Title: To Benjamin Franklin from “Daniel Thomson”, 29 June 1779
From: “Daniel Thomson”
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
London 29 June 1779
We natives of America, and, from one cause or other, residing in this city, have formed ourselves into a weekly society: and as the result of our last meeting seems to us of great national importance; it was unanimously resolved, to have the whole that passed upon the subject, laid before your Excellency, as the proper channel for procuring the approbation of Congress.
At a meeting of the society held the 21st currnt, a member rose and addressed the Chairman as follows.
What I have Sir, to propose may at first seem shocking to every Gentleman present; because, I will venture to say, that there is not one of them who does not glory in the name of American. And indeed, ’till very lately, no man was more delighted with it than I; nor would I agree to give it up for any other, provided we had all America to ourselves: but this is not the case, Spain has vast territories there. The Dutch, French, and Portuguese have also Colonies there; and as for the Indians and Savages, they still possess, by far, the greatest part of that immense continent. Now Sir, As the inhabitants of all those countries are Americans as well as we; they are along with us, and on our account, branded with the epithets of Unnatural Americans, Rebellious Americans and such like: nor, however unfair, can it be otherwise while we continue under the same name with them: therefore, that none may be liable to reproach on our account, I move Sir, That the too general appellation of Americans be laid aside by us; and a name so thoroughly pointed be substituted in its stead, that either the glory, or disgrace that may attend our present conflict, or future actions, may be alone applicable to ourselves. This member being seated, another spoke thus.
Sir, I must confess I was very much startled with the commencement of the Gentlemans speech; but he has, so fully and clearly, shown the necessity there is for giving up a name that includes the subjects of other Powers, that I am entirely of his opinion. Could they read our language, they must doubtless be exceedingly hurt at the illiberal aspersions bestowed by the English on the Americans at large. But exclusive of this Sir, it is now time for the inhabitants of that great Continent to be particularly distinguished. Americus Vespusius gave that country its present name; and had it continued in the intire possession of the native savages, that name might have done for them for ever: but now Sir, that it has been grasped by different European Powers, and cannot fail in time of being covered with Kingoms and Empires; it is equally improper to continue the name American to any one of its natives, as it would be to have no other name for a native of either Germany, Russia, France, Spain, &ca, than that of an European. I therefore, most cordially, approve of the motion. This Gentleman’s speech being ended, a third person got up and spoke to this purpose.
Mr. Chairman, I do not rise up to differ in opinion from my worthy countrymen. I most sincerely wish for any name that may be less liable to load us and others with English abuse. The people of this country have, of late, taken a great dislike to our cause. The name American has I think become hateful to them all. I go no where without meeting with some disagreeable compliment or other as, I am not fond of an American.— The Americans are ungrateful monsters.— The Americans have imbibed the blood of their brethren the Savages; they tar and feather, and, like them, dance about the victim.— They seem to disregard the miseries of their fellow creatures, and so on. I say Sir, that for these and many other reasons, I certainly wish that it was possible to change our appellation. I hate to be inrolled under the same name with a Savage, but Sir, Should we fix upon a name that may be agreeable to all of us here; are we to suppose that the ruling Powers in North America will adopt that name? They are at present called the American Congress; I will not say that they are justly so called, for they certainly do not give laws to all America. But can we expect that they will stamp their deeds with the name we shall give them? Or are we weak enough to hope, that the British Parliament will, in their debates & decrees, fall in with that name? I have done. A fourth member got up and said
Sir, During the two first speeches, the same objections occurred to me that have been made by the worthy Gentleman who spoke last; but on recollecting that France had once no other name than Gaul, and Scotland than Caledonia; and that in this great Metropolis, what was called the other day Tyburn Road is now known only by the name of Oxford Street; I concluded, that it can be no difficult matter to fix a name on a people who, in fact, have had hitherto none by which they could be clearly distinguished from others. It indeed Sir, depends upon the propriety of the name given; if it be not quite descriptive and applicable it may fail; if otherwise, it will not only be immediately in every mouth, but be applied in all publications; and especially by the Editors of news papers who are, in general, men of great discernment, and who study to establish propriety. I do not say it will at once be made use of by the Legislative Bodies of either country; yet it will, from reason and necessity, make its way even among them, and that with such rapidity, that, I will venture to assert, the word Americans shall not, in a few years, be heard in any country, except to distinguish the American Indians from those in other parts of the world. And now Sir, I doubt not but this Society will approve of the motion; a motion for which, I think, the maker deserves not only our best thanks, but those of all our brethren wherever dispersed.
No other member offering to speak, the Chairman rose up and put the question; and tho the meeting consisted of forty two members, and many of these suspected of being but seeming friends to our cause, yet there was not one dissenting voice. He then proceeded thus.
Gentlemen, I must acknowledge that during the different speeches on this interesting motion, I felt a transporting pleasure within my breast. I have all along, since the commencement of our noble struggle for liberty, suffered exceedingly on account of others being included with us by name, either in our merit or demerit, I therefore wish success to the motion: but as one of the Gentlemen very judiciously observed, if the name given be not pointed and descriptive, our hopes may be defeated; to prevent which, I propose, that we determine nothing further ’till this day week; and in the interim, it is to be hoped every Gentleman present will employ his thoughts in finding out a name suitable to our Character, Dignity, and Growing Greatness. Upon which the Society broke up highly satisfied.
At a meeting held the 20th. there was a very full Society. The Chairman then opened the business, after which many names were proposed, and much pro and con past without giving apparent satisfaction. At length the venerable member who made the motion got up and addressed the Chair as follows
Sir, It must be allowed that any one of the names proposed, would clearly point us out as a peculiar people: but Sir, it strikes me, that by adopting either of them, our origin may, in future ages, be intirely lost. Britain seems to be upon the decline and may not recover; but be that as it may, Britannia has made the world tremble to such a degree, that her fame is, and must be great in the annals of history. The knowledge therefore of being sprung from so dignified a mother, cannot fail to give courage and consequence to her children at any period of time, and wherever providence may place them. To preserve therefore this most essential knowledge, and also to include with us, our brethren in the Floridas, and Nova Scotia &ca, who, tho they have not yet joined us, may in time see their error: I propose Sir, that all the American Provinces that now are, or may hereafter be, under the dominion of the offspring of this Island may, for their general name, be henceforth called New Britain.
The Gentleman being seated, silence and a seeming astonishment took place for a considerable time. Then several members got up one after another; but as their speeches tended chiefly to illustrate the honours and advantages that must arise from so animating and proper a name; we shall defer troubling your Excellency with them for some days. When the Gentlemen who thought proper to deliver their sentiments had done, the Chairman arose; and after putting many names without effect, he last of all put New Britain, upon which every hand was up. He then wished us joy of our new name, which he said, seemed to have already dignified our countenances. After embracing each other as New Britons, we concluded the evening in drinking many loyal healths such as,— Prosperity to New Britain.— Valour to New Britain’s sons and Love to her Daughters.— The New British Congress. &ca. &ca. We greet you well.
Signed by order of the Society
Daniel ThomsonSecretary

P.S. We have Sir resolved that a copy of this epistle be published in the news papers. This resolution was taken from a belief, that our new name cannot be disliked by the Ruling Powers in either country, for the following reasons. First, It has nothing to do with the present contest. Again, It is equally honourable for both parent and children. And lastly, The propriety of it must be the same, whether we are, or are not again, connected with the mother country.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Alexandre-Henry-Guillaume le Roberger de Vausenville, 29 June 1779
From: Vausenville, Alexandre-Henry-Guillaume le Roberger de
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur
Paris ce 29 Juin 1779.
J’ai eu lhonneur de vous envoyer un exemplaire de mon ouvrage intitulé: Essai Physico-géomètrique sur la quadrature du cercle dont le texte imprimé est ci-joint. C’est M. le Roux au colege de boncourt a qui je lai remis & qui s’est chargé de vous le faire parvenir. Jespere qu’il s’en sera acquitté; mais sil l’avoit oublié, je me ferois un vrai plaisir de vous en envoyer un autre. Lacademie des sciences de paris à Gardé le Silence sur cet ouvrage quoi qu’expressement invitée par ma lettre du 20. Jer. der. [dernier] de l’approuver ou de le contester. Le s. Dalembert s’est absolument refusé d’y repondre. Les autres géomètres de lacademie également invités à le contester ont gardé le silence, excepté le S. de la lande qui ma dit des injures aulieu de me fournir des raisons. & les journalistes n’ont pas voulu réçevoir ma reponse. Ladessus j’ai pris le parti de faire sommer l’academie d’approuver ou de contester, & ce par exploit de lavasseur huissr. [huissier] audr. [auditeur] en la Prévôté de lhotel du roy en datte du 25. Juin, & de faire inserer son jugement dans les journaux. Sur le refus du s. d’alembert, je l’ai fait assigner au chatelet pr. voir dire que son refus vaudra approbation & qu’il sera debouté de l’oppon. [opposition] formèe en 1771. au rapport fait en ma faveur, à l’acade. des sciences, par M. Pingrè.
A lègard des Srs. Jeaurat & Cousin, je les ai fait sommer d’apporter raisons & moyens suffisants pour justifier la dénégation portée dans leur rapport fait à lacade. le 21. Jer. 1775. & au refus je les ai fait assigner au chatelet pr. voir dire que leur rapport sera cassè coe. [comme] faux … &c. en conseqce. quils seront condamnés &c.
Je vais faire imprimer le tout & j’aurai lhonneur de vous en faire part si vous le trouvez bon. Je vous demande permission de vous faire passer un exemplaire, en vous suppliant de le faire parvenir à la societé de philadelphie par la 1ere. occasion.
J’ai lhonneur d’être avec les Sentimens de la plus parfaite Consideration Monsieur Votre très humble & très obeissant serviteur
DE Vausenvillerue & f. B. St. Denis
150.000. l.t. deposés aux mains de lacade. pr. cette decouverte, est la cause de sa resistance.

Addressed: A Monsieur / Monsieur Le Docteur franklin / en sa maison / à Passy / d.V.
Notation: Vausenville De 29. Juin 1779.—


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jonathan Williams, Jr.: Two Letters, 29 June 1779
From: Williams, Jonathan Jr.
To: Franklin, Benjamin

I.
Nantes June 29. 1779.

    I herewith send you two Invoices—the first for Goods Shipped by your order on Acct & risque of Gr Green of Rhode island on board the three Friend. Capt Colman amounting to £936.12s.

The Second for sundrys for Mrs Bache which you desired me to send with M De Luzernes Baggage (as the three Friends was taken up to Carry his Baggage & as my Cousin went passenger in that Ship I thought best not to trouble M De Luzerne & put it on board under my Cousins Care)
  £ 316

1252.12

I deduct from this sum fifteen Louis which you advanced to Mr Richard for me
  360

892.12

The Ballance £892.12s. I have this day drawn on you for in favr of Messrs Cottin & fils & Jauge at 15 days date which closes this affair.

Dr. Franklin—

II.
Dear & hond Sir.—
Nantes June 29. 1779.—
Accept my most gratefull Thanks for your friendly Favour of the 17th Inst. I would immediately set off to see you, but that I have at length a number of Auditors to examine my Acct. and I expect to begin on them in a few Days, when this is done I shall immediately leave this Place.—
I have written Billy all the news I can collect.—
I am ever with the greatest Respect Dear & honoured Sir Your dutifull & affectionate Kinsman
Jona Williams J

Addressed: His Excellency. / Doctor Franklin.
Notation: Williams Jona. June 29. 1779.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to John Paul Jones, 30 June 1779
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Jones, John Paul

Dear sir,
Passy 30. June 1779.
Being arrived at Grois, you are to make the best of your Way, with the Vessels under your Command, to the West of Ireland; and establish your Cruise on the Orcades, the Cape of Dirneus, and the Dogger Bank: in order to take the Ennimies Property in those Seas.
The Prizes you may make, send to Dunkirk, Ostend, or Bergen in Norway: according to your Proximity to either of those Ports. Address them to the Persons M. De Chaumont shall indicate to you.
About the 15th August, when you will have sufficiently cruised in these Seas, you are to make Route for the Texel, where you will meet my further Orders.
If by any personal Accident you should be render’d unable to execute these Instructions, The Officer of your Squadron next in Rank, is to endeavour to put them in execution.

With best Wishes for your Prosperity, I am ever, Dear Sir, your affectionate Friend & humble Servant.
B Franklin
Honble Capt. Jones.

Endorsed: from his Excellency Doctor Franklin Passy June 30th. 1779 recd. L’Orient July. 6th. 1779. No. 11.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from “Comte” Julius de Montfort de Prat, 30 June 1779
From: Montfort de Prat, “comte” Julius de
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur
a Passy le 30 juin 1779.
C’est avec la satisfaction la plus sensible que J’accepte L’invitation gratieuse de Votre Exçellence de célébrer avec Elle L’anniversaire De nôtre glorieuse et éternelle indépendance; J’ay L’honneur D’être avec un profond respect de vôtre Exçellence, Monsieur, Le très humble et très obéissant Serviteur
Jules Cte. De Montfort
J’ose prendre la liberté De faire icy mille compliments à Monsieur Votre petit fils.

Addressed: à / Son Exçellence Le Docteur Franclin / Ministre plénipotentiaire Des Etats / unis de L’amerique, en son hotel / A Passy.
Notation: Jules Comte de Monfort Passy le 30e juin 1779.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Torris, 30 June 1779
From: Torris, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Dunkerque 30th. June 1779
I have the honnour to address your Excellency a Copy of the Particulars of the Cruise of the Black Prince Cutter Capt. Stephen Marchant, per Letter from him dated Morlaix 23d. Inst., received yesterday— The 21 Prisonners He put on shoare at the disposal of your Excellency in Morlaix, you’ll be Please to order Immediatly what you are pleased to do with them. Mr. Marchant Ramsoned a Brigg, & I beg your Excellency will write him at Morlaix, where he will wait for your Answer, how he shall manage the said Ramsomer & the Payment of the Ramson. He was forced to Ramson the said Brigg haveing not hands enough to man his 8. Prises, the 6. of which still expected to arrive, I hope I shall hear from, per the next mail, & god Send it!
If this Cutter the Black Prince, can Ramson, as we all apprehend she can, I beg of your Excellency to mention the Case to the Brave Capt. Marchant, who will do honnour to his Coulours, & how to manage his Ramsons.—
I sent Mr. Marchant the directions about the Pacquets Boats from Dover to Calais, your Excellency did me the honnour to send me the 18th. Inst. & I am sure he will strictly attend to them.
Mr. John Diot a Clark of my House is gone express to Morlaix to attend the Cutter and the Prises, & he has orders to advise your Excellency of all that Passes, & if any difficulty happens, to write also to M. De Sartine & to Mr. De Chardon Mre. des Requettes avocat Gnal du conseil des Prises, who are well inclined in my favour.
I shall obmit nothing to deserve the approbation of your Excellency & to give all satisfaction to my Employers.
I remain with respect Sir Your most obedient & most humble servant
J. Torris

Notation: Mr: Torris June 30. 1779


Title: Editorial Note on Franklin’s Accounts, 1779
From:
To:

Of the accounts discussed throughout the French period, the following still apply: VI, XII, XIII, XVI, XVII, XIX, XXI–XXIII. We offer here a summary of entries which have not found a place elsewhere in our annotation, but which provide insights into Franklin’s private and public life during the course of this volume.
Account VI (XXIII, 21) records an Oct. 13 payment of 32 l.t. for Franklin’s subscription to the Mercure de France.
Account XVI (Cash Book, XXVI, 3). The predominant entries for this period are the recurring expenses of running the foundry. It was headed by Hémery, whose weekly salary amounted to 24 l.t. Hémery was assisted by Beauville (at 12 l.t. per week), plus a woman and a boy at 3 l.t. each. Disbursements were made for lead, blankets, and wood. On July 28, Franklin purchased 162 l.t.’s worth of punches from Fagnion and on September 26 he paid Fagnion 156 l.t. for punches and matrices.
A number of entries were marked C for charity. Some of those sums were for prisoners or former prisoners: on July 2, 48 l.t. went to Daniel Duchemin, “Officer who has been a Prisoner”; others for people in distress: 72 l.t. were advanced on August 2 to “Mr Stewart a young Gentleman of Baltimore in want of Money to get home”; a Polish abbé received 24 l.t. on August 21 while “Un pauvre Matelot François-Americain” got 24. An undisclosed sum was contributed on September 26 to the “Collector for the Sufferers by Fire.” On October 24, “M. Mante, an Author in Prison” received 24 l.t.
Franklin’s personal expenditures included gratuities at the baths, including eau de Cologne, and to Vergennes’ messenger on August 21. His wardrobe cost him 43 l.t. paid to Mme Grand for repairing his shirts and 30 l.t. to Mlle Bonnefoy “to buy Stuff for my Bed-gown.”

And finally there was, on July 23, a payment of 3 l.t. “for returning Flore,” presumably a house pet.
Account XXII (XXVIII, 4). Franklin’s personal account with F. Grand has few entries for this period. On July 16 he received five months’ worth of dividends on the eight shares of the Caisse d’Escompte that he had purchased on February 19, i.e., a sum of 680 l.t. On August 30 he bought two more of those shares for 6728.8.0 l.t.
Account XXIII (XXIX, 3). In addition to the items mentioned elsewhere in this volume there are the customary household expenses: payments to Fremont the maître d’hôtel, expenses for the menservants François and Arbelot, 141.10.0 l.t. for Gombeau the carpenter’s account, and 240 l.t. for Brunel the carpenter. On August 11 Franklin paid 33 l.t. to Ruault for books.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Rodolphe-Ferdinand Grand, 1 July 1779
From: Grand, Rodolphe-Ferdinand
To: Franklin, Benjamin

ce 1 Juillet [1779?]
Pour Celebrer LIndependance il faut etre Independant Et la mauvaise Etoille de Mr. Grand ne lui permet pas de l’etre, par des Engagemens pour ce jour la, qu’il ne lui est pas possible de rompre. Il prie monsieur Le Docteur Franklin, d’en agreer touts ses regrets, Et d’etre persuadé qu’il ne la Celebrera pas moins, in petto.

Addressed: a monsieur / Monsieur Le Docteur / Franklin / a Passy—


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Hay, Jr., 1 July 1779
From: Hay, John, Jr.
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
1779 July 1st. Passy
After the trouble already given to Your Excellency You may perhaps think it extraordinary to receive more from the same quarter— What I neglected mentioning to You when I waited on Your Excellency this morning was the strong desire the Concerned (in the expedition to which You have granted Your protection) have to know Your Excellency’s opinion of the American Port in their entrance to which they would be least subjected to the interruption of Brittish Cruizers— It is in general the intention of the concerned to settle in Pensylvania but if in their run for the Delaware more danger was to be apprehended they would rather make any other Port to the north or South of it.

Your Excellency’s advice on this point is earnestly requested before I leave Passy which will be early tomorrow.
But if I depart before Your Excellency’s leisure will permit You to answer this Your Excellency’s note directed to Mr Nathaniel Wilson to care of Madam the Widow of Maths: Jaques at Rotterdam will come safe to the hand of Sir Yr. Excellency’s most obedt: Servt:
John Hay.

Addressed: To / His Excy: Doctor Franklin / Passy.
Notation: Jonh Ray


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Paul Jones, 1 July 1779
From: Jones, John Paul
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honored and dear Sir,
On board the Bon homme Richard at Anchor under the Isle of Groa [Groix] off L’OrientJuly 1st. 1779.
On the 19th. Ulto. the American Squadron under my command, consisting of the Bon homme Richard of 42 Guns, the Alliance of 36 Guns, the Pallas of 30 Guns, the Cerf of 18 Guns and the Vengeance of 12 Guns, sailed from hence with a Convoy of Merchant Ships and Transports with Troops &c. bound to the different Ports and Garrisons between this place and Bordeaux.— On the evening of the day following I had the Satisfaction to see the latter part of the Convoy safe within the Entrance of the River of Bordeaux; the rest having been safe escorted into the entrance of Nantes & Rochefort &c.—But at the preceding Midnight, while the Squadron & Convoy was laying too off the Isle Dieu the Bon homme Richard and Alliance got foul of one another and carried away the Head and Cutwater Spritsail Yard & Jib Boom of the former, with the Mizen Mast of the latter—fortunately however neither of the Ships received any damage in the Hull, nor have since been leaky.

In the evening of the 21st., Steering to the Westward from the entrance of Bordeaux, I sent the Cerf to Reconnoitre two Sail which appeared in the SW Quarter, and Captain Varage was so ardent in the pursuit that he had lost Sight of the Squadron next morning; and I am now told that he had a Warm Engagement with one of them a Sloop of 14 Guns, which he took, but was obliged to abandon on the approch of another Enemy of Superior Force. The Action lasted an hour and half and several Men were killed and wounded on board the Cerf. That Cutter is now refitting at L’Orient.— On the 22d. we had a rencounter with three Ships of War:— They were to Windward and bore down in a Line Abreast for some time; but seeing that we were prepared to receive them they hauled by the Wind, and by carrying a pressed Sail got clear in spite of our utmost endeavours to bring them to Action.— On the 26th. in the Night, it being squally with thick weather and Rain, we lost company with the Alliance and the Pallace.— I am at present unable to say where the blame lays, either with respect to this accident or that of getting foul of the Alliance:— Both will be the subject of Courts of inquiry when the two Ships arrive, which I expect every Hour, and shall then communicate to you a more particular Account.— I gave the Ships a Rendezvous off the Penmark Rocks, but did not meet them there.
I anchored here yesterday at Noon, having had a Rencounter the Night before with two of the Enemies Ships of War in the offing in sight of this Island and of Belle Isle:— previous to this rencounter I had given the Vengeance leave to make the best of his way to this Road, so that the Enemy found me alone in a place where I had no expectation of a Hostile Visit.— They appeared for some time very earnest to Engage; but at last their Courage failed.— They Fled with precipitation, and to my great mortification, outsailed the Bon homme Richard and got clear.— I had however a flattering proof of the Marshal Spirit of my Crew, and I am confident that had I been able to get between the two Enemies, which was my intention, we should have beaten them both together.
In the course of this little Cruise I have endeavoured as much as possible to come up to the wishes of the King as communicated to me the 15th. of June in a Copy of a letter from M. De Sartine to M. De Chaumont.— I have traversed the “Golphe de Gascogne” over and over both within and without soundings, from half a Degree to the southward of the entrance of Bordeaux to the Raz Passage in sight of Brest. I have fallen in with and chased various other Ships & Vessels which I believe were Enemies, but all such as I have been able to overtake have proved either Dutch Spanish or other nuteral Property.— Tho I am much concerned at the Seperation of the Ships, yet that circumstance is not unfavorable to the Object of the Cruise, and they have a better chance to meet with the Enemies Cruisers by being Seperate than together.
This Ship wants at least Fifty Tons of Ballast, and, unfortunately for me, is by no means equal to the account which I have had of her Sailing. Even the Pallas sails faster.
The Wind does not at present admit of entering the Port (Port Louis) therefore should it continue unfavorable, unless I find that the damage can in three or four days be repaired here, I shall in the meantime go out and see what passes in the offing.— If the Court is yet disposed to give me the Ship which they at first offered, I think it possible, in the present situation of affairs, to make a Useful and Honorable Cruise that way with the force now under my Command, and afterwards to bring that Ship out with the Crew I now have.— I am ready to enter with Cheerfulness upon any Plan or Service that is consonant with the Common interest and meets with your approbation; and if I fail it shall not be for want of attempting to Succeed where there appears an opening.
I am ever with sentiments of greatful Esteem & real Affection Dear Sir, Your very obliged Friend & most humble Servant
Jno P Jones
N.B. You will if you please communicate the account in this letter to M. De Sartine and M De Chaumont.
His Excellency Doctor Franklin

Notation: P. Jones isle de Groa 1st juillet 1779.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jonathan Williams, Jr., 1 July 1779
From: Williams, Jonathan Jr.
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear & hond Sir.
Nantes July 1. 1779.
My Trial comes on tomorrow at 9 oClock.— As your Letter impowering these Gentlemen to examine my accot was addressed to all, and as according to the old saying “what ought to be taken care of by many is generaly taking care of by nobody” I apprehend this Letter is either mislaid, or perhaps left in the Hands of some one of the Gentlemen who are gone. I therefore request you to send me by return of post a Copy of this Letter, signed by you so that if these Gentlemen should have occasion to look at their authority, I may prevent any Delay by having it ready to produce.— You will please to observe that it is the second Letter to the second Sett of Gentlemen that I mean.—
I beg your pardon for troubling you, perhaps it may be useless, but I take the precaution to prevent even the possibility of delay.—

I am ever most dutifully & affectionately Yours
J Williams J
The Hon Doctor Franklin.

Notation: Williams Jona. July 1. 1779.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John G. Frazer, 2 July 1779
From: Frazer, John G.
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir,
Bordeaux, 2d. July 1779—
Inclosed is a Letter I recd from Mr. Geo: Anderson a young Gentleman of Virginia who was taken in a Vessell of his own by an English cruizer & carried into Lisbon, where he now is, at the House of Mr. Arnold Henry Dohrman the bearer of this, and who will have the Honour of delivering it to you himself.

This Gentleman has been a particular Friend to all our unfortunate Countrymen that have been taken & carried into Lisbon and still continues so to be—he is a Man of considerable Fortune, & connections, in that Country—and is very capable of giving you any information respecting it—his integerity you may depend upon, every civillity shewn him by you (which he merits) will be acknowledged as the greatest Honour done Yr. Most Obt. & Mo. Hbl. Servt.
Jno. G. Frazer

Addressed: His Excellency / Benjamin Franklin Esqr. / Plenipotentiary to the / United States of America / at Passy near / Paris, / Mr. Dohrman


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Gourlade & Moylan, 2 July 1779
From: Gourlade & Moylan
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honord Sir
L’Orient 2d July 1779
We beg leave to refer you to the inclosed letter from Cap: Jones respecting the affaires of his fleet and we join to this extract from a letter we this day recd from Cap: John Green, for your perusal. We are respectfully Hond. Sir Your most obt. & most humble Sts
Gourlade & Moylan
The Honble. Doctor Franklin.

Notation: Gourlade et Moylan L’Orient 2. juillet 1779.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Richard Bennett Lloyd, 2 July 1779
From: Lloyd, Richard Bennett
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir,
London 2d. July 1779—
I am somewhat distressed, as I begin to be fearful I shall be too troublesome—but as the business I wrote to you upon about three weeks or a month ago is of such consequence, as to determine my remaining in Europe, or quitting it very soon—I therefore pray for the favour of your answer as soon as you conveniently can— and I flatter myself you will pardon the liberty I take, as you are the only person I know, who can put me into a road to get my remittances in the manner my Friends in America have thought on—. My Correspondent (Monsieur Girardot at Paris) informs me he sent my letter to you at Passy and I hope it got safe to your hands— In that letter I enclosed two copies of Letters I have received from Maryland—. It will make me very happy to hear that you enjoy the same good state of health as you had last Summer—and I am, with Mrs. Lloyd’s and my best respects, your obliged and very obt. humble Servant
Richard B. Lloyd

Addressed: A Monsieur / Monsieur Franklin / à / Passy / hotel Colbert
Notations: R.B. LLoyd Londres 2. juillet 1779. / hotel Colbert


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Torris, 2 July 1779
From: Torris, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Dunkerque 2d. July 1779.
The Letter I did myself the honnour to write your Excellency the 30th. ulto. Conveyd the Particulars of the Cruise of the Black Prince Cutter. Her Cap. Mr. Stephen marchant, Sends me, recd. per yesterday mail, The List of his Prisonners deliverd in Morlaix, & also, a List of 21, equal number, of his men on Board of the 6 Prises, which, he has all reason to think, are retaken by the English Frigat that Chased them, & was Cruising Close to the French shore, where these Prises were Sent. I Send your Excellency the Original Letter, & I warmly join my request for the Exchange therein mentionned, hoping your Excellency, guided by your Justice, will employ her generous offices to Procure this Exchange, as Soon as Possible, & prevail on the Minister of the French Navey, to order Immediatly all assistance be given in Morlaix, or Brest, where she Likely will always send her Prises, to grant all assistance to the good, honest, & Brave People of this Privateer the Black Prince, either to Procure men to Continue her Prosperous & finely begone Cruise, & to order some Kings ships to Cruise on the Coast, to Protect her & her Success, & deffend the French Shore from the attempt & arm done by our too Bold Ennemy.

I beg the favour of your Excellency to send your orders & account of your success to the destressed Cap. Stephen Marchant.
I am with respect Sir your most obedient most humbel Servant
J Torris

Notation: Mr. Torris July 2. 1779


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jonathan Williams, Jr., 2 July 1779
From: Williams, Jonathan Jr.
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear & honoured Sir.
Nantes July 2. 1779.
My Examination is begun & goes on very well, my Judges are compleat Merchants and their apparent Satisfaction pleases me. We have found the Letter I wrote you for last Post so you need not trouble yourself about it, but as you have incoporated Mr. Lees Answer to your desire, that he would “support his accusations, or give his further Reasons if he has any”, in a private Letter to me, please to send me down either Mr. Lees original Letter or an attested Copy of it that it may be received as a piece of authority to remain with my Judges. This Letter must be about the beginning of last April.
The Gentlemen have concluded to give Mr Lee Information that they are sitting, so as to leave no Excuse for hereafter saying he had not an Opportunity of supporting his Charges; the Letter will probably be sent to you, if so please to send it to Mr Lee by some person to put it into his own hand and let that Person return a certificate of its delivery specifiing the Day the hour & the place. I shall give you a line every Post to let you know how affairs go on, but you may be very easy on my Account, for I shall come out of the Trial without a Stain, and I trust with honour & applause. I am ever with the greatest Respect Your dutifull & affectionate Kinsman
Jona Williams J

Mr Schweighauser has in writing declined sitting, and given his Health for an Excuse.— As this is the Case the number is reduced to four, & least an Umpire should be wanted I have desired the Gentn. previously to name one & they have chosen Commodore Gillon, I shall therefore be obliged to you to give a Letter to them requesting them to add Commodore Gillon to the Number, which will give me the advantage of his Signature; otherwise I can’t have it unless there is an Occasion for an Umpire. In expectation of this I shall desire the Commodore to sit during the whole examination. Please to answer by return of Post for time is precious to me now.

Notation: Williams Jona. July 2. 1779.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Barbeu-Dubourg: Another Morals of Chess, [c. 3 July 1779]
From: Barbeu-Dubourg, Jacques
To: Franklin, Benjamin

[c. July 3, 1779]
Autre Moralité des Echecs.
Le jeu des Echecs est moins un amusement qu’une vaine occupation, une frivolité penible, qui n’exerce point le corps, qui fatigue l’esprit au lieu de le recréer, qui desseche et endurcit l’ame. Ce n’est ni un jeu de societé, ni un lien d’amitié; c’est le simulacre de la guerre, de ce jeu cruel auquel la necessité seule peut servir d’excuse, parceque alimenter l’orgueil de l’un et mortifier l’amour propre de l’autre, est le moindre mal ou le plus grand bien qu’il puisse faire.
Les Joueurs d’echecs sont presque toujours inquiets, soucieux, ombrageux, inabordables, pointilleux, dedaigneux; la prosperité les enyvre et les enfle singulierement, l’adversité les atterre. Ils ne se pardonnent rien l’un à l’autre, et sont continuellement en defiance même des Assistans, lorsque l’ennuy qu’ils inspirent ne suffit pas pour ecarter tout ce qui les environne.
Une observation singuliere c’est que le jeu des echecs diminue la transpiration et augmente les urines, tandis que la pluspart des autres jeux portent moins aux urines qu’à la transpiration, ce qui est bien plus favorable à la santé. Mais c’est le moindre reproche qu’on ait à lui faire: ce que je ne saurois lui pardonner c’est que loin de developer des talens utiles, il semble etouffer dans les cœurs tout germe de vertu publique; la vue d’un echiquier fascine tellement quantité d’excellens esprits, que la Patrie ne trouve que des joueurs dans des sujets assez heureusement nés pour qu’elle eût cru pouvoir les compter au nombre de ses meilleurs citoyens.

Les Amateurs des echecs ne se font ils point trop d’illusion à eux memes en se representant leur jeu favori comme l’image de la vie humaine, et se flattant que celui là leur apprendra à mieux connoitre et mieux remplir les devoirs de celle cy. Que de disparités de l’un à l’autre!
1º. Au jeu des echecs, le tems est compté pour rien. Dans le cours de la vie, il n’est pas indifferent de savoir prendre promptement son parti au besoin: connoitre le prix du tems est une des plus importantes siences de l’homme.
2º. Au jeu des echecs, on est sans cesse aux prises un à un. Dans le cours de la vie, chacun a souvent à se defendre de plusieurs à la fois, et toujours occasion aussi de s’aider de plusieurs, et de les aider réciproquement.
3º. Au jeu des echecs, la difference est toujours precisement de la perte au gain. Dans la vie humaine on peut faire de petites et de grandes pertes, de petits et de grands benefices, suivant qu’on se conduit plus ou moins bien, et qu’on se trouve dans des conjonctures plus ou moins favorables.
4º. Le jeu des echecs admet des milliers de combinaisons, mais toutes du même ordre, soumises au seul calcul et absolument independantes de la fortune. Dans le cours de la vie, le sort influe plus ou moins sur toutes les affaires; la sagesse et la fortune se joignent et se repoussent tour à tour, se mêlent, se demelent et se recombinent de tant de façons qu’il n’en resulte pas seulement une infinité de gradations, mais encore une infinité de nuances.
Le Piquet à ecrire est incomparablement plus vivant, plus social que les echecs, et plus propre si non à former, du moins à façonner des hommes; mais aucun jeu n’est fait pour nous apprendre l’employ de la vie; toute leur utilité se borne à en remplir innocemment quelques vides; et le plus heureux de tous les mortels est celui à qui il en reste le moins.

Endorsed: Jeu d’Echecs


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Joseph Gridley, 3 July 1779
From: Gridley, Joseph
To: Franklin, Benjamin

May it please your Excellency
Nantes 3d July 1779.
I hope it will not be thought impertinent, that I should inform your Excellency, there is now at this Place a Small Vessell & a Prime Sailor, fitted out for Philadelphia; she has all her Cargo on board & waits for nothing but her Dispatches & papers from the Minister of the Marine department.
This Circumstance I judged might not possibly have come within your knowledge; which knowing, you might be pleased to improve, in sending whatever Dispatches either Original or Duplicates, you might have for America.
The Capt. Monsr. Maurice Levesque Baumard, is a man I am well Acquainted with, being a fellow Passenger from Boston last Fall, and from a more particular knowledge of him since, can answer for his Fidelity in the delivery of whatever Papers you may intrust him with, provided he does not fall into the Hands of the Enemy, in which Case, he will follow whatever directions you might please to give him, His Owner Mr. Nicholas Vaud is a Merchant of known reputation & has fitted out several Vessells for the Indias, who will become answerable for his Conduct.
The Vessell is a Chasmaré, called the Furet, & mounts 12 pieces of Cannon for her defence against small Vessells & boats, if your Excellency should have any Dispatches you would choose should be imediately sent off, and think proper to send them in this Vessell, Your Excellency’s application to the Minister for the necessary papers of Dispatch, will enable her to take her departure in Twelve hours after their Arrival, and will greatly oblige him, who has the Honor to be Your Excellencys, most obliged & most obedient & Very Humble Servant
Joseph Gridley

Notation: Gridley Joseph 3. July 1779.


Title: Intelligence from Bilbao and Other Places, 3 July 1779
From: Kéralio, Agathon Guynement, chevalier de
To: American Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin

During the months covered by the present volume there was a considerable decline in the volume of intelligence collected by the chevalier de Kéralio and given to Franklin for eventual forwarding to Congress. Kéralio was absent from Paris for much of the period and made arrangements to provide such information during his absence, but from late August until the end of October the flow of information came to a complete halt. As in past volumes we provide the first of the intelligence reports as a sample and summarize the remainder; unless otherwise noted the items are in French and at the National Archives. The other items are the following:
(I) Bordeaux, July 6: This item reports on construction undertaken in the port for the French navy and relays information from the captain of a Spanish merchant ship that the Franco-Spanish squadron at La Coruña had sailed.
(II) Cadiz, July 6: The Spanish fleet sailed from here on June 22 and it is said it will rendezvous with the French fleet off La Coruña. It is also said Gibraltar is blockaded by land and sea.
(III) London (?), no date, but written on or after July 12: Enclosed are two newspapers, which have raised our spirits. People take little notice of General Mathew’s return from Virginia and his silence regarding the supporters we have been told would rally to the king’s standard. The public is indifferent to the danger of an invasion of Ireland, but I believe the government finally is thoroughly frightened. It is rumored we are now willing to negotiate on terms we rejected a short while ago.
(IV) Bayonne, July 13: A courier bearing dispatches from Admiral d’Estaing is expected to pass through here tonight or tomorrow. In late May his squadron contained nineteen ships of the line with five more under La Motte-Picquet expected; Admiral Byron’s British squadron lacked supplies and had 1800 seamen sick. Eight richly loaded ships from Havana have reached Cadiz. Don Antonio d’Arce has been dismissed from command of the Ferrol squadron.
(V) Brest, July 14: This item reports the arrival of a convoy from Port-au-Prince, a dockyard fire, and other news of the port.
(VI) Morlaix, July 14: The Austrasie regiment has arrived here and has been ordered to embark for India.
(VII) Lorient, July 15: Captain Jones’s squadron, having suffered some damage, entered the port for repairs; one of his ships is being careened, while the others are cruising off Belle-Isle for British privateers.
(VIII) St. Malo, July 15: News has been received from Bayonne and La Coruña. Cannon fire was heard off St. Malo the night of the 10th–11th, reportedly from the French privateer Monsieur. M. de Montbarey [the French war minister] left here yesterday for Brest. All is in readiness both here and at Le Havre [for the invasion of England]; all that remains to be done is to embark the troops and cavalry mounts.
(IX) Cadiz, July 23: The Cadiz fleet comprised of twenty-seven ships of the line has rendezvoused off La Coruña with d’Orvilliers’ fleet. The combined fleet now contains sixty-five ships of the line and approximately thirty smaller ships. Rumors of the safe arrival of the Jamaica convoy in England are unfounded; an outbound convoy for Jamaica has had to put back to the Thames.
(X) No location or date, but probably written in July: The Spanish declaration of war against Britain was published in Madrid on June 28. The importation of English goods, even fish carried by neutral vessels, has been prohibited in Spain. All British subjects have been ordered to leave the country within fifteen days, merchants have been told to list all the English merchandise in their possession, and orders have been sent to seize English ships. A letter of June 30 from Barcelona reports the movement of troops to a camp facing Gibraltar and Venetian ships carrying supplies there have been seized. Preparations continue at St. Malo and Le Havre. Some officers from d’Estaing’s squadron report the arrival of two ships of the line at Martinique.
(XI) Lorient, August 1: The arming of the ship of the line Ajax is progressing. Two cutters and a number of barks sailed yesterday for the mouth of the Loire. Captain Jones’s squadron is still in the road-stead; he is replacing the English sailors aboard his squadron with some 150 exchanged American sailors and sending the Englishmen back to prison.
(XII) Morlaix, August 1: A small American privateer has brought into this port the English packet boat Dublin, worth 100,000–150,000 l.t. Twenty-four ships from Granville have arrived at St. Malo.
(XIII) St. Malo, August 3: We have no news of the British fleet, which reportedly contains only thirty-five ships of the line. The king [of France] has leased at least 500–600 ships in the various ports. Twenty-seven ships from Granville recently arrived here. The embarkation of cavalry mounts is commencing. We learn from Brest that there are twenty-two ships in the port loaded with provisions. According to the English papers there is much desertion from their militia.
(XIV) Brest, August 9: The frigate Inconstante arrived on the 6th and reported the combined fleet is off Cape Ushant. It is comprised of sixty-six ships of the line, twenty-three frigates and corvettes, two bomb vessels, and six fire ships. There were few sick on board the fleet.
(XV) No location listed, August 10: The convoy from Jamaica has safely reached port. The combined fleet is in the English Channel; d’Orvilliers says the Spanish ships are in the best condition in the world. It is rumored in Paris that d’Estaing has captured St. Vincent and Grenada.
(XVI) Brest, August 11: The frigate Aigrette arrived on the 8th from the fleet in order to put ashore her captain, who is dangerously ill. She reports that four Spanish ships of the line have been detached. Ten supply ships have been sent to the fleet. Some ships are being readied to embark 2,000–3,000 horses.
(XVII) Bordeaux, August 15: Two recently constructed warships have been given masts. According to letters from Cadiz a supply ship en route to Gibraltar has been captured. All is in readiness at the Spanish camp to begin in the autumn the siege of Gibraltar.
(XVIII) Brest, August 18: Nine provision ships left to join the fleet. Various prizes and cargo ships have arrived here.
(XIX) Morlaix, August 19: The cargo of the Dublin has been put ashore and is appraised at 40,000 écus. The privateer Duchesse de Chartres awaits a favorable wind to sail.
(XX) No location, [c. August 20]: A London banker writes his correspondent in Paris that an English frigate entering port reports the combined fleet contains sixty-six ships of the line. A neutral ship brought the same news to a French port. The frigate Iphigénie has captured a British frigate. St. Malo is still ready to embark troops as soon as ordered. The frigate Néréide has been launched here.
(XXI) Toulon, August 20: The frigate Aurore returned here with four prizes she took off Algiers. Her captain asked the bey of Algiers not to furnish stores to the English squadron at Gibraltar. The construction of warships here is proceeding with alacrity; work continues even on Sundays and feast days. A prize moored near here caught fire and exploded.

(XXII) Brest, August 25: The frigate Junon arrived here with the prize Ardent, 64; she left the combined fleet off Plymouth, while the British fleet was off Lizard Point.
(XXIII) Extract from a letter from London, October 30: The American privateer General Glover, captured by Admiral Byron, reported having seen d’Estaing’s fleet off South Carolina. Byron is blamed here for not sending the prize directly to New York to warn of d’Estaing’s approach, which could cause great trouble to General Clinton. As of September 17, 4,000 troops were being readied at New York for an expedition to the southward. We are concerned about Jamaica. Admiral Rodney is preparing a fleet of four or five ships of the line and about thirty merchant ships.

Bilbao, 3 Juillet [1779]
Un négociant arrivé depuis peu de Gibraltar où il a fait un Séjour de 4 mois rapporte que la garnison de cette Place est d’environ 4000 hommes tout compris; que le Gouverneur a fait afficher que ceux qui voudroient rester dans la Place, eussent à Se pourvoir de vivres pour trois mois; mais que cela étoit impossible dans l’exécution, le Peuple n’étant composé que de Genois, de Juifs et de quelques Ecossois tous misérables; et qu’enfin il étoit persuadé que cette Place ne pouvoit pas tenir plus de 4 mois, Si elle etoit bloquée exactement.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jean de Neufville & fils, [before 4 July 1779]
From: Neufville, Jean de, & fils
To: Franklin, Benjamin

High Honourable Sir.
[before July 4, 1779]
We begg leave to address oúr selfs again to Your Excellency, and to begg for her favoúrs by the personall appearance of oúr Worthy frend Mr. Dumas, the Worthy Agent for Congress— He would be Kind enough to charge himself with this present, and we dare promitt oúr selfs from his frendship, that if yoúr Excellence already had some goodness for ús he will strenghten it.
We were favoúred with the sight of the Plan he is the bearer of, the prospect of its being determind upon, gave ús great pleasure, as we were not entirely Strange to it, may that time be not farr distant.
We fúrther make free to referr to Mr. Dúmas about what we had already begged as a favoúr from yoúr Excellence to be honourd with so múch confidence as is required for Commissioners for trade and Navigation and Treasúrers fr. Congress and every Private State of the United States of North America through the Seven United Provinces;
We should likewise be glad to referr to his intercession aboút the proposed Loan, and this we most heartily do, bútt we múst here observe that as for the terms, it is more in the Mercantile way, then he himself perhaps should chúse to meddle with, that we wont faill to give yoúr Excellence as to the terms all satisfaction possible, and that we, if only we may be Súre the form will some thing agree with what we had the honoúr to propose we think there will be no objection bútt we flatter oúr selfs more and more that we shall succed to satisfaction. May the 4th. of this Month be happy again to America we propose to Celebrate this Anniversary of its Independence with all the Gentlemen belonging to the States; may the next involve the Connection of the Two Republicqs!
We remain with all devoted Regard High Honourable Sir! Yoúr most Obedient and faithfull Servants
John DE Neufville & Son.

Notation: Neufville John & son


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to John Bondfield, 4 July 1779
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Bondfield, John

Sir,
Passy, July 4. 1779.
This Morning some Bills drawn by you were presented to me amounting to 19800 livres which I declin’d accepting for want of advice. The Person who brought them was hardly out of the house before I found on my table unopened yours of the 29th past which advises of those Drafts. I immediately Sent after him, but he was not overtaken; and not knowing from what house in Paris he came, I know not where to send the Notice that I will accept and pay them.— I hope this Accident will not be attended with any considerable Inconvenience to you.— I thank you for the News contained in your late Letter, and are with much Esteem, Sir
M. Bondfield.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Stephen Marchant, 4 July 1779
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Marchant, Stephen

Sir,
Passy, July 4. 1779.
I received yours with the Acct. of your Cruise, in which I see you have been both diligent and successful. The Misfortune of having several of your Prises retaken was what you could not help.— You have done good Service in bringing in so many Prisoners. I cannot get the particular Exhange made which you desire; but in the general Exchange which is going on your Men will be discharg’d in their Turn. In the mean time, as the Cartel Ship from England with 100 American Prisoners is soon expected, you will be at liberty to take as many of them as you may want to make up your Loss and as Shall be willing to go with you.— Those Prisoners you have brought in are to be delivered to the Care of the Commissary of the Marine at Morlaix.— You should if possible have brought in all your Prisoners, except what were necessary to Sail the ransomed Vessel, because they serve to relieve so many of our Country-men from their Captivity in England:—The Necessity of the Case must be your apology for the present: But for the future hope you will do your utmost to fulfil your Instructions on that head, And if you should again be oblig’d to dismiss some, take their Engagement in writting to procure the Discharge of an equal Number from the Prisons in England. With wishes for Success, I am Sir, Your most obedient.
Capt Merchant


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Paul Jones, 4 July 1779
From: Jones, John Paul
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honored and dear Sir,
Bon homme Richard L’OrientJuly 4th. 1779.
I had the honor to write you the 2d. an account of the arrival of the Alliance & Pallas with an Irish Brigantine which they brought in as a Prize.— Captain Landais has reported that Vessel as being destined for America, so that I shall suffer no further step to be taken without your approbation.
I have the satisfaction to inform you that the damage of the Bon homme Richard is of less consequence than I at first imagined— We are now lightening the forepart of the Ship and expect to make every thing secure without going into the Port.— I am of Opinion that our little Squadron will again be ready to proceed on Service when your answer becomes due. Altho the plan of our future Operation may be on the point of conclusion, if not altogether fixed, yet I cannot help observing that our Ships are very unfit to cruise after Privateers— We can get Sight of them it is true, but that is all; for we are unable to overtake them.— If therefore we would Employ our force usefully I think it would be expedient to pursue some of the plans which I hinted to M. De Sartine last Summer—or the Plan which was laid down between myself and M. Garnier when I took command of this ship. Since the Commencement of this War no time has appeared more favorable to put that Plan in execution; and I am sure that no plan that has been thought of, at an Equal expence, could if Successful have an equal effect.— I do not however think it could Succeed without Troops.— Had the Marquis embarked with me, I should, when at Sea, have endeavoured to put him upon that Plan instead of the one which he communicated in Secret to M——who told it as a Secret to almost all his acquaintances.— On account of that intended expidition this Armament has cost much more than it otherwise would have done—and yet is calculated much less for the ordinary Services of Ships of War. This is not surprising when it is remembered that the Bon homme Richard and the Pallas were obliged to be calculated to serve as Transports which not only prevented me from Cutting away the Upper Deck of this Ship and lowering the Gunnels but also obliged me to have a Round House built for the accomodation of the General and his officers.— Had I been allowed to pursue my own Ideas, I should have mounted only one open battery of 30 Eighteen Pounders, which would have been of more Service than the 42 Guns that are now on board in proportion as 540 is to 508— And the ship would then have made much better way thro’ the Water and required less Ballast. This alteration however may easily be made at any time after the Cannon have arrived here which I contracted for at Angouleme— and the expence will be triffling both with respect to time & Money.—
I cannot however persuade myself to forego the hopes of Commanding the Ship in Holland that the Court first offered— and I hope the present situation of affairs will admit of my going with this Ship to take Command of that, after doing something by the Way.— You are the best Judge whither or not it will be proper to communicate this Idea to M de C—— He mentioned it to me while here oftener than Once.— I have not yet written either to him or to M de Sartine— because I think it my Duty to communicate my Ideas first to you— and because you can give them to the Minister if you please with more propriety and with due effect.
I have Saluted the Sun last evening & this Morning and shall again this Evening.— This I hope will be done to the latest posterity where ever the Flag of Freedom is Displayed!
I am ever with Sentiments of grateful Esteem & Real Affection Dear Sir Your very obliged Friend and most humble Servant
Jno P Jones
His Excellency Doctor Franklin.

Notation: Capt. Jones July 4. 79


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from David Moffett, 4 July 1779
From: Moffett, David
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Hond: Sir
Vitre Bregtaiun [Bretagne] Jul 4th 1779
I make Bould to trubell you with this as I will Know you have the Intrest of america and its natifes so much at hearte which I happen to be one of them that has the messfortan to be a pressaner in france at presant and has bein for this 9 mounths past I Should have made applacton to your Honnr Befor but as I had some money Deuw to me in England I was in hopes of an Exchainge that I might have an opertounitey of getting it befor I indeverd to get home but as ther is no appireance of an Exchainge nor can I get aney supplaies from my frinds in Boston I ame verey much at a Loss what to Do at presant My father lived in Johns Street Boston new England and my Brother Lives ther at presant which I should be verey happey to see if your Honnar would precour me a passe for to go one Bourd aney marchant shipe ore Crousare Bound to america I should be for evar under the gratest obelatigons to your goodness and genarosatey and should I have the happness to araive safe in my oun Contrea I shall Do my Endevar to serve it in what so evar Capasetey I may be thought Capepaell of and I troust your Honr will take my steat into Consedareton as I have no other frind hire to appley to but your Honr I was a passchanger in the shipe st peter of Livarpool which was taken on hir passesh to Jameaica wher I Lived four years with an unckel I have ther from Boston Should your Honr Condesand to wrait me an ansuer to this you will Confar the greatest honnar emeganebell one honred Sir Your moust Devoted and moust Humbell Servant
David Moffett

Addressed: The Honbl: Bengn: Francklon Esqr / ambasrder from the Congrass / of america in paris
Notation: David Moffett, Vitre Bregtaium July 4. 1779


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from ——— Vigneron and Other Applicants for Emigration, 4 July 1779
From: Vigneron, ——
To: Franklin, Benjamin

The first two applicants for emigration in the course of the four months covered by this volume were quite demanding. Vigneron, whose letter is printed below, wanted no less than a county named after him in one of the “warm colonies.” Charles Epp, who had sent Franklin some political advice one year earlier, writes on July 12 from Altorf, in Switzerland, to explain his wish: a fine, large country-seat situated near the water, moderately priced, where he could settle with his family and exchange the practice of law for life in the open air. Well-versed as he is in foreign languages and republican institutions, he might be of use as a consul. His advice is not to allow foreign troops to tarry on American soil, as friction is unavoidable.
Epp’s request was forwarded by a fellow countryman serving as a second lieutenant in the Swiss Guard. This man urged Franklin for an answer on three occasions (July 30, August 14, August 27), always signing his name in such an illegible manner that it is endorsed successively as Grigglang, Giggling, and Gigglang. Franklin finally answered both men on August 27.
Not agriculture but the desire to practice medicine and surgery in America, a nation he reveres, is the motivation of Dr. Joseph Pellegrini de Coli et Luciani who writes from Vienna on July 19. He was a fellow student and close friend of Dr. Kaufmann, whose recent death on the battlefield put an end to their project of sailing together to Philadelphia where Kaufmann had his practice. A thirty-year-old bachelor, Pellegrini is willing to go to Paris at his own expense. Will Franklin sponsor his voyage after that?
On July 22, young Cavallier, employed in the Palermo firm of Gamelin frères & Cavallier, begs Franklin to help him escape European decadence and tyranny in order to join the generous Americans. He wants to give up commerce to cultivate a plot of land, certain that he will in due course reimburse the advances made to him. A friend of his, J.J.S. Nicoud, a citizen of Geneva, adds a plea of his own. He, too, does not want his employers to know of his plans but entreats Franklin for advice. He is twenty-eight.
From Leghorn comes the request of Pierre Martin who supposes that, while not remembering him in particular, Franklin must be well aware of his family’s holdings in America. Parental authority and youthful indolence have prevented him so far from acting but now that the collapse of the family business grants him his freedom, he wants to emigrate, convinced that the honest American states will give him back the lands taken away by the English oppressors. He hopes his knowledge of the Dutch language will be of some use. His letter is dated July 23.
A cautious candidate from Liège (but writing from Brussels) explains on August 3 that he will merely sign himself L’ami de la liberté. Well in his forties, he has been studying America for fifteen years and wishes to settle there, along with a number of agriculturists and craftsmen. But first he has questions about transportation, land grants, housing, subsidies, supplies, etc. Only after they have been answered will he reveal his identity and come to Paris if necessary. He provides a fictitious name for the Doctor to send his answer to.

The final application, sent on August 20, comes from Delfshaven in Holland. Writing in English, Thomas Guinea states he works as a gunsmith and stove-grate maker. He would like to emigrate but cannot afford the price of passage. Could Franklin procure him a berth on a ship about to sail for Maryland or Virginia? Or at least give him advice? He does not want to fight against England, his country, but his sympathies are with America. His brother, a sail maker, would also like to go.

Monsieur,
Beauvoir sur mer, Bas Poitou, 4. Juillet 1779.
La Paix, cette felicité, que les humains, Monsieur Le docteur, vont devoir, aux talens, aux qualités du Cœur et aux hauts sentimens dont le Createur, à bien voulu doüer votre grande ame! Cette paix enfin, longue, par votre ouvrage, heureuse par les liens puissants dont vous allés lier, la naissante amerique, avec les forces des paisibles Bourbons, Jette tous les françois dans un vœu d’Emigration.
Puis-je Monsieur l’ambassadeur, ici prendre la Liberté, de vous ouvrir les sentimens de mon Cœur agé de 35. ans; ayant femme, trois enfans dont deux filles commencent a croitre et un garçon agé de 3. ans; jouissant d’une fortune de prés de 200. mille livres en Esperant a peu près autant? dois je m’occuper d’une Emigration.
L’Edit de Nantes ayant traversé ma famille j’en ignore l’origine, je sçais que sortis de l’anjou, mes parents ont toujours vecu noblement; j’ay entendu parler d’un grand oncle autrefois président au parlement de Paris. Le frère de mon pere, à joui, d’une certaine Réputation, sous le nom du medecin vigneron de la chauvetrie, mon Pere enfin etoit major d’infanterie.
Je désirerois donc Monsieur, le premier printemps sitot la Paix, passer sous vos puissants auspices, dans vos Colonies chaudes, depuis philadelphie Jusqu’a la Caroline, le Croyant salutaire pour la goutte que j’ay du sang. Je demandrois un ascencement de 10. a 12. mille arpens de domaines, peu eloignés d’un port ou Riviere Navigable et d’une ville ou je voudrois faire Résidence, faisant une Expresse demande à Vôtre Excellence, que la terre que je compterois y deffricher fut erigée en Comté de mon nom.
Mon intention seroit, en partant, de vous Remettre Monsieur, mille louis d’or, dont vous voudriés bien me faire compter le surplus, a mon arrivée, de ce qui me reviendroit, le paiement fait de mon ascencement, son erection faitte en comté. Mon plan pris mes logemens preparés, mon intention seroit d’en partir au mois de 7bre. suivant, pour revenir prendre ma famille, des fonds, des cultivateurs, si ce gouvernement le permet, pour m’y fixer, avec toute Liberté de Religion, ainsi que vous l’avés annoncé.
Voila Monsieur l’ambassadeur, mes désirs, vous pressentés, qu’il faut un Eguillon, pour Emigrer les hommes; le mien est pour mes enfans, je souhaitte qu’il puisse convenir aux vües du Congrés, aux grands projets que vous avés formés, et aux grands sentimens que vous avés voüé à l’utilité publique et pour le bonheur des citoiens de l’amerique.
Je Suis avec le Respect le plus profond Monsieur, Votre très humble et trés obeissant serviteur
Vigneron
Monsieur Le Docteur franklin à Paris

Notation: Vigneron 4 Juillet 1779.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Samuel Davison, 5 July 1779
From: Davison, Samuel
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honord. Sr.
Masterland Sweden July 5th. 1779.
I having saild from Norfolk Virginia the first of may with the Sloop Phianix Burthen 80 tons mounting 8 carrige Guns 20 men I purpose mounting four more & Shipping as many hands here as is necessary to fight her. She is ownd By Saml Cad Morris of Phila. henry & thos. of Norfolk Mr. Brown having applyd at williamsburg for a commissn the Governor not having any Blanks by him from congress was obligd to Sail without a commission. If you can send me a commissn per post so as to arrive here by Middle of August Youll oblige Sr. your Most Obdt. humble Servt.
Saml Davison

Addressed: To / The Honorible / Benjamin Franklin / Paris
Notation: Davison Saml. July 5. 1779.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from David Hartley, 5 July 1779
From: Hartley, David
To: Franklin, Benjamin

July 5 1779
I send you for fear of accidents copies of two letters wch I have lately writ to you.
I told you in my last that I hoped that our negotiation had done some good upon at least the minds of Men they had not been immediately as effectual as I cd have wished. Perhaps you may incline to the same opinion when you see the last paragraph of the King’s Speech viz that those unhappy provinces will not persist in preferring foreign alliances &c. to Peace & Reunion with the Mother Country. Terms & phrases begin to soften. I live in hopes that better times & dispositions will come & I shall never keep my eye off of such expectation I am very strongly of opinion that many arguments wch I have urged upon the Consideration of Ministers have lost [left] a material impression I wish they had gone a little farther and that they wd have the experiment towards reconciliation upon a ten years peace for a good beginning.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Paul Jones, 5 July 1779
From: Jones, John Paul
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honored & dear Sir,
L’Orient July 5th. 1779
I embraced the Opportunity which presented itself to write to you by the Captain of the Epervier who arrived here the day before, it is believed, from Martinico and as he went off express Undertook to deliver my letter to you at Passy on his way to Paris.—
I have now the honor to forward a letter from Captn. Landais with Copies of the Papers that respect the Prize &c. for your particular information.— The Admiralty will this day put their Seals on the Hatches.— Yesterday being very stormy the Alliance touched the Ground a short while before High water but I think recd. no Damage.
I have the honor to be with real Esteem & Greatful Affection. Dear Sir Your very Obliged Friend and very humble Servant.
Jno P Jones
N.B. I have only this moment recd. the withinHis Excellency Doctor Franklin.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Kentisbear, 5 July 1779
From: Kentisbear, William
To: Franklin, Benjamin

May it Please your Excellency
Aix in Provence July 5th. 1779
Being now a Prisoner at this Place & on My Peroole of Honour, begs leave to address your Excellency on this present occasion, As Being a Subject to the United & Independent States of America, Sollicits your Honour to Use your interest & influence to Procure my Enlargement & Liberty As there being but two Unhappy Sufferers of Us natives of America puts Great confidence in our being Successful— Having received a Letter lately from Bourdeaux from Mr. Frasier Directed to My fellow Sufferer Mr. Taylor in which he intimates the nessesity of our Accquainting Your Excellency of the above. Anxious Waiting for your approbation hoping Yr. Excellency Will take our Distressed situation in consideration Which Will be Gratefully Acknowledged by Sr. With Profound Respect Your most Obedient & humble Servant
William Kentisbear

Your Excellency will Please to Observe that We Shall think it the most happy circumstance that can Occur to procure us Passes to proceed to Bourdeaux Or Nants & there to repair on Board Some American frigate Or Vessel of War as Your Excellencys Goodness shall think most Expedient

Addressed: a Son Excellence / Monsieur Le Docteur Franklin / ambassadeur des Etats unis de l’amerique / à la Cour de france / à Paris
Notations in different hands: William Kentisbear, Aix in Province July. 5. 1779 / aix


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Antoine-Raymond-Gualbert-Gabriel de Sartine, 5 July 1779
From: Sartine, Antoine-Raymond-Gualbert-Gabriel de
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Versailles le 5. Juillet 1779.
J’ai l’honneur, Monsieur, de vous envoyer une lettre que le Sr. Samuel Will detenu à Carhaix m’a fait passer, et par la quelle il represente qu’ayant été pris par le Corsaire le Ranger au mois d’avril 1778. Il a été oublié dans l’Echange qui a été fait des Prisonniers Americains, et en conséquence il demande sa liberté. Je vous prie de vouloir bien donner vos ordres pour faire verifier l’Exposé de ce Prisonnier, et me faire connoitre ce que vous aurez jugé a Propos de decider.
J’ai l’honneur d’être avec un sincere Attachement, Monsieur, votre très humble et tres obeissant serviteur
(signé) De Sartine.
M. Franklin


Title: Toasts at an Independence Day Banquet, [5 July 1779]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

The anniversary of American independence, which fell on a Sunday in 1779, was celebrated on both sides of the Atlantic on Monday, the fifth of July. While back in Philadelphia the French minister plenipotentiary, consul, local officials, and visiting dignitaries were being hosted by Congress, in Passy Franklin was hosting Americans and French friends of the cause.
Even the preliminaries of the Passy celebration were ceremonious. Franklin had printed invitations on his newly established press. The guest list included representatives for Vergennes and Sartine, premier commis Gérard de Rayneval and Baudouin; the marquis and marquise de Lafayette; the chevalier de Laneuville and “comte” Montfort de Prat, both officers in the American army; the banker Ferdinand Grand; French friends and neighbors the Chaumonts, Brillons, le Veillards, the abbés Chalut and Arnoux, and Barbeu-Dubourg. Among the Americans invited were the Izards, Arthur Lee, Samuel Petrie, and Samuel Wharton. Altogether, according to a French account, there were forty at table.
The party began with a banquet whose magnificence has left its traces in Franklin’s account books. The rented tableware included 36 platters in silver-plated copper, 17 ornamental figures of porcelain, 20 vases, 24 dozen goblets, a number of decanters, ice buckets, double salt cellars, compote bowls, etc., from which enough items disappeared to raise the bill by 22 l.t. to the sum of 93 l.t. 3 s. 6 d. The impressive quantities of chickens (“gras,” “communs,” or “a la Reine”), ducks, turkeys, veal, lamb, quails, and two varieties of pigeons amounted to 121 l.t. 10 s. As to fruit and vegetables, they included vast amounts of gooseberries, strawberries, raspberries, cherries, pears, apricots, lemons, melons, figs, artichokes, carrots, turnips, onions, cauliflower, cabbage, lettuce, peas, mushrooms, cucumbers, green beans, grape leaves, and “fines herbes.” To wash it down, 136 “pintes” of wine were purchased on July 3, 4, and 5. And between July 1 and 6 the grocer Gautier furnished a wide range of goods including butter, sugar, eggs, coffee, vinegar, pickles, cooking oil, pepper, nutmeg, cloves, anchovies, orange blossom water, mustard, and rice, as well as products such as brooms, candles, paper, coal, a notebook, string, sieves, gravy boats, and two dozen lanterns, for a total of 421 l.t. 13 s. 3 d.
The guests dined under the inspiring gaze of a full-body portrait of George Washington, shown holding the Declaration of Independence and the Franco-American Treaties of Alliance and Commerce, and trampling the British conciliatory bills. The portrait, painted by Louis Trinquesse, had been brought to France by Lafayette.
Following the banquet and toasts there was singing, and the distribution of keepsakes. The poet Feutry had composed “Un Chant d’alégresse” especially for the occasion, and copies (printed at Franklin’s expense) were handed out to the company. Sung by a “coryphée insurgent,” the song extolled the bravery of all the allied parties in defending liberty, dearer than life itself, and predicted that the anniversary of the Declaration of American Independence would always be celebrated by future generations. Copies of “La Science du Bonhomme Richard” were distributed to the guests. A band of musicians played military music, and the whole was followed by a ball.

[July 5, 1779]
1
The King of France, illustrious Protector of American Liberty.
Le Roi de France, illustre Protecteur de la Liberté Americaine.

  2
  The Queen, and may they and their Posterity long reign over an affectionate and happy People.
La Reine puissent ils regner longtems eux et leur Posterité sur un Peuple heureux et affectionné.
  3
  The King of Spain and the Rest of the renowned Bourbon Family; with Success to their Arms.
Le Roi d’Espagne et toute l’illustre Famille des Bourbons. & Succés a ses Armes.
  4
  The Congress and may they always govern with the same Wisdom that has hitherto distinguished them.
Le Congrés. Puisse-t-il toujours gouverner avec la même Sagesse qui l’a distingué jusqu’a present.
  5
  The Marquis de la Fayette and all the brave Strangers who have hazarded their Lives in our Cause.
Le Marquis de la Fayette et touts les braves Etrangers qui ont risqué leurs Vies pour notre Cause.
  6
  Generals Washington, Gates, Arnold and all the valiant Americans who have fought in Defence of their Country.
Les Generaux Washington, Gates, Arnold et touts les vaillans Americains qui ont combattu pour la Defense de leur Patrie.
  7
  The combined Fleets of France & Spain, and may Fame swell their Sails, and Victory crown all their Enterprizes.
Les Flottes combinées de France et d’Espagne; Puisse la Renommée enfler leurs Voiles et la Victoire couronner toutes leurs Entreprises.

Notation: Feast on the 6th July


Title: The Abbé André Morellet’s Song in Honor of Franklin, [c. 5 July 1779?]
From: Morellet, abbé André
To:

A love of music was one of the many things that Franklin and Morellet discovered they had in common when the two first met at Lord Shelburne’s estate in 1772. Their discussions of Morellet’s recently published theories on the subject inspired Franklin, upon his return to London, to list fifty-one emotions which could be evoked by musical means. Morellet rendered the terms in French. Years later, in Passy, the abbé translated seven of Franklin’s favorite Scottish songs and ballads, and compiled them into a small songbook. Desperately proud of them, Morellet sang the French versions while the Doctor accompanied him on his glass armonica.
Franklin’s frequent dinners with his “Académie d’Auteuil” were often enlivened with singing, and Morellet seems to have composed songs in his honor for two kinds of occasions: birthdays and Independence Day dinners. He noted, on the manuscript copy now in Weimar, Germany, that this piece was composed for a dinner in 1779 at the home of Mme Helvétius. The allusion in stanza nine to the invasion of England points to a date in the summer of that year. We suspect that Mme Helvétius hosted a dinner in honor of Franklin around Independence Day, and that Morellet toasted his friend with this “chanson à boire.”

[c. July 5, 1779?] air des Treize cantons

  chanson
  Que l’histoire sur l’airain
grave le nom de Franklin
pour moi je veux à sa gloire
faire une chanson à boire
le verre en main
Chantons nôtre Benjamin.
En politique il est grand
à table joyeux et franc
Tout en fondant un empire
Vous le voyes boire et rire
le verre en main &.c.
  Comme un aigle audacieux
il a volé jusqu’aux cieux
et dérobé le tonnerre
dont ils effrayoient la terre
le verre en main &.c.
  L’Americain indompté
conserve sa liberté
moitié de ce bel ouvrage
est encor de nôtre sage
le verre en main &c

On ne combattit jamais
pour de plus grands interêts
ils veulent l’independance
pour boire des vins de france
le verre en main, &c
  L’anglois sans humanité
vouloit les reduire au thé
il leur vendoit du vin trouble
et le leur vendoit au double
le verre en main &c
  Le congrès a declaré
qu’il boiroit notre claré
et c’est pour notre champagne
que l’on s’est mis en campagne
le verre en main &c
  Si vous voyes nos heros
braver l’anglois et les flots
c’est pour faire à l’amerique
boire du vin catholique
le verre en main &c
  Ce n’est point mon sentiment
qu’on fasse un debarquement
que faire de l’angleterre
on n’y boit que de la biere
le verre en main &ca
  Ces anglois sont grands esprits
profonds dans tous leurs ecrits
ils savent ce que l’air pèse
mais leur cuisine est mauvaise
le verre en main &c
  On les voit assés souvent
se tüer de leur vivant
qu’y feront les moralistes
faute de vin ils sont tristes
le verre en main &c

Puissons nous domter sur mer
l’orgueuil de ce peuple fier
mais apres notre victoire
nous leur apprendrons à boire
le verre en main &c

Notation: Abbé Morrellet’s Song for B. F.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to the Abbé Morellet, [after 5 July? 1779]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Morellet, abbé André

[after July 5, 1779?]
Vous m’avez souvent égayé, mon très-cher ami, par vos excellentes chansons à boire; en échange, je désire vous édifier par quelques réflexions chrétiennes, morales et philosophiques sur le même sujet.
In vino veritas, dit le sage. La verité est dans le vin.
Avant Noé, les hommes, n’ayant que de l’eau à boire, ne pouvaient pas trouver la verité. Aussi ils s’égarèrent; ils devinrent abominablement méchans, et ils furent justement exterminés par l’eau qu’ils aimaient à boire.
Ce bonhomme Noé, ayant vu que par cette mauvaise boisson tous ses contemporains avaient peri, la prit en aversion; et  Dieu, pour le désaltérer, créa la vigne, et lui révéla l’art d’en faire le vin. Par l’aide de cette liqueur, il découvrit mainte et mainte vérité; et depuis son temps, le mot deviner a été en usage, signifiant originairement découvrir au moyen du vin. Ainsi, le patriarche Joseph prétendait deviner au moyen d’un coupe ou d’un verre de vin, liqueur qui a reçu ce nom pour marquer qu’elle n’était pas une invention humaine, mais divine; autre preuve de l’antiquité de la langue française contre M. Gébelin. Aussi, depuis ce temps, toutes les choses excellentes, même les déités, ont eté appellées divines ou divinités.
On parle de la conversion de l’eau en vin, à la noce de Cana, comme d’un miracle. Mais cette conversion est faite tous les jours par la bonté de Dieu devant nos yeux. Voilà l’eau qui tombe des cieux sur nos vignobles; là, elle entre les racines des vignes pour être changée en vin; preuve constante que Dieu nous aime, et qu’il aime à nous voir heureux. Le miracle particulier a été fait seulement pour hâter l’opération, dans une circonstance de besoin soudain qui le demandait.
Il est vrai que Dieu a aussi enseigné aux hommes à réduire le vin en eau. Mais quelle espèce d’eau? — L’eau-de-vie; et cela, afin que par-là ils puissent eux-mêmes faire au besoin le miracle de Cana, et convertir l’eau commune en cette espèce excellente de vin qu’on appelle punch. Mon frère chrétien, soyez bienveillant, et bienfaisant comme lui, et ne gâtez pas son bon breuvage.
Il a fait le vin pour nous réjouir. Quand vous voyez votre voisin à table verser du vin en son verre, ne vous hâtez pas à y verser de l’eau. Pourquoi voulez-vous noyer la verité? Il est vraisemblable que votre voisin sait mieux que vous ce qui lui convient. Peut-être il n’aime pas l’eau: peut-être il n’en veut mettre que quelques gouttes par complaisance pour la mode: peut-être il ne veut pas qu’un autre observe combien peu il en met dans son verre. Donc, n’offrez l’eau qu’aux enfans. C’est une fausse complaisance et bien incommode. Je dis ceci à vous comme homme du monde; mais je finirai comme j’ai commencé, en bon chrétien, en vous faisant une observation religieuse bien importante, et tirée de l’Ecriture Sainte, savoir, que l’apôtre Paul conseillait bien sérieusement à Timothée de mettre du vin dans son eau pour la santé; mais que pas un des apôtres, ni aucun des saints pères, n’a jamais conseillé de mettre de l’eau dans le vin.

P.S. Pour vous confirmer encore plus dans votre piété et reconnaissance à la providence divine, réfléchissez sur la situation qu’elle a donnée au coude. Vous voyez, figures 1 et 2, que les animaux qui doivent boire l’eau qui coule sur la terre, s’ils ont des jambes longues, ont aussi un cou long, afin qu’ils puissent atteindre leur boisson sans la peine de se mettre à genoux. Mais l’homme, qui était destiné à boire du vin, doit être en état de porter le verre à sa bouche. Regardez les figures ci-dessous: si le coude avait été placé plus près de la main, comme en fig. 3, la partie A aurait été trop courte pour approcher le verre de la bouche; et s’il avait été placé plus près de l’épaule, comme en fig. 4, la partie B aurait été si longue, qu’il eût porté le verre bien au delà de la bouche: ainsi nous aurions été tantalisés. Mais par la présente situation, représentée fig. 5, nous voilà en état de boire à notre aise, le verre venant justement à la bouche. Adorons donc, le verre à la main, cette sagesse bienveillante; adorons et buvons.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Digges, 6 July 1779
From: Digges, Thomas
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dr Sir.
London 6 July 1779.
I make use of the oppertunity by the under Spanish Secretary (who takes his departure today with the remaining domestiques of the Ambassador) to forward you this; in which I take the liberty to inclose one for Mr. Johnson at Nantes under a French direction & I am to beg the favor of you to cause it to be put into the common post as soon as may be. I also forward in my packet a letter from our friend, to which I refer for particulars. He, as well as myself, have nothing now left but hopes; but we would not have You loose sight intirely of what we have been lately aiming at, and what may on some more fortunate day, be brought about. The Cloud is thickening a pace, & if appearances speak truth, almost every discription of Men among the thinking & great seem afraid it will soon burst with violence on this Country. In consequence of the impending mischeifs, there has been very great exertions in the naval department & many Seamen impressd, so that eight sail of the line more will be ready in about a fortnight to join the thirty one now cruising a few leagues west of Scilly.
I have got an answer from Mr Peters pressing me to draw on you, that He may get the much wanted supply. I wrote you a few days ago that I shoud draw a bill on you payable at Grand’s; I am advisd by the conversant in these matters to direct it to Grand himself marking it to be presented at Passy and so it will go by next mail—ie for Livres equivalent by the then Exchange to one hundd & ten pounds, payle at ten days sight to Messrs French & Hopson. You understand the ten pounds is for another accot, and as soon as there is accots of the bill being paid Mr Peters shall have his £100 lodgd where he requested & the proper receipts forwarded to you. You will please to give the necessary orders about the bill when it may appear at Monsr. Grands.
I expect in a packet or two to forward You the whole printed Evidence of Cornwallis Grey & other officers respecting America; and also the very curious Evidence brought to counteract the others by Lord G. G of his now friend & new ally Mr Galloway. This Gentn. has provd too much, & has compleatly done for himself in the opinion of all honest men even of his own Torey principles. He was treated as he deservd by some of the minority Speakers, & by attempting to prove the practicability of the American War, has innevitably fixd his ruin at home.
I begin to get more & more sick of these kind of Gentry and heartily tired of the Country. My business will lead me in a few months to Lisbon, but you shall have timely notice of my move; and I hope for your aid & recommendations when ever the day comes that any thing may be done in that Country favorable to my own. Your mentioning me even in a common way to those you write to at home will I am confident be highly servicable. It may seem odd that I have rejected three offers to attend Gentn whom you may guess at, as Secy; & by such rejection appear cool in the cause they are engaged in: this is by no means the case; I was engagd in matters here, that I could not leave; & to speak truly I was afraid of joining intimately & cordially those who were engagd in disputes & quarrels which I ever disapprovd & carefully endeavourd to shun. I am sure no good can come of disunion, & that I have no prospect of comfort or satisfaction by living with a man or men who are apt to quarrel. I love quiet, & have no doubt I shall find it where I am going, because I am well-known & a little respected there. It will be a great additional happiness to me to have your approbation & friendship, for there is no one who esteems you more or wishes you better.

I am happy to inform you the Milford Cartel Ship is again saild from Portsmouth with 119 Prisoners for Nantes, & will I hope be forwarded quickly back to Plymouth for the remainder there. There were 17 officers & 102 Men among the Officers Captns. Harris, Tew, Lunt, White, &ca. They behaved very quietly & properly as they passd to the Ship, & by the joy & gifts of the people as they passd thro Gosport, there were strong indications that if Peace & accomodation could be brought about between that Country and America, the affections of Brethren and fellow Citizens would soon return. Leiut Knox, who Commands the Milford Cartel Ship is a very humane good Man, & gave a passage to a poor crippled Amn Woman, & to some other dischargd prisoners who had been in Haslar Hospital for cure. The general language of the lower class of People as the American Prisoners passd thro Gosport to embark was “they are fine fellows, God Bless them, & send them safe home”.
I have thought it better to put the Nantes Letter into the Common post & therefore shall not Trouble you with it. I am with great regard Dr Sir Yr obligd & Obt. Servt
V—— J—— D——D

Addressed: To Docter Franklin
Endorsed: July 6
Notations in different hands: July 6. 1779. / July 6. 79


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Robert Montgomery, 6 July 1779
From: Montgomery, Robert
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Alicante 6th: July 1779
I had the Honour of Addressing your Eccelly the 26th: ulto. advising that by the officious Impertinence of the Assesor to this Governour I had been Arrested and my House Embargoed, notwithstanding I had Presented my Certificat and Pasport, Given by the Plenipotentiarys of the united States residing at Paris, and also proved that I had always Subscribed my Self a Subject of those States in the Anual List taken of foraign Merchants Established here, which Confirm; but on my Representing the facts to the Conde de Ricla Ministre of war at Madrid, He Immediately dispatched a Courier Extraordinary with a Severe Repremand to the Govr, and Orders to suport the Americans and Protect them as freinds and Allies, so that I have been Redressed with Honour and all the Expidition Possible, the Express Come down in forty Hours, which by the Regular post is four days, wishing you Every Happiness and Success I am very Truly Dr Sir your Eccellys Most Obedt and Most Humble Servt
Robt Montgomery
Ben Franklin Esqr. Passy

Addressed: To / His Excellency / Benjamin Franklin Esqr / Passy / Paris
Notation: Robt Montgomery alicante 6. juillet 1779.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from the Chevalier de Laneuville, 7 July 1779
From: Laneuville, Louis-Pierre Penot Lombart, chevalier de
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur,
Paris ce 7. Juillet 1779
Je suis arrivé dimanche 4 de ce mois de la campagne, Votre Excellence pourroit me soupconner de peu d’Empressement a répondre a son honorable invitation pour célébrer le 5 l’indépendance Américaine, si je ne lui expliquois pas les motifs qui m’ont privé de cet honneur.
Aÿant donné Ordre que l’on me fit passer au chateau de Brueil les lettres qui me seroient adréssées a paris, je n’ai receu que ce matin la votre qui m’a eté renvoyée du paÿs d’ou je viens, et Je ne perds pas un moment pour vous témoigner combien je suis sensible a votre souvenir, combien j’ai de regrets de n’avoir pu avoir l’honneur de boire aux treize ètats unis de L’Amèrique, et combien je serois flatté dans toutes les circonstances de ma vie d’être dans le cas de leur montrer mon zele et mon affection.
Je suis avec respect, De Votre Excellence le tres humble Et tres obeissant serviteur
Laneuville

Notation: Laneuville 7. Juillet 1779.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Laneuville, [after 7 July 1779]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Laneuville, Louis-Pierre Penot Lombart, chevalier de

[after July 7, 1779]
Dr Franklin regrets much M le Chevr de La neufville, not receiving his Invitation to Celebrate the anniversary of American Independence, ‘till the Day appointed was past. He assures him however that he was not forgot when the Company drank, to the Brave Strangers who have hazarded their Lives in support of American Liberty.
If M. le Chevalier is not engaged Sunday next Dr. Franklin will be glad of his Company at Dinner.—


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to John Paul Jones, 8 July 1779
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Jones, John Paul

Dear Sir,
Passy July 8. 1779.
I received your Favours of the second and 4th Inst. I am sorry for the Accidents that have obliged your little Squadron to return & refit; but hope all may be for the best. Some Days since, Mr Chaumont handed to me the Substance of a Letter in French, which contained heads of the Instructions that M. De Sartine wish’d me to give you. I had them translated & put into the Form of a Letter to you which I signed & gave back to Mr C. who I suppose has sent it to you. I have no other Orders to give: For as the Court is at the chief Expence, I think they have the best right to direct. I observe what you write about a Change of the Destination: But when a thing has been once considered & determined on in Council, they don’t care to resume the Consideration of it, having much Business on hand, and there is not now time to obtain a Reconsideration. It has been hinted to me, that the Intention of ordering Your Cruise to finish at the Texel, is with a View of getting out that Ship: but this should be kept a Secret. I can say nothing about Capt. Landais Prize. I suppose the Minister has an Account of it; but I have heard nothing from him about it: If he reclaims it on Account of his Passport, we must then consider what is to be done. I approve of the Careenage proposed for the Alliance, as a thing necessary. As she is said to be a remarkable swift Sailer, I should hope you might by her means take some Privateers and a Number of Prisoners, so as to continue the Cartel, and redeem all our poor Countrymen. My best Wishes attend you, being ever, with great Esteem, Dear Sir, Your affectionate Friend, & most obedt. Servant.
B Franklin
Honble: Capt: J.P. Jones Esq.

[In Franklin’s hand:] If it should fall in your Way, remember that the Hudson’s Bay Ships are very valuable. BF
Addressed: A Monsieur / Monsieur le Cape. Jones, / à L’Orient,
Endorsed: from His Excellency B. Franklin Passy July 8th. 1779. recd. L’Orient July 14th.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jonathan Williams, Jr.: Two Letters, 8 July 1779
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Williams, Jonathan Jr.

I.
Dear Jonathan,
Passy, July 8. 1779.
I received yours of the 1st. & 2d. Instand. Inclos’d I send as you desire Mr. Lee’s original Letter declining any farther Concern with the Accounts. As it contains some malevolent Insinuations relating to them that are groundless, I think it right you should at the same time see my Observations on them, in the Drafts of a letter Intended to send him in Answer; but which on second Thougts I did not send, merely to avoid a continued Altercation, for which I had neither Time nor Inclination, and he abundance of both.
I am much oblig’d to the Gentlemen who have undertaken the Trouble of examining your Accounts and if they think fit to join Commodore Gillon to their Number, and he will be so good as to accept it will be very agreable to me. I am sorry that Mr. Schweighauser declines it, as he was put into our business by Messrs. Lee’s and it was therefore I nam’d him in the request, tho’ not an American.
I request you would make Enquiry concerning the Complaints contain’d in two Papers I inclose, which were handed to me from the spanish Ambassador. I suspect that some of the English Cruizers do sometimes personate Americans to create Mischief. Let me know if Such Vessels realy went from Nantes. I am your Affectionate Uncle.
M. Williams.

II.
Dear Cousin,
[July 8, 1779]
The Bearer, Mr. Genet junior, a young Gentleman of excellent Character, goes to Nantes with an Intention of Spending a little time there in improving himself in the Englisch Langage by conversing among our Countrymen. I desire you would introduce him to their Acquaintance, and I recommend him warmly to all your Civilities, which I Shall esteem as done to myself. I am ever Your affectionate Uncle
BF
Jona. Williams.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Charles Collins et al., 8 July 1779
From: Collins, Charles
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
pembrook preson July the 8 1779
Wee understand by Capt obrey that you are the gentelman aurthorized to hear & Redress the Complant and Grievances of the amrican presoners wee thearfore make bold to petition to you Sir on this head that you will be So Good as to hear & answer this our petition poor naked & Distitute as we are hear having bin plundred of all our Clothes & money by The Sailors on bord the Culloden officers & men without Distincton a Grat part of us having been taken out Halifax & Rhodisland prison against our will whear Some had been Confined upwords of two years when after being promsd to be Set on Shore again In a merica was broght hear So fair from home Distitute of Evry thing hardly So much Clothes as will Cover our nakedness & as wee are In Such an out of the way place & not a nough prisoners hear for a Cartel thear being only 30 americans hear we Thearfore humbly beg that we may be Removed to Some more Convienient place whear wee may Expect a Speder Release then what at presant appears to us hear: Sir if we Cant be Removed from this place we beg & pray that you will be So kind as to Let us have Some Clothes to Cover our nakedness for if we Should Remain hear another winter we must Suffer Greatly for want of necessary Clothing: & as we hear that thear a Charitable Contribution In London for the Relief of the Distresed americans prisoners we thearfore Humbly beg that you will In Compasson to Distresed of your fallow mortles uise your kind & Genires Afforts That we may have a Shear In this Genires & Benifishet Charity & In So Doing we Shall In Duty bound for you Ever pray In the meantime we Remain Sir your most obeidant humble Sarvents
American PRISONERS
Rote by Charles Collins a presoner at pembrookA letter I Rote to Mr Hudson when I was presner In Wales


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Arthur Lee, 9 July 1779
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Lee, Arthur

Sir,
Passy, July 9. 1779.
The Merchants alluded to in my Letter to your Brother, were Mr. Bayard, Mr. Monthieu, and M. Chaumont. The Terms I understood to be those proposed by Virginia. I have the honour to be with great respect, Sir Your most obedient and most humble servant
BF
honble. Arthur Read Esq.