Title: Carolina Sentinel, funeral oration for John Adams by John Stanly, 29 July 1826
From: Stanly, John
To:

				Funeral Oration, on the death of John Adams;Delivered in Newbern on the 24h July, 1826, by John Stanly, Esq.My Respected Fellow-Citizens,
					July 29, 1826

				In every age of the world, of which we have record or tradition, it has been deemed just and wise to manifest respect for the memory of those whose lives have been beneficial to their country. To plant the seeds of patriotism and virtue by holding up their bright examples on public benefactors, for the imitation of others. Under governments where the will of one alone stands for law, the duty of passive obedience to his mandate, whether directed to the benefit or the devastation of the world, is generally the sole motive to action:  the good or the evil of the design, or the consequences likely to flow from it, enter not into the consideration of the servant;—he looks to a title, a pension or a monument to reward his success.But under a Republican Government, where no master commands and no slave obeys, the citizen decides for himself—he acts for his country—a volunteer in her sacred cause. If his motive be pure, and his service beneficial, he has a just claim to the rich reward of his country’s gratitude:—The reward of honest fame, which shall brighten with years, and be extinguished but with the existence of the nation which gave it birth.—To perform this sacred duty of rendering justice, of commemorating the life, the virtues and the services, and of consecrating the fame of our venerable fellow-citizen, John Adams, whom it has pleased the Divine Disposer of events to remove from this world, we have this day assembled.It was not the lot of him, who addresses you, to have been born a painter or a poet—he will not, therefore, presume, by any aid of the pencil, to bestow the charms of beauty and grace to cover deformity; nor by any stretch of imagination to give “to airy nothing a local habitation and a name,” by ascribing to Mr. Adams abilities or virtues he did not possess.—To say of Mr. Adams that he was one of the founders of our Independence—that he was the friend of Washington and the disciple “who leaned upon his bosom”—that he was the compatriot and associate of Jefferson, and one of the signers of the Declaration of Independence, would be to pronounce the highest eulogium which an American can conceive. Yet justice to the task you have imposed on me, requires an examination into his history, a retrospection of the brightest eras of our Country:—it shall be performed at least with fidelity, and under the cheering hope that your recollections of the virtues and services of one of the first of patriots, sages, and statesmen, may be revived, that a just feeling of reverence for his memory may be awakened, and a generous ardor, to emulate his virtues, may be enkindled. But with a deep regret that immortality of fame, however merited, is not in the power of man to bestow; the truth, however mortifying, must be admitted by all—that “When fame’s loud trump has blown its proudest blast,Though long the sound the echo sleeps as last;And Glory, like to Phœnix ‘midst her fires,Exhales her odours, blases and expires.”John Adams was a native of Massachusetts, and was born in the year 1735, upon the spot which had been the residence of his ancestors for several generations, and where he died on the late national Jubilee, at the advanced age of ninety-one years. The family of Mr. Adams, though not obscure, was not affluent. Having acquired a liberal education, he adopted the profession of the law, and soon ranked among the most distinguished of the bar. In 1770, he was a member of the Colonial Assembly: in 1774, he was chosen a member of Council; but his principles of liberty rendered him obnoxious to the dislike of the Royal Governor, and procured him the honor of the governor’s negative: in 1774, he was also elected to the first Continental Congress, and in 1775, to the second, and in 1776, to the third, and served in them all. In 1776, he was appointed Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. The emoluments of the office of Chief Justice, he declined, lest its duties might interfere with that subject which engrossed all the feelings of his heart, and demanded all the energies of his soul—his duties in the Continental Congress.At the bar Mr. Adams was distinguished for sound learning, honorable practice, and virtuous independence.—A case which displays these qualities, and is connected with the history of the revolution, deserves to be mentioned to you: it is the case of Capt. Preston and his soldiers, who committed the massacre in Boston in the year 1770.“In March of that year, a fray took place between some citizens of Boston, and a party of British soldiers. The Citizens pressed upon, and insulted the soldiers, and pelted them with snow balls covering stones: they dared them to fire: the soldiers at length did fire: three of the inhabitants were killed and five dangerously wounded. The town and country were in great commotion. The killed were buried in one vault, attended by a long procession, including the most respectable inhabitants, and with every circumstance which could inflame the passions already greatly heated. Preston who commanded, and the soldiers who fired, were committed to prison, and charged with murder. Public excitement was at its height and the execution of Preston and his men seemed to be universally demanded. On the trial, the prisoners were defended by John Adams and Josiah Quincy—the aggravation given to the soldiers, that they were abused, pelted, and insulted, were proved, and under the circumstances the Jury acquitted Preston and six of his men: two were convicted of manslaughter. The result of the trial, says Dr. Ramsay, (1 Vol. History of the Revolution, 91,) reflected great honor on John Adams and Josiah Quincy, and also on the integrity of the Jury, who ventured to give an upright verdict in defiance of popular opinions.” That Mr. Adams should undertake the defence  of soldiers, whose presence in his County he considered an outrage upon her rights; that he should demand justice for those whom he piously hated, in opposition to the rage of his friends whose favor and confidence he had for years sought to obtain, proves a degree of virtuous independence which does indeed reflect the highest honor upon his character.At the period when the King of England, in his jealousy of the growing strength and resources of these his Colonies and Plantations, conceived the design of putting fetters upon us, and subjecting our estates and persons immediately to this will, by systems of taxation imposed by the British Parliament, where we had neither voice nor vote; the virtuous and enlightened inhabitants saw that the consequence of the plan, if carried into effect, would be to rob us of our property and to reduce us to a state of political bondage. Mr. Adams was most prominent among those who early resisted the usurpations. The opposition was founded on Principle—the taxes, though imposed, had not gone into operation—no man had been actually injured by them—their evil design had not been felt. The people were therefore to be convinced of the violation of their rights by the proposed Acts of Parliament, and of the destruction which threatened their liberties: the crisis demanded the utmost exertion of the abilities of the patriots. The attention of the people, and of the Colonial legislatures, were called to the subject by public writings and addresses.—(1 Ram. 112. 113.)—their object was effected in great measure by means of the press. In all these labours no man bore a more distinguished part in favor of his country than John Adams—it is justice to add, that he was aided by nearly every member of the profession who, on every occasion in this country and in England, (particularly at the Revolution of 1660,) where the rights of the people have been invaded or threatened by the crown, have employed their talents and influence to alarm the people and to defend their rights. This is to be expected from a profession, the science of which “distinguishes the criterions of right and wrong, which employs, in its theory, the noblest faculties of the soul, and exerts, in its practice, the cardinal virtues of the heart.”The King and his Parliament were obstinate in insisting on their resolution to impose taxes without granting us representation in Parliament. British troops were brought over and stationed in Boston to overawe the Americans; riots and tumults were the consequence, and while the British were preparing to subjugate us, the Americans prepared to sustain their rights and to defend themselves. A Continental Congress, composed of delegates from each Colony, met at Philadelphia, 5th Sept. 1774. Addresses were made to the people of Great Britain—to the Irish people, and a Petition to the King. The character of this band of patriots permit me to read from history.“One half of the deputies which formed the Congress of 1774, were lawyers. Gentlemen of that profession had acquired the confidence of the inhabitants, by their exertions in the common cause. The previous measures in their respective provinces had been planned and carried into effect, more by lawyers than by any other order of men. The novelty and importance of this assembly excited universal attention; and their transactions rendered them truly respectable. “Perhaps,” says Dr. Ramsay, “there never was a body of delegates more faithful to the interests of their constituents than the Congress of 1774. The public voice elevated none to a seat in that august assembly, but such as, in addition to considerable abilities, possessed that ascendency over the minds of their fellow-citizens, which can neither be acquired by birth, nor purchased by wealth.”It was these addresses and petitions of which Lord Chatham spoke, when he said, in the House of Lords, “When your Lordships look at the papers transmitted us from America, when you consider their decency, firmness, and wisdom, you cannot but respect their cause, and wish to make it your own. For myself I must declare and avow, that in all my reading and observation—and it has been my favorite study (I have read Thucydides and have studied and admired the master states of the world) that for solidity of reasoning, force of sagacity, and wisdom of conclusion, under such a complication of difficult circumstance, no nation, or body of men, can stand in preference to the general Congress at Philadelphia.” The King and his ministers still persisted; they were deaf to the voice of Justice and humanity—deaf too to the eloquence of Chatham, though of a kind “To raise a mortal to the skiesOr call an Angel down.”So true it is, that God first deranges, who he intends to destroy.A secon Congress met at Phila. 10th May 1775. Of both these illustrious bodies Mr. Adams was a leading member. The army raised, and on the 15th June, 1775, George Washington was chosen commander-in-chief of the American forces. Mr. Jefferson took his seat in Congress, for the first time, to supply the vacancy occasioned by the death of Peyton Randolph, 21st July, 1775. (1 Journals of Congress, 116.)On the 7th June, 1776, Richard H. Lee, a delegate from Virginia, moved a Resolution “that these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States, and that all political connection between them and Great Britain was, and ought to be, dissolved.” This motion was seconded by John Adams. The motion was debated for several days, for hitherto nothing had been proposed in Congress but measures for reconciliation and of defence, and some of the delegates doubted the propriety of entire separation from the mother Country. The resolution was referred to a Committee of five, to prepare the declaration. Thomas Jefferson and John Adams, were two of this Committee, and to them the Committee referred the duty of preparing the draft. Mr. Jefferson undertook to draw the declaration, and produced that paper which has immortalized his name, and enrolled the United States of America among the nations of the earth.I have said the question was debated—such was the attachment to the free institutions of Great Britain, free as compared with the governments then existing, such their feelings towards the English people, their kindred and friends, that neither the people or their delegates were unanimous for separation. On this point, and of the past, Mr. Adams bore, let faithful history speak.“The motion for declaring the colonies free and independent, was first made in Congress, by Richard Henry Lee of Virginia. He was warranted in making this motion by the particular instructions of his immediate constituents, and also by the general voice of the people of all the states. When the time for taking the subject under consideration arrived, much knowledge, ingenuity and eloquence were displayed on both sides of the question. The debates were continued for some time, and with great animation. In these John Adams and John Dickinson took leading and opposite parts. The former began one of his speeches, by an invocation of the god of eloquence, to assist him in defending the claims, and in enforcing the duty of his countrymen. He strongly urged the immediate dissolution of all political connexion of the colonies with Great Britain, from the voice of the people, from the necessity of the measure in order to obtain foreign assistance, from a regard to consistency, and from the prospects of glory and happiness, which opened beyond the war, to a free and independent people. Mr. Dickinson replied to this speech: he began by observing that the member from Massachusetts (Mr. Adams) had introduced his defence of the declaration of independence by invoking an heathn god, but that he should begin his objections to it, by solemnly invoking the Governor of the Universe, so to influence the minds of the members of Congress, that If the proposed measure was for the benefit of America, nothing which he should say against it, might make the least impression. He then urged that the present time was improper for the declaration of independence, that the war might be conducted with equal vigour without it, that it would divide the Americans, and unite the people of Great Britain against them. He then proposed that some assurance should be obtained of assistance from a foreign power, before they renounced their connection with Great Britain, and that the declaration of independence should be the condition to be offered for this assistance. He likewise stated the disputes that existed between several of the colonies, and proposed that some measures for the settlement of them should be determined upon, before they lost sight of that tribunal, which had hitherto been the umpire of all their differences.“After a full discussion, the measure of declaring the colonies free and independent was approved, by nearly an unanimous vote. The anniversary of the day on which this great event took place, has ever since been consecrated by the Americans to religious gratitude and social pleasures. It is considered by them as the birth day of their freedom.” The declaration was resolved on and passed.And thus my fellow-citizens was your Independence secured, since for a nation to be free it is only necessary that it wills it.The enthusiastic feelings of John Adams are recorded in a letter written the day after the declaration, to a friend, which has  been some years before the public. It is as follows:“Philadelphia, July 5, 1776.“Yesterday the greatest question was decided which was ever decided among men. A resolution was passed unanimously, ‘That these United States are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States.’The day is passed—The 4th of July 1776, will be a memorable epoch in the history of America. I am apt to believe it will be celebrated by succeding generations, as the GREAT ANNIVERSARY FESTIVAL! It ought to be commemorated as the day of deliverance, by solemn acts of devotion to the Almighty God. It ought to be solemnized with pomp, shows, games, sports, guns, bells, bonfires and illuminations—from one end of the continent to the other, from this time forever!—You will think me transported with enthusiasm; but I am not. I am well aware of the toil, and blood, and treasure, it will cost to maintain this declaration, and support and defend these States; yet through all the gloom, I can see a ray of light and glory. I can see that the end is worth more than all the means; and that posterity will triumph, although you and I may rue—which I hope we shall not. Yours, &c.John Adams.”Never was there an occasion on which a people might more ardently rejoice. They had not indeed made just sacrifice of the life of a tyrant;—they had done more: they had sacrificed all temporizing policy; they had cast off the yoke of dependence—they had banished from their counsels forever that fear which “betrays like Treason.”—History does not record an event, the relation of which so thrills in every vein, since the hour, in which“Brutus rose,Refulgent from the stroke of Cæsars fate,Amid the crowd of Patriots, and his armAloft extended, like eternal JoveWhen guilt brings down the thunder, called aloudOn Tully’s name, and shook the crimson steel,And bad the father of his Country hail,For lo! the tyrant prostrate in the dustAnd Rome again is free.”The Declaration of Independence must forever rank among the first productions of the spirit and of the mind of man. It states, in substance, and with brevity, the wrongs which Great Britain had done us, and our fruitless supplications for redress.—It is a composition of“Thoughts that breathe and words that burn.”What bosom does not beat in its country’s cause at its perusal!—The drawer of the declaration could not have appealed to higher authority for facts than to the addresses of Congress already mentioned; nor need he have sought at any purer spring for eloquent and glowing language. It is not, therefore, matter of surprise, that the declaration adheres to the charges of these addresses, and frequently uses the language of the Complaint. The Jewel was precious and worthy of the splendid setting Mr. Jefferson gave it. But the drawing the declaration was a small and subordinate part of the business: it was to be supported by Congress; opposition was to be silenced, its friends confirmed and animated in its support. In this part of the business, Mr. Jefferson was not the most prominent. Nature seldom bestows on one individual the capacity to excel in several sciences. To Mr. Jefferson she had given, with prodigal profuseness, the first faculties of the mind, the power to grasp intuitively the most profound subjects of science; the talent to demonstrate, convince, and persuade, and a heart firm in support of virtue and honor. But, nature denied him the talent of Oratory.—Mr. Jefferson never spoke in Congress. And therefore, as the historian informs us, in the extract already read to you, John Adams took the leading part in support of the declaration. Mr. Jefferson furnished the rich and splendid drapery—the words of the declaration; but Adams procured its adoption, Adams gave it life, and Adams bore it aloft and buffeted the billows of opposition.—It was “the voice of Jacob, but the hand of Esau.” Justice awards that they divide the honor.It will not be taken amiss, though not strictly within our present object, if I recal to your recollection a fact, connected with our Independence, and which is but little known among us at the present day—I mean the declaration of Independence  made by the citizens of Mecklenburg County, in this State, in the year 1775.On the 20th May 1775, the men of Mecklenburg County in this State, which then included the present county of Cabarus, convened on a call from the Colonel of the County, and agreeing in sentiment “that the cause of Boston was the cause of all; that their destinies were indissolubly connected with those of their Eastern fellow-citizens—and that they must either submit to all the impositions which an unprincipled, and to them an unrepresented, Parliament might impose, or support their brethren who were doomed to sustain the first shock of that power, which, if successful there, would ultimately overwhelm all in the common calamity.” The following resolutions were then unanimously adopted:“Resolved, That whoever directly or indirectly abetted, or in any way, form, or manner, countenanced the unchartered and dangerous invasion of our rights, as claimed by Great Britain, is an enemy to this Country—to America—and to inherent and inalienable rights of man.“Resolved, That we the citizens of Mecklenburg County, do hereby dissolve the political hands which have connected us to the Mother Country, and hereby absolve ourselves from all allegiance to the British Crown,  and abjure all political connection, contract, or association, with that Nation, who have wantonly trampled on our rights and liberties—and inhumanly shed the innocent blood of American patriots at Lexington.“Resolved, That we do hereby declare ourselves a free and independent people, are, and of right ought to be, a sovereign and self-governing Association, under the control of no power other than that of our God and the General Government of the Congress; to the maintenance of which independence, we solemnly pledge to each other, our mutual co-operation, our lives, our fortunes, and our most sacred honor.”Other resolutions and bye-laws were also adopted.—“After sitting in the Court-house all night, neither sleepy, hungry, nor fatigued, and after discussing every paragraph, they were all passed, sanctioned, and decreed unanimously, about 2 o’clock, A.M. May 20. In a few days, a deputation of said delegation convened, when Capt. James Jack, of Charlotte, was deputed as express to the Congress at Philadelphia, with a copy of said Resolves and Proceedings, together with a letter addressed to our three representatives there, viz. Richard Caswell, William Hooper, and Joseph Hughes—under express injunction, personally, and through the state representation, to use all possible means to have said proceedings sanctioned and approved by the General Congress. On the return of Capt. Jack, the delegations learned that their proceedings were individually approved, by the Members of Congress but that it was deemed premature to lay them before the House.”It is due to the memories of the patriots of Mecklenburg County, to add, that they faithfully maintained the pledge here given; they were always forward to support the principles they had adopted, and no blood flowed more freely in the cause than that of the citizens of Mecklenburg and Cabarus Counties.The occurrence in this declaration of 4th July ‘76 of the very expressions used in the Mecklenburg declaration more than one year before, is very striking:—it had become the common language of the Country.Mr. Adams continued in Congress, devoted to the cause upon which he had staked his “life, his fortunes, and his sacred honor,” and serving upon most of the important Committees until December 1778 when he was elected a Commissioner with Dr. Franklin and Arthur Lee to negotiate with France.In the summer 1779, the object of this mission being obtained, he returned to the United States. Three months after his return, 29th Sept. 1779, he was a second time sent to France, authorized, should opportunity offer, to negotiate with Great Britain a treaty of Peace, and a treaty of Commerce.June 20, 1780, he was authorized to borrow money for the use of the United States, by a Commission unlimited in amount.Oct. 5, 1780, he was authorized to join the U. States, with the Confederacy of Northern European Powers, forming the armed neutrality, of which Catharine, Empress of Russia, was the head—he was not received into their Councils, the Empress being unwilling to offend Great Britain, by acknowledging our Independence, and Mr. Adams sternly refusing any union in their Councils, unless he was received as the minister of a Sovereign State.Dec. 29, 1780, he was commissioned to negotiate a treaty of Amity and Commerce with Holland; and he had the happiness to obtain us the powerful alliance of the Dutch, and a loan of some millions of dollars.He was commissioned minister to the Stadtholder and to the States General in the Netherlands.History may be searched in vain to find an instance in which so many and so important trusts were ever, in so short a time, confided to the care of one individual.—How Mr. Adams acquitted himself in these trusts, let the Journals of Congress declare.From the Journal of Congress, 6th Vol. p 172—12th Dec. 1780—“Congress took into consideration the report of the Committee on the letter of June 26, from the Hon. John Adams: Whereupon, Resolved, that the said letter be referred to the Committee of Foreign Affairs, and they be instructed to inform Mr. Adams of the satisfaction which Congress receive from his industrious attention to the interest and honor of these United States abroad, especially in the transactions communicated to them by that letter.”Of the correct and patriotic views of Mr. Adams, and of the firmness with which, even under adverse circumstances, he maintained the cause of his country in Europe, and of the zeal with which he continued to animate his fellow-citizens to perseverance in the contest for Independence, though three thousand miles distant, I will submit some evidence from his correspondence during his stay in Europe.The papers which I am about to submit to you, afford the highest evidence of the feelings and conduct of Mr. Adams during his stay on the continent of Europe, under the various commissions which have been mentioned. They have long been before the public and their authenticity is unquestionable. They are sufficiently interesting to excuse their lengths:—if an apology is necessary for the time to be consumed in attending to them, it is to be found in the determination that the evidence of Mr. Adams’ high claims to our respect and gratitude shall rest on better evidence than the assertion of an individual.Letter from Mr. Adams from Holland, 20th Sept. 1780, to Doctor Rush, one of the signers of the Declaration of Independence:—“Your account of the resurrection of the spirit of 1765 and 1766, is very refreshing. The ladies having undertaken to support American Independence settles the point. Surely no gentleman will ever dispute it against so many of the fair. The ill bred mortals at St. James’s will continue to wrangle about it, but we knew long ago that they had no politeness of manners. If Mrs. Rush reproaches you with lukewarmness, I am sure there must be zeal enough in the country; for it is impossible that you should be wanting in the necessary proportion of that quality. My best respects to Mrs. Rush, and desire her to move in the assemblies of the ladies, that their influence may be exerted to promote privateering. This and trade are the only way to lay a foundation of a navy, which alone can afford a solid protection to every part of our country. If I could have my will, there should not be the least obstruction to navigation, commerce or privateering; because I firmly believe one sailor will do us more good than two soldiers.”This letter though written in a stile of pleasantry, probably had a seriously beneficial effect. Gordon in his History of the Revolution, (3 vol. 138,) records that the generous exertions of the daughters of liberty in Philadelphia, collected by committees  of ladies, a sum of money sufficient to purchase linen, of which the ladies made more than two thousand shirts, which were presented to our suffering soldiers.To Congress, 14th October, 1780.—“There is no future event more certain in my mind than that they (the British) never will acknowledge American independence, while they have a soldier in the United States, nay they would not do it, even after their troops shall be all driven from the continent. I think I see very clearly that America must grow up in war. It is a painful prospect to be sure. But when I consider there are more people in America, than there are in the united provinces of the low countries: that the earth itself produces abundance in America, both for consumption and exportation, and that the United Provinces produce nothing but butter and cheese; and that the United Provinces have successively maintained wars against the formidable monarchies of Spain, France and England, I cannot but persuade myself, it is in the power of America to defend herself against all that England can do.“The republic where I now am, has maintained an army of one hundred and twenty thousand men, besides a formidable navy. She maintains at this day a standing army of thirty thousand, besides a considerable navy. All this in a profound peace. What cause, physical or political, can prevent three millions of people in America from maintaining for the protection of their altars and firesides, as many soldiers as the same number of people in Europe can maintain for mere parade, I know not.“A navy is our natural and only adequate defence. But we have but one way to increase our shipping and seamen, and that is privateering. This abundantly pays its own expenses, and procures its own men. The seamen taken generally inlist on board our privateers, and that is the surest way of distressing the commerce of our enemies, protecting our own, increasing our seamen, and diminishing theirs. And this will finally be the way, by capturing their supplies, that we shall destroy, or captivate, or oblige to fly, their armies in the United States.”On the 16th of April, 1781, from Leyden, he concludes a letter to Dr. Franklin, then at Paris, in the following words: “America has fought Great Britain and Ireland six years; and not only Great Britain and Ireland, but many states of Germany, many tribes of Indians, and many negroes, their allies. Great Britain has been moving earth and hell to obtain allies against us, yet it is improper in us to propose an alliance! Great Britain has borrowed all the superfluous wealth of Europe; in Italy, Germany, Holland, Switzerland, and some even in France, to murder us! yet it is dishonorable in us to propose to borrow money! By Heavens! I would make a bargain with all Europe, if it lay with me. Let all Europe stand still; neither lend men nor money, nor ships to England nor America: let them fight it out alone. I would give my share of millions for such a bargain. America is treated unfairly and ungenerously by Europe. But thus it is, mankind will be servile to tyrannical masters, and basely devoted to vile idols.”To a clear understanding of the next extract it is necessary to remember that in 1781, the Emperor of Germany, and the Empress of Russia had (at the instance of England) offered through France to mediate between the belligerent parties. It was known that England insisted on considering us as revolted subjects, and her wish was to treat only upon the terms on which we should return our allegiance to her. Mr. Adams reports to  Congress, an interview (July, 1781,) with the French Minister, in which the Minister said—“The English had not made any proposition; but it was necessary to consider certain points, and make certain preparatory arrangements, to know whether we were British subjects, or in what light we were to be considered, smiling. I said, I was not a British subject; that I had renounced that character many years ago, for ever; and that I should rather be a fugitive in China or Malabar, than ever reassume that character.”On the 11th July, 1781, Mr. Adams communicated to Congress, certain articles proposed by Austria and Russia (as mediators) to serve as a foundation of the negotiation for Peace, submitted by the French ministers.—The 1st article proposes, that there shall be peace between Great Britain and the American Colonies; the 2d, that the ratification of the articles when agreed on shall be suspended, until all the belligerents shall have separately concluded their terms of peace; and the 3d proposed an armistice for one year. Mr. Adams writes, “It is not in my power, at this time, to enclose to Congress my answer, because I have not made it, nor written it; but Congress must see that nothing can come of this manœvre, at least for a long time.—Thus much I may say, that I have no objection to the proposition of treating with the English separately, in the manner proposed, upon a peace with them, and a treaty of commerce consistent with our engagements with France and Spain—but that the armistice never can be agreed by me. The objections against it are as numerous as they are momentous and decisive. I may say farther, that as there is no judge upon earth of a sovereign power but the nation that composes it, I can never agree to the mediation of any power however respectable, until they have acknowledged our sovereignty, so far at least, as to admit a Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States as the representative of a free and independent power. After this we might discuss questions of peace or truce with Great Britain, without her acknowledging our sovereignty, but not before.“I fancy, however, that Congress will be applied to, for their sentiments, and I shall be ever ready and happy to obey their instructions, because I have a full confidence that nothing will be decided by them but what will be consistent with their character and dignity.“Peace will only be retarded by relaxations and concessions, whereas firmness, patience and perseverance will insure us a good and lasting one in the end.“The English are obliged to keep up the talk of peace, to lull their enemies and sustain their credit. But I hope the people of America will not be deceived. Nothing will obtain them real peace but skilful and successful war.”The answer of Mr. Adams to the propositions of Russia and Austria are given in a letter to the French Minister, on the 13th of July, 1781. To the first proposition he answers, the United States have no objection to peace with Great Britain, provided their allies have none—to the second, they have no objection if their allies have none—to the third, he answers that preliminary to taking the subject of a truce into consideration at all, must be that the allies agree that their treaties shall remain in full force, until the final acknowledgment of the Independence of the United States, and of the antecedent removal of the British land and naval forces from every part of the United States. The letter of which a mere outline has been given, concludes—“The sovereigns of Europe have a right to negociate concerning their own interests, and to deliberate concerning the question whether it is consistent with their dignity and interests to acknowledge expressly the sovereignty of the United States, and to make treaties with them, by their ministers, in a congress or otherwise;  and America could make no objection to it. But neither the United States nor France can ever consent that the existence of their sovereignty shall be made a question in such congress, because, let that congress determine as it might, their sovereignty, with submission only to divine Providence, never can, and never will be given up.”December 6, 1780, Mr. Adams writes to Arthur Lee.—“As to our being forced to an accommodation, God forbid! We can gain no accommodation but unconditional submission. No propositions the English ever made us, had any sincerity, or meant any thing more than to deceive, divide and betray us. Malice is in all their thoughts towards us.“No man or nation can do a more fatal injury to America, or lead her into a more ruinous error, than by countenancing an opinion that England will give us terms No sir! war we may have, and that for years, or slavery without alloy.”On the same day he writes Mr. William Lee—“Our business is, as you say, at present, to drive the English out of the thirteen states; and, as I say, to build a navy. A navy is our only defence; more necessary for us than for Great Britain. By this alone can we defend a long seacoast, and transport troops from one place to another. We need not march armies nine hundred miles, if we had a navy.”Dec. 9, 1780—writing to the Dutch minister, he says,—“These little alarms of merchants, or of nations, are not much to be regarded. The American question, one of the greatest which was ever decided among men, will be determined by the cabinets of Europe, according to great national interests. But let these decide as they will, America will be independent. It is not in the power of Europe to prevent it. American independence is no longer a question with one man of sense in the world, who understands any thing of the subject. That merchant must be a very superficial thinker indeed, who dreads the rivalry of independent America, in the fisheries, in freight, and in the coasting trade, and yet would not be afraid of it, connected with Great Britain. The possibility of America’s interfering with any nation, in any of these things, will certainly be retarded by her Independence.”Bear  in mind the circumstance under which the papers of which the occasion admits only extracts to be submitted to you, were dictated;—reflect on the firmness and the scorn with which he rejects the attempts of the most powerful monarchs of Europe to seduce him into a negotiation as a subject representing revolted subjects; and the dignified tone in which he claims for his Country the rank of a SOVEREIGN AND INDEPENDENT STATE! The persuasive and convincing language in which he encourages Congress and his  Countrymen to persevere in the contest for Independence, and to be satisfied with nothing less: The wisdom with which he foresaw the favorable issue of perseverance, and the correct and statesmanlike view which, even at that early day, he took of a navy.And is this the man whose attachment to his Country has been questioned!—Nothing short of proofs of Holy Writ can convince a man, possessing one ray of reason, that John Adams could ever be lukewarm in his Country’s cause, or ever, for an instant, have found any other earthly subject of devotion than her glory and happiness.The next important service of Mr. Adams, was the negotiation for peace with Great Britain, in conjunction with Dr. Franklin and Mr. Jay. In the negotiations, they had difficulties to contend with not originating with England alone. The French wished the fisheries secured to them: the English insisted to retain them in their hands. In a political point of view, as a nursery for seamen alone, the fisheries are invaluable:—they supply that host of hardy, brave and active seamen, who are always ready to support their country’s cause. In a commercial consideration, they add in the exports of the products of the ocean, the average value of the exports of a state of the products of agriculture, and may be considered as adding the wealth of a state to the union. In the negotiations, Mr. Adams has the credit of having declared, “We would fight eight years longer, before we would surrender the fisheries.”Peace was at length concluded, on terms as favorable as we could demand: Our independence was acknowledged—the fisheries secured to us—and boundaries settled to our satisfaction—and the royalists in this country, for whom England claimed protection in the treaty, let to be dealt with as we in our discretion thought proper. The treaty dated at Paris 3d September 1783, is signed by John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, John Jay.Such were the services of John Adams. In every stage of the revolution, we discover him the decided, the firm and active friend of his country’s rights, independence and glory. His zeal, and the thunders of his eloquence, were always exerted to give spirit to the enterprize. In common with the rest of his countrymen, he was exposed to the enemy at home;—he encountered also the perils of the sea, and braved the death of a traitor, if captured in the several passages across the atlantic. He aroused us from lethargy to activity and resistance—he aided in obtaining the Declaration of Independence—he gained us allies—he procured for us money, arms, and clothing for our suffering soldiers—he procured us respect and honor abroad—he resisted the selfish demands of France on the fisheries—he obtained us peace and independence. It is not my task nor desire to contrast Mr. Adams’ course with that of any other man—nor would I obstruct one ray of the sun of glory which shines upon the tomb of the illustrious Jefferson: “I could not, if I would, and I would not, if I could” But I am authorized to say, and faithful history must so decide, that from the dawn of the revolution to its close, John Adams had no superior, except that great man had no equal—I need not name the father of his country.I will add here, as justice to Mr. Adams, and as creditable to the candor of Mr. Jefferson, his political rival, the following extract from a paper edited by a respectable gentleman:—“We remember to have heard Mr. Jefferson, in 1816, emphatically mention that his federal predecessor was the very life of the Congress of 1776—that he urged the assertion of independence, privately and officially, with incredible zeal and eloquence; and that no man could love his country more, serve her with keener perseverance, or act with more general rectitude than John Adams.” National Gazette, July 11, 1826.After the peace, Mr. Adams was sent by Congress as Minister Plenipotentiary to Great Britain, with authority to negotiate a treaty of commerce. In his correspondence with his government, he gives an interesting account of his first presentation as Minister, to the King.—The scene was embarrassing. George the 3d saw before him the representative of the people of these sovereign states, who for eight years before, he had fought as rebels and traitors—he saw in that representative, the individual who had been among the most instrumental in depriving his crown of its brightest jewel. Nevertheless, he received Mr. Adams with respect. In the conversation, the king said he had been the last to conform to the separation; but the separation having been made, “I have always said, and say now, I would be the first to meet the friendship of the United States as an independent power.” The king further observed, alluding to the plainness of Mr. Adams’ manners, “It is said, Mr. Adams, you are not as much attached to the manners of France as most of your countrymen”—to which Mr. Adams replied—“That opinion is not mistaken; I avow to your majesty, I have no attachment but to my own country.” The king replied, as quick as lightning, “An honest man will never have any other.” Mr. Adams remained some years in England endeavoring to make a treaty of commerce—without success. On the 5th October, 1787, Mr. Adams obtained leave to return to the United States. From the journals of Congress of that day, I read the following:“Resolved, That the Hon. John Adams, the minister plenipotentiary of the United States, at the court of London, be permitted, agreeably to his request, to return to America at any time after the 24th day of February, in the year of our Lord 1788, and that his commission of minister plenipotentiary to their high mightinesses do also then determine.“Resolved, That Congress entertain a high sense of the services which Mr. Adams has tendered to the United States, in the execution of the various important trusts which they have, from time to time, committed to him, and the thanks of Congress be presented to him for the patriotism, perseverence, integrity and diligence with which he has ably and faithfully served his country.” 12th vol. Journals Congress, p 116.Before his return, the Federal Constitution was adopted; and at the first election of President and Vice-President, in 1798, George Washington was elected President and John Adams Vice-President. At the second election, in 1791, he was a second time elected to the Vice-Presidency—an office which derives its chief importance from the provision of the Constitution, that the Vice-President shall fill the office of the President, in case of the death of the President before the expiration of his term.During the eight years of Washington’s administration, Mr. Adams shared his confidence, and was admitted into his councils: discontents arose at Washington’s administration. Mankind cannot think alike; and He who created man, is alone qualified to govern him. Upon the refusal of Washington, in 1796, to serve again, Mr. Adams, though warmly opposed, was elected to the Presidency. The day has not arrived when the history of these times can be written with impartiality. We have not the virtue not candor to judge our own conduct:—that privilege belongs to posterity. But the subject requires a glance at Mr. Adams’ situation at this period.Many circumstances, whether favorable or not to the interests of the country, but certainly inauspicious to the popularity of Mr. Adams occurred in his administration. His stubborn honesty and independence, admitted no compromise for personal favor. Solely responsible for his measures, he heard advice, but decided for himself, though he incurred the displeasure of respectable friends. Of this kind was his third mission to France, which eventuated however in a settlement of differences. On the other hand, the energy with which he acted towards France, when he commissioned our public ships to capture the public ships of France, increased the displeasure of a large party, neither his personal or political friends. The elevated national feelings created by the victories of our infant navy, and the increased reputation gained to the United States, had their weight with France also, and convinced her proud ruler of the truth of the declaration of Genl. Pinckney, one of our Ambassadors, that the United States had “millions for defence, but not a cent for tribute,” and obtained us a speedy and honorable adjustment of differences. Mr. Adams was guilty of borrowing money, and imposing taxes for the public service, but succeeding enlightened and patriotic administrations, under similar circumstances, have gone beyond his example. He levied a provisional army, but it was such an one, and under such circumstances, that Geo. Washington accepted the command of it, and happily its services were never needed.The Navy was ever a favorite with Mr. Adams;—he overlooked no duty, not in favor of ships and seamen he was always contending—as well by his letters abroad, as against States and Statesmen at home. It was a principle with him, that nations find no safety in humiliation:—to be secure, they must be respected, and that respect is not to be bought, but must be commanded.Under Gen. Washington, not one public ship, of any size or force, ever left the U. States.—Adams created the navy and drew it forward. Succeeding administrations chilled it with neglect and indifference, until it fought itself into favor. Adams, therefore, has the right to be called the Father of the American Navy. Whenever, therefore, the glorious deeds of our navy, upon the lakes, or on the ocean, in humbling the pride of the nation whose boast it was, “Her march is on the mountain wave—her home is on the deep—in checking the insolence of British or French power, or chastising the pirates of the Barbary coast, shall be remembered; and whenever the gallant seamen, who bore the star-spangled banner of his Country in triumph around the globe, or rather than strike it, nailed the flag to his shattered mast and sank with it, come to your recollection—mingle—in justice to John Adams I beseech you—mingle, with gratitude to the seamen, a sentiment of reverence and gratitude to Adams also: the father of that navy, your Country’s boast and safety.With one more testimony to the merit, of this period of Mr. Adams’ life, we quit that part of the subject: it is a letter from George Washington to John Adams, written amidst the clamor which assailed him, and dated 13th July, 1798.“Believe me, sir, no man can more cordially approve the wise and prudent measures of your administration. They ought to inspire universal confidence, and will no doubt, combined with the state of things, call from Congress such laws and means, as will enable you to meet the full force and extent of the crisis.”5th Vol. Marshall’s Life of Washington, 786.Yet after all, Mr. Adams could not retain the confidence of the Country; and at the election of 1800, Mr. Jefferson was elected President; having received eight votes more than Mr. Adams.—Let us here pause and reverence the man like John Adams, “Who noble ends by noble means attains,Or failing, smiles in exile or in chains.—Like good Aurelius, let him reign, or bleedLike Socrates, that man is great indeed.”At the close of his administration, Mr. Adams retired to his farm near Boston, at an age exceeding three score years, and without a spot to tarnish the lustre of his name. His desire was to live in retirement, and to pass that “interval which there should always in between the life and the death of a public man, “in the bosom of his family. But his country still made claims on him. In 1816 he was chosen an elector of President and Vice-President, and voted for Mr. Monroe. He was elected also to the Convention which amended the Constitution of Massachusetts, and chosen President of that body; he declined the chair, but served as a member. He was nominated also as Governor of the State, but declined the election. At times he contributed the luminous productions of his pen to the maintenance of our rights against the pretensions of foreign powers.The character of Mr. Adams on the important subject of religion, is highly honorable. In the constitution of Massachusetts, drawn by Mr. Adams, perfect freedom of conscience and religious liberty is secured to all men—more worthy of notice for the astonishing fact that in the centuries gone by, not one Government beyond the Atlantic had conceded religious freedom to its subjects. Paying the tribute which every good man owes to truth, he openly avowed himself a Christian, but he never manifested a desire to step in between man and his God—he took no side between the belligerent sects, nor did a word ever pollute his lips which could be tortured into a wish “to remove that hope which pillows the head of the dying christian.”Blest with a pious, intelligent and affectionate wife, (of whom he was a short time since bereaved,) whom many “rose up and called blessed”—made happy by children dutiful and tender at home, and honoured and beloved abroad—enjoying the happiest sunshine of declining years, the consolation of conscious integrity and a well spent life—exhibiting the venerable lustre of a great mind, like the setting sun, slowly descending to another hemisphere. He exhibited a spectacle which monarchs might envy, and heaven approve. It seemed as if death had forgotten his victim, until the late national Jubilee, when he died at the great age of ninety-one years. Let us approach that scene where no mask is worn—the death bed. The accounts we have received inform us that Mr. Adams though weak, not from disease, but decay of mental powers, rose on his last day and was dressed, but was compelled by debility to return to bed. He was apparently sleeping, though doubtless the arms of death were clasping him to his icy bosom, and he was entering into that sleep which was to end in eternity. The roar of artillery celebrating the Jubilee roused him; it was the Echo of that Earthquake shout of Victory, which closed our war of Independence. He asked the cause and was informed it was the fourth of July. The expiring patriot remarked—“It is a great and glorious day!” and breathed his last!The last throb of his heart was for his country: and the last words that trembled on his lips, proclaimed his country’s glory.The coincidence that Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Adams should die on the same day, and that day the Fiftieth anniversary of that “GREAT AND GLORIOUS DAY” on which they contributed so greatly to establish our Independence, is indeed remarkable. Let me hope there is no impropriety in ascribing it to the direct interference of Providence. He ‘who numbereth the hairs of our head’: in whose hands are the issues of life and death, and without whose will “not a sparrow falleth,” has taken to himself, in the same hour, two men most respected and beloved of their county, and we hope approved of God. It is our duty to submit to the dispensations of him “who maketh darkness his pavilion.”To you my young friends who have joined in the solemnities of this day, your parents pride, your country’s hope, I beg leave especially to address myself. The rich inheritance of civil and religious liberty transmitted to us from our fathers, is by the swift moving current of time soon to descend to you: the future fame and honor and prosperity of your country, is to be committed in your care.—Cherish then in your hearts core: debase not the privileges of an American citizen to the unholy purposes of faction, founded on no consideration of public good, but in the groveling views of private interest and passion. Revere with filial affection the memory of the founders of our Republic—study their characters, venerate their principles, and emulate their virtues—“Be just and fear not,Let all the ends thou aimest atBe thy Country’s, thy God’s and Truth’s”And you, our fair daughters, the polished corners of the temple of earthly happiness, you too have an important concern entrusted to you by the author of all good. Until man shall degenerate and corrupt the pure heart, and obscure the illuminated mind his creator gave him, your approbation will be the highest reward of his merits. The laurel he gains is of little worth ’till your hands shall twine it around his brow. Encourage then principles of liberty and patriotism, of religion and honor, and remember that the man who is indifferent to his country’s honor, will be regardless of his own. May your ever continue to be prized as the “best gift of God to man.”Fellow-Citizens, I am sensible that I have but feebly sketched the character and services of the great and good John Adams; and I feel deep regret that the few hours allowed to the compliance of your request, and the scanty materials, beyond the meagre histories of our country which are at our command here, has of necessity rendered the effort wretchedly imperfect. If my friends, private virtues, fearless patriotism, superior genius, sterling incorruptible integrity, and services valuable to his country beyond estimate—if these give claim to honor and gratitude: the claim of John Adams cannot be resisted. Be just to his Fame.—Teach your children to emulate his virtues, and ingenuously to blush that their fathers were his foes:—and while liberty has a friend his name will never be forgotten.May it be the happy lot of our country “That length of days be in her right hand, and in her left hand riches and honor. May her ways be ways of pleasantness, and all her paths be paths of peace.

   Ramsay’s History of the Revolution, Vol 1 pp. 340, 341.

      Gordon, .

    2 Gordon, 463.

    Journals of Revolutionary Congress—passim.


Title: Funeral Solemnities, Order of Religious Service, 31 July 1826
From: Anonymous
To:

					at Dedham, July 31, 1826.

				FUNERAL SOLEMNITIESORDER OF RELIGIOUS SERVICES.1st. ANTHEM.—“ Child of Mortality.”2d. Select Portions of Scripture.3d. PRAYER.4th. ORIGINAL HYMN......Written to  Pleyel’s   Dirge.By Herman Mann.LO! Two mighty SUNS have setIn conjunction, as they rose,On the Day, when Freemen met,Leaving day, that ne’er shall close;Thus, the Era speaks anew—When, a Herald from the skies,Having passed a bright review,Bade them to new glories, rise!Heaven pursued its best intentToward these Sages, jointly bound;And, to Both the mandate sent,That the shaft might Neither wound.Daughters, here the theme prolong—Glow your breasts with reverence due;Hymn their honours in your song—They have purchased bliss for you.Sons of Freemen, catch their flame—They have made you great and free;Let your Children lisp their name,Till our race shall cease to be.5th. EULOGY.—By Horace Mann, Esq.6th. DIRGE.—Handel.7th. PRAYER.8th. ANTHEM.—“The Dying Christian.”BENEDICTION.


Title: From Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams to John Quincy Adams, July 1826
From: Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson
To: Adams, John Quincy

					July 1826

				Having just received a letter from John I wish to know if you are desirous that I should come on before the affairs are settled as I have no interest in the concerns and as I am aware of the difficulties incident to the settlement I think it will be better for me to have nothing to do with it as it is impossible for me to steer clear of breakers however I may wish it I shall proceed to New Youk York and expect there to find a Letter from you deciding what I am to do—If I proceed I shall pass a couple of days with Mrs. de Wint then cross to New Haven and go and make a visit of two or three days to Mr. Boylston and from thence go on to you at Quincy or to Sandwich for the rest of the Season—I shall leave the City on Saturday and expect to be in New York on Tuesday next if no accident occurs—Yours affectionately

					L C A.


Title: From Harriet Welsh to Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams, July 1826
From: Welsh, Harriet
To: Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson

				You could not have asked my dear Mrs. Adams a happier a more glorious transition from earth to Heaven—on that day fifty years since consecrated to his blessed memory—I  was not there at the moment but he left the world as I expected a tranquil calm sunset—when I had the ever to be remembered happiness of passing three days with him a short time since He could at times only give utterance to his still clear & perfect mind—I read to him the sermon of Mr. Channings “We walk by faith & not by sight”—he listened to the whole at once without fatigue—expressed great pleasure—& I then had a short conversation with him upon his belief of a reunion with those we have loved & some other subjects—of the Same nature—. I said to him “you Sir have now more to meet in Heaven than to leave on earth”—“yes I have so”—. & express’d again his belief of a recognition of each other in another state—Seemed willing to “stand & wait” the will of Heaven—I tried his memory by speaking of Mr. C’s review of Milton which had been read to him two months before—it was clear & distinct & particular—in short the power of the body only seemed to be weakened—the  mind was clear, tranquil, vigorous, Mrs. Quincy was with me when I took leave & said “you think of us we hope”—“Oh yes & of all my friends constantly & pray for blessings on them”—Everything is interesting of—such a being & therefore I have thought even these little recollections of my last interview would be acceptable—. I rode with him to Penns Hill—one day—He was bro’t down to dine the next—& at dinner—faintly asked if I had what I liked, shewing in  this little kindness of attention—the universal benevolence of his disposition—it is rare I should think that this quality is united with such great energy. The bells are now tolling—one cannot after all the feeling of thankfulness for his present happiness forget that a long  tried, kind, & faithful—& condescending—friend has left the world—In sympathy & in truth / yours

					H Welsh—


Title: Church Services for John Adams’s Death, July 1826 to August 1826
From: Whitney, Peter
To:

               July to August 1826

            Order of Performances.VOLUNTARY ON THE ORGAN.OCCASIONAL DIRGE....GERMAN HYMN.Columbia’s children bathed in tears, Before they throne, Jehovah, bow!And feel with humble hearts the stroke,That shrouds a nation deep in wo.Almighty Father! low in earthLies Monticello’s hoary Sage;Whose hand that Magna Charta drew,That stamped his country’s golden age.And, gracious Sovereign! Quincy’s shades,In mournful silence, closes o’erThe dust of Him, whose spirit ledCelestial Freedom to our shore!A nation’s tears bedew their graves;To Heaven ascend a nation’s sighs.O grant, thou high and holy One,Their souls a mansion in the skies.PRAYER BY THE REV. MR. FAY.DIRGE....“CHILD OF MORTALITY.”EULOGY.........BY THE HON. EDWARD EVERETT.PRAYER BY THE REV. MR. WALKER.CONCLUDING HYMN......AS A DOXOLOGY......Old Hundred.Eternal Father! God alone!We humbly bow before they throne;Confess they righteous power and grace,In all thy wondrous works and ways.When at thy word, our nation rose,And nobly struggled with her foes,Great Statesmen, Warriors, thou didst raise,Our land to save, and show thy praise.Adams, a name to freemen dear,And Jefferson, his high compeer,These mighty men, have sunk to rest,“By all their Country’s honours blest.”Great God! how deep thy gracious ways;The Sire, removed through length of days,The Son is raised by thy command,And Adams lives to bless our land.BENEDICTION.


Title: Letters of administration for estate of John Adams, 1 August 1826
From: Adams, John Quincy,Quincy, Josiah, III
To:

					(Copy)Commonwealth of Massachusetts
					August 1, 1826

				Edward H Robbins Esquire Judge of the Probate of Wills, and for granting Letters of Administration on the Estates of Persons deceased, having goods, chattels, rights or credits in the County of Norfolk within the Commonwealth aforesaid.To all unto whom these Presents shall come greeting.Know Ye, That upon the day of the date hereof, before Me at a Court of Probate, held at Dedham, in the County aforesaid, the Will of John Adams late of Quincy in the said County Doctor of Laws deceased, a Copy of which to these Presents annexed was proved, approved and allowed: Who having, while he lived, and at the Time of his Death, goods, Chattels, Rights or Credits in the County aforesaid: And the Probate of the said Will, and Power of committing Administration of all and singular the Goods, Chattels, Rights and Credits of the said Deceased, by virtue thereof appertaining unto me; the Administration of all and singular the Goods, Chattels, Rights and Credits of the said Deceased and of his said Will, in any manner concerning is hereby committed unto John Quincy Adams, Doctor of Laws, and Josiah Quincy, Doctor of Laws, both of Boston, in the County of Suffolk and Commonwealth aforesaid, the Executors in the same Will name, well and faithfully to execute the said Will, and to administer the Estate of the said Deceased according thereunto; and to make a true and perfect inventory of all and singular the Goods, Chattels, Rights and Credits of the said Deceased; and to exhibit the same into the Registry of the Court  of Probate for the County aforesaid, at or before the first Day of November next ensuing: And also to render a plain and true account of their said Administration upon Oath within one year from the date hereof.In Testimony whereof I have hereunto set my Hand and the Seal of the said Court of Probate. Dated at Dedham the first Day of August in the Year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and twenty Six.

					(Signed) Edwd. H Robbins. J Probate(Signed) Samuel Haven Regr.


Title: From Edward H. Robbins to Josiah Adams, 1 August 1826
From: Robbins, Edward H.
To: Adams, Josiah

					Commonwealth of Massachusetts Seal Norfolk ssTo Daniel Greenleaf Esquire, Josiah Bass Gentleman and Josiah Adams Yeoman all of Quincy in the County of NorfolkGreeting.
					August 1, 1826

				Whereas, at a Court of Probate, held at Dedham in and for the said County of Norfolk on the first Tuesday of August AD 1826. John Quincy Adams and Josiah Quincy, both of Boston in the County of Suffolk, Doctors of Laws, duly admitted Executors of the last Will of John Adams late of Quincy in the said County of Norfolk Doctor of Laws, deceased, and thereupon gave Bond to exhibit upon oath, a true and perfect Inventory of the Estate of the said deceased within three months; and whereas you have been nominated and appointed Appraisers of the said Estate: You are therefore hereby empowered to take a particular Inventory of the Estate of the said deceased, and truly and justly to appraise the same, according to the present value thereof. Before you perform the said business you are to be sworn; and after you have completed the same you are to deliver your Inventory together with this Warrant to the said Executors to be by them returned to the Court of Probate according to law.Witness Edward H Robbins Esquire, Judge of the Court aforesaid, at Dedham this first day of August in the year of our Lord One thousand eight Hundred and twenty six.

					Edwd H Robbins J Probate


Title: Appraisal of Personal Estate by Daniel Greenleaf, 1 August 1826
From: Greenleaf, Daniel
To:

					August 1, 1826

            Furniture Estate of John Adams of Quincy. Esqr. deceasd

            1 Sofa & 12 Chairs, Red Damask, 6 Cushions.—$58—1 do—14 do—Green do45—1 do. calico $8.—14 hair bottom chairs, 27.50—35.501 Easy Chair 6. 1 LaMing do 6,47: Comn do. 27.5039.50Bed, Bedstead, Mattress, down cover, damask Curtains &c70—do—do do. & Curtains. Middle Chamber25—7 other beds 74—17 blankets 25. curtains 4—103—1 Set. Mahogany Dinner Tables 18. 1 dinr do. wh leaf 6—24—4 Card Tables $20. 1 Marble do $15—15 other do. 2156—1 Bureau & Secretary 10. 1 Wardrobe 5—1548 day Clock $20. 1 old do. $7—27—2 Night Cabinets $10—2 Work stands 6—16—3 old bureaus 10. 2 do. Secretarys 4, 2 pine desks 2, 56 &c16.50—1 Set Dining China Red—$25—1 do. Blue 25—50—1 desert set. 8. 5 part sets Tea do—7—15—3 China flower pots $6. 5 Comn do 1.50—7.501 pair Cut glass Candlesticks—16—6 Dishes do—with covers—8—Decanters, wines, tumblers & other glass 33.25—33.254 Window Curtains. (White Dimity)16—4 Pictures—(not family)—10—Death of Chatham—20—do.—Warren. $5. do. Montgomery 5.—10.—5 8. other prints $10. 4 plaister busts 4—14—2 large looking glasses. (long Room)—40—1 do—do. E. Chamber 16. 1 do. mid-Room 6.221 dressing do—$5. 4 common do 4—91 large Turkey Carpet, 20. 1 Brussels do. 30—50—1 do Venetian do $30. 1 do. Canvas do 25—55—Venetian Stair do 8. do. Entry do. 10—18—3 old Canvas—$9. old Carpeting 7—161 large Stair Carpet. 10. 18. brass Rods. 2—12—3 floor Mats & 1 hearth brush—3—1 Brass Fire Set. 8. 1 do. 8. 1 old do 3.50—19.50—Lot of Pewter $9—do Iron Ware 10.50—19.50large Copper boiler 15. Lot Copper Ware 7—22—Lot Tin Ware $5. Knives & forks 23—28—Common Crockery & earthen Ware—6—2 fire Screens. $4. Thermometer 1. Scales. sml. 16Spectacles & buckles $2. Shaving tray 1—3—10 Trunks—$10. 2 Mortars 1.25—11.25Amount Carried Over$1070.50Amount of Furniture bro’t over—$1070.50Stuff in House Garret. 5.50. bags & Morng cloth 2. $7.50—Mangle & Rollers. 5. 1 press 4. Baskets 1.—10—Wash Bench & tubbs 3—Wood Ware. 4. frame ct. 507.50—Empty Casks—12. 1 Safe 2.—14—Plate Warmer & baskets 2. Waiters &c 2.50—4.50—1114.Table Linen $82. Bed Linen 143—225—Plated Ware—1 plateau with glasses & figures. 7.4 Candlesticks & branches 18. 4 do. plain 5. 23.4 glass Coolers & 4 Wine Coolers—401 basket 5 large Urn & Case 10—15Other plated Articles—20.105—536 oz. 3 devt. Silver @ 1 1/8 pr oz.— 603.17—1 Gold & 1 Composition Medal & box—23.72—2070 89Stock on farm1 Yoke Oxen 65. 11. Cows 132$1971 Horse 45 10 Swine 50.—95292—1 Wagon 30. 1 do. (horse) 20. 1 ox Cart 15651 Chaise & Harness 100. Carryall & do. 130.2302 Sleighs 24. Old Carriages & Runners 1236—331—Pine Wood-home 36—do. cut in Woods 25—61Buffalo-bells, Goads &c—7—Ploughs Harrow & Sled—17Tools & Chains—41—Roller. Grindstone. Saws.12—70—29 bushels Barluy—22English Hay in Stable—80—do—do—in Barn—162Toto do. fresh do. & fodder—72do. in little barn—40.376—3207 89do. put in barn. Since$35.3535—$4113242.8913 Shares Middlesex Canal @ 260.—$33.805 do. West Boston Bridge @ 300—1500—54 do. Fire & Marina Insurance @ 50—2700—10 do New England do—102—1020—10. do. Boston Bank—78—780—20 do. Boylston Market 100—2000—9 do. Massachusetts Bank 270—243012 do. American—do 102—1224$300 Savings Bank & In Trust—391.48—$1203. US. 6 pr. Ct. (1813) @ 1011215. 3—3260.7. do—do. 1814 @ 102—3325.27—1000—do do 1815 @ 103 1/21035—21000.78$21000.7824,243.67


Title: Faneuil Hall commemoration services at death of John Adams and Thomas Jefferson, 2 August 1826
From: Anonymous
To:

					Order of Exercises at Faneuil Hall, Commemorative of the Death of Adams and Jefferson.
					On Wednesday, Aug. 2, 1826.

				FUNERAL SYMPHONY.PRAYER.ANTHEM.How are the mighty fallen! They that were great among the Nations, and Rulers of the People.—The People will tell of their wisdom:—The righteous shall be had in everlasting remembrance, as the brightness of the firmament.—Their bodies are buried in peace; but their name liveth evermore.Handel.DISCOURSE.DIRGE.Hark! attendant Seraphs say,Patriot Spirits, come away!Ye, on earth whose work is done,Ye, whose glorious race is run—Ye, among the faithful found,With your Country’s blessings crowned;Ye, to whom freed millions raiseHymns of gratitude and praise:—Summoned from this house of clay,Called in time’s full hour away,Longing for their native skies,Lo, Together they arise!Grieve not for the hallowed Dead—Mourn not Worth and Wisdom fled—Filled with years, with honors blest,They alike in glory rest.Benediction.


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams, 2 August 1826
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson

					My dearest Friend.
					Hamilton’s Exchange Hotel, Boston Wednesday 2 August 1826. 5 A.M.

				Meeting here Dr. Huntt, who informs us that he left you last Friday at Bordentown, and Charles the next day at New York, I avail myself of the opportunity of saying to you that we are here well. I hope you have received the Letter which was enclosed to Mr Charles King, under the expectation that it would meet you in New–York—Yesterday, my father’s Will was proved by Mr Quincy and myself—We shall proceed forthwith to its Execution—On Monday I attended at an Eulogy upon Thomas Jefferson and John Adams, by Mr Horace Mann, at Dedham—Yesterday at Charlestown by Mr Everett, and this day we are to hear Mr Knapp and Mr Webster, in this City—Mr Storrs to–morrow at Weymouth, and Mr Sprague, next week on Thursday at Salem—I hope in the mean time to hear directly from you—Nothing has yet been determined, concerning the place at Quincy left by my father, and the family there—I cannot therefore advise you to come here—I suppose, in another fortnight, I may be able to form a more definitive opinion I shall remain at Quincy till all the necessary measures for the Execution of the Will shall have been taken, and the sale of the Effects—I hope not to be obliged to return to Washington, before the last of September.Faithfully and affectionately yours

					J Q. Adams.


Title: From Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams to John Quincy Adams, 4 August 1826
From: Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson
To: Adams, John Quincy

					New York 4. August 1826

				We have arrived safely here after a tolerably pleasant journey and a very pleasant visit at Borden Town although poor Mrs. Hopkinson was sick the greatest part of the time—I sent Charles on to secure me apartments and Mr Biddle accompanied me to this City in the Steam Boat from Washington—but our passage was boisterous and disagreeable—Charles King informed me last night that he had forwarded your Letter to Washington and as it rains heavily and I am not very well I have deferred my journey until tomorrow—I am so interrupted by visitors I must bid you adieu, and shall write to you from Mrs. de Wints where I mean to stay a couple of days and from thence proceed to Lebanon Springs—Love to all from

					L C A.


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams, 5 August 1826
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson

					My dearest Friend.
					Quincy Saturday 5 August 1826

				I received last Evening your Letter of the 1st. instt. from New York—I now enclose to you the Letter which I had wriiten you, on the 25th. of Last Month; and which was forwarded to Mr Charles King in the hope that it would meet you at New York—I wrote you also at Boston Wednesday Morning by Dr Huntt—He was to pass through Lebanon yesterday or this day, but I am afraid will again miss meeting you—I now make a third experiment, hoping this will reach you at Lebanon, about the time of your arrival there.The Orations at Boston, were both well received—that of Mr Webster is much admired—That of the next day at Braintree, by Mr Storrs was affecting and affectionate—That of next Thursday at Salem, only now remains, and will I  hope be the last to which my attendance will be requested—The repetition of the same ceremonies must necessarily become monotonous, and accompanied by invitations to dinner and other parties, assumes almost a character of festivity quite unsuitable to the occasion—I shall leave this place as little as possible, till a very few days before taking my departure for Washington—I still advise you not to come here—The final disposition of this place is yet uncertain. I shall probably be under the necessity of charging myself with it, and of making provision as far as practicable for the comfortable subsistance of the family. Your’s ever affectionately

					J. Q. Adams.


Title: John Quincy Adams, Mount Wollaston farm minutes, 6 August 1826
From: Adams, John Quincy
To:

					6. August 1826.

				Mount Wollaston farm MinutesWilliam Coddington conveyed to William Tynge from 1639 to 1643.Anna Tynge, daughter of William, Married Ths. ShepardAnna, their daughter, married Daniel Quincy.Anna Shepard, by Will in 1709. devised the Estate, to John Quincy, her grandson—Son of Daniel Quincy, and Anna his wife.


Title: From Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams to John Quincy Adams, 7 August 1826
From: Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson
To: Adams, John Quincy

					My best friend
					Cedar Grove 7 August 1826

				I have been so very sick the last day or two it has been impossible for me to write you I am still very much indisposed but intend to proceed to Albany this Evening in the Steam Boat I believe my illness is occasioned by the keeness of the air which has reproduced most of the symptoms of the last Summers complaint The weather is however much warmer to day and I hope I shall soon be better in consequence. I went over to West Point notwithstanding my sickness and saw Robert Buchanan who is already much improved in health and appearance and is very much pleased with his situation—I hope I shall find Letters from you at Lebanon Love to all Elizabeth suffers from the pain in her face Charles is pretty wellYours Ever

					L. C. A.


Title: John Quincy Adams, Questions upon the will of John Adams Also a Draft of Executors’ Letter, 8 August 1826
From: Adams, John Quincy
To:

					Quincy 8. August 1826

				Questions upon the Will of John Adams.1. The Testator having subsequently to the date of the Will, conveyed away by Deeds, certain portions of the Estate therein devised, so that the bequests cannot be carried into effect, is any other part of the Will, or the whole Will thereby revoked? 2. The Testator by one devise, bequeaths to John Quincy Adams his real Estate on both sides of the road from Boston to Plymouth, containing by estimation 103 acres, be the same more or less, together with the buildings thereon—Also Babel Pasture; also Lane’s Pasture and Red Cedar pasture—on Condition, that he pay or secure to be paid to the Executors, within 8 years after his decease, with interest—for the Estate first named 10.000 dollars—for Babel pasture one thousand, and for both Lanes and red cedar pasture 1.000 dollars—But in case John Quincy Adams shall refuse to accept the said Estate and pastures upon the said condition; then the Executors are ordered to make sale of the same and to apply the proceeds in certain portions therein after directed—Babel Pasture, Lane’s and Red Cedar Pasture, and about eleven Acres of the first named one hundred and three, were after the signature of the Will, conveyed away by Deeds—Is the devise to John Quincy Adams still so far valid that he can accept what remains of the Estate, and if so, what is the Condition, which he will be required to perform upon its acceptance?3. If by the performance of the Condition prescribed in the Will, having been rendered impossible, his power of accepting the devise has been set aside; how is that portion of the Estate to be disposed of?4. The Testator devises to John Quincy Adams, the whole of his Library, upon condition that he pay to Thomas Boylston Adams, the value of one half of the same—The Testator subsequently by deed gave to the Inhabitants of the Town of Quincy the fragments of his Library, which still remained in his possession, excepting a few that he reservedDoes the devise of the whole Library remain in force for the few books which were reserved, and upon the same condition?J. Q. A. Enclosure
                                                To William Steuben Smith—Washington D. C.John Adams Smith—Madrid Spain.Mrs Caroline Amelia De Wint—Fishkill Landing—New–YorkMrs. Abigail Louisa Smith Johnson—Utica—New–YorkQuincy August 1826.
                            The Executors of the last Will and Testament of John Adams, late of Quincy deceased, enclose herewith a Copy of the said Will, in which you are interested as a Devisee—We also deem it proper to give you notice that the said Will has been proved before the Judge of Probate for the County of Norfolk in the Commonwealth of Massachusetts—That we have given the Bond required by Law, for the return of an Inventory of the Estate real and personal of the deceased within three Months, and to render an Account of our Administration of the Estate within twelve Months from this Time—And you will if you think fit be present in person or by your Attorney, on those occasions, to state your objections if any you have to our proceedings in the premisesYour friends


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams, 9 August 1826
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson

					My dearest Friend.
					Quincy 9. August 1826—

				Yesterday your Letter of the 3d. instt. from Fishkiln came to hand—It would have been altogether cheering had it given me a better account of your health—But I hear the Lebanon Springs much vaunted, and hope they will prove beneficial to you—I fear Dr. Huntt passed through Lebanon, too soon for the delivery to you of my Letter by him—But supposing you to have arrived there yesterday or this day, flatter myself that mine of the 5th. will have reached there, just in time to meet you. To morrow, I am to go to Salem, to hear the Eulogy by Mr Sprague, and the next day return here—For the rest of the Month, and all or as much of the next as I can controul I hope to have little interruption here—I do not advise you to come. If you find your residence at Lebanon agreeable and remain there some weeks, George proposes to pay you a visit there, and I will enable him to furnish you with a fresh supply of money.—The business here of a private nature will give full occupation to all the Time that I can spare, and the Public business gives me more employment and anxiety, even here than I can wade through—But the Season, and the Country, compensate for every thing.All Well—Affectionately your’s

					J. Q. Adams.


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Caroline Amelia Smith De Windt, 9 August 1826
From: Adams, John Quincy,Quincy, Josiah, III
To: De Windt, Caroline Amelia Smith,Smith, John Adams,Johnson, Abigail Louisa Smith Adams,Smith, William Steuben

				To William Steuben Smith, Washington D.C.John Adams Smith—Madrid Spain—Mrs. Caroline Amelia DeWint—Fishkill landing. New YorkMrs. Abigail Louisa Smith Johnson. Utica. New York

					Quincy 9 August 1826

				The Executors of the last Will and Testament of John Adams, late of Quincy deceased, enclose herewith a Copy of the said Will, in which you are interested as Devisees. We also deem it proper to give you notice that the said Will has been proved before the Judge of Probate for the County of Norfolk in the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. That we have given the bond required by law for the return of an Inventory of the Estate real and personal of the deceased within three months; and to render an account of our Administration of the estate within twelve months from this time. And you will if you think fit be present in person or by your Attorney on those occasions, to state your objections if any you have to our proceedings in the premisesYour friends

					(Signed) John Quincy Adams(Signed) Josiah QuincyExecutors—


Title: Commemorative Funeral Services in Salem for JA and Jefferson, 10 August 1826
From: Sprague, Joseph E.
To:

				Funeral Honors by the Town of Salem. Order of Services at the North Church in Salem.....

					On Thursday, August 10, 1826,

				To Commemorate the Deaths of John Adams & Thomas Jefferson.Voluntary on the Organ.Introductory Prayer, by Rev. Mr. Colman.Hymn for the Occasion, by Joseph G. Waters, Esq.Tune—Burford.In funeral train, in shrouds of woe,These hallow’d courts we tread,To pay the grateful debt we oweTo Freedom’s honored dead.We come—to fan the holy flame,That warms the patriot’s breast ;We come—to point to deathless fameThe memory of the blest.Yes, kindred spirits ! time shall swellThe splendor of your fame ;And age to age your deeds shall tell,Your glorious deaths proclaim.Your shrines shall be the patriot’s soul,The bosom of the free ;And Heaven born Freedom’s golden scrollYour epitaph shall be.Here on thy altar, Lord, we layOur grateful sacrifice ;Warmed by thy hold fervor, mayIts incense reach the skies.Eulogy, by Joseph E Sprague, Esq.Anthem.How are the mighty fallen ! They that were great among the Nations, and Rulers of the People.—The People will tell of their wisdom :—The righteous shall be had in everlasting remembrance, and the wise shall shine as the brightness of the firmament.—Their bodies are buried in peace ; but their name liveth evermore.Concluding Prayer, Rev. Mr. Williams.Dirge for the Occasion, by Mr. Jocelyn.Pleyel’s Hymn.Sadly falls the mournful knell,Brief, those Sable emblems tell ;Deep a Nation’s dirge shall flow,Death has laid her Sages low.Sov’reign Ruler ! to Thy will,Low we bend, each murmur, still ;Touch’d by Thee, the mortal breathIs eloquent,—or quench’d in death.Mighty names, of matchless worth !Great the deeds ye wrought on earth ;Rest,—your mortal toils are o’er,—Hush’d the lips which wisdom bore.Dust to dust, th’ unchang’d decree—Spirits mingle bless’d and free ;—Rest in peace, in honor, rest,Mourn’d in death, in mem’ry bless’d.Benediction, Rev. Dr. Prince.


Title: From Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams to John Quincy Adams, 11 August 1826
From: Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson
To: Adams, John Quincy

					Balls Town Springs 11 August 1826

				I intended writing to you yesterday but was prevented by a feverish indisposition which I believe was occasioned by the Water—I am much better to day, and hasten to inform you of our movements with which you have not been able to keep pace because they have been so variable—At Mrs. de Wints I was constantly sick during my stay, and appeared to be growing worse every hour—I found afterwards it was owing to something I ate which disagreed with me, and I have been gradually getting better—In the Steam boat I met Mr & Mrs. Otis and she persuaded me to come here for a few days—As it was a matter of indifference where I went, I thought the trip would prove agreeable and came here accordingly, and find myself in the midst of my acquaintance, and among a very genteel set of people—Two Col Haynes with their familys, Judge Edwards and Lady of New York, Mrs. J. Wells and family from Boston, Col & Mrs. Drayton with her Mother, Mr & Mrs. Devereux with their daughter and the Gibbs’s, Heywards, &. from Carolina; and last tho’ not least Mr Short—Yesterday Count Survillier and Mr. Levett Harris came over purposely to see me—Genl Brown also came over and was very urgent for me to stay at Saratoga a few days, but I told him my mourning was too recent to join such a gay throng The Mayer of New York Mr Hone with his family left this place yesterday for a visit to Saratoga to meet Govr Clinton who is there with his Lady—also Mr Van Buren and Mr McLane—Mr. Tayloe and lady and daughter called on me but I did not see them I shall return the visit to day—Mrs. Ogle Tayloe is here almost in a dying state and her father came yesterday—While at Albany Genl & Mrs. Van Rensellaer called on me twice, and gave me a very kind invitation to pass the day with them which I promised to do if I should pass through Albany again, which I find however it is not necessary to do.It is really quite amusing to note the variety of character which we meet at these places; some of which are very strongly marked, tho’ few give rise to those remarks which afford much amusement which is very fortunate for me, as I am not famous for my discretion, any more than Mrs. Clinton, who tho’ very popular and a general favorite is very satirical.—We propose to leave this place early on Monday, perhaps Sunday, and proceed to Lebanon, where I may stay a few days to take the Baths, we shall be there on Tuesday I wish George and John could meet me there I think it would be of service to G. as Dr Huntt says he looks sick and worried—We are all well and desire our best united wishes to you and to all our friends at QuincyEver Yours

					L. C. A.


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Charles Francis Adams, 13 August 1826
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Charles Francis

					My dear Charles
					Quincy 13. August 1826.

				I received in due time your Letter of the 1st. instt. from New–York; since which Letters from your mother have informed me of your progress to Fishkill Landing, and the Newspapers of your arrival at Albany—I ardently hope your mother’s health will derive more benefit from the Springs than it appears she has from the journey—We are expecting by the next Mail to hear of your reaching Lebanon—I well know that the foolish and malicious newspaper paragraph concerning you was without foundation—Our Grub Street is wider than that of London. Coram and Noah, may look for a purchaser and the Messiah, in company—They will find both at the same time.We have had three days of almost incessant rain, which I take to be the breaking up of the Summer—It overtook me at Salem in the midst of Mr Sprague’s Eulogy, and I am longing for the Rainbow—We are all well.your affectionate father

					J. Q. Adams.


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Ward Nicholas Boylston, 14 August 1826
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Boylston, Ward Nicholas

					My dear Sir.
					Quincy 14. August 1826.

				A short time before my sudden departure from Washington, I received a very kind Letter from you, with a small volume, and an interesting account of the family of Boylston.—While I was postponing an Answer to it with a view to make some further enquiries, to tax again your indulgence, a melancholy summons called me away at so short notice that I forgot even to take your Letter and minutes with me—Soon after my arrival here your Letter to my lamented father of the 26th. of June last, enclosing your biographical account of Dr Zabdiel Boylston was put into my hands, which I have read and reperused with great Satisfaction—I now return it, as you had requested of my father, and hope you will forward it for publication in Dr Thacher’s Work—The memory of such a benefactor to mankind as Dr Boylston, ought not to be suffered to slumber in oblivion.—You have noted that Mr John Boylston who died at Bath in 1795. was his only Son—I observe that in the Harvard College Catalogue, there was a Zabdiel Boylston, who was graduated in 1724 and 27. I conclude He was of the same family.I have had the pleasure of hearing from you recently by Mr Quincy, and rejoice to learn that you and Mrs Boylston were both well—I hope yet to pass a day or two with you before my return to Washington, towards the close of next Month, or the beginning of October—Mean time I remain with kindest regards to Mrs Boylston / Affectionately yours.

					John Quincy Adams.


Title: From Ward Nicholas Boylston to John Quincy Adams, 15 August 1826
From: Boylston, Ward Nicholas
To: Adams, John Quincy

					My Dear & Bereaved Friend
					Princeton Augt 15’’ 1826

				I meant to have addressed you, immediately after I heard of your arrival at Quincy, but my health & spirits have been so much affected by the painfull event, which has summond you to the house of mourning, that I have been unequal to it and even now I require greater consolations, than I am able to offer you—But alas? what is left me, it is only the hope that the mantle of my Dear and venerated Friend’s kind affections may be received by, & continued by you to shelter my few declineing days—& I lean with some confidence you will not withhold from me—I had chosen  a text which I read to him and told him, should I survive him a Discourse should be deliverd on the event; with a smile he replied “I might do what I would with his memory when he was gone” I have strictly kept my promise—as a discourse was deliver’d by our Pastor Mr. Clarke, and by the unanimous vote of the church and society, a copy was requested, and is now in press and when out, shall take leave to send you—It has been some consolation to hear by our Friends The Mayor & Mayoress who honor’d us with a short visit last week, that you were well, though occupied in a constant course of engagement that would compel your attention for sometime, but encouraged me to hope that you would honor us with a visit before your return to Washington, & I beg leave to claim your former promise, and rest in hopes to see it fullfilledI see by the news papers that my Dear Friend Mrs Adams has arrived at Quincy; we beg you to make our affectionate regards to her, with our earnest solicitations that she would honor us with her company and spend as much time as she can bestow upon us—the Air will Contribute to the confirmation of her health and a great retirement, which I think it must necessarily require from the Bustle & fatigue, she has so long suffer’d at Washington, we also wish to be favor’d with the company of Miss Hellen & your neice if with you, likewise of any your Friends Mr. G W. Mr. J A & Mr Chs Adams,—we have three Beds in the House and two Master Rooms in the Farm House fitted up expressly for the accomodation of our Friends, and never used for any other purpose, that they may be as well lodged as if in the mansion House—The Devotion of all we possess, you will find exerted to make your & Mrs Adams, and family’s sejour agreeable—The season is not so far advanced as it was when Mrs Adams last honor’d us with a visit, and as the Heat of Dog-days are always oppressive in the vicinity of Boston you will all find relief by being here—I have been very impatient to get yours & Mrs. Adams’s portraits finish’d—Mr Stewarts last excuse to me, was, that he could not finish yours before you gave him another sitting; if it be so I am persuaded you will not refuse him—I have been urgeing him again & again thro’ the agency of Mr J P Davis, who last week wrote me Mr Stewart was both sick and Dilatory, and had not done any thing more to either than when I last saw them; If so I very much fear he will do little more to them this season—I am now going to write to Mr J P Davis to offer him one Hundred Dollars in addition to the 600$ which has lain idle a year; distinctly appropriated for that purpose, and apart from any other fund—If he should die before he finishes them, I see some difficulties that may arrise to frustrate all my hopes.—Mrs Boylston beg leave to offer her best respects to you, and in reiterateing our unfeignd expressions of affectionate regards to Mrs Adams and also our kind remembrances to Judge and Mrs Adams & their family, likewise to your Son’sWith every sentiment of perfect / affection I am ever / your obliged Friend & relative

					Ward Nichs Boylston


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams, 17 August 1826
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson

					My dearest Friend.
					Quincy 17. August 1826.

				I have just received your Letter from Ballston, with the greater pleasure, as it gives a better account of your health, than that of the 7th. instt. from Cedar Grove. I am also glad to perceive that you had met Dr Hurtt, and no doubt received from him the Letter which I wrote you by him, from Boston—I have since written twice to you, and once to Charles, and addressed the Letters to Lebanon, where I hope you have are this recieved them.I cannot spare both George and John; for instead of enjoying here a repose from labour, either Publick or Private, it is more unremitting ever than at Washington—George is and will be sometime engaged here upon business, relating to the Execution of my father’s Will; and John is constantly occupied with his duties as my Secretary. But if you remain some time at Lebanon, George will pay you a short visit there.I had this morning a very affectionate Letter from Mr Boyleston at Princetown in which he gives an urgent invitation to us all to visit him and spend some time with him. Should you soon grow weary of Lebanon, and incline to accept Mr boyleston’s invitation, the distance is not great, and we would meet you at Princetown—You could then if you pleased come here for a few days, or return towards Washington, as you should find most agreeable. Since my return from Salem, I have scarcely been out of the house—This is the eighth day in succession of Rain, Mist and Fog, almost without intermission—But the verdure on the fields is delightful.—I had last Evening a kind Letter from Mr J. Wallis, informing me that Mrs Wallis had just returned, and had seen you at BallstonYour ever affectionate husband.

					J. Q. Adams


Title: From John Quincy Adams to William Cranch, 17 August 1826
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Cranch, William

					My dear friend and Cousin
					Quincy 17 August 1826—

				Your affectionate letter of the 9th. instt. came to hand two days since, and on the same evening I delivered to your sister Greenleaf the one for her which it enclosed—The loss of fathers such at least as were yours and mine, is and must be irreparable. Yet it is “Nature’s commonest theme,” and speaking from my own experience it is one of the choicest, as it is among the rarest ingredients of happiness on Earth to have a father yet living till a Son is far advanced in years. This to a certain extent was your good fortune, and it has been much longer mine. It is among the consolations of bereavement, that we are not to endure it long, and we dismiss with more cheerful resignation to the hopes of a better world, the friend whom we are soon to follow there ourselves—Your letter and the spot where I am, have revived the memory of the scenes of our Childhood, which seem like reminiscences from another world. Before these Politicks vanish, Patriotism itself comparatively fades away, and the Declaration of Independence comes after our walks to Weymouth, and our rides to the Glasshouse at Germantown—The wisdom of the fathers has left traces which have helped us along in our intercourse with the world—but when will be forgotten the tenderness of our mothers? Never till that day shall I cease to be / your affectionate kinsman and friend


Title: From Abigail Louisa Smith Adams Johnson to John Quincy Adams, 18 August 1826
From: Johnson, Abigail Louisa Smith Adams
To: Adams, John Quincy

					To the Hon John Quincy Adams, & Josiah Quincy.
					Utica August 18th. 1826

				The will of my honoured & lamented Grandfather is received, & I beg you, most respectfully, to accept my thanks for transmitting me this mournful testimonial of his paternal affection.

					A. L. S. Johnson.


Title: From William Steuben Smith to John Quincy Adams, 19 August 1826
From: Smith, William Steuben
To: Adams, John Quincy

				To the Honorables John Quincy Adams & Josiah Quincy. Executors of the Last Will & Testament of John Adams; deceased.
					Gentlemen,
					Washington D.C. August 19. 1826.

				I had yesterday the honor of receiving the communication you did me that of addressing to me from Quincy dated the 14th inst. in relation to the last Will & Testament of my venerable, lately deceased, Grandfather.In offering to you the expression of a sincere grief at the bereavment we have had thus dispensed to us, by his death, I beg leave to tender you also the assurance of my conviction that in the implicit reliance I place upon your wisdom & judgments as Executors, I am fully satisfied that any interest accruing to me under the provisions of the Will of the deceased, will receive from you a care & attention, equal to any & altogether superseding the necessity of any authorization from me to another to attend to the same, though, permit me to suggest, that, when you shall have attained the period in the Administration of the Estate, at which you will be enabled to decide upon the amount of the respective shares of each devisee, the quota that may then be deemed coming to me, can, if you please, be deposited to my credit in the U.S. B. Bank at Boston, & a duplicate certificate (in the form you may think proper) of deposit transmitted to me at this City.I am with perfect respect, Your friend

					Wm: Steuben Smith


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams, 20 August 1826
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson

					My dearest Friend.
					Quincy 20. August 1826.

				I have received your Letters of the 13th. and 14th from Lebanon, and rejoice with exceeding joy at the recovery of your health—From other Letters received here I learn that you intended to remain at Lebanon, only a very few days, and I scarcely know whether this will find you thereMy Letter of the 17th. which I hope you will receive this day will inform you of Mr Boyleston’s affectionate invitation, and of my proposal to meet you at Princetown—If you accept the invitation I may have your answer to this Letter, by this day week, and could go from here to meet you on Monday the 28th. Should you then conclude to come and pass a few days here, it would be practicable, and I leave it entirely to your own inclinations.The inventory of my father’s personal Estate is completed—The survey of the real Estate is to commence to morrow, and will I hope be finished by the end of the week—The returns to the Probate Court must be made on Tuesday the 5th. of next Month—The Sales will if possible be made the last week in September; and the Account rendered to the judge on Tuesday the 3d. of October—These are the only days when the Probate Courts will be held, and when the business before it can be transacted—My present intention is to depart on the 4th. of October for Washington; to hear Mr Wirt there on the 10th. Your’s affectionately as ever

					J. Q. Adams.


Title: From Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams to John Quincy Adams, 21 August 1826
From: Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson
To: Adams, John Quincy

					August 21, 1826

				I send this enclosure and add a few lines to state that I shall leave this place on Wednesday for Washington and hope to find Letters from you in New York—We shall go by the way of Hudson and Poughkeepsy—Yours Ever

					L. C A.