Title: To James Madison from James Monroe, 30 November 1794
From: Monroe, James
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Paris Novr. 30th. 1794.
By not hearing from you before this I conclude I shall not untill after you shall have commenc’d the session in Phila. Indeed I calculate upon hearing at the same time from Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Jones, for surely they will not decline writing by you to be forwarded thence with your communications. I therefore wait the lapse of sufficient time to bring yr. letters here with that kind of patience which arises from a conviction I shall not get them sooner. You will I presume be able at the same time to give me a good idea of the prospect before you, and which I conclude has become more decisively settled, in regard to the European powers, than when I left you: for surely the publick mind has before this expressed itself, in this respect, with such a degree of force, as to have left no alternative to the representative.
I gave you in my last, wh. contained several sheets, a detail of the incidents up to that date, with respect to the general state of affrs. here as well as of those which more particularly regarded myself. The interval between that & the present time, presents to view a series of events favorable to France, both in her internal & external operations. The fall of Robertspiere bequeathed to the convention the remnant of a controversy, whose fortune seemed to be marked by that event. The issue at stake with him was, whether the party of the mountain and which was in truth always the minority in the convention, or in other words the Jacobins whose principal members consisted of that party, connected with the military force & commune of the city (who were likewise all of that society) shod. by means of terror, for as they had the force of the city in their hands they could at pleasure & legally put it in motion, or the majority in the convention shod. govern France. His fate settled the point: in that respect, but yet it did not give entire repose to the country. As only the principal members of the party were cut off it was natural that those who were left shod. still be disquieted; it was likewise natural that many of those in the preponderating party, should be well disposed in gratification of private revenge, to pursue the advantage they had gained and endeavor to exterpate all their enemies. I am happy however to assure you, that no event has taken place which in any respect discredits the councils of the country: on the contrary I infer from what has passed the happiest result for the future. The mountain party in convention & more especially in the Jacobin society have done much to provoke the indignation of the convention, but the indignation of the publick mind has constantly preceded that of that body, if indeed it can be said to have shewn any. It has in no instance taken any step which was not previously marked out & called for by the publick voice. In the extremities of this society, which was exciting by all kind of practices, commotions thro’ the country, it at length yeilded to solicitations from many quarters to shut its door in Paris; and to similar solicitations & denunciations from every quarter, it has likewise yeilded, after solemn discussion, & in the most formal manner, one of its members, to trial before the revolutionary tribunal; one Carrere a man infamous for every possible vice & enormity and which were perpetrated in his mission to Nantes.
There was a strong disposition in the preponderating party not to proceed to this extremity agnst the Jacobins of Paris, from the apprehension it might be deemed an incroachment upon the essential rights of men, establishing in that respect a dangerous precedent, but as it was in truth in a state of rebellion agnst the convention, and it was manifest that if it prevailed the representative body would be annihilated, and complete disorder insue, there seemed to be a necessity for that body to adopt a remedy commensurate with the evil. None would be so but that of shutting up their door and which was accordingly done, and since which things have remained in a state of tranquility.
Whether any other members of the late dominant party will be executed for I take it for granted Carrere will be is in my opinion doubtful. If any have committed enormities in their missions thro’ the country like him they certainly ought to be. There was obviously a belief existing generally upon my arrival, that some of the old committee of p: safety merited the fate of Robertspiere, but it was equally obvious that a majority were of opinion it were best to cultivate the esteem of the world, by sheathing the sword of justice & suffering even villains to escape. I was therefore persuaded it would be practicable to suspend the guillotin at that point, yeilding to it only such men as Carrere, and whose punishment would tend to retrieve the injurd fame of France, and form a bright ornament in the character of the present party; and subsequent events have convinc’d me that this was then practicable: perhaps it is still so: hut the members of the late dominant party have lately committed several capital blunders, and put in hazard their own safety when it might otherwise have been avoided. It was certain that the safety of these members depended upon the magnanimity, the benevolence and the patriotism of the majority of the present reigning party. To these virtues therefore shod. the appl. have been made, nor shod. any step have been taken to diminish the effect. The contrary however has been the case in many respects, for it is well known that some of these members & particularly Billaud Varrennes were active in stirring up the Jacobins agnst the Convention, this member having in pointed terms denounc’d the reigning party not many days before the hall was shut up, to the society. Barrere likewise presented himself forward a few days after that event, in a manner to excite the disgust of that party by seconding a motion for breaking up the Convention & putting the constitution into motion, a measure he was formerly opposed to, and perhaps would not now have thought of had the Jacobins retained the ascendancy. At this too I was the more surprised because he was noted for dexterity upon all previous occasions, in the vicisitudes of the several proceeding parties, and had likewise observed his usual circumspection in other respects since the fall of Robertspiere. These members have likewise erred in the countenance they have given to Carrere, for instead of drawing a line between themselves and him & yeilding him to the justice of their country, they appeared for sometime to consider his as a common cause, and acted accordingly. It is true in the close of the business, and when the appeal nominal, as yeas & naes were taken, of 500 members present 498 voted there was cause of accusation, & that he shod. be sent to the tribunal revolutionary & the other two were for his trial but hesitated on some collateral point.
Upon the whole however I am of opinion that as it respects the publick councils every thing bears the happiest aspect. There may yet be some irregularities, but not of the kind heretofore experienc’d. And with respect to the state of the war the prospect is still more brilliant. Mæstricht & Nimeughen have lately surrendered and opened the road directly for Holland, upon wh. the French troops are now pressing with an energy not to be resisted. The probability is they will take possession of it unless prevented by inundation, a resource not to be relied on in case the winter shod. be severe, and which will in any event ruin the country for many years to come. This must strike terror into Engld. & probably shake that govt. In Spn. their success has been equally great. The Sph. forces have been routed in several actions, many prisoners & posts taken, & in fact the prospect of atchieving in that quarter what they please. The present is certainly the moment for our govt. to act with energy. They shod. in my judgment put the British beyond the lakes & open the Missisippi & by so doing we shod. be courted into peace by those powers rather than threatened with war; and merely by negotiation we know we can do nothing, on the contrary we play the game that those powers wish us to play, for we give them time to try their fortune with France reserving to themselves the right of pressing us after that contest shall be over, let the issue be as it may, even in case they ⟨shod⟩ be, as they certainly will be defeated. If we took this step at this moment France would in my opinion not make peace without us, in case they considered it as war, but as they find that we stand well with France they wod. probably not consider it in that light. One other great advantage resulting from this measure is that it wod. be supported by the wishes of all America & take with it in particular the suffrage of the western people. This wod. terminate at once the discontents in that quarter: how much more wise & benevolent is that policy which points the force of the country against the invaders of the publick rights than that which turns it against the members of the society itself. I do not by this mean to intimate that the effort to crush the mov’ment at Fort Pitt was unwise—I think otherwise for the law must be supported, but I likewise think that if the one above suggested would produce the same effect in that respect, and a very salutary one in many others it ought to be adopted. Indeed I am persuaded it has been adopted, for many reports authorize a belief that Genl. Wayne has had a rencounter with the British & taken from them the post at the rapids of the Miamis.
You will readily conceive that the mission of Mr. Jay & his continuance in Engld. have greatly embarrass’d my movments here. It has been intimated in such manner as to inspire doubts that a mere reparation for injuries cod. not be the sole motive; and in proportion as those doubts have existed have they produc’d a repellant disposition towards me not from any real distrust in me, but from a distrust of the Ex: admn. I have done all in my power to remove it and hope I have now succeeded. But I trust he will not stay there the winter for by so doing he only gives the British time, which they want, & keeps alive the ill founded suspicion here.
You will hear with surprise that I have been favd. with a letter from Mr. Gardoqui and that the object was to get within the republick upon pretence of ill-health but in my judgment to begin a negotiation for peace. I laid his letters for I recd. two, before the committee intimating what I believed to be the object & avail’d myself of the opportunity to state our situation with Spn.; so that instead of bringing his wishes forward in a manner to create a belief we assisted Spn. in her efforts for peace, as was I presume intended by writing me on the subject, I took the opportunity of urging France to make no peace with her untill the Missisippi be opened, since in case we were involv’d in a war with her France wod. be forc’d to join, so that it were better compromise the whole at once. I am certain the incident has produc’d a good effect.
Soon after this it was intimated to me by the Committee of P. S. that they wanted to borrow some money of us. I then took occasion to state our situation with Engld. in like manner pressing them to make our dispute theirs—and whether we embarked in the war or not to aid our negotiation for the posts so as to have theirs & our dispute settled at the same time. I am convinc’d the communication has been useful.
I think it probable they will ask our aid in money—& I most sincerely wish we may give it. I shod. suppose we might lend 40. or 50. millions of livres, by the genl., the State govts. & individuals. If a loan of the latter kind was opened guarantied by the congress the whole wod. be loaned by foreigners if necessary and I am sure it wod. be paid by this govt. as they have great resources in national property.
I have nominated Mr. Skipwith as Consul for Paris. If appointed I shall want some one to supply his place. I leave this to yr.self in concert with Mr. R. to send the suitable person. First however I wish you to communicate to Colo. Burr that if Mr. Prevost will come it shall be for him. Mr. Purvyance is here in trade & declines the offer in case Mr. P. will not accept as in that case it wod. be offered. How wod. Mr. Dawson do if Prevost wod. not come. I fear he is distressed and as an old acquaintance having some claim on me & which I never wish to disappoint, I confess if he wod. be benefited by it which I doubt under any other alternative, I shod. be glad to serve him. But this is only for yr. consideration for I leave it to you as mentioned above in concert with Mr. R.
I feel extremely anxious to hear from you. My conduct here is by this time before you & the subject of criticism—and yr. measures are greatly interesting to me. I hope therefore soon to hear on these topics as well as whatever else you deem necessary to be notic’d.
We had in idea a loan here to be vested in America. I am satisfied it may be procured if desirable. Provided I established the fund in Hamburg for instance to the amt. of 5. or 10.000 £ sterg. to be securd by landed security such as the property purchased could you draw for it so as to answer the purpose? Where wod. you vest it? Answer me upon these points & in the interim I will endeavor in reply to assure you where the fund will be plac’d & to what amount. I really think it may be counted on. And in the interim if a most elegible contract offers itself you may draw on me to be paid in Hamburg at three months sight for three thousand pounds Sterg. in one two or three bills. I am sure I can borrow the money there of Van Stophort of the house of V. S. of Amsterdam; this gentn. lives here but cod. place the money there for me & I think wod. at a word.
I wrote you not long since by a Mr. Swan—his character is better known to me now than it then was. Be cautious of him & give the same hint to Mr. R. Majr. B. & other freds. to whom I wrote. This you may do without compromitting me except where perfectly safe.
There are many things here which I think wod. suit you. I beg you to give me a list of what you want, such as clocks carpets glas⟨s⟩ furniture table linnen &ca—they are cheaper infinitely than with you considering I have advantage of the exchge & you might pay the amt. to Mr. Jones. Tell Mr. R. I shall also be glad to serve him. I beg you to command me freely for I need not tell how happy it will make me to serve you. Ask Taylor if I shall send him a good watch.
Will you be so kind as obtain from Colo. Orr or if he has them not get him to bring them hereaft⟨er⟩ my patents for my western land consisting of 20.000 acres on Rock Castle & 5 or 6.000 beyond the Ohio & give to Mr. Jones. Captn. Fower acts for me. My other items you will recollect of Vermont & New Yk. Remember me affectionately to all friends of both houses, to Mr. Beckley—to Mr. Yard & Dr. Stevens & families. Tell them Mrs. M. & child are well & desire to be remembered. Very affecy. I am Dear Sir Yr. friend & servant
Jas. Monroe
Mr. Paine who is of my family desires to be remembered to you. He will be with you in the spring. Not being able to present Mr. Fauchets draft here for 3000 dolrs. on acct. of the depreciatn I shall return it to Mr. Randolph & subject it to Mr. Jones’s order. Will you attend to this.


Title: From James Madison to James Monroe, 4 December 1794
From: Madison, James
To: Monroe, James

Dear Sir
Philada. Decr. 4. 1794
I did not receive your favor of Sepr. 2d. the only one yet come to hand, till yesterday. The account of your arrival and reception had some time ago found its way to us thro’ the English Gazettes. The language of your address to the Convention was certainly very grating to the ears of many here; and would no doubt have employed the tongues and the pens too of some of them, if external as well as internal circumstances had not checked them; but more particularly, the appearance about the same time of the Presidents letter and those of the Secretary of State. Malicious criticisms if now made at all are confined to the little circles which relish that kind of food. The sentiments of the P. will be best communicated by Mr. R. You are right in your conjecture both as to the facility given to the Envoy Extry: by the triumphs of France, and the artifice of referring it to other causes. The prevailing idea here is that the mission will be successful, tho’ it is scarcely probable that it will prove so in any degree commensurate to our rights, or even to the expectations which have been raised: Whilst no industry is spared to prepare the public mind to eccho the praises which will be rung to the address of the Negociator, and the policy of defeating the commercial retaliations proposed at the last session. It will not be easy however to hide from the view of the judicious & well disposed part of the Community, that every thing that may be obtained from G. B. will have been yielded by the fears inspired by those retaliating measures, and by the state of affairs in Europe.
You will learn from the Newspapers and official communications the unfortunate scene in the Western parts of Penna. which unfolded itself during the recess. The history of its remote & immediate causes, the measures produced by it, and the manner in which it has been closed, does not fall within the compass of a letter. It is probable also that many explanatory circumstances are yet but imperfectly known. I can only refer to the printed accounts which you will receive from the Department of State, and the comments which your memory will assist you in making on them. The event was in several respects a critical one for the cause of liberty, and the real authors of it, if not in the service, were in the most effectual manner, doing the business of Despotism. You well know the general tendency of insurrections to increase the momentum of power. You will recollect the particular effect, of what happened some years ago in Massachts. Precisely the same calamity was to be dreaded on a larger scale in this Case. There were eno’ as you may well suppose ready to give the same turn to the crisis, and to propagate the same impressions from it. It happened most auspiciously however that with a spirit truly republican, the people every where and of every description condemned the resistance to the will of the Majority, and obeyed with alacrity the call to vindicate the authority of the laws. You will see in the answer of the House of Reps. to the P’s speech, that the most was made of this circumstance as an antidote to the poisonous influence to which Republicanism was exposed. If the insurrection had not been crushed in the manner it was I have no doubt that a formidable attempt would have been made to establish the principle that a standing army was necessary for enforcing the laws. When I first came to this City about the middle of October, this was the fashionable language. Nor am I sure that the attempt would not have been made, if the P. could have been embarked in it, and particularly if the temper of N. England had not been dreaded on this point. I hope we are over that danger for the present. You will readily understand the business detailed in the Newspapers, relating to the denunciation of the “Self created Societies.” The introduction of it by the President was perhaps the greatest error of his political life. For his sake, as well as for a variety of obvious reasons, I wish’d it might be passed over in silence by the H. of Reps. The answer was penned with that view; and so reported. This moderate course would not satisfy those who hoped to draw a party-advantage out [of] the P.’s popularity. The game was, to connect the democratic Societies with the odium of the insurrection—to connect the Republicans in Congs. with those Societies—to put the P. ostensibly at the head of the other party, in opposition to both, and by these means prolong the illusions in the North—& try a new experiment on the South. To favor the project, the answer of the Senate was accelerated & so framed as to draw the P. into the most pointed reply on the subject of the Societies. At the same time, The answer of the H. of R. was procrastinated till the example of the Senate, & the commitment of the P. could have their full operation. You will see how nicely the House was divided, and how the matter went off. As yet the discussion has not been revived by the newspaper combatants. If it Should and equal talents be opposed, the result can not fail to wound the P’s popularity more than any thing that has yet happened. It must be seen that no two principles can be either more indefensible in reason, or more dangerous in practice—than that 1. arbitrary denunciations may punish, what the law permits, & what the Legislature has no right, by law, to prohibit—and that 2. the Govt. may stifle all censures whatever on its misdoings; for if it be itself the Judge it will never allow any censures to be just, and if it can suppress censures flowing from one lawful source it may those flowing from any other—from the press and from individuals as well as from Societies, &c.
The elections for the H. of Reps. are over in N. Engd. & Pa. In Massts. they have been contested so generally as to rouse the people compleatly from their lethargy, tho not sufficiently to eradicate the errors which have prevailed there. The principal members have been all severely pushed; several changes have taken place, rather for the better; and not one for the worse. In Pena. Republicanism claims 9 out of 13, notwithstanding the very disadvantageous circumstances under which the election was made. In N. Y. it is expected the proportion of sound men will be increased. In Maryland the choice has been much as heretofore. Virga. & N. C. will probably make no changes for the worse. In the former Mr. Griffin resigns his pretensions. Mr. Lee will probably either do so or be dropped by his constituents. In S. Carolina the death of Gillon will probably let in Mr. Barnwell. In Delaware Patten is elected in lieu of Latimer. On the whole the prospect is rather improved than otherwise. The election of Swanwick as a Republican, by the commercial & political Metropolis of the U. S. in preference to Fitzimmons, is of itself of material consequence, and is so felt by the party to which the latter belongs. For what relates to the Senate, I trust to the letters which you will receive from Brown & Langdon, whom I have apprized of this opportunity of answering yours. I shall observe only that Tazewell & S. Tho: Mason were elected by the most decided majorities, to fill your vacancy and that of Col. Taylor who gave in his resignation. Not a single anti-republican was started. Mr. Dawson was a candidate and got 40 votes agst. 122. Brooke is also Govr. by a pretty decided vote. We had 90 odd agst. 60 odd given to Wood his only competitor.
I had a letter lately from Mr. Jefferson; He has been confined by the Rhematism since August, and is far from being entirely recovered. Mr. T. M. Randolph has also been in a ticklish situation. What it is at present I can not say. Mr. Jones was well a few days ago. He was then setting out to Loudon where he has made a great purchase of land from Col. Chs. Carter. I infer from his letters to me that you are included in it. He will no doubt write you fully on that subject, or more probably has written already.
I have not recd. any thing from Wilkinson—nor from Vermont: nor heard any thing relating to your interests in N. York. I have given notice to Mr. Yard & Docr. Stephens of this conveyance and expect both will write. Mrs. Heilager is also here on her way to St. Croix and will no doubt write to Mrs. Monroe. She tells me all friends are well in N. York. I hope her letter will give all the particulars which may be interesting.
When in Albemarle last fall I visited your farm along with Mr. Jefferson; and viewed the scites out of which a choice is to be made for your House. The one preferred by us is that which we favored originally on the East side of the road, near the field not long since opened. All that could be suggested by way of preparation was, that Trees be planted promiscuously & pretty thickly ⟨in⟩ the field adjoining the wood. In general your farm appeared to be as well as was to be expected. Your upper farm I did not see, being limited in my stay in that quarter.
I have just seen Mr. Ross, who tells me he has recd. your letter. He would write by this opportunity, but wishes to be more full than the time will permit. We expect another will offer in a few weeks when we shall all continue our communications. I should say more to you now, if I could say it in cypher.
Present my best respects to Mrs. Monroe and Eliza, and tell them I shall be able on their return to present them with a new acquaintance who is prepared by my representations to receive them with all the affection which they merit, & who I flatter myself will be entitled to theirs. The event which put this in my power took place on the 15th. of Sepr. We are at present inhabitants of the House which you occupied last winter & shall continue in it during the Session. With my sincerest wishes for your happiness and that of your amiable family, I remain affectionately
J////////////

Hamilton has given notice that he means to resign. Knox means to do the same. It is conjectured that the former will contend for the Govr. of N. York. Burr will be the competitor.


Title: To James Madison from Alexander Balmain, 8 December 1794
From: Balmain, Alexander
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Winchester 8th. Decr. 1794
I wrote you, as I said I would, by Mr. Adam Douglass one of our Merchants, but, to my great Mortification, he did not deliver the letter, & brought it back to me. I waited on Doctor Baldwin with the money you left in my hands as a compensation for his Professional Services. The Doctor said it was perfectly satisfactory, & that he had made no charge against you upon his books.
I am now to thank you for your favor of the 23d Ult. enclosing the Presidents Speech. If in expressing what has occurr’d to me on this very delicate subject, & that too before I saw any of those debates it has unhappily occasioned in your house I should appear to differ from one whose character I respect & whose abilities & virtues are so greatly superior to my own I trust you will make every allowance, & ascribe it not to a love of contradiction, but to what I conceive to be a regard to the freedom of opinion, & of truth, as far as it is understood by me. In general, I would observe, The Knowledge & Morals of the people are the only foundations on which their liberties can securely rest. Of Morals humility appears to be a very principal ingredient. The Self created Societies disclaim it, deeming themselves competent to decide on every subject & every question. As to knowledge not having made Politics a regular study, a few Members only excepted, it seems impossible they should know much about them. I candidly confess myself adverse to these Societies, in their Origin, their principles, their object & their end, & cannot persuade myself that they are necessary in a government like our’s—Or that they contribute ought to the illumination of the Understanding or the improvement of the heart. If the President thought that an opposition to the laws was fomented by these societies, in tracing the progress of that opposition, it would have appeared to be his duty to have said so. If it was a fact, & deem’d so by the Senate, they could do no less than Second his denunciation. Perhaps it would have been as well not to have taken any Notice at all of these combinations—Passing them over in silent contempt. This conjecture which rose within me, previous to my reading the debates, has been strengthen’d since. I sincerely regrett the heat & ferment with which this subject has agitated the house of R——s. Pity it is that so much time should be thus wasted. One thing appears certain to Me, that these Societies have contributed greatly to much distress, embarrassment, public & private calamity. They therefore, in my judgment, merited so much notice, as to be held up to the people whose Friends they had poisoned, as the Objects of reprehension & reprobation. To this let me add, that if the Majority of the people in the U. S. be averse to such societies as I believe they are, why should not their Representatives censure them. After all it is possible, that human weakness may have had its share in dictating the Denunciation. The P——t is unquestionably a great & a good man. How far his feelings have been hurt by the arrogant censures of uninformed presumptuous individuals, it is not for Me to say. Acting as I believe he did from the purest principles of Patriotism conscious to himself of no sinister Motives, he must have been More than Man not to have felt some degree of resentment, and a hypocrite if he had dissembled it. To feel as a Man, & to express those feelings with candor is in My Judgment true policy.

Thus Sir, I have given you a long letter on a subject, (politics) which I have not studied much, & must again beg pardon for the crudeness & inaccuracy of the sentiments & expression. The Post is about setting out. I must therefore conclude by offering my best respects, in which, I am joined by Mrs. Bn. to Mrs. Madison, yourself & Miss Payne. I am, with the truest esteem & respect, Dr. Sir, Your Most obedt servant
Alexr. Balmain


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 9 December 1794
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Th: J. To Mr. Madison.
Dec. 9. 94.
I write this merely as a way bill. The Orange post arrives at Charlottesville on Tuesday morning about 10. oclock & returns in half an hour. The Richmond post arrives in Charlottesville on Tuesday evening & returns on Friday morning. I wish to know the difference this makes in the conveyance of a letter to Philadelphia. I therefore write this by the Orange post, and will write such another by that of Richmond, & pray you to note to me the days on which you recieve both. Your favor of Nov. 16. came to hand the 2d. inst. Our militia are returning it is said, without having been to Detroit. Where then have they been? The explanation of this phænomenon is ardently wished here. Adieu. Yours affectionately.


Title: Military Establishment, [9 December] 1794
From: Madison, James
To:

[9 December 1794]
Nicholas called for a committee “to enquire how far the act of Congress for the defence of the frontier had been complied with, and what number of the men ordered to be raised are yet to be enlisted.” JM had reported that act from committee in 1792 (PJM, 14:199 and n. 1).

Mr. Madison observed that a gentleman from New-Jersey (Mr. Dayton) had stated three different ways, in which the act was explained. He said that nothing required greater precision than a law which authorised the levying of troops. He suggested the propriety of an enquiry into the defects of the law in question, that there might be no room for mistake in applying it.


Title: Naturalization, [9 December] 1794
From: Madison, James
To:

[9 December 1794]

   On 8 December the House appointed JM chairman of a select committee to report a bill to amend the Naturalization Act of 1790.

Mr. Madison gave notice that to-morrow, he should move for leave to bring in a bill, to amend an act for establishing a uniform system of naturalization in the United States. He did not wish to discourage foreigners who desired to incorporate themselves with the body political of America. At the same time, he thought the present law did not fully answer the purpose for which it was designed.


Title: To James Madison from Joseph Jones, 11 December 1794
From: Jones, Joseph
To: Madison, James

Dr Sr.
Fredg. 11th. Decr. 1794.
Since my last to you I have recd. a letter from Monroe dated the 4th & 6th Septr. It came by the last post and cost me 5/9—from whence or how it came I cannot discover by the marks on the letter. He informs me they were all well, and that he expected to write to Yourself and Mr. Jefferson by the same opportunity—that he had before written to the Secretary of State. The news it contains we have long since had. With respect to money matters he says he had requested Mr. Randolph to furnish me on his ascot. with 1000 Dols.—this I expected wod. have been done as I informed Mr. Randolph on my application to him Col. Monroe having spoken to that effect when we parted—this was meant to enable me to satisfy any balances due from him here that called for present payment as well as to aid in the purchase from Carter shod. I make it. The inclosed abstrac⟨t⟩ from his letter will shew you what he has written respecting these matters. I shall inclose one also to Mr. Randolph. Presuming the balance of the 1000 dols. not already advanced will be furnished to my draught (which I conjecture will be about £125. this money [)] could a bill Be negociated on Monroe for about £200 payable in Paris Amsterdam or Rotterdam it wod. enable me to compleat the first payment to Carter wch. is to be the last day of this month and also to satisfy some balances from him that require present payment—subsequent arrangements can be made in time for the remainder of what he may owe or have to pay on accot. of the land purchased from Carter. You will be so kind as to converse with Mr. Randolph and give me information on these matters as the time of payment is at hand and a deed for the Land taken. I am Yr. friend & Servt
Jos: Jones.


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 12 December 1794
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Th: J. To J. Madison
Friday morning. Dec. 12. 1794.
I wrote you a kind of way-bill by the Orange post, which arrived at, & left Charlottesville on Tuesday forenoon. I write this by the Richmond post which leaves Charlottesville on Friday Morning. The object is to know what difference there will be in the arrival of the two letters at Philadelphia.
We have nothing new for you; for it is not new that we have fine weather. It is, & has been delicious, with only two short intervals of cold. In one of them (about the 22d of Nov.) it was extraordinarily cold, the mercury being at 19°. But it was only three mornings below freezing. In the other (Dec. 4.) it was one morning below the freezing point. But it has never once continued so thro the day. We have had fine rains at proper intervals, which is the only interruption our ploughs have had. Corn has sold at 6/6 per barrel, half goods, half cash. It is now at 8/. Purchasers talk of that, sellers of 10/. Wheat 5/ in goods. Adieu. Yours affectionately.


Title: From James Madison to James Madison, Sr., 14 December 1794
From: Madison, James
To: Madison, James, Sr.

Hond. Sir
Philada. Decr. 14. 1794
Your favor of the 24th. Ulto: was answered last week. I have since recd. that of the 3d. inst: the cheif object of which is to learn whether I shall be able to contribute an effective proportion to the advances which will be wanted for the Mill. To this enquiry I can only say in general that, tho’ it is possible I may not be able to co-operate as much as might be desireable, I have several resources from each of which I have a prospect that is promising. I can in any event resort to a sale of my land in N. York which I am well informed continues to rise in value, and will always be vendible. The monies which I have recd. and expect to receive here in the course of the winter, would of themselves answer all my purposes, were it not for the enormous expense of living, and the necessity of adding some expensive articles to our stock of accomodations. Among these will be a carriage to remove us to Virga. in the Spring. The one we have, tho’ a very neat & costly one, was so infamously executed, and suffered so much from the roads, above the mountains & on the way here, that it is a perfect wreck. No workman will undertake to refit it for much less than the price of a new one, nor allow me more than a hundred dollars for it, tho’ it cost near four times that sum; and will, from the universal rise of prices, require more than four times that sum to replace it. Of the general expense of living here I can scarcely give you an idea. Prices of all kinds are 50 PerCt. higher than the last year, when they were thought to have attained their ultimate point of extravagance. The allowance from the public, tho’ sufficient for those who have no families, is far short where there is one. Notwithstanding all these drawbacks, I shall, however, if my receipts be not unnecessarily delayed, be able to bear my part in pushing on the Mill. I have several times suggested to you the sale of your certificates in my hands. I still think it an eligible measure, and the present moment is a favorable one. Stock is now at 22/6 in the pound, and it is very possible the state of things in Europe may force it up a little higher. If you will forward me a power to sell I can have it disposed of; and if you do not need the money yourself will allow you six perCt. till repaid, and engage to repay it within one year or two years at farthest; within which time I shall probably have it amply & easily in my power. I know not what to say as to the manufacturing of my wheat: but am willing to follow your judgment as it may decide in regard to your own crop. Flour is here at ten dollars a barrel. I suppose Mr. Dunbar will be as ready to take my crop in that state as in wheat, and allow me the market price. I wish the proceeds to pass into his hands, as I rely on his aid for the last payment to Majr. Lee, whenever I am drawn on for it. We have nothing new since my last. If you wish to have any thing procured here and sent round in the Spring, the sooner you apprise me of it the better, as favorable oppys. of getting what you want may occur in the course of the winter. As the post now goes by Orange Court House, you can write when you please, and I hope you will write often. Be so good as to let me know in your next how much wheat I have for market at each of the two places, as well as what the present aspect of the fields is. I am sorry to hear of the continued ill health of Mr. & Mrs. Macon. I hope it will press on him the expedien⟨cy⟩ of withdrawing himself from the waters of Chickahominy. ⟨We⟩ are well and offer our joint affections to you all. Yr. affe. son
Js. Madison Jr


Title: From James Madison to the Right Reverend James Madison, ca. 14 December 1794
From: Madison, James
To: Madison, James (Reverend)

Letter not found. Ca. 14 December 1794. Acknowledged in Bishop Madison’s letter to JM of 24 Dec. 1794. Probably informs the bishop that JM does not plan to retire from Congress and so cannot sponsor in the Virginia General Assembly a state-supported university. Encloses John Penington’s Chemical and Economical Essays.


Title: From James Madison to James Monroe, 14 December 1794
From: Madison, James
To: Monroe, James

Letter not found. 14 December 1794, Philadelphia. Introduces Robert S. Van Rensselaer. RC offered for sale by Leonard & Co., Auctioneers, Catalogue of a Valuable Private Library, Including … Rare Autograph Letters (Boston, 9 May 1866), p. 15, item 7.


Title: Compensation to Victims of the Whiskey Insurrection, [17 December] 1794
From: Madison, James
To:

[17 December 1794]

   In his annual message to Congress, Washington urged that Congress provide compensation to victims of the Whiskey Insurrection. On 17 December the House began consideration of resolutions giving effect to his suggestion (Annals of CongressDebates and Proceedings in the Congress of
          the United States … (42 vols.; Washington, 1834–56)., 3d Cong., 2d sess., 790, 954, 967, 973, 987, 989).

Mr. Madison remarked that great respect was due to this proposition, both on account of the interesting occasion that produced it, and of the quarter from whence it came. But the more he revolved the subject in his mind, the more he was convinced that great circumspection was requisite, and that the House, for many reasons, ought to take as much time in deliberating upon what they were to do, as the nature of the subject will admit. He recommended the proposal of some gentlemen to let the affair lie over to next session.
It is no doubt proper to encourage a spirit for suppressing insurrections, and this measure is certainly calculated to promote that spirit. But, in his own judgment, Mr. Madison feared that it would likewise encourage insurrections. A great body of people were commonly engaged in such disturbances, who were not worth hanging, and to whom an established government usually held out an amnesty. By this means, great multitudes came in, and received pardon before the operations of chastisement began. The mob therefore, would in this case reason thus. As a croud we have a good chance to escape the gallows. Let us then plunder as fast as possible, because government will disburse the loss, and we shall not be forced to disgorge our booty. Mr. Madison thought that speculations of this kind might be entertained by future insurgents, if the house were instantly to vote a complete indemnification to the sufferers. Mr. Madison held the highest respect for the arguments and feelings of gentlemen who espoused the other side of the question. What he himself had just now suggested, he did not regard as decisive considerations, but yet as considerations of weight. His own impression was to let the matter lie over till next session, and then, those who had done their best in prosecuting, would come forward to that House, to claim compensation, under the most auspicious circumstances, and all which they can have recovered, will be saved to the state.


Title: To James Madison from James Monroe, 18 December 1794
From: Monroe, James
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Paris Decr. 18. 1794.
I enclose you three letters one for Mr. R. and the other two for whom ever you may think it best to direct them. You will in case they are delivered take a copy of one for yr.self, for I have not had time to write you nor indeed is it necessary on that subject as I send them open to yr. inspection. You will know whether there is any thing in the report & act accordingly either by presenting or suppressing all. I really wish mine to Mr. R. to be seen by the Pr: if expedient to be delivered. As to the persons to whom to be addressed I leave it entirely to you (advising that you consult with no one on that point lest it be known they were not addressed by me) but am inclined to think that one shod. be addressed to Langdon, & the other either to Burr, Butler or Ross. As you will take a copy, you will be able to shew it to our Virga. friends and others as by my request & which will apologize for my not writing them. After all there is but one kind of policy which is safe, which is the honest policy. If it was intended to cultivate France by sending me here Jay shod. not have been sent to Engld.: hut if indeed it was intended to cultivate Engld. it was wise to send some such person as myself here, for it was obvious that in proportion as we stood well with France shod. we be respected by Engld. I have not time to write you further at present than to assure you that the affrs. of the republick are in every respect in the most flourishing condition: wise, humane, & just in its councils, & eminently successful in its armies, & also that we are well. Affecy. I am yr. friend & servt
Jas. Monroe
As the letters are closed in great hurry, see that there are no inaccuracies. If Mr. Skipwith is confirmed, pray send Prevost off immediately. I repeat again that I put this business entirely under yr. care. You will readily conclude, if the report is entirely without foundation & wh. I most earnestly hope it is, that it will be best to suppress the whole.


Title: To James Madison from James Monroe, 18 December 1794
From: Monroe, James
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir.
Paris Decr. 18. 1794.
I have addressed to your care a letter for Mr. R. & two others, to be addressed by you according to circumstances either to Langdon, Burr, Butler, Ross or any other person in case you shod. deem it proper to be presented at all & sent them in a packet by Havre. This which covers one for Mr. R. is to go by Bordeaux. I submit it entirely to you either to present or suppress it as the state of things in relation to the object may advise. In case it is presented you will excuse its being address’d to you, on acct. of its being a private letter & the necessity of preventing in case he shod. be absent its getting into the hands of another. Believe me sincerely yr. friend & servant
Jas. Monroe


Title: Compensation to Victims of the Whiskey Insurrection, [19 December] 1794
From: Madison, James
To:

[19 December 1794]

   The House continued its consideration of a resolution requesting the president “to cause an ascertainment to be made of the losses sustained by the officers of Government and other citizens, in their property, (in consequence of their exertions in support of the laws,) by the insurgents in the Western counties of Pennsylvania” (Annals of CongressDebates and Proceedings in the Congress of
          the United States … (42 vols.; Washington, 1834–56)., 3d Cong., 2d sess., 995). Hillhouse “moved to strike out the word in from the first resolution, and put into its place, by the actual destruction of—their property.”

Mr. Madison apprehended that this amendment left the resolution as had as it was before, if not worse. A person in the western counties had his horse stolen by the insurgents. But this did not imply the absolute destruction or annihilation of the horse. The amendment meant either too much or too little. It certainly could be no improvement on the resolution.


Title: From James Madison to Joseph Jones, ca. 20 December 1794
From: Madison, James
To: Jones, Joseph

Letter not found. Ca. 20 December 1794. Referred to in Jones to JM, 23 and 26 Dec. 1794 and 13 Jan. 1795. Mentions that Secretary of State Edmund Randolph plans to write Jones about his request to draw a sum of money on Monroe’s account.


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 21 December 1794
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir
Philada. Decr. 21. 1794.
Your favor of the 9th. by the Orange post arrived here on the 18th. that of the 12 by the Richmond post, on the 20st. so that it appears the latter was one day less on the way. It is to be remarked however that as the Orange post leaves Charlottesville on tuesday, he might easily be in Fredericksburg on thursday, in time for the mail which passes thro’ it on that day to Dumfries. If this despatch is not required of him it ought to be. It would make a difference of two days in the journey. Or at least the post might wait a day in Charlottesville and he in time for the saturday’s mail at Fredericksburg.
Our weather here has been as fine as you describe yours. Yesterday there was a change. It was cold, cloudy, and inclined to snow. To day we have a bright day, and not very cold. Prices here are very different from yours. Wheat is at 13 or 14/. & flour in proportion. In general things are 50 PerCt. beyond the prices of last Winter. The phenomenon you wish to have explained is as little understood here as with you; but it would be here quite unfashionable to suppose it needed explanation. It is impossible to give you an idea of the force with which the tide has set in a particular direction. It has been too violent not to be soon followed by a change. In fact I think a change has begun already. The danger will then be of as violent a reflux to the opposite extreme.
The attack made on the essential & constitutional right of the Citizen, in the blow levelled at the “self-created Societies” does not appear to have had the effect intended. It is and must be felt by every man who values liberty, whatever opinion he may have of the use or abuse of it by those institutions. You will see that the appeal is begun to the public sentiment, by the injured parties. The Republican Society of Baltimore set the example. That of Newark has advertised a meeting of its members. It is said that if Edwd. Livingston, as is generally believed, has outvoted Watts, for the H. of Reps. he is indebted for it to the invigorated exertions of the Democratic Society of that place, of which he is himself a member. In Boston the subject is well understood, and handled in the Newspaper on the republican side, with industry & address.
The Elections in Massts. have turned out rather better than was of late expected. The two republican members have stood their ground; in spite of the most unexampled operations agst. them. Ames is said to owe his success to the votes of negroes & British sailors smuggled under a very lax mode of conducting the election there. Sedgwick & Goodhue have bare majorities. Dexter is to run another heat, but will succeed; Gerry, his only considerable compet[it]or & who would outvote him, refusing to be elected. There are several changes in the remainder of the Delegation, and some of them greatly for the better. In New York there will he at least half republicans; perhaps more. It has unluckily happened that in 2 districts two republicans set up agst. one Anti: The consequence is that a man is re-elected who would not otherwise have taken the field: and there is some danger of a similar consequence in the other district. In N. Jersey, it is said that not more than one of the old members will be returned. The people all over the State are signing with avidity a remonstrance agst. the high salaries of the Govt.
Hamilton is to resign, according to his own notification the last of Feby. His object is not yet unfolded. Knox, as the shadow, follows the substance. Their successors are not yet designated by any circumstance that has escaped.
What think you of a project to disfranchise the insurgent Counties by a bill of exclusion agst. their Reps. in the State Legislature? The object is to pave the way for Bingham or Fitzimmons—as Senator—& to give an example for rejecting Galatine in the H. of Reps. at the next Congress—of which he is a member. The proposition has been laid on the table, and the event is uncertain. There is some probabil[it]y the violence of the measure may defeat it; nor is it certain I am told that if carried thro’, it would answer the purpose of its authors.


Title: Committee Report, 22 December 1794 (Abstract)
From: Madison, James
To:

22 December 1794. Recommends amending “the Amendments proposed by the Senate to the Bill intituled ‘An Act to regulate the pay of the non-commissioned Officers, musicians and privates of the militia of the United States, when called into actual service, and for other purposes.’” Increases enlistment and reenlistment bounties, death benefits to widows and orphans, and rations.


Title: To James Madison from Joseph Jones, 23 December 1794
From: Jones, Joseph
To: Madison, James

Dr Sr.
Fredg. 23d. Decr. 1794
In expectation of hearing from Mr. Randolph respecting Monroes affairs, I have postponed writing to him, which I shod: have done soon after the receipt of his letter. By your letter I find Mr. Randolph meditated writing to me what he wod. do but I have not heard from him and the moment is at hand that requires my compleating the first payment. Perhaps my writing to him and inclosing an abstract of Monroes letter will remind him of it and bring forth an answer. The sum you mentioned may answer if I shall be so fortunate as to receive some money I expect to get otherwise I shall fall about £100 short and I had rather raise that same by the Sale of negros than draw the bill for £200 I had proposed to you but if the 1000 dols. cannot be procured and very speedily I must request you to inform me of it and whr. a bill on Amsterdam or Hamburg will sell. In a few days I shall trouble you with a letter for Monroe whr. I hear from Randolph or not. Yr. friend
Jos: Jones


Title: To James Madison from the Right Reverend James Madison, 24 December 1794
From: Madison, James (Reverend)
To: Madison, James

My dear Sir
Decr. 24h. 1794
I confess your Answer, respecting the proposed University, was in a great Measure anticipated. But as Mr Jefferson originated the Idea, or Proposition, & referred me to your Aid, I wished to have your own Declaration upon the Subject. Should any fortunate Circumstances place either yourself or Mr J. in the Legislature, this great & important Object might be, I am persuaded, readily effected; otherwise, I am equally persuaded it is utterly unattainable. The Proposition then must sleep, till one or other of you, shall think proper to awake it. As to myself, I was anxious to see the good Work begun, not only on Acct. of its Importance as it must strike the mind of every one; but in this Age of Revolutions, I wished to see my Country distinguished for a Revolution, which might liberate the human Mind from Shackles more shameful, more injurious & more oppressive than any others which Ignorance or Ambition may have imposed. I want to see adopted a Mode of Education, which shall tend to strengthen & not depress the mental Faculties, which shall substitute Things for Words, which shall habituate the infant Mind to think, to reason at as early a Period as its Powers will permit, & thus conduct it gradually to real Science.
I have transcribed the Statute of this Coll. respecting the Presidt. as perhaps the most satisfactory Mode of communicating the Information desired.
The Debates respecting “the self created Societies” were very unfortunate; & surely tended to belittle the House exceedingly. The best Answer, on every Occasion, I think might be contained in half a Doz. Words—“Sir, we have recd. your Speech, & shall pay due Attention to the Subjects recommended to our Consideration.” How much Time & Money & Dignity might have been thus saved!
You were so obliging as to send me Dr. Pennington’s Essays. Should you be acquainted with the Dr it wd. give him some Satisfaction to be informed, that his Ideas respecting Fermentation receive no small Confirmation from Expts. on the Sweet Springs. This Fall, I made several Expts. upon the Air wh. they discharge; it has all the Properties ascribed to fixed Air; and “the Water alone will raise Dough, quicker than Yeast.” Yrs most sincerely & Affy.
J Madison
May all the Compts of the Season attend Mrs. M. & yrself.


Title: Naturalization, [26 December] 1794
From: Madison, James
To:

[26 December 1794]

   On 15 December JM reported the bill to amend the Naturalization Act of 1790, which the Committee of the Whole took up on 22 December. Dexter objected to “the facility with which foreign agents may become citizens, and thereby save the tonnage on their vessels.” He moved to amend the bill “with a proviso that those who will renounce all foreign allegiance forever, and those who declare on oath their intentions of becoming citizens of the United States, shall pay no more tonnage for the time until they become citizens than persons naturalized.” JM, “instead of making exceptions in favour of the owners of ships, thought, that if any power at all was to be exerted by the Legislature of the Union, it ought rather to influence commerce, and prevent injury being done in that channel. The present clause did not belong, in his opinion, to the present subject, but to commercial regulations” (Philadelphia Gazette, 23 Dec. 1794). Dexter withdrew his motion. On 26 December Giles moved an amendment requiring that a prospective citizen’s character witnesses be “attached to a Republican form of government.” After debate Giles altered his amendment to read “attached to the principles of the government of the United States.”

Mr. Madison was of opinion that the word was well enough understood to signify a free Representative Government, deriving its authority from the people, and calculated for their benefit; and thus far the amendment of his colleague was sufficiently proper. Mr. Madison doubted whether he himself should however vote for the clause thus amended. It would perhaps be very difficult for many citizens to find two reputable witnesses, who could swear to the purity of their principles for three years back. Many useful and virtuous members of the community may be thrown into the greatest difficulties by such a procedure. In three years time a person may have shifted his residence from one end of the continent to the other. How then was he to find evidence of his behaviour during such a length of time? But he objected to both amendments on a different ground. It was hard to make a man swear that he preferred the Constitution of the United States, or to give any general opinion, because he may, in his own private judgment think monarchy or aristocracy better, and yet be honestly determined to support this government as he finds it.


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 28 December 1794
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Monticello Dec. 28. 94.
I have kept mr. Joy’s letter a post or two, with an intention of considering attentively the observations it contains: but I have really now so little stomach for any thing of that kind that I have not resolution enough even to endeavor to understand the observations. I therefore return the letter, not to delay your answer to it, and beg you in answering for yourself, to assure him of my respects and thankful acceptance of Chalmer’s treaties, which I do not possess: and if you possess yourself of the scope of his reasoning, make any answer to it you please for me. If it had been on the rotation of my crops, I would have answered myself, lengthily perhaps, but certainly con gusto.
The denunciation of the democratic societies is one of the extraordinary acts of boldness of which we have seen so many from the faction of Monocrats. It is wonderful indeed that the President should have permitted himself to be the organ of such an attack on the freedom of discussion, the freedom of writing, printing & publishing. It must be a matter of rare curiosity to get at the modifications of these rights proposed by them, and to see what line their ingenuity would draw between democratical societies, whose avowed object is the nourishment of the republican principles of our constitution, and the society of the Cincinnati, a self-created one, carving out for itself hereditary distinctions, lowering over our constitution eternally, meeting together in all parts of the Union periodically, with closed doors, accumulating a capital in their separate treasury, corresponding secretly & regularly, & of which society the very persons denouncing the democrats are themselves the fathers, founders or high officers. Their sight must be perfectly dazzled by the glittering of crowns & coronets, not to see the extravagance of the proposition to suppress the friends of general freedom, while those who wish to confine that freedom to the few, are permitted to go on in their principles & practices. I have put out of sight the persons whose misbehavior has been taken advantage of to slander the friends of popular rights; and I am happy to observe that as far as the circle of my observation & information extends, every body has lost sight of them, and viewed the abstract attempt on their natural & constitutional rights in all it’s nakedness. I have never heard, or heard of a single expression or opinion which did not condemn it as an inexcusable aggression. And with respect to the transactions against the excise-law, it appears to me that you are all swept away in the torrent of governmental opinions, or that we do not know what these transactions have been. We know of none which according to the definitions of the law, have been any thing more than riotous. There was indeed a meeting to consult about a separation. But to consult on a question does not amount to a determination of that question in the affirmative, still less to the acting on such a determination: but we shall see I suppose what the court lawyers, & courtly judges & would-be Ambassadors will make of it. The excise-law is an infernal one. The first error was to admit it by the constitution. The 2d. to act on that admission. The 3d. & last will be to make it the instrument of dismembering the Union, & setting us all afloat to chuse which part of it we will adhere to. The information of our militia returned from the Westward is uniform, that tho the people there let them pass quietly, they were objects of their laughter, not of their fear, that 1000 men could have cut off their whole force in a thousand places of the Alleganey, that their detestation of the excise law is universal, and has now associated to it a detestation of the government, & that separation which perhaps was a very distant & problematical event, is now near, & certain & determined in the mind of every man. I expected to have seen some justification of arming one part of the society against another, of declaring a civil war the moment before the meeting of that body which has the sole right of declaring war, of being so patient of the kicks & scoffs of our enemies, & rising at a feather against our friends, of adding a million to the public debt & deriding us with recommendations to pay it if we can, &c &c. But the part of the speech which was to be taken as a justification of the armament reminded me of parson Saunders’s demonstration why minus into minus makes plus. After a parcel of shreds of stuff from Aesop’s fables & Tom Thumb, he jumps all at once into his Ergo, minus multiplied into minus makes plus. Just so the 15,000 men enter after the fables in the speech. However the time is coming when we shall fetch up the lee-way of our vessel. The changes in your house I see are going on for the better, and even the Augean herd over your heads are slowly purging off their impurities. Hold on then, my dear friend, that we may not ship-wreck in the mean while. I do not see in the minds of those with whom I converse a greater affliction than the fear of your retirement; but this must not be, unless to a more splendid & a more efficacious post. There I should rejoice to see you: I hope I may say I shall rejoice to see you. I have long had much in my mind to say to you on that subject. But double delicacies have kept me silent. I ought perhaps to say, while I would not give up my own retirement for the empire of the Universe, how I can justify wishing one, whose happiness I have as much at heart as yours, to take the front of the battle which is fighting for my security. This would be easy enough to be done, but not at the heel of a lengthy epistle. Let us quit this, & turn to the fine weather we are basking in. We have had one of our tropical winters. Once only a snow of 3. inches deep, which went off the next day, & never as much ice as would have cooled a bottle of wine. And we have now but a month to go through of winter weather. For February always gives us good samples of the spring of which it is the harbinger. I recollect no small news interesting to you. You will have heard I suppose that Wilson Nicholas has bought Carr’s lowground’s and Harvey’s barracks. I rejoice in the prosperity of a virtuous man, & hope his prosperity will not taint his virtue. Present me respectfully to mrs. Madison, and pray her to keep you where you are for her own satisfaction & the public good, and accept the cordial affections of us all. Adieu.


Title: Memorandum from Thomas Leiper, ca. 29 December 1794 (Abstract)
From: Leiper, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Ca. 29 December 1794. Opposes the provisions of the 1794 statute that imposed duties on snuff. “The Excise is excessively high.” Philadelphia tobacconists “are of the opinion it will introduce Smuggling from Great Britain,” where drawbacks encourage reexport of snuff manufactured there from American tobacco. Urges that the tax be “laid direct upon our Mills”—instead of on the product—“which of the two is the fairest way and will prevent us from defrauding the revenue and the Honest Man.” Discusses the failure of British excise laws to prevent smuggling. In Glasgow there is an excise officer to inspect every two snuff manufacturers. The oaths required of the snuff makers are unavailing, even though “Glasgow is the first Church going Town in Europe and I take it the most religious…. And they also require a standing Army to Dragoon the People into a compliance to the Laws frequent Bloodshed between the Military and the Smuglers is the consequence. The excise system will most certainly create dependants on the Executive and a Standing Army to Assist them to enforce the Law when all this is done what will follow? as certain as I now write an Aristocracy.” The American excise on distilled spirits is based on the British law “made by Willm. Pitt & Co.… How it Came into Congress we cannot tell but the Bill as reported is in the Hand writing of a Clerk of The Treasury…. All the evils of this Country have proceeded from our leading characters haveing an over fondness for British Laws and Customs.” Charges that William Duer, before his bankruptcy, had attempted “to engross the whole business” of snuff manufacture “on the continent.” The whiskey rebels resisted “an Excise which they were taught and did beleive to be the Horror of all free States.” Urges that the excise be replaced by a tax on real estate, which during the present prosperity could, with the impost, quickly pay off the national debt. “The time will come when the People of this country will say to the People of Europe you must take our Tobacco Manufactured and they will be obliged to comply for … they can procure it no where else, and the Manufacturers here can give it to them cheaper than their own manufacturers because the Tobacco can go at one third less freight and the Snuff at one half it will add to the vallue of our Exports on Tobacco 100 ⅌Ct. & 300 ⅌Ct. on Snuff the Tobacco Manufactory may be carried on by any Planter…. We could wish Congress to consider these things and have the Tobacco trade made free the writer of this is so thoroughly convinced of this truth that he would give One Half of his Estate towards the payment of the National Debt to have the Word Excise out of the Constitution…. All the People in Europe are becomeing more free every Day & why may not America?”


Title: To James Madison from Edmund Pendleton, 30 December 1794
From: Pendleton, Edmund
To: Madison, James

Letter not found. 30 December 1794. Acknowledged in JM to Pendleton, 8 Jan. 1795. Congratulates JM and his wife on their marriage.


Title: Naturalization, [31 December] 1794
From: Madison, James
To:

[31 December 1794]

   On 29 December the Committee of the Whole considered the provision in the naturalization bill that required that an American citizen who had expatriated himself “should not be allowed to enter into the list of citizens again without a special act of Congress, and of the state from which he had gone.” (On the Democratic societies’ advocacy of the right of expatriation of American citizens who had accepted French military commissions from Genet, see Henry Lee to JM, 23 Jan. 1794, n. 2, and Republican Society of South Carolina to JM, 12 Mar. 1794, n. 1.) JM “did not think that Congress by the Constitution had any authority to readmit American citizens at all. It was only granted to them to admit aliens” (Philadelphia Gazette, 30 Dec. 1794). On 31 December Giles moved that aliens be required to renounce titles of nobility in order to qualify for American citizenship.

Mr. Madison approved of the motion. He regarded it as exactly to the business in hand, to exclude all persons from citizenship, who would not renounce forever their connection with titles of nobility. The propriety of the thing would be illustrated by this reflection, that if any titled orders had existed in America before the revolution, they would infallibly have been abolished by it.


Title: To James Madison from Edmund Randolph, [January–April?] 1795
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Madison, James

E. R. to J. M.
Thursday Evening [January–April 1795?]
Consul Bond has just notified me, that he has a draft upon me for 660 dollars, due to-day. I have 400, and am anxious to be precise in time with him. Be so good, as to lend me the remainder of that sum, which I can replace at any moment after tomorrow.


Title: To James Madison from Edmund Randolph, [January–April?] 1795
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Madison, James

E. R. to J. M.
Saturday morning. [January–April 1795?]
My mind has been occupied with the subject, upon which we conversed. It is immense, critical, and may form an important epoch. Think precisely & extensively upon it, and let me hear from you.
I find, that what I expected to have been done was not. My note in Bond’s hands was paid; but the money was not delivered by the person, who ought to have done it, and consequently the money was advanced for me by a man, whom I hardly know. Would it be convenient to you to procure the check this morning? Do not say so, if it be otherwise.


Title: To James Madison from Edmund Randolph, [January–April?] 1795
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Madison, James

[January–April 1795?]
It shall be done. Put your name upon the check; it is not payable to bearer.


Title: Naturalization, [2 January] 1795
From: Madison, James
To:

[2 January 1795]

   A heated debate ensued on Giles’s and Dexter’s amendments. Dexter explained that he had introduced his amendment because Giles had called for a roll-call vote. “You want to hold us up to the public as aristocrats. I, as a retaliation, will hold you up to the same public, as dealers in slaves.”

Mr. Madison, when the amendment was first suggested, had considered it as highly proper, and naturally connected with the subject. No man can say how far the Republican revolution that is now proceeding in Europe will go. If a revolution was to take place in Britain, which for his part he expected and believed would be the case the peerage of that country would be thronging to the United States. He should be ready to receive them with all that hospitality, respect and tenderness to which misfortune is entitled. He should sympathize with them, and be as ready to afford them whatever friendly offices lay in his power, as any man. But this was entirely distinct from admitting them as citizens of America, before they were constitutionally qualified to become so. In reply to the remark of Mr. Boudinot that a renunciation of their titles might injure their families, Mr. Madison observed that if a British revolution took place, these fugitives would, as aliens, be incapacitated from holding real estates. In discussing this question, we had been reminded of the Marquis de la Fayette. He had the greatest respect for that character, but if he were to come to this country, this very gentleman would be the first to recommend and acquiesce in the amendment on the table. He had urged the necessity of utterly abolishing nobility in France, even at a time when he thought it necessary for the safety of the State that the king should possess a considerable portion of power; and Mr. Madison believed that if he were now at freedom, he was as completely stript of every thing relative to nobility, as it was possible that he could be. It had been said that it was needless to make emigrants renounce their rank, and that oaths were no security. He was ready to allow, that oaths were in any case but a very poor security, but they had been adopted in other parts of the bill, and the same reason which recommended them on former occasions might recommend them now.

   Philadelphia Gazette, 3 Jan. 1795 (reprinted in Gazette of the U.S., 9 Jan. 1795).

[2 January 1795]

   Sedgwick denounced Giles’s amendment as “frivolous” and said of the proposal for a roll-call vote, “The motives for pushing this call could be nothing else but to stigmatize members of that House, as wanting to introduce a nobility, whereas they opposed the amendment on no such account, but merely because it was not worth their taking it up.”

Mr. Madison denied the assertion of Mr. Sedgwick, that the amendment was trifling; and the member himself seemed to betray, by his behaviour, a consciousness that he had not promoted conciliation. An abolition of titles was essential to a republican revolution, and therefore such an abolition had been highly proper in France. The sons of the Cincinnati could not have inherited their honours, and yet the minds of the Americans were universally disgusted with the institution, and in particular, in South Carolina; yet a member from that state (Mr. W. Smith) has told the house, that his constituents were under no fears of aristocracy, and that they could hear titles without emotion. … Even the chief magistrate of South-Carolina had told the cincinnati that these distinctions ought to be laid aside.

   Philadelphia Gazette, 3 Jan. 1795. After further debate, JM voted with the majority when the House defeated Dexter’s amendment and passed Giles’s. The House again referred the bill to JM’s select committee.

   The Philadelphia Gazette here inserted a clarification of Smith’s previous remarks.


Title: To James Madison from Samuel Stanhope Smith, 4 January 1795
From: Smith, Samuel Stanhope
To: Madison, James

Editorial Note
JM’s friend of long standing, the Reverend Samuel Stanhope Smith, was serving as vice-president of the College of New Jersey. On 5 May 1795 he succeeded his father-in-law and JM’s former tutor, John Witherspoon, as president of the college. He had corresponded sporadically with JM since the Virginian’s college days. Two sermons that Smith preached early in 1795 were not, however, calculated to sustain warm relations with JM. The Presbyterian Synod of New York and New Jersey had called for a general fast on 6 January. In his Princeton sermon on that date, Smith advocated fasting and—among other concerns—denounced the whiskey rebels, “who, for the wretched purposes of party, or for the shameful license of intoxication, are willing to throw the whole nation into the wildest tumult and confusion.” On 1 January Washington had issued a proclamation (drafted by Hamilton) appointing 19 February “as a day of public thanksgiving and prayer … for the seasonable check which has been given to a spirit of disorder in the suppression of the late Insurrection.” On the day of thanksgiving Smith again censured the Whiskey Insurrection in a Philadelphia sermon. JM later objected that such proclamations were liable “to a subserviency to political views; to the scandal of religion, as well as the increase of party animosities.” After those political sermons, JM confined his correspondence with Smith to official college matters and as president made no effort to help when Smith’s son was dismissed from a territorial post in New Orleans (PJMRobert A. Rutland et al., eds., The Papers
          of James Madison: Presidential Series (1 vol. to date; Charlottesville, Va.,
        1984—)., 1:46 n. 4; Richard A. Harrison, Princetonians, 1769–1775: A Biographical Dictionary [Princeton, N.J., 1980], p. 45; Syrett and Cooke, Papers of HamiltonHarold C. Syrett and Jacob E. Cooke, eds., The Papers of Alexander Hamilton (26 vols.; New York, 1961–79)., 18:2–3; Smith, A Discourse on the Nature and Reasonableness of Fasting … [Philadelphia, 1795; EvansCharles Evans, ed., American Bibliography …
          1639 … 1820 (12 vols.; Chicago, 1903–34). Roger P. Bristol, ed., Supplement to Charles Evans’ American Bibliography
        (Charlottesville, Va., 1970). 29531], p. 24; Smith, The Divine Goodness to the United States of America [Philadelphia, 1795; EvansCharles Evans, ed., American Bibliography …
          1639 … 1820 (12 vols.; Chicago, 1903–34). Roger P. Bristol, ed., Supplement to Charles Evans’ American Bibliography
        (Charlottesville, Va., 1970). 29532], pp. 26–29 [JM’s copy is in the Madison Collection, Rare Book Department, University of Virginia Library]; Fleet, “Madison’s Detatched Memoranda,’” WMQWilliam and Mary Quarterly., 3d ser., 3 [1946]: 561–62; Smith to JM, 3 Sept. 1799 [DLC]; Smith to JM, 14 Apr. 1809, PJM—PS, 1:115–16, 116 n. 1; Dolley Madison to Smith, 10 Jan. 1810 [NjP]).

Dr. Sir,
Princeton Janry. 4th. 1795
The purpose of this letter is to inquire whether you have preserved any notes of your discourses on the federal constitution, or the constitution of Virginia—or of any reflections you have made on these subjects either in favour, or in correction of any of their articles. And, if you have such notes, in what manner I might be permitted to take a copy.
I have it in view to introduce into the philosophical course of this college some general observations on the federal constitution, & on the constitutions of the respective states. And in the execution of this design I wish, if it be possible, to avail myself of the accuracy of your ideas on a subject which you have so thoroughly studied, & which no man understands better than you.
With my compliments to Mrs. Madison whom I have once had the pleasure to see, I am, Dr Sir, Yr. Mo. obdt. hble. servt.
Saml S Smith


Title: From James Madison to Edmund Pendleton, 8 January 1795
From: Madison, James
To: Pendleton, Edmund

My dear Sir
Philada. Jany. 8. 1795.
I have recd. your favor of the 30 Ult: and am joined by my partner in the sincerest returns for your kind congratulations and friendly wishes. I hope this will find you in more confirmed health, and enjoying the commencement of a new year with every prospect that can make it a happy one.
One of the papers inclosed gives you the latest news from Europe. It is to be hoped that the dawn of peace may not be overcast. We have nothing of late date either from Jay or Monroe. No communications whatever as to the negociations of the former have yet been laid before Congress. The accounts which circulate thro’ private channels have flattered in general the wishes entertained by all for his success. In the other paper you will see the opinion of this gentleman when an advocate for the constitution, on the nature of the tax on carriages. If it remains the same, when he is to decide as Cheif Justice, we may yet hope to see this breach in the Constitution repaired. The H. of Reps. have been engaged in revising the Naturalization law, which has been found not duly guarded agst. intrusions and evasions. The new bill, as passed the House, requires of the candidates for Citizenship residence for five years, an oath of abjuration as well as of allegiance, satisfaction to the Court of good character, attachment to the principles of the Constitution, and of being well disposed to the good order & happiness of the U. S. On the motion of Mr. Giles a clause was added requiring of all who may have belonged to the order of Nobility, or borne any hereditary title, to make an express renunciation on these points in Court and upon record. You will think it strange perhaps that this should have met with opposition, and yet it became a question of some heat, tho’ opposed rather as unimportant than improper. Several of the conditions have reference to the present state of Europe, and the danger of an influx to this Country both of aristocracy & licentiousness. It seems not amiss that we should be on our guard agst. both extremes. There will be a serious effort made to begin an effectual operation for paying off the public debt. The increase of the impost presents a fund that will of itself, if not diverted, answer the purpose. The Legislature of this State has just past an exclusion vote in each House agst. the Representa[t]ives & Senators from the Counties lately in insurrection. I am not able to say on what principle. I wish it may not have been too much a work of party. If they proceed to any business not urgent, before the vacant seats can be refilled, it will wear so much of that appearance as to threaten a revival of discontents which ought to be buried as much as possible. How is Col. Taylor—& how employed? Offer him if you please my best and sincerest wishes for his health & happiness. With the truest esteem & affection I am Dr. Sir, Yrs.
Js. Madison Jr.
Tazewell has been here a short time only & Mason has not been heard of.


Title: To James Madison from Edmund Randolph, [8 January] 1795
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Madison, James

E. R. to J. M.
Thursday [8 January 1795]
Mr. Fauchet’s communication about weights and measures goes to congress to-day. I inclose to you, as a private man, Rittenhouse’s opinion upon them; not thinking it proper to add that opinion to what is said to the house.


Title: Naturalization, [8 January] 1795
From: Madison, James
To:

[8 January 1795]

   JM reported the revised naturalization bill on 5 January. In debate on 8 January, the House considered filling up the blank in the section of the bill that set the number of years, after an alien declared his intent to become a citizen, before he could be naturalized.

Mr. Madison said that he feared the house would never see an end of the discussion, if they went on at this rate, for by descending to discriminate all the qualifications of a citizen, they run the hazard of losing the bill altogether, from the mere waste of time. Ten years were named by Mr. Murray to fill up the first blank, and seven years by Mr. Hartley. These terms he thought by much too long. This would oblige the friends of the bill to vote against it.


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 11 January 1795
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir
Phila. Jany. 11. 1794 [1795]
The last subject before the H. of Reps. was a Bill revising the Naturalization law, which from its defects & the progress of things in Europe was exposing us to very serious inconveniences. The Bill requires 1. A probationary residence of 5 instead of 2 years, with a formal declaration on oath of the intention 3 years at least prior to the admission. 2. an oath of abjuration, as well as of allegiance. 3. proof of good character, attachment to the principles of our Government, and of being well disposed to the good order & happiness of the U. S. 4. Where the candidate has borne any title or been of any order of Nobility, he is to renounce both on record. This last raised some dust. The Eastern members were weak eno’ to oppose it; and Dexter as a setoff moved a correspondent clog on emigrants attached to slave holding. Whether they will [be] able to throw the dust they have raised into the eyes of their Constituents I know not. It will not be easy I think to repair the blunder they have committed if it reaches the people. On the yeas & nays there [were] more thn. 60 for & little more than 30 agst. the clause. The Bill is gone to the Senate. Our revenue from trade is so increased as to supply a fund for commencing the discharge of the public debt. The excises laid at the last Session will probably be left as they stand. The treasury bench have attempted to make them perpetual, and brought about a Report of a Come. to prolong them till the year 1801. Another Come. after conferring with the Sugar Bakers & Snuff Makers have agreed on a Counter Report which will probably defeat the project. The French gain victories faster than we can relate them. In Spain, Sardinia & Holland they are equally sweeping every thing before them. They were not in Amsterdam but expected in a few days. The patriotic party was openly revived, and it was not doubted that the Stadholder would move off to England for his personal safety. The D. of York has been well drubbed again at Nimeguen. It was said to be agitated in the British Cabinet whether he should not with all his troops be withdrawn from the Continent. It is surmised that Prussia has actually treated with France, and that the Emperor is taking the same Course. It is indeed agreed that France can dictate peace to all her enemies, except England; and that she will probably do so in order to have a fair campaign with Engld. alone. Nothing final yet from Jay. It is expected here that he will accomplish much if not all he aims at. It will be scandalous, if we do not under present circumstances, get all that we have a right to demand. Not a word from Monroe. Knox is succeded by Pickering. The successor to H. not fiat, but likely to be Wolcot. H will probably go to N. Y. with the word poverty for his label. The Legislature of Pennsylva. have voted out the Western Members. It is said they will suspend important business till the seats can be refilled—but this will make little difference as the City party will still be a majority. Bingham will be the Senator—Unless the Germans can be prevailed on to vote for Tench Coxe. They like neither the one nor the other; not Bingham because an Aristocrat—not Coxe on the old score of his being a Tory in the War.


Title: Cabinet Secretaries’ Reports, [12 January] 1795
From: Madison, James
To:

[12 January 5795]

   On 30 December 1794 Washington sent to Congress a message submitting a report from the secretary of war. Written shortly before Knox left office, the report recommended, among other things, “‘That all persons who shall be assembled or embodied in arms, … for the purpose of warring against the Indians, … shall thereby become liable and subject to the rules and articles of war, which are, or shall be established for the government of the troops of the United States.’ This was a section of a bill which the Senate passed the last session, entitled ‘An act for the more effectual protection of the Southwestern frontiers;’ but it was disagreed to by the House” (ASPAmerican State Papers: Documents,
          Legislative and Executive, of the Congress of the United States … (38 vols.;
        Washington, 1832–61)., Indian Affairs, 1:543–44). In debate, House Republicans opposed consideration of unsolicited reports from cabinet secretaries as an infringement on legislative independence. Murray moved to refer the message and report to the Committee of the Whole. Nicholas moved to amend Murray’s motion by striking out the mention of Knox’s report and referring only the message from the president to the Committee of the Whole.

Mr. Madison [spoke against] the clause copied from that proposed by the Senate, and rejected by the House of Representatives, and which considered a number of men unlawfully embodied against the Indians, as if called out according to law, in order by such a fiction to bring them under martial law. This he thought the most forced construction, at the expence of the Constitution, that had ever occurred; as well as a thing absolutely wrong in itself. But altho’ he viewed the clause as so extremely exceptionable, he was not disposed to criticise it with rigour. He thought the truest as well as the most candid supposition was, that the Secretary in making a report immediately to the President, had not adverted to the appearance it might wear to the House of Representatives—and it might be natural for him to support his opinion to the President, with that of one branch of the legislature. If the report had been addressed to the House of Representatives, it was not to be doubted the Secretary’s delicacy would have guarded him against the insertion of such a clause. In like manner it was pretty certain that the President, in a message entirely from himself would never have used the words in the paper transmitted. In this view the error might fairly be ascribed to inadvertence. Mr. M. was also not against, but for, referring the report along with the message, as inseparable from it.


Title: To James Madison from Pierce Butler, ca. 12 January 1795
From: Butler, Pierce
To: Madison, James

Letter not found. Ca. 12 January 1795. Mentioned in Butler to JM, 23 Jan. 1795. Introduces Robert Goodloe Harper.


Title: To James Madison from Joseph Jones, 13 January 1795
From: Jones, Joseph
To: Madison, James

Dr. Sr.
Fredg. 13th. Janry. 1795.
I have a letter from Mr. Randolph authorising me to draw on him for £200 on Monroes account which I presume is all he can admit of but is short of the sum I had proposed and he from your communication intended to advance—whatever sum Monroe has requested him to furnish me, I wish him to supply, if he thinks he can with propriety do it, otherwise not by any means. I do not wish any direct application to him on the subject as I have already both to yourself and Mr. Randolph been rather troublesome—shod. however an occasion or opportunity offer when with propriety you could introduce the conversation I hope you will not omit it as from the present state of things in Europe I do not expect to avail myself of any assistance by bills either payable in Amsterdam or Hamburg. By your letter he spoke of an order of 2000 dols. to be applied here and that I might draw for 1000 in 90 days—if the 2000 dols. was to be at my call, I had drawn only for £125 & 50l. so that of the 2000 there wod. remain £425. Of this sum if I have not mistaken the matter Mr. Randolph has wrote to me I might draw for £200 only. Some circumstance unknown to me may have occasioned this departure. These details are mentioned that you may understand if you already do not, the transactions between Mr. Randolph and myself and if at any time you have an opportunity of conversing on the business can explain to me his motives—the duties of his office will not allow him much time to attend to these matters and therefore I am unwilling to write, further than I have to him. What has been the issue of the proposition for vacating the seats of the members from the western Counties of Penna. Inform me what course is taken to contrive the public despatches to Monroe as I shod. think that the most likely and sure way I could send to Monroe wod. be through the Secre⟨y.’s⟩ office. Winter is come at last—the river is closing up. Yr. friend & Sert
Jos: Jones


Title: Excise, [15 January] 1795
From: Madison, James
To:

[15 January 1795]

   In his 19 November 1794 annual address to Congress, Washington urged “a definitive plan for the redemption of the Public Debt.” On 15 December Smith (South Carolina) reported from committee such a plan (Annals of CongressDebates and Proceedings in the Congress of
          the United States … (42 vols.; Washington, 1834–56)., 3d Cong., 2d sess., 791, 894, 979, 1010). On 15 January the Committee of the Whole considered the second resolution in Smith’s report, which proposed that previous time limits on excises be repealed and “the said several acts be continued in force until the year 1801.” Tracy argued that “a great deal of the value of a tax consisted in its permanency.”

Mr. Madison said that the argument in favour of permanency, advanced by the gentleman from Connecticut, had force as well as plausibility. But his reasoning would operate against all experimental taxation whatever. It had been said that voting for or against the snuff and sugar excise, would be a criterion of the disposition to pay off the public debt. That criterion will not be assumed by those who are to judge the point. The whole dispute is about a branch of the revenue, said to be worth eighty or ninety thousand dollars per annum, an object not of very much importance. The select committee, however, had doubted extremely whether the revenue would be efficient at all. He begged that it might be understood that the question is not, shall the tax be now repealed, but only is it proper that it should be continued beyond the time originally intended, before it has been tried? In answer to what the gentleman from Connecticut had said of permanency, he thought it would argue greater stability for the government not to prolong the tax any farther, till the end of the period at first stipulated. Experience would, by that time, have assisted in forming a final opinion on the subject.


Title: To James Madison from Stephen Moylan, 15 January 1795
From: Moylan, Stephen
To: Madison, James

Letter not found. 15 January 1795, Philadelphia. Described as a two-page letter in the lists probably made by Peter Force (DLC, series 7, container 2); also mentioned in Stan. V. Henkels Catalogue No. 694 (1892), item 128.


Title: To James Madison from Hubbard Taylor, 16 January 1795
From: Taylor, Hubbard
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Clarke County 16th. Jay 95
I Recd. yours soon after my arrival in Kentucky, informing me that you had acceeded to my proposition in settleing with Majr Moore.

Your Land on Sandy was surveyed by direction of Majr Lee previous to my return, it Joins as I am told a tract of John Greens. If so, it may be of more value than was apprehended, as there is a valuable Salt lick on the Land claimed by Green. It is also said that there is a valuable mind [sic] in the neighbourhood, of lead at least—some say silver. I only mention this that in case of any application to purchase you may be on your gard. Majr Lee is acquainted with this circumstan[c]e, and altho. he, no more than myself mean to excite your attention too much yet I thought it right to mention it.
That such a mind is found I have no doubt.
I have seen Mr. Bullock but not long enough with him to get much satisfaction, one tract of Mrs. Paynes Lands will be got in a part of the Country that is very valuable, lying near the upper blue hills. It is a doubt with Mr. Bullock wheather the entry on (Green River) (Petmans Creek) belongs to Mrs. Payne or not. As I shall have occation to write you again shortly shall only add that I am with Compts. to Mrs. Madison Dr Sir with much esteem Yr: Affe: Hbl: Set
H. Taylor


Title: To James Madison from Alexander White, 17 January 1795
From: White, Alexander
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
17th. January 1795
Your favr. of 28 Ulo. would have been sooner acknowledged, had not the winter arrangement of the Post, by which the mail goes only once a fortnight taken place. I flatter myself the result of Jays mission will be favourable, and that the horrible carnage which has so long desolated and disgraced Europe will cease. England cannot wish to encrease her Enemies—and France has it now certainly in her power to establish a free and independent Republic—the object of the War on her part is then obtained. Will she risk all her glory, and more particularly the opportunity of establ[ish]ing her freedom which in the present state of things seems certain, for the chemerical project of reducing all Goverments to her own standard? The Prospect of paying off our national debt is to me a pleasing circumstance—the more so as it will not require additional taxes. I never entertained a doubt of the unconstitutionality of the tax on Carriages.
If the policy which has heretofore prevailed, still continues—of encouraging emigrations from Europe, I doubt the proposed amendment to the system of naturalisation will not accord with it. Many an honest European will swear to be faithful to these states, and would in fact be so, who would feel a reluctance to abjure allegiance to the Country which gave him birth. I was once enthusiastic in the cause of emigration—but I confess some recent transactions have cooled me a little.
We have had a remarkably mild winter, scarcely a snow to cover the ground till last thursday. Amazing prices for produce, and every circumstance concurring to render the People content and happy. Adieu and believe me Yours sincerely
Alexr White


Title: To James Madison from John Dawson, 18 January 1795
From: Dawson, John
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir!
Richmond Januay. 18, 95
We have an account here that France has made peace with Prussia, which seems to gain belief—the enclosd hand bill I receivd from a friend at Norfolk & is taken from a letter to Mr. Pennock of that place.
We also hear that the duke of York has met with another severe defeat—that he lost great part of his army, & that the rest savd themselves by flight. At what time do you expect to adjourn? With much esteem Your friend & Sert
J Dawson


Title: From James Madison to Joseph Jones, ca. 21 January 1795
From: Madison, James
To: Jones, Joseph

Letter not found. Ca. 21 January 1795. Acknowledged in Jones to JM, 29 Jan. 1795. Concerns the personal financial arrangements that Monroe as U.S. minister to France has made with Secretary of State Randolph. Encloses a pamphlet.