Title: Memorandum Concerning the Snow Dickinson, [January 1776]
From: Committee of Secret Correspondence,Franklin, Benjamin,Dickinson, John,Harrison, Benjamin,Jay, John,Johnson, Thomas
To:

  On December 26, 1775, the secret committee contracted with Bayard & Jackson of Philadelphia to spend $15,000 on flour and other produce to be exchanged at Nantes for gunpowder, arms, and cloth. The firm had had earlier dealings with Montaudoüins frère of Nantes, to whom it entrusted the new transaction. The ship selected was the Dickinson or Dickenson, Capt. William Meston. Pierre Penet had intended to return on her with his list of American requirements, but changed to a faster vessel before the snow sailed in the latter part of January. The shift was lucky for him and the American cause, for the Dickinson never reached Nantes: when she was at sea her crew, learning the purpose of the voyage, mutinied and carried her in to Bristol. This contretemps caused great embarrassment to the French government as well as to the Montaudoüins.
Penet and his partner, Emmanuel de Pliarne, appeared before Congress on December 30 and were referred to the secret committee. Franklin must have written this memorandum for the committee at some time after that and before he knew that Penet was not returning by the Dickinson; early January seems the most likely date.

[January, 1776]
The Proof to be inserted
Mr. Penet to give us his Address
We are to give him the Address of Mr. John Daniel Schweighauser Mercht. at Nantes.
The Snow Dickinson; Capt


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Trevor Newland, 5 February 1776
From: Newland, Trevor
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Stafford 5th. Feby. 1776.
Immediately after I had waited upon you at Philada. I proceeded to N. York, and finding much difficulty in pursuing my Intended journey, I deliver’d your Dispatches to Mr. Lewis, by Direction of Mr. Van B. Levingston, and wrote to you at my return acquainting you therewith. I have not wrote to you so frequently as I would do Immagining that your time might be Employ’d better in Matters of Greater moment to the publick, and where publick Utility is in question apologys become unnecssary, please therefore to accept the following hints from one who has seen service. I’m amazed at a ship or two laying at N. York for some time past in open Violation of the United Provinces, I never saw two Vessels that lay in more danger were they Attack’d, and they as well know it, the Asia lay long in the North River and refused to go into the Sound, until Parker a Senr. Capt. was sent with a ship to reinforce him, with positive orders from the Admiral to go in, it may also be seen by their writing to the Mayor, and by Parkers treatning, and bullying the Town. There is three ways of taking or destroying them, could it be kept secret, first by boarding for as the Asia must Ground at low water the springs upon her Cabels would be of no use, and I apprehend that her lower Guns could not range over the wharf when a Ground, therefore, a few guns with Grape shot run down upon the Wharfs upon her bow and quarter, would efectually sweep and Clear her decks while the people Boarded. Secondly if there was mortars or even Guns to through combustable matter on the decks, into the Riging, to stick on her sides, with grape as before, to prevent extinguishment, the guns with the grape would be out of the power of her Guns while a ground. The 3d and best method as I immagin, I would undertake myself with a reasonable person to Command the detachment, as second in Command or Ingineer, or Conductor of the Works, or as I told you, in any Character so that I might be servisable to the Cause. The method I will here lay down as well as I can, there is Long Island and Nutten Island well situate’d to place Guns, and I immagin three or four hundred men would be Sifficient to Compleat all the works that would be Necessary in one night, the greatest difficulty would be to get Cannon to Nutten Island, but they might come from the Narrows by night in flats, it would be Imposible to point out either the facilitys, or difficultys, of the undertaking in the Course of a letter, the greatest difficulty will be to keep it sacred [secret] from the people of N. York. It occur’d to me when they went to quel the Torys upon Long Island that it would be a good time, but there might be a divertion of the like kind, and on the same or on any other that might keep it Secret from the people of Stattan Island, Long Island, and N. York, whome I look upon to be Very rotten, and to have done much hurt. If this matter is not soon put in execution, they will be reinforced or they will fall into the N. River, but if there was a lodgment with some Guns upon Nutten Island, with the Town Battery to Assist, the Could not get out without runing a Ground. As soon as the Batterys upon Long Island, and Nutten Island, begin to play there should be some of the Connecticut men, or some others, ready to run down upon the wharfs with some few Guns a head and a Stern, with grape, to Clear the decks, and fire into the ports while loading. The batterys will have this advantage, that they Can play by night if Clear, this method will so harres and disable them that they must strike quicly, or they will be boarded, when this affair is finished the men Should Immediately march to the Narrows, and Erect a battery that would keep all out, and all In. 20 Guns would Sink any Vessel that would dare attempt to go up properly disposed of, and would be out of the range of all shot from shiping, your Crusers would find Shelter and a good harbour, had this been done last summer, our Enemies at Boston would Starve e’ar this. There should be a Camp formed there early in the Spring, and two Strong Forts Erected with retrenchments to Cover them, for you may depend upont there will be a Vigorous push made early to get up the north river, works upon each[?] Side would greatly retard and delay their Opperations, and I doubt not but defeat the design of the Campaign. To attack both, they must divide their Army, which would greatly harres them, and if they wait to attack them one after another the Campaign is lost, besides the Attacks made upon them at Landing within the Vicinity and perhaps under cover of these forts, and retrenchments, also the attacks on their rear, while they are attacking the works. In short we have every thing in our favor to defeat the Ensuing Campaign, if we only begin in time and conduct matters properly, you want nothing but experianc’d Officers 500 at least. But to return to the men of War, that, I find so much intimidates the people of this Country, is a well Constructed floating Battery, formidable and powerfull in her own Element at sea, no doubt, but when Opposed to the land but an Eggshell, Batterys and Guns properly placed will soon silence them. I will here describe as well as I can the batterys of late made use of against shiping, the old batterys in our ports and harbours at home found almost useless as they are built, they are all built simular or like that at N York, Verry low and near the water, whereby the Vessel has all the power over them that she Could wish, not only from her great Guns, but small arms, where as quite the reverse aught to be the Case, the batterys should be fixed at a distance from the Water and Vessel, no nearer then 200 yards if the Ground will admit, from the Channel or where the Vessel is to Anchor or sail, and upon ground high enough to be out of the range of her shot. If such ground can not be found, take the highest you can get, and sink or let in your platforms and guns upon the top or Summit of the hill, the muzels of the guns as it were peeping out of the hill, thus the men will work their Guns when thus situated with facility and safety and out of the reach of all shot. There is no ship in the world that would dear offer to Attack or pass such a battery, if 20 Guns was mounted, these are the kind of batterys that I would prepose for all attacks upon Vessels, and what I would make use of upon Long Island, and Nutten Island, and tho the land is not so high as may be wished, yet the sinking and leting in the Guns into the firm and highest Ground will answer the purpose no doubt. Ships fire verry slow, and fire at randum, neither can it be Immagin’d, that men can stand to their Guns, where shot, and Splinters, is Continualy flying, much less level and point Guns Accurately, inshort the must do as the french did on board 4 sail of the Line at Lewisburgh, in a Short time the must Strike, or jump into the Hold, Notwithstanding we never had more than two Guns playing upon any Ship at a time. Twelve Guns would be sufficient, Six upon long Island, and Six upon Nutten Island, and 12 pounders would be heavey enough as the distance is but short, and less then 3 lb. of powder would be sufficient for a Charge there aught to be two men to each Gun, that understand loading and fireing, the rest may be raw. I would Immagin that Lord Sterling would be a verry proper person to Command the detachment, and would readily accept the Command I make no Doubt, the troops might keep moveing some at the Narrows some at the ferry at York some even might go to jamaica flat bush &c. until Guns and Matters are in readiness, the Command Officer and Ingineer at the ferry, off and on, to reconnoiter the Ground, and View the position of the Vessels. I have here thrown a few matters togeather in a rough maner however I shall not Needlessly make any apology for troubling you, as the Intention is Good. I can asure you that these hints as I call them, are no whim, or production of my own, but from real practice and Experiance, which I have often seen and help’d to execute in Rivers, Lakes, and Harbours. I would not offer to Impose any thing of My own fraiming, And inshort I have seen somuch of War fair during 28 years service, and as Experiance is allow’d to be the best master, if I follow only that which I have seen, and executed, there Can be no rom in me left for Invention. I cannot dismis the Narrows yet, tho I need not inform you, that that part should be much attended to, let the York people be Torys or what the will, the Enemy should not be allow’d to slip into the heart of the Countery, without Gaining it by Inches. The Narrows are Centrical, and the people thereabouts disposed to be troublesom, it is a most desirable situation for an Army, as they can Act either to the Easward, or Westword togeather, or seperate, and supplys can come from all quarters either by land or Water.

My acquaintance friends to the Cause have frequently attack’d me with respect to my Inactivity in this affair. I told them frequently that I had offered my services to you, and said that no doubt but I should be call’d upon when Wanted, this appeased them for some time, but at our County meeting at Freehold, they threw out several Innuendos, purporting, that I never had Offer’d my Services signafying that it appear’d to them Imposible, or Verry Strange, that an Experanced Officers Service at such a juncture could be refused by any Prince, or Potentate. I beg therefore that you’d offer my services to the Honble. the Congress and send me something to shew that I have done so, otherways notwithstanding, I belong to all their Committees and Councils (but they look upon that as Trifling in a Millitery man) yet I expect to be look’d upon as a rank tory in a short time, without you send me something to shew them. They have attack’d Morris Violently, they look upon all who is, or have been, Connected with Goverment with an eye of distrust especially Officers that is not Employ’d. A battery plac’d as before mentione’d, has great power and Command of Shiping, one shot fire’d in this Angular maner from an eminence, will do more Execut[ion?] then 20 fire’d Horizontally, for if the Shot strike the Vessel on one side, between wind and Water, they will come out on the othersid some feet below Water, inshort their powder room and all is in danger, nor will the mens lying flatt upon the decks Screen them. I have had experiance of this, acting as a marine Officer on board men of War, you Want as I have said before experianc’d Officers, who have explor’d the Countery rivers, Lakes, and difficult passes, inshort that know every Inch of Ground, that have drub’d, and been Drub’d, for drubing brings them to reason, and reflexion, and will Oblige them to think, those that know the people on the Opposite side, when and wh[ere to] attack, and when not, that know when they have gain’d an advantage and how to keep it (Amherst’s advice to his Officers at Table, and upon all ocasions, was never to loos an Inch of Ground gain’d, and use’d to say, that a thousand gain’d, nay a Millian, would not compensate for one foot lost, he mov’d so slow and so Cautiously, that he never lost an Inch, or met with a Check, by which he acquir’d the name of Snail from the Volatile) that know all their Manuvers, and how they Carry on their Works and duty, both by day, and by night, that know the meaning of every tap of their drum, such as these Would be thought Inestimable in any service that ware opposed to England. You may remember Sir that Mr. Swan was recomended last War in your Regiment For an Adjutant because he fought the Blacks in Jamaica. I can without exaggeration (and I’m sure there is none that will be hardy enough to denigh it) say that there is not one Officer this day in America that has seen more service then I have, both abroad, and at home, during both the late wars, I have serv’d both in horse, foot, and marines, I have acted as Inginer at several siege’s, and in several other departments not Regimental. It cannot be that they have seen more, from this reason, I know them all and the service they have seen, there is none of them much older, if any, and I’m sure I went as early into the service as any of them, and I’m positive that I met with as much approbation and Applause from my Superior Officers as any man ever did upon all ocasions, and yet there is no[thing?] could prevail with me to engage again, but the present Cause, my all is now at Stake the dye is thrown I must Conquor or dye. I have the honor most respectfully to be Sir, Your most Humble and most Obedient Servant
Trevor Newland

P.S. I do not know that I have the Honor to be acquainted with many of the Honble. the delegates of the Congress, I think that you, and Mr. Clinton, must be the first and earliest acquaintance I have in that respectable body. The matter I have here prepos’d I would undertake, as director, or Ingineer, of the works, with a reasonable man to Command the men, I wish Lord Sterling would accept it, he serv’d the Campaign of 56 with us as Secretary. I hope you’l excuse this long Epistle and Impute it to the Implse I feel for the Cause.
Honble. Doctr. Franklin
copied


Title: Contract between the Secret Committee and John and Nicholas Brown, 6 February 1776: résumé
From: Committee of Secret Correspondence,Franklin, Benjamin,Dickinson, John,Harrison, Benjamin,Jay, John,Johnson, Thomas,Brown, John,Brown, Nicholas
To:

<Philadelphia, February 6, 1776: The Browns will procure in Europe 10,000 good blankets at approximately 4s. 6d. to 5s. sterling apiece; 9,200 yards of blue and brown broadcloth for uniforms and 800 yards of different colors for facings, most of the cloth, being for privates, at about 4s. sterling per yard and the rest, for officers, at 6s.; ten tons of lead; 250 stands of good arms such as are used by French infantry; and fifty 100-pound barrels of good gunpowder. Gov. Cooke will value the vessels and estimate their hire or the freight to be paid on the goods exported and imported. The Browns are hereby advanced $24,000 for which they will be accountable to the committee. Signed for the Browns by Josiah Hewes, who has their power of attorney, and for the committee by Franklin, John Alsop, Josiah Bartlett, Joseph Hewes, Francis Lewis, and Samuel Ward.>


Title: The Cumberland County Commissioners to the Pennsylvania Committee of Safety, 9 February 1776: résumé
From: Cumberland County Commissioners
To: Pennsylvania Committee of Safety

<Carlisle, February 9, 1776: We received yours by John Montgomery and in response inform you that we have workmen under bond to finish the full complement of muskets by April 1 next. Gun locks are not available at any price, but we will do our best to have the work completed by then. The cartouche pouches and belts are done, but no cloth is to be had for knapsacks; please order them made in Philadelphia. Addressed to Franklin as president of the committee and signed by James Pollock and Samuel Laird.>


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Charles Lee, 11 February 1776
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Lee, Charles

Dear Sir,
Philada. Feb. 11. 1776
The Bearer Monsr. Arundel is directed by the Congress to repair to Gen. Schuyler, in order to be employ’d by him in the Artillery Service. He purposes to wait on you on his Way, and has requested me to introduce him by a Line to you. He has been an Officer in the French Service, as you will see by his Commissions; and professing a Good Will to our Cause, I hope he may be useful in Instructing our Gunners and Matrosses. Perhaps he may advise in Opening the nail’d Cannon.

I receiv’d the enclos’d the other day from an Officer, Mr. Newland, who served in the two last Wars, and was known by Gen. Gates, who spoke well of him to me when I was at Cambridge. He is desirous now of entring into our Service. I have advis’d him to wait upon you at New York.
They still talk big in England, and threaten hard; but their Language is somewhat civiler, at least not quite so disrespectful to us. By degree, they may come to their Senses, but too late I fancy for their Interest.
We have got in a large Quantity of Saltpetre 120 Ton, and 30 more expected. Powdermills are now wanting. I believe we must set to work and make it by hand. But I still wish with you that Pikes could be introduc’d; and I would add Bows and Arrows. Those were good Weapons, not wisely laid aside.
1.  Because a Man may shoot as truly with a Bow as with a common Musket.
  2.  He can discharge 4 Arrows in the time of charging and discharging one Bullet.
  3.  His Object is not taken from his View by the Smoke of his own Side.
  4.  A Flight of Arrows seen coming upon them terrifies, and disturbs the Enemy’s Attention to his Business.
  5.  An Arrow sticking in any Part of a Man, puts him hors du Combat ’till ’tis extracted.
  6.  Bows and Arrows are more easily provided every where than Muskets and Ammunition.
  Polydore Virgil speaking of one of our Battles against the French in Eduard the 3d’s reign, mentions the great Confusion the Enemy were thrown into Sagittarum nube from the English; and concludes, Est res profectò dictu mirabilis, ut tantus ac potens Exercitus a solis ferè Anglicis Sagittariis victus fuerit; adeò Anglus est Sagittipotens, et id genus armorum valet.If so much Execution was done by Arrows when Men wore some defensive Armour, how much more might be done now that is out of Use.
I am glad you are come to New York; but I also wish you could be in Canada.
There is a kind of Suspense in Men’s Minds here at present, waiting to see what Terms will be offer’d from England. I expect none that we can accept; and when that is generally seen, we shall be more unanimous and more decisive. Then your propos’d solemn League and Covenant will go better down; and perhaps most of your other strong Measures adopted.
I am always glad to hear from you, but I don’t deserve your Favours being so bad a Correspondent. My Eyes will now hardly serve me to write by Night; and these short Days have been all taken up by such Variety of Business, that I seldom can sit down three Minutes without Interruption.
God give you Success. I am, with the greatest Esteem Yours affectionately
B Franklin

Addressed: To / The honourable Charles Lee, Esquire / Lieut. General of the Continental / Army / New York / per Monsr. Arundel
Notations in different hands: Dr: Franklyn Feby 11 1776 / copied.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to the Committees of Trenton, Brunswick, and New York, 13 February 1776
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Committees of Trenton, Brunswick, and New York

Gentlemen
Philada. Feb. 13. 1775 [i. e., 1776]
The Bearer John Grace has the Care of a Ton of Gunpowder sent by the Congress to the Committee of Safety at New York. If he should need any Advice or Assistance on the Way you will be so good on his Application to afford it to him. I am, Gentlemen, in Behalf of the Committee here, with much Respect Your most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin
Directed. To the Gentlemen of the Committees of Trenton Brunswick and New York.

Endorsed in different hands: A Letter from Benjamin Franklin Esqr. of Philadelphia With one Ton of powder / Benjamin Franklin.


Title: The Committee of Secret Correspondence: a Report to Congress, [on or before 14 February 1776]
From: Committee of Secret Correspondence,Franklin, Benjamin,Dickinson, John,Harrison, Benjamin,Jay, John,Johnson, Thomas
To:

The invasion of Canada, authorized by Congress in June, 1775, had begun in August under Major General Philip Schuyler. Because of his ill health the command almost immediately devolved upon his subordinate, Brigadier General Richard Montgomery, who by November had captured the forts at Chambly and St. Johns and the city of Montreal. Governor Carleton escaped to Quebec with the remnants of his force. Meanwhile Benedict Arnold was advancing through Maine for a junction with Montgomery, which occurred near Quebec on December 3. The siege of that fortress lasted through the month, and culminated on the 31st in an assault in which Montgomery was killed and Arnold wounded. The siege continued in a desultory fashion, and the fate of the expedition now depended as much on political as on military factors.
Everything hinged on the attitude of the inhabitants, for until reinforcements arrived from Britain neither side had enough troops to decide the issue. The invaders were few in number and had long supply lines to guard; the British regulars, the backbone of the defense, were even fewer. American success was probable if the Canadians were welcoming, possible if they held aloof, and out of the question if they remained loyal to the crown. The great landowners and the Roman Catholic hierarchy, as this document makes clear, were satisfied with British rule; and they carried influence with the mass of the people. What carried even more was success in the field, backed by effective persuasion. Washington did what he could from a distance, by an address that painted the troops as liberators and appealed for Canadian support in securing freedom for all. But addresses were not enough. What were needed were victories and the political leadership to exploit them.
General Montgomery was well aware of the political need. As his army moved toward Quebec he twice urged General Schuyler, who had remained at Ticonderoga, to ask for a Congressional committee to act as a council in Canada. Schuyler forwarded the request, and Congress appointed a committee to confer with him. It did not go beyond Ticonderoga, however, and contented itself with reporting on the situation there and suggesting that another committee be sent when the weather became better for traveling. Months passed and nothing happened. During the siege that followed the failure to storm Quebec, the invasion hung by a thread. The sort of council that Montgomery had had in mind, capable of seizing the initiative when opportunity offered, was as important as reinforcements.
A factor in precipitating Congressional action was the arrival of a French Canadian with an urgent appeal. Preudhome La Jeunesse lived in Montreal, and all we know about him before his appearance in Philadelphia is contained in this report. Its impact was immediate. It was read to the delegates on February 14, and next day they appointed a committee of three, Franklin among them, to go to Canada.

[On or before February 14, 1776]
  The Committee of secret Correspondence report that they have conferr’d with the Person just arriv’d from Canada, and find that he was furnish’d with a Passport from Gen. Wooster, containing Orders for his Travelling at the Publick Expence; with another Pass from Gen. Schuyler to the same Purpose, and one from the Committee of Kingston, who sent a Guide with him hither. That he has been engag’d in the American Service ever since the Appearance of our Forces in that Country, of which he is a Native; and being as he says well acquainted with the Sentiments and way of Thinking of his Countrymen, his Intention in undertaking this Journey was to give the Congress true Information on that Subject. He says that when the Canadians first heard of the Dispute they were generally on the American side; but that by the Influence of the Clergy and the Noblesse, who have been continually preaching and persuading them against us, they are now brought into a State of Suspence or Uncertainty which Side to follow. That Papers printed by the Tories at New York have been read to them by the Priests assuring them that our Design was to deprive them of their Religion as well as their Possessions. That the Letters we have address’d to them have made little Impression, the common People being generally unable to read, and the Priests and Gentry who read them to others, explain them in such a Manner as best answers their own purpose of prejudicing the People against us. That he therefore thinks it would be of great Service if some Persons from the Congress were sent to Canada, to explain vivâ voce to the People there the Nature of our Dispute with England, which they do not well understand, and to satisfy the Gentry and Clergy that we have no Intention against their Interests, but mean to put Canada in full Possession of Liberty, desiring only their Friendship and Union with us as good Neighbours and Brethren. That the Clergy and Gentry might he thinks by this means be brought over, and would be follow’d by all Canada. And unless some such Measure is taken he is of Opinion our Affairs there will meet with continual Difficulty and Obstruction.

He left Montreal the 20th past; says our Troops continued to invest Quebec; that he had heard of no Sally made by the Garrison; but was inform’d by an Ecclisiastick who came out of that Town 15 Days before, that the Inhabitants were in great Distress for Fewel, and reduc’d to one Fire for 6 or 7 Families. That Flesh and Flour was also scarce; but they had plenty of Corn, which not having Means to grind they boil’d to subsist on. That on his Route he met several Parties of our Reinforcements marching toward Canada. That Lake Champlain is frozen and passable but Lake George not yet. He adds that there is great Jealousy in Canada, of our Paper Money.
He offers to carry safely any Dispatches the Congress may have to send into that Country.

Notations in different hands: Feby 14. 1776 No. 1. Report of the Comee of Correspondence apptd to confer with a gentleman from Canada. Read Feby 14. 1776. Referred for consideration till tomorrow. / Monsr. Pruxdent la Jeunesse & [illegible]


Title: Charter Party between the Secret Committee and Joseph Hewes, 14 February 1776: résumé
From: Committee of Secret Correspondence,Franklin, Benjamin,Dickinson, John,Harrison, Benjamin,Jay, John,Johnson, Thomas,Hewes, Joseph
To:

<February 14, 1776: The agreement is between members of the committee and Joseph Hewes of North Carolina, merchant, one of the owners of the brigantine Fanny of approximately 150 tons, now in the York River, to hire her for a voyage to Europe. She will be in good condition and well provisioned and manned. The owners will pay all the expenses except port charges noted below, and the crew will give the customary assistance in loading and unloading and diligently perform their duties. The ship will receive from the committee’s agent a cargo of tobacco and other produce of Virginia, and will sail to the destination he provides. After the cargo is delivered she will load a new one, either at the port of delivery or at any other in the world to which she is directed, and will return, again as directed, to some American port between Connecticut and North Carolina. The committee will pay $400 Spanish per month for her hire, from the day loading begins in Virginia until the day after her unloading (or, if in ballast, her arrival) at the American port or the day when she is captured or sunk, and port charges at any port other than those where she loads and unloads in America and Europe, and her assessed value, if she is captured, of $4,600 Spanish. Each party binds itself, if it defaults, to pay the other £3,000 Pennsylvanian.>


Title: Contract between the Secret Committee and Silas Deane and Others, 19 February 1776
From: Committee of Secret Correspondence,Franklin, Benjamin,Dickinson, John,Harrison, Benjamin,Jay, John,Johnson, Thomas,Deane, Silas
To:

  We normally summarize contracts of the secret committee signed by Franklin, but this one is important enough to be printed in full because it was the initial reason for Deane’s going to France. Soon after he lost his seat in Congress in October, 1775, and thereby his membership in the secret committee, he began to negotiate as a merchant about doing business with that committee. On January 11, 1776, he and his brother contracted to purchase goods in the West Indies. On the 20th, he said later, the committee approached him about buying in Europe £40,000 worth of presents for the Indians. He thereupon formed a consortium for that purpose with the four other merchants listed here, all of them members of Congress and all except Livingston members of the secret committee. The conflict of interest seems to have disturbed no one.
The result of the negotiations was this contract, which is unusual not only in the large sum involved. Comparison with the committee’s two contracts above with John and Nicholas Brown, January 20 and February 14, shows that this one is much less detailed in its specifications and more generous in its terms: such contractors as go to Europe receive twice John Brown’s commission for selling and buying there. Deane, in the event, was the one selected to go. He received his authorization from the other partners on March 1, in a letter that included the contract. His simultaneous negotiations with the committee of secret correspondence culminated the next day in his commission and instructions as its agent in Europe.

[February 19, 1776]
Be it remembered, that it is agreed by and between John Alsop, Francis Lewis and Philip Livingston of the City of New York Merchants and Silas Deane of the Colony of Connicticut Merchant and Robert Morris of the City of Philadelphia merchant of the one part, and Samuel Ward, Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Mc. Kean, Joseph Hewes, Josiah Bartlett, and Robert Alexander Esqrs., Members of the Committee of Secrecy appointed by the Honorable Continental Congress of the thirteen United States in North America of the other part; as follows, to wit.
That the sum of 200,000 dollars Continental money now advanced and paid by the said Committee of secrecy to the said John Alsop, Francis Lewis, and Philip Livingston, Silas Deane and Robert Morris, shall be laid out by them in the produce of these colonies and shipped on board proper vessels to be by them chartered for that purpose, to some proper port or ports in Europe (Great Britain and the British Isles excepted) and there disposed of on the best terms.
And the neat proceeds of such cargoes laid out in the purchase of such goods, wares or merchandize as the said Committee of Secrecy shall direct and shipped for the said United Colonies to be landed in some convenient harbour or place within the same, and notice thereof given as soon as conveniently may be to the said Committee of Secrecy.
For which the said John Alsop, Francis Lewis, Philip Livingston, Silas Deane and Robert Morris, shall be allowed five per ct. for purchasing the cargo here, and also to such of said contractors as shall go personally to Europe to execute and superintend this business, exclusive of the charges of selling the produce and manufactures of these colonies to be exported as aforesaid, and for shipping the remittances, besides the duties, a clear commission of five per ct on the original costs of such remittances in Europe; the said United Colonies running the whole risk of the said adventure, being for their benefit and advantage, and also insuring such vessels against all British seizures or captures.
Witness our hand this 19th. Day of Febuary in the year of our Lord, one thousand, seven hundred and seventy six.

At Philadelphia

Witness John Legg.

John Alsop.
Samuel Ward.

for self and
Benjamin Franklin.

Philip Livingston.
Thomas McKean.

Francis Lewis.
Joseph Hewes.

Robert Morris.
Josiah Bartlett.

Silas Deane.
Robert Alexander.

Copy. Examined. Jos: PennellCopy of the Contract.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Charles Lee, 19 February 1776
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Lee, Charles

Dear Sir,
Philada Febry. 19, 1776.
I rejoice that you are going to Canada. I hope the Gout will not have the courage to follow you into that severe Climate. I believe you will have the Number of Men you wish for: I am told there will be 2,000 more: but there are always Deficiencies.
The Bearer, Mr. Paine, has requested a Line of Introduction to you, which I give the more willingly, as I know his sentiments are not very different from yours. He is the reputed, and I think the real Author of Common Sense, a Pamphlet that has made great Impression here. I do not enlarge, both because he waits, and because I hope for the pleasure of conferring with you face to face in Canada. I will only add, that we are assured here on the part of France, that the Troops sent to the W. Indies, have no inimical views to us or our Cause. It is thought they intend a War without a previous Declaration. God prosper all your Undertakings, and return you with Health, Honour and Happiness. Yours most affectionately
B Franklin

Martinico and Cape Francois, by the last Advices, are now fortifying with immense Diligence and great Expence.
To The Honble General Lee at New York.


Title: Editorial Note on the Design of Continental Paper Currency, [after 21 February 1776]
From:
To:

On June 22–23, 1775, Congress authorized the issuance of $2,000,000 in bills of credit, and Franklin was on a committee to superintend the printing. In November came a further issue of three million, in denominations of one dollar and more. The designs of the bills remained the same, and some of them were adapted from older ones, available in volumes that we know were in Franklin’s library; this fact suggests that he had a hand in the adaptation. On February 17 and 21, 1776, Congress authorized another four million, and included for the first time bills for four fractions of a dollar, ranging from one-sixth to two-thirds. These fractional bills were to have a new design, which has particular numismatic significance because it became, with slight modification, that of the first coin issued by the United States, the so-called Fugio Cent of 1787. Franklin has been widely credited with being the original designer. The drawings reproduced here persuade us that he was responsible at least for the back of the bill.
The first drawing indicates rays emanating from the central circle, as they did on the bill; the second drawing contains the same legend as that on the bill. The remaining question is whether those two designs were Franklin’s or merely found their way into his papers. Here the sketch on the back of his draft resolutions on trade assumes importance. It was his beyond any doubt, and the Latin legend appears to be in the same hand as the English legend on the second drawing; if so both were his. When these bits of evidence are put together, the conclusion is hard to escape that Franklin was the designer.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Horatio Gates, 23 February 1776
From: Gates, Horatio
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Head Quarter’s 23 Febry 1776
This will be deliverd to you by The Baron de Woedtkee, who appears to be a Gentleman, and a Veteran Charectors you will esteem him for he has with him other recommendations to your Notice, from some of your Paris acquaintance; if I had never fallen out with Royalty for any other reason, I should detest it, upon the poor Barons account, for the Tyrannical treatment he has received from The King Prussia: may he enjoy in This Land of Freedom that Comfort which has been denied him in Germany; and may this Land continue to Embrace with her wonted Cordiality, every Oppress’d Subject from every other Quarter of The Globe.
Last Night our People surprized a Corporal, and Two Sentrys of the Enemys, and brought them this morning to head Quarters, they declare General Clinton took with Him when he Saild from Boston a considerable Quantity of Artillery, and Artillery Men; besides The Detachment of The Troops; this convinces me that he design’d to take post at New York from whence, as I hinted to you in my last Letter, I am satisfied the Enemy meant to commence their Summer Opperations: as The Baron goes by Providence, and that way to New York, I shall not write any thing Further to day. A few days will probably furnish matter for an Express, when you may expect to hear further From Dear Sir Your most Affectionate Humble Servant
Horatio Gates
Mine and Mrs. Gates’s best respects wait Upon Mr. and Mrs. Bache and your Fire side.

Addressed: To / Doctor Benjamin Franklin / Member of The Continental / Congress / Philadelphia
[In another hand:] At Pater [St. Peter’s?] Parish Corner of Race Street and Second Street.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from [David Hartley], 24 February 1776
From: Hartley, David
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Lond feb 24 1776
It is so long since I have had the pleasure of hearing from you that I fear the administration has but too effectually stopt the Channel of Communication between this Country and its colonies. I have allways dreaded this event as fatal and final to the prospect of national reconciliation. When in any contention the parties are not only studiously kept assunder but mischief-making go-betweens exert every art and practise every fraud to inflame jealousies animosities and resentments between them, It is but too obvious to fear that your own prophetic words should be accomplished, that instead of that cordial affection that once and so long existed, and that harmony so suitable to the happiness, safety, strength and wellfare of both Countries, an implacable malice and mutual hatred, such as we see subsisting between the spaniards and Portugueze, the Genoise and Corsicans, should fatally take root between the parent state and its Colonies. These fears are not abated by the Consideration of the incessant injuries, which have been and which continue to be heapt upon our unhappy fellow subjects in America. These injuries are indeed brought upon them by the administration, who usurp the personality and authority which they pretend to derive from the people,but from the distance between us and our american brethren, and the false evidence mutually transmitted from one to the other by a treacherous administration, I greatly fear that national resentments will become indiscriminate. It is inseperable from human nature that the mind under any grievous suffering, especially injury, will be distracted and broken from its nearest and most affectionate connexions which may happen to be but accidentally and collaterally involved. The affection of States to each other consists of the combination of personal affections parentage and intercourse; when blood is shed, and the parent weeps for his son, the widow for her husband, brother for brother an inextinguishable resentment arises; the Appeal for blood. Those unfortunates who have lost their relations and friends become furious, and in those who have them yet to lose, horrors and fears take place of, and drive out affection, the bonds of attachment are let loose and all the tumultuous passions are set afloat. I know that you are as sensible of these consequences as any one can be; you have foreseen them afar off, You have predicted them; You have done every thing in your power to soften animosities, and to put off the evil day. I hope still that you will not despair. Your age, experience, character, humanity and example of moderation in disregarding those injuries and insults which have been offered to yourself, give you the best title to plead with your countrymen, to suspend their resentments, to discriminate those who have not injured them, and to remember the ties of affection between them and their fellow subjects in England. I see the influence of your Counsels in the Congress. I see the distinction clearly made between the ministry and the people of England but I fear that at the same time the seeds of jealousy are struggling to break out. The Address from the Congress to the assembly of Jamaica speaks of the people of England as dissipated and corrupt. The people of England are far otherwise. They are just and generous and if it were put to the sense of the people of England, you would not be left in any doubt whether it was want of will or want of power to do you justice. You know the blot of our Constitution by which to our disgrace, and to your misfortune, a corrupt ministry, sheltered by parliamentary influence, are out of our immediate Controul. A day of account may come, when the justice of the nation may prevail, and if it comes not too late, it may prove a day of reconciliation and cordial reunion between us and America. The trial is with you, to suspend your resentments from becoming indiscriminate, and a great trial it is, in which the assistance and guidance of good men like yourself [may contribute?] to abate popular fury, but, unexampled as the forbearance of America has hitherto been, Believe me that fury which among nations is inseperable from accumulated injury is rising. You must exert all your discretion, to take at least the chance of keeping it down till the fiery trial may abate. I cannot tell you what Efforts the ministry have in their malicious purpose to try. I am amazed at their desperate and headstrong hardiness to proceed in an undertaking, which gives them so little prospect of Success and such certainty of the severest responsibility to this Country when they rouse themselves to the enquiry. The only machinery of the administration which is to be feared, is, least the course of their injustice and tyranny in America should throw your Countrymen into fury beyond the bounds of forbearance, by cruelties exciting an implacable hatred, and upon that hatred so raised by themselves, to attack the view of the people of England thereby to keep off enquiry from themselves. They are masters of all communication, and consequently of the representation of facts to their own purposes. They will send false accounts to you of the disposition of the people here towards you, and if they can drive you by any means to acts of irreconciliation they will endeavour to raise that implacable disposition on this side of the water, upon the false suggestion of which they are now endeavoring to urge you on. We who are friends to both countries wish to prevent such fatal jealousies and misunderstandings.

Many of your best friends in England regret that the Congress has not made some specific and definite proposition, upon which the sense of the people of England might have been consulted. A people at large cannot enter into historical details, especially when facts are so studiously confounded and misrepresented, but still they could judge of a simple proposition. If any such had been made, I think it would have been the most likely method to have captivated the good will of the nation. While the propositions of the Congress are generall and indefinite, the ministry treat them as general words meaning little or nothing in fact. But I think the further prosecution of hostile measures could not be supported by the ministry, if they were to refuse any definite and equitable offer of accommodation made on the part of America. If it be possible let the two countries be once more reunited in Affection. It is not simply peace that we ought to strive for, but reconciliation which is more than peace. We may have peace with foreign states, but it must be reconciliation alone that can reunite us as one people. However forlorn the prospect may be, Let not the common friends slacken their endeavours. Constancy is our only hope. All is lost if we despair. I am Dear Sir With the greatest regard and esteem very affectionately yours
G B
To Dr Franklin Philadelphia

Endorsed: G.B. Feb. 24. 1776.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to the Speaker of the Pennsylvania Assembly, 26 February 1776
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Speaker of the Pennsylvania Assembly

On February 15, 1776, Congress named Franklin as one of the commissioners to Canada. This appointment crystallized discontent over his position as a member of the Assembly, to which he had been elected in October. On the 24th the Philadelphia committee of inspection and observation, to which he had just been re-elected but which he apparently never attended, took the matter under advisement. In that time of crisis, it concluded, the city was entitled to full representation in the house; Franklin had never taken his seat and “will probably go abroad soon in the service of the united colonies.” A deputation from the committee was instructed to wait upon him, ask him whether service in the Assembly was consonant with his other public responsibilities, and if not to ask for his resignation. The question was rhetorical and the answer obvious.

Sir,
February 26, 1776.
I am extremely sensible of the Honor done me by my Fellow-Citizens, in chusing me their Representative in Assembly, and of that lately conferred on me by the House, in appointing me one of the Committee of Safety for this Province, and a Delegate to the Congress. It would be a Happiness to me if I could serve the Public duly in all those Stations; but aged as I now am, I feel myself unequal to so much Business, and on that Account think it my Duty to decline a Part of it. I hope therefore that the House will be so good as to accept my Excuse for not attending as a Member of the present Assembly, and, if they think fit, give Orders for the Election of another in my Place, that the City may be more completely represented.
I request also that the House would be pleased to dispense with my further Attendance as one of the Committee of Safety. With the greatest and most sincere Respect to yourself and the House, I have the Honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient and most humble Servant,
Benjamin Franklin
To the Honourable John Morton, Esq.


Title: The Committee of Secret Correspondence: Instructions to Silas Deane, 2 March 1776
From: Committee of Secret Correspondence,Franklin, Benjamin,Dickinson, John,Harrison, Benjamin,Jay, John,Johnson, Thomas
To: Deane, Silas

These instructions, which were probably drafted by Franklin, are the first to an American agent in a foreign country. They mark an important step toward the assumption of sovereignty, and the committee of secret correspondence seems to have taken that step on its own initiative. The committee had been created to keep in touch with the European friends of America, and had been authorized to pay “such agents as the said Committee may send on this service.” Whether that rubric covered appointing a resident agent in France to transact its commercial and political business may be questioned. Yet the committee did so, and apparently did not communicate to Congress what Deane’s instructions were.
His mission was a sign of changing times. The publication of Common Sense in January and the arrival in February of news of the Prohibitory Act, aimed at the destruction of American trade, altered the views of many delegates. On February 29 Congress debated such fundamental questions as opening that trade to the outside world, declaring independence, and contracting foreign alliances. Although no action was taken, the prospect of it drew nearer. Deane’s appointment, if it did not reflect majority opinion at the time, did anticipate the direction in which opinion was moving.
The committee had never construed its mandate as merely corresponding with friends. Its first letters had inquired about how foreign powers were disposed, and whether any would consider a commercial alliance; its discussions with Bonvouloir in December had suggested that France might be one that would. The question was how to explore this overture, and Deane soon began to emerge, through another connection, as the man for the purpose. His commercial partners selected him to go to Europe as their representative in carrying out their large contract with the secret committee. One of those partners was Robert Morris, who joined the committee of secret correspondence on January 30. When that committee sought an agent to buy army supplies and open communications with Versailles, Deane was ready to hand. His mission was thus two-sided. He was the agent of, and partner in, a private firm that had a contractual relationship with the secret committee; at the same time he represented the committee of secret correspondence, and was therefore closer than any one before him to being an accredited ambassador from the United Colonies.

Philadelphia March 3rd. [i.e., 2,] 1776
On your arrival in France, you will for some time be engaged in the business of providing goods for the Indian trade. This will give good countenance to your appearing in the character of a merchant, which we wish you continually to retain among the French, in general, it being probable that the court of France may not like it should be known publickly, that any agent from the Colonies is in that country. When you come to Paris, by delivering Dr. Franklin’s letters to Monsieur Le Roy at the Louvre, and M. Dubourg, you will be introduced to a set of acquaintance, all friends to the Americans. By conversing with them, you will have a good opportunity of acquiring Parisian French, and you will find in M. Dubourg, a man prudent, faithful, secret, intelligent in affairs, and capable of giving you very sage advice.
It is scarce necessary to pretend any other business at Paris, than the gratifying of that curiosity, which draws numbers thither yearly, merely to see so famous a city. With the assistance of Monsieur Dubourg, who understands English, you will be able to make immediate application to Monsieur de Vergennes, Minister des Affairs Etrangeres, either personally or by letter, if M. Dubourg adopts that method, acquainting him that you are in France upon business of the American Congress, in the character of a merchant, having something to communicate to him, that may be mutually beneficial to France and the North American Colonies; that you request an audience of him, and that he would be pleased to appoint the time and place. At this audience if agreed to, it may be well to shew him your first letter of credence, and then acquaint him that the Congress, finding that in the common course of commerce, it was not practicable to furnish the continent of America with the quantity of arms and ammunition necessary for its defence, (the Ministry of Great Britain having been extremely industrious to prevent it) you had been dispatched by their authority to apply to some European power for a supply. That France had been pitched upon for the first application, from an opinion, that if we should, as there is a great appearance we shall, come to a total seperation from Great Britain, France would be looked upon as the power, whose friendship it would be fittest for us to obtain and cultivate, That the commercial advantages Britain had enjoyed with the Colonies had contributed greatly to her late wealth and importance. That it is likely great part of our commerce will naturally fall to the share of France; especially if she favours us with this application, as that will be a means of gaining and securing the friendship of the Colonies; and that as our trade was rapidly increasing with our increase of people, and in a greater proportion, her part of it will be extremely valuable. That the supply we at present want, is clothing and arms for twenty-five thousand men with a suitable quantity of ammunition and one hundred field pieces. That we mean to pay for the same by remittances to France or through Spain, Portugal, or the French Islands as soon as our navigation can be protected by ourselves or friends; and that we besides want great quantities of linins and woollens, with other articles for the Indian trade, which we are now actually purchasing, and for which you ask no credit, and that the whole, if France should grant the other supplies, would make a cargo which it might be well to secure by a convoy of two or three ships of war.
If you should find M. de Vergennes reserved, and not inclined to enter into free conversation with you, it may be well to shorten your visit, request him to consider what you have proposed, acquaint him with your place of lodging, that you may yet stay sometime at Paris, and that knowing how precious his time is, you do not presume to ask another audience, but that if he should have any commands for you, you will upon the least notice immediately wait upon him. If at a future conference he should be more free, and you find a disposition to favor the Colonies, it may be proper to acquaint him, that they must necessarily be anxious to know the disposition of France, on certain points, which, with his permission, you would mention, such as whether if the Colonies should be forced to form themselves into an independant state, France would probably acknowledge them as such, receive their ambassadors, enter into any treaty or alliance with them, for commerce or defence, or both? If so, on what principal conditions? Intimating that you shall speedily have an opportunity of sending to America, if you do not immediately return, and that he may be assured of your fidelity and secrecy in transmitting carefully any thing he would wish conveyed to the Congress on that subject. In subsequent conversations, you may, as you find it convenient, enlarge on these topics, that have been the subject of our conferences with you, to which you may occasionally add the well known substantial answers, we usually give to the several calumnies thrown out against us. If these supplies on the credit of the Congress should be refused, you are then to indeavor the obtaining a permission of purchasing those articles, or as much of them as you can find credit for. You will keep a daily Journal of all your material transactions, and particularly of what passes in your conversation with great personages; and you will by every safe oportunity, furnish us with such information as may be important. When your business in France admits of it, it may be well to go into Holland, and visit our agent there, M. Dumas, confering with him on subjects that may promote our interest, and on the means of communication.
You will indeavor to procure a meeting with Mr. Bancroft by writing a letter to him, under cover to Mr. Griffiths at Turnham Green, near London, and desiring him to come over to you, in France or Holland, on the score of old acquaintance. From him you may obtain a good deal of information of what is now going forward in England, and settle a mode of continuing a correspondence. It may be well to remit him a small bill to defray his expenses in coming to you, and avoid all political matters in your letter to him. You will also indeavor to correspond with Mr. Arthur Lee, agent of the colonies in London. You will indeavor to obtain acquaintance with M. Gamier, late Chargé des Affairs de France en Angleterre, if now in France, or if returned to England, a correspondence with him, as a person extremely intelligent and friendly to our cause. From him, you may learn many particulars occasionally, that will be useful to us. Signed
B. FranklinBenj. HarrisonJohn DickinsonRobert MorrisJohn Jay.
Instructions to Silas Deane.From the committee of secret correspondence to Silas Deane.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from the Pennsylvania Committee of Safety, 4 March 1776
From: Pennsylvania Committee of Safety
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
In Committee of Safety Philada. 4th March 1776
In order to carry into execution the Resolve of Congress for the manufacturing Fifty Tons of Salt Petre into Powder the Committee of Safety have purchased a seat for erecting a Powder Mill which they intend to build in such manner as to manufacture about four tons per Week, and they are of opinion it will be necessary to build a magazine for the secure keeping the Powder as it is made at a suitable distance from the Mill. This being a proper Season for Erecting the same and those Gentlemen who have the superintendance of the Mills will be able at the same time [to] oversee the building the Magazine.
The Committee request you will please to take the opinion of the Congress relative to the Erecting such Magazine. By Order of the Committee I am Sir: your most Humble Servant
Geo: Ross Chairman

Addressed: Doctor Franklin
Notation: No. 11 Letter from Comee. of safety of Pensylvania respecting erecting a Magazine. 4th March 1776


Title: Proposed Alterations in William Smith’s Oration on General Montgomery, [before 6 March 1776]
From: Franklin, Benjamin,Livingston, William
To:

On February 19, 1776, William Smith, Provost of the College of Philadelphia and Franklin’s old antagonist, delivered in one of the city churches an oration that Congress had requested on General Montgomery and the other Americans killed in the attack on Quebec. Smith was anything but a revolutionary, and still longed to see the quarrel peacefully settled; he felt in honor bound, furthermore, to express his views. As a result his oration was frostily received. When William Livington subsequently moved that Congress thank the Provost for it and have it printed, so many objections were raised that the motion was withdrawn. Smith then went ahead himself to have the speech published, but first showed the manuscript to Franklin and Livingston and asked for their criticisms. They suggested a number of minor changes, most of them stylistic, and urged him to omit one long passage in which he most clearly expressed his hope of reconciliation. He seems to have accepted the changes, or eliminated the need for them by rephrasing his baroque prose. The deletion he refused to make; he let the original stand, and added a defensive footnote.
Franklin’s draft of his and Livingston’s suggestions is frequently unintelligible, because the manuscript to which it refers has disappeared. We confine ourselves to noting in brackets, where possible, the pages of the printed pamphlet to which the suggestions may have applied, and to explaining them where the pamphlet gives ground for explanation.

[Before March 6, 1776.]

[Pag]e.
3 [3]
Beyond the usual Place of Oblivion, an Expression obscure. Same Page. And the Performance &c. read. And this solemn Office was perform’d before the Great Assembly of the People, omitting their most renown’d Oretors.

4 [3]
Fames. Fame

[4]
Relicts of publick Contest.

11 [10]
Fields

Theology: Query. Mythology?

14 [12]
What is placed, &c: the Meaning or Application seems obscure.

19 [16]
Creation, will not be clear to many Readers. breathe out his last is at last.

20 [17]
. . . in vain . . . investigate. Should it not be . . . attempt, or endeavour, to investigate?

21 [18–19?]
I speak not this, my Country men, &c. as far as, I feel, we think better omitted.

23–24. [20]
Pomp of War and Pride of Conquest had no other Charms, than . . .: Would it be better to say, War and Conquest had, &c.? those generous Americans who stood . . .: who then stood.

25. [21]
Instead of enable them to give us Peace, and protect us: Would it not be better to say, to obtain Peace for them and us, and Security in the Enjoyment of our common Liberty? For Gratitude: Affection.

Part. 2
Page 6. [28–30].
Had he evidenced, &c. to page 8, as far as Principles and Consistency: In our Opinion had much better be omitted.

Page 11.
for nothing except: nothing but

17. [37]
instead of deserted, &c. say were compell’d perhaps by hard Necessity to return home.

20 [40]
Pennsylvanian.

21
recorded to their perpetual honour: omit perpetual.

In another hand: The foregoing in the Handwriting of Dr. Franklin, were the Amendments and Alterations proposed by Him and Wm. Livingston, Esqr., on perusing the Mss. Oration on Gen. Montgomery before it went to the Press.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Daniel Roberdeau, 6 March 1776
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Roberdeau, Daniel

Dear Sir
Wednesday March 6. 76
The Congress desire a Return to be made to them of the Powder the Committee of Safety have lent them, that it may be known how much is due. I am very respectfully Dear Sir Your most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin

A Copy of the Order for Replacing the Arms was given 2 Days since by Mr. Thomson to the Commissary Mr. Towers.
Col. Roberdeau

Addressed: Col. Roberdeau / at the / Committee of Safety / Lodge
Endorsed: Doctr. Franklin 6th Mar: 1776


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Philip Schuyler, 11 March 1776
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Schuyler, Philip

Sir
Philada. March 11. 1776
The Congress have appointed three Commissioners to go to Canada, of which Number I have the Honour to be one. We purpose setting out some day this Week. I take the Liberty of mentioning this, as possibly a little previous Notice may enable you more easily to make any Preparation you shall judge necessary to facilitate and expedite our Journey, which I am sure you will be kindly dispos’d to do for us. A Friend with us will make our Company Four, besides our Servants. We shall either come in Carriages directly to Albany, or by Water, if the River is open, from N York. Hoping soon for the Pleasure of seeing you I now only add, that I am, with the sincerest Esteem and Respect, Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin

P.S. The Bearer M. Le Jeunesse has been considered by the Congress as a Friend to the American Cause, and he is recommended to your Protection in his Return to Canada.
Honourable General Skuyler

Endorsed: Philadelphia March 11th: 1776 From Dr. Benj: Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Samuel Cooper, [21 March 1776]
From: Cooper, Samuel
To: Franklin, Benjamin

My dear Sir,
[March 21, 1776]
It is too long since I wrote to any of my Friends your way, being you know a dilatory Correspondent, but not I hope a forgetful Friend. The Relish of the Conversation at Mr. Bowdoin’s last Fall is not quite gone off yet. Have you been well ever since? “Accidents of Health, Sir Wm. Temple some where says, are often Accidents of State.” I esteem America not a little interested in your Life and Health; and while these Remain I shall hope my Country will do well. You will hear before this reaches you that the British Troops and Fleet have left Boston: They have retir’d with Disgrace from before the General and Forces of the united Colonies. I congratulate you on this Honor to our Country. Should the War continue, prepar’d as we now are, we should have been well contented they had remain’d here. The Bombardment and Cannonading from our Lines, reaching all Parts of Boston, was unexpected, and troubled their Host; our taking Possession of Dorchester Hills in so judicious and masterly a Manner compleated their Constirnation, and left them no Time to deliberate. They embarqu’d with Trepidation; and most of them I am just told sail’d this Morning. Where they are bound remains a Secret; whether to Hallifax, or the Southwards or to both in Divisions. Boston stands, to the Surprize of many, but much plunder’d. I am a Sufferer among a Multitude of Others. My House was let to a Capt. Cochran of the British Army upon written Engagements. He had the Use of all my Furniture, but has not left a Bed, Coverlid, Sheet, or any Pewter, China, or Crockery, many other Things of great Value carried off or destroy’d. This is a small Specimen of the Perfidy and Villainy of British Officers and Soldiers. I esteem it however an Honor in such a Cause to suffer with and for my Country. Shall we have a Negotation this Summer? Must we return to the mild and gracious Governm’t of Britain? How is Common Sense relish’d among you; it is eagerly read and greatly admir’d here. The Inability of our Enemies to subdue us by Force is more and more apparent; I doubt not our Councils will avail themselves of this and evr’y Circumstance. I am dear Sir with the greatest Esteem and Affection Your obedient humble Servant
Saml Cooper.
Dr Franklin.

Addressed: Benjn. Franklin Esqr. LLD / Member of / the Continental Congress / Philadelphia
Franked: Free Wm. Ellery New York


Title: Proposed Preamble to a Congressional Resolution on Privateering, [before 23 March 1776]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

On March 23, 1776, in response to petitions from merchants, Congress passed a set of resolutions to authorize privateering. The move was an answer to the Prohibitory Act of the previous December, which declared the colonies in rebellion and provided for confiscation of their shipping. That act was prominent among the grievances in the preamble that was actually adopted, as it is in this one. During the debate on the resolutions Franklin gave his opinion that they ought to be preceded by a declaration of war, and the tone of this draft is certainly bellicose. William Temple Franklin referred to the preamble as “not passed,” which may imply that it was offered and turned down. Or Franklin may have withheld it because he concluded that the language was stronger than the Congressional market would bear.

[Before March 23, 1776]
Whereas the british Nation, through great Corruption of Manners, and extream Dissipation and Profusion both private and publick, have found all honest Resources insufficient to supply their excessive Luxury and Prodigality, and thereby have been driven to the practice of every Injustice which Avarice could dictate or rapacity execute, and wheras, not satisfied with the immence plunder of the East, obtained by sacrificing Millions of the human Species, they have lately turned their Eyes to the West, and grudging us the peaceable enjoyment of the Fruits of our hard Labour and virtuous Industry, have for Years past been endeavouring to extort the same from us under Colour of Laws regulating trade; and have thereby actually succeeded in draining us of large sums to our great Loss and detriment, and wheras impatient to seize the whole they have at length proceeded to open Robbery, declaring by a solemn Act of Parliament that all our Estates are theirs and all our Property found upon the Sea divisible among such of their armed plunderers as shall take the same; and have even dared in the same Act to declare that all the Spoilings, Thefts, burnings of Houses and Towns, and murders of innocent People perpetrated by their wicked and inhuman Corsairs on our Coasts, previous to any War declared against us were just Actions, and shall be so deemed, contrary to several of the Commandments of God, which by this Act they presume to repeal, and to all the Principles of Right and all the Ideas of Justice entertained heretofore by every other Nation Savage as well as Civilized thereby manifesting themselves to be hostes humani generis: And whereas it is not possible for the People of America to subsist under such continual Ravages without making some Reprisals: therefore Resolved

Notation: Introduction as proposed to a Congress Resolution


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to James Bowdoin, 24 March 1776
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Bowdoin, James

My dear Friend,
Philada. Mar. 24. 1776.
Inclos’d is an Answer to the Request from the Inhabitants of Dartmouth. I have comply’d with it upon your Recommendation, and ordered a Post accordingly.
I have put into Mr. Adams’s Hands directed for you, the new Edition of Vattel. When you have perus’d it, please to place it in your College Library.
I am just setting out for Canada, and have only time to add my best Wishes of Health and Happiness to you and all yours. Permit me to say my Love to Mrs. Bowdoin, and believe me ever, with sincere and great Esteem, Yours most affectionately
B Franklin
James Bowdoin Esqr

Addressed: To / The honourable / James Bowdoin, Esqr / Middleborough / Massachusetts Bay / B Free Franklin.
Endorsed: Dr. Benja. Franklin’s Letter Phila. March 24. 1776. abt a Post & Vattel.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Anthony Todd, 29 March 1776
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Todd, Anthony

Dear Sir,
New York, March 29. 1776
Being here in my Way to Canada and understanding that your Packet sails to-morrow, I take the Opportunity of sending a Line or two to some Friends; among the rest give me leave to salute you with my warmest Wishes for your Health and Prosperity.
I shall write Politicks to none of them but to you. How long will the Insanity on your side the Water continue? Every Day’s Plundering of our Property and Burning our Habitations, serves but to exasperate and unite us the more. The Breach between you and us grows daily wider and more difficult to heal. Britain without us can grow no stronger: Without her we shall become a tenfold greater and mightier People. Do you chuse to have so increasing a Nation of Enemies? Do you think it prudent by your Barbarities to fix us in a rooted Hatred of your Nation, and make all our innumerable Posterity detest you? Yet this is the Way in which you are now proceeding. Our Primers begin to be printed with Cuts of the Burnings of Charlestown, of Falmouth, of James Town, of Norfolk, with the Flight of Women and Children from these defenceless Places, some Falling by Shot in their Flight. Allen and his People, with Lovell, an amiable Character and a Man of Letters! all in Chains on board your Ships; [in the margin: Is any body among you weak enough to imagine that these Mischiefs are neither to be paid for, nor revenged?] while we treat your People that are our Prisoners, with the utmost Kindness and Humanity. Your Ministers may imagine that we shall soon be tired of this, and submit. But they are mistaken, as you may recollect they have been hitherto in every Instance in which I told you at the time that they were mistaken. And I now venture to tell you, that tho’ this War may be a long one, (and I think it will probably last beyond my Time) we shall with God’s Help finally get the better of you. The Consequences I leave to your Imagination.
I hope your dear little Girl is well, and that you continue happy. Pray present my most affectionate Respects to my good Lord Le Despencer: and my Love to Mrs. and Mr. Jackson. With sincere Esteem and Regard, I am ever, Dear Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin
I do not trouble you with the enclos’d in order to frank them. Be so good as to wafer, charge and forward them: By that means they will go safe.

P.S. Since writing the above I have been riding round the Skirts of this Town to view the Works; they are but lately begun, but prodigiously forward, all Ranks of People working at them as Volunteers with the greatest Alacrity, and without Pay, to have them ready for the Reception of Gen. Howe, who having finish’d his Visit to Boston is daily expected here.
What will you do with this Spirit? You can have no Conception of Merchants and Gentlemen working with Spades and Wheelbarrows among Porters and Negroes: I suppose you will scarce believe it.
Antho Todd, Esqr

Notation: Original Letter from Doctor Franklyn to Mr Todd communicated by Mr Todd


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jonathan Williams, Jr., 29 March 1776
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Williams, Jonathan Jr.

Dear Nephew,
New York, March 29. 1776.
I have not written to you for some time, partly from the Difficulty of Corresponding, and partly because I understood from yours of September last that you purposed a Voyage to the West Indies, and I expected to hear of you from thence. Mr. Wm Temple who arrived lately in the Packet, tells me, that you are settled down in England for Life, and have no Thoughts of ever again visiting America. Are you married to that sweet Girl? Or are you satisfy’d with the Sweets of the Sugar House which he tells me you are engag’d in? Or are you turned Tory? When you have an Opportunity, if there is ever to be another, let me know that you are well and happy; which will be a great Pleasure to Your affectionate Uncle
B Franklin

[In the margin:] I write this upon New York Paper. Look thro’ it and you will see the Stamp.
I am here in my Way to Canada: Quite well and hearty. My best Respects to Mr. Alexander &c.

Addressed: To / Mr Jonathan Williams / at the New England / Coffeehouse near the ‘Change / London
Endorsed: Doctr. Franklin N York 29 Mar. 1776.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from David Barclay, 31 March 1776
From: Barclay, David Junior
To: Franklin, Benjamin

This letter was written, a modern scholar has suggested, at the initiative of the man who is the subject of it, Admiral Lord Howe. The suggestion is plausible: Barclay and Howe were not well acquainted, as far as is known; but in the circumstances their common friendship with Lord Hyde might have been enough to elicit this testimonial. Franklin’s Quaker friend was as anxious for peace as the Admiral, and had worked hard for it the year before. Howe was now about to embark on a peace mission for which he needed all the help he could get. The government had decided that he and his brother should be at the same time commanders in chief for waging the war in America and peace commissioners for ending it. The details of their instructions were still being negotiated, and the letters patent did not issue under the great seal until May 6. But the general outline had already been settled.
The Prohibitory Act of the previous December had authorized the King to appoint commissioners to restore peace. The plan worked out in Whitehall provided for two stages of pacification. In the first stage the rebellion would cease: illegal bodies that had usurped power would be dissolved and the legitimate royal officials restored to their functions; all armed bodies acting under this usurped authority would be disbanded and all fortifications held by them surrendered; the old assemblies would reconvene, to provide assurances of loyalty and to petition for release from the restrictions of the Prohibitory Act. At that point the act would be suspended, pardons would be issued at the commissioners’ discretion, and the colonies that had returned to their allegiance would be declared at peace.
In the second stage a variety of readjustments would be made. The commissioners would insist on compensation for those who had suffered in the rebellion. A system of raising revenue would be arranged along the lines of North’s conciliatory resolution of February, 1775. The colonists would be assured that judges would receive tenure, that the freedom of legislatures would be maintained by revision of instructions to the governors, and that any act of Parliament which was considered a grievance would be reconsidered. The government of Connecticut, and particularly of Rhode Island, would be altered so as to bring these colonies into proper dependence upon Great Britain. The Quebec Act was excluded from discussion. Any actions taken by the commissioners were subject to review in London.
If Barclay knew the limits of Lord Howe’s authority, and still believed that his qualities might bring him success in his mission, the wish was father to the thought.

London 31st. 3d/Mo. 1776
I could not with any satisfaction avoid informing My Friend Doctor Franklin that Lord Howe continues as respectable a Character at this hour, as when we last parted—a Hint, that I thought, in every point of view, consistant for me to comunicate to my respectable Friend, at this critical Conjuncture; with this addition, that whatever the Mission of Lord Howe may prove, I am firmly persuaded, that, it will not be for want of Inclination in him, should the Ollive Branch not rise superior to the direful Din of War. In this Sentiment, I am not alone, as my much valued and able fellow Labourer in the desireable Work of Peace, most cordially joins me and however the M:D: and myself differ in Opinion from others, we daily have the satisfaction of hearing from all Parties Approbation of the Man, who, we have wish’d, should wear the Laurels, by reuniting the Colonies to the Mother Country—an Achievement deserving of more Honours, and which, must be productive of more heartfelt Satisfaction to a Good Man, than the Destruction of an Armada. I am Thy respectful Friend,
David Barclay.
Doctor Benjamin Franklin in America


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Philip Schuyler, 13 April 1776
From: Schuyler, Philip
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir:
Fort George 13th Apr. 1776.
The lake is open in so many places that I am of opinion you may set out for this place as Early as you can. I have received some dispatches from Canada which I Inclose you and by which you will see the necessity of sending a large reinforcement. Please to bring up with you the papers I Inclose as I have no Copies of them.
The Bearer goes Express to Congress and to Gen: Washington. I am Dear Sir Your most Obedient Humble Servant,
P Schuyler.
Dr. Franklin


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to John Hancock, 13 April 1776
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Hancock, John

Sir
Saratoga, April 13. 1776.
We have been here some Days waiting for General Schuyler’s Orders to proceed, which we have just received, and shall accordingly leave this Place to morrow. Tho’ by the Advices from Canada communicated by him to us, and as we suppose sent forward to you, I am afraid we shall be able to effect but little there. We had a heavy Snow here yesterday and the Waters are so out, as to make Travelling difficult by Land, and there is a strong Fresh in the River against the Boats, but we shall endeavour to get on as well as we can. We join in Respects to the Congress, and to yourself in particular. I have the Honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin
To the honble John Hancock Esqr

Endorsed: Col Lee Mr J. Adams Mr J. Jay Mr W Braxton Mr. Johnson
Letter from Doct B Franklin Saratoga April 13. 1776 22 April Copied


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Josiah Quincy, Sr., 15 April 1776
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Quincy, Josiah, Sr.

Dear Sir,
Saratoga, April 15. 1776
I am here on my Way to Canada, detain’d by the present State of the Lakes, in which the unthaw’d Ice obstructs Navigation. I begin to apprehend that I have undertaken a Fatigue that at my Time of Life may prove too much for me, so I sit down to write to a few Friends by way of Farewell.
I congratulate you on the Departure of your late troublesome Neighbours. I hope your Country will now for some time have Rest, and that Care will be taken so to fortify Boston, as that no Force shall be able again to get Footing there.

Your very kind Letter of Nov. 13. inclosing Lord Chatham’s Speech and Lord Camden’s, I duly receiv’d. I think no one can be more sensible than I am of the Favours of corresponding Friends, but I find it impracticable to answer as I ought. At present I think you will deem me inexcusable, and therefore I will not attempt an Apology. But if you should ever happen to be at the same time oppress’d with Years and Business, you may then extenuate a little for your old Friend.
The Notes of the Speeches taken by your Son (whose Loss I shall ever deplore with you) are exceedingly valuable, as being by much the best Account preserv’d of that Day’s Debate.
You ask, “When is the Continental Congress by general Consent to be formed into a supreme Legislative, Alliances defensive and offensive formed, our Ports opened, and a formidable naval Force established at the Public Charge?” I can only answer at present, that nothing seems wanting but that “general Consent”; The Novelty of the Thing deters some, the Doubt of Success others, the vain Hope of Reconciliation many. But our Enemies take continually every proper Measure to remove these Obstacles, and their Endeavours are attended with Success, since every Day furnishes us with new Causes of increasing Enmity, and new Reasons for wishing an eternal Separation; so that there is a rapid Increase of the formerly small Party who were for an independent Government.
Your Epigram on Lord Chatham’s Remark, has amply repaid me for the Song. Accept my Thanks for it; and for the charming Extract of a Lady’s Letter contain’d in your Favour of Jan. 22d.
I thought when I sat down to have written by this Opportunity to Dr. Cooper, Mr. Bowdoin and Dr. Winthrop; but I am interrupted. Be so good as to present my affectionate Respects to them, and to your good Ladies. Adieu, my dear Friend, and believe me ever Yours most affectionately
B Franklin

Endorsed: Dr. Franklin


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Philip Schuyler, 17 April 1776
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Schuyler, Philip

Dear Sir
At Mr. Wyng’s. April 17. 76
We are all concern’d to hear of your Indisposition, and join in requesting you earnestly to take care of your self. We purpose staying here as you advise in your kind Note of this Morning. We left all well at your House: The Sergeant has a Letter that I brought for you: Mrs. Schuyler requests that you would send him back as soon as may be. I return inclos’d the Papers you favour’d us with. Our Respects to Mr. Chase: I desire him to send back my Mare by the Sergeant. Our best Wishes attend you. I am, Dear Sir
We have sent forward Mr. Chase’s Bed and Portmanteau Trunk, on a Supposition that he intends not to return hither.
Gen. Schuyler

Endorsed: April 17th: 1776  From Dr Franklin


Title: John Hancock to the Commissioners to Canada, 26 April 1776
From: Hancock, John
To: Commissioners to Canada

Gentlemen,
Philada. April 26th. 1776.
The late Disturbances in Canada, owing to an Insurrection of a Number of the Inhabitants, have, for some Time, occupied the most serious Attention of Congress. In Pursuance of which they have come into sundry Resolves calculated both to increase our military Force in that Country, and to allay the Fears and Apprehensions of the People. Of this latter Kind is the Resolve I herewith transmit by order of Congress to you. In Addition to the four Battalions now on their March to Canada, the Congress have, since the Receipt of Genl. Schuyler’s last Letter, ordered six more to be sent there as soon as possible. With sincere wishes for your Health, and Success, in your important Engagements I have the Honour to be, with every Sentiment of Esteem and Regard, Gentlemen, your most obedient and very humble Servant
J H. Prest.
To the Honble B. Franklyn, Saml. Chase, & Charles Carrol Esquires, Commissioners in Canada


Title: The Commissioners to Canada to John Hancock, 1 May 1776
From: Commissioners to Canada
To: Hancock, John

Sir
Montreal 1st. May 1776
After some difficulty and delay in getting thro’ the ice of Lake George, we arrived here on monday last and were very politely received by General Arnold who at present commands in this Post.
It is impossible to give you a just idea of the lowness of the Continental credit here from the want of hard money, and the prejudice it is to our affairs. Not the most trifling service can be procured without an assurance of instant pay in silver or gold. The Express we sent from St. John’s to inform the General of our arrival there, and to request carriages for La Prairie, was stopt at the ferry, till a friend passing changed a Dollar for him into silver, and we are obliged to that friend (Mr. M’Cartney) for his engagement to pay the Caleches, or they would not have come for us. The general apprehension, that we shall be driven out of the Province as soon as the King’s troops can arrive, concurs with the frequent breaches of promise the Inhabitants have experienced, in determining them to trust our people no farther. Therefore the utmost dispatch should be used in forwarding a large sum hither (we believe twenty thousand pounds will be necessary); otherwise it will be impossible to continue the war in this Country, or to expect the continuance of our interest with the people here, who begin to consider the Congress as bankrupt and their cause as desperate. Therefore till the arrival of money, it seems improper to propose the federal union of this Province with the others, as the few friends we have here, will scarce venture to exert themselves in promoting it, till they see our credit recoverd, and a sufficient army arrived to secure the possession of the Country.
Yesterday we attended a Council of war, the minutes of which we inclose. The places proposed are proper to prevent the further progress of the Enemy, in case they should oblige us to raise the siege of Quebeck. The plank and timber for the Gondolas is all prepared and ready at Fort Chamblee, and some of the Carpenters are arrived from New York; others are to be engaged here: and as hard money is necessary for these, we have a need to advance some out of what the Congress put into our hands for our own subsistance; to be replaced when cash shall arrive.
We understand that the Troops now before Quebeck have not ten days provision; but hope, as the lakes are now open, supplies will soon reach them.
We have directed the opening of the Indian Trade, and granting passports to all, who shall enter into certain engagements to do nothing in the upper Country prejudicial to the Continental interests.
We hope to morrow to obtain an account of our debts, that ought instantly to be paid. If besides what is necessary for that purpose, we had a sum to manage by opening a bank for exchanging continental bills, it is supposed that we might thereby give a circulation to those bills. The twenty thousand pounds above mentioned will, we think, answer both these purposes.
We are told that not less than the eight thousand orderd by Congress will be a sufficient army for this quarter. As yet there are but about three thousand, including those now passing down to Quebeck, who are just come over the lakes. The small pox is in the army, and General Thomas has unfortunately never had it. With great respect to yourself and Congress we have the honour to be, Sir Your most obedient humble Servants
B FranklinSamuel ChaseCh: Carroll of Carrollton
Honble. John Hancock Esqr

Endorsed: Letter from the Comrs. in Canada dated Montreal May 1. 1776 read 16th.


Title: The Commissioners to Canada to Philip Schuyler, 1 May 1776
From: Commissioners to Canada
To: Schuyler, Philip

Dear Sir,
Montreal, May 1. 1776
We arrived here on Monday last, and have proceeded to Business, as you will see by the enclosed Letter to Congress, which we leave open for your Perusal, and request you will seal and forward it.
We are deeply impress’d with a Sense of the many Civilities we received from you and your good Family, and your kind Attention to every thing that might render our Passage over the Lakes as convenient to us as possible. Accept our thankful Acknowledgements, and make them acceptable to Mrs. Schuyler. With the greatest Esteem and Respect we have the Honour to be Dear Sir, Your most obedient humble Servants
B FranklinSaml. ChaseCh. Carroll of Carrollton
Mr. John Carrol joins in Compliments and best Wishes.Honble. General Schuyler


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Ebenezer Hazard, 3 May 1776
From: Hazard, Ebenezer
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir,
New York May 3d. 1776
We have no News here, except that the last Phila. Post brought Advice that the Roebuck of 44 Guns was on Shore on the East Bank of Brandywine, and that eight Row Gallies, the Province Ship and Reprisal were gone down to take her. The Phila. Post is not arrived today, and we are not yet informed whether they have been successful.
Mr. Measum writes me that the Genl. has ordered him to frank Soldiers Letters.
Yesterday a Detachment of Troops sailed for Albany. I enclose Holt’s Paper and am Sir your very humble Servant
Eben Hazard

P.S. Should any Thing remarkable happen in Canada I beg to be favored with a Line.

Addressed: Doctor Franklin / Montreal. / If not there, to be forwarded.


Title: The Commissioners to Canada to Philip Schuyler, 4 May 1776
From: Commissioners to Canada
To: Schuyler, Philip

Sir
Montreal May 4th 1776
Having orders from Congress to enquire into the case of John Fraser Esqr. now prisoner at Osopus, we have thought proper to direct the Commanding Officer there to allow him to repair hither, on his parole to present himself before us immediately on his arrival. We desire you to give the necessary orders for this purpose. We are with great regard, Sir, Your most obedient humble Servants
B FranklinCharles Carroll of CarrolltonSaml. Chase
Philip Schuyler Esqr. Major Genl.

Addressed: On the service / of the United Colonies / To / The Honorable Philip Schuyler Esqr. / Major General of / the Continental Forces / Tionderoga / Franked: Free
Endorsed: Montreal May 4th: 1776 From Commissioners. Benj. Franklin.


Title: The Commissioners to Canada to [John Hancock], 6 May 1776
From: Commissioners to Canada
To: Hancock, John

Sir
Montreal, May 6th 1776.
In our letter of the 1st. instant, we informed you of the lowness of the Continental credit in this Province and the necessity of a speedy supply of hard money: unless this very essential article arrives soon, our forces will suffer exceedingly from the want of many necessaries, particularly flour, which might be laid in much cheaper here than it could be supplied from New York, provided gold or silver could be procured to purchase it. It is very difficult to keep soldiers under proper discipline without paying them regularly. This difficulty increases in proportion to the distance, the troops are removed from their own country: the want of money frequently constrains the Commanders to have recourse to violences in providing the army with carriages, and other conveniences, which indispose and irritate the minds of the people. We have reason to conclude that the change of sentiments, which we understand has taken place in this colony, is owing to the above mentioned cause, and to other arbitrary proceedings. If hard money cannot be procured and forwarded with dispatch to Canada, it would be adviseable, in our opinion, to withdraw our army and fortify the passes on the lakes to prevent the enemy, and the Canadians, if so inclined, from making irruptions into and depredations on our frontiers. We have given orders for the return of Mr. Frazer to this city, and we now have under consideration the confinement of the other Gentlemen particularised in our instructions.
At Fort George we had an interview with the Deputies of the seven Indian tribes of Canada to the great council of Onandaga: they were on their return home from this council. They informed us that the result of their deliberations was to maintain a perfect neutrality during the present contest: that they had received the hatchet from Colonel Guy Johnson; but being a sharp weapon and liable to wound their bosoms, they were resolved no longer to keep it, but to deliver it up to us. Since our arrival in this city, we have had another conference with the same Deputies, which terminated in a confirmation of their former promises not yet complied with, but delayed only to give time for the assembling of all their tribes, that the hatchet may be given up with the consent of the whole, and with greater solemnity. We judged it expedient to make them a small present, and we think it will be necessary to make them another more considerable, when the hatchet is deliverd up.
We are informed that our debts in this Colony amount to ten thousand pounds, exclusive of what is due to Mr. Price: we have hitherto obtained a list amounting only to between three and four thousand. It will be necessary to appoint persons to settle these accounts. With great respect to Yourself and the Congress we have the honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient humble Servants
B. FranklinSamuel ChaseCharles Carroll of Carrollton

Endorsed: Letter from the Commissioners in Canada May 6. 1776


Title: John Thomas to the Commissioners to Canada, 7 May 1776
From: Thomas, John
To: Commissioners to Canada

    Head-Quarters, Point Deschambault, May 7, 1776.
    Gentlemen:
Immediately on my arrival at the camp before Quebeck, which was on the 1st instant, I examined into the state of the Army, and found, by the returns, there were one thousand nine hundred men, only one thousand of whom were fit for duty, including officers; the rest were invalids, chiefly with the small-pox. Three hundred of those effective were soldiers whose inlistments expired the 15th ultimo, many of whom refused duty, and all were very importunate to return home. There were several posts to be supported with this small number, at such distances from each other that not more than three hundred men could be rallied to the relief of any one, should it be attacked by the whole force of the enemy, by means of rivers and other obstructions. In all our magazines there were but about one hundred and fifty pounds of powder, and six days provisions. The French inhabitants were much disaffected, so that supplies of any kind were obtained with great difficulty from them.
Considering these and many other disagreeable circumstances, I thought it expedient to call a council of war; and the council, consisting of Brigadier-General Wooster and all the Field Officers in camp, after mature deliberation, were unanimously of opinion, that as, upon the first arrival of any reinforcement to the enemy, all communication by the river would inevitably be cut off by their armed vessels, it was absolutely necessary, for the safety of the invalids, immediately to remove them in batteaus to the Three Rivers; and to collect the artillery and other stores, in order to remove them and the Army farther up the river, as soon as it could conveniently be done, for the purpose of securing some important posts, where there would be a prospect of resisting with success. This was on the 5th instant, and in the evening of the same day I received certain intelligence of fifteen ships being forty leagues below Quebeck, making up the river. Early next morning five of them appeared in sight, and the wind and tide being favourable, they soon arrived before the city. We were employed at this time in carrying the sick, artillery, &c., on board the batteaus; the enemy, in landing their troops, and, as the event shows, in preparing to make a sally. Our movements were retarded by the change the arrival of these vessels had produced in the dispositions of the inhabitants; for they would neither furnish us with teams nor in any way afford us assistance, but kept themselves concealed.
About one o’clock a considerable body of the enemy attacked our sentinels and main-guard, in consequence of which I instantly ordered the troops under arms, and detached a party to support the main-guard, which was now coming off in good order. By the best judgment I could make, the enemy were one thousand strong, formed into two divisions, in columns six deep, supported with a train of six pieces of cannon. The most that we could collect at this time on the plains to oppose them did not exceed one-quarter of that number, with only one field-piece.
This being our situation, by advice of the Field Officers present I gave orders for the Army to march up the river to this place, where the greater part came up this day. On my arrival I without delay called a council of war; a copy of the determinations of which I have enclosed, as I have of that held in camp before Quebeck. The result of this council is, as you will see, to advance still farther up the river, and is founded on many reasons, some of which I will suggest: The ships of war were hastening forward with all possible despatch, and had already got up as far as Jacques Cartier; we had no cannon to prevent their passing the falls of Richelieu; and if cannon could have been procured, we had no ball, and not more provision than would subsist the Army for two or three days. We should therefore be under the same disadvantages at Point Deschambault as before Quebeck. They could run above us with their men-of-war and cutters, intercept all our resources, and oblige us to decamp. I am, very respectfully, your most obedient, humble servant,
John Thomas
To the Honourable Committee of Congress.


Title: The Commissioners to Canada to John Hancock, 10 May 1776
From: Commissioners to Canada
To: Hancock, John

Sir
Montreal May 10th. 1776
By Col: Campbell, who arrived here early this morning from Quebeck, we are informed that two men of war, two Frigates and one Tender arrived there early on monday the 6th. instant about eleven o’clock the enemy sallied out, to the number, as is supposed, of one thousand men. Our forces were so dispersed at different posts, that not more than two hundred could be collected together at Head Quarters; this small force could not resist the enemy: all our cannon, five hundred muskets, and about two hundred sick unable to come off have fallen into their hands. The retreat, or rather flight was made with the utmost precipitation and confusion; however Col: Campbell informs us, that he imagines we have lost very few men except the sick abovementioned. Genl. Thomas was last Thursday evening at De Chambeau; at a Council of war it was determined by eleven to three to retreat to the mouth of the Sorel: this day Genl. Arnold goes down here; and if he can get information of the enemy’s real strength and it should be found inconsiderable, perhaps a council of war on reconsideration, may think proper to march the army back to Dechambeau, which is now strengthened by Col: Gratton’s, Burrels, and Sinclair’s regiments. Besides the above losses, one batteau loaded with powder, supposed to contain thirty barrels, and an armed vessel, which the Crew were obliged to abandon, were intercepted by one of the enemy’s frigates. We are afraid it will not be in our power to render our Country any farther services in this Colony: if our army should maintain possession of any considerable part of this country, it will be absolutely necessary to keep some power to controul the military. With our respects to yourself and the Congress, we have the honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient humble Servants
B FranklinSamuel ChaseCharles Carroll of Carrollton
Honble. John Hancock Esqr Presidt of Congress

Endorsed: Letter from The Commissioners in Canada Montreal May 10. 1776 Read May 18.