Title: Editorial Note on Franklin’s Accounts, 1776
From:
To:

Franklin, when he arrived in France, began to keep accounts even before he began to write letters. His first entries are dated December 3, the day he set foot ashore; they show how much money he had on hand and what he paid for the boat from the Reprisal to Auray. These humdrum details started a collection that grew and grew over the years. The financial records of the commission throw a great deal of light on how it functioned, but they are bewildering in their variety and dismaying in their bulk. They touch on everything from the funding of the war to the small details of housekeeping at Passy, and are so voluminous, and often so repetitive, that a detailed treatment of each is more likely to confuse than enlighten. Many of them are Franklin documents, however, and clearly within our rubric. We limit ourselves here to discussing their general character, and to noticing those that bear on the period of this volume; future editorial notes will notice others that bear only on later periods. We use relevant information to annotate our documents and, where the information is important but not specifically relevant, summarize it briefly in these editorial notes. They deal only with accounts that directly involve Franklin: those that he kept himself, that others kept for him or jointly with him, and that European bankers and businessmen kept of their transactions with him and his colleagues. Those that do not directly involve him, such as Silas Deane’s or Beaumarchais’ in the present period, we use in annotation where needed but do not discuss further.
Only some of the accounts that deal with any given period were drawn up at the time, by Franklin and his entourage or by the commissioners’ business associates. Others were compiled years later, for submission to Congress or by committees or agents of that body after it began to keep a close eye on the activities of its emissaries abroad. These official accounts derive from earlier ones, of which most survive but a few apparently do not, and are colored by the later setting. They rearrange some items and omit others, presumably those for expenses that either an auditor would not allow or that had already been paid; what Franklin submitted for his settlement with Congress, furthermore, must have been influenced by the accusations and partisan bickering, particularly in 1779, over the commissioners’ financial dealings. This later record, in other words, contains much the same material as the earlier but deals with it differently. We take notice here or in subsequent volumes of all accounts we have located, no matter when they were composed, that are relevant to the period of the volume.
The commission engendered controversy long before 1779. Arthur Lee was quick to convince himself that his two colleagues, for reasons of their own, were excluding him from their transactions, in which they were using public funds extravagantly and irresponsibly. “A thousand times have I desired that the public accounts might from time to time be made up, to which I have as constantly received evasive or affrontive answers.” When John Adams arrived in Paris in 1778 to succeed Silas Deane, he was appalled by the state of those accounts. Business had been conducted so unmethodically, he concluded, that “it was utterly impossible to acquire any clear Idea of our Affairs.” He laid much of the blame on Franklin, in part for high living and in greater part for bad bookkeeping, and the latter charge is important to any consideration of the commission’s finances.
In 1781 Temple Franklin, who had been laboring for years over the accounts, pointed out areas in which they had been scrupulously kept. In specific instances this was true, but in general the extant bookkeeping is chaotic. During Franklin’s years in London it had been excellent, but thanks only to young Jonathan Williams. His great-uncle was not well endowed with the necessary tidiness, and what little he had diminished with time. “In Truth I found myself incorrigible with respect to Order,” he admitted near the end of his mission in France, “and now I am grown old, and my Memory bad, I feel very sensibly the want of it.” He may have felt the want, but seems to have made no great effort to remedy it. During the early years of the mission Temple took care of the household expenses, Deane of most of the commercial transactions. If Franklin concerned himself in detail with such matters, little evidence survives. He apparently made one attempt, mentioned below, to have his bookkeeping organized in the same comprehensive way as in London; but the project was abandoned. And for good reason. His French mission involved incomparably more men than his English, merchants as well as fellow commissioners, and incomparably larger sums of money. To bring these transactions together into the neat and narrow compass of the London “Journal” and “Ledger” would have been a herculean task.
The descriptive list that follows includes all the extant accounts, to the best of our knowledge, that relate to the five months covered by the volume. Most are mere notations of payments and receipts, but several attempt the kind of double-entry bookkeeping found in the “Journal” and “Ledger.” The first seven on our list are Franklin’s, some his alone and some his colleagues’ as well, and the remaining three are those of merchants and businessmen with whom the commission dealt; each group is arranged in order of probable composition.
Only a few make any attempt to distinguish between public and private expenditures. The first were those for Congress, like what Franklin had laid out in London for Massachusetts; the second were salaries and expenses for the day-to-day support of the commissioners. Congress was responsible for both and eventually, after the furor over Deane’s financial conduct, tried to define them in its resolutions of August 6, 1779, which set specific salaries and subjected expenses to strict accounting and audit by a Congressional agent; later versions of Franklin’s accounts reflect these resolutions and subsequent Congressional attempts to compensate him and his colleagues. A third category of his expenses also appears from time to time, what may be called personal because Congress had no responsibility for them. He still had funds with his English bankers; although soon after his arrival in France he transferred more than £1,000 to Paris, he retained a small balance in London.

I. Waste Book, December 3, 1776, to March 10, 1779: American Philosophical Society. 10 pp.
This volume is a running record of Franklin’s disbursements, public, private, and personal (labeled “self”) jumbled together, with a brief description of each; the first page also has receipts arranged in a separate column. The entries are in both Franklin’s hand and Temple’s, and are not totaled; they are the basis for many of the later reworkings of Franklin’s accounts, described below. The old man kept a careful eye on what he might charge his son for Temple’s rearing, and an intriguing feature of the document is William’s initials by such items. These were obviously added in 1785, the only time when father and son met after 1775.
II. Fragment of a Journal and Ledger, December, 1776, to April, 1777: American Philosophical Society. 19 pp.
The first three pages resemble the London “Journal” except that the entries, which are those in the Waste Book slightly reorganized, are undated. The final sixteen pages, prefaced by an alphabetical index of individuals and firms, rearranges the material in the first three as the London “Ledger” does that in the “Journal.” Both sections are in Temple’s hand. Between the two is the bulk of the volume, which is a quite different account: personal expenses from the fall of 1785 to the spring of 1787. Franklin must have tried at the start of his mission to continue his English practice of double-entry bookkeeping, dropped the idea after four months, and used the blank pages much later for another purpose.
III. William Temple Franklin’s Accounts, January 16, 1777, to February 23, 1779: American Philosophical Society. 47 pp.
This is a running account in Temple’s hand. It opens with the receipt of 2,400 l.t. for household expenses; a few weeks later came 4,800, and the funds were periodically renewed; every so often Temple balanced expenditures against them. Between late February and mid-November, 1777, only a few minor entries appear. John Adams took charge of supervising the accounts after his arrival, and several times noted that he had verified them. William Franklin later initialed entries, as in the Waste Book, for Temple’s expenses.

IV. The Pillets’ Accounts, March 2 to August 11, 1777: University of Pennsylvania Library 41 pp.
The document is two separate manuscripts that form a single running account, by the pair who managed the Passy household. The outlays are for food, kitchen utensils, servants’ traveling expenses, small gifts to the poor, postage, etc., and are invaluable in documenting the day-to-day operation of the household and the comings and goings of its members. The size of the staff cannot be determined from such material, but a number of servants are mentioned in other accounts.
V. Franklin’s Accounts as Commissioner, December 3, 1776, to October 4, 1778: American Philosophical Society. 23 pp.
This is the most complete of four extant versions, and was presumably compiled from the other three in response to the Congressional resolutions discussed above. Most of the material in the Waste Book reappears here in a different form, except that personal expenditures are deleted. Public and private ones are made comprehensible, but are not clearly distinguished: public payments, to prisoners of war or for American propaganda, are jumbled together with payments for the household. The first section of the document is a summary of the eleven separate accounts that follow, which are Franklin’s own and those he kept jointly with Deane and Adams (Lee does not appear); all of them show the same mixture of public and private. Seven of the eleven are for money paid out, four for money received. Two of the seven are “taken from Joint-Expence Book” and two of the four “extracted from Expence Book”; these seem to be references to a book or books now lost.

VI. Thomas Barclay’s Review of Franklin’s Accounts, December 3, 1776, to June 20, 1785: Library of Congress. 29 pp.
In 1782 Congress, pursuant to its decision three years before, appointed Barclay to try to settle its accounts with its agents abroad. He examined Franklin’s, and this document was the result. It served as a model, for Barclay gave the present copy to Thomas Jefferson, as a note by Jefferson attests, to guide him in his bookkeeping while minister to France. The review is based on document V and adds little to the information contained there, but includes entries after 1778 and is differently and in many ways more logically organized. Receipts and disbursements are in opposite columns; a series of subtotals are included; and the final balance indicates 7,533 livres due to Franklin. That result did not satisfy him or the American government: Barclay, he believed, had omitted some allowable expenses, whereas the United States treasury insisted that Barclay should have provided documentation. The upshot was that a final settlement was still hanging fire when Franklin died.
VII. Franklin’s Private Accounts, December 3, 1776, to June 20, 1785: Library of Congress. 3 pp.
This three-page account in an unidentified hand is confined to personal and housekeeping expenses, and was compiled after Franklin’s return to America, probably by some one in the treasury, as part of the prolonged attempt at a settlement. The bulk of its entries are for the years from 1776 to 1778, but it contains nothing new; it is an editing of Documents V and VI. The post-1778 entries are brief, but will be useful in the annotation of later volumes.
VIII. Jacques-Barthélémy Gruel’s Account with Franklin and with the Commission, December 7, 1776, to February 8, 1777: Harvard University Library. 1 p.
A list of disbursements, in a clerical hand, that Gruel made to Franklin and his colleagues. The account distinguishes between payments on behalf of one of the commissioners and on behalf of the commission as a whole; a pencilled note indicates that 3320 l.t. were for Franklin out of a total of 4965. Gruel took a commission of one half of one percent. The final entry is Jan. 19, and a note by Gruel of Feb. 8 attests that the debt was transferred to Congress.
IX. Sollier’s Accounts, with Franklin and the Commission, January 10 to February 20 and April 4 to August 1, 1777: Harvard University Library. Two documents, 1 p. and 3 pp.
Sollier was the Parisian banker for Penet, Gruel, and Thomas Morris, and briefly for the commissioners as well. The first account begins with an undated order from Gruel to pay the commissioners 36,606 l.t. On February 26 Sollier still had 12,859 l.t. on hand, after numerous payments to Franklin and his colleagues and after taking the same commission as Gruel, one half of one percent. He returned the balance to the commissioners, but did not thereby end their relationship: the three-page account, which he sent to Arthur Lee, lists additional disbursements to them during the spring and summer. Even after August, when Ferdinand Grand became their principal banker, they continued to deal on occasion with Sollier.
X. Ferdinand Grand’s Accounts with Franklin and Deane, January 31 to June 10, 1777: American Philosophical Society. 1p.
In an unidentified clerical hand. The first entry began the commissioners’ dealing with the man who became their bulwark as well as their banker, and served the American mission throughout the war and after. The accounts, which enter debits and credits, are in two parts; one ends on April 28, when expenditures and receipts balanced at 562,071 l.t., and the other on June 10, when the balance was 1,503,250. Grand’s extended accounts, beginning on June 10, 1777, and ending on February 11, 1779, will be discussed in our next volume.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Thomas Morris, 4 December 1776
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Morris, Thomas

Aurai en Bretagne le 4. Xbre 1776.
Je suis arrivé ici à bord du Reprisal, Capitaine Wickes, qui est maintenant à l’ancre à la Baye de Quiberon, où il attend le vent pour remonter à Nantes. J’ai apporté beaucoup de lettres et de gros paquets pour vous, et comme je compte partir de Nantes en poste, j’espere avoir le plaisir de vous les remettre. J’en joins seulement une ici, étant douteux que les autres ne fussent pas ouvertes à la Poste; et d’ailleurs elles couteraient fort cher. Si nos amis de Nantes le jugent nécessaire, je dépêcherai un exprès pour vous porter vos paquets et ceux de M. Deane, de maniere que vous les aurés peutêtre aussi promptement que si je vous les envoyois par la poste. Lorsque je suis parti, les armées, étaient très près l’une de l’autre à environ 18 milles de la Nouvelle York; mais il n’y avoit point eu d’action générale, quoiqu’on en attendît une tous les jours. Dans différentes escarmouches nos partis ont battu des partis ennemis de force égale et même supérieure, et notre armée est pleine de courage. Il arrive journellement dans nos ports un nombre de prises faites sur l’ennemi. Nous en avons fait deux dans notre traversée qui a été de trente jours.

Notation: B. Franklin à Thomas Morris Trad: de l’anglois


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Silas Deane, 7 December 1776
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Deane, Silas

On December 4, after writing the letters from Auray printed above, Franklin and his grandsons set out for Nantes, and reached Vannes late that evening. The journey, as Franklin described it, was not relaxing. “The carriage was a miserable one, with tired horses, the evening dark, scarce a traveller but ourselves on the road; and to make it more comfortable, the driver stopped near a wood we were to pass through, to tell us that a gang of eighteen robbers infested that wood, who but two weeks ago had robbed and murdered some travellers on that very spot.” When the party left Vannes on the way to Nantes, they soon encountered other travelers; and Franklin was enough recovered to observe them with care. “On the road yesterday,” he noted on the 6th, “we met six or seven country women, in company, on horseback and astride: they were all of fair white and red complexions, but one among them was the fairest woman I ever beheld. Most of the men have good complexions, not swarthy like those of the North of France, in which I remember that, except about Abbeville, I saw few fair people.”
This letter to Deane, on the day the travelers reached Nantes, was written either before or after they were entertained with a sumptuous dinner. In the afternoon they moved to the nearby country seat of Jacques-Barthélémy Gruel, Penet’s business associate, where they were immediately surrounded by crowds of visitors. Although Franklin concealed his Congressional commission, as he says here, he was welcomed from the start as the representative of America.

My dear Friend
Nantes, Dec. 7. 1776
I wrote a Line to you on Wednesday last, from Auray (where I landed out of the Ship of War that brought me over) acquainting you with my Arrival and with our Appointment (jointly with Mr. Arthur Lee) to negotiate a Treaty of Commerce and Friendship with the Court of France, for which I have with me ample Instructions. I have acquainted no one here with this Commission, continuing incog. as to my publick Character; because not being sufficiently acquainted with the Disposition and present Circumstances of this Court, relative to our Contest with GB. I cannot Judge whether it would be agreable to her at this time to receive publickly Ministers from the Congress as such, and I think we should not embarras her unnecessarily on the one hand, nor subject ourselves to the Hazard of a disgraceful Refusal on the other. I therefore send you herewith a Copy of our Commission, that you may have time to consider and advise upon it before my Arrival at Paris, for which Place I shall set out as soon as I can, being oblig’d to wait here a little for my Baggage, which continues on board the Ship, and the Wind has not yet been favourable to bring her from Quiberon Bay into this River. We are impowered by a Vote of Congress, to live in such a Stile at Paris, as we shall find proper. A Cargo, suppos’d to the Value of £3000 Sterl. brought in the Ship with me is to be sold by our Merchants here, and the Produce is to be subject to the Drafts of the Commissioners towards their Expences. And the Committee have Orders to add to that Fund, till they make it up £10,000. I requested you to provide me a Lodging. If in the same Hotel with you, it will be the more agreable. I have with me two Grandsons; one about 16, who will serve me as a private Secretary; the other a Child of 7, whom I purpose to place in some Boarding School, that he may early learn the French Language. One Bed in the meantime may serve them both; but I must have them in the same Lodging with me till I can place the young one. M. Penet talks of accompanying me to Paris. I suppose we may set out about the Middle of next Week, but cannot be certain, because it depends on my receiving my Baggage, and that depends on the Winds. In the mean time it would be a vast Satisfaction to me to hear from you, or meet you, but I do not see how it can be manag’d. I recommend to your Care the Informing Mr. Lee of his Appointment, by writing to him and conveying to him the Letters sent herewith, in the safest Way you can find. If thro’ the Hands of the French Ambr: at London, it will be best perhaps to write only, keeping his Letters till he comes to Paris. For I know not what the seal’d one contains, and there is a Risque of its being inspected. Hoping soon for the great Pleasure of finding you well at Paris, I am, with sincere Esteem, Dear Sir, Your most obedient Humble Servant
B Franklin
Honble Silas Deane Esqr

Endorsed: 1776 Benja: Franklins Letter Nantz. 7 Decr.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jane Mecom, 8 December 1776
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Mecom, Jane

Dear Sister
Nantes, in France, Dec. 8. 1776
I arrived here safe after a Passage of 30 Days, some what fatigued and weakned by the Voyage, which was a rough one; but I recover my Strength fast since my Landing, and shall be able I hope in a few days to undertake the Journey to Paris of about 250 Miles. If the Post Chaise here were as easy as the English, such a Journey would be no Difficulty. I hope you continue well and happy. Remember me affectionately to Cousin Jenney, and to Mr. and Mrs. Greene. I am ever Your affectionate Brother
B Franklin

You can have no Conception of the Respect with which I am receiv’d and treated here by the first People, in my private Character; for as yet I have assum’d no public One.

Addressed: To / Mrs. Mecom


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Nathan Rumsey, [9 December 1776]
From: Rumsey, Nathan
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Most respectable Sir
Monday, 12. O’Clock [December 9, 1776]
The Wind being favorable for Capt. Wicks has prevented my Setting out for Quiberon Bay this morning as proposed, least my Journey should be in vain; but should he not be in by tomorrow morning, think of setting out.
Mr. Penet and Self beg your Excuse for not attending to dine with You, but our Letters intended for Cap. Rawlins hope will plead our Excuse, as they have engaged us this morning. We propose doing ourselves the honor of waiting on You at 4 O’Clock this afternoon. With the Utmost respect I am Esteemed Sir Your Most obedient Servant
Nathan Rumsey

Addressed: Honorable / Doct. Benjamin Franklin
Notation: Nathan Rumsey


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jean François Ubetius, 10 December 1776: résumé
From: Ubetius, Jean François
To: Franklin, Benjamin

<Turin, December 10, 1776, in French: I met you several times in London, some seven years ago, and now take the liberty of writing to recommend the bearer, Thomas Negroni, who has a burning desire to serve the colonies on his own. He comes from a good family in the Duchy of Milan, and his zeal and courage in emigrating to America entitle him to be considered as born there. Your admirer and colleague, Father Beccaria, adds his recommendation to mine. I should like to come to Philadelphia myself, to see you again and spend the rest of my days there, but the voyage would be extremely harmful for me. Endorsed by Franklin: “Ubetius recommending the young Italian.”>


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from James Hutchinson, [12 December? 1776]
From: Hutchinson, James
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
On board the Ship Sally Thursday morning[December 12, 1776?]
We are Just proceeding to sea with a fair Wind, which we hope may continue, and carry us safely out of the Bay of Biscay; your dispatches I received from Mr. Pennet and shall not fail to take Care of them should we arrive in Philadelphia, and on the other hand should we be so unfortunate as to fall into the hands of any of the Piratical Cruisers of Britain they shall be sunk. Present my Compliments to Mr. Pennet tell him I shall ever remember his Civilities to me during my stay at Nantz. With wishes for your success and happiness I remain Dear Sir Yours &c.
James Hutchinson

Addressed: Dr. Benjamin Franklin / at / Mr. Gruels / Nantz / favoured by / Mr. Le Bourg
Notation: J. Hutchinson


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Louis Lestarjette, [before 15 December 1776]
From: Lestarjette, Louis
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honourable Sir,
[Before December 15, 1776]
I take the liberty of offering you my best Services in this kingdom being extremely well versed in both English, and French languages, especially in the French as my mother tongue and brought up in the College of the four Nations at Paris where I was eight Years. Capn. Cochran and myself married two Sisters in South Carolina. I came over with him in the Vessel which he commands, merely to serve the Province in doing the affairs of that Vessel, and explaining to the French merchants the nature of our trade, and the manufacturing the different goods proper for that Country. I have fulfill’d my mission, and Capn. Cochran can inform you of my Character. Mr. Dean also has seen a Sketch of my abilities in Paris where I went with Capn: Cochran, and was constantly with Mr. Dean for whom I interpreted the different transactions that were going on at that time. It is not the case with you, Sir, Speaking and Writing the French language properly; but your time will be so much taken up at Paris in matters of Conversation that it wou’d be morally impossible for you to undergo the whole fatigue. I speak and write the French language, I may Say with elegance, and I have nothing else in View in offering to Stay with you, than to Serve the just Cause of America which is become my native Land. It is neither necessity or any motives of interest that lead me to open myself to you on that Subject. I am well Settled in Charlestown where I have a wife and two Children in whom I place all my happiness, and who I dare Say long for my return, but Sir, I wou’d sacrify many enjoyments of life to be attached to so illustrious a Gentleman ingag’d in so noble a Cause, and whom the whole world admires. The Vessel I came in is to Sail in about a forthnight. Only Say a word, and I’ll Stay. I may venture to advance that you cou’d not easily meet with a French American of my Capacity, and to whom you may intrust the most Secret affairs. I am with the most profound Veneration Honourable Sir, Your most humble Servant.
Lis. Lestarjette

Addressed: The Honourable / Doctr. Frankling
Notation: Lestargette


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Charles-Frédéric Bedaulx, 16 December 1776
From: Bedaulx, Charles-Frédéric
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Bedaulx (1752–79/80) appeared in passing in the previous volume, as the carrier of a letter to Franklin from Nicholas Barker of Rotterdam. He was a Swiss soldier of fortune, the scion of an old family. “Je n’ay ni Seigneurie, ni titres a lui laisser,” his mother wrote to Franklin, “mais seulement une suit d’ayeux de noble et bonne race qu’il ne dementira pas.” He began his military career at an early age, according to his own account, for he served in Europe for twelve years and rose to be a captain in the Dutch army before he decided to go to America. His first attempt landed him in an English jail, from which he soon escaped to France. Silas Deane tried to obtain him another passage, and he says here that he expects to leave soon. He was in company with Baron de Kalb and others. Beaumarchais suspected him for some reason and made efforts to stop his departure, whereupon Bedaulx became impatient. Two days after writing this letter he was on his way to Paris to see Franklin, to whom he sent an undated letter from a Parisian hotel: obstacles had been put in his way but left him undiscouraged; he still had enough money to pay his passage, and would be grateful for an interview. On March 6 he wrote again from Paris, to say that he had not gone to Passy for fear of being troublesome, and to ask that he be referred to some of Franklin’s friends in America; on Deane’s order he was departing two days later. At some point Franklin apparently did see him, assured him that Congress would take him into its service, and reinforced the assurance with a letter to the secretary of the board of war. Bedaulx eventually sailed from Bordeaux in late March, along with Kalb and Lafayette.
In Philadelphia he met a chilly reception. He kept refusing a rank less than what he thought he deserved until December, 1778, when sustained efforts by Pulaski to recruit him for his legion won him a lieutenant colonelcy. He went south with the Legion in 1779, but his health was failing; after the siege of Savannah he asked leave to resign and go home. The request came too late; some time during the winter he died in Charleston.

Sir.
Havre-de-Grace the 16th Xber 1776.
Being inform’d of your arrival in Europe I take the liberty to send you the inclosed letter. I was charg’d with it at Rotterdam, by Mr. Barker, one of your acquintances when I embark’d my self to America this three Months ago.
Having been taken by the English, I found an opportunity to come to France, where I had the honour to see Mr. Dean to whom I showed the said letter which I had been so happy to preserve from the perquisition of the English.
I’m to set out again to your Country, in hopes of finding an opportunity to use my Sword in the cause of the liberty against the Oppressors.
Excuse me sir for the liberty I take to write you. Mr. Dean will give you an exacter account of me.
I’m sir with the greatest respect, sir your most humble and most obediant servant
C. Bedaulx.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jane Mecom, 16 December 1776
From: Mecom, Jane
To: Franklin, Benjamin

My Ever Dear Brother
Goshon Chester County in Penselveny Decr. 16. 1776
I was distres’d at your leveing us but as affairs have turned out I have bles’d God you were absent, and we have Reason to hope you are saif arived at your Port. On hearing the Enemy were advancing to wards us we thought it nesesary to Retire to this place where we hope we are saif and are very Comfortable. I have another mercy to be thankfull for which has given grate ease to my mind, the Return of my son in Law Collas, who has by the Recomendation of Cousen Williams, and Capt. Faulkner, (who happened to be then in Boston) obtained the comand of a Contenental ship, Expects to go to France, and is the barer of this. I hope He will aquit Himself properly in His station, I know nothing of His abilities but that He has allway borne a good charecter. Our Famely are all well, Will as Harty and as lovely as ever Says He wants to go to france to grand papa and He must send a Boat for Him. We shall be very Happy to hear from you, from Temple and Benny. Remember my love to them. I sopose your son and Daughter will write and Inform of all nesesary. I only add that I am as Ever your Affectionat sister
Jane Mecom

Addressed in different hands: Doctor Franklin / Favored by / Capt Collas
Endorsed: Family Letters 1777


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Philip Thicknesse, 16 December 1776
From: Thicknesse, Philip
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Calais Rue de Capuchin Decr the 16: 1776
My Being one of the indirect sufferers in the Cause of American liberty, I hope will plead my excuse in takeing this; My private misfortunes Sir fell upon me, for speaking, and sometimes writing, my honest sentiments, relative to your public ones. But I will not trouble you with the sorrows of an Individual, who I hope has the charge, and will protect millions. I shall therefore only say, that a few Scotch Lords sent down from St. James’s, out voted that great, and good man, Lord Camden, and I was thereby defrauded of ten th[ousand]d pounds. The Enclosed printed papers will shew you how; and that I am now publishing by Subscription a Journey through France, and I entreat the honor of your name, and that of your Honorable Brothers, the Members of the Continental Congress of America as Subscribers to it! Nor do I ask it, from motives of parsimony, but to have it appear, to the present, and future generations; that I had the honor to mingle my afflictions along with brave men, who, like me, had seperated themselves from their mother Country rather than submit to the violation of their ancient Laws. I have the honor to be Sir your most Obedient and Devoted Humble Servant
Phil. Thicknesse

Addressed: To / The Honorable / Benjamin Franklin / President of the Continental / Congress of America / at Paris
Notations in different hands: Lett. from Phillip Thicknesse Calais Decr 16. 1776. / Thicknesse Papers to be answered


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Charles-Guillaume-Frédéric Dumas, 17 December 1776
From: Dumas, Charles-Guillaume-Frédéric
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Cher et respectable ami,
17e. Dec. 1776
Est-il bien vrai que vous soyiez arrivé? Puis-je le croire? Oui, car ni la mer, ni ses fatigues, ni ses dangers, ne sont rien aux yeux de l’homme vertueux et rare, qui ne vit que pour faire du bien au genre humain. Soyez donc mille fois le bien venu, et souffrez qu’en idée je vous embrasse de tout mon coeur. Vous venez, sans doute, mettre la derniere main à l’ouvrage que j’ai eu le bonheur de commencer, et que Mr. Deane a perfectionné. Vous venez annoncer l’indépendance et la souveraineté, offrir le Commerce et la bonne amitié des Etats Unis Américains, et demander en échange le réciproque. Tout cela sera écouté et accepté avec plaisir, j’en suis sûr. Quand tout cela sera ajusté et conclu, nous espérons, mon Epouse et moi, que vous nous ferez le même honneur que Mr. Deane nous a saintement promis, et sur lequel nous comptons, de venir signer avec nous un bon Traité d’hospitalité de l’ancien temps. Alors, Monsieur, je vous rendrai compte, papiers sur table, de tout ce que j’ai fait en exécution des ordres dont vous m’avez honoré il y a justement un an, comme je l’ai déjà fait dans plusieurs Lettres successives que j’ai eu l’honneur de vous écrire par la voie prescrite de St. Eustache. Mais, de grace, avant tout, daignez me favoriser d’un mot seulement de réponse par premiere poste, afin que je ne doute plus du bonheur de vous avoir en Europe. Ma certitude à cet égard vient d’augmenter par la réponse d’un Ami de Rotterdam, à qui j’avois écrit avanthier, et qui me marque que la Lettre de Nantes existe reellement, est conforme à l’extrait de la Gazette, et qu’il connoît ceux à qui elle est écrite. La poste, qui va partir ne me laisse que le temps de vous assurer du parfait dévouement et respect Monsieur de votre très humble et très obéissant serviteur
CGf Dumas
Pour Monsieur le Dr. Franklin

Notations: Lett. from Monsr CGf Dumas 17 Decr 1776 / Du Mas, Leyde 17 December 76


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jacques-Barthélémy Gruel, 17 December 1776
From: Gruel, Jacques-Barthélémy
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur
Nantes ce 17: Xbre: 1776.
Mr. Guerton directeur general des fermes, se presenta un instant aprés votre depart pour avoir l’honneur de prendre congé de vous, et de vous remettre une Lettre pour Mr. Roslin dont il avoit eté question dans la conversation que vous eûtes ensemble à la Barberie. Il m’a prié de vous l’envoyer, en consequence j’ay l’honneur de vous la remettre sous ce ply.
Mr. Roslin fermier general est chargé, par Mr. le Controleur general de tous les details qui concernent les affaires des ameriquains tant pour l’entrée des denrées du crû de vos colonies, que du chargement des navires que nous expedions. En consequence nous nous sommes adressés à luy pour avoir une diminution sur les droits exhorbitants que payent les huilles de sperma ceti qui viennent de rhode island, et des environ. L’affaire est au conseil depuis trois mois, et n’est pas encore decidée, cela retarde l’expedition de Mr. Nicols, ce qui luy cause du prejudice; oserais-je, Monsieur, vous prier de luy en faire parler par Monsieur Moris, si vous ne croyés pas devoir le faire vous-même. Il seroit interessant que nous eûssions une reponse decisive afin de scavoir à quoi nous en tenir; nous demandons une diminution de moitié sur les droits, vû le bas prix de ces huilles en france, et les forts droits qu’elles payent en entrant. Ces raisons puissantes empechêront par la suitte l’importation de cette denrée en france, ce qui ne peut que prejudicier au comerce. Il est donc d’un avantage reciproque que M.M. les fermiers generaux diminüent leurs droits sur cette denrée: vos observations à ce sujet ne pouront qu’etre d’un grand poids, et determineront vraisemblablement ces messieurs a satisfaire a notre demande.
Le navire le Succés Capitaine handerson est entierement dechargé, les alleges qui apportent icy les marchandises ne sont pas encore toutes arrivées. Une seule chargée de 159 boucauts de tabac est actuellement en decharge, les autres vont suivre. J’aurai soin à ce que tout soit mis en bon etât en magazin, et aurai l’honneur de vous donner successivement avis de toutes les operations qui interessent le congrés: vous pouvés, Monsieur, vous reposer entierement sur mon exactitude.
M.M. les fermiers generaux desirent avoir non seulement cette cargaison de tabac, mais encore ils proposent de faire un traité pour leur approvisionement annuel. Cette affaire ne peut qu’etre avantageuse au congrés. Il seroit sûr du debouché de tous les tabacs du continent; beaucoup de negociants demandent egalement a achepter la cargaison du Succés. Ils la feront valoir sans contredit plus cher que M.M. les fermiers generaux; j’en ecris par ce courier a M.M. Moris et penet afin qu’ils prennent vos avis sur ce qui convient de faire. Je me conformeray à ce que vous aurés decidé, et attendray vos ordres pour la livraison de la cargaison du Succés. Le tabac du Succes sera achepte icy pour l’Etranger de 13. a 14. sols et peut-etre 15 la livre. Je ne sçais ce que M.M. les fermiers generaux pouront en offrir, vous etes sur les lieux, et à même d’entendre leur propositions. Je me conformeray exactement à ce que vous voudrés bien me marquer à ce sujet.
Je me suis acquité, Monsieur, de votre commission auprés de nos Dames. Elles sont on ne peut pas plus sensibles à votre gracieux souvenir et me chargent de vous faire agreer ainsy que Mr. de Chavigny leur civilités respectueuses.
J’attendray avec impatience de vos nouvelles, et apprendray avec bien de la joie votre heureuse arrivée, et en bonne santé dans la capitalle. Je suis avec Respect Monsieur Votre tres humble et tres obeïssant serviteur
J Gruel

J’apprends dans le moment l’arrivée au bas de la rivierre de la fregate la Represaille Capitaine Mr. Witkes; Mr. harris vient de monter, et m’a remis les trois lettres cy inclus que je prends la liberté de vous adresser. Mr. Rumcey a vendu de Quiberon les cargaisons, et les prises. La Represaille n’a a bord que vingt deux pieces eau de vie, tout le reste a eté vendû comptant. Mr. Rumcey en rendra compte; Mr. harris m’a dit qu’il ne seroit icy que dans quatre ou cinq jours. A son arrivée j’auray l’honneur de vous informer de toutes ses operations à quiberon relativement à ces deux prises. J’envoye à bord de la represaille prendre les indigo, et les effets qui vous appartiennent que je soigneray avec exactitude. La fregate n’a besoin que d’eau qu’elle va prendre, et aussitôt elle sortira.

Notation: Lett. from J Gruel Nantes Decr 17. 1776.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Gruel, 18 December 1776
From: Gruel, Jacques-Barthélémy
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur
Nantes ce 18: Xbre:1776
J’ay eû l’honneur de vous ecrire le 16: Courant, et de vous informer de l’arrivée en cette rivierre du navire la concorde Capitaine. Mr. harris.

Monsieur de Basmarein, frere de mon neveu, qui etoit venu de Bordeaux pour vous presenter ses devoirs, aura l’honneur de vous remettre la presente; pourois-je esperer, Monsieur, que vous voudrés bien luy permettre de vous assurer de ses respects, et pendant son sejour en la capitalle, de cultiver votre bienveillance que j’ose vous demander pour Luy.
On est venû m’annoncer l’arrivée du navire la Marie Elizabeth Capitaine Mr. yong mouillé aujourdhuy en rivierre, sans doute le Capitaine montera demain. Si j’apprends quelque chose de nouveau avant le depart du Courier, j’auray l’honneur de vous en faire part. Je suis avec Respect Monsieur Votre tres humble et tres obeïssant serviteur
J Gruel

Endorsed: Lett. from J Gruel Decr 18. 1776.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Bérard Frères & Cie., 20 December 1776: résumé
From: Bérard Frères
To: Franklin, Benjamin

<Lorient, December 20, 1776, in English: When our friends in Nantes told us of your arrival with a consignment of tobacco, we ordered them to buy it if for sale. Your agent cannot treat, they tell us, “without your answer expected.” We will give you the best bargain you can anticipate. You may find out about our firm from Germany, Girardot & Cie. or Tourton & Baur, the two leading bankers in Paris. We will pay in cash or in drafts on Paris, Amsterdam, or London; and on whatever terms may be fixed between us we will thereafter, for the duration of the war, take any amount of leaf tobacco delivered at Lorient. We offer a higher price than the farmers general, and assured means of payment. Your ships will be safe here from the government, and we can supply all the articles that the colonies may require. Please tell us your price and conditions of sale, and do not dispose of the consignment until you have our answer.
We should be glad to talk with you, as we have proposals that cannot be committed to paper. If you are returning to Nantes, one of us will meet you there. If you winter in Paris, Germany, Girardot & Cie. will communicate our views. We stand ready to make advances at any time, and you may trust us.>


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from [the Comte de Lauraguais?], [before 21 December? 1776]
From: Lauraguais, Louis-Léon-Félicité de Brancas, comte de
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
[Before December 21?, 1776]
  I congratulate your arrival with an intelligence of the first moment, which you will apply with your wonted caution. Mr. de morande is secretary to m. beaumarchais, and brother to a refugee of the same name in London, lately acquitted in the Kings bench, of a suit by the chev. d’Eon, and known by every body to be a man a tout faire. There is also m. Charles parker forth of somerset street portman sq. some time past and, now in paris intimate with all three, who conveys (by Lord stormonst messenger) to lord mansfield all the transactions and equipiments of the court of france for america, the ships, description, name, force and cargo of mr. du Coudrays expedition at havre, &a. Mr. b—m—was to have come to england, but it was found that mr p—F—could more convenient go to france. You are too wise to neglect this because anonymous.

Addressed: dr. Franklin / paris. / by the hands of Silas deane ecq.
Notation: Intelligence


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from [Henry Hugh Fergusson], [21 December? 1776]
From: Fergusson, Henry Hugh
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Saturday Evening 9 [December 21?, 1776]
Mr. Fergusson presents compliments and wishes all happiness to doctor Franklin. He takes the liberty to send this card to doctor Franklin, to congratulate him on his safe arrival in Paris. Mr. Fergusson would be much obliged to doctor Franklin could he condescend to name an day and an hour when Mr. Fergusson could have the honour to personaly pay his respects to him was it for ever so short a time to make a few domestick enquiries after Mrs. Fergusson and his friends in Pennsylvania.

Addressed: To Doctor Franklin
Notation: Ferguson


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Gruel, 21 December 1776
From: Gruel, Jacques-Barthélémy
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur
Nantes ce 21: Xbre. 1776.
J’ai pris la liberté de vous ecrire par M. de Basmarein frere de mon neveu. Je luy ai recommandé de vous presenter ma lettre sitôt son arrivée a Paris. J’ose esperer, Monsieur, que vous trouverés bon qu’il profite de vos bontés, et qu’il vous assure quelque fois de ses respects pendant le sejour qu’il fera en la capitalle.
J’ay eû l’honneur de vous informer par ma susditte de l’arrivée en cette rivierre du 18: courant du navire la Marie-Elizabeth Capitaine Peter young: J’ay celui de vous remettre cy joint l’etât de son chargement.
Le navire la fanny Capitaine Sieur Willem Tokely passé de Boston en 28. Jours est arrivé ce matin. Mr. schweighauser a qui ce batiment est adressé a sans doute l’honneur de vous informer de son chargement qui consiste en 226 boucauts tabacs, et 2000ers merein; le Capitaine ne rapporte rien de nouveau des affaires de Newe york, mais on dit que les armateurs ameriquains ont pris 11. batiments de transport anglois sur dix neuf destinés pour l’armée du general howe. Voila ce qui s’est debité.
Dans le moment les trente cinq bariques Indigo arrivent icy, je les ferai mettre en magazin jusqu’a ce que vous m’ayés donné vos ordres. J’attends la semaine prochaine vos malles que Mr. Wilckes me fera passer par un homme de confiance, je les soigneray avec exactitude.
Mr. Wilckes m’a fait l’honneur de diner hier chez moy, nous avons decidés ensemble qu’il ne resteroit pas long temps en rivierre. Il a besoin de quelques rafraîchissements, je les luy enverray lundy; je luy ai remis les deux pieces d’or dont vous m’avés chargé. J’ay egalement fait envoyer à bord les deux bariques vin d’equipage que vous m’aviés chargé de faire passer.
Mr. Rumcey n’a pas encore parû, j’ignore toutes ses operations relatives aux prises, a son arrivée j’auray l’honneur de vous informer de tout.
Cy inclus une lettre qui m’est venû par la poste. Je suis avec Respect Monsieur Votre tres humble et tres obeissant serviteur
J Gruel

Notation: Lett. from J Gruel Nantes 21 Decemr 1776.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jean-Gabriel Montaudoüin de la Touche, 21 December 1776
From: Montaudoüin de La Touche, Jean-Gabriel
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur
Nantes 21 xbre 76
Voici une lettre qui m’a êté addressée pour vous de Bordeaux. Je suis bien fâché que vôtre depart m’ait privë du plaisir de vous avoir a diner, comme vous m’en aviés flatté. C’eut êté une grande satisfaction, et un grand honneur pour moi. J’espere que quelque bonne circonstance nous procurera l’avantage de vous revoir dans nôtre bonne ville. Vous avés vû combien tous les honnetes gens s’interessent a la cause Ameriquaine. Je comptois Monsieur, vous faire presenter chéz moi par mon fils les vers que je joins ici, c’est une foible expression des sentiments que vous inspirés.
J’ai un ami a Paris nommé Mr. Bendet qui a êté longtems anploié dans les affairres Ministerieles. Il a encore beaucoup de relation avec le Ministere. Il demeure au Chateau des Thuileries au Pavillon de flore. Je pense qu’il pouroît vous être utile dans vos operations. Si vous voulés prendre la peine de vous aboucher avec lui j’ai tout lieu de croire que vous en serés très content. En attendant je lui ecris pour vous recommander. J’ai aussi, Monsieur, a Paris une Cousine Germaine qui est connue dans la Republique des lettres, c’est Madame Duboccage qui demeure rüe St. honoré vis avis les Jacobins. Quand vous voudrés vous delasser de vos occupations, je suis sur qu’elle vous recevra avec grand plaisir.
Il vient d’arriver deux Navires de vôtre païs. L’un est parti quelques jours après vous. Les Armées etoient toujours en presence. L’autre aporte du Tabac. Je suis avec un respect infini Monsieur vôtre très humble très obeïssant Serviteur
MontaudoüinCorresp. de L’Acad. Roy. des Sciences

Quand vous verrés, Monsieur, Messieurs Duhamel, Le Roy, de L’Acad. des Sciences, et Mr. Delor je vous prie de leur dire mille choses pour moi.

  Portrait Docteur Benjamin franklin
Ce Sage nous a fait connoître
les effets merveilleux d’un feu subtil, et prompt
ressort de la nature, et son ame peût être
plus d’un laurier couvre son front:
il a fait a philadelphie
un temple a la philosophie,
un Thrône pour la liberté,
de L’Europe bientôt bannie;
dans les deux mondes respecté
il est par son heureux genie,
ses moeurs douces, sa bonhomie,
son ton, et sa simplicité,
sur tout pour sa philanthropie,
L’honneur de L’Amerique, et de L’humanité.

Addressed in another hand: A Monsieur / Monsieur Bn. franklin / des accademies des Sciences de / Philadelphie Paris &ca / L’un des presidents du congres / continental & president de celui / de Pensilvanie / A Paris
Notation: Lett. from Monsieur Montaudoins Nantes 21 Decr 1776.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from [Samuel Wharton], 21 December 1776
From: Wharton, Samuel
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
London December 21st 1776
I take the earliest Opportunity of expressing my sincere Congratulations on your safe Arrival in France. An Event of the greatest Importance to all America, and particularly regarding your own personal Safety; As the Resentment of your and our Country’s Enemies is not in the least abated, and They would have exceedingly rejoiced, If one of their Cruizers had conveyed you to this despotick Shoar: But Thanks to that all gracious Providence, Which has hitherto, so wonderfully animated and supported you in the great Cause of an oppress’d, virtuous, and gallant People. Your unexpected Arrival in France has afforded Administration much Uneasiness, and made a vast Noise through the City. The three per centum Consol. fell half per Centum on that Account, and if a general Insensibility, and Ignorance, blended with a savage Vindictiveness against Us, did not prevail over the whole Kingdom, all the subtle Arts of the Minister and his Friends, could not keep Them, as high as They are; They however continue to deceive the People with the foolish Idea of a Reconciliation being effected by the two Brothers, during the Winter, or That General Howe will before the Spring, totaly rout the grand American Army; and the News just arrived of his success near Kingsbridge, affords Them favorable Ground to establish that Idea.
The Minority in both Houses, a little before their Adjournment, declined attending Parliament; But it was neither a formal Secession, nor done by Agreement between the Heads of the different Parties in Opposition, of Course, as might have been expected, it made little Impression on Administration; and especialy, as each Party remains as unconnected, and jealous of the other, as When you was here; But Yet most of Them write in discovering Disapointment and Displeasure, at the Declaration of Independence, as it deprived Them, of what They esteemed, Their best stepping Ladder into Office. The confidential Language nevertheless of a few of the Leaders in Opposition, such as No. 34. 35. 193, and 206 . . ., is, That if America Persists in her Resolution of Independence, The Situation of the Kingdom requires, That no Time ought to be lost, before a federal Union is made with Her; But the Pride and Ignorance of the Court and Nation are yet too high, to listen to such Wise Tho’ humiliating Council, and nothing, in my Opinion, but the honest Adversity, or Dread of a Union with France and Spain (on the part of America) will awaken No. 125 of 72 from his brutal Lethargy. Lord Chatham declines fast, and it is generaly thought, will never be able again to assume a publick Character. He foretells the greatest Calamitys to be experienced by the Kingdom, in consequence of the rash and unjust Measures prosecuting against the American States. Mr. Deane is in Possession of his Prediction; It is founded in Experience and Wisdom. The Losses occasioned by the successes of our Privateers, will be felt at the yearly Settlement in January, much to the Injury of commercial Credit. Several Failures are expected to follow from these Captures. At New Lloyds’ They have a List of 160 Vessels taken by our Cruizers, and doubless They do not know the Names of all, which are taken, and yet They compute the British Loss, at a Million Sterling. The Impress goes on heavily, and Lord Sandwich begins to find, and acknowledge, That it is impossible to man twenty Sail of Men of War, Whilst the Transports are detained in America. In Truth, The Nation cannot furnish Seamen for the Navy, The Transport Service, and for carrying on its remaining Commerce; And if a large Fleet is required, In Addition to what is employed in America, either the Transport, or Merchant Service, or perhaps both of Them, must be sacrificed to it. It is fortunate however for the Admiralty, That One hundred and Thirty Sail of Transports were, from their leaky State, obliged to be sent hither to be repaired, otherwise the impressing Parties would have been a long Time, before They could have procured, as many Men, as are on Board these Transports: But for farther Particulars relative to the Plans of Administration, and the State of the Kingdom, I must beg the Favor of referring you, to our Friend Dr. Bancroft. Last Spring I wrote you many Letters, after the Ones I sent you by Mr. Cumming, But I fear several of Them were intercepted, and particularly One, conveying to you, a circumstantial Account of what Passed between Lord Howe and Me on the Subject of America, and what were the real Designs of Administration. I now send you under Cover, a State of the Conference between his Lordship, and Myself, and I would fain flatter myself, That my Propositions, (when considered, in Reference to the Time They were made) may meet your Approbation. I acted for the best, and thought, I was discharging a Duty I owed to my Country.
From the Moment I was favored with your kind Letter of Septr. 1775, (Which I considered, and therefore circulated among the Great, as a fair Warning, as well to Administration, as to their Opponents, of What would happen, if They delayed to do immediate and substantial Justice to America) I was convinced of the indispensable Propriety, and Necessity of the Colonies asserting their Independence, and Therefore I have faithfully and zealously endeavoured as far as was in my Power, To countenance, and support it, And May I add, That I shall be happy, While I remain in Europe (Which will be for a few Months) to dedicate my poor Abilities, If you think They may be usefully employed, To the service of our Country? I lament exceedingly the mistaken Conduct of Mr. Galloway, my Brother, and too many of our former Friends (on Political Subjects) in Pennsylvania. My Correspondence for many Months, on that Head, has been very offensive to Them, and They blamed my liberal Communications, and Sentiments; But I have been long convinced of the arbitrary System and sad Depravity of this Court and People, and That if the Liberties of America were to be saved and Perpetuated, It must be done by the Americans Themselves, and Not by any Man, or Set of Men of this Country; And Therefore I have been inexpressibly rejoiced, in Perusing the new Forms of Goverment in the several American States, and especiely That of Pennsylvania, because it communicates equal civil, and religious Liberties to all, and particularly establishes an Equality of Representation in all the Counties, on a broad and fair Basis; Thereby destroying the narrow System of the Quakers, and emancipating the Inhabitants of a Majority of the Counties from the partial Views, of Sectarian Politicans. Lord Camden highly extolls the New Form of Goverment of Pennsylvania and says, That the bad Part of the British Laws is therein wisely corrected; and let me add, That the highest Honor and Thanks are due to you, for effectuating a Form of Goverment, so wonderfully replete with true Wisdom and Liberality. With the sincerest Respect, Permit me to assure you, That I am dear Sir Your very affectionate and faithful humble Servant

PS. If you should have any Letters for me, either Now or hereafter, Pray never trust Them by the Post; as all my Letters are stoped by Administration. Dr. Bancroft has a Dictionary to explain the Numbers used in the foregoing Letter, and when He leaves France, He will give you a Copy it. The Doctor will enquire of you and write me, if you should not have Leisure to oblige me therein, How my Family were, When you left Home.
Dr. Franklin.

Notations: Intelligence from London / Lett. from London Decr 21. 1776


Title: Barbeu-Dubourg: Memorandum for the American Commissioners, [after 21 December 1776]
From: Barbeu-Dubourg, Jacques
To: American Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Deane, Silas,Lee, Arthur,Adams, John

[After December 21, 1776]
M. D. propose a Messieurs F. D. et L. de leur faire des avances soit de draps, soit de fusils (du modele de 1763, controllés et tirés des propres magazins du Roy) pour la valeur de trois cent mille livres tournois, a condition que ces Messieurs lui fourniront en retour des tabacs de Virginie et de Mariland pour pareille somme, bien entendu que les achats seront faits de part et d’autre avec fidelité et œconomie.

Si l’on accorde aux facteurs et commissionaires d’une part certains droits de commission a raison de tant pour cent, on en accordera de semblables aux facteurs et commissionaires de l’autre part.
M. D. livrera les fusils, ou les draps, dans un port de France des plus commodes pour en faire l’embarquement. M. F. D. et L. livreront les tabacs dans un port du continent de l’Amerique des plus convenables au même objet.
Chacun fera transporter a ses risques, perils et fortunes ce qui lui aura eté fourni et livré ainsi.
Et la fourniture d’une part fera la solde de la fourniture de l’autre part, et on demeurera quitte à quitte.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from the Comte d’Estaing, [after 21 December 1776 and before 27 February 1777
From: Estaing, Charles-Henri, comte d’
To: Franklin, Benjamin

[After December 21, 1776, and before February 27, 1777]
Mr. le Comte destaing est venut pour avoire l’honneur de voire Mr. franklin et luy demandere sy y pouras avoire un Momant deudiance [d’audience] demain sur les 9 h. edemie 10 h. du matin.

Addressed: A Monsieur / Monsieur franklin Docteur, ancien membre / Du Congrés Général Des états unis de / L’amerique, en son hotel / A Paris.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from the Chevalier de Kermorvan, [after 21 December 1776 and before 27 February 1777]
From: Kermorvan, Gilles-Jean Barazer, chevalier de
To: Franklin, Benjamin

  Monsieur
[After December 21, 1776, and before February 27, 1777]
Instruit par le public du passage de mon frere vers les insurgens vos Compatriotes; j’ai ecri a Messieurs De Montaudoüin freres Negotians a Nantes pour me faire part si il etoit vrai qu’il eût passé a L’amerique sur leurs vaisseaux, et m’informer, s’il etoit possible, de son existence ou de sa mort; ils m’ont repondû que Reccomendé par vous lors de votre passage a Nantes, ils s’etoient chargés de le faire passer par la sollicitation d’un Medecin de paris, mais que depuis ils ignoroient les evenemens qui avoient suivis son depart relativement a sa personne; j’oserois donc vous prier Monsieur, de m’instruire de son sort present, les inquietudes que j’ai a ce sujet, et les embarras de famille, que sa presence faciliteroit Beaucoup, par l’alternative ou nous sommes de son existence ou de sa mort, me forcent a vous supplier de me mander au vrai ce que vous en sçavez par vos correspondances. J’espere donc, Monsieur, que vous voudrez bien vous faire instruire de ce qui le regarde et que par suite de cette bonne volonté pour lui, vous voudrez bien me faire part de vos decouvertes; je sens qu’il vous faut un certain temps pour prendre ses informations, mais d’apres cela j’ose me flatter Monsieur, que vous ne me refuserez pas la Grace que je vous demande, et que vous voudrez bien vous laisser convaincre des sentimens de la Plus respectueuse recconnoissance. J’ai l’honneur d’etre Monsieur, avec respect Votre tres humble serviteur
Le Chevalier De Kermorvan

Mon adresse est a Mr: le chevalier De Kermorvan a Guimgamp en Basse Bretagne

Addressed: a Monsieur / Monsieur francklin / Docteur a son hôtel / A Paris
Notation: Kermoran M. De


Title: Marginalia in a Pamphlet by Josiah Tucker, [on or after 22 December 1776]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

These are the first marginalia by Franklin that deserve extensive treatment since those that we assigned to 1769–70, a relatively placid period of his life. After his return to America in 1775 he was plunged into a maelstrom of activity from which he did not emerge for years. He continued to read, but he seems to have lacked the time if not the energy to annotate anything he read except this pamphlet. The reason for the exception is probably that Tucker was his bête noire. One of the Dean’s earlier effusions had drawn the fullest and angriest rebuttal in any of his marginalia, and since then the two had had an unproductive controversy by letter, which doubtless prepared Franklin to differ with anything Tucker might say.
In A Series of Answers the author developed his long-standing thesis, that the mother country would gain rather than lose by letting America go, through the economic argument that the colonies after independence would remain within Britain’s commercial orbit. Although his tone was as abrasive as usual, his points were not so much polemics as predictions. Franklin could have come on the pamphlet as soon as he reached Paris, for it was published in England in mid-November. He could just as well have read it at any time thereafter; his comments give no clue to a date. Neither do they touch on the Dean’s central argument. Franklin presumably assumed, as the French did, that Anglo-American economic ties would not outlast the political ones; but the marginalia confine themselves almost entirely to more trivial issues.
The pamphlet begins with a preface and introduction and ends with a long conclusion. Franklin commented only on the early objections and answers, less than a quarter of the whole; his opening remarks were written in pencil and have faded to the verge of legibility, and the subsequent ones in ink are so compressed that we cannot always be sure of our readings. The method of presentation is the same as in previous volumes. In the right-hand column the printed text is paraphrased and drastically condensed, and only words or phrases that Franklin noted are in quotes; gaps to accommodate the marginalia do not indicate any break in the summary, and italics represent Franklin’s underlining. The comments in the left-hand column are verbatim insofar as they can be deciphered.

[On or after December 22, 1776]

      Objection I: How will British merchants and manfacturers recover their property and debts in the event of a separation?Answer 1: In that event the debtors, who now blame the English government for their troubles, will have to blame their one.

      [Cropped] Sir, and the Necessity[?] on the part of the British Creditors[?] to prevent[?] American Commerce [cropped] full[?] Prooff thereof.
      Answer 2: English creditors have always had more trouble in recovering in America than anywhere else in the world.

      A groundless Supposition
      Answer 3: After separation each colony will become “independent, and a jealous Rival, of its Neighbour. No common Cause or common Interest will unite them together,” and because of their commercial competition each will have an incentive for honest dealing.

      Ridiculous. He confutes this Nonsense Himself. [p.]28
      Answer 4: If any state should fail “to do Justice to the English Merchant or Creditor, a few small Ships or War sent to their Coasts, not to make Conquest, but Reprisals according to the Law of Nations, would soon teach them to be more observant of the Rules of Justice and good faith, than they are disposed to be. And the other Provinces, their Neighbours and Rivals, instead of arming in their Defence, would rejoice at their Chastisement.”

      How idotic[?] these Remarks! [The] Existence of [the] continental [Con]gress is full[?] Evidence [to] the Contrary.
      Objection II: How can the West Indies be preserved from American conquest in case of separation?Answer 1: The northern and southern colonies hate each other. “And nothing prevents this from breaking out into Action even at present, but the Apprehension of common Danger. Remove, therefore, this Apprehension, and then there will remain no central Attraction uniting them in one common League or general Association.” Without such a league they cannot make the conquest.

      Answer 2: If some of them should confederate, the others would oppose them and call for aid from Britain, which would hold the balance of power.Answer 3: Even if they all confederated, other areas would attract them more. Answer 4: The loss of the West Indies would only force British merchants to look elsewhere for sugar, and might put an end to slavery in the islands.

      Objection III: How can the colonies, when independent, be kept from becoming a major naval power?Answer 1: We can prevent any of the states from swallowing the rest.Answer 2: The American coast south of the Chesapeake is not fit for large ships of war, and north of it has few good harbors.Answer 3: The inhabitants of the coastal regions, which are less fruitful than the interior, will have their hands full in maintaining their authority over the increasing population of the back country.Answer 4: Even if America should become powerful at sea, its interests would lie in not provoking Britain.

      P. 17 for apparent Contradiction to all which is here asserted.
      Objection IV: Will not the animosity of the war prevent future Anglo-American trade?Answer 1: If so, the sooner the separation the better; our victory would only produce another revolt and another war, as has been pointed out by the authors of Common Sense, “supposed to be Dr. Franklin and Mr. Adams.”Answer 2: The merchant’s universal rule is that “self Interest needs no Reconciliation: For Trade is not carried on for the Sake of Friendship, but of Interest.” The mother country has never been able to prevent colonies from trading wherever they can to advantage. “We have nowthe whole Force of the British Empire collected together: We have also as much Assistance as our Money can procure from foreign Powers: All our Men of War, Frigates, and Tenders; and most of our Transport-Ships are completely armed: All of them are stationed on the Coasts of America, in order to prevent the Colonists from carrying on any Trade of any Sort to our Detriment.” Yet they trade almost wherever they please. “How then shall we be able to restrain their Commerce and Navigation, when this great and formidable Armament shall be removed?”

      See p. 17.

      Childish.
      Answer 3: The Americans demonstrated “the Easiness of a Pacification with public Enemies, where private Interest is concerned on the opposite Side. For notwithstanding all their doleful Lamentations against Spanish Depredations, Spanish Cruelty, and French Incursions, they reconciled it to their Consciences to trade with those very French and Spaniards, when it was their private Intetest so to do, during the hottest of the War; and even to furnish them with Ammunition and warlike Stores for the Destruction of the English, their only Protectors and Benefactors in that very War.”

      That is, When the Spaniards recognized their Independence.
      Answer 4: Past experience shows that animosities fade fast after a war. “No sooner had the Dutch and Spaniards separated peaceably from each other, than they became mutual good Customers.” A few years later they even allied against the French.

      Why entreat, When according to our Author, Self Interest needs no Reconciliation? See p. 28.
      Answer 5: Anglo-American trade rests on the abundance of British capital and credit; the Americans have enjoyed this advantage more than any others, and in time they will “find by Experience, that in quarrelling with the English, they have quarrelled with their best Friends. Let them therefore go wherever theyplease, and try all the Nations on the Globe. When they have done, they will suppliantly return to Great Britain, and entreat to be admitted into the Number of our Customers, not for ours, but for their own Sakes.”

      Objection V: If we lose the northern colonies, where shall we procure naval stores?

      Nothing can be more Ridiculus than this Assertion. The past Price of Naval Stores is a prooff thereof.
      Answer 1: Where else will those colonies sell their stores? “Were we to withdraw our Bounties, it would be an exceeding difficult Matter for the Colonies to find any vent at all for these Articles.”

      But Where are they so supplied? Surely by the Americans. Answer. They must be supplied by the Allies of North America.
      Answer 2: Other mercantile nations “are supplied with all these Articles at a moderate Price, and without Bounties. What therefore should prevent the English from being supplied from the same Source, and on as good Terms?”

      Not true.This is most fallaciously stated.The Quantity supplied by America, greatly lessened the Price and Quantity of Articles, Which Great Britain bought of Russia, Sweden, &c. And Which She must hereafter be dependant on these Kingdoms for. Most absurdly erroneous.
      Answer 3: “The English Navy receives much greater, and more necessary supplies from the Northern States of Europe than from the Northern Colonies of America.” Oak planking “is chiefly imported . . . from Germany, Dantzick, and the other Ports of the Baltic: The Iron (if any wanted besides our own) is brought from Sweden and Russia; and the Hemp almost altogether from Russia, and its conquered Provinces. Yet we have most absurdly and impoliticly loaded both the Iron, and Hemp of those Countries with heavy, discouraging Taxes, in order to favour the Iron and Hemp or ungrateful America. As to Masts, Yards, and Deals, they may in general be purchased cheaper in Norway, Sweden, and in some Parts of Russia, Quality for Quality, than in North-America,” although their price on the English market has been raised by ill-judged bounties.

      Britain, by losing the Affections and Commerce of the Colonies, will be reduced to her former dependant Situation on Sweden and other Northern Powers for Tar and Pitch, and not only at their own Prices, But Silver and Gold, instead of British Manufacturies, (as was the happy Case of the Trade with the Colonies) must be exported out of the Kingdom to pay for the necessary Articles of Pitch and Tar.
      Answer 4: Pitch and tar originally came from Sweden. “But the Swedes were so impolitic as to lay an exhorbitant Duty on the Exportation of their Pitch and Tar, presuming that the English could find no other Supplies.” Britain then, instead of looking elsewhere in Europe, favored the colonies by offering bounties.

      When Great Britain or the West India Islands shall acknowledge the Independence of the Colonies, There can be no Doubt but They will plentifully supply them with Provisions, and Lumber. But until such Recognition is made, The Islands will be in a very perilous distressful Situation; And must be properly supplied with them from any European Markets.
      Objection VI: In case of separation, where shall we get lumber and supplies for the West Indies?Answer 1: The Americans illegally supplied the West Indian possessions of other powers even in wartime. “Tell me therefore, why the North-Americans, after a peaceable Separation, will refuse to supply our Sugar Islands (whilst they supply others) if they shall be as well, or better paid for what they bring? And tell me also, when did they supply them with any one Article whatever, without being well paid for it?”

      Then They must of Course attend less to the making Sugar &c.
      Answer 2: The inhabitants of the West Indies “may still raise great Quantities of most Sorts of Provisions within their own Plantations.”

      Salt Fish “out of their Own Plantations,” (i.e. the West India Plantations) is rather curious.
      Answer 3: If these inhabitants have trouble “in supplying themselves out of their own Plantations with Flour, Bread, Biscuit, Beef, Pork, Salt-Fish, Oats, Pease, and Beans, then Great-Britain and Ireland can supply them with all these

      They may supply Them in Degree, with these Articles; But the Prices would be so exhorbitant as to ruin the West India Platns.
      Articles in great Abundance, either from their own Stores, or from Stores imported.”

      They will certainly Never permit British Merchants to deprive Them, as heretofore, of the greater part of the Price, Tobacco usually sold for. They will send their Tobacco to the several Ports in Europe, Where the British Merchants used to send it, and They will exchange it for or lay out the Proceeds of it, in the purchase of Linens, Woollens&c, at much cheaper Prices Than British Merchants formerly were accustomed to make Them pay.
      Objection VII: In case of separation, where shall we get rice and tobacco? Answer 1: The question rests on two suppositions, that “the Virginians and Carolinians will not sell Tobacco and Rice to English Merchants for a good Price, and ready Money,” and that Tobacco can be grown nowhere else. Will any man in his senses affirm either of these?

      The respective European States will certainly never permit the Land necessary to raise Corn for the Subsistence of their Subjects, to be applied to the Culture of Tobacco. The General Scarcity of Corn in Europe for many years, undoubtedly confirms this Supposition, and more especialy, as America, when in an independant Situation, can abundantly supply all the European Govents (except England) with Tobacco.
      Answer 2: Almost any country in Europe could grow sufficient tobacco ’if permitted by its respective Legislatures so to do.” In England itself there were once extensive and increasing plantations of tobacco, but the government forebade them by acts of Parliament in order to favor the colonies.

      This is too whimsical to require a Serious Answer.
      Answer 3: As for rice, much of “the swampy Coast of Guinea” would produce it in abundance if the inhabitants were encouraged to do so instead of being sold into slavery; they would also consume at least four times as much British manufacturers as they do as slaves.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Alexander, 22 December 1776
From: Alexander, William
To: Franklin, Benjamin

My Dear Sir
Dijon 22d Decr 1776
I can hardly express my surprise on first hearing of your arrival, And Altho’ motives are here assigned for your Journey which I will not beleive unless you Confirm them yourself, That safety is your object, and I will only believe you, because I think you one of the few Politicians, to whom Lying will be unnecessary. Be that as it will, my hypothesis is already formed, but without Entering into such Abstruse Matters, I conceive it very possible that you may find it convenient to be retired for Some litle time, were it but for a few weeks perhaps untill the British Parlt meets after the Holidays. If this or any other Motive can Induce you to Come the length of Dijon I write you My Dear Friend to offer you a sanctuary, which I am Sure when you are in it, will be Agreeable. I am here in a very Comfortable House with a very Good spare Room for one I Love, I have only with me two very Excellent young Girls who will Consider you as another Father.You can be much, or litle in society as you please. And you can have the Company of a few very Ingenious and worthy Men, Or a More Briliant Company, if you incline part of both, or none of Either If you please. I can offer you the use of Some of the Best private libraries in France. Living is here good and Cheap. It will not Cost me more than 2 l.t. per day to Entertain you like a Prince.
I have no English servants so that It might be possible for you to remain incognito If you desire it, by assuming another name. I have even Contrived a vehicle for your Correspondence in case you should have any of a secret Nature. There are two post Coaches a week from Paris. The Charge of travelling from thence will be about 3 Louis. The distance is about the same as from Paris to Dover. I think I have now left you but two Excuses, Pleasure or Business, for I put health out of the Question with your Constitution. I will Come and fetch you If you desire it, Tho’ I woud leave my two Girls with reluctance but we will all Come some stages to meet you. So let me know your resolution. Your friends in England were all well about a fortnight ago, I mean all those I know. Williams you probably know is very agreeably Setled with the Blunts and will work his way.He is my faithful Correspondent for American news, and behaves so as to deserve and Obtain the love of all who know Him.
With regard to myself I Shall say the less, that I am in print [interlined: for the use of my friends] tho’ not publishd, but my history Since you left us is a litle romance, which you shall see at meeting, at present I Shall only Say that your two Last Thousand pounds were paid in a Jail, so that money Matters are even between us, tho’ there is a large account in my heart, that never will. It will be in the Mean while a Satisfaction to know that I have been always Very happy and still preserve my old system That time and Patience will with propriety of Conduct, bring about every desireable end. My Antagonists say I am very obstinate which I hope is the worst They can say of me.
In case we are not to meet let me know my Dear Sir If I can be usefull to you. You know perhaps better than myself what I am fit for, and in any thing you will desire, but high Treason You may Command me [interlined: and that I will only Commit when I go to America] were It even necessary to go to England for you. The more you Employ me the more you will oblige me and that you may not think the Compliment too great know that I am studying Law and Anatomy thro’ sheer Idleness. In case you can make me of use I can contrive a resource for the Girls for a Month or two. I conclude this long letter by assuring you, That you have no friend who is more Entirely Yours Than Your most obedient humble Servant
William Alexander

My address is a Monr Alexandre Hotel de st Louis a Dijon as I know not your address I Send this under Cover of my friend Mr. Lumisden a very worthy and Ingenious Man who knows Paris well and I am Sure will have a pleasure in being usefull to you.He is the single Person in Paris That knows any thing of me or my affairs and can give an account of both and of Dijon where he did me the favour to spend a few days with me.

Notation: Lett. from W Alexander Dijon 22 Decr 1776


Title: The American Commissioners to the Comte de Vergennes, 23 December 1776
From: American Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Deane, Silas,Lee, Arthur
To: Vergennes, Charles Gravier, comte de

Sir
Paris, Dec. 23. 1776
We beg Leave to acquaint your Excellency, that we are appointed and fully impowered by the Congress of the United States of America, to propose and negotiate a Treaty of Amity and Commerce between France and the said States. The just and generous Treatment their Trading Ships have received, by a free Admission into the Ports of this Kingdom, with other Considerations of Respect, has induced the Congress to make this Offer first to France. We request an Audience of your Excelly. wherein we may have an Opportunity of presenting our Credentials; and we flatter ourselves, that the Propositions we are instructed to make, are such as will not be found unacceptable. With the greatest Regard, we have the Honour to be, Your Excellency’s most obedient and most humble Servants
B FranklinSilas DeaneArthur Lee
His Excelly. the Count de Vergennes.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to [Dumas], 23 December 1776
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Dumas, Charles-Guillaume-Frédéric

Dear Sir,
Paris, December 23, 1776.
I have only time to say that I am arrived here well, and happy to learn, by your favour of the 17th, that you are so. I enclose a letter to you from the committee, and I shall write to you more fully in a few days.With great esteem, I am ever yours, affectionately,
B. Franklin.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jean-Daniel Schweighauser, [23 December 1776]
From: Schweighauser, Jean-Daniel
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur
[December 23, 1776]
J’espere que vous aurez eu un heureux voyage jusques à Paris, et je l’apprendrai avec la plus grande satisfaction. Je regrette infiniment de n’avoir pu avoir celle de vous rendre plus souvent mes devoirs icy.
Maintenant j’ai l’honneur de vous écrire la presente pour vous faire part de l’arrivée icy du Navire La fanny Cap. Tokely chargé pour compte des Etats Unis de L’amerique de 226. Bariq. de Tabac et 1500 pièces de Merrain (soit Staves).
Il est parti de Plimouth près de Boston le 21. 9bre et est entré en notre riviere avanthier sans aucune mauvaise rencontre en mer n’ayant vu que 4. navires de loin qu’il n’a pas cherché a reconnoître. Il n’apporte non plus aucune nouvelle qu’il se soit passé quelque chose d’essentiel entre les armées à L’amerique.
L’honorable Committé me donne ordre de vendre au mieux possible les Susdits Tabacqs qui sont tres demandés de L’ Etranger, et il paroit que notre Ferme generale en a egalement besoin ainsi on en tirera un bon prix.
Depuis votre départ il en est aussi arrivé une Cargaison adressée à Mr. Pennet par le Navire La Marie Elisabeth Cap. Young.
Des passagers venus avec le Cap. Tokely rapportent que le Navire Le hancok et Adam Cap. Smit que j’ai expedié d’icy étoit arrivé à Dartmouth; j’en suis bien charmé pour les Interests des Etats unis, et l’honorable Committé aura au moins eu de mes nouvelles.
Si vous aviez quelques ordres à me donner je serai tres flatté que cela me procure les moyens de vous prouver en touttes occasions mon sincere devouement et le profond respect avec lequel j’ai l’honneur de me dire Monsieur Votre tres humble et tres obeïssant serviteur
J. D. Schweighauser

Addressed: To / The honourable Doctr / Franklin / at / Paris
Notation: Lett. from J D Schweighauser Nants no date


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from the Marquis de Courtanvaux, [24 December, 31, or 7 January 1777]
From: Courtanvaux, François-César Le Tellier, marquis de
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Ce mardy [December 24 or 31, 1776, or January 7, 1777].
Le marquis de Courtanvaux envoye sçavoir des nouvelles de Monsieur francklein et l’assurer de son respect il espert avoir l’honneur de l’aller voir l’un de ces jours.

Addressed: A Monsieur / Monsieur francklein / a l’hotel d’antragues / rue de l’Université


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Gruel, 24 December 1776
From: Gruel, Jacques-Barthélémy
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur
Nantes ce 24: Xbre: 1776.
J’ay l’honneur de vous confirmer les trois lettres que j’ay eû celui de vous ecrire depuis votre depart de cette ville. Je me flatois d’avoir aujourd’huy la satisfaction d’apprendre votre heureuse arrivée en la capitalle, mais j’ay eté frustré dans mon attente. Je souhaite que votre santé ne soit pour rien dans ce retardement, et desire apprendre par le prochain courier, que vous etes arrivé a Paris sans accident.
Mr. Rumsey est icy de dimanche au soir, il a l’honneur de vous ecrire par ce courier pour vous instruire de toutes ses operations relatives à la vente des deux prises. Il m’a remis divers effets sur Paris, et sur cette ville montants ensemble a 27000 l.t. et un reçu de 3000 l.t. de Mr. Wilcken. Ces susdits effets sont payables partie fin Janvier, et partie fin fevrier prochains. Je garderai cette somme à votre disposition, il vous plaira m’indiquer l’employ que j’en dois faire. Je me conformeray à vos ordres.
Mr. Rumcey a gardé pour luy le plus grand des deux batiments pour prix de 9600 l.t. convenû avec Mr. Wilcken. Par ce moyen le montant des deux prises, navire, et cargaison compris, est de la somme de 39600 l.t.
J’ay fait remettre à Mr. Wilcken 48 l.t. pour etre distribués selon vos intentions aux garçons de chambre de la fregate la represaille.
J’ay en ma possession vos trois malles, et une caisse qui m’ont eté envoyé de la fregate. Je vais les faire plomber afin qu’elles ne soient pas visitées en route, je les ferai partir vendredi prochain par la messagerie à l’adresse de Mr. Sollier qui vous les fera parvenir à leur arrivée.
Les 35. quarts d’Indigo de la fregate sont icy en magazin, je vous prie de me marquer si vous voulés que je les vende de suitte, il est d’une assés bonne qualité, Il ne manquera pas d’achepteurs il s’en est même deja presenté. Je suis avec Respect Monsieur Votre tres humble et tres obeïssant serviteur
J Gruel

On m’a remis en Bourse une copie de la declaration faite à l’amirauté de cette ville par le Capitaine du Brigantin la vigne, vous l’avés cy inclus; elle ne m’inquiete pas beaucoup, vous en ferés l’usage que vous jugerés propre.

Notation: Lett. from J Gruel Nants 24 Decemr 1776.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Nathan Rumsey, 24 December 1776
From: Rumsey, Nathan
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honorable Sir
Nantes 24th. Decemr. 1776.
Upon my arrival here from Auray I had the Honor of receiving your’s of the 15th. Inst. the Contents of which shall be fully and punctually observed.
M. Delamain who loaded the Prize from rochfort and was part owner, is in Nantes: has spoke to me relative to the Vessel and Cargo, which last he says was his property and says he cannot conceive that Cap. Wicks can by any means detain french property. He has this day made a Declaration in the Admiralty office against his Cap. Cap. Wicks, and Penet and Rumsey a Copy of which Mr. Gruel sends you by this post.I have refered Delamain wholly to Cap. Wickes for his Satisfaction, and Wicks is apprised to give that Satisfaction to no person but such as are authorised from Court, but least any unexpected Difficulties should arise Cap. Wickes is ready to sail at a half hour’s warning.
I doubt not, sir but your presence at Court will quickly decide these Affairs in our favor. I had the honor of writing You from Auray which you will receive by this post.
I this day examined the Trunk according to your request and carefully packed the Clothes in brown paper. The Key Mr. Gruel takes in Charge to send; the Trunks also.

Mr. Gruel will have informed You before this of the Arrival of two Vessels here laden with Tobacco. With the Compliments of the Season I am Honorable Sir, Your Most obedient Humble Servant
N. Rumsey.

Addressed: The Honorable / Doctor Benjamin Franklin / at / Paris
Notation: Lett. from N Rumsey 24 Decemr 1776.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from “une Personne Honneste,” 25 December 1776
From: “une Personne Honneste”
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Ce 25 Xbre 1776
Une personne honneste, et dont le nom ne serait pas connu de Monsieur le docteur franclin, aurait un service a Luy demander, et pour cela le suplie de Luy Mander quel heure dans la matiné, elle pourait parler à monsieur franclin de vendredy ou de samedy, c’est une personne qui demeure a la campagne et qui vousdrait bien ne pas faire un voyage inutile.

Addressed: A / Monsieur / Monsieur Le docteur franclin / a lhotel d’antragues, rüe de / Luniversité, faubourg st germain


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Henry Hugh Fergusson, [26 December? 1776]
From: Fergusson, Henry Hugh
To: Franklin, Benjamin

[December 26?, 1776]
An Express arrived last night to Lord Stormont with an account of a defeat of the americans, the English said to have lost 200 men, to have taken 74 pieces of Cannon and at the time the news came off a party of the Americans consisting of 1400 said to be surrounded in fort Washington.
H. Fergusson
The affair said to have happened the 24 octor.

Addressed: Doctor Franklin
Notation: Ferguson


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from [Ralph Izard], 27 December 1776
From: Izard, Ralph
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
London 27th: December 1776.
I heartily congratulate you on your arrival in Europe. The Gentleman who will present this to you is the son of Mr. Henry Laurens of South Carolina the Vice President of the Province. He is warmly attached to the cause of his Country, and desirous of being presented to you.I am happy in having it in my power to do him so acceptable a piece of service. With the greatest regard I am Dear Sir Your most Obedient Servant

Notations: R. Izard / R. Izard to BF. London 27. Decr 76


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Gruel, 28 December 1776
From: Gruel, Jacques-Barthélémy
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur
Nantes ce 28: Xbre: 1776.
Je ne suivrai point l’usage, ni ne vous ferai de compliment du jour; le sentiment ne connoit pas ce language; je me bornerai à vous exprimer la sincerité des voeux que je forme pour vous en ce nouvel an: je vous souhaite, monsieur, une continuation de parfaite santé une issue satisfaisante dans vos glorieux projets, et l’accomplissement en entier de tout ce que vous pouvés desirer; j’ose egalement vous demander la Continuation de votre bienveillance, je tacherai de la meriter par mon sincere, et inviolable attachement.
Toute ma famille se joint à moy, et me charge de vous faire agreer les souhaits qu’elle fait pour tout ce qui peut contribuer à votre entiere satisfaction pendant le Cours de l’année Nouvelle, elle vous prie d’etre bien persuadé de la sincerité de ses voeux, et de permettre ainsy que moy que Messieurs vos fils trouvent icy les mêmes voeux que nous faisons unaniment pour tout ce qui peut leur etre agreable.
Mes amis Messieurs Tourton & Baur Banquiers à Paris, dont la reputation Egale l’honeteté, et la solidité en tout genre, desirent d’avoir l’honneur de vous voir, ils m’ont ecrit, et me prient de vous engager de leur permettre de vous presenter leurs devoirs, et de vous offrir leurs services; j’ose esperer, Monsieur, que vous voudrés bien leur donner la permission de cultiver votre connoissance pendant votre sejour en la capitalle; je leur remêts en consequence par ce courier une lettre pour vous, persuadé que vous voudrés bien leur faire acceüil. Je suis avec Respect, Monsieur, Votre tres humble et tres obeïssant serviteur
J Gruel

J’ay envoyé un exprès porter une lettre a Monsieur Wilcken. Je la crois de vous, elle m’est venû par ce courier, j’ay crû reconnoitre votre cachet, ce qui m’a determiné à expedier un exprès, crainte qu’elle ne fut pressée, elle sera rendüe aujourdhuy à 4. heures.
Cy joint la relation d’un Capitaine parti de Dartsmouth le 17: 9bre. dernier. Je m’empresse de vous la faire passer, ce Capitaine est arrivé a Bordeaux le 24. Courant.
J’ay eû aujourd’huy arrêt entre mes mains de la part des chargeurs du navire la vigne qui a ete pris par la fregate la represaille. Ces messieurs se disant chargeurs, et proprietaires des vins et eaux de vies chargés dans le susdit batiment, pretendent à une somme de soixante quatre mille livres montant du susdit chargement. Ils demandent en outre celle de seize mille livres pour le navire, et une indemnité de dix mille livres. Ils paroissent porter leur pretention bien haut. Je vais constituer Procureur, et renvoyer ces Messieurs à Mr. Wilckes; je pense que vû le Bon vent la fregate aura mis dehors; j’auray l’honneur de vous instruire des suittes de cette affaire.

Notation: Lett. from J Gruel Nants 28 Decr 1776.


Title: Louis Lebègue de Presle Duportail to the American Commissioners, [29 December 1776]
From: Duportail, Louis Lebègue de Presle
To: American Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Deane, Silas,Lee, Arthur

This is the first appearance of one of the important French volunteers. The American army suffered from a dearth of engineers, and the commissioners had been instructed to obtain four competent ones.Duportail (1743–1802) had graduated from the military school at Mézières and joined the corps of engineers at the age of eighteen. In 1776 he completed a new set of regulations for the corps, as part of the reforms initiated by Saint-Germain, so that his name was to the fore. He had the government’s permission to go to America, as he indicated in his letter below of January 2. His offer began three weeks of bargaining with the commissioners, and it was March before he and three companions sailed for Philadelphia by way of St. Domingue. The bargain turned out to be a good one for the United States. Duportail, unlike most of the French officers who had preceded him, was of such value to the American army that he rose to be a general.

[December 29, 1776]
Mr. Duportail Capitaine au Corps du genie avec un grade de major des troupes de la marine a l’honneur d’offrir ses services à messieurs les deputés des colonies unies. Il ne demande que la certitude d’etre employé dans un grade superieur et ne fait aucune condition pour les appointements. Si on le desire, il menera avec luy deux officiers du même corps d’un grade inferieur au sien et qui seront choisis pour leurs talens et leurs connoissance. Messieurs les deputés voudroient bien luy indiquer les moyens d’y passer et luy donner sur cela tous les renseignemens necessaires. Il se trouvera pret dès qu’on le desirera.
Mr. duportail Capitaine au Corps du genie à l’hotel du Cheval Rouge A versailles.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Joseph-Etienne Bertier, 29 December 1776
From: Bertier, Joseph-Etienne
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur
à l’oratoire ce 29 décembre 1776
Il me tarde bien qu’un rheume et un crachement de sang n’arrêtent pas l’empressement que j’ay d’aller marquer en persone le respect, l’attachement, et la reconoissance dont je suis et seray toute ma vie pénetré pour l’illustre Mr. franklin. J’espère que le Seigneur exaucera bientôt mes voeux, et que je vous exprimeray de vive voix, ce que je souhaiterois que vous pussiés lire dans mon coeur où il est bien gravé que je suis avec un attachement inviolable Monsieur Votre très humble et très obeissant serviteur
Bertier père de l’ora[toire]

Addressed: A Monsieur / Monsieur Franklin hôtel / d’Entrague / rue de l’Université
Notation: Bertier, Paris, 29 Xb. 76.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Benjamin Vaughan, 29 December 1776
From: Vaughan, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Decr: 29h:, 1776
B. Vaughan presents his best respects to Dr: Franklin and incloses him some papers for perusal at his leisure. He sends them for several reasons. To shew, first, that neither his head nor his heart have been unoccupied upon the subject of America; to prove in the next place, under what disadvantages every man enters upon the subject, without information from thence; and to enable him also to judge of the confidence which Dr: Franklin is to repose in him.The letters are the result of thought, but were for the most part committed to paper in haste; particularly No. 1 which he begs (if read at all) may be read last.

Addressed: Dr: Franklin.
[A possible continuation is printed below under Sept. 19, 1777.]


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from [Duportail], [after 29 December 1776]
From: Duportail, Louis Lebègue de Presle
To: Franklin, Benjamin

[After December 29, 1776.]
J’ai l’honneur de vous envoyer, Monsieur, un etat imprimé des officiers du Corps du genie afin que vous puissiéz vous assurer que vous n’avéz pas un seul de nous. D’un autre coté si vous consultéz quelque militaire instruit et sans prévention, il vous dira qu’aucun officier d’artillerie comme d’infanterie ne peut remplacer l’ingenieur pour ce qui concerne l’attaque et la defense des places, leur tracé et leur construction ainsi que pour le tracé et la construction des retranchements et de tous les ouvrages dont on fait usage à la guerre. J’ajouteray que dans une guerre defensive comme la vôtre l’art de l’ingenieur est de la plus grande importance, puisqu’une ville mal fortifiée, un poste mal retranché peuvent estre decisifs contre vous. Je n’ay toujours d’autres propositions à faire que celles que j’ai mises par ecrit chéz vous. Ce n’est pas la fortune que je cherche, monsieur, c’est la gloire ainsi que des connoissances et de l’experience. A ce motif se joint l’interêt que je ne puis m’empecher de prendre à votre cause et la liberté du nouveau monde est un oeuvre auquel je serois flattée de contribuer.
J’attendray, monsieur, votre reponse quelques jours. Si vous êtes disposé a recevoir l’offre que j’ai l’honneur de vous faire, et que vous ayéz quelque personne de ce pays chargée de traiter ces sortes d’affaires, je vous seray obligé de me l’indiquer, parceque le secret rigoureux qu’on exige de moy me defend de paroistre souvent chéz vous. J’ai l’honneur d’etre &c.

Notation: M. [blank in MS] Versailles