Title: John Adams to William Stephens Smith, 21 Dec. 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Smith, William Stephens

              My dear Sir,

              Grosvenor-square,

              Dec. 21, 1786.

          According to Mr. Turgot’s idea of a perfect commonwealth, a single
            assembly is to be possessed of all authority, legislative, executive, and judicial. It
            will be a proper conclusion of all our speculations upon this, the most interesting
            subject which can employ the thoughts of men, to consider in what manner such an
            assembly will conduct its deliberations, and exert its power. The executive power is
            properly the government; the laws are a dead letter until an administration begins to
            carry them into execution. Let us begin then with this. If there is an army to raise,
            this single assembly is to appoint all its officers. The man of the most ample fortune,
            the most honourable descent, the greatest abilities, especially if there is any one
            among them who has had experience, rendered important services, and acquired fame in
            war, will be chosen general. This event is a great point gained by the aristocracy; and
            a great advance towards the selection of one, in case of convulsions and confusions, for
            monarchy. The general has vast influence, of course, with the whole nation, and
            especially with the officers of his army; whose articles of war, and whose habits, both
            of obedience and command, establish a system of subordination of which he is the center,
            and produce an attachment that never wears out. The general, even without being sensible
            of it, will naturally fall in with the views of the aristocratical body, in promoting
            men of family, property, and abilities; and indeed, in general, it will be his duty to
            do this, as such are undoubtedly, in general, the fittest for the service: his whole
            corps of officers will grow habitually to respect such only, or at least chiefly; and it
            must be added, because experience proves it, and the truth requires it to be mentioned,
            to entertain some degree of contempt for the rest of the people, as “rank and file.” The
            general’s recommendation will have great weight in the assembly, and will in time be
            given chiefly, if not wholly, to men who are either of the aristocratical body
            themselves, or at least recommended by such as are so. All the other officers of the
            army are to be appointed by this assembly; and we must suppose that all the general
            officers and field officers will be of patrician families, because each candidate will
            be unknown to nine-tenths of the assembly. He comes from a part of the state which a
            vast majority of the members of the assembly do not particularly represent, and are
            unacquainted with; they must therefore take his character upon trust from his patron in
            the house, some member who is his neighbour, and who perhaps owes his election to him or
            his particular friends.—Here is an endless source of debate and delay. When there are
            two or more candidates for a commission, and there will generally be several, how shall
            an assembly of five hundred or one hundred men, collected from all the most distant
            parts of a large state, become informed of the merits and pretensions of each candidate?
            It can only be done in public or in private. If in public, it exposes the characters of
            the candidates to a public discussion, which few men can bear; it consumes time without
            end; and it will frequently happen, that the time of the whole assembly shall be wasted,
            and all the public affairs delayed, for days and weeks, in deliberating and debating,
            affirming and denying, contradicting and proving, in the appointment of a single
            officer; and, after all, he who has friends of the most influence in the house, who will
            be generally of the aristocratical complexion, will be preferred. It is moderate to say
            that the loss of time and delay of business will be a greater burthen to the state than
            the whole support of a governor and council. If there is a navy, the same process must
            be gone through respecting admirals, captains, and all other officers. All the officers
            of revenue, police, justice, must be appointed in the same way. Ambassadors, consuls,
            agents to foreign countries, must be appointed too by vote of assembly.—This branch of
            business alone would fill up the whole year, and be more than could be done. An assembly
            must be informed before it can act. The understanding and conscience of every member
            should be clearly satisfied before he can vote. Information is to be had only by debate,
            and examination of evidence. Any man may see that this must be attended with difficulty;
            but no man, who has not seen the inside of such an assembly, can conceive the confusion,
            uncertainty, and procrastination of such proceedings. The American provincial congresses
            had experience enough of this; and gentlemen were more convinced by what they there saw,
            heard, and felt, of the necessity of three branches, than they would have been by
            reasoning or reading; it was generally agreed, that the appointment of officers by lot
            would have been a more rational method.—But this is not all: the army, the navy,
            revenue, excise, customs, police, justice, and all foreign ministers, must be gentlemen,
            that is to say, friends and connections of the rich, well-born and well-educated members
            of the house; or, if they are not, the community will be filled with slander, suspicion,
            and ridicule against them, as ill-bred, ignorant, and in all respects unqualified for
            their trusts; and the plebeians themselves will be as ready as any to join in the cry,
            and run down their characters. In the second place, there never was yet a people who
            must not have somebody or something to represent the dignity of the state, the majesty
            of the people, call it what you will—a doge, an avoyer, an archon, a president, a
            consul, a syndic; this becomes at once an object of ambition and dispute, and, in time,
            of division, faction, sedition, and rebellion.—The next enquiry is, concerning the
            administration of justice. Shall every criminal be brought before this assembly and
            tried? Shall he be there accused before five hundred men? witnesses introduced, counsel
            heard? This again would take up more than the whole year; and no man, after all, would
            consider his life, liberty, or property, safe in such a tribunal. These all depend upon
            the disquisitions of the counsel, the knowledge of the law in the judges, the
            confrontation of parties and witnesses, the forms of proceedings, by which the facts and
            the law are fairly stated before the jury for their decision, the rules of evidence, by
            which the attention of the jury is confined to proper points, and the artifices of
            parties and counsel avoided. An assembly of five hundred men are totally incapable of
            this order, as well as knowledge; for, as the vote of the majority must determine, every
            member must be capable, or all is uncertain: besides, it is the unanimity of the jury
            that preserves the rights of mankind—must the whole five hundred be unanimous?—Will it
            be said that the assembly shall appoint committees to try causes? But who are to make
            these appointments? Will not a few haughty palatines in the assembly have influence
            enough to determine the election in favour of their friends? and will not this make the
            judges the tools of a party? If the leaders are divided into parties, will not one
            prevail at one year, and another the next? and will not this introduce the most wretched
            of servitudes, an uncertain jurisprudence? Will it be said that the assembly shall
            appoint committees for the nomination of officers? The same intrigues, and greater
            struggles, would be introduced for the place of a committee-man; and there would be
            frequent appeals from those committees to the body that appointed them. Shall the
            assembly appoint a governor or president, and give him all the executive power? Why
            should not the people at large appoint him? Giving this power to the assembly will open
            a wider door to intrigue for the place; and the aristocratical families will be sure,
            nine times in ten, to carry their choice in this way; and, what is much worse, the first
            magistrate will be considered as dependent on every obscure member of the house, but in
            reality he will be dependent only on a dozen or a score, perhaps on two or three, of the
            whole. He will be liable to daily motions, debates, and votes of censure. Instead of
            thinking of his duty to the people at large, he will confine his attention chiefly to
            the assembly, and believe, that if he can satisfy them, or a majority of them, he has
            done his duty. After all, any of these devices are only changing words; they are, in
            reality, erecting different orders of men, and aiming at balances, as much as the system
            which so much displeases Mr. Turgot; they are introducing, in effect, all the
            inequalities and disputes that he so greatly apprehends, without any of that security to
            the laws which ought to be the principal object; they render the executive power, which
            is in truth the government, the instrument of a few grandees. If these are capable of a
            combination with each other, they will seldom disagree in their opinion, which is the
            richest man and of the first family; and, as these will be all their enquiries, they
            will generally carry their election: if they are divided, in constant wrangles with each
            other, and perpetual attacks upon the president about the discharge of his functions,
            they will keep the nation anxious and irritated, with controversies which can never be
            decided nor ended. If they agree, and the plebeians still carry the vote against them,
            the choice will nevertheless probably fall upon one of their number, who will be
            disposed to favour them too much; but if it falls upon a plebeian, there commences at
            once a series of contests between the rich and the poor, which will never end but in the
            ruin of the popular power and the national liberty—or at least in a revolution and a new
            constitution. As the executive power, the essence of government, is ever odious to
            popular envy and jealousy, it will ever be in the power of a few illustrious and wealthy
            citizens to excite clamours and uneasiness, if not commotions and seditions, against it.
            Although it is the natural friend of the people, and the only defence which they or
            their representatives can have against the avarice and ambition of the rich and
            distinguished citizens, yet such is their thought less simplicity, they are ever ready
            to believe that the evils they feel are brought upon them by the executive power. How
            easy is it then for a few artful men, among the aristocratical body, to make a
            president, thus appointed and supported, unpopular, though he conducts himself with all
            the integrity and ability which his office requires?
          But we have not yet considered how the legislative power is to be
            exercised in this single assembly?—Is there to be a constitution? Who are to compose it?
            The assembly itself, or a convention called for that purpose? In either case, whatever
            rules are agreed on for the preservation of the lives, liberties, properties, and
            characters of the citizens, what is to hinder this assembly from transgressing the
            bounds which they have prescribed to themselves, or which the convention has ordained
            for them? The convention has published its code, and is no more. Shall a new convention
            be called, to determine every question which arises concerning a violation of the
            constitution? This would require that the convention should sit whenever the assembly
            sits, and consider and determine every question which is agitated in it. This is the
            very thing we contend for, viz. that there may be two assemblies; one to divide, and the
            other to choose. Grant me this, and I am satisfied, provided you will confine both the
            convention and assembly to legislation, and give the whole executive power to another
            body. I had almost ventured to propose a third assembly for the executive power; but the
            unity, the secrecy, the dispatch of one man, has no equal; and the executive power
            should be watched by all men; the attention of the whole nation should be fixed upon one
            point, and the blame and censure, as well as the impeachments and vengeance for abuses
            of this power, should be directed solely to the ministers of one man.—But to pursue our
            single assembly. The first year, or the first seven years, they may be moderate;
            especially in dangerous times, and while an exiled royal family, or exiled patricians or
            nobles, are living, and may return; or while the people’s passions are alive, and their
            attention awake, from the fresh remembrance of danger and distress: but when these
            transitory causes pass away, as there is an affection and confidence between the people
            and their representatives, suppose the latter begin to make distinctions, by making
            exceptions of themselves in the laws?—They may frank letters; they are exempted from
            arrests; they can privilege servants—One little distinction after another, in time makes
            up a large sum. Some few of the people will complain; but the majority, loving their
            representatives, will acquiesce. Presently they are exempted from taxes. Then their
            duration is too short; from annual they become biennial, triennial, septennial, for
            life; and at length, instead of applying to constituents to fill up vacancies, the
            assembly takes it upon itself, or gives it to their president. In the mean time, wars
            are conducted by heroes to triumph and conquest, negotiations are carried on with
            success, commerce flourishes, the nation is prosperous;—the citizens are flattered,
            vain, proud of their felicity, envied by others: it would be the basest, the most odious
            ingratitude, at least it would be so represented, to find fault with their rulers. In a
            word, as long as half a score of capital characters agree, they will gradually form the
            house and the nation into a system of subordination and dependence to themselves, and
            govern all at their discretion—a simple aristocracy or oligarchy in effect, though a
            simple democracy in name: but, as every one of these is emulous of others, and more than
            one of them is constantly tormented with a desire to be the first, they will soon
            disagree; and then the house and the nation gradually divides itself into four parties,
            one of which at least will wish for monarchy, another for aristocracy, a third for
            democracy, and a fourth for various mixtures of them; and these parties can never come
            to a decision but by a struggle, or by the sword. There is no remedy for this, but in a
            convention of deputies from all parts of the state: but an equal convention can hardly
            be obtained, except in times like those we have lately seen, when the danger could only
            be warded off by the aid and exertions of the whole body of the people: when no such
            danger from without shall press, those who are proud of their wealth, blood, or wit,
            will never give way to fair and equal establishments. All parties will be afraid of
            calling a convention; but if it must be agreed to, the aristocratical party will push
            their influence, and obtain elections even into the conventions for themselves and their
            friends, so as to carry points there, which perhaps they could not have carried in the
            assembly.
          But shall the people at large elect a governor and council annually
            to manage the executive power, and a single assembly to have the whole legislative? In
            this case, the executive power, instead of being independent, will be the instrument of
            a few leading members of the house; because the executive power, being an object of
            jealousy and envy to the people, and the legislative an object of their confidence and
            affection, the latter will always be able to render the former unpopular, and undermine
            its influence.— But if the people for a time support an executive disagreeable to the
            leaders in the legislative, the constitution will be disregarded, and the nation will be
            divided between the two bodies, and each must at last have an army to decide the
            question. A constitution consisting of an executive in one single assembly, and a
            legislative in another, is already composed of two armies in battle array; and nothing
            is wanting, but the word of command, to begin the combat.
          In the present state of society and manners in America, with a
            people living chiefly by agriculture, in small numbers, sprinkled over large tracts of
            land, they are not subject to those panics and transports, those contagions of madness
            and folly, which are seen in countries where large numbers live in small places, in
            daily fear of perishing for want: we know, therefore, that the people can live and
            increase under almost any kind of government, or without any government at all. But it
            is of great importance to begin well; misarrangements now made, will have great,
            extensive, and distant consequences; and we are now employed, how little soever we may
            think of it, in making establishments which will affect the happiness of an hundred
            millions of inhabitants at a time, in a period not very distant. All nations, under all
            governments, must have parties; the great secret is to controul them: there are but two
            ways, either by a monarchy and standing army, or by a balance in the constitution. Where
            the people have a voice, and there is no balance, there will be everlasting
            fluctuations, revolutions, and horrors, until a standing army, with a general at its
            head, commands the peace, or the necessity of an equilibrium is made appear to all, and
            is adopted by all.
          I am, / My dear Sir, / With much esteem and affection, / Yours,

              John Adams.

            Internal address: “William Stephens Smith, Esq.”


Title: Henry Billings to John Adams, 30 Dec. 1786
From: Billings, Henry
To: Adams, John

              Honnord Sir

              Hull

               Decbr. 30th:
                1786

          I take the liberty of informing you of my Present Situation,
            & beg your honour’s Assistance & advice, in what manner, I am to proceed
            as having no friend, or acquaintance, nether here, or yet London.
          I arrived here the first of october in a schooner from north
            Carolina, with a fraight of Navil Stoors, I finding there was no fraight offerd for
            America, till the Spring, the bad State of my health, Obliged me, to lay my Vessel up
            untill the Spring,, discharged, all my Ships Crew, & took Sick Quarters, at a
            private house, where I have been Confined to my room ever Since, till with in
            a few days ago, I never during the time of detention here, have been on board my Vessel,
            but three times which was to See her, the Ship keeper, who was formerly my mate, but
            discharged, at the Same time the rest of the Crew. I gave him his Vituals, for keeping
            the Ship, when the Cargo was discharged, the officers Sharchd: the Ship & Cleerd: her,
            as the found nothing countraband on board, which I can make Affidavid off—on the 22
            Inst, I was on board, when the Excise officers Came on board and informd: me the had an information against my Vessel; thinking my
            Self thoughroughly Cleer of aney Such demenor, I desired them to Sarch the Vessal
            thoughroughly & Welcome the Ship Keeper, being on board, I enquired of him, what
            was the occation of this, or if he had aney thing on board. he to my great Surprise
              enformd: me he had recd: from
            Some person Seven Galln: rum, 140H Chocolate, 7 would not informe me the person as he recd: it to Sell for them—this was done entirely without my
              knowledge & Such he the degressor enformd: the officers, and is redy to take his affidavid there to—My Vessel belongs to
            Norwich, in conecticut, my own property, & am a Native of that place, I having
            no person here, to advise with, & the extrodenery expences, in this place, has
            taken away more than the Whole of the fraight, Should I be so unfortunate, as to loose
            My Vessel, I am ruind:—being I am Cleer of this Matter as a
            Child unborn, let me beg the favour of Your Honours assistance, in this Case, and Shall
            ever esteem it as the highest ohonour, if you will favour me with a letter, with your
            advice—hoping your Honour will Excuse this liberty.
           I remain / Your Honours Most / Obdt:
            & most Humb Servt

              Henry Billings


Title: Moses Gill to John Adams, 27 Mar. 1797
From: Gill, Moses
To: Adams, John

              my Dear Sir.

              Boston,

              March 27 1797.

          By Capn. Constant Norton of the
            Schooner Jay you will receive a large Princeton Cheese, as by the inclosd. receipt, which you will Please to Accept from me, as a
            Small token of my affection and esteem; it is Packd in a Box
            and Divided, for the President of the United States, it will be in eating the first
            weake in may, And it woud be well to unpack it, and Keep it
            from the Sun in a Cold dry Cituation.
          I am made happy in your having been Advanced at the head of our
            general Goverment; and wish you the Protection and blessing of that Providence you have
            always Acknowledged—and am Sure that Knowledge, integrity, and uprightness, will mark
            every Part of your administration, and render it easey to yourself and happy for the
            Public
          I have the Honor to be with every / Sentiment of esteem and regard
            / your Excellency, Sincre friend / and humble Servt.

              Moses Gill


Title: John Adams to Moses Gill, 4 Apr. 1797
From: Adams, John
To: Gill, Moses

              Dear Sir

              Philadelphia

               Apl. 4th. 1797—

          I have received your favor of the 27th of March and very Kindly
            thank you, for both the Letter and the generous Present of a Cheese from Princeton, I
            know very well the Value that is to be attached to Princeton and its inhabitants and
            Productions, Its Cheese in particular I know to be Excellent, and I shall prize it the
            higher for the place of its growth, I shall share it, and boast of it, and
            praise it and admire it as long as it lives, I dare Say before I See it, that our
            America produces no thing Superior to it in its Kind your directions concerning it shall
            be observed—Your kind compliments on my advancement affect me Very tenderly, altho. the
            Amusements and Employments of Princeton & Quincy would be more for my health and
            better adapted to my taste, and the Labours and Cares of the Situation are almost too
            much for my age, yet if the Sacrifice of my Comfort and repose can preserve us in our
            Safe and quiet Course, and give tolerable Satisfaction to the Public I shall think my
            self Very well disposed off.—
          Present my Kind regards to Mrs / Gill
            and believe me to be with Very great Esteem / and affection your Obliged /friend and
            humble Servant

              John Adams


Title: Abigail Adams to Mary Smith Cranch, 24 Jul. 1798
From: Adams, Abigail
To: Cranch, Mary Smith

              My dear Sister

              East Chester
              July 29th [i.e. 24th.] 1797 Monday Evening

          We left Philadelphia on Wedensday last, the day preceeding was very
            Hot a partial Rain had waterd the Roads for 15 or 20 miles So as to render the first
            part of our journey pleasent, we were overtaken by showers—and detaind by them, but on
            thursday we found clouds of dust for want of Rain, troops and calvacades did not lessen
            it, and the Heat was intolerably oppressive, so much so as to nearly kill all our
            Horses, and oppress me to such a degree as to oblige me to stop twice in a few hours,
            and intirely undress myself & lie down on the Bed, at night we could not get
            rest. small Rooms bad Beds & some company
            obliged me to stretch my wearied Limbs upon the floor upon a Bed not longer than one of
            my Bolsters. from Twesday untill the afternoon of this Day, we have not had any respite
            from panting beneath the dog star, I
            never sufferd so much in travelling before, the Rain I hope will cool the Air &
            enable us to proceed, but I fear we shall not reach Quincy this week, mrs Smith and
            little Caroline will be of our party
          it is a long time since I had a Line from you—near a fortnight
            before I left home, I had a Letter from your Son Since I left Home, he writes me that he
            is well, and that his family are so, I wrote you inclosing to you a Hundred dollors
            which I hope you duly received, as I found it necessary to give you some trouble to
            procure me several articles,
          If I can get time on the Road I shall write you as I progress
            onward, Mrs Smith desires to be kindly rememberd to you—So does your affectionate
            Sister

              A A—


Title: To John Adams from Samuel Barrett, 1 June 1789
From: Barrett, Samuel
To: Adams, John

Honored & dear Sir
Boston 1 June 1789

On the advice of my very excellent Friend the Honbl. Mr. Bowdoin I enclose you Copies of my Letters to Major General Knox & his Answer, with a rough draught of a letter to his Excellency the President of the United States; requesting you to peruse them & to give me your opinion, as to the best mode of Conducting my intended Application, & if you approve of the mode & see any Prospect of Success to let me know what alterations are necessary to be made in the letters that I may perfect it & forward it to you to be presented with such Information as you may think proper to give, as I am a perfect stranger to the President; but I am persuaded that every purpose of such a letter will be better accomplished by your recommendation alone.
You Sir will be the earliest acquainted with the arrangements to be made & can instantly form a Judgment what Place may be suitable for me & what Probability there is of my obtaining it—Your advice and Patronage will be of the first importance to me, as under the Conduct thereof alone, I can ever accomplish my wishes—& for your Goodness I shall ever esteem myself under the highest Obligations—
I can with pleasure refer to Governor Bowdoin, General Lincoln, Mr. Gorham, Judge Wendell, Mr. Strong, Mr. Dalton, Mr. Lowell, Mr. Ames, General Knox & Mr. Gerry, Mr. Cranch, & to several other Gentleman for such Testimonials as may be requisite.
I am, / Honored & dear Sir, / with the highest Respect / your very hmbl. Serv.
Samuel Barrett
P.S. What think you of the Clerkship of the Federal Court, itinerant or domestic?With the domestic I might perhaps obtain the Office of a Justice of the Peace, & receive the benefits of it, without interference—&  both would yield me a competent support.
The Clerkship will probably be in the gifts of the Court; but your Recommendation would give me Favor with the Justices of that Court.


Title: To John Adams from United States House of Representatives, 1 June 1789
From: United States House of Representatives
To: Adams, John

					Mr. President:
					June 1, 1789

				I am directed to inform the Senate that the President has affixed his signature to a bill, entitled “An act to regulate the time and manner of administering certain oaths,” and has returned it to the House of Representatives, from whence it originated.


Title: From John Adams to Robert Duncan, 4 June 1789
From: Adams, John
To: Duncan, Robert

Sir—
New York June 4th 1789—

I have received your letter of the 28th of May with an other from Mr Lovell—It is difficult to say any thing in answer to either of these Letters, because it is yet undetermined what Employments there will be & who will have the disposal of them—The President alone must judge in the first instance of the merits and Qualifications of every Candidate for any of the most important Offices; and to him therefore all applications must be made—many other employments may be left to be filled by the Heads of their Departments—you will see by the public proceedings of Congress what arrangements will be made and take your measures accordingly—in the mean time it may not be improper to acquaint the President with your views & wishes.
I am Sir with Esteem / Your most Obedt Servant
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Melvill, 4 June 1789
From: Melvill, Thomas
To: Adams, John

Sir
Boston 4th June 1789

Without previous apology or introduction to your Excellency, I haven taken the liberty to request for a few moments your attention to a subject which nearly concerns the future welfare and happiness of myself & family—Whether such a step in any situation can for me be proper I am at a loss to determine, but both my duty and my feelings towards them (especially as I have heard that application has been made for the office I now hold) have outweighed every other consideration. I cannot but hope these motives in the sight of your Excellency will furnish my excuses if not my justification.
In the month of October 1787 by the decease of N Barber Esqr, the Naval Office for the Port of Boston became Vacant, & by joint ballot of both houses I had the honor to be appointed his successor. In June following at the anual choice I was reappointed, and under that appointment now continue to discharge the duties thereof. Misfortunes in Trade and being in a Regiment of Artillery in the service of this State during the War, have thrown me in a great measure dependant upon that office for my subsistance & surely it will be no disgrace to add, that I have an amiable Wife & seven children wholly dependent upon me for theirs. It may not be amiss to mention that I am a native of the Town of Boston & cannot but flatter myself have my reputation and integrety unimpeached—
I am known to the Gentlm. Messrs Dalton Goodhue Thatcher, Grout and doubt not the other Gentlemen from the Eastward will be able to furnish any necessary information respecting my character, The present duties of my office deprive me of the pleasure of making my personal application to your Exclly. I have therefore taken this method to lay Sir before you these state of Facts—and if in your Excellencys judgment, it should be in all respects consistent with the dignity and publick good of the Union, that I should be continued Naval Officer for the Port of Boston under the new Constitution, I earnestly and respectfully request your Excellencys interest and support—
I have the honor to be Sir / Your Most Obedt & most Humbl. Servt.
Thomas Melvill


Title: From John Adams to Richard Peters, 5 June 1789
From: Adams, John
To: Peters, Richard

Dear Sir
New York May 28. June 5th 1789

Yesterday I had the Pleasure of receiving your Letter of the 28th. of May. Mr Beals intention was not to Stay in Philadelphia more than two or three days, and his absence from this place was accordingly very short. I thank you, for your obliging Enquiries after him, and for your kind offers of civility to others of my Friends. I hope e’re long to be in a condition to receive any friend of yours, or yourself if you should honour this City with a Visit. Mr Delany, I hope and presume will have no difficulty in obtaining the object of his Wishes.
After an Absence of Eleven years, it must be Presumption in me to be Sanguine in any Judgment I may form of the Temper and opinions of the People in all the States: but as far as my Information extends, I am clearly of your Mind, that bold and decisive Measures might be taken without risque.—but did you ever know a bold and decisive assembly? Especially in its youth? Although Individuals of this Character Sometimes appear, it is not always Safe to follow them, because they have not always that extent of information and that  Judgment, which are indispensably necessary to conduct such measures to a Successful Conclusion. And when it happens that Knowledge Experience, and Caution, are found united with Enterprize in a few, they find it impossible to impart enough of these qualities to others, to engage them to cooperate in their systems. You remember enough of this in former times; and may live to See more of it.
Your confidence in the thoughtful Temper and prudent Foresight of the President is perfectly well founded, and these qualities will be greatly assisted by proper Ministers. But the avarice of Liberty which predominates in the breasts of our Fellow Citizens, by excluding all Ministers from both Houses of the Legislature, in the formation of the Constitution, has rendered it extreamly difficult to conciliate the Legislature to any Plans of the Executive however Salutary. Poor Montesque, if he perfectly understood himself, has been wretchedly mistaken by others. His doctrine of a Separation of the Executive from the Legislative is very just and very important, if confined to the Departments but is much otherwise, when extended to all the individuals. Separation is necessary, only so far as to secure the Independence of each. but to take away from the Executive the Power of appointing to office any Individuals, is Shakling its Authority and diminishing its Independence.—On the other hand, depriving the People of the Power of choosing into the Legislature any Man who holds an office under the Executive, is abridging the Liberties of the People in the most essential Point the Election of Legislators even in the lower House; and is a Diminution of the Independence both of the Legislature and its Constituents.—
There is every Evidence of good Intentions on all sides but there are too many Symptoms of old Colonial Habits: and too few, of great national Views. I am, Sir, with great / Esteem your most obedient Servant
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Brand Hollis, 6 June 1789
From: Hollis, Thomas Brand
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Chesterfield Street June 6. 1789

Your long silence gave me much uneasiness but I endeavour’d to assign a thousand reasons which must have prevented you & some of them most natural. At last however your favor returned my calm.
I should have been surprised indeed had Cato’s house stood uninjured in the general conflict for Existence life & liberty. Remember the glorious contest the anxious fears the painful doubts the dreadful suspense & above all the tremendous consequences of not succeeding—yet your manly unremitting energies have overcome all these horrors staring you in the face big with calamities and woe.
But how different your fate from that of the Roman for tho success is not absolutely necessary to the happiness yet in the state of doubt in which we live it seems desirable to keep alive the cause of virtue & to prevent the insolence of vice.
What reason have you than to rejoice & to be exceeding glad and more when you recollect that some of your copatriots set out aswarm in the publick cause yet soon relinquish’d, at the approach of danger, their first love which you never forsook.
Your state may be envied not regretted & upon the Balance I know which will kick the beam, as our time is short here, it is to be estimated by what we effect,—having showed your self capable & worthy & having done what will entitle you to an exalted state in a future active life. I should not have said thus much but that your country is sensible of the same by ranking you among her first magistrates which I enjoy & approve may you do the same & fill up your measure of virtue.
How different the State of this Country! No struggles for the preeminence of virtue. Baseborn ambition vice & dissipation predominate and is encouraged as the means of governing—Was ever Royalty seen in all its dignity—Was ever prostitution from the bar from the Senate & the sacred Rostrum carried to a greater height even in the times of the infamous Jemmy?
The emoluments of office are the ruin of this country. We have a new speaker Addington a New Secretary in place of Sidney proofs of a change which must come & a new parliament not of long continuance.
I have sent you a few tracts & papers—
Our college prospers & is full.
The dissenters have been cajoled as usual.
Feuds & animosities among the family.
The Lama of Tartary has taken up his residence in England we have all the expense of Monarchy without the splendor. The Minister has been most fortunate in availing himself of the mistakes of his opponents who maintaind Tory principles about the regency, & Pitt a Tory took up Whig principles to serve his purpose & has succeeded. Such is the glorious fixed principles of Politicians of my amiable friend Mrs. Adams. I hear not one word nor from her—Tell her I visited her family very lately who were all well and that the character of a great lady is every day more & more visible & I might add another Epithet for she now is principal. We have a sad prospect before us but I do not despair. Do but inform the people & they will not injure themselves.
I have sent some books to the college very serious for every book has its merit & few from which knowledge may not be obtained & every thing is acceptable to a publick library.
The affairs of Lazarette’s is of the utmost consequence to America. It will be in your powers to promote it and think of Harvard—Bills of health & entrance will effect it—The plans are made out of which these are choice—regulations & passes must exclude the Barbarians & plague—Excuse the liberty & accept of the intention.
I hear this morning Bell will publish in the Oracle of American intelligence—may many profit by it Washingtons speech is printed—
I have much to say but the ship is upon the  how do I wish to be remembered by the Adams family who have saved their country.
Hanberry will be secretary.
More taxes tho we save money.
Farewell & be happy as wishes your sincere Friend
T Brand Hollis


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Brand Hollis, 6 June 1789
From: Hollis, Thomas Brand
To: Adams, John

ca. 6 June 1789

Redeunt Saturnia Regna
Sir Joseph Banks inscription. Viz Ec. IV.
Where slept thy loyalty great Naturalist
Or had thy words more meaning than thou wist?
"Redeunt Saturnia Regna" Reign of lead!
Thou speakest feelingly,—God help thy head!
Wrote by an American
See the vengeance of heaven, America cries,George loses his reason, North loses his Eyes.
But when first they provok’d us all Europe could find
That the monarch was mad & the minister blind
In Saturn’s days as Poets feign
The Golden Age was sent
But science droops in Georges days
To see poor Joe her President


Title: To John Adams from William Tudor, Sr., 6 June 1789
From: Tudor, William, Sr.
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Boston 6 June 1789

That I was right in my Position "that a considerable Time must elapse before the united States can arise to Greatness" I find confirmed by your last Letter. That our Situation, Resources and Population may & ought to rank us high on the Scale of Nations is indisputably true. But the heterogeneous Materials which compose our extensive federal Republic; the Jealousies, the Ignorances, & the paltry Views of paltry Politicians, will long impede our national Prgress. Why do we hear of a Faction at New York attempting to lessen the Influence of the Vice President but for the Weight he gives to the Eastern States? And why is he to have a scanty Provision, for his Services, but because he contends for Dignity & Energy in the Government & its Officers? I have sometimes thought there was something in the Constitution of our Countrymen naturally opposed to Men of great Talents. Owing I suppose to their conceiving, & justly enough, that when they chuse Persons of Common Abilities to Offices they make them what they are, but Men of Genius make themselves. And what is still worse, the few great Men which God has given to a Nation, will rouse them from their Indolence & point the Way to Greatness & to Happiness. Americans have no Objection to public Prosperity, provided it is confined to a narrow Scale. And these Principles will continue to be acted upon, untill every State Constitution is annihilated, and Governors &c become what they only ought to be, Corporation Officers. We therefore hope that Congress will pass as many general Acts as possible that the national Legislative, Judicial & executive Powers may be speedily & universally felt in every part of the united States. Among other Acts, a Bankrupt Law is much wanted, & would conduce to make many individuals feel the Force, & participate in the Advantages of the national Government more than any Thing. The numerous Debts contracted before the War, & at the Peace, with the real or artificial scarcity of Cash which is so distressingly felt throughout the Whole Confederacy, calls for such a Relief. Besides the Inconveniences resulting from some States having Bankrupt Acts, some Statutes of Insolvency, & others being without any provisional Relief. The Revenue Laws controul & command the States at Large, Bankrupt Statutes would regulate & govern the dearest, because the pecuniary Interests of every Subject of every State.—
In Consequence of one Paragraph in your last obliging favour of 27 May, I inclose a Letter to the President, which if you approve of, I wish may be sealed & sent to him, either through the Medium of the Post Office, or as you please. I have my own Doubts on the subject of such an application. And therefore beg leave to trust to your Judgement for it’s Propriety. The awkwardness of the Direction is humbly copied from the Stile of the House of Representatives of the United States.
I am, Dear Sir, most cordially Yours
Wm Tudor


Title: To John Adams from Stephen Hall, 9 June 1789
From: Hall, Stephen
To: Adams, John

Honoured Sir;
Portland, 9 june 1789.

The favourable Reception your Excellency was pleased to give mine, thro’ the hand of my friend General Lincoln, emboldens me to interrupt your precious time one moment, while I again ask your friendship, so far as may be consistent with duty, respecting the appointment of a Collector at the Port of Portland. I wish for the appointment, and hope I am deserving of it. I have written to the President on the subject thro’ my friend Mr. Wingate, who I dare say has delivered him my letter.
Wishing you the Blessing of Heaven in the discharge of the important trust dissolved upon You, permit me to subscribe my self with great Respect your most obedient / & very humble Servant
Stephen Hall


Title: To John Adams from James Searle, 10 June 1789
From: Searle, James
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Philadelphia 10th. June 1789.

I was duely favoured with your obliging letter of the 15th. of last Month and feel myself not a little gratified with the renewal of a correspondence with Mr. Adams, a friend for whom I feel a most exalted respect and affection.—
When I took the liberty to write to you last I mentioned my happy situation in business, and my independent feelings, but I hope I have not been misunderstood by Mr. Adams in that declaration, or that I meant that Surly haughty English independence that many make it their boast to feel; On the contrary Sir I am clearly in sentimt. with your ilk that we are all (or ought to be) Brothers in this mutable State, and depend much upon each other for Acts of Kindness and Brotherly love, Indeed it is very commode for me to think so at present, because I am going to claim the honour of being your relation in his sense of the word, and in consequence to ask a Brotherly piece of Kindness from you, which I persuade myself you will not with-hold from me.
To come to the point, I have now laying before our Council in this State An Account and a Claim which I have against the State for my Agency & Expenses in endeavouring to effect a loan for the State, and the Comptroller general of the State thro’ whose office my Acct. must first pass, & who is my friend, tells me that he is convinced a few lines from you to me expressive of your opinion that I took the most effectual measures on my arrival in Holland to obtain the Aforesaid loan, and that the then Situation of Affairs in Holland would not admit of my obtaining the loan, woud greatly facilitate the Settlement of my claim—Now my Dear Sir as I did myself the honour to consult you agreable to the orders I had received from the Council before I left America, in the early Stages of that business in Holland, and as you will no doubt recollect the difficultys that attended obtaining loans at that time (the Winter of 80 & Spring and Summer of 81.) I humbly request you woud take the trouble at a leisure moment of writing me a few lines on this Subject, and perhaps you may so far gratify me as to give it as your opinion that I did not dishonour the State I represented or neglect their Interests in my endeavours to procure the Loan.
I hope you will pardon the liberty I am now taking wch. I coud only prevail on myself to do, as I am fully convinced of your goodness & friendly disposition to me
I have the honour to be with every Sentiment of Respect / Dr. Sir / your most Obliged & Obed Servt.
James Searle


Title: To John Adams from James Sullivan, 10 June 1789
From: Sullivan, James
To: Adams, John

Sir
Boston 10th June 1789

The Communicating our sentiments to men in power, when done with the respect due to their characters, and without a troublesome intrusion, is at all times a mark of veneration and esteem. Upon these ideas I venture to address a letter to the Vice President of the united states, and which he will read, when his leisure will admit a moment of heedless employment.
I am very deeply impressed with the disagreeable situation of N Carolina, Rhode Island, and Vermont. though I am very sensible that your situation and ability have placed you far beyond the reach of my suggesting any thing new to you upon the subject, yet I wish to be indulged one word.
great expectation of happiness and prosperity are raised upon the general Government. These are still heightened by the idea of the Characters who have the administration of it. but the system, perfect as it is, or may be, or the Governor, however wise, on prudent, cannot afford to man, that perfect ease and enjoyment, which his fond hopes are reaching after, and which the wisdom of heaven hath decreed he cannot possess.
I beleive we shall be as happy as any nation in the world, but not as happy  as we expect to be: Government as Doctor Price says, being but the choice of evils.
When our officers have awaked competency, and our national debt creates either an imaginary, or a real burthen, our people may become in some measure uneasy. the raising a revenue by Impost, is clearly the best mode in the world; but while it was thought a virtue to prevent the British revenue raised on the Colonies, our Merchants contracted habits which Interest, or necessity may suffer some of them to indulge, and it would be no  wonder that a partial uneasiness, or politely a limitted disaffection to a young Government, should take place for a while. if any thing of this kind should happen, and the States above mentioned should remain unconnected with the confederated republic, they will become asylums for fugitives from Justice, and increase their number by lessening the risque of offending; and greatly serve to promote the subversion of the Revenue and other Laws.
I could point out many mischiefs arising from this source, and you might call them imaginary ones. but if they might really exist, it would be more useful to prescribe a remedy, but this I cannot pretend to. and yet as I dread a civil contest, and am very averse to that kind of war, which calls for halters and axes, I beg leave to mention the necessity of an early attempt by Congress, to unite all the States; and that before any interdiction of commerce with those which are delinquent Congress should address the Legislatures of those States with solicitude on the subject, point out to them their unfortunate situation, and the necessity which the Republic is under of taking decided measures to bring them under the general Government, and protection. let me add, the idea of a Letter for this purpose being signed by the President at the request of Congress. Should this fail, perhaps the giving Individuals who shall take the oath of alegiance, the priviledge of Citizens, may weaken the force and distract the Councils of the opposition, and bring on a conviction of the necessity of a union.
however small these observations may appear to you, yet you will suffer the goodness of my intentions to apologize for them; for I assure you that I dread a delay in this important business—because I beleive, that as soon after the Revenue Laws, and the restrictions on trade shall begin to opperate a present benefit will arise which may strengthen the opposition.
the People of the Eastern part of this state where I once was conversant are uneasy at having no port of delivery, or of entry, eastward of Portland. the shore is two hundred miles long, and they will suffer great inconvenience by being obliged to enter at Portland, my Friends that way have urged me to write you on the subject of expressing their confidence in your goodness.
I am Sir with the highest sentiments of respect your most obedient Humble Servant
James Sullivan


Title: To John Adams from John Nicholson, 10 June 1789
From: Nicholson, John
To: Adams, John

Dr Sir
Philada. 10. June 1789.

I was duly favoured with your obliging letter of the 15th. of last Month and feel myself not a little gratified with the renewal of a Correspondence with Mr. Adams a friend for whom I feel a most exalted respect & Affection.
When I took the liberty to write you last I mentioned my happy Situation in business, & my independent feelings, but I hope I have not been misunderstood by Mr. Adams in that declaration, or that I meant felt menght that surly, haughty English independence that many make it their boast to feel, on the Contrary Sir I am clearly with in Sentiment with Monsieur Yorick that we all are(or ought to be Brothers) in this mutable State & depend much upon each other for Acts of Kindness & Brotherly love, indeed it is very commode for me to think so at present, because I am going to claim the honour of being your relation in his sense of the word, & in consequence to ask a Brotherly piece of Kindness from you wch. I am persuade myself you will not withold from me.
To come to the point, I have now laying before our Council in this State an Account on a Claim wch I have against the State for my Agency & Expences in endeavouring to effect a loan for the State, & the Comptroller General of the State thro whose office my Accts. must first pass, & who is my friend tells me that he is persuaded convinced a few lines from you to me expressive of your opinion that I took the most effectual measures on my arrival in Holland to Obtain the aforesaid loan, & that the then Situation of Affairs wou’d not admit of my obtaining the loan, woud greatly facilitate the settlement of my Claim—Now my dear Sir as I did myself the honour to consult you agreeable to the orders I had recd from the Council before I left America in the early Stages of that business in Holland & as you will no doubt recollect the Difficultys that attended obtaining loans at that time (the Winter of 80 & Spring & Summer of 81) you will I humbly request you to take the trouble (at your pleasure) of writing me a few lines on this Subject & perhaps you may so far Gratify me as to say that I give it as your opinion that I did not dishonour the State I represented or neglect their Interests in my endeavour to procure the Loan.
I hope you will pardon the liberty I am now taking wch. I coud only prevail on myself to do as I am fully convinced of your goodness & friendly  disposition to me.
I have the honour to be &c.


Title: From John Adams to Samuel Barrett, 11 June 1789
From: Adams, John
To: Barrett, Samuel

Dear Sir
New York June 11th 1789

I have received the letter you did me the honour to write me on the first of this month with its inclosures: The Letter to The President is conceived with propriety & expressed with decency. As the Investigation of the Characters, Services, Qualifications, and all other pretensions of every Candidate for public employment, is constitutionally, in the President  in the first instance; General Knox’s Advice to you was very proper, and I know of no other course you can pursue. As the Journals & debates of the House are regularly published you will have early information of all the offices which may be created & will have opportunity to accomodate your application to the Circumstances as they rise—
It would be to me at all times a pleasing Employment, if I had it in my power, to contribute to the happiness of a deserving Man & virtuous Family; but as this buisness is out of my sphere, I can do no more than relate the truth  as far I may know it, whenever I may be interrogated concerning Facts—
I am Sir with much Esteem / your most Obedt & humble Servant
John Adams—


Title: From John Adams to James Bowdoin, Sr., 11 June 1789
From: Adams, John
To: Bowdoin, James, Sr.

Dear Sir—
New york June 11th. 1789—

I have recd. the letter you did me the honour to write me on the 30th of May—but have not yet had an opportunity to See Mr Boid—Whenever that Gentleman shall appear, it will be a pleasure to me to give him all the attention and assistance in my power—which may be due to public Justice, and to your recommendation—we proceed slowly: but in digesting Plans so new, so extensive and so important it is impossible to bring Bodies of men to a clear Comprehension of things & a mutual satisfaction, without long deliberation & debate—I called on Sir John Temple last Saturday & tho I was sorry to find him in so ill health. I apprehend with Exercise and Care he will get the better of his Complaint—
With great respects I have the honour to be Sir—Your most Obedt & humble. Servt
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to William Tudor, Sr., 12 June 1789
From: Adams, John
To: Tudor, William, Sr.

Dear Sir
New York June 12. 1789

Your letters put me more and more out of Patience every Post. Why, in that of the 6th. do you call our national Government a federal Republic? It is no more that, than it is Sphœrical Trigonometry. What is a federal Republic? It is an association of a Number of independent Sovereign States. Are the Seperate States in our national Government, Sovereign and independent? If they are, We had all better go home. For Heavens sake, let us analyze our Ideas and correct our language. Unanamity is essential to a federal Republic. Is unanimity necessary according to our national Constitution? Would it not ruin this Country to make it essential? I ask again Where is the Soverignty of our Nation? Answer me, as a Lawyer and a Statesman, as a Philosopher and an Historian.
You need not be apprehensive of “any Faction” attempting to lesson the influence of the V.P. He has no dread of that upon his mind. He will have as much Weight as he ought and he would not have more if it were offered him. He flatters himself he knows his Stops pretty well, at fifty three or four years of Age. He must contend for “the diginty and Energy of Government” because he knows, that without dignity and Energy there can be no government at all.
I agree most cordially with you in all the rest of your excellent Letter and will take care of that inclosed.
I am dear Sir yours
Jn. A.


Title: From John Adams to Cotton Tufts, 12 June 1789
From: Adams, John
To: Tufts, Cotton

Dear Sir
New York June 12. 1789

The last Evenings Post favoured me with your’s of the 6th.
Many Gentlemen are in favour of a national Excise: and some would have the nation take upon itself all the State Debts, Mr Morris particularly: but I cannot say what will be done.
My Burthens are not very heavy: but my health is not very good.—I have been obliged to decide many questions on the Import Bill, the Senate being equally divided.—I was obliged to reduce the Duty on Molasses from four Cents, and to prevent that on Salt from being raised from 6 to 9.—My Vote on Molasses I suppose will displease the Southern Gentlemen: but that on Salt, ought to attone for it.—So the ballance is even.
Drawbacks on Exportation seem to be necessary to support infant manufactures and some branches of commerce not fully established.—But whenever the manufacture or the Trade will bear it, it seems to be good Policy to make the foreign consumer, pay the Duty. The Senate has rejected the Duty Drawback on Rum; and reduced the Duty on Molasses to 2 1/2 Cents. if the Rum trade will bear it, I shall be glad. if not, it is ill Policy. My Friends the Dutch have the Art to make Foreigners pay two thirds of the Duties to the State. They suffer no Drawback when the trade will bear the Duty.
The Note inclosed in your letter I burned as you desired as soon as I had read it: but not untill it had made too deep an Impression on my heart as well as Memory.—What shall I do, with that tender hearted Fool?
When will Mrs A come on? I suffer very much for want of her assistance.
My Love to all our Connections / Yours most Sincerely

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Rush, 15 June 1789
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir/
Philada June 15th: 1789

I have been so long accustomed to regard all your opinions upon government with reverence, that I amwas disposed upon reading your last letter, to relate suspend my belief in republican systems of political happiness; but a little reflection led me again to adopt them, and upon this single principle, that they have never had a fair tryal. Let us try what the influence of general science & religion dispersed in early life, will have upon our citizens. Let us try the effect of banishing the latin & greek languages from our country. They consume the flower of human life—and by enabling us to read agreeable histories of ancient crimes, often lead us to imitate them or to tolerate them. Hitherto the factions have been fewer, & less violent in America since the year 1776 than in many monarchies in the same number of years, under less irritating, and dividing circumstances. Our Passions which in Europe would have vented themselves in war, have discharged themselves only in newspaper scurrility , or in inflammatory resolves, or addresses.—One thing further, my profession has taught me, viz: that Its political passions produce fewer diseases in a republic than in a monarchy.—Disappointed ambition in Sweden and in Italy has produced sudden death from colics, and apoplexies.—In America, it has scarcely of late years produced a single hypocondriac disorder. In time, I believe the effects of the political passions upon health & life will be still less perceptable in our country. I think likewise our republican form of government, has already softened the religious passions. We have less bigotry than formerly—and while there is no court, nor monarch, no mode of worship will be prefered from interested considerations. Do you not think it will be wise better to raise our people to a pure & free government by good education, than to sink to their present vulgar habits by accommodating a government to them? Much has been done already to enlighten our citizens—but more much more may be done.—What do you think of a federal University, & of English free Schools in every township in the United States?—
I find we think more alike in your last letter upon a certain subject, than we did in your first.—I have a right to believe that the residence of Congress in New York has always been an object of more importance in the eyes of many people, than the adoption or establishment of the federal Government.—
Many pious people wish the name of the supreme Being had been introduced somewhere in the new Constitution. Perhaps an acknowledgement may be made of his goodness, or of his providence in the proposed amendments.—In all enterprises, & parties, I believe the praying, are better Allies, than the fighting part of all communities.—
I am Dear sir with great regard / your affectionate and / steady friend
Benjn. Rush


Title: To John Adams from Joseph Mandrillon, 15 June 1789
From: Mandrillon, Joseph
To: Adams, John

					Monsieur Le Vice-Président,
					Amsterdam ce 15 Juin 1789

				Le tems peut sans doute avoir detruit le souvenir dont vous m’honoriez, lorsque les interêts de l’Amérique vous appellerent dans differentes cours de l’Europe, en quittant ces Provinces: mais quand la renomée ne m’auroit pas sans cessé rappellé votre merite, et votre personne, il m’auroit suffit de penser à l’acceuil flateur dont vous m’avez honoré ici, et aux conversations intéressantes dont vous me faisiez part, pour savoir apprécier tout l’avantage dont je jouissois.Reçevez je vous prie, Monsieur, mon compliment sincere sur la justice que vos compatriotes viennent de vous rendre en vous nommant leur Vice-President; il etoit naturel que le citoyen respectable qui avoit redigé leurs loix, veilla à leur exécution, et cette nommination fait votre éloge & le leur en même tems.Je profite du départ de Monsieur Théophile Cazenove de cette ville pour vous addresser la présente. Il va voyager en Amérique pour mieux la connoître, et certainement, s’il à l’honneur de vous connoitre, il ne peut que gagner infiniment pour augmenter les lumieres qu’il a deja acquises.Je Fais des voeux, Monsieur, três sincere pour votre bonheur & votre conservation, ainsi que pour votre chere et respectable famille, qui doit être bien heureuse de vous posseder au Sein de la gloire et de la paix.J’ai lhonneur d être avec le plus parfait respect Monsieur le Vice-Président / Votre très humble & três obéissant / Serviteur

					Jh. mandrillonDes Académies de Philadelphie, de Haarlem &c


Title: From John Adams to Richard Peters, 18 June 1789
From: Adams, John
To: Peters, Richard

Dear Sir,
Richmond Hill June 18th. 1789—

Success you say, in yours of the 15th: stamps a substantial value upon measures, yet the Motto under a picture of O. Cromwell, is not without its Justice.
Careat successibus, opto,
Quiquis, ab Eventu, facta notanda putat.
It is a saying in France, “We can never be ruined, for if our ruin had been possible, it would have been accomplished long ago, since the wiser Heads in France have been these hundred years employed in doing all they could to effect it”—Something very like this may be said with great truth of our own Country.
Tho I think we are not out of danger of divisions, yet upon the whole I rest with you in an humble Confidence that all will end well—I am settled on the beautiful banks of the Hudson and expect Mrs. Adams daily—Tho I shall be as happy as a Priest I shall have no objection to a good Residence in the Schuylkill or Delaware, if my superior should command me to remove
Yet we have so much to do, that it would be a pitty to interrupt our deliberations with any questions about Place at present—I am Sir, with great esteem / Your most Obedient
J. Adams.


Title: From John Adams to James Searle, 18 June 1789
From: Adams, John
To: Searle, James

Dear Sir—
New York June 18th. 1789—

I have received your Letter of the 10th. and in answer to your question, I have no scruple to say, that on your arrival in Holland you appeared to me to take as effectual measures as any man could then have taken to obtain a loan to the State of Pensylvania. But that such was the situation of affairs, that it was next to Impossible to obtain any considerable Loan for the United States Jointly or severally. I could take up your time for an hour in relating the mortifications suffered by myself in many ineffectual attempts in behalf of the United States—the invariable answer to me was nothing can be done till the States General have acknowledged your Independence in consequence of which, I most earnestly endeavoured to impress upon Congress in all my dispatches the Policy and neccessity of sending a minister to that Republic. and it was not till a full Power was sent by Congress and acknowledged by their High Mightinesses that I was able to obtain money for the United States—Till then I could persuade nobody to undertake to open a Loan, except Mr. DeNeufville and all the effect of His efforts and my own were 4000 Guilders obtained by him and 3000 by myself—I never heard or suspected any neglect of the interests of your constituents, or any dishonour brought upon them by your Conduct—You did me the honor to consult me very frequently upon the Business of your mission according to your instructions. but it was not in my Power to give you better advice than I gave myself or could procure from others: and it all proved ineffectual in my own Case as well as yours—
I have the honor to be with much esteem Sir / Your most obedient & most Humble Servant
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Lincoln, 19 June 1789
From: Adams, John
To: Lincoln, Benjamin

Dear Sir
New York June 19. 1789

I am honoured with yours of the 30th. of May, and find we are well agreed in opinion in all points.
Nothing Since my return to America, has alarmed me so much, as those habits of Fraud, in the use of Language which appear in conversation and in public writings. Words are employed like paper money, to cheat the widow and the fatherless and every honest Man. The word Aristocracy is one Instance. ’though I cannot say, that there is no colour, for the objection against the Constitution, that it has too large a Proportion of Aristocracy in it; yet there are two Checks to the Senate evidently designed and prepared, the House of Representatives on one side and the President on the other. Now the only feasable remedy against this danger is to compleat the equilibrium, by making the Executive Power distinct from the Legislative, and the President as independent of the other Branches as they are of him.—But the Cry of monarchy is kept up, in order to deter the People, from recurring to the true Remedy, and to force them into another which would be worse than the disease, i e, into an entire relyance on the popular Branch, and a rejection of the other two. a remarkable Instance of this, I lately read, with much concern, in the Message from the Governor to the House.—The attention and affections of the People are there  turned to their representatives only, and very artfully terrified with the Phantoms of Monarchy and Despotism.—Does he mean to insinuate that there is danger of a Despotism? or of Simple Monarchy? or would he have the People afraid of a limited Monarchy? in Truth Mr H. himself is a limited Monarch. The Constitution of the Massachusetts is a limited Monarchy. So is the new Constitution of the United States.—both have very great Monarchical Powers; and the real defects of both are, that they have not enough to make the first magistrate, an  independent and effectual ballance, to the other Branches. But does Mr H. mean to confound these limited Monarchical Powers, with Despotism & Simple Monarchy which have no limits? Does he wish and mean to level all Kings and become the rival of General Shase? the Idea of an equal distribution of Intelligence and Property, is as extravagant as any that ever was avowed by the madest of the Insurgents. Another Instance of the  false coin, or rather paper Money in Circulation, is the Phrase "confederated Republick" and "confederated Commonwealth."—The new Constitution might in my opinion, with as much Propriety, be denominated judicial astrology.—My old Friend your Lt Governor, in his devout ejaculation for the new Government, very carefully preserves the Idea of a confederated Commonwealth, and the independent States that compose it.—Either his Ideas or mine, are totally wrong upon this Subject.—in Short Mr A. in his Prayer and Mr H. in his message, either understood not the force of the Words they have used, or they have made the most insidious attack on the new Constitution that has yet appeared. If We wish not to be degraded in the Eyes of foreigners, We must not degrade ourselves.—What would have been thought in Europe, if the King of France had sent Monsieur his Eldest Brother, as an Envoy? What if the King of England if he had sent the Prince of Wales? Mr Jefferson is in essence in the same situation. He is the first Prince of the Country and the heir apparent to the Sovereign Authority, quoad hoc.—His Consideration in France is nothing. They consider nobody but themselves. Their apparent Respect and real Contempt for all Men and all Nations but Frenchmen, are proverbial among themselves. They think it is in their Power to give Characters and destroy Characters, as they please—and they have no other rule, but to give Reputations to their Tools, and to destroy the Reputations of all who will not be  their Tools. Their Efforts to “populariser” Jefferson and to Depopulariser Washington are all upon this principle. To a Frenchman the most important Man in the World is himself, and the most important Nation is France. He thinks France ought to govern all Nations and that he ought to govern France. Every Man and Nation that agrees to this, he is willing to populariser— every Man and Nation that disputes or doubts it, he will depopulariser, if he can.
This is all in Confidence from, Sir your very / humble Servant
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 19 June 1789
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

Dear Sir
New York June 19th. 1789

Your single principle, in your letter of the 15th. must fail you you say "that Republican Systems have never had a fair Tryal” what do you mean by a fair tryal? and what by republican systems—Every Government that has more than one man in its soverignty is a republican system. Tryals inumerable have been Made as many as there have existed Nations. There is not and never was, I believe on Earth a Nation, which has not been at some period of its duration, under a republican Government. viz. under a Government of more than one, all the Various combinations and modifications which the subtile Brains of Men could invent have been attempted to no other purpose but to show that Discord, Anarchy & uncertainty of Life, Liberty and Property, can be avoided only by a perfect Equilibrium in the Constitution—You seem determined not to allow a limited  monarchy to be a republican system, which it certainly is, and the best that ever has been tryed—
There is no Proposition, of the Truth of which I am more clearly convinced than this, “that the Influence of general science" instead of curing any defect in an unballanced Republick, would only increase and enflame them, and make  them more intolerable, for this obvious and unanswerable Reason, that Parties would have in them, a greater number of able and ambitious Men who would only understand the better, how to worry one another with greater Art and dexterity—Religion itself, by no Means cures this inveterate evil, for Parties are always founded on some Principle, and the more conscientious men are, the more determined they will be in pursuit of their Principle System and Party——
I should as soon think of closing all my window shutters, to enable me to see, as of banishing the Classicks, to improve Republican Ideas—How can you say that factions have been few in America? Have they not rendered property insecure? have they not trampled Justice under foot? have not majorities voted Property out of the Pockets of others into their own, with the most decided tyranny?
Have not our Parties behaved like all Republican parties? is not the History of Hancock and Bowdoin the History of the Medici and Albizi—that of Clinton and Yates, the same with that of the Cancellieri and the Panchiatichi? and so on through the Continent. And We shall find, that without a Ballance the Progress will soon be, from Libels to Riots, from Riots to seditions, and from seditions to Civil Wars—
Every Project to enlighten our Fellow Citizens has my most hearty good Wishes: because it tends to bring them into a right way of thinking respecting the means of their Happiness, civil, political, social and religious.
I wish with all my heart, that the Constitution had expressed as much Homage to the Supreme Ruler of the Universe as the President has done in his first speech—The Petit Maitres who call themselves legislators & attempt to found a Government on any other than an eternal Basis of Morals and Religion, have as much of my Pitty as can consist with Contempt.
I am my dear sir, / Yours
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Robert Henry, 20 June 1789
From: Adams, John
To: Henry, Robert

Sir.
Richmond Hill, New York June 20. 1789—

I received your letter of the 5th.—It is now fifteen Years very nearly since I have seen any of my old Books or Papers—They have nevertheless been constantly in the hands of some of my family, or of my Agent, who could have made the necessary inquiries. I know nothing of John or Darby Ryan. I will write to my agent however to enquire, if you will be so good as to write me the dates of the transaction, it will assist him in looking for the business—
I am Sir: Your most Obedt. & / Humble servant

John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Cotton Tufts, 20 June 1789
From: Adams, John
To: Tufts, Cotton

Dear Sir
Richmond Hill N. York June 20. 1789—

Inclosed is a letter from a Mr. Robert Henry to me let me beg the favour of you to look among my Papers and in any Book and see if any such notes are to be found And to write me if you can learn any Thing of such Persons as John and Dably Ryan—
With great regard—Yours

John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to George Washington, 20 June 1789
From: Adams, John
To: Washington, George

2
Dear sir—
Richmond Hill June 20th. 1789—

Among the Candidates for the Honour of public Employment; under the new Government there is one, whose connection in my family, and public relation to me, in the late legation to St. James’s Would render my total silence on his account, liable to misinterpretation, as proceeding, either from want of esteem, confidence, or affection for him on the one hand, or to a failure of rispect to the President on the Other.
The Gentleman I mean is Colonel Smith whose original, education and Services, during the late War are all better known to you, Sir, than to me. He was indeed so much a stranger to me, that, to my recollection I never heard his name, till he was announced as the secretary, of my Legation to Great Britain.During the three years that he resided with me in England, his Conduct was to my satisfaction—and his Character was much esteemed in England, France, Spain, Portugal through all which he Countries he had occasion to travel—
As his Qualifications, are as well Known to you, sir, as to me, and the Situations that require to be filled, and the merits of other Candidates, much better: it is not my intention to solicit any particular place for him, his inclination, as well as mine, would no doubt prefer something at home,—but if the public service require a minister to go abroad, and he should be thought a proper person, I presume he would have no objection.
In England he has served three years, is known at Court, and in the Nation, and is as much esteemed and would be as well received, as any other faithfull American. As all my Dispatches passed through his hands, he is well acquainted, with the rise, progress and present state of the negotiations of the United States at that Court. I shall not however dissemble my opinion that it would not consist with the dignity of this Nation, or Her Chief Magistrate, to send to that Country, any Character higher than a Consul, before an offlicial agreement shall be made on their part, to return to your Court a Minister of equal rank—
In Portugal Mr. Smith has already executed one Commission, to the satisfaction of that Court as well as of his Constituients. With the Present Prime Minister, the Chevalier De Pinto, he has had a personal Acquaintance in London for several years, and to my Knowledge is much esteemed by that wise, able, and amiable Nobleman, one of whose most earnest Wishes, it is, to form— a Treaty with this Country.
In Holland Mr. Smith is known to many, and I flatter myself, that, from my long residence and numerous Acquaintances in that Republic; especially among the Capitalists, Stock-Brokers, Loan–Undertakers and money lenders who have now in their possession, obligations under my hands, for more than nine Millions of Guilders and from his Known Connection with me, he would be, as well received, both at the Prince of Orange’s Court, by their High Mightinesses, by the Corps Diplomatique, and the Nation, as any other Person—
While on one hand I shall hold myself under obligation for whatever appointment The President may judge fit for him, I shall cheerfully acquiesce on the others, in whatever may be the determination—
With every sentiment of Respect and / affection, I have the Honor to be, / Dear Sir, / Your most Obedt— / & most Humble Servt—
John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from William Davis, 20 June 1789
From: Davis, William
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Boston 20th. June 1789

When I had the honor of an interview with you, a little time, before you proceeded to Congress, I then, in confidence, open’d to you my distress’d situation, having since the Year 1776, lost upwards of six thousand pounds, of my own property, by a long series of misfortunes, and solicited your friendship, in Congress, which I again repeat, and only wish that, you would recommend me (if consistant) to his Excellency, as a Candidate, for an Office in the Revenue, in this Town, whenever the time of appointment may arrive. You Sr. are knowing that I have, from the beginning, been a staunch friend to my Country, & have been active in serving it to my best ability, & my earnest wish, is to be alleviated from my present distress.
I most respectfully salute you, / and am yr. most obedt. humb / Servt.
Wm: Davis.
PS Should any place offer, wherein you could serve me, I shall be happy, in your endeavors to serve me.


Title: To John Adams from William Tudor, Sr., 21 June 1789
From: Tudor, William, Sr.
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Boston 21 June 1789

I thank you for correcting my careless Appellation of federal Republic as applied to the National Government. We are so used to absurdities & indefinite Terms when speaking of the great Constitution, that I am now to ask your Indulgence in future for sometimes hastily using adopting Expressions which are so often improperly used by our Massachusetts Politicians. And yet notwithstanding your just Idea of the sole Sovereignty of the national Government, was a Man to tell our general Court that the Commonwealth of Massachusetts was not a Sovereign & independent State they would charge him with talking Treason. They admit that Congress now is Sovereign, quoad certain Purposes, and this State alone sovereign for others. This Error & nonsense they will persist in, untill the full Operation of the national Statutes, & the new officers get into Play. And give me leave to ask if Congress is not in a Degree countinancing this Delusion? Are they not, I mean the lower House, encouraging those extreme democratic Notions which have hitherto impeded the Advancement of that full Respectability that our Country is entitled to, by refusing to admit of those Distinctions & Titles which effect so much in European Governments? The News Papers inform that even the Title of Esquire is become an Abomination in their Ears. And on the same Principle so ought the Addition of Mr. to be. To act thoroughly consistent they ought to turn Quakers in Politicks, if not in Religion. This Silliness pleases Mr. Han. Mr. S.A. & Dr. J. I most heartily wish all the Fools of the same Stamp throughout the Union would unite & colonize. There is Land enough upon the Banks of the Ohio for all the democratic Simpletons in the United States. There let them found a Utopia & crack Acorns with the equal Commoners of the Woods. It is owing to Envy & a contemptible Pride, that our chief Magistrates are to be denied those Titles which would be expressive of their Posts, because two only can possess them and because thirteen Excellencies would be then out titled.
I inclose you the Copy of a Petition presented to the General Court in their May session of 1788. If it should not furnish an argument in favor of a National Bankrupt Act, it may furnish a very extraordinary and interesting Piece of private an individual History. The Facts alleged in the Petition were fully substantiated before a Committee of both Houses, & a Bill in favour of the Petitioner was reported, but miscarried, for various local Reasons, of no Importance now to relate.
I must sincerely thank you for your two last Letters, & for your promised care of the one Inclosed. That Letter occasioned me some Mortification. But a Wife & six children with a sinking Profession, forbid me being the Dupe of Feelings, which, perhaps, all the Seekers & would be Devourers “of the Loaves & Fishes,” are not troubled with. I hope before this Letter reaches New York you will have had the Pleasure of Meeting Mrs. Adams; that Friend of your Heart so well calculated to mitigate the Cares of your Station. Pray make my most affectionate Compliments to that Lady, & be assured of my unalterable & perfect Attachment.
Wm Tudor


Title: To John Adams from George Mason, Jr., 25 June 1789
From: Mason, George, Jr.
To: Adams, John

Dr Sir
Virginia Colchester June 25th 1789

The many Civility’s you were pleased to show me when in Holland & France induces me to address you at this time to solicit your Influence in favor of a Mr Joseph Feniwck who wishes the Appointment of Consul at Bordeaux—Mr Fenwick is a Gentleman of unblemished Caracter a Native of Maryland & in Partnership in the mercantile Line with a Brother of mine—they are both in Bordeaux at present my Brother has been there about twelve Months Mr Fenwick three or four years & is well acquainted with the Language Customs & Commerce of that Country. Fenwick Mason & Co is the only american House at Bordeaux—they are entirely in the Commission Business & have had very considerable Consignments from Virginia & Maryland & some from Massachusetts I am happy to say as yet they have returned satisfactory Sales to their Correspondents. My Brother will either fix in some other part of Europe or return to America this Fall or next Spring MrFenwick will remain at Bordeaux to conduct their Business in that Quarter—Mr Fenwick I believe is well known to most of the Maryland Delegates particularly the Mr Carrolls who I flatter myself will inform you he is capable of filling the office of Consul with credit to his Country—
I hope you will excuse the Liberty I have taken & believe me to be with much Respect & Esteem / Your Most Humbl St George Mason Junr.I returned to America shortly after I left Paris am now a Husband & Father of three Children & fixed I believe for a Life on my own Plantation—I hope you have enjoyed good Health since I had the pleasure of seeing you—I congratulate you most Sincerely on your late appointment—


Title: From John Adams to Jabez Bowen, 26 June 1789
From: Adams, John
To: Bowen, Jabez

Sir
Richmond Hill, NewYork June 26 1789

I received your letter of June 16: and am glad to learn that you "gain a little". If as I have learnt from Dr Manning, the leaders of your councils have an intercourse with the disaffected in Massachusetts, and as appears by your letter a correspondence with antifederal members of a more august body: it is probable there is a chain of communication throughout the states. If such should be the actual situation of things, would not my address of Congress, give fresh courage and spirits to the general cause of opposition especially if it should be found, not to make any great impression on the callous minds and hardened hearts of desperate debtors?
I wonder that any class of farmers, provided they are not in debt, beyond the value of their possesions; should continue their opposition: because their property must always lie at the mercy of those who have none, without a consistent government.
It is in vain to take over fights. The scene is new, and the actors are inexperienced. Much light has been obtained and diffused by the discussions which have occasioned delay—and there is no remedy but patience. Why will you afflict the modesty of any gentleman by expecting that they will give themselves titles. They expect that you their creators will do them honor. They are no quackers I warrent you and will not be offended if you assert your own majesty; by giving your own representatives in the executive authority the title of majesty. Many of these quakers think Highness not high enough, among whom I own I am one. In my opinion the American President will soon be introduced into some farce or other in half the theatres of Europe and be held up to ridicule. It would not be extravagant the prophecy that the want of titles may cost the country fifty thousand lives and twenty millions of money within twenty years. I will continue to be mindful of you and will endeavour to persuade Gentlemen to promote such a resolution as you desire, but there seems to be a general aversion to it, or rather suspicion that it would do harm rather than good.
I beg leave to return you and the other Gentn: of Providence and Newport my best thanks for your polite and friendly attention to Mrs Adams and her family in her late journey through your State.
With esteem I have the honor to be /  Sir your most obedient and most humble Servt:John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Stephen Hall, 26 June 1789
From: Adams, John
To: Hall, Stephen

Sir
New York June 26 1789

I have received your letter of the ninth of this month, as well as a former one by General Lincoln. The course you have pursued in writing to the President, is right and your friend Mr. Wingate, is as proper a person as you could have chosen to convey the letter and any information concerning the subject of it. Who may be competitors for the office of collector at Portland I know not but, as I recollect with pleasure the acquaintance I once had with you, if the President should make any inquiries of me concerning the pretensions of the candidates, I shall faithfully relate to him all I know of your education and character.
A letter in your favor to the President from your friend Genl. Lincoln would probably serve you as effectually as any testimonial you could obtain.
I thank you Sir for your kind benedictions and am with much esteem your most obedient and most humble servt.

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Uzal Ogden, 26 June 1789
From: Adams, John
To: Ogden, Uzal

Sir
Richmond hill New York June 26 1789

I have received the letter you did me the honor to write me, on the twelfth of this month, with the first number of a new periodical publication. I have not been able, as yet to find time to read the whole of the christian scholars and farmer’s magazine, but upon looking over several parts of it, they appear to me to correspond with the title, and to be well calculated "to promote religion, disseminate useful knowledge and afford literary pleasure"
with the best wishes for your success, I have the honor to be Sir your / most obedient and most humble servant

John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Eliphalet Pearson, 26 June 1789
From: Adams, John
To: Pearson, Eliphalet

Sir
Richmond Hill, New York June 26. 1789

By my Son Charles, who arrived Yesterday, in good Health, I received the Letter you did me the honour to write me, on the fifteenth of this month with the Letters enclosed for the Duke D’Almodavar and the Marquis De Santa Cruz.—These Letters shall be delivered as you desire, by my Friend, Don Diego De Gardoqui, by the first Opportunity and that Minister will no doubt be flattered with the opportunity of transmitting the Honours of your Accademy to those Noblemen.
Accept my Thanks for your obliging Wishes for my Health, and believe me to be with great Esteem, Sir, your most obedient / and most humble Servant
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Francis Dana, 26 June 1789
From: Dana, Francis
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
York June 26th. 1789

When you was last at Cambridge at my house, in consideration of the weight of the business of my present office, and of the feeble state of my health, I was induced to suggest to you, that if any office under the United States, which your partiality for me might lead you to think me capable of filling, and the duties of which would be less burthensome than those of my present one, should be open, it wou’d not be disagreable to me to be honoured with your influence and interest as a candidate for it—As noting more particular upon the subject then passed between us, it is possible you might concieve I wished again to enter into the diplomatic corps; especially if it shou’d be thought proper to send a Minister to the Court of St: Petersbourg my former residence. However gratifying that appointment might be to my ambition, yet I do assure you that nothing wou’d tempt me again to leave my Country and family. But there is an office still open for which I presume in confidence, to offer myself to you only, as a candidate. I find there is a district Judge to be appointed within each of the confederated States. That for our State is the only office which I would prefer to a seat upon our Supreme Judicial Bench. A place in the Supreme Federal Court wou’d be more honourable; but on account of the extent of their circuits, and of their sitting twice a year at the seat of the Federal Government, that wou’d expose me to all the difficulties arising from any present office; but for the consideration of which, I wou’d not quit for any other in the gift of the United States, or of this State.
While on the present circuit, I find from Mr: Parsons, that he has contemplated the appointment of Mr: Lowell to the office of our District Judge, and that in consequence of it he is lead to expect Mr: Lowell wou’d appoint him the Attorney or Advocate for the United States. Both those Gentlemen wou’d fill those offices worthily. Mr: Parsons wou’d probably be the Advocate in either case.
I have supposed from the above conversation between us (however it may favour of vanity in me) that you might think of your friend for one of the Supreme Federal Judges. Mr: Lowell has already been in that capacity; and if the reasons I have given against accepting that office, did not exist, I shou’d not choose to stand a candidate for it against him. Perhaps there may be no impropriety in both appointments, as every State must have a district Judge and, I think, Massachusetts, exteris paribus, may be entitled to one Judge of the six of the Supreme Federal Court.
I wish now to trouble you with one declaration only viz that this is the first instance in my life of my offering my self a candidate for any office whatever, directly or indirectly: and none but the reasons abovementioned shou’d be induced me ever to have done it.
I beg you would be pleased to present my sincere regards to your Lady, and to acquaint her, I shall remember her request respecting Master Thomas. But to enable me the better to execute it, I might not be amiss for her to advise him to visit very frequently in our family. We should be very happy to have him do it: to domesticate himself in some sort with us. I would be his friend so long as he will permit me to be so: but   he must not keep himself aloof from us.
I am dear Sir, / Your much obliged Friend / & obedient humble Servant
F M Dana
P.S. please to advise me of the receipt of this as soon as may be convenient


Title: From John Adams to William Tudor, Sr., 28 June 1789
From: Adams, John
To: Tudor, William, Sr.

Dear Sir
Richmond Hill June 28. 1789

I shall not grant the Indulgence you request in yours of the 21st., most certainly: I mean that for hastily adopting Expressions, which are So often improperly used by Massachusetts Politicians. Our Fellow Citizens will never think alike nor act aright, until they are habitually taught to use the same Words in the same Sense. Nations are governed by Words, as well as by Actions; by Sounds as well as Sights. You and I learned in our youth from our great Masters, the Civilians, that the Summa Imperii, is indivisible. That Imperium in Imperio, is a Solecism, a Contradiction in Terms, and We have been both taught, by History and Experience, Since, that those inflections of our Masters were infallible oracles.
The new Constitution, however, I fear will be found to be too nearly related to Such a Solecism. It is an avowed Attempt to make the national Government Sovereign in Some Cases and the State Government in Others. It is true that as the former, embraces the whole, and the latter but Parts; as the former has the greatest Objects as War and Peace &c. and a general superintendence over all the rest, the Superiority of Rank and Dignity is allowed to it. But I nevertheless own, that it is too clear that in a course of Time, the little fishes will eat up the great one unless the great one Should devour all the little ones.
It is contended by Some that our new Constitution, is partly national and partly fœderal. But it seems to me, that as far as it is fœderal, it is wholly national: as far as it is not national it is not fœderal, but consists of individual, Seperate, independent and interconnected States. but in this View, it is improper to talk of the fœderal Commonwealth and the independent Republicks that compose it. Because that the new Constitution, which is the only League by which they are connected together, is not a Confederation of independent Republicks, but is a monarchical Republick, or if you will a limited Monarchy. Though Names are of importance, they cannot alter the nature of Things. The Name of President, does not alter the nature of his office nor diminish the Regal authorities and powers which appear clearly in the Writing. The Prince of Orange Said to me "Monseur, Vous Allez Avoir un Roi, Sous le Titre de President," and his Judgment would be confirmed by every Civilian in Europe, who should read our Constitution.
Crudities enough, to be sure, come from a certain august Source; as you have remarked: but the People Should not mind them. The People themselves should honour their own Creation, if they mean to honour themselves, and I hope the People will assert their own Supremacy, and give the Title of Majesty to the President. His is the lowest that can comport with his constitutional Dignity, Authority, and Power.
I agree entirely with you that it is Aristocratical Pride alone, that feels itself hurt, by a distinction of the President. Those who proudly think themselves his Compeers, cannot bear that he Should be more than Primus inter Pares. But the common People, if they understand their own Cause and Interest, will take effectual Care to mortify that Pride by making the Executive Magistrate a ballance against it which can be done only, by distinguishing him clearly and decidedly, far above all others.
I thank you for Traceys Almanac, which I have Shewn and will continue to show to proper Persons, and I hope it will assist in procuring a Bankrupt Act. Your letter to the President, I delivered immediately.
Your Pupil Ames makes a very pretty figure: let me congratulate you on his fame, and that of another of your pupils Mr. Minot, to whom I am indebted for two Copies of his History, which I am ashamed to say I have never thanked him for, which as I ought in Duty to have done for the great Pleasure I received from the Perusal of that elegant and judicious Composition.
I am my dear sir yours &c.
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from James Boyd, 30 June 1789
From: Boyd, James
To: Adams, John

Boston June 30th. 1789

Your Excellency will pardon the freedom of addressing you, when you are acquainted with my sufferings and my present indigence, which is such as urges me to request your influence with Congress respecting the resolves of this Court (relative to my sufferings) which was sent on to Congress by Order of Government, bearing date Nov. 10th. 1786, Copy of which by the desire of the Honbl. Mr. Bowdoin, I inclosed to the Honrbl. Mr: Dalton on the 3 Int. requesting him to deliver the same to your Excelly.
As your Excellency was in Europe at the time those papers was sent to Congress. I was informed by several Gentlemen then in Congress that nothing respecting them could be done untill your return to America as the Eastern Boundry Line was not then determin’d. Although that matter is not yet fully determin’d as to the River St. Croix, I am clearly of opinion that it’s the most northern River, as that was the only one known to the Indians by the name of St. Croix, and is the River Mitchel was Order’d by Government to Explore and take the new course. I was present with Mitchel when the Indians (upon oath) declaird that to be  the only St. Croix—
I am encouraged by my Friends who have wrote to Congress in my behalf, to hope that Congress will take notice of my present indigent situation and in their wisdom and goodness grant me some redress as I am the only refugee yet unnoticd—.
With great Esteem & respect I beg leave to / subscribe my self your Excelly / most Obt. Hbl. Servt.—
James Boyd, Jr.
P.S. for any particulars I beg leave to refer to Mr: Dalton, who I wrote fully too—