Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 22 September 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

					Sirs,
					Quincy, September 22, 1809.

				ALL the gentlemen in Holland who were the most
friendly to the American cause, were excessively prone
to have their spirits cast down into deep despondency, and
absolute despair of our final success by any sudden news
of unfortunate events: In one of these dispositions, the
Baron Vander Capellen wrote me a letter, full of these
causes of his own and others anxiety, to which I wrote
him the following hasty answer.Amsterdam, January 21st, 1781—wrote to the Baron
Vander Capellen de Poll: “I have not been able to find
an opportunity to acknowledge the receipt of the esteemed favor with which you honored me, on the 24th of
December, till now.I think it is very probable that the several causes you
have enumerated co-operate to lessen the credit of the
United States—but I think, at the same time, that it is
because the facts are misrepresented and exaggerated by
the friends of England.—Let us consider them for a few
moments, one by one.“The invasion of Georgia and of South Carolina” is
the first. But why should the invasion of these two States
affect the credit of the Thirteen States, more than the invasion of any two others? Massachusetts and Rhode
Island have been invaded by armies much more formidable. New-York, Connecticut, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania,
Delaware, Maryland and Virginia, have all been invaded
before: But what has been the consequence? Not conquest.—Nor submission. On the contrary, all these States
have not only learned the art of war, and the habits of
submission to military discipline, but have got themselves
well armed, nay, cloathed and furnished with a great deal
of hard money, by these very invasions. And what is
more than all the rest, they have got over the fears and
terrors that are always excited by a first invasion, and are
a worse enemy than the English. And, moreover, they
have had such experience of the tyranny and cruelty of
the enemy as has made them more resolute than ever,
against the English government. Now why should not
the invasion of Georgia and Carolina have the same effects? It is very certain, in the opinion of the Americans
themselves, that it will. Besides, the unexampled cruelty
of Cornwallis has been enough to revolt, even Negroes.
It has been such as will make the English, objects of
greater horror there, than in any other of the States.“The capture of Charleston” is the second. But why
should the capture of Charleston have a greater effect than
that of Boston or Philadelphia? The latter of which
was of vastly more importance to the common cause than
Charleston.“The loss of the continental frigates.”—But why were
these four or five frigates of so much more importance
than several times that number that we had lost before.
We lost several frigates with Philadelphia, and shipping
to a much greater value than at Charleston. We lost
frigates with New-York: but above all, we lost at Penobscot armed vessels to five times a greater amount than at
Charleston. Yet all those losses have been suddenly repaired, insomuch that our armed vessels, in the course of
the last summer, have taken more prizes than they ever
did before by half. They did more damage to the English than the whole maritime power of France and Spain
have done from the beginning of the war. We can afford to lose a great many frigates, because they cost us
nothing. I am assured, that, by an accurate calculation
from the public accounts, the prizes taken by the continental navy have amounted to a large sum more than the
whole amount expended in building, equipping, manning,
victualling and paying the ships and men, from the beginning of the war.“The defeat of Gates.” But why should this defeat
discourage America, or weaken her credit in Europe,
more than the defeat on Long Island? The loss of Fort
Washington? The defeat at Brandywine? At Germantown? The loss of Canada? Ticonderoga? &c. much
greater defeats and more deplorable losses?“The inaction of the combined fleets of De Guichen
and Salano.” But if we consider that the Spaniards got
their fleet and army and artillery safe to America, to put
their dominions there in a state of safety; that the French
have convoyed home, in safety, their merchant fleets;
that De Guichen fought Rodney twice or three times, on
equal terms, and the English gained no advantage; that
the French fleet is now at Brest, under D’Estainge, to keep
the English in awe: perhaps it is better for the common
cause than if they had put more to hazard.“The decided superiority of the English in the islands.”
But if we consider the French and Spanish ships that are
still in the West Indies, and the disabled condition of the
English fleet, their want of men, and especially the weakness of their garrisons in their islands, and the strength of
the French and Spanish garrisons, we are sure that the
English are not in a condition to attempt any thing against
them.“The superiority of the English at New York”—is
but just sufficient to prevent their enemies from destroying
them.“The defection of Arnold”—will be considered by every
man who contemplates all the circumstances that attended it, as a proof the weakness of the English, and the
decisive strength and confidence of the Americans.
When we consider the crimes he had committed, and the
unpopularity into which he had justly fallen: When we
consider that an officer of his high rank, long services,
and brilliant reputation, was not able to carry over with
him a single officer or soldier, nor even his own valet,
nor his wife, nor his child: When we consider the universal execration in which his treason was held by the
whole army, and the whole continent: When we consider the firmness and dignity with which Andrée was punished, we must conclude that the American army and
people stand strong; as strong against the arts and bribes
as the arms and valor of their enemies.“The discontent of the army.” There never was an
army without anxiety and a constant agitation of hopes
and fears.—When the officers think their pay is not
enough, what can they do but represent it to the government for redress? This has certainly been done. But
what are the discontents in the British army and navy?
Much greater, I assure you, than in the American service.“The jealousy between the army and the body politic,”
is not to be dreaded. It only shews that the spirit of liberty is still alive and active in the people. The baron
Vander Capellen, I am sure, will applaud the people for
keeping a watchful eye over the army, to see that it may
not ravish from them that liberty for which all have been
contending.“Mr. Neckar” seems to stand upon firm ground;
and “the changes in the French ministry” probably have
been for the better. But it is scarcely possible to believe
that any change in the French ministry should do any
considerable injury to the common cause. The changes
already made were because enough was not done. The
importance of France, nay, her existence as a maritime
and commercial power, are so much at stake in this business, that it is impossible she should forsake the cause.“The depreciation of the paper money” is the most
difficult to be answered, because it is the most difficult to
explain to a gentleman who has not been in the country
and seen its operation. This depreciation has been a real
advantage, because it is a tax upon the people paid as it
advances, and therefore prevents the public from being
found in debt. It is true, it is an unequal tax, and therefore causes what your friend governor Livingston justly
calls “perplexity”; but by no means weakens or disables the people from carrying on the war. The body of
the people lose nothing by it. The merchant, the farmer, the tradesman, the laborer, loses nothing by it. They
are the monied men, the capitalists, those who have money
at interest, those who live upon fixed salaries, that is, the
officers of government, who lose by it, and who have
borne this tax. This, you see, is an ease and relief to
the people at large.—The consequence of this depreciation has been, that, while England has increased her national debt sixty millions by this war, ours is not a tenth
part of it, not six millions. Who then can hold out
longest?—This depreciation has no tendency to make the
people submit to Great Britain; because that submission
would not relieve, but increase the perplexity. For submission would not procure us peace. We must raise men
and money to fight France, Spain, Holland, Russia, Sweden and Denmark.—The Congress, instead of attempting
to redeem the paper money by hard cash, has ordered it
all in, at the depreciated value, and this measure is adopted by the States without any difficulty, which is the only
method of justice or policy.Nobody need fear that the English will “seize the moments when our army shall be feeble for want of pay.”
There have been several moments when our army has
been reduced to almost nothing, not from want of pay,
but from the expiration of their periods of enlistment.
These moments the English seized before they had sent
half their army to the West India islands. But what was
the consequence? When our army was reduced to a
few hundreds, and theirs more than double what it is now,
they marched through the Jerseys. And what was the
consequence? Their post at Trenton was attacked and
taken; another body of their troops were attacked and
defeated at Princeton, and General Washington took post
at Morriston, in their rear, and they dared not move another step the whole winter. The affairs at Trenton,
Bennington, and lately on the summit of King’s Mountain,
prove beyond reply, that if our army is reduced ever so
low, and theirs extend themselves ever so far, their necessary advanced posts are in our power: in the power
even of an handfull of the militia. No, sir! Their power
to hurt us lies more in keeping hid in a fortified sea port
town, than by marching into the country.As to “a total failure of specie,” we are in no danger
of it. The English are furnishing us with silver and gold
every day. What is become of all the millions they have
sent to America, during this war?—What, of all the cash
that France sends to pay and subsist their fleet and army?
The truth is, that silver and gold now circulate freely in
America, and there are larger quantities of both, than any
body in Europe imagines.As to “the danger of the people’s submitting, from
indigence,” that danger, if any such there ever was, is
past, in 1776 and 1777. The people suffered very much, and the army too, for want of salt, sugar, rum and cloathing. But at this day, their trade is so far extended, they
make such numbers of prizes, and have introduced and
established so many necessary manufactures, that they
have a plentiful supply.—We have been more distressed
for want of salt and powder than any thing else. But
there is now an abundance of both, manufactured in the
country, and imported too.As to “the ability of America to pay,” it depends upon a few words. America has between three and four
millions of people; England and Scotland have between
five and six. The lands in America produce as much as
any other lands. The exports of America, in 1774, were
six millions. The exports of Great Britain, in 1774,
were twelve millions, including too a great part of the
commodities of the growth of America. England is two
hundred millions in debt. America six millions. England has spent sixty millions in this war: America six.
Which people then are the ablest to pay? Yet England
has credit: America not. Is this from reasoning, or
from prejudice?The numbers of people, their industry; the quantity
and fertility of their lands, and the value of their exports,
are the best rules and the only rules I know to judge of
the ability of a people to pay taxes and debts. In all
these respects American credit will bear the most rigorous
examination. The country that lends them money will
get the most by it. Their principal and interest will be
safe; and what is more the money will be laid out among
them in the purchase of cloathing and supplies, so that
the trade will be promoted by it.When England and every other nation of Europe is
obliged to borrow money every year to carry on war;
England to the amount of her whole annual exports; it
is not to be wondered, that America has occasion to borrow, a sum after six years of war, equal to a twelfth or a
twenty-fourth part of her annual exports. With such a
loan we could carry on the war more at our ease; our
poor soldiers would be more warm and comfortable; but
if we cannot obtain it, we shall not have it to pay; and
I am positively certain we can carry on the war without
a loan longer than Great Britain can with all their loans.You may depend upon it sir I shall be “cautious,”
and maintain the most sacred regard to truth in my representations to congress. But I dare not deceive them
with false hopes. No man living has more at heart, than
I have, a friendly and lasting connection between the two
republics. The religion, the government and the commerce of the two countries point out such a connection.
Old prejudices and habits of veneration for Holland in
the minds of all Americans who have ever considered the
Dutch as their friends and allies make the Americans wish
for such a connection. For it should be remembered
that we have been as long in alliance and friendship with
this country as England, and have as good a right for
any thing I know to the benefit of the treaties as the
English. And therefore if the truth will not warrant me
in representing to congress so much zeal and warmth in
this nation for a connection with America as I could wish;
it will not be my fault, but my misfortune and my grief.1781, January 25th—wrote to Mr. Dumas, at the Hague.
“I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favors of the
15th and 24th, the latter enclosing a letter to Congress,
which I will do myself the honor to enclose with my first
dispatches. This method will be very agreeable to me,
if you choose to continue it.There are bruits here of a 74 gun ship, with six homeward bound East Indiamen, taken from the English, by
some French men of war, near the Cape of Good Hope.
The report comes from Lisbon; but merits confirmation.I do not yet see or hear any thing of the manifesto;
nor about another thing, which gives me more anxiety
than any other, I mean the determination of the court of
justice of Holland, upon the conduct of Amsterdam. I
have fixed my attention on that court of justice, because
the full justification of the regency of Amsterdam ought
to be inserted in the manifesto. The British manifesto
cannot be answered without it. The world will never
think the republic in earnest, until this is done. Keeping
it in suspense is considered as a design to keep open a
passage for retreat. It is treating Notre Ami (Van Berckell) with great indignity, and in some measure depriving
the public of his counsel and assistance, at a time when it
is most wanted.—It is suffering the spirit of the people to
subside, and their passions to cool, a matter of the last
importance in war. “There is a tide in the affairs of
men, which, taken at the ebb, leads on to fortune.”
However, the maxims of government here are different
from most other countries; and the nation itself, and
its rulers, must be the best judges of its interest, duty and
policy.Some minds have an habit of looking forward and
guessing what future events will be the consequence of
those that are passed: and though we are very short
sighted, we can sometimes reason upon sure principles,
and conjecture with some degree of certainty. Upon
this plan then what will be the conduct of the Neutral
Union? And what that of England? Must not the Neutral Confederacy demand restitution of all the Dutch ships,
upon pain of war? And England must, unless she departs from every maxim that has governed her, not only
throughout this reign, but several others before it; unless she departs from the character of the nation too, as
well as the maxims of the court, refuse to restore the
Dutch ships. The consequence, to all appearance, must
be Russia, Sweden, Denmark, Holland, France, Spain
and America, all at war against England at once. A
rare and curious phenomenon to be sure! But what wilt
be the effect of this? Peace? By no means. The Neutral Confederacy moving slowly, and unused to war at sea,
will depend upon England’s giving up, and will not exert themselves. England, whose navy has lived among
flying balls for some time, will be alert and active, and do
a great deal of mischief before her enemies are properly
aroused. I think, in the end, they will be aroused, and
the consequence of it will be that England will run a
chance to be ruined, and undergo a terrible convulsion.
Say are these reveries wholly chimerical?You are sensible that our country, America, has two
objects in view; one is a treaty of commerce, at least
with this republic; the other is a loan of money. You
will be so good as to keep these points always in sight,
and inform me if you discover any disposition towards
both, or either, in persons capable of effecting them, or
putting things in a train for that purpose. The court is
supposed to be decided against America. But is that
certain? It has had an inclination towards England,
but having got over that, why should it be against America? I am persuaded that nothing can be done without
the court.Do you think it would be prudent in me to endeavor
to get introduced to one or more persons in power; the
Grand Pensionary of Holland; or any of the members
of the States General? in order to have some conversation upon American affairs? Do you suppose I should
succeed, if I were to attempt to obtain such a conference?
If it is the interest of the two republics to connect themselves together, as you and I believe it to be, it would not
be amiss to have those interests mutually and candidly
explained; and objections, if there are any, considered
and obviated.1781, January 31st—wrote to Mr. Jennings, at Brussels: “Your favor of the 24th is received. I wish that
Madrid would put an end to Hussey’s and Cumberland’s
masquerades. They do no good, if they do no harm.I think it is pretty certain, that the English ministry are
seeking a connexion with the Emperor of Germany: but
as there is nothing to be gotten by a connection with
them, but broken bones, if he has as much sense as he is
reputed to have, he will rather choose to sleep in a whole
skin.The Duke of Brunswick Wolfembuttle is not at Lillo,
but at the Hague. Your reasoning to shew the policy,
the justice and the necessity of acknowledging American
independence, is conclusive to all the maritime powers;
and it is probable they are all sensible of it. But whoever
does it, must have war with England, and this idea startles
them all. They choose to arrange matters in such a system, that all may go to war at once, if any is obliged to
do so.—And this takes time. But if the armed neutrality
were all at war against England, the question is, whether
they would all acknowledge American independence?
To be sure, they all mean it: it is their interest: and it
is a part of their system. But such is the caution, the
timidity and the sloth, that I expect they would put it
off—They would say, we will treat you like friends.
But it is time enough. We know not what may happen.
Wait for the general conferences of pacification. Then
we will take your affair into consideration. I think, however, that Congress should send a minister to each of the
maritime courts; or at least one, authorised to treat with
all of them. Whether they will or not, I can not say. I
fear they will be much divided about their foreign affairs.By the treaty, France has agreed to join America, in
proposing to other powers, to acknowledge our independence. If Congress, or any minister of Congress properly
authorised, were to propose this to France, she could not,
and would not, refuse it. Why it has not been done, I
know not. The unfortunate division (in Congress) about
foreign affairs, will account for many things. I hope,
however, that something or other will turn up to make
them more unanimous. If Mr. Lee and Mr. Izzard do
not find the majority of their opinion in one point, their
information may produce greater unanimity in many others.Have you read La Vie privie de Louis XV.? It is just
published here, in four volumes. I have devoured it with
the utmost greediness. History, romance, or libel, it is
very entertaining and instructive. It is the greatest compliment to America that ever was written. When we see
the distress, the ruin, the humiliation and debasement of
the French nation and monarchy, up to the very moment
when America was severed from Great Britain, and began
to cultivate a good understanding with France—when
we see that, from the same moment, France began to revive; and has been increasing in reputation, wealth, commerce and power ever since; and her flourishing and
prosperous condition at this day: America ought to appear in her own eyes, as well as those of the French and
the rest of the world; as a nation and country whose
friendship and alliance is well worth cultivating. I mean
not, however, by this observation, to diminish the glory
of the present monarch, whose wisdom has taken advantage of the benefits which Providence offered him.’’1781, January 31—wrote to Mr. Dumas, at the Hague:
“I have to thank you for your favors of the 28th and
29th, which arrived untouched by any hand too inquisitive.The extraordinary demand for bread, in England, will
be a great advantage to America. By increasing the demand in those countries which trade directly or indirectly
with America, it will raise the price of it, and consequently increase the demand, and raise the price in America.
We have always said in America, “By and by will come
a scarce year for grain in Europe, and then the nations
there will begin to think us of some consequence.” There
will be, I fancy, next spring and summer, a vast exportation of grain from America, which will be an advantage
to our credit: and if there should be a short crop next
year and the year after, in England and the other parts of
Europe, they will have an opportunity of seeing somewhat of the resources of America. For in the midst of
all the difficulties of this war, grain enough will be found
in America to supply the deficiencies of Europe.Pray what are the news from Vienna? That the English are laboring with all their might; intriguing with all
their subtlety; and bribing with all the money they can
spare; in order to draw in the house of Austria to some
connection with them, I am well persuaded. That the
old jealousy, envy and rivalry of the house of Austria
towards the house of Bourbon, is not all extinct, I believe.
That it now pleads in favor of England, I guess. But as
the Emperor is a man of sense, I rely upon it, he will not
be taken in. If he should be, it will only make the war
more passionate against England, and he will get nothing
in the end but broken bones.The news from all quarters in America are agreeable.
“All’s well,’ as the sentinels cry at sea. The Massachusetts constitution gives new vigor to the State and its neighbors.Have you seen La Vie privie de Louis XV.? It has
been printed in four volumes, this month. I have read
it through, with as much ardor and impatience, as I did
in my youth the character of Lovelace, in Clarissa Harlow, and with more indignation. This work is a sublime
compliment to America, as well as to Louis XVI. It is
so to the reigning monarch, in proportion as his private
life is a contrast to that of his predecessor. But no wisdom or virtue, public or private; no exertions or activity
in the Prince, ministry, or nation, could have raised France
out of that profound degree of contempt, misery and debasement, in which Louis XV. left it, to that height of
reputation, opulence and power where it now stands,
without the separation of America from Great Britain,
and her alliance with France. Let it be remembered by
every Frenchman, that the first Congress was held the
same year that Louis XV. died; that France had seen
eleven years of peace; and instead of rising out of the
misery in which the peace of 1763 left her, she sunk
deeper and deeper; that her prosperity and glory commenced with her connection with America, and has grown
with a rapidity that surprises all Europe, ever since.When other nations shall read this work, and make
the proper reflections, they will draw the natural inferences. Such as, 1. That France can never desert America.
2. That France ought to exert herself with zeal, and that
she will do it too. 3. That other nations will do wisely
to imitate the example of France. 4. That the sooner
they form connections with America, the more wisely
they will act. Pardon this abominable writing. I cannot transcribe it.

					John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from William Cunningham, 23 September 1809
From: Cunningham, William
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir.
Fitchburg, Sep. 23d. 1809.

My letter of the 9th. inst. had an enclosure which it is so interesting to myself, as well as to you, that it should get to your possession, that I cannot suppress my solicitude to be advised of its safe reception.
The present covers the last National Aegis, in which you will find your juvenile Letter to your friend Webb, which I have caused to be inserted in the paper according to your intimations on the first of the month. If, in the introduction, I have not mounted to your just encomium, I have some refuge against mortification in the Knowledge, that a perfect delineation of greatness can be the work of none but a master’s hand—and I have more than this refuge in the consciousness of a disposition to lift you to your just de.
I capitalized the prophetic parts of the Letter which have been fulfilled, and italisized the Latin, neither of which were done in the Anthology. But with all my care, the printers disregarded the Latin word, diræ, and used, as the Anthology had done before them, the English word, dire, and direfully it looks—The works of an Author are so frequently garbled at the press, and his feelings disturbed by its orthorgraphical inaccuracies, that even the casemen should be something above mechanicks.
Three days of this week, I was absent on a journey to Boston, with two of my daughters, which I left there. I passed some hours at the Athaneum, and at the office of its founder, with even more satisfaction than I had anticipated—An enterprise of so much utility, seconded, as it is, by the urbanity, industry and exactness, beyond its origination in the foresight and public spirit of Mr. Shaw, cannot fail of reaching a point that will give him an immortality of renown.
Permit me, again, to make you the medium for the conveyance to Mrs. Adams and your Family of Mrs. Cunningham’s, as well as of my own, most sincere regards.
With veneration and esteem, / I am, Dear Sir, / Your most obliged Friend,

W. Cunningham. Jr.


Title: From John Adams to William Cunningham, 27 September 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Cunningham, William

Dear Sir,
Quincy, Sept. 27, 1809.

Yesterday I received your favour of the 23d and had before in its season received that of the 9th in good order, its enclosure unviolated.
My boyish letter to Dr. Nathan Webb appeared with more propriety in a Worcester paper than any where else. It is demonstrative evidence  that John Adams’ Declaration Of Independence was one and twenty years older than Thomas Jefferson’s. To understand my letter it is necessary to have lived at the time when it was written, when we were so angry with Great Britain for misconducting American affairs, and for leaving us exposed to the murders and depredations of French and Indians, that from my heart I wished we were independent of her, and left to ourselves to take care of our enemies, or perish in the struggle.
I presume the Latin word should be “dira” the “dreadful things” “the horrors” of war.—I remember the word “dire,” and direful and dira were very fashionable among the boys in College, out of which I had just before migrated, but enough of this childish business. The thing is an oddity, that’s all. You have made enough and more than enough of it, in your introduction.
Mr. Shaw’s Athenæum is an honour to Boston, to Massachusetts and to North America, and I hope no Tory Junto will be able to deprive him of the honour of it. Yet he and his Athenæum are too much under their thumbs. Poor Democrats, Republicans and still poorer Americans, are at the feet of John Bull and his Calves. Matters cannot be much longer minced. The truth must out.
With regard, &c. / I am your friend and relation,
John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 27 September 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

Dear Friend,—
Quincy Septr. 27. 1809.

I recd. in course yours of the 7th. Fox was a remarkable Character. I admire the Morsell of History. Pitt was another. he has left nothing but speeches taken down by stenographers. I cannot pronounce either of them wise statesmen: yet perhaps they were as wise as they could be in their Circumstances. Great Men they both were, most certainly. Pitt I think was more correct in his Knowledge of the English Constitution and of the subject of Government in General than either Fox or Burke. Both of these have uttered and published very absurd Notions of the Principles of Government.
I have seen and read Gregoires Letter with great Pleasure. Have a Care! Deceive not thyself! There is not an old Fryar in France not in Europe who looks on a blooming young virgin with sang froid. Your Naturam expellas furca is mere infallible Nature. I do and will insist upon it you are still a Patriot, and you never can cease to be so.
Give my Compliments to your son Richards Lady and tell her I love her. I congratulate you most sincerely on the acquisition of such a Daughter in Law, and your son on the inestimable felicity of such a Companion for Life.
If a Button Maker becomes a Button at last; the Lord knows what I am to be: A Newspaper I fear. I had rather be anything else. You are infinitely better off, if you are to become Sydenhams and Rushes Works. Oh! what would I not give to be a Sydenham or a Rush in Preference to being a Newspaper Writer!
Your present employment is Patriotism and what is more and better Philanthropy: far superiour to mine. as I not only fear but believe. In my Line I fear it is impossible to do any good. I hope I shall do no harm. Adieu.
J. Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Joseph Ward, 27 September 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Ward, Joseph

Dear Sir
Quincy Septr. 27. 1809

Your Letters are a Cordial to me. I am glad to know that one Man of Sense has read my Correspondence as they call it.
Hamilton was indeed a most fortunate and a most unfortunate Man. He had Talents and insinuating qualities; but he was a crafty designing Man with more Ambition than Principle, more Enterprize than Judgment.
I am very glad they have republished his Pamphlet. I intended to have proposed it, that it might be more generally known. It is my best Document. He has given publicity to things that would not have been believed from me. Indeed Some things that I Should never have known without it. The Pamphlet was industriously circulated among his Friends although they were ashamed of it.
The Partiality for England which you and I observe among Public Men, does not proceed merely as I conceive from our extensive Commercial Connections: but from an Ambition to monopolyze the government of this Country by means of British Influence. This Object has been in View and this System Steadily, but under Cover, pursued from the Peace of 1783: and there is a Party in every State possessed of Great Wealth and Some talents, closely combined in this Plan. It will be very difficult to resist them but they must be counteracted.
My Sentiments So entirely coincide with yours in the whole of your Letter that I need not enlarge. It gives me great Satisfaction to find that We So fully agree in Facts Principles and Systems. Nothing I meet with gives me more Confidence than your Letters and therefore you will give great pleasure by continuing them as often as possible to your Friend & Servant

J. Adams


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 29 September 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

					Sirs,
					Quincy, September 29, 1809.

				1781, February 1st—wrote to Congress: “One of
the most brilliant events which has yet been produced by
the American revolution, is the followingTREATY OF MARINE,Concluded at Copenhagen, the 28th of June, 1780, Old
Style, between her Majesty the Empress of Russia, and
his Majesty the King of Denmark and of Norway, for
the maintenance of the liberty of neutral mercantile navigation, and in which his Majesty the King of Sweden,
as well as their High Mightinesses the States General of
the United Provinces have taken part and acceded, and
which has been signed respectively at St. Petersburg,
the 21st of July, 1780, and the 5th of January, 1781.As by the war by sea, which has actually broken out,
between Great Britain on one side, and France and Spain
on the other, the commerce and the navigation of neutral
powers suffer considerable damages, her Majesty the Empress of Russia and his Majesty the King of Denmark and
of Norway, in consequence of their assiduous attention,
to unite their proper dignities and their cares for the safety
and well being of their subjects; and from the regard
that they have so often testified for the rights of nations
in general; have found it necessary, in the present circumstances, to determine their conduct according to these
sentiments.Her Majesty the Empress of Russia has, by her declaration dated the 28th of February, 1780, to the belligerent
powers, exposed to light, in the face of all Europe, the
fundamental principles which spring from the original
law of nations, which she claims and which she adopts, as
a rule of her conduct in the present war. As this attention of the Empress to watch over the reciprocal rights of
nations, has united the suffrages of all the neutral powers,
so she has engaged herself in it, as an affair which concerns
the most essential of her interests, and she has carried it
to that length, that we may seriously consider it as a subject worthy of the times present and to come; considering
that it is to bring into one system and establish permanently the rights, prerogatives and engagements of neutrality.
His Majesty the King of Denmark and Norway, convinced of these principles,  has likewise established and demanded them, in the declaration of the 8th of July, 1780,
which he has caused to be presented, as well as that of
Russia, to the belligerent powers; and to give them support, he has caused to be equipped a part of his fleet.—From hence has arisen the harmony and unanimity with
which her Majesty the Empress of Russia, and his Majesty
the King of Denmark and Norway, have judged it necessary, by a reciprocal friendship and confidence, and conformably to the interests of their subjects, to confirm these
common engagements, to be concluded by a formal convention. In this view, their said Imperial and Royal Majesties have chosen and named for their plenipotentiaries,
viz. her Majesty the Empress of Russia, Mr. Charles Van
Osten, named Saken, present counsellor of state, knight
of the order of St. Anne, minister plenipotentiary of her
said Majesty at the court of Denmark, &c. &c. and his
Majesty the King of Denmark and Norway, Mr. Otton
Comte De Thott, privy counsellor, knight of the order of the Elephant, &c. Mr. Joachim Otton de Schack Revent Law, privy counsellor, knight of the order of the
Elephant, &c. Mr. Jean Henry d’Eichstedt, privy counsellor, governor of his Royal Highness the Hereditary Prince,
knight of the order of the Elephant, &c. and Mr. Andre
Pierre, Comte de Bernsdorff, privy counsellor, secretary of
state in the department of foreign affairs, director of the
Royal German Chancery, and knight of the order of the
Elephant, &c. who, after having exchanged their full
powers, which are found in good and due form, have
agreed and resolved on the articles following.Article 1. That their said Majesties have sincerely resolved to maintain constantly the most perfect friendship
and concord with the powers actually engaged in the war,
and to observe the most scrupulous neutrality; that they
declare, in consequence, to hold themselves exactly to
this, that the prohibition to carry on any commerce of
contrabande, with the powers actually at war, or with
those who may in the sequel be engaged in it, shall be
strictly observed by their subjects.2. To avoid all error and misunderstanding, concerning
the subject of the name of contrabande, her Majesty the
Empress of Russia, and his Majesty the King of Denmark and
Norway, declare, that they acknowledge only, as effects
of contrabande, those which are comprehended in the
treaties subsisting between the said courts and one or other
of the belligerent powers.—Her majesty the Empress of
Russia conforms herself entirely to the tenth and eleventh
articles of her treaty of commerce with Great Britain;
and extends also the engagements of this treaty, which
are entirely founded upon natural law, to the crowns of
France and Spain, which at the date of the present convention, have no treaty of commerce with her empire.
His majesty the King of Denmark and Norway conforms
himself, on his part, principally to the second article of
his treaty of commerce with Great Britain; and to the
26th and 27th articles of his treaty of commerce with
France; and extends also the engagements of this latter
to Spain, considering that he has not with his last crown
any treaty which determines any conditions on this subject.3. As by this means the contrabande is determined
and fixed, conformably to special treaties and conventions
subsiding between the high contracting parties, and the
belligerent powers; and principally in the treaty between
Russia and Great Britain, of the 20th of June, 1766; as
well as by that between Denmark and Great Britain,
dated the 11th of July, 1670; and by that concluded
between Denmark, and France, the 23d of August, 1742;
the will and intention of her Russian Imperial Majesty
and his Majesty the King of Denmark and Norway, are,
that all other commerce shall be and remain free. Already their Majesties, in their declarations presented to
the belligerent powers, have grounded themselves upon
the general principles of the law of nature, from whence
are derived the liberty of commerce and of navigation, the
rights of neutral nations; and have resolved to depend
no longer upon the arbitrary interpretations that partial
advantages and momentary interests may dictate; in this
view they have agreed upon the following articles.Article 1. That it shall be lawful for every vessel to
navigate from one port to another, and upon the coasts of
the belligerent powers.Article 2. That the effects belonging to the subjects of
the belligerent powers, shall be free, upon neutral vessels,
except merchandizes of contrabande.Article 3. That to determine what ought to be held a
port blockaded: That alone can be considered as such,
in which the vessels which would enter shall be exposed
to an evident danger, by the force which with this view attacks it, and by its vessels, which shall have taken a station
sufficiently near.Article 4. That neutral vessels may only be stopped
for just causes, and upon evident proofs; that, without
loss of time, right shall be done them, and the proceedures
shall be always uniform, prompt and according to the
laws; and that, every time, besides reparation to those
who shall have suffered without cause, there shall also be
given a complete satisfaction for the insult committed
against the flag of their majesties.To the end to protect the general commerce of their
subjects, supported by the fundamental rules above laid
down, her majesty the Empress of all the Russias, and his
majesty the King of Denmark and Norway, have thought
fit, each one in particular, in order to obtain these ends,
to equip a proportional number of vessels of war and frigates. The squadron of each one of these respective
powers shall be stationed in a certain latitude, and shall
be employed in convoys, according to the exigency of
the case, in which the commerce and the navigation of each
nation may be.Article 5. If the merchant ships of one of the contracting powers, shall be in a part of the sea where the
ships of war of their own nation are not stationed, aud
for this reason cannot enjoy their protection; in that case,
the commander of the vessels of war of the other power,
being thereto required, shall grant them with good faith
and sincerity, the necessary assistance. And in this case,
the vessels of war and frigates of one of the two powers,
shall protect and support the merchant vessels of the other;
provided nevertheless, that under the shelter of the protection demanded, there be not exercised any prohibited
commerce, contrary to the laws adopted by the neutrality.Article 6. The present convention cannot be retroactive, and by consequence we cannot take part in differences which have arisen before its conclusion; at least if
these affairs do not concern violences which continue
still, and which tend to oppress all the neutral nations of
Europe.Article 7. If, in spite of the vigilant and friendly care
of the two powers, and the exact observation of the
neutrality on their part, the Russian or Danish merchant
vessels are insulted or taken by the vessels of war or privateers of one or the other of the belligerent powers; in
that case, the minister of the party offended shall make
representations to the court whose vessels of war or privateers shall have been guilty of this act; shall demand restitution of the vessel taken, and shall insist upon a suitable
reparation, without ever losing sight of the satisfaction for
the insult done to the flag. The minister of the other
contracting party shall second efficaciously and seriously
these representations, and shall thus continue them conjointly and unanimously: But if they refuse or put off
from time to time, to do right touching such grievances;
in this case, their majesties shall make reprisals against the
power which refuses to do them right, and shall unite
themselves forthwith, in the most efficacious measures for
this just reprisal.Article 8. If one or the other of the contracting powers, or both together, in virtue of this convention, or any
other which may be made, which may have relation to it,
are disturbed, molested, or attacked, it is agreed that the
two powers shall act in concert to defend themselves reciprocally, and to procure themselves, by united efforts,
an entire and satisfactory reparation, both for the insult
done to the flag, and for the loss caused to their subjects.Article 9. This convention is resolved and fixed for
all the time that the present war shall continue, and shall
serve as the basis of all the engagements which may be
contracted in the sequel, according to the circumstances
of the times, and upon occasion of new wars at sea, which
may unfortunately trouble the repose of Europe; besides
which, these conditions shall be regarded as subsisting,
and shall have a legal validity in the affairs both of commerce and of navigation, and in the determination of the
rights of neutral nations.Article 10. As the end and the principal motive of
this convention is to assure the general liberty of commerce and of navigation, her majesty the Empress of Russia, and his majesty the King of Denmark and of Norway agree and engage before hand to permit, that other
neutral powers accede to this convention, and by taking
cognizance of these principles, to partake also of the obligations and advantages of the said convention.Article 11. To the end that the belligerent powers may
not pretend a cause of ignorance of these said engagements, between the said courts, the high contracting parties will communicate in a manner the most friendly, to
all the belligerent powers, these measures in which they
have united; which measures are so much the less hostile, as they are not hurtful to any other power, but have
solely for their object, the safety of the commerce and of
the navigation of their respective subjects.Article 12. The present convention shall be ratified by
the two contracting parties, and the ratifications shall be
exchanged in good form, in the term of six weeks, to be
computed from the signatures, or even sooner, if it may
be. In faith of which, we have, in virtue of our full
powers, signed the present, and sealed it with our seals.Done at Copenhagen, the 19th of July, 1780.
(L.S.) Charles Van Osten, named Saken.(L.S.) I. Schack Rathlaw.(L.S.) A. P. Comte De bernsdorf.(L.S.) O. Thott.(L.S.) H. Eickstedt.The ratifications of this convention were exchanged at
Copenhagen, the 5-16 of September, 1780, by the same
ministers plenipotentiary who signed it; and as to this
end, the ministers plenipotentiary named to this purpose,
viz. on the part of her Imperial Majesty, Mr. Le Comte
Nikia Panin, actually privy counsellor, senator, chamberlain in exercise, and knight of the orders of St. Andrew,
St. Alexander Newsky and St. Ann, and Mr. Le Comte
John Osterman, vice chancellor, privy counsellor, and
knight of the orders of St. Alexander Newsky and St.
Ann; and on the part of his majesty the King of Sweden, Mr. Le Baron Frederick Van Nolken, envoy extraordinary of his Swedish Majesty at the court of her Imperial Majesty, chamberlain, commandant of the order of
the Polar Star, knight of the orders of the Sword and of
St. John, have signed, the 21st of July, 1780, at St. Petersburg, a similar convention, conceived in the same form,
and word for word of the same tenor with that signed at
Copenhagen, except the second article, in which the stipulations of contrabande being resolved and ratified, to
which they are to adhere, in consequence of treaties subsisting between the crown of Sweden and the other powers, we have to this purpose, to avoid the repetition of
what has been already said, added here literally the second article.We ought further to recollect that the two Kings, who
have joined in this affair to her Imperial Majesty, have acceded as principal contracting parties to the treaties concluded between her Imperial Majesty and the said courts,
and have signed with their own hands upon this subject,
on one part and on the other, an act which has been exchanged at St. Petersburg, by the ministry of her Imperial
Russian Majesty.Here follows the second article of the treaty concluded
and signed at St. Petersburg, the 21st of July, 1780, between her Imperial Majesty, and his Majesty the King of
Sweden.Article 2. To avoid all error and misunderstanding, on
the subject of the name of contrabande, her Imperial Majesty of Russia and his Majesty the King-of Sweden, declare, that they acknowledge only, as effects of contrabande, those which are contained in the treaties subsisting
between the said courts and one or other of the belligerent powers. Her Majesty the Empress of Russia conforms
herself in this entirely to the 10th and 11th articles of
her treaty of commerce with Great Britain, and extends
also the engagements of this treaty, which are founded
entirely on the law of nature, to the crowns of France
and Spain, which at the date of this convention have no
treaty of commerce with her empire. His Majesty the
King of Sweden refers himself principally on his part to
the 11th article of his treaty of commerce with Great
Britain, and to the tenor of the preliminary treaty of
commerce, concluded in the year 1747, between the
crown of Sweden and France; although in this last the
contents of contrabande are not expressly determined,
but that as the two powers have therein understood to
consider one another as Gentes Amicissimæ, and that as
Sweden has therein reserved the same advantages which
the Hanseatic cities enjoy in France, from the most remote times to the present; the advantages which are
comprehended in the treaty of Utrecht being confirmed,
the King has not found any thing necessary to be added.
With regard to Spain, the King finds himself in the same
case as the Empress, and after her example, he extends to
this crown the engagements of the said treaties, wholly
founded on natural law. Their High Mightinesses the
States General of the United Provinces of the Low Countries, have acceded, the 20th of November, 1780, upon
the same footing, to the said convention; and it has been
signed, the 5th of January, 1781, at St. Petersburg, only
with the addition of a13th Article, which, with relation to command, in case
of rencounter or combination of the squadrons and the
vessels of war of the two parties, there shall be observed,
what has been the usage, between crowned heads and the
republic.Amsterdam, February 2d, 1781—wrote to Mr. Dumas,
at the Hague: “Nalla dies, sine Limeâ,” said a great
geometrician; and you are so good an American, that
you will agree with me, that we ought to let no day or
hour pass, in which we can do any service to our country,
without embracing the opportunity. Such an occasion
is the present, when the popular affections, and even the
sentiments of men in power seem to be turning towards
America. When I landed in Spain, I was told by the
Vice Roy of Gallicia, that he had received orders from the
court of Madrid, to treat all Americans who should arrive within his government, as the best friends of Spain.
Would it not be wisdom and policy, as well as humanity,
for their High Mightinesses to imitate this example; and
to publish some permission to Dutch men of war, privateers, letters of marque, and even merchantmen, to carry
their prizes and cargoes into American ports, and to trade
with that country? And also some permission to American privateers and other vessels, to come freely into the ports of this republic; bring in their prizes, sell them,
and even have them condemned in the courts of Admiralty? What reasonable objection or argument can there
be against this?—What damage can it do the republic?
Cannot we contrive to have this suggested to all the
northern courts?By the 10th article of the treaty of alliance with France,
the Most Christian King and the United States agree to invite or admit other powers, who may have received injuries from England, to make common cause with them,
and to accede to that alliance, under such conditions as
shall be freely agreed to and settled between all the parties. Is not this a proper opportunity for Congress to
propose to the King of France to join in such an invitation to all the neutral powers, as we yet call them, though
it seems they are all within a hair’s breadth of being belligerent powers?1781, February 2d—wrote to Messieurs John De Neufville
and Son: “Having adjusted the form of the obligations
to be given in the proposed loan, nothing remains but to
agree upon the other terms, respecting the commission
to be allowed to your house, for receiving the money
from the lenders, and finally paying off and discharging
the obligations. I have had much conversation upon
this subject with several gentlemen of character and experience; and am advised that one per cent for paying
of the interest, and one per cent for paying off the principal finally to the lenders, is a just and reasonable allowance. This I am willing to allow. There is the affair of
brokerage, also, which will require some explanation between us. I should be glad if you would inform me how
much you expect to be allowed for brokerage, when you
engage and employ the broker? But there is one point
that I beg leave to reserve to myself and to any other
minister or agent, who may be sent here in my stead: it
is this, that I, while I stay, and my successor after me,
shall have a right to employ any broker that I or he may
choose, and whenever one or the other may think proper to dispose of the obligations, or as many of them as one or the other may see fit, and allow what brokerage we shall find necessary: the money, however, received upon them, to be paid into the hands of your house. I should be glad of your answer as soon as may be; and in the mean time, I have no further objection to your getting the form of the obligations and coupons translated into Dutch, and printed with all expedition.”In this place, a few words in explanation are necessary. Such was the dejection and despondency of the whole nation, that I was candidly told by all the gentlemen in whom I had any confidence, that a loan was desperate, except Mr. De Neufville, who was very confident that he could obtain a considerable sum, and was extremely importunate with me to open a loan in his house. That gentleman’s politeness and hospitality drew all Americans to his house, & he had made them believe that he could do much, if I would authorise him. I had spies enough upon me, from England, France, and America too, very ready to impute blame to me. Congress were constantly drawing upon me, and there was the utmost danger that their bills would be protested. If this event should happen, I knew that representations in private letters would go to America and to France, that this fatal calamity was wholly owing to my negligence and obstinacy in refusing to open a loan in Mr. De Neufville’s house. I thought it my duty, therefore, to try the experiment. It could do no harm, for we had certainly at that moment no credit to lose. The loan was opened, and all the industry, enterprise and credit of Mr. De Neufville, never disposed of more than five obligations, amounting to five thousand guilders, three thousand of which were lent by Mr. John Luzac, who had previously promised me to advance that sum whenever my loan should be opened, though it should be in the house of Mr. De Neufville. I was not disappointed, however, in the result, because I had absolutely no expectations.Amsterdam, February 4, 1781—wrote to Mr. Searle, at Paris: “I had the honor of your favor of the 24th of Jan. only yesterday. F. is indeed arrived here; but
I cannot learn that R. R. is. I have not been honored
with a visit, as yet, nor have I seen him.There is a courier arrived from Petersburg, who carried
the news of Sir Joseph Yorke’s leaving the Hague. All’s
well in the north.The spirit here waxes warmer. A new play is brought
upon the stage, called De Ruiter, in which the English
are treated as you would wish them, and every line in
which they are so, is applauded a tout rompre, that is, in
plain English, to make all split. I will observe your recommendation concerning Mr. Bromfield, who is still
here. I wish I were at Paris with you. It is more agreeable there than here, at present, as well as more healthy.If the Neutral Confederation should become belligerent,
would it not be a proper time for France and America
to join in proposing to the nations that compose it, to
acknowledge American independence?—There is an article in our treaty to this purpose. Dr. Franklin has
authority to treat with any power in Europe, at least the
commissioners had, and I suppose the dissolution of that
commission has not anulled the authority. I wish you
would converse with the Doctor upon the subject. If he
thinks he has not power, would it not be proper to write
to congress upon the subject if something of this kind
is not done, the northern powers may settle their war and
leave us still to fight it out. The article I refer to is the
tenth of the Treaty of Alliance.—“The Most Christian King
and the United States agree to invite or admit other powers, who may have received injuries from England to make
common cause with them, and to accede to that alliance
under such conditions as shall be freely agreed to and settled between all the parties.” Pray talk about this with
Mr. Dana. There never can be a more inviting opportunity than the present, to execute this article of the treaty.Amsterdam, Feb. 6, 1781—wrote to Mr. Dumas
at the Hague: “I have received your favours of the 3dd and 5th, with their inclosures, all in good order. I have
but one copy of the treaty of alliance, otherwise I would
send you one with pleasure. I am of your opinion, that
no propositions should be yet made to the States General
as a body: but hints and ideas may be suggested to individuals, in order to prepare men’s minds, by familiarizing
them with such speculations. There are critical moments, after which things go of themselves; but it is necessary to prepare things for a crisis, that every thing may
be ready when it arrives. The art of the midwife often
assists the birth and avoids fatal dangers in constitutions
by nature the most vigorous; and the whole corps diplomatic, with all their superb pomp, are but a company of
Grannies.Mr. Searle declares that congress gave me a commission
of Minister Plenipotentiary at the same time that they gave
Mr. Laurens his. But if Mr. Searle is not mistaken,
which I rather believe, the full powers to me, were omitted to be sent me, by some neglect. For I tell you candidly I have no other powers but a commission to borrow
money. As to Mr. Franklin’s power, the matter stands
thus. The three commissioners, at the court of Versailles,
Dr. Franklin, Mr. Arthur Lee and myself, had full power
by a resolution of congress, to treat and make a treaty of
commerce with any power in Europe. Whether the dissolution of that commission, anulls that full power, may
be a question. But the subsequent appointment of Mr.
Laurens, with full power to treat with the republic (if
Mr. Searle is right, and congress ever did give Mr. Laurens such a power) would, I suspect, be legally or diplomatically considered as a supersedeas of that authority
here. So that considering things candidly, I am afraid
there is nobody now in Europe, fully authorized to treat
with this republic, unless it be Mr. Laurens. The accessions of the nations which compose the neutral confederacy, to the treaty of alliance, would, however, be an
event so splendid and decisive for America that there is
not a doubt to be made, that congress would joyfully ratify it, in the first moment, whether it was made by Dr. Franklin or me, or even if it were made by the King of
France, without consulting either of us, provided it were
made upon equitable conditions.I find the people are alike in some particulars, in every
part of the world. This nation now flatters itself with
hopes of peace. They think that when England sees the
neutral confederation ready to go to war with her, she
will retract, beg pardon, change the ministry, make peace,
rise in arms against the ministry, &c. &c. &c.—Alas!
there will be no such thing. Great numbers of cannon
balls must fly before any thing of this kind happens. I
should have thought this cool, penetrating nation more
intimately acquainted with the English heart. The pride
of that people is infinite. Nine in ten of them fully and
firmly believe themselves able to fight and beat all the
maritime powers of the world. Their imaginations are
all on fire. They think of nothing but drowning Holland, sinking the whole Russian, Danish and Swedish
fleets, exhausting the finances of France and Spain; and
above all, they flatter themselves that the Americans love,
admire and adore them so much, that they will very soon
very humbly implore their King to take them under his
Majesty’s most gracious protection without even making a
condition.—No, Sir! National combinations, political arrangements, and magnificent parade will not overawe the
English in their present state of intoxication. Nothing
but hard blows, taking their fleets of merchant ships,
and taking, sinking and burning their men of war will
bring them to reason. Nor this neither, until it is carried
to such a length, as to deprive such numbers of people of
their subsistence as to make them rise in outrages against
the government. I am sorry that things must go to such
an extremity, but I have not the least doubt that they
will.

					John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 6 October 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

					Sirs,
					Quincy, October 6, 1809.

				AMSTERDAM, February 7th, 1781—wrote to Congress: “By the tenth article of the treaty of alliance with France, the Most Christian King and the United States agree to invite or admit other powers who may have received injuries from England, to make common cause with them, and to accede to that alliance, under such conditions as shall be freely agreed to, and settled between all the parties.” According to present appearances, in a few weeks, Russia, Denmark, Sweden and Holland, the nations that form the neutral confederation, will be at war with England, and the first moments of warmth and enthusiasm occasioned by this rupture, will be the most favorable for France and the United States to join in an invitation to all those powers to accede to that alliance. At present, it is a great question whether there is any person now in Europe legally authorised to treat with any power, except France and Spain. It is true, that the commissioners at the court of Versailles, had formerly, by a resolution of Congress, which I believe was inserted in the commission, which I had the honor to carry over to France, in 1778, authority to treat with any power in Europe. But it may now be justly questioned whether the dissolution of that commission has not dissolved that power. In order to remove all doubt, I submit to the consideration of Congress, whether it would not be proper to give a formal commission to some person or other, to treat with these powers, and Prussia too.I am very sorry that I have it not in my power to give Congress more favorable intelligence on the subject of a loan. I am ashamed to say that I have not been able, with all the solicitations that decency would countenance, either to persuade an house to undertake a loan, or a broker to negociate it. The dread of doing any thing which should give a color of complaint to England, or of furnishing the opposite party with a pretence to charge any one with directly or indirectly causing a war, has been such, that no man dared to undertake any thing. Even at this moment, there are so many hopes of peace, and so many solicitudes about being supported by Russia, Sweden, and Denmark, that every thing moves very heavily. I am asked every day, with great anxiety, have you power to make a treaty with us? I answer no—I have not—I have only power to negociate a loan. I am told that by beginning my negociation for a loan, without going to the States General first, and the Prince of Orange, at least, without its being known that I have a commission to treat with them, I shall spoil my affair. I believe this to be true, but I cannot help it. I must obey the orders of Congress, and bills of exchange will soon become payable. I shall, therefore, try the experiment with little hopes of success. I can say no more than this, that Congress may depend upon it, they never will obtain a loan for any considerable sum of money, until they have a minister here. If a minister is not sent, this nation, after what has passed, will be disgusted. It is certainly ill policy to neglect a nation which is more likely than any other to be affectionately attached to us, as they are the centre of the commerce of the world; as they are lovers of liberty, though the form of their government cannot be said to be absolutely free; and as they are of the Protestant religion. Whether Congress will think proper to give the same minister power to represent them in this republic and the other powers of the maritime confederation, or whether they will send a minister to the Empress of Russia, with authority to treat with all the others, giving at the same time a commission to another to reside here, or whether they will send a minister to each of the maritime powers, I must submit to their wisdom.I have, this day, the honor of a letter from Mr. Lovel, dated the 12th of December, 1780, enclosing a resolution of Congress, of the same day, which does me great honor. I shall continue to do every thing in my power to honor the bills that have been drawn, and that I have accepted, or may accept; but with very imperfect hopes of success, without the assistance of Mr. Franklin, or a power to treat upon political subjects, and obtaining the countenance of the states. At present I have no such power, and it would only make matters worse, if I were to ask any countenance from government. Most of the bills of the 6th of June, have appeared and been accepted by me, upon the consent of Mr. Franklin to pay them, if I cannot. No others have as yet arrived. When they do, I must again apply to Dr. Franklin. If he cannot engage to pay them, I shall be obliged, for what I see at present, to let them be protested for non-acceptance, for it would certainly be better to have them protested, than to have the agent for Congress engaged for them, unable to pay them, sent to prison, or declared bankrupt. I hope, however, that nothing so disagreeable will happen. I hope that Mr. Franklin will obtain of France enough to pay them. There is a firm confidence here, that they will be paid some way or other; for it is certain there are no bills in better credit, or greater demand. They will fetch goods or money at any time, and of almost any person.—This is a great consolation to me, and an excellent symptom for the public.”Amsterdam, February 8th,1781—wrote to Mr. Dana, at Paris: “I had yesterday the pleasure of receiving two letters from you:  one dated Feb. 1, and one without a date, written, as I suppose, the day before. With these I received the packets; but there are in them no letters from my wife. The resolution of Congress of the 12th of December, gives me great pleasure, as it proves that we had the good fortune to be possessed of the true principles of Congress, and to enter fully into their views in the resolutions of last March, respecting the paper money; but I cannot recollect what were the two papers in the duplicate, more than in the original. I assure you, sir, I have not had more satisfaction in the resolution than in the affectionate manner in which Mr. Lovel and you have communicated it to me. I am prepared in my own mind to receive from Congress resolutions of a different nature; but of these we will say nothing until we see them.—[The resolutions here meant as expected, were resolutions of recal, or at least of censure, upon the petulant and groundless complaint of Vergennes.]I must beg of you to send me a key to the cyphers:  the letters are wholly unintelligible for want of one.I see by the journal of Congress, that we are authorised to accede to the principles of the Empress of Russia; but I find no commission for that purpose, nor any resolution of Congress, authenticated by the secretary or the committee. Will you talk withandandabout what is proper to be done?All accounts from all parts of America shew that a great spirit reigns triumphant. A vigor, an elasticity, appears in all its parts, notwithstanding the croaking of,of, and of. The last has been here, and gone away without doing me the honor of a visit. The repulse of Rodney and Vaughan is a grand stroke; a balance for five or six Jersey affairs. All things in all quarters conspire to shew that the English will have their fill of glorious war.—Gillon’s hour of sailing is uncertain—Not for a long time, I fear. Do you learn any thing of Davis’s arrival or capture, or loss? If I had a commission as minister here, I verily believe I could borrow money:  without it, no man ever will, in any considerable quantity.”Same day, Feb. 8—wrote to Mr. Searle: “Yesterday I was honored with your’s of the 1st of February. I agree with you, that affairs look very well at home; but what shall we do with the croakers? Is it that these wretches are merely superficial? Or do they only want to magnify their merit, in being faithful to so difficult a cause? Or are they Arnoldized? However, I have had so long experience of many of these grunting grumbletonians, that I do not suspect treason when I hear them sigh and groan.Chesapeake Bay is a fine trap. Our allies will help to catch a grand flock of vultures there, by and by. I suspect they will all fly there and to Charleston soon, from New-York.Congress are ameliorating every thing. Their economy will save have half the expenses of the war. I wish they had redeemed the bills at seventy for one. I do not, however, like the penalty which Pennsylvania has laid for taking the paper at less than silver. All attempt of this kind will be eluded and found vain. I am a mortal enemy to all embargoes, regulations of prices, or violent endeavors to preserve the credit of paper. They do no good, but a great deal of hurt. I fancy that American grain will be in demand, and Europe must convoy it home, or starve. Vermont will plague us a little.—I expect to hear that one or two there, are Arnoldized. It is a piece of policy exactly equal to the British geniuses at this day, to bribe four or five fellows there, with a little gold and a great many fine promises that they shall enjoy their lands under the British government. But it will end in the flight of these Devils A L’Arnoldaise.—However, England must have a series of tricks and pranks to keep up the spirit of the poor mob.”Same day, Feb. 8—wrote to Mr. Dumas, (after inserting a copy of the resolutions of Congress upon my letter of the 10th of April, 1780.) “Thus you see that I began the mischief, and I assure you I am ready to finish it, if properly invited, and a very little invitation will do. I am extremely pleased with the modesty of the resolutions of Congress upon the subject, and not less so with the sublime language in which a young poetical genius first expressed his feelings in his motion. This motion and the resolution set off one another. Pray, sir, give me your opinion whether it is advisable for me to take any steps in the business at present. I think it will be proper to publish it, & if you are of the same opinion, you will oblige me by having the whole extract printed as it is; because I am very ambitious of the honor of having occasioned such fine compliments to the Empress, and the display of so much simple wisdom in Congress. We have an abundance of news from America, all of which you will see in the public papers, as soon as you will receive this. All is well still in America.”Amsterdam, Feb. 9—wrote to“I have this day the honor of your’s of the 5th. It would be unwise in Congress to neglect any effort to induce other powers of Europe to acknowledge our independence; and therefore, I am fully of opinion, that at least one minister should be sent to treat with the maritime powers, or rather the Neutral Union. For these powers will all acknowledge our independence at once, and none of them will do it separately. But Spain is an horrid obstacle to every other court’s taking this step. Spain, which is more interested in it even than France, hesitates; and Jay is hung up there, as I am here, an object of ridicule. Congress will not exhibit more of these objects than are necessary. Every body shakes his head, and cries, why don’t Spain acknowledge your independence? I know the reason very well, but I cannot tell it. I think that reason equally impolitic and ungenerous. But how can we help it?”Although prudence forbad my explaining “the reason” at that time, there is no necessity of concealing it now. I then believed, and I still believe, that the policy of the Count de Vergennes, which exerted all its resources through the Duke de la Vauguion, at the Hague, to embarrass me, and through the Marquis of Verac, to obstruct Mr. Dana at Petersburg, was employed at Madrid, through the Count Montmorin, to retard Mr. Jay; for his fundamental and universal principle appeared to be to keep us entirely dependent on France.Amsterdam, Feb. 12th, 1781—wrote to Mr. Dumas: “I have received yours of the 9th and 10th of this month. The resolution of Congress is printed and published in their journal, and of course in all the American newspapers, and all the other newspapers of the world. Congress have a secret journal, in which they enter every thing that they mean to keep secret; and a public journal, which is printed every day. Whatever is inserted in this, Congress mean and intend shall be made known immediately to all the world. Accordingly, whatever any European novelist can find in this journal, is free booty. It was necessary, moreover, that this resolution should be published in Europe without loss of time, for the government of American frigates, privateers & letters of marque, who, before this resolution, did not hold themselves bound by the armed neutrality, any more than Spain does now towards Denmark. Again, a publication of it here was all the use that could consistently be made of it, at present, as I have not received any authenticated copy of the resolution, other than the journal.I know not the motives which Mr. De Neufville had, in inviting you to Amsterdam, unless it was for the sake of good company, which is motive enough. I am now very busy in finishing my plan of a loan. When it is done, I will go to Leyden, and either wait on you at the Hague, or ask the favor of you to meet me at Leyden. I have it not in my power at present to do any thing more than Mr. Franklin has done, that is, refer you to Congress respecting the subject of money [i. e. the payment of his pension]—I think, however, it will not be long before some body or other will have power to decide upon that matter here.Pray, have you a cypher from Mr. Lovel? I have a long letter from him, which is absolutely unintelligible to me, for want of his cypher."


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 6 October 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

					Sirs,
					Quincy, October 6, 1809.

				AMSTERDAM, Feb. 15, 1781—wrote to Dr. Franklin: “This morning the house of Botereau & Co. of this city, presented to me sixty-six bills of exchange drawn by Congress, on the 26th day of October last, in favor of Nathaniel Tracy, of Newburyport, amounting to the sum of ten thousand pounds sterling, payable at ninety days sight.I was obliged to ask the favor of the house to wait until I could write to your excellency, to see if you can furnish the funds to discharge these bills. Without your warranty, they must be protested; for I have not yet obtained a single ducat, nor any certain assurances of one. I have at length fixed my plan, and when it shall be made certain that the war with England is to continue, the prospectus will be published, and the experiment tried. Some persons think I shall get some money; but there is no certainty of it. If this people should make peace with England, which they will if they can, we shall get no money at all. I think, however, that a peace is impossible, and therefore am not without hopes of borrowing some money. I must request the honor of your excellency’s answer by the return of post; because at that time, Mr. Botereau will expect an answer from me.”Amsterdam, February —, 1781—wrote to Mr. Bicker: “Your questions to me to day, have induced me to communicate to you, in confidence, a copy of my commission. You see that I have not the title of Ambassador, nor of Minister Plenipotentiary, by virtue of this commission, nor have I in express words, power to make a treaty of amity and commerce, much less a treaty of alliance offensive and defensive. My power is to negociate a loan. But it may be negociated with any person or persons, bodies politic and corporate, and the Congress promises in good faith to ratify and confirm whatever shall be done by me in the premises, or relating thereto. Dr. Franklin, Mr. Deane and Mr. Lee, who made a treaty of amity and commerce, and another of alliance offensive and defensive with the King of France, had not by their commission the title of ambassadors, nor of ministers plenipotentiary. Now if it is necessary to make a treaty in order to obtain a loan, I suppose I have the power to do it, and accordingly I would readily enter into conferences upon the subject, and if we could agree upon the terms, one article of which should be a loan, I would not hesitate to execute a treaty, and I should have no doubt of the ratification of Congress. You have, however, a copy of my commission, and you may judge for yourself how extensive the powers are, which it contains. I have no objection to your shewing it to such person or persons as you think proper, in confidence.”At this time I gave up my lodgings at Amsterdam, and removed to Leyden, where on the 25th of February, 1781, I received from the President of Congress the following letter:Philadelphia, Jan. 1, 1781.“Sir—You will receive herewith enclosed, a commission as minister plenipotentiary to the United Provinces of the Low Countries, with instructions for your government on that important mission, as also a plan of a treaty with those States; and likewise a resolve of Congress relative to the Declaration of the Empress of Russia, respecting the protection of neutral ships, &c.Proper letters of credence on the subject of your mission, will be forwarded by the next conveyance; but it is thought inexpedient to delay the present dispatches on that account. I have the honor to be, with the highest respect and esteem, sir, your most obedient and most humble servant,Samuel Huntington, President.The Hon. John Adams, Esq.”With this letter I received my commission as minister plenipotentiary to their High Mightinesses, dated the 29th day of December, 1780; and the resolution of Congress of the 5th of October, 1780, authorising their ministers to accede to the armed neutrality, both of which documents you have already printed in the Patriot—Soon after the receipt of them, I returned to Amsterdam, and took lodgings again in the City Tavern.Arms of Amsterdam, March 1, 1781—wrote to Mr. Bicker: “I received your letter at Leyden, enclosing the copy I had the honor to send you, and thank you for your judgment of its extent and import.I have now the honor to inform you, that on my return to Amsterdam, the 25th of February, I received a letter from Congress, enclosing another commission, in proper form, containing full powers to treat with their High Mightinesses, and to conclude and sign a treaty. I received also authority to accede to the principles of the armed neutrality.I should now be still more obliged by your candid opinion of what is the best course for me to pursue.”Same day, March 1—wrote to Mr. Dumas: “The letters I received at Leyden, obliged me to leave you sooner than I intended; but I shall soon see you again at the Hague. I have received important dispatches from Congress, upon which I want your advice. I hope it is no bad news. You will say nothing; reflect well upon the times, and be prepared to answer me serious questions upon public affairs.—Nothing personal, nor selfish, nor little. I shall see you in the course of next week, if nothing turns up to prevent it, which I do not foresee. Raise not your expectations too high. Remember Nil Admirari.”I soon returned to Leyden, and determined to begin by communicating the resolution of Congress to the ambassadors of the neutral courts; first to that from Russia.Leyden, March 8, 1781—“Sir, I have lately received from Congress, as one of their ministers plenipotentiary, their resolution of the 5th of October last, relative to the rights of neutral vessels, a copy of which I do myself the honor to enclose to your excellency, as the representative of one of the high contracting parties to the marine treaty lately concluded, concerning this subject. As I am fixed by my duty, for the present, to this part of Europe, I have no other way of communicating this measure of Congress to the northern courts but by the favor of their ministers in this republic, I must therefore request of your excellency, if there is no impropriety in it, to transmit the resolution to the minister of foreign affairs of her Imperial Majesty.Your excellency will permit me to add, that I should esteem myself very fortunate to be the instrument of pledging in form the faith of the U. States of America, to a reformation in the maritime law of nations, which does so much honor to the present age. I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect and consideration, sir, your excellency’s most obedient and most humble servant,John Adams.His Excellency the Prince de Gallietzin, Minister Plenipotentiary of her Majesty the Empress of Russia, at the Hague.”“Leyden, March 8, 1781.“Sir—I have received from Congress, as one of their Ministers Plenipotentiary, their resolution of the 5th of October last, relative to the rights of neutral vessels, a copy of which I do myself the honor to enclose to your excellency, as minister of one of the high contracting
parties to the marine treaty lately concluded, concerning this subject.As I have no other way of communicating this measure of Congress to the northern courts, but by favor of their ministers in this republic, I must request your excellency to transmit it to the minister of foreign affairs of his Majesty the King of Sweden.Permit me to add, that I should think myself very happy to be the means of engaging, in form, the faith of the United States of America, to the observance of a treaty which forms an epocha in the history of commerce, and must have consequences so beneficial to mankind.I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect and consideration, sir, your excellency’s most obedient and most humble servant,John Adams.His Excellency the Baron D’Ehrenswerd,
Envoy of his Majesty the King of Sweden,
at the Hague.”“Leyden, March 8, 1781.“Sir—I have received, as Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States of America, a resolution of Congress of the 5th of October last, relative to the rights of neutral vessels, a copy of which I do myself the honor to enclose to your excellency, as the minister of one of the high contracting parties to the marine treaty lately concluded, concerning this subject.As I have no other way of communicating this measure of Congress to the northern courts, but by favor of their ministers here, I must request your excellency to transmit it to the minister of foreign affairs of his Majesty the King of Denmark.Your excellency will give me leave to add, that I should esteem it a very high honor to be the means of engaging, in form, the faith of the United States to the observance of regulations of so much importance to a free communication by sea, between all nations. With the greatest respect and consideration, &c.John Adams.His Excellency the Baron De St. Saphorin,
Envoy of his Majesty the King of Denmark, at the Hague.”MEMORIALTo their High Mightinesses the States General of the United Provinces of the Low Countries.High and Mighty Lords,The subscriber, a Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States of America, has the honor to lay before your High Mightinesses, as one of the high contracting parties to the marine treaty lately concluded, relative to the rights of neutral vessels, a resolution of Congress of the 5th of October last, concerning the same subject.As the American revolution furnished the occasion of a reformation in the maritime law of nations, of so much importance to a free communication among mankind by sea, the subscriber hopes it may not be thought improper, that the United States should become parties to it, entitled to its benefits, and subjected to its duties. To this end, the subscriber has the honor of requesting that the resolution of Congress may be taken into the consideration of your High Mightinesses, and transmitted to the courts of Russia, Sweden and Denmark—The subscriber begs leave to subjoin, that he should esteem it one of the most fortunate events of his life, if this proposition should meet with the approbation of your High Mightinesses and the other powers who are parties to the neutral confederation, and he be admitted as the instrument of pledging the faith of the United States, to the observance of regulations which do so much honor to the present age.John Adams.The Hague, 8th March, 1781.”“Leyden, March 8, 1781.“Sir—I have the honor to enclose a copy of a resolution of Congress of the 5th of October last; and to inform your excellency, that I have this day communicated it to their High Mightinesses the States General of the United Provinces, and to the Ministers of the Courts of Russia, Sweden and Denmark, at the Hague.Your excellency will permit me to hope for your concurrence, as there may be occasion, in support of this measure; and to assure you of the great respect and consideration with which I have the honor to be, sir, your excellency’s most obedient and most humble servant,John Adams.His Excellency the Duke De la Vauguion, Ambassador of France, at the Hague.”“Leyden, March 8, 1781.“Sir—I have the honor to enclose a resolution of Congress of the 5th of October last, and to inform you that I have this day communicated it to their High Mightinesses the States General, and to the ministers of Russia, Sweden and Denmark, at the Hague. With the greatest respect, I have the honor to be, sir, your most obedient and most humble servant,John Adams.Mr. M. Van Berckel, First Counsellor
Pensionary os the city of Amsterdam.”“Leyden, March 8, 1781.“Sir—I have the honor to enclose a resolution of Congress of the 5th of October last, and to acquaint you that I have this day communicated it to their High Mightinesses the States General, and to their excellencies the ministers of the courts of Russia, Sweden and Denmark, at the Hague. With great respect, I have the honor to be, sir, your most obedient and most humble servant,John Adams.Mr. Visser, Counsellor Pensionary of the
city of Amsterdam, at the Hague.”These papers I sent to Mr. Dumas, at the Hague, to be all delivered with his own hand, an office with which he was extremely delighted, because as he said it enabled him “a commencer a jour un Rlle publique.”Leyden, March 8th, 1781—wrote to Mr. Dumas: “Dear sir, I send you the letters. If any thing is necessary to be added to the Memorial, before the signature, you will be so good as to add it. I should be obliged to you for a line by the bearer, in return, and the news, if any. My first demarche, you see, is on the Prince’s birth day, which
is, no doubt, a good omen, both to his Highness and your servant. You will please to put a wafer under the seals.”

					John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 8 October 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

My dear Sir
Quincy October 8. 1809

Bacon the great Bacon was fond of Paradoxes. What could The Old Hunks mean by Great Men having neither Ancestors nor Posterity? Was not Isaac the son and Jacob the Grand son and Joseph the Great Grandson of Abraham? Was not Julius Cæsar the Posterity of the Anchises and Eneas? Was not King William the Posterity of the Great William Prince of orange and of the still greater Admiral Coligni? Was not William Pitt, a great soul surely, the son of Chatham? And Richard the Son of Benjamin I hope will be as great a Man as his Father.—But my Muse Sobrius Esto.
Be pleased to present my kind Thanks to Mr Rush for the Present of his Pamphlet which I have read with great and sincere Pleasure. It is very well written: and with a degree of Candour Moderation and Modesty which is very uncommon at his Age and with his fire. His Argument is every Way unanswerable and if it has not a great Effect in Pensilvania I am greatly mistaken in my Conjectures. The Arbitration Law is so completely absurd that Party and Faction powerful as they are cannot long Support it. Mrs Adams has read it and with so much Approbation that she has read it over again to her Children and Grand Children. She thinks it one of the best Pamphlets she ever read.
Your State of Pensilvania does great Injury to the Union by her Strange Conduct. If she goes on as she has done, she will ultimately ruin the Cause of Republicanism and produce its Division of the Union. You claim for her the Merit of sending back the Tea ships and she has had great merit on several occasions. But her Conduct has been So anomalous her March so much by Fits and Starts, that the rest of the Union knows not the Motives or Principles that govern her, nor when it is Safe to depend upon her.
I am as ever yours

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from William Bentley, 10 October 1809
From: Bentley, William
To: Adams, John

To John Adams, the late President of the United States.
Sir,Salem 10 October 1809

Last evening I received with great pleasure your request for an explanation of a note left at Quincy.
Having been in the habit for many years of receiving from Mr Endicott a portion of the Endicot Pears, & being desirous to honour the man, who above all others, deserved the name of the Father of New England, I concluded, in passing, I should be accepted, if, in the reverence of my heart, I paid my respects & gave the highest expression in my power. That the information I gave in the note is correct I have no doubt, after an examination of many years. The substance of the evidence is, that the tree is near the site of the first mansion of the Governour, & the land & tree have been always, & now are the property of his direct heirs, being now in possession of Mr John Endicott, nearly fourscore years of age & of the sixth generation. To ascertain its age, near it stood a Dial which was fixed upon a pedestal, which the Governor said, bore the age of the Tree. That Dial has been for years in my possession. It is in Copper, Square, horizontal, 3 inches, a very fair impression, & in the highest order. It was marked “William Bowyer, London, Clockmaker, fecit.” “I. 1630, E.” the Initials of the Governour’s name. On the Gnomon, on one side “Lat. 42.” & on the other, “Salem.” In August last, Aug. 8. 1809 died Elizabeth Endicott aged 91 & her Brother born in 1711 is still living. Her family had grants at the same time with Gov: Endicott. The persons known to me knew those who knew Gov: Endicott. The consent leaves no doubt in my mind. Gov: Endicott came to Salem in 1728, his farm still retains his name. Opposite to him, the King’s Forester, Mr: Rial was ordered to settle & the name “Rial’s side” is still retained. In 1732 Gov: Endicott secured his title to his Lands from the Colonial Government. I will transcribe the confirmation of the Grant of the Homestead, so called.
At a Court holden at Boston July, 3. 1632.
“There is a Neck of Land, lying about three Miles from Salem containing about 300 acres of Land, granted to Capt John Endicott, to enjoy to him & his heirs forever, called in the Indian tongue,
Wahgquamesuck, in English, Birchwood, bounded on the Southern Side with a river called in the Indian Tongue,
Locwamapimissett, commonly called ‘the Cow house river,’ bounded on the north side with a river called in the Indian Tongue,
Conamatsqnooncant, commonly called ‘The Duck river’ bounded on the east with a river leading up to the two former rivers, which is called in the Indian Tongue,
Orkhussant, otherwise known by the name of Woolston River, bounded on the west by the main land.” This is the Farm.
In 1796, I visited the Govr’s Farm, with an Italian painter, with the purpose of taking from the Original painting of the Govr a likeness, as the family picture, three quarter length was in the family apartment, & nearly defaced, & at that time I made the following remarks upon what I saw & heard, & I transmit them as they stand in my Day Book.
“In searching for the site of the Gov: Mansion, we found that the house was gone before the memory of any person now living, the present house being upon higher ground, northwardly. The place of the Cellar is distinctly to be seen. It is upon the descent of a conical hill, facing southwardly. Behind it the family say, was a building for the family servants, & for domestic labours, the place of which is now to be seen. There is a fine prospect in front, & a gentle descent to a small creek in which the Gov: kept his shallop. Tradition says, there was a walk to this landing place covered with trees & grapevines, so thick that a person might pass unobserved. This place was called the Gov:’s Orchard, of which only one tree is left, & that near the House. It now bears the name of the Endicott Pear, but in the family, the Sugar Pear, & this is the tree which stood not far behind the Dial, & has its age reported from it. It is in front of the Site of the House & rises in three trunks from the Ground, & is considerably high. It is much decayed within at bottom, which gives it the appearance of three trunks, but the branches at top are sound.”
Such were my remarks in 1796, when I noticed the tree for my own gratification, & every year, my friend Mr Endicot sends me my portion of the several bushels which this tree continues to bear every year. In regard to the natural history, no difficulty can arise, as the Apple is often engrafted on the pear, the other species of the pyrus, to profit from its durability. The opinion on the subject will be found ingeniously stated in the fourth edition of J. Evelyn’s works fl Lond. 1706. And in this edition are collected all the best communications reflecting fruits trees then known: In Book Third, Cap III. p. 116 of his D. on Forest Trees, you will find, that the Calculation on the age of Pear Trees is for 1000 years. And notice is taken of the Pear Tree in Ross, Herefordshire, which will justify it. And Mr E. observes, “There you see the Fruit Trees well ordered may live a 1000 years & bear fruit, & the longer, the more, the greater, & the better, & refers to Dr Beal, who proves that Old Trees bud & blossom sooner, & more plentifully.” I need only refer to that curious work & to Beale, Neile, Newbury, Smith, Taylor, Collwall, Cock, Hamner, & others, on Cider in that work.
I have been very desirous of preserving the Good & Great men of Massachusetts & of our Country, as well as men eminent among us. If at any time my friends could discover to me any portraits of such persons I have been much indebted to them.
I have the four patriotic Old Charter Governours.
Endicot, Winthrop, Leverett, & Bradstreet.,& the Cookes
The Mass. fathers of our Independance.
John Adams, S. Adams. Hancock.
The Ministers of Salem, Higginson, Curwin, & also H. Peters of Boston & the vicinity the Four Mathers, & some late persons.
Mr Curwen the First Eminent Merchant of Salem & Mast of House  the  150 years ago is .
The Four Presidents &c & above a 1000 engravings.
The portraits of the Seventeenth Century are of high value, if they regard Massachusetts.
With every sentiment of personal respect, & with the ardour of national affection, I am, Sir your devoted Sevt
William Bentley