Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 23 May 1807
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

Dr Sir
Quincy May 23d. 1807

I received at an Exhibition of Musick in our polite Village of Mount Woollaston, on thursday, your Letter relative to Mr Loude, and sent it immediately to Dr Tufts by his Lady, that the Young Gentlemans Friends might be informed of his Situation. I lament the untimely decline of a Youth, although I never Saw him, who has been represented to me, as one who injured his health by too intense an application to Study. I never heard his Name, but once when my Brother Cranch mentioned him to me, before he embarked on his Voyage.
And now I have mentioned my Brother Cranch, a Gentleman of fourscore, whose Memory is better than mine, I will relate to you a conversation with him last Evening. I asked him if he recollected the first line of a Couplet, whose Second Line was “And Empire rises where the Sun descends.” He paused a Moment and Said
The Eastern Nations Sink; their glory ends
And Empire rises where the Sun descends.
I asked him if Deane Bercley was the Author of them. He answered No. The Tradition was, as he had heard it, for Sixty Years, that these Lines were inscribed, or rather drilled into a Rock on the Shore of Monument Bay in our old Colony of Plymouth, and were Supposed to have been written and engraved there by Some of the first Emigrants from Leyden who landed at Plymouth. However this may be, I may add my Testimony to Mr Cranch’s that I have heard these verses for more than Sixty years.
I conjecture that Berkley became connected with them in my head by Some report that the Bishop had copied them into some publication. There is nothing in my little reading, more ancient in my Memory than the Observation that Arts Sciences and Empire had travelled Westward: and in Conversation it was always added, Since I was a Child that this next Leap would be over the Atlantick into America.
The Claim of the 1776 Men of to the honour of first conceiving the Idea of American Independence, or of first inventing the project, of it, is as ridiculous as that of Dr Priestly, to the discovery of the Perfectibility of Man.
I hereby disclaim all Pretensions to it, because it was much more ancient than my Nativity. Your Friend
J. Adams


Title: To John Adams from Rachel Cunningham, 8 June 1807
From: Cunningham, Rachel
To: Adams, John

Sir
                            8: June 1807 Morisania

tho a stranger I take the Liberty of addressing you on a subject that very much Interests me, & I hope will you—I have become acquainted with a Miss Francis Adams the Daughter of Mr. Jno. Adams, who Married a Sister of Ebenz. Oliver Esqr. of Boston—Dr. Rand—married (I believe) another Sister—this Dear Girl, is Young, & Beautiful—& a Relation of your own—She had a Brother who made a very foolish connection in New York—& with whom Francis, lived till Death—deprived her of Him & another Brother—within a short, period of time—when Jno. Died she was left at the Mercy of His Widow—who resides with her Mother, a Dutch, Woman &, Francis finding she must assist Herself—went with a fortitude, and Magnanimity, that does her Honor, & learn’d the Mantuamaking business at which She has worked ever since, in a few of the best Families in N.Y. She Boards with a distant Relation of mine—the Daughter of a Respectable Mercht. She has a Sister—Shame on her—that is Married to a Wholesale Iron Monger in New-York; with which Sister she cannot live, with any kind of pleasure—
I have taken particular pains, to ascertain whether Frances, is in any way unworthy the notice of Her Relations—& the Scrutiny, turns out to her advantage—I love her, as my Daughter—if her friends dont wish to protect her—under their own Roof— Surely You, can make Interest—with them to allow her enough to make her Independent of Mantuamaking—she is an Elegant Girl that would Grace any circle, however brilliant—
I need not observe; to a Man of the World as you are, the Danger She runs—alone, and unprotected—Just grown up—with Beauty, & every thing that can make her a Desirable object to the Unprincipled— of your Sex—want of fortune will be a bar to her Marrying—& the situation She is in precludes her from any hope of matching with her eaquals, shall I make any further appology, for giving you this trouble? no—I will not pay so poor a compliment to your feelings—She does not know of this application, her proud spirit, would revolt at it—I beg a speedy answer—I am at present on a Visit—at the Seat of Govn. Morris Esqr. where I shall remain a fortnight—She was unwell—& I have had her with me, till she was quite recovered I Saw her Safe home yesterday—& return’d in the Ev’ning—
I am Sir with the / Greatest, Respect— / Your Humbl. Servt.

Rachel CunninghamP. S. I dont wish that this application Should be made known to any one but her Relations—no one here knows that She is obliged to get her living I carefully hid, that—as I all along—hoped, this Letter would effect, her Employment from that Slav   has a Mother  .


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Rush, 9 June 1807
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

My dear friend
Philadelphia June 9th: 1807.

Permit me to trouble you with the delivery of the enclosed letter to Dr Tufts. It contains an Account of the death of his patient Mr: Land, and a small sum of money to be sent by the Doctor to Mr: Land’s parents in new Hamshire.
I sent you Mr Stevens’s pamphflet “on the dangers of the Country” a few days ago. I beg your Acceptance of it.
Since the date of my last letter I have been made very happy by the sight a Visit from my two daughters with the husband of One of them (Mr Cuthbert) and thier four Children, making with a niece of Mr Cuthbert’s and their Servants, an Addition of ten to my family. The Scene of joy produced by this event marks an  era in the lives of my dear Mrs Rush and myself. They purpose to remain with us Until the latter end of this month. My daughter Manners has refuted by her chearful deportment all the gloomy fears I had entertained of her Destiny in marriage: Her husband is every thing the most indulgent parents could wish a husband to be for an only and favorite daughter.—She expects to sail for England with him in the Course of the present year.
Expect a longer letter from me Shortly. In the mean while be assured of the respect and Affection of your sincere and Obliged friend

Benjn: Rush


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 23 June 1807
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Quincy June 23. 1807

I have received your favour of the ninth of this Month, and conveyed to Dr Tufts your Letter to him, who desireses me to express to you the high sense he has of your Benevolence And Humanity to Mr John Loude. The Doctor will write you, as soon as he can find means of conveying to the Parents of that unfortunate youth the money you enclosed. What Shall We Say, my Friend? A pious and virtuous youth, Struggling from his Cradle with Poverty, impressed with an unquenchable Thirst of Knowledge, and through every difficulty forcing his Way to universal Love and Esteem wherever he, went, cutt off in his Career and thrown into the Grave, like an Useless or a noxious Weed, when Such Men as you and I can recollect in Abundance, live to three score years and ten and even fourscore and fourscore and ten.? This Child neither was guilty of Perjury to the Gods, nor Impiety to his Parents, nor Treason against his Country, nor Murder of his fellows, nor any of those Crimes, which ancient and Modern Phylosophers and Legislators have taught Us to believe the most calculated to drawn down divine Vengeance. He had no guilt directly nor indirectly in the Slave Trade. He was neither principal nor Accessory, neither Aider Abetter or Accomplice in depriving any human Being of his Liberty, Life or Property. We must not ascribe his Misfortunes and Death, Vindictæ Divinæ. We must have recourse to our good Religion for the solution of the difficulty, for there only We shall find it.
From Reflections like those the Transition is easy to “The Dangers of the Country,” a Pamphlet for which I thank you and which I have read with great Pleasure and much Advantage. It abounds with Observations of the greatest importance and with Information much of which was new to me.
I was provoked, to hear it lately mentioned with a certain Slight, and charged with declamation. The Allusion might be to his reflections on the Slave Trade: and although there is not a Word that he Says upon that Subject which I did not read with delight, I must acknowledge that I cannot concur in his Conclusions. That the Calamities of Europe, are a punishment for her Vices I have not doubt. But She has Sinned against the whole Decalogue and the Crimes of Sodom might be assigned as the procuring Cause of the Anger of heaven as well as the Slave Trade. We are too much byassed by our Self Love and our private Interests And affections as well as by our peculiar turn of thinking; and our Information is too contracted for Us to be competent Judges of the designs of Providence in the distribution of good and Evil, Rewards and Punishments to Nations or Individuals in this World. I could adduce Facts and Arguments, in a particular Case, to prove the Interposition of Providence to punish the Enemies of one Man, as plausible as those of Mr Stevens to Shew that Bonaparte has been raised up to Scourge the Trades in Slaves. I ought not to introduce my Essay without Something like a Preface.
The Saying of Vitellius that “the Body of a dead Ennemy always Smells well” was always as abhorrent to my moral Sentiments as the Expression was loathsome to my Senses. I have often heard Dr Franklin Say that “one of the Pleasures of old Age was to outlive ones Ennemies.” This Sentiment also never failed to disgust and Shock me. Possibly I might think there was more Inhumanity and Indelicacy in it, than he felt or intended. But I have never allowed myself to rejoice in the Death of Ennemies, and I know not that I ever heard of the death of any Enemy without pain. If this could have been a Source of pleasure to me, I Should have had a Surfeit of it. You will not Suspect that I am weak or presumptuous enough to believe or even to conjecture that Providence has ever Specially interposed to vindicate me or to discountenance my Ennemies. The Thought Strikes me with horror. Yet for what I know there may have been Fanaticks in the World, who would have flattered themselves that they were Favourites
Soon after I took my Seat, in the Chair of the Senate as Vice President of the United States, a certain Edward Church, who made himself my Enemy for no reason that I know of, unless it were because his Brother Benjamin was accused of Treason, published a Scandalous & Scurrilous Libel against me in Verse, for which Washington ought to have punished him: but instead of frowning upon him he appointed him Consul at Lisbon, where his Conduct was So bad that the Government complained against him, and he was removed and became a Vagabond. A certain Loyd was then at New York and was employed as I was informed to write Libells against me in the Newspapers. But he found So little Encouragement that he returned to England where I soon heard that he was imprisoned in the Kings Bench and Sett in the Pillory for Libells against the government. Greenleaf too a Printer of a Jacobin Paper in New York, who filled his Columns for years with libellous Paragraphs against me, was at length carried off by the yellow Fever. In Philadelphia, a certain Peter Marcou, a drunken Poet, discarded by his Father from all the Apartments in his House but his Kitchen, who was frequently Seen drunk and asleep in the Streets, was hired from time to time, with Potts of Strong Beer, by Andrew Brown, to Step aside into a Closet in his House and write virulent Libells against me, for the Philadelphia Gazette. It was not long before this insolent Sott, drank himself into his Grave. Andrew Brown himself when he first opened his printing Office came out to Bush Hill, in the most cringing manner to beg of me the Loan of Tom Paines Rights of Man, the two first Copies of which were received by me from Brand Hollis and Billy Franklin. He not only kept my Pamphlet, which he Solemnly promised to return, but immediately commenced in his Newspaper the most vilainous Course of Lies against me that his own Ingenuity added to that of the Toper Marcou could invent. Pickering who had him in his Power took him in hand, and brought him to the most abject Submission and the most Solemn Promises of Amendment. But he could not long refrain from abusing me, till his House was burnt and his Wife and Children in it, and himself Scortched to Such a degree that he died in a few days. This looks the most like the Vindicta divina, for Some Crime or other. Benjamin Beach too, in his Aurora, in revenge for Washingtons neglect of his Father and his Family was converted from a zealous Federalist to an abandoned Jacobin And became of course one of the most malicious Libellers of me. But the yellow Fever arrested him in his detestable Career, and Sent him to his Grandfather from whom he inherited a dirty, envious, jealous and revengfull Spight against me, for no other cause, under heaven than because I was too honest a Man to favour or connive at his Selfish Schemes of Ambition and Avarice. Next to him I will mention John Fenno the younger, who after his Fathers death, threw himself into the Arms of an English Faction, and with the utmost ingratitude to me, not only published his own Abuses but the Libells of Macdonald the British Commissioner, and Some of his Tools Such as Will. Smith and others. Well! what became of John Fenno junior? Why the yellow Fever Soon disposed of him. Cobbet too, from being a prodigious Admirer of me became a Libbeller not only of you but of me. And of me for no other reason but because I would not involve my Country in a foreign and civil War, merely to make Alexander Hamilton, Commander in Chief of an Army of fifty thousand Men. This compleated Cobbets ruin in America, where he had once a Prospect of making a fortune. Alexander Callender, for that I belive was his name, though he assumed that of Stephens Thompson Mason, his great Patron and Protector, to disguise his real name and Character: for I presume he was the Rascal who fled from a criminal prosecution in Scotland, and left his Bail in the Lurch. This Fellow who knew nothing of me, was bribed to publish the most infamous Calumnies against me. His Fate is well known. Discarded by the Party who had bribed him, he became as arrant a Libeller of them, and was evidently preparing to become the Instrument of his CoPatriot, his Brother Scotchman Alexander Hamilton, in order to procure him to be elected President of the United states. This Miscreant, after Spending half his time in the lowest Intoxication in the Streets and in the vilest places, after getting his head broken and Suffering every Insult was found drowned in the Sea or a River whether he dropped in a fit or was plunged in by an Enemy. Thus ended Callender, and his Name Sake & Countryman Alexander Hamilton came to an end not much more to be envied. Of all the Libellers of me this was the most unprovoked, the most ungrateful and the most unprincipled. Under the most Specious the appearances and Professions, of the most cordial respectful and Affectionate Attachment to me, and after having received a thousand favours and obligations from me, I have, now Evidence enough that he had concealed the most insidious Schemes and plotts to undermine my reputation and deprive me of the favour of the Public. Finding he could not Succeed in this, he took Advantage of a moment of fermentation wickedly excited by himself and his fellow Conspirators, to come out with the most false malicious and revengefull Libell that ever was written. To this he had no Provocation but because I would make Peace with France, and could not in conscience make him Commander in Chief of an Army of fifty thousand Men. But this Caitiff too came to a bad End. Fifteen years of continual Slanders against Burr, great numbers of which I heard myself, provoked a Call to the Field of Honor as they call it, and Sent him, pardoned I hope in his last moments, to his long home by a Pistol Bullet through his Spine.
Burr, I never considered as my personal Enemy. He would not have been my political Enemy, if Wash Hamilton would have permitted Washington to allow me to nominate him to the Senate as a Brigadier in the Army. But Burr must and would be Something, and flectere Sine queo Superos Accharonta movebo, was as excusable a Maxim in him, as it was in Hamilton, McKean, Fred. Muhlenbourg, Tenche Coxe, and fifty more that I could name in one breath. Burr became my political Enemy and Jeffersons political Friend, not from any affection to him or disaffection to me, but merely to make Way for himself to mount the Ladder of Ambition. The most efficatious Enemy and Friend to be Sure he was. By intriguing with Clintons and Livingstons against Hamilton he turned the State of New York and consequently the Ballance of the Continent. But what has been Burrs reward? It is doubtful whether Hamilton Andrew Brown, or Alexander Callender, are So Signal Monuments of divine Vengeance and whether their destiny is not to be preferred to his. At the same time that I Say this, I am not insensible of the Possibility that he may yet be President of the United States.
I could Swell this Catalogue to a much greater Length, by enumerating Instances of Individuals and Parties who have been marked with signal Misfortunes after having been guilty of Injustice and Baseness to me. But these are enough. If I could take pleasure in the death or Calamities of my Enemies, I might have a Surfeit of it. But I have not a disposition So vindictive: and if I had I would, exert all my Philosophy and Summon all my Religion to Subdue and Suppress it.
Now let me ask you have I not proved that Providence has frowned upon my Ennemies by Facts as certain and Arguments as conclusive as those by which Mr Stevens attempts to prove the Calamities of Europe to be punishments for her sins against Affrica.
General Inferences Should never be drawn from Single Facts, or even from Several Instances, especially in contemplating the inscrutable and incomprehensible Councils of Providence. I Should rejoice in the Prospect of the Abolition of the Slave Trade as Sincerely as any Man: But, I am apprehensive, if England Suppresses their share of it, Napoleons at the head of France Spain and Holland will not only monopolize it, but extend it Still more.
I am, Affectionately yours

J Adams


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 25 June 1807
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Quincy June 25. 1807

John Bunjan, if he had written my last Letter to you would have called it an history of Gods Judgments against Lyars and Libellers. Such indeed it seems to be. A great Number of others might have been added, and two or three at least ought to have been.
Phillip Freneau is one of the Number: but I know not in what Light to consider him. A Libeller, he certainly was not only against me but against the whole Administration of the Government at that time. But he Seems to have been an Instrument in the hands of others, and not well Satisfied with his Employment or his Employers. He has retired for many years into total obscurity certainly neglected by the Party which Seduced him and I hope repenting of his Wickedness If this is the Case he ought to be forgiven by all whom he has injured or offended, as he certainly has been long since, by me.
A certain Man named Wood, undertook to write and print an History of my Administration in two Octavo Volumes. To be Sure it was a Mass of Lyes from the first Page to the last. This Man has Suffered a most righteous Punishment.–and such a Punishment as would gratify my revenge if I had any, more than the calcining of Andrew Brown or the Pistol Shot of Alexander Hamilton: I mean a Conviction of the Falshood of his own story, a Confession that he received his Materials from Duane, and an Acknowledgment in Print that Some of them were false, and that no dependence could be had on any of them. The Expense of this Publication was wholly lost. By whom the loss was borne I know not. In this Instance I had compleat Satisfaction, Repenting Nineveh was Spared, though and my resentment compleatly disarmed, though Some invisible Prophet or other no doubt must have fretted.
I will close the Catalogue for the present, with an Example of a Man who I believe has justly acquired the honourable Distinction of being the greatest Lyar of the Age. I am convinced he has written and printed more Lies than any Man in America at least. For Eighteen or Nineteen years this Man, hardened in impudence, has distinguished me with a course of his Calumnies. But what has been his reward? I really know not a Single Man of good Character who does not hold him in Abhorrence, And many if not all the most Sensible Men of his own Party, cannot conceal their Contempt of him. He has received every Insult, in the Streets, and his unconquerable Propensity to Slander, and his impudent refusal to give reasonable Satisfaction, got him posted as a Lyar and a Coward. Not having spirit to resent this himself, he is said to have encouraged his son to attack Selfridge on Change who shot him upon the Spot. It gives me pain to write this. But it ought to be considered by the Slanderer as a terrible Rebuke and Chastisement of his long continued and aggravated Guilt.
Dennison has got his quietus: Duane and Cheetham have theirs to come, and they certainly will come.
A certain John Williams who assumed the Name of Anthony Pasquin fled from the Laugh and the Wrath of England, and coming to Boston became the Editor of the Democrat and afterwards of the Chronicle. He was Soon Seized with the epidemical Distempter, among Libellers, an Ambition of the  honour of venting Billingsgate against me! But even the Democratick Party, disgusted with his Vileness compelled their own Newspapers to discard him. What is become of him I know not. Gifford and Erskine had Stigmatized him to such a degree that I believe his Capacity to do mischief is at an End.
I might have mentioned another, a David Williams, who as he told me had been on very intimate Terms with Dr Franklin in London. He came to See me in Grosvenor Square, but Dr Price put me on my guard against him. He had been a Priest of the Church of England, but was unfrocked, if not excommunicated for his Vices and Crimes and then became an Infidell filling his Writings with Contempt of the Christian Religion. In a Pamphlet of real Taste and Merit which he called Advice to a young Prince, he gave me a Stab behind my Back with his Italian Stilletto. He went to France and was praised by Madam Roland, but he was not a Man to Succeed any where and I Suppose made the French as weary of him as they were of Tom Pain. I could forgive these Williams’s, profligate as they were to the rest of the World, for all the Injury they did me for a smattering at least which they possessed of Classical Taste and Learning.
The Rear of this black Host, Shall be brought up by Tom Pain, you know that I made the motion for his Appointment by Congress to be Secretary to the Committee of foreign affairs, and carried it in opposition to Dr Witherspoon who gave him publickly what has since been found to be his true Character, though at that time wholly unknown to me. His Gratitude to me, for thus laying the foundation of his fortune, has been like all his moral sentiments, and Conduct through Life.
Immediately after the Publication of my “Thoughts: on Government” in 1776, since known as my Letter to Mr Wythe, Tom came to my Chambers at Mrs Yards, to rebuke me for my Pamphlet, and es especially for recommending too two Assemblies in the Legislature, and more pointedly Still for Advising to a Negative on the Laws in the Executive Authority. I vindicated my opinions, in cool good humour with very Solid Reasons, and then began to laugh at him, in the same Straine of Pleasantry upon his ridiculous plan of Government in his Pamphlet called “common sense”. You remember his Project was that, afterwards adopted by Mr Turgot, of all Authority in one Center, a Single Representatives assembly.—I went farther, and laughing in his face, asked him how he could be Such a Pharasaical Hypocrite as to employ his thoughts through one other third Part of his Pamphlet, to prove from the Old Testiment that Monarchy was unlawful and Solemnly prohibited by the Law of God. When he certainly must have Sense enough to know that there was nothing like it in the Bible.—Upon this he laughed out, and Said that he did not believe in the Bible: and added these memorable Words “I have had thoughts of publishing my Sentiments upon Religion: but upon the whole I have concluded to postpone that Subject to the latter part of Life.”— In some of his late Libells upon me, Pain alluded to this Conversation, and Said that he had long suspected me, because I had found fault with his Sentiments against Monarchy, in his Pamphlet common Sense. The Provocation, however, that excited his Motive and Revenge against me, was this. He went to England in 1787 I believe and carried with him a Copy of the new Constitution of the United States. He appeared to be very proud of it; and I was frequently disgusted with his Boasts to Stockdale and De Brett that he was the author of it. De Brett published it, from a Copy furnished him as he said by the author of it. Pain told me that it was taken from a Draught of his, which he gave to Governor Morris.—I thought it would be no recommendation of it in England to have it pass for a Production of Tom Paine, a Tale which I did not believe. Pain however called several times to see me, and was invited to dine. His Conversation always disgusting was one day, uncommonly vain, rude, and arrogant at Table, and in some dispute about Government he talked so much like a Villain and a Blackhead as to excite me to wrath, and I called him, not jocularly, but bona fidê and in sober earnest “A Fool,” Although, “A Fool” he certainly was and ever has been. I must confess, that to call him so to his Face in my own house and at my own Table, was such a violation of his Rights and my Duties, of Hospitality, that I would very readily ask his Pardon, even at this day if his pardon was worth having. Although he expressed no Anger at the time he came no more to my house and I have never seen him since. He reserved his Resentment for many years, and at last poured it out in Libells. As far as I am concerned I am ready to ballance the account by setting my calling him a Fool against all the Injuries his Libells have done me.
But this is a Libeller whose guilt is of a deeper crimson, than all the others. He has libelled, besides all the Souvereigns of the Earth the Souvereign of the Universe, and to him I leave his Punishment or his Pardon.
I have given you a Scroul of Wretches more worthy to be immortalised in Infamy by a Dunciad than all the Heroes of Popes exquisite Satyr: but if I had the Wit, and Talents of the great Poet, I would employ them to better purpose than by Writing such a Book.
I am affectionately yours

J. Adams


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Rush, 9 July 1807
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

My dear friend,
Philadelphia July 9th: 1807.

I once met Alexander Cruden the Author of the Concordance of the Scriptures at Charles Dilly’s. He was then about 70 years of Age. The only thing he said while I was in his Company made an impression upon my mind which the lapse of near 40 years has not worn away. It was this. “God punishes some Crimes in this world to teach us there is a Providence, and permits Others to escape with impunity, to teach us there is a future judgment” Your two last letters contain some very striking proofs of the truth of the former part of Mr Crudens proposition. Your Case has been somewhat singular, and widely different from mine. My enemies have generally been prosperous in the World. The men physicians who by their publications, and desertion of our city in the year 1793, and laid the foundation of All the Controversies which took place at that time upon the treatment and origin of the yellow fever, and of the greatest part of its mortality, have ever since, been the favorites of the public,—and the more so, for the injuries they did to me,—for no punishment in the loss of reputation and business has been thought too great for the man who has blasted the Character and depreciated the property of Philadelphia by asserting it to be the birth place of the yellow fever.—I mention this fact without complaining of it. Retribution may even yet reach them in this World. If it do not, I am sure it will in the World to come.
In one of your former letters you spoke in high terms of Prudence. I neglected to reply to your encomiums upon it. General Lee used to call it “a rascally Virtue.” It certainly has more Counterfits than any Other Virtue, and when real, it partakes very much of a selfish nature. It was this virtue that protected the property and lives of most of the Tories during the American Revolution. It never atchieved any thing great in human Affairs. Luther—Harvey—and many Other Authors of new Opinions and discourses were devoid of it, so were the Adamses & Hancock who gave the signals for war in the year 1775. In private life what is commonly called prudence is little else than a System of selflove. A patient of mine once named me (without my knowledge) with two other persons, one of whom was his brother, as Executors of his will. Knowing his brother to be a notorious rogue, and wishing not to Act as an executor myself, I called upon my third Colleague and urged him instantly to take Charge in a legal way of all the property of our deceased friend. He said he could not do this without offending our friend’s brother. I asked him if he did not believe he would apply all our friends property to his own Use? he said yes—but that he could not act as I advised, without a Quarrel with him—and “that he never had a dispute with any man in his life.” Foreseeing the loss of our friends property, I qualified as an Executor, and thereby rescued the all his estate of our friend from the hands of his brother except 300 Dollars which he collected and appropriated to his own use. By this acting in this manner I paid my friends debts, & saved a hansome sum for his only Child, and that I might not incur even a suspicion of acting from interested motives, I gave all my Commissions on the Cash I received or expended to my brother executor who refused to concur with me in offending our friends brother. The result of this Conduct was, a not a Quarrel with the fellow for (for he was below a resentful reply) but the most intemperate Abuse from him, and a threat to expose me in the newspapers for an Attack upon his honor & Character. My Colleague in the mean while kept up a friendly intercourse with him, and thereby retained the character of a prudent peaceable man.—
During the Revolutionary War while I had charge of the military hospitals, most of the surgeons & physicians connected with me complained of the ignorance, negligence & above all of the gross and extensive speculations in hospital Stores (while the sick suffered from the Want of them) of the Director General of the hospital establishment. To obviate these evils I became the organ of their complaints to Congress, by whom they were referred to General Washington who 18 months Afterwards ordered him before a Court martial. The officers of that Court were changed in several instances. The Director dined occasionally with several of them at the tables of General Officers during his tryal. None of the young men who had complained of him appeared against him,—but some of them appeared in his favor. They all got Credit for their prudence. John Brown Cutting’s evidence overset mine, and the Director was acquitted,—nor was this all,—General Washington Afterwards gave him a Certificate for integrity, and good Conduct during the time he directed the Affairs of the hospital. He admitted that there had been disorders in them, but ascribed them to the deranged & confused state of the Army, and to difficulties which arose from the nature of the War. By this Certificate, he prudently avoided offending the Director, and a Quarrel with his two Brothers in law who then possessed an unbounded influence over the Councils of Congress. The business ended in my being obliged to resign my Commission, and leaving the Army with the Character of a n am factious ambitious—imprudent man who wished only to occupy the place of the Director General of the hospitals.
After the above detail, you will not wonder at my coldness and indifference to public Affairs.
While I have thus exposed the Counterfits of prudence, far be from me to deny the reality, and excellency of that Virtue. Its existence is admitted, & its Advantages are extolled admitted described by St Paul. My worthy friend Bishop White has proved by his Conduct that this life that prudence can exist with firmness and integrity in the highest degree. In the Cause of truth and humanity like it may be said of him what the good Regent of Scotland the Earl of Murray said of John Knox at his over his grave. “There lies a man who never feared the face of man.” I have often known the Bishop say and do offensive, but just things, and yet still retain his friends & Character. Such men are as rare as great Generals & statesmen.
Alas!—The events at Norfolk!—Where—where—will they end?—
Col: Burr retains in his Confinement, his usual good Spirits.—He is a nondescript in the history of human nature. Should he be acquitted—you say he may yet be President of the United States.—It is possible. Some worse men hold high Appointments in every part of our Country.
My Daughters with their suit left us last week, and under distressing Apprehensions of being long—long seperated from us not only by distance, but by a war between our respective Countries.—
Adieu! with love & respect as usual in which Mrs Rush & all my young folks join, I am Dr Sir your Affectionate / & obliged friend

Benjn: Rush
PS: It I have accidentally discovered the Wm Smith who recommended his son to me from New York. It is a Scotch Clergyman who came recommended to me above 20 years ago & who has lately given up a Charge in Connecticut and opened a School in New York.—


Title: From John Adams to Mercy Otis Warren, 11 July 1807
From: Adams, John
To: Warren, Mercy Otis

Dear Madam
Quincy July 11. 1807

As it is neither consistent with my Principles, Disposition or habits, upon any misunderstanding with an ancient Friend, to conceive Resentment and hostility to be changed into an Enemy, I shall still continue my old Style of address to Mrs. Warren.
I have read much if not all your history of the Rise Progress and termination of the American Revolution.
I am not about to write a review of it. If I were to do this under an oath to tell the Truth, the whole Truth and Nothing but the Truth, the Commentary would certainly be at least twice as voluminous as the Text. But as in those Passages which relate personally to me, there are several Mistakes. I propose at my Leisure to point out some of them to you, in the spirit of Friendship, that you may have an opportunity, in the same spirit to correct them for any future Edition of the Work, if you are convinced of the inaccuracy of the Passages and judge it necessary or expedient to make any Alteration. I shall observe no order in selecting the Passages, but take them up as they occur by Accident.
In the 392. Page of the third Volume, you say that Mr “Mr. Adams—his Passions and Prejudices were sometimes too strong for his  Judgement.” Sagacity and Judgment.” I will not, I cannot say that this is not true. But I can and will say with the Utmost sincerity, that I am not conscious of having ever in my life taken one public Step or performed one public Act from Passion or Prejudice, or from any other Motive than the Public Good. If I had acted from Passion or Prejudice, from Interest, Ambition or Avarice the Public Affairs of this Country would have been in a much less prosperous Condition than they are and my private fortune both in rank and Property much more enviable than it is. I therefore pray you, Madam, to particularize, some of those Instances in which it has appeared or been represented to you, that my Prejudices or Passions were too Strong for my Sagacity and Judgment, and I will undertake to vindicate or rather to justify myself to you, or if I cannot do that will, will make you the necessary Concessions.
In the same Page you say that “Mr Adams was sent to England with a view of negotiating a Treaty of Commerce; but the Government too save from the loss of the Colonies, and the Nation too much Soured by the Breach, nothing was done.”
To form a just Idea of this Passage, it would be necessary to transmit my Commission, and the Plan of a Treaty which was offered to Great Britain. A Letter of Credence to reside with a Government and a Commission to make a Treaty, are sometimes different Instruments, and were made so by Congress in this Instance. I was accredited as Minister Plenipotentiary to reside at the Court of St. James: But in the Commission to make a Treaty of Commerce, Mr Franklin and Mr Jefferson were consociated with me, and the Project of a Treaty, was conformable to the Judgment of a Majority of the three Commissioners. Mr Franklin could not come over to England: but Mr Jefferson did, and was presented by me to the King as one of the Commissioners and united with me in presenting our Project of a Treaty to the Marquis of Carmarthen. This Project contained all those Articles relative to the total suppression of all Privateers and Prizes and other Articles which you will find in my our Treaty with the old King of Prussia. These Articles were as congenial to my heart and Feelings, and had the Approbation of my Judgment as Sentiments of Equity and Humanity, as entirely, as they had those of my Colleagues. But I knew at that time as certainly as I do now, that Britain would voluntarily burn her Navy and her Flagg as soon as she would consent to them. Had I been alone in the Commission I should not have inserted them in the project, not because I did not approve them as Philosophical Principles but because, I knew the only effect of them would be to disgust and alarm the Government and the Nation. No Notice was ever taken by the British Ministry of these Articles, but there is no doubt they had an unfavourable Effect upon their Minds. Their avowed and ostensible objection to a Treaty was that the Treaty of Peace had not been executed and the Proofs which had been given to the World that Congress had neither Power nor Authority to bind the Nation. For Every State in the Union had passed Laws in direct Violation of the Treaty of Peace. You say I resided in England four or five years. I resided there from August 1785 to the 19th. of April 1788 not three years: but this is an Erratum of little consequence. When you say that Nothing was done, the Error is of some Weight. The Truth is a great deal was done, and will appear to the World if ever my Letters to Congress and their Instructions to me, together with Lord Carmarthens Letters to me, should be published. Among other Things it will appear that every State in the Union was induced to repeal their Laws which had been made against the Treaty, though Virginia and some other Southern States continued to contravene it without Law. As the whole Transaction was a disgrace to our Nation, I am apprehensive no Historian will ever be found to record it. But the most exceptionable Passage, as yet found in this page is “Unfortunately for himself and his Country, he became so enamoured with the British Constitution, and the Government, Manners and Laws of the Nation, that a Partiality for Monarchy appeared, which was inconsistent with his former Professions of Republicanism.”
Every Part and every Sentiment in this Paragraph, I affirm upon my honor and my Faith is totally unfounded.
My opinion of the British Constitution was formed long before I had any Thing to do in Public Life, more than twenty years before I ever saw the British Island. I learned from Fortescue Smith Montesquieu Vattel, Ackerly, Bacon Bolinbroke Sullivan and Blackstone and Delolme and even from every Marchamont Nedham Algernon Sydney, James Harrington and every other Writer on Government and from all the Examples I had ever read in History, and from all I know of the human heart and the Rise progress and tendency of the Passions in Society, the Information, Opinion and Judgement I have ever formed of the British Constitution long before the Stamp Act in 1764 and 1765. I also learned to admire that Constitution from Col Otis your Father, from James Otis your Brother, from Mr Gridly Mr Thatcher, and even from Samuel Adams and James Warren, and even from Mrs Mercy Warren his ingenious and amiable Lady. Neither my Judgment of that Constitution nor my Esteem of it nor my Affection for it, were increased or altered by my Residence in England. My Esteem for the Manners of the English or the French was not certainly augmented by my Residence among them. If we may distinguish between manners and Morals, I should certainly prefer the Manners of the French and the Morals of the English. But my Esteem of neither was increased by a residence among them.
You say a Partiality for Monarchy appeared. This fact I deny, and entreat you to mention to me the Evidence, which you Supposed would warrant the Assertion, that I may clear it up, or at least be heard in my Defence.
I have never exhibited or entertained, but one opinion of Monarchy in any part of my Life. Despotism, absolute Monarchy, absolute Aristocracy, and absolute Democracy, I have uniformly detested, through my whole Life: because I knew that absolute Power, was Tyranny, delirious Tyranny wherever it was placed. T A mixed Government is the only one that can preserve Liberty. The limited, equipoised Monarchy of England I have always thought the only Government which could preserve civil, political or religious Liberty or even the Semblance of it in any of the great populous, commercial, oppulent Luxurious and corrupted Nations of Europe.
In America I have always thought that a Mixed Government was necessary. But by a mixed Government in America, I have never understood a Government with an hereditary Executive or an hereditary Senate. Neither of these ever appeared to me to be necessary. But I have always advocated a mixed Elective Government in three Branches, Such as are the constitutions of Massachusetts and New York, from which the Constitution of the United States is wholly borrowed. So far from manifesting a Partiality for Monarchy, I have always uniformly declared to my Friends whenever the Subject has been Seriously Started in Conversation, that if the People of America would unanimously confer on me the Power of instituting a Government for them as the Athenians did on Solon and the Lacedamonians on Lycurgus, and I knew beforehand that they would quietly Submit to whatever plan I Should propose, I would not recommend to them either an hereditary King or an hereditary Nobility, Because I did not in my Conscience believe it would be for their Happiness Security or Prosperity. On the other hand I have always reprobated and opposed a Government, that is a Sovereignty in a Single Representative Assembly, in Opposition to Franklin Paine, Matlock, young Lt Governor Cushing and even Samuel Adams as well as Mr Turgot. In Conformity with these Views and Principles I wrote my Letter to Mr Wythe, under and it was published in the Beginning of the year 1776 under the Title of “Thoughts on Government in a Letter from a Gentleman to his Friend” in which a Legislature in three Branches was recommended, and an independent Executive And Judiciary, and from which the Constitution of New York was taken. In conformity with the Same System In the Convention of the Massachusetts in 1779 I advocated a Legislative in three Branches, with an Executive entirely independent and even with a Negative on all the Laws, with an independent Judiciary, not only in the Committee of thirty and in the Subcommittee of three who appointed me to draw the Constitution, but after our Report, in the Convention at large before three or four hundred Members from all Parts of the State. I have never deceived the People, Mrs Warren, nor any Individual of them. I have never practiced Simulation nor Dissimulation with my Countrymen. My Principles and Opinions, have always been as public as Arguments before the most numerous popular Assemblies, and even as dissemination from the Press could make them, and they have always, been uniformly the same in matters of Government. No other Professions of Republicanism than these, did I ever make and these I have always made.
In page 394, you say in a Note that “Circumstances in some future day may render it necessary to adopt an hereditary Monarchy in Am the United States.” This is going the Utmost length, to which I have ever gone in any of my Writings or Conversation; though I could name to you Men in high Rank Power and Popularity with the present predominant Party who have gone much farther and asserted that the Constitution of the United States was defective in not having an hereditary Executive and Senate.
I can recollect but one Circumstance, which could give a colour to the representation you have given of my Monarchical Sentiments, and that is this. Not long after you my Return from Europe, in a Conversation between General Warren, yourself and me at my House, the Constitution of the United States, was the Topick. The General did not like it. You said you had a Letter from Mrs. Maccaulay in which she said, she thought it would do, for the foundation of it was Democracy. Poh! Said The General, “She does not understand it.” I said “I thought the Consitution an Acquisition, and after Some Slight observations on both sides, I said jocularly, laughing, in that Style of familiarity which had been long habitual between Us “For my Part I want King Lords and Commons.” I Supposed, that both of you perfectly understood me to mean, what alone I did mean, Such a Ballance of Power, as the Constitution We had been talking of contained, which is a miniature Resemblance of King Lords and Commons, though without the Names and without the permanent quality of the two former. This and no more was my Meaning, and it is certain that you understood me, in this Sense and in this Sense only, for you answered me, as quick as lightening, laughing as I did “And So do I too.”
It was a very common Saying at that time, by some in the Sense in which you and I understood it and used it. I can prove that Mr Speaker Morton said that “No Government was worth a dam, but that of King Lords and Commons.” Governor McKean has Said Seriously to me, that the Constitution of the United States was defective, in not having an hereditary Executive and Senate, and I can prove that he Said the Same thing to others, and even in open Coversation at public Tables, and held Serious Arguments to prove and Support his opinion. Many others I could mention  who now rank high in Power, Some of them even so far as to say that We ought to have a Monarchy here in the Person of one of the Sons of the King of England an Idea I have always most cordially detested. If I were to measure out to others, the treatment that has been meted to me I could make wild Work with some of your Party. Shall I indulge in retaliation, or not?
I shall proceed no farther at present, but expect with impatience your Answer. In the meantime I shall prepare more for your Consideration. My Regards to the General, and believe me Still your Friend, though with some Grievances to complain of
J. Adams


Title: To John Adams from Mercy Otis Warren, 16 July 1807
From: Warren, Mercy Otis
To: Adams, John

Plymouth, Ms., July 16th: 1807.

After a long suspension of a friendly literary intercourse, it was very unexpected to me this day, to receive a letter from the hand of Mr. Adams;—nor can I conceive of any thing that should occasion a resentment in his bosom, or prevent his old style of address to Mrs. Warren, or give the semblance of an “old friend being hastily converted into an enemy;”—much less could I have expected to have been charged with a want of veracity, or a malignancy of heart, by a gentleman who has long known me too well to suspect me wilfully guilty of either.—Had not the irritation of the times or some other cause unknown to me have agitated his mind too much for the gentleman or the friend, I should not have received a letter couched in such terms as his of the 11th of July.
In the second paragraph of this letter, you say you have read much, if not all of my History of the Rise, Progress, and Termination of the American Revolution.—You proceed to say that you “are not about to write a review;” that. “if you should, the commentary would be twice as voluminous as the text;”—But of this I think I am sure, that, were you to write with the same eye of candor and friendship with which you once viewed her compositions, the author might have little to fear from your strictures.
I have lived long enough to be sensible that such a work would be variously received by such a world, and in such times as those in which we live.
I have expected that this history must pass under the criticisms of great and little men;—but conscious that I have uniformly endeavoured to write with impartiality, to state facts correctly, and to draw characters with truth and candor, whether the friends or the foes of mv countrv, or the enemies of myself and family, or of those connected by the dearest ties of nature and friendship, I have ventured to submit it to the ocean of public opinion.—I think I feel a firmness of mind at my advanced period of life, that will not be shaken by censure or elated with applause, my conscience bearing testimony that I have aimed at a just delineation of every fact and every character I have thought myself obliged to touch in the course of my narration.
You surely thought this a just standard of historic merit, when a letter now in my cabinet, dated March 15th, 1775, was written;—you therein have observed that “The faithful historian delineates characters truly, let the censure fall where it will.—The public is so interested in public characters that they have a right to know them, and it becomes the duty of every good citizen who happens to be acquainted with them to communicate his knowledge.”
Having written under a strong sense of the moral obligation of truth, adhering strictly to its dictates according to the best of my information, which I endeavored to draw from the purest sources, I had determined on a uniform silence relative to any criticisms that might appear from public scribblers, or the disquisitions and interrogatories of others in a more private character.—How far I may be induced to depart from this resolution by your observations addressed directly to myself, I know not.
I have always been sensible of the difficulty and delicacy of drawing living characters.—It is my opinion that the character of man is never finished until the last act of the drama is closed. There is therefore a variety of circumstances that may exhibit his opinions and his transactions in a varied point of view from what they have been in different portions of his life.
You say in your letter that you “have some grievances to complain of,” and that justice has not been done you in my historic work. Of this I have never been sensible,—what I have said relative to your character was read and revised and re-read, and I frequently wished for an opportunity to have submitted it even to your own eye, thinking that, under the pressure of abuse that you had received from your enemies, your mind might have been relieved by such a candid scrutiny of error and mistake to which all are liable.—
You have requested me to “particularize some of those instances in which it has appeared or been represented to me you that Mr. Adams’s passions and prejudices were sometimes too strong for his sagacity and judgment.”—It is true that I have asserted that you were subject to passions and prejudices like other men;—your warmest friends and acquaintance will never contradict this;—nor do I think a natural irritability of temper any impeachment of character.—Passions are sometimes the heavenly gales that waft us safely to port, at others the ungovernable gusts that blow us down the stream of absurdity. I have never charged you with prejudice or passion in the discharge of your functionary duties in public life. But, strongly impressed with the idea that from a firm republican, you was become an advocate for Monarchic Government in your own country, I was led to think that your prejudices were too strong for your sagacity and judgment, or you never could have expected that for a long time to come, such a Government could have been acceptable in America.
You have made a number, of criticisms on my observations in page 392, Vol. 3d. relative to your residence in England, of your attachment to the British Constitution, of the number of worthy characters who taught you to love that Constitution, among whom you have done me the honor to place the name of Mrs. Warren, and have added; that “neither your judgment of that Constitution, nor your esteem of it, nor your affection for it, was increased or altered by your residence in England.” Of this, I shall only say that that attachment was long felt by every American as well as yourself. The principles of that Constitution have been admired, but the deviations from them detested, and the corrupt practices and arbitrary systems of that Government are become abhorrent.
But as you say you are making preparations for further commentaries on the work you are reviewing, and have promised to do it “in the spirit of friendship,” I shall waive a reply to what you are pleased to say of those whom you denominate my party, and leave you to indulge in retaliation or not—As I do not understand the drift of your question, I am not competent to reply. I shall subscribe myself, so long as you have the smallest title to that claim, / Yr friend,
Mercy Warren.


Title: From John Adams to Mercy Otis Warren, 20 July 1807
From: Adams, John
To: Warren, Mercy Otis

Dear Madam
Quincy July 20th. 1807

In the 392 Page of the third Volume of your History you say that “After Mr Adams’s return from England, he was implicated, by a large portion of his Countrymen, as having relinquished the Republican System, And forgotten the Principles of the American Revolution, which he had advocated for near twenty years.”
I am somewhat at a loss for the meaning of the Word implicated in this place. If it means Suspected, or accused, or reproached, I know nothing of it. No Man ever accused or reproached me, with any such Relinquishment or Oblivion. My Books had been received and read. The first Volume had been published in three new Editions of it, one in Boston, another at New York, and a third at Philadelphia and propagated far and wide in all parts of the United States. It was put into the hands of the Members of the Continental Convention at Philadelphia then sitting for the formation of the Constitution in 1787, and almost in despair of ever agreeing upon any Plan. This Book had such an Effect upon upon the Gentlemen that it united them in the System they adopted. Your Friend Mr Dickenson came out of the Convention and said to Dr Rush, that he had been in despair of getting the Convention to agree at all. But Mr Adams’s Book had diffused among the Members such good Principles, that now he had no doubt they should agree upon a good Constitution. Governor Martin of North Carolina and for six years a Senator of the United States, who had been a Member of the Convention that formed the Constitution told me, that my “Defence” had produced the Constitution of the United States. Dr Morse told me, that he was informed from good Authority that my “Defence” had produced an entire Revolution in the Sentiments of the Convention, and influenced the Members to agree to the Constitution that was adopted. I have learned the same Fact from many other Sources. The general Principles and System of that Book were adopted by the Writers of Publius, or the Federalist, Mr Jay Mr Madison and Mr Hamilton. My Principles and Opinions concerning Forms of Government were therefore certainly public enough: they were perfectly well known throughout the Continent. Besides this, Dr Jarvis of Boston was known publickly and openly to approve of that Book, and he sent me Message after Message, that of all the Politicians of the Age he agreed most with me: and General Warren himself, in a Letter he wrote me in London, after he had perused the first Volume of the Defence, which Letter I shall produce on a proper Occasion, for I have it at hand, expressed his entire approbation of it, saying that there was nothing in it, but what he entirely agreed in, excepting the Negative upon the Laws proposed to be given to the Governor, which he said upon the whole he had rather should be qualified as it is in our Constitution, than absolute as I proposed. Mr Samuel Adams said to me, more than once that he did not differ much from me in the Sentiments in that Book.
Now, Madam I pray you, to tell me, who were the Persons who composed that large Portion of my Countrymen, who implicated me as having relinquished the Republican System? Was Mr Dickenson Dr Jarvis, General Warren, Mr Samuel Adams, or the Convention who framed the Constitution of the United States, among the Number who composed that Constitution “large” Portion? For a long time after my Arrival in America, I heard but one Voice concerning my Book. George Bryant of Pensilvania, said or wrote, that he believed the Convention that formed the National Constitution had been too much influenced by Mr Adams’s Book, and this is all the Slurs, that I remember to have heard or read, upon that Book, till the Election of Vice President came on.
Mr Hancock was ambitious of being President or Vice President. I stood in his way. Hamilton, was afraid of me, and General Knox over whom Hamilton At that time had great Influence, came to Boston with a view of promoting Hancock, to the Vice Presidency. I had been the Friend of Knox, from the time when he was a little Boy in Deacon Henksmans Book and Stationary Shop, and had done at least as much as any Man in the World and I believe much more, towards bringing him forward in Life and in the Army. But Hamilton had insinuated into him that I should not Harmonize with Washington and (would you believe it?) that “John Adams was a Man of too much Influence to be so near Washington.” In this dark and insidious manner did this Intriguer lay Schemes in Secret against me, and like the Worm at the Root of the Peach did he labour for twelve years under ground and in darkness to girdle the Root while all the Axes of the Antifederalists Democrats Jacobins, Virginia Debtors to English Merchants and French Hirelings chopping as they were for the whole time at the Trunk could not fell the Tree. Knox however, after spending sometime in Boston, and conversing with all sides, found he was upon a wrong scent, and that Mr Hancock could not be carried; And indeed he was convinced that he ought not to be, and was decided in my favour: though he had previously gone so far with Mr Hancock himself, that he was under Embarrassment about declaring it openly. All this however never made any Alteration in my Friendship for Knox nor in his for me to the day of his death, which did not happen till he had been Supplanted by Hamilton, as many others were. From this time, Some of Mr Hancocks intimates began to insinuate in Secret Whispers Prejudices and Calumnies against me. But at first nothing was said about my Monarchical Principles, nor my Attachment to England: but they reported that I was stingy and avaricious. It was two or three years I believe before I heard any thing of Monarchy or England.—The very first time I heard any thing like it, was from Samuel Adams, who told me that General Warren had said that “John Adams had been corrupted by his Residence in England.” Astonished as I was I said nothing. But I remembered a Letter from General Warren, which I had received in England, which I still preserve and will produce if necessary, in which he said Samuel Adams has become, contrary to all his former Principles and Professions, “The most arbitrary Man in the State.” I had learned from all Quarters, the dissentions between Samuel Adams and General Warren at and before Chaise’s Rebellion, and therefore I attributed these peevish Ebullitions from both to their mutual rancour, and took great care to conceal from each of them what the other had said. In truth I could not believe that General Warren had said that I had been corrupted. I never could think it possible, till I read your History, in which I found many Things quite as extraordinary. Corrupted? on what ground? on what Colour, did he giv venture this Assertion and Expression? That he had fully approved under his hand, Was it my Book? That is impossible for he had fully approved it under his hand. Besides I will forfeit my life, if there is one Thought in that or any other of my public Writings, which by a fair construction can be interpreted against the purest Morality, or inconsistent with the Principles and the System which I have always professed; Corrupted! Madam! What Provocation, what evidence, what Misrepresentation, could he have received, that could prompt him to utter this execrable Calumny? Corruption is a charge that that I cannot and I will not bear. I challenge the whole human Race and Angells and Devils too, to produce an Instance of it from my Cradle to this hour. But what am I to infer from this Conduct of General Warren, if Sam. Adams’s Assertion is true? What indeed am I to conclude from your History? Shall I infer from both that General Warren and his Lady were the first Propagators of the Stories which were Spread through the Union before the Election of Mr Jefferson, and which were fully believed by the ignorant German Boors in Pensilvania, and by many of the ignorant Voters in all the Southern States, that John Adams had married his Daughter in England to the Prince of Wales and his Son John Quincy Adams to the Princess Royal of England, and had entered into a Treaty with King George, to make his Son in Law King of North America? or am I to attribute to the Warren Family, the honor that was done me in the back Parts of Pensilvania, and in Kentucky of being hanged in Effigy by the Side of Mr Jay, with a Purse of English Guineas in my hand? There was nothing worse in all this, than there was in General Warrens Assertion, if he uttered it. Corruption! Madam! I Shall not very easily or very Soon quit this Topick: and I have a right to demand of you, and of General Washington too Warren too, a more explicit Acknowledgment of my uncorrupted Integrity, than any you have made in your history. Both of you well knew that Promotion to a very respectable and lucrative office under the Crown was offered me by Governor Bernard by the Advice of Lt Governor Hutchinson, and that I not only declined, but was so long urged to Accept it that I was at last reduced to the Necessity of positively refusing it. And you knew that my Refusal was owing to my resolution not to be led into the temptation of Corruption. You knew that from 1760 and 1761 I had invariably Adhered to the Cause of my Country and to all its Friends, in opposition to every Mortification that Government and its Friends could throw in my Way: that I had been always employed in the most perplexing and embarrassing and at the same time the most unprofitable Causes in behalf of the Whiggs. You knew that my Integrity was always acknowledged both by Tories and Whiggs. You knew that I had abandoned the head of a Lucrative Profession, in which I had the first practice for Seven years, and went to Congress to serve my Country for twelve shillings a day. You knew that I had abandoned my Wife and Children whom I loved more than my own Life, and lived ten years in a state of Seperation from them, at the call And in the Service of my Country. You knew that I had crossed the Atlantic Ocean, three times and run the Guantlet through Successions of British Men of War at a time when the Spirit of the British Government was so high and the Passions of the Nation so exasperated, that I had ever reason to apprehend, if they once had me in their Power, they would make  me an Example of their Vengeance by executing upon me their Punishment of Treason in all its horrors. You knew that I had undertaken all those hazards, after your philosophical Friend Jefferson had not dared to accept them. You knew that not one Lisp or hint of Suspicion of my Integrity had ever crossed the Atlantic, from Europe, either from Friends or Enemies, either in France England or Holland where I had resided as an Ambassador ten years, and done a vast deal of Business and been engaged in perpetual Intercourse and Conversation, will all Sorts of People from the highest Ranks to all the middle ranks, if not to the lowest: and I presume to say you never heard my Integrity impeached, from that side the Water. I would not hesitate to appeal to all Europe and am confident you would not find one Man or Woman who would question my Integrity in any Transaction of mine abroad public or private. Provoked as I am I will say, I believe you would find many more of the opinion of the Chevalier De la Luzerne, though they might not approve of his Expression. In Company one Day with Members of the Congress of whom our Friend Mr Gerry was one, the Conversation turned upon me and one of the Gentlemen asked the Chevalier whether he thought Mr John Adams might not be corrupted? The Chevalier Answered “one might as well attempt to corrupt Jesus Christ.” If there is any indecency or Blasphemy in this expression, it is not my fault. It Shocked me when I heard it, and I never should have committed it to Writing if your History had never been printed. Mr Gerry is my Author and of him you may enquire. So much for my “Corruption in England, and relinquishment of the Republican System”—Now for my “having forgotten the Principles of the American Revolution, which I had advocated for near twenty year.”
Here a wide field is opened indeed.—We must enquire what were the Principles of the American Revolution? Whether Mr Adams had advocated all of them? Which of them he had ever advocated? And which of them he had advocated for near twenty years? Whether he had forgotten all of them? if not, which of them he had forgotten? The Principles of the American Revolution, may be said to have been as various as the thirteen states that went through it, and in some sense almost as diversified as the Individuals who acted in it. In some few Principles or perhaps in one single Principle they all United. I will give you, Madam as Succinct an Analysis of the Principles of the Revolution which I embraced and Advocated as I can.
1. The first Principle of the American Independence and Revolution, that I ever embraced advocated or entertained was Defence against the French. As I still take great delight in Writing to Mrs Warren, whatever grief, resentment or indignation I may justly feel, I shall indulge myself in a little Ramble with her. In the year 1745, and before and After that time, I heard and read a great deal about the Expedition to Cape Breton, and the Projected Expeditions against Canada. I heard a great deal about the Enterprize and Valour of our People, not only in these military Enterprizes but in the Indian Warrs of Standish Church, Lovell and others: I heard a Number of old Men who had been a Soldiering as they expressed it in their youth, at the Westward at Number four and at the Eastward, relate their Dangers, Escapes Combatts and Enterprizes. From all these, and many other Sources, my little Noddle had conceived a very high Opinion of the Intrepidity Enterprize Patience and Perseverance of my Countrymen, so that I had not the smallest doubt but our People would cutt to pieces at once the Duke D’Anville’s Army if they should dare to land at Boston or on any other part of our shores. In the same years I heard great Complaints of the English, of their Neglect to defend Us and assist Us, and a thousand murmurings about Cowardice and Treachery, and some Apprehensions that the English would forsake Us or sell Us to France. This War however went over and my Mind was much at ease about public affairs till 1754 and 1755. Then the French were making Encroachments, and Shirley was appointed the Great Negotiator to the Court of France, and soon after, with a French Wife he was made Commander in Chief of the mitary Force in America during this time our Affairs went so ill, that I had great apprehensions that the French would overrun Us. When Lord Loudoun Succeeded his Conduct was so ridiculous, that I could not help thinking We could do better without England than with her, and I seriously wished she would leave Us to ourselves and send Us no more of their Generals. So great was my Confidence in the Resolution of my Countrymen that I had no doubt We could defend ourselves against the French and that better without England than with her. In the Course of that War, I heard such relations from our provincial officers of the Treatment they received from the Regulars, as made my Blood Boil, in my Veins. Brigadier Ruggles with this whole Brigate, and my Friend Gardiner Chandler as one of his Colonels was put under the Direction of a British Ensign and employed to cutt roads when they were much more Willing and I believe much more able to fight the French than the British officers and Soldiers who treated them so cavalierly. As Early as this I thought Seriously of American Independence, and if the Conduct of Britain was not altered I thought I should wish for it. Here then I say that Defence against the French was my first Principle of Revolution. But Wolf and Amherst succeeded, Affairs went well and all my Reveries about Independence vanished.
2. But they were not allowed to sleep long. As early as 1760 orders came to Paxton and Cockle to demand Writs of Assistance to break open Houses Cellars Shops and Ships to search for uncustomed Goods. Judge Sewall died Hutchinson was appointed C. Justice on purpose as I believed to give Judgment in favour of these Writs. I heard your Brother James Otis and Mr Thatcher in the Council Chamber before the Superiour Court in February 1761 against the Legality of those Writs and Mr Gridley in their favour, took minutes of the Argument made a short sketch of a Report of it, which was afterwards Surreptitious printed, though garbled and has got into Judge Minots History. This Cause opened to my View a nearer Prospect of a Revolution than I had ever seen before. I saw a haughty, powerful Nation who held Us in great contempt, bent upon extending the Authority of Parliament, over our Purses and all our internal Concerns as well as external: I saw on the other hand the People of America cordially and conscientiously averse to these Pretentions, and such was my opinion of their Resolution that I believed they would oppose them to the last Extremity. I saw no possible Way in which these opposite opinions and determinations could be reconciled, and therefore concluded the Controversy would be long continued, productive in time of a civil War and ultimately terminate in a Seperation of the Colonies from the Mother Country. My Second Principle of Revolution, therefore, Madam was The Justice and Necessity of resisting the Claims of Parliament of Authority to impose internal Taxes on the Colonists, and to regulate their internal Policy.
3. In 1764 and 1765 Parliament had provided so far as to pass the Stamp Act which was a more explicit avowal and a more compleat Exemplification of their Claim and Determination to impose internal Taxes and to govern our Domestic affairs. In opposition to this Act I employed all the means I possessed, in Conversation and in Writing to animate the People. I published those Papers in the Boston Gazette which were soon reprinted in London under the Title of a Dissertation on the Common and Feudal Law, which, however inconsiderable they may be now be, very justly esteemed, had at that time a greater Influence and Effect among the People, than many other Writings of older and abler Men, and of much greater Merit.—I called together the ancient large and populous Town of Braintree, and procured an unanimous Vote for those Instructions to their Representatives, which were long known by the Name of the Braintree Instructions. When the General Court met, the Members produced their Instructions and I was informed, Forty Towns were found to have adopted the Braintree Instructions verbatim. The Town of Boston, whose Instructions were drawn by Mr Samuel Adams had, in the main essential Point of all, adopted the Sentiment and the very Expressions of my Instructions. And even the Town of Plymouth, whose Instructions were drawn by General Warren, had borrowed the same Injunction and the same Expressions. In the Counties of Plymouth and Barnstable where I had considerable Business, and whose Courts, especially in Plymouth I attended four or five Times a year, I was instant in season and out of season in explaining to the People the nature of the Claims which were sett up against them, and in exciting them to opposition to the last Extremity. This Course I continued till 1774 when I was sent to Congress. This was so notorious to all Parties, that Southward Howland used to say, that though none of his Customers paid him better than Mr Adams, yet he would chearfully give him Entertainment at his house for the Assistance Mr Adams gave him, in his Exertions to procure the Election, from year to year, of his Friend Colonel Warren. The same Conduct I invariably held in the Counties of Bristol Worcester, Middlesex, Essex, York, Cumberland and Lincoln as well as Suffolk, and even Dukes County in all of which I had practice, more or less. When the Question came forward whether the Courts of Justice should proceed without Stamped Papers, I exerted myself to the utmost in all the Counties, especially in Suffolk and Plymouth to unite the Bar, in an unanimous Resolution to Urge the Courts to procceed. In Plymouth it was no easy Task. You knew who were Judges and who were Lawyers at that time. Mr Hovey, Mr Clap and Mr Little of Scituate and Mr Johnson of Bridgwater, and Mr Stockbridge of Hanover you knew were not very well affected any more than the Judges to our Cause or our Connections. Yet, Mr Robert Treat Paine cordially and zealously joining me, We called a Meeting of the Bar, and succeeded in obtaining an unanimous Consent. Yet Madam notwithstanding all this and much more you are pleased to insinuate in your History, that I did not come forward till the first Congress in 1774. However more of this hereafter, you see here, that my third Principle of Revolution was the Necessity of resistance to the Stamp Act.
4 The Stamp Act was repealed, but the Claim of Parliament was not relinquished. It was soon followed by other Acts laying Duties on Tea, Paints &c and what was worse by a declaratory Act, asserting the unlimited Authority of Parliament over Us in all Cases whatsoever. I became instantly as decisive and determined and as industrious too in opposition to these Acts, as I ever had been to the Stamp Act. But as I am not writing a History, I shall not enter into details. My fourth Principle of Revolution may be called the Necessity of Resistance to the Tea Act and the Declaratory Act.
5. The Country had been filled with Rumours, of Designs of King, Ministry or Parliament, or all together to introduce into America, Bishops Deans, and in short an English Hierarchy. A great House, at that time thought to be a Splendid Palace was built by Mr Apthorp at Cambridge and was Supposed to be intended for the Residence of the first Royal or Parliamentary Bishop. Although I had not a wish to restrain the Liberty of Conscience of any Man or any Denomination I thought this Innovation if admitted would be a compleat surrender of the Priviledges of our Charter, an entire concession of the Authority of Parliament to legislate in our internal Concerns. And besides this, that only the most needy and perhaps vicious of the English Clergy would be sent here, and become an Ecclesiastical Establishment wholly under the Influence of the Ministry, increase the Patronage of the Crown, become a political Machine to establish the Unlimited Authority of Parliament, and introduce a flood of Corruption in Morals as well as Politicks. You may then sett down, for my fifth Principle of Revolution, The Necessity of resisting the Introduction of a Royal or Parliamentary Establishment of an Ecclesiastical Heirarchy.
6. When Mr Hutchinsons Letters recommending an Abridgment of English Liberties and Mr Ollivers, proposing a kind of Nobility to be erected and Established in America by Royal or Parliamentary Authority, were brought to Light, I thought this measure would annihilate all our Priviledges by Charter, and establish the Sovereign Authority of Parliament in all our internal Concerns. I entered therefore with Zeal into an opposition to this Scheme. And my fifth Principle of Revolution may be called The Necessity of resisting the Introduction of a Royal or Parliamentary Nobility or Aristocracy into the Country.
7. When an Act of Parliament was passed Authorizing the King to grant salaries to our Massachusetts Judges, when the King had granted and the Judges at least the Chief Justice accepted them, I was more allarmed and Arroused than ever I had been. This was laying the Ax directly at the Root of every Thing that was dear to Us. It was not only an Annihilation of our Charter, an Establishment of the absolute Sovereignty of Parliament, but it was a Subjection of the Lives and Fortunes of us all to such Judges as would forever be the blind and corrupted Tools of the British Ministry. In opposition to this measure I wrote and published Eight Letters to General Brattle, which first turned the Attention of the American People to this important Subject, and diffused through the Continent just Principles and Sentiments which have remained to this day, and I hope will remain to the End of time. The Massachusetts Legislature of the last year, have done themselves great honour by remembering and respecting them.
Again: The People were astonished and confounded, knowing not what to do, nor how it was possible for them to escape from the Snare. I am bold to Say that I first put them upon the only Measure, which could relieve them, and which not only relieved them from dependent Judges, but from Dependence on Great Britain. I could name to you the House, and the Company in which I was I was asked by Dr Winthrop And Doctor Casper, my opinion whether there was any possible Remedy for Us. My Answer Was Yes. The Question was instantly urged What can it be? My Answer was “An Impeachment of the Judges, by the House of Representatives before the Governor and Council.” The Company all Agreed that this Idea had never been before Suggested, and they started twenty objections at once. We had no Power of Impeachment. The Governor and Council would not hear the Impeachment &c &c &c. I referred to the Powers and Priviledges of the Charter and the General Doctrine and Practice of Impeachment of the Commons before the Lords in the Parliament of England where the Commons were the Grand Inquest of the Nation. That this Power was considered as the highest Power of the Commons and the most essential to preserve the Liberties of the Nation and the Ballance of the Constitution. This Conversation was forthwith Spread among the Members of the House. Major Hawley came to me directly to interrogate me about it. Asked me many questions and started many difficulties. I turned to the Passages in the Charter and made him read them and consider them. I turned to Mr Seldens Judiciature in Parliament and made him read it, and Several other Law books in which the Subject is treated, and pointed to the Volumes of the State Tryals, in which he might read all the Impeachments that had ever been tryed in England if he pleased. Mr. Robert Treat Paine came to me, in the same perplexity, having heard that I had publickly given such an opinion, and I gave him the same Reasons in Support of it. I did the same to several other Members.—Major Hawley was determined to know the Sentiments of others. He went to Cambridge and visited Judge Trowbridge, made the Judges read over with him the passages in the Charter which I had read to him and made him read, mentioned the Authority of Selden which he had read in my office and some Impeachments in the State Tryals to which I had referred him. The Judge told him that he could not see, how the Charter or the Authorities could be evaded. Impeachments were the right of Englishmen! We were entitled to all those Rights, and therefore must be to this. The Judge related this to me afterwards and said he “saw I was determined to explore every Resource in the Constitution, to Support my Cause.” The Tories considered this Impeachment, as the hinge on which the Independence of America turned. When the Impeachment was prepared in the Committee, Major Hawley without whom nothing could be done in the House, would not take a Step without me, insisted on my meeting with the Committee, which I did at my own House till twelve or one OClock at Night. I have been informed by an Ear Witness, that Chief Justice Oliver in England Since the Independence of America was acknowledged by Great Britain, has said that John Adams was the Author of that Impeachment and consequently the Author of Independence as he said, and expressed much ill humour against me in consequence of it. Nothwithstanding this, Mrs Warren you are pleased in your History to say I first came forward in 1774. I need not detail to you the Consequences of that Impeachment in all the Counties of the State. My Seventh Principle of the Revolution, therefore may be Sett down as The Necessity of the Independence of the Judges.
8. Governor Hutchinson, in a speech to the General Court, undertook to demonstrate to all the World, the Supream, Absolute, unlimited Sovereignty of the British Parliament over the Colonies in all Cases whatsoever. The House of Representatives undertook to answer him. But Mr Hancock, Mr Cushing, Mr Samuel Adams Colonel James Warren, and all their particular Connections in the House could carry no Point in the House, upon any legal or Constitutional Question, without the Concurrence of Major Hawley; and Major Hawley would agree to nothing till he had consulted John Adams, and made the Committee consult him too. He accordingly insisted that I should be invited to meet with the Committee, and give my opinion and Reasons upon every question. I was accordingly invited and in such urgent terms that I could not in common Civility refuse to comply. I met with the Committee Accordingly. A Draught had been prepared for them made, as I then supposed by Mr Samuel Adams, but I have since heard it was by Dr Joseph Warren. It was very prettily written, but filled with that Silly democratical Nonsense, which at that time and ever since has poisoned so many of our Newspapers, and produced such a black Catalogue of Horrors in the French Revolution. I reasoned, I pleaded, I declaimed with the Committee till I convinced them of the many Errors and induced them to expunge them; and instead of them introduced that discussion from, Legal and Constitutional Authorities, which was adopted by the Committee and with Astonishing Unanimity in the House, and which convinced the whole People of North America and the whole Scientific World, that by Law and Constitution Parliament had no Authority over Us, in any Case whatsoever. My Eighth Principle of Revolution, was the Necessity of denying in Theory upon all legal and constitutional Grounds the Authority of Parliament over Us in all any Cases whatsoever.
9. But while We continued connected with Great Britain, which We all of Us still wished, it appeared to me necessary that We should voluntarily consent, that Parliament should regulate the Trade of the Empire. I accordingly allways contended for this Point and was never opposed in it by any of my Associates. Afterwards in Congress We found this the most difficult Point to manage and I drew up the Article respecting it in the Bill of Rights of 1774, which was finally acquiesced in, Unanimously. My Ninth Principle of Revolution, then was To Allow Great Britain the Power of regulating our external Trade.
10. But all these Reasonings Disenssions and Concessions availed Us nothing. The British King Ministry Parliament and Nation to would pay no regard to any Thing. Hostilities commenced
If you will please, Madam, to look into the Journal of the first Congress in 1774 in the Month of September, and the 7th day of the Month you will also find that Congress appointed two Committees, one to State the Rights of the Colonies and another to State the violations of those Rights; you will also find that I was upon the first Committee. And I will now inform you of What does not appear on the Journal, after ample discussions in the Committee at large consisting of two Members from each Colony, a Sub Committee was appointed to prepare a draught of a Report: I was one of this Sub Committee, in which the whole Ground was reviewed, and all the Points deliberately reexamined, and after this I was appointed alone to draw up the Result: From these facts it may I presume, without any pride of Talent be fairly inferred that in the opinion of Congress, the General Committee and the Sub Committee, that I understood the Subject and was likely to express the Sense of the Continent as exactly as any of them. I accordingly drew the Report which was accepted first by the Sub Committee then by the general Committee and last of all by Congress. The Declaration and Resolves you will find in the same Volume, Page 27. on Fryday October 14. 1774. They contain all the solid Principles which nearly two years afterwards were inserted in the Declaration of Independence. In these Resolves you will find many of my Principles of Revolution, particularly the fifth and sixth which were at that time Principles of every Member of Congress and of the whole Continent.
The fifth Resolve is, “That the respective Colonies are entitled to the Common Law of England and more especially to the great and inestimable Priviledge of being tried by their Peers of the Vicarage, according to the Course of that Law.
The Sixth Resolve is “That they are entitled to the Benefit of such of the English Statutes, as existed at the time of their Colonization and which they have be Experience, respectively found to be applicable to their several local and other Circumstances.
The Tenth Resolve is “It is indispensibly necessary to good Government and rendered essential by the English Constitution, that the Constiuent Branches of the Legislature be independent of each other.”
The tenth Principle of Revolution embraced by me was The Necessity of preserving the common Law, the Usefull Statutes, and the Independence of the constituent Branches of the Legislature. This Principle or rather these three Principles of I have heartily embraced and strenuously defended far more than fifty years, without one moments doubt of the Truth Utility or Necessity of them. Who then Madam has forgotten the Principles of the Revolution?
11. When, after fifteen years Exertion of all my Faculties and the Faculties of all my Friends to bring the English Nation to hearken to to reason and respect Justice, on the 19th of April 1775 I found Hostilities commenced and the Blood of our Citizens barbarously spilt I concluded what I had long foreseen, that We must resist in Arms the whole force of the British Empire. I thought it weak pusillanimous and dangerous to resist by halves. I went to Congress prepared to Seize every British officer in America and hold him as a Hostage for the Security of the People of Boston then imprisoned in the Town and all other Persons who might have the Misfortune to fall into British hands, to recommend to the People of all the States immediately to institute governments by their own original Power, and Authorize Congress to declare the States independent and then enter into Negotiations with England concerning Terms of Peace, but in the mean time to exert all the Force of the Continent to resist the British Forces by Sea and Land. This System I advocated with the Members of Congress in the House and out of Doors and more than half that Body were of my Mind; till Mr Dickenson aided by the Quakers and Proprietary Gentlemen of Pensilvania, prevailed on Mr John Rutledge of South Carolina to depart from his first opinion and go over to the other side, and he carried with him a Majority in Congress.
My Eleventh Principle of Revolutions then may be called A total but temporary Independence, without any foreign Connections to be Surrendered again by Treaty in case Safety and Liberty and Peace could be obtained upon honourable Terms.
12. When our Petition failed a Second time and I found We must go through a long War, I thought it folly to hesitate any longer and a total Seperation of the two Countries forever was become necessary and inevitable, I accordingly exerted all the Talents I had, feeble as they were, both in Doors and out to prevail on Congress to recommend to the States to institute Governments, to declare the Country independent, and to Seek commercial Connections not entangling Alliances with foreign Powers. I thought our Country fully adequate to the Contest with Britain without embarrassing ourselves with future European Wars. I thought that our Commerce was Reward enough to allure France Spain and Holland to countenance and befriend Us. And I knew that France And Spain then dreaded the Naval Power of the United British Empire to Such a degree, that I thought it impossible they Should let Slip the opportunity of Striking one Pistol at least out of the hand of an Enemy who constantly threatened them with two.
My twelfth Principle of Revolution then was Independence absolute and perpetual, not only of England, but of France Spain Holland, and all other Nations of the Earth. Others entangled Us with France – Not I. The whole History of which I could detail, but it is not necessary here.
Independence was declared, Congress recommended to the States to Sett up Governments, foreign Alliances were p Treaties of Commerce and Friendship were offered to foreign Powers. In Short the Revolution was compleat and perfect And these were my Principles and no other. During all this time No Form of Government had been recommended to any State, nor had any Conferation or National Constitution been adopted by Congress. It was not untill October and November 1777, more than a year after the Declaration of Independence and the perfect Accomplishment of the Revolution, that Congress deliberated Seriously on the Articles of the Confederation though a Report of their Committee had layed some time on their Table. I was present through all these debates, and took a share in them but the System adopted was so poor, So Superficial, so ill digested a Thing that I had no Satisfaction in it, and more than once declared to Congress in my Place, that it could govern none of the States that it could not hold the American People together, and that it would not exist ten years. Two years past away after Congress recommended it before the States adopted it in 1780 and it lived only to 1789.
But in this Confederation there was no recommendation of any particular form of government to the Seperate States. An hereditary Monarchy and Nobility might have been erected by every state in the Union, if they had pleased, so might an Absolute Monarchy or even a Despotism. So might a Simple Democracy, and Simple Aristocracy, a Simple Democracy Monarchy or any mixture of all of them. No State, No Man was pledged to adopt or Advocate any form of Government whatever. The States Accordingly did as they pleased, and there was a great variety in the Plans they did Adopt. Pensilvania adopted her Man Trap, for it deserved that the Name of that insidious Instrument of Punishment and Cruelty, much more than that of a free Republican Government. Accordingly the Partisans of it assumed the Name of Constitutionalists, and gave, or left the Name of Republicans to their Constitut Antagonists.—Vermont and Georgia were left to imitate and adopt this miserable Abortion, which fell dead almost from its Birth. Virginia the two Carolinas and Maryland all erected different Governments, Massachusetts erected none till 1780 four years after the Revolution terminated. During these four years We continued to Govern, According to a Royal British Charter. Connecticutt and Rhode Island have done the same to this day, full thirty one years after the End of the Revolution. New Hampshire contrived a few variations from Massachusetts, so did New Jersey from New York and Pensilvania both. I say again, that Resistance to Innovation, and the unlimited Claims of the Parliament was and not any particular new form of Government was The Object of the Revolution. We all acknowledged the Right of the People to frame their own Governments, and We knew they would not think of any other than Republican Governments. The most of Us, and my self among the rest, neither wished or thought of introducing any other, nor have wished for any other to this moment. We were not unanimous however. Mr Nelson, afterwards Governor of Virginia and a favourite of the People and really a very worthy Man declared to Congress in his Place that he should vote for Independence because he knew it was the sense of his Constituents: but that he was against it in his own private Judgment, because he knew the People would institute Republican Governments, and for his Part he acknowledged that he dreaded and abhorred Republican Governments.
The first Appearance of a national Stipulation in favour of Republican Government was in the Constitution of the United States, in which a Republican Constitution was guarranteed to the Several States. It may perhaps be a Sufficient Recommendation of this Article to say that it was introduced by Mr Charles Pinkney of South Carolina, and he ought to have the Glory of it. But I confess I never understood it, and I believe no other Man ever did or ever will. A Republican Government is a Government of more than one. The Word Republick has been used, it is true by learned Men to Signify every actual and every possible Government among Men, that of Constantinople as well as that of Geneva. But the most accurate Writers distinguish Republicks from Despotisms and Simple Monarchies, and call every Government by that name in which more than one Person is concerned in the Sovereignty, and in this Sense the Kingdoms of Sparta Poland and England were Republicks as truely as Saint Marino. Venice Holland and other States were universally called Republicks both by the Learned and unlearned; yet the People in these States had certainly no more Liberty than those of England or France. The most Accurate distinction then has been between free Republicks and Republicks which are not free. It is not even said in our Constitution that the People shall be guarranteed in a Free Republican Government. The Word is So loose and indeffinite that Successive Predominant Factions will put Glosses and Constructions upon it as different as light and darkness, and if ever there should be a Civil War which Heaven forbid, the conquering General in all his Tryumphs may establish a Military Despotism and yet call it a constitutional Republic as Napoleon has already Set him the Example. The only Effect of it that I could ever See, is to deceive the People: and this practice my heart abhors my head disapproves, and my Tongue my Pen have  ever avoided. I am No Pharisee, Jesuit or Macchiavilian.
Now Madam, in the Name of Justice, Truth, Friendship And Honour, I demand of you to shew me when are where and how I have relinquished the Republican System, and what Principle of the American Revolution I have forgotten. The Grave and Solemn philosophical Reflections which follow in this and in page 393, are callculated to give more formality and a more aggravated Character, to the gloomy Defamation in the Paragraphs I have been confuting.
I am very Sorry Madam you have laid me Under the Necessity of fatiguing you with these tedious Letters. But as I have begun I must pursue the Subject to the End. It will not be long before you will receive another Letter from your injured Friend
J. Adams