Title: On the Candidacy of Barlow Trecothick, 8 March 1768
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

The essay as published in the Pennsylvania Chronicle purports to be a reprint from the London Gazetteer; Crane presents strong presumptive evidence, however, that it was submitted in London but did not appear there (Letters to the Press, p. 113). The draft in Franklin’s hand is not so much a draft as an incomplete collection of jottings, which have little verbal or structural resemblance to the final product. A few passages are given below, at points where they seem most relevant to the text, to show how Franklin modified his argument for public consumption.

  East-Greenwich, March 8, 1768.
  To the Printer:

I am, Sir, a native of Boston, in New-England, but I do not concern myself in your London election; nor do I believe that any of my countrymen think it of importance to them, whether you choose Alderman T. your representative, or reject him. And yet I hear great clamour, as if his nomination were to promote a Boston interest. He may be, for ought I know, a man of abilities, and a friend of ours: But, should he get into P--t, what is one man among five or six hundred? A drop in the bucket. He may be well acquainted with the interests of both countries, a moderate prudent man, and so a fit instrument to conciliate jarring interests, and restore harmony between us. But possibly you have men enough as well qualified in those respects, and better in others. Choose whom you please, only never hereafter tell us, as a reason for our submitting to your taxes, that we are represented in your Parliament, when even an Englishman, having been in America, is made an absolute disqualification, a bar to his being chosen at all.
I sit down, Sir, after much patience, merely to take some notice of the invective and abuse, that have, on this occasion, been so liberally bestowed on my country, by your writers who sign themselves Old England, a Londoner, a Liveryman of London, &c. &c. [By the way, Mr. Printer, should I have said liberally or illiberally? Not being now it seems allowed to be an Englishman, I ought modestly to doubt my English, and submit it as I do to your correction.] The public, however, has been assured by these gentlemen, that “the Bostonians have an evil disposition towards Old England, a rooted malice against this country, an implacable enmity to it;” they talk of our having “hostile intentions,” and making “barbarous resolutions against it;” they say that “neither French nor Spaniards have as yet outdone the Bostonians in malicious combinations against its existence;” that we are “as inveterate enemies to Old England, as ever the Carthaginians appeared to be to Rome.” If all this is true, the inference intended is a plain one; it is as proper now to make war on Boston, as ever it was to make war against France or Spain; and it will be as right a thing in Old-England, totally to destroy New-England, as it was in Old Rome to destroy Carthage. You should not be contented with cutting the throats of one half of us in the West, to make the other half buy your goods whether they will or no, (as some Londoners say other Londoners do in the East) but the word should be, with old Cato, DELENDA EST: Don’t leave one stone upon another, nor a Carthaginian or Bostonian alive upon the face of the earth. Is this what these valiant writers would be at? And shall we again see them, as in the time of the Stamp Act, exhorting government to pour its armies into the colonies, and deluge the country with blood? But government was, and will be wiser. And do these gentlemen talk of humanity? And do they complain of inhumanity? the inhumanity of Boston people! the horrible inhumanity of resolving to live within compass, and manufacture what they can for themselves!
O! but this would be “inhumanity to England,” it is Bostonian cruelty, that wants to starve our poor!
Supposing it, for a moment, true, give me leave, Sir, upon this head, to recriminate a little. I shall do it gently. I will not bring railing accusations of my own making against you Englishmen: And [all good friends and fellow citizens as you are] it must be supposed that you touch your own failings tenderly, “Nought is aggravated, nought set down in anger.” I have been a reader then, of your newspapers and pamphlets for these three years past; and I find them filled with complaints, that the country and city swarm with rich engrossers, forestallers, monopolizers, who combine to make an artificial famine, to oppress and starve the poor, in order to make themselves more rich. I find your farmers charged in a body, as cruelly withholding the staff of life; your millers, meal-men and bakers represented as thieves and poisoners; your merchants accused of sending away your corn, and starving your own people, to feed foreigners, for the sake of a little profit to themselves, or hoarding it up in magazines till spoilt, rather than let the poor have it at a moderate price. I find your landholders, that great and respectable body, charged with endeavouring by every means in their power to keep up the price of provisions, that the farmers may thereby be enabled to pay them higher rents, for the better support of their excessive luxury. I find even your p--ts, who are chosen chiefly by your landholders, charged with entering into their views; and that there have arisen laws to prevent the importation of beef, pork, corn, &c. from your own Ireland, as well as from any foreign country, lest the poor in England should eat at a less expence; and even laws to tax those poor towards paying a bounty on the exportation of corn, lest too great a plenty at home should lower the price of bread.

Pray, Gentlemen, are these things so?
And are your own people really such tyrants and oppressors of the poor?
I, that am a stranger among ye, cannot be qualified to judge. I can only say, that, as you live together, you have better opportunities of knowing one another, than you have of knowing us at 3000 miles distance, and that therefore what you say of one another is rather more to be depended on. Not to affront you, therefore, by affecting to doubt these facts of your asserting, I would only submit it to your consideration, whether it might not be at least decent, to cure yourselves of inhumanity, before you venture to charge it upon us. Pluck this beam out of your own eyes, before you pretend to spy the mote in ours. We have no malice against your poor, no desire in the least to starve them; but we think we are unable to continue purchasing your manufactures, not only at high prices, but at those prices enhanced by duties; and therefore we resolve to make what we want; not to starve your poor, but to prevent becoming poor and starving ourselves. Charity, your own proverb says, begins at home. Why should you expect us to have more concern for your poor than you have? If you want our help in maintaining them as heretofore, you know how it may be easily had. The means are in your own hands; you know you got all from us, by trade, that we could possibly spare, and kept us besides continually in your debt; what would you, what can you have more? The situation of the colonies seems similar to that of the cows in the fable; forbidden to suckle their own calves, and daily drawn dry, yet they parted with their milk willingly; but when moreover a tax came to be demanded of them, and that too to be paid in grass of which they had already too short a provision; it was no wonder they thought their masters unreasonable, and resolved for the future to suck one another.
Boston man as I am, Sir, and inimical, as my country is represented to be, I hate neither England nor Englishmen, driven (though my ancestors were) by mistaken oppression of former times, out of this happy country, to suffer all the hardships of an American wilderness. I retain no resentment on that account. I wish prosperity to the nation; I honour, esteem, and love its people. I only hate calumniators and boutefeus on either side the water, who would for the little dirty purposes of faction, set brother against brother, turn friends into mortal enemies, and ruin an empire by dividing it. The very injurious treatment America has lately received, in so many London prints, may have some tendency to alienate still more the affections of that country from this; but as your papers extend thither, I wish our people may by their means be informed, that those abuses do not flow from the general sense of people here; that they are the productions of a few unknown angry writers, heated by an election contest, who rave against America, because a candidate they would decry once lived there, and happens to be otherwise unexceptionable: Writers who (as I have shewn) abuse their own country as virulently as they do ours; and whose invectives are disapproved by all people of understanding and moderation. Let it be known that there is much good will towards America in the generality of this nation; and that however government may sometimes happen to be mistaken or misled, with relation to American interests, there is no general intention to oppress us; and that therefore, we may rely upon having every real grievance removed, on proper representations. By spreading these truths in your paper through America, Sir, you may come to deserve a share in that blessing which is promised to the peacemakers, when only its reverse can be expected by these unhappy writers.
New-England.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to [John Canton], 9 March 1768
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Canton, John

Dear Sir,
March 9. 68
Dr. Priestly left these Specimens of the Circles with me to be produc’d to the Society. As I cannot be there this Evening, when I understand the Paper is to be read,  I inclose them to you. Those that look at them should be caution’d not to rub them, lest they should be defac’d before the Company have all had a Sight of them. I am, Yours &c.
B Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Joseph Galloway, 10 March 1768
From: Galloway, Joseph
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Philada. March 10th 1768.
I inclose this in a Packet Sent by the Committee of Correspondence, containing the Messages which passed between the two Houses of Legislature, at their last Sitting. By them you will be able to form a proper Judgment of the Affairs of this Province; which in the Opinion of all good Men here are at length reduced to the most desperate Circumstances. All the Mischiefs we have long expected if not come to Pass, are now in full Prospect. We have long Seen that the Powers of Government united in the Same Hands with immense Property, woud necessarily be attended with many Inconveniencies both to the Crown and the Subject, and that these Powers rested in the feeble Hands of Private Subjects woud prove too weak to Support his Majestys Authority or to give safety to his People. The first will ever naturally lead to Acts of Injustice, Ambition and Oppression, and these things in Private Men will more especially beget disrespect, and that Disrespect soon ripen into Contempt. The Consequence whereof in this Province is, We have the Name of a Government but no Safety or Protection under it. We have Laws without being executed, or even feard or respected. We have Offenders but no Punishment. We have a Majestracy but no Justice; And a Governor but no Government. And, you well know, we possess the Warmest Allegiance to our Sovereign and our Mother Country and yet our Persons and Estates are every hour liable to the Ravages of the Licentious and Lawless, without any hope of Defence against them.
You will perceive from the Messages &c. how many Murders have been committed within the Province without one Off[ender] being brot to Justice. In Several of the Instances No more Notice has been taken of them, than if the unhappy Victims had been so many Dogs; not a Proclamation or a Warrant being issued on the Occasions. And in others the Government has acted as if they really concurrd in Opinion with the Murderers, that the Indians being Hereticks, it was highly Meritorious and doing God Service to cut them off from the Face of the Earth. In the last Murder at Middle Creek our Rulers Seem to have thrown off all Disguise. Stump tis true was apprehended, but by the Activity and Virtue of a private person without any Warrant or Authority from it, by which his Person and property is rendered very insecure and their Destruction have been repeatedly threatend. He delivered his Prisoners to the Sheriff of the County who had the C. Justice’s Warrant ordering him to bring them to Philadelphia. Armstrong and Miller two Inferiour Justices interpose their Authority and forbid him to Obey his Warrant. They discharge his Guard and commit the Offenders to the County Gaol. He is there Chain’d. But the Day before a Rescue was expected, the Justices having Notice of it, and not making the least preparation against it, his Chains are taken off, that it might be the more easily effected-the Rescue is made. The Government Truckles to the Lawless Banditti, and, as good as promises to pass over the atrocious Offence, if they woud deliver up the prisoners. They despised the Terms. The Murderers are Set at large, and are escaped to Parts unknown out of the Province. It is now near two Months since the rescue and not a Warrant is issued against the rescuers, tho all well known to the Majestracy and Government, and might be easily apprehended.
The Impunity with which Offenders escape is a perpetual Encouragement to the Licentious and Wicked to commit new Offences. This day an Account arrived, from Lancaster, that two Soldiers Sent with Dispatches from the Commanding Officer at Fort Pitt, were attacked in Paxton Township, their Letters taken from them, one of which was immediately Destroyd after being open’d and read. The rest opend but redeliverd. I have seen the opend Letters which were not Destroyd. What was the Nature or Consequence of the Letter destroyd none can tell. Take a View, Dear Sir, of these Facts with what you know has heretofore passed in the Government And add to them the Declaration of our Governor that he can do no More, In his Station towards bringing Offenders to Justice, than issuing a Proclamation and writing a few mild Letters to his Majestey, And tell me whether you think, we can beleive ourselves or our Estates Safe under the present Government. I do most candidly assure you, coud I convert my Estate into personalty without great Loss, I shoud immediately remove it with my Family into a Government where I coud reasonably expect they woud be safe from Violation. In this, it is the Opinion of all who are Active in supporting the Honour of the Government [and] the Authority, of the Crown, that their Lives and Properties [are in] great Jeopardy and Danger.
Under these Circumstances, the Assembly thi[nks it their] Indispensable Duty to acquaint his Majesty and Ministry of the State of the Province, For which purpose the Papers &c. are sent to the Agents, And they are orderd to prosecute the Petition for a Change, In hope that our Distracted and distressed Situation will draw his Majestys Attention and Compassion so far towards us as to take the Government under his immediate Directions.
It gives me Pleasure to find a New Establishment is made for American Affairs only. May we not hope, for more Attention to our unhappy Circumstances, and especially under the Nobleman who is at its Head.
I have wrote you a long Letter, tho very unwell being bled, the Minute before I began it, which I know will apologize for its incorrectness. I am Dear Sir your very Affectionate and Obedient humble Servant
J. Galloway
Benjamin Franklin Esqr.

Addressed: To / Benjamin Franklin Esqr. / in / Craven Street / London


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to William Franklin, 13 March 1768
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, William

Dear Son,
London, March 13, 1768.
I have received all together your letters of January 6, 21, and 22: it had been a great while that I had not heard from you.
The purpose of settling the new colonies seems at present to be dropped, the change of American administration not appearing favourable to it. There seems rather to be an inclination to abandon the posts in the back country as more expensive than useful; but counsels are so continually fluctuating here, that nothing can be depended on. The new secretary, my Lord Hillsborough is I find of opinion that the troops should be placed, the chief part of them, in Canada and Florida, only three battalions to be quartered in New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania; and that forts Pitt, Oswego, Niagara, &c. should be left to the colonies to garrison and keep up if they think it necessary for the protection of their trade, &c. Probably his opinion may be followed if new changes do not produce other ideas. As to my own sentiments, I am weary of suggesting them to so many different inattentive heads, though I must continue to do it while I stay among them. The letters from Sir William Johnson relating to the boundary were at last found,  and orders were sent over about Christmas for completing the purchase and settlement of it. My Lord H. has promised me to send duplicates by this packet, and urge the speedy execution, as we represented to him the danger that these dissatisfactions of the Indians might produce a war. But I can tell you there are many here to whom the news of such a war would give pleasure; who speak of it as a thing to be wished; partly as a chastisement to the colonies, and partly to make them feel the want of protection from this country, and pray for it. For it is imagined that we could not possibly defend ourselves against the Indians without such assistance, so little is the state of America understood here.
My Lord H. mentioned the Farmer’s letters to me, said he had read them, that they were well written, and he believed he could guess who was the author, looking in my face at the same time as if he thought it was me. He censured the doctrines as extremely wild, &c. I have read them as far as No. 8. I know not if any more have been published. I should have thought they had been written by Mr. Delancey, not having heard any mention of the others you point out as joint authors. I am not yet master of the idea these and the New England writers have of the relation between Britain and her colonies. I know not what the Boston people mean by the “subordination” they acknowledge in their Assembly to Parliament, while they deny its power to make laws for them, nor what bounds the Farmer sets to the power he acknowledges in Parliament to “regulate the trade of the colonies,” it being difficult to draw lines between duties for regulation and those for revenue, and if the Parliament is to be the judge, it seems to me that establishing such principles of distinction will amount to little. The more I have thought and read on the subject the more I find myself confirmed in opinion, that no middle doctrine can be well maintained, I mean not clearly with intelligible arguments. Something might be made of either of the extremes; that Parliament has a power to make all laws for us, or that it has a power to make no laws for us; and I think the arguments for the latter more numerous and weighty than those for the former. Supposing that doctrine established, the colonies would then be so many separate states, only subject to the same King, as England and Scotland were before the Union. And then the question would be, whether a union like that with Scotland would or would not be advantageous to the whole. I should have no doubt of the affirmative, being fully persuaded that it would be best for the whole, and that though particular parts might find particular disadvantages in it, they would find greater advantages in the security arising to every part from the increased strength of the whole. But such union is not likely to take place while the nature of our present relation is so little understood on both sides the water, and sentiments concerning it remain so widely different. As to the Farmers’ combating, as you say they intend to do, my opinion that the Parliament might lay duties though not impose internal taxes, I shall not give myself the trouble to defend it. Only to you, I may say, that not only the Parliament of Britain, but every state in Europe claims and exercises a right of laying duties on the exportation of its own commodities to foreign countries. A duty is paid here on coals exported to Holland, and yet England has no right to lay an internal tax on Holland. All goods brought out of France to England, or any other country, are charged with a small duty in France, which the consumers pay, and yet France has no right to tax other countries. And in my opinion the grievance is not that Britain puts duties upon her own manufactures exported to us, but that she forbids us to buy the like manufactures from any other country. This she does however in virtue of her allowed right to regulate the commerce of the whole empire, allowed I mean by the Farmer, though I think whoever would dispute that right might stand upon firmer ground and make much more of the argument: but my reasons are too many and too long for a letter.
Mr. Grenville complained in the House that the Governor of New Jersey, New Hampshire, East and West Florida, had none of them obeyed the orders sent them to give an account of the manufactures carried on in their respective provinces. Upon hearing this I went, after the House was up and got a sight of the reports made by the other governors. They are all much in the same strain, that there are no manufactures of any consequence; in Massachusetts, a little coarse woollen only made in families for their own wear: glass and linen have been tried and failed. Rhode Island, Connecticut, and New York, much the same. Pennsylvania has tried a linen manufactory but it is dropped, it being imported cheaper; there is a glass-house in Lancaster county, but it makes only a little coarse wear for the country neighbours. Maryland is clothed all with English manufactures. Virginia the same, except that in their families, they spin a little cotton of their own growing. South Carolina and Georgia none. All speak of the dearness of labour that makes manufactures impracticable. Only the Governor of North Carolina parades with a large manufacture in his country that may be useful to Britain of pine boards; they having fifty saw mills on one river. These accounts are very satisfactory here, and induce the parliament to despise and take no notice of the Boston resolutions. I wish you would send your account before the meeting of next parliament. You have only to report a glass-house for coarse window glass and bottles, and some domestic manufactures of linen and woollen for family use that do not half clothe the inhabitants, all the finer goods coming from England and the like. I believe you will be puzzled to find any other, though I see great puffs in the papers.
The parliament is up and the nation in a ferment with the new elections. Great complaints are made that the natural interests of country gentlemen in their neighbouring boroughs, is overborne by the monied interest of the new people who have got sudden fortunes in the Indies, or as contractors, &c. £4000 is now the market price for a borough. In short this whole venal nation is now at market, will be sold for about Two Millions; and might be bought out of the hands of the present bidders (if he would offer half a million more) by the very devil himself.
I shall wait on Lord H. again next Wednesday on behalf of the sufferers by Indian and French depredations to have an allowance of lands out of any new grant made by the Indians so long solicited (and perhaps still to be solicited) in vain: I am your affectionate father,
B. Franklin.

I dined yesterday with General Monckton, Major Gates, Colonel Lee, and other officers who have served in, and are friends of America. Monckton enquired kindly after your welfare.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Joseph Galloway, 13 March 1768
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Galloway, Joseph

Dear Sir,
London, March 13. 1768
I wrote to you very fully per Falconer of Feb. 17. and have since received yours of Jan. 21. together with one from the Committee, and the Messages, which, as you will see by my Answer to the Committee, I communicated to Lord Hillsborough. His Lordship read them deliberately, and took Notice that the Message of the Assembly seem’d to insinuate, that the Governor had been tardy in bringing the former Murderers to Justice; which gave me an Opportunity of explaining that Matter to him; whereby he might also understand why the Proprietor had not shown him the Messages, when he communicated the Governor’s Letter concerning the Indian Uneasinesses, the Law under his Consideration for removing them, the late Murder and his Proclamation. I shall wait on his Lordship again next Wednesday on our Affairs, and show him moreover your Letter with some other Papers.
The old Parliament is gone, and its Enemies now find themselves at Liberty to abuse it. I inclose you a Pamphlet published the very Hour of the Prorogation. All the Members are now in their Counties and Burroughs among their drunken Electors. Much Confusion and Disorder in many Places, and such Profusion of Money as never was known before on any similar Occasion. ’Tis said the first Instance of Bribing to be chosen a Member of the House of Commons, is no longer ago than Qu. Elizabeth’s Time, when the being sent to Parliament was looked upon as a troublesome Service, and therefore not sought after; it is said that such a one “being a simple Man, had given Four Pounds to the Mayor and Corporation, that they might chuse him to serve them in Parliament.” The Price is monstrously risen since that time; for it is now no less than £4000. ’Tis thought that near Two Millions will be spent this Election. But those who understand Figures and act upon Computation, say, the Crown has Two Millions a Year in Places and Pensions to dispose of, and ’tis well worth while to engage in such a seven Years Lottery, tho’ all that have Tickets should not get Prizes. I am, my dear Friend, Yours affectionately
B Franklin
Jos. Galloway Esqr.

Addressed: To / Joseph Galloway Esqr Speaker, / and the Committee of Correspondence / Pensilvania


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Pennsylvania Assembly Committee of Correspondence, 13 March 1768
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Pennsylvania Assembly Committee of Correspondence

Gentlemen,
London, March 13. 1768
On the Receipt of your Letter of Jan. 20. Mr. Jackson and myself waited on Lord Hillsborough the new Secretary of State for American Affairs, and communicated to him the Contents, pressing the Necessity of enforcing the Orders already sent to Sir William Johnson for immediately settling the Affair of the Boundary Line with the Indians. His Lordship was pleased to assure us that he would cause Duplicates of the Orders to be forwarded by this Packet, and urge the Execution of them.
We communicated also the Copy of General Gage’s Letter, and the Messages that had passed between the Governor and the House thereupon. His Lordship acquainted us, that a Letter from Governor Penn had been shown him by the Proprietor, importing that a horrid Murder had lately been committed on the Indians, upon which the Governor had issued a Proclamation for apprehending the Murderer; and that a Bill was under his and the Council’s Consideration, to prevent future Settlements on Indian Lands. But his Lordship remark’d that these Messages had not been communicated to him by the Proprietor.

Government here begins to grow tired of the enormous Expence of Indian Affairs, and of maintaining Posts in the Indian Country; and it is now talk’d of as a proper Measure, to abandon those Posts, demolishing all but such as the Colonies may think fit to keep up at their own Expence; and also to return the Management of their own Indian Affairs into the Hands of the respective Provinces as formerly. What the Result will be is uncertain, Councels here being so continually fluctuating. But I have urged often, that after taking those Affairs out of our Hands, it seems highly incumbent on the Ministry not to neglect them, but to see that they are well managed, and the Indians kept in Peace. I think however, that we should not too much depend on their doing this, but look to the matter a little ourselves, taking every Opportunity of conciliating the Affections of the Indians, by seeing that they always have Justice done them, and sometimes Kindness. For I assure you that here are not wanting People, who, tho’ not now in the Ministry, no one knows how soon they may be, and, if they were Ministers, would take no Step to prevent an Indian War in the Colonies, being of Opinion, which they express openly, that it would be a very good Thing; in the first Place to chastise the Colonists for their Undutifulness, and then to make them sensible of the Necessity of Protection by the Troops of this Country.
Mr. Jackson being now taken up with his Election-Business may hardly have time to write by this Opportunity: But he joins with me in Respects to you and the Assembly, and Assurances of our most faithful Services. I am, Gentlemen, Your most obedient and most humble Servant.
B Franklin

Joseph Galloway,
}
Esquires, the Committee of Correspondence

Joseph Fox,

Thomas Livesey,

Joseph Richardson,

James Pemberton,

John Ross,

Isaac Pearson,

William Rodman,


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from David Hall, 14 March 1768
From: Hall, David
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir,
Philadelphia March 14. 1768.
The Reason of my not writing to you more fully is, that I was [recently?] informed by Mrs. Franklin, you designed to set out for Philadelphia in the Month of May or June next. The Thoughts of seeing you here [torn] I assure you, is most pleasing to me, and I heartily wish you a safe Voyage, [and?] every Thing that is agreeable on the Passage.
Your kind Letter, of the Fourteenth of April last, I should have [answe]red before this Time, had I not expected the Paper of Remarks, by every Packet since, which you made on the State of our Accompts,  as sent by Mr. Parker; but suppose your continual Hurry prevented your sending it; however, that will make no Difference betwixt us, as I am well satisfied, what unwilling Mistakes, or Omissions, of any Sort, may have been made in our Settlement, will all be rectified in the most friendly Manner, when I have the Pleasure of seeing you in Philadelphia.

Your Friendship I shall always value, and flatter myself, shall never do any Thing to forfeit it; and I think, if I know myself, I have an Inclination to serve you in every shape my small Sphere in Life will admit of. Your Regard for me I am very sensible of, and most heartily thank you for. “Our long amicable Connection (as you very well express it) is now certainly grown into such a settled Friendship, that it will not be easily shaken on either Side.” And if in any Thing we have differred in Sentiment, I know it will readily be adjusted on Meeting.
I don’t know whether you have any Letter from your Family by this Opportunity; but if you have not, Mrs. Franklin, and Mrs. Bache, are both well; and Mr. Bache, if you have not heard it before, is safe arrived in Jamaica.
On the 18th of January last, Mrs. Franklin had £100 of me; £30 for the Payment of Taxes; and £70. for the Payment of an Accompt of Mr. Bremner’s the Musician. This I thought proper to advise you of, as I had let you know of the other Money she had of me from Time to Time.
One Thing was omitted in our Accompts, viz. the Rent of the House, which I am accountable for to you from about the End of August 1764, till the first of January 1767, when my Lease commenced, Mr. nor Mrs. Grace never having asked for any Money from me. I am, Dear Sir, Yours most sincerely,
David Hall.
Mr. Franklin.Sent Via Bristol, by Capt. Mackinzie.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Benjamin Rush, 22 March 1768
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Rush, Benjamin

Sir
London, March 22. 1768.
It has been a great Pleasure to me to hear occasionally from others, that you were closely engag’d in your Studies, and distinguishing yourself by the Progress you made in them. I promise my self that you will return with such a Stock of useful Knowledge as will render you an Ornament to your Country; and that I shall have no reason to regret the Appearance of some Connection between us in the Circumstance of your Inscribing your Dissertation to me. I therefore make no Objection to your gratifying your Inclination in that respect; except that I imagine it might be more proper to dedicate an inaugural Oration to some of those Masters in the Medical Art, to whose Instructions in your Studies you have been most obliged. I am, with sincere Wishes of Prosperity to you, Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin

Addressed: To / Mr Benja. Rush / Student in Physic / Edinburgh / B Free Franklin
Endorsed: B. Franklin  March 22 1768


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Bean, 24 March 1768: résumé
From: Bean, William
To: Franklin, Benjamin

[Coverley’s Fields, opposite the Cock and Hoop; March 24, 1768. He called on Franklin on March 16 and found him engaged, and asks to know whether “there is Any Encouragement for Me in the Colonies.”]


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Francis Hopkinson, 28 March 1768
From: Hopkinson, Francis
To: Franklin, Benjamin

My dear Sir
Philad. March 28th 1768
It is odd enough for a Person to write a Letter which he heartily wishes may never get to Hand; But this is really my Case at present as I am encouraged by your last to expect the Pleasure of seeing you here early in the Summer. I am sensible however that many unforeseen Delays may occur to prevent your embarking so soon as you imagin’d, and therefore will take the Chance of this Letter arriving in England before you have sailed. Need I repeat to you the Gratitude I feel for many singular Instances of your Regard and Friendship particular for the last considerable Favour, I mean your Advice and Encouragement to accept and seriously bend my Mind to my Couzin M. Warren’s offer. Your Plan has answered to a Wonder. On my first setting out, not only the Merchants who spoke from Interest, but even many of my Friends cried out against the Scheme, and rais’d Objections enough to make the Success appear impossible. The Event however hath as yet turn’d out quite otherwise. For in four Months since my Beginning I have taken (By retailing only) and remitted £1500 Currency, which is far beyond my Expectations considering I had the most dead Part of the Year to struggle with. But I will communicate my affairs more largely when I shall have the Happiness of seeing you here.
Mr. Duffield and myself have wrote Mr. Waring and sent him a full Account of the present Situation of the Negroe School in this City; and shall make some Enquiries respecting Ground Rents to be purchased here against your Arrival; but shall hardly venture to proceed any further till we see you: as you are so soon to be expected. I hope you will let my Lord Bishop know of your Embarking, and see him, if he should be in London.
My Mother and Family join in respectful Regards to you. Compliments to Mrs. and Miss Stevenson. Adieu. I am Your’s with all true Love and Gratitude
Fras. Hopkinson

Addressed: To / Dr. Benjamin Franklin / Craven Street / London / per Capt. Leech
  Endorsed: Mr Hopkinson  1768


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Wharton, 29 March 1768
From: Wharton, Thomas
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear friend
Philada. March 29 1768
I wrote thee on the 24 and on the 27 Ulto. and Inclosed the Chronicles,  which I hope will come safe to hand, and as I have from thy Letter to Governor Franklin some reason to suppose thou’l not be able to get away so soon as thou some time before Expected, and as I hope my Scrawls have afforded thee Pretty Early Intelligence I trust my Continuing them will not be disagreeable to thee.
Every day more and more convinces the thoughtfull part of the Inhabitants even those of the Courtside who do not Imediately enjoy Lucrative posts &c, that Unless a Change of Government takes place We shall be totally Undone and that the Lawless and Abandond will do as they please, for What with the G-ts truckling to those Wretches, and some Among Us having been concernd in former Matters, and a fear that if they should attempt to punish those Offenders they will divulge who the Persons were that gave them assistance and Urged them to do what they did, I say these Considerations are supposed by the People to induce G-t to Act as they have done till at length those they have Cherishd Appear to be Out of the reach of this Weak and distracted Government. About three Weeks since two Soldiers were dispatchd as Expresses from Fort Pitt to deliver Letters at Lancaster there being the first post Office, after they had Entr’d Lancaster County they were Attackd by 12 Men who tied them and then searchd and took from them all the Letters they had, two of which they kept declaring that No such Intelligence as they containd should go forward. One of these Letters is Supposed to be for Genl. Gage and the Other for George Croghan, the Other two they deliverd back to the Soldiers the One being for Col: Wilkins and containing a return of the Garrison the Other a Letter to David Franks relative to supplying the Garrison with Provisions, the latter came down quite opened and much defaced, but Col. Wilkins told Me his had been opened and seald Again. Those which they kept or distroyd We know not the Contents of as there has been No Persons from Fort Pitt since; the Soldiers say those Persons declard that No despatches should go to or come from the Kings Garrison but what they would know the Contents of, and that Nothing should come forward disagreable to them; on the 20th Col. Croghan sett off from this City for Fort Pitt in Order to hold a treaty with the Western tribes, and the Next day Arrived in town an Express from Carlisle for Him. G.C. went by the way of Chester, that He might spend a day there and Adjust some of his Affairs which He could not so conveniently do while He remainded here, there it was the Express delivered his dispatches, which Informd Him “that great Numbers of that County were in the state of Rebellion and that it was dangerous even to blame them for their Conduct, that, they were obliged to send the Express Off at 12 o Clock at Night to avoid being stopped; that, they had posted Up Advertisements in Various parts of the County desiring the Inhabitants to thresh out their Grain, Clean up their Guns and Assemble to protect and do themselves Justice, as they found that the Governor had now deserted them, (which by the by appears to Us they are Mistaken in) that they were continually inquiring when Col. Croghan would be up, and that they were determind No treaty should be held with the Indians, threatning the Col[onel’]s Life; &c.” J G S W and Myself were at Chester when these dispatches were deliverd Him; After the Colonel had seriously considerd them and as Appearing to Him that those People stood in No fear of this Government and that his Perfecting the peace with the Indians was of the Utmost Importance to Our Mother Country as well as this Continent, He concluded to send a Letter to Col. Wilkins (who commands the Soldery now here) and inform Him of the scituation of things and request that 50 Soldiers with proper Officers might be sent forward to Meet Him at Lancaster and proceed with Him to Fort Pitt as the Debility of the Goverment was such that it could not protect his Majesties deputy Agent for Indian Affairs in the Execution of his duty, tho’ the whole Brittish Empire was much Concernd in the happy termination of the Important Nogociations under his Management. A little time will tell Us how the Affair will terminate. Should those Lawless People persist in their Intentions and Col. Croghan be cut off, it will be One of the Most fatal strokes that can happen to those Governments as thare is no Person besides Himself whom the Indians to the Westward have a full confidence in and a War will in all probability imediately follow, the Consequence of which thou can form a good Judgement of. By a Letter of the 9th Inst. which Col. Croghan, J G and S W receivd a few days past from Sir Wm. He informs them, that He had then near 700 Indians with Him comprehending deputies from Canada and from the Cherokee Country, that He thought He should be able to Accomodate the differences between the Six Nations and Cherokees, and lay the foundation of a General Peace between them and Us. He likewise Mentions to GC and SW that He had by Last packet receivd a Letter from Lord Shelburne acknowledging the receit of his Last Letter Which as well as former Ones were very full respecting the general Boundary, and that Nobleman Assures Him He shall recive his full Orders relative thereto by the January packet.

Thoul no doubt by this Opportunity receive the Chronicle, and therein thoul see a New Proclaimation relative to Stump, but it is observeable that No Manner of Notice is taken of his rescuers nor is there any probability of obtaining Him as there [is] no doubt of his being gone to the back parts of Carolina. Col. Armstrong is come down to Undergo an Examination relative to his Contravening the Kings Writ by Which Stump obtaind the opportunity of his rescue, its generally supposd that He will return More in favor then before.
We have No doubt but that our Great folks are divided into two parts. W A &c hold with the Gov. BC JH LL &c. with RP. We are Assured that Richard Penn setts off for London in about 6 Weeks and they do say its with an Intent to obtain the Goverment, indeed if We must remain under our Present Shackles People are generally of the Mind He has more of the spirit of Government in Him, but We do hope as this New office for American Affairs is Establishd and it must so fully Appear that We have No security for Life or Property that thou’l well be Able to perfect the Great Work.
A few Days past Letters were receivd by some of Our Merchants from some in Boston the Intent of which was to Induce Us to Join them in an Association of the like kind as was set on foot at the time of the Stamp Act for the Not Importing More Goods &c. the Meeting was called on the 26th. when it pretty clearly appeard that Numbers were for Joining but it was by others opposed and Nothing was done in the affair as it was mentioned that it would be Imprudent for Us to proceed on any such plan, especially at this time when there was a prospect of a New Ministry and the Certainty of a New parliment, and it was Urged that if We were Agrievd, We ought first to remonstrate &c. And I am sure they cannot get the old Ticket party into the scheme for Altho’ I think the laying the latter Duties neither Consistent with Good policy or strict Right, Yet, I deem it of a different Nature to the Stamp Act, As that was laid on What could not be done without, when the present Duties Are laid on their Own Manufactories, And may therefore be lookd upon as rather premiums for the Encouragement of Our Own Manufactory of those Articles, And of Which indeed We shall not Import much if those duties Continue.

[In the margin:] Deliverd to Capt. Tho Leech with a Note that if BF was come away He should bring this Letter back.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Henry Walker, 1 April 1768
From: Walker, Henry
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Most Honoured Sir
Westbury April 1st. 1768
I Humbly beg the Favour to Except these few Lines hoping you and your good Family in America are all in good health as my Cousin Morris and we all are at Present and my Mother is in hopes that some of Mr. Franklins Children in Boston are Boys as your Name may not be Quite Extinct my Cusin and Father and Mother and Brothers Humbly beg the acceptance of our Humble Duties to your self and good Family in America from your most Humble and most obedient Servant
Henry Walker

PS Honoured Sir Please to do me the Favour to give the Inclosed to Mrs. Stevenson.

Addressed: To / Benjamin Franklin Esqr. / at Mrs Stevensons / Craven Street Strand / London
Endorsed: Henry Walker


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Lord Morton, 2 April 1768
From: Morton, James Douglas, 14th Earl of
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Brook Street Sat. 2 April 1768
Lord Morton’s Compliments to Dr. Franklin, and has sent the bearer for the Electrical Machine,  Is much obliged by the trouble the Doctor has taken in putting it in order. The bearer will pay any expence the Dr. has been put to on that account.

Addressed: To / Dr. Franklin / Craven Street


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from the Associates of Dr. Bray, [before 7 April 1768]: résumé
From: Associates of Dr. Bray
To: Franklin, Benjamin

[Before April 7. A notice of the meeting of the Associates at ten o’clock on that day, at their office at the Angel and Bible in Ave-Mary Lane.]


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Charles Lee, 7 April 1768
From: Lee, Charles
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir.
Barton April the 7th 1768
I forgot before I left London to desire You wou’d (if Mr. Durden shoud write to me on the subject of the Springsborough estate) direct it to me at Sir Charles Bunbury’s Barton near Bury St. Edmonds Suffolk. I shoud ask ten thoushand pardons for this liberty, and intreat You to believe me, Dear Sir, Your most obedient Servant
Charles Lee


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, 16 April 1768
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Deborah

My dear Child
London April 16. 1768.
While I am writing, the letters by the March packet are come to hand with yours of the 9th and 12th. Amidst all the sickness and misfortunes to our friends what reason have you and I to bless God, that we at these years enjoy with our children so great a Share of health and so much happiness in other respects. Let us be thankful for what is past and present and not presume too much on a continuance of the same felicity for the future. All human affairs are subject to vicissitude and we Should prepare our minds for those reverses which it is a wonder and a mercy we have escaped so long. Age and its infirmities now tread close at our heels and must soon overtake us; And God only knows what afflictions, or what diseases, lingering, painful and violent may be in store for us.

I hope and trust however that we shall experience his gracious assistance in the evening of life as we have thro’ the morning and the long summer’s day.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to William Franklin, 16 April 1768
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, William

Dear Son,
London, April 16, 1768.
Since my last, a long one of March 13, nothing has been talked or thought of here but elections. There have been amazing contests all over the kingdom, £20 or 30,000 of a side spent in several places,  and inconceivable mischief done by debauching the people and making them idle, besides the immediate actual mischief done by drunken mad mobs to houses, windows, &c. The scenes have been horrible. London was illuminated two nights running at the command of the mob for the success of Wilkes in the Middlesex election; the second night exceeded any thing of the kind ever seen here on the greatest occasions of rejoicing, as even the small cross streets, lanes, courts, and other out-of-the-way places were all in a blaze with lights, and the principal streets all night long, as the mobs went round again after two o’clock, and obliged people who had extinguished their candles to light them again. Those who refused had all their windows destroyed. The damage done and the expence of candles has been computed at £50,000. It must have been great, though probably not so much. The ferment is not yet over, for he has promised to surrender himself to the Court next Wednesday, and another tumult is then expected; and what the upshot will be no one can yet foresee. Tis really an extraordinary event, to see an outlaw and exile, of bad personal character, not worth a farthing, come over from France, set himself up as candidate for the capital of the kingdom, miss his election only by being too late in his application, and immediately carrying it for the principal county. The mob, (spirited up by numbers of different ballads sung or roared in every street) requiring gentlemen and ladies of all ranks as they passed in their carriages to shout for Wilkes and liberty, marking the same words on all their coaches with chalk, and No. 45 on every door; which extends a vast way along the roads into the country. I went last week to Winchester, and observed that for fifteen miles out of town, there was scarce a door or window shutter next the road unmarked; and this continued here and there quite to Winchester, which is 64 miles.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Joseph Galloway, 16 April 1768
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Galloway, Joseph

Dear Sir,
London, April 16. 1768
The March Packet is just arrived, and has brought me your Favour of the 10th of that Month, containing a strongly painted Description of the present unhappy State of our Province, from the Debility of the Government, and the Folly and Wickedness of the Frontier People. I can now only say, that I shall make the best Use of your Letter, by communicating it to the Ministry, together with the Papers transmitted by the Committee. Possibly they may at length think seriously of relieving us, in the only way in which we can be relieved, a Change of Government.
For this Month past, all publick People here have been distracted with Elections, so that nothing else could be attended to. It is now said that the Parliament will have a short Session in May, and I am advis’d to see that over before I embark. While I stay, I shall use my best Endeavours in the Service of the Province. Budden sails next Week, by whom I may write more fully. With great Esteem, I am, Dear Sir, Your very affectionate and obedient humble Servant
B Franklin
Jos. Galloway Esqr.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Pennsylvania Assembly Committee of Correspondence, 16 April 1768
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Pennsylvania Assembly Committee of Correspondence

Gentlemen,
London, Saturday April 16, 1768
I have just received your Favour of Feb. 20. directed to Mr. Jackson and myself, containing Instructions for our Conduct relating to the Application for a Repeal of the Duty Act, to the Change of Government, and to the legal Tender of Paper Money; which Instructions we shall observe to the best of our Abilities. Mr. Jackson has read your Letter, and is now reading the Messages and other Papers transmitted to us, which we shall lay before the Secretary of State on Monday, and thereupon again press the Necessity of a Change in the Administration of our Province. The Parliament will have a short Session, ’tis said, in May, when, if any Application is made for the Repeal of that Act by the Agents of the other Colonies, we shall join them heartily, and do what we can likewise in the Affair of Paper Money. In the mean time, should an Indian War make it necessary to have an Emission with a legal Tender it may be considered how far the 4th Clause in the Act of the 24th. Geo. II. might give Countenance to your providing in that way for the Emergency. That Act not being altered or repealed by the 34th. of Geo. III. it seems as if the Parliament thought that Clause not improper tho’ they have not expressly made the same Provision for the other Colonies. The Mail being to go this Evening, I can now only add, that I am, with the utmost Respect for you and the Assembly Gentlemen, Your most obedient, and most humble Servant
B Franklin
Committee of Correspondence


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from James Parker, 18 April 1768
From: Parker, James
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honoured Sir
Newyork, April 18 1768
This Morning only the January Packet arrived after about 13 Weeks Passage, and tho’ I had not the Pleasure of one Line from you, yet I will once more adventure to write, tho’ uncertain whether it will meet you there or not.
Matters of the Post-Office go on as usual. I think I told you the Issue of the Suit against Holt, at New Haven, and the Stopping of the Hartford Rider a While: but that on the Representation of the Commissioners of the Customs at Boston, Mr. Foxcroft ordered it to be revived, so dangerous is a Precedent: tho’ it really never clear’d itself.
In my private Affairs, I continue struggling, and gain Ground a little. The 14th of March, I began a Piece you’ll see in the Paper called, The American Whig; I had had room to hope some great Run of it: I ventured near 200 more than usual, and I had above 100 new Subscribers in less than a Fortnight; and I should soon have had all I had ventured, had not Holt meanly pirated on me, in a Manner very injurious. He advertised it directly to reprint it, in a separate Half Sheet, to his Customers gratis, and to others at 8s. per An. so that whoever wanted the Paper purely for that, could get it so much cheaper. He always was a Creeper into other Men’s Labours particularly mine. It put a Stop to mine, and I have had but one or two this Week past; I have still Writs out for him, but he either bribes the Sheriff, or eludes him.
B Mecom having been near 4 Years at New-Haven, and never paid me a Copper Rent, I have refused to let him have that Press and Letter longer: so he is preparing to leave it, and go to Journey-Work. Indeed, I now think he has not a Capacity for a Master, and Green having set up at New-Haven, took away a great deal of his Business. I have taken the large Letter here, and the small which is quite worn; I have hired to Green: and this is all I have made by my New-Haven Venture.
I have had several little Party Jobs, but the best of them is a Letter, I send you one of with this, a few done upon fine Paper only. They sold pretty well here.
The Assembly of the Jerseys are now sitting at Amboy. I heard from the Governor yesterday; He and his Family were well.
We have the coldest, backwardest Spring ever known. It look’d more like Summer the 16th of February, than the 16th of April, Ever Thing looks now like January: It is said to be a very bad Prospect for the Wheat in general, and Cattle die for Want of Fodder in many Places.
This is all worthy of Note at present. We all join in humble Respects whilst I am Your most obliged Servant
James Parker.

Addressed: For / Dr Benjamin Franklin / Craven Street / London


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Saunders and Others, 18 April–28 May 1768: résumé
From: Saunders, William
To: Franklin, Benjamin

[April 18-May 28. Printed form letters from Dr. William Saunders, April 18, and from Samuel Leeds, April 30. Each wishes to succeed Dr. Benjamin Alexander, deceased, as physician to the London Hospital, and solicits Franklin’s vote as a governor. A printed letter from Franklin’s colleague, Richard Jackson, April 24, recommends Dr. Brickenden of Lothbury. A form letter from Saunders, May 20, announces that the election will be held on May 25. A letter with autograph postscript from Smith, Wright & Gray, April 23, and an AL from H[enton] Brown,  May 28, support Leeds’s candidacy.]


Title: Reply to “A Portugal Merchant,” [end of April 1768]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

To the Printer of the London Chronicle
Sir,
[End of April, 1768]
Your Paper of April 28. contains a Letter from Lisbon, signed A Portugal Merchant, which charges me with an Attempt to set “the British Merchants residing there at variance with their fellow Subjects in America,” quoting, as the Foundation of his Charge, the following Passage of a Letter of mine to you, which he terms politely absurd, false, and malicious, &c. (Here insert it).
If I know any thing of my own Intentions, I had not the least purpose of representing the British Merchants residing at Lisbon, as opposing the Repeal of the Act alluded to. Had this angry Writer attended to the Words of the Quotation he himself made, he would not only have found no Mention of Merchants residing in Portugal, but he would have seen that the Merchants spoken of are expressly “Portugal Merchants in London.”

His Proof therefore of the different Sentiments of the British Merchants in Portugal, appearing in their Memorial concerning a direct Trade to the Colonies,  is no Proof that the Portugal Merchants in London, did not oppose the giving Ease to their fellow Subjects labouring under the Oppression mention’d in my Letter.
The Memorial he recites was undoubtedly a good one; the Liberty of a direct Trade to the Colonies proposed by it, was not contrary to the true Interest of Britain, and was at the same time very agreable to the mutual Interests of the Colonies and British Merchants at Lisbon. Mutual Interests so well known and understood, that a Man who should suppose those Merchants averse to that direct Trade, could, as your Correspondent expresses it, scarce be in his Senses. I only wonder how any Man in his Senses, could from those Words of mine, suppose that I accus’d them of it.
The Portugal Merchants residing in London, who alone were concern’d in the Charge have not thought fit to deny it. It is consistent with my Knowledge that the then Minister of the Finances,  when he found it as he said necessary to propose laying the late new Duties on Goods exported to America, promis’d at the same time to procure ease to the Americans in other respects, particularly in allowing the direct Importation of Wine, Fruit and Oil from Portugal and Spain into the Colonies, which he thought very reasonable. I know also, that he afterwards declar’d he found it not in his Power to comply with that Promise, for that the Portugal Merchants from the City had been with him and with others of the Ministry, and made such Opposition to it, that it could not then be attempted. If I had not been assured of this, I should certainly not have gone out of my Way to mention Portugal Merchants. I had no ill Will to them. I never knew a single Man of them. Your Correspondent censures me for supposing they acted from a “selfish Motive.” When Merchants as such, oppose the Relieving their fellow Subjects, from a grievous Burthen, what can one suppose to be their Motive? Must it not be either Gain to themselves or Malice to others? To seek Gain is natural to a Merchant; he is then “labouring in his Vocation.” I did not, I do not suspect them of Malice. If I mistook their Motive, it was at least a charitable Mistake, and I ask their Pardon.
It may be true, as your Correspondent observes, that when a whole Cargo of those Commodities goes from Portugal to America, it is usually “landed customed, and reshipped at Falmouth.” But as this roundabout Voyage does not often suit the returning Ships, and the Colonies are not by that means well and regularly supply’d, a multitude of small Orders are continually executed in London, by sending out from hence Portugal and Spanish Wines, Raisins, Figs, Oil, Almonds, &c. to particular Planters and Traders in different Parts of America. These goods, of whomsoever purchased in London, must first have pass’d thro’ the Hands of Portugal Merchants; I presume not without Profit to themselves, which Profit, they might lose if the Trade was open and direct from Portugal to America. Hence the Gentleman’s Wit on the Absurdity of supposing a London Merchant’s Arms long enough to reach to Falmouth appears to be misapply’d. Tho’ in other Cases, their Arms in Matters of Commerce are as long as those of Kings in Point of Power, for they reach all Parts of the trading World. He himself allows they extend to Lisbon, which is three times farther off than Falmouth.
I am however particularly oblig’d to the Gentleman, for his Extract of that Part of the Lisbon Merchants Memorial, which shows, that if the Trade was open, “12, 000 Pipes of Portugal Wine would probably be consum’d in the Colonies, (wine that would cost them but £10 or £11 per Pipe, tho’ 20 per Cent. larger Measure than the Pipe of Madeira) instead of so many Pipes of Madeira Wine, that costs them near £30 a Pipe; and that this would be a Saving to British Subjects of £200,000 Sterling per Annum.” Nothing can set in a stronger Light the Oppression America suffers by the Restraint, and the Advantage Foreigners receive by it, the Difference being near 200 per Ct. Till the direct Trade of Wines from Portugal was prohibited, Madeira Wines were little if any thing dearer than Port or Lisbon: But the Restraint not extending to Madeira, the People of this Island it seems have taken Advantage of the encreas’d Demand, and rais’d the Prices thus enormously.
In return for this valuable Piece of Information, will your Correspondent the Portugal Merchant of Lisbon, accept from me a little well intended Advice. It is that when he writes again upon the Hardships laid on the Portugal Trade, or upon any other similar Occasion, he would by all means endeavour to keep his Temper. Passion, Invective and Abuse, serve no Cause. They show that a Man is angry; but not always that he has reason to be angry. Sometimes that he is apt to be angry without reason. I heartily wish those Grievances removed, and would not that the World should conceive the same querulous Pen might have no more Cause to complain of the Count D’oyras,  than it had of your insignificant humble Servant
F + S.

Endorsed: Portugal Merchant


Title: The English Editor to the Reader [of John Dickinson’s Letters from a Farmer], 8 May 1768
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

On December 2, 1767, The Pennsylvania Chronicle published the first of a series of letters, signed “A Farmer,” that continued to appear weekly through the issue of February 15, 1768. The letters immediately attracted wide attention in the colonies and, before long, in England and on the Continent; the author remained anonymous for only a short time,  and was soon known to be John Dickinson. His statement of the colonial case was a milestone in the development of the controversy. He demonstrated that taxation for purposes of imperial revenue had been unknown before the Stamp Act, and that the Townshend Acts reiterated this new principle, masked as regulation, in a way that could be extended indefinitely. The wealth and importance of England, he contended, were due primarily to its colonies; Englishmen therefore had the strongest of motives, that of self-interest, for demanding a liberal policy of Parliament. Dickinson appealed throughout to reason and good will, rather than to force, as the means of settling the quarrel. Franklin, who was otherwise no friend of his, was impressed by the arguments-in which he detected some of his own-and the conciliatory language in which they were couched. He promptly arranged for an English edition, and appended to it the brief preface that follows.

London, May 8, 1768
When I consider our Fellow Subjects in America as rational Creatures, I cannot but wonder that during the present wide Difference of Sentiments in the two Countries concerning the Power of Parliament in laying Taxes and Duties on America, no Application has been made to their Understandings, no able learned Pen among us has been employed in convincing them that they are in the wrong, proving clearly that by the establish’d Law of Nations, or by the Terms of their original Constitution, they are taxable by our Parliament tho’ they have no Representative in it.
On the contrary, whenever there is any News of Discontent in America, the Cry is, “Send over an Army or a Fleet, and reduce them to Reason.”
It is said of choleric People, that with them there is but a Word, and a Blow.
I hope Britain is not so choleric, and will never be so angry with her Colonies, as to strike them: But that if she should ever think it may be necessary, she will at least let the Word go before the Blow; and reason with them.
To do this clearly and with the most probability of Success, by removing their Prejudices, and rectifying their Misapprehensions (if they are such) it will be necessary to learn what those Prejudices and Misapprehensions are; and before we can either refute or admit their Reasons, we should certainly know them.
It is to that End I have handed the following Letters (lately published in America) to the Press here. The Author is a Gentleman of Repute in that Country for his Knowledge of its Affairs, and it is said speaks the general Sentiments of the Inhabitants. How far these Sentiments are right or wrong I do not pretend at present to judge. I wish to see first what can be said on the other Side of this Question. I hope this Publication will produce a full Answer if we can make one. If it does, this Publication will have had its Use. No Offence to Government is intended by it, and it is hoped none will be taken.
N.N.

Endorsed: Preface to Farmer’s Letters


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jacques Barbeu-Dubourg, 8 May 1768
From: Barbeu-Dubourg, Jacques
To: Franklin, Benjamin

This is apparently the earliest surviving letter in a correspondence which, as the wording makes clear, had been going on for some time. Out of it was evolving a friendship that with the years grew in significance for both men. Jacques Barbeu-Dubourg (1709–79) had interests as broad as Franklin’s own and, like him, engaged in a range of activities that was remarkable even by the standards of the eighteenth century. After taking holy orders he was trained as a physician, and was as much concerned with reforming the practice of medicine as with practicing it himself. He was also by avocation a botanist, a mathematician, an electrical experimenter, something of an historian, a physiocrat, a political theorist, a highly skilled linguist, and an editor. The translation of a few of Franklin’s essays, mentioned in this letter, was the beginning of a development that culminated in 1773 in Dubourg’s edition, with copious notes, of the Œuvres de M. Franklin. The literary collaboration that this involved became political collaboration as soon as Franklin landed in France in 1776; for the next three years Dubourg devoted himself to procuring money and supplies for the Americans, and as a result of his efforts died almost penniless.
Monsieur
A Paris ce 8e. may 1768
Je suis tres sensible à l’honneur de votre souvenir et à tant et de si gracieux temoignages de votre bienveillance. Dès le lendemain de votre trop promt depart, je reçus par le canal d’un de vos Amis le traité de la petite verole de M. Dimsdale qui me fit un plaisir singulier; j’avois toujours regardé la metode echauffante et la metode rafraichissante, de la maniere qu’on l’entend communement, comme deux systemes opposés egalement suspects, egalement dangereux, et j’avois toujours cherché à tenir le plus juste milieu entre les deux, or je le trouve precisement dans la nouvelle metode rafraichissante, qu’il ne faut pas confondre avec l’ancienne, ou antiphlogistique comm’ on l’appelloit, et qui ne consistant que dans les saignées reïterées, la diete rigide, le petit lait, l’orgeat, et autres semblables boissons auroit eté mieux nommée affoiblissante, au lieu que la nouvelle metode rafraichissante consistant principalement dans l’admission de l’air frais et pur, merite veritablement d’etre appellée tonique ou fortifiante, à plus juste titre que la metode echauffante et incendiaire des cordiaux et des alexipharmaques. Je suis etonné que l’on n’ait pas fait peser cette observation en l’honneur de la nouvelle metode, car on auroit tort de croire que les denominations soient sans consequence pour le fonds des choses que l’on a à proposer au public. C’est ce que votre exemple, Monsieur, doit bien faire sentir a ces Messieurs. Quel modele admirable de menagement de termes vous leur donnez dans les papiers periodiques dont vous avez eu la bonté de m’envoyer un exemplaire! Vos amis seront tres contens que vous les ayez traités de fous et abandonnés comme tels, et ce ne sera pas à leurs depens que le Public rira, mais aux depens de leurs adversaires que vous n’avez eu garde de traiter de sots, mais à qui vous faites sentir leur sotise à ne pouvoir la meconnoitre eux mêmes et à etre forcés d’en convenir, toutes fois qu’on leur presentera votre petit miroir. Je me suis empressé de faire traduire, et ces papiers et votre precedent interrogatoire, (ou examination) pour en regaler mes compatriotes, et le tout sera imprimé successivement dans les Ephemerides du Citoyen, en commencant le mois prochain; et quoiqu’on puisse bien s’en rapporter au traducteur qui s’en est chargé, je n’en laisse rien mettre sous presse sans m’assurer par moi même de son exactitude autant qu’il est en moi, je suis trop jaloux de cet objet. J’en avois cependant fait de vive voix un croquis grossier de traduction dans des assemblées respectables chez M. Le Marquis de Mirabaud,  mais seulement par preliminaire, et avec de bonnes protestations contre le tort que feroit à l’ouvrage un jugement precipité sur une esquisse si informe de traduction. J’ai l’honneur de vous adresser cyjointe la petite explication que vous avez la bonté de me demander de ma carte chronographique,  c’est changer des armes de cuivre contre des armes d’or que de troquer ainsi avec vous, c’est faire comme fit Diomede avec Glaucus,  et je rougis de mon rolle, car l’avantage etoit tout du côté du heros dans l’ancien exemple, et c’est icy le contraire. J’ai reçu avec reconnoissance et vu avec plaisir la carte biographique de M. Priestley qui est effectivement construite presque sur les memes principes que la mienne, sans plagiat de part ni d’autre, car je ne pretens point me prevaloir de la date. Je connoissois peu les noix Walnut, et point du tout les hickory et je vous suis extremement obligé d’avoir bien voulu m’en envoyer; puissions nous quelque jour en manger des fruits icy ensemble que je les trouverois delicieux en pareil cas. Tant de faveurs de votre part m’enhardissent à vous demander encore une grace, c’est de savoir si la liberté de la presse est assez entiere soit à Londres ou à Philadelphie, pour qu’on pût y faire imprimer un ouvrage hardi de pur Deisme,  et si en supposant que cette liberté ait lieu, vous me permettriez de vous le faire passer et de le mettre sous votre protection. Melles. Basseporte et Biheron vous remercient de l’honneur de votre souvenir et vous font mille complimens chacune, et ma femme au moins deux mille pour sa part. Si vous avez occasion de voir M. Pringle,  voudrez vous bien lui presenter mes tres humbles civilités. Je suis avec une estime distinguée et une consideration respectueuse Monsieur Votre tres humble et tres obeissant serviteur
Dubourg


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Pierre Samuel du Pont de Nemours, 10 May 1768
From: Du Pont de Nemours, Pierre-Samuel
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur,
Paris ce 10 May 1768.
J’ai êté infiniment sensible à votre bonté en apprenant par Monsieur le Docteur Quesnay que vous aviez daigné me chercher et vous informer de moi pendant votre dernier séjour à Paris. Malheureusement pour moi vous n’avez vu M. Quesnay que dans les deux ou trois jours qui ont precede immediatement votre départ; Je n’en ai êté instruit que le jour même où vous partiez, et j’ai êté privé par là de l’avantage de faire une connaissance directe avec vous.
Avant ce tems, Monsieur, je connaissais bien de vous le Savant, Le Geometre, le Physicien, l’homme à qui la nature permet de dévoiler ses secrets. Depuis ce tems Monsieur Le Docteur Barbeu du Bourg mon ami a bien voulu me communiquer plusieurs de vos écrits relatifs aux affaires de votre Patrie. J’ai pris la liberté d’en traduire quelques uns. J’y ai reconnu à chaque page le philosophe citoyen occupé avec génie du bonheur de ses freres et des interets les plus chers de l’humanité. Et j’ai regretté encore davantage de ne vous avoir point vu pendant le tems que vous avez passé à Paris. Si notre bonheur vous y ramene, Monsieur, Je vous prie de me permettre de réparer cette perte le plus amplement qu’il me sera possible.
En attendant recevez les assurances de mon respect et l’hommage de deux écrits imprimés depuis que vous êtes retourné en Angleterre. Le premier et le plus considerable à tous les egards est un recueil des principaux traités economiques du Docteur Quesnay, où je n’ai mis de moi qu’un discours preliminaire, plusieurs avis tres simples de l’editeur, une table des matieres, et quelques notes. Le second est un résumé fort court de la doctrine de ce sage Philosophe.
Je souhaite que l’un et l’autre vous plaisent. L’importance de la matiere les rend du moins dignes de votre attention. Mais je sens assez combien il faudrait des talens supérieurs aux miens, pour discuter cette matiere immense comme elle devrait l’etre et comme je désirerais quelle le fut. J’y invite les gens de lettres dans le Discours préliminaire de la Physiocratie. Souffrez que je vous y invite particulierement vous même, Monsieur, vous qui possedez des talents si rares et qui savez en faire une application si juste et si rapide aux circonstances où vous vous trouvez. C’est dans le développement évident de tous les droits de l’homme que l’on peut trouver la base et les principes d’un gouvernement à jamais prospere, egalement utile et sur pour la nation qui y sera soumise, et avantageux même pour les autres nations qui environneront celle là et qui profiteront de son amour pour la paix, pour la liberté, de la franchise et de l’immunité qu’elle donnera à son commerce, et de la distribution des richesses multipliées que son agriculture fera naitre. Un Génie comme le vôtre Monsieur est manifestement fait pour rendre frappantes ces verités si utiles au genre humain et pour hâter par là le bonheur de l’univers.
Cette lettre et les Livres que j’y joins, vous seront remis, Monsieur, par Monsieur Reboul Secretaire perpetuel de la Societé economique nouvellement formée à aix par les Etats de Provence. C’est un homme de beaucoup de mérite qui me rend service en vous portant un paquet que j’étais embarassé pour vous faire remettre, a qui je rends service en lui procurant votre connaissance dont il sent tout le prix. Je suis Monsieur avec le plus profond respect, Votre trés humble et trés obeissant serviteur
Du Pont
A Monsieur Francklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Martha Johnson, 10 May 1768
From: Johnson, Martha
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honoured Sir
Letchlade, May the 10 1768
I Take this opertunity to write to you hoping this will find you in good helth as it lives me and samey. I hear by nancy you are aboute to leve England which I am very sorrey for as I am afraid I shante have the pleasuer of seeing you Before you goe as it will be very ill convenant [inconvenient] for me to leve my shope as I have no one I can trust to mind it in my absence or Else I Belive I should come to town.
I should take it as a grate favor before you leve us you will be kind anough to think of samey as I am very Cartain there is no favor you Could ask But would be granted with pleasuer and I am very much afraid I shall find it Difucalt to put him apprentices unless I should have somthing more to Do to make money with then I have at present altho I Cannot Complain Considering the Dullness of the place I have some worke and and am in Exspectoon of more but have so low a price for it that I am shuer I should not git my Bread by it had I no other thing to depen[d on].
I hope nancy is well and Comes on in her french and shall be obbliged to you if you will speak to her in that tongue when you have some lasuer as I think you are a good judg. I hope she Behaves herself so as to keep the favor of her frinds and more Espeecly with your self and mrs. stevinson for it would give me the gratest uneaseyness immagenable if she was to Do other wise pleas to give my kind love to her and my Best Respects to mrs. Stevinson and Duty to your self. I am Sir your most affectonate Neice
Martha Johnson

Addressed: To / Doctr Franklin / Craven Street / Strand / London
Endorsed: Cousin Johnson


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to John Ross, 14 May 1768
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Ross, John

Dear Sir
London, May 14. 1768
I received your Favour of March 13. and am extreamly concern’d at the Disorders on our Frontiers, and the extreme Debility if not wicked Connivance of our Government and Magistrates, which must make Property and even Life more and more insecure among us, if some effectual Remedy is not speedily apply’d. I have laid all the Accounts before the Ministry here. I wish I could procure more Attention to them. I have urged over and over the Necessity of the Change we desire; but this Country itself being at present in a Situation very little better, weakens our Argument that a Royal Government would be better managed and safer to live under than that of a Proprietary. Even this Capital, the Residence of the King, is now a daily Scene of lawless Riot and Confusion. Mobs are patrolling the Streets at Noon Day, some Knocking all down that will not roar for Wilkes and Liberty: Courts of Justice afraid to give Judgment against him: Coalheavers and Porters pulling down the Houses of Coal Merchants that refuse to give them more Wages; Sawyers destroying the new Sawmills; Sailors unrigging all the outward-bound Ships, and suffering none to sail till Merchants agree to raise their Pay; Watermen destroying private Boats and threatning Bridges; Weavers entring Houses by Force, and destroying the Work in the Looms; Soldiers firing among the Mobs and killing Men, Women and Children, which seems only to have produc’d an universal Sullenness, that looks like a great black Cloud coming on, ready to burst in a general Tempest. What the Event will be God only knows: But some Punishment seems preparing for a People who are ungratefully abusing the best Constitution and the best King any Nation was ever blest with, intent on nothing but Luxury, Licentiousness, Power, Places, Pensions and Plunder. Meanwhile the Ministry, divided in their Counsels, with little Regard for each other, worried by perpetual Oppositions, in continual Apprehension of Changes, intent on securing Popularity in case they should lose Favour, have for some Years past had little Time to attend to great National Interests, much less to our small American Affairs, whose Remoteness makes them appear still smaller.
I have named Mr. Yeates at the Treasury. I cannot yet say what the Success may be. I shall have great Pleasure in serving any Friend of yours.
I made the Enquiry you desired relating to Mr. Gurney the Officer,  and learnt that there were several Clergymen of the Name in Kent, worthy Men and much respected there, and that one of the Family was an Officer abroad. This I had from a Lady of that Country. And a few Days since I receiv’d the enclos’d by the Hands of my Friend Dr. Watson, from the Revd. Mr. Duncombe a Clergyman of Canterbury (the same Duncombe who with his Father published what is called Duncombe’s Horace.) If the propos’d Match with your Daughter takes place, I heartily wish you all Manner of Comfort and Satisfaction in it.
The Bishops here are very desirous of securing the Church of England in America, and promoting its Interest and Enlargement by sending one of their Order thither: But tho’ they have long solicited this Point with Government here, they have not yet been able to obtain it. So apprehensive are Ministers of engaging in any novel Measure. In this Kingdom the Dissenters are continually diminishing, and ’tis thought will be all in the Church in less than another Century. Even the Papists, concerning whose Increase there have been great Alarms, have been lately found, on strict Enquiry to be lessened in Number a full Third Part within the last Fifty Years. I hope soon [to have] an Opportunity of conferring with you, and th[erefore say] no more now on this Subject. With great Esteem, I am, my dear [Friend, ] Yours very affection[ately]
B Frank[lin]
John Ross Esqr.

Addressed: John Ross Esqr / Philadelphia / via N York / per Packet / B Free Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from James Boswell, [14 May 1768]
From: Boswell, James
To: Franklin, Benjamin

[May 14, 1768]
Mr. Boswell presents his compliments to Dr. Franklin and begs leave to put him in mind of his engagement to dine with him to day.

Addressed: Dr. Franklin / at Mrs. Stephensons / Craven Street


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from James Parker, 15 May 1768
From: Parker, James
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honoured Sir,
Nyork May 15. 1768
This comes with my unhappy Son. How far he may be an Object of your Regard, is left entirely to your own Discretion. I have Nothing else to say in his Favour, but wish he may Merit some of your Good Will, which is all with our best Regards, from Your most obliged Servant
James Parker.

Addressed: For / Benjamin Franklin, Esqr. / Craven-Street / London / per S.F: Parker


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to the Printer of the Gazetteer, 18 May 1768
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Printer of The Gazetteer

In order to shew my countrymen the sentiments of the North Americans, I request you will publish in your paper the inclosed hand bill, which came over by the last ship from Philadelphia, and there is no doubt but great numbers of them have been dispersed in that and the other provinces.
A Briton


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Georgia Assembly Committee of Correspondence, 19 May 1768
From: Georgia Assembly Committee of Correspondence
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir,
Savannah in Georgia the 19th: May 1768
From the Great opinion the Governor, Council and assembly have entertained of your integrity and abilities they have unanimously concurred in appointing you by an Ordinance agent to transact the affairs of this province in Great Britain, and we have now the pleasure of enclosing you an authentic Copy of the said Ordinance, by which you will see that we with some other persons therein named are appointed a Committee to correspond with and instruct you in such Matters as we may have in Charge from the General assembly to recommend to your Solicitation as well as any other Matters which may Occur to us during the recess of the Said General assembly that we may Judge to be for the Service of the province.
About Two Months agoe our Governor received his Majesties Royal disallowance and Repeal of Two Acts of Assembly which we think of great Moment to the Welfare of this province,  namely, “An Act for the better Ordering and Governing Negroes and other Slaves in this Province and to prevent the inveigling or carrying away Slaves from their Masters or Employers Passed the 25th. March 1765” Also an Act passed the 6th. March 1766 “for encouraging Setlers to come into the Province and for Granting to his Majesty the Sum of £1815 Sterling to be issued in Certificates by the Commissioners herein named for the Said Purpose and also for the rebuilding the Court House in Savannah in Consequence of an Act of the General assembly passed the 29th. February 1764.” The former Act or something similar to it, we cannot Possibly Subsist without, You know that our Staple Commodities, which in general are the same with those of So. Carolina, cannot be cultivated and produced without a Number of Hands and that it has been found from Years Experience here that white people were [unequal?] to the Burthen in this Climate and therefore it was absolutely necessary to allow us the free use of Slaves. Our first Law for the better Ordering and Governing Negroes Passed (soon after the Kings Government took place here) in the year 1755 was framed on the plan of that of So. Carolina and we never heard any objection against it. The before recited Law of 1765 now repealed was passed on the Expiration of the former and we thought it was framed on more extensive and humane principles than our former Law or that now in Force in So. Carolina and as we are informed no reasons were given to the Governor for its repeal we are truly at a Loss to guess what was exceptionable in it. This Repeal came to the Governors Hands a few days before the dissolution of the late General assembly and as he well Knew the difficulties and distresses the want of such a Law must involve us in he very kindly and prudently consented to the passing a temporary Law where every Clause in the former Place that could be supposed exceptionable was left out, by which means it is too Contracted and cannot answer all the purposes such a Law Should extend to. We therefore desire you will inform Your Self of the objections made to our former Law and Acquaint us of them that they may if Possible be avoided in framing a New One (for the present Law is only to Continue in force for One Year) which may at the same time meet with the approbation of Government as well as Answer our local Circumstances.
We are also equally in the dark in regard to the Objections to the last recited Law, for encouraging Setlers to come into the province &c., unless it may be the issuing Certificates to be sunk in a Certain time to defray the services thereby intended. The Court House is now very near finished and is not only an orniment to this Town but a Credit to Government and some people have come and more will come into the Province to settle under the Faith and encouragement of this Law tho repealed who must not be disappointed but how that is to be avoided is a Question not easily resolved, and Surely these are objects that might (with Submission) be supposed commendable and Consequently to meet with Countinance notwithstanding any little impropriety in the Means of effecting them. Our legal currency in this Province does not exceed Seven Thousand Pounds Sterling which is Much, very Much too little to answer the present Medium of Trade and as that daily increases so does our distress in proportion! We are thoroughly convinced that a larger emission of paper currency than may be requisite for the medium of Trade must be Attended with bad Consequences to the Province, but at the Same time we well know and indeed it must be obvious to any One that as we have very little opportunity of bringing in any Bullion that our Trade and Commerce must Stagnate without such a Temporary Medium as we can establish among our Selves on Substantial and Sufficient Funds which if we are restrained from doing its impossible we can think of carrying on any Publick Works however Necessary or give any encouragement for the further Settlement of the Province because both must be done by ready Money or certificates that may answer the Same purpose, and Therefore we request You will inform us what Reasons were assigned for the Royal disallowance to this Law, which we need not say may be best understood from the Report made thereupon by the board of Trade to his Majesty.
We are very sensible the Salary allowed You tho as much as has been ever given to any agent of this Province and is indeed what we can at present afford, may not be equal to your Services yet we hope You will Accept of our Agency and generally promote our Interest and appear and solicit against what you May think may be injurious to our Trade and future prosperity of which you will please to advise us that You may receive our Instructions thereupon.
This Province if it meets with no Ill advised Check we are perswaded must soon become very Advantageous to the Mother Country and Considerable in itself. We intirely confide in your known prudence and good Sense to Serve us and are with great respect Sir Your most obedient Humble Servants
James HabershamN– JonesLewis JohnsonN: W. JonesJohn MilledgeArchibald BullockWilliam Ewen

    PS. We need not Acquaint you that the Governor transmits to the Board of Trade authenticated Copys of all Laws and Ordinances passed here under the Seal of the province, that You may perhaps hear of your being appointed our agent before this may reach you.

Benjamin Franklin Esquire agent for the Province of GeorgiaFirst Copy per the Britania Capt. DeanSecond per

[In a different hand:]
Sir
Savannah the 26th May 1768
The foregoing is duplicate of our Letter of the 19th Instant, which was forwarded by the Snow Britania Capt. Deane, and we have now the Pleasure of enclosing you another Copy of the Ordinance, and remain, with Esteem, Sir Your most Obedient humble Servants
Signers to the [torn] Copy of the foregoing Letter to Mr. Franklin vizt James Habersham, N. Jones, Archibald Bullock, John Milledge, William Ewen, Alexa[nder] Wylly, Jos. Gibbons, John Mulryne, N W Jones.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Deborah Franklin, 20[–23] May 1768
From: Franklin, Deborah
To: Franklin, Benjamin

My Dear child
May the 20[-23] 1768
I have wrote to you by Capt. Folkner this is to go by Capt. Storrey by Folkner. I send the watch to be dun what Mrs. Stephenson and you pies all thow I menshoned a Wat[ch?] chaine by Capt. Sparkes I leve it an have no choyce of my one [own] and I know that Salley will be plesed with what is chose for her. This day I deliverd E Browns Close to Mr. Town to send to him we opened the trunke and tooke ought what close and Books excepte a old singal gound of Calleyco which I was advised not to send and as the trunke was much two Large to hold the Close and the fraite wold be more than it was worth I got a small Case and packed them in I hope it will plees. Be so gud as tell him we never cold find the tickit he sent aboute marey sed he was in pardnership with sum young man but as I knew nothing a boute it I Cold make no inqurey so Can Say nothing a boute it.
As to Marey I cante say much. Shee is gon to live at Burlinton but in what maner I cante say shee wente up with a man and his wife that did live at Mr. Foxcroftes and when Billey Come to town he dined thair and I am told agreed with the man and his wife to Live with them and marrey went alonge. Shee ses that if Sister had not a bin deprieved of her senses shee wold a got you to a taken Cair of her but now shee has nobodey. I Cold wish that shee was Setled in a good plase but I donte know who wold take one that is aflickted with fitts if I wanted one I shold be verey lothe to have such a one if it was not my Duty to have them. Marey mought a marreyed a man that was very Clever to Look at and got money he was a widowor had one child who did live with her mothers relashons the man had a house verey well furnished and I thought it a good ofer but shee had other noshons. I wish her well with all my harte.
Naney come to me senes I began to write and showed me a letter that shee had reseved by the laste packit. Shee is sente for and ses shee muste go or lues what shee has thair. I tel her that if shee had told me before I wold a spooke to Capt. Fokner and Storrey to a taken her but it is two laite now shee has bin sick but looks better now and I raley thinke it beste for her to go but shee is a fraid of the See but as shee is verey weekly I thinke shee had better go then stay be it as it will I wish her well with all my harte. Salley writes Mr. Bache desiers me to give his Duty to you. I was a going to say Sumething a bought Mr. Bache but I leve it tell I shall see you and you know him. I am glad that I did send the Nutts and Appills. I shold be glad to be all way a doeing[?] sum such thing to oblige you and to put it in your Power to oblige others.
I donte know wather you have bin told that Cusin Benney Macume and his Lovely Wife and five Dafters is Come hear to live and woork Jurney worke. I had them to Dine and drinke tee yisterday thay have a littel garle a servent so the Companey was 8 in all you yoused to Love Betsey as I did. I Cold wish shee had better Loocke but God rules the world and I Submit.
Poor Debbey is better as to her helth but blind still and I muste Submit agen and be thanke full that shee is not in so much pain as shee has bin in and that shee is restored to her reson in sume. I am sorrey that my letters cante give you better a Countes be so it is. I have not seen Wm. Trente but shall when he Cumes to town this is May 23 and I have had a fier in the paller all day. Cusin Salley Benneyset is a going to be marreyed. You will say what a chit chat Letter this is but it is so Darke that I Can hardley see to say that I am your Afeckshonet Wife
D Franklin

Endorsed: Mrs Franklin


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, 25 May 1768
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Deborah

My dear Child,
Pensilvania Coffee House London, May 25. 1768
I thought Capt. Budden had been gone some Weeks since, but calling here just now, I find he is not sail’d but goes this Evening; so I write this Line to let you know that I continue well. I forget whether I told you in any preceding Letter that I have been at Bath and Bristol. At the latter Place I met Mr. Richardson, junr. who had Letters for me. I saw there our old Ac[quaintan]ce Mr. Beddome,  who enquired kindly [after] you and Sally. He seems to live very well. I was glad to find by my Letters that you were all well. I wish I could go in this Ship, or Capt. Leach, but must stay a few Weeks longer. I am impatient to be with you, being ever Your affectionate Husband
B Franklin

Addressed: To / Mrs Franklin / Philadelphia / per favour of / Capt. Bud [den] / QD [C]