Title: From John Adams to John Jay, 26 February 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Jay, John

      Sir
      Grosvenor Square Feb 26. 1786

     The Envoy from Portugal, has received from his Court an Answer to his Dispatches relative to the Treaty with the United States, and the enclosed Extract from it, which has been delayed sometime by the Sickness of the Chevalier de Freire, the Portuguese Secretary of Legation, this Minister did me the Honour to deliver to me two days ago, with his request that it might be transmitted to Congress. at the Same time he delivered me the enclosed State of the Trade between the United States and Portugal the last Year.
     When Mr Jefferson arrives We Shall endeavour to finish this Business.
     The Proposition of Sending and receiving a Minister has been many times made before.— Congress will no doubt answer this which is now made formally and officially. The Regard which is due from one sovereign to another, and indeed common Decency seems

to require it. to refuse it would be thought Surprizing. indeed according to all the Rules of Politeness between Nations and sovereigns, it ought to be left to the Option of her most faithfull Majesty to Send what Species of public Minister She shall judge proper, and Assurances should be given of the most amicable Disposition of Congress to receive him with all the respect due to his sovereign and to send a Minister to her Majesty of equal Rank. Character.
     The United States are at this moment Suffering Severely for Want of an equitable Adjustment of their Affairs with the Powers of Europe, and Affrica which can never be accomplished, but by conforming to the Usages established in the World.
     If the United States would come to the Resolution to prohibit all foreign Vessells from coming to their Ports, and confine all Exports and Imports to their own Ships and seamen they would do, for any thing that I know, the wisest Thing which human Prudence could dictate. But then the Consequence would be obvious. They must give up the most of their Commerce, and live by their Agriculture. in this Case They might recall their Ministers and Send no more.
     On the other Hand, if the United States would adopt the Principle of the French Œconomists, and allow the Ships and Merchants of all Nations equal Priviledges with their own Citizens, they need not give themselves any further Trouble about Treaties or Ambassadors. The Consequence nevertheless would be the Sudden Annihilation of all their Manufactures and Navigation; We should have the most luxurious set of Farmers that ever existed, and Should not be able to defend our sea Coast against the Insults of a Pirate.
     As these are two Extreams that We know Americans will never consent to, We must vindicate our own Manufactures and Navigation, by Legislation at home and Negotiation abroad, and therefore, the Prejudi[ces] against Exchanges of Public Ministers Will be found Some of the most pernicious that ever have arisen among American Citizens. Laws at home must be made in Conformity to the State of Affairs abroad, which can never be known to Congress but by Ambassaders.
     With great Respect I have the / Honour to be, Sir your most obedient / and most humble servant

      John Adams


Title: From John Adams to John Jay, 27 February 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Jay, John

      Sir
      Grosvenor Square Feb. 27. 1786

     At the last Conferences, as they call here what is understood in Paris by Ambassadors Days the Marquis of Carmarthen was pleased to make an Apology for not having yet answered the Memorial requiring the Evacuation of the Posts. “It would Sound oddly to Say that he had delayed his Answer, to prevent Delays, but it was true. He had drawn up his answer, but as he was obliged to Say Something, concerning the old Debts, he had been obliged to wait for a little further Information, that he might State in one View all the Acts of the Assemblies which had interposed Impediments.”— As this is some kind of Respect to the Memorial, it ought to be communicated to Congress as no doubt it was intended And expected, that it should be.
     The publick Prints will inform you, that the Newfoundland Bill and the American Intercourse Bill is revived. it would be sufficient to convince every American what the system is, to say that Mr Jenkinson was the Member of Administration and the House of Commons, Selected to conduct this Business. comparing his well known Character with what he Said, You will believe that the same Men and the same Principles which have governed this Nation in their Conduct towards America these twenty Years, prevail to this hour as far as the Circumstances will admit; and that Mr Pitt is either a convert to their sentiments, or is only an Ostensible Minister.
     It remains with the States to determine what Measures they will take to discourage a Commerce the most impoverishing and ruinous, that can be imagined, to promote a more beneficial Intercourse with the rest of Europe, and to support their own Manufactures and

navigation, for on Such Measures alone can they have any Dependence, in future.
     With Sincere Esteem I have the Honor / to be, sir your most obedient / and most humble servant

      John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from Matthew Robinson-Morris, 27 February 1786
From: Robinson-Morris, Matthew
To: Adams, John

      Sir,
      Horton near Hythe Kent. 27th Febry. 1786.

     I sincerely want words to express my sense of the honor done me by your letter; which I shall preserve as a valuable remembrance in my favor: I esteem no qualities or circumstances of any private person equally with understanding and integrity nor respect any public character more than the Representative of thirteen free Governments or perhaps so much.
     I recollect on reading the favor of yours what was indeed from the length of time gone out of my memory that I formerly desired a few copies of the considerations &c to be sent to America and that I took the liberty to mention in particular the names of you and Mr. Hancock; which I shall now reckon a lucky incident; if it has assisted towards introducing me to your knowledge or attention.
     It was immediately upon the separation of England and North-America by treaty and has ever since been my ardent desire; that the Americans should nevertheless be consider’d and continue as Englishmen; I mean with respect to commerce and navigation foreign or domestic, to purchasing, to inheriting, exercising trades among us, voting for or being chosen into offices of all kinds and in every

other light; just as they used to be. If two or three Americans were return’d to Parliament; could the most jealous Englishman be alarmed; lest they should over-turn the state? The Nabob of Arcot did by an agent of his not chuse less than six or seven of the last House of Commons. I wish’d these things to be settled and declared by act of Parliament without consulting or making any parade with the Americans on the subject. There could be no doubt; but that such circumstances would in due time have their full effect and operation and the more liberally the matter was done on each side the better.
     I fully concur with you therefore in the opinion of opening all the Ports of both States to one another; but leading a very retired life in the Country I was unacquainted with the particular points in agitation between the two Governments or that the Americans were now willing to come into the mutual agreement mention’d by you; until I receiv’d the favor of your letter: So that my ignorance on the subject precluded any such proposition being made part of the Address &c; if it would otherwise have occur’d to me. I knew no better; than that the chief commercial difference between us was concerning a free intercourse with our West-Indian Islands. That circumstance is observed and pressed in the Address &c and indeed was at first more strongly so; but that it was for prudential reasons and to avoid offence thought proper to soften the terms.
     I do not perfectly understand; whether you include in your expression of “all the ports of the British-Empire” those of the East-Indies or except such as are subject to Charters with regard to ourselves. I hardly need to add; that the former circumstance would be very far from an objection with me; although I should think; that being a sort of new regulation in commerce it may require to be particularly explain’d and understood; if it is so meant.
     I am sensible; that I do not see the utmost extent of this object; which indeed appears (as you point out) of extreme magnitude and importance: I have however always believed; that England might in some respects probably receive upon the plan before mention’d by me in this letter more benefit; than if America had remain’d under the restraints of our own Government. Very different principles nevertheless prevail and the event may perhaps before long shew; whither they will lead us.
     You seem to wonder; that our nation should have supported Ministers in certain proceedings; but give me leave to observe; that the nation has truly no share and hardly any influence in the

Government of itself. We chuse once in Seven Years a few Members of the House of Commons, who are lost in that great crowd; but did by any means the general sense of the Public suggest our measures or counsels; I firmly believe, that the only contention between England and America would long have been and now be, a mutual and reciprocal one of good offices. I could more particularly explain myself on this head; if it was convenient.
     I have almost troubled you with a pamphlet instead of a letter and am with sincere honor and respect. / Sir, Your Most Obedient / Humble Servant

      M. Robinson M.


Title: From John Adams to William White, 28 February 1786
From: Adams, John
To: White, William

      Sir
      Grosvenor Square Feb. 28. 1786

     Your Favour of the 26 of Nov. by Mr Peters, I had not the Honour to receive, till a few days ago. I am much obliged to you, for this Mark of your Confidence, and for the Pamphlets and Papers inclosed, which I had Yesterday an Opportunity of communicating to the Archbishop of Canterbury, when his Grace did me the Honour of a Visit to deliver me the inclosed Letter, with the Desire of the Bishops that I would transmit it to the Committee.
     I have not understood, that there will be any political Objection against the Measure you desire. if any Such Should arise, as an American Citizen tho not an Episcopalian I can very consistently endeavour to remove it: because I do not believe that the Benevolence of the Father of all, is confined by our Lines of Distinction or differences of Opinion: and because I think that when We can enlarge our Minds to allow each other an entire Liberty in religious

matters the human Race will be more happy and respectable in this and the future Stage of their Existence. It would be inconsistent with the American Character, and with the Principles of our Constitutions to raise political Objections against the Consecration of Bishops as it is merely a religious Ceremony. The States will no doubt take Care that no Temperal Powers inconsistent with their civil Politics shall be annexed to the Character. This however is their Affair.
     With great Respect and Esteem, I have the Honour / to be, Sir your most obedient and most / humble servant

      John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from the Marquis of Carmarthen, 28 February 1786
From: Carmarthen, the Marquis of
To: Adams, John

      Sir,
      St. James’s, February 28th. 1786.

     In Answer to the Memorial You did me the Honour to deliver to me on the 8th. Decr:, I have to observe to You, Sir, that it is His Majesty’s fixed Determination, upon the present, as well as on every other Occasion, to act in perfect Conformity to the strictest Principles of Justice and good Faith.
     The Seventh Article both of the Provisional and of the Definitive Treaties between His Majesty and the United States, clearly stipulates the withdrawing, with all convenient Speed, His Majesty’s Armies, Garrisons and Fleets, from the said United States, and from

every Port, Place and Harbour within the same; and no Doubt can possibly arise respecting either the Letter or the Spirit of such an Engagement.
     The Fourth Article of the same Treaties as clearly stipulates, that Creditors, on either Side, shall meet with no lawful Impediment to the Recovery of the full Value, in Sterling Money, of all bonâ fide Debts heretofore contracted.
     The little Attention paid to the fulfilling this Engagement, on the Part of the Subjects of the United States in general, and the direct Breach of it in many particular Instances, have already reduced many of the King’s Subjects to the utmost Degree of Difficulty and Distress: nor have their Applications for Redress (to those whose Situations in America naturally pointed them out as the Guardians of public Faith) been as yet successful, in obtaining them that Justice to which, on every Principle of Law, as well as of Humanity, they were clearly and indisputably entitled.
     The Engagements entered into by Treaty ought to be mutual, and equally binding on the respective Contracting Parties. It would therefore be the Heighth of Folly, as well as Injustice, to suppose one Party alone obliged to a strict Observance of the Public Faith, while the other might remain free to deviate from its own Engagements, as often as Convenience might render such Deviation necessary, though at the Expence of its own National Credit and Importance.
     I flatter myself however, Sir, that Justice will speedily be done to British Creditors; and I can assure You, Sir, that whenever America shall manifest a real Determination to fulfil her Part of the Treaty, Great Britain will not hesitate to prove her Sincerity, to cooperate in whatever Points depend upon her, for carrying every Article of it into real and compleat Effect.
     The inclosed Paper contains a State of the Grievances complained of by Merchants, and other British Subjects, having Estates, Property, and Debts due to them, in the several States of America.
     I am, / Sir, / Your most obedient / humble Servant.

      Carmarthen.


Title: From John Adams to Matthew Robinson-Morris, 2 March 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Robinson-Morris, Matthew

      Sir—
      Grosvenor Square March 2d. 1786—

     you have obliged me very much by your kind Letter of the Feb 27th. The Americans are indeed Englishmen, and will continue such in Language & sentiments and manners whether they are allowed to be friends or Compelled to be Ennemies of those other Englishmen who inhabit these Islands Great Britain and Ireland. the priviledges of purchasing inheriting exercising Trades, voting for or being chosen into Offices of all kinds, if declared by Act of Parliament would no doubt be considered in a friendly light but give me leave to say would have no material affect, While embarrassments are either studiously or ignorantly thrown in the Way of Commerce— the United states are willing to throw Wide Open every Port in their dominions to British Ships and Merchants and Merchandizes, and I am ready in their behalf to pledge their Faith in a Treaty to this Effect; upon the reciprocal Stipulation of this Nation that her Ports Shall be equally open to our Ships, Merchants and Produce But the United States must repel Monopolies by Monopolies, and answer prohibitions by Prohibitions. I may be uninformed respecting the East Indies But although the E. I. Company have by their Charter and Act of Parliament an exclusive Priviledge of Importing East India Goods into the Port of London only, I dont know that Americans or any other Foreign Nation are Prohibited to Trade with the British Factories and Settlements in Asia.— this nevertheless is not a Point with us. the Ministry might except the Charter of the rights of the East India Company, But the American Commerce is a system and a free Intercourse between the United states and Canada Nova scotia

Newfoundland, and the West India Islands as well as a Markett for their Oyl and Fins and Sperma Cæti Candles and ready Built Ships is so Essential to it, that if One Nation will not another must If England will not Germany Holland France &c—will— this Commerce is even more necessary to your Colonies—than it is to us, and the Present Policy is Sowing the seeds of disquiet and discotnent in the Minds of your Colonies that will alienate them all if persisted in. this Uneasiness has already broke out in Barbados into Violence which Occasioned the Troops to fire upon the People by which a Number were Killed—as the Public Prints inform us, and it will increase from day to Day. the 5th of March 1770 ought to be an eternal Warning to this Nation on that Night the foundation of American Independance was laid I have the Honour to agree perfectly with you in opinion that England might receive more benefit from a liberal Commerce with America, than She would if We had remained under her Government. and I may be permitted to say, that having been from 1774 to this day either in Congress or in her Service Abroad I have been fully acquainted with every Step and Motive of her Conduct towards the Powers of Europe, and it has been her Constant Rule to conceed no Preferences to France or any other Nation, that She might be at Liberty to Settle a Commercial Plan with England upon the Fairest Terms. little did She expect or foresee that England would refuse the favours intended her— I must say the Ministry appear to have no idea of the Principles on which Congress have acted. The consequence must be that the Trade of America must Leave this Country and go to her rivals— the Ministry and the Nation too, seem to Consider the United States as a Rival: and we know very well What in English Lexicography, is the meaning of the Word Rival. it is an Ennemy to be beat down by every means. but it may be depended on that if the United States are treated in this manner, they will make Common cause with the other rivals of British Commerce which at this day are almost as numerous as the Nations of Europe—
     It is the Earnest desire of the United States to live in friendship with this Country, and to have no other Contention, but in reciprocal good offices. it seems to be your opinion that the People of England have the same disposition.— I beg you to explain yourself on this Head, as I must confess I have not met with any symptoms of it excepting in a few a very few Individuals. much fewer than I expected when I first arrived here, to What purpose is the universal Industry to represent the Commerce of the United States as of no

Importance— Where would have been the Stocks—the Exchange and the revinue of this Country without it? there has been a Constant stream of Produce Cash and Bills flowing into this Country Since the Peace from the U S.— Remittances to an immence amount have been made and even a large Sum through France Spain Portugal and Holland, which has contributed in no Small degree to turn the Ballance of Exchange so much in your favour as well as to throw a surplus into the Exchequer, and raise the stocks. and these Remittances might have been nearly doubled—if Common sense had dictated the British Policians to receive from us in Payment such things as we have.
     The Americans are at this day a great People and are not to be triffled with— their Numbers have increased fifty per Cent Since 1774. a People that can Multiply at this rate amidst all the Calamities of such a War of Eight years, will in twenty years more be too respectable to want Friends. they might sell their friendship at this time at a very high Price to others however lightly it may be Esteemed here—
     I have the Misfortune to differ widely from your opinion in the address that the “Independance of America happened a Century too soon” it would be easy to Shew that it happened at the best point of time. there is no imaginable Period past or future, at which it could have been brought into Event to so much Advantage for America but this would lead me too far. the Information you may have received concerning the Confusions Distresses &c of the U.S. are of a piece with those misrepresentations which have constantly misguided this Nation for five and twenty years The Inconveniences now felt are confined to those who have been deceived into an Excess of Trade with this Country, by Expectations which have been disappointed that the Usual Remittances would have been received; and have arrisen from a desire to Live and Trade in friendship with England. The Country in General is in a thriving and flourishing Condition and this Country alone will finally be the sufferer by the Impediments they have thrown in the Way of their own Interest—
     you will perceive Sir that I have written too freely and too largely. in my Situation it may be imprudent. But the subject is of Great Importance and deserves your closest attention. you will Greatly Oblige me by Communicating your Sentiments with equal Frankness
     With Great Esteem I have the Honour to be / yours &c &c—


Title: From John Adams to Matthew Robinson-Morris, 4 March 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Robinson-Morris, Matthew

       Sir
       Grosvenor Square March 4th 1786

      Among all the Pamphlets which have been written Since the Peace—I cannot recollect One, before the Address to the Landed Interest &c—which did not appear to me to be written with an express Intention to deceive the Nation by concealing Some real danger or holding out Some false hope, in order to recommend One Candidate for the Ministry, or Surpress another. You will not be Surprized at the Impression it has made upon me, when I Confess to you, that though I admire the Candour & Wisdom which appear in it, in General.— I am extreamely hurt by certain Passages which relate to my own Country
      If it is a fact that the Sciences arose in the East and have travelled Westward, this was probably a mere accident not arising from any necessary cause in Nature; and ought not to discourage the Friends of human Improvements from indeavouring to Propogate them Northward, and Southward, and Eastward, too as well as Westward. those whose Minds were turned lately to America, by Such an Idea only—may be as easily diverted from it: But he who Considers a vast Continent unpeopled, with Every advantage of Clymate, Soil, and Situation, for the Accommodation of human Life and the Enjoyment of Liberty, Arts, Sciences and Commerce; where Despotism and Superstition have not yet established their Thrones. if he has any degree of Philanthropy or Philosophy will be anxious that Virtue may be there preserved and no Improper Principles or Education Introduced

      that Independance was neither sought nor desired, but was forced upon America is very true. She was happy in her Liberty and desired no more. She was not yet Smitten with the Charms of Ambition and Avarice enough to think of Wading in Blood to Obtain them there is nevertheless with Submission, neither “Sense nor Reason” in the Saying that Independance has come too Soon by a Century on that Country. In a Century, according to Every Principle of Population there will be an Hundred Millions of free Inhabitants, a Number that upon Such a Revolution must have crumbled into twenty different Nations and it would have Cost every two or three of them as long a War to have Settled the disputes amongst them as it has to Seperate them from Great Britain— in Such a case they would have been Infinitely more perplexed and Embarrassed, than they are Now. Such Enormous Masses of Mankind are not to be managed. What is Still worse British Governments would in twenty Years more have introduced Manners and Habits which would have been incureable and a revolution after that Period would have only Substituted One System of Vice Folly and Tyranny for another, the appearances of Perplexity and Embarrassment to which you allude arise from Causes which are not known and would not be beleived in this Country— the first is a Preference of Liberty to Commerce, the 2d is an aversion to hurt the Commerce Revenue and the Power of Great Britain.— they know the nature of a Free Government too well to give an unlimited Sovereignty to a Body constituted as Congress is. they are justly apprehensive that Aristocracies or Still worse Governments would Grow out of it. Unlimited Powers to that Senate would Soon remove the Difficulties from their Commerce: But enjoying every necessary and Comfort of Life from their Agriculture, they had rather their Commerce Should Labour, than their Liberty be endangered.— All their difficulties Arise from the mistaken Policy of G— Britain. these might easily be removed by Measures of Retaliation and by transfering their Trade from England to France Germany and other Nations of Europe. they are loth to do this with out an apparent necessity, Time may improve the Confederation as well as the Seperate Constitutions, but there is as much order at Present as in any Country I know: and Why Should they Hazard the Principles of Liberty from an Impatience to Grow Suddenly Rich—?
      You are apprehensive that they may find it difficult to discharge or Support their Debt. it would be easy to demonstrate that they are able to discharge the last farthing of it in ten Years. Principle and

Interest. Nay from the best Information from all the Principle States, and from the Measures already taken and now taking there is not a doubt but that it will be done.— and what a Phenomenon will that People be without a Debt and almost without a Tax,—for the Charges of Government are not in that Country as they are in this—
      you ask Whether the Dependance & Friendship of the 13 states, are not turnd into a violent Enmity and Aversion?— I answer with the Utmost Sincerity they are not.— On the Contrary it is the ardent Wish of that Country to Live in Friendship with this. and they have a Great Reluctance to entering into Closer Connections Commercial or Political with France Spain & Holland, because they do not wish to See England humbled and depressed in the manner they know She must be, if they Should take a part against her. they will try to persuade this Country to see and Pursue her own Interests: But if neither they nor you can open her eyes, they will as they ought to look out for themselvs and it is in their Power to take such measures for encouraging their own Manufactures and Navigation, and to Enter into Such Commercial Treaties with other Powers, as would never be recovered by G— B— Leaving all Political Arrangements out of the Question
      My Fellow Citizens, since the Peace—desirious of Enjoying its Blessings in tranquility have made but little Noise at home or abroad— after so long an Exertion they had need of repose. their time and thoughts have been employed in repairing the Ravages of War, and I have the pleasure to assure you from the best Authorities, that their Labours have had such success as to have repaired and rebuilt their Burnt Towns in a more commodious and Beautifull manner than before their destruction, repaird their Fences, and replaced their Stocks upon their Plantations, revived their Fisheries and their Manufactures of Pot Ash—pursued the Commerce in Peltries, and in various other Ways reestablished the Conveniences of Life at the Same time that they have been able to remit to England immense quantities of the Produce of their Agriculture. that Industry which for three years past has been exerted in Reparation will in future be employed in Production, and the Exports will Increase with a rapidity beyond the expectations of Europe.
      I Shall not Controvert your Applauses of Ireland: but it should be remembered that Irish Liberty as well as Dutch Liberty has been purchased with American Blood and that Whatever She has done resembling What is delivered down to Us of Ancient Greece and

Rome, She Learnd from American Precept and Example. I respect and Esteem Ireland as much as any Friend She has: but I will venture to Say that She will no longer be usefull to England if America is made hostile. America has and must have from various Causes great Influence in Ireland and Holland, and England may depend upon the Enmity of the Latter and cannot depend upon the friendship of the former—if America Should be driven into the defensive Alliance of France Spain and Holland. there is Indeed a new order of things arisen in the World, Which British Statesmen do not Comprehend. they turn their Eyes willfully from it:—but twenty Years time will force it upon their Observation and their Feelings—if it is not attended to now. the British Empire never Saw a more critical moment than this— Salvation I beleive to be now in her Power, but if neglected only two years, it will be lost in my opinion forever—

       March 20th 1786—

      The two preceeding Sheets I had written on the 4th of this Month and delayed to proceed till I should have your answer to my Letter of the 2d.— this Morning Mr Partridge called upon me with your favour of the 18th. full of the Wisest sentiments Your Letters to me will never be too long, I will take an early opportunity to answer this more Particularly— the Removeall of every Obstacle to a sincere and Lasting Friendship between England and America is the only public measure which according to my feeble Sight; is necessary to the lasting Peace, Liberty and Safety of my Country and which consequently engrosses my attention. I can Say with truth and Sincerity that it will not be the fault of me or my Constituents if it is not accomplished
      I am Sir with Great Esteem— / Yours &c &c—


Title: To John Adams from David Humphreys, 5 March 1786
From: Humphreys, David
To: Adams, John

      Dear Sir
      Paris March 5th. 1786

     Colonel Smith has been so good as to take charge of a printed copy of Mr Dwight’s Poem and a letter from that gentleman to your Excellency, which I found at my return from London had been forwarded under cover to me. He is also the bearer of a manuscript copy of Mr Barlow’s Vision of Columbus together with letters from the Author and our friend Mr Trumbull on the subject of its publication.
     As you are placed in the enviable situation of being considered as the Mecænas of America and as I have often heard you express your wishes that the Poems in question might be published; I find it unnecessary for me to say what might otherwise have been proper with respect to these performances & the Authors of them. Indeed the Public, as well as your Excellency, is already in posession of my opinion of their poetical abilities: but I cannot conceal my anxiety that their works may be ushered into the old world under as favourable auspices as the circumstances will permit. The success or failure will operate powerfully in stimulating or extinguishing the future efforts of genius in America.
     While writing the above, I am honoured with the receipt of your letter of the 27th Ulto. and will tomorrow make effectual arrangements for securing a passage in the April Packet for a Gentleman, Lady & Servt agreeably to your instructions.

     With my best Complts to the Ladies / I have the honor to be Yr Excellencys / sincere friend & / Most devoted servt

      D. Humphreys


Title: To John Adams from Philip Mazzei, 5 March 1786
From: Mazzei, Philip
To: Adams, John

      Dear Sir,
      Paris, 5. March 1786.

     I return you my sincere thanks, Sir, for the petition from the City of Bristol in 1775, which I have found here on my return from Holland in the letter you did me the honor to write me the 29th. of December. It will be of great service to prove, that the conduct of our Countrimen has been & is continually misrepresented. The petition, memorial, or address to the King, or some body else from the Merchants of London, would answer the same end, & as far as I remember still better. Therefore I hope you will not spare some trouble to find it, as you are so good as to say in your said letter. In my performance I have endeavoured to offer to the Public a striking contrast between the well reasoned & true patriotism of our People, & the vain enthusiasm of the Romans. I want anecdotes, & have put several noble fellows under contribution for that purpose. Our good friend Col. Smith (the bearer of this) a gentleman for whom I feel a great regard & friendship, as I always reckon from the merit & never from the date of an acquaintance, has favoured me with some. Marquis de la Fayette has done the same, & has promised me more. My dear Sir, will you suffer to be put under contribution too? I Know that you have it greatly in your power to supply me with many very interesting ones. For such things I am in want of I beg leave to refer you to Col. Smith, who will be able to inform you better than I could myself, particularly as I find that the older I grow the worse I write in this language. The high esteem & great attachment I find with pleasure the bearer has for you, encourages me to take such

liberty without making an apology for it. Pray, present my respectful compliments to one of the most valuable & amiable wemon on earth, I mean Mrs. Adams, whose merit I shall not be satisfied to Know only from the testimony of others, as soon as she becomes inhabitant of another part of the globe. Beleave me most respectfully, / Dear Sir, / Your Excellency’s most humble / & most Obedient Servant

      Philip Mazzei


Title: From John Adams to Granville Sharp, 8 March 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Sharp, Granville

      Sir
      Grosvenor Square March 8th 1786—

     I took the first opportunity to send your Present of Books to my friend the Marquis de la Fayette and have this Morning received the inclosed Letter for you from that Nobleman.
     Let me avail myself of this opportunity of presenting my thanks, for your obliging present of Books to me. you have merited the respect and Esteem of all Men amongst whom Liberty and Humanity are not disregarded by your writings, the Idea that Captives in War are slaves, is the foundation of the Misfortunes of the Negroes: this Principle is Honourd and admitted by all the Powers of Europe who pay Tribute to the states of Barbary— I expect that One Part of Africa will avenge upon my Fellow Citizens the Injury they do to another by purchaseing their Captives. Yet I presume We shall be compelled to follow the Base example of Submission and pay tributes or make Presents like the rest of Christians to the Mussulmen—
     I wish you would take up the Whole of this African system and expose it all together, Never Never will the Slave Trade be abolished While Christians Princes abaise themselvs before the piratical Ensigns of Mahomet.
     With great Esteem your Humble servt—


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Goodhue, 10 March 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Goodhue, Benjamin

      Sir
      Grosvenor Square Westminster March 10. 1786

     Your kind Letter of 20 Decr. has much obliged me. The accurate States of the Mackarel, Cod and Whale Fisheries are very valuable Pieces of Information, and as long as I shall Stay in Europe I shall be happy to learn from you, from time to time the Progress of these valuable Branches of Commerce, and of all others in which our Country is interested.
     We have Such Advantages over France & England both in our Situation, So near the Fishing Ground, and in Superiour skill, or brighter Skies, for curing the Fish; that We have it in our Power, to monopolize this Fishery by underselling all Competitors, at the Marketts of Spain Portugal and Italy. The Chevalier De Pinto, the Portuguese Ambassador at this Court has Said to me Several times that We have nothing to fear from the Rivalry of the English or French, for that our Fish was of a quality, so Superiour to theirs, that We should always have the Preference in the Lisbon Market, and command a superiour Price. To make the greatest Advantage of it, We must have Peace with the States of Barbary.— This will cost Us two hundred Thousand Pounds sterling at once. for that Sum I believe a perpetual Peace may be made with Morocco Algiers, Tunis & Tripoli. dont let our People deceive themselves, with notions of obtaining it at a cheaper rate, or of fighting the Rovers, or of carrying on their Commerce amidst a War with them. it will cost the Massachusetts alone, in Insurance, and Loss of Trade more Money every Year. The first Thing to be done is to convince Congress of the Necessity of giving as much Money, as will buy the Peace. the next is to get the Money. This I hope might be had in Holland.
     Mr Nat. Barrett will convince you that a profitable Markett may be had in France for your Oil.— I am sorry, that the Bounty given by the General Court upon Oil is not larger. I would make it 18£: 3s a

Ton, the exact amount of the Alien Duty, and would in the same Act lay on Duties upon British Merchandizes the least necessary, and appropriate them expressly to the Payment of the Bounty, as long as the Alien Duty should be continued in England.
     Our People must consider more and more the Efficacy of Bounties and Duties cooperating together, and must not be Sparing of them, when the support of Interests so important demand them. the English pay annually an hundred Thousand Pounds sterling in Bounties to their Greenland Whalemen. Every Seaman in that Fishery costs them thirteen Pounds sterling a Year.— The Same Bounties are given as I suppose to the Adventurers in the Sperma Cæti Fishery, with an Additional Bounty of 500£ to the ship which makes the greatest Voyage 400 to the 2d. 300 to the 3d. & 200 to the 4.
     The New England Fishermen, aided by much smaller Bounties from their Legislators, will find no difficulty in worming the English out of this Business.
     Our Oil as well as Fish is acknowledged to be better than that of the English French or Dutch. This is a great Advantage. The State Should not hesitate at any Exertion or Expence, to support their Fishers, in a critical Moment, when a Blow is manifestly aimed at their Existence by a Rival.—
     Navigation Acts must and will be made by all the thirteen States. Those who have already made them will I hope persevere with Constancy, and never cease to perswade the others till they all come in. The southern States must come in. without this they will not be able to procure ships to export their own Produce. The English while they, refuse to purchase our ready built ships cannot furnish them.
     But the War with Barbary is the most essential Thing, to be now attended to. This hurts our Fisheries, ruins our carrying Trade and universally damps all our Commerce. at all Events We must have Treaties with those Powers. The English will only be worse and worse till this is done. I am sir / with great Respect your most obedient / and obliged humble servant

      John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Isaac Smith Sr., 12 March 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Smith, Isaac Sr.

      Sir
      Grosvenor Square March 12. 1786

     The Terror in the Minds of our Sailors, of the Barbary Rovers, is an immense Loss to our Country, in Insurance, and in Trade with Italy, Spain, Portugal France England Holland: indeed with all Parts of the World. The Question is whether it is better Policy to fight them or treat with them. To fight, with a possibility of any effectual Success will cost us a Million sterling a Year. To treat will cost Us two hundred Thousand Pounds, the Interest of which is Twelve Thousands a Year. Any moderate Arithmetician may decide the Question. But where can We get the Money? in Holland, if you will make Provision for paying the Interest. But while We are limited to a twelfth Part of the Sum which will probably be necessary, We can have no hopes of Success.—
     Agents are gone to Algiers and Morocco, but as they are limited to so small a sum, there is no Prospect of Success.
     My best Respects to Mrs Smith and the / Family. With great Regard / I am your, most obedient

      John Adams


Title: From John Adams to the Marquis of Carmarthen, 13 March 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Carmarthen, the Marquis of

      Grosvenor Square March 13: 1786.

     Mr Adams presents his Compliments to the Right Honourable the Marquis of Carmarthen and acquaints his Lordship that Mr Jefferson, Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States at the Court of Versailles is now here and as they have something to communicate to his Lordship relative to the Affairs of the United States, they request a Time when they may have the Honour to pay their Respects to his Lordship, before the Levy on Wednesday.


Title: From John Adams to Elbridge Gerry, 19 March 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Gerry, Elbridge

      Dear Sir
      Grosvenor Square March 19. 1786

     Before the Arrival of your kind Letter by Wingrove I had heard, from various quarters, of your Marriage and had received the most agreable Accounts of the Character of the Lady. give me leave to congratulate you, on this happy Event. Nothing can be more pleasing than the Transition from the Turbulence of War and Politicks to the Tranquility of domestick Life, in the Arms of a Lady of so much Merit. You know I always spoke respectfully of the State of Matrimony. You have already found I dare say, that I had reason, and you will be more and more convinced of it. Will you introduce me to Mrs Gerry and make her my Friend?

     We expect Soon to hear from Barclay at Morocco and Lamb at Algiers, but We despair of any better News than that the Money limited is ten times too little.
     We shall not probably, be able to obtain a Treaty of Peace with Tripoli Tunis and Morocco under Five and thirty thousand Guineas each. and Algiers may demand an hundred Thousands.— If Congress will go to this Expence and can borrow the Money in holland, We may have Peace.— after the delay of a Year or two it may cost Us a Million.—
     In England there is no Appearance of a Change of System towards America.
     T. Boylstone carried a Cargo of Oil to France and sold it well.— he laid out the Money in raw Sugars which he sent to Boston? This is an Idea, that I Suggested to Congress in some Letters three Years ago.
     Raw Sugars may be purchased in France & Portugal, in any Quantities, of the best quality and at a cheaper Price, than you can have them in the British West India Islands. Vessells going to our States from Europe frequently want freight, because our Exports are more voluminous than our Imports. from these Premises draw your Conclusion and judge whether, our Sugar houses cannot be made very usefull to Us.—?
     I am my dear sir, with the best Respects / of my Family to your Lady, your / affectionate

      John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Jefferson, William Stephens Smith, and Richard Peters
From: Jefferson, Thomas,Smith, William Stephens,Peters, Richard
To: Adams, John

      1/2 past 2— Dolly’s— [ca. 21 March 1786]

      One among our many follies
      Was calling in for Steaks at Dolly’s
      Whereby we’ve lost—& feel like Sinners
      That we have miss’d much better dinners
      Nor do we think that us ’tis hard on
      Most humbly thus to beg your pardon
      And promise that another time
      We’ll give our reason not our rhime
      So we’ve agreed—Our Nem: Con: Vote is
      That we thus early jointly—give you notice
      For as our rule is to be clever
      We hold it better late than never

      Th: Jefferson.Wm: Stephens SmithRichard Peters


Title: From John Adams to Matthew Robinson-Morris, 23 March 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Robinson-Morris, Matthew

      Sir—
      Grosvenor square march 23d. 1786—

     I have too much reason to believe with you, in your Letter of the 18th. that there is a fatal Infatuation somewhere, & I think we should not differ in our Conjectures where the Causes lie—
     There is room to hope that man kind will one day arrive at a gread degree of perfection in the science and art of Government, when it shall no longer be thought a divine science, it will be

pursued upon human Principles, When superstition & Imposture, shall cease to mislead— Common sense will come forward— when Authority shall be known to originate with the people instead of descending from the skies in Miracles and mistery, it will not be difficult to convince a Nation that its own good is its End— In short when Men shall study Government as they do Geometry, they will make improvements in it, as fast as they ever did in Painting, Statuary or Architecture— But before any great things are accomplished, a memorable change must, be made in the system of Education and knowledge must become so general as to raise the lower ranks of Society nearer to the higher The Education of a Nation, instead of being confined to a few schools & Universities, for the instruction of the few, must become the National Care and expence, for the information of the many,— it is odd that the Knowledge of Society which interests every man, should be the last to receive improvements. We are Thousands of Years more advanced in Astronomy which comparatively concerns very few—
     I may have said, tho’ I don’t recollect it that it was a Common opinion in England, or in Europe that American Independence came a Century too soon— but as I never could conceive any possible Coincidence of Circumstances, in which America could have seperated from Great Britain, without a War, & without a Debt I have ever thought the time when it happened the best time, and I still think it best for Britain as well as America. There was a spirit in the Empire, that would have extinguished the flame of Liberty in every part of it, if the frame of it had not been broken— nothing now remains but for England to reconcile herself to the Event and conform her Commercial & political system to the new order of things, & the Evil will not be found so great.—
     I love the spirit which moves you to write of American Affairs because it is the spirit of wisdom and of Liberty. Your Plan of American Politicks is the ardent wish of every sensible Citizen of the United States— we have for seven Years together conformed every thing to it, and we desire nothing better now— But you must be sensible that your scheme supposes that other Nations, particularly the English should conform to it, in their Intercourse with us— You would not surely advise us, to make ourselves the Dupes of our own Liberality of sentiment, yeild up all our Exportations & Importations to foreign nations, make ourselves a Nation of meer tillers of the Ground; have none but a passive Commerce, & make ourselves wholly defenceless against every power that has a few Men of War,

& an Inclination to molest us, Yet nothing less than such a humiliation is meditated for us. We are willing that the English should have the same Previledges with ourselves in our Ports but We expect in return for it, some Previledges in theirs
     You seem to have too formidable apprehensions of the American Debt— What is a Debt of ten millions to a Nation that has an annual Export, cheefly from the produce of their agriculture of four Millions a Year? this is a moderate Computation. in two years from this time, I doubt not, it will be 5 or 6. Justice without which a Nation can neither have Confidences in itself, nor be relyed on by others demands that the Debt should be paid— it is due to our most meritorious Citizens, & may be paid with ease, and without the loss of a meal of Meat or a single “bare foot”— about one Million & 1/2 is due to France & Holland: but the Interest only is demandable for many years— I suppose this Interest to amount to an hundred Thousand pounds a Year. cannot such a sum be easily paid by a people who export annually so much produce? I agree with you that France & Holland might have afforded to purchase American Independence, at a much greater expence: but I would not accept it as a Gift. not only national morality, but the pride of Virtue would require that the whole should be paid, Our People should be beholden for their Liberties to themselves. The Debt in Holland was not contracted with the State but with Individuals. it ammounts to near seven hundred Thousand pounds all borrowed of private Persons upon obligations signed by the Minister of the United S. by their Orders. Every feeling of honour & every sense of duty requires that these people should not be defrauded. And no American has an Idea of any thing but punctual Payment. The Excises & Imposts necessary for the payment of the Interest, would be very light. & a surplus might easily be established to pay off the Capital as it becomes due. America has no thought of a permanent system of Debts & Taxes. It is her intention to pay off the Capital, and then she will abolish all her Excises & Imposts—& a very trifeling assesment upon Polls & Estates real & Personal will afterwards defray her moderate Charges of Government— all this may be accomplished without a Pang in ten Years, & give me leave to say I have not a doubt but it will be done unless England should be mad enough to involve us in another War—
     I am Sir

      J. A


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Barclay, 27 March 1786
From: Barclay, Thomas
To: Adams, John

      Dear Sir
      Madrid 27th. March 1786—

     I arrived here the 10th. and expect to be able to proceed to Cadiz in a few days, the Copys of three short Letters which I wrote to Mr. Jefferson, will place before you our Progress untill this day, when I had the pleasure of receiving through the hands of Mr. Carmichael The Kings Letter to the Emperor; informing him that it would be better the Peace should be made in Morocco than in Spain, and recommending the Object of the Mission to His Majesty’s Attention. The Count De Florida Blanca has also sent me Letters to General O-Riely at Cadiz, to the Consul General of Spain at Morocco, & to one of the Spanish Fathers placed at Mequinez for the Redemption of Captives; In short I have the greatest Reason to be pleased with the Part this Court has taken in the Affair which I think reflects much honor on Mr. Carmichaels Influence and Attention. To shew you at once the State in which I found the Business with Morocco situated on my arrival here, I send you Copy of a Letter written by the Count De Florida Blanca to Mr. Carmichael offering the intervention of His Catholic Majesty on the Idea of the Business being done here, with Mr. Carmichaels Reply. And I have now to add that I shall set forward with the most flattering prospects of success, hoping soon to be able to give you a satisfactory Account of the Business being finished; It will not perhaps be in my Power to write you very often, There are at this Place and at Vitoria, persons appointed to translate or decypher every suspicious paper & from them little can escape. Nothing new of consequence will

probably arrise untill I reach Morocco. If I [am] able to close the treaty to my satisfaction, I shall send it to you by Land and remain in Africa or Spain untill you return it with the Ratification, and I embrace this Opportunity of offering my services, if you want them, at Tunis & Tripoli, where I am certain this Court will on application give its weight to the Person employed at those places— If you should think my going farther than Morocco necessary, let me know as soon as possible your Intentions, that I may arrange Matters accordingly, and avail myself of the Disposition which this Court shews to serve us; Please to put your Letters under Cover to Mr. Carmichael unsealed that he may be at once Master of the Subject; situated as we are, we cannot leave this without being presented, which will be done I expect in a few days by the French Ambassador, when we will continue our Journey; but the Roads to Cadiz are in such shocking order that the Gentleman by whom I now write has been twenty four days coming from thence.
     Mr. Lamb purchased a Vessel of about 50 Tons at Barcelona, and sailed for Algiers the Eleventh with a Wind capable of placing him in Port the next day; He went under Spanish Colors which I hope may protect him, tho’ there is no Peace hitherto signed between the two Countries.
     A Person is expected every hour from Algiers who will be able to give a particular Account of Mr. Lamb, if I am so lucky as to see him, I will transmit you what I can learn and Mr. Carmichael will give you all the information he can collect—
     I am with great respect / Dear Sir / Your Most obed serv.

      Thos Barclay


Title: The American Commissioners to John Jay, 28 March 1786
From: American Commissioners
To: Jay, John

      Sir—
      Grosvenor square March 28 1786—

     Soon after the arrival of Mr. Jefferson in London, We had a conference with the Ambassador of Tripoli, at His House.
     The amount of all the Information we could obtain from him was that a perpetual peace was in all respects the most adviseable, because a temporary treaty would leave room for increasing demands upon every renewal of it and a stipulation for annual payments, would be liable to failures of performance which would renew the War, repeat the negotiations, and continually augment the Claims of his Nation, & the difference of Expence would by no means be adequate to the Inconvenience, since 12.500 Guineas to his Constituents with 10 pr. Cent upon that sum for himself, must be paid if the treaty was made for only a Period of One Year,—
     That 30.000 Guineas for his Employers & 3.000£ for himself, were the lowest terms upon which a perpetual Peace could be made & that this must be paid in Cash on the Delivery of the Treaty signed by his sovereign—that no Kind of Merchandizes could be accepted
     That Tunis would treat upon the same terms but he could not answer for Algiers or Morocco.
     We took the Liberty to make some Inquiries concerning the Grounds of their pretentions to make War upon Nations who had done them no Injury, & observed that we Considered all Mankind as our friends, who had done us no Wrong nor had given us any provocation—
     The Ambassador answered us, that it was founded on the law of their great Profet: that it was written in the Koran, that all Nations who should not have acknowledged their Authority were sinners: that it was their right & duty to make war upon them wherever they could be found, & to make slaves of all they could take as prisoners; & that every Musselman who should be slain in battle was sure to go to Paradise That it was a Law, that the first who boarded an Enemy’s Vessell should have one slave, more than his share with the rest, which operated as an Incentive to the Most desperate Valour & Enterprize. That it was the practice of their Corsairs to bear down upon a ship; for each sailor to take a Dagger in each hand & another in his Mouth & leap on board, which so terrified their Enemies, that very few ever stood against them. That he verily believed the

Devil assisted his Country-men, for they were almost allway’s successfull—
     We took time to consider & promised an Ansr. but we can give him no Other, than that the Demands exceed our Expectation & that of Congress so much, that we can proceed no further, without fresh Instructions.
     There is but one possible way, that we know of to procure the money, if Congress should Authorize us to go to the necessary Expence, & that is to borrow it in Holland— We are not certain that it can be had there But if Congress should order us to make the best terms we can, with Tunis, Tripoli, Algiers & Morocco. & to procure this Money, wherever we can find it, upon terms like those of the last loan in Holland, our best Endeavours shall be used to remove this formidable obstacle out of the Way of the Prosperity of the United States
     Inclosed is a Copy of a Letter from P. R. Randall Esqr. at Barcelona. The last from Mr. Barclay was dated Bayonne—
     It is hoped we shall soon have News from algiers & morocco & we wish it may not be more disagreable than this from Tunis & Tripoli—
     We are with great respect—yours

      J. AT. J—


Title: From John Adams to Edward Augustus Holyoke, 3 April 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Holyoke, Edward Augustus

      Sir
      Grosvenor Square April 3. 1786 London

     I now do myself the Honour of inclosing to you, as President of the Medical Society, the original Letters of Monsieur De Lassone Monsieur Geoffroy and Monsieur Vicq D’Azyr Copies of which I Suppose have been before recd.— The Vote of the Royal Society of Medicine in Parchment authenticated by its Officers is also inclosed, and a Journal.
     I received in due Season your Letter, inclosing a Vote of the Medical Society, both of which do me great honour. I ought to make my Apology for not answering that Letter, and for not transmitting these original Papers, sooner: but many Removals of my Papers and my Family with various Calls of public Service, have been the real cause.
     With my best Respects to the Medical Society / and the most Sincere Wishes for their Pros / perity, I beg Leave to subscribe myself your / most obedient and obliged servant

      John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Joel Barlow, 4 April 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Barlow, Joel

      Sir.
      Grosvenor square April 4th. 1786—

     I am much obliged to you for your favour of December 12th. 1785, and for the oppertunity of reading the vision of Columbus a Poem of very great Merit— as soon as I had read it, I went out with it to my friend Dr. Price at Newington Green, and left it with him, together with your Letter to him— The Doctor will do you every service in his Power & I will do what may be in mine.
     As the English is very little read in any Country of Europe, except England, a Poem in that Language will never, or at least for many years to come make any fortune in any part of the World except England & America,— In French, if it had the same merit it would sell to some degree every where— I hope that you & your friends Dwight, Trumbull and Humphreys will contribute with other causes

to make our Language more generally Studied— But this must be the work of time— There is not extant a Poem, written by any Englishman now living, that will bear any Comparison, with the Vision of Columbus, or the Conquest of Canaan— There is indeed no very eminent Poet on the stage— Sherriden, Anstey Mason, Hayley, Day & some others have written some things well. As Day & Hayley have been rather favourable to America, it may be proper to consult one of them—
     The Dedication to the King of France, will do it honour in that Kingdom but not in this— It is even questionable whether it would not ruin the sale of it here where alone it can be sold at all, very few Copies will ever be disposed of in france, or any other part of Europe, at least for many years to come. You must consider that the public opinion here is very different from that in America— This Nation is & ever has been profoundly Ignorant of what has happened in America, and all the Channels of information are so stopped up by Influence & Power, that it is utterly impossible to convey the truth to their minds.
     There are some Expressions in the Vision of Columbus which would be adjudged libellous by any Court & Jury in the Kingdom: And the Attorney General, ex officio would think himself bound to prosecute the Printer & Publisher for Example in what you say of Adams, whether you mean John or Samuel, I know not: but as it is left doubtfull it will be here applyed to me, and as I am the public Minister from the U. States here, if I were to be instrumental, or only accessory to the Publication of it for what I know it might produce a Declaration of War. “From all the tyrants guileful plotts the Veil he drew” I have taken the liberty to write guileful, instead of Tyrants, a Word that never has been tolerated in England They never dared even to publish the declaration of Independance without gutting it— The Poem must be revised by somebody who will determine what Corrections of this Sort are indispensable for no Printer will run the risk of a Pillory & Imprisonment for the sake of publishing a Poem that notwithstanding its beauty, harmony & Sublimity, too probably will have a dull sale. Neither America nor her Heroes nor her sages, are popular here, Much otherwise— The United States must encourage their own Poets, as well as Warriors— or they will be discouraged— all Europe is too Jealous of both to do this Duty for us—
     You may depend however upon every thing in my power to do,

and when the Poem is printed, I will consult the Imperial Ambassadors here, to know if a Copy may be presented to each of their sovereigns, without offence. I shall be glad at any time to hear from you & am with great esteem / Yours

      J A


Title: From John Adams to Timothy Dwight, 4 April 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Dwight, Timothy

      Sir
      Grosvenor square April 4th. 1786—

     I have received your Letter, & the Conquest of Canaan, with more pleasure than you will easily believe. before I took any measures towards the publication of this Poem, I was determined, whatever affairs might interrupt me, to read it, & I found so much pleasure, in this Employment, that it was very soon compleated.
     My taste as well as my Impartiallity may be disputed: but I will venture to say that I know of no heroick Poem Superior to it, in any modern Language, excepting alway’s Paradise lost: & If I am not wholly blinded by prejudice it not only does honor to America, but would do honor to any nation in Europe.

     As Mr. Barlow has transmitted his Vision of Columbus to my friend Dr. Price, I went out to Newington Green to consult him—
     The Doctor will do what he can to assist the printing & sale of both these works, but he is of opinion that it will not be possible to find a Printer or Bookseller who will give much for the Copy if we can find even one who will print either at his own Expence & Risque It is the mode, that governs— When a Writer has made himself a name, in England, the Booksellers, are eager to have his Copies. having no Judgement of their own, they are timid, untill they know the publick has an Enthusiasm for the Reputation of the writer— But it is scarcely possible for any new Writer to force himself into Reputation without the aid of Government, If neither administration nor opposition, espouse the Cause, it is desperate, during the late War, there was an opposition in Parliament consisting of many noblemen & Gentlemen whose Rank Families & Fortunes gave them great Power in the Nation. These were able to give a Currency & Popularity to many American publications: but at present the Case is altered. America has now no Interest in Parliament No Party, No Character of any influence that is favourable to it, and Popularity is entirely under the Guidance of Parliamentary factions. For these Reasons I think, that your Poems will meet a cold reception. it will be made unpopular to read them. I have consulted a Bookseller, concerning yours, & have put it into the Hands of a very able Man, and a very good Poet for his Judgement—
     You may depend upon it every thing in my power shall be done to have it printed sold, read & productive of advantage to you, but I fear you must be content with no Profit & little fame for some time. The Genius & taste for Poetry are much declined, and the encouragement of it, which was never very much is now nothing at all. The Muses have crossed the atlantic and there may be happy, Music & painting are now the ton in England, The King has brought into fashion the first, and Commerce for the purposes of manufatures & Profit has given a spur to the last— But Poetry is little Cherished by either, and the people are so burthened, that they have no spirit left to read—so exhausted by taxes that they have no money to purchase Books.
     The Principal Poets here are Sherridan, Anstey Mason, Hayley, & Day. the first is too much in politicks at present, the two next are at a distance in the Country. the two last may be consulted if necessary. I have begun with Mr: Day—
     I shall ever be glad to hear from you
     Your

      J. A—


Title: The American Commissioners to the Marquis of Carmarthen, 4 April 1786
From: American Commissioners
To: Carmarthen, the Marquis of

      My Lord
      Grosvenor Square April the fourth 1786

     Agreably to your Lordships request expressed to one of Us in Conversation, and again communicated to Us through Mr Fraser, We have drawn up the enclosed Project of a Treaty of Commerce, which We do ourselves the Honour to propose to the Consideration of his Majestys Ministers.
     We have the Honour to be My lord / your Lordships most obedient and / most humble servants

      John AdamsTh: Jefferson

     ENCLOSURE

      Art—1st.
      The Subjects of His Britannic Majesty may frequent all the Coasts and Countries Bay’s, Harbours, Creeks, Rivers and Ports of the United States of America, and reside and trade there, in all Sorts of Produce, Manufactures, and Merchandize, and Shall pay within the said United States, no other or greater Duties, Charges, or fees whatsoever than the natural born Citizens of the United States themselves are or shall be obliged to pay; and they shall enjoy all the Rights, Priviledges, and Exemptions in trade Navigation and Commerce which the natural born Citizens of the said United States do or shall enjoy.

      Art—2d.
      In like manner, the Citizens of the United States of America may frequent all the Coasts and Countries, Bay’s, Harbours, Creeks, Rivers and Ports of His Britannic Majesty, and reside and trade

there in all Sorts of Produce Manufactures and Merchandize, and shall pay in the Dominions of His said Majesty no other or greater duties, Charges, or Fees whatsoever than the natural born Subjects of Great Britain are or shall be obliged to pay; and they shall enjoy all the Rights, Priviledges and Exemptions in Trade, navigation and Commerce which the natural born Subjects of Great Britain do or shall enjoy—saving nevertheless to the Chartered Companies, trading to the East Indies and to Hudson’s Bay their rights—

      Art—3d.
      More especially each Party shall have a right to carry all kinds of Produce Manufactures and Merchandize of whatever Place they may be the growth, or Manufacture, in their own Vessells navigated by their own or any other seamen to any Parts of the Dominions of the other, where it shall be lawfull for all Persons freely to purchase them, and thence to take Produce, Manufactures and Merchandize, of whatever place or Growth, which all Persons shall in like manner be free to sell them, paying in both Cases such Duties, Charges and Fees, only as are or shall be paid by the natural-born subjects of Great Britain, in the Dominions of His Britannic Majesty, and the natural born Citizens of the said United States within their Dominions. Nevertheless each Party reserves to itself the right to prohibit in their respective Countries the Exportation or Importation of any Species of Goods or Commodities whatsoever. in this Case the Subjects or Citizens of either of the contracting Parties shall not import or export the Merchandize prohibited by the other. But if one of the Contracting Parties permits any Person of their own or any other Nation to import or export the same Merchandize—the Citizens or Subjects of the other shall immediately enjoy the same Liberty—

      Art 4th.
      The Contracting Parties grant to each other the Liberty of having each in the Ports of the other Consuls, Vice-Consuls, Agents and Commissaries of their own appointment— But if any such Consuls shall exercise Commerce they shall be submitted to the same Laws and usages to which the private Individuals of their Nation are Submitted in the same Place—

      Art. 5—
      His Britannic Majesty and the United States of America agree that this Treaty shall be in force during   years from the

Exchange of Ratifications— And that this treaty shall be ratified on both sides and the Ratifications exchanged within one year from the Day of its signature


Title: John Adams and Thomas Jefferson Tour the English Countryside
From:
To:

      4–10 April 1786

     Editorial Note
     By 4 April, the commissioners faced a stalemate on several diplomatic fronts, including negotiations with the Marquis of Carmarthen, the Chevalier Pinto de Balsamão, and the Tripoline envoy, Sidi Haji Abdrahaman. With little official business remaining on the docket, John Adams and Thomas Jefferson embarked on a week-long tour of English country seats and historic sites (JA, D&ADiary and Autobiography of John Adams, ed. L. H. Butterfield and others, Cambridge, 1961; 4 vols., 3:184–187; Jefferson, PapersThe Papers of Thomas Jefferson, ed. Julian P. Boyd, Charles T. Cullen, John Catanzariti, Barbara B. Oberg, and others, Princeton, N.J., 1950– ., 9:369–375). As Abigail Adams wrote to Cotton Tufts, John had “gone a little, journey into the Country,” marking their first separation since her July 1784 arrival in London and his first real reprieve from “publick business’ since he assumed diplomatic duties in Europe (AFCAdams Family Correspondence, ed. L. H. Butterfield, Marc Friedlaender, Richard Alan Ryerson, Margaret A. Hogan, and others, Cambridge, 1963– ., 7:134, 137). A day into the excursion, John Adams reported to her, “Magnificence, Elegance and Taste enough to excite an Inclination to see more,” and he promised to return on 9 or 10 April 1786 (AFCAdams Family Correspondence, ed. L. H. Butterfield, Marc Friedlaender, Richard Alan Ryerson, Margaret A. Hogan, and others, Cambridge, 1963– ., 7:132–133).

     Adams and Jefferson visited estates in the English counties of Surrey, Berkshire, Buckinghamshire, Warwickshire, the Leasowes in Shropshire, Worcestershire, and Oxfordshire. For a guidebook, each commissioner carried—and annotated—a copy of Thomas Whately’s Observations on Modern Gardening, 4th edn., London, 1777 (Catalogue of JA’s LibraryCatalogue of the John Adams Library in the Public Library of the City of Boston, Boston, 1917.; Jefferson, PapersThe Papers of Thomas Jefferson, ed. Julian P. Boyd, Charles T. Cullen, John Catanzariti, Barbara B. Oberg, and others, Princeton, N.J., 1950– ., 9:369). In his Diary and his letters to Abigail, John focused on historic sites, exploring the history of the English Civil War with visits to the battle sites of Edgehill and Worcester. At the latter venue, Adams felt “provoked” to remind residents that “this is holy Ground, much holier than that on which your Churches stand” (JA, D&ADiary and Autobiography of John Adams, ed. L. H. Butterfield and others, Cambridge, 1961; 4 vols., 3:185). Jefferson used his travel account, by contrast, to document the agricultural improvements and architectural details that he planned to replicate in his extensive Virginia plantation holdings (Andrea Wulf, Founding Gardeners: The Revolutionary Generation, Nature, and the Shaping of the American Nation, N.Y., 2011, p. 35–57).
     The American commissioners were inquisitive and ambitious tourists. They viewed the mass production of paintings in a Birmingham factory, followed the custom of carving a wood chip from Shakespeare’s chair in Stratford-upon-Avon, and admired the statuary of British worthies lining the landscaped paths of various private gentlemen’s retreats. At Stowe House, the home of Richard Temple, 1st Viscount Cobham, they ascended the “120 feet” garden pillar, which offered a view of five counties from its peak. At Kew, Jefferson sketched new patent machinery used to raise water. Both commissioners enjoyed the brief interlude from diplomatic business, returning to London by 10 April. The “Variety of Beauties” on display in rural England prompted Adams to reflect on the “rugged Grandeur of Pens Hill” in his native Braintree, where “Nature has done greater Things and furnished nobler Materials” (JA, D&ADiary and Autobiography of John Adams, ed. L. H. Butterfield and others, Cambridge, 1961; 4 vols., 3:186).


Title: William Carmichael to the American Commissioners, 5 April 1786
From: Carmichael, William
To: American Commissioners

      Gentlemen
      Madrid 5th. April 1786

     I this day recd. from the Secretary of States Department a letter from the Count D Expilly inclosin one from Mr Lamb, copies of which I have the honor to transmit for Your Excellencies Information. Messrs. Lamb and Randall left Barcelona the 11th. Ulto. After their Departure I procured a letter in their favor from his Excy. the Ct. de Florida Blanca to the Ct. D Expilly which I forwarded under cover of the Latter to Mr Lamb.
     Until I can have an opportunity of conversing with the Secretary mentioned in the Cts. Letter I cannot particularly ascertain the cause which has retarded the conclusion of the Treaty between Spain & the Regency. The articles were long since adjusted & the

Money was some time ago landed at Algiers destined for presents &c &. I presume however that new difficulties have arisen on acct. of the desire of this court to obtain a peace for Naples & Portugal; As Letters by the last Post from Carthagena mention that the Envoys from these Courts for that Object were waiting there to receive Intelligence from Algiers before they chose to embark for that Place. The Secretary from thence with dispatches to the Ministry here may possibly remove these Obstacles, or at least give some insight with respect to the Extraordinary delay which the Ct D Expilly has experienced in his Negotiation. The only obstacle to prevent its termination after the one before mentioned must arise from the Quantum of money to be paid by Spain to the Algerines. This court wishes to diminish, the Regency to augment the amount of the sum appropriated to this use.
     I am very apprehensive that a truce for a short period will be the Utmost that we shall be able to Obtain. I am persuaded that the Ct. D Expilly will employ all the influence & experience he hath acquired by his residence there to render us service, in which he will perfectly second the views of his Court.
     It is unnecessary for me to enter into any details respecting the Mission of Mr Barclay. I flatter myself that he is convinced that I have done every which depended on me to fulfill your Excys intentions in sending that Gentleman to Madrid: I cannot however refrain from mentioning the exceeding Liberal & friendly conduct of his Excy. the Ct. de Florida Blanca on this Occasion. The Manner of conferring adds greatly to the Obligation conferred.
     I have the honor to be / with the highest respect / your Excellencies / Most Obedt. & Humble Sert.

      Wm. Carmichael


Title: To John Adams from John Jay, 7 April 1786
From: Jay, John
To: Adams, John

       Dear Sir
       New York 7 Ap. 1786

      I lately sent you five or six copies of the last Edition of my Pamphlet. I then supposed it to be correct, but have since discovered in it the Errors mentioned in the inclosed note— be pleased to correct it accordingly.
      we are well tho not officially informed that all the States have granted the Impost to Congress, except new York, in whose Legislature there is a strong Party against it. You will think it strange, and yet so the Fact is that this Party has not a little been cherished by certain Gentlemen of Congress who were here last Autumn—
      Your Letters by the last Packet have been recd.—but I defer particulars to a private opportunity which I am told will soon offer—
      Yours very sincerely

       John Jay—

      {In my opinion a categorical answer to your memorial should not be prest without the further order of Congress.}


Title: To John Adams from Samuel Williams, 9 April 1786
From: Williams, Samuel
To: Adams, John

      Sir,
      Cambridge in America, April 9. 1786—

     I wish to present to the Royal Society of London the memoirs of our American Academy of Arts and Sciences: and to convey to Manheim the inclosed packet of papers. As we have no direct conveyance from America, may I take the liberty to commit them to your care?
     It gives us much pleasure to have two of your Sons in this University. Both of them are young Gentlemen from whom their friends have the most encouraging hopes and prospects. The youngest is

not yet under the mathematical and philosophical instruction. The eldest has been with us but a short time; and appears to engage with ardor in mathematical and philosophical studies. He can not do me a greater pleasure than to put it into my power to be of any service to him in this way.
     The public attention was much engaged the last winter, by Dr. Gordons proposals of publishing an history of the american Revolution. The idea of his leaving this country to publish his history in Great Britain occasioned an almost universal suspicion. He has met with very little encouragement here: and unless his history shall appear to be very impartial, it will be altogether disregarded in America.
     With due regards to your good Lady, and Daughter, I am, Sir, / Your most obedient, / and humble Servant

      Samuel Williams.


Title: Thomas Barclay to the American Commissioners, 10 April 1786
From: Barclay, Thomas
To: American Commissioners

       Gentlemen
       Madrid 10th. April 1786.

      The Day before yesterday mr. Carmichael received Letters from Algiers from mr. Lamb, dated the 29th. of last Month, and from mr. Randal the 26th. (which I think a wrong Date) with a Postscript from on board a Vessel in the Bay of Alicant of the 1st. Inst. after a Passage of 26. Hours. He cannot come on Shore without a Permission from Court to shorten his Quarantine, which mr. Carmichael has applied for, & probably mr. Randal will soon be at Paris.
      Though mr. Carmichael will write to you on this Subject and though I have no Information from Africa, but what I derive from him, I think it a Part of my Duty to give you the Outlines of what Intelligence I can collect, though it should prove a Work of Supererogation.
      Mr. Lamb’s Letter is short & obscure nor do I understand the whole of it. However he says “no Peace can be made until Congress grant a larger Sum to pay for it, & that he will return to Spain to wait for Orders.” Mr. Randal says the Dey of Algiers has refused to treat with mr. Lamb without assigning any Reason for it. It does not appear by either Letter that mr. Lamb has had any Audience of the Dey of Algiers: but I shall think it very strange if he returns to Europe without knowing on what Terms a Treaty may be made.— And I find that to be the Case unless I have your Directions to the contrary I shall hold myself justifiable at the Expence of some Time & Money to attain this Knowlege.
      The Removal of the Court, the Compliance with necessary Forms & the Intervention of the Holy Week (during some Days of which I need not pretend to set forward) has detained me some Time longer than I expected, but the Delay can be of no Consequence, as the Count de Florida Blanca was so condescending as to apprize the Spanish Consul at Morocco of my being thus far on the Way, Indeed the Attention shewn here to the Business in which I am engaged far surpassed my warmest Expectations. It will give me great Pleasure to receive a Letter from you. If an Opportunity to Cadiz should offer please to put it under Cover to Messrs. Lynon & Bellew of that Place who will take Care of it.
      I am with great Respect & Esteem / Gentlemen, &c

       (signed) Thos Barclay

      I wish what I have put in Cypher may be tolerably correct, not having Time to examine it.


Title: To John Adams from Elbridge Gerry, 12 April 1786
From: Gerry, Elbridge
To: Adams, John

      My dear sir
      Boston 12th April 1786

     A few Days since, I recd your Letter of the 13th of Decr last, without either of the Arrets therein referred to. from the Cover of the Letter, which is inclosed for your Inspection, I suspect it has been opened, previously to my receiving it; if so, I should be well pleased to know who the person is that is so very curious as to loose his Sense of Honor in this Matter.
     When I left New York, the Board of Treasury were seriously disposed to investigate minutely, the Expenditure of the foreign Loans, & I flatter myself, whatever has been wrong, will be rectified, or at least brot to Light.
     Virginia has proposed a fœderal commercial Convention, & Massachusetts have appointed their Commissioners; should the other States accede to the Measure, I think some effectual plan will be adopted for putting our Commerce on a respectable Footing.
     the States appear likewise to be sensible they have long eno’ trifled with public Credit, & to be disposed toward of the impending Blow, by granting the Impost & supplementary Funds. New York alone is opposed to the former, & will probably adopt it soon.

     What is the Issue of your Negotiations respecting the Interest of british Debts during the War? this is a more important Matter than I formerly supposed it, & the Idea of being subject to such a Demand, strikes the American Merchants thro’ out the Continent so disagreably, that an attempt to recover the Interest by a legal process, would I am apprehensive produce dangerous Convulsions in every State. indeed there would be too much Reason for them, for at the Time that the american Merchant is responsible for the principal of the british Debt & the Interest accruing since the War, he must either pay, or be subject to Arrests & attachments, he cannot recover the principal of his Debtors unless he takes real Estate or public Securities, neither of which will his british Creditor take at their Value, nor even Specie, without an allowance of 6 per Ct for Loss on Bills of Exche.— indeed every State seems to be so impressed with the Injustice of allowing to the british Creditors, Interest under such Circumstances, & more especially as American Merchants cannot recover on their Book Debts Interest, that the States have almost universally expressed their Sense against such an allowance; but at the same Time all Eyes are turned to your Negotiations, & if the british Minister will not come into the propositions of Congress, it may be necessary in order to give Satisfaction to the Union, for you to hint to Congress what it will be best for them to adopt, to do Justice to your & their Constituents. I have Reason to expect some of your Competition are laying concealed, to make a Clamour against You, should your Measures not be satisfactory to our Merchants—
     pray give my best Respects to the Ladies & be assured I / am my dear sir yours / sincerely

      E Gerry


Title: To John Adams from Isaac Stephens, 15 April 1786
From: Stephens, Isaac
To: Adams, John

      Algiers April 15th. 1786—
      To the Honourable John Adams Esqr.

     Sir. I take the Liberty to enclose a line to you as we receivd one from you, by the hand of Mr. Lambe which came here to make peace for America & to redeam the Americans in slavery But not power to do either as the price was so high as six thousand Dollars for a Master and four ditto for a mate and fifteen hundred for sailors the King will not bate one six pence and will not have any thing to say as to a peace with america which obliged Mr. Lambe to return to Madrid, which I think Mr. Lamb acted with precaution and safety & for the honor and esteem you bear if consistant with your power & good will to the unfortunate Americans I could wish this money may be paid without going to Congress as it will take such a time for the sum to be brought about, for the sum must be paid if ever we are cleared—
     Sir. I am american Born in the town of Braintree and a young family near Boston and by misfortunes in the war & at this time, I did not leave them in so agreable Situation to live without my help as I could wish them to due or even Comfortable for so long a time— But Blessed be God I am midling well as I hope these will find your honour and keep my Spirits up as well as can be expected with an Iron around my Legg and bearing all the insults from the moors crying there goes american Slave and the English out Behind in Comforts— Sir—I shall rest with a full assurance that you still will continue the grant of the Sum and goodness to the Unfortunate Americans as it is of so great a Consequence to me asspecially that has a family and a great mortification to me for the sum must be paid if ever We are redeemed from this dessert place the People is Carrying rocks and timber on their backs for nine miles out of the Country over sharp rocks and mountains which raises great Lumps on their shoulders as big as ones fist— Sir for the Love of god and mankind extricate us from this slavery as soon as may be from your most Obedient humble servt.—

      Isaac Stephens


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Vaughan, 20 April 1786
From: Vaughan, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

      Jeffries Square, April 20, 1786.

     Mr B Vaughan presents his respectful compts. to Mr Adams, and having waited for the inclosed, wishes for the favor of an answer upon the subject of it.
     Dr. Gray makes a private party for Mr V:, and of course will be happy to see Mrs & Miss Adams, with Col Jefferson & Col smith.
     Mr V: is endeavoring to procure Mr Bolton’s permission to see the immense machinery at Blackfriars Bridge for grinding corn by means of the steam engine, as difficulties have been feared respecting some foreigners, which Mr V— does not apprehend occur in the present instance.


Title: American Commissioners to John Jay, 25 April 1786
From: American Commissioners
To: Jay, John

      Sir
      Grosvenor square April 25th. 1786—

     Soon after our meeting together in London, We had a Conference with the Secretary of State for foreign Affairs, in which we communicated to him, the joint Commission of Congress, for negotiating a Treaty of Commerce with Great Britain, and left an attested Copy of it in the hands of his Lordship. At the same time his Lordship was informed that as the Commission was limited to two years duration which would expire on the twelfth of May, We should be ready to confer upon the Subject of it with his Majesty’s Ministers; but as one of us would be obliged to return in a short time to Paris, it was wished that an early oppertunity might be taken to see upon what points we could agree, and to discuss those in which at first we might differ.
     his Lordship after harping a little on the old String, the insufficiency of the powers of Congress to treat and to compell Compliance with Treaties, said he would lay the matter before the ministry and the King. in a few day’s his Lordship meeting one of us, proposed in his own name and that of Mr: Pitt, that, as the Project already Communicated contained many political Regulations, we should prepare a Project of a Treaty merely commercial. The next day at the office, it was said to the under Secretary of State Mr: Frasier, his Lordship not being there that the Project already proposed, was in our opinion the best that could be proposed for the mutual interest of the two Nations: but if any parts of it were objectionable in the Minds of the Ministry, we were ready to enter into a candid disquisition of them, and to receive any counter project, which might contain the sense of the Cabinet; but untill, we knew which Articles were objected to, it would be in vain for us to attempt a new draught: We could only repeat the proposition of the former one. Mr. Frasier reported this conversation to his Principal, Who directed him to write us, that as the former Project contained many political Regulations, his Lordship wished to receive a Plan of a Treaty merely commercial. We accordingly sent five or six Articles of the former Pland and proposed them as a Treaty of Commerce, which we suppose would be a good one and except in one point as compleat as we can expect. The point we mean is the Priviledge of ships built in the United States. It is much to be wished that such Ships might enjoy in the British Dominions as ample Previledges as British built Ships, whether owned or navigated by Americans or not,

and we should now add an Article—to that Purpose, if there was the smallest symptom of an Inclination to treat at all. But there is not. There is no party, nor Individual here in favour of a Treaty, but upon the Principle that the United States will retaliate, if there is not one. all agree that if America will suffer England to pockett (that is their Expression) all her navigation, England would be unwise not to avail herself of the advantage.
     The Negotiation with Portugal is brought to a Conclusion as far as her Minister here has Authority to proceed. We propose to execute the treaty, and hope to receive the Counterpart executed by the Chevalier De Pinto, before our Commission expires. The treaty itself shall be transmitted to Congress as soon as it is finished and we shall not trouble you with a tedious detail of Projects and Counterprojects. yet the enclosed Copies of parts of a Letter, concerning flour and Privateering and contraband, may be necessary for our justification.
     We have the honor to inclose copies of Letters from Mr: Carmichael of the 5th. April, from Mr: Barclay of the 5 April from the Comte D’Espilly & Mr Lamb to Mr. Carmichael dated Algiers 26th. of March.
     We have every reason to fear that the negotiations with the Turks will be very tedious and expensive, upon the present plan, and without Success. Our Commission to Constantinople expires in a few Day’s and we have no new Commission to this power which enables us to send Agents. And indeed the Sublime Porte is so great a Power that its Dignity would be offended, if such a measure were attempted. There are reasons to expect that a minister to that Court would be well received and that our Commerce and naval Stores would be there an object.
     With great respect we have the honor to be / Your Excellency’s / most Obedient / Humble Servt’s:

      John Adams.Th: Jefferson


Title: To John Adams from Matthew Robinson-Morris, 25 April 1786
From: Robinson-Morris, Matthew
To: Adams, John

      Sir,
      Horton 25th April 1786.

     I am honor’d with your letters both by Mr. Partridge and by the post and am proud to observe; that we so much concur in our public and political sentiments. I am particularly pleas’d to agree with you in the reciprocal opinion; that the closest union and connection between our two countries is one of their very first and greatest mutual interests. I do for that and other reasons so exceedingly dislike some of our own proceedings both in the East, the West and at home; that I scruple to express my thoughts concerning them; but I dont see, what can possibly be our future part or fate in the world, except to prove a most signal example for instructing and warning the rest of mankind.
     My desire of a trade totally free however goes to so great an extent; that whatever nations should act differently, I might probably be for leaving them to the sure punishment of their own misconduct in that respect and continue nevertheless in the mind of abiding firmly ourselves by the former principle; which, I should believe, would lead to wealth and plenty a people steadily adhering to it; let others do what they would: Warlike in particular, that is to say, defensive, as well as offensive alliances with other States I never think of without abhorrence.
     There is another subject of American politics, in which I must confess myself rather to differ from what appears to be the opinion of some wise and honest men; although I have not by your letters observ’d; that I do so from you. I most highly honor your Congress, the annual representation of so many free states; but I should for one as a Citizen of America nevertheless be cautious of placing too

much permanent power even in their hands: It might be a dangerous experiment and not easily amended, if any thing proved amiss. I should rather look to the Swiss, than the Dutch confederation. The former no where bordering on the Sea nor having the least means of Naval Commerce are not so rich and populous, as the latter; but they seem for their numbers and situation to be at least, as happy a people as any in Europe.
     By repeating the observation concerning the Western progress of Arts and Sciences, I meant no more than the present appearance; that the same circumstance or accident may perhaps be continued in Ireland and America. I alluded herein to a common and trite remark; but human improvements certainly are by degrees taking a wider compass (as you seem to say) and will probably continue to do so, until they shall spread over our whole habitable globe; although they have in general proceeded hitherto from East to West.
     When I put the question “are these circumstances not turn’d to violent enmity and aversion” I was applying to a particular description of men and speaking according to their real or profess’d sentiments; but the expression might have been as proper; if I had ask’d “Have we to thank ourselves, if these circumstances are not turn’d” &c.
     I heartily wish; that you may find your Public Debt so manageable, as you seem to expect; but no such circumstance has come within my observation or experience: With the example however, which I see daily and hourly before my eyes; it is no wonder; if I have contracted an utter aversion for all national debts.
     The superstitious belief or pretension of any divine right in Princes is totally eradicated out of England: Not the least circumstance of that kind remains among us; but bribery and corruption have succeeded in their place: These are become the great or almost only means of government and have proved far more powerful and more fatal, than the other: They have done, what those neither did nor could do and will without doubt perfectly compleat their work; before they leave: Englishmen are as yet, but at the beginning of their sorrows; however important some events may of themselves appear; which have already happen’d.
     These matters nevertheless are perhaps too extensive for a letter nor do I know, how long business may require your presence in London: My health may probably carry me to Aix-la-Chappelle; (when the season shall suit for such a journey) and sooner or later, as it may press me more or less: I have formerly found great benefit from those waters and baths and have now occasion for them: If you can

in the mean time however induce yourself to visit my hermitage at Horton; I shall be very proud and happy. I can offer you no conveniences or advantages here; except a most perfect freedom in all respects; which you will certainly find. It would likewise greatly add to my pleasure; if Dr. Price should be perswaded to accompany you. I may however give a fuller commission on this subject to Mr. Partridge; whom I will take the liberty to make the bearer of this letter. I am with sincere esteem / Sir, / Your most Respectful / and obedient Servt.

      M. Robinson M.