Title: To John Adams from Arthur Lee, 4 July 1788
From: Lee, Arthur
To: Adams, John

            My dear Sir,
            New York July 4th. 1788

          Give me leave to congratulate you on your happy arrival in your native Country; & on the respectable reception that has attended it. I beg the favor of you to present my congratulations in the same account to Mrs. Adams.
          Tho’ I am not an Admirer of the new Constitution, yet as you approve of it & as a great many wise & good men expect much honor & advantage to our Country from the adoption of it, I congratulate you also on the accession of Virginia, to its adoption.
          Our latest Accounts from the Convention of this State inform us that notwithstanding the ratification of Virginia a great majority continues firm against adoptn. The Packet from England, arrivd yesterday, but I do not hear She brought any thing new.
          I have the honor / to be, with very great esteem, / dear Sir, Yr. most / Obedt. Servt

            Arthur Lee


Title: Ratification of the Fourth Dutch Loan, 4 July 1788
From: Thomson, Charles,Griffin, Cyrus
To:

            [4 July 1788]

          Be it remembered that the within Contract or Engagement, entered into by the Honorable John Adams Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America to their High Mightinesses the Lords the States General of the United Netherlands, in Behalf of the said States, with sundry Money Lenders, for a Loan of one Million of

Guilders dutch current Money, dated at Amsterdam the thirteenth Day of March one thousand seven hundred and eighty eight, hath been read in Congress, approved and ratified, and declared obligatory on the United States of America.
          Done in the City Hall in the City of New York by the United States in Congress assembled this fourth Day of July in the Year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty eight, and in the thirteenth Year of our Sovereignty and Independence.—

            Cha Thomson secyCyrus GriffinPresident


Title: To John Adams from Samuel Allyne Otis, 7 July 1788
From: Otis, Samuel Allyne
To: Adams, John

            Dear Sir
            New York July 7th 1788

          Permit me tho late to congratulate you & your amiable Lady upon a return to your native Country, The pleasure & delights of which you must relish peculiarly after so long absence. I have never been much of a traveler, but I can hardly conceive of a Country under all circumstances more eligible; And the prospect of public felicity seems the brighter from the accession of ten states to a System which so far as I comprehend it, promises equal liberty, security of property, & decision— I do not indeed flatter myself with the return of the Golden Age. If any of our farmers have heard of Arcadia they may not think of rambling in her meadows, or that her rich harvests will spontaneously flow, Ideas like these do very well in the poets imagination. Nor may our commercial people expect Gold & Silver as in Solomons reign, Yet we may venture to predict that the industrious husbandmen may reap plenteous harvests, & the vigilant, enterprising Mercht, may rationally expect his ships full fraught with articles of foreign growth, in exchange for produce of his own Country— At least this is my hope & belief, altho some sensible, & I doubt not well meaning friends, hold up such a doleful picture to the contrary, as if the D——1 himself had sat for it— At all events the experiment will soon be tried. Ten States have acceded. Congress feeling an obligation to call upon the people to elect their president &c, have chosen a Committee who will in a day or two report the time for operations to commence under the new Government, & which I think will probably be in Jany or Feb 1789. NYork are indeed

opposed, but the last accounts from their Convention from the leaders in favor of the question “lead us hope.” Of NCarolina there can be little doubt— R Island you will be pleased to form your own Judgmt upon— They are a kind of Comet— Virginia & NCarolina & the New settled regions at the Westward, keep teasing about Missisippi.
          You may probably not be informed that Congress have ratified your last loan of 1.000,000 florins, Indeed I know of no other alternative, No resources can at present be brot into operation.
          You may have heard Congress have resolved “that it is expedient for Kentucky to become a separate State,” but this will not take place at present. The Dominion was so swoln, & Kentucky inflamed, it was thot prudent to administer this cooling application. The business will not progress under the present Confederation, Vermont must go hand in hand with this business—
          I had the pleasure of passing an hour at Col Smiths on Saturday evening— He is delightfully situated about 12 miles from N York, and Mrs Smith is pleased with her residence at Jamaica. I took the liberty to propose directing her Letters to the Easwd, And shall carefully deliver any you may please to cover to me.
          I should feel myself honored by a communication of your opinion & advice upon any matter of such importance as to claim your attention, And with my compliments to Mrs Adams & all friends, / I am / Very respectfully / Your Excellencys / Most Humle Sert

            Sam. A. Otis


Title: To John Adams from John Brown Cutting, 12 July 1788
From: Cutting, John Brown
To: Adams, John

            My Dear Sir,
            London 12th July 1788.

          I have now the honor to inclose you a copy of the southern whale fishery bill—which I cou’d not obtain early enough to send forward when I last wrote. I likewise subjoin additionally to what I have already written to you on the subject—the transcript of a line or two on the same topic to Mr Jefferson.
          As I expect to embark for Charlestown in a very few days—probably by the 25th of this month—I am too much occupied by trivial private affairs of my own to detail public occurrences very minutely.
          In that silly paper called the world you will peruse the speech of the british monarch on the late prorogation. The session was uncommonly protracted from some cause—beside the altercation and heat which resulted from the slave trade bill. Perhaps the internal disputes in the Cabinet caused the delay. Among the ministers a strong disagreement has subsisted for several months past; which the murmurs of the navy against the regulations of Lord Howe—and the distribution of the law loaves and fishes—by Mr Pitt kindled into combustion. Mr Pitt has triumphed. The Chancellor is chagrin’d. Lord Howe is forced from the head of the Admiralty—and soothd with an english Earldom. The Earl of Chatham is first Lord of the Admiralty in his stead. The Earl of Mansfield having resign’d—Sir Loyd Kenyon is a peer and Chief Justice of the Kings Bench. And the late Attorney General Richard Pepper Arden is knighted and made master of the rolls. This last appointment was so detestable to the Lord Chancellor that even after Arden had kissed hands, for four days he refused to put the seals to his appointment or andminister the official oaths. At last he was compelled to do it or resign the prime minister preponderating with the Monarch—and carrying all his favourites into office with an high hand. It is thought Thurlow will resign soon and the seals be put into commission. Meanwhile the Marquis of Stafford is expected to make room for the Marquis of Camarthen— & Lord Hawksbury to become secretary of State instead of the latter. It is now agreed on all hands that no minister since Sir Robert Walpole has possess’d a line of patronage so extensive or power so transcendent and establish’d as the power and patronage of Mr Pitt.

          The affairs civil and military on the Continent are involved in such thick obscurity that the most intuitive minds refrain from pretending at this moment to penetrate the eventful issue of either. If one were to form an opinion of the probability of prevalence on the part of the french king in his contest for power with the french nobility—from the remonstrances of the french clergy, and parliaments—it wou’d seem as if the Barons must controul the sovereign. But when it is recollected how many hundred thousand troops veteran and equip’d await the nod of the latter, & also that those troops remain inflexibly attach’d to the glory of the Prince—and likewise that this Prince adheres stedfastly to the maxim of the monarchy— the king’s will is the law—then it seems much more probable that his present majesty will prevail in the present contest and finally fix his code of constitutions by the paramount efficacy of the ultima ratio regum. I understand that even since he has been familiar with the tears and tumults of the provincial parliaments—even within a few days—a fresh edict is issued menacing the individuals of any body who shall in future remonstrate—with the total forfeiture of their respective properties real & personal—and also with the taint of incapacity to hold any rank office or honors in the kingdom. Meanwhile the presidents and principals of the parliaments are summon’d to Versailles on the 4th of August to receive a final reply to their murmurs and supplications.
          As to military operations—the belligerant parties accumulate. Sweden is resolved to re-assert her claim to Finland. Or at any rate to attack Russia—if England or Turkey will clandestinely—defrey the expence of her armaments. The letter from Elsineur dated 1st of July written by Fenwick the British Consul is fully credited here. The hostile intentions of the Swedes have been manifest these three months. Ever since the internal distractions of France, England has been privately intriguing—and it wou’d seem successfully with all the little maritime allies of the former. Even the King of Prussia has forgotten his reverence of Lewis 16th. and his deference and veneration for his french allies and protectors. He has formed a new friendship with his good Brother George—whose ships can render him no effectual service on dry land—whose armies cannot spare him a regiment—and whose coffers are drain’d by debts of honor to the last guinea.
          In one word there appears to be a complete mutation in the system of Europe without the substitution of any general determinate new plan of politics in lieu of the old. Catherine pants for wider

dominion Joseph for cash and commerce—Stanislau for that neutrality which his three quarrelsome neighbours refuse him. The prussian monarch dreads the Emperor, courts, offends and then sooths France—but ultimately forms an alliance with England. The United Netherlands bind themselves their constitution and even their trade with the ligature of the Orange Cockade—which the Stadtholder waves in mock triumph—while his prussian brother defends it with a drawn weapon, like a second Don Quixot and his cousin Sancho of Britain covers it with his shield, that under cover of this courtesy he may wield the clumsy sceptre of their high mightinesses, and guide the millers and become master of the grain of Holland, without any ostensible attack of the windmills. England hopes by strong alliances on the continent—reinforcements recently sent out to India—and fortification and fresh garrisons in America and the West Indias—and above all the formidable front of her fleet—to intimidate France—maintain domestic peace and reap all the profit of foreign war. Thus point the plans of her present prime minister—whose supremacy now seems to pervade every department of this government. France (meaning by this term the people as contradistinguish’d from the court)—seems equally eager for civil freedom without understanding its essence or limits—or checks, or ballances—and military conflict without considering what it might cost, or calculating how it can be carried on. Her finance notwithstanding the fertility of its natural resources is at a low ebb—and demands expert management— and the rigid rectitude of a Neckar—ere it can yield the surplus requisite to sustain a vigorous war. The Archbishop perceives it, and likewise that even if this were otherwise—a war on the part of France against England might force him from a situation the transcendent power of which he seems determin’d both to retain and exercise. Negligent therefore of foreign affairs and the diminishing importance of his country in the scale of Europe he apparently bends his whole efforts to establish the absolute supremacy of the Monarch—subdue the legal turbulence of the parliamentary aristocracies—and under the shelter of some wise, equitable and beneficial innovations—in criminal jurisprudence—converge the radii of national authority into an administration of prime nobles paramount to all but monarchic controul—& in one word substitute the centre of regal domination— for the circumference of representative freedom. To demonstrate the justness of such an opinion one might cite the whole tenor of that meek, tame conduct in the repulsion of foreign insults which has marked the councils of France ever since the Archbishop became

prime minister. The abandonment of the Hollanders—the consequent humiliation before the Courts of Britain and Berlin last autumn; that article in the dutch treaty with England this spring—whereby the dutch forces in the Indias are even upon a rumour of war commanded by this country—the recent affront offered at the Hague to M. St Priest the french ambassadour—because his valet refused the orange cockade—the mortifying usage of the french ambassadour here—the cavalier behaviour of the Swedes—and in fine the demeanour of almost every court in Europe to that of France during the last nine months—; I might venture to mention as almost unparalel’d instances of contumely submitted to by the Archbishop from abroad to ensure sufficient leisure and adequate tools to subjugate the people at home. Still there has been such a persevering and general resistance by the Nobility, the Parliaments and all their adherents in most of the provinces, that if the military power did not render an appeal to arms a desperate undertaking, on the part of the civil against the monarch and his minister—of this struggle it might yet be said—exitus in dubio est. As the affair now seems to stand—the personages of rank—resist with an obstinacy resolutely passive—with- out a thought of resorting to arms—not withstanding newspaper rumours to the contrary. They submit to exile by hundreds—and their uniform language is—“Sire pray assemble the States General. This nation will receive no constitution but from them.” To which supplication there has hitherto been substantively this response: “Audacious and eternally subordinate! All power exists in Jove alone—He wills to use it well—but when or where or how—presumptuous reptile mortals born and bred in France shou’d never dare to ask—but if they do our thunderbolts shall smite them dead or dumb: all this we swear—all this we swear by Styx—completely by this oath to prove that Jove and we are One.”
          Meanwhile Spain has equip’d a naval force consisting it is said of thirty ships of the line—but satisfies Mr Eden the british ambassadour at Madrid—that she meditates naught hostile against this nation— and commands perfect neutrality to be observed towards Prussia by all her subjects: Hinting that these armed ships are in future to be exercised across the atlantic in fetching and guarding her south american treasure.
          Thus have I attempted to abridge for your amusement a cursory outline of the present aspect of Europe—from such limited sources of political intelligence—as I can at present command.
          With regard to America England France and Spain will soon

become as busy as their seperate interests in our vicinity require that they shou’d be. Even here they begin to think our federal executive will be worth attending to soon. That it may long remain pure and powerful is a wish that ought to actuate every citizen of the Union— but especially one who has witnessed the miserable corruptions that canker the best constitutions in Europe.
          I have written repeatedly both to you and also to Mrs Adams concerning the individual welfare of some private friends of yours here that seem interested in yours. But I assure you no person can be more truly so, than / Your respectful, affectionate / And Most Obedt Servant

            John Brown Cutting


Title: To John Adams from William Vaughan, 12 July 1788
From: Vaughan, William
To: Adams, John

            Dear Sir
            London 12 July 1788—

          Our worthy friend Dr. Price has requested me to forward to you the last Volume of Gibbons’s History, and the appendix, to compleat your Sett. Mr Moore a gentleman returning back to Boston in the Nathaniel Capt Downe has been kind enough to take charge of a parcel for you I have to request your delivering a Pamphlet for the Boston Philosophical Society, and one for Cutler which comes through the hands of Sir Joseph Banks. You will also find a pamphlet respecting the principles of commerce; the novelty and liberality of its opinions gave me great pleasure. It has but just made its appearance here, and I think will not fail to give you some satisfaction.
          I have just had some conversation with Mr T. Boylston who is a great advocate for the freedom of commerce. I learn he some Years ago committed his sentiments to paper. he has not these hints by

him, and believes that Mr Bowdoin has them, could you obtain me a sight of them without much difficulty
          I hope you arrived safe out, and found the spirit of the new confederation gaining ground I beg you will present my best respects to Mrs Adams, your Son, & to Col & Mrs Smith when you write them. Our Ladies are all in the Country, my mother is quite recovered from her severe illness the last Winter. I am with respect / Dear Sir / Your most obedient / humble Servant

            Wm Vaughan


Title: From John Adams to Arthur Lee, 18 July 1788
From: Adams, John
To: Lee, Arthur

            Dear Sir
            Braintree July 18. 1788

          I am much obliged to you, for your kind Congratulations on my Arrival, and Mrs Adams returns you her Compliments and Thanks.
          The Accession of Virginia, to the New Constitution is a great Event.— You and I Should not materially differ, I fancy, if We were to compare Notes of a perfect Commonwealth. But I consider the present Project, as a commencement of a national Government, to be a valuable Acquisition. What would Aristotle and Plato have Said, if any one had talked to them, of a fœderative Republick of thirteen States, inhabiting a Country of five hundred Leagues in extent?
          The new Government must Act with Caution and make itself felt, by its Beneficence, or We Shall have a new Convention for Amendments. it is a Severe Mortification to me, to find so many of my old Friends, in opposition. But this is no surprize to me, as I have always differed very materially from them in opinion of the best Plan of Government.
          I am, my dear sir, with great Esteem / your most obedient servant

            John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 25 July 1788
From: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan
To: Adams, John

            Sir!
            New-york 25. Jul. 88.

          Being returned at New-york, after a yourneÿ of five weeks in the countrÿ, to take a view of the land, I wished to employ this moment to inform your Hon. of the issue— I was about 70 miles above albanÿ— Saw differents tracts of Land— Probably, if the price be not to high—our choice wil be the circuits of kingston, where we have Seen two farm, who Suided to our circumstances. In two or three weeks we wil know it with certainty—during that time I Shal paÿ a visit at Philadelphia and Mount vernon, intendng to go to the first

place, next fridaÿ with the Stage. a Strong desire to See Philadelphia and B. Franklin, a wish to pay my obliged Compliments to Esqr. John Ross. who was So polite to refuse ten guineas for the passage of my two Childres, and a invitation of America’s late Commander at chief are mÿ motifs! I congratulate Massachusetts People with your election at Congres, and hope they wil in respect to you follow the Romans Example in respect to Cicero, being Sure that they wil never be disappointed by you in the Same manner—
          your Saying Sir! in the gold Lion at Leyden. of Some European Court—, theÿ “love not these democratical principles,[”] must be proved for an unbeliever, thoug I never doubted of it— Some-times— that theÿ, by theer own intrest, would consider Sinceritÿ in Engagements as a dutÿ—but I Saw a new proof of a people’s miserÿ, who needs the adsistance of forein power to defend theer liberty—
          Be So good Sir! to inform me what the best and accuratest compilation is of the events of the late American War? there is published Some work of the Marquis deChastellux—and another in four volumes of T. Andrews? what is the real value of bo[ok]s your defence of American Independence accomplished in two vol. or wil they be joined with a 3th? maÿ I know it before I go to the countrÿ? Permit me, to recommend mÿ and mÿ familÿ to your favour, and be Sure that I am, with due respect / Sir! / Your much obedient / and Obliged Servant

            F. Adr. vandrKemp

            P. S adres bÿ Mrs. M. and H. Oudenaarden Hanover Square N. 18 New-york.


Title: To John Adams from Ezra Stiles, 1 August 1788
From: Stiles, Ezra
To: Adams, John

            Sir
            Yale College Augt. 1. 1788

          Upon receiving a third Book, but a Duplicate of the first Volume of you Work, I acknowledged it in the inclosed Letter, which I sent to New York to be forwarded to yourself in London. But it was returned because it was judged that you would be on your Voyage home, before the Letter could reach you. Be pleased to accept my repeated Thanks for the repeated Favors with which you have honored me. Probably you intended me a third Volume instead of a Duplicate of the first; if you should have broken [a Se]tt, it would be agreeable to me to have it exchanged. [I h]ave received great Instruction from your learned Labors, which will do more, I believe, towards leading & directg the Inquiries of american & European Politicians to a tho’ro’ Examination of the antient & modern Politics in Europe, & thence to learn what Government human Nature can & cannot bear, than any publication hitherto made. We have needed and at this Time Specially need the very Lights you have furnished. I thank you for your learned Labors.
          As sincerely as any Man in America did I rejoyce in your safe Return & Arrival to our native Country; where may the Gd of Heaven make you an extensive & lastg Blessing & Ornament. I rejoyce in the Accession of Eleven States to the federal Government—and I do not wish it to be revised these dozen or 20 years; nor until we shall by cool Experience know & find & find out what Revisions are either neccessy or expedient. That Amendments in the Polity are necessy I believe; but I wish for Time & Coolness of Reflexion & sage Wisdom to discover & make them.
          I believe we shall be a happy & glorious People—& that greater Wisdom of Policy & jurisprudential Sagacity will be displayed in the political Arrangmts Regulations & Institutions of the United States than has ever been dis[played] among the despotic Sovereignties of Eu[rope] or Asia, which have been dictated by & f[or]med in military Conquests or the insidious Intrigues of Policy over Nations unenlightened by the Sciences, Literature, & large Acquaintance with the Histories of all Ages & Nations. It is my Wish that Geñ Wash̃ may

be President, & Dr Adams Vice-President under the new fœderal Government. But whether it shd be so or not, permit me to express my Wishes that every Blessg of Heaven may rest upon you. With the most respectful Esteem, & would you Accept from me a share in the Tribute of Gratitude from my Country, I would add the most affectionate Honor & Gratitude, with which, I am, Dr sir / Yr most obedt hble servt

            Ezra Stile;


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Jefferson, 2 August 1788
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Adams, John

            Dear Sir
            Paris Aug. 2. 1788.

          I have received with a great deal of pleasure the account of your safe arrival and joyful reception at Boston. mr̃ Cutting was so kind as to send me a copy of the address of the assembly to you & your answer, which with the other circumstances I have sent to have published in the gazette of Leyden, and in a gazette here. it will serve to shew the people of Europe that those of America are content with their servants, and particularly content with you.
          The war with the Turks, Russians, & Austrians goes on. a great victory obtained on the black sea over the Turks commanded by the Captain Pacha, by the Russians commanded by Admiral Paul Jones will serve to raise the spirits of the two empires. he burnt six ships, among which was the admiral’s & vice admiral’s, took two, and made between three & four thousand prisoners. the Swedes having hastily armed a fleet of about 16. sail of the line, & marched an army into Finland, the king at the head of it, made us believe they were going to attack the Russians. but when their fleet met with three Russian ships of 100 guns each they saluted & passed them. it is pretty well understood that the expences of this armament are paid by the Turks through the negociations of England. and it would seem as if the king had hired himself to strut only, but not to fight,

expecting probably that the former would suffice to divert the Russians from sending their fleet round to the Mediterranean. there are some late symptoms which would indicate that Denmark would still be opposed to Sweden though she should shift herself into the opposite scale. the alliance between England, Holland & Prussia is now settled. in the mean time this country is losing all it’s allies one by one, without assuring to herself new ones. Prussia, Holland, Turkey, Sweden are pretty certainly got or getting into the English interest, and the alliance of France with the two empires is not yet secured. I am in hopes her internal affairs will be arranged without blood. none has been shed as yet. the nation presses on sufficiently upon the government to force reformations, without forcing them to draw the sword. if they can keep the opposition always exactly at this point, all will end well. peace or war, they cannot fail now to have the States general, & I think in the course of the following year. they have already obtained the Provincial assemblies as you know, the king has solemnly confessed he cannot lay a new tax without the consent of the States general, and when these assemble they will try to have themselves moulded into a periodical assembly, to form a declaration of rights, and a civil list for the government. the Baron de Breteuil has lately retired from the ministry & been succeeded by M. de Villedeuil. Monsieur de Malesherbes will probably retire. the Marquis de la Fayette with several others have lately received a fillup for having assembled to sign a memorial to the king which had been sent up from Brittany. they took from the Marquis a particular command which he was to have exe[rcised] [dur]ing the months of August and September this year in the South of France. your friends the Abbés are well and always enquire after you. I shall be happy to hear from you from time to time, to learn state news and state politics, for which I will give you in return those of this quarter of the earth. I hope mr̃s Adams is well; I am sure she is happier in her own country than any other. assure her of my constant friendship and accept assurances of the same from Dear Sir / Your most obedt. / & most humble servt

            Th: Jefferson

            P.S. make freely any use of me here which may be convenient either for yourself or mr̃s Adams.

            P.S. Aug. 6. later accounts inform us there have been two actions between the Russians & Turks. the first was of the gallies F. on both sides. in this P. Jones, being accidentally present, commanded the right wing. the Russians repulsed the Turks. the second action was

of the Russian gallies against the Turkish ships of war. the effect was what is stated in the preceding letter. but the command was solely in the prince of Nassau, P. Jones with his fleet of ships of war being absent. Prince Potemkin immediately got under march for Oczakow, to take advantage of the consternation it was thrown into. the Swedes have commenced hostilities against the Russians, & war against them is consequently declared by the empress.


Title: To John Adams from Arthur Lee, 10 August 1788
From: Lee, Arthur
To: Adams, John

              Augt. 10th. 1788

          I receivd your favor, my dear Sir, by which I perceive you are once more a farmer at Braintree—a real Cincinnatus without being of that noble Body which resembles him in name alone. I am inclind to beleive that you also will be calld from your plough to fill the place of Vice President under the new Constitution. Virginia, I think, will return Genl. Washington & yourself. If the four new England States support you, wch. I presume they will do, shoud Mr. Hancock not interfere, your election will be certain. I shall very much rejoice in it. Because tho’ I never coud approve of the Constitution, nor ever wishd to see it adopted—yet since our Countrymen have chosen it, my wish is, that It may have a fair trial, & may become productive of the good, which the Nation hopes from it, by a wise & upright Administration.
          Since this Constitution has become the great Law under which we must live, it is unnecessary to enter into a detail of those objections which prevented me from wishing its adoption. It is more agreeable to cherish the hope that the event of it will shew I was mistaken. But I see—& see with sorrow—the manifold difficulties with wch. the Administration will have to struggle, in consequence of the extravagant expectations of its friends & the jealousies of its opponents. Already a torrent of speculation is pouring down upon it & if it shoud not realize to the Speculators their golden hopes, they will become its most virulent Revilers. The efforts they will make to secure this gratification, I apprehend will be one great source of difficulty & embarrassment to those who may administer the government. And yet these will be small, compard with those which will arise from the State influences, which are left so prevalent that they may fetter every great national object. However there are hardly any difficulties which may not be overcome, by an Administration, wise temperate, & pure. On that we must rest our hopes.
          In Your Book on Republics, which you was so good as to send me, you have omitted, I think, those of Neufchatel & les Vallais. To me they seem to have merited your attention, by the antiquity as well as the singularity of their Constitutions The are singular, in the one having a foreign Prince for its Sovereign, & the other being one part of the Nation under an Aristocratic & the remainder under a democratic form of government. I do not know any other Community in

which these different forms prevail pure & unmixd, & yet they make one whole.
          You ask me what Aristotle or Plato woud have said to a federative Republic of thirteen states, inhabiting a Country of five hundred Leagues in extent? I am inclind to think that they woud have enquird what number of People was containd in that extent, how they were circumstancd & what energy there woud be in one head to govern the whole. If they found, that a few People were so dispersd over this vast tract as to be out of the reach & regulation of a single Power,—that they had been habituated to seperate Governments vested with every energy that a general Government coud have, & yet these were hardly competent, from the dispersion & unconnected State of their Citizens, to maintain order & obedience— These things being considered—I apprehend, Sir, they woud answer, that in such a state of the People—a federative Union was the only practicable one; & that a National one was premature & inadmissible. But if in addition to this they were told—that the proposd general Government was not to have half the powers which each part had, & that to these several parts was left so large a portion of sovereign power, as to render their jealousy formidable & their counteraction fatal—these great Statesmen woud be inclind to say, that the proposd plan was not only premature but visionary & vitious. In short Sir, I presume they woud say—we ought not to expect that the hand of an Infant coud weild the club of Hercules—& that it woud be wise in us to learn to walk, before we attempted to run.— I think we have been in much too great a hurry, & am persuaded that if the Convention had not been in the corrupt forces of Philadelphia they woud never have been heated enough to attempt so great a novelty. But the attempt having been made, & the enthusiasm spread abroad among our people; I agree with you that we shoud endeavor, by a wise & beneficent execution of the system to make it, if possible, answer their expectations
          Congress have not yet fixd the place of meeting for the new Congress. Philadelphia contends for it with the ardour which the sweets of former enjoyments & still higher expectations inspire. Perhaps too this ardour is augmented by the apprehension that Congress being assembled any where else, will be more rigorous in exacting accounts for the Millions which have passd thrõ the hands of a few Individuals in Pensylvania & it is apprehended have not left their hands perfectly clean. Mr. Madison is the Atlas of their cause, which is much to be lamented. It has been matter of equal sorrow & surprise to me, that

a man of his character & talents, shoud have been uniformly influenced by such men as Morris & Marbois—men certainly not of doubtful designs, nor of depth to escape the penetration of discernment above the common level. Under the present impression that prevails in the general mind of the conduct & designs of several influential men in Philadelphia, & under the proofs that will soon appear of the dangerous abuses committed by them when formerly trusted; nothing coud be more ominous to the new Governmt. than its meeting in that place. We are endeavoring by the most cautious management to make the public funds support Government ’till the new Constitution gets into efficient operation. This we coud hardly have done without the aid of yr. last Loan. Present me to Mrs. Adams & believe me Yours— / Adieu—

            A. Lee


Title: To John Adams from Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, 21 August 1788
From: Staphorst, Nicolaas & Jacob van (business)
To: Adams, John

            (Copy)
            Sir
            Amsterdam 21 August 1788

          Permit us to offer you our most hearty and sincere Congratulations on Your and your Lady’s safe Return to your Native Country, after a long Absence, during which We had the Satisfaction to form a Relation with you; The Cessation whereof does not We assure you, diminish our Wishes for the Happiness of yourself and Family. As a small Token of our Remembrance and Esteem, We have taken the Liberty to send you per Captn: Tobey of the Doggersbank conformable to the inclosed Bill of Lading Two Cases, The one containing Two Dozen Bottles Constantia Wine, and the other a Pair of Silver Biscuit Boxes with some Chocolate; Which We entreat Your and Your Lady’s Acceptance of, with the most respectful Compliments of Ourselves and Mrs: Van Staphorst.—
          We are greatly obliged and have experienced much Satisfaction in the Present of your Defence of the Constitutions of the United-States; We have received but the First Volume, and being desirous to have the sequel, We shall esteem your sending the subsequent Volumes a great favor, that We shall be happy to retaliate, as indeed We shall be at all times in rendering you every useful and agreeable Office in our Power.—
          We are with great Respect / Sir / Your most obedient / and very humble Servants

            Nico. & Jacob van Staphorst.


Title: To John Adams from Joshua Barney, 23 August 1788
From: Barney, Joshua
To: Adams, John

            Sir,
            Baltimore Augt: 23d. 1788:

          Since I had the honor to Command the packett-ship Genrl. Washington. in 84. I have lived at this place in hopes long before this, to have been call’d into the service of my Country in some manner or other. but this has not been the case; I am now very desirous of Visiting Europe in which I have two Views, first I am in possession of a large tract of Western land. this land I wish to sell,

or settle by Emegrants from Europe. and in which, should I succeed the prospects of a large fortune is before me, besides a great advantage to those that settle, and rendering a service to my Country by such emegrations, my next View is to engage myself in the service of some power in Europe in the Naval-line. these sir are my motives for leaving home. and my inducement to Solicit your patronage. my Intentions are to Visit London and Holland in the first place. the Russian service seems at present to draw my Attention, perhaps I could meet with your Assistance with that Minister. at the Court of St Jame’s. or in any other Manner your Excellency may think proper; I hope by entering into Actual service to be still more capable of serving my Country when call’d on, my Intentions is to prepare myself in this line, as I mean to make it the study of my life, our Country is yet young and prospects are now opening for somthing Great. A Navy we must have, and able Commanders will be much wanted. this Sir is my inducement. and notwithstanding I have a family (which I leave behind) my thirst after Naval knowledge Spurs me on, to engage in somthing which may be an advantage to my Country. and myself hereafter, your friendship which I have experienced before, and Natural desire which I well know to do every that may tend to Assist this our young Country. and the Citizens of it. Induces me to Solicit your friendship on this Occasion, Assuring you, that I shall ever make it my study to merit your patronage. and to do honor to your recommendations, under these circumstances I wish to inform you that my desire is to leave this as early as possible this fall, and shall Anxiously wait for a line from your Excellency Untill then I remain your Excellency’s most Obt. / and Very Hlble Servt.

            Joshua Barney

            Any letters you may think proper to favor me, with either to London or Holland, I will thank you to send [in]closed by Post.

              JB.


Title: To John Adams from C.W.F. Dumas, 27 August 1788
From: Dumas, Charles William Frederic
To: Adams, John

              Monsieur
              Lahaie 27e. Aout 1788

            C’est avec tout l’intérêt qui suit des sentimens que vous me connoissez, que j’appris il y a quelques semaines votre heureuse arrivée avec votre chere famille dans votre heureuse Patrie, & que je m’em-pressai de com̃uniquer à Mr. Luzac les détails de votre réception, que je tiens de la bonté de Mr. Jefferson. Les relations Suedoises, Russes, Impériales & Turques, ne lui ont permis que depuis peu de jours d’insérer la mienne, dont voici un Exemplaire.— J’ai observé que ce petit morceau, ainsi que d’autres insérés précédem̃ent de ma part, a été un cordial pour les Amis de nos Etats, & un cordolium pour leurs Ennemis, qui ne cessent de vouloir donner de fausses impressions contre eux.
            Je vous félicite, Monsieur, & moi-même de la Majorité actuelle en faveur de la nouvelle Constitution fédérative, par l’accession de ceux de N. Hampshire & de Virginie aux huit qui s’étoient déjà déclarés. Je ne doute pas que les deux, & même les trois restants, ne se rangent enfin de bonne grace du même avis, & que tous ne continuent ainsi à donner le plus illustre, & depuis la création l’unique exemple de sagesse & de perfection progressive à tous les Gouvernemens, de félicité vraie à tous les Peuples du monde.
            Je devrois, Monsieur, vous donner quelque détail sur la maniere d’être de—& dans—ce pays, mais malade, &c., je n’ai la force ni de l’ame ni du Corps, pour en esquisser le Tableau. Il est fort dangereux d’ailleurs de dire & sur-tout d’écrire sa pensée.— Dies, noctesque, ebriorum, prostibulorum, mendicorum, furum, stulticinum, pyrobolariorum ex infima plebe militiaque, viæ sunt plenæ.— Peu de société & de com̃unication, beaucoup de réserve & deméfiance, parmi les gens honnêtes.
            Quant aux Systêmes publics, même de toute l’Europe, j’y vois moins clair de jour en jour; ils me paroissent approcher du Cahos: nihil simplex, nihil in politicis honestum, nihil illustre, nihil forte, nihil liberum. Cic. ad Att. I. 13.— Je me console ou plutôt désole actuellement avec cet Auteur, & vois avec douleur que ce siecle, si éclairé, si philosophe dit-on, ne reproduit de toute l’histoire que des Catilinas, des Clodius, &c. &c. &c.— Je ne parle que de notre Continent. Vous pouvez, Monsieur, Dieu merci, m’entretenir plus agréablement du vôtre. Soyez béni avec lui, avec Madame & tous les chers vôtres. Agréez avec eux, de ma famille, les témoignages des

sentimens qui leur sont acquis de sa part, & du grand cas qu’elle fera toujours de votre bon souvenir.
            Je suis avec grand respect, De Votre Exce. / Le très-humble & très obéisst / serviteur,

              Cwf Dumas

            La Compe. des Indes ici, ayant, pour empêcher sa ruine totale, besoin de 15 millions de florins, & la Province ayant tenté pour cet Effet, sans succes un Emprunt à 2 ½ p%, on a eu recours à 5000 Lettres de Change de f1000 chacune, tirées par la Compe., acceptées par les Et. d’Hollde., payables dans 5 ans, à 4 p% d’Int. par an, affranchies de toute imposition ou charge quelconque. Ces 5000 Lettres, à un Int. & des Conditions si favorables, ont été promptement accaparées. Pour compléter les 15 millions dont on a besoin, on alloit lâcher encore 10,000 de ces Lettres; mais on s’est apperçu, que la premiere émission avoit fait tomber les obligations de 2 ½ (Masse du credit national) de 85 à 80 p%, & que cette nouvelle Emission les feroit baisser au moins de 10 p% de plus encore. On n’a pas osé passer outre. On va donc obliger la nation à un prêt forcé du 50me., peut-être même du 25e. denier, des biens meubles & im̃eubles d’un chacun.—1 Ceci, Monsieur, joint aux Alliances visiblement contradictoires où l’on se trouve aujourd’hui engagé, vous fera juger de la situation présente & future de ce pays mieux que tous les raisonnemens à perte de vue que je pourrois ajouter.
            Mess. Willink & Staphorst ne m’ont pas encore envoye votre estimable Ouvrage Defence of the Constn. of the Un St que vous leur aviez ordonné de m’envoyer. Je ne sais a quoi celatient J’en suis fache. Privé de votre entretien personnel, je voudrois au moins m’en-tretenir avec vous dans votre Livre. Je leur en écrirai.

          TRANSLATION

              Sir
              The Hague, 27 August 1788

            It was with my most affectionate interest, with which you are familiar, that I learned some weeks ago of your blissful arrival with your dear family in your blessed homeland, and that I hastened to relate the details of your welcome to Mr. Luzac, which I know thanks to the benevolence of Mr. Jefferson. The Swedish, Russian, Austrian, and Ottoman reports allowed him to include mine, of which I attach a copy here, only a few days ago. I have noticed that this little fragment, as well as others inserted earlier on my behalf, have been a source of elation for the friends of our states, and of heartache to their enemies, who endlessly wish to give false impressions of them.

            I congratulate you, sir, and myself for the current majority in favor of the new federal Constitution, given the accession of New Hampshire and Virginia to the eight that have already come out in favor. I have no doubt that the two, and even the three remaining, will concede gracefully to majority opinion, and that all will thus continue to offer the most illustrious and, since the beginning of time, the most unique example of wisdom, of a perfection in advance of all governments, of true felicity for all nations of the world.
            I should, sir, give you some details regarding the customs of—and in—this country, but as I am ill, etc., I do not have the energy of either spirit or body to sketch an impression. Besides, it is quite dangerous to speak and especially to write one’s thoughts. Day and night, the streets are full of drunks, prostitutes, beggars, thieves, madmen, arsonists drawn from the lowest levels of the populace and the army. Little interaction, little communication, plenty of reserve and suspicion among decent people.
            As for the systems of governance in place, indeed even those of all Europe, I understand them less each day. They seem to me to be approaching a state of chaos: nothing in these politics is straightforward, nothing decent, nothing clear, nothing strong, nothing generous. Cicero, Letters to Atticus, I. 13.— I am comforted or indeed discomfited these days by reading this author, and observe with grief that this century, as enlightened and as rational as it is said to be, from all of history only replicates Catiline, Clodius, etc., etc., etc. I refer only to our continent. Thank God, you may, sir, tell me more agreeably of yours. With it, may you also be blessed, along with madam and all your dear ones. Please accept, too, tokens of my family’s affection which they send, and of the enthusiasm with which they will always hold their memory of you.
            I am, with great respect, your excellency’s most humble and most obedient servant

              Cwf Dumas

            The Company of the Indies here needed 15 million florins to avoid total ruin, and the province therefore attempted to secure a loan at an interest rate of 2.5 percent, but was unsuccessful. They resorted to 5,000 promissory notes of f1,ooo each, written by the Company, accepted by the States of Holland, payable in 5 years at 4 percent interest per year, and free of all fees or charges whatsoever. At such favorable conditions and interest rate, these 5,000 notes were promptly snatched up. To round out the 15 million needed, they were to release another 10,000 of these notes, but it was realized that the first issue had caused bonds at 2 ½ (of the gross national credit) to fall from 85 to 80 percent and that a new issue would cause them to fall at least another 10 percent. They did not dare to take this step. The nation will thus be obligated by a forced loan of the 50th, maybe even the 25th part of each cent, and of the movable and immovable assets of each. This, sir, in addition to the clearly contradictory alliances in which we find ourselves currently engaged, will allow you to assess the present and future situation of this country better than all of the endless reasoning that I might add.
            Messrs. Willink and Staphorst have not yet sent me your commendable

work, Defence of the Constitutions of the United States, which you ordered them to send to me. I do not know why this may be. I am dismayed by it. Deprived of your personal company, I would like, at the very least, to converse with you in your book. I will write to them about it.


Title: To John Adams from Ezra Stiles, 13 September 1788
From: Stiles, Ezra
To: Adams, John

            Sir
            Yale College Sept. 13. 1788

          Some Men by their Merits call upon themselves the Attention of the whole Republic of Letters; and amidst a Profusion of Honors from the most illustrious & respectable Bodies, they are often sollicited to accept the Tribute of Estimation & Respect from Societies of inferior Consideration. Will you be pleased, Sir, to gratify the humble College of Connecticutt, in accepting as a Mark of her affectionate Love, Estimation & Honor, an ad eundem Degree of the Doctorate in Laws, which, by the unanimous [. . . .] Senatus Academicus, was publickly announced [. . .] your Name at our anniversay Com̃encement last Wednesday? We did ourselves the Honor to conjoyn your Name with those of his Excelly Goṽ. Livingston, & the Hon. President Johnson of Columbia College in N. York. I am, Sir, / with the greatest Respect / Your most humble / & Obedt Servant

            Ezra Stiles


Title: From John Adams to Perez Morton, 15 September 1788
From: Adams, John
To: Morton, Perez

            Sir
            Braintree Sept: 15th 1788.

          On saturday night, I received your letter of the tenth of this month, and with it a letter inclosed to you from his excellency Mr Bowdoin of the same date. The late misfortune in a family for which from my earliest infancy, I have entertained a particular respect, the charges and suspicions against you, for whom I have long had a particular regard, have affected me so very sensibly, that I could wish to avoid so painful an examination, as that to which you invite me. But as Mr and Mrs Apthorp have agreed with you in the choice, and you have done me the honor to join me with a gentleman in whose justice and humanity as well as judgment, I have an entire confidence, I will not hesitate to accept the trust: Hoping that the late misfortune may be alleviated, and the happiness of the two families promoted, by such an investigation as you propose—
          I cannot however conclude without concurring with Mr Bowdoin in his advice, “that the parties with a spirit of candor and mutual condescention, and without exterior aid, will endeavor to reestablish the harmony and good will that once so happily subsisted between them”
          Mr Bowdoins letter, and a copy of this I shall convey as you desire to Mr Apthorp. I have the honor / to be Sir your most obedient, humble servant.


Title: To John Adams from Jeremy Belknap, 20 October 1788
From: Belknap, Jeremy
To: Adams, John

            Sir
            Boston Oct 20 1788

          In a Letter of October 7th recd from Dr Rush of Philadelphia I find the following Paragraph
          “Mr John Adams will probably have all the [. . .] of our State for the Vice Presidents Chair.”
          I have the Honor to be Sir / Yr respectful & obedt Servt

            Jeremy Belknap


Title: From John Adams to Theophilus Parsons, 2 November 1788
From: Adams, John
To: Parsons, Theophilus

            Dear Sir
            Braintree Nov. 2. 1788.

          From the Conversation that pass’d, between you and me, when I had the Pleasure to See you for a few moments at this place, I am apprehensive that you may think of me for a Senator, as I find that Some other Gentlemen have, done and continue to do.
          You know very well how ungracious and odious the Non Acceptance of an Appointment by Election is, and therefore let me beg of you, not to expose me to the Necessity of incurring the Censure of the Publick and the Obloquy of Individuals by so unpopular a measure.
          I have long revolved in an anxious mind the Duties of the Man and the Citizen, and without entering into Details, at present, the Result of all my Reflections on the Place of a Senator in the New Government is an unchangeable Determination to refuse it.
          With much Respect and Sincere Affection / I am, Dear sir, your most obedient / and most humble servant

            John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Ezra Stiles, 4 November 1788
From: Adams, John
To: Stiles, Ezra

            Sir.
            Braintree Novr: 4. 1788.

          Last night, I received the Letter you did me the Honour to write me, on the thirteenth of September, informing me of the Honour that has been done me by the University over which you so worthily preside.
          If this honorary Degree, is as you inform me, to be considered as a token of Affection and Esteem, I shall certainly hold it among the most precious of Things; since nothing can ever be more pleasing to me, or more satisfactory to my highest ambition than the approbation of an University which has distinguished itself in Litterature among the foremost in America, and which is the Light of a Commonwealth that I esteem the purest Portion of mankind.
          With great Respect and Sincere / Esteem I have the Honour to be, / Sir your most obedient and / most humble Servant

            John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Jean Luzac, 2 December 1788
From: Adams, John
To: Luzac, Jean

            Dear Sir.
            Braintree near Boston Decr: 2. 1788.

          It is with great and sincere Pleasure, that I have to acknowledge the receipt of your friendly and obliging Letter of the 26th of August. Your kind congratulations on my arrival are very agreeable to me. I assure you it was a very pleasing Event. and the few Months that have passed since I have been at home, have been the happiest portion of my Life. The Agriculture, the Manufactures and the commerce of this Country, I found in a much more flourishing Condition than I expected: and the political state of it, by the acceptance and organization of the new Government manifestly improving. The late Elections for the new System have gone very well, and fallen upon Men of the best Heads, the most experience, & the most constancy.
          No part of my Time was spent in Europe, with more Satisfaction than at Leyden, nor did I meet with any Man, whose sentiments appeared to me more just and generous than those of my friend Luzac; I shall ever recollect it with pleasure, and I wish to preserve and perpetuate the Memory of it by some Token that may be known to the world, and descend to posterity. My eldest son John Quincy Adams was matriculated at your university, and studied there near a year. He afterwards travelled in Germany, Denmark, Sweden, Russia, France and England; returned to America, went through his course of Studies at our university of Cambridge, was admitted there to the honour of the usual degrees, and has since pursued the study of the Law with one of the most eminent civilians as well as common Lawyers of this Country. I wish therefore to know, whether he could consistently with the customs of the University of Leyden, be admitted to an honourary Degree of Doctor of Laws— If he can I will readily pay whatever Expence may be customary on such occasions.
          With great Esteem & Affection &c.


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 2 December 1788
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

            Dear Sir
            Braintree Decr. 2. 1788

          A multiplicity of avocations have prevented me, from answering your friendly Letter of the 2d of July, till I am almost ashamed to answer it, at all. Your Congratulations on my Arrival and kind Reception are very agreable because I know them to be Sincere. your Compliments upon my poor Volumes are consolatory, because they give me grounds to hope that they may have done Some good. it is an opinion here that they contributed Somewhat to restore a permanent Tranquility to this Commonwealth, as well as to Suppress the pestilent County Conventions, Insurrections and Rebellion. and if I could be flattered into the belief that they contributed to the formation or Ratification of a ballanced national Government for the United States I should Sing my Nunc Dimittis with much Pleasure.— if any one will Shew me, a Single Example, where the Laws were respected and Liberty, Property, Life or Character Secure, without a Ballance in the Constitution, I might venture to give up the Controversy. and if any one will Shew that there ever was a Ballance, or ever can be a ballance for three days together without three Branches and no more, I might also give up the Point.
          I have heard nothing of the Second and third Volumes, in the southern or middle States and know not whether they have been read, or how received. for the third Volume I was most anxious as it was the boldest and freeest and most likely to be unpopular.
          Whether Your Expectation that I shall be in the new Government, proceeds from your Partiality to your old Friend, or from your Knowledge of the Sentiments of the Nation, I know not. The Choice will be in the Breasts of Freemen, and if it falls upon me it will most certainly be a free Election.
          You tell me, my Labours are only beginning.— Seven and twenty years have I laboured in this rugged Vineyard, and am now arrived at an Age when Man sighs for Repose.
          My dear Mrs Adams is with her only Daughter at Long Island. We have three Sons, two at Colledge and one with an eminent Lawyer. They are regular in their manners and studies and give me so much Satisfaction as to increase the Regret I feel at the Remembrance of how much of their Interests I have been obliged to Sacrifice to the publick service.

          With much Esteem and affection I / am Dear sir, your most obedient / humble servant

            John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Wilhem & Jan Willink, 2 December 1788
From: Adams, John
To: Willink, Wilhem & Jan (business)

            Gentlemen.
            Braintree near Boston Decr: 2. 1788.

          I have received your friendly Letter and am much obliged to you for your kind remembrance and felicitations. I also thank you for the Trouble you have taken in sending my Books to the gentlemen of whom I gave you a List. But I wish to be informed whether you sent the three Volumes or only the first. I directed Mr: Dilly, Bookseller in the Poultry, London to send fifty Copies of each of the three volumes. if he has not done it, there is some great mistake for I paid him for fifty Copies of each to be sent to Amsterdam. If you have received them I wish you to send a Copy of each to Mr: Dumas at the Hague, one compleat set also to Mr Nicholas Van Staphorst, another to his brother and Copartner, & another to Mr: Hobart who writes in their Compting House.
          I am not without anxiety for the future Fortune of your republic, in the dangerous Combinations, Coalitions and Tergiversations of the cabinets of Europe. My own Country too as much as she wants Repose, and as interested as she is to be impartial, will not find it easy to do Justice, and give Satisfaction to all Parties. The Prospect we have of a new Government more provident and consistent than the former, is agreeable. The elections are falling on wise Men, and if our Friends will have Patience, with us, we shall not disappoint their just expectations; nor shall we do injustice to our Enemies.
          Although all publick relations have ceased between us, I wish for the Pleasure of your private Correspondence, and if there is any thing in which I can be useful to you in this Country I pray you to mention it. My dear Mrs: Adams is at New York, with Col. Smith and his Lady: but I can take upon me to assure you of her best

Respects to your good Ladies and yourselves. With great Esteem & Affection I have the Honor to be &c—


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Brand Hollis, 3 December 1788
From: Adams, John
To: Hollis, Thomas Brand

            My dear Friend.
            Braintree near Boston Decr: 3. 1788.

          If I had been told at my first arrival that five months would pass, before I should write a Line to Mr: Brand Hollis, I should not have believed it. I found my Estate in Consequence of a total neglect and inattention on my Part for fourteen years, was fallen to decay; and in so much disorder, as to require my whole attention to repair it. I have a great Mind to essay a description of it— It is not large in the first place— It is but the Farm of a Patriot. But there are in it two or three spots, from whence are to be seen some of the most beautiful Prospects in the world— I wish the Hyde was within ten Miles, or that Mr: Brand. H. would come and build an Hyde near us. I have a fine Meadow that I would christen by the Name of Hollis mead, if it were not too small. The hill where I now live is worthy to be called Hollis Hill: but as only a small Part of the Top of it belongs to me, it is doubtful whether it would succeed. There is a fine Prospect Brook through a Meadow by my House shall I call it Hollis Brook.—
          What shall I say to you of our public Affairs? The increase of population is wonderful. The Plenty of Provisions of all kinds, amazing; and cheap in proportion to their abundance, and the scarcity of money which is certainly very great. The Agriculture, Fisheries, Manufactures and Commerce of the Country are very well, much better than I expected to find them. I cannot say so much of our Politicks. The Constancy of the People in a course of annual Elections has discarded from their Confidence almost all the old staunch firm Patriots who conducted the Revolution in all the civil departments, and has called to the Helm Pilots much more selfish and much less skilful— I cannot however lay all the Blame of this upon the People. Many of my brother Patriots have flattered the People, by telling them they had Virtue; Wisdom and Talents, which the People

themselves have found out by Experience, they had not: and this has disgusted them with their Flatterers.— The Elections for the new Government, have been determined very well, hitherto, in general— You may have the Curiosity to ask what share, your Friend is to have? I really am at a loss to guess. The probability at present seems to be that I shall have no Lot in it. I am in the habit of balancing every Thing. In one scale is Vanity; in the other Comfort; can you doubt which will preponderate? in publick Life, I have found nothing but the former in private Life I have enjoyed much of the latter.
          I regret the Loss of the Bookshops and the Society of the few Men of Letters that I knew in London: in all other respects I am much better accommodated here. Shall I hope to hear from you, as you have leisure? A letter left at the New England Coffee-House will be brought me, by some of our Boston Captains.
          With great Esteem and much Affection I am, Dear Sir &c.


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Jefferson, 5 December 1788
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Adams, John

            Dear Sir
            Paris Nov. [December] 5. 1788.

          I had the pleasure of writing to you on the 2d. of Aug. and of adding a P.S. of Aug. 6. you will have known since that that the interposition of Denmark, as auxiliary to Russia against Sweden, has been suppressed magisterially by England and Prussia. this seemed to prove that these two powers did not mean to enter into the war; that on the contrary they wished seriously to quiet things on the Western side of Europe & let the war of the East go on. a new incident now arises which may still endanger the peace of the West. the Prussian party in Poland having obtained a majority in their confederated diet, have voted the establishment of a council of war independant of the king, and propose to hold a perpetual diet, during which you know the king is as nothing. Russia has formally declared she will consider this as a breach of the constitution settled in 1775. under the guaranty of the three powers; and Prussia has put an army into readiness to march at a moment’s warning on the frontiers of Poland. the

emperor after a disadvantageous campaign, is secretly trying to obtain peace of the Turks, in which he is sincerely aided by this court, and opposed we may be sure by that of London. we do not know how far the Emperor’s plan includes Russia. if these powers obtain their peace of the Turks, they will probably give a rap of the knuckles at least to the K. of Prussia. the lunacy of the king of England will probably place the affairs of that country under a regency; and as regencies are generally pacific, we may expect they will concur with this country in an unwillingness to enter into war. the internal tranquillity of this country, which had never been so far compromitted as to produce bloodshed, was entirely reestablished by the announcing of the States general early in the next year, the reestablishment of the parliament & substitution of mr̃ Neckar in the department of finance instead of the Archbishop of Sens. the parliament which had called for the States general only thro’ fear that they could not obtain otherwise their own restoration, being once restored, began to fear those very States general & to prepare cavils at the forms of calling & organising them. the court to debarrass itself of the dispute, referred these to the same Notables who had acted, on a former occasion, with approbation. these Notables, being composed of Clergy, Nobility, members of parliament and some privileged persons of the tiers etat, have shamelessly combined against the rights of the people. the court wished the tiers etat should equal the two other orders by the number of their deputies in the States general & that they should form one house only. 5 bureaux out of 6. of the Notables have voted that the people shall have only as many members as each of the other orders singly, and that they shall vote by orders: so that the votes of the two houses of clergy and nobles concurring, that of the tiers etat will be overruled. for it is not here as in England where each branch has a negative on the other two. the votes of the bureaux are not yet consolidated, but I see no reason to suppose that the separate votes will be changed in the consolidation. but in whatever manner the states shall be formed, they will meet in March probably, or April at furthest, and will obtain without much opposition from the court, or perhaps with none 1. their own periodical convocation: 2. their exclusive right to tax: 3. a transfer of the right, now exercised by usurpation by the parliaments, to register laws & propose previous amendments to them. thus a change in their constitution is, I think, certain: and the life of the present king or the minority of his heir will give time to confirm it.

          You recollect well the Arret of Dec. 29. 1787. in favor of our commerce, & which among other things gave free admission to our whale oils under a duty of about two Louis a ton. in consequence of the English treaty their oils flowed in and overstocked the market. the light duty they were liable to under the treaty, still lessened by false estimates, and aided by the high premiums of the British government enabled them to undersell the French & American oils. this produced an outcry of the Dunkirk fishery. it was proposed to exclude all European oils, which would not infringe the British treaty. I could not but encourage this idea, because it would give to the French & American fisheries a monopoly of the French market. the Arret was so drawn up. but in the very moment of passing it they struck out the word European so that our oils became involved. this I believe was the effect of a single person in the ministry. as soon as it was known to me I wrote to M. de Montmorin and had conferences with him and the other ministers. I found it necessary to give them full information on the subject of the whale fishery, of which they knew little but from the partial information of their Dunkirk adventurers. I therefore wrote the Observation’s (of which I inclose you a printed copy) had them printed to entice them to read them, and particularly developed the expence at which they are carrying on that fishery and at which they must continue it, if they do continue it. this part was more particularly intended for mr̃ Neckar, who was quite a stranger to the subject, who has principles of oeconomy, and will enter into calculations. other subjects are incidentally introduced, tho’ little connected with the main question. they had been called for by other circumstances. an immediate order was given for the present admission of our oils, till they could form an arret: and at a conference, the draught of an Arret was communicated to me, which re-established that of Dec. 29. they expressed fears that under cover of our name the Nova Scotia oils would be introduced, and a blank was left in the draught for the means of preventing that. they have since proposed that the certificate of their consul shall accompany the oils to authorize their admission, and this is what they will probably adopt. it was observed that if our states would prohibit all foreign oils from being imported into them, it would be a great safeguard, and an encouragement to them to continue the admission. still there remains an expression in the Arret that it is provisory only. however we must be contented with it as it is; my hope being that the legislation will be transferred to the national assembly in

whose hands it will be more stable, & with whom it will be more difficult to obtain a repeal, should the ministry hereafter desire it. if they could succeed in drawing over as many of our Nantucket men as would supply their demands of oil, we might then fear an exclusion. but the present arret, as soon as it shall be passed, will, I hope, place us in safety till that event, and that event may never happen. I have entered into all these details that you may be enabled to quiet the alarm which must have been raised by the arret of Sep. 28. and assure the adventurers that they may pursue their enterprises as safely as if that had never been passed, and more profitably, because we participate now of a monopolized instead of an open market. the inclosed Observations, tho’ printed, have only been given to the ministers, and one or two other confidential persons. you will see that they contain matter which should be kept from the English, and will therefore trust them to the perusal only of such persons as you can confide in. we are greatly indebted to the Marquis de la Fayette for his aid on this as on every other occasion. he has paid the closest attention to it and combated for us with the zeal of a native.
          The necessity of reconducting my family to America, and of placing my affairs there under permanent arrangements, has obliged me to ask of Congress a six months absence, towit from April to November next. I hope therefore to have the pleasure of seeing you there, and particularly that it will be at New York that I shall find you. be so good as to present my sincere esteem to mr̃s Adams, and beleive me to be with very affectionate attachment Dear Sir / Your friend & servt

            Th: Jefferson


Title: To John Adams from Samuel Allyne Otis, 18 December 1788
From: Otis, Samuel Allyne
To: Adams, John

            Dear Sir
            Boston Decr 18th 1788

          I flattered myself my friends would have supported my election for the District of Suffolk but I am dissappointed, But long dissciplined in the School of adversity, dissappointment sitts the lighter upon my mind; Espesially, as I rather viewed this an object whereby I might gain subsistence rather than gratify my vanity. I think Sir I shall hardly be dissappointed in my expectations that you will be elected Vice President, in which situation you will have it in your power to assist me in the attainment of another object—
          The Clerk of the Senate or of the House would give me subsistence for “I want but little,” And I have reason to think Mr Thomson will decline the Secretarys department. If I fail in both these, I think I could discharge the office of Collector of excise naval officer, or the active offices at home or abroad, for I am a [“]Citizen of the world” litterally, And have all the World before me, with as little interest in it as at twenty one years old; after twenty years application being divested of property by a Composition with my Creditors, from whom however I have a full discharge.
          If I have any merits or pretensions I leave them to speak for themselves, After observing that many have enriched themselves in the public business, & in the same line in which I have been empoverished.
          I shall go to New York on Monday & shall be happy to execute your commands being / Your most obedt & / humble Sert

            Sam. A. Otis


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Jefferson, 2 January 1789
From: Adams, John
To: Jefferson, Thomas

            My dear Friend
            Braintree near Boston Jany. 2 1789

          Give me leave to introduce to you John Coffin Jones Esqr, an eminent Merchant of Boston and a late Member of the Legislature from that Town. His Character both in public and private Life is much respected, and his Intelligence will enable him to give you a much better Account of the general and particular Politicks of this Country than I can. our Fellow Citizens are in the midst of their Elections for the new Government, which have hitherto in general run very well. For my own Part, I have enjoyed a Luxury for the last six Months which I have never before tasted for, at least eight and twenty years. and have looked down upon all you Statesmen, with Sovereign Compassion. The new Government has my best Wishes and most fervent Prayers, for its Success and Prosperity: but whether I shall have any Thing more to do with it, besides praying for it depends on the future Suffrages of Freemen.
          I am with an affection that can never / die, your Friend and servant

            John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Paul Joseph Guerard de Nancrede, 4 January 1789
From: Nancrede, Paul Joseph Guerard de
To: Adams, John

            sir
            Boston Jan. 4th 1789—

          I have the Honor to send you inclosed, the prospectus of a french periodical publication lately offered to the patronage of the Americans— I feel so much the more sollicitous to submit the plan to your abilities as your thorough knowledge of Europeans, and their Views of America, in general, has no doubt, long since, convinced you of the necessity of a periodical paper that might, propagate in france, through every class of people, Just and adequate Views of the united states
          permit me sir, from the design of the above publication, to sollicit your influence respecting its encouragement. it may when duly examined, be found to answer very useful and beneficial purposes
          The largest Number of Subscribers, I expect from the West-indies

& Europe. It is known, that the Europeans read with Avidity every thing that comes from America. My design is to make this Avidity Subservient to their own Instruction by means of this paper, to the Benefit of the federo-americans whose Laws Government Integrity, Commerce, and produce being better known abroad cannot but be attended with the happiest consequences. therefore, they will secure those advantages by affording this paper sufficient encouragement to set it agoing. there is but little doubt that foreign subscribers will, at once support it
          the field is ample, perhaps, too much so, for a person alone, who has nothing to oppose to the Obstacles consequent upon it, than courage and perseverance; but the pleasure of recommending myself to the Citizens of the united states That of being grateful, does not permit me to think myself unequal to the Task
          I am with respect sir your most / humble & most obed. / Sert

            De Nancrede


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Jefferson, 14 January 1789
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Adams, John

            Dear Sir
            Paris Jan. 14. 1789.

          I now do myself the pleasure to inclose to you a copy of the Arret explanatory of that of Sep. 28. on the subject of our whale oils. mr̃ Necker in a letter to me has renewed the promise of taking off the 10. sous per livre at the end of the next year. but at the same time he observes that whenever the national fishery shall be able to supply their demand for whale oil we must expect a repeal of this Arret,

which therefore expresses itself to be provisory. however, their navigation being the most expensive in Europe, they are the least likely to succeed in a whale fishery, without encouragements more extravagant that even those they now give: and it remains to be seen whether mr̃ Necker will continue to give even the present. I am informed there will be fewer French adventurers the next year than there has been this: so that if there be an apparent increase of their fishery, it will be by drawing over more of our fishermen. it is probable the States-general will obtain a participation in the legislation, which will render their laws more stable, & more to be relied on. mr̃ Necker has also promised that if the present Arret should at any time be repealed, there shall be a sufficient space of time allowed for the reception of the oils which shall have been previously embarked. but our principal if not our only danger of a repeal being brought on, will come from the endeavors of the English to introduce their oils under colour of ours, perhaps even with the assistance of our own merchants. some effectual means must be adopted to prevent them from getting our real ship papers, and our Consuls in the ports of France must be enabled to detect forged papers: and we must moreover convince this government that we use our utmost endeavors, & with good faith, to prevent the entry of English oils under the license given to us. I would advise our shippers of oil always to get the Certificate of the French consul in their state if it be practicable, because those will admit of the least doubt here. when this cannot be had, they may have recourse to the magistrates of the country, and in this case there should be a certificate under the seal of the state that the magistrate who has certified their oil to be the produce of the American fishery is a magistrate duly appointed & qualified by law, and that his signature is genuine. I presume it is the usage in all the states for the Governor’s signature to accompany the great seal.
          Oczakow is at length taken. the Russians say they gave the assault with 14,000 men against 12,000 within the walls, that 7000 of these suffered themselves to be cut to peices before they surrendered, & that themselves lost 3000. the only circumstance to be believed in all this is that Oczakow is taken. every thing else in Europe is quiet, except the internal affairs of Poland. the Prussian party there gains greater superiority daily. the K. of Prussia however will feel less bold on the probability that England will remain inactive in all things external. this secures to this country leisure for their internal improvements. these go on well. the report of mr̃ Necker to the king,

which has been published, renews the renunciation of the power of laying a new tax or continuing an old one without consent of the states general, admits they are to appropriate the public monies (and of course how much of it the king may spend), that ministers must be responsible, that the king will concur in fixing the periodical meeting of the states, that he will be ready to consider with them what modifications letters de cachet should be put under, and of the degree of liberty which may be given to the press; and further that all this shall be fixed by a convention so solemn as that his successors shall not be free to infringe it, that is to say that he will concur in a Declaration of rights. nothing is said however of the States sharing in the legislation, but this will surely be pressed. they have given to the tiers etat a representation in the States equal to both the other orders, and it is probable they will form but one house & vote by persons: but that is not decided. be so good as to present me affectionately to mr̃s Adams and to be assured yourself of the sincere esteem of dear Sir / your friend & servt.

            Th: Jefferson


Title: To John Adams from Stephen Higginson, 17 January 1789
From: Higginson, Stephen
To: Adams, John

            Sir
            Boston 17 Jany 1789

          You may recollect that the Court of France by an edict, about 2 Years since, opend a trade to the Americans to Mauritius and the french settlements in India, upon the same terms as their own sub-jects pursue it. This permission we soon improved, & for two Years past, many vessels have gone to port Louis in the Isle of France from different parts of the Continent, with cargos of the various exports from the Northern middle & Southern States. We there found a ready, & a good market for Beef, Pork, Butter & Flour, dried

& pickled fish, wheat, Tobacco, Naval Stores &c. all the vessels from this state that have gone there, have carried those with some other small Articles. Those from the middle & Southern States have carried principally their own particular exports.— We have taken in return from thence Coffee, Pepper, Hides, Teas and the manufactures of India; & some of those articles have been again exported to Europe and the West Indies with advantage, as Coffee, Teas, pepper Spices & Nankins &c. As the articles we have carried to the Isle of France, have in a good degree been again exported from thence to the various markets in India &c, where a ready & extensive sale has been found for them; this trade would probably in a short time take off great quantities of our american exports, and give employ to a great number of our men & Ships. We find by calculation that not less than 3,000 tons of Shipping went to Mauritius the last year from America; & this year I think there will be more than 4,000 tons go there, besides those Ships that have been fitted out for China.—
          From these facts, I think that a free trade to the Mauritius, as was at first granted, must be very important to America for though the markets in India &c, which have recd our exports from thence may be open to us, generally, it is not easy for us at once to Supply them direct, nor till we shall have more knowledge of their navigation & trade—beside which the voyages to the Continent would be too long & tedious, for our common traders of small Capitals to pursue them; those to Mauritius are as much so, as the persons who have Sent there can in general bear.— To have that or any other branch of trade so circumstanced, as that none but wealthy Individuals, or companies can pursue it, is not to be desired upon public principles.— But this trade to the Isle of France we are perhaps in danger of losing, or having it So restricted, as, in a good degree, to deprive us of the advantages we have been led to expect from it. The few french Merchants who reside there, have enjoyed exclusively the Supply of that market with some of the same articles which we carry there; & have generally engrossed to themselves the Crops of Coffee, as well as the India Exports, which have been there Sold. by this means they have commanded their own prices. both for their supplies to their planters and transient Traders, and for the produce &c exported from thence.— we have not only undersold them in the articles we have carried; but by going over to Bourbon, where the Coffee is raised, and contracting with the planters for what we wanted, we got it much cheaper than to have bought it at Port Louis, & taught

the planters to make more of their crops than they had before done, and deprived the Merchants at Port Louis of a profit they used to make at the Planters expence.— These diminitions of the merchants gains, resulting from our trade, have made them & their coñexions at L’Orient very uneasy; & they have combined, we are told, to Suppress, or at least to restrain Our Trade at that market, by joint representations to the Court of France.— They have, indeed, already prevailed on the Commandant at Port Louis, to prevent our vessels from going to Bourbon to buy & take in Coffee; and we now have to take it from the Merchants at Port Louis, at the advanced price of 2 ½ to 3 Dollars per Ct. — This restriction we might perhaps Support, but should we be liable to any additional ones of [an amount] we may be obliged to abandon the Trade.—
          If the french Government should not be misled by false representations, I cannot suppose they will subject us to any farther embarrassments; but on the contrary, by considering the subject in a national & Political view, they must be disposed to encourage our Trade, to the Isle of France in particular, & give us all that freedom which they at first intended, and we enjoyed. The local situation of that Island is peculiarly favourable to annoy the British trade to India & China, and to protect their own. It may indeed be viewed as the Key to both the Chinese & Indian Seas from Europe— no Ship can pass for either of them without being in a great degree Subject to the Cruisers Stationed at the Isle of France; & if a free trade is permitted to us, they certainly will have every Supply, & every advantage for cruising upon the British from thence. that Island will certainly Soon become the Place of deposit, for Americans, Chinese & Indian exports.— we shall carry to them, all the various products of America, that will answer in those Seas, and shall want in return the produce & exports of the east.— our vessels will lodge the former, and take the latter in return. The french Ships, or the natives from the Continent will bring their exports, & take ours away for other markets. Such a Trade will not only employ the french Ships in carrying our exports to other Markets from Mauritius, & in bringing theirs in return for us to take away; but very great advantages beside must be derived from it. It is impossible but the Settlement must, with such advantages, soon become very wealthy & important; it will certainly be resorted to by other Europeans, and all the various nations inhabiting the Shores in those Seas. It will in this way Soon become the general Magazine for Naval Stores, & for provisions of every kind.—

In a political view, no event can be more desireable. It will enable the french to operate against the british in any future rupture with amazing advantage.— They will then have an important post filled, not only with Provisions & military Stores, but with Active enterprizing & wealthy inhabitants.—
          Should the immediate effect of our trade be to supplant, or even to ruin the few Merchants now residing at Port Louis, it would be of no moment in a national view, Since it must inevitably establish great numbers in their Stead. But even this cannot happen, unless from their own folly & imprudence—for though they may be deprived, by means of our trade, of the profits on the business they before pursued; they certainly may avail themselves in Common with others, of the many new openings for beneficial Commerce, which result from it.—
          It appears to me that the french Court acted with great wisdom and policy when they open’d those ports to us; & the same principles which induced them to do it, will retain their weight in favour of the measure, while the trade of Europe with India & China, and the relative Interests of France & Britain, in those Seas, remain as they now are: and If I am not mistaken, as to the views & Interests of the french Court, upon this Subject, there can be no doubt of Mr Jefferson’s being able to prevent any new restrictions upon our vessels, & to obtain for them the Same liberty which they at first enjoyed.—
          With these sentiments, as to the importance of a free trade to those Seas, I thought it could not be improper to state to you the foregoing facts & observations. Should they have weight in your mind, you may perhaps advance the Interest of America by making some representation, to Mr Jefferson on the Subject.—
          with much respect I have the honour to be Sir your very huml / Servant.—

            Stephen Higginson


Title: To John Adams from John Brown Cutting, 22 January 1789
From: Cutting, John Brown
To: Adams, John

            My Dear Sir
            Charlestown 22d Jany 1789

          I arrived here in six weeks from the Downs whence the ship in which I came took her departure on the 5th of Novr; a day which all the whigs and many of the tories of Britain celebrated as the hundredth anniversary of the revolution— The party who oppose the administration in that country being about to seize so fair an occasion of canvassing for the next parliament the ministerial myrmidons took the alarm and resolved to embrace a similiar policy and thus an electioneering festival in honor of the dead dutch king William the 3d was celebrated with general avidity.
          In the month of October last I wrote from London several short letters to you stating a few facts that I thought might be made subservient to the interests of our country. I also inclosed some letters from Mr Jefferson to myself, illustrating the affairs of France during the late revolution in the government of that country; requesting that when you had perused the same they might be transmitted to Col. Smith; to whom I likewise wrote intreating him to return them again to me in Charlestown. As I find by the newspapers that Capt Folger is in Boston I doubt not that the letters to which I refer have been duly received and that you have had the goodness to forward them to Col. Smith.
          After the satisfactory details and ingenious remarks of Mr Jefferson concerning european affairs in general it might seem arrogant on similiar topics to offer you any opinions of my own. And I therefore content myself to state concisely some conjectures that I have since heard rational people in Britain suggest. The politics of the sensible part of my acquaintance were either of a pacific or warlike complexion in November last. Those who indulged the former sort of guesses said. “England is unwilling to engage in war and France is unable. The Russians have as yet gained little by sea and the Germans less by land. The incredible expence of treasure and waste of lives in a single campaign, without the equivalent of any one decisive advantage or important object has so sickend the sovereigns of the two Empires that both will listen to terms of accommodation with the porte this winter. Especially if the Courts of London Berlin and Versailles unitedly interpose their mediatorial good offices—an event by no means improbable. But even if France shou’d stand aloof she is not in a condition to intimidate, or even menace the British and Prussian

Courts—who having cemented the closest alliance and being aided also by Holland Sweden and Turkey can both formidably menace and effectual act. Whereas France in the event of a general war on the continent must either remain neutral and supine and so condescend from the high rank which she once held in Europe—or if she enter into any new system of politics to underprop her dignity she can only resort to a union with the two Empires, thereby putting her own future grandeur in jeopardy by contributing to exalt potentates and enlarge powers already much too enormous and transscendent. Besides she can not embrace such a system without hazarding the exclusive benefit of her trade with Turkey—nor unless she consent to abandon an ally whom she has guided and supported for more than a century past—and whom she can not wish to see weakend or overwhelmed either by the disciplind legions of Germany or the ruder barbarians of the north, of whose rdundant greatness she must be rationally jealous. But even were these difficulties obviated and these obstacles overcome France has a very long pause to make before it will be practicable for her to regain her lost ascendency in Europe. Her exchequer is empty—her finances deranged—her credit crippled and her executive enfeebled, by the radical rottenness of her court system and also by the civil triumph of an aristocracy which has shaken the throne to its lowest foundation.”
          To these presumptions inferences or facts those who predict a continuance of the war thus reply. “Say rather England is really unable and France but apparently unwilling to go to war. How can England man her navy without cutting up that commerce by the roots the luxuriant and even fungous growth of which since the peace alone has enabled her to encounter the frightful mass of her public debt? With what difficulty and by what strenuous exertions did she equip a few sail of the line to interfere in the affairs of Holland? Did she not then justly tremble for the safety of her possessions both in the East and West? Is she not at this moment fortifying her sugar Islands, and dispatching raw recruits to be dispatch’d in her distant dominions—conscious that her boasted marine is insufficient to protect them? If the Russians and the Germans have yet gained no decisive victory neither have they lost any important battle; and perhaps for this very reason they will not soon in good earnest listen to terms of accommodation with the turks. Russia has smoothed her passage into the mediterranean for the next campaign by dividing Sweden— by arming Denmark and by conciliating Portugal. Poland already is little more than a fief of the Russian Empire. And shoud the two

Empires tempt France by offering to relinquish to her a Lion’s share of the turkish plunder upon condition that she wou’d league with them to seize it who can assert that such an offer will be rejected? Especially at a crisis like the present when France is smarting from an acute sense of national affronts which an extraordinary domestic convulsion compels her not to forget or forgive but only to smother and dissemble. But these her interior disorders will soon of themselves digest into a sounder constitution then she has ever yet had. Who knows that Mr Neckar the King and the Commons of France may not unite to poise the aristocracy of the assembled states general? An able premier who is also an able financier and a subtle statesman possessing the confidence of the crown and the clergy and moving also upon an agitated stream of popular favour may almost work miracles of war negotiation or finance in a nation heated for hostility—profound in political intrigue and fertile in prodigious resources.”
          While I am penning this letter we learn that his britannic majesty is insane—and a regency is to be appointed: This single fact may totally unravel the tissue of those continental politics which Mesrs. Pitt and Hawksbury have been industriously weaving these four years.
          But I have already trespass’d on your patience too far concerning remote and perhaps to you uninteresting objects. Yet from your late situation at the Court of St James’s and having frequently been honor’d with your opinions on similiar topics I presume you do not totally disrelish such disquisitions even now.
          With my very best compliments to Mrs Adams I have the honor to be, / Affectionately and respectfully / Your Most Obedt. Sert.

            John Brown Cutting


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Rush, 22 January 1789
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

            my dear friend,
            Philadelphia Jany 22nd. 1789.

          Your affectionate and instructing letter of Decemr 2nd: did not reach me ’till yesterday.— I embrace with my Affections, as well as my judgement that form of Goverment which you have proved from as many Authorities, to be the only One that can preserve political happiness. It was my Attachment to a constitution composed of three branches, that first deprived me of the Confidence of the whigs of Pennsylvania in the close of the year 1776. My Observations upon the misery which a single legislature has produced in Pennsylvania, have only served to encrease my Abhorrence of that Species of Goverment. I could as soon embrace the most absurd dogmas in the most Absurd of all the pagan religions, as prostitute my Understanding, by approving of our State constitution.— It is below a democracy. It is mobocracy—if you will allow me to coin a word. If you will not, permit me to compare it to a wheelbarrow, or a Balloon. I never see our selfballancd legislature meet, but I feel as if I saw a body of men ascending in One of those air Vehicles—without sails or helm.— I have collected materials for a history of the Revolution in Pennsylvania, but despair of being able to arrange or publish them, while I am so closely confined to the duties of my profession. They contain such an Account the follies & vices of mankind as would tend, for ever to discredit a single legislature.
          You will perceive by the Philada papers that your friends here have not been idle in preparing an honourable Seat for you in the federal Senate. You will I believe have every Vote from this State, & pains have been taken to secure the same Unanimity in your favor in several of the adjoining states. I assure you Sir—that friendship for you, has had much less to do in this business, as far as I have embarked in it, than a sincere desire to place a Gentleman in the vice president’s chair, upon whose long tried integrity,—just principles in Goverment—and firm opposition to popular arts and demagogues, such a dependance could be placed, as shall secure us both from a Convention, & from constitutional Alterations, falsely & impudently called by some of our State Governors Amendments. Mr Tench Coxe (Now One of our delegates in new York) has had great merit in holding up your name to the public by private letters, as well as by publications, for the Above station.— I wish to make you acquainted with him. He has been extremely active & useful in spreading federal knowledge

& principles in Pennsylvania, as well as in other parts of the United states.
          Our Representatives in the lower house of Congress are all federal. Mr Fitzsimons is an enlightned merchant, and an able politician. Mr Clymer is judicious—and perfectly upright. The Country gentlemen are all Sensible,—and some of them well informed upon the Subjects of legislation.—
          Our Senators are Mr Morris—& Mr McClay. The latter is one of my early, & most intimate friends.— He is a Scholar—a philosopher— and a Statesman.— Few men unite such great speculative, with such [extraordinary] accurate practical talents. He was educated a l[aw]yer, but for many years past had left the bar in order [to] improve a large & clear estate in one of our n[ew] Counties.
          I rejoice to hear of the promising talents & manners of your sons. With sincere wishes for the encrease of your domestic happiness, & public usefulness, I am / my dear friend, / Yours / Affectionately

            Benjn Rush


Title: To John Adams from John Eager Howard, 23 January 1789
From: Howard, John Eager
To: Adams, John

            Sir,
            Annapolis Jany. 23d. 1789

          I have the honor to enclose a proclamation which will inform you of the result of the late elections in this State. The federal ticket has been carried by a very large Majority. Knowing that this circumstance will give you pleasure I have taken the earliest opportunity of communicating it— One circumstance I will add that in the County which bears your name out of 1164 taken there was not one for the antifederal ticket—
          I am / Yr Most Obedt Servt

            J.E. Howard