Title: From John Adams to Josiah, III Quincy, 18 February 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Quincy, Josiah, III

Dear Sir
Quincy February 18th: 1811

I owe you thanks for your Speech, on place and Patronage. The moral and Patriotic sentiments are noble and exalted; The Eloquence masterly and the satire inimitable. There are not in Juvenal nor in Swift any images to be found more exquisitely ridiculous than the Charleston Hack, and the Treasury swill Trough, and Pigery. But are you right in supposing the rage for office more eager and craving now than it always has been? or more grasping and intriguing for executive Offices than for Legislative Stations? Have you read many of the circular Letters? Have you attended much to the course of Elections, even in our New England Town Meetings?
General Joseph Warren was President of the Massachusetts provincial Congress in 1775, and he often said that he never had till then; any Idea, or suspicion of the selfishness of this People or their impatient Eagerness for commissions.
I will tell you none of my Experiences during the 8 years I was Vice President or the four following years: But there is no Necessity of the same Reserve, when in 1776 and 1777 I was president of the Board of War; or in less Pompous Phrase, Chairmen of the committee of War. In this capacity all applications to Congress to General Washington and to the board for Commissions and Promotions in the army, and for Contracts Commissary Ships Quartermaster Ships &c were committed to me. And I really think as much Zeal appeared then as there has been seen since. Yet the military Commissions were not very lucrative.
Again. Are you right in imputing all this Zeal to Avarice? The Ardor for Commissions in the Militia in New England where no Money is to be got, but much to be spent, is as intense, as any ardor whatever. The Post of Clerk, Sergeant, Corporal and even Drummer and Fifer, is coveted as earnestly as the best gift of Major General. There is no people on Earth, so ambitious as the People of America. The Reason is because the lowest can aspire as freely as the highest. The highest offices are as fair objects to the Tradesmen or Farmer as to the Lawyer The Priest Physician or Merchant. In other Countries None of those Ranks think of Commissions. Employment and Profit in their private occupations and pursuits is all they wish. Ambition and all its hopes are extinct.
But I have more serious objections to Mr Macons motion, as well as to your amendment.
1. Both the Motion and the amendment would be ineffectual. If Fathers, Sons, and Brothers were proscribed, there would be the same zeal and exertions for Cousins First, Second, Third, and Fourth, and for Grand-Fathers, and Grandsons; and Uncles: and what is oftener a Stimulus than any of these Relations, for Friends who have been, or will be active agents and Instruments in promoting the Members interest among his Constituents and procuring him votes. This is the great Spring of all in the minds of Senators and Representatives to obtain favours for Favorites; among their Constituents, in order to attach them by Gratitude, and establish their own Influence at home and  abroad. No Law, No Constitution, that human Wit or Wisdom can devise can ever prevent Senators or Representatives from soliciting Offices and Favour from their Friends.
2. Both the Motion and Amendment appear to me unconstitutional. The President has or ought to have the whole Nation before him, and he ought to select the men best qualified and most meritorious for office at his own Responsibility, without being shackled by any Check by Law, Constitution, or Institution. Without this unrestrained Liberty he is not a check upon the Legislative Power nor either branch of it. Indeed he must be the slave of the Party that brought him in. He never can be independent or Impartial.
3. Both the Motion and Amendment are in the pure spirit of Aristocracy. Neither Mr Macon nor yourself considered it in that Light. But it is exactly in the Temper and Spirit of all Corps of Nobility jealous of the Power of the Executive, since the Creation. This jealousy is often actuated by the purest spirit of Patriotism, and the most perfect integrity, but if it is not checked and controuled, it never has ceased to encroach untill it has made the Executive a mere head of Wood and drawn all the Power and resources of the Nation into the insatiable Gulph, the irresistible Vortex of an Aristocracy or an Oligarchy. I am my Dear Sir your obliged Friend

John Adams.In some former Letters I have begged two Favours.
1. that you would pay my Subscription for a year for the National Intelligencer, to be repaid at sight
2. That you would bring from Dr Rush a very small Pacotille—


Title: From Richard Cranch Norton to Abigail Smith Adams, 20 February 1811
From: Norton, Richard Cranch
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

My dear & honored Aunt,
Washington, Feby. 20th. 1811.

I have received your kind letter dated Feby. 11th. and feel the warmest gratitude for your tender sympathy with me in my affliction. I am sure there is nothing so consoling to a heart wounded by grief, as the thought that others sympathize with us in our sorrows. You, my dear Aunt, knew my mother, and you knew how dearly and how deservedly she was loved by her family, her connexions and all who had the happiness of her acquaintance; you may conceive, therefore, how acute must be the grief, of those who were so intimately acquainted with her virtues as the members of her own family. Under the pressure of such severe and trying calamity, were it not for the cheering hope which our divine religion affords of again meeting our deceased friends in a happier world, the loss of such dear and beloved connexions would be insupportable—I think I should sink under the weight: but it is the eminent privilege of the Christian religion to afford us the consolation which we need. While nature bids us weep over the grave of our departed friends, Christianity teaches us not to sorrow as those who have no hope, but to prepare ourselves, by imitating the good example which our pious connexions have left us, to meet them again in that blessed world where no sorrow can enter, and where friends shall no more be separated.
For the kind attentions & tender sympathy of my friends I feel more gratitude than I can express. May they never feel affliction like mine; but if Providence should call them to suffer it, may they never want friends who will impart to them that comfort which they have so kindly imparted to me. But to Him who has seen fit to afflict us we must look for that higher consolation which it is not in the power of our kindest friends to give. May we all experience this divine consolation, & may the sainted spirit of my mother look down from the realms of bliss & impart peace & comfort to the bosom of her afflicted family & mourning relatives.
We were very sorry to hear, by my Grandfather’s letter, that you had been so ill, & hope that eer this you are quite recovered. Uncle & Aunt C. send their affectionate remembrance. Remember me respectfully to my Uncle & the rest of your family, & believe me, my dear Aunt, / Your ever grateful nephew,
R. C. Norton.


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to John Quincy Adams, 22 February 1811
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Adams, John Quincy

N 6
my Dear Son
Quincy Febry 22d 1811

The Schooner Washington owned by mr Gray is ready to Sail for St Petersburgh. I have already sent some Letters on Board of her, but the great bulk mr Erving is charged with, and when he will Sail, I know not. he has been ready, and waiting this Month for his Dispatches. concequently our Letters are already a Month old. There is a Charm in a Letter of recent date, Consisting in its very figures, if it has not any thing more to recommend it, than the latest intelligence of the health of your Friends. my late Letters have borne you such melancholy intelligence, both from home; and washington, that I am rejoiced to have it to say, that at present we are all in comfortable health. my arm I believe is the most infirm; I have however been riding out, amidts Snow banks through which passages have been dug of 10 & 12 feet height.
I Stated to you in my last, that I had received all your Letters to No 8; except No 4, and from mrs Adams I have received as many as Eight. She has not however numberd hers, and one from Kitty, to all of which I have replied. The news papers will be Sint you by mr Gray. you will find from them, that Electionering has commenced, and that the Fed’s have coupled the Honble William Philips, with mr Gore.
Mr Gerry and mr Gray, have been the very Men, who have conducted the affairs of the Government, with that moderation and justice, which you recommend, and which certainly has had the benificial effect of Softning the asperity of Party animosity; and harmonizing the discordent String’s. by it, they have themselves, enjoyed their Short lived honours: in more tranquility: than any of our chief Majestrates; for a long period before—you will be comfirmd in this opinion; when you read the Gov’r Speech, and the Replie of the Senate—but no Sooner has the Waves Subsided, and a trancient calm Succeeded, than a new Election comes to foment and agitate them again, and to blow up all the  turbulent passions into a Storm—
I am full in opinion with the British Statesman in the house of Lords, when a Motion was made to repeal the Septennial Act, “he observed that Frequency of Election, had uniformly proved the curse of every State in which it was indulged; it renders the counsels of a Nation as fluctuating as the popular will, and as flagitious as the popular will disposition’s it, substitutes in legislation, for the energy of wisdom, and the coolness of discretion. the voilence of folly, and the rashness of that party intemperence which it enkindles; it keeps a Nation perpetually heated by the ferment it necessarily excites, and lets loose to prey upon Society the worst of human passions. it vitiates publick Morals, and poisons individual Comfort”
are we not in the daily experience of these Solid truths? could it be that eagerness for publick employ, and that hunger for office, for which our countrymen are more notorious than any other, that could lead the Framers of our Constitution to leave so wide a Feild, so open a common for the unbridled herd to range in, not only to display their wanton tricks of triping up each others heels; but Gladiators like, to worry and tear each other to peices;? If they had foreseen the rapid increase and population of the Country  and the wealth which has kept pace with it, not only new States Springing up, but Foreign States purchased, and incorporated with our own? would they have lift such a field open for corruption and intrigue as annual Elections for the Chief Majestrates? I mean the Framers of our Massachusetts Constitutions?
you will See in Some of the papers an extract of a Letter from you to me. I thought justice to You required it.
Mr James Foster was here, and read the Letter, and Said, he would get it into the paladium—I told him, as they had been partly free with publications respecting the purport of your mission to Russia he might take it, to them: but if they declined to give it, to the patriot, they publishd it, immediately, and the Patriot & Chronical both republishd it—Since it has been found necessary to Send a Minister to denmark, all is Silence with respect to the Russian embassy. only a report is still kept up, that you were comeing home. Lincoln when appointed judge, was to keep the Seat for you. Lincoln declined; and now Alexander Wolcot is appointed. I do not know what they will find to say next. only that much fault is found with the nomination.
I do not know but you may have received a Letter from the Secretary of State, which you may not be able to account for, for which reason I inclose to you coppies of two Letters. you will See by their dates, that they were written near a year ago, If I errd, you must attribute it to an over anxious zeal for you, and a fear that you would find yourself So embarressed as not to be able to extricate yourself.
In your Letter of Sep’br 17th you mention having been Sick through the Months of March & April. what were your complaints. I hope not the Rheumatism, which so many of our Family are afflicted with. I have felt anxious for that weak Eye of yours least the constant Snow and ice Should injure it by its brightness, but it seems that you have not much Sun to dazzel you.
you sent me two peices of Sheeting but you have not Sent me any Bill, and I am unable to pay the amount into the hands of your Brother through want of it. I have to request you to Send me by any of mr Grays vessels, Sheeting or table Linnen to the amount of one hundred Dollors, 50 by one vessel & 50 by an other. I wish the Sheeting to be of a finer texture than the last; that is one part of it, and let it be accompanied by the cost, as it must be enterd at the custom House
you will See by the number of this, that I have not been deficient in writing to you Since this year commenced.—
I met with an observation in one of your Letters. Speecking of your Lectures, “you observe, that correctness is always cold” now that is Such a charming mantle for me, that I cannot but be rejoiced at the observation and wrap myself and all my incorrectnesses under its cover. what I write is from the heart, and that always dictates a Warmth of Love, and affection, which Age cannot chill, or time diminish / in the Bosom of your / affectionate Mother
Abigail Adams


Title: From John Adams to John Quincy Adams, 22 February 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Adams, John Quincy

John Quincy Adams Esq.
Quincy February 22. 1811

Yesterday I received by the Post from New York, your obliging Letter of 9. Novr.—Whether Letters are Sent through London Paris Gottenbourg or directly to Boston or directly to St. Petersbough they get along through all the Crannies and Gauntletts. I must Say that every Body has been very friendly in assisting our Intercourse by Letters. I have considered your Mothers Letters as written for me and yours to her as intended for me, which has made me too negligent of writing in propria Persona.
A real Marveile has occurred. Alexander Wolcott has been nominated as a Judge in place of Cushing, at the Instance as it is Said of Barlow: and negatived by the Senate by a great Majority. Joel Should never think of any Thing but Poetry. He is writing an History in which Tom. Paine is to be recorded the greatest Statesman of his Age.
Quincy has become a greater Orator in Congress than Randolph. Inclosed is a fresh oration on Patronage, Sentiments sublimely patriotic, satyre caustic as Juvenal. The President to be stripped of his constitutional Prerogative, and a host of Citizens disfranchised, for what? For a regulation which would be wholly ineffectual. Solicitations for Offices would be as ardent as ever for Cousins and for political electioneering Friends and agents: for Runners Setters Bawlers and Scribblers. Judgment! Judgment! where art thou? Is there nothing left in human Nature but Fancy Passion Prejudice and Whim?
Gore and Phillips against Gerry and Gray. In all Events we shall have a rich Lt. Governor.
Gerry and Gray are very popular, Party apart. But Gerry complains in private, of the Sollicitations for Offices, as much as Quincy. He is afraid to open a Letter. A generous  Ambition to Serve our Country, an ardent desire to do good in a public Office is not wanting in many of our Citizens. It is very uncharitable and ungenteel to hint at Loaves and Fishes. Can a rational Creature be so mean as to court public Office for private Profit or Pleasure?
Every Man who reads The Lectures Speaks of them in private in raptures! Yet nothing is Said in Public. You know the Reason. Ld Mansfield’s advice to Copley was “you must engage The Puffers”. The Puffers in this Country are all engaged by Party.
The Name of Van Sander has Silenced all, Your observations on the war with Turkey and Persia and the State of Things in the North are very Striking. I rejoice that The Emperor is So friendly to Us and to you.
your Living tres petitement, tho the Effect of dire Necessity is still greatly to your Honour. Persevere in it with the utmost obstinately obstinacy. Shrugs and Sneers cannot hurt you.
You Lady is very good. She writes often and very elegantly but feels the petite vivre more keenly than you do. Your Sons are well and in a good way. George has begun his Virgil and with great delight. Smitten with the Picture of Ajax vomiting fire and dashed upon the Edge of the sharp rock, for ravishing Cassandra in her Temple, &c &c
You Gentlemen Russians have no right to boast over us of your Superiour Snows, Ice and Cold. I have never known So much Snow upon the ground Since I was ten years old: and the cold penetrates the marrow of the Bones, especially old ones.
Our Country has tried and will try every Measure but the right one. The Navy The Navy, a Navy is the grand desideratum and the Unum necessarium. In private it is acknowledged, but nobody dares avow it in public.
Banks, Banks upon Banks are Spreading through the U.S. When will the United States understand the Simplest Rules of Arithmetick, and that two and two do not make Eight or ten.
A Mr Porter of New York has made the most Sensible Speech against the National Bank that I have read.
What a Methodical Letter I have written? If any Deeper laughs I Shall not cry.
Love to Louisa Catherine, William and the little Indian, The young Bacchus. Kiss him for me.—
A.


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to Caroline Amelia Smith De Windt, 26 February 1811
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: De Windt, Caroline Amelia Smith

Quincy, 26 February, 1811.

Your Letter, my dear Caroline, gave me pleasure. As all your’s are calculated to enliven the spirits, I take them as a cordial, which during the residence of the baldpated winter and a close confinement to my chamber for several weeks, I have been much in want of. And now what return can I make you—What can you expect from age, debility and weakness?
Why, you shall have the return of a grateful heart, which amidst infirmities is not insensible to the many blessings which encompass it. Food, raiment and fuel, dear and kind friends and relatives, mental food and entertainment sufficient to satisfy the most craving appetite and the hopes and prospect of another and better country even an heavenly.
“Eternal power! from whom these blessings flow,
Teach me still more to wonder—more to know,
Here round my home still lift my soul to thee,
And let me ever midst thy bounties raise,
An humble note of thankfulness and praise.”
Although my memory is not so tenacious as in youth, nor my eye-sight so clear, my hearing is unimpaired, my heart warm and my affections are as fervent to those in whom “my days renew” as formerly to those from “whom my days I drew.” I have some troubles in the loss of friends by death, and no small solicitude for the motherless offspring, but my trust and confidence are in that being who “hears the young ravens when they cry.” I do now know my dear Caroline, that I ever gave you encouragement to expect me at the valley, although I should rejoice to be able to visit you—but I now look forward with the hope of seeing you here as an attendant upon your mother as soon as the spring opens and the roads will permit.
We have snow by the cargo this winter. Not a bird flits but a hungry crow now and then, in quest of prey. The fruit trees exhibit a mournful picture, broken down by the weight of the snow; whilst the running of sleighs and the jingle of bells assure us that all nature does not slumber.
As if you love me, proverbially, you must love my dog, you will be glad to learn that Juno yet lives, although like her mistress she is gray with age. She appears to enjoy life and to be grateful for the attention paid her. She wags her tail and announces a visiter whenever one appears.
Adieu, my dear child—remember me with affection to your brother and with kind affection to your honored father and also to your uncle whose benevolent qualities I respect and whose cheerful spirits have made “the wilderness to smile and blossom as the rose.”
Most affectionately, / Your Grandmother.
Abigail Adams.


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to Elizabeth Smith Shaw Peabody, 26 February 1811
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Peabody, Elizabeth Smith Shaw

my dear Sister
Febry 26, 1811

I received your Letter by the Mail of yesterday, and by the return of it to day I write you a few lines to give you all the information which I have been able to collect respecting your Son; mr George Beal who lodges near him; and is frequently going back to to Boston & returning I get him to call and inquire after him. my last account was on monday two days Since. he reports that he is getting better, tho not yet able to go out the weather has been much against him, and the travelling So bad that none of our Family have been able to go to town.  his uncle wrote to him last week and repeated his invitation to him, which I hope he will embrace as Soon as he is able to get out.
Mr Harrod was in Town I hope he went to See him—I your Letter of the 13 came to me the last week. your apology for not writing before and the Source from whence it arose I Should not have Suspected my Sister of—Pride do you Say? you remind me of an observation of Mrs Chapone in a Letter of hers to her Friend Mrs Carter. the translation of Epictitus; “What is the meaning I wonder that imperfections are So attractive? and that our hearts recoil against Gigantic and unnatural Exelence? it must be because perfection is unnatural, and because the Sweets charm, and most endearing ties of Society arise from mutual indulgence to each others failings” altho I willingly grant the palm of excellence to the pen of my sister, I will not permit the acknowledgment to influence her to the or restrain her when She thinks that She has not leisure to write correctly as correctly as her pride requires—I have the Authority of my Son for Saying that Studied correctness is always cold—I had rather have one warm line from the Heart, than 20 correctly cold from the head; I need not Say, for it is too apparent that I never Studied Stile; who
The little learning I have gaind
Is all from Simple nature draind
you well know what our early Education was. neither Grammer or othe orthography were taught us—it was not then the fashion for females to know more than writing and a little arithmetic. no Books upon female Education were then in vogue no Accademies for Female instruction were then establishd. To our dear and venarable Brother Cranch do I attribute my early taste for Letters; and for the nurture & cultivation of those qualities which have Since afforded me much pleasure and Satisfaction. he it was who put proper Books into my hands—Who taught one to Love the Poets and to distinguish their Merrits—Milton Pope Tompson and Shakespear were amongst the first, but to the works of Richardson was due whatever I possess of delicacy of Sentiment or refinement of Taste in my early and juvenile days—Miss Mores opinion of Richardson works which she gives in her Coelebse correspond exactly with mine, and altho they have almost past away by the fashion of the Times, and are borne down by a las redundence of new puplications, I give it as the Sober opinion of 67 years—that no work of the kind either before or Since has Equalld those of Richardson for purity of Morals refinement of taste, or delicacy of Sentiment. no person who is not abandoned, can read them without making the Heart better. the Argument which have been brought against the Character of Sir Charles Grandison; that it is too perfect a Character, has no weight in my mind—as an example ought not a model to be held up—there is nothing to which a noble mind might not attain, and their were faults and failings which he himself acknowledged:—Mrs Chapone Says he never wrote any thing which did not Show an Exelent Heart and a very uncommon understanding She was in habits of intimacy with him, and held a very entertaining correspondence with him upon the Subject of Filial obedience & Parental Authority, in which she differd from him. She was only affraid that the character of Sir Charles would occasion the Kingdoms being over run with old Maids—
I know you will rejoice to hear from your absent Nephew and Neice— I have Letters as late as the 16 November—they were then all well. but the Rivers were all frozen over, the bridges taken up, and winter with all its Privations making Rapid Strides and for Six months to come, they did not expect to hear from their Friends, or be heard from—this is indeed a painfull Situation. our dear Brother and Sister Cranch are much perplexed to know what to do with mr Norton & Family. unless his people would consider him, it does not Seem as tho he could keep house. he has no faculty himself of taking the domestic charge of it, and the little all will Soon run to Ruin. who could he get—who would Spend and would be Spent for his family to the last Spark of existance like the departed and Released Suffeur—in vain will it be for him to Seek anew—he may find a companion—but where can he find a Mother—circumstanced as he is for his Children


Title: From John Adams to John Quincy Adams, 26 February 1811
From: Adams, John
To: Adams, John Quincy

Dear Sir
Quincy February 26. 1811

A Battery of Great Guns, has been erected in Philadelphia in the Beginning of this Year, under the Command of a young Engineer Mr Walsh of Baltimore. As Sylla Said that in young Cæsar were many Mariuses, perhaps it may be found that in this young gentleman are many Hamiltons
The Title of his work is The American Review of History and Politicks, and general Repositary of Litterature and State Papers to appear quarterly. The first Number has appeared in 200 pages of very large Octavo, besides 60 pages of  State Papers. His List of Subscribers is immense. I am told that not only the Boston Host but every Man among their followers has subscribed. Very probably the same may be said in New York and all the great Cities in American including Canada and Nova Scotia. He has embellished his work with a beautiful Flower from Demosthenes against Phillip, in which Distrust is urged as the best guard against Tyrnany. “Απιστία. Ταύτην φυλάττετε. Ταύτης ἀντέχεσθε. I shall take his Advice and never loose sight of this Απιστία. Timeo Danaos, et Dona ferentes. My Distrust is so great that I suspect him to be in concert with and supported by not only all the discontented and disaffected in the United States, but the Scottish Reviewers and all their Connections in Europe and all the French who are disaffected to Napoleon, especially the fugitive Eccliasticks. He begins openly and bravely and boldly, by setting up Mr Ames Mr Hamilton &c as the greatest Men almost that ever lived.
As your Friends in Boston send you the Newspapers so punctually I need not say that the Electioneering Campaign is opened and Mr Gore and Mr Phillips are the Candidates against the Powers in Possession. If they prevail it can be only from the Supineness of their Antagonists and the general Confidence of strength, for no Administration was ever more tranquil or gave more Universal Satisfaction.
Have you ever read Manilius’s Astronomicon, written in the Time of Tiberius? In it, is this Line
Eripuit Jovi Fulmen, Viresque tonandí. This was not written by Mr Turgot nor Sir William Jones, nor a Dutch Poet.
Your last Letter to me was of 9. Novr.
Richard Rush Esq is appointed Attorney General of Pensilvania. He says No Man in the U.S. is a Match for Walsh but J.Q.A. I hope however he will be to wise to enter the List of Gladiators.
We are all as well as usual. My Love to all yours without naming any one but Mr Charles.
A.


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Abigail Smith Adams, 28 February 1811
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

N. 14
My dear Mother.
St: Petersburg 16/28 February 1811.

We assisted last week, at the public examination of the Institute of the order of St: Catherine, a boarding school, or College for the Education of young Ladies of noble families; under the Patronage of the Empress-Mother  The young Ladies are divided into four Classes, and are two years in each class—They enter from six to ten years of age, and when their education is finished, they pass this public examination, which accordingly takes place in the Month of February of every second year.
The invitations to attend the exhibition, are sent by the Empress Mother, and are regularly sent for one of the two days, to all the foreign Ministers—They attend in full dress, as at the Imperial Court, and have the most distinguished seats of Spectators assigned to them, together with all the principal Ministers and first Nobles of the Empire—The examination takes two days, and turns on the following objects—First day 1. Religion. Sacred History of the old and new Testament, and Moral Philosophy. 2. Universal Geography, preceded by an abridged course of mathematical Geography 3. Universal History Antient and Modern, and the History of Russia in particular 4. Russian Literature—Second day 5. Arithmetic 6. The German Language. 7. French Literature 8. Experimental Philosophy 9. Singing and Music 10. Dancing.—Besides which are presented Essays of Composition and of Translations, and a variety of specimens of drawing, embroidery, and every kind of needle work.—We attended on the second day. The examination of Arithmetic was in the Russian language, and I could not understand it—The instructor however in that department put the questions, and the young ladies answered by making cyphered figures with chalk on a large black board standing in a frame like a looking-glass, which could be seen by all the auditory; and by explaining the cyphers as they made them. The Examination of the French and German Languages was made by Books, in French, German, and Russian which the young Ladies brought to different persons of the Audience each one requesting the person to whom she gave the Book to open it and indicate to her any passage at pleasure, which she then took and translated three or four sentences as she read them off—from French or German into Russian, or from Russian into French or German—You perceive that this examination admitted of no previous minute preparation, and that it was a real and severe test to ascertain proficiency in the languages—Some of the Ladies appeared to acquit themselves well of the performance, though others stammered and hesitated a little in their translations. One of the Ladies brought me a French Book, and translated into Russian a passage at which I opened it for her—I presume she performed it well, but if she was qualified for her task, I was not so for mine—The ignorance of the Judge might have served for learning to the Scholar—I saw that she read French with perfect ease, but the language into which she rendered it might have been Sanscrit or Chinese for aught I knew.
The Examination of French Literature comprehended Logic, Rhetoric and Poetry—Here as you may suppose, I was a little more at home, than upon the Article of Russian Translations—It was the repetition of a lesson learnt by heart; and it had been very well learnt—The instructor puts all the questions, and the Ladies answered verbatim from their Books. Thus one of them told us not only what was a Syllogism but demonstrated to us by a genuine Syllogism in Barbara that All vicious men must be unhappy—In the same manner, that is in the form of question and answer between the teacher and the pupil the Ladies gave us the definitions of almost all the principal figures of Logic and of Rhetoric with an example to illustrate each definition—They did the same in Poetry, and repeated many excellent specimens from the French Poets—Racine—Rousseau—La Fontaine and some others—Several of them recited these verses with great propriety and Spirit—This part of their studies was perhaps more congenial to their taste than that the examination of which immediately succeeded—Experimental Philosophy—The whole apparatus of pneumatics, electricity, and chemistry was brought in and displayed before us—If this examination was not remarkably instructive it was at least amusing—The teacher would have been a good subject for a Caricature—He puts his questions—for instance upon the properties of matter—extension—cohesion—divisibility and so forth—the young Lady would answer by giving the definition of the property required—then he would ask her what was the experiment which proved it, but he generally took care to answer that himself, not sufficiently trusting to the Pupil’s memory; and he always undertook to perform the experiment, and most frequently failed. In one or two instances the young Lady undertook it after him and succeeded—Figure to yourself the Graces of antient Fable (for there was no Venus among them) with a Silenus in the midst of them, surrounded by an Electrical machine and an Air Pump Leyden Jars, and Vials of gaz, giving definitions of oxygen, hydrogen, and muriatic acids, and delivering dissertations upon Nature’s abhorrence of a vacuum—Unluckily this part of the Exhibition was abridged—the Professor burnt his own and one of his pupils fingers, by spouting a flame of Spirits of Wine from a fountain, and the young Ladies had not time to give us the electrical shock.
A select part of the Company was then ushered into two adjoining Rooms, in one of which was a cold Collation, and refreshing Cordials, and in the other the drawings, paintings, embroidery and various needle work of the young Penelopes and Arachnes were exposed—The drawings were in crayons—indian ink or water colours—Most of them were copies, and bore very well a comparison with the Prints in Copperplate, their models. The name of each young Lady was marked by a ticket upon her performance, and the names of all the workers at the large pieces of embroidery which had occupied several hands—All these samples were extremely well done—The specimens of writing and composition were numerous, but I accidentally miss’d seeing any of them.
After an interval of about half an hour, we returned to the Hall, and heard the musical performances; the instrumental part of which was executed by men—The Ladies are indeed all taught to perform upon the Piano, but probably the want of time deprived us of the pleasure of hearing them—But they sung—Airs—Duets, Recitative and Choruses, from the Four Seasons of Haydn—Some parts of which were very difficult, and altogether discovering great proficiency in the Art.—The whole exhibition was closed with dancing—There were Choirs in which the whole number joined, and single dances, with the Shawl, or a garland of Roses, particularly calculated for the display of elegant motion—The Russian, Polish and Spanish national dances, were performed by small parties of two, three or four at a time; but the German Walse, the favourite dance of fashionable companies, at this time, here as well as all over the Continent of Europe, was omitted.
There were eighty one young Ladies, in the Class which underwent this examination, and who have completed their Education at this school—They were all dressed alike, in a plain white muslin gown, with a scarlet ribband round the waist. Those who had distinguished themselves by peculiar merit wore nosegays of lilies of the valley at the breast.—They were all extremely graceful—Some of them had fine forms; but there was scarcely a beautiful face in the whole number.
The System of Education implied by this examination is said not to be precisely the same with that which is actually pursued—Few if any of the young Ladies, on leaving these Seminaries are so learned, or even so accomplished, as these exhibitions would seem to import.—Some parts of the Instruction which is professedly given them, are not the most suitable to their sex, and are seldom very effectually taught even to boys—A Lady may be very fairly allowed in any part of the world, not to know how to square the hypothenuse any more than how to square the Circle—I question whether any of the Ladies from the Institute of St: Catherine, or from the Convent of Noble Ladies, another and still more celebrated School of the same kind are so perfect mistresses of Euclid’s Elements, as they are of the Walse, which they are not allowed to exhibit—Yet with every allowance which ought to be made for the varnish of a public exhibition, I know not how it would be possible to make more judicious or more excellent provisions for the Education of young Ladies of rank and fortune in this Country than we find here exemplified.
Perhaps the Education of the female nobility of Russia will not be a subject in which you will feel much interested—In that case you will consider this narrative, as only a preliminary to the information that we are all well, and that since my last letter to you, dated 18/30 January, I have not had the pleasure of receiving one from you—I do not intend in future to suffer any one Month to pass without writing to you—The last accounts direct that we have received from you are by your letter of 25. July; more than seven months past—But Mr Gray has received letters from his Parents of a date as late as 13 Decr. by which we had the happiness to learn that you were then well.—I have in former letters requested you to write without waiting for the knowledge of any special opportunity to send your letters; but to give them when written into charge of Mr: W. Gray—We shall then at least not be seven or nine months without immediate intelligence from you—I have at present no expectation of returning home the next summer—Indeed it is doubtful whether in any Event I should find it possible—I say this, because you may perhaps expect us. But to whatever period our homeward voyage may be postponed, be assured that I shall return with unaltered and unalterable filial duty and affection.

A.My father and my boys; if they are not always upon my paper are always in my memory and my heart—I shall remind my brother and his family of my remembrance by a special epistle to himself—


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to Hannah Phillips Cushing, 2 March 1811
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Cushing, Hannah Phillips

my Dear Friend
Quincy March 2d 1811

How often I have in imagination I have visited you this Dreary season. I know not, but not a day has past without my thinking of you, and wishing that it had been my good fortune to have been situated in the Neighbourhood of you. then would your cheering countenance have enlivened the confinement I have experienced since I saw you. for the week after I was taken sick and am now only leaving my chamber after Six weeks, in which time I have been twice in a close sleigh for a mile or two. I was seizd with a fever and that with most voilence & pain, but through the goodness of heaven it soon abated, tho it left me weak and low; and the winter has been so severe that I thought it best to keep close.
I know you have resources within yourself for entertainment and that you have kind and tender relative around you, but Still it is our Natures to resist confinement, and to pine after variety if you have been blocked up with snow as we have been here you must have been shut out from society from abroad
I have wanted to take my pen & ask you what you thought of the Nomination of the President for a judge? after mr Lincoln declineing I Saw the Nomination of our mr Wolcot and without attending to the Christian Name, I was pleasd to find he had made so good a choice as our old Friend oliver Wolcot and that party considerations had not influenced him, at the same time it was confirming the choice before made of him for a judge by a former  Predessor, and it was not untill I saw the opposition that I discoverd my mistake
The latter Gentleman, I have often heard you mention, . . . I have now heard of a new appointment altogether unexpected to me considering the circumstances under which it is made. it is said to have been unanimous in the Senate—I mean that of my Son. I know it will be a cordial to you to see the place of your dear Friend filld by a Man whose character you can esteem and of whose qualifications, those he who nominated and those who approved, were all personally known to them. what his own sentiments may be with respect to the acceptance of it, I know not since it has taken place but he has sometimes said he would not hold the office of judge if tenderd to him—For my own part, I should rather have him judge of the Supreem Court of the united States, altho I know it to be a highly responsible Situation, than President or vice President of the united States. it removes him from that focus of party animosity jealousy envy and bitterness which, draws into its  vortex every Man of talents Superiour tallents in the Country. I had recieved information from washington, that if mr Adams had been at home he would have been first Nominated—I replied to this infirmation, that I thought it the duty of the President to fill the place, and that there were many Characters to be found who would do honour to the office, and many more who undoubtedly thought themselves qualified and that to hold the office for a Man absent upon a Foreign Mission would be a very envidious thing. it was then whisperd that Mr Lincoln was to be appointed and to hold the place untill mr Adams returnd—others Said he was to be appointed to put him out of the way—I most heartily concur in thus putting him out of the way of Foreign Missions, or of other offices So eagerly Sought after by asspireing Ambition
            These things are said my dear Friend in confidence to you—I hope the snow will soon dissapear and that I shall then have the promissed pleasure of a visit from my dear Mrs Cushing / to her obliged and affectionate / Friend

Abigail Adams—


Title: From Thomas Boylston Adams to John Quincy Adams, 3 March 1811
From: Adams, Thomas Boylston
To: Adams, John Quincy

No 14 Old / 5 New Series
My dear Brother
Quincy 3d: March 1811.

Mr: Erving has not yet left Boston, but expects to go for Newport on the 5th instant, for the purpose of embarking in the John Adams Frigate, in a few days. I think it probable he will not sail, under a fortnight from this time. The news of your appointment as an Associate Judge of the Supreme Court for the Massachusetts District, has just reached us, and as it is the harbinger of your speedy return to your Country and friends, it is received with peculiar pleasure by all your family. I do not know with what sensations you will receive the intelligence, nor do I venture to surmise the course you will take. The unanimous approbation of your nomination by the Senate, has been communicated to me by your friend S W Dana, in a letter, this day received from him. In Boston, yesterday, I heard from all parties, expressions of satisfaction and cordial acquiescence in this appointment, and such is the state of business in this Circuit, that your return is anxiously looked for, the ensuing Autumn. I am apprehensive that in many respects, this sudden change in your destination, may be productive of great embarrassment to you. It would be idle in me to anticipate your ultimate resolution on this subject, nor will I add of my own opinion more than that the Publick will be great gainers by your acceptance of the Office in case of your return.
Upon our publick affairs I cannot furnish you with any news; nor considering  the circuitous route, which this letter may go, would it be prudent to say much concerning them. The great question respecting the U S Bank Charter, which has been agitated in Congress during a great part of the Session, was decided, by the Casting vote of the VP. against a renewal of the Charter. This is a beginning of reformation, very likely to produce ultimate good, though attended now with disasterous consequences, by anticipation. Tomorrow the United States Bank & all its branches are reduced to private life. It is a sad blow to our Merchants of a certain description and I believe it will greatly annoy a foreign Capital which has been largely interested in the Stock of this Bank. This Capital has had a pestiferous influence upon our publick and National concerns, and as a most powerful and efficacious engine it has been at all times employed in our political contentions.
The Non-intercourse law is to be enforced with rigour, if at all; so say the newspapers, and that is all I know about it. Mr Eppes has introduced some saving clauses to be hung on as riders, which may possibly pass to be enacted.
Our State Legislature closed its Session on Thursday last— Mr Story as Speaker of the House acquired new honour and applause. Mr Otis took leave of Senate, as President, FOREVER, as he intends. I think there is an awful squinting in this phraze. Despondency sometimes talks with most miraculous organ. Mr Gore is again nominated for Governor. We are without apprehension for the issue of the approaching Campaign. There is however a foreboding silence and stillness which may portend a violent struggle, but, I think the friends of the present Chief Magistrate are awake—No fear, the watch-word.
I had intended to write you at great length, but am obliged to close my Letter or lose the conveyance.
My account Current goes by this opportunity, but a long letter I send on to New York to go by Mr E.—has not reached him—
I am on the point of starting for Dedham Supreme Court.
Ever Yours—
TBAyour Sons are well—So are we all—


Title: From James Madison to William Steuben Smith, 4 March 1811
From: Madison, James
To: Smith, William Steuben

James Madison. President of the United States of America.To William Steuben Smith Greeting4 March 1811

Reposing a special Trust and Confidence in your Integrity, Prudence and Ability: I have appointed you the said William Steuben Smith Secretary of Legation of the United States of America to His Imperial Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias; authorizing you hereby to do and perform all such matters and things as to the said place or office doth appertain, and the same to Hold and exercise during the pleasure of the President of the United States for the time being, and until the end of the next Session of the Senate of the United States, and no longer
In Testimony whereof, I have caused the Seal of the United States to be hereunto affixed.
Given under my hand at the City of Washington the fourth day of March in the year of our Lord one thousand Eight hundred and eleven and of the Independence of the United States of America, The Thirty fifth.

signed James Madisonby the President.R. Smith Secretary of State.


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to Hannah Phillips Cushing, 5 March 1811
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Cushing, Hannah Phillips

My Dear Friend,—
Quincy, March 5, 1811.

I believe I may say with truth, that I have been your daily visitor through the dreary season of winter, and altho not visible to you, I have sometimes seated myself by your fire side, and held sweet converse with you; and not unfrequently regretted that it was not my good fortune to have been situated near your dwelling; then would your cheering countenance have enlivened the confinement I have experienced since I saw you.
That week I was taken sick; and am now only leaving my chamber: the weather has been so unpleasant, and the roads so obstructed by snow, that I have not been able to get abroad.
You will see by the publick papers that the president has nominated, and the senate unanimously appointed my son, as successor to your late, and ever dear Friend, in his office as judge, altho I know by information received early in the session from Washington, that it was his wish to do so, I considered his absence, as an insurmountable objection. I also knew what interest, what importunate interest would be made for many candidates.
The appointment was altogether unexpected both to the president and to me, the unanimity with which it was assented to, and the general satisfaction which it appears to give to all parties, will I hope and trust induce him to accept the appointment, which so honorably calls him back to his native land and which I hope will shield him from that spirit of animosity which has so unjustly assaild him. It will place him out of reach of competition for office, which occasions so much envy and jealousy amongst all parties. I had rather have him hold the office of Judge, than that of any foreign embassy or even Chief Majistrate of the United States. I think my Dear Friend you will be gratified that the seat your Friend so honorably held, and so faithfully discharged will not be disgraced by his successor.
Both his Father and I have written to him, to urge his acceptance of an office, which he has heretofore, when mentioned to him, exprest a reluctance to filling if ever he should be appointed to it.
He will now have many motives to consider what then appeard to him, a place for which he did not consider himself adequate to.
I know the interest you take in whatever concerns your Friends, will plead my excuse, for making myself and Family the subject of this Letter. Pray let me hear how you are. My regards to your Sisters, and believe me at all times Your truly affectionate Friend
Abigail Adams


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to Catherine Nuth Johnson, 6 March 1811
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Johnson, Catherine Nuth

my dear Madam
Quincy March 6th 1811

The great quantity of snow upon the Ground has obstructed the travelling So much, that the post did not get in last week, and your Letter which Should have come by that Mail, did not arrive untill yesterday.
The Nomination and appointment of mr Adams, had been announced in the public papers, and in Some private Letters, before I received yours—
Supposing that his absence would be an insurmountable objection towards his appointment, the information you gave me upon the Subject, I rather considerd, as the wish of Some of his Friends; than as a practicable matter; the Nomination of mr Lincoln, was not a surprize to me, that of mr wolcott was—but I am disposed to make every allowence for a President of the United States, with respect to appointments. I know, for I have been witness to enough of it, how eagerly every office is Sought after, by both Parties, how urgent, how pressing, how importunate Candidates are for themselves, and Friends and often how painfull the task is, for a President to decide, between the merrits and qualifications of Rival Candidates. Much has been said of the dangers arising from Patronage believe me, there is more of torment, than pleasure or utility in it—
As this appointment of mr Adams was the voluntary act of the Presidents, without the knowledge or expectation either of his Father, or Mother, or any other Friend, in this quarter of the Union—I esteem it the more highly, and I consider it an honorable call for him to return to his Native Country. both his Father and I have written to him, and given him our reasons. why we think it encumbent upon him to accept the appointment, so unsolicitedly made, So cordially and unanimously confirmed, and so universally approved.
I have written immediatly to you that you might know my mind upon a Subject, which gives me more pleasure than if he had been Elected chief Majestrate of the united States. I hope he will So maturely weigh the Subject, as to remove from his mind, every objection, which has heretofore inclined him to think that he never would go upon the Bench
I would request of mr Pope, to express to the President, my gratification at the honorable manner—in which he has recalld him to his Country.
I will not permit myself to doubt of his return If his Life, and that of his family, are Spared, and I hope we shall see them before the close of the Present year. I am sure the prospect of it, will be hailed by mrs Adams with inexpressible joy, if I may judge from the Strain of all her Letters.
you must my dear Madam Strive to Support your Spirits. you have a double call for them; the Infant ospring of your dear Daughter must look to you, to Supply the place of her whom they have lost and to aid their Father in their Education—your son, no doubt would be a grand great Solace to you, but his Duty, and his interest call him away, to the Climate he is Seasoned. the Country, I have heard is delightfull, and he, much esteemed, and Respected in it—
we must look to the bright Side, as well as to the dark Shade of the picture, and balance our Comforts, against our Privations—and Surely we Shall have cause to rejoice—
I must request you to remember me to mr Hellen, whose health I hope may be reestablished, to mr and Mrs Pope my best wishes for an agreable journey, and health & prosperity, to miss Adelade, an invigorated Constitution, and a good Husband, to the rest of your Family ever comfort they need—our Grandsons request that I would present their Duty to you. they are elated with the hope of seeing their Parents return and with this Anticipated hope I Subscribe your Friend
A Adams


Title: From Elizabeth Smith Shaw Peabody to Abigail Smith Adams, 8 March 1811
From: Peabody, Elizabeth Smith Shaw
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

Atkinson March 8th. 1811—

I thank you My Dear, & revered Brother & Sister, for your repeated attentions to me, & mine.
The Cold, & the Snow yet remaining upon the Earth, renders it I fear, very painful & unpleasant Weather for my Son. I hoped to receive a Letter from him before this time, Silence in any one else I should construe as inability, or an increase of Disease.
Few Children I believe are half attentive enough to the feelings, & wishes of their Parents, The Fountain of Love & Tenderness in us, flows with unremitting Ardor, expands, (not wastes) in various delightful Streams, nor is exhausted, ‘till vital Blood ceases to move. But the filial affections keep on in a regular course, they find no circular Line, nor reverberate back to there original Source.
We often shew too great Partiality for our Children; & I find myself perfectly disposed to make every possible Excuse for my Son’s not writing. But even the sweet-tempered benevolent Mrs. Chapone, would not I believe, think the silence of a Friend, had any attractive Charm, or was one of those Imperfections, from the “Indulgence of which, arise the most endearing Ties of Society.”—
I do not ask for frequent Letters, all I desire is, such as his Circumstances, & particular occasions make requisite. And to you, who I know love him, I may say, I think his not writing to his Mother, One of his great failings—&, all the way I have to comfort, & quiet my vexed Heart, is to think he is possessed of many Virtues; & that if he really knew of how much value I esteemed a rational confidential literary Intercourse, his Benevolence alone would induce him to write—
You my dear Sisters are both happy in having Sons, who not only have the Tongue, but the Pen of the Eloquent, & who use it, for the Edification, Comfort, & Delight of their absent Friends—
A deep conviction of both my Sisters Excellence, & of my own demerits, make me quite blush,  when you talk of “yielding” the Palm. For were you, with all the Gods, & Goddesses assembled upon Mount Ida, & Pallas herself, or my sweet generous condescending Sister, should proffer the honoured Boon,  a consciousness of my own unworthyness would make me turn abashed.
Every day I feel more sensibly my own deficiencies & the want of early Initiation in those Branches of Learning for which my longing Soul panted, & with which our more favoured Daughters are blessed.—There were then no Academies, no regular mode of Education for our Sex—& to the Virtues, more than to the Instructions of our Venerable Parents, we owe much.—Our Mother, dear excellent Woman did all she could, learned us to read, & gave us Dr. Wall’s Hymns; & by her my lisping Tongue was taught divine Truths made more obvious, & pleasant by his Song, & from those I received my first Impressions of Religion.—
To my dear Brothers, & Sisters, whom in my Youth I was much with, I feel myself under particular Obligations for my early Impressions which I dearly love to trace—Many of their Observations I treasured up in my little Store-house, from which I have experienced much benefit—Their smiles were a Stimulus, & their profound Knowledge, was an Incitement to my own acquisitions—
Your Sentiments, & Ideas my Sister, relative to the Works of Mr Richardson, exactly coincide with my own—I have ever been his admirer, & warm advocate. Indeed almost every other Novel appears to me inspired, & futile,—if not dangerous—& I have always regretted that Abby could not procure the reading of his Clarissa, as it is preferable to the other two, & one of the best Performances to improve young Ladies, of which I know;—& as you observe, no one can peruse this preceptive Author, “without rising better, from the Feast”µIn the Character of Mrs Shirley, how dignified, & amiable does old age appear—& in Dr Bartlet, how worthy, & attractive is the Ambassador of Heaven—
It is a Circumstance of Felicity to me, that we my dear Sisters, are an happy Triumvirate, united in Taste, Sentiment, & Love—Are yet Probationers—“fellow Workers” I trust; in the service of our ascended Lord—May we still do much Good, & so improve those Talents he has given, as to receive at the closing Scene his gracious Plaudit—
I rejoice My Sister to hear of your son’s & Family’s health—& that he has had the united Suffrages of both Houses, for the Office of cheif Judge—may he return to the Bosom of his Friends & Country—Their choice, is a pleasing evidence that they have confidence in his Wisdom, & Integrity—
I think Mr Mackeen very politic in no sooner having his Lectures—For he must know the almost adored Image of his Predecessor, still lives in the Hearts of his Pupils. The Science he taught—the moral & religious Precepts he instilled, now enriches their retired meditations—& their public Exhibitions—“The Honey of his Persuasion” still dwells upon their Lips—& the purity, elegance & sweetness of his Diction yet vibrates with delight—Of such a Son, who would not be gratefully proud?—may he long prove a Blessing, & be blessed prays your Sister,
E Peabody


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to Abigail Amelia Adams Smith, 10 March 1811
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Smith, Abigail Amelia Adams

my dear Daughter
10 March 1811.

It is so long Since I received a Letter from you or any of the Family that I am not a little anxious to hear. I have attributed it to the great fall of Snow which has obstructed prevented the Southern post getting in Regular Succession—and we have learnt that the Northern Roads are still more obstructed—yet I have Sent every Post to the office in hopes to hear. I have written You Several Letters to which I have not any return it is now the 10 of March & the Snow is ten foot high in banks between here and the meeting house—
I have been out only three times since Jan’ry and then no farther than your Brothers—
You have learnt by the publick papers I trust that your Brother is honorably recalld to his Native Country—unexpectedly to us, because we thought his absence would have been an objection which could not be overcome—I knew from early information from Mrs Johnson that it was the wish of the President to place him in that office, but I presume he was so harassed and beset by Recommendations and urgent Supplications, that he was led to the Nomination of a man Whom it appears was not esteemed qualified for the place and after one  Resignation and one negative, the President was determined to Nomminate from his own judgement and personal knowledge, the unanimous approbation concurrence of the Senate, and the universal approbation it meets with from all parties, is very gratifying to me, upon many accounts It is peculiarly So, I am Sensible the duties of the Station are arduous and highly responsible. of his qualification, there is no question. the  permaancy of the office will releave him from that a great portion of envy and jealousy which a Rivalship for other offices might excite in the minds of candidates, and which with other circumstances renderd his Residence here unpleasent to him—he will be able to be at home Some part of the year and by that means can Superintend the Education of his Children. he can reside where he pleases. I hope during the lives of his parents it will be at Quincy—he can live within his income, and tho he cannot go grow rich, he can be live independent—
I am making calculations for him as tho upon the  Spot, and as tho no ocean divided us—I have a confidence, and a firm belief that his Life will be protected and Spaird, and that he is designd to be in the hands of Providence a great Blessing to this Nation—call it vanity or by what name they please Such is my Faith, and may it be unto me all or to  it—you will naturally feel anxious for William. I hope he will have an inclination for merchandise, but with its present prospects, it is truly deplorable, but it appears that this State of things cannot last long, and William residence in Russia may give him Some opportunities and acquaintance which may  assist in future enterprises. mr Gray proposed his engaging in Some thing of the kind—and if he returns I do not doubt but Some thing may be found out benificial for him—he can barely live in Russia I am sure upon what is allowed him—I have forwarded Several Letters from him Since I received any acknowledgment that they had been received. I am very anxious respecting what in your last Letter dated Janry you mentiond to me. I have sent you Dr Welchs opinion. dr Hollbrook concurrd in the application of the medicine, but both agreed you had better be present, that they could judge better & advise to more effect. let me know particularly concerning the State of it. and let me hear from you as Soon as possible
Your affectionate / Mother
A Adams


Title: From Andrew Buchanan to Catherine Nuth Johnson, 13 March 1811
From: Buchanan, Andrew
To: Johnson, Catherine Nuth

My Dear Madam
Baltimore March 13. 1811

I hasten to relieve the anxiety of our Friends in Washington by informing you that your Daughter Carolina gave birth to a Son this Morning about 10 OClock—All that I can say of him at present is that he is a fine, fat, plump Boy with excellent lungs—
C. is doing charmingly her trial was about two doubtful hours before Doctor White’s arrival, and two real ones after—
Yours Very Affectionately

And Buchanan


Title: From Hannah Phillips Cushing to Abigail Smith Adams, 14 March 1811
From: Cushing, Hannah Phillips
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

My dear Friend
Scituate March 14th 1811

I will without delay thank you for the ind letter of the 5th, which was not received till yesterday. It has been my intention to ask after your health for some time, & that of your dear Sisters; My heart feels much for her sore bereavement, as her day is so may her strength be. To that great being in whom she confides I commend her, with her afflicted Husband. May he be more to them than sons or daughters. Do offer them my best regards & sympathy. How much sickness falls to the lot of my beloved Friend; if my presence could have cheere’d you how earnestly then do I wish to have been there; but the weather & roads have been such, that I have not even ventured out since the Sabbath after my return. However if our dwellings were as near each other as I heartily wish, all obstacles would have vanished between me & your sick chamber. The appointment of Mr Adams as the successor of my blessed Husband, gave me great joy. I know not that being I should have prefered. How events follow each other. My best Friend was successor to his Father, as Chief Justice. I hope & pray that he may not decline. My heart records your goodness in writing so often to me, without waiting for a reply. Next month may bring us together; it is a visit I contemplate upon with delight.
Mr Sumner passed last Friy night here, Elizas health was better. He came in a slay with Mrs Emily Phillips, & Mrs Paine, who brought her eldest daughter to stay a few weeks, & took home Sarah the second daughter who had been some time with us.
All my family are well & unite with me in affectionate regards to you & yours
Your Afflicted
H Cushing
21st
My beloved Friend
Just as I am writing my name the man who takes the Mail to Boston passed by, which has delayed this one week, as he only goes on Thursdays. Your letters always afford me great pleasure, & never more than when your Family are the principal subjects of them, except speaking of those happy beings that have passed away.
I have always considered the Office of a Judge of the U.S. preferable to any other, & do most heartily hope Mr Adams will accept of his appointment. Then he will be out of the Vortex of politics, I wish every one to think as highly of him as does your ever / AffectionateH C


Title: From Catherine Nuth Johnson to Andrew Buchanan, 17 March 1811
From: Johnson, Catherine Nuth
To: Buchanan, Andrew

Washington March 17th 1811

I sincerely Congratulate you My Dear Sir on the Birth of your Son, and the Safety of our Dear Caroline. as soon as you inform me on a Certain Subject, I shall myself address her. it will give me great Pleasure, to have this answered immediately, as I am very desirous and anxious, to know if she, and the Babe Continue Well—Tom left Washington on Wednesday morning, for your City, since which I have not heard any thing from him, Notwithstanding he Promised me faithfully to write me, on Friday, as he Contemplated going to Philadelphia. I presume he is gone on. you will oblige me, by any information you Can give me Respecting his Plans, if he intends going in the Clifton, or the Baby? if you let Caroline know you have heard from me, Present My affectionate Love to her. and tell her I shall as soon as Harriet is safe in Bed, gladly obey her Summons to Pay My Respects to the little Stranger—Love to the Children Mr Boyd and Mr Hellen Request you will send them about 24 Pound of Butter by the Stage Between them as More will not Keep this Warm Weather—affectionly yours

C Johnson


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Abigail Smith Adams, 19 March 1811
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

N. 15
St: Petersburg 19. March 1811.

In proportion as the time lengthens since the receipt of your last Letter, which is also the last that I have received from any of my friends at Quincy, I find not only my anxiety to hear directly from you increasing with it, but also my desire and determination if possible to relieve you and my other friends with you from a similar anxiety respecting us, which you would feel in the case of so long an interval without receiving letters from us.—There may perhaps yet pass two full months, before the dissolution of the Russian Rivers, will afford us opportunities of writing directly from this Country; but from the middle of November when the Navigation stopp’d, untill this time, there has never pass’d a month, without my writing to you, and forwarding the letter to some place, whence it would be possible to transmit it immediately, or within a very short delay.—I have repeatedly found the advantage, of a rule which I have taken the liberty of recommending both to my brother and to you—which is not to wait before writing, for the opportunity to send; but to have the letter ready written for the opportunity.—Since the beginning of this month, I have already sent letters for you or for my brother to be forwarded from Hamburg, from Paris, and from Gothenburg, and although I know not how or when I shall be able to dispatch this letter, I am persuaded that when once ready, I shall not have it long upon my hands.
Our Society here, as you will naturally suppose is principally composed of the Corps Diplomatique; which of all the moveable sand-banks in this world of mutability, is perhaps the most given to change—When we arrived here, in October 1809, it consisted of a French Ambassador-Ministers of the second order from the kings of Denmark, Prussia, Sardinia, Saxony, Bavaria, Wurtemberg, Holland, Spain, Naples and Westphalia—There were from Sweden the two negotiators who had just concluded the Peace of Fredericshamm, one of whom had been for many years the Swedish Ambassador at this Court; and then had as he still has the powers, but without the formal character of Ambassador—There was also a Chargè d’Affaires from Portugal, or from the Prince Regent of Brazil, and an Agent from the Hanseatic Cities.—Austria and England were not represented.—Seven of these kings, besides the French Emperor, were themselves novelties, credited since the commencement of the present Century, and lineally descended from the Revolution which was to found Liberty, Equality and Fraternity, and to abolish monarchy on the face of the globe.—Four of them, Holland, Spain, Naples and Westphalia, were of the collateral Bonaparte Dynasty, which had been set up, before he had undertaken to have children of his own to provide for.
We had been here about three months when the Duke de Mondragone, the Minister from the king of Naples, was recalled and took leave. Observe that by the king of Naples I mean the person once named Joachim Murat, whose title to that throne sprouted from his marriage with a sister of the Emperor Napoleon—For there is yet here another Neapolitan Nobleman, the Duke de Serra-Capriola, an Ex-Ambassador of the antient king of the two Sicilies Ferdinand, but who is not recognized in that capacity now. The Duke de Mondragone was the head of one of the proudest and most illustrious noble families of the kingdom of the two Sicilies, and the Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of Joachim Murat.
About the same time Count Einsiedel the Minister from the king of Saxony, was recalled from the mission here, and sent in the same capacity to Paris—He  was a man of infinite humour and pleasantry, but he protracted for five months at least our residence at a very uncomfortable public Inn—He received his recall in December, and was to go in January—I engaged to take the house which he was to quit; which we accordingly now occupy—But from January to June he was always going the next week, and we were waiting at the Inn.
The Bavarian Minister, the Chevalier de Bray, a frenchman by Birth, was the only public Minister here, who had his wife and family here with him.—They were very amiable, and paid us all possible attention—But after passing the last Winter here they went into the Country—He obtained a leave of absence, to travel for one year, and they are now at Rome or at Naples.
The Chevalier Six d’Oterleck, the Minister from the king of Holland, was an old acquaintance of mine—I had seen him in the year 1795, as the Citizen Six, in the first year of Batavian Liberty, go to Paris from the Batavian Republic, to attempt a negotiation for Peace, with the Committee of Public Safety of the French Republic one and indivisible. He was now metamorphosed into the Chevalier Six d’Oterleck, bdizened with the Ribbons of three Orders of knighthood, and Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary from the king of Holland—The king of Holland was the person who in the year 1801. had been introduced to me by General Beurnonville, at Berlin, by the name and style of la Colonel Bonaparte.—The king of Holland, to me who had received part of my Education at Amsterdam and at Leyden, and who at a later period had myself been accredited to their High Mightinesses the States General of the United Netherlands, was as odd a sound to the ear, as the sight of Citizen Six with his Ribbons and his Stars was to the eye.—But the king of Holland is no more—About the month of January 1810. Monsieur de Champagny, otherwise called the Duke de Cadore, the Emperor Napoleon’s minister of foreign Affairs made the discovery that Holland was nothing but an alluvion of France; whereupon the king of Holland made a Treaty with his august brother ceding about one third of his kingdom to France—And as notwithstanding this cession the British ministers refused to repeal the Orders of Council, the king of Holland abdicated—his whole kingdom was incorporated with the french Empire, and my friend the Chevalier Six d’Oterleck, found himself in the condition of Othello—His occupation was gone—So he had the honour of dining with the Emperor Alexander, which he could not have had if he had been simply a Minister recalled; went to Paris last August; was appointed Intendant of the Domains, and received the Emperor Napoleon’s permission to wear the ribband of the Bavarian order of St: Hubert—a very large blue ribband.
I call him my friend the Chevalier Six d’Oterleck, because with all his metamorphoses and all his ribbons, he is a good-hearted, friendly, as well as a sensible and well-informed man—While he remained here I was upon a footing of great intimacy with him, and I met with a very serious loss in his departure—He had almost all the sound and useful qualities of the antient Dutch character, and he had a very peculiar and sincere regard for our Country, where he is the owner of very considerable possessions.
One of the Swedish Negotiators whom I have mentioned, was here only a few weeks, and returned to Sweden—Count Stedingk, the informal Ambassador, was to have remained only untill last June, and a frigate then actually came to take him home. But just at that time happened the sudden Death of the late Crown Prince, and Count Stedingk was requested to stay here some time longer—He is yet here, and a most amiable and respectable man—He served with the french army in America during our war, and was wounded at the affair of Savannah.
About a Month after us, arrived here Count St: Julien as an informal Envoy from the Emperor of Austria. The Emperor of Austria, in that character is as much of a novelty as all the rest—The reason for all these informal missions is to escape from questions of etiquette, and the necessity of disputing for precedence with the French Ambassador, who would take and maintain it upon all occasions, before all other Ambassadors—Before the dissolution of the German Empire, French Ambassadors yielded precedence to those of the Emperor of Germany—Now they insist upon it themselves—To avoid an unprofitable contest, Austria sent Count St: Julien, first without Diplomatic Rank, and now with the character of  Envoy-Extraordinary, that he may without any evaporation of dignity walk after the French Ambassador—But then he is to be treated as a sort of Semi-Ambassador; something more than a mere Envoy, and has been all winter preparing to live in Style.
The Agent from the Hanseatic Cities, vanished from the Diplomatic Circle, about two months ago, upon the incorporation of his Sovereigns with the French Empire—I have not seen him since. He was a very respectable man, and from his long residence in this Country, an agreeable acquaintance—His name is Wiggers.
The Chargè d’Affaires from Portugal, the Chevalier Navarro d’Andrade, I had known as Secretary of the Portuguese Legation at Berlin—He is also my very worthy and valuable friend; but he is recalled—A Minister is appointed to come in his stead; and he expects to depart in May or June.
Lastly the French Ambassador, Caulaincourt, Duke de Vicence, Grand Ecuyer of France, one of the most accomplished as well as one of the greatest noblemen of the Napoleon creation has received his recall, and only waits for the arrival of his successor, a Count and General Lauriston. We shall regret the Ambassador, whose civilities to us have been frequent and uninterrupted, and but for a reserve which we have thought necessary in accepting them, would have been much more frequent still. He lives in a style of magnificence scarcely surpassed by the Emperor himself, and has an easy, unassuming simplicity of manners, which is not very common among the modern Grandees, and which does not always distinguish even the antideluvian great.
And here ends my first Canto of mutability.—It will make you acquainted with many of the persons, whom we have most frequently associated with here, and shew you how they pass like Chinese shadows before us—But whatever changes I may witness or experience, be assured that my duty and affection to you will remain immutable.

A—All Well.


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Abigail Smith Adams, 22 March 1811
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

No. 16.
St: Petersburg 10/22. March 1811.

I dined yesterday at the French Ambassadors, at a diplomatic dinner of about sixty persons in the highest and most formal style.—I give you a description of this entertainment, which may amuse you as a specimen of the usages of the time and place, and give you an idea of what is understood to be the suitable style of entertainment by an Ambassador—The invitation was by printed Card, sent five or six days before the dinner, which by the custom is the signal of a formal entertainment.—All invitations to dinner without ceremony are sent by verbal message, or given personally. The printed Cards, although on the face of them they ask for an Answer, never are answered, unless to decline the invitation—The only answer expected is personal attendance.
When the invitation is without ceremony, the guests are expected to go not in full dress—But in frock Coats, and, if you choose in boots and with a round hat. But when the invitation is by Card they must go in a full Court dress—that is to say in Uniform, for there is no Court dress here but in Uniform.—In the Summer Season however the Chancellor of the Empire, Count Romanzoff sometimes invites by Cards, specifying that the Company are to come in frock Coats.
The hour of dining varies at different houses from four to five O’Clock.—The Chancellor’s Cards are always for four O’Clock—the Ambassador’s for half–past four—These are the only two houses where Entertainments of this kind are given; or at least where I have witnessed them.
At half–past four therefore I went to the Ambassador’s Hotel, at the outer–door of which stood the Porter or Swiss in a full dress’d livery deeply bordered with Gold–Lace—A three corner’d hat also gold–laced—a broad girdle of Cloth passing over from the right shoulder to the left side, bordered with gold–lace, and worked with gold embroidery, and a large thick staff about five foot long, and headed with silver—He opened the folding doors, and I stepp’d from the Carriage into the house.—As my style here is altogether republican I went only in a Chariot and four, attended by two footmen in livery, and driven by a Coachman on the Carriage Box, and a Postillion between boy and man, on the left right side horse of the leading pair—My own foot–men followed me about half the way up the stairs, where I threw off and gave them my Shoop, a loose outside Fur–Garment, fit only for wearing in a Carriage—The weather not being cold I had not taken with me the loose boots lined with fur or flannel, which are also worn in winter, when riding in Carriages, and are thrown off on entering the house. They are indispensible, in the severity of the Season, and are slip’d on and off over shoes and silk–stockings, with as much ease as the shoop is from the shoulders.
On the steps of the stair–case at the Ambassador’s Hotel, stood a line of twenty–foot–men, reaching from the bottom to the top of the stairs—All in the same livery as the Swiss, excepting the girdle, staff and hat; and in silk stockings instead of boots—They stand there from the time when the company begins to arrive come, untill all the guests are arrived—They stand like so many Statues and are there merely for the magnificence of the shew—At the top of the Stair–Case at the folding doors of the first-antichamber stood two Chassaurs, with pea–green liveries as deeply laced with silver as those of the footmen with gold, and with each a hanger suspended at the thigh by a leather baldric passing over the shoulder—These like the Swiss, were in Boots—In the second Antichamber was a line of eight upper Servants, above the rank of footmen & Chasseurs—In uniform dresses embroidered in gold, but of the same Colours with the liveries.—They were all in silk Stockings, and stood like the footmen; merely to be seen by the Company.—In the third Antichamber the guests were received and greeted by the Ambassador’s Secretaries and by the French Consul—The Ambassador himself stood in the Saloon, near the door of  entrance, both folds of which were wide open; and there received & returned the salutations of each guest as he arrived, after  which the guest pass’d on into the Circle standing without any regular order about the Hall—In the course of half an hour the whole company was assembled; and all continued standing untill the Ambassador’s Steward in a full dress;  not of livery, but of cloaths richly embroidered in the antient Style of Court dresses, came and announced to him that the Shaal was ready.—The Shaal is a dram of cordials, served with a relisher of cold tongue, or ham, caviar, cheese, anchovies, and other stimulants to appetite, which it is customary to take immediately before sitting down to dinner—It was served on a small table in the second anti-chamber, and each guest who chose to take it helped himself at the table without sitting down—This ceremony being performed, which did not occupy more than five minutes of time, the Ambassador bowing round to the Company invited the Chancellor to pass into the dining Hall, and accompanied him to his place at his own right hand at the middle of the table. The remainder of the company followed without any particular order of precedence, each person taking his place according to his own idea of propriety, or to the courtesy of others—All the Ministers and General Officers however national and foreign waited yesterday, and gave the step  of precedence immediately after the Chancellor and the ambassador, to the Austrian Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, Count St: Julian, who for certain reasons is treated with very peculiar distinction at this time—The rest of the Company took their places as I have mentioned, at discretion.  The dinner was over in about an hour, and seldom lasts longer on these occasions of parade—There is no distinction of different Services, and no time lost either in setting on and removing dishes, or in carving.—The table is elegantly decorated with a plateau, and a variety of images in porcelain, and ornamented plates filled with confectionary and fruits; which form part of the desert; but no other dish is ever set upon the table—Those that require carving are all carved by the principal servants in attendance—The dinner begins with soup; a plate of which is carried by the footmen and offered to every guest at the table.—The soup plates are of elegant porcellain—Then follows a succession of seven or eight dishes of flesh and fish variously cooked, with and without vegetables; and some of them with pastry, according to the fashion of french Cookery.—If the dishes in which they are served are large, and the footmen bring small portions of it round, and present them to every guest as with the soup. If the dishes are small, they are presented in succession to the guests each of whom helps himself from the dish as he pleases—Bottles of french table wines, red and white alternatively, and Decanters of Water, are placed on the table between every two persons seated at it, with a tumbler and a Wineglass to each person—But a variety of fine wines, are served round by the Butler, and some of the footmen, between every dish or two that is presented—One glass only of each sort of wine is offered to each guest.—They usually begin with Madeira—to which succeed various french wines; red and white alternately, untill Champaign is presented with the last dish of flesh—Then come Jellies—preserves—fruits—Sweetmeats—and last of all Ice–creams, with a small glass of sweet wine—There are no healths drank,   and no Toasts; and every guest has as little to do with the drinking, as with the eating of another.—Among the Liquors served round are usually English Porter and ale, and frozen punch in champaign glasses.—On rising from table, the footmen behind the chairs, offer tumblers of greenglass filled with water, to every guest to wash his mouth and fingers—the Company return through the antichambers into the Saloon, where they continue standing as before dinner—the Servants hand round Coffee, and afterwards cordials in glasses not much larger than thimbles, after which each guest drops off one by one, without taking leave or being noticed by any person as he retires—At the head of the Stair–case he finds the Chassaures and footmen, who the moment he appears call for his Servants, one of whom comes to him and put on his Shoop and fur–boots; while another goes and orders his Carriage up to the door—there stands the Swiss, and at the moment when the Carriage drives up opens the door—The guest enters his Carriage, and goes home, or wherever his business or his pleasure calls him. I said there was no distinction of Services at the table—But after the soup, untill the last dish of flesh, emphatically called the  Roast, which is always accompanied with a sallad, and followed by the glass of champaign, the Plates in which every thing is presented and the Dishes are of silver Plate—After which the plates are of the most magnificent China, usually of Sevres painted with Portraits, Views—Landscapes, or History–Pieces, no two plates of which are alike—At this period of the repast, the silver plates are taken away from before every guest, and in their stead is substituted a plate of this superb porcellain, with a napkin of more beautiful damask than that first served (which is however not taken away) two dessert knives, a fork a Spoon and a  Paddle all of silver gilt, excepting the blade of one of the knives, which is of steel.—The knife with a silver blade is to pare  or to cut fruit—That with a steel blade to cut preserves or confectionary, or any thing requiring a keener edge than silver—The Paddle (I call it so from its form; I know not its proper name) is to take up the liquid jellies of preserves, or ice–creams, which might  spread themselves over the surface of your plate, and might escape the scoop and thickness of a spoon—The second napkin is merely to wipe your lips and fingers; when you wash them on rising from table; that which you have used at dinner, being supposed less suitable for that purpose. The attention of the servants to the guests at table is so vigilant, that you scarcely ever have occasion to ask for any–thing. The instant that you have emptied  your plate, or that you lay down your knife and fork or spoon, your plate is taken away and a clean one is given you in its stead—If you choose to have your knife fork and spoon changed you lay them, or either of them in the plate—If you lay them aside on the Cloth, they are not taken away—whenever they are, others are immediately given you with the plate—If you have occasion for a fresh supply of bread, the footmen perceive it, at least as soon as you do yourself, and present you a new piece just as you are ready to call for it—If you take two or three glasses of the various kinds of wine that are handed round, the glasses as you empty them are taken away without any hint from you—the name of each kind of wine is mentioned to you by the servant who offers it—If you decline taking any dish or glass offered you, there is no occasion to speak—you only raise your hand & touch with the back of your fore–finger the edge of the plate or of the waiter in which it is presented—The servant understands you and offers the same plate or waiter to the guest seated next you.—As several plates are serving from the same dish, at once in various parts of the table; the whole company is served with it in a very few minutes—The Conversations of each guest are merely with his next neighbours at table and in a low voice that they may all be carried on at once—The voice of a servant is never heard, unless to mention the names of the wines as they are offered—The Ambassador and the Chancellor sometimes have a Band of Music, who occasionally strike up an air or a march at intervals during the dinner—Yesterday however there was none. Ex uno, disce omnes—I give you the discription of an individual for an idea of the genus—All these parade dinners are alike; differing only in some insignificant details—For instance, the Ambassador, who is one of the politest men in the world, never pays any attention to any part of the dinner, more than any one of the guests—The Chancellor usually himself pours out the sweet wine, the last that is served—two kinds of which he has before him—he calls out to each guest by name, asks him which of the two he will have, and according to his choice sends him a glass by a footman—This you will observe is a mark of special attention—but it is troublesome both to the Chancellor and to the guests—The Ambassadors fashion is more of a piece with the whole system—His servants carry round the sweet wines like all the rest—They offer to each guest the choice of two; but in that as in every thing else, the master of the house, can be distinguished from the guests, while at table, only by the seat which he occupies.—Every thing moves like a piece of Clock work—The dishes—the Cookery—the Wines are all of the most exquisite inventions of luxury, and yet there is less of intemperance in fifty such feasts,  than is  in one of our dinners succeeded by a carousal of six hours long; swilling upon a mixture of madeira–wine and brandy. A.