of being useful. I could point out a very proper General to command the Expedition; he is of a very sanguine Disposition, and has an inordinate Thirst for Fame, and besides has the Hearts of the Canadians. He might march from Canada, cross the Lakes, and fall upon these People without their expecting or being prepared for him, and with very little Difficulty over-run the whole Country.
The Business might be done without employing any of the Regular Troops quartered in the Country, and I think it would be best they should remain neuter, as it is to be feared they would be rather backward in embruing their Hands in the Blood of their Brethren and Fellow Subjects.
I would propose, that all the Capitals of the several Provinces should be burnt to the Ground, and that they cut the Throats of all the Inhabitants, Men, Women, and Children, and scalp them, to serve as an Example; that all the Shipping should be destroyed, which will effectually prevent Smuggling, and save the Expence of Guarda Costas.
No Man in his Wits, after such terrible Military Execution, will refuse to purchase stamp’d Paper. If any one should hesitate, five or six Hundred Lashes in a cold frosty Morning would soon bring him to Reason.
If the Massacre should be objected to, as it would too much depopulate the Country, it may be replied, that the Interruption this Method would occasion to Commerce, would cause so many Bankruptcies, such Numbers of Manufacturers and Labourers would be unemployed, that, together with the Felons from our Gaols, we should soon be enabled to transport such Numbers to repeople the Colonies, as to make up for any Deficiency which Example made it Necessary to sacrifice for the Public Good. Great Britain might then reign over a loyal and submissive People, and be morally certain, that no Act of Parliament would ever after be disputed. Your’s,
Pacificus.


Title: James Parker: Valuation of the Printing Office, 27 January 1766
From:
To:

The partnership agreement between Franklin and Hall provided that at its termination Hall should “have the Preference of purchasing the said Printing-Presses, Types and Materials (if he shall be so disposed . . .) at their present Value, allowing for the Wear thereof what shall be judged a reasonable Abatement, considering the Time they shall have been used” (above, III, 266). In the power of attorney Franklin gave James Parker, Nov. 5, 1764, before going to England, he directed Parker to examine the accounts of the partnership “and also to value the Printing Presses Types and other Materials for printing belonging to me and now in the Use and Occupation of the said David Hall and which he has agreed to purchase of me at the rate of such Valuation” as Parker should make on Franklin’s behalf (above, XI, 442).
Parker undertook this appraisal toward the end of January 1766, drew up this detailed account on the 27th, and incorporated its total as entry 72 in his financial report of February 1 (below, p. 98). In his letter of February 3 he described the worn condition of much of the type and the presses and explained the methods used in weighing the type. These methods, it may be added, are virtually unchanged today.

Quantity and Valuation of the Printing-Office, as taken Jan. 27: 1766. per J Parker
wt

383
Old Brevier, much worn, and worth little more than Old Metal, at 8d. per lb.
£12
15
4

282
Newer Brevier, 7 Years worn, valued at 1s. 3d. per lb.
17
12
6

663
Burgois, eight years worn at 1s. 3d.
41
8
9

436
Long Primer, well worn at 1s. 2d.
25
8
8

318
Small Pica, almost worn out at 10d.
13
5
0

421
Pica, Old, and much batter’d at 10d.
17
10
10

334
Old English, fit for little more than Old Metal at 8½
11
16
7

502
Newer English, near half-worn at 1s. 3d.
31
7
6

223
Great Primer, well worn at 1s. 2d.
13
0
2

158
Double Pica, pretty good, at 1s. 4d.
10
10
8

91
Double English Do at 1s. 2d.
5
6
2

70
Flowers at 2s.
7
0
0

53
Figures, Planets, Space Rules, Black Letter, at 2s. 3d.
5
19
3

63
Large and Title Letter, some old some good at 1s.
3
3
0

40
Quotations, Justifiers &c. at 1s.
2
0
0

3
Crooked Letters, at 1s.
0
3
0

85
Cases, some Old and shatter’d at 5s.
21
5
0

13
Frames at 8s.
5
4
0

15
Chaces, some large, some small, at 6s.
4
10
0

16
Letter-Boards, only 10 of ’em good-for-anything
0
15
0

3
Folio Gallies 8 Quarto, and 7 small Do
1
10
0

1
Letter Rack and one Case Rack
1
0
0

1
Lye-Trough, 1 Lye Tub, and one Wetting Trough
1
10
0

6
Composing-Sticks, one of which good-for-Nothing
1
10
0

2
Imposing Stones, with their Stands
3
10
0

1
Old Book-Press much shatter’d
1
0
0

16
Poles for drying Paper
0
16
0

2
Mallets, 2 Shuting Sticks, a Plainer, and some old Furniture
1
0
0

12
Cuts for Dilworth’s Spelling-Books
3
0
0

2
King’s Arms, 3 S’s for Bills of Lading 3 or 4 Head & Tail piecs
2
0
0

The Cuts for the Advertisements much worn
1
0
0

Some Brass pieces of Rules, and other Rules
0
12
7

268
10
0

Three Printing Presses, One much shatter’d
45
  0
  0

  £313
  10
  0

Errors excepted
  Per James Parker.

Endorsed: Account and Valuation of D.H Old Printing Materials as taken Jan. 27. 1766.


Title: “N.N.”: Reply to Vindex Patriae on American Representation in Parliament, 29 January 1766
From:
To:

This letter was not reprinted in the Pennsylvania Chronicle among those attributed to Franklin, but the signature “N.N.” is the same as that he had used in two earlier replies to “Vindex Patriae” on political and legal aspects of their controversy the authorship of which appears well established. The style is characteristically Franklin’s as is the ironical twist toward the end of the third paragraph where he explains the American belief in the “venality and corruption” of both sides in the British political divisions. This letter responds to a longer one by “Vindex Patriae” in the Gazetteer for January 17 attempting to answer “N.N.” on the tenure of the manor of East Greenwich and other matters touched on in the letter dated January 6, above, pp. 18–22.

  [Jan. 29, 1766]
  To the Printer.

  In your paper of Friday last, Vindex Patriae justifies his involving all the people of the colonies in the guilt of the late riots, because they were not prevented. He seems not to have considered that riots are sudden things, which often are not foreseen, and therefore cannot be prevented. Scarce a year passes, in which England, and even London, how well soever governed, do not afford ample instances of this, which are therefore never, by reasonable people, imputed to the “whole community.”
His repeated arguments about “East Greenwich” and “America in England,” and the “total illegality of the power of assemblies to raise money,” I pass over, as I do not find that any body is convinced by them, but himself, and I believe no one elsewhere will be. I would only remark another instance of his unacquaintedness with facts. He denies, that the people of New England are restrained (as I heard they were) in “working their own beaver into hats, their wool into cloth, or their iron into steel:” Let him but consult the statutes under the several heads, and he will see how much those operations are fettered in America, and perhaps be sensible of his mistake.
  His justification of the abuses with which he has treated the Americans, is curious. “I agree, says he, that reflections on the morals of the Americans ought to be shunned, except when the Americans make it necessary to display their true character. Had it never been proposed to subject us to America, by introducing Members from thence into our legislature, I had never touched that point; but when a proposal of this sort is made, it is necessary that their true characters should be looked into and published,” &c. Now after affirming, from my certain knowledge of, and long acquaintance with both countries, that the “Morals of the Americans” in general, considered in the whole as a people, are much purer, much less corrupt, than the general morals of the English, a difference naturally to be expected, and always to be expected, between young countries and old ones; the remark of Swift being equally applicable to states as to single persons, when he said, he would venture great odds in a wager, that the greatest knave in England was the oldest. I say, after affirming this of the Americans, and observing, that whatever might “make it necessary to display their true character, nothing could make it necessary to give them a false one”;I would ask this gentleman, where is the foundation he mentions for supposing “The Americans made it necessary” to give them any character at all? Have they ever “proposed to introduce Members from thence into the legislature here? Has there ever been the least petition, memorial, or request to that purpose sent hither from America? Does he imagine the people there have the least inclination towards it? If he does, he never was more mistaken. There never was any danger to the public, which he had less reason to apprehend. For in the first place, the Americans not only never have, asked such a privilege, but, he may depend on it, they never will; for they have not the least conception that it could be of any use to them. They are contented with their own little legislatures, if they may be permitted to enjoy the privileges belonging to them. They read the political papers and pamphlets of this country; they see that the parties, into which the great are continually divided, are for ever mutually accusing each other with the grossest venality and corruption. At so great a distance, they can be but little acquainted with the particular merit of personal characters, and therefore, to be impartial, they believe both sides. They could propose to themselves no advantage, if they did not send their best and honestest men; and those they are not willing to expose to the danger of being corrupted, or themselves to the legal mischiefs that might be the consequence of such corruption. In the next place, though I think it highly the interest of this country to consolidate its dominions, by inviting, and even (if it has a power) compelling the Americans as well as Irish to submit to an union, send representatives hither, and make one common p——t of the whole; yet I am persuaded that will never be done, as every ministry has already difficulty enough to satisfy those, who think they have a right to divide, or to recommend the division of all posts, profits and emoluments; and those who think they have such right, will never agree to increase their own number, by which the chance in favour of each would be diminished. Agreable to the shrewd remark of one of Sir Robert Walpole’s friends, that of late he found their party increasing, which he did not like. How so, says Sir Robert. Why, z——ds, Sir, says he, don’t we lie two in a bed already?
  N. N.


Title: [William Hall]: Account of Benjamin Franklin with the Estate of David Hall, [1 February 1766]
From:
To:

After the partnership of Franklin and Hall had come to an end and James Parker had completed his examination of the books, as reported in the document immediately above, David Hall opened an account of his financial relations with his former partner. From time to time he sent Franklin a statement of the transactions shown in his records, but neither man seems to have made an attempt to settle the balance prior to Hall’s death on Dec. 24, 1772. Following that event Hall’s two sons, both trained in his shop, inherited his share in the printing firm of Hall and Sellers. The elder son, William, was then about seven weeks short of attaining his twenty-first birthday, sufficiently mature to carry his share of the business; David Hall, Junior, was not yet seventeen.
In January 1773 one of the sons—it must have been William—prepared a full record of the Franklin account as it then stood. It is printed here, immediately following Parker’s final report of the partnership accounts, because its earliest entries involve the same date, Feb. 1, 1766, as that on which Parker signed his report, and because it carries forward without break the accounts between the former partners until the death of the junior member of what had been the firm of Franklin and Hall.
As customary in such accounts, this record consists of two columns, that on the left listing items for which Franklin was debited, that on the right those with which he was credited. The first entry in the debit column is for the £993 11s. 6d. which Parker’s report had shown that Franklin owed to Hall. Twice during the period covered, William Hall struck a balance and entered a new amount due from Franklin (smaller each time) in the debit column. He did not strike a final balance after the date of his father’s death, but it can easily be determined that, according to this account, Franklin still owed Hall’s estate £459 6s. 2¼d.
Most of the debit entries relate to money paid out to Franklin, to his wife, or to others on his behalf. The credit entries are of two sorts: continuing payments of one half the income from the Gazette, the newspaper that, for all practical purposes, Franklin had founded in 1729 and in which he continued to claim rights; and payments of one half of all money belatedly received by Hall for printing work done during his partnership with Franklin.
Typographical considerations do not permit the printing of this account in parallel columns here, with the debit and credit entries belonging to each balance period placed side by side as in the manuscript. To show the two groups of entries for each of the three periods as closely together as possible, however, each debit segment is followed by the corresponding credit segment, and all are given italicized headings in brackets: [Debit Column A], [Credit Column A], [Debit Column B], etc.
The editors have found no records similar to this one for the later years. It appears that nothing was done to settle the account between Franklin and the Hall heirs during the twelve years that elapsed before Franklin returned to Philadelphia from France in 1785, for on March 5 of that year he wrote William Strahan, old friend of both the former partners, that when he got home in the following summer he would “have an old Account to settle there with the Family of our Friend Hall.” Apparently the Hall sons had declined to recognize, as their father had done, Franklin’s right to half the income from the Gazette, for Franklin told Strahan that there was “a particular Article of Importance, about which we were not agreed,” but on which both parties wanted Strahan’s opinion. That matter was “the Value of a Copy Right in an establish’d Newspaper,” which Franklin described (with probably much exaggeration) as having had a circulation of 8,000 to 10,000 copies. He thought that a decision by Strahan about this publishing property would “be satisfactory to us both.” Strahan does not appear to have answered; he was probably in declining health, and he died about four months after Franklin wrote. The disagreement seems to have continued, for in the fall of 1789 Franklin asked James Parker’s son-in-law, Gunning Bedford, to look for and send him the original partnership agreement between Franklin and Hall that he had left with Parker in 1764. That faithful friend had died in 1770. Franklin explained to Bedford that he had “now an urgent Occasion” for this document, almost certainly a reference to an attempted settlement of the issue with the Hall family. Bedford found the paper and sent it to Franklin, Nov. 27, 1789, but apparently nothing further was done in the matter of this long-standing account before Franklin, too, succumbed, five months later.

[February 1, 1766]
Benjamin Franklin Esqr; in account with the Estate of David Hall decd.

Dr.
  [Debit Column A]

1766

Feby. 1.
To a Balance of Acct. due Decst. as per Mr. J.P. Settlement of this date See Letter Mar. 17, 1770.
  }
993
  11
  6

Sundries Sinc the above Settlement as per said Letter

Mar. 8.
To Cash
£200
–
–

July 12
To Ditto
91
–
–

Novr. 25
To Ditto
50
–
–

Decr. 27
To Ditto
160
–
–

[176]8

Jany. 8
To Ditto
100
–
–

Sept. 1.
To Ditto
30
–
–

[176]9

Mar. 16
To Ditto
45
–
–

To Sundries out of the Shop
11
  3
  6½
  687
  3
  6½

£1680
15
–½

    [Credit Column A]

    Cr.
1770

Feby. 16
By Your half of £1457 8s. Recd. for the Gazette from Feby. 1st. 1766 to this Day
  }
728
14
–

By your half of £318 5s. Recd. June 18, 1767 of Samuel Preston Moore Esqr.
  }
159
2
6

By your half of Cash Received for Work done as Credited in the Leidger in the above mentioned Time Amounting to £389 14s. 1d.
  }
194
17
–½
1082
13
6½

Balance due this date and carried below
598
  1
  6

£1680
15
–½

      [Dr]
      [Debit Column B]

    1770

Mar. 16
To Balance brought down

598
1
6

1771[?]

Jany. 25.
To Cash for purchasing a Bill of Exchange for £30– –Ster:
  }
£50
–
–

Augst. 16
To Cash pd. Balance of an Acct. from the Estate of the late Mr. William Branson against you by Order
  }
7
19
7½

To my Part of Eleven years and three Quarts. Gazette discounted in Mr. Branson’s Acct. against you
  }
2
  18
  9

Octr. 18
To Cash pd. Mrs. Franklin
  }
24
  –
  –

29
To Ditto pd. Robert Erwin by Mrs. Franklins Order
  }
7
12
–

Novr. 29
To Ditto pd. Mrs. Franklin for the purchasing a Lot of Ground for you of Mr. Parker
  }
100
–
–

To Sundries had in the Shop
  }
6
  13
  2
  199
  3
  6½

£797
5
–½

  [Credit Column B]
  [Cr.]
1772

Jany. 28
By your half of £358 13s. Recd. for the Gazette from Feby. 17th. 1770 to this date
  }
179
  6
  6

By your half of £183 17s. 10½d. Received for Work done as Credited in the Leidger in the above time mentioned Amountg.
  }
  90
  18
  11¼
  270
  5
  5¼

Balance due this date carried below
  526
  19
  7¼

  £797
  5
  –½

  [Dr.]
  [Debit Column C]

1773

Jany. 28
To Balance brought down
  526
  19
  7¼

  [Credit Column C]
  [Cr.]

1772

Decr. 31
By your half of £97 0s. 10d. Recd. for the Gazette from Jany. 28. to the 24 of Decr. following the time of my Fathers Decease
  }
48
  10
  5

By your half of £38 6s. Receivd for Work done as Credited in the Ledgrs. In the above time mentioned Amtg.
  }
  19
  3
  –
  67
  13
  5


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from James Parker, 3 February 1766
From:
To:

After completing his examination of the Franklin and Hall accounts and drawing up a report, James Parker wrote this letter to accompany one copy of the report he planned to send to Franklin by the New York packet. He then copied the first long paragraph that deals with the valuation of the printing materials and the account itself. This second version of the paragraph differs only trivially from the text as printed here. To this copied passage he added two much shorter paragraphs that repeat the substance of the second paragraph here, the mention of Foxcroft’s journey to Virginia, and comment on the cold weather; he signed the second letter and then added a postscript repeating in essence, though not in phraseology, the first postscript here about Hall’s employment of clerks. This second version of his letter he explained, he was leaving with Hall “to be sent with one Copy of the Accounts.” Understandably, therefore, it does not include the three postscripts Parker wrote after returning to Burlington. Since this second version contains nothing not amply covered in the first version as printed here, except as noted below, and indeed omits nearly everything in it beyond what deals with the Franklin and Hall accounts and with Parker’s and his son’s ill health, it seems unnecessary to reprint any part of it here.

Honoured Sir
Philadelphia, Feb. 3. 1766.
This accompanies one Copy of the State of your Accounts with Mr. Hall, according to the best of my Skill and Judgment and the Quantity and State of the Printing Office: And tho’ I have endeavoured to mention every Thing as plainly as I could, yet possibly some Articles may need a little Explanation besides what is so set down: The Valuation of the Printing Materials seems smaller than I imagined it would be; but as I examined all the Letter, and saw the whole weighed, I could not do otherways, for the greatest Part of the Letter is much worn; the Old Brevier fit for very little, and Mr. Hall purposes to throw it by as soon as he can, having got a new Fount himself already come over, to use in its Stead and indeed the Whole is worn much except the Double Pica and newest English, tho’ neither of them are new. We weighed the Forms and Pages of Almanacks &c. with all the Rules in and about them, So that those Rules are charged in the Letter, the same as the Letter: In weighing a Form we only took the Chace out of the Weight, and in Weighing the Letter in the Cases, we weighed two empty Cases first, and took their Weight always out of it. The Furniture and Rules not actually up in Forms, and weighed with the Letter, were but little and poor, and he must soon get himself more: One of the Presses is almost done its best, having been mended so often, as to be very patch’d and Shackled: On the Whole, I think I have valued it at what I thought was the Value of it, supposing no Advantage of one wanting to buy it or of one wanting to sell it, on either Side to be taken. Yet Mr. Hall says, if there be any Particulars in it, that you shall make Objection to, he is willing it should be rectified. With Respect to the Paper furnished by you he says, he had no other Rule to ascertain it, than by the Work-Books, which we carefully look’d over, and set down the Quantity used in every Job and News-paper. As the Paper used for Publick Work before 1756, and sundry other Work, had been settled and accounted for to you already, as by the Accounts he produced in your own Writing appears. Tho’ we settled the Pocket Almanacks he sold at 6d. which is as he sold them wholesale, yet he charges you with those sent to Rhode-Island but at 4d. which were part of those he charges himself at 6d. at. The Money paid by him in England at sundry Times, as charged Sterl. we rekon’d Exchange at 170, as a Medium, as for some of that Money he gave above £180—and for some others, little more than 160, And we have been as exact in reckoning every Thing as we possibly could. We had gone on very nigh finishing, when we recollected some of the Money, both of what you received, and what he had, was due to you before the Partnership began: This obliged us to have a new research, and a thorough new Examination of all the Books and Accounts, and discovered, that he had received the Sum of £246 4s. 2½d. of Money due to you before the Partnership began, which Sums being included already in the Articles of Numb. 1, on the Credit side, where by you are credited for One half of it, we Credited the other Half at the Bottom of the General Account, being £123 2s. 1¼d. Again, we found of the Sums you had received, the Sum of £185 6s. 7d., which belonged to you before the Partnership began, and as you had been charged with Half of that Sum in No. 3. Debtor side, so we have Credited the General Account for that other Half being £92 13s. 3½d. This we thought the most eligible Way, as we had already enter’d, and cast up the Whole before: On your Considering this Matter, I think you will find this to be the right, and perhaps the best that could be, to set such blended Accounts in the clearest Light. There are some of the Books and Pamphlets printed in the Partnership unsold, some of which he has taken to himself, and allowed for them, but some others which don’t appear saleable, he has left, and if hereafter any of them sells, he will account for them: And upon the Whole, if any Mistake or Error shall be hereafter discovered on either Side, he is willing it Should be rectified. If you should return home this Spring or Summer, you can examine any Thing you shall think wrong yourself: as I shall leave the final Passing of them, till I hear from you, or such Return to do it yourself.
My last to you was from Burlington, the End of last December, and beginning of January. I came down here, tho’ scarce able to crawl, the 16th Instant. I continued all the rest of the Month to proceed on with the Accounts, whenever I was able to stir, tho’ I had a Relapse, or rather only an Increase of the Pain, a few Days after I came, that rendered me unable to walk for three Days, and am still but very poorly. I hope to be able to get back again to Burlington, as it is not comfortable to be sick from home, nor there neither, if it could be help’d. I have now been in the Joint three Months, and have had it some Days in the Heart and Stomach so bad, I thought I could not live: My Son [has] been sick above three Months—and he is but poorly yet, tho’ he is mending, and likely to get well: on the Whole, this Year past has been a distressed one with me. But God’s Will be done.
Mr. Foxcroft is gone to Virginia, and I have not heard any Thing from him since his Departure: I wish I may hear from you, before the End of this Month, where I am to put the Printing-Materials of B. Mecom’s that are now in Burlington: I have no body there at Work, all my Boys being gone to New York and Woodbridge: and indeed, I have no Work for them to do, if they were there: I would immediately away to New York now, were I able to travel at any Rate but I even fear, I shall hardly be able to get back to Burlington only, as the Weather is uncomfortable: but I will go assoon as I can. I think I wrote you before, I had secured the Goods you sent to Mr. Hughes, but they are unopen’d, as I would be there myself. I wrote also to Balfour, which I enclosed to you, and hope you will have received it: I don’t know any Thing further material about Affairs wherein I am concerned. And those relating to the Publick you will doubtless have from abler and better Hands. I wrote to B. Mecom lately, but had but a short Answer that he would soon send me the Account &c. I have wrote again—But—I fear nothing can quicken his Sluggishness. I have told Holt I intend to come to New York, and take my Printing Office again: I don’t know what he designs: he keeps it secret from me: I heard the Gentlemen of Virginia were trying to get a new Printer, in Opposition to Mr. Royle,because he declined going on, or was too much under the Influence of the Governor there: and as Green and Rind are parted, I imagine Rind is the Man, and that they have bought the Office, that was Stretch’s, which by an Invoice I saw of it, was very compleat and good, so that if it be so, it will be bad for Billy Hunter, whether Royle lives or dies: It was reported Royle grew worse after his Return home but as we have not heard lately from thence, I can’t say no more about it, and doubtless you will hear from thence from Mr. Foxcroft soon, who can give you a better Account of the Matter.
As I am necessarily to send you two Copies of the Accounts, &c. so another to the same Purpose as this, I shall leave in Mr. Hall’s Hands to be forwarded to you with them. Therefore I think I can add no more, than all Respects &c. from Your most obliged Servant
James Parker.

PS. Mr. Hall made some Demands for hiring a Clerk: He says he hired one at your Particular Request at one Time: that he had one constantly from 1753: and for 18 Months two of ’em: never less than 20s. a Week, and great Part of the Time 25. He also must keep one Still, to draw out Accounts and get in the Money due, and thinks Part of the Expence should be yours: As the Articles were silent on that Head, and my Power did not extend so far, I could only refer it to you: Two Iron Fire places of yours are left, and he having a Year or two ago, purchased two Cannon Stoves, he keeps them himself as he bought them with his own Money.
Burlington, Feb. 10. I got as well home here as I expected: the Gout not quite left me yet. As soon as my Strength will admit, I shall set forward for NewYork: No Packet come in yet tho’ momentarily expected: I shall send down B. Mecom’s Printing Office to Philadelphia, immediately, as Mrs. Franklin says she will see Care taken of it.

Feb. 11. I just now heard Mr. Holt has had an Execution levied on his Goods: he does not tell me so himself, but I have heard it, and fear its too true: I believe I shall be a far greater Loser by him, than you were by B. Mecom: Its an easy Thing to behave with Fortitude, when all goes generally well: But I must exert it notwithstanding all may go against me: and indeed, I know I can’t command Success in my Affairs, but as far as Resignation, and a Steady Diligence could deserve it, I have endeavoured it: I have supported others and almost Starv’d myself: but I am thankful its no worse, and will still say, God’s Will be done.

Feb 20. Last Night heard the Packet was come in, but no Letter for me, so I now attempt to close: I am still poorly with this wretched Gout, or rather now a real Rheumatism, as it takes all my Bones. Hope only remains at the Bottom of the Box. I long for my Health to go to New York, but I must submit.
One Thing I forgot to mention, I must now note. One Box of Goods sent to Mr. Hughes came by Capt. Tillet, this I suppose is the Stationary: this I have in my Store at NewYork, but I have Advice of another come in Capt. Berton, which I suppose is the Electrical Machine: but as you have never sent a Bill of Lading for it either to Mr. Hughes or me, Capt. Berton won’t deliver it without a Bill of Lading tho’ I sent him Word I would indemnify him: so he keeps it in his Possession, and I cannot demand it without a Bill. &c.
All Mecom’s Materials are sent down to Philadelphia. Adieu.


Title: Observations on Mr. Parker’s State of the Account, [undated]
From:
To:

This undated document is placed here for convenience because it relates so closely to Parker’s final report on the accounts between Franklin and Hall, Feb. 1, 1766 (above, pp. 87–99), and his letter of February 3 about that report (immediately above). Franklin could hardly have received the report and letter before the middle of March 1766, but they had reached him by April 6, as he told Parker in a letter of that date, now lost, that Parker acknowledged on June 11 (below, p. 300). Franklin had probably prepared these “Observations” by May 19, when he wrote Hall a letter, also now lost, raising a few of the questions indicated here. Hall replied on Aug. 19, 1766, acknowledging that letter and answering some of the questions asked (below, pp. 380–1).
From time to time in later correspondence the former partners alluded to matters to be found in these “Observations,” and Hall asked for a copy of the entire document. Franklin promised to send it, but seems not to have done so at any time before Hall died the day before Christmas 1772. In fact, as indicated in the headnote to the account between Franklin and the Hall estate (above, p. 101), there seems to have been no final settlement of the account during the lifetime of any of the people directly concerned: James Parker, David Hall, and Franklin himself.
In considering these “Observations” reference should be had to the entry numbers added to the copy of the Parker account as printed above.

[Undated]
Observations on Mr. Parker’s State of the Account between B F. and D Hall. Referring to the Articles as Numbred with Red Ink

No. 1.
Article 1. Query, May not this Article contain Sums paid on Accounts settled, as Receipts were given on such Settlements, and the Sums then paid ought not to be brought into this Account.

  2.
Mr. Parker writes that the Exchange was settled at a Medium Rate. But the real Rate of Exchange is the best to settle this Article at, Mr. Hall can easily find what he paid for the Bills he sent me. If not, the Price of Bills at the Time each Bill was sent, may easily be known from any Merchant’s Books. Mr. H. in his Letters frequently mention’d to me the Rate of Exchange.

  3.
What is the meaning of Cash lent? When does the Account mention’d in this Article begin?

  4.
If the Almanacks sent to Rhodeisland are charg’d to me, which indeed I gave away as I us’d to do before the Partnership and never receiv’d any Pay for; then I ought to be allow’d for the Copy of the Almanacks which cost me Money, besides a good deal of Trouble of my own. And to which Copy I still have the Right.

  5.
—

  6.
Is there Credit given for Noetica’s sold? Are there none remaining?

  7.
Examine Mr. Hunter’s Account to see if these were ever charg’d to him.

  8.
—

9.
Let this be charg’d to Post Office Account £11 3s. 6d.

10.
—

11.
Enquire of Mr. Strahan about this Payment of £82 8s. 6d. sterl. to see if it was on Account of Sally’s Books.

12.
Do. Copy these two Articles.

No. 2. 13. The Account of Paper should be taken from the Work book as mine was, and not from Papermakers Receipts.

14.
Lampblack is one of the Incidentals as well as Oil or Ink. As there is no Article for Oil, I suppose it comes under the next Head of

15.
Incidentals. What do they consist of, that they amount to £584 1s. 2½d. besides what is in the next Article

16.
Ink, and English Papers. Quy. if the latter ought to be charg’d?

17.
More Incidentals. What were they? £18 5s. 11d.

18.
This Article like No. 13. should be made out from the Work Books, not from Receipts.

19.
— [Added later in this space in different ink: Sent Mr. Hall

20.
— 300 Post the second Journals.—and some of the first.]

No. 3. 21. What Printing Work? Was it not such as was settled?

22.
—

23.
—

24.
Receiv’d by B.F. was this Sum? or received by D.H. and paid by him to B F. on Gazette Account? £448 10s. 3d.

25.
Has Ramsey paid the rest?

Gen. Acct. 26.

27.

28.

  2d

      Page. No. 1. 29.
      }
      Was not the Old Body of Votes printed before 1756? How is that Work settled? Are there not a great Number unsold?

      30.

31.
—

32.
This Article should extend to Jan. 26. 1766. See below Art. 45.

      33.
      }
The Sum of these two Articles seems very low. Is there no Mistake? Is there not some great Omission. The single Advertisements, Blanks, and other Jobbs, are chiefly ready Pay, and do not by this Account amount to more than £27 per Ann.

    34.

35.
–

36.
This Article ends Aug. 22. 1765, should be extended to Jan. 26. 66.

37.

38.

39.
—

40.
—

41.
Almanacks

42.
Primers

43.
Blanks, Query, how were they valued, how much per Quire?

44.
Gazette

45.
Advts.

46.
On what Account is this Money received?

47.
What Books and Pamphlets?

48.

        Primmers. Quy. the Paper.
        }
Are these reckond Paper and all.

        Cats. Quy. Paper.

49.

51.
Has not Dilworth been printed several times before?

52.

      Was the Sale of the Body of Laws all Accounted for?
      }
      left

      Quy. Testaments and Pamelas.

53.

54.
—

55.
See Article 18. near £500’s worth of Paper per Ann.

58.
Quy. the meaning of this Article? Moore’s Alm[anac]s. If sold for B.F. are they accounted for?

No. 2
[bracketed together with single comment:] 59 60 61 62 63 65 66 67 Examine these Articles. They make the whole Quantity of Paper us’d in 8 Years, while I found it, to amount only to £1385 3s. 4d. which is but £173 per ann. See Article 55.

[Added comment on 63:] I think Pocket Almanacks used to be done on fine Post. Quy.

No. 3. Art. 68. Does this Account include Pensa. Law Books and Newcastle with Testaments, Pamelas, Common Prayers, &c.

69.
Query the Nature of this Article, and on what Occasion.

70.
Was Damages receiv’d.

71.

72.
Flowrs cost 5s. Sterl. per lb. Book Press, the Screw worth much more. Chaces too low. Several other Articles Ditto. particularly Presses.

Gen. Acct. 73

74

75

76

77

Gen. Observations

No Valuation of my Copy Right to Poor Richard’s Almanack Book and Pocket.

No Valuation of my Copy Right to the establish’d Gazette.

No Computation of the outstanding Debts, or Offer made for them.

[Added in different ink:] No Account of the Sale of 500 Reviews of the Constitution of Pensilvania, an 8vo of 5s. Sterl. sent. to Mr. Hall for Sale in July 1759.

Endorsed: B. Franklin’s Remarks on the Account settled by Mr. Parker. between Franklin & Hall


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Crowley, 8 February 1766
From:
To:

Worthy Friend
Grace Church Street 8 feb 1766
Subsequent to our Conversation at or near the House of Commons, I was informd by one of the Committee that he had been informd that I was the author of the Paragraph inserted in the Gazetteer 1 feb: alledging that “by a Calculation of an Eminent American Merchant it appears that the whole Taxes in all the American Provinces, do not amount, upon an Average to more than eight pence per head on every individual person including, men, Women and Children whereas the Taxes to pay the Interest only of Money spent in great Brittain to defend America, amounts to twelve shillings per Annum on every individual in great Brittain.” However the two annual sums may possibly have been somehow pickd, up in Conversation I cannot say; but I had no hand at all in such advertisement, nor dont know, nor can guess, who put it in or Caused it to be so advertised, nor did I ever think or breach such insidious, unjustifiable Doctrine and I may add was never capable of such absurd Conduct. So much I have thought but necessary to prevent any unjust imputation, so far as it may happen to reach Your notice and while I have my pen in hand suffer me to say or Repeat That I think it highly behoves every Agent and Every particular of the Committee of Merchants to very Maturely Consider the Danger of Miscarrying in the Grand Point, if what the Ministry may deem unbecoming objections should be raised against Conciliating Measures, which do avowedly tend to answer both purposes of Saving the Honour of the Supreme Legislative power, and also of Saving the Right Claimd by the Colonies of not being Taxed without their Consent. I am ever for Moderation as being far the most likely means to produce Reconciliation, than allegations tenacious of Rigid Right does ever produce especially in Cases in their nature of a disputable kind—and not Capable of being in its utmost extent exercised fully in favour of either side, without prejudice to the other.
May therefore Every one whose Station and Abilities has in some degree made Arbiter of the Measures necessary to bring about the desireable end of Reconciliation, lend forth a hand of Aid, in that Great, Good, and salutary Work. I am very respectfully Your assurd ready Friend and Servant
Tho Crowley

Addressed: To / Benja. Franklin Esqr / Prest


Title: Privy Council: Referral of Franklin’s Application for a Land Grant, 10 February 1766
From:
To:

Franklin’s interest in Nova Scotia lands has been examined in the preceding volume, where documents were printed showing that, as a member of two land speculating syndicates headed by Alexander McNutt, he acquired in 1765 claims to thousands of acres in what is now the province of New Brunswick. See above, XII, 345–50. The petition summarized here differs from the earlier two in that Franklin made it individually and not as a member of a syndicate, and that he applied to the Privy Council in England and not to the governor of the province.

[February 10, 1766]
Upon reading this day at the Board the Petition of Benjamin Franklin L.L.D. humbly praying that His Majesty will be graciously pleased to grant him twenty thousand Acres of Land in such part of the Province of Nova Scotia as the Petitioner or his Agent shall choose upon the same terms and conditions on which Lands have been granted within the said Province, in order to make a Settlement thereupon. It is Ordered &ca. ut antea.

[In the margin:]Nova ScotiaPetn: of Benj: Franklin for Lands in this province.Refd: to the Bd: of Trade


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Springett Penn, 12 February 1766
From:
To:

Dear Sir
Dublin 12th Feby 1766
I received Mr. Penningtons Letter you was so Kind to forward. I wrote to you a long time since to desire the favour of you to ask Mr. Life for somuch Money (as he had some of my Mothers in his Hands) as would purchase a Lottery Tickett since which have not had the favour of a Line from you. My Mother and myself join in Respects and good Wishes to you and your Family and Mrs. Stephenson. I remain Your Obliged humble servant.
Springett Penn
Pray Excuse this poor paper.

[In the margin:] Mr. Life wrote me that Mr. Jackson gave no hopes of succeding in my Claim to the Government at present.


Title: “Pacificus”: On Chastising the Colonies, [13 February 1766]
From:
To:

The authorship of this piece has not been established with any certainty, and the editors can offer little evidence that Franklin wrote it. He often used anecdotes to support or illustrate his ideas, but he was by no means the only writer of the time to employ such a device. The London Chronicle, with which his friend William Strahan was closely connected, often served as a vehicle for his communications to the public, though most of his letters of recent weeks had appeared in other papers. He had cited the Duke of Alva’s oppressions in the Netherlands in his Canada Pamphlet of 1760 (above, IX, 91), though other writers in England also used the duke as a symbol of tyranny. And the signature “Pacificus,” commonly reserved for advocates of stern measures against the colonies, had been used ironically about two weeks earlier by one writer, probably Franklin, for a purpose similar to that of this letter. The piece is included here only as a possible contribution from Franklin’s pen, and the reader may decide for himself whether it should be identified as one of his writings.

  [February 13, 1766]
  To the Printer.

A Certain Judge, at an Assize, declared it from the Bench, as his Opinion, that every man had a legal right to chastise his wife, if she was stubborn and obstinate; but then he observed, that his right ought to be exercised with great lenity and moderation.
It seems our Lawyers are of opinion, that England has an indisputable right to correct her refractory children of North America. But then, as the Judge observed, it ought to be done with temper and moderation; lest, like an unskilful Surgeon, we should exasperate and inflame the wound we ought to mollify. It is an old maxim, but not the less true, that it is much easier to lead than to drive. If the Duke d’Alva had treated the people of the Netherlands with gentleness and humanity, they would never have revolted. Thank God, we have no Duke d’Alva in England.
The Great Commoner is, at least in the present instance, a Friend to Peace, and for healing measures: So are the late King’s old and faithful servants. The same Apostle who says, Children, obey your Parents; says also, Fathers, provoke not your Children to wrath.
Pacificus.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Amelia Evans, [18 February 1766]
From:
To:

Dear Sir,
Tuesday 18 [February 1766] 12 o’clock
This morning I have had my difinitive answer from the family I am in, and am to go with them. The Ship in which they are to sail is now ready at Portsmouth and they only wait for the Consuls Credential letters which are hourly expected. The reason therfore Sir for my troubling you in this manner is to beg you will endeavour to have some estimation put on the Copper plate but I would most willingly refer that to you.
I have had a letter a day or two ago from my Guardian in Philadelphia and am disappointed of receiving some money I have there but he says he expects to receive it very soon as it is at interest upon undoubted security. You do not Sir perhaps think the money I have due to me from the Estate in Boston secure enough to advance me anything upon it—if you do Sir and would oblige me so far I should esteem it as the greatest favor in the world, as I am obliged to lay in many articles before I leave England there being very few things to be purchased at Tunis of wearables and I am to expect very little from my Uncle than severity. The money I have due to me from the Boston estate has been fully proved and the account acknowledged by the Executors of that Estate and perhaps my draught on them they will be obliged to answer.
If the above request you do not think proper to comply with I hope you will pardon the boldness of it and believe that nothing but the necessity of my situation could drive me to it therefore from the knowledge I have of Mr. Franklin I may flatter myself he will not only excuse but pity his most obliged and obedient Servant
Amelia Evans

Please to direct to me at Mr. Norris King street Golden square. I [would] have waited upon you Sir but had not the confidence upon such an errand.

Addressed: For / Benjamin Franklin Esqr. / Craven-street / Strand


Title: Amelia Evans: Receipt, 19 February 1766
From:
To:

[February 19, 1766]
Receiv’d Feb. 19. 1766 of Benja. Franklin Five Guineas for the Plate of the American Map made by my Father Lewis Evans and the Right to the Copy of the Book wrote by him to explain that Map.
Amelia Evans
£5. 5. 0

Endorsed: No 73 Amelia Evans £11. 11. 0 Note, Herein is an Order on Mrs Strettell for £6. 6s. 0d. Sent to Mrs Franklin Jan. 26. 1771


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Matthew Boulton, [22 February 1766]
From:
To:

[Birmingham February 22, 1766]
The addition you have made to my happiness in being the cause of my acquaintance with the amiable and ingenious Dr. Small deserves more than thanks and theretofore I take this opportunity, of making my acknowledgements to you in the Same Sort of Coin by introducing to you, my Good friend Mr. Samuel Garbett, who is an admirer of Mr. Francklin in particular, a Friend to Mankind in General, a Lover of his Country, a Zealous Advocate for Truth and for the rights, of your oppress’d Countrymen, he is a Man who does honour to the Character of a Merchant, a Manufactorer, and of a Soldier, indeed he is of that Class of Men which I know you Love, and though I am Sensible your time is of Great value, yet I Shall make no apology for thus breaking in upon it, as youll thank me for his acquaintance. My engagements Since xmas have not permitt’d me to make any further progress, with my Fire Enguine but as the Thirsty Season is approaching apace, Necessity will oblige me to set about it in good Ernest.
Query. which of the Steam Valves do you Like best.
Query. is it better to Introduce the Jet of Cold Water in at the bottoms of the receive[sic]. (which is about 3 feet from the top) or in at the top, Each has it adventages and disadventages, my thoughts about the Secondary or Mechanical contrivences of it are too numerous to trouble you with in this Letter and yet I have not been Lucky enough, to hit upon any that are objectionless, therefore beg if any thought occours to you fertile Genius which you think may be usefull or preserve me from Error in the Execution of this Engine you’ll be So kind as to comunicate it to me, and you’ll very greatly oblidge your
  M B
Having occasion to anneal a Steel Dye about 6 lb wt. the other Day, I put it (when moderatly Red Hott) into Some wood Ashes, which I consid’d as the best incombustible non Conductor of heat I know, those ashes were contain’d in a wooden Barrell which I wrapt up in Some Woolen blankets and left it in a Cold Garret (then Cover’d with Snow) w[h]ere it remain’d for 30 hours and then I open’d it in the presence of Dr. Small. I found a good deal of Steam condenc’d upon the Barrell and Blankets, which shew’d they were not dry enough For the Experiment. Yet neverthless the Dye was nearly as hot as boiling Water. There are a few other experiments which I want to make in this Way and then I intend to try if I Can’t send you a 12 pounder red hot to London.
I Should be much oblig’d to you if you would Let the Servant order a Corker to neal [nail] up the model of the Engine in the box again, and take it to the Birmingham Carrier at the Bell in smithfield the Expence of which you’ll please to post in your Philosophical Account Book where your Debtor is not Distinguish’d from Creditor.

  Benjm. Francklin Esqr


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Joseph Fox, 24 February 1766
From:
To:

Dear Sir,
London, Feb. 24. 1766.
I have now the Pleasure of informing you, that on Friday last, in a Committee of the whole House, Mr. Secretary Conway mov’d that it should be recommended to the House to give leave to bring in a Bill for repealing the American Stamp Act, which Motion was seconded by Mr. Cooper: But an Amendment to the Motion being propos’d by the late Ministry, viz. instead of Repealing to say explaining and amending, the Debate began, which lasted till two the next Morning, when it was carried for the total Repeal, by 275 against 167. Many of those who were for explaining and amending meant to reduce it to a Stamp on Cards and Dice only, and that merely to keep up the Claim of Right. The British Merchants trading to America have been extreamly zealous and hearty in our Cause; I hope they will receive the Thanks of the several Assemblies. The House will next proceed to reconsider all the Acts of Trade, designing to give us every reasonable Relief. I doubt not, but that if the Bill passes, a decent, dutiful, grateful Behaviour in us Americans will show that these Favours (for such they are thought here) are not ill bestowed. The present Ministry have been truly our Friends, and have hazarded themselves greatly in our Behalf. It would be a Pity if any future Misconduct of ours should turn to their Prejudice. With great Esteem, I am, Dear Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin

Addressed: To / Joseph Fox Esqr / Speaker of the Honble. House of / Representatives / Pennsylvania / per favour of / Mr Penrose


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to David Hall, 24 February 1766
From:
To:

Dear Mr. Hall,
London, Feb. 24. 1766
The House of Commons after a long Debate, which lasted from Friday 3 aClock to 2 the next Morning, came to a Resolution to repeal the Stamp Act, 275 to 167, the Minority being for explaining and amending. The Party of the late Ministry will give the Bill all the Obstruction and Delay possible, but there is reason now to believe it will pass both Houses which has long been rather doubtful. The present Ministry, who have been true Freinds to America in this Affair, purpose also to review the Acts of Trade, and give us every farther Relief that is reasonable. I hope therefore that Harmony between the two Countries will be restor’d, and all Mobs and Riots on our Side the Water totally cease. It will certainly become us on this Occasion to behave decently and respectfully with regard to Government here, that we may not disgrace our Friends who have in a manner engag’d their Credit for us on that head. We now see that tho’ the Parliament may sometimes possibly thro’ Misinformation be mislead to do a wrong Thing towards America, yet as soon as they are rightly inform’d, they will immediately rectify it, which ought to confirm our Veneration for that most august Body, and Confidence in its Justice and Equity. Great Honour and Thanks are due to the British Merchants, trading to America, who have all of them been our zealous and indefatigable Friends, particularly Mr. Trecothick and Mr. Capel Hanbury. We had also many firm Friends in the House of Commons, viz. Mr. Pitt, Mr. Conway, Mr. Cooke, Mr. Dowdeswell, Sir George Saville, Sir William Meredith, Mr. Burke, Mr. Cooper, Mr. Jackson, Mr. Huske, with a Number of others too many to enumerate at present. I am, as ever, Yours affectionately
B Franklin

[The above for the Gazette I enclose you some of the Cards on which I have lately wrote all my Messages; they are to show the Mischiefs of reducing the Colonies by Force of Arms.]

Addressed: To / Mr David Hall / Printer / Philadelphia
Endorsed: Mr. Franklin February 24. 1766


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from George Croghan, 25 February 1766
From:
To:

Sir
Philada, February 25. 1766.
I did myself the Honour of writing to you, on the 12th. of December and inclosed you, a Copy of my Journal and Transactions, with the several Western Nations of Indians, that I met with, in my Tour to and from the Ilinois Country; Since which I have had the Pleasure of hearing, that his Majesty’s Troops have obtained, peaceable Possession of Fort Chartris.
I beg leave now Sir, to present you, with the Copy of my private Journal. It is as descriptive, of the Territory, I passed thro’, as the Embarrassments and Difficulties, I met with, from the French and Indians, would Admit of.
The Ilinois Country, far exceeds any other part of America, that I have seen—both as to Soil and Climate.
The French indeed, were so sensible of this and of its advantageous situation, both for enjoying the Benefits of a very extensive furr Trade and controuling, the numerous Nations of Indians, which surround it, that they a considerable Time ago, began to establish a Colony there; Which is now, in a very thriving Situation.
My Opinion is, that the British Nation ought immediately, whilst the Indians are friendly to us, and before the French can have Time, to Poison their Minds, To pursue their excellent Plan. And therefore, upon my Return from the Indian Country, I thought it my Duty, to communicate my sentiments, upon this Subject, freely, to Sir William Johnson. A Copy whereof, I pray leave to put under Cover, for your Perusal, and shall esteem it, a particular favor, if you will be pleased to afford me, your Thoughts upon it.

Sir William is entirely of my Opinion and has by this Month’s Packett wrote very fully, to the Lords of Trade, concerning it.
When I did myself the Pleasure of writing to you, on the 12th. of December, I took the Liberty of communicating to you, the Inclination and Desire of the Indians, To make the Traders, a satisfaction for their Robbery’s. This, I thought then, as I do now, ought by no means to be refused, by his Majestys Ministers, As it is undoubtedly, a piece of Justice due to the sufferers and will be indulging the Natives, in a scheme of Retaliation, that may Ever hereafter, be rendered inexpressibly subservient, to his Majesty’s Service.
I returned last Week, from a Visit to Sir William Johnson; When We frequently conferred, upon the above Subject. He is so thoroughly convinced, that it is a measure, which the Kings Ministers ought, immediately, to adopt (and especialy, as He has finally and fully settled the matter with the six Nations) That he has, by this Months Packett, (which I suppose, sailed the 16th Instant) wrote to the Lords of Trade and express’d to them, the Voluntary Offer of the Shawanese and Delawares, and that the Six Nations, had expressly Authorized him, to confirm the Grant; Wherefore he has earnestly desired, that he may have the Kings Orders to settle it, At the same Time, that he is Commanded to ratify a permanent Boundary, between the Colonies and the Indians hunting Ground. This certainly, is an Object of the greatest Consequence to these Provinces, as it will effectualy ascertain, a sufficient extent of Land for Colonization, and put an End, to dangerous Disputes, respecting our Frontier People’s hunting, on their Ground; Therefore it is to be hoped, No Time will be lost, before Sir William is authorized to Compleat it. When I dare say, you will Joyfully seize that Opportunity, of doing our distressed Countrymen, so much essential Service, As to back Sir Williams request, That He may then, have his Majestys clear and express Orders To confirm the six Nations Grant, to the sufferers.
Indians are of a fickle, uncertain Temper, Wherefore their Offers ought always to be accepted, as soon as possible, after proffer’d, otherwise they are too apt, to construe a Delay, into a Contemptuous refusal.

It is also, as remarkable, that altho’ they are thus Capricious, yet to their Honour, be it mentioned, that it was never known, they ever attempted to dissolve a Contract, justly and plainly, made with them.
Sometime next Month, I shall make another Visit to the Illinois &c. in Order to consolidate my last Year’s Negotiations. If anything material should occur, worthy your Consideration, I shall take the Liberty of communicating it, to you. I am with great Respect Sir Your Obledient humble Servant
Geo: Croghan
Benjamin Franklyn Esqr.

Endorsed: Letter from Col Croghan Feb. 25. 1766 His Sentiments of a Colony in the Ilinois Country And of the Indians making a Retribution in Lands to the Traders they robbed.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to David Hall, 26 February 1766
From:
To:

Dear Mr. Hall
London, Feb. 26. 1766.
I wrote to you on the 22d Instant, via Maryland. I now congratulate you again on the Prospect of having the Stamp Act repeal’d. The Grand Committee reported on Monday. Mr. Conway mov’d that Leave should be given to bring in a Bill for repealing the American Stamp Act. The Motion being seconded and agreed to, one of the late Ministry mov’d, that a Clause should be inserted in the Bill, to prevent the Repeal taking Place till every Colony Assembly had eras’d out of its Minute Book the Resolves that militated against the Right of Parliament: The Debate lasted till one a Clock next Morning, when it was carried again the last Motion 240 to 133. I write in great haste; but am as ever, Yours affectionately
B Franklin
I received yours of Oct. 14 and Nov. 5.

Addressed: To / Mr David Hall / Printer / Philadelphia / Mr P Campbell.
Endorsed: Franklin Feby 26. 1766.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Ezra Stiles, 26 February 1766
From:
To:

Dear Sir
Newport Febry 26 1766
Permit me to request that you would perfect the inclosed List. It is some Satisfaction to know the company into which one is associated. It would oblige me if Mr. Strahan would furnish a List of the Divines in Scotland now living and dignified with a Doctorate, I am told they are not numerous. Among the Ten Thousand Clergy of the Church of England are there 2 or 300 Doctors? Pray oblige me with a List of those most eminent for Literature. The Dutch are said to have a Degree beyond the Superlative—these seem to be eruditissimi eruditissimorum such were Bacon, Selden, Newton Locke &c. In your last you mentioned a Correspondence with which I should esteem myself much honoud, if Dr. Watson should consent, which I shall know by receiving his Letter.
I have seen lately seen an excellent and amiable Character of the Marquis of Rockingham as a Patron of Literature and real Merit, and a Judge of both. I should share the pleasure with the rest of your New England Friends if this Nobleman, or some other of your Acquaintance would recommend you, my dear Sir, to his Majesty for the Honor of Knighthood: I wish you an heriditary Dignity and such I think is that of a Baronet:
I have somtimes wished, after you had digested such of your Letters and other Writings as you would desire to accompany your Name through all american Ages, that I might be charged with the publication of them, prefixing them with the history of your Life. But this is an honor, to which among your numerous friends I can have no pretension. Confucius and his Posterity have been honored in China for Twenty Ages—the Electrical Philosopher, the American Inventor of the pointed Rods will live for Ages to come to live with him would please no one more than, my Dear Maecenas Your affectionate Friend and obedient Servant
Ezra Stiles
Dr. Franklin London

Sent by Mr. Robt. Stevens Junior who saild March 9. 1766. on Board the ship America Capt. Osborn from Newport Rh. Isl. for Bristol in England, and Arrived at Bristol Apr. 17.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, 27 February 1766
From:
To:

My dear Child,
London, Feb. 27. 1766.
I wrote you a few days ago by Mr. Penrose via Mary land, when I wrote also to the Speaker, to Mr. Galloway, Mr. Hughes and Mr. Hall. I have now as little time as then to enlarge, having wrote besides to day so much that I am almost blind. But by the March Packet shall fully answer your late Letters. Let the Vaults alone till my Return: As you have a Wood Yard, perhaps they may not be necessary. I send you some curious Beans for your Garden. Love to Sally and all Relations; and to all the Ladies that do me the Honour to enquire after me. I congratulate you on the soon expected Repeal of the Stamp Act; and on the great Share of Health we both enjoy, tho’ now going in Fourscore, (that is, in the fourth Score.) Mr. Whitfield call’d today and tells me a surprizing Piece of News. Mr. Dunlap is come here from Barbadoes, was ordain’d Deacon on Saturday last, and Priest on Sunday! In haste, but very well, I am, my dear Girl, Your ever loving Husband,
B Franklin
Inclos’d are a few of my Political Cards.

Addressed: To / Mrs Franklin / at / Philadelphia


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to [Hugh Roberts], 27 February 1766
From:
To:

Dear Friend
London Feb. 27. 1766
I receiv’d your kind Letter of Nov. 27. You cannot conceive how much Good the cordial Salutations of an old Friend do the Heart of a Man so far from home, and hearing frequently of the Abuses thrown on him in his Absence by the Enemies that Party has rais’d against him.
In the meantime I hope I have done even those Enemies some Service in our late Struggle for America. It has been a hard one, and we have been often between Hope and Despair; but now the Day begins to clear, the Ministry are fix’d for us, and we have obtain’d a Majority in the House of Commons for Repealing the Stamp Act, and giving us Ease in every Commercial Grievance. God grant that no bad News of farther Excesses in America may arrive to strengthen our Adversaries and weaken the Hands of our Friends, before this good Work is quite compleated.
The Partizans of the late Ministry have been strongly crying out Rebellion, and calling for Force to be sent against America! The Consequence might have been terrible! but milder Measures have prevailed.
I hope, nay I am confident, America will Show itself grateful to Britain on this Occasion, and behave prudently and decently.
I have got a Seal done for four Guineas, which I shall send per Friend.
My Respects to good Mrs. Roberts, and to your valuable Son. Remember me affectionately to the Junto, and to all enquiring Friends.
Adieu, my dear Friend. Your Integrity will always make you happy. Believe me ever Yours affectionately
B Franklin
Mr. Neave [has been] long in the Country.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Charles Thomson, 27 February 1766
From:
To:

My good Friend and Neighbour,
London Feb. 27. 1766.
I forget whether I before acknowledg’d the Receipt of your kind Letter of Sept. 24. I gave an Extract of it to a Friend, with an Extract of mine to which it was an Answer; and he printed both in the London Chronicle, with an Introduction of his own: and I have reprinted everything from America that I thought might help our common Cause. We at length, after a long and hard Struggle, have gain’d so much Ground, that there is now little Doubt the Stamp Act will be repealed, and reasonable Relief given us besides in our Commercial Grievances, and those relating to our Currency. I trust the Behaviour of the Americans on the Occasion, will be so prudent, decent, and grateful, as that their Friends here will have no reason to be ashamed; and that our Enemies, who predict that the Indulgence of Parliament will only make us more insolent and ungovernable, may find themselves, and be found, false Prophets. My Respects to Mrs. Thomson. I have not had the Pleasure of hearing from you by any of the late Opportunities; but am so bad a Correspondent myself that I have no right to take Exceptions, and am nevertheless Your affectionate Friend and very humble Servant
B Franklin
Mr. Cha. Thomson

Addressed: To / Mr Charles Thomson / Mercht / Philadelphia
Endorsed: Doctr B. Franklin Feby 26. 1768 [sic] a lett from B Franklin in London Feby 27 1766


Title: “F.B.”: The Frenchman and the Poker, [February–March 1766]
From:
To:

This is the second of two letters Goddard reprinted in the Pennsylvania Chronicle, March 16–23, 1767, the authorship of which he attributed to Franklin. In a letter to his sister, Jane Mecom, many years later, Franklin acknowledged that he had “told” the story. Goddard gave no source from which he reprinted the piece, though the fact that the first of the letters he reprinted in this issue came from the Gazetteer probably explains why Smyth (Writings, v, 14 n) stated that this one was also taken from that London paper. The editors have been unable to identify the journal from which Goddard took it.

  [February–March 1766]
  To the Printer.

It is reported, I know not with what Foundation, that there is an Intention of obliging the Americans to pay for all the Stamps they ought to have used, between the Commencement of the Act, and the Day on which the Repeal takes Place, viz. from the first of November 1765, to the first of May 1766; that this is to make Part of an Act, which is to give Validity to the Writings and Law Proceedings, that contrary to Law have been executed without Stamps, and is to be the Condition on which they are to receive that Validity. Shall we then keep up for a Trifle the Heats and Animosities that have been occasioned by the Stamp-Act? and lose all the Benefit of Harmony and good Understanding between the different Parts of the Empire, which were expected from a generous total Repeal? Is this Pittance likely to be a Whit more easily collected than the whole Duty? Where are Officers to be found who will undertake to collect it? Who is to protect them while they are about it? In my Opinion, it will meet with the same Opposition, and be attended with the same Mischiefs that would have attended an Enforcement of the Act entire.
But I hear, that this is thought necessary, to raise a Fund for defraying the Expence that has been incurred by stamping so much Paper and Parchment for the Use of America, which they have refused to take and turn’d upon our Hands; and that since they are highly favour’d by the Repeal, they cannot with any Face of Decency refuse to make good the Charges we have been at on their Account. The whole Proceeding would put one in Mind of the Frenchman that used to accost English and other Strangers on the Pont-Neuf,
   *A Bridge over the River Siene, leading to Paris.
 with many Compliments, and a red hot Iron in his Hand; Pray Monsieur Anglois, says he, Do me the Favour to let me have the Honour of thrusting this hot Iron into your Backside? Zoons, what does the Fellow mean! Begone with your Iron, or I’ll break your Head! Nay, Monsieur, replies he, if you do not chuse it, I do not insist upon it. But at least, you will in Justice have the Goodness to pay me something for the heating of my Iron.
  F.B.