Title: C. W. F. Dumas to Benjamin Franklin: A Translation, 8 December 1778
From: Dumas, Charles William Frederic
To: Franklin, Benjamin,Lee, Arthur,Adams, John,First Joint Commission at Paris

       Gentlemen
       The Hague, 8 December 1778

      The calm of which I spoke in my letter of the 2d has ended much sooner than I had anticipated. There already had been uneasiness for several days about the fall in the English funds, and the letters from England have increased the qualms of our fundholders. On the other hand, the refusal to publish the great city’s protest against the resolution of 18 November has forced this city to print and distribute it, not only at home, but to all the other towns of the province. This has shocked the English party, which did not anticipate that the city would carry out her threat in this regard. This was where things stood until yesterday morning, when this party was further embarassed by the enclosed mémoire. This morning His Excellency the Ambassador had the kindness to give me a copy of the mémoire so that I might send it to you, gentlemen, and also to the very honorable congress. It has already been sent to all the provinces and towns, as a subject for meeting and deliberation. The States of the Province of Holland will reconvene on the 16th and the towns will return armed with new instructions. I will send you, gentlemen, a precise account of what ensues, which I do not doubt will be a new resolution in accordance with this mémoire. Thus the British maneuver will have resulted only in its own confusion.
      I am, with great respect, gentlemen, your very humble and very obedient servant

       Dumas


Title: John Paul Jones to the Commissioners, 9 December 1778
From: Jones, John Paul
To: Franklin, Benjamin,Lee, Arthur,Adams, John,First Joint Commission at Paris

      Gentlemen
      L’Orient Decr. 9th. 1778

     It is my duty to forward to you the within Memorial of Facts from Gentlemen whom the fortune of War made Prisoners to the American Arms under my command. In their application to me they observe that “I am well acquainted with their situation.” The late treatment which these unfortunate Men have met with appears to me to carry with it a degree of severity which cannot be Justified by reason nor by Law, and which is by no means compatible with the dignified Humanity of our Imperial Republic. It is my duty to inform you that out of two hundred Prisoners there now remains only an hundred and thirty one on board the Patience. It is pretended that the rest have been disposed of agreeable to your Orders—but this I cannot believe. I cannot believe that you have Ordered any of these Prisoners to be carried away in the continental Ships or Privateers after having returned their Names and Rank for exchange to the Court of London, and after their having cost America a very considerable expence in Victuals for several Months. Far less can I believe that you have Ordered some Prisoners to be set at liberty without a Parole—While others, who have subscribed the within Memorial, being exactly of the same Rank and then in the same Situation, are held Prisoners. One of the Men who have been thus set at liberty, I myself detected communicating intelligence to the Enemy. When even the Cables of the Prison Ship could not escape the Rapine at Brest, it is not strange that these poor prisoners should complain. The Fellow who now holds the Rod over their wretched Heads, has menaced them if they “dared to complain”—And would have intercepted their Memorial had I not prevented it. This Riou is the Scoundrel who by his falsehoods promoted discord in the Ranger and got the deluded People to appoint him thier particular Agent. Before that time he never could call Twenty Louis his own—and he is now too Rich for his former profession of Kings Interpreter. He does not denay that he is a Scoundrel, for as I have called him Oftener than once before Witnesses—and so every Person of Sense thinks him at Brest.
     If the exchange of Prisoners does not take place immediately I conceive it would be the most eligable Method to have the people on board the Patience Landed. They are convinced that if you should think fit to return them an Answer it will never come to their hands thro’ the Means of any person who calls himself Agent at Brest—and they, having full confidence in the honor and humanity of the Revd. Father John professor of English and Chaplain to Comte D’Orvilliers at Brest, have desired me to inform you that, thro’ that Gentleman, they beg you to favor them with an Answer. In granting their request you will confer a very singular Obligation on, Gentlemen, Your most Obedient and very humble Servant

      Jno. P Jones


Title: John Paul Jones to Benjamin Franklin and John Adams, 9 December 1778
From: Jones, John Paul
To: Adams, John,Franklin, Benjamin

      Gentlemen
      L’Orient Decr. 9th 1778

     I have the honor to inform you that this day Arrived here a Virginia Pilot boat from Boston in 23 days. The master reports—that Comte Destaing had saild from thence a fortnight before on a Secret destination—that the Summerset was lost on Cape Cod, the materials saved and the Crew Prisoners—that the Providence, Boston, and Ranger were Arrived having taken two or three Merchant Vessels—That the Enemy were embarking their Stores and provision at N. York—That the Raleigh was chaced ashore to the Eastward of Boston, the Crew made Prisoners and the Ship got off by the Enemy—that it was reported that three of Byrons Fleet were ashore on Nantucket Shoals, and that Barbados and Granadoes &ca. were taken.
     I have the honor to be, with due esteem & respect Gentlemen, your most Obedient and very humble Servant

      Jno P Jones


Title: William Lee to the Commissioners, 9 December 1778
From: Lee, William
To: Franklin, Benjamin,Lee, Arthur,Adams, John,First Joint Commission at Paris

      Gentlemen
      Frankfort sur le Main 9th. Decr. 1778

     Conformable to the resolution of Congress, of which a Copy is inclosed, I have drawn on you the 4th instant for Twenty four Thousand Livres at One Months date payable to Mr. Grand, which you will please to pay due honor to, by acceptance and payment when at maturity, and place the same to the Account of Congress.
     ’Tis generally beleived that a Congress will be held in the course of the Winter, between Ministers from the Courts of Versailles and Petersburg to endeavor at a reconciliation between the Emperor and King of Prussia; I am assured that G. Britain has prevail’d on the Court of Petersburg to take advantage of this opportunity to negotiate also an accommodation between France and G. Britain. It is to be proposed to France to relinquish her Treaties and engagements with America, but what advantages G. Britain means to offer as an inducement to France I have not yet properly learnt. I have no doubt that France will reject with disdain Such an ignominious attempt upon her Honor, even if her solid and substantial interests were out of the question, but still I think it adviseable to give you the information that you may act as you think proper on the occasion.
     I have the Honor to be with very great Regard Gentlemen Your most Obedt. & most Humble Servant

      W: Lee


Title: To John Adams from Mercy Otis Warren, 15 December 1778
From: Warren, Mercy Otis
To: Adams, John

      Sir
      Plimouth December 15th 1778

     I Cannot but think myself a sufferer by the Many Captures on American Navigation, for as you are undoubtedly a Gentleman of the strictest Veracity, I must suppose the Watery Damsels that Attend the ouzy Board of the Grey Headed Neptune, are much more Fortunate than the Woodland Dames of America. Otherways, Notwithstanding the Bussy and important scenes in which You are ingaged a folio from the Court of France Must have Reached Braintree, and one Octavo sheet at least would have found Its way to Plimouth before this.
     But if by thus Frequently Leting Down the Most Weighty secrets of state, as well as the sociel Communications of the Friendly Heart, the Dark Counsels of the Deities Below do not Gain an influance sufficient to Embarass your Negotiations, we Can better forgive this peculation of the Nereides, as we may suppose the Females Beneath, have some Curiosity as well as Those who walk upon the surface of a World, where knowledge is Circumscribed within such Narrow Limits, and the sex too often Forbidden to taste the Goldden Fruit.
     But perhaps You May have forgot Through the Multiplicity of your Avocations, And the Magnitude of the objects, And say surely I Never promissed to write to more than one Lady, on the Western side the Atlantic. But that Lady has Furnished me with it written testimony signed by yourself, that the first safe Conveyance should Forward some observations, and Remarks, to Mrs. W——n, which if Collected by Mr. Adams must surely be a treasure.
     And I have still a Further Demand upon you. You May Recollect six years ago, at a Certain Fire side, where many Political plans were Laid, Discussed, and Digested, you said it was your Opinion, the Contest Between Britain and America would not be setled till your sons, and my sons, were able to Visit, and Negotiate at the Different Courts of Europe. A Lady Replied (Though perhaps not from prescience, presentiment, or anything but presumption,) that you Must do this Work yourselves. And that she Expected from you, a pleasing Naration of the Different Customs Manners, Genius, and Taste of Nations with whom we were little acquainted.
     You have been absent almost a year, and None are yet arrived. You Must Remember sir, that when we are Descending a precipice, the Velocity is much more Rapid than when we Mount: Though Expectation points us to the summit, and hope spreads her Wings to accelerate our Motion.
     And if you postpone your Communications by the year, I Cannot Expect to Receive many, for if no premature stroke precipitates the Moment, the sun will not Revolve Many times round this Inconsiderable Globe, before I hope to tread the starry pavement, And Look Down with pity, on the Regalia of princes, the Empires of a Day, the pomp of Royalty, and Even the pride of Republican or Aristocratic Grandeur.
     I Wrote you a long Letter Dated October 15th. which went in a packet Forwared by the Count De Estaign. It was Void of poetick Imagery, or any Flights of Fancy, but Contained many solemn Truths, which if that packet arrived safe, were doubtless Corroborated by better Hands.
     I write this in a solitary Hour. Mr. Warren yet at the Navy Board, Exerting all the powers of a Good Head and an Excellent Heart, to put the affairs of the American Marine on a Respectable Footing: as far as falls within His Department. We have hitherto been unfortunate by sea, the Causes shall leave for others to Investigate.
     Mrs. Adams will Doubtless write you by this Conveyance. She has latly made me an agreable Visit, and I often see her on my way to the Capital: whither I Repair when I Can leave my little Family, which now Consists of only my two younger sons in the parlour, the three Elder being at an age that makes it proper they should leave the parental Roof. Probably you do not Remember any of them, but I shall in a few days have a young person with me, whom you will Never forget, one Miss Naby Adams, who I Expect will spend the Winter at Plimouth.
     There are Certain Moments in the lives of the Greatest philosophers, and polititians, when the Mind is Relieved, and Gathers fresh Vigour, from some trivial interruption accidentally Thrown in the way.
     This Reflection quiets the Bussy Monitor within, who sometimes Wispers, why do you Break in (by Recounting the uninteresting occurrances that fall in your way) on the important Moments of a Gentleman whose time is not his own.
     And I wish the same Reflection would have an influance on Him so far as to unbend his Mind Enough to write a person very Avaritious of the Notices of the Worthy, and of Every Attainable Means of improvement in this scanty portion of Existence.
     This Gos by Capt. Landais of the Alliance with whom I have a son. I took up my pen Intending only a few lines to let you know Notwithstanding the Convulsions of Nations, the Fluctuation of Events, And the Vicissitudes of time, there are yet a few, a very few, of Your acquaintance whom you most Esteemed in the Days of Tranquility who Remain Invariably the same. Nor Can I lay it down, till I have told you that both you, and your Country have lost a Friend in the Death of Coll. Otis: who after long and patiently waiting to be Called from his; post, Bid Adieu to Mortality, the 9th of Nov. 1778.
     When He paid this last Debts to Nature, both public and private Virtue Might justly Mourn the Deseased patron, while a large tribute of Gratitude Mingle’d with tears, is Due to the Memory of an Excellent Father, from your unfeigned Friend and Humble servant

      Marcia Warren


Title: J. D. Schweighauser and Others to the Commissioners, 15 December 1778
From: Schweighauser, John Daniel
To: Franklin, Benjamin,Lee, Arthur,Adams, John,First Joint Commission at Paris

      Honbl. Gentlemen
      Nantes 15th. December 1778

     We are favour’d with yours of the 5th. instant together with duplicates of your favours of the 11th and 27 Ultimo. The original of the first never came to hand, the last we received in due course of post.
     We hold ourselves greatly obliged to you for the trouble you have taken, in endeavouring to obtain a sufficient Convoy, for the Vessels bound to America, for the whole Voyage.
     We have been honoured with a letter from the Secretary of State for the Marine, informing us that he could not grant a Convoy farther than Cape-Finister, and as we did not look upon one, that far, and no farther, as an object worthy our attention, we had given up all thoughts of renewing our application, until we were honoured with yours of the 27th which has revived our hopes, and we flatter ourselves that it may be in your power to procure a Convoy to the westward of the western Islands if not for the whole Voyage.
     In our former letter we mentioned that the Vessels would be in readiness by the end of the last month, many of them were ready to sail at that time, and have waited ever since for a favourable opportunity of geting out, and as your honours must be sensible that the trade cannot be carried on to the advantage of either Country, unless it is properly protected, we have not the smallest doubt, but that you will take every step in your power to procure a sufficient Convoy as soon as possible, by which means America will be supplied with a large quantity of goods, and many of us get safe to our desired homes.
     We have the honour to be with great Esteem and Respect Honbl. Gentlemen Your most obedient and most humble Servants

      J. Dl. Schweighauser
      Danl. Blake
      Cha. Ogilvie
      Phil Rd. Fendall
      John Lloyd
      Josiah Darrell
      J. Grubb
      Matthew Mease
      Jno. Gilbank
      Robert Elliot
      H. Thompson


Title: To John Adams from William Vernon Sr., 17 December 1778
From: Vernon, William Sr.
To: Adams, John

      Dear sir
      Boston 17th. Decr. 1778

     The foregoing of the 22nd. of Octr. is copy of my last. Being yet without any of your favors, since you left N. England gives me Pain, for many Reasons, that are too delicate to touch upon; I hope my Son, has not forfeited your friendship, by ill conduct and mis-behaviour.
     Since my last, we have lost the Brigantine Resistance that was given to Capt. Burke. She was sent out as far as Cape Cod, to look for Count de Estaings Fleet, that was expected here, after the Rhode Island expedition was given up, missing of them, he stood to the Southward, and the Third day fell in with Lord Hows Fleet, who captured him?
     We have now in this Harbour, the Continental ships, Warren, Providence, Boston, Queen of France, and the Dean, the last full Man’d and ready to sail, the Others are in great forwardness and may sail in Three Weeks, if it was possible to get Men for them, which we shall never be able to accomplish, unless some method is taken to prevent desertion, and a stopage of Private ships sailing, until our ships are Man’d, their infamous practice of seduceing our Men to leave the ships, and taking them off at an out Port, with many other base methods, will make it impossible ever to get our ships, ready to sail in Force, or Fleets, or perhaps otherwise then single ships, from whom we cannot expect any great matters; indeed it hath generally proved fatal—I wish, I hope and pray for an Embargo, upon all Private ships, whether Arm’d or Merchants ships may take Place thro’ the United States, until the Fleet is Man’d. This is the only method, that can be taken—they elude our utmost efforts at Present; and at a most enormous expence, it was truely great before you left us. But you can scarsely form an Idea of the increase and groth of the extravagancy of the People in their demands for Labour &c. Dissipation hath no bounds at present, when or where it will stop, I dare not predict.
     The ship Built at Norwich is given to Capt. Harding and call’d the Confederacy, near ready to sail, she is a fine Frigate, its said exceeds the Alliance if possible?

     The Trumbul remains in Connecticut River, perhaps may never be able to get out of that hole, unless Camels are built to carry her out.
     The Ranger at Portsmouth, in good forwardness. I think. Capt. Simpson will be able to get his Men for that ship very soon?
     The Two ships that were sunk in the Deleware their upper Works burn’t by the Enemy are now got up, and fitting at Phila.
     The Brigantine Genl. Gates and sloop Providence, are out upon a Cruise—thus you have a general state of remains of the Navy.
     I have taken up much of your Time in this detail. If its any satisfaction to you, I shall have pleasure in being your most Obedt. Hble. servt.

      Wm Vernon


Title: From John Adams to Mercy Otis Warren, 18 December 1778
From: Adams, John
To: Warren, Mercy Otis

      Madam
      Passy Dec’r 18 1778

     A few days ago I had the Pleasure of your obliging letter of the 15 of October. It came by the Post, and single, not a line from any other Person, so that I know not by what means it reach’d L’orient. It was not, however the less welcome to me, its intrinsic Excellence, would have recommended it, whoever had written it. The Merit of the writer would have made it dear to me if the Letter itself had been indifferent, a supposition not very easy to make in this case.

     I am sorry very sorry for our Common Country that the unshaken Patriot you mention should think of retiring but I cannot blame him because my own thoughts are constantly running the same way and I am determined with submission to do the same thing.
     I hope however Madam that there is not so total a change of Manners, as some appearances may indicate, paper Currency fluctuating in its Value will ever produce appearances in the Political, commercial, and even the Moral World, that are very shooking at first sight, but upon Examination they will not be found to proceed from a total Want of Principal but for the most part from Necessity.
     Who will take the helm Madam, and indeed who will build the ship I know not but of one thing I am well convinced that a great part of the Evils you mention arise from the neglect to model the constitution and fix the Government. These things must be finished, and the dispute who shall be the head, is much less important than whether we shall have any. I am happy Madam to learn that so many of the most respectable strangers have had an opportunity to visit you. I am pleased with this because it has given you an opportunity of speculating upon those illustrious characters, and because it has given them an opportunity of observing that their new Ally can boast of Female Characters equal to any in Europe.
     I have not the honor to know Mrs. Holker, she lives at Rouen at a distance however I have gratified Mr. H’s father with a sight of his sons Portrait drawn by a Lady, which he could not read without the tears gushing from both his eyes.
     As to Portraits Madam I dare not try my hand as yet. But my Design is to retire, like my Freind, and spend all my leisure hours in writing a history of this revolution. And with an Hand as severe as Tacitus, I wish to god it was as eloquent, draw the Portrait of every character that has figured in the business. But when it is done I will dig a Vault, and bury the Manuscript, with a positive injunction, that it shall not be opened till a hundred years after My Death.
     What shall I say, Madam, to your Question whether I am as much in the good graces of the Ladies as my venerable Colleague. Ah No! Alas, Alas No.
     The Ladies of this Country Madam have an unaccountable passion for old Age, whereas our Country women you know Madam have rather a Complaisance for youth if I remember right. This is rather unlucky for me for I have nothing to do but wish that I was seventy years old and when I get back I shall be obliged to wish myself back again to 25.

     I will take the Liberty to mention an anecdote or two amongst a multitude to shew you how unfortunate I am in being so young. A Gentleman introduced me the other day to a Lady. Voila, Madame, says he, Monsieur Adams, notre Ami, Le Colleague de Monsieur Franklin! Je suis enchante de voir Monsieur Adams. Answer’d the Lady. Embrassez le, donc. Reply’d the Gentleman. Ah No, Monsieur, says the Lady, il est trop jeune.
     So that you see. I must wait patiently, full 30 years longer before I can be so great a favorite.
     Madam I can give you no news. The Lords and Commons have refused to Comply censure the Manifests of the Comissionners. That unhappy Nation are going on in their Frenzy, but there is an awfull Gloom and Melancholy among them and with reason. I am Madam with every sentiment of Respect your affectionate Freind and humble servant

      John Adams

      Mrs. Warren will pardon my sending her a Letter, in another Hand Writing when she knows, that a little Friend of hers is the Clerk, who desires to send his profound Respects.


Title: C. W. F. Dumas to Benjamin Franklin: A Translation, 18 December 1778
From: Dumas, Charles William Frederic
To: Franklin, Benjamin,Lee, Arthur,Adams, John,First Joint Commission at Paris

       Gentlemen
       The Hague, 18 December 1778

      I have seen our friend. There are two committees: one to work on the new British complaints; the other on the response to be given to the French Ambassador’s mémoire, of which I sent you a copy. We will not know the result until next week.

      The protest published by Amsterdam against the resolution of the 18th was sent to me so that I might send a copy to Congress. This important document is 20 pages in folio. I will thus have much work to do, first translating it and then having it copied in duplicate and triplicate &c.
      If a satisfactory response is not made to France, Amsterdam will protest again.

       19 December, in the morning

      We were told that the Admiralty would not give its preliminary advisory regarding the resolution until next week, but measures were secretly taken to issue one this morning that promises fine things to France without, in the meantime, changing anything regarding the refusal of convoys for naval stores. Early this morning the Ambassador, having heard of it, visited the Grand Pensionary, before he left for the Assembly, to deliver a note so strong that I do not think that it will be possible to avoid giving a precise yes or no answer, which will either maintain or destroy the commerce of the seven provinces with France.

       19 December, in the evening

      Despite the Ambassador’s note, the English party has prevailed in the Assembly, and all but Amsterdam have adopted by a plurality the Admiralty’s position. Thereupon Amsterdam delivered its protest which, after confirming her previous protests, especially against the resolution of 18 November, declared that she considers herself not responsible for and thus free from all the unfavorable consequences for the Republic that might result from the unsatisfactory answer to be given to France. Our friend made me read this protest which is as short and moderate in form as it is strong in content.

       22 December

      I have been permitted to make a copy of both the resolution and the protest. On good authority I have been assured that a letter from Count Walderen has arrived which indicates that the Court of London is no longer content with the resolution taken by this state on 18 November. Thus have those who were so eager to spare the said Court been badly paid for their complaisance. Will they not finally open their eyes? That I do not know. What is certain is that the resolution taken by a plurality of the States of Holland on the 19th of this month has not yet been brought before the States General. The Assembly of Holland, which was to separate this week, has been adjourned to next Tuesday. The delegates of the towns will leave Thursday. Are they going to seek new instructions for another response that the French ambassador can receive? It is possible. Only the Amsterdam delegates remain, for they do not need ad referendum—stat sententia civitatis.

       24 December

      The letter from the Envoy, Count Welderen, contains the order of the British Court, given him by Suffolk, by which the Royal Navy and British privateers are authorized to seize all neutral vessels carrying munitions for land or naval forces, that is to say masts, &c., to France. This ruling is directly contrary to the resolution of 18 November, in which the States refused to call into question this article guaranteed them by their treaties.
      Until I can give you, gentlemen, the outcome of all this, I think that I should inform you of a curious letter that I received and my reply. The writer, a lawyer and brother of the State Council’s fiscal agent, came by coach to deliver it, together with a package and a visiting card. Among some legal documents, gentlemen, was a copy of a letter written to you, last year and your reply regarding a Dutch vessel from Rotterdam, captured at sea, taken into Charleston, and there declared good prize.
      As a result, I went to see him and was told that he was one of those interested in the vessel, having invested 10,000 florins, etc. Finally, he said to me: But sir, you have nevertheless been entrusted with some business matters by the States or, at least, they have passed through your hands. I have positive assurances of it. I replied: if that was so, I would be very indiscreet to admit it. But, sir, please believe my letter; make whatever use of it you please; show it to the Grand Pensionary or anyone else, who will tell you far better than I what you wish to learn.
      The Grand Facteur, to whom I told all this, fully approved.

       28 December

      I carried this letter with me to Amsterdam, where certain persons had invited me to confer with them on some undertakings which could be very beneficial to America. I will make the necessary moves to bring this matter to fruition before speaking to you about it. Tomorrow I leave for The Hague, whence I will inform you as to what will have been resolved regarding the answer to be given the French Court. I am, with very great respect, gentlemen, your very humble and very obedient servant

       Dumas


Title: The Comte de Vergennes to the Commissioners, 18 December 1778
From: Vergennes, Charles Gravier, Comte de
To: Franklin, Benjamin,Lee, Arthur,Adams, John,First Joint Commission at Paris

       A Versailles 18 Xbre 1778

      L’on vient enfin de decouvrir, Messieurs, Les Effets du Dr. James Smith de New York. Ils sont a la Douane de Calais, et consistent en un Paquet contenant 12 Napes, 12 Couteaux et 12 fouchettes de fer, a Viroles d’Argent. Si M. Smith pretend introduire ces effets dans le Royaume, il ne Sauroit se dispenser d’en acquitter les Droits ordinaires, Mais Si Son Intention est de les renvoier en Amerique il Sera libre de le faire et n’aura aucune Droits a Payer, pourvû qu’il ait l’Attention de se pourvoir d’un Acquit a Caution.
      J’ai l’honneur d’etre tres parfaitement, Messieurs, votre tres humble et tres obeissant serviteur

       De Vergennes


Title: The Comte de Vergennes to Benjamin Franklin: A Translation, 18 December 1778
From: Vergennes, Charles Gravier, Comte de
To: Franklin, Benjamin,Lee, Arthur,Adams, John,First Joint Commission at Paris

       Versailles, 18 December 1778

      The effects of Dr. James Smith of New York have, gentlemen, finally been found. They are at the customs office at Calais and consist of a package containing 12 table cloths and 12 knives and forks of iron with silver ferrules. If Mr. Smith plans to bring these goods into the Kingdom, he cannot avoid paying the regular charges, but if he intends to return them to America, then he will be free to do so without having to pay any charges, provided that he takes the trouble to obtain an Acquit à Caution.

      I have the honor to be very sincerely, gentlemen, your very humble and very obedient servant

       De Vergennes


Title: From John Adams to James Lovell, 19 December 1778
From: Adams, John
To: Lovell, James

      Dear Sir
      Passy Decr 19 1778

     It is unhappy that So many People in America, should perswade themselves that the Ennemy intend to evacuate New York and Rhode Island. This opinion cannot fail to damp their Ardour, and Slacken their Nerves. But you may depend upon it, they mean no such Thing. On the Contrary it is their unalterable Resolution, to maintain the Possession of both, as long as they can. Indeed either without the other would be in a manner useless to them. Without Rhode Island, their Fleet could not remain in the United States, during the Winter—Without New York and the Resources of Provisions from Long Island, Staten Island, and frequent Excursions into the Jerseys, for Depredation, they could not well subsist their Army. It is therefore certain that they will keep both, untill you destroy or captivate them all.
     They have it now in Contemplation to fortify New York at a vast Expence and if they do this, they will oblige you to keep a great Army constantly up, Winter and summer at an infinite Expence, without being able to prevent them from making frequent Inroads upon you by Surprise, pillaging, burning and laying Waste.
     There have been great Debates in the two Houses of Parliament, concerning the Manifesto of the Commissioners, and the Minorities appear to have a just Sense of its horrid Nature, but it has been Sanctifyed by triumphant Majorities in both, and it is past a doubt, that the Cabinet intend to execute it as far as they shall be able. Burn the sea coast and massacre upon the Frontiers, is now the Cry. This will harrass, distress, exhaust, and at length divide, and then Will conquer for think of it as you will the Hope of Conquest is not yet given up.

     Ministers, Ambassadors, Generals, Admirals are all together by the Ears, in England, accusing, reproaching, and threatning each other. No allies their Fleet rotten, Army small, Funds low, gloomy, desponding Stupid, yet all together dont discourage Administration.
     There has been no Engagement between the two Fleets, since the first, and I fancy there will not be another, very Soon. The attention of both Nations turns towards the Islands in the West Indies.
     You have all the Intelligence from Holland, from the Same Hand which sends it here. There is a monarchical, and a Republican Party there, from which division, as their Constitution requires Unanimity We are Safe from their taking Part against Us, but I fear We may infer from it too that they will not take a Part in our favour. Spain is as enigmetical as ever. We are impatiently waiting for Advice of your Determination upon foreign affairs, according to the Bruits propagated here, I expect to be recalled. Wherever I may be, I shall be your Friend.


Title: Editorial Note
From:
To:

      The Commissioners’ letter or memorial to Vergennes of early January 1779 is highly significant. Despite its long dissertation on the evils of the Carlisle Commission’s manifesto of 3 October 1778 and its appeal for a French declaration to counter the manifesto’s effects, the principal object of the letter was the dispatch of naval reinforcements to America. John Adams later wrote to Elbridge Gerry (11 Sept. 1779, below), that it represented the culmination of Adams’ long effort to persuade his colleagues that an appeal to the French government for additional aid was necessary. He had pursued that objective since October, when he engaged in conversations with Ralph Izard and Edmé Jacques Genet on the subject and had been encouraged by the latter, in a letter of 29 October (above), to compose a memorandum that might be submitted to the appropriate ministers.
      Adams wrote such a paper (to Genet, 31 Oct., above), but did not send it because, as he stated in his letter to Gerry, he determined that the participation of Benjamin Franklin and Arthur Lee was needed to give the appeal additional impact. Such unified support was not automatic, particularly in the case of Franklin, because implicit in a request for additional naval forces was a criticism of France’s past efforts, an echo of American criticism of Admiral Estaing for his failures at New York and Newport earlier in 1778. For this reason presumably, Adams told Gerry, Lee entered into the project with “zeal,” while Franklin did so with “moderation.” What may have made such a letter more palatable to Franklin was the Carlisle Commission’s manifesto, which by December had become an issue, as can be seen in Ralph Izard’s letter to Adams of 22 December (below). The manifesto, proposing a change in the character of the war, justified an appeal for more naval aid, which would then not be seen as a criticism of previous French efforts.

      Upon that basis the drafting of the letter began in mid-December. Four drafts have been found, and there may have been a fifth that is not extant. The first draft was by Arthur Lee. According to John Adams in his letter to Gerry, Lee’s draft was too short. As a result, Adams wrote in his Letterbook a second, much longer draft, which is printed as No. I. It became the basis for the letter as actually sent. Arthur Lee then copied John Adams’ draft, incorporating insertions and deletions made in the course of its composition, thus producing a third draft on which Lee entered his alterations, while Franklin made his revisions in Adams’ Letterbook. For a more detailed comment on these three drafts and the possibility that there was another, see the descriptive note to No. I. For a fourth extant draft, see the descriptive note to No. II.
      The recipient’s copy (No. II) shows the effects of intensive editing, being half as long as Adams’ initial draft, with whole paragraphs removed, repositioned, or considerably shortened. Many changes were made for the sake of clarity or to avoid repetition, but protocol was the prime consideration in the decision to direct the letter to Vergennes rather than to Louis XVI. Other changes were of more substance, as for example, those in portions of the memorial that dealt with the French alliance, made to avoid any implication that the Commissioners’ memorial was an ultimatum and that the lack of a favorable response to its requests would lessen the attachment of the United States to the alliance.
      The Commissioners’ letter brought no response from Vergennes beyond his reply of 9 January (below) acknowledging its receipt. Vergennes’ decision to ignore the plan probably resulted from three considerations: his belief that French assistance was adequate; a plan, presumably unknown to the Commissioners, to invade England with a combined French and Spanish force in the event that Spain entered the war; and the French navy’s size, which prevented any substantial augmentation of its forces in American waters at that time. It is significant that the request for “a powerful Fleet of thirty or forty sail” in Adams’ Letterbook draft was scaled down in the recipient’s copy to “sending of a powerfull Fleet sufficient to secure a naval superiority” (No. II, note 6).
      Despite the lack of a positive response from Vergennes, John Adams did not abandon his belief that the dispatch of additional French ships was a necessity, as is apparent in his letter to Gerry in September 1779, as well as in the letters between him and Lafayette of 21 February and 9 April (both below). The drafts and the resulting letter to Vergennes provide a fascinating glimpse of the Commissioners’ efforts to deal with the French government on a most sensitive issue: the amount of material aid to be supplied the United States.


Title: I. John Adams’ Draft of the Commissioners to the Comte de Vergennes, 20 December 1778
From: Adams, John
To: Vergennes, Charles Gravier, Comte de

       Sir
       Passy ante 20 Dec 1778

      CertainThe Some late Proceedings of the common Ennemy, are of a Nature so extraordinary, and may if not in some Way or other controuled, produce Consequences so disagreableinjurious not only to all the belligerent PowersFrance and the United States, but by their Example to other Nations, that We have thought it our Duty, to Submit a few observations upon them, to theyour Excellency’s Superior Lights and Judgment of his Majesty and his Council.
      The Earl of Carlisle, Sir Henry Clinton and William Eden Esq. his Britannic Majestys Commissioners, appointed for Purposes Sufficiently known, have seen fit on the third day of October 1778 to publish a Manifesto in America, in which, among many other exceptionable Paragraphs (not necessary to be here remembered,) are the following (Words vizt.)
      “But if there be any Persons, who divested of mistaken Resentments, and uninfluenced by Selfish Interests, really think that it is for the Benefit of the Colonies to Seperate themselves from Great Britain, and that So Seperated they will find a Constitution more mild, more free, and better calculated for their Prosperity, than that which they heretofore enjoyed, and which We are empowered and disposed to renew and improve; with Such Persons we will not dispute a Position, which Seems to be Sufficiently contradicted by the Experience they have had. But We think it right to leave them fully aware of the Change, which the maintaining Such a Position, must make in the whole Nature and future Conduct of this War; more especially when to this Position is added the PRETENDED Alliance with France. The Policy, as well as the Benevolence of Great Britain, have thus far checked the Extremes of War, when they tended to distress a People Still considered as our Fellow Subjects, and to DESOLATE a Country Shortly to become again a Source of mutual Advantage: But when that Country professes the unnatural Design, not only of estranging herself from Us, but of mortgaging herself and her Resources to our Ennemies, the whole Contest is changed; and the Question is, how far Great Britain may, by every Means in her Power, DESTROY or RENDER USELESS a Connexion contrived for her Ruin and for the Aggrandisement of France. Under Such Circumstances, the Laws of Self Preservation must direct the Conduct of Great Britain, and if the British Collonies are to become an ACCESSION to France, will direct her to render that ACCESSION of as little avail as possible to her Ennemy.”
      The Congress, on the Thirtyeth of October, in a Resolution, a Copy of which We have the Honour to inclose, holding in just abhorrence, the Threats in the British Manifesto, unanimously determined declared with great solemnity and perfect Unanimity, that if their Ennemies dared to execute their Manaces and persist in their Plan of Barbarity, that they would take a Vengeance So exemplary, as should deter all others, who might hereafter be under a Temptation to imitate Great Britain.
      Motions have been made in both Houses of the British Parliament, to address the King to disavow the barbarous Clauses in the Manifesto of his Commissioners ,;and We have read with Pleasure the virtuous Detestation of the wisest and best Men in that Nation against this Measure. But these Motions have been rejected, by Majorities in both Houses, and the Manifesto Stands, avowed by King Lords and Commons, an eternal Monument of their Revenge, their Inhumanity, their malevolent Passions and their anti unchristian Policy.

       The Artifice, of representing, that the united States, had mortgaged themselves and their Resources to France—and that the Connection between the two Countries was formed for the Ruin of Great Britain, is very obvious. They know full well, the Americans have made no Mortgages of themselves or their Resources, but for their own Preservation. That the Connection was not made for the Ruin of G.B. or for any Ruin, but for the Independance of the united States, which is but another Word, for their Preservation from Ruin. Indeed if the United States had formed an Alliance with France, for the Purposes of ruining Great Britain, it would have been but an Imitation of her Example, a Retaliation—and much more excuseable than her Alliances with Germans Indians, and Negroes for the Ruin of the United States—but.

      The Artifice of calling that a pretended Alliance, which their own Feelings as well as their Consciences, attested and which the Interests of their Posterity will acknowledge to be a real Alliance, is too litt an Artifice so unworthy of any great Character, and much more so of Characters representing Nations and Sovereigns, is however So little important, as scarcely to be worth an observation. That the Aggrandisement of France, would be a Consequence of this Connection, We acknowledge to have foreseen and all America would join with Us, in  from from her essential Interests as well as her Gratitude in avowing this is Part of the Proclamation. But G.B. must thank her own Injustice Ingratitude and Impolicy for this.

      The Declaration amounts, to a formal annonciationofannounces a Settled Design, to make their Utmost Exertions in the horrid barbarous Work of Conflagration and Massacre. There is to be “a Change in the Nature and Conduct of the War.” We know of noA Change for the Worse that it is possible for them to makemust be horrible indeed!unless it be to burn every House they can put fire too, and to murder upon the Spot every Soldier at least if not every Woman and Child that unfortunately shall fall in their Way. Whether Such a Change would be for the Worse is a Point that may be disputed. This would put our People upon their Guard, and prevent their making so many Prisoners as they have, to be destroyed, by the lingering Torments of Hunger Cold, and Disease.
      They have already burned burnt as many of our Towns, as they had Power to burn, and dared Courage to burn. They have burned the beautiful Towns of Charlestown, Falmouth, Bedford Norfolk, Kingston, Bedford, and Egg Harbour and German Flatts. It is true they left Boston and Philadelphia, unburnt, but in all Probability, it was merely the dread of a Superiour Army, and of immediate Destruction that in these Cases restrained their Hands. Not to mention they have more Secret treacherous Friends in Boston and Philadelphia and New York than in all America besides.
      They have not indeed hitherto murdered upon the Spot, every Woman and Child that unfortunately fell in their Way, nor have they in all Cases refused Quarter to the soldiers that at times have fallen into their Power, tho they have in Somemany. Yet they have gone great LengthsThey have also done their utmost in seducing Negroes and Indians to commit inhuman Bucheries, upon the Inhabitants, in some Instances Spearing neither Age nor sex, ornor Character.
      Alltho they have not in all Cases refused Quarter to the soldiers they and sailors they have made Prisonersthat have fallen into their hands. Yet tThey have done what is perhaps worse than refusing them quarter. They have thrust themthe prisoners into such Dungeons, confined loaded them in with such Irons, exposed them to such lingering Torments of Cold Hunger and Disease, as has probably destroyed greater Numbers than they could have murderedhad an Opportunity of murdering, if they had made it a Rule to give no Quarter. Many others they have in a most tyrannical and inhumane Manner compelled by Force, to serve and fight against their Relations and Countrymen, on Board their ships, a. A Destiny to many brave and generous Men Minds more terrible than Death itself.
      This is not exaggeration, but serious and melancholly Truth, i. It is therefore difficult to comprehend, what they mean by a Change in the Nature and Conduct of the War. But there is no doubt to be made that they meant to be understood to threaten something, more cruel, more terrible and more desolating than any Thing they have yet done, greater Extreams of War than we have yet felt—Measures that shall distress the People more, and desolate the Country more, than any Thing We have yet felt.
      All this is to be done to destroy and render Useless, our Connection with France, to prevent Us as an Accession to France, from becoming usefull to her, at least in any great degree.
      Here is a Change indeed of the Principle of the War.The object of the war is now entirely changd. Heretofore their Massacres and Conflagrations, were to reclaim Us to Great Britain. But Now indeed despairing of that End, despairing of seducing, deceiving and dividing Us, the Sole Principle of their former Policy, and perceiving that We shall be faithfull to our Treaties, and consequently lost to them, their Principle now is by destroying Us to make Us less usefulluseless to France.

       The Language here is artfull, Accession to France, is indeed artfull, but So grossly fallacious, that the lowest least discerning of the People for whom it was intended cannot be deceived by it. They meant to insinuate that our Connection with France, would make Us for the future an Accession to France in the Same manner, as We were formerly an Accession to Great Britain. They knew otherwise very well, and that the United States are no more an Accession to France, than Switzerland, Spain, Sweden, the Empire or any other Sovereign State in Alliance with her, or than Holland Portugal, Prussia or Russia is an Accession to Great Britain. Yet such are the Artifices that our Ennemies are capable of Using, and such is the Principle upon which our Destruction is to be accomplished if they can effect it.

      This Principle ought to be held in Utter Execration, not only by all Christians, but by all civilized Men and Nations. If it is once admitted as a Principle that Powers at War, have a Right to do whatever, will weaken or terrify an Ennemy, there is no or make him less powerfull it is not possible to foresee, where it will end. It would be very easy to burn the great Cities of Europe, and this would weakenand bring infinite calamities on the Nations to whom they belong. The Savages, who torture their Prisoners, do it to make themselves terrible to And their Ennemies less powerfull in Battle. In short all the Assassonations all the Horrors of the Savage ages, all the Desolations that in ancient times have been practiced by the Scourges of Mankind, may be introduced again and justified by this Shocking Principle.
      The persevereing Cruelties of our Ennemies, have heretofore more than once exasperated the Minds of the People in America So much, as to excite Apprehensions that they would proceed to Retaliation, which if once commenced might be carried to horrible Extremities; to prevent which the Congress issued an Address exhorting to Forbearance and a farther Tryal by Examples of Generosity and Lenity, to recall their Ennemies to the Practice of Humanity amidst the Calamities of War. In Consequence of which neither the Congress of the united States, nor any of the States apart, have ever exercised or authorized the Exercise of this the Right of Retaliation. Their Ennemies however continued their Barbarities, till the issue of War turning against them, put one of their Armies, and many thousandsSix Several Thousands of other Prisoners into the Power of the States. From that time, till lately, their Conduct towards those Citizens of the united states, whom they had made Prisoners, was less Stained with atrocious Insolence and Inhumanity. At least their Cruelties were more disguised, under Professions of Care and Tenderness.
      But Since they have found that all the Arts of their Commissioners could neither intimidate nor seduce the Congress nor the People, but that both are unalterably determined Not only to maintain their Sovereignty, but their Alliance with France, with perfect Faith, they have become outrageous, thrown off all Disguises, and the three Branches of their Government in the Face of all Europe, have avowed the Manifesto, Part of which We have before recited.
      Congress, in order still to restrain their impious Hand have published their Manifesto in Answer, in order still if possible to restrain their impious Hands.
      It is manifestly the Policy of the Common Ennemy, whatever may be their Pretences to disgust the People of America, with their new Alliance, by convincingattempting to convince them that instead of Sheilding them from future Distresses it has accumulated Additional Calamities upon them.
      Certainly nothing can more become any Character that is both great and good, than to stop the progress of their Cruelties, and disappoint their Purpose, and vindicate the Rights of human Nature and of all Society, with an which with such shameless Boldness, are set at open Defyance by this Savage Proclamation.
      We therefore beg Leave to suggest to Consideration, whether it would not be eligible for his Majesty to interfere, by some Declaration to the Court of London, and to the World, bearing Testimony against this barbarous Mode of War, and giving assurances that he will join the United States in practising Retaliation if G. Britain shall make it necessary.
      There is another Measure, however, which would more effectually put a Stop to their new Mode of War, and seems to bid fairer than any other, to bring the whole War to a Speedy Conclusion, that of sending immediately to the Coast of America, a powerfull Fleet of Thirty or forty sail, to Secure a naval Superiority over the Ennemy in those Seas. Such a Measure as this, to all human Probability acting in Conjunction with the Armies of the United States, would take and destroy the whole of the British Power both by sea and Land, in that Country. It would put their Wealth and Commerce into the Power of France, and reduce her to the Necessity of Suing for Peace.
      Upon a naval Superiority in those Seas depend, not only the rich Commerce of their Islands, and the Dominion of the Islands themselves, but the supply of the Armies and Fleets with Provisions and every Necessary.
      The Ennemy have near four hundred Transport ships, constantly employed in the service of their Fleet and Army in America, passing backwards and forwards from New York and Rhode Island to England, Ireland, Nova Scotia, the West India Islands and other Places. Great Numbers of these would necessarily fall into the Hands of the French Fleet, and as Prizes go to a sure and Speedy Market in the United States. By this Means also great Numbers of Seamen, on board those Transports would fall into french Hands, a loss that England cannot repair.
      It is conceived that it would be impossible for G.B. to send So great a Fleet, after the French into that part of the World. Their Men of War, now in Europe are too old too rotten, too ill manned, and their Masts and Yards are of two bad Materials to endure such a Navigation. The Impossibility of the English obtaining Provisions, Artists and Materials of every Kind in that Country, which would be easy for the French, makes it Still clearer that they cannot send so great an Additional Force to America. And furthermore the Fear of Spain’s interfering with her powerfull Navy would restrain them. Whereas France has little to fear in Europe from them, as the Numbers and Excellence of her Armies are an ample security against the feeble land Forces of Great Britain in Europe.
      Such a naval Superiority in the American Seas, would farther, open immediately such Commerce between the United States, and the West India Islandsdutch and Spanish but especially the French West India Islands, as would be of great Utility to both, would give new Spirits and fresh Vigour to both, would enable our People to supply themselves with those European as well as West India Articles which they now most Want, and to send abroad Such of the Produce of the Country as they can Spare.
      The late Speedy Assistance and Reperation of his Majestys Fleet under the Comte D’Estaing at Boston, will shew the Advantages which this Country must enjoy in carrying on a naval War, on a Coast friendly to her and hostile to her Ennemy. And these Advantages we trust will in future be much more Sensible, because the appearance of the Fleet this time was sudden and unexpected, and the last SeasonHarvests in that Part of the Country unfavourable.
      It is true that the Comte found a Difficulty in obtaining Bread at Boston. But this is no just objection, and as this SubjectCircumstance may not be perfectly understood We beg Leave to enlarge a little in Explanation of it.
      Of all the thirteen united States of America, the Massachusetts Bay alone, has never raised its own Bread. Their Soil or Air is unfavourable for the Culture of Wheat, and their Fisheries and other Branches of Trade, enabled them to import flour and Corn so easily from Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia, that it has been computed that about fifty-thousand People Inhabitants of the sea Port Towns Boston, Salem, Marblehead and Newbury Port, were annually fed with Corn imported, the Province not producing a sufficient Quantity for its Inhabitants.
      Since this War commenced the Inhabitants have raised more grain than before but still not enough and they have supplied the Deficiency partly by Land in Waggons from Connecticutt and the state of New York, and partly by sea from Pensylvania, Maryland And Virginia, by small Vessells, with Skillfull Navigators which all the Vigilance of the British Frigates, has never been able wholly to prevent.
      This Year unfortunately the southern States, for good Reasons of State however, had laid a Strict Embargo on Grain, which cutt off entirely this Channell of Supply from Boston. General Burgoines Army near 6000 Men, were at Cambridge, within a League of Boston and must be Supplyed with Bread. So that in the Moment when his Majestys fleet arrived in Boston Harbour So great was the real Scarcity of Bread among the Inhabitants, and so great the fears of Famine arising from the sudden Addition of so great a Demand, probably a little fomented among Sailors by treacherous Individuals concealed as to produce the Insult and Injury, to some of the french Guards which every good Man in Boston laments and abhors. Yet notwithstanding, a sufficient Quantity was brought by Land. And We think it may be depended on that no fleet his Majesty may send, will ever want for Bread in any Part of the United States., especially if a little previous Notice is given of the Ports they may touch at.
      We beg leave before We close this long Memorial to observe, that altho the ruling Passion of Great Britain towards her Colonies was Contempt it is now most effectually changed towards the United States for another which is much more violent, we mean fear.
      They fear the united States in Alliance with France as the most dangerous Rival that has ever risen against them. In the long Train of Consequences of American Independance they see or fancy that they see, the Canada, Nova Scotia and the Floridas following the other thirteen—their West India Islands in the Hands of the French—the Americans trading to the East Indies—the French and Americans drawing off their Fisheries both of Cods and Whales—the French obtaining all Kinds of Timber of Construction and naval stores, Masts and Yards, cheaper and of better Quality than they. Their Commerce and Consequently finances So diminished that they shall not be able to sustain its their Credit at its height, national Bankrupcy, and a Revolution in their Government. Nothing less than these frightfull objects Staring in their Faces could have produced, so universal general a Ratification of a Manifesto so outrageous as that We have been considering. And these will stimulate them to Exertions which will probably make more of these fearfull Apprehensions, Realities than would otherwise happen. But these Apprehensions, these Exertions, and the Passions they have excited in their own Breasts as well as in the Americans, added to the situation of the two Countries, and the Nature of their Commerce all conspire to induce Us to consider great Britain as likely to be forever hereafter for Ages our natural Ennemy, and consequently France as our natural Friend. And as it is obvious to all Europe, that nothing less is at stake in this Contest between France and England, than the Dominion of the Sea, at least the Superiority of naval Power, We do not expect that G.B. will easily give it up, or ever indeed without some decisive Effort, Some capital Stroke on the Part of France. Such an Effort and such a Blow is the Measure of Sending a Great Fleet to America, which We have taken the Liberty to propose. With such an Exertion, We see nothing in the Course of human affairs, that can possibly prevent France from obtaining this naval Superiority, without delay. Without it the War may languish for many Years, to the infinite Distress of our Country to the exhausting both of France and England, and the Question at last left to be decided by another War.
      We are the more zealous to represent these Things to his Majestyyour Excellency, as all our Correspondence from England for some Time past has uniformly represented, that the Intention of the Cabinet, is conformable to the Spirit of the Manifesto. That all Parties grow more out of Temper with the Americans, that it is become fashionable, with the Minority as well as with the Majority and the Administration to abuse Us, both in and out of Parliament. That all Parties perceiving that We are forever lost as fellow subjects, join in Speaking of Us, in the bitterest Terms and in heartily wishing We could be well chastised, that great Clamours are raised about our Alliance with France, as an unnatural Combination to ruin them. That Multitudes of Fictions are framed and propagated, to make it believed that the People of America, are weary of the Government of Congress, that there are great Dissentions in our Army, and that nothing is wanting to make the People desert France, and resign their Independance, but a Speedy and powerfull Reinforcement of Clintons Army and a Spirited Exertion of a Fleet with it—to make descents on the sea Coasts, while murdering and desolating Parties are let loose upon the Frontiers of the Carolinas, Virginia, Pensylvania, N.J., N.Y. and N. England. And that Very early in the Year, they will carry all these Projects into Execution, as far as they can, unless Spain should soon openly join its fleet to that of France, in which Case it is hardly credible that they should send any more of their Force out of Europe. That Strong Hopes are entertained that Spain will not join—That a pacific Negociation is going on with Spain, to cede Gibralter to her. That their best Politicians think it would be better to give Spain Gibralter than suffer the great Branches of the House of Bourbon to be confederated with America in a War against them. That all their Regiments of Infantry, are to be Sent in February to America to reinforce Gen. Clinton, and their Place supplied, by an Act of Parliament, obliging each Parish in the Kingdom to furnish a certain Number of Men, a Measure that if Ministers move it will certainly take Place.
      This whole system, may as we humbly conceive be totally defeated, and the whole Power of Great Britain now in America, totally captivated or destroyed, even without the Interposition of Spain, which however We ardently wish, by the Measure We have proposed of sending thirty or forty ships of War forthwith to America.
      There are two other Arguments in favour of this Measure, that We beg Leave to suggest.
      The two principal sources of Unhappiness in America, at present, and the two principal Causes of Disputes  Army, and among the People are altho all these Controversies are very far from being dangerous, to the Confederation, are the unhappydepreciated state of their Currency, and the inconsiderableremaining Number of Persons who secretly wish from Sinister Motives to become again subject to G.B.
      The Maintenance of such a Fleet in America, would circulate so much Cash and Bills of Exchange, there as would in a great Measure relieve them from the Evils of a depreciating Currency, and this Money would all return to France for Goods, thereby cementing the Connection and extending the Trade between the two Countries.
      And the Appearance of such a Fleet would annihilate Toryism in every state in America.


Title: To John Adams from Ralph Izard, 22 December 1778
From: Izard, Ralph
To: Adams, John

      Sir
      Paris 22d. December 1778

     A considerable time has elapsed since I had the honour of conversing with you on the subject of the Proclamation, and Manifesto of 3d. Octr. issued by the British Commissioners in America.
     Every attempt should be made to prevent their carrying their bloody purposes into execution. The more I think on the subject, the more I am convinced that it would be proper for the Representatives of our Country at this Court, to urge the Ministry to transmit a firm, and spiritted Declaration to the Court of England, setting forth the resolution of the King to retaliate, if any mode of carrying on the war in America should be adopted, but such as can be justified by the custom, and Law of Nations. I was happy to find that you agreed with me in opinion. Mr. Lee was afterwards consulted about it, and approved of the measure; and you both, promised that the business should be entered into immediately.
     I have since waited on you at Passy, to request that you would allow of no delay in a matter of so great importance; and I have done the same to Mr. Lee. I can not help expressing to you my astonishment at finding that there has not yet been any Memorial presented to the Ministry on this subject. You have frequently expressed your uneasiness to me at the dissipated life which Dr. Franklin led; and at his inattention to, and almost total neglect of the public business.
     For God’s sake do not allow his misconduct to operate more to the injury of our cause, than what must arise from absolute necessity. His name would certainly add weight to the application; but should he refuse to concur in it, there can be no impropriety in your applying as an individual, if not as a Commissioner. The distresses of our Country, the sanguinary purposes of both Houses of Parliament, and the alarming preparations making by the enemy, call aloud for every exertion on our part. The cruelties threatened by the Manifesto are declared to be intended to render the accession of America to France “of as little avail as possible to her.”
     The Court of France might with propriety reply, that as Jamaica, and the other English West India Islands are a great accession of strength to her enemies, the same reason might be supposed to exist, for destroying the property, and extirpating the inhabitants by fire, and sword.
     I entreat that you will take in good part what I have said, and written to you on this subject. It can not possibly have proceeded from any other motive but that of an anxiety, for t occasioned by the calamities of our Country, and a sincere desire of attempting every thing that seems likely to afford relief to them.
     I have the honour to be Sir with esteem Your most obedient humble Servant

      Ra. Izard


Title: Shubael Gardner to the Commissioners, 22 December 1778
From: Gardner, Shubael
To: Franklin, Benjamin,Lee, Arthur,Adams, John,First Joint Commission at Paris

      London Decr 22nd 1778

     Gentlemen you will Excuse all in these From one that is not used to adress in Such undertaking as the present. But Being prompt By your known Com’ and abilatys I hope you will Accept my offering as Simple as it may appear.
     There has Sundry men Belonging to the united States of North America Ben Brought in here that knowd Not what to Do Being in a friendless place they Being monyless have Enterd into the whalfisherry to Save themselves from a man of war as they Could be protected in that trade, there is I think none in the trade that would have Gone if they Could have Done any thing Else, it was against there wills Soarly as I have hard them Say often. Namely: Benjamin Clark, Elisha Clark; Francis Macy: Paul Pease: John Lock: William Folger. I Believe if they with their men Could have the Liberty to Go to America they would with all their harts. Now I have to Inform there is in Denan prison a youth John Blyth by Name Son of John Blyth Taken with Benjm. Clark in Brig Falkland. His father is a Sincear Friend to all Americans which I have provd often Both By Day and night and Likewise all the Family: their has been more then Forty Secreted in the house Sence I have Known it and Some Coming and Goiing Every week. They have hurt themselves in welth by it, But I Truss not in Futer for Sundry men has Experencd their Kindness Namely Benjamin Hill Mr. Tuck Harmon Corter David Lyman Mr. Pulsifurd: Doct. Seegar, Matthew Coxdrill Charls Phipping Enoch Buts and Sundry more we have on hand at presant that Lately Broke prison Lately and Expect more Daly which will meet the Like as Long as in their powers.
     Now Gentlemen if you would Deign to Read this and Give it its proper waight I Should be imboldend to ask one favour for them. Thats to make your intersesion for to Gitt the Lad Cleard from prison and Send him home to them as it may be the means of Sundry others Gitting Clear as well French as Americans which may be usefull for your fellow Citticans for the futer.
     Them that are Friends to America are almost Exosted. I Can Speek for one, But I have Some money in my hands Belonging to America and think it Cant Be applyd Better then by helping the Distressed of my Countrymen.
     Gentlemen men I hope you will Excuse all Falts in your Hum Servant

      Shubael Gardner

      Capt. Barnard is Now almost Ready to Sail, Capt. Joseph Chace: Capt. Jeames McCobbe: Capt. John McCarty are Jest Going From hence to France who Can Give more purticallars than I Can Rite.


Title: Gabriel de Sartine to the Commissioners, 22 December 1778
From: Sartine, Antoine Raymond Jean Gualbert Gabriel de
To: Franklin, Benjamin,Lee, Arthur,Adams, John,First Joint Commission at Paris

       a Versailles le 22 Decer. 1778

      Vous etes sans Doute informés, Messieurs, qu’il arrive souvent dans Les Ports de france des sujets des Etats-Unis qui s’échappent des Prisons d’Angleterre, et comme La plupart de ces Marins se trouvent depourvus des Choses les plus necessaires, plusieurs Commissaires des Ports ou vous n’avez pas d’Agent et qui ont deja fait quelques Avances a des sujets des Etats-Unis echappés des Prisons d’Angleterre, me demandent d’etre authorisés a leur fournir Les Objets de premiere necessité, je vous prie Messieurs de me faire connoitre votre Intention sur cet objet et si vous desirez qu’ils soient traités comme Les Prisonniers francois Le sont lorsqu’ils reviennent d’Angleterre.
      A légard des Prisonniers que Les Batimens des Etats-Unis pourroient faire sur Les Anglois; par L’Article 15 du Reglement du Roi du 27 7bre dernier, il est dit qu’il sera donné des Ordres par sa Majesté pour que Les Prisonniers que Les Corsaires Americains ameneront en france soient conduits, gardés et nourris dans ses Places et Chateaux aux fraix des Etats-Unis. Je me propose de donner des Ordres dans Les Ports afin que ces Prisonniers y soient traités et nourris comme ceux qui ont été fait par Les Batimens de sa Majesté. Vous voudrez bien, Messieurs me faire connoitre si ces Dispositions vous sont agreables, et donner a vos Agens dans Les Differens Ports, Les Ordres que vous Jugerez convenables.
      J’ai l’honneur d’etre &c.,

       De Sartine


Title: Gabriel de Sartine to Benjamin Franklin: A Translation, 22 December 1778
From: Sartine, Antoine Raymond Jean Gualbert Gabriel de
To: Franklin, Benjamin,Lee, Arthur,Adams, John,First Joint Commission at Paris

       Versailles, 22 December 1778

      You are undoubtedly aware, gentlemen, that United States citizens who have escaped from English prisons often arrive in French ports, and since most of these sailors find themselves without articles of first necessity several Commissioners of Ports where you have no agent and who have already made some advances to these escapees request me to authorize them to furnish these objects. I request that you gentlemen, make known to me your intentions concerning this matter and whether you wish them to be treated like French prisoners returning from British jails.
      Regarding prisoners that might be taken from the British by American vessels, Article 15 of the King’s ordinance of 27 September last, states that His Majesty will give orders that prisoners brought to France by American privateers will be escorted, guarded, and fed in his establishments and chateaus at the expense of the United States. I propose to issue orders in the ports so that such prisoners there will be treated and fed as those that have been taken by His Majesty’s vessels. Please, gentlemen, inform me whether these arrangements are agreeable to you and give your agents in the different ports the orders you judge appropriate.
      I have the honor to be, &c.,

       De Sartine


Title: Horneca, Fizeaux & Co. to the Commissioners, 24 December 1778
From: Horneca, Fizeaux & Co. (business)
To: Franklin, Benjamin,Lee, Arthur,Adams, John,First Joint Commission at Paris

       Messieurs
       Amsterdam le 24 Decembre 1778

      Nous n’avons reçu que le 15 La Lettre dont vous nous aves honnorés le 6 du Courant; nous avons Informés Exactement nôtre Sr. Grand, Actuellement à Paris, de ce qui est Relatif au plaçement des Promesses des Etats Unis de L’Amerique. Il vous en aura sans doute Egalement fait part, tous ce que nous avons pú êcouler Jusqu’a prêsent, de ces Promesses se Reduit à 51. mais nous ne doutons point qu’avec un peu de patiençe nous ne parvenions peu à peu, à plaçer le Reste, et à pouvoir ensuitte agir pour des Objets de Considêration. Il faut pour cela êtablir et mênager le Credit de ces Effets, et Il faut pour ÿ parvenir agir avec Circonspection et avec Reservé, car en voulant forcer les choses nous ne ferions que Reculer, et nuire à l’avenir; Nous vous prions Messieurs, de vouloir bien vous Reposer surtout Nôtre Zêle, et nos soins à contribuër au bien de la chose, et être persuadés que les Intêrets que vous voulés bien nous confier nous occupent et nous attachent autant que les nôtres prôpres.
      Nous attendrons les Ordres que vous Jugerés à prôpos de nous donner, pour la disposition de vos fonds en nos mains, pour nous ÿ conformer.
      Nous sommes avec un Dêvouëment Respectueux Messieurs Vos tres Humbles & tres Obeissants Serviteurs

       Horneca fizeaux Comp.


Title: Horneca, Fizeaux & Co. to Benjamin Franklin: A Translation, 24 December 1778
From: Horneca, Fizeaux & Co. (business)
To: Franklin, Benjamin,Lee, Arthur,Adams, John,First Joint Commission at Paris

       Gentlemen
       Amsterdam, 24 December 1778

      It was not until the 15th that we received the letter that you honored us with of the 6th instant. We have precisely informed Sir Grand, currently in Paris, of that which is relative to the placement of the promissory notes of the United States of America. He undoubtedly will also have told you that all we have been able to place up to now is 51, but we do not doubt that with a little patience we will succeed, little by little, in placing the rest and then be able to proceed to some important business. For this it is necessary to establish and maintain the credit of these notes, and for that it is necessary to proceed with circumspection and reserve. By trying to force these things we would only be taking a step back, thereby jeopardizing the future. We beseech you, gentlemen, to trust above all in our zeal and our attention to the success of the project, and to be persuaded that the interests that you were kind enough to confide to us occupy and engage us as much as our own.
      We will await the orders that you will judge appropriate, and to which we will conform, for the disposition of your funds in our hands.
      We are with respectful devotion, gentlemen, your very humble and very obedient servants

       Horneca, Fizeaux & Co.


Title: The Commissioners to the Comte de Vergennes, 29 December 1778
From: Franklin, Benjamin,Lee, Arthur,Adams, John,First Joint Commission at Paris
To: Vergennes, Charles Gravier, Comte de

      Sir
      Passy Dec. 29 1778

     We have been favoured with a Letter signed by many Gentlemen of Nantes and dated the fifteenth of this Month, informing us that most of their Vessels were ready to sail to America, and that others were expected to be ready immediately, so that the Convoy need not wait at all, but might be ordered as soon as Convenience will permit.
     These Gentlemen are very desirous of a Convoy through the whole Voyage, if it might any Way consist with his Majesty’s Service. But if this cannot be granted, they hope for such a Protection at Least as far as to the Westward of the Western Islands.
     It is of so much Importance to our Countrymen to be supplied with Goods of various kinds, and especially with warlike Stores, and there are so many belonging to the United States and to the Commonwealth of Virginia as well as to the Individuals now ready to go, that We cannot avoid interesting ourselves with your Excellency that a sufficient Convoy may be appointed, and that as soon as possible to Rendezvous at Nantes.
     We have the Honour to be with great Respect Sir Your Excellency’s most obedient and most humble Servants

      B Franklin
      Arthur Lee
      John Adams


Title: John Gilbank to the Commissioners, 29 December 1778
From: Gilbank, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin,Lee, Arthur,Adams, John,First Joint Commission at Paris

      Honourable Gentlemen
      Nants. 29th. Decr. 1778

     Since my last informing you of my having drawn upon you for one thousand Livres in conformity to a prior Letter I learn that Mr. Livingstones Ship is arrived and that in about fifteen days hence she will sail, Which Circumstance has induced me to trouble you again to remind you of my Wants and to hint to you what a very disagreable thing it will be not only to me but to the public in general if I am not as I ought put in a Situation to leave this place along with the rest of our Countrymen. The people here in that Case must know the reason which I wou’d wish to keep them ignorant of, as they will have a Strange Idea of a people who are unable (much more UNWILLING) to assist an officer who by the chance of War is unable to avoid applying to their representatives for such Assistance as every Nation in such Cases affords and according to the Rank of the person applying; And it will be cold Encouragement for Young Gentlemen to enter into their Service even on the most pressing Emergency, if they are to be exposed to the horrors of Prison and the Contumely of not being able to discharge just and only necessary Debts when within reach of a power which ought to protect them, and after escaping in an honorable manner from the hands of an Enemy, especially when the Country they are serving is indebted to them.
     If Gentlemen wou’d consider that it is for no advantage to himself that a Young Man wou’d enter into the Army I think they wou’d not hesitate a Moment to assist him to the Utmost of their power in such a situation as I find myself—I have risqued and lost every Connection of my own—and am denied (if to neglect is to deny) the Protection and assistance of the Power for whom I have risqued and lost every thing.
     I wou’d wish to conceal matters of this sort from the World to prevent the Evils which will arise therefrom but ’twill be impossible to do it longer than the sailing of the Vessel, if I am left unprovided, in Which Case it will be for Congress to determine whether You are right in refusing or I wrong in asking what I think you ought to accede to and I to receive—Proper and Suitable support according to the Rank I bear in the Army of the united States.
     If not too much trouble, be please to ask Mr. Izard if the State of Carolina in his Opinion, shou’d Congress refuse to do it, wou’d not indemnify any Expense you incur on such a head.
     Mr. de Sartine if applied to, I am sure will inform you ’tis the practice of all Nations and most justly.
     I am sorry to give you the Expence of so much postage, but I can’t blame myself as it might have been prevented by a speedy and ingenuous, (not studied and cautious) polite and explicit Answer, as there have some Months passed since our first Correspondence.
     I hope to finish a Correspondence disagreable I dare say on both Sides, to me I am sure peculiarly by receiving notice of my draft being duly honoured, by the first post. In Expectation of which I am Honourable Gentlemen Your most obedient humble servant

      Jno. Gilbank
      Chez Madame Boucher a la Fosse


Title: From John Adams to Edmé Jacques Genet, 30 December 1778
From: Adams, John
To: Genet, Edmé Jacques

       ante 30 December 1778

     As many Gentlemen may apprehend that one is exposed to a shortage of Provisions, especially of Bread in America, from the Difficulty which the French Fleet found at Boston, to obtain a Supply, especially of Bread, I beg Leave to suggest to you, an Observation or two upon that Subject.
     It would be Sufficient to Say, that the Comte D’Destaing, did, in Fact obtain, a Sufficient Quantity, altho the Price was Somewhat high, and that a French Fleet may always depend upon a Supply even at Boston, altho it will be dearer, there than in other Parts of the united States.
     Of all the thirteen united States of America, the Massachusetts Bay alone, has never raised its own Bread. Their Soil, or Air, is less favourable for the Culture of Wheat, and their Commerce enabled them to import Corn, and Flour, So easily, from Pensilvania, Maryland, and Virginia, that it has been computed that about Fifty thousand People, Inhabitants of the Seaport Towns of Boston, Salem, Newbury Port, and Marblehead, were annually fed with Corn, imported, the Province not producing a Sufficient Quantity for its Inhabitants.
     Since the Commencement of this War, the Inhabitants have raised more Grain, than before, but Still not So much as they wanted, and the Deficiency has been Supplied, partly, by Land, in Waggons, from the States of Connecticutt and New York, and, partly, by Sea, from Pensylvania, Maryland and Virginia by Small Vessells, with Skillfull Navigators, which all the Vigilance of the British Frigates, has never been able wholly to prevent.
     This Year, the Southern States, for good Reasons of State however, had laid an Embargo on Grain, which cutt off, entirely this Channell of Supply from Boston, and rendered the Article of Bread very Scarce and dear, and what added to the Misfortune, was the Demand for General Burgoines Army near Six Thousand Men, who were in Barracks at Cambridge, within a League of Boston. So that in the Moment when the Fleet arrived in their Harbour, So great was the real Scarcity of Bread among the Inhabitants, that the Sudden and unexpected Addition of so large a Demand excited Apprehensions among some of the People of a Famine.
     But it may be depended on, that there is no other Part of the united States, but produces more Grain that it consumes. It may also be depended on that even at Boston any Fleet that may be sent there, may procure Supplies of Bread, at all Times, paying only the Additional Price of transporting it to that Town by Land.
     It was this Scarcity of Bread, which excited or at least gave the Pretence to the Disturbances that happened on the first Arrival of the Fleet.
     There were in the port several privateers of which, in general, the crews were more or less English, Scottish, and Dutch sailors. There were also some Deserters, not only from General Burgoines army, but also from several Corps of Prisoners at discretion of whom there are upwards of five thousands in the several states, and other Deserters, from the Main Army of the English, and their several Outposts, have at times inlisted on board of Privateers. A Number of Persons, As it is Supposed of this Discription, pretending a Want of Bread, and probably stimulated by secret Ennemies, went to the Bake houses, and began a Bickering, which proceeding from Words to Blows, produced the Disorders which every good Man in Boston abhors.
     It is not indeed Surprizing. The Wonder is that there were not more and greater Quarrells. For the Sailors, of every Nation of the Earth, Seem to have a Kind of mixed Passion of Contempt and Hatred towards the sailors of all other Nations. It is the opinion of all who come from Boston that had a British Fleet of the same Size, lain in that Harbour so long in Time of the profoundest Peace and Strictest Friendship between England and America, there would have been more Quarrells and Disturbances between them and the Inhabitants, which is much to the Honour of the French Fleet and its Commander, and is the best of Proofs of Discipline and good order.
     Whenever French and Spanish, English and Portuguese Sailors come together, they fight as naturally as Cats and Dogs, or if they chose to be compared to Animals of a nobler Nature, as the Elephant and Rhinoceros. Indeed, the English Sailors, of London and Bristol, and even those of Salem and Marblehead in America are never found together unless fighting among themselves with fists or clubs. Such is the sailor’s nature and Character. And they display their Heroism in this Way, as in contending among Cannon Balls.
     I mention these Things for your particular Consideration. Perhaps it would not be prudent, to say any Thing in your Publication, concerning, the Affray at Boston. But you will Use your own Pleasure.
     The affair of Bread at Boston is of Importance to be well understood. All other Provisions, especially Beef and Pork, are very plenty there and of good Quality. The Resources of these Articles are inexhaustible in New England. The Cornucopia is there poured out. The English intend to render this Resource Useless to France. They may as easily dry up the Ocean. If they were to burn the Town of Boston, which however they must ask leave of a brave and hardy Race of Men to do, this Resource would remain to France undiminished. An Harbour in which all the Fleets of Europe may ride securely, and a Country abounding with Provisions of every Kind excepting Bread, and even enough of that to be had by Land for a little higher Price.
     Accept the Respects of your

      John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Edmé Jacques Genet, 30 December 1778
From: Adams, John
To: Genet, Edmé Jacques

       Decr 30. 1778

     M. Adams is very Sorry, it is not in his Power to Send Monsieur Genet a Copy of the Manifesto of Congress. He lent the only Copy he had to Mr. Lee, who promised, Yesterday, to send a Copy to M. Genet, this Morning. M. A. gave to Monsieur Garnier a Translation of it into French done by a young Gentleman here, which Mr. Garnier has probably sent. I have Seen, in a Virginia News Paper, an Answer to the incendiary Manifesto, which well deserves a Place in your Pamphlet. I requested it for you. But the Gentleman, who had the only one sent it to England, So that you may expect to find it in the English News Papers.
     Several Gentlemen have arrived here, within a few Days, from Boston who all give the most agreable Accounts of the Union and Resolution of the People, and particularly of the agreable Impression that the Comte D’Estaing and his Officers and People, have left of themselves, in the Minds of the Inhabitants. They all agree, that no British Fleet in Times of the greatest Security, could have lain there, and communicated so much with the Inhabitants, without exciting more Uneasinesses and Disturbance.
     With great Respect, your most obedt.

      John Adams


Title: To John Adams from James Warren, 1 January 1779
From: Warren, James
To: Adams, John

      My Dear Sir
      Plymo. N E. Jany. 1. 1779

     I keep no Copies of Letters and therefore am Unable to refer to the dates or the Contents. I know I have wrote you many and some of them very Lengthy. The Contents may be of no great Consequence whether they are lost or received. How many you have wrote me, you can best tell, only one has yett reached me. I have been now ten days from the Capital, and therefore Unable to give you such Intelligence as I might if there. However I beleive you will not get much from there at this Time Nothing very Remarkable haveing taken place the last three weeks I was at Boston. The Papers that will be sent by the Navy Board by this Good Oppertunity and your Friend the Marquiss Fayate will give you every thing you can wish to know from here. The principal Subject of Conversation seems to be a Letter lately published by Mr. Deane Attacking with great Freedom the Character and Conduct of Doctr. Lee, and Indeed that of his whole Family. This Letter if neither Elegant or Nervous, is Calculated to Command the Attention, and fix the prejudices of the People and is designed to strike deep, as neither Congress or Individuals that Compose it are spared.
     It is no difficult Matter to Engage the prejudices of the people in a Country where Jealousy is Excited on the Slightest Surmise.
     Whether the Author has sufficient Grounds for his Charges against Doctr. Lee, and for his Complaints against Congress, or whether this is a political dust he designs to avail himself of, you can better tell in France than I can here. If Dr. Lee and his Connections are guilty of Treachery or any Misconduct I hope they will be discovered and they punished, but I must own at present I doubt it, and Some People think the Author might as well have bent his Attention to clear himself from some Insinuations not much to his Advantage. However let Matters be as they May this has a Tendency to Lessen the Confidence of the People in their Congress, and to Create Factions that may Injure the Common Cause. The Tories have by such means a full Swing for their Arts, which they Improve to the greatest Advantage. I say Nothing to you of the State of our Currency and other difficulties we have to Struggle with. The Enemy still retain N York and R Island. The French and English Squadrons are supposed to be gone to the West Indies, from whence we Expect great Events. Mrs. Adams writes you by this opportunity. Your pretty Daughter is here on a Winter’s Visit to Mrs. Warren. She is very well, and wont own that she is not happy. I am with every Wish for Your Happiness Your Friend & Servt

      J Warren


Title: John Bondfield to the Commissioners, 1 January 1779
From: Bondfield, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin,Lee, Arthur,Adams, John,First Joint Commission at Paris

      Sirs
      Bordeaux 1 Jany 1779

     I have the Honor to pay my most respectful Compliments of Season wishing prosperity to all your undertakings.
     We are without any Arrivals since I had the Honor to write you the 5th Ultimo. By Letters from Nantes I am inform’d the Chasseur is Loaded and all is ready for the other Ship which contrary winds have detaind near two Months at Isl of Rhé not more than 24 hours sail from Nantes. I rejoice to learn a Convoy is appointed as we may thereby promise ourselves more protection than merchant Ships could otherways give to each other. The continued advices of Captures has Stagnated all private expeditions. Premiums out or home are at 60 P Cent which absorbs the Capital. I have the Honor to be respectfully Sirs Your very hhb Servant

      John Bondfield

     Loss’s sustained at this port since January 1778

      Ships going or coming from the West Indies taken
      48

      Ships going or coming from the United States
      56

       lost on the Coast of America and the Islands
      31

      135

   Most of them ships from 200 to 500 tons.


Title: Joseph Chase to the Commissioners, 1 January 1779
From: Chase, Joseph
To: Franklin, Benjamin,Lee, Arthur,Adams, John,First Joint Commission at Paris

      Gentelmen
      Paris January the 1rst. 17781779

     These are to Request you to give your asistance To Benjamin Clark, William Folger, John Locke, Frances Macy, John Headon, Thorndrick Chase, Reuben Chase, John B and a Numbers of others, Americans Now Prisoners in Different Prisons in France Dinant Mayenne in Britange &c. which I Think are as good Subjects as any America has as I know thay given Numbers of donations to asist the Americans in England Such as has got out of fourtune Prison and Else whare and done all that is in there power to get them To France. And I am Very Certain that they would be Very glad to go in the American Service as I know the greatest part of them has been obliged to go in the English Service being First Taken by and ceeped on Bord of Man of War and gard Ships for a number of months. Some longer Some Shorter.
     If you will be So kind as to get them Clear of Prison you Much Oblige your Humble Servant

      Joseph Chase


Title: C. W. F. Dumas to the Commissioners, 1 January 1779
From: Dumas, Charles William Frederic
To: Franklin, Benjamin,Lee, Arthur,Adams, John,First Joint Commission at Paris

       Messieurs
       LaHaie 1er. Janv. 1779

      De retour ici Mardi au soir, j’allai voir notre Ami. Il me dit qu’il n’y avoit encore rien de fait, mais que, malgré tout ce qui se pourroit passer encore le lendemain, les choses finalement iroient bien. Je compris son idée. Il me dit aussi, que le crédit excessif de Sir J. Y. auprès d’un grand personnage se manifestoit de plus en plus; et qu’il n’y avoit plus moyen de douter, que ce dernier n’eût des engagemens secrets avec son Cousin.
      Je fus le lendemain mercredi après diner chez Mr. l’Ambassadeur de F——. Pendant qu’il avoit été faire un tour de Promenade, l’Agent des E. Généraux avoit porté chez lui la réponse au Mémoire. On lui dit de revenir. Son Excellence, qui s’attendoit déjà au contenu, me dit qu’il la renverroit: et il le fit. Il me dit aussi, qu’il avoit toute prête la Déclaration, par laquelle les sujets de l’Etat sont exclus du Reglement du Roi en faveur des Neutres, et privés des faveurs dont ils jouissent dans ses ports; et que cette Déclaration sera bientôt notifiée et publique.
      G——F——pense, que cette affaire fera autant de bien aux Anti-Anglois, que la prise de Bergopzoom leur fit de mal il y a passé 30 ans; et que le temps viendra où les autres devront avoir recours à celui-ci, pour faire lever l’anathême, que leur complaisance pour—— leur attirera présentement.
      Mercredi au soir je fus chez notre Ami. Il ne put me donner qu’un instant. La réponse des Et. Généraux au Mémoire de la France est la même que celle prise à la pluralité par les Et. d’hollande, à quelques additions près, qui ne disent rien. Les Députés n’ont pas même consulté leurs Provinces respectives là-dessus: autre coup porté à la Constitution. L’un de ces Messieurs, avec qui j’ai eu occasion d’en discourir, m’a dit pour toute excuse, ce n’est pas la premiere fois que nous l’avonsfait. Je lui ai repliqué, qu’une fille de joie peut en dire tout autant. J’ai vu une Lettre, de très-bonne main de l’une de ces provinces, où l’on fait des censures et reproches graves de cette façon d’agir. La Frise est celle de toutes qui peut le moins se passer du Commerce de la France.

       2e. Janvr.

      Il y a aujourdhui grand Concert à l’Hôtel de France. La Cour y est. Mr. l’Ambassadeur fait le rebours de se qui se pratique au théatre; il commence par le divertissement, et finira par la tragédie. On se flatte néanmoins ici, qu’il ne se pressera pas, parce qu’on a fait sousentendre que l’on avoit convoqué toutes les Amirautés, pour délibérer plus amplement sur les convois. Mais on n’a pas dit, ce que pourtant tout le monde sait, qu’on a envoyé la réponse, qu’il a refusé de recevoir, à Mr. de Berkenrode à Paris, pour tâcher de l’y faire agréer: peine perdue.
      Notre Ami est fortuné. Il a, dans tout ceci, le plus beau rôle à remplir, et il en viendra à bout à sa gloire. Il marche à grands pas sur les traces des jadis grands hommes de la Republique. D’un autre côté, le Mémoire de France est venu admirablement à propos seconder la fermeté de la grande Ville. Je ne doute pas, Messieurs, que la suite ne vous fasse voir l’importance de ce qui se passe ici, et combien les démarches du Serviteur des E. U. ici, auxquelles vous avez concouru, ont été utiles à l’affaire.
      Nous venons de recevoir d’Angleterre la confirmation du retour de leurs Commissaires: l’expédition de Campblell contre la Caroline échouée. Byron sorti de N. York avec 15 Vaisseaux, battu de la tempête le 2 Nov., rentré à Rhode-Island avec 10 délabrés; le Sommerset de 64 canons et le Cornwall de 74 péris; le Bedford traîné démâté à N. York; le Culloden revenu en mauvais état en Angleterre: D’Estain, sorti de Boston le 4 poursuivant Hotham et Grant, ou allant conquérir peut-être les Isles Angloises, &c. Il y a si longtemps, Messieurs, que vous ne me donnez plus des nouvelles de l’Amérique, que je dois bien vous parler de celles que l’ennemi nous en donne.

       du 3e. Janv.

      Mr. l’Ambassadeur attendra jusque vers le milieu de ce mois que les Etats d’hollande se soient rassemblés; et alors, s’ils ne se mettent pas parfaitement en regle, il frappera le grand coup.
      On me mande de Hambourg du 29 Xbre., que le bruit court, que le Prince Henri se démettra du Commandement de l’Armée, qui sera conféré au Prince de Prusse; mais que cela mérite confirmation: que le Prince Repnin est à Breslau, où il reçoit de grands honneurs: que c’est-là que se font présentement les Plans d’Opérations pour la Campagne prochaine: que les Russes feront diversion en Hongrie: que c’est pour la communication avec leur Corps que le Roi veut maintenir ses Postes dans la Haute-Silesie: qu’il est en bonne santé et gai: qu’on travaille à deux nouveaux Traités de Commerce, l’un entre les Cours de Berlin et de Saxe, l’autre entre celles de Berlin et Petersbourg: Qu’il n’y a nulle apparence à la paix en Allemagne.
      Dieu la donne glorieuse et fertile en bénédictions aux Et. U. C’est mon voeu de tous les jours. Puissions-nous, Messieurs, Vous et moi, célébrer ensemble dans le cours de cette nouvelle année cet heureux évenement.
      Je suis avec un très-grand respect, Messieurs, Votre très-humble et très-obéissant serviteur

       D


Title: From John Adams to James Lovell, 3 January 1779
From: Adams, John
To: Lovell, James

      Sir
      Passy January 3. 1779

     I Suffer So much Uneasiness, on Account of the State of Things here, that I cannot fail to communicate my Anxieties, so to some one in Congress, which you may
     We are very much Straightened for Funds, and you send Us no supplies, and yet you draw upon Us, from America from the West Indies, and from many other Quarters. We are continually exposed to the Insolen Reproaches, and the Insolence of American Prisoners who escape from England, Ireland, Scotland, Jersy, Guernsy because We do not furnish them with as much Money as they want. We lend them more than We can afford and yet We are obliged to pay away large Sums of Money for Purposes less necessary.
     It is a delicate subject that I am about to touch, and I suppose Gentlemen will think hard of it, but my duty to the public demands of me that I should State Facts for your Information, and for the Information of all others to whom you may think proper to communicate them.
     The three Commissioners at this Court, in the Article of their Expences merely consumed ten Thousand Pounds Sterling, in the first Year. The Commissioner to the Empire last Feby. received two thousand Pounds sterling, and on the 4 of December drew on Us for one Thousand more. The Commissioner, to the Grand Duke had Two Thousand Pounds Sterling in February and two days ago told me, he must draw for more. So that at the most moderate Computation, you will have three thousand Pounds each to pay for five Commissioners, whereas in my Opinion, one Commissioner is all that is wanted, and he might live upon three Thousand Pounds. But then you must appoint Consuls to manage the Commercial Business. Twelve thousand Pounds a Year would go a great Way in, relieving the Wants of our Countrymen, suffering in Prison or escaping from it. Besides the Waste of Money, We are accumulating a Debt here which will be a heavy Load, and give great Discontent and excite great Clamours hereafter.
     Reports are propagated here, that Congress are about sending out a greater Number of Commissioners, and all I suppose must draw, Upon Passy. If this should be the Case it is my duty to tell you, that their Bills and ours both, will in my opinion be protested. It will be impossible they should be paid.
     With both the Commissioners, that to Vienna and that to Tuscany, I have a good Understanding, and think them honourable and worthy Men. But there is not in my opinion any Probability of their being received, and therefore their Missions are totally Useless.
     My opinion and Advice therefore is, to recall, every Commissioner, You have in the World, excepting one to this Court and one to Spain. And appoint Consuls or Commercial Agents at Nantes and Bourdeaux.
     Recall me, and Leave Dr. F. here alone, but then you must take from him, all Money Matters all commercial and maritime matters. His Character, has excited such an Enthusiasm, that it would do us great Harm to recall him—and one alone is enough.