Title: Notes on Buffon’s Histoire naturelle, [completed ca. May 1786]
From: Madison, James
To:

Editorial Note
Rural St. Thomas’s parish in Orange County, Virginia, was not totally isolated from the world of science in the 1780s; by 1784 JM began to acquire Comte de Buffon’s monumental Histoire naturelle, a work that in time reached ninety volumes and spanned fifty-three years of publishing. At Montpelier in 1785 JM prized the first edition of Buffon’s work, and during Jefferson’s “five charmed years abroad” his friend in Paris would forward the supplements as they came from the press (JM to Jefferson, 27 Apr. 1785, Papers of MadisonWilliam T. Hutchinson et al., eds., The
          Papers of James Madison (9 vols. to date; Chicago, 1962——)., VIII, 266). As Adrienne Koch observed, the American minister sent his fellow Virginian a flow of books from the Parisian stalls that “surely made Madison the most cosmopolitan statesman never to have quit American shores” (Jefferson and Madison: The Great Collaboration [New York, 1950], p. 19).
Undoubtedly JM accepted Buffon as “the best informed of any naturalist who has ever written,” but he and Jefferson had discussed Buffon’s theories while serving in Congress together in 1783, and JM shared Jefferson’s pique over Buffon’s assertion that American mammals were physically inferior to their counterparts in Europe, Africa, and Asia. Earlier, the two Virginians had shared calculations that proved Buffon’s theories were untenable (Papers of MadisonWilliam T. Hutchinson et al., eds., The
          Papers of James Madison (9 vols. to date; Chicago, 1962——)., VII, 411–12, 419, 420 n. 10, 422). Jefferson had taken pains to show in his Notes on Virginia that Buffon’s ideas on “the impotence of nature in America” were unsupportable, and both men were interested in the fossilized remains of the mastodon or mammoth which had been found in the Ohio Valley and seemed irrefutable proof of Buffon’s miscalculations (Notes on Virginia [Peden ed.], pp. 43–47). Such evidence seemed important to men of Jefferson’s and JM’s bent, for if American political institutions and ideas were to serve as beacons projecting rays of enlightenment from the New World to the Old, it was necessary to show scientifically that American flora and fauna stood on an equal footing with European species.
By March 1786 JM was checking his newly arrived volumes of Buffon’s Histoire des oiseaux to make certain his set was complete (JM to Jefferson, 18 Mar. 1786, Papers of MadisonWilliam T. Hutchinson et al., eds., The
          Papers of James Madison (9 vols. to date; Chicago, 1962——)., VIII, 501). With the coming of spring and leisure from political duties, JM appears to have pored over Buffon’s volumes on quadrupeds so that he could compare the American species with Buffon’s descriptions. By mid-May he was full of information and eager to share it with Jefferson (JM to Jefferson, 12 May 1786). About the same time, JM may have also written to his friend in Orange County, Jeremiah Smith, for aid in collecting the skin, bones, and teeth of a wild cat and fox, pecans, “sugar tree,” and other seeds of “new or curious plants or trees.”
In making his notes on Buffon, JM extensively copied and translated the Frenchman’s work, but Buffon’s speculation that some two hundred distinct species of quadrupeds existed (mostly in the “old world”) provoked JM to challenge Buffon’s ideas on northern climate and the impossibility of a land link between the old and new continents. Undoubtedly JM shared Jefferson’s conviction that Buffon had unfairly denigrated animal life in the Americas and his labors were meant to serve both the interest of science and American pride. Whether JM intended to aid Jefferson in prodding Buffon into a revised edition or simply wished to collect information out of intellectual curiosity is uncertain (Boyd, Papers of JeffersonJulian P. Boyd et al., eds., The Papers of
          Thomas Jefferson (19 vols. to date; Princeton, N. J., 1950——)., VIII, 502–3). Apparently JM was as anxious as Jefferson to prove that despite Buffon’s claims the American species had not shrunk in size or variety “under a niggardly sky and an unprolific land, thinly peopled with wandering savages” (Edwin Thomas Martin, Thomas Jefferson: Scientist [New York, 1952], p. 157; Ruth Henline, “A Study of Notes on the State of Virginia as an Evidence of Jefferson’s Reaction against the Theories of the French Naturalists,” VMHBVirginia Magazine of History and Biography., LV [1947], 242–43; Daniel J. Boorstin, The Lost World of Thomas Jefferson [New York, 1948], pp. 101–3).
Late in life, JM remembered his excursion into science some forty-seven years earlier with evident satisfaction. In an autobiographical sketch, JM wrote of himself in the third person and recalled that “he availed himself of the means occasionally falling into his hands, of making minute comparisons of sundry of our quadrupeds, with those bearing the name or having the resemblance of them in Europe. Among his papers are notes of the details which might save in a small degree the labour of more scientific and systematic observers” (Adair, ed., “James Madison’s Autobiography,” WMQWilliam and Mary Quarterly., 3d ser., II [1945], 200–201).

[completed ca. May 1786]
Buffon Wild Animals
Vol X[I]

p. 76.  77As in the temperate climate the human race is most civilized, so it abounds less with ferocious wild beasts, than the torrid & frigid Zones. the wolf, the fiercest of the former, being less fierce than the lion, the tigre, the panther &c. and the white bear, the lynx &c. which live in the latter Zones. The same species varies too in ferocity according to the climate. In America where under the line the climate is milder than in Africa, the tyger, the lyon & panther, are compar[a]tively much less fierce. A like observation as to plants, perfumes & poisons & other strong [illegible] plants being found in the intemperate climates.
79The size of the Animals of the intemperate Zones also much greater than of the temperate: as the Elephant Rhinonceros Whales &c &c.
80Wild animals vary less than domestic, because they change their climate & manner of life less than those subject to the will of man.
83The less a country is frequented by man, the less wild are the animals
84The terror & dispersion produced by man among them; destructive of all the improvements which might result from their tranquility & Society. Hence the multiplication & improvement of man tend to the decrease & degeneracy of wild animals.
Le Cerf la biche—Red deer
104They go with young 8 months & some days.
106They continue growing for 8 years, & begin to rut at 18 Mo[n]th[s]
107.Animals which rut at fixed seasons as Deer &c begin much younger than other animals. The general rule is that animals begin when they have attained their full groth.

109If a deer be cut with his horns on they never fall.
110.If off they never return hence it is inferred that both parts proceed from same causes. to wit surplus of organic particles and hence,
114.Stags eat less than bucks.
122.Horns of deer partake more of the nature of wood than real horn, bone or &c. Aristotle & Pliny say that ivy has been found growing on them. This affinity to wood proceeds from the principal food of deer, as the scales on the tales of beaver from the fish on which they feed.
126.Deer live 35 or 40 years.
129.Horns of deer in rich & moist lands, large and tender. in different lands, different, owing to the plenty & scarcity of food.
130.The Cerf de corse is only half as high as the red-deer and is of a brown colour—that of the Cerf or red deer is fauve tho’ of some brown & other red. There are instances of
131Some being white. Aristotle & Pliny speak of white ones also.
134.The deer do not drink scarcely in the winter or the Spring. When in the Summer droughts prevent dew, they drink of brooks &c. and in rutting time, a great deal and bathe also.
135.They prefer rye to all other grain.
140.Their interior & exterior conformation strongly resemble that of the Boeuf.
They have no gall bladder.
153.A doe of the red deer weighed 265. lbs. french. Another
155.weighed still more.
Le Daim, la daine. Fallow deer
Vol. 12
p. 35.The fallow & red deer avoid each other—will not propagate; and rarely are found unless brought in the same places. The former are less robust than the latter, abound most in England, where they are kept half domesticated in park[s].
36They appear to belong to temperate climates. Some of them are in the neighbourhood of Paris & in the provinces. [illegible] are also in Spain & Germany & some of them in America, whither they may have been carried from Europe. There are none in Russia, and are rarely met with in the forests of Sweeden and other Northern Countries.
37The red deer are spread over all Europe except Lapland. Over Asia & particularly Tartary & the Northern provinces of China—and in America: for those of Canada differ only by the
38largeness & straitness of their horns. They are not found in Southern Climates, the animals called by their name in those,
39being different Species.
The fallow deer are subject to greater varieties—of different color
40.Les daims de Virginia—
They are more easily tamed—are good for the table at almost all Seasons of the year. They go with young &c. &c—as the red deer. The principal difference is in the length of life, the fallow not living more than about 20 years.
53.Weight of a fallow deer 154 French pounds.
V. 12.Le Chevreuil, la Chevrette—Rohe-Deer.
p. 75.delights in underwoods—weaker & smaller than red deer, but more sprightly & bold, elegant & souple. more cunning in eluding pursuit
77.The male & female with their young live in constancy apart from others.
Have commonly 2 fawns 1 male & 1 female, which seldom quit each other.
Rut once a year only from end of Ocr. to middle Novr.
78.Go with young 5½ months.
form no intermediate race with other deer.
*resemble more the goat, than deer, & may be regarded as chèvre sauvage qui ne vivant que de bois, porte du bois au lieu de cornes
81.prevail in France, common in Scotland, none in England, few in Sweeden
82Shed their horns in autumn & repair them during the winter
88live 12 or 15 years at most.
not easily domesticated, and very delicate in constitution

90.flesh excellent of wild one—of those in parks very indiffert.
Tho rare in many parts of Europe, they abound in America, particularly in Louisiana—two sorts only in Europe the red, & the brown, are larger in Amer: than in France, & in Louisiana bear horns like the red deer.
95.The Rohe deer are smaller than the red but resemble them more than any other animal. *Daubenton. see Buffon p. 81.
98.[illegible] of 52 lb. french weight
Vol. 13.Le Lievre la hase. The Hare
p. 2abound in all climates of the earth
10engender at all times and after the first year
go with young 30 days
bring 3 or 4 at once, & receive male immediately as well as when with young and subject by peculiar conformation of genetal parts to frequent subfetations.
12.feed in the night
13on herbs roots fruits &. bark all trees in winter except the Elm & linden-tree
Sleep in day & agreed deal, with eyes open
do not chew the cud as some authors have supposed.
14.have no eyelids & see badly
fine hearing
extremely swift & as hind feet longer than forefeet
fly when they can up hill
15.live 7 or 8 years at most.
16.easily tamed but never completely domesticated
have been taught to beat drum & gesticulate to cadence
17.very sagacious in eluding pursuit of dogs.
20.Those in Mountainous places are larger than in plains and of a browner color with more white under the neck.
The latter are almost red.
In high mountains of the North become white in winter—all become [more] or less so as grow old.
smallest in warm Countries.

equally spread in all countries of Europe, Sweeden Denmark,
21Poland Russia as well as France Italy Spain Barbary &c &c.
In Lapland white 10 months of the year.
22.Fewer in the East than in Europe.
Few or none in America, except some in Virga., Canada Hudson’s bay & Magellan straights, tho there may be different species, being sd. to be much smaller & flesh different.
33.1 feet, 9 inches 6 lines long—(36—one of 1 feet seven inches weighed 7 lbs [)]
le Lapin. la Lapine—Rabbit, Cony.
77
78.do not mix with hares, become hostile when kept together instead coupling.
extremely prolific & libidinous
wild rabbits all gris
tame white, grey black
82.white & black, rarely produce two of their own colour, & often grey—the grey in a manner always produce grey
83.propagate at age of 5 or 6 Months. go 30 or 31 days with young & bring 4, 5 or 6 & sometimes 7. at once.
The male attaches himself to a single female which receives him at all times.
Have a double matr[i]x like the hare, & subject to Superfetations tho’ less frequently.
87.live 8 or 9 years.
are natives of hot climates. The Greeks according to Aristotle were acquainted with them. Greece & Spain seem to be the only countries of Europe where they were antiently. Thence they have been transported into temperate climates of Italy, Germany & france where they are naturalized. In cold Countries as Sweeden they can be raised only in houses. They love hot countries & are found in those of Asia & Africa & in the American Isles whither they have been conveyed & thrive very well.
89.As great likeness in the conformation of the Hare & the Rabbit as the horse & ass, notwithstanding the antipathy & variance in their nature & manners.

92.The wild rabbit much smaller than the hare—weighed three
93.pound one & half ounces
Tame ones larger than wild—one 15 inches 9 lines long weighed 4 lbs 1 oz.
Vol: 14.Les Animaux Carnassiers
page48Animals which have but one stomach & short intestines like man, require animal food. The relative volume of the intestinal canal in carnivorous & herbivorous will in all cases correspond with this remark.
49.It does not follow however that herbivorous animals are reduced by a physical necessity to herbal nutriment alone: as carnivorous are to flesh. If Nature furnished them with arms for prey, we say not but they wd. Soon accustom themselves to flesh & blood, since we see Sheep, calves, goats & horses eat greedily eggs & milk which are animal aliments & that without the aid of custom they refuse not victuals hashed & Seasoned with Salt.
56Le Loup la louve. Wolf.
57.lik[e]ness to the dog merely in bodily conformation, being enemies by instinct will feed on dead wolves, and follow by the blood & combine to destroy & devour one which is badly wounded.
delight in Solitude & never herd but to attack a strong Animal or to rid themselves of some formidable mastiff.
very little Society between male & female. It happens once a yea[r] only & that in winter, & for 10 or 12 days.
58The old are proud about the end of Decr. the younger ones in Feby. & beginning of March
go with young 3½ months, whereas dogs only 60 days [illegible]
bear once a year only, but have 5 or 6 sometimes 7 or 8 at a litter
In copulation are lioned
64.Are 2 or 3 year[s] in attaining their growth & live 15 or 20. drink often, & with plenty of water can bear hunger 4 or 5 days
69.the colour & hair change in different places. In Northern Countries are found black & white the same the largest. Are found almost every where in Asia Africa & Amer[i]ca as well as Europe. Those of Senegal resemble those of France but somewhat larger & much fiercer—those of Egypt, smaller than those of Greece
70.In the East Persia particularly, they are shewn as a Spectacle to the people & are taught to dance.
71.I kept a she wolf three years shut up from its infancy with a dog of the same age in a spacious inclosure. During the whole time She wd. neither be familiar with him nor suffer him to be with her when proud. Tho’ the weaker of the 2 she was always the aggressor, till at length the dog killed her.
74 & seq:The most exact conformity with the dog in its exteriour & interior construction & particularly the organs of generation
Vol 14Le Renard—Fox
p 106.resemble much the dog, especially in his interior parts, very different in his exterior form: but most so in his character—Slowly & never perfectly domesticated
does not couple with dog—kept 3 years with one for that purpose without effect—
bring fewer young—& that once a year only, from 3 never less to 6 which rarely exceed.
are proud in winter—young born blind like wolves & dogs
108.are 18 months or 2 years growing & live 13 or 14 years. much influenced by Climate, particularly in the colour, in North black, blue, white, grey &c. & some heads and other parts of different colors.
113Those of The common colour most generally diffused. are found in Europe, Asia, Northern & temperate & in America. but very rare in Africa & countries near Equator.
Our foxes natives of Cold climates are naturalized to temperate Climes, but do not extend farther South than Spain & Japan
are found in the most extreme cold low[lan]ds. N & S. poles.
116.The fox resembles perfectly the wolf & dog in the conformation of its internal parts—Daubenton—weight 12 lb about—
Vol 14.Le Blaireau. The Badger
141.In greater plenty formerly than now
142.Eat every thing flesh eggs cheese butter bread fish fruits roots but prefer raw flesh.

143.Male rarely found in company of female
female goes with young—
has 3 or 4 at once.
between the anus & root of tale, a gland pretty large & abt. 1 Inch deep, whence oozes an unctuous liquor very fetid wch. they are fond of sucking
145It is uncertain whether found in America, unless a certain animal in N York be the Same.
Not in Africa—nor Asia, nor known to Greeks—confd. to Spain, France, Italy, Germany, England & Poland & Sweeden & every where very rare.
Almost white above & black under belly. the reverse of other Animals
feet    i   l
148has 5 toes on each foot—length from snout to anus 2—3—6 height 11 inches

Vol. 15.Rat. p 112. no rats in America till carried from Europe. None North of Sweeden.
148mice sd. also not to be natives of America
Vol: 16.Animals which are dormant in Winter, as the dormouse Hedge hog bat &[c]. are rendered such by the coldness of their blood. When the thermometer is 10 degrees above the freezing
207/8point, their internal heat is the same. The Senseless state is produced by the failure of exterior warmth to supply the internal want.
Vol 17. p 60/14 sorts of bears—1. White Sea bear—2 do. land bear 3. brown bear. 4 black bear—the latter not carnivorous. du Pratz & la Houlen cited to prove those of America not so.
66.found in all woody Countries—none in France nor England they couple in Autumn
69.Aristotle says they go with young but thirty days, in which
   Mr. Cowherd says they certainly couple in Augst. & bring forth in December—& that the young are disproportionately small

   —————

   Lord Bacon in his Hist. of life & death p. 8 says the bear “hath this sign of a short life, that his bearing in the womb is but short, scarce full forty days[”]
 he has never been contradicted. Buffon doubts the facts

live 20 or 25 years.
178.Rackoon—peculiar to America, the warm parts of it cheilf—particularly Jamaica—Not in Canada

Vol. 18. p 27.In all quadrapeds & in man there are in the neck 7 vertebrae

Vol. 18. p 77 & seq: Quadrapeds peculiar to the Old Continent in the order of their size.

1.Elephant. largest in Asia, smallest Africa. in great numbers.
2.Rhinoceros. only in deserts of Afric[a] & South of Asia, far less in no. than Elep.
3.Hippopotamus, on the banks of large rivers of India & Africa, stil[l] less in no.

4.
}
le Chameau & dromedary, in Arabia & all East parts of O. Cont.

5.

6.la giraffe, or camelo-pardalis. Africa, cheifly Aetheopia

7.Lion
}
Africa & Asia

8.Tyger.

9.Leopard

10.Panther

11.Ownce

12.Horse
13Ass.
14.Zebra
15.black cattle—unless the same species with Buffalo.
16.Sheep
17.Goats.
18.Hog.
19.Guinea hog
20.dog
21.hyaene. In Arabia & South of Asia only

22.Chacal. Jackal. In Armenia, Turkey & other province[s] of Asia & Africa
23.la genette. South of Europe & Asia
24.la Civette. Africa & E. Indies
25.Cat
26.Hare
27.Rabbit
28.les gazelles. Antelope. Arabia, E. India & Africa
29.Chamois. Alps, Pyrenees &c.
30.Lynx
31.Marmotte
32.Bouquetin
33.Italian buffalo
34.Musk animal. China & Tartary
35.Chevrotain. particular parts of Africa & E. Indies.
36.Ferret. Bro’t from Africa to Europe.
37.Rat
38.Mice
39.dormouse loirs—lerot
40.Mangoustes.
41.Badgers
42.Zibelines
43.Hermines
44.Gerboise
45.Makis & other specie of Singes

Vol. 18. p. 117. Animals peculiar to America

1. le pacos
}
Peru—Chili & N. Spain a kind of cattle to Peruviansin place of dog to do.

2. le lama

3. Alco

Larger
1. tapir. S. Am. the largest of South Amer. abt. size of small Mule

2. lama. smaller

3. pacos—still smaller

4. Cabiai. next in size to Tapir

5. la Tajacou. smaller than Cabiai (live on pismires alone[)]

6. tamandua-guacu ou ouariri—fourmiliers—no teeth

7. Sloth

8. Cariacou de la Guiane

9. little Cariacou

10. bison

11. Puma

12. le Jaguar

13. le Couguar

14. le jaguarete

15. le Chat-pard

—————

16. le cuandus—le porc-epic d’Amer. Brisson

17. Agouti

p. 121.Abt. 200 distinct species of Quadrupeds in the [whole?] [admitting les singes to 40– p. 170] Linnaeus reckons 67 only—Brisson 260—abt ⅔ of the 200 belong to the Old ⅓ to new World—abt. 40 peculiar to A[merica]
18. Coati
19. les pacas
20. les philandres—Opossum Jean de Laët
21 les cochons d’Inde
22. les Aperea
23. les tatous
24. petits singes a longue queue, Sapajous, les Sagouins les tamarins &c—

135.Ainsi l’on doit cesser d’être etonne de ce fait general qui d’abord paroit tres singulier, & que personne avant nous n’avoit même Soupçonné, Savoir qu’aucun des animaux de la Zone torride dans l’un des continens, ne S’est trouvé dans l’autre. The causes assigned are that they cd. not pass directly from the Old to the new Contint.—nor bear the climate in which the Conet. approximate. How does this accord with the hypothesis that originally the Northern climates were warm or with the fact that Elephants’ Bones, as Buffon calls them are found in America.

136.Animals common to the two Continents.
1. Bear
2. Cerf of Canada, which only differs by inferior size greater horns, more Antlers & longer tail
3. Roe deer in Canada & Louisana, also smaller than in Europe
4. Orignan qui est le même que elan mais plus petit—
5. Karabou, same with Rein deer of Lapland

5. Hare
}
difficult to say whether diffret. species or varieties of same species—

6. Squirrel

7. Hedge hog

8. Muskrat

9. otter

10. Marmotte

11. rat

12. musaraigne

13. bat

14. moles

15 Beaver—all Smaller in America, as well natives as those transported
16 wolf
17 fox

18. Weasel belette
}
very rare in America

19. l’Hermine

20. Marten
21. vison of Canada like fouine mink of Europe
22. putois—polecat of N. A. a variety of same Species in Europe

23. Lynx or loup-cervier
24. Phoca or Sea calf
141Voila all the animals very nearly common to 2 Conts. of which perhaps ⅓ ought to [be] struck out, as different species tho’ appearing to be varieties of same only
142.All of those animals inhabit or frequent Northern climates: as none of warm or temperate climates are common to the two Contints.
144.All animals carried to Amer. have degenerated in size as horse, ass, cattle sheep—goats hogs, dogs—
148Altho’ Nature has belittled quadrupeds in N. World, she has maintained reptiles—& aggrandized insects

185.Tyger—South of E. Indies Malabar Bengal &c
have been seen 10 feet long—utterly incapable of being tamed or softened.
Vol. 19 p 2.The Jaguar—the most like a Tyger & the feircest animal of the New World—of Brasil—Mexico & other Southern parts of Amer.

21Couguar.
S. America—perhaps the same as Canada Tyger or Virga. Panther—3 feet—6 Inch. long—weighed 50 lb. & upward—
Vol. 20. p. 1.Ondatra or Canada Musk-rat—
abt. size of small rabbit—in form like the water rat tail long & covered with little scales as other rats—flat from the middle towards the end—& roundish towards the root—the flat sides being perpendicular not horizontal—have a singular power of contracting & expanding its size. As the Beaver is the only quadruped in which les urines et les excrements, aboutissent egalement a un receptacle commun; so les femelles de rats et Singes are perhaps the only ones which have le conduit des urines & l’orifice par ou elles s’ecoulent, absolument separes des parties du la generation. In the males this Singularity does not exist—its parts of generation are large in the time of rutting & in a manner disappear at other seasons—live in Society, and prepare huts somewhat like the beavers.

produce on[c]e a year—& 5 or six at once
nearer of the color of the Beaver than the water rats
1 foot long—3½ inches high behind 4½ before—

Vol. 20.Peccari or Tajacu
p. 26 &c.Of South A. very numerous resembles the hog. but found by sundry trials not to mix with them. Differs from them—1. in inferior size & shorter legs—2 conformation of Stomach & intestines—3 no tail—4 stiffer bristles—5 has on back a gland issuing offensive odour—in which it is entirely singular—might be easily tamed
same food as common hog—not bad to eat—in troops of 3 or 400.

127.Polatouche—flying Squirel—
In Northern provinces of Europe—but more common in N.
America. resembled by no other animal—Still in the day—stirrs about in the evening—is more like
133.a rat than a Squirrel in his exterior form & his hair and more like Squirrel in the internal construction than any other animal—also in its skeleton

Swims without spreading his flying membranes—

about 5 Inches long from the end of nose to anus—

weight abt. 2 oz—

151.Little grey Squirrel, or Virga. Squirrel
Found in Northn. parts of both Contnts—
differs from the Common Squirel in France, in greater size—& being grey instead of reddish brown—
158.L’Ecureuil noir, & gris foncè tous deux de l’Amerique pourroient bien n’être que des varietès de l’espece du Petit gris.

189.Le Tamanoir, le Tamandua, le Fourmilier, Ant-eaters—are 3 Species of animals of S. A. which live on pismires.
have no teeth
large round tongues which they put into receptacles of pismires.

Vol 21. p. 2.Les Tatous. S. America
4 or 6 Species—covered with a boney Crust—They go under the name of the Armadillo. borough in the ground—live on roots &c—harmless—

121.Le Paca. S. America. lives on ground like rabbit
of the size of a pig—very good to eat

135.Le Sarigue. Opossum.
140distingd. from all other animals by 1. false belly. 2 the first finger of hind feet without nail, & separated like the human thumb—
142.found in Brasil, New Spain, Virginia,* Antilles &c. & no where except in America, tho sd. by some writers to be found in East Indies.
158One female had 5, another 7. teats.
159*S. A. its native & only climate
5 toes before & hind
Ears without hair & very fine membrane like bats’ wing
Ash grey mixt with some little blackish & whitish hoops on the back & sides—browner on belly & still more so on legs.
The aperture on the belly is 2 or 3 inches long. less hairy within than without the false belly. It is opened & shut at will by several muscles & 2 bones peculiar to this Animal:
167these bones are placed before os Pubis to wch. they are fastened by the base, are abt. 2 inches long & diminish to the extremity. They support the Muscle.
Have matrix tho’ somewhat different from that of other animals in which young are conceived & carried till the moment of

169birth—peculiar in the construction of parts of generation.
*belong to Southern Countries of N. World—but found in Va. & other temperate Countries of it—
produces often & in great no. 4 or 5–6 or 7 at once
173.The young of the Marmose also adhere to the Teat tho’ it has no pouch.
Some Authors (as Beverley in Hist. of Va.) say they adhere to Teat several weeks others month—
192.le fente du vulve transversale—le gland du Clitoris—double—du male fo[u]rchu
202.50 teeth—

212.La Marmose—akin to opossum, but much smaller—same no. of teeth—same as to toes no pouch—of same climate & Continet. has two longitudinal folds near thighs, between which the young place themselves to attach themselves to the teat—Male
215& female organs of generation resemble in form & position those of Opossum. Young born prematurely & adhere to teat like Opossum—bring more at once—
216like Opossum in manners, food &c.
5 or 7 Inches long only—

231.Le Cayopollin—akin to Opossum more than Marmose. these 3 Animals much alike in exteriour & interior conformation—supernumary bones—feet—premature birth—adherence to teats—habits of nature—all of same Climate & Cont.—le Cayopollin in Mountains of S. America—abt. size of Marmose—has 48 teeth—


Title: To James Madison from Bolling Stark, 15 May 1786
From: Stark, Bolling
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir,
Richmond May 15. 1786.
By virtue of an Act of the last Assembly, the Executive on th[e] 1st Ulto. assigned me such a part of the business in the Auditors Office as must inevitably, in a few months, occasion my being discharged therefrom for ever. This determination of Council, against me, I am impelled, from various considerations, to think extremely hard, more especially when I reflect upon the anxiety & fatigue I underwent in the year 1781, conveying the books & papers of our Office, several different times, out of the Enemy’s power (for that care & trouble constantly devolved upon me alone) always leaving my own little property exposed to their depredations, whereby I suffered considerably; notwithstanding this, if the two Gentlemen, my colleagues, who have met with the preference, were superior in point of integrity, assiduity or abilities, my feelings would not have been so much hurt; and one of them coming into the Office several years after me, is a circumstance that renders my degradation doubly mortifying.

I have almost unavoidably run into expressions of discontent respecting a matter, which is unalterable, tho’ my only object in addressing you at this time, was to solicit your influence, & friendly exertions in the next Assembly, to obtain for me some other respectable Office, under Government, as I really feel a predelection for the public service, and of course a reluctance to quit it altogether. The Collectorship of duties, at Norfolk, would I imagine yield a comfortable support, and as several of my children reside there, living among them & enjoying the emoluments of that Office, might, probably, be the means of making me a happy man again. Your Patronage upon that or any other occasion which may offer, as I know it wou’d have very great weight in the House of Delegates, will lay me under everlasting obligations, and, I trust, not be any disadvantage to the Commonwealth.
The only thing I shall take the liberty of urging in my own favour is, having devoted the prime of life to the discharge of public duties, in various departments, to the very great detriment of my private affairs; and consequently shall be reduced to a most disagreeable situation as soon as my present employment in the Auditors Office ceases, unless my Country will be graciously pleased to indulge me with some other genteel appointment. If, worthy Sir, the plea just above mentioned shou’d be thought not sufficient for granting my request, and no reason more cogent & satisfactory occurs to yourself, let the rescuing of an old public servant from real & complicated distress induce you to comply therewith. I am very respectfully Dr Sir, Your obedt. humble servant,
B. Stark


Title: To James Madison from James Monroe, 18 May 1786
From: Monroe, James
To: Madison, James

New York May 18. 1786.
I have not heard from you lately but hope it hath not arisen from ill-health. Two days since we recd. dispatches from Mr. Adams in which he informs us of his demand of the surrender of the posts, & remonstrance agnst the violation of the treaty also in the instance of the negroes, with the answer of the minister to his memorial. In this answer it is stated that the King admits a violation in those points on his part, but on the other hand states the instances of violation on our part with respect to the debts in particular enumerating the acts of all the States contravening it, finally giving assurance that it is the Kings desire to carry the treaty fully into effect on his part provided the U S. will do the same on theirs. This I think is the amt. of the communication recd. & from which the injunction of secrecy is remov’d. It appears as if his expectation was that we shod. take the first steps in this business.
In my last I suggested the probability of my being able to accompany you in a trip up th[e Mohawk,] but of this at present I have doub[ts. There are] present 11. States & the business [of last May is] before Congress, so that I fear I cod. [not reconcile] it to my duty to be absent upon th[e present] occasion. I have pd. Taylor the [money for] the first payment so that that difficulty is at an end. I am Dr. Sir yr. friend & servt
Jas. Monroe.
We shall be happy to see you here & indeed calcul[ate] on a visit.


Title: To James Madison from James Mercer, 19 May 1786
From: Mercer, James
To: Madison, James

Dr. Sir—
Fredericksburg. May 19th. 1786.
I am sure I need not appollogize to you, for solliciting your Patronage, to the Infant beginning of the Fredericksburg Accademy. I have but lately been added to the Trustees, much time has been lost since the General Assembly gave birth to this laudable Institution. But I flatter myself experience has so strongly marked the Error of former neglect, that more diligence will be used in future.
It will be very usefull to the deliberations of the Trustees at their next meeting (the 5th of June) to know yr. success & yr. Opinion of the contributions that may probably be expected from Orange. I am convinced that money alone, is all that can prevent an accademy at this Place from being one of the first in the United States. If a Town is a proper place? and, it really seems to be so, as the only place where knowledge, such as can not be trained within the walls of an accademy, can be obtained; this place is the most fit, being most healthy, the cheapest for maintainance—and the Inhabitants being of the midle Rank, a Class the best fitted for a “Voyage through Life”—Williamsburg is already too gay, Prince Edward too rustic—and having no Competitors are both the worse for want of the Spur of Competition. I see Richmond is only solicitous for instructing the heels & fingers, where then are we to look for that change You & all good men wish for? If not at Fredericksbg! yet I hope it may at least serve as a guide to a new & hapier Road, to Knowledge. With most esteem I am Dr Sr. Yr. most obed.
Js. Mercer


Title: To James Madison from William Grayson, 28 May 1786
From: Grayson, William
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
New York May 28th. 1786.
Your letter has come safely to hand; & I should have wrote to you sooner but could not find any thing to communicate worth your acceptance: till lately Congress have been perfectly inactive: for about a fortnight past we have had a tolerably full representation; however Delawar has grown uneasy & left us, and Connecticut having prevailed on Congress to accept her cession moves off tomorrow. It is a practice with many States in the Union to come forward & be very assiduous till they have carried some State jobb & then decamp with precip[it]ation leaving the public business to shift for itself.
The delegation of our State was very much embarrassed with the Connecticut business, as it was said it was but neighbours fare that Connecticut should be treated, as we had been before with respect to our cession; & that cessions of claims conveyed no right by implication to the territory not ceded. We however after some consideration took a hostile position towards her & voted against the acceptance in every stage of it: it appeared to the delegation that the only proper claim was already vested in Congress by the cession of our State: & that their cession was nothing but a state juggle contrived by old Roger Sherman to get a side wind confirmation to a thing they had no right to. Some of the States particularly Pensylvany voted for them on the same principle that the powers of Europe give money to the Algerines. The advocates for the acceptance have however some plausible reasons for their opinion such as The tranquillity, of the Union: The procuring a clear title to the residue of the Continental lands: the forming a barrier agt. the Brittish as well as the Indians: the appreciating the value of the adjacent territory & facilitating the settlement thereof. The Assembly of Connecticut now sitting mean immedy. to open a land Office for the 120 Ms. Westwd. of the Pensylvany line which they have reserved: & I don’t see what is to prevent them from keeping it always, as the foederal constitution does not give a Court in this instance, & a war with them would cost more than the six million of acres is worth.
Mr. Adams has just informed Congress that he has made a demand of the Posts & has been refused; the M. of Caermarthen states in substance as a reason for the refusal, that several of the States in the Union have violated the treaty with respect to the debts. That whenever the States shew a disposition to fulfill the treaty on their part, the King will perform his engagements according to good faith. The States which are not included in the accusation are R. Island, Connecticut, N. Hamshire, N. Jersey & Delawar.
The charge agt. Massachusetz is only this that she has passed a law preventing executions from issuing for interest untill the judgment of Congress should be had thereon. The only charge agt. Maryland that I recollect, is her having recieved large sums of money (the property of Brittish subjects) during the war, from their debtors. The charges agt. N. York are heavy & numerous. With respect to Virginia I think she may at least be speciously justified for what has past; the proclamation of Governor Harrisson is not imputable to her as it was not Done by any authority from the legislature, & if I am rightly informed it was dissaproved of as soon [as] they met. As to the installment act it never did pass into a law, & the Brittish Commee. of merchants had no right to mention it in their report; but the State of Virginia has not repealed her prohibitory laws on that subject. To this it may be answered that no such repeal was necessary for that the definitive treaty as soon as it was ratified by the contracting parties became the law of the land in every State: if it became the law of the land it of course (by repealing anterior obstructions) opened the Courts of Justice to all those creditors who came within it’s description. This principle no doubt will subject the debtor who has paid into the public treasury; but where is the hardship of this if the public are liable to the debtor for such payment: from this it must result that the Brittish have no right to complain, untill the Courts of Justice refuse to take cognizance of their claims on the principle of prohibitory laws. Should the legislature view this business in as serious a light as I do, & wish to preserve the honor of the State with as much decency as the nature of the case will admit of, I submit it to your consideration whether it would not be proper for them to enact,
[“]that the late treaty of peace now is & ever has been since it’s ratification by the contracting parties the law of the land in each State & of course has repealed all lawful impediments to the recovery of any Brittish debts therein described, any law custom or usage to the contrary notwithstanding.[”] I am not certain I am right in my positions on the ground of the law of nations as applying to foederal governments of separate sovereignties; though I have understood this was the opinion of Count de Vergennes, as it respected the treaty with France: at all events if it is doubtfull ground it is plausible ground; & I know of no other principle that will save the honor of the State: if it is said the Brittish have first violated the treaty with respect to the negroes, they acknowledge the fact & agree to make satisfaction. What more can be desired? As to the Interest it is a subject of negotiation; if the point is gained, it will conduce to the benefit of Virga. as well as every other State; & in the Mean time where is the danger of submitting the point to a Jury, composed of American citizens. There is no doubt one great difficulty in the matter: if the State of Virginia adopts this or some other system confirmatory of the treaty, she then complies on her part; while at the same time if the other States adhere to their refusal, the leaves Great Brittain at liberty to act as she pleases with respect to the negroes & the Posts: perhaps a proper attention to this difficulty may lead to the striking impropriety of the interference of States as to the construction of a treaty in any case whatever. Your sentimts. on this matter will greatly oblige me—the treaty wth. the King of Prussia has been confirmed in Congress: it is in my opinion as far as it respects commercial objects, of no great importance. Mr. Monro I know has informed you that a day is assigned for Congress to go into a Commee. of the whole on the State of the Nation; also for what purposes this is intended. I am apprehensive this will produce nothing & that Congress will never be able to agree on the proper amendments even among themselves; the Eastern People mean nothing more than to carry the Commercial point. I here they intend to stop & would not agree if it rested with them that Congress should have the power of preventing the States from cheating one another as well as their own citizens by means of paper money.
Mr. Pinkney who brought forward the motion, will be astounded when he meets with a proposition to prevent the States from importing any more of the seed of Cain; N. York & Pensylvany will feel themselves indisposed when they hear it proposed that it shall become a national compact that the sessions shall always be held in the centre of the Empire; how will Delawar R. Island Jersey & some others like to vote (with respect to any new powers granted to Congress) according to their real & not their supposed importance in the Union? I am of opinion our affairs are not arrived at such a crisis as to insure success to a reformation on proper principles; a partial reformation will be fatal; things had better remain as they are than not to probe them to the bottom. If particular States gain their own particular objects, it will place other grievances perhaps of equal importance at a greater distance: if all are brought forward at the same time one object will facilitate the passage of another, & by a general compromise perhaps a good government may be procured. Under these impressions I cannot say I think it will be for the advantage of the Union that the Convention at Annapolis produce any thing decisive: as in this event nothing more is to be expected from Massachusetz &C. &C. &C. The State of Virginia having gone thus far, it is matter of great doubt with me whether she had not better go farther & propose to the other States to augment the powers of the delegates so as to comprehend all the grievances of the Union, & to combine the commercial arrangements with them, & make them dependant on each other; in this case her own objects ought not to be pretermitted; among which a proper and liberal mode of settling the public accounts ought not to be forgotten.
Some alterations have lately been made in the land Ordinance; the Surveyors are liberated from all kind of connection with the stars, and are now allowed to survey by the magnetic Meridian, & are limited to the territory lying Southward of the East & West line as described in the said Ordinance. The navigable waters & the carrying places between them are made common highways for ever & free to the citizens of the Atlantic States as well as those of the new States without any tax or impost whatever. An attempt was made to change the system altogether and was negatived; indeed the Eastern & some other States are so much attached to it, that I am satisfied no material alteration can be effected; the Geographer and surveyors will set out it is supposed immediately to carry the Ordinance into execution, provided the Indians will permit them, of which however I have very great doubts. I beg leave to inform you confidentially, that there does not appear at present the most distant prospect of forming treaties with Spain or G. Brittain: That the treaty with Portugal now carrying on in London is in an apparently proper train; that peace can certainly be obtained from Tripoli & Tunis for 33,000 Guineas each, & probably from Morocco & Algiers for double that sum respectively, provided money can be loaned in Holland for that purpose, & (which being the only resource) will be attempted: That Mr. Jefferson has lately informed Congress that he has applied to the Court of France to destroy the Monopoly of the farmers general respecting Tobo.

His reasoning & calculations on this subject does him the highest honor: he has proved incontestably that it is the undoubted interest of both nations that this injurious monopoly should be destroyed.
I shall not make any observations on this Subject, as I am satisfied you must have long since fully considered it, in all its relations. I only beg leave to submit to you the propriety of the State of Virginia & Maryland through Congress representing to the Court of France in strong but affectionate language the fatal consequences of an adherence to this measure.
This representation when added to the Commercial Interests of France & joined by the natural enemies of the Farmers general, will possibly shake this ruinous system.
The delegation have lately recieved a letter from the Governor stating the depredations and murders of the Wabash Indians on the Kentucki Settlements; these Indians refused to come to the treaty last year i e, they gave no answer and are now at war with the Citizens of the United States; they have therefore left no alternative to them but hostilities; the delegation intend to move tomorrow that Colo. Harman with 400. Continental troops and such a number of Kentucki Militia as may be necessary, march to their towns & destroy them if they do not make concessions & deliver hostages as security for their good behav[i]our in future. They will also press for the arrangement of a standing Indian department. In all this however they expect opposition, from the circumscribed States who being themselves in no danger, will reluctantly yield assistance to those who are exposed.
I have with pleasure understood from Colo. Munro, that you intend paying this place a visit in the course of the summer. I hope you will do it in such a seasonable manner as to preclude the necessity of an immediate return, as was the case last year. I remain with great sincerity Yr. Affect. frd. & Most Obet Servt.
Willm. Grayson.


Title: To James Madison from Joseph Jones, 30 May 1786
From: Jones, Joseph
To: Madison, James

Dr. Sir.
Richmond 30th. May 1786.
Before the receipt of your favor by Majr. Moore I had procured from Mr. Beckley copies of the bills you wanted and you will receive them inclosed. Something is indispe[n]sably necessary to be done respecting the Courts of Justice or they will soon become grievances instead of giving relief or administering Justice. Each of them is already overcharged with business—the general Court much behind—the Court of appeals only trying one Cause in a week and the Chancery breaking up in a week after convening, owing it is said to the Lawyers being worn down with labourious attendance on the preceeding Courts and unable to prosecute the Business. The Attorney and Mr. Baker however found it convenient to set out the monday after the Court rose for Williamsburg to defend some Clients in the Court of Admiralty where I suppose the fees were more tempting than in the Chancery Court. The Attorney was indeed in bad health before the Court broke up being scarsely able to speak loud enough to be heard and was compelled for want of voice wch. a severe cold deprived him of to relinquish the business in Wmsburg. before it was finished and since his return has been very ill. He is now better [,] took the air in his Chariot yesterday, but In such a state of health as to require much caution to steer clear of danger. He has had several blisters on him and at this time can speak only in whispers. I think this attack will make him more cautious in future and not so freely venture health for the sake of money. Mr. Nicholas I am told is for district Courts on a plan different from any hitherto proposed. I am more and more disposed to concur in the business of districts upon some such plan as White and myself in conversation with you one evening concurred in and for which purpose he was to prepare an amendment to the bill before the house but I never heard further of it.
I sincerely wish you an agreeable Journey to the north when you undertake it and as sincerely wish you success in any speculation you may make on the Mohawk but confess to you, tho’ I am a stranger to the land and its conveniences, the remoteness from navigation, the long Winters and the present uncertain issue of what course the back commerce may take leave the advantages of holding Lands there doubtfull to an inhabitant of N. York, much more so to a Citizen of Virginia. However nothing can so well clear up these difficulties as a visit to the Country and obtaining the best information the present state of things will afford. One caution I will recommend and that is not to purchase land from any person withot. first examining it or having it examined by those you can rely on for true information. I take it for granted those of the Country know the value of property there as well perhaps better than others and generally speaking there are always men to be found ready to obtain what we may call bargains and that N. York have such men in it, able also to buy, I must suppose and should therefore be backward in buying what others seem not much to desire. I offer these hints with freedom not wishing to prevent your speculations there but to interpose necessary caution in whatever you may do. I shall see King George County next week & perhaps visit Alexandria before my return. We are about to look into the State of the several Naval offices and the mode of conducting the business in them, which we think and I hope will have its use. I am D Sr. yr. friend
Jos: Jones
The British Minister we hear has informed Mr. Adams in answer to his demand of the Posts that America must first pay the Debts.


Title: To James Madison from James Monroe, 31 May 1786
From: Monroe, James
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
New York May 31. 1786.
Since my last a letter has been recd. from Mr. Jay to the following effect “that difficulties had taken place in his negotiation with Gardoqui & requesting that a Committee be appointed with power to direct & controul the sd. negotiation.” It was immediately perciev’d that the object was to relieve him from the instruction respecting Missisipi & to get a committee to cover the measure. That this wod. be thus brought forward I was appriz’d upon my first arrival here in the winter, & have been acquainted with all the previous arrangements, those in favr. of it found necessary to make, to prepare for its reception—his plan is, from evidence conclusive on my own mind; not to be simply quiet as to that object but to enter into engagments, at least for a certain term, for its occlusion & further to enter into a reciprocal guaranty of their respective possessions in America; in consideration for which we are to be admitted reciprocally, they into our ports here & we into theirs in Europe, upon an equal footing with our citizens & subjects respectively. What we are to gain on our part then simply is, the aid of this power in favor of the posts & this commercial stipulation. When the letter was presented Mr. King who is associated in this business in a long speech in which he took a view of the insidious designs of France in the late treaty especially, & of the little dependence to be put on her in future, made a tryal of the pulse of the house on the subject. The letter was committed, Pettit, King & myself are of the committee—as yet the Committee have not met, to morrow they will. Jay will attend it. From the best investigation that I have been able to give the subject I am of opinion that it will be for the benefit of the U S. that the river shod. be opend that although we may not be in a situation, nor even think of it for the present, to contest it, yet if we enter’d into engagements to the contrary, we seperate those people I mean all those westward of the mountains from the federal government & perhaps throw them into the hands eventually of a foreign power. That under the direction of Congress the produce of that country will be in trade the source of great national wealth & strength to the U S. That a reciprocal guaranty stipulates an important consideration to them without a return. That whether it may not tend to weaken the connection between us & France is doubtful. That the commercl. engagment will operate upon its own merits only to the disadvantage of the U S. I remember upon a former occasion, unconnected with objects & considerations of this kind to have remarked to you—after the publick debt is pd. (& if the western land is properly dispos’d of, great part of it will be pd. shortly) the situation of these States will be such as to make it unnecessary for them to lay such duties on the trade of their citizens as the expensive civil & military establishments of the European countries will require. The duties of our citizens & their subjects in our respective ports will of course be unequal, ours depress’d with the weight of their govt. & theirs entitled to all the benefits which arise from our ease & happy situation. If we knew precisely the duties impos’d on our trade by our citizens in their ports, we might put their subjects on equal footing here. The indulgence then given to our people in our ports arising from the ease of our circumstances, superior to that wh. the subjects of other countries can possibly obtain, wod. be a manifest advantage which might enable them to improve their circumstances. Tobo I am also inform’d is to be excluded from the benefit (if it can be term’d such) of this treaty. I am clearly of opinion that Spain is of all the powers of Europe the most in our hands. That for a guaranty we might obtain not only the points in contest but whatever else we wish’d. But such is the folly of our councils & the vice of those who govern them in many instances, that the real blessings of our situation in those few cases which exist, cannot be turn’d to any publick advantage. Petit who is always here & the influencial man from Pennsylvania is a speculator in certificates. He came forward under the patronage of Reid with impressions entirely Eastern and the opposition given the requisition last year by the delegation of Virginia has given him an opinion that she wishes to defraud the publick creditors. The evidence of her payments, of passing the requisition upon terms unfavorable to her, of her honest & federal attachments, are no proof to him. He always acts under this impression & the utmost prudence, good temper (personally), and assurance on the part of the delegation cannot remove it. His State therefore can generally be calculated on in favor of all the measures of Massachusets, who is always zealous upon all subjects of old emission money, publick securities &ca. She always hath some influence with Delaware & Jersey; King hath married a woman of fortune in New York so that if he secures a market for fish and turns the commerce of the western country down this river he obtains his object.
We have not as yet brought on the claims of the State, we shall do it in a few days. I am thoroughly satisfied they will be rejected—all the expences of Ld. Dunmore’s expedition although precisely on the same footing with the first campaign at Boston will be thrown on the State. Yet Mass: hath (& did in the close of that campaign) draw money to defray its expences. It appears to me as if the State debt wod. never be settled and if it is, upon terms highly disadvantageous to us. That the certificate debt will be press’d only untill by the operation of the facility system most of the securities are mov’d southwd., after which it will be given up. We shall however bring the subject on shortly, and upon the fairest principles for the State, in the event of a decision agnst her, put her pretensions on the journals. Many of these questions you will observe are as important as they are intricate. That to a wise decision as to the expedience, the greatest industry & ability in their managment will be necessary. I must confess I have little hope that they will take a direction agreeably to my own impressions of propriety. One great advantage is, that the delegation are in genl. in sentiment, & act together—but there are such powerful combinations agnst us, supported by & founded in considerations of private interest, that I almost despair. What effect these measures may have, especially in the instances of the tobo & our accts., upon the State I cannot determine. Whether they may extend their influence to other objects than those they particularly affect, is incertain; fully persuaded however I am that they will give arguments to those oppos’d to an extension of foederal powers of greater weight than any they have had before. I most sincerely wish you may come up and that if you shall not be able you will give me yr. sentiments fully on these subjects. I am yr. friend & servant
Jas. Monroe


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 19 June 1786
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir
Orange June 19th. 1786
Since my last which was of the 18th. of May I have recd. your very agreeable favor of the 28th. of Octobr. I began to fear it had miscarried. Your reflections on the idle poor of Europe, form a valuable lesson to the Legislators of every Country, and particularly of a new one. I hope you will enable yourself before you return to America to compare with this description of people in France the Condition of the indigent part of other communities in Europe where the like causes of wretchedness exist in a less degree. I have no doubt that the misery of the lower classes will be found to abate wherever the Government assumes a freer aspect, & the laws favor a subdivision of property. Yet I suspect that the difference will not fully account for the comparative comfort of the Mass of people in the United States. Our limited population has probably as large a share in producing this effect as the political advantages which distinguish us. A certain degree of misery seems inseparable from a high degree of populousness. If the lands in Europe which are now dedicated to the amusement of the idle rich, were parcelled out among the idle poor, I readily conceive the happy revolution which would be experienced by a certain proportion of the latter. But still would there not remain a great proportion unrelieved? No problem in political Oeconomy has appeared to me more puzzling than that which relates to the most proper distribution of the inhabitants of a Country fully peopled. Let the lands be shared among them ever so wisely, & let them be supplied with labourers ever so plentifully; as there must be a great surplus of subsistence, there will also remain a great surplus of inhabitants, a greater by far than will be employed in cloathing both themselves & those who feed them, and in administering to both, every other necessary & even comfort of life. What is to be done with this surplus? Hitherto we have seen them distributed into Manufacturers of superfluities, idle proprietors of productive funds, domestics, soldiers, merchants, mariners, and a few other less numerous classes. All these classes notwithstanding have been found insufficient to absorb the redundant members of a populous society; and yet a reduction of most of those classes enters into the very reform which appears so necessary & desireable. From a more equal partition of property, must result a greater simplicity of manners, consequently a less consumption of manufactured superfluities, and a less proportion of idle proprietors & domestics. From a juster Government must result less need of soldiers either for defence agst. dangers from without or disturbances from within. The number of merchants must be inconsiderable under any modification of Society; and that of Mariners will depend more on geographical position, than on the plan of legislation. But I forget that I am writing a letter not a dissertation.
Things have undergone little change here since my last. The scarcity of money the low price of Tobo. & the high price of bread continue to be the topics of complaint. The last evil is likely to be much increased by a sudden vicisitude in the prospects of wheat. At the date of my last we were praying for rain. Shortly after we had a deluge of it. From the 19th. of May to the 4th. of June, we scarcely saw the sun, had almost incessant rains, and sometimes showers, or rather torrents that threatened to sweep away every thing. The planters pretty generally availed themselves of the Season for getting their Tobacco into the hills. But the farmers have nearly lost their crops of Wheat. A great proportion of the heads in this part of the country are blasted, and in many parts it is said the fields will not be worth cutting. Our crops of apples also which in common with all other fruits seemed to be abundant, appear to have suffered much from the wet. We are now again suffering from the opposite extreme. We have had no rain since the cessation of the long spell, that is since the 3d. instant, and the earth is as dry and as hard as a brick.
In an answer from the Attorney to a late letter, he says “that after great anxiety we have recd. the plan of a Capitol from Mr. J. and with some difficulty the directors have assented to conform the bricks already laid to that model.”
I have a little itch to gain a smattering in Chymistry. Will you be kind eno’ to pick up some good elementary treatise for me, with a good dictionary of moderate size, unless the Chymical volume in the Encyclopedie should be judged a competent provision. Morveau’s Elements I observe are quoted with great respect by Buffon. I wish also to get his two Boxes, called Le Necessaire chemique. They are described in the Bibliotheque Physico-Economique for 1784. p. 134. where the Maker in Paris is also referred to. I project this last indulgence on the supposition that the whole apparatus, including the contents of the Bottles will not cost more than a couple of Louis.

I observe that in your analysis of the Revisal p. 251. of your notes, a Bill is mentioned for con[s]igning our roads to Undertakers, instead of the present vicious plan of repairing them. No such provision is comprized in the Road bill reported & printed. If it be any where in existence, I wish you could put me on the means of getting a sight of it. I conceive such a reform to be essential & that the Legislature would adopt it, if presented in a well digested form.
I lately sent you some particulars relating to our Mole.
   In enumerating the distinctions between our Mole & the common one of Europe, I find I omitted the difference of Colour. You know the colour of ours, which is pretty remote from black, tho’ somewhat darkish.
 For want of something better to fill the remainder of my paper I will now add the result of my examination two days ago of another of our minor quadrupeds. I mean, a Weasel. It was a female & came to my hands dead. Its colour corresponded with the description given by D’Aubenton of the Belette & Roselet or Hermine when in its summer dress, excepting only that the belly &c. which in the European Animal was white, was in ours of a lightish yellow, save only the part under the lower Jaws which was white for about ½ an inch back from the under lip. The little brown spots near the corners of the mouth mentioned by D’Aubenton, were peninsular. The tail was of the color of the back &c. all but the end which was black. The ears were extremely thin, had a fold or duplication on the lower part of the Conque about 2 lines deep, and at the margin all around were covered with a very fine short hair or fur of the colour nearly of the back. The rest of the ear was in a manner naked, and of a lightish color. The forefeet were tipped & spotted with white. The hind feet were also tipped with white, and one of them a little spotted. It had five toes on each foot, the fifth on each being very short and at some distance from the end of the foot. Its smell was a sort of rankish musk, but not so strong as to be very offensive. It had no visible teats. Its weight dimensions &c. compared with those of Buffon’s Belette & Hermine were as follows,

Weasel
Belette
Hermine

Weight
oz
pwt.
gm.

oz.

oz.
pwt.

2
17
13

2
   The belette of this weight was but 6 in. 5 lines in length.

7
10

   The weight & measure of the Weasel are English, those of the Belette & Roselet, french.

Inch

lines
Inch

lines
Inch
lines

Length from muzzle to root of tail
7

9
6

6
9
6

of the trunk of the tail
3

6
1

3
3
10

Height before
1

11
1

5
2
8

behind
2

6
1

6
3
10

distance from muzzle to lower corner of the eye

5

5

7

from upper corner of eye to the ear

4½

5

7

from one corner to the other of the eye

3

2¼

3½

length of the ear perpendicularly

4½

3

4

width of the ear horizontally

4

distance between the ears at bottom

10½

9

1

Length of the neck
1

1½

11
1
4

circumference of neck
2

5
2

2
6

of body behind forelegs
2

10
2

3
3
4

before hindlegs
3

3
2

2
3
4

of head between eyes & ears
2

9
2

6
3
3

Length of foreleg from knee to heel

10½

9
1
2

from heel to the nails

9

7
1
1

of hind leg from knee to heel
1

4

11
1
10

Width of forefoot

3½

3

3½

of hindfoot

3½

Length of nails of forefoot

2

2

3

of hindfoot

1½

of hair of the body

3½

3

6

at end of tail

6½

short
3

distance between anus & vulva

3

1

Spleen, length of
1

3

11

width of in middle

3½

4

Kidneys, long

7½

5½

wide

4½

4

thick

3

3

Heart, long

6½

4

round
1

4½
1

3

Tongue, long from end to the filêt

3½

2½

wide

2¾

2

number
no.
no.

Teeth
34
34
34

Ribbs
14
14
14

Vertebrae of tail
14
14 or 15
19

Palate, furrows of
6
6
6

The Gall bladder was empty, the membrane of the Bladder very thin, and the two last furrows of the palate broken in the middle, in the Weasel as noted in the Belette, and the contrary not noted in the Hermine.
The spleen was of the same color on both sides in the weasel. In the Hermine it was of a reddish brown as in the weasel, on one side, and of a very pale hue on the other. Nothing is said as to this circumstance in the description of the Belette.
The right Kidney in the weasel was advanced a little only before the left, as in the Belette, and not its whole length as in the Hermine.

The attempt to examine whether the number of false ribbs in the weasel was 4 as in the Belette or 3 as in the Hermine was frustrated.
On a review of the differential characters of the Belette and the Hermine, and a comparison of the weasel with both, it appears 1. that the weasel stands between the two in point of size, but much less removed from the former than the latter, unless the individual here examined was much under the ordinary size. Its having no visible teats seems to be an indication that it was young. Another probable indication was the smallness of the hindmost teeth both in the upper & lower Jaws, those in the lower being not bigger than the head of a small pin; & those in the upper disproportionate to the contiguous tooth. 2. that it resembles the Hermine in the length of the trunk of the tail, and in the blackness of its end, but the Belette in the number of vertebrae in the Trunk, and in the shortness of the hair at the end of the tail. 3 That it resembles the Hermine in the colour of its feet, and the Belette in that of the margin of the ears. 4. that it resembles the Belette & not the Hermine in the Relative position of the Kidneys. 5. that it differs from the Hermine in being an inhabitant of warm climates. Whether it resembles the Belette in not being an inhabitant of cold climates remains for enquiry. 6 that it differs from both, in never becoming white during the Winter, if this change be well founded with regard to the Belette. Buffon asserts that there are instances of it, [illegible] but it may be questioned whether they were not mere albinos of the species.
The figure of the head of the Weasel when reduced to the naked bone resembled rather that of the Belette than that of the Hermine in the Skeletons represented by Buffon. In its entire state it resembled most the head in the cut of the Hermine given by Buffon. Indeed the entire cut of the Hermine was a much stronger likeness of the weasel, than the Cut of the Belette.
The result of the comparison seems to be that notwithstanding the blackness of the end of the tail & whiteness of the feet, which are regarded as characteristics of the Hermine contradistinguishing it from the belette, our weasel cannot be of the former species, and is nothing more than a variety of the latter. This conclusion is the stronger, as the manners of our weasel correspond more nearly with those of the Belette, than with those of the Hermine. And if it be a just conclusion, it may possibly make one exception to Buffons position that no animal is common to the two Continents that cannot bear the climate where they join; as it certainly contradicts his assertion that, of the animals common to the two continents, those of the new are in every instance smaller than those of the old. But he seems to have given up this point himself. Supplemt. tom. 8. p. 329. “L’imperfection de nature qu’il [M. P. l’auteur des recherches sur les americains] reproche gratuitement a l’amerique en general ne doit porter que sur les animaux de la partie meridionale de ce continent lesquels &c.”
My next will probably be dated in Philada. or rather in N. York to which I am called by some business of a private nature in which I am concerned jointly with Col. Monroe. In the mean time I remain Yrs. very affectionately
Js. Madison Jr.


Title: From James Madison to James Monroe, 21 June 1786
From: Madison, James
To: Monroe, James

Dear Sir
Orange June 21th. [st] 1786.
Your favor of the 31th. ult. did not come to hand till two days ago. As I expect to see you in a short time, I will suspend the full communication of my ideas on the subject of it till I have that pleasure. I cannot however forbear in the mean time expressing my amazement that a thought should be entertained of surrendering the Missisipi and of guarantying the possessions of Spain in America. In the first place has not Virga., have not Congress themselves, and the Ministers of Congs. by their orders, asserted the right of those who live on the waters of the Missisipi to use it as the high road given by nature to the sea. This being the case, have Congress any more authority to say that the western citizens of Virginia shall not pass thro the capes of Missisipi than to say that her eastern citizens shall not pass thro the capes Henry and Charles. It should be remembered that the United States are not now extricating themselves from war a crisis which often knows no law but that of necessity. The measure in question would be a voluntary barter in time of profound peace of the rights of one part of the empire to the interests of another part. What would Massachusets say to a proposition for ceding to Britain her right of fishery as the price of some stipulations in favor of tobacco.
Again can there be a more shortsighted or dishonorable policy than to concur with Spain in frustrating the benevolent views of nature—to sell the affections of our ultramontane brethren to depreciate the richest fund we possess to distrust an ally whom we know to be able to befriend us and to have an interest in doing it against the only nation whose enmity we can dread, and at the same time to court by the most precious sacrifices the alliance of a nation whose impotency is notorious, who has given no proof of regard for us and the genius of whose government religion & manners unfit them, of all the nations in Christendom for a coalition with this country. Can any thing too, as you well observe, be more unequal than a stipulation which is to open all our ports to her and some only and those the least valuable of hers to us; and which places the commercial freedom of our ports against the fettered regulations of those in Spain. I always thought the stipulations with France and Holland of the privileges of the most favoured nation as unequal and only to be justified by the influence which the treaties could not fail to have on the event of the war. A stipulation putting Spanish subjects on the same footing with our own citizens is carrying the evil still farther without the same pretext for it; and is the more to be dreaded, as by making her the most favoured nation it would let in the other nations with whom we are now connected to the same privileges, whenever they may find it their interest to make the same compensation for them whilst we have not a reciprocal right to force them into such an arrangement in case our interest should dictate it. A guaranty is if possible still more objectionable. If it be insidious we plunge ourselves into infamy. If sincere, into obligations the extent of which cannot easily be determined. In either case we get farther into the labyrinth of European politics from which we ought religiously to keep ourselves as free as possible. And what is to be gained by such a rash step? Will any man in his senses pretend that our territory needs such a safeguard, or that if it were in danger, it is the arm of Spain that is to save it. Viewing the matter in this light I cannot but flatter myself, that if the attempt you apprehend should be made, it will be rejected with becoming indignation. I am less sanguine as to the issue of the other matter contained in your letter. I know the mutual prejudices which impede every overture towards a just & final settlement of claims & accts. I persist in the opinion that a proper & speedy adjustment is unattainable from any Assembly constituted as Congs. is, and acting under the impulse which they must. I need not repeat to you the plan which has always appeared to me most likely to answer the purpose. In the mean time, it is mortifying to see the other States or rather their Representatives, pursuing a course which will make the case more & more difficult, & putting arms into the hands of Enemies to every amendment of our federal System. God knows that they are formidable enough in this State, without such an advantage. With it their triumph will be certain & easy. But I have been led much farther already than I proposed, and will only add that I am with the sincerest affection Yr. friend & servt.
Js. M.
The inclosed Tickets belong to a very worthy friend who knows not how to obtain a small prize which they have drawn without giving you the trouble of applying for it. He is apprehensive that the door may be already shut agst. the demand. If it should not you will kind eno’ to call on the proper office, and get the proper certificate. There are but 2 of the Tickets I believe which are entitled to prizes, but as they cannot be distinguished here, it must be done by the Register in the Office.


Title: To James Madison from Francis Taylor, 25 June 1786
From: Taylor, Francis
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
25 June 1786.
I request you to sell the two Certificates I handed you Last thursday, if you can get Twenty five dollars for them including the interest due: tho’ hope they will sell for somewhat more. If you cannot sell them altogether perhaps the interest may be drawn seperately.
I have taken the liberty to inclose a memorial which was intended to have been presented to Virga Assembly—and request, if you should have it in your power without much trouble, to enquire if my claim for half pay would be allowed by Congress.
I have also inclosed the buttons which I desire to exchange for a round pair without a Cypher the brims somewhat thicker.
I wish you an agreeable journey, and am sincerely Your affecte. servant
Fra Taylor


Title: To James Madison from James Maury, 10 July 1786
From: Maury, James
To: Madison, James

Dr Sir,
Fredericksburg 10 July 1786
I expect to depart in the morning in order to Embark for Liverpoole the day following. Business out of the question, I shall really be happy to have it in my power to render you any acceptable Service. In a Capital I should be more in your Line—yet even there something may occur now & then which may be worth corresponding about. If it does I shall surely do myself that pleasure.
In the Interim; after thanking you much for your very great Kindness to me in regard to my pretensions to the Consulate, you will be so good in the Course of Correspondence from Time to Time just to intimate to your friends in Congress that I stil[l] wish to be considered a Candidate. London would be my first Choice Whether as Consul or vice Consul. Nor indeed, would I have an Objection to any of the ports on the Continent provided the Salaries or perquisites would be competent to a Support & not debar me from Trade. But if no thing better can be had, As I propose settling at Liverpool even this post might be worth having. These Things you will keep to yrself. I am with uncommon Esteem Yr most obt Svt
J. Maury


Title: From James Madison to James Monroe, 11 July 1786
From: Madison, James
To: Monroe, James

Dear Sir
Philada. July 11. 1786.
I reached this yesterday afternoon, not without sensible effects of the extreme heat of the four last days of my journey. A little repose will I hope soon refit both me & my horses for prosecuting it towards N. York. Before I set out however I wish to know from you, for I have forgotten, the precise sum which you have paid to Taylor, with the residue of the debt & the time at which it is to be paid. I wish this because some arrangements here will depend on it. When I left Virga. I expected that some little funds, which I had been preparing here, would by this time have been productive, and have enabled me to replace immediately & without further trouble, the advances you have made on my behalf, as well as to have deposited with you my share of the remaining debt. I am so far disappointed in this expectation, that I find it will be 30 or 40 days from this date before I can command the money. If any claims of Taylor however or your own situation, should require an earlier remittance, it will perhaps be in my power to effect an anticipation. Let me know also whether it will be out of your power as your last letter intimated, to make a trip up the North River, and whether you have recd. any further lig[hts] relative to things in that quarter. I have not changed either my opinions or my inclination with regard to an extension of our plans there. The only circumstance which creates difficulty with me is the precariousness at this moment of converting other property into the means of realizing my wishes on the Mohawk. I should think the little interest I have on the Western waters of Virga. in particular well disposed of in an exchange for one on the Eastern waters of N. Y. But I find a difficulty much greater than I expected in accomplishing the first step towards such a conversion, not such however as to make me think it a superfluous step to explore the new situation in case it should have your sanction. I shall wait an answer from you before I leave this. The delay would not be inconvenient if myself & horses were both fresh, as I have business here of my own & [still] of other people, sufficient to employ me for a still longer space. I remain Dr Sir Yr. affecte. friend
Js. Madison Jr


Title: From James Madison to Ambrose Madison, 7 August 1786
From: Madison, James
To: Madison, Ambrose

Dear Brother,
New York Aug. 7th, 1786.
The business depending before Congress not permitting Jas. Monroe to make a trip up the North River and a solitary trip being very disagreeable to me as well as likely to be less satisfactory in the result, I have declined for the present going further Northward than this City. I have however concerted some arrangements with Col. M: which have for their object, the extension of our speculations on the Mohawk. The purchase we have already made is so well ascertained to be a judicious one that I am confirmed in my wishes to add to it if possible. The crisis also is unquestionably favorable. Nothing can bear a worse aspect than our federal affairs as viewed from this position. No money comes into the public treasury, trade is on a wretched footing, and the States are running mad after paper money, which among other evils disables them from all contributions of specie for paying the public debts, particularly the foreign one. In Rhode Island a large sum has been struck and made a tender, and a severe penalty imposed on any attempt to discriminate between it and coin. The consequence is that provisions are witheld from the Market, the Shops shut up—a general distress and tumultuous meetings. The prices of produce seem to be lower here than in Philada. Tobo. is no exception to this remark.
The country suffers much from a want of rain. I understand by some persons just arrived here from Virga. that you have latterly been seasonable, or at least that the lower Country has been so. My next will be from Philada. Adieu
J. M. Jr.


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 12 August 1786
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir
Philada. Aug: 12th. 1786
My last of the 19th. of June intimated that my next would be from N. York or this place. I expected it would rather have been from the former which I left a few days ago, but my time was so taken up there with my friends and some business that I thought it best to postpone it till my return here. My ride through Virga. Maryd. & Pena. was in the midst of harvest. I found the crops of wheat in the upper parts of the two former considerably injured by the wet weather which my last described as so destructive in the lower parts of those States. The computed loss where I passed was about one third. The loss in the Rye was much greater: It was admitted however that the crops of both would have been unusually large but for this casualty. Throughout Pena. the wheat was unhurt, and the Rye very little affected. As I came by the way of Winchester & crossed the Potowmac at Harpers Ferry I had an opportunity of viewing the magnificent scene which nature here presents. I viewed it however under great disadvantages. The air was so thick that distant objects were not visible at all, and near ones not distinctly so. We ascended the mountain also at a wrong place, fatigued ourselves much in traversing it before we gained the right position, were threatened during the whole time with a thunder storm, and finally overtaken by it. Had the weather been favorable the prospect would have appeared to peculiar advantage, being enriched with the harvest in its full maturity, which filled every vale as far as the eye could reach. I had the additional pleasure here of seeing the progress of the works on the Potowmac. About 50 hands were employed at these falls or rather rapids, who seemed to have overcome the greatest difficulties. Their plan is to slope the fall by opening the bed of the river, in such a manner as to render a lock unnecessary, and by means of ropes fastened to the rocks, to pull up & ease down the boats where the current is most rapid. At the principal falls 150 hands I was told were at work, and that the length of the canal will be reduced to less than a mile, and carried through a vale which does not require it to be deep. Locks will here be unavoidable. The Undertakers are very sanguine. Some of them who are most so talk of having the entire work finished in three years. I can give no particular account of the progress on James River, but am told it is very flattering. I am still less informed of what is doing with North Carolina towards a Canal between her & our waters. The undertaking on the Susquehannah is said to be in such forwardness as to leave no doubt of its success. A negociation is set on foot between Pena. Maryd. & Delaware for a canal from the head of Chesapeak to the Delaware. Maryd. as I understand heretofore opposed the undertaking, and Pena. means now to make her consent to it a condition on which the opening of the Susquehannah within the limits of Pena. will depend. Unless this is permitted the opening undertaken within the limits of Maryland will be of little account. It is lucky that both parties are so dependent on each other as to be thus mutually forced into measures of general Utility. I am told that Pena. has complied with the joint request of Virga. and Maryland for a Road between the head of Potowmac and the waters of the Ohio and the secure & free use of the latter through her jurisdiction. These fruits of the Revolution do great honour to it. I wish all our proceedings merited the same character. Unhappily there are but too many belonging to the opposite side of the acct. At the head of these is to be put the general rage for paper money. Pena. & N. Carolina took the lead in this folly. In the former the sum emitted was not considerable, the funds for sinking it were good, and it was not made a legal tender. It issued into circulation partly by way of loan to individuals on landed security, partly by way of payment to the public Creditors. Its present depreciation is about 10 or 12 Per Ct. In N. Carolina the sums issued at different times has been of greater amount, and it has constantly been a tender. It issued partly in payments to military creditors, and latterly in purchases of Tobo. on public account. The Agent I am informed was authorized to give nearly the double of the current price, and as the paper was a tender, debtors ran to him with their Tobo. and the Creditors paid the expence of the farce. The depreciation is said to be 25 or 30 Per Ct. in that State. S. Carolina was the next in order. Her emission was in the way of loans to individuals, and is not a legal tender. But land is there made a tender in case of suits, which shuts the Courts of Justice, and is perhaps as great an evil. The friends of the emission say that it has not yet depreciated, but they admit that the price of commodities has risen, which is evidently the form in which depreciation will first shew itself. New Jersey has just issued £30,000 (dollar at 7/6), in loans to her Citizens. It is a legal tender. An addition of £100,000 is shortly to follow on the same principles. The terror of popular associations stifles as yet an overt discrimination between it & specie; but as this does not operate in Philada. & N. York where all the trade of N. J. is carried on, its depreciation has already commenced in those places & must soon communicate itself to N. J. New York is striking £200,000 (dollr. at 8/-) on the plan of loans to her Citizens. It is made a legal tender in case of suits only. As it is but just issuing from the press, its depreciation exists only in the foresight of those who reason without prejudice on the subject. In Rhode Island £100,000 (dolr. at 6/.) has lately been issued in loans to individuals. It is not only made a tender, but severe penalties annexed to the least attempt direct or indirect to give a preference to specie. Precautions dictated by distrust in the rulers, soon produced it in the people. Supplies were witheld from the Market, the Shops were shut, popular meetings ensued, and the State remains in a sort of Convulsion. The Legislature of Massts. at their last Session rejected a paper emission by a large majority. Connecticut & N. Hampshire also have as yet foreborne, but symptoms of the danger it is said begin to appear in the latter. The Senate of Maryd. has hitherto been a bar to paper in that State. The clamor for it is now universal, and as the periodical election of the Senate happens at this crisis, and the whole body is unluckily by their constitution to be chosen at once, it is probable that a paper emission will be the result. If in spite of the zeal exerted agst. the old Senate a majority of them should be reelected, it will require all their firmness to withstand the popular torrent. Of the affairs of Georga. I know as little as of those of Kamskatska. Whether Virga. is to remain exempt from the epidemic malady will depend on the ensuing Assembly. My hopes rest chiefly on the exertions of Col. Mason and the failure of the experiments elsewhere. That these must fail is morally certain; for besides the proofs of it already visible in some States, and the intrinsic defect of the paper in all, this fictitious money will rather feed than cure the spirit of extravagance which sends away the coin to pay the unfavorable balance, and will therefore soon be carried to market to buy up coin for that purpose. From that moment depreciation is inevitable. The value of money consists in the uses it will serve. Specie will serve all the uses of paper. Paper will not serve one of the essential uses of specie. The paper therefore will be less valuable than specie. Among the numerous ills with which this practice is pregnant, one I find is that it is producing the same warfare & retaliation among the States as were produced by the State regulations of commerce. Massts. & Connecticut have passed laws enabling their Citizens who are debtors to Citizens of States having paper money, to pay their debts in the same manner as their Citizens who are Creditors to Citizens of the latter States are liable to be paid their debts.
The States which have appointed deputies to Annapolis are N. Hampshire, Massts. R. Island, N. Y. N. J. Pena. Delaware & Virga. Connecticut declined not from a dislike to the object, but to the idea of a Convention, which it seems has been rendered obnoxious by some internal Conventions which embarrassed the Legislative Authority. Maryd. or rather her Senate negatived an appointment because they supposed the measure might interfere with the plans or prerogatives of Congs. N. Carolina has had no Legislative meeting since the proposition was communicated. S. Carolina supposed she had sufficiently signified her concurrence in a general regulation of trade by vesting the power in Congs. for 15 years. Georgia —— Many Gentlemen both within & without Congs. wish to make this Meeting subservient to a Plenipotentiary Convention for amending the Confederation. Tho’ my wishes are in favor of such an event, yet I despair so much of its accomplishment at the present crisis that I do not extend my views beyond a Commercial Reform. To speak the truth I almost despair even of this. You will find the cause in a measure now before Congress of which you will receive the details from Colo. Monroe. I content myself with hinting that it is a proposed treaty with Spain one article of which shuts the Mississipi for twenty five or thirty years. Passing by the other southern states figure to yourself the effect of such a stipulation on the assembly of Virginia already jealous of northern policy and which will be composed of about thirty members from the western waters; of a majority of others attached to the western country from interests of their own[,] of their friends or their constituents and of many others who though indifferent to the Mississipi will zealously play off the disgust of its friends against federal measures. Figure to yourself its effect on the people at large on the western waters who are impatiently waiting for a favorable result to the negociation with Guardoqui: & who will consider themselves as sold by their Atlantic brethren. Will it be an unnatural consequence if they consider themselves as absolved from every federal tie and court some protection for their betrayed rights? This protection will appear more attainable from the maritime power of Britain than from any other quarter and Britain will be more ready than any other nation to seize an opportunity of embroiling our affairs. What may be the motive with Spain to satisfy herself with a temporary occlusion of the Mississipi at the same time that she holds forth our claim to it as absolutely inadmissible is matter of conjecture only. The patrons of the measure in Congress contend that the minister who at present governs the Spanish councils means only to disembarass himself at the expence of his successors. I should rather suppose he means to work a total separation of interest and affection between the western and eastern settlements and to foment the jealousy between the eastern & southern States. By the former the population of the western country it may be expected, will be checked and the Mississipi so far secured and by both the general security of Spanish America be promoted. As far as I can learn the assent of nine states in Congress will not at this time be got to the proposed treaty but an unsuccessful attempt by six or seven will favor the views of Spain and be fatal I fear to an augmentation of the federal authority, if not to the little now existing. My personal situation is rendered by this business particularly mortifying. Ever since I have been out of Congress I have been inculcating on our assembly a confidence in the equal attention of Congress to the rights and interests of every part of the republic and on the western members in particular, the necessity of making the Union respectable by new powers to Congress if they wished Congress to negociate with effect for the Mississipi. I leave to Col. Monroe the giving you a particular account of the Impost. The Acts of Penna. Delaware & N. York must be revised & amended in material points before it can be put in force, and even then the fetters put on the collection by some other States will make it a very awkward business. Your favor of 25th. of April from London found me here. My letter from Richmd. at the close of the Assembly will have informed you of the situation in which British debts stand in Virga. Unless Congs. say something on the subject I do not think any thing will be done by the next Session. The expectations of the British Merchants coincide with the information I had recd.; as your opinion of the steps proper to be taken by the Assembly, do with those for which I have ineffectually contended. The merits of Mr. P. will ensure every attention from me to his claim as far as general principles will admit. I am afraid that these will insuperably bar his wishes. The Catalogues sent by Mr. Skipwith I do not expect to receive till I get back to Virga. If you meet with “Graecorum Respublicae ab Ubbone Emmio descriptae,” Lugd. Batavorum, 1632, pray get it for me.
My trip to N. Y. was occasioned chiefly by a plan concerted between Col. Monroe & myself for a purchase of land on the Mohawk. Both of us have visited that district, and were equally charmed with it. The soil is perhaps scarcely inferior to that of Kentucky, it lies within the body of the Atlantic States, & at a safe distance from every frontier. It is contiguous to a branch of Hudson’s River which is navigable with trifling portages which will be temporary, to tide-water, and is not more than ten, 15 or 20 miles from populous settlements where land sells at £8 & £10 per Acre. In talking of this Country sometime ago with General Washington he considered it in the same light with Monroe and myself, intimating that if he had money to spare and was disposed to deal in land, this is the very spot which his fancy had selected out of all the U. S. We have made a small purchase, and nothing but the difficulty of raising a sufficient sum restrained us from making a large one. In searching for the means of overcoming this difficulty, one has occurred which we have agreed that I should mention to you and which if you should think as we do is recomended by the prospect of advantage to your self as well as to us. We mention it freely because we trust that if it does not meet your sanction you will as freely tell us so. It is that the aid of your credit in your private capacity be used for borrowing say, four or five thousand louis more or less, on the obligation of Monro and myself, with your suretyship to be laid out by Monro and myself for our triple emolument: an interest not exceeding six per cent to be paid annually and the principal within a term not less than eight or ten years. To guard agst. accidents a private instrument might be executed among ourselves specifying all necessary covenants. We have not taken the resolution of submitting this plan without well examining the expediency of your becoming a party to it as well as the prospect of its succeeding. There can certainly be no impropriety in your taking just means of bettering your fortune nor can we discover any in your doing this on the Mohawk more than on James River. For the prospect of gain by the rise of the land beyond the interest of the money we calculate on the present difference of price between the settled and vacant land far beyond any possible difference in the real value. The former as has been noted sells for eight or ten pounds per acre. The latter distinguished only by its being a little higher up the river & its being uninhabited was bought by us for one dollar and a half and there is little doubt that by taking a larger quantity, still better bargains may be got. This comparative cheapness proceeds from causes which are accidental & temporary. The lands in question are chiefly in the hands of men who hold large quantities, and who are either in debt or live in the city at an expence for which they have no other resource or are engaged in transactions that require money. The scarcity of specie which enters much into the cheapness is probably but temporary also. As it is the child of extravagance it will become the parent of economy which will regain us our due share of the universal medium. The same vicicitude which can only be retarded by our short lived substitutes of paper will be attended also by such a fall in the rate of exchange that money drawn by bills from Europe now and repaid a few years hence will probably save one years interest at least & I will only add that scarce an instance has happened in which purchases of new lands of good quality and in good situations have not well rewarded the adventurers. With these remarks which determine our judgments we submit to your better one the project to which they relate. Wishing you every possible happiness I remain Dr Sir your affectionate friend & Servt.
Js. Madison Jr.

Mrs. House & Mrs. Trist desire to be particularly remembered to yourself & Miss Patsy. I left with Col. Monroe let[t]ers for you both from Mrs. T. which will probably go by the same packet with this.