Title: To Alexander Hamilton from William Short, 30 August 1792
From: Short, William
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Sir
The Hague Aug 30. 1792

I had the honor of writing to you on the 6th inst. previously to my going to Amsterdam to sign the contract & bonds of the last or second 4 p. cent loan. Since my return here I have recd. from Mr. Pinckney your letters of June 14—June 23 with its enclosures—& June 30. These letters were recieved here the 17th inst. being sent by Mr. Pinckney with the idea, that they would be forwarded to me; as he has since informed me, not supposing that I had long ago left Holland. My letters written to you & the sec. of State will have shewn how this came not to be the case.
My letters also will have shewn you sir my anxiety with respect to 1. The depreciation of the Antwerp payments not being settled & my apprehension for a short time past of its not being done with the then existing government. 2. the delay of the payments from Amsterdam & consequent accumulation of monies at a dead interest in the hands of our bankers. I have now the mortification to inform you that the event which I so feared has taken place, namely the expiration of the late government without the adjustment of the depreciation. I will not importune you with what I have so often mentioned of the steps by which these delays have been occasioned, & of the unavoidable passage of this business from my hands into those of M Morris. I think you will feel sir that restricted as I was from the month of Nov. last—knowing from the President’s instructions to you, that it was his intention that arrangements with respect to the French debt should be made by the representative of the U.S. residing at Paris—knowing that he well with respect to a permanent representative could not but be pronounced about the time—every consideration of delicacy & propriety forbad me imperiously from putting myself forward in the business & anticipating on his will where it was evident that a short delay (during which there was every reason to believe it would be pronounced) could not be prejudicial. I have repeated to you sir, these considerations even to satiety; yet my anxiety on the subject, as I apprehend more & more the interests of the U.S. will suffer from the delay, increasing daily I find it impossible to pass them over in silence, & particularly as the delay & blame might otherwise be attributed to me.
Your letter of June the 14th. recd. the 17th. inst. which tells me that the management of this matter as well as every other which may concern the reimbursement to France is to remain with me, has added beyond measure to my anxiety because I fear that this having been your intention, you will think that I ought to have understood it so & acted accordingly; in which case the disadvantages arising from delay might be imputed to me. Yet I flatter myself sir if you will have the goodness to transfer yourself for an instant to my position from the month of Nov. last to the time of recieving your last letter you will find it impossible for me not to have acted as I did until the 15th. of Jany. when I returned from Holland to Paris—from that time not to have waited until I should learn whom the President designated for Paris—& from the moment of learning the person & expecting him immediately to arrive not to await that arrival—& from that time not to consider the business as in his hands; & particularly as he seemed perfectly disposed to undertake it, as soon as he should have been properly recognized by the King. Yet I have never ceased writing & urging him on the subject & pointing out what appeared to me an inevitable means of forcing France to accelerate the arrangement desired. As this has not been done I cannot but suppose that M Morris has found it impracticable. Previously to recieving your letter above-mentioned the King was suspended & the government of France as acknowleged by other powers overturned, & the authority usurped by men who from the nature of things cannot hold it. This puts it out of my power or any other person’s for the present, from doing any thing in this business, or any other with that country. It is impossible to say how long this position of affairs will last. There will probably be several changes before a permanent order is established—this of course will occasion a suspension in our payments to that country which cannot but be prejudicial to the interests of the U.S.—& the more so as the large sums wch our bankers have on hand at Amsterdam become every day more considerable & more embarrassing in every way. The interest paid on it being pure loss—& there being always a kind of risk however inconsiderable in leaving so large sums in the hands of any house whatever. It is useless to mention these sums here. The last acct forwarded by the bankers will have informed you how it then stood—& at present they inform me that there remain about 1000 bonds only to be delivered.
I have frequently mentioned to you in what manner I had urged the settling a mode with France of recieving the monies now on hand. A few days previous to the King’s suspension M. Morris agreed with the commissaries that they should recieve f1,625,000 & wrote to America to direct that payment—the depreciation being left unsettled; settled it was nothing more than making that payment at the current rate of exchange wch might have been done as well six months ago. His letter to me on that subject was recieved here the day after my return from Amsterdam, & at the same time with the accts of the King’s suspension. Still I gave orders to the bankers to make the payment to the French bankers mentioning in the reciept by way of precaution that this was on account of the debt due to France by the U. S. & to be held at the disposition of His Most Christian Majesty. The bankers refuse giving such a reciept—no reciept expressed in general terms, but exort that it should be expressed “qu’ils s’engagent a la requisition de la dit Sieur Short à ne se desaisir de cet argent qu’avec le plein & libre consentement de S. M. T. C.” This wd be an express locking up of that money in their hands & of course preclusion of the U. S. from an abatement of interest thereon after the time of payment. It would be in fact nothing more than having the money in the hands of the French bankers instead of ours. I have therefore refused the condition—& still hope they will recieve it on a general rect., without any requisition on our part, but in such manner as not to leave it at the disposition of the present governing company in France, in which case the payment would be certainly contested by whatever government shall be instituted in future. I will inform you immediately on this matter being finally settled—wch. must be in a very short time. I have written to M. Morris on the subject.
As there will still remain considerable sums on hand for which the payments to France may not present an outlet soon I hope you will give orders respecting them—two millions & an half will of course be kept to answer the orders you may give as announced in your letter to me of April 2d.
I shall give directions also for paying off the Spanish debt interest & principal, as stated to me formerly by you. I have no hesitation in doing this as your letter on that subject shewed it wd have been agreeable to you. I have written to M. Carmichael to inform him of this intention & to desire him to ascertain in what kind of money the debt is expressed—as there are different kinds of Dollars in their monetary system & of different value. I shall direct the bankers to remit bills to Madrid on the most advantageous terms, until I tell them to cease—& I shall keep within bounds until I recieve the answer from M. Carmichael.
Russia has lately opened a loan at Amsterdam at 4⅞ p. cent. It would be difficult if not impossible therefore for any other power to effect one in that market at a lower rate.
I have the honor to add assurances of the respect & attachment with which I am, sir, your most obed’t humble servt
W Short
The Honble
Alexander Hamilton Secretary of the Treasury Philadelphia


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to John Wendell, 30 August 1792
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Wendell, John

Sir
PhiladelphiaAugt 30 1792

I have to acknowledge your favr of the 23d of July.
You are right in your conjecture that no report was made on the case of Mr Dumon.
It arose partly from my press of business & partly from a persuasion, that a report, if made would not have been acted upon, in the then Session.
With regard to further evidence, I doubt how far any particular trouble on that subject ought to be recommended. If aditional proof respecting the burning of the house, & the reasons for it, could conveniently be obtained, it may be advisable to do it.
I learn with pleasure the family connection which subsists between you & Mrs Hamilton and should be glad to render you any good offices in my power. You judge rightly, in the supposition, that my present situation precludes an agency in the affair of the land in which you are interested. Your hint respecting your son will be borne in mind; if any thing should occur, in which his interest & that of the public can be conciliated it will be a satisfaction to me, to promote it.
With Esteem & Regard I am, Sir   Yr Ob Servt
Alexander Hamilton
John Wendell Esqr
Ports-mouth


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Charles Lee, 31 August 1792
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Lee, Charles

Treasury Department, August 31, 1792. Encloses a copy of a letter which he has received from Francis Cabot. Concludes that if Lee is “satisfied of the truth of what is alleged, and no prosecution has been commenced, it will be agreeable to me that the wine be surrendered.”


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Nicholas Low, 31 August 1792
From: Low, Nicholas
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Dear sir
New York August 31. 1792

The in-closed I have this Moment recd. and have only to add that any Negociations you may make in Consequence will be confirmed. Fearing to be too late for this post—I conclude in Haste. Dr. sr. yours sincerely &ca
Nichs. Low


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Henry Marchant, 31 August 1792
From: Marchant, Henry
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Rhode Island DistrictNewport Augt. 31. 1792.
In pursuance of an Act of the Congress of the United States “to provide for the mitigating or remitting Forfeitures and Penalties accruing under the Revenue Laws, in certain Cases therein mentioned” I have recd. the Petition of Thomas Hazard Junr. of St. Peters in the Island of St Johns owner and Master of a certain Vessell called the rising Sun hereto annexed, and thereupon caused Jeremiah Olney Collector, Ebenezer Thompson Naval Officer and William Barton Surveyor of Providence District, the persons claiming a Moiety of the said Vessell and Her Cargo now libelled before me, if a Forfeiture should take Place, and also William Channing Esqr. Atty. of the United States for this District to be noticed to appear before me and shew Cause if any they have against the Mitigation or Remission thereof who severally returning for Answer that they conceived there was not necessity for Their Attendance, I proceeded to examine into the Truth of the Facts set forth by the said Petitioner in a summary Manner. The said Vessell, a Schooner, was seised by the Collector for the Port of Providence on the twenty fourth Day of August Currant having entered that Port the Day before from Hallifax having on Board a Cargo of Fish consisting of about one hundred Barrells of Mackerel and forty three smoaked Salmon stored in Bulk, in Said Schooner appears by the British Register to be of the Burthen of Thirty two and three Quarter Tons, but upon remeasurement Her actual Burthen is only Twenty three Tons and sixty one Ninety fifths of a Ton, The British Register bears date the twenty third Day of June AD 1787. And it appears by said Register That the sd. Petitioner and Thos. Hazard Senr. and Wm. Hazard of St Peters are sole Owners of said Schooner And that She is British built, By the Declaration of the Petitioner under Oath by me administered to him, and by other Circumstances, it appears to me that, the said Schooner was, once or twice previous to the adoption of the present Constitution by this State particularly in the Year 1789, entered at the sd. Port of Providence, and paid Light Money agreably to Her Tunnage by the British Register. And the Petitioner further on solemn Oath did declare, that from that Circumstance, not himself knowing her Tunnage but from the Register, did presume it was her real Tunnage. That He never was Captain of sd. Scooner, or of any other Vessell before—That unsuspicious of any Difficulty he openly entered the Port of Providence and applied to the Custom House at Providence in the usual Manner. All which I do hereby certify to the Secretary of the Treasury of the United States
Hy: MarchantJudge of Rhode Island District


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to George Nicholas, 31 August 1792
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Nicholas, George

Sir,
Treasury DepartmentAugust 31st 1792.

A Claim I understand is made by certain Inhabitants of Kentucky upon Messrs. Elliot & Williams in their capacity of Quarter Masters to the United States for the hire of Horses which were killed or lost in the expedition under General Harmar; the appraised value of which has already been paid to the owners.
This Claim has only lately come under my notice and my first impression was that it ought to be admitted. But having had a conversation upon the subject with the Secretary at War, I learn from him, that, he, some considerable time since, received information from very authentic sources, that it has been a constant practice in Kentucky in such Cases to receive payment for the Value of the Horses and to wave the hire that the Records and files of the public Offices of Virginia will probably shew a variety of instances in which this Rule has been the guide, and that in fine it is to be deemed the usage of the Country.
To this representation my first impression has of course given way, I no longer feel myself at liberty to authorise the admission of the Claim in its present extent until the fact of the usage alledged to exist has been satisfactorily ascertained either in the affirmative or negative.
I learn that a suit has been had in the District Federal Court, in which the Claim has been decided against the public. But I am not apprised how far the defence was urged on the ground I have stated, nor how far the circumstances of the decision intitled it to weight. I cannot therefore take that example as a guide without further investigation.
It is consequently my wish that a second defence may be made in some other Suit, with the advantage of a Struck Jury and of full evidences as to the usage in question. If the nature of the settlements which may have been made with the State of Virginia cannot be established by testimony on the Spot, it is my desire that a Commission be taken out to examine the public Offices in that State. I shall in the mean time make inquiry there and communicate the result. Messrs. Elliot and Williams are desired to apprise you of any suit which may be brought against them, in order that you may pay the requisite attention to it.
Another Suit, if determined against the public, without apparently exceptionable circumstances, will be definitive with me. For this reason, to give it the greater authority as a Justification you will move the Court for a new Trial.
I am aware that at Common Law, in ordinary Cases, the hire is the thing recoverable, but then the loss of the Horse from any accident would be that of the Owner. It is Just that in case of a military expedition (which involves extraordinary Risk) he should be indemnified against such Loss; but if usage declares, that this is all he shall have that usage ought to prevail where no agreement to the contrary is made. The Rule ought to work both ways. The presumption must be that the Risk of loss of the hire is compensated by an increased Rate.
Nevertheless I shall be glad to receive information from you as soon as possible with regard to the course of the late trial; in particular, whether any endeavours were used to prove the usage alledged—whether the testimony was admitted or overruled—and what appeared to be the real state of the fact. If the Judge would also give a Certificate respecting the matter, it would be pleasing to me.
It is possible that these communications may supersede in my Judgment the necessity of another trial.
It is the furthest of all things from my disposition to dispute any Just demand on the public or vex the Citizens with litigious delays. But at the same time it is my duty to guard with circumspection the Interests of the nation, and to see carefully that its money is not expended for purposes, which according to established Rules are not the objects of rightful Claim.
I am Sir &c


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Thomas Pinckney, 31 August 1792
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Pinckney, Thomas

Treasury Department, August 31, 1792. Encloses “a letter for our Commissioners at Amsterdam, one for Mr Grand banker at Paris and one for Mr Carmichael” and requests that Pinckney forward them.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from George Washington, 31 August 1792
From: Washington, George
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Sir,
Mount Vernon 31st. Augt. 1792.

The enclosed Letter was written agreeably to the date, but, by an accident, was omitted when my other letters were sent to the post office on Monday last; since wch. ’till yesterday afternoon, I have been absent from home.
On my return, amongst other Letters I found the enclosed from the Inspector of the 5th. survey in the State of North Carolina. The picture drawn by him of the temper of the people in the District entrusted to his Inspection, is a very unpleasant & disagreeable one. It is forwarded for your consideration, & opinion of the measures necessary to be taken in the premises; particularly whether the Governor of that State ought to be written to on the subject; and in that case, to desire that you would draft a letter proper for the occasion.
Your Letter of the 27. instant is also before me; and my opinion on the points therein submitted is, that part of the Loan lately obtained in Holland, should be applied in discharge of the Debt due to the foreign Officers agreeably to the Authority given by the Act alluded to in your letter, & because the interest of the United States requires it to be done; and that it ought to be paid in a mode which shall exempt the parties from the loss which would attend the depreciation of Assignats, without, however, occasioning loss to the United States. The first is an act of justice due to the Officers and the latter an act of prudence becoming the Government.
I am Sir &c
G: Washington


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to George Washington, 1 September 1792
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

Sir,
Treasury Departmt. 1st Septr. 1792.

I have the honor to in-close sundry papers which have been handed to me by the Commissioner of the Revenue, respecting the state of the Excise Law in the Western survey of the District of Pennsylvania.
Such persevering and violent opposition to the Law gives the business a still more serious aspect than it has hitherto worn, and seems to call for vigorous & decisive measures on the part of the Government.

I have directed that the Supervisor of the District shall repair forthwith to the Survey in question, to ascertain in person the true state of the Survey; to collect evidence respecting the violences that have been committed in order to a prosecution of the Offenders, to ascertain particulars as to the Meeting which appears to have been holden at Pittsburgh; to encourage the perseverance of the officers; giving expectations as far as it can be done with propriety, of indemnification from the Government, for any losses which they may sustain in consequence of their Offices; to endeavour to prevail upon the Inhabitants of the County of Alleghany, who appear at present the least refractory, to come into an acquiescence with the Law; representing to discreet persons the impossibility of the Governments remaining longer a passive spectator of the contempt of it’s Laws.
I shall also immediately submit to the Attorney General for his opinion, whether an indictable offence has not been committed by the persons who were assembled at Pittsburgh, and of what nature, the paper which contains their proceedings; with a view, if judged expedient by you, that it may be brought under the notice of the Circuit Court, which I understand is to be holden in October at York Town.
My present clear conviction is, that it is indispensable, if competent evidence can be obtained, to exert the full force of the Law against the Offenders, with every circumstance that can manifest the determination of the Government to enforce it’s execution; & if the processes of the Courts are resisted, as is rather to be expected, to employ those means, which in the last resort are put in the power of the Executive. If this is not done, the spirit of disobedience will naturally extend and the authority of the Government will be prostrate. Moderation enough has been shewn—’tis time to assume a different tone. The well disposed part of the community will begin to think the Executive wanting in decision and vigour. I submit these impressions to your consideration previous to any step which will involve the necessity of ulterior proceedings; and shall hope as speedily as possible to receive your instructions.
The Secretary at War will be requested to direct Captain Faulkner’s attendance at this place.
With the highest respect and truest attachment   I have the honor to be &c.
Alexander Hamilton


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Sebastian Bauman, 3 September 1792.
From: Bauman, Sebastian
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Dear Sir,
New York Septr. 3. 1792.

I have recieved your favour of 31st Ult. and I have to inform you that there is no letter in my Office for Gulliaum Vaillant, Poste restante. If there had been, I should without delay have forwarded the same under cover to you by this days Post.
Remain with great respect Dear Sir,   Your most Obd. & very humble Servt.
S. Bauman
The Honble. Alexr. Hamilton


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to John Jay, 3 September 1792
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Jay, John

Private
My Dear Sir
Philadelphia Sepr. 3d. 1792

The proceedings at Pittsburgh, which you will find stated in the in-closed paper and other incidents, in the Western parts of this state, announce so determined and persevering a spirit of opposition to the laws, as in my opinion to render a vigorous exertion of the powers of government indispensable. I have communicated this opinion to the President and I doubt not his impressions will accord with it. In this case, one point for consideration will be the expediency of the next Circuit Court’s noticing the state of things in that quarter particularly the Meeting at Pittsburgh and its proceedings. You will observe an avowed object is to—“obstruct the operation of the law.” This is attempted to be qualified by a pretence of doing it by “every legal measure.” But “legal measures to obstruct the operation of a law” is a contradiction in terms. I therefore entertain no doubt, that a high misdemeanour has been committed. The point however is under submission to the Attorney General for his opinion.
There is really My Dear Sir a crisis in the affairs of the Country which demands the most mature consideration of its best and wisest friends.
I beg you to apply your most serious thoughts to it, and favour me as soon as possible with the result of your reflections. Perhaps it will not be amiss for you to converse with Mr. King. His judgment is sound—he has caution and energy.
Would a proclamation from the President be adviseable stating the criminality of such proceedings & warning all persons to abstain from them, as the laws will be strictly enforced against all offenders?
If the plot should thicken and the application of force should appear to be unavoidable, will it be expedient for the President to repair in person to the scene of commotion?
These are some of the questions which present themselves. The subject will doubtless open itself in all its aspects to you. With real respect and affectionate attachment I remain
Dear Sir   Your obedient servant
Alexander Hamilton
John Jay Esqr.
&c. &c.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Tench Coxe, 4 September 1792
From: Coxe, Tench
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Treasury Department, Revenue Office, September 4, 1792. Has learned that “Thomas Davis Freeman Surveyor of the port of Plymouth and Inspector of the Revenue for the same has been absent from that port since February last.” Reports that Samuel Johnston, Senator from North Carolina, has recommended John Armistead to replace Freeman.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from William Ellery, 4 September 1792
From: Ellery, William
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Sir,
Colles Offe. [Newport, Rhode Island] Sept. 4 1792

Since writing the long letter on the preceeding pages I find a case will probably occur in this Custom house altogether new, and in which unless I am early favoured with your direction I may incurr censure embarrassment and expence. The case may be stated thus. A is indebted by bond to the United States for duties, the day of payment arrives, instead of discharging the debt he suffers a prosecution. After the commencement of the prosecution he executes a bill of sale of the cargo on board a vessel abroad to B. She arrives in this Port, the bond still unpaid. The master produces a manifest in which it is expressed that A is the owner of the Vessel, and that the Cargo is consigned to him. The Vendee appears at the Custom-house produces his bill of sale and demands an entry of the Cargo as his property, at the same time offering to give bond for the duties on said Cargo &c. Is B by his Bill of sale entitled to such entry?
But throwing the circumstances of the unpaid Bond out of the question, please to inform me, whether a bill of sale of goods abroad, entitled the Vendee to an Entry thereof on their importation, on his own account and not as agent to the Vendor, giving bond to pay the duties, and otherwise complying with the Law?
If transfers of goods abroad will give to the persons to whom they are transferred a right to the entry thereof on importation not as agents to the Vendor but on their own account, the Law which deprives Obligors of credit who do not pay their bonds in time may be easily avoided by such transfers; but if bills of sale will confer the right mentioned it is conceived that it would be imprudent for a Collector to refuse an entry to a vendee on a supposition that there might be a collusion between the vendor & vendee to avoid the Law referred to; for if that should be the intention, such Collector might expect to be prosecuted, and in that case, as it is not an easy matter, where Custom Houses officers are not parties to a suit to prove collusion, he might expect to be saddled with damages and Cost. Hoping for an early answer to the foregoing questions, and your direction
I am   Sir   Yr. most obedt. servt.
Wm Ellery Colle
A Hamilton Esqre
Secry Treasy.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Jeremiah Olney, 4 September 1792
From: Olney, Jeremiah
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Providence, September 4, 1792. “I have received your Two Letters of the 24th and 25th of August.… My practice … shall correspond with your Opinion and construction of the Law.”


Title: Civis, [5 September 1792]
From: “Civis”,Hamilton, Alexander
To:

[Philadelphia, September 5, 1792]
For the National Gazette.
Certain Treasury Documents were lately published for the information of the community, without any precise designation of the purpose for which they were published. They were left to speak for themselves, with only a short introduction, denominating them “Authentic documents respecting the progress which has been made by the present government of the United States, towards extinguishing the debts contracted under the former government.” A writer in this Gazette of Saturday last, under the signature of Mercator, has tho’t fit to come forward, and, assigning what he conceives to be the object of the publication, endeavors to shew, that the contrary of what was intended, is true.

What right had Mercator to suppose, that any thing more was intended, than simply to inform the public, that besides a punctual payment of the interest on the debt, from the period, at which measures were matured to begin that payment, a considerable sum of the capital of the Debt has been extinguished, and that a fu[r]ther sum will be extinguished by a provision already made?—leaving them to this very natural inference, which will be drawn by every candid mind, that the Government has been as attentive as circumstances would permit, at so early a period, to the extinguishment of the debt.
But admitting Mercator to be right in his suggestion of the object, it is to be presumed, that a liberal construction of all circumstances will justify this position, that the present Government has reduced the debt of the former Government to the extent expressed in the documents which have been published. This will result, if it shall appear that provision was made for the interest, as early as was reasonably practicable. To have paid the interest from that period, and to have sunk so much of the capital in addition, is in fair construction, to have reduced the debt to the extent of the capital sunk.
When Mercator undertook to suppose an object, which was not declared, he ought to have taken care to be better informed and more accurate. When he undertook to state an account with the treasury department, he ought not only to have selected just items, to have adverted to dates, times and possibilities, but he ought to have stated the whole account.
This he has not done; on the contrary he has both misrepresented and suppressed facts. He has shewn, in the true spirit of a certain junto (who not content with the large share of power they have in the government, are incessantly laboring to monopolize the whole of its power, and to banish from it every man who is not subservient to their preposterous and all-grasping views) that he has been far more solicitous to arraign, than to manifest the truth—to take away, than to afford consolation to the people of the United States.
The following particulars are proofs of his want both of accuracy and candor.
First. He charges to the treasury department arrears of interest, which accrued prior to its existence, that is, from the first of August 1789; whereas the department was not instituted till the 2d of September, nor organized till about the 13th, when, I am informed the Secretary of the Treasury entered upon the duties of his office.
Secondly. He takes as the standard of his calculation, the whole amount of the annual interest on the whole amount of the public debt, as it exists under the present funding system, including all the arrears of interest made principal, and the 21,500,000 dollars of assumed debt—whereas the arrears which did actually accumulate to the end of the year 1790, were only on the principal of the foreign and domestic debt, and fall short more than a million of dollars of the sum he states.
These simple facts prove the fallacy of his statement.
But the principle, upon which he proceeds, is not less absurd, than his calculations are fallacious.
With as much propriety might an executor be charged with increasing the debts of his testator, by suffering the arrears of interest on his bonds and notes to accumulate while he was collecting, arranging and disposing of the effects; to discharge the debts of the estate; as the present government, or if the phrase is preferred, the present treasury department, may be charged with those arrearages, which unavoidably accrued, during the preparatory measures for bringing the resources of the public estate into activity. With as much reason might it be charged with the 13,000,000 of interest, which accumulated under the imbecile system, the old confederation, to which, if not to worse,—a dissolution of the Union!—the designs of the junto evidently point, or tend.
When, proceeding upon grounds so loose and unjust, Mercator makes the extraordinary declaration, that the secretary of the treasury “has produced an actual addition to the public debt of more than one million and a half of dollars,” is it not palpable, that in the most malignant spirit of party, he is endeavouring to destroy the public confidence in that officer, no matter how unfair the means, as one link in the chain of measures by which the domineering aims of his party are to be effected, or the cause of confusion promoted? Is it not clear that in the language and conceptions of Mercator, to provide for a debt, and to “produce” it, amount to the same thing?
To form a still better estimate of the spirit by which he is actuated, let there be a review of some leading facts.
Congress met under the present government on the first of April, 1789. To put it in motion they had a vast and very arduous work before them. This was of course a primary object; a provision for the debt a secondary one. It was natural then that the first session should have been exhausted in organizing the government, and that a systematic provision for the debt should be postponed, as in fact it was, to the second session. A temporary and partial provision of revenue only was accordingly made, by very moderate duties of impost, far short of an adequate fund for the support of government, and the payment of the interest on the debt, to take effect on the first of August, 1789; which was as early as the law could be promulgated throughout the union, and the subordinate executive arrangements made for carrying it into execution.
It has been stated, that the treasury department began to be in activity on the 13th of September. Congress adjourned on the 29th of that month, after having instructed the secretary of the treasury to report concerning the debt at the ensuing session. It is to be recollected that without an order of the house that officer can propose nothing.
’Tis evident then, that there was no responsibility on the side of that department, for the accumulation of interest on the debt until at earliest the second session, which began on the 7th of January, 1790.
On Thursday, the 14th of January, the secretary of the treasury submitted to the House of Representatives, according to order, the plan of a provision for the public debt, comprehending an additional provision of revenue for the purpose of facing the interest. But it was not till the 4th of August, that the principles of a provision for the debt were determined by law, nor till the 10th of the same month, that a supplementary fund was established for paying the interest upon it; and from considerations of an obvious nature, the commencement of this fund in operation was deferred to the first of January following.
Here again ’tis manifest, that there was no responsibility in the treasury department, for the accumulation of interest up to the period from which it has been punctually paid, namely, the first of January, 1791; because it was not in the power of that department to have accelerated a provision for it. Nor will any blame justly light upon Congress for the moderate delay which ensued. It was their duty to bestow much deliberation upon the subject. Much difference of opinion, much lengthy discussion, a considerable loss of time, were to be expected in relation to a subject so momentous, so perplexing, touching so differently so many chords of passion and interest.
The law providing for the debt having passed—the secretary of the treasury immediately seized the opportunity which was afforded, by an unappropriated surplus of revenue to the end of the year 1790, to make an impression on the debt. He proposed, that it should be applied to purchases of the debt, at its market prices, which was agreed to by Congress, and has been carried into execution as far as circumstances have hitherto permitted.
This was certainly the best application that could have been made of the fund. It was equally the interest of the government and of the public creditors:—Of the government, because it was a clear gain of all the difference between the sum of specie paid and the sum of debt redeemed, which is already 514,891 dollars and 69 cents, and will be more when the remaining sum appropriated comes to be applied to further purchases; because it was a clear saving to the nation of all the difference in price which was paid by foreigners in their purchases, in consequence of the competition of the government, in the market, as a purchaser. It is well known to every well informed man, that the rapid appreciation of the debt was materially owing to that circumstance, and of course the saving to the nation by it has been very considerable. The measure in question was equally beneficial to the public creditors—because if the fund applied to purchases had been apportioned among them in payment of interest, it would have been a mere pittance; but applied as it was, it gave a rapid spring to the whole value of their stock.
As it is therefore proved, that the treasury department is chargeable with no delay with regard to a provision for the debt, occasioning an unnecessary accumulation of interest; in a question of merit, respecting that department, which Mercator has raised, it will follow, that the department on account of the operations which have been advised by it, has an unbalanced claim of merit with the community.
1st. For all that has been or shall be saved by purchases of the public debt at the market prices.
2d. For all that has been saved to the nation for the more advanced prices given by foreigners in their purchases of the debt.
But there are other items of importance to be placed on the same side of the account.
1st. The saving resulting from the reduced rate on the new loans made for paying off the foreign debt.
2d. The positive gain of 1,000,000 of dollars by the institution of the Bank of the United States. The stock of the Bank being at an advance of 50 per cent, it is clear, that the government, by having become a proprietor to the extent of 2,000,000 of dollars, has by this single operation made an actual nett profit of 1,000,000 of dollars; that is, it can get three millions for what will have cost it only two.
I add nothing for any saving, which has accrued from the particular modification of the domestic debt, for two reasons; one because the subject being more complicated would require more illustration, and the other because the plan adopted by the legislature, though having the leading features of that proposed by the Treasury Department, differs from it in some material respects; a strong refutation of the idea, so industriously inculcated, that the plans of that department are implicitly followed by the legislature; and a decisive proof, that they have had no more weight than they ought to have had, that is to say than they were intitled to, from their intrinsic reasonableness in the unbiassed and independent judgment of majorities in the two houses on Congress. The result of what has been said is this—that provision was made for paying the interest of the debt as early as could reasonably have been expected—that no negligence having happened, the arrears of interest which accumulated in the interval are properly a part of the debts of the former government and consequently that the sums which appear to have been absorbed are so much of the debts of the old Government extinguished by the new.
Mercator brings as a proof, that the public debt has increased and is increasing, “what he terms the present amount and encreasing weight of the duties of impost and excise.” Let facts decide the soundness of this logic. In the last session of Congress, the only excise duty which exists, was reduced upon an average fifteen per cent. The only addition which was then made to the imposts was for carrying on the Indian war, and by avoiding recourse to permanent loans for that purpose, to avoid an increase of the debt. How then can that, which was done to avoid an increase of debt, be a proof that it has increased?
Civis


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Tobias Lear, [6 September 1792]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Lear, Tobias

[Philadelphia, September 6, 1792. On the back of a letter that Lear wrote to Hamilton on August 27, 1792, Hamilton wrote: “Answered Sepr. 6.” Letter not found.]


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Nicholas Low, [6 September 1792]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Low, Nicholas

[Philadelphia, September 6, 1792. “I do not think the article could be procured in the quarter mentioned; and considering all that is Said and Sung it would not do to furnish such a handle for malicious suggestions.” Letter not found.]


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Joseph Willard, 6 September 1792
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Willard, Joseph

Sir
Philadelphia September 6th 1792

The honor, which has been done me, by the Overseers of the antient and justly celebrated institution, over which you preside, is appreciated by me, as it merits, and receives my most cordial acknowlegements. To You, Sir, I am also indebted, for the very obliging manner, in which it is communicated.
Amidst the many painful circumstances, that surround a station like mine—this flattering mark of the esteem of a body-so respectable—is a source both of satisfaction and consolation. If my past endeavours have been, in any degree, useful to the community, my future cannot but be rendered more zealous, by the approbation of the wise and good.
With real and great respect and esteem for you personally I have the honor to be Sir
Your obedient & humble servant
Alexander Hamilton
The Reverend Mr. Joseph WillardPresident of Harvard University


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to the President and Directors of the Bank of the United States, 7 September 1792
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: President and Directors of the Bank of the United States

Sir
Treasury DepartmentSeptember 7th 1792

The fund appropriated for the contingent expences of this Department being exhausted, I have to request, that you will give a credit to the Register of the Treasury for fifteen hundred Dollars, to be by him applied on that account.
A temporary account will be to be opened for the purpose, which will be discharged by the Treasurer as soon as an appropriation shall be made by law.
With respectful consideration, I have the honor to be, Gentlemen, Your Obedt Servant.
Alexander Hamilton
The President and Directors Of the Bank of the United States.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to William Ellery, [7 September 1792]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Ellery, William

[Philadelphia, September 7, 1792. On September 24, 1792, Ellery wrote to Hamilton: “I have recd. your letter of the 7th. of this month.” Letter not found.]


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from George Washington, 7 September 1792
From: Washington, George
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Sir,
Mount Vernon 7th. Septr. 1792.

The last Post brought me your letter of the first instant, with the enclosures respecting the disorderly conduct of the Inhabitants of the Western Survey of the District of Pennsylvania, in opposing the execution of what is called the Excise Law; & of the insults which have been offered by some of them to the Officers who have been appointed to collect the duties on distilled spirits agreeably thereto.
Such conduct in any of the Citizens of the United States, under any circumstances that can well be conceived, would be exceedingly reprehensible; but when it comes from a part of the community for whose protection the money arising from the Tax was principally designed, it is truly unaccountable, and the spirit of it much to be regretted.
The preliminary steps taken by you in ordering the Supervisor of the District to repair to the Survey where those disorders prevail, with a view to ascertain in person, “the true state of the Survey, to collect evidence respecting the violences that have been committed, in order to a prosecution of the Offenders; to ascertain the particulars as to the Meeting which appears to have been held at Pittsburg; to encourage the perseverance of the officers in their duty, & the well disposed inhabitants in discountenancing such violent proceedings &c. &c.” are prudent & proper, and I earnestly wish they may have the desired effect. But if, notwithstanding, opposition is still given to the due execution of the Law, I have no hesitation in declaring, if the evidence of it is clear & unequivocal, that I shall, however reluctantly I exercise them, exert all the legal powers with which the Executive is invested, to check so daring & unwarrantable a spirit. It is my duty to see the Laws executed—to permit them to be trampled upon with impunity would be repugnant to it; nor can the Government longer remain a passive spectator of the contempt with which they are treated. Forbearance, under a hope that the Inhabitants of that Survey would recover from the delirium & folly into which they were plunged, seems to have had no other effect than to encrease the disorder.
If it shall be the Attorney General’s opinion, under a full consideration of the case (adverting, as I presume he will as well to the Laws & Constitution of Pennsylvania, as to those of the United States) that the Meeting which appears to have been held at Pittsburg was illegal, and the members of it indictable; and it shall further appear to you from such information as you may be able to obtain, & from a comparative view of all circumstances that it would be proper to bring the matter before the Circuit Court to be holden at York town in October next, you have all the sanction and authority I can give to do it.
I am Sir, &c.
G: Washington


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Otho H. Williams, 7 September 1792
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Williams, Otho H.

Sir
Treasury DepartmentSeptr. 7. 1792.

On the 28. June 1791 the Collector of New York was instructed to furnish each of the Revenue Cutters with Ten Musquets and Bayonets, Twenty Pistols, one broad axe, one Chissel of the large and one of the smallest size, and two Lanthorns.
I am informed by the Collector of Norfolk that those articles were not received by him; though Mr. Lamb of New York states to me, they were shipped in the Brigantine Ceres, Cornelius White, Master, who being questioned by Mr. Lamb alledged that the said articles had been delivered to the Collector of Norfolk.
I request that you will please to have enquiry made of Captain White who I understand is a resident of Baltimore, what has become of the arms and instruments before mentioned informing me of the result.
With great consideration   I am Sir   Your Obedt. servant
Alex Hamilton
P.S. Upon further examination I find it mentioned in your letter of the 16. december 1791, that Simon Deyle, master of a Coasting Vessel brought you the Articles above alluded to, which he said to have received from the Collector of Norfolk for the use of the Cutter in your district. The question then will be whether you received a double set of the Articles, which appears probable; and if so I request that one parcel as above enumerated may be forwarded to the Collector of Norfolk.

Otho H. Williams Esqr.Collr. Baltimore.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from John Jay, 8 September 1792
From: Jay, John
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Dear Sir
N York 8 Septr. 1792

I have conferred with Mr King on the Subject of your Letter of the 3d. Inst. We concur in opinion that neither a Proclamation nor a particular charge by the court to the G. Jury, would be adviseable at present. To us it appears more prudent that this Business be opened by the Presidts. Speech at the ensuing Session of congress—their address will manifest the sense of the House, & both together operate more effectually than a Proclamation.
No strong Declarations shd. be made unless there be ability & Disposition to follow them with strong measures—admitting both these Requisites, it is questionable whether such operations at this moment would not furnish the antis with materials for decieving the uninformed part of ye. Community, and in some measure render the operations of administration odious. Let all the Branches of Govt. move together, and let the chiefs be committed publickly on one or the other Side of the Question. I percieve Symptoms of the crisis you mention—if managed with Prudence and Firmness it will weaken its authors. If matters can pass on Sub Silentio untill the meeting of Congress, I think all will be well. The public will become informed, and the Sense of the Nation become manifest. Opposition to that Sense will be clogged with apprehensions, and strong measures if necessary will be approved & be supported.
If in the mean Time such outrages shd. be committed as to force the attention of Govt. to its Dignity, nothing will remain but to obey that necessity in a way, that will leave nothing to Hazard. Success on such occasions shd. be certain—whether this shd. be done under the President’s personal Direction must I think depend on circumstances at the Time, or in other words on the Degree of Importance which those Circumstances combined may evince.
Yours affecty
John Jay
The Honb. Col. Hamilton


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Jeremiah Olney, 8 September 1792
From: Olney, Jeremiah
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Sir
Custom HouseDistrict of Providence 8th Sept. 1792

At a District Court held at Newport on the 7th Ulto. Judgment was rendered against Welcome Arnold Esqr. for his Bond of 478.22 Cents for duties, due on the 17th May last with Cost of Sute, and execution has Issued accordingly. By his delinquency he is by law deprived of Future Credit but in order I presume to evade the law, he has Transferred his Brigantine Samuel which arrived in this District on the 6th Int. from Copenhagen, with her Cargo, to Mr. Stephen Dexter of this Town Merchant; and has or will probably Transfer to a Second Person his other Vessels and Cargoes, Soon expected to Arrive. Mr. Dexter appeared yesterday at my office, with the Master who Reported the Vessel and Cargo as the property of Said Dexter, which also appeared by an Instrument of Transfer executed by Mr. Arnold dated on the 9th Day of August last for the Consideration of Five Thousand pounds.
The Vessel has been ordered to proceed to the District of Newport, there to enter and Secure the duties on her Cargo, which will Amount, by Estimate, to Twenty Eight hundred Dollars, the Master was Furnished with a Copy of his report, an Inspector being on Board. Altho’ it is more than Probable that this Transfer of Property was made with the Sole intent to effect a Further Credit in evasion of the law, yet this cannot be known to me or to the Collector of Newport, where Entry will be made, and as the law itself seems not to guard against an evasion of this Nature, he may, notwithstanding I have notified him of Mr. Arnolds Delinquency, be induced, under the present embarassed circumstance of the case, to admit the Duties to be Secured by Mr Dexters Bonds. On the 31st Ulto. I requested (by Letter a Copy of which is enclosed) the advise of the District Attorney on this Point; but have not Received his Answer and as Mr. Arnold appears disposed thus to evade the law, I request Sir, your opinion and Direction for my Future Conduct with regard to Vessels and Cargoes thus circumstanced, which (notwithstanding my letter to the District Attorney) I shall invariably observe.
Yours &c.
Jereh. Olney Collr.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Edmund Randolph, 8 September 1792
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Sir,
Philadelphia September 8th. 1792.

Persuaded as I am, that the last effort for the happiness of the United States must perish with the loss of the present Government, and that to be unable to execute laws because a few individuals are resolved to obstruct their operation is nothing less, than a surrender of it, I went into the consideration of the carolina and pittsburg papers with a determination to spare no pains to ascertain the Law, arising from the facts which they contain.
I pass by the information from Carolina, because it offers no evidence, nor any prospect of evidence, sufficient for the objects of prosecution. That from Pittsburgh is of a more serious complexion; and yet not strong enough to warrant a judicial movement in the United States. To assemble to remonstrate, and to invite others to assemble and remonstrate to the Legislature, are among the rights of Citizens. I therefore omit special mention of the two first resolutions. The last indicates a hostile temper; as it exiles from the comforts of private friendship, and intercourse, and marks for contempt the officers of Excise. Still however when we advert to the strictness, with which criminal Law is interpreted, and the latitude allowed in drawing a meaning from a libel so as to favour the accused, I must pronounce that the law will not reach the Conferees. I am aware that seditious attacks on Government will be generally covered by a measured cautious and artfull language; and it may be said that the public authority will upon my principle, be forever foiled. My answer is, that words which are calculated to withold the exercise of duties of imperfect obligation only, from men not named, but who may accept in future, will disappoint the expectation of public punishment, and thereby disgrace the United States. My maxim is to examine well; to forbear a doubtfull power, and to enforce one, clearly rightfull.
Thus, Sir, you discover my opinion to be against an attempt to a prosecution at this moment, when the malignant spirit has not developed itself in acts so specific, and so manifestly infringing the peace, as obviously to expose the culpable persons to the censures of the Law.

Upon the first communication of this matter in your letter I thought of a proclamation, as an eventual substitute, if the law should be found inadequate. It struck me that a proclamation was objectionable, because it seemed that the Executive ought to consign to the course of the law any violations of it, and not to animadvert upon acts to which no Law had prescribed a penalty, and because an improper interference of the President might excite an idea of usurpation and inlist against him even those who execrate the spirit of the Pittsburg proceedings. But after the anticipation of a part only of the consequences, which the silence of Government would produce, after recollecting that these obnoxious things have been transacted in the very state which is the temporary residence of the Administration, that they will carry with them a kind of eclat, as being done at a spot where the United States are certainly not unpopular, that the western Settlers in other States, from a Sympathy of situation, and the want of intelligence may imitate the conduct of the pennsylvania counties, unless they will be restrained by a timely admonition, that few of the serious oppositions to Government have existed, which were not capable of being blasted, if encountered before men committed themselves too deeply, and that acquiescence of the President may be imputed to a suspicion of the inconstitunality or at least gross inexpediency of the Excise Laws, I yeild to the necessity of a Proclamation. I derive the Presidents right to issue it, from the duty of seeing the laws executed, and the fitness of preventing the growth of a crime by salutary advice rather then waiting to press the infliction of punishment.
Under the influence of these sentiments I have perused your draught of a proclamation, and shall without reserve suggest what I think necessary alterations; though I really wish that I could have more time for a critical scrutiny than has occurred between yesterday and this morning.
1. I should prefer, if it be practicable in the description of those proceedings which gave birth to the proclamation, that some expression be used, which may shew that it is not the whole of the Pittsburg resolutions which are censured.

2. Criminality is too strong for a case, which the laws do not punish.
3. After the word legislature may it not be well to insert something to this effect “by whose authority alone the operation of the Laws can be suspended.”
4. The moderation alluded to on the part of Government, must be either Legislative or Executive. If legislative be meant, the subsequent member of the sentence is explicit concerning it. If executive, I know no fact to prove that the President might have been otherwise then moderate. Perhaps then it may be better to omit words which are liable to misconstruction.
5. I have no hesitation in saying that the excise law was dictated by reasons of public necessity and policy and I presume that the President who has given his sanction to it will not scruple much on this head. But I should hope that you should remark to him in order to excite his particular attention that by such a language he exhibets himself as a peculiar Friend to the act.
6. Instead of “maintain,” ought not the words of the constitution to be chosen?
7. Every necessary measure to suppress a violent proceeding would go much farther, then the executive ought, unless the measure be legal. The word necessary then might be as well changed for legal or qualified by saying legal and necessary. If “suppress” means something distinct from bringing the offenders to justice, I do not discover what it is. If it means the same thing, it is provided for in the second member of the Sentence. “To secure obedience thereto” is to be sure a phrase, expressive of the final object, but having some latitude it may be perverted by its connection with the other words. Might not the sentence run well enough thus “That every legal measure should be pursued not only to bring to Justice the infractors of the laws but also to prevent such violent and unwarrantable proceedings.”
8. “Seriously” might be changed for something which could not be contrasted with what is not serious. Is not “warn” to nearly synonimous with “admonish” to be coupled with it? Suppose “exhort” to be substituted if two verbs necessary.
9. I think this No. stood better, before the interleniation.
10. For the reasons in No. 7 “for securing obedience thereto” would seem proper to be omitted.

11. The charge to the military would inflame the Country. Nor do I think it sufficient to let it stand upon the word “Officers” generally as the military have no power on the subject and where this is the case of the exciting of a suspicion to introduce them cannot be too sedulously avoided. May it not read thus “All civil Officers according to the duties of their respective Offices to exert &c.”
I submit these observations; which on other occasions would appear to myself too minute; but on that of a proclamation are necessary.
I have the honor, Sir, to be   your Mo: obedt. servant.
Edm: Randolph
The Secretary of the Treasury.


Title: Treasury Department Circular to the Collectors of the Customs, 8 September 1792
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Collectors of the Customs

Sir
Treasury Department September 8th. 1792.

I am to request your attention to the in-closed Paper and that in the Columns opposite the described Article of Merchandise or Package (for containing them,) the rates of Freight which are paid from your Port to the Countries expressed in the Head Lines be inserted, and returned to me as early as the Inquiry will admit.
With great consideration I am Sir Your obedient Servt.
A Hamilton


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to George Washington, 8 September 1792
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

Sir,
Treasury Departmt. 8th. Septr. 1792.

I have to acknowledge the honor of your Letter of the 31st of August.
Letters from the Supervisor of North Carolina confirm the representation contained in the letter from the Inspector of the 5th. Survey to you. My letter which accompanies this suggests the measure which, on mature reflection, has appeared most proper to be taken upon the whole subject of the opposition to the Law. If the idea is approved by you, I believe it will be adviseable to transmit a copy of the Proclamation to the Governor of each of the States of South Carolina North Carolina & Pennsylvania, calling their attention in a proper manner to the state of affairs within their respective Governments.
I am taking arrangements to cary into execution the payment of the Debt due to foreign officers, agreeably to the authorisation in the close of your Letter.
With the highest respect and the truest attachment, I have the honor to be &c.
Alex Hamilton


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to John Adams, 9 September 1792
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Adams, John

My Dear Sir
Philadelphia Sepr. 9. 1792

I trust you are sufficiently convinced of my respect for and attachment to you to render an apology for the liberty, I am going to take unnecessary. I learnt with pain that you may not probably be here ’till late in the session. I fear that this will give some handle to your enemies to misrepresent—and though I am persuaded you are very indifferent personally to the event of a certain election, yet I hope you are not so as it regards the cause of good Government. The difference in that view is in my conception immense between the success of Mr. Clinton or yourself; and some sacrifices of feeling are to be made. But this is not the only relation, in which I deem your early presence here desireable. Permit me to say it best suits the firmness and elevation of your character to meet all events, whether auspicious or otherwise, on the ground where station & duty, call you. One would not give the ill disposed the triumph of supposing that an anticipation of want of success had kept you from your post.
You observe My Dr Sir, I speak without much menagement. You will ascribe it to my confidence and esteem. It is not necessary in any view to multiply words. I forbear it. But allow me to add that it is the universal wish of your friends you should be as soon as possible at Philadelphia.
I have the honor to remain very respectfully and truly Dr Sir Yr friend & Obed servant
A Hamilton
The Vice President


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Henry E. Lutterloh, [9 September 1792]
From: Lutterloh, Henry E.
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Sir,
[New Bern, North Carolina, September 9, 1792]

Your favour of the 4th July a c, I had the honour to receive by the last post. Tho’ you did not mention, that I should sent on any Plan to a General Lottery, yet I take the Liberty to in-close one. And as in all the Old Governments, Minister raise annually a certain Revenues by Lottery; I take the Liberty to annext Two Plans, the one for 3 Classes, and the Other for one Class only. The first is done to make the purchase of the Tickets easy and to give Time for Selling them. An Office, of Such an Establishment will cost Nothing, be Usefull, and produce a Surplus. People in the North like That Game.
I obtained from our General Assamble an Act to raise by Way of a Lottery for 5 Years annualy, 6000 Dollr, Two years of which are now elapsed, and I have only been able to Draw last 24 of august the first Class, and which I was obliged to draw to show them the Nature of a Lottery, the most part of the Citizen here being intirely Ingnorant thereof. I in-close My Grant of the Governor. Mr Wm B Grove informed Me That he has delivered in his Report, upon My Petition, and is fully persuated that by their next Meeting, I will obtain 740 Dollrs as allowed by the Comitty. Several havy Losses, The disappointment in the drawing of My Lottery, have put Me to a great Want. All our great people here, are in Want of Cash So that I cannot get any help from Them. I would take it as an Exceeding great favour if you would assist me with a Loan in advance upon that Sum of only 3, or, 400 dollor. I would sent directly the order thereupon. I am well persuated it is quite out of the Line, in Your Station, and I do not aske it from You in Office But as an old Campain Freind, who is able to help me, in my present delemma. You See My Situation requires help, to carry The Grant of this Govermt into Execution. Therefore I beg you will take it into Consideration and Sent me a draft for it on any of your Collectors. Such an assistance will greatly help me &c. I have the honour to be with the Greatest Respect
Sir   Your Most obedient Sert
H E Lutterloh

The Honorble
Allexdr Hamilton Esqr
New Bern
Septbr 9th 1792

I am Mooved to here


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to George Washington, 9 September 1792
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

Sir,
Treasury Departmt. Septr. 9th. 1792.

I had the honor of writing to you by the post of Monday last, and then transmitted sundry papers respecting a Meeting at Pittsburg on the 21st of August, and other proceedings of a disorderly nature, in opposition to the Laws laying a duty on distilled spirits; and I added my opinion, that it was adviseable for the Government to take measures for suppressing these disorders, & enforcing the laws with vigour & decision.
The result of further & mature deliberation is, that it will be expedient for the President to issue a Proclamation, adverting in general terms to the irregular proceedings, which have taken place, warning all persons to desist from similar proceedings & manifesting an intention to put the Laws in force against Offenders.
The inducements to this measure are;
1st.   That it is a usual course in like cases; and seems, all circumstances considered, requisite to the justification of the Executive Department: It is now more than fourteen months since the duty in question began to operate. In the four Western Counties of Pennsylvania and in a great part of North Carolina it has never been in any degree submitted to. And the late Meeting at Pittsburg is in substance a repetition of what happened last year in the same scene. The disorders in that quarter acquire additional consequence from their being acted in the State which is the immediate Seat of the Government. Hence the occasion appears to be sufficiently serious & of sufficient importance to call for such a proceedure.
II.   An accommodating and temporising conduct having been hitherto pursued, a Proclamation seems to be the natural prelude to a different course of conduct.
III.   There is considerable danger, that before measures can be matured for making a public impression by the prosecution of offenders, the spirit of opposition may extend & break out in other quarters; and by its extension become much more difficult to be over come. There is reason to hope that a Proclamation will arrest it, and give time for more effectual measures.
IV.   It may even prevent the necessity of ulterior coertion. The character of the President will naturally induce a conclusion that he means to treat the matter seriously. The idea will be impressive on the most refractory, it will restrain the timid & wavering, and it will encourage the well disposed. The appearance of the President in the business will awaken the attention of a great number of persons of the last description to the evil tendency of the conduct reprehended, who have not yet viewed it with due seriousness. And from the cooperation of these circumstances, good may reasonably be expected.
In either view therefore, of the propriety of conduct, or the effects to be hoped for, the measure seems to be an adviseable one. I beg leave to add that, in my judgment, it is not only adviseable, but necessary.
Besides the state of things in the Western parts of North Carolina which is known to you, a letter has just been received from the Supervisor of South Carolina, mentioning that a spirit of discontent and opposition had been revived in two of the Counties of that State bordering on North Carolina, in which it had been before apparently suppressed. This shews the necessity of some immediate step of a general aspect, while things are preparing, if unhappily it should become necessary, to act with decision in the Western Counties of Pennsylvania, where the Government, from several obvious considerations will be left in condition to do it. Decision successfully exerted in one place will, it is presumable, be efficacious every where.
The Secretary at War and the Attorney General agree with me in opinion on the expediency of a Proclamation. The draft of one now submitted has been framed in concert with the latter; except as to one or two particulars which are noted in the margin of the rough draft in my hand writing, herewith also transmitted. In respect to these, the objections of that Gentleman did not appear to me founded, and would, I think, unnecessarily diminish the force of the instrument.
With the highest respect and the truest attachment,   I have the honor to be &c.
Alexr. Hamilton.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to George Washington, 9 September 1792
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

Sir
Philadelphia September 9 1792

I have the pleasure of your private letter of the 26th of August.
The feelings and views which are manifested in that letter are such as I expected would exist. And I most sincerely regret the causes of the uneasy sensations you experience. It is my most anxious wish, as far as may depend upon me, to smooth the path of your administration, and to render it prosperous and happy. And if any prospect shall open of healing or terminating the differences which exist, I shall most chearfully embrace it; though I consider myself as the deeply injured party. The recommendation of such a spirit is worthy of the moderation and wisdom which dictated it; and if your endeavours should prove unsucessful, I do not hesitate to say that in my opinion the period is not remote when the public good will require substitutes for the differing members of your administration. The continuance of a division there must destroy the energy of Government, which will be little enough with the strictest Union. On my part there will be a most chearful acquiescence in such a result.
I trust, Sir, that the greatest frankness has always marked and will always mark every step of my conduct towards you. In this disposition, I cannot conceal from you that I have had some instrumentality of late in the retaliations which have fallen upon certain public characters and that I find myself placed in a situation not to be able to recede for the present.
I considered myself as compelled to this conduct by reasons public as well as personal of the most cogent nature. I know that I have been an object of uniform opposition from Mr. Jefferson, from the first moment of his coming to the City of New York to enter upon his present office. I know, from the most authentic sources, that I have been the frequent subject of the most unkind whispers and insinuating from the same quarter. I have long seen a formed party in the Legislature, under his auspices, bent upon my subversion. I cannot doubt, from the evidence I possess, that the National Gazette was instituted by him for political purposes and that one leading object of it has been to render me and all the measures connected with my department as odious as possible.
Nevertheless I can truly say, that, except explanations to confidential friends, I never directly or indirectly retaliated or countenanced retaliation till very lately. I can even assure you, that I was instrumental in preventing a very severe and systematic attack upon Mr. Jefferson, by an association of two or three individuals, in consequence of the persecution, which he brought upon the Vice President, by his indiscreet and light letter to the Printer, transmitting Paine’s pamphlet.

As long as I saw no danger to the Government, from the machinations which were going on, I resolved to be a silent sufferer of the injuries which were done me. I determined to avoid giving occasion to any thing which could manifest to the world dissentions among the principal characters of the government; a thing which can never happen without weakening its hands, and in some degree throwing a stigma upon it.
But when I no longer doubted, that there was a formed party deliberately bent upon the subversion of measures, which in its consequences would subvert the Government—when I saw, that the undoing of the funding system in particular (which, whatever may be the original merits of that system, would prostrate the credit and the honor of the Nation, and bring the Government into contempt with that description of Men, who are in every society the only firm supporters of government) was an avowed object of the party; and that all possible pains were taking to produce that effect by rendering it odious to the body of the people—I considered it as a duty, to endeavour to resist the torrent, and as an essential mean to this end, to draw aside the veil from the principal Actors. To this strong impulse, to this decided conviction, I have yielded. And I think events will prove that I have judged rightly.
Nevertheless I pledge my honor to you Sir, that if you shall here-after form a plan to reunite the members of your administration, upon some steady principle of cooperation, I will faithfully concur in executing it during my continuance in office. And I will not directly or indirectly say or do a thing, that shall endanger a feud.
I have had it very much at heart to make an excursion to Mount Vernon, by way of the Fœderal City in the course of this Month—and have been more than once on the point of asking your permission for it. But I now despair of being able to effect it. I am nevertheless equally obliged by your kind invitation.
The subject mentioned in the Postscript of your letter shall with great pleasure be carefully attended to. With the most faithful and affectionate attachment I have the honor to remain
Sir   Your most Obed & humble servant
A Hamilton
P.S I had written you two letters on public business, one of which will go with this; but the other will be witheld, in consequence of a slight indisposition of the Attorney General, to be sent by express sometime in the course of tomorrow.

The President of The U States


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from William Ellery, 10 September 1792
From: Ellery, William
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Newport [Rhode Island] September 10, 1792. “I have received your letter of the 6th. of August. The Construction of the Attorney General contained in the first paragraph, and which it is your desire should be practiced upon I think I understand; but the doubt in my mind which occasioned my stating a case, and raising a question thereon in my letter of the 30th of July last still remains.… I have also recd. your letter respectg. the case of Benjamin Cranston, and Nathaniel Waldron, and have given them notice.…”


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Caleb Gibbs, 10 September 1792
From: Gibbs, Caleb
To: Hamilton, Alexander

My Dear Freind
Barre [Massachusetts] Septr. 10th: 1792.

Disagreable is the task to me to be so often interupting you by my Letters and solicitations, Yet on reflection, when I consider your repeated declarations that you truely have a warm regard for me, Still induces me to intrude upon your patience, and now and then put you in mind of your old Freind; that if anything within your power to grant, shall be reserved for him.
I wrote you On the 12th. of Decr. last and am somewhat fearful wether or not a Miscarriage of the Letter has not taken place or by some means or other had been mislayed, by my not hearing from you for so long a period. The Letter was a recapitulation of the propriety of Mr. Tracy’s demands against the United States, and begging that I may not be totally forgotten by the President and your self.
As Congress will soon meet again My Dear freind, remember me. Certainly there will be appointments which will come from you of different kinds. Therefore Let me rest persuaded I shall not be forsaken.
Mrs. Gibbs cannot no longer content herself in this wilderness. Her seperation from her dearest connections, the great distance and extreem bad roads to Boston, and what is still more trying is the Education of her Children and an innumerable number of difficulties to incounter, has brought me to a Resolution to Linger out the cold Inclement winter at this place and return to Boston Early in April next if possible to get there. In the mean time let me intreat of you to drop me a line of Consolation.
Our only son Alexander Hamilton is well and a fine boy he is. May God Almighty very long continue him on the stage of Life to keep up that name to whom this ungrateful Country owes so much to, and live to follow the Examples and immitate the Virtues of him for whom he is named.
If a convenient opportunity offers I will thank you to mention me to the President with my warmest regards. Also to Mrs. Washington and your truely amiable Lady.
With sentiments of the sincerest regard, respect, and Esteem I have the honor to be   My Dear friend   Your most Obedient and very humble servant
C. Gibbs.
Honble Alexander Hamilton Esqr.
&ca. &ca. &ca.
Philadelphia


Title: Civis to Mercator, [11 September 1792]
From: “Civis”,Hamilton, Alexander
To: “Mercator”

[Philadelphia, September 11, 1792]
For the National GazetteCivis to Mercator
Little other notice of the futile reply of Mercator to Civis is necessary than merely to put in a clear light the erroneousness of the standard, which he has adopted for calculating the arrears of interest to the end of the year 1790.

He takes for his standard the present annual interest on the whole amount of the public Debt, as provided for under the funding system—that is   I   upon the former principal of the foreign and domestic debt   II   upon the arrears of interest of that principal, which on the 1st of January 1791 and not before became principal by the provisions of the funding law   III   upon the whole amount of the assumed debt that is 21500000 Dollars.
Now the fact is, that the only arrears, which can colorably be computed, are those on the principal of the foreign and domestic debt, according to the terms of Interest, which they actually bore, up to the 1st of January 1791. I   because in fact the arrears of interest on that principal did not bear interest till the 1 of Jany 1791, & consequently no interest whatever accrued upon them. And IIdly—because the Governt. of the United States took up the state debts as they stood, at the end of the year 1791. If arrears of interest accumulated in the mean time, ‘twas the affair of the state Governmts. which were the debtors and alone responsible for a provision for it, not of the Government of the UStates, which only became responsible by virtue of the assumption from the time it took effect, that is from the 1st of January 1792; from which period the interest has been punctually paid. This is the true view of it, unless it can be shewn that the Governt of the UStates is answerable for the neglects and omissions of the state Governments. But What arrears may have really accumulated on this part of the debt is unknown, as it is understood, that there were in some states a provision for the interest.
Calculating then the arrears which did actually accrue, that is on the principal of the foreign and domestic debt, the former, according to the various rates which were stipulated upon it, and the latter at 6 ⅌ Cent, the rate which it then bore, from the 1st of August 1789 to the 1st of January 1791, from which period interest has been paid—the amount is 3.003.378.47 dollars that is 1,032,980,72 Dollars less than the amount of the arrears stated for the same period by Mercator. This statement is not made from any secret sources of information but from documents long since in possession of the public. If Mercator has been inattentive to the means of information, he ought not to have come forth, the instructor of his fellow Citizens.
In a mere question of the increase or decrease of the public Debt, if the arrears of interest which accrued on the assumed debt, up to the period, from which the UStates began to pay interest upon it be placed on one side of the account—the saving or reduction, by the nature of the provision for it, ought to be placed on the other side—and the ballance will be in favour of the UStates.
Had Mercator stated an Account with the Treasury Department on his own principle candidly applied, namely that of setting off the surplus of Revenue to the end of the year 1790, against the amount of the Debt redeemed by purchases and payments—the Account would have stood thus—

Credit-side

By the amount of sum which appears by the statement of the Register of the Treasury to have been redeemed & paid off

Dolls
1,865,217.42

By sum remaining to be applied
  397.024.13

Debtor side

To amount of surplus Revenue to the end of the year
}  1790.
1,338,874.84

Ballance
903.366.71

being the amount of the Public Debt actually reduced, beyond the amount of the fund remaining on hand at the commencement of the operation of the Funding System in virtue of antecedent provision and exclusive of reductions on the rates of Interest.
As to the concluding remarks of Mercator they depart from the question. Tis no matter, in referrence to that, whether the items which were mentioned are circumstances of temporary expedient, or results of the soundest policy. They constitute positive savings and gains to the Nation.

But it was not sufficient for Mercator to assert, he ought to have shewn what sacrifice of Justice or principle was involved in them. Not having done it, tis sufficient to observe that one good effect of the measures of Finance, which have been adopted by the present Government, is at least unequivocal. The public Credit has been effectually restored. This may be in the eyes of Mercator of little moment. There are certain theorists who hold both private and public Credit to be pernicious. But their disciples are not numerous; at least among sober and enlightened men.
The actual benefits or actual evils of the measures connected with the Treasury Department present and future would be cheerfully submitted to the Test of Experience. Happy would it be for the country, honorable for human nature, if the experiment were permitted to be fairly made.
But the pains which are taken to misrepresent the tendency of those measures, to inflame the public mind, to disturb the operations of Government are a decided proof, that those to whom they are attributable dare not trust the appeal to such a Test. Convinced of this, they have combined all their forces and are making one desperate effort to gain an ascendancy, in the public councils, by means of the ensuing election, in order to precipitate the laudable work of destroying what has been done.

Civis
Philadelphia Sept 11.
for Nat Gazette of Sept 12. 1792.


Title: Fact No. I, [11 September 1792]
From: “Fact”,Hamilton, Alexander
To:

[Philadelphia, September 11, 1792]
For the National Gazette.
Much declamation has been indulged against certain characters, who are charged with advocating the pernicious doctrine, that “public debts are public blessings,” and with being friends to a perpetuation of the public debt of the country. Among these characters, if the secretary of the treasury has not been named, he has been pretty plainly alluded to. It is proper to examine what foundation there is for those charges.
That officer, it is very certain, explicitly maintained, that the funding of the existing debt of the United States would render it a national blessing: And a man has only to travel through the United States with his eyes open, and to observe the invigoration of industry in every branch, to be convinced that the position was well founded. But whether right or wrong, it is quite a different thing from maintaining, as a general proposition, that a public debt is a public blessing: particular and temporary circumstances might render that advantageous at one time, which at another might be hurtful.
It is known, that prior to the revolution, a great part of the circulation of the country was carried on by paper money; that in consequence of the events of the revolution that resource was in a great measure destroyed, by being discredited, and that the same events had destroyed a large proportion of the monied and mercantile capital of the country, and of personal property generally. It was natural to think, that the chasm created by these circumstances required to be supplied, and a just theory was sufficient to demonstrate, that a funded debt would answer the end.
To infer, that it would have such an effect, was no more to maintain the general doctrine of “public debts being public blessings,” than the saying, that paper emissions by the authority of government, were useful in the early periods of the country, was the maintaining, that they would be useful in all the future stages of its progress.
But to put the matter out of all doubt, and to shew how destitute of candor the insinuations against the secretary of the treasury, on this head, have been, I have extracted and shall insert here some passages from three of his reports to the house of representatives; by which it will be seen, that his conduct, as well as his language, have been in uniform opposition to the doctrine charged upon him. The length of these reports, it is probable, have prevented many well disposed persons from being acquainted with their contents; the presumption of which emboldens the calumniators of public characters and measures to make assertions, of the falsehood of which, the mere perusal of official documents would convict them.

Extract from a report of the secretary of the treasury, on the subject of a provision for the public debt, presented the 14th of January, 1790.
“Persuaded as the secretary is, that the proper funding of the present debt, will render it a national blessing; yet he is so far from acceding to the position, in the latitude in which it is sometimes laid down, that “public debts are public benefits,” a position inviting to prodigality, and liable to a dangerous abuse,—that he ardently wishes to see it incorporated, as a fundamental maxim in the system of public credit of the United States, that the creation of debt should always be accompanied with the means of extinguishment. This he regards as the true secret for rendering public credit immortal. And he presumes, that it is difficult to conceive a situation, in which there may not be an adherence to the maxim. At least he feels an unfeigned solicitude, that this may be attempted by the United States, and that they may commence their measures for the establishment of credit with the observance of it.”
Extract from a report of the secretary of the treasury on manufactures, presented the 5th of December, 1791.
After using several arguments to illustrate the operation of a funded debt as capital—the secretary concludes thus:—“There are respectable individuals, who, from a just aversion to an accumulation of public debt are unwilling to concede to it any kind of utility, who can discover no good to alleviate the ill with which they suppose it pregnant; who cannot be persuaded, that it ought in any sense to be viewed as an increase of capital, least it should be inferred, that the more debt the more capital, the greater the burthens, the greater the blessings of the community.
“But it interests the public councils to estimate every object as it truly is; to appreciate how far the good in any measure is compensated by the ill, or the ill by the good; either of them is seldom unmixed.
“Neither will it follow, that an accumulation of debt is desirable, because a certain degree of it operates as capital. There may be a plethora in the political, as in the natural body; there may be a state of things in which any such artificial capital is unnecessary. The debt too may be swelled to such a size, as that the greatest part of it may cease to be useful as a capital, serving only to pamper the dissipation of idle and dissolute individuals; as that the sums required to pay the interest upon it may become oppressive, and beyond the means which a government can employ, consistently with its tranquility, to raise them; as that the resources of taxation, to face the debt, may have been strained too far to admit of extensions adequate to exigencies, which regard the public safety.
“Where this critical point is, cannot be pronounced; but it is impossible to believe, that there is not such a point.
“And as the vicissitudes of nations beget a perpetual tendency to the accumulation of debt, there ought to be in every government a perpetual, anxious and unceasing effort to reduce that, which at any time exists, as fast as shall be practicable, consistently with integrity and good faith.”
Extract from a report of the secretary of the treasury relative to additional supplies for carrying on the Indian war, presented the 16th of March, 1792.
“The result of mature reflection is, in the mind of the secretary, a strong conviction that the last of the three expedients, which have been mentioned (that was the raising of the sum required by taxes) is to be preferred to either of the other two.
“Nothing can more interest the national credit and prosperity, than a constant and systematic attention to husband all the means previously possessed for extinguishing the present debt, and to avoid, as much as possible, the incurring of any new debt.
“Necessity alone, therefore, can justify the application of any of the public property, other than the annual revenues, to the current service, or the temporary and casual exigencies of the country—or the contracting of an additional debt, by loans, to provide for those exigencies.
“Great emergencies indeed might exist, in which loans would be indespensible. But the occasions, which will justify them, must be truly of that description.
“The present is not of such a nature. The sum to be provided is not of magnitude enough to furnish the plea of necessity.

“Taxes are never welcome to a community. They seldom fail to excite uneasy sensations more or less extensive; hence a too strong propensity in the government of nations to anticipate and mortgage the resources of posterity, rather than encounter the inconveniences of a present increase of taxes.
“But this policy, when not dictated by very peculiar circumstances, is of the worst kind. Its obvious tendency is, by enhancing the permanent burthens of the people, to produce lasting distress, and its natural issue is in national bankruptcy.
“It will be happy, if the councils of this country, sanctioned by the voice of an enlightened community, shall be able to pursue a different course.”
Here is an example, added to precept; In pursuit of a doctrine, the opposite of that which is charged upon him, the secretary did not scruple to hazard the popularity of his administration with a class of citizens, who, as a class, have been among the firmest friends of the government, and the warmest approvers of the measures, which have restored public credit. The circumstance indeed has been a weapon dexterously wielded against him by his enemies; who in consequence of the increase of duties proposed have represented him as the oppressor of trade. A certain description of men are for getting out of debt; yet are against all taxes for raising money to pay it off; they are amongst the foremost for carrying on war, and yet will have neither loans nor taxes. They are alike opposed to what creates debt, and to what avoids it.
In the first case, their meaning is not difficult to be devined; in the last it would puzzle any man, not endowed with the gift of second sight, to find it out, unless it be to quarrel with and pull down every man who will not consent to walk in their leading strings; or to throw all things into confusion.
Fact.
Sept. 11.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Tench Coxe, 12[–18] September 1792
From: Coxe, Tench
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Treasury Department, Revenue Office, September 12[–18], 1792. “The particular recapitulation I had the Honor to make of the considerations which had occured on the subject of the provision for the officers of the Revenue and the expences of collecting the same, in my letter to you of the 25th July render it unnecessary to repeat them in transmitting to you the two in-closed papers relative to that Business during the first year. One of them (indorsed A) will be found to contain such items of the former Estimate as it appeared expedient to suggest to the Consideration of the President in regard to the year, which ended on the 30th of June last.… The paper B is a draught of an act for the purpose of submission to the President containing provisions comformable with the Estimate A, and dictated by the tenor of the Arrangement, which the President was pleased to establish on the 4th Ultimo for the Current year.…”


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Elisha Boudinot, 13 September 1792
From: Boudinot, Elisha
To: Hamilton, Alexander

My Dear Sir:
Newark [New Jersey], 13th Sept., 1792.

There are great exertions making to get the people to petition against the incorporation; several persons are employed to go about with petitions, and the people are deceived by the most absurd false-hoods. The only mode I thought of to counteract them, was to have petitions drawn, and hire a person calculated for the purpose to go round with them, and I am in hopes it will answer the purpose effectually. We shall obtain numbers who signed the first, to sign ours, declaring they were imposed on. So much for petitions.
Will you sketch the substance of a law you wish with regard to apprentices—or the heading of it—and I will see it carried through the Legislature? Had you not better be up a day or two previous to the first Monday in October?
The Antis are making greater exertions than you perhaps are aware of, previous to the expected general election. Our Chief Justice says that a number from Philadelphia have been to the lower parts of West Jersey, informing the people that a strong party is forming in that city against the Secretary of the Treasury, requesting their aid, and that they will not choose a man who has supported his measures, especially Mr. Boudinot, &c. &c.
My brother showed me a letter last evening, received by the post, dated Norfolk, Virginia—only a few lines—inclosing a handbill for his information, signed “James Blanchard.” This handbill is addressed to the Electors and Freeholders of New Jersey, setting forth the dangerous consequences of the measures of the Secretary, &c., the funding system, bank, &c.; then giving extracts of speeches made by Mr. Boudinot in support of them, &c., and warning the people to take care, &c., and says that pamphlets should be distributed amongst them previous to the election.
From these things it appears as if they meant to try their strength in every State. A young gentleman of this town was lately at Philadelphia, and at his lodgings there was a gentleman from Virginia (whose name I do not at this moment recollect), very violent on the subject, and said he was going the middle and eastern States, to see what could be done with regard to displacing the Secretary of the Treasury; and, finding from the conversation of the other gentleman, that Mr. Madison was not a popular character, in Jersey at least, he asked if Mr. Morris would not be agreeable, &c. If the federalists sleep whilst their enemies are awake and vigilant, some mischief may be done.
I am, in haste, dear Sir,   With respect,   Yours sincerely,
Elisha Boudinot.