Title: From Benjamin Franklin to ———, [13 December 1757]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: ——

Both the date and the addressee of this letter have been subjects of much difference of opinion. Each of the three surviving manuscript versions bears a different date line. That on the draft, in Franklin’s hand, has been heavily scratched out, probably long after the letter was written, by someone other than Franklin. Sparks (Works, x, 281), Bigelow (Works, ix, 296), and Smyth (Writings, ix, 520) all read the obliterated line “Phila. July 3, 1786.” Though this is a plausible reading, it is far from certain; the place could be Passy, the day perhaps the 13th; the year is illegible, but could possibly be 1751, 1757, 1761, 1767, 1781, or 1787. The original date line also seems to have been written over and changed before it was finally crossed out. The copy in Temple Franklin’s hand which his grandfather sent to Ezra Stiles in 1790 has the date line “London, May 7, 1758,” in what appears to be Franklin’s hand in old age. The figure “8” also seems to have been written over and changed at some time. Finally, the French copy, in the hand of a clerk Franklin employed frequently during his years in France (1776–1785), bears the date line printed here. Though these contradictions cannot be resolved satisfactorily, the editors have used the French date line since it is the least ambiguous and is on the earliest known manuscript other than the draft, where it is not certainly decipherable.
Though Thomas Paine has often been designated the recipient of this letter (e.g., by Sparks and Bigelow), this is most unlikely if the present editors are correct in the date assigned here; Paine was then a youth of twenty, doubtless unknown to Franklin. The copy sent to Ezra Stiles in 1790 is marked “To Mr. J.H.,” probably in Franklin’s hand, suggesting Joseph Huey (above, IV, 503–6) as the recipient. But the religious position of the person now addressed and that of Huey, as reflected in Franklin’s earlier letter, seem strongly opposed. Franklin could have written the initials “J.H.” on the copy of this letter by mistake instead of on that of the Huey letter he sent Stiles in 1790. The editors have not been able to identify any particular “infidel” who might have sent Franklin a manuscript in 1757, nor have they located any particular tract which might be evidence that his advice against publication was disregarded.

Dear Sir
[Cravenstreet, Dec. 13. 1757]
I have read your Manuscrit with some Attention. By the Arguments it contains against the Doctrine of a particular Providence, tho’ you allow a general Providence, you strike at the Foundation of all Religion: For without the Belief of a Providence that takes Cognizance of, guards and guides and may favour particular Persons, there is no Motive to Worship a Deity, to fear its Displeasure, or to pray for its Protection. I will not enter into any Discussion of your Principles, tho’ you seem to desire it; At present I shall only give you my Opinion that tho’ your Reasonings are subtle, and may prevail with some Readers, you will not succeed so as to change the general Sentiments of Mankind on that Subject, and the Consequence of printing this Piece will be a great deal of Odium drawn upon your self, Mischief to you and no Benefit to others. He that spits against the Wind, spits in his own Face. But were you to succeed, do you imagine any Good would be done by it? You yourself may find it easy to live a virtuous Life without the Assistance afforded by Religion; you having a clear Perception of the Advantages of Virtue and the Disadvantages of Vice, and possessing a Strength of Resolution sufficient to enable you to resist common Temptations. But think how great a Proportion of Mankind consists of weak and ignorant Men and Women, and of inexperienc’d and inconsiderate Youth of both Sexes, who have need of the Motives of Religion to restrain them from Vice, to support their Virtue, and retain them in the Practice of it till it becomes habitual, which is the great Point for its Security; And perhaps you are indebted to her originally that is to your Religious Education, for the Habits of Virtue upon which you now justly value yourself. You might easily display your excellent Talents of reasoning on a less hazardous Subject, and thereby obtain Rank with our most distinguish’d Authors. For among us, it is not necessary, as among the Hottentots that a Youth to be receiv’d into the Company of Men, should prove his Manhood by beating his Mother. I would advise you therefore not to attempt unchaining the Tyger, but to burn this Piece before it is seen by any other Person, whereby you will save yourself a great deal of Mortification from the Enemies it may raise against you, and perhaps a good deal of Regret and Repentance. If Men are so wicked as we now see them with Religion what would they be if without it? I intend this Letter itself as a Proof of my Friendship and therefore add no Professions of it, but subscribe simply Yours
B.F.
 Endorsed: Rough of Letter dissuading — from publishing his Piece


Title: William Strahan to Deborah Franklin, 13 December 1757
From: Strahan, William
To: Franklin, Deborah

Dear Madam,
London, December 13, 1757.
I will not write to you, for the future, as a stranger whom I never had the happiness of seeing, but as to one with whom I have been for some time acquainted, for having had the pleasure for several months past, to be personally known to what you will readily allow, to be your better half, you’ll permit me to fancy, I am by no means ignorant of the essential qualities of the other.
I had for many years, conceived a very high, and now find, a very just opinion of Mr. Franklin; this I was naturally led to by the concurring testimony of every body, who knew him, (for the voice of his enemies, if he had any, never reached me) and by the opportunities I have had of judging for myself, during my correspondence with him for a dozen years. But though the notion I had formed of him, in my own mind, before I had the pleasure of seeing him, was really as far as it went, just enough; I must confess it was very unequal to what I now know his singular merit deserves.
I own it is somewhat odd, to entertain a lady with the character of her husband, who must herself, of all others, be the least ignorant in that particular. But as all who know me, know that I cannot help speaking my sentiments freely, on any subject that strikes me in a great degree, so I choose to write my mind in regard to Mr. Franklin, before all others to you, because you are the most unexceptionable judge of the truth and propriety of what I say, and because I am persuaded you will listen to me, not only with patience but with pleasure; and indeed, whatever your own personal qualities may be, however amiable and engaging in my mind, your being the choice of such a man, must add greatly to your honour, to be the wife of one who has so much ability, inclination, and success, if you view him in a public capacity, in being eminently useful to his country, must necessarily confer on you great reputation, and to be the bosom friend of one who is equally fitted to promote any kind of domestic happiness, must as necessarily be the constant spring of the most substantial comfort to you.
For my own part, I never saw a man who was, in every respect, so perfectly agreeable to me. Some are amiable in one view, some in another, he in all. Now madam as I know the ladies here consider him in exactly the same light I do, upon my word I think you should come over, with all convenient speed to look after your interest; not but that I think him as faithful to his Joan, as any man breathing; but who knows what repeated and strong temptation, may in time, and while he is at so great a distance from you, accomplish. Besides, what a delightful expedition would this be to Miss Franklin, and how much must it amuse and improve her, to see and live a while in this great city. I know you will object to the length of the voyage and the danger of the seas, but truly this is more terrible in apprehension than in reality; of all the ways of travelling it is the easiest and most expeditious; and as for the danger, there has not a soul been lost between Philadelphia and this, in my memory; and I believe, not one ship taken by the enemy. Is the trouble and risque then of such a voyage, to be compared in any degree, with the pleasure it will afford you and your best friends. By no means. Instead of being afraid of the sea, we ought to have a particular regard for it, as it is so far from being a bar to the communication and intercourse of different and far distant countries, that it facilitates their correspondence in a very high degree. Nay more, it conveys in the floating castles of your mother country, that protection and assistance which I trust will soon give peace to your borders. I might urge as an additional inducement for you to come over in the spring, that the important business with which Mr. Franklin is charged, in the service of his country, (which I dare say you would wish above all things may be brought to a happy conclusion) may very probably detain him more than one season, which will exhaust your patience to such a degree, that you may repent, when too late, you did not listen to my advice.
Your son I really think one of the prettiest young gentlemen I ever knew from America. He seems to me [to] have a solidity of judgment, not very often to be met with in one of his years. This with the daily opportunities he has of improving himself in the company of his father, who is at the same time his friend, his brother, his intimate, and easy companion, affords an agreeable prospect, that your husband’s virtues and usefulness to his country, may be prolonged beyond the date of his own life.
Your daughter (I wish I could call her mine), I find by the reports of all who know her, is a very amiable girl in all respects; but of her I shall say nothing, till I have the pleasure of seeing her. Only I must observe to you, that being the mistress of such a family, is a degree of happiness perhaps the greatest that falls to the lot of humanity. I sincerely wish you, very long, the unabated enjoyment of them. I leave it to your friend, to write you every thing from this place, you would desire to know. But I cannot take my leave of you without informing you that Mr. F. has the good fortune to lodge with a very discreet good gentlewoman, who is particularly careful of him, who attended him during a very severe cold he was some time ago seized with, with an assiduity, concern, and tenderness, which perhaps, only yourself could equal: so that I don’t think you could have a better substitute till you come over, to take him under your own protection. He is now perfectly recovered.
My own family are, I thank God, just now in perfect health. My wife joins me in kindest compliments to you and dear Miss, not forgetting her honest son David and his fire-side. I wish you a speedy and happy meeting with your friends on this side of the water, which will give great pleasure to, Dear madam, Your most affectionate, Humble servant,
William Strahan.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Giambatista Beccaria, 24 December 1757
From: Beccaria, Giambatista
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Father Beccaria, the strongest and most active supporter of Franklin’s electrical theories on the Continent, addressed this letter to him in Latin soon after learning of his arrival in England. Dr. James Parsons made an English translation which, after some delay, was read at the Royal Society, Feb. 7, 1760. Because Beccaria’s terminology differed in some particulars from that which had become familiar to English scientists (in large part through Franklin’s writings), Franklin undertook to clear up points of possible misunderstanding in a brief “Note” read at the next meeting of the Society, February 14.

Parsons’ translation is printed here, rather than the Latin original, both in order to make it available to a larger number of present-day readers, and because this was the version actually read to the members of the Royal Society. Parsons, however, was more distinguished as an antiquary than as an “electrician.” His translation of Beccaria’s Latin (obviously difficult in some places) is stiff and far too literal; in some instances he clearly misses the sense, and in others he seems to give up and simply transliterates a technical term into what looks like, but is not, an English equivalent. The editors have therefore undertaken to substitute their own rendering of certain words and phrases, identifying them either in footnotes, by the use of brackets surrounding their substitutions, by adding the Latin original in italics after their rendering, or by a combination of these devices as seems most appropriate in each instance. In two particularly troublesome passages Parsons’ translation is given unchanged in the text but Beccaria’s Latin and the editors’ suggested freer translation appear in footnotes. Readers interested in the Latin original are referred to that version as printed in the Philosophical Transactions.

I
[Turin, December 24, 1757]
John Baptist Beccaria [of the sacred schools, sends greetings] to Benjamin Franklin Esqr. the first in Electrical Knowledge &c.
1. Learned Sir, I am glad you are safe arriv’d in London from America; and send you an hypothesis which I struck out from experiments concerning electrical motions: This I divide into two parts, as the very difference [between] these kind of motions seems to require; In the first part I treat of attractions, and in the second of repulsions;
2. And I now Comprehend the whole of my consideration of attraction in a few words as follows: “when the Electrical Fire, being in greater quantity in One body, throws it self by the power of Expansion into another; towards an Equilibrium, it removes the greater part of the Interjected, or Interstitial air from its place, according to its own greater [mass (copia)]. Whence it follows, that the air which is near the bodies, for want of the resistance of the intermediate air, rushes, towards that middle place: but not by passing round the bodies, which is a longer way, and more interrupted from the flowing out of the fire, but by rushing in, from nearby. It is by this [displacing (trusione)] of the air, that bodies unequally electrify’d approach [each other]; and while they approach they are accelerated, because the more fire flows in, the greater quantity of intermediate air is thrown out, and therefore the greater the attraction; and thus the momentum of the air [displaced] from nearby will be increased.

Experiment 1.
3. That the air is [expelled] by the Electrical fire flowing in, is demonstrated by the experiment of the spark which is excited in the middle of the Tube, hermetically seald at one end, and stop’d with [some liquid] at the Other; for while the spark throws out the [liquid], it is [proved (testatur)] the air is thrown out also.
4. Nor indeed can the fire, when it flows in, supply the [support (fulcrum)] of the intermediate air now driven out, whereby the air adjacent to bodies may be sustain’d; for it flows out again very freely, and passes into the Other body, wherfore as it is not itself sustaind or resisted, neither can it act as a [support].

Experim: 2.
  5. The matter is confirm’d by the following [very] clear experiment: I roll’d up a slip of Gilt paper of about eight inches long and four lines broad, so as to form a little solid cillinder D. I suspend this by a silk thread D.G. under [an opening (fornice)] of an air pump I.H.K. thro’ the top of which, H. the mettal rod BC. passes, [descending into (desinens in)] the mettal ball C. I fix the mettal rod LE. arm’d with [a similar] ball [on top], to the plate IK. [Now] the spheres C and E. are in the same plane with   the cillinder D. and at equal distances from it; then fixing the Chain A. B. which belongs to the electrical Machine [to] the rod B.C. and consequently the electrical fire being sent into the rod B.C. I observe: 1st. that before the air is remov’d, the paper cillinder D. is agitated with the most violent vibrations between the two spheres E.C. 2dly. that while the air is remov’d the agitation is plainly diminished in proportion to the quantity of air removed. 3dly. [when as much air as possible is removed] the cillinder D. hardly stirs. When I have observ’d these things, I restore the air again by degrees, and observe that the vibrations increase again in proportion to the restored air, and at length become as violent as before. Which circumstances when I contemplate in particular, and consider them also together, I understand that the quantity or greatness of electrical motions is owing to the air, either intire or in part.

Experiment. III.
6. Because light bodies such as gold leafe, Dust &c. are agitated in rarifyed air with a motion sufficiently sensible, was the reason why I thought, with other [physicists (physicis)], from the beginning, that electrical motions, receiv’d in the air, ought not to be attributed to the action of electrical fire. But because, [having now considered the matter more carefully,] I see that motions in the residual air bear not a greater proportion to the first motions that are made in the intire atmospherical air, than that which passes between the residual and the first air, I am inclined to acknowledge this error in my self and others, and adopt the contrary Opinion; which experience verifies.
7. I must not omit a part of my Observation, which is very [opportune] towards confirming this matter: Sometimes I used to bring my Experiment from the last [stage] into a dark room; and then I observed that the fire vibrating the pendulum, before the air was remov’d, shined here and there with crackling, light but short sparks near each ball: afterwards this fire in proportion to the removed air, and also the minuteness of the vibrations of the pendulum, flow’d out in a more ample, gentle, Continual, tho’ not so shining a Radius.
8. And this truely demonstrates a reaction of the air, compelling the electrical fire in a certain density; which [corresponds to] the proportion of its Own density; and this reaction of the air [cannot avoid responding] to the action of the electrical fire, endeavoring to throw out the air; and clearly throwing it out, where it can prevail against the fire with a necessary [force (vi)].
9. To these I shall add no more towards explaining the attractions of bodies unequally electrify’d, I have brought some arguments in my letters to [Beccari] in which however I treated of the mechanical cause of attractions but doubtfully; but a more accurate consideration of the experiments, occasions my discoursing of the cause of attractions with more confidence.
10. Bodies equally electrified repel each other; The cause of which I now proceed to explain:
11. The electrical fire which is in bodies, by what means soever, [sparks in order to balance] the electrical fire which is in the air. (Give me leave to call the one the proper, and the Other the aerial fire.) If both have an equal proportion to the native capacity of the bodies and of the air, the bodies are attracted, or are at rest in their [original position (nativa directione)]; Otherwise if either the proper or aerial fire is excess, it equally [sets free (explicat)] the bodies and compells them to a repulsion.
This is the account:

Experiment IV.
12. As often as I proceed to electrifie a Chain several times [for a longer period (diutius)], in my Chamber which is a very large One [but closed], I find, that part of its electrical fire is diffus’d into the ambient air; and renders [that air, however much there is in the Chamber,] electrical to excess, whilst it is in a dry State either from the weather or from fire. For I carry into any part of the room two flaxen threads which I suspend either between two fingers, or at the end of a stick, and they repel each other; and whether I keep them in the same place or move them to any Other part of the room, yet they continue to diverge for half an hour, an hour, and sometimes longer.

Experiment. V.
13. If the threads are seperated from the stick or reed, by the assistance of the glass, and in like manner from the ground, they first diverge, and then return to their [original position]. But these things happen after all the sparks are as much as possible drawn out from the Chain, after all the redundant fire is remov’d from it, after the Connexion of the Chain with the ground.

Experiment. VI
14. From a long continued electrification of the Machine I find the Phaenomena in all respects the same: But if the long electrification of the machine continually follows a long electrification of the Chain, or vice versa, the threads fix’d to the reed or stick, are constantly observ’d to diverge from the electrification of another body; in the begining I observe that they attract one another, at the begining electrification of another body; and then again to diverge as before.
15. By these experiments, I say, we are in my Opinion taught: I. that while we accumulate several successive fires in the Chain, several successive parts of it passes widely into the ambient air, and adheres to it; and so all the air containd in the chamber becomes electrified to excess. In like manner while we draw out of the machine several successive fires, the machine draws in several successive parts of the fire from the ambient air, and so all the air contain’d in the Chamber becomes deficient of electricity, or electrifyd in Defect. II. The threads carry’d in either the fingers or at the end of the stick, repel each other in the air by the electrical excess from the chain, or the electrical defect from the machine, or by the force of the proper native fire overcoming the aerial if they [come together in] the electrical air from the machine; or by the power of the aerial fire overcoming the native proper fire of the threads, if they [come together] in the electrical air from the Chain. III. That these kind of threads diverging by the electrification of the chain, from the consequent electrification of the machine, or the contrary, first attract; because the machine first takes in from the air the excess it had from the chain; or the chain restores to the air, the fire taken from the machine; and so the fire in the air restored to its Native quantity ought to equilibrate with the native fire remaining in the threads. IV. But furthermore from a longer electrification of the machine consequent to the electrification of the chain, or the contrary, the threads diverge again; because either the machine goes on to take in part of the native fire, or the chain goes on to add more fire to the air than the native quantity. V. that the same threads, when seperated by the glass, diverge in the begining, because they, which have only their Own Native fire, come together in the air which is electric by excess or defect; and then when they are seperated by the glass they at length come to their [original position] because either part of the aerial fire, if the air is electric in excess from the chain, at last pours itself into the threads towards an equilibrium, and also flows by the compelling power of the glass, or part of the native fire, or of the proper fire of the threads pours itself into the air, if the air is electric by defect, [because] it may be supply’d from elsewhere by the compulsion of the glass.
16. From hence the following things seem universally to hold: I. that the air contains in itself, its own Native fire. II. that to the native fire of the air, another fire may be added, that part of the native fire may be subtracted from the air, but slowly, and as it were by force. III. that the air lets go the [excess], and takes in the deficient fire, but that in a very slow manner. IV. If the air has, like other bodies, its own native fire, then these are in a native state, if the air, while their native fire remains in bodies, has a greater or less quantity of fire than its native quantity, the bodies repel each other; but every one of these theorems can be illustrated in a surprising manner by other experiments; and be more fully demonstrated.

Experiment 7.
17. Two threads, fastened to the chain, after a few turns of the globe, diverge very much: afterwards from a longer-lasting electrification in the chain they begin to diverge less; and this diverging is diminish’d to a certain degree; so that sometimes the angle of the diverging, after a [longer] continuation of the friction of the globe, becomes double that of the diverging which happen’d from the same electrification when first excited. When I percieve this diverging of the threads diminish enough, then I cease the friction of the globe, but gently apply a very sharp stilus to the chain, wherby I slowly draw forth all the redundant fire from it; while this is doing the threads approach each other slowly, then gently again diverge to an angle indeed less than the first, tho’ great enough, which sometimes scarce amounts to forty five degrees; but then they proceed to diverge for a longer time.
18. That is, the greatest angle from the Electrification first excited, because then a very great quantity of fire is sent in to the chain, and in the threads connected with it, but little or none into the air. Afterwards the angle becomes less, as the fire increases and is consequently sent into the air, the same excess of the fire remaining in the chain. While the fire sent into the chain is slowly diminished by the application of the Stilus, the angle is still diminished in proportion as the residual fire in the chain, and the fire, sent in and Joind to the air, approach to an equilibrium; and where both the fires come to an equality the threads resume their [original] direction: when again the fire, yet redundant in the chain, if further diminshd, and the redundant fire in the air not so (for it is Joind to the air, and as we observe is slowly diminished by it,) the threads again repel each other because of the excess of the aerial fire over that in the chain, which aerial fire, in fine, because it is most slowly discharg’d, the threads proceed to diverge [for a very long time (diutissime)].

Experiment VIII.
19. If the threads are connected with the Machine, all the same Phaenomena happen in them from a long electrification of the machine, that they had from a long electrification of the chain when connected with it.
20. Wherefore as I have shew’d in general from the begining, if the proper fire of bodies, whatsoever it’s quantity be, is in equilibrium with the fire of the ambient air, bodies either remain in their native state or return to it; if one fire exceeds the other bodies repel each other by the power of the fire in excess.
21. And hence if I mistake not learn’d Sir you see the reason why those bodies electrify’d as well from the chain as the Machine repel each other: the proper fire in bodies electrified by the chain overcomes the aerial, and the aerial in like manner overcomes the proper fire in bodies electrified by the Machine.

Experiment IX.
22. As often as the threads mutually repel each Other, and diverge from either the increased or diminishd native fire in them, they are attracted to my finger when advanced to them; as often as they repel each other and diverge preserving their native fire, from the native fire of the air either increased or diminish’d, they fly from my finger.
23. And this indeed is very agreable to the Known laws of electrical attraction, and repulsion; for when the native fire in the threads is either increased or diminished, they become as unequally electrified as my finger, which has its own native fire; but when the native fire stands firm in the threads, and they repel each other from the increased or diminished fire in the air; then as they diverge from one another, so they must be repelled by my finger, having also its native fire, by the power of the air, in which the native fire is increasd or diminished. But besides, this very repulsion of the threads from my finger also proves the cause of repulsions which I assert; for both the finger and threads communicate with the ground, and therefore they have not in them any Other fire but the native, by which because they do not repel each other, it remains that they repel by the native fire, either increased or diminish’d, in the air.
24. When I first fell upon this theory of electrical repulsions, I was doubtful whether the aerial fire could not make repulsions in the machine, equal in velocity and greatness to those which the proper fire makes in the chain; thence I again suspected that the quantity of the fire in the machine and chain (universally conveying to all bodies) might be quickly changed; but that the measure of the fire in the ambient air is but slowly increased or diminished: besides another consideration increased my suspicion: that I could never draw as much fire from the air as from the machine, nor could I ever add as much to the air as to the chain; for I could never come to be able to sustain the whole diverging of the threads by the electricity of the air alone, as much as existed from the intire electricity of the machine or chain.
However hence it came to pass, that I communicated these same experiments, and also Others, by Letters to the most learned president of the Bononian Institute, wherin I establish’d this theory of repulsions at large.
But upon considering the matter more maturely I found that the velocity of the repulsions, caused by the aerial fire, ought not to answer to the velocity whereby its quantity is either increased or diminsh’d; but to that velocity whereby its inherent quantity acts; and that the greatness of the repulsions, which come from the same fire, ought not to answer to its absolute, but to its comparative greatness; I have observ’d both these to happen upon occasion.

Experiment X.
25. If in the Sixth experiment, after the diverging of the threads is diminished from a longer electrification of the chain, I draw all the redundant fire, not slowly but immediatly, from the chain (my hand being apply’d to it) the threads indeed begin to come together [as fast as possible] but they suddenly return with equal velocity before they arrive at their [original position]. But this other repulsion, because it happens from the aerial fire overcoming the proper residual fire in the threads, I perceive nevertheless that the very aerial fire (altho’ its quantity is slowly changed) causes repulsions of equal velocity with those that are made without the proper fire.

Experiment XI.
26. And that these equally great repulsions happen from the aerial fire I thus understand. After the fire receiv’d into the air, as much as may be, that is round the chain, (all the redundant fire being taken away from the chain, and so the threads now diverging from the aerial fire), I substitute a globe of Sulphur instead of glass, and from the friction of this I observe, the angle of divergence to increase in the begining, which the aerial fire effected, and then continually to diminish.
27. And this is certain that the first frictions of the Sulphureous globe takes away part of the native fire from the chain, and does not in like manner take away the excess of fire of the ambient air (for the air, as we observd before, slowly receives the fire of another body and as slowly parts with it) wherefore the greatness of the divergence is increased which is causd by the aerial fire, not changed by the absolute greatness of the aerial fire, but only by its comparative greatness, the proper fire being therefore diminished, and the proportion of the aerial to the proper [fire] being increased. Therefore because as much of the fire as is collected in the chain, so much is drawn from the machine; the proportion of the aerial fire about the machine, to the residual fire in the machine, will be the same as the proportion of the redundant fire in the chain, to the aerial fire about the chain: wherefore the aerial fire about the machine will make repulsions, not only equally swift, but equally great with those made by the proper fire in the chain.
28. Therefore that I may comprehend in a few words all that seem most likely to explain universally all electrical motions, (for you may easily observe that all suspensions, adhesions, vibrations and an infinite number of Other compositions as so many electrical Ludi [games, demonstrations] are comprehended in the repulsions and attractions). This at length is the Sum of my hypothesis: that the attractions of bodies, unequally electrified, are affected by the electric fire of one body, in which it is more abundant, flowing out into another, thro’ the [intermediate] air, and even throwing off that. But that repulsions are caused by the proper fire of bodies expanding it self against the aerial [fire], or by the aerial expanding it self more strongly against the proper fire; which expansion however, of the fire of one body overcoming another, seems to happen without the mutual admixtion of one with the other. For the air contains its own fire whatsoever its quantity be, nor can it discede from it, and drives away the proper fire of conducting bodies that it may not adhere to it.
29. I have I say Learnd Sir, Laid before you this hypothesis, and you will thereby improve it; and if you think it worthy of being laid before the Royal Society, It will be very agreable to me, who, [since] I am not able to add any Ornament, hope my dilligence will be acceptable to it. Be careful of your Health, for it is fit you should be long preserv’d for the improvement of Science, and the amplification of what you have so certainly established.
Dated at Turin 24. Xber. 1757.

 Endorsed: Translation of a latin Letter from Professor Beccaria of Turin to Mr. Franklin concerning some Electrical experiments. by Dr. Parsons Read at R S. 7 February 1760

IIA Note
December 24, 1757
For the better understanding this Paper, it is necessary to know, that Father Beccaria uses a large Chain, suspended by Silk Lines, for the Purpose of a Prime Conductor; and that his Machine for turning the Glass Globe, is so contriv’d, as that he can on occasion readily isolate it, (i.e. place it on Glass or Wax) together with the Person that works it. When the Communication is thus cut off, between the Earth and the Chain, and also between the Earth and the Machine, he observes, that the Globe being turn’d, both the Chain and the Machine show Signs of Electricity; and as these Signs, when examined, appear to be different in the Chain and in the Machine; and the Globe having, as he supposes, drawn from the Machine Part of its natural or common Quantity of Electricity, and given it to the Chain; he calls the Electricity appearing in the Chain, Electricity by Excess; and the Electricity appearing in the Machine, Electricity by Defect; which answer to our Terms, of positive and negative Electricity, or Electricity plus and minus. And thus his Expressions, Electrifying by the Chain, and Electrifying by the Machine, are to be understood, Electrifying positively, and Electrifying negatively.
 Endorsed: 14 Feb. 1760. No. 1 Phil. Trans. Vol. LI. part II. p. 525.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Giambatista Beccaria, [1757]
From: Beccaria, Giambatista
To: Franklin, Benjamin

[1757]
  Father Beccaria thanks Mr. Franklin for his kind Remembrance; should have had a most singular Pleasure in seeing him at Turin, which he had been made to hope by his Letter to Mr. Haldiman: If he had known of his being in Europe, [he would have addressed his 16 Letters on Electricity to him rather than to anyone else]. They come out in January, and he shall be very glad to present them to him in Turin, where he would be ready to serve him with all his Attention to the utmost of his Power. In those Letters the Theory of M. Franklin, or rather that of Nature, is more fully demonstrated, and some of them contain some new Discoveries in that Branch [of Natural Philosophy].

  [Among surviving Franklin papers there are several which cannot be dated even from a specific year but which appear to belong to the time of his English residence as Pennsylvania agent. In some instances they seem to date from the first period of that residence (1757–62), in others from the second (1764–75), and in some they may date from either period. Occasionally there is evidence to show that a document must have been written during a limited part of one of these periods. In accordance with the principles of arrangement stated in the Introduction (above, I, XXXVI), the eleven undatable items which the editors believe belong to the first period of residence in England as agent (or a part of it), or to either period indifferently, are placed here following the more precisely dated documents of 1757. Others will be printed after those dated 1764. For each document the probable inclusive dates are given in brackets at the top.]


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to John Fothergill, [1757–1762]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Fothergill, John

The filthy streets of Philadelphia and London were a persistent challenge to Franklin’s civic conscience. He explained in the autobiography that “by talking and writing on the Subject” he had at length done something about the streets of Philadelphia. At an unstated time, perhaps before he retired from business, he “wrote and printed a Paper” (not found) on the advantages of having streets cleaned regularly: “the greater Ease in keeping our Houses clean, so much Dirt not being brought in by People’s Feet; the Benefit to the Shops by more Custom, as Buyers could more easily get at them, and by not having in windy Weather the Dust blown in upon their Goods, &c. &c.” Franklin then “sent one of these Papers to each House, and in a Day or two went round to see who would subscribe an Agreement to pay” sixpence a month per house to a street cleaner. “It was unanimously sign’d, and for a time well executed. All the Inhabitants of the City were delighted with the Cleanliness of the Pavement that surrounded the Market, it being a Convenience to all; and this rais’d a general Desire to have all the Streets paved; and made the People more willing to submit to a Tax for that purpose.” Just before departing for England, Franklin drew a bill (not found) for paving the streets, perhaps left with a friend since no such bill is mentioned in the Assembly proceedings for 1757. An act for “regulating, pitching, paving and cleaning” the streets of Philadelphia, perhaps based on Franklin’s bill, passed the Assembly on March 26, 1762, during his absence in England, and on Jan. 28, 1763, a committee including Franklin (recently returned home) brought in a supplementary bill which passed the House on February 22.
While John Clifton received credit for first showing Philadelphia the advantages of street lighting, Franklin explained that he himself had devised the four-sided, ventilated lamp which stayed clean much longer than the closed globe used by Clifton and commonly seen in London. Mention of this improvement, Franklin wrote, “puts me in mind of one I propos’d when in London, to Dr. [John] Fothergill, who was among the best men I have known, and a great Promoter of useful Projects.” After describing his own amazement at the little effort required to keep Craven Street swept clean and the advantage of having one rather than two gutters in a street, Franklin added: “My Proposal communicated to the good Doctor, was as follows:”

[1757–1762]
For the more effectual cleaning and keeping clean the Streets of London and Westminster, it is proposed,
That the several Watchmen be contracted with to have the Dust swept up in dry Seasons, and the Mud rak’d up at other Times, each in the several Streets and Lanes of his Round.
That they be furnish’d with Brooms and other proper Instruments for these purposes, to be kept at their respective Stands, ready to furnish the poor People they may employ in the Service.
That in the dry Summer Months the Dust be all swept up into Heaps at proper Distances, before the Shops and Windows of Houses are usually opened: when the Scavengers with close-covered Carts shall also carry it all away.
That the Mud when rak’d up be not left in Heaps to be spread abroad again by the Wheels of Carriages and Trampling of Horses; but that the Scavengers be provided with Bodies of Carts, not plac’d high upon Wheels, but low upon Sliders; with Lattice Bottoms, which being cover’d with Straw, will retain the Mud thrown into them, and permit the Water to drain from it, whereby it will become much lighter, Water making the greatest Part of its Weight. These Bodies of Carts to be plac’d at convenient Distances, and the Mud brought to them in Wheelbarrows, they remaining where plac’d till the Mud is drain’d, and then Horses brought to draw them away.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to ———, [1757–1775]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: ——

Sir
[1757–1775]
I have perus’d the Letters and Papers you put into my Hands, and shall, as you desire, say what occurs to me on the considering them.
I do not know Mr. Murdoch personally, but have heard that he is a Person of Credit and some Note in that Country, and esteemed by the People there.
I imagine that little is to be expected from a Suit of Law, to be carried on at such a Distance; it will be expensive, tedious, and the Event uncertain.
By the Letters you have shown me, the Executors Claim of Interest seems indeed to be well founded on his agreeing to the Proposal that he should pay it, &c. But he intimates that he has subsequent Letters from Mr. Sanderson, containing a kind of Discharge of that Agreement so far as he should be a sufferer by it, I apprehend the Executors on Sight of such Letters, might think it reasonable to abate so much of their Claim.
If it cannot be settled by Writing, it seems a proper Case to be referr’d to Merchants. It would be best if Mr. Murdoch should agree that it be referr’d to Merchants here, he naming one or two, the Executors one or two others. If it is to be done there, I could name some Persons of Judgment in such Affairs and Men of Integrity, out of whom the Executors might chuse, if they are otherwise unacquainted there.
I suppose that a Factor is not generally accountable for bad Debts. He says there is a considerable Sum of that kind.
It should seem that his ready Agreement to the Paying of 5 per Cent. might be founded on his receiving from the Debtors Six per Cent. as appears by his Letter of Mar. 30. 1745.

Suppose then that the Executors were to write to him to this Effect; That as they do not (any more than Mr. Sanderson) desire he should be a Sufferer by that Agreement, so they believe he would not desire to be a Gainer by a Noncompliance with it; therefore they propose, that Mr. Murdoch would now state the Account, give Credit for all the Interest he has received on the Outstanding Debts at Six per Cent, and charge those that are bad; which Account if properly vouch’d and supported they would allow, and make a final Settlement with him accordingly.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Apthorp, [1757–1759]
From: Apthorp, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Tuesday morning [1757–1759]
Mr. Apthorp’s compliments to Mr. Franklyn and desires the favour of his Company to dine with him on Fry-day next ¼ past three.
 Addressed: Benjn Franklyn Esqr / Buckingham Street,


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Deane, [1757–1759]
From: Deane, William
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Frith Street Tuesday Morning [1757–1759]
Coll: Deanes Compliments to Mr. Franklin and Son, Shall be Extreemly glad of the favor of their Company to Dinner tommorow to meet Mr. and Mrs. Sargent at half an Hour after three o Clock.
 Addressed: To / Mr. Franklin / Craven Street


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Allen and Joseph England, [1757–1762]
From: England, Allen,England, Joseph
To: Franklin, Benjamin

[1757–1762]
Allen England and his Brother Joseph England are proprietors of certain Tracts of Land scituate upon Christiana Creek in the County of Newcastle, Quantity 1300 Acres their Title to which stands thus—
In 1726 their Father John England advanced £500 to Sir William Keith by way of Mortgage upon the said Lands.
In 1729 the said John England assigned his Right in the Mortgage to his sons Allen and Joseph England.
And soon after the Lands were at a public Auction struck off to them as highest bidders.
They impowered Israel Pemberton of Philadelphia to act as their Attorney for the Management of the said Estate, but have never been able to obtain a satisfactory Account from him, with Respect to the Quality and Value of thereof [sic].
They are now determined to revoke their Letter to Israel Pemberton and either send a person from hence, or Impower some other person there, not only for the Management but to sell the Lands.

And wish their Cousin Wm. Frey would take an Opportunity of asking Benjamin Franklin Esquire what sort of Evidence will be necessary on this Occasion? particularly whether a Certificate of the Execution of Deeds, under the Seal of a Corporation will be Sufficient or is it necessary for the subscribing Witnesses to be Persons who are going into that Country.
 Endorsed: For Benjn. Franklin Esqr his Opinion On these Memorandums


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Elizabeth Hubbart, [1757–1762]
From: Hubbart, Elizabeth
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
[1757–1762]
Your tow last Favours gave me a satisfaction better felt then expressed: Indeed I have often longed to Chatt to you in some of those Happy hours you have Blessed me with but feared it was grown Disagreeable or would Interupt Business of Importance pleasing Amusements or more entertaining Conversation, but I most Heartily Accept the Apology you Condesend to make and will not deprive my Self of the satisfaction it gives me by Enquiering into the Merits of it. In return I will Tell you your Severe Morning Lecture tho’ it lay dormant so long has at lenght had its desier’d Effect. I have Rose many Times this Summer many Tim[es] before the Sun and in general much Earlier then I Used to do. Now I hope when ever you favour me with your Letters you will remember the Precept of that Blessed Apostle Alixr. Pope which if you dont find in the Bible ought to have been their it Runs thus.

Be niggards of Advice on no Pretence,
For the Worst Averice is that of Sense!

You will always find Roome for it in the Mergin.

I know your Generosity will pardon me if I tell you I think you have given me one peice of Advice which to have Succeed’d in must have been a very great Misfortune. It was to lay out the Trifle Mr. Hunter left in your Hands for a Striking Cap to Catch a Ten Thousand Pounder with, the Money I have No Avertion to, the Cap I think a pretty play thing but the Fool that could be catch’d in such a Cobweeb Snare tho’ he had Ten times Ten thousand I could Heartily despise. I will once more put my Self in the Way of Providence for that same Ten thousand Pounds, and beg the favour of Cousin Billey to try his Luck in purchasing me a Ticket in the first State Lottery and to be kind enough to send me the No. as soon as possible.
Mr. Bowdoin sends his Compliments and is always enquiring after your Helth and when he may Expect the Happiness of seeing you here. I wish I knew for I have hoped for that Happiness from Spring to Fall and from Fall to Spring I dont know how many Years, and now begin to fear I shall never See you More.
Mama says send my kind Love and tell them I long to See them. All Friends desier their affectionate Regards. That Heaven may Shower its Choisest Blessings on you, and return you soon is the Constant Wish of Dear Sir Your affectionante Neice
E Hubbart


Title: Poor Richard Improved, 1758
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

This is the twenty-sixth and last almanac in this series which Franklin prepared himself; thereafter David Hall assumed the responsibility. Appropriately, the contents of this almanac make it the best known of all, for it is the direct source of the most widely reprinted of all Franklin’s writings, even including the autobiography. Richard Saunders’ prefatory address to the “Courteous Reader,” which in previous almanacs usually occupies about one page, is in this year expanded to fill not only the usual second page of the pamphlet but also all the available space on the right-hand pages devoted to the twelve months and all but two lines of an additional page after December. In it Franklin created a new persona, “a plain clean old Man, with white Locks,” called Father Abraham. At a public “vendue” the assembled crowd called on him for comment on “the Times” and for advice on how to meet the “heavy Taxes” now in force.
Father Abraham’s speech in response to this call comprises the chief substance of this extended preface. It consists of the selection and careful arrangement in a connected discourse of approximately one hundred of the aphorisms and maxims contained in the earlier Poor Richard almanacs. If Franklin had used any one of these aphorisms as a text for Father Abraham’s homily (which he did not do) he might well have selected one from April 1744: “Industry, Perseverance, and Frugality, make Fortune yield.” For the quotations selected are, with few exceptions, those inculcating hard work, diligence, careful management of one’s affairs, prudence, and thrift. Omitting all the other commentary on man and society which the almanacs so extensively provide, Father Abraham focuses attention exclusively upon the prudential wisdom which, in fact, occupies only a relatively small proportion of “the little Spaces that occur’d between the Remarkable Days in the Calendar.”
This concentration upon a series of related themes and the wide circulation which has been given to this piece in the course of two hundred years have had a profound effect upon the Franklin legend and the public conception of his sense of values. In his own lifetime its homely wisdom contributed heavily to his personal popularity, especially in France during the American Revolution; in more recent years it has been responsible for elevating him to the status of patron saint of American savings banks and for the agreement to make “National Thrift Week” coincide with the week in January which includes his birthday. On the other hand, it has led such a hostile critic as D.H. Lawrence to complain that, having been brought up on “those Poor Richard tags,” it had taken him “many years and countless smarts to get out of that barbed wire moral enclosure that Poor Richard rigged up.” How little the maxims that Franklin chose to have Father Abraham repeat actually reflect the sum total of the observations on life and behavior he had inserted in the almanacs is apparent from an examination of the entire series as already printed in these volumes; how little they indicate all the values by which he himself lived is revealed in countless other passages in this edition.
The quotations are drawn with considerable impartiality from all the preceding almanacs. No almanac is ignored and only three are represented just once each. On the other hand, the Poor Richards for 1737, 1743, and 1754, supply six aphorisms apiece for Father Abraham’s speech, and the almanac for 1746 provides eight. In some cases Franklin reworked one for its new appearance, changing the wording, or adding or omitting words or phrases. A few apparent quotations from Poor Richard are also included, which, in fact, are not found in any of the earlier almanacs but which, because of their appearance here, have come to be regarded as part of the Poor Richard canon.
This preface is dated July 7, 1757, indicating that Franklin wrote it —or at least finished it—while at sea on his way to England. He may have begun the writing while in New York or Woodbridge during the long wait before setting sail, and probably all the material for the almanac except the preface was in Hall’s hands before Franklin’s ship had weighed anchor at Sandy Hook. The Gazette announced, September 15, that Poor Richard improved for 1758 was “now in the Press and speedily will be published,” and advertised it as “just published” in the issue of October 6. Franklin probably sent back the copy for the preface by the Earl of Leicester packet, Captain Morris, which reached New York on September 10 after a fast passage of thirty-three days from Falmouth.
The bibliographical history of this famous preface is long and complicated. It has never been worked out in full, and perhaps never will be. The present editors have pursued extended inquiry only to the end of the eighteenth century and their investigations still leave several questions unanswered; some appear to be unanswerable.
The preface to Poor Richard improved for 1758 has appeared in print hundreds of times in English or in translation, in full or abridged. It has also served as the source for a number of lesser pieces incorporating its central ideas and preachments or imitating its method, but bearing very little direct relation to its actual words. In its original form, or only moderately condensed or modified, it has been variously titled “Preliminary Address prefixed to the Pennsylvania Almanack for 1758,” “Father Abraham’s Speech …,” “The Way to Wealth,” “La Science du Bonhomme Richard,” or either of the last two as translated into various European languages. In its most familiar and somewhat abbreviated form, the one which has made its contents most widely known to readers of English, it has usually been called “The Way to Wealth.” A very short homily based on its ideas, but not representing at all the original text, has become widely known as “The Art of Making Money Plenty in Every Man’s Pocket.” In one or another version the preface has appeared as a separate pamphlet, a chapbook, or a broadside, in editions of Franklin’s collected works, in anthologies of literature or of didactic pieces, in school readers, and in other almanacs. Translations survive in at least fifteen foreign languages.
The present editors have located copies or found listings of 145 reprintings before the end of the eighteenth century. English-language reprints include 36 in the colonies or the United States, 51 in England, 7 in Scotland, and 6 in Ireland. Eighteenth-century translations include 28 into French (including one each printed in London, Brussels, and Utrecht and four in Lausanne), 11 into Italian, 3 into German, and one each into Dutch, Gaelic, and Swedish. These 144 eighteenth-century reprintings of a single piece by one American writer are evidence of the extraordinary appeal of Father Abraham’s discourse. It is not surprising that the Franklin legend came very early to include the idea that he was the apostle of industry and thrift.
The first known reprinting of the preface was in Boston, issued by Franklin’s nephew Benjamin Mecom. The Boston News-Letter for March 30, 1758, carried his advertisement that “Father Abraham’s Speech” was “This Day Published.” This is a 24-page pamphlet, with a very long title which begins: Father Abraham’s Speech To a great Number of People, at a Vendue of Merchant Goods; Introduced to The Publick By Poor Richard, (A famous Pennsylvanian Conjurer and Almanack-Maker) In Answer to the Following Questions. In addition to the title-piece Mecom printed “Seven curious Pieces of Writing,” one of which, interestingly enough, is the full nine stanzas of his uncle’s song “I sing my Plain Country Joan,” which Mecom headed “Poor Richard’s Description of his Country Wife Joan A Song—Tune, The Hounds are all out.” Mecom reprinted the speech in a 16-page pamphlet in 1760, probably in the autumn, this time without appending any of the “curious Pieces” he had included before.
Timothy Green of New London, Conn., reprinted the speech from Mecom’s 1758 issue in an undated 24-page pamphlet, probably soon after it appeared in Boston. Later his nephews, Thomas and Samuel Green, also printed it, probably soon after they succeeded Mecom in New Haven in 1767, and possibly reissued it about 1770. None of the title pages of these early New England printings bears a date.
The first English reprinting—published only a day or two after Mecom’s 1758 Boston issue—was in London in The Grand Magazine of Universal Intelligence for March 1758. It carried the heading “Curious preliminary Address prefixed to the Pennsylvania Almanac, entitled Poor Richard improved: For the Year 1758. Printed at Philadelphia.”   Except for some minor changes, such as in capitalization, spelling, and punctuation, the text is the same as in the original almanac. Almost at once The London Chronicle reprinted the piece in the issue of April 1–4, using the same title (except for the omission of the word “Curious”) and the same text, and citing the Grand Magazine as its source. No further printing in England has been located until 1770 when Mrs. Ann (Fisher) Slack included it in a new edition of her anthology The Pleasing Instructor or Entertaining Moralist. She called it “Preliminary Address prefixed to the Pennsylvania Almanac for 1758: On Oeconomy and Frugality.” Again the full original text appears, although Mrs. Slack somewhat primly changed such conversational expressions as “won’t” and “you’d” to the more literary “will not” and “you would.” These are the only early reprintings in England of the full text which the editors have found.
Thus far the various reprintings, both in England and the colonies, followed exactly, or virtually so, the full text as contained in Poor Richard improved for 1758. But an important alteration took place in 1771. The Gentleman’s Magazine for February of that year printed what it called “Substance of a Preliminary Address prefixed to an old Pennsylvania Almanack, intitled Poor Richard Improved. The text was shortened by about one-sixth. All the first two paragraphs after the opening sentence were omitted as were a few of Father Abraham’s own comments at various points. The editor dropped out nine of the quoted aphorisms and eliminated a great many of the repetitions of “as Poor Richard says” and parallel expressions. As Mrs. Slack had done the year before, he expanded many of the conversational contractions such as “won’t,” “you’d,” and “they’ll.” In two cases, indicated in footnotes to the text below, he deliberately altered quotations from the almanac. The whole effect is to tighten as well as to shorten the piece and to reduce somewhat the personal involvement both of Father Abraham and of Richard Saunders himself. Whether “Sylvanus Urban,” the pseudonymous editor of The Gentleman’s Magazine, or someone else was responsible for these changes is not known. Their nature suggests strongly that Franklin was not himself responsible.

This version seems never to have been exactly reprinted in England, and only once in America. It served, however, as the prototype, though not the exclusive textual source, for many of the hundreds of reprintings that have appeared since 1771, most of them under the title “The Way to Wealth,” or one of its foreign-language equivalents. The normal “Way to Wealth” version repeats all the major omissions and changes of the magazine text, but has numerous minor differences from it. Whoever prepared this new form appears to have had both the earlier full preface and The Gentleman’s Magazine’s shortened version before him. Most notably, he restored some, though not all, of the uses of “as Poor Richard says,” and, apparently liking the expression, added it or similar words several times when they are not found in the original. The differences from the magazine text are numerous enough to make clear that it was this text which was used in most of the later English-language printings or translations. The new title was obviously suggested by two sentences near the end of Franklin’s “Advice to a young Tradesman” (1748): “In short, the Way to Wealth, if you desire it, is as plain as the Way to Market. It depends chiefly on two Words, Industry and Frugality.”
No edition in this form and entitled “The Way to Wealth” has been found with an imprint date earlier than 1774, but at least one issue with this title and the corresponding textual differences from the Gentleman’s Magazine’s “Substance of a Preliminary Address” must have appeared at least as early as 1773, for Barbeu Dubourg published his French translation of Franklin’s works in that year and included in it “Le Moyen de s’enricher” drawn immediately from the new English version.
The strongest candidate for the honor of being the first printed text under the new title is a 16-page pamphlet, the title page of which bears, between two rows of printer’s ornaments, only the words The Way to Wealth, as Clearly Shewn in the Preface of An old Pennsylvania Almanack, intitled Poor Richard Improved. This pamphlet appears in three undated issues which differ from each other in several typographical details. Probably all three issues were published in London. Two other printings with the same, or nearly the same, full title have a London 1774 imprint date and three more, undated, are believed to have been published in that or the next year. When Benjamin Vaughan compiled his edition of Franklin’s Political, Miscellaneous, and Philosophical Pieces (London, 1779), he included this shortened version of the almanac preface, using the same title as the separate printings just mentioned. At the same time Vaughan’s London publisher, J. Johnson of St. Paul’s Church Yard, issued “The Way to Wealth” in a broadside, which was helpfully mentioned in a note at the end of the text in the volume. Several other printers in various English cities published the piece in broadside form during the next few years.
During the 1780s and 1790s printings in England, Scotland, and Ireland were too numerous to warrant individual mention here. They appeared as separate pamphlets, in magazines, and in anthologies of various sorts. Some of these printings used the title beginning “Preliminary Address” essentially as it had appeared in The London Chronicle in 1758 and included the full text reprinted there from The Grand Magazine. More often, the title “The Way to Wealth” indicates that the text is the shortened version which first appeared about 1773. That the publishers were indebted to the Vaughan 1779 edition of Franklin’s works was sometimes shown by their including in the title Franklin’s name and some phrase such as “From his Political Works.” Title pages which identify publications in twenty cities and towns in the British Isles attest to the widespread interest in this work.
“The Way to Wealth” as a title, and the shortened form which the title indicates, seem not to have appeared in America until 1780 when John Carter, a Providence printer who had served his apprenticeship with Franklin and Hall, used it in the different editions of his New England Almanack for 1781. Other printings, in newspapers, magazines, or almanacs, as pamphlets or broadsides, or in anthologies, followed in America during the next two decades. Title-page imprints represent eighteen cities and towns, scattered from Maine to Pennsylvania; only the printers in the southern colonies and states appear as a group to have been indifferent to this highly popular composition.
Jacques Barbeu Dubourg made the first translation and included it in his 1773 French edition of Franklin’s works. “The Way to Wealth” in his rendering became “Le Moyen de s’enricher,” and “Poor Richard Improved” was transformed, curiously enough, into “Le Pauvre Henri à son aise.” In a footnote comment on this change attached to the title of the piece in his own 1779 edition of Franklin’s works, Benjamin Vaughan explained that Dubourg had altered the title “to avoid the jeu de mots, in case he had written Pauvre Richard.” In French, unlike English, the word richard, used as a common noun, means “a moneyed man.” Dubourg’s text is a rather literal translation of the shortened version which had recently appeared in England. This first translation of Father Abraham’s speech attracted little attention in France.
Apparently the next publication in French appeared in the spring of 1777, but in a journal actually published in London. A semi-weekly, Courier de l’Europe, Gazette Anglo-Françoise, was subsidized by the French government and served as a vehicle for propaganda, circulating both in the British Isles and on the Continent. A Scottish reader wrote the editor from Edinburgh, March 7, 1777, sending him a copy of Franklin’s composition (probably taken from The Scots Magazine where it had appeared in the January issue of that year) and urged that both the original piece and his own letter be translated and printed. The editor of the Courier complied and, in translating the canny Scot’s letter, quoted him as declaring that he regarded Franklin’s proverbs as “la quintessence de la sagesse accumulée de tous les siècles.” Since the version which came from Edinburgh was the full “Preliminary Address” that had appeared in 1758 in The Grand Magazine and The London Chronicle, the French translation, which was printed in six installments in Courier de l’Europe from March 21 through May 30, 1777, was also essentially a translation of what Franklin had originally written, rather than the shortened form Dubourg had used.
In the same year a third translation, made by Antoine-François Quétant, possibly with the assistance of Jean-Baptiste Lécuy (Lesqui), appeared in Paris. The title page indicates that the pamphlet was issued “à Philadelphie Et se trouve à Paris, chez Ruault, Libraire rue de la Harpe,” but the mention of the American city was doubtless only a dodge to escape the requirement of a royal license. The work received a new title, one which was destined to become as familiar in France (and in American naval history through the name of John Paul Jones’s ship) as “The Way to Wealth” was becoming in England: La Science du Bonhomme Richard, ou moyen facile de payer les impôts. The text was taken, as that in the Courier de l’Europe had been, from the full original version but the translation was in somewhat more idiomatic French than either of its predecessors had been.
Franklin’s presence in France and his great popularity led to almost instant acceptance of La Science du Bonhomme Richard and to its widespread popularity. There were four new editions in 1778 in Paris and one in Avignon the next year. Enthusiasm spread to the French-speaking parts of Switzerland and editions appeared in Lausanne in 1778 and 1779. Then, the market apparently being saturated for the time being, there was a lull, but in 1786 two more printings of the Quétant translation were issued in Paris. An anthology in French containing the piece from Poor Richard was published in 1789 in both Brussels and Utrecht editions.
The French Revolution and Franklin’s death apparently joined to bring renewed interest in his life and writings, for the last decade of the century saw eleven issues of this work in Paris and two in Lausanne, either alone or in combination with some of his other pieces. One of the Paris editions contained a new translation by J. Castéra. The most unusual, and apparently one of the most popular versions, appeared in 1795. It has a title page in English: The Way to Wealth or Poor Richard Improved by Benj. Franklin, followed by a brief preface and the text of the piece in English; then a French title page: La Science du Bonhomme Richard, ou moyen facile de payer les impôts. Par Benj. Franklin, followed by a longer preface and the text in French. These in turn are followed by several of Franklin’s other short pieces translated into French, for two of which the English originals are also provided. The most curious feature of this publication is that the English text of the Poor Richard composition is the shortened “Way to Wealth” version, while the French text is the full original in the Quétant translation. This composite work appeared in six distinct issues in a single year—one of them a particularly handsome example of the bookmaker’s art, of which six copies were printed on large paper and eight on vellum.
The first known Italian translation appeared in a periodical Scelta di opuscoli interessanti published in Milan in 1775, with another publication in Turin in the same year and a new Milan edition in 1781. The next printing is a 22-page pamphlet licensed for publication in 1776 but with no place of issue indicated. Seven more Italian printings during the eighteenth century are evidence of the widespread interest in Franklin in the peninsula which he wished to visit but never did. Eighteenth-century translations into other languages may have been considerably fewer, though some examples have been found, as noted earlier, in Dutch, Gaelic, German, and Swedish.
This account of the most important piece in Poor Richard improved for 1758 and of its widespread reprintings makes no attempt to pursue its history for the years since 1800. It is perhaps enough to say that the popularity of Father Abraham’s speech during the author’s own lifetime and the following decade has continued and has spread to many other lands. Although most of the proverbs and maxims it contains may already have been familiar in one form or another in several languages, Franklin’s method of bringing them together into a single related series gave them added force and impact and created what is undoubtedly the world’s best-known homily on industry, financial prudence, and thrift. As to following Father Abraham’s advice and profiting from it, probably most of the millions of readers of this piece—like the people at the vendue—have enjoyed it enormously, have applauded it loudly and long, and then have reverted to their usual practices. One thing, however, is certain: they have bought and read Father Abraham’s speech in all its different forms in unknown thousands of copies—and the publishers, at least, have profited from their enthusiasm.
As to the speech itself, one may agree with D. H. Lawrence that Poor Richard’s “tags” are detestable, or with Franklin’s Scottish admirer that these proverbs are “the quintessence of the wisdom accumulated in all the ages,” or one may take a position somewhere in between. In any case, one can recognize the skill with which Franklin wove his maxims together into a connected discourse, and appreciate the fun he had doing it while on his long voyage to England.

Courteous Reader,
I have heard that nothing gives an Author so great Pleasure, as to find his Works respectfully quoted by other learned Authors. This Pleasure I have seldom enjoyed; for tho’ I have been, if I may say it without Vanity, an eminent Author of Almanacks annually now a full Quarter of a Century, my Brother Authors in the same Way, for what Reason I know not, have ever been very sparing in their Applauses; and no other Author has taken the least Notice of me, so that did not my Writings produce me some solid Pudding, the great Deficiency of Praise would have quite discouraged me.
I concluded at length, that the People were the best Judges of my Merit; for they buy my Works; and besides, in my Rambles, where I am not personally known, I have frequently heard one or other of my Adages repeated, with, as Poor Richard says, at the End on’t; this gave me some Satisfaction, as it showed not only that my Instructions were regarded, but discovered likewise some Respect for my Authority; and I own, that to encourage the Practice of remembering and repeating those wise Sentences, I have sometimes quoted myself with great Gravity.
Judge then how much I must have been gratified by an Incident I am going to relate to you. I stopt my Horse lately where a great Number of People were collected at a Vendue of Merchant Goods. The Hour of Sale not being come, they were conversing on the Badness of the Times, and one of the Company call’d to a plain clean old Man, with white Locks, Pray, Father Abraham, what think you of the Times? Won’t these heavy Taxes quite ruin the Country? How shall we be ever able to pay them? What would you advise us to? ——Father Abraham stood up, and reply’d, If you’d have my Advice, I’ll give it you in short, for a Word to the Wise is enough, and many Words won’t fill a Bushel, as Poor Richard says. They join’d in desiring him to speak his Mind, and gathering round him, he proceeded as follows;

“Friends, says he, and Neighbours, the Taxes are indeed very heavy, and if those laid on by the Government were the only Ones we had to pay, we might more easily discharge them; but we have many others, and much more grievous to some of us. We are taxed twice as much by our Idleness, three times as much by our Pride, and four times as much by our Folly, and from these Taxes the Commissioners cannot ease or deliver us by allowing an Abatement. However let us hearken to good Advice, and something may be done for us; God helps them that help themselves, as Poor Richard says, in his Almanack of 1733.
It would be thought a hard Government that should tax its People one tenth Part of their Time, to be employed in its Service. But Idleness taxes many of us much more, if we reckon all that is spent in absolute Sloth, or doing of nothing, with that which is spent in idle Employments or Amusements, that amount to nothing. Sloth, by bringing on Diseases, absolutely shortens Life. Sloth, like Rust, consumes faster than Labour wears, while the used Key is always bright, as Poor Richard says. But dost thou love Life, then do not squander Time, for that’s the Stuff Life is made of, as Poor Richard says. How much more than is necessary do we spend in Sleep! forgetting that The sleeping Fox catches no Poultry, and that there will be sleeping enough in the Grave, as Poor Richard says. If Time be of all Things the most precious, wasting Time must be, as Poor Richard says, the greatest Prodigality, since, as he elsewhere tells us, Lost Time is never found again; and what we call Time-enough, always proves little enough: Let us then be up and be doing, and doing to the Purpose; so by Diligence shall we do more with less Perplexity. Sloth makes all Things difficult, but Industry all easy, as Poor Richard says; and He that riseth late, must trot all Day, and shall scarce overtake his Business at Night. While Laziness travels so slowly, that Poverty soon overtakes him, as we read in Poor Richard, who adds, Drive thy Business, let not that drive thee; and Early to Bed, and early to rise, makes a Man healthy, wealthy and wise.
So what signifies wishing and hoping for better Times. We may make these Times better if we bestir ourselves. Industry need not wish, as Poor Richard says, and He that lives upon Hope will die fasting. There are no Gains, without Pains; then Help Hands, for I have no Lands, or if I have, they are smartly taxed. And, as Poor Richard likewise observes, He that hath a Trade hath an Estate, and He that hath a Calling hath an Office of Profit and Honour; but then the Trade must be worked at, and the Calling well followed, or neither the Estate, nor the Office, will enable us to pay our Taxes. If we are industrious we shall never starve; for, as Poor Richard says, At the working Man’s House Hunger looks in, but dares not enter. Nor will the Bailiff nor the Constable enter, for Industry pays Debts, while Despair encreaseth them, says Poor Richard. What though you have found no Treasure, nor has any rich Relation left you a Legacy, Diligence is the Mother of Good luck, as Poor Richard says, and God gives all Things to Industry. Then plough deep, while Sluggards sleep, and you shall have Corn to sell and to keep, says Poor Dick. Work while it is called To-day, for you know not how much you may be hindered To-morrow, which makes Poor Richard say, One To-day is worth two Tomorrows; and farther, Have you somewhat to do To-morrow, do it To-day. If you were a Servant, would you not be ashamed that a good Master should catch you idle? Are you then your own Master, be ashamed to catch yourself idle, as Poor Dick says. When there is so much to be done for yourself, your Family, your Country, and your gracious King, be up by Peep of Day; Let not the Sun look down and say, Inglorious here he lies. Handle your Tools without Mittens; remember that the Cat in Gloves catches no Mice, as Poor Richard says. ’Tis true there is much to be done, and perhaps you are weak handed, but stick to it steadily, and you will see great Effects, for constant Dropping wears away Stones, and by Diligence and Patience the Mouse ate in two the Cable; and little Strokes fell great Oaks, as Poor Richard says in his Almanack, the Year I cannot just now remember.
Methinks I hear some of you say, Must a Man afford himself no Leisure? I will tell thee, my Friend, what Poor Richard says, Employ thy Time well if thou meanest to gain Leisure; and, since thou art not sure of a Minute, throw not away an Hour. Leisure, is Time for doing something useful; this Leisure the diligent Man will obtain, but the lazy Man never; so that, as Poor Richard says, a Life of Leisure and a Life of Laziness are two Things. Do you imagine that Sloth will afford you more Comfort than Labour? No, for as Poor Richard says, Trouble springs from Idleness, and grievous Toil from needless Ease. Many without Labour, would live by their WITS only, but they break for want of Stock. Whereas Industry gives Comfort, and Plenty, and Respect: Fly Pleasures, and they’ll follow you. The diligent Spinner has a large Shift; and now I have a Sheep and a Cow, every Body bids me Good morrow; all which is well said by Poor Richard.

But with our Industry, we must likewise be steady, settled and careful, and oversee our own Affairs with our own Eyes, and not trust too much to others; for, as Poor Richard says,

I never saw an oft removed Tree,
Nor yet an oft removed Family,
That throve so well as those that settled be.

And again, Three Removes is as bad as a Fire; and again, Keep thy Shop, and thy Shop will keep thee; and again, If you would have your Business done, go; If not, send. And again,

He that by the Plough would thrive,
Himself must either hold or drive.

And again, The Eye of a Master will do more Work than both his Hands; and again, Want of Care does us more Damage than Want of Knowledge; and again, Not to oversee Workmen, is to leave them your Purse open. Trusting too much to others Care is the Ruin of many; for, as the Almanack says, In the Affairs of this World, Men are saved, not by Faith, but by the Want of it; but a Man’s own Care is profitable; for, saith Poor Dick, Learning is to the Studious, and Riches to the Careful, as well as Power to the Bold, and Heaven to the Virtuous. And farther, If you would have a faithful Servant, and one that you like, serve yourself. And again, he adviseth to Circumspection and Care, even in the smallest Matters, because sometimes a little Neglect may breed great Mischief; adding, For want of a Nail the Shoe was lost; for want of a Shoe the Horse was lost; and for want of a Horse the Rider was lost, being overtaken and slain by the Enemy, all for want of Care about a Horse-shoe Nail.
So much for Industry, my Friends, and Attention to one’s own Business; but to these we must add Frugality, if we would make our Industry more certainly successful. A Man may, if he knows not how to save as he gets, keep his Nose all his Life to the Grindstone, and die not worth a Groat at last. A fat Kitchen makes a lean Will, as Poor Richard says; and,

Many Estates are spent in the Getting,
Since Women for Tea forsook Spinning and Knitting,
And Men for Punch forsook Hewing and Splitting.

If you would be wealthy, says he, in another Almanack, think of Saving as well as of Getting: The Indies have not made Spain rich, because her Outgoes are greater than her Incomes. Away then with your expensive Follies, and you will not have so much Cause to complain of hard Times, heavy Taxes, and chargeable Families; for, as Poor Dick says,

Women and Wine, Game and Deceit,
Make the Wealth small, and the Wants great.

And farther, What maintains one Vice, would bring up two Children. You may think perhaps, That a little Tea, or a little Punch now and then, Diet a little more costly, Clothes a little finer, and a little Entertainment now and then, can be no great Matter; but remember what Poor Richard says, Many a Little makes a Mickle; and farther, Beware of little Expences; a small Leak will sink a great Ship; and again, Who Dainties love, shall Beggars prove; and moreover, Fools make Feasts, and wise Men eat them.
Here you are all got together at this Vendue of Fineries and Knicknacks. You call them Goods, but if you do not take Care, they will prove Evils to some of you. You expect they will be sold cheap, and perhaps they may for less than they cost; but if you have no Occasion for them, they must be dear to you. Remember what Poor Richard says, Buy what thou hast no Need of, and ere long thou shalt sell thy Necessaries. And again, At a great Pennyworth pause a while: He means, that perhaps the Cheapness is apparent only, and not real; or the Bargain, by straitning thee in thy Business, may do thee more Harm than Good. For in another Place he says, Many have been ruined by buying good Pennyworths. Again, Poor Richard says, ’Tis foolish to lay out Money in a Purchase of Repentance; and yet this Folly is practised every Day at Vendues, for want of minding the Almanack. Wise Men, as Poor Dick says, learn by others Harms, Fools scarcely by their own; but, Felix quem faciunt aliena Pericula cautum. Many a one, for the Sake of Finery on the Back, have gone with a hungry Belly, and half starved their Families; Silks and Sattins, Scarlet and Velvets, as Poor Richard says, put out the Kitchen Fire. These are not the Necessaries of Life; they can scarcely be called the Conveniencies, and yet only because they look pretty, how many want to have them. The artificial Wants of Mankind thus become more numerous than the natural; and, as Poor Dick says, For one poor Person, there are an hundred indigent. By these, and other Extravagancies, the Genteel are reduced to Poverty, and forced to borrow of those whom they formerly despised, but who through Industry and Frugality have maintained their Standing; in which Case it appears plainly, that a Ploughman on his Legs is higher than a Gentleman on his Knees, as Poor Richard says. Perhaps they have had a small Estate left them, which they knew not the Getting of; they think ’tis Day, and will never be Night; that a little to be spent out of so much, is not worth minding; (a Child and a Fool, as Poor Richard says, imagine Twenty Shillings and Twenty Years can never be spent) but, always taking out of the Meal-tub, and never putting in, soon comes to the Bottom; then, as Poor Dick says, When the Well’s dry, they know the Worth of Water. But this they might have known before, if they had taken his Advice; If you would know the Value of Money, go and try to borrow some; for, he that goes a borrowing goes a sorrowing; and indeed so does he that lends to such People, when he goes to get it in again. Poor Dick farther advises, and says,

Fond Pride of Dress, is sure a very Curse;
E’er Fancy you consult, consult your Purse.

And again, Pride is as loud a Beggar as Want, and a great deal more saucy. When you have bought one fine Thing you must buy ten more, that your Appearance may be all of a Piece; but Poor Dick says, ’Tis easier to suppress the first Desire, than to satisfy all that follow it. And ’tis as truly Folly for the Poor to ape the Rich, as for the Frog to swell, in order to equal the Ox.

Great Estates may venture more,
But little Boats should keep near Shore.

’Tis however a Folly soon punished; for Pride that dines on Vanity sups on Contempt, as Poor Richard says. And in another Place, Pride breakfasted with Plenty, dined with Poverty, and supped with Infamy. And after all, of what Use is this Pride of Appearance, for which so much is risked, so much is suffered? It cannot promote Health, or ease Pain; it makes no Increase of Merit in the Person, it creates Envy, it hastens Misfortune.

What is a Butterfly? At best
He’s but a Caterpillar drest.
The gaudy Fop’s his Picture just,

as Poor Richard says.
But what Madness must it be to run in Debt for these Superfluities! We are offered, by the Terms of this Vendue, Six Months Credit; and that perhaps has induced some of us to attend it, because we cannot spare the ready Money, and hope now to be fine without it. But, ah, think what you do when you run in Debt; You give to another Power over your Liberty. If you cannot pay at the Time, you will be ashamed to see your Creditor; you will be in Fear when you speak to him; you will make poor pitiful sneaking Excuses, and by Degrees come to lose your Veracity, and sink into base downright lying; for, as Poor Richard says, The second Vice is Lying, the first is running in Debt. And again, to the same Purpose, Lying rides upon Debt’s Back. Whereas a freeborn Englishman ought not to be ashamed or afraid to see or speak to any Man living. But Poverty often deprives a Man of all Spirit and Virtue: ’Tis hard for an empty Bag to stand upright, as Poor Richard truly says. What would you think of that Prince, or that Government, who should issue an Edict forbidding you to dress like a Gentleman or a Gentlewoman, on Pain of Imprisonment or Servitude? Would you not say, that you are free, have a Right to dress as you please, and that such an Edict would be a Breach of your Privileges, and such a Government tyrannical? And yet you are about to put yourself under that Tyranny when you run in Debt for such Dress! Your Creditor has Authority at his Pleasure to deprive you of your Liberty, by confining you in Goal for Life, or to sell you for a Servant, if you should not be able to pay him! When you have got your Bargain, you may, perhaps, think little of Payment; but Creditors, Poor Richard tells us, have better Memories than Debtors; and in another Place says, Creditors are a superstitious Sect, great Observers of set Days and Times. The Day comes round before you are aware, and the Demand is made before you are prepared to satisfy it. Or if you bear your Debt in Mind, the Term which at first seemed so long, will, as it lessens, appear extreamly short. Time will seem to have added Wings to his Heels as well as Shoulders. Those have a short Lent, saith Poor Richard, who owe Money to be paid at Easter. Then since, as he says, The Borrower is a Slave to the Lender, and the Debtor to the Creditor, disdain the Chain, preserve your Freedom; and maintain your Independency: Be industrious and free; be frugal and free. At present, perhaps, you may think yourself in thriving Circumstances, and that you can bear a little Extravagance without Injury; but,

For Age and Want, save while you may;
No Morning Sun lasts a whole Day,

as Poor Richard says. Gain may be temporary and uncertain, but ever while you live, Expence is constant and certain; and ’tis easier to build two Chimnies than to keep one in Fuel, as Poor Richard says. So rather go to Bed supperless than rise in Debt.

Get what you can, and what you get hold;
’Tis the Stone that will turn all your Lead into Gold,

as Poor Richard says. And when you have got the Philosopher’s Stone, sure you will no longer complain of bad Times, or the Difficulty of paying Taxes.
This Doctrine, my Friends, is Reason and Wisdom; but after all, do not depend too much upon your own Industry, and Frugality, and Prudence, though excellent Things, for they may all be blasted without the Blessing of Heaven; and therefore ask that Blessing humbly, and be not uncharitable to those that at present seem to want it, but comfort and help them. Remember Job suffered, and was afterwards prosperous.
And now to conclude, Experience keeps a dear School, but Fools will learn in no other, and scarce in that; for it is true, we may give Advice, but we cannot give Conduct, as Poor Richard says: However, remember this, They that won’t be counselled, can’t be helped, as Poor Richard says: And farther, That if you will not hear Reason, she’ll surely rap your Knuckles.

Thus the old Gentleman ended his Harangue. The People heard it, and approved the Doctrine, and immediately practised the contrary, just as if it had been a common Sermon; for the Vendue opened, and they began to buy extravagantly, notwithstanding all his Cautions, and their own Fear of Taxes. I found the good Man had thoroughly studied my Almanacks, and digested all I had dropt on those Topicks during the Course of Five-and-twenty Years. The frequent Mention he made of me must have tired any one else, but my Vanity was wonderfully delighted with it, though I was conscious that not a tenth Part of the Wisdom was my own which he ascribed to me, but rather the Gleanings I had made of the Sense of all Ages and Nations. However, I resolved to be the better for the Echo of it; and though I had at first determined to buy Stuff for a new Coat, I went away resolved to wear my old One a little longer. Reader, if thou wilt do the same, thy Profit will be as great as mine. I am, as ever, Thine to serve thee,
Richard Saunders.
July 7, 1757.

A good Receipt for the Fever and Ague.
Take two Ounces of Jesuits Bark, one Ounce of Snakeroot, one Ounce of Salt of Tartar, and Half an Ounce of Camomile Flowers; put them into a Half Gallon Bottle, filled with Jamaica Spirit, and set it into a Kettle of Water, over a moderate Fire, and let the Ingredients infuse three Days, the Water being kept rather warmer than Blood warm. Dose for a grown Person Half a Jill, three or four times between the Fits; for a Child of a Year old a Tea Spoonful, mixed with Balm Tea; the Quantity to be increased according to the Age of the Person. The Ingredients, by adding more Spirit to them, make a good preventing Bitter.
January. I Month.
On Ambition.

I know, young Friend, Ambition fills your Mind,
And in Life’s Voyage is th’impelling Wind;

But at the Helm let sober Reason stand,
And steer the Bark with Heav’n-directed Hand:
So shall you safe Ambition’s Gales receive,
And ride securely, tho’ the Billows heave;
So shall you shun the giddy Hero’s Fate,
And by her Influence be both good and great.

  One Nestor is worth two Ajaxes.

When you’re an Anvil, hold you still;
When you’re a Hammer, strike your Fill.

February. II Month.

She bids you first, in Life’s soft vernal Hours,
With active Industry wake Nature’s Powers;
With rising Years, still rising Arts display,
With new-born Graces mark each new-born Day.
’Tis now the Time young Passion to command,
While yet the pliant Stem obeys the Hand;
Guide now the Courser with a steady Rein,
E’er yet he bounds o’er Pleasure’s flow’ry Plain;
In Passion’s Strife, no Medium you can have;
You rule a Master, or submit a Slave.

  When Knaves betray each other, one can scarce be blamed, or the other pitied.
  He that carries a small Crime easily, will carry it on when it comes to be an Ox.
March. III Month.

“For whom these Toils, you may perhaps enquire”;
First for yourself. Next Nature will inspire,
The filial Thought, fond Wish, and Kindred Tear,
Which make the Parent and the Sister dear:
To these, in closest Bands of Love, ally’d,
Their Joy or Grief you live, their Shame or Pride;
Hence timely learn to make their Bliss your own,
And scorn to think or act for Self alone;

  Happy Tom Crump, ne’er sees his own Hump.
  Fools need Advice most, but wise Men only are the better for it.
April. IV Month.

Hence bravely strive upon your own to raise
Their Honour, Grandeur, Dignity and Praise.
But wider far, beyond the narrow Bound
Of Family, Ambition searches round;
Searches to find the Friend’s delightful Face,
The Friend at least demands the second Place.
And yet beware; for most desire a Friend
From meaner Motives, not for Virtue’s End.
There are, who with fond Favour’s fickle Gale
Now sudden swell, and now contract their Sail;

  Silence in not always a Sign of Wisdom, but Babbling is ever a Mark of Folly.
  Great Modesty often hides great Merit.
  You may delay, but Time will not.
May. V Month.

This Week devour, the next with sickening Eye
Avoid, and cast the sully’d Play-thing by;
There are, who tossing in the Bed of Vice,
For Flattery’s Opiate give the highest Price;
Yet from the saving Hand of Friendship turn,
Her Med’cines dread, her generous Offers spurn.
Deserted Greatness! who but pities thee?
By Crowds encompass’d, thou no Friend canst see:

  Virtue may not always make a Face handsome, but Vice will certainly make it ugly.
  Prodigality of Time produces Poverty of Mind as well as of Estate.

June. VI Month.

Or should kind Truth invade thy tender Ear,
We pity still; for thou no Truth can’st hear.
Ne’er grudg’d thy Wealth to swell an useless State,
Yet, frugal, deems th’Expence of Friends too great;
For Friends ne’er mixing in ambitious Strife,
For Friends, the richest Furniture of Life!
Be yours, my Son, a nobler, higher Aim,
Your Pride to burn with Friendship’s sacred Flame;

Content is the Philosopher’s Stone, that turns all it touches into Gold.
  He that’s content, hath enough; He that complains, has too much.
  Pride gets into the Coach, and Shame mounts behind.
July. VII Month.

By Virtue kindled, by like Manners fed,
By mutual Wishes, mutual Favours spread,
Increas’d with Years, by candid Truth refin’d,
Pour all its boundless Ardours thro’ your Mind.
Be yours the Care a chosen Band to gain;
With them to Glory’s radiant Summit strain,
Aiding and aided each, while all contend,
Who best, who bravest, shall assist his Friend.
  The first Mistake in publick Business, is the going into it.
  Half the Truth is often a great Lie.
  The Way to see by Faith, is to shut the Eye of Reason: The Morning Daylight appears plainer when you put out your Candle.
August. VIII Month.

Thus still should private Friendships spread around,
Till in their joint Embrace the Publick’s found,
The common Friend! Then all her Good explore;
Explor’d, pursue with each unbiass’d Power.

But chief the greatest should her Laws revere,
Ennobling Honours, which she bids them wear.
Ambition fills with Charity the Mind,
And pants to be the Friend of all Mankind.

  A full Belly makes a dull Brain: The Muses starve in a Cook’s Shop.
  Spare and have is better than spend and crave.
  Good-Will, like the Wind, floweth where it listeth.
September. IX Month.

Her Country all beneath one ambient Sky:
Whoe’er beholds yon radiant Orbs on high,
To whom one Sun impartial gives the Day,
To whom the Silver Moon her milder Ray,
Whom the same Water, Earth, and Air sustain,
O’er whom one Parent-King extends his Reign
Are her Compatriots all, by her belov’d,
In Nature near, tho’ far by Space remov’d;
On common Earth, no Foreigner she knows;
No Foe can find, or none but Virtue’s Foes;
  The Honey is sweet, but the Bee has a Sting.
  In a corrupt Age, the putting the World in order would breed Confusion; then e’en mind your own Business.
October. X Month.

Ready she stands her chearful Aid to lend;
To Want and Woe an undemanded Friend.
Nor thus advances others Bliss alone;
But in the Way to theirs, still finds her own.
Their’s is her own. What, should your Taper light
Ten Thousand, burns it to yourself less bright?
“Men are ungrateful.” Be they so that dare!
Is that the Giver’s, or Receiver’s Care?

  To serve the Publick faithfully, and at the same time please it entirely, is impracticable.
  Proud Modern Learning despises the antient: Schoolmen are now laught at by Schoolboys.
November. XI Month.

Oh! blind to Joys, that from true Bounty flow,
To think those e’er repent whose Hearts bestow!
Man to his Maker thus best Homage pays,
Thus peaceful walks thro’ Virtue’s pleasing Ways:
Her gentle Image on the Soul imprest,
Bids each tempestuous Passion leave the Breast:
Thence with her livid Self-devouring Snakes
Pale Envy flies; her Quiver Slander breaks:
Thus falls (dire Scourge of a distracted Age!)
The Knave-led, one-ey’d Monster, Party Rage.
  Men often mistake themselves, seldom forget themselves.
  The idle Man is the Devil’s Hireling; whose Livery is Rags, whose Diet and Wages are Famine and Diseases.
December. XII Month.

Ambition jostles with her Friends no more;
Nor thirsts Revenge to drink a Brother’s Gore;
Fiery Remorse no stinging Scorpions rears:
O’er trembling Guilt no falling Sword appears.
Hence Conscience, void of Blame, her Front erects,
Her God she fears, all other Fear rejects.
Hence just Ambition boundless Splendors crown,
And hence she calls Eternity her own.
  Rob not God, nor the Poor, lest thou ruin thyself; the Eagle snatcht a Coal from the Altar, but it fired her Nest.

With bounteous Cheer,
Conclude the Year. Vale


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to John Waring, 3 January 1758
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Waring, John

Revd. Sir,
Cravenstreet, Jan. 3. 58.
I send you herewith the Extract of Mr. Sturgeon’s Letter, which I mentioned to you. He is, among us, esteemed a good Man, one that makes a Conscience of the Duties of his Office, in which he is very diligent; and has behaved with so much Discretion, as to gain the general Respect and Good-will of the People. If the Associates of Dr. Bray should think fit to make Tryal of a School for Negro Children in Philadelphia, I know no Person under whose Care it would be more likely to succeed. At present few or none give their Negro Children any Schooling, partly from a Prejudice that Reading and Knowledge in a Slave are both useless and dangerous; and partly from an Unwillingness in the Masters and Mistresses of common Schools to take black Scholars, lest the Parents of the white Children should be disgusted and take them away, not chusing to have their Children mix’d with Slaves in Education, Play, &c. But a separate School for Blacks, under the Care of One, of whom People should have an Opinion that he would be careful to imbue the Minds of their young Slaves with good Principles, might probably have a Number of Blacks sent to it; and if on Experience it should be found useful, and not attended with the ill Consequences commonly apprehended, the Example might be followed in the other Colonies, and encouraged by the Inhabitants in general. I am, Sir, Your most humble Servant
B Franklin
Mr. Waring
 Endorsed: Mr. Franklin Feb: 17: 1758


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to John Pringle, 6 January 1758
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Pringle, Sir John

Sir,
Craven-street, Jan. 6, 1758.
I return Mr. Mitchell’s paper on the strata of the earth with thanks. The reading of it, and perusal of the draft that accompanies it, have reconciled me to those convulsions which all naturalists agree this globe has suffered. Had the different strata of clay, gravel, marble, coals, lime-stone, sand, minerals, &c. continued to lie level, one under the other, as they may be supposed to have done before those convulsions, we should have had the use only of a few of the uppermost of the strata, the others lying too deep and too difficult to be come at; but the shell of the earth being broke, and the fragments thrown into this oblique position, the disjointed ends of a great number of strata of different kinds are brought up to day, and a great variety of useful materials put into our power, which would otherwise have remained eternally concealed from us. So that what has been usually looked upon as a ruin suffered by this part of the universe, was, in reality, only a preparation, or means of rendering the earth more fit for use, more capable of being to mankind a convenient and comfortable habitation. I am, Sir, with great esteem, yours, &c.
B.F.