Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Isaac Norris, 5 April 1759
From: Norris, Isaac
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Friend B Franklin
Philada. Aprl. 5. 1759
I have already wrote by Captain Cuzzins inclosing Bills of Exchange. So that I now only inclose a First Bill which I have since purchased drawn by John Hunter on Messrs. Thomlinson Hanbury Colebrooke and Nesbit Merchants in London No. 1049 for £200. Sterling which I have ordered payable to your Self or Order which please to reserve for my Account.
I dined Yesterday with Col. Hunter who informs me that Mony may be lodged in the Bank on Parliamentary Interest for any Time and drawn out as it is wanted without any previous Notice, if this is so as I think it is, pray be so kind as to lodge the Monies arising from the Bills I have remitted in the Bank for further Orders as Occasion may require. Our Supply Bill for granting £100,000 and 2,700 Men to his Majesty has been refused in plain Terms because the Governor is restricted by Proprietary Orders and cannot pass it, but adds that he will be willing to pass such a Bill as he gave his Assent to the last Year (which exempts the Proprietary Estate). I am of Opinion that if our present Supply Bill does not pass; The House will frame a new Bill exempting the Proprietors granting about £80,000 and 2,000 Men instead of the Number and Sum in the present Bill to make up for the Proprietary Deficiency. The House, I think will not come into the Governor’s Proposals as they have already declared by an Unanimous Resolve, but have agreed to a Bill which will be ready to be sent up this Day granting the Men and Mony as in their former Bill with an Additional Clause declaring that the Proprietary free Gift of £5,000 (about £600 of which is Still unpaid) shall be accounted for as part of the Grants heretofore made by this Province since the Excise Act and shall accept it as a proportion of the £55,000 and the two £100,000 Grants and if it exceeds the proportion the Proprietaries ought to pay upon the Several Acts he shall take Credit for the Overplus upon the present Grant, and on the Other Hand if it falls Short of this equitable proportion they are to make up the Deficiency. What Success this Bill, thus framed, will meet with, I have not heard but as it seems probable that the different Instructions from what they formerly were may yet be continued with sufficient precautions against having their Estates taxed in any Manner an Assembly regardful of the Rights of their Constituents can pass I presume it may meet the Fate of our Other Supply Bills of which we shall be able to send an Account in a very few Days for the Season presses and we cannot sit much longer. I shall give Directions to the Clerk to Copy these Minutes if they can be got ready for Captain Cuzzins or at least to go by the Packet. We were a little disappointed on the Arrival of the Packet to hear nothing from you as She brought Advices to near the Middle of February but we have received the Letters by Capt. Nicholson dated in November last which I will endeavour to Answer more fully by the Packet. In the mean Time that I may not loose this opportunity I shall Conclude Your Assured Friend
I N
 Endorsed: B F acknowled the receipt of this Letter June 9. 1759


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, [c. 7 April 1759]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Deborah

c. April 7, 1759]
[First part missing] By the same I shall write to dear Precious, Cousin Debby, and some other Friends. I have now only to let you know what I have sent in these Ships. There are two or 3 Boxes; Mr. Neate shipt them, but I know not on board which Ship, as he has not sent me the Bills of Lading. They were shipt on board [the] Cornelia Capt. Smith two Boxes and a Leaden Case, mark’d BF No 1. 2. 3. The Contents are

A Parmesan Cheese, at 20d. per Pound cost [I believe this is put in a Box by itself, tho’ first cover’d with a Lead Case: If so there are 3 Boxes]
}
£7:10:6

In the square Box.

  Norden’s Egypt, 2 Vols. Folio, for Mr. Wright

4: 4:0

  A small Book of Husbandry, and Madam Maintenon’s Letters
}
for Do.

  0: 6:0

  New System of Husbandry, Fol. for Mr. Galloway

1:15:0

  Pamphlets for Mr. Norris and Mr. Galloway about [illegible]

  1: 1:0

  Cruels for Sally

0:16:10½

  Shoes 2 Pair for Debby Franklin

  1: 5:6

  Pins and Needles for Ditto

0:17:6½

  Piece of rich Tabby for Do. at 9s. per yard about

6:15:0

  Persian Lining for Do. 12 yards at 2s.

  1: 4:0

  Gloves for Do.

  1: 4:0

  Court Plaster for Sally

  0: 1:0

  2 Gilt Silver Cups, fit for nothing but to give Drams in to Indian Kings: They were struck off to me unexpectedly at an Auction
}
0:18:8

  A Candle Screen to save Debby’s Eyes

  0: 7:6

  Milton for I. Norris Esqr.

0:16:0

  Some Colliflour and Brocoliseed

  In the long Box

  1 lb. Sealing Wax for I. Norris Esqr.

  0: 7:6

  Arnold on Music for C. Cash 2 vols.

  0: 5:6

  Female Conduct for Sally, from her Brother

  0: 4:6

  2 Pieces of Ticks

  4: 0:0

  1 Piece of rich Pink and Green ¾ Sattin strip’d Lutestring, 15 Yards at 9s. Newest Fashion for Sally
}
6:15:0

  A Sponge for BF. put it in his Room

  0: 1:0

  A Barometer and a Thermometer for Mr. Hughes:

  3: 7:6

  Thermometer for C. Norris, Esqr. about 17s. but have mislaid the Acct[In margin, BF hand:] It is 18
}
0:17:0

  Ditto for James Wright

1:11:6

  2 Canvas Patterns in a Marble Case

  0: 6:9

  Newton’s Milton for B.F. put it in his Room

0:16:–

  Reading Glass and Labels for Mrs. Franklin

0:15:0

 The Reading Glass is set in Silver and Tortoise Shell; the Pattern pretty and I imagine the Glass may suit your Eyes: If not, you can present it to some Friend.

God be with you, my dear Child, and give us once more a happy Meeting. My Love to my dear Sally; for whose Recovery I am very thankful. My Duty to Mother, and Love to all our Relations and Friends. I am Your ever loving Husband
B Franklin
Per Pacquet I shall write to the Speaker, Mr. Galloway and Mr. Hughes.

P.S. April 11. I have now time to answer the rest of your Letters. I received no Gammons by Bolitho, and suppose they are to come by Cuzzins. All that I had before are gone; they were much admired: I have still a Piece of one of the Pieces of Beef from which we now and then get a Bit. I never receiv’d any Cranberry’s from Boston.
I think the old Present of Buckskins or best Buckskin Gloves would be acceptable to your Birmingham Friends. I wish you had sent some of them. I forwarded your Letter but have not since heard from them.
  My Love to Cousin Spofford: I forwarded her Letter in to the Country when I first came to England, but have forgot how or where it was directed.
  I received your Letter by Mr. North. I should have ask’d him to dine here with Capt. Bolitho, but found there was some Difference between them.
  I lament the Death of our Friend Mifflin! by all outward Appearances, one might have expected a long Life for a Man of his Constitution and Temperance, but there is no Dependance on Appearances.

I have receiv’d the State of Mr. Smith’s Account. There are some Mistakes in it, which I shall endeavour to get rectify’d when I see Mr. [remainder missing].


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Joseph Galloway, 7 April 1759
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Galloway, Joseph

Mr. Galloway
Dear Sir,
London April 7, 1759
I have your Favours of November 18 and February 9. Since my last our old Agent Mr. Patridge is deceas’d. You see something of my Friend Mr. Jackson in his Opinion and private Paper of Advice on our Affairs, which I last year transmitted to you. He is a Gentleman of considerable Fortune, and no Man in England has a greater Regard for the Colonies. He has made American Affairs his Study for some Years past, and is extreamly well acquainted with them. He has made considerable Purchases of Lands in the Colonies, so that in point of Interest he is in some Degree an American. He will undoubtedly be chosen a Member in the next Parliament, it being settled that he is to come in by the ministerial Interest. If this should happen, I think we could not make a more happy Choice of a Patron in that House, to act as our principal Agent, for he will certainly have great Weight in the House, being already in high Esteem with many of the present leading Members. I mention this to you because I fancy some Proposals will be made from this Side to have another appointed immediately in Mr. Patridge’s Room, which I do not think necessary; and am of Opinion that if we continue to employ two Agents, one should be a Member of Parliament, whose Weight and Influence with the Ministry may stand us in good Stead on Occasion; and as no considerable Member, tho’ he might esteem it an Honour to be consider’d as the Patron of a great Province, would care to submit to the Drudgery of running about and attending the Offices with every little Solicitation, there should be an Assistant Agent for that Purpose, which I think Mr. Charles under good Direction will execute very well. This you will consider of: I have hinted it to Mr. Jackson, and find him not averse to it. He has propos’d to get me elected on the same Interest, and is sure he can effect it; but I am too old to think of changing Countries, [I?] am almost weary of Business, and languish after Repose and my America.
I am now in daily Expectation of hearing from you what kind of Proposals the Proprietor has made the Assembly for an Accommodation, and what Resolutions the House take thereupon. I wish I may be wrong in my Opinion, that you will find them obscure, uncertain and evasive, like his Answer to the Heads of Complaint, of which I have sent Copies. In the meantime we are just on the point of publishing a Piece, intitled A Review of the Constitution of Pensylvania; it will make an 8vo. Volume, and is all printed but the Appendix, which will be done in a few Days, tho’ perhaps not Time enough to send any Copies by these Ships. I hope this Work will put a finishing Stroke to the Prejudices that have prevail’d against us, set the Proprietary Character and Conduct in their proper Lights, and without expresly taking Notice of the infamous Libellers they have employ’d or encourag’d, fully expose and confute their Falshoods and Calumnies.
Smith (now we talk of Libellers) is here, dancing Attendance on the Attorney and Sollicitor General to obtain a Report. They are very unwilling to make one, but perhaps may at length be teas’d into it by Paris, who is a most malicious and inveterate Enemy to our Province. I have reason to believe, however, that if they censure any Thing in the Conduct of the Assembly, it will be Modes and not Essentials: But of this I cannot yet be certain; and am determin’d to renew the Contest in a Hearing before the Council, if the Report appears likely to prejudice our Privileges. This may perhaps keep Smith longer an Expence to his Supporters with you than they will care to bear, tho’ ’tis said they have subscrib’d largely: He represents himself as a Clergyman persecuted by Quakers, for the Services done the Church in opposing and exposing those Sectaries, and in that Light a Bishop recommended him to Oxford for a Degree of Doctor of Divinity, which it seems he has obtain’d; and if he can get a Benefice here, as possibly he may, it is not unlikely he will desert poor Philadelphia and by removing his Candlestick leave the Academy in the Dark.
We shall do everything that is necessary to obtain a Share this Year of the Parliamentary Grant to the Colonies, to be made in Pursuance of the Expectations given them by Mr. Pitt; but the Treasury is really so distress’d by the vast Expence of the War, that our Expectations must not be very high. The List of Servants is not come. Nor have the Parliament yet determin’d what to allow.
I rejoice to hear of the Establishment of Peace with the Indians, and the Repose now enjoy’d by our Frontiers. Our Province has certainly great Merit, both with its Neighbours and the Mother Country, in pursuing and accomplishing that Measure. But I fear, if the present Expedition against Canada, should, as most Expeditions do, fail of Success, the French will return to the Ohio, and debauch the Indians again from our Friendship, if they are not retain’d in that Friendship, and the French discourag’d from the Attempt, by our keeping Possession of Fort Duquesne and the other Forts erected to secure our Communication with it: For tho’ I believe that our Negotiations of Peace contributed greatly to Forbes’s Success, I cannot but think at the same Time that his Approach with such a Force facilitated the Negotiations. The Indians may promise to keep the French out of that Country if we desert it; they did so at the Treaty of Carlisle; but they were not able to effect it; and whenever a French Army shall again appear on the Ohio, the French Party among the Indians will again hold up their Heads, their Hands will be strengthen’d, and they will overawe or influence the English Party and carry them all over as before. I hope, therefore, Pittsburg will not be abandon’d. But by establishing a Trade with the Indians on the fairest Terms, giving them the strongest Assurances that no Encroachment shall be made on their Lands; no Settlements attempted without fair Purchase, and those only in a small Compass round the Forts just to supply them Provisions; the Indians may be thoroughly reconcil’d to our abiding there.
You may depend upon it that the Proprietor has found some Means of obtaining Copies of the Letters you receive from me. He read one of them to Dr. Fothergill, who gave me an Account of it; it was a long one to the Speaker or Committee dated January 14. 1758, wherein I gave an Account of a Conference between him and me on the Charters, and the Contempt I felt for Thomas when he so readily gave up his Father’s Character as an honest Man, and allow’d that he had pretended to grant Privileges which were not in his Power to grant, in Deceit of the People who came over and settled on the Faith of those Grants, &c. He was extreamly exasperated at this Letter, and produc’d it to justify himself in refusing to treat farther with me. Dr. Fothergill blam’d me for writing such harsh Things; but I still see nothing in the Letter but what was proper for me to write, as you ought to be acquainted with every thing that is of Importance to your Affairs, and it is of no small Importance to know what Sort of a Man we have to deal with, and how base his Principles. I might indeed have spar’d the Comparison of Thomas to a low Jockey, who triumph’d with Insolence when a Purchaser complain’d of being cheated in a Horse; an Expression the Dr. particularly remark’d as harsh and unguarded; I might have left his Conduct and Sentiments to your Reflections, and contented myself with a bare Recital of what pass’d; but Indignation extorted it from me, and I cannot yet say that I much repent of it. It sticks in his Liver, I find; and e’en let him bear what he so well deserves. By obtaining Copies of our private Correspondence, he has added another Instance confirming the old Adage, That Listners seldom hear any Good of themselves.
The Enquiry into the Causes of the Alienation of the Shawanese and Delaware Indians, has been some time publish’d and is more read than I expected. It will, I think, have a good Effect. The Proprietary Interest must lessen as they are more known. My Petition in Behalf of the Indians is refer’d by the Council to the Board of Trade, where I shall prosecute it and endeavour to obtain a Report, as soon as possible. Mr. Thomas Penn, had artfully waited on Lord Granville and Lord Halifax, and left with each a Copy of the last Easton Treaty, with a Note requesting his Lordship would turn to and read the 5th. Paragraph of the last Page, where he would find how highly satisfy’d the Indians were with Onas; so that when I spoke with them on the Petition, Lord Granville told me he understood all Matters were settled between the Proprietor and the Indians to their Satisfaction, and ordered the Treaty to be brought him, and read the Note and the Paragraph mention’d, to me. On which I explain’d that Matter to him, and set him right, by showing him, that what was there mention’d related only to the Purchase at Albany, and that the Delawares still understood their Complaint to be before the King, being told that it was so by the Governor in another Part of the Treaty, which I pointed out. My Lord then saw the Mistake he had been led into, and said it ought to be immediately settled; and accordingly the next Council Day it was referr’d as above. Lord Halifax seem’d to be under the same Mistake till I show’d him those Passages of the Treaty, where the Governor says, the Proprietors had press’d a Decision, but that the King was busy being engag’d in a great War, &c. at which his Lordship smil’d. I am inclin’d to think, from what the Secretary told me, that they purpose to appoint Commissioners in America to make Enquiry; but I shall urge an immediate Determination here; as the Question seems to be chiefly this, Whether certain Lands are convey’d by certain Deeds; those Deeds being to be laid before their Lordships by the Proprietor; particularly whether the Walking Purchase was duly run out according to the Direction of the Deed (supposing that Deed a good one) on which it was founded? This I should think may be decided here on the Face of the Deeds and Maps; and I do not well see what farther Lights Commissioners can obtain.
It is thought Mr. Hamilton will return our Governor; but it is not yet declared. For my part, I must own, I am tired of Proprietary Government, and heartily wish for that of the Crown.
I petition’d the Admiralty for a Ship, and received the Answer which I enclose to you. I think it will be scarce worth while to apply to the Admiral in America for a Ship, since probably he will, as Boscawen did, make Demands that you cannot comply with or if you do, you have no Security that such Ship shall continue on your Station, and while he is on it, he will not be directed by your Government. New York and Boston have so often found the Inconvenience of these Station Ships that they are very indifferent about having them: The Pressing of their Men and thereby disappointing Voyages, often hurting their Trade more than the Enemy hurts it. I represented that the Garrison of Louisburgh, Halifax, &c. might have their Provisions intercepted, but the Secretary said the Admiral must want common Sense, if he did not take care of that. The Truth is, the British Trade is so extensive and lies so wide, that they have not yet Ships enow to protect it everywhere, tho’ our Navy at present is the greatest and most formidable that the World ever saw.
Mr. Pitt hitherto holds his Ground, tho’ ’tis thought his Adversaries are secretly sapping his Foundation. His indisputed Character for Integrity and Disinterestedness, support him strongly, and Success if God grants it will probably establish him.
The Armies are all in Motion on the Continent, and this is like to be as bloody a Summer as the two last. All the Contending Parties there seem to be making such great Efforts, as indicate a speedy End to the War, since the vast Expence must make a Continuance of it impossible. If the wonderfully great King of Prussia can keep them at Bay one Year more, it is thought his Enemies will be tired of the fruitless Attempt to destroy him; and he really bids fair for it, having opened the Campaign with as fine an Army, notwithstanding all his Losses, as he has had at any Time during the Year.
I suppose Billy writes to you. By one of these Ships he has sent you a System of Husbandry and some Pamplets. With great Esteem, I am, Dear Friend Yours affectionately
B Franklin
To Joseph Galloway Esqr.
 Endorsed: Benjamin Franklins Letter April. 7. 1759


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to David Hall, 8 April 1759
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Hall, David

Dear Mr. Hall
London, April 8, 1759
I have yours of Novr. 20. Decr. 5 and 8, and Jany. 18, with a Postscript of Feb. 5. Your prudent Conduct in my Absence, with regard to the Parties, as well as in every other respect, gives me great Satisfaction. If I do not correspond so fully and punctually with you as you expected, consider the Situation and Business I am in, the Number of Correspondent I have to write to, the eternal Interruptions one meets with in this great City, the Visits one must necessarily receive and pay, the Entertainments or Amusements one is invited to and urg’d to partake of, besides the many Matters of Use and Importance worth a Stranger’s while to enquire into who is soon to return to his own Country, and then if you make a little additional Allowance for the Indolence that naturally creeps upon us with Age, I think you will be more ready to excuse me.
I was surpriz’d to hear that the new Fount of Bourgeois was not got to hand, as I found by my Accounts that I had got it ready and order’d it to be shipt in September when I paid Caslon for it; but on Enquiry I find it was not shipt till November, and then on board the Rebeccah and Susannah, Capt. Nicholson; it was in two Boxes mark’d BF. No. 1, 2. I must have sent you both the Bills of Lading, as I have neither of them by me. I hope long before this time it is got safe to hand. If you think another Fount of Brevier necessary besides this, let me know. I wish I had known sooner that you would have chosen Brevier rather than Bourgeois.
I congratulate you on the Success of our Forces and Treaty in driving the French from the Ohio, and establishing Peace with the Indians. I hope this Year will finish our American War. The strong Fleet sent hence some time since for the Attempt on Quebec, is I imagine, before now arriv’d on your Side; and the Troops embarking for that Service. God grant them Success, and deliver us for ever from those mischievous Neighbours.
You may remember you were always complaining, and justly, of the bad Pay of our Subscribers on the Post Roads, and urging me to fall on some Method of remedying the Evil for the future. The Instruction relating to the Carriage of Newspapers was form’d for that purpose; and I think must produce the Effect. Some good Paymasters may possibly at first take Offence and decline the Paper; but when they consider the Equity as well as Necessity of the Thing, their Disgust must in Time wear off, and they will return to us again. The greatest Part of those that drop, are such as would never pay, and whose Custom therefore is not worth keeping; or rather we may consider them now as so many Benefactors, since they have remitted the expensive Tribute we us’d to pay ’em yearly in Paper and Printing. If we continue to print 18 Token, and get paid for that Quantity, ’tis a very good Thing and we may be contented. But then the Instruction must be stuck to, and no Papers sent but what are engag’d for, otherwise all is to no purpose; and I must leave it to you to contrive a better Method, having now done my best.
You are in the right not to be uneasy at the Number of Printing Offices setting up in Philadelphia. The Country is increasing and Business must increase with it. We are pretty well establish’d, and shall probably with God’s Blessing and a prudent Conduct always have our Share. The young ones will not be so likely to hurt us as one another.
I much doubt whether I shall be able to send you Copy for the Almanack: I thought I should surely have sent it last year, having collected many Materials which only wanted putting together, but Sickness at Times, other Business, and various Interruptions disappointed me. If you do not receive it by the Pacquet that sails from hence in May, shift without it one Year more as you did very well last year; and before another I hope to be at home.
Parson Smith has been applying to Osborne for a large Cargo of Books, acquainting him that he could be of vast Service in selling great Quantities for him, as there was only one Hall at Philadelphia who demanded excessive Prices; and if another Shop was but open’d where People could be supply’d reasonably, all the Custom would run to it. I know not whether he was to sell them himself or employ some other. He gave Osborne a Catalogue. Osborne came to me, and ask’d me if I knew him, and that he should be safe in trusting him. I told him I believ’d my Townsmen who were Smith’s Creditors would be glad to see him come back with a Cargo of any kind, as they might have some Chance of being paid out of it; And so I could not in Conscience dissuade him from trusting him. “Oh, says he, is that the Case; then he shall have no Books of me I assure you: He persuaded me to trust him £10’s worth of Books, and take his Note payable in Six Months. But I will have the Money immediately or the Books again.”
As soon as I saw the three Third-Bills I found my Mistake. I had indeed receiv’d the No. 276, and enter’d it in my Bills deliver’d my Banker, but having Bills from Mr. Parker which I receiv’d and deliver’d at the same Time, when I came to look over my List I was deceiv’d by the Date of that Bill, being at N. York, and suppos’d therefore that it had come from him, the Bill itself being out of my Hands, and no other Copy arriving, which would have given me an opportunity of looking at the Indorsement. This was the Reason I did not give you Credit for it. I might have been set right if I had recurr’d to his and your Letters, but having no doubt I did not examine them. It was a Fault, and I am sorry it has given you so much Trouble. However, the Method I took of sending you a compleat and particular List of all the Bills I suppos’d I had receiv’d from you, has enabled you to take the Step that has clear’d up the Difficulty effectually, by sending me those three-Thirds as aforesaid.
I have receiv’d your Bill drawn by James Pemberton on D. Barclay & Son for £100. and since that, another of John Hunter on Messrs. Thomlinson &c. No. 290, for £100 also. I must repeat my Thanks for your careful and regular Remittances.
There is all Appearance that the ensuing Campaign will be a bloody one. The Powers at War on the Continent have exerted themselves to the utmost this Winter, to be able to bring vast Armies into the Field, and they are already in Motion. If the King of Prussia can stand his Ground this Year, ’tis thought his Enemies will be tired of so costly a War. And he bids fair for it, for he takes Field this Spring with as fine an Army as he has had since the War began, and hitherto he has very little burthen’d his own People for Supplies either of Money or Men, drawing both from his Enemies or Neighbours. But what the Event will be God only knows. Three great Monarchys the most powerful in Europe, besides the Swedes, all on his Back at once! No Magnamity [Magnanimity] but his own could think of bearing it; no Courage but his that would not sink under it, nor any less Bravery, Skill and Activity than his that would be equal to it. If he again should drub them all round, and at length obtain an honourable and advantageous Peace, his Renown will far exceed that of all the Heroes in History.
I am glad to hear Cousin Molly is better. I hope her Health will be fully restored. My Love to her and the Children, in which and Compliments to all Friends Billy joins with Your affectionate Friend and humble Servant
B Franklin

P. S. Send me the Votes, Treaties, and other public Things as you print them, for thro’ waiting for the Seal, and other Causes, I am often long without them. I wish you would also send me all Party Papers, or of a publick Nature, tho’ printed by others. I am often the last that see such Things, and oblig’d to other People here for the Favour. Send me also 2 of Mr. Scull’s new Maps of the improv’d Part of Pensylvania.
April 9. Since writing the above, I have receiv’d yours of Feby 27 per Finglass, with a Bill for £100 for which have given you Credit; and as to the Affair you mention can only say, that as yet I have heard nothing of it, and you may depend on all the Candour you could wish from me on such Occasions.
Billy has sent you in the 2 Vessels which lately saild for Philadelphia 300 of the Enquirys, 50 of which are to be deliver’d to the Assembly, 25 to Messrs. Israel Pemberton and Charles Thomson, and the remaining 225 to be dispos’d of in Pensylvania and the neighbouring Governments.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Benjamin Wilson, 8 April 1759
From: Wilson, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
8 April 1759
I have been considering Mr. Coldens experiment which we tried on Saturday last, and the appearances it affords seem not now so surprising, or indeed, curious, as I at first imagined. For the excited tube, you know, when opposed properly to the cork balls, attracts them a little: it must therefore electrify the balls plus, instead of minus: and not only the balls will be electrified plus, in some degree, but the threads by which they are suspended, together with the leaden covering of the vial. On bringing the excited tube nearer towards the balls they will be electrified plus to as great a degree as the tube, in such circumstances, is capable of doing it: and after that is effected, a repulsion will succeed between the balls and the tube: which must ever be the case when they are both equally electrified and by the same power.
I will endeavour to satisfy you that this is probably the fact by an experiment or two which are easily made when I see you next—in the meantime believe me Yours most affectionately
B Wilson
 Addressed: To Doctor Franklyn
Endorsed: Mr. Wilson


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Holme, 12 April 1759
From: Holme, Thomas
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Wellingborough April 12th. 1759.
I communicated your Last and Mrs. Morris’s Letter to Mr. Fisher at my Return from a Journey last Saturday, else you would have heard from me Sooner, however I now send you such a Discharge as will satisfie Mr. Fisher, which when you have executed please to return either to him or me by the Post, and he will directly remitt you the Money. I am Sir Your very humble Servant
Tho: Holme.
 Addressed: To / Mr. Benjamin Franklin / at Mrs. Stephensons in Craven Street / Strand / London
Endorsed: Revd Mr Holme April 12 59


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to the Lords Commissioners of the Treasury, April 1759
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Lords Commissioners of the Treasury

Pursuant to William Pitt’s promises, conveyed to the colonial governors in letters of Dec. 30, 1757, and Dec. 9, 1758, that Parliament would be urged “to grant a proper Consideration” to those colonies which had vigorously supported the war effort against France (above, p. 291 n), the chancellor of the Exchequer laid before the House of Commons, April 26, 1759, a message from the King recommending appropriate reimbursements. This message was referred to the committee of the whole house, which resolved on April 30 that a sum not exceeding £200,000 be granted to the several colonies. On the same day the resolution was read a second time and “agreed to by the House.”

April 1759

  To the Right Honourable the Lords Commissioners of His Majesty’s Treasury.
  The Memorial of Benjamin Franklin Agent for the Province of Pensilvania
Sheweth,
That since the Beginning of the present War, the said Province has expended (as appears by the annexed Account) the Sum of £327,851 10s. 11d. Currency, which reduc’d to Sterling Money is £218,567 14s. 0d. in Raising, Paying and Maintaining Troops, Building Forts, &c. for the Defence of the Province, Annoying his Majesty’s Enemies, and other Purposes and Services recommended from time to time by His Majesty and his Ministers.
That the said Province being a Frontier to His Majesty’s Province of New Jersey, the Province of Maryland, and the Government of the three lower Delaware Counties, and more immediately expos’d to the Incursions of the Enemy, has suffered extreamly itself while it was a Protection to those Provinces, has at length at its own Expence obtain’d a Peace with the Indians, of great Advantage also to His Majesty’s Provinces of Virginia and New York, and has not receiv’d, nor is likely to receive from any of those Provinces the least Contribution or Compensation in Consideration of the said Services and Expences.
That the said Province of Pensylvania has also suffered greatly by the Loss of its bought Servants taken into His Majesty’s Service under the Authority of an Act of Parliament, and no Satisfaction made to the Masters of the Servants, according to the Directions of the said Act.
That it being thought for His Majesty’s Service to prevent by an Act of Parliament the Carrying of Provisions from the Colonies to Spain and Portugal and the Islands and Ports under their Government in Europe as well as America; Pensilvania, which subsists by the Provision Trade, has suffer’d for these two Years past a Loss of between 30 and 40 per Cent. in the Price of their Produce; which has greatly distress’d the Inhabitants of that young Colony, who are chiefly Husbandmen in low or but moderate Circumstances, and many of them New Comers that have not as yet had time to acquire the Wealth that might enable them to bear such Burthens and such Losses.
That in Obedience to His Majesty’s Commands signify’d by Mr. Secretary Pitt’s Letters, the Assembly of the said Province, notwithstanding the Debts and Distresses the Province was involv’d in, did, in Reliance on the Promises of Recommendation for Reimbursement contain’d in the said Letters, again exert themselves so far as to Raise, Pay and Cloath for the last Campaign, Two Thousand Seven Hundred Men, who were employ’d under General Forbes in the Reduction of Fort Duquesne; and at the Request of General Amherst have retain’d 1400 of the said Troops in the Service ever since the Reduction of the said Fort.
That the said Province having never to this Day from its first Settlement received any Assistance from the Crown, or put the Nation to any Expence, nor ever had any Assistance from the neighbouring Colonies, tho’ on Occasion it has frequently assisted them, hopes that in its present Distress it may be thought intitled to a greater Proportion of His Majesty’s Bounty proposed to be distributed among the Colonies in pursuance of a late Vote of the honourable House of Commons. B Franklin

Account of sundry Sums of Money paid by the Province of Pensylvania for His Majesty’s Service, since the Commencement of Hostilities by the French in North-America; Exclusive of the general Contingent Expences of the Government, which have from that Time increas’d very considerably.

Extracted from the Journals of the Assembly.

Pensylvania Currency

1754 and 1755. For Provisions supplied the King’s Troops under the Command of General Braddock: For opening and clearing a Road towards the Ohio; and for Establishing a Post between Winchester in Virginia and Philadelphia, for the Use of the Army, at the Request of said General
}
£ 8,195
  14
  8½

For Provisions supplied the New England and New York Forces under General Johnson
}
  10,000
  0
  0

For Cloathing sent the Forces under General Shirley

514
10
1

For Presents to the Six Nations and other Indians in Alliance with the Crown of Great-Britain, and the Expences attending Two Treaties held with them, for securing them to the British Interest.
}
  2,023
  5
  0

For Maintenance of the Ohio and other Western Indians who had taken Refuge in Pensylvania; French Deserters; Soldier’s Wives belonging to Braddock’s Army; Arms and Ammunition deliver’d to such of the Frontier Inhabitants as were not able to purchase any for their Defence; Relief and Support of sundry of said Inhabitants who were driven from their Plantations by the Enemy; and for Expresses and other Purposes for his Majesty’s Service.
}
  5,653
  13
  2¼

[The above Sums were paid out of the Treasury and Loan Office, and by Money borrow’d on the Credit of the House of Assembly, before the Governor could be prevail’d on to pass any Bills for granting an Aid to His-Majesty.]

1756. For raising, paying and maintaining Forces; building Forts; maintaining and treating with the King’s Indian Allies; Support of French Neutrals sent from Nova Scotia; billetting and supplying with Necessaries the King’s regular Forces; and other Purposes for His Majesty’s Service as recommended by his Ministers. [By two Acts of Assembly —£60,000 and £30,000.]
}
  90,000
  0
  0

1757. For Ditto, by another Act of Assembly

100,000
0
0

1758. For Ditto, by Ditto [Note, 2700 Men were rais’d and employ’d this Year in His Majesty’s Service, by the Province of Pensylvania, in Pursuance of Mr. Secretary Pitt’s Letter]
}
  100,000
  0
  0

For sundry Indian Expences, omitted in the above

38
13
0

For Support of a Ship of War for Protection of Trade, (by a Duty on Tonnage, &c.) for a Six Month’s Cruise
}
  6,425
  15
  0

For Interest paid by the Province for Money borrow’d for his Majesty’s Service on the Credit of the Assembly; The Charges attending the Printing and Signing the Paper Money; and collecting and paying the several Taxes granted His Majesty, to the Provincial Treasurer and Trustees of the Loan-Office, with their and the Provincial Commissioners Allowance for their Trouble, may at least be estimated at
}
  5,000
  0
  0

£327,851
10
11¾

From which deduct One Third to reduce the Sum to Sterling Value; an English Shilling passing for 1s. 6d. in Pensylvania
}
  109,283
  16
  11¾

Sterling

£218,567
14
0

 Endorsed: Pensilvania. The Agent’s Memorial and Account of Expence incurr’d by that Province to the End of the Campaign of 1758.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to the Printer of The London Chronicle, 9 May 1759
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Printer of The London Chronicle

Paul Leicester Ford first identified Franklin as the author of this paper in 1889, and Verner W. Crane established the matter definitely in 1950 by pointing out the similarity of thought and treatment in certain passages with others of Franklin’s writings. Bigelow printed it in Works, IV, 244–58, but with the incorrect date of May 9, 1769, and without any of Franklin’s footnotes. Smyth reproduced it directly from Bigelow in Writings, V, 206–18, using the same incorrect date.

 To the Printer of the Chronicle.
Sir,
May 9, 1759.
While the public attention is so much turned towards America, every letter from thence that promises new information, is pretty generally read; it seems therefore the more necessary that care should be taken to disabuse the Public, when those letters contain facts false in themselves, and representations injurious to bodies of people, or even to private persons.
In your paper, No. 310. I find an extract of a letter, said to be from a gentleman in General Abercrombie’s army. As there are several strokes in it tending to render the colonies despicable, and even odious to the mother country, which may have ill consequences; and no notice having been taken of the injuries contained in that letter, other letters of the same nature have since been published, permit me to make a few observations on it.
The writer says, “New England was settled by Presbyterians and Independents, who took shelter there from the persecutions of Archbishop Laud; they still retain their original character, they generally hate the Church of England,” says he. If it were true, that some resentment still remained for the hardships their fathers suffer’d, it might perhaps be not much wondered at; but the fact is, that the moderation of the present church of England towards Dissenters in Old as well as New England, has quite effaced those impressions; the Dissenters too are become less rigid and scrupulous, and the good will between those different bodies in that country is now both mutual and equal.
He goes on: “They came out with a levelling spirit, and they retain it. They cannot bear to think that one man should be exorbitantly rich and another poor, so that, except in the seaport towns, there are few great estates among them. This equality produces also a rusticity of manners; for in their language, dress, and in all their behaviour, they are more boorish than any thing you ever saw in a certain Northern latitude.” One would imagine from this account, that those who were growing poor, plundered those who were growing rich to preserve this equality, and that property had no protection; whereas in fact, it is no where more secure than in the New England colonies, the law is no where better executed, or justice obtain’d at less expence. The equality he speaks of, arises first from a more equal distribution of lands by the assemblies in the first settlement than has been practised in the other colonies, where favourites of governors have obtained enormous tracts for trifling considerations, to the prejudice both of the crown revenues and the public good; and secondly, from the nature of their occupation; husbandmen with small tracts of land, though they may by industry maintain themselves and families in mediocrity, having few means of acquiring great wealth, especially in a young colony that is to be supplied with its cloathing, and many other expensive articles of consumption from the mother country. Their dress the gentleman may be a more critical judge of than I can pretend to be; all I know of it is, that they wear the manufactures of Britain, and follow its fashions perhaps too closely, every remarkable change in the mode making its appearance there within a few months after its invention here; a natural effect of their constant intercourse with England, by ships arriving almost every week from the capital, their respect for the mother country, and admiration of every thing that is British. But as to their language, I must beg this gentleman’s pardon if I differ from him. His ear, accustomed perhaps to the dialect practised in the certain northern latitude he mentions, may not be qualified to judge so nicely in what relates to pure English. And I appeal to all Englishmen here, who have been acquainted with the Colonists, whether it is not a common remark, that they speak the language with such an exactness both of expression and accent, that though you may know the natives of several of the counties of England, by peculiarities in their dialect, you cannot by that means distinguish a North American. All the new books and pamphlets worth reading, that are published here, in a few weeks are transmitted and found there, where there is not a man or woman born in the country but what can read: and it must, I should think, be a pleasing reflection to those who write either for the benefit of the present age or of posterity, to find their audience increasing with the increase of our colonies; and their language extending itself beyond the narrow bounds of these islands to a continent, larger than all Europe, and to a future empire as fully peopled, which Britain may probably one day possess in those vast western regions.
But the Gentleman makes more injurious comparisons than these: “That latitude,” he says, “has this advantage over them, that it has produced sharp, acute men, fit for war or learning, whereas the other are remarkably simple or silly, and blunder eternally. We have 6000 of their militia, which the General would willingly exchange for 2000 regulars. They are for ever marring some one or other of our plans when sent to execute them. They can, indeed, some of them at least, range in the woods; but 300 Indians with their yell, throw 3000 of them into a panick, and then they will leave nothing to the enemy to do, for they will shoot one another; and in the woods our regulars are afraid to be on a command with them on that very account.” I doubt, Mr. Chronicle, that this paragraph, when it comes to be read in America, will have no good effect, and rather increase that inconvenient disgust that is too apt to arise between the troops of different corps, or countries, who are obliged to serve together. Will not a New England Officer be apt to retort and say, What foundation have you for this odious distinction in favour of the officers from your certain northern latitude? They may, as you say, be fit for learning, but, surely, the return of your first General, with a well appointed and sufficient force from his expedition against Louisbourg, is not the most shining proof of his talents for war. And no one will say his plan was marred by us, for we were not with him. Was his successor, who conducted the blundering attack and inglorious retreat from Ticonderoga, a New England man, or one of that certain latitude? Then as to the comparison between Regulars and Provincials, will not the latter remark, That it was 2000 New England Provincials, with but about 150 Regulars, that took the strong fort of Beausejour in the beginning of the war, though in the accounts transmitted to the English Gazette, the honour was claimed by the regulars, and little or no notice taken of the others. That it was the Provincials who beat General Dieskau, with his Regulars, Canadians, and “yelling” Indians, and sent him prisoner to England. That it was a Provincial-born Officer,
   *Colonel Bradstreet.
 with American battoemen, that beat the French and Indians on Oswego river. That it was the same Officer, with Provincials, who made that long and admirable march into the enemies country, took and destroyed Fort Frontenac, with the whole French fleet on the lakes, and struck terror into the heart of Canada. That it was a Provincial Officer,
   †Colonel Armstrong of Pensilvania.
 with Provincials only, who made another extraordinary march into the enemy’s country, surprized and destroyed the Indian town of Kittanning, bringing off the scalps of their chiefs. That one ranging Captain of a few Provincials, Rogers, has harrassed the enemy more on the frontiers of Canada, and destroyed more of their men, than the whole army of Regulars. That it was the Regulars who surrendered themselves, with the Provincials under their command, prisoners of war, almost as soon as they were besieged, with the forts, fleet, and all the provisions and stores that had been provided and amassed at so immense an expence, at Oswego. That it was the Regulars who surrendered Fort William Henry, and suffered themselves to be butchered and scalped with arms in their hands. That it was the Regulars, under Braddock, who were thrown into a panick by the “yells of 3 or 400 Indians,” in their confusion shot one another, and, with five times the force of the enemy, fled before them, destroying all their own stores, ammunition, and provisions! These Regular Gentlemen, will the Provincial rangers add, may possibly be afraid, as they say they are, to be on a command with us in the woods; but when it is considered, that from all past experience the chance of our shooting them is not as one to an hundred, compared with that of their being shot by the enemy, may it not be suspected, that what they give as the very account of their fear and unwillingness to venture out with us, is only the very excuse; and that a concern for their scalps weighs more with them than a regard for their honour.
  Such as these, Sir, I imagine may be the reflections extorted by such provocations from the Provincials in general. But the New England Men in particular will have reason to resent the remarks on their reduction of Louisbourg. Your writer proceeds, “Indeed they are all very ready to make their boast of taking Louisbourg, in 1745; but if people were to be acquitted or condemned according to the propriety and wisdom of their plans, and not according to their success, the persons that undertook that siege merited little praise: for I have heard officers, who assisted at it, say, never was any thing more rash; for had one single part of their plan failed, or had the French made the fortieth part of the resistance then that they have made now, every soul of the New Englanders must have fallen in the trenches. The garrison was weak, sickly, destitute of provisions, and disgusted, and therefore became a ready prey; and, when they returned to France were decimated for their gallant defence. Where then is the glory arising from thence?” After denying his facts, “that the garrison was weak, wanted provisions, made not a fortieth part of the resistance, were decimated,” &c. the New England men will ask this regular gentleman, If the place was well fortified, and had (as it really had) a numerous garrison, was it not at least brave to attack it with a handful of raw undisciplined militia? If the garrison was, as you say, “sickly, disgusted, destitute of provisions, and ready to become a prey,” was it not prudent to seize that opportunity, and put the nation in possession of so important a fortress at so small an expence? So that if you will not allow the enterprize to be, as we think it was, both brave and prudent, ought you not at least to grant it was either one or the other? But is there no merit on this score in the people, who, tho’ at first so greatly divided, as to the making or forbearing the attempt, that it was carried in the affirmative, by the small majority of one vote only; yet when it was once resolved on, unanimously prosecuted the design,
   *“As the Massachuset’s assembly at first entered into the expedition upon the coolest deliberation, so did they on the other hand exert themselves with uncommon vigour in the persecution of it. As soon as the point was carried for undertaking it, EVERY MEMBER which had opposed it gave up his own private judgment to the public voice, and vied with those who had voted for the expedition, in encouraging the enlistment of the troops, and forwarding the preparations for the attempt.” Memoirs of the last War, p. 41.
and prepared the means with the greatest zeal and diligence; so that the whole equipment was completely ready before the season would permit the execution? Is there no merit of praise in laying and executing their plan so well, that, as you have confessed, not a single part of it failed? If the plan was destitute of “propriety and wisdom,” would it not have required the sharp acute men of the northern latitude to execute it, that by supplying its deficiencies they might give it some chance of success? But if such “remarkably silly, simple, blundering Mar-plans,” as you say we are, could execute this plan, so that not a single part of it failed, does it not at least show that the plan itself must be laid with some “wisdom and propriety?” Is there no merit in the ardour with which all degrees and ranks of people quitted their private affairs, and ranged themselves under the banners of their King, for the honour, safety, and advantage of their country?

   †“The bounty, pay, and other encouragements, allowed by the Massachuset’s government to both officers and men, especially the former, was but small; but the spirit which reigned thro’ the province supplied the want of that; the complement of troops was soon inlisted; not only the officers, who served in this enterprize, were gentlemen of considerable property, but most of the non-commission’d officers, and many of the private men, had valuable freeholds, and entered into the service upon the same principles that the old Roman citizens in the first Consular armies used to do.” Memoirs of the last War, p. 41.

   To which I may add, that instances of the same noble spirit are not uncommon in all the other colonies; where men have entered into the service not for the sake of the pay, for their own affairs in their absence suffer more by far than its value; not in hopes of preferment in the army, for the Provincials are shut out from such expectations, their own forces being always disbanded on a peace, and the vacancies among the Regulars filled with Europeans; but merely from public spirit and a sense of duty. Among many others, give me leave to name Col. Peter Schuyler of New Jersey; who, though a gentleman of a considerable independent fortune, has, both in the last and present war, quitted that domestic ease and quiet which such affluence afforded, to take upon him the command of his country’s forces, and by his example animated the soldiery to undergo the greatest fatigues and hardships: And who when a prisoner in Canada for fifteen months, did, during the whole time, generously make use of his own credit to relieve such British subjects as unhappily fell into the hands of the enemy. Not to mention his advancing his own private fortune towards paying the forces, raised during last war in America by order of the crown; when, by the continued delays in sending the money from England for that purpose, it was generally doubted whether it would ever be sent, and the common soldiers were therefore, from necessity, on the point of quitting his Majesty’s service in a body. An event which must at that time have been attended with very fatal consequences; and would not have been prevented, had not he risqued so considerable a part of his substance.

Is there no merit in the profound secrecy guarded by a whole people, so that the enemy had not the least intelligence of the design, till they saw the fleet of transports cover the sea before their port? Is there none in the indefatigable labour the troops went thro’ during the siege, performing the duty both of men and horses; the hardships they patiently suffered for want of tents and other necessaries; the readiness with which they learnt to move, direct, and manage cannon, raise batteries, and form approaches;
   *“The New England troops, within the compass of 23 days from the time of their first landing, erected five fascine batteries against the town, mounted with cannon of 42 lb. 22 lb. and 18 lb. shot, mortars of 13, 11, and 9 inches diameter, with some cohorns; all which were transported by hand, with incredible labour and difficulty, most of them above two miles; all the ground over which they were drawn, except small patches or hills of rocks, was a deep morass, in which, whilst the cannon were upon wheels, they several times sunk so deep, as not only to bury the carriages, but their whole bodies. Horses and oxen could not be employed in this service, but all must be drawn by men, up to the knees in mud; the nights, in which the work was done, were cold and foggy, their tents bad, there being no proper materials for tents to be had in New England at the outset of the expedition. But notwithstanding these difficulties, and many of the men’s being taken down with fluxes, so that at one time there were 1500 incapable of duty, they went on without being discouraged or murmuring, and transported the cannon over those ways, which the French had always thought impassable for such heavy weights; and besides this, they had all their provisions and heavy ammunition, which they daily made use of, to bring from the camp over the same way upon their backs.” Memoirs of the last war in America, page 52.
 the bravery with which they sustained sallies; and finally in their consenting to stay and garrison the place after it was taken, absent from their business and families, till troops could be brought from England for that purpose, tho’ they undertook the service on a promise of being discharged as soon as it was over, were unprovided for so long an absence, and actually suffered ten times more loss by mortal sickness, thro’ want of necessaries, than they suffered from the arms of the enemy? The nation, however, had a sense of this undertaking different from the unkind one of this gentleman. At the treaty of peace, the possession of Louisbourg was found of great advantage to our affairs in Europe; and if the brave men that made the acquisition for us were not rewarded, at least they were praised. Envy may continue a while to cavil and detract, but public virtue will in the end obtain esteem; and honest impartiality in this and future ages will not fail doing justice to merit.
Your gentleman writer thus decently goes on. “The most substantial men of most of the provinces are children or grandchildren of those that came here at the King’s expence, that is, thieves, highwaymen, and robbers.” Being probably a military gentleman, this, and therefore a person of nice honour, if any one should tell him in the plainest language, that what he here says is an absolute falsehood, challenges and cutting of throats might immediately ensue. I shall therefore only refer him to his own account in this same letter, of the peopling of New England, which he says, with more truth, was by Puritans who fled thither for shelter from the persecutions of Archbishop Laud. Is there not a wide difference between removing to a distant country to enjoy the exercise of religion according to a man’s conscience, and his being transported thither by law as a punishment for his crimes? This contradiction we therefore leave the gentleman and himself to settle as well as they can between them. One would think from his account, that the provinces were so many colonies from Newgate. The truth is, not only Laud’s persecution, but the other publick troubles in the following reigns, induc’d many thousand families to leave England, and settle in the plantations. During the predominance of the parliament, many royalists removed or were banished to Virginia and Barbadoes, who afterwards spread into the other settlements: The Catholics shelter’d themselves in Maryland. At the restoration, many of the depriv’d nonconformist ministers with their families, friends and hearers, went over. Towards the end of Charles the Second’s reign and during James the Second’s, the dissenters again flocked into America, driven by persecution, and dreading the introduction of popery at home. Then the high price or reward of labour in the colonies, and want of Artisans there, drew over many, as well as the occasion of commerce; and when once people begin to migrate, every one has his little sphere of acquaintance and connections, which he draws after him, by invitation, motives of interest, praising his new settlement, and other encouragements. The “most substantial men” are descendants of those early settlers; new comers not having yet had time to raise estates. The practice of sending convicts thither, is modern; and the same indolence of temper and habits of idleness that make people poor and tempt them to steal in England, continue with them when they are sent to America, and must there have the same effects, where all who live well owe their subsistence to labour and business, and where it is a thousand times more difficult than here to acquire wealth without industry. Hence the instances of transported thieves advancing their fortunes in the colonies are extreamly rare, if there really is a single instance of it, which I very much doubt; but of their being advanc’d there to the gallows the instances are plenty. Might they not as well have been hang’d at home? We call Britain the mother country; but what good mother besides, would introduce thieves and criminals into the company of her children, to corrupt and disgrace them? And how cruel is it, to force, by the high hand of power, a particular country of your subjects, who have not deserv’d such usage, to receive your outcasts, repealing all the laws they make to prevent their admission, and then reproach them with the detested mixture you have made. “The emptying their jails into our settlements (says a writer of that country) is an insult and contempt, the cruellest perhaps that ever one people offered another; and would not be equal’d even by emptying their jakes on our tables.”
The letter I have been considering, Mr. Chronicle, is follow’d by another, in your paper of Tuesday the 17th past, said to be from an officer who attended Brigadier General Forbes in his march from Philadelphia to Fort Duquesne; but wrote probably by the same gentleman who wrote the former, as it seems calculated to raise the character of the officers of the certain northern latitude, at the expence of the reputation of the colonies, and the provincial forces. According to this letter-writer, if the Pensilvanians granted large supplies, and raised a great body of troops for the last campaign, it was not obedience to his Majesty’s commands, signified by his minister Mr. Pitt, zeal for the King’s service, or even a regard for their own safety; but it was owing to the “General’s proper management of the Quakers and other parties in the province.” The withdrawing of the Indians from the French interest by negotiating a peace, is all ascribed to the General, and not a word said to the honour of the poor Quakers who first set those negotiations on foot, or of honest Frederic Post that compleated them with so much ability and success. Even the little merit of the Assembly’s making a law to regulate carriages, is imputed to the General’s “multitude of letters.” Then he tells us, “innumerable scouting parties had been sent out during a long period, both by the General and Colonel Bouquet, towards Fort Duquesne, to catch a prisoner, if possible, for intelligence, but never got any.” How happened that? Why, “It was the Provincial troops that were constantly employed in that service,” and they, it seems, never do any thing they are ordered to do. That, however, one would think, might be easily remedied, by sending Regulars with them, who of course must command them, and may see that they do their duty. No; The Regulars are afraid of being shot by the Provincials in a Panick. Then send all Regulars. Aye; That was what the Colonel resolved upon. “Intelligence was now wanted (says the letter-writer). Col. Bouquet, whose attention to business was [only] very considerable [that is, not quite so great as the General’s, for he was not of the northern latitude] was determined to send no more Provincials a scouting.” And how did he execute this determination? Why, by sending “Major Grant of the Highlanders, with seven hundred men, three hundred of them Highlanders, the rest Americans, Virginians, and Pensilvanians!” No blunder this, in our writer; but a misfortune; and he is nevertheless one of those “acute sharp” men who are “fit for learning!” And how did this Major and seven hundred men succeed in catching the prisoner? Why, their “march to Fort Duquesne was so conducted that the surprize was compleat.” Perhaps you may imagine, gentle reader, that this was a surprize of the enemy. No such matter. They knew every step of his motions, and had, every man of them, left their fires and huts in the fields, and retired into the fort. But the Major and his 700 men, they were surprized; first to find no body there at night; and next to find themselves surrounded and cut to pieces in the morning; two or three hundred being killed, drowned, or taken prisoners, and among the latter the Major himself. Those who escaped were also surprized at their own good fortune; and the whole army was surprized at the Major’s bad management. Thus the surprize was indeed compleat; but not the disgrace; for Provincials were there to lay the blame on. The misfortune (we must not call it misconduct) of the Major was owing, it seems, to an unnamed and perhaps unknown Provincial officer, who, it is said, “disobeyed his orders and quitted his post.” Whence a formal conclusion is drawn, “That a Planter is not to be taken from the plow and made an officer in a day.” Unhappy Provincials! If success attends where you are joined with the Regulars, they claim all the honour, tho’ not a tenth part of your number. If disgrace, it is all yours, though you happen to be but a small part of the whole, and have not the command; as if Regulars were in their nature invincible, when not mix’d with Provincials, and Provincials of no kind of value without Regulars! Happy is it for you that you were present neither at Preston-Pans nor Falkirk, at the faint attempt against Rochfort, the rout of St. Cas, or the hasty retreat from Martinico. Every thing that went wrong, or did not go right, would have been ascribed to you. Our commanders would have been saved the labour of writing long apologies for their conduct. It might have been sufficient to say, Provincials were with us!
But these remarks, which we only suppose may be made by the provok’d provincials, are probably too severe. The generals, even those who have been recall’d, had in several respects great merit, as well as many of the officers of the same nation that remain, which the cool discreet part of the provincials will readily allow. They are not insensible of the worth and bravery of the British troops in general, honour them for the amazing valour they manifested at the landing on Cape Breton, the prudence and military skill they show’d in the siege and reduction of Louisburg, and their good conduct on other occasions; and can make due allowance for mistakes naturally arising where even the best men are engag’d in a new kind of war, with a new and strange enemy, and in a country different from any they had before experienc’d. Lord Howe was their darling,
   †The assembly of the Massachusets-Bay have voted a sum of money for erecting a monument in Westminster-Abbey, to the memory of that Nobleman, as a testimony of their veneration for his virtues. A proof that their sense of merit is not narrow’d to a country.
  and others might be nam’d who are growing daily in their esteem and admiration. There are also among the regular officers, men of sentiments, concerning the colonies, more generous and more just than those express’d by these letter-writers; who can see faults even in their own corps, and who can allow the Provincials their share of merit; who feel pleasure as Britons, in observing that the children of Britain retain their native intrepidity to the third and fourth generation in the regions of America; together with that ardent love of liberty and zeal in its defence, which in every age has distinguish’d their progenitors among the rest of mankind. To conclude, in all countries, all nations, and all armies, there is, and will be a mixture of characters, a medley of brave men, fools, wisemen and cowards. National reflections being general, are therefore unjust. But panegyrics, tho’ they should be too general, cannot offend the subjects of them. I shall therefore boldly say, that the English are brave and wise; the Scotch are brave and wise; and the people of the British colonies, proceeding from both nations—I would say the same of them, if it might not be thought vanity in Your humble servant,
A New Englandman.


Title: Remarks on Thomas Penn’s Estimate of the Province, 29 May 1759
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

In the issue of May 26–29, 1759, The London Chronicle announced that An Historical Review of the Constitution and Government of Pensylvania was “This day published.” So appeared at last a work with which Franklin had been long and closely concerned. The main part of the book consists of a 380-page narrative of the colony’s political history from the granting of the royal charter to William Penn in 1681 to the end of September 1756. It includes, in full or in extract, many of the messages exchanged between the governors and the Assembly, organized and presented in such a way as to emphasize the allegedly selfish and arbitrary policies of the Proprietors and their deputies and to justify the Assembly’s position in the long series of disputes that had taken place. At the end there appears, in sixty-four pages of fine print, an appendix “containing sundry Original Papers” relating to these controversies. Among these are the Proprietors’ Answer to the Assembly’s Representation and the Assembly Committee’s Report on the Answer, Sept. 11, 1753 (above, V, 42–57); the Assembly Committee’s eloquent Report on the Governor’s Instructions, Sept. 23, 1756 (above, VI, 515–31); William Franklin’s letter to The Citizen, Sept. 17, 1757 (above, VII, 258–63), and Thomas Penn’s estimate of the value of the proprietary estates and revenues, with remarks on the estimate. The whole work was a major propaganda effort to win support, especially in Great Britain, for the Assembly in its protracted conflict with the Proprietors.
At the time and for many years afterwards, Franklin was generally regarded as the author of the Historical Review, but it has long been recognized that, although he and his son William supplied many of the materials, the actual writer was Richard Jackson. Franklin repeatedly denied authorship and was even a little apologetic to Norris for some of the expressions in the book, saying he “was not permitted to alter every Thing [he] did not fully approve.” In discussing it with David Hume, Sept. 27, 1760, he stated specifically that it “was not written by me, nor any Part of it, except the Remarks on the Proprietor’s Estimate of his Estate, and some of the inserted Messages and Reports of the Assembly which I wrote when at home, as a Member of Committees appointed by the House for that Service; the rest was by another Hand.” The Assembly “Messages and Reports” to which he referred have all been printed in earlier volumes of this edition; the “Remarks on the Proprietor’s Estimate” are printed below, preceded, in order to make them intelligible, by the Estimate itself.
The authenticity of the Penn Estimate has been sharply challenged. In a study of the proprietary system in Pennsylvania, William R. Shepherd pointed out that “No authentic document of this origin or nature is known to exist,” and added that the only direct reference to it or to Franklin’s remarks on it to be found among the Penn Manuscripts is in a letter from Thomas Penn to Richard Peters, May 18, 1767, in which the Proprietor declared: “It is quite impossible that Mr. Franklin’s accounts can have any foundation.” Shepherd strongly implied, but without directly saying so, that Franklin was guilty of outright forgery, and that he based the alleged Estimate either on his own knowledge of the procedures in the Pennsylvania Land Office or on information supplied by others in the colony. Shepherd pointed out, further, that the figures in the Estimate are greatly in excess of those found in other, more reliable records.
The present editors have been unable either to prove or to disprove the authenticity of the Penn Estimate, though it is clear that if it was a forgery Franklin was not the author. Writing to Joseph Galloway, Sept. 16, 1758, he acknowledged receipt of the paper and declared that it would “be of good Use.” Isaac Norris knew it had been sent to Franklin and he referred to its contents in a letter written a few days after the Historical Review was published. Obviously the paper was sent to Franklin from Pennsylvania as part of the “ammunition” his backers were supplying him for his assault on the Proprietors, and there seems no reason to believe that either Franklin or Jackson suspected its authenticity. Who wrote it, if it was a forgery, or how Franklin’s Pennsylvania friends got hold of it, if it was genuine, remains unknown. In any case, the remarks on the Estimate are clearly by Franklin and so are included here among his papers.

The Proprietaries have for a long Series of Years made a great Secret of the Value of their Estate and Revenue: By Accident the following authentic Paper is fallen into our Hands, and will serve as a Groundwork, on which the Reader may be enabled to form some Idea of the Value of that Estate in Pensylvania. It is a Copy of an original Paper drawn by Mr. Thomas Penn himself many Years ago, and endors’d
  “My Estimate of the Province, T Penn.”

“Estimate.

Pensylvania Curr.

“1 Lands granted since my Arrival are very near 270,000 Acres, of which not 10,000 have been paid for; more than of old Grants are remaining unpaid; is
}
£41,850
0
0

“2 The Rent on the said Grants is £550 Sterling a Year, which at 20 Years Purchase, and 165 per Cent. Exchange, is
}
18,150
0
0

“3 The old Rent, £420 a Year Sterling, at ditto, is
}
15,246
0
0

“4 Lands granted between Roll and the first Article are £570 a Year Sterling, which at 20 Years Purchase, and 165 per Cent. is
}
18,810
0
0

“5 To the Difference between £420 and £570 for Arrearages of Rents which may be computed at half the Time of the other Arrearages, that is 11 Years at 165 per Cent.
}
2,722
10
0

“6 Ferries let on short Leases, the Rents being £40 a Year are worth
}
1,000
0
0

“7 Lands settled in the Province for which no Grants are yet passed, except a few since the above Account was taken, not less than 400,000 Acres, which at £15 10s. 0d. amounts to
}
63,000
0
0

“The Rent at an Half-penny an Acre is £833 6s. 8d. a Year Sterling, reckon’d as above is
}
27,500
  0
  0

£188,278
10
0

“Manors.

M. from the City,
Acres,
per H.

“ 1 Conestogoe,
65
13,400
at £40
5,360
0
0

“ 2 Gilbert’s,
25
3,200
70
2,240
0
0

“ 3 Springfield,
12
1,600
75
1,200
0
0

“ 4 Highlands,
35
2,500
30
750
0
0

“ 5 Spring-tow[n],
37
10,000
35
3,500
0
0

“ 6 Vincent’s,
40
20,000
35
7,000
0
0

“ 7 Richland’s,
35
10,000
15
1,500
0
0

      “ 9 About 20 Tracts in the several Counties, mostly 500 Acres each; reckon’d 10,000 at £40
      }

4,000
  0
  0

“ Springet’s-bury
207 Acres at £5
1,035
0
0

“8
{
On the North Side of the Town

    Back of the said Land

50
30
1,500
0
0

15
10
150
0
0

      “ 9 Lot in the Bank at the North End of the Town, 200 Feet at £3
}

600
  0
  0

      “10 A Front and Bank Lot between Vine and Sassafras Street, 102 Feet at £6
}

  612
  0
  0

    “11 Bank Lot between Cedar and Pine Street, 204 Feet at £3
}

  612
  0
  0

“12 Front Lot on the Side of Cedar Street
102
3
306
0
0

“13 Ditto between Cedar and Pine Street
  160
  2
320
0
0

“14 Bank Lot between the same Streets
  40
  2
80
0
0

“15 Marsh Land near the Town
600 Acres at £3
1,800
0
0

      “16 Ditto 200 Acres, at 1s. Sterling Rent, and 165 per Cent. is
}

330
  0
  0

  “Lands within the Draft of the Town, at least 500 Acres.

“250 nearest Delaware, at £15 per Acre
}
3,750
0
0

  “250 nearest Schuylkill, at £10 per Acre
}
2,500
0
0

“17 Omitted.—Streiper’s Tract in Bucks County, 35 Miles; 5,000 Acres at £25
}
1,250
0
0

“18 The Rents of the above Manors and Lands being 77,072 Acres at a Half-penny per Acre. 20 Years Purchase, and 165 per Cent. Exchange, is
}
  5,298
  12
  0

£233,972
2
0

“The Government to be calculated at no less than was to have been paid for it, viz. £11,000 at 165 per Cent. is
}
18,150
  0
  0

£252,122
2
0

  “In this Calculation no Notice is taken of the Thirds reserved on the Bank Lots (a Copy of the Patents J. Penn has by him to shew the Nature of them
   *By these Patents, at the end of 50 Years the Proprietor was to have One Third of the Value of the Lots and the Buildings, and other Improvements erected on them.
) and nine Tenths of the Province remains undisposed of.
}

  “Three Fifths of all Royal Mines is reserved in the Grants, and in all Grants since the Year 1732. One fifth Part of all other Mines, delivered at the Pits Mouth without Charge is also reserved.
}

  “No Value is put on the Proprietor’s Right to escheated Lands; and, besides these Advantages, several Offices are in the Proprietor’s Gift of considerable Value.
}

“Register General,
about £200
}

“Naval Officer,
£300

“Clerk of Philadelphia,
£400

  “ Chester,
£300

  “ Bucks,
£200

“ Lancaster,
£200

  “Besides several other Offices of less Value. These are only guessed at.”
}

The above Paper has no Date, but by sundry Circumstances in it, particularly there being no Value put on the Thirds of the Bank Lots, because they were not then fallen in; and by the Valuation put on the Lands (which is very different from their present Value) it must have been drawn while Mr. Thomas Penn resided in Pensylvania, and probably more than Twenty Years ago; Since which Time a vast Addition has been made to the Value of the Reserved Lands, and a great Quantity of Land has been disposed of, perhaps equal to all preceding.
We must therefore add to the above Sum of £252,122 2s. 0d. the following Articles, viz.

Pensylvania Curr.

Brought over
£252,122
2
0

1.
  For the increased Value of the Lands of the Conestogoe Manor now valued at £400 per Hundred Acres, and in the above Estimate valued only at £40 per Hundred, the said increased Value being £360 per Hundred, on 13,400 Acres,
}
48,240
0
0

2.
  For the increased Value of Gilbert’s Manor, now worth £400 per Hundred Acres,
}
10,560
0
0

3.
  For Ditto on Springfield Manor, now worth £500 per Hundred Acres,
}
6,800
0
0

4.
  For Ditto on Highland’s Manor, now worth £350 per Hundred Acres,
}
8,000
0
0

5.
  For Ditto on Springtown, now worth £400 per Hundred Acres,
}
36,500
0
0

6.
  For Ditto on Vincent’s Manor, now worth £300 per Hundred Acres,
}
53,000
0
0

7.
  For Ditto on Richland’s now worth £450 per Hundred Acres,
}
43,500
0
0

9.
  For Ditto on the 20 Tracts, now worth £300 per Hundred Acres,
}
26,000
0
0

8.
  For Ditto on Springetsbury, &c. at least
}
2,685
0
0

9.
  For Ditto on all the Articles of Lots from No. 9 to 14. being trebled in Value,
}
5,060
0
0

15.
  For Ditto on the Marsh Land, now worth £20 per Acre,
}
10,200
0
0

16.
  For Ditto on the Value of Lands within the Draft of the Town, now worth one with another, £50 per Acre,
   *The Lots of Land within the Plan of the Town were originally promis’d to be given to the Purchasers of Land in the Country. But that has been long since discontinued; and for many Years past the Proprietor has shut the Office, and forbid his Agents even to sell any more of them; intending to keep them all, till he can let them out on high Ground Rents, or on Building Leases. 500 Acres divided into House Lots, and dispos’d of in this Manner, will alone make a vast Estate. The old Proprietor likewise in his Plan of the City, laid out five large Squares, one in each Quarter, and one in the Centre of the Plan, and gave the same to the Inhabitants for publick Uses. This he publish’d in all his Accounts of the Country, and his Papers of Invitation and Encouragement to Settlers; but as no formal Deed or Conveyance of those Squares is now to be found, the present Proprietor has resum’d them, turn’d them again into private Property that the Number of his Lots may be increas’d; and his Surveyor General in his lately publish’d Plan of the City, has conceal’d all those Squares by running intended Streets over them. A Proceeding equally odious to the People, and dishonourable to the Family!

}
18,750
  0
  0

17.
  For Ditto on Streiper’s Tract now worth £325 per Hundred.
}
  15,000
  0
  0

    [On the next Articles for the Reserved Rent, and the Value of the Government, we add no Advance.]

For the Thirds of the Bank Lots and Improvements on them, as they fell in after this Estimate was made; reckoning every 20 Feet of Ground with its Improvements, one with another, worth £480 the Thirds being £160 for each 20 Feet,
}
  37,280
  0
  0

  573,697
  2
  0

  Thus far for the present Value of what was then estimated, But since that Time, very great Quantities of Land have been sold, and several new Manors laid out and reserv’d; one of which, viz. that of Conedoguinet is said to contain 30,000 Acres: The Quantity sold since the Estimate, must be at least equal to what was sold before, as the People are doubled, and the Manors probably equal in Quantity: We may therefore suppose, that a fair Estimate of the Lands sold, Rents and Manors reserved, and new Towns laid out into Lots, since the above Estimate, would be at least equal to it, that is another Tenth, and amount also to £573,697 2s. 0d.
}
  573,697
  2
  0

  For Eight of these Nine Tenths of the Province which were not dispos’d of at the Time of making the Estimate; Note, The Province Grant to William Penn is of three Degrees of Latitude, and five of Longitude; each Degree of Latitude contains 69½ Statute Miles, and each Degree of Longitude about Lat. 40 contains 53 Statute Miles; so the Dimensions of the Province are 265 Miles by 208½, which gives for its Contents 55,252½ square Miles or Thirty five Millions, Three Hundred and Sixty-one Thousand, Six Hundred Acres; Eight Tenths of this Quantity, is 28,289,280 Acres, which at £15 10s. per 100 Acres (the present selling Price) is
}
  4,384,838
  8
  0

  For the yearly Quitrent on 28,289,280 Acres at a Halfpenny Sterling per Acre, is £58,936 per Annum, which at 165 per Cent. and 20 Years Purchase, is
}
  1,856,484
  0
  0

  For the additional Value on One Tenth Part, at least, of those Eight Tenths, which being pick’d out of the best of the Lands after every Purchase from the Indians, before any private Person is allowed to take up any, and kept for 20 or 30 Years, is to be sold at a Medium for £300 per 100 Acres Advance; this on 2,828,928 Acres, is
}
  8,486,784
  0
  0

  For the Three Fifths of all Royal Mines, and One Fifth of all other Mines reserv’d to these Lords Proprietors, we can as yet estimate no Sum, and must leave it a Blank as we find it; but since in the Ridges of Mountains not yet settled, some very valuable Specimens of Ores have been found by Travellers, it is not unlikely this Article may in Time become considerable beyond Computation.
}

  For the Offices we shall likewise make no Estimation, tho’ they are greatly increas’d in Number and Value, with the Increase of People; as we believe the Proprietaries do not raise immediate Money from the Grants of those Offices at present, they being chiefly dispos’d of to bribe or reward their Partisans and Favourites; in which however they may find their Account.
}

  For the Escheats we likewise add nothing; for tho’ it is thought a valuable Article, we have no Information on which we can form any Judgment concerning its Value, it must however be continually increasing.
}

  There is another Article, we are greatly at a Loss about, which is the Interest of Money arising to the Proprietors from Securities on Lands possess’d by Persons unable to make present Payment. These pay not only Quitrent for the Land but Interest for the Purchase Money. This Interest
   *See Fisher’s Account hereafter.
 is thought to be a very considerable Income, but we cannot estimate it.
}

  The Three Lower Counties on Delaware, which are a distinct Territory and Government from the Province of Pensylvania, and held by a different Title, are also a very valuable Part of the Proprietary Estate; tho’ what Value should be put on the same is at present difficult to say.
}

  Total in Pensylvania Currency

  £15,875,500
  12
  0

In Sterling, about Ten Millions!
But on the whole, it appears pretty clearly, that deducting all the Articles containing the Valuation of Lands yet unsold, and unappropriated within their Patent, and the Manors and Rents to be hereafter reserv’d, and allowing for any small over-Valuations in their present reserv’d Lands and Incomes [tho’ ’tis thought if any be it will not be found to exceed the under-Valuation in other Instances] there cannot remain less than a Million of Property which they now at this Time have in Pensylvania.
And in that Province there are but 20,000 Families, to each of which, one with another, there does not belong more than £300 of Property, if so much; which multiply’d by 20,000 gives £6,000,000 for the whole Property of the People there.
The Proprietaries then have in present Possession a Property there at least equal to one sixth of That of the People. They ought therefore to pay the same Proportion of the Taxes.
That the Reader may form some Judgment of the Profits made by this Monopoly of Land in America in Favour of the House Of Penn, we shall just mention, that the Land is first purchased of the Indians, and none but the Proprietors are allow’d to purchase of the Indians within the Limits of their Grant: The Indians of late Years have somewhat rais’d their Price; and for the last great Purchase in 1754, which was of about Seven Millions of Acres, they demanded (how much do you think?) no less than 2000 Dollars amount at Seven and Sixpence Currency each, to Seven Hundred and Fifty Pounds.

Pensyl. Currency.

The Land so bought the Proprietor has the Moderation to sell (except the best of it serv’d in Manors for himself) at so low a Price as £15 10s. 0d. per Hundred Acres, which will produce
}
£1,085,000
0
0

Deduct the Purchase Money

750
  0
  0

Remains Profit

£1,084,250
0
0

  Besides the Profit of a Tenth of the 7,000,000 Acres, reserv’d in Manors to be sold hereafter at an Advance of at least £300 per Hundred Acres
}
2,100,000
0
0

  And also the Quitrent to be reserv’d on 7,000,000 Acres at ½d. Sterling per Acre £14,583 6s. 8d. which at 165 per Cent. and 20 Years Purchase, is worth
}
£481,250
  0
  0

Profit, in all

£3,665,500
0
0

But the Indian Council at Onondago not being satisfied with the sale of so much Land at once, the Proprietors have since been obliged to disgorge a Part of the Hunting Country they had not paid for, and reconvey the same to the Indians, who, when they are dispos’d to sell it, may possibly demand 2000 Dollars more, for which the above Account must then have Credit.
One would think that where such good Bargains are bought of the poor Natives, there should be no Occasion for fraudulent Art to over-reach them, in order to take more than is granted: And that if a War occasion’d by such Injuries should be drawn upon the innocent Inhabitants, those who were the Cause of the War, if they did not, as in Justice they ought, bear the whole Expence of it, at least they would not refuse to bear a reasonable Part. Whether this has ever been the Case is now a Subject of Publick Enquiry.
But let us see how the Land bought in such lumping Pennyworths of the Natives by the Monopolist, is huckster’d out again to the King’s Subjects. To give the Reader some Idea of this, after remarking that £15 10s. 0d. per Hundred Acres for wild Land, is three Times dearer than the Proprietor of Maryland’s Price, and ten Times dearer than his Majesty’s Lands in Virginia and Carolina, both as good if not better Countries, we shall present him with a genuine Account, stated under the Hand of the Proprietor’s Receiver General, obtain’d with great Difficulty by the Purchaser of two Tracts of Land, some Time after he had paid his Money; when on more particular Consideration of the Sum paid compar’d with the Quantity bought, he imagin’d he had paid too much. The Account is as follows, viz.

John Fisher in Right of Jacob Job

Dr.

“To Land 423 A. 53 Ps. in Pextang Township, Lancaster County, granted to said Job by Warrant of Mar. 19th, 1742
}
£65
12
1

“Interest from 1st March 1732 to 19th March 1742, is 10 Years 18 Days
}
39
  11
  2

105
3
3

“19th March 1742, paid

  15

90
3
3

“Int. from 19th March 1742 to 20th February 1747, is 4 Years, 11 Months, 1 Day
}
26
11
11

“Quitr. to next Month is 15 Years, £13 4s. 7d. Sterl. at 85 per Cent.

  24
  9
  6

141
4
8

“John Fisher in Right of Thomas Cooper

Dr.

“To Land 268 Acres in Pextang Township, Lancaster County granted by Warrant of 9th January 1743 to said Cooper
}
£41
10
9

“Interest from 1st March 1737 to 9th January 1743 is 5 Years, 10 Months, 8 Days
}
  14
  11
  9

56
2
6

“9th January 1743 Paid

  7
  10
  0

48
12
6

“Interest from 9th January 1743 to 20th February 1747 is 4 Years, 1 Month, 11 Days
}
11
19
10

“Quitr. to next Month is 10 Years, £5 11s. 8d. Sterl. at 85 per Cent.

  10
  6
  7

70
18
11

£141
4
8

20th February 1747.

  70
  18
  11

212
3
7

  10

Transfer, &c.

212
13
7

Philadelphia, 23d February 1747.
“Received of John Fisher Two Hundred and Twelve Pounds, Three Shillings and Seven Pence, in full for 423 Acres in Pextang Township, granted by Warrant of 19th March 1742, to Jacob Job, and for 268 Acres in same Township, by Warrant of 9th January 1743 to Thomas Cooper, both in the County of Lancaster.
  For the Hon. Proprietaries,

£212
3
7

10

Fees

  (

  )

212
13
7

  Lynford Lardner Receiver Gen.
N. B. The Quitrent in full to 1st March 1747.
The Purchaser not being skill’d in Accounts, but amaz’d at the Sum, apply’d to a Friend to examine this Account, who stated it over again as follows, viz.

     “John Fisher in the Right of Jacob Job,
Dr.

1742. 19th March.
“To 423 Acres, 50 Per. of Land, in Pextang, County Lancaster, granted to said Job by Warrant dated this Day
}
£65
  12
  1

“By Cash paid that Day

  15
  0
  0

  £50
  12
  1

“To Interest on £50 12s. 1d. from the 19th March 1742 to 20th Feb. 1747, being 4y. 11 m. 1d.
}
14
18
9

  “To 5 Years Quitrent for said Land at One Halfpenny Sterl. per Acre Ann. viz. from March 1742, the Time the Land was surveyed (for Quitrent ought not to be paid before) to March 1747 amounting in the whole to £4 8s. 4d. Sterling at 85 per Cent. the Exchange charg’d in the Account delivered
}
  8
  5
  9

  “20th Feb. 1747. Sum due on Job’s Right

£73
16
7

   “John Fisher, in Right of Thomas Cooper.

Dr.

1743. 9th January,
“To 268 Acres of Land in Pextang aforesaid, granted said Cooper by Warrant this day
}
£41
10
9

“By Cash paid that Day

  7
  10

“9th Jan. 1743, Ballance due

£34
0
9

“To Interest on £34 0s. 9d. from 9th Jan. 1743, to 20th Feb. 1747 being 4y. 1 m. 11d.
}
8
7
8

“To 4 Years and 2 Months Quitrent for said Lands, viz. from Jan. 1743 to the First March 1747, Amounting in the whole to £2 6s. 6d. Sterling, at 85 per Cent
}
4
  7
  2¼

“20th Feb. 1747. Sum due on Cooper’s Right

£46
15
7¼

“In Feb. 1747, John Fisher obtained a Proprietary Patent for the Lands above mentioned. But by the Accompts then exhibited to him, and which he paid, he was charged on Job’s Right £141 4s. 8d. which is £67 8s. 1d. more than the above Account, and also was charged on Coopers Right, £70 18s. 11d., which is £24 3s. 3¾d. more than the above Accompt of Cooper’s. So that by the two Accompts it is supposed he has paid £91 11s. 4¾d. more than could legally be received from him.

“The Reason of such great Difference in the Accompts are as follow, viz.
“1st That Interest has been charged on the Consideration Money for Job’s Land, for 10 Years and 18 Days before the Land was survey’d.
“2d That Quitrent has also been charged for that Time at 85 per Cent.
“3d That the Principle and Interest to the Time of Warrant and Survey were added together, and that Interest was charged for that Total to the Time the Patent was granted.
“4th That Interest has been charged on the Consideration Money for Cooper’s Land, for 5y. 10 m. 8 d. before the Land was survey’d.
“5th That Quitrent has also been charged for that Time at 85 per Cent.
“6th That the Principle and Interest to the Time of Warrant and Survey were added, and Interest charged for that Total to the Time the Patent was granted, which is compound Interest.”
To these Remarks of the Accountant we shall only add, That the Price of Exchange between Philadelphia and London is not fix’d, but rises and falls according to the Demand for Bills; That 85 per Cent. charg’d for the Exchange in this Account is the highest Exchange that perhaps was ever given in Pensylvania, occasion’d by some particular Scarcity of Bills at a particular Time; That the Proprietor himself in his Estimate reckons the Exchange but at 65, which is indeed near the Medium, and this Charge is 20 per Cent. above it. That the Valuing the Currency of the Country according to the casual Rate of Exchange with London, is in itself a false Valuation, the Currency not being really depreciated in Proportion to an occasional Rise of Exchange; since every Necessary of Life is to be purchas’d in the Country, and every Article of Expence defray’d by that Currency (English Goods only excepted) at as low Rates after as before such Rise of Exchange; That therefore the Proprietor’s obliging those who purchase of him to pay their Rents according to the Rate of Exchange is unjust, the Rate of Exchange including withal the Risque and Freight on remitting Money to England; and is besides a dangerous Practice, as the great Sums to be yearly remitted to him, put it in the Power of his own Agents to play Tricks with the Exchange at Pleasure, raise it at the Time of Year when they are to receive the Rents, by buying a few Bills at a high Price, and afterwards lower it by refraining to buy till they are sold more reasonably.
By this Account of the Receiver General’s, it appears we have omitted two other Articles in the Estimation of the Proprietary Estate, viz.

For the Quitrents of Lands many Years before they are granted!
}
– – – –

  For the Interest of the Purchase-Money many Years before the Purchases are made!
  }
– – – –

On what Pretence these Articles of Charge are founded, how far they may be extended, and what they may amount to, is beyond our Knowledge; we are therefore obliged to leave them blank till we can obtain more particular Information.