Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jacques Barbeu-Dubourg, 12 February 1773
From: Barbeu-Dubourg, Jacques
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur,
12 Février 1773.
J’ai trouvé votre Lettre à M. Néave beaucoup trop courte, parce que les choses excellentes qu’elle contient, m’ont appris à en desirer beaucoup d’autres dont je n’aurois peut-être jamais eu la moindre idée. On ne m’a point fait apprendre à nager dans ma jeunesse, et je n’y ai gueres songé depuis. Je viens de chercher dans le grand Dictionnaire Encyclopédique, aux mots nager, natation, &c. tout ce qu’on y dit sur l’art de nager; et j’ai été surpris de voir combien on est peu avancé à cet égard. C’est cependant un objet si intéressant pour l’humanité, qu’il sembleroit mériter plus d’attention de la part des Physiciens, et même des Gouvernemens.
Après cet aveu que je vous ai fait de mon ignorance en cette matiere, il m’appartiendroit moins qu’à personne de la traiter; mais au moins me pardonnera-t-on de solliciter ceux qui sont en état de le faire; et je ne connois personne qui le puisse mieux que vous-même.
Je n’attens pas de vous un traité en forme, vous avez trop peu de loisir; mais entre une multitude de questions qui s’offrent en foule à mon esprit, je vous demande de jetter quelques traits de lumiere sur celles qui vous paroîtront mériter plus particuliérement votre attention.
Je les diviserai en trois Sections. La premiere roulera sur quelques notions préliminaires. La seconde sur les points principaux et essentiels de cet art. La troisieme enfin sur diverses conséquences, et autres considérations accessoires.

  Premiere Section.
I. Le premier objet seroit, à mon avis, de déterminer le poids d’un pied cubique d’eau commune, puis successivement d’eau plus ou moins trouble, plus ou moins salée.
De déterminer également le poids ordinaire du corps humain, en pésant un homme adulte tant dans l’air que dans l’eau, afin d’avoir la pesanteur moyenne d’un pied cubique de son corps; de péser également une femme, un enfant, un viellard; d’en péser même plusieurs, pour juger à quoi peuvent aller les différences entr’eux à cet egard. Vous savez ce qu’on a avancé, il y a peu d’années, dans les nouvelles publiques, au sujet d’un Prêtre de Naples dont le corps n’enfonce, dit-on, aucunement dans l’eau.
Peut-être donc se trouveroit-il des hommes dont le corps flotteroit naturellement dans l’eau, comme la plupart des bois ordinaires, et ce seroit, je crois, le plus grand nombre; d’autres, en petit nombre, qui surnageroient comme le liége, ou qui enfonceroient très-peu; et d’autres enfin, en plus petit nombre encore, qui iroient tout-à-coup au fonds de l’eau, comme le buis.
Tâcher de déterminer quelle quantité du volume total s’enfonceroit dans l’eau, et quelle quantité seroit soutenue au-dessus de l’eau dans un homme ordinaire.
Faire ensorte de déterminer le plus exactement qu’il seroit possible, le rapport tant en volume qu’en pésanteur des différentes parties du corps humain. Le moyen qui me paroîtroit le plus propre pour atteindre assez près de ce but, seroit de péser d’abord tout le corps hors de l’eau, puis de le péser de nouveau dans un grand vaisseau, où il auroit toutes les extrêmités inférieures dans l’eau et le reste hors de l’eau; puis successivement, ayant tout le tronc du corps dans l’eau et les bras et la tête hors de l’eau; ensuite ayant la tête seule hors de l’eau; et enfin ayant tout le corps à la fois sous l’eau (ce qui ne seroit que l’affaire d’un instant;) et au moyen d’un tube gradué, adapté au vaisseau où l’eau seroit contenue, on auroit la mesure exacte de la quantité d’eau déplacée par chacune des parties du corps, d’où résulteroit la connoissance du volume de chacune, et par conséquent celle des rapports de leur volume à leur poids, ce qu’on appelle leur pésanteur spécifique.
II. Le second objet seroit de considerer la structure particuliere, et les différentes manoeuvres des animaux qui vivent continuellement dans l’eau, ou qui la frequentent habituellement, afin d’en tirer quelques inductions et de reconnoitre jusqu’à quel point on pourroit imiter par art ce que l’instinct leur fait faire.
Ainsi les tortues marchent au fond de l’eau, et peuvent y rester long-tems; mais enfin elles sont obligées de venir quelquefois respirer l’air. D’où vient qu’elles en ont si rarement besoin, tandis que nous en avons un besoin continuel? De ce que leur coeur n’a qu’un ventricule et que le nôtre en a deux, entre lesquels il y a une communication ouverte dans le foetus, par le trou ovale qui se bouche pour l’ordinaire peu de tems après la naissance, non pas pourtant si généralement qu’on ne le trouve quelquefois ouvert dans un âge assez avancé; on prétend, avec beaucoup de vraisemblance, que de tels sujets pourroient, comme les tortues, demeurer long-tems sous l’eau sans respirer: tel étoit vraisemblablement le fameux plongeur Pescecola, (ou Nicolas Poisson) en Sicile au 15e siecle, qui pouvoit rester deux ou trois heures sous l’eau; sur quoi il a été proposé d’essayer si l’on ne pourroit pas procurer le même avantage à un enfant quelconque, en l’habituant dès sa naissance à passer chaque jour quelque tems dans l’eau, comme il y étoit dans le sein de sa mere.
Si cette expérience paroit trop délicate, et trop hasardeuse, en voici une beaucoup plus simple, quoique fort embarrassante encore, et dont on cite divers succès: elle consiste à ménager à un plongeur une certaine provision d’air frais, en lui couvrant la tête en entier, et même au-delà, avec une espece de cloche portative dont la matiere ne seroit pas indifférente, quoique aucune ne soit capable de prévenir tout-à-fait une énorme condensation de l’air qui met les poumons fort mal à l’aise.
Tous, ou la plupart des poissons ont été pourvus par la nature d’une espece de vessie aërienne, en forme de double poche, qu’ils compriment ou dilatent à leur gré, pour se soutenir à différentes profondeurs entre deux eaux, descendre tout-à-fait au fond, ou s’élever à la surface. N’y auroit-il pas moyen d’imiter le mécanisme de ces sortes de vessies, qui seroient évidemment de la plus grande utilité? On assure que M. Baffert, l’a en quelque sorte imité avec une espece de pompe.
Tous, ou la plupart des poissons ont reçu de la nature des nageoires pour frapper l’eau, et s’en faire un point d’appui qui les fasse avancer dans telle direction qu’il leur plait. Les oiseaux aquatiques ont les pattes tellement conformées qu’elles leur tiennent lieu de nageoires; les doigts en sont assemblés par des membranes qui s’ouvrent et se ferment en éventail, afin d’offrir plus ou moins de surface, plus ou moins de résistance à l’eau. Les oiseaux destitués de ces sortes de membranes craignent naturellement l’eau, quoique leur corps soit naturellement assez léger pour n’y pas enfoncer, parce qu’ils manquent d’un instrument propre à s’y mouvoir à volonté. L’art a imité en quelque sorte les nageoires et les pattes d’oye dans les rames des barques; mais ne pouvant donner à ces rames la flexibilité en éventail, on tâche d’y suppléer en tournant leur palette tantôt sur son plat et tantôt sur sa tranche, suivant le besoin. Les pattes d’oye ne sont pas difficiles à imiter avec des gants à éventail, qu’on peut faire de taffetas ciré.
III. Le troisieme objet seroit de considerer spécialement quelles sont les parties du corps qui ont le plus de propension à prendre le dessous, et qui sont celles qu’il importe le plus de tenir au-dessus de l’eau.
De déterminer où est le centre de gravité du corps, et quelle des parties extérieures en est la plus proche, et en conséquence doit naturellement enfoncer la premiere.
La bouche et les narines étant manifestement les parties du corps qu’il est le plus nécessaire de tenir au-dessus de l’eau, de peur qu’il n’y entre de l’eau à chaque inspiration (pouvant pénétrer par cette voie dans l’estomac, dans les intestins, et peutêtre même dans les poumons); considérer et avertir des divers moyens de tenir la face au-dessus de l’eau, dont le plus facile est vraisemblablement la position sur le dos.

  2e. Section.
Venons maintenant au principal objet, c’est-à-dire, à ce qui constitue proprement l’art de nager, et pour plus de clarté, distinguons-y deux points essentiels, sçavoir les moyens de se soutenir à la superficie de l’eau, et les moyens de s’y mouvoir à son gré dans tous les sens. Chacun de ces points mérite d’être traité séparément.
I. Il est donc question en premier lieu d’examiner les divers moyens de se soutenir sur l’eau, ou de remonter du fonds de l’eau avec des secours accessoires, ou sans aide, ou même malgré quelques obstacles.
Il est aisé de concevoir que tout ce qui peut compenser l’excès de la pesanteur de nos corps sur la pesanteur de l’eau doit nous soutenir à la surface. Des corps légers fermement attachés à nos corps, et convenablement placés, peuvent trés-bien remplir cet objet. Le liége tient le premier rang dans ce genre, attendu sa légereté naturelle avec une solidité suffisante. Les calebasses, les vessies, les bouteilles peuvent y suppléer, pourvu que leur intérieur soit vide, leur gouleau bien bouché, et que leurs parois ayent une force de résistance suffisante. Le scaphandre de M. l’Abbé de la Chapelle est (à ce qu’on m’a assuré) fort supérieur à tout cela dans le même genre; mais j’ai entendu parler de certains corselets, ou soubrevestes, inventés en Angleterre, et qu’on prétend qui ne lui cédent en rien; c’est ce que vous êtes plus à portée que moi de verifier.
Mais supposons l’homme abandonné à lui-même, sans tous ces secours extérieurs, et supposons le au fond de l’eau, quelle ressource a-t-il pour remonter à la surface? Il en a une bien simple et immanquable. Qu’il fasse précisément ce qu’il feroit, s’il avoit les pieds dans un bourbier, pour s’y enfoncer davantage: qu’il fasse effort pour frapper la terre avec les pieds; son action ne sera point en pure perte. Ses pieds ne pouvant avancer suivant la direction qu’il leur aura imprimée, seront repoussés avec le même degré de force dans une direction diamétralement opposée, c’est-à-dire de bas en haut, et son corps se retrouvera presque dans l’instant à la surface de l’eau.
Arrivé ainsi à la superficie, il s’agit de s’y soutenir. Il faut donc considérer en quelle position il s’y trouve d’abord; ce qui résulte immédiatement de cette position, et ce qu’il a à faire en conséquence.
Il remonte à la surface dans une situation verticale, la tête sortante au-dessus de l’eau. Bientôt le poids de la tête la renverse sur l’eau, et les extrêmités inférieures continuant à s’élever, l’homme se trouve étendu à plat à fleur d’eau dans une situation horisontale. Dans cette position, son corps présente à l’eau sa surface la plus étendue, et ne peut enfoncer sans déplacer un trés-grand volume d’eau.
Alors qu’il fasse effort de tout son corps pour l’enfoncer dans l’eau, en faisant agir de concert tous les muscles abdominaux, pectoraux, dorsaux, lombaires, &c., contre la couche inférieure de l’eau sur laquelle repose la masse de son corps; l’eau leur résistera avec la même force, et par sa réaction soutiendra le corps de l’homme, et tendra même à le soulever de plus en plus.
Le moyen que vous avez imaginé pour inculquer cette leçon, en proposant de jetter un oeuf au fond de l’eau, et de s’efforcer de l’en retirer promptement, est on ne peut pas plus ingénieux, et tout-à-fait propre non-seulement à inspirer de la confiance dans la force de l’eau, mais encore à enseigner sans affectation le grand et seul vrai secret de mettre cette force à profit.
La peur, en pareil cas, n’empêche pas seulement de prendre à propos un bon parti, mais elle fait faire précisément le contraire de ce qui convient. L’homme effrayé se redresse de toute sa force, pour tâcher de remonter à la superficie. En relevant ses mains, il frappe l’eau de dessous en dessus, et en est repoussé en sens contraire, c’est-à-dire, de haut en bas. En abaissant ses pieds qui offrent à l’eau moins de superficie que son ventre ou son dos; ils font l’office de coins pour fendre l’eau, et l’homme est bientôt précipité au fond.
Il doit être sans contredit plus facile de nager tout nud qu’avec des habits, ou autres corps étrangers; ainsi il seroit bon de considérer les effets qui peuvent résulter tant de l’embarras des habits que de leur pésanteur; les meilleurs expédiens, soit pour en supporter la charge, soit pour s’en débarrasser; et enfin de quel poids la prudence permet, ou ne permet pas à un bon et fort nageur de se charger, lorsqu’il à une riviere à traverser à la nage.
II. En second lieu, comme, à proprement parler, flotter sur l’eau ce n’est pas encore nager; il faut sçavoir donner à son corps un mouvement progressif sur l’eau, suivant telle direction que l’on juge à propos; il me semble que cette question peut se résoudre aisément par les mêmes principes que les précédentes.
Voyez un canard dans une piece d’eau, et considerez comment, avec ses pattes déployées, il chasse l’eau en arriere, pour en être rechassé, et se porter en avant.
Que vos mains allongées pointent, pour ainsi dire, en avant avec les doigts, et frappent l’eau avec leurs paumes en se rapprochant du corps. Que les plantes de vos pieds étendues, poussent fortement l’eau en arriere. L’eau de l’avant cédera à vos mains, l’eau de l’arriere réagira contre vos pieds avec une force presqu’ égale à celle que vous aurez déployée; et vous avancerez à proportion.
Lorsque vous voudrez changer de direction, il vous suffira de tourner un peu la paume de vos mains er la plante de vos pieds, et d’en frapper l’eau à droite pour vous porter à gauche, ou à gauche pour vous porter à droite.
Il semble qu’on pourroit établir comme un théorême fondamental de l’art de nager qu’il faut faire agir ses pieds dans l’eau tout au contraire de ce qu’on feroit hors de l’eau; en frapper en arriere avec une force proportionnée à l’élan que l’on veut se donner en avant, en frapper l’eau à gauche pour aller à droite, et à droite pour aller à gauche, s’attendre en un mot que leur action sera contrariée en tout par la réaction de l’eau, faire fonds sur cette force répulsive, et se gouverner en consequence.
Ces principes admis, il s’agit de discuter les moyens les plus convenables et les moins fatiguans, soit pour se soutenir longtems sur l’eau, soit pour faire beaucoup de chemin en nageant.
De mettre en parallele les avantages et les inconvéniens des différentes positions du corps, dont les deux principales sont d’être couché sur le ventre, ou d’être couché sur le dos en nageant. La petite voute que le dos forme en-dessous n’est-elle d’aucune utilité? Quoiqu’il en soit, l’élévation de la face dans cette derniere situation semble une grande raison de préférence en sa faveur: sçavoir si, et jusqu’à quel point elle est balancée d’ailleurs?
Comparer les forces respectives des mains et des pieds pour frapper l’eau, les différentes manieres de les déployer, et de les faire agir conjointement ou séparément, en même tems ou alternativement, en battant l’eau ou en la pressant simplement. Les pieds ne peuvent servir que pour avancer en frappant de leur plante en arriere: les mains peuvent servir pour se soutenir et pour avancer, suivant qu’on en tourne la paume constamment en-dessous, ou qu’on la retourne en arriere.
Rechercher comment on peut se retourner lorsqu’on le juge à propos du dos sur le ventre, et comment on peut s’empêcher de tourner involontairement.
Combien de tems il est possible de se soutenir à flot en ménageant ses forces, et quel est le plus grand espace qu’un nageur puisse parcourir sur un canal dans un tems donné.
Comment on peut résister à un courant plus ou moins fort, et quel courant on peut entreprendre de traverser en croisant l’eau avec ses bras alternativement.
III. Examiner en troisieme lieu, s’il est plus utile de se tourner tantôt sur le dos et tantôt sur le ventre, ou de conserver toujours la même position.
Quelle est la profondeur de l’eau la plus favorable aux nageurs, &c.
IV. En quatrieme lieu, prévoir tous les accidens qui peuvent arriver dans l’eau, comme des coups, des crampes, des défaillances, &c.
Aviser aux ressources qui peuvent rester en pareils cas; comme pourroit-être quelquefois de marcher au fond de l’eau et de remonter de tems en tems à la surface, tant pour respirer que pour s’orienter.

  3e. Section.
I. Considerer en premier lieu le plaisir du bain, et de l’exercice dans l’eau.
A quel âge à-peu-près on peut le procurer aux jeunes gens.
S’il seroit absurde de le procurer même aux personnes de l’autre sexe.

II. En second lieu, rechercher l’utilité de l’art de nager, et ne point se dissimuler les inconvéniens.
S’il devroit faire partie de l’éducation ordinaire de la jeunesse.
A quelles professions il paroit plus spécialement nécessaire.
S’il n’est pas sur-tout nécessaire aux Militaires.
III. Considérer en troisieme lieu les effets salutaires du bain, et de l’exercice dans l’eau.
Les degrés de chaleur ou de froid qui rendent le bain et l’exercice de nager plus ou moins sain ou malsain.
A quelles heures il convient de se baigner.
Combien il est essentiel que ce soit plutôt avant qu’après le repas.
Si l’on peut se permettre de prendre quelques boissons ou quelques alimens dans l’eau, et en quelle quantité.
Si l’on doit éviter d’entrer dans le bain étant fort échauffé, et quel en est le danger.
IV. En quatrieme lieu, considérer s’il est aisé d’apprendre de soi-même à nager, et de combien il est plus aisé de l’apprendre avec un bon maître.
Combien on s’y fortifie par l’habitude et l’exercice fréquent.
Et si on peut l’oublier faute de l’exercer.
V. En cinquieme lieu, donner des instructions simples et faciles à se rappeller pour ceux à qui il arriveroit de tomber dans l’eau sans sçavoir nager.
Indiquer des précautions peu dispendieuses à ceux qui ayant à voyager sur l’eau, sont exposés à ces sortes d’accidens.
Rechercher particulierement de quelle matiere, et en quelle forme on pourroit se faire des habillemens moins à charge, et moins embarrassans dans l’eau que ceux qui sont communément en usage.
VI. En sixieme lieu, savoir lorsqu’on apperçoit quelqu’un en danger de se noyer, comment on peut le secourir.
Quels sont les moyens les plus efficaces pour cet effet, et les attentions convenables pour ne pas s’exposer soi-même.
VII. En septieme lieu, considérer l’état des noyés et la cause formelle de leur mort.
Ce qui peut les faire croire morts lorsqu’ils ne le sont pas encore.

Quels sont les secours les plus prompts et les plus puissans qu’on puisse leur donner en pareils cas.
VIII. En huitieme lieu, rechercher tout ce qui a rapport à cet objet dans les anciens Auteurs, et discuter s’il y avoit dans les gymnases des peuples les plus célebres de l’antiquité, des maîtres pour apprendre à la jeunesse à nager, et si l’on nous a transmis quelques-uns de leurs préceptes.
Analyser ou critiquer sans prévention les différens écrits des modernes sur cette matiere.
S’informer aux voyageurs, si, et jusqu’à quel point l’art de nager est spécialement cultivé dans tels ou tels pays.
IX. En dernier lieu, aviser aux établissemens qui peuvent être à desirer, ou à proposer relativement à cet objet, principalement dans de grandes villes situées sur des rivieres, comme Paris, Londres, &c. afin de procurer plus de sureté contre ces sortes de dangers à quantité de citoyens, et plus d’assurance à tous contre la crainte même de ces dangers, dont l’idée seule fait frissonner quantité de personnes.
Si la gare à Paris, ne seroit pas commode pour cela?
Je suis, &c.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Richard Bache, 14 February 1773
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Bache, Richard

Dear Son,
London, Feb. 14. [1773]
By Capt. All I send a Box directed to you containing a Number of Parcels for different People, which I request you to take care of that they may be carefully delivered. Among the rest there are 5 Doz Maps in a Roll with your Name on the Outside, of which you may take 6 for yourself, send Six to your Brother at Burlington, and give the rest to my Cousin Davenport.
Mrs. Stevenson desires me to tell you, that as the Lace was tarnished and unfit for farther wear, she had burnt and sold it, and with the Money bought you a fashionable Trimming to a new Wastecoat which goes in the Box. There is also a Gown, for your Wife and some Trifles for Ben, that he too may have his Parcel.
Your good Mother and Sisters were well last Week, as I learn by a Letter I then receiv’d from Preston.
I wrote to you a few Lines per Packet. I am ever, Your affectionate Father
B Franklin
Mr Bache


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Josiah Davenport, 14 February 1773
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Davenport, Josiah

Although Franklin’s nephew has often appeared in these volumes, he remains a shadowy figure; his only clear characteristic is that he drew financial troubles to him like his cousin, Benjamin Mecom. Davenport had been for a time a baker in Philadelphia, then a storekeeper and Indian agent in Pittsburgh. By 1766 he was back in Philadelphia, where he tried and failed to establish a coffee house. Next he opened a tavern, the Bunch of Grapes on Third Street, which was a gathering place for merchants. It failed, and he turned to a bookshop. Franklin heard of this development, and also that Davenport wanted a position in the Post Office; the news probably came from Josiah’s son Enoch, who had been in London the year before and may have stayed on, and who at some point doubtless visited his great-uncle. In any case Franklin sent, for the bookshop, the small contribution mentioned below, and minced no words in turning down the idea of a postal appointment. Before his letter was written, however, Josiah’s circumstances had changed: his bookstore in turn had failed, and William Franklin had taken pity on him and brought him to Burlington as his private secretary. Soon the Governor was asking his father to intercede with Lord North for a customs post for Davenport, a suggestion that the senior Franklin rejected as brusquely as he had the earlier one. After burning his fingers with Benjamin Mecom, as he says here, he had no intention of getting involved with another ne’er-do-well nephew.

Loving Cousin,
London, Feb. 14—73
I was sorry to hear of your Failing in your Business. I hear you now keep a little Shop and therefore send you 4 Doz of Evans’s Maps, which if you can sell you are welcome to apply the Money towards Clothing your Boys or to any other Purpose. Enoch seems a solid sensible Lad, and I hope will do well. If you will be advis’d [do not?] think of any Place in the Post Office. The Money you receive will slip thro’ your Fingers, and you will run behind-hand, imperceptibly, when your Securities must suffer, or your Employers. I grow too old to run such Risques, and therefore wish you to propose nothing more of the kind to me. I have been hurt too much by endeavouring to help Cousin Ben Mecom. I have no Opinion of the Punctuality of Cousins. They are apt to take Liberties with Relations they would not take with others, from a Confidence that a Relation will not sue them. And tho’ I believe you now resolve and intend well in case of such an Appointment, I can have no Dependence that some unexpected Misfortune or Difficulty will not embarras your Affairs and render you again insolvent. Don’t take this unkind. It is better to be thus free with you, than to give you Expectations that cannot be answered. I should be glad to see you in some Business that would require neither Stock nor Credit, and yet might afford a comfortable Subsistence, being ever I am, Your affectionate Uncle
B F
Mr Josia Davenport


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Nathaniel Falconer, 14 February 1773
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Falconer, Nathaniel

Dear Friend,
London, Feb. 14. 1773
I thank you heartily for your very kind Present of Nuts and Apples, they are both excellent, and very much refresh me. We were sorry to miss you at Christmas. If you will not come and keep it with us, we must e’en go and keep it with you.
If the Land Affair is ever compleated, (which God only knows whether it will be or not) you may rely on my taking as much Care of your Interest as of my own. Some People are very confident of seeing a speedy End to the Sollicitation, but they seem to me to hollow before they are out of the Wood. The less we talk of the Business the better. With great and sincere Respect, I am, my dear Friend, Yours very affectionately
B Franklin
Capt. Falconer


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, 14 February 1773
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Deborah

My dear Child,
London, Feb. 14. 1773
I wrote to you a few Days since by the Packet. In a Box directed to Mr. Bache I send a striped Cotton and Silk Gown for you, of a Manufacture now much the Mode here. There is another for Sally. People line them with some old Silk Gown, and they look very handsome. There goes also a Bedstead for Sally, sent on Capt. All’s telling Mrs. Stevenson that you wish’d it had been sent with the Bed. She sends also some little Things for Benny-boy.

Now having nothing very material to add, let us trifle a little. The fine large grey Squirrel you sent, who was a great Favourite in the Bishop’s Family, is dead. He had got out of his Cage, in the Country, and was rambling over a Common 3 Miles from home, when he met a Man with a Dog. The Dog pursuing him, he fled to the Man for Protection; running up to his Shoulder who shook him off, and set the Dog on him, thinking him to be, as he said afterwards, some Varment or other. So poor Mungo, as his Mistress call’d him, died. To amuse you a little, and nobody out of your own House, I enclose you the little Correspondence between her and me on the melancholy Occasion. Skugg, you must know is a common Name by which all Squirrels are called here, as all Cats are called Puss. Miss Georgiana is the Bishops youngest Daughter but one. There are five in all. Mungo was buried in the Garden, and the enclos’d Epitaph put upon his Monument. So much for Squirrels.
My poor Cousin Walker in Buckinghamshire is a Lacemaker. She was ambitious of presenting you and Sally with some Netting of her Work: But as I knew she could not afford it, I chose to pay her for it at her usual Price 3s. 6d. per Yard. It goes also in the Box. I name the Price, that if it does not suit you to wear it, you may know how to dispose of it.
I have desired Miss Haydock to repay you £8 6s. 0d. Sterling, which I have laid out for her here, on Account of her Silk. I think it is not the Colour she desired. I suppose her Relation Mrs. Forster, who took the Management of it, will give her the Reason. My Love to Sally and the dear Boy. I am ever, Your affectionate Husband
B Franklin


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Rebecca Haydock [Garrigues], 14 February 1773
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Garrigues, Rebecca Haydock

London, Feb. 14. [1773]
I send my young Friend’s Silk in a Box [to] Mr. Bache, who will deliver it to her. Enclos’d is the Maker’s Account and Sarah Forster’s Receipt, for Eight Pounds Six Shillings, which you will please to repay to Mrs. Franklin. I did not well understand the first Account and therefore to explain it Mrs. Forster got the Maker to draw another more intelligible, which is also enclos’d. I wish the Silk may please, and wear to your Satisfaction. I am, with Respects to your good Father and Mother, Your most obedient Servant
B F
Miss Haydock


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to the Managers of the Pennsylvania Hospital, 14 February 1773
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Managers of the Pennsylvania Hospital

Gentlemen,
London, Feb. 14. 1773
I received your Favours of Oct. 20. and Nov. 4. which I communicated to Mr. Barclay and Dr. Fothergill; and we have acted in Compliance with the Directions therein contained, by selling Part of the Stock and paying your Drafts. I suppose Mr. Barclay has informed you of the Particulars. I wish you Joy of so considerable an Acquisition to the Hospital, which makes me the happier as I had some hand in advising the Appropriation of the Money to that Institution, and hardly expected I should live to see it in Possession. I hope Circumstances will admit of its being so dispos’d of as to produce a settled Revenue towards the Support of the House. With great Esteem and Respect, I am, Gentlemen, Your most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin
Israel Pemberton, and others, Managers of the Hospital


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to William Marshall, 14 February 1773
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Marshall, William

Reverend Sir,
London, Feb. 14. 1773
I duly received your respected Letter of Oct. 30. and am very sensible of the Propriety and Equity of the Act passed to indulge your Friends in their Scruples relating to the Mode of Taking an Oath which you plead for so ably by numerous Reasons. That Act with others has now been some time laid before his Majesty in Council. I have not yet heard of any Objection to it; but if such should arise, I shall do my utmost to remove them, and obtain the Royal Assent. Believe me, Reverend Sir, to have the warmest Wishes for the Increase of Religious as well as Civil Liberty thro’out the World; and that I am, with great Regard, Your most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin
Mr Wm Marshall


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Benjamin Rush, 14 February 1773
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Rush, Benjamin

Dear Sir,
London, Feb. 14. 1773
In a Box to Mr. Bache I send you a Bundle of the Ephemerides; they came but lately to hand with Duplicates for me; tho’ it appears by my Letter that they were sent from Paris last May was twelvemonth. Where they have been all this time I have not learnt.
I send you also one of Dr. Priestly’s Pamphlets, containing a Number of curious Experiments on what he calls fixed Air. The Subject at present engages a good deal of Attention here, and falls in your Way, I imagine, both as a Chemist and Physician. Please to accept of it. Remember me kindly to your Brother, and believe me ever Your affectionate Friend and humble Servant
B Franklin
What is become of Mr. Coombe?Dr Rush


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Samuel Potts, 15 February 1773
From: Potts, Samuel
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Genl. Post Office Monday 15 Febry. [1773]
I am very sorry as you have had the trouble of writing your Letters to acquaint you that we have no North American Boat on this side, consequently your Letters could not be forwarded as no mail was made up last Saturday night for New York. This Office does not supply the Post Boys with Horns, they are purchased by themselves, but I beleive the best place to get them is in Crooked Lane. I am with Truth Dear Sir Your Most Obedient and Humble Servant
Sam Potts


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jonathan Williams, Sr., 15 February 1773
From: Williams, Jonathan Sr.
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honoured Sir
Boston Feby 15th 1773
I wrote you Decr. 27 by Capt: Jenkins, and Inform’d you of a proposal made by Hall or rather Halls Friends, Who have advanced the Hundred pounds Sterling, and I have Received it, on this Condition, to Wait for the Remander Six and twelvemonths, to be paid in two equal payments from the above Date. I Wish I had your Orders in regard to the Disposition of the money as aunt Wants to be doing She Desires me to Invest fifty pounds of it in a Bill of Exchange and Send it home to you, and She Will accompany it With an Invoice of Such Goods as She Wants to make a beginning With, the Remander She Wishes to reserve here (if agreeable to you) as She think it may be Improv’d to more advantage and I Belive it may. So many failing in Business makes Good Sometimes Cheaper here then in London. Capt. Symmes Sails for London in about 10 Days time by him We shall Send Said Bill and Invoice for your approbation. My Wife Joines With our best Respects and I am With the Greatest Esteem Your Dutifull Nephew and Humble Servant
Jona Williams

Addressed: To / Doctr. Benjamin Franklin / Craven Street / London / per Capt Hatch


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Horace-Benedict de Saussure, 23 February 1773
From: Saussure, Horace-Bénédict de
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur
Naples le 23e. Févr. 1773.
J’ai reçu avec un extrême plaisir les deux lettres que vous m’avés fait l’honneur de m’écrire, l’une du 8e. Octobre, l’autre du 1er. Xbre de l’année dernière. Mais comme elles m’étoient l’une et l’autre adressées à Genève, et que j’en suis parti dès le commencement d’Octobre pour venir passer l’hyver en Italie, elles me sont parvenues extrêmement tard, et j’ai été ainsi privé de l’avantage de vous témoigner par une prompte réponse combien je suis flatté de l’honneur de votre correspondance.
La Lettre sur l’action des conducteurs pointus et le Mémoire qui l’accompagne, m’ont paru remplis d’expériences et de raisonnements absolument démonstratifs, et qui ne laissent aucun doute sur l’utilité de ces ingénieux Préservatifs. Si j’avois eu connaissance de ces Expériences nouvelles je m’en serois prévalu avec bien de l’avantage dans un petit Mémoire apologétique que je publiai au mois d’Octobre 1771. pour éclairer quelques personnes qui étoient effrayées d’un Conducteur que j’avois fait dresser à Genève devant la maison que j’habite. Ce Mémoire eut cependant le succès que je desirois, il rassura tout le monde, et j’ai eu le plaisir d’observer l’Electricité des Nuages pendant tout le cours de l’Eté dernier. Plusieurs personnes ont même suivi cet Exemple et ont fait dresser des conducteurs ou sur leur maison même ou devant leur maison. M. de Voltaire a été un des premiers. Il a rendu à votre Théorie, Monsieur, la même justice qu’il rendit à celle de l’immortel Newton.
Le projet de la Société Royale est bien digne du zêle de cet Illustre Corps pour l’avancement des connoissances utiles, et je serois bien flatté si je pouvois la séconder en quelque chose dans l’exécution de ce projet. Si j’avois été à Genève, je me serois fait un devoir et un plaisir d’aller faire un Voyage dans les Montagnes des environs pour déterminer avec exactitude les dimensions des Montagnes et des Vallées que je penserois les plus convenables pour l’exécution de ce projet. Je ne crois cependant pas qu’il y ait dans aucune de celles qui me sont connues aucun endroit vraiment propre à donner des lumières certaines sur l’objet qui fait le but de ces Recherches. Déja dans le Jurat il n’y a point de hauteur assez considérable puisque la Dole qui est la montagne la plus élevée au dessus du Niveau de notre Lac n’arrive pas à 700 Toises au dessus de ce même niveau. Ensuite il faut considérer que le Jurat de même que les Alpes forment des chaines continues de Montagnes toutes liées les unes aux autres et situées du moins à de petites distances les unes des autres. Il n’y a, ou du moins je ne connois aucune montagne isolée d’une hauteur suffisante. On trouve fréquemment de profondes vallées bordées de hautes montagnes, mais ces montagnes ont derrière elles d’autres vallées et d’autres montagnes, en sorte que les déviations que l’on observeroit dans le fil à plomb seroient l’effet complexe des attractions réunies de toutes ces montagnes; et pour en déduire une comparaison entre la densité de la terre et celle de ces Montagnes il faudroit bien des travaux et bien des calculs. Autant que je puis en juger, il me paroit que quelque grand Rocher élevé en pleine mer, comme le Pic de Ténériffe seroit le lieu le plus convenable pour cette recherche. J’ai fait passer à Genève à Mylord Stanhope le Mémoire que vous m’avés fait l’honneur de m’envoyer sur ce sujet afin qu’il puisse en conférer avec M. de Luc qui s’étant principalement occupé de la hauteur des Montagnes à l’occasion de ses recherches sur le Baromètre, est l’homme du monde le plus propre à donner de bonnes lumieres sur ce sujet. On n’ignore sans doute pas non plus que le Père Beccaria de Turin qui a mesuré un degré du Méridien au pied des Alpes, a eu occasion d’observer de grandes déviations du fil à plomb, et pourroit ainsi donner à la Société Royale des directions utiles.
J’ai le bonheur de voir souvent ici M. le Chevalier Hamilton qui a la bonté de me conduire dans les endroits les plus intéressans des environs de Naples, ceux qui établissent la Théorie sur les Volcans ancients et modernes, et qui prouvent que tout le Golphe de Naples depuis la Mer jusque aux Apennins a été lancé du fonds de la mer par les feux souterrains et est ainsi le produit des Volcans plustot que le théatre de leurs ravages. Nous nous occupons aussi beaucoup d’Electricité, la petite machine que lui a faite M. Nairne est réellement excellente, et de beaucoup la meilleure qu’il y eut jamais eue dans cette partie de l’Italie. M. Hamilton sçachant que j’avois l’honneur de vous écrire, m’a chargé de vous faire ses compliments.
Je suis bien faché de ne m’etre pas trouvé à Genève pour y recevoir M. de Normandy, j’aurois été charmé d’avoir cette occasion de vous prouver le cas que je fais de votre recommandation. Si vous aviés quelques ordres à me donner à Naples, je pourrois encore les y recevoir, et vous pourriés les adresser à M. Hamilton. Nous nous proposons de faire ensemble quelques Expériences sur l’électricité des Vapeurs du Vésuve, quoiqu’à dire le vrai, je ne les considère que comme des conducteurs qui établissent une communication entre la Terre et les régions supérieures de l’Atmosphère.
M. Hamilton m’a fait aussi la grace de m’inviter à voir quelques expériences qu’il a faites sur la Torpedo, ces Expériences ne sont pas décisives parceque les poissons que nous avons eus étoient petits et ne donnoient que de foibles secousses, mais il n’a paru aucun signe quelconque d’électricité. Nous attendons d’en avoir de plus grosses pour continuer ces recherches suivant le plan que vous avés tracé vous même.
Agréés les assurances des sentimens distingués de considération et d’estime avec lesquels j’ai l’honneur d’être, Monsieur, Votre très humble et tres obeissant serviteur
De Saussure


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jacques Barbeu-Dubourg, 24 February 1773
From: Barbeu-Dubourg, Jacques
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur et tres cher Ami
A Paris ce 24e. fr. 1773.
L’impression avança bien la semaine derniere, j’eus châque jour une feuille nouvelle (a corriger les epreuves). Le carnaval est cause que cette semaine cy ne m’a encore rien produit, mais j’espere que cela va reprendre le même train sans interruption.

Je vous envoyai, il y a aujourd’huy 8 jours sous une simple envelope deux feuilles sortantes de la presse. Je comptois les mettre entre les mains de Mr. fowke et de Mr. Davies qui m’avoient fait l’honneur de passer icy la veille, mais j’arrivai à leur hôtel deux minutes trop tard, ayant rencontré leur chaise de poste a 100 pas en deça.
Je vous en envoye cy jointes 4 nouvelles dans lesquelles j’ai trouvé 2 fautes echappées (à mettre en errata) aux pages 58, et 68.
Ne pensez vous pas que pour changer les poles de l’aiguille aimantée, un coup d’electricité positive appliqué au pole du sud ou un d’electricité negative appliqué au pole du nord, doivent produire le même effet, pourvu qu’ils soient l’un et l’autre suffisamment forts?
Ne pensez vous pas que pour changer les poles de l’aiguille de l’electricité, non de simples aiguilles, mais jusqu’a des barres de fer? Et n’espereriez vous pas qu’on pourroit par ce moyen se procurer des aimants artificiels d’une force superieure à tous ceux que l’on a eus jusqu’a present, puisqu’il n’y a point de bornes à la force qu’il est possible de donner à l’electricité?
Ne jugeriez vous pas à propos de communiquer au public, la construction du petit appareil electrique portatif que vous vous etes fait?
Je vous supplie de me dire encore entre les differentes formes de machines electriques, qu’elle est celle que vous jugez la plus simple et la meilleure et de l’usage le plus commode et le moins fatigant, tant a l’egard des roues et de leur monture, et de la disposition du coussin et du conducteur, qu’a l’egard des verres en plateau, ou en globe &c. Mr. Dalibard, qui m’a chargé de vous faire bien des complimens, a par luimême un moyen aisé de me procurer la franchise des lettres et paquets depuis la frontiere, ou le port de mer, jusqu’à Paris. Je joins icy l’instruction qu’il m’a donnée a ce sujet. Je vous prie d’en faire usage pour m’envoyer, une ou plusieurs feuilles à la fois (4 à 5 a la fois) de votre nouvelle edition, ainsi que la brochure de Mr. Du Pont (de qui j’ai aussi mille complimens à vous faire aussi bien que de M. Le Marquis de Mirabeau). Je crois qu’il sera necessaire d’affranchir les ports de ces paquets jusqu’a Douvres. Je vous prie de vous en assurer, et en ce cas de vouloir bien en faire pour moi les avances, dont je vous tiendrai un fidele compte, ou pour le mieux que je prie et prierai Melle. Biheron de vous rembourser immediatement. J’ai l’honneur d’etre avec un inviolable attachment Monsieur et cher Maitre Votre tres humble et tres obeissant serviteur
Dubourg

Ma femme vous embrasse de toute son ame, et est penetrée comme moi, de la plus vive reconnoissance de toutes vos bontés pour notre bonne Amie, Melle. Biheron.


Title: Preface to the Declaration of the Boston Town Meeting, February 1773
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

In July, 1772, the Massachusetts House of Representatives petitioned the crown to stop paying Governor Hutchinson’s salary. At the end of September rumor spread that the judges were to be similarly paid, and a month later the Bostonians began a series of town meetings to protest what they considered to be unconstitutional innovations. The protest quickly expanded into a broader indictment of British policy, and culminated in the adoption on November 20 of three resolutions, which constituted for Hutchinson a “declaration of independency.” He believed that he had to meet this challenge, and it touched off his long and acrimonious debate with the House and Council on the constitutional status of the province.
The resolutions or declaration substituted the law of nature, spelled out in Lockean terms, for the law of the constitution as the British conceived it. The colonists, like all men, were entitled to enjoy life, liberty, and property, the declaration argued; these natural rights they had retained on entering the civil state. Laws existed to protect their rights, and were administered by magistrates whom the community compensated according to its best judgment. No legislative or executive authority in London, where the colonists were unrepresented, might substitute its judgment for that of the local community. Parliament was too distant and too little concerned with Americans’ interests to legislate for them, regulate their manufactures, or tax them; the claim to do so was a usurpation of their right to control their own property. The declaration went on to attack executive authority: the prerogative did not extend to appointing customs officers unauthorized by the charter, to maintaining troops in Boston in time of peace, to controlling the governor’s acts by instructions, to paying him and other officials, or to issuing writs of assistance, establishing vice-admiralty courts, and transporting prisoners to England for trial. The Bostonians rounded out their grievances by charging the British government with transferring land from one province to another, thereby inflicting hardship on settlers, and with harboring designs for an American episcopate.
The town meeting concluded its work by appointing a committee of correspondence to send the declaration to other Massachusetts towns, encourage them to set up similar committees, and so gain their adhesion to a common front. The arguments were now in the open, and the organization in the making, to elevate the quarrel with the mother country to new and more dangerous heights. Small wonder that Hutchinson called this act a declaration of independence. It demanded in 1772 almost the same status for the colonies that the British government brought itself to offer, after Saratoga and under the threat of a Franco-American alliance, in 1778; and it would have left the sovereign, as was said of the later offer, not “one jot more substantially King of America than King of France.”
On November 28 Cushing forwarded the declaration in printed form to Franklin, who received it in February. He had often urged his constituents in Massachusetts to protest firmly against grievances but to avoid a head-on challenge to the prerogative; now the challenge had come. The grievances were old, but the response to them was new; for Boston was now calling on the whole province to support its defiance. Whether Franklin found this action welcome or unwelcome, he lost no time in endorsing it. He wrote the preface below, had it printed with the declaration, and sent copies back to America, where it was circulating in early May and arousing considerable attention. He withheld publication in London until June.
His handling of the matter was interesting in three respects. In the first place he wrote a preface that had little bearing on the contents of the declaration: he emphasized, not the violation of natural rights, but the practical economic consequences of antagonizing the Americans. He considered the declaration so provocative, perhaps, that his best course was to remind British readers of its historical background and the effects of the quarrel on their pocketbooks. In the second place the bone of contention that he particularly stressed was one that was not in the declaration, the duty on tea. In the third place he waited four months, during which the newspapers were full of the constitutional debate in Massachusetts and the Tea Act was going through Parliament, before bringing out the pamphlet in London. Why the delay? If the preface had appeared when written in February, it might have supported the efforts that the East India Company was then making to secure repeal of the Townshend duty; did he write it for immediate publication but, on second thought, withhold it for fear that what the Bostonians said would outweigh what he said, and turn the public against concession to America? Or did he withhold it for another reason, the hope that as the debate in Boston ran its course the public would become more receptive to American arguments?
When the pamphlet did appear in June, it was old news and did not arouse great interest. The position of the Massachusetts House, which was known by then, was essentially that of the town meeting and even more ominous; new radicalism stole the limelight from old. But Whitehall did not forget Franklin’s sponsoring the old, and increasingly imputed its substance to him. He later concluded that this imputation, as much as his satires and the affair of the Hutchinson letters, was responsible for the assault on him before the Privy Council in January, 1774. If he was right, the pamphlet had as much impact on his life as the declaration had in Massachusetts.

[February 1773]
All Accounts of the Discontent so general in our Colonies, have of late Years been industriously smothered, and concealed here; it seeming to suit the Views of the American Minister to have it understood, that by his great Abilities all Faction was subdued, all Opposition suppressed, and the whole Country quieted. That the true State of Affairs there may be known, and the true Causes of that Discontent well understood, the following Piece (not the Production of a Private Writer, but the unanimous Act of a large American City) lately printed in New-England, is republished here. This Nation, and the other Nations of Europe, may thereby learn with more Certainty the Grounds of a Dissension, that possibly may, sooner or later, have Consequences interesting to them all.
The Colonies had, from their first Settlement, been governed with more Ease, than perhaps can be equalled by any Instance in History, of Dominions so distant. Their Affection and Respect for this Country, while they were treated with Kindness, produced an almost implicit Obedience to the Instructions of the Prince, and even to Acts of the British Parliament, though the Right of binding them by a Legislature in which they were unrepresented, was never clearly understood. That Respect and Affection produced a Partiality in favour of every thing that was English; whence their preference of English Modes and Manufactures; their Submission to Restraints on the Importation of Foreign Goods, which they had but little Desire to use; and the Monopoly we so long enjoyed of their Commerce, to the great enriching of our Merchants and Artificers. The mistaken Policy of the Stamp-Act first disturbed this happy Situation; but the Flame thereby raised was soon extinguished by its Repeal, and the old Harmony restored, with all its concomitant Advantages to our Commerce. The subsequent Act of another Administration, which, not content with an established Exclusion of Foreign Manufactures, began to make our own Merchandize dearer to the Consumers there by heavy Duties, revived it again: And Combinations were entered into throughout the Continent, to stop Trading with Britain till those Duties should be repealed. All were accordingly repealed but One, the Duty on Tea. This was reserved professedly as a standing Claim and Exercise of the Right assumed by Parliament of laying such Duties. The Colonies, on this Repeal, retracted their Agreement, so far as related to all other Goods except that on which the Duty was retained. This was trumpeted here by the Minister for the Colonies as a Triumph; there it was considered only as a decent and equitable Measure, shewing a Willingness to meet the Mother Country in every Advance towards a Reconciliation. And the Disposition to a good Understanding was so prevalent, that possibly they might soon have relaxed in the Article of Tea also. But the System of Commissioners of Customs, Officers without end, with Fleets and Armies for collecting and enforcing those Duties, being continued, and these acting with much Indiscretion and Rashness, giving great and unnecessary Trouble and Obstruction to Business, commencing unjust and vexatious Suits, and harassing Commerce in all its Branches, while that Minister kept the People in a constant State of Irritation by Instructions which appeared to have no other End than the gratifying his Private Resentments, occasioned a persevering Adherence to their Resolution in that Particular: And the Event should be a Lesson to Ministers, not to risque, through Pique, the obstructing any one Branch of Trade, since the Course and Connection of General Business may be thereby disturbed to a Degree impossible to be foreseen or imagined. For it appears, that the Colonies, finding their Humble Petitions to have this Duty repealed, were rejected and treated with Contempt, and that the Produce of the Duty was applied to the rewarding with undeserved Salaries and Pensions every one of their Enemies, the Duty itself became more odious, and their Resolution to starve it more vigorous and obstinate. The Dutch, the Danes and French, took the Advantage thus offered them by our Imprudence, and began to smuggle their Teas into the Plantations. At first this was somewhat difficult; but at length, as all Business improves by Practice, it became easy. A Coast, 1500 Miles in Length, could not in all Parts be guarded, even by the whole Navy of England, especially where the restraining Authority was by all the Inhabitants deemed unconstitutional, and Smuggling of course considered as Patriotism. The needy Wretches too, who with small Salaries were trusted to watch the Ports Day and Night, in all Weathers, found it easier and more profitable, not only to wink, but to sleep in their Beds, the Merchant’s Pay being more generous than the King’s. Other India Goods also, which by themselves would not have made a Smuggling Voyage sufficiently profitable, accompanied Tea to Advantage; and it is feared the cheap French Silks, formerly rejected as not to the Taste of the Colonists, may have found their way with the Wares of India, and now established themselves in the popular Use and Opinion. It is supposed that at least a Million of Americans drink Tea twice a Day, which, at the first Cost here, can scarce be reckoned at less than Half a Guinea a Head per Annum. This Market, that in the five Years which have run on since the Act passed, would have paid 2,500,000 Guineas, for Tea alone, into the Coffers of the Company, we have wantonly lost to Foreigners. Meanwhile it is said the Duties have so diminished, that the whole Remittance of the last Year amounted to no more than the pitiful Sum of 85 Pounds for the Expence of some Hundred Thousands in armed Ships and Soldiers to support the Officers. Hence the Tea and other India Goods that might have been sold in America, remain rotting in the Company’s Warehouses, while those of Foreign Ports are known to be cleared by the American Demand. Hence in some Degree the Company’s Inability to pay their Bills; the sinking of their Stock, by which Millions of Property have been annihilated; the lowering of their Dividend, whereby so many must be distressed; the Loss to Government of the stipulated 400,000 Pounds a Year, which must make a proportionable Reduction in our Savings towards the Discharge of our enormous Debt; and hence in part the severe Blow suffered by Credit in general, to the Ruin of many Families; the Stagnation of Business in Spital-Fields and at Manchester, through want of Vent for their Goods; with other future Evils, which, as they cannot, from the numerous and secret Connections in General Commerce, easily be foreseen, can hardly be avoided.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Richard Bache, 3 March 1773
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Bache, Richard

Dear Son
London, Mar. 3. 73
I received yours of Jan. 4. per Packet but none from Mrs. Franklin, whom you mention as writing at the same time. I lament the Death of my old good Friend Mr. Hall, but am glad to understand he has left a Son fit to carry on the Business, which wish he may do with as good a Character and as good Success as his Father.
The Gentleman who reported that Story of the House struck in Jamaica which had Conductors on it, has since sent me a Letter he received from thence, acquainting him, that before the Stroke the Conductors had been taken down in order to make some Repairs to the House; and the Knowledge that Conductors had been there, occasioned the Report among the People that a House with Conductors had been struck. And he now every where contradicts the Story. I shall be glad to know what Information you receive.
The Ohio Grant has not yet got the Seals affixed. ’Tis good not to expect with any degree of Certainty, what is still subject to Accidents. My Love to Sally and Ben. I am ever Your affectionate Father
B Franklin
Your Mother and Sisters were well about a Month since.Mr Bache


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Alexander Colden, 3 March 1773: résumé
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Colden, Alexander

<London, March 3, 1773: Has received Colden’s letter of Jan. 7 enclosing Ritchie on Hyndman, Lancaster & Co. for £100, and hopes it will be paid, for “we have had too many bad ones of late.”>


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, 3 March 1773
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Deborah

My dear Child
London, Mar. 3. 1773
I had no Line from you per last Packet. But I had the Satisfaction of hearing you were well by Mr. Beache’s Letter. I wrote to you per Capt. All, and sent you some little Things. I continue well, and am ever, Your affectionate Husband
B Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Winthrop, 4 March 1773
From: Winthrop, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir,
Cambridge New England, March 4. 1773
I received your favor of Septr. 18. I return you many thanks for Dr. Priestly’s Piece on impregnating water with fix’d air. If this should prove an effectual remedy for the sea-scurvy, it would be indeed a most important discovery. I am extremely concerned to hear, that Dr. Priestly is so meanly provided for, while so many [blank] are rolling about here in gilt chariots, with very ample stipends. I admire his comprehensive genius, his perspicuity and vigor of composition, his indefatigable application, and his free, independent spirit; and wish it were in my power to do him any kind of service. It would give me great pleasure to see him well settled in America; tho’ indeed I am inclined to think, he can prosecute his learned labors to greater advantage in England. A man of his abilities would do honor to any of the Colleges. At present there is no vacancy among them; but if there were, I believe Sir you judge perfectly right, that his religious principles would hardly be thought orthodox enough. Indeed, I doubt, whether they would do at Rhode Island any more than in the others; for this reason, among others: That College is intirely in the hands of the Baptists, and intended to continue so; and I never understood that Dr. Priestly was of their persuasion. However, I cannot but hope, that his great and just reputation will procure something valuable for him, and adequate to his merit.
I have looked over his Treatise of Optics, which you were so good as to present to our Library, with great Satisfaction; and met with many articles, especially from the foreign Publications which were new to me. It is indeed a most noble collection of every thing relating to that Science.
In my last, I ventured to mention a little slip concerning the satellites of Saturn. It would be miraculous, if, in so large a work, collected from such a number of books, and on such a variety of matters, there should not be many such. I noted the few that occurred to me in the chapters taken from those Authors I was most acquainted with, and beg leave to inclose a list of the principal of them. There are not above two or three of them that are of any consequence: however the list, such as it is, is at Dr. Priestly’s service, if you think it worth sending to him. It may help to remove a few trifling inaccuracies from that valuable work.
I cannot forbear remarking to you Sir on a passage in Castillioneus’s Life of Sir Isaac Newton. It appears to me a gross mistake, and derogates from the honor of that great man. If it has never yet been publicly animadverted on, I should be willing to have this remark communicated, provided you judge it proper; for which end I write it on a separate paper. But tho’ it is addressed to the Royal Society, I would be understood, to leave it intirely to your judgment whether to present it to them or not; as I know you can judge much better of the propriety of it than I can.
I have inclosed the news paper you mention, that gave an account of the thunder storm we had here a few years ago. As you are collecting facts on this subject, I look’d over my old almanacks, where I had made some memoranda relating to your admirable lightning-bells. I think it would not be worthwhile to transcribe them all, nor can I collect any thing from them but what is commonly known. In general, it seems that the bells hardly ever ring, in the summer, without a shower; they sometimes ring when there is no thunder or lightning, but do not always ring when there is; when there is a thunder shower, they generally ring most briskly while the cloud is yet at some distance, and cease as soon as it rains hard. In winter, they frequently ring briskly in snow storms; and twice they have done so, after the weather was cleared up, and while the new-fallen snow was driving about with the wind; as you have done me the honor already to publish. But I will transcribe two or three of these memoranda.
1762. July 18. Excessive hot. Spirit Thermometer of Royal Society’s Scale was 6310 above O. It has never been higher in the course of 30 years, except on 17 and 18 June Old Style 1749. when the spirit half fill’d the bubble at the top of the tube. I take it, that this would have answer’d to 99 of Fahrenheit’s Scale. 6310 above O answers to 93. About 6. P.M. wind comes NW and sharp lightning and thunder shower to the N. Bells ring briskly for an hour, and sparkle or snap sometimes. After they had ceased, a gentle shower, with scarce any lightning or thunder.
1762. July 24. P.M. extreme hot. Royal Society’s thermometer 42 10 above O, answering to 91 of Fahrenheit. Bells ring, and then a shower, with much lightning and thunder, but not hard here. It set a barn on fire, on Jamaica Plain, by the pond, (about 4 miles S. from hence) and kill’d a woman at Hampton-Falls (about 50 miles N) who was standing near some shelves of pewter. Having occasion, soon after, to take a journey that way, I called at the house, and committed to writing the information I got, which I will transcribe in a separate paper; as also some other accounts of damage by lightning, where any circumstances were mentioned.
In looking for the News-paper before mentioned, I met with another, which gives an account of damage done by lightning in some places in Connecticut, in July 1771. As perhaps you have not seen it, I inclose it with the other, also, a Letter sent me, with another account. In my almanacks I found also a few minutes, relating to some uncommon appearances of the Aurora borealis. I do not know that they can be of any use; but if they will afford you the least amusement, I will readily transcribe them.
In addition to my News-paper account, I would mention, that besides the strokes of lightning on the College and the Elm tree July 2. 1768, there was another discharge that afternoon on a corn-field, at a little distance from the College towards the S.[W?] It spoiled the corn, which was of some hight, in a circle of about 24[?] feet diameter. That near the centre was burnt down to the roots, I was inform’d by the owner. I did not hear of it till some days after; and when I saw the place, it had been replanted with cabbage. The corn near the circumference of the circle was only scorched and I saw the leaves wither’d and drooping. The place struck was about midway between a tree on one side, and the well-pole[?] and chimney of the house on the other, and as I judge about 80 feet distant from each; and there was nothing near so high on the other sides, for a considerable distance. Hence, their protection did not extend 80 feet. If a person had been standing in the corn, I suppose there is no doubt but that he would have been killed. And therefore a person in the midst of an open plain is by no means secure from the stroke of lightning. The best security seems to be, to have something high, as a tree, for example near him, but not too near; perhaps from 30 or 40, to 10 or 15 feet or rather, to be near two such trees. But I have ventured a little too far. I hope you will be able to ascertain all such circumstances, with a good degree of exactness; and that the world will soon be favor’d with a more complete account of this violent meteor than it has ever yet seen. Thus, there were three explosions here that afternoon, within a small distance from each other; but at what distances of time [?] I cannot say. Some of our Scholars measured the distances between the places that were struck, and found that from the N.E. corner of Hollis to the Elm tree was 211 yards; from the Elm to the middle of the cornfield 418 yards; and from the middle of the corn field to the corner of Hollis, 480 y[ards.]
I owe great acknowledgments to the Rev. Dr. Price for his goodness in sending me his curious Papers on the aberration; and have now the satisfaction to say, that I see clearly the source of the fallacy in the last p[aper?] I troubled you with. Before I receiv’d Dr. Price’s Papers, I had look’d into a Memoire of the famous M. Clairaut, in Acad. Sciences for 1746. on this subject, who seems to have made strange work with it. He makes the visible aberration [of] Longitude of the superior planets to be greatest when in opposition to the sun (and greatest of all, if at the same time in perihelion) and least, when in conjunction, in opposition it being the sum, and in conjunction the difference, of their respe[ctive] aberrations and the Earth’s: tho’ as to the inferior planets, when in superior conjunction, he rightly makes it to be the sum of their aberrations and the Earth’s. [But?] what he has said of the superior planets, seems to me contrary to the most evident principles of aberration.
Please to turn to the paper on Damage by Lightning.
Dr. Franklin

Endorsed: This Letter to be return’d to B.F. after Drs Price and Priestly have perus’d it.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to David Colden, 5 March 1773
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Colden, David

Dear Sir,
London, March 5. 1773
I received your obliging Favour with the Account of your Drill Plough, which appears to me very ingeniously contriv’d the Construction simple and easily executed, and the Description perfectly clear and intelligible. I put it into the Hands of Mr. Arbuthnot, who is a great Connoisseur in such Matters, and seem’d to like it much. He will lay it before the Society of Arts.
Kalm’s Account of what he learnt in America is full of idle Stories, which he pick’d up among ignorant People, and either forgetting of whom he had them, or willing to give them some Authenticity, he has ascrib’d them to Persons of Reputation who never heard of them till they were found in his Book. And where he really had Accounts from such Persons, he has varied the Circumstances unaccountably, so that I have been asham’d to meet with some mention’d as from me. It is dangerous Conversing with these Strangers that keep Journals.
With this I send you some Philosophical Papers, that will appear in the next Volume of the Transactions indeed; but as that is not to be publish’d till Midsummer, you will hereby see them so much sooner. Priestly’s Experiments on Fix’d Air is the Subject of much Conversation here at present.

I send you also some Penshurst Peas, much valued here for their great Bearing and Hardiness. Also some Turnip-rooted-Cabbage Seed, famous for bearing Winter Frosts and so affording early Food for Cattle when Fodder is scant and Grass not grown. And some Seed of the Scotch Cabbage. My best Respects to your good Father, to whom I shall shortly write. With very great Esteem, I am, Dear Sir, Your most obedient Servant
B Franklin
D Colden Esqr

Addressed: To / David Colden, Esqr / New York / per Packet / with a Parcel / B Free Franklin


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to William Cooper, 9 March 1773
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Cooper, William

Sir,
London, March 9. 1773
I received duly your Favour of Dec. 8. with a Copy for myself of the Proceedings of your Town Meeting, for which please to present my respectful Thanks to the Committee. I received also a Number more for different Persons, here, which I immediately deliver’d as directed. I have also reprinted the Pamphlet to make your Grievances more generally known here, a few Copies of which I send herewith. With great Esteem, I am, Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin
Wm Cooper Esqr

Endorsed: London March 9, 1773 Dr. Benjamin Franklin’s Letter to the Town Clerk recd. April 29. 1773 Recd


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Thomas Cushing, 9 March 1773
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Cushing, Thomas

Sir,
London, March 9. 73
I did myself the Honour of Writing to you the 2d of December, and the 5th of January past. Since which I have received your Favour of Nov 28. inclosing the Votes and Proceedings of the Town of Boston, which I have reprinted here with a Preface. Herewith I send you a few Copies.
Governor Hutchinson’s Speech at the Opening of your Jany. Session, has been printed and industriously circulated here by (as I think) the ministerial People, which I take to be no good Sign. The Assembly’s Answer to it is not yet arriv’d, and in the mean while it seems to make Impression on the Minds of many not well acquainted with the Dispute. The Tea Duty however, is under the Consideration of Parliament for a Repeal on a Petition from the East India Company; and no new Measures have been talked of against America as likely to be taken during the present Session; I was therefore preparing to return home by the Spring Ships: But have been advis’d by our Friends to stay till the Session is over; as the Commission sent to Rhodeisland, and the Discontents in your Province, with the Correspondence of the Towns, may possibly give Rise to something here, when my being on the Spot may be of Use to our Country. So I conclude to stay a little longer. In the mean time I must hope that great Care will be taken to keep our People quiet, since nothing is more wish’d for by our Enemies, than that by Insurrections we should give a good Pretence for increasing the Military among us, and putting us under more severe Restraints. And it must be evident to all that by our rapidly increasing Strength we shall soon become of so much Importance, that none of our just Claims of Privilege will be as heretofore unattended to, nor any Security we can wish for our Rights be deny’d us. With great Respect, I have the Honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin
Thos Cushing Esqr


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jonathan Williams, Sr., 9 March 1773
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Williams, Jonathan Sr.

Dear Cousin,
London, Mar. 9. 1773
I received your Favour of Dec. 27. with the Cask of Sowns and Tongues, which came very opportunely at the Beginning of Lent, and are very agreable to me. Mr. Stanley and your Brother have the others. Accept my best Thanks.
I received also the Bill of Exchange for £27 for which have credited your Account. And shall soon send you a State of the whole from my Books.
I shall be satisfy’d with any Measures you take in the Affair of Hall, knowing you will act for the best. You may give the whole Sum recover’d to my Sister. I have not now time to write as I would to Jonathan. Let him know that I recd. his of Dec. 26. and that I lately sent him the other 3 of Priestly’s Book. I inclose Henry’s Indentures. If you find it suitable, I could wish the Boy bound to his new Business. My Love to Cousin Grace and all yours. I hear her Father is still living. My Respects to him. I am ever, Your affectionate Uncle
B Franklin
Jonath Williams, Esqr


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jacques Barbeu-Dubourg, 10 March 1773: extract
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Barbeu-Dubourg, Jacques

De Londres, le 10 Mars 1773.
Quant au magnétisme qui semble produit par l’électricité, mon opinion actuelle est que ces deux puissances n’ont aucun rapport l’une à l’autre, et que la production apparente du magnétisme n’est qu’accidentelle. Voici comment on peut l’expliquer.
1º. La terre est un grand aimant.
2º. Il y a un fluide subtil, appellé fluide magnétique, qui existe dans toute espece de fer, également attiré par toutes ses parties, et également répandu dans toute sa substance, à moins qu’il ne soit forcé à l’inégalité par un pouvoir supérieur à l’attraction du fer.
3º. Cette quantité naturelle de fluide magnétique contenue dans un morceau de fer, peut y être mise en mouvement au point d’être plus raréfiée dans un endroit et plus condensée dans l’autre, mais elle ne sçauroit en être tirée par aucune force à nous connue jusqu’ici, au point de laisser la totalité dans un état négatif, ou de moins, relativement à sa quantité naturelle; non plus qu’il ne sçauroit y en être introduit d’ailleurs au point de la mettre dans un état positif, ou de plus: en quoi le magnétisme diffère de l’électricité.
4º. Un morceau de fer tendre souffre que le fluide magnétique contenu dans sa substance soit mis en mouvement par une force médiocre, de sorte qu’étant dirigé parallelement, ou tourné vers le pôle magnétique de la terre, il acquert immédiatement la qualité d’aimant, son fluide magnétique étant tiré, ou poussé d’une de ses extrêmités à l’autre, et cela continue ainsi tant qu’il demeure dans la même position, l’un de ses bouts devenant positivement magnétique et l’autre négativement. Cet aimant passager cesse de l’être dès qu’on le tourne est et ouest, son magnétisme ne tardant gueres à se répandre également dans le fer comme auparavant.
5º. Si le fer est durci, comme l’acier, son fluide magnétique est plus difficile à mettre en mouvement; il faut une force plus grande que le magnétisme de la terre pour l’émouvoir; et lorsqu’il a été poussé d’une extrêmité vers l’autre, il ne lui est pas aisé de rétrograder; ainsi une barre d’acier devient un aimant durable.
6º. Une grande chaleur épanouissant sa substance, et éloignant davantage ses parties les unes des autres, elles donnent passage au fluide électrique qui se remet en équilibre, après quoi la barre ne paroit plus un aimant.
7º. Une barre d’acier, qui n’est pas aimant, étant mise dans une position pareille à celle que prend une aiguille flottante, relativement au pôle magnétique de la terre, et dans cette position étant chauffée et refroidie subitement, devient un aimant durable. Par la raison que tandis que cette barre étoit chaude, sa quantité naturelle de fluide magnétique a été facilement poussée d’un bout sur l’autre par la vertu magnétique de la terre, et que l’endurcissement et la condensation produite par le refroidissement subit, l’y a retenue, sans lui laisser la liberté de retourner à sa premiere place.
8º. De violentes vibrations des parties d’une barre d’acier, sur laquelle on frappe à grands coups tandis qu’elle est dans cette même position, séparent tellement ses parties durant leur vibration, qu’elles laissent passer une portion de fluide magnétique poussée par le magnétisme de la terre, et qui y est si bien retenue par le rapprochement des parties lorsque la vibration cesse, que la barre devient un aimant durable.
9º. Un choc électrique traversant une aiguille dans une semblable position, et la dilatant pour un moment, en fait par la même raison un aimant durable; non pas en lui donnant du magnétisme, mais en donnant occasion à son propre fluide magnétique de s’y mettre en mouvement.
10º. Ainsi il n’y a pas réellement plus de magnétisme dans un morceau d’acier après qu’il est devenu aimant, qu’il n’y en avoit auparavant. La quantité naturelle est seulement déplacée, ou repoussée. Et delà vient qu’une forte garniture d’aimants peut changer des milliers de barres d’acier en autant d’aimants sans leur rien communiquer de son propre magnétisme; elle ne fait que mettre en mouvement celui qui étoit déja dans ces barres.
C’est à cet excellent Philosophe de Pétersbourg, M. Aepinus, que j’ai principalement l’obligation de cette hypothese, qui me paroit également ingénieuse et solide. Je dis principalement, parce que comme il y a plusieurs années que je n’ai lû son livre que j’ai laissé en Amérique, il peut se faire que j’y aye changé ou ajouté quelque chose; et si j’y ai mis quelque chose de travers, la méprise doit être sur mon compte.
Si cette hypothese vous paroit admissible, elle servira de réponse à la plupart de vos questions, je n’ai qu’une chose à ajoûter, c’est que, quelle que soit la puissance du magnétisme que vous ayez à y employer, vous ne sçauriez faire d’un certain morceau d’acier qu’un aimant d’une certaine force déterminée par sa puissance à tenir son fluide magnétique là où il est placé, sans le laisser rétrograder: or cette puissance est différente en différentes especes d’acier, et limitée dans toutes ses especes quelconques.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to a Committee of the Managers of the Philadelphia Silk Filature, 15 March 1773
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Managers of the Philadelphia Silk Filature

Gentlemen,
London, Mar. 15. 1773
In mine of Feb. 10. I mentioned a Silk weaver who was desirous of going to America; and endeavouring to get Subscriptions among his Friends to defray the Expence of his and Family’s Passage. He now tells me they have been so kind as to double the Sum he requested, and that he is to go in Sutton. He takes with him a good Certificate from the Meeting; and I beg leave to recommend him to the Notice and Encouragement of the Silk Committee, as far as they may find him deserving. For tho’ it may be most advantageous for our Country, while the Bounty continues so high, to send all our raw Silk hither; yet as the Bounty will gradually diminish and at length cease, I should think it not amiss to begin early the laying a Foundation for the future Manufacture of it; and perhaps this Person, if he finds Employment, may be a means of raising Hands for that purpose. His Name is Joseph Clark.
By the enclos’d you will see when the Silk will probably be sold. I hope to send you a good Account of it; and am, with great Esteem, Gentlemen, Your most obedient humble Servant
B F
Messrs Abel James and Benja Morgan


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to William Franklin, 15 March 1773
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, William

Dear Son,
London, March 15. 1773
I wrote you pretty largely by Capt. All, and sent you sundry things, particularly the plated Boiler you wrote for. I have nothing to add, but to let you know I continue well. Enclos’d I send you the Boston Pamphlet with my Preface. I grow tired of my Situation here, and really think of Returning in the Fall. My Love to Betsey. I am ever Your affectionate Father
B Franklin


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Joseph Galloway, 15 March 1773
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Galloway, Joseph

Dear Sir,
London, Mar. 15. 1773.
I wrote to you pretty fully per Capt. All, and have little to add. Mr. Jackson told me Yesterday at Court, that he had return’d the 30 Acts to the Board of Trade with his Approbation to every one. But to day Mr. Bollan, Agent for the Council of the Massachusetts, tells me, the Board object to one, viz, that for dissolving a Marriage. I shall enquire about it to-morrow, and endeavour to support it; as it would be very inconvenient to be oblig’d to come here with Evidences to obtain such Dissolutions. The Ministry are a good deal chagrin’d with the Boston Proceedings, but seem not to know what to do with them. Inclos’d I send you the Edition printed here with my Preface. I see Mr. Wharton but seldom. Mr. Walpole, on whom I most rely, tells me that tho’ many Delays have been thrown in our Way, he thinks he shall overcome all Difficulties, and soon get our Affair finished. But Men are too apt to expect what they wish. I continue to appear quite indifferent about it, and have never to this day ask’d as a Favour the Friendship of any Minister or Minister’s Friend towards the Accomplishment of it. Partly because I would not in that way be oblig’d: And partly, because, as we are to pay the Value, and run all Risques of future Profit, I think it no Favour. With unalterable Esteem and Affection, I am, my dear Friend, Ever Yours,
B Franklin
Mr Galloway


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Samuel Cooper, 15 March 1773
From: Cooper, Samuel
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Boston N.E. 15th March, 1773.
I have been confin’d to my House great Part of this Winter by my valetudinary State, and been little able to see and converse with my Friends, and less to write to them. A Line from you would have greatly refresh’d me in this Confinement, as your Letters have ever been one of the greatest Entertainments of my Life: but I do not mean to complain, having been so greatly indebted to you.
Till of late there has been little remarkable in our public Affairs for more than a Year. The Appointment of Ld. Dartmouth to the American Department was receiv’d here with a general Joy, which was soon check’d by his Official Letter to the Governor of Rhode-Island, respecting the Court of Inquiry into the Burning of the Gaspee and the Directions therein given to send the accused with the Witnesses to Great Britain for Trial; as also  by the Account of the Provision made by the King for the Support of the Justices of our Superior Court. These Events made a deep Impression on the Mind of People thro the Province. The latter, it is known, took Place before Lord Hillsborough’s Removal; but the former was more unexpected, as the Disposition of Ld. Dartmouth to serve the Colonies, and to promote mild Measures was not doubted.
Soon after the Appointment for the Superior Justices was known, the Town of Boston had a Meeting. Their Committee drew up a State of the public Grievances, which was accompanied with a Letter to evr’y Town in the Province, desiring their Brethren to express their own Sense of these important Matters. Tho this Measure was oppos’d by a Number of the most respectable Friends to Liberty in the Town, among which were three out of four of the Representatives of Boston, from an Apprehension that many Towns, for various Reasons might not chuse to adopt it, and in that Case, the Attempt might greatly prejudice the Interest it was design’d to promote, and tho the Governor and his Friends in ev’ry Place did not fail to avail themselves of this and evr’y other Circumstance to frustrate it, yet it had an Effect thro the whole Province beyond the most sanguine Expectations of it’s Friends: And the public Acts of a great Majority of the Towns, whatever may be thought of the Manner of Expression in some of them, clearly demonstrates that it is not a small Faction, but the Body of the People, who deem themselves in a State of Oppression, and that their most essential Rights are violated. The Pamphlet containing the Proceedings of Boston has already been sent you, and I should enclose those of some other Towns, had I a sure and easy Way of Conveying such large Papers, without Fear of Burdening when I meant to entertain you.
Upon the Convening the General Assembly, the Governor opened with a long Speech in Defence of the absolute Supremacy of Parliament over the Colonies, inviting both Houses to offer what they had to object against this Principle. His Prudence however, in this Step, and whether he will be thanked for it by Administration, is doubted. By the Replies of the two Houses, perfectly united in the main Principles, the Governor and his Friends received a Shock which they could not conceal; while the People are greatly confirm’d in their Sentiments, and encourag’d to support them. I will venture to mention in Confidence to you, that the Governor appearing uneasy after he had received the second Reply of the Council, employ’d his utmost Influence to have it reconsidered and altered. Having endeavor’d privately to prepare the Minds of some Influential Members for this, He enclos’d it in a Letter to one of the Board, requesting him to introduce the Reconsideration in Council: Presently He appears there himself, and argues strenuously in Favor of this. The Vote for the Reply, as it had been deliver’d, was however unanimous, except two, who desir’d to be excused from voting either Way. Oppos’d as he now stands to both Houses, and the Body of the People, an undisguis’d and zealous advocate for ev’ry Thing we account a Grievance, how far his Situation resembles that of his Predecessor, I leave you to judg.

The Opposition here to the hard and oppressive Measures of the British Administration, never appear’d to me founded so much in Knowledg and Principle, never so systematical, deliberate and firm as it is at present. I may be mistaken in this opinion, but it leads me most earnestly to wish, for the Sake of both Countries, for some Pacification—some Lines to be drawn—some Bill of Rights for America—some Security against the unlimited Supremacy, and unbounded Pow’r not only of our Sovereign, but also of our Fellow Subjects in Britain over us: and unless something of this [sort?] soon takes Place, there is Danger that Things will run into Confusion. Knowing your past Services to the Province, and being perswaded both of your ability and Inclination still to serve it in the best Manner that the State of Things will allow, I hope all Obstruction to your receiving the Grants made for you by the House will soon be removed.
Our congregation are now engag’d in building an House of Worship, that will cost £6000. Sterling and be finish’d by Midsummer. The Dimensions within the Walls 80 by 65 Feet. The Building is of Brick. It is thought necessary to warm it in the Cold and damp Seasons of the Year, by some Machine, but what Kind, we are at a Loss. We have heard of Buzaglo’s Inventions, but not been particularly inform’d. You will do us all a very great Favor if you would write me, what Machine you think most convenient and decent for this Purpose, the Price, the Manner of putting up, the Place where, and how the Smoke is convey’d away. We should be extremely glad of your Information Time etc. and[?] if it might ser[ve?] to send our Order for it, and have it put up early in the Fall. I have been told that you and some others have lately obtain’d thro much opposition a Grant of Land for a new Province. If this be true, and your Prospect agreable, You have no Friend that takes a warmer Part in it thro your large Circle, than your obedient humble Servant
Samuel Cooper.


Title: On Claims to the Soil of America, 16 March 1773
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

This essay contains the first hint that in one crucial area, land tenure, Franklin was abandoning his earlier view of the crown as the centripetal force in the empire. His thinking fed on controversy, which developed it a little here, a little there, until he was on new ground. In this case the controversy was the clash of ideas in Massachusetts, as reflected in recent letters to a London newspaper; and the new ground appears in a few sentences that are irreconcilable with the British concept of the crown and its dominion. Later in the year Franklin moved further, to the radical idea that colonists had an option about accepting royal sovereignty over their land.
The background of the essay was Bostonian. In Hutchinson’s opening speech to the General Court on January 6, which the Public Advertiser printed on March 4, the Governor argued that colonists carried Parliamentary jurisdiction with them when they emigrated to the crown’s dominions overseas. On March 5 “Junius Americanus,” alias Arthur Lee, disagreed in the same newspaper. The issue, he contended, was not Parliament’s authority as such, but whether that authority included taxation: taxing unrepresented colonists was a novel usurpation of the one power over them that the legislature did not possess, for taxation and representation were inseparable. This letter evoked an angry rejoinder on March 9, in which the anonymous writer made two points. First, British subjects at home were on a different level from those in the colonies, because the former held their land in their own right, whereas the latter held theirs from the crown and were therefore subject to its dominion exercised through Parliament. Second, taxation and representation were separable even in England, where many taxpayers were unrepresented; why then should colonists claim an exemption that their fellow-subjects did not claim?
This essay was Franklin’s reply. The contentions that the king’s American subjects were on a lower level than his British subjects, and that taxation was unrelated to representation, had annoyed him for years. He attacked them here by a line of reasoning that had little novelty until it led him to adumbrate a query about the king’s right in land. Questioning that right meant, in the last analysis, questioning the right of the crown in Parliament to govern the colonies.
The doctrine of royal sovereignty in British possessions outside the realm had been fully developed at law. The root of the doctrine, as it applied to colonies that had previously been uninhabited or peopled only by savages, was the king’s position as universal landlord. He might grant land in one form of tenure or another, and delegate more or less of his jurisdiction; but final title remained his. When his subjects settled the American wilderness they carried with them, along with their allegiance, such of his law as was applicable to their circumstances; and statutes passed after their emigration affected them only when so specified. They could not conquer or purchase Indian land for themselves, or set up their own form of government; for government inhered in land, and their land was the crown’s. The king conferred upon them such right as they had to govern themselves, and whatever measure of autonomy they derived from his prerogative was irrevocable by prerogative alone: he might not tax a colony, for instance, after vesting that power in the local assembly. But any such powers that the colony had acquired might be modified or revoked by the crown in Parliament. In this sense the colonists, being under an omnicompetent authority in which they had no part, were on a different level from their fellow-subjects at home. This in outline was the doctrine expounded by lawyers, if we read them correctly, of royal dominion in America.
But Franklin was no lawyer. He was “somewhat of a Civilian,” as he remarked to his son, and his views went “a little farther” than those of the jurists. Indeed they did. Although in this essay he accepted quitrents, which expressed the crown’s right in land, he proceeded to suggest that the right was nonexistent. The crown granted land to subjects only to exclude other subjects from it, he argued, and the grant entailed no responsibility for securing the grantees in possession; they themselves secured that possession by purchase or conquest from the Indians, and thereby obtained title to their land “at their own Charges.” The emphasis was his, although half-concealed in the body of the essay; his point that settlers establish title by their own efforts, rather than by grant, was not hammered home as he knew how to do, either because he did not realize its full implications or because he was too politic to develop them. But he did express here in public what he had hitherto suggested only in the privacy of his marginalia. He thereby took issue, though unobtrusively, with the legal concept of the crown and its dominion.

To the Printer of the Public Advertiser.
Sir,
Your anonymous Correspondent in last Tuesday’s Paper calls it Arrogance to place the Subjects in America and the Subjects in Great Britain upon a Level; and to prove it, asks and answers “from whom do the People of Great Britain hold their Lands? From no People under Heaven. From whom do most of the Inhabitants in North America hold their Lands? Not from Themselves, but from Great Britain. Does one Foot of Land on the Banks of the Missisippi belong to the American Colonists? No, the Lands on the Eastern Bank of the Mississippi, for the Extent of 1000 Miles, are the Property of the People of Great Britain, or of the King, as Trustee for the People of Great Britain.” Thus far your positive Correspondent. To me, however it seems, that the Subjects in the two Countries are more upon a Level than he imagines. Britain was formerly the America of the Germans. They came hither in their Ships; found the Cream of the Land possessed by a Parcel of Welsh Caribbs, whom they judged unworthy of it, and therefore drove them into the Mountains, and sat down in their Places. These Anglo-Saxons, our Ancestors, came at their own Expence, and therefore supposed that when they had secured the new Country, they held it of themselves, and of no other People under Heaven. Accordingly we do not find that their Mother Country, Germany, ever pretended to tax them; nor is it likely, if she had, that they would have paid it. So far then the Level is clear; for unless Great Britain had a Property in the Lands of America before the Colonists went thither, it does not appear how they could take Lands of her to hold on any Terms. Now the Fact is well known, that Britain had not a Foot of Land in New-England; and that when the first Settlers went into that Country, they found it possessed by various Tribes of Indians, from whom they either purchased or conquered what they now enjoy. European Nations have indeed pretended, some, that the Pope could give them a Right to the Lands of America; others, that, sailing along a Coast there, landing on some Beach unseen by the Natives, and branding a Post with the Arms of their own Country, created a Right to as much of the internal Territory as they should afterwards think proper to claim. But “one would hardly imagine” as your Writer says, “that such Nonsense could find Advocates.” And yet he himself tells us, “the Lands on the Eastern Bank of the Mississippi are the Property of the People of Great Britain.” That is, the French claimed them because one of their Nation discovered them by sailing down that River in a Canoe, and at the End of the last War gave up that Claim to the English. Whatever Right this Conquest conferred, give me Leave to say, is as much a Right of the Colonies as of Great Britain; for they had Man for Man with her in the Armies that fought for it.
But if Englishmen should come with this Parchment Right in their Hands, and bid an Indian Nation, settled there, remove in Consequence of it, I believe they would say, what your Correspondent says on the other Side of the Question, “that it is directly contrary to the Nature of Things and to Common-sense.” Thus, Cassini, the French Astronomer, discovered with his Telescope that District in the Moon, which, in Honour of his Sovereign, he called Louisiana. By a successful War, perhaps, we might oblige Louis to give it up, and agree that it should henceforth, in all Maps of the Moon be called Nova Britannia, and be held by King George as Trustee for the People of Great Britain. But if Englishmen could fly as well as sail, and arriving there should claim the Country upon that Right, the native Inhabitants, to acknowledge and submit to it must be Lunatics indeed.
In Fact, neither the Grantor nor the Grantees of these chimerical Rights, ever understood more by them than that they were an Exclusion of other Englishmen from the respective Boundaries of each Grant. The Grantees, to obtain some Title, were obliged to purchase of the Indians, or conquer them at their own Charges. And if they had insisted that the Crown should put them in Possession of what it granted, the Grant would probably never have been made. This Purchase and Conquest, with the Expence of settling and clearing the Lands, have occasioned many of the Grants to be relinquished, as not worth holding. And most of those who went thro’ with their Undertakings find they have dearly earned or paid for what they now possess. And yet, notwithstanding what this Writer says, I believe he cannot produce an Instance since the Settlement of the Country, of any one Colonist’s Refusal to pay the stipulated Quit-rent to the Crown, on any Pretence whatever. His Accusation, therefore, in this Point is injurious and quite without Foundation.
Since a good Understanding between the Parts of a great Empire is the Strength of the Whole, what beneficial End can it answer to represent the Colonists here as unreasonable and unjust, if they object to a Compliance with Exactions they think unconstitutional? Perpetual Abuse and false Representation, may exasperate and alienate on both Sides. It may divide. It can never unite. This Writer says, “The Colonists will most graciously accept of Land from Great Britain for nothing; but should Great Britain ask for a small Part of the Produce of those Lands to help to defray the Public Expence, the Colonist immediately cries out he is treated as a Slave, and robbed of his Property.” Now it happens that Facts shew this Charge also to be groundless; and that the Writer does not, in his own Phrase, use “the Words of Truth and Soberness.” The Grant of Lands for nothing, I have already spoken to; and I here add, that Great Britain never asked for a small or any Part of the Produce of those Lands to help defray the Public Expence, but it was immediately, voluntarily and freely given, in Proportion to the Abilities of the People. But there is some Difference between asking and taking by Force. The old Way, and the best, in my humble Opinion, was for the Crown to ask Supplies, and then they were granted to an Extent beyond its Expectations. The new Way is to make an Act of Parliament to levy Duties on the Colonies without asking, and send a Fleet and Army to enforce it. A Landlord engaged in an expensive Law-suit may borrow Money of his Tenants who respect him, or by shewing them that their Interest in the Event is the same with his, he may receive their voluntary Contributions towards the Support of his Litigation; but if he should declare that he has a Right to take from them whatever he thinks proper, and should go from House to House among them with a Parcel of armed Servants, extorting Money Sword in Hand, perhaps it might be justly called Robbery; at least it would be manifest that the Want of Money was not his only Want—that he wanted Honesty—and it would be found in the End that he also wanted Understanding.
As a Friend to both Countries, being connected with both, I wish Governor Hutchinson had thought of some other Subject for his Speech, and not revived needlessly a Dispute that can end in nothing but Mischief. I am sure he could not expect to convince an Individual there by such known false Facts and sophistical Reasoning. Here the Discourse appears plausible by chiming in with national and ministerial Prejudices, and therefore I think it written to recommend himself here, and not to do Service there. It has been industriously printed and circulated here before the Assembly’s Answer could come over. To that however I leave it, only reminding its Readers of the equitable Rule, Audi et alteram partem.
The hacknied Argument of your Correspondent, that all the Freeholders in America ought to be taxed by Parliament, though they have no Share in the Choice of its Members, because many People in England are so taxed without having any Share in that Choice, seems to be arguing from bad to worse. If any here are unjustly deprived of that Privilege, restore it. Do right at home, if you please, and then make that a Precedent for doing right abroad: But never think that doing wrong at home will justify your doing wrong all the World over. The Argument is a Confession indeed, but contains not the least Shadow of a Justification. I am, Sir,
A New England-man


Title: Note on Marginalia in Benjamin Wilson, Observations upon Lightning, [after 21 March 1773 and before 30 March 1773?]
From:
To:

[After March 21 and before March 30?, 1773]
Benjamin Wilson was a hardy controversialist. When he lost his case against Franklin in the Purfleet committee in the summer of 1772, he carried it first to the Surveyor General of the Ordnance, then to the Royal Society, and finally to the public by printing his Observations upon Lightning, and the Method of Securing Buildings from It’s Effects, in a Letter to Sir Charles Frederick, &c. (London 1773). The Yale University Library has Franklin’s copy of this pamphlet, which he must have read with care; for he marked numerous passages and made several comments. One on p. 23, a mere “Qu[ery],” does not make clear what is being queried; another on p. 48, on the increase in resistance as the number of surfaces increases, is cramped, smudged, and impossible to decipher. Only two are both legible and of any significance. At one point Wilson remarked (p. 4 n) that none of the members of the Purfleet committee, when Franklin read them a report of experiments, expressed doubt “of the difference in the effects between pointed and blunt metal [rods] being as 12 to 1”; here Franklin wrote “Attempt to mislead.” At another point Wilson concluded (p. 56) that buildings made of fir, containing no metal, were least likely to be struck by lightning; here Franklin wrote “supposing them never wet. Masts of Ships.” These fragmentary marginalia were first jottings, presumably, for the reply to Wilson that he intended to write but never did.