Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 16 April 1810
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

Sirs,
Quincy, April 16th, 1810.

AMSTERDAM, October 25, 1781—wrote to congress—“I see in the London Courant which arrived to day, an advertisement of a translation into English, of the address to the people of the Netherlands: so that this work is likely to be translated into all languages and read by all the world; notwithstanding the placards against it. I have before sent that of Utrecht: that of Holland is as follows.
The states of Holland and of West Friesland, to all those, who shall see these presents, or hear them read, greeting. As it is come to our knowledge, that notwithstanding the placards and ordinances from one time to another issued against the impression and dissemination of seditious and slanderous writings, there has been lately dispersed in various places of this province, a very seditious and slanderous libel, entitled: Aan het Volk van Nederland (to the people of the low countries) in which the supreme government of this country, his most serene highness our lord the prince hereditary statholder, as well as his illustrious predecessors, to whom, under God, we are indebted for the foundation and the maintenance of our republic, as well as of its liberty, are calumniated in the most scandalous and enormous manner; and in which the good people are invited to an insurrection, and to seditious commotions.
For these causes, being desirous to make provision in this case, without derogating from our former placards against lampoons, and other defamatory and scandalous writings, issued from time to time, and in particular from our renovation of the 18th of Jan. 1691, and our placard of the 7th of March 1754, we have thought fit, for the discovery of the author or authors, of the said seditious and slanderous libel, entitled, Aan het Volk van Nederland, and of his or their accomplices, to promise a reward of a thousand riders of gold, i.e. fourteen thousand florins, to him who shall give the necessary indications by which the author, writer, or printer of the said libel, or all those who may have had a part in it, in any other manner, may fall into the hands of justice, and may be convicted of the fact; and in case that the informer was an accomplice in it, we declare that we will pardon him, for whatever, upon this occasion he may have done amiss against his sovereign; moreover he shall also enjoy the reward in question, and his name shall not be pointed out, but kept secret: forbidding consequently, in the most solemn manner, by these presents, every one, of what estate, quality or condition soever he may be, to reprint in any manner, the said seditious and slanderous libel, to distribute, scatter or spread it, upon pain of the confiscation of the copies, and a fine of six thousand florins, besides, at least, an everlasting banishment from the province of Holland and West Friesland: which fine shall go one third to the officer who shall make the seizure, another third to the informer, and the remaining third to the use of the poor of the place, where the seizure shall be made. And whereas some persons to keep their unlawful practices concealed, may be tempted to pretend, that the libel in question, had been addressed to them under a simple cover, they know not by whom nor from what place, we ordain and decree, that all printers, booksellers, and moreover all and every one to whom the said seditious and slanderous libel, entitled, Aan het Volk van Nederland may be sent, whether to be sold, given as a present, distributed, lent or read, shall be held to carry it forthwith and deliver it to the officer or the magistrate of the place of their residence, or the place where they may receive it, under penalty of being held for disseminators of it, and as such punished, in the manner before pointed out; ordaining most expressly to our attorney general and to all our other officers to execute strictly and exactly the present placard, according to the form and contents of it, without dissimulation or connivance, under pain of being deprived of their employments.
 And to the end, that no one may pretend cause of ignorance, but that every one may know how he ought to conduct himself in this regard, we order that these presents be published and posted up, every where, where it belongs and where it is customary to do it. Done at the Hague, under the small seal of the country the 19th of October, 1781.By order of the states,
C. Clotterbooke.
Such are the severe measures which this government think themselves bound to take to suppress this libel! They will have however, a contrary effect; and will make a pamphlet familiar to all Europe, which would otherwise perhaps have been known only in a small circle. The Press cannot be wholly restrained. All attempts of that kind in France and Holland, are every day found to be ineffectual.
I consider the disputes in the city of Geneva, as arising from the progress of democratical principles in Europe: and this libel as a demonstration that there is a party in this country, and a very numerous party too, who are proselytes to democratical principles. Who and what has given rise to this assuming pride of the people, as it is called in Europe, in every part of which they have been so thoroughly abased?—The American revolution. The precepts, the reasonings and examples of the United States of America; disseminated, through every part of the world by the press, have convinced the understandings and have touched the heart.
When I say democratical principles, I do not mean that the world are about to adopt simple democracies for their government, for these are impracticable: but multitudes are convinced that the people should have a voice, a share, and be made an integral part; and that the government should be such a mixture, such a combination of the powers, of one, the few, and the many, as is best calculated to check and control each other; and oblige all to co-operate in this one democratical principle, that the end of all government is the happiness of the people; and in this other principle, that the greatest happiness of the greatest number, consistent with the rights of all, is the point to be obtained. These principles are now so widely spread, that despotisms, and monarchies and aristocracies, must conform to them, in some degree in practice, or hazard a total revolution, in religion and government throughout all Europe. The longer the American war lasts, the more the spirit of American government will spread in Europe, because the attention of the world will be fixed there, while the war continues. I have often wondered that the sovereigns of Europe, have not seen the danger to their authority, which arises from a continuance of this war. It is their interest to get it finished, that their subjects may no longer be employed in speculating about the principles of government.
The people of the seven united provinces appear to me of such a character, that they would make wild sterage, at the first admission to any share in government. And whether any intimations of a desire of change at this time, will not divide and weaken the nation, is a problem. I believe rather it will have a good effect, by convincing the government that they must exert themselves for the good of the people, to prevent them from exerting themselves in innovations.
Amsterdam, October 27, 1781—wrote to Dr. Franklin: “I had last night the honor of your letter of the 22d, and I most heartily congratulate the French court and nation on the acquisition of a Dauphin.
 I am told that the ships are the best that are to be had; that they are to be sold at a reasonable rate; so reasonable that the difference between the purchase and the freight is inconsiderable. So that the general opinion here seems to be, that the best course to be taken would be, to purchase the ships, which on their arrival in America would sell for more than their cost, and send them to America without loss of time. But in order to accomplish this there must be cash to pay the purchase. And after all, they may be taken and all lost. But it is said the season of the year advances fast when there will be little danger of British cruisers upon this coast. There are American masters of vessels here, of good reputation, who would be very glad to take the command at least of one of them.
As this whole transaction arose in France, under the authority of your excellency and colonel Laurens, I have never considered myself as having any power over those goods or ships, any more than over the casks of gold and silver which were sent here by Mr. Neckar, to go by the South Carolina, and which that minister had given Major Jackson an order to receive, but which, notwithstanding your excellency thought still so far under your jurisdiction, as to give orders that it should not be delivered to him.
If I were to advise, however, my advice would be this; to send Jackson here again, who was before sent here to conduct the business. If your excellency could spare the money, to purchase the ships, to do it, and send them to sea. If not, to sell part of the goods to pay the freight of the rest, or sell the whole, and pay the money to your excellency’s order. Or if you see fit to give Mr. de Neufville, or Messrs Fizeau & Co. or any other person, the conduct of the business, it will be equally to  your excellency’s most humble and obedient Servant.”
Amsterdam, November 1, 1781—wrote to congress: “It is still as problematical as ever, what is the political system of this country; and indeed, whether it has any system at all. They talk much, and deliberate long, but execute nothing. By the violence with which they speak of each other, a stranger would think them ripe for a civil war.
In the assembly of the states of Guilderland, held to consider the requisition of the king of France of a negotiation of five millions of florins, under the warrantee of the republic, the debates were sustained with great warmth. Some were for an alliance with France. The baron de Nagel, Senechal of Zutphen, evaded the putting of the question, and said among other things that “he had rather acknowledge the independence of the Americans, than contract an alliance with France.”
The baron van der Capellen de Marsch, was for an alliance with France and America, too. This nobleman, a near relation of the baron vander Capellen de Poll, of Overyssel, upon this occasion pronounced these words:—“That nothing being more natural, than to act in concert with the enemies of our enemy, it was an object of serious deliberation, to see if the interest of the republic, did not require to accept, without tergiversation, the invitations and offers of the Americans: that no condescension for England could hinder us at present from uniting ourselves against a common enemy with a nation so brave and so virtuous: a nation, which, after our example, owes its liberty to its valor, and even at this moment is employed in defending itself from the tyranny of the enemy of the two nations: that consequently nothing could restrain us from acknowledging the independence of this new republic. That our conduct differed very much from that held by our ancestors, who allied themselves with the Portuguese as soon as they shook off the yoke of the Spaniards: that there was no doubt that the said alliances with the enemies of our enemy, would soon restrain his fury and operate a general peace, advantageous for us.”
As this is the first opinion given openly, which has been published, in favor of acknowledging American independence, it deserves to be recorded; but it will be long, very long before the republic will be unanimously of his opinion, (or more properly the opinion of this noble family of Vander Capellens.)”
Amsterdam, November 12, 1781—wrote to Dr. Franklin: “By the last post, letters have been received in this town from Mr. Gillon, and from a passenger, Mr. Le Roy, by which and a note upon one of them by Mr. Lagoanere, it appears that the South Carolina sailed form Corunna on the seventeenth of October, and that captain Jackson, Mr. Trumbull, and my son are gone in an American privateer to Bilboa, in order to take passage from thence to America: so that the proposal I had the honor to make to your excellency of sending Jackson here cannot take place.
The goods remain here for orders and for cash or credit, to buy or hire the ships. If neither can be advanced by your excellency, there remains only one alternative, viz. either to sell a part to pay the freight of the rest, or let the whole remain here until congress can give orders concerning them. Your excellency must be sensible that nobody on this side the Atlantic, except yourself, has authority to give orders to sell part of the goods to pay the freight of the remainder.
These goods would be such an heartfelt comfort to our brave countrymen in the field, the ensuing winter, that I cannot but most ardently wish they might arrive in the month of January, or sooner; and therefore cannot but advise the sending of them, provided it is possible. The whole however, must be submitted to your excellency.”
Amsterdam, November 14, 1781—wrote to Major Jackson: “Last night I had the honor of your favor of the 26th of October, and congratulate you on your arrival at Bilboa, and your agreeable prospect of a passage to America. I thank you, sir, for your kind attention to my son, and wish you to take him home with you. Mr. Gardoqui will be so good as to furnish Charles, with stores and draw upon me.
What can be done with the continental property, I know not; unless Dr. Franklin will advance money to charter vessels to send them along to take their fate at all hazards. We shall do the best we can; but it is a melancholly and affecting disappointment. I presume you will have sailed before this reaches Spain, or I should be more particular.”
Amsterdam, November 19, 1781—wrote to Dr. Franklin: “Your obliging letter of the seventh inst. I had the honor to receive on Saturday night by Mr. Fox, to whom I shall be happy to shew every civilities in my power, according to the recommendation of your excellency and Mr. Franklin.
I have received a letter from capt. Jackson, and another from my boy at Bilboa, which inform me of their intention to embark for Salem in a privateer, which was to sail on the 16th, so that I suppose they are now at sea, bound home. I thank your excellency however, for your kind offer concerning my son.
As to the goods, the question still is what is to be done with them? There is here, a captain Grinnell, a sober, prudent man, who has long used this trade, to whom I read your excellency’s observations concerning sending the goods off, at this season of the year. He is of your excellency’s opinion concerning going through the English channel; but is confident, that from this time till Christmas, or a little later, it is the safest time of the whole year to go north about. He says there is no danger from privateers or cruisers, and that a good vessel, taking advantage of the first winter east winds, may go with the utmost safety to the ship and cargo, although the master and the crew may expect a little hardship from the cold and the wind. He insists upon it, if he had the care of any interest, public or private, he should choose this season for safety in preference to any other. He knows the vessels, and says they are very good, and that they are fast sailors. If the goods are to go, I should advise to give him the command of one of the vessels.
But the question is how we shall get the goods into our possession? They are now in possession of one of the owners of the ships, who, I expect will detain them until his demands are satisfied. There is no law, that I know of, which authorises him to detain them, but Le Droit du plus fort, ou, du plus subtil. But what avails a claim of law, in favor of the United States, in a country where such states are not acknowledged? It is certain, that no action could be maintained in favor of the United States, in any court of law in this country. So that we lie at mercy. Mr. de Neufville owns half of one of the vessels and a quarter of the other: but it is another of the owners, as I am told who has possession of the goods. I am promised information some time to day of the terms that will be insisted on. Commodore Gillon, I am told, engaged these ships and the goods were put on board before the charter parties were signed. He went out of the Texel without signing them: and one of the owners sent orders to the captains not to sail until they were signed, which was the reason of their being left behind. Our hands are in the lion’s mouth. If the terms shall not appear reasonable what shall we do? To sell the goods here at auction, I fear would sink half their value; but we had better lose half than the whole. And if this measure should become necessary, I should think it most adviseable for your excellency to desire Messrs. Fizeaux and Grand to appoint somebody to sell them, receive the money, pay out what is necessary to be paid, and keep the rest subject to your excellency’s orders. Commodore Gillon has not complied with his engagements to the owners: but this is a breach of a mere personal obligation on his part, for which the continental goods are not responsible in law or equity: but the owners of the vessels have possession of them, and we can have no advantage of law to get them out of their hands: so that I suppose a compromise must be made with them.
I think it is manifest that my letters to your excellency have been opened: which I wonder at the more as I have delivered them all to the house of Fizeau and Grand for greater safety of conveyance. I believe none of your excellency’s letters to me have been opened. The impressions of the seals have been all bright, smooth and fair."
Amsterdam, November 22, 1781—wrote to Dr. Franklin: Last evening were brought to me the proposals of the owners of the ships, in the following words—“To take from the owners of the vessels, the Liberty and Aurora, at the rate they shall be found to amount, not only of purchase money, but also of all other expences, made thereon, till the day of taking over the said vessels. Further to pay the half of the freight money that are agreed, and to give sufficient surety to the full satisfaction of the owners, for all costs and damages that may be suffered by the owners by reason of this sale of the said vessels, and the delivery of the goods that have been loaden therein, or by what reason it may be concerning this matter.”
From several hints that had been given me, I had apprehended that the goods would be detained for freight or other demands: but these proposals are more unreasonable than any I ever expected. The owners affirm the goods to be answerable to them, by the laws of this country. This I do not believe. But the question cannot be decided without a law-suit, and it is doubtful whether we can maintain one. But if we could, a law-suit in all cases and countries, is a caustic remedy, which ought never to be resorted to but in desperate cases. It will draw the business out into an unknown length. In the mean time our brave soldiers are freezing for want of hose and blankets. Mr de Neufville professes to be very fair, and says, that we may have his shares in the vessels, on any terms we think just; but the other owners will agree to nothing but the above proposals.
The first thing for us to do, is to get possession of the goods. If we had this, we might sell them, or send them in other vessels which we could have, on better terms. Mr. de Neufville is under embarrassments, of some sort or other, and certainly has not the forces to extricate the goods for us. If your excellency would empower Messrs. Fizeau and Grand to consult lawyers, bring a suit, or perhaps apply by the favour of the French Ambassador, to authority, to have the goods restored to the possession of congress or their servants, or to the house of Fizeau & Grand as in the service of congress, or your excellency, perhaps this would be the way to get the best terms. If, by the laws, the goods are answerable for any charges, these must be paid. The goods may in that case be sold in part, or in the whole, for repayment, or another and better vessel may be bought or hired to carry them home.”
Amsterdam, November 23, 1781—wrote to Messrs. John de Neufville and Son: “I should be obliged to you, if you would send me by the bearer, Mr. Thaxter, the remaining obligations which have been subscribed by me, in behalf of the United States, and which have not been disposed of. I have the honor to be, with great esteem, &c.”
Amsterdam, November 24, 1781—wrote to Messrs. John de Neufville and Son: “I have received your favor of this day’s date, together with four thousand florins in cash, 175 being deducted for the seven coopens of interest paid, being the amount of four obligations of the United States disposed of, by you. I received at the same time, two obligations with their coopons for the first half years interest paid by you. I received yesterday by Mr. Thaxter, one hundred and fifty five obligations with their coopons signed by me. If any opportunity should present of disposing any more, you may find them here at any time. I should be obliged to you, gentlemen, if you would let me have the account of your charges, commissions, &c. which shall be paid immediately.
Amsterdam, November 24, 1781—“Mr. Adams presents his most respectful compliments, to his excellency the Duke de la Vauguion, and begs leave to acquaint him, that by the last night’s post, he received from congress, some important dispatches, which it is his duty to communicate to the ambassador of France. Mr. Adams requests to be informed, what hour will be most convenient for him to wait on his excellency at the arms of Amsterdam. Meantime he most sincerely congratulates his excellency on the glorious news from America, by the duke de Lauzun of the surrender of Lord Cornwallis, with his whole army to the arms of the allies.
This card I sent by my Secretary, Mr. Thaxter. The duke returned for answer, that he would call upon me at my house, between twelve and one, to congratulate me on the news from America. Accordingly about one he came and spent with me an hour and an half. I communicated to him my fresh instructions and agreed to send him a copy of them tomorrow or next day by the chariot de poste, i. e. by the post waggon. He said he had not received any instructions from Versailles, upon the subject, but might receive some by next Tuesday’s post. He asked me what step I proposed to take in consequence of these instructions? I answered none, but with his participation and approbation: that I would be always ready to attend him at the Hague, or elsewhere, for the purpose of the most candid and confidential consultations, &c. He Said that he thought that the subject was very well seen (tres bien vû) and the measure very well concerted (tres bien combine) and that it would have a good effect at this time to counteract the artifice of the British ministry, in agreeing to the mediation of Russia, for a seperate peace with this republic.”
Amsterdam, November 25, 1781—wrote to the duke de la Vauguion: “I have the honor to inclose to your excellency a copy of the fresh instructions of congress, of the sixteenth of August last, which I received by the post the twenty-third instant. I have also received a further commission from congress, with full powers, to confer, treat, agree and conclude with the person or persons vested with equal powers, by his most christian majesty, and their high mightinesses, the states general of the united provinces of the Netherlands, of and concerning a treaty of alliance between his most christian majesty, the united provinces of the Netherlands, and the United States of America.
This measure was apparently concerted between the congress and the French minister residing near them, and seems to be very happily adapted to the present times and circumstances.
I beg leave to assure your excellency, that I shall be at all times ready to attend you, at the Hague or elsewhere, to confer with you in the most entire confidence respecting this negotiation, and shall take no material step in it, without your approbation and advice.
There are three ways of proposing this business to their high mightinesses. 1. Your excellency may alone propose it in the name of his most christian majesty. 2. It may be proposed jointly by the minister of his majesty and the minister of the United States. Or 3. It may be proposed by the minister of the United States alone, and as a consequence of his former proposal of a treaty of commerce. I beg leave to submit these three measures to your excellency’s consideration and shall very cheerfully comply with any, which you may most approve.”
Amsterdam, November 26, 1781—wrote to his excellency John Jay, Esq. at Madrid: “I had the honor to write you on the 26 inst by the post, a conveyance which I am determined to try until I am certainly informed of its infidelity: in which case I will ask the favor of the French or Spanish ambassadors to inclose my dispatches.
I have received by the last post, a duplicate of dispatches from congress, the originals of which I received some time ago. I presume you have received the same from congress, or from Passy: but if otherwise, I will inclose in a future letter a commission and instructions, for assisting at the conferences for peace, at Vienna or elsewhere, whenever they may take place. In this commission, congress have added Mr. Franklin, president Laurens, your excellency and Mr. Jefferson a measure, which has taken off my mind a vast load, which, if at any time I had ever expected I should be called to sustain alone, I fear would have been too heavy for my forces.
The captivity of Cornwallis and his army, is the most masterly measure, both in the conception and execution, which has been taken this war. When France and Spain shall consider the certain triumphant success which will ever attend them, while they maintain a naval superiority in the West Indies and on the coast of North America, it is to be hoped, they never will depart from that policy. Many here, are of opinion that this event will bring peace: but I am not of that mind, although it is very true there are distractions in the British cabinet, a formidable faction against lord George Germaine, and it is said the Bedford party are determined to move for peace.
The Rage of the nation is still too violent. I hope, however, that Minorca and Gibralter will not be long after York and Gloucester in their surrender: and in this case, perhaps, when the English shall see, that all the forces of France and Spain are at liberty to act against their possessions in the East and West Indies, they may begin to confess they have gone too far. Nevertheless, there is great reason to fear that their sulky obstinacy will hold out, until all their dominions beyond seas are gone. Indeed I know not whether we need regret even such an event. It is entertaining to see the arts with which they amuse the credulity of the nation where I am. The word peace is the charm that dissolves all their resentment and resolution; and there is no tale too absurd or too gross to obtain immediate belief if it tends to that end. Our late triumphs however have had an effect here. I have received several visits of congratulation in consequence of them from persons of consequence; from whom I did not expect them: but there are invisible fairies who discover in the night, all the operations of the patriot in the day.
There will probably be a proposal of a triple alliance, between France, America  and Holland. If Spain would join and make it quadruple, it would be so much the better.
General Green’s last action in South Carolina, in consequence of which that state and Georgia have both re-established their governments, is quite as glorious for the American arms, as the Capture of Cornwallis.—The action was supported with a noble constancy even by the militia: the victory was complete, and the English lost twelve hundred men.”
Amsterdam, December 1, 1781—wrote to Dr. Franklin: “Last night I had the honor of your letters of the 23d and 26th of last month. If it should be convenient for Mr. Barclay to come here and take the charge of the goods, it would be happy for me. I am also very happy to learn from your excellency, that our troops are tolerably well cloathed, and will be in a short time completely so. This information will make me less anxious about a little unavoidable delay, in the conveyance of the goods that are here.
Your proposals to Mr. de Neufville and Son, which I have communicated this day to the son, appear to me very reasonable, viz: to deliver the goods to me, and then make his demand for damages, which if thought reasonable, you will pay; if not, let them be settled by arbitration. I have not delivered your letter to him, nor given him any hint of its contents. I thought it safest to reflect upon it a little: but I believe I shall deliver it. I am under no fear of its hurting our political negotiations here. It is not in his power to do us good or harm in that way. I am of your opinion that Mr. de Neufville would not take the goods off our hands at a discount of ten per cent, nor double that sum. I believe he would be puzzled in his affairs by the attempt to take them, but wish I may be mistaken. I should be obliged to you for a copy of the terms on which he offered you to borrow money for us. I will examine Messrs. Fizeau’s accounts as soon as I can, but I believe it is right.
I am much pleased with your reflections on the glorious news. Few military plans were ever better laid or executed. It gives the English an appearance of littleness, while the allies appear great indeed. It is a demonstration to every thinking mind, that the pursuits of Britain are chimerical. But the affair of Trenton, of Saratoga, and twenty other plans might have taught this lesson long ago, that in a war on land America could defend herself against all the world. A very sensible officer in the British artillery, though a violent tory, acknowledged this to me, often in conversation, nine years ago: yet this opinion of his has not hindered him from serving against us, all the war.
Is the comte de Grasse gone to Newfoundland, Hallifax, New-York, Charleston, or the Islands? or is it not permitted to guess. He has behaved so well, however, that I am not afraid to trust him, let him be gone where-ever he will.
I have received letters from London, most earnestly importuning that a fund of cash may be established there, for Mr. Laurens, who is represented as suffering for want of necessaries. I have ventured to promise an hundred pounds for him out of the few guilders that Mr. de Neufville has obtained on the loan. But I have referred to your excellency who can do better for him than I can. I have received a pathetic letter too, from his daughter, who has been advised from London to write to your excellency and to me. I have informed her all I knew of the measures taken for his exchange, and have referred her to your excellency.
Since writing the above, the account of Messrs. Fizeau and Grand has been examined and found right, supposing the exchange to be right: so that I have returned it, enclosed.”
Amsterdam, November 29, 1781—wrote to Mr. Jennings. (N.B. This letter should have preceded the former.) “I have received your favors of 14th and 26th—thank you for the extract, and hope you will discover by whom and to whom it was written. I do not see the virtue, nor the wisdom, nor the honor of writing such things to the English. It would be sufficient one should think to write them to America. However, just as they please. As long as they pursue, with triumphant success, the system which was urged with so much ardour as to give offence, I am easy.
I thank you, sir, for your care in sending me receipts from the prisoners Manley, Talbot, Field, Curtis, Bass, Savil and Newcomb. The next time I send a bill, it shall not have my name upon it, which was unnecessarily done in this case and against my intention.
Pray put me into a safe way of writing to our friends at Madrid.
I have caused to be neatly bound the first volume of the Politique Hollandais: but have not yet found a conveyance for it to you. The first that presents I will embrace. We have no mail from London for a long time. I presume they will be kept back.
There will be much noise in parliament, but the madmen will pursue their course.—Their enemies must have more triumphs yet, and themselves more humiliations. We have yet more interesting news to hear, before the close of the campaign. The fate of Clinton and Graves is not less problematical at present than that of Cornwallis was six months ago.
Civil government is again established in Georgia and South Carolina, and I fancy all the southern states will have a quiet and a joyful winter.
Cornwallis has fared worse than Burgoyne. What an army has he sacrificed? Not less I believe than fifteen thousand Men. He comes, I hope to take his place among the lords. It is very proper that America should have at least one prisoner of war in each house of parliament, while the English have one American, a prisoner of state in the tower. When will the folly and absurdity of this nation have an end?
General Green’s victory, near Charlestown, is very nearly as important in the sum of things, as the capture of Cornwallis.—The cash which Cornwallis’s army, will spend in the back part of Virginia, Maryland and Pennsylvania, will be great resource to the people; and all the soldiers of that army who can work upon farms or at any kind of trade will be usefully employed for the United States and profitably for themselves.
Fine crops in America! Paper money abolished! And cash not scarce!”
Amsterdam, November 29, 1781—wrote to the honorable Mr. Searle: While you were at sea I received the inclosed dispatches, with a desire to open them if you were absent, which I did, and read them with very great pleasure. Mrs. Searle’s letter I did not open. You will receive it as I did.
I have received your kind letter from L’Orient: The dispatches for congress are not now of any consequence, as duplicates and triplicates of them, have arrived by Brown and Newman. You may burn them, if you please, or let them lie in your chest until you return: but I beg you would observe a total silence about them.
I congratulate you with great joy on the surrender of York and Gloucester, Lord Cornwallis and his army. After this I think we have nothing to fear. If their high mightinesses would embrace this critical moment to propose an alliance with France and America, it would be the greatest stroke of policy which they have struck this century: but they are not to be depended on.
I have received some very agreeable dispatches from congress, of which you may hear in due time. They could not be better timed.
Amsterdam, December 1, 1781—wrote to Mr. Jennings: “Last night I received your favor of 28th November, and shall take the proper care of the papers inclosed. I must beg your pardon for not having regularly answered your correspondence lately as I ought; but I have had too little health, and too many other affairs to be punctual to pay my debts to my friends.
I thank you, sir, for your humanity, patriotism and friendship, in advancing an hundred pounds for the use of Mr. Laurens. I will pay you, in behalf of congress, this hundred pound, in any way and at any time you point out; and shall be obliged to you to assure the illustrious sufferer, by means of your friend, that as long as I have any thing to depend on for myself, he may depend on the same.
Yet to tell you a secret, I have not public money at my disposal, sufficient to answer the demands upon me; and it would be better for Mr. Laurens’ friends to write to Dr. Franklin, who is willing and able to supply Mr. Laurens, on account of congress, with what he may want. I will write to the Dr. myself and they had better write too.
You may assure the sufferer that congress have resolved to offer General Burygoyne in exchange for him: that Dr. Franklin has received the resolution and written to England about it. This I have from the Dr. in a letter within a few days past.
I fancy Mr Laurens will be better treated  now. If Burgoyne should be refused, perhaps congress will make other offers; but this will take time.”
Amsterdam, December 1, 1781—wrote to Miss Martha Laurens, au Vigan en Cevennes: “My dear Miss Laurens, I was last evening favored with your letter from Vigan of the 14th of November, and am very much obliged to you, for writing to me upon this occasion, a letter, which notwithstanding your modest and amiable apologies, does the highest honor to the taste and mental accomplishment of the writer, and to the virtues of a daughter worthy of my excellent friend, President Laurens.
Believe me, Miss Laurens, I never had the least intimation or suspicion, that your father was in want of money until I saw, within a few days, some paragraphs to that purpose in a London paper.
A worthy friend of mine, Mr. Edmund Jennings, of Brussells, has given orders to supply your father with an hundred pounds for his present necessities; and I have written assurances, that as long as I shall have any resource for my own subsistence, Mr. Laurens shall have a share of it, if necessary; and I have agreed to pay Mr. Jennings his hundred pounds on account of the United states.
Notwithstanding this, I apprehend you have written to his excellency Dr. Franklin, at Passy upon the subject. If you have not, I should advise you to do it immediately. America has found it difficult to establish in Europe, funds sufficient for her necessary services; and has not been able to afford all the relief she desired, to her suffering sons and servants. She is not however so poor, I flatter myself, as to be unable to furnish, to so distinguished and so excellent a citizen, the sums that he may have occasion for.—Mr. Franklin, I am persuaded, has it in his power, and not less in his inclination, to establish a fund in London, equal to all the wants of Mr. Laurens. It is but a very trifle of money that I have at my disposal, and this shall be at his command as long as it lasts. I have advised you to write to Mr. Franklin; I will do the same; and I doubt not but you may rest assured that nothing will be omitted for your father’s relief.
I had the honor to serve in congress with your father; and for his abilities, his attachment to his country, his inviolable integrity, and numerous other virtues, I conceived an esteem for him, which will never be obliterated; but I did not know, until I received your letter, that my friend had a daughter in France.
Give me leave to congratulate you on the glorious news from America; and in the distinguished share of your worthy brother in accomplishing that great event. After a very honourable and a very successful voyage to Europe, he had the peculiar good fortune to be present and to draw up the capitulation. Very few American young ladies, Miss Laurens, have the happiness to have a father and a brother at the same time among the most meritorious servants and brightest ornaments of their country.
Congress have resolved to exchange General Burgoyne for your father; and who has received the resolution, has written to England concerning it. I hope it may succeed, especially as another army has now followed the example of Burgoyne’s. Indeed I sincerely wish that the English nation would permit mankind to retain some part of the opinion, that was once entertained of their generosity: but they seem determined to put it out of all dispute that they are not the same nation.”

John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Rush, 26 April 1810
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir,
Philadelphia April 26. 1810.

In One of my letters written some time ago, I informed you that my eldest son had killed a brother officer and a friend in a duel at New Orleans. The distress and remorse which followed this event deprived him of his reason, and threw him into the marine hospital where he has been nearly ever since the duel. In the month of Feby: last he arrived in Philada in a state of deep melancholy & considerable derangement. His Appearance When he entered his father’s house was that of the King of Babylon described in the Old testament. His long, and uncombed hair, & his long Nails and beard rendered him an object of horror to his afflicted parents & family. No entreaties could induce him to utter a Word to any of us. After three days Spent in unsuccessful Attempts to Alter his Appearance, we sent him to the Pennsylva. hospital, Where he has been ever since. From the Authority of the Officers of the hospital, and medical advice properly administred, he is much improved not only in his appearance, but in the health of his mind. Though still gloomy, he submits to be shaved, & dressed, and walks out daily in the garden of the hospital. At times he converses in the most lucid & agreeable manner. It is possible he may recover, but it too probable he will end his days in his present situation:—Could the advocates for duelling, and the idolaters of the late general Hamilton press into the Cell of my poor boy, they would blush for their folly & madness in defending a practice and palliating a crime which has mind The rendered a promising young man wretched for life, and involved in his misery, a whole family that loved him.—But en’o of this distressing subject I have introduced it cheifly as an apology for my long neglect in Answering your letlast letter.—
I send you herewith a few of Duane’s papers. The Character of J Randolph is well drawn, and I believe just. I have long considered him as a mischievous boy with a Squirt in his hands throwing its dirty contents into the eyes of every body that looked at him. A kicking or a horsewhipping would be the best reply that could be made to his vulgar parliamentary insolence. and It is only  in such    because the body as that which he insults is what it is, that he has been so long tollerated. His neglect In the Congress of 1776 & 1777 he would soon have fallen & perished with his brother insects upon the floor of the house.
I am glad to find the Anglo-america American spirit of Massachussets has received a Check. I wish the Gallo-American spirit of our legislature may meet with a similar fate next October.
ADieu! All my family join in love /  to you and yours with my dear Sir ever yrs...

Benjn: Rush


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 8 May 1810
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

					Quincy, May 8, 1810.

				Mr. Bristed, in his Hints, p. 389 to 413, has published some account of an affair which he says John Adams quashed. Whether this is a reproach or an honor, the public will judge from the Documents.On the 25th of August, 1798, I received at Quincy, the following Letter from the Secretary of State.(No. I.)Trenton, August 21, 1798.Sir—I enclose a letter which I received last evening, under cover, from Mr. Pedro Josef Caro, accompanied by a letter from Mr. King intended as an introduction to Mr. Caro; but the latter having missed a passage to the United States in the British cutter, which sailed from Falmouth for New-York on the 20th of April, and circumstances requiring his arrival in S. America, with as little delay as possible, he forwarded the packet to me. A copy of the translation of his letter to me, I have the honor to inclose.Under the same cover to me were inclosed two letters, one for Col. Hamilton, the other to Gen. Knox, which I forward by this post to those gentlemen.I am, with perfect respect,  sir,  your obedient servant,Timothy Pickering.The President of the U. States.(No. II.)Sir—The annexed letter of the honorable Mr. King to you, will serve as a credential in my favor, in presenting myself to you with the important mission it announces.—An unforeseen accident has frustrated my voyage hence to your continent in his majesty’s cutter, which sailed for New-York on the 20th April last: and a combination of circumstances, requiring my arrival in S. America with as little delay as possible. I have received instructions immediately to depart by the shortest route of the leeward islands, and am ordered to communicate it to the government through the medium of you, by transmitting the packet which I enclose and which I should have conveyed personally. I pray you to be pleased to deliver it into the hands of his excellency the President; and as eventually some answer may be practicable in so interesting a business, General Francis de Miranda, our compatriot, and the principal agent of all Spanish America in union, a person extremely well known, and in particular to the honorable Mr. King, whose intervention is as to both parties safe and secret, will remain in London.I also hope you will have the goodness to receive the first tribute of my respects in the Spanish language and style, as I am unable to render it in English, and that you will not confide the secret to interpreters that are not known: Remaining with the greatest respect, sir, your excellency’s most humble servant,Pedro Josef Caro.His Excellency T. Pickering, Secretary of State, &c.Falmouth, 10th May, 1798.(No. III)From Mr. King to the Secretary of State, dated, Feb. 26th, 1798,“Two points have within a fortnight been settled in the English cabinet respecting South America. If Spain is able to prevent the overthrow of her present government and to escape being brought under the entire controul of France; England between whom and Spain, notwithstanding the war, a certain understanding appears to exist, will at present engage in no scheme to deprive Spain of her possessions in South America. But if, as appears probable, the army destined against Portugal, and which will march thro’ Spain, or any other means which may be employed by France shall overthrow the Spanish government, and thereby place the resources of Spain and all her colonies at the disposal of France, England will immediately commence the execution of a plan long since digested and prepared for the complete independence of South America. If England engages in this plan, she will propose to the United States to co-operate in its execution. Miranda will be detained here, under one pretence or another, until events shall decide the conduct of England. The revolution of Spain is decreed; the attempt will be made and the success is scarcely doubtful. The President may therefore expect the overture of England, and will, I am persuaded, act upon it, under the influence of that wise and comprehensive policy, which looking forward to the destinies of the new world, shall in the beginning, by great and generous deeds, lay deep and firm, the foundations of lasting concord between its rising empires. If possible I will bring together and seasonably arrange and send to you, such information as I have been able to procure upon this interesting and very consequential subject; having found out and acquired the confidence of certain Jesuits, natives of South America, who, with a view to its independence are, and for several years have been in the service and pay of England. I have often conversed with them, and seen the reports which they have prepared for their employers. These communications throw much light upon the population, the revenues, the oppression and the temper and character of the Spanish Americans.”A faithful extract,J. Wagner, Ch. Clk. Dep. State.(No. IV.)Extract of a Letter from Mr. King to the Secretary of State, dated London, April 6th, 1798.“South America must soon pass through a revolution. We have an immense interest in the event, as well as in the manner in which it shall be effected. In a former letter I have communicated to you the views and intentions of England, who will not promote the revolt in case Spain shall be able to save herself from a revolution, and keep the French out of Portugal. And though there seems little probability that this will be the case, England, since the arrival of Miranda here, but without his knowledge, has informed Spain, not only that she will not countenance or assist the Spanish Colonies in becoming independent, but that she will join her in resisting the endeavors of others to accomplish it; provided that Spain will oppose the views of France against her own dominions, and those of Portugal. At the same time that this communication has been made to Spain, an expedition has been prepared and the correspondent arrangements at Trinidad have been ordered for the purpose of beginning the revolution of South America. In this event, as I have before intimated to you, England will at Philadelphia open herself to and ask the co-operation of the United States.—Miranda, who is impatient with the delays that he experiences, as well as ignorant of the provisional decisions of this Cabinet, has concluded to send his friend and associate, Mr. Caro, to Philadelphia with a Letter for the President, and I have given him a Letter to identify and introduce him to you. Conjecturing the intentions of France, and knowing with precision those of England, we shall be the better able in season to consider and regulate the conduct that it shall be proper for us to pursue.”
				A faithful extract,J. Wagner, Ch. Clk. Dep. State.(No. V.)Translation from the French.

Mr. President—It is in the name of the Spanish American Colonies, that I have the honor to send to your excellency the annexed propositions. They have been, in the like manner, presented to the Ministers of his Britannic Majesty, who have received them very favorably, by expressing much satisfaction in having an opportunity to act, in such a transaction, with the United States of America. And it seems to me that the delay which I experience, truly afflicting in a moment so urgent, results precisely from the expectation, in which the English government appears to be, of seeing North America decided to break definitively with France; by the desire which she has, to make a common cause, and to co-operate together, for the absolute independence of the whole continent of the new world.

As the spirit of justice, generosity and the attachment of my fellow citizens, towards the United States, appears better expressed in the document which contains my powers and instructions, I have determined to inclose a complete copy of it; persuaded that this frank and friendly conduct will serve more efficaciously to accelerate the decision; depending nevertheless upon the indispensable reserve, in all that does not directly regard the United States. If any one of those articles which are contained in this instruction, or any other thing relative to it, should want explanation, D. Pedro Joseph Caro, one of my co-patriots and also commissioner of the Spanish American Colonies, who is to deliver this Letter to you, is able competently and amply to satisfy you in all things.
His mission, after having received the orders of your excellency, is to proceed without delay to the Spanish American continent, to the end to inform our constituents and compatriots of the actual state of the negociations confided to us as well as of the political situation of Europe. I pray you to have the goodness to facilitate him, in every thing he shall want for this important object, and to transport himself immediately to the province of Santafee de Bogota.
I will not dissemble from you, Mr President, my inquietudes concerning the approaching entry of French troops into Spain, for fear that a convulsive movement in the mother country, (La Metropole) may produce anarchical commotions in the colonies; and that the abominable system of France, may introduce itself among us, for want of having taken prompt and efficacious measures to prevent it. Dii avertant! Finally I hope, that the little succour of which we have occasion to begin, and which amounts to six or eight ships of the line, and four or five thousand men, of troops, we shall easily find both in England and America. My wishes would be that the ships should be English, and the land forces American. May providence ordain that the United States may do for their compatriots of the South in 1798, what the King of France did for them in 1778.
I felicitate myself, always, to see at the head of the executive power in America, that distinguished person, who by his courage rendered his country independent, and who by his wisdom has since given it a government well ballanced; and thus preserving its liberty. We shall undoubtedly profit by your learned lessons; and I rejoice to inform you, beforehand, that the form of government projected, is mixed; with an hereditary chief of the executive power, under the name of Ynca; and what I like still better, taken in the same family: a Senate composed of noble families, but not hereditary; and an House of Commons, elected among all the other citizens, who shall possess a competent property. Such is the sketch of the form of government which appears to unite the majority of suffrages in the Spanish American continent, and which will no doubt prevent the fatal consequences of the French republican system, which Montesquieu calls extreme liberty.
In addressing these propositions directly to you, I have believed that I have made all the reserve requisite in an affair, as extraordinary as it is important. I have the honor, moreover, to inclose a state of the population, productions, exportations and consumption of Spanish America; which, having been made upon information the most exact, as well as the most recent, has appeared to me to merit your attention.
With the sentiments of the highest consideration, and of the most perfect esteem, I have the honor to be, Mr. President, of your excellency the most humble and most obedient servant,
Francisco de Miranda.
To his excellency John Adams,
President of the U.S. of America.
London, this 24 of March, 1798.
No.6—is only a triplicate copy of the foregoing Letter from Miranda, which I have marked No. 5, with only an additional postscript, dated April 28th, 1798, in these words—“P.S. Some unforeseen accident, in the embarkation of Mr. Caro at Falmouth, as well as the changes which happened afterwards in the Spanish Ministry, announcing rather a taking of possession, by the French Directory than any thing else, have compelled Mr. Caro to proceed directly by the packet boat of Barbadoes to Trinidad, and from thence to Sante Fee, upon the Spanish American continent. I hope that this accident, or the delay which it may have produced, will cause no prejudice to the important affair, which we submit to the consideration of your excellency; and so much the more, as the documents which accompany it, appear to me sufficiently to explain it. Mr. Caro is charged moreover to send persons authorized to your Excellency, from the moment he shall arrive in our country.
M——a."

I shall add nothing at present, but that no such persons ever arrived to me from South America nor any other communications from Mr. Caro. In my next Letter I shall send you more of the remaining papers relative to this subject.
					John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 10 May 1810
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

Quincy, May 10, 1810.

(No VII.)
Mr. President—Permit me to address to you, partriplicata, a copy of my despatch of the 24th of March 1798, which Mr. Caro, my compatriot, has had the honor of transmitting to your excellency from Falmouth, the 10th of May following. The object being of the highest importance, and the accidents of war having possibly prevented the arrival of the two former, it has appeared to me prudent to address you afresh.
Since the departure of my dispatch, the circumstances have become more favorable still. The events which have occurred, both in Europe and in the United States, even render the separation of the Spanish American colonies indispensable; by so much the more as they are decided not to become the agents, still less the subjects of the French republic. Intelligence, which has very recently arrived to me both from the part of our agents at Madrid, and from that of our commissioners, my compatriots who have departed for South America, confirm me in this opinion. And I see with pleasure, that England, perceiving at length that her safety and future prosperity absolutely depend upon an alliance and an intimate attachment with America; is resolved, laying aside all spirit of jealousy and commercial monopoly, to co-operate with you in favor of this important object; the success of which will assure not only the reciprocal prosperity, but also the immortal glory of the three interested parties.
Mr. King, your worthy Ambassador to his Britannic Majesty, and who enjoys by so many titles the general esteem; entering into all the details will communicate to you the information which will be necessary for you, both with regard to Europe and South America: our interests being the same, and my constituent having reposed all their confidence in their compatriots of the north, I have thought that I could not better fulfil their desires, than by acting in concert with him; without the least reserve, and with a mutual confidence.
Since your answer must in some sort decide the fate of South America, and fulfil all the wishes of my compatriots, I pray you Mr. President, to be so good as to transmit it to me, as soon as possible. Be pleased to accept the assurances of the highest esteem and the most perfect consideration, with which I have the honor to be, Mr. President, of your excellency, the most humble and most obedient servant,
F. De Miranda.
To his Excellency John Adams, President of the United States.
(No. VIII.)
POWER—Triplicate Copy.
We D. Joseph del Pozo y. Sucre, and D. Manuel Joseph de Salas, commissioners of the Junta of deputies of the cities and provinces of South America, assembled on the eighth of October, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-seven, in the city of Madrid in Spain, to prepare by measures the most efficacious, the independence of the Spanish American colonies; sent to France to our compatriots de Francisco de Miranda, ancient general of the army and our principal agent, and D. Pablo de Olavide, an ancient assistant of Seville, both equally named commissioners by the said Junta, not only for the purpose of deliberating together, upon the state of anterior negotiations, made with England at different epochas, in favor of our absolute independence, and principally upon the state of those commenced in London in one thousand seven hundred and ninety, with the English ministry, in virtue of the conferences of Hollwood, which have united the suffrages of the provinces which have had cognizance of them; but moreover to give consequence to those negotiations, by opening the way to a solemn stipulation, which may lead to a result conformable to the interest and the will of people who, oppressed by the Spanish yoke, inhabit the South American continent.
We D. Joseph del Pozo y Sucre, D Manuel Joseph de Salas, and D. Francisco de Miranda, have assembled at Paris, the second of December, one thousand seven hundred and ninety seven, and, after a previous verification of our respective powers, have proceeded to that which follows.
Considering that D. Pablo de Olavide, has not rendered himself to the invitation which we have sent him, in his habitation near Orleans; considering also, that a sufficient time has passed, without having received an answer to this invitation; considering farther that the precarious state of his health, united with the existence of the revolutionary regimen in France, probably place him, in an impossibility of taking an active part in our deliberations; considering finally that the actual circumstances are so pressing that they admit not the smallest delay: we the undersigned commissioners have judged it necessary, for the interest of our country, to proceed (de passer outre) and have solemnly agreed upon the following articles.
1. The Spanish American colonies having unanimously resolved to proclaim their independence and to establish their liberty upon an immoveable basis, will address themselves to England, with confidence, in an invitation to support them as an enterprize, as just as it is honorable. In truth, if in a state of peace, and without any precedent provocation, France and Spain have favored and proclaimed the independence of the English Americans, whose oppression, to speak with certainty, was not so shameful as is that of the Spanish colonies: England will not hesitate to concur in the independence of the colonies in South America, at this day, when she is engaged in a war the most violent on the part of Spain and France, who while they proclaim the sovereignty and the liberty of all people, blush not to consecrate by the second and fifteenth articles of the treaty of alliance, offensive and defensive with Spain, the most absolute slavery of near fourteen millions of inhabitants, and of their posterity; and this with a spirit of exclusion, by so much the more odious, as she affects to proclaim, with regard to all other people of earth, the incontestible right of giving themselves such a form of government as shall seem to them desirable.
2. A treaty of alliance, such as that which his most christian majesty offered to the U. States of America, shall serve as a model to cement this important transaction, with this difference, nevertheless, that we will there stipulate in favor of England, conditions more advantageous, more just and more honorable still. On one part, Great Britain shall engage to furnish to South America, a maritime force and a land force, to the end to favor the establishment of her independence, without exposing her to strong political convulsions. On the other part, America shall oblige herself to pay to her ally, England, a considerable sum in money; not only to indemnify her for her expences which she shall have made, by the succour given quite to the conclusion of the war, but also to serve to the liquidation of a considerable part of her national debt. To acquit in some sort, the benefaction received by the establishment of her liberty, South America shall grant her from that instant the sum of ———
3. The maritime forces demanded of England shall not exceed twenty ships of the line. With regard to the land forces, eight thousand infantry and two thousand cavalry would be sufficient. In the defensive alliance, which should be established in the sequel, we will stipulate only for maritime assistance; land forces not being necessary. In this hypothesis, America will pay her contingent by a sum of money which shall represent an equivalent.
4. A defensive alliance formed between England, the United States of America, and South America, is so commanded by the nature of things, by the geographical situation of each of the three countries, by the productions, the industry, the wants, the manners and the character of the three nations; that it is impossible but this alliance should be of long duration; especially if we take care of consolidate it, by an analogy in the political form of the three governments, that is to say, by the enjoyment of a civil liberty, wisely understood, wisely organized. We may even say with confidence that it is the only hope which remains for liberty, audaciously outraged by the detestable maxims avowed by the French republic. It is, moreover, the only means of forming a balance of power, capable of restraining the destructive and desolating ambition of the French system.
5. There shall be established with England a treaty of commerce, conceived in the most advantageous terms for the British nation; discarding, nevertheless, every idea of monopoly. This treaty will warrantee to her, naturally and in a manner the most certain, the consumption of the greatest part of her manufactures; for there exists a population of near fourteen millions, who clothe themselves in foreign manufactures, and who consume an infinity of articles of European luxury. The commerce of England would derive, moreover, considerable advantages from the precious fruits and immense productions of South America, by spreading these articles by means of their capitals and establishments in the other parts of the world. The basis of this treaty should be such, that the entry of no foreign manufactured article should be prohibited.
6. The passage, or navigation of the Isthmus of Panama, which ought immediately to be made practicable as well as the navigation of the lake of Nicaragua, which shall be also, and without lots of time opened for the prompt and easy communication between the South sea and the Atlantic ocean; being for England objects of the highest interest.—South America will warrantee to her for a certain number of years, the navigation of the one and the other passage, upon conditions, which though they may be more favorable, shall not however be exclusive.
7. In the present circumstances, we will not establish any treaty of commerce with the allies of South America; considering that the rights of importation and exportation ought to be established for the common interest of all the people, composing the colonies of South America, and especially the countries known under the name of vice royalties of Mexico, Santa Fee Lima and Rio de la Plata, provinces of Caraccas, Quito, Chili, &c. It will be necessary when the impulsion shall be given to South America to wait for the assembly of the deputies of these different countries in a representative body, to be able, in this respect to take together and at once, definitive arrangements. Those which exist at present, shall continue to subsist, upon the same footing, with regard to the nationals, as well as to all the friendly powers.
8. The intimate relations of association, which the bank of London would be in a situation to form, herafter, with that of Lima and of Mexico,  to the end to support each other mutually would not be one of the least advantages which the independence and the alliance of South America would offer to G. Britain. By this means the monied credit of England would be placed upon the foundations that could not be shaken.
9. The United States of America might be invited to acceed to a treaty of friendship and alliance. We might warrantee to them the possession of the two Floridas, and even that of Louisiana: the Mississippi being in all respects the best and most solid barrier, which can be established between the two grand nations who occupy the American continent. In return, the United States should furnish at their expence, to South America, an auxiliary body of troops of five thousand infantry and two thousand cavalry, during the war that should take place on occasion of their independence.
10. On the supposition that South America should be, at any future time, and after the conclusion of the peace, attacked by any power whatever, the United States, by an article of the treaty of defensive alliance to be concluded, should furnish the same number of land troops, stipulated in the preceding article. The equivalent of South America should be represented by a sum of money.
11. With regard to the islands which the Spanish Americans possess in the American Archipellago, South America ought not to retain any but that of Cuba, for the sake of the port of Havana, the possession of which, by reason of its situation on the passage of the Gulph of Mexico, is indispensable to her safety; the said port being, so to speak, the gate through which it is necessary to go out of the gulph. With regard to the islands of Porto Rico, of the Trinity, and of Margarita, South America not perceiving in their possession any direct interest, might co-operate in seeing them occupied by her allies, England and the United States of America, who would derive from them very considerable advantages.
12. The passage of the isthmus of Panama, as well as that of the lake of Nicaragua, should be equally warranted for all the merchandizes belonging to the citizens of the United States of America; and the exportation of all the productions of South America should be equally encouraged in their vessels of transportation; the Americans of the North becoming necessarily for us, what the Hollanders have for a long time been in regard to the powers of the North, that is to say our carriers.
13. The military operations upon our American continent, as well as the arrangements to be made in this respect with England and the United States of America, on occasion of the succours which these powers will afford us in quality of allies, for the support of our independence, shall be confided for the whole duration of the war to the consummate experience, talents, and patriotism of our compatriot and colleague D. Francisco de Miranda, born at Caracas, in the province of Venezuda. The important services, which during fifteen years, he has rendered to the cause of the independence of our country, give him incontestable rights to this charge. He will receive in this respect instructions in greater detail, from the moment when a body of troops shall disembark on the Spanish American continent, or when the militia of the country shall be found, in whole or in part, assembled in arms. We will confine ourselves, for the present, to the forming a desire to see commenced the military operations, by the isthmus of Panama, and on the side of Santa fi, both because of the importance of the post and by reason of the humour of the people disposed, at the first signal, to arm themselves in favor of the independence of their country. To this effect it would be still to be desired that a squadron of eight or ten ships of the line should cruise in the sea of the South; otherwise it would be to be feared that Spain, maintaining maritime forces on those coasts, might obstruct all our operations on the sea of the South.
14. D. Joseph del Pozo y Sucre and D. Manuel Joseph de Salas, shall depart without delay, and conformably with their instructions for Madrid, to the end to present themselves to the Junta to render an account of their mission at Paris, and lay before them a duplicate of the present instrument; the Junta, waiting only for the return of these two commissioners, to dissolve themselves immediately and resort to the different points of the American continent, where the presence of the members who compose it, is indispensably necessary to provoke, upon the appearance of the succours of our allies, an explosion, combined and general, on the part of the people of South America.
15. D. Francisco de Miranda and D. Pablo de Olavide are authorised to name a certain number of agents, civil and military, to assist them in their mission; but the employments that they shall see fit to bestow shall only be provisioned and revocable at pleasure, until the instant of the formation of the continental representative assembly, who alone will have the right to confirm or annul these appointments, according as they shall judge convenient.
16. D. Francisco de Miranda and D. Pablo de Olavide are equally authorised to borrow, in the name of the Spanish American Colonies, above named, the sums of money which they shall believe necessary to fulfil the commission with which they are charged. They shall allow the interest, ordinary parallel cases, and shall remain responsable for the employment of the money, for which they shall render an account to the government of South America, whenever they shall be required.
17. D. Francisco de Miranda and D. Pablo de Olavide are further instructed to procure, in England, with the least possible delay, the following objects, to wit:
A. A complete train of artillery for sieges composed at least of sixty pieces of iron, in good condition; and one hundred other pieces, both of light artillery for battalions, and artillery of station.
B. Complete cloathing for twenty thousand men, of infantry, and five thousand men of cavalry, with the accoutrements, necessary for the horses.
C. Thirty thousand swords, in the Roman fashion, for the infantry.
D. Ten thousand sarises or pikes, in the Macedonian fashion, of thirteen feet in length.
E. Tents, of a conical figure, in the Turkish fashion, for an encampment of thirty thousand men.
F. Fifty good military telescopes.
18. If the precarious state of his health, or other causes unforseen should place D. Pablo de Olavide in an impossibility of resorting to Paris, within twenty day s to pursue his mission to London, D. Francisco de Miranda shall proceed alone. He shall enjoy, in this situation, the same authority as if he were accompanied and assisted by the counsels of his colleague. If a case should occur, in which imperious circumstances should demand the support of a colleague, D. Francisco de Miranda is authorised, if he shall judge it convenient for the good of the commission with which he is entrusted, to associate with him in his important functions, his compatriot D. Pedro Caro, who is already actually employed by him in London in a confidential mission, or any other person of probity and talents, for whom he can be responsible. And vice versa, if by any effect of the revolutionary regimen in France, or by a failure of health D. Francisco de Miranda should be hindered  from proceeding to London, D. Pablo de Olavide should equally have the right to pursue alone this important commission, and to associate with him a colleague if he judges it convenient.
We, D. Francisco de Miranda, D. Joseph del Pozo y Sucre, and D. Manuel Joseph de Salas, commissioners of the Junta of the deputies of the cities and provinces of South America, after a mature examination of the foregoing articles, declare that the said articles ought to serve as a power and as instructions to our commissioners sent to London, and in case of need to Philadelphia. D. Francisco de Miranda and D. Pablo de Olavide, willing that these presents should supply the want of any other instrument to form, which the tyrannical situation under which France groans at this day, has hindered us from transmitting to them; having composed them for the facility of negociation, in the French language, and having taken a copy translated into the Spanish language, compared and signed by us, to be transmitted to the Junta, at Madrid.
Such are the only measures which the actual circumstances have permitted us to take, considering that our principal agent and our compatriot D. Francisco de Miranda is obliged to live in a profound retreat, to withdraw himself from the proscription, which strikes at this day all the citizens distinguished by their virtue and their talents: a proscription which is the only cause of the infinite delays and difficulties which we have had to overcome.
Done at Paris, the 22d of December, 1797,
(L.S.) Joseph del Pozo y Sucre,
(L.S.) Manuel Joseph de Salas,
(L.S.) Francisco de Miranda.
Ludico. Du Perou, Secretary.
Conformable to the original,
F. de Miranda.
You have now the whole of these documents, excepting an estimate in Spanish, of the population of all the Provinces, which amounts, as I understand it, to eighteen millions, and of the productions, which are very great. Any gentleman who will give himself the trouble to call upon me may see and copy and translate this estimate if he pleases. I have not confidence enough in my own knowledge of the Spanish language to attempt it.
I shall make no remarks upon these papers at present, whatever I may have a call to do hereafter, but these. 1. From whom the letters to Gen. Knox and Col. Hamilton were; whether from Gen. Miranda, Mr. King, or any other I know not, having never heard or enquired. I am equally ignorant of their contents. 2. No intimation from Mr. Pitt or any other member of the British Cabinet was ever officially communicated to me through Mr. King or Mr. Liston. If there had been, I should most certainly have attended very soberly to the subject and made a very respectful answer. 3. I tho’t it not only inconsistent with the dignity of a President of the United States, but that it would have been a violation of his sworn duty to enter into a personal correspondence with Miranda, whom I never saw, and of whom I knew nothing but that he was exciting a war with the king of Spain, a sovereign with whom the United States were at peace and friendship. 4. These papers were communicated to me after I had accepted overtures of negociation with France, and appointed ambassadors. If this negociation and the subsequent peace with France can support the charges against me of "quashing the negociations with Miranda," and of putting an end to the "enterprizes of great pith and moment," I plead guilty and shall glory in it forever.

John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 14 May 1810
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Quincy May 14th 1810.

What can I say to my Friend in return for his Letter of 26th of April? My Grief for the Melancholy Fate of my Friend John is only equalled by My Sympathy with his amiable Family. In the midst of Grief remember Mercy. Richard remains to you as well as another Son, and several Daughters who do honor to their Parents and their Country.
Oh that John had imitated the Example of his Father, and answered “I am not afraid to die but I fear God”
Dr Rush and his Son have exhibited to Mankind two examples, which ought to discredit Duelling more than any I have ever heard or read. The one by pleading Principle against the barbarous Custom; and the other by the terrible Remorse and fatal Consequences of violating that Principle. I still pray and will hope that he will be recovered and restored and remonstrate to the End of his life against a practice which is not only against the Laws of God and Man; but is peculiarly detestable in this Country because I believe it to be totally incompatible with a really free Republican Government. It is as despotic a Tyranny over the freedom of thinking Speaking and writing as the Bastile the Inquisition or the Police of the Bourbons, or Napoleans.
How can I turn my Thoughts from this Sublime and pathetic Subject in which Morality Religion, Laws Liberty and Government are so deeply interested to that Gossamour that idles in the Wanton Summer air John Randolph! The Character of him in the Auroria is well drawn and in some respect just; but makes too much of him. You have expressed in two or three Lines the Truth the whole Truth and Nothing but the Truth. A Boy with a mischievous syrringe in his hand full of dirty Water. The only good or great Thing He ever did in his Life, that I knew of, was his refusal of Williamsons Challenges. His Example and that of Harper, whatever were their motives ought to be sett up for Imitation.
This Letter will be full of Sentiment Sympathy and Feeling. The day before Yesterday I went to Hingham to convey to the Tomb my ancient my invariable and inestimable Friend Lincoln. Six Skelletons or walking shadows among whom I was one were the Paul Holders. Mr Mellville and Leiut General Cobb Mr Cranch and Dr Tufts, one 84 the other 80, Judge Paine at 80 and John Adams at 74 were the men.
A cold unanimated and ignorant Sketch of his Life and Character was pronounced by his own Parson in a funeral Sermon. A long Train to be sure of relations And Neighbours walked in Procession. No Arms, No Milita, no Regulars! a few, very few Gentlemen from Boston. Governor Gerry to do him Justice attended.
Recollect the Mock Funerals of Washington, Hamilton, and Ames. Lincoln’s Education, his Reading, His general Knowledge, his Talent at Composition was Superior to Washingtons: his Services more arduous dangerous and difficult than Washingtons.
How long will fraud prevail over Honesty? Hypocrisy over Sincerity in this Sublinary Chaos?
But my Friend there is a Subject that hangs With more weight upon my mind than all those, at present.
South America is an object of immense Magnitude. Its Independence will for what I know produce greater convulsions and Revolutions upon this globe than that of North America.
It is a Question which will now force itself on the Consideration of our Nation. It is of vast Importance that we Should form correct Ideas and obtain accurate Information on this Subject. The human Universe is asleep: but it must awake. How will the Independence of S America affect the Destiny of the U.S.A how will it affect all the Powers of Europe? how will it affect the whole of Asia and Africa? The whole Globe the whole human Race is interested, deeply interested in it. Let us be cool and Sober, if we can. It is a more difficult Question than our own Independence.
I could write to you a Volume upon this subject, if I had Eyes and Fingers but I must soon follow my Friend Lincoln and leave to young Men, who Seem to me to have no Ideas nor any desire to acquire any, but for getting Mercy money and writing in a pretty style, Such is the peevish temper of your old Friend
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 28 June 1810
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

Friend
Quincy June 28 1810.

I acknowledge my fault in neglecting to answer two or three of your last favours. I now thank you for the Letters and the “Light and Truth” as I ought used to call the Aurora.
What are We to think of all these Adventurers? Tom Paine, Cobbet Duane Carpenter, Walsh, Bristed? with twenty &cas. Are they all Sent out here, by Administration or opposition, French or English, Scotch or Irish?
Our Country, My dear Friend, is an object of Speculation in Europe among Politicians as much as the poor Soldiers Certificates, were, once, among Hamiltons Patriots in America.
Duane and Cobbet, are in a fair Way. I think to cooperate in the Same great Cause, of Sir Frances Burdett Col. Wardle, Democracy, and Revolution. They Seem to be greeting each other, as Callender and Colman did, after the former had declared War against Jefferson.
Is our Country, my Friend, to be the Puppet, danced on the Wires of Such Men?!
Has America no Soul? Is there No Genius in it? Is there no Feeling? Is there none to mount the Breach?
All that You and I could do would be to fall upon Our Swords like Cato: but that would do no good.—
Time was, when Men were not wanting to express them Selves to danger. Young Men, who had Forces of Mind and Body.
In your last Letter, June 20, You do not Say whether Napoleone or, Nerone Neronior, as We Sometimes called our Great Hammer 30 or 40 years ago, is now Meant by Jeremiahs Hammer of the whole Earth. Britain is the Hammer of Asia Africa, and America as well as Europe. France is a Hammer to Europe only and to America when She sends her sons and ships to Europe.
Come out of the Clouds, Doctor and let me see your Face and Shape. I know you  will not: and I do not, I cannot blame you.
The two Hammers maul the World, the Sea as well as the Land. Our United States are mauled by both. I am no Prophet. But I believe that Jeremiah, if he could be consulted, would Say that both those Hammers whether of Brass or steel Iron, or Iron Steel or Adamant must, Sooner or later be cut asunder and broken by America. Empire marches Westward and will carry its Arms with it, for with out them it cannot exist, in spight of all the pacific Philosophy of your Friend Jefferson and yourself.
Now, I know you will not Say one Word to Me, in answer to this Rapsody. I Shall continue ignorant of your Sentiments. But I Shall not love you the less. Continue to love me, let me know the progressive Happiness and good Fortune of your Children, and be Send me now and then a Dream, or a Fable or an Epigram with a good Point and a pure Moral, and you will be sure of the Gratitude of Your old Friend
John Adams.