Title: To George Washington from Lafayette, 22 January 1792
From: Lafayette, Marie-Joseph-Paul-Yves-Roch-Gilbert du Motier, marquis de
To: Washington, George

Head Quarters Metz [France] January the 22d 1792
My dear General

This is a Very different date from that Which Had Announced to You My Return to the Sweets of Private life, a Situation Hitherto Not very familiar to me, But Which I, after fifteen Revolutionary Years, I Had Become Quite fit to Enjoy—I Have Given You an Account of the Quiete, and Rural Mode of Living I Had Adopted, in the Mountains Where I was Born, Having there a Good House, and a Late Mannor Now Unlorded into a Large farm, with an English Overseer for My Instruction, I felt Myself Very Happy Among My Neighbours, No More Vassals to me, Nor Any Body, and Had Given to My Wife and Rising family the only Quiete Weecks they Had for a long time—When the threats, and Mad preparations of the Refugees, and still more the Countinance they Had obtained in the dominions of our Neighbours Induced the National Assembly and the king to Adopt a More Vigourous System than Had Hitherto Been the Case.
Three Armies were formed—fifty thousand Men each on paper the Right and left ones Under Luckner and Rochambeau, that on the Center Under me. I Had Refused Every Public Emploïement that Had Been offered By the people, and still more Had I denied My Consent to My Being Appointed to Any Military Command—But When I saw our liberties and Constitution were seriously threatened and My Services Could be Usefully Emploïed in fighting for our old Cause, I Could no More Resist the Wishes of My Country Men, and as soon as the King’s Express Reached My farm I set our for Paris, from thence for this place, and dont think it Uninteresting for You, My dear General, to Add that I was Every where on the Road Most Affectionately welcomed.
Now the Surrounding German Princes Have Submitted to dismiss Every Armed Corps of Refugees, to forbid Every Recruiting,

Collecting, Equipping our Noble deserters, so that the poor fellows are Hunted By our Ambassadors from petty Courts to other Petty Courts—to Cut Short to Which, a formal Application will Be Made to the Emperor and diet of the Empire at Ratisbonne.
Monsieur the King’s Brother Has Been Constitutionally divested from His Right to Regency—So will the Younger Brother—they as well as Prince Condi and some others are to Be tried for their life (in their Absence) Before a National Court—Indeed Measures Have Been Heaped, and Rather Hurried to throw them out.
But the Most important Part of our Business is to know what Part the Great Powers of Europe Will act—that Every one Of them Hates us is obvious—But Notwithstanding they would Crush us to Pieces, they are Affraid to touch us, least their Subjects Catch What they Call the french Evil—We Have Boldly Asked the Emperor for a Cathegorick Answer By the 10th of february—a Bill Has passed with the Sanction of the King, declaring it infamy, and High treason to listen to the Proposal of Any Alteration WhatSoever, Any Negociation With Respect to the Principles and letter of the Constitutional act.
The Army I Command Will of Course be the first to Act. I am to Have twenty thousand Men to Garrison the frontiers from Montmedy to Bitche, and thirty thousand to take the field—I do not Hope to Come up at first Quite to those Numbers. But in Case I want Reinforcements, the National Guards Will Help me—I Will Send You an Exact Return of My Army when it is finally Arranged, for I Alwaïs Consider Myself, my dear general, as one of Your lieutenants on a detached Command.
The Regular Regiments are Short of their Complement—the Volonteer Bataïllons do Very Well in General, the Soldiers and Noncommissioned officers of the Army are Patriots But want discipline—a third part of the officers are good—an Other third Gone—the Remainder Very ill affected, and Will Soon I Hope go out—they are tolerably well Reimplaced—We Want General officers Most of them Being tories—I am going, and am the only one Whose Popularity Can Stand it, to establish, in Spite of the Clubs, and jacobine Clamours, a Most severe discipline, and I think the army afterwards will do Pretty Well.
M. d’orleans Can not Recover Himself from the Muddy

Swamp into which I have Kicked Him By the Middle of October 1789—and Whatever Happens to all Around Him, He Hardly Can Raise His Head Above the dirty Heap which Entangles Him on Every Side.
Adieu, My Beloved General, Remember me Most Respectfully to Mrs Washington—My Best Compliments wait on Hamilton, Knox, Jefferson, jay, Major Washington, Cokran, and all other friends—with Respectfully and filial love I am my dear general Your affectionate and dutiful friend

Lafayette


Title: To George Washington from Anthony Whitting, 22 January 1792
From: Whitting, Anthony
To: Washington, George

Honrd Sir
Mount Vernon Jany 22d 1792

I informd you in my Letter of the 15th of finding Your Letter of the 8th Lost by Will, and answered some parts of it, particularly that of the Mules. I have farther to add that the reason of those not being reported at ferry was that I still lookd on them as Mansion House Stock & as to my not Mentioning there removal by Letter I thought Major Washington might have done it as they was put there before he left Mount Vernon. Likewise the six Mules you was pleasd to order put in the Stables was put in before he left home. I should be sorry to be thought negligent in Giving Your Excellency every information which I thought you would wish to [be] informd of, but as the above happend before I had the Honor of Writing to you I could not think of Mentioning it and hope to be excusd. I saw Col. Little before I left Town Last Monday & Likewise Mr Bushrod Washington. Coln. Little promised to Give Mr Washington the particular facts in writing which was to have been sent him Last Wednesday Mr Washington aquitted me of any farther interference respecting the matter as he himself saw & discoursd with Coln. Little I Receivd Your Letter of the 15th, And with respect to the Wheat believe not one field will suffer for want of drains N. 6 Dogue run the most likely field was as well draind as could be—The want of a Mixture of sand in the soil Occasions it to thro out in Winter—The frequent thaws which happen & then again freezing seems to be the Occasion of it. This chiefly happens in March, it freezes in the night & thaws in day. I have seen Isicles raisd in the Night Consisting of Earth & water, Over the Whole Surface & thaw in the Course of the day This frequently happening at this Season throws out the Wheat. This does not happen where the soil is Sandy—The Wheat has been well covered with Snow since the 8 instant & lightly since the 5th is now 18 inches thick in most places—The wind blew very hard Last Wednesday night & Thursday Morning & has drifted the snow very much & I was fearfull would have left the Wheat naked at places but the Snow being thick it is not the Case it now Snows & has done I believe since Yesterday Noon—I have not yet sown any Grass seed but shall before the Snow Goes away. it is now so deep a person could not walk in it—Some Oats will be sown next Spring

but as they may be purchasd Cheaper than raisd I should not wish to put in a very extensive Crop—Shall Grub the Old Clover Lot as soon as the Weather will permit & Could wish to make some alteration in the Pine Clumps I wish to make them Circular which will Lessen them a little and leave a Larger space between them which is wanting as they now appear too natural—Shall likewise plant Ever Greens in Young Clover Lot as well as brick Yard Lot as soon as weather will admit of it & take them up with a block of Earth as directed. The South line of the Visto will be Continued untill it comes into the Mill Road—in My last I signified a desire of continuing it on to Muddy hole Branch & still think it will look well—The Thorn hedge at River Plantn I informd Major Washington my intention of plashing it next Spring but how it will be performd I hardly know for unless I Could be constantly there the Negros will never do it as it Ought. it might be made an excellent fence but to do that requires one of the best Judges. not many English who have been usd to this sort of Work would know how to Go about it, the reason is it has stood too long & is Old & Stubborn. If a hand Could be met with aquainted with this work it would pay well to employ him as that fence if in Order is very Valuable it will require a Great deal of Labor to do it as it should be—If any thing can be done with the Cedars it will be attended to, As will the putting up 10 Young Shoots as directed.
I sent Yesterday for Docr Craik who promised to Come down this Day but the Weather being very bad has I Guess prevented him. I sent him Becks Case as near as I was able & he sent some Medicine I am fearful She will not recover. Isaacs two Girls Mima & Ally are a little better Delia Frenchs & Doll at Ferry Continue very poorly And a Great many children are very bad with the Hooping Cough at every Qu[arte]r. I have endeavord to expose the hands as little as possible this Cold spell & deep Snow. But Ice we have been Getting all this week & have very near filld the house it has been a fine time for this Jobb & I have had it well Rammd & pounded as fine as Snow, which has Occasiond our being so long in filling it. The Getting wood has likewise been an essential Jobb as well as feeding Stock of Every kind, We now find the advantage of having potatoes & turnips nothing but raising so large a quantity of these could have saved the Stock from Death, more particularly if this Weather should Continue long.

what those will do that has not taken that precaution I know not, as provender is I believe Scarce almost every Where in this Country from the Summers Drought. I have this morning had the young Mules brought up to the Mansion House Stable, it being the best place for them The Brood mares & mules except the six before mentioned are at the Ferry Barn Sheds. Crows Cattle are in his farm Pen in N. 2 The Jennies are likewise at Mansion house well taken care of—They have likewise Good farm pens at every Qur so that I hope we shall keep our Stock thro Winter without much Loss; The present appearence of winter looks unfavorable I mean for Stock & Land the Ground has been covered with Snow since the 5 Instant a Longer time than I ever knew it since I have been in this Country. it is now abt 4 O Clock Snowing very fast & the Ground all over 15 or 18 inches deep nothing can be done but Getting wood & that with difficulty—however that being a necessary Article must set all hands at it to Morrow Morning.
I have been Considering what will be the best Method to expedite the Getting the Wheat into the Mill after harvest or into the Granarys the Method now in practice is a very tedious one and will by no means answer the wish I have of Getting it in with the utmost dispatch I mean that of making use of Hogsheads The Measuring in & out will take too Much time for a Cart (with the distance they may probably have to Go) to take it from the floors as fast as it is Got out, & if this is not done the Loss of its Lying all night on the floors is in my Opinion very Great—I have been informd by Major Washington & Mr Packett there was a Great Number of Bags some time before I came to Mansion but they had been Stole by the Negroes & Otherwise Lost this I know will be the Case without they are Sufficiently markd on both sides I have been thinking that small Tubbs made strong to hold abt 2 bushs two or three of them just to fitt the bottom of a Cart might do if each plantn Was supplyd with a sufficient Number. or Coarse Sacking of European Manufacture (which a Negroe Could not mend his Cloaths with without a discovery) might answer, these made up to hold only two bushs. would be very Convenient it might be bought by the piece at abt 1 shill. ⅌ Yard 2¼ Yards makes a bag. these are what I made use of in Maryland & by marking them fully on both sides I Could very easy keep them. If you Sir should think proper to direct either it is a Good time

to Make them, if Sacking I could Get them made by the women abt house And if Tubs I Could Order the Coopers to make them at there Leisure. I am Honrd Sir Your Obdt & Very Hble Servt

A. Whitting


Title: To George Washington from Alexander Hamilton, 23 January 1792
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

Sir,
[Philadelphia] Treasury Deparment January 23d 1792.

I have the honor to submit the draft of a Report, pursuant to an Order of the House of Representatives of the first day of November last; and to be With the highest respect & most faithful Attachment, Sir, Your Most Obedient & hble Servant

Alex: Hamilton


Title: To George Washington from James Hardie, 23 January 1792
From: Hardie, James
To: Washington, George

Sir
Philadelphia 23d of January 1792

A Copy of a Latin grammar, published by me some time ago accompanies this letter.
As it only treats of the first elements of learning, it can be of no use to you; the perusal of it may however, be of some little advantage to your Grandson.
Could I in a more suitable manner testify my respect for one, who on account of his many & superiour virtues, is by all deservedly named the Father of his Country, & who by the unanimous

vote of a free people, has been raised to the office of their first Magistrate, I could be happy.
As I can give no better, I hope, You will accept of this as a testimony of the profound esteem, with which I am Sir Your most humble Sert

James Hardie


Title: From George Washington to the United States Senate and House of Representatives, 23 January 1792
From: Washington, George
To: United States Senate and House of Representatives

United States, [Philadelphia] January 23d 1792.
Gentlemen of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives

Having received from the Governor of Virginia a letter, enclosing a Resolution of the General Assembly of that State, and a Report of a Committee of the House of Delegates, respecting certain lands located by the Officers and Soldiers, of the Virginia line under the laws of that State, and since ceded to the Chickasaw Indians, I lay copies of the same before you; together with a Report of the Secretary of State on this subject.

Go: Washington


Title: From George Washington to James Wilson, 23 January 1792
From: Washington, George
To: Wilson, James

(Private)
Dear Sir,Philadelphia, January 23d 1792.
Your goodness will, I am persuaded, excuse my not giving an earlier consideration to the subject which you presented to my view in your letter of the 31st ultimo.
A variety of occurences—some of them not very pleasing—have happened since that period, to absorb my attention.
My opinion with respect to the advantages which would result from such a digest of Laws as was suggested by you, is the same now it was at the time we conversed on the expediency of drawing a line between the powers of the General and State governments, with a view to avoid those evils which otherwise might result from a contention. But from the best consideration my leisure has enabled me to bestow on the subject, I question much whether the time is yet arrived—the necessity so generally apparent—or the temper of Congress so well framed for these things, as to render such a proposition acceptable. And I doubt still more, whether at any time, its coming from the Executive would be the most auspicious mode of bringing it forward; as it might be construed into an implication of want of discernment in that body to foresee the utility, or of abilities to execute or to direct a measure of so much importance. I am, with very great esteem and regard, Dear Sir, Your obedt Servant,

Go: Washington


Title: Editorial Note
From:
To:

On 16 Jan. 1792 the U.S. House of Representatives began considering GW’s message of 11 Jan. and the two reports it covered. These reports from Henry Knox presented the case for a new military campaign to subdue the hostile Indian nations on the northwest frontier and pacify the region. To carry out this plan the administration proposed to increase the army from two regiments to five. Although the debate of 16 Jan. was conducted behind closed doors, GW apparently was aware of the hostile reception given to Knox’s proposals and the general

condemnation by several congressmen of the administration’s conduct of northwestern Indian affairs. To counteract this criticism, as well as to pressure Congress to adopt legislation enlarging the army and empowering the administration to carry out a new Indian campaign, GW instructed the secretary of war to prepare a statement describing the causes of the frontier conflict and justifying the administration’s previous measures of pacification. Knox had included the substance of this statement in his first report that GW presented to Congress on 11 Jan., but GW did not intend the new statement for Congress. He instructed the secretary of war to prepare the document for publication. This unprecedented request by the president instructing one of his department heads to defend the administration’s conduct in the press was undoubtedly prompted by the criticisms being leveled at Arthur St. Clair and, to a lesser degree, Knox, as well as by GW’s awareness that rising opposition in Congress jeopardized the administration’s plans for successfully ending the Indian war. Knox responded to GW’s instructions by drafting a statement titled “The Causes of the existing Hostilities between the United States and certain Tribes of Indians, Northwest of the Ohio, stated and explained from official and authentic Documents, and published in obedience to the orders of the President of the United States.” This statement probably was completed before 25 Jan., when Thomas Jefferson presented to the president his thoughts on the best way to introduce the published statement (Document I). The novelty of the situation, Jefferson confessed, gave him some uncertainty. What he proposed was to introduce the statement with a letter from the president to Knox, directing the secretary of war to prepare and publish an account of the administration’s efforts to bring peace to the frontier. Although Jefferson did not say so, this form placed the burden of responsibility for the contents of the statement squarely on the secretary of war while still giving the publication the imprimatur of the president. GW referred Jefferson’s draft to Alexander Hamilton, who suggested minor revisions that were incorporated in the final document (see Document II). The contrived letter to Knox was dated 16 Jan. 1792, which may have been when GW actually directed Knox to prepare the statement. Knox’s statement, bearing the date 26 Jan. 1792, was first published on 30 January. James Madison wrote to Henry Lee on 29 Jan. that “You will see in Freneau’s paper of tomorrow morning the justifying Memorial of the Executive against the charge of neglecting the requisite pacific measures.” The statement, along with GW’s letter, was published in Freneau’s National Gazette (Philadelphia) on 30 Jan., and it was issued as a broadside by the Philadelphia printer David C. Claypoole. It also was published in Dunlap’s Daily Advertiser (Philadelphia) on 30 Jan.

and in the next issue of the Gazette of the United States (Philadelphia), which appeared on 1 February. It appeared in the New York Daily Advertiser on 1 Feb., the Virginia Gazette (Alexandria) on 9 Feb., and the Columbian Centinel (Boston) on 11 February. The publication was timely. When the House of Representatives on 26 Jan. resumed consideration of the administration’s plans for a new campaign, critics dominated the debate, charging that the war “was, in its origin, as unjustly undertaken as it has since been unwisely and unsuccessfully conducted.” Considering the administration’s proposal for increasing the size of the army, one congressman charged that “We are preparing to squander away money by millions; and no one, except those who are in the secrets of the Cabinet, knows for what reason the war has been thus carried on for three years.” Anthony Wayne, Alexander White, and Andrew Moore defended the administration’s position, arguing that the war was justified by the conduct of the Indians and insisting that it would be better “to make a vigorous and effectual exertion to bring the matter to a final issue, than to continue gradually draining the Treasury, by dragging on the war, and renewing hostilities from year to year.” The debate continued until 30 Jan., when the motion to strike out the portion of the bill calling for augmentation of the army was defeated by a vote of 18 to 34. The House passed the bill, with the army increases included, on 1 February. Although Knox’s statement was drafted primarily to influence the domestic debate over the future conduct of the Indian war, GW and Jefferson particularly were aware that its publication also had implications for American relations with Britain. Knox did not charge the British with arming or otherwise encouraging the hostile Indians to attack American settlers, although this charge had appeared earlier in American newspapers. British minister George Hammond explicitly denied to Jefferson on 14 Dec. 1791 the reports circulating in the press that “the King’s government in Canada has encouraged or supported measures of hostility, taken by the Indians in the Western Territory.” Jefferson replied on 2 Feb. 1792: “Of the sentiments of our government on the subject of your letter, I cannot give you better evidence than the statement of the causes of the indian war, made by the Secretary of War on the 26th. of the last month, by order of the President, and inserted in the public papers. No interference on the part of your nation is therein stated among the causes of the war. I am happy however in the hope, that a due execution of the treaty will shortly silence those expressions of public feeling by removing their cause.”


Title: II: From Alexander Hamilton, c.25 Jan. 1792
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

[Philadelphia, c.25 January 1792]

Mr Hamilton presents his respects to the President & submits the following alterations in the Letter.
instead of “I shall be glad” &c.
to say “it is my desire” or “it appears adviseable” that you prepare &c.
Instead of “when our Constituents” &c.

Say [“]When the Community are called upon for considerable exertions, to relieve a part, which is suffering undr the hand of an enemy, it is desireable to manifest that due pains have been taken by those entrusted with the administration of their affairs to avoid the evil.”
It is a doubt whether our constituents be a proper phrase to be used by the President in addressing a subordinate officer.


Title: III: Washington’s Preface to Henry Knox’s Statement on the Causes of the Indian War, c.25 Jan. 1792
From: Unknown
To:

Sir,
United States [Philadelphia] January 16th 1792.

As the circumstances which have engaged the U. S. in the present Indian war, may, some of them, be out of the public recollection, and others, perhaps unknown, it appears adviseable that you prepare & publish, from authentic documents, a statement of those circumstances, as well as of the measures which have been taken from time to time for the re-establishment of peace & friendship.
When the Community are called upon for considerable exertions to relieve a part which is suffering under the hand of an enemy, it is desireable to manifest that due pains have been taken by those entrusted with the administration of their affairs to avoid the evil.

Go: W——n


Title: Tobias Lear to Oliver Evans, 26 January 1792
From: Lear, Tobias
To: Evans, Oliver

Sir,
Philadelphia, Jany 26th 1792.

The President presuming from your general acquaintance with Mills and Millers, that you will be able to give him the best information of the annual sum for which he can obtain a first rate Miller, that is, one capable of taking charge of a merchant mill, for his mill in Virginia, in addition to the perquisites which he

allows to his present miller, and which will be here stated, has directed me to write to you for that purpose.
The present miller has provided for him a good and convenient dwelling house, within a few yards of the mill, with a Garden adjoining, sufficiently large to raise such vegetables and garden roots as are necessary for his family—and other accommodations suited to such a dwelling—he is furnished with a Cow and keeping for the same—he receives 5,00 wt of Pork per annum—is permitted to keep as many dunghill fowls as he may have occasion for in his family (but is not allowed to raise any for sale)—and has his wood found him and brought to his door. There is moreover a smart young negro man who acts as an Assistant in the mill. in which business he has been employed for several years, and of course may be calculated upon as understanding the common and ordinary business of a mill.
The present miller by his agreement (which would also be expected from any other) is to superintend a Cooper’s shop, which is within a few rods of the mill, where two negro men and a boy are kept at work, and to work at the business himself when he is not actually engaged in the mill, he is likewise to do any small repairs to the mill which may be necessary, such as putting in cogs &c. and such things as do not require the aid of a professed Mill-wright. The duties at this mill are far from being heavy; for from the month of April to the month of November there is scarcely water enough to grind for the President’s own people—and at other times there is not always work enough to keep her employed. But a miller who may be engaged must not calculate from these circumstances, upon being idle any part of his time; for it is the Presidents intention, if practicable, to turn such streams into his Mill-Race as will keep her going at all times—and if that should not be done, the Coopers business will give employment to an industrious man. As to the situation of the Mill &c. your brother, who was there last fall, can give the best information.
Upon this view of the matter, the President wishes you to let him know for what annual sum, in addition to the before mentioned perquisites, he could be able to obtain such a miller as is before mentioned: and likewise to inform him of the wages and perquisites (if any) that are given to such a person at the Brandy Wine and other noted Mills.

The President will be thankful for this information as soon as it can be obtained, in order that he may be able therefrom to make arrangements with respect to his mill immediately. If you know of any complete Miller that can be obtained about the last of may next—you will be so good as to let the President know his name, abode—and other qualities; the first of June being the day when the year for which his miller is engaged, expires, he must determine three months before that time whether he shall engage him for another year, or get a new one. A married Man with a small family would be preferred to a single one, as his inducements to be absent would be less.

Tobias Lear.


Title: From George Washington to Henry Knox, 26 January 1792
From: Washington, George
To: Knox, Henry

Sir,
United States [Philadelphia], January 26th: 1792.

You will receive herewith a copy of a Resolution of the House of Representatives, that has been just now delivered to me by a

Committee; and I desire you will prepare and lay before the House the statement therein requested.
As communications of a similar nature have taken place between the Executive of the General Government and the Governor of Virginia, it may be proper to lay these also before the House of Representatives, and I request you will have them prepared & communicated accordingly as soon as the business of your departmt will admit of it.

Go: Washington


Title: To George Washington from John Jay, 27 January 1792
From: Jay, John
To: Washington, George

Dear Sir
N. York 27 Jany 1792

As I shall be absent from the next sup: Court, obvious Considerations urge me to mention to You the Reasons of it. Early in the next month I expect an Addition to my family—Mrs Jay’s delicate Health (she having for more than three weeks past been confined to her chamber) renders that Event so interesting, that altho she is now much better, I cannot prevail on myself to be then at a Distance from her; especially as no Business of particular Importance either to the Public, or to Individuals, makes it necessary.
Mr Burr’s motion gave me much Concern, and the Issue of it much Satisfaction. I regret that the Senate were not more unanimous—Similar Attempts in future may be encouraged by their having divided so equally on the Question—It is in my opinion a Question very important in its Consequences—so much so—that if the Senate should make and retain that Encroachment on the Executive, I should despair of seeing the Government well administred afterwards.
I flatter myself that you recieved the Letter I had the Honor of writing to You on the 23d of Septr last. With perfect Respect Esteem & Attachment I am Dear Sir Your obliged & obedt Servant

John Jay


Title: From George Washington to Thomas Jefferson, 28 January 1792
From: Washington, George
To: Jefferson, Thomas

My dear Sir
[Philadelphia] 28th Jany 1792.

Enclosed is the rough draught of a letter to G.M.—I pray you to examine it, and alter any word, or sentence you may think too

strong; or the whole of it, retaining my object; from which I shall make a fair copy, & then take a press one: be not scrupulous therefore in making the alterations you judge necessary. In the course of tomorrow I will send you the letter to be made up with your dispatches. Yrs Sincerely

G.W.


Title: From George Washington to Gouverneur Morris, 28 January 1792
From: Washington, George
To: Morris, Gouverneur

Private
My dear Sir,Philadelphia Jany 28th 1792  Your favor of the 30th of September came duly to hand, and I thank you for the important information contained in it.
The official communications from the Secretary of State, accompanying this letter, will convey to you the evidence of my nomination, and appointment of you to be Minister Plenipotentiary for the United States at the Court of France; and my assurances that both were made with all my heart, will, I am persuaded, satisfy you as to that fact. I wish I could add, that the advice & consent flowed from a similar source. Candour forbids it—and friendship requires that I should assign the causes, as far as they have come to my knowledge.
Whilst your abilities, knowledge in the affairs of this Country, & disposition to serve it were adduced, and asserted on one hand, you were charged on the other hand, with levity, and imprudence of conversation and conduct. It was urged, that your

habit of expression, indicated a hauteaur disgusting to those who happen to differ from you in sentiment; and among a people who study civility and politeness more than any other nation, it must be displeasing. That in France you were considered as a favourer of Aristocracy, & unfriendly to its Revolution—(I suppose they meant Constitution). That under this impression you could not be an acceptable public character—of consequence, would not be able, however willing, to promote the interests of this Country in an essential degree. That in England you indiscretely communicated the purport of your mission, in the first instance, to the Minister of France, at that Court; who, availing himself in the same moment of the occasion, gave it the appearance of a movement through his Court. This, and other circumstances of a cimilar nature, joined to a closer intercourse with the opposition members, occasioned distrust, & gave displeasure to the Ministry; which was the cause, it is said, of that reserve which you experienced in negotiating the business which had been entrusted to you.
But not to go further into detail—I will place the ideas of your political adversaries in the light which their arguments have presented them to my view—viz.—That the promptitude with wch your brilliant, & lively imagination is displayed, allows too little time for deliberation, and correction; and is the primary cause of those sallies which too often offend, and of that ridicule of characters which begets enmity not easy to be forgotten, but which might easily be avoided if it was under the control of more caution and prudence. In a word, that it is indispensably necessary that more circumspection should be observed by our Representatives abroad than they conceive you are disposed to adopt.
In this statement you have the pros & the cons; by reciting them, I give you a proof of my friendship, if I give none of my policy or judgment. I do it on the presumption, that a mind conscious of its own rectitude, fears not what is said of it; but will bid defiance to and dispise shafts that are not barbed with accusations against honor or integrity; and because I have the fullest confidence (supposing the alligations to be founded in whole or part) that you would find no difficulty, being apprised of the exceptionable light in which they are received, and considering yourself as the representative of this Country, to effect a change;

and thereby silence, in the most unequivocal and satisfactory manner, your political opponents. Of my good opinion, & of my friendship & regard, you may be assured—and that I am always—Yr affecte

Go: Washington


Title: From George Washington to Charles Pinckney, 31 January–20 February 1792
From: Washington, George
To: Pinckney, Charles

(Private)
Dear Sir,Philadelphia Jany 31st[–20 February] 1792.
I had the pleasure to receive your letter of the 22d of Novr last, with the enclosures from Genl Pickens & Colo. Anderson to

yourself, respecting the deputation from the Cherokee Nation. I have likewise the pleasure to acknowldge the rect of your letter of the 6th of the same month.
The Cherokees arrived in this City after a tedious passage from Charleston, which I beleive they will consider as the most, if not the only disagreeable circumstance attending their mission: For the requests which they had to make were of a nature to be readily complied with, and they appear not only satisfied, but highly pleased with their reception, and the manner in which their business had been done.
They have been detained here longer than was expected on their arrival, owing to the Navigation of this River being totally obstructed—and that of New York harbour having been so for some days past by the severity of the weather. As soon as the Harbour of New york opens they will proceed to embark at that place for Charleston.
It is at all times very desireable, but peculiarly so at the present moment, that we should be upon terms of friendship & good understanding with those powerful tribes of Indians who border on our southern and Western frontiers: and I have strong hopes that the favorable impression which this deputation have received, will not only ensure the attachment of the Cherokees to the United States; but will likewise have a beneficial influence on the Creeks, the Chickasaws, & the Chocktaws, from which Nations they brought belts & messages as well as from their own.
For your attention to these Indians at Charleston & in procuring them a passage to this place, permit me to offer you my thanks—and at the same time to assure you that I am—with great regard & esteem Dear Sir, Your most Obdt Sevt

P.S. Feby 20th 1792 This letter having been written to go by the Cherokees to Charleston is the reason of its being detaind ’till this. But circumstances rendering it more convenient for these people to go by land to their own nation—and their own wishes according therewith, they sat out on saturday the 18th Inst. This letter therefore goes by the Post.


Title: Tobias Lear to Edmund Randolph, 31 January 1792
From: Lear, Tobias
To: Randolph, Edmund

Dear Sir,
Philadelphia January 31st 1792

I have been honored with your letter of this date ⟨requesting to⟩ be informed whether you understood the President rightly upon the following points respecting ⟨the demoliti⟩on of Mr Carroll’s House.
Questn 1: Whether payment could be ordered to Carroll for ⟨more⟩ of his House than was run up, when he executed his ⟨agreement?⟩
Answr upon this point the Attorney General’s opinion is desired.
Questn 2 Can a written opposition to a greater payment being made, be seen by the ⟨Attorney⟩ Genl?
Answr—Said opposition is enclos’d in a letter from the Commissioners of the 21st of Decr—& herewith transmitted.
Questn 3. Is not the President willing now to pay for the whole of the destruction, if he can use the means?
Answr—The President’s alternative to Mr Carroll, before he knew this dest[r]uction was commenced shews his ideas on this point, and he observes that he still adheres to it, unless a legal opposition arises to it ⟨from an⟩ agreement with Mr Carroll.
You will ⟨illegible⟩ Maj. LEnfant’s of the ⟨illegible⟩ of Novr 4 to the Commissioners 27 Decr ⟨illegible⟩ Mr Carroll ⟨illegible⟩ the President’s ⟨illegible⟩ With ⟨illegible⟩

Tobias Lear


Title: To George Washington from Thomas Jefferson, 1 February 1792
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Washington, George

[Philadelphia] Feb. 1. 92.

Th: Jefferson sends to the President a letter he has received from mister Hammond, with the general sketch of an answer he had proposed to write to him. he will have the honour of seeing the President on the subject to-day.


Title: To George Washington from Thomas Jefferson, 1 February 1792
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Washington, George

[Philadelphia] Wednesday morning [1 February 1792].

Mr Ellicot having sent the inclosed letter from Roberdeau for the perusal of Th: Jefferson, he thinks the 1st page & 2 or 3. lines of the 2d worth reading by the President. the rest contains communications of small news. he has learnt that Majr Lenfant, after his conversation with Th: J. wrote to Roberdeau to continue 50. hands; which shews he means to continue himself.
Is the President’s letter for mister Pinkney ready? Th: J. has sent a duplicate & triplicate to New York to go to Charleston by different vessels, there being several advertised there for that port. he reserves the first copy to go by post.


Title: To George Washington from Edmund Randolph, 1 February 1792 [letter not found]
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Washington, George

	Letter not found: from Edmund Randolph, 1 Feb. 1792. In a letter of 2 Feb. to Randolph, Tobias Lear mentioned “the Atty Genls note of last evening” to the president.


Title: To George Washington from William Cushing, 2 February 1792
From: Cushing, William
To: Washington, George

Sir,
Newyork Feby the 2d 1792.

I take the liberty to inform you, that being on my journey to attend the Supreme Court, which is to sit next Monday, I have had the misfortune to be stopt here, since Friday last, by a bad cold attended with somewhat of a fever, so that the probability, at present, seems against my being able to reach Philadelphia by the time court is to sit. Assoon as my health permits, however, I design to proceed there. The travelling is difficult this Season: I left Boston the 13th Jany in a Phaeton, in which I made out to reach Middleton as the Snow of the 18th began, which fell so deep there as to oblige me to take a Slay, & now again wheels seem necessary. If Judge Blair & Judge Johnson attend there will be a Quorum, I suppose, as two other Judges are upon the Spot. The Chief Justice, I perceive, cannot be present this term.
I left Mrs Cushing at Middletown, who desired her respects to you & Mrs Washington. I hope Mrs Washington enjoys good health, as I have the pleasure to hear that you do. I have the honor to be, with the highest respect, Sir, your most Obedient, humble Servant,

Wm Cushing


Title: To George Washington from John Kirwan, 2 February 1792
From: Kirwan, John
To: Washington, George

Sir,
Baltimore 2d february 1792

Without the Honor of an Acquaintance take the liberty of Addressing you. hearing of some Changes or New appointments (from Information) likly to take place among the officers of Government in this District, Use this Mode to sollicit your Attention on Such occasion, whether any Oppening may offer, Either in the revenue of this Port, the Office of Marshall of the federal Court, or an Agent, if found necessary, for the federal City to

supply the Commissioners or Directer there with Materials for building, from this place, & beg leave to observe should Slates be liked for the covering of Houses, that such a Quarry may be found. this I have from good Authority. shd any appointment or Vacancy as mentioned take place, Wish to offer my Services to such Station, With respect, your Excellencys most Obedient and very humble servt

John Kirwan


Title: Henry Knox to Tobias Lear, 3 February 1792
From: Knox, Henry
To: Lear, Tobias

  Philadelphia, Tuesday Evening, 3 Feb. 1792. Submits to the president the bill that has passed the House for his remarks as well as a letter from Mr. Kirkland of 17 Jan. and reports “All quiet at Fort Pitt on the 27th ultimo.”


Title: To George Washington from Thomas Johnson, 3 February 1792 [letter not found]
From: Johnson, Thomas
To: Washington, George

from Thomas Johnson, 3 Feb. 1792. GW refers in his letter to the Commissioners for the District of Columbia of 6 Mar. to “Mr Johnson’s letter of the 3d of february.”


Title: From George Washington to Henry Dorsey Gough, 4 February 1792
From: Washington, George
To: Gough, Henry (Harry) Dorsey

Sir,
Philadelphia, February 4th 1792.

I have the pleasure to acknowledge the receipt of your polite letter of the 1st instant, and to inform you that the very fine mutton which you have had the goodness to send me has come to hand in the best order.
While I beg your acceptance of my thanks for this mark of polite attention, permit me to express the satisfaction which I feel in learning from your letter the success you have met with in your laudable attempts to improve the breed of our Sheep, by introducing among them the broad-tail’d persian breed. I have ever been satisfied in my own mind, that by a proper attention to our Sheep (particularly in maryland and Virginia, where the climate and other circumstances seem to be peculiarly favourable

to the object) they might be made not only a most profitable subject to the farmer, but rendered highly important in a public view, by encouraging extensive establishments of woollen manufactories from the abundance of wool which they could furnish.
During the time of my residing at home, between the close of the war and the entrance on my present office, I had paid much attention to my Sheep, and was proud in being able to produce perhaps the largest mutton & the greatest quantity of Wool from my Sheep that could be then produced. But I was not satisfied with this, and contemplated further improvements both in the flesh and wool by the introduction of other breeds, which I should by this time have carried into effect, had I been permitted to pursue my favorite occupation. I am however much pleased to find that some Gentlemen seem to view this matter in the light which it deserves, & exert themselves in promoting it; and if I can not give my aid by a personal attention to the object those who do, will always have my best wishes for their success. With great esteem and regard, I am Sir, Your most obedt Servant,

Go: Washington.


Title: To George Washington from Thomas Jefferson, 4 February 1792
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Washington, George

Sir
Philadelphia February 4th 1792

The late appointment of a Minister Resident to the Hague, has brought under consideration the condition of Mr Dumas, and the question, whether he is, or is not, at present in the service of the U.S.?
Mr Dumas, very early in the war, was employed first by Dr Franklin, afterwards by Mr Adams, to transact the affairs of the U.S. in Holland. Congress never passed any express vote of confirmation, but they opened a direct correspondence with Mr Dumas, sent him orders to be executed, confirmed and augmented his salary, made that augmentation retrospective, directed him to take up his residence in their hotel at the Hague, and passed such other votes from time to time as established him de facto their Agent at the Hague. On the change in the organization of our Government in 1789, no commission nor new appointment took place with respect to him, tho’ it did in most other cases; yet the correspondence with him from the Office of foreign affairs has been continued, and he has regularly received his salary. A doubt has been suggested, whether this be legal? I have myself no doubt but that it is legal. I consider the source of authority with us to be the Nation. Their will declared through it’s proper organ is valid, ’till revoked by their will declared through it’s proper organ also. Between 1776 & 1789 the proper organ

for pronouncing their will, whether legislative or executive, was a Congress formed in a particular manner. Since 1789 it is a Congress formed in a different manner for laws, and a President, elected in a particular way, for making appointments & doing other Executive acts. The laws and appointments of the antient Congress were as valid & permanent in their nature, as the laws of the new Congress, or appointments of the new Executive; these laws & appointments in both cases deriving equally their source from the will of the Nation: and when a question arises, whether any particular law or appointment is still in force? we are to examine, not whether it was pronounced by the antient or present organ, but whether it has been at any time revoked by the authority of the Nation expressed by the organ competent at the time. The Nation by the act of their federal convention, established some new principles & some new organizations of the government. This was a valid declaration of their will, and ipso facto revoked some laws before passed, and discontinued some offices & officers before appointed. Wherever by this instrument, an old office was superseded by a new one, a new appointment became necessary; but where the new Constitution did not demolish an office, either expressly or virtually, nor the President remove the officer, both the office and officer remained. This was the case of several: in many of them indeed an excess of caution dictated the superaddition of a new appointment; but where there was no such superaddition, as in the instance of Mr Dumas, both the office and officer still remained: for the will of the nation, validly pronounced by the proper organ of the day, had constituted him their agent, and that will has not through any of it’s successive organs revoked his appointment. I think therefore there is no room to doubt it’s continuance, and that the receipt of salary by him has been lawful.
However I would not wish to take on myself alone the decision of a question so important, whether considered in a legal or constitutional view; and therefore submit to you, Sir, whether it is not a proper question whereon to take the opinion of the Attorney general?
Another question then arises. Ought Mr Dumas to be discontinued? I am of opinion he ought not.
1. not at this time; because Mr Short’s mission to Madrid will occasion an immediate vacancy at the Hague again; and because,

by the time that will be over, his appointment at the Hague must be discontinued altogether, unless Congress should enlarge the foreign fund.
2. not at any time; because when, after the peace; Mr Dumas’s agency became of less importance, Congress under various views of his sacrifices & services, manifested that their continuance of him was in consideration of these, and of his advanced years & infirm state, which render it impossible for him to launch into a new line of gaining a livelihood; and they thought the continuance of a moderate competence to him for moderate services, was more honorable to the U.S. than to abandon him, in the face of Europe, after & under such circumstances. I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most profound respect and attachment, Sir Your most obedient & most humble servant

Th: Jefferson


Title: To George Washington from Gouverneur Morris, 4 February 1792
From: Morris, Gouverneur
To: Washington, George

Dear Sir
London 4 feby 1792

I wrote to you on the twenty seventh of December but there were many Things which I did not write, and some of them I will now communicate. At the Close of the Session of the first national Assembly a Coalition was brought about between the Jacobins and the quatre vingt neufs. It is proper to explain these Terms. The Jacobins, so called from their Meeting at a Convent or Church of that Name, were then the violent Party. The others,

who took their name from a Club instituted in the Year 89, were those who termed themselves moderate Men, Friends to order &ca &ca. The Death of Mirabeau (who was beyond all Controversy one of the most unprincipled Scoundrels that ever lived) left a great Chasm in this latter Party. He was then sold to the Court and meant to bring back absolute Authority. The Chiefs of the Jacobins were violent for two Reasons. First that the quatre vingt neufs would not join with them seriously and heartily, wherefore not being able to make Head alone, they were obliged to use the Populace, and therefore to sacrifice to the Populace. Secondly that the Objects of their Desire were much greater, tho more remote, than those of the other Party; for these last had never sought in the Revolution any Thing else than to place themselves comfortably, whereas the jacobins did really at first Desire to establish a free Constitution, in the Expectation that sooner or later they should be at the Head of it. The Aristocrats you will observe were reduced to Insignificiency before the others divided. That you know is a Thing of Course. You will remember that the first Assembly had decreed that their Members could neither hold any Office under the Crown, nor yet be chosen to represent the People. These Decrees were partly the Fruit of opposition between the two Parties, and partly the Result of Suspicions which they had both excited among the well meaning Members of the Assembly. The First Decree was of jacobine Parentage, to disappoint their Enemies who were upon the Point of succeeding to Office. The second Decree was carried against the secret Inclinations of both. But the Consequence was that each was seriously disappointed; and as the Constitution was clearly unable to support itself, they began to perceive that its Ruin might involve their own, and therefore they formed a Coalition in which each determined to make Use of the other for its own Purposes. But you will say perhaps that both together could be of little Use; and this is true in a Degree; for if the Constitution had been a practicable Thing those alone who were in Power under it could have any real authority. But that was not the Case, and therefore the Plan of the Allies was to induce a Beleif in the Court that they alone had sufficient Popularity in the Nation to perserve the monarchical Authority against the Republican Party, and on the other Hand to convince the Assembly that (having in their Hands the royal Authority) all favors Offices and

Grants must come thro them. Thus they constituted themselves, if I may be allowed the Expression, the Government-Brokers of the Nation. I have mentioned the republican Party. This naturally grew up out of the old jacobine Sect; for when the Chiefs, finding that all was nearly ruined by the Want of Authority, had set themselves seriously to work to correct their own Errors, many of their Disciples who beleived what their Apostles had preached, and many who saw in the Establishment of Order the Loss of their Consequence, determined to throw off all Submission to Crowned Heads as being unworthy of a free People &ca &ca. Add to this the Number of “moody Beggars starving for a Time of Pell mell Havoc and Confusion.”
It was this Coalition which prevented the King from accepting the Constitution in a manly Manner, pointing out its capital Faults⟨,⟩ marking the probable Consequences calling ⟨on⟩ them to reconsider it and declaring that his Submission to ⟨their⟩ Decisions arose from his Beleif that it was the only Means to avoid the Horrors of civil war⟨.⟩ They saw that this Conduct would render them responsible and altho it was the most likely Means of obtaining a good Constitution at a future Day, and would have bound the King down to the Principles he should then advance, Yet they opposed because such good Constitution would be established not only without, but even against them, & would of Course deprive them of those Objects which they were in Pursuit of. The King contended strongly for that Kind of Acceptance which I have just mentioned, but he was borne down, being threatned with popular Commotions fatal to himself and his Family, and with that civil War which he most wished to avoid as the necessary Result of such fatal Commotions.
Shortly after his Acceptance it became necessary to appoint another Minister for foreign Affairs, Monsieur de Montmorin having insisted so strongly on retiring that the King could no longer with any Propriety ask him to stay. The State of the Ministry was then as follows. Monsieur duport the Keeper of the Seals a Creature of and sworn Adherent to the Triumvirate; which Triumvirate is another duport, barnave and Alexander lameth being the Chiefs of the old jacobins. I say the old jacobins, for the present jacobins are the republican Party. This Keeper of the Seals constantly communicated every Thing that passed in Council to his Coadjutors. The Minister of the interior Monsieur

de lessart was a wavering Creature one of those of whom Shakespear says that they “renege affirm and turn their halcyon Beaks with every Gale and vary of their Masters.” He had been one of Mr Neckers Underlings, was brought forward by him, and h⟨ad⟩ connected himself with the Triumvirate Mr Neckers Enemies as being the strongest Party, but still Kept up a good Understanding with the others. Duportail the Minister at War⟨,⟩ of whom I formerly spoke to you when he was appointed, and foretold the Conduct he would pursue towards his Creator Monsieur de lafayette, was also compleatly subservient ⟨to⟩ the Triumvirate. But at that Time he was so much embroiled with the Assembly that his speedy Resignation seemed unavoidable. Monsieur Bertrand had just been appointed to the Marine, an office which Monsieur de Bougainville had refused to accept. He was pushed to it by the quatre vingt neufs, whom he despises, and told the King that he would not be Member of a Ministry many of whom he knew to be unfaithful to him. Monsieur Bertrand was brought forward by the same Influence, but he is really attached ⟨to⟩ the Crown, wishes ardently to obtain a good Constitution for his Country, is an intelligent sensible and laborious Man, formerly of the Robe and the particular Friend of Monsieur ⟨de⟩ Montmorin. I mentioned to you formerly that Monsieur ⟨de⟩ Choiseul had refused the Office of foreign Affairs. While it was in Question who should be appointed to succeed Monsieur ⟨de⟩ Montmorin, the King of his own Head named the Count de Moutiers and wrote him a Letter on the Subject which de Moutiers has since shewn to me. He had the Prudence to write from Berlin to decline accepting untill after he should be in Paris. When he arrived in that City the King told him that he could not give him the Office because he was considered as an Aristocrat. You will observe that the Coalition had been at Work to get Rid of him, and here I must make a Digression. The Plan was that as soon as ever Circumstances would permit a Minister at War should be appointed faithful to the King, and then Bougainville take the Marine, Bertrand be appointed Keeper of the Seals and de lessart either kept in or turned out as he should behave. This Plan was not known to the Coalition at all but they well knew that if de Moutiers got into Place it would be a Step towards the Destruction of their Influence and Authority, they therefore assured the King that they could not answer for Consequences,

threatened him with popular Commotions, with Opposition in the Assembly, and the like, so that at last, he gave up his Nomination and explained the matter to de Moutiers. A long Interregnum ensued in that Office and, as Monsieur de Montmorin absolutely refused to continue any longer, the Portefeuille was given to Monsieur de lessart, and after some time the Count de Segur was appointed. He accepted in the Beleif of two Things in both of which he was mistaken. One that he had the Confidence of the King and Queen; but he had never taken the right way to obtain either their Confidence or that of others. The second Article of his Creed was that the Triumvirate (his patrons) commanded a Majority in the Assembly. He was undeceived as to the latter point immediately, and therefore threw up the Office and went out of Town. Under these Circumstances Monsieur de Narbonne tried hard to obtain that Place, and as I have mentioned his name and that of Monsieur de Choiseul I will in this Place mention that of the Abbé de Perigord afterwards bishop of Autun. These three are young Men of high family, Men of Wit, and Men of Pleasure. The two former were Men of fortune but had spent it. They were Intimates all three and had run the Career of Ambition together to retreive their Affairs. On the Score of Morals neither of them is exemplary. The Bishop is particularly blamed on that Head. Not so much for Adultery, because that was common enough among the Clergy of high Rank, but for the Variety and Publicity of his Amours; for Gambling; and above all for Stock Jobbing during the Ministry of Monsieur de Calonne with whom he was on the best terms and therefore had opportunities which his Enemies say he made no small Use of. However I do not beleive in this, and I think that except his Galantries and a Mode of thinking rather too liberal for a Churchman the Charges are unduly aggravated. It was by the bishop’s Intrigues principally that Monsieur de Choiseul was formerly nominated to the Office of foreign Affairs, but he preferred staying at Constantinople till he could see Which Way Things would settle, and to that Effect he prevailed on the Vizier or rather the Effendi to write that he thought it much for the Interest of France that he should stay for three Years longer in that City. Monsieur de Narbonne is said by some to be the Son of Louis the fifteenth, by Madame Adelaide his own Daughter and one of the present Kings Aunts. Certain it is that the old

Lady, now at Rome, has always protected and befreinded him in the warmest Manner. In the begining of the Revolution he, a great Anti Neckarist, tho the Lover en titre of Madame de Stahl Mr Neckers Daughter, was not a little opposed to the Revolution; and there was Afterwards some Coldness between him and the bishop, partly on political Accounts, and partly because he (in common with the Rest of the World) beleived the bishop to be too well with his Mistress. By the bye she tells me that it is not true and of Course I who am a charitable Man beleive her. This Coldness was however at length removed by the Interference of their common friends, and the bishop labored hard to get his friend de Narbonne appointed to the foreign Affairs, but the King would not agree to this because of the great Indiscretion of Madame de Staehl. Mr de lessart was therefore appointed, he being very glad to get Rid of the Department of the interior where he had every Thing to apprehend from Want of Power, Want of Order, and Want of Bread. The next Step was to bring Monsieur de Narbonne forward to fill the Place of Monsieur duportail, and to this Mr de lessart gave his hearty Assistance by Way of compensating for the Disappointment in the other Department. Finally the interior or Home Department was filled by a Monsieur Cahier de Gerville of whom I know very little nor is it necessary that I should. This Ministry stands then divided as follows. the Keeper of the Seals and Mr delessart are attached or supposed to be so to the Lameth Faction. Monsieur de Narbonne and Monsieur Bertrand are supposed to be attached to the quatre vingt neufs and Mr de Gerville rather leaning to the latter. This Ministry, extreamly disjointed in itself, and strongly opposed by the Assembly, possesses on the whole but a moderate Share of Talents; for tho the Count de Narbonne is a Man of Wit, and a very pleasant lively fellow, he is by no Means a Man of Business: and tho Mr Bertrand has Talents, yet according to the old Proverb one Swallow never makes a Summer.
Such as it is, Every one of them is convinced that the Constitution is good for Nothing; and unfortunately they are many of them so indiscreet as to disclose that Opinion, when at the same Time they declare their Determination to support and execute it, which is in Fact the only rational Mode (which now remains) of pointing out its Defects. It is unnecessary to tell you that some Members of the national Assembly are in the Pay of England for

that you will easily suppose. Brissot de Warville is said to be one of them, and indeed (whether from corrupt or other Motives I know not) his Conduct tends to injure his own Country and benefit that of their antient foes in a very eminent Degree. The Situation of their Finances is such that every considerate Person sees the Impossibility of going on in the present Way; and as a Change of System after so many pompous Declamations is not a little Dangerous among a People so wild and ungoverned, it has appeared to them that a War would furnish some plausible Pretext for Measures of a very decisive Nature, in which State Necessity will be urged in the Teeth of Policy Humanity and Justice. Others consider a War as the Means of obtaining for the Government the eventual Command of disciplined military Force, which may be used to restore order, in other Words to bring back Despotism; and then they expect that the King will give the Nation a Constitution which they have neither the Wisdom to form nor the Virtue to adopt for themselves. Others again suppose that in Case of a War there will be such a leaning from the King towards his Brothers, from the Queen towards the Emperor, from the Nobility (the very few) who remain, towards the Mass of their Brethren who have left the Kingdom, that the bad Success naturally to arise from the opposition of undisciplined Mobs to regular Armies may be easily imputed to treasonable Counsels, and the People be prevailed on to banish them all together and set up a federal republic. Lastly the Aristocrats, burning with the Lust of Vengeance; Most of them poor, and all of them proud, hope that supported by foreign Armies they shall be able to return victorious & reestablish that Species of Despotism most suited to their own Cupidity. It happens therefore that the whole nation tho with different Views are desirous of War, for it is proper in such general Statement to take in the Spirit of the Country which has ever been warlike. I have told you long ago that the Emperor is by no Means an enterprizing or warlike Prince. I must now in Confirmation of that inform you that in the famous Conference at Pilnitz he was taken in by the King of Prussia for he came prepared to higgle about the nature and Extent of the Succor to be given and Forces to be employed but the King cut the Matter short by telling him that the Difference in the Extent of their respective Dominions, and a Variety of other Circumstances, would justify him in demanding greater

Efforts on the Part of the Emperor but that he would meet him on Ground of perfect Equality. In Consequence of this the Emperor was obliged to accede but he did so in the View and the Wish to do Nothing. When therefore the King accepted the Constitution, he chose to consider that as a Reason why foreign Powers should not interfere. The King of Prussia however gave to the King personal Assurances of his Goodwill and brotherly Attachment and of this he offered substantial Proofs. The Kings true Interest (and he thinks so) seems to consist in preserving the Peace, and leaving the Assembly to act as they may think proper, which will demonstrate the Necessity of restoring in a great Degree the royal Authority. The Faction opposed to him are very sensible of this, which forms an additional Reason for driving every Thing to Extremity, and therefore with a View to destroy every Root and Fibre of antient Systems they have imagined to court the Alliance of Great Britain and of Prussia. In Consequence the Bishop d’autun has been sent to this Country and if my Information be good is authorized to propose the Cession of the Islands of France and Bourbon and the Island of Tobago as the Price of an Alliance against the Emperor. This has a direct Tendency to break the Family Compact with Spain, who has long been courted by Britain; for it is evident that this Country will not embark in a Contest which is to do France any Good, and therefore the Game of Mr Pitt is as clear as the Sun and suits exactly his Temper and Disposition. He has only to receive the Offers made and send Copies to Vienna and Madrid, by Way of supporting his Negotiations; particularly with the latter. He can offer them also the Guarantee of their Dominions and Rights against us, and by this Means we should find ourselves all at once surrounded by hostile Nations. The Minister of the Marine opposed violently in Council this Mission, Stated the Consequences, and obtained some useful Restrictions. Mr de Warville proposed in the diplomatick Committee the Cession of Dunkirk and Calais to England as Pledges of the Fidelity of France to the Engagements which she might take. You will judge from this Specimen, of the Wisdom and Virtue of the Faction to which he belongs; and I am sure the Integrity of your Heart will frown with indignant Contempt when I tell you, that among the Chiefs of that Faction are Men who owe their all to the personal Bounty of the King.

This Mission of the Bishop d’autun has produced some thing like a Schism in the Coalition. The Party of Lameth and Barnave are strongly opposed to it. Monsieur de lessart who had adopted the Scheme on the Representation of the Bishop (with whom it originated) and his Friends, abandoned it on the Representation of the others, and two Days before I left Paris An Express was sent to assure the Emperor that Notwithstanding Appearances they meant him no Harm. In Effect they were again going to endeavor at an Alliance of the Nation with him upon a Plan which was set on Foot about three Months ago by those who afterwards fell into the Plan of an Alliance with Britain. You may judge from hence how much Dependence is to be placed on these new fangled Statesmen. The King and Queen are wounded to the Soul by these rash Measures. They have I beleive given all needful Assurances to The Emperor & King of Spain: a confidential Person has desired me to assure you on their Behalf that they are very far from wishing to change the System of french Politics and abandon their old Allies, and therefore if any Advantage is taken of the present Advances to Britain that you will consider them as originating meerly in the Madness of the Moment, and not as proceeding from them or as meeting with their Approbation, but the contrary. I shall send this Letter in such Way as promises the greatest Safety and I must entreat you my dear Sir to destroy it for fear of Accidents: you will feel how important it is to them that this Communication be not disclosed. It is meerly personal from them to you and expressive of Sentiments which can have no Action untill they have some Authority. It is Time to close this too long Letter whose Object is to possess you of that interior Machinery by which outward Movements are directed. Beleive always I pray you in the Sincerity of those Sentiments with which I am yours

Gouvr Morris


Title: To George Washington from Pierre L’Enfant, 6 February 1792
From: L’Enfant, Pierre Charles
To: Washington, George

sir
philadelphie febuary 6th 1792.

having already Communicated to you thro’ Mr Jefferson some papers relating to the late transaction of the Commissioners in the new City, I take the liberty to address to you here Inclosed Copies of serverals others which I but lately obtained & which I conceive proper also to submit to your Consideration.
the Injury done to Mr Roberdeau to the Commissary & to other people acting under him & all in obeidence to orders from me claim the Interference of your justice. I defered until now solliciting this, first to satisfy my self of the propriety by a menutial Inquiry of facts—next because I remained persuaded that the Commissioners by becoming sensible of the mistake of thier proceeding would have of thier own movement anticipated my wish by themselves redressing the wrong they had done.
this not having been the case & the obligation I feel my self under to free Mr Roberdeau from trouble & unmerited Censure forces upon me the necessity of appealing to you—I do it with confidence trusting on the goodness of the cause I advocate, Incontestable as it is that the blame, if any thier resolutions or ordered that Gentlemen when he refused Complying to them to apply to me on the subject.
the Injustice of Imprisoning Mr Roberdeau & the unjudiciousness of all proceeding to compel his acting Contrary ⟨to⟩ orders being too ⟨illegible⟩ to need further discussion it is but reasonable for that gentleman to Expect immediate redress & for me to request as I now do the favour of your Interference—that the action against him may be withdraw, the Commissary, overseer &ca reinstated and all matters at the City set as they were at the time of my leaving it.
what object the Commissioners wished to attain in this and

Every Instance, wherein they have Interfered in the Executive part of the business to the apparent hazard of the true Interest of the city, I do not perfectly Conceive ⟨in⟩ not questioning at the same time but that they feel themselves concerned in the succes of the Establishment and being So well Satisfied that no Exertions have been wanting, either in my self, or in those serving under me, to ensure ⟨the⟩ accomplishment of it with honor to the united States and with credit to all concerned—what real motive therefore the Gentlemen can have so heavily to complain of thier is merited for the Conduct of that gentleman it must ultimatly fall upon me—& being not less Evident that the directions I gave to him were in Every point Consistent with the respect due to the authority vested by laws in the Commissioners.
⟨anxious⟩ as those Gentlemen appear to be of Imposing all fault on Mr Roberdeau (as will be Evidenced by the Inclosed Copy of a letter from them)—they mistake so far the ground on which they mean to pursu him that they appear themselves the agressors—“you must, say they to him, Certainly appear on our state of facts the immediate Cause—it is neither our way nor Inclination to Surmise or Connect scraps, to imput your Conduct to Majr LEnfant—how can this be supported after what follows—Inclosed you have a copy of his letter to us—you have shewn us his letter of Instructions to you[”]—if not this to Evince that the opposition of Mr Roberdeau was according to order & to Excuse even the warmth of deportment he might be reproached with since it must shew strongly the Impropriety of the Commissioners earring matters to the point they have done in contrariety to the directions I had given him—without having made known to me authority being disregarded I indeed am Ignorant—little Inclined or attentive as they hitherto have been to a vigorous prosecution of those weighty concerns which I conceive more immediatly worthy thier Considerations than cavils and trivial disputes for power in which some thing far inferior to sound impartial jugement has been Influential Can only tend to subvert that order and dicipline So necessary to maintain in an undertaking So Exclusive and novel as the one in question.
the critical situation to which matters are now brought, testifying a disinclination in the Commissioners to facilitate the prosecution of the business in such manner as to enable me to engage anew in it. with much regret do I foresee the various

difficulties that must Impede the way to a new organisation of the whole sistem, as concerned as until this hour I have been in the small part that is Executed, at the same time feeling myself doubly interested in the sucess from a regard to reputation, and an ardent desire fully to answer your Expectations & the Confidence which from the begining of this business you have placed in me enjoins me to renounce the pursuit unless the power of effecting the work with advantage to the publick, and credit to myself is left me—I have the.


Title: Tobias Lear to Hercules Mulligan, 6 February 1792
From: Lear, Tobias
To: Mulligan, Hercules

  Philadelphia, 6 Feb. 1792. “The President is desirous of getting some black mole skin, like that of which you made him a pair of breeches when he was in New York—and not being able to procure any in this City he has directed me to request, if there is any in N. York, that you will be so good as to get and send to him as much as will three pair breeches; the amount of which shall be remitted to you as soon as it gets to him, and the price is known.”


Title: From George Washington to Thomas Jefferson, 7 February 1792
From: Washington, George
To: Jefferson, Thomas

[Philadelphia, 7 February 1792]

The enclosed came to my hand yesterday evening—I have heard nothing more of Mr Johnson. I wish the business to which these letters relate, was brought to an issue—an agreeable one is not, I perceive to be expected.


Title: To George Washington from Thomas Jefferson, 7 February 1792
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Washington, George

Sir
Philadelphia February 7th 1792

An account presented to me by Mr John B. Cutting, for expenditures incurred by him in liberating the seamen of the United States in British ports during the impressments which took place under that government in the year 1790, obliges me to recall some former transactions to your mind.
You will be pleased to recollect the numerous instances of complaint or information to us, about that time, of the violences committed on our seafaring citizens in British ports by their press-gangs and officers; and that not having even a Consul there at that time, it was thought fortunate that a private citizen, who happened to be on the spot, stept forward for their protection; that it was obvious that these exertions on his part must be attended with expence, and that a particular demand of £50 sterling for this purpose coming incidentally to my knowledge, it was immediately remitted to Mr Cutting, with a request to account for it in convenient time. He now presents an account of all his expenditures in this business, which I have the honor to communicate herewith.
According to this the oppression extends to a much greater number of our citizens, & their relief is more costly than had been contemplated. It will be necessary to lay the account before the legislature; because the expenditures being of a description which had not occurred before, no appropriation heretofore made would authorize payment at the Treasury; because too the nature of the transactions may in some instances require justly, that the ordinary rules of evidence which the Auditor is bound to apply to ordinary cases, should suffer relaxations, which he probably will not think himself authorized to admit, without the orders of the legislature.
The practice in Great Britain of impressing seamen whenever War is apprehended, will fall more heavily on ours, than on those of any other foreign nation, on account of the sameness of

language. Our minister at that court therefore will on those occasions, be under the necessity of interfering for their protection, in a way which will call for expence. It is desireable that these expences should be reduced to certain rules, as far as the nature of the case will admit, and the sooner they are so reduced the better. This may be done however on surer grounds after the government of Great Britain shall have entered with us into those arrangements on this particular subject, which the seriousness of the case calls for on our part, and it’s difficulty may admit on theirs. This done, it will be desireable that legislative rules be framed which may equally guide and justify the proceedings of our Minister, or other agent, at that court, and at the same time extend to our seafaring citizens, the protection of which they have so much need.
Mr Cutting, being on the spot, will himself furnish the explanations and documents of his case, either to the legislature, or a committee of it, or to the Auditor, as he shall be required. I have the honor to be with sentiments of the most perfect esteem & respect, Sir, Your most obedient & most humble servt

Th: Jefferson


Title: From George Washington to Otho Holland Williams, 7 February 1792
From: Washington, George
To: Williams, Otho Holland

Dear Sir,
Philadelphia february 7th 1792.

I have received a letter from General Moultrie of south Carolina, dated December 29th, informing that he had sent to me, by the Baltimore Packet (which was to sail the next day) the following plants—to wit—2 boxes with sweet shrubs—2 boxes with Italian Myrtle—one box with two opopynaxes—one box with two olianders—and two boxes with the Palmitto Royal.
Now, my dear Sir, as I have received no account of the arrival of these plants at Baltimore, I am apprehensive that some accident has befallen them, and must beg the favor of you to make an enquiry respecting them, and if they have reached Baltimore, to let me know what state they are in; and should they have escaped destruction from the severity of the weather, I must add to the trouble of the enquiry, a request, that, if the plants are found in such preservation as to be worth sending to Mount Vernon, you would have the goodness to cause them to be sent there by the first Vessel which may be bound that way. And, in order to prevent a double transportation and perhaps a delay which may be ruinous to them, it would be a pleasing thing to me if the Captain of the Vessel that may carry them to the Potomack, would land them at Mount Vernon in his way up the River.
The amount of freight from Charleston, and other charges

upon these plants you will be so obliging as to ascertain & let me know, that it may be paid. With very great regard & esteem I am, Dear Sir, Your most obedt Servt

Go: Washington


Title: From George Washington to Thomas Jefferson, 9 February 1792
From: Washington, George
To: Jefferson, Thomas

[Philadelphia] Thursday Morng [9 February 1792]

The P——requests that Mr J——would give the enclosed letter & papers a reading between this and dinner—and come an hour before it, that he may have an opportunity of conversing with him on the subject of them.
Mr Walker of George Town is in this City—from him, if Mr J——could contrive to get him to his house, he might learn the sentiments of the people of the place, Carrolsburg &ca—with respect to the dispute between the Comrs & Majr L’——& generally of the State of the business.


Title: To George Washington from Jan Adriaan de Lange, 10 February 1792
From: Lange, Jan Adriaan de
To: Washington, George

Sir
[Amsterdam, 10 February 1792]

I See with the greatest satisfaction from the public papers, the great prosperity and blessings, which happy america enjoys, as the consequences of the liberty which you have given it, under the assistance of the King of Kings; but particularly my attention was fixed on the extent of the manufatories. and at several times I was contemplating if my manufactory could be of Use in those regions, and also on the possibility of erecting the Same in america without prejudicing my own country, having finally concluded that far from prejudicing my country it would be beneficial, I was at the loss to whom I was to address my Self as I was unacquainted with the Merchants. It appeared however to me I could not address my Self to any better but to You Sir who is known by the whole World as firmly attached to your country, and your known prudence and Knowledge will easily determine If Such a manufactory could be of use in america. I therefore take the liberty to address you with all Submission and to offer the following remarks.
My manufactory is a Manufactory of orchal Used by women in washing Linen, chintz &c: but particularly it is used to wash the white plastered walls, and is used here and most throughout Europe for that purpose, particularly in those countries were it is not the fashion to cover the walls and in those places where the principal Inhabitants cover their walls, there others of inferior class who live in Houses of which the walls are plastered. It is not used in the west Indien, as they have the Indigo, and there are a less number of persons of an inferior class and less cleanness—and more so because it has never been used—it is true there is in america Indigo, but number of its Inhabitants will not be able to use Indigo, more so as the orchal is very cheap in using the same[.] please to consider Sir that, the 100 lb. is Sold from f30 to f6o according to quality of a blue color, and that there are 260 ⟨a⟩ 280 pieces or small balls to the pound, and it will be Sufficient for a woman of the lower class to use 8 Small Balls for the washing of her clothes, and with the use of one half pound they are enabled to white wash a whole Room, considering this I am of opinion this manufactory can be usefull in america.
I hope Sir You will not be offended, in representing to your

view Such trifles, but those very trifles amount to a benefit for the comunity & therefore deserving of Your attention.
You have now represented to you Something which if meeting your approbation I am willing to disclose the art[icle] on condition a premium should be allowed, and to shew a proof I hereby remit a Sampel of orchal, and if found good a tryal can be made of manufactoring the Same, the expences of which would not exceed f200. I mention this all to shew that I am not an adventurer but to proof I am attached to America, however with this view to have also my own benefit before me more so as the war has reduced me f80/m I am not the man who can go to america, for I have here my own manufactory, but I shall enable the person who will undertake the business to carry it on Successfully and notwithstanding it appears to be a trifle. I dare Say that the manufactorers of orchal in the Province of Holland can clear annually f100/m.
I have now represented to you Sir Something which is entirely left for your consideration; I am respectfully &c.


Title: Tobias Lear to Edmund Randolph, 10 February 1792
From: Lear, Tobias
To: Randolph, Edmund

Dear Sir,
Philadelphia, february 10th 1792.

The President directs me to offer you his sincere condolence for the loss of your sister—to which permit me, my dear sir to add mine.
The President thinks it would be best for you to take an opportunity of conversing with Mr Ellicot respecting Mr Carroll’s house, before you send him your opinion on the subject, as he wishes every information to be had that can be obtained respecting it.
The President observes that it will be inconvenient for him to receive your opinion on Mr Dumas’s case on Monday or today. With great respect & esteem I am Dear Sir Your most Obedt St

Tobias Lear.


Title: From George Washington to Thomas Jefferson, 11 February 1792
From: Washington, George
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir
[Philadelphia] Saturday 11th Feby [1792]

If you & Mr Madison could make it convenient to take a family dinner with me to day—or, if engagements prevent this—wd come, at any hour in the afternoon most convenient to yourselves we would converse fully, and try to fix on some plan for carrying the Affairs of the Federal district into execution.
Under present appearances it is difficult, but it is nevertheless necessary to resolve on some thing. Yrs—sincerely & Affectionately

Go: Washington


Title: Tobias Lear to James Pemberton, 11 February 1792
From: Lear, Tobias
To: Pemberton, James

  Philadelphia, 11 Feb. 1792. Returns “the enclosed paper which was submitted to the Consideration of the President last evening, containing the sentiments proposed to be delivered, in writing, by the Quakers to the deputation from the Cherokee nation of Indians now in this City—and [is commanded] to inform, that the President, upon a due consideration of the subject, does not see any impropriety in the enclosed Speech being delivered to the Cherokees, as it contains the same friendly sentiments with which he has himself endeavoured to impress these people, and it does not appear to be a matter that can be drawn into precedent on any future occasion. Neither has the President any objection to these Indians being furnished, by the Quakers, with such small presents as were mentioned to him last eveng.”


Title: Tobias Lear to Alexander Hamilton, 12 February 1792
From: Lear, Tobias
To: Hamilton, Alexander

  Philadelphia, 12 Feb. 1792. Transmits the president’s command that the secretary of the treasury make inquiries about a letter from Congressman Abraham Baldwin of Georgia (not found) mentioning the death

of Cornelius Collins, collector at Sunbury, and recommending Francis Coddington for the vacancy.


Title: To George Washington from Edward Newenham, 12 February 1792
From: Newenham, Edward
To: Washington, George

Dear Sir
12th Feby 1792

I wrote to your Excellency last December, which I hope you receved; it contained the account of the Violent Proceedings of the Popish Party in this Kingdom; they demand Equal rights in Every thing with the Protestants—if they obtained half of what they asked, they would, at once, become our Rulers; & overturn our Constitution in Church & state; they are grown bold from their Numbers & late meetings; they insult us in all their public meetings & public papers; the public papers, which are Numerous, are all in the hands of Papists, so that we Cannot get even an Essay into them, except one Ministerial paper—thus the Protestants are cut off from a Communication with Each other, & nothing gets into the Country papers, but Popish Resolutions.
This Country is beginning to rize in Wealth & Trade; the Present is the best Government, we have had these many years; I send you the accounts laid before Parliament, & also the Minister’s Speech, & statement, together with a Magazine.
This Letter is consigned to Messrs OBrein, who promised to forward my last; they are attentive & therefore hope you will receve this in due Time.
I have received many Curious seeds of Trees & Shrubs from Mrs Montgomery, who was much regarded & Esteemed here; whereever she Visited, She made Friends—but was very Ungenerously treated by one of her Late much respected Husbands relations.
We have now a dispute between the Two parties in Parliament, Each Striving for Power—Part of my Constituents desired me to Support Government on the East India Trade—I did so, & then a Numerous Meeting of them was held, Where I received different Instructions, accordingly I Explained their sentiments on the Next day to Parliament—it is impossible for an honest Man, if

he was an Angel, to please the Body of the People, as they are so divided—I wish myself out of Parliament, for I find all are pushing for places & Pensions—& I lost above £30,000 by my Voting honestly—as follows, my Employment in the year 1760 Cost me £5000, I was then orderd by Government to buy a seat in Parliament in 1768, which cost me £2000—I was turned out in 1770 & obliged to pay £900 which they said I owed—but which I never receivd—the Employment was then £1000 a year So that I actualy lost more than £30,000, as I am 22 years out of it, & my £7000 principal Money ⟨illegible⟩—this, to a younger Brother with a Large & Numerous Family, has been an imposable Loss—one Patriotic Man, Mr Nicholson, left me a Legacy of £1000—yet I have withstood Every temptation for 22 years—& never asked a favor for myself or Younger Sons—who are totaly unprovided for.
By all accounts from France, Matters seem to be in a proper Train of Settling their new Government, if their own troopes on the Frontiers do not improperly attack or insult the German Territories—it may be occasioned by the Maneuvres of the Aristocratics, who under pretence of a Defence, may push themselves forward into Germany—it is a Luckey Circumstance for France, that the Low Countries are in a state of Insurrection, as the Emperor must be in Constant Dread of loosing them; My fourth Son who is settled at Marsailles in France, writes me word, that all is peace in that part of France, that Credit is rising, & Trade flourishing.
our Debates are Very Violent in respect to Popery, last night; but the papers will not be printed before this Ship (the Merchant) sails for New Yorke, so that I Cannot Send them by this Oppertunity—A Mob Surrounded the Parliament house a few Nights agoe, & Committed great riots, broke the Windows & Globes—among the rest, I got an Ugly blow of a Stone on my hand.
After a Very wet Month of January, we are getting a good Month of February, & the Spring begins well, yet Hay bears a great Price & oates continue to rize—Meat is Cheap—& Many, among the Merchants, is in plenty.

The Bearer of this Letter Captain Williams of the Ship (Merchant) of New Yorke is a Virginian, & fought under your Banners at Morris Town & Crossed the Delaware at the Memorable Action of Trenton, consequently he will recive Every mark of Respect from me; He dines with me this day, to Drink your Health—he is an agreable Man, & recounts, without Exaggeration, all the Actions he was in; being a Virginian my assiduity shall be doubled to him.
Lady Newenham & all this Family join me in most affectionate & Sincere wishes for yours & Mrs Washingtons best health & Constant Happiness—I have the Honor, to be, Dear Sir with the most perfect Esteem & respect your most obt & most Hble Sert

Edward Newenham


Title: To George Washington from Thomas Paine, 13 February 1792 [letter not found]
From: Paine, Thomas
To: Washington, George

	Letter not found: from Thomas Paine, 13 Feb. 1792. GW wrote Paine on 6 May 1792: “I have received your letter of the 13th of February.”


Title: To George Washington from Isaac Smith, 14 February 1792
From: Smith, Isaac
To: Washington, George

Sir,
Trenton [N.J.] Feby 14th 1792

Being informed that the Office of Attorney general in the western Territory is at present vacant, I beg leave to introduce to your Notice my Son John Penington Smith, who is already settled in the Practice of the Law in Fort-Washington.
He is 27 Years of Age, served his Clerkship under Mr Houston and our present Governour Mr Paterson, and, from the Recommendation of the Supreme Court, was licensed to practise in all the Courts of New Jersey by Governour Livingston; and was likewise admitted to the Bar in Pensylvania four years ago; since which Time he has practised in Kentucke, till last September when he moved into the Goverment west of the Ohio.
I know him to be a young man of Honour & Abilities, both natural and acquired, and his political Principles such as a real Friend to his Country would wish them to be. Altho’ a Father I would not wish to mislead. It is probable many of the Gentlemen of the western Army are acquainted with him. I have the Honour to be, Sir, with due Respect, and long and sincere Attachment your very humble Servant,

Isaac Smith


Title: To George Washington from George Eimbeck, 15 February 1792
From: Eimbeck, George
To: Washington, George

May it Please Your Excellency
Savannah [Ga.] 15th Feby 1792

I Am Under the Disagreeable Necessity of Informing your Excellency that Fort Wayne is in A very Defenceless Situation having Neither Men Nor Amunition and as I have Frequently made Application to the Goverment of the State of Georgia without Redress.
Humbly beg your Excellency to Honor me with your Orders Respecting the Business—your Honor will Please Send Orders for A Flag Staff and that the Fort may be Put in Proper Order—am with all Respect Your Exellencies Most Humble Servant

George Eimbeck


Title: From George Washington to Thomas Jefferson, 15 February 1792
From: Washington, George
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir,
[Philadelphia] Wednesday 15th Feby 1792

Before I give any decided opinion upon the letter you have written to Majr L’Enfant—or on the alterations proposed for the engraved plan, I wish to converse with you on several matters which relate to this business. This may be, if nothing on your part renders it inconvenient, immediately after 8 Oclock to morrow—at wch hour I breakfast, and at which if agreeable to yourself I should be glad to see you.
In the meanwhile, I send for your perusal an address from Mr Welsh, which, (though dated yesterday) is but just received.

You will recollect the communications of Mr Walker on Saturday afternoon. from these, those of Sunday differed but little. But as he said Major L’Enfant had declin’d committing, or suffering to be committed to writing any ideas of his, for as much as he had given them to me before in a letter, I have looked these over—and send the only one I can find in which he has attempted to draw a line of demarkation between the Commissioners & himself. I also send you the general ideas of another person, principally on the subject of a loan, that you may, if leisure & inclination will permit give the whole a perusal before I see you. Yours sincerely &ca

Go: Washington

P.S. If Mr Madison can make it conven[ien]t to come with you I should be glad to see him also—In that case, it might be well to Give him a previous perusal of the enclosed papers.


Title: Henry Knox to Tobias Lear, 16 February 1792
From: Knox, Henry
To: Lear, Tobias

Dear Sir
[Philadelphia] Thursday 9⟨illegible⟩ Febry 16 [1792]

I will wait upon the President after Breakfast, and at half past eight tomorrow Morning being desirous of finishing all things relative to the cherokees this evening—They will depart on Saturday, will it be Convenient for the President to bid them farewell at 12 oClock tomorrow? I am Yours sincerely

H. Knox


Title: To George Washington from Henry Lee, 16 February 1792
From: Lee, Henry
To: Washington, George

  Richmond, Va., 16 Feb. 1792. Transmits an extract of a letter from Mr. Taylor, one of the commissioners of the marine hospital at Norfolk, Virginia.


Title: Henry Knox to Tobias Lear, 17 February 1792
From: Knox, Henry
To: Lear, Tobias

  Philadelphia, 17 Feb. 1792. Submits a draft of a letter to Alexander McGillivray for the president’s approval or correction; “please to return it as it is necessary to be given to Mr Shaw.”


Title: To George Washington from Alexander Hamilton, 18 February 1792
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

[Philadelphia] February 18th 1792.

The Secretary of the Treasury has the honor to communicate for the information of the President a letter which he has just received from the Supervisor of North Carolina. The complexion of things there tho’ not pleasing is rather better than worse.


Title: To George Washington from the Maryland Executive Council, 18 February 1792
From: Maryland Executive Council
To: Washington, George

Sir,
Maryland Annapolis Feby 18. 1792.In Council.

Presuming that the defence of the frontiers will require an augmented force, and that Military promotions will of course take place, we beg leave to address you in favor of Mr Henry Carbery who served in the late expedition against the Indians as Senior Captain in the Battalion of levies from this State, and has returned with the reputation of having exhibited an exemplary Conduct as well in the unfortunate Action as during the Campaign in general. These testimonies joined to the knowledge we have of his respectable deportment in private life, have impressed us with the desire of procuring him the further Notice of your Excellency—We believe him to be among those men who by a predilection for the Military life are led to a closer Study of the duties of that profession than Officers of his rank in general impose on themselves. We beg leave Sir, to add that during the former war he occasionally Commanded a party of Cavalry against the Indians, and Seems Confident of acquitting himself well, if he should be honored with a Command of that kind in the proposed Arrangements⟨.⟩ With the highest respect we have the honor to be your Excellencys mo. obedt hble Servt

James Brice


Title: From George Washington to James Madison, 19 February 1792
From: Washington, George
To: Madison, James

Sunday Feb. 19th [1792]

If Mr Madison could make it convenient to spare half an hour from other matters, G. W. would be glad to see him at 11 oclock to day.