Title: To John Adams from Francis Dana, 19 August 1780
From: Dana, Francis
To: Adams, John

      Dear Sir
      Paris Augt: 19th. 1780

     I did not expect yesterday when Mr. Thaxter wrote you, that I shou’d have been able to have done myself that honor, by this opportunity, as I was much engaged in a particular business. I desired him to send you a transcript of part of a letter in the Gazette de France, said to be written by our worthy friend the late President Laurens; which he tells me he has done. I shall add, least the Gazette shou’d not come to your hands, the account there given from the Captain of the Pacquebot.
     Le Capitaine du Peggy, homme digne de foi, et qui s’est trouvé à Charlestown pendant la plus grande partie du siége de la place, dit de plus que les Anglois ne parviennent à passer la barre, qu’à la faveur d’un vent de S O violent, et qu’ils y perdirent un de leurs plus riches transports, qui étoit un ancien vaisseau de la compagnie des Indes. Il ajoute qu’aprés trois mois de siége, et d’un feu toutjours soutenu, les Américains ne pensèrent à capituler qu’aprés que la troisième ligne de circonvallation formèe, eut amené l’Ennemi à la portée du fusil, et lorsque perdant chaque jour un nombre de citoyens, par les suites funestes d’une petite vérole épedémique, et n’ayant plus pour se soutenir q’un peu de riz, ils ne puvent même conserver la moindre éspérance d’aucun secours. C’est dans cette situation que le Gouverneur Rutledge, et le Conseil, se replièrent dans l’intérieur de la Province, où ils firent tous les efforts pour reunir quelques troupes. Au départ du Capitaine Bryan, un détachement de 4,000 Royalistes, commandés par le General Martin, se partoit du côté de la Caroline Septentrionale; mais on sait de ce Capitaine que les Americains, loin d’être découragés par la perte de Charlestown, se disposoient avec la plus grande activité, a mettre obstacle à tous progrès ultérieurs de l’Ennemi, et à se venger de la perte qu’ils venoient de faire.
     On the 7th. instant I received, via Amsterdam, a letter from Mr: Hastings of the Post-Office Boston, dated 10th. May: nothing new of course. He says he has sent me a form of our Constitution, but it has not reached me. I learn from several quarters that it is generally approved by the People, and that they will probably ratify it. This makes me more desirous to obtain this Copy. Pray enquire at Amsterdam of every American you meet, whether he had the care of this same letter, and the plan of the Constitution—the Newspapers sent also with it, I have received.
     Mr: Gardoqui has drawn a bill upon you for about 900 Liv: in favour of Mr: Grand, which I accepted for you.
     Mr. Dean arrived at Passy about 3 or 4 days since. He has not called here. It is doubtful with me whether he will at all—at least till after your return. If you shou’d see Como: Gillon, please to present my thanks to him for his very obliging letter, and also the letters of Introduction which he was so good as to procure for me. If I ever take that route, I shall make use of them.
     I am anxious to hear from you, and particularly whether you have received my letter, enclosing a copy of one from the Comte de Vergennes to you. It was sent, together with others, by Mr: Appleton who cou’d not have reached Brussels before you left it. I hope master John, and mon fils are well. Please to give my love to them, and believe me to be with much respect and affection Your most obedt: humble Servt.,

      Fra Dana

      P.S. Since writing the above Mr: Dean has made me a visit.


Title: To John Adams from Philip Mazzei, 19 August 1780
From: Mazzei, Philip
To: Adams, John

      Dear Sir
      Genoa Augst. 19th. 1780

     The inclosed, which you will be so Kind as to peruse, seal, and send to its destination, will inform you with my situation, my views, and my wants. Among the last I have thought proper not to mention the money necessary to bear my expences, as they know that I live on what I can raise on my own credit, which cannot honorably continue too long. You see, Sir, in what need I am of information. I wish Mr. Dana had lent me the journals of Congress; they would have been of great use. Pray, be at the trouble of sending me a true account of our affairs as soon as you can, that I may be able to satisfy the Grand-Duke, which is a point of great consequence. They have no other accounts of American affairs in this Country, but such as they receive from England. A prudent and wise nobleman in this City observed to me, with great reason founded on experience, that “Onesta è sempre La causa di colui che parla solo.”
     The bearer of this is Mr. Celesia, the very person to whom I told you I intended to open my bosom, which I have done with that confidence, which is to be placed in those few beings, who to an exquisite mind join the most excellent heart. He intends to spend about 2 months in Paris, then to come home, where I hope to meet him on my return from Florence. As he is modesty itself, and almost as reserved as you are, I think proper to warn you that you will find in him profound common-sense, and general knowledge. He is an ornament to his Country, and his opinion is highly esteemed. I therefore would have desired the favour of you to furnish him with the best accounts you can relative to our glorious Cause, exclusive of the mutual satisfaction, which I am happy in procuring you both of conversing with each other. If you have an opportunity I wish you will introduce to him our friend Mr. Favi, to whom you will please to give any letters or papers for me, as I don’t chuse to trust to the incorruptibleness of clerks in Post-Offices. With my respects to Mr. Dana and Mr. Thaxtarr I have the honour to be with respect & esteem, Dr. Sr. Your Excellency’s most Obedient & most Humble Servant

      Philip Mazzei


Title: To John Adams from William Lee, 20 August 1780
From: Lee, William
To: Adams, John

      Dear Sir
      Bruxelles August 20. 1780

     Mr. Jenings having gone out of Town, has left in my care a packet for you that came to him last Monday by the Post; by the marks on it, I fancy it has come from Antwerp. You will please to direct, whether it shall be forwarded to you in Holland or kept here ’till your return.

     We have not any certain advices of Monsr. Ternay, but it appears that orders are already sent out to prosecute the War with vigor in N. Carolina and Virginia, the ensuing Fall, Winter and Spring for which purpose Genl. Provost has sail’d, or is now about to sail, on his return to that quarter and I understand is to carry some Frigates to aid their operations on Cape Fear River: If there are any opportunities from where you are, it will be well to put America on her guard against this plan. It is said that the Enemy are sounding the disposition of the house of Bourbon, thro’ the medium of Sardinia and have thrown out some loose propositions for accommodation; the basis of which is, the sacrifice of Ama. to scotch resentment; thus on all sides they are attempting to divide and of course to accomplish their views against all the parties. I wish you an agreeable Journey and with my respects to your Sons, I have the honour to remain with very great regard Dr. Sir Your most Obedt. Hble: Servt.

      W: Lee

      P.S. Can’t you prevail where you are to have a Convoy sent with some Dutch Merchant Ships to America. Such a measure would be of more utility and more decisive, than a simple acknowlegement of our Independence.


Title: From John Adams to Jean Luzac, 22 August 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Luzac, Jean

      Sir
      Amsterdam August 22. 1780

     At a Time, when the English Emmissaries are filling all Europe with their confidant Assertions, of the Distress of the Americans, the enclosed Papers shew that both at Philadelphia and at Boston, the People are so much at their Ease, As to be busily employed, in the Pursuits of the Arts of Peace, and in laying Foundations for future Improvements in Science and Literature. It is perhaps the first Instance, of Such Tranquility of Mind in the midst of a civil War.
     If you think, it worth while to publish these Proceedings they are at your Service. I have received also the new Constitution of the Massachusetts Bay. If you think it of any Use to translate it, and publish it it is at your Service.
     If you dont think proper to publish the Proceedings of the Mass. in establishing an Academy of Arts and Sciences and of the Philosophical Society at Philadelphia, in electing a number of new members, I should be obliged to you, for the Return of these Papers to me, because I have no other. Please to direct to me, at Mr. Henry Schorns in Amsterdam. I am with great Respect, your humble servant

      John Adams


Title: From John Adams to the President of Congress, No. 2, 22 August 1780
From: Adams, John
To: President of Congress,Huntington, Samuel

     Amsterdam, 22 Aug. 1780. RC (PCC, No. 84, II, f. 241–244). printed: Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev.Francis Wharton, ed., The Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States, Washington, 1889; 6 vols., 4:36–38.
     This letter, read by Congress on 20 Nov., began with France’s reply of 4 Aug. to the Swedish declaration of 30 July acceding to the armed neutrality, the text of which had formed part of John Adams’ letter of 14 Aug. to the president of Congress (No. 1, above). The French court declared that so long as Sweden complied with the law of nations and observed a strict neutrality, France would do nothing that would infringe on neutral rights. The remainder of the letter consisted of five questions posed to Russia by Sweden concerning the operation of the armed neutrality and the Russian reply that had appeared in a London newspaper of 15 Aug. (see London Courant). Following a particular reply to each of Sweden’s questions, the Russian court declared that by observing a strict neutrality and acting in concert for the protection of their trade, the members of the armed neutrality would further establish the rights of neutrals under the law of nations and force their observance by the belligerent powers. No report by the committee to which this letter and that of 23 Aug. (No. 3, below) were referred (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 18:1072) has been found.


Title: From John Adams to William Lee, 23 August 1780
From: Lee, William
To: Adams, John

      Dear Sir
      Amsterdam Aug. 23. 1780

     I have just now received yours of 20. Please to Send the Packet along here to me, chez Mr. Henry Schorn Amsterdam by the first Post.
     There are opportunities enough here by which I shall put Ama. on her guard against the plan, you mention.
     The Plan of dividing, which they have been constantly pursuing these 15 years, has Succeeded most admirably. It has succeeded So far as to divide all mankind decisively from them excepting Holland and Lisbon, and these keep aloof because they dare not come near. These however are unable to do more than they do. One lends money the other affords a harbour. But it is our Negligence that We dont take away the Money from the former.
     Pray, have you heard, that Denmark has made St. Thomas’s, a free Port?
     I have the Honour to be with most respectful Compliments to the Family and all Frnds, &c.


Title: From John Adams to the President of Congress, No. 3, 23 August 1780
From: Adams, John
To: President of Congress,Huntington, Samuel

      Duplicate
      Sir
      Amsterdam August 23d 1780

     The Errand of Mr. Cumberland to Madrid, is a mere finesse of the British Ministry, intended to aid the Stockjobbers, keep up the Stocks, aid the Loan and the Canvas for an Election, and lull the belligerent Powers, while they prepare their measures for future Enterprizes and another Campaign. They have carried this Plot so far, that I see some paragraphs in the foreign Papers, which seem intended to counteract it.
     The Truth is, according to my Information, that Orders are already sent out by the British Cabinet to prosecute the War with Vigour in North Carolina and Virginia the ensuing Fall, Winter and Spring. General Prevost is about to sail, with some Frigates to aid their Operations on Cape Fear River. It is said at the same time they are sounding the House of Bourbon, through Sardinia, and have made some loose propositions of Accommodation, the Ground work of which is the Sacrifice of America and there is no doubt, they would yield to France and Spain very great things, to carry their point against America who may depend upon the utmost Exertions of their Malice and Revenge. But all this will not do. France and Spain are now responsible for their Conduct to the rest of Europe, especially the Northern Powers: and besides this, the Seperation between America and England, is an Object of more pressing Importance to France and Spain, than any Concessions, that England can make them. So that America need not be under any Apprehensions of being deserted.
     If however, She were to be deserted by all the World, She ought seriously to maintain her Resolution to be free. She has the means within herself. Her greatest misfortune has been, that She has never yet felt her full Strength, nor considered the Extent of her Resources.
     I cannot but lament however, that there is no Representation of Congress in this Republick, vested with Powers to borrow Money. This would be a double Advantage. We should avail ourselves of a Loan, and at the same Time lessen the Loan of England. A Loan once begun here, would rapidly increase so as to deprive the English of this Resource. This is the Method, in which Commerce may be extended between the two Republicks, and the political Sentiments and System of Holland changed. I fancy that several very solid Houses here might be persuaded to become Security for the payment of Interest and that Contracts might be made with them to send them Remittances in produce, either to Europe, St. Eustatia, St. Thomas, &c. to enable them to discharge the interest. Might not Merchants be found in Philadelphia, Boston, and many other places, who would enter into Covenant with the public, to remit such a Sum as should be agreed on in the produce of the Country to such Houses here? This Method, if Congress should think it expedient to fall into the way of sending Fleets of Merchantmen under Convoy, would easily succeed. The safe Arrival of the Fier Roderigue, with so large a Number of Vessels under her Care, gives great Encouragement to this Plan.
     I have the Honour to be, with the greatest Respect, Sir, your most obedient and most humble Servant


Title: From John Adams to the President of Congress, No. 4, 24 August 1780
From: Adams, John
To: President of Congress,Huntington, Samuel

      Sir
      Amsterdam Aug. 24. 1780

     I have only time by this Vessell to inclose the declarations of Sweeden and Denmark; but the chance of her going safe is so small that I should not send any thing very material, if I had more time. I have the Honour to be &c.


Title: To John Adams from Tristram Dalton, 24 August 1780
From: Dalton, Tristram
To: Adams, John

      (Duplicate)
      Dear Sir
      Newburyport August. 24th. 1780

     This week honor’d me with Your kind favors of 23d Febry.last, for which acknowledge myself much obliged.
     With respect to the Vessel sunk in the W Indies, I took the liberty to address You, in July, from Boston—when the Owners, supposing your public important Commission not to permit any particular attention to such private business, forwarded to the Honble. Mr. Dana every paper they thought necessary, for renewing their Application to the Court of France, for redress—begging leave to refer You to my said Letter on that Subject, be pleased to accept my sincere thanks for Your polite Offers of Service—which You’ll permit me to value, chiefly, because I esteem them really meant—and let me add, my happiness will be doubled if you will put it in my power to render Yourself, or Connections, here, or abroad, any good Offices.
     Friendship founded, in those early Years, when neither fashion or selfinterest sway the heart, produce the most lasting Fruits—As you are pleased to recognize that which was formed in our early days, I embrace with Earnestness, the claim, and wish, as Opportunities, in our different Professions, permit, to experience and prove, that the Blessings which flow therefrom are the Result, and not the Germs, as is common in Contractions of later life when the World appears too designing and vitious, almost, to be trusted.
     Your Opinion respecting Peace must be of great Service in the plans of the mercantile Line. Some Gentlemen, from expecting peace, have neglected the equipments of Vessels of War—but most are now convinc’d that, while any successes can pacify the people of Britain by any representations the Minister makes of them, that Nation will be so infatuated as to push the war; tho’ the wisest cannot see with what rational Expectations. The conquest of America must appear ideal—the Chastisement of the House of Bourbon as much so; especially, considering the apparent disposition of the other powers of Europe. Under these sentiments of their Conduct, the Merchants, having pretty well recovered from their deplorable Loss at Penobscot, as also on account of their prodigious Success in capturing such a Number of the Fleet bound to Quebec; ten of which are brought in to this County, are pushing into the privateering Business, to the extent of their capitals. I have, thro’ the war, kept largely in this business, which, however profitable, nothing but the Service it has done the Country, in the present Contest, would fully justify to my Disposition.
     My success has been very various—like the tossing of the Sea, sometimes up to a good Height—sometimes engulphed, I yet carry good Sail, and hope the close of the war may leave me in that Situation, wherein I can best serve my Country and Mankind. But how I am interrupting your valuable Moments! Excuse me, & permit me to acknowledge myself to be, with true Esteem, Dear Sir Your obliged Friend & most humble Servant

      Tristram Dalton

      Shall I presume, by P.S., to ask the Favor of any Intelligence which may affect the disposition of the mercantile Interest, so far as is consistent with your every Consideration?


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Digges, 24 August 1780
From: Digges, Thomas
To: Adams, John

      Dr. Sir
      London 22d4th Augt. 1780

     I wrote you a few lines on the 18th and 22d Instants chiefly to inform you the news of those days, but as they were forwarded by the usual conveyance of Post (my not knowing you were then in Holland) I suppose they will not get to hand earlier than this letter; which is born by a particular friend Mr. Saml. Hartley a relation of D. Hartleys. He is a considerable Merchant of this place and goes abroad on some commercial business to Holland (I beleive in the neutral-flag way) which will also lead Him to Paris. He has ever shewn himself an open friend to the cause of our Country, and as I dare say He would be glad to express it to any of our publickly employd Men abroad, I beg leave to recommend Him to your notice should chance bring you together either in Holland or France. As Mr. Hartley is perfectly well acquainted with the publick movements of this Country and well informed as to the news of the day and the beating of the pulses of the people generally, I take the liberty to refer you to Him for particulars. The late news of the Capture of a whole outward bound East and West India Fleet by the combind fleet of France and Spain, has thrown a gloom upon the minds of the people which you can much more easily guess than I can describe. It has been a black week at Loyds, and well it may, for one half of the underwriters that walk that Coffee House, will likely be ruind by such a vast and unexpected Capture. The general uneasiness among all ranks, is not a little heighten’d by the dark prospect of things in the west Indies, and the flying reports of Rodneys defeat with the loss of several ships. The accounts from Amera. too are not the most favorable for the accomplishment of the desird object unconditional Submission. The Expedition into the Jerseys under Neiphausen has been repulsd and was nearly surrounded; and that check it is said prevented Clinton from trying any thing up the No. River.
     The Ministerial runners however still give out with a degree of impudence and falseness that is astonishing, that they are shure of No. Carolina, Virga., and Maryland “comeing in” as they term it to the feet of this Country. The torrent of folly which reignd ever since the capture of Chs. Town on the subject of this “comeing in” of all southern Ama., has subsided very generally among the thinking people within this week or two. There are those among the great however who still keep it up and exult exceedingly about the state of Affairs in Ama.; but I never suffer myself to be dejected by the triumphs of a People so easily and suddenly elated. God Governs, and I trust the second “hour of their Insolence” will be of as short duration as the first.
     I am with the highest esteem Dr Sir Yr Obligd & Obt Ser

      W S. C


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Rush, 25 August 1780
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

      My Dear friend
      Philada. Augst. 25th 1780

     Behold the fruits of the french Alliance! Our young men no longer look upon Great Britain as their home or Mother Country, but turn their eyes entirely to France for all the purposes of business and knowledge. The bearer of this letter Mr. Wm. West—a young merchant of excellent character, and of a respectable Quaker family waits upon you with a proof of this assertion, I beg leave to recommend him to your particular notice and patronage. He will thank you for Advice and information in every thing that relates to his business or company.
     We are exhibiting to the world a new phenominon in the history of nations. We are carrying on a war without its Sinews. We raise—cloathe—and feed whole Armies without money. This must be ascribed in part to our patriotism, and in part to the force of our governments—both of which circumstances have a favourable Aspect upon the permanency of liberty in our Country. We wait only for the Arrival of the 2nd. division of the french fleet to open the Seige of New York. It is reported that it has been twice seen off the banks of Newfoundland. Our troops live with the french Army as brothers—a thing unknown to Britons and Americans when they fought together.
     General Gates who you know is used to creating Armies is doing wonders in the Southern states. We expect every day to hear of Lord Cornwallis being confined to the Sands of Charlestown.
     Commerce and Agriculture flourish among us in Spite of Embargoes and the regulation of prices. Nothing but a premature peace can ruin our country.
     Adieu, from your most Affectionate humble servt

      Benjn. Rush

      PS: As you associate with Academicians, I must give you a word for them. The heat of the Weather in the Shade has been for several days from 93—up to 95° of Farenheits thermometer within these three weeks. Many have died from drinking cold water, and a few have expired suddenly without labour or exercise from the excessive heat.


Title: To John Adams from Francis Dana, 27 August 1780
From: Dana, Francis
To: Adams, John

      Dear Sir
      Paris Augt: 27th 1780

     I have been made very happy by the letters you forwarded to me. I presume you must have been also, by those you wou’d receive by the same hand. Pray give my regards to Mr: Guild. You make no mention whether you have paid Messrs: de Neufville and Son the £60 sterling agreable to our proposal, nor whether there are any vessels going from Amsterdam for Massachusetts. If so I shall give further orders to those Gentlemen immediately. I enclose a short memorandum of Messrs. Gardoquis draft on you. I carried the Drs: last draft in your favour to Mr. Grand, and desired him to carry the whole to your Credit, which was done accordingly. I yesterday waited on the Dr: to beg for myself, and very readily procured a draft in my own favour; so that you will consider the last you obtained; as appropriated solely to your use. I have th’ot it adviseable to give you this information that you may order your affairs accordingly. Please to give my love to the Children. Admiral Geary went into Port with his whole Fleet, except two, on the 18th instant. This Mr. Genet communicated to me in the time of it. The combined Fleet sail’d from Cadiz the 30th. ultimo and you see what has taken place on the 9th. instant. Perhaps we may receive some few deductions. But it is a very happy stroke on many accounts which will be obvious to you. No news yet from our poor Country. God bless it, and soon put an end to all its distresses. I remain, Sir, with the greatest respect and most sincere friendship Yours, &c,

      Fra Dana


Title: To John Adams from William Lee, 27 August 1780
From: Lee, William
To: Adams, John

      Dr Sir
      Bruxelles, Augt. 27 1780

     As you desire in yours of the 23. I now send you the Packet and least the English mail should be detain’d by the wind from you as it has been here I send you the contents of a letter from Mr. Stephens Secratary of the Admiralty to LLoyds Coffee House for the information of the Merchants—which is dated the 22 instant.

     Mr. Stephens says he has received a letter dated Augt. 9. from the Capt. of the Thetis Frigate who in company with the Ramillies was convoying the West India fleet of 54 Sail with Genl. Rainsfords Regiment on  25 East India Men, which informs him that in the evening of the 8th in Lat: 36.40 and Longit: 15 West, they unfortunately fell in with the United fleet from Cadiz and he fear’d that almost the whole convoy had fallen into the Enemys hands. This I hope is only the begining of good News.
     ’Tis certain that Congress has not paid that attention to the Dutch that they merited, or that the interest of America requir’d; and it is not a little unfortunate that other powers have been treated with the same neglect, since it is more than probable that at this period, by proper management, a general acknowlegement of our Independence might be obtain’d, which would in a great measure remove the principal objection that the Enemy pretend to have against making Peace. For my own part, I cou’d wish to see Portugal treated as she deserves, by all the United Powers declaring War upon her, when she cou’d not do us half the injury that she does now under the flimsy pretext of Neutrality.
     Be pleased to send me, if you can procure them, the particulars of the plan, by which St. Thomas’s is constituted a Free Port.
     Our best Compliments attend your Sons and I have the Honor to remain with very high respect Dear Sir Your most Obliged & Obedt. Hble Servt.

      W. Lee


Title: From John Adams to Joseph Gridley, 28 August 1780
From: Gridley, Joseph
To: Adams, John

       Aug. 28. 1780

     Mr. Adams’s Compliments to Mr. Gridley, and desires to know whether there is in Print, either in English or French, any particular description of the islands of St. John—the two Misere’s, the Isles Percée Bonaventure and Magdalen, Miqulen and St. Peters, in short of all the Islands in and about he Gulph of St. Laurence? If there is what is the Title of the Book? What is the best Map extant of those Seas and Islands. If there is neither Book nor Map, will Mr. Gridley do Mr. Adams the favour to give him a short description in Writing as particular as Mr. Gridley’s time will Admit?


Title: To John Adams from Joseph Gridley, 28 August 1780
From: Gridley, Joseph
To: Adams, John

      Sir

       post 28 August 1780

     There is a very compleat Survey of the Gulph of the River Saint Lawrence, done by Capt. Holland, it takes in, the whole of the Shore from Gaspee, down to Cape North, Westerly, likewise the North and Easterly Shore down to the Labradore, including all the Islands in the Gulph, excepting part of Newfoundland, which indeed is not compleat, but is Nevertheless Mark’d out. You will be able to find all the Survey, in the New Atlass.
     There are seperate Maps of the different Islands, which may be had in England, and those Maps give a very particular description of the Harbours, Soundings, Rocks and Shoals round about each Island, but I never have seen any Book published, only one, Capt. Holland wrote to induce Inhabitants to settle on his Estate at the Island St. Johns, the Title of this Book I really cannot recollect.
     I am sir Your most obedt. Humble Servt.

      Joseph Gridley


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Digges, 29 August 1780
From: Digges, Thomas,Church, William Singleton
To: Adams, John

      Dr. Sir
      London 29 August 1780

     I am much obligd to you for a letter and some news papers by a friend. I have not yet seen the principal person concernd in the Flag to Bristol, he not having yet got to Town but hourly expected. A Townsman of Yours also a passenger in that vessel Has been with me, and mentioning to him that I was about to write to you, and asking if he had any news or letters from your particular freinds, He answerd me He had not; that all things were well in the quarter of Boston, and indeed in every part north of Carolina, and likely to stand so. The picture he gave me of things generally was very comforting. His name is Br——mf——d and he is on his way to Holland. He says He saw your Daughter a day to two before He saild (the 21st July) and that She was very well as were all your friends. No other passengers in this ship save the Capn. and Supercargo of a Ship lately taken bound from Corke to N. York. The Flag has hitherto been respected, and present prospects indicate that the vessel will be in no way stopt. The Capn. means to return with Her to Boston. It is wonderful how Government have relaxd lately in their persecutions and conversations against Americans. They certainly begin to see that it is all over with them in America, and the more open the communication and intercourse between the two Countries the better for them. If ships under this discription are allowd to pass, they will soon be better informd of the actual state of things in America. There are many American violent Torey Refugees at Bristol, all from about Boston, those Gentry soon informd themselves how affairs stood in that quarter, and some of them have written up to their worthy Brethren here, That affairs certainly stand differently in America to what has been industriously put forth by Ministry and their runners ever since the capture of Chas. Town; some of them go as far as to say that America must and will be Independant. They begin to find that the American mind cannot be subdued, and that our people are not so tired of the Tyranny of Congress as they had reason to hope. Authentic news was yesterday Brought to Loyds that the outward bound Quebec fleet had been met near New Foundland the 12th July by an American frigate (supposd the Confederacy) and two Brig Privateers, and that they had capturd twelve of the remaining sixteen. This fleet was attackd soon after they left Corke about six weeks ago by three French men of war who only snapt up two and those were retaken soon after—well done Yankee say I. The news coming immediately upon the back of the important Capture of a Whole outward Bound East and West India Fleet, cast a damp upon the phizes in the City which I have not discoverd heretofore. These accounts together with the general ones receivd by a N York packet which saild the 11th July, put the whole merchantile race, and every torey news monger, more into the dumps than you can immagine; for a little while the cry was all is over with us now in America, when the paltry cruizers of that Country, and their gallic Allies, capture our fleets and repulse our Armies. This day we are again in spirits at Loyds—The Leeward Island fleet, The Oporto Fleet, and two India men are reported to be all safe arrivd at Falmouth. Therefore we are yet Lords paramont at Sea, and Rodney is superior in the Wt. Indies or these fleets could not sail. Such is the conversation tho not a word of intelligence authentic has been received from either of these fleets. This however is encouragement enough for a universal wish that England would immediately declare war against Russia, Denmark, Sweeden, and Holland, which last they accuse as being at the bottom of all the northern mischeif—Free Ships shall not be allowd to make free Goods or England will be undone—this is our language and the ministry have been accusd of pusilanimity for not seizing the 13 Russian Men of War which lately anchord in the Downs, tho there were not so many English Ships of War to do this job then in the Channel.
     There has been much conversation since the arrival of the N York packet about a letter said to be written by Sr. H. Clinton to some of his Friends, about the state of things in America—some people go so far as to say that He expressd the same in His publick Letter to Lord G. G——e. That it is full, intelligent, and explicit on the state of English affairs in America and very highly disagreeable to the Cabinet Council before whom it was read. It is said to give an account of the repulse with considerable loss of Genl. Knephausens party of 5,000 men who went into the Jerseys to route Master Washington. That Genl. Clinton himself had lookd at the American Army from another quarter, and after several reconnoitering plans had returnd to N York and given His opinion that He could not effect any thing with the Army He now has, against such formidable lines and so strong a position: That many skirmishes on foraging partys had happend, and none of them provd successfull; That on the arrival upon the Coast of Ama. of Ternays squadron (which was first heard of in N York the 5th July) He had drawn in some of His out posts, and was in hopes Adml. Graves woud arrive to protect the port &ca. &ca.
     All these accounts, in some measure corroborated by private people, as well as the N York papers down to the 11th July, give much uneasiness to the friends of Government here, and might if they would but apply it right be a good lesson to them to try to make some accomodation or Peace with America; but the fates have seemingly decreed that the war shall go on still further and that a nation of unthinking people shall be further blinded and led into deeper ruin.
     I am with the highest Esteem Dr Sir Your obligd & Obt Servt

      W. S. C


Title: From John Adams to Francis Dana, 30 August 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Dana, Francis

      Dear Sir
      Amsterdam Aug 30. 1780

     I have received yours of 19. I have your Form of the Constitution and Some News Papers, none later than those you have. These I shall send by the first private opportunity. I forwarded your Letters by the last Post or two. The Constitution will probably be accepted, at least that is the opinion of all the Americans here.
     Last night I had an Account of Mr. Stephens’s Letter to Lloyds Coffee house. I hope the French and Spanish Fleet have taken them all. This will be somewhat of very clever, if the French and Spanish Men of War should make the important discovery that it is in their Power, and that it is worth while to take British Merchant Men, as they have proved to the World that they can fight and maneuvre as well as the English, this War would last but a very little while.
     I Spend my Time very agreably here, and in very good Company: and find So much good will to our cause and country, that I cannot but regret, that Mr. L is not here. I wish Congress had a Minister, at the Hague, at Petersbourg, Copenhagen and Stockholm.
     With much affection yours


Title: To John Adams from Hendrik Calkoen, with a Contemporary Translation, 31 August 1780
From: Calkoen, Hendrik
To: Adams, John

       Weledele Heer

        31 Aúg. 1780

      Het spijt mij, dat ik niet langer mijne gedagten over het bewúste onderwerp kan laaten gaan. Uwedele zal zich dús gelieven te vreede te hoúden met een en andere aanmerking, zo als die mij in de gedagten komen, ’t geen wel eens oorzaak zijn zal dat deeze of geene bedenking, die vroeger geplaatst hadt moeten worden, laater komen zal.
      Om het algemeen Crediet voor de Vereenigde Staaten van N.A., hier in Holland, zoveel mogelijk, op te beúren en úit te breiden, zoú voor alle dingen noodig zijn een naúwkeúrig, aúthenticq en waarachtig Bericht van den tegenwoordigen staat haarer zaaken, gepaard, of voorafgegaan van een kort doch zaakelijk verslag van den loop derzelven voor, op en na de Troúbelen, tot heden toe; daar het nood ware, gemúnieerd met de aúthentiqúe Docúmenten en bewijzen. Men zoú het kunnen vervatten in een Brief aan den Edelen Lord Germain, om het belaggelijke of onwaarschijnelijke zijner Vantises, wegens de op handen zijnde Reconciliatie met America, in het parlement gedaan, ten toon te stellen, hetzelve al verder in eenen schertzenden toon inrichtende; op dat het daardoor te meer in ieders handen geraaken zoú. Uit dien tegenwoordigen staat zoú men vervolgens moeten afleiden wat het natúúrlijk gevolg zijn zal van deezen Oorlog—Dan dewijl men van den presúmtive úitslag der zaaken met nog meerderen waarschijnlijkheid oordeelen kan úit vergelijiking van hetgeen in een soortgelijk geval gebeúrd is, zoú een júiste en gepaste vergelijking en paralelle van den staat der zaaken zo als die bij onze Revolútie was met die van Noord America, hier, van een allerbyzonderste úitwerking zijn, en tevens zeer gewichtige aanmerkingen aan de hand geven—Dewijl ik meer onderrigt ben van onzen oorlog voor de vrijheid met den aankleeven van dien, zal ik zo tot infomatie daar van als tot staaving mijner bovengemelde Remarques hier van een korte schets meede-deelen.

      Onze Revolútie moet niet als ééne doorgaande Revolútie maar als twee verschillende, ja misschien drie de een úit de ander gebooren, geconsidereerd worden—De erste, onder het geleide der Edelen, het bekende Smeekschrift overleeverende, en zich onderling aan elkanderen Verbindende, aangevangen, mislúkte geheel en al, hoe zeer Oranje, in den Raad van de onderliggende partij, dat is van de Oppositie zijnde, dit verbond onder de hand bewerkt en bevorderd hadt. De oorzaak was, dat de gemeente stoút geworden op dit verbond en zich daardoor gerúgsteúnd achtende, doldriftig voortholde, een Beeldenstorm, plúndering en berooving van Kerken en andere heiligdommen, door het gantsche land aanzegtende, waar door de voorzichtige, staatkúndige en patriottische Oogmerken van de welmeenende partij den bodem ingeslagen wierden. De Roomsche Edelen, met reden bedúgt, dat men toeleg maakte, om hunnen Godsdienst geheel en al te vernietigen, scheúrden zich van’t verbond, dat zij geteekend hadden, hún zoen met het Hoff maakende, ’t geen hún gemakkelijk viel, omdat men daar begreep, gelijk het ook inderdaad was, dat door deeze scheúring het gantsche Bondgenootschap vaneen gereeten zoú zijn—Gelijk ook, alleen door de Italiaansche Staatkúnde van de Landvoogdesse Margaretha en haar Raadslieden, gebeúrde; alles zich tot onderwerping schikkende, zonder dat er eenige Vreemde soldaaten in ’t Land waaren, of daartoe gebezigd behoefden te worden. Zelfs zo verre dat MargarethaSchreef, en met Waarheid na Spanje schrijven kon, dat de opstand gedemt was, en dat alles zich tot onderwerping schikte.
      Hadt de Koning toen afgezien van het zenden van een Leger, Alvaaan het hoofd hebbende, de Nederlanden zoúden nog in slavernij zijn. Ja, indien hij slegts goedgevonden hadt Oranje, Egmond en Hoorne ongmoeid te laaten, zou denkelijk het zelfde gebeúrd zijn, dewijl Oranje als dan hoogst waarschijnelijk zich de zaak niet langer aangetrokken zoú hebben. Maar de Koning, verkeerdelijk begrijpende, dat de gelegenheid nú te schoon stondt, om zich van een onbepaalde opperheerschappij meester te maaken, zondt Alva herwaarts, aan ’t hoofd van een vrij aanzienelijke leegermagt en taste gemelde Hoofden van de Oppositie in persoon, goederen, eer en leeven aan; zich tevens genoegzaam gelijktijdig van het gantsche Land, grensvestingen etc. meester maakende.
      Oranje hier door tot wanhoop gebragd vatte de wapenen op, kwam in ’t Jaar 1568 af met een leger, waar mede hij niets úitrigten kon, zelfs zo, dat het, bij gebrek van betaaling, van zelfs verliep.
      Alva was en bleef dús van alles meester. De Landzaat voelde zich, in weerwil van zijne neiging en moed, genoodzaakt, zich geheel te onderwerpen. Hadt hij toen, slegts met eenige krijgsmans gemaatigheid, de zaaken bestierd, zoú de nú ten tweede
       maale gedempte opstand nimmer weder het hoofd hebben dúrven opsteeken. Maar, door geweld, vúúr en staal, zijne overheersching willende Cementeeren, veroorzaakte de toevallige en gantsch onberaadene aanval en inneeming van den Briel, door eenige waanhoopige Nederlanderen úitgevoerd, dat de twee provintien, Holland en Zeeland, grootendeels, tegen hem opstonden, waardoor Oranje eindelijk in weerwil van de Spaansche legermagt, voet in het Land kreeg, waarúit hij nú reets verscheide jaaren als balling verdreeven geweest was. De afval van de eene stad na de andere, door dit onverwagt evenement veroorzaakt, bedremmelde Alva vrij wat, niet weetende werwaarts zich, tot demping van den opstand, het eerst te wenden. De Groot overmagt echter deedt hem gedúúrende 1573 en 1574 aanmerkelijke voordelen behaalen. Hij Conqúesteerde op nieúw verscheidene afgevallen steden, en alles zoú zich ten derde maale tot onderwerping hebben moeten schikken voor al onder zijn opvolger Reqúésens die, met veel meer gemaatigdheid te werk gaande, verbaazende vorderingen maakte, en die het Hof gewis zoú hebben doen zegpraalen indien hij niet, zeer onverwagt, zonder orde op de regeering gesteld of een súccesseúr ad interim benoemd te hebben, was komen te overlijden. De Raad van Staaten moest toen natúúrlijker wijze bij voorraad de Regeering in handen neemen. De Nederlanders, daar in zittende en zo afkeerig als ooit van een vreemd júk, gebrúikten deeze gelegenheid zeer behendig; naamen de Spaansch gezinde Raaden gevangen, terwijl het onbetaald laaten der Spaansche troepen, deeze aan ’t múiten deet slaan, die in plúndering en Roof van vriend en vijand eindigende, alle de provintien, die met Spanje tegen Holland en Zeeland in daadelijken Oorlog waren, vereenigde, om het gemeene Vaderland van vreemd geweld en overlaste te bevrijden—Men riep Oranje na Brabant en bragt binnen zeer korten tijd de beroemde Pacificatie van Gend tot stand, waardoor niet alleen de vreede met Holland en Zeeland gemaakt was, maar waarbij men zich tevens verbond, om, blijvende onder de Koninglijke gehoorzaamheid, als van oúds, alle vreemde magt úit het land met vereende krachten te zúllen verjaagen. Holland en Zeeland inmiddels tot ademtogt geraakt en Spanje meer en meer vijanden op zijnen hals habbende, kreegen de zaaken wel een gúnstiger plooi, maar alles was en bleef zeer wankelbaar. Verschil van Godsdienst, de ambitie van eenige Nederlandsche grooten, met nijdige oogen ziende, dat Oranje in achting en liefde bij het volk toenam, de ook driftige ijver der geestelijken; deeze en veele andere toevalligheden maakten den Staat der zaaken zeer lange ongewis; kleine evenementen voor en tegen waren van gewigtige gevolgen verzeld. Oranje, úit een en ander bespeúrende, dat het onmogelijk was, alle de provintien eenzelven lijn op den dúúr te doen trekken, was daarom reeds bij voorraad op het slúiten eener nadere Unie te Utrecht bedagt geweest, om ten minsten een gedeelte der Nederlanden voor onderwerping te beveiligen; indien eens het kwaad dat die Schrandere man voorzag, daadelijk gebeúren mogt.
      Hier zoú men met de vergelijking kúnnen eindigen, met deeze úitzondering, alleen, dat de moord van Willem den 1e. zo onverwagt gebeúrende, in ’t midden van achterúitgaande krigsbedrijven van de zijde det Nederlanderen, hún wel van hún grootsten steún beroofden, maar dat nog deeze gebeúrtenis nog de jonkheid van Maúrits, nog de verwarringen, die Leicester Stookte, aan een Krijgsman van naam als Parma eenige gelegenheid verschaft hebben, de Nederlanders weder tot onderwerping te dwingen, gelijk úit den loop der zaaken gebleeken is. Ondertússchen is het lot des oorlogs voornamentlijk ter Zee beslist, als wordende van tijd tot tijd stoúte en gelúkkige togten op Zee gedaan; waar in Nederland alleen boven America eenig voordeel schijnt gehad te hebben; de Spaansche Zee magt in vergelijking tot onse toenmaaligen minder overwigt hebbende, als die van Engeland thans over die van America heeft.
      Uit deeze korte schets van den staat der zaaken, die in alle bijzonderheiden gelijkende is, nú kan omweder ter zaake te komen meer dan eene aanmerking, tot het bewúste oogmerk dienende, getrokken worden. Er blijkt úit het zeer aanmerkelijk ondersheid tússchen ons en America, waarin van de zijde van America over het geheel, groot voordeel bespeúrd wordt. Want 1e. America moet nog geconqúesteerd en dan bewaard worden. Stel Engeland wierdt het meester, dan zal Engeland eerst recht beginnen en kúnnen beginnen, daar Spanje begonnen is. En de moeijte van bewaaring zal dan, alle andere Consideratien eens daar gelaaten, zoveel grooter zijn, als het Land zelve grooter úitgebreid heeft, dan ons kleine Land. Heeft nú Spanje, hoe zeer door het staande leger, in het land zelve in bezetting leggende, als andersins, volstrekt meester van het land; Meester van Grensvesten, Oorlogstúig; finantie weezen, en wie weet wat al meer? Heeft Spanje, dat in evenredigheid tot Nederland ten minsten magtiger dan Engeland met relatie tot America is, die zelfde Nederlanden, onderling door allerlei Godsdienstige en andere politiqúe partijschappen, Cabalen elendig verdeeld, niet kúnnen behoúden of bewaaren, heeft de haat die de natie tegens Spanje en den Spaanschen naam droeg, de Spanjaards verjaagd behoeft men dan wel profeet te zijn, om te voorspellen dat, zo het al eens mogelijk ware, dat America geheel geconqúesteerd wierdt, en daadelijk búkken moest, het bewaaren en behoúden van het zelve, voor Engeland, met het overschot haarer door de Conqúesteering úitgepútte krachten, onúitvoerlijk zijn zal.
      Dit Argúment, deeze vergelijking en paralelle in al zijn bijzonderheeden door eene kúndige hand úitgewerkt, zoú voor kúndigen en onkúndigen een krachtig argúment zijn. Om het aan te dringen, zoú men zich van de volgende zaaken, geheel of gedeeltelijk kúnnen en moeten bedienen.
      1. Met Spreekende daaden bewijzen, dat er eene onverzoenelijke haat en afkeer in America heerst.
      2. Dat deeze algemeen is, of ten minsten, zo algemeen, dat de Koningsgezinden partij zo gering in getal en magt is, dat die als niets te tellen is.
      3. Dat America, in weerwil van den Oorlog, in wezentlijke sterkte en macht toeneemt.
      4. Dat America ten minsten dan nog in en van zich zelfs, door middel van wederzijdsche Koop of trokkeering van de prodúcten der Respective Provintien, ten minsten gedúúrende een gerúimen tijd, bestaan zoú kúnnen en den Oorlog 6–8–10 Jaar sleepende hoúden, al wierdt zij zelfs van alle Commercie met Eúropa beroofd, en van haare Bondgenooten, om dat die afgeoorlogd waren, door het maaken eener particúliere vreede verlaaten.
      5. Dat er geen vrijwillige afval, of afscheiding van een of meer provintien te dúgten is, en zo dit al van een of meer gebeúrde, de ovrige altoos zich zelve alleen zoúden kúnnen beschermen.
      6. Dat niemand in America van zoveel invloed, magt, of Credit is, dat zijn dood, of Corrúptie door Engelsch geld eenige noemenswaardige gevolgen hebben kan.
      7. Dat de gemeente in America not gezind is, nog genoegzaame gronden vinden zoú, om door geweld en daadelijkheden de welmeenende en kúndige Politiken in de war te helpen, gelijk bij ons de beeldenstorm, die alle maatregelen van Oranje en anderen geheel den bodem insloeg.
      8. Wat Engeland eigentlijk zoú moeten doen, om America tot onderwerping te brengen en daar in te hoúden. Wat daartoe vereischt zoúde worden?
      Hoe veel tijd, geld, volk en schepen daar toe noodig zoúden zign? (NB. Men begrijpt wel dat dit alleen zoú moeten geschieden met achterhoúding van wezentlijke geheimen van staat; welke aanmerking hier eens voor al gezegd zij).
      Hier úit zoú men de onúitvoerelijkheid van de Engelsche oogmerken moeten afleiden.
      9. Hoe sterk het Engelsche Leger te Lande is, dat actúeel tegen America de waapenen draagd? Hoe sterk het bij den aanvang was? Of hetzelve in een toeneemende of altoos afneemende sitúatie is?
      10. Hoe groot de effective macht van America daar tegen, zo wel met relatie van getal als geoffendheid van ’t leger zo wel bij den aanvang als zedert tot nú toe? Is men van genoegzaame Krijgsvoorraad voorzien, kan men die geheel of gedeeltelijk in America zelfs vinden of moet men die van elders haalen?
      11. Hoe groot is de Schúld van America daadelijk?
      Wat heeft zij Jaarlijks noodig om defensief te Ageeren worden deeze kosten bij de Landzaaten zelve genooten en verdiend, dan wel door andere Natien? zo het laatste geval wat verliest America daar door van haare krachten? worden deeze niet wederom op de een of andere wijze door tegen overstaande voordeelen gecompenseerd? zo ja door welke?
      Wat zoú er noodig zijn, om offensief te werk te gaan, en de oorlog daar door te bekorten.
      12. Hoedanig is de staat van het finantie weezen?
      Hoeveel súrpasseren de úitgaave of depences de inkomsten? Neemen de Impositien jaarlijks toe of af? met andere woorden brengen de Taxen en Impositien van tijd tot tijd meer op, of wel minder? over het geheel of in sommige bijzonderheeden en welke rendenen zijn daar van te geeven?
      13. Van welke Resoúrces zoú America nog in ’t vervolg gebrúik kúnnen maaken?
      14. Hoe groot is het qúantúm, van het gemaakte en in Circúlatie gebragte papiere geld? Welk Credit heeft men daar voor in den dagelijkschen handel binnen Lands? Welke vúes heeft men, om het zelve in Credit te hoúden, die zelfs vermeerdering, zo veel mogelijk, voor te kommen, en hoedanig zal men het realiseeren?
      15. Brengt zelfs het Engelsche Leger ’t geen in America is en zijne soldijen zo niet geheel ten minsten grootendeels aldaar verteeren moet, geen vermeerdering, zelfs in weerwil van Engeland, in het númeraire en effective geld van America voort? Zo ja, op hoe veel begroot men dit voordeel bij Calcúlatie jaarlijks? Worden niet de meeste wederzijdsche krijgsgevangenen in America gevonden? wie zorgt voor het onderhoúd derzelven? De Mogenheid, die zij gediend hebben of wel die geen, die hen krijgsgevangenen gemaakt heeft? Zo de Mogenheid, dien zij gediend hebben, is de Vraag geschied dit van wegen America door aan dezelve geld of wel Levensmiddelen en noodwendigheeden toe te zenden? Hoe geschied dit met betrekking van het leger van Boúrgonge? Zo dit, het geen het noodig heeft, met geld koopt en betaaldt, moet er door dit middel vrij wat Goúdt en Zilver in handen van de Americaanen komen en also het gebrek aan geld merkelijk vervúllen—Wat is hier van?
      16. Wie verliest het meest aan Deserteúrs Engeland of America? Dienen de Engelsche Deserteúrs vrijwillig en wel in het Americaansche Leger? Kan men er eenige staat op maaken? Op wat wijze kúnnen zij, die geen dienst in ’t Leger neemen, aan de kost komen? Hoe groot is het getal van deezen? Lijden zij kommer en gebrek of kúnnen zij behoorlijk bestaan.
      17. Heeft men eenige berigten, waar op genoegzaam staat te maaken is, wegens de bevolking?
      Gaat die voor of achterúit, of is die genoegzaam in dezelfde staat als bij het begin van den Oorlog?
      18. Heerscht er op plaatsen, daar de oorlog niet daadelijk gevoerd wordt genoegzaame rúst, te vreedenheid en welvaart? Kan men er genoegzaam bestaan, zonder dat de Lasten te sterk drúkken?
      Heerscht er zelfs overvloed, dat is meer dan het noodzaakelijke, en is het volk dús welgemoed en gehartigd, om den Oorlog, is ’t nood, door te zetten en deszelfs Calamiteiten te verdúúren. Of is er armoede, en moedeloosheid?
      19. Haakt men in America niet sterk na Vreede en zoú dit geen aanleiding kúnnen geeven, dat men somstijds aan schijnschoone voorslagen, al te greetig het oor zoú willen of moeten leenen?
      20. Zijn er ten deezen opzichte in het Cabinet geene verschillende Opinien en daarúit ontstaande partijschappen?
      21. Zijn er in America geen Malcontenten over het púplicq bestúúr, die hoe Americaans gezint anderzins ook, de natie of het Congres tot beslúiten zoú kúnnen noodzaaken tegen haar Inzichten en belangen?
      22. De Generaal Monk heeft in Engeland de Koninglijke Regeering hersteld—Zoú een of ander Americaanses Generaal, úit misnoegen of door Corrúptie hiertoe overgehaald, dit zelfde ook kúnnen úitvoeren? Zoú het leger hem in zúlk een geval volgen.
      23. Zoú een of meer politikenen door Cabaleeren en intrigeeren hetzelfde, met eenige hoop van súcces, kúnnen doen? En zoú in zúlk een geval, het Leger hem volgen?
      24. Dewijl de opgekomene Revolútie een aanmerkelijke verandering van zaaken gemaakt moet hebben, en wel zo dat zeer veele lieden, zelfs zonder daadelijk den vijand op den hals te hebben, hún kostwinning of bestaan verlooren hebben; zijn de bezigheden, die in de plaats gekomen zijn, toereikende geweest, om de ophoúding van het bestaan van deezen en geenen te kúnnen vervúllen, en zijn de zaaken ten dien opzichte nú reets op eenen zo bestendigen nieúwen voet gebragd, dat úit dien hoofde alleen geene Armoede of gebrek van belang meer geleden wordt?
      25. Lijden die geenen, die, bij den oorlog, hún bezittingen en fortúin verlooren hebben, dat verlies, over het geheel, gedúldig en patriottisch, zo dat ook van deezen niets van eenig belang te vreezen is?
      26. Hoe is het gegaan met den Landboúw, voor de troúbelen, bij derzelver aanvang, en tegenwoordig? Welke verandering vermeerdering of vermindering heeft die ondergaan op plaatsen daar de oorlog niet daadelijk gevoerd is, of wordt?
      27. Hoedanig was de staat der Manúfactúúren Handwerken en Koophandel in ’t gemeen bij het opvatten der Wapenen en welke verandering vermeerdering of vermindering is daar in gekoomen?
      28. Heeft America, bij het wederzijds neemen van schepen gewonnen of verlooren? Hoe veel is het voor of nadeel van dien bij Calcúlatie?
      29. Welke zijn de wezentlijke nadeelen door het verlies van Charlestown geleden, of nog te lijden, en welken invloed heeft dit over het geheel op de gemoederen gehadt?
      Zie daar Weled. Heer en vriend! eenigszins omstandig mijne gedagten over dit onderwerp voorgesteld.
      Ik begrijp zeer klaar, dat men alle de gedaane vraagen niet kan en zelfs niet públicq beantwoorden moet ook is de een meer gewigtig als de andere. Het positief bewijs van deeze en geene zaaken zal bovendien in zeer veele gevallen moeielijk, ja dikwils onmogelijk zijn, maar men kan zich dan nog al met negative bewijzen behelpen en redden—Bij voorbeeld—Art. 14 wegens het papiere geld; dit en derzelfs mis Credit is misschien indien ik, zonder locaale kennis te hebben, oordeelen mag, het voornaame zwak van America. Zo men hier van geene voldoende oplossing geeven kon, zoú men het onderzoek negative moeten toúrneeren in een onderzoek van het Engelsche Finantie weezen en stellen het zwak daar van voor, waartoe men vooral gebrúik zoú moeten maaken van de aanmerkingen van Húme, wegens de públicqúe schúld, dat tevens aan het Credit van Engeland een gewisse neep geeven zoú, dewijl Húme daarover zúlke verschrikkelijke en vrees verwekkende profetien gedaan heeft, dat men er eene aanmerkelijke ontroering van gevoeld, alleen op de bloote Lectúre van zijne aanmerkingen, al heeft men geen, of geen groot deel in de Engelsche Fondsen.
      Heb de goedheid indachtig te zijn, en te effectúeren dat ik de Origineele acte van Independtie leezen kan, want ik worde hoe langer hoe meer, overtúigd, dat de Engelsche Nieúwspapieren ook daarmede een toúr gespeeld en ik een gesúborneerd stúk geleezen heb. Ik verlange daarom een echt stuk van zoveel gewigt met aandagt te leezen en te herleezen.
      Inmiddels noeme mij met ware achting Wel Edele Heer! U. E. M. Dienaar

       H. Calkoen


Title: Hendrik Calkoen to John Adams: A Translation, 31 August 1780
From: Calkoen, Hendrik
To: Adams, John

       31 August 1780

      I am Sorry that the time does not permit my reflecting any longer, upon the Subject in question, you will therefore be so kind as to content your self with those few remarks, so as they may arise in my thoughts, which will perhaps cause the one or other recollection to appear, that ought to have been placed something Sooner.
      To encourage and Establish as much as possible the general credit of the United States of North America here in Holland, would be above all things necessary an exact authentic and True information of the present Situation of her affairs, accompanied by a previous, Short, tho real account of their course, before during and after the commencement of the troubles, till this day; Where with if it was necessary, to be provided with the genuine Documents and demonstrations. One might be able to resume it in a letter to the Right Honourable G. Germain, to expose by that means his ridiculous or improbable Vantises presented in the House of Parliament, concerning the appraching reconciliation with America, by composing the same further, in an ironical tone, that it might be that means pass the more thro Every bodies hands. But of this present state of affairs, might one further foresee, what the natural consequence of this War must be, because one can judge with more probability of the presumtive issue of affairs; by comparing them with any other event of the like that has happened. Would not a Just and fitted comparison and parallel of the situation of affairs, so as they were at our Revolution, with those of North America be of very great effect, and produce some new observations of consequence, because I am better informed of our war before its independency and adherency, I shall therefore inform you of it, as likewise confirm my abovementioned remarks, by the following Scetch Viz:
      Our Revolution must not pass as one continual Revolution, but as two different ones, yes perhaps three, considered as deriving from each other. The first under the conduct of the Nobility, delivering the known Petition, commencing at the same time mutual engagements, which were miscarried intirely, tho the Prince of Orange in the Counsel of the party in Suffrance, that is of the opposition, had made up and advanced secretly this League; the reason was that the Commonalty becoming bold upon this convention, Esteemed themselves properly fortifyed, went furiously at Work Beeldstorming plundering, depriving the Churches and other Sanctuaries of their Ornaments, throughout the whole Country, by which means the designs of the prudent and well meaning Native Politicians were intirely frustrated, the apprehention with reason of the Roman Catholic Nobility, that the intire abolishment of their Religion was aimed at, induced them to Seperate from the league, that they had already Signed, and returned to the Court party, which they with much facility gained, because it was thought, so as it in reality was, that by means of this division, the whole convention would be torn; it likewise happened too, thro the Italian Policy of the Governess Margaretha and her Counselors; Everything disposing itself for Submittance and that without a foreign Soldier in the Country, nor the least require made for any, indeed so far to the contrary, that Margaretha wrote to Spain and could write with truth, “that the Rebellion was Stopt and that every thing was preparing with Speed for Subjection.”
      Had the King but then put aside his resolution of sending an Army, with Duke d’Alba at the head, the Netherlands would be still in Slavery, yes even if he had judged proper to have left Orange, Egmond, and Hoorn unmolested, likely should the same have happened, because the Prince of Orange would then by all probability not have mentained the affair any longer, but the King preversly comprehending, that the occasion was now too fair to invest himself with an unlimitted Sovereignty, Sends Duke d’Alba hither at the head of a mighty Army, and attacks the abovementioned Ringleaders of the opposition, in person, goods and honour, depriving them of their lives and by making himself master at the same time, of the Whole Country, frontiers &c.

      The Prince of Orange meeting with such barbarious treatment, brought him to dispair, took recourse to Arms, and came off in the year 1568 with an Army, that he could perform nothing with, even of such little consequence, that it, thro want of pay, diminished of its own self.
      Duke d’Alba was, and continued by that means master of all, the Inhabitants with Repugnancy to their inclination of Courage, found themselves under the necessity of submitting intirely. Had he then even with a little Soldiers moderation gouverned the affairs, the Second extinguished Rebellion, would never have dared, to have raised its head again, but, thro violence, fire and Sword, would he cement his Sovereignty, which occasioned the accidental, and intire unadvised Assault and conquest of the Briel, executed by a few desperate Netherlanders; That stroke induced mostly, the two Provinces, Holland and Zeeland to rise against him; it gave at last the Prince of Orange an oppertunity, of Setting his feet in this Country again, from where he had been banished for Severall Years. The revolt, of one Town after the other, occasioned by this unexpected event, puzled Duke d’Alba vastly, which place to attack first, and extinguish by that means, the flames that were increasing with great rapidity. His Supiriority during the Year 1573 and 74, favoured him in recovering Severall advantages. He conquerd anew Several of the revolted Towns, and every thing would have been forced a third time, to Submission; above all under the Government of his Successor Requesens, who, with much more temperament, went to work, and who would without the least doubt, have rendered the Court Victorious, had he not most unexpectedly died, even without Establishing any form of Gouvernment, or having Chosen a Successor ad interim.
      The Counselors of State were naturally obliged, by provision to invest themselves, with the Gouvernment of affairs. The Netherlanders having the Tiller in their hands, and as averse as ever of a foreign Yoke, made a very dextrous use of this opportunity; by imprisoning the Counselors of the Spanish party, whilst the unpaid Spanish Soldiers were revolting, which ended with plundering and Prey of friend and Enemy; All the Provinces that were till thus far with Spain in War, against Holland and Sealand, united to defend the Mother Country against all foreign forces and importunitys.
      The Prince of Orange was ordered to Braband, the famious Paciffication of Gend was established in a short time after, in a proper Situation, by which means not only the peace with Holland and Sealand was concluded, but likewise a Convention, to remain as formerly, under the King’s authority, and to join each other in Expelling any foreign forces that might attempt returning into this Country.
      Holland and Sealand in the mean While recovering their former Strenght, and Spain obtaining from day to day more and more Enemies, gave the affairs here a favourable appearance, tho they remained in an unstable Situation. Difference of Religion, Ambition of a few Dutch Noblemen, with Jealousy seeing, that the Prince of Orange was daily increasing in the Esteem of the Commonalty, the furious Zeal of the Clergymen; those and many other casualties rendered the Situation of affairs, of a very long uncertainty; Small events for and against the cause, were accompanied by important consequences. The Prince of Orange remarking by all those difficulties, that it was impossible to draw all the Provinces under one line, occupied himself by times in concluding a new Union at Utrecht,to prevent by that means the Submission of a party of Netherlanders that might incline to it; If even the evil that, that Skilful man foresaw, had instantly brooken out.
      One might make an end of the comparison at this period, with the only exception, of the unexpected assassination of William 1st. in midst of the Netherlands decaying situation of affairs, deprived them intirely of their greatest Support; but neither this change, the Youth of Maurits, nor the Confusion that Leicester kindled, could give an officer by name, of Parma, the least occasion to Subject the Netherlands again, so as has appeared by the course of affairs. In the meanwhile the principallest decision of the War has been at Sea, executing from time to time audacious and fortunate expeditions at Sea, by which it seems alone that Netherland has had more advantages in, than America; The Spanyards Supiriority at Sea, by comparing the same with ours at that time, is much the same, as that of England is at present, with America.
      Out of this short Schetch of the Situation of affairs, which resemble much each other in all particularities; but to return to the affairs again, there can be more than one remark drawn from them, that can be of service to the one in question. The great difference between us and America is very evident, as likewise are the great advantages in general that has been perceived there during this War. For America must be Conquered yet, and then afterwards preserved. Suppose England was to become Master of it, then England shall begin first where Spain began, the trouble of preservation shall than (all other considerations layed aside) be so much the greater, as the land it self is in proportion, much larger than our little Country. Has now Spain, with a Strong army in this Country, in total possession of the whole, as likewise of the frontiers, Ammunition, financies and God knows what more? Has Spain, that proportion to Netherlands at least, Mightyer, than what England is with regard to America, the same Netherlands were at that time devided into different sorts of animosities, tho withall that, they have not been able to preserve them, the hatred that the Nation had against Spanyards or a Spanish name. Expelled them all. Need one therefore be cautious in foretelling also, that if even America was once to be intirely conquered, and forced to Submit, its preservation and Salvation, would be imperformable for Engeland, with her exausted forces.
      This argument, this comparison and parallel well effected in all its particularities by a Skilfull hand, would be a strong argument both for Skilful and unskilful people. To urge it, one would be under the necessity of making use partly or totally, of the following questions things.
      1. To prove with Speaking facts that an implacable hatred and aversion reigns throughout America.
      2. That this general is, or at least so general, that the Tories are in so Small a number, and of such little force, that they are counted as nothing.
      3. That America, not withstanding the War, daily increases in Strenght and force.
      4. Whether America then in or of itself thro means of purchaseing or exchanging the productions from their respective Provinces, would be able to continue the war for at least 6, 8 or 10 Years, even if they were intirely deprived of the trade with Europe, or their Allies Exausted by the war, and forced to make a Separate peace, were to leave them.
      5. That there is no voluntary revolt of one or more of the Provinces to be apprehended, and if even it was to happen, of one, or more, Whether the others would not be able to defend themselves.
      6. That no Person in America is of so much influence, power, or credit, that his death, or thro corruption of English money, could be of any nameable consequence.
      7. That the Commonalty in America are not inclined, nor would be able to find Sufficient fundaments to frustrate by force the good intentions of the Skilful Politicians, even as the Beeldenstorm did, notwithstanding all the wise measures, that the Prince of Orange had taken.

      8. What England properly ought to do, to force America to Submittance, and preserve her in the Same, what should be required to do it? How much time, money and Vessels, would be wanted for that purpose?
      (N.B. One comprehends, that this must only be performed, by reserving the essential Secrets of State; which remark is here once for all explained.)
      Out of this might, and must be proved the imperformable view of England.
      9. How strong the English land force is, that actually carry Arms against America? How strong it was at the beginning of those troubles? Whether the Same is in an increasing, or always diminishing Situation?
      10. How great the Effective force of America is, that’s in opposition to it, as well relative to the number of men, as their discipline, from the Commencement of the troubles, till thus far? Is there a good Supply of Warlike Stores, are they to be found partly or intirely in America, or must they be imported?
      11. How great is the present debt of America? What has she yearly use of to act defensively, are those wants Supplied by the inhabitants themselves or by other Nations? If in the latter case, what does America loose of her Strenght by it? are they not in one manner or the other recompenced again by some other equivalent advantage? If so, thro which? What would be required to act offencively, and by that means shorten the War?
      12. What countenance has the Situation of the financies? how much does the expences excel the Yearly income? does the annual Revenue, deriving from the Taxes, increase or diminish? over the whole or in some particularities, which are the reasons to be given for it?
      13. Of What resources might America hereafter, Still make use of?
      14. What is the quantity of the made, and in circulation Paper Money? What Credit the inhabitants have for it in their daily business? What designes they have by maintaining its Credit, by preventing as much as possible its increase and in what manner theyll realize it?
      15. Does not the English army itself, thats in America, lay out its pay, or at least the greatest part; must in spite of England cause a great circulation of effective money? If so, at how much can the yearly benefit, be calculated at? Are not the greatest part of the mutual Prisoner found for in America? Who is it that has the care of their maintainance? The Power, that they have Served, or well that one, Who made them Prisoners? If it is the Power that they have served, the question is, whether America then Supplies them with money, or does it by furnishing them with provisions and other necessaries? How does that happen with regard to Bourgoyn’s Army? If they buy and pay the Commodities they are in want of with effective money, great quantities of Gold and Silver must by that Means circulate among the Americans, and also fulfill Vastly their urging want of Money—pray whats your opinion of this reflection?
      16. Who looses the most by desertion, America or England? Do the English deserters serve voluntarily and well in the American army? Upon what footing can they, who do not enter into the Army, Subsist? how great is their number? do they Suffer under any difficulties of want, or can they properly Subsist?
      17. Have they any informations, that one can rely upon concerning the Population? does it increase or diminish? or is it almost in the same Situation, as it was, at the beginning of the War?
      18. Does Sufficiant tranquility, contentment, and prosperity reign in those places where the rage of War is not effectual? can one Sufficiantly Subsist there, without feeling the oppression of the Taxes? does plenty abound there, that is, more than is needful, and are the People well affected and encouraged to persue the war and endure its calamities, or is there poverty and dejection?
      19. Is not Peace very much longed for in America, might not that perhaps give some inducement of hearckning to proposals appearing very fair (but which are in reality to the contrary) which one might be too quick in listning too, and forced to accept?
      20. Has there not been different opinions in Congress with regard to this, and from which animosities have arisen?
      21. Are there no Malcontents in America, over the public government, tho much inclined otherways for the American cause, who might force the Nation or Congress against their Resolutions and interests to conclude a Peace?
      22. General Monk repaired the Kings government, in England, might not one American General or the other, be able, by way of discontent, or drawn thro Corruption, to perform the Same? Should the Army follow his orders on such an occasion?
      23. Should one or more Politicians thro Intrigues, undertake the same, with any hopes of Success, should even the Army assist him in Such a case?
      24. The new arisen Revolution must certainly have made a great change in the affairs, and even so, that a vast many people, tho at present free of the Enemies incursions, have with all that lost their daily Subsistance; are the occupations which came instead of their old ones, been till thus far Sufficient to Supply their want? and are the affairs already to that respect brought upon a new durable footing, that no Want or poverty of consequence can be Suffered on that account alone?
      25. Do they, who have lost their possessions and fortunes by the War, endure the same in general patiently as compatriots, in so far that nothing can be feared of them?
      26. How has it gone with the Cultivation of the land, before the troubles, at their Commencement, and at present? What change of increase or diminish have those places undergone where the War has not in long raged?
      27. How was the Situation of Manufactures, manual art, and trade in general at the beginning of this War, what change of increase or diminish have they met with, during the Same?
      28. Has America gained or lost, by the mutual capture of Ships? how much is the benefit or prejudice of it, by calculation?
      29. Which are the veritable damages Sustained, or Still to be Suffered, by the loss of Charlestown, and what influence the same has had over the minds in general?
      See there Dear Sir, my thoughts over the Subject, in some degrees circumstantially proposed.
      I conceive very clear, that all the made questions, cannot nor must not be publicly answered. Also is the one of more consequence then the other, the positive proof of these and other affairs, shall above all in Severall cases fall very difficult, yes often be impossible, but one can then take for assistance and relief a Negative demonstration, by Example Article 14 concerning the Paper money, its miscredit is perhaps if I may Judge, without having a local knowledge of it, the principal inability of America. If no Satisfactory Solution could be given of it, the inquest must be turned negatively in an inquiry of the English financies prescribing their depretiated Situation, for which purpose one must above all things make use of Humes remarks concerning their public debt, which would at the same time be a feeling pinch for their Credit. While Hume has made such dreadful fear exciting predictions about it, that at a Simple lecture of his remarks, one feels a remarkable perturbation, even if one has none, or but very little concern in their funds.
      I Humbly beg youll be mindfull in procuring me the lecture of the Original Act of Independency, because I am from day to day more and more persuaded, that the English Newspapers are also deceived, and that I have likewise read a Counterfeited peace.
      I am therefore very desirous to read with attention, a real peace of so much consequence.
      In the mean while I have the honour to remain with much Esteem.


Title: Jean Luzac to John Adams: A Translation, 31 August 1780
From: Luzac, Jean
To: Adams, John

       Sir
       Leyden, 31 August 1780

      I have the honor to return to you the enclosed papers, which you were kind enough to send me, and you can see from the enclosed gazette of last Tuesday the use that I made of them. I am infinitely obliged for the attention that you have paid to me in this regard and you will always find me ready to consider anything that you may communicate. As to the constitution of Massachusetts Bay, I would have been delighted to have been the first to publish it, but three months ago the Courier du Bas-Rhin published the first part of it and I see that today the French gazette of Amsterdam has published a lengthy section, which the gazette at Utrecht has already begun to copy. Nevertheless, I would be very pleased to have the original.
      My father and uncle have directed me to present their regards and I have the honor to be, sir, with the utmost respect, your excellency’s most humble and most obedient servant.

       J. Luzac


Title: From John Adams to Jean Luzac, 1 September 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Luzac, Jean

      Sir
      Amsterdam Septr. 1. 1780

     I have received a Copy of the Constitution of the Massachusetts of which I beg your Acceptance. It has not yet been published in Europe, as it now appears accepted by the Convention, altho the Report of the Committee, was printed in the Courier de L’Europe, Some Months ago, and in the Remembrancer, as well as the Newspapers in London.

     I find many Gentlemen here are inquisitive, concerning the American Forms of Government: So that if you could find room to print it, by Small Portions at a Time in your Paper, you would not only gratify the Curiosity of many of your Readers, but perhaps do a public Service to a Cause, which is honoured with your Approbation.
     To tell you the Truth, as I had Some share in the formation of this Constitution, I am ambitious of Seeing it translated by the Editor of the Leyden Gazette, which without a Compliment I esteem the best both in Point of Style and Method in Europe. I have the Honour to be, Sir your most obedient servant

      John Adams


Title: To John Adams from John Thaxter, 1 September 1780
From: Thaxter, John
To: Adams, John

       1st. Septr. 1780

     There is this day a Confirmation of the News of the taking the fleet mentioned in my Letter—with this addition that there is 62 instead of 55 taken—they had great quantities of provisions and warlike Stores on board, a considerable quantity of Brass Ordinance also, which they were carrying to their fleets and Armies—this Event is very unhappy for the English, and has sunk their funds. The Number of Sailors I know not—whether any soldiers or not I am equally uncertain—it is however probable that there are many of both.
     I have said in the same Letter that the Cte. D’Estaing was to command the Combined fleets—I am not certain of that—there is no End to the Reports—that he is in Spain is certain—every thing else of him and the destination of the combined fleets is envelopped in Mysteries more perplexing than the prophecies. This being the Case, all one has to do is, to pray for more wisdom, and for the prosperity and success of him and the fleets.

      Sept. 3d

     The Description of the Exchange in London upon the Confirmation of the News of the loss of the fleets mentioned in my letter.
     “The long faces, the gloomy Shades of discontent, the motley of painful Attitudes, the Concert of murmurs, Sighs and yawnings upon different Tones, the stupid Aspects, the fuller silence of some, the stifled laughter of others, the bursts of fury of certain Groupes, the deafening Imprecations of some others, in general the convulsive Agitation of this Multitude, which resembled an Ant’s Nest disturbed by the first stroke of a Spade, forms a Picture more easy to be imagin’d than described, and well worthy the pen of an Addison and the pencil of an Hogarth.”
     This Picture is taken from the life, but not yet published according to Act of Parliament.
     I have transcribed the above for your Amusement, and hope I shall not fail of my Object.
     NB. The Soldiers and Sailors amounted to nearly 4.000—the loss is computed at a million and an half Sterling.

      J. T.


Title: From John Adams to Francis Dana, 2 September 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Dana, Francis

      Dear Sir
      Amsterdam Septr. 2. 1780

     Yours of 27 Ultimo came to hand last night. Mr. Bradford informs me that he Sent to Paris by Post a Packet from Dr. Cooper to me. Have you heard nothing of it?
     Upon my first Arrival I told Mr. De Neufville, that I had orders to pay him 60£ st. for you and offered to do it then; but he has put it off.
     There are no Vessells here going to Massachusetts—but there is one going to Rhode Island, and one to Virginia. There is one also in which Mr. Cabot is interested. I thank you for accepting Mr. Gardoqui’s Bill. The News of the Captures made off St. Vincents by the combined Fleets has not yet gained full Credit here. There is neither Letter nor Newspaper from London later than the 18 of August.

      Septr. 5

     I came this moment from paying Mr. De Neufville, and inclose you his Recipt for Sixty Louis D’ors. The News of the Captures off St. Vincents is confirmed in Abundance from London, and We have News at Same Time of an American Frigate and two Privateer Brigs taking most of the Quebec Fleet.
     A Vessell has arrived from Virginia and another from Philadelphia. Mr. Robert Temple and his Family, are arrived at Bristol from Boston. All these Vessells agree in their Accounts that Things are very well. But no Letters. You will see G. Washingtons and Greens Accounts of Kniphausens Defeat and Retreat from the Jersies. There are Associations for forming Banks at Philadelphia and another talked of at Boston. The Mass Constitution is accepted by more than 2/3 of the People and is to take Place the first of October. My Loves to M. Thaxter. and my dear Friends the Abbys Chalut and Arnoux. My Thanks also to Mr. Grand for his genteel Letters of Recommendation and Credit. With much affection your Friend


Title: From John Adams to William Lee, 2 September 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Lee, William

      Dr Sir
      Amsterdam Septr. 2. 1780

     I am much obliged to you, for your care of my Packet which I recieved with your favour of 27 of August, containing the News of the Confirmation of it, So far as an Extract from two London Gazettes could confirm it, but it is Still with much difficulty credited here. There is no Letter nor Newspaper in this City from London, Since the 18 of August, which is to me inexplicable. I should have thought that Intelligence would have been here many Ways, not with standing the contrary Winds. I think there must be Something in the News, but expect to have great deductions to make. A Packet has arrived at Bilboa, from America with news of the Arrival of Deternay at Rhode Island, at least this Account was received last night in a Letter from Mr. Gardoqui. A Vessell has arived here yesterday from Philadelphia and another from Virginia. I have not seen any body from them as yet, but hear that the Ennemy have retreated from New Jersey to New York driven back by the Militia, and that the People are in high Spirits. Trade very brisk and Privateering successfull. I am &c.
     I am So much of your opinion that I wish Congress had a Min. Plen. at the Hague, Petersbourg, Stockholm and Copenhagen.


Title: To John Adams from C. W. F. Dumas, 3 September 1780
From: Dumas, Charles William Frederic
To: Adams, John

       Monsieur
       La Haie 3e. 7be. 1780

      Je vous felicite de tout mon coeur de la bonne nouvelle que nous venons de recevoir, de la prise des Flottes Angloises or. et occid. par la Flotte combinée Fr. et Espagnole. Prenons cela comme un Avantcoureur d’heureux augure, pour ce qui doit s’être passé de la part de Mrs. De Ternay, Rochambaut, Guichen et Solano. Je voudrois être en ce moment la de mon favori Virgile: pernicibus alis hoc ipsa nocte volarem caeli medis, terraque per umbram stridens, nec dulci declinarem lumina somno; Luce sederem turribus altis America, gaudens hinc, veri nuncius, recreans fratres, inde territans tyranos.
      J’ai vu avec un très-grand plaisir, dans la gazette, l’article de l’Académie Americaine des Arts et des Sciences, dont vous êtes digne Membre, ainsi que de la Société philosophique Américaine.
      Je me suis jusqu’ici flatté en vain d’être honoré de vos Lettres, comme vous me l’aviez fait espérer, Monsieur, en nous quittant à Leide. Je serois bien aise, Monsieur, de savoir quelques jours d’avance celui où vous vous proposez de revenir dans ces quartiers ici, non seulement afin de ne point m’absenter en ce temps-là de cette ville, mais aussi pour aller à votre rencontre à Leide. Il y a un Seigneur Hollandois, ami de l’Amérique, à qui j’ai inspiré une bonne envie de vous connoître, et qui m’a prié de vous amener dîner chez lui à Sa Campagne, qui n’est qu’à 2 lieues d’ici. Sur un billet que je lui écrirois, il nous enverroit Sa voiture, Soit à la Haie, Soit à Leide. Il m’a promis que vous serez incognito pour tout le reste de sa famille.
      J’espere, Monsieur, que vous jouissez d’une parfaite santé, et de toutes sortes d’agrémens, à Amsterdam, avec Mrs. vos fils, que j’embrasse de tout mon coeur, ainsi que ma famille. Je serois charmé d’apprendre comment vous plait le séjour d’Amsterdam. Les Etats d’Hollande vont s’assembler ici après-demain. A vue de pays, il ne se passera rien de fort important dans cette Assemblée. Nos Anglomanes, pour se consoler du dernier désastre, réchauffent leurs anciens contes d’un prochain racommodement entre l’Amérique et l’Angleterre.
      Mon Epouse vous présente ses honneurs. Je suis avec beaucoup de respect, Monsieur, Votre très-humble et très-obéissant serviteur,

       Dumas


Title: From John Adams to the President of Congress, No. 5, 4 September 1780
From: Adams, John
To: President of Congress,Huntington, Samuel

     Amsterdam, 4 Sept. 1780. RC (MdHi: Gilmor Papers).
     A note attached to this letter by Robert Gilmor, a Baltimore merchant, indicates that he received it from Jared Sparks on 24 Dec. 1827. printed: Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev.Francis Wharton, ed., The Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States, Washington, 1889; 6 vols., 4:45. In this letter, received by Congress on 3 Dec., John Adams sent the substance of London newspaper reports regarding the captures, on 9 Aug. and 12 July respectively, of large portions of the British convoys bound to the East and West Indies and to Quebec.


Title: From John Adams to C. W. F. Dumas, 5 September 1780
From: Adams, John
To: Dumas, Charles William Frederic

      dear Sir
      Amsterdam Septr. 5. 1780

     I have this moment the Pleasure of yours of the 3d instant, and I thank you for your kind Congratulations on the glorious News of the Capture of the British Fleets for the East and West Indies, by the combined Fleets of France and Spain. The Value of the Property the Number of Soldiers and Seamen, and especially the Dissappointment to the English Fleets and Armies, in the East and West Indies and in North America, give a great Importance to this Event—But when We consider it, as a Precedent, it is more interesting Still. This is the only wise Method of Warring with Great Britain. When France and Spain shall adopt the Policy, of convoying their own Commerce and cruising for that of the Ennemy, this War will Soon be brought to a Conclusion. Such a capital Success, in one of their first Essays will be likely to convince the two Courts, as well as their marine officers, of the Utility of this measure and induce them to pursue it, which I wish with all my Heart.
     America would rejoice at your News, as well as at the Sight of the Messenger: but by a Letter from London of the 29th, it Seems that her own Cruisers have done a Similar favour to the Quebec Fleet.
     Two Vessells are arrived here one from Virginia and one from Philadelphia. Their Accounts are favourable. Kniphausen has been defeated in the Jersies, and has retreated to New York, as you will See by the Letters of General Washington and Green.

     I saw with Pleasure the Revival of the American Philosophical Society at Philadelphia, and the Establishment of an Academy of Arts and Sciences at Boston. In a new Country, and a young Society Such Institutions are perhaps more usefull and necessary, than in older nations. But in order to render them more usefull to the World, would it not be proper to promote Some Connection and Correspondence, between them and the Academies of Europe. Would it be unworthy of any Academy in Europe to send, these infant Societies a set of their printed Memoirs or Transactions? Science, and Literature are of no Party nor Nation, they belong to the Great Commonwealth of Mankind. I hope that one of the first Objects of the new Societies in America, will be the formation of botanical Gardens, and Collections of the Birds, Beasts and Fishes as well as Trees, and Plants which are peculiar to that Country in order to a natural History of it. An ample field this.
     I am very happy, sir, at Amsterdam—and uncertain when I shall leave it. When I return I promise myself the Pleasure of Seeing you, at the Hague, but I shall be likely to come upon you by surprize.
     Is it not wonderfull, that it does not occur to the Friends of England, in the United Provinces, that the best Method they can take to shew their Friendship to her is to convince her of her Error. She is rushing like a madman down a Precipice. Is it Humanity or Friendship to Spur her on?
     I am amazed that Avarice itself does not Stimulate the Misers who lend her Money, to Stop their Hands. If this War is continued but two Years longer, these Misers will loose their Money. The only Chance English Credit has for Salvation is to stop short, make Peace, acknowledge American Independance and Secure as great a share as they can of American Commerce before it becomes established in other Channels. In two years more, it will import little to American Commerce whether Great Britain exists or not.
     Can it be Friendship to England, to fill the Universe with the most abominable Lies in order to keep up a false Idea of her Power, and the Weakness of America?
     I am sir, with Sincere Esteem, your Friend and most obedient servant.


Title: From John Adams to the President of Congress, No. 6, 5 September 1780
From: Adams, John
To: President of Congress,Huntington, Samuel

      Duplicate
      Sir
      Amsterdam September 5th. 1780

     As Eloquence is cultivated with more Care in free Republicks, than in other Governments, it has been found by constant Experience that such Republicks have produced the greatest purity, copiousness and perfection of Language. It is not to be disputed that the Form of Government has an Influence upon Language, and Language in its Turn influences not only the Form of Government but the Temper, the Sentiments and Manners of the People. The admirable Models, which have been transmitted through the World, and continued down to these days, so as to form an essential part of the Education of Mankind from Generation to Generation, by those two ancient Towns, Athens and Rome, would be Sufficient without any other Argument, to shew the United States the Importance to their Liberty, Prosperity and Glory of an early Attention to the subject of Eloquence and Language.
     Most of the Nations of Europe, have thought it necessary to establish by public Authority, Institutions for fixing and improving their proper Languages. I need not mention the Academies in France, Spain, and Italy, their learned labours, nor their great Success. But it is very remarkable that although many learned and ingenious Men in England have, from Age to Age, projected Similar Institutions for correcting and improving the English Tongue, yet the Government have never found time to interpose in any manner so that to this day, there is no Grammar nor Dictionary, extant of the English Language, which has the least public Authority, and it is only very lately that a tolerable Dictionary has been published even by a private Person, and there is not yet a passable Grammar enterprised by any Individual.
     The Honour of forming the first public Institution for refining, correcting, improving and ascertaining the English Language, I hope is reserved for Congress. They have every Motive that can possibly influence a public Assembly to undertake it.
     It will have an happy effect upon the Union of the States, to have a public Standard for all persons in every part of the Continent to appeal to, both for the Signification and Pronunciation of the Language.
     The Constitutions of all the States in the Union are so democratical that Eloquence will become the Instrument for recommending Men to their fellow Citizens, and the principal means of Advancement, through the various Ranks and Offices of Society.
     In the last Century, Latin was the universal Language of Europe. Correspondence among the learned, and indeed among Merchants and Men of Business and the Conversation of Strangers and Travellers, was generally carried on in that dead Language. In the present Century, Latin has been generally laid aside, and French has been substituted in its place; but has not yet become universally established, and according to present Appearances, it is not probable that it will. English is destined to be in the next and succeeding Centuries, more generally the Language of the World, than Latin was in the last, or French is in the present Age. The Reason of this is obvious, because the increasing Population in America, and their universal Connection and Correspondence with all Nations will, aided by the Influence of England in the World, whether great or small, force their Language into general Use, in spight of all the Obstacles that may be thrown in their Way, if any such there should be.
     It is not necessary to enlarge further to shew the Motives which the People of America have to turn their thoughts early to this Subject: they will naturally occur to Congress in a much greater detail, than I have time to hint at.
     I would therefore submit to the Consideration of Congress, the Expediency and Policy of erecting by their Authority, a Society under the Name of “The American Academy, for refining, improving and ascertaining the English Language.”
     The Authority of Congress is necessary to give such a Society Reputation, Influence and Authority, through all the States and with other Nations.
     The number of Members of which it shall consist: the manner of appointing those Members: whether each State shall have a certain Number of Members, and the Power of appointing them: or whether Congress shall appoint them: whether after the first Appointment the Society itself shall fill up vacancies—these and other Questions will easily be determined by Congress.
     It will be necessary, that the Society should have a Library consisting of a compleat Collection of all Writing, concerning Languages of every sort ancient and modern. They must have some Officers, and some other Expences, which will make some small Funds indispensibly necessary. Upon a Recommendation from Congress, there is no doubt but the Legislature of every State in the Confederation, would readily pass a Law making such a Society a Body Politick, enable it to sue and be sued and to hold an Estate real or personal of a limited Value in that State.
     I have the Honour to submit these Hints to the Consideration of Congress, and to be, with the greatest Respect, Sir, your most obedient & most humble servt.


Title: To John Adams from Jean Luzac, 7 September 1780
From: Luzac, Jean
To: Adams, John

       Monsieur
       Leyde le 7. Sept. 1780

      J’ai bien reçu successivement la Constitution de Massachusett’s, les trois Feuilles Américaines, et la Brochure manuscrite, que vous avez eu la bonté de m’envoyer. Je suis très-sensible à l’attention et à la confiance, que vous me témoignez itérativement, et je m’honore de l’approbation, que vous donnez à mon travail. L’Edition originale de la Constitution, dont vous m’avez gratifié, m’a été infiniment agréable; et je compte insérer la Pièce traduite en François aussi promtement que la place le permettra: Pour le moment l’abondance des matières, particulièrement par l’arrivée des trois Malles de Londres, me l’a fait différer malgré moi: Mais j’ai fait en attendant usage des Feuilles Américaines; et, si je n’ai pas l’honneur de vous les renvoyer avec remercîmens dès aujourd’hui, c’est qu’il s’y trouve encore quelques Pièces, que je me propose de faire copier pour en donner la traduction ou l’Extrait d’abord que j’aurai les bras un peu plus libres. Ainsi c’est avec votre permission, j’espère, que je les garde jusqu’à la semaine prochaine.
      J’aurai aussi alors l’honneur de vous répondre au sujet de la Brochure. Mes occupations multipliées ne m’ont permis encore que de la parcourir en partie: je desire la lire toute entière avec réflixion, pour pouvoir vous en dire mon sentiment (puisque vous voulez bien me le demander) avec connoissance de cause. Autant que j’en ai vu, elle est écrite avec sang-froid et fondée sur des principes, qui doivent être avoués par tous les Amis de l’Humanité.
      Je suis avec respect et un parfait dévouement, Monsieur, de Votre Excellence Le très-humble & très-obeissant serviteur,

       J: Luzac


Title: Jean Luzac to John Adams: A Translation, 7 September 1780
From: Luzac, Jean
To: Adams, John

       Sir
       Leyden, 7 September 1780

      I received successively the Massachusetts Constitution, the three American papers, and the manuscript pamphlet that you were kind enough to send me. I am very sensible of the attention and confidence that you have repeatedly shown me and am honored by your approval of my work. The original edition of the constitution, with which you have favored me, I find infinitely agreeable and I plan to insert a French translation of it as soon as space permits. For the moment, the abundance of material, particularly from the arrival of the three mails from London, has forced me to postpone it. In the meantime, I have made use of the American papers and my only reason for not returning them today, with my thanks, is that I have found some additional pieces that I propose to copy and translate or summarize as soon as I am free to do so. With your permission, therefore, I would like to keep them until next week.
      I will then also have the honor to respond to you regarding the pamphlet. My multiple occupations have permitted me thus far only to peruse a portion of it. I wish to read it in its entirety with close attention in order (as you have had the goodness to request) to give you my fully informed opinion. From what I have seen, it is sensibly written and founded on principles that ought to be avowed by all friends of humanity.
      I am with respect and a perfect devotion, sir, your excellency’s most humble and most obedient servant,

       J: Luzac