Title: From James Madison to George Nicholas, 8 April 1788
From: Madison, James
To: Nicholas, George

Dear Sir
Orange 8 April 1788
Your favor of the 5th. instant was duly handed to me last evening. The sentiments contained in it appear to me to be dictated by the most perfect propriety both as they regard the importance of the present moment, and the measures which it renders expedient. As I wish not to decline any co-operation that may tend to save America from Anarchy and disunion, I shall cheerfully execute the task you suggest of urging on Gentlemen in Maryland & South Carolina the mischievous influence here of such examples as N. Hampshire has set. I hope you will not omit the same precaution as to Maryland at least. I know that the opposition there, despairing of success in a direct attack on the Constitution, mean to contend for a postponement of the question. It is extremely probable that the same policy will occur or be suggested to the opposition in S. Carolina. I will write to several Gentlemen in Kentucky also, with a view to counteract efforts which I understand are on foot, for turning their jealousy on the subject of the Mississippi, against the proposed change in the fœderal System. It is obvious to me that the obstacles to a sacrifice of that important object will be increased at the same time that the pretexts for it will be removed, by an establishment of the new Government; and that this event alone can promise in any short time such arrangements with Spain as Kentucky must wish for. No fœderal Government will in my opinion be able very long to procrastinate an effectual assertion of the right agst. the Spaniards. The cheif question with Kentucky ought therefore to be whether the present or the proposed system be most likely to obtain a positive and speedy recognition of it. From the present she cannot possibly have any thing to hope. From neither do I believe she has any thing to fear. You will do well I think to correspond also with Kentucky on this subject. I hope indeed that you have already done so. Your known purpose of becoming a resident must secure you an attention that no other could expect. The necessity or at least the nature of An Address to the people from the friends of the Constitution may perhaps be best judged of, after the views of the adverse party are bro’t forward in the Convention, and the event reduced to certainty. And I should suppose the preparation of it may be brought within the compass of time then attainable.
I think entirely with you on the subject of amendments. The plan of Massts. is unquestionably the Ultimatum of the fœderalists. Conditional amendments or a second general Convention, will be fatal. The delay only of such experiments is too serious to be hazarded. It is a fact, of which you though probably not a great number may be apprized, that the late Convention were in one stage of the business for several days under the strongest apprehensions of an abortive issue to their deliberations. There were moments during this period at which despair seemed with many to predominate. I can ascribe the final success to nothing but the temper with which the Members assembled, and their ignorance of the opinions & confidence in the liberality of their respective constituents. The circumstances under which a second Convention composed even of wiser individuals, would meet, must extinguish every hope of an equal spirit of accomodation; and if it should happen to contain men, who secretly aimed at disunion, (and such I believe would be found from more than one State) the game would be as easy as it would be obvious, to insist on points popular in some parts, but known to be inadmissible in others of the Union. Should it happen otherwise, and another plan be agreed on, it must now be evident from a view of the objections prevailing in the different States among the advocates for amendments, that the opponents in this State who are attached to the Union and sensible of the necessity of a nervous Government for it, would be more dissatisfied with the result of the second than of the first experiment. From the account I have of Mr. Pendleton’s opinions I have no great apprehensions of his falling into the scheme of preliminary alterations. I had some days ago an opportunity of conversing pretty fully with his colleague & particular friend Col: Taylor, and of stating such facts & remarks as appeared to combat that scheme. Should a convenient occasion offer, I may take the liberty of repeating them to the Chancellor. When I write to our friend in Richmond I shall feel no restraint from giving him similar intimations. If report be not more than usually incorrect as to the conduct and language of Col. Mason, he has totally abandoned his moderation on this subject; and is pursuing his object by means which will neither add to the dignity of his character; nor I should hope, to the success of his cause. The manner in which you account for his intemperance is, I fancy, the true one.
Congress had come to no decision when I left N. York, on the proposed separation of Kentucky. Nine States had been but a few days only on the floor, and were then engaged on the subject. I waited as long as I possibly could in hopes of seeing something done, but was not gratified; and I learn by subsequent information that the Representation soon fell to seven States, which had suspended the consideration of the subject. The opposition to the measure had not fully shewn itself when I came away. It will proceed chiefly from a scruple drawn from the peculiar State of our affairs, and from the defect of power under the existing Confederation. There are individuals who will throw obstacles in the way, till Vermont can be let in at the same time. And others, I suspect, who will do the same, with the covert view of irritating Kentucky into an opposition to the new Government. Being aware of the influence which the temper of Kentucky might have on the event in this State, I was anxious that Congress should at once accede to her wishes; without regarding scruples which otherwise could not be denied to have weight. I fear somewhat that Mr. Brown’s anxiety to obtain a favorite point for his district, may expose him to impressions from the difficulties I have hinted, which will not be auspicious to the present conjuncture of things. This however is but conjecture. His judgment I have reason to believe is favorable to the New Government as it relates to the general interest of America; nor do I know that he views it in a different relation to that of Kentucky in particular. I know only that pains were taken with him on his way to Congress, if not also before he set out, to alarm his fears for the Misspi., and prepare him for unfavorable impressions. I will think of the hint you throw out, and will endeavor to give it effect, if I can devise any convenient means of success.
It is not in my power to obey the last of your suggestions. I have made declarations which do not now admit of my being a candidate for the Assembly. If I have not mistaken the law a member of Congs. is ineligible to a seat there; and I do not know that I could resign that Character to any existing authority. But independently of these considerations, I am led to suppose that advocates for the requisite measures for setting the new machine at work may be needed as much in Congress as in this State. I do not understand that any opposition will be made here to Mr. Gordon & Mr. Burnley; both of whom are declared and the former a proved fœderalist. The publication of which you wish a number of copies, is to come out in two parts. The first is probably ready by this time. The other will be delayed a few weeks. I will take measures for obtaining as soon as possible the number you desire. I have just recd. from Mr. Griffin some of the late numbers which are herewith inclosed. With great and sincere esteem I am Dr Sir Your Obedt. servt.
Js. Madison Jr
I find that Rhode Island has submitted the Constitution to the people to be decided by majority of voices immediately given. This mode precludes every result but that of a total adoption or rejection; and as the latter was foreseen, shews a determination there to involve all things in Confusion. The question will be decided precisely by the same majority as have prevailed in every other instance of late; the paper money party being agst. & the other party for the Constitution.


Title: To James Madison from Edward Carrington, 8 April 1788
From: Carrington, Edward
To: Madison, James

My dear Sir,
Richmond Apl. 8. 1788
Having an opportunity by Mr. Burnley I embrace it to acknowledge the Rect. of your favor of the 3d. Ult. from N. York, and also to congratulate you upon the success which attended your efforts to turn the Sinners of Orange from their wicked ways.
The Rage in Powhatan was, a few days before the election, as high as where, but by the day of trial, the Town was so changed that Mr. Turpin who had set out in the opposition declared for the constitution, and is elected under that declaration. His Associate Mr. Ronald had kept his sentiments to himself, but on that day, in a speach to the people, said he had done so, only to avoid the misrepresentations which he found candid Men subjected to, and, in decided terms pronounced the Constitution a great and good work, which, if adopted would give happiness & prosperity to America, and that should it be rejected a disunion must ensue to the utter ruin of the whole. Mr. Turpin was the old Member for the County, and his opposition occasioned me, contrary to my more early intention, to declare, at a late period for the Convention, but having taken the same ground with myself, at the day, his old standing saved his election by seven votes. I am however content as he is a respectable Man, and the County, from being anti, are become intirely federal. Most of the elections in the upper & Middle parts of the south side of James River, have been made in Phrenzy, and terminated in deputations of weak & bad Men, who have bound themselves to vote in the negative, and will in all cases be the tools of Mr. H.—but I hope there will be enough of another discription to disappoint his views. Much depends upon nine states having actually adopted by June, as this point would clearly unite the federalists of every discription—the event in N. Hampshire breaks this prospect, unless Rhode Island should, in some of her whimsical frolics take a turn into the right way, of this some late movements there give us some symptoms. Mr. Kinlagh arrived here this morning directly from South Carolina. He says the Convention of that state is to meet on the 12th. of May, and that three fourths of the people are warm Constitutionalists.

I have had much conversation with the Cheif Justice—he dislikes the Constitution, but dreads the consequences of a disunion so much, that he is determined to place us in no situation which shall in the least degree hazard such an event—he is indeed much discontented with our present situation and thinks that no change can be against us.
Do you return to N. York before June? I shall set out tomorrow. Command me there or elsewhere. I shall be glad to here from you, and will give you every thing which occurs worth communicating. I am dr sir your sincere Freind & Hl St.
Ed. Carrington


Title: From James Madison to John Brown, 9 April 1788
From: Madison, James
To: Brown, John

Dear Sir
Orange April 9. 1788
The returns of our elections as far as they are published, have raised somewhat the hopes of the friends to the Constitution. Those who are best informed think the adverse party will be outnumbered at the start. It seems pretty clear now that in point of characters the advantage will be on the federal side. The three chancellors are elected and are to be included in the description. So are Innis, Marshal, Nicholas, Corbin, Gl. Jones, Zachy. Johnson, Stuart, White, Walter Jones, and probably a number of others in Counties not yet heard from. The principal characters on the opposite side are only Henry, Mason, Grayson, Harrison, Tyler & M. Smith, who will be reinforced by a few secondary characters of some influence. I say nothing of the Governour: because it is not yet certain which party will have most of his aid; nor of Monroe whose precise sentiments are not generally known. If I mistake not, he will be found not an enemy to the Constitution. A good deal may depend on the vote of Kentucky in the question. I have taken the liberty of stating to several gentlemen in that quarter my opinion that the constitutional impediments to improper measures relating to the Mississppi. will be greater as well as the pretexts for them be less under the new than the existing system; and that the former alone can promise any effectual measures either in favor of that object, or of a dispossession of the English of the posts, an object of still more immediate consequence perhaps to the district. I understand that hitherto the people there have been friendly to the Constitution. According to current report, a division of opinions is extending itself to them. I have not heard much from the Counties on the western side of the Alleghany. The Counties between that and the Blue ridge, have without an exception I believe, elected fœderal members. The main body of the antifederalists, lies as was conjectured on the South Side of James River. There appears however to be much less unanimity even there than was feared. Very low down the Counties have chosen fœderalists.
Present my compliments to the family if you please, and particularly to Genl Irvine & Col. Reed if they be still a part of it. With very sincere esteem & regard I am Dear Sir Your Obedt. friend & servt.
Js. Madison Jr


Title: From James Madison to Edmund Randolph, 10 April 1788
From: Madison, James
To: Randolph, Edmund

My dear friend
Orange April 10th. 1788
Since I got home which was on the day preceding our election, I have received your favor of the 29th. of Feby. which did not reach New York before I had left it.
I view the amendments of Massachussetts pretty nearly in the same light that you do. They were meant for the people at large, not for the minority in the Convention. The latter were not affected by them; their objections being levelled against the very essence of the proposed Government. I do not see that the 2d. amendment, if I understand its scope, can be more exceptionable to the S. Sts. than the others. I take it to mean that the number of Reps. shall be limited to 200, who will be apportioned from time to time according to a census; not that the apportionment first made when the Reps. amount to that number shall be perpetual. The 9th. amendment I have understood was made a very serious point of by S. Adams.
I do not know of any thing in the new Constitution that can change the obligations of the public with regard to the old money. The principle on which it is to be settled, seems to be equally in the power of that as of the existing one. The claim of the Indiana Company can not I should suppose be any more validated by the new system, than that of all the creditors and others who have been aggrived by unjust laws. You do not mention what part of the Constitution, could give colour to such a doctrine. The condemnation of retrospective laws, if that be the part, does not appear to me, to admit on any principle of such a retrospective construction. As to the religious test, I should conceive that it can imply at most nothing more than that without that exception, a power would have been given to impose an oath involving a religious test as a qualification for office. The constitution of necessary offices being given to the Congress, the proper qualifications seem to be evidently involved. I think too there are several other satisfactory points of view in which the exception might be placed.
I shall be extremely happy to see a coalition among all the real federalists. Recommendatory alterations are the only ground that occurs to me. A conditional ratification or a second convention appears to me utterly irreconcileable in the present state of things with the dictates of prudence and safety. I am confirmed, by a comparative view of the publications on the subject, and still more of the debates in the several conventions, that a second experiment would be either wholly abortive, or would end in something much more remote from your ideas and those of others who wish a salutary Government, than the plan now before the public. It is to be considered also that besides the local & personal pride that wd. stand in the way, it could not be a very easy matter to bring about a reconsideration and recision of what will certainly have been done in six and probably eight States, and in several of them by unanimous votes. Add to all this the extreme facility with which those who secretly aim at disunion, (and there are probably some such in most if not all the States) will be able to carry on their schemes, under the mask of contending for alterations popular in some places and known to be inadmissible in others. Every danger of this sort might be justly dreaded from such men as this State & N. York only could furnish, playing for such a purpose, into each others hands. The declaration of H——y mentioned in your letter is a proof to me that desperate measures will be his game. If Report does not more than usually exaggerate, M[ason] also is ripening fast for going every length. His licentiousness of animadversion it is said, no longer spares even the moderate opponents of the Constitution. Yrs. Affecly
Js. M.


Title: From James Madison to George Washington, 10 April 1788
From: Madison, James
To: Washington, George

Dear Sir
Orange April 10. 1788
Having seen a part only of the names returned for the Convention, and being unacquainted with the political characters of many of them, I am a very incompetent prophet of the fate of the Constitution. My hopes however are much encouraged by my present conjectures. Those who have more data for their calculations than I have, augur a flattering issue to the deliberations of June. I find that Col: Nicholas, who is among the best judges, thinks on the whole, that a majority in the Convention will be on the list of fœderalists; but very properly takes into view the turn that may be given to the event by the weight of Kentucky if thrown into the wrong scale, and by the proceedings of Maryland and South Carolina, if they should terminate in either a rejection or postponement of the question. The impression on Kentucky, like that on the rest of the State was at first answerable to our wishes: but, as elsewhere, the torch of discord has been thrown in and has found the materials but too inflammable. I have written several letters since my arrival, to correspondents in that district, with a view to counteract antifederal machinations. I have little expectation however that they will have much effect, unless the communications that may go from Mr. Brown in Congress, should happen to breathe the same spirit: and I am not without apprehensions that his mind may have taken an unlucky tincture from the difficulties thrown in the way of the separation of the district, as well as from some antecedent proceedings of Congress. I have taken the liberty of writing also to a friend in South Carolina on the critical importance of a right decision there to a favorable one here. The inclosed letter which I leave unsealed will shew you that I am doing the same with respect to Maryland. Will you be so good as to put a wafer in it and to send it to the post office for George Town, or to change the address to Annapolis, if you should have reason to conclude that Mr. Carrol will be there? I have written a similar letter to Docr. McHenry. The difference between even a postponement and adoption in Maryland, may in the nice balance of parties here, possibly give a fatal advantage to that which opposes the Constitution.

I have done nothing yet in preparing answers to the queries. As facts are to be ascertained as well as opinions formed, delay will be of course, counted upon. With every sentiment of respect and attachment I remain Dear Sir, your Obedient & humble servt
Js. Madison Jr.


Title: From James Madison to Daniel Carroll, 10 April 1788
From: Madison, James
To: Carroll, Daniel

Letter not found. 10 April 1788. Mentioned in JM to Washington, 10 Apr. 1788. Acknowledged in Carroll to JM, 28 Apr. 1788. Urges speedy adoption of the Constitution by Maryland. A delay there could prove fatal to ratification in Virginia.


Title: From James Madison to James Mchenry, ca. 10 April 1788
From: Madison, James
To: McHenry, James

Letter not found. Ca. 10 April 1788. Mentioned in JM to Washington, 10 Apr. 1788. Urges speedy adoption of the Constitution by Maryland. A delay there could prove fatal to ratification in Virginia.


Title: From James Madison to [Charles Pinckney?], ca. 10 April 1788
From: Madison, James
To: Pinckney, Charles

Letter not found. Ca. 10 April 1788. Mentioned in JM to Washington, 10 Apr. 1788, and Griffin to JM, 28 Apr. 1788. Adoption of the Constitution in South Carolina is of critical importance in determining the question in Virginia.


Title: To James Madison from Cyrus Griffin, 14 April 1788
From: Griffin, Cyrus
To: Madison, James

My Dear Sir
N: Y: April 14th: [1788]
The french packet has at length arrived—but after a passage so long nothing new and material could be expected.
Mr Jefferson writes a very short letter, but not a wored of Intelligence—perhaps the enclosed to you may contain somewhat more satisfactory. He has also sent a letter to your attention for Ben. Lewis near Richmond, and George Clymer of philadelphia—five french pamphlets for mr Bannister, of Virginia, and a small package for yourself containing something valuable perhaps; what shall be done with them be kind enough to direct.
The Captain of a vessel from some port of france has just told me of three or four large boxes on board of him, for you, George Wythe, and other gentlemen, directed to your care. I shall have them brought to my house, and shall pay the freight, port duties &c. Give directions about those also.
Mr Adams has written a letter by the british packet of december 16th. He is preparing to leave England and seems to regret that Colo Smith could not be honored with some appointment from Congress—he tells us that the Netherlands are still in great confusion—that the Russians are carrying on the war against the Turks with great vigor, and perhaps will soon be assisted by the Emperor—and that in all probability the war may extend a good deal farther, that the peace between France and Britain may not continue a long time, & that our essential business will be neutrality. He approves highly the proposed Constitution.
Publius has not appeared since my last enclosure.
I thank you for the favor of march 25th. We all rejoice greatly at your election; indeed, my dear sir, we consider you as the main pillar of the business on the right side; but from the elections hitherto sent to us there is certainly a majority against the system, but the western members will preponderate the scale. In point of virtues and real abilities the federal members are much superior. Henry is weighty and powerful but too interested—Mason too passionate—the Governor by nature timid and undecided—and Grayson too blustering.
Brown begs his best respects to you—nothing yet done with Kentucky, or the Illi. matters.
Accept the enclosed paper—and consider me with real friendship &c
Cyrus Griffin


Title: To James Madison from Edmund Randolph, 17 April 1788
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Madison, James

My dear friend
Richmond April 17. 1788.
I thank you for your favor of the 10th. inst. from Orange. Colo. Nicholas in a late letter to me seems to think, that the majority is decidedly for the constitution. Accuracy cannot be expected; but a comparison of the intelligence, which centers here from the various parts of Va., persuades me, that he at least mistakes the degree of the majority, and leads me to suspect, that it lies adverse to the constn. so far as previous amendments go.
Two objections have always struck me, as deserving consideration on the subject of previous amendments; one, that under their cover, a higher game might be played, the other, that the hope of obtaining them might be frustrated by the assent of too many states. The former I fear more and more, daily; not knowing how far the schemes of those who externally patronize them, may internally extend, believing that personal irritation has roused some to enlarge their original views of opposition, and having myself no disposition to enjoy the credit of establishing my own opinion at the expence of public safety. I mention these things in confidence; especially as my final determination will not be taken, until I hear something from Maryland at least. The accts. brought hither yesterday by Mr. Jones, who had them from Colo. Hooe of Alexa. are, that Chase, Paca, Mercer and L. Martin are elected in Annapolis, to the exclusion of all the Carrols, and that Chase had caused a clerk of his to be elected in a county, which he could not represent.
Upon the subject of religion, I have no difficulty. The Indiana claim seriously affects me. My idea of its revival depends not upon any words in the constn. expressly giving it new birth, but from the jurisdiction which the fœderal ct. will enjoy. The question with them will be, is the right of the company an existing right. The merits cannot be suppressed; but by making the decision of the assembly conclusive. This I think is very difficult. But I never can agree to found any conduct of mine upon injustice. I therefore fear the claim, only because it may create a ferment with the settlers on Indiana, or among the citizens, who may eventually make them retribution.
Mr. Buford being in a hurry I cannot add as much as I wish. I shall go to visit the post at the Point of Fork, on monday & thence to Albemarle, where I should be happy to see you.
I have sent to Mrs. Carr to inform her, that I had thirty pounds from you for her but I have had no application for it, nor a safe oppy of sending it.
Mr. B. carries a letter from Colo. Hamilton to you. Yrs sincerely
E. R.


Title: From James Madison to Benjamin Franklin, 20 April 1788
From: Madison, James
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Virginia April 20. 1788
I have the honor to inclose herewith a letter from Mr. Limozin of Havre de Grace. The external address to me, was made on a supposition of my being an attending member of Congress; and as I find from a note within the letter, in order to make me acquainted with the circumstances which were to be laid before Congress. With the highest respect and esteem I have the honor to be Sir, Your most obedient humble servt.
Js. Madison Jr.


Title: From James Madison to Cyrus Griffin, 20 April 1788
From: Madison, James
To: Griffin, Cyrus

Letter not found. 20 April 1788. Acknowledged in Griffin to JM, 12 May 1788. Requests pamphlets and debates on the Constitution to be sent to Jefferson. Requests copy of the debates of the Massachusetts convention.


Title: From James Madison to John Brown, 21 April 1788
From: Madison, James
To: Brown, John

Letter not found. 21 April 1788. Acknowledged in Brown to JM, 12 May 1788. Prospects for the Constitution in Virginia. Requests statement of the foreign and domestic debt (Carrington to JM, 28 May 1788).


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 22 April 1788
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir
Virginia Orange April 22. 1788
Being just acquainted by a letter from President Griffin that Mr. Paridise is in N. York and proposes to sail in the first packet for France I drop you a few lines which will go by that conveyance if they arrive at N. York in time; which however I do not much expect.

The proposed Constitution still engrosses the public attention. The elections for the Convention here are but just over and promulged. From the returns (excluding those from Kentucky which are not yet known) it seems probable, though not absolutely certain that a majority of the members elect are friends to the Constitution. The superiority of abilities at least seems to lie on that side. The characters of most note which occur to me, are marshalled thus. For the Constitution, Pendleton, Wythe[,] Blair, Innis, Marshal, Docr. W. Jones, G. Nicholas, Wilson Nicholas, Gabl. Jones, Thos. Lewis, F. Corbin, Ralph Wormley Jr. White of Frederik, Genl. Gates, Genl. A. Stephens, Archd. Stuart, Zachy. Johnson, Docr. Stuart[,] Parson Andrews, H. Lee Jr. Bushrod Washington, considered as a young Gentleman of talents: Agst. the Constitution, Mr. Henry, Mason, Harrison, Grayson, Tyler, M. Smith, W. Ronald, Lawson, Bland, Wm. Cabell, Dawson.
The Governor is so temperate in his opposition and goes so far with the friends of the Constitution that he cannot properly be classed with its enemies. Monroe is considered by some as an enemy; but I believe him to be a friend though a cool one. There are other individuals of weight whose opinions are unknown to me. R. H. Lee is not elected. His brother F. L. Lee is a warm friend to the Constitution, as I am told, but also is not elected. So are Jno. & Man Page.
The adversaries take very different grounds of opposition. Some are opposed to the substance of the plan; others to particular modifications only. Mr. H——y is supposed to aim at disunion. Col. M——n is growing every day more bitter, and outrageous in his efforts to carry his point; and will probably in the end be thrown by the violence of his passions into the politics of Mr. H——y. The preliminary question will be whether previous alterations shall be insisted on or not? Should this be carryed in the affirmative, either a conditional ratification, or a proposal for a new Convention will ensue. In either event, I think the Constitution, and the Union will be both endangered. It is not to be expected that the States which have ratified will reconsider their determinations, and submit to the alterations prescribed by Virga. And if a second Convention should be formed, it is as little to be expected that the same spirit of compromise will prevail in it as produced an amicable result to the first. It will be easy also for those who have latent views of disunion, to carry them on under the mask of contending for alterations popular in some but inadmissible in other parts of the U. States.
The real sense of the people of this State cannot be easily ascertained. They are certainly attached and with warmth to a continuance of the Union; and I believe a large majority of the most intelligent and independent, are equally so to the plan under consideration. On a geographical view of them, almost all the Counties in the N. Neck have elected fœderal deputies. The Counties on the South side of James River have pretty generally elected adversaries to the Constitution. The intermediate district is much chequered in this respect. The Counties between the blue ridge & the Alleghany have chosen friends to the Constitution without a single exception. Those Westward of the latter, have as I am informed, generally though not universally pursued the same rule. Kentucky it is supposed will be divided.
Having been in Virga. but a few weeks, I can give you little account of other matters, and none of your private affairs or connections; particularly of your two nephews. The Winter here as every where else in the U. S. was very severe, which added to short crops of corn, threatened a great scarcity & high price. It is found however that neither of these evils has taken place. Corn may be purchased for 2 dollars, and even 10s. per barrel. Tobacco is as low at Fredg. as 18/. PerCt. and not higher at Richmond than 22 or 23/. There is at present a very promising spring: especially in the article of fruit. The night before last was so cold as to produce an alarm for the vegetation of all sorts; but it does not appear that any thing less vulnerable than young cucumbers has been injured.
I shall ask the favor of Mr. Griffin to send you by Mr. Paridise, or if he should be gone by some other hand, the debates of the Conventions in Penna. & Massachussetts, and any other publications worth your reading. I am Dear Sir your affecte friend & servt
Js. Madison Jr


Title: To James Madison from Edward Carrington, 23 April 1788
From: Carrington, Edward
To: Madison, James

My dear Sir,
New York Apl. 23. 1788
I have the pleasure to forward herewith two packets which came by the last French Packet.

The business of the constitution as referred to the Town meetings of Rhode Island, is over without producing any effect. Three of the Towns were decidedly for calling on the Legislature to appoint a convention according to the mode prescribed, and this it seems from freindly views to the measure. The remaining Towns have done nothing decisive of their sentiments—a few of them have apparently voted against it, but it is said & I beleive with Truth, that the reason votes do not appear in favor, is that the Freinds objected so directly against the mode of proceeding, that they would not act at all. In some others there are votes both for & against & at the same time propositions for insisting on the Legislatures calling a Convention. Upon the whole it is a pretty decided matter that Rhode Island will not be amongst the adopting States by June.
We have no Congress but it is expected we shall have one in a few days—this [is] a triffling business which I long to see an end of. I am Yrs. afftlly.
Ed. Carrington


Title: To James Madison from Cyrus Griffin, 28 April 1788
From: Griffin, Cyrus
To: Madison, James

My Dear Sir
N: york april 28. [1788]
I am favored by your friendly letter of april the 10th.
How it happened that No. 69 of Publius should have been omitted I can hardly imagine; the neglect shall be done away if any acquaintance or the printer are in possession of that paper.
The marchioness is perfectly upon her feet—for she walks five miles every day—and with great pleasure I will execute your Commands to her, and the Count—who are going to Philadelphia on Thursday next.
I am very sorry to hear that your calculations render the adoption of the constitution so uncertain—I did once think that my conclusion upon the matter was erroneous—but alas! my dear sir, without a change of opinion when the members assemble I fear the system will be lost; however if it shall depend upon Kentucky Brown is determined to exert all his Influence in favor of it.
This morning your letter is sent to Charleston by a proper conveyance.
My two last packets to you contained letters from Europe—by this post I do myself the pleasure to enclose others, and the paper of today.

The Emperor having declared war against the Turks—and being determined to act with vigor—in all probability the flames will extend farther. His ottoman majesty does not discover the least Inclination for peace upon the Conditions offered by Russia, and France being in strict union with the Porte cannot remain idle.
Colonel Carrington has gotten amoung us again—but does not seem to be in good spirits—whether from love matters, or from the loss of his election in Virginia, or from what other Cause I do not know.
We expect to make nine states in the course of this week—tho at present the weather is very bad.
What am I to do with the boxes and packages under your direction. Your very affet. and obedient humble servant
C Griffin


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 1 May 1788
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Paris May 1. 1788.
The bearer hereof, Monsieur de Warville, is already known to you by his writings, some of which I have heretofore sent you, & particularly his work sur la France et les etats unis. I am happy to be able to present him to you in person, assured that you will find him in all his dispositions equally estimable as for his genius. I nee[d] only to ask your acquaintance for him. That will dispo[se] you to shew him all the civilities & attentions which may render his time agreeable in America, & put him into the way of obtaining any info[r]mation he may want. I am gratified, while rendering him this serv[ice,] to procure to myself the occasion of repeating to you those sentiments of esteem & attachment with which I am Dear Sir Your sincere friend & humble servant
Th. Jefferson


Title: To James Madison from George Washington, 2 May 1788
From: Washington, George
To: Madison, James

My dear Sir,
Mount Vernon May 2d: 1788
Your favor of the 10th. Ult. came duly to hand, and the enclosure for Mr. D. Carroll was forwarded the next day by a direct & safe conveyance. That Gentleman, however, was not of the Convention. But the body of which you supposed him to be a member, by a large and decided Majority (of Sixty odd to twelve) have ratified the New Constitution. A thorn this in the sides of the leaders of opposition in this State. Should South Carolina give as unequivocal approbation of the system, the opposition here will become feeble; for eight affirmatives without a negative carries weight of argument, if not of eloquen[ce] along with it, which might cause even the unerring sister to hesitate.
Mr. Chace, it is said, made a display of all his eloquence. Mr. Mercer discharged his whole Artillery of inflamable matter—and Mr. Martin did something—I know not what—but presume with vehemence—yet no converts were made—no, not one. So the business, after a very short Session, ended; and will if I mistake not, render yours less tiresome. With Sentiments of sincere regard & Affecte I am Yours
Go: Washington


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 3 May 1788
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Paris May 3. 1788.
Mine of Feb. 6. acknoleged the receipt of yours of Dec. 9. and 20. Since that, those of Feb. 19. & 20. are come to hand. The present will be delivered you by mr. Warville, whom you will find truly estimable, & a great enthusiast for liberty. His writings will have shewn you this.
For public news I must refer you to my letter to mr. Jay. Those I wrote to him from Amsterdam will have informed you of my journey thither. While there, I endeavored to get as well as I could into the state of national credit there: for tho’ I am an enemy to the using our credit but under absolute necessity, yet the possessing a good credit I consider as indispensible in the present system of carrying on war. The existence of a nation, having no credit, is always precarious. The credit of England is the best. Their paper sells at par on the exchange of Amsterdam the moment any of it is offered, & they can command there any sum they please. The reason is that they never borrow without establishing taxes for the paiment of the interest, and they never yet failed one day in that paiment. The Emperor & Empress have good credit enough. They use it little, & have been ever punctual. This country cannot borrow at all there. For tho’ they always pay their interest within the year, yet it is often some months behind. It is difficult to assign to our credit it’s exact station in this scale. They consider us as the most certain nation on earth for the principal; but they see that we borrow of themselves to pay the interest, so that this is only a conversion of their interest into principal. Our paper for this reason sells for from 4. to 8. per cent below par on the exchange. And our loans are negotiated with the patriots only. But the whole body of money dealers, patriot & Stadholderian, look forward to our new government with a great degree of partiality & interest. They are disposed to have much confidence in it, & it was the prospect of it’s establishment which enabled us to set the loan of last year into motion again. They will attend stedfastly to it’s first money operations. If these are injudiciously begun, correction, whenever they shall be corrected, will come too late. Our borrowings will always be difficult & disadvantageous. If they begin well, our credit will immediately take the first station. Equal provision for the interest, adding to it a certain prospect for the principal, will give us a preference to all nations, the English not excepted. The first act of the new government should be some operation whereby they may assume to themselves this station. Their European debts form a proper subject for this. Digest the whole, public & private, Dutch, French & Spanish, into a table, shewing the sum of interest due every year, & the portions of principal paiable the same years. Take the most certain branch of revenue, & one which shall suffice to pay the interest & leave such a surplus as may accomplish all the paiments of the capital at terms somewhat short of those at which they will become due. Let the surpluses of those years in which no reimbursement of principal falls, be applied to buy up our paper on the exchange of Amsterdam, & thus anticipate the demands of principal. In this way our paper will be kept up at par, and this alone will enable us to command in four & twenty hours at any time on the exchange of Amsterdam as many millions as that capital can produce. The same act which makes this provision for the existing debts, should go on to open a loan to their whole amount, the produce of that loan to be applied as fast as received to the paiment of such parts of the existing debts as admit of paiment. The rate of interest to be as the government should privately instruct their agent, because it must depend on the effect these measures would have on the exchange. Probably it could be lowered from time to time. Honest & annual publications of the paiments made will inspire confidence, while silence would conceal nothing from those interested to know.
You will perceive by the Comte rendue which I send you, that this country now calls seriously for it’s interest at least. The nonpaiment of this hitherto has done our credit little injury, because the government here saying nothing about it, the public have supposed they wished to leave us at our ease as to the paiment. It is now seen that they call for it, & they will publish annually the effect of that call. A failure here therefore will have the same effect on our credit hereafter as a failure at Amsterdam. I consider it then as of a necessity not to be dispensed with that these calls be effectually provided for. If it shall be seen that the general provision before hinted at cannot be in time to comply with the first calls of this country; then it is the present government which should take on itself to borrow in Amsterdam what may be necessary for them. The new government should by no means be left by the old to the necessity of borrowing a stiver before it can tax for it’s interest. This will be to destroy the credit of the new government in it’s birth. And I am of opinion that if the present Congress will add to the loan of a million (which mr. Adams & myself have proposed this year) what may be necessary for the French calls to the year 1790. the money can be obtained at the usual disadvantage. Tho’ I have not at this moment received such authentic information from our bankers as I may communicate to Congress, yet I know privately from one of them (mr. Jacob Van Staphorst who is here) that they had on hand a fortnight ago near 400,000 florins, & the sale of bonds going on well. So that the June interest which had been in so critical a predicament was already secured. If the loan of a million on mr. Adams’s bonds of this year be ratified by Congress, the applications of the money on hand may go on immediately according to the statement I sent to mr. Jay. One article in this I must beg you to press on the Treasury board. That is an immediate order for the paiment of the three years arrearages to the French officers. They were about holding a meeting to take desperate measures on this subject when I was called to Holland. I desired them to be quiet till my return, & since my return I have pressed a further tranquillity till July by which time I have given them reason to hope I may have an answer from the Treasury board to my letters of March. Their ill humour can be contained no longer, and as I know no reason why they may not be paid at that time, I shall have nothing to urge in our defence after that.
I do not know Warville’s business in America. I suspect him to be agent of a company on some speculation of lands. Perhaps you might connect him usefully in what yourself and Monroe had proposed.
You remember the Report drawn by Governor Randolph on the navigation of the Missisipi. When I came to Europe, mr. Thomson was so kind as to have me a copy of it made out. I lent it to Dr. Franklin & he mislaid it so that it could never be found. Could you make interest with him to have me another copy made & send it to me?
By mr. Warville I send your pedometer. To the loop at bottom of it you must sew a tape, and, at the other end of the tape, a small hook (such as we use under the name of hooks & eyes). Cut a little hole in the bottom of your left watchpocket. Pass the hook & tape through it, & down between the breeches & drawers, & fix the hook on the edge of your kneeband, an inch from the kneebuckle. Then hook the instrument itself by it’s swivel-hook on the upper edge of the watchpocket. Your tape being well adjusted in length, your double steps will be exactly counted by the instrument, the shortest hand pointing out the thousands, the flat hand the hundreds, & the long hand the tens & units. Never turn the hands backward. Indeed it is best not to set them to any given place, but to note the number they stand at when you begin to walk. The adjusting the tape to it’s exact length is a critical business, & will cost you many trials. But, once done, it is done for ever. The best way is to have a small buckle fixed on the middle of the tape, by which you can take it up & let it out at pleasure. When you chuse it should cease to count, unhook it from the top of the watch pocket & let it fall down to the bottom of the pocket.
I am to pay to Dr. Ramsey (if he requires it) 936 livres Tournois for a bookseller here. I take the liberty of writing to him that you will answer his draught to that amount. I communicate to him at the same time a proposition from the bookseller to furnish it in books. If he accedes to this, no draught will be made on you. Otherwise I must beg the favor of you to honour his bill & charge it to me. I send you the captain’s receipt for the boxes of books forwarded some time ago. My absence prevented the receipt’s going to you sooner. I am with sentiments of the most sincere esteem & attachment Dr. Sir your affectionate friend & servt
Th: Jefferson

Neckar des opinions religieuses.
}
now sent you by mr. Warville.

Mirabeau aux Bataves

Volney sur la guerre des Turcs.

Meilhan sur l’esprit et les moeurs


Title: To James Madison from Philip Mazzei, 9 May 1788
From: Mazzei, Philip
To: Madison, James

Carissimo e degno Amico,
Parigi, 9 Maggio 1788.
Per il pacqueboat precedente Mr. Faure di Havre vi spedì la seconda cassa de’ miei libri, con 103 esemplari legati in 3 volumi, e uno cucito in 4. Il cucito contenente 2 prime parti senza la quarta fù spedito per correggere uno sbaglio accaduto nella prima spedizione, ove in uno dei 64 esemplari era duplicata la 4 ta. e mancava la 1 ma. Varie circostanze mi impedirono di scrivervi allora, onde non avrete ricevuto in quell’occasione altro che la lettera d’avviso di Mr. Faure colla polizza di carico.
Amico, io non ò coraggio di scrivervi sopra verun’altro soggetto, e appena ò forza bastante per raccomandarmi alla vostra cordiale e tenera amicizia. Sarete informato della condotta di Foster Webb, e conseguentemente delle mie reiterate e gravi perdite. Le mie frequenti suppliche a Mr. Blair, e a Ed. Randolph, affinchè gli levassero di mano il maneggio dei miei affari, sono state, per quanto sento, inefficaci. Ambidue per altro mi avevan più volte promesso a bocca, e ripetuto per lettera, d’invigilare ai miei interessi colla massima esattezza. O inteso nell’istesso tempo che la morte mi à liberato da una furia infernale; ma tal notizia non à potuto sollevarmi, a motivo dei debiti che pesano sul mio povero cuore, non ostante l’umanità grande dei miei creditori.
La necessità di mettermi al coperto contro le persecuzioni d’una cattiva donna, vi fecero forse dubitare (quando ero in Virginia) che io esagerassi i miei infortunj; ma in tal caso vi ingannaste, Amico. I miei mali erano pur troppo veri e grandi, e il nostro governo mi sacrificò. Procurate, vi prego, di farmi qualche rimessa il più presto possibile, affinchè io possa sussistere e dare ai miei creditori un piccolo contrassegno almeno dell’adempimento dei miei doveri.
La repugnanza dimostrata da varj nostri concittadini ad accettare il posto di Ministro Plenipotenziario in Olanda, m’induce a significarvi colla franchezza che mi lusingo poter’usar con voi senza indiscretezza, che se io ne fossi creduto degno, m’impegnerei di farvi ottima figura, dando del mio salario al povero Dumas la somma annuale che gli passa il Congresso. Vi dirò per altro, che l’impiego d’Incaricato colla terza parte del salario in Italia mi piacerebbe di più, perchè son persuaso che in quel paese potrei esser di tale utilità alla nostra patria da sorpassare l’aspettativa degli amici. Se potete contribuire a soccorrer me, colla ben fondata speranza di servir la patria, spero che ve ne occuperete. Amico, non sarete annoiato dalla lettura d’una lunga e lugubre lettera, perchè la mano non mi regge. Addio, non mi abbandonate. Tutto Vostro,
Filippo Mazzei
10. detto
P. S. Mr. Dorman vi rimesse dei capatali [sic] su varj stati per sicurezza del mio credito; ma ei potrebbe forse ricever prima di voi dei pagamenti da qualche altro stato. In tal caso ei dovrebbe riflettere a qual che mi à fatto soffrire, ed aver l’umanità di rimettervi il denaro e riprendere i suoi capitali. In secondo luogo, il suo proprio interesse lo richiede per por fine al grave cambio di 20 per 100. Fategli, di grazia, queste osservazioni, e procurate di finirla; neppure il 60 per 100 servirebbe a indennizzarmi di quel che soffro, se le rimesse tardano molto di più.

Condensed Translation
Mr. Faure sent the second box of Mazzei’s books on the last packet. Mazzei has suffered losses as a result of Foster Webb’s conduct. His frequent pleas to Blair and Randolph to manage his affairs have been ineffective. He has learned that death has rid him of a hellish persecution, but this is small comfort in view of his heavy debts. He implores JM to secure payment for him, so that he might subsist and partially fulfill his debts. Mazzei offers his services as minister to Holland, promising to pay Dumas’s salary from his own. The post of chargé to Italy would please him even more for he could be of great service there. In the postscript, Mazzei requests JM’s aid in settling the affair with Dohrman.


Title: To James Madison from George Nicholas, 9 May 1788
From: Nicholas, George
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir,
Charlottesville May 9th. 88.
I congratulate you on the decision of the Maryland convention.
I am much alarmed by the accounts from Kentucky. Will you commit to paper the reasons that induce you to think that their navigation so far from being endangered, will probably be promoted by the adoption of the new government. Shewing that it is the policy of the different states to insist on it and that from their conduct in Congress latterly on this subject they are themselves convinced of it, will have a great effect.
Are you furnished with estimates to shew the probable amount of an impost and the duties on enumerated articles. I know that it will be attempted to prove that the amount will be much less than I suppose it would be. Such statements I suppose might be had from the mercantile gentn. in Phila. or New-York. With the greatest respect and esteem; I am, Dr. Sir, Yr. obdt. servt.
G: Nicholas


Title: To James Madison from Alexander Hamilton, [11 May] 1788
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Madison, James

My Dr Sir
[11 May 1788]
I believe I am in your debt a letter or two, which is owing to my occapations [sic] in relation to the elections &c.
These are now over in this state, but the result is not known. All depends upon Albany where both sides claim the victory. Our doubts will not be removed till the latter end of the month. I hope your expectations of Virginia have not diminished.
Respecting the first volume of Publius I have executed your commands. The books have been sent addressed to the care of Governor Randall. The second we are informed will be out in the course of a week, & an equal number shall be forwarded.
Inclosed is a letter committed to my care by a Mr. Van der Kemp which I forward with pleasure. Believe me with great attachment Yrs
A Hamilton


Title: To James Madison from John Brown, 12 May 1788
From: Brown, John
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
New York May 12th. 1788
I have had the honor to receive your favors of the 9th. & 21st. of April for which accept my thanks. My hopes respecting the Success of the new Constitution in Virginia are in some measure revived by the information you have given me upon that Subject but am still sorry to find that the number of friends & foes are so nearly divided as to render the Vote of Kentucky of critical importance for I fear nothing friendly is to be expected from that quarter. I yesterday reced. letters from Colo. Muter & Mr Innes who inform that it has few or no Supporters in that Country. Muter from a warm friend has become a violent enemy to the Plan & that upon general principles. They enclosed me a list of members chosen to represent that District in Convention & further advise that on the 1st. Monday in April a Convention was to meet at Danville expressly to take into consideration the new Constitution & instruct & charge their representatives with the Sentiments of the District upon that Subject. This measure almost precludes all hope that any good effect will result from a communication of my Sentiments to these Delegates, as I am apprehensive that they will conceive themselves religiously bound to observe Instructions framed & given with such Solemnity. However as I am personally acquainted with the Men & fully possess their confidence I shall at all events hazard the Attempt.
I have not of late been able to discover any great change in the Sentiments of the people of this State with respect to the New Government. Both parties appear equally confident & have equal expectations from Virginia. Their Elections for Convention are over but the returns are not yet made known. I believe Federalists only are elected for this City.
We have done very little in Congress since you left us—Nine States have not appeared since that time & for a month previous to tuesday last we could not even muster Seven; Nine are again shortly expected upon the floor, as soon as this is the case I shall endeavour to obtain the Determination of Congress upon the Kentucky Application. I flatter myself that it will be in favor ‘tho’ still have great reason to fear the effects of Eastern Jealousy. My Anxiety upon this Subject daily increases, should not a dete[r]mination be had before the expiration of the Act of Seperation—or should Congress refuse to grant this request; in either case I fear the consequences may be unfavorable to the Union especially as that District entertains such prejudices against the New Constitution which I hope & believe will be adopted. Let the event of their application be what it may I am convincd they will proceed in establishing their Independence. They have already chosen Delegates to meet in Convention at Danville about the last of July to form a Constitution. The future prosperity & tranquility of that Country greatly depends upon the Success of this important undertaking & I fear that few will be found in that Body who have Sufficiently attended to political Subjects to quallify them for the task of framing a good System of Government for that District. There is also reason to apprehend that certain partialities & prejudices will operate against a Judicious Selection from the Constitutions of the different States. Some of the most respectable Characters in that Country aware of those difficulties have expressed to me their wish that you could be prevailed upon to draw up a plan of Government for that District to be laid before their Convention—assureing that from the great confidence they place in your integrity & abilities there is every reason to believe that it would be adopted in toto. Will you pardon me for adding my request to their wishes. I am sensible of the impropriety of this application at a time when you are engaged in important Business—let my anxiety to promote the happiness of a flourishing Country in which I propose to spend my life plead my excuse.
I send you enclosed the Statements you required & shall at all times be happy in being favord with your commands should my Services in this quarter be of use to you. I am with esteem & respect Dr. Sir Yo. Mo. Hble Servt.
J: Brown
P. S. Mrs. Elsworth desires to be rememberd to you also Mrs. Harman who is now a Widdow.


Title: To James Madison from Tench Coxe, 19 May 1788
From: Coxe, Tench
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Philadelphia May 19th. 1788.
The fate of the new constitution is now hastening to a crisis. The decision of Virginia in its favor ensures its existence, for South Carolina will most certainly adopt it before you can be organized. If on the other hand your Convention should reject the Government it will be rendered extremely uncertain in New York, New Hampshire, and North Carolina. Had our friends been less sanguine in New Hampshire the Carolina Convention would have had the power of finishing the Business, and your difficulties in Virginia would have been comparatively small.

My feelings on this Subject have induced me once more to attempt some observations, not so much on the Constitution itself as on its relation to the Prosperity of Virginia & the United States. I have touched likewise on some points that have been made a ground of complaint by some of your Gentlemen. I shall enclose you a few copies, & earnestly wish they may be useful. To avoid length & repetition I have gone but little into the argument on the commercial powers of Congress. What I have said on that point is upon principles different from, tho not opposite to, those in my letter to Mr. Lee of which I also enclose a copy—with a couple of German papers, favorable to the Goverment. They contain the American Citizen & other publications which you have seen. Your mind and time must be now so fully occupied that I will not detain your attention further than just to entrea[t] that when you can satisfy yourself about the Event of the Business in your Convention you will signify it, whether favorable or otherwise, by a single line. I am, dear Sir, with unfeigned esteem your most respectful Servant
Tench Coxe


Title: To James Madison from Alexander Hamilton, 19 May 1788
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Madison, James

New York May 19. 1788
Some days since I wrote to you, My Dear Sir, inclosing a letter from a Mr. V Der Kemp &c.
I then mentioned to you that the question of a majority for or against the constitution would depend upon the County of Albany. By the latter accounts from that quarter I fear much that the issue there has been against us.
As Clinton is truly the leader of his party, and is inflexibly obstinate I count little on overcoming opposition by reason. Our only chances will be the previous ratification by Nine states, which may shake the firmness of his followers; and a change in the sentiments of the people which have been for some time travelling towards the constitution, though the first impressions made by every species of influence and artifice were too strong to be eradicated in time to give a decisive turn to the elections. We shall leave nothing undone to cultivate a favourable disposition in the citizens at large.
The language of the Antifœderalists is that if all the other states adopt, New York ought still to hold out. I have the most direct intelligence, but in a manner, which forbids a public use being made of it, that Clinton has in several conversations declared his opinion of the inutility of the Union. Tis an unhappy reflection, that the friends to it should by quarrelling for straws among themselves promote the designs of its adversaries.
We think here that the situation of your state is critical. Let me know what you now think of it. I believe you meet nearly at the time we do. It will be of vast importance that an exact communication should be kept up between us at that period; and the moment any decisive question is taken, if favourable, I request you to dispatch an express to me with pointed orders to make all possible diligence, by changing horses &c. All expences shall be thankfully and liberally paid.
I executed your commands respecting the first vol of the Fœderalist. I sent 40 of the common copies & twelve of the finer ones addressed to the care of Governor Randolph. The Printer announces the second Vol in a day or two, when an equal number of the two kinds shall also be forwarded. He informs that the Judicial department trial by jury bill of rights &c. is discussed in some additional papers which have not yet appeared in the Gazettes. I remain with great sincerity & attachmnt.


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 25 May 1788
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Paris May 25. 1788.
The inclosed letter for mr. Jay being of a private nature, I have thought it better to put it under your cover lest it might be opened by some of his clerks in the case of his absence. But I inclose a press copy of it for yourself, as you will perceive the subject of it referred to you as well as to him. I ask your aid in it so far as you think right, and to have done what you think right. If you will now be so good as to cast your eye over the copy inclosed, what follows the present sentence will be some details, supplementory to that only, necessary for your information, but not proper for me to state to mr. Jay.
Mr. Jay. Tho appointed a minister resident at the court of Madrid he never was received in that character. He was continually passing from Paris to Madrid and Madrid to Paris so that he had no occasion to establish a houshold at either. Accordingly he staid principally in furnished lodgings. Of all our ministers he had the least occasion for an outfit, and I suppose spent almost nothing on that article. He was of a disposition too to restrain himself within any limits of expence whatever, and it suited his recluse turn. Should he judge of what others should do, by what he did, it would be an improper criterion. He was in Europe as a voyageur only, and it was while the salary was 500 guineas more than at present.
J. Adams. He came over when, instead of outfit & salary, all expences were paid. Of rigorous honesty, and careless of appearances he lived for a considerable time as an œconomical private individual. After he was fixed at The Hague and the salary at a sum certain, he continued his œconomical stile till out of the difference between his expences & his salary, he could purchase furniture for his house. This was the easier as the salary was at 2500 guineas then. He was obliged too to be passing between Paris and The Hague so as to avoid any regular current of ex-pence. When he established himself, his pecuniary affairs were under the direction of Mrs. Adams one of the most estimable characters on earth, and the most attentive & honourable œconomists. Neither had a wish to lay up a copper, but both wished to make both ends meet. I suspect however, from an expression dropped in conversation, that they were not able to do this, and that a deficit in their accounts appeared in their winding up. If this conjecture be true, it is a proof that the salary, so far from admitting savings, is inequal to a very plain stile of life, for such was theirs. I presume Congress will be asked to allow it, and it is evident to me, from what I saw while in London that it ought to be done, as they did not expend a shilling which should have been avoided. Would it be more eligible to set the example of making good a deficit, or to give him an Outfit, which will cover it? The impossibility of living on the sum allowed, reputably, was the true cause of his insisting on his recall.
Doctr. Franklin. He came over while all expences were paid. He rented a house with standing furniture, such as tables, chairs, presses &ca and bought all other necessaries. The latter were charged in his account, the former was included in the article of houserent and paid during the whole time of his stay here; and as the established rate of hire for furniture is from 30. to 40. per cent. per annum, the standing furniture must have been paid for three times over during the 8. years he staid here. His salary too was 2500 guineas. When Congress reduced it to less than 2000. he refused to accede to it, asked his recall, and insisted that whenever they chose to alter the conditions on which he came out, if he did not approve of it, they ought to replace him in America on the old conditions. He lived plain, but as decently as his salary would allow. He saved nothing, but avoided debt. He knew he could not do this on the reduced salary & therefore asked his recall with decision.
To him I succeeded. He had established a certain stile of living. The same was expected from me and there were 500 guineas a year less to do it on. It has been aimed at however as far as was practicable. This rendered it constantly necessary to step neither to the right nor to the left to incur any expence which could possibly be avoided & it called for an almost womanly attention to the details of the houshold, equally perplexing, disgusting, & inconsistent with business. You will be sensible that in this situation no savings could be made for reimbursing the half year’s salary ordered to be advanced under the former commission & more than as much again which was unavoidably so applied, without order, for the purchase of the Outfit. The reason of the thing, the usage of all nations, the usage of our own by paying all expences of preceding ministers, which gave them the outfit as far as their circumstances appeared to them to render it necessary, have made me take for granted all along that it would not be refused to me; nor should I have mentioned it now but that the administration is passing into other hands, and more complicated forms. It would be disagreeable to me to be presented to them in the first instance as a suitor. Men come into business at first with visionary principles. It is practice alone which can correct & conform them to the actual current of affairs. In the mean time those to whom their errors were first applied have been their victims. The government may take up the project of appointing foreign ministers without outfits and they may ruin two or three individuals before they find that that article is just as indispensable as the salary. They must then fall into the current of general usage, which has become general only because experience has established it’s necessity.
Upon the whole, be so good as to reflect on it, and to do, not what your friendship to me, but your opinion of what is right will dictate. Accept, in all cases, assurances of the sincere esteem & respect with which I am Dear Sir Your friend & servant
Th: Jefferson


Title: To James Madison from Rufus King, 25 May 1788
From: King, Rufus
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir,
New york 25. May 1788.
I leave this city Tomorrow for Boston, and shall be extremely obliged to you to inform me of the Progress and determination of your Convention—you can with difficulty conceive the real anxiety experienced in Massachusetts concerning your Decision—there remains no doubt that a very large majority of the People of Mass: are in favor of the federal constitution. The late Elections for Governor Lt: Governor, Senators & Representatives incontrovertibly prove it. Mr. Gerry is elected to no Office—Mr. Warren the Speaker of the last house is not a member of the Legislature for this year—Hancock has four fifths of the Votes for Govr. and Gerry the residue—Mr. Warren who was the antifederal Candidate for Lt. Governor has abt. One fifth of the votes, Lincoln has nearly half but not a majority of the whole number—the other votes for Lt. Governor are divided principally between Mr. Adams & Mr. Gorham.
You will recollect the manner of electing our senate; Thirty one of the forty Members have this year been elected by the people, of which number Six only are antifederal.
The late Elections in connecticut have confirmed the Decision of their Convention; the leader of the opposition General James Wadsworth (who has been many years a member of their Council, and was almost the only Man of any sort of consequence in that State who opposed the federal constitution) has not been reelected a Councillor. The Intelligence from New Hampshire is favorable, and I cherish a rational Expectation that they will adopt the constitution by a handsome majority. Your correspondence with Hamilton & others here, will furnish you with the prospects in this State. Direct your Letters (if leisure permits your writing) to me at Boston, and be assured that I am very respectfully Dr. Sir your obt. & very Hble Servt.
Rufus King


Title: From James Madison to John Brown, 27 May 1788
From: Madison, James
To: Brown, John

Dear Sir
Orange May 27. 1788.
I am much obliged by your favor of the 12th. instant and particularly by the documents covered by it.
Similar information to that you recite from Kentucky had reached us from the same quarter. Having not heard of the meeting for instructions being actually held, I indulge some hopes that it may not have taken place, and that the delegates will bring to the Convention no other fetters than those of prejudice. I have endeavored to calculate with as much accuracy as possible, the comparative merit of the new & old system in relation to the Missippi: and can not but persuade myself that if the vote of Kentucky should turn on that point, her intelligent & candid friends will embrace the Constitution. There are considerations both of a general nature, and peculiar to the Western interests, which in my opinion recommend the same policy. It gives me a great deal of pleasure, and no small hopes, to find that you view the matter in the same light that I do, and that the confidence reposed in your judgment on the question by the members from that district, will be made use of, on the side wished by the federalists. The unfortunate turn given to the Kentucky elections, has not extinguished the hopes of this part of the Community, nor the fears of their rivals. The calculations which are generally made leave rather a balance, but a very minute one, in the federal scale, after adding Kentucky to the opposite one. But the issue must be somewhat uncertain where the data are so far from being clear & precise, and the calculations so nice & tickleish.
I am anxious that the decision of Congress on the subject of Kentucky may be speedy & conciliatory. It will co-operate persuasively with the arguments and with the delegates from that Quarter: and in my opinion is in every respect desireable. The request made on the subject of Constitution for the new State, needed no apology. Nothing would give me more pleasure than to throw in my ideas towards so important a work, were it within the compass of practicability. But under present circumstances, I can promise nothing of that sort. I did not receive your letter till the day before yesterday; I have been occupied with company and other matters since; and shall not have a moments leizure before I set off for Richmond. At that place, I shall not probably be able to attend to any subject distinct from the one under deliberation. By the end of the Convention, if no other difficulties were in the way; the season will be past. Had I recd. your letter ten days sooner, I would at least have attempted some outlines. I shall have an opportunity in Richmd. of conversing with the members from Kentucky; and if this subject shd. be introduced, shall be very ready to suggest hints that may occur. With sincere esteem & regard I am Dr Sr Yrs. affetly
Js. Madison Jr.
Give my complts. to Col: Carrington to whom I sd. write, had I any thing worth saying to him. Give them also to Mrs. Elseworth & Mr[s]. Harman, and the rest of the family if it retains any others of my acquaintance.


Title: To James Madison from Edward Carrington, 28 May 1788
From: Carrington, Edward
To: Madison, James

My dear Sir,
New York May 28 1788
I have the pleasure to acknowledge the receipt of your several favors from Orange & am much obliged to you for them.
Mr. Brown informs me that he has sent you full statements of the Foreign & domestic debts—should you find any additional papers useful, be good enough to inform me, and they shall be immediately forwarded. I can however now add to what you have received, some intelligence upon the subject of our debts. You are acquainted with the steps taken by Mr. Adams last year, for negotiating a loan of 1 Million of Guilders—this loan has not been filled up—about two thirds of the Bonds deposited by him with our bankers to be negotiated, have remained undisposed of, owing to the dubious state of our politics—the inefficiency of our old Government is too well known in holland to induce the confidence of Money lenders, and the doubts whether the new Constitution will be adopted have prevented their taking that as a ground, on which to depend upon our honesty. As the June interest was becoming due, and as our bankers were also pressed for other indispensible demands, they lately set about some new efforts to get the loan filled—at last they had an Offer from one broker only, but it was of a Nature rather insulting than otherwise—having in his possession a Sum of our domestic securities he offered to fill up the loan, provided he should be allowed to retain one years Interest upon those securities—this would have amounted to upwards of one fourth of the sum loaned—in this embarrassment the Bankers addressed themselves to Mr. Jefferson who has gone to holland to see what can be done. From Amsterdam he has communicated this proposition to Congress, & in the mean time is endeavouring to get the loan compleated upon other terms. In France we are undergoing also severe strictures amongst those to whom we owe money.
In the inclosed papers you will receive the late British Act of Parliament upon the subject of our Trade with the different Territories of that Nation. You see that this Court are presuming much upon our remaining in our imbecile State, having confirmed in a formal Act, what they at first tried in only temporary regulations, for oppressing us. In the debates of the House of Commons Notice was taken of the proposed reform in our Government, which might render this an imprudent measure, but the promoters of it, supposed they had but little to apprehend. I trust we shall soon have it in our power to teach this haughty Nation which is the most dependant in an advantageous intercourse—her West India Islands cannot prosper without us. We can do very well without any thing from thence.
The Gentlemen who are attending here from N. Hampshire, assure me that there will be no doubt of an adoption of the Constitution upon the re-assembling of the Convention, as several of the Towns whose members were formerly instructed to vote in the Negative, have given up their opposition. I cannot learn that any act has taken place declaratory of such a change of sentiment. Yet the supposition that it is the case, is presumable, because the persistence of the opposition in that State, must depend on its re-animation in Massachusetts, and of this there is not even a faint prospect—the acquiescence of the Minority there is fully confirmed in the late elections—upwards of two thirds of the Senators returned are declared freinds of the Constitution of which discription are generally those who represent the parts of the State where the opposition was the most obstinate.
I shall do myself the pleasure to write you by the next post and shall constantly do so during your session, you will much oblige me by the earliest information of the symptoms discoverable in the convention respecting the important object of your Meeting. I am my Dr sir your Afft. Freind & Hl St.
Ed. Carrington


Title: To James Madison from Edward Carrington, 30 May 1788
From: Carrington, Edward
To: Madison, James

My dear Sir,
New York May 30. 1788
The inclosed papers contain some of the debates of the Convention of South Carolina, and a vote of a vast majority, which shews the dispositions of that Body upon the Constitution. These papers will be of use to you, and therefore I take this the last moment that Offers before the departure of the post to forward them. I am my dr sir yrs. sincerely
Ed Carrington


Title: To James Madison from Edward Carrington, 31 May 1788
From: Carrington, Edward
To: Madison, James

My dear Sir,
New York May 31. 1788
I had the pleasure to inclose you by the last post the British Act of Parliament upon the subject of our Trade. You will now receive in one of the papers inclosed an ordinance of the Province of Quebec, for regulating the inland Commerce of that Province with the Neighbouring States, or in other words the U. S.
The intention doubtless is, that these two Acts, shall co-operate to give that Nation the use of our Commodities, and at the same time the exclusive benefits of carrying them; and that of Quebec leads to another object, more remote, but if compassable, would be still more mischeivous to us, the allurement of the Commerce, and with it, the Affections of our Western Inhabitants by means of the Lakes and the River St Lawrence, to that quarter. As to our Commercial intercourse with the West Indies, I have not a doubt that Great Britain may be made the dependant party, and therefore a wise policy on our part, supported by an energetic government, would give us the Controul of the Terms of intercourse. As to the other object, I hope that the influence of a better government than we have hitherto had; the improvement & extension of our inland Navigation, and the Free use of the Mississippi, added to the difficulties which from Climate attend that of the St Lawrence, will all conspire to prevent its being effected.
We are in hourly expectation of receiving information of the adoption of the constitution in south Carolina. I am my dr sir your afft. Freind & Hl St.
Ed. Carrington


Title: The Virginia Convention, 2–27 June 1788 (Editorial Note)
From:
To:

Editorial Note
In contrast to the absolutism of eighteenth-century Europe, the nation forming in America between 1775 and 1789 took a popular course and thereby introduced republicanism on a large scale along with all the uncertainty that attends an appeal to the people. JM’s career as a political theorist was climaxed at the Federal Convention, but his ability to meet the opposition on the hustings and in the halls of debate was first tested to the full in the aftermath of his Philadelphia experience. Never before had JM been so beseeched by friends and neighbors to exert himself in an election—but the events between May 1787 and June 1788 were without parallel. What seems to be a one-stop campaign to win a place in the Richmond meeting could not, in fact, have succeeded if JM had not been regarded by the Orange County voters as a public man of unusual capability. The years of study and arduous public effort on behalf of republican institutions, his home state, and the nation were a prelude to the elevated station JM held in the spring of 1788, when Federalists naturally looked to him as their leader in the state ratification struggle. He set out for Richmond convinced that there was reason to be optimistic, but well aware that in a popular government there are always demagogues to battle and heads to be counted.

An anxious mood prevailed at Richmond in the camps of both friends and opponents of the Constitution because here, as in no other state, the two sides were evenly matched. Technically, ratification was only one state away. Elsewhere the opposition had been repeatedly baffled by skilled Federalist leaders. In Virginia, many of the ablest public men—including Patrick Henry, George Mason, and William Grayson—were arrayed against an unqualified ratification of the Constitution. Henry, the spellbinder from Prince Edward County, would carry the main burden of the Antifederalist attack. In many ways Henry was the antithesis of JM—his oratory was aimed at the viscera and, except during a memorable thunderstorm, he could always be heard. According to his opponents, Henry had a wild notion that the loose-jointed confederation ought to be made looser still. If rumors were to be credited, Henry favored creation of regional confederacies. Apart from that speculation, there were such real issues as the Mississippi navigation rights and British debts—both dry tinder awaiting “the torch of discord” (JM to Washington, 10 Apr. 1788). Below the surface there were whispers that the Indiana Company claims, anathema to many Virginia land speculators, might gain sanction under the Constitution.
The Virginia General Assembly was scheduled to meet on 23 June, which meant that in three weeks the issue would of necessity come to a head, for over sixty of the convention delegates were also legislators. Usually public bodies formed at a leisurely pace in Virginia, but the convention had nearly a full house present at its opening session. Caution, often the dominant factor in Virginia politics, prevailed. Neither side wished to gamble on a quick vote. An early Antifederalist maneuver that could jeopardize ratification seemed unlikely, so JM and his friends settled back to see how the battle lines would be drawn. A series of surprises resulted. The Antifederalists were anxious to avoid the examples of neighboring Pennsylvania and Maryland, where “uncandid and dangerous strategems” had brought quick and lopsided Federalist victories (Richard Henry Lee to Mason, 7 May 1788, Rutland, Papers of George Mason, III, 1042). George Mason accordingly moved that the Constitution should be debated clause by clause—a device that would ward off any precipitate action—and JM quickly agreed to the plan. Perhaps in astonishment, but certainly with a feeling that he had scored a point, Mason then moved that no vote on the Constitution could be taken “until the said constitution shall have been discussed, clause by clause, through all its parts” (Robertson, Virginia DebatesDavid Robertson, Debates and Other Proceedings of the Convention of Virginia (2d
        ed.; Richmond, 1805)., p. 15). The motion passed unanimously and both sides thought they had gained.
Once the debate began in earnest, Henry dominated the convention. For the first time in his life, however, he was overmatched in public debate. The convention lasted twenty-two days, and Henry took the floor on all but five, speaking as many as eight times at one meeting, with one diatribe lasting seven hours. In contrast, JM spoke chiefly in rebuttal, and oftentimes his voice was so low that he could not be heard throughout the meeting hall on Shockoe Hill. An unlucky attack of “bilious fever” hit JM when the debate was barely under way, but he had already delivered his first counterattack on 6 June in a deliberate, hard-hitting, logical speech. Meanwhile Henry’s magic worked its spell, even on shorthand reporter David Robertson, who was so overwhelmed on one occasion that he seems to have lost track and merely noted that “Here Mr. Henry strongly and pathetically expatiated on the probability of the president’s enslaving America, and the horrid consequences that must result” (Robertson, Virginia DebatesDavid Robertson, Debates and Other Proceedings of the Convention of Virginia (2d
        ed.; Richmond, 1805)., p. 52).
A seasoned but not spectacular debater, JM knew he was strongest where Henry was weakest—he had his facts straight and could rely on a logic that was unassailable. JM spoke more than any other Federalist in the convention, but he relied on Edmund Randolph, George Nicholas, and Henry Lee to carry the main attack on Henry, and concentrated in his own remarks (always conciliatory and respectful in tone) on winning over the undecided delegates by eliminating sources of confusion and suspicion. In his 6 June speech, which is characteristic of the others, JM systematically deflated Henry’s position by exposing his faulty logic, inaccurate reading of history, and misconstruction of the language of the document. In other notable speeches he assailed the Antifederalists’ position on direct taxation (11 June) and their claims that the Constitution would weaken the westerners in their efforts to make the Mississippi into a commercial passageway (13 June). He also sought to relieve anxieties over the languishing British debts and tried to picture the prosperity that ratification would bring through sound commercial regulations and a restoration of public credit.
Henry’s rambling speeches threw the plan to proceed section by section into a shambles, but JM’s patience became another Federalist asset. He realized that the struggle, both on the convention floor and out of doors, was “in the most ticklish state that can be imagined” (JM to Washington, 13 June 1788). By 18 June, as the struggle was nearing a decision, all attention was focused on the uncommitted delegates—particularly the eight from four key counties (Ohio, Monongalia, Harrison, and Randolph) between the Alleghenies and the Kentucky district. JM knew, as did his Antifederalist opponents, that both sides had eighty votes in a dead heat—the crucial eight delegates, “still fluctuating & undecided,” were no doubt courted relentlessly (Grayson to Dane, 18 June 1788 [DLC: Dane Papers]).
The last week of the convention, however, saw the Antifederalists’ confidence give way. On 23 June, Mason drew a gloomy picture of the future if the Constitution were ratified, and his predictions of “the most alarming consequences … popular resistance … [and] the dreadful effects which must ensue” confirmed JM’s impression that Mason had lost his effectiveness (Robertson, Virginia DebatesDavid Robertson, Debates and Other Proceedings of the Convention of Virginia (2d
        ed.; Richmond, 1805)., p. 418). After the legislature began its special session, the last three articles of the Constitution were hurriedly read. Then on 24 June came Henry’s last-ditch effort to have the convention accept forty amendments to the Constitution which would be sent “to the other states in the confederacy, for their consideration, previous to its ratification” (ibid., p. 424). By Henry’s move the Antifederalists hoped to sidetrack the ratifying process and ask for aid from other states in procuring both a bill of rights and drastic revisions of the Constitution. There was gossip about a call for a second national convention, which beguiled some lukewarm Federalists, but JM acted with mingled confidence and wariness. A Federalist proposal to head off Henry’s list of amendments, by accepting the notion that the Constitution needed some revisions through amendments “recommended to the consideration of the congress which should first assemble,” also lay before the delegates (ibid., p. 471). In his last major speech, JM warned that Henry’s plan for conditional amendments, if adopted, would bring forth “the extreme risk of perpetual disunion.” Always JM’s main argument returned to the proposition of “whether the Union shall or shall not be continued.” Conviction and eloquence could work wonders, and John Marshall conceded that JM had both in full measure when the jurist was later asked to name the most eloquent man he had known in public life. “Eloquence has been defined to be the art of persuasion. If it includes persuasion by convincing, Mr. Madison was the most eloquent man I ever heard” (Rives, Life of Madison, II, 612 n.). Perhaps Marshall was thinking back to 25 June 1788, when the eight doubtful delegates cast their lot with the Federalists to defeat Henry’s motion for conditional amendments, 80 ayes to 88 noes. The vote to ratify the Constitution was anticlimactic. Two days later JM and his friends accepted a long list of recommendatory amendments as a gesture of conciliation. JM breathed easier—there was no harm in a recommended list, so long as the second convention idea remained pigeonholed.
Although Henry’s power in state affairs had not been broken, his prestige had been diminished. Many questions of sectional interest had not been settled, and JM would join with the emerging national figures from Virginia in search of solutions. Much bitterness remained in the Antifederalists’ ranks, and in Henry’s vindictive backlash JM was denied a place in the newly created national Senate, a stroke JM anticipated and parried by seeking a place in the House of Representatives. His rebuff by the legislature was relatively unimportant. What mattered to JM was the Union, and at the Richmond convention the groundwork had been laid for three generations of Virginia statesmen to subordinate their local attachments to a stronger passion for an indivisible Union.
David Robertson’s effort to preserve the Richmond debates in stenographic form was noble but flawed. He was absent on at least one occasion, and on others he admittedly could not hear the speaker, or he skimmed over parts of speeches which struck him as “desultory,” or “some irregular conversation.” Recalling the situation almost forty years later, JM excused some of Robertson’s mistakes as “incident to long & fatiguing discussions” (JM to Jonathan Elliot, November 1827 [DLC]). With all these shortcomings, Robertson’s work (despite Antifederalists’ objections that he was a Federalist partisan) still provides the most comprehensive record of what occurred in any of the state ratifying conventions. The editors have here selected JM’s most important speeches and reprinted them from Robertson’s second edition (Richmond, 1805), which he revised by using the “steno-graphical manuscript which is preserved in his possession; part of it has been destroyed” (Robertson, Virginia DebatesDavid Robertson, Debates and Other Proceedings of the Convention of Virginia (2d
        ed.; Richmond, 1805)., p. viii). Brackets used by Robertson to enclose the recorder’s commentaries have been changed to parentheses. Proudly Robertson listed the high stations subsequently held by the leading participants. “When such talents were combined with such an unshackled and manly spirit of investigation, what could have been expected but luminous and valuable discussions?” (ibid., p. vii).


Title: To James Madison from Cyrus Griffin, ca. 3 June 1788
From: Griffin, Cyrus
To: Madison, James

Letter not found. Ca. 3 June 1788. Mentioned in Brown to JM, 7 June 1788. Encloses resolution of Congress concerning the independence of Kentucky.


Title: From James Madison to Rufus King, 4 June 1788
From: Madison, James
To: King, Rufus

Dear Sir
Richmond June 4. 88.
I thank you sincerely for your favor previous to your leaving N. York. The information in it is agreeable an[d] useful.
Our Convention met on Monday. I did not arr[ive] till the evening of that day. Mr. Pendleton had been unanimously put into the chair. The debates commenced to day. The Govr. has declared the day of previous amendments past, and thrown himself fully into our scale. M—s—n & H——y, appeared to take different & awkward ground, & the federal party are apparently in the best spirits. There is reason to believe nevertheless that the majority will be but small, & may possibly be yet defeated. There are several perplexing circumstances with which we have to contend, and of which the utmost advantage will be taken. A little time will enable me to speak a more explicit language. Adieu Yrs. Affecly.
Js. Madison Jr


Title: From James Madison to George Washington, 4 June 1788
From: Madison, James
To: Washington, George

Dear Sir
Richmond June 4. 1788.
Your favor of the 2d. Ulto. was not recd. till my arrival here on monday evening. I found, contrary to my expectation that not only a very full house had been made on the first day, but that it had proceeded to the appointment of the President & other officers. Mr. Pendleton was put into the chair without opposition. Yesterday little more was done than settling some forms and Resolving that no question general or particular should be propounded till the whole plan should be considered & debated clause by clause. This was moved by Col. Mason, and contrary to his expectations, concurred in by the other side. To day the discussions commenced in Committee of the whole. The Governor has declared the day of previous amendments past, and thrown himself fully into the federal scale. Henry & Mason made a lame figure & appeared to take different and awkward ground. The federalists are a good deal elated by the existing prospect. I dare not however speak with certainty as to the decision. Kentucke has been extremely tainted, is supposed to be generally adverse, and every piece of address is going on privately to work on the local interests & prejudices of that & other quarters. In haste I am Dr Sir Yrs. Affecly.
Js. Madison Jr


Title: From James Madison to Nicholas Gilman, 4 June 1788
From: Madison, James
To: Gilman, Nicholas

Letter not found. 4 June 1788, Richmond. Gilman to John Sullivan, 12 June 1788: “A letter from Mr. Madison dated Richmond July [June] 4th contains the following observations—vizt ‘Mr. Pendleton was put into the chair without opposition—yesterday it was unanimously agreed that no general or particular question should be taken until the whole had been debated clause by Clause and the debate commenced to day. The Governor has renounced the Idea of previous amendments and will vote with us—He did it in a very handsom speech which has made a very favorable impression’ ” (Otis G. Hammond, ed., Letters and Papers of Major-General John Sullivan [3 vols.; Concord, N.H., 1930–39], III, 587).