Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 8 August 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

Quincy Aug. 8th, 1811.

    When the conferences between the British and American ministers were first opened, or very soon afterwards, the former demanded the cession of the whole Province of Maine. They pretended that it was no part of the province of the Massachusetts bay, and therefore no part of the American confederacy, and consequently not included in their commission nor in ours—that the boundary between the United States and the British territory in America, must be Piscataqua river, &c.

    This wild pretension was unexpected to us all, I believe. I am sure it was to me. I contented myself with observing, that the Province of Maine had been long incorporated by charter with the old colonies of Plymouth and Massachusetts bay—that they had all been under one government and administration for a century—that the Province of Maine had been in arms against the pretensions of the British ministry and parliament, as long and as ardently as any part of the Union—had contributed her full proportion both of men and money in the whole course of the war—and that the British commissioner might as well claim the town of Boston or the town of Plymouth, as the town of Falmouth, York or Wells; for all these had alike been represented in Congress from 1774 to the present day, and been equally or at least proportionally concerned in electing and maintaining delegates in that great counsel of the nation. My colleagues promptly and cordially supported me in all these observations, and the English gentlemen did not appear to possess any information to countervail them—But still insisted that they must have the rivers Penobscot and Kennebec within their dominion. From time to time after this, both in private conversations and in public conferences, the English gentlemen contended for Penobscot, Kennebec, and as far as Piscataqua river. There was so much said upon the subject that it began to be a topic of conversation at Versailles, and I was informed that some of the courtiers had received impressions favorable to the British claim. This induced me to carry to Versailles and show to the comte de Vergennes, as I have mentioned in the foregoing journal, the documents containing the authority of the governors Shirley, Pownal, Bernard and Hutchinson, in our favor, and directly in contradiction to the present pretensions of Mr. Oswald, Mr. Whiteford, Mr. Stratchy, &c. This precaution, which I took long before I produced any of these documents in our public conferences, silenced all the praters at Versailles, and we heard no more of British pretensions to Penobscot, countenanced at court. Messengers and couriers were continually passing and repassing between Paris and London, from the British ambassadors to the British ministry. One gentleman I have been informed crossed the channel eight or ten times upon these errands during the negotiation—And whenever a new courier arrived we were sure to hear some new proposition concerning the Province of Maine. Sometimes the English gentlemen appeared to soften down a little and to be willing to compromise with us, and to condescend to agree upon Kennebec River as the boundary, and at last they seemed to insinuate that for the sake of peace they might retreat as far as Penobscot—but Penobscot must at all events be theirs. We concluded from all these appearances, that they had instructions to insist upon this point; but we insisted upon the river St. Croix, which I construed to mean the river St. John’s, for St. John’s had as many holy crosses upon it as any other river in that region, and had as often been called St. Croix River.One morning, I am not able to say of what day in November, but certainly many days after the commencement of conferences, the British minister introduced to us a special messenger from London as the oldest clerk in the board of trade and plantations, and a very respectable character. He was sent over by the British cabinet with huge volumes of the original records of the board of trade and plantations, which they would not trust to any other messenger, in order to support their incontestable claim to the Province of Maine. We all treated the gentleman and his records with respect. After the usual ceremonies and salutations were over, the gentleman produced his manuscripts, and pointed to the passages he relied on, and read them.
    I said nothing at first, but I thought the British cabinet believed that Dr. Franklin was too much of a philosopher to have been very attentive to these ancient transactions, and that Mr. Adams and Mr. Jay were too young to know any thing about them—and therefore that they might by the venerable figure and imposing title of the most ancient clerk in the board of trade and plantations, and by the pompous appearance of enormous volumes of ancient records, be able to chicane us out of the Province of Maine, or at least to intimidate us into compromise for the River Kennebec, or at the worst for Penobscot.When the aged stranger had read for some time in his aged volumes, I observed that I had at my apartments documents which I flattered myself would sufficiently explain and refute whatever might be contained in those records, which should be construed or alleged against our right to the Province of Maine, and requested that the deliberation might be postponed till I could produce my books and papers. This was agreed. Accordingly at the next meeting I produced my documents.

    Here I hope I shall be indulged in a digression to shew what these documents were and how I became possessed of them.

    When in October 1779, I received from congress my commissions and instructions to treat of peace and commerce with the ministers of his Britannic majesty, and my orders to embark for Europe, in order to be there ready to treat whenever negotiations for peace should be opened—I foresaw that there might be much difficulty and discussion in ascertaining the boundary between that part of Massachusetts called the Province of Maine and the British Province of Nova Scotia, and possibly of Canada. To prepare myself against this contingency, I procured the charters of Massachusetts, and a pretty thick quarto volume of the printed negotiations of Mr. Maitland and Gov. Shirley in the year 1754, in which many questions and perhaps all the questions relative to the subject, had been largely treated at Paris. I took some pains to procure another paper too, which though it could be  no authority of itself, it would serve me as an index to all other authorities. Although the history of this paper will be considered another digression, it must be here inserted.

        In the autumn of the year one thousand seven hundred and seventy three, the two houses of the Legislature of Massachusetts appointed the Honorable James Bowdoin and John Adams, esq. a committee to prepare and report a statement of the title of the province to certain lands to which the legislature of New York had asserted a claim, and endeavored to support it, by a very learned work, elaborately drawn up by Mr. Duane, and adopted and printed by their authority. When the committee met, Mr. Bowdoin insisted that Mr. Adams should take upon himself the investigation and prepare the report, as he was pleased to say, because it lay more in the course of his studies and daily researches. I was very much pressed with business; Mr. Bowdoin had great leisure; Mr. Bowdoin had been fifteen years in the legislature, and having much more experience and weight, I excused myself and urged him to undertake it, promising to give him all the assistance in my power: but he refused, and at last with much reluctance I undertook it.
    A much more considerable part of the winter, than I could well spare from my necessary engagements in other business, was spent in researches to prepare this report. I visited Dr. Mather and was kindly admitted to his library and the collections of his ancestors. I was admitted to a valuable collection of Mr. Moffat, who was very curious in amassing ancient records and pamphlets, particularly the journals ancient and modern of the Massachusetts legislature. I mounted up to the balcony of Dr. Sewall’s church, where were assembled a collection, which Mr. Prince, had devoted himself to make from the twentieth year of his age. The loss of this library of books and papers, in print and in manuscript, can never be sufficiently regretted. Such a treasure never existed any where else, and can never again be made. He had endeavored, and with great success, to collect every history, pamphlet, and paper which could throw light on the reformation, the rise and progress of the puritans and the persecutions which drove our ancestors over to this wild and unknown world.
    From the materials collected from every quarter, I drew a report and presented it to Mr. Bowdoin, who after taking time to peruse it, was pleased to say it was an excellent report, that it wanted no amendment, and that he would present it to the House. Mr. Samuel Adams was then Clerk of the House. The Legislature were convened by Gov. Gage, at Salem, and whether the report was ever read to the House or not, I know not.—It was not printed in the Journal as all other Reports of that nature ever had been. Expecting to see it in print immediately, I had omitted to preserve a copy of it. This report now in 1779 I wanted to assist me in preparing documents for the negotiations for peace: but applying to Mr. Adams who had been clerk of the House, and was now Secretary of the State, he informed me that in the confusion at Salem, when they resolved on a Congress, and chose their delegates, he had mislaid it and could not find it. It was however afterwards found and delivered to the commissioners, who finally settled the dispute with the commissioners of N. York. I say it was found, because I have been informed by Governor Sullivan, Chief Justice Parsons, Mr. Dalton, and Mr. King, that they had it in my handwriting and that it enabled them to obtain from N. York the cession of the Genesee country. Where it is now, I know not; but it ought either to be returned to me or published, as I never had any compensation for it, though a grant had always been customary on such occasions, or even acknowledgment of it. This however is no mortification to me. Another consideration is infinitely more afflicting, the prudence of our State, in trifling with this immense interest, and selling a principality for a song. That territory would now build Hospitals, Universities, Botanical Gardens, or any other publick Institutions, without applying to individual subscribers, or laying any burden on the people.

    As I could not obtain my Report in Manuscript or in print, I looked about to furnish myself with such other documents as I could find. I procured all the printed Journals of the Massachusetts Legislature, which contained any thing relative to our boundaries; and among the rest, the journals of the years, one thousand seven hundred and sixty two; one thousand seven hundred and sixty three; one thousand seven hundred and sixty four; one thousand seven hundred and sixty five; and one thousand seven hundred and sixty six.
    In all these Journals it appeared that one Counsellor or Assistant, an inhabitant or Proprietor of Lands, within the territory lying between the River Sagadahock and Nova Scotia, was annually chosen by the two Houses of the Legislature of Massachusetts Bay; and this Sagadahock Counsellor had never been negatived by any Governor, nor was any disapprobation of his election, signified by the government in England. On the contrary the express approbation of the Governor, had been annually recorded.
    It appeared in all these Journals that representatives from the towns in the counties of York, Cumberland, Lincoln, all within the Province of Maine, had been annually chosen, and several in the House, without any remonstrance from any Governor, or from the Government in England. In short the Legislature of Massachusetts Bay, had laid out Counties, incorporated towns, granted Lands, and regulated every thing from the date of the Charter, in the Province of Maine, as much as in the old Colony of Plymouth, or in the Counties of Worcester and Hampshire.
    In this Journal of 1782, page 10 is a Message from Governor Bernard, to the Council and House of Representatives, reciting a resolution of the General Court on the 3d of April preceeding, in pursuance of which he had written to Lieutenant Governor Belcher, of Nova Scotia, proposing the appointment of Commissioners to survey the bay and River St. Croix, in order to fix  the boundaries between the two Provinces. Recommending also, that Commissioners be directed to survey the harbour and river of St. Croix, from thence to prove the identity of the river St. Croix, which is the known boundary between the two Provinces: and all this for the express purpose of supporting your right to the country between the rivers Penobscot and St. Croix.
In page 78, of the same Journal of 1762 is the establishment of Fort Pownal at Penobscot: and the establishment of Fort Halifax and the store house at Cushnoe and the bay of their garrisons.
In page 92, is a message from Governor Bernard, proposing to visit the eastern parts of the province, to have a conference with the Indians at Penobscot and prepare them for a treaty of peace, &c.
    In page 98, is an order of both Houses appointing a committee to draw up a full state of the right of the province to the lands eastward of river Kennebenk, and make report at the next session.
    In page 101, is a message from Gov. Bernard, to both Houses, signifying his intention of visiting the garrisons at Fort Pownal, and Fort Halifax in person.
    In page 105, voted that the garrison of Fort Halifax be augmented &c. also a plan of six townships laid out at Penobscot.
    In page 105, establishment resolved at Halifax, 3 captains, 7 subalterns, 18 non-commissioned officers, 250 privates.
    In the Journal of 1765, page 151 the plan of the six townships was allowed and the grant confirmed.
    In page 154, a report concerning the province title to the eastern lands, accepted and ordered to be printed, passed in Council January 20, 1763.
    In page 162, is a confirmation of the tracts of sundry townships, at the eastward, to the grantees, &c.
    In page 189 is another confirmation of the plan of the six townships.
    In page 196 report on the state of the title to the country between Kennebeck and St. Croix, accepted and transmitted to the agent Maudent, which vouchers.
    In page 244, the expences of fixing the bounds of nine townships in the counties of York and Cumberland are allowed.
    In page 244, the expences of fixing the bounds of nine townships in the counties of York and Cumberland are allowed.
    In page 268, is an order that the report of the committee of both Houses relative to the boundaries between this government and Nova Scotia, which has passed the whole court in the present session, be printed at the end of the Journal of the House the current year.
    In page 271, Resolved, that the sum of thirty pounds be granted for the Hon. Thomas Hutchinson, over and above the forty pounds granted in Sept. last, in full for his services done for and at the request of this Government. (This was for drawing the report on the title to the country between Kennebook and St. Croix.)
    In page 217, is the form of the deeds given in the name of the Governor, Council, and House of Representatives of the province of Massachusetts Bay, in New England, in the great and General Court assembled, and signed by the Governor of all the townships of land granted, between the territory of Nova Scotia and the river Sagadahock, ever distinguished  by the name of the territory of Sagadahock, granted expressly by the charter to the inhabitants of the province of the Massachusetts Bay.
    In page 281, a township is granted to Joseph Fry, Esq. at Pigwakit, in the county of York. And a committee is appointed to repair to the province of Maine, and settle the boundary between the province of Maine and Newhampshire, and His Excellency is desired to acquaint the Commander in  Chief of Newhampshire, with this proposal.
    At the end of this volume is an appendix to the votes of the House of Representatives for the year 1762.
    A brief state of the title of the province of Massachusetts Bay to the county between the rivers Kennebrook and St. Croix. This is the report of the committee mentioned in page 196, for drawing which Mr. Huchinson was rewarded by grant, recorded in page 271.
    In this report, the title of the province, is traced, from step to step, from 1436, when the Cabot, first discovered the continent of North America, under Henry the VII, to the year 1763, and is supported by the invaluable authorities of things, privy Councillors, Attorneys and Solicitors General in England, and by all the Governors, especially Shirley, Pownal and Bernard.
    (A few lines of the manuscript is here lost.)
    He read on with great gravity and solemnity, the records of his projects, schemes, petitions and intrigues, to obtain a gram of principality in that eastern country. When he had read as long as he pleased and as much abuse of the Massachusetts as he found recorded in the representatives of Colonel Coram, as he called him; I presented him with the colume of Maitland and Shirley, the charter of Massachusetts, and the journals of the house of the year 1762, 3, 4, 5, and 6, referred him in particular passages, and began to read on my part in page nine of the report of the brief state of the title of the province of Massachusetts Bay to the country between the rivers Kennebec and St. Croix, in these words—
    "About the year 1718, the famous prospector Captain Coram, formed a scheme for obtaining from the crown a grant of the lands between Nova Scotia and the Province of Maine, and a petition was preferred signed by William Armstrong and diverse others, praying such grant might be made to them. This petition being referred to the then solicitor-general, part of his report was as follows—The king cannot make a grant of these lands, the crown having already divested itself of its right. These petitioners, not contented with this report, framed a long petition to the king, reflecting on the province of Massachusetts Bay, and on the solicitor general, and praying a hearing before the lords of the committee which was granted. After a reference to the board of trade, and a report made, the lords came to an agreement or resolution, viz—That the lands between Kennebeck and Penobscot shall be confirmed to their respective proprietors, and where there are no proprietors shall be disposed of by the government of the Massachusetts Bay, provided the said government do give up their pretensions to the lands between Penobscot and St Croix. And in regard the board of trade have given their opinion against incorporating the aforesaid tract with the Massachusetts, as being a charter government, it is left to his Majesty to erect the whole territory between St. Croix and Kennebeck into a distinct and separate province, if his majesty shall think fit. It was further ordered that the agent have time to notify the province of this resolution of the Board, that they may report their answer, and that till then, all proceedings be suspended.
    “The agent, Mr. Dummer, April 10th, 1719, wrote to the general court of the province, desiring to know whether they would accept the King’s confirmation of the land between Kennebeck and Penobscot, on the terms proposed; but the general court chose rather to retain their right to make conditional grants of the whole tract, than to give up so great a part of the country for the sake of the power of making absolute grants of a part only. Upon this refusal, the solicitations seem to have ceased, and the lords of the committee took no further order thereon. In proof of this, agent Dummer’s letters and the records of the Board of trade, are quoted.
    “In 1729, David Dunbar esq, came over from England and took Possession of the Fort at Pemaquid, and claimed jurisdiction over the country at St. Croix, by virtue of authority from, and in behalf of the crown. The proprietors alarmed at this invasion of their property, employed and empowered Samuel Waldo esq. to petition the King that the said Dunbar might be removed and that they might be quieted in their lawful possessions. Sir Bybye Lake, a proprietor in the Eastern country, joined with Mr. Waldo in the solicitation, and the petitions being refered to the board of trade, they called the province agent before them, and a state of the case, was ordered to be drawn up, setting forth the province’s claim, how little expence the province had been at in defending and improving this country, the conquest made in 1696 by the French, and the reconquest in 1710, and the lords of trade refered this state, with the two following queries, subjoined to the consideration of the attorney and solicitor general, viz.
    “1st. Whether the Inhabitants of the Massachusetts Bay, if they ever had any right to the government of the tract of land lying between St. Croix, and Kennebec  have not by their neglect and even refusal to defend and take care of, and improve the same, forfeited their said right to the government, and what right they had under their charter, and now have to the lands. 2d. Whether, the said tracts being conquered by the French and afterwards reconquered by General Nicholson, in the late Queens time, and yielded up by France to Great Britain, by the treaty of Utrecht, that part of the charter relating thereto became vacated, and whether the government of that tract and the lands thereof are not absolutely reverted in the crown, and whether the crown has not thereby sufficient power to appoint governors and assign lands to such families as shall be desirous to settle there.
    “The attorney and solicitor general heard council on behalf of the crown and on behalf of the province and proprietors, and on the 11th August 1731 made report.
    “That upon considering the said case and queries, and the evidence laid before them, and what was alledged on all sides, it appeared to them that the tract of land lying between  Kennebec and St. Croix, was among other things granted by the said charter to the inhabitants of the Massachusetts bay, &c. Also, that the right of government granted to the said province extended over this tract of land.
    “That it did not appear to them, that the inhabitants of the said province had been guilty of any such neglect or refusal to defend this part of the country, as could create a forfeiture of their subordinate right of government over the same, or of the property in the soil that was granted to them by the said charter, it being sworn by several affidavits that a fort was erected there, and for some time defended at the charge of the province, &c.

    “And as to the question stated in the case, upon the effect of the conquest of that tract of the country by the French, and the reconquest thereof by Genl. Nicholson, they conceive that the said tract not having been yielded by the crown of England to France by the treaty, the conquest thereof by the French created according to the law of nations only a suspension of the property of the former owners, and not an extinguishment, and that upon the reconquest of it by General Nicholson, all the ancient rights, both of the province and private persons subjects of the crown of Great Britain did revive and were restored jure postliminii—For which reasons they were of opinion that the said charter still remained in force, and that the crown hath not power to appoint a particular governor over this part of the province, or to assign land to persons desirous to settle there, &c.

    “In the year 1759, a petition was preferred to his majesty in council, signed Sterling, William, Phillips Lee, and Mary Trumble, praying that they may be put in possession of the tract of land between Pemaquid and St. Croix, with all the rights and privileges of the first earl of Stirling, and that the governor of Massachusetts bay might be required to withdraw and cease to exercise jurisdiction therein, &c.
    “In 1761, the general assembly of the Massachusetts granted to his excellency Francis Bernard, esq. the Island of Mount Desert, lying within the tract aforesaid; and the said grant being presented for the royal confirmation, the right of the province to this country is again called into question.
    “From the foregoing facts relative to this tract of country may fairly be deduced—
    “First. That the persons claiming under William first earl of Sterling, have no right or title whatsoever to the said country or any part thereof.
    “Secondly. That the province of Massachusetts bay hath a clear and undoubted right and equitable title to the soil and jurisdiction of the said country, and every part thereof under such restrictions and limitations as are expressed in the royal charter.
    “With respect to the first it is to be observed, that the alledged agreement of the council of Plymouth, was made by a small number of the said council to raise estates to themselves, not to answer the main ends and design of their charter, the settling colonies and carrying the christian religion among the natives.
    “That this agreement and the assignment of the several parts of the country never had any effect with respect to any one of the persons to whom they were assigned—Sir Ferdinando Gorges and captain Mason, the only persons who ever entered upon any part of the country thus assigned, claiming under other titles, viz. Sir Ferdinando, from a royal grant from king Charles the first in 1639, and actual possession and improvement for a great number of years together, and this grant contained only the lands between the rivers Newichewanock and Kennebeck, whereas his share of the assignment took in all the lands between Merrimack and Kennebeck.
    “And captain Mason had before this assignment, in the year 1639, just after the grant made to the Massachusetts colony, obtained a grant in due form of the lands between Merrimack and Newichewanock, and had sent over settlers; but quitting all care of the colony the inhabitants put themselves under the protection of the Massachusetts until the year 1677, when king Charles incorporated them by royal charter as his province of New Hampshire.
    “At the time of this assignment the lands from Pentageot to St. Croix were actually in the hands of the French, ceded to them by the treaty of S. Germains in 1632, although not possessed till 1635.
    “It is acknowledged, that the Earl of Sterling had made some attempts to settle the Province of Nova Scotia, according to the grant thereof in 1621, and no doubt was at great expence, but being discouraged, about the year 1530, actually sold it to the French, by which unwarrantable proceeding Latour and others possessed themselves of it, and probably facilitated the cessions of it two years after and laid the foundations of all the troubles, the England have since met with, relative to it.
    “But for the lands between Pemaquid and St. Croix, there is not the least evidence, that the Earl of Sterling or any of his posterity, ever expended one penny upon them, or that for near an hundred years together, they ever had one thought concerning them. The French under Monsieur D’Aniney in 1695 fortified Pentagoet, or Penobscot, and continued there, and in the country east of it, until 1654, when it was taken from them by the Massachusetts men under Cromwell’s commission, possessed until 1669, then restored to the French, and retaken by the Massachusetts in 1690.
    “Had this assignment been a grant made and executed in due form and received the royal confirmation, it was the case with the first patent to the Massachusetts colony, yet a total neglect of it from the year 1631 to the year 1759, must by all the world be deemed a forfeiture, and to add any further arguments would be unnecessarily to prove a thing that is not doubtful.
    “In the second place both in law and equity, the province of the Massachusetts hath a good title to the jurisdiction of this country; and also to the soil, under the restrictions and limitations in the royal charter.
    For the legality of their title the province urges, that Great Britain hath a title to the country prior and superior to any other European state; that the French hath diverse times wrested it from the possession of the English, and the English have as often recovered it from the French; that in the year 1690, in time of war the French were drove from this part of Accady, as well as from that part distinguished by the name Nova Scotia, by the forcks of the Massachusetts Bay; that in the year 1691 the French not having reinstated themselves, it was incorporated together with other lands and made part of the province of Massachusetts.
    It does not indeed appear that the French ever had a possession of this country after 1690.—Monsieur Villeban took possession of St. Johns again, but went no farther westward; great part of the country remained in possession of the Indians, and no exception can be made to the validity of the grant for that reason, but what will hold equally strong against the grants of all other the provinces and proprieties in America, whereat the Indians were in actual possession at the time of making such grants. And as an evidence of the true intent and design of the crown in making this grant, we may urge the instructions from time to time to the Governors of the province to recommend to the assembly the maintaining a strong Fort at Pemaquid, within the limits of this country, and for the protestation of it, which recommendations have been in general complied with, on the part of the province.
    If the province then are acquired a title, how hath it been . The only province is that this territory was reconquered by the French, and afterwards recovered by General Nicholson, and by the treaty of Utrecht ceded to Great Britain, and by this means the right which would otherwise  in the province, is vested in the crown. It is acknowledged, that the commission of Subercase, French governor of Accady, included all the country to Kennebeck; but supposing an actual exercise of jurisdiction, which is not admitted, yet a full answer is given to this objection by the attorney and solicitor general in his late majesty’s reign, viz. That the conquest was only a suspension of the property; that the ancient right both of the province and private persons were revived and restored, jure postliminii. And it must be understood, that the right of jurisdiction as well as property was restored, for in consequence of the approbation of the lords committee of council of this report, her majesty was pleased to recall the instructions and powers which had been given to Governor Phillips of Nova Scotia, and to Colonel Dunbar, which were inconsistent with the jurisdiction of the Massachusetts; and in consequence of this revocation, the governor of the Massachusetts, by proclamation, promised protection to the inhabitants. And all writers upon the civil law, agree in giving this sense and extent to the jus postliminii. In the digests, lib. 49, tit 15, it is defined, “Postliminium est jus amissœ rei recipiendæ ab extranco, et in statum pristinum restituendæ inter nos ac liberos populos regesque, moribus, legibus constitutum. Postliminii is that right which is settled by laws and customs between us and kings and free states, of receiving from a foreign nation what we have lost, and of having it restored in its former state. And Grotius de jure belli et Pacia, lib. 3, cap. 9, sect 13. Quod de agris jus est idem esse arbitror de omni jure quod solo adhœret. Nam et loca capta ab hostibus quœ religiosa vel sacra fuerunt, si ab hac calamitate fuerint liberata, quasi quodam postliminio reversa pristino statui restitui, scripsit pomponius.—The same law which is to be observed concerning the territory, I suppose, is also to be observed concerning every priviledge belonging to it. For according to Pomponius, such places as were appropriated to sacred or religious purposes, which after being conquered are freed from that calamity by a kind of postliminii, are to be restored to their former state, &c. And Puffendorffe in his law of nature, &c. book 5th, c. 6, sect 26, says—But if a part of a people be recovered by the people, they were for some time divided or torn from, or by their allies, they again incorporate with the old body, and return to the place and rights they had before.
    “It is farther to be observed, with respect to this country, that notwithstanding the frequent changes it has undergone by passing backwards and forwards from one nation to another, by force, or in consequence of treaties or conquest, yet neither side have ever been willing to acknowledge the original right and title of the other, and upon the renewal of the war, have made this country and Nova Scotia constantly an object: and it is for this reason that the French commissionaires at Paris were so fond of the distinction between cession and restitution. And when by the treaty of Reswick, it was agreed that all places should be mutually restored, no acknowledgement can be inferred from thence of the right and title of the French to this country, or to one part of it more than another.—And it is a certain fact that the English, after this treaty, continued their possession of all that part west of Penobscot, without molestation from the French, only as they have been aiding and encouraging the Indians against all parts of the frontier. And there is no certainty, as has already been observed, that the French, after the treaty, took possession of any part east of Penobscot, St Johns where they had a fort, being out of the limits. And further, it was a good argument, against calling the legality of the Massachusetts’ title in question again, that it has been twice in effect determined, once in the year 1718, when the solicitor general reported that the crown had divested itself of its right, and it was thereupon proposed to the province to give them an unlimited power to grant a part of these lands, provided they would give up all claim to the remainder, and still more fully in the year 1732, when the attorney and solicitor-general upon a full hearing, reported that the province by charter, had a grant of these lands, and a right to the jurisdiction, that there had been no forfeiture, and that the crown had no power to appoint a governor over them as a separate government; and with this report the lords committee of council agreed, and thereupon humbly proposed to her late majesty, then guardian of the kingdom of Great Britain and his late majesty’s lieutenant within the same, that Colonel Dunbar should be ordered to quit the possession of all said lands, and that her majesty should revoke so much of her instructions, &c. as has been already recited, which was done accordingly. Now considering that this was a controversy in which the province by their agent was made a party, and the merits of the case was then largely and fully considered, the determination then made ought to be a bar to all further question concerning the title upon the same merits, otherwise a determination which might now be made may be called in question thirty years hence, and strifes and controversies will be perpetuated.
    “If we consider the title in point of equity, the province can have no competitor.
    “The English, of New-Plymouth, were the first of the British subjects who had any footing at Penobscot, &c when disposed by the French in 1635, made an attempt in conjunction with the Massachusetts to recover the place, but were not strong enough. With the assistance of the Massachusetts, it was recovered from the French in 1654.
    “When all the country west of Penobscot, in the year 1672, was destitute of protection, upon application to the Massachusetts it was afforded, and jurisdiction exercised there, until possession was taken for the Duke of York.
    “In the reign of King James the second, under the government of Sir Edmund Andross, the Massachusetts defended the country in an Indian war, and upon the revolution recovered it from the French at their sole expense.
    “After the grant by the royal charter in 1691, it became the more immediate duty of the province to defend it. They were called upon by the crown to do it; particularly to maintain a fort at Pemaquid. The chief cause of all the troubles and expenses of the province during that war was the contiguity of this country to the settled parts of the province, the Indians there being a constant scourge to every other part of the frontier. Upon a treaty of peace in 1693, these Indians were brought to a submission by the crown of England, and the government of the Massachusetts.
    “During the whole of queen Ann’s war, an annual heavy charge lay upon the Massachusetts for the defence of this and other parts of the province against the Indians of this country, and in 1722 a new war broke out with the Indians Instigated by the French, which continued three or four years at greater expence than the preceeding. A peace being concluded in 1716, the province for the security of the frontier and promoting the settlement of the country, submitted to an engagement to supply the Indians with goods at the prices which were sold at in Boston, and to allow them for their furs as high prices as they were sold at in Boston. This agreement made it necessary for the province to build forts and truck houses at Georges river, Kennebeck, Brunswick, and Saco, and to be at the expence of constant garrisons in each, and to keep a sloop continually passing to and from this part of the province. And although this annual charge bore no proportion to the annual charge of a war, yet as it continued near twenty years, in the whole, it will amount to a very large sum. Upon the commencement of the war with France in 1744, the Indians renewed their hostilities; the province was more successful against them than in the former wars; the success of the province army in the reduction of Cape Breton struck terror into them—and the forces kept in one pay of the province on the frontiers caused the Penobscot Indians wholly to quit the river and country, add to retire to the Indians of St. Francois and other Indians of Canada, but during the whole war, and for several years of the present, war garrisons were maintained at the charge of the province in several parts of this country, and, except in the winter seasons, forces kept continually scouting or marching upon the back of it.
    If the expense occasioned to the province by this particular tract of country could be ascertained, it would be found more than ten times the value of it.
    “Now if we consider that a tract of country is incorporated by the crown, annexed to and made a part of a province; powers are given to the government of that province to make grants of it under restrictions and limitations; the government is called upon to protect and defend this country, and in consequence thereof a very great annual expence is incurred for sixty or seventy years together, the Indian possessions are extirpated, and by this means a territory which was of no value before is become valuable: is it possible to conceive that under these circumstances, these powers should be taken away or called in question?
    “It may seem superfluous to add, that none of his Majesty’s governments in America can claim greater merit from the use made of the power of granting lands than the Massachusetts government can. From the beginning of the colony, the principal thing consulted has been the bringing forward the settlement of the country; and the Pomoeria or outlines of the settled parts of the province have by such grants from time to time been extended in proportion to the increase of the inhabitants: there being no instance of manors and vast tracts granted to particular persons, nor any instances of lands sold except some particular tracts within a few years past, which by reason of the settlement of the country around them were rendered more valuable, and even these the purchasers are enjoined to bring forward the settlement of, in a limited and short space of time.
    “The ancient limits of the province, having been contracted by his late Majesty’s determination of the line between Massachusetts and Newhampshire, there remains no considerable tracts of province lands, except in the eastern country; and  none there upon or near the sea, except in this particular tract and those upon or to the eastward of Penobscot River; and great numbers of the inhabitants are desirous of removing with their families to this part of the country, and bringing forward the settlement of it; which it is probable will not be otherwise effected until after a long course of years, and an expence to Great Britain in some proportion to the expence occasioned by the settlement of the provinces of Nova Scotia and Georgia.
    “Inasmuch therefore, as the province of Massachusetts Bay, hath a legal and equitable title to the jurisdiction and soil of this tract of country, under the restrictions and limitations of the royal character, and it is evidently for his Majesty’s interest that the enjoyment of this jurisdiction and property, should be continued to the province, it is humbly hoped that his Majesty will be graciously pleased to order that the province not be molested therein; and that such grants as have been or shall hereafter be made by the said government: of any part of this country, may obtain the royal confirmation.
    The committee appointed to prepare a state of the title of the province to the country between the rivers Kennebeck and St. Croix, have prepared the foregoing, which is submitted, in the name and by order of the committee, January 18, 1763.
    T. Hutchinson
    “In council, 20th January, 1763. Read and accepted, and ordered, that the Secretary cause a fair copy of this report to be made and transmitted to the agent; together with copies of such vouchers, to any of the facts as the committee shall furnish him with. Sent down for concurrence.
    A. Oliver, Secretary.
    “In the House of Representatives, February 1, 1763, read and concurred.Timothy Ruggles, Speaker.Consented to—Fra. Bernard.
    In addition to these, I had another Journal in which was recorded the voyage of Governor Pownal, to Penobscot, his treaty with the indians there, and his solemnly taking possession of the river and the country on both sides of it in the name and by the authority of the province of Massachusetts Bay. This volume has been borrowed or mislaid or something worse; so that I have it not in my power, to give it in all its details.
    These volumes, i.e. Shirley and Maitlands memorials, the Journals of the House of Representatives, and the charter and laws of Massachusetts Bay, had run all hazards with me in a leaky Ship, every hour for fifteen days in danger of sinking; and through Spain and France and Holland, and thence back to Paris.
    When they were produced and laid on the table before the British Minister and his associates I saw no great symptoms of surprise in any of them excepting the tall and venerable clerk of the Board of trade; his countenance and the agitation he was in, convinced me that he knew the contents of these volumes as well or better than I did. It was impossible but he must have been familiar with them all. It was manifest enough that the Comte De Vergennes was not the only refined politician with whom we had to do.
    When the gentlemen had read from his ancient records, all that he thought proper to read of misrepresentations of Coram and his associates against the Massachusetts Bay, requesting the gentlemen to peruse my other volumes at leisure, I read the foregoing report, and before I had gone half way through, I saw that all the gentlemen, not excluding the clerk himself, were fully convinced that they had taken possession of ground they could not maintain or defend. Although they did not expressly acknowledge their error, the subject subsided and we heard little more concerning the subject. The clerk with his records soon returned to England. In the next letter you will receive a few short reflections upon some of the preceeding papers.

John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 14 August 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

Quincy August 14. 1811

Upon honor, now, Rush! You cannot be serious in calling me, mad, to my Face! I learned a proper Answer to you, in Bedlam in England. In one of the Visits I made to that Hospital, I took a few Turns in the Area, where Some of the most harmless of the patients are permitted to walk. One of them a decent looking Man joined me, and  conversed  very Sensibly but with much animation for Some time: but presently he began to complain, “He was a much injured Man”. “Great Injustice was done him, He was cruelly treated” He was brought here very wrongfully.” “They might with equal Reason have brought here the most rational Man in England.”—“Sir, I am as rational a Man as ever existed.” This is my first answer to you, Rush. My Second is, Nat. Lee, who was mad himself Says Some where, “there is a pleasure in being Mad, that none but Madmen know.” As you, Rush, at present are not mad, however  raving you may have been formerly, you can not at present conceive this Sublime pleasure, and you have forgotten what it was.
You also have forgotten one Phrase, or one member of the Period in my old Letter “Sacrificed too much.” The sentence was “The Whigs have done too much, suffered too much, sacrificed too much, and succeeded too well; ever to be forgiven.”
However you know there were but two Whigs in The Revolution: Franklin and Washington. Franklins Sacrifices we have in your account of Richard Bache’s Fortune of 530,000 Dollars: and Washingtons Sacrifices We learn in from his Will, in which it appears he left four or five hundred Thousand Dollars to his Nephews; and from The Federal City, by which he raised the Value of his Property and that of his Family a thousand per Cent, at an Expence to the Public of more than his whole Fortune.
Poor Hancock who was once worth four times more than both of them was not a Whig. He spent a fortune instead of making one.
Dr Rush! I request you, or your Son Richard, to write a Treatise or at least an Essay, on the Causes of the Corruption of Tradition and consequently of the Corruption of History.—For myself I do believe that both Tradition and History are already corrupted in America as much as they ever were in the four or five first Centuries of Christianity; and as much as they ever were in Any Age or Country in the whole History of Mankind. This is bold and strong: but is it exageration? I know your Prudence, your Reserve, your caution your Wisdom: and therefore, as I cannot blame you, I have for a long time given Up all hope and Expectation of frank answers to Such home Questions.
I have been severely attacked for too much candor, in acquitting Franklin in the affair of the “Secrete de Cabinet” and in the Affair of Beaumarchais.” I met a Gentleman in Boston Streets a Friend of Franklin if ever he had one. He Seemed Staggered in his Faith. Sir, said he,  I was conversing with John Coffin Jones, upon your Character of Franklin. Jones said, “if any Man will show me, any possible means, by which Franklin could have accumulated such a Property as he left at his Death; I will acquit him of the Million, The Secret of the Cabinet, &c But till then I must have suspicions. I answered “I believe I could Suggest, or at least conjecture, Means whereby Franklin might have accumulated that Fortune, without Crime or Guilt. But I had no Idea of 530,000 Dollars. However your account of Lots and Houses in Philadelphia and my Knowledge and conjectures of other Things, may Still account for the whole; without the Supposition of peculation.
How Shall we account for the Selfishness the avarice, the all grasping Cupidity of those Sublime Genius’s. Boerhaave left a Fortune, as great or greater than Franklin, or Washington.—And never spent a Doit.

John Adams
P.S. Have you received from Travelling John Stewart in England his sophiometer? I am honoured with one, in gay Morocco. He is the only Man of Nature, that ever existed he Says. He is one of your Madmen to be sure. He raves against Napoleon and represents John Bull as all natural i.e all divine!


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Rush, 19 August 1811
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

My dear Old friend
Philadelphia August 19th: 1811

It is possible Dr Franklins estate, when sold, in Order to be divided, may not produce the Sum mentioned in my last letter. It consists chiefly of real property, purchased in same the early part of his life. The improvements in our City have given it its present immense Value. It is said the million of livres committed to him to be employed in secret Services to his Country, were divided equally between the late queen of France and Count de Vergennes. This fact it is said was discovered by Govr Morris who was instructed by Gen Washington to make an inquiry After it. This information was given to me lately in a manner, and from a person so capable of knowing its correctness, that I am disposed to believe it. The Doctor was a rigid  œconomist, but he was in every Stage of his private life charitable, hospitable & even generous. In his private intercourse with his fellow Citizens he was honest even above suspicion, and from all I have ever Seen and known of him I believe he was Strictly upright and correct as a servant of the public. I recollect he once told me that a large sum of money passed thro’ his hands for the purchase of stores for the British Army during the last french War in America. When he Settled his Accompts with the Quarter master of the Army,—he said to him to h “I wait now for my Commissions.” “Commissions (said the Qr master—) why have you not paid yourself”? “no Sir you see from the statement of my Accompts I have not” said the Dr:—“I am Sorry for it (said the Quartermaster) I have no power to allow you any thing. You ought to have taken care of it yourself.”
I have no hesitation in expressing a general Want of belief not only in history, tradition, but in recorded history and biography. The events of the American Revolution opened my eyes upon those Subjects. A few nights before the Capture of the Hessians at Trenton—Col: Saml Griffin with a Company of volunteer militia from Philada: alarmed a Regiment of Hessians at Mount Holly—A reinforcement was sent from Trenton to support them. After the Capture of the Hessians, this mode of weakening the enemy, was ascribed to the consummate military Skill of Gen Washington. Col: Griffen to my knowledge acted without any concert with the general. It was altogether of volunteer  peice of business.—
What do you think of Col: Jos: Reads name not being mentioned in the historys of our Revolution as the person who suggested the retreat and escape of our Army by the quaker road after the second battle at Trenton?—That wise measure gained the Victory at Princeton, saved our Army from annihilation, and perhaps, considering the desponding state of the public mind at that time,—it saved our Country.
Time and Chance happen to all things as they appear to short sighted mortals. Fame like money seems to be given with an undistinguishing hand. But all is just as it should be. Infinite wisdom & justice direct all the Affairs of the Children of men. In rejecting history and biography, I wish always to except the events and Characters recorded in the Old & new testaments. They are true—because they are natural, for they ascribe the former to a divine hand, and they never fail of to mention the weaknesses & vices of the latter. There is not a single Washington among all the heroes of the Bible. not one (—the Saviour of the World excepted) of Whom it is said—“To us a Son is born”—who is stiled “a Cloud by day, and pillar of fire by night” it also “our guide on earth, our Advocate in Heaven.” and Who is said to have “disciples.”—Lay not this iniquity O! Lord! to the Charge of our whole Country!—
When  Nat: Lee was asked in Bedlam what brought him there, he said he had called the World mad, and the world called him so, and that he had been “out voted.” This was my fate in the year 1793 when I first introduced the use of  mercury and bleeding for the cure of yellow fever. I lost my Character for Sanity by being out voted by my brethren, but since they have universally adopted those remedies, I have been permitted to resume my reason. This is literally true. The Son of an Old tory said some time ago at our Coffeehouse, that he “believed I had come to my senses”—only because the clamor of my brethren had subsided against my remedies.
There is not a single instance of a discovery, or improvement in any Art or Science made by a tory that I know of, in any part of the United States. Their prejudices are long as cartilaginous or bony upon all subjects, as they are upon the Subject of government.
Adieu! ever yours
Benja: Rush
PS: There was not scarcly a single deceased person that was active in our Revolution that has not died poor nor who is not now in Pennsylvania: Witness Read, mifflin, morris, Wilson, and many Others of less note.


Title: From John Adams to Alexander Hill Everett, 24 August 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Everett, Alexander Hill

Mr. Everett
Quincy August 24th. 1811

The Pamphlet I sent You was written in the Boston Gazette between the first Congress in 1774 and the second Congress which was in 1775 immediately after the Battle of Lexington—it was printed by Edes and Gill under the signature of Novanglus in answer to Massachusettensis written by Jonathan Sewal in Madam Draper’s Paper. Almon in London seized upon Novanglus and printed him in a Volume of Prior documents as a Suppliment to his Annual Register for 1775 from whence it was reprinted in London in the Pamphlet You have: which I pray You to return to me because I have no other Copy and know of no other in America.
Your favour of July 22d contains Mysterious Matter, altogether unknown to me, and in my retired hermitical Life altogether impenetrable and inscrutable. All I can say is, I will be the Tool of no Faction, nor of any Party and whenever it is thought proper to discontinue my correspondence in the Patriot, I am willing.
In the year 1773 there was a controversy in the General Court between Governor Hutchinson and the House of Representatives concerning the Supremacy of Parliament, or its absolute authority over the Colonies “in all cases whatsoever”. The Speeches, Answers, Replications, Rejoinders &c between the Governor and the House were printed in the Journals of the House, they were afterwards collected in a Pamphlet and published by themselves. I have neither the Journals of that time, nor the distinct Pamphlet but I earnestly wish to acquire them. As you are in the midst of printers and Booksellers, I ask the favour of You to inquire of the persons most likely to know whether the Journal or the Pamphlet are in being and to be purchased at any price, Judge Paine, I know possesses one of these Pamphlets—perhaps Governor Gerry—perhaps Mr. Lovel.
In 1773 or 1774 the House of Representatives impeached Chief Justice Oliver and his associate Judges for receiving their Salaries from the Crown of Great Britain before the Governor and Counsel. This impeachment was printed in the Journal but not in any Pamphlet—I wish to know if that Journal is any where to be found
In 1786—1787—1788. the first Volume of my Defence of the Constitution was reprinted in Boston, I know not by what Printer. I wish to know; and whether any Copies remain and how many and what Price will be demanded for the whole set that remains, another Edition of it was printed in New York and another in Philadelphia I should be glad to purchase all that remain of the three Editions—if the price is not too Great—I know not if any Copies remain of either.
Without mentioning my name or bringing me into View and without putting yourself one moment out of Your way, I should be obliged to You if You could obtain any information upon any of these subjects, by natural inquiries of any Persons likely to know.
Neglect no Business or pleasure or amusement for any of these enquiries, but You may possibly find Facts in the Course of these Inquiries of the last importance in the History of this Country which You have not Yet contemplated in their full force.
The Corruptions of Tradition lay the sure foundations for Corruptions of History—The gross and scandalous Corruptions of American Traditions are enough to discourage Virtue and establish Vice, whatever can be done to counteract the baleful Mischief, ought not to be omitted or neglected or Procrastinated. Divert not Your time or Your thoughts from Your own contemplations for the Public or Your self upon these perhaps idle Curiosities But if anything falls naturally in Your way—You will Oblige / Your very friendly, humble Servant
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 25 August 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

Dear Rush
Quincy August 25. 1811

If I could be considered as a Friend to the Family I should Advise the Grand Children of Dr Franklin to divide the Real Estate among them in their several proportions rather than to sell it in order to divide the Money.
Not a Liver or a Stiver was ever committed to Dr Franklin or any other Minister of The United States in Europe, “to be employed, in Secret Services to his Country.” The Million of Livres, that have excited so much speculation, were a Part of the Loans, or Donation of The King of France to the United States, which never found wanting in our Bankers hands, who said he had Accounted for all he had received. Dr Franklin wrote to the Comte de Vergennes upon the Subject and received for answer, that that Million was “Le Secret du Cabinet.”
Mr. Morris’s discovery, most probably was no more than a Suspicion, which some Person or other communicated to him. I presume he has no Evidence: and that none ever will be obtained. Franklins hands more pure as I believe in this Business.
The Anecdotes of Col. Griffin and Col Reed ought to be published. “Suum cuique  decus Posteritas rependit” cannot be true unless, the Truth is somewhere or other recorded by Contemporaries.
I wish you would try your hand, at an Enumeration of the Causes of the Corruption both of Tradition and History in our day. Your observation on the Characters of the Heroes in the Bible is as profound as it is correct. There is no Dious Julius, Dious Augustus or Dious Tiberius in that Book.
In Massachusetts as in Pensilvania, those who were active in the Revolution have died poor.
Hancock once owned Houses, Lands, Lots and Wharves in the Town of Boston and landed Estates in allmost all Parts of New England which if he had held them to the day would be worth more than Washington and Franklin were both worth; as I believe. Yet he died, not absolutely but comparatively poor. Cushing, S. Adams died poor. Paine, J. Adams and Gerry will die poor enough, though I hope not insolvent. Lincoln Knox, Brooks, Sullivan, were not rich. The great James Otis Junior, added nothing to his Property, but sacrificed immensely to the Public.
I hope you will excuse me if I say a few Words of myself: because you have read in some of our candid Federal Papers, that I have been “overpaid.” My Father, now Fifty years, a Saint in Heaven, was at the Expence of my Education at a Grammar School and at Harvard Colledge. By keeping a public Grammar School in Worcester I defrayed the expence of my Education to the Bar,. In 1758, I was recommended by the greatest Lawyer Massachusetts ever produced Jeremiah Gridley Esqr And by Chief Justice Pratt and by Mr Otis and Mr Thatcher to the Court in Boston in October 1758, and then took the oath and was admitted as an Attorney. In 1761 I was called to the Bar as a Barrister by the Supream Court. In May 1761 my ever honoured and beloved Father died and by his will left me a House and Barn  and Forty Acres of Land, besides one Third of his personal Estate. If I had converted that real Estate into Money, it would in the fifty years that have passed since, at legal Interest have amounted to more I believe, that I am now worth.
In 1764 I married, the Daughter of the richest Clergyman in the Province as his Brother Clergymen used to say. Be this as it may he was as kind to me, as a Father in Law ought to be  and gave me, on my Marriage what I thought a very handsome Sum of Money besides the ordinary Furniture of a Daughters Household. That Sum I instantly laid down in the Purchase of an Orchard and a very fine piece of Land near my Paternal House and Homestead. This Sum, in the hands of common sense and common Industry might have been employed, in the rapid Vicissitudes which have taken place in this Country, to produce a fortune much greater than I possess. From 1758 to 1775 seventeen years I was in Practice at the Bar; Seven years of it, at the head of The Bar. In this Period I am bold to say no Lawyer was ever more laborious. I was concerned in all the greatest Causes and rode most of the Circuit of the Province. Though I was never so greedy of great Fees as some others and though our Fees in those Times were not so high as they are now, and as they were in the Revolutionary Times when Rum Sugar and Molasses, Madeira Wine and English Goods were given in Profusion to the Lawyers: Yet I got Money as I thought very fast as fast as I desired. This I laid out in a House in Boston now of great Value, in Lands in my own Neighbourhood in the Country and in the Purchase of my Brothers share of my Fathers Estate; and lent at legal Simple Interest on Bonds and Mortgages to private Persons. When our continental Currency had depreciated four or five or six hundred per Cent. My Debtors tendered to my Wife their Payment of their Debts, I advised her to receive them and put them into the Loan Office, of the United States; where they lay sometimes dead and sometimes alive till Mr Gallatin has paid them off, and for want of knowing what to do with them, I have placed very injudiciously I fear.
In 1783, My revered Father in Law died and left my Wife one half of a Patrimonial Farm in Medford and near Boston, which has always produced an handsome Rent, and her share of his Personal Estate
In 1803 my Wifes Uncle Norton Quincy Esqr died and left my Wife her full Proportion of his Estate, with his other Relations. When I was called to Congress in 1774 I left as full Practice as any Lawyer ever held in this State. I left Debts due to me on Book, to a large amount, and many other Debts on Notes and Bonds. My Friend and Agent collected what he could and lent to the Publick. I have been ten years Ambassador abroad, Eight Years Vice President of the United States and four years President.
John Lowell in 1776 or 1777 removed from Newbury Port to Boston, stepped into my shoes, undertook my Business, engaged in the Employment of my Clients; and died lately worth several hundred Thousand Dollars: left a very handsome fortune to all his Sons and Daughters; and that very Spartacus, that Leader of Rebel Slaves that very “Rebel” who lately reproached me with being overpaid has a magnificent seat in Boston a Splendid Villa in the Country and large sums in Funds Banks and Insurances all derived from his Father, for he never earned much if any thing himself. After travelling over a great Part of Europe with his Family, This very Spartacus tells the World I have been overpaid. I might safely offer him all I am worth, as I believe, for one quarter Part of his.
Is not this Insolence too great for Philosophical or Christian Patience to bear? No. It is not, and I bear it with much Indifference, whether Philosophical or Christian or not.
Adieu
J. ANear a Million sterling passed through my hands in Amsterdam on which I never received a Farthin as Commissions or in any other Way. A knowing one might have made great Profits. I have had opportunities of making a Fortune by Speculation in The English Funds. I have had offers of Partnership in a Company to purchase our whole American Debt when it was at two and six Pence in the Pound. I never would have any Thing to do with it, and never made a Farthing in any of these Ways J. A


Title: To John Adams from Kilborn Whitman, 2 September 1811
From: Whitman, Kilborn
To: Adams, John

Sir
Pembroke Sept 2d 1811—

Understanding from good authority, that you have been pleased to interest yourself in my favour, respecting the appointments about to be made by the Executive of this Commonwealth, my feelings of gratitude for your friendship, with the late expressions of it, at a time of all others the most desireable, compel this acknowledgment, the expression of which you will please to accept, as coming from the heart, and which will be duly remembred, though I am informed, the interest of my friends, has totally faild of success—
As I have reason to believe, some of my friends have intruded on your retirement, by requesting your influence with the Governour in the my behalf, it is but justice to those friends, and a proper apology to you Sir, to state the facts on which the application was founded, and your goodness will pardon the efforts which have been made, that I should receive an appointment under the new Law. The facts Sir are these, about eighteen months since,  Our Court of Pleas had become so crowded with business, in consequence of the advanced age of some of our judges, that the Bar in this County, thought it their duty to promote some arrangment, which would facilitate the progress of business—they accordingly suggested to judge Watson, the propriety of resigning, and considering the opposition which had allways been made to any material  alteration in the Court of Pleas, it was judged best to consider, who of the Bar, would take the appointment, if judge Watson should resign. We requested judge Thomas of Plymouth to accept it, and pledged ourselves to petition the Executive in his behalf; he informed us, the emoluments were so small, being only about $120 Dollars the year, he could not accept it. The like offer was made a Mr Holmes of Rochester, who for the same reasons refused. We then solicited Nahum Mitchel Esq of Bridgwater to accept it, and he informed us, he had allready been solicited by judge Parsons to accept the appointment, if the seat of judge Watson should be vacated, that he had fully considered the subject, and should not accept it. I was then solicited in turn, and not taking so much time to consider of it, as the magnitude of the subject required, consented to accept it under the condition of retaining my students. The Bar address’d the Executive, and I was accordingly appointed. My acceptance was founded more on the judgment of others, than on my own; for it seem’d to be the oppinion of the Bar at that time, that from the number of Legal characters appointed on the Bench, that the Court of Pleas system would not be changed, and that some compensation would be made the judges, further than the fees allready established; this oppinion appeared to me to be plausible and was probible; I accordingly made an arrangment with Mr Winslow of Duxbury to take my Office and business, and contracted with him, that I would neither practice in the County myself, and that my son, who was to be admitted to the Bar this August Term, should not settle in the County; pursuant to this agreement Mr Winslow has dissposed of his place in Duxbury, moved his family to Pembroke, and procured himself a place in my neighbourhood; my son has settled on the Cape—: Unexpectedly to all of us, the Common Pleas system is changed, and I am not only deprived of the pittance from my office, but likewise of my profession, unless I move out of the County: thus situated my anxiety for my family could not be suppress’d; the late period of my entering the profession, with an indifferent stand for business, a family of eight children, the oldest of whom, has been an invalid for more than seven years, and from his ill health, not likely to succeed in business, all conspire’d to make the present state of things to me extremely gloomy—and I really thought, that if the Executive was made acquainted with my situation, it would have an effect, to procure me an appointment, if any person of my political sentiments was permitted to hold a seat on the Bench—
My brethren of the Bar, feeling for me, address’d the Governour, and requested my appointment; the Sheriff of the County, the District Attorney & Attorney General, with my neighbours, who were my friends, though differing from me in politics, joined in this request; I also was informed that your son, whom I consider as my friend, was disposed to aid my other friend, that I should be appointed.
Thus situated—I had hopes that party virulence would be suspended in the appointment of judges, especially as I was informed, that it entered into the plan of the Authors of the reform, that one Federalist should be appointed in each circuit—But to my astonishment I now learn, that a Legislative Caucus, have recommended Mr Mitchel of Bridgwater, as the person to be appointed, and last evening, by news from Henry Warren Esq of Plymouth my friends are assured, that I shall not be appointed, but that Mr Mitchel will: Considering my fate as determined, it is due to you Sir, that I acknowledge your kind exertions in my favour, as well as those of your son, whose friendship I never doubted—and whose mind I have allways believed was above that rancor, which prostrates all pretensions, at the footstool of party, that are not political—with the highest personal respect, I am your friend & servant.
Kilborn Whitman


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Rush, 4 September 1811
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

My dear friend,
Philadelphia Septemr 4. 1811

I am two letters in your debt. To the last I shall reply first.
I am not satisfied with any one of your objections to my proposal of a posthumous Address from you to the Citizens of the United States. The “good that men do lives after them” the evil they have done or the evil that has been unjustly imputed to them generally perishes in descends into the grave with them. I have lately met with a most furious Attack upon the Character of the celebrated Mr Baxter written too immediately After his death. This libel has died a natural death, but without affecting the real Character of Mr Baxter with posterity. He is justly considered as One of the greatest & best men England ever produced. His creed in Religion  embraces  both the Calvinists: & American principles. Even the great & good Dr: Sydenham did not escape the envy and malice of his cotemporary physicians. Their writings have perished. His name will live to the end of time. A library might be composed of the books written against Luther, Calvin, Whitefield and Westley. Where are those books now? and who presumes at this day to call in question the integrity or  the great atchievements of those men in reforming and benefitting the world? or who now opposes to their benevolent exploits, the infirmities of their tempers or trifling indiscretions in their of Conduct?
I have heard the Booksellers say that a book wch: is well received when it is first published, seldom commands a durable sale, and that Stock books, as they call them, generally lie for years upon their Shelves for before they become known, After which they acquire a fame & currency which grows with time. The same remark may be applied to public men. Washington is probably the only exception to it that is to be met with in common times. He was devoured as soon as the he came from the press, and he will probably  descend like a stock book, with increasing reputation to the latest posterity. Titus, Trajan, and Alfred  have been equally dear to their Cotemporaries, and to subsequent generations, in ancient times. Perhaps it was because they were rather good, than great, for great virtues are less envied and hated than great talents, and seldom stand in the way of the pretensions of Cotemporaries to public stations and fame.
No hand but your own must compose your voice from the tomb. Your stile is bold, original occasionally brilliant, and at all times full of nerve. There is not a redundant word in it. It is the Artillery of language. Your son when he returns may review it your address, and give it the touches of modern grammar, and order, but with all his genius and taste in composition, he in which he is unrivalled in our Country, he will not be able to render it more impressive upon your fellow-citizens.
Had the  Scriblers who now fill the Boston prints with  abusive publications against you; known you in 1774 1775 and 1776. Had they heard you unfold the secret causes and the probable certain Consequences of the American Revolution, had they and particularly that one of those its causes  Viz: the monopoly of Commerce, and the future empire of the ocean by G Britain,—had they heard your uniform testimony in favor of Republican forms of Government, & that too long before your letter to Mr Wythe was published; had they heard the moderation with which you treated both the foreign & domestic enemies of our Country, and that at a time too when you were preeminently obnoxious to both of them; had they heard your bold & eloquent speeches in favor of independance, and did they trace all their present liberty, their superb city houses and their splendid villas, & their bank stoc & Insurance Stock chiefly in part to those exploits of your Wisdom & patriotism, they would blush at their ingratitude & implore your forgiveness before you were removed for ever from their sight.
Now for your first letter.  The memoirs of your life as far as they relate to your property have been read with great interest by all my family. A Mr: Richardson from Charleston visited me a few days ago. He spoke with great delight of a day he spent at your house at Quincy a few weeks ago, and gave you great credit for your chearfulness, and many pleasant anecdotes of the eventful years of the Revolution. He told me among other things, that Govr: Gerry who introduced him to you, acquiesced in the correctness of B: Harrison’s Speech to him upon their subscribing the declaration of Independance. Mr: Richardson mixed with both parties in Boston & assured me that with all the Complaints he heard from one party against your present conduct, he did not hear a whisper unfavourable to your integrity in public or private life. On the contrary, he often heard you pronounced to be “one of the honestest of men.”— He added further that both friends  & enemies agreed that you were certainly  possessed of an estate that was valued from 80, to 100,000 dollars. All my family heard this with very great pleasure.
On the 26th: of last month Mr: Thos: Fitzsimons added a unit to the catalogue of our departed revolutionary worthies. He died of a broken heart, induced not so much by great losses, as by the Unkindness of the persons by whom he sustained them. He lent 160,000 dollars to the late Robt Morris, not a dollar of which was ever repaid. It was my affliction to see the gradual decay of his body and mind. I loved him sincerely, and have deplored his death for he was my uniform friend. In my last visits to him, he now & then spoke of you, & always with a tribute of homage to your the purity of your intentions in all your the public Acts of your life.
Not a word must be said of the military anecdotes of Col: Griffin & Col Reed, mentioned in one of my late letters to you—no—not even to your brother in law Mr Cranch, nor to any other of your public or private friends.—
What a striking Comment upon military history are the two letters of Com: Rodgers and Capt: Bingham! A similar comment may be seen in Sully’s account of the immense difference in the details of a battle fought by Henry the 4th of France a with Henry the 3rd: which was were communicated to the former by his officers after his retreat from the field in consequence of being wounded in the early stage of the battle.—
I have read Mr Cranch’s letter to Mr Norton, and have since put it into the hands of Mr Wharton at your request. Mr Cranch’s theory is ingenious, but my friend Wharton I am sure will not adopt it. He has long considered London as the head quarters of Antichrist.
Adieu! my dear friend. With love to all who daily surround your pleasant, and hospitable board, in which all my family join, I am Dr Sir your grateful & affectionate / friend
Benjn Rush
PS: I think I have observed that intergrity in the conduct of both the living & the dead takes the a stronger hold of the human heart of than any other virtue. It is placed before mercy by the name of justice in the Scriptures, and just men are in many parts of the inspired writings placed upon very high ground. It is right it should be so. The world stands in more need of justice than charity, and indeed it is the want of justice that renders charity every where so necessary. The  opposite vice to integrity is like the fly in the pot of ointment. It spoils every other a host of virtues. By integrity I mean not only justice as to matters of meum et tuum; but veracity, fidelity to promises; and a strict coincidence between thoughts, words and actions.


Title: From John Adams to François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 4 September 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan

Dr. Sir
Quincy September the 4. 1811

I have Sent to The Post Office this Morning, your Diploma, as Member of our Accademy. How many years ago ought you to have had it? I hope you will now communicate your Speculations to that Body through Mr Quincy their corresponding Secretary.
I should advise Mr George Marsden to petition Congress for Relief, Setting forth his Service Commissions and present Circumstances.
of Meteroric Stones I know no more, that of speaking Bulls and reasoning Jacks
May not volcanic Eruptions made by Explosions of great Masses of the Elastic Fluid, or by Subterraneous Streams of Water, breaking suddenly into Masses of burning Sulphur, and by this means converted into Steam drive up Stones to vast hights in the Air? May not these Explosions be in the Sea, in great Lakes or even in Smaller Ponds, or in Rivers; and the Cavities Soon filled up again with Water. May not Such Eruptions be in vast Swamps and deep Forests which People have not yet explored?
None but Lunaticks I think will go to the Moon to fetch Such Stones. But I am almost a Sceptick. I can Scarcely credit Pliny or Livy or any modern Naturalists or Historians in what they Say of Ardentes Lapides &c yet it may be true. I am as willing to be accused of Incredulity as Credulity.
“Tu m’aduli, ma tu mi piace.” There now I ever with you.
Friend as usual
John AdamsYesterday compleated Eight and twenty Years of Peace. What other Nation has enjoyed the Blessing So long?


Title: To John Adams from William Plumer, 5 September 1811
From: Plumer, William
To: Adams, John

My dear Sir,
Epping (N.H.) September 5th 1811

It is sometime since I have had any information from my much esteemed friend, your worthy son, the minister of the United States at St. Petersburg. There is a report that he has not accepted the office of Judge, but will still remain at that court in the character of minister—permit me therefore to ask the favor of informing me per mail when you last heard from him—when you expect his return to this country—and whether a letter from me would probably reach him before he will leave Russia?
I am every week highly gratified with your invaluable correspondence, published in the Boston Patriot; and only regret that we have not more of it. These publications are to me peculiarly interesting—they contain important facts known to but few—& they are read by many with avidity. I hope you are resolved to bring the correspondence and statements up to the end of your presidency, if not further. You will pardon me for saying, I think it is a debt you owe your to country, to posterity, to yourself, your family and friends. And your prompt punctuality in discharging all other obligations convinces me you will cancel this.
Will the unjust and tyrannical conduct of the belligerents, particularly the recent condemnation of our ships and cargoes by Great Britain, compel the United States to resort to war? The present time appears a critical one to our country—and I fear a state of war, especially if it be an active one, will prove injurious to our government—which is better calculated for a peace establishment than for a State of hostility. But it is with nations, as with individuals, there is a point in suffering when submission becomes criminal, & the employment of active force a duty. Has that period arrived for this country? Would war at this time, though we have just cause for declaring it, redress our wrongs? I frankly confess, my voice is still for peace. I would wait longer—till the outrages of our enemies shall still more clearly place them in the wrong in the view of the world—& render our own Union more general & stable. But perhaps, in this, I am in an error.
I am with Sentiments of much respect & esteem, / Dear Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
William Plumer


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 7 September 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

               Quincy, September 7, 1811.

            The preliminaries of peace were signed and I was weary of writing in the night. I do not find that I kept any journal during the remainder of the winter, until the month of May, 1783. I spent my time in looking at France, in the court and the city, in the theatres, churches, and especially in the palace, where the courts of justice are held. This survey of the laws, government, history, morals, manners, education and institutions of that nation and country, superficial as it was, I found of great use to me afterwards in forming conjectures of the merit and tendency and final result of the revolution, which began in 1786. I knew the talents and virtues of the first mayors, but I also knew their total inexperience, and their absolute misconception of the nature of a free government.The preliminary articles were laid before parliament, and here commenced another revolution, more in appearance however than in reality—I will not say disgraceful to human nature, because I am not a judge of the policy of the gentlemen concerned in it, but certainly of very great importance both to Great Britain and America. A revolution by which my lord Cambden became less friendly to America than lord Mansfield, the duke of Richmond than lord Bute, Mr. Burke and Mr. Fox than Lord North.The ways of Heaven are dark and intricate. That revolution may have operated to the advantage of America. But this is speculating to the clouds.Richmond, Cambden, Fox and Burke, who had been in opposition toward North and his party during the whole of the American contest, and who had uttered phalipicks against his lordship, almost equal to those of Cicero against Anthony, now entered into a coalition with his lordship, and were more eager than his lordship  parliament  the preliminary articles of peace. The earl of Sherburne shrunk and withered under a combination of whigs and tories, of revolutionists and jacobites against him, and the coalition administration  in! A phenomenon in the moral and political world. It was an union of the aristocracy of the three kingdoms. The union produced the same effects as all other unions of aristocracies in all ages and countries, the slavery of the king on one side and of the people on the other. An India bill was brought in totally subversive of the constitution, taking away from the crown its constitutional prerogative of patronage, and giving it, to whom? to themselves, that is, to a committee to be appointed by that very aristocracy, or rather oligarchy. The king understood them, but dared not venture on his constitutional authority to negative the bill, but thought it necessary to gain the nation of his  by exerting another prerogative which would be less unpopular, that of dissolving parliament. The nation had as much sense as the king and returned him an anti-coalition house of commons.—Strange to tell, Dr. Price and Dr. Jebb became king’s men upon principle, and exerted all their influence to obtain a parliament to the king’s mind, though at the sacrifice of all their long established friendship for Fox and Burke.This period of English history deserves to be studied, perhaps as much as that of Thomas à Kempis, that of cardinal Woolsey, or that of arch-bishop Laud, both in an historical and constitutional point of view.But to return—we procured a passport for the ship that was too carry our dispatches with the preliminary articles to congress, in these words:

George Rex—George the third, by the grace of God, king of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c.To all admirals, vice-admirals, captains, commanders of our ships of war or privateers, governors of our forts and castles, customers, comptrollers, searchers, and to all and singular our officers, civil and military, our ministers and loving subjects, whom it may concern, greeting: Our will and pleasure is, and we do hereby strictly charge and require you, as we do likewise pray and desire the officers and ministers of all princes and states in amity with us, to permit and suffer the vessel called the Washington, commanded by Mr ———   Barney, belonging to the United States of North America, to sail from either of the ports of France to any port or place in North America, without any lett, hindrance, or molestation whatsoever, but on the contrary affording the said vessel all such aid and assistance as may be necessary.

Given at our Court of St. James’, the tenth day of December, 1782, in the twenty-third year of our reign.———By his majesty’s command.Signed, Tho: Townshend.Ship Washington—Pass.To B. Franklin, Esq.Versailles, 25th Dec. 1782.Translation.I have the honor to send you, sir, my dispatches for M. Le Chevalier de la Luzerne. The packet is voluminous, but it contains many duplicates.I wish it were in my power to inform him that our negotiation is as far advanced as yours, but it is yet at a great distance. I am not able even to foresee the issue, for difficulties grow out of the facilities to which we have consented. It will be well, sir, for you to forewarn the congress, that they may be forearmed against whatever may occur. I do not despair, I rather entertain hope, but all is yet uncertain. I have the honor to be, with a perfect consideration, sir, your most humble and most obedient servant,Signed, De Vergennes.By the United States, in Congress assembled.Dec. 31, 1782.On the report of the committee to whom was referred a letter of 14th of October last, from the minister plenipotentiary at the court of Versailles,Resolved. That the ministers plenipotentiary for negotiating peace be instructed, in any commercial stipulations with Great Britain, which may be comprehended in a treaty of peace, to endeavour to obtain  for the citizens and inhabitants of the United States, a direct commerce, to all parts of the British dominions and possessions, in like manner, as all parts of the U. States may be opened to a direct commerce of British subjects: or at least that such direct commerce be extended to all parts of the British dominions and possessions in Europe and the W. Indies. And the said ministers are informed, that stipulations be particularly expected by Congress in case the citizens and subjects of each party are to be admitted to an equality in matters of commerce with the natives of the other party.Signed, Robert R. Livingston.About the middle of January Mr. Oswald prepared to leave us and return to England. Dr. Franklin had so much at heart, his aversion to the loyalists on one hand and his platonic stipulations in favour of fishermen, merchants, and husbandmen on the other, that he took care to furnish Mr. Oswald with the following letter to carry with him in the Court of St. James’s and the city of London.To Mr. Oswald Esq.(I presume it should have been to R. Oswald Esq.)Passy, January 14, 1783.Sir—I am much obliged by your information of your intended trip to England. I heartily wish you a good journey, and a speedy return; and request your kind care of a packet for Mr. Hodgson.I enclose two papers that were read at different times by me to the commissioners; they may serve to show, if you should have occasion what was urged, on the part of America, on certain points; or they may help to refresh your memory. I send you also another paper, which I once read to you separately. It contains a proposition for improving the law of nations, by prohibiting the plundering of unarmed and usefully employed people. I rather wish than expect, that it will be adopted. But I think it may be offered with a better grace, by a country, that is likely to suffer least and gain most by continuing the antient practice; which is our case; as the American ships laden only with the gross productions of the earth, cannot be so valuable as yours filled with sugars or with manufactures. It has not yet been considered by my colleagues; but if you should think or find, that it might be acceptable on your side, I would try to get it inserted in the general treaty. I think it will do honor to the nations that establish it.

With great and sincere esteem, I am, sir, your most obedient and most humble servant.Signed, B. Franklin.I shall save myself the trouble of narration and the risque of mistaking or misremembering facts and dates by giving original letters and memoranda, at the time, whenever I can. To this end, I shall insert a translation of a letter from the Comte de Vergennes, to save the trouble of copying and your readers the trouble of reading the original French.To B. Franklin, Esq.Versailles, Saturday night, the eighteenth of January, 1783.It is essential, Sir, that I should have the honor of conferring with you, with Mr. Adams and with those of the gentlemen your colleagues, who may be now at Paris. I pray you, consequently Sir, to be so good as to invite those gentlemen to come to Versailles with you on Monday, before ten o’clock in the morning. It would be well, if you would bring with you Mr. ——— your grandson. He may be necessary to us, to translate several things, from the English into French, and even to write. The object with which I have to entertain you, is very interesting to the United States, your masters.I have the honor to be, with a perfect consideration Sir, your most humble and most obedient servant,Signed, De Vergennes.To Count de Vergennes.Passy, Jan. 18, 1783, at 10, P.M.Sir—Agreeable to the notice just received from your excellency, I shall acquaint Mr. Adams with your desire to see us on Monday, before ten o’clock, at Versailles, and we shall endeavor to be punctual. My other colleagues are absent; Mr. Laurens being gone to Bath, in England, to recover his health, and Mr. Jay into Normandy. With great respect, I have, the honor to be, sir, your excellency’s most obedient and most humble servant,Signed, B. Franklin.I shall bring my grandson, as you direct.To His Excellency J. Adams, Esq.Passy, Jan. 19, 1783.Sir—Late last night I received a note from M. de Vergennes, acquainting me that it is very essential he should have a conference with us, & requesting I would inform my colleagues. He desires that we may be with him before ten, on Monday morning. If it will suit you to call here, we may go together in my carriage. With great regard I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient and most humble servant,B. FranklinWe should be on the road by 8.We were accordingly, on the road before eight, and at the Comte de Vergennes’s office, who received us with great politeness and cheerfulness before ten: and we were soon joined by the Comte D’Arunda, ambassador from Spain, and Mr. Fitzherbert minister plenipotentiary from G. Britain. This was a delicious day, and the whole company entered into the spirit of the benevolent and friendly business, which had brought us together.Our affair lay with Mr. Fitzherbert: and the first step to be taken was to exchange full powers with him which was done. As his commission is Latin and ours in English have been already printed in these letters in your Patriot, it would be needless to repeat them here. Credentials being exchanged in due form. The following declarations were signed and exchanged both in French and English. It will be quite enough to trouble you with them in English.English Declaration,Signed by Mr. Fitzherbert.Whereas the preliminary articles agreed to and signed this day between his majesty the king of Great Britain, and his most christian majesty on the one part, and also between his said Britannic majesty and his Catholic majesty on the other part, stipulate a cessation of hostilities between these three powers, which is to commence upon the exchange of the ratifications of the said preliminary articles: and whereas by the provisional treaty signed the thirtieth of November last, between his Britannic majesty and the United States of North America, it was stipulated that the said treaty should have its effect as soon as peace between the said crowns should be established—The underwritten minister plenipotentiary of his Britannic majesty declares, in the name and by the express order of the king his master, that the said United States of North America, their subjects and their possessions, shall be comprised in the suspension of arms abovementioned, and that they shall consequently enjoy the benefit of the cessation of hostilities, at the same periods, and in the same manner, as the three crowns aforesaid, and their subjects and possessions respectively; on condition however, that on the part and in the name of the said United States of North America, there shall be delivered a similar declaration, expressing their assent to the present suspension of arms, and containing an assurance of the most perfect reciprocity on their part.In faith whereof, we, the minister plenipotentiary of his Britannic majesty, have signed this present declaration and have thereto caused the seal of our arms to be affixed, at Versailles, this twentieth day of January, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-three.Signed, [L.S.] Alleyne Fitzherbert.English Declaration,Signed by the American Ministers.We, the underwritten, ministers plenipotentiary of the United States of North America, having received from Mr. Fitzherbert, minister plenipotentiary of his Britannic majesty, a declaration relative to a suspension of arms to be established between his said majesty and the said states, of which the following is a copy, viz.[Here was inserted verbatim, a recital of the forgoing declaration of Mr Fitzherbert.]We have, in the name of the said United States of North America and in virtue of the powers we are invested with, received the above declaration, and do accept the same by these presents, and we do reciprocally declare that said states cause to cease all hostilities against his Britannic majesty, his subjects and possessions at the terms or periods agreed to between his said majesty the king of Great Britain, his majesty the king of France, and his majesty the king of Spain, in the same manner as stipulated between these three crowns, and to have the same effect.In faith whereof, we, ministers plenipotentiary from the United States of America, have signed the present declaration, and have hereunto affixed the seals of our arms, at Versailles, the twentieth of January, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-three.Signed, [L.S.] John Adams.[L.S.] Benjamin FranklinThe preliminary articles of peace between France and Great Britain were signed at Versailles on the twentieth of January, 1783. As it is printed in the publications of that year and in the collections of treaties, it would be unnecessary to insert it here. The twenty second article, according to my most simple and literal translation of it, is in these words—Article 22d—To prevent all subjects of complaint and of contestation which may have birth on occasion of prizes which may be made at sea after the signature of these preliminary articles, we have reciprocally agreed that the vessels and effects which may be taken in the channel and in the north seas, after the space of twelve days, to be computed from the ratification of the present preliminary articles, shall be on one part and the other restored. That the term shall be of one month, from the channel and the north seas up to the Canary Islands, inclusively, whether in the ocean or in the Mediterranean—(depuis les manche et les mers du nord, jusqu’aux Isles Canaries, inclusivement, soit dans l’ocean, soit dans la Mediterranée) of two months, from the said Canary Islands up to the equinoxial line or the equator; and finally of five months in all the other places of the world, without any exception, or other more particular distinction of times or places.I have inserted this article chiefly for the purpose of exposing the British chicanery that was immediately set to work to misinterpret the word “jusqu’aux.” Instead of interpreting jusqu’aux to mean up to, they translated it, as far as, and under this false grammar and this Jesuitical distinction, they captured many American vessels which their owners and commanders had not confidence enough in the justice of British courts of justice to contest at law.

               John Adams.