Title: [January 1766]
From: Adams, John
To:

      Anno Domini 1766
      1766. January 1st. Wednesday.

       Severe cold, and a Prospect of Snow.
       We are now upon the Beginning of a Year of greater Expectation than any, that has passed before it. This Year brings Ruin or Salvation to the British Colonies. The Eyes of all America, are fixed on the British Parliament. In short Britain and America are staring at each other.—And they will probably stare more and more for sometime.

       At Home all day. Mr. Joshua Hayward Jur. dined with me. Town Politicks, the Subject. Drank Tea Dr. Tufts here in the Afternoon, American Politicks the Subject. Read, in the Evening a Letter from Mr. Du berdt our present Agent to Ld. Dartmouth, in which he considers three Questions. 1st. Whether in Equity or Policy America ought to refund any Part of the Expence of driving away the French in the last War? 2d. Whether it is necessary for the Defence of the British Plantations, to keep up an Army there? 3d. Whether, in Equity, the Parliament can tax Us? Each of which he discusses like a Man of Sense, Integrity and Humanity, well informed in the Nature of his Subject. In his Examination of the last Question he goes upon the Principle of the Ipswich Instructions, vizt. that the first Settlers of America, were driven by Oppression from the Realm, and so dismembered from the Dominions, till at last they offered to make a Contract with the Nation, or the Crown, and to become subject to the Crown upon certain Conditions, which Contract, Subordination and Conditions were wrought into their Charters, which give them a Right to tax themselves. This is a Principle which has been advanced long ago. I remember in the Tryal of the Cause at Worcester between Governor Hopkins of Rhode Island and Mr. Ward one of the Witnesses swore that he heard Governor Hopkins, some Years before, in a Banter with Coll. Amy, advancing that We were under no subjection to the British Parliament, that our Forefathers came from Leyden &c.—and indeed it appears from Hutchinsons History, and the Massachusetts Records, that the Colonies were considered formerly both here and at Home, as Allies rather than Subjects. The first Settlement certainly was not a national Act, i.e. not an Act of the People nor the Parliament. Nor was it a national Expence. Neither the People of England, nor their Representatives contributed any thing towards it. Nor was the Settlement made on a Territory belonging to the People nor the Crown of England.
       Query. How far can the Concern the Council at Plymouth had, in the first Settlement, be considered as a national Act? How far can the Discoveries made by the Cabots, be considered as an Acquisition of Territory to the Nation or the Crown?—and Q. whether the Council at Plymouth or the Voyages of the Cabots, or of Sir Walter Rawleigh &c. were any Expence to the Nation?
       In the Paper there are also, Remarks on the Proceedings of Parliament relating to the stamp Act taken from the London Magazine Septr. 1765. This remarker says, as a great Number of new Offences, new Penalties, and new offices and officers, are by this Act created, We cannot wonder at its being extreamly disgustful to our Fellow Subjects in America. The patient and long suffering People of this Country would scarcely have born it at once—they were brought to it by Degrees—and they will be more inconvenient in America than they can be in England.
       The Remarker says further, that the design of one Clause in the Stamp Act, seems to be, that there shall be no such Thing as a practising Lawyer in the Country, the Case of the Saxons. This design he says ludicrously, by compelling every man to manage and plead his own Cause, would prevent many delays and Perversions of Justice, and so be an Advantage to the People of America. But he seriously doubts whether the Tax will pay the Officers. People will trust to Honour, like Gamesters and Stockjobbers. He says he will not enter into the Question, whether the Americans are right or wrong in the Opinion they have been indulged in ever since their Establishment, that they could not be subjected to any Taxes, but such as should be imposed by their own respective Assemblies. He thinks a Land Tax the most just and convenient of any—an Extension of the British Land Tax to the American Dominions. But this would have occasioned a new Assessment of the improved Value of the Lands in England as well as here, which probably prevented the Scheme of a Land tax, for he hopes, no View of extending the corruptive Power of the Ministers of the Crown had any Effect.
       It is said at N. York, that private Letters inform, the great Men are exceedingly irritated at the Tumults in America, and are determined to inforce the Act. This irritable Race, however, will have good Luck to inforce it. They will find it a more obstinate War, than the Conquest of Canada and Louisiana.

   Dennys De Berdt (1694?–1770) had been elected the Massachusetts House of Representatives’ agent in London in Nov. 1765. The letter in question, from “an eminent Merchant in London, to a noble Lord in the present Ministry,” was printed in the Boston Evening Post, 30 Dec. 1765, suppl., and in other Boston papers. It is without date, but the recipient’s copy in the Dartmouth MSS is endorsed “Recd. Septr. 5. 1765” (Albert Matthews, “Letters of Dennys De Berdt, 1757–1770,” Col. Soc. Mass., Pubns.Colonial Society of Massachusetts, Publications., 13 [1912]:438).

   The relevant section of these remarkable instructions is quoted by CFA in JA, WorksThe Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, ed. Charles Francis Adams, Boston, 1850–1856; 10 vols., 2:171, note.

   In 1759. See William Gammell, “Life of Samuel Ward,” in Jared Sparks’ Library of American Biography, 2d ser., Boston, 1844–1848, 9:260–263.

   In the Boston Evening Post, 30 Dec. 1765.

      1766. Jany. 2d. Thurdsday.

       A great Storm of Snow last night. Weather tempestuous all Day. Waddled thro the Snow, driving my Cattle to water at Dr. Savils. A fine Piece of glowing Exercise.—Brother spent the Evening here in chearful Chat.
       At Phyladelphia, the Heart and Hand fire Company has expelled Mr. Hewes Hughes the Stamp Man for that Colony. The Freemen of Talbot County in Maryland have erected a Jibbet before the Door of the Court House 20 feet High, and have hanged on it, the Effigies of a Stamp Informer in Chains, in Terrorem, till the Stamp Act shall be repealed, and have resolved unanimously to hold in Utter Contempt and Abhorrence every Stamp Officer, and every Favourer of the Stamp Act, and to have no Communication with any such Person, not even to speak to him, unless to upbraid him with his Baseness.—So tryumphant is the Spirit of Liberty, every where.—Such an Union was never before known in America. In the Wars that have been with the french and Indians, a Union could never be effected.—I pitty my unhappy fellow Subjects in Quebeck and Hallifax, for the great Misfortune that has befallen them. Quebec consists chiefly of French Men who are mixed with a few English and awed by an Army—tho it seems the Discontent there is so great that the Gazette is drop’d. Hallifax consists of a sett of Fugitives and Vagabonds, who are also kept in fear by a Fleet and an Army. But can no Punishment be devised for Barbadoes and Port Royal in Jamaica? For their base Desertion of the Cause of Liberty? Their tame Surrender of the Rights of Britons? Their mean, timid Resignation to slavery? Meeching, sordid, stupid Creatures, below Contempt, below Pity. They deserve to be made Slaves to their own Negroes. But they live under the scortching Sun, which melts them, dissipates their Spirits and relaxes their Nerves. Yet their Negroes seem to have more of the Spirit of Liberty, than they. I think we sometimes read of Insurrections among their Negroes. I could wish that some of their Blacks had been appointed Distributors and Inspectors &c. over their Masters. This would have but a little aggravated the Indignity.

   CFA’s conjecture for an inadvertent omission by the diarist.

      1766. Jany. 3d. Fryday.

       Fair Weather and Snow enough. Major Miller, Dr. Savil and Mr. Joseph Penniman spent the Evening, with me. Agriculture, Commerce, Fishery, Arts, Manufactures, Town, Provincial, American, and national Politicks the Subject.—Anecdote, in the Beginning of the Year, Deacon Penniman was for reducing the Salary of the School Master from 330 to 300£. The Master Penniman insisted on keeping half the time in the Middle Precinct, if he had but 300, to which the Select Men agreed. But when the Time came for Penniman to remove to the School in the Middle Precinct, Moses French, who had for many Winters kept the School there, and had been an active Advocate for Deacon Penniman, complained that he had depended on that School, and had not provided any other Business, and petitioned to keep it. So that the Deacon was obliged to move the select Men to agree afresh with Penniman and allow him his 330£ to keep at the North End. Thus it seems the Deacon did not see to the End of the Year when he began it.

      1766. Jany. 4. Saturday.

       Edes & Gill’s Gazette brought in. I find that Somebody has published the very scene in Shakespears Henry 8, which I have put into Ld. Clarendons Letter to Pym. This brings to my Mind again Ld. Bacons Doctrine of secret, invisible Connections and communications, and unknown undiscovered Laws of Nature. Hampden writes to Pym on the Failure of Justice in America, on the shutting up of the Courts of Justice, since October. He has given the Public Mr. Otis’s Arguments before the Governor and Council, from Magna Charta, Ld. Coke, the Judges Oaths &c.—and promises to give more.

   See 25 Dec. 1765 and note, above. The scene from Henry the Eighth was printed in the Boston Gazette, 30 Dec. 1765, suppl., with an introductory note signed “A.B.” As a result, JA did not use it in his “Clarendon” letters.

      Sunday. Jany. 5th. 1766.

       Heard Mr. Wibird all Day. A Sacramental Sermon on “It is finished.—”

      Monday 6 January.

       At Home. Mr. Smith and Mr. Penniman dined here.

      Tuesday 7 January.

       At Boston. Hampden has given us in Yesterdays Gazette, a long Letter to Pym upon shutting up the Courts, in which he proves from Holts and Pollexfens Arguments at the Revolution Conference, from Grotius De Jure Belli, B. 1. C. 3. §. 2. that shutting up the Courts is an Abdication of the Throne, a Discharge of the Subjects from their Allegiance, and a total Dissolution of Government and Reduction of all Men to a state of Nature. And he proves from Bracton that partial Tumults, &c. are not a Tempus Guerrium, (Bellorum) a Time of War.
       Sam. Waterhouse has made a most malicious, ungenerous, Attack upon James Lovell Jur. the Usher of the Grammar school, and insinuated about feminine Gender and Conjunction Copulative—as Y.Z. and H. had attacked him, about Idleness and familiar Spirits, and Zanyship, and Expectancy of a Deputation &c. This Way of reviling one another is very shocking to Humanity and very dangerous in its Consequences. To pry into a Mans private Life, and expose to the World, all the Vices, and Follies of Youth, to paint before the Public Eye, all the Blotts and Stains, in a Mans private Character, must excite the Commisseration of every Reader, to the Object, and his Indignation against the Author of such Abuse.
       Spent half an Hour with Father Dana, another with Samuel Quincy, an Hour with Mr. Otis, &c. Otis is in high Spirits, is preparing for next Mondays Paper. Says that Mr. Trail brings very comfortable News, that Conway told him the Stamp Act must be repealed, that there was some Difficulty about coming off with Honor and that America would boast that she had conquered Britain. But he hoped the Americans would Petition. He longed to receive some Petitions &c. John Wentworth writes his Uncle Saml., that the Marquis of Rockingham told him, he would give his Interest to repeal 100 stamp Acts, before he would run the Risque of such Confusions, as would be caused by Enforcing it. That he knew there were already 10,000 Workmen discharged from Business, in Consequence of the Advices from America.
       Clarendon to Pym.
       Nothing gave me so much Regret, or such Remorse in my whole Life, as the Part I acted in conniving at some of King Charles’s grievous and illegal Measures, and the Pains I took to support him, and his two oppressive Instruments Laud and Strafford. But my very zealous Attachment to the Church and the enthusiastical Spirit of Party, made me see many Objects in a Partial Light. I have condemned my self for these faults from that Time to this. And it grieves me to hear that the Barbadians have acted so vile a Part, in the Year 1765. That Island was settled, under the Protectorate of Cromwell, by zealous Partisans for Passive Obedience, and I suppose a Remnant of the servile Spirit of their Ancestors, and of those ruinous Doctrines have prevailed on them to submit. I said under the Protectorate for I must own I can scarcely prevail on my self to call it an Usurpation, or the struggle made by you and Hampden and others, a Rebellion. If I was to revise my History, I should alter many Things which the Rage of Party hurried me to record, and in Particular, the Tittle of that Work.

   These pieces appeared from time to time in both the Boston Evening Post and the Boston Gazette, Nov. 1765–Jan. 1766. They have decidedly lost their savor, if they ever had any. James Lovell (1737–1814), Harvard 1756, a teacher in the South Grammar School in Boston, achieved local celebrity by delivering the earliest of the anniversary orations on the “Boston Massacre,” 1771. A zealous patriot, he was elected to the Continental Congress late in 1776, where he served for five years on (and for long periods as) the Committee for Foreign Affairs, distinguishing himself equally, according to Edmund C. Burnett, by his diligence and his love of intrigue and mystification. In both his official capacity and as a family friend, Lovell corresponded voluminously with JA and AA, indiscriminately mixing international and personal affairs and views in his always lively letters. Burnett’s short account of Lovell in DABAllen Johnson and Dumas Malone, eds., Dictionary of American Biography, New York, 1928–1936; 20 vols. plus index and supplements. is masterly, but a more comprehensive biography, drawing on his widely dispersed papers, is badly needed.

   This can hardly mean anything else than that Otis was the author of the “Hampden” letters to “William Pym,” and that Otis told JA so at this time.

   Draft of a fragment of the second “Clarendon” letter as published in the Boston Gazette, 20 Jan. 1766.

      Wednesday Jany. 8th. 1766.

       At Home. Wrote &c.

      Thurdsday Jany. 9th. 1765 i.e. 1766.

       At Home.

        Tantone Novorum
        Proventu Scelerum quaerunt uter imperet Urbi?
        Vix tanti fuerat Civilia Bella movere
        Ut Neuter.

       Must such a Number of new Crimes be committed, to decide which of these two, Caesar or Pompey, shall be master in Rome? One would hardly purchase at that Price, the good Fortune of having Neither of them for Master.
       Clarendon to Pym.
       Grotius De Jure Belli et Pacis B. 2 C. 16. §. 22. N. 1. The Interpretation that restrains the Import of Words is taken either from an original Defect in the Will of the Speaker or from some Accident falling out inconsistent with his design. Note. 1. There are some Cases, which there is good Reason to believe, the Person who speaks either did or at least might foresee them; and yet that he never intended they should be included in the general Terms, tho he has not expressly  excepted them, because he supposed such an Exception clear in itself. There are other Cases which could not be foreseen but are such as if they could have come into the Mind of him who speaks, he would have excepted them. This is the Accident, inconsistent with his design.
       §.25. Tis also a very usual Inquiry, whether Acts are to be understood, with this tacit Condition if things continue in the same Posture, they are now in: and We frequently read in History, of Embassadors, who understanding that there was so great a Turn in Affairs, as would render the whole Matter and reason of their Embassy void, have returned home without opening their Commission at all. (implied Conditions, tacit Exceptions, tacit Restrictions.)
       §. 26. Since it is impossible to foresee and specify every Accident, there is a Necessity for reserving the Liberty of exempting such Cases, as the Speaker would, were he present him self, exempt. One infallible Token that there ought to be such an Exemption is, when to adhere precisely to the Letter would be unlawful i.e. repugnant to the Laws of God and Nature. Another Token of Restriction shall be this, when to stick close to the Letter, is not absolutely, and of it self unlawful, but when upon Considering the Thing with Candor and Impartiality, it appears too grievous and burdensome. Seneca says, In the Law you say there is nothing excepted. But however, many Things which are not expressly excepted, are yet evidently implied to be so. The Letter indeed is narrow but the meaning extensive, and some Things are so very plain, as to want no Exception at all. And again, We engage to appear in Court on a certain day, and yet all those who do not appear, are not liable to the Penalty. There are some invincible Obstacles that excuse a Non Performance.
       Thus all the Rules, that have been framed by Phylosophers, Civilians, and Common Lawyers, for the Interpretation of Promises, Covenants, nay Oaths, Treaties, Commissions, Instructions, Edicts and Acts of Parliament, are exactly coincident with the Maxim of Common sense, in the Conduct of private Life, that Cases of Necessity and Impossibility are always excepted. That there is a Necessity for proceeding with Business, has been proved by your old Friend Hampden, beyond all Contradiction. He has proved that Protection and Allegiance are reciprocal, that a Failure of Justice without actual Violence as in Cases of Invasion and Rebellion, is an Abdication of the Crown and Throne. So that if the Prevention of a total Dissolution of Government and an universal Reduction of all Men to a state of Nature, is a Case of Necessity, this Province is at present in that Case.

   “Lucan’s Pharsalia, 1. 2, v. 60” (CFA’s note in JA, WorksThe Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, ed. Charles Francis Adams, Boston, 1850–1856; 10 vols., 2:175).

   The following notes and extracts from Grotius were not used in any of JA’s “Clarendon” letters as published.

      Thurdsday. Jany. 9th. 1766.

       At Home all day. Mr. Smith, Dr. Tufts, Dr. Savil, Mr. Bass &c. here.

      Fryday. Jany. 10th. 1766.

       Humphry Ploughjogger received a Letter from a Friend, thanking him for his good Advice and presenting him with a Crimson, Homespun Cap to wear with his Hide, as a Reward.—Mr. Etter came in before Dinner, about his Petition to the General Court for Assistance in his stocking Weaving Business.—Went in the afternoon with my Wife to her Grandfathers.—Mr. Cleverly here in the Evening. He says he is not so clear as he was that the Parliament has a Right to tax Us. He rather thinks it has not. Thus the Contagion of the Times has caught even that Bigot to passive Obedience and non Resistance. It has made him waver. It is almost the first Time I ever knew him converted or even brought to doubt and hesitate about any of his favourite Points, as the Authority of Parliament to tax us was one. Nay he used to assert possitively, that the King was as absolute in the Plantations as the great Turk in his dominions.
       Mr. Quincy gave me, some Anecdotes about John Boylstone and Jo. Green &c. Green refused to sign the Resolutions of Merchants at first, but was afterwards glad to send for the Paper. They were at first afraid of Salem, Newbury, Marblehead and Plymouth, but these Towns have agreed unanimously to the same Resolutions.
       What will they say in England, when they see the Resolves of the American Legislatures, the Petitions from the united Colonies, the Resolutions of the Merchants in Boston, N. York, Phyladelphia &c.

   This letter has not been found. In his latest “Ploughjogger” letter to the Boston Gazette, 14 Oct. 1765, JA had declared that if the Stamp Act went into effect he would put away his English-made woolen coat and wear instead the hide of his own ox, like “the folks in England before Caesar went there.”

   John Boylston (1709–1795), son of the famous Dr. Zabdiel Boylston and thus a first cousin of JA’s mother; he was a Boston merchant and became a loyalist (NEHGRNew England Historical and Genealogical Register., 7 [1853]:146; Sabine, LoyalistsLorenzo Sabine, Biographical Sketches of Loyalists of the American Revolution, with an Historical Essay, Boston, 1864; 2 vols.).

      Saturday Jany. 11th. 1766.

       A Rain.
       Clarendon to Pym.
       In one particular, I must confess the Americans have not acted with their usual Acuteness of Understanding, and Firmness of Spirit. I mean in that very strange Piece of Conduct of their shutting the Courts of Justice. I call it their Conduct, tho it is apparently against the general Judgment of the People, and it ought to be charged on a few Individuals, who have Other Things in View besides Truth, Right, or Law. Indeed I could scarcely have believed, that the Fact was so, had not the Town of Boston asserted it, in their Memorial to his Excellency in Council, and had it not been admitted to be true, in the Answer of the honourable Board. Shutting the Courts of Law strictly speaking, which is to appear and be tryed by the Records, is a partial and temporary Dissolution of the Government, even in Cases of Invasion and Rebellion, and as I take it so far forth reduces the People to a state of Nature, and leaves every Man in every Case to do him self Justice, and to carve out his own Remedy with his Tongue, his fist or his Sword. Now, I should be very glad to know, whether it appears upon Record, that the Courts of Justice are shut. If it does, I apprehend that Record will justify me in judging in my own Cause, and becoming in all Cases where I am injured or have a Demand, my own Lawyer, Judge, Juror and sherriff. And the same Record will prove too that we are in a state of War foreign or domestic. But We are at Peace no doubt with all foreign Nations. Well then, the only Supposition that remains is that We are in a state of actual Rebellion, and that the Judges cannot sit in Judgment for fear of actual Violence. Will any Man pretend this is our Case? Has any Man within the Province appeared in Arms, unless it was out of Attachment to his Majestys Person and Government, as a Number of the Militia of the Town of Boston did? Has one overt act of Treason been committed within the Province? Was there ever such an Act committed within the Province from its first settlement? Nay, I may go further and ask, has there been a disrespectful Speech uttered of his Majesty or his Government, thro the whole memorable Year 1765, even at Midnight? over the Bowl or the Bottle?—I believe not one.—Oh, But there was a Riot which pull’d down an House.—So have there been an hundred Riots, an hundred skimmingtons Ridings, in which some of his Majestys subjects have received Damage, some by riding a Rail and some a Bull, some for one Misdemeanor and some for another. Nay there have been such Ridings in which some of his Majestys subjects have been slain, some in which the Kings officers, sherriffs have been killed in the Execution of his office. Pray was that an overt Act of high Treason in the whole Province, or in any one Person concerned in the Riot? Was that a Foundation for shutting the Courts? and recording the whole Province in a state of Rebellion? Will it be said that there is no Record of any shutting of Courts? no Record to prove any Invasion or Rebellion? How comes it then to have been admitted by the honorable Board that the Courts of Law, so far as respected civil Matters, were to all Intents and Purposes shutt up?
       The Truth is here is a strange Ambiguity affected in this Matter. Courts will sit and suffer no Business to be done but adjourn, adjourn to next Spring. So that the Clerks are at a loss whether to make out Writs, the People are uncertain whether such Action will ever be sustained at all, and they know certainly that no Execution can be had till next Spring. So that they think it not worth while to be at the Expence of purchasing Writs. In this situation of Things we are as much deprived of the Kings Protection of our Persons and Properties, as unable to procure Justice, as if an actual Record was made of Invasion or Rebellion. So that the subject is as effectually deprived of the Benefit and Protection of the Law, as if the Laws were silent, drowned in the Din of War! We are therefore in Effect deprived of the Benefit of Magna Charta.

   This fragment does not appear in any of the “Clarendon” letters as published.

      Sunday Jany. 12th. 1766.

       Heard Mr. Wibird all day, at Evening Mr. Etter, here.

      Monday Jany. 13th. 1766

       At Boston, the Inferiour Court of Common Pleas opened. Present Mr. Wells, Mr. Watts and Mr. Foster Hutchinson. More than 100 new Entries. The Actions all called over and many defaulted and some continued. So that The Court has rushed upon the thick Bosses of the Buckler and into the thickest of the Penalties and Forfeitures. — Dined at Brother Dudleys, with Gridley, Swift, Lowell and Mr. Fayer-weather. Fayerweather is one of the genteel Folks. He said he was dressed in Black as Mourning for the Duke of Cumberland. He said he was wearing out his black Cloaths as fast as he could and was determined to get no more till the Stamp Act was repealed. He designed to wear out all his old Cloaths, and then go upon our own Manufactures, unless the stamp Act was repealed.
       One Thompson came to me at Cunninghams in the Evening, and engaged me in a Cause of Lampson vs. Buttar, which is for entering a Vessell at Louisbourg and taking away 10 Bbls. Rum. Buttar was or pretended to be a naval Officer for the Port of Louisbourg, or Secretary to Governor Whitmore, and under Colour of that Authority, entered the Vessell and seized and brought off the Rum. Now Butter pretended to give Commissions to officers under him to attend the Wharfs and Keys of the Port and to examine all Goods imported and exported, and to stop the same, and report to him if illegal, or Contrary to the orders of the Governor, &c.
       Mr. Gridly was in a very trifling Humour to day after Dinner, telling tales about Overing &c. and Judges of Inferiour Courts formerly, and McCarty who built the Court by the Town House &c., and Stories about Coll. Choate of Ipswich, &c. The unsmotherable Pride of his own Heart, broke out in his account of his Disputes &c. with Choat. Choat was a Tyrant, Choat attempted Things too large for him. I have tumbled him over and over, and twisted and tossed and tumbled him, and Yet he could say to me sir I was here at 9 o Clock by Agreement and you was not come.—I answered him I was here, sir, at a Quarter after 9, and you was not here. Sir the Honour of attending me might at any Time dispense with a Quarter of an Hour.—This is not Pride. If Gridley had Pride, he would scorn such gross Vanity. A new England Church he said was one Object of Dispute between them.—The People in the Pale, the Deacons, and the Minister were the Picture of a N.E. Church. No Idea of it in the new Testament. Platform too was a bone of Contention.
       Spent the Evening at Mr. Adams’s, with him and Brother Swift, very socially.

   See Edmund S. and Helen M. Morgan, The Stamp Act Crisis, Chapel Hill, 1953, p. 140–143.

   Samuel Swift (1715–1775), Harvard 1735, one of the older generation of Boston lawyers (though not admitted to the Superior Court until Aug. term, 1761), and one of the radical leaders of Boston’s North End (Superior Court of Judicature, Minute Book 79; Sibley-Shipton, Harvard GraduatesJohn Langdon Sibley and Clifford K. Shipton, Biographical Sketches of Graduates of Harvard University, in Cambridge, Massachusetts, Cambridge and Boston, 1873– ., 9:580–583).

   This case is entered as Lamson v. Butter in JA’s list of actions in the Suffolk Inferior Court, April term, 1766 (Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel No. 182).

      Tuesday Jany. 14th. 1766.

       Dined at Mr. William Coopers with Messrs. Cushing, Story, and John Boylstone. Cushing, silent and sly as usual. Story I dont know what. Cooper and Boylstone principal Talkers. Boylstone, affecting a Phylosophical Indifference about Dress, Furniture, Entertainments &c., laughed at the affectation of nicely distinguishing Tastes, such as the several Degrees of Sweet till you come up to the first degree of bitter, laughed at the great Expences for Furniture, as Nick Boylstones Carpetts, Tables, Chairs, Glasses, Beds &c. which Cooper said were the richest in N. America.—The highest Taste and newest Fashion, would soon flatten and grow old.—A Curse or two upon the Climate, preferable however to Carolina. But every Part of Europe preferable to this.—Query. Is not this Nicety of Feeling, this Indisposition to be satisfyed with the Climate, of the same Nature with the Delicacy of Tastes, and the Curiosity about Furniture just before exploded.—Spent the Evening at Cunninghams.

      Wednesday. Jany. 15th. 1766.

       Dined at Mr. Isaac Smiths. No Company, no Conversation. Spent the Evening with the Sons of Liberty, at their own Apartment in Hanover Square, near the Tree of Liberty. It is a Compting Room in Chase & Speakmans Distillery. A very small Room it is.
       John Avery Distiller or Merchant, of a liberal Education, John Smith the Brazier, Thomas Crafts the Painter, Edes the Printer, Stephen Cleverly the Brazier, Chase the Distiller, Joseph Field Master of a Vessell, Henry Bass, George Trott Jeweller, were present.
       I was invited by Crafts and Trott, to go and spend an Evening with them and some others, Avery was mentioned to me as one. I went, and was very civilly and respectfully treated, by all Present. We had Punch, Wine, Pipes and Tobacco, Bisquit and Cheese—&c. I heard nothing but such Conversation as passes at all Clubbs among Gentlemen about the Times. No Plotts, no Machinations. They Chose a Committee to make Preparations for grand Rejoicings upon the Arrival of the News of a Repeal of the Stamp Act, and I heard afterwards they are to have such Illuminations, Bonfires, Piramids, Obelisks, such grand Exhibitions, and such Fireworks, as were never before seen in America.—I wish they mayn’t be disappointed.

      Thurdsday. Jany. 16th. 1766.

       Dined at Mr. Nick Boylstones, with the two Mr. Boylstones, two Mr. Smiths, Mr. Hallowel and the Ladies. An elegant Dinner indeed! Went over the House to view the Furniture, which alone cost a thousand Pounds sterling. A Seat it is for a noble Man, a Prince. The Turkey Carpets, the painted Hangings, the Marble Tables, the rich Beds with crimson Damask Curtains and Counterpins, the beautiful Chimny Clock, the Spacious Garden, are the most magnificent of any Thing I have ever seen.
       The Conversation of the two Boylstones and Hallowell is a Curiosity. Hotspurs all.—Tantivi.—Nick. is a warm Friend of the Lieutenant Governor, and inclining towards the Governor. Tom a firebrand against both. Tom is a perfect Viper—a Fiend—a Jew—a Devil—but is orthodox in Politicks however. Hallowell tells stories about Otis and drops Hints about Adams, &c., and about Mr. Dudley Atkins of Newbury. Otis told him, he says, that the Parliament had a Right to tax the Colonies and he was a d—d fool who deny’d it, and that this People never would be quiet till we had a Council from Home, till our Charter was taken away, and till we had regular Troops quartered upon Us.
       He came up under the He says he saw Adams under the Tree of Liberty, when the Effigies hung there and asked him who they were and what. He said he did not know, he could not tell. He wanted to enquire.
       He says Mr. Dudley Atkins was too well acquainted with the Secret of some riots there, to be entirely depended on, in his Account, &c.
       Nick Boylstone is full of Stories about Jemmy and Solomon Davis. Solomon says, Country man I dont see what Occasion there is for a Governor and Council and House. You and the Town would do well enough.
       Spent the Evening at Bracketts with Gen. Winslow, Coll. Bradford, Mr. Otis, Father Danforth, Coll. Richmond, Mr. Brinlys, and Mr. Caldwell and Captain Hayward. Mr. Otis gave Us some Account of Ruggles’s Behaviour, at the Congress, and Winslow told Us about catching Bass with Eeel Spears, at the North River. Otis says, that when they came to sign Ruggles moved that none of them should sign, but that the Petitions should be carried back to the assemblies, to see if they would adopt them. This would have defeated the whole Enterprize. This Ruggles has an inflexible Oddity about him, which has gained him a Character for Courage and Probity, but renders him a disagreable Companion in Business.

   Benjamin Hallowell (1725–1799), comptroller of the customs in Boston, had married Mary, a sister of Nicholas and Thomas Boylston and a first cousin of JA’s mother. The Hallowells’ son Ward (1747–1828), who in 1770 took the name Ward Nicholas Boylston upon the promise of a large inheritance from his uncle, was to be closely associated with two generations of the Adams family. (Robert Hallowell Gardiner, Early Recollections, Hallowell, Me., 1936, p. 4–11; Sabin, LoyalistsJoseph Sabin and others, comps., A Dictionary of Books Relating to America, from Its Discovery to the Present Time, New York, 1868–1936; 29 vols., under Benjamin Hallowell and W. N. Boylston respectively; Francis E. Blake, History of the Town of Princeton, Princeton, Mass., 1915, 1:278–280; 2:28.)

   That is, they ride at full gallop. CFA reads “Tantivy Nick,” which was quite possibly what JA meant to write (the word being associated with high toryism; see OEDThe Oxford English Dictionary, Oxford, 1933; 12 vols. and supplement.), but the punctuation in the MS does not warrant such a reading.

   The Stamp Act Congress, held at New York in Oct. 1765, to which nine colonies sent delegates. Timothy Ruggles and the younger Otis were two of the three sent by Massachusetts, and Ruggles served as presiding officer. See Edmund S. and Helen M. Morgan, The Stamp Act Crisis, Chapel Hill, 1953, ch. 7.

      Fryday 17 January.

       Came home, and dined, and there stayed.

      Saturday. Jany. 18th. 1766.

       At Home. The Dr. dined here.
       Clarendon to Pym.
       There has been a great Inquiry, in some Parts of America, after a Diffinition of the british Constitution. Some have defined the Constitution to be the Practice of Parliament. Some have called it, Custom, some have call’d it the most perfect Combination of human Powers in society, that finite Wisdom has yet contrived and reduced to Practice, for the Preservation of Liberty, and the Production of Happiness. Some Have said that King, Lords, and Commons make the Constitution. Some have said that the whole Body of the Laws are the Constitution.—I confess there is nothing in any one of these, that is satisfactory to my Mind. Yet I cannot say that I am at any Loss about my own or any Man’s Meaning when he uses those Words “The british Constitution.”
       What do we mean by the human Constitution? The Constitution of the human Body? What by a strong and robust, or a weak and feeble Constitution? Do we not mean a certain Contexture of Nerves, fibres, Muscles, or certain Qualities of the Blood and Juices, as sizy or watery, flegmatic or fiery, acid or alkaline? These are the Ideas which enter into our Minds when we consider the human Constitution as productive of Health or Strength. And We always consider the Constitution in Relation to its End. And the Physician shall tell one Man, that certain Kinds of Exercise, or Dyet or Medicine are not adapted to or consistent with his Constitution, i.e. not compatible with that Mans Health, which he would say are the best adapted to Health in another. The Patients Habit, we will say, abounds with acid and acrimonious Juices, in too great a Quantity, will the Dr. order Vinegar, Lemmen Juice, Barberries and Cramberries, to work a Cure? These would be unconstitutional Remedies, calculated to increase the Evil, which arose for want of a Ballance between the acid and Alkaline Ingredients in his Composition. So if the Patients Nerves are braced overmuch, will the Physician order the Jesuits Bark? There is a certain Quantity of Exercise, Dyet, and Medicine, and they are of certain Sorts, which is best adapted to my Constitution, which will keep me in the best Health and Spirits, and will contribute the most to the Prolongation of my Life. These determinate Quantities are not known to me perhaps or any other Person. And here is the proper Province of the Physician, to study my Constitution, and give me the best Advise he can, what and how much I may eat and drink, and sleep, how far I may ride or walk in a day, what Air and Weather I may improve for this Purpose and when I shall take Physick and of what sort it shall be, in order to preserve my Health and prolong my Life.
       But there are moreover certain Parts of the human Constitution which may properly be called Stamina Vitae, or essentials and Fundamentals—Parts without which Life itself cannot be preserved a Moment. I suppose that annihilate the Heart, the Lungs, the Brain, the Animal Spirits, the Blood, any one of these and Life will instantly depart. These may therefore be safely called fundamental Parts of the human Constitution. Yet the Limbs may be all amputated, the Eyes put out, and many other mutilations practiced on the Man, to impair his Strength, Activity and many other Attributes and yet the Fundamentals and Essentials to Life, may remain untouched and may last many Years.
       Let me put the Case of a Machine, a Clock, a Watch, a Ship, or a Grist Mill.
       A Clock also has a Constitution, i.e. a certain Combination of Weights, Springs, Wheels and Levers, calculated for certain Uses and Ends. This Use and End is the Mensuration of Time. Now the same Reasoning may be employed with equal Propriety, concerning a Clock as concerning the human Body. The Constitution of a Clock does not imply that the Weights and Wheels and other Movements should be so perfectly contrived and executed as never to go too fast or too slow, as never to gain nor loose a Second in a Year, or a Century. This is the Province of Quare and Graham and Tomlinson, to execute the Workmanship like Artists and come as near Perfection as the human Eye and finger will allow, i.e. as near an exact Mensuration of Time. But yet there are certain Parts in the Frame of a Watch without which it will not go att all—without which you can have no better Account from it of the Time of day than you can from the oar of Gold and silver and Brass and Iron out of which they are wrought. The Spring, some of the Wheels, the Dial Plate and the Hand—without any one of these you can have no Clock or Watch. These therefore are the Essentials and Fundamentals of a Watch.
       Let Us now enquire if the same Reasoning is not applicable to Government. For Government is a Frame, a scheme, a system, a Combination of Powers, for a certain End vizt. the good of the whole Community. The public Good, the salus Populi is the professed End of all Government, the most despotic as well as the most free. I shall not enter into any Inquiry which Form of Government, whether Either of the Forms of the schools or any Mixture of them is the best calculated to this End the Salus Populi: This is the Inquiry of the Founders of Empires. I shall take for granted what I am sure no Briton will controvert, that Liberty is essential to human Happiness—to the public Good, the Salus Populi. And here lies the Difference between the british Constitution and other Constitutions of Government, vizt. that Liberty is its End—the preservation of Liberty is its End, its Use, its Designation, its Drift and scope, as much as Life and Health are the Ends of the Constitution of the human Body, as much as the Mensuration of Time is the End of the Constitution of a Watch, as much as Grinding Corn is the End of a Grist Mill, or the Transportation of Burdens the End of a Ship.
       The British Constitution therefore is a Mixture
       The first grand Division of Power therefore in the British Constitution is into the Power of Legislation and that of Execution. The great Divisions of the Power of Legislation are into those of the King, the Lords, the Commons, and the People. I distinguish between the Commons and the People because there is a material Difference between the House of Commons and the People who depute them, and these last have as important a Power, in the Constitution as the former, the Power I mean of Election.
       The Power of Execution also, consists of the King, Judges and Jurors.
       So that two Branches of popular Power, are as essential and fundamental to the great End of the british Constitution, the Preservation of Liberty, and to preserve the Ballance and Mixture of the Government, and to prevent its running into an Oligarchy or Aristocracy, as the Lords and Commons are to prevent its becoming an absolute Monarchy.
       The Branches of Power that I mean here are voting for Members of the House of Commons, and Tryals by Juries. This therefore is an Essential Wheel in the Watch, that the People should have a share in the making of Laws and in the Execution of them. In these two Wheels consist the security and Liberty of the People. They have no other Fortification against Power besides these, no other security against being ridden like Horses, and fleeced like Sheep, and worked like Cattle, and fed and Cloathed like Hoggs, and Hounds. Nay no other security against fines, Imprisonments, loss of Limbs, Whipping Posts, Gibbetts, Bastinadoes and Racks.
       What a Fine Reflection is it to a Man, Pym, and Consolation—I can be subject to no Law that I do not make my self or constitute some of my Friends to make for me. My Father, Brother, Friend, Neighbour, a Man of my own Rank, nearly of my own Education, Fortune, Habits, Passions, Prejudices, one whose Life and Fortune and Liberty are to be affected like my own, by the Laws he shall consent to for himself and me!
       What a Satisfaction is it to reflect, Mr. Pym, (I hope the infernal Regions have not made you forget all your humanity) that I can lye under the Imputation of no Guilt, be subject to no Punishment, lose none of my Property, or the Pleasures and Necessaries, Conveniences or Ornaments of Life which indulgent Providence has showered around me, but by the Judgment of my Peers, my equals, my Neighbours, Men who know me and to whom I am known, Men who have no End to serve by Punishing me, Men who wish to find me innocent if charged with a Crime and Men who are indifferent on which Side the Truth lies, if I dispute with my Neighbour.

   Rough draft of the greater part of JA’s third “Clarendon” letter. The printed version, in the Boston Gazette, 27 Jan. 1766, varies widely from the draft; compare JA, WorksThe Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, ed. Charles Francis Adams, Boston, 1850–1856; 10 vols., 3:477–483.

   Though broken off and scored out in the draft, this topic is developed in the letter as printed; see JA, WorksThe Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, ed. Charles Francis Adams, Boston, 1850–1856; 10 vols., 3:480, first paragraph.

      Sunday. Jany. 19th. 1766.

       Heard Mr. Robbins of Milton.

      Monday. Jany 20th. 1766.

       Leonard gave me an Account of a Clubb that he belongs to, in Boston. It consists of John Lowell, Elisha Hutchinson, Frank Dana, Josiah Quincy, and two other young Fellows, Strangers to me. Leonard had prepared a Collection of the Arguments, for and against the Right of Parliament to tax the Colonies, for said Clubb. His first Inquiry was whether the subject could be taxed without his Consent in Person or by his Representative? 2d. Whether We Americans are represented in Parliament or not?
       Leonard says that Lowell is a Courtier, that he ripps about all who stand foremost in their opposition to the Stamp Act, at your Otis’s and Adams’s &c. and says that no Man can scribble about Politicks without bedaubing his fingers, and every one who does is a dirty fellow. He expresses great Resentment against that Line in Edes & Gill, “Retreat or you are ruined,” and says they ought to be committed for that single stroke.—Thus it seems that the Air of Newbury, and the Vicinage of Farnham, Chipman &c. have obliterated all the Precepts, Admonitions, Instructions and Example of his Master Thatcher, and have made him in Thatchers Phrase a shoe licker and an A—se Kisser of Elisha Hutchinson. Lowel is however very warm, sudden, quick, and impetuous and all such People are unsteady. Too much Fire. Experientia docet.
       Leonard gave me also a Relation of his going to Providence Court and Spending an Evening with the Political Clubb there. The Clubb consists of Governor Hopkins, Judge Jenks, Downer, Cole and others. They were impatient to have the Courts opened in this Province not choosing to proceed in Business alone. Were very inquisitive concerning all our Affairs. Had much to say of Hutchinson, Otis, &c. Admired the answer to the Governors Speech. Admired the Massachusetts Resolves. Hopkins said that nothing had been so much admired there through the whole Course of the Controversy, as the Answer to the Speech, tho the Massachusetts Resolves were the best digested and the best of any on the Continent. Enquired who was the Author of them.
       Enquired also who it was that burlesqued the Governors Speeches? Who wrote Jemmybullero, &c. Thought Hutchinsons History did not shine. Said his House was pulled down, to prevent his writing any more by destroying his Materials. Thought Otis was not an original Genius, nor a good Writer, but a Person who had done, and would continue to do much good service.
       Were very inquisitive about Mclntosh. Whether he was a Man of Abilities, or not? Whether he would probably rise, in Case this Contest should be carried into any Length. Jo. Green, Waterhouse and Church were talk’d of as capable of Bullero and the Burlesques.

   Josiah Quincy Jr. (1744–1775), often called “the Patriot,” to distinguish him from his father, “the Colonel,” and his son, “the President” (of Harvard), since all three had the same name. Josiah Jr. was admitted to practice in the Inferior Court later this year (entry of 28 July, below), and in the Superior Court, Aug. term, 1768 (Superior Court of Judicature, Minute Book 86). He declined to become a barrister, objecting to “the Pomp and Magic of—the Long Robe” (Quincy, ReportsJosiah Quincy Jr., Reports of Cases Argued and Adjudged in the Superior Court of Judicature of the Province of Massachusetts Bay, between 1761 and 1772, ed. Samuel M. Quincy, Boston, 1865., p. 317). This did not prevent his building up a lucrative practice, and he was frequently associated with JA at the bar in the following years, most notably in the trials growing out of what is called the Boston Massacre, 1770.

   Daniel Farnham (1719–1776), Harvard 1739, of Newburyport; read law with Edmund Trowbridge; admitted attorney in the Superior Court, 1745; barrister, 1762; though a loyalist in sympathy, he was not driven into exile (Sibley-Shipton, Harvard GraduatesJohn Langdon Sibley and Clifford K. Shipton, Biographical Sketches of Graduates of Harvard University, in Cambridge, Massachusetts, Cambridge and Boston, 1873– ., 10:364–366; Superior Court of Judicature, Minute Book 79).

   John Chipman (1722–1768), Harvard 1738, of Marblehead; admitted to the Superior Court, 1751; barrister, 1762 (Sibley-Shipton, Harvard GraduatesJohn Langdon Sibley and Clifford K. Shipton, Biographical Sketches of Graduates of Harvard University, in Cambridge, Massachusetts, Cambridge and Boston, 1873– ., 10:276–277; Superior Court of Judicature, Minute Book 79).

   Governor Francis Bernard’s speech to the General Court on the Stamp Act, 25 Sept. 1765, the answer by the House, 25 Oct., and the Resolves of the House, 29 Oct., are most conveniently available in appendixes to Hutchinson, Massachusetts Bay, ed. MayoThomas Hutchinson, The History of the Colony and Province of Massachusetts-Bay, ed. Lawrence Shaw Mayo, Cambridge, 1936; 3 vols., 3:334–344. Hutchinson in his text attributes both the answer and the Resolves to Sam Adams, who had just come into the House, succeeding Oxenbridge Thacher as a Boston representative (same, p. 96; see also Wells, Samuel AdamsWilliam V. Wells, The Life and Public Services of Samuel Adams, Boston, 1865; 3 vols., 1:70–77).

   A long, dull parody in verse of Bernard’s speeches appeared in the Boston Gazette, 25 Nov. 1765.

   “Jemmibullero: A Fragment of an Ode of Orpheus; Freely Translated from the original Tongue, and adapted to British Music. By Peter Minim, Esq;” was printed in the Boston Evening Post, 13 May 1765. It is a clever and thoroughly malicious satirical jingle on the younger Otis. CFA and others ascribe it to Samuel Waterhouse. A sample:

         “As Jemmy is an envious dog, and Jemmy is ambitious,
         And rage and slander, spite and dirt to Jemmy are delicious,
         So Jemmy rail’d at upper folks while Jemmy’s Dad was out,
         But Jemmy’s DAD has now a place, so Jemmy’s turn’d about.”

   Ebenezer Mackintosh (1737–1816), a South End shoemaker and leader of Pope’s Day and Stamp Act riots. His life has been exhaustively studied in two articles by George P. Anderson, Col. Soc. Mass., Pubns.Colonial Society of Massachusetts, Publications., 26 (1927):15–64, 348–361.


Title: 1766 March 1st. Saturday
From: Adams, John
To:

       Spent a Part of last Evening with Mr. Jo. Cleverly. He is a Tiptoe for Town Meeting. He has many Schemes and Improvements in his Head—vizt. for seperating the offices of Constable and Collector.—Collecting Taxes has laid the Foundation for the Ruin of many Families—John Vesey, Ben. Owen, Jed. Bass. He is for 5 select Men and will vote for the old ones Mr. Quincy, and Major Miller. He hears they are for turning out all the old select Men and chusing a new sett: they are for having but 3 &c. The only Way is to oppose Schemes to Schemes, and so break in upon them.—Cleverly will become a great Town Meeting Man, and a great Speaker in Town Meeting. Q. What Effect will this have on the Town Affairs.
       Brother tells me, that Wm. Vesey Jur. tells him, he has but one Objection against Jona. Bass, and that is, Bass is too forward.—When a Man is forward, We may conclude he has some selfish View, some self Ends.—Brother asked him if he and his Party would carry that Argument thro? It holds stronger vs. Captn. Thayer and Major Miller than it ever did against any Body in this Town excepting Coll. Gooch and Captn. Mills. But I desire the Proof of Bass’s forwardness. Has he been more so than Major Miller?—Come Come Mr. Vesey, says Master Jo. Cleverly, dont you say too much. I ant of that mind.

       Ego. Bass is an Active, capable Man, but no seeker by mean begging or buying of Votes.


Title: Sunday [2 March].
From: Adams, John
To:

       Heard Mr. Wibirt.


Title: Monday. March 3. 1766.
From: Adams, John
To:

       My Brother Peter, Mr. Etter and Mr. Field, having a Number of Votes prepared for Mr. Quincy and me, set themselves to scatter them in Town Meeting. The Town had been very silent and still, my Name had never been mentioned nor had our Friends ever talked of any new Select Men att all, excepting in the south Precinct. But as soon as they found their was an Attempt to be made, they fell in and assisted, and, altho there were 6 different Hatts, with Votes for as many different Persons, besides a considerable Number of Scattering Votes, I had the Major Vote of the Assembly, the first Time. Mr. Quincy had more than 160 Votes. I had but one Vote more than half. Some of the Church People, Mr. Jo. Cleverly, his Brother Ben. and Son &c. and Mr. Ben. Vesey of the Middle Precinct, Mr. James Faxon &c. I found were grieved and chagrined for the Loss of their dear Major Miller.
       Etter and my Brother took a skillful Method. They let a Number of young Fellows into the Design. John Ruggles, Peter Newcomb, &c. who were very well pleased with the Employment and put about a great many Votes. Many Persons, I hear acted slyly and deceitfully. This is always the Case.
       I own it gave me much Pleasure to find I had so many Friends, and that my Conduct in Town, has been not disapproved. The Choice was quite unexpected to me. I thought the Project was so new and sudden that the People had not digested it, and would generally suppose, the Town would not like it, and so would not vote for it. But my Brothers answer was, that it had been talked of, last year, and some Years before, and that the Thought was familiar to the People in general, and was more agreable than any Thing of the Kind, that could be proposed to many. And for these Reasons his Hopes were strong.

       But the Tryumph of the Party was very considerable, tho not compleat. For Thayer and Miller, and the late Lessees of the North Commons, and many of the Church People and many others, had determined to get out Deacon Penniman. But instead of that, their favourite was dropped, and I, more obnoxious to that Party than even Deacon Penniman, or any other Man, was chosen in his Room, and Deacon Penniman was saved with more than 130 Votes, a more reputable Election than even Thayer himself had.
       Mr. Jo. Bass was extreamly sorry for the Loss of Major Miller, he would never come to another Meeting. Mr. Jo. Cleverly could not account for many Things done at Town Meetings. His Motion for Choosing Collectors was slighted—his Motion for lessening his fine was thrown out—and he made no Sort of figure as a Speaker. So that I believe Mr. Cleverly will make no Hand.
       Elisha Niles says Sett a Knave to catch a Knave. A few days before a former March Meeting he told Thayer that he had a Mind to get in Deacon Penniman. Thayer asked him, who he would have with him? He answered Captain Allin. Thayer made him no Answer, but, when the Meeting came, was chosen himself.—Mr. Thomas Faxon of this End of the Town, told my Wife he never saw any Body chosen so neatly in his Life. Not a Word—not a Whisper before hand. Peter Newcomb gave him a Vote. He had one before for Miller, and had heard nothing of me. But He thought I should have one. So he dropped that for Miller. Jo. Nightingale asked my Wife, Mr. Adams will have too much Business, will he not. The Courts to attend—Select Man—and Representative at May, &c. Mr. John Baxter, the old Gentleman, told me, he was very well pleased with the Choice at the North End, &c. Old Mr. John Ruggles voted for me. But says that Thayer will be elected at May. If I would set up, he would vote for me, and I should go, but Mr. Quincy will not. Lt. Holbrook I hear was much in my favour &c. Thus the Town is pretty generally disputing about me, I find. But this Choice will not disconcert Thayer at May, tho it will weaken him. But as I said before the Tryumph was not compleat. Cornet Bass had the most Votes the first Time, and would have come in the Second, but the North End People, his Friends, after putting in their Votes the first Time, withdrew for Refreshment, by which Accident he lost it, to their great Regrett.
       Mark the Fruits of this Election, to me. Will the Church People be angry, and grow hot, and furious? Or will they be cooler and calmer for it? Will Thayers other Precinct friends resent it, and become more violent, or will they be less so?—In short, I cannot answer these Questions. Many of them will be disheartened I know. Some will be slad.


Title: Tuesday, Wednesday, Thurdsday, Fryday, Saturday, Sunday [4–9 March].
From: Adams, John
To:


Title: Monday. 10th. 1766.
From: Adams, John
To:

       Last Week went to Boston, and to Weymouth, &c. I hear that Mr. Benjamin Cleverly has already bespoke Mr. John Ruggles Jur., against May Meeting. Promis’d him, as much as he can eat and drink of the best Sorts, if he will vote for Captn. Thayer. Told him he would not have acted as he did at March, if it had not been for Thos. Newcomb, and that he would vote for Thayer at May, if it was not for Thos. Newcomb. By this, the other Side are allarmed. The Craft they think is in danger. But I believe their Fears are groundless, tho I wish there was good Reason for them.
       Drank Tea at Mr. Etters. He says all the Blame is laid to him, and that a certain Man takes it very ill of him.—By the Way, I heard to day that Major Miller and James Brackett Jur. were heard since March Meeting raving against Deacon Palmer, and said he was a Knave &c. Q. about this Quarrell?
       I find the late Choice has brought upon me, a Multiplicity of new Cares. The Schools are one great Object of my Attention. It is a Thing of some difficulty to find out the best, most beneficial Method of expending the school Money. Captn. Adams says that each Parishes Proportion of the School Money, has not been settled, since my fathers day. Thos. Faxon says, it would be more profitable to the Children, to have a Number of Womens Schools about than to have a fixed Grammar School. Q. Whether he has not a Desire that his Wife should keep one? Jonathan Bass says the same. Q. his Wife is a School Mistress. So that two Points of Examination occur—the Proportion between the Parishes, i.e. the Sum which this Parish ought to have, and whether a standing Grammar school is preferable to a Number of school Mistresses Part of the Year and a Grammar School Part.
       Another great Object, Are the Poor. Persons are soliciting for the Priviledge of supplying the Poor, with Wood, Corn, Meat &c. The Care of supplying at Cash Price, and in Weight and Measure, is something. The Care of considering and deciding the Pretensions of the Claimants is something.
       A Third, and the greatest is the Assessment. Here I am not so thorough. I must enquire a great While before I shall know the Polls, and Estates, real and personal, of all the Inhabitants of the Town or Parish.
       The high Ways, the Districts to Surveyors, and laying out new Ways or altering old ones, are a 4th. Thing.
       Perambulations of Lines, are another Thing.—Dorchester, Milton, Stoughton, Bridgwater, Abington, Weymouth. Orders, for Services of many Sorts, to &c.
       It will increase my Connections, with the People.


Title: Tuesday 11th.
From: Adams, John
To:

       Went to Boston. The Chief Justice not there. A Piece of political Finess, to make the People believe he was under a Necessity of going a Journey this Week, but would be here by the next, was put about while Care was taken, to secure an Agreement to an Adjournment for 3 or 4 Weeks. So that Hutchinson is to trim, and shift, and luff up and bear away. And elude the Blame of the Ministry and the People.
       Cushing Spoke out boldly and said he was ready to go on. He had no Difficulty about going on. Lynde said We are here. Oliver said here am I, in Duress, and if I must go on, I must. Thus Popular Compulsion, fear of Violence, of the Sons of Liberty, &c, was suggested to be the only Motive with him to go on.


Title: Wednesday. 12th.
From: Adams, John
To:

       Returned to Braintree.


Title: Thurdsday 13th.
From: Adams, John
To:

       At home.


Title: Fryday 14th.
From: Adams, John
To:

       Yesterday and to day the severest Storm of Snow, we have had this Year.


Title: Sunday 16th. 1766.
From: Adams, John
To:

       Heard Mr. Wibirt all day.


Title: Monday March 17th. 1766.
From: Adams, John
To:

       Rain. A Piece in Evening Post March 10th. Remarks and Observations on Hutchinson’s History. The Writer seems concerned least his Country men should incur the Censure of hissing from the stage all Merit of their own Growth.
       But Q. Allowing Mr. Hutchinsons great Merit, what Disposition has his Country men discovered to hiss it from the Stage? Has not his Merit been sounded very high by his Country men?—for 20 Years? Have not his Countrymen loved, admired, revered, rewarded, nay almost adored him? Have not 99 in an 100 of them really thought him, the greatest and best Man in America? Has not the Perpetual Language of many Members of both Houses, and of a Majority of his Brother Councillors been, that Mr. Hutchinson is a great Man, a pious, a wise, a learnd, a good Man, an eminent Saint, a Phylosopher &c, the greatest Man in the Province, the greatest on the Continent? Nay have not many proceeded almost to Nay has not the Affection and Admiration of his Countrymen, arisen so high, as often to style him, the greatest and best Man in the World? that they never saw nor heard, nor read of such a Man?—a Sort of Apotheosis like that of Alexander and that of Caesar while they lived?
       As to Rewards, have they not admitted him to the highest Honours, and Profits, in the Province? Have they not assisted him chearfully in raising himself and his family to allmost all the Honours and Profits—to the Exclusion of much better Men? Have they not rewarded him so far, as to form invincible Combinations to involve every Man of any Learning and Ingenuity, in generall Detestation, Obloquy, and Ruin, who has been so unfortunate as to think him rather too craving?
       There is also another Piece, in the same Paper, called Remarks on the Times, possibly by the same Hand—about Political Enthusiasm, disordered Pulses, Precipices, Vertigoes, falling on ragged Cliffs, Men of hot enthusiastical Turn of Mind, &c.
       Went to Town Meeting thro a fierce Wind, a soaking Rain, and miry Roads and Banks of Snow.


Title: Tuesday. 18th.
From: Adams, John
To:

       Went to Weymouth, found the Family mourning the Loss, and preparing for the Funeral of old Tom.—After my Return, rode to Mr. Halls, and in my Return stopped at Mr. Jo. Basses, for the Papers. Major Miller soon afterwards came in, and he and I looked on each other, without Wrath or shame or Guilt, at least without any great Degree of Either, ’tho I must own I did not feel exactly as I used to in his Company, and I am sure by his Face and Eyes, that he did not in mine. We were very Social, &c.


Title: Wednesday. March 19th. 1766.
From: Adams, John
To:

       At Home.


Title: Fryday, March 28th. 1766.
From: Adams, John
To:

       I have omitted writing a Week. Dr. Tufts lodged here last Night with Yesterdays Paper. The Jany. Packet, arrived at N. York, has brought the King’s Speech, the Address of Lords and Commons, 14th. Jany., and many private Letters, which inform that Mr. Pitt was in the House of Commons and declared himself vs. Greenville Grenville, and for a Repeal of the Stamp Act, upon Principle. Called it, the most impolitic, arbitrary, oppressive, and unconstitutional Act that ever was passed. Denyed that We were represented in the House of Commons. (Q. whether the House of Commons, or the Parliament). And asserted that the House granted Taxes in their Representative Capacity, not in their Legislative. And therefore, that the Parliament had not Right to tax the Colonies.
       Q. What has been said in America which Mr. Pitt has not confirmed? Otis, Adams, Hopkins, &c. have said no more. Hampden, F.A., the Feudal System And Lord Clarendon, have gone no further than Pitt. No Epithets have been used in America worse than impolitic, arbitrary, oppressive, unconstitutional, unless it be cursed, damned, supercursed &c.
       What shall we think of Mr. Pitt? What shall we call him? The Genius, and Guardian Angell of Britain and British America? Or what? Is it possible that Greenville, offensive to his King, dissagreable to the People, should prevail vs. the whole new Ministry and Mr. Pitt?


Title: [March 1766]
From: Adams, John
To:

      1766 March 1st. Saturday

       Spent a Part of last Evening with Mr. Jo. Cleverly. He is a Tiptoe for Town Meeting. He has many Schemes and Improvements in his Head—vizt. for seperating the offices of Constable and Collector.—Collecting Taxes has laid the Foundation for the Ruin of many Families—John Vesey, Ben. Owen, Jed. Bass. He is for 5 select Men and will vote for the old ones Mr. Quincy, and Major Miller. He hears they are for turning out all the old select Men and chusing a new sett: they are for having but 3 &c. The only Way is to oppose Schemes to Schemes, and so break in upon them.—Cleverly will become a great Town Meeting Man, and a great Speaker in Town Meeting. Q. What Effect will this have on the Town Affairs.
       Brother tells me, that Wm. Vesey Jur. tells him, he has but one Objection against Jona. Bass, and that is, Bass is too forward.—When a Man is forward, We may conclude he has some selfish View, some self Ends.—Brother asked him if he and his Party would carry that Argument thro? It holds stronger vs. Captn. Thayer and Major Miller than it ever did against any Body in this Town excepting Coll. Gooch and Captn. Mills. But I desire the Proof of Bass’s forwardness. Has he been more so than Major Miller?—Come Come Mr. Vesey, says Master Jo. Cleverly, dont you say too much. I ant of that mind.

       Ego. Bass is an Active, capable Man, but no seeker by mean begging or buying of Votes.

   First entry in “Paper book No. 13” (our D/JA/13), a gathering of leaves stitched into a cover cut from a copy of the Boston Gazette, 29 Nov. 1762. For the period 21 Jan.–28 Feb. 1766 no Diary entries survive.

   Norton Quincy, Harvard 1736, son of Col. John Quincy of Mount Wollaston and thus an uncle of AA. In 1767 he inherited his father’s large estate and devoted himself to farming in a gentlemanly manner, though he also had business interests.

      Sunday 2 March.

       Heard Mr. Wibirt.

      Monday. March 3. 1766.

       My Brother Peter, Mr. Etter and Mr. Field, having a Number of Votes prepared for Mr. Quincy and me, set themselves to scatter them in Town Meeting. The Town had been very silent and still, my Name had never been mentioned nor had our Friends ever talked of any new Select Men att all, excepting in the south Precinct. But as soon as they found their was an Attempt to be made, they fell in and assisted, and, altho there were 6 different Hatts, with Votes for as many different Persons, besides a considerable Number of Scattering Votes, I had the Major Vote of the Assembly, the first Time. Mr. Quincy had more than 160 Votes. I had but one Vote more than half. Some of the Church People, Mr. Jo. Cleverly, his Brother Ben. and Son &c. and Mr. Ben. Vesey of the Middle Precinct, Mr. James Faxon &c. I found were grieved and chagrined for the Loss of their dear Major Miller.
       Etter and my Brother took a skillful Method. They let a Number of young Fellows into the Design. John Ruggles, Peter Newcomb, &c. who were very well pleased with the Employment and put about a great many Votes. Many Persons, I hear acted slyly and deceitfully. This is always the Case.
       I own it gave me much Pleasure to find I had so many Friends, and that my Conduct in Town, has been not disapproved. The Choice was quite unexpected to me. I thought the Project was so new and sudden that the People had not digested it, and would generally suppose, the Town would not like it, and so would not vote for it. But my Brothers answer was, that it had been talked of, last year, and some Years before, and that the Thought was familiar to the People in general, and was more agreable than any Thing of the Kind, that could be proposed to many. And for these Reasons his Hopes were strong.

       But the Tryumph of the Party was very considerable, tho not compleat. For Thayer and Miller, and the late Lessees of the North Commons, and many of the Church People and many others, had determined to get out Deacon Penniman. But instead of that, their favourite was dropped, and I, more obnoxious to that Party than even Deacon Penniman, or any other Man, was chosen in his Room, and Deacon Penniman was saved with more than 130 Votes, a more reputable Election than even Thayer himself had.
       Mr. Jo. Bass was extreamly sorry for the Loss of Major Miller, he would never come to another Meeting. Mr. Jo. Cleverly could not account for many Things done at Town Meetings. His Motion for Choosing Collectors was slighted—his Motion for lessening his fine was thrown out—and he made no Sort of figure as a Speaker. So that I believe Mr. Cleverly will make no Hand.
       Elisha Niles says Sett a Knave to catch a Knave. A few days before a former March Meeting he told Thayer that he had a Mind to get in Deacon Penniman. Thayer asked him, who he would have with him? He answered Captain Allin. Thayer made him no Answer, but, when the Meeting came, was chosen himself.—Mr. Thomas Faxon of this End of the Town, told my Wife he never saw any Body chosen so neatly in his Life. Not a Word—not a Whisper before hand. Peter Newcomb gave him a Vote. He had one before for Miller, and had heard nothing of me. But He thought I should have one. So he dropped that for Miller. Jo. Nightingale asked my Wife, Mr. Adams will have too much Business, will he not. The Courts to attend—Select Man—and Representative at May, &c. Mr. John Baxter, the old Gentleman, told me, he was very well pleased with the Choice at the North End, &c. Old Mr. John Ruggles voted for me. But says that Thayer will be elected at May. If I would set up, he would vote for me, and I should go, but Mr. Quincy will not. Lt. Holbrook I hear was much in my favour &c. Thus the Town is pretty generally disputing about me, I find. But this Choice will not disconcert Thayer at May, tho it will weaken him. But as I said before the Tryumph was not compleat. Cornet Bass had the most Votes the first Time, and would have come in the Second, but the North End People, his Friends, after putting in their Votes the first Time, withdrew for Refreshment, by which Accident he lost it, to their great Regrett.
       Mark the Fruits of this Election, to me. Will the Church People be angry, and grow hot, and furious? Or will they be cooler and calmer for it? Will Thayers other Precinct friends resent it, and become more violent, or will they be less so?—In short, I cannot answer these Questions. Many of them will be disheartened I know. Some will be slad.

   At the town meeting this day four of the five selectmen then serving were reelected (Norton Quincy, James Penniman, Ebenezer Thayer, and Benjamin Porter), but Ebenezer Miller was replaced by JA. Since Miller was an Anglican and “inclined to the government,” CFA rightly notes that this election marked “the first popular struggle of the Revolution in the town of Braintree” (JA, WorksThe Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, ed. Charles Francis Adams, Boston, 1850–1856; 10 vols., 2:186, note).

   Inadvertent omission by the diarist. Thayer was reelected to the General Court, 19 May (Braintree Town RecordsSamuel A. Bates, ed., Records of the Town of Braintree, 1640 to 1793, Randolph, Mass., 1886., p. 411).

      Tuesday, Wednesday, Thurdsday, Fryday, Saturday, Sunday 4–9 March.

      Monday. 10th. 1766.

       Last Week went to Boston, and to Weymouth, &c. I hear that Mr. Benjamin Cleverly has already bespoke Mr. John Ruggles Jur., against May Meeting. Promis’d him, as much as he can eat and drink of the best Sorts, if he will vote for Captn. Thayer. Told him he would not have acted as he did at March, if it had not been for Thos. Newcomb, and that he would vote for Thayer at May, if it was not for Thos. Newcomb. By this, the other Side are allarmed. The Craft they think is in danger. But I believe their Fears are groundless, tho I wish there was good Reason for them.
       Drank Tea at Mr. Etters. He says all the Blame is laid to him, and that a certain Man takes it very ill of him.—By the Way, I heard to day that Major Miller and James Brackett Jur. were heard since March Meeting raving against Deacon Palmer, and said he was a Knave &c. Q. about this Quarrell?
       I find the late Choice has brought upon me, a Multiplicity of new Cares. The Schools are one great Object of my Attention. It is a Thing of some difficulty to find out the best, most beneficial Method of expending the school Money. Captn. Adams says that each Parishes Proportion of the School Money, has not been settled, since my fathers day. Thos. Faxon says, it would be more profitable to the Children, to have a Number of Womens Schools about than to have a fixed Grammar School. Q. Whether he has not a Desire that his Wife should keep one? Jonathan Bass says the same. Q. his Wife is a School Mistress. So that two Points of Examination occur—the Proportion between the Parishes, i.e. the Sum which this Parish ought to have, and whether a standing Grammar school is preferable to a Number of school Mistresses Part of the Year and a Grammar School Part.
       Another great Object, Are the Poor. Persons are soliciting for the Priviledge of supplying the Poor, with Wood, Corn, Meat &c. The Care of supplying at Cash Price, and in Weight and Measure, is something. The Care of considering and deciding the Pretensions of the Claimants is something.
       A Third, and the greatest is the Assessment. Here I am not so thorough. I must enquire a great While before I shall know the Polls, and Estates, real and personal, of all the Inhabitants of the Town or Parish.
       The high Ways, the Districts to Surveyors, and laying out new Ways or altering old ones, are a 4th. Thing.
       Perambulations of Lines, are another Thing.—Dorchester, Milton, Stoughton, Bridgwater, Abington, Weymouth. Orders, for Services of many Sorts, to &c.
       It will increase my Connections, with the People.

      Tuesday 11th.

       Went to Boston. The Chief Justice not there. A Piece of political Finess, to make the People believe he was under a Necessity of going a Journey this Week, but would be here by the next, was put about while Care was taken, to secure an Agreement to an Adjournment for 3 or 4 Weeks. So that Hutchinson is to trim, and shift, and luff up and bear away. And elude the Blame of the Ministry and the People.
       Cushing Spoke out boldly and said he was ready to go on. He had no Difficulty about going on. Lynde said We are here. Oliver said here am I, in Duress, and if I must go on, I must. Thus Popular Compulsion, fear of Violence, of the Sons of Liberty, &c, was suggested to be the only Motive with him to go on.

   Since no one (including the lawyers) wished to incur the possible penalties for proceeding without stamped paper, the judges like everyone else were playing the game of “Who will bell the cat?” Those named here were the younger John Cushing (1695–1778), of Scituate (Emory Washburn, Sketches of the Judicial History of Massachusetts, Boston, 1840, p. 298–299); the younger Benjamin Lynde (1700–1781), subsequently chief justice (Sibley-Shipton, Harvard GraduatesJohn Langdon Sibley and Clifford K. Shipton, Biographical Sketches of Graduates of Harvard University, in Cambridge, Massachusetts, Cambridge and Boston, 1873– ., 6:250–257); and Peter Oliver, who has been mentioned earlier. Chief Justice Hutchinson’s own account of the situation with respect to the Superior Court is in his Massachusetts Bay, ed. MayoThomas Hutchinson, The History of the Colony and Province of Massachusetts-Bay, ed. Lawrence Shaw Mayo, Cambridge, 1936; 3 vols., 3:105–106. See also Quincy, ReportsJosiah Quincy Jr., Reports of Cases Argued and Adjudged in the Superior Court of Judicature of the Province of Massachusetts Bay, between 1761 and 1772, ed. Samuel M. Quincy, Boston, 1865., p. 215–217; and the entries of 15 March, 15, 29 April, below.

      Wednesday. 12th.

       Returned to Braintree.

      Thurdsday 13th.

       At home.

      Fryday 14th.

       Yesterday and to day the severest Storm of Snow, we have had this Year.

      Saturday 15th. March 1766.

       The Snow is as deep and in as mountainous Banks, as it has been at any Time this Winter.—The unanimous Agreement of the Court and Bar, was, to try a few civil Causes, one at least, and then adjourn over.

      Sunday 16th. 1766.

       Heard Mr. Wibirt all day.

      Monday March 17th. 1766.

       Rain. A Piece in Evening Post March 10th. Remarks and Observations on Hutchinson’s History. The Writer seems concerned least his Country men should incur the Censure of hissing from the stage all Merit of their own Growth.
       But Q. Allowing Mr. Hutchinsons great Merit, what Disposition has his Country men discovered to hiss it from the Stage? Has not his Merit been sounded very high by his Country men?—for 20 Years? Have not his Countrymen loved, admired, revered, rewarded, nay almost adored him? Have not 99 in an 100 of them really thought him, the greatest and best Man in America? Has not the Perpetual Language of many Members of both Houses, and of a Majority of his Brother Councillors been, that Mr. Hutchinson is a great Man, a pious, a wise, a learnd, a good Man, an eminent Saint, a Phylosopher &c, the greatest Man in the Province, the greatest on the Continent? Nay have not many proceeded almost to Nay has not the Affection and Admiration of his Countrymen, arisen so high, as often to style him, the greatest and best Man in the World? that they never saw nor heard, nor read of such a Man?—a Sort of Apotheosis like that of Alexander and that of Caesar while they lived?
       As to Rewards, have they not admitted him to the highest Honours, and Profits, in the Province? Have they not assisted him chearfully in raising himself and his family to allmost all the Honours and Profits—to the Exclusion of much better Men? Have they not rewarded him so far, as to form invincible Combinations to involve every Man of any Learning and Ingenuity, in generall Detestation, Obloquy, and Ruin, who has been so unfortunate as to think him rather too craving?
       There is also another Piece, in the same Paper, called Remarks on the Times, possibly by the same Hand—about Political Enthusiasm, disordered Pulses, Precipices, Vertigoes, falling on ragged Cliffs, Men of hot enthusiastical Turn of Mind, &c.
       Went to Town Meeting thro a fierce Wind, a soaking Rain, and miry Roads and Banks of Snow.

   Signed “J.” The History of the Colony of Massachusets-Bay... [1628–1691], “By Mr. Hutchinson, Lieutenant-Governor of the Massachuse’ts Province,” was printed by Thomas & John Fleet, Boston, 1764, the first of three volumes ultimately published.

   This piece is unsigned. CFA furnishes a sample from it in a footnote, JA, WorksThe Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, ed. Charles Francis Adams, Boston, 1850–1856; 10 vols., 2:190.

   This town meeting seems to have had no political overtones, being chiefly concerned with regulations to prevent obstructions to “the fish called Alewives” in the Monatiquot River and with the laying out of new roads (Braintree Town RecordsSamuel A. Bates, ed., Records of the Town of Braintree, 1640 to 1793, Randolph, Mass., 1886., p. 409–411).

      Tuesday. 18th.

       Went to Weymouth, found the Family mourning the Loss, and preparing for the Funeral of old Tom.—After my Return, rode to Mr. Halls, and in my Return stopped at Mr. Jo. Basses, for the Papers. Major Miller soon afterwards came in, and he and I looked on each other, without Wrath or shame or Guilt, at least without any great Degree of Either, ’tho I must own I did not feel exactly as I used to in his Company, and I am sure by his Face and Eyes, that he did not in mine. We were very Social, &c.

   Probably John Hall (1698–1780), usually referred to in local records as “Lieutenant Hall,” who in December of the present year married JA’s widowed mother (Quincy, First Church, MS Records).

      Wednesday. March 19th. 1766.

       At Home.

      Thursday March 20th.

       At Mrs. Baxters Funeral.

      Fryday March 21st.

       A fine Spring like Morning. The Birds of many Sorts, as sprightly and musical.

      Fryday, March 28th. 1766.

       I have omitted writing a Week. Dr. Tufts lodged here last Night with Yesterdays Paper. The Jany. Packet, arrived at N. York, has brought the King’s Speech, the Address of Lords and Commons, 14th. Jany., and many private Letters, which inform that Mr. Pitt was in the House of Commons and declared himself vs. Greenville Grenville, and for a Repeal of the Stamp Act, upon Principle. Called it, the most impolitic, arbitrary, oppressive, and unconstitutional Act that ever was passed. Denyed that We were represented in the House of Commons. (Q. whether the House of Commons, or the Parliament). And asserted that the House granted Taxes in their Representative Capacity, not in their Legislative. And therefore, that the Parliament had not Right to tax the Colonies.
       Q. What has been said in America which Mr. Pitt has not confirmed? Otis, Adams, Hopkins, &c. have said no more. Hampden, F.A., the Feudal System And Lord Clarendon, have gone no further than Pitt. No Epithets have been used in America worse than impolitic, arbitrary, oppressive, unconstitutional, unless it be cursed, damned, supercursed &c.
       What shall we think of Mr. Pitt? What shall we call him? The Genius, and Guardian Angell of Britain and British America? Or what? Is it possible that Greenville, offensive to his King, dissagreable to the People, should prevail vs. the whole new Ministry and Mr. Pitt?


Title: Fryday April 10th. 1766.
From: Adams, John
To:

       At Plymouth. Court open and Business proceeding.


Title: Tuesday April 15th. 1766.
From: Adams, John
To:

       Went to Boston. The Superior Court adjourned again, for a fortnight. Hutchinson, Cushing and Oliver, present. What Insolence And Impudence, and Chickanery is this?
       Fleet of Yesterday, gives us, a Piece from London Gazette Jany. 8th. signed Vindex Patriae. The sole Question he says is, if the Americans are represented in Parliament?
       Colonists by Charters shall have same Priviledges, as if born in England, i.e. that England shall be reputed their natale solum. Massachusetts by Fiction supposed to lye in England.—Q. whether this Thought was not suggested by the Braintree Instructions? “a fiction of Law insensible in Theory and injurious in Practice?” All England is represented, then Massachusetts is.


Title: Sunday April 27th. 1766.
From: Adams, John
To:

       Heard Mr. Smith.
       In the Evening, I had a great deal of Conversation with Ezekiel Price, Yesterday about Politicks, &c. I provoked him to speak freely by calling him an Hutchinsonian.—I swear says he I think the Lieutenant Governor an honest Man, and I think he has been most damnably abused and slandered and bely’d, &c. I know all his violent Opposers—I know them and what they are after, and their disciples in and about the Capital. There is no Man in the Province would fill any one of his offices, as he does. He is the best Judge of Probate, &c.—Flings about Otis and Adams, and about being one of their Disciples, &c.


Title: Monday April 28th. 1766.
From: Adams, John
To:

       At Home.


Title: [April 1766]
From: Adams, John
To:

      Fryday April 10th. 1766.

       At Plymouth. Court open and Business proceeding.

   This was the Inferior Court of Common Pleas.

      Tuesday April 15th. 1766.

       Went to Boston. The Superior Court adjourned again, for a fortnight. Hutchinson, Cushing and Oliver, present. What Insolence And Impudence, and Chickanery is this?
       Fleet of Yesterday, gives us, a Piece from London Gazette Jany. 8th. signed Vindex Patriae. The sole Question he says is, if the Americans are represented in Parliament?
       Colonists by Charters shall have same Priviledges, as if born in England, i.e. that England shall be reputed their natale solum. Massachusetts by Fiction supposed to lye in England.—Q. whether this Thought was not suggested by the Braintree Instructions? “a fiction of Law insensible in Theory and injurious in Practice?” All England is represented, then Massachusetts is.

   A not entirely accurate quotation from the Braintree Instructions written by JA; compare the text in his WorksThe Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, ed. Charles Francis Adams, Boston, 1850–1856; 10 vols., 3:467.

      Saturday April 26th. 1766.

       The last Thurdsdays Paper is full. The Resolves of the House of Commons, are the most interesting. The Bill which is to be brought in upon the first Resolve, and the Sixth has excited my Curiosity and Apprehensions the most. The Ist. Resolve is that K., Lds. and Commons have an undoubted Right to make Laws for the Colonies in all Cases, whatever.—I am solicitous to know whether they will lay a Tax, in Consequence of that Resolution, or what Kind of a Law they will make.
       The first Resolve is in these Words. “That the Kings Majesty, by and with the Advice and Consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons of G. Britain in Parliament assembled, had, hath, and of right ought to have, full Power and Authority to make Laws and Statutes of sufficient Force and Validity to bind the Colonies and People of America, Subjects of the Crown of G. Britain, in all Cases whatever.” Now upon this Resolution, a Bill is to be brought in. Q. What is the End and design of that Bill?
       Another Resolution is, that all who have suffered Damages for their Desire to comply with any Act of Parliament, or to assist in the Execution of any, ought to be amply compensated.—But who are they, who have manifested a Desire to comply with the stamp Act, or to assist in the Execution of it? Winslow, Foster, Clap, Brown &c. were for Submission, in order to obtain a Repeal. Every Body has disowned any desire to comply or assist. Who will lay claim to the Character of dutiful and loyal Subjects, and to the Protection of the House of Commons in Consequence of the 5th Resolution?
       Prophecies are the most airy, visionary Things in Nature. I remember the Time, when Pratt was universally call’d by the Hutchinsonians a bad Politician, and I never could hear any other Reason given, but this that his Prophecies about the K. of Prussia and General Amherst, did not turn out right. Now Hutchinson himself, Olivers, Trowbridges, Ruggles’s, Winslows, have been prophesying, that Fleets and Armies would be sent to inforce the stamp Act. But they are as false Prophets as ever uttered oracles.
       Foresight, Judgment, Sagacity, Penetration, &c. are but very feeble, infirm Things, in these great affairs of State and War. What Hutchinson said in the Probate office was as good a Way as any,—I never was more at a loss in my Life, about any Thing future! What the new Ministry will do, I know not. If Mr. Pitt was in I should be at no loss at all.—In this Way, an Air of deep important Wisdom is preserved, without danger of being proved mistaken by time.

   That is, the Drapers’ Massachusetts Gazette (being the current title of the Boston News Letter) of Friday, 25 April, this issue having been published a day late. The resolves of the House of Commons quoted and summarized below were those of 24 Feb. 1766.

   The first resolve led to the Declaratory Act; the sixth excused from any penalty those who, “by Reason of the Tumults and Outrages in N. America,” had been unable to procure stamped paper.

   Word omitted by the diarist. The sentences that follow were presumably spoken by Hutchinson, and CFA supplied quotation marks around them.

      Sunday April 27th. 1766.

       Heard Mr. Smith.
       In the Evening, I had a great deal of Conversation with Ezekiel Price, Yesterday about Politicks, &c. I provoked him to speak freely by calling him an Hutchinsonian.—I swear says he I think the Lieutenant Governor an honest Man, and I think he has been most damnably abused and slandered and bely’d, &c. I know all his violent Opposers—I know them and what they are after, and their disciples in and about the Capital. There is no Man in the Province would fill any one of his offices, as he does. He is the best Judge of Probate, &c.—Flings about Otis and Adams, and about being one of their Disciples, &c.

   JA inserted this word above the line, possibly out of place (or perhaps he meant to cancel the words “In the Evening” at the beginning of the sentence). On Ezekiel Price (1727–1802), long active in town affairs in Boston and at this time crier of the Suffolk Court of General Sessions, there is a learned biographical note by John Noble in Col. Soc. Mass., Pubns.Colonial Society of Massachusetts, Publications., 5 (1902):61–62.

      Monday April 28th. 1766.

       At Home.

      Tuesday April 29th. 1766.

       At Boston. To this day the Superiour Court was adjourned: Hutchinson, Lynde and Cushing were present. Two of the Bar, agreed to continue an Action. Hutchinson leans over and orders Winthrop to minute an Agreement to continue. We will consider of it, says he. Another of the Bar, moved for a Continuance and no Opposition. Hutchinson orders the Clerk to enter it, a Motion for a Continuance, &c. Then the Court went to playing off a Farce, and to trying to get a Cause for the Jury. But none was then ready. Then Hutchinson proposed, what if we should adjourn to the first Tuesday in June. Then Otis and Swift moved that Complaints might be read and passed upon. Affirmed. Hutchinson said, “I shall be very open in my Judgment. I am not for making up Judgment on any Complaints. I am upon Principle in it—it would not be regular, nor prudent at this critical Juncture.” Cushing thought “that in some Cases of Necessity, it might be done”—with one of his most Jesuitical Looks. Lynde declared he would not belong to the General Court, in all Advents, this Year. Hutchinson seemed in Tortures.—” He wanted to be out of Town, to be at Home. He was never so easy as when he was there. He did not love to spend his Time idly. If there was no Business to be done, he was for being where he could be imploy’d.”
       Thus the C.J. is now mustering up Fortitude enough to make public, to manifest his Desire to comply, with the Stamp-Act, and to assist in carrying it into Execution. In Order to lay claim to the Protection of the House of Commons, and to claim a Compensation for his Damages. Ay! he is now assuming the Character of a dutiful and loyal Subject.
       I kept an obstinate Silence, the whole Time, I said not one Word for, or against the Adjournment. I saw the Court were determined before they came in, and they had no Right to expect that I would fall in with that Determination. And I had no Disposition to foment an opposition to it, because, an Opposition made with any Warmth might have ended in the Demolition of the Earthly House of his Honours Tabernacle.
       But let me look back to the Sixth Page in this Book, i.e. to Tuesday. 11th. of March 1766, and read, What was said by Cushing, Lynde &c.—and can we be sufficiently amazed at the Chickanery, the Finess, the Prevarication, the Insincerity, the simulation, nay the Lyes and Falshoods of the Judges of the Superiour Court. These are harsh Words, but true. The Times are terrible, and made so at present by Hutchinson C.J. I cannot say, that Oliver fibbed, but Cushing did abominably on 11th. March.
       Nathaniel Hatch says they are right— “for nothing hindered the Repeal of the Stamp Act, but what has been done here—the Riots, and Resolves, and doing Business &c.”
       Thus America will ring with Riots, Resolves, opening Courts, Instructions, Edes & Gills Gazette-Writers &c. All the Evil will be laid upon them—and the Congress too, and recalling Orders for Goods.

   CFA reads: “... passed upon or affirmed.” In view of what follows, this makes better sense than the present reading, but there is no warrant for it in the MS.

   Thus in MS.


Title: Sunday. May 4th. 1766.
From: Adams, John
To:

       Returning from Meeting this Morning I saw for the first Time, a likely young Button Wood Tree, lately planted, on the Triangle made by the Three Roads, by the House of Mr. James Brackett. The Tree is well set, well guarded, and has on it, an Inscription “The Tree of Liberty,” and “cursed is he, who cutts this Tree.”—Q. What will be the Consequences of this Thought? I never heard an Hint of it, till I saw it, but I hear that some Persons grumble and threaten to girdle it.


Title: Sunday. May 18th. 1766.
From: Adams, John
To:

       Mem. to write some Speculations, upon the Union of Legislative and Executive Powers—and upon the Knot, the Junto, the Combination.


Title: Monday May 26th. 1766.
From: Adams, John
To:

       I have been very unfortunate, in running the Gauntlet, thro all the Rejoicings, for the Repeal of the Stamp-Act.
       Monday last at 2 O Clock, was our Town Meeting, and the same Evening, were all the Rejoicings in Boston and in Plymouth. After Meeting I mounted for Plymouth, and reached Dr. Halls of Pembroke. The only Rejoicings, I heard or saw were at Hingham, where the Bells rung, Cannons were fired, Drums beaten, and Land Lady Cushing on the Plain, illuminated her House. The County of Plymouth has made a thorough Purgation, Winslow, Clap, Foster, Hayward, Keen, Oliver, Alden, are all omitted, and Warren, Seaver Sever, Thomas, Turner, Vinal, Edson, Sprout are chosen. What a Change!
       A duller Day, than last Monday, when the Province was in a Rapture for the Repeal of the Stamp Act, I do not remember to have passed. My Wife who had long depended on going to Boston, and my little Babe were both very ill of an hooping Cough. My self, under Obligation to attend the Superiour Court at Plymouth, the next day, and therefore unable to go to Boston. And the Town of Braintree insensible to the Common Joy!


Title: Wednesday. May 28th.
From: Adams, John
To:

       General Election. At Boston. After Lecture, dined at Mr. Austins, the Wine Cooper, with the Revd. Messrs. Prentice of Charlestown and Amos Adams of Roxbury. Adams and Austin were the Disputants in Politicks, Prentice a Moderator.
       This Morning Samuel Adams was chosen Clerk, and Otis Speaker. Govr. Bernard negatived him. Cushing was chosen. In the Afternoon they proceeded to choose Councillors, when Hutchinson, and the two Olivers were dropp’d, and Trowbridge was dropped, and Mr. Pitts, Coll. Gerrish, Coll. White, Bowers, Powel, and Mr. Saunders and Dexter, were chosen.—What a Change! This Day seems to be the litteral Accomplishment of a Prophecy of Mr. Otis, published two or three Winters ago in the News Paper “The Day is hastening on, with large Strides, when a dirty, very dirty, witless Rabble, I mean the great Vulgar, shall go down with deserved Infamy to all Posterity.” Thus the Triumph of Otis and his Party are compleat. But what changes are yet to come? Will not the other Party soon be uppermost?


Title: Thurdsday, May 29th.
From: Adams, John
To:

       The Governor negatived Otis, Sparhawk, Dexter, Saunders, Gerrish and Bowers, and made the two Houses a most nitrous, sulphureous Speech.
       What will be the Consequence?
       This morning in Hatch’s Office, Mr. Paxton came in. “This is the lazyest Town upon the Globe—poor, proud and lazy is the Character of this Town. They wont work. If the Neutrals were gone, there would be no body to throw the Water out of the long Boat in this Town.”
       Trowbridge told Stories about the Virtue of some Neutrals—their strict Justice, there Aversion to Prophaneness &c. Paxton said they were never drunk, never disorderly, never before a Magistrate &c. &c. &c. All this from Goffe and Paxton, was meant in favour of roman Catholic Religion and civil slavery I doubt not.
       Goffe said he had been reading the History of England, and he found that there had always arisen Men to defend Liberty, in the same manner, and from the same Principles, as they do here.
       He said further that for himself, he felt so happily after his Death, that he was pretty sure he had behaved well during his Lifetime. For himself, he was easy, but the poor Secretary is infirm; it will bear hard upon him. And for the Lieutenant Governor, now the Act is repeal’d, and considering how he has been used, instead of doing any Thing to make up his Loss, to leave him out of Council, and so to confirm in the Minds of the People a suspicion that he has been an Enemy to the Country, is very hard, for a Man who has behaved so well as he has.