Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Charles Garth, [22 January 1775]
From: Garth, Charles
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Piccadilly Sunday Evening. [January 22, 1775]
Mr. Garth’s Compliments to Dr. Franklin, is sorry that he can’t wait upon him to Morrow Morning at the Hour mention’d to consider of the Draft of a general Letter, he has by no Means understood that such Letter was expected, only that the Agents Letters should be wrote to the Speakers, for which heretofore he has frequently had similar Directions, when Matters of Importance to the People were to be the Subject of his Dispatches, and on such Occasions has wrote to the Speaker of the Commons House and not to the Committee of Correspondence. Mr. Garth understanding the Request from the Congress in this Light has last Week addressed his Dispatches to the Speaker of So. Carolina. Should Doctr. Franklin and the other Gentlemen be of a different Opinion, and have been present in the House of Lords last Friday, Mr. Garth hopes they will be so good as to transmitt to the Speaker of So. Carolina such Account as they may judge material for Information, which would not be so authentic from him, his Intelligence of that Debate being only from Relation. A Vessel for that Colony will depart from the River in a few Days.

Addressed: To / Doctr. Franklin / Craven Street


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Charles Edwards, 27 January 1775
From: Edwards, Charles
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Jan 27. 1775
The person who applied yesterday on the Subject of Establishing a Paper-hanging Manufactory in America, begs he may not be esteem’d impertinent in requesting you will please to favor him with the time when he may wait for the line of recommendation (to the proper Gentlemen) You was pleas’d to offer to Sir Your Most Obedient Humble Servant
Chas Edwards


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Thomas Cushing, 28 January 1775
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Cushing, Thomas

Sir,
London, Jan. 28. 1775
I have been favour’d with yours of Sept. 24. and Oct. 26. from Philada. Nov. 14. and Dec. 5. from Boston, and thank you for the Information communicated.

It gives my Mind some Ease to learn that such good Care is taken both by the General and the Town to prevent Mischief. I hope that Care will continue and be effectual. And that People will be persuaded to wait with Patience the Event of the Application of the Congress to the King, and the subsequent Result of the ensuing Congress thereupon.
Lord Chatham mov’d last Week in the House of Lords that an Address be presented to his Majesty humbly beseeching him to withdraw the Troops from Boston as a Step towards opening the Way to Conciliatory Measures, &c. But after a long and warm Debate, the Motion was rejected by a Majority of 77 to 18, and open Declarations were made by the ministerial Side of the Intention to enforce the late Acts. To this End three more Regiments of Foot and one of Dragoons, seven hundred Marines, Six Sloops of War and two Frigates are now under Orders for America.

Petitions however are thronging into the House from all Quarters, praying that healing Measures may be taken to restore the Commerce.
The Petition from the Congress was brought into each House among other Papers, by the Ministers, without any particular Recommendation of it [to] Consideration of the House from his Majesty.
General Gage’s Letters being read in the House of Commons, it appears from one of them, that it had been recommended to him by Lord Dartmouth to disarm some of the Colonies, which he seems to approve if it had been practicable, but says it is not till he is Master of the Country.
It is impossible to say what Turn the Parliament may take before the Session is over. All depends on the Ministers, who possibly may change their Minds when they find the Merchants and Manufactures universally dissatisfied with their present Conduct: But you cannot rely upon this, and your chief Dependance must be on your own Virtue and Unanimity, which under God, will in time bring you thro’ all Difficulties. I am, with great Respect, Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant
Thos Cushing Esqr


Title: Franklin’s Notes for a Conversation with Lord Chatham, 31 January 1775
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

In the debate in the House of Lords on January 20 Lord Chatham, in response to a challenge from the ministerial benches, promised to offer a plan of reconciliation. Franklin was most curious to know what it was, and the Earl had assured him in December that he would be consulted. His curiosity was satisfied when he was summoned to a conference at Hayes on January 27. Chatham told him the outline of his proposals, promised him a copy of them soon, and swore him to secrecy. No one else but Lord Camden, his host explained, was in his confidence. He apparently ignored the effect of this secrecy, which was to prevent potential allies from organizing support. The key figure was Rockingham, and he had no idea what the plan was; “when I hear it,” he wrote the day before it was offered to the Lords, “I shall give it as full Consideration as the Time will allow.” Chatham, for all the care that he lavished on his scheme, did not lift a finger to promote its acceptance.
He called at Craven Street on Sunday the 29th, a year to the day after Franklin’s humiliation before the Privy Council, to show him the plan. He had set no time for bringing it before the House, but in the course of their conversation decided on the following Wednesday, and asked the American to discuss it with him on Tuesday, two days hence, because “he was not so confident of his own Judgement but that he came to set it right by mine, as Men set their Watches by a Regulator.” After almost two hours of discussion he departed, leaving the draft; Franklin immediately began to read and study it, and at some point copied it.

In form it was a bill, with nine parts. Article 1 amended the Declaratory Act by limiting Parliament’s legislative authority outside the realm to matters, particularly the regulation of trade, “touching the general weal of the whole dominion of the imperial crown of Great Britain, and beyond the competency of the local representative of a distant colony.” Article 2 reaffirmed the crown’s prerogative of sending military forces anywhere within its dominions, with the proviso that those forces must never be used to infringe the rights of the people. Article 3 forbade taxing a colony without consent of its legislature. Article 4 legalized the Continental Congress called for May, 1775, and stipulated that its delegates be empowered by their assemblies to consider recognizing the authority of Parliament as defined in Article 1. Article 5 required the Congress to consider as well granting a permanent revenue to the crown, for Parliament to use in reducing the national debt. Article 6 authorized the Congress, once it had recognized Parliament’s authority, to apportion the burden of raising this revenue among all the colonies except Georgia, the Floridas, and the Canadian provinces. Article 7 reduced Admiralty jurisdiction to its ancient limits in America, restored trial by jury in civil cases, and confined legal action in capital cases to the province in which the crime had been committed. Article 8 suspended the statutes, from 1764 through 1774, of which the first Continental Congress had complained, and repealed them as soon as the condition in Article 6 had been fulfilled. Article 9 provided that judges hold office during good behavior and receive their salaries from the crown, and secured the colonists’ rights under their charters or constitutions, which might be altered only for cause and by due process of law.
As Franklin worked on the draft he jotted down points to be raised in Tuesday’s discussion. But he did not yet know his man: Chatham in the grip of his own ideas had no time to digest those of others. When the meeting took place he did not discuss, but brushed aside the American’s points and held forth in a virtual monologue for nearly four hours. “His Lordship in the manner of I think all eloquent Persons was so full and diffuse in Supporting every particular I question’d, that there was not time to go thro’ half my Memorandums; He is not easily interrupted. …” Nor was there, Franklin told himself, need to interrupt; for the plan would be implemented, if at all, only after extensive debate and amendment. Hence the notes that follow got little or no hearing, and their interest lies in what they show of Franklin’s position.

No 11
Tuesday Jan 31. 75
Notes for Discourse with Ld. C. on his Plan
Voluntary Grants and forced Taxes not to be expected of the same People at the same time.
Permanent Revenue will be objected to. Would not a Temporary Agreement be best, suppose for 100 Years?
Does the whole of the Rights claim’d in the Petition of Right relate to England only?
The American Naturalization Act gives all the Rights of naturalborn Subjects to Foreigners residing there 7 Years. Can it be supposed that the Natives there have them not?
If the King should raise Armies in America, would Britain like their being brought hither, as the King might bring them when he pleased?
An Act of Parliament requires the Colonies to furnish sundry Articles of Provision and Accommodation to Troops quarter’d among them. This may be made very burthensome to Colonies that are out of favour.
If a permanent Revenue, why not the same Privileges in Trade with Scotland? Should not the Lands conquer’d by Britain and the Colonies in Conjunction be given them (reserving a Quitrent) from whence they might form Funds to enable them to pay?
Instructions about Agents to be withdrawn.
Grants to be for three Years, at the End of which a new Congress, and so from 3 to 3 Years.
Congress to have the general Defence of the Frontiers, making and regulating new Settlements.
Protection mutual. We go into all your Wars. Our Settlement cost you nothing. Take the Plan of Union.
“Defence, Extension and Prosperity of.” The late Canada Act prevents their Extension, and may check their Prosperity.
Laws should be secure as well as Charters.
Perhaps if the Legislative Power of Parliament is own’d in the Colonies, they may make a Law to forbid the Meeting of any Congress, &c.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Richard Bache, 31 January 1775
From: Bache, Richard
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear and Honoured Sir
Philadelphia 31st. Janry 1775.
I am favored with yours of the 17th. Novr. by the hands of Messrs. Foulger and Rant, who with their Familys arrived here in good health the 27th. Current. Mrs. Westley and her youngest Daughter suffered much by Sea-Sickness, the rest I understand bore their Voyage very well, however, they all came asshore hearty, and I have got each family into decent, comfortable Lodgings; they all dined with us yesterday, and filled the great Parlour very happily. They do not write to their Friends by this Opportunity, another will soon present from this Place, which they mean to embrace. You may assure yourself, every Service and Civillity in my Power, I shall chearfully administer, and esteem myself happy in the Duty. Mr. Folgier and Mr. Westley have put their Bills into my hands to negociate for them; Mr. Westley’s Credit on you shall be transacted as you prescribe, his father went sometime ago to the Northward, and is not yet returned, he is however expected every day. Mr. R[ant’s? torn] necessarily fell into the hands of the Comm [torn] he will get them again at a small Expence. Your [torn] on me shall be duly honoured. Sally and the Children are well, they join me in Love and Duty to yourself, and in regards for Mrs. Stevenson and Mrs. Hewson. I am Dear sir Your Affectionate son
Richd: Bache
Doctor Franklin

Addressed: To / Doctor Benjamin Franklin / Craven Street / London / per packet


Title: Memorandum on Chatham’s Plan of Conciliation, [on or after 1 February 1775]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

On January 29 Chatham left with Franklin the conciliatory plan that he introduced as a bill in the House of Lords three days later, and the American studied and copied it. At the end of his copy is the following memorandum on the rejection of the bill.

[On or after February 1, 1775.]
The above Plan was offered by the Earl of Chatham to the House of Lords, on Wednesday Feb. 1. 1775, under the Title of A Provisional Act for Settling the Troubles of America, and for Asserting the Supreme Legislative Authority and Superintending Power of Great Britain over the Colonies: but being oppos’d by the Ministry it was rejected by a great Majority, the Numbers being, for rejecting 61 and for retaining 32; so it was not suffered to lie on the Table for further Consideration. Yet when it is considered, that in the Majority were all the Ministerial Lords, with all the Scotch Lords and the Bishops, who usually vote as the Minister bids them, the sense of that House, that is, of the independent Part of it, does not seem to have been generally against the Bill.
BF


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Foxcroft, 1 February 1775
From: Foxcroft, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
New York Febry. 1st. 1775
Yours of Decr. 7th. I rec’d Yesterday Informing me of your having drawn a Bill on me, which shall meet with due honour when it appears. And I hope it will not be long before we have the pleasure of seeing you over when we can adjust our Accts. as it appears by mine that you have over drawn. However any mistakes may easyly be rectified at a future Day.
I had a Letter from Mr. Todd by Yesterdays Packet who says that you were ready to pay your Ballance of Nine hundred and Seventy three Pounds and five Pence as soon as I had given you up your Voucher’s and sent you a discharge. I really don’t comprehend what is mean’t by the Vouchers and as to a discharge I should imagine it ought to come properly from the Gentlemen who Commission’d you.

Mrs. F and my little Girls are well. She joins me in affectionate Regards to you and the good Family in Craven Street. I am as ever yours most affectionately
John Foxcroft
To Benjn. Franklin Esqr.

Addressed: To Benjn: Franklin Esqr: / at Mrs. Stevensons Craven Street / Strand / London J. Free: Foxcroft Esq.
Endorsed: Mr Foxcroft


Title: Answers to Franklin’s “Hints,” [before 4 February 1775]
From: Dartmouth, William Legge, Earl of
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Barclay and Fothergill, after their long conference with Franklin on December 6, carried copies of his “Hints” to Lord Hyde and Lord Dartmouth respectively. For almost two months no word came from Whitehall, and the rejection of Chatham’s conciliatory plan by the House of Lords on February 1 persuaded Franklin that he would hear no more of negotiation. He was mistaken. On the 3rd the two Quakers met with Hyde and Dartmouth, in all likelihood to receive the Secretary’s answers, and the next day communicated them to Franklin. They gave no cause for optimism. The ministry would not make any concession, the answers twice emphasized, that implied a limit on Parliamentary power. Not only would the right of internal legislation in the colonies be retained, but also the amendment of the Massachusetts charter would have to remain as “a standing Example” of that power.
Here was the heart of the matter. Although the suggestion of altering colonial constitutions by statute, raised from time to time throughout the century, had with one minor exception not been implemented before the Massachusetts Government Act, the right to alter was in British eyes an integral part of Parliament’s supremacy. In Franklin’s eyes the right did not exist. He had long contended that every colonial charter was a compact between the crown and the people of the colony, and hence was alterable only with the consent of both parties; Parliament had no jurisdiction. To insist that it had, he told his friends at their meeting on February 4, was to call into question the colonists’ every privilege and leave them “secure in nothing.” If the government held to its position, no agreement was possible.
When did Dartmouth and his advisers formulate that position in their replies? At some time between mid-December, when Franklin’s “Hints” reached them, and February 4, when he first saw their answers. We print them under the latter date, not merely because we have no better one but also because the situation by the 4th suggests that they were completed only a few days before. The government was still exploring the possibilities of conciliation, as witness North’s resolution of February 20. Dartmouth had no reason, once his office finished its leisurely response, to delay forwarding it to Franklin.

[Before February 4, 1775.]
1.  The first Article was approv’d.
  2.  The Second agreed to, so far as related to the Repeal of the Tea-Act. But Repayment of the Duties that had been collected, was refused.
  3.  The third not approved, as it imply’d a Deficiency of Power in the Parliament that made those Acts.
  4.  The fourth approved.
  5.  The fifth agreed to, but with a Reserve that no Change prejudicial to Britain was to be expected.

  6.  The Sixth agreed to, so far as related to the Appropriation of the Duties: but the Appointment of the Officers and their Salaries to remain as at present.
  7.  The seventh relating to Aids in Time of Peace agreed to.
  8.  The eighth relating to the Troops, was inadmissible.
  9.  The ninth would be agreed to, with this Difference, that no Proportion should be observ’d with regard to preceding Taxes, but each Colony should give at pleasure.
  10.  The tenth agreed to, as to the Restitution of Castle William; but the Restriction on the Crown in building Fortresses refused.
  11.  The eleventh refus’d absolutely, except as to the Boston Port Bill, which would be repeal’d; and the Quebec Act might be so far amended, as to reduce that Province to its ancient Limits. The other Massachuset Acts, being real Amendments of their Constitution, must for that reason be continu’d, as well as to be a standing Example of the Power of Parliament.
  12.  The twelfth agreed to, that the Judges should be appointed during good Behaviour, on the Assemblies providing permanent Salaries, such as the Crown should approve of.
  13.  The thirteenth Agreed to, provided the Assemblies make Provision as in the preceding Article.
  15.  The fifteenth, agreed to.

  16.  The sixteenth agreed to, supposing the Duties paid to the Colony Treasuries.
  17.  The seventeenth inadmissible.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to a Committee of the Library Company of Philadelphia, 5 February 1775
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Library Company of Philadelphia

Gentlemen
London Feby: 5th: 1775
I received your Favour of Decr: 16. with the Bills Barclay & Mitchell on Harvey & Co: for sixty Pounds which is carried to your Credit. I am glad my little Services have been acceptable and every future Opportunity of continuing them will be a Pleasure to, Gentlemen, Your and the Company’s assured Friend, and most obedient Servant
B Franklin
Messrs: Clarkson Hewes & Jones


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Joseph Galloway, 5–7 February 1775
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Galloway, Joseph

Dear Sir
London Feb 5[–7]. 1775.
I received duly your respected Favours of Oct. 27 and Nov. 1 with Bills for five hundred Pounds Bulkeley on Whitmore; I thank you much for your Care in so speedy a Remittance. I hope you will excuse the Trouble I have given you in previously drawing for that Sum: and be assured that the Bills which I provisionaly desired you to draw on me (or in my Absence on Browns & Collinson) to put you in Cash for paying my Drafts, will meet with due Honour.
I cannot but lament with you the impending Calamities Britain and her Colonies are about to suffer, from great Imprudencies on both Sides. Those arising there, are more in your View; these here, which I assure you are very great, in mine. Passion governs, and she never governs wisely. What we can’t remedy we must endeavour to bear. But I find it to me more and more difficult. Anxiety begins to disturb my Rest; and whatever robs an old Man of his Sleep, soon demolishes him. I have however generally strong Hopes amounting almost to an Assurance, that tho’ we may suffer much for a while, America will finaly be greatly benefited by her present Difficulties, and rise superior to them all.
I communicated your Plan of Union to Lord Camden soon after I received it, and to Lord Chatham last Week. They seem’d to think the Idea ingenious, but the Mode so new as to require much attentive Thought before a Judgment of it could be form’d. From something dropt by Lord Gower the other Day in the House of Lords, accusing the Congress sharply of rejecting a Plan of Union with Britain, after it had been received, and ordering the Vote for receiving it to be erased out of their Minutes, I imagine the Ministry are in possession of it; if on Enquiry I find they are not, I shall communicate it to them, as possibly it may bring on some Negociation and stay their Hands from Blood; of which I grieve to say there is but little Prospect. For every thing is hurried with inconceivable Precipitation, and every thing rejected immediately, the Consideration of which might occasion Delay. Thus the Commons would not hear the Merchants support their Petition in the same Committee that was to consider the State of America; nor would they suffer us to be heard in support of the Petition from the Congress; nor would the Lords take into Consideration Lord Chathams Plan, but dismiss’d it upon a slight first Reading. With the greatest Esteem and Respect I am ever, my dear Friend Yours most affectionately
B Franklin

By Read who sails in about a Week I shall give you my Thoughts on the Plan. I inclose Lord Chathams.
P.S.  Feb. 7. By Information just receiv’d from good Hands, there is reason to believe, that the Troops will have Orders to act on the Defensive only, to avoid Bloodshed: That they are intended chiefly to intimidate; the Ministry depending most on dividing America; and on our Want of Perseverance in complying with the Agreement recommended by the Congress. All our Friends here are of Opinion that if we are steady till another Session, this Ministry must retire, and our Points will be gained.
Joseph Galloway Esqr


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Charles Moore, 5 February 1775
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Moore, Charles

Sir
London, Feb. 5. 1775.
I duly received your Favour of Dec. 7. with a Copy of the Resolution of the House appointing me Agent for the current Year; and the printed Votes. I am oblig’d by your Care in sending them so expeditiously.
A Friend of mine, Lord Le Despencer, has lately erected at Wyecomb his fine Country Seat, a noble Statue of William Penn, our Founder; holding in its hand a Scroll on which is the enclos’d Inscription in gold Letters. I think such a Statue would well become a Niche in some Part of the Statehouse next the Garden. It might be had for about £50. I am, with much Esteem, Your most obedient Servant
B Franklin
Cha Moore, Esqr.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to the Speakers of the Colonial Assemblies: a Circular Letter from Franklin, William Bollan, and Arthur Lee, 5 February 1775
From: Franklin, Benjamin,Bollan, William,Lee, Arthur
To: Speakers of the Colonial Assemblies

Sir
London Feb 5. 1775.
Our last Letter informed you, that the King had declared his Intention of laying the Petition before his two Houses of Parliament. It has accordingly been laid before each House, but undistinguished among a Variety of Letters and other Papers from America.
A Motion made by Lord Chatham, to withdraw the Troops from Boston, as the first Step towards a conciliating Plan, was rejected; and the Ministry have declared in both Houses the Determination to inforce Obedience to all the late Laws. For this Purpose we understand that three Regiments of Foot, one of Dragoons, seven hundred Marines, six Sloops of War, and two Frigates, are now under Orders for America.
We think it proper to inform you, that your Cause was well defended by a considerable Number of good and wise Men in both Houses of Parliament, tho’ far from being a Majority: And that many of the commercial and manufacturing Parts of the Nation concerned in the American Trade, have presented, or as we understand are preparing to present Petitions to Parliament, declaring their great Concern for the present unhappy Controversies with America, and praying expressly or in effect for healing Measures, as the proper Means of preserving their Commerce, now greatly suffering or endangered. But the Treatment the Petitions already presented have hitherto received, is such, as in our Opinion, can afford you no Reliance on any present Releif through their Means.
Assoon as we learn’t that the Petition of the Congress was before the House of Commons, we thought it our Duty to support it, if we might be permitted so to do, as there was no other Opportunity for the numerous Inhabitants of the Colonies to be heard in defence of their Rights: Accordingly we joined in a Petition for that Purpose. Sir Geo Saville kindly undertook to present it: But on previously opening the Purport of it, as the Order is, a Debate arose on the Propriety of receiving it, and on a Division it was rejected by a great Majority.
The following Extract of a Letter from Genl Gage to Lord Dartmouth, as laid before Parliament, we think it our Duty to transmit Viz.
“Decr 15. 1774. Your Lordships Idea of disarming certain Provinces, would doubtless be consistent with Prudence and Safety; but it neither is nor has been practicable, without having recourse to Force and being Masters of the Country.”
It was thrown out in Debate by a principal Member of Administration, that it would be proper to alter the Charters of Connecticut and Rhode Island.

Inclosed we send you a Copy of the Resolutions passed in a Committee of the whole House on Thursday last, which are to be reported on Monday. It is said that these Resolutions are to be the Foundation of several Bills to be brought in; but the Purport of those Bills we have not yet learn’t with sufficient Certainty.
We send you likewise a Copy of Lord Chathams first Motion in the House of Lords, and of his Plan of a Bill for settling the Troubles between Britain and the Colonies, both which were rejected on the first Reading. With great Respect we are Sir Your most obedient humble Servants
W BollanB FranklinArthur Lee

[In Franklin’s hand:] To the Honourable [blank] Esqr Speaker of [blank]

Endorsed: Letter, Feby. 5th. 1775.
  Wm. Bollan  B: Franklin  Arthur Lee.   of the Petetion to the King, Lord Chathams Motion, Resolution of Committee of the whole House.


Title: John Fothergill to Lord Dartmouth, [6 February 1775]
From: Fothergill, John
To: Dartmouth, William Legge, Earl of

This letter is a companion piece to the extract from Barclay to Pemberton below, March 18; each is a requiem for the peace negotiations. The background of Fothergill’s was his meeting with Barclay and Franklin two days earlier to discuss the answers to the “Hints.” The American’s terms on the one hand, and the answers on the other, did not provide even abutments for bridging the gulf between the two positions. Fothergill drew the obvious conclusion, and states it in his opening paragraph: the colonists will not discuss reconciliation until the Coercive Acts are repealed, and the government will not repeal them. The prerequisite to confronting the issues, in other words, is on the American side a British capitulation, and on the British side an American.
Fothergill provides two interesting sidelights on the negotiations. First, he implies, somewhat less explicitly than Barclay did to Pemberton, that the two Quakers had the sanction of some unnamed minister or ministers before they initially approached Franklin. Second, he says that the American is ready, as early as February 6, to meet with those ministers and to offer conditional compensation for the tea. Franklin did not suggest a meeting until February 17, according to his journal of negotiations, and on that day presented his conditions for the offer about the tea. These details in themselves are trivial, because the meeting never took place and the offer was never made. But the conflict of evidence means one of two things: either Fothergill misdated his letter, which is most unlikely, or the chronology in Franklin’s journal is not always reliable.

Harpur Street 6th Inst. [February 6, 1775]
I wish it had been in my power to have informed My Noble Friend that our negotiation had been successfull: But it is not. And this not owing to our want of attention or willingness to promote a reconciliation; nor to any opposite or refractory disposition in ———. Our difficultys arose from the American acts, the Boston Port Bill, the Government of the Massachusets and the Quebec Act. As a concession to pay a tax was the sine qua non on this side, so a rescinding of those acts, or rather repealing them, is the term of reconciliation on the other.
As we had not permission to give any hopes, that these acts would be repealed, to ask for any thing less, however easily consented to here, would not be satisfactory on the other side; and therefore an assembly of delegates authorised to treat upon the means of establishing a good understanding between the parties at variance, without first removing this obstacle, would be wholly ineffectual.
We found that the delegates to the late congress were chosen in the respective provinces by the people who have a right to vote for representatives, and in general, by no other; so that whatever may be thrown out to the contrary, we apprehend will be found not to be authentick.
The party we confer’d with, would have no objection to meet the Noble Lords who were pleased to intimate that our endeavours to promote a reconciliation would not be unacceptable, and to consider the whole affair with the utmost candour and privacy could it in the least contribute to avert those evils which are inevitably impending without some intervention, on both parts of this great empire.
Was the whole of A[dministration] as cordially disposed to peace and as sensible of its advantages as Lord Dartmouth, I think there would be very little difficulty in accomplishing it; But I see and perceive so strong a current another way, that I despaer, without the interposition of Omnipotence, of any reconciliation.
The only thing left for the generality of these devoted countrys is to look for superior protection. The great will always be the great, in every revolution that can happen; the poor will always be the heirs of misery, let who will be their superiors. A numerous, a very numerous part of both countrys, the middling people who bear all Burthens, who produce all the strength and happiness of states, these must be the sufferers.
Should the K. Servants happily coincide in adopting the simple plan of pacification which our Noble Friends so generously concurred in, and include the repeal of the acts above mentioned, we have not the least doubt but America would immediately return to every just expression of duty, both in Language and in conduct. The party we conferd with, should this be tacitly consented to, would have not the least objection to petition for the restoration of peace, offer on the part of Boston to pay the East India Company for the tea, tho at the risque of his own private fortune, and endeavour bona fide, to concert every means of a lasting and reciprocally beneficial union.
Should it however be determined to proceed with force to reduce the Americans to a different way of thinking, and subject them by hostile means, I most sincerly wish that the Enemys of my Noble Friend, if any such there are, may enjoy the power of issuing such a sanguinary commission. I am, with the deepest sence of the confidence reposed in me, Lord Dartmouths obliged, respectfull Friend
John Fothergill

Endorsed: Dr. Fothergill 6 Feby. 1775.


Title: An Imaginary Speech, 7 February 1775
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

Verner Crane argues that the grounds, set forth at length in his annotation, for attributing this speech to Franklin are not conclusive but are plausible. The letter certainly contains a number of Franklin’s favorite ideas and rhetorical devices; its theme, the defense of American provincial troops in particular and of American courage in general, is a subject on which he felt strongly. The style, if a few barbarisms can be attributed to printers’ errors, is much like his. But the historical references are puzzling, and raise some question about his authorship. Although his memory was at times inaccurate, he did not often scramble events with which he was familiar. They are scrambled here.

To the Printer of the Public Advertiser.
Sir,
[February 7, 1775]
In a late Debate, a certain North British Colonel thought proper to recommend himself to the Court, by grossly abusing the Americans. I send you the Answer I should have made to him had I been present when he uttered his Invective, and I rely upon it, that you will shew that Candour and Justice to America which is refused in certain great Assemblies, and not condemn them without a Hearing.

Mr. Sp——r, Sir,
I am an American: In that Character I trust this House will shew some little Indulgence to the Feelings which are excited by what fell this Moment from an honourable and military Gentleman under the Gallery. According to him, Sir, the Americans are unequal to the People of this Country in Devotion to Women, and in Courage, and in what, in his Sight seems worse than all, they are religious.
No one, Sir, feels the Odiousness of Comparisons more than myself. But I am necessitated to pursue, in some measure, the Path which the honourable Gentleman has marked out. Sir, let the rapid Increase and Population of America, compared with the Decrease of England and of Scotland, shew which of the two People are most effectually devoted to the Fair Sex. The Americans are content to leave with that honourable Gentleman and his Companions the Boast, while the Fact is evidently with them. They are sensible, that upon this Subject to talk much, and to do little, are inseparable.
Sir, I am at a Loss to conceive upon what Facts the Gentleman grounds his Impeachment of American Courage. Is it upon the Capture of Louisbourg, and the Conquest of Nova Scotia in the War before the last? Is it upon their having alone taken Crown Point from the French Regulars, and made their General Prisoner, or from their having covered the Retreat of the British Regulars, and saved them from utter Destruction in the Expeditions under Braddock, and to Fort Pitt?
Sir, it happens very unfortunately that the Regulars have impressed the Provincials with a very indifferent Opinion of their Courage. I will tell you why. They saw General Braddock at the Head of a regular Army march with a Thousand Boastings of their Courage and Superiority, and expressing the most sovereign Contempt of the Virginian Provincials who accompanied him. But in a little Time these vain Boasters were totally routed by a very unequal Number of French and Indians, and the Provincials rendered them the unthanked Service of saving them from being cut off to a Man. In the same Manner a Detachment of Highlanders, under a Major Grant, accompanied by the Virginians under Major Lewis, being attacked by the Indians, the Highlanders fled immediately, and left the Provincials to retreat and cover them. They saw several Campaigns of shameful Defeats, or as shameful Inactivity: Till at length the all-pervading Spirit of one great Officer, and the cautious Abilities of another, redeemed the British Name, and led her Sons to Conquest. The Expedition under Colonel Bouquet, assisted by a large Body of Provincials, owed its Success chiefly to those Provincials. I speak it from that brave Officer’s own Letters. It was Wolfe, Amherst and Bouquet who roused the Spirit of the Regulars, and led them to Glory and Success; and I am proud to say, Sir, these are not the Men who traduce the Americans, or speak slightly of their Services; nay more, Sir, the Men who disgraced the Regulars are those only who defame the Provincials. But why should any Gentleman talk in general Terms of their wanting Spirit? Indiscriminate Accusations against the Absent are cowardly Calumnies. Will the Gentleman come to Particulars? Will he name the American he has insulted with Impunity? Who is the provincial Officer who turned his Back in the Day of Battle? There is hardly a Day or an Hour, in which the Honourable Gentleman does not meet with an American. Does he insult any one of them with Impunity? Has he, or will he put their Spirit to the Proof? Till he has done that, Silence, I am sure, will do more Honour to his own.
The Honourable Gentleman says, the Regulars treated the Provincials as Beasts of Burthen. There are many of the Provincial Officers in this Town: I have the Honour of knowing them; and I can assure this House, that no Man living would say as much to their Face with Impunity. The Americans, Sir, are well satisfied, that the Ministry intend to make Beasts of Burthen of them. They tell you, however, they will not be Hewers of Wood and Drawers of Water for any Men upon Earth: The Object of this Motion is to compel them. It is my Duty to say, they will and ought to resist such an Attempt; and that if I were there, I should do it without a Moment’s Hesitation.
I had almost forgot the Honourable Gentleman’s Charge of their being too religious. Sir, they were such Religionists, that vindicated this Country from the Tyranny of the Stuarts. Perhaps the Honourable Gentleman may have some compassionate Feelings for that unhappy Family: Does that sharpen his Resentment against the Americans; who inherit from those Ancestors, not only the same Religion, but the same Love of Liberty and Spirit to defend it?


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Josiah Tucker, 10 February 1775
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Tucker, Josiah

Reverend Sir,
London, Feb. 10. 1775
I beg to be inform’d by a Line whether a Letter, the third I did myself the honour of writing to you, dated the 26th of February 1774, ever came to your Hands. I am, Reverend Sir, Your most obedient and most humble Servant
B F
Dr Tucker, Dean of Glocester

Notation by Franklin: Letter to Dr Tucker Feb. 13. 75


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to the New Jersey Assembly Committees of Correspondence, 14 February 1775
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: New Jersey Assembly Committee of Correspondence

Gentlemen,
London, Feb. 14. 1775
In my last I informed you of my Attendance on the Board of Trade upon your Acts passed in March last, the Objections made to some of them, particularly the Paper Money Act with the Answers I gave to those Objections; and that all were likely to pass, except those for lowering the Interest of Money, and for the Relief of an insolvent Debtor.
Petitions are come up to Parliament from all the Trading Ports, and manufacturing Towns, concern’d in the American Commerce, setting forth the Loss and Ruin they are likely to suffer by the Stop put to that Commerce, and praying that lenient Measures may be adopted for restoring it. The N. American and W India Merchants in London have also petitioned to the same Purpose: But little Notice has hitherto been taken of those Petitions, and both Houses have address’d the King, declaring a Rebellion to be in the Massachusetts Bay, in consequence whereof more Troops are about to be sent thither, and Administration seems determin’d on reducing the Colonies by Force to a solemn Acknowledgment of the Power claim’d by Parliament of mak[ing] Laws to bind the Colonies in all Cases whatsoever. A Bill is preparing to deprive the four New England Colonies of their Fishery, and other Severities are threatned. Yet many here are confident, that if the Non-Consumption of British Manufactures in America, is soberly and steadily adher’d to another Year, these Measures will all be revers’d, and our Rights acknowledg’d.
I inclose Lord Chatham’s propos’d Plan of Conciliation, which was hastily and harshly rejected by the Lords. [In the margin: Burk’s Speech. Newspapers.] The Friends of America generally wish it had been accepted; because tho’ some Exception might probably be made there to Parts of it, and certain Explanations or Modifications required or propos’d, yet it would have serv’d as the Basis of a Treaty for Agreement, and in the mean time have prevented Mischief and Bloodshed. With great Respect, I am, Gentlemen, Your most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to [the Pennsylvania Assembly Committee of Correspondence], 15 February 1775
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Pennsylvania Assembly Committee of Correspondence

<February 15, 1775: He reports that on the previous day six provincial acts, passed in September, 1773, and July and September, 1774, were presented to the King in council. He encloses a list of the acts signed by Henry Wilmot, agent for the Proprietors.>


Title: Barclay’s Plan of Reconciliation, [on or before 16 February 1775]
From: Barclay, David Junior
To:

The answers returned to Franklin’s “Hints” (above, under Feb. 4, 1775) produced a conference of the negotiators which revealed the entrenched positions of both sides and no ground of compromise between them. For the next week or so Franklin, busy talking with members of Parliament, heard nothing more about terms of settlement. But Barclay had not given up; he was discussing such terms with Lord Hyde until he persuaded himself, with an optimism that did more credit to his good will than to his realism, that he had discovered “what would do in this Business.” He then asked for another conference with Franklin and Fothergill and, when they met on February 16, produced the following paper, which he described as “a Draft conformable chiefly to what had been proposed and conceded on both sides, with some Propositions of his own.” It embodied a number of points conceded in the answers to the “Hints,” and avoided by silence or vagueness most of the major issues that those answers raised.
The first article of the draft suggested that a commissioner be appointed. This idea had not appeared in Franklin’s original “Hints” or in Barclay’s revisions of them (above, under December 4 and 12); although Howe had broached it in late December, and Dartmouth had raised it in the Cabinet a few weeks later, Barclay and Fothergill did not mention it, or perhaps know of it, until early February. On the 3rd they met with Hyde and Dartmouth, when the possibility of a commissioner was aired. The next day the Quakers sounded out Franklin on a candidate, and the three agreed upon Howe. Hyde reported their choice to Dartmouth, added his own concurrence, and assured the Minister that the secret was being well kept: “nobody, but those mentioned above, myself and now your Lordship knowes it.” By the 9th Howe was discussing the proposal, but without reference to himself. This was the background of Barclay’s first article. In it he introduced a commissioner, but was timid in the role assigned him.
Discussion at the meeting on February 16 focused on that role. Franklin should persuade all the colonial agents to promise reimbursement for the tea, his friends urged, so as to pave the way for a commissioner to suspend the Boston Port Act. He answered that suspension of one of the Massachusetts acts was insufficient; the necessary quid pro quo was repeal of them all. As for the agents, only he and Bollan were concerned; and Bollan was probably too cautious to move without instructions. He himself would, if he thought any good might come of it, but needed time to consider. The three agreed to meet again the following evening, and he took Barclay’s paper home with him to consider it. When they reconvened he brought written objections. The others must have agreed to one of them: Article 11, which we print in brackets, was crossed out in Barclay’s draft and omitted in the copies.

[On or before February 16, 1775.]
A Plan, which its believed, would produce a permanentUnion between Great Britain and her Colonies.
1st: The Tea distroy’d to be paid for: And in order that no time may be lost to begin the desireable Work of Conciliation, it is proposed that the Agent or Agents, in a petition to the King should engage that the Tea distroy’d shall be paid for, and in consequence of that Engagement, a Commissioner to have Authority by a Clause in an Act of Parliament, to open the Port (by a Suspension of the Boston Port Act) as soon as that Engagement shall have been complyed with.
2d. The Tea Duty Act to be repealed, as well for the Advantage of Great Britain as the Colonies.
3d. Castle William to be restor’d to the Province of the Massachusets Bay, as before it was deliver’d up by Govr. Hutchison.
4th: As it is beleived that the Commencement of conciliatory Measures will in a considerable degree quiet the Minds of the Subjects in America, it is proposed that the Inhabitants of the Province of the Massachusets Bay should petition the K and state their Objections to the Act which alters their Government. And it is to be understood that the said Act shall be repealed. In the Interim the Commissioner to have power to suspend the Act, in order to enable the Inhabitants to petition in a legislative Capacity.
5. The several Provinces who may think themselves agriev’d by the Quebec Bill to petition in their legislative Capacities: And its to be understood, that so far of the Act, as extends the limits of Quebec beyond its ancient Bounds, to be repealed.

6th: The Act of Henry 8th: to be formally disclaimed by Parliament.
7th: In Time of Peace the Americans to raise within their respective Provinces, by Acts of their own Legislatures a Certain sum or sums, such as may be thought necessary for a peace Establishment to pay Governors, Judges &c.
Vide Laws of Jamaica.
8th: In time of War, on requisition made by the King, with consent of Parliament every Colony shall raise such Sums of Money, as their Legislatures may think suitable to their Abilities and the public Exigency, to be laid out in raising and paying Men for Land or sea service furnishing Provisions, Transports or such other purposes as the King shall require and direct.
9th: The Acts of Navigation to be reexamined, in order to see whether some Alterations might not be made therein as much for the Advantage of Great Britain, as the Ease of the Colonies.
10th: A Naval Officer to be appointed by the Crown to reside in each Colony, to see those Acts observed. NB. In some Colonies they are not appointed by the Crown.
[11th: The Acts restraining Manufacturers to be reconsider’d but not with a View of detrimenting Great Britain or the Colonies.]
12th: All Duties arising on the Acts for regulating Trade with the Colonies to be for the public Use of the respective Colonies, and paid into their Treasuries and an Officer of the Crown to see it done.
13th. The Admiralty Courts to be reduced to the same Powers as they have in England.
14th. All Judges in the King’s Colony Governments to be appointed during good Behaviour, and to be paid by the Province agreable to Article 7. NB. If the King chuses to add to their Salaries, the same to be sent from England.

15th. The Governors to be supported in the same Manner.
  Plan for Conciliation


Title: Franklin’s Contributions to the Conference on February 17: Four Drafts, 1775
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

As Franklin reviewed the situation during the day of the 17th before meeting again with Barclay and Fothergill that evening, according to his journal, he decided that he would take the responsibility of agreeing conditionally to pay for the tea. He also became more impressed than he had originally been with Barclay’s idea of a commissioner appointed by the crown and dispatched to America, but carried it much further: he envisaged a plenipotentiary, similar to the one he had sketched for Howe at the end of December, who would meet with delegates from all the colonies and work out terms of settlement for submission to the crown. That proposal he embodied in a draft petition that he would sign, along with Bollan and Lee if they were willing; if they were not, as he thought likely, he alone would make the same suggestion in a letter to Dartmouth. These are the first two drafts below. The third is amendments he proposed to Barclay’s articles, and the fourth is more general notes for his part in the discussion. He took the four papers with him to Fothergill’s house.
Nothing came of the meeting. Franklin reiterated what he had been saying for weeks, that bargaining must begin with the assurance that payment for the tea would bring repeal of all the Coercive Acts. Impossible, his friends replied; only repeal of the Port Act was negotiable. In that case he saw no hope of going further, and put away his papers. When the others promised to report his views, he suggested an end to such second-hand reporting; why should he not go with them to meet the ministers? This too they promised to forward, and there matters rested. Franklin’s demand for repeal had in fact, although he did not know it for several more days, put the quietus on the whole negotiation; no minister thereafter communicated with him indirectly, let alone directly. Barclay and Fothergill, according to him, gave up hope that the government could be brought to see reason.

I. Draft of a Petition to the King.

No 13
[February 17, 1775]
To the King’s most excellent Majesty
The Petition and Memorial of WB. B.F. and A.Lee Most humbly sheweth

That your Petitioners being Agents for several Colonies, and deeply affected with the Apprehension of impending Calamities that now threaten your Majesty’s Subjects in America, beg leave to approach your Throne, and to suggest with all humility their Opinion, formed on much attentive Consideration, that if it should please your Majesty to permit and authorize a Meeting of Delegates from the different Provinces, and appoint some Person or Persons of Dignity and Wisdom from hence, to preside in that Meeting, or to confer with the said Delegates, acquaint themselves fully with the true Grievances of the Colonies, and settle the Means of composing all Dissensions, such Means to be afterwards ratify’d by your Majesty, if found just and suitable; your Petitioners are persuaded, from their thorough Knowledge of that Country, and People, that such a Measure might be attended with the most salutary Effects, prevent much Mischief, and restore the Harmony which so long subsisted, and is so necessary to the Prosperity and Happiness, of all your Majesty’s Subjects in every Part of your extensive Dominions: Which that Heaven may preserve entire to your Majesty and your Descendants is the sincere Prayer of Your Majesty’s most dutiful Subjects and Servants.

II. Draft of a Letter to Lord Dartmouth.

No 14
My Lord
[February 17, 1775]
Being deeply apprehensive of the impending Calamities that threaten the Nation and its Colonies thro’ the present unhappy Dissensions, I have attentively considered by what possible Means those Calamities may be prevented. The great Importance of a Business which concerns us all will I hope in some Degree excuse me to your Lordship if I presume unask’d to offer my humble Opinion, that should his Majesty think fit to authorize Delegates from the several Provinces to meet at such convenient Time and Place as in his Wisdom shall seem meet, then and there to confer with a Commissioner or Commrs. to be appointed and empowered by his Majesty, on the Means of establishing a firm and lasting Union between Britain and the American Provinces, such a Measure might be effectual for that purpose. I cannot therefore but wish it may be adopted, as no one can more ardently and sincerely desire the general Prosperity of the British Dominions, than My Lord, Your Lordship’s most obedient &c.

III. Objections to Barclay’s Draft Articles of February 16.

No 15
[February 17, 1775]
Page 1. line 7 [line 4 of Article 1].
in consequence of that Engagement, all the Boston and Massachusetts Acts to be suspended, and on Compliance with that Engagement to be totally repeal’d.
By this Amendment Article 4th. will become unnecessary. Art. 4 and 5 The numerous Petitions heretofore sent home by the Colony Assemblies, and either refused to be received, or received and neglected, or answered harshly and the Petitioners rebuk’d for making them, have I conceive totally discourag’d that Method of Application, and if even their Friends were now to propose to them the recurring again to Petitioning, such Friends would be thought to trifle with them. Besides, all they desire is now before Government in the Petition of the Congress, and the whole or Parts may be granted or refused at Pleasure. The Sense of the Colonies cannot be better obtained by Petitions from different Colonies, than it is by that general Petition.
Art. 7 Read, such as they may think necessary.
Art. 11. As it stands, of little Importance. The first Proposition was that they should be repealed as unjust. But they may remain, for they will probably not be executed.
Even with the Amendment propos’d above to Article 1. I cannot think it stands as it should do. If the Object be merely the preventing present Bloodshed, and the other Mischiefs to fall on that Country in War, it may possibly answer that End. But if a thorough hearty Reconciliation is wish’d for, all Cause of Heartburning should be remov’d, and strict Justice be done on both Sides. Thus the Tea should not only be paid for on the Side of Boston, but the Damage done to Boston by the Port Act should be repair’d, because it was done contrary to the Custom of all Nations Savage as well as civiliz’d, of first demanding Satisfaction.
Art 14. The Judges should receive nothing from the King.
As to the other two Acts, The Massachusetts must suffer all the Hazards and Mischiefs of War, rather than admit the Alteration of their Charters and Laws by Parliament. They who can give up essential Liberty to obtain a little temporary Safety, deserve neither Liberty nor Safety.
B Franklin

IV. Notes for Discussion with Barclay and Fothergill.

No 16Hints.
[February 17, 1775]
I doubt the Regulating Duties will not be accepted, without enacting them, and having the Power of appointing the Collectors in the Colonies.
If we mean a hearty Reconciliation, we must deal candidly, and use no Tricks.
The Assemblies are many of them in a State of Dissolution. It will require Time to make new Elections; then to meet and chuse Delegates, supposing all could meet.
But the Assembly of the Massachusetts Bay cannot act under the new Constitution, nor meet the new Council for that purpose, without acknowledging the Power of Parliament to alter their Charter, which they never will do. The Language of the Proposal is, Try on your Fetters first, and then if you don’t like ’em, petition and we will consider.
Establishing Salaries for Judges may be a general Law. For Governors not so, the Constitutions of Colonies differing.
It is possible Troops may be sent to particular Provinces to burthen them when they are out of favour.
Canada: We cannot endure Despotism over any of our Fellow Subjects. We must all be free or none.


Title: Lord Howe to Caroline Howe, [17 February 1775]
From: Howe, Rear Adm. Richard, Viscount
To: Howe, Caroline

While Franklin was preparing his drafts for the discussion with Barclay and Fothergill on the 17th, he received his first word in weeks from Lord Howe, who asked through his sister to see him. They met the next morning; the Admiral explained that he expected to be sent to the colonies as a commissioner to arrange a reconciliation, and wanted Franklin to go with him. If the terms were acceptable, the American replied, he would leave on an hour’s notice. He might discuss the matter with Lord Hyde, Howe suggested; Franklin agreed, and the Viscount promised to arrange an interview.

No 18
Grafton street Friday 4 O’Clock, [February 17, 1775]
I wish you to procure me an opportunity to see Dr. Franklin at your House to morrow or on Sunday morning for an essential purpose.

Addressed: Honble / Mrs. Howe
Notation in Franklin’s hand: recd Friday 5 o’Clock Feb. 17. 1775


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Caroline Howe, 17 February 1775
From: Howe, Caroline
To: Franklin, Benjamin

No 17
Grafton Street Friday Feb 17. [1775]
Mrs. Howe’s compliments to Dr. Franklin she has just received the enclosed note from Ld. Howe, and hopes it will be convenient to him to come to her either tomorrow or Sunday any hour most convenient to him, which she begs he will be so good to name.

Addressed: To / Docter Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Tuthill Hubbart, 18 February 1775
From: Hubbart, Tuthill
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Boston Feby: 18th. 1775
This will be handed to you by Mr. Duncan Ingraham who is so kind as to take charge of three Packetts of News papers &ct. containing our Politicall Disputes, there has no Pamphletts lately been publish’d here on the Subject or should have sent them.
You can better conceive than I can express the distress’t scituation, of your once happy Native Town; had it not been for the benevolence of Our sympathizing Brethren, very many must have abandon’d it as they have no thoughts of giving up what they esteem their Rights. I am told by one of the Committee of Donations that there is upwards of three thousand People served out with their dayly Provissions, which must otherwise perrish or leave the Town.
We are still threatned with an aditional number of Troops coming out. When they arrive its said coercive measures will be try’d; but be assure’d America will resist and must be conquer’d ‘ere they submitt. Suckey and Mrs. Partridge &ct. dessires their duty to you. With sincerest Esteem and regard I have the Honor to subscribe my Self Your Affectionate and Dutyfull Nephew
Tuthill Hubbart

I have just procure’d the Inclosed paper from the Printer which he says is not corrected as it does not come out till Monday.

Addressed: To / Doctr Benja Franklin F R S / at Mrs. Stevensons Craven Street / Strand / London / per favour / Mr Ingraham


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Lord Howe, 20 February 1775
From: Howe, Rear Adm. Richard, Viscount
To: Franklin, Benjamin

By February 20 Howe’s negotiations were breaking down. Perhaps for that reason he abandoned communication through his sister, and for the first time wrote Franklin directly. Lord Hyde, he reported with delicate circumlocution, saw no point in meeting with one whose views were irreconcilable with those of the government. Franklin concluded that the Admiral had learned those views from Barclay after the three negotiators met on the 17th, and was also backing away from him. He was annoyed, but all he showed in the answer that follows—ostensibly to Hyde via Howe, actually to both—was a “decent indifference.”

No 19
Grafton Street Feby. 20 1775
Not having had a convenient opportunity to talk with Lord Hyde until this morning, on the subject I mentioned when I had, my worthy friend, the pleasure to see you last, I now give you the earliest information of his Lordships Sentiments upon my proposition.
He declares he has no personal Objections And that he is always desirous of the conversation of Men of Knowledge. Consequently in that respect, would have a pleasure in yours. But he apprehends, that on the present American contest, your principles and his, or rather those of Parliament, are as yet so wide from each other, that a meeting meerly to discuss them, might give you unnecessary trouble. Should you think otherwise; Or should any propitious circumstances approximate such distant sentiments, he would be happy to be used as a channel to convey what might tend to harmony, from a Person of credit, to those in power.
And I will venture to advance from my knowledge of his Lordships opinion of Men and things, that nothing of that nature would suffer in the passage. I am with a sincere regard Your most Obedient servant
Howe

Addressed in Mrs. Howe’s hand: To / Docter Franklin


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Lord Howe, 20 February 1775
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Howe, Rear Adm. Richard, Viscount

No 20
Cravenstreet Feb. 20. 75
Having nothing to offer on the American Business in Addition to what Lord Hyde is already acquainted with from the Papers that have passed, it seems most respectful not to give his Lordship the Trouble of a Visit, since a mere Discussion of the Sentiments contained in those Papers is not in his Opinion likely to produce any good Effect. I am thankful however to his Lordship for the Permission of Waiting on him, which I shall use if any thing occurs that may give a Chance of Utility in such an Interview. With sincere Esteem and Respect I have [the] Honour to be my Lord Your Lordship’s most obedient humble Servant
B F
Lord Howe


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Cushing, 20 February 1775
From: Cushing, Thomas
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Boston February. 20. 1775
I am now to acknowledge the receipt of your Favor of the 12 November last; We have received the King’s Speech and the answer of Both Houses. They have made no alteration in the Sentiments of the People here they remain as firm and United as ever. The association of the Continental Congress is sacredly adhered to thro[ughout] all the Colonies. The Assembly of New York have agreed to Petition the King, address the House of Lords and remonstrate to the House of Commons relative to American Greiviances. The Petition of the Assembly of Jamaica you will have seen before this reaches you. I now Inclose you a small Pamphlet entituled Calculations on American Population, the perusal of Which on your side the Water may be of service, and convince the People there What an amazing Source of Commerce they will deprive them selves of if by any Imtemperate and rash Measures the Connexion between G B and America should be Dissolved. I am with respect your most humble servant
Thomas Cushing
Benja Franklin Esqr

Addressed: To / Benjamin Franklin Esq  LLD / In / London.
Endorsed: Mr Cushing  Feb. 20. 1775


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to James Bowdoin, 25 February 1775
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Bowdoin, James

Dear Sir
London Feb 25. 1775
I received your kind Letter of Sept. 6 by Mr. Quincy. I thought it might be of use to publish a Part of it, which was done accordingly. But the Measures it so justly censures are still persisted in, and will I trust continue to produce Effects directly contrary to those intended; will unite instead of dividing us, strengthen and make us more resolute instead of intimidating us, and work our Honour and Advantage instead of the Disgrace and Ruin designed for us. A Bill is now in hand to confine the Trade of the 4 N.E. Colonies to Britain and the West Indies only, and to prohibit their Fishery. Other Provinces have done as offensive Things, but Whiggism is thought to be more thoroughly the Principle in New England, and that is now an unpardonable Sin. The Rest however are to have their punishment in their Turn tho’ perhaps less severe. That is, if this Tory Ministry continues in Power; but, tho’ they have, by the late deceptive Motion, amused many People here, so as to give an Appearance as if they intended pacific Measures, on which the Stocks which were falling apace have risen again; yet when this Deceit is understood, and Time proves the intended Offer to America futile and ineffectual, the redoubled Clamour of the Trading, manufacturing, and whig Interests here will infallibly overthrow all the Enemies of America, and produce an Acknowledgment of her Rights and Satisfaction for her Injuries. If we continue firm and united, and resolutely persist in the non Consumption Agreement, this adverse Ministry cannot possibly stand another Year. And surely the great Body of our People, the Farmers and Artificers, will not find it hard to keep an Agreement by which they both save and gain: the Traders only can suffer and where they do really suffer some Compensation should if possible be made them. Hitherto the Conduct of the Colonies has given them great Reputation all over Europe; by a brave Perseverence, with Prudence and Moderation, (not forward in acting offensively, but resolute in Defence when necessary) they will establish a respectable Character both for Wisdom and Courage, and then they will find Friends everywhere. The Eyes of all Christendon are now upon us, and our Honour as a People is become a Matter of the utmost Consequence to be taken Care of. If we tamely give up our Rights in this Contest, a Century to come will not restore us in the Opinion of the World. We shall be stamp’d with the Character of Dastards and Poltroons, and Fools, and be despis’d and trampled upon, not by this haughty insolent Nation only, but by all Mankind. Present Inconveniences are therefore to be borne with Fortitude, and better Times expected:
  Informes hyemes reducit
   Jupiter: idem
Summovet. Non si male nunc, et olim
Sic erit.
I am much pleased with Mr. Quincy. ’Tis a thousand Pities his Strength of Body is not equal to his Strength of Mind. His Zeal for the Public (like that of David for God’s House) will I fear eat him up.
I hope Mrs. Bs Health is fully established. Make my respectfull Compliments acceptable to her; and believe me ever, with sincere and great Esteem, Dear Sir Your most obedient humble Servant

PS  I never could learn the Cause of Mr. T.s being displaced, The Ministry refused to give any Reason for it. I have imagined that it was a Suspicion of his being the Author of some Pieces in the Papers reflecting on their Measures.
J. Bowdoin Esqr

Endorsed: Dr. Franklins Letter Feby. 25. 1775  per Mr. Quincy London


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Joseph Galloway, 25 February 1775
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Galloway, Joseph

Dear Friend,
London, Feb. 25. 1775
In my last per Falconer, I mention’d to you my showing your Plan of Union to Lords Chatham and Camden. I now hear that you had sent it to Lord Dartmouth. Lord Gower I believe alluded to it, when in the House he censur’d the Congress severely as first resolving to receive a Plan for Uniting the Colonies to the Mother Country, and afterwards rejecting it, and ordering their first Resolution to be eras’d out of their Minutes. Permit me to hint to you that it is whisper’d here by ministerial People, that yourself and Mr. Jay of New York are Friends to their Measures, and give them private Intelligence of the Views of the Popular or Country Party in America. I do not believe this; but I thought it a Duty of Friendship to acquaint you with the Report.
I have not heard what Objections were made to the Plan in the Congress, nor would I make more than this one, that when I consider the extream Corruption prevalent among all Orders of Men in this old rotten State, and the glorious publick Virtue so predominant in our rising Country, I cannot but apprehend more Mischief than Benefit from a closer Union. I fear They will drag us after them in all the plundering Wars their desperate Circumstances, Injustice and Rapacity, may prompt them to undertake; and their wide-wasting Prodigality and Profusion a Gulph that will swallow up every Aid we may distress ourselves to afford them. Here Numberless and needless Places, enormous Salaries, Pensions, Perquisites, Bribes, groundless Quarrels, foolish Expeditions, false Accompts or no Accompts, Contracts and Jobbs devour all Revenue, and produce continual Necessity in the Midst of natural Plenty. I apprehend therefore that To unite us intimately, will only be to corrupt and poison us also. It seems like Mezentius’s coupling and binding together the dead and the living,

Tormenti genus! et sanie taboque fluentis
Complexu in misero, longa sic morte necabat.

However I would try any thing, and bear any thing that can be borne with Safety to our just Liberties rather than engage in a War with such near Relations, unless compelled to it by dire Necessity in our own Defence.
But should that Plan be again brought forward, I imagine that before establishing the Union, it would be necessary to agree on the following preliminary Articles.
1. The Declaratory Act of Parliament to be repeal’d.
  2. All Acts of Parliament or Parts of Acts, laying Duties on the Colonies, to be repeal’d.
  3. All Acts of Parliament altering the Charters or Constitutions or Laws, of any Colony to be repeal’d.
  4. All Acts of Parliament restraining Manufactures in the Colonies, to be repeal’d.
  5. Those Parts of the Navigation Acts, which are for the Good of the whole Empire, such as require that Ships in the Trade should be British or Plantation built, and navigated by ¾ British Subjects; with the Duties necessary for regulating Commerce to be re-enacted by both Parliaments.
  6. Then to induce the Americans to see the regulating Acts faithfully executed, it would be well to give the Duties collected in each Colony to the Treasury of that Colony, and let the Governor and Assembly appoint the Officers to collect them, and proportion their Salaries. Thus the Business will be cheaper and better done, and the Misunderstandings between the two Countries now created and fomented by the unprincipled Wretches generally appointed from England, be entirely prevented.
These are hasty Thoughts, submitted to your Consideration.
You will see the new Proposal of Lord North made on Monday last, which I have sent to the Committee. Those in Administration who are for violent Measures, are said to dislike it. The others rely upon it as a means of dividing and by that means subduing us. But I cannot conceive that any Colony will undertake to grant a Revenue, to a Government that holds a Sword over their Heads, with a Threat to strike the moment they cease to give or do not give so much as it is pleas’d to expect. In such a Situation, where is the Right of giving our own Property freely? or the Right to judge of our own Ability to give? It seems to me the Language of a Highwayman, who with a Pistol in your Face says, Give me your Purse, and then I will not put my Hand into your Pocket. But give me all your Money or I’ll shoot you thro’ the Head. With great and sincere Esteem, I am ever, my dear Friend Your most obedient and most humble Servant
B F.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Caroline Howe, [28 February 1775]
From: Howe, Caroline
To: Franklin, Benjamin

A week passed after Howe’s discouraging note of February 20. When Franklin heard nothing from him and nothing of moment from Barclay or Fothergill, he inquired of Mrs. Howe whether he could be of any further use to her brother; if not, he would consider himself free “to take other Measures.” She forwarded this cryptic message and, in the following note, Howe’s answer. The result was two conferences, one with him on the 28th and the other, at his suggestion, with Lord Hyde on March 1. Both were unproductive.

No 21
Grafton Street Tuesday [February 28, 1775]
Mrs. Howe’s Compliments to Docter Franklin, Lord Howe not quite understanding the message received from her, will be very glad to have the pleasure of seeing him either between 12 and 1 this morning (the only hour he has at liberty this day) at her House, or at any hour tomorrow most convenient to him.

Addressed: To / Docter Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Caroline Howe, [4 March 1775]
From: Howe, Caroline
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Although Lord Howe recognized that negotiations had broken down, he refused to abandon hope for the future. The following note brought on a meeting with Franklin on March 7, which was their last in England, as far as we know, but not their last. The Admiral asked whether, if he were sent as commissioner to the colonies, he might count on the other’s assistance, and was assured that he might. More than a year later he was sent, and the two met again on Staten Island in September, 1776. By then the Admiral was a commissioner backed by a large fleet, and Franklin represented the Congress of the newly born United States; all chance of their working together had vanished.

No 22
Grafton Street Saturday. [March 4, 1775]
Mrs. Howe’s compliments to Dr. Franklin, Lord Howe begs to have the pleasure of meeting him once more before he goes, at her House; he is at present out of Town, but returns on Monday, and any day or hour after that, that the Docter will name, he will be very glad to attend him.

Addressed: To / Docr. Franklin
Endorsed: Mar. 4. 75


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Andrew Robeson, 4 March 1775
From: Robeson, Andrew
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Philadelphia March 4th: 1775
An Opportunity offering, and the Committee not to be met with I take the Liberty of transmitting you the Letter and of signing myself your most obedient humble Servant
Andrew Robeson Secy:
Doctor B: Franklin

Addressed: For / Doctor Benjamin Franklin / Craven Street / London
Endorsed: Lib. Company  Mar. 4. 1775


Title: Lord Pitt to Thomas Walpole, 6 March 1775
From: Chatham, John Pitt, 2nd Earl of
To: Walpole, Thomas

Franklin was deeply concerned with Chatham’s conciliatory plan, presented to the House of Lords on February 1, just as he had been with the motion in January to withdraw the troops from Boston. Between these Parliamentary manoeuvers the two men had collaborated closely, but the American had not reached the point where he could express directly his admiration for what the Earl had tried to do. In January he had expressed it to Lord Stanhope. In February he sent it by way of Thomas Walpole, who forwarded to Hayes an extract of his letter, and then returned to him Chatham’s acknowledgment by way of Lord Pitt. Whatever Franklin wrote has been lost; only this echo remains.

Hayes Thurday March 6th [1775]
Lord Pitt presents his Compliments to Mr: Walpole and being at Hayes did not recieve the honor of his obliging note, till yesterday. Lord Chatham desires him to present his Compliments to Mr: Walpole, and is much honor’d by his thinking of his health, which is better, tho’ he still continues very much out of order. Lord Chatham also desires me to express how sensibly he feels the contents of the Extract communicated to him; he is deeply touched by such a remembrance, and truly honor’d by so Authentick and Respectable a Testimony to his good Intentions.
Notation in Franklin’s hand: Note receiv’d by Mr. Walpole in answer to one from him communicating an Extract of a Letter from me respecting Lord Chatham’s Motion for Conciliatory Measures made Feb. 1775.
B Franklin

Notation: Walpole, Feb. 1775.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Frans van Lelyveld, 11 March 1775
From: Lelyveld, Frans van
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Gentleman:
Leyden 11 March 1775.
The foregoing is a Copy of what I had the honour to write you under the 9 Decbr. And without your Answer I take now the Liberty to send you 6 Exempl. of my Piece Concerning the pouring of oil &c. where after a translation of your Letter to Mr. Brownrigg.
I hope the one and the other will be of utility for the publicq, and give inducements to exact inquirings.

If you judge necessary that my piece should be translated in English, we have here the Minister Mr. Mitchell, which I believe should it do very well. And in such a Case your Printer and my printer Could it do half and half. I Recommend me in your affection and have the honour to be Gentleman Your most Obedient servant
Fs Van Lelyveld


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Humphry Marshall, 13 March 1775
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Marshall, Humphry

Sir,
London, Mar. 13. 1775.
I duly receiv’d your Favour of Novr. the 26th, but having mislaid it, I postpon’d answering it till I should find it, not recollecting perfectly what were the Books you wrote for. I now send the Nautical Almanack for the current Year; that for 1776 is not yet publish’d. The Philosophical Transactions, if you mean a compleat Set, will cost near £30. Therefore not knowing fully your Mind, I have not bought them.
The Controversy will soon end in our Favour, notwithstanding the present Measures, if America is steady in the Non Consumption Agreement. All the Hopes and Dependance of the Ministry, are in Dividing us, by working upon our Fears and Hopes. If we are faithful to each other, our Adversaries are ruin’d. I am, with much Esteem Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant
H. Marshall Esqr

Addressed: To / Mr Humphry Marshall / Chester County


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Lord Kames, 14 March 1775
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Kames, Henry Home, Lord

London March 14. 1775.
Purposing to embark for America in a few Days, I cannot depart without taking Leave of my dear Lord Kaims, to whose Civilities and Friendship I have been so much oblig’d, and for whom I shall ever retain the sincerest Esteem and Affection.
I congratulate you cordially on the Success of your last Work. It does you great Honour. I hear it every where well spoken of. I almost envy the Abilities you continue to possess of instructing, delighting and being useful at so late a Period in Life; of still going through so much Business with so much Ease to yourself; and of employing your Leisure so advantageously to others.
May every kind of Felicity attend you and your good Lady, is the sincere parting Wish of Your affectionate and most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin

P.S.  Mr. Duffield, who will have the Honour of presenting this to your Hands is a young Gentleman for whom I have a great Regard. He at present studies Physic in your University. I beg leave to recommend him to your Protection.
Lord Kaims

Addressed: Lord Kaims / Edinburgh / per / Mr Duffield
Endorsed: 1775 Mar. 14


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Lord Bessborough, 16 March 1775
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Bessborough, William Ponsonby, 2nd Earl of

Cravenstreet Mar. 16. 75.
Dr. Franklin presents his respectful Compliments to Lord Bessborough, with Thanks for the obliging Invitation, which he should embrace with Pleasure, but that he expects to be at Sea on that Day in his Way to America, being to embark on Sunday next. He wishes sincerely to Lord Bessborough every kind of Felicity, and shall always retain a grateful Sense of the many Favours and Civilities his Lordship has conferr’d on him during his Residence in England.

Addressed: Lord Bessborough
Endorsed: Dr. Franklin
Addressed: To / The Right honourable Lord Besborough / Cavendish Square
Endorsed: Dr. Franklin.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from David Barclay, 16 March 1775
From: Barclay, David Junior
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Cheapside 16th. Inst. [March 16, 1775]
D: Barclay’s respects, and acquaints Dr. Franklin, that Dr. Fothergill desires the favor of his Company Tomorrow Evening at half past 7 Clock, when D B will meet him if that Time is agreable to Dr. Franklin.

Addressed: Doctr. Franklin / Cravenstreet
Endorsed: March 75


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Walpole, 16 March 1775
From: Walpole, Thomas
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Franklin’s anger at the ministry did not rob him of all circumspection. Before he sent the above memorial to Dartmouth he showed it to Thomas Walpole, who “lookt at it and at me several Times alternately, as if he apprehended me a little out of my Senses.” The American asked him to get a second opinion from Lord Camden; Walpole did so, and returned the memorial with the following note. But he feared that Franklin might ignore his warning, and called the next day at Craven Street; when he found that his quarry was at the House of Lords, he followed him there to tell him that the step he contemplated would be an affront to the nation. Franklin took thought, cooled down, and agreed to leave England without a parting shot.

No 24
Dear Sir
Lincolns Inn fields 16 March 1775
I return you the Memorial which it is thought might be attended with dangerous consequences to your person, and contribute to exasperate the Nation.
I heartily wish you a prosperous voyage a long health and am with the sincerest regard your most faithfull and obedient Servant
Thomas Walpole


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to [Peter P. Burdett], 17 March 1775
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Burdett, Peter P.

Dear Sir,
London, Mar. 17. 1775
Being about to embark for America this Line is just to take leave wishing you every kind of Felicity, and to request that if you have not yet purchased for me the Theatrum Machinarum, you would now omit doing it, as I have the Offer of a Set here. But if you have purchased it, your Draft on me will be duly paid in my Absence by Mrs. Stevenson, in whose Hands I leave my little Affairs, till my Return, which I purpose God willing, in October. Mrs. Stevenson keeps the House in Cravenstreet, wherein I have always lodged since my Residence in London.

Be pleased to present my humble Respects to your good Prince, with my best Wishes for his Prosperity, and repeat my thankful Acknowledgements for his gracious and benevolent Propositions in my favour, of which tho’ I could not, for the reasons I gave you, avail myself I shall nevertheless always retain the most grateful Sense: and if either here or in America I could render his Highness any kind of Service, it would give me infinite Pleasure. With great Esteem I am, Dear Sir,


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Anthony Todd, 17 March 1775
From: Todd, Anthony
To: Franklin, Benjamin

General post office March 17: 1775
Mr. Todd presents his Compliments to Dr. Franklin and sends him an extract of a Letter to Messrs. Foxcroft and Finlay of the 9th. of Decr. last concerning the Balance remaining in his Hands to which he has not as yet received an Answer, but makes no doubt when it comes it will clear up every Difficulty in settling his Accounts finally with this Office on paying the Balance as stated in the Sketch inclosed.
Mr. Fauquier has been here today but finds Dr. Franklin’s Account cannot be made up without the necessary Information from his Colleague.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Arthur Lee, 19 March 1775
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Lee, Arthur

Dear Sir,
Cravenstreet Mar. 19. 1775
I leave Directions with Mrs. Stevenson to deliver you all the Massachusetts Papers, when you please to call for them. I am sorry that the Hurry of Preparing for my Voyage and the many Hindrances I have met with, prevented my meeting you and Mr. Bollan, and conversing a little more on our Affairs before my Departure. I wish to both of you Health and Happiness, and shall be glad to hear from you by every Opportunity: I shall let you know how I find things in America. I may possibly return again in Autumn, but you will if you think fit continue henceforth the Agent for the Assembly of the Massachusetts, which I cannot again undertake. I wish you all Happiness, and am ever, Yours affectionately
B Franklin
Arthur Lee, Esqr

Addressed: Arthur Lee Esqr
Endorsed: March 19. 1775
Franklin 1775 saying he will return again in Autumn from America


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Fothergill, 19 March 1775
From: Fothergill, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Dr.
½ past 10 [March 19, 1775]
Be kind enough to take the charge of the inclosed and convey them at thy leisure. [Deleted] is a staunch Anti American. I have received a letter from him to day by way of Liverpool which hurts me much. Get him, Jas. Pemberton and two or three more together, and inform them, that whatever specious pretences are offerd, they are all hollow and that to get a larger field on which to fatten a herd of worthless parasites is all that is regarded.
Perhaps it may be proper to acquaint them with D.B’s and our united endeavours, and the effects. They will stun at least, if not convince the most courtly, that nothing very favourable is intended, if more unfavourable articles cannot be obtained. Pray is Sir John Pringle a thorough Anti American?  Tho’ for answering this idle question, I will not put my Friend to the trouble of an Answer in his last moments. Farewel, and befriend this infant, growing empire with the utmost exertion of thy abilitys, and no less philanthropy, both which are beyond my powers to express. A happy prosperous voyage! Pray see Betsy Ferguson sometime, and tell her she must trust me for a letter till summer.
J Fothergill

Addressed: For / Dr. Franklin.


Title: Memorandum for Mrs. Stevenson, [on or before 20 March 1775]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Stevenson, Margaret

Franklin, like so many travelers embarking on a long voyage, had been unable to deal with everything before his departure; and as usual Mrs. Stevenson took care of tidying his affairs. But she was much more deeply involved in them than this memorandum indicates. He left owing her four years’ rent at £100 per annum, and she covered additional obligations of his that came to more than £470; he reimbursed her to the tune of £871 19s. ½d. as soon as he reached America. In return she planned on using his good offices to invest in Philadelphia, and deposited £740 in London for him to draw upon in making loans at interest. But he thought better of the idea soon after he arrived, and returned the money to her.

[On or before March 20, 1775]
Mrs. Stevenson is requested
To deliver the broad Copper Plate at the Head of the Garret Stairs to Mr. Pownall; with one of the Prints.
The other Print to Capt. Walsingham.
To pay a draft of 5 or 6 Guineas if such should be drawn on me by Mr. Burdet in Germany.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jonathan Shipley, [on or after 20 March 1775?]: fragment
From: Shipley, Jonathan
To: Franklin, Benjamin

This fragment is now bound, in a volume of Franklin’s correspondence with Shipley, as a postscript to the Bishop’s holograph copy of his letter below at the end of June, 1775. But the paper is larger than that of the copy; it has been folded, as the copy has not; and it is addressed and has the remnants of a seal. The conclusion is inescapable that it is unrelated to the copy, and is the last page of a letter actually sent. But not to Philadelphia: the address is inadequate, and the fact that the manuscript came down through Shipley’s descendants strongly suggests that it was returned to him. His affectionate conclusion links the New World and the Old, and asks Franklin to remember the family in Jermyn Street. All these signs indicate that the Bishop was writing a farewell, which was delivered to Mrs. Stevenson’s and returned because his friend had already left for Portsmouth.

[On or after March 20, 1775?]
[First page or pages missing.] Perhaps the Blunders and the Knavery of the Ministry which We are taught to call the Wisdom of the Nation may cooperate not a little to your advantage. Providence is an excellent Artist and can perform very admirable Works with very wretched Tools. The Family in Jermyn Street, whom I hope You will sometimes think of, desire [most] unfeignd and most affectionate Respec[ts to] You, and I am inclind to think that in the old World and in the New there are none who admire You more, or love You so much. I am, Dear Sir, Most affectionately Yours
J. St. Asaph

Addressed: To / Dr. Franklin.


Title: Fragment of a Letter to the Public Advertiser, [1774–75]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

The presence of this fragment among the papers of Caleb Whitefoord in the British Museum indicates that it was part of a letter to the Public Advertiser that was never published. Henry Woodfall, the printer, frequently sent such material for Whitefoord’s inspection; and in this case the manuscript seems to have gone no further. When it was written, why it was suppressed, and who deleted the conclusion we do not venture to guess.

[1774–75?]
On the other hand, if our Commerce and Friendship are of some Advantage to you; while you are exasperating this Country against the Colonies by Misrepresentations and Falshoods, if you are at the same time by your Abuses so exasperating that Country against this, as that they will from Resentment exert themselves more earnestly, to give Encouragement, and finally should succeed in every Manufacture as they have already in several, Will your Country then think that you have been doing it Service?
Don’t you suppose it possible, that Civil Dissentions may encourage Foreign Insults? Can you conceive the least Use in destroying all mutual Regard and Affection between Britain and America? Do you think it impossible that England may ever need Assistance from the Colonies? Do you think it quite out of the Course of human Affairs that Britons should ever have Occasion to seek an Asylum in America? Would it not be more comfortable to you and your Children, to find there LIBERTY and Friends, than SLAVERY and Enemies? Why then would you have us reduc’d to a Condition, in which, if you succeed, we shall ever detest you?
F.B.


Title: Fragments of Two Letters to the Press [?], [1774–75?]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

These two scraps of Franklin’s ongoing argument for the colonies appear to be directed at the British public, although no trace of either one has been found in the newspapers of the period. The first fragment is divided into two parts by a gap in the manuscript; the initial paragraph might have been written at any time, but the second implies that hostilities are in the offing. So does the other, incomplete fragment, and we are therefore tentatively dating them both during the last year of Franklin’s mission.

  [1774–75?]

  I.

Tis indeed a great and magnanimous Nation: but When we see how easily it is mov’d by Party Writers and Declaimers, and exasperated against its best Friends, When we see its Mind chang’d so easily to Purposes directly contrary, by a Pamphlet or a Protest; how can we resolve to submit to its absolute Government without Check, without being [interlined: when we are not] represented, &c.
We know your Power can crush us: but ’tis time enough to submit to absolute Power when those who chuse to spend all their Property in defending it, rather than give it up to the insolent groundless Claim of Oppressors, have spent it. When we can no longer resist it, when those who chuse rather to die in Defence of their Liberty than consent to Slavery are accordingly dead. This Nation looks upon us at present with perhaps too much Contempt. It is worth while to struggle bravely and run some Risque of Life and Fortune, were it only, that we might prove our selves worthy of the Race from whence we sprung and obtain some Share of your Esteem.

II.
Let me take this Opportunity to express my Astonishment, at what I so frequently see in the Papers, that this that and the other Colonel in the Army, or Captain in the Navy, have officiously proposed with a few Regiments or a few Ships to reduce the Americans, &c. Is it to recommend themselves to Ministry, or to the Nation, that they thus show their Readiness to shed Brothers Blood? Do they not by thus forwardly offering themselves as willing Instruments for establishing Tyranny, give us some reason to suspect, that our Liberties at home [torn] a standing Army [remainder missing.]


Title: Request for a Printing, [1774–75?]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

The background of this request has already been discussed in connection with the document to which it was attached, Franklin’s indictment of Lord Hillsborough in 1772 for preventing colonial petitions from reaching the throne. At some later point he decided, for reasons given here, to publish the indictment redirected at Lord Dartmouth, and then reversed his decision; perhaps he realized, after composing the request, that his charge against Hillsborough did not apply to Dartmouth. In any case the essay and this brief preface seem to have remained unpublished.

Sir
[1774–75?]
The enclos’d Paper was written just before Lord Hillsborough quitted the American Department. An Expectation then prevailing, from the good Character of the noble Lord who succeeded him, that the Grievances of the Colonies would under his Administration be redress’d, it was laid aside: But as not a single Measure of his Predecessor has since been even attempted to be changed, and on the contrary new ones have been continually added farther to exasperate those People, render them desperate, and drive them if possible into open Rebellion, it may not be amiss now to give it the Public, as it shows in detail the rise and Progress of those Differences which are about to break this Empire into Pieces. I am, Sir, Yours, &c.
A. P.


Title: Notes on Britain’s Intention to Enslave America [1774–75?]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

These notes are impossible to date. At the head of the sheet a line in another hand has been crossed out; it seems to read “Mde. D’Ardonviller,” who means nothing to us. Franklin’s reference in his notation to the “old” intention suggests that he was writing long after the comment that he cites by the Attorney General; but the reference at least determines the earliest date, May, 1774, when the Quebec Bill was introduced; we have not found Thurlow’s comment in his reported speeches on the subject. The remark by Ralph, presumably Franklin’s old friend, could mean anything; and Lord Camden’s saying is equally uninformative. Mead’s anecdote might have been some naval gossip that Samuel Mead picked up from his nephew, Commodore Gambier; or it might not. The content of these jottings, in short, is as obscure as their date.

[1774–75?]
Bill brought in 1733 to make King’s Instructions Laws

Lord Grenville.
The King your Legislator

Ralph’s Information
Military Net

Camden’s Saying
We shall use you ill

Mead’s Anecdote
It is propos’d to irritate them into a Rebellion and then conquer them.

Thurlow in Parliament on a Debate about the Quebec Act.
It is the Constitution that ought to have been given originally to all the Colonies; and which it would be right now to reduce them to.

Notation: Proofs of the old British Intention to enslave America


Title: A Letter to Be Written by a Frenchman, [1774–75?]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

Unsolved problems in editing, as in other areas of historical research, are frustrating out of all proportion to their significance; and this short draft is a case in point. Why Franklin wrote it is clear enough: to enable a French teacher, whose English was inadequate for the purpose, to enlist influential help in obtaining redress from the Warden of the Fleet Prison. But everything else about the letter is unclear.
To whom was it addressed? Obviously some official with authority over the Warden, who is “one of your Lordships Officers”; the phrase implies to us a recognized relationship of superior and inferior. But we can find no evidence of such a relationship: the Warden, whose hereditary office was conferred by letters patent, seems to have been a law unto himself. Although he was theoretically subject to surveillance by the Lords Chief Justice and the Lord Chancellor, and was sporadically investigated by Parliament when his misconduct became noisome, he was not under the jurisdiction of any one judicial or executive officer of the crown. Franklin believed that he was, in practice if not in theory, and Franklin should have known; but what he knew appears to be now beyond recovery.
For whom was the letter written? Here we have grounds for a tentative conjecture. At the end of 1773 a man by the name of Desdouaires came to London to teach French, and he carried letters of introduction to Franklin from LeRoy and Dubourg. He had a gift for teaching, Dubourg commented, but was woefully weak in his English. If he later fell afoul of the Warden-the nature of the trouble is beyond guesswork-and needed help from officialdom, he might naturally have invoked Franklin’s assistance in asking for it. And meanwhile changed his name to Bourke, as the endorsement suggests? But the name runs to the edge of the sheet, and wear and tear may have shortened it; Franklin could equally well have written “Bourke’s,” meaning the Frenchman’s employer. If the letter was from Desdouaires, the date was presumably between the spring of 1774 and Franklin’s departure a year later.

My Lord,
[1774–75?]
I have a just Demand on one of your Lordships Officers, Mr. Eyles Warden of the Fleet, which he refuses to satisfy. It is but a small thing to him, tho’ considerable to me. I am too poor to go to Law for the Recovery of my Right; and therefore humbly apply to your Lordship’s Goodness, praying that you would spare half an hour, to be inform’d of the Case Mr. Eyles being present and if you find I have Right, that you would speak to him to do me Justice. A Word of your Lordship’s, would, I am persuaded, be sufficient; and that your Lordship would find so much Time well spent in making a poor old Man happy; who is, with the utmost Respect, Your Lordships most obedient, and most humble Servant

Notation: Rough Draft  Letter for Bourke  French Master


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to [William Strahan], [1759–62, 1764–75?]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Strahan, William

Dear Sir,
[1759–62, 1764–75?]
I have perus’d the Parts you put into my Hands of the new Work on Commerce, &c. and must own myself extreamly pleas’d with it. It is a most valuable Collection of Facts which I should think every one in Britain, Ireland and the Colonies who has any thing to do with Publick Affairs, or is desirous of understanding that very interesting Subject, would gladly be possess’d of. The Author appears to me, not a mere laborious Compiler, but to have collected with Judgment, and his own Sentiments where he gives them are, I think, generally just. It would be a Miracle if in so large a Work there should not be some Mistakes; and some I conceive there are, which the Author seems to have been almost unavoidably led into by the general Current of Commercial Writers. The Language too, I think requires a little filing and polishing, for the Readers of this Age grow delicate. I am, my dear Friend Yours affectionately
B Franklin


Title: Note on Franklin’s Sketch of How to Force a Wheel Round by Gunpowder, [before March 1775?]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

For some years we have been trying and failing to answer two questions about this sketch: why and when was it made? The device as described would obviously never produce continuous rotation, if that was the intent; and a wheel that turned in spasms would have limited use. As for the date, no clue to it has appeared in the edited correspondence; one may of course be lurking in what is still unedited, but our present guess is that the drawing belongs to the years before the Revolution. Although Franklin’s experimental heyday was over by the time his British missions began, he was still following a wide variety of interests, from Polish windmills to the common cold, and might well have toyed with a new use for gunpowder. When he returned to America, and for years thereafter, leisure to indulge his curiosity was in short supply. That is our only ground for conjecturing that the sketch belongs to his English years or before.

[Before 1775?]
To force a Wheel round with Gunpowder
ABC of Cast Iron, with an Inch squ. [?] Groove [in] the Sweep Face next the Wheel capable of receiving the Edge of the Wheel, which is likewise an Inch thick.
The Wheel not an exact Circle, but has a Shoulder at D, which comes down on the Charge of Powder confin’d in the Groove at E.
F a Piece of Wood, 1 Inch wide and 2 deep, to slide in a hole G thro’ the Piece ABC to come under and support the Charge of Powder, and to be push’d back by the Widening of the Wheel when it comes round.
By this Method, the Force of Gunpowder may possibly be apply’d to the raising of Weights, bending great Springs, and the like.