Title: From John Adams to James Warren, 23 July 1775
From: Adams, John
To: Warren, James

      Philadelphia July 23d. 1775
      Dr Sir

     I have many Things to write you, which thro Haste and Confusion, I fear, I Shall forget.
     Upon the Receipt of General Washingtons Letter, the Motion which I made Some Days before, for appointing General Thomas first Brigadier, was renewed and carried, So that the Return of the Express will carry his Commission. I hope that this will give all the Satisfaction which is now to be given. You ask me upon what Principle We proceeded in our first Arrangement. I answer upon the Principle of an implicit Complyance with the order in which the General Officers were chosen in our Provincial Congress last Fall. Not one of us, would have voted for the Generals in the order in which they were placed, if We had not thought that you had Settled the Rank of every one of them last Fall in Provincial Congress, and that We were not at Liberty to make any Alteration. I would not have been so shackled however, if my Colleagues, had been of my Mind.
     But, in the Case of the Connecticutt officers, We took a Liberty to alter the Rank established by the Colony, and by that Means made much Uneasiness: so that We were sure to do Mischief whether We conformed or deviated from Colony Arrangements.
     I rejoice that Thomas, had more Wisdom than Spencer or Woorster, and that he did not leave the Camp, nor talk imprudently, if he had We should have lost him from the Continental service: for I assure you, Spencer by going off, and Woorster by unguarded Speeches have given high offence here. It will cost us, Pains to privent their being discarded from the service of the Continent with Indignation. Gentlemen here, had no private Friendships Connections, or Interests, which prompted them to vote for the Arrangement they made, but were influenced only by a Regard to the Service; and they are determined that their Commissions shall not be despized.
     I have read of Times, either in History or Romance, when Great Generals, would chearfully, serve their Country, as Captains or Lieutenants of Single Companies, if the Voice of their Country happened not to destine them to an higher Rank: but such exalted Ideas of public Virtue Seem to be lost out of the World. Enough of this.
     I have laboured with my Colleagues to agree upon proper Persons to recommend for a Quarter Master General, a Commissary of Musters and a Commissary of Artillery, but in vain. The Consequence has been that the appointment of these important, and lucrative Officers is left to the General, against every proper Rule and Principle, as these offices are Checks upon his. This is a great Misfortune to our Colony, however, I hope that you and others, will think of proper Persons and recommend them to the General.
     There is, my Friend, in our Colony a great Number of Persons, well qualified for Places in the Army, who have lost their all, by the outrages of Tyranny, whom I wish to hear provided for. Many of them will occur to you. I beg leave to mention a few. Henry Knox, William Bant, young Hitchbourne the Lawyer William Tudor, and Perez Moreton. These are young Gentlemen of Education and Accomplishments, in civil Life, as well as good Soldiers; and if at this Time initiated into the service of their Country might become in Time and with Experience, able officers. If they could be made Captains or Brigade Majors, or put into some little Places at present I am very sure, their Country would loose nothing by it, in Reputation or otherwise. A certain Delicacy which is necessary to a good Character, may have prevented their making any applications, but I know they are desirous of serving.
     I must enjoin secrecy upon you, in as strong Terms as Mr Hutchinson used to his confidential Correspondents; and then confess to you, that I never was since my Birth, so compleatly miserable as I have been since the Tenth of April. Bad Health, blind Eyes, want of Intelligence from our Colony, and above all the unfortunate and fatal Divisions, in our own Seat in Congress, which has lost us Reputation, as well as many great Advantages which We might otherwise have obtained for our Colony have made me often envy the active Hero in the Field, who, if he does his own Duty, is sure of applause, tho he falls in the Execution of it.
     It is a vast and complicated System of Business which We have gone through, and We were all of Us, unexperienced in it. Many Things may be wrong, but no small Proportion of these are to be attributed to the Want of Concert, and Union among the Mass. Delegates.
     We have passed a Resolution, that each Colony make such Provision as it thinks proper and can afford, for defending their Trade in Harbours, Rivers, and on the sea Coast, against Cutters and Tenders. We have had in Contemplation a Resolution to invite all Nations to bring their Commodities to Market here, and like Fools have lost it for the present. This is a great Idea. What shall We do? Shall We invite all Nations to come with their Luxuries, as well as Conveniences and Necessaries? Or shall We think of confining our Trade with them to our own Bottoms, which alone can lay a Foundation for great Wealth and naval Power. Pray think of it.
     I rejoice that the Generals and Coll. Reed and Major Mifflin are so well received. My most respectfull Compliments to them all.
     I thank you and Mrs. Warren a thousand Times for her kind and elegant Letter. Intreat a Continuance of her Favours in this Way, to your old Friend.


Title: From John Adams to James Warren, 24 July 1775
From: Adams, John
To: Warren, James

      Philadelphia, July 24th, 1775
      Dear Sir

     In Confidence,—I am determined to write freely to you this Time. —A certain great Fortune and piddling Genius whose Fame has been trumpeted so loudly, has given a silly Cast to our whole Doings —We are between Hawk and Buzzard—We ought to have had in our Hands a Month ago, the whole Legislative, Executive and Judicial of the whole Continent, and have compleatly moddelled a Constitution, to have raised a Naval Power and opened all our Ports wide, to have arrested every Friend to Government on the Continent and held them as Hostages for the poor Victims in Boston. And then opened the Door as wide as possible for Peace and Reconcilliation: After this they might have petitioned and negotiated and addressed, &c. if they would.—Is all this extravagant?—Is it wild?—Is it not the soundest Policy?
     One Piece of News—Seven Thousand Weight of Powder arrived here last Night—We shall send along some as soon as we can—But you must be patient and frugal.
     We are lost in the extensiveness of our Field of Business—We have a Continental Treasury to establish, a Paymaster to choose, and a Committee of Correspondence, or Safety, or Accounts, or something, I know not what that has confounded us all Day.
     Shall I hail you Speaker of the House, Counsellor or what—What Kind of an Election had you? What Sort of Magistrates do you intend to make?
     Will your new Legislative and Executive feel bold, or irresolute? Will your Judicial hang and whip, and fine and imprison, without Scruples? I want to see our distressed Country once more—yet I dread the Sight of Devastation.
     You observe in your Letter the Oddity of a great Man—He is a queer Creature—But you must love his Dogs if you love him, and forgive a Thousand Whims for the Sake of the Soldier and the Scholar.
     Addressed, To the Hon. James Warren, Watertown. Favor’d by Mr. Hitchborne.


Title: To John Adams from Samuel Chase, 24 July 1775
From: Chase, Samuel
To: Adams, John

      Harford Town Monday afternoon24 July 1775
      Dear Sir

     I am this far arrived on my way Home. Give Me Leave to introduce to your Notice Mr. George Lux a Son of a Gentleman who is my particular Friend, a Man of the most worthy and amiable Character, he is bound for our Camp and would be glad to carry your Commands to any of your Friends. Mr. Cary, Mr. Hopkins and Smith, young Gentlemen of Balt. Town, are also for our Camp and worthy of Attention.
     I met the enclosed from a young Gentleman in my office. The Contents will please You.

     My warmest Wishes attend You and your worthy Brethren. I beg a Line. Your Affectionate and Obedient Servant

      Saml. Chase


Title: The Speaker of the House of Representatives to the Massachusetts delegates, 25 July 1775
From: Warren, James,Massachusetts House of Representatives, Speaker of
To: Adams, John,Hancock, John,Adams, Samuel,Paine, Robert Treat,Cushing, Thomas,Continental Congress, Massachusetts delegates

     Watertown, 25 July 1775. FC (M-Ar: Mass. House of Representatives Records, 57:263). As speaker, James Warren notified JA and the other members of the delegation of their election to the Council and expressed the wish that they would take their seats on the Council as soon as their duties in the congress permitted.
     Their election to the Council had taken place on 21 July. JA took his seat on 10 Aug., upon his return from Philadelphia, and served until the adjournment of the General Court on 24 Aug. (Mass., House Jour.Journals of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts [1715- ], Boston, reprinted by the Massachusetts Historical Society, 1919- . (For the years for which reprints are not yet available, the original printings are cited, by year and session.), 1775–1776, 1st sess., p. 6, 60; James Warren to Mercy Otis Warren, 9 Aug., MHi:Warren-Adams Coll.). JA also participated in the work of the Council for a few days at the end of August (Adams Family CorrespondenceAdams Family Correspondence, ed. L. H. Butterfield and others, Cambridge, 1963– ., 1:272–273, note 2).


Title: The Committee of Safety’s Account of The Battle of Bunker Hill, 25 July 1775
From: Massachusetts Provincial Congress, Committee of Safety,Thacher, Peter,Gordon, William,Cooper, Samuel
To:

     A true Extract from the Minutes Att. Saml. Freeman Secry.

      (Copy)
      Watertown 25th. July 1775

     In Committee of Safety
     In Obedience to the above Order of Congress, this Committee have enquired into the Premises, and, upon the best Information obtained, find, that the Commanders of the New England Army  about the 14th. ultimo received Advice that Genl. Gage had issued Orders for a Party of Troops under his Command, to post themselves on Bunkers Hill, a Promontory just at the Entrance of the Peninsula of Charlestown; upon which it was determined, with the Advice of this Committee, to send a Party who might erect some Fortifications upon said Hill and defeat this Design of our Enemies. Accordingly on the 16th. Ultimo Orders were issued that a Detachment of one thousand Men should march that Evening to Charlestown, and entrench upon that Hill; just before 9 oClock they left Cambridge, and proceeded to Breeds Hill, situated on the further Part of the Peninsula West of Boston, for by some Mistake this Hill was marked out for the Entrenchment instead of the other; many things being necessary to be done preparatory to the Entrenchments being thrown up, which could not be done before lest the Enemy should discover and defeat the Design, it was nearly 12 oClock before the Works were entered upon. They were then carried on with the utmost Diligence and Alacrity, so that by the Dawn of the Day, they had thrown up a small Redoubt about eight Rods square; at this Time an heavy Fire began from the Enemy’s Ships, a Number of floating Batteries and from the Fortifications of the Enemy on Cops Hill in Boston, directly opposite to our little Redoubt; an incessant Shower of Shot and Bombs was rained by these upon our Works, by which only one Man fell; the Provincials continued to labour indefatigably till they had thrown up a small Breastwork extending from the East Side of the Redoubt to the Bottom of the Hill, but were prevented from compleating it by the intolerable Fire of the Enemy.
     Between 12 and 1 oClock a Number of Boats and Barges filled with the regular Troops, from Boston, were observed approaching towards Charlestown; these Troops landed at a Place called Moretons Point situated a little to the Eastward of our Works; this Brigade formed upon their landing, and stood thus formed till a second Detachment arrived from Boston to join them: having sent out large flank Guards, they began a very slow March towards our Lines; at this instant Smoak and Flames were seen to arise from the Town of Charlestown, which had been set on Fire by the Enemy, that the Smoak might cover their Attack upon our Lines, and perhaps with a Design to rout and destroy one or two Regiments of Provincials who had been posted in that Town; if either of these was their Design, they were disappointed, for the Wind shifting on a sudden carried the Smoak another Way, and the Regiments were already removed. The Provincials within their Entrenchments impatiently waited the Attack of the Enemy, and reserved their Fire till they came within ten or twelve Rods, and then began a furious Discharge of small Arms; this Fire arrested the Enemy, which they for some Time returned without advancing a Step, and then retreated in Disorder, and with great Precipitation to the Place of landing, and some of them sought Refuge within their Boats; here their Officers were observed, by the Spectators on the opposite Shore, to run down to them, using the most passionate Gestures, and pushing their Men forward with their Swords; at length they rallied and marched up with apparent Reluctance to the Entrenchment; the Americans again reserved their Fire untill the Enemy came within 5 or 6 Rods, and a second Time put the Regulars to Flight, who ran in great Confusion towards their Boats; similar and superior Exertions were now necessarily to be made by the Officers, which, notwithstanding the Men discovered an almost insuperable Reluctance to fighting in this Cause, were again successfull; they formed once more, and having brought some Cannon to bear in such a Manner as to rake the Inside of the Breastwork from one End of it to the other, the Provincials retreated within their little Fort; the Ministerial Army now made a decisive Effort; the Fire from the Ships and Batterys as well as from the Cannon in the Front of their Army was redoubled; the Officers in the Rear of their Army were observed to goad forward the Men with renewed Exertions, and they attacked the Redoubt on three Sides at once; the Breastwork on the outside of the Fort was abandoned, the Ammunition of the Provincials was expended, and few of their Arms were fixed with Bayonets, can it then be wondered that the Word was given by the Commander of the Party to retreat? but this he delayed till the Redoubt was half filled with Regulars, and the Provincials had kept their Enemy at Bay—for some Time confronting them with the Butts of their Muskets. The Retreat of this little handful of brave Men would have been effectually cut off had it not happened that the flanking Party of the Enemy, which was to have come upon the Back of the Redoubt was checked by a Party of Provincials, who fought with the utmost Bravery, and kept them from advancing further than the Beach; the Engagement of these two Parties was kept up with the utmost Vigor, and it must be acknowledged that this Party of the Ministerial Troops evidenced a Courage worthy a better Cause; all their Efforts however were insufficient to compel the Provincials to retreat till their main Body had left the Hill; percieving this was done, they then gave Ground, but with more Regularity than could be expected of Troops who had been no longer under Discipline, and many of whom never before saw an Engagement.
     In this Retreat the Americans had to pass over the Neck which joins the Peninsula of Charlestown to the main Land; this Neck was commanded by the Glascow—Man of War, and two floating Batteries placed in such a Manner as that their Shot raked every Part of it; the incessant Fire kept up across this Neck had from the Beginning of the Engagement prevented any considerable Reinforcement from getting to the Provincials on the Hill and it was feared that it would cut off their retreat, but they retired over it with little or no Loss.
     With a ridiculous Parade of Triumph, the Ministerial Troops again took Possession of the Hill which had served them as a Retreat in their Flight from the Battle of Concord; it was expected that they would prosecute the supposed Advantage they had gained by marching immediately to Cambridge which was distant but two Miles, and was not then in a State of Defence; this they failed to do; the Wonder excited by such Conduct soon ceased, when by the best Accounts from Boston we were told, that out of three thousand Men who marched out upon this Expedition, no less than fifteen hundred (ninety two of which were commissioned Officers) were killed or wounded, and about twelve hundred of them either killed or mortally wounded; such a Slaughter was perhaps never before made on British Troops in the Space of about an Hour, during which the Heat of the Engagement lasted, by about fifteen hundred Men, which were the most that were at any one Time engaged on the American Side.
     The Loss of the New England Army amounted according to an exact Return, to one hundred and forty five killed and missing, and between three and four hundred and four wounded; thirty of the first were wounded and taken Prisoners by the Enemy; among the dead was Major General Joseph Warren, a Man whose Memory will be endeared to his Countrymen and to the worthy in every Part and Age of the World, so long as Virtue and Valour shall be esteemed among Mankind; the heroic Coll. Gardner of Cambridge has since died of his Wounds; the brave Lieut. Coll. Parker of Chelmsford who was wounded and taken Prisoner perished in Boston Goal; these three with Major Moore and Major Mcclay who nobly struggled in the Cause of their Country, were the only Officers of Distinction whom we lost; some of great Worth, tho’ inferior in Rank were killed, whom we deeply lament; but the Officers and Soldiers in general who were wounded are almost all upon the Recovery.

     The Town of Charlestown, the Buildings of which were in general large and elegant, and which contained Effects belonging to the unhappy Sufferers in Boston, to a very great Amount, was entirely destroyed, and its Chimnies and Cellars now present a Prospect to the Americans exciting in their Bosoms an Indignation which nothing can appease but the Sacrifice of those Miscreants who have introduced Horror, Desolation and Havock into the happy Abodes of Peace and Liberty.
     Tho’ the Officers and Soldiers of the Ministerial Army meanly exult in having gained this Ground, yet they cannot but attest to the Bravery of our Troops, and acknowledge that the Battles of Fontenoy and Minden according to the Number engaged and the Time the Engagement continued were not to be compared with this; and indeed the Laurels of Minden were totally blasted in the Battle of Charlestown.
     The Ground, purchased thus dearly, by the British Troops, affords them no Advantage against the American Army now strongly entrenched on a neighbouring Eminence.
     The Continental Troops, nobly animated by the Justice of their Cause, strongly urge to decide the Contest by the Sword, but we wish for no further Effusion of Blood if the Freedom and Peace of America can be secured without it; but if it must be otherwise, we are determined to struggle and disdain Life without Liberty.
     Oh Britons! be wise for yourselves before it is too late, and secure a commercial Intercourse with the American Colonies before it is forever lost; disarm your ministerial Assassins, put an End to this unrighteous and unnatural War, and suffer not any rapacious Despots to amuse you with the unprofitable Ideas of your Right to tax and officer the Colonies, ’till the most profitable and advantageous Trade of the Colonies is irrecoverably lost. Be wise for yourselves and the Americans will contribute to rejoice in your Prosperity.

       J Palmer pr Order


Title: From John Adams to James Warren, 26 July 1775
From: Adams, John
To: Warren, James

       July 26. 1775

      Dear Sir

     I can never Sufficiently regret, that this Congress have acted So much out of Character, as to leave the Appointment of the Quarter Master General, Commissary of Musters and Commissary of Artillery to the General; As these officers, are Checks upon the General, and he a Check upon them: there ought not to be too much Connection between them. They ought not to be under any dependance upon him, or So great Obligations of Gratitude as these of a Creature to the Creator.
     We have another office of vast Importance to fill, I mean that of Paymaster General. And if it is not filled with a Gentleman, whose Family, Fortune, Education, Abilities and Integrity, are equal to its Dignity, and whose long Services in the great Cause of America, have abundantly merited it, it shall not be my Fault. However I cant foretell, with Certainty whether, I shall be so fortunate as to succeed.

     I see by Edes’s last Paper that Pidgeon has been Commissary for the Mass. Forces, and Joseph Pearce Palmer Quarter Master General. No Body, was kind enough to notify me of these appointments or any other.
     We shall establish a Post office—and do what We can to make salt Petre and to obtain Powder. By the Way about Six Tons have arrived here, within 3 days, and every Kernell of it, is ordered to you.
     I want a great deal of Information. I want to know more precisely than I do the Duties and necessary Qualifications of the officers. The Quarter-Master, Commissary of Stores and Provisions, the Commissary of Musters and the Commissary of Artillery, as well as the Paymaster General, the Adjutant General, the Aid de Camps,  Brigade Majors, the Secretaries &c.
     I want to know more exactly the Characters and biography of the officers in the Army. I want to be precisely informed, when and where, and in what Station General Ward has served, General Thomas, the two Fry’s, Whitcomb &c and what Colonells We have in the Army and their Characters.
     I am distressed to know what Engineers you have, and what is become of Gridley and Burbanks, what service they have Seen, and what are their Qualifications. yours &c.


Title: From John Adams to James Warren, 26 July 1775
From: Adams, John
To: Warren, James

       July 26. 1775

      Dr sir

     I shall make you sick at the Sight of a Letter from me.
     I find by Edes’s Paper that Joseph Pearse Palmer is Quarter Master General. I confess I was Surprized.
     This office is of high Rank and vast Importance. The Deputy Quarter Master General whom we have appointed for the New York Department, is a Mr. Donald Campbell, an old regular officer, whom We have given the Rank of Collonell. The Quarter Master General cannot hold a lower Rank perhaps than a Brigadier.
     Mr. Palmer is a young Gentleman of real Merit and good Accomplishments; but I should not have thought of a less Man than Major General Fry for the Place. It requires an able experienced Officer. He goes with the Army, and views the Ground, and marks out the Encampment &c besides other very momentous Duties.
     I have written to Mr. Palmer, and informed him that the Appointment of this officer is left with the General.
     My dear Friend, it is at this critical Time of great Importance to our Province, that we take Care to promote none to Places but such as will give them Dignity and Reputation. If We are not very solicitous about this, We shall injure our Cause with the other Colonies. yours,
     I hope before another Year We shall become more familiarly acquainted with this great Piece of Machinery, an Army.
     We have voted three Millions of Dollars—six Tons of Powder are arrived, and We have ordered every Pound of it, to you.
     12 O Clock July 26. 1775 this Moment 130 full Barrels making Six Tons and an half of Powder, is brought into the state House Yard in six Waggons—to be sent off to you.


Title: From John Adams to William Tudor, 28 July 1775
From: Adams, John
To: Tudor, William

       July 28 75

      Dear Sir

     Mr. Lux, Mr. Hopkins, Mr. Smith, with Mr. Cary, all from Baltimore, are bound as Voluntiers to the Camp. Beg the Favour of you, to treat them complaisantly and show them all you can consistently with the Labours of your honourable tho troublesome office.
     Shall endeavour to get you a Commission this day, and Such an appointment that you will not be a Looser at the Years End. I hope to get you a Clerk, that you may have some Leisure to write me Annals and Chronicles. For Chronicles I will have, of your Army, at all Hazards.
     Make my Compliments acceptable to the Generals to Coll. Reed and Major Mifflin &c.
     Is it practicable to lock up Boston Harbour and how can it be done. What Islands, can be fortified? Can Row Gallies be built, or floating Batteries? This city is building a Number. Dr. Franklin is Postmaster. Some Powder is arrived, more expected.

    J. Adams


Title: From John Adams to Josiah Quincy, 29 July 1775
From: Adams, John
To: Quincy, Josiah

      Philadelphia. July 29th. 1775
      Dear Sir

     I had yesterday the honour of your letter of July the eleventh, and I feel myself much obliged, by your kind attention to me and my family, but much more by your care of the public safety, and the judicious and important observations you have made. Your letters Sir, so far from being “a burden,” I consider as an honour to me, besides the pleasure and instruction they afford me. Believe me, Sir, nothing is of more importance to me, in my present most arduous, and laborious employment, than a constant correspondence, with gentlemen of figure and experience, whose characters are known. The minutest fact, the most trivial event, that is connected with the great American Cause, becomes important, in the present critical situation of affairs, when a Revolution seems to be in the designs of Providence, as important, as any that ever happened in the affairs of mankind.
     We jointly lament the loss of a Quincy, and a Warren; two characters, as great in proportion to their age, as any that I have ever known in America. Our country mourns the loss of both, and sincerely sympathises with the feelings of the mother of the one, and the father of the other. They were both my intimate friends, with whom I lived and conversed, with pleasure and advantage. I was animated by them, in the painful, dangerous course, of opposition to the oppressions brought upon our Country; and the loss of them, has wounded me too deeply, to be easily healed. “Dulce, et decorum est pro Patria mori.”
     The ways of Heaven are dark and intricate; but you may remember the words, which many years ago you and I, fondly admired, and which upon many occasions I have found advantage in recollecting.

      Why should I grieve,—when grieving I must bear.
      And take with guilt,—what guiltless I might share?

     I have a great opinion of your knowledge, and judgment, from long experience, concerning the channels and islands in Boston harbour; but I must confess your opinion that the harbour might be blocked up, and seamen and soldiers made prisoners, at discretion, was too bold and enterprising for me, who am not apt to startle at a daring proposal; but I believe I may safely promise you powder enough, in a little time for any purpose whatever. We are assured in the strongest manner, of salt-petre, and powder, in sufficient plenty another year of our own make. That both are made in this city, you may report with confidence, for I have seen both, and I have seen a set of very large powder works, and another of saltpetre.
     I hope Sir, we shall never see a total stagnation of commerce, for any length of time. Necessity will force open our ports. Trade if I mistake not will be more free than usual. Your friend Dr. Franklin, to whom I read your letter, and who desires his compliments to you; has been employed in directing the construction of row gallies for this city. The Committee of safety for this province have ordered twenty of them to be built, some of them are finished. I have seen one of them, it has twelve oars on each side. They rowed up the river the first time, four miles in an hour, against a tide which ran down four miles an hour. The Congress have recommended to the Colonies, to make provision for the defence of their navigation, in their harbours, rivers, and on their sea coasts. Of a floating Battery I have no idea—am glad you are contriving one. You tell me Sir, that General Lee complained that “he did not find things, as the Massachusetts Delegates had represented them.” What General Lee could mean by this Sir, I know not. What particulars he found different from the representation, I do not know—nor do I know which delegate from the Massachusetts, he received a mistaken representation from. I think he should have been particular, that he might not have ran the risque of doing an injury. If General Lee should do injustice, to two of the Massachusetts delegates, he would commit ingratitude at the same time, for to two of them, he certainly owes his promotion in the American army, how great a hazard soever, they ran in agreeing to it. I know him very thoroughly I think, and that he will do great service in our army, at the beginning of things, by forming it to order, skill, and discipline. But we shall soon have officers enough. Your friend, and humble servant,


Title: From John Adams to James Warren, 30 July 1775
From: Adams, John
To: Warren, James

      Philadelphia July 30th. 1775
      Dear Sir

     For the Honour of the Massachusetts I have laboured in Conjunction with my Brethren to get you chosen Paymaster General, and Succeeded So well that the Choice was unanimous: But whether We did you a Kindness or a Disservice I know not. And whether you can attend it, or will incline to attend it I know not. You will consider of it however.
     Pray, who do you intend to make Secretary of the Province? Has not our Friend deserved it? Is he not fit for it? Has any other Candidate So much Merit, or So good Qualifications? I hope his temporary Absence will not injure him.
     This Letter goes by my good Friend Mr. William Barrell a worthy Bostonian transmuted into a worthy Philadelphian; But whether you will grasp His Letter or the Hand that writes it first, Is uncertain, both about the same Time I hope.


Title: To John Adams from William Tudor, 31 July 1775
From: Tudor, William
To: Adams, John

      Head Quarters at Cambridge July 31st. 1775
      Dear Sir

     I have this Minute your Favour of 23d. July. We have had, Saturday Night and last Night much skirmishing between the ministerial and continental Troops. The Regulars attempted entrenching on Charlestown Neck Saturday Night, which produc’d a Brush Sunday Morning. They were obliged to desist by the Fire of our ranging Parties. It is said they lost seven and we two Men. There has been a considerable Cannonade from the Entrenchments on Bunkers Hill this Morning. They have kill’d two of our People. Marblehead Men. Their Cannon were not answer’d from our Forts—because we are not yet in a perfect State of Defence.
     Genl. Gage has again permitted the Inhabitants of Boston to come out, on the same Lay as before 17th. June. From the best Accounts of those I have seen who came out on Saturday, the Enemy have but 5000 effective Men. The Men grumble for Pay and fresh Provission. They are distress’d, chagrin’d and confounded. They have been very sickly but are mending. The Regulars burnt the George Tavern on Saturday Night—and lost one Man who deserted. Last Week we had 5 Deserters come over—I expect many more.
     It is now 5 oClock Afternoon and I have but just return’d from Court Martial, which sits every Day from 8 to 3 oClock. I was appointed Judge Advocate the 14th. Instant and have not had a Leisure hour since. The Duty is excessively fatiguing. I am alone in the office without a Clerk or any Assistance. I am ordered to go to Roxbury tomorrow and yet have Orders to attend a very important Trial here. My Duty is vastly more important and extensive than I could have imagined. One Court is no sooner dissolv’d than another is ordered to sit. The Congress I believe were not sufficiently aware of the Necessity of the Appointment of Judge Advocate and much less of his Duty, or surely they would not have Allow’d only Captain’s Pay to the Man who in this Department must act as Advocate, Register, and Clerk. I must beg Sir you will make a proper Representation of this Place to the Congress, and let there be a Stipend fix’d a little more adequate to the Office.
     I am now writing this Letter on the Secretary’s Table at Head Quarters—and have just return’d from viewing 35 Prisoners in the Yard taken this Morning at the Light House by a Party of our Forces. Last fast Day, a Detachment from the Army burnt the Light House and Since which Our Enemies have thought it necessary to rebuild it, or at least set up some temporary Substitute. They sent down a Number of Carpenters and a Party of Marines as a Guard, consisting of 1 Lieutenant 2 Sargents 2 Corporals and 28 Privates. Our Men made a Descent in a Number of Whale Boats from Nantasket, on the Light House Rocks, this Morning—and immediately attack’d the Enemy. They gave our People one Fire, by which we lost one Man, and then surrendered. Their Lieutenant was shot through the Head and they had three other Men kill’d. Our Men made 23 of the Marines Prisoners, 11 Artificers and 1 Tory. The infamous Abijah White was shot through the Back, and it is said is mortally wounded. Your very humble Servt.

      Wm. Tudor

      Your kind Wishes express’d in the Letter I just received demand my most grateful Acknowlegements.


Title: To John Adams from James Warren, 31 July 1775
From: Warren, James
To: Adams, John

      Watertown July 31 1775
      My Dear Sir

     I had the pleasure of your favours of the 23d. Instant Yesterday. I am glad to find that you have appointed Thomas the first Brigadier this I think will satisfy both him and the Army. I have been Obliged to take pains to keep him in the Camp, he seldom talks Imprudently, and I believe has never done it on this Occasion. Spencer is a Man I have no knowledge of. He left the Camp on the first hearing of the Arrangement with resentment. He has since returned, and I am told behaves very well. I am Convinced of the Necessity of supporting your own dignity, and the Importance of your Commissions. If you suffer them to be despised they will soon depreciate, and become of little value. While Thomas talked of leaving the Camp, I must do him the Justice to say he Exhibited a degree of the virtue you admire. He said he would soon return, and serve as a Voluntier. I have lately felt great Uneasiness on your Account. Your want of health, and the disorder in your Eyes yet continueing at a time when you are Engaged in such a Variety of great and Complicated Business, I should think sufficient, without External Embarrassments, and the pain you must feel from dissentions which Injure the General Interest of the whole, and that of your own Colony in perticular. It seems to be the misfortune of every Man of Enlarged Ideas, and Extended Views, of Integrity, and disinterested Virtue to be plagued with either the Narrow, Contracted Notions, or Interested designs of those he is Connected with in publick life. This is Exactly your Case. I have been sensible of it a good while, and have a more perfect Idea of it than I can Express. The Hint you give of Inviteing all Nations to Trade with us is indeed a grand Idea and I can easily Conceive how bitterly you regret the loss of it, such a Step would have been worthy of such a Body. It would have been in the true Stile of a Sully, and have produced mighty Consequences. I can easily Conceive also the Narrow Principles that Operated against, and finally destroyed them. The two questions you Ask, to what Articles the Trade should Extend, and what Bottoms it Should be Carried on require a Nice determination. Perhaps it would not Answer our Immediate purposes so well by being Confined to our Own Bottoms, but if it be not and we should finally be detached from Britain we might have some difficulty in makeing an Alteration so Advantageous to ourselves in gaining great Wealth and Naval Power. I hope to hear you viva voce on this Subject.
     After a most profound Tranquility for a state of War, several Skirmishes of some Consequence took place last Night. The Regulars had advanced a little without Charlestown Neck, which gave Umbrage to our Troops. Some Fireings happened, in the Night which was dark. A number of the Rifle Men got within their Outer Guards, and but for an Unlucky Circumstance (they happened at that Instant to be relieving their Guards) had brought off their Main Guard intire. However, a smart Action Ensued. They brought off 2 or 3 of them, and several Arms, and killed several of their Men. One of ours was taken by them supposed to have lost his way. About the same time, the regulars about 60 of them pushed out suddenly on Boston Neck, drove back a few of our Centinels, and by the Negligence of our Main Guard, and the Cowardice of the Captain, Burnt the George Tavirn, and retired without loss. This is Esteemed the greatest disgrace we have suffered. The most Capital Action was at the light House. You will recollect that we Burnt it some time ago. They had for some time been very Industrious in rebuilding it, and had it in such forwardness as Actually to shew a Light on Saturday Night. About 25 Whale Boats, and 200 Men Commanded by Majr. Tupper set off last Night, and Arrived about daylight, Attacked the Guard, and the Workmen, and one small Tender. Soon Carried it after Killing 2 or 3, and wounding 4 or 5 more. They took all the rest, Burnt and destroyed the Light House, took 36 prisoners, and all their Arms. Among the Prisoners are 4 Marshfield Tories and 3 or 4 Others the rest are Marines and soldiers. One of the Whites of Marshfield is wounded it is said Mortally.

      Augt. 2d.

     I went Yesterday for the first time this Session to wait on the General. I had rather delayed it as you had mentioned me to him as a person he might Consult with, to see if he had any occasion to Call on me. However out of Respect to him, and to see if I could serve the persons you recommend I went. I find the Colony as you predicted will suffer by referring the Appointments you mention to him. They will I think go to the Southward. I am amazed that the Impropriety of his Appointing was not sufficient to determine every one of your Body, and I should have thought both Considerations would have clearly determined your Brethren. He has not yet made the Appointments. When I was comeing off, I took the freedom to mention the sufferings and Abilities of a Number of Gentlemen and to ask the Liberty to mention them if he had any occasion for them even in places of no great Importance. He said there were many Gentlemen that had come some 100 miles and as we had so large a share of the places, they must be provided for and that we had among ourselves in Effect the power of supplying all Vacancies in the Army which is true but wont Aid our Friends. Ever since the Action on Sunday evening there has been a Continual Fireing with Cannon or small arms. The Rifle Men have killed several of them and among the rest An Officer who one of them shot from his Horse Yesterday at the distance of 250 yards. The Prisoners taken at the Light House were yesterday Carried through this Town in their way to the Goals in the Upper Countys.
     Our Assembly are drudgeing on in the old way, Shackled with Forms and plagued with the Concurrence and Consent of several Branches. A Question was started and warmly Contested whether our Constitution Consisted of 2 or 3 Branches, and was determined in favour of the latter rather from a supposition that it was your design than from the Express words of your resolve.
     It was but last Evening I heard of this Opportunity and have not time to say many things I could wish for I Expect the Express, and must be ready. The General was kind enough to direct he should call.
     You will remember that our Army I mean our Forces are Inlisted only to the last of Decr. We must perhaps have a winter As well as Summer Campaign. I Am Well Informed that Newfoundland is Supplied with Provisions from N. York. A late Instance A Vessel Arrived there from York, cleared out for the West Indies. This may be worth Enquiring into. You Mention Nothing of an Adjournment. From others we are made to Expect it, and to suppose you are on your way Home.
     Your good Lady and Family were well a few days ago. I sent a Letter to the Care of Majr. Mifflin some days ago for you perhaps from Mrs. Adams. It was sent to me and so directed. He promised good Care of it. Mr. Adams Son is provided for in the Manner he wishes. Pray make my regards to him. Nothing but want of time prevents my writing to him. Please to give my regards to Mr. Paine. I acknowledge the receipt of A Letter from him. Shall write him per first opportunity. I Am Your Sincere Friend

      J: W——

      A Treaty has subsisted for some time between the Selectmen of Boston and Gage relative to the Poor. Application was made to us. We provided for them at Salem, and Insisted on haveing the donations with them. They are on their way there but without the donations. Last Fryday he took a sudden resolution to suffer the Inhabitants to come out. A number of them landed at Chelsea. The General Advised us of it. We apprehensive of the small Pox &c., sent A Committee there on Sunday. Many Persons have come out. All Agree in their Accounts of the dristresses of the Inhabitants and Soldiery, that they are very sickly, and many of them dye. It is said that not less than 1800 of the Troops are unfit for Service. Jno. Brown is out and was here Yesterday. He says Gage has determined to detain about 13 till one Jones, and Hicks now in Concord Goal shall be sent in, among which are Boylston and John Gill. What is to be done cant say. Have just received a Letter from Mrs. Adams which Inclose.


Title: To John Adams from James Warren, 9 August 1775
From: Warren, James
To: Adams, John

      Watertown Augt:9th:1775
      My Dear Sir

     I have very Accidentally heard of this Opportunity by Mr. Brown and have so short Notice of it that I can do little more than Acknowledge the Receipt of your favour of the 26th. July, which I Received the day before Yesterday when my Mind was tortured with Anxiety and distress. The Arrival of powder in this manner is certainly as Wonderful an Interposition of Providence in our favour as used to take place in favour of the Jews in the days of Moses and Joshua. We have very little News here, no remarkable military Events have taken place in the Army here. In short the General has been obliged from Principles of frugality to restrain his rifle men. While they were permitted Liberty to fire on the Enemy, a great number of the Army would go and fire away great quantitys of Ammunition to no Purpose. Four Captains and a Subaltern were killed the beginning of last week cheifly by the rifle men, and I am persuaded they will do great Execution. There was but one Company of them here last Week. On Sunday a very fine Company came in from Virginia. Yesterday Morning went through this Town 3 Companys more as many are Expected this Morning. I never saw finer fellows. What a view does this, and the Concourse of Gentlemen from all the Colonies give us of Bernard! and Hutchinson! small Faction. Last Evening arrived here a Gentleman from Machias with an Account of their haveing taken two other Tenders. So that they now have five prizes: three Tenders, and two Sloops taken from Jones. 28 Prisoners are on the road and will be hear this day among whom is Old Ichabod Jones. The rest are Lieutenants of Men of War, Midshipmen, and Seamen. Five Sloops after wood and fresh Provisions are taken by Cargill and others and Carried into Penobscot this is doing great Service. They are reduced to great straits for wood as well as fresh provisions in Boston. It is said it would fetch 3 Guineas a Cord. They have already Burnt all the fences &c. All Accounts from Boston agree that they are dismantleing the Castle, and Intend to destroy the works there, which with other Circumstances Induce many to suppose they have an Intention to leave the Town. Many People have lately come out. He has restricted them to £5 sterling in Money, a small matter of furniture and absolutely forbid them bringing out plate. What the policy should be unless he designs to plunder, destroy and then leave we cant devise. Boylston, John Gill, Lovel, the Selectmen, &c to the Number of 13, are kept it is said till Jones, and Hicks two Insignificant Puppies we have in Concord Goal are suffered to go into Boston. We have resolved they shall go. The General has sent in the resolve by a Trumpet. We have no Answer yet tho’ that was done last Sunday.
     I am very sorry I should omit any Information you had occasion for. It is not wholly and only Negligence. Such has been the Confusion here that it was difficult to Ascertain who held many of the offices. This was the Case with Young Palmer. I often asked, and never was satisfactorily resolved whether he was Quarter Master General or his Deputy. He was however the first, and still Acts as such in the Mass. Forces, and has Expectations of being Appointed by the General. I cant learn that any of those you so Justly regret to have referred to other hands than your own are yet made. As to Pigeon I knew he was a Commissary, but his Temper is so petulant that he has been desirous of quitting for some time, and Indeed I have wished it.
     I am taking pains to give you the Information you want of the Biography of the offices in the Army, &c. I have Applyed to Genl. Thomas and one Other General for that Purpose. As for Engineers I wish we were in a better way. G——y is grown old, is much governed by A Son of his, who vainly supposed he had a right to the second place in the Regiment that is before Burbank and Mason. The Congress thought Otherways. He was Sulkey. We had much Trouble with them, and I Understand the General has his Share yet. I have not lately heard from Mrs. Adams, though have frequently Enquired of People from and through Braintree, from which I Conclude she is well. I wrote you a long letter by the Genls. Express which went on last Saturday after being detained much longer than I Expected.I hope he will be with you Tomorrow. I wish to see the return of Fessenden before I leave this Town. We have a short Adjournment in Contemplation, and Expect it the latter End of this week. You will hear of the Accident which befel the Letters sent by Hitchburn. He very Injudiciously kept them when he had all the Opportunity he could wish to destroy them. I wish to hear whether the Letter to me was from You or Mr. S: Adams. I lost the pleasure of it and they Boast of great discoveries made from that and the two Letters to Genl. Washington. I am very Much Obliged to you for the many Instances of your Partiality and Friendship. I am Necessitated to Conclude or loose this Conveyance, and Am with every Wish for you. Your Sincere Friend,

      J: Warren

      My regards to all our Friends, perticularly Mr. Adams. Many of the Tories are prepareing to leave Boston. Sewal and Family and some Others are going Home, and some know not where to go. I beleive they are almost ready to Call on the rocks and Mountains to Cover them. I make no Apology for Incorrectness &c. Your Candour is relied on.


Title: Editorial Note
From:
To:

      After the official adjournment of the Second Continental Congress on 1 August, another meeting was held on the morning of the next day. Adams may not have left Philadelphia, then, until 3 August (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 2:239; Burnett, ed., Letters of MembersEdmund C. Burnett, ed., Letters of Members of the Continental Congress, Washington, 1921–1936; 8 vols., 1:185, note 2). We know that he arrived in Watertown on 10 August to take his seat on the Massachusetts Council, which was then serving as both the upper house and the executive of the province (M-Ar:Executive Council Records, 17:15).
      Because Adams did not keep a diary or write letters during August 1775, it is difficult to go beyond the brief references to him in the records of the Council in describing his role in that body. He is listed as being present at Council meetings on nine days between his arrival and 30 August, which are also the days for which the Council on 11 September authorized payment of his expenses (M-Ar:Executive Council Records, 17:15, 28, 29, 31, 37, 39, 61, 66, 69, the dates being 10, 16–18, 22–23, 28–30 Aug.; same, Revolution, Council Papers, 164:91). Adams may, however, have been present on two other days, 19 and 24 August. On the 19th, a report, signed by Adams, concerning the disposition of Thomas Hutchinson’s captured letters was presented to the Council, and on the 24th he is recorded as participating in four votes (report, 19 Aug., following Editorial Note; M-Ar:Legislative Council Records, 33:130, 185, 196, 204). For the entire period, the only indications of his individual activity, besides the report on Hutchinson’s letters, are these: carrying to the House of Representatives a draft bill on annulling commissions given by former governors and lieutenant governors (Mass., House Jour.Journals of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts [1715- ], Boston, reprinted by the Massachusetts Historical Society, 1919- . (For the years for which reprints are not yet available, the original printings are cited, by year and session.), 1775–1776, 1st sess., p. 60; text in Mass., Province LawsThe Acts and Resolves, Public and Private, of the Province of the Massachusetts Bay, Boston, 1869–1922; 21 vols., 5:420–421); concurring in 28 votes of the Council on various acts and resolves; signing with other Council members in advance printed commissions for justices and inferior court judges; and apparently initiating the appointment of a committee on 23 August to investigate sources of “virgin lead” in Massachusetts, a motion that grew out of his committee responsibility in the congress (M-Ar:33:74–204, 154; JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 2:234–235). On 22 August the Council authorized payment of £130 for his expenses at the congress (M-Ar: 17:38). His expense accounts are in Diary and AutobiographyDiary and Autobiography of John Adams, ed. L. H. Butterfield and others, Cambridge, 1961; 4 vols., 2:162–167.
      Adams’ activities outside the Council are conjectural, but he certainly spent much of his time in Braintree. He was probably there on 14 August, when he settled his account with Joseph Bass Jr., and from 25 to 27 August, as is indicated in his letter to Mrs. Warren (JA, Diary and AutobiographyDiary and Autobiography of John Adams, ed. L. H. Butterfield and others, Cambridge, 1961; 4 vols., 2:167; to Mercy Otis Warren, 26 Aug., below). Accompanied by Charles Lee, he made a tour of the American positions around Boston, but on what day is unknown to the editors (JA, Diary and AutobiographyDiary and Autobiography of John Adams, ed. L. H. Butterfield and others, Cambridge, 1961; 4 vols., 3:325). When he attended the Council on 22–24 August, he took Abigail with him to Watertown, but his stay was short, for, as noted, he was back in Braintree on 25 August (sameDiary and Autobiography of John Adams, ed. L. H. Butterfield and others, Cambridge, 1961; 4 vols., 2:167–168 and note 1). On 28 August, he left Braintree, stopped at Watertown for three days to attend meetings of the Council, and then continued on to Philadelphia, where he arrived on 12 September (sameDiary and Autobiography of John Adams, ed. L. H. Butterfield and others, Cambridge, 1961; 4 vols., 2:168; for the exact day of JA’s arrival, see his docket entry on his letter from Edward Dilly of 11 July, above).


Title: Report of Council Committee Regarding Governor Hutchinson’s Letters, 19 August 1775
From: Massachusetts Council,Adams, John
To:

        19 August 1775

      THE COMMITTEE [to consider what is proper to be done with the Letters of the late Govr Hutchinson and how they shall be preserv’d] Report, that it is of Great Importance that the Letters and other Papers of the late Governor Hutchinson, be carefully preserved, as they Contain Documents for History of great Moment: and that Evidence, in the hand writing of a Man whose nefarious Intrigues and practices, have Occassioned the Shedding of so much innocent Blood, and brought such horrid Calamities on his Native Country, may be preserved for the full Conviction of the Present and future Generations: and therefore that such of the Letters, and Papers aforesaid, as are not now in the Custody of the Honble Saml Dexter Esqr of Dedham, be delivered to him, and together with those, already under his care, faithfully kept by him, until the further Order of this Court, and that such of them be Publish’d from time to time as he shall Judge proper.

       John Adams per Order

      Read and accepted.


Title: John Thomas to James Warren, 11 August 1775
From: Thomas, John
To: Warren, James

      Camp at Roxbury Augt. 11. 1775
      Sir

     I receiv’d yours of the 7th Instant, and Consider’d the Contents. To comply with every part, so as to make it Inteligable so far as fully to explain every part of the duty of each of those Officers you Mention, wou’d take a small Volume, but will Endeavour to give you some General Account of their Duty—as to their Qualifications you will be able to Judge of it.
     The duty of a Quartermaster General, is to Inspect the Provisions and See that they are good and wholesom, and to see that Tents for the Army, Intrenching Tools and any other Articles Necessary for the Camp are Provided, to draw them out of the Store when wanted, and return them in when done with, to pitch on proper Ground for the Incampments, to laying out the Ground in Lines, that the Tents of each Regiment be properly Pitch’d according to their Rank, and form’d in the best manner for defence, and giveing directions to the Quartermasters of each Regiment, and Camp Culler Men, that the Barracks be kept Clean, and the Streets Sweept and all Filth be remove’d, that proper Vaults be Open’d for the Use of the Troops &c.
     The Commasary of Provision, is to receive the Provision from the Contractors and to deliver them to the under Commasaries with directions for the delivery of them to the Troops according to the Order he may receive from the Commanding Officer, and is to be Accountable to the Publick in what way the Provisions are expended, by takeing receipts of the Commander in Chief for his Voucher.
     Commassary of Muster, is to Muster all the Regiments in the Army; Usually once in two Months, that the Commanding Officer of each Regiment, may Account for his Regiment, whether Sick, on Furlough, or on Command, and the Several Cantonements must See that the Muster Rools must Contain the Names of each Man in the Regiment to be attested by said Commasary, One to be Transmitted to the War Office, one to be kept by the Muster Master, The third to be deliver’d to the pay Master, by which the said pay Master is to pay off the Troops, according to their Several Ranks.
     The Commasary of Artillery, is what we generally call the Director whose business it is to keep the Artillery Stores, to be deliver’d to the Train, when drawn for by an Order from the Commanding Officer—the receiver to give his receipt, which is to be a Voucher when he is Call’d to a Settlement.

     The Pay Master General receives the Cash, and pays off the Muster Rools Affore mention’d, and any other Drafts that the Commanding Officer may make on him for the Use of the Army.
     The Adjutant General Attends the Commanding Officer every day at orderly times, for the General Orders, and the Adjutants of each Regiment must attend him at his Office, at a certain hour that he may perfix, where he must deliver the Order to each of them, and they to their Several Regiments.
     Aid-de-Camps are constantly to attend the General, are to give him information of what comes to their knowledge, and to be ready to Attend his order, to go on any Message—and what Orders they may deliver Verbally from the General carries as much authority as if written, Especially in time of Action, and many other Services too many to be enumerated.
     When the Army is divided into Grand Divisions, they are call’d Brigades, and are under the more immediate command of the Brigadier General, each one has his Brigade assigned him, and a Brigade Major Affix’d to each Brigade, who is to Attend the Brigadier General, to Convey the Orders of the said General, to the Adjutants of the Brigade, and inspect the Guards when Peraded by the Adjutants; and any order Sign’d by him as Brigade Major, must carry the same force, as if Sign’d by the Brigadier General himself. He is to attend the Brigadier General in time of Action, ready to convey his Order during the Action to every part of the Brigade, whether for Attacking, retreating, or any other matter whatever.
     With regard to my Services, I first enter’d as Ensign, in a Regiment Commanded by Brigadier Waldo Rais’d for an Expedition against Cannady, was sent to Anapolis Royall and Minis, Commanded Leiut. Colo. Noble, was advanc’d in 1748 in the same Regiment to a Leiutenancy, and Surgeon, Continu’d two years in that Regiment, Rank’d by Act of Parliment with the Regulars, and did duty with them part of the time Anapolis Royall. 1755 Captain Leiutenant and Surgeon in the first Battallion in Governor Shirleys Regiment. 1756 Advanc’d to a Captain in the same Battallion. 1758 Colonel of a Regiment at Noviscotia, Beau-se-Jour. 1759 Colonel of Regiment at the same place. 1760 Colonel of a Regiment in Cannady.
     Fry an Ensign at Louisbourg 1745. Major in Scotts Battallion at Noviscotia 1755. Major at the Lake 1757. Colonel at Noviscotia 1759.
     General Whitcomb Leiut. Colonel at Lake George 1756. Colonel at ditto 1760.
     General Ward, Major at Ford Edward, in Colo. Wm. Williams Regiment 1758, and in the same year obtain’d a Leiut. Colonel with Colo. Partridge.
     As to the Colonels we have in our Forces &c I will take some other Opportunity to Inform, being much Engaged at present. I am Sir yr. Friend and very huml. Servant,

      Jn: Thomas


Title: To John Adams from Joseph Frye, 25 August 1775
From: Frye, Joseph
To: Adams, John

       Roxbury Camp Augt. 25th 1775
       Sir

      I have taken leave to Send you Enclos’d herewith, a brief account of the Several Stations in which I have Serv’d my Country in a Military way—as a history of all occurrences and Personal Sufferings in that Service would have been too tedious for your Patience, I presum’d not to trouble you with it. Therefore Shall say no more here than that, any Notice you Shall please to take of me on your arival in the Continental Congress, will be gratefully Acknowledged by your Honrs. most Obedient and very Humble Servt.,

       Joseph Frye


Title: Enclosure: Account of the Military Services of Joseph Frye, 25 August 1775
From: Frye, Joseph
To: Adams, John

      A brief Account of the Military Services of Joseph Frye
      In 1745 He was an Ensign of a Company in Colo. Robert Hales Regiment at the Reduction of Louisbourg.
      In 1746, He was made a Lieutenant in Major Moses Titcombs Company in Brigr. General Waldo’s Regiment, design’d to Serve in an Expedition against Canada under the Command of General St. Clare Saint-Clair—but as the Expedition hung in Suspence, It was propos’d by the Government of Massachusetts-Bay, That said Regiment Should Serve in the defence of the Eastern Frontiers in Stead of Impress’d men, till called for to proceed to Canada. Agreeable to which, part of the Regiment went to Casco Bay, and was Employ’d in the Defence of that part of the Country, where the said Joseph did a large Share of the hardest of the Service, till news ariv’d from England that the Expedition was laid aside.
      In 1747 He was made Captain of a Company for the Defence of the Eastern Frontiers and Posted at Scarborough for that Purpose, in which Service He continued till the Latter part of 1749 when that war ended.
      In 1754 He was made Major of a Regiment Commanded by Majr. Genl. John Winslow, which was Sent to Kennebeck River, when the Regiment built Fort Halifax at the Falls in said River called Tauconnock, and before He return’d to Boston, was made a Lt. Colonel.
      In 1755 an Expedition was form’d, to remove the French Encroachments in Nova Scotia. A Regiment (formed into two Battalions) was Sent from Boston for that Purpose. And as His Excellency Genl. Shirly, kept said Regiment under his own Command as Colonel—General Winslow went Lt. Colonel of the first Battalion and George Scot Esqr. Lt. Colonel of the Second Battalion, The said Joseph went first Major of the Second Battalion, and was at the Reduction of Fort Beausejour, Fort de gaspereau and other Services in that Country, and continued there for the defence of those Conquests thro’ the winter and Summer following, till the fall of the year 1756.
      In the fall of the year 1756, as Soon as He ariv’d in Boston, He was made Colonel of a Regiment, held in Readiness to march at a minutes warning, to Reinforce the Troops at Lake George.
      In 1757, He was made Colonel of a Regiment Consisting of eighteen hundred men, formed into Seventeen Companies, which was rais’d in the Province of Massachusetts-Bay for the Service on the western Frontiers, with which Regiment, He marched to Albany; from thence to Fort Edward where he lay with said Regiment and did Duty there under the Command of General Webb till the begining of August, when he was Sent with eight hundred and twenty three of them (Inclusive of Officers) to Fort William Henry, and the next morning after his arival there, Monsr. Montcalm arive’d with a Superior Force, laid Seige to the Place, and after Six Days and Seven nights’ Defence, were forced to Surrender; which was done by Capitulation, but it was barbarously violated by the French and Indians, which proved a very unhappy occurrence to the said Joseph, as the Regiment was thereby, tore to peices, and many of His Papers fell into the hands of the Enemy, it took the greatest part of his Time in the year 1758 to regain Such a State of the Regiment as that, in the payment thereof, Justice might be done to the Public, and to Individuals.
      In 1759 He was made Colonel of a Regiment and Sent with it into Nova Scotia for the Defence of that Province, where he continued almost two years.
      Finaly, on the 21st of June 1775, The Congress of the Colony of the Massachusetts-Bay, being Desireous of his Service in the Present unhappy war, gave Him a Major Generals’ Commission, and laid him under oath for the faithful discharge of his Duty agreeable to said Commission. In Pursuance whereof He entered upon his Duty and continued therein, till the Representatives of the Several Towns in said Colony, Assembled at Watertown, when that Assembly adopted what the Congress had done in that respect, and by Letter to the said Joseph, desired his Continuance in Camp, till the Continental Congress Should determine the affair with respect to Him.


Title: To John Adams from James Prescott, 25 August 1775
From: Prescott, James
To: Adams, John

      Watertown Aut 25. 1775
      Sir

     I have this minit received the Inclosed account and Imbrace the oppertunity of Conveying it to you by Mr. Pain. I am Sir your most obediant Huml Sert.,

      James Prescott

      NB: I find my Brother has not Been so perticuler as I Could have wished—he has not Given any account of his former Campain—he was an officer at the reduction of the Newtrel frinch at Noviscotia in the last war about two years.


Title: To John Adams from William Prescott, 25 August 1775
From: Prescott, William
To: Adams, John

      Camp at Cambridge August 25. 1775
      Sir

     I have received a Line from my Brother which informs me of your desire of a particular Account of the Action at Charlestown. It is not in my Power at present to give so minute an Account as I should choose being ordered to decamp and march to another Station.

     On the 16 June in the Evening I received Orders to march to Breeds Hill in Charlestown with a party of about one thousand Men consisting of 3 hundred of my own Regiment, Coll. Bridge and Lieut Breckett with a Detachment of theirs, and two hundred Connecticut Forces commanded by Capt. Nolten Knowlton. We arrived at the Spot, the Lines were drawn by the Enginier and we began the Intrenchmant about 12, o Clock and plying the Work with all possible Expodition till Just before sun rising, when the Enemy began a very heavy Canonading and Bombardment. In the Interin the Enginier forsook me. Having thrown up a small Redout, found it necessary to draw a Line about 20 Rods in Length from the Fort Northerly, under a very Warm Fire from the Enemys Artilary. About this Time the above Field Officers being indisposed could render me but Little Service, and the most of the Men under their Command deserted the Party. The Enemy continuing an incessant Fire with their Artilary. About 2, o Clock in the afternoon on the seventeenth the Enemy began to land a northeasterly Point from the Fort, and I ordered the Train with 2 field Pieces to go and oppose them and the Connecticut Forces to support them but the Train marched a different Course and I believe those sent to their support followd, I suppose to Bunkers Hill. Another party of the Enemy landed and fired the Town. There was a party of Hampshire in conjunction with some other Forces Lined a Fence at the distance of three score Rods back of the Fort partly to the North. About an Hour after the Enemy landed they began to march to the Attack in three Columns. I commanded my Lieut Coll. Robinson and Majr. Woods Each with a detachment to flank the Enemy, who I have reason to think behaved with prudence and Courage.
     I was now left with perhaps 150 Men in the Fort, the Enemy advanced and fired very hotly on the Fort and meating with a Warm Reception there was a very smart firing on both sides. After a considerable Time finding our Amunition was almost spent I commanded a sessation till the Enemy advanced within 30 yards when we gave them such a hot fire, that they were obliged to retire nearly 150 yards before they could Rally and come again to the Attack. Our Amunition being nearly exausted could keep up only a scattering Fire. The Enemy being numerous surrounded our little Fort began to mount our Lines and enter the Fort with their Bayonets. We was obliged to retreat through them while they kept up as hot a fire as it was possible for them to make. We having very few Bayonets could make no resistance. We kept the fort about one hour and twenty Minutes after the Attack with small Arms. This is nearly the State of Facts tho’ imperfect and too general which if any ways satisfactory to you will afford pleasure to your most obedient humble Servt.,

      William Prescott


Title: To John Adams from William Tudor, August 1775
From: Tudor, William
To: Adams, John

       Aug.? 1775

      Dear Sir

     You was inquiring the other Day into the Office of Judge Advocate. I will now acquaint you with some Particulars in that Department which will give you an Idea of that Officer’s Duty in the Continental Army.
     As Judge Advocate, I have his Excellency’s (the Commander in chief) Orders, in writing, “to attend every General Court Martial, not only those of the Line but of each Brigade throughout the Army: and to see that there is a fair Copy of the intire Proceedings in each Case, made out to be reported to the General.” (One Reason for which, is, That as the General is to confirm, or reject the Determination of the Court, he cannot form a competent Opinion of the Court’s Judgement, without seeing the whole State of the Evidence &c.)
     The Number of Offences made cognizable by a General Court Martial only; the very large Army here; the Extent of the Camp, in each Quarter of which my Duty requires my Attendance, renders my Office, arduous and difficult.
     I am oblig’d to issue Orders to the Adjutants of the Regiments, to see the Prisoners brought up and that the Witnesses attend—and indeed to put all Matters in such a Train that the Court may have Nothing else to do than to hear the Examination, which is all taken down in writing, and give a Judgement. In every Case where the Evidence is complicated, it is expected of me that I analyse the Evidence and state the Questions which are involv’d in it. But I will not trouble you with a tedious Detail. It is sufficient to acquaint you that I am oblig’d to act as Advocate, Register and Clerk. For the Stipend of 20 Dollars a Month. Without the least Assistance, and without a single Perquisite of Office.
     In the British Army, General Courts Martial sit only in capital Cases, or when a commissioned officer is to be try’d. He is allow’d 10/ sterling a Day and draws Pay as Capt. besides. His Duty is easy—because the strict Discipline which prevails among regular Troops, render General Court Martial but rarely necessary. The Difference between the Ministerial Army and the American, is easily conceiv’d without drawing a Parralell. I will only observe the hon. Congress have granted near 2000 Commissions and that no Commissioned Officer can be try’d but by a General Ct. Martial. While two thirds of the Crimes of the Privates must come before the same Court for Trial.
     Since my Appointment (14 July) I have attended twenty seven Trials, among which were two chief Colonels and Nine commissioned Officers. Every one of which has been minutely reported in Writing to the Commander in chief. And There are now a Col. and two commissioned Officers under an Arrest—who are to be try’d as soon as possible. Those of the Officers have been very lengthy. I am oblig’d to set, without a Minute’s Absence from 8 to three—doing the whole Labour of the Trial—and as soon as the Court is adjourn’d, to employ the afternoon in copying the Proceedings of the Morning, that the General may have early Knowlege of the issue. And that the Order of Court may be timely put into the general Orders.
     Every Day for a Month past a General Court Martial has set in one or other Part of the Camp. It is impossible for me to be in two Places at once. A Court at Roxbury adjourn’d for six Days successively, because my Duty at Cambridge, forbid my leaving it. The Court cannot consist of less than 13 Members, and the Service is hurt—but it must frequently be the Case while the Judge Advocate is allow’d no Assistant.
     I must beg, Sir, on your Return to Congress You would prevail on Our American Legislature, to reconsider the Stipend affix’d to this Office, and endeavour to have a Salary fix’d, more adequate to the Service. Should there be no Alteration made I shall be under the Necessity of asking Permission to resign an Employment the Duties of which, leave me without an Hour to call my own; and the Pay of which will not give me even a Maintenance. I am your most obt. Servt.

      Wm. Tudor


Title: To John Adams from Mercy Otis Warren, 4 September 1775
From: Warren, Mercy Otis
To: Adams, John

      Watertown September 4. 1775
      Sir

     This afternoon came to Hand your Favour of August 26. May you ever have it in your power to expatiate this Largly on your own Happiness, but I would not have you Imagine when you in your sixteen hours Nap and Dreaming of the Feilds of Arcadia, and are Enraptured with the Happy Elisian and paridisaic scenes at Braintree that you are the only Happy Mortal among your Numerous Circle of Friends. I dare say had they the talent of Easey Discription they would Boast of a share of the Felicities of Life though few can pronounce themselves Compleatly happy Even for a day, either Amidst the Cares the tumults and Follies of the World or the still pleasures of Rural Life.
     By your Freind Mr. Collins I thought It my Duty to Let you know I heard from Mrs Adams this day who has been a Little unwell since you left her but is much better. I shall Call on her in a day or two and Endeavour to Return her kindness to me when in the same situation.
     The person who Holds the first place in my heart your invariable Friend has been too unwell this day to take up the pen this Evening or you would have Received the superier pleasure of a Line from him Instead of this Interruption from me.
     The ships which Arrived Last Fryday are from Halifax with a few petatoes and a Little wood. The people there are in Expectation of an Attack from a Body of troops which they hear are to be sent down under the Command of Preble and are preparing for Defence. If they suffer such terrors from the Name of a Worn out American Veteran what must be their Apprehensions from the Active Vigorous spirited Heros who are Riseing up from Every Corner of the united Colonies to oppose the Wicked system of politicks which has Long Governed a Corrupt Court.
     But I ask parden for touching on War politicks or anything Relative therto, as I think you gave me a Hint in yours Not to Approach the Verge of anything so far beyond the Line of my sex.
     The Worthy bearer of this will inform you of all the Inteligence stiring. Tranqulity still Reigns in the Camp. We scarcly hear the Distant Roar of Cannen for 24 hours past.
     By a person from Boston Last saterday we Learn they are Building a Floating Batery in town in order to Bombard Prospect Hill. What a Contemptable figure do the arms of Britain make. But I Have no time to write nor have you to Read observations either Natural Moral or political, so shall ajourn any thing of that kind till your Reverie of Compleat Happiness is a Little over and you Descend to touch again in the arts and sciences.

      With Great Respect (after the affectionate Compliments of your Friend) I subscribe sir your unfeigned Friend and Humble servant,
      Marcia

      Swift of Boston is Really Dead.


Title: To John Adams from James Warren, 11 September 1775
From: Warren, James
To: Adams, John

      Watertown Sepr 11th 1775
      My Dear Sir

     I please myself with the probability that before this you are safely arrived at Philadelphia, after having fine weather for Journeying. I hope you will not be disappointed in your wishes with regard to the Spirit and Temper of the Congress. I should have wrote you before if I had been well, but from A Cold I took in the long storm we had here, have been much Indisposed since you left us. Am now better.
     Nothing very material has Occurred. The Military Operations are much in the same way as when you was last here. The works on Ploughed Hill are thought to be Impregnable. They fired at them and Roxbury till they Tired themselves and have now in a manner ceased. We seldom hear A Cannon tho’ the natural Effusions of Resentment and disappointment now and then give us an Instance, harmless enough for they never Injure us. All seems to be in a Tranquil state for a war. The greatest difficulty seems to be to govern our own Soldiery. I may say the rifle Men only for I hear of no other. Yesterday the General was Obliged to order no less than 24 of them under Guard. They are the most disorderly part of the Army if not alone so. I have not been at head quarters since Saturday but am told that for some Crime one of them was ordered under Guard. An Attempt was made by a Number to rescue him, upon which they were also ordered to be put under Guard, upon which a whole Company undertook to rescue them, and the General was Obliged to Call out a large detachment from the Rhode Island Troops to Apprehend them, who though prepared for resistance thought proper to submit, and the Ringleaders are now in Custody. I believe he will Choose to make Examples of them. I should were I in his place.
     We have in a few days past a great deal of foreign News, and all seems to agree that both England, and Ireland are in great Confusion. It is said the Irish Parliament have resolved that no more Troops, or Provisions for Troops shall come from there to America, and that several of the Recruiting parties there have been killed. That the whole Kingdom is in an Uproar, and in such an Opposition to Administration as will Intitle them equally with the Americans to the Character of Rebels. The Vessel that brings this Account has been stoped by the Men of war at Rhode Island in her way to Providence, and perhaps many other perticulars Smothered. Callihorne is Arrived at Boston, and several Letters have been received, and some of them sent out of Boston giveing Assurances that no more Troops will be sent to America, and that the dispute will be soon settled. Oliver Wendal told me he had seen one to that purpose from a Man whose Intelligence he could depend on. Other Letters I hear of, which say the People had Obliged the King to promise not only to send no other Troops out, but to recall the Fleet and Army Already here. If all this be true how seasonably will your last Petition arrive to serve as a Mantle to Cover the Nakedness of the Ministry, and to Screen them from the Shame of being forced to a retreat by the Virtue of the Americans. Depend on it they will Catch at it, like a hungry Fish at a Bait, and we must be Content with a Harvest Blasted with Mildew, Cut before it is ripe, and Consequently of little value. Does no Powder Arrive. I wish we may be able to give them at least one Blast more, that they may leave us thoroughly Impressed with a Sense of American Bravery and Prowess. If they do go, I know you won’t fail to do every thing in your power to furnish us. Money if possible grows scarcer than powder. The last dollar perhaps will be gone Tomorrow, and then I Expect we shall be all din’d with Clamours, and Complaints. We have enough of them Already from the largeness of the Bills. 1200 Men March this afternoon and Tomorrow under Coll. Arnold for Newberry Port to Embark for Kennebeck in their way to Quebec. I wish they may not be Intercepted, in their passage. Were I to Conduct the matter I think I should march them all the way by Land. Two frigates and a Number of Schooners I am told left Boston Yesterday. Probably to Intercept them. A few deserters come over to us, and several of our rifle men have deserted to the Enemy.
     A Ship from Piscataqua for the West Indies owned by Mr. Langdon was taken by the Lively and has been retaken by An Armed Vessel from Beverly and Carried into Cape Ann. The Prisoners were Brought to Head quarters on Saturday. I don’t find your Friend P: Henry in the List of Delegates from Virginia. How does it happen. It gives me Concern, you know I have a great Opinion of him.
     Our Council are yet seting tho’ they Talk of An Adjournment Tomorrow. They seem to have been very Busy. I can hardly tell you what has been done since you left us. Coll. Prescot Sherriff of this County, Coll. Dwight Worcester, Dr. Winthrop Judge of Probate his Son Register, Foster Appointed for Worcester. No Appointments for the Superior Court. They seem as much at a loss as ever. I Inclose A Letter left at my Lodgings. I Suppose from Braintree and so will give you an Account of your Family. I have been much Concerned about them. Mrs. Adams and almost the whole Family I hear have been Sick. I had the pleasure of hearing last Evening that She was better, and all the rest Except One of the Maids and little Tommy who I don’t learn are dangerous. You will please to make my regards to All Friends perticularly Mr. Adams, and believe me to be with great Sincerity Your Friend,

      J W

      Six regulars put off from Boston in A Boat and were unable to row back against the Wind which blew hard at N:W they say. They drifted on Dorchester and were taken.


Title: Editorial Note
From:
To:

      In the fall of 1775 Adams worked in the congress to the point of exhaustion; by December he asked permission to leave to restore his energies. He served on thirteen committees, and judging from the fragmentary evidence that has been found, he gave full measure. He was not exaggerating when he told Mercy Warren he was “engaged in constant Business. . . . Every Body is engaged all Day in Congress and all the Morning and evening in Committees.” The workday began at seven in the morning and ended at ten at night (JA to Mercy Warren, 25 Nov., below). Adams’ intense activity contradicts the assessment of Benjamin Rush, who saw Adams as a man shunned because of the intemperate remarks about Dickinson disclosed in the intercepted letter (JA to James Warren, 24 July, note 6, above).
      Adams arrived in Philadelphia on 12 September, just in time for the official opening for business the next day. Actually, the congress had tried to begin on the 5th, but for lack of a quorum had had to wait eight days for enough members to arrive. In contrast to the preceding spring, Adams found time to record in some detail debates taking place during one month’s period, 23 September through 21 October (Diary and AutobiographyDiary and Autobiography of John Adams, ed. L. H. Butterfield and others, Cambridge, 1961; 4 vols., 2:178–180, 183–187, 188–217). Among the subjects discussed were the mode of dispensing supplies to soldiers, the gunpowder contract with the firm of Willing & Morris, the wisdom of arresting royal officers and shutting down the royal postal service, the mode of appointment of officers, and, most important, the desirability of modifying the Continental Association by opening the ports and encouraging trade and the establishment of an American fleet.
      Although Adams records the positions of many of his colleagues on these issues, he records his views only twice: as making a motion to consult Washington and as making a point of order (sameWilliam Lincoln, ed., The Journals of Each Provincial Congress of Massachusetts in 1774 and 1775, and of the Committee of Safety, Boston, 1838., 2:185, 198). It is mainly from his letters to close friends and associates, James Warren in particular, that one must learn where he stood. And these are not wholly satisfactory, for the congress continued to operate under a rule of secrecy that was reaffirmed on 9 November. Adams and other members at that time signed a formal statement carrying a penalty of expulsion and condemnation as an enemy to American liberties for divulging congressional secrets without authorization (Jefferson, PapersThe Papers of Thomas Jefferson, ed. Julian P. Boyd and others, Princeton, 1950– ., 1:252–253; photostat of MS in MHi). Another source for Adams’ positions is his recollections written down in 1805 in his Autobiography, but the evidence is plain that with the lapse of time his memory, even when stimulated by research in the Journals of the congress, confused the facts, and hindsight caused him to claim more than he should have.
      In later years Adams was proudest of his contribution to the establishment of an American navy. His pride was justified, despite his oversimplifications. The naming of a committee on 5 October to plan for the interception of two British vessels carrying arms and ammunition to Canada was the first congressional step toward creating a navy (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 3:277). Adams is the only source for identifying the makeup of the three-man committee, but his recollection was not disputed by his correspondent and former colleague John Langdon (JA, WorksThe Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, ed. Charles Francis Adams, Boston, 1850–1856; 10 vols., 10:27, 28). Besides himself, the committee was composed of Langdon and Silas Deane. Seen now as a first step, the committee was not considered as such then, and much was to occur before the congress clearly saw where it was heading. No great effort was required to turn Adams’ mind to the possibilities the sea offered. He had grown up on the coast, his legal business had acquainted him with merchants and seamen, and he got letters from Josiah Quincy urging upon him schemes for bottling up shipping in Boston harbor (Quincy to JA, 11 July, above, and 22 Sept., 25 Oct., both below). Yet he was not appointed to the committee named on 13 October to prepare an estimate of the expense of fitting out and contracting for two armed vessels for the purpose of the interception. He was not called upon until this new committee was enlarged by four on 30 October and ordered to fit out two additional ships. The enlarged committee gradually became known as the Naval Committee, not to be confused with a standing committee of later origin called the Marine Committee. The membership of the Naval Committee included Silas Deane, John Langdon, Stephen Hopkins, Christopher Gadsden, Joseph Hewes, Richard Henry Lee, and John Adams (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 3:293–294, 311–312; Burnett, ed., Letters of MembersEdmund C. Burnett, ed., Letters of Members of the Continental Congress, Washington, 1921–1936; 8 vols., 1:217, note, 273, note).
      Any account of the emergence of a Continental navy that confines itself to the actions of the congress overlooks the independent action of General Washington, who before word of armed vessels was received from the congress had set about hiring several to intercept British transports supplying Boston (Clark, Washington’s NavyWilliam Bell Clark, George Washington’s Navy, Baton Rouge, La., 1960., p. 3–17). One can argue, of course, that a real navy could be the creation only of the congress, but certainly Washington saw the need for action at sea given the situation he found—a besieged town supplied through its harbor. A recent scholar would go back even further to find the origin of a Continental navy—back to the congressional resolution of 18 July 1775 which urged each colony to fit out armed vessels for its own defense. In so resolving, the congress may have been swayed by the action of Massachusetts’ Third Provincial Congress, which on 7 June appointed a committee to consider the feasibility of arming small vessels to cruise along the coast to protect trade and annoy enemies (Raymond G. O’Connor, “Second Commentary” in Maritime Dimensions of the American Revolution, Washington, 1977, P. 27; Mass. Provincial Congress, Jours.William Lincoln, ed., The Journals of Each Provincial Congress of Massachusetts in 1774 and 1775, and of the Committee of Safety, Boston, 1838., p. 308–309).
      Formal proposals for an American fleet actually came to Philadelphia from Rhode Island on 3 October and provoked vigorous debate (JA, Diary and AutobiographyDiary and Autobiography of John Adams, ed. L. H. Butterfield and others, Cambridge, 1961; 4 vols., 2:198–199, 201). As the instructions from that colony put it, the best way to achieve peace based upon constitutional principles was to fight a “just and necessary war . . . to a happy issue,” and an American fleet would greatly contribute to that end (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 3:274). Although in the ensuing debate Adams does not record anything he said beyond his raising a point of order, he unquestionably supported the establishment of a fleet, and probably from the first. According to Samuel Ward, the initial attitude of many members was that a fleet was “perfectly chimerical,” but opinions gradually changed until a favorable vote was achieved to create a committee made up of one delegate from each colony that was charged with “furnishing these colonies with a naval armament” (Burnett, ed., Letters of MembersEdmund C. Burnett, ed., Letters of Members of the Continental Congress, Washington, 1921–1936; 8 vols., 1:256; JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 3:420). This was the Marine Committee, named on 11 December and reconstituted on the 14th, that Adams in his Autobiography confused with the Naval Committee, and that gradually absorbed the functions of the other.
      By 11 December, however, Adams had departed from Philadelphia. Still, he had been able to advance the cause of a navy through his membership on the Naval Committee. His duties involved him in recruiting likely men to serve as officers, a responsibility that caused him to write to correspondents for suggestions. (For his list of possibilities, see Diary and AutobiographyDiary and Autobiography of John Adams, ed. L. H. Butterfield and others, Cambridge, 1961; 4 vols., 2:221.) The Naval Committee was ordered to prepare commissions, to purchase ship supplies, to engage With Captain Stone for the seizure or destruction of Lord Dunmore’s fleet, and to see to it that ships violating the nonexportation agreement were detained (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 3:316, 392–393, 395–396, 406). This committee prepared Rules for the Regulation of the Navy of the United Colonies (No. VIII, below), which continued in use under the Constitution. These were adapted by Adams mainly from existing British regulations, but listing them in formal fashion with a care for the needs of the colonies was an argument that a naval service would be no casual or temporary thing. The congress was making a commitment not unlike that made when it decided to remodel the army. John Adams’ industry gave the congress a nudge.
      The accompanying documents and calendared item reflect the work of those committees for which some evidence exists of JA’s role in their deliberations and reports or in which he had a particular interest. Following these is a synopsis of his membership on committees for which there is no record of his influence on their actions. The listing gives the names of members in the order in which they appear in the Journal, the responsibilities assigned, and the dates, locations, and authorship, when known, of reports and subsequent resolutions.
      The weeks Adams spent in Philadelphia in the fall of 1775 were trying ones. Important decisions whose consequences could not be fully foreseen pressed for action. Although Adams stood with those who saw no hope of reconciliation, he did not minimize the dangers of the course on which America was embarked. He was bold in his recommendations, but he sought constantly the nourishment he could get from the letters of those in Massachusetts. Occasionally, he even had to explain to them why the colonies could not press on faster. He operated always within the political realities that confronted him in the congress.


Title: I. Resolutions of the Congress on Intercepting British Vessels, 5 October 1775
From: Adams, John,Continental Congress
To:

       Thursday, October 5, 1775

      Resolved, That a letter be sent by Express to Genl Washington, to inform him, that they Congress having received certain intelligence of the sailing of two north country built Brigs, of no force, from England, on the 11 of August last, loaded with arms, powder, and other stores, for Quebec, without a convoy, which it being of importance to intercept, that he apply to the council of Massachusetts bay, for the two armed vessels in their service, and despatch the same, with a sufficient number of people, stores, &c. particularly a number of oars, in order, if possible, to intercept said two Brigs and their cargoes, and secure the same for the use of the continent; Also, any other transports laden with ammunition, cloathing, or other stores, for the use of the ministerial army or navy in America, and secure them in the most convenient places for the purpose abovementioned; that he give the commander or commanders such instructions as are necessary, as also proper encouragement to the marines and seamen, that shall be sent on this enterprize, which instructions, &c., are to be delivered to the commander or commanders sealed up, with orders not to open the same until out of sight of land, on account of secresy.
      That a letter be wrote to said honble council, to put said vessels under the General’s command and direction, and to furnish him instantly with every necessary in their power, at the expence of the Continent.
      Also that the General be directed to employ said vessels and others, if he judge necessary, to effect the purposes aforesd; informing the General that the Rhode Island and Connecticut vessels of force will be sent directly after them to their assistance.
      That a letter be wrote to Govr Cooke, informing him of the above, and desiring him to despatch one or both the armed vessels of the colony of Rhode Island on the same service, and that he take the precautions abovementioned.
      Also that a letter be wrote to Govr Trumbull, requesting of him the largest vessel in the service of the colony of Connecticut, to be sent on the enterprize aforesaid, acquainting him with the above particulars, and recommending the same precautions.
      That the encouragement recommended by this Congress to be given shall be, on this occasion, that the master, officers and seamen, shall be intitled to one half of the value of the prizes by them taken, the wages they receive from the respective colonies notwithstanding.
      That the said ships and vessels of war to be on the continental risque and pay, during their being so employed.


Title: III. Form Letter Requesting Information on British Depredations, 19 October 1775
From: Adams, John,Deane, Silas,Wythe, George,Continental Congress
To:

       Philadelphia, 19 Oct. 1775
       Sir

      The continental congress having been pleased to appoint us a committe for collecting an account of the hostilities committed by the ministerial troops and navy in America, since last March, with proper evidence of the truth of the facts related, the number and value of the buildings destroyed, and of the vessels inward and outward bound seised, by them as nearly as can be ascertained, and also the stock taken by them from different parts of the continent, as you may see by the resolve inclosed; we entreat the assistance of the convention of your colony in this business, that we may be enabled to perform what is required of us, in the manner and with the expedition congress expects; and, to that end you will be pleased to furnish us with the necessary materials sending to us clear distinct full and circumstantial details of the hostile and destructive acts, and the captures or seizures and depredations in your colony, and accurate estimates of the loss and damage with the solemn examinations of witnesses, and other papers and documents officially authenticated. We are, Sir, Your obedient humble servants,

       Silas Deane
       John Adams
       George Wythe


Title: IV. Resolution of the Congress on New Hampshire Government, 3 November 1775
From: Adams, John,Rutledge, John,Ward, Samuel,Lee, Richard Henry,Sherman, Roger,Continental Congress
To:

      3 November 1775. Dft not found. printed: JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 3:319. Based on a report (not found) from a committee appointed 26 October composed of John Rutledge, JA, Samuel Ward, Richard Henry Lee, and Roger Sherman, which reported on 3 November (sameWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 3:307, 319).
      On 18 October the delegates from New Hampshire laid before their colleagues instructions from their province which asked the advice of the congress “with respect to a method of our administering Justice, and regulating our civil police” (sameWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 3:298). The congress recommended the calling of “a full and free representation of the people” and the establishment of a government that would promote the people’s happiness and secure good order during the dispute with Great Britain.
      In his Autobiography JA recalled that when the New Hampshire delegates presented their instructions, he took the opportunity to harangue “on the Subject at large” and to urge the congress “to resolve on a general recommendation to all the States to call Conventions and institute regular Governments” (Diary and AutobiographyDiary and Autobiography of John Adams, ed. L. H. Butterfield and others, Cambridge, 1961; 4 vols., 3:354–357). The congress was deeply divided on the issue, but according to JA, some began to come around. If he spoke as he claimed, he was anticipating by some seven months his motion for independent governments offered in May 1776. Again, JA’s recollection may very well have been inaccurate. At any rate, moderates saw to it that the advice to New Hampshire was to be operative only until the dispute was settled. In private correspondence, where the need for circumspection was less, JA saw more than temporary possibilities (JA to Elbridge Gerry, 5 Nov., note 4, below; see also his first letter to James Warren of 6 July, note 6, above).