Title: To James Madison from Alexander Fowler, 15 December 1796
From: Fowler, Alexander
To: Madison, James

Dr: Sir,
Pittsburgh 15. December 1796.
After some trouble I apprehend I have collected such evidence as will sufficiently obviate the objections made by the Committee of Claims last Session. They observe—“That it is not in proof before the Committee that any timely exertions have been made by the Petitioner to obtain Lands, or that he has not obtained Lands upon them, unless the appearance of the warrants, and Brackenridges Certificate (not Hugo, but Alexander Brackenridge, Surveyor of Jefferson County) shall justify such a Conclusion, nor is there proof that the Petitioner was a reduced officer.”
There was a time when my principles were not only Known but applauded by an American Congress, and when such proofs would not have been required of me; but times are changed, as well as Men and measures. It is well that some virtuous Men retain their original principles, otherwise we should all have been swept long since, by the torrent of adulation, into a Gulph of folly and Corruption. Depending Sir, upon the Resolution of the Committee in 1783, I made myself easy, and struggled forward under accumalated difficulties, not doubting but I should ultimately arrive at Independence, so soon as Congress disposed of the western Territory; and I still retain the fullest confidence of success when my claim is thoroughly investigated, and fully understood. To doubt it would be to doubt the Justice of Congress.
My Commission in 1763, which fortunately I have by me must prove that I was a British Officer, and reduced on Half pay at that period. With respect to my obtaining Lands upon the Warrants; I had supposed, that the Warrants themselves were the strongest of all Evidence, that I had not; but it is suggested to me by a professional friend here, that a Certificate from the Land Office, expressing a return of the Warrants, is absolutely necessary, being what the Committee in 1783. Contemplates, and what the late Committee requires. My claim under the Proclamation of 1763, was proved agreeably to an existing Law of Virginia, before the County Court of Youghaganey, whose jurisdiction at that time extended over this place; and the Certificates upon which my claim rested, signed by the Colonel of the Regt. in which I served, as well as by the Commander in Chief, was either filed in the office of the Prothenotory of that Court, or forwarded to Mr. Harvey, the Register of the Land office, by whom my Warrants were Issued. I therefore humbly apprehend it may be adviseable to return the warrants, and procure the necessary Certificate from the Register of the Land office, before a further investigation of my claim takes place; and if you and my friends are of the same opinion, I flatter myself the necessary means will be taken to procure it, without my appearance at Richmond. This in my present situation is altogether impracticable, having been attacked by a Severe fit of the Gout about the middle of last Month; but I am now getting well, and am in hopes of being able to hobble down to Philadelphia in the Course of the Winter. In the mean time I could wish my business was kept in a state of postponement Untill I get forward with such documents in proof of my claim; as I have now procured. As a favorite Author of mine observes—“Grant me propitious, retirement and Health, With Competencey and a Catt: There with Sweet Liberty, In some recluse and lonely vale, far from the intrigues of a Court, calm and serene to dwell; for who would Groan beneath the galling load of power, or walk upon the Slippery pavements of the Great Who on his Glebe can reign, unenvied, happy, and Secure.” You’ll excuse my. It is the effusions of a Heart which cannot change. I have the Honor to be, with the uttmost respect, Dr. Sir, Your obliged and Obedient Servant
A: Fowler.


Title: To James Madison from Joseph Jones, [ca. 15 December] 1796
From: Jones, Joseph
To: Madison, James

Dr. Sr.
[ca. 15 December 1796]
Yours of the 11th. by this days mail I have recd. with the papers inclosed. I find nothing new from Europe. Mifflin has very fully stated to the legislature the ground of his conduct respecting the choice of Electors and will no doubt meet the public approbation. It is to be hoped an investigation of the bus[i]ness will take place if there shall be reason to think any unfairness has been practiced that the truth may come out and the public censure fall on those who are to blame if such there are. As yet there appears to be great uncertainty who will be the President—the probabi[li]ty is that if Vermont has no choice that J. will have the majority necessary to his appointmt. If the votes of that State shall be admitted I fear his Antagonist will prevail. I still hope it will devolve on the Representatives where we are taugh[t] to believe a sufft. number of the States will be in his favor. The P. in his speech seems to think the honor of the nation wounded by Adets free censures—there appears to be some gaul in the composition but it is thought by the Friends of that Republic to contain plain truths however roughly exhibited. What with the gloomy prospect presented by the present posture of French affairs as it respects America—the diminution of the British markets in Europe and their pouring in upon us their manufactures, together with the real scarsity of money, and the hazard of our exports finding a convenient market, it will be fortunate if great failures do not happen among us—already it is said some have happened in Baltimore and similar evils expected in ev⟨e⟩ry quarter of the Union—the great surplus of goods beyond the necessary demand must lye in the hands of the Merchts.—they must pay or abide the consequence and poor America become the Drs. for those manufactures Britain could not vend elsewhere. I go in the morning to Loudoun for abt. ten days—your favors will meet me on my return. Yr. friend
Jos: Jones.


Title: To James Madison from John Watts, 16 December 1796
From: Watts, John
To: Madison, James

Dear sir,
New York 16. Decr. 1796.
I yesterday recd. a Letter dated Montreal 1 Decr. Inst. from Sir John Johnson enclosing a Power of Attorney from Mr Joseph Chew to him and a Substitution to me for the Sale of 2000 A[c]res of Land in Bourboun County Kentuckey together with the enclosed Letter for you. I am desired to make Application to you on this subject, as they mention That you had a power from Mr. Chew for the Sale and That it is very possible These Lands may have been sold by you. I know Nothing of the Title Situation or Value & beg you will be so obliging as to inform me Whether you have sold this Property, if not, Whether There is any probability of selling it & for what price. Mr. Chew I understand was Agent to Sir John Johnson during his Residence in England and I have understood is largely in Arrear for Monies recd. on his Account & that the Proceeds of these Lands (which They appear very Anxious to dispose of) are to go in Part payment. I know no Person To whom I would more readily confide the Managment of this Business than yourself & sho’d be glad you would assist in the sale agreably to the Wish of the Parties And Am with great Respect your very huble frnd.
John Watts


Title: To James Madison from George Washington, 16 December 1796 (Abstract)
From: Washington, George
To: Madison, James

16 December 1796. Invites JM “to dine on Thursday next at 4 oClock.” Requests an answer.


Title: From James Madison to Joseph Jones, 16 December 1796
From: Madison, James
To: Jones, Joseph

Letter not found. 16 December 1796. Acknowledged in Jones to JM, 8 Jan. 1797. Encloses part of Thomas Paine’s Letter to George Washington and the first number of “Pelham.”


Title: To James Madison from Arthur Breese, 17 December 1796
From: Breese, Arthur
To: Madison, James

Sir.
Whitestown Dec. 17h. 96.
Your letter of the 13h. May last, was handed me some time since by Mr. Vanwyck. He informed me that since he had seen you, Mr. Bailey & himself had agreed to take the Lot you sold them at the Estimated quantity 900. acres, Declining a Resurvey.
I am inclined to believe that the Lot would more than hold out, Nine hundred Acres. I have the honor to be Sir with much Respect Your Very Obt. Sert.
Arthur Breese


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 17 December 1796
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Th: J. to J. M.
Monticello Dec. 17. 96.
Your favor of the 5th. came to hand last night. The first wish of my heart was that you should have been proposed for the administration of the government. On your declining it I wish any body rather than myself: and there is nothing I so anxiously hope as that my name may come out either second or third. These would be indifferent to me; as the last would leave me at home the whole year, & the other two thirds of it. I have no expectation that the Eastern states will suffer themselves to be so much outwitted as to be made the tools for bringing in P. instead of A. I presume they will throw away their second vote. In this case it begins to appear possible that there may be an equal division where I had supposed the republican vote would have been considerably minor. It seems also possible that the Representatives may be divided. This is a difficulty from which the constitution has provided no issue. It is both my duty & inclination therefore to relieve the embarrasment should it happen: and in that case I pray you and authorize you fully to sollicit on my behalf that mr. Adams may be preferred. He has always been my senior from the commencement of our public life, and the expression of the public will being equal, this circumstance ought to give him the preference. When so many motives will be operating to induce some of the members to change their vote, the addition of my wish may have some effect to preponderate the scale. I am really anxious to see the speech. It must exhibit a very different picture of our foreign affairs from that presented in the Adieu, or it will little correspond with my view of them. I think they never wore so gloomy an aspect since the year 83. Let those come to the helm who think they can steer clear of the difficulties. I have no confidence in myself for the undertaking.
We have had the severest weather ever known in November. The thermometer was at 12°. here & in Goochland, & I suppose generally. It arrested my buildings very suddenly when eight days more would have completed my walls, & permitted us to cover in. The drought is excessive. From the middle of October to the middle of December not rain enough to lay the dust. A few days ago there fell a small rain, but the succeeding cold has probably prevented it from sprouting the grain sown during the drouth. Present me in friendly terms to messrs. Giles, Venable, Page. Adieu affectionately.
P. S. I inclose a letter for Volney because I do not know where to address to him.
Pray send me Gallatin’s view of the finances of the U. S. and Paine’s lre. to the President if within the compas of a conveyance by post.


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 19 December 1796
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir
Philada. Decr. 19. 1796
The returns from N. Hampshire, Vermont, S. C. & Georga. are still to come in, & leave the event of the Election in some remaining uncertainty. It is but barely possible that Adams may fail of the highest number. It is highly probable, tho’ not absolutely certain, that Pinkney will be third only on the list. You must prepare yourself therefore to be summoned to the place Mr. Adams now fills. I am aware of the objections arising from the inadequateness of the importance of the place to the sacrifices you would be willing to make to a greater prospect of fulfilling the patriotic wishes of your friends; and from the irksomeness of being at the head of a body whose sentiments are at present so little in unison with your own. But it is expected that as you had made up your mind to obey the call of your Country, you will let it decide on the particular place where your services are to be rendered. It may even be said, that as you submitted to the election knowing the contingency involved in it, you are bound to abide by the event whatever it may [be]. On the whole it seems essential that you should not refuse the station which is likely to be your lot. There is reason to believe also that your neighbourhood to Adams may have a valuable effect on his councils particularly in relation to our external system. You know that his feelings will not enslave him to the example of his predecessor. It is certain that his censures of our paper systems & the intrigues at New York for setting P. above him have fixed an enmity with the British faction. Nor should it pass for nothing, that the true interest of New England particularly requires reconciliation with France as the road to her commerce. Add to the whole that he is said to speak of you now in friendly terms and will no doubt be soothed by your acceptance of a place subordinate to him. It must be confessed however that all these calculations, are qualified by his political principles and prejudices. But they add weight to the obligation from which you must not withdraw yourself.
You will see in the answer to the P.s speech, much room for criticism. You must, for the present, be content to know that it resulted from a choice of evils. His reply to the foreign paragraph indicates a good effect on his mind. Indeed he cannot but wish to avoid entailing a war on his successor. The danger lies in the fetters he has put on himself & in the irritation & distrust of the French government.


Title: From James Madison to James Madison, Sr., 19 December 1796
From: Madison, James
To: Madison, James, Sr.

Hon’d Sir
Philada. Decr. 19. 1796
We have been concerned as well as disappointed in not having a single line from Orange since we left it. Fanny has written by every post; & has reminded you & complained of it. I have never even heard whether Mordicai got back safe or not. I refer to the letter to my brother William, for the state of things here, the price of wheat &c. You expressed a wish that some articles for Negro’s cloathing &c. might be got for you. The mercantile distresses & the influx of British Goods agst. which the French have shut the ports of Europe, afford a better chance of getting them cheap than has perhaps at any time happened. It will be necessary however that Mr. Dunbar shd. remit the funds for the purpose. I have not yet recd. the remittance for Fanny, nor heard from him on the subject. Our provisions &c. sent to Fredg. are not yet arrived; and from the advance of the Season we begin to despair of their coming at all. The loss will be sensible to our comfort, as well as to our œconomy. Even the Butter from Alexanda. seems likely to miscarry. I shall be glad to learn whether Mr. Chuning finished my Stables, and whether he shingled the Barn: if the latter has not yet been done, I wish the shingles to be kept for further orders. I beg you to inform me also of the prospect of Clover seed; that I may multiply if necessary the chances of a supply. I must if possible get as much as will be wanted for one field at Sawney’s, & one if not two at Black Meadow. I hope Js. Coleman has got the sowing box made for œconomizing the seed. We all unite in our best affections to you & my mother. Yr. affe. son
Js. Madison Jr


Title: From James Madison to John Watts, ca. 23 December 1796
From: Madison, James
To: Watts, John

Letter not found. Ca. 23 December 1796. Mentioned in JM to James Madison, Sr., 25 Dec. 1796. Promises information requested by Watts on sale of Joseph Chew’s Kentucky land.


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 25 December 1796
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir
Philada. Decr. 25. 1796
I can not yet entirely remove the uncertainty in which my last left the election. Unless the Vermont election of which little has of late been said, should contain some fatal vice, in it, Mr. Adams may be considered as the President elect. Nothing can deprive him of it but a general run of the votes in Georgia, Tenissee & Kentucky in favor of Mr. Pinkney, which is altogether contrary to the best information. It is not even probable that Mr. P. will be the second on the list, the secondary votes of N. Hampshire being now said to have been thrown away on Elseworth: and a greater number consequently required from the states abovementioned than will be likely to fall to his lot. We have nothing new from Europe. The prospect & projects in our foreign Department are under a veil not a corner of which I have been able to lift. I fear the distrust with wch. the French Govt. view the Executive here, and the fetters which the President has suffered himself to put on, will be obstacles to the reconciliation which he can not fail to desire. It is whispered also that the Spanish Minister has intimated the probable dissatisfaction of his Court at the Explanatory Article of the British Treaty. Nor can it be doubted, from the nature of the alliance between that & France, that a common cause will be made in all the steps taken by the latter with respect to this Country. In the mean time the British party are busy in their calumnies for turning the blame of the present crisis from themselves, on the pretended instigations of France, by Americans at Paris; & some of them are already bold eno’ to talk of an alliance with England as the resourse in case of an actual rupture with France. The new President whoever he will be will have much in his power; and it is important to make as many circumstances as possible conspire to lead him to a right use of it. There never was greater distress than at this moment in the monied world. Failures & frauds occur daily; And are so much connected with Banks that these Institutions are evidently losing ground in the public opinion.


Title: From James Madison to James Madison, Sr., 25 December 1796
From: Madison, James
To: Madison, James, Sr.

Hon’d Sir
Philada. Decr. 25. 1796
Your two letters of the 12 & 11. came duly to hand since my last. The power of Atty sent me proves sufficient. It will be necessary for you to have a proper one at Richmond to prevent another transfer hither. The weather has been so intensely cold that I have not yet gone out to the proper office with Saml. French’s Certificate. I am at a loss to account for Mr. Noe’s draught. I know of no colour for it. The only instance of my ever owing him as much, within my recollection, was the barbacue I subscribed to, & that I well remember I paid him for shortly after, in gold as I was passing by his House. Not a syllable yet from Mr. Dunbar. Our shipment from Fredg. is now despaired of. The river here is blocked up compleatly; & so no doubt is the Rappahannock. The Thermor. has been 2° degrees below o. We have fortunately recd. a barrel of hams from Sister Macon, but did not get them for some time after their arrival, no letter of notice being sent by which to find the Vessel, & the Capt: not being able to find us. I have recd. a letter from Mr. Watts of N. York, brother in law to Sr. Jno. Johnson inclosing one from Mr. Chew, which revokes the power of Atty given us to sell his land, and lets me know that another has been granted by him in favor of Sr. Jno. It seems that as Agent to Sr. Jno. whilst in England, arrears are due which the land is to go in part paymt. of. Mr. Watts wishes all the information from us possible relative to the land, & our friendly aids for making the most of it. I have promised him both, & consequently must urge you to forward your letter for Mr. Chew open, that I may fulfil the first. The loss of my horse, tho’ I ⟨see⟩ no blame in it, deranges my plans not a little. Let Morda. C. know if you please that Sawney must have Tamerlane in place of him till the spring; and that he must have the young horse at Black Meadow broken & got ready as one to come for us. Nothing new from abroad. Mr. Adams will be President & Mr. Jefferson probably vice Presidt. Wheat abt. 1 ⅓ dolrs. tho’ scarcely any at Market. Flour abt. 10 dolrs. in the domestic market: it is scarcely in demand for the foreign, the navigation being obstructed & likely to remain so for a considerable time.


Title: National University, [26 December] 1796
From: Madison, James
To:

[26 December 1796]

   On 21 December JM had reported the following resolution from the select committee established on 12 December, relating to the section of the president’s message recommending the establishment of a national university. “Resolved, That it is at present expedient that authority should be given to enrol proper persons to receive in trust, pecuniary donations, in aid of the donations already given towards the establishment of a University within the District of Columbia.” The House referred JM’s resolution to a Committee of the Whole for 26 December, when it was debated, along with the memorial of the commissioners of the District of Columbia on behalf of a national university. Discussion centered on the extent of congressional support for such an institution (Annals of CongressDebates and Proceedings in the Congress of
          the United States … (42 vols.; Washington, 1834–56)., 4th Cong., 2d sess., 1695, 1697–1702).

Mr. Madison was far from thinking that this was a question which went to pledge Congress to support a national university. He did not think the agreeing to the present proposition would pledge Congress to pay a single farthing. He considered the question merely to be whether Congress would encourage an establishment which was to be supported independent of them. The President had thought proper to give to this institution the fifty shares in the Potomac navigation which had been presented to him as an acknowledgment of his services during the war, but which he declined accepting for his own use. All that the commissioners prayed for was to have this property secured, with any other which might be given for the same purpose, by granting due powers for the purpose. This was the simple view which he had of the subject. The gentleman from New-York (Mr. Livingston) seemed to think there was no necessity for the interference of the United S. in this business. Mr. M. said Congress had the sole jurisdiction over this district of country. It was indeed, necessary that the laws of Maryland should operate over it for the present, but they do so, said he, by authority of Congress, and Congress only can make a law on the present subject. With this idea, the commissioners had applied to them. The report before them, Mr. M. said, did not call the University a National University, it speaks of it as an University in the district of Columbia. He thought there was a material difference between calling it an University and a National University. Congress, he said, might form an Institution there, which could not be considered an Institution of the United States, which might nevertheless, have all the good of a National Institution—and it was in this qualified light in which he viewed it.


Title: Memorial of Joseph Nourse, ca. 26 December 1796
From: Madison, James
To:

Document not found. Ca. 26 December 1796. On 26 Dec. 1796 JM presented to the House of Representatives the memorial of Joseph Nourse, register of the treasury of the U.S., asking for an increase in salary. It was referred to the committee on the subject of compensation. Reported in New World, 27 Dec. 1796.


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 1 January 1797
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Jan. 1. 97.
Yours of Dec. 19. has come safely. The event of the election has never been a matter of doubt in my mind. I knew that the Eastern states were disciplined in the schools of their town meetings to sacrifice differences of opinion to the great object of operating in phalanx, and that the more free & moral agency practised in the other states would always make up the supplement of their weight. Indeed the vote comes much nearer an equality than I had expected. I know the difficulty of obtaining belief to one’s declarations of a disinclination to honors, and that it is greatest with those who still remain in the world. But no arguments were wanting to reconcile me to a relinquishment of the first office or acquiescence under the second. As to the first it was impossible that a more solid unwillingness settled on full calculation, could have existed in any man’s mind, short of the degree of absolute refusal. The only view on which I would have gone into it for a while was to put our vessel on her republican tack before she should be thrown too much to leeward of her true principles. As to the second, it is the only office in the world about which I am unable to decide in my own mind whether I had rather have it or not have it. Pride does not enter into the estimate; for I think with the Romans that the General of to-day should be a soldier tomorrow if necessary. I can particularly have no feelings which would revolt at a secondary position to mr. Adams. I am his junior in life, was his junior in Congress, his junior in the diplomatic line, his junior lately in our civil government. Before the receipt of your letter I had written the inclosed one to him. I had intended it some time, but had deferred it from time to time under the disco[u]ragement of a despair of making him believe I could be sincere in it. The papers by the last post not rendering it necessary to change any thing in the letter I inclose it open for your perusal, not only that you may possess the actual state of dispositions between us, but that if any thing should render the delivery of it ineligible in your opinion, you may return it to me. If mr. Adams can be induced to administer the government on it’s true principles, and to relinquish his bias to an English constitution, it is to be considered whether it would not be on the whole for the public good to come to a good understanding with him as to his future elections. He is perhaps the only sure barrier against Hamilton’s getting in.
Since my last I have recieved a packet of books & pamphlets, the choiceness of which testifies that they come from you. The Incidents of Hamilton’s insurrection is a curious work indeed. The hero of it exhibits himself in all the attitudes of a dexterous balance master.
The Political progress is a work of value & of a singular complexion. The eye of the author seems to be a natural achromatic, which divests every object of the glare of colour. The preceding work under the same title had the same merit. One is disgusted indeed with the ulcerated state which it presents of the human mind: but to cure an ulcer we must go to it’s bottom: and no writer has ever done this more radically than this one. The reflections into which he leads one are not flattering to our species. In truth I do not recollect in all the Animal kingdom a single species but man which is eternally & systematically engaged in the destruction of it’s own species. What is called civilization seems to have no other effect on him than to teach him to pursue the principle of bellum omnium in omnia on a larger scale, & in place of the little contests of tribe against tribe, to engage all the quarters of the earth in the same work of destruction. When we add to this that as to the other species of animals, the lions & tygers are mere lambs compared with man as a destroyer, we must conclude that it is in man alone that Nature has been able to find a sufficient barrier against the too great multiplication of other animals & of man himself, an equilibriating power against the fecundity of generation. My situation points my views chiefly to his wars in the physical world: yours perhaps exhibit him as equally warring in the Moral one. We both, I believe, join in wishing to see him softened. Adieu.


Title: To James Madison from James Monroe, 1 January 1797
From: Monroe, James
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Paris 1. Jany. 1796. [1797]
I have not heard from you since the adjourmt. of the last Congress or rather since you left Phila. after the adjourment. In my last I informed you that Adet was suspended & orders issued to seize British property in our bottoms & that the aspect here was a very menacing one, and in consequence my situation as the minister of our country a very disagreeable one, & wh. was made more so, after these measures were taken, by a reproach wh. was whispered agnst me by some & felt by many, that I had obstructed & delayed these or such like measures whilst they might have produc’d a good effect. In this state of things an acct. of my recall arrived & soon afterwards Mr. Pinckney arrived in person, and wh. incident served it is true to relieve me from the dilemma in wh. I was personally but by no means to improve the state of our affrs. It was before charged on me by many (as you have seen was the case from my first arrival here) to be a useful agent of the admn. in covering the treaty &ca and therefore on me the ill will of this govt. fell before my recall: but afterwards they ascribed my zeal & efforts to preserve tranquility &ca to sound motives & in consequence whereof the very act of my recall, became a cause of new irritation here. What followed you will hear before this reaches you, respecting the rejection of Mr. P., my farewell &ca.
My recall is an affr. upon wh. I presume the admn. has given some expln. to the Senate if not to the publick. I shod. be glad to know what reason they have given for it. I rejoice they have given me that testimony that I had no share in their councils nor portion of their confidence. It proves incontrovertibly that my efforts to reconcile this govt. to the treaty &ca by defending it &ca did not proceed from a previous harmony in political sentiment with the admn., but a sincere desire to preserve peace & tranquility between our two republicks, regarding the actual state of things. Such a document was really very necessary here, and wod. have been more so for futurity, especially after this govt. began its present system of measures so decidedly agnst. my most earnest efforts and advice: the latter of wh. was given as a man known to be friendly & sincerely so in their affrs., and not in the spirit of a pompous & vain gaschonade as some with us exhibit themselves when they speak of friendship with France & her revolution.
It is to be regretted that Mr. Washingtons testament arrived before Mr. P. for it confirmed previous unfriendly impressions. Most of the monarchs of the earth practice ingratitude in their transactions with other powers: they all however hold a different doctrine but Mr. W. has the merit of transcending, not the great men of the antient republick⟨s⟩, but the little monarchs of the present day, in preaching it as a publick virtue. Where these men will pl[u]nge our affrs. God only knows, but such a collection of vain, superficial, blunderers, to say no worse of them, were never I think before placd at the head of any respectable State.
I enclose you a copy of my address to the Directoire on taking leave & of the Presidents reply to me. The two papers contain the sum. Perhaps it is proper for you to have it inserted in our papers to prevent the errors of the Englh. papers getting the start. I propose sailing in the commenc’ment of April, & shod. sooner were it safe or suitable to make a winter passage. You will observe that altho’ my recall was decided perhaps in June, for Mr. P.’s acceptance was in July, yet I was not written to of it till 22. of Augt. nor did I receive the letter till the 6th. of Novr., so that my return home was impossible before the lot was cast for the President, had I even been disposed to withdraw before the arrival of Mr. P. which was on the 7. of Decr. Thus I am subjected to the necessity of expending here the sum allowed to defraying the charge of my journey home. We propose making in the interim a tour into Holland & perhaps into Switzerland.
The late expedition from Brest supposed for Ireland is the only interesting intelligence, except a report not well authenticated but very probable that the Porte is advancing a considerable force agnst the Emperor; I say it is probable because some thing of the kind was expected from the mission of Aubert du Bayet, & wh. is further favored by the death of the Empress.
I wish you to make known to Mr. Jones my intention to sit out in April & that I shall bring Joseph with me. Communicate also the same to Mr. Jefferson. I beg you to remember me affecy. to Dr. Edwards from whom I expected to have heard before this. I shod. write several of them but it is really unsafe & improper in the present state of things. I reserve the more however for personal communication. We sincerely wish you well & happy.


Title: To James Madison from James Madison, Sr., 2 January 1797
From: Madison, James, Sr.
To: Madison, James

Letter not found. 2 January 1797. Acknowledged in JM to James Madison, Sr., 15 Jan. 1797. Discusses purchases for Montpelier.


Title: To James Madison from John Hopkins, 3 January 1797
From: Hopkins, John
To: Madison, James

Sir.
Richmond Jan: 3d. 1797
By direction of General Jonathan Clarke I enclose you a draft for Two Hundred Dollars, the receipt of which you will be pleased to acknowledge to him to me. I am with great respect Sir Your Most Obt Servant
Jno: Hopkins


Title: To James Madison from Lawrence Taliaferro, 4 January 1797
From: Taliaferro, Lawrence
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Rose Hill Orange 4th Jay 1797
Neither Mr. Robert nor Frances Brooke will offer to represent our Destrict in Congress, they both plead that it would ruin them in their prafesion which is their principal support, or they would feel themselves much gratified in the confidence repos’d in them by their fellow Citizens. There is three Gentlemen who offer, Mr John Dawson is one who we fear is not popular enough to succeed, the other two are Genl Posey & Mr Callis of Louisa neither agreeable to our friends, the republicans, (who you Know are a large majority in this Destrict) that are not acquainted with Mr. Dawson will vote for you the rest would wish to do so, but perhaps out of politeness to you may not Chuse to be troublesome, they may Vote for Mr D. I have recd several letters from different parts of the Destrict & have seen many of our acquaintences & think I have given you a true statement of our situation. We are all sensible of the advantages we have receiv’d from your long service & as it is your wish we should be glad to see you retire, with our gratefull thanks for the benefitts we have experienc’d from your zeal for the publick good, but my Dr Sir we hope that two years more which is all we ask, will not break in on your domestick happiness or wishes, I almost expect you will have the most Votes, but consider how much your friends must be agitated between, Gratitude & self preservation. What great satisfaction would it afford your constitunts to Know that you had consented that a pole might be taken for you. I certainly shall vote for you, unless you forbid it in an answer to this which I hope you will not do, with how much pleasure I shall inform your friends, that from the solicitations of all our friends you have been compell’d to change your resolution, & to oblige you will serve two years more, which I hope you will do by writing to one or two of our friends in this Destrict that a pole may be taken for you, such information would spread with Joy, & relieve our Destrict from divided interests which may bring in a Gentleman the least expected & perhaps the least wish’d for. I fear we have lost Colo Jefferson, I wish he had been a resident of Massachusetts. The air could not have infected him & we should have had a good republican to have precided in our Executive. Giles is a good Citizen. I red the Debates of Congress. We all join in our respectful compts to you, Mrs Madison & you[r]self Ladies & am dr Sir with great Es⟨teem⟩ yr Servt. Friend
Law Tali⟨aferro⟩
We are Alarm’d at a War with France.
L T


Title: Land Sales in Ohio, [5 January] 1797
From: Madison, James
To:

[5 January 1797]
Mr. Madison submitted it to the mover whether it might not be more proper immediately to make the Enquiry of the proper department, without a committee. In general he did not see the necessity of a committee when the application could be immediately made to the department.


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 8 January 1797
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir
Philada. Jany. 8. 1797
I have recd. your favor of the 17 Ult. The election is not likely to terminate in the equilibrium of votes for which the Constitution has not provided. If the Vermont votes should be valid as is now generally supposed, Mr. Adams will have 71. & you 68. Pinkney being in the rear of both. It is to be hoped that the nicety & in truth the unpropitious casualty, of the choice of Mr. A. will lessen the evil of such an ostensible protest by this Country agst. Republicanism. Your acceptance of a share in the administration will not fail to aid this tendency. It is suggested to me that it will be necessary for you to be here before the adjournment of Congs. in order to be qualified. I have not examined the Constitution & the law on this subject. You will have the means of doing both and of deciding on the question. Altho’ I am sensible of the inconveniency of such a trip at this season of the year, yet I see so many advantages likely to result from it that I can not help wishing it may be found necessary. If you can not qualify elsewhere, you must come of course, that the danger of an interregnum may be provided against. The expence would be no objection; and is besides balanced by the effect of the qualification in settling the date of the compensation.
The special communication from the President, on our affairs with France is not yet made. The gloom over them is in no respect diminished. Not a word from Monroe, or any other quarter, relating to his recall; or enabling us to judge on the question whether Pinkney will be received. We wait with anxiety for the light that will probably be thrown on the first point, by the expected communication.
The inclosed paper will give you the foreign news as it has first made its appearance here. A comparison of paragraphs renders the Italian part of it unfavorable to the French very improbable. There may nevertheless be some foundation for it. The French operations agst. our Trade seem to be better authenticated, as well as the renewal of the Algerine warfare. The abortive result of Lord Malmsbury’s errand, is also highly probable. I just understand that Spain declared war agst. G. B. on the 8th. of Ocr. Adieu
Gallatin’s work is a book—& the Letter of Payne to Genl. W. is not within the compass of our privilege. I sent it some time ago in parcels to Mr. Jones, & requested him to forward them to you.


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 8 January 1797
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Jan. 8. 97.
Yours of Dec. 25. is safely recieved. I much fear the issue of the present dispositions of France & Spain. Whether it be in war or in the suppression of our commerce it will be very distressing and our commerce seems to be already sufficiently distressed through the wrongs of the belligerent nations and our own follies. It was impossible the bank & paper-manie should not produce great & extensive ruin. The President is fortunate to get off just as the bubble is bursting, leaving others to hold the bag. Yet, as his departure will mark the moment when the difficulties begin to work, you will see, that they will be ascribed to the new administration, and that he will have his usual good fortune of reaping credit from the good acts of others, and leaving to them that of his errors. We apprehend our wheat is almost entirely killed: and many people are expecting to put something else in the ground. I have so little expectations from mine, that as much as I am an enemy to tobacco, I shall endeavor to make some for taxes & clothes. In the morning of the 23d. of Dec. my thermometer was 5°. below o. & the 24th. it was at o. On the 26th. of Nov. 22d. of Dec. and this morning it was at 12°. above o. The last day of Dec. we had a snow 1 ½ I. deep & the 4th. of this month one of 3. I. deep which is still on the ground. Adieu affectionately.


Title: To James Madison from Joseph Jones, 8 [January] 1797
From: Jones, Joseph
To: Madison, James

Dr. Sr.
Charlottesville 8th. Decr. [January] 1797.
I recd. the other day yours of the 16th ult. inclosing a part of paines letter to the president (from 41 to 64) the appendix and the first number of Mr Pelham, which as a specimen of the writers design, and liberality of sentiment, does not exhibit him in a very favourable point of view. This man is not for a total but partial disorganisation, and as he belongs to or speaks from Connecticut will not I expect be stigmatised with the common epithet of Disorganiser but had he blown the trumpet in the South he would certainly have been placed in that predicament. He does not degrade us to the servile office of toad eaters, but exalts us to the honourable Station of Canibals or at least insinuates we have a strong propensity to Mans flesh and will I expect be found the best reason he can assign for a separation from the Southern people. I wish to see the other part of the pamphlet of Paines addressed to the P: and fear as the last part has come first the other has miscarried. If Mr. Jefferson gets it as he tells me he expects to do I may while here get the perusal. I see By the papers the probability of A’s being the P. but yet nothing satisfactory who will be the V. P. I shall continue here some weeks and have directed the Post Master in Fredericks [burg] to forward letters and papers to me here while I stay. No news what has been the effect of Ld Malmsburys embassy. This severe weather will prevent your receiving your goods from Virga. wch. yr. Father said had not been sent before the frost set in and must raise high the price of wood with you as well as provisions. I wish you all well. Yr friend & Servt.
Jos: Jones


Title: To James Madison from Edmund Randolph, 8 January 1797
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Madison, James

My dear sir
Richmond January 8. 1797.
Judge Claiborne, of the state of Tennessee, has requested me to introduce him to you. He is travelling on to Philadelphia, with a view to solicit the appointment of district-judge in that state under the U. S. Altho’ a young man, his pretensions have been marked by the opinion, prevailing there, of his superiority over his present competitors, who formerly contested with him the seat on the state Bench. I am satisfied, that his talents outweigh theirs; and that the improvements, inseparable from years and observation, will render him an able dispenser of justice. His private character is unquestionable; and if I supposed it practicable for you to aid his views, I would not hesitate to throw him upon your attentions. But knowing, that the avenues to this species of office are shut to a particular description of men, I ask of you for him only the countenance, which you may find it easy to give him. From every thing that I can learn, he is a very influential man in Tenassee; and can be advanced to any scale of popular favor, which he may choose.
Virginia is very little more in this quarter, than a colony of Philadelphia. No conversation, no object political, commercial, and in many instances legal, can occur, without looking up to that city as the standard. We are even unable to procure the current publications; until they are stale there. Whatever is said in favor of the government is circulated under franks from the treasury &c. But not a Virginian eye has seen Gallatin’s pamphlet, Dwights address to the President, President the 2d. &c &c.
Mrs. Payne was with us last evening in good health and spirits. Our best respects to Mrs. M. I am my dear sir Yrs. very afftly.
Edm: Randolph.


Title: To James Madison from James Madison, Sr., 8 January 1797
From: Madison, James, Sr.
To: Madison, James

Letter not found. 8 January 1797. Acknowledged in JM to James Madison, Sr., 22 and 29 Jan. 1797. Discusses family matters and crops at Montpelier.


Title: James and Dolley P. Madison v. Edward Heston, 10 January 1797 (Abstract)
From: Madison, James,Madison, Dolley Payne Todd,Heston, Edward
To:

10 January 1797, Philadelphia Court of Common Pleas. Dolley Madison and JM brought suit against Edward Heston to recover costs incurred by Dolley Madison and the late John Todd for nursing and burying Heston’s son, Isaac, in 1793. The plaintiffs abandoned the cause and agreed to a nonsuit.


Title: To James Madison from George Taylor, Jr., 11 January 1797
From: Taylor, George, Jr.
To: Madison, James

Dear sir,
Philadelphia 11 January 1797.
Being prevented by excessive hurry of Business at the office, from waiting on you in person, I take the liberty of reminding, you by a few lines, of my unpleasant situation as to salary being the same as it was when I last troubled you on the subject. I need not mention or urge to a gentleman of your independent Character, how irksome it must be to a feeling mind to be totally dependent on the Head of a Department for fixing the quantum of salary which he shall receive. On looking over Brown’s paper of this evening I observe that the assistant Post Master General is classed with the Heads of Departments in the Report of the Committee on Compensations. On a former occasion you endeavored to have me thrown into that Class, but it was then objected that I was not a commissioned officer. Now as this is the case with the assistant Post Master and I believe with some others, and as very good reasons might be assigned for placing me, on a different footing from the other Chief Clerks, would it not give a pretext for renewing the attempt? It is now upwards of eleven years since I entered the office of State and I have never been allowed even a decent support for myself and family.
Pardon this freedom, and believe me to be with the most perfect respect and attachment Dear sir, Your most obt. servant
Geo: Taylor Jr:


Title: Petition of Gilbert Dench, [11 January] 1797
From: Madison, James,Dench, Gilbert
To:

[11 January 1797]

   The House went into a Committee of the Whole to consider the report of the Committee of Claims on Gilbert Dench (Annals of CongressDebates and Proceedings in the Congress of
          the United States … (42 vols.; Washington, 1834–56)., 4th Cong., 2d sess., 1835–36).

Messrs. Madison … were of opinion, that if Mr. Dench had any claim it was upon the state of Massachusetts, and not upon the United States.


Title: Relations with Algiers, [13 January] 1797
From: Madison, James
To:

[13 January 1797]

   On 10 January the House had considered a motion that a committee be appointed “to select such parts of the confidential communication sent … by a message of the President of the United States” on 9 January “as in their opinion may, with propriety, be printed.” JM, Ames (Massachusetts), Sherburne (New Hampshire), Davenport (Connecticut), Livingston (New York), Grove (North Carolina), and Baldwin (Georgia) were appointed to the committee (JHRJournal of the House of Representatives of
          the United States (9 vols.; Washington, 1826)., 2:747).

Mr. Madison, from the committee to whom was referred the confidential communication received from the President of the United States a few days ago, gave notice that he had a report to make on the subject. The house and galleries were accordingly cleared.


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 15 January 1797
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir
Philada. Jany. 15. 1797.
The last mail brought me your favor of Jany. 1. inclosing an unsealed one for Mr. A. & submitting to my discretion the eligibility of delivering it. In exercising this delicate trust I have felt no small anxiety, arising by no means however from an apprehension that a free exercise of it could be in collision with your real purpose, but from a want of confidence in myself, & the importance of a wrong judgment in the case. After the best consideration I have been able to bestow, I have been led to suspend the delivery of the letter, till you should have an opportunity of deciding on the sufficiency or insufficiency of the following reasons. 1. It is certain that Mr. Adams, on his coming to this place, expressed to different persons a respectful cordiality towards you, & manifested a sensibility to the candid manner in which your friends had in general conducted the opposition to him. And it is equally known that your sentiments towards him personally have found their way to him in the most conciliating form. This being the state of things between you, it deserves to be considered whether the idea of bettering it is not outweighed by the possibility of changing it for the worse. 2. There is perhaps a general air on the letter which betrays the difficulty of your situation in writing it, and it is uncertain what the impression might be resulting from this appearance. 3 It is certain that Mr. A. is fully apprized of the trick aimed at by his pseudo-friends of N. Y: and there may be danger of his suspecting in memento’s on that subject, a wish to make his resentment an instrument for avenging that of others. A hint of this kind was some time ago dropped by a judicious & sound man who lives under the same roof, with a wish that even the Newspapers might be silent on that point. 4. May not what is said of “the sublime delights of riding in the storm &c.” be misconstrued into a reflexion on those who have no distaste to the helm at the present crisis? You know the temper of Mr. A. better than I do: but I have always conceived it to be rather a ticklish one. 5. The tenderness due to the zealous & active promoters of your election, makes it doubtful whether, their anxieties & exertions ought to be depreciated by any thing implying the unreasonableness of them. I know that some individuals who have deeply committed themselves, & probably incurred the political enmity at least of the P. elect, are already sore on this head. 6. Considering the probability that Mr. A.s course of administration may force an opposition to it from the Republican quarter, & the general uncertainty of the posture which our affairs may take, there may be real embarrassments from giving written possession to him, of the degree of compliment & confidence which your personal delicacy & friendship have suggested.
I have ventured to make these observations, because I am sure you will equally appreciate the motive & the matter of them; and because I do not view them as inconsistent with the duty & policy of cultivating Mr. Adam’s favorable dispositions, and giving a fair start to his Executive career. As you have, no doubt, retained a copy of the letter I do not send it back as you request. It occurs however that, if the subject should not be changed in your view of it, by the reasons which influence mine, & the delivery of the letter be accordingly judged expedient, it may not be amiss to alter the date of it; either by writing the whole over again, or authorizing me to correct that part of it.
The special communication is still unmade. It is I am told to be extremely voluminous. I hope, under the sanction of the P.’s reply to our address, that it will be calculated rather to heal than irritate the wounded friendship of the two countries. Yet, I cannot look around at the men who counsel him, or look back at the snares into which he has hitherto been drawn without great apprehensions on this subject. Nothing from France subsequent to the arrival of Pinkney. The negociations for peace you will see are suspended. The accession of Spain to the war enforces the probability that its calamities are not likely yet to be terminated. The late News from the Rhine & from Italy are on the whole favorable to the French. The last battle was on the 27 Ocr. in the Hunspruck, and ended in a victory on their side. The House of Rep: are on direct taxes, which seem to be so much nauseated & feared by those who have created both the necessity & odium of them, that the project will miscarry. Hamilton, you will recollect assured the farmers that all the purposes of the Govt. could be answered without resorting to lands Houses or stock on farms. This deceptive statement with other devices of his administration, is rising up in judgment agst. him & will very probably soon blast the prospects which his ambition & intrigues have contemplated. It is certain that he has lost ground in N. Y. of late; & his treachery to Adams, will open the eyes of N. England.


Title: From James Madison to Robert R. Livingston, 15 January 1797
From: Madison, James
To: Livingston, Robert R.

Dear Sir
Philada. Jany. 15. 1797.
I have lately recd. a letter from Mr. Freneau, who formerly edited the National Gazette in this City, in which he tells me that he has removed from N. Jersey to N. York, and is associating himself with Mr. Greenleaf in the publication of a Daily & Biweekly papers. Having been acquainted with Mr. Freneau from our youths, and being sensible of his private worth, his literary talents, and his steady attachment to the true principles of liberty as displayed in our Revolution & republican forms of Government, I feel an interest in the success of his laudable pursuits, which will I hope apologize for the freedom of recommending him to your esteem and countenance. You can appreciate much better than I can the particular undertaking he has in hand; but if it merits the encouragement which I hope it does, the value of your favorable attention to it, justifies the ambition he feels to obtain it.
The President has not yet made the special communication on our affairs with France. It is much to be wished that it may be of a complexion to heal, rather than ulcerate the wounded friendship between the two countries; and the tenor of his reply to the address of the House of Reps. would justify an expectation that this will be the case. I do not learn that any accounts have been recd. from Paris, subsequent to the arrival of Genl. Pinkney.
You will see by the Newspapers that the H. of Reps. is employed on the subject of direct taxes; the necessity of which is enforced by an elaborate Report of Mr. Wolcott. It will be recollected that his predecessor, not very long since assured the farmers that all the wants of the Govt. could be supplied without a resort to their land their houses, or the stock on their farms. Delusive representations of this sort have contributed much to the odium which now embarrasses the question on that species of taxation. With very great esteem & regard I am Dear Sir Your mo: Obedt. hble servt.
Js. Madison Jr


Title: To James Madison from Francis Corbin, 15 January 1797
From: Corbin, Francis
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Blandfield Essex Jany 15th. 1797.
It is a long time since I had the pleasure of writing to you, and as the Subject of this Letter will not be of a political or public, but altogether of a private and confidential kind, I ought, perhaps, to apologise for it. But I have always relied very much on your goodness and, I assure you, my opinion of it is still exalted and still undiminish’d. An excuse, therefore, would be improper—because, I am sure, you would think it superfluous. The State of my Health has divorced me from Politics. On matters of this sort I have nothing to say, tho’ I should be glad to hear whatever you may think worth communicating. The immediate Object of my present intrusion on your time is to request Answers to the Queries I have subscribed. You can give them more satisfactorily than any of my other friends in Philadelphia, and will do it, I know, with cheerfulness.
The dislike I have had, all my life, to Slavery increases as I advance in years. Indeed now I have become a married man, and am obliged to be more conversant with it than I ever was before, I find it to be intolerable. Reluctant as I shall be to leave the old Dominion—yet my aversions to Slavery will conquer all my native predilections & cause me to Emigrate Eastward—if the Result of my Enquiries should meet my Wishes. But I mention this to you in Confidence.
1. Is Providence Town in Rhode Island, or Newhaven, or Hartford, or Middletown in Connecticut preferable in point of Health, Markets and cheapness?
2. For what Income could a small Family of four or five persons with five or Six Servants live decently and comfortably in either of these Towns?
3. What is the average Price of Lands pr. Acre in the neighborhood of them, what their Produce, and what the estimated Interest on Landed Property?
4. Is House Rent cheap or dear—and what is Fuel?
5. What are the Laws in both States relative to Slavery? Do they admit persons coming to reside to hold them for a term of years—or for life—or not all?
6. What is the Legal rate of Int. for Money in both.
7. In which do Fish abound most?
8. What is the expence of educating a Youth at Providence College or at Yale? What Schools for Females?
9. What Trade is reckoned the most profitable and safe?
10. Would the Produce of a Virga. Plantation imported annually into either of them turn to a good Acct.?

Being in some haste at present—some of the above Queries may not be so definite and so accurate as they might be—but your Quantum of Intellect will supply evry deficit of mine.
Whilst I regret your Retirement from public Life permit me to congratulate you on the approaching enjoyment, as a married man, of those domestic comforts, which your Virtue and your Patriotism have not yet permitted you to taste as you deserve.
Tho’ a Stranger to Mrs. Madison—be pleased to present my best Respects to her, as your acquaintance, and accept evry good Wish from Dr Sir with Sincere Respect and Esteem Yr. Obliged friend & St
Francis Corbin
Direct to me if you please at Fredsbg. for the present.


Title: From James Madison to Robert Gamble, 15 January 1797
From: Madison, James
To: Gamble, Robert

Letter not found. 15 January 1797. Acknowledged in Gamble to JM, 21 Jan. 1797. Encloses newspapers and a bank note of $50 for Mary Coles Payne. Discusses political and international news.


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 16 January 1797
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Jan. 16. 97. Monticello
The usual accidents of the winter, ice, floods, rains, have prevented the Orange post from coming to Charlottesville the last postday, so that we have nothing from Philadelphia the last week. I see however by the Richmond papers a probability that the choice of V. P. has fallen on me. I have written the inclosed letter therefore to mr. Tazewell as a private friend, and have left it open for your perusal. It will explain it’s own object & I pray you & mr. Tazewell to decide in your own discretion how it may best be used for it’s object, so as to avoid the imputation of an indecent forwardness in me.
I observe doubts are still expressed as to the validity of the Vermont election. Surely in so great a case, substance & not form should prevail. I cannot suppose that the Vermont constitution has been strict in requiring particular forms of expressing the legislative will. As far as my disclaimer may have any effect, I pray you to declare it on every occasion foreseen or not foreseen by me, in favor of the choice of the people substantially expressed, and to prevent the phaenomenon of a Pseudo-president at so early a day. Adieu, yours affectionately
Th: Jefferson


Title: To James Madison from James Madison, Sr., 16 January 1797
From: Madison, James, Sr.
To: Madison, James

Letter not found. 16 January 1797. Referred to in JM to James Madison, Sr., 5 Feb. 1797. Acknowledged in JM to James Madison, Sr., 13 Feb. 1797. Encloses James Madison, Sr., to Joseph Chew, 15 Jan. 1797, on Kentucky lands and family matters (NHi).


Title: To James Madison from John Bacon, 18 January 1797
From: Bacon, John
To: Madison, James

Sir,
Stockbridge 18th. Jany. 1797.
It may be matter of surprize to you to receive a letter from a person whose name you, probably, may never have heard.
I have been gratified by reading the printed debates in Congress on the important subject of the treaty-power. I have been particularly pleased with the political principles which, on various occasions, appear uniformly to have influenced your conduct.
In the late debates in Congress on the subject of the treaty, I am fully convinced that the advantage, in point of argument, was decidedly in favor of those who were opposed to it. As to the merit, or demerit of that instrument, I consider this of but small importance, compared with the constitutional principle, on which the treaty-power is claimed to be vested in the President & Senate. This, it appears to me, is a radical, & all-important principle, which must essentially affect the whole system of our government. On the final determination of this principle, depends, as I conceive, the fate of the United States. Perhaps I am too sanguine. The popular current in many parts of the country seems now to set strong towards Aristocracy, Monarchy, or De[s]potism. And it appears to me, that nothing short of the most prudent, persevering, & united exertions of those who are real friends to the equal rights & happiness of men, can effectually check this current.
The advocates of what I consider, as despotism, are availing themselves of popular prejudice. Rational & manly inquiry is exploded—sophistical pamphlets are multiplied, & our presses teem with declamations, extracts, & other performances, addressed to the passions of an honest, but delud[ed] people.
That the President & Senate are, by the Constitution, vested with power to make treaties, I suppose there can be no doubt. But the question with me is, Whether they are authorized to extend that power to those particular subjects which are expressly vested in other departments of the government? If they may do this in one instance, I see not why they may not do it in every instance. And if so, our government, as I conceive, is less that of a free Republick than what it has generally been supposed to be.
I have lately met with a pamphlet, addressed to the Citizens of the United States, under the signature of A Senator of the United States. I have put into the hands of my friend Genl Skinner, a manuscript containing some observations on that pamphlet, & have taken the liberty to request him to submit it to your inspection, provided you can find leisure & patience to peruse it. I have thought that the principles on which the dispute must turn, lie within a narrow compass, & that the question, altho’ of the greatest importance, is by no means, intricate.
There are, in the part of the country in which I live, but few men of extensive information who will, at this time, avow principles which coincide with mine. May I be permitted to suggest this consideration as my best apology for an intrusion of this kind? I am, with sentiments of great respect & esteem; Your most obedt humble Servant
John Bacon


Title: To James Madison from Enoch Edwards, 19 January 1797
From: Edwards, Enoch
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Frankford 19 Jany. 1797.
Before I left France Mr: Skipwith prepared the inclosed Papers—for you, & wished very much they should be published—but on a Conversation I had with Him I prevailed on him to retract from that Determination. He however left the Papers with Me & desired I would use my own Discretion as to what Use might be made of them.
I have been a good deal indisposed since I had the Pleasure to see you here—or I should have been a troublesome Visitor to you—however I am mending very fast & intend to be in good health very soon.
Mrs: Edwards & Miss Clarkson join in best Respects to you & your Ladies. I am Dear Sr with sincere Esteem & Regard Your obedt St
Eno. Edwards


Title: Additional Revenue, [19 January] 1797
From: Madison, James
To:

[19 January 1797]

   The report of the Committee of Ways and Means calling for additional revenue of $4,724,360 had been presented to the House on 12 January. The next day a Committee of the Whole began a lengthy debate on direct taxes (on land and slaves) and indirect taxes (on salt, sherry, wine, foreign spirits, tea, brown sugar, stamps, and windows, and including an increase in ad valorem duties on imports). On 19 January, Swift (Connecticut) moved an amendment that direct taxes be apportioned among the states not according to the “last census” but “according to their numbers.” His reason was that since the last census the population of Connecticut had scarcely increased while that of New York had doubled (Annals of CongressDebates and Proceedings in the Congress of
          the United States … (42 vols.; Washington, 1834–56)., 4th Cong., 2d sess., 1843–50, 1858–72, 1874–93, 1896–1913, 1915–16).

Mr. Madison said he thought the amendment a proper one; it went to generalize the proposition, by striking out the words proposed, and would render it appropriate to the time of the law going into effect. If the tax were to be apportioned according to numbers, it must be according to the numbers as last legally ascertained by census. If no new census were taken before the act took place, then the last must be the guide; but if a new census, then that must be the guide. For these reasons, he was in favour of the amendment.

   Claypoole’s Am. Daily Advertiser, 21 Jan. 1797 (reprinted in Philadelphia Gazette, 25 Jan. 1797, Gazette of the U.S., 20 Feb. 1797, and American Senator, 2:154; briefly reported in Merchants’ Daily Advertiser, 20 Jan. 1797, and New World, 21 Jan. 1797, where JM is said to have opposed the amendment).

[19 January 1797]

   Smith (South Carolina) objected to Swift’s amendment as intending to defeat the tax bill.

Mr. Madison said he did not know to whom the gentleman referred when he said there seemed to be an intention of defeating the bill; he could assure him it was not his intention. He wished to give the proposition the fullest discussion, that the real disposition of the house might be known. The amendment, he said, could not have the effect that the gentleman supposed. If it was the intention of the legislature to have a new census, it might be taken in time; but he did not believe a new census would be taken; and, if not, the apportionment must be according to the last census, because there would be no other rule; but, if there should be another, who would say it ought not to be conformed to? If it could be really supposed that there was any intention to defeat the original proposition by this amendment, it certainly would not have his patronage.

   Claypoole’s Am. Daily Advertiser, 21 Jan. 1797 (reprinted in Philadelphia Gazette, 25 Jan. 1797, Gazette of the U.S., 20 Feb. 1797, and American Senator, 2:154–55).

[19 January 1797]

   After further debate.

Mr. Madison said, if he had foreseen that the amendment proposed could have been supposed to embarrass the measure, he should not have seconded it; but he thought it could not have that effect. He would ask, if there was a gentleman in favour of the proposition, who would not have agreed to it, if the words proposed to be struck out had not been in it? And if not, why object to the amendment. He did not think it likely that a new census would be taken; but he did not think it was necessary to prejudge that question. It was an object of detail, and might properly be determined upon hereafter. Without it the proposition would be more general. It would have the same operation in one form as in the other, and no gentleman could complain of having his intention of moving for a new census prevented by a prejudgment of the question.

   Claypoole’s Am. Daily Advertiser, 21 Jan. 1797 (reprinted in Philadelphia Gazette, 25 Jan. 1797, Gazette of the U.S., 20 Feb. 1797, and American Senator, 2:158; briefly reported in New World, 23 Jan. 1797). Swift’s amendment was defeated, and the Committee of the Whole approved a resolution in favor of direct taxes on land and slaves (Annals of CongressDebates and Proceedings in the Congress of
          the United States … (42 vols.; Washington, 1834–56)., 4th Cong., 2d sess., 1927, 1931).


Title: From James Madison to Horatio Gates, 20 January 1797
From: Madison, James
To: Gates, Horatio

Dear Sir
Philada. Jany. 20. 1797
During my recess in Virginia Mr. Jefferson put into my hands to be forwarded to you, your Letter Book which you had been so good as to leave with him. Considering the deposit as a precious one, I have been more anxious for a certain than a speedy Conveyance for it. The trip Mr. E. Livingston makes to N. York, furnishes an unexceptionable one, and I accordingly avail myself of it.
We get our foreign news chiefly thro’ N. Y. and the newspapers give you from day to day our Legislative transactions. On these heads therefore I have nothing new to offer you. The President has just laid before Congress, his promised communication on our affairs with France. The House having ordered it to be printed without its being ready, and it being extremely voluminous, we know nothing more of its contents or its scope than what may be inferred from the short accompanying note to the two Houses, which you will see in the Newspapers. With my respectful compliments to Mrs. Gates, and the sincerest esteem I remain Dear Sir Your Mo: Obedt friend & servt.
Js. Madison Jr


Title: Additional Revenue, [20 January] 1797
From: Madison, James
To:

[20 January 1797]

   The House took up the resolution for direct taxes on land and on slaves reported by the Committee of the Whole on 19 January. Coit (Connecticut) called for the propositions for taxes on land and slaves to be put separately (Annals of CongressDebates and Proceedings in the Congress of
          the United States … (42 vols.; Washington, 1834–56)., 4th Cong., 2d sess., 1932).

Mr. Madison thought it would be best for the two propositions to go together; but if not, he did not think the embarrassments insuperable. If the question was divided, those who thought a tax on slaves necessary, must vote for the first part, and if the second was rejected, there would not be wanting an opportunity of voting against the tax on land. It was necessary to observe that it had been found expedient to associate these two taxes together in order to do justice to and to conform to the established usage of a very large tract of country, who were entitled to some degree of attention, and to whom a tax on land, without a tax on slaves, would be very objectionable.


Title: To James Madison from Robert Gamble, 21 January 1797
From: Gamble, Robert
To: Madison, James

Dear sir
Richmond 21t. Jany. 1797
Your esteemed favor of the 15th: is at hand Covering a Bank note of Fifty Dollars for Mrs. Payne, which I will deliver her, as soon as she returns to Town. Polly & her are gone to Mrs. Winstons in Hanover about a Week past. They are however expected back in a day or two—polly having promised to return in time for the next dancing Assembly night Viz the 25th. The several packets of letters for them Which are to my care is received & will be safely delivered—or sent to them by first chance, if they continue in the Country longer.
I am much obliged for the concise remarks hinted at respecting the business before Congress—the Europian prospects of peace &c—and for the News papers enclosed. Should I again on any occasion be favored with a line from you—and you could recollect the matter—Viz—I take Claypooles daily paper—consequently other publications than from those printers—only, would be to me acquisitions.
Respecting Revenue which is become necessary—And the mode of raising it agitating in Congress—I observe what you say about the probability that Land tax &c. will be rejected. In heavens name What other sources of Revenue presents to View.
Commerce shackled as it is—can support no more. The Competition in business has been such for some years That many cargoes have been sold—for little more than Cost & charges—& even to raise Money to discharge the enormous duties as well as other demands on Mercantile men Who must Observe punctuality. Sacrifices are daily making of merchandize that sinks any little proffit which may have Accrued for part of the importations. The merchant is supporter of the present Government, he is the Collector too of its Revenue. The Consumer (except in articles peculiarly singled out, or accidently enhanced in price such as W. I. produce &c)—Supplies himself & family on usual terms, Whilst the produce of the soil is enhanced 100 PCt. But observe also Many large Estates Manufacture nearly all within itself Consequently these pay nothing of the enormous burthen. The Merchant with others living in Citys & towns has to encounter the unequelled expense of supporting his family—by the products of Agriculture purchased at rates if he even made a proffit is sinking the Whole—Accustomed to social intercourse with his fellow neighbors & Citizens from Various parts—augment the expense of living. Look into every City or Town & see how few Men—with all their enterprize & industry—from the Confidence he has reposed in Men being abused by delinquent payment & all &c &c that follow—I say see how few men are able to bear up more than a few years. And altho’ from a constant succession of men that attempt this occupation, the Chasm is not discovered—yet it is far from a truth that Merchants generally grow Rich. On the Contrary—an industrous farmer Generally progresses. Why then exhaust one source only. Why hurry to destruction many useful & patriotic supporters of our Government Who almost without a murmer have struggled under the load imposed on one class. Why lay a temptation in the way to destroy the Conscientious rectitude of men—hitherto not surpast respecting honesty in Entering, & punctuality in payment of impost—by any people in the World. Should smuggling once be introduced—your fair Trader is damned & Revenue gone.
As to myself—my little property is so divided in Lands Lotts & Houses slaves, & merchandize—that every mode of taxation must be sensibly felt. But Common Justice requires some mode of Revenue that will embrace Our Citizens equally. The rapid increase in Value of Lands—the extraordinary price of produce of every description produced from the farm—the General prosperity of this class of Citizens, enables them to bear a considerable proportion of the burthen with those on Whom indirect taxes fall, in the first, & sometimes in the last instance only—and for three years past had Land taxes been adopted—could have paid a revenue little short of the impost without feeling any inconvenience worth mentioning. It is desireable to get our public debt discharged—it is desireable to have a permanent Revenue, not so subject to accident & uncertainty as the impost—in addition thereto at this Critical Juncture, when we are Maltreated pillaged & insulted by the Nation to whom our attachment has bordered on enthusiasm—and liable to similar distresses from all the Europian Marauding governments—Shall we not resort to some plan in aid of the impost—and let Commerce struggle on with the burthens it at present labors under without addition.
Difficulties no doubt will present itself to View—to equallize the tax—to make it palatable—to collect it with Certainty & as little expense as possible. But if Members lay aside their ⟨speeches &?⟩ popular seeking Conduct—which too evidently operates to produce from some—the speeches we see—and in this delicate situation, as well respecting our relations; of a foreign nature—as the means of aiding our Revenue—will act with calm deliberation, as becomes the fathers of our Country—I trust under providence measures will be adopted salutary—and equal to the difficulty.
It is with concern the Citizens of this place & thro’ Virginia hear you intend declining to serve in Congress. I hope it is not true. No successor can possibly have the Confidence of the people equal to what your long experience, integrity & Judgment in matters of Government have inspired. Occasionally—your real friends & the real friends of our Constitution may not View the same subject alike with you but—you have their Confidence—their Esteem—they rely on your Virtue, & patriotism, they rely on your wisdom & talents—they acquiesce. They Love you from the right source, nor will this class of our Citizens—in affection for you, ever suffer on comparison with Clamorous proffessors of Patriotism—that stun our ears by declarations in favor of this or that party or men.

Our critical situation calls on a proof of your Love of Country, for one Congress more at le[a]st.
You will pardon My Dear sir this hasty scrawl. I have run on with a string of crude & hasty remarks, that my slender personal acquaintance may not justify. They are well Meant. You will take in good part the honest effusions of a heart—that ardently wishes, the good of our Common Country—and who is Dear sir With sincere regard your friend & Obt Hum srt
Ro Gamble


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 22 January 1797
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir
Philada. Jany. 22. 1797.
I have recd. yours of Jany. 8th. You will find by the papers that the communication on French affairs, has been at length made. Being ordered to be printed without being read, I have no direct knowledge of its character. Some of the Senate where it has been read in part, represent it as well fitted to convert into an incurable gangrine, the wound which the friendship between the two Republics has suffered. Adding this on our side to the spirit manifested in the language & the proceedings on the other, an awful scene appears to be opening upon us. The only chance to escape it lies in the President-Elect. You know the degree in which I appreciate it. I am extremely apprehensive that he may have been drawn into a sanction to this last step of the Executive, by a complimentary initiation into the business which is soon to devolve on him. This is however apprehension merely; no circumstance being known from which the fact can be inferred. We hear nothing from Monroe or from Pinkney. It has got into the Newspapers that an Envoy Extraordy. was to go to France, and that I was to be the person. I have no reason to suppose a shadow of truth in the former part of the story; and the latter is pure fiction. Doctr. Logan has put into my hands a copy of his Agricultural experiments for you which I will forward. A vote has passed in favor of a direct tax. The event is notwithstanding doubtful. The Eastern members, after creating the necessity for it, increasing the odium of it, and reproaching their Southn brethren with backwardness in supporting the Govt. are now sneaking out of the difficulty, and endeavouring whilst they get what they wish, to enjoy the popularity of having opposed it.


Title: From James Madison to James Madison, Sr., 22 January 1797
From: Madison, James
To: Madison, James, Sr.

Hon’d Sir
Philada. Jany. 22. 1797
The last mail brought us the pleasure of yours, of Jany. 8th. Fanny did not bring the letter-types with her, and cannot say with absolute certainty where they are to be found. She is pretty confident however that she put them in the Closet upstairs, on the right hand shelf, among some books. The shortness of the crop of Corn at Black-Meadow is a proof of the ruinous tendency of perpetual cultivation, and of the absolute necessity, of a meliorating rotation of rest, & red Clover, with all the help that manures can supply. As you do not mention the amount of the Rye Crop, I can not well decide on the quantity of corn that will be wanted. I must leave that point, therefore to Mordecai, & yourself, with a request that it may be purchased on the best terms to be had. If the crop be generally short in the neighbourhood it may be well to calculate on a rise of price: if there be a plenty for sale, I think the probability is that it will not rise. The foreign prospects which have arrested & reduced the price of wheat, will no doubt extend their influence to other grains. As you say nothing of Sawney’s crop of Corn, I hope, it will suffice. I wish you had mentioned it, however, with the amount of the crop of wheat at both farms, & whether the whole had been carried to the Mill to be manufactured.
The inclosed papers will inform you of the sweeping system of captures adopted by the French, particularly in the W. Indies; and no doubt is entertained that the Spaniards will be their Allies in that as in other operations. You will see also the introductory part of the communication made to Congress by the President. The communication was so voluminous, that it was ordered to be printed without being read. I can say nothing therefore myself, of the contents or tendency of it. Those who have had an opportunity of looking into it, give reason to fear that it is more likely to widen than to close the breach between the two Republics. We all continue well & offer our united affections. Yr. affe. son
Js. Madison Jr


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 22 January 1797
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Jan. 22. 97.
Yours of the 8th. came to hand yesterday. I was not aware of any necessity of going on to Philadelphia immediately, yet I had determined to do it, as a mark of respect to the public, and to do away the doubts which have spread that I should consider the second office as beneath my acceptance. The journey indeed for the month of February is a tremendous undertaking for me, who have not been seven miles from home since my resettlement. I will see you about the rising of Congress: and presume I need not stay there a week. Your letters written before the 7th. of Feb. will still find me here. My letters inform me that mr. A. speaks of me with great friendship, and with satisfaction in the prospect of administering the government in concurrence with me. I am glad of the first information, because tho’ I saw that our antient friendship was affected by a little leaven produced partly by his constitution, partly by the contrivance of others, yet I never felt a diminution of confidence in his integrity, and retained a solid affection for him. His principles of government I knew to be changed, but conscientiously changed. As to my participating in the administration, if by that he meant the executive cabinet, both duty & inclination will shut that door to me. I cannot have a wish to see the scenes of 93. revived as to myself, & to descend daily into the arena like a gladiator to suffer martyrdom in every conflict. As to duty, the constitution will know me only as the member of a legislative body: and it’s principle is that of a separation of legislative executive & judiciary functions, except in cases specified. If this principle be not expressed in direct terms, yet it is clearly the spirit of the constitution, and it ought to be so commented & acted on by every friend to free government. I sincerely deplore the situation of our affairs with France. War with them and consequent alliance with Great Britain will completely compass the object of the Executive from the commencement of the war between France & England, taken up by some of them from that moment, by others more latterly. I still however hope it will be avoided. I do not believe mr. A. wishes war with France. Nor do I believe he will truckle to England as servilely as has been done. If he assumes this front at once and shews that he means to attend to self respect & national dignity with both the nations, perhaps the depredations of both on our commerce may be amicably arrested. I think he should begin first with those who first began with us, and by an example on them acquire a right to redemand the respect from which the other party has departed. I suppose you are informed of the proceeding commenced by the legislature of Maryland to claim the South branch of Patowmac as their boundary, and thus, of Albemarle now the central county of the state, to make a frontier. As it is impossible upon any consistent principles & after such a length of undisturbed possession that they can expect to establish their claim, it can be ascribed to no other than an intention to irritate & divide, and there can be no doubt from what bow the shaft is shot. However let us cultivate Pennsylvania & we need not fear the universe. The assembly have named me among those who are to manage this controversy. But I am so averse to motion & contest, and the other members are so fully equal to the business that I cannot undertake to act in it. I wish you were added to them. Indeed I wish & hope you may consent to be added to our assembly itself. There is no post where you can render greater services without going out of your state. Let but this block stand firm on it’s basis & Pennsylvania do the same, our union will be perpetual & our general government kept within the bounds & form of the constitution. Adieu affectionately.


Title: Compensation to Public Officers, [26 January] 1797
From: Madison, James
To:

[26 January 1797]

   The House, in a Committee of the Whole, considered a report for increasing the salaries of cabinet members and other public officials as well as for continuing the act of 30 May 1796 regulating the compensation of clerks throughout 1797. The act of 30 May 1796 was read to the committee (Annals of CongressDebates and Proceedings in the Congress of
          the United States … (42 vols.; Washington, 1834–56)., 4th Cong., 2d sess., 1987–98).

Mr. Madison said, if he was not mistaken, the act which had been read, not only provided for the increase of salaries of the clerks in the several public offices, but left it to the Heads of Departments to apportion this increase as they thought proper. This, he supposed, was the effect of necessity, and not meant as a permanent principle. He wished, therefore, the allowance should be apportioned by law. This, he said, was conformable to the true spirit of the constitution. It was proper that these salaries should depend on law, and not upon the will of a superior. He wished, therefore, that that part of the report might be re-committed.


Title: To James Madison from John Wilcocks, 28 January 1797
From: Wilcocks, John
To: Madison, James

Sir,
Saturday January 28th 97.North 3d Street No 30.
I have occasion to send a commission to Williamsburg Virginia for the examination of a witness (on interrogatories) in a Law suit depending in the courts of this State: you will permit me to ask the favor of you to name two Gentleman to me as Commissioners for that purpose; You will pardon the liberty, with compliments to Mrs. Madison I have the honor to be Sir Your most humble Servt:
John Wilcocks


Title: From James Madison to James Madison, Sr., 29 January 1797
From: Madison, James
To: Madison, James, Sr.

Hon’d Sir
Philada. Jany. 29. 1797
My last answered yours of the 8th. since which I have recd. no letter from you, nor a single line from my brother William since his return from Richmond; altho’ I have written him several letters. Fanny has a letter from Nelly Madison of the 10th. which gives an unpleasing account of her mother’s health. It mentions that you & my mother were expected at Mr. Macon’s in a few days; but as your’s of the 8th. is silent on that head, and the weather has been since very severe, I conclude the expectation to have been ill-founded.
I see by a Richmond paper a quantity of Red Clover seed for sale. I hope this may be the case at Fredg also. Rather than be disappointed I think we ought to send a light Cart expressly for the purpose, even to the former place, if necessary. Should it be impossible to get eno’ of this precious article, I recommend that you have all your spare Timothy seed, including the sweepings of the hay loft &c. sown on your Wheat & Rye fields at all your places, to supply the deficiency: and that you give this direction to Sawney & M. Collins. I am well informed that it makes good pasture on common upland of ordinary years; & in strong land, or moist years, it approaches the value of Clover itself. I left a request with Js. Coleman to make a considerable trial of the Plaister of Paris, and to have Sawney & Mordicai Collins furnished with eno’ for the same purpose. This article has risen of late at least 50 per Ct. in price, and I have also procured much information as to the best use to be made of it. I wish therefore to retain as much as I can of the Hhd on hand for experiments under my own superintendence. You will please therefore to give out half a bushel only to J. C. & each of the others, to be tried, about a peck on Corn, and a peck on a marked portion of the newest Clover lotts.
The House of Reps. have resolvd. on a direct tax; but the issue of the Bill to be brought in is extremely doubtful. It is to be regretted that this measure should be found necessary at the very moment of a fall in produce &c; and it will be deplorable if an increase of it should be rendered necessary by a foreign war, which must strike deeply at the ability of people to pay. I hope this dreadful calamity will not overtake us; but the escape must be owing to the aversion of the people to it, rather than to the want of exertion in its favor, by the British partizans, who incessantly blow the coals of enmity to France, and openly recommen⟨d⟩ war with her & an alliance with England.
As I hear from nobody but yourself, I hope your fa⟨vors⟩ will be regularly continued. They are extremely grateful to us […] & I shall endeavor to make returns for them, by a weekly le⟨tter⟩ at least. This will probably go by Mr. Howard who starts tom⟨orrow⟩ morning. We are all well & unite our affections.
Js. M Jr


Title: To James Madison from Joseph Jones, 29 January 1797
From: Jones, Joseph
To: Madison, James

Dr Sr.
Charlottesville 29th. Janry. 1797.
After my return from Loudoun I came to this place, where I last post received your several favors to the 13th. I shall continue here untill the 10th. or 12th. next month when I shall return to Fredericksburg. It seems to be now well ascertaine⟨d⟩ that A. will be the p. & J. the Vice p. I have for a length of time considered Mr. A. as a friend to the British Nation and Government whr. he still holds his prejudices for that Monarchy I know not but if they hang loosely about him he may be induced to through them off and assume the republican garb the true constitutional dress and the manufacture of his native Soil. He has a fair opportunity by a wise and sound policy to establish his popularity and do much good. If he shall determine and persevere in his determination to be of no party, neither French or English Southern or Eastern but to preserve an independent Character and Conduct seeking to do good, and avoiding to do evil, according to his best Judt.—Adhering to the Constitution as it respects the rights of the people and the different branches of the government upon a fair and liberal construction of its meaning Then may he be happy in his Admin. and contribute to make the people so. Foreign interferences shod. be boldly withstood and rejected as an officious medling in our affairs, for to these I cannot help ascribing principally the height to which the violence of party has been carried. Had I the power to dictate I wod. recall our plenipos. and receive none from foreign powers (I mean as stationary) conducting our commercial intercourse under the superintendance of Consuls placed in such Stations as shod. be found necessary—entering into no new commercial Treaties or altering or continuing those subsisting unless, before their final ratification, they be laid before the legislature and approved by them, who best know and must be supposed better to know the true int. of the various parts of the Union than any Individual or a few individuals not often the most enlightened and frequently guided by the influence of party and local considerations. With foreign Nations the commercial intercourse shod. be maintained upon principles liberal & reciprocal. Not only the Chief Majestrate but the legislature and the heads of departments shod. pursue this line of conduct, then I think we should find The clashings among the States more easily reconciled and the general good or int. of the majority adopted and pursued with less complaining and more general acquiescence. If Mr. A. is not rivited in his Attachment to British measures he will abandon them or at least his prejudices and hold a course bet. the two nations which justice and our true policy dictates. In forming his Opinions I am in hopes he will listen to the sentiments of J. with whom I am told he is on good Terms and between whom a good understanding shod. be cultivated and if possible the politicks of the States to which they respectively belong more assimilated and harmonised. Let us break down too if practicable the servility of addresses & Levees. I cannot read with temper the debasing sentiments uttered by many in forming the addresses from the House nor reflect withot. some degree of emotion on the degrading method of the Legislature ambling through the Streets to the p. house to deliver them—abolish every ceremony that is not necessary for information and the dispatch of public business and which are calculated to exalt an individual so much above the level of his fellow Citizens—however I may err in these notions I do not swerve from The truth when I assure you that I am with great sincerity yr. friend & Servt
Jos: Jones


Title: To James Madison from James Madison, Sr., 30 January 1797
From: Madison, James, Sr.
To: Madison, James

Letter not found. 30 January 1797. Acknowledged in JM to James Madison, Sr., 13 Feb. 1797. Discusses farm business at Montpelier.


Title: Military and Naval Appropriations, [31 January] 1797
From: Madison, James
To:

[31 January 1797]

   The House went into a Committee of the Whole on a resolution calling for appropriations for the military and naval establishments in 1797. Gallatin (Pennsylvania) offered an amendment striking out naval appropriations until the House had decided to complete the building of the frigates already authorized by law (Annals of CongressDebates and Proceedings in the Congress of
          the United States … (42 vols.; Washington, 1834–56)., 4th Cong., 2d sess., 2049–53).

Mr. Madison said it was unusual and improper to make appropriations for any object before it was legalized; and if the object now in question, was not legalized, he agreed with the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Gallatin) that however certain it might be that the law would pass; before it did pass, it was not right to appropriate for that object. The law should first be before them. As he saw no evil which could arise from letting the business lie over for a few days until the subject of the frigates had been determined upon, he should be in favour of the motion for striking out. Not meaning by this vote, to declare his unwillingness to vote for the sum necessary for completing the frigates, when that question should come before them.


Title: Post Offices and Post Roads, [2 February] 1797
From: Madison, James
To:

[2 February 1797]

   The House went into a Committee of the Whole on a bill for discontinuing and establishing various post roads within the United States. The last clause of the bill, authorizing the postmaster general to discontinue carrying mail on any road not producing more than one-fifth of the costs within three years, caused considerable debate (Annals of CongressDebates and Proceedings in the Congress of
          the United States … (42 vols.; Washington, 1834–56)., 4th Cong., 2d sess., 2061–62).

Mr. Madison then proposed the following section in its stead, which was agreed to:
“That it shall be the duty of the Postmaster-General to make a report annually to Congress, of every post-road which shall not have produced one-fifth part of the expence of carrying the mail on the same.”


Title: To James Madison from Joseph Chew, 3 February 1797
From: Chew, Joseph
To: Madison, James

My Dear Sirs
Montreal 3d. Febry. 1797
It has been thought Necessary to Secure to Sir John Johnson the two Thousand acres of land I have in Bourbon County Kentucky that I should pass Deeds to Some persons in the States to hold it for him. I have therefore Executed and passed Deeds to Robert & John Watts Esquires of New York and by Agreement the land is to be disposed of within or at the End of Eighteen months.
I now my Dear friends Request and intreat you by that Connection & friendship that has been and is between us that you will use Every Endeavour in your Power to get the utmost for this Land that it can possibly be Sold for; this will lay an Obligation on me and my Family that will never be forgot and I am Dear Sirs Yours Affectionately
Joseph Chew