Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 15 May 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

Quincy, May 15, 1811.

 The instructions of congress to Mr Jay, as minister to the king of Spain, were never communicated to me. At least, I have no recollection, and can find no copy or memorandum of them. One link in the chain will therefore be wanting. But to furnish all in my power, and to shew to the attentive inquirer, the refinements and double refinements of the Comte de Vergennes’ policy, the following resolutions of congress, though frequently mentioned before, are here inserted at full length.
    By the United States, in congress assembled, August 16, 1781—The report of the committee on the communications of the honorable the minister plenipotentiary of France, was taken into consideration, and thereupon
    Resolved, That the minister plenipotentiary of these United States at the court of Versailles, be directed to inform his most christian majesty, that the tender of his endeavors to accomplish a coalition between the united provinces of the Netherlands, and these states, hath been received by congress as a fresh proof of his solicitude for their interests—That, previous to the communication of this, his most christian majesty’s friendly purpose, congress, impressed with the importance of such a connection, had confided to Mr. John Adams, full powers, to enter on the part of the United States, into a treaty of amity and commerce with the united provinces, with a special instruction to conform himself therein to the treaties subsisting between his most christian majesty and the United States—That congress do, with pleasure, accept his most christian majesty’s interposition, and will transmit further powers to their minister at the Hague, to form a treaty of alliance between his most christian majesty, the united provinces, and the United States, having for its object, and limited in its duration, to the present war with G. Britain; that he will be enjoined to confer, on all occasions, in the most confidential manner, with his most christian majesty’s minister at the Hague; and that provisional authority will also be sent to admit his catholic majesty as a party.

    Resolved, That the minister plenipotentiary of these United States at the Hague, be, and he is hereby instructed to propose a treaty of alliance between his most christian majesty, the united provinces of the Netherlands, and the United States of America, having for its object, and limited in its duration to the present war with Great Britain, and conformed to the treaties subsisting between his most christian majesty and the United States.

    That the indispensable condition of the alliance be, that their high mightinesses, the states general of the united provinces of the Netherlands, shall expressly recognize the sovereignty and independence of the United States of America, absolute and unlimited, as well in matters of government as of commerce—That the war with Great Britain shall be made a common cause, each party exerting itself, according to its discretion, in the most effectual hostility against the common enemy; and that no party shall conclude either truce or peace with Great Britain, without the formal consent of the whole first obtained, nor lay down their arms until the sovereignty and independence of these United States shall be formally or tacitly assured by Great Britain in a treaty which shall terminate the war.

    That the said minister be, and he hereby is farther instructed to unite the two republics, by no stipulations of offence, nor guarantee any possession of the united provinces: to inform himself, from the minister of these United States at the court of Spain, of the progress of his negotiations at the said court; and if an alliance shall have been entered into, between his catholic majesty and these United States, to invite his catholic majesty into the alliance herein intended; if no such alliance shall have been formed, to receive his catholic majesty, should he manifest a disposition to become a party to the alliance herein intended; according to the instructions given to the said minister at the court of Spain.

    That, in all other matters, not repugnant to these instructions, the said minister at the Hague do use his best discretion.

    Resolved, That the minister plenipotentiary of these United States at the Hague, be, and hereby is instructed to confer in the most confidential manner, with his most christian majesty’s minister there.

    Resolved, That the foregoing resolutions be communicated to our ministers at the courts of Versailles and Madrid, that they may furnish every information and aid in their power to our minister at the Hague, in the accomplishment of this business.

Extract from the minutes.
Signed, Cha: Thompson, Sec’y.
Upon a careful perusal of all the foregoing instructions, it was as easy for Mr. Jay, as for me to see the influence, under which many parts of them had been carried in congress, and by what party and by what small majorities. The commission for a treaty of commerce with Great Britain had been annihilated in the same manner. If the yeas and nays were taken upon any of these questions they were probably entered on the secret journal, or a still more select and mysterious journal. I have never seen it. It was not necessary for me to inquire for it, because I could have named every man who voted against those parts of these proceedings, which appeared exceptionable to me. And no doubt Mr. Jay could have done the same.
    Well might my friend Mr. Lovel, exclaim—"blush! blush! my country"! when he alluded to that part of the instructions to the five ministers for peace, which enjoined upon them “to make the most candid and confidential communications upon all subjects to the ministers of our generous ally the King of France: to undertake nothing in the negotiations for peace or truce without their knowledge and concurrence; and ultimately to govern themselves by their advice and opinion; endeavoring in your whole conduct to make them sensible how much we rely upon his majesty’s influence for effectuating every thing that may be necessary to the peace, security and future prosperity of the United States of America.”

    This instruction, to all intents and purposes, constituted the Comte de Vergennes, minister plenipotentiary with sovereign authority over all five of the ministers plenipotentiary of the United States, and was an absolute surrender of their independence to the court of France. Adams and Jay, as soon as they saw it, determined to put a liberal construction upon it. Franklin was conscience bound, to obey it literally; till he found that the majority was against him, and the negotiation would proceed without him and then he got over his scruples.
    Adams and Jay were confirmed in their resolution to put a construction upon this instruction, consistent with common sense, the national character of their country, and their own titles as representatives of a free nation: and probably Mr. Franklin’s first opinion and resolution, was shaken by an intercepted letter, from Mr. de Marbois to the Comte de Vergennes; a translation of which into English is as follows.

    Translation of a letter from M. De Marbois, to M. De Vergennes.
    Philadelphia, 13th March, 1782.
    Sir—South Carolina again enjoys the benefit of a legislative body, after having been deprived of it for two years. It was summoned together, towards the end of last year, and met in January at Jacksonburgh, only ten leagues distant from Charleston, where deliberations are carried on with as much tranquillity as if the state was in profound peace. Mr. Rutledge, who was then governor, opened the meeting with a speech, greatly applauded, wherein he represents in their full extent the important services rendered by the king to the United States, expressing their just acknowledgments for the same. This sentiment prevails much, sir; the different states are eager to declare it in their public acts, and the principal members of government and the writers employed by them, would forfeit their popularity, were they to admit any equivocal remarks respecting the alliance. Gen. Green affirms that in no one state is attachment to independence carried to a higher pitch; but that this affection is yet exceeded by the hatred borne to England. The assembly of Carolina is going to make levies of men and has imposed pretty large sums. As there is but little money in the country, the taxes will be gathered in indigo; and what deficiency may then be found, will be supplied by the sale of lands of such Carolinians as joined the enemy while they were in possession of the country.—South Carolina was the only state that had not confiscated the property of the disaffected. The step just taken puts her on a footing with the other states of the union. The assembly of this state has passed a resolution in consequence of which a purchase of land is to be made of the value of 240,000 livres tournous, which Carolina makes a present of to Gen. Green as the saviour of that province.
    Mr. Matthews, a delegate from congress, lately arrived in Carolina, has, it is said, been chosen governor in the room of Mr. Rutledge. He has communicated to persons of the most influence in this state, the ultimatum of the month oflast, who approved of the clauses in general, and particularly that one which leaves the king master of the terms of the treaty of peace or truce, excepting independence, and treaties of alliance. A delegate from South Carolina told me that this ultimatum was equally well known by persons of note in his state, and that it had given entire satisfaction there. It is the same with regard to several other states, and I believe I may assure you, upon the testimony of several delegates, that this measure is approved by a great majority; but Mr. Samuel Adams is using all his endeavors to raise in the state of Massachusetts a strong opposition to peace, if the eastern states are not thereby admitted to the fisheries, and in particular to that of Newfoundland. S. Adams delights in trouble and difficulty, and prides himself in forming an opposition against the government whereof he is himself president. His aim and attention are to render the minority of consequence, and at this very moment he is attacking the Constitution of Massachusetts, although it be, in a great measure, his own work; but he had disliked it, since the people have shewn their uniform attachment to it. It may be expected that with this disposition, no measure can meet the approval of Mr. S. Adams, and if the United States should agree relative to the fisheries, and be certain of partaking therein, all his manœuvres and intrigues would be directed towards the conquest of Canada and Nova Scotia; but he could not have used a fitter engine than the fisheries for stirring up the passions of the eastern people. By renewing this question, which had lain dormant during his two years absence from Boston, he has raised the expectation of the people of Massachusetts to an extraordinary pitch. The public prints hold forth the importance of the fisheries. The reigning toast in the east is, May the United States ever maintain their right to the fisheries. It has been often repeated in the deliberations of the General Court, No peace without the fisheries. However clear the principle may be in the matter, it would be needless and even dangerous to attempt informing the people through the public papers; but it appears to me possible to use means for preventing the consequences of success to Mr. S. Adams and his party; and I take the liberty of submitting them to your discernment and indulgence. One of those means would be, for the king to cause it to be intimated to congress or to the ministers, “his surprise that the Newfoundland fisheries have been included in the additional instructions; that the United States set forth therein pretensions, without paying regard to the king’s rights, and without considering the impossibility they are under of making conquests, and keeping what belongs to Great Britain.” His Majesty might at the same time cause a promise to be given to Congress “of his assistance for procuring admission to the other fisheries; declaring however that he would not be answerable for the success, and that he is bound to nothing, as the treaty makes no mention of that article.” This declaration being made before the peace, the hopes of the people could not be supported, nor could it one day be said that we left them in the dark on this point. It were even to be wished that this declaration should be made whilst New York, Charlestown and Penobscot are in the enemy’s hands; our allies will be less tractable than ever upon these points whenever they recover these important posts. There are some judicious persons to whom one may speak of giving the fisheries and theof the West for
        the sake of peace; but there are enthusiasts who fly out at this idea, and their numbers cannot fail increasing, when, after the English are expelled this continent, the burthen of the war will scarce be felt. It is already observable that the advocates for peace are of those who live in the country. The inhabitants of towns whom commerce enriches, mechanics who receive there a higher pay than before war, and five or six times more than in Europe, do not wish for it; but it is a happy circumstance that these divisions be nearly equal in the congress and among the states, since our influence can incline the beam either for peace or war, whichever way we choose. Another means of preserving to France so important a branch of her commerce and
        navigation; that proposed to you, sir, by M, viz. the conquest
        of Cape Breton; it seems to me, as it does to that minister, the only sure means of containing within bounds, when peace is made, those swarms of smugglers, who, without regard to treaties, will turn all their activity, daring spirit and means towards the fisheries, whose undertakings congress will not perhaps have the power or the will to repress.
    If it be apprehended that the peace which is to put an end to the present war will prove disagreeable to any of the United States, there appears to me a certain method of guarding against the effects of this discontent, of preventing the declarations of some states and other resources which turbulent minds might employ for availing themselves of the present juncture. This would be for his majesty to cause a memorial to be delivered to congress, wherein should be stated the use made by his ministers of the powers entrusted to them by that assembly, and the impediments which may have stood in the way of fuller satisfaction on every point. This step would certainly be pleasing to congress and should it become necessary to inform the people of this memorial, it would easily be done. They would be flattered by it, and it might probably beget the voice and concurrence of the public. I submit these thoughts to you early, and although peace appears yet to be distant, sir, by reason of delays and difficulties attending the communications, that period will be a crisis when the partizans of France and England will openly appear, and when that power will employ every means to diminish our influence, and re-establish her own. It is true, the independent party will always stand in great want of our support; that the fears and jealousies, which a remembrance of the former government will always produce, must operate as the safeguard to our alliance, and as a security for the attachment of the Americans to us.—But it is best to be prepared for any discontent, although it should be but temporary. It is remarked by some, that as England has other fisheries besides Newfoundland, she may perhaps endeavor that the Americans should partake in that of the great bank in order to conciliate their affection, or procure them some compensation, or create a subject of jealousy between them and us—But it does not seem likely that she will act so contrary to their true interest, and were she to do so, it will he for the better to have declared at an early period to the Americans, that their pretension is not founded, and that his majesty does not mean to support it.
    I here enclose, sir, a translation of the speech made by the governor of South Carolina to the assembly, and of their answer. These interesting productions convey in a forcible manner, the sentiments of the inhabitants of this state, and appeared to me worth communicating to you.
    I am, &c.
    Signed, Barbe de Marbois.
    The reflections suggested by this letter are more numerous than your patience would bear to publish. A very few will be noted.—
    1. This letter is a master-piece of—what shall I call it? French finesse? It is very true, that we have experienced in most of the British administrations since the year one thousand seven hundred and sixty one, and especially within the last ten years, models of equal excellence. The refinements of policy in many of the courtiers in the old world can scarcely be conceived by the plain genius of native Americans, nor can they be perceived without abhorrence in the heart. Our government and its servants must be upon their guard and see and judge for themselves: placing unlimited confidence in no pretended friends. Hitherto foreign policy has obtained no essential advantage against us; except by discouraging our navy, and in that finesse, France and England most cordially unite. Russia I hope will give us better advice.
    2. What impression this letter made upon Dr. Franklin, I know not, but by conjecture. His usual reserve and taciturnity did not forsake him—at least it made no alteration in his confidence, in Vergennes. He persisted to the last, even long after the signature of the definitive treaty, in saying that “the comte de Vergennes had never deceived him.” This favorite saying of the doctor is wholly incomprehensible to me. Did he mean that Vergennes had from the beginning communicated candidly to him, his design to deprive us, with or without our own consent, of the fisheries and western territories? If this was his meaning, where was his integrity and fidelity to his country, in concealing it from congress and his colleagues? Did he mean that Marbois’ letter had not convinced him that Vergennes was in combination with Marbois to deprive us of the fisheries and western territories? If this was his meaning, he had more credulity in politics than he had in philosophy, morality, or religion.

    Mr. Jay’s opinion of Marbois’ letter was uniform, unreserved and explicit; that of a downright honest man and a man of sound understanding.

    3. This letter made perhaps a greater impression upon me than upon either of my colleagues, because I had been a witness to certain facts, of which they knew nothing. With all my reputed vanity, it is a severe mortification to me to find myself obliged to enter into so much egotistical history, and to relate so many facts as I have done and shall be obliged to do, upon my own single testimony. I can only appeal to God and to the world and leave it to their ultimate decision. At present I can give but hints and sketches, and I shall certainly not live long enough to publish the documents which are in my possession, much less to collect those which I know exist, though I have them not.

    On my arrival in France, in the month of April 1778, as it has been before related perhaps more than once, I found the Americans divided into two parties, very nearly as hostile to each other as France and Great Britain are at this hour. Dr. Franklin and Mr. Deane had been at the head of one party, and Mr. Arthur Lee and Mr. Ralph Izzard, at the head of the other. Mr. Deane had been recalled and was gone to Toulon to embark in the French fleet for America. I was arrived with a new commission to Mr. Franklin, Mr. Lee and myself, as commissioners plenipotentiary to the king of France. Both parties therefore looked, to me as an umpire, because it would be in my power to decide which party should have the majority. In a country whose language, laws, customs, manners, and every thing was new to me; situated between gentlemen in American employments, one of whom, Dr. Franklin, was known to me; the other two, Mr. Arthur Lee and Mr. Ralph Izzard, were total strangers to me, but by reputation, I saw and felt the delicacy, the difficulty, the danger, and the full responsibility of my situation.

    Dr. Franklin, was the first that I saw, and he received me like a cordial congress acquaintance of three years standing. He had reserved Mr. Dean’s apartments in the house, and I agreed to take them, and make a common family with the Doctor. He immediately informed me, of “the coolness” as he called it, between him on one side, and Mr. Lee and Mr. Izzard on the other: and gave me such an account of the causes of it as he thought proper. I soon saw Mr. Lee, but he was very reserved on the subject of “coolness” and differences. Mr. Izzard, soon made me repeated visits, and gave me in full detail, his account of the dissensions and quarrels among American ministers. This is not the place to unravel all these mysteries which would fill a volume. It must suffice to say, that Mr. Izzard, with a fund of honor, integrity, candour and benevolence in his character, which must render him eternally estimable in the sight of all moral and social beings was never the less, the most passionate, and in his passions, the most violent and unbridled in his expressions of any man I ever knew. Mr. Izzard’s history of transactions before my arrival shocked me beyond measure, and his expressions terrified me. I knew not what to think of the man or his narrative. As to enter into particulars would lead me too far out of my way, I must confine myself, at present to the point immediately before me, relative to Mr. Marbois’ Letter.

    Mr. Ralph Izzard was the first person (and that in the month of April 1778) who suggested to me a suspicion, that the Comte De Vergennes had formed a design to deprive America of the fisheries and to monopolize the greatest part of them to France. In proof of his suspicion, he quoted an article relative to the Fisheries in our treaty with France of the sixth of February 1778, in which an “exclusive right” had been stipulated to France, in certain important portions of the fishing grounds. As I have not time to quote the article at large I must refer to the treaty. I had been so short a time at Passy, and had so many new scenes and employments, that I am not sure that I had read the treaty. If I had, it was not with that attention, that enabled me to recollect the expressions in it. In truth I thought Mr. Izzard had been heated by controversies, and I gave little or no credit to his insinuations. Mr. Izzard however did not leave me long in this state of pirrhonism. I met him so often at his house and mine, and we met so often at dinners and suppers upon invitations at other places, where he never failed to introduce this subject; that I was compelled to look in earnest into the treaty, and compare it with his documents. He had written to England and obtained copies from the public offices, of a correspondence between the British and French Ministers, in the negotiation of the peace of one thousand seven hundred and sixty three, relative to this French claim of an “exclusive right.” These papers he produced to me, and I examined and compared them with attention. I then saw there was room for suspicion; but still hoped that the court of France had not seriously meditated any plan to deprive us of any claim to the fisheries. These papers were transmitted to Congress at the time by Mr. Lee and Mr. Izzard, and now remain upon the files. I have no copies of them, and if I had, they would be too long to be here inserted. Although I had always been apprehensive that at any future negotiation for peace Great Britain would play off, all her policy to deprive us of our right to any share in the fisheries; I had not hitherto entertained or conceived any jealousy that France would endeavor to exclude us, or that she would join with G. Britain in any such design. Mr. Izzard and Mr. Lee, however, together with many hints and circumstances, that occurred during my first residence in France at length fastened upon me a suspicion, that whoever should be destined to confer about peace, would have to contend with all the arts and intrigues both of France and England. As Mr. Jay was in Congress, as I presume when Mr. Izzard and Mr. Lee transmitted the papers before mentioned to that assembly, it is probable that he had conceived the same jealousy.
    Full of these apprehensions, I embarked at L’Orient on the seventeenth of June, 1779, in the French frigate the Sensible, in company with the Chevalier de la Luzerne, the new ambassador from the king of France to congress, and the secretary of his legation, Mr. Marbois and their suite, Mr. Otto, Mr. La Forest and others. We arrived in Boston harbor on the 3d of August. During the whole course of this voyage I made it my business to converse with these gentlemen with the utmost frankness and candor upon every subject which could be interesting to their country and mine in their novel connection. They appeared to be vastly pleased with my freedom and familiarity, and were not less inquisitive than I was communicative. The minister could not speak or understand one word of English: I was awkward enough in French, but he was very inquisitive in his own language, and I answered him as well as I could. The secretary understood English very well, and could speak it about as well as I could speak French. We therefore found no difficulty in conversing upon any subject.

    The fisheries lying with great weight on my mind, I took every opportunity of conversing upon that subject both with the minister and the secretary. I mentioned nothing of the treaty, or of the doubts of Mr. Izzard and Mr. Lee, or of my own, concerning the designs of France; but represented the probability that England at the peace, whenever it should arrive, would probably exert all her art to deprive us of any share in that great source of wealth, that great instrument of commerce, that great nursery of seamen, that great means of power. I represented to them that France ought to support our claim to a share in it, if it were only to prevent England from commanding a monopoly of it; that our right to it was at least as clear and indisputable as that of England or France. That it was situated in the ocean, which was open and free and common to all nations, to us as much as to any other. That its proximity to our country seemed naturally to give us a right preferable to any European claim; but that we asked no preference, but acknowledged the right of all nations to the ocean and its inhabitants. That we were in possession and had been so from the first settlement of our country. We had carried on the fisheries from the beginning and that Great Britain was more indebted to our ancestors for the flourishing state of the fisheries, both of cod and whales, than to all the inhabitants of the three kingdoms. That the fisheries were an essential link in the chain of American commerce, which was one connected system. That they were more particularly indispensable to New-England. That our remittances to France or England could not be made without our commerce in fish with Spain, Portugal and Italy, as well as all the West India Islands.

    I know not how many conversations I had upon this subject with those gentlemen, but I believe not less than twenty, for they both appeared as eager to talk of it as I was. The minister, though he heard me with patience and attention and complaisance, was reserved in expressing his opinion, though I understood him to nod assent to all that I had said. But the secretary, this very Mr. Barbé de Marbois was as frank and open as I was. He declared to me in the most clear and positive terms on several occasions, that I had convinced him that “we had a natural, a legal, and a possessing right to the fisheries; that they were necessary and essential to our interests; and that France ought to support us in our claim to a full and free enjoyment of them.”

    After our arrival in America, when I heard that these gentlemen had recommended to congress so much moderation in their instructions to their minister for peace, and had advised not to insist on the fisheries and western territories as ultimata, and when afterwards I found by our instructions and by my private correspondents, that they had advised an explicit renunciation of any claim to the fisheries and western lands, I knew not how to reconcile these things with our conversations on board the Sensible. But when I saw this letter of Mr. Marbois and compared it with all my former conversations with Mr. Izzard and Mr. Lee, with all that I had heard in America and all I had experienced in France and Holland, with all our instructions from congress and especially with our conversations on board the ship, with one especially which we had while sailing over the grand bank of Newfoundland, in which Mr. Marbois, in the presence of the chevalier de la Luzerne, had been as explicit as words could express, in acknowledging his entire conviction of our right and of our interest and duty to insist upon it, and of the duty and interest of France to support us in it, what could be my reflections? Was Mr. de Marbois a consummate hypocrite? Had he deliberately laid a plan to deceive me, on shipboard, by the most solemn asseverations of wilful falsehoods, lest I should put my friends in congress upon their guard against his wiles after he should arrive at Philadelphia? This I could scarcely believe, for I had conceived an esteem for his character. I endeavored to account for this contradictory conduct upon two hypotheses—One was, that the chevalier had received from the comte de Vergennes, and then possessed in his portfolio, instructions to oppose our claims to the fisheries and western lands, which instructions he had not communicated to Mr. Marbois. The other was that the minister and secretary had received such instructions from the comte de Vergennes after their arrival at Philadelphia. In either of these cases Mr. de Marbois might think it his duty to obey his instructions, though it were by promoting measures in contradiction to his own private opinion of the right and the policy. One or the other of these suppositions I am still inclined to believe was the fact.
    4. It is not credible that Mr. Marbois would have dared to write such a letter to the comte de Vergennes if he had not been previously instructed by that minister to promote the system developed in it. We may then fairly impute that system to the comte.

    5. That system appears to have been—1. To persuade congress to instruct the ministers at the negotiations for peace, explicitly to renounce all claim to the fisheries and western lands, and formally to acknowledge that they had no right to either. 2. If they could not carry the first point, then to persuade congress to resolve that they would not insist upon the fisheries, or western lands, as conditions, sine quibus non, of peace. They failed in the first point, but prevailed in the second. 3. Congress appear to have been reproached by their own consciences with a reflection that they had gone too far in their complaisance to their allies, and soon came to another resolution, that the right to the fisheries should in no case be expressly given up.—This resolution had a spice of spirit and independence in it, and accordingly gave great offence to Mr. Marbois.

    6. However confident Mr. Marbois might have been that the country and their congress were so equally divided that “our influence” as he expresses it, could turn the scale in favor of peace or war; he did not find that influence sufficient at last to deprive America of her fisheries or western territories.

    7. I cannot dismiss this letter of Mr. de Marbois without observing that his philippic against Mr. Samuel Adams is a jewel in the crown of that patriot and hero, almost as brilliant as his exception from pardon in Gen. Gage’s proclamation. The talents and virtues of that great man were of the most exalted, though not of the most showy kind. His love of his country, his exertions in her service, through a long course of years, through the administrations of the governors Shirley, Pownal, Bernard, Hutchinson, and Gage, under the royal government, and through the whole of the subsequent revolution; and always in support of the same principles, his inflexible integrity, his disinterestedness, his invariable resolution, his sagacity, his patience, perseverance, and pure public virtue were never exceeded by any man in America. Although he was carried away with the general enthusiasm of all parties in America in admiration of the French revolution, which I never approved for a single moment. Although his ideas of a form of government necessary for the establishment of liberty were not always nor indeed ever conformable to mine, and although he might have been seduced by designing men in his extreme old age, and his almost total retirement from the world, to injure me personally, I never can cease to esteem and admire his character or to love his memory. No man in America ever merited statues in honor of his memory more than this, unless we except his great friend and colleague, the honorable James Otis, Jun. A collection of his writings would be as curious as voluminous. It would throw light upon American history for fifty years. In it would be found specimens of a nervous simplicity of reasoning and eloquence that have never been rivalled in America.

    8. We transmitted this letter to congress, where it made a less sensation, because there was little in it new to the members of that body. They knew that the French minister and secretary had laboured to persuade them to adopt the same sentiments: but I believe the Letter was not soon published; but it was whispered about and came to the ears of Mr. De Marbois, though I have reason to think he never got a sight of it. My reason is this, in 1785 or 1786, when I resided in England, Dr. Edward Bancroft made me a visit, and informed me that he came from America in the same ship with Marbois, when he returned to Europe after the peace. That Mr. Marbois introduced a conversation with him upon the subject of this letter, said there had been a noise made about a letter of his, pretended to have been intercepted: but he never could get a sight of it, and could not imagine what letter it could be. He asked Bancroft if he had ever seen it. The answer was in the affirmative. Do you remember enough of it to know it again, if you should hear it read? Yes. Upon this Mr. Marbois produced his letter book and read passages in a number of letters. Are any of these the letters you have seen? No. He then read more. Are any of these the right ones? No. At last he read some passages in another, when Bancroft said, that is the one. They then went through the whole letter. Whether Bancroft had a copy of it in writing in English I am not positive, but he had a distinct remembrance of it in his head, and compared it carefully from the beginning to the end and pronounced it to be the same letter faithfully translated, except in one expression, of no consequence to the sense.
    Marbois exclaimed, “how the devil could they get at my Cypher—I sent it only in Cypher. I thought myself perfectly sure of my Cypher! Well. I shall deny it. No mortal has any right to know any thing about my correspondence with my government.”
    Dr. Bancroft said he thought it his duty to communicate this conversation to me, that in case any controversy should ever arise concerning the authenticity of the letter, this fact might be produced in confirmation of it.—There has not however arisen any such controversy. The Members of Congress of all parties were satisfied, that it was no fabrication; and there has been but one mind in the world concerning it wherever it has been known. It must be here added that the whole of this system of the Comte de Vergennes has been since the French Revolution, revealed to the world in the Politique des Cabinets, which shews that the Comte had meditated and planned his whole scheme long before our treaty with France in February, 1778.

    Notwithstanding this letter Dr. Franklin still persisted in his Resolution to communicate all our conferences with the British minister concerning the fisheries and western lands to the Comte de Vergennes. Mr. Jay and Mr. Adams thought this would be to commit the Lamb to the custody of the Wolf. When Mr. Franklin found Adams and Jay perfectly united, and that they would proceed without him, he turned short about and agreed to go on with them.

John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from James Monroe, 3 June 1811
From: Monroe, James
To: Adams, John

Sir
Washington June 3. 1811.

I have had the honor to receive your letter of the 25. ulto. in which you are so good as to express a wish for my success in the discharge of the duties of the important & difficult office, to which I have been lately appointed by the President. For this obliging communication I beg you to accept my sincere acknowledgment. Permit me to reciprocate this friendly sentiment in your favor, & to assure you that I most earnestly hope that you may enjoy the residue of your days, all the satisfaction and happiness of which our nature is susceptible.
I have the honor to be with great / respect your obt servant

Jas Monroe


Title: To John Adams from Aaron Black, 4 June 1811
From: Black, Aaron
To: Adams, John

                            May it please your Excelency
                            Aughnish near Ramelton County of Donegal  Irland. 4th. June 1811—

I trouble you at this time hearing that my Brother Moses Black of Quincy near Bosten is Dead. And being Very Uneasy to know how he Seteled his tempral affairs and what is become of his & my  Daughter to Sister Jane.
Understanding that he my late Brother lived Conveniant to you, I humbly beg that you may take the trouble of Writing a few Lines in Answer to this Wish all Conveniant Speed Which May it please your Excelency will ever oblige your / Very / Humble / Servt.

Aaron Black


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Waterhouse, 11 June 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Waterhouse, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Quincy June 11. 1811

In your favour of the 9th of this month, you request a Copy of the first page of your Letter to me, “about a month since.” How time flies? Your Month has been three months. You have been so happy that three months have appeared but one. The Copy you desire is as follows.
Cambridge March 12 1811
Dear Sir
I here Send for your Perusal The Preface to the Botanist. The Publisher has print off a few Copies dozen by Way of Sample of type, and to give some general Idea of the Work, as well as a Short History of its origin. I thought there might be another Service in it, viz, if any thing appeared to egotistical, or too assuming in it, my Friends would probably give me the hint. I mean it as an Introduction to a more positive Claim which I shall make in a future day. I had thoughts of adding in the Work itself those few Lines you see at the End of the Advertisement.
In the Inscription or dedication, I wish to add something like this. “In gratitude for being the first who recommended the subject of Natural History to his Countrymen.” See Constitution of Massachusetts Section—
The Book will not be out these three months, as the Publisher has just begun to circulate his Subscription One Reason why I have added the Discourse on Vitality pronounced before the humane Society is, because you once gave it your Approbation in terms which I should be glad if it deserved. This was in a Letter from Philadelphia, but I do not recollect the date of it.
The Governor Speech is a Masterly Performance and well timed and well placed. It is time for The National and State Governments to shew that the Laws and Magistrates have some Authority.
I hope and I pray and believe that Mr Gerry has been and will be one powerful Instrument of Saving Us from a civil War. I am not however as yet under much apprehension and indeed never have been, of such a Calamity. I doubt indeed whether any Man has much apprehension of it, who did not wish it and endeavour to excite it.
I am as usual your Friend

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 12 June 1811
From: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan
To: Adams, John

My Dear Sir!
Olden barneveld. 12 Jun. 1811

I Shall now make an experiment, if I can dispell a malignant Spirit of gloom, which hovers about me, without any other incantation besides acknowledging your both Favours of the 4th and the 9th of april with which I was So kindly honoured by you. Indeed—Sir! this intercourse is nearly the only pastime left me in my deep retreat and then mÿ Situation imperiously often forbids me to indulge meself in it to that lenght I Should wish. I could plead—to mitigate the censure of appearing indolence, in delaying an answer So long, that manifold domestic concerns, and uninterrupted labour, which even precludes the amusement of reading if I had not by you a much potent Advocate in mÿ behalf. we had no prospect of Seing this Season our children here—mrs vanderkemp was alreadÿ induced to visit Philadelphia with her Daughter—when unexpectedly we were informed by my Son, that his presence in the back parts of Pennsylvania not far from the N. york line was required—that he would bring his family here, visit then those parts and return again—He Stay’d here eight days—with his wife, his Sister in Law—and his interesting infant Son—He Started this week for Angelica and the western woods—and now I Shall devote this afternoon—enjoying tranquillitÿ—to acquit me of a duty—whose compliance Spreads a faint raÿ of light—upon my later days. Indeed Sir! when—we are in my Situation—among Strangers—at mÿ age—nearly alone—Such a Substantial prop as your kindness is required to keep us up—take this awaÿ—Set Religion aside—and ere long we would Sink—disgusted of the Scenes—which we must witness willingly, unwillinglÿ—
I rejoice, that my opinion of Lincoln—as appointed—was approved bÿ you—who has known him So long—but that of Wolcott, if I could place anÿ confidence in Some of his Political friends, was not to be palliated. It never can do credit to the President. It never can have been gratifying, to the friends of Lincoln or Adams; So much is true—that the latter can not lay under deep obligation either towards the President—or the Senate.
I am no enemÿ of the President—as long He was a Private Individual—or even a head of department. I Should have courted his more intimate acquaintance—could it have been performed without appearant intrusion—or Servil cringing. Indirectly I have received from Him marks of civility and regard—But I do not approve His Political conduct—indiscriminately—It maÿ be that, Here in the wood’s—my prospect is too much clouded by Fogs—my eyes too groow So dim, that I can not allways See the fitness of the measures pursued.
Among the Political Sins—I am this instant Struck by Wolcott, appointment—the President’s Proclamation upon Cadore’s Letres—the Proclamation with regard to the Florida’s—their invasion, and retrogressiv motion of the armÿ—the appointment of Joel Barlow The Prospect which you hold up of our Government is, I fear too just. If it can not be materially reformed—it must fall and it Seems to me a verÿ doubtful question, if from the scattered ruins—one or more good ones maÿ arise—except the Land is Saved—as thro the Fire.  Among all the various factions I can but discover here and there a fant glimpse of disinterested Patriotism, and manly undaunted integrity, every where—the Same vices in glaring colours, mor or less masked—I See but few real Patriots,—verÿ manÿ contented with the name, and thriving better without it.—Of this truth or falshood I have no doubt—either it relates to the inns or outs.
That in case of equal injurÿ—or absolute necessity of war, a war with Gr. Br. Should have been prefered by any eminent man above that with France—appears to me a Paradox—till the mÿsterÿ is revealed—and you know, how ardently I opposed once Gr. Br.’s adherents—with an effectual navy America would not have been insulted by Gr. Br—trampled upon by France—with insolent mockerÿ—of cajoling alternately the one and the other—have become the carriers of the world—till arrived at its own gigantic Strenght—everÿ minut increasing—Her fleets might have defied the united efforts—of the Despotic Powers—linked bÿ Some Sudden event—together. What would now the Situation of America be—if Such a reconciliation—Suddenly took place?
In your favour of the 9th—you ask me—was electricity known in the reign of Tiberius? I believe, tho it was not Satisfactorly explained, it has been observed—I have a faint remembrance of an ancient passage, which I can not recollect—but looking over my Livÿ—I find—that I noticed one—in my last perusal of Him: Liv. IV Pag. 86 Edinb. ed. 1752 in 12 o. “Novem diali deinde Saenem tenuit, quad in Ticeno per triduum lapidetus, pluerat, ignesque cae lettes multifariam orti ad assisse complurum leri afflatu vestimenta maxime dicebantur”
I do not recollect now anÿ observation—comparitive of Electricity to lightening before Franklin—If you do—you Shall oblige me with the communication.
As soon—I can obtain a little leasure—I Shall trÿ, to make out a rough Sketch—or rather—I Shall trÿ to bring a few of the principal outlines together—in Some unison, and Send them. how happÿ Should I be—could it induce you—or anÿ other equal to the arduous task—to undertake it—Then I Should have performed Something. The topics—you have observed must be principal Ingredients. The Masons and  Illuminati I Should not willinglÿ indite—except more Substantial proof, as are brought forward—Some Of the members may have coöperated—but I am not yet of opinion—that they did So—qua masons—or Illuminati—
What a blessing would be mÿ Share—could I Spend a few days under your roof at Quincÿ! I Scarce dare me flatter—that it Shall happen—if however my Situation became more favorable, the Saërt Sacrifice—that I Should make of a handfull of gold would be this journeÿ—I was So confident, that I Should have been cordially received, if I had presented myself at your Mantion bÿ your Self and your Lady, that I Should not have hesitated a twinkling of an eÿe, to have called for admittance—had necessitÿ driven me to your neighbourhood—what delight then, mÿ worthÿ Sir! must I have Felt, when I actually perused your affectionate invitation—I feel it now in reading it over again—and consider it with as warm a gratitude—as if I actually had received it—But have twenty years not obliterated from your memorÿ—that I am blunt—and in the woods—this roughness can not have received a great polish? I know not where Libanon is—but judge Smith informed me, that your Daughter lived in his neighbourhood—and that mrs A. perhaps might visit her this Summer—if so, he would Send me word; and then I Should go, and paÿ my respect, even if the roads were not good—the worst is in our vicinitÿ—Then good Turnpike—we are 12 miles from utica onlÿ. But even remain the promised Mem. of your academy. Continue to favour me with your continued friendship. I remain—your’s Sincerely

Fr Adr. v. d. kemp


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Rush, 13 June 1811
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

June 13th: 1811.

Act I. Scene I.
Mr: Adams’s Study
Mr A: Who is there?Dr: R—a friend—A—Walk in.—Ah! Rush is that you? Where have been these two Months—? You seem to have forgotten your old friend Adams.R. Forgotten my Old friend Adams!—No Sir—that is impossible. I owe more to your friendship than I ever owed to any human Being, except to my excellent mother, and to my beloved and faithful Wife.A. What is the news in Philadelphia?R. None Sir.A. What do your Citizens say of the battle between Capt: Rogers, and the British Sloop of War?R. They were at first much pleased with the Conduct of Capt: Rodgers, but ever since they have seen the motions of the in file leaders United States fugalmen in the town of Boston, they have generally condemned it.A. That is strange indeed!—R. Yes Sir—but it is no less strange than true. The Citizens of Philadelphia have long been in the habit of giving up the right of thinking for themselves. When the British treaty was first made public, All parties Condemned it in Strong terms, but no sooner did General Washington ratify it, than a majority of our Citizens defended it, and I will recollect hearing a respectable merchant who was uncommonly clamorous against it when he first read it, Abuse the rabble who objected to it as soon as he heard Genl: Washington had approved of it. This Conduct of our citizens was humorously exposed some Weeks Afterwards by Thomas Leiper. In a large Company in which he dined, and Where he met with Saml Chase he was asked What he thought of a certain measure of the British, or french Government.—“I have no Opinion to give upon this Subject as yet (said Mr Leiper.) but I will wait and hear what General Washington says About it, and then I will answer your question.”A: What are our Rulers doing in Washington?R: I don’t know. I have no political Correspondent there, and I believe Nothing that our papers say of the Conduct or Secrets of our the Cabinet of the United States.A: What do you think of Govr: Gerry’s late Speech?R: I have not read it.A Not read it!—Why—you want not only Curiosity  public Spirit, but Curiosity. Don’t you recollect Mr G: He was our Companion in the labors and dangers of 1776.R. So was General Washington’s White horse, and So were General Lees dogs,—and what then?—But don’t suppose I mean any mark of disrespect to our friend Gerry by these allusions. I allude only to the equality of in rank and fame with of the patriots of 1776 (General Washington & Col Hamilton excepted) with those revolutionary Animals. I have not only a regard for Mr Gerry, but the highest opinion of his political integrity, and this I Once heard you say, lost “was the rarest Virtue in the whole World.” Tell him When you see him, how sincerely I esteem him, & how much I rejoice in his prosperity & honor.A: Are your Citizens making any preparations to celebrate the 4th of July?R. They Many of them are preparing to celebrate the praises—(not of the Men who subscribed the Declaration of Independance with ropes around their necks,) but of General Washington and Col: Hamilton on that memorable day.A. Eno’—Eno’ my Old friend upon this Subject. Let us descend to more pleasant Matters. How is your family?R I thank you Sir for your kind inquiry After them. Through divine Goodness they are all well except my poor Son John who continues in a  deranged State in our hospital, but without any mixture of the distress in his disease which first induced it.A. Where is your son, the Doctor now?R About embarking, or on his Voyage to New York—Canada—or Philadelphia. He has spent a Winter & Spring in London much to his Satisfaction in a constant Succession of the Company of Physicians—Chemists and Philosophers of All grades and Characters.A. What has become of your Son Who went into a Counting house? He is Still at the his master’s Writing desk and upon his Wharf; but so correctly has he behaved, that his master is about to send him out as Supercargo of One of his Vessels in the Course of the Summer, and upon a Voyage that Will separate him from his family for 18 months, or two years.A. How is Richard & his family?R All well, and doing Well. and now my good friend—permit to ask, how is your the dear & venerable Companion of all the good & evil of your life—?—How is your Son Thos: B Adams & his family? Where, and how are Mrs Smith & her little flocks? Children? When do you expect the return of your son Jno Q: Adams from Petersburgh? and tho’ last, not least in respect and Affection,—How do you do? How is your Appetite? Do you sleep well at nights? Do Grasshopper burdens of body, or mind affect you? Do you still enjoy a Chair in your this Study? Do glasses Still supply the place of natural Vision? How is your hearing? An Answer to such questions will afford great pleasure not only to  your old friend R——, but to the whole of his favour family. & And now my dear & excellent Old friend  I must bid you Adieu!—Good Bye Sir! Expect another Visit from me shortly. I had like to have forgotten to thank you for the kind things you have said of my introductory letters. You appreciate them, and their author too highly. Again Adieu!—R: retires—bowing—takes a Seat in a hack which conveys him to Boston, from Where he returns in the stage to his home in Philada.


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 21 June 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

Quincy June 21. 1811

As Charité commens par soi même, or as We more elegantly express it, as Charity begins at home, I shall first resent the domestic part of your dramatic Dialogue, of the 13th.
The prosperous and promising Circumstances of every Branch of your Family gives me unfeigned Pleasure. The only exception is to be deplored, but not in despair. Richard is my Friend by a Sort of Inheritance. He cannot fail to do well, if he is careful to preserve his health, an article as much in danger at the Bar, as in Sick characters and midnight Visits.
Now for my turn.—My Companion in Prosperity and Adversity has the Same delicate health, and similar frequent ill turns as when you were more nearly acquainted with her: but the same indefatigable exertions for her Family, and all her Friends as well as her Children and Grandchildren, still continue and her Friendship for you and yours is not diminished. My son Thomas Boylston, has much ill health, and has lately mett an unfortunate accident, which has confined him for several weeks, by a Fall of his Horse. His wound is now in a good Way and he has been twice out to ride, once to Boston and once to Weymouth. He has three pretty Children two daughters and a son; and peradventure a fourth by this time, whose birth we expect to hear every Moment. Our Legislature have given him a Seat in Counsel, where I hope he will give faithful advice to The Governor , according to the Oath which he has taken.
Mrs Smith is at Lebanon, near the Chenango, in a Town called Lebanon in the State of New York. We are in great Anxiety for her, as She is threatened with a Cancer in her Breast. We expect her here in a few Weeks. Her oldest son William is with his Uncle in Sr. Petersbourg: her second son John is at Hamilton about four Miles from his Father and Mother, in the Practice of Law, and they have made him a Postmaster and a Master in Chancery. Her Daughter Caroline is with her Parents, and is a charming Girl. Charles’s Widow and two Daughters are with me. The Daughters are grown up, and are good Girls: one has remarkable Abilities. The other not deficient. I expect John Quincy, with some little scepticism however, in abt October or November.
I am well. My Appetite is as good as ever. I Sleep well O Night. No Burdens, whether Grasshoppers or Mammoths of Body or Mind affect me. I Still enjoy a Chair in the Study: but avoid close Thinking from Principle. My natural Vision is not bad, but I Use Glasses for Ease to my Eyes, which you have known to be weak and Subject to Inflammations for almost forty years. My Hearing, for any Thing that I perceive or my Friends have remarked to me, is as good as ever. So much for the bright Side. On the other I have a “Quiveration.” What in the Name of the Medical Dictionary, you will Say, is a “Quiveration? A wild Irish Boy, who lives with my son T.B., let a Horse run away with a chaise. One of the Family ran out and cryed out Nat! why did you not Scream out and call for help. Sir! Sir! said Nat, I was Seized with such a Quiveration that I could not Speak. Nat’s Quiveration is the best Word I know to express my Palsy. It does not as yet much incommode me in Writing, though my hands are chiefly affected. Another Circumstance on the dark side is my organs of Speech are gone. It would divert you to Witness a conversation between my ancient Friend and Colleag Robert T. Paine and me. He is above Eighty. I cannot speak and he cannot hear. Yet we converse. Thus I have given a particular Answer to every one of your Questions.
And now how Shall I turn my Thoughts from this good humoured Small Talk, to the angry, turbulent Stormy Science of Politicks.
But previously I am in no fear of forgetting or being forgotten by my old Friend Rush.
I am quite at my ease about the Battle. Regretting the honest Fellows however who were killed and wounded, it is a matter of indifference to me, which Ship fired first. I feel as I did after the Battle of Lexington. A great Solicitude appeared in Congress to ascertain by Oaths Affidavits and Depositions, which fired first. I was thought to aim at Independence, because I declared in Congress that I did not care a Farthing about this Question. Since it was become apparent that a War was inevitable, it was of no moment which commenced Hostilities, for Hostilities alone could decide the Controversy between the two Countries. Yet certainly, the were better Politicians than I because they studied and laboured to have appearances on their Side.
I am Sorry to find from your Letter, that The Boston Tories who gave the Tone to those of all the Continent from 1761 to 1783, continue to give into those of Philadelphia in 1811.—At the Same time, forget not, that the Whigs of Boston gave the Tone to the Whigs of the Continent—Let not the importance of Boston to this Union be forgotten.
You ought to read Gerrys speech.—It was in the genuine Whiggish Style of 1765 and 1775. He is the Same enlightened, indefatigable and persevering Patriot.
“Louis 14, if not the greatest King, was the best Actor of Majesty that ever wore a Crownn.” Said Bolinbroke.
Our Citizens in our great commercial Cities, if they are not the greatest Politicians that ever lived, are great Masters of the Theatrical Exhibitions of Politicks. Wasere there ever more Striking Coups de Theatre than Mock Funerals? Or our Celebrations of the Rock on which my great great, great great, (and I know not how many more greats) Grandfather John Alden, at twenty years of age first leaped at Plymouth in 1620. This Institution, however is dying away because it was found to excite too much Calvinism, and Puritanism; and perhaps too high a spirit of Liberty. Washington understood this Art very well, and We may say of him, if he was not the greatest President he was the best Actor of Presidency We have ever had. His Address to The States when he left the Army; His solemn Leave taken of Congress when he resigned his Commission; his Farewell Address to the People when he resigned his Presidency. These were all in a strain of Shakespearean and Garrickal Excellence in Dramatic Exhibitions.
We Whiggs attempted Somewhat of the Kind. The Declaration of Independence I always considered as a Theatrical Show. Jefferson ran away with all the Stage Effect of that, i.e. all the Glory of it.
The Exception from Pardon of Hancock and Adams, had a like Effect. This however was not their Contrivance nor any Device of our Party. It was an Incident in the Play that was not prepared by the Author or Actors. It was considered by the People, and justly, as decisive Proof of Sin, in the Sense of their Enemy, and of Saintship, in their own Sense.
We never instituted Mock Funerals for Warren, Montgomery Mercer, Wooster, or Hancock or Franklin or Sam Adams or Patrick Henry or R. H. Lee, or James Otis or John Dickinson.
This is a more modern Discovery and Improvement of the great Art of Aristocratical Trick, Intrigue, Manœuvre or what you please to call it. The Usury of Roman Senators, must be inforced by military force, or Roman Catholick Jesuitism.
But all these Arts are not equal to that of making immense fortunes however Scandalous, per Saltum in a twinkling of an Eye, by a financiering Operation, which Substitutes a Paper Money, whose immense depreciations go into the Pocketts of a few Individuals in Lieu of a Paper Money whose depreciations are in favour of the whole People. A curse on Paper Money of all kinds.
But enough! Enough! of this ill Nature. It restores all my good Nature to bid you Adieu as your old Friend.
I wish you would come and See me in Reality, in my Room Chamber study office or whatever you please to call it. Why not, with Mrs Rush or the Young Ladies, or both, or all?
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Richard Sharp, 25 June 1811
From: Sharp, Richard
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Mark Lane London 25th June 1811

Few letters have ever given me so much pleasure as that which you did me the honor to write in February last. The gratification which I felt in the receipt of it arose not only from meeting with a fresh mark of your attention, but from the singular importance of the remarks, which it contained, on the real æra & true spirit of your great Revolution
I am fully sensible of the justness, or rather the wisdom of your obvservations, having long been aware that the war from 1776 to 1783, would have been useless or dangerous, had not innumerable circumstances preexisted to form the political & moral character of the People of America
It is indeed most certain, through greatly to be lamented, that yours is a perilous example to follow, in consequence of the occupations, habits, & vices of almost every other nation upon earth—
It still however appears to me that it would be adviseable to select the period of the war as fittest to excite attention & interest, and that the principles of your illustrious contest would be best delineated in their effects, & in their success.
I see, or perhaps I ought to say that, I think I see, many serious obstructions lying in the way of the government of the United States—No good, especially no political good, can be hoped for unattended by evils or by dangers—It would be too much to expect that the elective institutions of your representative government should not, in their operation, give rise to many painful, & to some disgusting appearances—
I have however much hope in the correctioning principle inherent, as I am willing to believe, in all free governments. In England we perceive this energy constantly & beneficially at work, and I doubt not that it exists in the US, although I cannot exactly distinguish the organs by which it operates
Mr Sturgis was so good as to convey to me several Sheets of your Correspondence to page 316—
May I request the remainder of so valuable a communication
At the same time let me assure you again, that it would afford me a sincere pleasure to be of any use to you in this country
I have the honor to be / Dear Sir Yr. Obliged friend & Sevt.
Rd Sharp


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 27 June 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

Sirs...
Quincy, June 27, 1811.

    I shall now proceed with that obnoxious Journal:—
    Monday, Nov. 11, 1782. Mr. Whiteford, the Secretary of Mr. Oswald, came a second time; not having found me at home yesterday, when he left a card with a copy of Mr. Oswald’s commission, attested by himself, (Mr. Oswald.) He delivered the copy, and said Mr. Oswald was ready to compare it to the original with me. I said Mr. Oswald’s Attestation was sufficient, as he had already shewn me his original. He sat down and we fell into conversation about the weather, and the vapours and exhalations from Tartary, which had been brought here last spring by the winds, and given us all the influenza. Thence to French fashions, and the punctuality with which they insist upon people’s wearing thier clothes in spring and fall, tho’ the weather is ever so cold, &c. I said it was often carried to ridiculous lengths; but that it was at bottom an admirable policy, as it rendered all Europe tributary to the city of Paris, for its Manufactures.

    We fell soon into politics. I told him that there was something in the minds of the English and the French, which impelled them irresistably to war every ten or fifteen years. He said, the ensuing peace would, he believed, be a long one. I said it would, provided it was well made, and nothing left in it to give future discontents; but if any thing was done which the Americans should think hard and unjust, both the English and French would be continually blowing it up, and inflaming the American minds with it, in order to make them join one side or the other in a future war. He might well think, that the French would be very glad to have the Americans join them in future war. Suppose for example, they should think the tories men of monarchical principles, or men of more ambition than principle, or men corrupted, and of no principle, and should therefore think them more easily seduced to their purposes than virtuous republicans; is it not easy to see the policy of a French minister, in wishing them amnesty and compensation? Suppose, a French minister foresees that the presence of the tories in America will keep up perpetually two parties, a French party and an English party, and that this will compel the patriotic and independent party to join the French party; is it not natural for him to wish them restored? Is it not easy to see, that a French minister cannot wish to have the English and Americans perfectly agreed upon all points, before they themselves, (the French) the Spaniards and Dutch are agreed too? Can they be sorry then to see us split upon such a point as the tories? What can be their motives to become the advocates of the tories? The French minister at Philadelphia, has made some representations to congress, in favor of compensation to the royalists, and the Comte de Vergennes, no longer than yesterday, said much to me in their favor. The Comte probably knows, that we are instructed against it; that congress are instructed against it, or rather have not constitutional authority to do it; that we can only write about it to congress, and they to the states, who may, and probably will deliberate upon it eighteen months before they all decide, and then every one of them will determine against it. In this way, there is an insuperable obstacle to any agreement between the English and Americans, even upon terms to be inserted in the general peace, before all are ready. It was the constant practice of the French to have some of their subjects in London during the conferences for peace, in order to propagate such sentiments there as they wished to prevail. I doubted not such were there now. Mr. Rayneval had been there. Mr. Gerard, I had heard, is there now, and probably others. They can easily persuade the tories to set up their demands, and tell them and the ministers, that the king’s dignity and nation’s honor are compromised in it.

    For my own part, I thought America had been long enough involved in the wars of Europe. She had been a foot-ball between contending nations from the beginning, and it was easy to foresee that France and England both would endeavor to involve us in their future wars. I thought it our interest and duty to avoid it as much as possible, and to be completely independent, and to have nothing to do, but in commerce, with either of them. That my thoughts had been from the beginning, constantly employed to arrange all our European connections to this end, and that they would be continued to be so employed—and I thought it so important to us, that if my poor labours, my little estate or (smiling) sizy blood could effect it, it should be done. But I had many fears.

    I said the King of France might think it consistent with his station, to favour people who had contended for a crown though it was the crown of his enemy.
    Whiteford said they seem to be, through the whole of this, fighting for reputation. I said they had acquired it, and more, they had raised themselves high, from a low estate, by it; and they were our good friends and allies; had conducted generously and nobly, and we should be just and grateful, but they might have political wishes, which we were not bound by treaty, nor in justice or gratitude to favor, and these we ought to be cautious of. He agreed that they had raised themselves very suddenly and surprisingly by it.
    We had more conversation on the state of manners in France, England, Scotland and in other parts of Europe, but I have not time to record this.

    1811.—Thus ends this journal of November 11, 1782, truly copied from the original, in my own hand writing, now before me.
1. This Mr. Whiteford was a very sensible, shrewd and well informed man, though a wit, a punster, and a cross-reader, as Mr. Burke called him in parliament. I very well knew he would immediately communicate this conversation to Mr. Oswald, Mr. Fitzherbert, and very probably to Mr. Vaughan, and had no doubt it would be written to lord Shelbourne, where I wished it might have the effect that I thought it could not fail to have, relative to fisheries, western lands, navigation of Mississippi, tories and all other objects most likely to divide us.
2. It contains the great principle, which Mr. Jay and Mr. Adams uniformly urged through the whole negotiation, viz. That it was the interest of England, in the treaty of peace, to place America at her ease, to leave no cause of complaint of injustice, severity or ingenerosity; to leave open no room to dispute about boundaries, fisheries, commerce or tories; that America might be under no temptation to commence another war, and that France, Spain, and England might have no materials to employ in grievances to aggravate in order to excite animosities in the United States against Great Britain and stimulate them to engage in any future war on the side of the house of Bourbon. We were not supported by Dr. Franklin in this principle in its full extent. Though I cannot say that he ever explained his opinion to any of the British ministers or agents; yet it was his avowed opinion “that America owed so great obligations to France that she ought to join her in two future wars at least, against Great Britain; one to pay her debt of gratitude to France for her assistance in this war, and a second to shew herself as generous as France had been.” This sentiment, in these words, he has repeatedly declared to me, and once at least in the presence and hearing of Mr. Jay.
    3. I must own I have transcribed this day’s journal with pride and pleasure, for another reason: because it is so explicit an asvertion, nine and twenty years ago, of a principle that has governed me through my whole life, in relation to the foreign affairs of the United States—It is a principle that was deliberately considered and almost unanimously approved in congress in 1775, when the first motion was made for the appointment of a committee for foreign correspondence, when Mr. Jay as well as myself was present; a principle more formally adopted and confirmed in 1776, when the plan of a treaty with France was under deliberation and discussion in congress for many days. And I can now add, because it has been the fundamental principle and invariable system in the conduct of the United States towards foreign nations, through the four administrations of the national government. It is said that president Washington began it; but there is nothing less understood than the real views of that good and great man—The truth is, he was smitten with the charms of the French revolution, and offended and disgusted with the English for violating the treaty of peace by withholding the posts on the frontiers, &c. &c. &c. that he was strongly inclined to enter into closer connections with France and a treaty offensive and defensive against Great Britain. I know the time and place in which and the reasons by which he was first shaken, when congress sat at New-York in 1789, in his first thoughts and inclinations, and brought seriously to deliberate on that system of neutrality, which he afterwards adopted, but not till four years mediation on the subject. In 1794, he first deligated by Proclamation his adoption of the system of neutrality. And indeed after he had adopted the system of neutrality, he could not restrain himself, some years afterwards, from expressing to a French minister his ardent admiration of the exertions of the French nation, in favour of liberty.
    I will say nothing at present of that administration which has had the singular fortune to be rebrobated by the nation. But God knows that alliances offensive or defensive with either France or England were never on object of desire to the head of that administration, whatever it might have been to some of his ministers, to some of the senators and some of the representatives in congress in his time.

    Mr. Jefferson’s administration of eight years, was governed, as far as I can understand it, by the same system.
    Mr. Madison’s has presented the same. How long the national government will be able to maintain an impartial neutrality, I know not. It has cost us great sacrifices. But the question is, whether War with either of the belligerent powers would not have cost us more?
    The base and wicked insinuations that Jefferson or Madison have been bribed or intimidated by Bonaparte—have my utmost detestation—I should believe it of Washington as soon as of either. There is more reason to suspect that both of them, and Washington too, were too much overawed by the terrors of the British navy, than by any fears of Napoleon.
    4. It is a great consolation to me, to find a record of so frank and candid a communication of my own sentiment, and of the system of the United States, to the government of G. Britain, at so early a period and upon an occasion so memorable. G. Britain can never reproach me with deceiving them. I have invariably informed them all, that the line of neutrality was the nearest approach that I could ever make towards them. They ought never to have expected any thing more from us.
    5. I shall make no remarks, at present, on what was said relative to the Tories. If any of your readers should perceive in it, any forebodings of the present times, that will not be my fault.
    The Journal goes on—
    November 12, 1782—Tuesday—Dined with the Abby Chalut and the Abby Arnoux. The farmer general and his daughter, Dr. Franklin, and his Grandson, Mr. Grand and his lady and neice, Mr. Ridley and myself, with one young French gentleman, made the company. The farmer’s daughter is about 12 years old, and is I suppose, an enfant trouvee. He made her sing at table, and she bids fair to be an accomplished opera girl, though she has not a delicate ear.
    The compliment of “Monsieur vous etes le Washington de la Negotiation” was repeated to me by more than one person. I answered—Monsieur vous me faites le plus grand honneur, et la compliment le plus sublime possible.—Eh! Monsieur, en verite vous l’avez bien merite.”—
     A few of these compliments would kill Franklin should they come to his Ears.
    This Evening I went to the Hotel de Treize Etats Unis, to see the Baron de Linden;—to the Hotel de York to see the Messrs. Vaughans, and to the Hotel d’Orleans to see Mr. Jay, but found neither. Returned through the Rue St. Honoree, to see the decorated shops, which are pretty enough. This is the gayest street in Paris, in point of ornamented shops. But Paris does not excell in this respect.

    The old farmer general was very lively at dinner. Told stories and seemed ready to join the little girl in songs, like a boy.—Pleasures do not wear men out in Paris, as in other Places.

    The Abby Arnoux asked me at table, “Monsieur ou est votre Fils cadet, qui chant come Orphee?  Il est du retour en Amerique. To Mademoiselle Labbard, he said "connoissez a vous que Monsieur Adams a une Demoiselle, tres aimable en Amerique?" Thus ends the journal of November 12, 1782.

    I shall make no other remark upon it, than this, how is it possible to live many years with a people so good humored, so gay, so frolicksome, so frivolous, without contracting some of their politeness and frivolity? Their frivolity! Ask all Europe how much art, science, taste, valour, energy, are mixed with all this politeness in the national character. The last fifteen years of the eighteenth century, and the first ten of the nineteenth, will answer these questions to some purpose.
    The journal proceeds—
    November 13, 1782—Wednesday—This is the anniversary of my quitting home! Three years are completed! Oh, when shall I return?—Ridley dined with me. Captain Barney called in the evening and took my dispatches. One set he is to deliver to Captain Hill, another to Captain,   and the third he takes himself.
    1782. November 17—Sunday—Have spent several days in copying Mr. Jay’s dispatches.—On Friday, the 15th, Mr. Oswald came to visit me, and entered with some freedom, into conversation. I said many things to him, to convince him that it was the policy of my Lord Shelburne and the interest of the nation, to agree with us, upon the advantageous terms which Mr. Stratchy carried away on the 5th. Shewed him the advantages of the boundary, the vast extent of land, and the equitable provision for the payment of debts, and even the great benefits stipulated for the tories.

    He said he had been reading Mr. Paine’s answer to the Abby Raynal, and had found there an excellent argument in favour of the tories.—Mr. Paine says, that before the battle of Lexington, we were so blindly prejudiced in favor of the English, and so closely attached to them, that we went to war at any time and for any object, when they bid us. Now this being habitual to the Americans, it was excusable in the tories to behave upon this occasion as all of us had ever done upon all others. He said, if he were a member of congress he would shew a magnanimity upon this occasion, and would say to the refugees take your property. We scorn to make any use of it in building up our system.

    I replied, that we had no power, and congress had no power; and therefore we must consider how it would be reasoned upon in the several legislatures of the separate states; if, after being sent by us to congress, and by them to the several states, in the course of twelve or fifteen months, it should be there debated. You must carry on the war, six or nine months certainly, for this compensation, and consequently spend in the prosecution of it, six or nine times the sum necessary to make the compensation; for I presume this war costs every month to G. Britain, a larger sum than would be necessary to pay for the forfeited estates.

    How, said I, will an independent man in one of our assemblies, consider this? We will take a man, who is no partisan of England or France, one who wishes to do justice to both, and to all nations, but is the partisan only of his own.

    Have you seen, says Mr. Oswald, a certain letter written to the comte de Vergennes, wherein Mr. Samuel Adams is treated pretty freely. Yes, said I, and several other papers, in which Mr. John Adams has been treated so too. I know not what you may have heard in England of Mr. Samuel Adams. You may have been taught to believe, for what I know, that he eats little children. But I assure you, he is a man of humanity and candor as well as integrity; and further, that be is devoted to the interest of his country; and I believe, wishes never to be, after a peace, the partizan of France or England; but to do justice and all the good he can to both. I thank you for mentioning him, for I will make him my orator. What will he say, when the question of amnesty and compensation to the tories comes before the senate of Massachusetts? And when he is informed that England makes a point of it, and that France favours her. He will say here are two old sagacious courts, both endeavoring to sow the seeds of discord among us; each endeavoring to keep us in hot water; to keep up continual broils, between an English party and a French party, in hopes of obliging the independent and patriotic party to lean to its side. England wishes them here and compensated; not merely to get rid of them, and to save themselves the money, but to plant among us instruments of their own, to make divisions among us, and between us and France; to be continually crying down the religion, the government, the manners of France; and crying up the language, the fashions, the blood, &c, of England. England also means, by insisting on our compensating these worst of enemies, to obtain from us, a tacit acknowledgment of the right of the war, an implicit acknowledgment that the tories have been justifiable, or at least excusable; and that we, only by a fortunate coincidence of events, have carried a wicked rebellion into a complete revolution.
    At the very time when Britain professes to desire peace, reconciliation, perpetual oblivion of all past unkindnesses; can she wish to send in among us, a number of persons, whose very countenances will bring fresh to our remembrance the whole history of the rise and progress of the war, and of all its atrocities? Can she think it conciliatory to oblige us to lay taxes upon those, whose habitations have been consumed, to reward those who have burned them? Upon those whose property has been stolen, to reward the thieves? Upon those whose relations have been cruelly destroyed, to compensate the murderers?
    What can be the design of France, on the other hand, by espousing the cause of these men? Indeed; her motives may be guessed at. She may wish to keep up in our minds a terror of England, and a fresh remembrance of all we have suffered. Or she may wish to prevent our ministers in Europe, from agreeing with the British ministers, until she shall say that she and Spain are satisfied in all points. So much for the supposed speech of Mr. Samuel Adams—far inferior, however, in elegance and harmony to the common effusions of his tongue and pen.
    The journal proceeds—
    I entered largely, with Mr. Oswald, into the consideration of the influence this question would have upon the counsels of the British cabinet, and the debates in Parliament. The King and the old ministry might think their personal reputations concerned in supporting men who had gone such lengths and suffered so much in their attachment to them. The King may say, I have other dominions abroad, Canada, Nova-Scotia, Florida, the West India Islands, the East Indies, Ireland; it will be a bad example to abandon these men, others will lose their encouragement to adhere to my government. But the shortest answer to this is the best; let the king, by a message, recommend it to parliament, to compensate them.

    But how will my lord Shelburne sustain the shock of opposition, when Mr. Fox and Mr. Burke shall demand a reason why the essential interests of the nation are sacrificed to the unreasonable demands of those very men who have done this great mischief to the empire? Should these orators indulge themselves in philippicks against the refugees, shew their false representations, their outrageous cruelties, their innumerable demerits against the nation, and then attack the first lord of the treasury for continuing to spend the blood and treasure of the nation for their sakes?

    The journal of November 17th continues—
    Mr. Vaughan came to me yesterday and said that Mr. Oswald had that morning called upon Mr. Jay and told him if he had known as much the day before as he had since learned, he would have written to go home. Mr. Vaughan said, Mr. Fitzherbert had received a letter from lord Townsend, that the compensation would be insisted on. Mr. Oswald wanted Mr. Jay to go to England—thought he could convince the ministry. Mr. Jay said he must go with or without the knowledge and advice of this court, and in either case it would give rise to jealousies. He could not go. Mr. Vaughan said he had determined to go on account of the critical state of his family, his wife being probably abed. He should be glad to converse freely with me, and obtain from me all the lights and arguments against the tories, even the history of their worst actions: that in case it should be necessary to run them down, it might be done, or at least expose them, for their true history was little known in England.
    I told him that I must be excused, it was a subject that I had never been desirous of obtaining information upon; that I pitied those people too much to be willing to aggravate their sorrows and sufferings, even of those who had deserved the worst. It might not be amiss to reprint the letters of Gov’s. Bernard, Hutchinson, & Oliver, to shew the rise. It might not be amiss to read the history of Wyoming, in the annual register for 1778 or 1779; to recollect the prison-ships, and the churches at New-York, where the garrisons of fort Washington were starved in order to make them enlist into refugee corps. It might not be amiss to recollect the burning of cities, and the thefts of plate, negroes, and tobacco.

    I entered into the same arguments with him that I had used with Mr. Oswald, to shew that we could do nothing, congress nothing, the time it would take to consult the states, and the reasons to believe that all of them would at last decide against it. I shewed him that it would be a religious question with some, a moral one with others, and a political one with more, an œconomical one with very few. I shewed him the ill effects which would be produced upon the American mind by this measure; how much it would contribute to perpetuate alienation against England, and how French emissaries might, by means of these men, blow up the flames of animosity and war. I showed him how the whig interest and the opposition might avail themselves of this subject in parliament, and how they might embarrass the minister.

    He went out to Passy for a passport and in the evening called upon me again, he said he found Dr. Franklin’s sentiments to be the same with Mr. Jay’s and mine, and hoped he should be able to convince Lord Shelburne. He was pretty confident it would work right. The ministry and nation were not informed upon the subject. Lord Shelburne had told him that no part of his office gave him so much pain as the levee he held for these people, and hearing their stories of their families and estates, their losses, sufferings and distresses. Mr. Vaughan said he had picked up here a good deal of information about these people, from Mr. Allen and other Americans.

    Ridley, Allen and Mason dined with me, and in the evening capt.  Barney came in and told me that Mr. Vaughan went off to day at noon. I delivered to Barney, Mr. Jay’s long despatches and the other letters.
    In the evening marquis de la Fayette came in and told me he had been to see Mr. de Fleuri on the subject of a loan. He told him that he must afford America, this year, a subsidy of twenty millions. Mr. de Fleuri said France had already spent two hundred and fifty millions in the American war, and that they could not allow any more money to her; that there was a great deal of money in America. That the king’s troops had been   subsisted and paid there, &c. The marquis said that little of the subsistence or pay of the British had gone into any hands but those of the tories, within their lines.

     I said that more money went in for their goods, than came out for provisions, or any thing.
    The marquis added to Mr. de Fleuri, that Mr. Adams had a plan for going to the states general, for a loan or a subsidy. Mr. Fleuri said he did not want the assistance of Mr. Adams to get money in Holland, he could have what he would. The marquis said Mr. Adams would be glad of it, he did not want to go, but was willing to take the trouble if necessary.
    The marquis said he should dine with the queen to-morrow, and would give her a hint to favor us. That he should take leave in a few days, and should go in the fleet that was to sail from Brest. That he wanted the advice of Mr. Franklin, Mr. Jay, and me, before he went on, &c. Said there was a report that Mr. Gerard had been in England, and that Mr. de Rayneval was gone. I told him I saw Mr. Gerard at Mr. Jay’s, a few evenings ago.
    He said be did not believe Mr. Gerard had been—That he had mentioned it to comte de Vergennes, and he did not appear confused at all, but said Mr. Gerard was here, about the limits of Alsace.
    The marquis said that he believed the reason why the comte de Vergennes said so little about the progress of Mr. Fitzherbert with him, was because the difficulty about peace was made by the Spaniards, and he was afraid of making the Americans still more angry with Spain. He knew the Americans were very angry with the Spaniards.
    Thus ends the journal of the 17th of November, 1782.
    I shall make only two notes upon it. The project of going to the states general, which the marquis imputes to Mr. Adams, was certainly not his. He knew very well that such a journey would have been in vain.
    2. Mr. de Fleuri flattered himself most egregiously, for in truth, he could not have raised a ducat, to use a certain for an uncertain trifle, in all Holland. And I could have obtained, upon my single signature, more money than I could have procured, in association with Mr. de Fleuri. the comte de Vergennes and the duke de la Vaugion. This was then and is now my opinion.

John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Rush, 28 June 1811
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

June 28. 1811.

Act 1. Scene 2nd.
Mr Adams alone in his Study.
Enter B Rush.A: Aye Rush is that you? What is that paper you hold in your hand?R A Summary view of the physical, moral and immoral effects of certain hymns upon the body & mind of man & upon his Condition in Society. Permit me Sir to request your Acceptance of it.A What must I do with it?R: Send it to the parson of your parish,  but if he “too good, to do good” Send it to any Other person that you think will republish it, and cause copies of it to posted upon the doors of your School and Court and meeting houses in different parts of the State.A: I am afraid your labor will be lost in this business. The same Chain that binds to our our Citizens to banks and lotteries, binds them to taverns and grogshops, and to their bottles  in their Chimney Corners.R:  I lament the truth of your remark, but let us remember One of your Old friend Dr Jebb’s sayings “no good effort is lost.” The Seeds of truth upon all Subjects are imperishable. While some of them yield their increase suddenly, Others like the Acorn, require Centuries to bring them to perfection. The Seeds of the reformation of which Luther & Calvin reaped the fruits in eclesiastical fame, were  sowed by Wickliff and Jerome, and the Seeds of all the liberty that now exists in England and the United States were sowed by Hampden, Ludlow and Others 160 years ago in Great Britain. The booksellers tell us those books that command an early & general sale seldom outlive the generation in which they are printed. The same thing may be said of Opinions. The more profound they are, & the more interesting they are to human happiness, they more Slowly they come to maturity. Posthumous fame is perhaps the only fame that is well earned. Great men are tried by their peers only After the Clamor against their opinions and actions has subsided, and After the encrease of knowledge has prepared their posterity to form a Correct judgment of each of them.A: Stop—Stop Doctor—your imagination is running away with you. But we will change the Subject. What do your Citizens say of Robt: Smith publication? R. “Where are my shoes and stockings?” said Sancho when he was asked how he liked his goverment. Where is my pestle and mortar? William (to his Servant) bring my horse & Chair—it is time to take my evening tour among my patients. Good day Sir!—exit Rush. In retiring he says—may peace, and joy and every form of domestic happiness be the portion of every tenant of this venerable mansion!—


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Rush, 6 July 1811
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

My dear Old friend,
Philadelphia July 6. 1811

Yrs. of June 21st. came safe to hand. I shall reply to it give you the echo of it in a few days. Not knowing to whom it is proper to send the enclosed packet from Lord Bircham, I have taken the liberty to address it to you. It contains (I suppose) a curious, heterogeneous oration by his Lordship delivered before some Americans in Edingh: on the Anniverrsary of General Washington’s birth day.—
Health, respect & friendship! / from Dear Sir yours / truly

Benjn: Rush