Title: To George Washington from Boston Citizens, 13 July 1795
From: Boston Citizens
To: Washington, George

            [Boston, 13 July 1795]

          At a meeting of the Inhabitants of the Town of Boston, duly & legally warned & convened, by adjournment at Faneuil Hall on Monday the thirteenth day of July, One thousand Seven hundred & ninety five.
          A Pamphlet printed at Philadelphia under the signature of Stevens Thomson Mason, one of the Senators of the United States from the Commonwealth of Virginia, & purporting to be a genuine Copy of a Treaty of Amity, Commerce, & Navigation, entered into at London on the nineteenth day of November last between Lord Grenville, on the part of his Britanick Majesty, and John Jay Esquire, on the part of the United States, was read, and duly considered, and thereupon it was,
          Resolved, as the sense of the Inhabitants of this Town, that the aforesaid Instrument, if ratified, will be highly injurious to the commercial Interest of the United States, derogatory to their National honor, and Independence, and may be dangerous to the Peace and happiness of their Citizens.
          The reasons which have induced this opinion are as follow, vizt

              1st
              Because this Compact professes to have no reference to the merits of the complaints, & pretensions of the contracting parties; but in reality the complaints & pretensions of Great Britain, are fully provided for, while a part only, of those of the United States, have been brought into consideration.

              2d
              Because in the stipulation which restores our posts on the Western Frontier, no provision is made to indemnify the United States for the commercial, & other losses they have sustained, & the heavy expences to which they have been subjected in consequence of being kept out of possession for twelve years, in direct violation of the Treaty of Peace.

              3dly
              Because no indemnification is proposed to be made to the Citizens of the United States, for property taken from them at the close of the war, the restitution of which is provided for in the same Treaty.

              4th
              Because the capture of Vessells, & property of Citizens of the United States, during the present war, made

under the authority of the Government of Great Britain, is a National Concern, and claims arising from such captures, ought not to have been submitted to the decision of their Admiralty Courts, as the United States are thereby precluded from having a voice in the final determination of such cases; because the indemnification proposed, is to be sought by a process tedious & expensive, in which justice may be delayed to an unreasonable time, & eventually lost to many of the sufferers from their inability to pursue it; and because this mode of Indemnification bears no proportion to the summary method adopted for the satisfaction of British Claims.

              5th
              Because this compact, admits British subjects to an equal participation with our own citizens, of the interior Trafic of the United States with the neighbouring Indians, through our whole territorial dominions: while the advantages ostensibly reciprocated to our Citizens, are limited both in their nature and extent.

              6th
              Because the alien duties upon merchandise imported into the United States by British Subjects in their own bottoms, is, if not wholly suspended, at least contracted, not to be encreased.

              7th
              Because the commerce the United States have hithertoo enjoyed in India, in common with other Nations, is so restricted, that in future it will be of little or no substantial benefit to our Citizens.

              8th
              Because in every stipulation respecting our intercourse with the Colonial possessions of Great Britain, the whole commerce of the United States, in such intercourse, is Colonized in return.

              9th
              Because the clause by which the British Government reserves to itself the right of imposing on American Vessels, entering British Ports in Europe, a duty which shall countervail the difference of the duty payable on the importation of European & Asiatic goods into the United States, in British or American bottoms, places it in the power of that government to enable British subjects, to become the Importers of Asiatic & European goods, into the United States to the exclusion of our own citizens.

              10th
              Because although the terms of said Treaty, purport to be reciprocal in many instances, yet from the local situation,

and existing circumstances of the United States, and the pacific system of policy they have adopted, that reciprocity is merely nominal, and delusive.

              11th
              Because it prevents the United States from imposing any further restrictions, on the British Trade alone, & because it is stipulated, that neither the debts due from Individuals of the one Nation, to Individuals of the other, nor shares, nor monies which they may have in the Public Funds, or in any public or private banks, shall ever in any event of war, or National difference be sequestered, or confiscated—it is far from being impossible that the exercise of this right may in the opinion of the Legislature of the United States, contribute to preserve the peace of our Country, and protect the rights & property of the Citizens from violation—we therefore esteem it highly impolitic, that the public faith should be pledged, that it shall never be exercised under any circumstances whatever.

              12th
              Because it concedes a right to the British Government to search & detain our vessells in time of war, between them, & other Nations, under frivolous, & vexatious pretexts.

              13th
              Because it provides, that Ship timber, tar, hemp, sails, and copper, shall be considered contraband of war, which articles are expressly stipulated to be free, by the Treaties already subsisting, between the United States, & all other Nations with whom they are in compact.

              14th
              Because it surrenders all, or most of the benefits of a commercial nature, which we had a right to expect, from our Neutrality in the present European War.

              15th
              Because it precludes the hope of receiving any advantage from the modern Law of Nations, referred to in the President’s proclamation of Neutrality, adopted by most of the Nations of Europe in the last War, and to which we then acceeded, and have since secured in our Treaties with all other Nations.

              16th
              Because it not only surrenders the right of carrying the property of any Nation at war with Great Britain, in our vessells freely; but abandons all pretensions even to the freight.

              17th
              Because it permits the British Nation to convert provisions, destined to other Nations at war with them, to their own use, on payment of what they may deem a

reasonable profit; a measure not only injurious to the Interests of the American Merchant, but which will prevent our citizens from carrying American productions to other Countries, which by the Laws of Nature, and Nations they have a right to do without molestation.

              18th
              Because it limits the powers of Congress, delegated to them by the Constitution, “to regulate our Commerce with foreign nations” by prescribing Conditions, & creating impediments to the exercise of that power.

              19th
              Because it exposes the United States, and their Commerce to similar embarrassments from other commercial Nations, all of whom will probably regulate our trade, by this partial standard.

          And lastly,
          Because, in the opinion of the Inhabitants of this Town, the nature & extent of the exports of the United States, are such, that in all their stipulations, with foreign nations, they have it in their power, to secure a perfect reciprocity of intercourse, not only with the home dominions of such nations, but with all their Colonial dependences.
          It is further Resolved, that a Copy of the foregoing proceedings, attested by the Town Clerk, be immediately transmitted to the President of the United States, that they may be respectfully submitted to his consideration—And we earnestly hope, and confidently rely, that his prudence, fortitude, and wisdom, which have more than once been eminently instrumental, in the Salvation of his Country, will be equally conspicuous on the present occasion, and that the reasons we have assigned, will have their influence to induce him to withold his signature from the ratification of this alarming Instrument.
          A true copy

            Att: William Cooper Town Clerk


Title: From George Washington to John Gill, 13 July 1795
From: Washington, George
To: Gill, John

            Sir,
            Philadelphia 13th July 1795

          It is now near two months since I sent you the Deeds for my land on Difficult run, from which to draw a conveyance to

yourself, on the terms, and agreeably to the instructions contained in a letter to Charles Lee Esqr.—or, that they might be returned to me again.
          As I can see no cause for, or propriety in this delay, I do now take the liberty of declaring it as my intention, that unless the instruments fixing the agreement according to the stipulated terms in the aforesaid letter, are immediately executed, I shall consider the offer I made you of the above land, as null and void, and request my deeds may be sent to me accordingly. I am—Sir Your Obedt Hble Servant

            Go: Washington


Title: To George Washington from “H.,” c.13 July 1795
From: “H.”
To: Washington, George

              [c.13 July 1795]

            Haveing just returnd from a visit in the Northern States where the Treaty has been the constant subject of the peoples reprobation particularly of men concern’d in Trade, I am pleased to learn from enquirey that thou hast not yet placed thy name to it, but hast it still under thy consideration—Thou hast already Enemies and many of them were never friends to the Interests of America what ever there professions may now be: Those men now preach up the excellence of the proposed Treaty and Brand men who will not agree with them as enimies to good Goverment, (Thou knowest that the people of thy country were never given to Riot even when there was in truth no regular Goverment but confided in thy judgement and that of the people who represented them) trusting that thy Signature thereto will ruin the[e] in the estimation of those who have always confided in thee in the most dangerous times, as one of those Men I hand the sentiments that occurd to me after maturely considering the articles remark’d on, as thy fellow Citizen I need not offer thee any excuse therefor, I feel very mu[c]h Confirm’d in the opinion which my mind form’d on the first reading that it would be better for the United States to give up their claims for Losses by British depredation on their Trade than to accede to the proposed Treaty—my mind will not let me suppose that John Jay can be an Enemy to the people of the United States but surely he

must want both Political and Mercantile information or he never would have agreed to offer such terms for thy approbation, his friends in New York say it was the least he could obtain but no Negotiator should agree to offer any terms for his Countrys approbation that they could not in point of Justice to themselves as well as policy accept, for it has ever been supposed that the negotiators knew the Interests of their respective Goverments so well and of Coarse attended to them that the Ratification of a Treaty has ever been considerd as an act that would follow, in this instance I trust Britain will be disapointed, but as warr should at all events be guarded against thou wilt no doubt see the propriety of sending a person better qualified than John Jay to negotiate with that nation. thy truest friend,

              H.

            Article 6th British Debts due previous to the Peace are to be paid by the United States to all persons who have been deprived of the same by any Legal Impediment consequently all the British Debts that have been confiscated or paid into any of the Treasurys of any of the United States agreable to any of the then existing Laws must be reimburced in Specie as well as the full amount of the Debts due from persons who are now unable to pay but who were solvent at the time the Laws prevented the Recovery. It has always been supposed by the Citizens of the United States that this claim on them which the Goverment of the United States now bind themselves to pay was fully ballanced by the property taken off by the British at the close of the Warr contrary to the Treaty of Peace. The with holding British Debts was the only security the Citizens of the United States who had lost their property ever had that they should obtain Restitution. If therefore they are deprived of this security and their claims relinquish’d by the proposed Treaty the Goverment of the United States are bound in Honor & Honesty and must provide funds to pay them—British claims are all to be setled by Commissioners in 18 months or at furthest in two years.
            Article 7th The Americans are to be paid for the Depredations on their Trade by the British Goverment if recovery cannot be had by common course of Law, by this article the Americans are to pursue their appeals in the Courts before they can claim

of the Commissioners this will at least take up three years if no impediments happen so says Our Samuel B[a]yard the Agent for claims after which the Commissioners are allow’d 18 months to decide on them with six months Lattitude Mr Jay then to obtain this payment for British Depredations which may amount to 2,000,000 of Dollars has given up a claim of one Million of pounds Sterling (which the United States will now have to pay their own Citizens) and agreed to pay British subjects for old Claims about one Million Sterling and what is as extrodinary this sum he has stipulated that the United States shall pay at least two years sooner than the American claims can be brought before the Commissioners. if then any disputes should arrise between the two Countrys after the payment of the British Debt it is more than probable the American claims will never be paid.
            Article 10th Deprives the Americans of the only security they ever possess’d against the Depredations of the British Nation. nothing but the fear of loseing the Debts and property due to their subjects (in America) and the clamour against their Goverment which the sufferers would cause has prevented them from abuseing the Americans at pleasure—If then this hold is given up the American Goverment must immediately prepare a Naval force or expect for ever to be govern’d by British Policy.
            Article 12th Not haveing been agreed to by the Senate needs no observation altho agreed to by Mr Jay.
            Article 13th will effectually ruin the American Trade to the East Indies for it will prevent us from Trading at any ports or places which the Natives may be willing to allow if such places should be within what the British call their Territorys.
            Article 15th The British reserve to themselves the right of demanding a Tonage duty equal to what shall be paid on British Vessells in America and also a duty on Goods to equal that paid on British or Assiatic Goods in America. if by this article it is intended to raise from America shiping that enter British Ports in Europe the same amount of mony that is raised on British Vessells in America and in like manner on goods The Trade in American Vessells to British European ports must cease for the American Vessells in that Trade are so few compared to the British Vessells that enter the American Ports that the Duty on American Tonage arriveing in British European Ports must be

at least five times as much pr Ton as what is now paid in our ports by British Vessells and the Goods arriveing in British European Ports in American Vessells must pay ten times the sum per hundred pounds value that the British pay on goods landed from their shiping in America.
            Article 18th The Tradeing part of the community have been long amused with a hope that the Nations throout the world would agree to suffer goods on Board Neutral Vessells (that were not intended for Warr) to pass without molestation all the European Nations except the British during the armd Neutrality in the American Warr agreed to this system as a plan of preventing Depredations and of course future Warrs. The Americans being without a Navy are more interested in this article than any other people, and they are about to agree to its annihilation by express Treaty.
            Article 18th By this Article Vessells are allow’d to be carried out of their Course and have their Cargoes taken at a reasonable mercantile profitt independent of the Loss that must follow such a permission if you allow one Nation in time of Warr to take your provision Vessells into their ports the nation with whom they are engaged by common right may do the same, it may be carried still further for if it is agreed that the British when at Warr shall take American Vessells and send them into their ports the power with whom they are contending, if they recapture American Vessells may on tolerable good ground declare them Lawfull prize for the British by stipulation agree to pay for the Cargoes they take and the Americans agree to accept such payment.
            Article 25. No future Treaty is to be form’d with any Nation which shall admit them in case of Warr with the British nation or their allies to take refuge or shelter in our ports or to fitt or refit their Vessells or bring in their prizes, Britain then must be the only Nation with whom we can hereafter be in alliance for no nation will treat with us unless they can have Shelter and Protection in our ports.


Title: To George Washington from Alexander Hamilton, 13 July 1795
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

          Letter not found: from Alexander Hamilton, 13 July 1795. On 14 July, GW wrote Hamilton: “I received your favor of yesterday, this moment.”


Title: To George Washington from James Hoban, 13 July 1795
From: Hoban, James
To: Washington, George

            Sir
            Washington [D.C.] July 13th 1795

          I have been favored with a sight of a Letter from Collen Williamson to the Secretary of State, in which many things are said foreign to the truth, respecting the work done at the Presidents House, and also at the Capitol—I am so conscious of the faithfull execution of the work which I have superintended, that I am quite willing that this Mr Traquire mentioned by Mr Williamson in his letter shall come here at my expence, to examine the work, and report thereon if you Sir think the measure necessary. I have the honor to be Sir your Obt Servt

            James Hoban


Title: From George Washington to Alexander Hamilton, 14 July 1795
From: Washington, George
To: Hamilton, Alexander

            My dear Sir
            Philadelphia 14th July 1795.

          I received your favor of yesterday, this moment, when I am on the eve of a journey to Virginia.

          The opinion which you have given as to its being necessary to submit the new article to the Senate, being in direct opposition to that of the Secretaries and the Attorney general, has occasioned some embarrassment with me. For I always understood it to be the sense of the majority of the Senate, that they were not to pass their judgment upon the new article further than they have don⟨e⟩—But as I shall be absent, and Mr Randolp⟨h⟩ has before him the bringing of this busines⟨s⟩ to a close; I wish you to write to him your ideas, if upon mature reflection you shall think differently from the gentlemen around me; or you find the sense of the Senate to be different from what I have been led to expect. I have told Mr Randolph that your sentiments do not agree with those which I received from the Officers of government; and have desired him to revise them. I have also told him, that I have requested the favor of you to write to him on this subject. Very affectionately I always am— Yours

            Go: Washington

            P.S. Notwithstanding one great object of my visit to Mount Vernon is relaxation; yet, to hear from you, the sentimts entertained of the treaty—and in short on any other interesting subject, with which the public mind is occupied would be a considerable gratification. The state of our pecuniary matters in Holland, at this time, is a bar to Mr Adams’s leaving that country—but the next best step will be adopted. Yours as before

              G. W——n


Title: From Bartholomew Dandridge, Jr., to Timothy Pickering, 14 July 1795
From: Dandridge, Bartholomew Jr.
To: Pickering, Timothy

            July 14. 1795.

          By the President’s order B. Dandridge respectfully returns to The Secretary of War the several papers respecting the site

on the Potomac most proper for establishing an arsenal; and informs the Secretary that after an attentive consideration of said papers & viewing all circumstances The President is of opinion that the site on Conogocheague is the most advantageous & proper, & requests that he will immediately take measures for causing the said establishment at that place. The President desires also that the Secretary will use his exertions to progress the Arsenal in South Carolina. B.D. also sends herewith to the Secretary the papers relating to the resignation of Genl Robertson; & informs him that ⟨the⟩ President thinks Jas Winchester, mentioned in Gov. Blount’s letter, the most proper character to succeed Genl Robertson.


Title: From George Washington to William Washington, 14 July 1795
From: Washington, George
To: Washington, William

            Dear Sir,
            Philadelphia 14th July 1795

          I have been favored with your letter of the 24th of May, giving an acct of the condition of Royal Gift.
          I am sorry the removal of him from Virginia to South Carolina has been attended with so little public or private advantage. If he is yet alive, and upon a critical examination of his case, it should be thought that he has sufficient health & strength remaining to stand the voyage, I would thank you for causing him to be shipped (under the care of an attentive Master of a Vessel) for Baltimore, recommended to the care of the Collector of that Port. I do not say to Alexandria, because I presume passages to that place from Charleston are rare—but, if perchance such a conveyance should present itself, a preference, for obvious reasons, would be given to it. In either case, I hope the animal will be well secured, & provided for on the passage. I am much oblige[d] to you, Colo. Hampton and all others—who have paid

attention to this Jack whose ruin was predicted by all those who were witnesses of the manner in wch he was treated, before he left Virginia, by Allan; as hath, I believe, been mentioned to you in a former letter. I pray you to present my best wishes & respects to Mrs Washington, and believe me to be Dear Sir—Your most Obedt & Affectionate Servant

            Go: Washington


Title: To George Washington from John Coakley Lettsom, 15 July 1795
From: Lettsom, John Coakley
To: Washington, George

            London July 15 1795

          Although a stranger to thee, and from my insignificancy in the great community of the world, even my name may be unknown; yet, I have presumed to address thee, with my sincere Thanks for the kindness shewn to a relation and Countryman of mine, whose virtues will do thy patronage no discredit. Dr Thornton to whom I allude, has a heart—an openness, a candour, and an ingenuous disposition; that, I think, are more amiably combined in his character, than in any I ever knew; and I trust, the more he is known to thee, the more thou wilt observe it.
          In having once assumed the pen, I am encouraged to enlarge this address; not with expectation of any reply from thee, because I conceive thy time to be too important to be prodigal of it to me.
          Having been born an American, and early imbibed principles of liberty as established on that continent, I have probably received a stronger disposition, to promote, its prosperity, and particularly its agriculture, and the knowledge of its natural history and mineralogy.
          I have, among other articles occasionally transmitted seeds of the Turkey Rhubarb, of which you might make an article of export, but these have I believe miscarried. What has been

hitherto considered as the genuine Turkey Rhubarb, has lately been doubted, and a species called the Rheum Hybridum, is said to be the genuine, some of which I now take the liberty to transmit for thy acceptance.
          When Dr Madison was in England, to be consecrated Bishop of Virginia, he had from me a very few Seeds of chinese hemp. It grew with me 14 feet high; its stalk produced the finest hemp I ever saw, both as to staple and quantity. The Bishop assures me, that he has now a considerable portion of an acre sown, and thriving. This is so superior to the present species of hemp, that it will probably in time supersede it. In this Country it will not seed.
          As I have frequent intercourse with America, by correspondence, I am truly happy in hearing of its encreasing prosperity. To one who considers permanant peace and a mild government, as principal sources of human happiness, I can but rejoice in the wise conduct of America, ⟨whose⟩ bosom ought to be opened, to cherish every human being, who seeks nurture from her. The jarring interests of Europe, which necessarily beget wars, will tend to people your extensive regions, yet capable of containing 400 millions of population. With some Seeds I have enclosed the Transactions of the Royal Humane Society, and am resp[ectful]ly

            J. C. Lettsom


Title: From George Washington to James Ross, 15 July 1795
From: Washington, George
To: Ross, James

            Dear Sir
            Philadelphia 15th July ⟨1795⟩

          Whether the transmission of the letter herewith sent may lead to a further discovery of the intentions of the writer, and who

the writer is, is more than I can inform you. I send it, because Mr Bingham, the author, has suggested the measure; because you are acquainted with my ideas respecting those lands, and because, to ⟨know⟩ the disposition of others, towards them, ⟨can⟩ be productive of no harm, but the contrary.
          In a ⟨few⟩ moments I shall set out for Virginia, ⟨to⟩ avoid (among other reasons) the intense heat of the city: wch for the last four or five days, has been suffocating. With ⟨very⟩ great esteem and regard I am—Dear Sir Your Obedt Hble Servt

            Go: Washington


Title: To George Washington from Gouverneur Morris, 16 July 1795
From: Morris, Gouverneur
To: Washington, George

            My dear Sir
            London 16 July 1795

          It has been impossible for me, owing to an Ague and fever, to write to you as I intended a very long Letter. This will I expect be delivered to you by Mr Livingston my late Secretary while in France who will be able to give you much useful Intelligence respecting that Country. I regret his Absence from London just now as I would otherwise give him some matter which must not be written. I am in the Intention to see this Country so as to judge of it for myself and may perhaps next Autumn go to Vienna so as to see on the Spot some Persons and Things about which as yet I have only Hearsays. Perhaps in the Winter I may take a Tour thro Italy whereve[r] I am and in whatever Situation beleive me always &ca.
          on conversing with Mr Livingston you will I think find him of a Judgment ripe beyond his years. He is modest polite sensible and brave. Should he incline to pursue diplomatic Life am perswaded that he will become a most useful Person. Already his Prudence may be relied on.


Title: To George Washington from “Cassius,” 17 July 1795
From: “Cassius”
To: Washington, George

            SIR,
            Baltimore, July 17, 1795.

          NO period since the revolution, has been pregnant with more important events to this country, than the present. We are in a situation at once the most humiliating and the most critical. Every friend to his country regards the consequences of Mr. Jay’s NEGOCIATION with apprehension.—Whatever may be its ultimate fate, the most threatning prospects present themselves on every side. Such is the melancholy situation to which we are reduced by the talents of Mr. Jay! Whatever tenderness we might be disposed to shew to the weakness of the man, in regard to the treaty at large, no apology, no excuse can be imagined for the total want of national regard discovered in the shameful neglect of the interest of this country, and in the palpable preference of the interest of our very worst enemy, in the execrated 12th article. It is impossible that he did not perceive the extent of the ruinous operation of that article. Here nothing is left to inference and construction; all is clear and obvious; and it justifies those who, on the appointment of that man as our negociator, expressed their apprehensions of the Issue of his mission; as well as those who, knowing the event, charge him as a traitor to his country!
          You cannot, sir, be ignorant that there prevails but one sentiment throughout the United States, with respect to the treaty and the negociator of it; and that they are alike abhorred. You cannot but know that the outcry that echoes from one extreme of this continent to the other against them, is not the noisy clamour of faction or of party, but the naked voice of an enraged and insulted community.
          To you, sir, in the hour of danger and despair, your country turned its eye, and on you rested its hope of deliverance from the iron hand of oppression. You enjoy the glory of having SAVED YOUR COUNTRY! On YOU, sir, that country again fixes a wilful look, and calls upon you to save it from this second ruin!

            CASSIUS.


Title: To George Washington from John Gill, 17 July 1795
From: Gill, John
To: Washington, George

            Sir!
            Alexa. 17 July 1795

          The delay you complain of has not been occasioned by me but by the Absence of Mr Lee from this place, first at Richmond then in Westmoreland & afterward in Loudon where he was obliged to go to avoied his family havg the smallPox—It was but the other Day I wrote him stating that I was fearful you would complain of me for not forwarding the Deeds—To Morrow I will assuredly see him again & all in my Power forward the Business, Unwilling that any one should throw blame on me in any thing that wears the Appearance of delay I am truly Yr Mt obed. Servt

            John Gill


Title: From John Marsden Pintard to Bartholomew Dandridge, Jr., 17 July 1795
From: Pintard, John Marsden
To: Dandridge, Bartholomew Jr.

            Sir
            Madeira [Portugal] 17th July 1795

          The foregoing is copy of my Respects to you under date of the 19th Ultimo. I have now the Pleasure to hand you Invoice and Bill of Loading for the Two pipes of wine Shiped by me per your order On Board the Ship Ganges Thomas Tingey Commander for acct and Risque of the President of the United States and for their amt, Being Eighty Pounds Sterling I have this day drawn on you at thirty days Sight in Favour of My Father Lewis Pintard Esqr. which draft you will be Pleased to accept and discharge at Maturity. you may assure the President that these two Pipes of wine are of a Superiour Quality as I have been very Particular in the choice of them In the month of November 1793 I shiped a pipe of wine on the American Ship John Capt. Folgerin Bound to the East Indias and Boston I addressed the pipe to Thomas Russell Esqr. of that Town and directed him to hold it at the disposal of the President of the United States provided he thought proper to take it I at the Same time wrote Mr Lear what I had done and Requested him to Inform me whether the President chose the wine or not but never had any answer from Mr Lear I must therefore Request the favour of you to Inform my Father Lewis Pintard of New Rochell whether the President takes that pipe of wine or not & If he does you will be pleased to Settle with my father for its amount being [ ]£ Sterling as per enclosed Invoice I am with great Respect Sir your Most obedient and very Humble Servt

            John M. Pintard


Title: To George Washington from Portsmouth, N.H., Citizens, 17 July 1795
From: Citizens of Portsmouth, New Hampshire
To: Washington, George

            Sir
            Portsmouth, New Hampshire July 17th 1795

          Convinced of your inviolable attachment to the Interest & happiness of the States over which you preside & your readiness on all occasions to attend to every just complaint of the People—We the Citizens of Portsmouth constitutionally assembled in public Town meeting to signify our opinions relative to the Treaty between Great Britain & the United States of America consented to by a Majority of the Senate & recommended for your ratification having taken the same into our most serious consideration beg leave to express our most hearty disapprobation thereof for the following general reasons vizt.

              1st
              Because that part of the Treaty of 1783 securing the payment of Debts due to British Subjects is rigorously enforced while an important Article in the same Treaty requiring

compensation for Negroes & other property unjustly removed is placed wholly out of view.

              2
              Because the ninth Article confers a privilege on British Subjects, which though expressed in terms reciprocal, yet from the different circumstances of the two Nations not only wants an equivalent but is a direct invasion of the rights of individual States.

              3
              Because the Bonds required of Commanders of Privateers are wholly inadequate to the purposes for which such provision was made.

              4
              Because the regulation of Trade, Commerce & Navigation between the two parties contained in the 3d, 13th 15th & 17th Articles hold out the most decided advantages to British Subjects & must in their opperation prove destructive to American Commerce & Navigation.

              5
              Because by the 18th Article many Articles of export are admitted as contraband of War which by our Treaties with France, Holland & Sweden are declared free, by which means a disposition to aid the British in the destruction of the Navies of those Nations is fairly implied.

              6

Because all the essential advantages resulting to the United States from a ratification of the Treaty are such as they have a right to demand either by virtue of the Treaty of 1783, or from principals of common justice was there no Treaty existing, while many important privileges are allowed the British without a counterpart.
Thus Sir, have we stated a few of the many objections that might be opposed to the Treaty we forbear entering into a more particular detail as it would probably be but a repetition of those which we presume must flow in to you from every quarter as the Guardian & Protector of our Rights & Liberties & who alone in the present instance can avert the many evils that threaten our ruin.
We therefore most fervently request that the Treaty between Great Britain & the United States may not receive your ratification till it undergo such alterations as shall render it conducive to the Interest, honor & lasting peace of our Country.

          Voted unanimously that the above containing the sentiments of the Citizens of Portsmouth be transmitted by Jonathan Warner

Moderator of this Meeting to the President of the United States without delay.
          Copy of Record

            George WentworthTown Clerk


Title: To George Washington from Edmund Randolph, 17 July 1795
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Washington, George

            Sir
            Department of State July 17. 1795.

          Altho’ you will have seen the commissioners of the Fœderal City, before their inclosed letter reaches Mount Vernon; I have supposed, that it will be better to transmit it to you.
          Mr Adet has sent me a decree of the national convention; by which they expressly violate our treaty of commerce with France; by declaring that hostile property may be seized on board of neutral vessels, until their enemy shall have agreed to the practice of the contrary principle—As the decree contains various matter, I shall put it this morning into the hands of the translator, and publish the translation immediately.
          I shall endeavour to complete the memorial to Mr Hammond by Monday’s mail. It has been understood, that you have, and have not ratified the treaty. Except to Mr Wolcott, who has asked me for the result, I have mentioned to no-body the probable upshot of the business. I beg leave to submit to you, whether Something ought not to be said upon the subject, when an inquiry is made; and what that ought to be. I have the honor to be sir with the highest respect yr mo. ob. serv.

            Edm: Randolph


Title: To George Washington from Charles Lee, 18 July 1795
From: Lee, Charles
To: Washington, George

            Dear Sir
            Alexandria [Va.] 18th July 1795

          Some time ago I received from mr Gill your letter with the papers accompanying it for the purpose of preparing an instrument according to your instructions, which I regret could not have been done before now on account of my absence with my family from town on account of the Small pox. Only last teusday we returned and I mention this to excuse mr Gill as well as myself for the delay which has happened.
          I have endeavoured in the draft now sent to follow your meaning in every particular—as to the latter part of your letter I had some doubts, whether it was confined only to the lines of the two tracts which might interfuse if a strait line was the boundary between them or was extended to all the other boundaries of the demised tract if in other parts there should be interferences of other tracts of land. Mr Gill informs me only the former could be meant as your conversation or treaty only related to that particular—To me it seemeth immaterial inasmuch as you warrant only the title you have specially and not generally, and therefore the clause is Confined and not universal in its application.

          A distinct covenant is made a part of the deed, for the purchase of the inheritance, which will answer every purpose that a bond would, unless security was to be given by Mr Gill which seems not to be expected by you or him. He is as much bound under his hand and seal by the covenant; as if a bond was given; and in default of payment of the purchase money, compensation as adequate may be recovered for the breach of the covenant, as for the breach of the condition of the bond—Therefore I suppose a bond will be deemed by you unnecessary.
          The first deed which I drew is also sent, which does not vary substantially from the second, unless as to what I have before noticed; and as you only give a special warranty I do not think it an essential variance. With the most perfect respect & Esteem I remain your most obed. servant

            Charles Lee


Title: To George Washington from George Lewis, 18 July 1795
From: Lewis, George
To: Washington, George

            Dr Uncle
            Fredericksburg [Va.] 18th of July 1795

          I return’d last evening from Kentucky, and have never had it in my power to write you till now. I made every exertion while in that country to vew your lands and my own on green river, but could never get to see a foot of either. I made two appointments to meet company’s that had agreed to go down with me, but was disappointed by both, indeed it was the opinion of most the old woodsmen that unless I could get the person who survey’d or some of his attendants, to shew the land, it would be useless to attempt it at that season; as many had gone down & return’d without seeing there lands. thus situated I endeavoured by enquiery to get every information possible, of the situation quallity and vallue of your lands, and have every reason to beleive, that I have had the best information, and that from persons who may be depended on, in makeing my enquieries I made a discovery

which I wish’d much to have communicated before this, but as I have already observ’d, the want of conveyance prevented it, in moveing thro the Country I fell in with Genl Spotswood, and speaking of lands, I discover’d, he had been makeing enquiery for those lands of yrs and on examination I found that he had purchased those two tracts of land which you have of Harry Lee, and had enter’d them as his property with the Commissioners of the land tax, and paid the taxes for three years due on them— there can be no doubt of these being the same lands, as they answer in every discription—the 3000 Acre survey has a most valluable Iron bank on it and is thought to be one of the most valluable surveys in that part of the Country, provided the 300 Acre survey of Andrew Woodrows can be purchased, as the only place on which water works can be erected, is taken by this small survey—the two thousand Acre survey is also a good one, and more so as it joins the other, and that on the upper end, so as to admit of wood timber or other Articles as may be wanting for the support of any works that may be erected on the lower survey, being brought down at little or no expence by water. both tracts of land from every enquiery are nearly of the quallity as discribed in the certificates accompanying the two plats you sent me there is settlements within a few miles of the land, and the emigration this spring have mostly gone to that part of the Country, with respect to its immediate vallue. I can only say, that Genl Spotswood gave Lee in February last four shillings pr Acre for the two tracts, and I have every reason to beleive that while we were in that Country, they could have been sold for double that price, without considering the advantages of the Iron bank (with that) there can be no saying what there value is, if the 300 Acre survey can be bought of Woodrow, I would as soon possess them as any lands of the same number Acres in the Western Country.
          I have wrote to Colo. Magill of Winchester (this day) to purchase this land of Woodrows’s if possible (conditionally) and shall only wait yr answer to know whether, I shall purchase it or not. 6/ pr Acre is what I have limitted him to, but 20/ had better be given than to loosse it. Spotswood intended to purchase it, but has declin’d it since shewing him your papers and declares if he looses the land that Lee shall pay him at least 20/ pr Acre for it—I expect Lee has made you deeds for those lands, if

so I cannot account for his conduct. Spotswood has deeds made to him for the lands, by a power of Attorney from Lee to his agent in that country for that purpose, and had them recorded while there, I have enter’d the land with the Commissioners in Yr name, but would not pay the tax untill I herd further from you; Mr Daingerfield who does my business in that Country is now in with me, and should you be secur’d in the lands, and wish the taxes paid I will direct him to pay them.
          Mrs Lewis joins me in Love to my Aunt Washington and respects to the young ladies. I am with every respect yr affectionate Nephew

            Go: Lewis


Title: From George Washington to Edmund Randolph, 18 July 1795
From: Washington, George
To: Randolph, Edmund

            Sir,
            Baltimore [Md.] 18th July 1795

          At this place, and in the moment I was about to step into my carriage, I was overtaken by an Express bearing the enclosed dispatches.
          As the application is of an unusual & disagreeable nature; and moreover, is intended, I have no doubt, to place me in an embarrassed situation, from whence an advantage may be taken; I

forward it to you with a request, that you, the other two Secretaries and the Attorney General, will give it due consideration: and if it be proper for me to return an answer, that one may be drawn which will accord with all your ideas (if it can be done) and forwarded to me by Post, that I may transmit it from Mt Vernon.
          In haste

            [Go: Washington]


Title: To George Washington from John Sinclair, 18 July 1795
From: Sinclair, John
To: Washington, George

          Duplicate

            Sir,
            Whitehall [England] 18th July 1795

          As you are a member of the Board of Agriculture, I can, without impropriety, transmit to you, for your private information, the printed papers herewith sent, which however imperfect, yet will give some Idea of the nature and importance of Mr Elkingtons discoveries in the Art of Draining[.] If a committee were appointed to take the inclosed printed Plan of an Agreement, together with Mr Elkingtons merits, into consideration, I have no objection that your Excellency should lay the inclosed extracts before the committee and if it were judged a proper measure, for America to enter into the proposed Agreement, and if the grant of such a Sum as £300 could be procured to induce Mr Elkington to teach his Art, either to some American, or to some native of this country recommended by the Board of Agriculture who would afterwards settle in America, I am satisfied, that it would be productive of the most important consequences.
          I have great reason to beleive that the powers in Europe will agree to the proposed measure. With great truth and regard, I

have the honour to be Sir Your Excellencys faithful and Obedient Servant

            John Sinclair


Title: To George Washington from Alexis Joseph Collet, 19 July 1795
From: Collet, Alexis Joseph
To: Washington, George

            â bousies Lèz Landrecÿ en haÿnaut français19 juillet 1795
            trés grand général

          La réputation des grandes actions de votre altesse Sérénissime, Repandue dans toute L’europe et L’amerique, et les preuves de Votre grandeur d’ame, meritent d’etre proposées á tous les americains, Comme autant de modeles á Suivre, le doux et Sage gouvernement d’une république Si florissante, d’ou Sont Sortis tant de grands hommes, qui ont illustrés L’état par Leurs vertus et Leur erudition, La Satisfaction générale de tous les Sujets

qui vous Sont Soumis: les dispositions que votre altesse Sérénissime á fait paroître en differentes occasions d’obliger les prêtres de La république française, Surtout Ceux de naissance et de famille, qui Se Sont distingués dans Les universités par Leurs talens et Leur merite personnels qui ont recour à elle, tant de marques de Sa bienveillance envers eux, Constatées par tant d’exemples, ajoutent un grand Surcroit aux Sentimens d’estime et de reconnoissance dont ils Sont penetrés pour une protectrice aussi puissante que L’est Votre altesse Sérénissime, et le desir de Laisser á La république des états unis de L’amerique, et á La posterité La plus Reculée, un monument éternel de Ses bienfaits, me font prendre La Liberté de lui adresser CeCy pour avoir L’honneur de L’informer et retracer Sous les ÿeux, le tableau effraiant des horreurs et des Vols que les croates hongrois, de L’avant garde de L’armée autrichienne, aux ordres du général Cobourt, ont Commis dans le village de bousies Léz Landrecÿ en haÿnaut, á La prise de Condé; notre maison fut La premiere L’objet de Leurs Vols et de Leurs depredations, elle á plus Soufferte que toutes les autres ensemble, ils Sont entrés dans notre Cave Comme des furies infernalles, et notre maison, nous ont volés Six chevaux, Cincq Vaches, quatre Cochons gras, tués toute La volaille, ont forcés les Coffres et les garderobes, nous ont voles Six mille Livres en argent monnoié, qui étoient Le fruit de notre frugalité, et une épargne que notre économie, malgré La mediocrité ⟨de⟩ nos revenus, avoit Reservé pour les besoins pressans et extraordinaires, vingt paires de draps, quatre douzaines de chemises, quatre douzaines de Serviettes, deux grandes nappes, huit matelas, huit oréillers, trois Courtepointes en indienne, huit Couvertures de Lit; habits, v⟨es⟩tes, Culotes et ridaux de Lit, Cuivres étains et Six Sacs de farine, les autres Sont descendus dans La Cave, ont fait Couler huit piéces de forte bierre, pris le beure qui étoit reservé pour La Consomption de L’hÿver, ont Cassés les vitres, Coupés les tables et les chaises avec Leurs Sabres, ensorte qui n’ont Laissés aucon meuble intacte.
          On Leur á répresenté, monseigneur, que notre famille dans tous les tems à toujours fait du bien á tout le monde et jamais de mal á personne, qu’ils devoient nous traiter avec plus D’humanité, ils n’ont point eu d’egard aux Representations qui Leur ont été faites, tant ils étoient avides de butin, ils nous ont

traités de Carmanioles, que nous avions des Correspondances et des Liaïsons avec La Convention nationale de paris.
          j’ai eu L’honneur de porter des plaintes á Mr Le ⟨général⟩ Cobourt, pour demander reparation des torts que Ses troupes nous ont faites; aîant eté informées de ce procedé, elles mirent le feu á notre grange Couverte de paille, qui Reduisit notre maison Composée de neuf places, étables et écuries en cendres en peu d’heures. ce général á paru Sensiblement touché du malheur qui nous étoit arrivé, et Son état major, il a repondu que les officiers ne Sont pas maitres de Leurs Soldats en ⟨tems⟩ de guerre, qui menacent de les tuer, que pour en avoir Just⟨ice⟩, il f⟨au⟩t porter directement Les plaintes á La Cour de Vienne á Sa majesté “L’empereur et roÿ dont La grandeur d’ame les Sentimens nobles et généreux, Sont encore plus grands que Sa fortune.”
          aprés une attent⟨io⟩n réflechie, je n’ai ⟨pa⟩s jugéz ápropos de faire une demarche infructueuse, Connoissant que les allémands Sont naturellement intéressés et peu généreux.
          ce qui nous fait plus de tort encore, nos terres Sont demeures Sans étre Labourées et Semencés, ensorte que nous n’avons Eû aucune récolte pour Cette année, ce qui á achevé de nous Ruiner, les Laboureurs du lieu, n’ont pu nous Rendre Service, Leurs chevaux ont été emploiés continuellement aux Corvées de L’armée autrichienne.
          aprés ce desastre Le magistrat de bousies Léz Landrecÿ S’est rendu en Corps chéz nous á ⟨évalué et éstimé⟩ notre perte á trente mille Livres, dont il á ⟨dressé⟩ procés Verbal et Laissé acte par ecrit pour Son ⟨illegible⟩ bésoin.
          dans La triste Situation où nous Sommes reduits depuis 2 ans, que le Sac de bled Se ⟨vaut⟩ trois mille Livres en assignats, La famine Se fait Sentir d’une maniere étrange dans toutes les provinces de La république française, ensorte que je me vois dans La dure necessité d’implorer Les Secours des ames généreuses et charita⟨bl⟩es pour me procurer une juste Substance, nourir mon pere, age de 85 ans, qui demeure avec moi et trouver les moÿens pour maider á rebatir notre maison. les materiaux et les bois ⟨de⟩ construction Sont d’une cherté excéssive qui fait trembler eû egard à La rareté du numeraire en france qui fait que toutes les marchandises et les denrées Sont d’un prix exorbitant.
          à Ces Causes j’ai mon trés humble récours à votre altesse

Sérénissime, monseigneur, á ce qu’il lui plaise, touchée de nos malheurs et de notre infortune, me recommander aux charites de toute La noblesse americaine, et du peuple avec qui La république française à L’honneur d’étre amie et alliée, ne faisant plus qu’un Cœur et qu’une ame, d’engager les ministres du Culte public de faire une Collecte dans Leurs temples Lorsque La peuple est assemblé, et que toutes les aumônes Vous Soient remises pour étre ensuite renvoiés á mr monroe Votre ministre plénipotentiaire, résident á paris prés La république francaise, chèz qui je les irai prendre aprés Sa Lettre d’avis.
          j’ai L’honneur d’assurer votre altésse Sérénissime, Monseigneur, que je Conserverai á jamais le Souvenir de La grandeur du bienfait que je reçevrai de La république des états unis de L’amerique Septentrionale, par votre Credit et vos Sollicitations.
          en ésperant cette faveur j’ai L’honneur d’étre avec une reconnoissance égale á mon respect. Monseigneur, de votre altesse Sérénissime le trés humble, trés obéissant et trés fidéle Serviteur

            alexis joseph Collet,

            prétre, Licentié és droit civil et Canonique de L’université de douaÿ en flandre, domicilié à bousies Léz Landrecÿ en haÿnaut français.


Title: To George Washington from Alexander Hamilton, 20 July 1795
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

          Letter not found: from Alexander Hamilton, 20 July 1795. On 29 July, GW wrote Hamilton: “Your letters of the 20th and 21st Instt found me at this place.”


Title: To George Washington from New York Citizens, 20 July 1795
From: Citizens of New York
To: Washington, George

            New york July 20th 1795.

          At an Adjourned meeting of the Citizens of New York assembled in front of the Federal Hall at 12 OClock on Monday the 20th day of July 1795.

            Colonel William S. Smith in the Chair.
            The Chairman represented to the meeting that the Committee of fifteen Gentlemen nominated on saturday last, entertained doubts of the Regularity of their appointment, owing to the confusion which prevailed on that day, and that they therefore felt a delicacy about making a report, until it could be ascertained whether they were really the choice of their fellow Citizens— Thereupon the meeting upon the nomination of the Chairman expressed their approbation of the following Gentlemen as their Committee for the purpose of reporting resolutions expressive of their sense of the English Treaty to wit. Brockholst Livingston—Isaac Clason—Henry Rutgers—Elias Nexsen—Abraham Varick—John R: Livingston—John Broome—Solomon Simpson—Peter Elting—William Denning—Samuel Osgood—David Gelston—William W. Gilbert—Theophilus Brower—and Gurdon Mumford.
            Shortly after this appointment Mr Brockholst Livingston on behalf of the Committee reported to the meeting the following Resolutions which being read paragraph by paragraph were severally, and unanimously agreed to—to wit.
            Resolved

            As the sense of this meeting, that the treaty, lately negotiated between this Country, and Great Britain in the particulars here in after mentioned, is injurious to the Agriculture, Manufactures, and Commerce of the United States, derogatory, from their National honor, and dangerous to their welfare, peace, and prosperity.
            First—In Terminating the differences between the two Countries without “Reference to the merits of their respective complaints and pretensions”; the vague and unfounded claims of Great Britain are placed upon the same footing as the numerous, important and just demands of the United States, and while the former unsupported as they were, are amply provided for, many of the latter are either entirely overlooked, or placed upon a footing from which no adequate, redress or compensation can reasonably be expected.
            Secondly—As his Britannic Majesty is bound by the treaty of Paris to withdraw his Garrisons from the United States with all convenient speed, it was unjust, after twelve years delay, to allow him above Eighteen months longer to complete an Evacuation which might be carried into effect in a few weeks.
            Thirdly—As no enumeration is made of the posts and places from which the British troops are to be withdrawn, but generally from the boundary lines assigned by the treaty of peace; And as it appears by the same instrument that these boundary lines are in part at least to be adjusted hereafter, it is highly probable if such an adjustment does not take place by June 1796, that it will be made an excuse for detaining these posts yet longer—Besides by placing at so great a distance the contemplated evacuation, it is also much to be feared that an intermediate peace in Europe will induce Great Britain to disregard this stipulation altogether.
            Fourthly—All settlers and traders within the Precincts, or Jurisdiction of these Posts may remain there or remove with their effects—They can not however be compelled to become Citizens of, or to take the oath of allegiance to, the United States, but they may do so if they think proper, and they shall make and declare their election within one year after the evacuation—And all persons “who continue there after the expiration of a year without having declared their intention of remaining subjects of his Britannic Majesty shall be considered as having elected

to become Citizens of the United States,[“] hence it appears, that all these settlers if they arrive but the day before the evacuation will be en[ti]tled to become American Citizens contrary to the act now in force regulating naturalization, and contrary to the Constitution of the United States under which that act was passed.
            Fifthly Altho’ his Britannic Majesty agrees to surrender the posts within our boundary lines no provision is made for the heavy losses and expences which have been incurred by the United States in consequence of their past detention—Among the former may be included a long deprivation of an extensive and valuable territory, and of a lucrative branch of trade—Among the latter the burthens which have been imposed upon our Citizens to support a ruinous, and expensive Indian War—To say nothing of the lives which this detention has cost the United States of America.
            Sixthly By the treaty of peace Great Britain was to cause no destruction nor to carry away any negroes or other American property—In direct violation of this promise, several thousand negroes were carried off, long after the treaty was known—Many of those negroes were registered with a view to future compensation—The claim on this account, which amounts to at least two Millions of Dollars, altho’ hitherto a matter of extreme solicitude with America, has not only been abandoned, and consigned to oblivion, but Great Britain is thereby justified for her inexecution of the Treaty of Peace, and an indelible stain is fixed upon our national faith: nor is any provision made for leaving in these Garrisons the American Artillery agreeable to the Treaty of Peace.
            Seventhly Many of our Seaman have during the present war been impressed into the English Service, and compelled to engage on board of Ships of war, or privateers against a nation connected with us by a treaty of Alliance—Altho’ this Grievance was universally known, and reprobated—The agression is passed in Silence, nor is even care taken to guard against a repetition of so atrocious an Outrage.
            Eighthly—While the subjects of Great Britain are admitted into and have the use of all the rivers, posts and places within the United States our Citizens are excluded from a reciprocal use of those within the British Territories in North America; by

reason of which inequality it is probable that the whole of the fur trade will continue in the hands of British Traders.
            Ninthly No duty is ever to be laid by either party on Peltries brought by land or inland Navigation—From this Article Great Britain alone will derive an advantage, for as the clause which regulates the Interior traffic, and inland Navigation of this Country is constructed, and taking into consideration the nature and extent of the limitations on the side of America, it may be expected that considerable quantities of this Article will be carried by British Traders through the United States while little, if any thing will be carried by our Citizens thro’ the British territories.
            Tenthly—As it appears from the Correspondence between Mr Jefferson, and Mr Hammond that no lawful Impeditments exist in any State to the recovery of British Debts contracted before the Peace, it was not only improper but a Reflection on our public faith to make any provision contrary to the ordinary course of Judicial Proceedings for ascertaining the compensation due to this description of Creditors—Moreover if this clause is carried into effect the burthen of paying these debts will be shared very unequally by the United States—Those of them whose Citizens have paid their British Creditors will be bound to contribute to the payment equally with those whose Citizens are delinquent if any such there be, whereas by pursuing the common legal remedy the debtor alone would be subject to the burthen—Nor is it conceived to be competent to the executive to pledge the United States to pay the sum awarded by the Commissioners who are to liquidate these claims—The constitution having expressly declared that “No money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in consequence of appropriations made by Law,[”] by which it is presumed must be intended an Act of the Legislature, not a treaty of Commerce.
            Eleventhly—The claims of American Citizens for losses sustained by reason of illegal Captures are to be taken into consideration at too great a distance of time, and are placed upon a footing too precarious to expect any compensation from it—It appears evidently to have been the policy of Great Britain to procrastinate the settlement of all her differences with America until she was at Peace with France—And it has excited General regret that she has been so successful in this part of her

negotiation—It was expected that the American Envoy was charged to demand Satisfaction from the British Government among other things particularly for her wanton, and unjust depredations on our Commerce—The Spoliations being made in virtue of orders issued by the King in Council, and being manifestly illegal, and unjust, retribution became a national Concern—It was well known that by the ordinary course of proceeding in the Admiralty, Compensation could not be had—Yet instead of insisting upon a Summary compensation from the British Government in the same mode which had been adopted for satisfying the British Creditors, the American Claimant must first undergo a tedious and expensive process in order to Ascertain that the ordinary Course of Justice is incompetent to afford him redress.
            Twelfthly—The Treaty pledges the United States to the payment of losses sustained by reason of certain captures within the limits, and Jurisdiction of the United States, and brought into the ports of the same, or made by vessels originally armed in our Ports—The sum which may be claimed by Great Britain on this account can not fail to be very considerable, but it may well be doubted, whether the United States are not hereby pledged beyond the Obligation, which the laws of Nations impose upon a Neutral Country.
            Thirteenthly—By permitting British Subjects to hold lands which they have already purchased within the United States, a right is assumed by the Executive of depriving the several States of the Forfeitures which may have already accrued to them by the alienism of such purchasors—and even of divesting American Citizens of the lands which they may have purchased in consequence of such forfeitures—The Policy also of permitting Aliens to hold real property may also be doubted—Nor is there any real reciprocity in this permission, none, or very few American Citizens, having bought lands on so precarious a tenure in England.
            Fourteenthly—The same want of Reciprocity may be discovered in that clause of the Treaty which interdicts the Confiscation or sequestration of debts due to Individuals or Monies held in the public Funds, and in Banks—However impolitic or unjust it may be in ordinary cases to exercise this power, yet as it is strictly permitted by the laws of Nations, and may sometimes be exerted for the prevention of a War, by deterring a nation from

further Agressions, or to bring an Enemy to reasonable terms of accomodation, and has been actually exercised by Great Britain in her present contest it is impolitic in the extreme to pledge the public faith never to exercise it upon any occasion, or under any circumstances whatsoever—especially to a nation who can give us no Equivalent for consenting to this restriction, and which of all others might be the most sensibly affected by the use of it.
            Fifteenthly—Our Commerce to India is much circumscribed by the Treaty—We are [ex]cluded altogether from the Coasting trade, and laid under other unusual, and new restrictions—It is true that this Commerce has hitherto been carried on only by permission, but it is presumed that the advantages which Great Britain has reaped from it, during twelve Years, will induce her to permit it’s continuance without our unnecessarily consenting to these restraints. And were we excluded altogether from the British settlements in India, other Ports equally advantageous are open us.
            Sixteenthly—By the Constitution, Congress are to regulate our Commerce with Foreign Nations—This Treaty, if ratified, will not only infringe this power but greatly shackle our Government in their future regulation of trade—It must always have been a matter of much Solicitude with Great Britain to prevent us from passing such discriminating Acts as Circumstances might have rendered proper, and America situated as she is should not lightly part with so valuable a prerogative.
            Seventeenthly—As a Neutral, and Commercial people, and likely with Common Prudence to continue at Peace with all the world, the United States should never voluntarily consent to any article prohibiting free vessels from making free goods—This is the case with the present Treaty—By this Concession we not only depart from a principle adopted by several Maritime powers, and which Congress under the Confederation frequently recognized, and always pursued in her intercourse with foreign Nations; but we put it out of our power to receive any advantage from the modern law of Nations, referred to, in the President’s Proclamation of Neutrality, and are even precluded from the benefits of the Contrary stipulations which have been carefully inserted in our Treaties with other Nations.
            Eighteenthly—In ascertaining what Articles shall be deemed contraband several are comprehended which were never so

deemed, and are expressly declared not to be so, in our treaties with other nations, particularly, Ship timber, tar, hemp, sails, and Copper—Indeed it is difficult to say what will not be deemed Contraband as after a very long enumeration, it is added that “generally whatever may serve directly to the Equipment of vessels unwrought Iron and fir Planks only excepted” shall be considered in that light—It may be observed here that Great Britain in her Treaty with France has declared these very Articles not to be contraband.
            Nineteenthly—Vessels laden with provisions may be seized under the frivolous pretext of the difficulty of agreeing on the precise Cases in which they may be regarded as contraband—It is true that a reasonable mercantile profit is to be paid for such provisions, but independent of the difficulty of ascertaining what is a reasonable Mercantile profit, of which the British are to Judge, all the profits contemplated on the return Cargo will be lost, and our Citizens to the great injury of Agriculture will be discouraged from the Exportation of Grain, and other Provisions, which in time of war must be an object of the Greatest magnitude.
            Twentiethly—Great Britain being actually at war, derives an immediate benefit from all those Articles which refer to that condition, while it is at least problematical whether the United States, even if at war, can at all be benefited by the stipulations on this Subject—Some equivalent might therefore reasonably have been expected for the instant advantages which Great Britain will derive from these Articles of the Treaty which contemplate a war between either party, and some other power.
            Twenty firstly—The Treaty is principally calculated to promote the Interests of Great Britain, pending her present conflict with France—to encrease her resources, and enable her to prosecute the war with the greater vigor, and success—By these stipulations if carried into effect, the Citizens of America will incur the base crime of ingratitude, towards a generous Ally, to whom they are in great measure indebted for their Liberty, and Independence.
            Twenty secondly—The whole Treaty may be regarded as hostile to the French Republic, and unless she conducts herself with uncommon moderation, a war with France will probably be one of the consequences of a ratification of it.

            Twenty Thirdly The restraint upon Citizens not to accept Commissions in the Army or Navy of foreign powers is impolitic as it deprives them of the means of acquiring useful military knowledge, and that in a way which has never been deemed illegal or disreputable—It should be the policy of this Country to encourage her youth to take Commissions in foreign Service—In time of War, she would derive essential advantages from it— Nothing is more Common in Europe.
            Twenty Fourthly—However proper it may be to discourage Neutral Citizens from engaging on board of Privateers, it may certainly be questioned whether the right of defining, and punishing piracy does not belong exclusively to the legislature of the United States—Altho’ similar provisions are to be found in our treaties with other nations, it will be recollected that in Congress, at that time, and not in the Executive was vested the right of making Treaties.
            Twenty Fifthly—This Treaty will be dangerous as a precedent; for other Nations, with whom we may wish to make Commercial Compacts will expect us to submit to similar embarrassments, and to have our trade regulated by this partial Standard.
            Twenty sixthly—There is good reason to beleive, that the Treaty is dissatisfactory to a very great majority of the people of the United States, and that even those, who do not publicly oppose its ratification from an Opinion, that it is the proper province of the Executive to determine on it, sincerely wish it may not take place.
            Twenty seventhly—The disadvantages already enumerated are the more striking, because from the nature, and extent of the Exports of the United States, they have it in their power, in all their Commercial arrangements with foreign Nations to secure a perfect reciprocity, not only with their European, but also with their foreign Possessions, as has indeed been ofered to us on the part of the French Republic.
            Twenty Eighthly—Besides the Objections already stated, it must be noticed that the whole Treaty abounds with Expressions whose meaning is Equivocal, and that too much room is left for doubt, construction and future discussion whereas every ambiguity in an Instrument of this nature with so powerful a nation ought to have been studiously avoided.
            Resolved further that a Copy of the foregoing resolutions

be signed by the Chairman, and transmitted by express to the President of the United States, who is hereby informed that the Citizens of New York assembled upon this Occasion respectfully hope that he will please to take the same into his most serious consideration—They assure him that they rely with great Confidence on his known Patriotism wisdom, and independence in the exercise of the prerogative vested in him, and that nothing, but the importance of the occasion should have induced them to obtrude their sentiments on him—Influenced by no other motive than a Zeal for their Country’s good they ardently hope that the reasons herein assigned, with those, which may be offered from other states, added to others which his own good sense can not fail to suggest, will prevail upon him to withold his assent from an Instrument which has spread a general alarm througout the United States—as invading the Constitution, and Legislative Authority of the Country—as abandoning their important, and well founded claims, against the British Government—As imposing unjust and impolitic restraints on their Commerce—As injurious to Agriculture—As conceding without any Equivalent important advantages to Great Britain—As hostile, and Ungrateful to France, and thereby committing our Peace with that Great Republic—As unequal in every respect to America—As hazarding her internal peace, and prosperity—and As derogatory from her sovereignty, and Independence—By order of The Meeting

              W. S. Smith Chairman


Title: To George Washington from “Caius,” 21 July 1795
From: “Caius”
To: Washington, George

          21 July 1795. The “sentiments” given in this letter do not reflect “merely the emanations of a solitary individual” but those of

thousands of Americans who have urged GW to withhold his approval of the treaty with Great Britain or to direct negotiations that will change it. His address proceeds to highlight selected objections to the treaty.
          “The first class” of objections concern “Omissions” by John Jay which include failure to protect American seamen from impressment as well as the lack of security of the U.S. commerce to Spain, Portugal, and the Mediterranean against depredations of Barbary corsairs. Jay also failed to obtain in Article XII the exception of cotton, molasses, sugar, coffee, and cocoa from the list of articles barred from transportation in American vessels.
          The second “class … consist of acts of commission” by Jay “in stipulations injurious and dishonorable” to America. Instead of insisting the British “surrender” the western posts, Jay accepted “mere delivery of the naked walls of the posts.” The writer objects to the continued use by the British of “portages and carrying places” within the United States that give them advantages in the fur trade and influence over western Indians in those areas. Article IV contains the seeds of a “future war” because of the “uncertainty” it conveys about the U.S.-Canadian border. Article VI “sanctions claims against the United States for British losses” and establishes a court that will control American courts. Article VII is “fallacious and delusory” and Article IX “ambiguous and … doubtful.” As for Article X, Jay appears “to have thought that war first & confiscation afterwards, was better than sequestration first and peace afterwards.”
          Caius perceives that “The political consequences of the first art. excite the most alarming sensations; … to see, Sir, thro’ all these causes the completest political union between Great Britain and the United States … must fill the American mind with horror.” He is persuaded that Jay “has not faithfully pursued either your sentiments, your opinions or your instructions.” GW should submit the treaty to both houses of Congress “before its final ratification”; in doing so, he will receive “the affectionate regards, generous confidence and grateful thanks of your fellow-citizens.”


Title: To George Washington from George Clinton, c.21 July 1795
From: Clinton, George
To: Washington, George

          Letter not found: from George Clinton, c.21 July 1795. On 27 July, GW wrote Edmund Randolph: “My Letters for the Post Office in Alexandria, had been sent off some hours before the enclosed dispatches were put into my hands, by the young Gentleman whose name is mentioned in Govr Clintons letter to me, also forwarded.”


Title: To George Washington from the New York Chamber of Commerce, 21 July 1795
From: New York Chamber of Commerce
To: Washington, George

            [21 July 1795]

          At a special Meeting of the Corporation of the New-York Chamber of Commerce, held at the Tontine Coffee House on Tuesday 21. July 1795. The late Treaty of Amity Commerce & Navigation having been previously read, the following Resolutions, with the Preamble thereto, were proposed & adopted Vizt.
          Whereas, the Treaty between the United States & Great-Britain, lately sanctioned by the Senate, has been made the object of public discussion, in the warmth of which Misconstructions & Misrepresentations have contributed to exite and irritate the public Mind.
          And whereas, a Disposition has appeared, in certain instances, to influence the Executive against the ratification of the said Treaty, whereby the Tranquility & prosperity of our Country may be endangered, Therefore
          Resolved, as the Opinion of this Corporation, that the said Treaty, collectively considered, contains as many Features of Reciprocity, as upon contemplating the relative Interests of the respective Countries, could reasonably have been expected, And that the precarious priviledges of the American Trade to Great Britain & Her Colonies are, by this Treaty, changed into permanent Rights.
          Resolved, that the Provisions in the said Treaty for a quiet Surrender of the Western Posts, and an amicable adjustment of the British Debts, a fair Compensation for the Spoliations committed upon our Commerce, & for the prevention of

future Depredations, are wisely arranged for the great purposes of National Justice, and to preserve the blessings of Peace.
          Resolved, that if the Treaty should fail to be ratified, We, should apprehend a State of things which might lead to Hostilities: in which event, our Navigation (now dispersed in all quarters of the Globe) may be intercepted, our Underwriters injured, our Commerce abridged, our Produce reduced to little value, our Artizans, Mechanics & Labourers deprived of employment, our Public Debt increased, our Revenue diminished, & the Lives of our Fellow Citizens, Sacrificed.
          Resolved, that altho the Ratification of this Treaty, for the foregoing reasons, appears to us under all Circumstances expedient; yet we chearfully rest it, where it is placed by the Constitution; in full confidence that the wisdom & firmness under which our Independence, has been atchieved, and our progress to Wealth Power & Respectability promoted beyond a Parallel, will, in this instance determine for the best Interests of this Country.
          Resolved, that the President of this Chamber cause a Copy of these Resolutions to be Certified by the Secretary and transmitted without delay to the President of the United States.

            By order of the Corporation of the New York Chamber of Commerce.Comfort SandsPresident

          A true Extract from the Minutes  Attest. Wm Laight, Secretary


Title: To George Washington from Timothy Pickering, 21 July 1795
From: Pickering, Timothy
To: Washington, George

            Sir,
            War-Office July 21. 1795.

          On the 16th instant I received from Governor Jay, an answer to my letter of the 3d relative to the intended negociations with

the Onondagas, Cayugas & Oneidas for the purchase of their lands. In my letter was inclosed the opinion of the Attorney General, that those negociations could not lawfully be had without the intervention of the government of the United States. A copy of the Governor’s answer I have now the honour to inclose.
          This day I have received a letter dated the [ ] from Governor Jay, covering the copy of a conference between the St Regis Indians and the Agents of New-York, relative to the claims of those Indians to lands in the northern part of that State, and an extract from an act of the legislature, providing for a negociatiation with those Indians, to adjust and compensate their claims. Of this Extract, and of the Governor’s letter inclosing it, copies are herewith transmitted. The conference is uninteresting. The amount of it is merely a claim on the part of those Indians to the lands mentioned, and an agreement, on the part of New-York, to meet them at a convenient time & place, to settle those claims: the time “not to be later in the next fall than while the travelling is good.”
          By the Act of the legislature of which an extract is inclosed, & the Governor’s letter referring to the subject of it, a distinction seems to have been taken between the lands in the northern parts of the state, claimed by the St Regis Indians, and those of the Oneidas Onondagas & Cayugas. With respect to the latter, the intervention of the General Government has not been thought requisite: but in regard to the former, Governor Jay has resorted to it; as the act of the legislature of New-York authorized him to do.
          Beside that no objection occurs to me to the proposed negociation with the St Regis Indians, it would seem desirable to give facility to every measure of a state government which conforms to the regulations prescribed by the laws of the Union.
          Mr Elsworth & Mr Sedgwick being members of Congress, & the former a Senator, seem ineligible. It may be agreeable to Coll Wadsworth to take a journey to Lake George at the season of the year proposed by the Governor for the treaty: but should you think proper to name him, his willingness to serve as a commissioner may be previously ascertained. I take leave to mention Mr Boudinot, late member of Congress from New Jersey, as probably disposed to undertake such a mission. One commissioner would seem sufficient; and of the gentlemen whom

you would think fit to appoint, the assent of some one may be previously obtained. They may be enquired of in succession, in the order you shall be pleased to designate.
          Yesterday I received a letter from Mr Stephen Higginson, a well informed merchant of Boston, & formerly a member of Congress, describing the proceedings of the late Boston townmeeting, upon the treaty with Great-Britain. The information it contains was evidently designed to be communicated to the President of the United States: I therefore inclose a copy of Mr Higginson’s letter. With the greatest respect, I am sir, your most obedt servant

            Timothy Pickering


Title: To George Washington from Charleston, S.C., Citizens, 22 July 1795
From: Citizens of Charleston, South Carolina
To: Washington, George

            Sir
            Charleston, South Carolina [July 22nd 1795]

          With the freedom of men who are sensible of their own rights; but with the sincere deference which true Republicans must ever pay to the constitution which themselves have framed, to the laws which themselves have authorized, and to the Chief Magistrate of their own choice; and with all that Reverence and Affection which Americans justly owe to the man who has most eminently distinguished himself by his important services, his incorruptible integrity and the wisdom of his Councils; we venture to express to you the painful apprehensions and Alarm which have been excited in our minds by the perusal of the Treaty now pending betwixt the United States and his Britannic Majesty. Having considered it with the most careful attention, we are confirmed in our fears that the Ratification of it would prove ruinous or highly injurious to the best interests of our Country. Having not had time to go into a lengthy detail of all the objections to which we think the Treaty lyable, we have contented ourselves with stating a few only of those which have most forcibly impressed themselves on our feelings, and this Statement put into the form of a Report we transmit to you, with a full persuasion that you will give it that weight and consideration which the reasons on which it is founded may justly merit. Confident as we are that our fellow Citizens in other parts of the Union, impelled by sensations similar to our own and actuated by motives purely Patriotic, will, with equal respect to your Station and to your person, come forward with like Representations, we conjure you to suspend for a short time at least the Ratification of this instrument, that the General sense of the Community, if they should think proper to express it, may be known on so interesting a

measure. The pleasing conviction with which your undeviating conduct has ever inspired us of the Rectitude of your mind, will not permit us to doubt but that you will rejoice to avail yourself of the light which from every source may be thrown on an obscure and intricate subject, and that, if the Arguments offered by us or by any of the rest of your fellow Citizens shall appear to be substantially founded, and conclusively to evince the injurious tendency of this Treaty, you will altogether with-hold, that assent which would intail it’s evils on your Country. As we are convinced that in all your Public conduct you have acted and ever will act with a purity of intention which must ensure the approbation of your own conscience, so it is our ardent wish that on all occasions it may also be with that happy conformity to the General sentiments of your Constituents that will preserve to you, and, if possible, increase the Universal Affection which it is your peculiar Glory and happiness to possess. In behalf of the Citizens Present

            Jno. Mathews—Chairman


Title: To George Washington from Charlestown, Mass., Selectmen, 22 July 1795
From: Charlestown, Massachusetts, Selectmen
To: Washington, George

            Sir,
            Charlestown 22d July 1795.

          The treaty now pending between the United States of America and Great Britain having much engaged the attention of this part of the country.
          The Inhabitants of this town have been led legally to convene in their corporate capacity agreeable to the constitution of this Commonwealth, for the purpose of taking the same into consideration and have

              ⟨Vote⟩d. 1st
              That this town do disapprove of the Treaty now pending between the United States and Great Britain, as has been read.

              Voted. 2d
              That this town do disapprove of ⟨the⟩ treaty as modified by the Senate of the United States.

              Voted. 3d
              that the Selectmen be requested to transmit the doings of this Meeting to the President of the United States.

          In compliance with the last vote we have the honor to transmit said votes, and to submit them to your consideration, fully persuaded that every sentiment of your heart with every Action of your life is directed toward the public good, We are with the profoundest Esteem & Respect Sir your most Huml. Servants.

              Richd Devens

              David Goodwin

              Joseph Adams

              Selectmen of Charlestown.
              Richd Frothingham

              John Carter

              Eliphelet Newell


Title: From George Washington to Edmund Randolph, 22 July 1795
From: Washington, George
To: Randolph, Edmund

            Dear Sir,
            Mount Vernon 22d July 1795

          Both your letters, dated the 17th instt, found me at this place, where I arrived on Monday.
          The letter from the Commissioners to you, I return; as I also do the Gazettes of Pittsburgh & Boston. The proceedings at the latter place are of a very unpleasant nature: the result I forwarded to you from Baltimore, accompanied with a few hasty lines written at the moment I was departing from thence; with a request that it might be considered by the confidential Officers of government, & returned to me, with an answer thereto, if an answer should be deemed advisable.
          In my hurry, I did not signify the propriety of letting those Gentlemen know, fully, my determination with respect to the ratification of the Treaty, & the train it was in; but, as this was necessary, in order to enable them to form their opinions on the subject submitted, I take it for granted that both were communicated to them by you as a matter of course. The first, that is the conditional ratification (if the late order which we have heard of respecting Provision vessels is not in operation) may, on all fit occasions, be spoken of as my determination—unless from any thing you have heard, or met with since I left you it should be thought more advisable to communicate further with me on the Subject. My opinion respecting the treaty is the same

now that it was namely, not favorable to it, but that it is better to ratifie it in the manner the Senate have advised (& with the reservation already mentioned) than to suffer matters to remain as they are, unsettled. Little has been said to me on the subject of this treaty, along the road I passed; and I have seen no one since from whom I could hear much, concerning it: but from indirect discourses I find endeavors are not wanting to place it in all the odious points of view of which it is susceptible; and in some which it will not admit.
          I should be glad if you would call upon Messrs Morris & Nicholson (Greenleaf not being no longer concerned) and in earnest, and strong terms represent to them, the serious consequences which must, inevitably, result to the public buildings in the federal City if the deficiency, or part thereof, due on their contract is not paid. Besides arresting the work in its present critical state, and compelling the discharge of some valuable workmen who may never be recovered again it would throw such a cloud over the public & private concerns of the city and would be susceptible of such magnified & unfavorable interpretations as to give it a vital wound. From the representations which have been made to me by the Comrs, it appears that twelve thousand dollars, pr month, is scarcely adequate to the present expenditures—and that the demand for more must encrease as the more expensive materials are brought into use—as they are now abt to be—of wrought Stone &ca &ca If to pay the whole dificiency is not, at present, within the means of Messrs Morris & Nicholson, a part thereof & to keep pace with the current demand, might possible, enable the Commissioners to proceed without much embarrassment in the principal work. Between forty & 50,000 dollars, I am informed is now due on the Contract of Greenleaf & Co.
          As you have discovered your mistake with respect to the dates of the French decrees I shall add nothing on that, nor on any other subject at this time further than a desire to know if you have heard any thing more from Mr Adet on the treaty with G. Britain; and whether Mr Jaudenes has replied to your letter to him on the score of his inconsistency. I am &ca &ca

            Go: Washington

            P.S. A Solomon is not necessary to interpret the design of the Oration of Mr Brackenridge.


Title: To George Washington from the Commissioners for the District of Columbia, 24 July 1795
From: Commissioners for the District of Columbia
To: Washington, George

            City of Washington [D.C.] 24 July 1795

          The Board have had under Consideration for some days past the Subject of regulating the building of wharves; according to the Powers delegated to them by the Act of the Maryland Legislature passed in 1791: An Abstract of which is herewith inclosed. On a Subject so extensive, it is not to be wondered at that considerable difficulties have occurred: and it is not probable that all will be pleased, let the Regulations be what they will. Had the Legislature of Maryland been Silent on the Subject, the holders of water property in the city would have had a right to carry their wharves to any extent they pleased, under the Single restriction of not injuring the navigation. The Law of the State is therefore restrictive of that general Right naturally flowing from the free use of property; and ought not to be construed beyond what sound policy and the necessity of the Case may require: Nor do we think it would be prudent to adopt any Regulations which should so far damp the Ardor of Improvement in the City as to induce foreigners and Strangers to give a decided preference to the neighbouring ports; two of which command great natural advantages in common with the City.
          A Cursory view of the Map of the city will at once shew that many parts of the Eastern Branch and some of the river will not admit of wharves being built to advantage, unless they are carried to a very great extent, to meet the Channel. The Soundings of the Eastern Branch having been lately accurately taken the result is inclosed; and seems strongly to justify the foregoing suggestion. It is therefore much to be doubted whether in these Instances at least Adventurers will incur the expence of building wharves to such an extent without the benefit of erecting warehouses on them. In every city which looks to Commerce for

her rise and Extension, Beauty must in some Instances be sacrificed to Utility. Perhaps the parts of such City where wharves and warehouses are of necessity to be erected, are and ought to be the last where beauty should be sought for. The general health of the City must however always be kept in view, as essential to it’s growth and permanence; and we think no general regulation ought to be adopted not entirely consistent with this Idea: and if any thing hereafter suggested does not consist with this principle, we think it is a solid ground for its rejection.
          We beg leave also to remark that no wharves except by the public can be erected on the waters opposite to the public appropriations; or on the Streets at right Angles with the waters: which being uncommonly wide must alone furnish a great Circulation of air from the waters. With respect to the private property on the water we think the following Regulations the most likely to meet with public approbation; and to obviate the Inconveniences which it is apprehended will arise from a total restriction of building on made Ground or wharves.
          Proprietors of property lying on the water to be permitted to build wharves of wood, stone and earth as they may think proper to any extent; provided such wharves do not injure the navigation of the river or Branch. The Owners of such wharves or reclaimed Ground to be also permitted to erect warehouses thereon; always leaving Streets to conform with the general plan of the cross Streets in the City; so as to make the whole plan uniform throughout; and where the general plan does not require such Streets, as will be the case in many Instances; then to be obliged to leave a Street not less than 60 feet wide at the termination of every three hundred feet occupied by buildings: and always leaving a street at least 60 feet wide between the last warehouse on such wharf or made Ground and the termination of the wharf or made Ground to be forever kept open as a public Street; and liable to all regulations which the general police may require for other Avenues Streets and Alleys in the City. This it is conceived will be quite sufficient to give a free Circulation of Air between the water and the buildings and to prevent danger from fire: and it is hoped will not much retard the lading and unlading of Ships; as Spouts may easily be erected of sufficient length to deliver grain from a warehouse distant only 60 feet from the Ships to be loaded. No other buildings are

contemplated to be built on such made Ground or wharves except warehouses or Stores: and not more than one Chimney or fire place to be allowed for any one house; as that will be sufficient for a counting room. By this Regulation the Danger of fire will be in great measure guarded against; and the buildings to be erected will be useful at all Seasons of the year.
          These restrictions, however mild, will probably retard for some time the improvement of the water property in the City; situated as it is between two growing commercial Towns, alread[y] possessed of considerable Trade and population; and where proprietors are left to build as fancy or Interest may dictate. Instances have already occurred of the restive spirit excited by the restriction to build of brick or Stone. Yet the necessity of this regulation cannot escape the dullest Observer. General safety as well as beauty would evidently be sacrificed by a Relaxation from the Rule.
          We pretend not to say that the regulations proposed will meet with universal Approbation. One general Rule, establishing the extent to which wharves may be extended seems to be impossible, when a view is taken of the waters by which the City is bounded; nor does a total exclusion of all buildings on wharves or made Ground appear to us to be either necessary or prudent. Our funds depend in some measure on Sales: and Sales on public Confidence and opinion. Any measure greatly counteracting the hopes and wishes of those interested would certainly be injurious; and ought not to be adopted, without an evident necessity. How far the Rule applies to the present case, is for the Executive to determine. Tho’ the act of the Legislature of Maryland vests the sole power of regulating the extent and licencing the building of wharves in the Commissioners; it is with pleasure they resort to the wisdom and experience of the Executive; from which they have ever received the most substantial aid. Upon a Subject so new, and which ultimately must affect so much property, they have sought for information wherever they thought there was a chance of obtaining it. The extensive influence it may have on the affairs of the City, called upon us to give the Subject our best attention. The result however is submitted with great diffidence and with pleasure we shall relinquish our Ideas for the adoption of better. We have not gone into the Subject of a Water Street on either the river or Eastern Branch. The Subject would require such frequent references to the plat as to render a

communication by letter of little use. The plat forwarded gives a much juster representation of the Shores within the limits of the City than the one published; and contains also an exact Delineation of all the Incroachments attempted to be made on the public appropriations. We think that the public appropriations have in general been made with Judgment and Taste; and that it would not be prudent either to alter or break in upon them: public Confidence might be lessened; and any Acquisitions in point of Territory to the City would add but a mere pittance to our revenue, whilst it would lead to an Opinion that the Changes in the City would never have an End.
          The inclosed Report will shew the reasons upon which the Board have determined on the appropriation proposed for the national Mint—Nothing is yet done about a National University—The grounds about the place talked of, being divided into Streets and Squares; no longer remains subject to public appropriations. We think the first step towards bringing forward this great and interesting Object, ought to be, the obtaining a Law either from Congress, or the Legislature of Maryland authorising certain persons to open Subscriptions for the purpose of raising funds. Much might be done abroad and at home. The Legislature here would no doubt pass such a Law: but whether an Act of Congress would not give the business greater Eclat abroad, is a question worthy of consideration. The Commissioners on their part, will at all times be ready to give their best assistance, to a work in which the rising Generation of the United States have so deep an Interest.

            Gusts ScottAlex. White