Title: To John Adams from Joseph Wheaton, 22 February 1811
From: Wheaton, Joseph
To: Adams, John

Excellent Sir—
Washington Feby 22d. 1811—

I cannot—I will not attempt to discribe to you the Satisfaction—the gratification my feelings have experienced this day—
Yesterday the President nominated to Senate His excellency John Quincy Adams now Minister Plenipotentiary at the Court of St Petersburg—to be associate Judge of the Supreme Court of the United States this Second appointment passed the Senate, aproved by that Body Unanimously—Sir this circumstance is the More grateful as it must put those wretchs who heretofore have So vilely made you the target of their Malicious Shafts—they tho long put to Silence, twas not enough untill we See the virtues of the Father returning and visiting the Son, and we See also Some hope that the Modest Silence of the real american rising through that Pestiferous breath of foreign mist and brought to act in its proper sphere less clouded by an atmosphere of which we have had So much—
Sir Gideon Granger had obtained recommendations, for this appointment untill the letters weight and number of his letters I might almost Say made the Cabinet desks Screak with their weight the P. he has Shewn the firmness to pass him by in silence to the 3d nomination—this unprincipled man has caused me much grief and injury well known to the President—who always treats me with the politest attentions, and his whole conduct is well known—I trust G-G will not Stay long in the post office—in a few days I hope to be able to write you Something to my advantage I indulge myself in expressions arising from the effect of feelings adressed to a parent—I know your fatherly Sensations towards your Country and to those who Served it in times when Mens Hearts & Souls were tryed—and you know Some thing of the zeal & perseverance and Sacrifice I have made on the alter of our liberty—but Sir you know but little of the treatment which I have recd. from the vile who have adventured from foreign countrys to this, and whose perpetual yells are raised to be heard by those in office whose easy virtue and listening ear is ready to profit by every surly breath—
The President last this night at the Ball in celebrating the Birth day of our ever to be adored Washington is Spoken to by Several Gentlemen on this appointment, and in Speaking of it has expressed himself of you Sir in terms of Sincere friendship—of this—which my ear did not receive was obtained of P. Hamilton S. Navy he is an invaluable Patriot—and Spoke of you to me in the highest terms—
I have the honor to be Sir / yours most faithfully & affectionately

Joseph Wheaton


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Waterhouse, 27 February 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Waterhouse, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Quincy February 27th. 1811

As I read the Essays of The elegant Botanist as when they appeared in the Monthly Anthology, with much pleasure, I am very glad to learn from your kind Letter of the 25th that they are to appear together in a Volume. If our dear Countrymen had loved one another as well as Some of them do England and Scotland and if our Mecenas’s encouraged American Litterature as much as they do Scottish; this Volume would have appeared long ago, and an hundred others that lie Sleeping in Scattered and obscure Repositories.
Additions to them no doubt may be made, and the more the better: Corrections as far as I remember are very little Wanted.
The Compliment offered to me will be considered as an honor, not much deserved; for Fate has ordained that I should never have had it in my Power to do much good in any of the Capacities you mention. Yet it will be more flattering to me, than the long Dedications of dryden by which he, poor Genius! hoped to get bread; or the lying Dedications and Panegyricks of Dr Young by which he hoped to Purchase a Bishopric. Neither Bread nor Promotion as you very well know are to be expected from Compliments to your Friend

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 28 February 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

					Quincy, Febuary 28th, 1811.

				The Hague, September 12, 1782—wrote to Mr. Livingston: “Your letters express a desire that I should endeavor to form an acquaintance with the representatives of crowned heads, and you seem to be of opinion that much may be learned from their conversation. It is very true, that hints may be dropped, sometimes, which deserve to be attended to, and I shall not fail to avail myself of every opportunity of learning any thing from them, that may occur.But one might recollect with great propriety, upon this occasion, a saying of the Chancellor D’Oxenstiern to his son.The Hague, September 16, 1782—wrote to Secretary Livingston: “I have the honor to transmit a copy of Mr. Oswald’s commission, which is probably the same with that of Sir Guy Carleton.George R. Our will and pleasure is, and we do hereby authorise and command you, forthwith to prepare a bill for our signature, to pass our great seal of Great Britain, in the words, or to the effect following, viz.George the third, exc. To our trusty and well beloved Richard Oswald, of our city of London, Esq. Greeting:Whereas by virtue of an act passed in the last session of parliament, entitled an act to enable his majesty to conclude a peace or truce with certain colonies in North America, therein mentioned, it is recited, “that it is essential to the interest, welfare and prosperity of Great Britain, and the colonies or plantations of New-Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New-York, Pennsylvania, the three lower counties on Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, in North America, that peace, intercourse, trade and commerce should be restored between them; Therefore, and for a full manifestation of our earnest wish and desire, and that of our parliament to put an end to the calamities of war, it is enacted, that it should and might be lawful for us to treat, consult of, agree and conclude, with any commissioner or commissioners, named or to be named by the said colonies or plantations, or with any body or bodies corporate or politic, or any assembly or assemblies, or description of men, or any person or persons whatsoever, a peace or a truce, with the said colonies or plantations, or any of them, or any part or parts thereof, any law, act or acts of parliament, matter or thing to the contrary, in any wise notwithstanding.Now know ye, that we, reposing a special trust in your wisdom, loyalty, diligence and circumspection, in the management of the affairs to be hereby committed to your charge, have nominated and appointed, constituted and assigned, and by these presents do nominate and appoint, and constitute and assign you the said Richard Oswald, to be our commissioner in that behalf; to use and exercise all and every the powers and authorities hereby entrusted and committed to you the said Richard Oswald, and to do, perform and execute all other matters and things hereby enjoined and committed to your care, during our will and pleasure: And  we do hereby authorise, empower and require you the said Richard Oswald, to treat, consult of, and conclude with any commissioner or commissioners, named or to be named,  by the said colonies, or plantation or plantations, and any body or bodies corporate or politic, or any assembly or assemblies or description of men, or any person or persons, whatsoever, a peace or a truce with the said colonies or plantations or any of them, or any part or parts thereof, any law, act or acts of parliament, matter or thing to the contrary, in any wise notwithstanding. And  it is our further will and pleasure, that every regulation, provision, matter or thing, which shall have been agreed upon, between you, the said Richard Oswald, and such commissioner or commissioners, body or bodies corporate or politic, assembly or assemblies, description of men, person  or persons as aforesaid, with whom you shall have judged meet and sufficient to enter into such agreement, shall be fully and distinctly set forth in writing, and authenticated by your hand and seal, on one side, and by such seals or other signature on the other, as the occasion may require, and as may be suitable to the character and authority of the commissioner or commissioners, &c as aforesaid, so agreeing;  and such instrument so authenticated, shall be by you transmitted to us, through one of our principal secretaries of state.

And it is our further will and pleasure, that you, the said Richard Oswald, shall promise and engage for us, and in our royal name and word, that every regulation, provision, matter or thing, which may be agreed to and concluded by you our said commissioner, shall be ratified and confirmed by us in the fullest manner and extent, and that we will not suffer them to be violated or counteracted, either in whole or in part, by any person whatsoever, And we do hereby require and command all our officers, civil and military, and all other our loving subjects whatsoever, to be aiding and assisting unto you the said Richard Oswald, in the execution of this our commission, and of the powers and authorities herein contained; Provided always, and we do hereby declare and ordain, that the several offices, powers and authorities hereby granted, shall cease, determine and become utterly null and void on the first day of July, which shall be in the year of our Lord, 1783, although we shall not otherwise in the meantime, have revoked and determined the same.

In witness, &c. And for so doing this shall be your warrant.Given at our court of St. James’, the 25th day of July 1782, in the twenty second year of our reign. By his majesty’s command,Tho. Townsend.To our Attorney or Solicitor General.”With great respect, I have the honor to be, sir, &c.

					John Adams.

					Secretary Livingston.


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Rush, 4 March 1811
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Philadelphia March 4th: 1811

Herewith through the politeness of Mr Quincy you will receive the  Coins for your son. I regret that some of them are not recently coined. None such have been issued lately from the mint. Your Son Thomas’s friend Mr Erving has paid me for them.
Permit me to Congratulate you upon your Son John’s honourable Appointment to a Seat upon the bench of the United States. It gives great Satisfaction in Our city.
Accept of a Copy of my introductory letters which I have committed to the care of Mr Quincy.
Health, and respect! from / Dear Sir ever yours

Benja: Rush


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 7 March 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

					Quincy, March 7, 1811.

				The Hague, September 17, 1782—Wrote to secretary Livingston—“You will naturally inquire, whether the neutral powers will continue their neutrality? or whether the neutral confederacy will be broken?
No certain answer can be given to those questions. We must content ourselves with probabilities, which are indeed strong for the continuance of the neutrality.—Who indeed should break it? The emperor was thought to be the most unlikely potentate to accede to it. But he has acceded and has taken several steps which prove that he will not break it, at least by leaning towards England. Sweden is the steady friend of France. Prussia, whose affections and inclinations are certainly towards France and Holland, and alienated from England, would certainly at this age of the monarch’s life, be too cautious a politician to wage war for England against the houses of Bourbon and Austria, Holland and America.

There remain only Russia and Denmark. What can Russia do? This is a maritime war. She cannot assist the English, with land forces. An hundred thousand men would do no good to England on land. Her boasted fleet, added to that of England would only weaken it; for several reasons; among the rest, because England must maintain it with money, if not with officers and men—for cash is wanting in Russia. Denmark remains; but what can she do? Her islands in the West Indies are at mercy as well as her trade; and she would not have force enough to defend her own, much less to assist England, if she should declare war.A doctrine prevails, that an acknowledgment of American independence, is an hostility against England, and consequently a breach of the neutrality. Our friends have sometimes favored this idea. The duke de la Vauguion has often expressed this sentiment to me; and if I am not mistaken, the marquis de Verac, has said the same to Mr. Dana. If this opinion is not clear, it is very impolitic to favor it. The court of France in their public memorials have denied it; and it would be difficult to prove it, either by the law or practice of nations, sending or receiving ambassadors, entering into peaceful commercial treaties, or at least negociating at Philadelphia the rights of neutral nations is not taking arms against Great Britain.But if an acknowledgment of our independence is an hostility, a denial of it is so too—and if the maritime confederation forbids the one, it forbids both. None of the neutral nations can take the part of Great Britain, therefore, without breaking to

pieces that great system, which has cost so much negociation, and embraces so great a part of mankind.

The neutral powers set so high a value upon it, and indeed make so great a profit by it, that I think none of them will take the part of Great Britain.The connections of the duke Louis of Brunswick in Denmark and Russia, have set some little machines in motion, partly to favor him, and partly to hold out an appearance of something fermenting for the benefit of Great Britain, but these will never succeed so far as to draw any nation into the war, or to induce this republic to make a separate peace.

It is to this source, however, that I attribute certain observations that are circulated in pamphlets and in conversation, “that there is at present an incoherence in the general system of Europe—That the emperor has disarranged the whole system of the equilibrium of Europe, so that if ever the northern powers should think of stopping, by a confederation, the preponderance of the southern powers, Holland will be unable on account of the demolition of the barriers to acceed to that confederation.”Mr. Magis, who has been eight and twenty-years at the Hague as envoy from the bishop of Liege, and who converses more with all the foreign ministers here than any other individual, has said to me not long since, “Sir, the wheel rolls on too long and too rapidly one way: it must roll back again somewhat, to come to its proper centre.” “The power of the house of Bourbon rises, and that of Great Britain sinks too fast; and I believe the emperor, although he seems perfectly still at present, will come out at length and take the greatest part of any power in the final adjustment of affairs.”The comte de Mirabel, the Sardinian minister, said to me upon another occasion, “your country, sir, will be obliged, in the vicissitudes of things, to wheel round and take part of England and such allies as she may obtain, in order to form a proper balance in the world.”My answer to both was—these sentiments betray a jealousy of a too sudden growth of the power of the house of Bourbon. But if this were a fact, which it does not appear to be as yet, whose fault is it? and whose fault will it be if it should hereafter become a fact? Why do the neutral powers stand still and see it? or imagine they see it? when it is so easy to put a stop to it? They have only to acknowledge American independence; and then neither the house of Bourbon nor England will have any colourable pretence for continuing the war, from which alone the jealousy can arise.The prince de Gallitzin said not long since, that “the conduct of this republic in refusing a seperate peace, &c. he feared would throw all Europe into a war, there were so many pretensions against England.”I quote these sayings of foreign ministers, because you express a desire to hear them; and because they shew all the colour of argument in favor of England, that any body has advanced. All these ministers allow that American independence is decided—even the ministers from Portugal, within a few days said it to me, expressly. It is therefore very unreasonable in them to grumble at what happens merely in consequence of their neutrality.It is the miserable policy of the prince of Orange’s counsellors, as I suppose, which has set a few springs in motion here. Mt. Markow, one of the ministers of Russia, and Mr. de St. Saphorin, the minister from Denmark, are the most openly and busily in favor of England.—But if, instead of endeavoring to excite jealousies and foment prejudices against the house of Bourbon, or compassion towards England, they would endeavour to convince her of the necessity of acknowledging American independence: or to persuade the neutral powers to decide the point by setting the example; they would really serve England, and the general cause of mankind. As it goes at present, their negociations serve no other cause whatever that I can conceive; unless it be that of the duke of Brunswick, and in the end it will appear that even the duke is not served by them.

					John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 8 March 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

					Quincy, March 8th, 1811.

				The Hague, September 17, 1782—Wrote again to Mr. Secretary Livingston, “This morning I was in conference with Mr. secretary Fagel in order to make the last corrections in the language of the treaty, which is to be executed in English and Dutch, as that with the crown of France was in English and French. We have now I hope agreed upon every word, if not every point. Nothing now remains but to make five fair copies of it for signature, which however is no little labor. The secretary thinks he shall accomplish them in the course of this week and part of the next, so that they may be signed by the latter end, or perhaps by the middle of next week. The secretary, who has always been complaisant, was more so than ever to-day. He congratulated me

upon the prospect of a speedy conclusion of this matter; hoped it would be highly beneficial to both nations, and that our posterity might have cause to rejoice in it, even more than we have. The secretary says the usage is for two deputies to sign the treaty on the part of Holland, and one on the part of each other province; so that there will be eight signers in behalf of the republic.It is now nearly five months since I was publicly received and proposed a project of a treaty. All this time, it has taken the several provinces and cities to examine, make their remarks and fresh propositions, and bring the business to a conclusion. It would not have been so long if the court had been delighted with it. But, in a case where unanimity was requisite, and the court not pleased, it was necessary to proceed with all the softness, caution, and prudence possible, that no ill humors might be stirred. Yet in a case in which the nation’s heart is so engaged; in which its commerce and love of money is so interested; what wretched policy is it in this court to shew even a luke-warmness, much more an aversion? Yet such is the policy, and such it will be. The prince of Orange is to all appearance as incurable as George the third, his cousin.I was afterwards an hour with the French ambassador, at his house. He told me his last letter from the comte de Vergennes, says he has yet seen no appearance of sincerity on the part of the British ministry in the negotiations for peace. Of this, congress will be easily convinced, by the copies of the commissions of Mr. Fitzherbert and Mr. Oswald, which I have transmitted.

The subject of our conversation was the means of getting out the Dutch fleet, which is now in the Texel; although the British fleet, under Millbank is returned to Portsmouth and probably sailed with lord Howe for Gibraltar. I asked the duk,e where is the combined fleet? His last accounts were that they were at Cape Ortugal, endeavouring to get round Cape Finisterre to Cadiz. He speaks of it as doubtful whether they will give battle to lord Howe: because the Spanish vessels with an equal number of guns, are of a smaller calibre than the English—but hopes that the blow will be struck before Howe arrives. The means of getting the fleet out of the Texel to intercept a fleet of English ships from the Baltic, came next under consideration. But the wind is not fair. It might have gone out, but they had not intelligence.

I asked who it was that governed naval matters? he answered, “th prince.” But surely the prince must have some assistance, some confidential minister, officer, clerk, secretary or servant If he were a Solomon he could not manage the navy and the whole system of intelligence and orders concerning it, without aid. the duke said “it is the college of the admiralty and sometimes M. Bisdom, who is a good man, and sometimes Mr. Vanderhope, who may be a good man, he has sense and art, but is suspected.” Very well; Mr. Bisdom and Mr. Vanderhope ought to be held responsible; the eyes of the public ought to be turned towards them, and they ought to satisfy the public. The duke replied, “the prince is afraid of the consequence. He knows that the sensations of the people are very lively at present, and nobody knows what may be the consequence of their getting an opinion that there has been negligence or any thing worse, which may have prevented them from striking a blow.” I asked if they had any plan for obtaining intelligence, the soul of war, from England? The duke answered, “the grand pensioner told him he paid very dear for intelligence.”However, I cannot learn, and do not believe that they have any rational plan for obtaining intelligence necessary from every quarter as they ought. They should have intelligence from every seaport in France, England, Scotland, Germany, and all round the Baltic—and they should have light frigates and small vessels out. But when war is unwillingly made, every thing is not done.The next subject was the proposition of Amsterdam for renewing the concert of operations for the next campaign.Congress may hear of some further plans for a separate peace between Holland and England, but they will not succeed. The republic will stand firm; though it will not be so active as we could wish, and the concert of operations will be renewed.

					John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 9 March 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

					Quincy, March 9th, 1811.

				The Hague, September 23, 1782—wrote to Mr. Secretary Livingston: “As this is a moment of great expectation; news of the greatest importance from the East Indies, the West Indies and North America, from Gibraltar, from Lord Howe’s fleet, and the combined fleets being hourly looked for, I take this opportunity to return to the Spanish Minister Comte Llano, a visit which I owed him.

The Comte told me, that he trembled for the news we should have from Gibraltar. I asked him if he thought there would be a battle at sea? He answered yes; he believed the combined fleet would meet Lord Howe and give him battle. I said that in this case, it would probably be but a running fight; his lordship’s object was to protect his convoy and get into the port; and he would not stop to fight more than should be unavoidable.Don Llano said however, that he believed the fate of Gibraltar would be decided before Howe could arrive; either the place taken or the assault given over. By his advices the attack was to begin the fourth or fifth of September. Howe sailed the twelfth, and would be probably twenty days at least on his way, which would leave a space of twenty-seven or twenty-eight days for the attack, which would decide it one way or another.I did not think it proper to tell the Comte my own apprehensions, and I wish I may be mistaken; but I have no expectation in my own mind, that the combined fleet will meet Lord Howe; that there will be any naval engagement; or that Gibraltar will surrender. They will make a horrid noise with their artillery against the place; but this noise will not terrify Elliot—Gibraltar will remain to the English another year, Lord Howe return to England, and all Europe will laugh. The English however, if they were wise would say, what is sport to you, is death to us, who are ruined by these expences.What has not, the earnest zeal of Spain to recover that impenetrable rock, cost the house of Bourbon, this war? And what is the importance of it? A mere point of honor. A trophy of insolence to England and a humiliation to Spain. It is of no utility, unless as an asylum for privateers in time of war. For it is not to be supposed, that the powers of Europe, now that the freedom of commerce is so much esteemed, will permit either England or Spain to make use of this fortress and asylum as an instrument to exclude any nation from the navigation of the Mediterranean.From the Hotel D’Espagne, I went to that of France; and the Duke de la Vauguion informed me, that he had a letter from the Comte de Vergennes, acquainting him, that he had received, in an indirect manner, a set of preliminaries, as from the British ministry, which they were said to be ready to sign; that he had sent Mr. De Rayneval to London, to know with certainty, whether those preliminaries came from proper authority or not.Thus we see, that two ministers from England and another from Holland, are at Paris, to make peace; the Comte D’Aranda is said to have powers to treat on the part of Spain; Mr. Franklin and Mr. Jay are present, on the part of the United States, and Mr. Gerard de Rayneval is in London. Yet, with all this, the British ministry have never yet given any proof of their sincerity, nor any authority to any one to treat with the United States. I believe the British ministry, even my Lord Shelburne, would give such powers, if they dared. But they dare not . They are afraid of the king, of the old ministry, and a great party in the nation; irritated every moment by the refugees, who spare no pains, and hesitate at no impostures, to revive offensive hostilities in America. If Gibraltar should be relieved, and their fleets should arrive from the West Indies and the Baltic, and they should not have very bad news from the East Indies; the nation will recover from its fright, occasioned by the loss of Cornwallis, Minorca and St Kitts; and the ministry will not dare to acknowledge American independence. In this case, Mr. Fox and Mr. Burke will lay the foundation of opposition; and the state of the finances will give them great weight. But the ministry will find means to provide for another campaign.To return to the Duke de la Vauguion, who informed me further that he had received instructions to propose to the Prince of Orange, a new plan of concert of operations: namely, that the Dutch fleet, or at least a detachment of it, should now in the absence of Lord Howe, sail from the Texel to Brest, and join the French ships there, in a cruise to intercept the British West India fleet. The Prince does not appear pleased with this plan. He has not yet accepted it. The grand pensionary appears to approve it, and support it with warmth. There is now a fine opportunity for the Dutch fleet to strike a blow, either alone upon the Baltic fleet, or in conjunction with the French, or even alone, upon the West India fleet. But the main spring of the machine is broken, or unbent. There is neither capacity nor good will among those who direct the navy.At dinner, in the course of the day, with Mr. Gyselaer, Mr. Vischer, and a number of their co–patriots at the Hotel de Dort, they lamented this incurable misfortune. Some of them told me, that the sums of money granted and expended upon their marine, ought to have produced them one hundred and twenty vessels of war, of all sizes; whereas they have not one quarter of the number. They have no more than twelve ships of the line in the Texel, reckoning in the number, two fifties. And they have not more than six or seven, in all the docks of Amsterdam, Zealand, the Maes, and Friesland, which can be ready next year.”The Hague, 5th October, 1782—wrote to Mr. Secretary Livingston: “On the third day of this month, about ten o’clock, a solemn deputation in three coaches, preceded by twelve messengers of state, went in procession to the house in the wood, to enter into conference with the statholder, concerning the past administration of the marine; in consequence of a resolution of the states of Holland and West Friesland, upon the proposition of the city of Leyden. Military honors were paid by the guards to the deputation from the sovereign as it passed. It consisted of Mr. Cornelis de Gyselaer, Gysbert Van Staveren, and Carel Wouter Vischer, pensionaries of Dort, Leyden and Amsterdam; Jacob Van Tuyler Van Nyevelt and Meynard Merens, secretaries of Rotterdam and Hoorn and Pieter Van Bleiswick, grand pensionary of Holland.They communicated their message in writing, and received a written answer, which is satisfactory.This is an important political manoeuvre, and will do much towards restoring the states to their constitutional dignity and authority. But whether it will stimulate the admiral general to greater exertions, time alone will discover. The states seem to be rolling the stone of Sissiphus.”

					John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 12 March 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

					Quincy, March 12th, 1811.

				The Hague, October 8th; 1782—Wrote to Secretary Livingston—“At 12 o’clock to-day I proceeded, according to appointment, to the state house, where I was received with the usual formalities at the head of the stairs, by Mr. Santheuvel, a deputy from the province of Holland and Mr. Van Linden, the first noble of Zealand, and a deputy from that province, and by them conducted into the chamber of business, (chambre de Besogne) an apartment adjoining to the truce chamber (chambre de treve) where were executed the treaty of commerce and the convention concerning recaptures, after an exchange of full powers.The treaty and convention are both enclosed, or at least an authentic copy of each. If the copy should arrive before the original, which I shall reserve to be sent by the safest opportunity I can find, it will be a sufficient foundation for the ratification of congress.I hope the treaty will be satisfactory to congress. It has taken much time to obtain the remarks and consent of all the members of this complicated sovereignty.

Very little of this time has been taken up by me, as congress will see by the resolution of their high mightinesses, containing the power to the deputies to conclude and sign the treaty. For although all communications to me were in Dutch, a language in which I was not sufficiently skilled to depend upon my own knowledge, Mr. Dumas was ever at hand, and very ready to interpret to me, every thing in French, by which means I was always able to give my answers without loss of time.The papers in which the whole progress of this negotiation is contained in Dutch, French, and English, make a large bundle, and after all, they contain nothing worth transmitting to congress. To copy them would be an immense labour to no purpose. To send the originals at once would expose them to loss.

Several propositions were made to me, to which I could not agree; and several were made on my part which could not be admitted by the states. The final result, contained in the treaty, is as near the spirit of my instructions as I could obtain, and I think it is nothing materially variant from them.The lords the deputies proposed to me to make the convention a part of the treaty. My answer was, that I thought the convention, which is nearly conformable to that lately made with France, would be advantageous on both sides; but as I had no special instructions concerning it, and as congress might have objections that I could not foresee, it would be more agreeable to have the convention separate from the treaty; so that congress, if they found any difficulty, might ratify the latter without the former. This was accordingly agreed to.It seemed at first to be insisted on, that we should be confined to the Dutch ports, in Europe; but my friend Mr. Van Berckell and the merchants of Amsterdam came in aid of me, in convincing all, that it was their interest to treat us upon the footing Gentis Amicissima, in all parts of the world.

Friesland proposed that a right should be stipulated for the subjects of this republic to purchase lands in any of our States—but such reasons were urged as convinced them that this was too extensive an object for me to conceed. 1st. It was not even stipulated even for France. 2d. If it should be now introduced into this treaty, all other nations would expect the same; and although at present it might not be impolitic to admit of this, yet nobody could think it wise to bind ourselves to it forever. 3d. What rendered all other considerations unnecessary, was, that congress had not authority to do this, it being a matter of the interior policy of the seperate states. This point was given up.A more extensive liberty of engaging seamen in this country was a favorite object, but it could not be obtained.The refraction, as they call it, upon tobacco, in the weigh-houses, is a thing that enters so deeply into their commercial policy, that I could not obtain any thing more particular or more explicit than what is found in the treaty.Upon the whole I think the treaty is conformable to the principles of perfect reciprocity; contains nothing that can possibly be hurtful to America, or offensive to our allies, or to any other nation, except Great Britain, to whom it is indeed, without a speedy peace, a mortal blow.The rights of France and Spain are sufficiently secured by the twenty-second; although it is not in the very words of the project transmitted to me by congress. It is the same in substance and effect. The Duke de la Vauguion was very well contented with it: and the states were so jealous of unforeseen consequences from the words of the article as sent me by congress, and as first proposed by me, that I saw it would delay the conclusion without end. After several conferences and many proposals, we finally agreed upon the article as it stands, to the satisfaction of all parties.The clause reserving to the Dutch their rights in the East and West Indies, is unnecessary, and I was averse to it, as implying a jealousy of us; but as it implies also a compliment to our power and importance, was much insisted on, and amounted to no more than we should have been bound to do, without it, I withdrew my objection.The proviso, of conforming to the laws of the country, respecting the external show of public worship, I wished to have excluded; because I am an enemy to every appearance of restraint, in a matter so delicate and so sacred as the liberty of conscience; but the laws here do not permit Roman Catholics to have steeples to their churches; and these laws could not be altered.I shall be impatient to receive the ratification of congress, which I hope may be transmitted within the time limited.The Hague, October 12, 1782—wrote to Mr. Secretary Livingston—“Yesterday afternoon, Mr. Van der Burg Van Spieringshoek, the agent of their high mightinesses, brought me the enclosed resolution relative to a vessel of Mr. Dubbledemuts. I promised to enclose it to congress. I would have it translated here, but I have not time. I presume congress has or will have an interpreter for the low Dutch.

It is much to be desired that congress would take some measures to inquire into this affair.The cause of my being so pressed for time, is, that I am preparing to set off for Paris, and have not only all my dispatches to make up, to send with the treaty: but have obligations to sign respecting the loan, that so essential a business may not stand still in my absence.Mr. Jay writes me that Mr. Oswald has received a commission to treat of peace, with the commissioners of the United States of America. I shall set off for Paris next week.”The foregoing letter is the last that I wrote to my government from Holland, till my return to the Hague, on the 23d day of July, 1783.The customs of the world made it necessary that I should make formal visits to take leave before my departure for Paris, of the president at least of their high mightinesses, of the prince and princess of Orange, of the grand pensionary of Holland, of the Secretary Fagel, and of so many other characters, as consumed much time.It was necessary that a great number of obligations should be signed for the loan of money.The dispatches necessary for congress were voluminous. It was necessary to make arrangements to set my household in order. Every moment of my time, assisted by two secretaries, Mr. Thaxter and Mr. Charles Storer, was employed, and the rainy season had made the roads almost impracticable.—With our utmost exertions, we could not arrive at Paris till the 26th of October.

					John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from Munroe & French, 23 March 1811
From: Munroe & French
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir,
Boston, March 23 1811.

We have taken the liberty to enclose to you a Quebec paper. Whatever may have been the Motive of the writer, against whose paragraph we have put a mark, its perusal cannot excite other than a pleasant emotion. It may serve to bring to your recollection, Sir, circumstances in your life, that cannot be thought of with but pleasure, because however distorted by your enemies, they still tell to your honor & advantage.
We are Sir / your ob’dnt Servants

Munroe & French We shall renew the publication of the Correspondence, as soon as we have got through with our press of Electioneering matter.


Title: To John Adams from François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 28 March 1811
From: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir!
Oldenbarneveld 28 March. 1811

Unexpectedlÿ I was favoured with your obliging Letter of the 20th Febr—tho’ I did receive it only the 21 of March—having been through carelessness of our Postmaster first Send to the black River-countrÿ. The unfavorable weather domesticating me again—and old habits too rapidlÿ adopted again—occasion, that I am Since a few days not quite So well however—I Seriously intend to prevent a relapse—and—Shall—if nothing else will do—take an excursion of a few days, now I Shall indulge myself—once more—and enjoÿ a kind conversation with the man, who honours me with his Frendship. Was I in your neighbourhood—you would relieve my pains—if oppressed by them—you would feed me with the dainties of your Librarÿ, and more Sensual Some—if wanted—would not be Spared by your Ladÿ to reinvigorate an old and faithful Client. I long to See Scot’s minstrelsÿ!—I read his Lay &c and Marmion—but neither in my humble opinion is equal to the Ladÿ—I finished its perusal for the fourth time—and, I Scruple not to Say—decies repetita placebit But—is it not an impropriety—Cant. iv. St. that Norman instructs Malice Who ought to be Supposed—at least as well informed—Is it not improper—when he Says—of an Augurÿ
The Taighairm called, by which a far
Our Sires fore Saw the events of war: Would a young yankee describe a certain custom to an old one, and tell him—it is called Bundling—bÿ and then described its object.—Suppose—to crucifÿ the flesh?
I could wish—tho by no means envying John Quincy’s merits—that his Father was the Translator—He might have condescended—to give me a peep of it. Wieland has beauties of the first class—but it is often durned in a vast deal of rubbish—neither was he in want of judgment—but his imagination was not all ways under his controul—His Palm-leaves his Sophia’s voyage—and Agathon—possess considerable merit—his Oberon I know onlÿ bÿ Extracts.
Tho no man can be more averse than I am—from Subscribing articles of faith—either in church or State—I do not hesitate to adopt your reflections—with regard to the Romances—ballads—and their use If I am not mistaken howewer—besides that mixture of Despotism and Superstition—as the basis of the clan Ship in the Highlands—a third no less powerful Spur was added to both: that of Selv-love everÿ clans-man—considered himself—identified—with all—what happened to his Lord and Chief—either good or bad—He had the Same origine—and the Same name—
My—clansman’s blood demands revenge and Brian’s motive was a claim of ancient Alpine’s lineage—
I am more and more convinced—that “eripuit cuelo fulmen”—is a down-right plagiarism—your Quetion—who is the Franklin in Manilius? removes even doubt. Manilius gives a description of the progress of human mind—how it went on graduallÿ—from earth to heaven—till it explained meteors &c.
I Submit the whole passage to your decision.Nec prius imposuit rebus finemque manumque
Quam coelum ascendit ratio, cepitque profundis
Naturam rerum causis, viditque quod usquam est:
Nubila cur quanto quaterentur pulsa fragore;
Hiberna æstiva nix grandine mollior esset,
Arderent terræ, solidusque tremisceret orbis,
Cur imbres ruerent, ventos quæ causa moveret,
Pervidit; Solvitque animis miracula rerum:
Eripuitque Jovi fulmen viresque tonandi
Et Sonitum ventis: concessit nubibus ignem.
Lib i. 96–104.
How arduous a talk you may deem to develop the Moral and Physical Causes of the Revolutionary Spirit—in the Latter part of the 18th C. and its final probable issue—I Shall try to draw—the Outlines—and collect materials—if not for me—then for another—You will not touch it—and decline—to impose the burthen on Shoulders—who could bear it. I am not So over Scrupulous, and even dare—to disbelieve your assertion—If Quincy Adams “will never have Time nor means, to attempt it”—then he looses Some of that high regard due—Him:—whÿ would he be unwilling—when he can?—Should an Adams be unwilling—to bestow a favour upon his Country—and deserve well of Posterty? that can not be. I know;—a vast comprehensive mind—a profound and acute judgment—an ardent imagination with an adequate memorÿ is required for my plan. The Statesman—the Historian the Philosopher must be united in the Same Individual—and He must have as unquestioned claim to these titles—as you possess to mÿ affectionate respect—as you maÿ bring—forward—upon the gratitude of your Countrÿ—tho it bestrewed your path with thorns—but—if your Son dares not to Step boldly forward—tell me the man—able and willing. As a Justice—He maÿ find leisure—and I flatter myself—that lively feelings Shall not prevent His acceptance—when He can be of infinite Service to his countrÿ. The gauls are before the capitol, and Should Camillus decline to Save his country—because he was banished?
Permit me to finish—a monitor advises it—I remain / Your obliged frend!

Fr. Adr. vanderkemp


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Waterhouse, 29 March 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Waterhouse, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Quincy March 29. 1811

Your Favour of the 25th is received. I feel much at my Ease under the Lash: as much as Epictetus when he told his Master torturing his Leg “You will break it,” and as much more So as I have not fear of having the Leg broken.
As to your “concern of Mind” I advise you to be very deliberate, and weigh all Things as they will affect yourself, your Family your Friends Your Country and Mankind; and then determine as the “Spirit” Shall dictate.
The Query whether “Mr Adams will answer”? “or treat it with Silent Contempt”? I will not at present Answer. I will say to you in Confidence, I can when I will harrow up their Souls, by a very Simple Tale of Truth.
If J. Q. A. were here, instead of making “The Feathers fly” as you Say, I hope he would not foul his Fingers in such dirt.
When a Man who has been thought honest, tho passionate and fiery, begins to be crazy, I have often observed, that one of the first decisive Symptoms of Insanity, is Knavery. How has your Experience been? have you ever remarked the Same Thing? I could name Several Instances.
Whether Hamilton was a Man “wiser and more righteous than myself” I shall indeavour to furnish Posterity with the Information necessary to favor an impartial and enlightened Judgment, in my own Time and in my own Way, but I will not be unnecessarily diverted from my Course.
My pious and virtuous, Sensible and learned, orthodox and rigid, odd, droll and excentric, Reverend Spiritual Guide Parson Anthony Wibirt, who was a great Admirer of Mr George Whitfield as well as Sandiman and Dr Hopkins often told me a Story. He once observed to Mr Whitfield. “How you are vilified and slandered in the Newspapers, and in Pamphlets! I wonder how you can bear it. Does it not affect your Sensibility and make you very unhappy”? Oh No, Said Whitfield, if they knew how much pleasure they give me, they would not do it.
I am rejoiced to learn from you, your determination to remove to Boston: because I Sincerely believe it will be for your Interest and that of your Family, and I will add a benefit to the Town and Country.
I remain your Friend
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 2 April 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

My dear Friend
Quincy April 2. 1811

I thank you for the Trouble you have kindly taken in procuring the Samples of Coins for my Son J. Q. A; which Mr Quincy was so good as to deliver with his own hand: and am glad to learn from your Letter that Mr Erving in behalf of my Son T. B. A, has paid you the Amount of them.
I thank you for your Letter of the 4th of March and your Congratulations on the Appointment of my Son to a Seat on the Bench; a Situation more agreable to me,  as it places him out Politicks as well as Negotiation, than any other to which he could be appointed. But Sub Rosa I have doubts whether he will like it so well; because I apprehend he will feel as his Father felt on his Return from Europe. I would not have accepted the Office of a Judge, for this reason and no other, that I apprehended myself after an inattention to the Science and practice of Law for fourteen years, not Sufficiently familiar with its Principles, Precepts and Forms to qualify me for a Station so momentous to the dearest Interest of my Fellow Citizens.
Above all I thank you for The Volume of your Lectures; to me a very precious Present. Your Writings are always as entertaining as The Lady of The Lake and much more instructive. They are a vast Magazine of Ideas novel and original calculated to excite and assist every enquiring Mind in the pursuit of Branches of Knowledge the most useful to Mankind and most essential to their Happiness.
The Legislature of Massachusetts in their last Session, created a Corporation for the purpose of establishing a Public Hospital and were pleased without my Knowledge to appoint me, a most Useless and unworthy Member of it. I know of but Service I can possibly render to this honourable Institution and that is by presenting them with your learned and experienced Lecture up this humane and noble Subject. And this will be a very minute Service, because I have no doubt my Excellent and honourable Colleagues will be possessed of the Book. long before We meet, I hope your Bookseller will transmit a Number of these Volumes to Boston for Sale.
I am not prone to Flattery; and if I were, you would neither love me the better nor esteem me the more for indulging the disposition. It is no more than Justice to Say that your Reputation as a Physician is justly higher and more extensive than that of any one who has ever lived in America: and as a Lecturer you certainly Stand unrivalled. If my Son could be thought the second Sublimi feriam Sidera Vertice.
I want to write a Line to your Attorney General who is worthy of his Father, Health and Long Life, not So much for your Enjoyment as for the general good of Mankind and for no Individual Out of your own Family more than

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to John Pope, 4 April 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Pope, John

Dear Sir
Quincy April 4th 1811

I thank you for the very acceptable Present of a Speech in favour of the renewal, of the charter of the Bank. I have read it with pleasure as a fine speciman of Argument and Eloquence. I know not whether it is not the best Apology for the Constitutionality of the measure that has appeared. I cannot however but wish that the Constitution had been more explicit, in this, as in several other Articles.
My own opinion has invariably been, that there ought to be but one Bank in the United States, and that a National Bank, with a Branch in each State, the whole limited to a very moderate Sum, Say Ten Millions of Dollars. This ought to have been a fundamental Article in the Constitution.
Please to present my best compliments and affectionate Respects to Mrs Pope, and believe me with great Esteem, your Friend, and humble Servant
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 4 April 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan

Dear Sir
Quincy April 4. 1811

I have your favour of March 12 before me. The Choice you exult in, may not be considered as a favour, by the Chosen and by his Father and Mother So much as it is by you. The President, though by no means unfriendly to the chosen or his Friends was, with great Reluctance in duced to this Appointment. The appointment of Lincoln I did not disapprove,  because I have known him for forty years, and believe him qualified. The Nomination of Wolcott was advised as I am told by Granger, Barlow and Abraham Bishop. I know nothing of the Man.
You have read of Cerberus, infinitely more than I have: and of a Sop given him to prevent his barking. Do you believe that Some of that Senate voted for him on any other Principle than to get rid of him?
You Speak of Political Sins in the P.—Pray what are those Sins? “In Adam’s Fall We Sinned all,” but I really know of no more Sins committed by Madison than by Washington Adams or Jefferson.
The Government of The United States from 1789 to 1811 has been but a Company of Engine Men. Their constant Employment has been to Spout cold Water upon their own Habitation, built, if not of Hay and Stubble, with Wooden Timbers, boards, Clapboards and Shingles, to prevent its being Scortched by the Flames from Europe.
Europe is desolated: Millions have perished in Arms glorious or inglorious: Every Nation has been Scourged by War. The U.S. of America have been at peace these Eight and twenty years. In Foreign Relations Washington Adams Jefferson and Madison have pursued the Same System, Neutrality: but I certainly know that Washington and Adams, and believe the Same of Jefferson and Madison, in case of equal Injury from France and England, and in case of an absolute Necessity of War with one or the other, would have preferred a War with Great Britain rather than France.
Vivamus, Scribamus, bibamus at quie Amamus Rumansque Vulgi die deioris / Omnes unius estimamus Assis.
I am as ever your

John Adams


Title: To the Boston Patriot, 6 April 1811
From: Adams, John
To:

Quincy, April 6, 1811.

ON Saturday, the twenty-sixth of October, 1782 I arrived in the night, at the Hotel de Valois, Rue de Richelieu in Paris, after a journey of ten days from the Hague, from whence Mr. John Thaxter and Mr. Charles Storer departed with me, on the Thursday se’night preceding. I have several times performed this journey of about three hundred and twenty-five miles in three days. But rains of unusual violence and duration had ruined the roads in such a manner, that though the utmost diligence was employed, and no expence in horses or any thing else was spared to hasten our progress, we could not arrive one moment sooner. We were dragged by the strength of six horses so often through the mire, that our carriage, though a very strong one was broken, and we obliged to wait until it could be repaired.
The first thing essential to be done in Paris, is always to send for a taylor, peruke-maker and shoe-maker; for this nation has established such a domination over the fashion, that neither cloaths, wigs, nor shoes, made in any other country, will be tolerated in Paris or Versailles. This is one of the modes in which France taxes all Europe, and will tax America. It is a great branch of the policy of the court to preserve and increase this national influence over the ton; because it occasions an immense commerce between France and all the other parts of Europe. Paris furnishes the materials and the air, the manner and the grace, both to men and women every where else.
My first inquiry was for Americans, and I was informed that Mr. Jay was at the Hotel D’ Orleans, Rue des petits Augustins. Mr. Ridley, in the Rue de Claori, No. 60. I had received from Mr. Ridley in Paris, a few days before my departure from the Hague, a letter which contained a paragraph to me mysterious and unintelligible. It was in these words, or to this effect. “Mr. Jay is here, in good health and spirits: I wish he was supported.” I had been somewhat intimately acquainted with Mr. Ridley in France in 1778 and 1779, and had conceived an esteem for him; but, believing that Mr. Jay was in the most entire good understanding with Dr. Franklin, I could not conjecture the meaning of Mr. Ridley’s wish, that “Mr. Jay was supported.” I determined to see Mr. Ridley and know what he meant to insinuate. On the 27th of October I went in search of him and found him. He informed me that Mr. Franklin was getting better, that the gout had left him weak; but that he began to sit at table.
That Mr. Jay insisted on having an exchange of full powers, before he would enter on treaty or conference; that he refused to treat with D’Aranda, the Spanish ambassador, until he should have a copy of his full powers; that he refused to treat with Mr. Oswald, until he had a commission to treat with the commissioners of the United States of America; that Dr. Franklin was afraid to insist upon this; was afraid we should be obliged to treat without this interchange of full powers; that he differed entirely from Mr. Jay; refused to sign a letter or memorial to the Comte de Vergennes upon this subject which Mr. Jay had drawn up; that the Comte de Vergennes wanted Mr. Jay to treat with D’Aranda, without an exchange of full powers.
It may be easily conceived that my joy was equal to my surprise to find from Mr. Ridley that Mr. Jay had adopted in its full extent the principle that I had asserted in my correspondence with the Comte de Vergennes, more than a year before, that Mr. Dana had asserted in his correspondence with the Marquis de Verac at St. Petersburg, and that both of us were determined to adhere to; and especially to find that Mr. Jay without knowing that he should be supported by me, had the virtue and fortitude to resist the importunities of Dr. Franklin, and the Comte de Vergennes, as well as the Comte de Miranda.
Mr. Ridley proceeded to say that the French ministry were in a quarrel; that De Fleury had attacked De Castries upon the expences of the marine; that De Vergennes was supposed to be in the confidence of De Fleury; that there was a talk of a change in the ministry, and that the Duke de Choiseul would come in, &c.
Mr. Ridley went on—Dr. Franklin wrote to Mr. Jay at Madrid, at the time when he wrote his pretended request to congress to resign, and when he supposed that I should succeed him at the court of Versailles, and obtained of Mr. Jay that his grandson, Mr. William Temple Franklin should be secretary of legation to the commission for peace; that Mr. Jay did not know but he was well qualified for the place, &c.
This information of Mr. Ridley may not be fully understood without some explanation. When congress revoked my old commissions for peace, and issued the new commission to five of us, instead of appointing us a secretary of legation, they gave us power to appoint one with a compensation of a thousand pounds sterling a year. Such an appointment ought not to have been made without a consultation of all five of the ministers, or at least of as many as should be assembled at the conferences. But Dr. Franklin, without consulting me, or giving me the least notice, took this artful manner of obtaining under hand, Mr. Jay’s promise in favor of a youth whom he knew not. I own I thought myself ill-used in this thing both by Dr. Franklin and Mr. Jay; but, determined to make no difficulties about any thing unessential, I made no complaint of it and said nothing against it. I shall now, however, take the liberty to explain myself somewhat particularly.
It was my intention, when the choice of a secretary should come under the consideration of the commissioners, to attend to the nominations that might be made by Mr. Laurens, Mr. Jefferson, Dr. Franklin or Mr. Jay, and weigh impartially all their qualifications, characters and pretensions, and give my vote without fear or affection. I thought to mention three, Mr. Jennings, Dr. Bancroft, and Mr. Thaxter. I own, I did not foresee or suspect that Dr. Franklin would nominate his grandson.
My private opinion was, that Mr. Thaxter had the best title to the place; but as I was very sensible that calumnies without number would have been spread against me for selfishness, vanity, and partiality to my own family, I should have barely named him. Mr. Jennings would have been my next choice; a man of ample knowledge in the law of nations, in all the affairs of England, France and America, of soft and amiable manners, and a warm attachment to America, his native country. Dr. Bancroft’s knowledge and talents were not inferior; but they lay rather in physics, than law and politics.
I have said I thought Mr. Thaxter had the best pretensions, though he claimed none. He never hinted to me or I to him an idea of his being appointed. But who was Mr. Thaxter? He had been educated at his fathers expence in the University of Cambridge, and afterwards studied three years as a clerk in a barrister’s office, and been regularly admitted to the practice of the law. He had served sometime in the office of the secretary of congress, Mr. Charles Tompson, and had frequently been chosen to assist Mr. Laurens when he was president of congress, as a private secretary, in his most confidential business. He had embarked with me, as my private secretary, under my first commission for peace, in November, 1779. He had exposed his life in a ship that was every moment in danger of sinking to the bottom for twenty days together, in our passage to Ferrol; he had undergone all the hardships, dangers and terrors of a journey through Spain in the dead of winter, and from thence to Paris, and thence to Holland, where he had suffered with me, and laboured with a fidelity, patience and diligence, that never was exceeded; and then accompanied me again to Paris. And I will add, since our illustrious female historian has set me the example, in point of birth he was upon a footing with the proudest son of North America; for if there ever was in North America piety or virtue, knowledge or learning, taste, property, fame or power, John Thaxter was descended from some of the best of it, in the Shephard’s Norton’s, Quincy’s, and Thaxters.
Such was the man, to whom was preferred, for this very confidential trust, William Temple Franklin.
On this same day, (27th of October,) I went to the hotel D’Orleans, rue des petits Augustins, to see my colleague in the commission for peace, Mr. Jay, but he and his lady were gone out—Mr. Ridley dined with me, and after dinner we went to view the apartments in the grand hotel du roi, place de carousels, where I took lodgings, and then to Mr. Jay’s, and then to Mrs. Izzards, but none of them were at home. Mr. Ridley returned and drank tea and spent the evening with me. Mr. Jeremiah Allen, our fellow-passenger in the leaky sensible and our fellow-traveller through Spain came in and spent the evening. He had been since home to Boston and returned.
Mr. Ridley was still full of Mr. Jay’s firmness and independence. He said that Mr. Jay had taken upon himself to act without asking advice or even communicating with the comte de Vergennes, and this even in opposition to an instruction. (This instruction which had been alluded to in a letter I received at the Hague a few days before I left it, had never yet been communicated to me. It seemed to have been designedly concealed from me.) Mr. Ridley went on “the commission to William Temple Franklin was urged to be filled up as soon as the commission came to Mr. Oswald, to treat with the ministers of the United States, and it was filled up and signed by Franklin and Jay. William had lately been very frequently with Mr. Jay at his house, and very desirous of persuading Dr. Franklin to live in the same house with Mr. Jay. I could not help remarking, that between two as subtle spirits as any in this world, the one malicious, the other I believe honest, I shall have a delicate, a nice, a critical part to act.—Franklin’s cunning will be to divide us. To this end he will provoke, he will insinuate, he will intrigue, he will manoeuvre. My curiosity will at least be employed, in observing his invention and his artifice. Mr. Ridley proceeded, “Mr. Jay declares roundly, that he will never set his hand to a bad peace. Congress may appoint another minister—but he will make a good peace or none.” To this resolution my heart and voice pronounced a devout amen.
I shall not pretend to give any thing like a complete history of the negociation for peace.—It is not probably in my power. It is to be expected and it is by me earnestly wished, that every thing which Dr. Franklin has left relative to this transaction may be published. And it is still more desirable that Mr. Jay should transmit to posterity all that he knows. And if a friendship disinterested and sincere on both sides, can entitle me to take such a liberty, I do earnestly request Mr. Jay to publish as soon as possible to the present generation, every circumstance within his knowledge. If I am not entirely deceived, it was one of the most important political events, that ever happened on this globe, and has had, and will have, the most important consequences. France I hope will publish all her records and all her anecdotes, and as soon as possible, that no Sir John Dalrimple’s items may appear a century after all are dead who can contradict them. There is no security for innocence or virtue, if a fraudulent ditto in the secret account of a minister sent to his court to cover his own peculations, are to be exhibited after centuries are passed, to blast the characters of patriots and martyrs. Spain, I hope, will publish all that they know or can discover. And Holland, where there are persons still living, and undoubtedly many collections of private letters and memoirs, I very respectfully invite to publish every thing that can throw light upon this subject. I shall conclude with a modest request to the American tories and refugees, to the ministers, secretaries, agents and confidential clerks, to those who are in possession of all the public records, and to those who are in possession of private letters, journals, diaries or anecdotes in Great-Britain or Ireland, or in one word, in the British empire, to publish every thing that can elucidate this event or the characters of any concerned in it. Further, if any thing can be found in the dispatches, private letters or journals, of the neutral powers or their ambassadors in negociating the armed neutrality, I hope it will be all published. Let posterity have all the means of judging and let them judge.
After the revolutions of eight and twenty years it would not be safe to trust much to memory except in points and circumstances, which were forcibly impressed and very distinctly recollected. Some such things will be related, but little will be inserted besides the very imperfect and hasty minutes which were made from day to day in my journal, late at night, after a surfeit of feasting, fatigue and ceremony, with “a head full of schemes and an heart full of anxiety.”

John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from Richard Rush, 8 April 1811
From: Rush, Richard
To: Adams, John

Philadelphia April 8th. 1811.

A day or two before I had the pleasure to receive your last valued favor of the 3rd of February, the governor of this state was pleased to honor me with the commission of Attorney general. It so happened that, at that moment our criminal courts here were upon the eve of sitting, which suddenly threw upon me a good deal of publick business. This is the chief cause to which I owe the loss, until now, of the gratification which I must ever feel in being allowed to address a letter to you. This new situation has opened to me, a field of interesting and arduous duty, which I meet at present with unfeigned distrust. I am afraid Sir, that, with some honorable exceptions, neither the lawyers, the scholars, or the statesmen of our country, study as long or as profoundly as they should. How prodigious, in most instances, was the industry of the antients? and in Europe, their men of literary and professional eminence are generally formed by intense and long-protracted labor in early life. Here the academick course is commonly as nothing, and then starting in whatever we are to be at twenty one, and sometimes sooner, the opportunities of further advancement in studious researches are too frequently cut short. The men among us whom we proudly compare to the best examples of antient or modern greatness must, I think, be rare instances of resolute diligence and resolute genius. I tremble at the magnitude of the trust committed to my hands, when I recollect how much I have to learn, and how unfriendly to all plans of study are the instrusions of daily and hourly business. As some alleviation, may I be permitted to ask, whether the profession of the law is not a more liberal one, in our country, than in England. It has struck me in looking into the reporters of the different states that our discussions go more upon principles and not so uniformly upon precedent are as they are want to in England. There a law–argument is seldom more than an arrangement, in chronological order, of the cases determined upon the same point. Here I have thought the lawyer ventures more into general reasoning and talks of the nature and ends of jurisprudence. This may possibly arise from his mixed and dissultory education, being a politician as well as a lawyer and, not unfrequently perhaps, having had a share in making the very law of which he seeks to direct the application. Or may it be that he is less read in the cases?
To you Sir, who once trod the vantage ground of this profession until higher and more useful aims called you from it, its dignity, its importance and its brightest ways are known. To you then may one, who has just stepped upon its threshold look up and ask what are some of the great rules that should, in one of these rising republicks, direct the studies, the employments, the obligations, that open to him.—
I partook, largely, of the universal and high satisfaction from which flowed from the late appointment to the bench of the Supreme Court of the United States. May it be the means of restoring him soon to your society, and to the service of his country at home.
With ardent wishes for the continuance of your health, I beg leave to tender to you the homage of my most devoted and respectful attachment.

Richard Rush


Title: From John Adams to François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 9 April 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan

Dear Sir
Quincy April 9, 1811

I am much obliged by your favour of 28th March. Is it a proof that Manilius has not been read by any of the learned Men in Europe for thirty Odd years, when We See that the discovery of the Prophecy, or prophetic History of the Progress of human Reason, was reserved for 1811 and the retired Philosopher of Olden barneveldt?
How many Questions and Reflections are excited by the Lines you Send me? Was Electricity known in the Reign of Tiberius? Was it Suspected that Electrical Fire Sometimes arises out of the Earth and ascends to the Skies? The rise of vapours and the descent of Showers is not yet very Satisfactoryly explained and Winds in Storms and Hurricanes are Still noisy enough. The Causes of Winds are Still unknown. Earth quakes and Volcanos are Still misteries, and no Man can tell why Snow is softer than hail. We may indeed guess why Winter is colder than Summer.
Was it Jussiue or Haller, or Duhamel or Reaumur, or what other Philosopher, who first remarked the Resemblance between the Phenomina of Thunder and Lightening, and the Sparks and crashes of Electricity? Franklin was not certainly the first who conceived the Idea or entertained the Suspicion.
If, rapt into future times, Manilius Saw Franklin in prophetic vision: it does not appear that Hume and Voltaire Tom Paine or Joel Barlow were foreseen by any Seer So ancient. Lucretius to be sure was a great Philosopher in the modern sense of the Word. But has any of  foretold the Decapitation of all Kings? the annilation of all Nobles and the Unfrocking of all Priests?
I rejoice that you are drawing the outlines of the moral and physical Causes of the Revolutionary Spirit in the latter Part of the 18th Century. So far from Saying that I will not touch it; if you will give me a hint of your principal Topicks I may assist you a little in my poor Way and narrow Circle. Let me try my Luck at guessing.
1. The Discovery of America—2. The Increase and Extension of Commerce. 3. The Increase of Money and the quantity of the prescious Metals. 4. The Discovery of the new Passage to China and the East Indies and the Extension of Navigation round the Globe. 5 The Progress of the Reformation. 6. The Resurection of Letters. 7 Voltaire and the Host of Philosophers before, during and after his Time. 8. The Encyclopedists 9. The Œconomists. 10. Masonry 11. Illuminati. Will you exclude any of these? And what others will you admit?
If you could visit us at Quincy and spend a few Weeks with us, We Should esteem it a great favour and you would make Us very happy. Some of my Books would amuse you, the Scenes of Nature around Us would delight you. The Comforts of Life Should be yours. We are little concerned with the Luxuries.
How far are you from Lebanon where my Daughter lives. Is there a Road between you?
I am as usual
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Samuel Miller, 12 April 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Miller, Samuel

Sir
Quincy April 12. 1811

Some Gentlemen in this Town have lately caused to be printed a Sermon of Mr Hancock the Father of the late President of Congress and Governor of Massachusetts; which although I heard it delivered from the Pulpit and was familiar with it afterwards in print in my Childhood; I had not seen for I know not how great a Number of Years.
Knowing your taste for Antiquities and believing that it contains Information concerning your own Blood, I hope I am not committing an Indiscretion in transmitting a Copy of it to you. Not for any uncommon Merit in the Composition though considering the time it is not in that respect by any means to be despised.
In the Notes to Pages 23. and 26 you will find something of the History of Samuel Bass who was a Deacon or a Ruling Elder of this Church for fifty four years, and of his numerous Posterity. This Samuel Bass married a Daughter of John Alden one of The Adventurers in the first ship who landed in 1620 on that Rock in Plymouth which is now esteemed by many more than a Lump of Diamond of the same Weight would be. The Lady who bore the Name of Hannah Bass, whom you found among the Memorials of your Ancestors I presume was a Daughter of Samuel Bass and Miss Alden, or possibly a Grand Daughter. If you have no Objection I should be obliged to you for the year in which that Lady married your Ancestor.
I am, Sir with great Esteem, your humble / Servant

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Samuel Miller, 13 April 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Miller, Samuel

Sir
Quincy April 13. 1811

I Sent yesterday to the Post Office one of Mr Hancocks Century Sermons under cover to you and I thought the foregoing Letter written for the Purpos was wrapped in it. By Some inadvertence, of myself or another, it was omitted: and I am not Sorry for it as it now gives me an opportunity to add Somewhat relative to your Ancestor. John Alden, a Magistrate of Plymouth Colony, was one of the first Company which Settled New England. He arrived in 1620 and his Life was prolonged till September 12 1687 when he died aged about Eighty Nine Years. He was an Assistant in the Administration of every Governor for Sixty Seven Years. He was therefore a young Man, not more than twenty one or twenty too when he arrived in America. He Settled in Duxbury a Town near Plymouth, on a Farm which is at this day the best in that Town, and has been always in Possession of one of his Descendents. All who bear the Name are his Descendents. Two of his Grand Children were alive in 1774. Col. Alden who was killed at Cherry Valley was his great Grandson. Samuel Alden the Father of this Col Alden lived till the Revolution. In Neals History of New England, Primo Annals and our modern Massachusetts Biographical Dictionaries you will find these Particulars and more.
A Daughter of this John Alden was married to Samuel Bass of Braintree, now Quincy and you I presume are among the most prescious Fruits of that Marriage. That you may live as long and be as useful in Proportion as either of your Ancestors Alden or Bass is the Wish of your humble / Servant

John Adams