Title: From John Adams to Henry Laurens, 12 March 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Laurens, Henry

Dear Sir
Paris March 12 1783

Mr Storer arrived Yesterday with your kind Letter of 6 March, with its Inclosure. I know not what to Say to the Subject of this Inclosure. it is a Mystery which Time will unriddle and to time I leave it, So entirely that I dont think it necessary to Say any Thing to our Colleague about it.
Appearances, on the Side where you are, dont please me more than you. But I hope the Weather will soon clear up, and that We shall soon have the Pleasure Of Seeing you and Mr. Oswald here, to put the last hand to the Peace.
It is not worth while for any noble Lord to “boast of his Art,” in obtaining the Provisional Treaty, without the Knowledge of our great and good Ally.— It was not owing to “his Art.”— But how does he know what Knowledge was communicated to our Ally? As to getting “John Adams and Co. hanged,” this would be no more than a Hillsborough, Germain or Sandwich would have done if they could. This would be no Feat for a Whig Minister to boast of.
This Same “Hanging” is however a grave Business, and perhaps the aforesaid Co. may have reflected upon the Nature of it, more seriously than his Lordship, unless it has struck him lately.— But I cannot think our Country will hang her Ministers merely for their Simplicity in being cheated into Independence, the Fisheries and half the great Lakes. Our Countrymen love Buck Skins Beaver Skins, Tom Cod & Pine Trees too well, to hang their Ministers for accepting them, or even for purchasing them by a little too much “Reciprocity” to the Tories.
Be it as it may, if a French Minister and an English Minister should form a Coalition as curious as that of the Fox and the Geese, to get J. A. hanged, he is pretty well prepared for this, or to be recalled, or censured or flattered or Slandered, just as they please.

I wish I could See more Serious Preparations for evacuating New York and Penobscot.— our People will not feel like freemen in friendship with G. Britain till this is done.— if any one Thinks that keeping Possn. of N. York will help the Refugees, he deceives himself. G. Britains Misfortunes have arisen, from the Ignorance in her Rulers of the American Character.— if Ministers are incapable of learning it, they never will Succeed in addressing themselves to it.— if They think that Fear will work for the Refugees, they will find it opperate against them.
But Why is the definitive Treaty, delayed! Congress will not take the Preliminaries into Consideration, till they have the definitive Treaty. There can be no Ratification, untill Congress have that. And in my Opinion the States after the Ratification and Recommendations will take none of them into Consideration, untill the U. States are evacuated by the Troops. in this I may be mistaken.
My Respects to your good Family, and believe me with great Esteem and Respect, Sir your most / obedient and most humble sert
J. Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Vaughan, 12 March 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Vaughan, Benjamin

Dear Sir,
Paris March 12th. 1783.

Mr. Storer arrived yesterday with your favor of 25th. Ulto.— I thank You for the Pamphlets, which are an Amusement in this place, how little soever there is in them of Sense or Candor.
The Refugees however seem to judge right in their own Affair— Sensible that they have no Claim at all upon America for Compensation, they demand it of Great Britain, upon whom the pretensions of some of them may be very just.
But why has no Man dared to mention tens of thousands of Sufferers in America, as innocent, as meritorious at least, as any of the Refugees? Who is to make Restitution and Compensation to these?—
Inclosed are Letters for your Friend Mr. Joshua Grigby Junr.— With five hundred a Year however a Man will not stand in need of Letters of Recommendation or Introduction in America.
Those who say you might have had a better Peace, speak from Conjecture, not from Knowledge— They reason from a false Comparison of the Forces of the belligerent Powers— Their Imaginations magnify the Finances and military Power of Great Britain, and diminish those of France, Spain, Holland & America, & then they reason from this delusive Comparison, that the Peace is inadequate to the relative Situations— I am afraid that the Vote to this purpose, will be unhappy one for Great Britain— Will it not nourish a continual discontent in your Nation, & a continual Jealousy in all the Powers that have been at War with You?
I will answer You with great Sincerity, I do not believe you could possibly have obtained a better Treaty with America— On the contrary, the least delay would have lost You some Advantages which you now have.
What Conditions might have been obtained from France and Spain, I know not.— France appears in the Treaty with great Moderation in the Eyes of Europe, and her Aversion to continue the War could arise from no other Motive— Spain appears to have conquered her predeliction for Gibraltar— If therefore instead of wasting the Force of 40. or 50 Ships to guard that Rock, She had acted with France in the West Indies or against New York or both with 25. 20 or even only 15. Dutch Ships in the North Seas or the Channel, where would have been your Hopes? Surely only in the defensive— Admitting, what is very extravagantly improbable, that you could have defended all another year at an expence of 20. Millions, would you have been then able to demand better Terms, or your Adversaries disposed to grant them? I trow not— On the contrary, their Courage & Pretensions would have advanced.
America did you a very kind Turn you may depend upon it, when She rapidly hastened on the Signature of the Provisional Treaty— Think of it as you will, you would have had no Peace at this hour, but for this able Seizure of the Moment of the Tide in the Affairs of Men, for which you are indebted to Mr. Oswald & his Principals— Without this, the Negotiations would have dreamed on, until D’Estaing had sailed from Cadiz, and then voila! une autre Campaigne.
I should be very glad to see the better sort of Pamphlets you mention, & particularly some to shew the Policy & the Necessity of an immediate Evacuation of New York & Penobscot.
I have the honor to very respectfully, / Sir &c


Title: To John Adams from Edmund Jenings, 14 March 1783
From: Jenings, Edmund
To: Adams, John

Sir
London. March 14th 1783.

I have been now three weeks in this City, mixing with men of various characters & Parties in order to find out their Desposition towards our Country, the result of my Observations is that the people at large tho by no means having any real Friendship for the United States, are willing to Acquiesce in the present Situation of Things, & to serve themselves of the commerce, which America holds out to them, but that the Courtiers stil retain their malice against us, and that by consequence the true Interest of the nation will not be immediately pursued, but as a nibbling Kind of Politicks was long persisted in to the disgrace of the Kingdom, it will require so long a Time to get rid of its piddling Ideas of commerce that its Rivals in Europe will get to the Start and deprive it of those advantages, which ought to be seized on this moment.
Your Excellency has seen in the news Papers a Bill for the Provisional Establishment & regulation of Trade between G B & the United States, a measure, which the opposition called on the Minister to pursue, He was backward therein at first, however no sooner did He produce his Bill but almost every one clamoured agst It, as doing Some thing too much for America & are for proceeding no further therein than putting America on the same footing as other States are with respect to G B. the Times require something more to be done but G B will be in this, As she has been, in all other transactions for some time past, a year or two too late— Mr D Hartly mixd in the Debate on this Bill & opposed it as He had proposed to bring in a Bill to repeal the Prohibitory Acts; He lamented that the matter had not been provided for by an Article in the Provisional Treaty. & then read the Plan of a Treaty, which I will endeavour to get, & which He may perhaps send to Dr F.
Mr Eden said He was for bringing in a Bill
1st to establish the Independancy of the Colonies
2dy to repeal the Acts, which prohibit Intercourse
3dy to Subject all imports in American Ships to the Same duties & regulations as are prescribed by Law in regard to the imports of European Nations
4th to pursue a Similar Principle as to exports.
The Lord Advocate threw out his Idea of a Bill to be brought in on this occasion, in which He was for retaining all the Sugar Words of the Preamble of the Bill before them, to treat The Americans not as aliens and to suffer them to Trade to West Indias— He particularly Objected to the first Article in Mr Edens Plan, ie the establishing the Independancy of America, because He said He wished above all things to leave out every word, that tended to remind the Americans they were independant, that is to say, He said to suggest to them, they were aliens. This Idea is curious & connected with what dropped from Mr Sheridan, the Friend of Mr Fox with respect to the Keeping the troops at New York until Something shoud be done for the Royallists, is alarming.
I see, that a Commission to empower your Excellency to make a Treaty of Commerce & the revocation thereof have been published in many of the Papers, I have been told that the people in Parliament imagine it was revoked because Congress have not a right to stipulate for the Commerce of the several Independant States, which have such Contradictory Interests you Sir will smile at this Ignorance, as the Gentleman who informed me of this Notion, was ashamed of it, when He was put in mind of treaties of Commerce having been made with France & Holland under the Authority of Congress. This did not occur to Him & yet I assure you Sir, He is one of the most enlightned Members of Parliament— I have hinted to Him, what might possibly have been the Causes of the revocation of the Commission and that G B was somewhat interested therein.
your Excellency cannot but Observe The Whimsical State of Affairs in G B, as General Conway calls it, and at the same time cannot but wonder, that an Englishman of the rank of this Gentleman, or indeed any other should make use of such a term in speaking of the Situation of Things. There has not been a responsible Minister for this fortnight & by consequence all Matters of Importance must be at a Stand, among the rest, the Definitive treaty, I should Think, is Kept back much to your Excellencys Regret. The Party, which appears the Compactest, & are prepared to enter into the strong posts of Government is considered by the Commander in Chief, as inimical to Him & to what is dearest to his Heart & not one of them has the perfect Confidence of the people, it is Natural therefore to imagine, that should it enter into office, it will not Continue long and indeed such is the Tempers of Men in this Kingdom & the State of Affairs that it is Impossible, I think there should be a Stable Administration for some time—the People in general appear to be humbled. They now feel their real Situation, & are by no means guilty of those Vain boastings, which made them so ridiculous a little while ago, to the whole world, but humbled or rather Confounded as they are, I see no signs of real Repentance for their past Conduct—they are in a State of political Reprobation of Hell or Heaven, of Liberty or Slavery they reak not & are yet capable of Horrid Deeds if they had the Power.
I have informed your Excellency, that I have mixed with Men of various Characters & Parties & I learn from them, that there is not a Man of public Virtue & possessing public Confidence in the Kingdom, but that all is Knavery & therefore that Each is to look to Himself—is this of men it is Evident, there must be some Strange Convulsion such as will drive Many a Man to America for shelter agst the Evils of bad Government & bad Principles. This more eses the Burthen of your Excellencys Duty to make your Country an Asylum to the Miserables of G B. it will be so if the Spirit & Principles of true Republicanism are adopted in the Education of Youth & in the Administration of the Governments now Established. your Excellency There is much to be done in America—in these & many other respects. the Good Man Dr Price with whom I have conversed feels it too for the sake of America & of Humanity & has I believe turned his thoughts to the Subject & may express them in print, Every thing from a Man so well intentioned & so enlighned, will tend to good, He is a real Cosmopolite and an Israelite in whom their is no Guile. it is possible too, that He will publish something About the Conduct of Opposition towards Lord Shelburne— Should your Excellency pass through Brussells & have an opportunity of sending thither, I beg that Monsieur L’Avocat Vander hoop de le rue de Rollebeek may be sent to, He has for your Excellency a book containing the Characters of many people in England, which perhaps may Afford some Amusement.
I am with the greatest Consideration / Sir / Your Excellencys / Most Obedient / Humble Servant
Edm: Jenings


Title: From John Adams to William Lee, 15 March 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Lee, William

Dear sir,
Paris. March. 15th. 1783—

Yours of the 9th. is just put into my hands. In answr: to your question, respecting the particular desire of the K. of Sweden to make a Treaty with Dr. Franklin, I can give you no other satisfaction than by sending you the words of the Dr’s: letter to Congress, as sent me by your Brother, vizt. “The Ambassador, fm. Sweden to this Court, applied to me lately, to know if I had Powers that wd. authorise my making a Treaty with his Master, in behalf of the U: S:. Recollecting a general one, that was formerly given to me, with the other Commissioners, I answd. in the affermative. He seemed much pleased & said, the K. had directed him to ask the Question & had charged him to tell me, that he had so great an esteem for me, that it would be a very particular satisfaction to him to have such a transaction with me. I have, perhaps, some vanity in repeating this; but, I think too, it is right the Congress should know it, & judge if any use can be made of the reputation of a Citizen for the public Service.”—
Dr: F. knew that Mr: Dana had power in his Commission to treat with the K. of Sweden, & that, consequently, the old Resolution of Congress was quo ad hoc superceded, & consequently the answr: to the Ambassador should have been, “I have not power, but Mr: Dana has”— But the feelings, if not the rights of every American Minister in Europe have been wantonly sacrificed to Dr: F.’s vanity—
You know the old acquaintance of the C. de V. at the Swedish Court, from whence, as I conjecture, this mænuvre originated. It seems to have been the policy to prevent any other American than Dr: F.—from obtaining reputation in Europe—that, when he shd. die, all opinion of American wisdom & virtue should die with him: or, more probably, Dr: F. was thought to be more pliable than some others. il sçavoit mieux se donner aux convenances et bien seances—
Congress have been much of yr: opinion, wn: left to their own good Sense, of the propriety of having Ministers at the several principal Courts; but great pains have been taken to baffle it, by secretly counteracting their designs, and even by procuring Instructions to Ministers wh: have defeated their missions. I have long & severely smarted under the anguish, occasioned by such means, but by patience, perseverance, & obstinacy, if you will, I broke thro’ all the Snares, fm. every quarter in Holland & exhibited to the world a demonstration in practice of the error of their Theory: But this has thrown a Ridicule on some Characters that will never be forgiven me—
Dr: F. has given his whole weight to the System, wh. you & I, have tho’t wrong. Mr: Dana has a letter, under his hand, in which he says boldly, “that Congress were wrong in sending a Minister to Berlin, Vienna, Tuscany, Madrid, Holland, & Petersburg & the Neutral Courts.” Endeavors of a thousand sorts have been made to ridicule such missions, by calling them begging Embassies, “political forlorn hopes” &ca:— The Missions to Holland & Petersburg, however in my opinion, have done more towards bringing the war to an end, & towards the handsome terms obtained by the Peace, than any battle or seige, by land or Sea, during the whole war— The world & posterity must judge whether our system or theirs was right: But they ought not to make such personal attacks upon us because we differed fm. them in System—
We shd. not be too much irritated by what has been done wrong in such great affairs; but we shd. learn wisdom by experience— Mr: Dana will take it kindly if you write him yr: tho’ts of a Treaty with the Emperor, & the variations fm. the French, wh: ought to be made—
With esteem I am, &c:—


Title: From John Adams to John Howard, 16 March 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Howard, John

Sir,
Paris. March. 16th. 1783.

I have just recd. the letter you did me the honor to write me on the 26th. ult:.
You could not have applied to a person, less acquainted with the subject of lands. I know not where the best, & cheapest at the same time, are to be found: Indeed I should think it most prudent, for the man who wishes to purchase, to go to the Country first & enquire—and not to be in haste. There are Lands enough—
The difficulty will not lie in finding Lands when they arrive in America; but in preparing their minds for a new Course of life before they set sail—a new Country, new people, new manners, Principles, Habits. It is not every man who is calculated for such an enterprize—and I should advise all to think of it maturely before they undertake it— And I would not advise any one to undertake it, untill he knows the genius of the People & the nature of the Governments in America, and is determined to conform himself to both—
I am, Sir, &c:


Title: To John Adams from C. W. F. Dumas, 18 March 1783
From: Dumas, C. W. F.
To: Adams, John

Monsieur
Lahaie 18e. Mars 1783.

Mr. D’Asp me com̃uniqua hier 3 Lettres qu’on lui écrit de Stockholm, Elseneur & Gothembourg, par lesquelles Mr. votre fils avoit quitté Stockholm le 30 Dec. pour Gothembourg, d’où il étoit parti le 11 fevr. pour Coppenhague, où il comptoit rejoindre le jeune Comte de Grecco Capitaine au service du Duc de Modene, avec lequel il avoit fait le voyage de Petersbourg à Stockholm, afin de continuer delà ensemble le voyage par Hambourg en hollande. Ceci combiné avec ce que j’ai déjà eu l’honneur de vous com̃uniquer des autres Lettres reçues de Coppenhague & Hambourg, ne nous laisse plus de soucis; & nous attendons à toute heure à son apparition. Ces dernieres Lettres s’accordent toutes à louer beaucoup Mr. Adams de sa sagesse & intelligences, & à pronostiquer, qu’il figurera un jour com̃e Mr. son pere au Congrès.
L’incluse pour philadelphie est le duplicat de celle que j’ai déjà envoyée par l’orient sous couvert de Mr. Barclai. Quelqu’un m’a dit en confidence, que Mr. Livingston auroit résigné. Si c’étoit vrai, j’espere que la Com̃ission de Mr. Van Berkel (actuellement en affaires à Amsterdam) n’en Sera pas moins remplie, & que vous voudrez bien pour cet effet y ajouter un mot de recom̃andation, & acheminer la Lettre le plus promptement possible.
Nous attendons ici le retour du Courier, avec l’Ultimatum des Anglois.
On m’a fait une autre confidence, savoir que j’aurai peut-être bientôt à vous complimenter, Monsieur, com̃e Ministre des Etats-Unis près de la Cour Britannique.

J’attends l’honneur de votre réponse sur le compte de la poste ici pour les papiers Anglois. Ne voulez-vous pas Monsieur, que je contremande ces papiers Anglois pour l’avenir? Il me Semble qu’un ou deux suffiroient pour envoyer en Amérique. C’est une dépense qui va loin.
Agréez les respects de mes femelles avec celui de, Votre Excellence / le très humble & très obeis- / sant serviteur
Dumas

Mr. Holtzhey le Medailleur d’Amsterdam, me demande à qui il faut S’adresser à Paris, pour avoir pour lui, & pour ses amis, de ces nouvelles Médailles que Mr. Franklin, selon les gazettes a fait frapper.

Translation
Sir
The Hague, 18 March 1783

Yesterday Mr. Asp communicated to me three letters written to him from Stockholm, Elsinore, and Göteborg, according to which your son had left Stockholm on 30 December for Göteborg, from which he departed on 11 February for Copenhagen. He hoped to meet up there with young Count Greco, a captain in the service of the Duke of Modena; they had traveled from St. Petersburg to Stockholm, intending to continue on together through Hamburg into Holland. This news, combined with the contents of letters received from Copenhagen and Hamburg that I already had the honor to pass on, leaves us no further cause for concern, and we expect him to appear at any time. These most recent letters all praise young Mr. Adams’ wisdom and intelligence and predict he will one day follow his father into Congress.
The enclosed letter for Philadelphia is a duplicate of the one I already sent via Lorient under cover of Mr. Barclay. Someone told me confidentially that Mr. Livingston had resigned. If that is true, I trust that the appointment of Mr. Van Berckel (currently on business in Amsterdam) will be no less acceptable and that you will kindly add a note of recommendation to this end and dispatch the letter as rapidly as possible.
We are currently awaiting the return of the courier with the English ultimatum.
I was told something else confidentially, to wit, that I may soon be congratulating you on becoming minister of the United States to the British court.
I await the honor of your reply concerning the postal account here for the English papers. Would you like me to cancel the English papers, sir, for the future? It seems to me one or two would be enough to send to America. It is a continuing expense.
Please accept the compliments of my ladies, together with those of your excellency’s very humble and very obedient servant
Dumas

Mr. Holtzhey, the Amsterdam medalist, has asked me to whom he should address himself at Paris in order to obtain for himself and his friends some of the new medals which, according to the newspapers, Mr. Franklin has had struck.


Title: From John Adams to C. W. F. Dumas, 19 March 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Dumas, C. W. F.

[Si]r
Paris March 19th. 1783.

I am honoured with your’s of the 11th. You will please to accept of my thanks for the kind Care you have taken of my Son, who is I hope before this with you, and to repeat my humble thanks to the Duke for his goodness upon this Occasion. My Younker ought to think himself highly honoured; by the Notice that has been taken of him by so many respectable Personages.
Mr. D’Asps Letter I will send to America with my best Recommendations, so that the Person sought for may be found, if living, or some News at least obtained of him.
Please to refer all Amsterdam Accounts against me to Messs. Wilhem & Jan Willink who have Orders to pay them.
The Account of the Post Office for News-Papers, and the Accounts for the Dutch News Papers, You will please to desire Messs. Wilhem & Jan Willink, Nicholas & Jacob Van Staphorst & De la Lan[de and Fynje] to pay and charge to the United States of America. The Accounts should be sent them with Receipts upon them as their Vouchers for the Payment.
The Account for binding Books and for the Politique Hollandais, Messs. Wilhem & Jan Willink will pay, upon sending them the Account with a Receipt upon it and charge it to my private Account.
I am sorry you are unwell, but hope You are better. I know not when I shall return. I wait with Impatience for the Arrival of the Ratification of the Treaty— But the definitive Treaty of Peace is not concluded, and I know not when it will be. The Peace seems to have lulled all Mankind to sleep. No News from America, none from England. There seems an universal Stagnation.— Tell Madam Dumas, that I am so impatient to go home to America, that I want to demand Categorical Answers from England, Holland, America, France and every body else.— It is now said, that there will be a Congress, and that the definitive Treaty will not be signed till Mid-summer— If this should be agreed to, I shall take a Tour to [the Hague as soon] as the Ratification of [the] Treaty [with] Holland arrives.
Is the Comte de Welderen to go to England? Or do they send our Friend the C. de Linden?
I am with great Esteem, / Sir, / your most obedient / and most humble Servt.
J. Adams.

Will you pray our Friend Luzac to preserve in his Paper: the inclosed Declarations and Passport.


Title: To John Adams from Francis Dana, 23 March 1783
From: Dana, Francis
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
St: PetersbourgMarch 12th. 1783. O.S. [23 March N.S.]

In the Gazette of Amsterdam of the 4th: of March which has this day come to hand, we read, On débite que les Etats-Unis de l’Amerique nommeront un nouveau Ministre auprès de cette République, à la place de Mr: Jean Adams, qui se trouve actuellement à Paris, et qui aussitot après avoir reçu la ratification du Congrès, reviendra ici pour prendre congé, et partira ensuite avec Mr: Van Berkel à bord d’un vaisseau de Guerre pour se rendre en Amerique. I pray you to inform me how much of this is true, and if you really intend to return to America, that you wou’d let me know as nearly as may be, the time of your proposed departure, the place, and manner. that if it is practicable for me I may join you, and that we may return as we came together. Our Country is now most happily in peace: that you who have contributed so greatly to its freedom and happiness, shou’d wish to spend the rest of your days there with your agreable family is not to be wondered at. It has had my constant good wishes if no more, and from a firm persuasion that it will not be in my power to render it here any other service than by making a good treaty of Commerce, if I may be able to effect it, I shall rejoice in the moment when I quit this Country to return to our own, and to my family and friends— I am sick, sick to the heart of the delicacies and whims of European Politicks— A nobler field for glory was never opened before a Souvereign— A Sovereign never loved or sought glory with more zeal—yet—

When we shall meet again we will talk over these things
I have not heard from your Son since he wrote me from Gottenbourg as I have before informed you; nor can I yet learn that he has taken up any money upon the credit I procured for him. I hope he is safe with you before this time. If you leave Europe before me, pray desire Mr: Thaxter to take any papers, books, or other things he may have under his care for me to America with him, provided you shou’d sail for Boston, and to deliver them to Mrs: Dana on his arrival there. If you sail for Philadelphia he may put them into a trunk, first sealing up the papers, and leave it in the care of Messrs: Ingraham and Bromfield, subject to my directions—
I am dear Sir with much esteem & respect your Friend and / obedient humble Servant
FD.

P.S. Let Mr: T. immediately destroy the Copies of all such Letters he may have on hand, as I have already received.


Title: From John Adams to Edmund Jenings, 24 March 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Jenings, Edmund

Sir
Paris March 24. 1783

I am very much obliged to you for your excellent Letter of the 14 of this Month.
As The British Administration have made it their Business for 8 or 10 Years, to propagate in the Nation false News from America, and conceal the true, it is not Surprising that People are in Ignorance: But they must think seriously and inform themselves truly, now, or they will be the Loosers.
I regret the Delays of the definitive Treaty, for many Reasons publick and private and begin to be apprehensive that it is intended to delay it, till Mid Summer. There is no Remedy but Patience.— I wish to be at home, where much remains to be done. in Europe there is now little to do.— In England, if any where, Some service might perhaps be done.— at all others Courts, American Ministers will be like the Courtiers of Alcinous Fruges consumere nati.— make bows at Court, dress ride, walk and play. much good may do them. in America “much remains to conquer Still; Peace has her Victories no less than those of War. New Foes arise, threatning to bind our Souls in Chains. Help Us to Save fair freedom from the Paw, of hireling Wolves.” So prayed John Milton. I am pleased to hear that Dr Price has not forgot Us, whatever comes from his Pen will be pure.—and do great good.
The Education of Youth is all that remains for America to do which deserves much Attention.— If We can preserve the rising Generation from the Contagion of French and English Manners, from the Gangrene of Luxury which an unlimited Commerce might introdue, our Country will indeed be an Asylum for all good Men, and will produce Virtues, Arts and Talents in as great Perfection as human Nature and this World were made for. But how is this to be done? Laws will not have force enough.— How shall We court the Ladies and the Parsons to sett the Example.— These with the Countrymen might Succeed.— Dr Price would do well to address the American Ladies. We must ask leave of them to be virtuous. it would be a Pity if they would not grant it.
I am with great Esteem, Sir your most obedient / Servant


Title: Robert R. Livingston to the American Peace Commissioners, 25 March 1783
From: Livingston, Robert R.
To: Adams, John,Franklin, Benjamin,Jay, John

        Copy
No. 1.2plicate.
Gentlemen,
Philadelphia 25th. March 1783.

I am now to acknowledge the favor of your joint Letter by the Washington, together with a Copy of the preliminary Articles—Both were laid before Congress— The Articles have met their warmest approbation, and have been generally seen by the People in the most favorable point of view.
The steadiness manifested in not treating without an express acknowledgment of your Independence previous to a Treaty, is approved; and it is not doubted but it accelerated that declaration. The Boundaries are as extensive as we have a right to expect, and we have nothing to complain of with respect to the Fisheries— My Sentiments as to English Debts you have in a former Letter, no honest Man could wish to with hold them. A little forbearance in British Creditors till People have recovered in part the losses sustained by the war will be necessary to render this Article palatable, and indeed to secure more effectually the Debt. The Article relative to the Loyalists is not quite so accurately expressed as I could wish it to have been. What, for instance, is intended by real British Subjects? It is clear to me that it will operate nothing in their favor in any State in the Union; but as you made no secret of this to the British Commissioners, they will have nothing to charge you with, and indeed the whole Clause seems rather to have been inserted to appease the clamours of these poor Wretches, than to satisfy their wants. Britain would have discovered more candour & magnanimity in paying to them three months expence of the war establishment which would have been an ample compensation for all their losses, and left no germ of dissatisfaction to bud and blow, and ripen into discontents here—another Administration may think the noncompliance of the Legislatures with the Recommendations of Congress on this subject a sufficient cause for giving themselves and us new trouble— You however were perfectly right in agreeing to the Article—the folly was theirs, who did not either insist upon more, or give up this.
But, Gentlemen, tho’ the issue of your Treaty has been successful, tho’ I am satisfied that we are much indebted to your firmness and perseverance, to your accurate knowledge of our situation, and of our wants for this success; yet I feel no little pain at the distrust manifested in the management of it, particularly in signing the Treaty without communicating it to the Court of Versailles ’till after the Signature, and in concealing the seperate Article from it ever when signed. I have examined with the most minute attention all the reasons assigned in your several Letters to justify these Suspicions. I confess they do not appear to strike me so forcibly as they have done you, and it gives me pain that the Character of Candour and Fidelity to its Engagements, which should always characterize a great People should have been impeached thereby. The concealment was in my opinion absolutely unnecessary. For had the Court of France disapproved the terms you had made after they had been agreed upon, they could not have acted so absurdly as to counteract you at that late day, and thereby have put themselves in the power of an Enemy, who would certainly betray them, and perhaps justify you in making terms for yourselves.
The secret Article is no otherwise important than as it carries in it the Seeds of Enmity to the Court of Spain, and shews a marked preference for an open Enemy.
It would in my opinion have been much better to have fixed on the same Boundaries for West Florida into whatever hands it fell without shewing any preference, or rendering concealment necessary—since all the Arguments in favor of the Cession to England would then have operated with equal force, and nothing have been lost by it, for there can be no doubt, that whether Florida shall at the close of the War be ceded to England or to Spain, it will be ceded as it was held by Britain. The seperate Article is not I suppose by this time a Secret in Europe, it can hardly be considered as such in America. The Treaty was sent out to the General with this Article annexed by Sir Guy Carleton, without the smallest injunction of Secrecy—so that I dare say it has been pretty generally read at Head Quarters. Congress still conceal it here. I feel for the Embarrassment explanations on this subject must subject you to, when this Secret is known to your Allies.
I intended to have submitted this matter to Congress, but I find that there is not the least prospect of obtaining any decision upon it in time to send by this conveyance, if at all. I leave you to collect their Sentiments as far as I know them from the following state of their proceedings. After your joint and seperate Letters, & the Journals had been submitted to them by me, and had been read, they were referred back to me to report, when I wrote them the inclosed Letter No. 1.— When the Letter was taken into consideration, the following Motions No. 2. 3. 4. were made and debated a whole day. After which the Letter and Motions were committed and a Report brought in No. 5. This was under consideration two days, when the arrival of a Vessel from Cadiz with Letters from the Count d’Estaing & the Marquis de la Fayette, containing Accounts that the preliminaries were signed, induced many Members to think it would be improper to proceed in the Report, and in that state it remains without any express decision. From this you will draw your own inferences. I make no Apology for the part I have taken in this business. I am satisfied you will readily acquit me for having discharged what I concieved my duty upon such a view of things as you presented to me. In declaring my Sentiments freely, I invite you to treat me with equal Candour in your Letters; and in sending original papers I guard against misrepresentations that might give you pain. Upon the whole I have the pleasure of assuring you, that the Services you have rendered your Country in bringing the business to a happy issue are very gratefully recieved by them, however we may differ in Sentiment about the mode of doing it. I am sorry that the extreme negligence of the different States has prevented, and will probably long prevent my being able to send you a State of the injury done to real property, and the Number of Slaves destroyed and carried off by the British Troops and their Allies—Tho’ no pains have been or shall be wanting on my part to urge them to it.
I have the honor to be, Gentlemen, / with great Respect & Esteem, / your most obedient hble Servant.
Robt. R. Livingston.


Title: To John Adams from Henry Laurens, 26 March 1783
From: Laurens, Henry
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir,
London 26th March 1783.

I was yesterday honored by the reciept of your Letter of the 12th. Instant.
Can Mystery remain when Demonstration is produced? Time has acted his part, if We affect to disbelieve the Evidence which he has brought forth, neither will We be persuaded tho’ one rose from the dead. You will herewith receive copy of a Letter from Mr. Bridgen in confirmation of what I said to you in my last, if after this there shall still remain in your opinion a “Mystery which Time only can unriddle,” it must so rest with you— I will not attempt an Exposition because I would not without necessity speak even a Truth to offend you. Time or even one moment’s reflexion will however convince you that if you can believe the Person capable of the Doings already proved, is a fit and proper person for a confidential Friend in the important affairs of the United States of America, your Faith is strong enough to admit that your very best Friends may be of a different Opinion—private Affections and Attachments I presume not to touch. Believe me sir I write to you in Friendship and that even respecting the faulty Person himself I wish it were possible with the utmost stretch of Charity to believe him not guilty.
I lately saw in a Morning Chronicle a publication of your first Commission for making a Treaty of Commerce with Great Britain and of the revocation of that Commission which staggered me because upon being questioned by some of our best friends I had signified an Opinion that such a Commission was subsisting. I know but of one Person in England who could have made that mischievous publication I wish he may not be possessed of more important Documents.
That “the noble Lord” did boast is beyond all doubt but I had the good fortune to give a check to his success by propounding a Question almost in terms with that which you have put— How does His Lordship know whether We conferred with, or what We communicated to our Ally? but admitting the fact, which I do not admit, what then? Be assured that a disappointed & mortified S—— maugre all pretensions to Whigism has as good a stomach for such a “Feat” as even an H—— a G—— or the other S or S had.
I coincide exactly in your opinion on the Delay of the Definitive Treaty, the Evacuation of New York, the Tories, Recommendations &c. and ’tis probable I have given a Damp to the third Edition for the [“]Provisional Establishment and Regulation of Trade &c” by framing a counter Bill supposed to be pending in each of the United States for regulating the British trade which I held up as a Mirror to a noble Lord and a few of the most eminent Commoners, the picture alarmed them, and if I judge right a Lead will be laid upon their Bill.
“You cannot think our Country will hang their Ministers for being cheated into Independence Fisheries &c &c.” I fancy not, but be as grave as you please upon the subject, believe me his Lordship boasted of having “cheated” us “into” those great benefits & flattered himself with hopes that upon the same ground he would be able to “cheat” us out of them again. I hope his Wings will be clipt. If the proper Ministry shall succeed I have every reason to expect an honest and liberal proceeding with respect to us will immediately ensue. My opinion is founded upon the most explicit assurances from the very best hands— The Tories nicknamed Loyalists, are execrated by the Circle in which I sometimes move and yet they say they must “make some Provision for some of the poor Devils for National honor’s sake—” I reply, make what provision you will, it would be impertinent in me to interfere in that Business, but you must not attempt to cram them down our throats, ’tis time you should know that America will not be taxed without her own consent. I have uniformly discouraged all attempts to trade with the United States until the Definitive Treaty shall be concluded, and the British Forces by Land & Sea effectually withdrawn. The Reasonings which I have urged particularly personating the State of New York have been acknowledged invincible, but some of the Merchants are nevertheless mad, and will send their Ships—let them be mad. I trust the United States will be wise.
My Son & Daughter join in respectful Compliments with, / Dear Sir, / your obedient and / most humble servant,
Henry Laurens.
P.S. 4th. April. I beg leave to refer to a few lines of P. S. to Doctor Franklin. I shall be on my way to Paris about the 8th. Inst. Mr. Oswald it seems is not to be at the finishing our negotiations, I am thankful however for the appointment of another honest Man—David Hartley Esquire who desires me to present his Compliments.—

HL


Title: To John Adams from Francis Dana, 27 March 1783
From: Dana, Francis
To: Adams, John

Sir
March 16th. 1783 [O.S., 27 March N.S.]St: Petersbourg

Yours of the 22d. of Feby: has come to hand this moment, and has given me much satisfaction. I always admired the noble and independant spirit of my friend; but I now see cause to admire it still more. You have confered additional obligations upon, or to express myself otherwise, you have rendered additional services to your Country, by breaking to peices chains forged to hold it in a state of subserviency to the interests of others. God and your Country will approve the measure. But there is nothing gives me more real pleasure than your determination to return to America. I have only one request to make to you, that you will not decline a moment taking a seat in Congress after your arrival there. They want only proper information to lead them into proper measures: the turn of thinking there must be changed; and I know no man better calculated on every account to bring this about, than yourself. I beseech you therefore never to decline such an occasion. By my last letter you will find my intention is, if not to accompany you, at least to follow you soon to America.
As to the extract of W Ls letter and your answer upon it as well as your advice to me to communicate my mission to the Minister of the Emperor, and the Ministers of all the other Courts which have acceeded to the Armed Neutrality, I think at present it is not adviseable to make this communication on that occasion, for first I have no authority to make any commercial Treaty with the Emperor: and as to that part of my com̃ission which respects the Armed Neutrality or Neutral Confederation, I have long since upon consideration, giving it to Congress as my opinion, that America cou’d not become a party in it, or accede formally to the marine convention so long as she continued a belligerant Power: and also, that that Convention from its terms and nature, was limited to the duration of the War. But if I shou’d be mistaken in this last point, I think it is not worth while for America at this time, to pay near five thousand pounds sterling to the Ministers of this Court for the liberty of acceeding to the Marine Convention: and if it was, I have not the money at my disposal. The communication you are sensible must be general to all the parties to that Confederation, and of course to this Court’s To make the communication which wou’d amount to a proposition on any part to acceede to the Convention, and not to be able to do it for want of what I know is essential to the end, wou’d be only to expose the honour of the United States without the prospect of any advantage. It is quite enô to pay Five thousand pounds sterlg: for a Treaty of Commerce with this Empire. I think it my duty therefore to keep the Marine Convention out of sight as long as possible, and to confine myself to the Treaty of Commerce; into which I have adopted the leading principles of the Marine Convention and shall endeavour to conclude both points in one Treaty. If I fail in this I must fail in both, and shall immediately quit this Court. I must exercise my discretion in some things, and as you have done, submit my conduct to the judgment of those whose right it is to decide upon it. If they furnish me not with the means they must not expect the accomplishment of my Mission.— I pray you to give me your advice upon these matters with the utmost freedom, and as soon as possible. Thô I have ventured not to follow it in this particular case, yet I give you my reasons for not doing it, that you might judge upon them, and am not the less obliged to you for your advice.
I have not received an answer in form to my letter communicating my Mission to the Vice-Chancellor, but only a verbal message in excuse of the delay for a time entirely past. I do not like this delay— The immediate assurances mentioned in my letter in which I informed you of this Communication, came from a Member of her Majesty’s private Cabinet, who sought an interview with me for that oceasion. But I refer you to a passage in my last letter “I am sick” &c God send me speedily a happy deliverance from them. Adieu my dear Sir, / Yours &c
P.S. Remember me affectionately to Mr: Thaxter & your Son. Tell the latter I have this day received his Letter from Hamborough, and that he will probably have recd. one from me on his arrival in Holland. He must not fail to give me a very particular account of his route, of the money proper for it, the best method of travelling it, &c &c


Title: To John Adams from William Lee, 27 March 1783
From: Lee, William
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir.
Bruxelles 27 March 1783

Your obliging favor of the 15th. instt. did not come to my hands ’till the 8th day after its date, but it did not appear to have been open’d, tho’ the direction was in a handwriting that I am not acquainted with.
I can readily, from my own experience, subscribe to the Truth of every thing you have said in your Letter, & to prevent Dr. Franklin from repeating the same unwarrantable practice with the Emperor, (which from some expressions drop’d I have reason to think was in agitation) as with the K. of S. I have plainly Inform’d the Government here, that no Person in Europe is authorized by Congress to treat with the Emperor but Mr. Dana—who is now at Petersburg, & was I in Paris, I wou’d make a point of giving the same explicit information to the Imperial Ambassador there.
I know it has always been the Creed at Passy that Congress ought not to presume to make any appointments in Europe which Dr. Franklin was not at the head of, or commanded to be done; upon this principle it is I suppose, that he has had the effrontery, as I am told, to nominate Mr. W. T. Franklin to Congress to be appointed Amn. Minister at the Court of Versailles; it having been previously settled between the Doctr. & Cte. DeV. that the Doctr. himself, as being the most trusty Person, shou’d be sent as Amern. Minister to London.
Doctr. Franklin I see has the superlative Modesty, by his Agents in London, to style himself, in the English papers the founder of the new American Empire; but I have look’d upon him to have been Born, to be a Scourge to Ama., therefore considering the penetrating & Sagacious Judgemt. of your particular Countrymen, it has surpriz’d me to see him blazon’d out in the Boston Papers, in nearly as fulsome terms, as in the Buletins that are sent from the Genl. Post Office in Paris, to most of the Gazettes in Europe. The contending Parties there, like Mr. Deane, seem to place a great deal of their merit in the Share they enjoy in his good Graces. (See the writings abt. Mr. Jno Temple &c).
It wd. give me most sincere pleasure if our country wd. learn wisdom from experience, in that case I shall think it fortunate, that we have receiv’d such imperious & iniquitous treatment from a certain quarter, as they ought to convince every American that there is nothing due from us on the score of Gratitude, which may prevent us from hereafter being intrigued into schemes that can only be productive of injury & disgrace to us.
A plot seems already form’d to get Gl. Washington to Paris, which I trust America will have Wisdom enough to prevent, for I can never forget from what source the K. of Sweeden imbibed the Idea, nor by whose assistance he carried in to execution the Nefarious plan of depriving his Country of its Liberties, which he had sworn to maintain, & immediately afterwards attempted to cloath his Sacrilege with the mask of religion, by going to church Taking a Prayer Book out of his pocket, & singing Psalms; thus making a mockery both of God & Man.— What a Pity it was, that the genius of Sweeden did not at that moment furnish a Brutus, or a Cassius.
Please to give me a safe direction to Mr. Dana that I may write to him, tho’ I am much employed at present in preparing for my voyage to America, which may take place in the course of next month & shall be happy to be Bearer of your commands. Pray tell me if you think British Manufactures will now be admited, as I shall be almost obliged to take some of them for my own private use.
Intelligence from London mentions that great Intrigue & exertion were used from a certain quarter, to prevent the Bill for opening a Commercial Intercourse between G. B. & the U. S. from passing, in the original form, as introduced by Mr. Pitt; in which they have pretty well succeeded, but all that is wrong may be cured by a judicious Treaty.
Have you heard latelly from my Brother or do you know if he is still in Congress? who has succeeded Mr. Livingston as Secretary?—
With very great Esteem & Respect, I have the Honor to be / Dear Sir, / Your most Obedient / & most Hb̃le Servant
W. Lee.


Title: From John Adams to C. W. F. Dumas, 28 March 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Dumas, C. W. F.

Sir,
Paris March 28th. 1783.

The Letter for Philadelphia, inclosed in your’s of the 18th, I have caused to be inclosed to Mr. Morris, unsealed as it is, desiring his Attention to its Contents— But I should think Mr. Van Berckel had better see for himself first— As he goes in a Frigate, he may carry every thing he wants, and perhaps he may please himself better at home than in America, in the Articles of Furniture &ca— I wish I could go with him, and if he is willing I don’t despair of it, unless the Signature of the definitive Treaty of Peace should be delayed beyond the Month of June.
You say, it has been communicated to You, in Confidence, that You may perhaps have occasion to compliment me soon, as Minister Plenipotentiary to the British Court— This is quite unaccountable to me. I am myself in no such Secret— I know of nobody, to whom such a Confidence has been made. Who is there in Europe, who knows so much of the secret Intentions of Congress? Is there any Influence in Europe sufficient to determine the Measures and decide the Elections of Congress on this Side the Ocean, before they happen on the other? I hope not. The Deliberations and Elections of that Body ought to be perfectly free, unbiased, independent and impartial— They have ever been so heretofore, You may depend upon it, when they have designed me to any Trust, and I hope I shall never be pointed out by them to any thing, when they are not perfectly so.
If ever a Citizen could claim an Office in Equity, I have an incontestible Right to be Minister Plenipotentiary to the Court of Great Britain: Because I have had such a Commission in my Portefeuille these four Years.— I came to Europe thro’ many Dangers on that Mission, to which I was destined, by the impartial & unsolicited Voice of my Country, with great Unanimity.— The Revocation of my Commission was obtained by foreign Influence, by a bare Majority, and by Misrepresentations, and I will venture to say against the Sentiments of the great Body of the Citizens of the United States. Dont conclude from hence, that I expect to see that Commission revived— Indeed I do not, nor do I care one farthing about it for myself. The Dignity and Honor of the United States require, that it should be revived, as it is the only Way in which they can wipe out the Stain, which they have been sufficiently decieved and imposed upon to bring upon themselves— But for myself, I had rather no such Commission should ever appear— No Swiss was ever more homesick than I am. My Health, my Family require me to go home. And my Country would probably recieve Services from me there, for which I am rather better qualified than for any in Europe, and of much more Importance as I think, now the Peace is made.
If I should now recieve a Letter of Credence to the King of Great Britain, it would be to me one of the most melancholy Days I ever saw, and therefore I wish the definitive Treaty signed, that I might get embarked out of the Way of the Possibility of it.— All this You see is confidential.
As to the News Papers, I shall be obliged to You to stop them all, English and Dutch, excepting one of each— Choose which you will.—
Mr. Franklin’s Medal is not yet finished. Only a first Essay or two have been struck off in Lead. Mr. Franklin has promised me some of them as soon as they are out, and then I will beg Mr. Holtzhey’s Acceptance of a Couple of them.—
With great Regard, I have the / honor to be, / Sir, / your most obedient & / most humble Servant
John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Edmund Jenings, 28 March 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Jenings, Edmund

Sir
Paris. March 28. 1783

I am much obliged to you for your Favour of 21. and its Inclosures. I do not think myself at Liberty to write my private Sentiments about the Regulations of Trade between G. Britain and America, without consulting my Colleagues.— The British should have a Minister here to treat with Us upon this Matter.— all I can Say is that no commercial Regulations which Parliament can make will materially hurt America. but there are many which they may make which will ruin themselves. One Maxim I regard as infallible, “The more Priviledges they allow America, the better for themselves.—[”] Every Restraint will hurt only themselves.

I may assist their Deliberations, at present to print the inclosed Treaty and Convention, which I beg the favour of you to do, as soon as possible, in the News Papers.
With great Esteem, I have the Honour to be, Sir / your most obedient and most humble Servant
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from C. W. F. Dumas, 28 March 1783
From: Dumas, C. W. F.
To: Adams, John

Monsieur
Lahaie 28e. Mars 1783

Quoique nous n’ayions pas encore le bonheur de posseder ici Mr. Votre fils, nous n’en som̃es plus inquiets. En attendant voici encore des nouvelles de lui, un peu de vieille date, il est vrai: mais c’est que la Lettre a fait le tour de Coppenhague à Paris & de Paris ici.
“A Coppenhague ce 25 fevr. 1783
“La Lettre, Monsieur l’Ambassadeur, dont Votre Excellence m’a honoré le 14 de ce mois, m’a fait rechercher ici avec empressement le fils de Mr. Adams, qui est venu me voir aussitôt qu’il en a été informé. J’ai appris de lui, qu’il étoit arrivé depuis quelques jours de Gothenbourg, d’où il a écrit il y a environ 3 semaines à Mr. son pere, pour lequel il m’a remis hier avant de s’embarquer pour Kiell afin de se rendre à Lahaie, une Lettre que je viens de mettre sous les auspices de Mr. le Comte de Vergennes. Il m’a prié en même temps, Monsieur le Duc, de vous faire agréer toute sa reconnoissance, & l’hom̃age de son respect. Je rends mille graces à Votre Excellence, de m’avoir procuré la connoissance de ce jeune & aimable Américain. A en juger par sa façon de penser & de S’expliquer, il m’a presque fait croire que les hom̃es naissent à 30 ans dans son pays, quoiqu’il n’en ait tout au plus que 16. Je suis faché que son départ trop prompt m’ait privé de la satisfaction de lui rendre ce séjour agréable. On ne peut rien ajouter à l’attachement respectueux avec lequel j’ai l’honneur d’être, de Votre Excellence, le trèshumble & très obéissant serviteur
La Houze.”
Mr. le Baron De La Houze est Ministre de France à Coppenhague.
J’arrangerai les comptes à payer avec ces Messieurs d’Amsterdam, selon vos ordres du 19.
L’on ne sait pas encore qui ira à Londres com̃e Ministre de cette rep. Il n’en est pas question encore. Ce qui est sûr, c’est qu’il n’y a pas la moindre apparence que ce Soit le Comte de Welderen.
L’incluse pour le Congrès vous apprendra l’état des choses ici.
L’incom̃odité qui me faisoit souffrir, & qui m’inquiétoit beaucoup, diminue Dieu merci.
J’ai surpris ces jours passés les Tablettes de Miss Nancy; & j’y ai trouvé les deux chansons ci-jointes que son enthousiasme versificateur lui a inspirées. Les rimes n’y Sont pas toutes riches: mais com̃e la raison y est, je les ai louées, & je lui en ai demandé copie, afin que Mr. Thaxter vous les chante, Monsieur, dans quelque momens où vous serez fatigué des choses sérieuses.
Je Sens, Monsieur, combien il est naturel pour vous de desirer de retourner en Amérique & chez vous. J’ai pourtant dans l’idée que vous irez à Londres avant d’avoir cette Satisfaction; & ma grande raison, c’est que je crois que le Traité à faire avec La Grde. Brete. pour le Commerce aura besoin, plus que tout autre, d’une main ferme & inflexible com̃e la vôtre. Vous savez que je ne suis pas flatteur de mon métier: ainsi ceci n’est pas un compliment, mais ce que je pense.
Je Suis avec grand respect, Monsieur / De Votre Excellence / le très-humble et très / obéissant serviteur
Dumas

   Enclosure
   Chanson Sur l’air de Vous L’ordonnez

1.
Ami des Loix
Du citoyen, de L’home
Je veux chanter ta gloire a haute Voix
come on chantoit dans la grece et dans Rome
Tous tes pareils plutot que les grands Rois.

2.
Approchez vous
Mes aimables compagnes
Qui de la liberté avez le gout,
Du protecteur qui toujours l’accompagne
chantons l’honneur dont plusieurs Sont jaloux

3.
Si vous daignez
Pour votre recompense
O Gyzelaar, vous qui nous defendez
Bien recevoir notre reconoissance
Nous connoitrons que vous nous Estimez.

4.
Nous connoissons
Tous ceux dont le coeur male
Avec le votre en parfait unisson

Tend a briser cette chaine fatale
Que nous avoit mis L’Enemi des Bons.

[5.]
Vivez donc Tous
Un grand nombre d’années
Accompagné des plaisirs les plus doux
Literateurs qui nous avez charmées
Ce sont les voeux que nous formons pour Vous.

Chanson sur l’air God save the King.

1.
Le premier des Adams
asservit ses Enfans
En trop mangeant
Mais un plus sage Adams
Leur destin menageant
Les rend de notre temps
Independans.

2.
Nymphes de L’ocean
Et du grand continent
Quil va baignant
Come moi, par vos chants
Celebrez en dansant
De cet Evenement
Lillustre agent.

Translation
Sir
The Hague, 28 March 1783

Although we still have not the pleasure of having your son here, we are no longer worried about him. Meanwhile, I enclose some further news of him, admittedly a bit out of date, but that is because the letter went all the way from Copenhagen to Paris and from Paris to here.
“Copenhagen, 25 February 1783
“The letter, Ambassador, that your excellency kindly wrote me on the 14th of this month caused me to begin an urgent search for Mr. Adams’ son, who called on me as soon as he heard of it. He told me that he had arrived a few days earlier from Göteborg; that he had written to his father from there about three weeks before; and before embarking for Kiel en route to The Hague he gave me a letter for his father, which I have just entrusted to the Comte de Vergennes. At the same time, your Grace, he asked me to convey to you his deep gratitude and respect. I thank your excellency most warmly for introducing me to this pleasing young American. To judge by his way of thinking and speaking, he has almost convinced me that men are born at the age of thirty in his country, although he can barely be sixteen. I am sorry that his premature departure deprives me of the pleasure of rendering his stay agreeable. I can add nothing to the respectful esteem with which I have the honor to be your excellency’s very humble and very obedient servant
La Houze”
Baron de la Houze is the French minister to Copenhagen.
I shall arrange for the bills to be paid with the Amsterdam merchants, as per your orders of 19 March.
We do not yet know who will go to London as minister from this republic. The question has not yet arisen. What is certain is that there is not the slightest likelihood of its being Count Welderen.
The enclosed letter for Congress will acquaint you with the present state of affairs here.
The indisposition that was causing me such pain and worry is diminishing, thank God.
A few days ago I came across Miss Nancy’s writing tablets and found the enclosed songs, which her enthusiasm for verse had inspired. The rhymes are not all splendid, but since they are not devoid of thought I praised them and asked her for a copy so that Mr. Thaxter might sing them to you in those moments when you grow weary of serious matters.
I feel, sir, how natural it is for you to wish to return home to America. However, I have an idea that you will go to London before you have that pleasure, and my main reason for so thinking is that the commercial treaty with Great Britain will need a firm and steady hand like yours, more than any other. You know I am no flatterer by profession; this is no compliment, but what I think.
I am with great respect, sir, your excellency’s very humble and very obedient servant
Dumas

   Enclosure
   Song, to the tune of “Vous l’ordonnez”

1.
Friend of the law,
Of citizens, of men,
I wish to sing your glory aloud
As they sang in Greece and Rome
Your equals, rather than great kings.

2.
Draw nigh,
My amiable friends
Who have tasted freedom, and let us laud
The constant guardian
Singing the honor that others envy.

3.
If you do deign
For your recompense,
O Gyselaar, who defends us,
Receive well our gratitude,
Knowing that we are esteemed by you.

4.
We know
All those whose hearts do ache
With yours in perfect unison
The fatal chain shall break,
Imposed on us by enemies of the just.

5.
You live therefore
For many a year
Enjoying pleasures most sweet
As writers who have charmed us do—
Such are our wishes formed for you.

Song, to the tune of “God Save the King”

1.
The first of the Adams
Enslaved his children
By eating too much,
But a wiser Adams
Preserved their destiny,
Giving them liberty
In our own time.

2.
Nymphs of the ocean
And of the continent
That it doth bathe,
Like me, by your songs
Celebrating and dancing
The illustrious agent
Of this event.


Title: To John Adams from C. W. F. Dumas, 3 April 1783
From: Dumas, C. W. F.
To: Adams, John

Monsieur
LaHaie 3e. Avril 1783

Nous savons ici, par Lettres de Hambourg du 25 du passé, que Mr. Votre fils, après S’y être arrêté quelques jours, en étoit reparti le 23.
   Voici des Lettres Américaines venues par la poste d’Angleterre. Celle de Mr. Guild S’est trouvée dans un paquet entierement usé &  ouvert d’un côté. Il contenoit deux brochures: Letter to the Abbé Raynal by Ths. Payne, & Catalogus eorum qui in Universitate Harvardiana Cantabrigiæ in Rep. Massachsi. ab año 1642 ad an. 1782 alicujus gradus laurea donati sunt. J’ai cru devoir déposer ces deux pieces dans votre Secretaire, & vous envoyer Seulement la Lettre.
A certain face you would not meet in a wood, you will meet it, with his influenza in the future Congress of final pacification, at which I am assured he is appointed to assist. I Sat next him yesterday at the F. Ambassador’s, who gave a Diplomatic Dinner. We were much talkative together about the several climates of Russia nearly corresponding with those of our States, and the extensiveness of both, about Kamtschatka, Capt. Cook, the Caspian Sea and Mount Caucase, which he told me he went through. There, said I, you may possibly have traaden on some of the Steps of Alexander the great. He Smiled, and I too, fancying him horded, when there, with the modern Hircanians, so formidable to Caravans.
Je Suis avec grand respect, De Votre Exce. / le très-humble & très / obéissant serviteur
Dumas

Translation
Sir
The Hague, 3 April 1783

We know by letters from Hamburg of 25 March that your son, after staying there for some days, departed on the 23d.
Here are some American letters that came via the post from England. The one from Mr. Guild was in a very tattered parcel, open along one side. It contained two pamphlets: Letter to the Abbé Raynal by Thomas Paine, and Catalogus eorum qui in Universitate Harvardiana Cantabrigiæ in Rep. Massachsi. Ab anno 1642 ad an. 1782 alicujus gradus laurea donati sunt. I thought I should place these two pieces in your writing desk, and send only the letter.
A certain face you would not meet in a wood, you will meet it, with his influenza in the future Congress of final pacification, at which I am assured he is appointed to assist. I Sat next him yesterday at the F. Ambassador’s, who gave a Diplomatic Dinner. We were much talkative together about the several climates of Russia nearly corresponding with those of our States, and the extensiveness of both, about Kamtschatka, Capt. Cook, the Caspian Sea and Mount Caucase, which he told me he went through. There, said I, you may possibly have traaden on some of the Steps of Alexander the great. He Smiled, and I too, fancying him horded, when there, with the modern Hircanians, so formidable to Caravans.
I am with great respect, your excellency’s very humble and very obedient servant
Dumas


Title: To John Adams from Philippe Jean Joseph Lagau, 4 April 1783
From: Lagau, Philippe Jean Joseph
To: Adams, John

Monsieur
à Hambourg ce 4 Avril 1783

J’ai reçu la lettre dont Votre Excellence a bien voulû m’honorer le 21 du mois passé. La présente lui sera remise par Monsieur Hardouin negociant au Havre de Grace qui a eu l’honneur de faire la Coñoissance de Monsieur votre fils en cette ville et qui est en état de vous en donner de bonnes nouvelles. Il m’a prié de Le recommender à vos bontés, et comme Il part de ce païs y regretté de tous ceux qui L’y ont connû je prends la liberté de vous supplier de daigner L’honorer de votre bienveillance et de L’acuillir favorablement. Je saisirai toujours avec empressement toute occasion que se présentera pour vous temoigner ma recoñoissance ainsi que Le profond respect avec lequel j’ai L’honneur d’étre / Monsieur / de Votre Excellence / Le trés humble et trés / obeissant Serviteur
Lagau

Translation
Sir
Hamburg, 4 April 1783

I have received the letter of 21 March with which your excellency honored me. The present letter will be delivered to you by Mr. Hardouin, a merchant of Havre de Grace who had the honor of meeting your son in this town and who will be able to give you good news of him. He asked me to commend him to your good offices, and as he is leaving the country, much to the regret of all who knew him here, I take the liberty of begging you to honor him with your goodwill and to receive him favorably. I shall always seize eagerly on any occasion that arises to demonstrate my gratitude, together with the profound respect with which I have the honor to be, sir, your excellency’s very humble and very obedient servant
Lagau


Title: From John Adams to Samuel Adams, 5 April 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Adams, Samuel

Sir
Paris April 5. 1783

Mr Grigby, the Bearer of this Letter, is recommended to me, by Gentlemen, who have been friendly and Usefull to America in the Peace, in Such a manner that I beg Leave to introduce him to your Acquaintance. His Views I Suppose are commercial, but a Letter to You may do him more Honour, than to many more Merchants, and perhaps more service even in his own Way.
I have been waiting month after Month for the Compleation of the definitive Treaty, and for News from America, but cannot yet Say when We shall see either. The Pause has been very disagreable. But We hope for an End soon.— I want to come home for many Reasons, one of which lies with great Weight upon my Mind. it is to persuade you to make a Collection of your Writings, in which I think the new World deeply interested, and the old one too.
With great Regard, your humble servant
J. Adams


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Guild, 9 April 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Guild, Benjamin

Sir,
Paris April 9th. 1783.

I have recd. your favor of Decr. 3d, & thank You for the Register, Catalogue & Pamphlet, which are precious Presents to me. Since the Date of your Letter, you have recd. no doubt a great deal of News, and I should be very glad if I could this moment know from you the Operation of it, about which We are very anxious.
We are not yet certain about the Arrangement of the British Ministry, altho’ there are Reports circulating, that a Coalition of three Parties has been formed— Such a Staganation as We have seen for some Months, not only of all Business, but of all Intelligence both from our old Friends & old Enemies, has been very irksome, and even as distressing I think as War— But it cannot now be many Weeks before We shall hear from all Parts.
I have been negociating a Connection and Correspondence between the Medical Society at Boston and the Societé Royale de Medicine here, and have succeeded to my Wish— I hope the Society at Boston wont think me impertinent and officious— If they do, I must throw the Blame upon Dr. Tufts, who led me into the Scrape.
Mr. Winslow Warren has been sometime at Marseilles, and I am told is now gone into Italy, in pursuit of Commerce and Knowledge at once— What could any Man do better? I wish I could follow him— His Friends will be obliged to You for News of him.
With great Esteem, I am, Sir.—


Title: From John Adams to William Lee, 10 April 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Lee, William

Sir,
Paris. 10th. April. 1783—

I know not to what extravagances Adulation may extend in regard to Dr: Franklin—nor do I much care, now the Independence of our Country, her Tom-Cod & Buckskins are so well secured. I expect soon to see a proposition to name the 18th. Century, the Franklinian Age, le Siecle Franklinnien, & am willing to leave the Question, whether it shall have this epithet or that of Fredericien, to the Dr: & the King: tho’, the latter will stand a poor Chance with a certain French Writer, who, within a few weeks, has said, that the Dr:, after a few ages, will be considered as a God, and I think the King has not eno: of the Cæsar in him to dispute with the Skies—
The title of “Founder of the American Empire,” which as you observe the Eng: Newspapers give him, does not, most certainly belong to him: and it is extremely fortunate for our Country that no one man has the least Color of a just pretension to that popular & bewitching Appellation— Gen: W. himself, who has undoubtedly acted his part, as well as any Citizen whatever, has no just pretensions to it— There has been such a Swarm, such a republic of Characters, in every State, acting material & essential parts in the great Drama, that it is very difficult to say who has done the most— For my own part I am not afraid nor ashamed to say, that I think Mr: S: Adams is the man, who has acted the longest & the most essential part, as well as the most dangerous & difficult, in this Revolution— and I say this, without fear of being contradicted by Posterity; because there are extant Writings of this Gent:, for a Succession of 40. years together, which will one day be collected, all tending to the great end we have seen, written with a Simplicity & Elegance, a majesty & energy, wh: will be read with admiration in future ages, & wd. have done honor to any that is past. He will have the honor too of a disinterestedness, equal to that of any Character in Athens or Rome, and, what will still add to his glory, he has done all under the constant pressure of Poverty & Distress. A Collection of his Writings wd. be one of the most usefull & important works, especially for our Country, wh: was ever was published—
I am on a delicate & invidious Subject; but historical Justice is as essential to the formation of virtuous Citizens, & consequently as indispensable for the prosperity States, as distributive Justice— But there is such a prostitution of all Justice, such a confusion of Right & wrong, virtue & vice, to accomplish the Apotheosis of Dr: F., as ought to excite the indignation of every honest man— There is such a partiallity to him too, among our own Countrymen, their Allies & their Enemies, arising fm. the imposing bubble of his Reputation, as embarasses Congress in their Deliberations, & forces even that august body into similar Partialities. Such a Reputation is as real a Tyranny as any that can be erected among men—
If you direct a letter to Mr: Dana, under cover to Messrs: Strathborne & Wolfe, Bankers at Petersburgh, it will go safe to his hands.—
The revokation of the Commission to make a Treaty of Commerce with G: B: without issuing another, a measure wh: originated in the common source of evil, has lost us, I fear forever, the critical moment for makg: the best possible Treaty: Yet I hope the Minister, who may be appinted, will be able to convince the English where their true Interest lies.—
I can give you no advice abt: carrying to America British Manufactures, as I know not whether they will be recd. or not—

I have no letter fm. yr: Brother, since the middle of last Fall—nor do I know that Mr: Livingston’s Resignation has been accepted—
I am Sir, / Yr: &c.—


Title: To John Adams from C. W. F. Dumas, 11 April 1783
From: Dumas, C. W. F.
To: Adams, John

Monsieur,
Lahaie 11e. Avril 1783

Mrs. Brush & Allen m’ont remis les faveurs dont vous les aviez chargés pour moi; & j’y répondrai plus à loisir: car nous allons monter en voiture, ces Messieurs, Miss Nancy & moi, pour dîner à Rotterdam chez Mr. Van Berckel.
Mr. Votre fils n’est pas encore arrivé.
Le principal sujet de la présente est un message que Mr. le Greffier Fagel me fit faire hier par Mr. Tynne, pour s’informer du Titre que prennent les Etats-Unis, ou que leur donnent les autres Puissances. Sur ce que j’ai repondu ne savoir rien là-dessus, si ce n’est leur souveraine & absolue Indépendance, on m’a prié de vous écrire à ce sujet, parce qu’on a besoin de le savoir, pour dresser les Pleinspouvoirs & Lettres de Créance de Mr. Van Berckel. Je m’acquitte de la Com̃ission à la hâte, & suis avec grand respect / De Votre Excellence / le très-humble & très- / obéissant serviteur
Dumas

Il me semble, sauf meilleur avis que le titre de Hauts & Puissants Etats en Congrès assemblés conviendroit le mieux peut être.

Translation
Sir
The Hague, 11 April 1783

Mr. Brush and Mr. Allen have given me the favors you entrusted to them; and I shall answer at greater leisure later on since we are about to get into the carriage—these gentlemen, Miss Nancy, and I—to go to Rotterdam and dine with Mr. Van Berckel.
Your son has still not arrived.
The main topic of the present note is a message that secretary Fagel sent me yesterday by Mr. Tynne, to find out what title the United States have adopted, or how they are addressed by other powers. I told him I had no idea, unless it was their Sovereign and Absolute Independence; whereupon I was asked to write to you about it, because they need to know in order to draw up Mr. Van Berckel’s commission and letter of credence. I acquit myself in haste and am with great respect, your excellency’s very humble and very obedient servant
Dumas

It seems to me, until I hear otherwise, that the title High and Mighty States in Congress Assembled might perhaps be best.


Title: To John Adams from Edmund Jenings, 11 April 1783
From: Jenings, Edmund
To: Adams, John

Sir
London April 11th. 1783.

I have received Letters from your Excellency of the 24th & 28th Ult. what accompanied the last will be published with other Matters of a like Nature & altogether will make an handsome & interesting Collection.
The mischiefs, that might have ensued from the intended American Trade Bill are at length guessed at by many, and the Difficulty of drawing it up, to the Content of Selfishness, (which is never satisfied,) is felt by all. The farther Parliament advanced in pursuit of its illiberal Object, the more it was Confused: the too Eager Endeavour to render it Conducive to promote the Interests of Great Britain alone, showed its Inefficacy, & rendered it abortive, it is now to be dropt & a short act passed to repeal all the late prohibitory Laws, & make perhaps some change in others of a long standing— I am somewhat pleased at this Change of Measures, As I, not an Ennemy to Great Britain, took in an early stage of the business some pains to point out the Mistakes of Parliament in entertaining this Bill.
I am, however Stil apprehensive this people are not yet sufficiently enlightned, if they are not, it is in Vain that they send a Commissioner to Enter into a Negociation for a Treaty of Commerce, should his Instructions be drawn up in a sordid spirit and should He not be of an open Character and treat with liberallity, this important business may be long delayed
This my apprehension is grounded on the General spirit in Parliament Manifested in the Debates on the late Bill and on a Conversation, which I have had with Mr Edm: Burke who your Excellency Knows, has great Influence over that Party, which was called the Rockingham One.
Meeting this Gentleman last Wednesday in Westminster Hall I was introduced to Him as an American Gentleman by a common Friend— I Judged the opportunity favorable to show Him the Treaty with Holland, which I had then in my pocket, but began our Conversation with observing that I thought the American Trade Bill, which was to come that day before the House, was not likely to Answer any good purpose, for that it was not founded on Equallity & reciprocity; on which He broke out with so much warmth in Justification of it, that would have surprized me, if I had not been informed He was the father of it. I soon found that I could do nothing with Him and therefore after saying, that I saw his Mind was made up on the Subject I endeavoured to turn the Conversation by presenting Him with the dutch Treaty. He took it, & after looking at it for a little while, He returned to the Matter of the American Bill: but before He did so fully, He asked me whether I had any Authority from Congress, that if I had, He should refer me to the Ministers of State, that He was but a private Individual, I answered Him that I had no public Authority to speak on the Subject, that I had not spoken to Him thereon, If I had not been accidently introduced to Him, by a Common Friend & had not wished well to England & that Harmony might be established between Her & the United States. He then said He would speak as a private Man.
He told me, the Object of the Bill was to treat the Americans not as foreigners, & that was a favor done them. That He thought it could be confered better by the Medium of Parliament, which might certainly repeal its Laws, without Causing any just Alarm to other Nations; that a Treaty, which might give any Extraordinary Advantages to the united States, would violate those which now existed with the Northern Nations, that however He imagined this Mode would not now be adopted but that a Treaty would be entered into
He considered the Bill in admitting the Produce of America into England free of Duty, as Conferring such a favor & Boon as no Country besides enjoyed, that G B taxed the Plank & Masts of Norway.
That the Prohibition of American Manufactures into Great Britain was of no Consequence as America had none.
That Parliament did not object to the Admission of real American Manufactures, but was fearful, that under Color thereof, those of Other Countries would be brought hither & that it was Impossible to detect the Abuse.
That if America objected to this regulation it showed disposition to Hostility.
That Great Britain could do, As she had done without America.
That she was not yet a conquered Country & ought not to be treated with Insolence, that America ought not to be insolent, to take warning from the Situation of G B. that Americans, who talked of Priveldges, were so
He was fond of this language and applied the word insolent to every Argument used against his Bill—where upon I frequently remarked to Him, that He was very sore, & irritable. I might have said, irritating.
He applied it in an harsh manner to the following Lines read from a letter.
“All I can say is that no Commercial Regulations, which Parliament can made will materially hurt America; but there are many, which they may make, which will ruin themselves, one Maxim, I regard as Infallible, the more priveledges they allow America the better for themselves, every restraint will hurt only themselves.”
The same Censure fell upon the Suggestion, that America might pass similar Acts or continue the present prohibiting the Manufactures of G B.

it fell likewise on the general Idea of Reciprosity, And that America demanded no favors boons or Priveledges; but that G B would find it Her Interest to grant them.
He said in short, that He had struck out of the present Bill the Words, that it was made “in order to Evince the Disposition of G B to be on terms of perfect Amity with the United States & in full Confidence that the said United States & &c.” for that He liked not Parlaver.
This is the first time, I have had a free Conversation with this noted Man, if I may form an Opinion of Him from it, He seems to me to have but Little Judgement with a most peremptory Manner. Oh that you Gentlemen at Paris had Him as a Negociator to Cope withal, He would be soon laid on his back. If He has drawn up, as it is very probable He has, Mr Hartleys Instructions, that Gentleman will cross the Water on a very fruitless Errand.
Your Excellency will discover in what fell from Mr Burke the general Matter urged against his Bill, but I hinted beside in Observing on what He had said, that under the Notion of not considering the Americans as foreigners, there was something in the Bill that marked them as Colonists—that the Nations of Europe would not be cheated out of their stipulated right to be treated as among the most favord, by the repealing or enacting Acts of Parliament in favor of the United States, that with respect to the Latter this mode woud not be satisfactory, as it would not be permanent; Parliament being at Liberty to alter it with more Ease, than the Covenants in a Solemn Treaty could be violated.
It was observed, that no favor was done to America to admit her raw Materials into England Duty free, no more than bounties or draw backs were formerly allowed for the mere benefit of the Colonists. that these were necessary measures for the sake of british Manufactures, which flourished thereby That it was the Interest of this Country to admit all the raw Materials of the rest of Europe on the same footing, but other Powers were wiser than to suffer them to go out of their Territories, That the Proof given, that G B taxed the Plank & Masts of Norway (which by the bye was the only one adduced) went but a little way. for it was a Mode of Taxation on the people. The Articles not being reexported, but were used & were ready for use on their importation here, without undergoing any operation or process.
That America had Manufactures, & might have more, that if she had not, the prohibition of them, was Absurd That the Manufactures of different Countries were dis[. . .] & that it would not be worth the while, to import into America the Manufactures of Europe in order to reship them into G B.
I have troubled your Excellency with this Long detail & with the papers inclosed to shew you, that I am not Idle— I Hope nothing escaped from me during my Conversation that was improper however should it be so the mischief cannot be great, as what was said came from a private Man. but altho I am not Idle, I do nothing now with Alacrity. I am fearful of my Ennemys Knowing any thing About me. for after what has passed, I cannot but expect He will endeavour to give wrong Ideas of my best Intentions and perhaps Suggest that I do or say things, for which there is no foundation.
I am with the greatest Consideration / Sir / Your Excellencys / Most Obedient Humble Servant
Edm: Jenings


Title: From John Adams to Arthur Lee, 12 April 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Lee, Arthur

Dear sir
Paris April 12. 1783

Congress forced Us, into a situation, which obliged Us to venture upon a Piece of Indiscipline, in order to Secure a tollerable Peace, So that you may well Suppose We are anxious to know how it is received among you, and what is to be our Fate. Whether We are to be approved, excused, justified or censured. The most curious and inexplicable Part of the History is Franklins joining in the Mutiny.—You who know him will not be at a Loss to account for it.— in Truth the Necessity was too obvious and glaring, and the Cod and Bucks and Beavers, were annimals too dearly beloved, in our Country for a Man to take upon himself to be responsible for the Loss of them.
We have had a very dull Pause Since the Peace. no News from America, and a stagnation in England, which has left Us in a painful State of Uncertainty. Now indeed the Ministry is arranged, for a little while and Mr Hartley is expected over to finish the Negotiation. You know him, he is talkative and disputacious and not always intelligible so that I expect We shall be longer about the Business than is necessary.
I am not able to conceive, how a Ministry composed of Parts so heterogeneous can go on with Business. it cannot be expected to be solid and durable. Mr Fox professes to mean to finish soon and liberally, but I know not what opposition and Contradiction he may meet in the Cabinet.— I confess I dont like the Change at all. Shelburne and his sett would have gone thro well. Mr Laurens who is in London Seems pleased with the Change, at least he was with the prospect, a few days before it took place, and he Seems to think that the Tories are not so much regarded as We feared.—
Shelburne did the best thing of his whole Life, when he made Peace, and the Vote against him does no honour to his Opponents. The Peace is really much better for England than she had a right to expect, and the continuance of the War, would have been ruin. This the present sett are sensible of, but Truth is a Small Sacrifice to Faction. The Vote of dissatisfaction with the Peace is a disagreable Event, and one knows not what Effects it may have. I dont believe it could ever have been carried if a Treaty of Commerce had been Signed, on the 30 of Nov. Why the Commission for making such a Treaty was revoked with out issuing another, you must ask Mr Marbois. I know not:— I think however you cannot too soon Send a Minister to London, to arrange finally a System of Commerce and to watch over all your Intests in that Country. French Politicks are now incessantly at Work in England, and We may depend upon it, they labour less for our good than their own.— if our Interests were the Same with theirs We might better trust them, Yet not entirely for they do not understand their own Interests, so well as We do ours.

Congress will never adopt a right System of foreign Affairs untill they consider their Interests as distinct and keep them seperate from those of all other Nations. One essential Part of the Business and Duty of their Ministers is to watch French Politicians as well as English, to cooperate with them where they coincide with our system, and to counteract them where they interfere with it. At least this has ever been my opinion. it was so when I was in Congress in 1775 & 1776 & 1777 and every days Experience in Europe, in every Country in every department, has afforded something in Confirmation of it. I have acted in Conformity to it, at every Risque, and, considering the furious Wrath it has occasioned, And the violent Efforts to demolish me, with wonderfull success. But the Success would have been much more compleat, if Congress had adhered to the system as Steadily as I did.
With great Esteem and Respect, sir your / most obedient & most humb servnt
J. Adams


Title: From John Adams to Samuel Osgood, 12 April 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Osgood, Samuel

Dear Sir,
Paris April 12th. 1783.

Recollecting the Correspondence, which passed between you & me in the Year 1775, I have been sometimes in hopes you would have revived it, since you have been in Congress.— A Multitude of things have been transacted in Congress, the Grounds, Motives & Objects of which have never been explained to me; so that I have been frequently at a loss to regulate my own Conduct— I have been somewhat cautious too of writing to particular Members of Congress upon public Subjects, because of the critical & dangerous Situations in which our Affairs have been—least Occasion should have been given to Misrepresentation— The Times however are past, which required such Cautions, and I should advise the Members of Congress & their foreign Ministers to correspond freely with each other in future.— There will no longer be so much to be apprehended from the Capture of Letters at Sea, or their Stoppage in a Post Office. The unavoidable Difficulties of Correspondence have been heretofore very great, but they have been made much greater by Art.
I hope by this Time Gentlemen are cured of their implicit Confidence, and convinced, that they must see with their own Eyes, hear with their own Ears and judge with their own Understandings, or be cheated— There is but one Maxim, which is universal, and that is, that “We ought to trust Nobody in Europe”—Absolutely Nobody. All American Offices in Europe should be filled with Americans— And nothing should be done but upon American Intelligence—otherwise you will be carried to Market every day, and sold sometimes for Cash, sometimes for Offices and sometimes for Glory, and not seldom even for Caprice.
Indiscreet Confidence has gone very near ruining our Country heretofore, and it has been saved by such hazardous Resolutions as very few will ever venture upon, and indeed by such as ought never to be drawn into Precedent— I hope no Case will ever occur, in which they may be imitated.
The Shackles which have been fastened upon American Ministers have obstructed and injured our Cause in a great degree— And for what? For no other Reason under Heaven, than to give to one French Minister and one American Minister the Reputation of doing every thing— That one Soul burning in the Flames of Ambition may be cooled with the proud Title of “Pacificateur de l’Europe,” and another with that of “Pacificateur de l’Amerique.”— Gentlemen must search the human Heart a little more profoundly, than they seem to have done on some Occasions, or our Country will be made the Sport of Passions, in which She has no Interest.—
I wish You, Sir, a long Career in the Service of your Country, and more pleasure & better Success in it, than has fallen to the Lot of your / Friend & Hble Servt.


Title: From John Adams to James Warren, 12 April 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Warren, James

Dear Sir
Paris April 12. 1783

What would I have given to have been your Doorkeeper for a few days while you had under Deliberation the Dispatches We Sent by Barney, that I might have listened with my Ear at the Key hole and overheard your Debates. I fancy Some Members will be of Opinion, that they have committed a Mistake in committing the Lamb so unreservedly to the Custody of the Wolf.— If Congress are not betrayed by the Want of Intelligence or by Misinformation into any unseasonable Votes, all will be very well.— I Should not wish to See, any other Vote than a Simple Ratification of the provisional Treaty of the 30. of Nov. 1782.— Yet the Departure of Barney was, by various means partly accidental and partly designed So long delayed, even to the 17 of January, and the English and the French might have Sent the News in their own Way and in their own Colours So much sooner, tho We know not that they did, that you might be led to form Opinions upon partial Evidence. You may well Suppose, We are anxious to know. Not a Word from any Part of America, directly or indirectly which gives cause to suppose that you have recd the News even of the Treaty of the 30. of Nov. Nor that you have recd the Dutch Treaty, four Copies of which I put on board four different Vessells at Amsterdam in October. We cannot account for the failure of Arrivals in Spain France, Holland, So absolutely without Supposing an Embargo.
The Treaty with sweeden is made, Denmark has ordered our Flagg to be respected like that of Republicks of the first order. Portugal has done the Same. The Emperor has an Inclination to treat with Us but The House of Austria never makes the first Advances. Mr Dana has announced himself to the Chanceller Osterman and recd for Answer that the Way was clear.
Mr Fox the new Minister declares his good dispositions and his Determination to finish with the Utmost Liberality. Mr Hartly it is Said is to finish with Us. and the Duke of Manchester with the other Powers.
Your Son is Said by some to have gone to Italy and by others to have embarked for America from Marseilles where he has wisely been to lay the foundation of Trade & Fortune.
our young Men may lawfully make their Fortunes We their Fathers, have been employed in preparing the Way.— I dont know what to do with my Boys, however.
Affectionately yours
J. Adams