Title: New York Ratifying Convention. First Speech of July 17, [17 July 1788]
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Livingston, Gilbert
To:

[Poughkeepsie, New York, July 17, 1788]
Ham[ilton] Scarce any new reasons to be offered; they are short—& must have their force it may do good—cannot do evil. While men hope, they never became enraged. Both parties hope to succeed, therefore will not heat.
Things have changed since we came here—therefore decent we should consult our constituents.
Good may come—& no evil can come.
Takes notice of an objectn by gent We are to take no notice of consequences—& compare it to our spirit in 76.
Is this a just comparison or a just state of facts—
Britn 3,000 Miles off. We had no share in the representation. They claimed absolute power over us.
Is this the case now? By no means. A majority of the patriots of America think it sufft. There may be some things in it we would wish Altered—this therefore not paralel. This govt built on all the principles of free govt. Representation etc. Therefore the comparison not just. Difference of Opinion respecting the supposed defect.
Gent look at it only to find out the defects and not to discover its securities—& beauties. Turns on this that gent say the state govts will be destroyed. He says they are necessary, & that they will be preserved.
Supposes that if the adopn takes place as proposed we are out of the Union. Some may think we may then enjoy our impost—&c—but lays it down the Union will not permit us to remain so because their interest & safety will not permit it. It would divide the whole.
We could not subsist without an Alliance with Britain. This not probable. This state of importance. If so Gent will say Congs will do every thing to take us in. Will answer this presently—


Title: New York Ratifying Convention. Second Speech of July 17, [17 July 1788]
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Livingston, Gilbert
To:

[Poughkeepsie, New York, July 17, 1788]
Ham[ilton]—gave reasons why we would be out of the Union—
Amend[ment]s have been proposed—with a desire to conciliate and assuage—therefore not adopted on expedience—but the amend[ment]s proposed for expedience—in Massachusetts—now a fed[era]l representation this not fav[orabl]e to amend[ment]s
Connecticut—an election—Antis—left out—
N. Ham. adopted—after an ad[journmen]t
Pennsylvania—2/3ds adopted—parties are now united—
Virginia—a considerable opposition—reads a letter from a gent[leman] there, that an address from the Antis was rejected—
Now What have we to hope for from other states—assistance against what?—Will they assist us to oppose themselves—
can we compare our strength against the whole—they will have the power of govt—& the wealth of the whole country against us—the sea ports all for them—is there hope of prevail[in]g in so unequal a contest—whence are we to derive means of assistance—foreign powers? Whom—France or great Britt[ai]n—France is the Ally of United States—Great Brittain? What object could she have has totally given up her claim to this country—will she take the weaker by the hand, to oppose the stronger—Who would wish again to come under her dominion—but she never will—because no interest by it—this not all—we are divided among our selves—the southern district warmly attach[e]d to this govt—this a fact—and a sentim[en]t which will increase—the Census will give the Northern a superiority—deeply impressed with the bad consequences—is it in the power of the Northern to compel the southern—impracticable—they will be aided & protected by the Union—hopes—the election of separation will never be made—it will take place if we reject the Const[itutio]n—

What will be the situat[io]n of the rest of the state—even if they can exist—they must support this whole govt—pay taxes—& must defend themselves &c—it is said this will not happen—if they are brought to the alternative—to reject the Constitution—or seperate from the rest of the state—they undoubtedly will sep[arat]e—will Congress overcome the obstacles to receive us—they will not—they are jealous of us—and view us as a selfish sister—our neighbours nearest especially—the constitut[io]n—the oath—in it—are against us—
their interest in having us with them will be diminished—by cons[iderin]g that they can have our part—the chief source of wealth—this our disunion—weakens the force of the state—
pause & suppose the Minorities in the other states would go with us—to resist—is this desirable—to have the country divided into two marshal bands—who will com[man]d in this case at any rate, adieu to liberty a despotism will follow—
can any man wish to run this risk—
the cause of Republicanism should induce us to avoid this—in our late revolution we endeav[ore]d to revive this kind of govt—
& trust to joint councils—
distinguished patriots on both sides—tho Most—for the govt—
Hancock—acquiesces tho in a situation that might tempt him to oppose it
Adams—he first conceived the bold Idea of independence—he is for it
Govr Livingston, born a republican—he for it Dickinson—Franklin—this old grey headed patriot looking into the grave approves it Genl Washington—came forward—disinterested hazarded all without reward—all parties—Whigs & Tories—Admired & put confidence in him—at the close of the war—at the head of a discontented Army—did he take advantage of the situation of the army or country—no—he prov[e]d himself a patriot—this man—came forward again—and hazarded his harvest of glory—in this case he saw the work he had been engaged in was but half finished—he came forward and, approved this Cons[titutio]n—is it in human Nature, to suppose that these good men should loose their virtue and acquiesce in a govt that is substanically defective to the liberties of their country—departed heroes—
Our sister states, invite us—they have been as jealous of their liberty as we—
More safety in joining with us, than to neglect our invitation—all mankind—Heaven patronized us—it now invites us—
is it not wonderful, that 10 states should adopt it—
let us take care not to oppose the whole country—if on the verge of eternity would exhort us to union—


Title: New York Ratifying Convention. Second Speech of July 19, [19 July 1788]
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Livingston, Gilbert
To:

[Poughkeepsie, New York, July 19, 1788]
Ham[ilton]—this article he thinks includes more than gent intend—in the Admiralty—& Chancery there is no Jury—“to remain” may be intended to qualify this—in some states—the trial by jury in both the Courts above ment[ione]d are in use—On treaties & Laws of nations—the supreme Judicial ought to be the last resort—difficult to remedy this—so as to agree to it—& not clash with other states—
[Robert] Yates—the object to secure the trial by Jury in all cases where they heretofore were of use—this ought to be held inviolate—and was intended to provide ag[ains]t the gen[era]l gov[ernmen]t taking this right away
[John] Jay—the word “accustomed” will not take the object[io]n away—because in admiralty cases an appeal should lay—where the whole matter should go up—
Ham[ilton]—Com[mo]n Law—will not do in Connecticut—neither accustomed—


Title: New York Ratifying Convention. Third Speech of July 19, [19 July 1788]
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Livingston, Gilbert
To:

[Poughkeepsie, New York, July 19, 1788]
Ham[ilton]—opposed to the leading idea of this clause—it tends to render the Militia of no service—in swi[tzerland] & england—there must be select corps—the whole people can never be fully trained if we agree to this, you oblidge the gov[ernmen]t to have a standing army—does not depend on regulations on paper for safety—but on the Genius of our country—was mistaken as to the clause—objects only to the words “past usages”.


Title: New York Ratifying Convention. Fourth Speech of July 19, [19 July 1788]
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Livingston, Gilbert
To:

[Poughkeepsie, New York, July 19, 1788]
Ham[ilton]—is willing those who are now scrupulous may be exempted— but does not wish to encourage this idea—


Title: New York Ratifying Convention. Fifth Speech of July 19, [19 July 1788]
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Livingston, Gilbert
To:

[Poughkeepsie, New York, July 19, 1788]
Ham[ilton]—an explanatory clause ought to explain, not to affix a new Idea— the dividing the state into districts is explanatory but the qualifying part is not—


Title: New York Ratifying Convention. Sixth Speech of July 19, [19 July 1788]
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Livingston, Gilbert
To:

[Poughkeepsie, New York, July 19, 1788]
Ham[ilton]—combats the propriety of the word “expresly” congress one to regulate trade—now they must do a thousand things—not expresly given—Virginia say not given—


Title: New York Ratifying Convention. Seventh Speech of July 19, [19 July 1788]
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Livingston, Gilbert
To:

[Poughkeepsie, New York, July 19, 1788]
Ham[ilton]—would not object to the Idea—recommends this amend[men]t—


Title: New York Ratifying Convention. Eighth Speech of July 19, [19 July 1788]
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Livingston, Gilbert
To:

[Poughkeepsie, New York, July 19, 1788]
Ham[ilton]—this [amendment] cannot be by way of explanation—but may be by recommendation.


Title: New York Ratifying Convention. Ninth Speech of July 19, [19 July 1788]
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Livingston, Gilbert
To:

[Poughkeepsie, New York, July 19, 1788]
Ham[ilton]—this not an explanitory amend[men]t— may be recommendatory—which he would wish—in regulating commerce—this power seems to be incident—thinks that it may be possible that it will be useful—therefore thinks it ought to be left out.
[Samuel] Jones—it cannot be an explanation—
[John] Lansing—Congress have no power about the business except a regulation of commerce—
Ham[ilton]—agrees—here the difficulty already occurs respecting the word “expresly” moves to transfer it to the list of recommendatory amend[ment]s.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from James Madison, [20 July 1788]
From: Madison, James
To: Hamilton, Alexander

N. York Sunday Evening [July 20, 1788]
My dear Sir
Yours of yesterday is this instant come to hand & I have but a few minutes to answer it. I am sorry that your situation obliges you to listen to propositions of the nature you describe. My opinion is that a reservation of a right to withdraw if amendments be not decided on under the form of the Constitution within a certain time, is a conditional ratification, that it does not make N. York a member of the New Union, and consequently that she could not be received on that plan. Compacts must be reciprocal, this principle would not in such a case be preserved. The Constitution requires an adoption in toto, and for ever. It has been so adopted by the other States. An adoption for a limited time would be as defective as an adoption of some of the articles only. In short any condition whatever must viciate the ratification. What the new Congress by virtue of the power to admit new States, may be able & disposed to do in such a case, I do not enquire as I suppose that is not the material point at present. I have not a moment to add more. Know my fervent wishes for your success & happiness.
Js: Madison
This idea of reserving right to withdraw was started at Richmd. & considered as a conditional ratification which was itself considered as worse than a rejection:


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Nathaniel Chipman, 22 July 1788
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Chipman, Nathaniel

Poughkeepsie [New York] July 22d. 1788
Sir
Your brother delivered me your favour which I received with pleasure as the basis of a correspondence that may be productive of public good.
The accession of Vermont to the Confederacy is doubtless an object of great importance to the whole, and it appears to me that this is the favorable moment for effecting it upon the best terms for all concerned. Besides more general reasons, there are circumstances of the moment which will forward a proper arrangement. One of the first subjects of deliberation with the new Congress will be the Independence of Kentucky for which the Southern States will be anxious. The Northern will be glad to send a counterpoise in Vermont. These mutual interests and inclinations will facilitate a proper result.
I see nothing that can stand in your way but the interfering claims under the grants of New York. As to taxation, the natural operation of the new System will place you exactly where you might wish to be. The public debt, as far as it can prudently be provided for, will be by the Western lands and the appropriation of some general fund. There will be no distribution of it to particular parts of the community. The fund will be sought for in indirect taxation; as for a number of years, and except in time of war, direct taxes would be an impolitic measure. Hence as you can have no objection to your proportion of contribution as consumers, you can fear nothing from the article of taxation.
I readily conceive, that it will be scarcely practicable to you to come into the Union, unless you are secured from claims under New York grants. Upon the whole therefore I think it will be expedient for you as early as possible to ratify the Constitution “upon condition that congress shall provide for the extinguishment of all existing claims to land under grants of the State of New York, which may interfere with claims under the grants of the State of Vermont.” You will do well to conform your boundary to that heretofore marked out by Congress; otherwise insuperable difficulties would be likely to arise with this State.
I should think it altogether unadvisable to annex any other condition to your ratification. For there is scarcely any of the amendments proposed, that will not have a party opposed to it, and there are several that will meet with a very strong opposition; and it would therefore be highly inexpedient for you to embarrass your main object by any collateral difficulties.
As I write in Convention, I have it not in my power to enlarge. You will perceive my general ideas on the subject, I will only add, that it will be wise to lay as little impediment as possible in the way of your reception into the Union.
A Hamilton


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to James Madison, [22 July 1788]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Madison, James

[Poughkeepsie, New York, July 22, 1788]
Dr Sir
I wrote to you by the last post since which nothing material has turned up here. We are debating on amendments without having decided what is to be done with them. There is so great a diversity in the views of our opponents that it is impossible to predict any thing. Upon the whole however our fears diminish.
Yrs. Affecly

A. Hamilton
July 22d. 1788

I take the liberty for certain reasons to put the inclosed under cover to you. Be so good as to send it to my office to the care of Mr. De Haert where it will be called for


Title: New York Ratifying Convention. First Speech of July 22, [22 July 1788]
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Livingston, Gilbert
To:

[Poughkeepsie, New York, July 22, 1788]
Hamilton objects because there is no security in it—the people are excluded from chusing perhaps your best man—
[Melancton] Smith would rather have him elected for 8 yrs & not eligible again—Mov[e]d for it—Jay seconded his Mot[io]n.
Ham[ilton]—opposes—a temptation for an avaritious man—to plunder & make the best of his time—has not the motive to please—
[Melancton] Smith Much may be said on both sides—as the cons[titutio]n stands his appointment will amount to an appointment for life—no system can be hit on which will not have objections to it—in this case he will be oblidged to steal from the people what in the other case he must wrest by violence.
Ham[ilton]—does not see the danger—in Connecticut—it has never decended from the Father to son—safety in the mode of election—
Ham[ilton]—Check in the const[itutio]n ag[ains]t malad[ministratio]n as the senate must appoint—on his nomination—his bad system would be discovered—
[John] Jay—will not press—hardly knows how to chuse difficulties on every hand—a gov[ernmen]t as it was called opperated in this state 20 years ago—the Legislature & gov[erno]r played into each others hands—it may be so again—as it stands—the president is under eternal temptation to do wrong—senate a check, what kind of a check?—to do wrong—& to do right—as it serves their interest—
Ham[ilton]—so long as we are pursuing republican gov[ernmen]t we must submit to these risks—a long chain &c.—complication of influence—necess[ar]y—to do mischief—senate—Ass[embl]y & people—electors—&c.—in this business you have as much security as any system can produce under a Republican gov[ernmen]t.


Title: New York Ratifying Convention. Second Speech of July 22, [22 July 1788]
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Livingston, Gilbert
To:

[Poughkeepsie, New York, July 22, 1788]
Ham[ilton]—among other reasons ag[ains]t it— mentions the probability of having the appointments better thro[ugh] the states, as the senators represent all the states—


Title: New York Ratifying Convention. First Motion of July 22, [22 July 1788]
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Livingston, Gilbert
To:

[Poughkeepsie, New York, July 22, 1788]
That the last mentioned Amendment having been read Mr. Hamilton moved that the same should be obliterated and the following inserted in its stead vizt. “That When the Number of Persons in the District of Territory to be laid out for the Seat of the Government of the United States, shall according to the Rule for the Apportionment of Representatives and direct Taxes Amount to  such District shall cease to be parcel of the State granting the Same, and Provision shall be made by Congress for their having a District Representation in that Body.”


Title: New York Ratifying Convention. Third Speech of July 22, [22 July 1788]
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Livingston, Gilbert
To:

[Poughkeepsie, New York, July 22, 1788]
Ham[ilton]—improper in a war, or in the case of a war to publish a state of accounts to all the world—


Title: New York Ratifying Convention. Fifth Speech of July 22, [22 July 1788]
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Livingston, Gilbert
To:

[Poughkeepsie, New York, July 22, 1788]
Ham[ilton]—objects— because the Court ap[pointed] by Legislature
Chan[cellor Robert R. Livingston]—these Judges or commisioners may be under the same influence as the Legislature themselves—therefore to be avoided.
Ham[ilton]—of the same opinion.
[Samuel] Jones—wishes security under these Courts—sees great inconveniency in having a Court totally independent—wishes some mode to remedy the evil—
Ham[ilton]—there Must be a Court—in the last resort—why not safely placed in the sup[re]me Court—rather than in an adventicious Court—as in the senate—
Chan[cellor Robert R. Livingston]—the Ionic Council—& sup[re]me Court in Germany—have both original—and appellate Jurisdict[io]n—
[Samuel] Jones—this Mode now proposed has been long in use in Eng[lan]d—& is used to this day—without complaint—
Ham[ilton]—if it goes to the causes in which the sup[re]me C[our]t have original Jurisd[ictio]n—should not so strongly oppose it but if it goes to those causes which are bro[ugh]t before them on appeal—strenuously dissents—


Title: New York Ratifying Convention. Second Motion of July 22, [22 July 1788]
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Livingston, Gilbert
To:

[Poughkeepsie, New York, July 22, 1788]
Ham[ilton]—moves an amend[men]t that a court of trial of impeachments be constituted, prout—thinks this amend[men]t will obviate many of the objections against the senate.


Title: New York Ratifying Convention. Remarks, [23 July 1788]
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Livingston, Gilbert
To:

[Poughkeepsie, New York, July 23, 1788]
Ham[ilton]—thinks we ought to proceed on the report—& if any gent[leman] wishes to introduce an amend[men]t he has a right to do it.


Title: New York Ratifying Convention. First Speech of July 24, [24 July 1788]
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Livingston, Gilbert
To:

[Poughkeepsie, New York, July 24, 1788]
Ham[ilton]—Was in hopes this Morning of Unanimity when this Motion was first mentioned. Thot more favourably of it than the other one but since thinks otherwise. Has taken advice with men of character—they think it will not do. Proposed to read a Letter— reads it—supposes this adoption—conditional—and would viciate the business &ct. Himself wrote favourably for it. The terms of the constitution import a perpetual compact between the different states; this certainly is not. Treaties and engagements with foreign nations are perpetual—this cannot be under this adoption. The oath to be taken stands in the way. States & men are averse to inequality. They fully bound & we partially. Should we risk so much on so little? Motives of expediency too much relied on. If they do not accept us will they not sooner have a new convenn than accept us so. Is it worth the jeopardy by which it must be obtained? Is it not of importance that we join unanimously to procure a convenn? The obsern of Lans[in]g does not meet the objecn— as they will contemplate wheather this is a ratificn. If they have any doubt, they will apt Congs to meet on certain federal ground. Interest of some states against us. If they are driven away by us the people will be dissatisfied &ct. We have done everything which possibly can insure our wish—this we shall loose by a second state convention. We shall not be represented in Congress & this for no real end. Moves to have the question postponed & that a circular letter be wrote.


Title: New York Ratifying Convention. Second Speech of July 24, [24 July 1788]
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Livingston, Gilbert
To:

[Poughkeepsie, New York, July 24, 1788]
[Matthew] Adgate—This business has been effected by degrees. This has heretofore been conceived to have been a Mode that would bring us in. Gent[lemen] now say we cannot—but if we May does not doubt we shall—they must violate the old Confedn.
Ham[ilton]—Adg[at]e intimates that they have come down to our Ideas. This is not so—yet we are willing to go as far as we can and be received. The Gent[lemen] will see that we have made an effort to try to come to this—have taken advice—who are of the same opinion which we now hold—has had a great inclination to meet the house on this ground—but is now fully of opinion it will not do.
[Matthew] Adgate—Would answer that Gent[leman] with respect to the treaties now in force—13 states made them—now possibly only 11. When that Union is broke—what is to become of the treatie with Great Brittan and the fortresses they hold on our frontier?
Ham[ilton]—Adgate has mentioned an important Idea. What will be the effect of the treatie with great Brittn—if they all unite it will stand, if we do not those who do not come in will perhaps be excluded—this a very important concern.

Acquiescence of a time is a waver of a right. When the liberties of the country are in danger, shall not wait for lone constructions.
[Matthew] Adg[at]e—in regard to the treatie with G[reat] B[ritain] it would not opperate with a part—if there was a separation—the framers of the Const[itutio]n have been very negligent of a part—as 9 states may here unite—
Ham[ilton]—the Convn knew that every state would have an opportunity to agree—or not agree with respect to the treatie—it is too late now as 10 states have adopted it—


Title: New York Ratifying Convention. Circular Letter to the Governors of the Several States, 26 July 1788
From: Jay, John,Hamilton, Alexander
To:

Poughkeepsie, New York, July 26, 1788. “We the members of the Convention of this State, have deliberately & maturely considered the Constitution proposed for the united States. Several articles in it appear so exceptionable [to a majority of us], that nothing but the fullest confidence of obtaining a Revision of them by a general convention, and an invincible Reluctance to separating from our Sister States could have prevailed upon [a sufficient number] to ratify it [without stipulating for previous amendments]. We all unite in opinion that such a Revision will be necessary to recommend it to the approbation and Support of a numorous Body of our constituents.…”


Title: Continental Congress. Motion on Votes Cast in the Congress by States Not Yet Having Ratified the Constitution, [7 August 1788]
From: Continental Congress
To:

[New York, August 7, 1788]
Whereas the Convention assembled at Philadelphia in the Commonwealth of Pensylvania did on the 17th day of September last past resolve as the opinion of that Convention that as soon as the Conventions of nine states should have ratified the Constitution then and there agreed upon by the said Convention the United States in Congress assembled should fix a day on which electors should be appointed by the states which should have ratified the same and a day on which the electors should assemble to vote for the President and the time and place for commencing proceedings under the said constitution. And Whereas the United States in Congress assembled having received the ratifications of the said constitution by eleven states [did on the 28th. ulto. & then on the 5th & 6th. instant agree to the following resolutions to wit] have in conformity to the resolution aforesaid passed an ordinance for the purposes aforesaid. And Whereas although the [it does not appear that the] state[s] of Rhode Island [& North Carolina have] hath not ratified the said Constitution and it is not known that the state of North Carolina hath ratified the same, [& whereas] the Delegates of the [said two states] two last mentioned states in virtue of the vo have nevertheless thought fit to vote[d] upon  the said ordinance in virtue of the right of suffrage vested in them by the Articles of Confederation and perpetual Union [certain parts of the said resolutions] on all questions taken in Congress [therefore]
Resolved as the sense of this Congress the conduct of the delegates of the said state of Rhode Island in voting concerning the said ordinance can that [any vote given or which may be given respecting said resolutions by the Delegate or Delegates of any State which hath not ratified the said Constitution shall] in no wise be construed directly or indirectly to imply either on their part or on the part of the state which they they represent an approbation of the Constitution aforesaid or [of any part thereof] a relinquishment [or] in any manner or kind of obligation on the part of the said [any such] state touching the same or any the relinquishment of any right heretofore enjoyed [heretofore or now] claimed or which may be claimed by the said [such] state under the said Articles &c or otherwise, but and that all and singular the rights of the said [such] state remain continue and are to all intents and purposes in the same situation as if the said [such] delegates had refrained from voting on the whole or any part of the said ordinance. [respecting the said resolutions.]


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Samuel Broome, 13 August 1788
From: Broome, Samuel
To: Hamilton, Alexander

New Haven [Connecticut] August 13, 1788
Dear Sir
I have been informed Congress have appointed a Committee to examine into the situation of their Contract made with Mr James Jarvis for the Loan of a quantity of Coined Copper and that said Committee had reported that said Contract Was Void should an action be Commenced against Mr Jarvis for damages. I hope you will be pleased to Consider yourself as his attorney in the suit provided there would be a propriety in a Member of Congress acting as an attorney
I am respectfully Dr Sir your Obd Servt
Sam Broome
Honble Alexander Hamilton Esquire


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to George Washington, [13 August 1788]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

[New York, August 13, 1788]
Sir
Capt Cochran of the British navy has requested my aid in recovering a family watch worn by his brother, who fell at York Town, (and now in the possession of _____ _____). In compliance with his request I have written the letter herewith (to_____ _____) which I take the liberty to convey through you, in hope that if you see no impropriety in it, you would add your influence to the endeavour to gratify Capt Cochran. It is one of those things in which the affections are apt to be interested, beyond the value of the object; and in which one naturally feels an inclination to oblige.
I have delivered to Mr. Madison to be forwarded to you a sett of the papers under the signature of Publius, neatly enough bound, to be honored with a place in your library. I presume you have understood that the writers of these Papers are chiefly Mr. Madison & myself with some aid from Mr. Jay.
I take it for granted, Sir, you have concluded to comply with what will no doubt be the general call of your country in relation to the new government. You will permit me to say that it is indispensable you should lend yourself to its first operations—It is to little purpose to have introduced a system, if the weightiest influence is not given to its firm establishment, in the outset.
I remain with the greatest esteem Dr Sir Yr. Obed & hum servant
A Hamilton
New York Aug 13. 1788
General Washington


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from John Chaloner, 20 August 1788
From: Chaloner, John
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Philadelphia, August 20, 1788. Sends Hamilton an abstract of John Holker’s “title to lands in N York State offered by him as a substitute to Mr Church & others who have commenced suits against him for protested bills in place of his bail in said suits.” Asks Hamilton about the validity of this title.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Ezekiel Forman, 23 August 1788
From: Forman, Ezekiel
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Philadelphia, August 23, 1788. Requests information respecting Forman’s claim against the estate of Philip Livingston.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Jeremiah Olney, 25 August 1788
From: Olney, Jeremiah
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Providence, 25th. Augt. 1788
Dear Sir
Since I had the Honor to address you 23rd. Inst. on the Subject of——; I have had the pleasure of a Full Conversation with Mr. A. He is Zealous in the matter and assures me he will go forward in one of the New York Packets by the last of this Week. I have wrote Mr. H. on the Subject and Warmly urged the Necessity of his going on with his Colleague Mr. A. and have made him an offer of a Draught for 60 Dollars on Colo. Hall, which Mr. A. Sayes will be Sufficient as he himself is not in want. I have hopes that Mr. H. will be prevailed on to go, if not I will Immediately See one of the other Delegates and push the matter with him. I hope you will be able to Keep the Question off untill we are Represented.
I am with Sincear Esteem Sir Your Obed. Hume. Servt.
Jereh. Olney
Colo. A. Hamilton


Title: Continental Congress. Report on Slaves Who Had Escaped to East Florida, [26 August 1788]
From: Continental Congress
To:

[New York, August 26, 1788]
The Comittee to whom was referred the report of the Secretary for the Department of foreign affairs of the 14th instant submit the following resolutions
That the secretary for the department of foreign affairs be directed to transmit copies of the papers referred to in the said report to the Chargé des affaires of the United States at Madrid and instruct him to represent to his Catholic Majesty the inconveniences which the states bordering on his dominions experience from the Asylum afforded to subjective negroes belonging to the citizens of the said states and that Congress have full confidence that orders will be given to his governors to permit and facilitate their being apprehended and delivered to their owners or to persons authorised to receive them; assuring his Majesty that the said states will observe the like conduct respecting all such negroes belonging to his subjects as may be found therein
That the said Secretary be also directed to communicate the said papers to the Encargado de Negocios of Spain and to signify to him that his interposition to obtain proper regulations to be made on the subject would be very agreeable to Congress.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to John Chaloner, 28 August 1788
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Chaloner, John

New York, August 28, 1788. Has checked on the validity of John Holker’s title to lands in New York State and finds that “the chain of title appears to be complete.”


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to William Livingston, [29 August 1788]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Livingston, William

[New York, August 29, 1788]
Dear Sir
The Baron De Steuben informs me that he expects to set out this day on a visit to your legislature to endeavour to procure some arrangement respecting the place at Hackensack some time since granted to him by your state upon certain conditions. My anxiety for the Baron’s situation induces me to take the liberty of asking your friendship to him as far as may consist with considerations of propriety. It is needless to say to you that he has been a most useful servant of the public. I imagine it is as little necessary to observe, that he is a man, th⟨e⟩ ⟨qua⟩lities of whose heart intitle him to the sympathy and good will of good men. I shall only add that he is in a condition, for a man of his temper and habits, deplorable. He is as nearly as much in debt as all the property he has would sell for; and he is at the same time moneyless. Congress are now discussing his last application on the footing of a contract; but there are some circumstances which involve the transaction in obscurity; and there are individuals not disposed to overcome difficulties. I fear little is to be looked for. The question however is—Shall we permit a man, who has essentially served the American cause, either to starve or to go abroad begging?
We are informed here that there is some probability, that your legislature will instruct your delegates to vote for Philadelphia as the place of the meeting of the first Congress under the new Government. I presume this information can hardly be well founded, as upon my calculations, there is not a state in the Union so much interested in having the temporary residence at New York, as New Jersey. As between Philadelphia and New York, I am mistaken if a greater proportion of your state will not be benefitted by having the seat of the government at the latter than at the former place. If at the latter too, its exposed and excentric position will necessitate the early establishment of a permanent seat; and in passing South it is highly probable the government would light upon the Delaware in New Jersey. The Northern states do not wish to increase Pensylvania by an accession of all the wealth and population of the Fœderal City. Pensylvania herself when not seduced by immediate possession will be glad to concur in a situation on the Jersey side of Delaware. Here are at once a Majority of the states. But place the government once down in Philadelphia, Pensylvania will of course hold fast—The State of Delaware will do the same. All the states South looking forward to the time when the ballance of Population will enable them to carry the government farther South; (say to the Potowmack) and being accommodated in the mean time as well as they wish will concur in no change. The Government from the delay will take root in Philadelphia & Jersey will lose all prospect of the Fœderal city within her limits. These appear to me calculations so obvious, that I cannot persuade myself, New Jersey will so much oversee her interest as to fall in the present instance in the snares of Pensylvania.
With the sincerest respect & regard   I remain Dr Sir   Yr. Obed serv

A Hamilton
Aug. 29. 1788
Governor Livingston


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Baron von Steuben, 5 September 1788
From: Steuben, Baron von
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Ce 5 de septr: 1788.
Monsieur.
La lettre cy joint de Mr: R: Petters, contienne une preuve, non Equivoque, que dans mes prémieres application & immediatement après la Paix, j’ai appuyer mes pretentions aux E. U. sur une stipulation ou Contract fait en Entrent dans Leurs Service. Comme Vous etiez de cette Même Committe à Philadelphie; je m’en rapporte a Votre Memoire. Dans tout les Committees subsequentes j’ai toujours appuyer sur ce même Contract, et je me rapporte a tout Ses Messieurs qui successivement furent des committes sur ce Sujet.
Comme Vous êtes de la presente ⟨Congres⟩ je Vous prie de communiquer la ⟨Reporte de⟩ Mr: Petters a cette Committé.
J’ai L’honneur d’etre avec ⟨affection⟩   Monsieur   Votre tres humble ⟨serviteur⟩

steuben
Honrbl: Alex: Hamilton


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Nathaniel Chipman, 6 September 1788
From: Chipman, Nathaniel
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Newfane, [Vermont], Sept. 6th. 1788
Sir
I have received by Capt. Ville your favour of the 22d of July. Since I wrote you I have had an opportunity of conversing with his Excellency the governor and most of the council on the Subject of Vermonts accession to the confederacy. They generally agree that the terms suggested are good; that it will be highly the interest of Vermont to accede, and that the present is likely to be a favorable crisis, but it is a question whether we ought to make any propositions to the present Congress, or prepare matters and wait the new arrangement. Vermont will not make a point of introducing any amendments; we shall not be the first to feel the inconveniences, if any should arise, from the exercise of the new federal powers. For myself, I readily conceive that direct taxation under the new System will be very inconsiderable during the continuance of peace; yet I find an exemption from the expences of the late war will have, with the Citizens of this State a very powerful effect in producing unanimity on the Subject of a union.
⟨– – – – –⟩ will not ⟨– – – – –⟩ State; but I hope this matter will in some way be compromised. If Sir you have any thing to Suggest on this Subject that may promote the public good, I should be very happy in the communication previous to the Session of assembly in October next. The choice of representatives, which was on Tuesday last, has, as far as I have heard, succeeded favorably.
Mr. Kelly who is so obliging as to take the charge of this letter, will be able to give you a more particular account than can be done in this way as he has conversed Largely with the governor Council and other persons of influence with whom he has great weight.
I am Sir with much esteem and respect your most obedt. sert.

Nathl Chipman
A Hamilton Esqr.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Elbridge Gerry, [6 September 1788]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Gerry, Elbridge

[New York, September 6, 1788]
Sir
I am a member of a Committee, to whom the Baron De Steuben’s application to Congress founded upon a certain statement supported among other testimonials by a certificate from you, has been referred. Among the papers committed to us is the copy of a written report made by the Committee appointed to confer with the Baron at York Town. As this report is of a nature to create difficulties in the case, I have thought proper to inclose it for your perusal and shall be obliged to you for any explanations which may serve to throw further light on the subject.
I remain with esteem & regard   Sir   Yr. Obed serv

Alex Hamilton
New York Sepr. 6. 1788
E. Gerry Esqr.


Title: Continental Congress. Report on the Navigation of the Mississippi, [16 September 1788]
From: Continental Congress
To:

[New York, September 16, 1788]
[The Committee to whom was committed the Report of the Secretary for Foreign affairs founded on a referred motion of the Delegates of N. Carolina, stating the uneasiness produced by a Report “that Congress are disposed to meet with Spain for the surrender of their claim to the navigation of the River Mississippi” and proposing a resolution intended to remove such apprehensions, submit the following Resolutions]
Resolved that the said report not being founded in fact the Delegates be at liberty to communicate all such circumstances as may be necessary to contradict the same & to remove misconceptions.
That the free navigation of the River Mississippi is a clear and essential right of the United States and that the same ought to be considered and supported as such.

Resolved that no further progress be made in the negotiations with Spain by the Secretary for foreign affairs but that the subject to which they relate be referred to the Fœderal Government which is to assemble in March next.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Callohill Minnes, 17 September 1788
From: Minnes, Callohill
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Fairfield, Virginia, September 17, 1788. Writes concerning “the settlement of Col. Wm. Aylett’s public accounts as deputy commissary general.” Asks Hamilton to block any resolution in Congress that would prevent the settlement of these accounts.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Nathaniel Chipman, [September–December 1788]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Chipman, Nathaniel

[New York, September–December, 1788]
Sir
Your favour of the 6th of September has been duly handed to me, and I receive great pleasure from the hopes you appear to entertain of a favourable turn of affairs in Vermont in regard to the new Government. It is certainly an object of mutual importance to yourselves and to the Union and well deserves the best endeavours of every discerning and good man.
I observe with satisfaction your opinion that Vermont will not make a point of introducing amendments (I mean as a condition of her accession.) That ground would be the most hazardous which she could venture upon, as it is very probable that such amendments as might be popular with you would be deemed inadmissible by the friends of the system who will doubtless be the most influential persons in the national councils and who would rather submit to the inconvenience of your being out of the Union ’till circumstances should alter, than consent to any thing that might impair the energy of the Government. The article of taxation is above all the most delicate thing to meddle with; for as plenary power in that respect must ever be considered as the vital principle of government; no abrigment or constitutional suspension of that power can ever upon mature consideration be countenanced by the intelligent Friends of an effective national government.
You must as I remarked in my former letter rely upon the natural course of things which I am satisfied will exempt you in ordinary times from direct taxation, on account of the difficulty of exercising it in so extensive a country, so peculiarly situated, with advantage to the revenue or satisfaction to the people. Though this difficulty will be gradually diminished from various causes, a considerable time must first elapse; and in the interim you will have nothing to apprehend on this score. As far as indirect taxation is concerned it will be impossible to exempt you from sharing in the burthen nor can it be desired by your citizens. I repeat these ideas to impress you the more strongly with my sense of the danger of touching this cord and of the impolicy of perplexing the main object with any such collateral experiments. While I am glad to perceive that you do not think your people will be tenacious on the point.
It will be useless for you to have any view in your act to the present Congress. They can of course do nothing in the matter. All you will have to do will be to pass an act of accession to the new constitution on the conditions upon which you mean to rely. It will then be for the new Government when met to declare whether you can be received on your terms or not.
I am sorry to find that the affair of boundary is likely to create some embarrassment. Mens minds every where out of your state are made up upon and reconciled to that which has been delineated by Congress. Any departure from it must beget new discussions, in which all the passions will have their usual scope, and may occasion greater impediments than the real importance of the thing would justify. If however the further claims you state cannot be gotten over with you I would still wish to see the experiment made though with this clog; because I have it very much at heart that you should become a member of the Confederacy. It is however not to be inferred that the same disposition will actuate everybody. In this state the pride of certain individuals has too long triumphed over the public interest and in several of the Southern states a jealousy of Northern influence will prevent any great zeal for increasing in the national councils the number of Norther Voters. I mention these circumstances (though I dare say they will have occurred to you) to show you the necessity of moderation and caution on your part and the error of any sanguine calculation upon a disposition to receive you at any rate. A supposition of this nature might lead to fatal mistakes.
In the event of an extension of your boundary beyond the Congressional line would it be impracticable for you to have commissioners appointed to adjust any differences which might arise? I presume the principal object with you in the extension of your boundary would be to cover some private interests. This might be matter of Negotiation.
There is one thing which I think it proper to mention to you about which I have some doubt; that is whether a legislative accession would be deemed valid. It is the policy of the system to lay its foundations in the immediate consent of the people. You will best judge how far it is safe or practicable to have recourse to a Convention. Whatever you do no time ought to be lost. The present moment is undoubtedly critically favourable. Let it by all means be improved.
I remain with esteem   Sir   Yr. Obed & hum ser
A Hamilton


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to George Washington, September 1788
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

New York September 1788
Dear Sir
Your Excellency’s friendly and obliging letter of the 28th Ulto. came safely to hand. I thank you for your assurance of seconding my application to General Morgan. The truth of that affair is, that he purchased the watch for a trifle of a British soldier, who plundered Major Cochran at the moment of his fall at York Town.
I should be deeply pained my Dear Sir if your scruples in regard to a certain station should be matured into a resolution to decline it; though I am neither surprised at their existence nor can I but agree in opinion that the caution you observe in deferring an ultimate determination is prudent. I have however reflected maturely on the subject and have come to a conclusion, (in which I feel no hesitation) that every public and personal consideration will demand from you an acquiescence in what will certainly be the unanimous wish of your country. The absolute retreat which you meditated at the close of the late war was natural and proper. Had the government produced by the revolution gone on in a tolerable train, it would have been most adviseable to have persisted in that retreat. But I am clearly of opinion that the crisis which brought you again into public view left you no alterative but to comply—and I am equally clear in the opinion that you are by that act pledged to take a part in the execution of the government. I am not less convinced that the impression of this necessity of your filling the station in question is so universal that you run no risk of any uncandid imputation, by submitting to it. But even if this were not the case, a regard to your own reputation as well as to the public good, calls upon you in the strongest manner to run that risk.
It cannot be considered as a compliment to say that on your acceptance of the office of President the success of the new government in its commencement may materially depend. Your agency and influence will be not less important in preserving it from the future attacks of its enemies than they have been in recommending it in the first instance to the adoption of the people. Independent of all considerations drawn from this source the point of light in which you stand at home and abroad will make an infinite difference in the respectability with which the government will begin its operations in the alternative of your being or not being at the head of it. I forbear to urge considerations which might have a more personal application. What I have said will suffice for the inferences I mean to draw.
First—In a matter so essential to the well being of society as the prosperity of a newly instituted government a citizen of so much consequence as yourself to its success has no option but to lend his services if called for. Permit me to say it would be inglorious in such a situation not to hazard the glory however great, which he might have previously acquired.
Secondly. Your signature to the proposed system pledges your judgment for its being such an one as upon the whole was worthy of the public approbation. If it should miscarry (as men commonly decide from success or the want of it) the blame will in all probability be laid on the system itself. And the framers of it will have to encounter the disrepute of having brought about a revolution in government, without substituting any thing that was worthy of the effort. They pulled down one Utopia, it will be said, to build up another. This view of the subject, if I mistake not my dear Sir will suggest to your mind greater hazard to that fame, which must be and ought to be dear to you, in refusing your future aid to the system than in affording it. I will only add that in my estimate of the matter that aid is indispensable.
I have taken the liberty to express these sentiments to lay before you my view of the subject. I doubt not the considerations mentioned have fully occurred to you, and I trust they will finally produce in your mind the same result, which exists in mine. I flatter myself the frankness with which I have delivered myself will not be displeasing to you. It has been prompted by motives which you would not disapprove.
I remain My Dear Sir With the sincerest respect and regard   Your Obd & hum serv
A Hamilton
The letter inclosed in yours was immediately forwarded.
General Washington


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Jeremiah Olney, [6 October 1788]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Olney, Jeremiah

[New York, October 6, 1788]
Dr Sir
Your different favours have duly come to hand for which I thank you and for the trouble you have so obligingly taken to urge forward your delegation. Happily the affair has terminated to our wishes.
But My Dear Sir I cannot refrain from being particularly anxious for the accession of your state to the new system. Tis very important to the whole Union & particularly to the Northern part of it that you should become a member prior to the meeting of the Government. Can nothing be done to win or soften the opposition? It seems to me that Mr. Hazard if properly dealt with would not be inexorable; and as to Your Present Governor, the opinion I have heretofore entertained of his honesty will not permit me to suppose he will not afford his influence with the party to bring about the desireable event.
Let me know what are your prospects & whether we can do any thing here to promote the object.
Yrs. with great regard
A Hamilton
New York October 6. 1788
Col Olney


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Theodore Sedgwick, 16 October 1788
From: Sedgwick, Theodore
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Stockbridge [Massachusetts] 16. Octr. 1788
My dear Sir,
Your favor of the 9th. I have this moment recd. and detain the post while, that I may make a very few observations on a subject I conceive highly interesting to the efficient operations of the future government.
Mr. Adams was formerly infinitely more democratical than at present and possessing that jealousy which always accompanies such a character, he was averse to repose such unlimited confidence in the commander in chief as was then the disposition of congress.
Mr. Adams is not among the number of my particular friends, but as a man of unconquerable intrepidity & of incorruptible integrity, as greatly experienced in the interests and character of this country, he possesses my highest esteem. His writings shew that he deserves the confide⟨nce⟩ of those who wish energy in government, for although those writings are tedious and unpleasant in perusal yet they are evidently the result of deep reflection and as they encounter popular prejudices are an evidence of an erect & independent spirit.
Lincoln & Knox I love, their characters too I respect, but it is now too late to push in this State the interest of either. The minds of all men here seem to be fixed either on Adams or Hancock.
Our Legislature meet on the 29th. From Boston I will early write you on the subject & am with sincere regard
Yours affectly—
Theodore Sedgwick
Hon Mr. Hamilton:


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Theodore Sedgwick, 2 November 1788
From: Sedgwick, Theodore
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Boston. 2. Novr. 1788
My dear sir,
In my last hasty letter, I engaged to write you soon after my arrival in this town. Various questions will be agitated in the legislature (of considerable magnitude) which respect the orginization of the government. There is a party of federalists, who are of opinion that the electors should ⟨be chosen⟩ by the people, and the rep⟨resentatives⟩ not in districts but at large. These ⟨will⟩ be joined by all the antis probably. I yet hope they will not succeed. We yesterday committed to a committee of both houses the circular letter from your convention. The event is uncertain as a considerable number of federalists have been brought over to the amendment system, the prospect is not withstanding that the real friends of the constitution will prevail. Every thing depends upon it; and the exertion will be proportionate to the magnitude of the object.
Should the electors be chosen by the legislature, Mr. Adams will probably combine all the votes of Massachusetts. I am very certain that the suggestion that he is unfriendly to general Washington is entirely unfounded. Mr. Hancock has been very explicit in patronising the doctrine ⟨of⟩ amendment. The other gentleman is for postponing the conduct of that business untill it shall be understood from experience.
With respectful compts. to Mrs. Hamilton & affecte. regards to yourself   I am dear sir   Your most obedt. servt.

Theodore Sedgwick
The Hon. Mr. Hamilton


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Jeremiah Olney, 3 November 1788
From: Olney, Jeremiah
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Providence, 3rd. Novr. 1788.
Dear Sir
Your favr. of 6th. Ulto. was duly Received. I thought proper to postpone Replying to it (till after the Session of the Genl. Assembly Should be over which Terminated on Saturday night last) in order that I might have it in my power to give you with more Certainty the proceedings of the Legislature on the Subject of the New Constitution; the Minority both in & out of the House took unwearied pains During the Session to procure a Convention in the Legal mode pointed out for Considering the New Constitution, but Sir it prov’d as heretofore an unsuccessfull attemp for Mr. Hazzard who is an Implacable & Powerfull Enimy to the New Systim, and the Leading Character in all the Vile politicks Carrying on in this Devoted State, had So well prepared the Majority That when the Question was put weather this State Should appoint a Convention or not, the Question was lost Nearly three to one; 15 in favr. of the motion and 44 against it, after which (late on Saturday night) Mr. Hazzard moved that a Vote be passed for printing Copys of the Circular letter from the Convention of New York to be Distributed throughout this State, and Submitting to the People at Large the propriety of appointing Deligates to meet a proposed Convention for Considering amendments agreeably to the Recommendations of Said Circular letter. The Vote being put after much Debate, it was Carried in favr. of the measure by three to one. Notwithstanding Every Exertion of the Minority to prevent the adoption of So novel & unpresidented Proceeding, it was urged & with Truth that Should a Convention Finally meet for the purpose of amending the Constitution that it would be Composed Entirely of the Adopting States & as Such this State Could not upon any principles of Right Expect to be admitted to a Seat in that Honble. Body as we So obstinately (and with our Eyes open) have Refused & Still neglect to accede to the New Systim of the Union, but Sir, Reason and argument will avail nothing with those wicked & Desining opposers to a Just & Honorable Federal Government. The assembly have made a ⟨short ad⟩ journment to the last monday in December next in ⟨order to⟩ hear the Report from the Respective Towns. Mr. Haz⟨zard⟩ a Colo. John Gardner (who is Intirely under the Influence of His Politicks) are ordered by the Assembly to go on from this State and take their Seats in Congress as Soon as they Can leave Home So that in a Short time you will have those two antis to Deal with.
I am with Sincear Esteem   Sir Your Obed. Hume. Sert.

Jereh. Olney
Colo. Alexander Hamilton


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from George Washington, 6 November 1788
From: Washington, George
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Mount Vernon Novr. 6th. 1788
Dear Sir,
The Count de Moustier affording a very favourable conveyance for Captn. Cochrans Watch, I have requested the favor of him to take charge of it—and he will deliver it to you accordingly with Mrs. Washington’s & my best wishes for you & Mrs. Hamilton
I am Dr Sir Your Obedt. & affe Servt
The Honble. Alex Hamilton Esqr


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Theodore Sedgwick, [9 November 1788]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Sedgwick, Theodore

[New York, November 9, 1788]
Dear Sir
Your last letter but one met me at Albany attending Court; from whence I am but just returned. Yours of the 2d. instant is this moment handed me.
I am very sorry for the scism you hint at among the Foederalists; but I have so much confidence in the good management of the fast friends of the constitution that I hope no ill consequences will ensue from that disagreement. It will however be worthy of great care to avoid suffering a difference of opinion on collateral points to produce any serious division between those who have hitherto drawn together in the great national question. Permit me to add that I do not think you should allow any line to be run between those who wish to trust alterations to future experience and those who are desirous of them at the present juncture. The rage for amendments is in my opinion rather to be parried by address than encountered with open force. And I should therefore be loth to learn that your parties have been arranged professedly upon the distinction I have mentioned. The mode in which amendments may best be made and twenty other matters may serve as pretexts for avoiding the evil and securing the good.
On the question between Mr. H—and Mr. A— Mr. King will probably have informed you that I have upon the whole concluded that the latter ought to be supported. My measures will be taken accordingly. I had but one scruple; but after mature consideration I have relinquished it. Mr. A to a sound understanding has always appeared to me to add an ardent love for the public good; and as his further knowlege of the world seems to have corrected those jealousies which he is represented to have once been influenced by I trust nothing of the kind suggested in my former letter will disturb the harmony of the administration.
Let me continue to hear from you and believe me to be with very great esteem & regard
Yr. friend & servt

A Hamilton
New YorkNovr. 9. 1788
T. Sedgwick Esqr


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from James Madison, 20 November 1788
From: Madison, James
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[Philadelphia, November 20, 1788. On November 23, 1788, Hamilton wrote to Madison: “I thank you My Dear Sir for yours of the 20th.” Letter not found.]


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to James Madison, [23 November 1788]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Madison, James

[New York, November 23, 1788]
I thank you My Dear Sir for yours of the 20th. The only part of it which surprises me is what you mention respecting Clinton. I cannot however believe that the plan will succeed. Nor indeed do I think that Clinton would be disposed to exchange his present appointment for that office or to risk his popularity by holding both. At the same time the attempt merits attention and ought not to be negleced as chimerical or impracticable.
In Massachusettes the electors will I understand be appointed by the legislature and will be all Fœderal and tis probable will be for the most part in favour of Adams. He has tis said most partisans in the Legislature. It is said the same thing will happen in New Hampshire, and I have reason to believe will be the case in Connecticut. In this state it is difficult to form any certain calculation. A large majority of the Assembly was doubtless of an Antifœderal complexion; but the scism in the party which has been occasioned by the falling off of some [of] its leaders in the Convention leaves me not without hope, that if matters are well managed we may procure a majority for some pretty equal compromise. In the Senate we have the superiority by one. In New Jersey there seems to be no question but that the complexion of the electors will be Fœderal and I suppose if thought expedient they may be united in favour of Adams. Pensylvania you can best Judge of. From Delaware Maryland and South carolina I presume we may count with tolerable assurance on fœderal men and I should imagine if pains are taken the danger of an Antifœderal vice President might itself be rendered the instrument of Union. At any rate their weight will not be thrown into the scale of Clinton and I do not see from what quarter numbers can be marshalled in his favour equal to those who will advocate Adams supposing even a division in the Fœderal votes.
On the whole I have concluded to support Adams; though I am not without apprehensions on the score we have conversed about. My principal reasons are these—First He is a declared partisan of referring to future experience the expediency of amendments in the system (and though I do not altogether adopt this sentiment) it is much nearer my own than certain other doctrines. Secondly a character of importance in the Eastern states, if he is not Vice President, one of two worse things will be likely to happen—Either he must be nominated to some important office for which he is less proper, or will become a malcontent and possibly espouse and give additional weight to the opposition to the Government.
As to Knox I cannot persuade myself that he will incline to the appointment. He must sacrifice emolument by it which must of necessity be a primary object with him.
If it should be thought expedient to endeavour to unite in a particular character, there is a danger of a different kind to which we must not be inattentive—the possibility of rendering it doubtful who is appointed President. You know the constitution has not provided the means of distinguishing in certain cases & it would be disagreeable even to have a man treading close upon the heels of the person we wish as President. May not the malignity of the Opposition be in some instances exerted even against him? Of all this we shall best judge when we know who are electors and we must in our different circles take our measures accordingly.
I could console myself for what you mention respecting yourself, from a desire to see you in one of the Executive departments, did I not perceive that the representation will be defective in characters of a certain description. Wilson is evidently out of the question. King tells me he does not believe he will be elected into either house. Mr. G M set out to day for France by way of Philadelphia. If you are not in one of the branches, the Government may severely feel the want of men who unite to zeal all the requisite qualifications for parrying the machinations of its enemies.
Might I advise it would be that you bent your course to Virginia.
Affecy Yrs.

A Hamilton
New York Nov 23. 88
Mr. J Madison


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Ezekiel Forman, 1 December 1788
From: Forman, Ezekiel
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Philadelphia, December 1, 1788. “It is with reluctance I give you the trouble of this Letter, and were it not, that you had promised me every assistance in your power, relative to my Claim upon the Estate of the Late Mr. Livingston, consistant with the trust you had taken upon you, I should have immediate recourse to the Law, without any further or other trial for an amicable Settlement.…”


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Thomas McKean, 2 December 1788
From: McKean, Thomas
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[Philadelphia, December 2, 1788. On February 10, 1789, Hamilton wrote to McKean: “I duly received the letter which you did me the honor to write me of the 2d of Decr. last.” Letter not found.]


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Henry Banks, 12 December 1788
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Banks, Henry

[New York, December 12, 1788. On January 1, 1789, Banks wrote to Hamilton: “I recd. your letter of the 12 Ulto.” Letter not found.]


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to William Livingston, 15 December 1788
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Livingston, William

[New York, December 15, 1788. On December 22, 1788, Livingston wrote to Hamilton: “Being favoured with your letter of the 15th instant.” Letter not found.]


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from William Livingston, 22 December 1788
From: Livingston, William
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Elizabethtown [New Jersey] December 22, 1788. Discusses the settlement of the estate of Philip Livingston.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from John Chaloner, [1788]
From: Chaloner, John
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[Philadelphia, 1788.] Discusses proposals for the settlement of John Holker’s “protested Bills the property of Mr. Church— amt—£1500 Stg.”


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Henry Banks, 1 January 1789
From: Banks, Henry
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Richmond, January 1, 1789. “I recd. your letter of the 12 Ulto.… I suppose I shall be entitled to Costs of Suit with Foltz & Lorenz for the recovery of which ’tis my wish that you either take or cause measures to be taken.… Mr. Constable has a mercantile Reputation.… I shall at present leave him cloak’d under that Reputation until I see a fit oppy to attack him and it more seriously than to solicit the renewal of a Bond which equity will substantiate upon him when ever I please.…”


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Theodore Sedgwick, 4 January 1789
From: Sedgwick, Theodore
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[January 4, 1789. On January 29, 1789, Hamilton wrote to Sedgwick: “I thank you for your two letters of the 4th and 7th instant.” Letter of January 4 not found.]


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Moses Hazen, 6 January 1789
From: Hazen, Moses
To: Hamilton, Alexander

New York, January 6, 1789. Solicits Hamilton’s aid as an attorney in a controversy with one of the officers who served under Hazen during the Revolution and who was trying to collect a “Note of hand” from Hazen.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Theodore Sedgwick, 7 January 1789
From: Sedgwick, Theodore
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[January 7, 1789. On January 29, 1789, Hamilton wrote to Sedgwick: “I thank you for your two letters of the 4th and 7th instant.” Letter of January 7 not found.]


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Samuel Jones, [21 January 1789]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Jones, Samuel

[New York, January 21, 1789]
Sir
As in our conversations on the important subject of a representation in the ensuing Congress I had the pleasure to perceive that you were inclined to pursue a moderate and accommodating line of conduct; and as I have reason to believe that representations will be made of the sense of this city calculated to nourish a spirit of pertinacity in the Majority of the Assembly which may counteract the prudent views you entertain, I have thought it might be useful to possess you of a true state of facts on this head, of which you may make such use as you think proper.
The general sentiments of the citizens are that the Senate are right in the principle for which they contend; but a considerable number are of opinion that it would be better for them to depart from it than to hazard a loss of the seat of government for want of a representation in the Senate. This, however, though an extensive sentiment is far from being universal. I verily believe and I have taken great pains to ascertain the matter that a more considerable number hold that the Senate ought to persevere at every hazard. This I take to be a true account of the state of things here, and you may venture confidently to hold it up in opposition to the exaggerated stories with [which] the violent partisans will endeavour to preclude the possibility of accommodation.
But if the case were in reality such as it will be represented to be what ought to be the inference from it? Will it therefore be reasonable to sacrifice the interests of the state to a humour utterly averse to all compromise or accommodation? Perhaps it may be supposed that in this situation of affairs the Senate will be induced to yield the point. I sincerely wish that an illusion of this kind may not be productive of mischiefs which we may all have occasion to regret. I flatter myself you will believe me, sir, when I assure you upon my honor that from every thing I know of the disposition of the members of the Senate, I am led to conclude that the majority will in no event accede to the unqualified idea of a joint ballot. I am thus emphatical in my assurances on this point because I think it is of the utmost importance that there should be no mistake about it; and that if an adherence to that plan is resolved upon it may be under the full impression that a representation will not take place. And while I make this declaration I cannot but flatter myself that however it may be imagined that I miscalculate the firmness of the Senate it will at least be believed that I am incapable of an attempt to deceive under the sanction I have used.
Truly Sir this is a matter of serious moment. And allow me to hope that you will dispassionately weigh all the consequences of an obstinate adherence to the ground taken in the assembly. I am far from wishing that house to sacrifice its dignity; but I am satisfied this cannot be the case by coming into the compromise we have talked of. The Senate will in this, as far as principle is concerned give up more than the Assembly. Permit me to observe that however violence may become certain characters, your situation calls upon you to be an umpire between the zealots of all parties. You Sir as well as myself have assented to the National constitution. Your reputation as well as mine is concerned that the event shall justify the measure and that the people shall have reason from experience to think we have acted well in making them parties to that constitution. And this can only be done by pursuing such measures as will secure to them every advantage they can promise themselves under it. The vanity and the malignity of some men may be gratified by embarrassing the outset of the government; but this line of conduct would be a species of political suicide in every man who has in any shape given his assent to the system. I cannot doubt Sir that this observation will strike you as of great and real force and that you will readily perceive a vast dissimilitude between the situation of those who have concurred in establishing the constitution and those who have uniformly opposed it. An alliance between these two descriptions of men is unnatural and if closely pursued will certainly give cause of repentance to the former.
In taking the liberty to make these remarks I persuade myself you will discover nothing of a disposition unfriendly to you. I therefore make no apology for that liberty. I am much mistaken if we do not now or shall not at a future day agree in the prudence of the suggestions contained in this letter. I remain
Your obedient & huml ser

A Hamilton
New York Jany. 21. 1789


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from William Constable, 22 January 1789
From: Constable, William
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[New York] January 22, 1789. “… I called at your House to see You but found you surrounded with so many people on Business that I would not interrupt you. I hand you Gouverneur’s power of attorney which authorizes me to mortgage his Estate.…”


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Tench Coxe, [23 January 1789]
From: Coxe, Tench
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[January 23, 1789]
Dear Sir
Our city are about applying to the legislature for an incorporation, and among other lights have availed themselves of the corporation act of your city. As experience points out many defects, wch. do not at first strike the observation, you will very much oblige me by noting such things as you would advise us to avoid. If there are any matters which have been omitted, or if there are any clauses in the act of extraordinary Value I would wish your notes to extend to them. These notes maybe brief, and will be in time, if your engagements permit you to make them by the 28th or 30th. instant.
I am, Sir, very respectfully Yr. mo. obedt. h. Servt.

Tench Coxe
23d. January 89
Alexr. Hamilton Esqr.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from George Webb, 28 January 1789
From: Webb, George
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Richmond, January 28, 1789. “Some discoveries which I have made since my return from New York respecting the conduct of Mr. Simon Nathan, in the Business confided to his management by Mr. Foster Webb junr and myself, enduces me to trouble you.… The discoveries … fully evince the fraudulent Intentions and Practices of Mr. Nathan, and at the same time afford evidence which will substantiate a very considerable Debt due from him to Foster Webb junr and myself.… You will be pleased to inform me … what is done in the Suit against Nathan, as this Information may be very material to us in the progress of our Transactions here.…”


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to John Holker, [29 January 1789]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Holker, John

[New York, January 29, 1789]
I certify that I am willing and do hereby accept the brief reposed in me as a Commissioner by virtue of a certain instrument bearing date the thirty first day of December in the year one thousand seven hundred and Eighty Eight made between Daniel Parker by his Attorney Andrew Craigie John Holker William Duer Samuel Rogers by the said Andrew Craigie Royal Flint and divers Creditors of the parties of the first second & third parts in New York January 29th 1789.

Alexander Hamilton
To John Holker Esqr.or whomsoever it may Concern


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Theodore Sedgwick, [29 January 1789]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Sedgwick, Theodore

[New York, January 29, 1789]
My Dear Sir
I thank you for your two letters of the 4th and 7th instant which arrived here during my absence at Albany from which place I have but recently returned. I believe you may be perfectly tranquil on the subject of Mr. Adam’s election. It seems to be certain that all the middle states will vote for him to Delaware inclusively and probably Maryland. In the South there are no candidates thought of but Rutlege and Clinton. The latter will have the votes of Virginia and it is possible some in South Carolina. Maryland will certainly not vote for Clinton; and New York from  legisla⟨ture⟩ having by their contentions let slip the d⟨ay⟩ will not vote at all. For the last circumstance I am not sorry as the most we could hope would be to ballance accounts and do no harm. The Antifœderalists incline to an appointment notwithstanding, but I discourage it with the Fœderalists. Under these circumstances I see not how any person can come near Mr. Adams that is taking it for granted that he will unite the votes in N⟨ew⟩ Hampshire & Massachusettes. I expect ⟨—⟩ that the fœderal Votes in Virginia if any will be in favour of Adams.
You will probably have heared that our Legislature has passed a bill for electing representatives. The houses continue to disagree about Senators, and I fear a compromise will be impracticable. I do not however intirely lose hope. In this situation you will perceive that we have much to apprehend respecting the seat of Government. The Pensylvanians are endeavouring to bring their forces early in the field. I hope our friends in the North will not be behind hand. On many accounts indeed it appears to be important that there should be an appearance of zeal & punctuality in coming forward to set the Government in motion.
I shall learn with infinite pleasure that you are a representative. As to me this will not be the case, I believe, from my own disinclination to the thing. We shall however I flatter myself have a couple of Fœderalists.
I remain Yr. Affect. & Obed ser

A Hamilton
New York January 29. 1789
The. Sedgwick Esqr


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Jeremiah Wadsworth, [5–28] February 1789
From: Wadsworth, Jeremiah
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Hartford Feby. [5–28], 1789
My dear Sir
Your favor of the 25 Jany came in good time. Our Votes were given agreeably to your wishes Washington 7—Adams 5. Governor Huntington 2. By letters from Carrington I learn that Clinton is the antifederal Vice President but I think we have nothing to fear. I believe N Hampshire will give Adams 4. Massachusetts 6—Georgia 6 as letters from Georgia say he will have at least so many—which with ours makes 21, which is more than Clinton can get & we may certainly reckon on Nine Men for Adams in So Carolina Maryuland and Delaware Pensilvanea & N Jersey. We waved an answer to Your State & Virginia as you did not get my letter in Season to answer me on that Subject I feared we should not do any good by an answer—and as ye Antifederalists did not move it—I thot we had best let it Sleep. The Mony from Chaloner is to go to Church. I am dear Sir your Affectionate friend
Jere Wadsworth
When I returned from New York my friends would hear nothing of my being withdrawn from ye representation in Congress, as there was great pains taken to oppose me by ye antis & a certain set of Saints who are always preaching about ye Country against imploying in Government any of ye unconverted one of which they very foolishly take me to be, & tho I may be less usefull in ye assembly than in some other place I flatter my self some of my friends will be placed where you wish me & in that case I shall be perfectly satisfied.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Thomas McKean, 10 February 1789
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: McKean, Thomas

New York, February 10, 1789. “I duly received the letter which you did me the honor to write me of the 2d of Decr. last.… With regard to your Bond against Dowdle, when I first received it I made diligent inquiry after him, but I found that his situation and principles were equally desperate & that to make any attempt to recover the money would be to add fruitlessly to your loss.…”


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Robert Turnbull, 10 February 1789
From: Turnbull, Robert
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Petersburg, Virginia, February 10, 1789. “I am possessed of a Bill on you … dated the 10th May 1788 for £57 Virga. money, being endorsed … to me.… You will be so obliging as to give me Information, how this matter stands and what probability there is, of any recovery being made.…”


Title: Appointment as Member of Committee of Correspondence, 11 February 1789
From:
To:

New York, February 11, 1789. On this date Hamilton and twelve others were appointed “a committee to correspond with the other counties on the subject” of the election of Robert Yates as governor and Pierre Van Cortlandt as lieutenant governor of New York State.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Pierre Van Cortlandt, [16 February 1789]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Van Cortlandt, Pierre

[New York, February 16, 1789]
Dr Sir
By the direction of the Committee I transmit you the inclosed letter. I doubt not Sir you will believe me to be sincere when I assure you that I should be much more happy if circumstances permitted me to be the channel of a very different application. But such is the situation of our state that personal attachments are obliged to yield to public necessity.
As I allow myself to hope Sir that you do me the honor to rank m⟨e⟩ among the number of those who have a hig⟨h⟩ personal esteem and regard for you, I venture upon the strength of that impression to add my warmest wishes as an individual to the instances of the Committee that you may resolve to yield to the exigency of the case and withdraw from a competition in which your friends can promise themselves no advantage to you and perceive much disadvantage to the cause they have so earnestly at heart—the removal of the present governor. With the sincerest respect and attachment I have the honor to be Dr. Sir Yr. Obed & hume ser

A Hamilton
New York Feby. 16. 1789
Lt. Governor Cortland


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to the Supervisors of the City of Albany, [18 February 1789]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Supervisors of the City of Albany

[New York, February 18, 1789]
To the Supervisors of the city of Albany, in the county of Albany.
Gentlemen,
The last Tuesday of April next being the day appointed by law for the election of a Governor for the ensuing three years; the great importance of making a wise choice in the present peculiar situation of our local and national affairs, appears to have made a deep impression on the minds of considerate men in the different parts of the state.
On the eleventh instant, a numerous meeting of respectable inhabitants was held in this city to consult on what was best to be done in relation to that object; and we have been advised that similar meetings have been held in some other counties.
The meeting in this city were unanimous in the result of their deliberations; and we the subscribers were appointed a Committee to correspond with our fellow citizens in the other counties, upon the subject, in order that a mutual communication of sentiments might promote mutual confidence, and a happy concert in such a choice, as a dispassionate attention to the good of the community, divested of all particular attachments or dislikes, should be found to recommend.

The People of this State are the Sovereigns of it; and being now called upon by their constitution to appoint a Chief Magistrate, it cannot but be useful, that so high an act of sovereignty should be preceded by an interchange of ideas and sentiments especially at so critical a juncture as the present: for at no period can it be more necessary to take care that our affairs be committed to the management of disinterested, discreet and temperate rulers, than at a period when the heats of party are to be assuaged, discordant opinions reconciled, and all the inconveniences attending changes in national government provided against.
As this State is only part of a larger community; as its prosperity must therefore materially depend on its maintaining its due weight in the national scale, on its being charged with only its due proportion of public burthens, and on its deriving from the general government its due share of favor and protection, it is evidently of the greatest moment that the people should be united and circumspect; and that their rulers should be men who will neither be seduced by interest, nor impelled by passion into designs or measures, which may justly forfeit the confidence or friendship of the other members of the great national society.
On this ground it is highly necessary that the Chief Magistrate of the State should be free from all temptation wantonly to perplex or embarrass the national Government, whether that temptation should arise from a preference of partial confederacies, from a spirit of competition with the national rulers for personal pre-eminence, from an impatience of the restraints of national authority, from the fear of a diminution of power and emoluments, from resentment or mortification, proceeding from disappointment, or from any other cause whatsoever. For all attempts to perplex and embarrass would not only tend to prevent the government from doing the good they may meditate, but would also expose this State to the distrust and ill will of the others.
It is also of no inconsiderable consequence in the same view, that the Governor of the State should be of a disposition to pay those decent attentions, and practice that becoming republican hospitality, which the persons who administer the national government, and distinguished strangers in public character, whom the affairs of theunion call to reside in our capital, have a right to expect. The dignity as well as the interests of the State require this; and ample provision is constantly made for it, by the liberal salary and perquisites annexed to the office. A contrary conduct cannot fail to create disgust and contempt; and to draw not merely upon the Magistrate himself, but in some measure upon the State, imputations not a little mortifying to a people long celebrated for their hospitality, and who uniformly enable their executive representative to maintain their character in this respect. For it can never be presumed to be their intention to attach such considerable emoluments to the office, merely for the sake of enriching its possessor.
Many considerations might be detailed to shew the important light, in which our political annexation as a member of the union ought to be viewed, and to demonstrate how much the regulation of our trade, the repossession of our frontier posts and various other important interests may be affected by our having much or little influence in the confederacy. But this would lead to a discussion too lengthy for the occasion, and to reflecting men unnecessary. Hence, however, this inference is to be drawn, that we cannot be too careful in keeping power and opportunity from those, whom we have reason to believe may be predisposed to employ them in a manner, calculated to alienate the friendship and confidence of our sister States.
As to the domestic situation of the state, it appeared to the meeting to be such as to admonish us to use great circumspection in the choice of a governor.
The council of appointment is so powerful an engine in the hands of a governor, for perpetuating himself in office, that his conduct in it cannot be regarded with too watchful an eye; because it is evident that an artful man may, in the course of ten or twelve years, so fasten himself to the office by means of this engine, as to become too indifferent to the opinions and controul of the people, and perhaps immovable by the efforts of the virtuous and independent. Extremely free from blame therefore, and from all suspicion of undue attachment to place or to profit, and very satisfactory to the community at large, ought to be the administration of a governor, to render it prudent in the people to leave so powerful an engine in his hands for a long succession of years.
As on the one hand, in this council of appointment the governor will, for the most part, have a preponderating influence; so on the other, that influence will generally be exerted according to the views and wishes of the man. If he wishes to promote the public good, and to acquire fame and popularity, by acting as the governor of the state, and not as the governor of a party, then merit in every situation will be cherished and employed. If, on the contrary, offices are to be the price of obedience, and men are to enjoy his favor, no longer than they consent to be his tools, merit will be neglected, and the state must suffer by having the public business in too many instances, entrusted to improper hands.
In addition to the parties which have too long existed in the state, on personal and particular grounds, it is much to be lamented, that the new constitution for the government of the United States has divided the community on a more extensive scale, and has occasioned animosities which have not yet ceased to operate. On that great question very honest men took opposite sides; and those who were not honest assisted in “troubling the waters.”
But certainly it is now high time that those parties should subside, and should, for the sake of the public good, unite; agreeing in these two points; that all should join in supporting the constitution established by the people of the United States, and that all should join in obtaining a reconsideration of the parts which have been the subject of objection, in order that every reasonable and safe endeavour may be used to give universal satisfaction, to remove the apprehensions entertained by the honest opponents of the system, and to provide, if upon cool and deliberate examination any be found requisite, such additional securities to the liberties of the people, as shall be compatible with the salutary and necessary energy of an efficient national government. To such a compromise it is essential that the unhappy divisions which now exist among us should be buried. And to this end it is equally essential that our first magistrate should be a man of moderation, sincerely disposed to heal, not to widen those divisions, to promote conciliation, not dissention, to allay, not excite the fermentations of party-spirit, and to restore that cordial good will and mutual confidence which ought to subsist among a people bound to each other by all the ties that connect members of the same society.
It is seriously to be deplored, that dissention reigns in the most important departments of the state, and as dissentions among brethren, so destructive to the happiness of families, are often appeased by parental influence and prudence, so there is good reason to flatter ourselves, that a chief magistrate, sincerely desirous of re-establishing concord, may, without much difficulty effect it; especially if he should owe his exaltation to the votes of both the contending parties.
Reflections of this nature had their full weight in forming the opinion of the meeting, which appointed us, not only as to the necessity of choosing some other person than the present governor, but as to the man whom it would be desirable to substitute.
As we are aware, that the warm partisans of men in office are apt to represent every attempt to change them, as a species of personal injury, we think it necessary to remark in this place, that at the expiration of his three years, the constitution will return the present Chief Magistrate to the mass of the people. The question is not therefore, whether he shall be put out, but whether he shall be put in. And as no man has a right to office, or re-election, in virtue of long possession, no man of course can have a right to complain, if the people do not think it proper to continue to be governed by him.
In the consideration of the character most proper to be held up at the ensuing election, some difficulties occurred. Our fellow citizens in some parts of the state had proposed Judge Yates, others had been advocates for the Lieutenant Governor, and others for Chief Justice Morris. It is well known that the inhabitants of this city are, with few exceptions, strongly attached to the new constitution, and have been remarkably unanimous and active in its support. It is also well known, that Lieutenant Governor Cortlandt and Chief Justice Morris, whom we respect and esteem, were zealous advocates for the same cause. Had it been agreed to support either of them for the office of governor, there would have been reason to fear, that the measure would have been imputed to party, and not to a desire of relieving our country from the evils they experience from the heats of party. It appeared therefore most advisable to select some man of the opposite party, in whose integrity, patriotism and temper, confidence might justly be placed; however little his political opinions on the question lately agitated, might be approved by those who were assembled upon the occasion.
Among the persons of this description, there were circumstances which led to a decision in favor of Judge Yates. And we flatter ourselves that this decision, to those who are acquainted with the situation of the state, will be most likely to appear well founded. It is certain, that as a man and a judge, he is generally esteemed. And though his opposition to the new constitution was such as its friends cannot but disapprove; yet since the period of its adoption, his conduct has been tempered with a degree of moderation and regard to peace and decorum which entitle him to credit; and seem to point him out as a man likely to compose the differences of the state, and to unite its citizens in the harmonious pursuit of their common and genuine interest.
Of this at least we feel confident, that he has no personal revenge to gratify, no opponents to oppress, no partisans to provide for, nor any promises for personal purposes to be performed at the public expence. On the contrary we trust he will be found to be a man, who looks with an equal eye on his fellow citizens, and who will be more ambitious of leaving a good name, than a good estate, to his posterity.
For these and other reasons, which considerations of decorum induce us to pass over in silence, the meeting was unanimously of opinion, that it would be advisable to try Judge Yates, as our Governor for the next three years. They were persuaded that the state could not lose by the experiment, and entertained strong hopes that much good would redound to it from his administration.
We shall be very happy to find, that the same reasons, and that regard for the public weal, which has at all times distinguished their conduct, may induce the Lieutenant Governor and Chief Justice Morris, to forbear a competition, which can evidently, under the existing circumstances, answer no good purpose; and that they and their particular friends do generously join with their fellow citizens of every place and party in promoting the election of Mr. Yates as the only candidate likely to succeed, whose character affords a prospect, that he will, under Providence, be instrumental in preserving and advancing the dignity and interests of the people, and in restoring to them the blessings of union and cordiality at home, and respect abroad.
It will give us great pleasure to learn the sentiments of your county, on this important subject, and to know, that they coincide with those which we entertain, and which we have every reason to believe correspond with the general sense of the people of this city and county. We acknowledge that we feel a very serious anxiety for the issue; and that from the most mature reflection, we regard a change in the person of the chief magistrate, as a matter of high importance to the tranquility and prosperity of the State. Nor can we forbear as brethren and fellow citizens, earnestly to exhort the inhabitants of your county to weigh well the importance of the opportunity, which the approaching election presents to them, and to resolve to exercise their right of suffrage in that unbiassed and independent manner, which becomes a free and enlightened people. We shall only add that it is manifestly essential to ensure success to the attempt, that all those who concur in the expediency of a change should zealously unite in the support of the same candidate.
I have the honor to be,   Gentlemen,   Your obedient Servant, By order of the Committee

Alexander Hamilton, Chairman.
New-York, February 18, 1789.


Title: Introductory Note: H. G. Letters, [20 February 9–April 1789]
From:
To:

[New York, February 20, 1789–April 9, 1789]
Introductory Note

There is little doubt that Hamilton wrote the “H.G.” letters. Although he never said as much, many anonymous newspaper writers stated that he wrote them. For example, “William Tell,” whose attacks on Hamilton were so scurrilous that Francis Childs finally refused to print them in The [New York] Daily Advertiser, repeatedly named Hamilton as the author of the “H.G.” letters (see The Daily Advertiser, April 1, 21, 1789). Among other anonymous newspaper writers who named Hamilton as the author were “Whippers In” (The Daily Advertiser, April 2, 1789), “Tells Truth” (The Daily Advertiser, April 7, 1789), and an unsigned author who wrote “The Last Will and Testament of H.G.” (The New-York Journal, and Daily Patriotic Register, April 30, 1789).
The most conclusive evidence of Hamilton’s authorship is in a letter he wrote to Robert R. Livingston on March 18, 1789. Marinus Willett, a supporter of George Clinton, had challenged certain of “H.G.’s” facts. Hamilton then wrote to Livingston and Egbert Benson for proof of the facts in question (see the exchange of letters between Willett and “H.G.,” and H’s letter to Livingston of March 18). The day after Hamilton wrote to Livingston, The Daily Advertiser carried a letter from “H.G.” to Willett. Referring to Willett’s rebuttal of his facts, “H.G.” wrote: “The information which I received … was from members of the council.… These gentlemen have been written to, and the result of the inquiry shall be made known” (The Daily Advertiser, March 21, 1789). Livingston was one of the members of the “council” (the Council for the Temporary Government of the Southern District of New York) and one of those to whom Hamilton, as “H.G.,” had written. On March 22, 1789, Hamilton renewed his request to Livingston.
The sixteen “H.G.” letters, a sustained attack on Governor George Clinton, were addressed to a fictitious correspondent in Suffolk County. Each of them was headed with the following note by the editor of The Daily Advertiser: “A Series of Letters handed to the Printer, which will be published in succession.”
As published in The Daily Advertiser, there was some duplication in the numbering of the “H.G.” letters. Two were numbered VI, and two were numbered XI. The numbers given to these essays in the newspaper have been retained.
The “H.G.” letters are dated February 20, 21, 22, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28; March 2, 3, 4, 6, 7, 8, 9; April 9, 1789.