Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jane Mecom, 16 September 1758
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Mecom, Jane

Dear Sister
London Sept 16 1758
I received your Favour of June 17. I wonder you have had no Letter from me since my being in England. I have wrote you at least two and I think a third before this; And, what was next to waiting on you in Person, sent you my Picture. In June last I sent Benny a Trunk of Books and wrote to him. I hope they are come to hand, and that he meets with Incouragement in his Business. I congratulate you on the Conquest of Cape Breton, and hope as your People took it by Praying the first Time, you will now pray that it may never be given up again, which you then forgot. Billy is well but in the Country. I left him at Tunbridge Wells, where we spent a fortnight, and he is now gone with some Company to see Portsmouth.
We have been together over a great part of England this Summer; and among other places visited the Town our Father was born in and found some Relations in that part of the Country Still living. Our Cousin Jane Franklin, daughter of our Unkle John, died but about a Year ago. We saw her Husband Robert Page, who gave us some old Letters to his Wife from unkle Benjamin. In one of them, dated Boston July 4. 1723 he writes “Your Unkle Josiah has a Daughter Jane about 12 years Old, a good humour’d Child” So Jenny keep up your Character, and don’t be angry when you have no Letters.
In a little Book he sent her, call’d None but Christ, he wrote an Acrostick on her Name, which for Namesakes’ Sake, as well as the good Advice it contains, I transcribe and send you

Illuminated from on High,
And shining brightly in your Sphere
Nere faint, but keep a steady Eye
Expecting endless Pleasures there
Flee Vice, as you’d a Serpent flee,
Raise Faith and Hope three Stories higher
And let Christ’s endless Love to thee
N-ere cease to make thy Love Aspire.

Kindness of Heart by Words express
Let your Obedience be sincere,
In Prayer and Praise your God Address
Nere cease ’till he can cease to hear.

After professing truly that I have a great Esteem and Veneration for the pious Author, permit me a little to play the Commentator and Critic on these Lines. The Meaning of Three Stories higher seems somewhat obscure, you are to understand, then, that Faith, Hope and Charity have been called the three Steps of Jacob’s Ladder, reaching from Earth to Heaven. Our Author calls them Stories, likening Religion to a Building, and those the three Stories of the Christian Edifice; Thus Improvement in Religion, is called Building Up, and Edification. Faith is then the Ground-floor, Hope is up one Pair of Stairs. My dearly beloved Jenny, don’t delight so much to dwell in these lower Rooms, but get as fast as you can into the Garret; for in truth the best Room in the House is Charity. For my part, I wish the House was turn’d upside down; ’tis so difficult (when one is fat) to get up Stairs; and not only so, but I imagine Hope and Faith may be more firmly built on Charity, than Charity upon Faith and Hope. However that be, I think it a better reading to say
Raise Faith and Hope one Story higher
correct it boldly and I’ll support the Alteration. For when you are up two Stories already, if you raise your Building three Stories higher, you will make five in all, which is two more than there should be, you expose your upper Rooms more to the Winds and Storms, and besides I am afraid the Foundation will hardly bear them, unless indeed you build with such light Stuff as Straw and Stubble, and that you know won’t stand Fire.
Again where the Author Says
Kindness of Heart by Words express,
Stricke out Words and put in Deeds. The world is too full of Compliments already; they are the rank Growth of every Soil, and Choak the good Plants of Benevolence and Benificence, Nor do I pretend to be the first in this comparison of Words and Actions to Plants; you may remember an Ancient Poet whose Words we have all Studied and Copy’d at School, said long ago,

A Man of Words and not of Deeds,
Is like a Garden full of Weeds.

’Tis pity that Good Works among some sorts of People are so little Valued, and Good Words admired in their Stead; I mean seemingly pious Discourses instead of Humane Benevolent Actions. These they almost put out of countenance, by calling Morality rotten Morality, Righteousness, ragged Righteousness and even filthy Rags; and when you mention Virtue, they pucker up their Noses as if they smelt a Stink; at the same time that they eagerly snuff up an empty canting Harangue, as if it was a Posie of the Choicest Flowers. So they have inverted the good old Verse, and say now

A Man of Deeds and not of Words
Is like a Garden full of ——

I have forgot the Rhime, but remember ’tis something the very Reverse of a Perfume. So much by Way of Commentary.
My Wife will let you see my Letter containing an Account of our Travels, which I would have you read to Sister Douse, and give my Love to her. I have no thoughts of returning ’till next year, and then may possibly have the Pleasure of seeing you and yours, take Boston in my Way home. My Love to Brother and all your Children, concludes at this time from Dear Jenny your affectionate Brother
B Franklin
a Copy


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Charles Norris, 16 September 1758
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Norris, Charles

Dear Sir,
London, Sept. 16. 1758.
I received your Favours of May 17. and June 15. and am glad the Books on Husbandry and Gardening got safe to hand. I shall send the others you write for per Bolitho, if I can get them on board.
I hope the Crab Apple Trees you have planted will grow, and be propagated in our Country. I do not find that England any where produces Cyder of equal Goodness with what I drank frequently in Virginia made from those Crabs. They are also said to be plentiful Bearers, and seldom fail. I should be glad to see the Industry of our People supplying the Neighbouring Colonies with that Cyder. I think it would even be valued here.
It is as you say surprizing to find such Opinions prevailing here, of the Wealth and Populousness of Pensilvania. This, among other Prejudices to our Disadvantage, propagated by our Enemies, I hope will be removed by a Piece to be published next Winter, which I have now under Correction; and then I have reason to believe our Affairs may more easily be put into a better Situation than they have been for some Years past.
Be pleased to present my best Respects to your Sister. I send her some Colliflower seed, which Mrs. Charles procurd for ’me, said to be of an excellent kind. Remember me also affectionately to the Brothers and Sister at Sasquehanah, when you have Occasion to write to them. I shall send them some more Pamphlets when the season comes on.
The Spirits of the People here seem at present a good deal elated with our late Successes, and that of the King of Prussia. I long to hear that you have succeeded at the Ohio, being in pain for the Forces gone thither.
With great Esteem, I am, Dear Sir, Your most obedient Servant
B Franklin
Mr. Cha. Norris
 Endorsed: Lond: Septr. 16th. 1758 Benjamin Franklin Esqr recd Janry. 11th. 1759


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Eyre Whalley, 16 September 1758
From: Whalley, Eyre
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir,
Ecton Sept. 16th. 1758
I return you my most Sincere thanks for your very kind Presents to me and my wife, which have done, and will afford very agreeable Entertainment to each of us: our acknowlegments for them Shou’d have been much earlier, had I not waited to see, if I cou’d meet with any Letter or other Composition of Mr. Thomas Franklin; in which Inquiry I have hitherto in a great Measure been unsuccessful. The Inclosed is a Lease of his drawing, of which kind I have Several now in my Possession; it is in his own Handwriting, and Signed by him and his wife. I am told, by a very good Lawyer, he has Seen Several Conveyances that were made by him, and that they were very well done: and I believe he had a good deal of Business of that Sort in this Neighbourhood. He had a Natural Turn and Genius for Musick, he put up the Chimes in our Church, made a House-organ, and, I am informed by Some now in the Parish that remember him, used frequently to amuse himself with playing upon it. If I can pick up any thing of his worth your Notice, during your Stay in this part of the world, I will certainly transmit it to you. My wife joins in best Compliments to you and your Son with Sir, your most obliged and most humble Servant
E Whalley


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, 21 September 1758
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Deborah

My dear Child,
London, September 21. 1758
I have wrote you a long Letter of 3 Sheets per Duncan, and sent also in a large Pacquet directed to you, a great Number of Letters for my Friends. By Bolitho I shall send you some Stuff for Chair Bottoms, and an Iron Oven if I can get it on board. Seal the enclos’d before you forward it. I have this Day got a most violent Cold, but hope it will wear off without any Sickness. Billy not yet return’d from the Country. We have lately met with a small Rebuff in France. The Troops are return’d. Mr. Shutz’s Brother has the Birmingham Things in his Care. I am, Dear Debby Your ever loving Husband
B Franklin
 Addressed: To / Mrs Franklin / at the Post Office / Philadelphia / per the Carolina / Capt. Duncan


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jane Mecom, 11 November 1758
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Mecom, Jane

Dear Sister
London Nov. 11. 1758
I wrote you a long Letter of Sept. 16. and again I wrote to you Oct. 2. since which I have receiv’d your Favour of Augt. 15. You mention its being sent by the Son of our good Friend Dr. Perkins. I have not seen him yet, but shall endeavour to find him out. I hope my Health is now pretty well established by the frequent Journies I have made this Summer, and that I shall be able to go pretty well thro’ another Winter. In our last Journey stopping at a Place call’d Attleborough, I think it was in Suffolk, we found in the Church Yard the following Inscription on a large handsome Stone
“In Memory of Thomas Foulger, late of Illington Hall, who died Dec. 23d. 1754. aged 51 Years.”
As I have never in my Life met with or heard of any Foulgers but those of our Family, I made Billy copy it, intending to enquire after them when we return’d, but we came another Way. Pray ask Cousin Abisha Foulger if he or any in Nantucket can tell what Part of England our Grandfather Peter Foulger came from. I think I have heard our Mother say he came out of Suffolk, but am not certain. In Dr. Mather’s Magnalia, I find that in Bishop Laud’s Time a great many eminent Ministers with Numbers of their Friends and Hearers went out of Suffolk, Norfolk, and Lincolnshire, to New England, flying from the Persecution then on foot against the Puritans. It is possible he might be among them. The Dr. mentions him in Page 54 of Book VI. in the Terms of “an able and godly Englishman, well learn’d in the Scriptures,” who about the Year 1647 was employ’d as an Assistant to Mr. Mayhew, the same that converted the Indians of Marthas Vineyard.
I never expected much from the Germantown Affair, so am not disappointed. I took Lots and built there in Complaisance to my Brothers, but the Expence was not great. I wish the Glasshouse you mention may have all the Success the Undertakers can desire.
Mr. Strahan has sent a very large Cargo to Benny, which I hope will turn out to his Advantage. I have also order’d him a Cargo of Stationery which will go per the next Ship. I am glad to hear he is industrious and frugal, and that you like his Wife: I make no doubt, that with those Qualities, and the Advantage of so discreet a Partner, he will do well in the World, which will give me great Pleasure.
Billy presents his Duty to you and Brother, and joins with me in Love to you all. He last Week put on the Gown as a Lawyer; being call’d to the Bar in Westminster Hall. He was enter’d of the Middle Temple some Years before we came over. I am, my dear Sister, Your affectionate Brother
B Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Isaac Norris, 21 November 1758
From: Norris, Isaac
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Friend [BF]
Pensylva Novr. 21st. 1758
It is easy to perceive the Disposition of the People by the last Election under the Burthen of their heavy Taxes and several severe Losses upon particulars from the Conduct of some of the Military Gentlemen towards such as have supplied Our Western Army with Carriages, they are yet willing to bear these and every Thing else in their Power in hopes of preserving their Priviledges as Englishmen.
The Art and every other Means used towards the Electors on One Side; The perfect Indifference in those who are chosen, and indeed the Difficulty of getting them to serve on the other, shew, that the Attack upon what the People apprehend their Just Rights, is carried to great Lengths and without the political Disguises necessary on these Occasions. Are not then Our Rulers egregious Bunglers here who manage this Affair with such Ill Success, and so likely to continue, during their weak Administration. And I heartily wish them no better on that Side of the Water notwithstanding any Inclination to infringe the Rights of their Countrymen in America.
We are now daily expecting to hear the Event of our Western Army who Left Loyalhannen about ten days ago in order to attack Fort du Quesne; This Expedition has cost the Crown a surprizing Sum of Mony and the Colonies not Less in proportion to their Abilities and I wish the Success may in some Manner answer the Expence of which I have no sanguine Expectations. The House is now sitting upon a Call from the Governor in pursuance of a Letter from General Forbes requesting to know what this Province will do towards supporting twelve Hundred Men to garrison the Forts and Entrenchments the Army has made in their Advances towards the Ohio; but I shall refer to the Answer a Committee are now preparing by order of the House which I hope will be finished Time enough to go by this Conveyance as well as the Minutes of the last Indian Treaty at Easton all which we intend to Authenticate to enable you to act according to the Situation of Affairs during the sitting of the Parliament either before the Parliament or wherever the Application is to be made on Account of the Province.
Several Members of the House were with me fearing we might be deficient in the Necessary Supplies of Mony but as this Sitting of the House is like to be Short and I have already wrote on this Head, I hope you will be free either with my Self or the Committee on this necessary Article, in the Mean time I shall inclose an Order for two Hundred Pounds Sterling to be paid into your Hands which use freely if necessary ’till we can learn the Situation of Our Finances Here and of the Mony wanted there. As for Our other Agents I have procured an Order from the Last Assembly for their Salary &c. which will come within our next Supply Bill at our next Sitting. I am your Assured Friend
I N
 Endorsed: BF recd [?] ackgd 18 Jan 1759.


Title: Ebenezer Kinnersley to [William Smith], 30 November 1758
From: Kinnersley, Ebenezer
To: Smith, William

William Smith, provost of the College and Academy of Philadelphia, wrote an account of the institution which appeared at the end of November 1758 in a publication of which he was the principal editor, The American Magazine and Monthly Chronicle for the British Colonies, I (1757–58), Supplement, 630–40. In describing the members of the faculty, Smith had this to say about Ebenezer Kinnersley, professor of English and Oratory and chief master of the English School, who had been Franklin’s principal collaborator in electrical experimentation: “… he is well qualified for his profession; and has moreover great merit with the learned world in being the chief inventor (as already mentioned) of the Electrical apparatus, as well as author of a considerable part of those discoveries in Electricity, published by Mr. Franklin to whom he communicated them. Indeed Mr. Franklin himself mentions his name with honor, tho’ he has not been careful enough to distinguish between their particular discoveries. This, perhaps he may have thought needless, as they were known to act in concert. But tho’ that circumstance was known here, it was not so in the remote parts of the world to which the fame of these discoveries have extended.”
Immediately upon reading these remarks, Kinnersley sent the Pennsylvania Gazette the following statement exonerating Franklin from Smith’s aspersions. Franklin’s partner David Hall printed it conspicuously as the first item in the issue of the Gazette then just going to press. It was possibly owing to this letter that, when Smith revised his “Account” for inclusion in a volume of Discourses on Several Public Occasions During the War in America (London, 1759), pp. 215–33, he omitted the entire passage describing the individual members of the faculty.

To the Author of the Account of the College and Academy of Philadelphia, published in the American Magazine for October, 1758.
Sir,
[Nov. 30, 1758]
I was very much surprized and concerned to see the Account you have been pleased to give of my electrical Discoveries, in Page 639 of the American Magazine. If you did it with a View to procure me Esteem in the Learned World, I should have been abundantly more obliged to you, had it been done, so as to have no Tendency to depreciate the Merit of the ingenious and worthy Mr. Franklin, in the many curious and justly celebrated Discoveries he has made in Electricity. Had you said that, being honoured with Mr. Franklin’s Intimacy, I was often with him when he was making Experiments, and that new Discoveries were sometimes made when we were together, and at other Times some were made by myself at Home, and communicated to Mr. Franklin, this would have been really true, though it is what I never desired to have published. But to say, “That I am the Author of a considerable Part of those Discoveries in Electricity, published by Mr. Franklin;” the Expression, from whomsoever you might have the Intelligence, appears too strong; it may be understood to comprehend more than is strictly true, and therefore I thought myself obliged to take this public Notice of it. If you will please, Sir, to examine what Mr. Franklin has published on Electricity, I think you will no where find that he appropriates to himself the Honour of any one Discovery; but is so complaisant to his electrical Friends, as always to say, in the plural Number, we have found out, or, we discovered, &c. As to his not being careful to distinguish between the particular Discoveries of each; this perhaps was not always practicable; it being sometimes impossible to recollect in whose Breast the Thought first took Rise, that led to a Series of Experiments, which at length issued in some unexpected important Discovery. But had it been always practicable to distinguish between the particular Discoveries of each, it was altogether unnecessary; as, I believe, none of Mr. Franklin’s electrical Friends had the least Thought of ever appearing as Competitors for any of the Honours that they have beheld, with Pleasure, bestowed on him, and to which he had an undoubted Right, preferable to the united Merit of all the Electricians in America, and, perhaps, in all the World. I am, Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant,
Ebenezer Kinnersley.


Title: Benjamin Franklin and Richard Jackson: Opinion on the Expedition to Fort Duquesne, [November–December 1758]
From: Franklin, Benjamin,Jackson, Richard
To:

This undated document was probably written in the latter part of November or in December 1758, or possibly as late as the first two weeks or so of January 1759, although it has previously been assigned to the last half of 1757. No “Winter Expedition” against Fort Duquesne had been undertaken, or even definitely planned, for late 1757 or the first months of 1758, whereas General John Forbes’s expedition, which had been planned for the summer of 1758, was unable to begin its major advance until September, as Forbes explained in a letter which reached William Pitt November 14. He had promised to continue his march in spite of difficulties and, so far as Londoners knew some months later, it might still be under way. News that the French had evacuated and destroyed the fort on November 24 and Forbes had occupied the ruins the next day reached London Jan. 20, 1759. From November 14 to January 20, then, Forbes’s march might well have been regarded as a “Winter Expedition.” Pitt’s receipt of the general’s earlier dispatch may have led him to seek from Franklin, Jackson, and others familiar with the American situation advice as to how Forbes’s troops could best be employed after they had attained their initial objective.

[November–December 1758]
Mr. Franklin and Mr. Jackson have consider’d the Points propos’d to them, and are of Opinion, That.
In case the Winter Expedition against Fort Duquesne prove effectual, the two Forts of Beef River and Presqu’isle should be taken early in the Spring; and, (if we do not intend a Naval Force on Lake Erie) they should be both destroy’d; if we do, they should be both Strengthen’d. They are Posts of no great Strength at present, and without Cannon, unless Supply’d since the Summer 1756. The Garrison in each consisted then but of 30 Men. Battoes can go up, during the Spring Freshes, quite to Beef River Fort, and there is only 15. Miles Land Carriage from thence to Presqu’isle on Lake Erie; a very good Road.
If Certain Intelligence is obtain’d at Presqu’isle, that the French have Left only a weak Garrison at Niagara, as expecting the English at Quebeck or Montreal; (which is Likely, for in 1756. they drew off the Garrison that had been plac’d there to defend that Fort against General Shirley, and left only 50 Men:) in that Case, Niagara might be attempted from Presqu’isle, and those Forts preserv’d till that Expedition is over. If Niagara is taken, they should both be preserv’d to keep up the Communication; for Niagara itself should be kept and maintained by a Strong Garrison and well Supply’d, it being a better Harbour for Naval Force than Oswego. Presqu’isle should also be Strengthen’d and made a Port for Naval Force on Lake Erie. The taking and keeping Fort Niagara would give us great Reputation and Influence with the Six Nations.
If this be not attempted, at Least strong Ranging Parties should be sent out from Fort Duquesne to annoy the Shawnese and other Indians that have join’d the French against us, Destroy their Towns, and Oblige them to Sue for Peace or quit the Country; and to destroy the French Posts between Lake Erie and Ohio. Much of this kind may be done this Summer by the Forces that take Duquesne, if they have diligent and Active Officers.
As the Frontiers of Virginia, Maryland, Pensilvania and New Jersey will be render’d pretty Secure and quiet by the Taking of Duquesne, the Provincial Forces of those Colonies, amounting to above 2000 Men, might be almost all employ’d in those small Subsequent Expeditions.
Means should also be used to open again our Intercourse with the Twigtwees, and engage them to declare for us. They are Numerous and Strong, and enclin’d to the English. The Destroying the French Posts in their Country is Necessary to this End. Their Trade with us would soon be very Considerable and beneficial. If we take the Fort at Pontchartrain, or Detroit, all the Tribes of the Twigtwees will be secured to us, and must depend upon us.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Ferdinand John Paris, [1–7 December? 1758]
From: Paris, Ferdinand John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

This undated, unsigned document, in the hand of Thomas Penn’s clerk, is undoubtedly a copy of the “words in writing to prevent mistakes” Paris gave to Franklin in the interview described above, p. 187 n and mentioned as “No. 5” in Franklin’s letter to Norris, Jan. 19, 1759 (see below, p. 233). Since that interview took place “a few Days after” Franklin’s letter to the Proprietors of November 28, and before Penn wrote about the affair to Peters on December 8, this paper was apparently written during the first week of December 1758. It effectively ended the correspondence between Franklin and the Penns during this mission to England. Thereafter his efforts on behalf of the Assembly had to be directed to the British government, not the Proprietors.

Sir
[December 1–7?, 1758]
The Readyness with which the Proprietarys of Pennsylvania receive any application, which is but sayd to come from the House of Representatives, induced them to accept and to send an Answer, to a very extraordinary Paper, which You deliver’d to them.
In that Answer, which you have been pleased to call Proposals, You have been acquainted with the Proprietarys Intention, to write to the House of Representatives, from whom the Proprietarys will always, be willing to receive any Representation, and to give it a full, and candid Consideration.
They have, since, wrote to the House, what seemed to them to be proper, on this Occasion, and therefore cannot conceive it will answer any good purpose, to continue a Corrispondence with a Gentleman, who has already acknowledged his Want of Power to conclude proper Measures.
 Endorsed: Copy Proprietary Answer to Mr Franklins Letter of the 28th Novr 1758 desiring an Explanation of their Answer to the Heads of Complaint. No 214.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Charles Thomson, 10 December 1758
From: Thomson, Charles
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Lawrence Wroth first identified Thomson as the author of this letter, Pemberton as the author of that which follows next, and Franklin as the recipient of both, on the strength of a statement in Franklin’s letter to Pemberton, March 19, 1759. When Franklin received them, Thomson’s An Enquiry into the Causes of the Alienation of the Delaware and Shawanese Indians was probably already in the printer’s hands. This was an examination of proprietary Indian policy and negotiations and related matters from the Treaty of Conestoga, 1722, through the conference at Easton, July-August 1757, which Thomson had undertaken at the instance of the Friendly Association. Apparently Franklin had also received a copy of the journal of the Moravian Christian Frederick Post on an official mission to the Ohio Indians in the summer of 1758 to persuade them not to oppose General Forbes’s expedition against Fort Duquesne. Franklin sent Post’s journal and these extracts of Thomson’s and Pemberton’s letters to the printer to be added as an appendix to the Enquiry. In some respects they were sequels to Thomson’s original account and Post’s journal, he thought, would add to the popular interest in the work as a whole.
William Strahan printed 1000 copies of the pamphlet; it was probably one of the “sundry Pieces in Defence of the Province” the cost of which, amounting to £213 13s., Franklin charged to the provincial account. He also paid Thomas Jefferys, geographer to the Prince of Wales, £4 19s. for the engraving, printing, and paper of the map of Pennsylvania showing Indian lands and claims, which appears in the front of the Enquiry. The pamphlet was published about March 1, 1759, and in April Franklin sent 300 copies to Pennsylvania: 50 to the Assembly, 25 to Pemberton and Thomson, and 225 to David Hall.

Philadelphia, Dec. 10, 1758
I attended the late Treaty at Easton. I wish I could say the same Conduct as usual was not pursued. During the whole Treaty two Things were laboured with the utmost Diligence; to lessen the Power of Teedyuscung, and to save, if possible, a certain Character. In both they failed; for Teedyuscung, instead of losing has increased his Power, and established himself at the Head of five Tribes. The Indians that lie to the North of us, between us and the Lakes, consist of three Leagues: The Senekas, Mohawks, and Onondagoes, who are called the Fathers, compose the first: The Oneidas, Cayugas, Tuscororas, Nanticokes, and Conoys, (which are united into one Tribe) and the Tuteloes, compose the second League; and these two Leagues make up what we call the Six Nations. The third League is formed of the Chihohocki, (or Delawares) the Wanami, the Munseys, Mawhiccons, and Wapingers. From all these Nations, except two or three, we had the chief Sachems with us at Easton. The whole Number of Indians, by the best Account we could get, amounted to 501. I send you a Copy of what I there took down from Day to Day; it may give you some Notion of the Proceeding at Easton, and inform you of several Things which I doubt not will be misrepresented. I was careful to set down nothing but what I heard or saw myself, or received from good Authority. The Intimacy I had with several of the Indians, and the Confidence they have been pleased to repose in me, gave me an Opportunity of being acquainted with what passed at the private Council.
On Saturday, Oct. 8, the Governor had the first Interview with the Indians, at which very little more passed than the Compliments usual at a first Meeting. Monday and Tuesday the Indians were in close Consultation among themselves. The Place of their Meeting at Croghan’s. And here let me observe, that it affords some Matter of Speculation, why Croghan, who is here in no public Capacity, should be honoured with a Guard at his Door. The Reason of the Indians meeting at his House is more easily accounted for, as he treats them with Liquor, and gives out that he himself is an Indian. The Subject in Debate these two Days, is, Whether what Teedyuscung has done shall stand, or they are to begin anew? The grand Thing aimed at by our Proprietary Managers, is to get Teedyuscung to retract the Charge of Fraud and Forgery. In order to gain this Point the Senekas and Six Nations are privately treated with and prompted to undo what has been done, in order, as is pretended, to establish their own Authority and gain the Credit of the Peace. Teedyuscung, and his People, absolutely refuse to retract any Thing they have said. He insists, that what was done in the Beginning of the War, was done by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senekas; that the Reasons he had assigned to the Governor for his striking the English, are the true and only Reasons. The Debates were warm. At Length it is agreed, that every Thing already transacted between Teedyuscung and the English shall stand; that at the opening the general Council, Teedyuscung shall make a short introductory Speech, after which the Seneka and other Chiefs, without invalidating any Thing already done, shall proceed to Business.
Matters thus settled, they break up on Tuesday about 11 o’Clock, and expect to meet the Governor immediately, but the Meeting is deferred till next Day.
On Wednesday Morning some of the Quakers got together the Chiefs and old Men of the several Tribes, in order to smoke a Pipe with them. After they had broken up, Mr. Chew of the Council, came to invite the Committee of Assembly to a Conference, in order to shew them the Speech the Governor intended to make to the Indians, and to take their Advice thereon; it being before agreed on, that Nothing should be said to the Indians, but what the Committee of Assembly and Commissioners should be previously made acquainted with. The Council and Commissioners being agreed, the Indians are desired to meet; while the Chiefs were calling them together the Governors agree to go to Dinner, and desire the Meeting may be deferred till four o’Clock. As the Indians were met when they received this, that they might not scatter, they agree to sit down and wait at the Place of Meeting till the Time appointed. At four the Governors came, when they had taken their Seats, Teedyuscung arose and made a Motion to speak, but the Governor of New Jersey said, as he had not yet welcomed the Indians, he desired to be heard first, and after welcoming the Indians in the Name of his Province, he recapitulated what he had done to obtain an Interview with them, confirmed what he had said in the Messages he had sent them, professed his Desire to do them Justice, and live at Peace with them, but insisted upon their delivering up those of his People they had Prisoners among them, without which, he could never be convinced of their Sincerity. He farther added, that as the Senekas and Cayugas had undertaken to answer his Message to the Munseys, he was ready to hear what they, or any other Indians there, had to say respecting his Province.
As soon as he had done, Teedyuscung arose, and addressing the Governors said, that as he had been desired to invite down the several Nations of Indians he had any Intercourse with, he had done it; that here they were now met, and if they had any Thing to say to the Indians, or the Indians to them, they might now speak to each other; that for his own Part he had Nothing to do but to sit and hear; he had already told the Governor of Pensilvania the Cause why he had struck him, and had concluded a Peace with him, for himself and his People, and that every Thing which could be done at present was concluded and agreed upon, in order to secure a lasting Peace.
  With this he gave a String.
Then Tagashata the Seneka arose and said, That he was very glad the Most High had brought them together with such good Countenances; but that the Day was now far spent, that the Business they were about was weighty and important; he therefore desired it might be deferred for the present, and that he might be heard To-morrow Morning early. On Thursday they met; the Conference was at first interrupted by Teedyuscung coming in drunk, and demanding of the Governor a Letter that the Alleghenians had sent by Pisquetumen. This Letter contained the Speech of the Alleghenians, in Answer to the Message delivered to them by Frederic Post. The Indians entrusted Post with the Carriage of it; but as he went from Shamokin to meet the General, he sent it down by the Indians, and by some Mistake inclosed it in a Packet to Bethlehem; so that when the Indians came to Philadelphia and met the Governor, in order to deliver their Speech and Belts, they found they had none. This gave them great Uneasiness, but the Governor informing them he expected Post at the Treaty, they agreed to go up to Easton and wait his Coming; and this they did the readier, as they had some Messages for Teedyuscung. But now being informed, that the Governor had received from Bethlehem the Letter containing their Speech, they desired Teedyuscung to request it of the Governor that it might be read, as they were eager to return, and a great deal depended on the Answer they were to carry back. As Teedyuscung was too drunk to do Business, Mr. Peters told him that the Letter should be read at another Time, and begged him to have a little Patience. This Bustle being over, Tagashata arose and spoke, approving what had been said by the Governor of the Jerseys, and declaring that the Minisinks had listened to the Advice of the Senekas, and laid down the Hatchet; and that they, the Senekas, had also sent the same Advice to the Delawares and Minisinks on the Ohio, and hoped they would regard it. After the Indians had finished their Speeches, just as the Council was going to break up, Mr. Norris, Speaker of the Assembly, arose, and craved the Ear of the Governors, letting them know that he understood Reports were propagated among the Indians to his Prejudice, and that tended to raise Uneasiness among them, and set them against the People of the Province. He then called upon Moses Tetamy, a noted Indian, to declare whether he had heard of any Person spreading a Report among the Indians, that he was concerned in the Purchase of Lands at or near Wyoming. Tetamy observed, that Teedyuscung was too drunk to enter upon that Matter now. Mr. Norris then said, that as that was the Case, and as he was obliged to go Home Tomorrow, and could not attend another Meeting, he took this Opportunity, in the Presence of both the Governors, and of all the Gentlemen present, to declare that he was neither directly nor indirectly engaged in the Purchase of any Lands at or near Wyoming; and that whoever asserted the contrary erred against Truth; and he desired Moses Tetamy would inform the Indians of this.
This Speech was levelled against G. Croghan, who had been spreading some false Reports among the Indians, and endeavouring to set Teedyuscung against the People of the Province. As Mr. Norris had no Opportunity of canvassing the Matter publickly, in order to know what Croghan had said, he next Morning sent for Teedyuscung, who being asked what had passed between him and George Croghan respecting the Wyoming Lands, declared,

That in the Beginning of this Week, G. Groghan came to him and told him, that Isaac Norris and a Quaker who lived in Philadelphia, had been concerned with the New-England People in purchasing the Lands at Wyoming, and that they had paid the Money for the said Lands; that though they endeavoured to make the Indians easy and satisfied about it, yet whenever the Indian Claim to these Lands was mentioned, they could not bear it, and were very uneasy about it; that the said G. Croghan desired him (Teedyuscung) to say nothing about this Affair to any Body at this Treaty, and that if he did not, it was in the Power of him the said George, who acted by Virtue of a Commission from Sir W. Johnson, to set that Affair right, and to settle the Indians on the said Lands, notwithstanding what these Purchasers could do. And Teedyuscung declared, that if this should prove true, neither he, nor any other Indians, would settle on these Lands, but would resent the Injury.
This was interpreted by Moses Tetamy, in the Presence of Amos Strickland, James Wharton, James Child, and Abel James, who subscribed their Names as Evidences. And Mr. Norris, in order to satisfy Teedyuscung that the whole was a groundless Falsehood, wrote and signed and delivered to Teedyuscung a solemn Declaration, that neither he, nor any one for him, to his Knowledge, was either directly, or indirectly, concerned in the Purchase of any Lands at or near Wyoming.
This done, he sent for G. Croghan, and read to him what Teedyuscung had charged him with; which Croghan positively denied, and appealed to another Indian who was present at the Conversation: The other Indian being called upon, confirmed every Word that Teedyuscung had said. Croghan still persisted in denying it, and told a plausible Story which he said was the Subject of their Conversation, as he could shew from his Diary. Mr. Norris told him, it was possible the Indians might have misunderstood him, and desired him to produce his Diary; but Croghan refused that, and said he would shew it to the Governors at a convenient Time, and that it should be read in public before the Conference broke up. On this one of the Indians observed, that it would be easy for him to go Home and write down what he pleased, and afterwards pretend he had done it before; that the best Way was to shew it now, and then it might have some Credit paid to it. This he was pressed to do, in Vindication of himself, and to avoid Suspicion. But he persisted in refusing, for a Reason, I suppose, you will think too obvious to mention, and went away in a Passion.
It is evident from the Countenance and Favour Croghan meets with that he does not act of himself, in these his Endeavours to embroil Affairs among the Indians.
On Friday, October 13, a Conference was held, at which the Governors spoke, and the Allegheny Letter was read. At the Close of the Conference, one Nichos a Mohawk made a Speech, which at Con. Wieser’s particular Request was not then interpreted in public. The Substance of the Speech, we were soon after informed, was to disclaim Teedyuscung’s Authority. This Nichos is G. Croghan’s Father-in-Law, and him ’tis thought Croghan now makes use of to raise Disturbance among the Indians, as he found himself baffled in his other Scheme. He could not prejudice Teedyuscung and set him against the People of the Province; he therefore now labours to set the Indians against him by the same Methods, I suppose, that he attempted the former.
On Sunday, October 15, there was a private Conference at Scull’s but neither Teedyuscung nor any of his People were there. Next Day a Conference was held in public, at which were read the Minutes of what had passed: When they came to what was said Yesterday they stopped; but at the Request of the Six Nation Chiefs it was read. What concern’d Teedyuscung there, seemed little more than whether he should be considered as a King or an Emperor. They did not deny his Power over his own Nations, and he never claimed (except in his Cups, if then) any Authority over the Six Nations; nay, as the Governor observed, he expresly declared they were his Superiors, and that tho’ he acted as Head for his own four Tribes, he acted only as a Messenger from his Uncles.

On Wednesday, October 8th, when the Six Nation Indians come to return an Answer, they gave us a Specimen of their Finesse in Politics. We had been harrassed with an Indian War; the Governor called upon them to declare the Causes of it. The Chiefs disclaimed all Concern in it, and declared that it was not done by the Advice or Consent of the Public Council of the Nations, tho’ they frankly owned some of their young Men had been concerned in it. As Counsellors they would not undertake to assign the Causes of their Uneasiness, or what had induced them to strike the English, lest it should appear as if they had countenanced the War, or at least had not been at due Pains to prevent it. They therefore left the Warriors to speak for themselves. The Causes they assigned were the same that had been assigned before. Our Managers were very earnest to have the Six Nations Speaker say he spoke for the Delawares. However, Teedyuscung maintained his Independancy; and as soon as Tomas King sat down, he arose and said, that as his Uncles had done, he would speak in Behalf of his own People; and as his Uncles had mentioned several Causes of Uneasiness, he would now mention one in Behalf of the Opines, or Wapings, &c. This I find differently represented in the printed Treaty; but as there are several other Places liable to Objections, I shall, if I have Leisure, send you one with some Notes.
You see by Tomas King’s Speech, that what was conjectured in the Enquiry relating to the Purchase of 1754, was not groundless, and that that Purchase was one main Cause of the War.

I find the same Effect may be attributed to different Causes; for the going away of the Six Nation Chiefs, which I, who was not so clear-sighted as to discover the great Dissatisfaction said to have been visible in the Countenances of the Indians, attributed to the Coldness of the Day and the Fatigue of long sitting, I find in the printed Treaty ascribed to their Aversion to Teedyuscung and Disapprobation of what he was saying. The next Day the Munseys, dissatisfied with some Part of the Six Nations Conduct, demanded and received back the Belt by which they had put themselves and their Affairs under their Direction, and gave it to Teedyuscung. The Close of the Conference on Friday, October 20th, was nothing but Confusion. After the Governor had done, Nichos the Mohawk said the Governor left Things in the Dark; that neither he nor any of the Chiefs knew what Lands he meant; if he spoke of the Lands beyond the Mountains, they had already confessed their having sold them; but the Governor had their Deeds, why were not these produced and shewn to their Cousins the Delawares? Here C. Weiser went and brought the Deed of 1749. Nichos acknowledged the Deed. It was shewn to Teedyuscung; but he could not readily be made to understand why it was now brought, all Matters relating to Land being as he thought referred to the Determination of the King. Governor Bernard of the Jerseys, who had something to say, had several Times desired to be heard; but the Affair of the Deed so engrossed the Attention of our Governor, his Council, and Interpreter, that no Regard was paid to what Governor Bernard desired. In short their Behaviour on the Occasion was so very unpolite, that many could not help blushing for them. And at the last, the producing the Deed raised such a Commotion among the Indians, that they broke up without giving Governor Bernard an Opportunity to speak a Word.
Next Day a private Conference was held with the Chiefs of the Indians. As our People have not thought fit to publish it, I shall give it to you as I had it from some who were present.
Teedyuscung taking out a String of white and black Wampum, told the Council and Commissioners (the Governor was not there) that he had made Enquiry concerning the Deed produced Yesterday, and was satisfied his Uncles had sold the Land describ’d therein; he saw likewise that Nutimus the Delaware Chief had signed the Deed, and found upon Inquiry that he had received forty four Dollars, part of the Consideration-Money. This being the Case, he would make no Dispute about that Deed, but was ready to confirm it; for he wanted to be at Peace with his Brothers the English. But he observed, that his confirming that Deed would not affect the Claims he had formerly made; for the Lands he thought himself principally wronged in, lay between Tohiccon and the Kittatinny Hills. On this he gave a String. After he had delivered the String, Tokahayo, a Cayuga Chief, arose, and in a very warm Speech commended the Conduct of Teedyuscung, and at the same Time severely reprehended that of the English. He told Teedyuscung, “That he himself and the other Chiefs were obliged to him for his Candour and Openness; that they plainly perceived he spoke from the Heart, in the same Manner they used to do in ancient Times, when they held Councils together. They wished they could say as much of the English; but it was plain the English either did not understand Indian Affairs, or else did not act and speak with that Sincerity and in the Manner they ought. When the Indians delivered Belts, they were large and long; but when the English returned an Answer or spoke, they did it on small Belts and trifling little Strings.
   *Among the Indians the Size of the Belts they give with their Speeches, is always in Proportion to their Ideas of the greater or less Importance of the Matters treated of.
 And yet the English made the Wampum, whereas the Indians were obliged to buy it. But the Reason was, the Indians spoke from the Heart, the English only from the Mouth. Besides, how little the English attended to what was said appeared from this, that several of the Belts and Strings they (the Indians) had given them, were lost.” [That is unanswered; for you’ll please to observe no Answer was returned to the Complaints the Indians made respecting Carolina, the Ohio Affair, or the Opines.] “If the English knew no better how to manage Indian Affairs, they should not call them together. Here they had invited them down to brighten the Chain of Peace, but instead of that, had spent a Fortnight wrangling and disputing about Lands. What must the People of Allegheny think of this Conduct when they are informed of it by their Messengers?”
On Tuesday a public Entertainment was given to the Indians, and in the Evening the Chiefs were called together by R. Peters and C. Weiser. Hitherto the Indians, tho’ several Times pressed to it, had deferred giving an Answer to the Proposal made on Behalf of the Proprietors to release back to the Indians the Lands of the Purchase of 1754, West of the Allegheny Mountains, provided the Indians would confirm to them the Residue of that Purchase. But the Deeds being drawn up agreeable to what the Proprietors proposed, it now remained to persuade the Indians to sign them as drawn. And To-night ’tis said that is done. I wish this may not be a Foundation of fresh Uneasiness. In public Council they declared they would confirm no more of that Land than what was settled in the Year 1754, for which only they had received the Consideration; but all the rest they reclaimed. Yet now by the Deed as drawn, ten Times, nay I may say twenty Times as much Land is conveyed as was then settled. For the English Settlements in 1754 extended but a little Way up the Juniata and Sherman’s Creek, whereas the present Grant reaches to the Allegheny Mountains. May not the Warriors to whom the Lands have been given for hunting Grounds disapprove this Grant as they did before, and maintain their Right by Force of Arms? I wish this Fear may be groundless. Besides, I could have wished that another Time than the Close of an Entertainment had been chosen for executing the Deeds, considering the Indians Fondness for Liquor.
But I have already too much transgressed upon your Patience; I shall therefore only add that I am, &c.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Israel Pemberton, 11 December 1758
From: Pemberton, Israel
To: Franklin, Benjamin

December 11, 1758
At the late Treaty Teedyuscung confirmed the Purchase of 1749;
   *This was a Purchase made by the Proprietors from the Six Nations, of Lands claimed by the Delawares.
 his Motives for this Confirmation, were to engage the Six Nations to confirm the Wyoming Lands to him and his People; but such Measures were pursued, by our proprietary Managers, to prevent it, and to set the Indians at variance with each other, that all our Arguments, Persuasions and Presents were scarce sufficient to keep them from an open Rupture.
The Business was shamefully delayed from Day to Day, which the Minutes are calculated to screen; but it well known to us who attended, that the Time was spent in attempting Teedyuscung’s Downfal, and silencing or contradicting the Complaints he had made; but he is really more of a politician than any of his Opponents, whether in or out of our proprietary Council; and if he could be kept sober, might probably soon become Emperor of all the neighbouring Nations.
His old Secretary not being present, when the Treaty began, he did not demand the Right of having one, and thought it unnecessary, as he was determined rather to be a Spectator than active in public Business, so that we are imposed on in some Minutes of Consequence.
General Forbes’s proceeding with so much Caution has furnished Occasion for many imprudent Reflections; but I believe he pursued the only Method, in which he could have succeeded. Whether he is a Soldier or not I cannot judge, nor is it my Business; but I am certain he is a considerate understanding Man; and it is a Happiness to these Provinces, that he prudently determined from the entrance on the Command here, to make use of every rational Method of conciliating the Friendship of the Indians, and drawing them off from the French; so that since we had his Countenance and Directions, our pacific Negotiations have been carried on with some Spirit, and have had the desired Effect.
The Express left the General at Fort Duquesne (now Pitt’sburgh) on the 30th ult. and says he would stay to meet the Indians, of whom he expected five hundred in a Day or two, having heard they were near him on the other Side the River. He will, no doubt, provide for divers Matters shamefully neglected at Easton, where our proprietary Agents wisely releas’d to the Indians all the Lands westward of the Mountains, without so much as stipulating for the keeping a trading House in any Part of that extensive Country.
This Neglect is now much noticed; and as we are assur’d there will be a great Want of Goods there this Winter, I am fitting out two Waggons with about £5 or 600 worth of Strouds, Blankets, Matchcoats, &c. which shall be sent to the General either to be sold or given away in such Manner, as may most effectually promote the public Interest: The Weather being pleasant and mild, and the Roads good, I am in hopes they will be conveyed to Ray’s-Town in a few Days. Our Friendly Association have, out of their Fund, expended upwards of £2000 but the Cost of these Goods must be paid (if they are given away) out of the Contributions of the Menonists and Swengfelders, who put about £1500 into my Hands for these Purposes. I am, &c.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to the Printer of The London Chronicle, 30 December 1758
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Printer of The London Chronicle

Sir,
When people consider the supply of Twelve Millions as necessary for the service of the ensuing year, the greatness of the object astonishes; and they are apt to say, Whence can so vast a sum arise? Can England possibly bear the continuance of a war at so enormous an expence?
But when this great whole is divided into its parts, and each considered separately; when the burthen is divided by the number of shoulders that are to bear it, and that number is well considered, our terrible apprehensions may in some degree diminish.
Suppose that Britain contains six millions of inhabitants, and that four millions of these are able to do something for a livelihood. Let these four millions but retrench a little of the idle time they spend, and increase their industry only to the amount of twelve-pence a week per head, one with another during the year, and there is your Twelve Millions.
Or, Let the superfluous expence in living of these six millions be retrenched, by greater frugality, to the amount only of eight-pence a week per head, one with another; and there again is your Twelve Millions; or, if you please, another Twelve Millions.
Methinks I hear the reader say, Habits are hard to break, and those who have been accustomed to idleness or extravagance do not easily change their manners. I allow it, I believe they seldom do but when they are obliged to it. However, this is certainly one good that springs out of the evil of taxes; when they are heavy, they oblige people to be more industrious and more frugal. And so the evil, if indeed it be an evil, contributes naturally to its own cure.
Let it be farther considered, that through the plenty of our last harvest, corn is fallen to less than half the price it bore this time twelvemonth. Supposing, then, that your people will neither be more industrious nor more frugal, yet, compared with their last year’s expence, they must, one with another, save, this year, in the price of their bread alone, at least eight-pence a week per head; which amounts again to your Twelve Millions.
So that bountiful Heaven, smiling on the Protestant cause, seems to have thrown twelve millions into the lap of Britain, which she may spend in pursuance of this just war, without being a penny poorer at the end of the ensuing year than she is at the end of the present.
It is to be hoped then, that these bug-bear terrors will not precipitate a peace which shall be either unsafe or dishonourable to the nation. I am, yours, &c.
Chearful.


Title: James Ferguson: Account of Franklin’s Three-Wheel Clock, [1758?]
From: Ferguson, James
To:

Apparently Franklin never wrote a description of the three-wheel clock he devised, nor does he seem to have known that his friend James Ferguson published an account of it. He told Jan Ingenhousz in 1785, however, that he had seen several of his clocks in Paris, made by John Whitehurst of Derby, England. In the absence of any account of the construction and operation of this timepiece by its inventor, there is here reprinted Ferguson’s description, first published in 1773. It is placed with documents of 1758 (though no specific date can be assigned to this invention), on the basis of a statement by Ferguson’s biographer, who wrote: “The Clock usually called ‘Ferguson’s Clock,’ appears to have been invented and made by Ferguson in 1758, and is often alluded to in works on Horology, &c. It was contrived by him as an improvement on a singular Clock which had then been recently invented by the celebrated Dr. Franklin;—now known as ‘The Franklin Clock.’”

A Clock shewing the Hours, Minutes, and Seconds, having only three Wheels and two Pinions in the whole Movement. Invented by Dr. Franklin of Philadelphia.
The dial-plate of this clock is represented by Fig. 1. of Plate I. The hours are engraven in spiral spaces, along two diameters of a circle containing four times 60 minutes. The index A goes round in four hours, and counts the minutes from any hour it has passed by, to the next following hour. The time, as it appears in the figure, is either 32½ minutes past XII, or past IIII, or past VIII;   and so on in each quarter of the circle, pointing to the number of minutes after the hours the index last left in its motion. Now, as one can hardly be four hours mistaken in estimating the time, he can always tell the true hour and minute, by looking at the clock, from the time he rises till the time he goes to bed. The small hand B, in the arch at top, goes round once in a minute, and shews the seconds as in a common clock.
Fig. 2. shews the wheel-work of this clock. A is the first or great wheel, it contains 160 teeth, goes round in four hours, and the Index A (Fig. 1.) is put upon its axis, and moved round in the same time. The hole in the index is round, it is put tight upon the round end of the axis, so as to be carried by the motion of the wheel, but may be set at any time to the proper hour and minute, without affecting either the wheel or its axis. This wheel of 160 teeth turns a pinion B of 10 leaves; and as 10 is but a 16th part of 160, the pinion goes round in a quarter of an hour. On the axis of this pinion is the wheel C of 120 teeth; it also goes round in a quarter of an hour, and turns a pinion D, of 8 leaves, round in a minute; for there are 15 minutes in a quarter of an hour, and 8 times 15 is 120. On the axis of this pinion is the second-hand B (Fig. 1.) and also the common wheel E (Fig. 2.) of 30 teeth, for moving a pendulum (by pallets) that vibrates seconds, as in a common clock.
This clock is not designed to be wound up by a winch, but to be drawn up like a clock that goes only 30 hours. For this purpose, the line must go over a pulley on the axis of the great wheel, as in a common 30 hour clock. Several clocks have been made according to this ingenious plan of the Doctor’s, and I can affirm, that I have seen one of them, which measures time exceedingly well. The simpler that any machine is, the better it will be allowed to be, by every man of science.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Hughes, 1 January 1759
From: Hughes, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Philada. January the 1st 1759
As I am Just now Inform’d that a vessel is going from New York to London I Embrace the Opertunity of Letting You know Your friends are Generally in health Especially Mrs. Franklin and Family whom I Continue to visit frequently in Your Absence and if Occation Required shou’d be fond of an Oppertunity to Serve You or Yours, but Mrs. Franklin’s Good Oeconomy Renders friends I think almost Unecessary however I believe we Shall keep up a friendly Correspondence Untill Your Return.
As You will have heard of General Forbes Success at fort Duquesne before this Comes to hand it is Unnecessary to Say any thing on that head only that at General Amherst Request we have kept the 14,00. [sic] old Troops in pay in hopes of another Effort the Next Season to Root the french out of this part of North America at Last.
If You have Interest Enough to have a Guard Ship Order’d here next Spring it will be Doing us Good Service as M: Chatelau is Gone off Safe after Taking about 30 of our Ships or vessels And no Doubt Several will be on the Coast next Summer and Ruin our Trade.

Every thing now is Quiet, and our River partly full of Ice so that Navigation is partly stopt at present and no Londoners Arived Except Bolitha. Sir be pleased to Except the Compliments of the Season and believe me Yours Affectionately
Jon Hughes
P:S the post waits.
 Addressed: For / Benjamin Franklin Esqr / in / London / via New York
Endorsed: Letter from Mr Hughes one of the Assembly of Pensilvania, to B Franklin Mentioning the Continuance of 1400 Pensilvanians in pay thro’ the Winter at the Request of General Amherst.
Mr. Hughes’s Lettrs. from Jan 1. to Feb. 5 1759 Answer’d.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Richard Quinton, 4 January 1759
From: Quinton, Richard
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Wellingb[orough] 4th. Janry. 59
Your Relation Mrs. Fisher was Bury’d last week, and Mr. Fisher about A Week before, of which I should certainly have given You advice, had I suppos’d You yet in Town. I went last night to the Executors who inform’d me they had wrote to the person You mention and was surpris’d they had not had an Answer (therefore would write again this post both to Her and You which I presume will be Satisfactory). Our Ministers Name is Thos. Holmes who I am inform’d made Mr. Fisher’s Will, wherein I am informed He left only one Hundred pound at Her disposall, out of which His Heirs insist upon the funerall Charges being paid, and also Her being buryd in the same manner as Her Husband, at Her desire, [I] fear it will not amount to fourscore to be divided between the person You mention and another relation who was sent for on the occasion and is still here. You cannot oblige me more than by comanding me, who am with the Compliments of the Season to Your Son and Self Your Most Obedient Servant
Richd. Quinton
 Addressed: To / Mr. Francklin at Mrs. / Stevensons in Craven Street / Strand / London
Endorsed: Mr Quinton. Jan 4. 59


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Isaac Norris, 15 January 1759
From: Norris, Isaac
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Friend BF
Janry 15. 1759
I refer to the above Copies and enclose Duplicates of the Bill and Order for £500 0s. that is to say An Order on Giles Bailey and Archibald Drummond for £200 and a Bill as above No. 732 for £300 and having dispatched these Mony Matters I am to acknowledge the receipt of yours of the 16th of 7ber last by Captain Duncan a few Days ago, for tho’ Captain Bolitho got in very fortunatly before our Weather set in very cold (by whom I received the Telescope) yet Duncan and the others were kept out long by a Succession of clear frosty Weather and N West Winds.
The Telescope came in damp so that it swelled and I could not open it when I was in Town, where I have left it and therefore have not yet examined it. I may possibly give you some Account hereafter of the Optician for I do not expect to make any new Discoveries. But as Telescopes of this Length are not common in America we shall not be so ready at making or contriving Machines to hang it upon.
When I wrote for the State of our Mony in your Hands I had no thoughts of a minute Account of particulars, but a general Estimate when a further Supply would be necessary—however—I have, above taken care against any Defect of that kind, and if you have any Occasion of it pray use it freely ’till the Assembly can make a further Provision.
I mentioned in my last (of which a Copy goes herewith) that I had no sanguine Expectations of our Army’s march against Fort du Quesne and I had good Reason, but Accidents have favoured us and the Dispositions of the Indians so that the French have been necessitated to evacuate the Fort after demolishing it in the Manner the Public Papers set forth.
This Acquisition will be acceptable in England as tis said here General Forbes had Orders to march and fortify as he advanced and that the Ministry did not expect to be in Possession of that Fort this Year and had accordingly given Directions not to attack it without a Moral certainty of Success. But the Disposition of the Indians especially since the last Treaty at Easton and the destroying the Fort and Magazine the French had collected at Cadraqui have very fortunatly made Du Quesne an easy Conquest.
It is now a considerable Time since we have had any Accounts from the K of Prussia or the Hannoverian Army but should they prove successful the English Nation may have it in their Power to procure good Terms in America and an Opportunity of showing their political Abilities in giving us an honourable Peace or the prospect of a successful as well as a just War as in my Opinion the present War really is. I have given Orders to the Clerk to get ready all necessary Papers to be transmitted by this Vessel which I hope he will be able to do in time, and among the Rest, the best List of the Servants with their Vouchers, for this is a heavy Burthen upon many Masters—who have suffered much by the Losses of their Servants and some Compensation ought to be made them somewhere.
R Patridge some time since wrote to me that he knew General Shirley would accept of this Government if offered to him—it goes a begging at a strange Rate, but who would accept it with the Conditions, as for the present Gentleman he appears among us as A Cypher of no Importance but in respect of the Side of the Figure upon which it is placed—he does not seem inclined to quarrel with the House unless he is bid to do it. The Petition to the Crown was actually wrote and I yet have it but being at the latter End of the Year it dropped by a kind of tacet Consent. I own the Thought in your Paper was in my Mind that an Application of that kind from the House would give the Ministry a handle against the Proprietors but might likewise operate against the People or at least that it would be better to let it lye for Consideration especially as Maryland had given a Handle of the same kind against Proprietary Government by refusing their Supplies unless their Proprietor would suffer his Estate to be taxed in common with their own for the Defence of that Colony and I cannot learn that the Assembly of that Province receed from their former Resolutions. And when they begin with Proprietary Governments ours will probably come likewise under Consideration for we now begin to make too great a Figure to be totally neglected. I am your Affect Friend
I N

January 17. 1759. I was going to close my Letter when One of the Passengers called at my House and informed me he thot the Vessel was not quite ready and I might depend upon 2 or 3 Days. I have therefore deferrd till this date and now propose to add what I had intended as a P.S. of two or three Words—That I have not yet been able to settle the Account of Osborns Books by the frequent Interruptions I have met with—but that want of Leisure on my Side ought not to keep him out of his Mony therefore I desire you would pay him Forty Pounds Sterling on my Account which as well as I can estimate will about close with him. But will endeavour as soon as I can to settle that Account with Care.
I would also request the troublesome Task of getting me the value of half a Guinea or a Guinea in a few black and Red Pencils sorted of the best Sort they make some flat for protracting and drawing, which I have not been able to purchase in Town, and I would have them all Small or the smaller Sort. My Friend R Charles sent me, some time since, of the larger Sort but the Lead is coarse and they do not answer my Purpose—likewise a small Quantity of Camels Hair Pencils and an Assortment of Water Colours made up in Pastels or Crayons [I think these are the Technical Terms] for mine and my Daughters Use and a pound of best Sealing Wax.
These important Affairs being adjusted I would add American News, if I knew any worth communicating, but as the Military Gentlemen are got into Winter Quarters, and General Forbes to Philadelphia, tho’ in a very bad State of Health, I know nothing beyond the publick Intelligence which from the peaceable and Friendly Dispositions of the Indians seems to contain little more than the Captures of our Own and the Enemys Privateers. The rest of the Campagne last Year we are now expecting from Europe where the Miserable Devastations of War in Germany and the Constant Danger that Hero and Friend of Liberty must necessarily be exposed to, give evry well wisher to Humanity and the British Interest, at times an anxious Concern for the King of Prussia and the Settlement of an honourable and durable Peace between the contending Powers. I am &c.
I N

  I am obliged to you in joining me in the Subscription to Baskervilles Milton—please to pay him. The Subscription to the Report of Council which I have seen subscribes Lynford Lardner &c.—I am told they were ashamed of it when twas known a Copy had got abroad here. Post’s Journal is very long but I have it, and would send it if I thought some other of your Correspondants from hence had not already transmitted it. ’Tis important and the Message was well timed. The Indians complain there was no more than One sent—but that was the Governors (I should say Councels) Fault in refusing Charles Thompson who offered to go on that fatiguing and hazardous Embassy which was the kinder in him as he had at that Time the great Affair of Matrimony in his Head which he has since reduced to practice and permanency.

[In margin:] BF recd this ackd Mar. 19th


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Isaac Norris, 1759
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Norris, Isaac

Dear Sir,
London, Jan. 19. 1759.
When I first began to treat with the Proprietors, they desired I would put down in Writing the principal Points of Complaint which were to be the Subjects of Conference between us, that they might previously consider them. I accordingly deliver’d them the Paper herewith enclos’d, called Heads of Complaint, in which I confin’d myself to those that related chiefly to his Majesty’s Service and the Defence of the Province, as being of more immediate Importance, and omitted the Appointment of Judges during Pleasure, and some other things, as Points that might afterwards come into Discussion, if we could by any means get over the former.
This Paper was deliver’d in August 1757: They receiv’d it with Pretensions to great Candour and real Intention of seriously considering it and giving a speedy Answer. We had several subsequent Conferences on those Heads, an Account of which I have given in former Letters. The Result was, that they said there were some Points in which the Royal Prerogative was concern’d, and it was therefore necessary, for the greater Safety in Proceeding, to have the Opinion of the Attorney and Solicitor General. This they would endeavour to obtain as soon as possible, having already stated a Case and laid it before those Gentlemen for their Consideration. After some Months Delay on this Head, I wrote them a Letter, of which I now send you another Copy, No 1. together with their Answer, No 2. Our Friends here were generally of Opinion that these Delays were not affected; and therefore, that I might not incur the Charge of Rashness and Precipitation in an Affair of so great Consequence, I still patiently waited for the Answer which was to depend on the expected Report, often sending or calling to know if it was yet ready. At length, after Fifteen Months, I received the Paper I here inclose No 3. The next Day I wrote the Letter No 4. and a few Days after, Mr. Paris came and delivered me the Message No 5. Thus a final End is put to all farther Negociation between them and me.
I need not point out to you the studied Obscurity and Uncertainty of their Answer, nor the mean Chicanery of their whole Proceeding. The Reason given for declining any farther Treaty with me, to wit, “That I had acknowledged a Want of Power to conclude proper Measures,” is of a Piece with the rest: The Truth is, I did refuse to take upon me to settle a Money Bill with the Proprietors, as having no Power to do an Act of that kind that should be obligatory on the Assembly, for that they neither had given nor could give me such a Power, it being no less than giving me a Power of making Laws for the Province; a Power which, tho’ the Assembly are trusted with by the People, they cannot delegate to another. But I never acknowledged any want of Power to treat and confer with them, and to endeavour accommodating the Differences with them agreable to my Instructions. They say they have now wrote to the Assembly, and it is given out, that their Proposals to the House are so fair, that it is not doubted they will be agreed to. I wish you may find them so. In the mean time, tho’ I am advis’d to make no Application to Parliament till I hear farther from the House, yet I shall immediately permit the Publishing a Work that has been long in hand, containing a true History of our Affairs and Disputes; from which I have reason to hope a good Effect, if those Disputes must at length come under the Consideration of the Legislature here.
Seven or eight Months after the Heads of Complaint were delivered to the Proprietors, Mr. Paris came to me with a Message from them, purporting “that it was Mr. Charles’s Fault they had not yet obtain’d the Attorney and Solicitor’s Opinion, he, Mr. Charles restraining the Attorney by means of a retaining Fee formerly given him, which Mr. Charles would not take back again tho’ desired so to do by the Attorney, and until that was done, the Attorney did not think himself at Liberty to consider Mr. Penn’s Case.” Speaking to Mr. Charles of this, he told me, that on hearing of my coming over, before my Arrival, he had retain’d the Attorney General in Behalf of the Province, and he did not think it consistent with his Duty to the Province to withdraw that Retainer. In which I thought him right. The Proprietors might either have got their Advice elsewhere; or, which would have been the fairest Way, have agreed with me on a joint State of the Case, to be laid before those Gentlemen in Behalf of all Parties concern’d: But they would never so much as let me see the Case they had stated. This Conduct of Mr. Charles is what they complain of in the first Paragraph of their Answer.
The Observation about the transposing some Parts of the Royal Charter to introduce the Discretion of the Assembly as necessary to the Making of Laws, is likewise mere Cavilling. I neither meant, nor had Occasion to mean in that Place, anything but what related to the Discretion of Deputies as restrained by Proprietary Instructions, contrary to the Charter.
I need make but little Observation on their Complaint of Injustice in the Assembly, in charging them with refusing to contribute &c. when they have given £5000. It is well known that they first declar’d in their Answer to the Assembly concerning Indian Expences, that being Governors they ought not to contribute to publick Expences anymore than any other Governor. The same Doctrine makes the first Part of their Deputy’s Disputes with the Assembly. And tho’ being beat out of that Argument, they afterwards gave £5000 that Sum was expressly declar’d in the Act to be in Lieu of their Share of the £60,000 Tax. And ever since that Act they have refus’d to contribute anymore; unless their Instructions, forbidding their Lieutenants to pass any Tax Act in which the greatest Part of their Estates is not exempted, can be construed to be no Refusal.
Upon the whole, the House will see, that if they purpose to continue Treating with the Proprietors, it will be necessary to recall me and appoint another Person or Persons for that Service, who are likely to be more acceptable or more pliant than I am, or, as the Proprietors express it, Persons of Candour. Whether my Conduct towards them, or theirs towards me, has exhibited most or least of that Quality, I must submit to my Judges. But if the House, grown at length sensible of the Danger, to the Liberties of the People, necessarily arising from such growing Power and Property in one Family with such Principles, shall think it expedient to have the Government and Property in different Hands, and for that purpose shall desire that the Crown would take the Province into its immediate Care, I believe that Point might without much Difficulty be carried, and our Privileges preserved; and in that I think I could still do Service.
Smith the Libeller has been arriv’d here some Weeks, but as yet I hear nothing of him. If he attempt anything against the Province, either in the way of Petition or public Scribbling, I shall take care to do what may be proper for our Justification.
I received your Favours of Nov. 21. and 23. with Bills for £200 and £300 Sterling, which I have put into the Hands of my Banker to procure Acceptance. I thank you for your Permission to use the Money freely on Occasion; but as I brought with me, and have had remitted to me since my Arrival, considerable Sums of my own, I do not see that I shall want it, and therefore pray that you would not on that Supposition refrain ordering it out of my Hands when your Occasions require it.
The Answer of the Committee you mention as preparing by Order of the House, relating to the Demand of 1200 Men for Garrisons per General Forbes, is not come to hand; Nor, which I wonder at, the late Indian Treaty, tho’ I see it advertis’d in the Papers as printed. The latter I very much want.
I am extreamly oblig’d to the Assembly for the repeated Instances of the Confidence they place in me. I beg you would present my dutiful Regards to the House, and assure them of my inviolable Fidelity and Zeal in their Service. With the greatest Esteem and Respect, I am, Dear Sir, Your most obedient Humble Servant
B Franklin
Isaac Norris Esqr.
 Endorsed: London Janry 19th. 1759 Benjamin Franklin