Title: From John Adams to James Madison, 19 November 1812
From: Adams, John
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Quincy November 19. 1812

My Election to the Presidents Office was but by a majority of one, or at most of two Votes. Mr Jeffersons was by no Majority of the People, and by a Majority of one only in the House after Thirty or forty Votes equally divided between him and Mr Burr. Mr Jeffersons Second Election was by a great Majority and his third would have been by a greater Still, if he had not declined. Your Election was, I believe by as great a Majority, as his Second. I have entertained hopes, that no Such meagre Elections as mine and Mr Jefferson’s first, would ever have been again Seen. Indeed I wished and hoped and expected that your Second Election would have been more Unanimous than any Since Washingtons. I Still am confident that your reElection is certain: but by all Appearances it will be by a Smaller Majority than your first. There is a Strange Appearance, at present. I know not how to describe it. The light Souls of all Parties Seem to have mutually transmigrated out of, and in to one another. I really Should not be Surprised, if our Hyperfederalists in Boston, Should four years hence Sett up, Ben. Austin, whom they hate more than they do the Devil, for President.
But, to be more Serious, the Elections, in New England hitherto demonstrate a discontent from the Potomack to Nova Scotia, which is alarming, and it is to be feared will embarrass And weaken the Administration at a time when it ought to be the most energetic and the most unanimously and cordially Supported. The Causes of Such a Change are too numerous, besides the inherent and inalianable fickleness of the People, to be detailed at present
There is one of many years Standing, which has been constantly increasing in its operation, and has had a more malignant Effect in our Late Elections than a Stranger could well imagine, I mean the Claim to the Georgia Lands.
It has ever been my Opinion, and that of every other Lawyer in New England whose Judgment was worth one farthing to his Client in any case; and the Opinion of every other Man of honour and candour, that the Title of the Claimants is good and valid in Law.
Nor is there any doubt here among reasonable Men, that their Title is good in Equity. The Transaction, on the part of the Purchasers was bonâ fide. They had no Suspicion of buying a controverted Title. They had no intimation of any design to attempt a Repeal: and indeed, if Such notice had been given them, it was impossible they could have believed it Serious or feasible. They are now great Sufferers. Many are of respectable Situations in Society. Many are reduced to Poverty, by the Interference of Georgians and the consequent Interference of The United States, to injure a Title, which Stood on the legal, constitutional and Authentic Records of the highest Authority of a Sovereign State. They paid an adequate, and at that time an ample Consideration. These Facts are notorious and universally believed here; and the Characters of many Persons concerned, render it extreamly improbable, in the public opinion, that the general Opinion in this respect is erroneous.
Such a case, as this has a tendency to weaken the confidence of the People in the Justice and impartiality of the Nation, and to propagate And countenance an Apprehension that the Government of The United States is an Ennemy to the Northern part of them. And it really has in too great a degree that Effect.
Far from me, be the thought of prescribing for the Government; but as every Citizen has a right to give his Opinion, I may venture mine in Unison, with the Universal Opinion in this quarter; that Government ought, either to removal all Obstacles to the Claimants possessing the Lands, or to take them for the Nation, by the consent of the Purchasers, paying them an Adequate and liberal Indemnity, for all their Advances and damages.
Neither myself, nor any of my Connections have any Lot or Portion in this Business. A Sense of public and private Justice a Love of the Union and an ardent desire of its continuance in harmony are my only motives for giving you this trouble.
I am too Sensible of the Impropriety of your committing yourself, to any Individual, without necessity, upon a Subject like this that I neither expect nor wish for any Acknowledgment of this Letter: which is intended only to communicate the Sense of the public, with which in this case that of the individual coincides.
Wishing you Health, honour and long life, in and out of Office,. I remain Sir with great respect and esteem your most obedient Servant

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to James Monroe, 23 November 1812
From: Adams, John
To: Monroe, James

Dear Sir
Quincy November 23 1812

Does History or Experience, afford an Example, of Such a Phenomenon, as this, now exhibited to Mankind, by our pious, virtuous and patriotic American Republick, whether We view it as a federative Republick, or whether We consider the Single and Simple Parts that compose the whole?
The dread, of Taxes, to which all Mankind have a natural Antipathy; the hatred of War, which is Stronger in the People of U.S. than in any other; the words Embargo, Non Intercourse, Non Importation, become as odious as Heretic, Schismatic or Aristocrat ever were in any part of the World: combining with other Circumstances, have alienated four of our New England States, to Such a degree, that the consequences are much to be lamented, if not to be dreaded.
If there is in my constitution, any Such thing as despair or despondency, I have never yet felt it, or discovered it: but I own, there are Appearances of danger which excite Serious Apprehensions of lasting Evils: Your important Engagements would not allow you to read, nor will my paralytic Nerves permit me to write long Essays upon these Subjects. Among the most essential is a Navy. Without this, I will not Say what I firmly believe.
There is another Subject, of much less importance, which however has had a great and very mischievous effect in our late Elections; I mean the Yazoo lands
It is my Opinion, and that of the best informed Men, in this division of the Country, and always has been, that the Title of the Purchesers is impregnable in Law; and equally clear in Equity. Because they acted Sincerely without any Apprehension of a disputed Title; without previous Notice of any Intention or even of any possibility of a repeal. They were and are Still Men of respectable Standing in Society, and many of them are reduced to distress, by the Interference of Georgians first and the United States afterwards to injure a Title, founded on the Authentic Record of the highest Authority of a Sovereign State; which ought to have been held Sacred, if any thing in human Society, or civil Life can be So. These Gentlemen paid a valuable and at that time an adequate Consideration for their purchase. The Characters of many of them render it extreamly improbable that any thing unfair, was intended or understood by them, and that the general opinion in this quarter of the Union is unfounded.
I Shall tread lightly on the Ashes of the Bonfire in Georgia; but I own, I have often wondered at the patience and reserve of the Gentleman interested. If this subject Should be thoroughly canvassed and candidly discussed, it would have a greater and more deleterious Effect than it ever yet has had.
But it will be asked what Government ought to do? Every Man in this quarter who has any knowledge of the Subject will answer, as I do, that Government ought to restore to the rightful Proprietors the  undisturbed Possession of their Land; or to purchase a Release of them by paying an adequate indemnity to the Original Purchasers their Heirs and Assigns.
An Opinion, which has too long prevailed, and with too many people in the eastern States; that the national Government is their enemy: has lately Spread and increased with a rapidity so Surprising as to require of every thinking Friend of the Union, a serious inquiry into the causes of it; and this unfortunate Affair will be found to have had much Weight among the rest.
This is no party question here, men of all Sides being deeply interested in it. No Relation or connection or particular Friend of mine has any more concern in it, than I have, which is merely a regard to the Union and to Justice.
This Letter, Sir, is not written to you, in your Official capacity nor do I desire you to commit your Sentiments to me, by any Answer or to any one else, in any Way but Such as your own Wisdom Shall dictate. But knowing and feeling the Subject to be important, I have thought it my duty to communicate these hints to several Gentlemen
Wishing well to the Administration, and hoping and expecting its continuance, I Should be happy to contribute a mite to its Support and to remove whatever may weaken its Exertions, in the righteous Contest in which it is engaged
With great and Sincere esteem, I have the honour to be / Sir your most obedient Servant
John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from Joseph Bradley Varnum, 23 November 1812
From: Varnum, Joseph Bradley
To: Adams, John

Honoured and dear Sir
Washington Novr. 23 1812

With much pleasure I have this day received your communication of the 15th Instance, and I shall always be happy in Receiving Any Communication from, so Eminant a Statesman of the Revolution who in common with thousands of Others, both in the Cabinet and in the field, have put danger at defiance, and as it were, with Halters about their necks, did boldly contend for, and thro the Aid of divine Providence, did procure, Independence and the inestimable Blessings of Civil & Religious Liberty, with most. Sir, no Man can feel more pungently than I do the disagreeable discention which has taken place in some of the States, and I am very Sensible, that any restrictions on Commerce is in its nature incongenial with the feelings of the people of Our Country; but when Our property was taken and condemned without Any Just Cause, to innormous Amount and Our Citizen forceably taken from Our Vessals, in their lawful pursuits, and detained On board foreign Ships of War, something became Necessary to be done on Our part, to maintain the Honor of the Nation—And Sir, many wise And good Men have Ventured to predict, that if the virtue of the people had been such as to have United them, in Support of the dear bought priviledges of Our Common Country, in preference to an residue attachment to Self Interest, even the restrictive System of which there has been so much Complaint, would long since this time have caused our Enemies to have done us Justice; but as that has not been our happy lot as a Nation, we are bound in duty to our Country, and to Our God to defend our Rights by force, or Submit to Servitude and disgrace, which I am in hopes the American people will Never bring upon themselves by thirr own Misconduct. Since we have been Compelled to Appeal to the last resort of Nations for A defence of Our Rights, and a Redress of Our Wrongs, I hope that no means in Our power will be Omitted in carrying on the war with decision and Vigour, untill it shall result in a happy and honourable termination. I have Uniformly been in favour of a Compromise with the Georgia Claimants.—
I am Honored Sir, with / great Respect your / Obedt. Servant

J. B. Varnum


Title: From John Adams to William Keteltas, 25 November 1812
From: Adams, John
To: Keteltas, William

Sir
Quincy Novr. 25 1812.

I have received your polite letter of the 6th of the month and your present of “The Crisis.” You will excuse a question or two. In page 1st you say “Our administrations with the exception of Washingtons have been party administrations.” On what ground do you except Washingtons? If by party you mean majority his majority was the smallest of the four in all his legislative and executive acts though not in his Election.
You say “our divisions began with Federalism and Antifederalism.” Alass! They began with human nature; they have existed in America from its first plantation; in every century division always prevailed; in N York, Pensylvania, Virginia, Massachusetts, and all the rest. In court and Country party have always contended: whig and Tory disputed very sharply before the revolution, and in every step during the revolution. Every measure of Congress from 1774 to 1787 inclusively was disputed with acrimony and decided by as small majorities as any question is decided in these days. We lost Canada then as we are like to lose it now, by a similar opposition. Away then with your false tho’ popular distinctions in favour of Washington. In page 11th you recommend a “constitutional rotation to destroy the snake in the grass.” But the snake will elude your snare.
Suppose your President in rotation is to be chosen for Rhode Island. There will be a Federal and a republican candidate in that state. Every Federalist in the nation will vote for the former, and every republican for the latter. The light troops on both sides will skirmish; the same northern, and southern distinctions will still prevail. the same running and riding, the same railing, and reviling, the same lying, and libelling, cursing & swearing, will still continue. The same caucusing, Assembleying and Conventioning.
In the same page 11th you speak for a portion of our own people who palsy the arm of the nation.” There is too much truth in this. When I was exerting every nerve to vindicate the honour and demand a redress of the wrongs of the nation against the tyranny of France the arm of the nation was palsied by one party. Now Mr Madison is acting the same part for the same ends, against Great Britain, the arm of the nation is now palsied by the opposite party.
And so it will always be, while we feel like colonists, dependent for protection on France or England. while we have so little national public opinion; so little national principle national feeling national patriotism; while we have no sentiment of our own strength, power, and resources. I thank you Sir for reminding me, in page 12th of my “many blunders in my administration.” and should have been still more obliged to you, if you had enumerated them in detail that I might have made a confession of them one by one, repented of them in conviction and made all the atonement for them now in my power.
In the same page you observe that “you never knew how far I extended my veiws, as to a maratime force.” I will tell you Sir. My veiws extend very far. As far as Colonel Barry’s when in his last speech in Parliament he exclaimed “Who shall dare to set limits to the Commerce and naval power of this Country”?
Yet I know that Washington City was not built in a day anymore than Rome. I am not for any extravagant efforts. Your plan of a ship of the largest size for the whole and a Frigate of the largest size for each State would satisfy me for the present.
Your last sentence is a jewel, a monarchy of justice, an aristocracy of wisdom and a Democracy of Freedom.
As I never knew your person, nor heard your name, till I read it in your letter, I hope you will excuse the freedom of your obedient Servant,

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to John Binns, 26 November 1812
From: Adams, John
To: Binns, John

Mr Binns.
Quincy Nov. 26. 1812

Some Gentleman in Philadelphia, has lately Sent me a polite letter, Subscribed “A Friend,” with a present of a valuable collection of Garden Seeds &c which I have presented to the Mass. Accademy and they to Professor Peck for the Botannical Garden at Cambridge. The Seeds were accompanied with a bundle of political pamphletts, among which was one, which issued from your Press, this year, “An Address to the People of England by William Cobbett.” I have  been much amused with this curious production: but know not what to think of it. I cannot recollect that I ever Saw it before, and none of my Family recollect it. I have no doubt that you printed it from an Original Publication: but I am not without Suspicion, that that original publication was a Supposed Address composed by Some Person within the Rule of the British Board of Commissioners, at that time in Philadelphia. Forgeries of this kind are not uncommon in England; but if I could Suppose Cobbet to be So great and hardened a Villain, I Should with difficulty believe him to be So gross a Fool as publickly to avow himself guilty of a Conspiracy involving So many of the most atrocious Crimes of which human Nature can commit. I remember to have heard it Suggested After his departure from Philadelphia that Several Things imputed to him were not written by him. Could he think the People of England So depraved as to be pleased with an explicit Avowal of Such Secret Crimes as burning Manufactories &c? Could he think to please, by ruining the Characters of so many Gentlemen of Talents and Character, whom he represents as devoted to England?
After all, I know not whether there may not be as much reason to Suspect it to be a Forgery of Some French Emissary as of an English one. The whole Book appears better calculated to destroy the Character of Cobbett, with every body; than to Serve the Interest of England or France, or of any party in America.
I am not about to waste many Words upon this monument of Folly and Villany, whoever erected it; but I hope you will excuse two or three Remarks.
He says in page 3, that nearly Half, the American People consisted of the Old Friends of the English, the Royalists. This is exageration. If We allow them to have been, One third, this may have been not far from the truth.
That “one Party assiduously Sought after private Interest, despizing those who looked farther than personal Aggrandizement,” is most certain.
The ruffian Language in the 4th page concerning Dr Priestly is not in the Character of Cobbets latter days in America, when his Writings appeared to court Dr Priestley and Mr Cooper and every other Englishman.
If “the almighty Power, of Silent, ever wakeful British Influence So grossly vaunted in the 5th. page was well founded, Cobbett must have been a fool to expose it and betray it.
That “George the third and John Adams could make Laws to bind America, in all cases whatsoever,” is so gross a Stupidity, that it is difficult to believe that Cobbet was idiot enough to write it; as it is written in the 9th. page.
What the writer Says of Secret Service Money, and of Mr Jefferson is more in the Character of one of those who burned John Adams, and John Jay in Effigy with Purses of English Guineas in each hand than in that of Cobbett. For it is well known that Jefferson was always a favourite in France but John Adams, never. It is therefore to be Suspected, either that this Libel was forged by Some of our American frenchified Sansculottes, to destroy the Character of Cobbett, or by Some British hireling who inserted this paragraph merely to disguise himself.
That John Adams “is not a Man to be depended on,” as he says in the 10th page,  by “the Almighty Power of Silent, ever wakeful British influence” is most true: for no power can perform impossibilities.
When he Says that “the first Session or two of Congress passed over with little Jarring” he only betrays his Ignorance. The People at large were more divided, the Presses were as licentious, the Senate were equally divided, the Majority in the House of Representatives was very Small during the whole Administration of Washington for eight years. In Adams’s Administration the Majority in Senate was two to one; that in the House was greater than it had been for the first Eight years. In Jeffersons the Majorities in both Houses were incomparably greater than ever they had been; and Madisons have been greater, than Jeffersons.
I Shall take no farther notice of what he says in page 11. of “his Soi-disant Friends Harper, Otis, Rutledge, Dana, Fenno, Noah Webster Ben. Russell &c,” than to Say those Gentlemen are very able to do themselves Justice, if they Should think it proper to take any notice of Such an inconsistent, contradictory, Self-destroying, profligate, Libel as this is, and such a Stupid forgery as I Suspect it to be; which I presume they will not.
He must have been as Shallow a Politician, as the Writer of this Libel, who could have believed that “an hereditary first Magistrate would have quieted America” or that “An Alliance offensive and defensive with Great Britain, would have protected that Country from foreign Insults.” A Standing Army of fifty thousand disciplined veteran Troops, with fifty Ships of the Line, could not have held this Nation together, under a Monarchy even the most Strictly limited.
He has too much Truth on his Side, when he Says p. 11. & 12. that “All Parties affected to regret the loss of Washington, but none were truly Sorry.” The Truth was that one party acquiesced in the resignation of Washington because they believed it a Step towards the introduction of Mr Jefferson, and the other because they thought it an Advance toward the Election of Mr Hamilton, who was their ultimate Object. As both parties despaired of obtaining their Favourite, Adams was brought in by a miserable Majority of one or two votes, with  to sacrifice him at the next Election. His Administration was therefore never Supported by either party, but vilified and libeled by both.
The idle boast of rendering the name of Franklin odious is as conceited as it is malicious. If the Philosophers faults and Errors are known, his virtues, talents, and Services, are also known: and the latter so greatly preponderate over the former; that his name and memory will forever be esteemed in America, and through the World; in Spight of all that factious Scribblers can Say, or faithful and impartial Historians record concerning him.
If the Federalists were not Satisfied with Washington for “his culpable procrastination and delay in forwarding the happiness of America by not giving her an hereditary first Magistrate, and if they conceived a hope that John Adams would better answer these Ends,” (as is asserted in page 12) the Federalists neither knew George Washington nor John Adams. They never communicated any Such Ideas to either. If they thought “John Adams more fond of violent Measures to gain his End”? Upon what foundation did they ground Such an Opinion of his Character? What violent measure did John Adams ever project, promote, or advocate, in the whole Course of the Seventy Seven Years that he has inhabited this Earth? Let his bitterest Enemy, employ his most ingenious Analysis of Investigation, and point it out. He never will find one Instance. If the Federalists founded Such an Opinion on the Letter, dated Amstirdam 15 December 1780 to Thomas Cushing, they founded it on a broken reed. I declared publickly a dozen years ago, and I now repeat the declaration that that Letter was a Forgery, first printed in London Newspapers, and fabricated, I Suppose by the same hands, that forged, about the same time a Volume of Letters in the Name of General Washington, and a long series of dull Letters in the Name of Dr Franklin.
The Ribaldry that follows is not worth notice, till We come to page 14. The views and designs of those Gentlemen, who had wrought up their imaginations to such a fanatical Admiration of the great Talents, and great qualities of Mr Hamilton, ; and what measure they intended, through his instrumentality to pursue when they Should have promoted him to the head of Affairs; are best known to themselves. If they had any Thoughts of introducing an hereditary Executive or an hereditary Senate, or either, for Life; not one of them ever Suggested any Such Idea to me. The Writer of the Pamphlet Says, “he believes Mr Harper and the rest, warmly advocated it with the Old Man.” But the old Man, now much older, declares that neither Mr Harper, nor any other Gentleman ever advocated, recommended, or proposed, any Such plan to him. If any one had, he would have run a very great risk of being told to his face, that he was a base Sychophant.
Nothing can be more ridiculous than the Story he tells in this 14th. page of “The Council of Trenton.” The total Ignorance, or the downright Villany  of the Fellows, appears, no where more conspicuous than in this place. I called no Council at Trenton. Finding my Ministers, or if you will Some of my heads of Departments contriving to defeat my Negotiation with France, I went from Quincy to Trenton, to compel them to do their duty. Hamiltons appearance, there was altogether unforeseen, unrequested, and undesired by me. It was a Sample of his habitual Impudence. Elsworths appearance there, was altogether undesired, unadvised and undesired by me. Who invited these Gentlemen I know not. I received a Letter from Mr Lee the Attorney General, then Absent in Virginia, expressing Sentiments exactly conformable to my own. Mr. Stoddert expressed a desire to give me any Information in his Power, and that I Should pursue my own impartial deliberate Judgment, as I did. The other three best know their own Sentiments and Feelings. Mr Elsworth was resigned; rather inclined to think Louis the Eighteenth would be at Versailles before Christmas; but willing to embark for France if it was So determined. Hamilton thrust himself into my presence, uninvited, and talked like an impertinent ignoramus, as I have before related in Print.
There was no question Submitted to any Council. There was no question hinted even by Hamilton, but Whether Mr Elsworth and Mr Davie Should at that time embark for France? All other questions had been decided and Settled Months before by the Executive and Senate. Had any head of Department or Mr Elsworth or even Hamilton himself Suggested a question or a hint of making “John Adams President for Life, and authorising the Senate to choose a Family in which that dignity Should be hereditary;” I Should have thought him a fit Candidate for the Pensilvania Hospital, and for Dr Rushes tranquillizing Chair, had that ingenious and usefull invention been then known. “The cautious Chief” here mentioned, I presume Signifies Elsworth. But Mr Elsworth was invited to no Council. No question was put to him, but once. When he seemed, in a private conversation to incline to an Opinion that it might be prudent to postpone his Embarkation, in expectation of News from Europe of a Revolution in France; I asked him this question “Do you really believe, Mr Elsworth, that Louis the eighteenth will be restored to the Throne of France this year?” His answer was, Smiling “Why, it looks, a good deal So.” He was very civilly answered by a Series of Facts and Arguments to prove the improbability, if not the absolute impossibility of Such a Sudden Change: and farther to Show, that if Such a change were certain, it could be no reason for Suspending the Mission. To these Facts and Reasons he never attempted a Word in reply. He only Said he was ready to embark, if it was thought best. His Colleague Governor Davie had always thought it best. Never was a fiction of Imagination more false nor an Invention of malevolence more wicked than all that is said in this pamphlet concerning the Council at Trenton.
Nor was a Word said at Trenton, or an hint thrown out concerning an Alliance offensive and defensive with Great Britain.
Indeed I have no recollection that any Head of Department except one, or any Member of Congress, of either House, ever proposed to me or expressed in my hearing an Opinion in favour of Such a connection. One Gentleman repeatedly expressed his Surprize; “that there was not a general Call of the People, for such an Alliance; that so many Gentlemen were against it;  and most of all that he found Colonell Hamilton was against it.” From these Expressions I concluded there had been some conversation and Correspondence upon Such a Subject; but it never had any Countenance or Encouragement from me. This Gentleman had in those days as ardent an Attachment to the fast anchored Isle as he ever has had Since; and as it Shows a consistency of character, I presume he will think it an honour to have it recorded.
Whether this Pamplet was written by a Scotchman, a Frenchman, an Englishman, or an American Whig or Tory; or Whether it is a genuine Production of William Cobbet, is of no consequence to me. I never had any connection with him. I never Saw his Face, to know it. He is no more to me, than Prynne, Bastwick or Burton, or John Wilks. He appears to be now employed in giving much good Advice to the Prince and the Nation in which I wish him success for the good of both as well as of my own Country.

John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 29 November 1812
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Quincy Nov. 29. 1812

I have recd. your valuable Volume, on the diseases of the mind; which will run Mankind still deeper into your Debt. You apprehend “Attacks”. I Say, the more the better. I Should like the Sport So well, that, if I could afford the expence, I would advertize a reward of a gold Medal to the Man of Science who should write the best Essay upon the question whether the Writings of Dr Franklin, or Dr Rush do the greatest honour to America, or the greatest good to Mankind. I have no doubt; but Such a point mooted, would produce a Salutary Controversy. You would not have been so industrious nor So useful, if you had not been persecuted. These Affictions are but for a moment and they work out greater Glory.
Dream for Dream. When it was proposed to institute a Democracy in France, I dreamed that I was mounted on a lofty scaffold in the Centre of a great plain in Versailles, Surrounded by an innumerable congregation of five and twenty Millions at least of the Inhabitants of the Royal Menagerie. Such a multitude is not to be described or enumerated in detail. There were among them the Elephant Rhinoceros the Lion the Hyæna, the Wolf, the Bear the Fox and the wild cat, the Rat the Squirrel, as well as the Calf the Lamb and the Hare. There were Eagles, Hawks and Owls of all Sorts, and Storks and Cormorants and Crows, and Ducks Geese, Turkies, Patridges, Quails Robbins Doves and Sparrows. There were Whales Sharks Dolphins as well as Cod Mackarel Herrings and even minims and Shiners.
My design was to perswade them to associate under a free Soverign Annimatical Government, upon the unadulterated Principles Liberty, Equality and Fraternity, among all living Creatures. I had Studied a long Speech, arranged it in exact Method, with a Beginning a middle and an End, with an Exordium and a very pathetic Peroration, according to the most orthodox rules of the most approved Rhetoricians. Throwing my Eyes round and gracefully bowing to my respectable Audience, I began
My beloved Brothers! We are all Children of the Same Father, who feeds and cloaths us all. Why Should We not respect each others rights and live in peace and mutual Love!
I had not pronounced all these words, before the Elephant pouted his Probosis at me in contempt, the Lion roared, the Wolf howled the Cats and Dogs were by the Ears, the Eagles flew upon the Turkies, the Hawks and Owls upon the Chickens and Pidgeons. The Whale rolled to swallow twenty at a mouthful and the Shark turned on his Side to Snap the first he could reach with his adamantine Teeth. In a Word Such a Scene of Carnage ensued as no Eye had ever Seen, and no Pen or Pencil ever described. Frightened out of my Witts, I leaped from the Stage and made my Escape; not however without having all my Cloaths Torn from my back and my Skin lacerated from head to foot. The terror and the Scratches awakened me and convinced me forever, what a Fool, I had been.
The question concerning Canada is So great and complicated with so many considerations present and future, that I do not like to form any Settled Opinion upon it:—Knowing that the result must be uncertain I leave it to the Counsels of the Nation; acquiescing in whatever they may determine. Of one Thing I am certain that a decided Superiority of Force upon the Lakes will henceforward be indispensable for Us, or a Stipulation that neither Nation Shall have any. It was easy to foresee, at the Peace of 1783, that as long as neither Party Should have any military Power upon those Waters, none would be necessary, but as Soon as one Should begin the other must follow. This necessity will now excite an Emulation, that will cost Us as much to maintain, perhaps as it will to conquer the Province, when no Artillery will be wanted So far from the Ocean.
The Christian Religion was intended to give Peace of Mind to its Disciples in all cases whatsoever; but not to Send civil or political Peace upon Earth but a Sword, and a Sword it has Sent; and peace of Mind too to Millions, by conquering death and taking away his Sting.
Anecdote for Anecdote. I recollect to have heard in 1774, the Sagacious Prediction of Isaac Norris of Fair Hill: and I well remember another of another Sachem of equal Reflection and Penetration.
Colonel James Otis, the Sire of all the Otis’s, you have ever Seen or heard, told me, that in 1758 in company with many Members of our Provincial Legislature, when the conversation turned upon the Expedition against Quebec, John Choate of Ipswitch a Colonel of Militia and Member of the Said House Said “The Army was gone against Quebeck, but he hoped they would never take it.” The whole company cried out in astonisment “What do you mean”? “No Man has been more Active in forwarding every measure to  promote the Enterprize, and now not wish it Success! What can have got into your head”? “It is true I have done every Thing to give a Check to the French Power: but as Soon as The English conquer Canada, they will take hold of Us, and handle Us worse than the French and Indians ever did or ever can.” Two years had not passed before the British Cabinet ordered Charles Paxton and his Sub. Cockle to apply for Writts of Assistants to break open Houses Cellars, Ships Shops and Casks to Search for uncustomed Goods.
Our English Cousins, by Adam and Eve, may laugh at our uneducated Sages and Heroes; but what then? His forcast was as Sure and his Bravery as great and his Education as Classical, for any thing that I know as the Duke of Marlborough’s. He was one of our Massachusetts Colonels who conquered Cape Breton in 1745. You may judge of his Modesty as well as of his Taste, by an Inscription on a Bridge which he built and I have often read, when I rode Circuits and attended Courts at Ipswitch.
Choate Bridge, built by
Town and County.
I always hear the name of George Clymer, with pleasure, and am happy that he Still thinks with Us.
I congratulate you upon the certain prospect of the reelection of Mr Madison. I have nothing to Say, because I know nothing, against Mr Clinton. I read Panegyricks upon him and Phillipicks against him; but these are the common lot of all Candidates. His Election at this time would have produced Such an unnatural confusion of Administration and Opposition as would have been very dangerous. I am grieved and ashamed at the Apostacy of So many People in our northern States. But the French Revolution; its Anarchy first and its military Despotism at last, have frightened them out of their habitual cool good Sense.
I am once and forever yours

John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from William Branch Giles, 5 December 1812
From: Giles, William Branch
To: Adams, John

Dr Sir
Washington Decemr. 5th, 1812

The highly valued, and very flattering favor, which you did me the honor to address to me on the 17th Ultimo found me laboring under considerable indisposition attended with a rheumatic affection in my right arm.—
This indisposition incapacitated me from writing altogether for some days, and is not yet entirely removed.—
The interesting contents of your letter, however, have in the mean time, received the most attentive and respectful consideration.—
I most sincerely unite with you in the feeling  and expression of regret, that so general or disaffection to the national administration, should have manifested itself, especially at this important crisis; and cannot avoid admiring the patriotic Sensibilities, which have stimulated you Sir, to Search for the causes, and to suggest the remedies for the alarming occurrence.—I am well aware that the causes you have suggested are amongst the most prominent; and it would give me great pleasure indeed to beleive, that no thers existed.—But I much fear, there are causes, more radical; and much less susceptible of demonstrations, and remedies.—
I have been sensible for some years, that whilst a great deal was put at hazard, for asserting and maintaining navigating and commercial rights; too little attention has been given, to the practical operations of the mercantile system.—This error, I hope, will be in some degree remedied during this session; by laying the foundation of a navy upon a permanent plan, and in some other respects; but the effects of these measures, will probably be materially counteracted by injudicious attempts to exact contributions from the importing merchants in consequence of violations, in form, of the non importation laws.—Attempts, which in my judgment, are utterly destitute of principle and policy; & demonstrate an imbecility on the part of the Secretary of the treasury, which has excited my astonishment.—Instead of presenting a plan of regular System of taxation coequal and coextensive with the objects of the war, to substitute the accidental results of fines, penalties and forfeitures, is in my judgment, a paltry contrivance, unworthy of a great financier; and furnishing this miserable expedient, as an excuse to men fearing their popularity, against voting for the necessary taxes altogether, manifests a want of sagacity, which could not have been expected.—I concur also with you in general upon the subject of the Georgia lands; so far at least as respects the justice and policy of compromising with the innocent purchasers; and I have already put that subject in a train to be brought before Congress during the present Session.—It is certainly the policy of the administration to remove as far as possible, all causes of discontent; and this, I hope, will now be done, in relation to the Georgia lands.—
It is probable, you may have seen the proceedings of the last General Assembly of Virginia, implicating the conduct of the Senators in Congress from that state, in relation to instructions given them by a preceding General Assembly.—I now do myself the honor of transmitting to you my reply to those proceedings, together with the Speech which gave rise to them; It would be a subject of gratification to me, if these papers should Serve to amuse you by occupying at any time a few of your leisure moments.—The flattering sentiments you have been pleased to express of the frankness of my disposition, I can sincerely reciprocate; and I cannot but consider myself honored by the invitation to a correspondence with you Sir, from whose superior wisdom, and experience in political concerns, I may fairly calculate upon so much instruction and benefit.—
Be pleased Sir, to present me in terms of the most respectful regards to Mrs. Adams; and accept assurances of my best wishes for your health, happiness and prosperity &c.—
The honorable

Wm. B. Giles


Title: From John Adams to William Plumer, 6 December 1812
From: Adams, John
To: Plumer, William

Dear Sir
Quincy December 16th. 6th 1812

I thank you for your eloquent and Masterly Speech which I read with much Satisfaction.—
There appears nevertheless, by the late Elections, to be a great change in the Sentiments of all the five States of New England, of New york and New Jersey; to go a no farther; which I am not able to explain.
Has it been produced by dissatisfaction with the Principles of the War?
By disgust at the conduct of the War?
By a disapprobation of the Opposition to an Augmentation of the Naval Establishment? Hull Jones and Decature have done great Things. They have made an Epoch in the History of the World. By a resentment of the long Continuance of a Disproportionate Superiority of Power in the State of Virginia?
By an Aversion, to the Invasion of Canada?
By a terror of the Taxes that are expected? or by the Ordinary Inconstancy of the People, so frequently impatient for Changes?
Though I know little of the real Character of Mr Madisons Competitor; he can have no Pretentions to equal Experiment or Learning; and great Changes in such critical times are very dangerous.
If you can find leisure to give me a few hints upon these Subjects, You will much oblige, / Your Friend

John Adams—


Title: From John Adams to Amasa Stetson, 7 December 1812
From: Adams, John
To: Stetson, Amasa

Sir
Quincy December 7th 1812

A thousand Thanks for your favour of the 6th. and its inclosure I congratulate you on the glorious News, Excuse the Weakness of Age, when I assure you that I consider the Commanders in our Navy as my Sons, and enjoy every Laurell they acquire, as much as if it were obtained by my own Sons by nature. I have long expected, and often Said that our Navy Embrio as it is, would have soon reveal to the World, more defective Masts, Yards; Bowsprits and Booms.
These victories are the first Dawnings, the first morning Rays of Peace, Liberty and tranquility to the World; but there is still much to do before the perfect day.—Victories on the Lakes and Water communications between the United States and the British Possessions, would perhaps more directly shorten the War. But while We do the one We ought not to leave the other undone.
We have already Van Tromps and Devuilers De Ruiters, We Want nothing but Ships.—
I am Sir your obliged Servant
John Adams—


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 8 December 1812
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Quincy Decr. 8. 1812

On horseback, on my Way to Weymouth on a Visit to my Friend Dr Tufts I met a Man leading a Horse, who asked if I wanted to buy a Horse. Examining the Animal in his Eyes Ears, head Neck Shoulders Legs Feet and Tail, and enquiring of his Master his Age, history Temper habits &c I found he was a colt of Three Years old that month of November, his Sucking Teeth were not Shed, he was Seventeen or Eighteen hands high, bones like massy timbers, ribbed quite to his Hipps, every Way broad Strong and well filled in Proportion; as tame, gentle, good natured and good humoured as a Cosset Lamb. Thinks I to myself, This noble creature is the exact Emblem of my dear Country. I will have him and call him my hobby. He may carry me, five and twenty or thirty Years if I Should live. I ride him every day when the Weather Suits; but I Should Shudder, if he Should ever discover or feel his own Power. By one vigorous Exertion of his Strength, he might Shake me to the ground, on the right hand or the left, pitch me over his head, or throw me back over his rump. In either case, I might get Scratches or Bruises which you know are not easily healed at my Age.
One day after a long ride upon Hobby I came home, well exercised, in good health, and gay Spirits, went to bed fell asleep, and dreamed.
An open Theatre was erected in the Centre of a vast plain in Virginia, where were assembled all the Inhabitants of U.S. Eight millions of People, to see a new Play, advertised as the most extraordinary that ever was represented on Any Stage, excelling Menander Terrence, Shakespeare Corneille and Molliere. I Shall not give you the Dramatis Personas at length: but Garrick, Mrs. Siddons and Cook were conspicuous among a Company proportionally excellent. I Shall not give you the play, because I Should have to compose One: and you must be Sensible, that I have Small pretensions to the Genius of Euripides and Racine. I Shall only give you a hint of a part of One Scene.
A distant View of the Ocean was presented with Hull and his constitution blazing Away his horrizontal Volcano of a broadside at the Guerriere, which is Soon Seen to explode; after the Explosion, the Constitution Sails majestically but Slowly along the whole length of the Theatre and comes to anchor, in full Sight of the Audience; then Jones with his Frolick suceeded and anchored near the Constitution and it was remarkable that the audience applauded him with as much Enthusiasm as Hull;…Next came Decatur in The United States followed by The Macedonian, and anchored in their order, in fair Sight of the whole Nation. After a pauze for the Spectators to gaze and admire; Mrs Siddons was Selected to address the Audience. Slowly and gracefully Swimming over the Stage She approached near enough to be heared by all, with all the Advantages of her Face Figure, Gestures and intonations, pointing with her hand to the glorious Spectacle of the Navy, in the Words of Adam to Eve when She first Saw her face in the clear Stream, She only Said
“America”! This, fair Creature, is thyself.”!
“Sampson”! There, is thy Lock of divine Power”!
“Hercules! Behold the Emblem of thy Strength; which is to Subdue Monsters and conquer Oppressors.”
“David! Lo thy sling, which is to bring Goliah to Reason!”
Observing that this overgrown Colt of a Nation had, after all this, no feeling of its Strength nor any Sense of its Glory, any more than my Hobby, I obtained a Speaking Trumpet, and made a Motion, which was carried that the Play Should be dismissed and The Nation resolve itself into a Committee of the whole House on the State of the Nation, Dr Rush in the Chair. It was my Intention, to record the Phizzes of the Tories, about one third; the Speeches of the deep Democrats, about an other Third who abused me So much a dozen or fourteen Years ago on Account of my Navy which is now Saving them from destruction; the Exultations of the remaing third, who had been always friendly to naval defence: which indeed after all, amounted to little more than “Did We not always tell you So”!
The Sensations and Reflections of Jefferson, Madison, Giles &c as well as their Orations you may imagine. Jay King Morris and DeWitt Spoke at length. McKean Clymer &c Spoke from Pensilvania. Cheves and Lounds from S.C. Pope and Clay from Kentucky.
I Shall give a Sketch only of the Speech of John Randolph, and that only on a Seperate Piece of Paper which I conjure you by our Friendship to burn, the moment you have read it. for it is fit only to be Seen by your Eye. Nimrod Hughs and Christopher Macpherson Spoke next after John Randolph. The Vote was called and a Small Majority, heavily and languidly appeared for a few 74s. and twenty Frigates.
Oh! The Wisdom! The Foresight and the Hindsight, the rightsight and the Leftsight: The Northsight and the Southsight, the Eastsight and the Westsight, that appeared in that August Assembly! Many Quaker Women, Dr Dwight and Dr Osgood Spoke, and had Joel been there no doubt he would have delivered an Epic Poem.
So much Business cld not be done in a Short time. The Sun now blazed through the Windows upon my Eyes and awoke me.
Vive la Bagatelle.—Dulce est desipere.
In my dream Porter and his alert, Chauncey and his Flotïlla on the lake were not forgotten, they were all at Anchor with the Frigates: but in reducing the Thing to writing in the morning, in haste I inadvertently omitted them. The History of the Hobby Horse is litteral Truth,

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Rush, 14 December 1812
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

My venerable & dear old friend
Philadelphia Decemr 14th. 1812

You have so far outdreamed me in your last letter, that I shall be afraid hereafter to let my imagination loose in that Mode of exposing folly and Vice.—My whole family was delighted in contemplating you upon your rostrum in the Garden of Versailles, and in witnessing the effects of your Speech upon your hairy, featherd and scaly Audience. Let it not be said “De republica America fabula narratur.”—
I thank you for your kind reception and favourable opinion of my book upon the diseases of the Mind. It has been well received by many of my fellow Citizens, and particularly by some of the Gentlemen of the bar several of Whom have spoken in the most flattering terms of it, but not a single physician in our city has (One young man excepted) has taken the least Notice of it in any of my interviews with them since its publication. I doubt much whether any more than the young Doctor before mentioned has purchased or read it. My old friend Judge Peters called to see me some time ago, and remarked that I now seemed to live at peace with all my brethren. “Yes (said I) they do not fill the papers with Calumnies against me as formerly, but I still have no friends among them”. “Leave off writing books Doctor, said the Judge, and you they will cease to be your enemies.”
It is a curious, but not a singular fact that those of them who owe me most Obligations, are the most hostile to me.
In Spite of their malice, aided by all the disadvantages to which my Whig principles and Conduct during the Revolutionary War have exposed me from the tories, it has pleased God to crown the labors of the evening of my life with such Abundant Success that I am now in easy Circumstances. My excellent little Wife says “we have eno,” and urges me to retire to our little farm in the neighbourhood of the city, and leave our Son James the inheritor of my business. We have now  a competent & regular income Chiefly from well situated real property, and we do not owe a dollar upon note, bond, or mortgage in the World. I would follow my Wife’s Advice by retiring, did not the probable Changes in the expenses of my family render it improper. My 2nd: daughter and her two Children are Still with me, and Should her husband fall in battle (which is  Alas! not improbable, for he is now at Queenstown or in the neighbourhood of it with his regiment (the 49th,) his whole family would remain with me for life with but a scanty inheritance from him.
I am now visiting Mr Clymer who is indisposed. I read your dream to him yesterday. He was delighted with it. “What an imagination (said—he) the Old Gentleman possesses.”!
Capt Decaturs’ victory has produced a navy ardor in our City such as I never witnessed before. I wish it may excite equal enthusiasm for a Navy in Washington.
Adieu! Yrs, yrs, yrs
Benjn Rush


Title: From John Adams to William Plumer, 16 December 1812
From: Adams, John
To: Plumer, William

Dear Sir
Quincy December 16 1812

I thank you for your eloquent and masterly Speech which I read with much Satisfaction.
There appears nevertheless, by the late Elections, to be a great change in the Sentiments of all the five States of New England, of New York and New Jersey; to go no farther, which I am not able to explain.
Has it been produced by dissatisfaction with the Principle of the War?
By disgust at the conduct of the War?
By a disapprobation of the Opposition to an Augmentation of the Naval Establishment? Hull Jones and Decatur have done great things. They have made an Epoch in the History of the World.
By a resentment of the long Continuance of a disproportionate Superiority of Power in the State of Virginia?
By an Aversion to the Invasion of Canada?
By a terror of the Taxes that are expected?
Or By the ordinary Inconstancy of the People, So frequently impatient of for changes?
Though I know little of the real Character of Mr Madisons Competitor, he can have no Pretentions to equal Experience or Learning; and great Changes in Such critical times are very dangerous.
If you can find leisure to give me a few hints upon these Subjects, you will much oblige your Friend

John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Rush, 19 December 1812
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

My dear friend,
Philada. Decemr 19. 1812

Better and better! Dream on my venerable friend!—In one of the King of Prussias political letters to Voltaire written immediately after reading his Henriade, he tells him that he had dreamed that he had visited Elysium where he saw Homer and Virgil walking with dejected countenances. They were on their Way, they said, upon asking them what was the matter, to Minos, to ask permission to return for a permission short time to the earth in Order that they Might burn their respective epic poems now become obsolete & dishonoured by the superior merit of the Henriade. Could I Obtain permission from my patients and my pupils, I would visit Quincy, and there search in your desk for all my dreams th in order that I might burn them (if you have not in kindness to me done it already) to prevent thier being disgraced by your speech in a dream in the garden of Versailles, and your subsequent dream of events and Scenes in Washington.
I recollecttaken to  the last verse of a song which a British Lieutenant with whom I crossed the Ocean on my return from England in 1769 Used to sing to the Cabin passengers every Saturday night. It was composed in honor of Prince Ferdinand and the Marquis of Granby after the celebrated Victory of Minden. In describing the order the restraint imposed upon the Valor of the Marquis Whom he compares to a Lion the Chorus concludes with
—“while Sackville held him by the tail.” Say my friend—who is the Sackville of our country that holds the patriotism and valor of our Country by the tail?—Who is it that has clipped the wings of the American Eagle in order to prevent her spreading them upon the ocean? Who has broken her bill in order to prevent her picking out the eyes of the British Lion?—But I hasten from this painful Subject to pay my respects to Mr: Hobby. “head gently and safely highly favoured beast while your master bestrides your back. Shake every blood-vessel of his body, and gently agitate every portion of his brain. Keep up the Circulation of his blood for years to come, and excite aphorisms, & anecdotes, and dreams for the instruction & amusement of his friends by the Action of his brain upon his mind.” for this instruction and discrenment of his friends Be assured Mr Hobby your master will not be ungrateful to you for your Services. He will not send you to Verdue and sell you for 75 dollars after the painful, and disinterested labors of your life are over. He will reward your vigilant eye & sure feet in carrying him over rough and stormy roads at night without stumbling, and your Strength in conducting him thro’ quackmires and streams of water, during the  day by a warm stable & soft food suited to thy toothless Gums in Winter, and by luxuriant pasture in summer, and when you pay the debt of Nature, he will not permit your Carcase to furnish a repast for weeks to buzzards, and other birds of prey, but decently inter you in the beneath the Shade of One of the ancient and solitary Oaks of his fields, and say of you as he turns his back upon your grave “Alas! my Hobby!—but you have donewhat your Duty, and this is more than can be said of most of the heroes and philosophers of ancient, or modern times.”
Our City is divided into parties upon the supposed discovery of perpetual motion by a certain Mr Redheffer at Germantown. These parties consist of Believers, Doubters, and Unbelievers. I have been educated in a belief the Unbelief of this the philosophers stone, of an Elixier that shall restore the antiluvian age, of a panacea, or a single medicine that shall cure all diseases, of the omnipotence of human reason, and of the perfectibility of governments Composed of imperfect materials, but if the discovery of perpetual motion be a real one, I will renounce my infidelity upon all the above subjects, and believe in them all.— I have supposed that there is but one self moving Being in the Universe, that all motion is the effect of his hand imposed upon Matter, and all volition the effect of his Will imposed upon mind. Weights, and springs and wind and water and steam are Substitutes only for to an ever existing,—ever acting and omnipresent power. This is the uniform language of Revelation. These are no Such words as the “laws of nature” in the bible. It speaks constantly of Creation & preservation being the same thing. Did I believe in a machine that possessed a perpetual and independent power of moving itself, I should be disposed to consider it as a littleI cannot utter upon paper the awfully profane idea.—
From Dear Sir your sincere / and faithful Old friend
Benjn: Rush


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 21 December 1812
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Quincy December 21th. 1812.

Never! Never be weary, in the Ways of well dreaming! any one of your Dreams worth to the Moralist and the Statesman any Fable of Esop or Phedrus, La Fontaigne, More or Gay. And why should your ancient Wisdom deny itself the Relaxation of a little folatre. Gaiety, where it gives so much pleasure to your Friends hurts the feelings of nobody, and Communicates useful Instruction to all—
My Dream of an Animalical Constitution, had no Squint at the American Republick. De Republica Gallicana narrabatur, or narrate fuit: I am not critick enough in the Language to determine which tense, is the most grammatical, or conformable to Statuary Modesty.
There is a Gentleman here more unfortunate than you are, from the same Causes. I assure you, my Sensibilities are rent and torn for him. Such another Instance of persevering and overwhelming Persecution of Merit, I have never yet known in America. Dr. Waterhouse I mean: Can nothing be done to save an amiable Family and a Man of first rate Merit from Oppression, from becoming a Sacrifice to Tory Vengeance, any and professional Envy?
Your curious fact, as You observe, is not Singular. My Case is like yours “Those who owe me most obligations are the most hostile to me,” The Essex Junto owe their Existence and all their Consequence to me. They adopted my Sentiments and Plan of Government in 1779 and in 1788, and availed themselves of my Writings and my Influence and of my Patronage, to lay the foundation of all that Power which they are now Abusing to the danger of the Nation. Of all our Revolutionary Colleagues and Coadjutors. I was invariably the most tender, the most compassionate the most indulgent to the Tories, as I could exemplify to you in a hundred Instances which would fill a Volume. This Conduct was dictated to me, not only by Humanity and candour, but by a desire to unite the American People, who, you know, were divided in their hearts, as much as they are now, through the whole Revolution.
You have given me more pleasure than you can conceive, by your Account of your Independence and Affluence. But I can by no means unite with your excellent Lady in her Advice. Your Pupils will loose by your Retirement advantages both in reputation and Instruction of greater value to their future Lives, than your Modesty  or their Inexperience can now estimate, Your Patients will loose what no young Physician can supply; perhaps no old one. Your Son James will be established in Practice, under your protecting Wings, sooner, than without you. Your own health, will be better preserved by a continuance in your established habits of thinking and acting, of Studies and exercises, than by the great and Sudden Changes they must undergo, in a Country retirement. Your Daughters Husband must do his duty and We must all be resigned to his fate, whether prosperous or Adverse. He will be, I doubt not a generous Enemy and I hope and believe, that he will meet with none but generous Ennemies.
Our Naval Victories will mark an Ara in the History of the World. They have revealed to Mankind two most important Truths, which, tho I have believed them these forty years few other Men ever Suspected and fewer Still would believe—Viz. 1 That the British Navy is Vulnerable, and, 2 That the American Navy is the only one able to check and limit its Power.—
What Effects will the Splendid and immortal Examples of our American Naval Conquerors have upon the Minds of the French, the Dutch the Russian, the Spanish, the Danish, the Sweedish and the Portuguese Officers and Men? The Effect upon British Officers is Obvious. Instead of Seeking Us, as they do all other Nations, they run away.
My mind is however not at ease. The Disgrace upon disgrace the disasters following disasters which have attended our Officers and Troops upon the Inland Waters; the disposition manifisted by the Southern States, during the first twelve years to weaken the Government and embarrass all its Operations: too faithfully imitated by the Northern States, during the twelve last; appear to tend towards a general dissolution.
Comfort me if you can. My hopes are all in a Navy— / Adieu.
John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to William Branch Giles, 22 December 1812
From: Adams, John
To: Giles, William Branch

Dear Sir
Quincy December 22nd 1812

I thank you for your favor of the 5th and the two valuable Pamphlets inclosed.
The speech I read with Pleasure in the time of it, and, have now read it again, with close attention…I know not what fault to find with either. In reading the Letter to the house of Delegates, I fancied myself sometimes reading Pascal upon peace in his disputes with the “Preists, and sometimes Locke upon Stilling fleet.
If your sentiments concerning Instructions are not perfectly Orthodox mine have been all my lifetime perfectly heretical: for I have never read any thing in which, the subject was more judiciously annalyzed nor the result more rationally established according to the sense in which I have always understood it and practised upon it, particularly in the negotiation of the peace in 1782-3.
I am so far from believing that the two or three causes of discontent, hinted in my Letter are the only ones, that I enter feelingly into all your apprehension expressed in the 18th and 19th pages of your Letter to the Virginia delegates. During the first 12 years, I thought the southern Gentleman pursued a course to weather the general government; during the last twelve, the northern gentleman have too faithfully copied the Example. When and where it will end I must leave to heaven, to the honest feelings of the Nation, and to their cool reflections, if any such remain:
The Question of the constitutionality of the Bank of the U.S. has been so often discussed that I can say nothing now. I have always considered the Bank as one of the capital Errors of the first administration. My Friend Washington for I shall always call him my friend, tho he was the cause of my overthrow—had never been conversant, in the studies of coin, commerce, or Finance. He depended upon the two Morris’s, Robert and Governeur. If these ever understood, the only honest principle of Banks which I do not believe that either of them ever did they introduced and established & propagated, by Law a system of Iniquity, with their eyes open. The just principles of Coins and Banks are founded in science as certain as Mathematics and every system founded on them is as capable of demonstration as any proposition, in the Euclid. Every honest “Bank bill represents its nominal value of gold, or, silver in the vaults. Every dollar issued in paper beyond the amount of the precious metals in the Vaults, represents nothing and is a dishonest fraudulent, swindling dollar. It cheats; it picks the Pocket of some to put it in the purses of others. It is no better than a counterfeit bill. It is not so good as a dollar counterfeited in Lead, washed with silver.
In the 28th. page you quote Mr Lloyd; an accurate authority in such matters for the calculation of Fifty Millions of Bank Paper in circulation in the United States, when the specie for its support did not exceed Ten Millions and that daily diminishing. How then are five Paper Dollars for one in specie! How are we to understand this? do ten millions comprehend all the precious metals in the vaults of the Bank and all the little silver change that is abroad! I believe the whole will not amount to more. How then are 5 paper Dollars for one silver one.
Johnny Nokes puts one hundred dollars into a Bank in silver He annually receives the interest of 5 hundred dollars. Here is an annually interest of Thirty percent upon his Capital indeed of forty if his dividend is 8 per Cent to every holder of the Bank stock, upon an average. The most enormous emolument to individuals at the expence of the public, that ever was endured by an enlightened Nation. This is worse than Paper Money: because the depreciation is at the expence of the public for the emolument of a few individuals: whereas the depreciation of old Tenor & new Tenor, and continental currency accrued to the public….Since Mr Lloyds emolument estimate the monstrous Banks of Massachusetts and New York have been erected and how many more I know not. where will this end? Will Bank bills depreciate, 40, 70, 100 for one like continental currency and at last die in a consumption? or in convulsions? this was once made a Party subject. But it cannot now for republicans have plunged as deep in the Gulph as Federalists.…We are you know the most enlightened people upon Earth: yet I am confident there is not a Burgomaster Schepen or councellor in the obscurest City of Holland who would not demonstrate, at first sight the Ignorance, the Folly and iniquity of our whole system of Banks. Millions of examples are lost upon us. Woods Half pence, Laws System, The Missisippy Bubble our currencies &c &c. Since this Letter was begun one of my Grand daugters picked up Voltaires Hist of Charles 12th: same which I read some 60 year ago. Opening here and there a leaf as it lay on the table I hit upon the 8th book near the end, 250th page of the English translation. Degorts who gave to silver the value of copper: so that a peice of Copper whose intrinsic value was only a half penny, should when stamped with the Kings mark, pass for 40 pence. here was a gain of 80 for one to the King: Our Bank profits are only forty for one to the Club.…All kinds of merchandise and provisions, having risen to an immoderate price. De Gorts was obliged to increase the quantity of copper coin. In a Monarchy Hamilton’s fate would have been like that of De Gorts: but in our Republic thousands & tens of thousands have been as ignorant and as guilty as either.
How are we to manage a War with this deceitful Medium There is no honest money but standard silver and gold,…—
My invariable opinion has been that all Banks should have been prohibited by the constitution to the separate states: and the congress limited to one Bank of deposit with branches in each state: the whole limited to ten millions o Dollars. But such a plan is now Chimerical; and this war must now accumulate a debt five times as great as it would have done if we had an honest and rational Currency.…I am but too apprehensive with you, that there are many other causes of discontent but as I am not in a situation to know their extent and details, it becomes me to leave them to others who are nearer and more competent.
I observed with concern and sorrow, the proceedings of your constituents. This country and our forms of Government which must have their course, opens vast views of ambition to every ey and fascinating temptations to every passion. The aged & experienced & the middle aged too, find younger generations rising after them ardently coveting their places and not very delicate in the choice of measures to supplant them and shove them off the stage: every man who has gone before you has experienced this: and you must expect it in your turn as a thing of course.Your employments are too important and your moments too precious to the public to be wasted: and therefore I pray you to give yourself no farther concern about answering my Letters. A line dropped in a leisure moment, if you have any will always be agreeable to your humble servant
John AdamsWe are acting over again the old play of Canada, first represented in 1775 & 1776 I will draw the paralel if you wish it. One thing at least is clear. We must forever maintain a superiority of Naval Power upon the Lakes and Water communications.


Title: From John Adams to William D. Williamson, 25 December 1812
From: Adams, John
To: Williamson, William D.

Sir
Quincy Dec. 25. 1812

When the House of Representatives, under the Charter of Charles I “broke out” as Huchinson expresses it, I presume they were chosen by the Towns. I never heard of any Elections by districts before the revolution, except of Registers of deeds and County Treasurers, by Counties, nor by General Ticket except of Governors and Lt Governors and perhaps of Secretaries
Under the Charter of W. and Mary, the Representatives were chosen by Towns and the Counsellors by joint Ballot of both Houses.
The Old Charter and Ordinances have been printed together: but the Book is out of Print and very rare. I really know not where to refer you to find one.
Miss Hannah Adams resides in Boston.
There may be Parson Princes, Harbottle Dorrs, and Johnny Moffats, i.e curious Collectors and careful Preservers of ancient Books and Manuscripts: but I have not the Happiness to know any of them.
The newly incorporate Society of Antiquarians, I hope and believe will be very Usefull to all Searchers into the Antiquities of this Country. Possibly the Historical Society, may possess a Copy of the Charter and the Ordinances.
Wishing you a merry Christmas and an happy New Year / I am your humble Servant

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 27 December 1812
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

Dr Sir
Quincy December 27. 1812

Letters!  What Shall I Say of Letters? Pliny’s are too Studied and too elegant. Cicero’s are the only ones of perfect Simplicity, confidence and familiarity. Madam Sevignè has created a Sweet pretty little amusing World out of nothing. Pascalls Provincials exceed every Thing ancient or modern: but these were laboured with infinite Art. The Letters of Swift and pope are dull! Frederick’s to Voltaire and D’Alembert are Sickish and Silly. His Adulation of Voltaire is babyish. He knew nothing of Homer or Virgil. He was totally ignorant of the Language of both. Have mercy on me Posterity, if you Should ever See any of my Letters.
But, majora canamus! Last Evening I dined, with about twenty of our most learned, most Scientific most tasty, most oppulent, and most fashionable Gentlemen in Boston, at Mr Peter Chardon Brookes’s. As I am, incontestably the greatest Man (you know) in this part of the World, I am always placed of course, on the right hand of the Lady or Gentleman, Host. The rich and honourable Mr Thorndyke, a very well bred Man, really very much of a Gentleman, the great Rival in Wealth of my Friend Gray; was by the Master of Ceremonies placed next to me. When the most clamourous demands of Apetite began to be a little appeased, Mr Thorndyke Said to me “Sir,” Said Mr Thorndyke to me, “You have been So long and So invariably, the Friend and Advocate of a Navy, that these late Victories at Sea must have given you peculiar pleasure.” The most accomplished, the most finished Courtier in Europe, you See, could not have more delicately touched the vein in my System the most Susceptible of flattery. You will easily believe, it gave a Spurr to my Vanity, Sett my imagination on the Wing freshened and quickened my memory and Set my tongue a running with mighty volubility. I assured Mr Thondyke that our Naval Conquerors had given me the most compleat Satisfaction. That I contemplated them and their immortal Victories, with the highest delight. “I thought,” Said Mr Thordyke, “it could not be otherwise: but is it not Surprising, that our Navy Should have been So long neglected by our Government”? Nothing Mr Thorndyke, that I have ever experienced in life, has given me So much constant Astonishment, except the French Revolution and the universal Enthusiasm in favour of it in Europe and America: as the general insensibility of this Nation; to the importance and necessity of a Naval Defence, upon the Ocean always, and Since the Project of an invasion of Canada, upon the Lakes. “The Experience, We had of its Utility, twelve or fourteen years ago,” Said Mr Thorndike, “and Since, in the Mediterranean, and indeed in the revolutionary War, one would have thought, Should have been Sufficient to convince the Government.” My Surprise, Mr Thorndyke is as great as yours, that it has not convinced the whole Nation: but there Seems to be a general disposition to forget every thing that has been done at Sea. “Why” Said Mr T. I have a “general notion that the little force We had in the Revolution was benificial, but I was young and I wish We knew more about it: the Publick Seems to have very little information of its History.” If an old Mans Garrulity, Mr T, could be pardoned, I could give you a rough Sketch. A Captain John Manly in 1775 offered General Washington to go out and take him Some Prizes. Washington dreading the responsibility and doubting his Authority wrote to Congress. Silas Deane made a motion to commit the Letter. I seconded the motion. But Oh! the debate, the opposition, the Terror of taking the Bull by the horns. However in Spight of all the learning Eloquence and Pathos of Opposition We carried a Vote of commitment by a Majority, though very small: The Committee were Silas Deane, John Langdon and John Adams. We met and unanimous, in an instant agred and reported a Resolution, Authorizing Washington to fit out a Vessell. But Oh! the Opposition! Oh the tedious debate! At last We carried it, by a Majority of one or two. Manley was fitted out and took Transports with Soldiers Cloathing, Arms Ammunition and the noble Mortar, which was called the Congress, and drove the British Army from Boston, and Navy from its Harbour. “Oh!” Said Mr Thorndyke “I have Seen Manley, and remember the Story of the Mortar.” The Mortar is Still in being, (I continued) and this Success made our little Majority more valliant and enterprising. We moved for a Committee, to build, purchase, equip Officer man, provision &c a Number of Ships of War. After an obstinate Opposition and a tedious debate, We carried this Resolution by our Small Majority. John Langdon, John Adams, Governor Hopkins, Richard Henry Lee, Christopher Gadsden were chosen the Committee. Silas Deane having been turned out of Congress by his State. We met every night, and Sat often till Midnight an in a few weeks had a Fleet at Sea under Hopkins who went and took the Island of New Providence and brought home all the Cannon and public Property. We were now able to carry a Vote to grant Letters of Mark. But the Opposition was Still as eloquent, pathetic, and tedious as ever. The Privateers and publick Ships were Soon So Successful, that Congress grew bolder. Some of the Antinavalists went out and Rober Morris came in and proved a respectable Reinforcement of our Naval Majority. Congress now appointed a Committee of one for each State, and ordered Twelve new Frigates to be built, at one vote. “Astonishing,” Said Mr Thorndyke, “Six and thirty years ago”! “Pray, considering the present Population, Wealth extent of commerce, Number of Seamen, Naval Skill &c what Naval Force could this Country now produce, in proportion to what you had then”? Twenty Ships of the Line, and Forty Frigates, Mr Thorndyke, could, in my Opinion, be now provided and Supported with less difficulty, and be less burthensome to the Nation, than our Flotilla was then. “I believe it” Said Mr T. “Why then does not our Government exert itself in this Way”? Why! Ah Why! Said I, Smiling, Why does not the Town of Boston, exert itself, now as it did then? One thousand British Ships were condemned as Prizes in Judge Nathan Cushings Court of Admiralty in Boston in that War. “A Thousand! You amaze me”! Look into the Records of that Court and you will See, a thousand and Odd. Boston was then all alive. Privateering was in fashion. Now that rich and powerful City has not a Ship, that I have heared.—Here the Colloquy ended. I was called to the Carriage to return with my Family to Quincy.
You ask “Who is the Sackville, that holds the Lion by the Tail? that holds the Patriotism and valour of our Country by the Tail? that has clipped the Wings of the American Eagle in order to prevent her Spreading them upon the Ocean? that has broken her Bill in order to prevent her picking out the Eyes of the British Lion?” Shall I answer like my Countrymen? Who has held France by the Tail? Who has held Holland by the Tail? Who would have held England by the Tail, if She had been a continental Power? The Answer is, the landed Interest and its Jealousy of the Commercial Interest. The great Proprietors in France are never Satisfied with Armies. They would multiply them without End: but will never Suffer much to be done for a Navy. They love to Serve by Land but hate to go to Sea. In Holland the four Inland Provinces would never vote for Ships, unless the three maritime Provinces would vote for more Troops. The Consequence of their mutual Jealousy, has been the Annihilation of their Navy Army and Country too. We are going the same Way. If this answer is not the Point, let me Add the Southern and middle States held the Lion by the Tail, the first 8 years of this Century and the northern are now holding him. If this is not particular enough I will be more personal. On the 16th. Jan. 1804 I wrote to a Correspondent “I wish Jefferson no ill: I envy him not. I Shudder at the Calamities which I fear his Conduct is preparing for his Country, from a mean thirst of Popularity, an inordinate Ambition, and a want of Sincerity.”
Madison was his Pupil, held the Tail of the noble Animal too long, and I fear has not yet entirely let go his hold. Thus I have answered your Question with more candour than prudence: and now you ought with the same Sincerity to give me your Sense of the question. I am forever your

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Jefferson, 28 December 1812
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Monticello Dec. 28. 12.

An absence of 5. or 6. weeks, on a journey I take three or four times a year, must apologize for my late acknolegement of your favor of Oct. 12. after getting thro the mass of business which generally accumulates during my absence, my first attention has been bestowed on the subject of your letter. I turned to the passages you refer to the subject of your letter. I turned to the passages you refer to in Hutchinson & Winthrop, and with the aid of their dates, I examined our historians to see if Wollaston’s migration to this state was noticed by them. it happens unluckily that Smith and Stith, who alone of them go into minute facts, bring their histories, the former only to 1623. and the latter to 1624. Wollaston’s arrival in Massachusets was in 1625. and his removal to this state was “some time” after. Beverley & Keith, who come lower down, are merely superficial, giving nothing but those general facts which every one knew as well as themselves. if our public records of that date were not among those destroyed by the British on their invasion of this state, they may possibly have noticed Wollaston. what I possessed in this way have been given out to two gentlemen the one engaged in writing our history, the other in collecting our antient laws. so that none of these resources are at present accessible to me. recollecting that Nathaniel Morton in his New England’s Memorial, gives with minuteness the early annals of the colony of New Plimouth, & occasionally interweaves the occurrences of that on Massachusetts bay, I recurred to him, and, under the year 1626. I find he notices both Wollaston and Thomas Morton, and gives with respect to both, some details which are not in Hutchinson or Winthrop. as you do not refer to him, and so possibly may not have his book, I will transcribe from it the entire passage, which will prove at least my desire to gratify your curiosity as far as the materials within my power will enable me.
Extract from Nathaniel Morton’s New England’s Memorial. pa. 93. to 99. anno 1628. “Whereas about three years before this time there came over one Captain
   this gentleman’s name is here occasionally used, and altho’ he came over in year 1625 yet these passages in reference to Morton fell out about this year, and therefore referred to this place
 Wollaston, a man of considerable parts, and with him 3. or 4. more of some eminency, who brought with them as great many servants, with provisions & other requisites, for to begin a plantation, and pitched themselves in a place within the Massachusetts-bay, which they called afterwards by their Captain’s name, Mount Wollaston; which place is since called by the name of Braintry. and amongst other that came with him, there was one mr Thomas Morton, who it should seem had some small adventure of his own or other mens amongst them, but had little respect, & was slighted by the meanest servants they kept. they having continued sometime in New England, & not finding things to answer their expectation, nor profit to arise as they looked for, the said Capt. Wollaston takes a great part of the servants, & transports them to Virginia, & disposed of them there and writes back to one mr Rasdale, one of his chief partners (& accounted their merchant) to bring another part of them to Virginia likewise, intending to put them off there, as he had done the rest; and he with the consent of the said Rasdale, appointed one whose name was Filcher to be his Lieutenant, & to govern the remainder of the plantation, until he or Rasdale should take further order there about. But the aforesaid Morton (having more craft than honesty) having been a petty-fogger at Furnivals-inn; he, in the others absence, watches an opportunity (commons being put hard among them) and got some strong drink and other junkets, & made them a feast, and after they were merry, he began to tell them he would give them good counsel; you see (saith he) that many of your fellows are carried to Virginia, and, if you stay still until Rasodales return, you will also be carried away & sold for slaves with the rest; therefore I would advise you to thrust out Lieutenant Filcher, and I, having a part in the plantation, will receive you as my partners and consociates, so may you be free from service, and we will converse, plant, trade, and live together as equals (or to the like effect). this counsel was easily followed, so they took opportunity, & thrust Lieutenant Filcher out of doors, and would not suffer him to come any more amongst them, but forced him to seek bread to eat, & other necessaries amongst his neighbors, till he could get passage for England. (see the sad effect of want of good government.)
After this they fell to great licentiousness of life, in all prophaneness, and the said Moreton became lord of misrule, & maintained (as it were) a school of atheism, and after they had got some goods into their hands, and got much by trading with the Indians, they spent it so vainly, in quaffing & drinking both wine & strong liquors in great excess (as some have reported) ten pounds worth in a morning, setting up a May-pole, drinking & dancing about it, & frisking about it, like so many fairies, or furies rather, yea & worse practices, as if they had anew revived & celebrated the feast of the Roman goddess Flora, or the beastly practises of the mad Bacchanalians. the said Morton likewise to shew his poetry, composed sundry rhymes & verses, some tending to lasciviousness, and others to the detraction & scandal of some persons names, which he affixed to his idle, or idol May-pole; they changed also the name of their place, and instead of calling it Mount Wolloston, they called it the Merry Mount, as if this jollity would have lasted always. but this continued not long, for shortly after that worthy gentleman mr John Endicot who brought over a patent under the broad seal of England for the government of the Massachusetts, visiting those parts, caused that May-pole to be cut down, and rebuked them for their prophaness, & admonished them to look to it that they walked better; so the name was again changed, and called Mount Dagon.
Now to maintain this riotous prodigality and profuse expence, the said Morton thinking himself lawless, and hearing what gain the fishermen made of trading of pieces, powder and shot; he as head of this consortship, began the practice of the same in these parts: & first he taught the Indians how to use them, to charge & discharge ’em, & what proportion of powder to give the piece, according to the size or bigness of the same, and what shot to use for fowl, & what for deer; & having instructed them, he imployed some of them to hunt & fowl for him; so as they became somewhat more active in that imployment than any of the English, by reason of their swiftness of foot, & nimbleness of body, being also quicksighted, & by continual exercise well knowing the haunt of all sorts of game; so as when they saw the execution that a piece would do, & the benefit that might come by the same, they became very eager after them, & would not stick to give any price they could attain to for them; accounting their bows & arrows but baubles in comparison of them.
And here we may take occasion to bewail the mischief which came by this wicked man, & others like unto him; in that notwithstanding laws, for the restraint of selling ammunition to the natives, that so far base covetousness prevailed, & doth still prevail, as that the salvages become amply furnished with guns, powder, shot, rapiers, pistols, & also well skilled in repairing of defective arms; yea some have not spared to hell them how gunpowder is made, and all the materials in it, and that they are to be had in their own land; and would (no doubt, in case they could attain to the making of Saltpeter) teach them to make powder; and what mischief may fall out into the English in these parts thereby, let this pestilent fellow Norton (aforenamed) bear a great part of the blame and guilt of it to future generations. but lest I should hold the reader too long in the relation of the particulars of his vile actings; when as the English that then lived up & down about the Massachusetts, and in other places, percieving the sad consequences of his trading, so as the Indians became furnished with the English arms & ammunition, and expert in the improving of them, & fearing they should at one time or another get a blow thereby; and also taking notice, that if he were let alone in his way, they should keep no servants for him, because he would entertain any, how vile soever, sundry of the chief of the stragling plantations met together, and agreed by mutual consent to send to Plimouth, who were then of more strength to join with them, to suppress this mischief: who considering the particulars proposed to them to join together to take some speedy course to prevent (if it might be) the evil that was accrewing towards them; & resolved first to admonish him of his wickedness respecting the premises, laying before him the injury he did to their common safetey, and that his acting concerning the same, was against the king’s proclamation: but he insolently persisted on in his way, and said, the king was dead, & his displeasure with him, and threatened them that if they come to molest him, they should look to themselves; so that they saw there was no way but to take him by force: so they resolved to proceed in such a way, & obtained of the Governor of Plimouth, to send Capt. Standish and some other aid with him, to take the sd Morton by force, the which accordingly was done; but they found him to stand stifly on his defence, having made fast his doors, armed his consorts, set powder & shot ready upon the table; scoffed and scorned at them, and he and his complices being filled with strong drink, were desperate in their way: but he himself coming out of doom to make a shot at Capt. Standish, he stepping to him, put by his piece & took him, and so little hurt was done; and so he was brought prisoner to Plimouth, and continued in durance till an opportunity of sending him for England, which was done at their common charge, and letters also with him, to the honourable council for New England, and returned again into the country in some short time, with less punishment than his demerits deserved (as was apprehended.) the year following he was again apprehended, and sent for England, where he lay a considerable time in Exeter goal: for besides his miscarriage here in New England, he was suspected to have murthered a man that had ventured monies with him, when he came first into New England; and a warrant was sent over from the Lord Chief justice to apprehend him, by virtue whereof, he was by the Governor of Massachusetts sent into England, & for other of his misdemeanors amongst them in that government, they demolished his house, that it might no longer be a roost for such unclean birds. Notwithstanding he got free in England again, and wrote an infamous and scurrilous book against many godly and chief men of the country, full of lies and slanders, and full fraught with prophane calumnies against their names and persons, and the ways of god. but to the intent I may not trouble the reader any more with mentioning of him in this history: in fine sundry years after he came again into the country, and was imprisoned at Boston, for the aforesaid book and other things, but denied sundry things therein, affirming his book was adulterated. and soon after being grown old in wickedness; at last ended his life at Piscataqua. but I fear I have held the reader too long about so unworthy a person, but hope it may be useful to take notice how wickedness was beginning, and would have further proceeded, had it not been prevented timely.”
So far Nathaniel Morton. the copy you have of Thomas Morton’s New English Canaan, printed in 1637. by Stam at Amsterdam, was a second edition of that “infamous and scurrilous book against the godly.” the 1.st had been printed in 1632. by Charles Green in a 4to of 188. pages, and is the one alluded to by N. Morton. both of them made a part of the American library given by White Kennett in 1713. to the Society for the propagation of the gospel in the foreign parts. this society, being a chartered one, still, as I believe, existing, and probably their library also, I suppose that these and the other books of that immense collection, the catalogue of which occupies 275. pages 4to are still to be found with them. If any research I can hereafter make should ever bring to my knolege any thing more of Wollaston, I shall not fail to communicate it to you. ever, and affectionately your’s
Th:Jefferson


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 29 December 1812
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Quincy December 29th 1812

I have not done with your Letter of the 19th: I care not half, so much about Red Heifer, as I do about the Taureau blanc, the white Bull of Voltaire…. “All volition the Effect of his will, operating upon mind.” My pious learned Parson Wibert, once said to me “I believe God is the Author of sin; but I would not say it, because of the dangerous tendency of it.” My Friend! read in virgil; Jupiters acknowledgment, that though fate had given him the command of Gods & men, yet he and the whole universe, were not only instruments of Fate. Read Edwards, read Priestley, read jaques le Fataliste et son maitre, and after all ask yourself, whether you have not a conscience, that still tells you, that you have sometimes done wrong, & sometimes right! There is not now, never was & never will be, more than one being who will understand the universe. Sixty years have I puzzel’d myself, with Clark and Leibnitz and Baxter &c to no purpose. I know no more now than I did at 17 years of age.
Hunc solem et Stellas et decedentia certis
Tempora momentis, Sunt qui formidine nullâ
Imbuta Spectent.
Let us descend to earth where it is our duty to crawl. you must know that I have the honor to be President of the American Accademy of Arts and sciences, of the Massachusetts society for promoting Agriculture, and of the board of  Trustees of this society and of the board of Visitors of the Professorship of natural history at the University. There are twelve of us of these boards. We meet once a month, on the last Saturday at each others houses at our own expense. Every one but myself, is a Stanch Anti Jeffersonian & Anti Madisonian, & at the late Election Clintonian. These are all real Gentlemen; all but me, very rich, have their City Palaces and Country seats, their fine gardens & greenhouses & hot houses &c &c &c—Men of science, Letters and urbanity, even Sparticus, out of a Newspaper, or a Pamphlet, is all this.
On the last Saturday of october at Mr Pomroy’s of Brighton the Gentlemen were in good spirits and indulged in a little political conversation, the detail of which would be too long I had not agreed to the selection of Mr Clinton though I should acquiesce if he were chosen.
Sparticus the slave! Sparticus the Rebel! Sparticus the Rebel slave! Sparticus the Rebel leader of Rebel slaves! asked me with an air of candour, What course I would have pursued, had I been continued President to this time? I said, that must have depended upon congress. The gentlemen Expressed a wish to know my single opinion of the best plan. I said the time would fail me to give details, but I could give in short hand, A sketch of a few principle strokes. The gentlemen wished to hear them. I said I would not have repealed the Taxes: no not a Shilling of them. With that revenue I would have fortified the Frontiers on the Lakes & Rivers as well as on the ocean. I would have gradually increased the Navy, by additional ships every year that we might be in a condition to Meet the mighty mistress of the ocean on her own element, and convince her that she is not all powerful there. I would have declared war against Great Britain five or six years ago when the King issued that most atrocious of all violations of the Law of Nations, his proclamation for impressing seamen from our ships. I would not have said a word about canada: but would have employed all our resources at sea. if the war had continued for years and the nation became hot enough to demand Canada I would not have invaded it till we had a decided supremacy of Naval power upon all the Lakes, and waters from Michillimacinac to Montreal, if not to Quebec, nor then till I had an army of 35 or 40 thousand Men. With such an army in four divisions, a small one in Michillimacinac, a larger at Kennebec river, a larger at Detroit, and the largest of all at Niagara, I would have made short work with canada and incorporated it into the union. “What a Satire, Said Sparticus, upon Our Administration!” Here I was called to my carriage to come home having a dozen miles to ride after dark & consequently heard no more remarks
ever yours

John Adams.December 30th This moment the sun rising in the southeast, and blazing with glorious Effulgence on my eyes, through the Window, reminds me of the glorious news in last nights paper, from Washington, of the Law to build four 74. & Six 44 Io triumphe! The sun now shines upon our country. A happy New year!
John Adams again.


Title: To John Adams from John Marston, 29 December 1812
From: Marston, John
To: Adams, John

My dear Sir
Boston 29th Decr 1812

Inclosed is the pamphlet you were so kind as to lend me, for which I beg you to receive my thanks.
I hope you will not think me reprehensible for lending it to our worthy friend Mr G. When I perceived there were marginal memoranda written by yourself, I instantly determined not to permit the pamphlet to go out of my hands, or to be seen by any person whatever. But having met Mr Gerry, and the conversation turning on your letter, to Binns; knowing how very sincerely he esteems & loves you, how happy you would be to oblige him: I thought myself authorised to lend it; & beg you to be assured that no human being has seen it, but Mr G and myself—
I perfectly agree with you that Cobbet is not the author. I think it very probable that Binns himself wrote it, to deceive the people of Pensylvania, by calumniating you and other gentlemen, in representing you as friends of Britain & a monarchy. It is distressing to reflect that such foreign vagrants, who cannot have any real attachment to our dear Country, should be suffered to be Editors of Newspapers, which ought to be the vehicles of Truth & Virtue.
With the most sincere and unfeigned respect, Am Dear Sir Your obliged humble Srvt
John MarstonI will thank you to convey my most respectful compliments to Mrs A. and the ladies of your family.—


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Waterhouse, 31 December 1812
From: Adams, John
To: Waterhouse, Benjamin

Dear Sir,
Quincy December 31st 1812

I cannot take leave of the Year, without confession of my fault and begging Pardon, A Letter so kind and obliging as yours of 20th September ought not to have been Unnoticed, till this day. My heart is bound up with the Navy and I love the Officers, as well as my Sons. Their politeness to me, was conspicuous enough. Their Invitations were cordial enough. But I had reasons, which I could explain to you. Alass! I could not “come and go Snugly and quietly”—
The Independent Whigg Shews the Times. I hope I Shall not be compelled to write Independent Whiggs.—I have not paid for the Botanist which I have received in two well bound Volumes. I will Send the Price to Town by the first Opportunity.—I congratulate you on the 74th and 44th. I O triumphe! I wish to know your plan.
Yours as ever.

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from William D. Williamson, 1812
From: Williamson, William D.
To: Adams, John

Honble. & Dear Sir,
Bangor (Me) Hancock–County, Dec 10. 1812

About a year since, I received from under your hand, a very obliging letter, which was full of information as to the several inquiries I had previously taken the liberty to propose. While I would express my grateful acknowledgements, for that valuable communication; I have to regret my necessity of troubling you again with Still further enquiries. I would here promiss an assurance, that, without thus troubling you, I have used the means within my power to attain the wished-for information, but hitherto without success.
I would therefore, beg leave to enquire, 1. under Massachusetts old Charter of Charles I, did the people choose their delegates or representatives to the Gen. Court by towns, by districts, or by a general ticket?
2ly. How were they chosen under the Charter of Wm: & Mary?
3. Where can I find a printed Copy of the old Charter of Charles I? & where can I get the old ordinances of the Gen. Court under that Charter, which have been printed?—I have myself searched in the Secret’y office of this State for a copy of the old Charter but could find none, not even in manuscript.
As I apprehend Miss Hannah Adams, writer of “the History of New England,” has some books if not manuscripts which would afford me assistance in my undertaking, I would be much obliged to you to inform me in what town she resides.
I am, Dear Sir, your much obliged, / & very affectionate humble Servant.
Wm: D. Williamson