Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 8 August 1791
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

My dear Sir
N. York Aug: 8. 1791.
I take the liberty of putting the inclosed into your hands that in case Col: Lee should have left Philada. the contents may find their way to Col: Fisher who is most interested in them. And I leave it open for the same purpose. The Attorney will be a fit channel in the event of Col: Lee’s departure, for conveying the information. You will find an allusion to some mysterious cause for a phœnomenon in the Stocks. It is surmized that the deferred debt is to be taken up at the next session, and some anticipated provision made for it. This may either be an invention of those who wish to sell: or it may be a reality imparted in confidence to the purchasers or smelt out by their sagacity. I have had a hint that something is intended and has dropt from —— —— which has led to this speculation. I am unwilling to credit the fact, untill I have further evidence, which I am in a train of getting if it exists. It is said that packet boats & expresses are again sent from this place to the Southern States, to buy up the paper of all sorts which has risen in the market here. These & other abuses make it a problem whether the system of the old paper under a bad Government, or of the new under a good one, be chargeable with the greater substantial injustice. The true difference seems to be that by the former the few were the victims to the many; by the latter the many to the few. It seems agreed on all hands now that the bank is a certain & gratuitous augmentation of the capitals sub[s]cribed, in a proportion of not less than 40 or 50 PerCt. And if the deferred debt should be immediately provided for in favor of the purchasers of it in the deferred shape, & since the unanimous vote that no change shd. be made in the funding system, my imagination will not attempt to set bounds to the daring depravity of the times. The stockjobbers will become the pretorian band of the Government—at once its tool & its tyrant; bribed by its largesses, & overawing it, by clamours & combinations. Nothing new from abroad. I shall not be in Philada. till the close of the Week. Adieu Yrs. Mo: Affy
Js. Madison Jr


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 18 August 1791
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

My dear Sir
Philadelphia Aug. 18. 1791.
I have just now recieved your favor of the 16th. and tho late at night I scribble a line that it may go by the morning’s post. I inclose you two letters which have been awaiting you here several days. Also a copy of the census which I had made out for you. What is in red ink is conjectural, the rest from the real returns. The return of Virginia is come in this day, seven hundred & forty odd thousand, of which 296,000 blacks, both exclusive of Kentucky. Try to arrive here on Tuesday time enough (say by 4 o clock) to come & dine with E. Randolph, Ross &c. half a dozen in all en petite comité. I have been much pleased with my acquaintance with the last. He is a sensible merchant, an enemy to gambling & all tricks of finance. My horse will certainly die from all accounts. He is out at pasture to see what fresh air & grass will do. Yours will be a fortunate aid. I have written to mr. Randolph to look out for one to bring me back. I set out on Monday fortnight at the latest; but will try to be off some days sooner. I shall be obliged to meet the President at the sale at George town Octob. 17. All your acquaintances are perpetually asking if you are arrived. It has been the first question from the President every time I have seen him for this fortnight. If you had arrived before dinner to-day, I had a strong charge to carry you there. Come on then & make us all happy. Adieu my dear friend. Yours affectionately
Th: Jefferson


Title: From James Madison to Joseph Jones, [post 23] August 1791
From: Madison, James
To: Jones, Joseph

Dear Sir
Philada. [post 23] Augst. 1791.
This will be handed you by Mr. Childs who solicits subscriptions to a new Gazette to be edited from his press by Mr. Freneau. The plan will be shewn you & speaks its own merits. Those of Mr. Childs have besides other vouchers the character & success of a paper of which he has long been the printer in New York. With Mr. Freneau I have been long & thoroughly acquainted. He is a man of genius, of literature, of experience in the business he is to conduct, and of great integrity. These qualifications promise a vehicle of inteligence & entertainment to the public which has pretensions to its best patronage. I take the liberty of recommending the undertaking to yours, not only from a persuasion, that in bestowing it you will render a valuable service to our Country by opening so good a source of information, but from a desire of contributing to render the profits as proportional as may be to the justice of Mr. Freneau’s title to them. With great esteem & regard I remain Dear Sir Your Mo: Obedt. hble servt.
Js. Madison Jr


Title: From James Madison to Mann Page, Jr., [post 23] August 1791
From: Madison, James
To: Page, Mann, Jr.

Dear Sir
Philadelphia [post 23] Augst. 1791.
This will be handed you by Mr. Childs who solicits subscriptions to a new Gazette to be edited at the Seat of Federal Government, from his press by Mr. Freneau. He will communicate to you the plan, which speaks its own merits. Those of Mr. Childs have, besides other vouchers, the character & success of a paper of which he has long been the Printer in New York. With Mr. Freneau I have been long & intimately acquainted. He is a man of acknowledged genius, of extensive literature, of experience in the business he is to conduct, and of great integrity. These qualifications promise a vehicle of intelligence and entertainment to the public which has the best pretensions to its patronage. I take the liberty of asking yours, not only from a persuasion that in bestowing it you will aid a very useful undertaking, but from a desire of testifying my esteem & friendship for the conductor of it by contributing to render the profits as proportionate as may be to the justice of his title to them. With very great esteem & regard I am Dear Sir Your Mo: Obedt. hble servt.
Js. Madison Jr


Title: From James Madison to Charles Simms, [post 23] August 1791
From: Madison, James
To: Simms, Charles

Dear Sir
Philada. [post 23] Augst. 1791.
This will be handed you by Mr. Childs who solicits subscriptions to a new Gazette to be edited from his press by Mr. Freneau. The plan being inclosed speaks its own merits. Those of Mr. Childs are vouched by the character & success of a paper which has been for a long time published by him in N. York. With Mr. Freneau I have been long and intimately acquainted. He is a man of genius, of extensive literature, of experience in the conduct of a periodical paper, and of great integrity. These qualifications promise a new vehicle of information to the public which has the best pretensions to its patronage. I take the liberty of asking yours not only from a persuasion that in bestowing it you will aid a very useful undertaking, but from a desire of testifying my esteem & friendship for Mr. Freneau by contributing to render his profits as commensurate as possible to his merits. With much esteem & regard I am Sir your Obedt. & hble servt.
Js. Madison Jr


Title: To James Madison from Henry Lee, 24 August 1791
From: Lee, Henry
To: Madison, James

My dear sir
Alexa. August 24h. 1791.
Soon after I parted with you, I left Phild. and quickly got here. My whole rout presented to me one continued scene of stock gambling; agriculture commerce & even the fair sex relinquished, to make way for unremitted exertion in this favourite pursuit—thousands even at this late hour entering into a line of life which they abhor, in order to participate in legal spoil & preserve in some degree their relative station & rank with their neighbors. What is astonishing in this business is, that all orders of people seem to reckon this appretiation of the public paper a positive proof of wisdom & integrity in govt. & bestow with a lavish hand their plaudits on those to whose sagacity & conduct they consider these beneficent effects attributable.
Quo⟨s d⟩eus vult perdere
⟨p⟩rius que dementat
never presented itself with more prophetic vengeance to the sons of man.
But I cannot devise any plan of correcting this evil without risking a greater. Government has so connected the thing with itself that the destruction of the one will convulse the other.
I wish good & influential characters of the various states had gone into the bank—then they might have influenced councils & measures & this way some correction might have been administer⟨ed⟩ to the evil.
Being so lately returned I can say nothing about the temper of the people. Hereabouts all is submission & confidence. I enclose you some claims which please to negotiate, as I really know not what to do for the poor fellows. Yours affy.
Henry Lee


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 26 August 1791
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Th: J. to J. M.
Friday Aug. 26. [1791]
Will you come and sit an hour before dinner to-day? also take soup with me tomorrow?
Since writing the above the President has been here, & left L’Enfant’s plan, with a wish that you & I would examine it together immediately, as to certain matters, & let him know the result. As the plan is very large, will you walk up & examine it here?


Title: From James Madison to Edward Carrington, 28 August 1791
From: Madison, James
To: Carrington, Edward

Letter not found. 28 August 1791, Philadelphia. Acknowledged in Carrington to JM, 21 Sept. 1791. Encloses note of Tench Coxe and concerns related business to which JM attended for Carrington.


Title: To James Madison from Edward Carrington, 21 September 1791
From: Carrington, Edward
To: Madison, James

My dear Sir,
Richmond Sepr. 21. 1791
Having an opportunity by return of Mr. Barburs Servant to Orange, I embrace it to acknowledge the receipt of yours of the 28th. Ult. from Phila. annexed to Mr. T. Coxes Note, & to thank you for your attention to the business to which it related.
You I suppose hear much said in your passage through the Country upon the Subject of the Excise. It daily becomes better understood and consequently better liked. I have lately had occasion to visit Isle of Wight & Southampton on account of the uneasinesses which prevailed there, attended, in the former with a riot against the Collector. These uneasinesses have been produced by the most bare faced misrepresentations, from which I cannot so clearly acquit the representative of that district, as I could wish—the People however are many of them convinced, and those who are not are perfectly reconciled to the measure as one that ought not to be resisted. Indeed the rioters were not numerous, and are discountenanced by the body of the County (Isle of Wight). As to Southampton it may well be said that the Law is approved of, having all the influential Characters of this opinion, & none disposed to inculcate the contrary. In returning through Greenesville I had an opportunity of finding at a Collection of the people upon which I called, that there is a general approbation amongst the inhabitants of that County. It is considered as the alternative for direct Taxation—this is a sentiment which begins to be entertained through the Country and is reconciling the people to the Law.
Mr. Burnley tells me you refer him to me for some information concerning the Bounty Lands of the Baron de Steuben. At his request I wrote to Colo. Anderson to have them Surveyed, but as the Baron Supplyed no money for paying the Expences of the business, it is probable the surveys are not yet made.
Present me to your Father & his Family, and beleive me to be with the greatest truth Your Freind & H. st.
Ed. Carrington


Title: To James Madison from Thomas and John Dickenson, [ca. 1 October] 1791
From: Dickenson, Thomas,Dickenson, John
To: Madison, James

Sir
[ca. 1 October 1791]
I Expected to a Seen you at Orange Court but Cannot Make it Convenient to Come Down, the Certificates that I left for You the Reason of their not b[e]ing in the Office if you Remember I Told you was by a Mistake of Mr Jno. Nicholas who informd. us that Such was not Cald. Down. The Office at that Time as I understand was Kept at Richmon[d] by Mr. Dunscomb, we Shall Take it as a great favour if you will Take them and get them into the Office Or what is Required Done and make Return of the Same to Col. Lindsay and your favour will Ever be Acknowledgd. by your Most Hbl. Servts.
Thos. & Jno. Dickenson


Title: From James Madison to Hubbard Taylor, 11 October 1791
From: Madison, James
To: Taylor, Hubbard

Dear Sir
Orange Ocr. 11. 1791.
Since my arrival in Orange which was long delayed by a ramble into the Eastern States, I have recd. two favors from you, one of them inclosing a Kentucky Gazette. I am glad to find the true method of dealing with the savages has been hit on; and hope that such a terror has been struck into them as will prevent the necessity of future chastisements.
In my present situation I can give you little intelligence either with regard to foreign or domestic affairs. It appears by the latest newspapers that have come to my hands, that the elopement of the Royal family of France has greatly increased the fermentation in that Kingdom. A new arrangement of parties has been produced, and the spirit of them, much inflamed, by the event. The enemies to the Revolution are labouring to make it if possible the ground of a reversal of all that has been done; whilst its friends are divided on the question whether the King shall be continued on the throne; or displaced in favor of the Dauphin & a Regency. There is also a strong republican party mixed with these which would be glad to abolish the monarchy altogether. In this scene of discord & disorder the best hope is to be drawn from the spirit & views of the nation which is said to be united & inflexible in pursuing the main object.
As this will go by my brother Ambrose who will be possessed of all the public & private information I could add I shall trouble you no farther at present than with assurances of the esteem & regard with which I am Dear Sir Your friend & servt.
Js. Madison Jr


Title: To James Madison from Daniel Carroll, 21 October 1791
From: Carroll, Daniel
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir,
George Town. Octr. 21st. 1791
The last Mail carry’d you a few lines from me. By this you will receive the particulars of the sales. I hope we may be ready to proceed Much more effectually in the Spring. There were many persons present who wanted Lotts in Various parts of the City, which cou’d not be gott ready at this Time. Private sales are makg. by individuals much on the same terms with the public. Yrs. &ca
Danl. Carroll
PS. I beleive a Gentleman from Pha of the name of Ford has purchasd 50 Acrs. of Land partly in the City & on the Skirts of it for abt 80 Dollars Per acr or a little under subject to the Conditions made by other proprietors.
This Land with abt. 300 Acrs. more was bought by a number of Gentn. of a Mr. Waring this Summer before the laying out the City at £15 ⅌ Acre.


Title: To James Madison from John Stadler, 22 October 1791
From: Stadler, John
To: Madison, James

Honorable Sir
Fredericksburg October 22d 1791
When his Exellency Hancock then President of Congress, sent a Commission as first Engineer to the Committee of safety for me, dated March the 30th. 1776 with expression of a Field Officer, I went to General Lee then Commander at Williamsburg to know what my Commission was worth ⅌ Day, after looking over the Commission he answered four shillings ⅌ Day. I told him I never saw a Commission in former services that the Title of Squire & Major was annexed worth no more than four shillings ⅌ Day, and I was for leaving the service; but Lord Dunmore had fixed himself at Gwins Island, an[d] making depredations on the Negroes in the Southern States, and danger at hand, I promised the Assembly and Genl Lewis, that if they would allow me a competency I would serve—consequently I entered the Continental Service, and all I recieved of Congress by Colo Thos Lee’s insinuation to his Brother Richard Henry Lee was Six ⅌ Day. The Assembly of Virginia added four shillings ⅌ Day and forage for one Horse, this was by no means eaqual to a Captains Commission much less a Majors. Before I left the Continental service, Genl Lewis well knowing I was not paid according to my Commission, gave me a Certificate that I had never recieved more than six shillings ⅌ Day as first Engineer without Rations or Forrage from Congress, and desired me to send sd Certificate to Congress, and that they would make ample satisfaction for the services I had rendered—upon which I gave this Certificate to Patrick Henry then Govr. of Virginia, who had occasion to write to Congress and told me if I would come next day to him I should myself carry the Letters to the Post Office which I did; but when I came to Philadelphia in the Year 1782–83, Mr Hillegas informed Me (who was then Treasurer) likewise his Excellency Hanson then President—also Messrs. Carroll, and Junifer then Delegates—and Mr Thompson then Secretary of Congress, that no such Certificate had came before Congress—all agreeing they had not seen before Congress a Certificate from Genl Lewis in my behalf—thus have I been used by Patrick Henry, being a Foreigner and not having a relation in either House: he, Genl Lewis knew very well what duty I had performed in the space of three Months—Viz. Going every morning two Miles with two hundred Men (sometimes more) at eight OCK to work untill Sunset (and sometimes the whole day without Victuals) standing and directing in the day in the broiling Sun, and in the Evening after Tap too with another fresh Party of as many Men standing in the Night dews in Glouster County oposite Ld Dunmores Camp untill Reveille beating in the Morning—erecting Batteries, which Batteries effectually drove Dunmores Forces with his Piratical Fleet of one hundred and Thirty Vessells (large & small) off, including a number of Negroes by which success all the Southern States were then benefitted, and Dunmore prevented from carrying off (as was reported) Twenty two hundred Slaves.
My second complaint is as follows. In Dec 31st 1776 I recieved a Comission as Engineer with the rank of Lieut Colo from Patrick Henry with consent of the Hon. Counsil (there being no General Officer at that time in Virginia) to serve the State of Virginia in the following manner. I was ordered to erect a Fort at Portsmouth and to stay at that place 14 Days every Month to carry on that work; from thence I was to go to Hampton to erect a Battery there, and to stay at that place one Week in each Month—from thence I was ordered to go to York Town to erect another Battery there and look over those Works, eight days more—and from thence went to Williamsburg to make report to his Excellency how the Works at each place went on every Month. When the aforementioned duty was proposed to me I informed it was not in my power to do this duty (particularly as they allowed me besides my own, a Horse and servant to carry my Books and Mathematical Instruments) unless they would allow me travelling Expences—to this his Exellency and the honorable Council readily agreed, ordered me to keep a regular Acct thereof, and that they would apply to the Assembly and see me paid. Afterwards when I produced this Acct, they examined it, and the Gouverner with consent of Council signed the same—see the inclosed. But not a farthing of this Acct has been paid alltho now due fifteen Years, neither the Gouvernor or Council troubled themselves about it after I had performed the services. I petitioned the Assembly of Virginia Twice, first through Man Page Esquire and the Assembly was then willing that the Account should be paid—but when it came to the Senate Colo Henry Lee of Pe William (then a Senator) observed that the Gouvernor ought to have paid off his Engineers Accounts and not pester the Senate with them as he had full power from the Assembly to discharge such a trifle. Being afterwards informed by the Honorable Mr Blair (whom I had the honor to meet in Alexandria) that the Gouvernor had not been impower’d by the Assembly to pay off even Ten shillings much less the amount of my Account—from this information I a second time petitioned the Assembly through Francis Thornton Esqr then Dellegate from this County—but to my great misfortune—the very Member who was Speaker of the House at the time my first Petition was Passd (Colo. B. Harrison) in the lower House, and who was at that time very much for my being paid—now opposed it, arguing that I should not have spent so much Money and thus was I by his opposition prevented from recieving my Money with the Interest of fifteen Years that had accrued thereon. Honorable Sir, how was it possible I should do this Duty, without Expence, when I never was provided with a Tent or Camp Kettle? I was also between the times before mentioned sent on another Expedition above the Falls of James River there to erect a Powder Magazene, which was recommended by his Exellency Genl Washington, but it came to nothing owing to Ld Dunmores being drove off and no further danger then apprehended. This was likewise an expensive Journey to me, owing to my being detained some Weeks at Williamsburg by a Mr Adams a member of Assembly from Richmond who was to have inspected the Workmen in my absence.
My third and last complaint is—For my services in the French War when Lieutenant in the Pensylvania Service, and employd as Engineer at Fort Pitt under the Chief-Engineer Capt. Gordon in the Year 1759. I obtain’d a Warrant of Lord Dunmore for 2000 Acres of Land on the Ohio, which was surveyed by Mr Hancock Taylor when Colo Mercer had 12000 Acres surveyed by him, with express orders from Colo Mercer to sd. Taylor to Locate my Land next to his. At that time Colo Preston was nominated Gen Surveyor by the Virginia Assembly, and the Man that carried the chain around my Land a Mr Bell now lives in Falmouth, and remembers it well. But Colo Preston then of Fin Castle wrote a letter to Colo Mercer in which he said, he could only make out of Taylors Plott his 12000 Acres but my 2000 he could not because it was done in pencil—but this Colo Preston found out by my name that I was a Foreigner and a German, on whom the Virginians do not look so favorably as they do in Pensylvania and many of the other States, consequently Colo Preston thought he could use me as he pleasd.
According I am informed he seated his Sons in Laws on my Land. Mr Taylor was allways reported to be very nice exact & punctual in his Surveying Business, but the poor Man was shot by the Indians and died of his Wounds the second Day. When I could not obtain a Patent for my Land, I was oblieged to review my warrant under the New Gouvernmt which was done by Majr. Benj. Day of this Town who informed me that a Mr Mayo was going to Kentuckey to survey 150000 Acres of Land for Military Warrants not yet surveyed, and if I did think proper he would give him my Warrant—to which I agreed, and when I thought my Land was surveyed and expected daily to get my Patent—a Mr John Lewis of Fredericksburg informed me that he had met with my Warrant going a begging in the County of Culpepper, but as he knew me he had thought proper to bring it to me, at the same time informed that it was worth about 4000 Dollars which sum he would give me provided I was disposed to sell it—this I refused to do as I suspected some foul play, and a few Months after the depreciation was at least 1000 for one. A part of Genl Mercers Tract I am informed has since sold at one Guinea ⅌ Acre. Now Honorable Sir what a Man must Mr Mayo have been, to let John Lewis have my Warrant, I leave this to your consideration—in short I have been injured and disappointed every where and from every quarter—I am anxious to know to whom and where I am to apply for my Land. I fear the time is elapsed, owing to the neglect of those persons and Surveyors I have had to do with. Persons who served only a few Month in the Navy only as Ship Carpenters obtained Warrants for Land to the Amt of 2500 Acres. I asked in Williamsburg whether I was not entitled to some Land for my Continental or State Services? They told me not. I left the Service when three Engineers offer’d their services to the State of Virginia, and every place where I carried on Works could be supplied (as it was) with an Engineer without being oblieged to Travel from place to place which saved the State a good deal of Expence. I had the honor to speak to his Excellency Genl Washington when passing through Fredericksburg, and mentioned some of my grievances, and his Excellency directed me to make application to your Honor—therefore I take the liberty to trouble you with this troublesome Letter to have it laid before Congress for their consideration. I firmly believe if I had served any foreign power and perform’d the same services which I rendered to this Country, I should not have been so much neglected. I remain Honorable Sir Your most Obt. Hb Servant
John Stadler
PS The inclosed is the account against the State of Virginia, attested by Partrick Henry, then Gouvernor, and with a Certificate of the Notary Publick of Friedericksburg for two Comissions, one a Continental one, and the other of the State of Virginia.


Title: To James Madison from Francis Corbin, 25 October 1791
From: Corbin, Francis
To: Madison, James

My Dear Sir
Richmond 25th: Ocr. 1791
It is a long time since I did myself the Honor of writing to you: a gratification of which I have been deprived by a concurrence of cross and untoward circumstances. The Accident which happened in my family last year, the ill State of my health for three years past—the multiplicity of private—and the perplexity of the Occasional public business in which I have been engaged have more than occupied—they have engross’d the whole of my time.
Indisposed and unequal as I was to the task last year I endeavored to re-echo from this place your opposition to the Act of assumption. Waving the inherent mischief of this measure and of the Bank Incorporation—I cannot help thinking it politick in Virginia to add as much Weight and Dignity as can be added to Opposition so wellfounded—so laudable and so truly Republican as yours always is—by her Legislative Coincidence of Opinion. I confess to you I was actuated a good deal by this motive at our last Session; And if you think it worth our while to take any notice of the Bank system I will Endeavor to recapitulate some of your Excellent Arguments against it at our present Session.
Previous to the arrangement of Congressional Districts under the new Census I thought it proper yesterday to propose the Adoption of the first Amendment to the Constitution. It will be adopted without much difficulty. But doubts have arisen whether we can proceed to lay off the Districts before we hear from Congress upon the Subject? It is supposed that the number of Repves. (since Virginia will be intitled to twenty One at the rate of One for Ev’ry 30,000) will amount to more than 100—in which Case Congress will proceed to make some regulations upon the Subject which may reduce our 21—(if we shd. arrange our Districts for the choice of that number) to 17 or 18. Should this be done—it is said—we shall be thrown into Confusion and involved in awkward difficulties. I do not apprehend any thing of this Sort myself—& think I can satisfy the Majority of the House very Easily that they ought to proceed at the rate of One for Every 30,000! But I wish to have your Advice upon the Subject before I move any further in it and shall therefore postpone it till I have the Honor—and give me leave to add too, My Dear Sir, the pleasure of hearing from you.
The Restoration of your Health is among one of my sincerest Wishes—as you yourself are one among those for whom I have the Sincerest Esteem—both in a public and a private point of View. Do not hesitate then to believe that I am Mo: Sincerely Dr. Sir Yr. faithful friend & Sert.
Francis Corbin


Title: Address of the House of Representatives to the President, [27 October] 1791
From: House of Representatives
To: Washington, George

[27 October 1791]
George Washington, President of the United States.
Sir,

In receiving your address at the opening of the present Session, the House of Representatives have taken an ample share in the feelings inspired by the actual prosperity and flattering prospects of our Country: And whilst, with becoming gratitude to Heaven, we ascribe this happiness to the true source from which it flows, we behold with an animating pleasure, the degree in which the Constitution and laws of the United States have been instrumental in dispensing it.
It yields us particular satisfaction to learn the success with which the different important measures of Government have proceeded; as well those specially provided for at the last Session, as those of preceding date. The safety of our Western Frontiers, in which the lives and repose of so many of our fellow citizens are involved, being peculiarly interesting, your communications on that subject are proportionably grateful to us. The gallantry and good conduct of the Militia whose services were called for, is an honorable confirmation of the efficacy of that precious resource of a free State. And we anxiously wish that the consequences of their successful enterprizes, and of the proceedings to which you have referred, may leave the United States free to pursue the most benevolent policy towards the unhappy and deluded race of people in our neighborhood.
The Amount of the population of the United States determined by the returns of the Census, is a source of the most pleasing reflections, whether it be viewed in relation to our national safety and respectability; or as a proof of that felicity in the situation of our Country, which favors so unexampled a rapidity in its growth. Nor ought any to be insensible to the additional motive suggested by this important fact, to perpetuate the free government established with a wise administration of it, to a portion of the earth, which promises such an increase of the number which is to enjoy those blessings within the limits of the United States.
We shall proceed with all the respect due to your patriotic recommendations, and with a deep sense of the trust committed to us by our fellow citizens, to take into consideration the various and important matters falling within the present Session. And in discussing and deciding each, we shall feel every disposition, whilst we are pursuing the public welfare, which must be the supreme object with all our constituents, to accommodate as far as possible, the means of attaining it to the sentiments and wishes of every part of them.
Signed, by Order and in behalf of the House of Representatives,
Jonathan Trumbull, Speaker.
Attest
John Beckley Clerk.


Title: To James Madison from John Tyler, 28 October 1791
From: Tyler, John
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir,
Virginia Green-Way Ocr: 28. ’91
You will pardon me I hope for drawing your Attention from the great Affairs of Government to a private Gentleman and his little pursuit after Justice. Mr. Munford is soliciting a settlement of his Father’s claim as Commissary of Issues for the Southern Department. He is now of Age & his Father has been dead a few years which prevented this application sooner. I am his Executor and have given ample powers to this young Gentleman to Act for Me. Pray think it not a Miss that the first Letter I ever had the pleasure to address to you shou’d be to call for your aid in a thing so unimportant to you when compared to what daily falls under your particular Notice and in which you have so great a Share of Labor. But to him it is very considerable; and I am sure nothing I can say to you wou’d induce you to promote his Interest beyond the just Measure, and therefore shall decline relating his Case, as he will be fully able to do it. Perhaps a Petition will be necessary in my Name as Exe’r of his Father; but in this you will be pleas’d to direct, not to act the drudgery part. The young Gentleman for whom I ask your Notice, is respectable, and will be thankful for any Introduction you may please to give him. I am with very great respect your most obt Hble Sert.
Jno: Tyler.


Title: Reply of the President to the House of Representatives, [28 October] 1791
From: Washington, George
To: House of Representatives

Gentlemen,
[28 October 1791]
The pleasure I derive from an assurance of your attention to the objects I have recommended to you, is doubled by your concurrence in the testimony I have borne to the prosperous condition of our public Affairs. Relying on these sanctions of your enlightened Judgment, and on your patriotic aid, I shall be the more encouraged in all my endeavours for the public weal; and particularly in those which may be required on my part for executing the salutary measures I anticipate from your present deliberations.
Go: Washington.


Title: To James Madison from William Overton Callis, 29 October 1791
From: Callis, William Overton
To: Madison, James

Dr Sir,
Richmond 29th Ocr. 1791
I never received you[r] favor respecting my claim against the U. States un[t]il congress had adjourned which will account to you for my not giving it that attention which my own interest, and deceant deportment to you required. I now inclose you a Power of Attorney to Draw a Warrant for my Land; of which if it is not too troublesom I will be particularly obliged to you to dispose, upon the terms they now are selling for.
In the year 1778 I retired from the Army as a Supernumerary Leut. of the 4th Va Regiment; early in 79 my ill State of Health obliged me to Visit the West Indies, where I continued ’till June 1780, and the December following I took command of Militia of this State and continued to command until the Capture of York; their retireing to an interiour part of the country, out of the way of public communications, did not know of the Resolutions of Congress in favor of Supernumerary officers, until the time limited for application had expired: the last reason I conceive to be the only one on which a petition to Congress ought to be founded; however you will be pleased to enlist the preceeding as leading circumstances or not as your better Judgment shall suggest. With great respect, I am D Sir, Yr. Mo. Ob
W. O. Callis


Title: From James Madison to James Madison, Sr., 30 October 1791
From: Madison, James
To: Madison, James, Sr.

Hond Sir
Philada. Ocr. 30. 1791.
We arrived here yesterday morning was a week, having been obliged to push through the bad weather by the discovery first made at Mount Vernon that the meeting of Congress was a week earlier than was calculated at our setting out. The President had been under the same mistake, and had but just been apprized of it. Many others had equally miscalculated.
Being obliged to attend immediately on my arrival to Public business I have not been able to give the attention to yours & that of others which I wished. I have however seen Mr. Leiper so far as to learn from him that your Fredericksburg Tobo. is in his hands; and that a shilling or two more may be expected for it than for the preceding shipment. As soon as the sale is made, and I can execute the other commissions you have given me, I will write you an account of the whole. The price of the best Sugars is I find £4–8. Virga. Currency per Ct. and Coffee about 1/. do. per lb.
The past week has been spent rather in preparations for the business of the present session of Congs. than in the actual commencement of it. You will find what has been done in the inclosed papers. Mr. Hammond the expected Minister from G. Britain arrived in the last packet & has been here some days. His public character has not yet been announced in form. If any communications have been made by him on the subject of his mission, they are known to the Executive Department alone. I am extremely anxious to know the state of my Mothers health which was so unsettled when I left home. I am looking out for the information by every mail. Present my dutiful regards to her. I remain yr. affecte. son
Js. Madison Jr


Title: From James Madison to Robert Pleasants, 30 October 1791
From: Madison, James
To: Pleasants, Robert

Sir
Philada. Ocr. 30. 1791
The delay in acknowledging your letter of the 6th. June last proceeded from the cause you conjectured. I did not receive it till a few days ago, when it was put into my hands by Mr. James Pemberton, along with your subsequent letter of the 8th. August.
The petition relating to the Militia bill contains nothing that makes it improper for me to present it. I shall therefore readily comply with your desire on that subject. I am not satisfied that I am equally at liberty with respect to the other petition. Animadversions, such as it contains and which the authorized object of the petitioners did not require on the slavery existing in our country, are supposed by the holders of that species of property, to lessen the value by weakening the tenure of it. Those from whom I derive my public station are known by me to be greatly interested in that species of property, and to view the matter in that light. It would seem that I might be chargeable at least with want of candour, if not of fidelity, were I to make use of a situation in which their confidence has placed me, to become a volunteer in giving a public wound, as they would deem it, to an interest on which they set so great a value. I am the less inclined to disregard this scruple, as I am not sensible that the event of the petition would in the least depend on the circumstance of its being laid before the House by this or that person.
Such an application as that to our own Assembly on which you ask my opinion, is a subject in various respects, of great delicacy and importance. The consequences of every sort ought to be well weighed by those who would hazard it. From the view under which they present themselves to me, I can not but consider the application as likely to do harm rather than good. It may be worth your own consideration whether it might not produce successful attempts to withdraw the privilege now allowed to individuals, of giving freedom to slaves. It would at least be likely to clog it with a condition that the persons freed should be removed from the Country; there being arguments of great force for such a regulation, and some would concur in it who in general disapprove of the institution of slavery.
I thank you Sir for the friendly sentiments you have expressed towards me; and am with respect and esteem Your Obedt. hble servt.
Js. Madison Jr


Title: To James Madison from George Joy, November 1791
From: Joy, George
To: Madison, James

Dear sir
London Novr: 1791
I am so circumstanced in a matter of much importance to myself that on the early or late adoption of certain measures in the legislature of the U.S. depends my being involved in, or emancipated from intolerable difficulty and distress. I should not, however, presume so far on your friendship as to expect or request any immediate exertions in the business but that I conceive the Object to have Claims to the early attention of Government in a political view—confident as I should certainly be of your friendly Aid in promoting any object I might solicit of a private nature I have not to learn that to secure your interference in anything that involves a legislative question it must accord with your Ideas of public benefit. Thus then am I situated—having demands on a Mr. Daniel Parker for very heavy advances, independent of my own Emoluments in a business I transacted in America, I have since my arrival in Europe obtained an hypothecation on certain property in the hands of N & J. van Staphorst of Amsterdam subject to certain previous liens, wch., in Case a sale should be made for their satisfaction before the property be placed in a less equivocal light than that in wch. it strikes foreigners at present would so far swallow it up as to leave me, if anything, a sum very far short of my advances. The Property thus hypothecated is of two kinds Vizt: foreign Debt of So: Carolina & unsubscribed Indents or arrears of Interest due by the United States. For particulars of the former of these I refer to the enclosed Copy of a letter to Governor Pinckney with this addition that the difficulty attending the £19,718. arises from a duplicate Voucher having been erroneously and illegally obtained for the same sum; the removal of wch. (tho’ there can be no question of it’s being rectified in time) has been delayed to my very great annoyance and should it not be done in time for the purposes in the said letter mention’d, the injury wch. I must sustain by the delay may be as great as tho’ the debt were annihilated. Your worthy friend Mr Jefferson is well acquainted with this debt and has Claims to the attention of the State of So: Carolina thereto; and as there can be no one whose request would be likely to meet a more respectful Acquiescence you would oblige me exceedingly by obtaining from him such letters (official or others) as you may judge best calculated to promote and hasten the adoption of the necessary measures; and by adding thereto your own weight and influence either with such Members of Congress from that state who will write to their friends thereon or by direct letters to your friends in Carolina as you may judge best.
The unsubscribed Indents or Arrears of Interest are of Course that part of the Debt of the U.S. wch. the Proprietors chose rather to hold in their original form than to subscribe to the Loans proposed by the funding Bill of the 4th. of Augst. 1790—by the express tenor of the Contract, therefore, by the subsequent Constitution of the U.S. and by the funding Bill in question they are clearly defined to be a demand on the U.S., for the full amot. specified in the vouchers, remaining in full force and virtue. The immediate payment of such a debt must be considered an Object of importance by every man who is concern’d for the honor and respectability of the Country. The soundest Policy also points to the inviolability of Contracts as a source of true (Economy—the Ability of the Country to pay all it’s obligations has never been doubted—that of the Government is now well ascertained—under those Circumstances to flinch from existing Engagements would fix a stigma upon the Government from wch. the optionality left with the Creditor by the funding Bill has provided an Escape; whereas the same Magnanimity in the present Government (having the means of payment) wch. was displayed in the attempts of the late Government wch. had not those means would enable it’s Agents to avail themselves of the fallen & falling Market Rates of Interest to discharge the unsubscribed Debt or pay the Interest thereon at a lower average than is paid for that wch. is subscribed. To you, Sir, who are so well acquainted with those Subjects, I quote neither Journals of Congress, new Constitution nor funding Law and will only add that in this instance only the retention of 300M (say three hundred thousand) Dollars of this Species of Debt by a Citizen of the U.S. or the abandoning of it to foreigners at so low a rate as would be highly incompatible with that policy wch. dictates a preference to the payment of smaller annuities to our own Citizens before that of larger to foreigners depends on arrangements being speedily or tardily adopted to place those demands on a permanent and respectable footing. Should this meet you in the Circle, or a segment of the Circle, ⟨where⟩ I first had the pleasure of meeting you I beg the favor of you to remember me and Mrs. Joy who is at my Elbow to the worthy family and to accept our best Wishes for your health and happiness. With much Esteem & Respec⟨t⟩ I am, Dr sir, Your very hble. servt:

Geo: Joy
Address N. 56. Hatton Garden.

   118 Dollrs. Omnium or 100 Dollars register’d Debt bearing Interest fm. the 31st Decr. 1787 subscribed to the New Loans pay as follows. Vizt.

66⅔ Dollrs. annually pay
4 Drs.

33⅓ deferred computing the value of Money at 6 ⅌ Ct:

   pay what is equal to an annuity of
1 —
 9 Cents

 18 Drs. back Interest pay
 —
54 Cents

118 Drs. thus pay
5 Drs.
63 Cts.

   being more than 4¾ ⅌ Ct: whereas I have no doubt that if the Debt were funded even at 6 ⅌ Ct: redeemable at the pleasure of the Governmt: Money might very soon be hired by the U.S. at 4½ ⅌ Ct: perhaps at 4 ⅌ Ct: to pay off the principal.


Title: To James Madison from Ambrose Madison, ca. 1 November 1791
From: Madison, Ambrose
To: Madison, James

Letter not found. Ca. 1 November 1791. Mentioned by JM in his letter to his father, 13 Nov. 1791. Reports his mother’s recovery and orders articles of clothing, linen, jewelry, and food for various Madison family members and friends.


Title: To James Madison from John Dawson, 7 November 1791
From: Dawson, John
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir!
Richmond Novr. 7th. 1791
By the public papers I observe that you have arriv’d in Philadelphia, & I trust in good health.
It is very doubtful whether the present will be a very long or short session of the general assembly. The commissioners appointed to prepare & report on the laws of the state have not yet come forward—but it is said they will in a few days. Shoud this business be gone into, it will take up much time—shoud it not there is very little to do.
The Indiana claims will be taken up on tomorrow in comme. of the whole, & will I think be soon finishd, as I find most of the members are in favour of the Law of 79.
The division of the state into districts to elect members to the low house of congress is a subject that will take up some time & be attended with debates probably more interesting to the speakers than to the hearers. The bill will be reported tomorrow.
The strange & indelicate case of Mrs. Turnbull will be examind on the 25t. Mr. Henry is his advocate—Mr. Marshall hers. They are to appear at the bar of the house. The opinions of gentlemen are suspended, & will be govern’d by the proofs, which they think ought to be the best that the nature of the case will admit of.
I shall be very happy to hear from you, & am with real esteem yr. friend & Sert
J Dawson


Title: To James Madison from John Walker, 7 November 1791
From: Walker, John
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir—
Shirley Novr. 7th 1791.
Colo. Otway Byrd, who has a Claim to lay before Congress, will deliver this letter. Let me beg leave to introduce him to your Notice & civilities as a Man of approved Merit & as one of my most intimate friends. His claim will, I doubt not, meet with your Support, should you think it reasonable, otherwise, I am sure he has too much liberality to expect it.
We are here on our Way to South Carolina, where we propose to pass the Winter. I hope you will be so good as to write to me as usual, & that your letters may be addressed to the care of Francis Kinloch esqr. of Charleston.
Mrs. Walker & Eliza are both in good health & desire to add their best wishes to those of My Dear Sir Your friend & huml. Servt.
Jn. Walker


Title: To James Madison from Oliver Towles, 8 November 1791
From: Towles, Oliver
To: Madison, James

Worthy Sir,
Virginia November 8th. 1791.
Mr. Towles being about to depart from this State for Philadelphia, on business, has amongst other things been kind enough to undertake the management of some Representations of mine, that are to be laid before Congress; being unable personally to attend to them myself; As they are matters in which I am greatly interested, I shall hold myself highly obliged for your generous attention to the same, and as far as the rules of Propriety, and your convenience may admit of it, to contribute your assistance in forwarding the business.
Earnestly wishing your life may be prolonged to a distant period with health and happiness during its continuation, and eternal felicity thereafter; I conclude sincerely felicitating you, on the heart felt satisfaction you must experience, from the full and just applause, acquired by a Life successfully, and in a manner unremitedly devoted, to the publick good; which is gratefully acknowledged, and will ever be remembered by all, and with peculiar pleasure by, Your most obedient, and humble Servant
O. Towles


Title: To James Madison from Larkin Smith, 10 November 1791
From: Smith, Larkin
To: Madison, James

Sir
Virga. King & Queen Novr. 10th. 1791
You will pardon I hope the intrusion I am about to make, in the solicitation of your advice respecting a claim; which I think in justice ought to be established against the united States in my favor. The claim is founded upon the following circumstances. From the commencement of the late war untill the year eighty two, I was annexed to the army in different characters; at which time (from the circumstance of my geting married) I imprudently wrote a letter inclosing my commission as Captain of Cavalry to Colo. Moylan, requesting him to make my resignation to the Commander in cheif. This I believe he did not do, nor can I learn that the resignation was known from any other event, than that of my being left out of the two last muster rolls, which regulation took place by the direction of Colo. Moylan. Admiting that my commission had been regularly received, at that late period (indeed so much was this the case, that I believe not a gun was fired in defence of america, after my leaving the army, and the general peace was concluded subsequent thereto but a very short time) I think you will agree with me, that my situation must be peculiarly hard in being deprived of the commutation and it must be the more so, as officers who came into army six or eight months before its dissolution were entitled to all the emoluments that those were who served from the origin of the revolution. The favor Sir that I request of you is, that you will be so good as to give me your opinion whether the whole or any part of the commutation can be obtained by presenting a memorial to Congress. Should you suppose that I can meet with any success in this business, I will attend with the necessary vouchers for the support of my claim. But should you concieve otherwise, I shall be governed by your counsel and will do nothing farther in the business. I am Sir with real esteem and respect Yr. Most Obt. Servant
Larkin Smith


Title: Preliminary Draft of an Essay on Natural Order, [ca. 10 November] 1791
From: Madison, James
To:

[ca. 10 November 1791]
Symmetry of Nature
The planetary system, the greatest portion of the Universe, as yet brought under human observation, is regulated by fixed laws, and presents most demonstrably, a scene of order and proportion.
From analogy we conclude that the whole universe, if it were equally understood, would exhibit equal proofs of a like arrangement.
The general aspect of the earth leads us to remark the same plan of nature. Order and symmetry equally appear in the great outlines and in the most minute features of it.
In the interior structure of the earth and in the mineral Kingdom which lies cheifly below its surface, less regularity is indeed to be perceived. But even here nature has her laws, and if they are not more known, it may reasonably be ascribed to the imperfect insight to which her work is subjected. It is extremely probable that if the whole earth could be laid open & thouroughly examined from its center to its surface, in every direction, it would not only exhibit proofs of a general plan; but that many of the subterraneous parts which on examination have appeared to be thrown together without order or design, would be found related to other parts now unknown, or to the whole so as to give meaning & method to what has at present no visible trace of either.
In the animal and vegetable Kingdoms which overspread the surface of the Earth, the contrivance of nature strikes every observer. Each Kingdom has a general relation to the other: whilst the species in each have a relation & proportion to the spec[i]es in the other; and to the other species in itself.
With respect to every species whatsoever, including the human, the faculty of multiplication seems to be indefinite, and its number consequently to depend altogether on the means of subsistance on one hand, and its exposure to depredation & disease on the other.
Among all other species, than the Human, nature has evidently established a certain law of proportion, which sets bounds to the operation of the reproductive faculty. To say nothing of the pestilential attacks which seem always ready, to reduce an overgrown species to its proportionate size, the law is maintained among plants principally 1. by the greater nutriment afforded by different soils & situations to different species of plants. 2 by the alternate success of different species contending for the same spot, as the one or the other may be favored by weather or other causes. 3. by the depredation committed by herbivorous animals.
Among animals the law of proportion is maintained among the herbivorous 1. by the limited fund of vegitable subsistence provided for the class feeding on it. 2. by the depredation of the carnivorous: among the carnivorous by 1. the limited number of the herbivorous. 2 the depredation of the carnivorous one upon another; and of man on the whole.
Man, who possesses the indefinite faculty of multiplication in common with every other species, is distinguished from all by two remarkable characters: First, he is a prey to no other animals. Second, he is not limited to the spontaneous supplies of food administered by nature, but can by his reason and his hands multiply them as he pleases. He can remove every spontaneous production of the earth not fit for his use, and substitute those which suit the particular constitution & appetite of himself, or of the animals on which he feeds. He can destroy all other animals, and multiply these to the full extent of the resources reserved for them.
Such being the prerogatives of man, at once capable of breaking in on the law of proportion established among the other inhabitants of the globe, and not himself confined like them, to such a law; what is to restrain him from multiplying his race to any given number whatever? At least he must be able by extirpating every useless production of nature to convert the whole productive power of the earth into a supply of those particular plants & animals which serve his own purpose; and to increase his race as far as these will administer subsistence to it.

Plausible as this inference may appear, it may be opposed by the following considerations.
1. It is not probable that nature, after covering the earth with so great a variety of animal & vegitable inhabitants, and establishing among them so systematic a proportion, could permit one favorite offspring, by destroyg. every other, to render vain all her wise arrangements and contrivances. (a)
2. If such a revolution on the face of the globe had been within the plan of nature & the power of man, no sufficient reason can be given, why it should not have been long ago accomplished; and why we are now acquainted with any other organized beings than those which Human policy might have spared for human use.
3. The History of the human race can be traced thro’ a period of several thousand years. It does not present any conclusive evidence, that the aggregate population of the globe has undergone any very essential increase or vicisitudes; nor are there any circumstances in the history of animals and plants from which such a breach in the great law of proportion can be inferred as would favor the hypothesis. In particular there is no certain evidence that a single species of either is extinct (the animals whose bones are found on the Ohio come nearest to such an evidence).
4. On examining the constitution of nature in relation to the support of human life, there are a variety of discoveries already made which combat the hypothesis, and it is highly probable that as the secret laws of nature are more & more explored, discoveries of the same sort will be multiplied.
(a) “II éxiste un bien plus grand nombre d’êtres vivans, c’est a dire, d’animaux, que de ceux qui le sont moins ou point du tout. Il y a moins de Plantes que d’animaux; et moins de mineraux que de Plantes. Il est vrai qu’il est bien plus facile de calculer, avec quelque vraisemblance, le nombre des plantes d’apres l’etendue de la surface de la terre, que la somme des animaux. Car les nouvelles decouvertes nous montrent qu’il n’existe presque pas une seule plante, ou un seul animal, qui ne fournisse la substance a d’autres êtres animés. Il y a sans doute aussi de plantes parasites, des mousses. Mais leur nombre n’approche en aucune maniere de celui des animaux parasites, surtout de ceux que l’oeil armé decouvre.” Zoologie Geograph: premier article—l’Homme, par Zimmerman, p. 15.
“Guettard, a qui la mineralogie doit assurément beaucoup, avoit une idée particuliere, concerning [sic] la distribution des mineraux dans le sein de la terre. Il pensoit que dans les pais situés sous les mêmes climats geographiques, on trouvoit des minereaux semblables.” Id. p. 16 see also the following pages to p. 21. As to the distribution of plants Zimmerman remarks p. 21 & seq: that it probably follows the order of climates, taking the word in its physical, not geographical sense; as the combined result of the position the atmosphere & the soil of the Country; particularly of the degree of heat or cold, and of humidity. Tropical plants are produced in green houses—those of Greenland on the Alps, Pyranees, & Cordeliers. Tournefort found on Mount Ararat, at the top the plants of Lapland—lower down those of Sweeden, still lower those of France; then those of Italy—and at the foot those of Armenia the Country in which the Mountain stands. If the same does not hold throughout as to the Swiss & American Alps, it is to be ascribed to second causes—as soil shade &c &c. Id. p. 22. Of Plants, like minerals, some belong to all climates. Le Solanum nigrum Linnei, grows in every quarter & climate of the globe. The Class of Gramens, the principal food of man & frugivorous animals, grow preferably to other plants in all parts of the world. This is the case particularly with the plants on which man feeds: comme le seigle, l’orge, le froment, le millet, which are cultivated from the North of Africa to the South of Sweeden—Ensuite, dans les Zones plus ardentes, le Ris, which is also raised in Italy—Maiz, drawn from the hot countries of America, and growing in all our countries: The plants called—Holcus-Sorgum, holcus bicolor, & Poa Abyssinica, which according to Bruce are used for food by the Abyssinians—Le Dattier (Phoenix dactilifera) le Cocotin (Cocos nucifera) are found in all the Countries, including the Isles, from the North of Africa to the temperate zone of the Antarctic Hemisphere. In all countries where grain is wanted these trees serve for the principal nourishment of man; their leaves, their bark, their wood, serving moreover for sundry uses. Mosses belong to cold climates & ascend to the very pole—serving for the habitation of small animals—& the food of the Rein deer. There are plants which belong to certain countries only—le Muscadier & le Girofflier n’ont ète decouvert, but at the Moluccas & some other Isles in the South Sea—Le Magnolia odoriferánte belongs to warm countries of America only—& Tea to China & Japan. There is then in this Kingdom of Nature a regular distribution, tho’ too little known to be geographically described. There are many plants perhaps which are supposed peculiar to a small part of the Globe, that would diffuse themselves if their seed could be transported by the wind. Where this is not the case, their only chance of spreading is from the hand of man. The geographical distribution of fish, quadrupeds—birds—insects is obvious in general, though difficult to be minutely traced. Some quadrupeds bear all climates—particularly those used by man—to p. 48. For the different degrees of heat & cold bearable to the human body see p. 71–72. For the different degrees of atmospheric pressure between tops of highest Mountains & lowest descent of divers p. 72–76—for different kinds of respirable air p. 77—for the great diversity of aliments adapted to the human Constitution p. 78–85.


Title: From James Madison to Reuben Lindsay, 10 November 1791
From: Madison, James
To: Lindsay, Reuben

Letter not found. 10 November 1791. Acknowledged in Lindsay to JM, 9 Dec. 1791. Concerns the exchange of John and Thomas Dickenson’s certificates of registered debt.


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 11 November 1791
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Th: J. to J. M.
Nov. 11. 1791.
In my report on How’s case, where I state that it should go to the President, it will become a question with the house Whether they shall refer it to the President themselves, or give it back to the Petitioner, & let him so address it, as he ought to have done at first. I think the latter proper, 1. because it is a case belonging purely to the Executive. 2. The Legislature should never shew itself in a matter with a foreign nation, but where the case is very serious and they mean to commit the nation on it’s issue. 3. Because if they indulge individuals in handing through the legislature their applications to the executive, all applicants will be glad to avail themselves of the weight of so powerful a sollicitor. Similar attempts have been repeatedly made by individuals to get the President to hand in their petitions to the legislature, which he has constantly refused. It seems proper that every person should address himself directly to the department to which the constitution has allotted his case; and that the proper answer to such from any other department is, that ‘it is not to us that the constitution has assigned the transaction of this business.’ I suggest these things to you, that if they appear to you to be right, this kind of business may in the first instance be turned into it’s proper channel.


Title: From James Madison to John Stadler, 18 November 1791
From: Madison, James
To: Stadler, John

Sir
Philada. Novr. 18th. 1791
I have received your letter of the 22d. of October last. On examining its contents I find that of the three grounds of complaint stated, two have no relation to matters within the sphere of Congress. They can be addressed with propriety only to the authority of the State of Virginia. With respect to the third, viz. the deficiency of the continental allowance for your services under a Continental Commission, that indeed is a point on which Congress alone can decide; but as the claim is not a legal but an extra one, as in a variety of instances, extra claims have been refused on account of the difficulty of laying down safe equitable & general rules, and the impossibility of considering every individual case on its own merits; as your claim is moreover of such old date, and is unsupported by the certificate of Genl. Lewis vouching the fact on which your claim rests, I foresee such a certainty of its being rejected, that I have thought it best not to add it to the multitude of unsuccessful applications which go before Congress. This opinion is formed on consultation with others who are perhaps more capable than myself of deciding on the fate it would receive.
The authenticated paper inclosed in your letter could not be received here at all, the account being against the Commonwealth of Virginia. I return it therefore to be made use of as you judge fit. In my hands it could not possibly be of any service to you.
I am sorry Sir to be obliged to give you so unfavorable a prospect of your affair, but in doing otherwise, I should depart from the candour which you have a right to expect from me. I remain Sir Your most: Obedt. hble servt.
Js. Madison Jr.


Title: Madison’s National Gazette Essays, 19 November 1791–20 December 1792 (Editorial Note)
From:
To:

Editorial Note
JM wrote eighteen unsigned essays that Philip Freneau published in the National Gazette between 21 November 1791 and 22 December 1792. (For details of his encouragement of Freneau’s newspaper, see The Origins of Freneau’s National Gazette, 25 July 1791.) Each essay bears the heading “For the National Gazette.” Two of them, forming a single, extended essay— “Money”—were probably written between September 1779 and March 1780 and are printed in PJMWilliam T. Hutchinson et al., eds., The
          Papers of James Madison (vols. 1–10, Chicago, 1962–77; vols. 11—, Charlottesville,
        Va., 1977—)., I, 302–9. They were published in the National Gazette on 19 and 22 December 1791.
A manuscript notebook in JM’s hand is the basis for five essays (see Notes for the National Gazette Essays, ca. 19 Dec. 1791—3 Mar. 1792 and n.). Elements from three notebook drafts (“Influence of the size of a nation on Government,” “Influence of external danger on Government,” and “Influence of public opinion on Government”) were used in the National Gazette essays “Public Opinion” (ca. 19 Dec. 1791), “Government” (31 Dec. 1791), and “British Government” (28 Jan. 1792). The second, third, and fourth paragraphs of the National Gazette essay “Government of the United States” (4 Feb. 1792) follow closely the notebook version of the same title, and the first three paragraphs of “Republican distribution of Citizens” (3 Mar. 1792) in the National Gazette closely resemble the same paragraphs of “Best distribution of people in Republic” in the notes.
The notebook, however, served only as an early draft for the essays. JM always added further material to form the final printed versions. Four of the notebook articles (“Influence of domestic slavery on Government,” “Influence of dependent dominions on Government,” “Checks devised in Democracies marking self-distrust,” and “Federal Governments”) were never printed in the National Gazette, perhaps because some of them, discussing unattractive aspects of republicanism, were therefore unsuited to the polemic purpose of the series. Thirteen of the National Gazette essays (including the two “Money” articles probably written earlier) have no connection with the material in the notebook.
Authorship of the National Gazette essays is further clarified by a bound volume of that newspaper, now in the Library of Congress, in which JM initialed seventeen of his eighteen articles. The editors are grateful to Paul H. Smith for his confirming investigation of that volume. The one essay on which JM’s initials do not appear, “Government” (31 Dec. 1791), when compared with the manuscript version, can be attributed with certainty to JM. On 27 Mar. 1838 Dolley Madison sent to John Quincy Adams transcripts of the National Gazette essays “Population and Emigration” (19 Nov. 1791) and “Consolidation” (3 Dec. 1791). Her letter and transcripts (MHi: Adams Papers) and JM’s own Notes on Emigration, ante 19 November 1791, further substantiate the authorship of those essays.
When writing the National Gazette essays, JM drew on researches he had begun during the mid-1780s. He had a long-standing interest in ancient history and the lessons it could provide for government in his own time. His most extensive notes were those on Ancient and Modern Confederacies, April–June? 1786 (PJMWilliam T. Hutchinson et al., eds., The
          Papers of James Madison (vols. 1–10, Chicago, 1962–77; vols. 11—, Charlottesville,
        Va., 1977—)., IX, 3–22). While preparing The Federalist, Nos. 18 and 63, he wrote Additional Memorandums on Ancient and Modern Confederacies, ante 30 Nov. 1787 (PJMWilliam T. Hutchinson et al., eds., The
          Papers of James Madison (vols. 1–10, Chicago, 1962–77; vols. 11—, Charlottesville,
        Va., 1977—)., X, 274–81). In the Notes for the National Gazette Essays, ca. 19 Dec. 1791–3 Mar. 1792, he cited works that he had previously consulted when compiling the notes and additional memorandums on ancient and modern confederacies. In his essays, he sometimes considered (if only to contradict) the political theories of the French philosophers Rousseau and Montesquieu. Jefferson had invited him to make use of his library in Philadelphia and no doubt JM accepted the invitation (Jefferson to JM, 13 Mar. 1791, PJMWilliam T. Hutchinson et al., eds., The
          Papers of James Madison (vols. 1–10, Chicago, 1962–77; vols. 11—, Charlottesville,
        Va., 1977—)., XIII, 405). In The Federalist he had amply demonstrated his grasp of original texts on ancient history, but in the National Gazette essays he gleaned references to Aristotle, Thucydides, and Pliny from Jean-Jacques Barthélemy’s Voyage du jeune Anacharsis, an eighteenth-century moralizing novel and compendium of classical literature which Jefferson had purchased for him in France (Jefferson to JM, 12 Jan. 1789, PJMWilliam T. Hutchinson et al., eds., The
          Papers of James Madison (vols. 1–10, Chicago, 1962–77; vols. 11—, Charlottesville,
        Va., 1977—)., XI, 413).

William Cabell Rives considered JM’s National Gazette essays “wholly free from any taint of party spirit” (Life of Madison, III, 250), but a close reading and comparison with JM’s speeches in the Second Congress suggest the essays spoke directly to issues that were then contributing to partisan polarization. In his speech of 16 February 1792, JM denounced an apportionment proposal because “the proposition breaks down the barriers between the State and General Governments, and involves a consolidation” (see headnote to speech of 22 Mar.). Consolidation had long been a monarchical heresy to him (The Federalist No. 62, PJMWilliam T. Hutchinson et al., eds., The
          Papers of James Madison (vols. 1–10, Chicago, 1962–77; vols. 11—, Charlottesville,
        Va., 1977—)., X, 537). He devoted his second National Gazette essay to the same subject (3 Dec. 1791) and anathematized consolidation as “the high road to monarchy” in his “Government of the United States” (4 Feb. 1792).
JM advocated popular charters as means of “discomfiting the partizans of anti-republican contrivances” (“Charters,” 18 Jan. 1792). In “Parties” (ca. 23 Jan.) he abandoned the nonpartisan political ideal espoused by the Revolutionary generation to assert that “in every political society, parties are unavoidable.” In “Universal Peace” (31 Jan. 1792) he praised the French Constitution of 1791, as he did in the House debate on 10 March that reflected the growing political division over the French Revolution. He proposed a novel classification of political regimes in “Spirit of Governments” (18 Feb.) calculated to appeal to the politically active reading public. He first discussed “government operating by a permanent military force,” surely an unattractive prospect when standing armies were being denounced in the Second Congress. Among the expedients of “government operating by corrupt influence” were “bounties to favorites.” Hamilton’s “Report on Manufactures” of 5 December 1791 had proposed bounties to developing industries, and JM had opposed them on 6 February 1792 in his longest recorded speech of the first session.
The polemic content of the essays increased as the series continued. In “The Union. Who Are Its Real Friends?” (31 Mar.) JM attacked public debt (created by Hamilton’s funding system), speculators (the beneficiaries of that system), and monarchy and aristocracy (which readers were encouraged to identify with a funded public debt). During the summer of 1792 as the general election approached, political ill feelings worsened, and both sides resorted to the press to reach a popular audience. In “A Candid State of Parties” (22 Sept.) JM asserted that recent controversies had produced a partisan division which “is likely to be of some duration.… The Republican party, as it may be termed,… will naturally find their account … in banishing every other distinction than that between enemies and friends to republican government.” Irving Brant considered this essay the “political christening” of the phrase “Republican party” (Madison, III, 348). The National Gazette essays thus addressed the full range of issues dividing JM from his political opponents. These essays were both a symptom and a cause of the political realignment taking place in the early 1790s.


Title: Notes on Emigration, [ante 19 November] 1791
From: Madison, James
To:

[ante 19 November 1791]
Emigration
Both in the vegetable and animal Kingdoms every species derives from nature a reproductive faculty beyond the demand for merely keeping up its stock. The seed of a single plant is sufficient to multiply it an hundred fold. The animal offspring is never limited to the number of the parents.
This ordinance of nature is calculated in both instances for a twofold purpose. In both it secures the continuance of the species which, if the generative principle had not a multiplying energy, would be reduced in number by every casual destruction of individuals, and by degrees be necessarily extinguished altogether. In the vegetable species the surplus answers moreover the essential purpose of sustaining the graminivorous tribes of animals: as in the animal, the surplus serves the like purpose of aliment for the carnivorous tribes. A crop of wheat may be reproduced by one tenth of itself. The remaining nine tenths can be spared for the animals which feed on it. A flock of sheep may be continued by of its increase. The residue is the bounty of nature to the animals which prey on that species.
Man who preys both on the vegetable and animal species, is himself a prey to death alone. He too possesses the reproductive principle far beyond the degree requisite for the bare continuance of a given number. What becomes of the surplus of human life to which the multiplying energy is competent? It is either destroyed by infanticide, as among the Chinese Lacedemonians &c, or is starved or prevented by the deficit of subsistance, as among other nations whose population is commensurate to its food, or it overflows by emigration to places where a surplus of aliment is attainable.
It follows that a country whose population is full, may annually spare a part of its crop of human life like a Hive of bees its swarm, without any diminution of its numbers, nay that it must necessarily either spare it or destroy it, or prevent its coming into existence.

The colonies and colonies of Colonies among the Antient Greeks are remarkable instances of the Swarms that may be spared without diminishing the stock in the hive. Miletum on the Asiatic Coast which was itself a Colony established 75 or according to Pliny 80 Colonies on the Coast of the Hellespont, the Propontis & Euxine—Anach: v. 6. p 217. For the colonies of Rhodes see Id. v. 6. p: 237.

It follows moreover from this multiplying faculty that in a nation sparing or losing more than its surplus, the vacancy must soon be refilled by the internal resources of life.
No populous nation then has reason to restrain the emigration of its people, in ordinary cases, and within certain proportions. On the contrary, every nation is impelled by

   In France about seven million of men women & children live on about 25 livres each per annum. Traité de moral & bonheur. p. 30.

humanity as well as required by the principles of liberty to allow the free exercise of this right.
But there are cases where policy teaches the same lesson as powerfully as humanity & justice.
The Commercial nations of Europe, particularly France is interested not only in permitting, but promoting the emigration of their people to vacant countries, and particularly to the U. States.
The more populous parts of the U. S. have a national interest in not discouraging emigrations to the less inhabited parts.
What is the greatest ratio of increase of which the human race is susceptible, where no check would arise from scantiness of food, from war, from adventitious disease or any other preternatural cause? It is not possible to solve this curious problem with precision.
The actual progress of population in the U. S. has demonstrated the possibility of an increase which doubles the number in twenty five or perhaps twenty years. This is equivalent to annual increase of per Cent. As many circumstances have even here diminished the full effect of the generative powers, it may be safely laid down that the human race is capable of increasing at the rate of 5 Per Cent per annum.
Such a nation as France then containing 30 million (see Price’s sermon on love of Country) possesses within itself a natural principle of increase, equal to 1½ Million a year; that is, such might be the excess of its yearly births over its yearly deaths. And that no. might be annually spared witht. diminishing the whole no. as 1 sheep might be annually sold from the no. of  witht. reducing it.
The actual medium excess, in that Kingdom is thus stated by Docr. Price (see appendix to the said sermon)—

“of births for 4 years to 1774
914,710
for six years to 1780.
958,419

of Deaths
793,931
Deaths
834,865

of Marriages
192,180
Marriages
228,170”

The medium increase per annum for these terms is then only 120,779 for the first, and 123,554 for the second, the medium of which is  per Ct. only on 30 million, or ⅟ only of the increase to which nature is equal.
From 1771 to 1780 inclusive Docr Price says the excess of births over deaths, proved an increase 1½ million. This is but 1/10 of the natural increase.
Supposing then an increase to be needed in France, the greatest we see which circumstances permit, leaves a surplus capacity to produce a million &  per annum.
This surplus capacity of nature must either be defeated, or the quantity of life produced from it must be allowed to overflow to countries which like the U. S are disposed to admit and able to support it.
Let us examine the tendency of latter policy, & to make it the more striking, with a particular eye to France & the U. States.
1. A million & half of additional births, allowg. 4 only to a marriage, which is below the computed proportion, would add near 400,000 marriages, and proportionally diminish in France the moral evils resulting from celibacy. But as this is the maximum, it sd. not be the ground of reasoning intended for real practice. Say then only that every 4 emigrants must have been produced by a marriage which wd. not have otherwise taken place, and that the evil of celibacy is diminished by the tendency of emigration.
2. The value of imports of the U. S. are at least in the proportion of a Guinea or Louis d’or a head. The expence of ⟨luxury?⟩ among the makers of imports is . Every  emigrants into the U. S. consequently by their consumption support  persons in the countries producing or manufacturing the imports. In twenty years the increase from this first stock will support double the no. of manufacturers. The habits & prepossessions of the emigrants & their descendants will naturally prefer the articles brought from their former Country. It may not only be sd. then that emigrations from commercial countries to the U. S. do not diminish the no. left behind. It is equally true that the number left will be increased by it. G. B. is an irrefragrable proof. Not less than 2 of the 3 Millions who inhabit the U. S. are sprung from her loins. Her own population as well as prosperity have instead of suffering, been in part owing to this loss. Not less than ½ a Million of British subjects subsist on employmt. afforded by the U. S. Her navigation, her manufactures, her revenue, derive their best aliment from her extended intercourse with the U. S.

3. The emigrants by their example would diffuse among others the taste for the productions of their primitive Country.

One plant of
Elecampane
yields 3000
seeds

of
Spelt
2000
do.
}
see Stillingfleet p. 68

Sunflower
4000

Poppy
3,200

Tobacco
40,320

One annual plant of 2 seeds only produces in 20 years 1,048,576—see a work quoted by Id. Ibid.
The Roe of 1 Cod fish contains about 1,000,000 Eggs & A Carp spawns about 20,000—Bradley’s Phil: Acct. of Work of Nat
Mites will multiply to 1000 in a day. Stillingfleet p. 90
Some viviparous flies bring forth 2000 young. Id. p. 119.


Title: For the National Gazette, 19 November 1791
From: Madison, James
To:

Philadelphia, Nov. 19, 1791.
Population and Emigration.
Both in the vegetable and animal kingdoms, every species derives from nature, a reproductive faculty beyond the demand for merely keeping up its stock: the seed of a single plant is sufficient to multiply it one hundred or a thousand fold. The animal offspring is never limited to the number of its parents.

   The multiplying power in some instances, animal as well as vegetable, is astonishing. An annual plant of two seeds produces in 20 years, 1,048,576; and there are plants which bear more than 40,000 seeds. The roe of a Codfish is said to contain a million of eggs; mites will multiply to a thousand in a day; and there are viviparous flies which produce 2000 at once. See Stillingfleet and Bradley’s philosophical account of nature.

This ordinance of nature is calculated, in both instances, for a double purpose. In both, it ensures the life of the species, which, if the generative principle had not a multiplying energy, would be reduced in number by every premature destruction of individuals, and by degrees would be extinguished altogether. In the vegetable species, the surplus answers, moreover, the essential purpose of sustaining the herbivorous tribes of animals; as in the animal, the surplus serves the like purpose of sustenance to the carnivorous tribes. A crop of wheat may be reproduced by one tenth of itself. The remaining nine tenths can be spared for the animals which feed on it. A flock of sheep may be continued by a certain proportion of its annual increase. The residue is the bounty of nature to the animals which prey on that species.
Man who preys both on the vegetable and animal species, is himself a prey to neither. He too possesses the reproductive principle far beyond the degree requisite for the bare continuance of his species. What becomes of the surplus of human life to which this principle is competent?
It is either, 1st. destroyed by infanticide, as among the Chinese and Lacedemonians; or 2d. it is stifled or starved, as among other nations whose population is commensurate to its food; or 3d. it is consumed by wars and endemic diseases; or 4th. it overflows, by emigration, to places where a surplus of food is attainable.
What may be the greatest ratio of increase of which the human species is susceptible, is a problem difficult to be solved; as well because precise experiments have never been made, as because the result would vary with the circumstances distinguishing different situations. It has been computed that under the most favorable circumstances possible, a given number would double itself in ten years. What has actually happened in this country is a proof, that nature would require for the purpose, a less period than twenty years. We shall be safe in averaging the surplus at five per cent.

   Emigrants from Europe, enjoying freedom in a climate similar to their own, increase at the rate of five per cent a year. Among Africans suffering or (in the language of some) enjoying slavery in a climate similar to their own, human life has been consumed in an equal ratio. Under all the mitigations latterly applied in the British West-Indies, it is admitted that an annual decrease of one per cent. has taken place. What a comment on the African trade!

According to this computation, Great Britain and Ireland, which contain about ten millions of people, are capable of producing annually for emigration, no less than five hundred thousand; France, whose population amounts to twenty five millions, no less than one million two hundred and fifty thousand; and all Europe, stating its numbers at one hundred and fifty millions, no less than seven and a half millions.
It is not meant that such a surplus could, under any revolution of circumstances, suddenly take place: yet no reason occurs why an annual supply of human, as well as other animal life, to any amount not exceeding the multiplying faculty, would not be produced in one country, by a regular and commensurate demand of another. Nor is it meant that if such a redundancy of population were to happen in any particular country, an influx of it beyond a certain degree ought to be desired by any other, though within that degree, it ought to be invited by a country greatly deficient in its population. The calculation may serve, nevertheless, by placing an important principle in a striking view, to prepare the way for the following positions and remarks.
First. Every country, whose population is full, may annually spare a portion of its inhabitants, like a hive of bees its swarm, without any diminution of its number: nay, a certain portion must, necessarily, be either spared, or destroyed, or kept out of existence.

   The most remarkable instances of the swarms of people that have been spared without diminishing the parent stock, are the colonies and colonies of colonies among the antient Greeks. Miletum, which was itself a colony, is reported by Pliny, to have established no less than eighty colonies, on the Hellespont, the Propontis, and the Euxine. Other facts of a like kind are to be found in the Greek historians.

Secondly. It follows, moreover, from this multiplying faculty of human nature, that in a nation, sparing or losing more than its proper surplus, the level must soon be restored by the internal resources of life.
Thirdly. Emigrations may even augment the population of the country permitting them. The commercial nations of Europe, parting with emigrants, to America, are examples. The articles of consumption demanded from the former, have created employment for an additional number of manufacturers. The produce remitted from the latter, in the form of raw materials, has had the same effect—whilst the imports and exports of every kind, have multiplied European merchants and mariners. Where the settlers have doubled every twenty or twenty-five years, as in the United States, the encrease of products and consumption in the new country, and consequently of employment and people in the old, has had a corresponding rapidity.
Of the people of the United States, nearly three millions are of British descent.

   Irish is meant to be included.

 The British population has notwithstanding increased within the period of our establishment. It was the opinion of the famous Sir Josiah Child, that every man in the British colonies found employment, and of course, subsistence, for four persons at home. According to this estimate, as more than half a million of the adult males in the United States equally contribute employment at this time to British subjects, there must at this time be more than two millions of British subjects subsisting on the fruits of British emigrations. This result, however, seems to be beyond the real proportion. Let us attempt a less vague calculation.
The value of British imports into the United States including British freight, may be stated at about fifteen millions of dollars, Deduct two millions for foreign articles coming through British hands; there remain thirteen millions. About half our exports, valued at ten millions of dollars, are remitted to that nation. From the nature of the articles, the freight cannot be less than three millions of dollars; of which about one fifth

   This is stated as the fact is, not as it ought to be. The United States are reasonably entitled to half the freight, if, under regulations perfectly reciprocal in every channel of navigation, they could acquire that share. According to Lord Sheffield, indeed, the United States are well off, compared with other nations; the tonnage employed in the trade with the whole of them, previous to the American Revolution, having belonged to British subjects, in the proportion of more than eleven twelfths. In the year 1660, other nations owned about ¼; in 1700 less than 1/6; In 1725 1/19; in 1750 1/12; in 1774, less than that proportion. What the proportion is now, is not known. If such has been the operation of the British navigation law on other nations, it is our duty, with enquiring into their acquiescence in its monopolizing tendency, to defend ourselves against it, by all the fair and prudent means in our power.

 being the share of the United States, there is to be added to the former remainder; two millions four hundred thousand. The profit accruing from the articles as materials or auxiliaries for manufactures, is probably at least fifty per cent, or five millions of dollars.

   This is admitted to be a very vague estimate. The proportion of our exports which are either necessaries of life, or have some profitable connection with manufactures, might be pretty easily computed. The actual profit drawn from that proportion is a more difficult task; but if tolerably ascertained and compared with the proportion of such of our imports as are not for mere consumption, would present one very interesting view of the commerce of the United States.

 The three sums make twenty millions four hundred thousand dollars; call them in round numbers twenty millions. The expence of supporting a labouring family in Great-Britain, as computed by Sir John Sinclair, on six families containing thirty-four persons, averages £:4:12:10½ sterling, or about twenty dollars a head. As his families were of the poorer class, and the subsistence a bare competency, let twenty-five per cent. be added, making the expence about twenty five dollars a head, dividing twenty millions by this sum, we have eight hundred thousand for the number of British persons whose subsistence may be traced to emigration for its source: or allowing eight shillings sterling a week, for the support of a working man, we have two hundred sixteen thousand three hundred forty-five of that class, for the number derived from the same source.
This lesson of fact, which merits the notice, of every commercial nation, may be enforced by a more general view of the subject.
The present imports of the United States, adding to the first cost, &c. one half the freight as the reasonable share of foreign nations, may be stated at twenty-five millions of dollars. Deducting five millions on account of East-India articles, there remain in favour of Europe, twenty millions of dollars. The foreign labour incorporated with such part of our exports as are subjects or ingredients for manufactures, together with half the export freight, is probably not of less value than fifteen millions of dollars. The two sums together make thirty-five millions of dollars, capable of supporting two hundred thirty-three thousand three hundred thirty-three families of six persons in each: or three hundred seventy-eight thousand six hundred and five men, living on eight shillings sterling a week.
The share of this benefit, which each nation is to enjoy, will be determined by many circumstances. One that must have a certain and material influence, will be, the taste excited here for their respective products and fabrics. This influence has been felt in all its force by the commerce of Great-Britain, as the advantage originated in the emigrations from that country to this; among the means of retaining it, will not be numbered a restraint on emigrations. Other nations, who have to acquire their share in our commerce, are still more interested in aiding their other efforts, by permitting, and even promoting emigrations to this country, as fast as it may be disposed to welcome them. The space left by every ten or twenty thousand emigrants will be speedily filled by a surplus of life that would otherwise be lost. The twenty thousand in their new country, calling for the manufactures and productions required by their habits, will employ and sustain ten thousand persons in their former country, as a clear addition to its stock. In twenty or twenty-five years, the number, so employed and added, will be twenty thousand. And in the mean time, example and information will be diffusing the same taste among other inhabitants here, and proportionally extending employment and population there.
Fourthly. Freedom of emigration is due to the general interests of humanity. The course of emigrations being always, from places where living is more difficult, to places where it is less difficult, the happiness of the emigrant is promoted by the change: and as a more numerous progeny is another effect of the same cause, human life is at once made a greater blessing, and more individuals are created to partake of it.
The annual expence of supporting the poor in England amounts to more than one million and a half sterling.

   From Easter 1775 to Easter 1776, was expended the sum of £.1,556,804:6–3 sterling. See Anderson vol. 5. p. 275. This well informed writer conjectures the annual expence to be near £.2,000,000 sterling. It is to be regretted that the number and expence of the poor in the United States cannot be contrasted with such statements. The subject well merits research, and would produce the truest eulogium on our country.

 The number of persons, subsisting themselves not more than six months in the year, is computed at one million two hundred sixty eight thousand, and the number of beggars at forty eight thousand. In France, it has been computed that seven millions of men women and children live one with another, on twenty-five livres, which is less than five dollars a year. Every benevolent reader will make his own reflections.
Fifthly. It may not be superfluous to add, that freedom of emigration is favorable to morals. A great proportion of the vices which distinguish crouded from thin settlements, are known to have their rise in the facility of illicit intercourse between the sexes, on one hand, and the difficulty of maintaining a family, on the other. Provide an outlet for the surplus of population, and marriages will be increased in proportion. Every four or five emigrants will be the fruit of a legitimate union which would not otherwise have taken place.
Sixthly. The remarks which have been made, though in many respects little applicable to the internal situation of the United States, may be of use as far as they tend to prevent mistaken and narrow ideas on an important subject. Our country being populated in different degrees in different parts of it, removals from the more compact to the more spare or vacant districts are continually going forward—The object of these removals is evidently to exchange a less easy for a more easy subsistence. The effect of them must therefore be to quicken the aggregate population of our country. Considering the progress made in some situations towards their natural complement of inhabitants, and the fertility of others, which have made little or no progress, the probable difference in their respective rates of increase is not less than as three in the former to five in the latter. Instead of lamenting then a loss of three human beings to Connecticut, Rhode-Island, or New-Jersey, the Philanthropist, will rejoice that five will be gained to New-York, Vermont or Kentucky; and the patriot will be not less pleased that two will be added to the citizens of the United States.


Title: To James Madison from Daniel Carroll, 22 November 1791
From: Carroll, Daniel
To: Madison, James

My dear Sir
Novr. 22. 91
I wrote to you a few lines lately. Mr. White will receive by this post a line from me with some information he requested. I have refered you to him. Pray send me some of Mr Frenau’s subscription papers. I hope it will be in my power to forward his views—some Gentlemen have engagd who can & will I think be of considerable assistance. I desire you to put my name among his Subscribers & that he will forward his paper to me in George Town on Potomac. He must however pursue a different arrangement from what others do. The papers may be sent but are not deliverd, nor will they with certainty be so, unless they can be forwarded in such a manner as to be as secure agt being opend as letters—this for Mr. Frenau’s consideration, & government.
I have desird Mr. White to Communicate to you what I write to him. I am, My dear Sr, with esteem & affection—yrs.—
Danl. Carroll