Title: To James Madison from John Beckley, 25 May 1795
From: Beckley, John
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir,Philadelphia 25th: May 1795.
I have written you twice by post, once from New York and once since my return, but being without any acknowledgment of their receipt, am fearful of some miscarriage or failure thro’ the post Office. I stated to you very fully the reasons that delayed the settlement with Mr: Dohrman, and shall now repeat them; By the Mortgage to you of Novemr: 1788, the debt is specified and acknowledged to be £2000. New York Currency, with Interest thereon at seven per Centum from the date of the Mortgage; this he insists, was an Arbitrary sum put in the Mortgage, solely, to cover the bona fide amount of the debt, as the same should afterwards on a final settlement appear, on a recurrence to the Original Bill, with the Interest and damages thereon, according to the laws & custom of Virginia, and that it was impossible by any fair rule of settlement that his Bill drawn in March 1785 for 2700 dollars, could in November 1788 amount to 5000 dollars = £2000 York Currency. How far these suggestions are founded in fact you can best decide. On the one hand, the original Bill and papers remaining with you after the Mortgage was given, seemed to favor the Idea that no definitive liquidation of the debt was then made, whilst, on the other hand it was impossible for me to determine, how far the Interest, damages and difference of Exchange, between the date of the Bill and the date of the Mortgage, might have operated to the prejudice of Mr: Dohrman in producing such an amount of debt when the latter was given. Thus circumstanced I proposed a settlement on his principle, retaining the Mortgage in my possession and giving him a conditional acquittance until I heard from you, but to this he demurred proposing that the matter should rest until I could write to you, and that by your answer he would be governed, and immediately authorise & empower his correspondent in this City to make a final settlement and payment of the debt to me. He produced two acknowledgments of Mr: Mazzei, in part payment, since the date of Mortgage, amounting as well [as] I recollect to about 1400 dollars, but as we made no settlement I omitted to take a memorandum of them. His mode of payment will be in negotiable notes at 90 days with an approved endorser. Be pleased to favor me with your earliest answer on this subject.
This letter will be delivered you by Mr: Preston, and I enclose eight copies of the ‘Political Reflections.’ I brought two dozen from New York and have distributed them all. I expect 50 more in a day or two, and shall scatter them also—they were bought and dispersed in great numbers there, and are eagerly enquired after by numbers here. It will be republished in Boston, Portsmouth, Vermont, and at Richmond. Some careless delay has attended the little statement of facts by ‘A Calm Observer.’ But I have written to Colo. Burr and expect to see it shortly, and will forward a copy. The election of Governor is still in dubio. Great bets are depending on both sides, but I understand, thro’ a very direct channel (Knox cidevant Secy.) that King & Hamilton despair. In my last, I hinted at a fact respecting Hamilton, which, knowing the security of the present conveyance, I will now fully state. About six or eight weeks ago, whilst Hamilton was in N. York, Commodore Nicholson in conversation with a friend of Hamiltons stated that he had authentic information on which he knew he could rely, that Hamilton had vested £100,000 Sterling in the British funds, whilst he was Secretary of the Treasury, which sum was still held by a Banking house in London, to his use and Interest. H’s friend took fire, declared it a base calumny, and that it should be immediately investigated, demanding Nicholsons authority—Nicholson replied that he would be ready at any time & place when called on by Hamilton, to produce his Author, with the proofs he possessed. No call has however been made from that time to this. Nicholson informed me of these particulars himself, and added that if Hamiltons name is at any time brought up as a candidate for any public office; he will instantly publish the circumstance.
Dispatches from Monroe were lately intercepted by the British in the Pomona, and opened by the Kings Atto. General, in the Admiralty Court at Halifax, notwithstanding Mr. Purveiance the Supercargo of the Ship and bearer of the dispatches produced Monroes passport to him under the same official Seal—this has produced a warm correspondence between Mr. Randolph and Hammond.
Intelligence to several commercial houses here particularly Willings, Binghams or Lewis’s, Swanwicks &c. from their correspondents in France &c. state most decidedly that a seperate peace was signed the 26th: March between France, prussia, Spain, & Portugal. The Aristocrats here beleive it to be true, but I anxiously wish a confirmation. In a late conversation with Mr: Randolph he disclosed many corrob[or]ating particulars in the correspondence from Spain, evidencing that they were eagerly seeking for peace, even thro’ the generals of the Armies. In the same conversation too, he hinted very directly at you as the Author of ‘Political reflections.’ I discover in him, a great anxiety for Jay’s election, and conclude that it is equally desireable by the President.
Mr: Pinckneys departure for Madrid, is delayed for a short time, in consequence of some circumstances which Mr: Jay is to explain; he may be expected daily. A new frigate, the Agricola, was preparing at Rochfort to bring out Mr: Adet the new French Minister & two Commissioners, Members of Convention, they are expected every hour. These arrivals and the seperate peace, if true, will probably have an influence on the ratification of Mr: Jays treaty. This Moment, by an arrival from Guadaloupe in 14 days, we have the intelligence of the arrival there of a fleet from Brest of Eleven sail of the line with eight or ten thousand troops on board; this force will probably sweep all the West India Islands, before any assistance can be afforded from Gt Britain, for so completely are the Ministry engrossed with the apprehension of an invasion that they have no idea of breaking the force of their channel fleet, wholly trusting to the force now in the West Indies and to the hope that the French would not risk a division of their Marine force; besides no fleet can now be obtained from England before the Hurricane Months, after which, it will be October or November before the Season for action commences again, by which time the complete conquest of all the leward islands may be expected, as also the recovery of Saint Domingo. Another crisis appears to be approaching between the contending factions at paris of the Moderates & Jacobins; the trial of Barrere & his Associates will probably decide it, but in whatever way it terminates, little benefit can be expected to result from it to the cause of the revolution.
Mr: Brown, is returned from his excursion to the Southward, he has not received the two letters yo. took on for him to Geo: town. If you carried them on to Orange, be so good as to forward them here by Post. Be pleased to present the best respects of all our family to Mrs. Madison & her Sister & accept them yrself, from Dear Sir, Yrs. truly,
John Beckley.


Title: To James Madison from Henry Lee, 6 June 1795 (Abstract)
From: Lee, Henry
To: Madison, James

6 June 1795, Richmond. Introduces Mr. Hopkins, “a gentleman from Newyork on a visit to our western country.”


Title: From James Madison to John Swanwick, 7 June 1795
From: Madison, James
To: Swanwick, John

Letter not found. 7 June 1795. Acknowledged in Swanwick to JM, 14 June 1795. Asks Swanwick to make inquiries about renting a house in Philadelphia for JM for the next congressional session. Reports that Montpelier crops will probably be good.


Title: To James Madison from Joseph Jones, 10 June 1795
From: Jones, Joseph
To: Madison, James

Dr. Sir—Frid. June 10th—95
After my return from the General Court where I shall go next Monday I shall take the circuit from Dumfries Alexandria & through Loudoun onwards to Charlotte [s]ville by which means I shall effectuelly I think dissipate the effluvia which may have attached to me from those in the smallpox—indeed I do not think anything I shall take with me can endanger any one as I have none of it in the house & shall take care every thing shall be well cleaned before I depart for fear of mischief to any one. Should you be at home I shall call if I am satisfied my presence will not alarm. I thank you for the pamphlet—I had seen it in the Aurora and think it an able support of the conduct of our Delegation. Adieu. Yrs
J. Jones


Title: To James Madison from James Monroe, 13 June 1795
From: Monroe, James
To: Madison, James

Dear ⟨Sir⟩Paris June 13. 1795.
I was sometime since favd. with yours of the 11. of March being the second since I left America. You were I presume soon after the date of that in possession of several from me, of two more especially which opened fully the state of things here under the impression of Mr. Jay’s treaty, and which state has not been essentially varied since: for as all communication upon the subject of that treaty has to this moment been with: held from me, it was impossible I shod. alter the impression that was at first made by the reports concerning it. In the interim therefore the opinion of this government is suspended in regard to us. The chagrin however wh. applied in the first instance to the author of the treaty only, upon acct. of the distrust which was shewn of this government in withholding its contents even from me, has by the continuation of the system, been extended in a great measure to the Executive itself. It is considered here even by the reps. of the neutral powers as marking a particular harmony with Engld. and wh. ought to excite uneasiness. You will therefore readily conceive how well disposed the minds of all are to criticise upon that transaction whenever it transpires: and you will likewise be enabled to form a just estimate of the pain & distress of my situation here, & which promises to be encreased in case that transaction is not approved.
As soon as the treaty was signed in Engld. Mr. Jay wrote me it was signed observing that it contained an article which stipulated our other engagments shod. not be affected by it: and some time after this he wrote me that he intended to communicate to me in confidence the principal heads of the treaty for my use as a publick minister. Upon this, as I found we were losing ground in consequence of that event I sent to him for it, stating my promise to the govt. to shew to it whatever he sent me: hoping that in case it contd. any thing improper he wod. not send it. Upon this application he was greatly wounded upon the score of national dignity &ca, said we were an independant people &ca, and sent nothing, but wod. write the executive & take its orders, it being obvious that before he cod. receive which, he wod. embark for America, as it really happened. After this again he sent Colo. Trunbull here (the Colo. having in truth some private business also in Germany) to offer a verbal communication of the contents of the treaty upon condition I wod. not disclose it. As I had promisd the committee to communicate what I shod. receive upon the subject & when I shod. receive it, and which promise was made after my first letter from Mr. Jay & which stated that he cod. not communicate it, and of course in the expectation that I shod. hear nothing on the subject till I heard from America, it followed that I cod. not accept it upon the terms offered by Col. Trunbull. His mission here however excited the displeasure of this government & encreased my embarrassment, for it was suspected that he came upon some business of the Englh. admn. (as was published in the Englh. papers), and was calculated to create a belief that thro him I was possess’d, if I had not been before, of the contents of Mr. Jay’s treaty: so that I was plac’d in a dilemma of not only not being able to remove the doubts of the govt. as to the contents of this treaty, but likewise of defending my own character from the suspicion of having been acquainted with the negotiation from the beginning & of being of course in great political harmony with Mr. Jay. As I had always fortified myself agnst this very unjust suspicion by frank communications, so I deemed it equally necessary in this instance, & in consequence exposed to the Committee the proposition of Mr Jay thro’ Mr. Trunbull & my refusal to accept it. By this line of conduct together with the concurrent report of all Frenchmen who now are or have been in America, I believe I am free in the estimation of the govt. from unjust suspicions: and I likewise believe I shall be free from them let the issue in America (now depending) be what it may. Whether I shall have any weight in case the thing is approvd & is improper, upon the sentiment & measure of the govt. here is doubtful.
I find by Mr. Randolph’s letter that mine of the 18th. of Decr. has reached him: I hope you remd. in Phila. till the 8th of this month & was possess’d of the other letter alluded to above explaining more fully the impression of this govt. towards us, for certainly yr. council in that interesting business wod. be of great use to our country, and especially as you would be confided in by many from the Eastward. I will possess you by some safe hand of the correspondence with & respecting mr. Jay. I will now send you a letter from Mr. Short shewing that if we stood well here we have every thing under our controul with respect to Spn. as we certainly had with respect to Engld. had it not been thrown away as I fear it has been. This letter is an important document, and ov⟨er⟩sets all the reasoning of those who a⟨re⟩ opposed to the necessity of harmony here to give effect to our negotiations elsewhere.
The movments of the 12. of Germinal & 1st. of Prarial have terminated favorably to the objects of the revolution by strengthening the hands of govt. & promising some change in the constitution of 1793. upon our principle, a division of the legislature into two branches, &ca which it is expected will be reported by the Committee of 11. who now have that subject under consideration.
I beg of you in particular to shew my communications always to Mr. Jefferson, who I suspect declines intentionally a correspondence from a desire to enjoy free from interruption the comforts of private life: and likewise to Mr. Jones & with respect to others I leave you to Act as you please. We are well & desire to be affecy remembered to Mrs. M. yr. father & his family.
The derangmt. of Holland by the conquest puts it out of V Stophorts power to advance me money tho’ I am convinc’d a loan may be obtaine⟨d⟩ to purchase land if any bargain offers & of wh you will advise me. Sincerely I am yr. friend & sert
Jas. Monroe
A treaty with Holland is made whereby those states are independant, paying 100.000.000. of florins for the expences of the war &ca.


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 14 June 1795
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear SirOrange June 14. 1795
I am almost ashamed to be so late in acknowledging your favr. of April 27: but, saying nothing of some unknown cause of its not getting to hand till two weaks or more after its date, I have been in constant expectation & intention of paying my respects in person to Monticello within two or three days and consequently of explaining & justifying my purposes better than it could be done by letter. A succession of incidents has as constantly delayed any visit, till the time has arrived for fulfilling a promised one to a particular relation of Mrs. M. in Hanover about 50 Miles distant. I am the more anxious to have this over, as the season will soon be unsafe in that quarter, and the harvest will require my presence. As soon after my return as possible I will indulge myself with the pleasure of seeing you. I have lately recd. a letter from Monroe of Feby. 25. which he wishes you to see & I shall bring with me. A prior one also of very interesting contents will be also worth your perusal. I have heard nothing yet from Philada. relating to the tenor of the Treaty with G. B. Just about the close of the Session I wrote a coercive letter to Dohrman on the subject of his debt to Mazzei. He answered that he was, just on the rece[i]pt of it, abt. to let me know that the success of some of his efforts wd. soon enable him to close the business. My departure obliged me to put it into the hands of Beckley who was going to N. Y. from whom I learn that D. suspends the payment till a liquidation of the debt can be made, but with an apparent ability & purpose to avoid any delay beyond that. It seems that D. has receipts for part payments to Mazzei subsequent to his deed of Trust to me, and alledges with some probable reason that the sum in the deed was not the real amount of the debt but a round one fully covering & securing the maximum. There are some points also relating to the rate of damages & interest on the protested bills, on which there may be room for negociation. As well as I recollect both were to be settled according to the laws of N. Y. not of Virginia, whether binding in the case or not, in consideration of the indulgence shewn him. I have urged a payment immediately of as much as may be due according to his own shewing, but have recd. no answer. I have several little things for you as your seal &c. with a few pamphlets. Among the latter is a fugitive publication answering the misrepre[sen]tations of the Session prior to the last. It was extorted by the intreaties of some friends, just at the close of the session, under a surfeit of politics, and contains about half what was sketched & meant for the press; the nausea of the subject & other circumstances have left the remainder unfinished. I shall bring these articles with me when I pay my visit. Yrs. always & affecy.
Js. Madison J⟨r.⟩


Title: To James Madison from John Swanwick, 14 June 1795
From: Swanwick, John
To: Madison, James

Dear sir—Philada. June 14. 1795.
I have Received your very esteemed favour of the 7 Inst. and have in Consequence immediately applied to Mr. James Gamble the Proprietor of the House in Spruce Street which I had in View to take for you & who very kindly had Reserved it at my Request. I have Just been with him to View it—it is a Neat & good Brick three Story House with two Rooms & a Kitchen on a Floor good Yard Coach House & Stables behind & not far distant from Congress Hall being in Spruce Street between 4 & 5 Streets next door to where Mr. Anthony Butler formerly lived. Mr. Gamble agrees to paint Paper Whitewash & clean it so as to make it perfectly fit for a tenant & he Consents that the Rent of £200 a Year Shall Commence only from the first of August next—to December there are it is true four Months—but it is possible I may be able to find a Tenant for the Intermediate time—but if not I really do not know how you can do better than to secure this House at a time when Rents are every where Rapidly advancing and Houses in general so scarce as to be very difficult to be procured—hearing daily complaints on this Score which will probably encrease in proportion as the Winter draws nearer—& the Crowds flock more towards the Metropolis. Mr. Gamble is good enough to say he will keep for me the House Still untill I have your Answer altho he could directly Rent it to others on the same terms he asks from me. You will therefore be good enough to let me know your determination early as may be.
I am the more glad your Crops are like to be good as the demand will be Immense every where for their produce—which can not fail to procure the Independant Husbandman an Ample Recompense for his Labour. Peace it appears probable has taken place generally in Europe. England perhaps will be last in effecting it—but the Course of events seem to prepare great humiliations for her—in which it would seem the American treaty gives her great Consolation. Lord Grenville if we believe the publick Prints asserted in Parliament that it was eminently beneficial to British Commerce. Mr. Pitt asserted that the Commons would see whether Britain had made any Submissions in this Compact—when it should hereafter be laid before them. Mean while our Senate is deliberating in Secret on it—& it is said Rejected the Publication by a Vote of 20 to 9—what the final Issue will be I imagine must soon be known. Citizen Adet the new Minister & his Lady are arrived I have not yet seen them—he has for Secretary Mr. Dupont formerly acting in a similar Capacity with Mr. Ternant. It is Strongly Reported England has again Resolved to order all Neutral Ships bound with Provisions to France to be Carried into her Ports—if this be so a very new & distressing Scene is opening on our Commerce which had become under Recent Circumstances a little more emboldened—how this is a short time will shew.
I am happy to find Mrs. Payne had got down Safe—and hope Mrs. Madison & the Miss Paynes enjoy perfect health. No body takes more part than I do in your & their Welfare—which the fine Air of the Country can not but promote—forming a Contrast the most Striking to the heats the Noise & busy Scenes which every where meet one in the Capital. Hoping soon to have the pleasure again to hear from you I Remain with much Esteem Dr sir Your sincere Friend & hble servt
J Swanwick


Title: From James Madison to Henry Tazewell, ca. 16 June 1795
From: Madison, James
To: Tazewell, Henry

Letter not found. Ca. 16 June 1795. Acknowledged in Tazewell to JM, 26 June 1795. Mentions lands in Orange County. Asks Tazewell to deliver letter from Dolley Payne Madison.


Title: To James Madison from Pierce Butler, 17 June 1795
From: Butler, Pierce
To: Madison, James

Dear SirPhilada. June the 17th. 1795.
My letter of last week coverd a small part of the Treaty; I now inclose a few more of the Articles. Yesterday Mr. King, after a labourd Apology for the Conduct of the Envoy, with respect to the 12th. Article, proposed to leave that Article for future Negociation with Britain; hoping that Senate woud Agree to all the other Articles. He was seconded by Mr. Elsworth. For the first time that I spoke on the Treaty, I opposed generaly, the idea of geting a Committment of Senate before We had read One half of the Articles. The Debate on this subject Closed the business of Yesterday; And this day I suppose it will be renewd. You, who know Characters, will not be surprised at any insidious Attempts to Draw Senate into a Committmen⟨t.⟩ Yet I much fear they will succeed, and get two ⟨thirds⟩ to Adopt all the Articles except the 12th. ⟨a⟩nd recommend to the Executive to keep ⟨up the⟩ Negociation, in order to obtain a modification of that Article. Mr. Randolph expressd to me a wish that the Treaty, in toto, might be Adopted. Believing Him to be a good Man in private life, I regret that He is so much the tool of party. A late Arrival at New York brings information of a prospect of peace between France, Spain, Austria, Germany, Sardenia and the Provinces: leaving Britain single to Contend with the French. The French Minister is in Town. I have not seen Him.
I understand the Post goes but once a week so far southerly as Fredericksburgh. I remain with very great Esteem and regard Dear Sir, Yr. Most Obedt. Servant
P Butler


Title: To James Madison from Pierce Butler, 24 June 1795
From: Butler, Pierce
To: Madison, James

Dear SirJune the 24th 95
I am so much indisposed that I am not well able to write. Inclosed You have a few more Articles. I think the Treaty will pass. I will write You the result. Mr. K has moved to Advise the Presidt. to ratify all but the 12th. Article on which further Negociation is to be recommended. I remain with great Esteem Dear Sir Yr. Obedt. Servt
P. Butler


Title: To James Madison from Henry Tazewell, 26 June 1795
From: Tazewell, Henry
To: Madison, James

Dear SirPhiladelphia 26. June 1795.
I received your favour several days ago, and should have returned you my thanks for it before this time, if my official engagements had not intirely deprived me of an oppy.
The Senate will adjourn to day, having finished the business upon which they met. How the questions relative to the Treaty have terminated, I am at present prevented from saying. The Treaty will not be published I beleive—but if you will meet me in Fredericksburg on the first Monday in July I will communicate such things to you, as you will be desireous of hearing. If I should not reach Fredericksburg by that day, I shall be at that place, within a day or two of that time.
I am very much obliged by your information concerning the Orange Lands. It is not unlikely but that I may see them in the course of this Summer.
Tell Mrs. Madison I delivered her Letter as soon as I received it to Miss Pemberton.
I have now but one moment to assure you of the sincerity with which I am Yours
Henry Tazewell
By the next Post perhaps I may be able to write you more at large.
H. T


Title: To James Madison from James Monroe, 28 June 1795
From: Monroe, James
To: Madison, James

Dear SirParis June 28. 1795.
I have recd. from you 3. letters of which that of the sixth of April was the last. Dr. Edwards by whom it was sent has not yet arrived in Paris so that I am yet to receive his communications upon the state of our affairs. The cypher was recd. in this last letter, and by which I have been highly gratified for it will greatly facilitate our future correspondence.
Since my last the committee of 11. have reported the draft of a Constitution which divides the legislature into two branches, one of which is calld the council of 500, consisting of the same number of deputies to be of the age or above 30. & the other a council of 250. not to be under 40. The first house will originate bills—they are each to be elected for 2. years, one half to be replac’d annually, & the qualifications of each to be the same. The Executive is to be composed of 5, members to be elected for 5 years, but to be replac’d by the retreat of one only annually. In fact the principle of the Senate of the U. S. is carried into the Executive branch here. Each member is to have a salary of abt. £5000. annually to enable him to receive & entertain foreign ministers. The Judiciary will be better arranged than heretofore. The discussion will take place in a day or two, & when adopted I will forward you a copy.
The British have recommenc’d their aggressions on our commerce by a revival of the order of the 6th. of Novr. 1793. 40 of our vessels being carried in to the ports of Engld. which were destined for those of this republick & charged with provision. They will I presume break up our commerce again, for the merchants of our country here, seem disposed to abandon for the present the sea. The Danes & Swedes will probably commence hostilities: Baron Stahl who is here says they will. You will readily conceive what effect this measure has produc’d in the councils of this government towards us, and how difficult it will be to prevent some indication of their resentment towards us. If they contain themselves within bounds it will verify many things that wod. never have been otherwise admitted: but under existing circumstances it will be difficult to keep them within bounds. What shall we do in consequence? How does this measure correspond with the treaty of Mr. Jay? If the Danes & Swedes act it will throw us completely under a shade & expose us in a greater degree to the censure of this govt. Holland has ministers & ambassidors Extry. here and I think that power will be in higher estimation than we shall be. Their ambassadors have been entertained by the Committee, an attention never shewn to any other power. Indeed tis not possible we shod. preserve our ground under the circumstances that exist, & especially those that have attended the treaty of Mr. Jay, the contents whereof are yet unknown to them & me. I write you in haste & am affecy. your friend & servant
Jas: Monroe


Title: To James Madison from Henry Tazewell, 29 June 1795
From: Tazewell, Henry
To: Madison, James

Dear SirPhila: 29th. June 1795.
I now inclose you Bache’s paper in which is contained Extracts of the Treaty with England. They are not correct, but will serve to enable you to form an Idea of this new Compact. I also send you a Copy of the Resolution ratifying the Treaty. You will perceive that this resolution begets difficulties in the way of a complete ratification, which must again bring the whole subject before the Senate.
I hope I shall see you in Fredericksburg as I pass thro. that Town next week, when I shall be able to shew you the Treaty at length which I cannot send to you under the resolution of the Senate for secrecy. Yours
Henry Tazewell


Title: From James Madison to John Swanwick, 30 June 1795
From: Madison, James
To: Swanwick, John

Letter not found. 30 June 1795. Acknowledged in Swanwick to JM, 26 July 1795. Asks Swanwick to rent the house that he described in his letter to JM of 14 June.


Title: To James Madison from Richard Taylor, 11 July 1795
From: Taylor, Richard
To: Madison, James

Dear SirJefferson Kentucky 11th. July 1795
I recev’d your favour by Mr. Bennett a few days agoe & am pleased to hear of the health of our friends in Virga. but there is one thing you surely forgot to mention you mention your Lady but do not say that your happyness is like to be compleated by an Increase of Famaly. I have not since the receipt of your Leter had an opertunity of haveing the Land surveyed but will have it done so soon as the woods shall become a little more open or the wether moderate, I think the Lands sold to Majr. Croghan might be included in the Deed to me as the Deed your Brother made him is out of date & never recorded & I can make him a Deed here as on your Brothers Looseing Croghans Bond & Sending to him for the Money I became answerable for another Deed beeing made on his paying the Money but you are best acquainted if it is Legal; I am ready at all times to make a Deed for the Thousand acres of Land I gave in part payment to your Brother only the Patent is in Richmond I sent the plat to the registers office before this became a seperate state. Shoud you have an opertunity I wod take it as a favour if you wou’d gett that & another which lies in the office. The Tract which I agreed to let your Brother have Lies on the Bank of Greenriver a few miles above Myers’s Town known by the name of Vienna, but do not know how to make seperate Deeds as your Brother purchased for both you & him in partnership. But there is not any instrument of Writeing to shew so that it is probable that shou’d you & Mrs. Madison in behalf of her Daughter agree on a Devision of the Land seperate Deeds may be mad[e] without any Inconveniency I think that a Line so as to give each an Equal front on the river wou’d be an equitable Devision you will please to let me hear from you as soon as an opertunity offers, Sally joins me in Comps. to your Lady & tho we never expect to see her you may assure her she shares our best wishes. Pray give our Love to your good Father & Mother & our Comps. to all other Inquiring friends & believe me to be with great regard your most Obt. Servt
Richd. Taylor


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 13 July 1795
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Th: J. to J. M.Monticello July 13. 95.
I send you the inclosed as you may perhaps not have seen it. Return it if you please. I have not yet seen the treaty, but suppose tomorrow’s post may perhaps bring it. Mr. and mrs. Randolph set out the day after tomorrow for the springs, to see if any of them can restore the nearly hopeless state of his health. Nil mihi rescribas. Attamen ipse veni. Vale.


Title: To James Madison from the Right Reverend James Madison, 25 July 1795
From: Madison, James (Reverend)
To: Madison, James

Dear SirJuly 25. 1795 Wmsburg.
The enclosed Letter was delivered to me from the Post Office here, & as I often get Letters very differently directed, I opened it without Hesitation. Indeed I had read a Part of the Letter, & saw the general Tendency of it, before I perceived the Mistake; however, I can assure you, that no Secrets, if such they can be called, have leaked out, which have not my most hearty Concurrence. For surely, the Treaty must be considered by every disinterested American, not only as insidious, but as scarcely wearing even the Blush of that Equality & Reciprocity, without which, it were infinitely better to have no Treaty at all. Great Britain has seen & felt in what Part, she was most vulnerable by America, & she has artfully endeavoured to sheild herself under a Treaty, well accommodated indeed for her Purposes, but which, I sincerely hope, will be rejected by this Country. That it should have been acceeded to by ⅔ of the Senate, with the pitiful Condition annexed, is astonishing. But doth not the Event fully justify the Objections originally made, to the Organization of the Senate? Doth it not also shew, at least the History of this Business, that it would have been more wise & prudent, to have annexed to the Presidency, a responsible Council, unconnected with the State Officers? I am inclined to beleive, if we wish really to preserve Republicanism, that the sooner certain radical Defects in the fedl. Constitution be amended, the better.
Mr. Tazewell has promised me a View of your late Pamphlet. I am anxious to see it, as I anticipate much Satisfaction in the perusal. But a vast Feild is now opened to you, & I beleive all America looks up to yourself & our Friend Mr Jefferson. I hope he will feel, that there are Times, when Retirement becomes almost criminal.
I am sorry that I could not find an immediate Conveyance for your Letter. Richmond is the only Way, that I knew of. Mr. Tazewell & myself sometimes talk of paying you a Visit this Fall—but I fear we shall have too many Difficulties to surmount. I am, my dear Sir, with best Respects to Mrs. M. & your Father’s Family, Yr. Affe Friend
J Madison


Title: To James Madison from James Monroe, 26 July 1795
From: Monroe, James
To: Madison, James

Dear SirParis July 26. 1795.
I had began a long letter to you in cypher, it appearing the British have commenc’d seizing my letters, but which not being complete I forward the enclosed by the present private opportunity, & which being on the moment of departure prohibits more being added than that the comn. is intended as a friendly deposit in your hands & for the purpose of guarding my reputation from unjust attacks whether publick or private, always observing that whatever you receive is to be shewn when opportunity offers to Mr. Jefferson & Mr. Jones. We are well & desire to be affecy. remembered to Mrs M.
Jas. Monroe.


Title: To James Madison from John Swanwick, 26 July 1795
From: Swanwick, John
To: Madison, James

Dear sir—Philada. July 26. 1795.
I duly Received your favour of the 30 June last the House is secured for you at £200 per Annum as Originally Stated to you from the 1 August—more could now be obtained for it if you do not encline to keep it. I shall let Mr. Pancoast know to put in the Wood in the Cellar as I think he told me he had Mrs. Madisons Instructions to that Effect.
My Compts. to the Ladies of your Family. I hope they & you continue to enjoy perfect health being always truly, Your most hble servt
J Swanwick
Our General Town Meeting have exploded the Treaty & sent by express their Memorial to the President against it—as you will see by the Pub-lick Prints—JS


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 3 August 1795
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Th: J. to J. M.Aug. 3. 95.
You will percieve by the inclosed that Hamilton has taken up his pen in support of the treaty. (Return it to me.) He spoke on it’s behalf in the meeting at New York, and his party carried a decision in favor of it by a small majority. But the Livingstonians appealed to stones & clubs & beat him & his party off the ground. This from a gentleman just from Philadelphia. Adieu.
P. S. Richmond has decided against the treaty. It is said that not even Carrington undertakes to defend it.


Title: To James Madison from an Unidentified Correspondent, 3 August 1795
From:
To: Madison, James

Letter not found. 3 August 1795, Philadelphia. Acknowledged in JM to an unidentified correspondent, 23 Aug. 1795. Enjoys improved health. Will forward “Features of Mr. Jay’s Treaty” to JM; asks for JM’s views on the treaty.


Title: To James Madison from James Monroe, 5 August 1795
From: Monroe, James
To: Madison, James

Dear SirParis Augt. 5. 1795.
Soon after my arrival here last year I found it necessary to appoint some one consul provisionally & in consequence appointed Mr. Skipwith to that office & announc’d him to this govt. as well as our own: but before this step was known the President had nominated a Mr. Pitcairn for that place. Mr. P. being by birth a British subject & having latterly become an American citizen & in consequence being still a Bh. subject, I thought it proper to suspend his introduction into the office untill I submitted to the Executive the objections which applied to the appointment & thereupon wrote Mr. R. that by placing such a person here, very essential injury wod. be rendered to the U. States for if admitted & wh. wd. only be expected in case the fact above stated was with held, he wod. be an object of jealousy with this govt., & of course watched closely, and as often with me, it wod. also unavoidably lessen any confidence they might have in me: not to mention the impolicy of putting a person with British connections capital &ca at the head of our commerce in this country whereby Britn. wod. have the emolument at our expence. In this state the business yet rests; Mr. Sk: performs the duties of the consulate & I am left to depend on providence for one to supply his place with me. In expectation his nomination wod. be confirmed I wrote you that I would take Prevost. But in truth I wish I could avoid it for I consider Burr as a man to be shunned. His friend here & who is mine in every view of his character joins me in this opinion. In short he is an unprincipled adventurer and whom it is better to get rid of at once. Can you promote this object. I have with me at present Mr. Purviance who is well qualified & a most amiable man. And I wish Dawson could come. He is poor and sound in principle. I write this in great haste & am affecy. yr. fnd.
Jas. Monroe.


Title: To James Madison from Hubbard Taylor, 9 August 1795
From: Taylor, Hubbard
To: Madison, James

Dr. SirOrange 9th Augt. 1795
On looking over some of my papers found the Memdm. your brother Ambrose gave me. And also a copy of the entry of Mr. paynes, the former I send you, & a copy of the latter, as it was in a book. Majr Lee signifyed to me it wd. not be convenient for him to pay the next years taxes for many persons. I shall have to pay Majr Moore some money previous to my leaving this state; & should it be convenient to you to pay the ⟨amount?⟩ of your tax here to the Majr I could settle it for you in Kentuckey it wd. save the risque of carr[i]age, & wd. suit me better. I shall go by the springs & shall speake to the Old Gentleman your father on the same subject relative to his tax. Should this mode be agreable be pleasd to notify me thereof. May it not be proper to enquire wheather Mrs. paynes Lands has been listed if not it must be done by the last day of Novr. or a forfieture takes place by our Law. With sincere esteem I am Dr. Sir Yr Aff Hble sert
H Taylor


Title: From James Madison to Robert R. Livingston, 10 August 1795
From: Madison, James
To: Livingston, Robert R.

Dear SirAugst. 10. 1795
Your favor of July 6, having been addressed to Williamsburg, instead of Orange Court House, did not come to hand till two days ago. Your gloomy picture of the Treaty does not exceed my ideas of it. After yielding terms which would have been scorned by this Country in the moment of its greatest embarrassments, & of G. Britains full enjoyment of peace & confidence, it adds to the ruinous bargain with this Nation, a disqualification to make a good one with any other. In all our other Treaties it has been carefully stipulated that the Nation to be treated as the most favored Nations, & to come in for all new privileges that may be granted by the U. States, must pay for them the same or an equivalent price with the grantee. The proposed Treaty with G. B. disregarding this obvious rule of justice & equality, roundly agrees that no duty restriction or prohibition with respect to ships or merchandize shall be applied to G. B. which do not operate on all other nations (see Art. XV). Should any other nation therefore be disposed to give us the most precious & peculiar advantages in their trade, in exchange for the slightest preferences in ours, This article gives G. B. a negative on the transaction; unless it be so modified as to let her in for the favor without paying the price of it. But what nation wd. be willing to buy favors for another; especially when the inducement to buy & the value of the purchase, might depend on the peculiarity of the favor. It must be seen at once that this extraordinary feature would monopolize us to G. B. by precluding any material improvement of our existing Treaties, or the hope of any new ones that would be of much advantage to us. That so insidious an article should have occurred to Lord Grenville’s jealousy of the U. S. & his policy of barring their connection with other Countries, and particularly with the French Republic, can surprise no one. The concurrence of the American Envoy in this & several other articles may not be so easily explained; but it seems impossible to screen him from the most illiberal suspicions without referring his conduct to the blindest partiality to the British Nation & Govt. and to the most vindictive sensations towards the French Republic. Indeed the Treaty from one end to the other must be regarded as a demonstration that the Party to which the Envoy belongs & of which he has been more the Organ than of the U. S. is a British party, systematically aiming at an exclusive connection with the British Governt. & ready to sacrifice to that object as well the dearest interests of our Commerce, as the most sacred dictates of national honor. This is the true key to this unparall[el]ed proceeding; and can alone explain it to the impartial and discerning part of the public. The leaders of this party stand self-condemned in their efforts to palliate the Treaty by magnifying the necessity of the British commerce to the U. S. and the insufficiency of the U. S. to influence the regulation of it. You will find, on turning to a pamphlet addressed to your people by Mr. Jay when the Federal Constitution was before them, that he then could see our power under such a Constitution to extort what we justly claimed from G. B, & particularly to open the W. India ports to us. As an Agent of the Constitution he now voluntarily abandons the very object which as an advocate for the Constitution he urged as an argument for adopting it. Read also the paper No. XI in the publication entitled the Federalist, for the view of the subject then inculcated by another advocate. It is with much pleasure, I can assure you that the sentiment & voice of the people in this State, in relation to the attempt to prostrate us to a foreign & unfriendly Nation, are as decided & as loud as could be wished. Many even of those who have hitherto rallied to the most exceptionable party measures, join in the general indignation agst. the Treaty. The few who hold out will soon be under the dilemma of following the example, or of falling under imputations which must disarm them of all injurious influence. You will see by the Newspapers that the City of Richmd. has trodden in the steps of the other Cities by an unanimous address to the President. You will remark that our Chancellor Mr. Wythe presided in the Meeting, a circumstance which will draw the more attention to it, as he is not only distinguished for his moderation of character; but was President of the Meeting which addressed the P. in support of his Proclamation of Neutrality. How far the other Towns & counties will imitate Richmond is uncertain. If they should be silent, it will assuredly be the effect, in the former, of a supposed notoriety of their harmony in opinion, &, in the latter, to the same cause added to the dispersed situation of the people. I think it certain, that there is not a Town or County in this State (except perhaps Alexandria), where an appeal to the inhabitants would be attended with any show of opposition. You will readily conclude therefore that here, the public do not need the measure to which You exhort. With respect to the P. his situation must be a most delicate one for himself, as well as for his Country: and there never was, as you observe, a crisis where the friends of both ought to feel more solicitude, or less reserve. At the same time, I have reasons, which I think good, for doubting the propriety, & of course the utility, of uninvited communications from myself. He cannot, I am persuaded, be a stranger to my opinion on the merits of the Treaty; and I am equally persuaded that the state of the public opinion within my sphere of information will sufficiently force itself on his attention.
It is natural eno. for the Apologists of the Treaty to lay hold of the doctrine maintained by Mr. Jefferson; but whether that doctrine be right or wrong, they might be reminded that he expressly urges the policy of guarding agst. it instead of establishing it by Treaty. The appeal to him, therefore, must add to their condemnation. See his letter to Mr. G. Morris, explaining the discussions with Mr. Genét. With very great esteem & regard I am Dear Sir Your Mo: Obedt. huble. sert.
Js. Madison Jr


Title: To James Madison from George Joy, 10 August 1795
From: Joy, George
To: Madison, James

Dear sirLondon, 10th. August 1795
I rec’d your favor of the 3rd. April with the Books you were so good to send me. I find in Mr: Tench Coxe’s Collection a deal of information not without some Error; and I hope for good Consequences from the manner in which the Western Insurrection was quelled. The possible Energy of our Government was not practically known before, and I hold it the more favorable specimen of this, that the Laws should be enforced at so great a distance from the Centre of Power. The Enemies of America look with Eagle Eyes to civil Dissention as the rock on which we are to split, and have entertain’d hopes to involve us in European Disputes from wch. I trust a temperate administration will always defend us; tho’ without blending, with prudential Considerations, the Assurance that we should gratify a corrupt and abandoned Ministry, by furnishing a Plea for War to blind the Multitude, we shall hardly find an antidote for the repeated Vexations we suffer from it.
You mention the secresy which the Executive considers attached to Mr: Jay’s Treaty—the secret was well kept here, as well as in America, but, if the Tenor of it be such as it appears in a Massachusetts Paper this day rec’d in London, Mr: Jay will have less Credit for his Taciturnity than if it could be supposed the entire offspring of diplomatic propriety. Surely the Promulgation of such a Treaty would have secluded him from the Chair of Government of a Commercial State.
I confess I am obliged to halt between two opinions on the authenticity of this Paper. I have ever entertain’d a most respectable opinion of Mr: Jay; so much so that on his arrival here I proffered him all the little services in my Power; and tho’ unaccustomed to much public business and averse from any official Engagements I should have executed with pleasure any of his Commands that were not ostensibly of this latter description. I considered him a discreet & able Negociator, as well as a man of Integrity which I still think him; and tho’ under a similar description of the reception he met with I should have thought a man of less penetration better calculated to make a Treaty of Amity than a Treaty of Commerce & Navigation, I entertained no Apprehension of his being captivated by splendid Dinners and specious pretensions of Friendship; besides this his Appointment by the President, whose penetration into the Characters of Men and judicious distribution of public Employments I have ever considered among the most valuable materials of his political Composition, would have induced such an opinion if I had not before conceived it. Yet the Abstract before me not only carries upon the face of it those marks of Authenticity wch. one can hardly dispute but contains a perspicuous detail of many points which I had some weeks since discovered to make a part of the Treaty. The friends of Mr: Jay and those who ought to know the Contents of the Treaty intimate an Ambiguity of Expression in the 12th Article as the only exceptionable part of it, and that the Prohibition of our exporting Molasses, Sugar, Coffee, Cocoa & Cotton may be considered to extend only to such Part of those Articles as may be first imported into America by virtue of the first Clause in it. I wish this may prove to be the fact and that a favorable Explanation may be agreed on by this Court; but this is to be hoped for only from a Preponderance of their fears in the present state of things (wch., by the way I think might have been managed so as to obtain better terms before) over that disposition to cramp our Navigation, and consequently to extend their own, which appears thro’ the whole tenor of the Treaty as well as by the general Policy of this Country to be the Aim of this Government. As to the Idea of the Article being considered a Bagatelle by this Administration, which is reported upon the Authority of an under secretary of State, credat Judæus!—at what time since the days of the Commonwealth has the Carrying Trade been considered a Bagatelle in England? There is, however, in favor of an Accommodation the Consideration that the Trade from which this Article attempts to cut us off is a principal source of remittance for the Manufactures of this Country consumed by us and tho’ this should not of itself be sufficient to promote an acquiescence in a new Modification it may yet be of some weight—it may help to remove the stigma of rescinding an Article previously stipulated, wch. operates strongly in the mind of an ambitious Minister, and this obstacle to an abatement of the terms may be still farther removed by the reflection that the Treaty as it now stands prevents the Exportation of an Article of our own growth—Cotton—(a most unreasonable stipulation) and yet more by an attention to the Consequences of shutting up in America, to the forcing forward of our own Manufactures, a raw material so important as to be encouraged by this Country with the very extraordinary permission to be imported Duty free from all Ports & Places whatever at a time when the Taxes like Ernulphus’s Curse leave nothing unstained from the Crown of the head to the sole of the foot.
In a discussion of the 10th. Article of the Treaty this day upon ’Change it was stated as having resulted from Mr Madison’s motion for a sequestration &ca. I could not recollect any report in wch. you were represented as either the Mover or the Advocate for that measure—if you were it is not the first time that I have had the mortification to differ from you in opinion on a political subject. I like this Article and am particularly pleased with the recognition of the Principle on which it is founded—the reasoning on the subject might indeed have been omitted without impairing the reciprocal obligation, but then it would not have furnished an Article in the long Catalogue of Blunders of the present administration; who while in this particular instance they admitted the general principle were acting in direct opposition to it in their Concerns with other nations.
The state of the great Affairs of Europe you will see in the public Prints—the suspicions wch. I suggested to you in my letter of the 1st May 1794, in wch. I sent you the Prussian Treaty wet from the Press, you will have found more than verified; and, as I find the last remitance of the four Million Loan is now gone to the Emperor, we may expect very soon to hear of Negociations for Peace between France and the Empire. The Treaty between France & Spain I enclose; and with it an important decision in the Court of Appeals.
In closing a letter to you I cannot forget that I have been accustomed to join with my own the best wishes of Mrs. Joy; but some Months have elapsed since the Iron hand of fate deprived me of that only source of real happiness; with whom you were so great a favourite—this afflicting Calamity has entirely deranged my Plans of future life and rendered me indeed so indifferent about them that instead of returning to America as was my intention I shall, for a time at least, remain where I am and I should have done so in any other part of the world where the same Event had taken place. What objects I may in future pursue are of Course altogether undetermined but I shall be pleased to execute any Commands you may lay upon me here. I sometimes think of devoting to the Public (in some shape or other) as Berenger did to God, the remains of a life which I can no longer enjoy. If such a measure have no other merit, it has that, at least, of pretending to none. I rest, very truly, Dr sir Your friend & Servt:
Geo: Joy


Title: To James Madison from Joseph Jones, 19 [August] 1795
From: Jones, Joseph
To: Madison, James

Dr. Sr.Fredg. 19th. [August 1795]
I have been delayed in seting out for Loudoun longer than I expected. I move on Tomorow but not the rout I intended as the person I wished to see has left home and not yet returned—the cause of his departure is matter of conjecture. Mr Patton lately from Philaa. and Picket of Richmond say it is generally beleived that the Pres: approves of what has been done by the Senate respecting the Treaty and is taking measures for further discussion of the part objected to. Mr. Patton further says he understood a Vessell was ready to carry despatche⟨s⟩ when he left the City, and it was supposed she waited the arrival of the P. Patton met the P. on the road. Picket says people in general as he passed along appeared to be satisfied with the Treaty and I am told Patton has expressed similar sentiments—these accounts do not accord with the Newspaper communications. You will see Fouchet and his important papers narrowly escaped being seized and taken by a British Ship of War within, as it is said, our Territory—more business for Randolph. There appear to be two plausible publications in favor [of] The Treaty—the one stiled a vindication of the Treaty said to be N. Webster—the other under the signature Camillus supposed to be Mr. Hamilton. I have seen some of the numbers which exhibit more ingenuity than others I have met with on the same side. A Writer under the signature Juricola addressed to the P. seems in the number I have seen (IV.) to be an answer to some positions of Camillus but is stiled “an examination of the pending Treaty with G. B.” The position of Camillus that the Negros taken away were “booty” of War which is very well answered by Juricola. I expected we shod. soon see some of their Generals advancing but it is hoped we shall according to the old saying give them as good as they send, we have a fine field open for it and the enemy shod. not be allowe⟨d⟩ to keep it. I hope you and Mrs. Madison keep your health in spite of this infernal weather which has almost melted me but trust I shall in a few days reach a cooler region—wishing you every happiness I am yr friend & Servt.


Title: To James Madison from John Minor, Jr., and Others, [post 25 August] 1795
From: Minor, John, Jr.
To: Madison, James

[post 25 August 1795]
An ADDRESS, and INSTRUCTIONS from the PEOPLE of SPOTSYLVANIA COUNTY, To JAMES MADISON, Esquire.
SIR,

WHEN the treaty of amity, commerce and navigation, negociated by lord Grenville, minister of Great-Britain, and John Jay, Esquire, minister plenipotentiary from the United States of America, was first made known to us, we were astonished to find that an instrument, so repugnant to the interests, so derogatory from the honour of the United States, and which so flagrantly violates our constitution, should be offered to the President and senate for their ratification. Anxious about the event, we had resolved to have addressed the President on the important subject, to have pointed out our objections to the depending treaty, and to have desired him to withhold his signature to it: but, finding now, that the said treaty is ratified by the President and senate, we consider it proper, to address ourselves to you, and instruct you, as our representative, to use your most strenuous exertions in Congress, to oppose the said treaty in every point where it infringes the constitution. For we regard the constitution as a sacred charter, formed by the sovereign people, and not to be violated by an improper exertion of power by any of the constituted authorities.
You, Sir, will therefore be pleased to consider what follows as our genuine sentiments, flowing from mature deliberation.
It is the opinion of the people of the county of Spotsylvania, this  day of  assembled to take into consideration, the treaty of amity, commerce and navigation, now depending between Great-Britain and the United States, that the said treaty is repugnant to the interests, derogatory from the honour of the United States, and in various instances violates their constitution. It is their opinion, that tho’ the President and senate, are by the constitution vested with power to make treaties in certain cases, yet that no delegated powers can violate the constitution, which, springing from the authority of the people, can only be annulled by the same authority. It is their opinion that the treaty violates the constitution in the following instances:
It violates the constitution by assuming a power of regulating commerce with a foreign nation; a right expressed by the eighth section of the first article to be exercised by Congress only.
It violates the constitution, so far as it defines piracies committed on the high seas, and declares the punishment thereof, a power also to be exercised by Congress.

It violates the constitution so far as it deprives the citizens of this country of the invaluable trial by jury, which, by the ninth article of the amendments, is preserved in all matters above twenty dollars.
It violates the constitution so far as it regulates, and establishes rules respecting the territory of the United States.
John Minor jr
[and eighteen others]


Title: To James Madison from John Beckley, 10 September 1795
From: Beckley, John
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir,Philadelphia, 10th: September 1795.
I have purposely delayed answering your favor of the 10th: Ulto. until now, because of some political events here of a nature the most extraordinary, and in which you, as well as others, stand particularly involved and named; they stand connected with the causes of Mr: Randolphs resignation, and will be fully explained to you by Mr: Nicholas. To that Gentleman I must also refer you for all other news foreign & domestic, and he will hand you a packet containing Smiths pamphlet in favor of the treaty and three numbers of Cary’s remembrancer. I have been and am still much occupied in a removal from my late residence to a new house in 8th: Street South of Walnut, which I have purchased, besides I am at this moment confined to my room by a tumour on the leg. I do not however omit any endeavor to assist the common cause of republicanism & our country as endangered by the impending treaty. A select few, move in concert with friends at New York; a regular correspondence and union of effort is maintained and we have already dispersed in Circular letters, all over the States, a petition to the H. of Represents. without, as yet, the smallest suspicion from our opponents: All our movements are kept secret until they have reached their ultimate destination, and we now meditate an address to the people in the same mode, developeing, as far as may be proper, the insidious plan that effected a ratification of the treaty. Dallas the reputed author & actual penman of the Features, we do not confide in, neither in swanwick—the former, since the ratification has manifested a disposition to trim. You can have no idea, how deeply the public confidence is withdrawing itself from the president, and with what avidity Strictures on his conduct are received; sensible of this, his friends are redoubling their efforts to exalt his name and exaggerate his past services. But all in vain, the vital blow aimed at the Independence & best Interests of his country, by the impending treaty, mark him in indelible character as the head of a British faction, and gratitude no longer blinds the public mind. I have not yet rescued the calm observer from the negligence of Melancton smith, but have written to Dewit Clinton to do it for me. Dohrman seems determined to maintain silence, notwithstanding a triplicate of my last letter put into his own hand by my friend Mr. shippey. Would it not be advisable for you to write him?
Maria, joins me in best regards to Mrs. Madison & the Ladies and I remain, Dear Sir, Yrs. sincerely,
John Beckley.


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 21 September 1795
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Th: J. to J. M.Monticello Sep. 21. 95.
I recieved about three weeks ago a box containing 6. doz. volumes of 283. pages 12mo. with a letter from Lambert, Beckley’s clerk, that they came from mr. Beckley & were to be divided between yourself, J. Walker, & myself. I have sent 2 doz. to J. Walker, and shall be glad of a conveyance for yours. In the mean time I send you by post the title page, table of contents, and one of the pieces, Curtius, lest it should not have come to you otherwise. It is evidently written by Hamilton, giving a first & general view of the subject that the public mind might be kept a little in check till he could resume the subject more at large, from the beginning, under his second signature of Camillus. The piece called ‘the Features of the treaty’ I do not send because you have seen it in the newspapers. It is said to be written by Coxe, but I should rather suspect by Beckley. The antidote is certainly not strong enough for the poison of Curtius. If I had not been informed the present came from Beckly, I should have suspected it from Jay or Hamilton. I gave a copy or two by way of experiment to honest sound hearted men of common understanding, and they were not able to parry the sophistry of Curtius. I have ceased therefore to give them. Hamilton is really a colossus to the antirepublican party. Without numbers, he is an host within himself. They have got themselves into a defile, where they might be finished; but too much security on the Republican part, will give time to his talents & indefatigableness to extricate them. We have had only midling performances to oppose to him. In truth, when he comes forward, there is nobody but yourself who can meet him. His adversaries having begun the attack, he has the advantage of answering them, & remains unanswered himself. A solid reply might yet completely demolish what was too feebly attacked, and has gathered strength from the weakness of the attack. The merchants were certainly (except those of them who are English) as open-mouthed at first against the treaty as any. But the general expression of indignation has alarmed them for the strength of the government. They have feared the shock would be too great, and have chosen to tack about & support both treaty & government, rather than risk the government: thus it is that Hamilton, Jay &c in the boldest act they ever ventured on to undermine the constitution have the address to screen themselves & direct the hue & cry against those who wished to drag them into light. A bolder party-stroke was never struck. For it certainly is an attempt of a party which finds they have lost their majority in one branch of the legislature to make a law by the aid of the other branch, & of the executive, under color of a treaty, which shall bind up the hands of the adverse branch from ever restraining the commerce of their patron-nation. There appears a pause at present in the public sentiment, which may be followed by a revulsion. This is the effect of the desertion of the merchants, of the President’s chiding answer to Boston & Richmond, of the writings of Curtius & Camillus, and of the quietism into which the people naturally fall, after first sensations are over. For god’s sake take up your pen, and give a fundamental reply to Curtius & Camillus.
Mr. Randolph & my daughter will be back from the springs in the ensuing week. He is almost entirely recovered by the use of the sweet springs. I expect the execution of your promise to bring mrs. Madison to see us, with whom we should all be glad to get acquainted. I would have been with you before this, but that I have had almost constant threats of rheumatism so obstinately fixed in it’s seat as to render it imprudent for me to move much. Adieu affectionately.


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Paine, 24 September 1795
From: Paine, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Sir,Paris Sepr 24 1795
I have borrowed two hundred and fifty french Crowns of Mr Monroe at Paris and agreeably to my arrangement with him the Money is to be re-paid into your hands in America and I have given and [sic] order to Mr. Benjn. Franklin Bache to pay that sum to you upon my Account.
It was my intention to have returned to America the latter end of the present year (1795) but the illness I now suffer prevents me. I owe this illness (from which I have not much prospect of recovery) partly to Robespiere and partly to Mr. Washington. This perhaps may surprise you, but I have good reason for saying it.
The present Convention of France was elected for the express purpose of forming a Constitution, and they invited by a public decree, the Assistance of foreigners of any Nation. To me they were more particular, by electing me a Member of the Convention, and giving me, as they have done to some others, the honorary Compliment of french Citizen. But they required no Oath of Allegiance, nor of any other kind, from me, nor have I ever taken any. I consider a Constitution as a thing distinct from Laws and from the Government that is to issue from it, and that a Man of any Nation may assist in such a work without any transfer of Allegiance from the Country to which he belongs. It would be otherwise if he became a part of the Government afterwards, because in that Case an oath of Allegiance would be necessary or would be required. My intention was to continue in France no longer than until a Constitution should be formed and then return to America.
Of the violent Measures that followed, what is here called, the revolution of the 31 May 1793 you cannot be uninformed. Towards the latter end of Decr. of that year a Motion was made and carried to exclude foreigners from the Convention in consequence of which I was excluded. A decree had been passed some time before for putting all foreigners in Arrestation who were born in any of the Countries at war with France. It was on the ground of this decree that I was imprisoned having been born in England. I had no other defence against the effect of this decree than that of being reclaimed as a Citizen of America. The Americans then in Paris went to the Bar of the Convention for this purpose but did not succeed. I beleive however that their interference stopt, at least for a time, any further measures against me. But when six or seven Months had passed away and Robespiere saw that the American Government took no interest upon my account but silently connived at my imprisonment he ventured to go a step farther and to propose a decree of accusation against me for the interest of America as well as of France, as you will see by the preface to the second part of the Age of reason to which I refer you.
The violent illness I was seized with in the Luxembourg where I was imprisoned rendered the execution of this intended accusation impossible, for I was not in a Condition to be removed. This preserved me until the Arrival of Mr. Monroe which happened a few days after the fall of Robespiere. The fever was then just beginning to leave me, but in too weak a state to set up. When I was informed of the Arrival of Mr Monroe I expected to be soon in Liberty; but you will judge of my surprise when I was informed by a letter from Mr Whitesides late of Philadelphia that Mr. Monroe had no instructions from the President either verbally or in writing, nor any kind of Authority whatever from him for reclaiming me as a Citizen of the United States, nor for taking any interest upon my account, nor even to enquire any thing about me—that the want of this Authority obliged him (Mr Monroe) to proceed with Caution, lest if he hazarded a reclaimation, the Committee (which was still composed of the Robesperion party) should reject it upon discovering that he was not authorized to make it. This prolonged my imprisonment from the time of Mr Monroe’s Arrival the beginning of August till the 4 of Novr. following, when I was liberated as a Citizen of the United States. In the mean time from the want of every thing that was necessary to promote a State of recovery, and from the approaching cold Season and the want of fuel in the prison, An Abscess began to form itself on the left side which has continued ever since. About two Months ago I had considerable hopes of a Cure and intended returning to America but since then it has taken a Malignant turn accompanied with a fever that confines me to my Chamber. I know that Nature is ingenious in Cures, but seeing that at the end of a year I am become worse instead of better I do not entertain much hopes of being able to return to America. I have however the consolation of having held up long enough to finish the second Part of the Age of Reason and a small Piece entitled Dissertation on first principles of Government.
It would be agreeable to me to live, but if it is not to be so I can quit Life with as much tranquility as any Man that ever passed that scene, for I have done an honest part in the World. But it is not agreeable to me to remember that I owe part of my present Condition to the ungrateful Neglect of a Country, at least of its Government, from which I had a right to expect better things. Mr. Washington has not served America with greater Zeal, nor with more disinterestedness than myself, and I know not that he has done it with better effect. He may perhaps console himself on the cold and callous line of Office and say—that Mr Paine was a french Citizen and therefore he, as President, had nothing to do in the case—But he ought to have informed himself if this was the Case or not, and had he made the enquiry he ought to have done he would have found it was not the Case, for I was imprisoned as a foreigner born in England and that foreigner was a Citizen of America; but had it been otherwise it would not acquit him of ingratitude. He ought at least to have said to somebody—enquire into the Case of Mr Paine and see if there is any thing we can do for him; but Mr Washington has not so much as done this and his not doing it has been interpreted by Robespiere into Connivan[c]e at my imprisonment and would have been fatal to me if he had lived but a few weeks longer. I ought not to have suspected Mr. Washington of Treachery but he has acted towards me the part of a cold blooded traitor. Whether he has done this to gratify the English Government, or to let me fall into distruction in France that he and his faction might exclaim the louder against the french Revolution, or whether he hoped by my extinction he might meet with less opposition in mounting up the American Government—I trouble not myself to know; It is sufficient to me that I know the fact, and any reason he may give will involve him in reproach he will not easily shake off.
When I was released from the Luxembourg as Citizen of the United States, Mr. Monroe invited me to his house where I have been ever since. I wrote Mr. Washington a letter by Mr. Letombe french Consul but on the request of Mr. Monroe I withdrew it. I was the more easily prevailed upon to do this as it was then my intention to return to America the latter end of the present year (1795). I should had I returned, have applied to Mr. Washington and Mr. Randolph for Copies of any letters respecting me which they may have written, tho I very well know they have not a Scrap to give. As the state of my disorder prevents my return I have written to Mr. Washington to send me Copies of such letters if he has any, and that I may not be prevailed upon a second time to withdraw the letter I have sent it off unknown to any person here under Cover to Mr. Bache, for though my residence in Mr. Monroe’s house makes a delicacy in the Case I cannot abridge myself of my independance upon that account. He therefore knows nothing of that letter or this otherwise than respects the repayment of the Money. As there was occasion I should write to you upon that account I have filled up the whole Sheet with what you would not otherwise have been troubled with; but I have long felt a wish to make somebody acquainted with the Case, for I know that when Men have done injustice, as I conceive Mr. Washington has done by me, that they are apt to do more to justify the first.
As to your National Affairs, I mean those contrived and conducted in the dark Chamber of the American Government, there will, I think be an explosion by & by. They do not conduct matters with that Candour and uprightness that is necessary to secure and preserve National Character. America is falling fast into disesteem. The Ministers of the Neutral Powers that are here, I mean those of Sweden and Denmark speak of her with reproach as having no stable character. I know not how France will construe the Treaty of Mr. Jay but the prevailing opinion is that it is an attempt to throw America into the Scale of the Coalized Powers. I think the States will see the necessity of shortening the time of the senate and New Modelling the Executive department. It is too much on the plan of European Courts and Mr Washington appears to be too fond of playing the old Courtier.
Thomas Paine
Remember me to Mr. Jefferson.


Title: From James Madison to Henry Tazewell, 25 September 1795
From: Madison, James
To: Tazewell, Henry

Dear SirOrange Sepr. 25. 1795
I am very sorry to find by your favor of the 30th. Ult: that we are disappointed of the pleasure of welcoming you to the upper Country; more particularly as the disappointment has been the effect of a spell of sickness. I hope that such a penalty for your delay in undertaking the visit, will be kept in mind, as a motive for greater promptatude, the next season. I shall ⟨a⟩ttend to your orders with respect to the Encycloped⟨ie.⟩ We are much in debt for your polite invitations with regard to the course of our journey to Philada.; but there are insuperable obstacles to an acceptance of them. The pleasure of seeing you, therefore, must wait for our junction in December at that place.
Jay’s Treaty cannot appear to you in a worse light than it does to me. Had it been laid before the public, or even before the Senat⟨e⟩ 12 months ago, or at any prior period, as an Ultimatum to be proposed to or accepted from G. B. I can not believe the project would have found an advocate. It is indeed so full of shameful concessions, of mock reciprocities, and of party artifices, that no other circumstances than the peculiar ones which mark our present political situation, could screen it from universal execration. Even these circumstances do not rescue it from the open protests of a great majority, and the secret disapprobation of three fourths of the residue. What seems most wonderful is that New England, which seems to be palpably & certainly sacrificed by the Treaty, should, with all their sagacity & prudence, be most lulled into acquiescence. It is a signal proof of the dexterity with which a knot of partizans, play their game in that quarter; and gives notice of the length to which a spirit of party &c may carry men beyond their original principles, & even agst. their interests. The question you discuss as to the effect of the suspension of the 12 art: on all the rest, except the 10 first, is a very interesting one. It seems clear that the 12 & the rest were mutual conditions, and that the latter ought to follow the fate of the former. As the suspension also is different from a rejection, and if to have a different effect, ⟨to⟩ be defined in the new article to be added, it would seem of course that the Treaty ought to return to the Senate before it can be put in force. Yet it is pretty clear that the Senate have framed their resolution, with a view if possible to prevent such a return. And if a suspending article should be agreed to in the very words they use in their advice, & the Treaty be then proclaimed as a law, I do not see how it could be said not to be the act of the P. by & with the advice & consent of the Senate. In any event however the Treaty must return to the Senate; or the effect of the suspending article on the latter part of the Treaty be left open to fair construction.
I have no late information from Philada. than occurs in the Newspapers. The Report is that Mr. R’s resignation & trip to R: Island are not the result of arrangement, but of collision with the P. By the time you get this, you will probably know more of the matter than I am now possessed of. Offer my best regards to the Bishop, & accept them yourself.
Js. Madison Jr