Title: Proposed Portuguese-American Treaty of Commerce, 25 April 1786
From: Adams, John
To:

       [25 April 1786]

      Editorial Note
      There were three attempts in the mid-1780s to negotiate a Portuguese-American commercial treaty; all failed, and only the third resulted in a final treaty ready for signature. The first was undertaken by Benjamin Franklin in 1783, and although he submitted a draft treaty to Congress after negotiations with Vicente, Conde de Sousa Coutinho, the Portuguese ambassador to France, the effort came to nothing when Congress took no action (Franklin, PapersThe Papers of Benjamin Franklin, ed. Leonard W. Labaree, William B. Willcox, Claude A. Lopez, Barbara B. Oberg, Ellen R. Cohn, and others, New Haven, 1959– ., 40:123–132, 360–361). The second effort began following the 1784 creation of the joint commission to negotiate commercial treaties with the nations of Europe and North Africa composed of John Adams, Franklin, and Thomas Jefferson. In September 1784 the commissioners informed the Conde de Sousa Coutinho of their new powers and in November sent the Portuguese ambassador a draft treaty virtually identical to the draft Prussian-American treaty recently sent to the Prussian minister at The Hague. The draft Portuguese-American treaty was sent to

Lisbon, but nothing came of it because Portugal’s interest in an agreement had waned, although it was willing to exchange agents with the United States so as to better determine the interests of the two nations (vols. 16:193–202, 207–209, 320, 377–387, 429–430, 437–438, 591; 17:503–504; Jefferson, PapersThe Papers of Thomas Jefferson, ed. Julian P. Boyd, Charles T. Cullen, John Catanzariti, Barbara B. Oberg, and others, Princeton, N.J., 1950– ., 7:419–420, 580). The third attempt at a treaty began in November 1785 when Luiz Pinto de Balsamão, the Portuguese envoy extraordinary and minister to Britain, informed Adams that Portugal wished to conclude a treaty but had decided that negotiations should take place in London rather than Paris (vol. 17:567, 568–569). It is this third and final effort that is represented in the [25 April 1786] treaty printed below.
      On 5 November 1785, Adams wrote virtually identical letters to John Jay and Jefferson, informing them of the Portuguese decision and his discussions with Pinto de Balsamão about a treaty and Portuguese-American trade. In his 27 November reply, Jefferson indicated his enthusiasm for negotiating at London rather than Paris and offered his own thoughts regarding trade and treaty provisions (same, 17:568–574, 609–614; Jefferson, PapersThe Papers of Thomas Jefferson, ed. Julian P. Boyd, Charles T. Cullen, John Catanzariti, Barbara B. Oberg, and others, Princeton, N.J., 1950– ., 9:18–22). Adams likely received Jefferson’s letter, carried by William Stephens Smith, on or about 5 December, the day Smith returned to London from his extended tour of the continent (AFCAdams Family Correspondence, ed. L. H. Butterfield, Marc Friedlaender, Richard Alan Ryerson, Margaret A. Hogan, and others, Cambridge, 1963– ., 6:478).
      There is little documentary evidence concerning the negotiations, and, with the exception of the final treaty itself, most of the existing documents are undated. This leaves much open to conjecture, but what is known is that Adams and Jefferson began negotiations with Pinto de Balsamão shortly after Jefferson’s arrival in London on 11 March 1786 and were largely finished by 6 April, when the Portuguese minister wrote to Adams requesting a date for a final conference (Adams PapersManuscripts and other materials, 1639–1889, in the Adams Manuscript Trust collection given to the Massachusetts Historical Society in 1956 and enlarged by a few additions of family papers since then. Citations in the present edition are simply by date of the original document if the original is in the main chronological series of the Papers and therefore readily found in the microfilm edition of the Adams Papers (APM).). It seems likely, however, that Adams prepared the ground for the final negotiations between early November 1785 and Jefferson’s arrival in March 1786.
      In December 1785, with Jefferson’s 27 November letter in hand and Smith resuming his duties as secretary, it seems probable that Adams had a draft Portuguese-American treaty prepared (Jefferson, PapersThe Papers of Thomas Jefferson, ed. Julian P. Boyd, Charles T. Cullen, John Catanzariti, Barbara B. Oberg, and others, Princeton, N.J., 1950– ., 9:412–423). He probably had Smith copy from his Letterbook the draft Anglo-American treaty of amity and commerce, the commissioners’ most recent draft treaty, which had been enclosed with an 8 July 1785 letter from Franklin and Jefferson and was presented to the Marquis of Carmarthen on 29 July (vol. 17:225–236, 280–282). The only significant changes between the two drafts were the substitution of “Her Majesty the Queen of Portugal” for “his Britannic Majesty” and the insertion of a blank space in Article 3 to include the names of places outside Portugal’s European possessions, such as the Azores, Madeira, and the Cape Verde islands, with which the United States could trade. Presumably two copies were made, one for Pinto de Balsamão and the other for the commissioners’ reference.
      John Adams likely gave the draft to the Portuguese minister in December 1785, but nothing further happened until 21 February 1786. On or about that date Pinto de Balsamão received full powers to negotiate (to Jay, 26 Feb., and note 2, above; AFCAdams Family Correspondence, ed. L. H. Butterfield, Marc Friedlaender, Richard Alan Ryerson, Margaret A. Hogan, and others, Cambridge, 1963– ., 7:71–72). And also on that day Adams wrote

to Jefferson, above, asking him to come to London to complete the treaty. Prior to Jefferson’s arrival in London it seems likely that the newly empowered minister sent Adams his “Observations sur le Traité D’Amitie et de Commerce,” which Adams translated (Jefferson, Papers, 9:424–426).
      Soon after Jefferson’s arrival the commissioners met with the minister and negotiations began in earnest. As the commissioners’ written reply to Pinto de Balsamão “Observations” indicates, several of the issues raised by the Portuguese were settled at that first meeting (same, 9:426–432). There is no indication as to when the commissioners’ reply was presented to Pinto de Balsamão, but it is clear that the commissioners were concerned about two issues: the flour and grain trade and the treatment of contraband. The commissioners’ response regarding the first issue stemmed from Adams’ conversations with Pinto de Balsamão in early November 1785 and was a rebuttal of a policy prohibiting the importation of flour to protect Portuguese flour mills set down in an extract of a letter to Pinto de Balsamão from the Portuguese foreign minister received by Adams in February 1786 (to Jay, 26 Feb., and note 2, above). With regard to the second issue, the commissioners proposed omitting, as was the case in the Prussian-American treaty and the draft Anglo-American treaty, a specific list of contraband goods that could be seized whenever found. As is evident from Articles 3 and 12 in the final Portuguese-American treaty, below, the commissioners were unable to achieve their objective in either case.
      When Pinto de Balsamão wrote to John Adams on 6 April 1786, requesting a date for a final conference and suggesting 8, 10, or 11 April (Adams PapersManuscripts and other materials, 1639–1889, in the Adams Manuscript Trust collection given to the Massachusetts Historical Society in 1956 and enlarged by a few additions of family papers since then. Citations in the present edition are simply by date of the original document if the original is in the main chronological series of the Papers and therefore readily found in the microfilm edition of the Adams Papers (APM).), Adams and Jefferson were away on their tour of English gardens. It is not known when the final meeting occurred, but it was decisive. At that meeting Pinto de Balsamão proposed a revision of Article 11 concerning “Liberty of Conscience”; a list of contraband to be included in Article 12; the deletion of Article 13; and a new article regarding the entry of vessels of war into the waters of each party that became Article 25 of the final treaty (Jefferson, PapersThe Papers of Thomas Jefferson, ed. Julian P. Boyd, Charles T. Cullen, John Catanzariti, Barbara B. Oberg, and others, Princeton, N.J., 1950– ., 9:432–433). It should be noted that Article 13 was not deleted, but rather revised, for which see note 6 to the treaty, below.
      All that remained was to prepare the text of the final treaty in two columns, one in Portuguese, the other in English. With respect to this there is a curious document in the Jefferson Papers at the Library of Congress. In the Papers of Thomas Jefferson (vol. 9:421) it is described as a “PrC in a clerk’s hand.” With four exceptions (for which see notes 2, 6, 8, and 9 to the 25 April treaty, below) this document is likely a text prepared by the commissioners following their final meeting with Pinto de Balsamão and intended to be given to the copyist who prepared the fair copy of the final treaty. However, this particular copy is in the hand of Henry Adams, probably made while he was doing research at the Library of Congress in the 1870s and 1880s for his History of the United States. It is possible that the copy is Adams’ amalgam of the changes made in the course of the negotiations, but it is more likely a copy of a document that has not been found.
      Jefferson wrote to Jay on 23 April that “the conferences with the

       minister of Portugal have been drawn to a greater length than I expected. However, every thing is now agreed and the treaty will be ready for signature the day after tomorrow” (Jefferson, PapersThe Papers of Thomas Jefferson, ed. Julian P. Boyd, Charles T. Cullen, John Catanzariti, Barbara B. Oberg, and others, Princeton, N.J., 1950– ., 9:402). In their letter to Jay of 25 April, above, the commissioners stated, “we propose to execute the treaty, and hope to receive the Counterpart executed by the Chevalier De Pinto, before our Commission expires.” Thus it was, according to Abigail Adams 2d, that on 25 April “Mr Jefferson and Pappa went after dinner to the Chevalier de Pintos to put their Names to the Treaty with Portugal” (AFCAdams Family Correspondence, ed. L. H. Butterfield, Marc Friedlaender, Richard Alan Ryerson, Margaret A. Hogan, and others, Cambridge, 1963– ., 7:153). Only Jefferson actually signed the treaty because he was leaving London the following day. John Adams and Pinto de Balsamão did not sign because of the need to await Lisbon’s final approval of the treaty and the authorization for its minister to sign the agreement. The authorization never came, and thus the treaty never went into effect. It was not until 1840, 54 years later, that the United States and Portugal would finally conclude a “Treaty of Commerce and Navigation” (Miller, TreatiesTreaties and Other International Acts of the United States of America, ed. Hunter Miller, Washington, D.C., 1931–1948; 8 vols., 4:295–324).

       [25 April 1786]

      Her Most Faithful Majesty, the Queen of Portugal and the Algarves, and the United States of America, desiring to ascertain in a permanent and equitable manner, the Rules to be observed, relative to the Intercourse, Correspondence and Commerce, which they intend to establish between their respective States, Countries, Citizens and Subjects, have judged that the said end, cannot be better obtained than by establishing the most perfect Equality and Reciprocity, for the Basis of their Agreement, and by avoiding all those burthensome Preferences which are usually the sources of Debate, Embarrassment and Discontent, by leaving also each Party at Liberty to make, respecting Commerce and Navigation such ulteriour Regulations, as it shall find most convenient to itself; and by founding the Advantages of Commerce, solely upon reciprocal utelity, and the just Rules of free Intercourse; reserving with all to each Party, the Liberty of admitting at its Pleasure, other Nations to a Participation of the same Advantages.
      On those Principles, Her Most Faithful Majesty the Queen of Portugal and the Algarves, has nominated constituted, and appointed for Her Minister Plenipotentiary the Most Illustrious Lewis Pinto de Sousa Coutinho, one of Her Majesty’s, Most Honourable Council, Knight of the order of Christ, and Honorary of Malta, Colonel of Infantry, Morgado of Balcemaó, Lord of Ferreiros and Tendacs, and at present Her Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary at the Court of Great Britain.
      And the United States of America, on their Part, have nominated

constituted, and appointed for their Ministers Plenipotentiary, John Adams, late one of their Ministers Plenipotentiary, for negociating a Peace, heretofore a Delegate in Congress from the States of Massachusets and Chief Justice of the said State, and at present their Minister Plenipotentiary at the Court of Great Britain: and Thomas Jefferson, a Delegate in Congress from the State of Virginia, and late Governor of the said State, and at present their Minister Plenipotentiary at the Court of Versailles.
      The said respective Ministers Plenipotentiary after exchanging their full Powers, and after mature Deliberation have Concluded and agreed upon the following Articles.

       Article I
       There shall be a firm, inviolable and universal Peace and sincere Friendship, between Her Most Faithful Majesty the Queen of Portugal and the Algarves, Her Heirs, Successors and Subjects on the one part, and the United States of America and their Citizens on the other, without exceptions of Persons or Places.

       Article II
       The Subjects of Her Most Faithful Majesty the Queen of Portugal and the Algarves, may frequent all the Coasts, Bays, harbours, ports, rivers, and Countries of the United States of America, and reside and trade there in all sorts of produce, manufactures and merchandize, the importation or exportation of which shall not be prohibited by the Laws; and shall pay within the said United States no other or greater duties, charges or fees, whatsoever, than the most favoured Nations are, or shall be obliged to pay; and they shall enjoy all the rights, privileges and exemptions in navigation and Commerce which the Most favoured Nation does or shall enjoy.

       Art: III
       In like manner the Citizens of the United States of America may frequent all the Coasts, bays, harbours, ports, rivers and Countries of the Domination of Her Most Faithful Majesty where the Commerce is not prohibited by the Laws to all Foreign Nations, and reside and trade there in all sorts of produce manufactures and merchandize, the importation or exportation of which shall not be prohibited by the Laws, and shall pay in the Dominions of Her said Majesty no other or greater Duties, charges, or fees, whatsoever, than the most favoured Nation is or shall be obliged to pay, and they

shall enjoy all the rights, privileges and exemptions in navigation and Commerce, which the most favoured Nation does or shall enjoy.

       Art: IV
       More especially each Party shall have a right to carry any kinds of produce, manufactures and merchandize the importation of which shall be permitted to any Foreign Nation, of whatever place they be the growth or manufacture in their own or any other Vessels to the ports of the Dominions of the other before described; where it shall be lawful for all persons freely to purchase them and thence to take produce, manufacture and merchandize of whatever place or growth which all persons shall in like manner be free to sell them, paying in both Cases such duties, charges and fees only as are or shall be paid by the most favoured Nation, whose privilege is not the effect of a particular and reciprocal compensation according to Treaties now existing.— Nevertheless, the United States of America reserve to themselves the right where any Nation restrains the transportation of merchandize to the Vessels of the Country of which it is the growth or manufacture to establish against such Nation retaliating regulations:
       And each party reserves the right to prohibit in their respective Countries the exportation or importation of any species of goods or Commodities whatsoever, when reasons of State shall require it. In this case the Subjects or Citizens of either of the Contracting Parties shall not import or export the merchandize prohibited by the other, but if one of the Contracting Parties permits any person of their own or any other Nation to import or export the same merchandize, the Citizens or Subjects of the other shall immediatly enjoy the same Liberty.

       Art: V
       All Merchants, Commanders of Vessels and other Subjects and Citizens of each Party shall have free Liberty in all places within the dominion or jurisdiction of the other, to manage their own business themselves or to employ whomsoever they please to manage the whole or any part thereof for them, they shall also be free to load or unload their merchandize at such time and in to such Vessels as they shall think most convenient.

       Art: VI
       That the Vessels of either Party loading within the ports or jurisdiction of the other may not be uselesly harrassed or detained, it is

agreed that all examinations of goods required by the Laws shall be made before they are laden on board the Vessel and that there shall be no examination after; nor shall the Vessel be searched at any time unless articles shall have been laden therein clandestinly and illigally in which case the person by whose order they were carried on board, or who carried them without order, shall be liable to the Laws of the Land in which he is; but no other person shall be molested, nor shall any other goods nor the Vessel be seized or detained for that cause.

       Art: VII
       Each Party shall endeavour by all means in their power to protect and defend all the Vessels and other effects belonging to the Subjects or the Citizens of the other, which shall be within the extent of their Jurisdiction by Sea or by Land, and shall use all their efforts to recover and cause to be restored to the right owners their Vessels and effects which shall be taken from them within the extent of their said jurisdiction.

       Art: VIII.
       The Vessels of the Subjects or Citizens of either Party coming on any Coast belonging to the other, where Commerce is not forbidden to all Foreign Nations, but not willing to enter in to Port, or being entered in to port and not willing to unload their Cargoes, or break bulk, shall have liberty to depart and to persue their voyage without molestation, and without being obliged to pay any duties, charges or fees whatever except such port charges as are paid by the most favoured Nations, nor to render any account of their Cargo, but they shall be obliged to receive the usual Guards as practised with the most favoured Nations.

       Art: IX.
       When any Vessel of either Party shall be wrecked, foundered, or otherwise damaged on the Coasts or within the Dominions of the other, their respective Subjects or Citizens shall receive, as well for themselves as for their Vessels and effects the same assistance which would be due to the Inhabitants of the Country where the damage happens, and shall pay the same charges and dues only as the said Inhabitants would be subject to pay in a like case, and if the operations of repair shall require that the whole or any part of their cargo be unloaded, they shall pay no duties, charges, or fees, on the part which they shall relade and carry away.— The ancient and barbarous

right to wrecks of the Sea shall be intirely abolished, with respect to the Subjects or Citizens of the two Contracting Parties.

       Art: X
       The Citizens or Subjects of each Party shall have power to dispose of their personal goods within the Jurisdiction of the other by Testament, Donation, or otherwise, and their Representatives being Subjects or Citizens of the other Party shall succed to their said personal Goods, whether by Testament, or ab intestato; and may take possession thereof either by themselves or by others acting for them, and dispose of the same at their will, paying such dues only as the Inhabitants of the Country where in the said goods are shall be subject to pay in like cases, and in case of the absence of the Representative such care shall be taken of the said goods and for so long a time as would be taken of the goods of a Native in like case untill the Lawful owner may take measures for receiving them, and if question shall arise among several Claimants to which of them the said goods belong the same shall be decided finally by the Laws and Judges of the Land wherein the said Goods are. And where on the death of any person holding real estate within the Territories of the one Party, such real estate would by the Laws of the Land descend on a Citizen or Subject of the other were he not disqualified by Alienage, such Subject or Citizen shall be allowed a reasonable time to sell the same, and to withdraw the procceds without molestation.

       Art: XI
       There shall be a full intire Liberty of Conscience allowed to the Inhabitants and Subjects of each Party and no one shall be molested, in regard to his worship, provided he submits, as to the public demonstration of it, to the Laws of the Country. There shall be given moreover Liberty when any Subjects or Inhabitants of either Party shall die in the Territory of the other, to bury them in decent and convenient Places, which shall be appointed for that purpose, and the two Contracting Parties shall provide each in its own Jurisdiction that the Citizens and Subjects of the other, may obtain Certificates in cases of Death whenever they shall be required to be delivered.

       Art: XII
       If one of the Contracting Parties should be engaged in War with any other Power, the free intercourse and Commerce of the Subjects or Citizens of the Party remaining Neuter with the Belligerent Powers shall not be interrupted, on the Contrary, in that case, as in

full peace, the Vessels of the Neutral Party, may navigate freely to and from the ports, and on the Coasts of the Belligerent Parties, free Vessels making free goods, in so much that all things shall be adjudged free which shall be on board any Vessel belonging to the Neutral Party, although such things belong to the Enemy of the other, except the merchandizes deemed Contraband, namely, Cannons, mortars, fire arms, pistols, bombs, grenades, bullets, balls, fusils, flints, matches, powder, salt-petre, sulphur, cuirasses, pikes, swords, cartouch-boxes, belts, saddles and bridles which shall be adjudged Contraband, and subject to confiscation; excepting nevertheless the quantity which may be requisite for the Defence of the Vessel, and of those who compose the Crew; and the same freedom shall be extended to persons who shall be on board a free Vessel, although they should be Enemies to the other Party, unless they be Soldiers in actual Service of such Enemy; on the other hand, enemy Vessels shall make enemy goods, in so much that whatever shall be found in the Vessels of an Enemy shall be confiscated without distinction, except such goods and Merchandize as were put on board such Vessel before the Declaration of War, or within six months after it, which shall be free.

       Art: XIII
       In case any Vessel shall be Stoped for articles deemed Contraband, if the Master will deliver out the goods supposed to be of Contraband nature, he shall be admitted to do it, and the Vessel shall not in that Case be carried in to any Port, nor further detained, but shall be allowed to proceed on her Voyage, nor shall any such Articles be subject to be taken or delayed in any case if they be not in greater quantity than may be necessary for the use of the ships, or of the persons in it. But in case the Contraband Merchandizes cannot be all received on board the Vessel of the Captor, then the Captor may notwithstanding the offer of delivering him the Contraband goods, carry the Vessel to the nearest port.

       Art: XIV
       And in the same Case where one of the Parties is engaged in War with another Power, that the Vessels of the Neutral Party may be readily and certainly known, it is agreed that they shall be provided with Sea Letters, or Passports which shall express the name, the property and burthen of the Vessel, as also the name and dwelling of the Master, which Passports shall be made out in good and due forms, (to be settled by Convention between the Parties whenever

occasion shall require) shall be renewed as often as the Vessel shall return in to port, and shall be exhibited whensoever required as well in the open Sea as in Port—
       But if the said Vessel be under Convoy of one or more Vessels of War belonging to the Neutral Party, the simple Declaration of the Officer Commanding the Convoy, that the said Vessel belongs to the Party of which he is, shall be Considered as establishing the fact, and shall relieve both parties from the trouble of further examination.

       Art: XV
       And to prevent intirely all disorder and violence in such cases, it is stipulated, that when the Vessels of the Neutral Party sailing without Convoy, shall be met by any Vessel of War, public or private of the other Party, such Vessel of War shall not approach within cannon shot of the said Neutral Vessel, nor send more than two or three men in their boat on board the same to examine her Sea Letters or Passports, and all persons belonging to any Vessel of War public or private who shall molest or injure in any manner whatever the people, Vessels, or effects of the other Party shall be responsable in their persons and property for damages and interest, and more especially the Commanding officer of the Vessel shall be responsable civily for the same in his person and property, by whomsoever of his Crew the injury was done: sufficient security for which shall be given by all Commanders of private armed Vessels before they are Commissioned.

       Art: XVI.
       It is agreed that the Subjects, or Citizens of each of the Contracting Parties their Vessels and effects shall not be liable to any Embargo or Detention on the part of the other for any Military Expedition or other public or private purpose whatsoever, and in all cases of seisure, detention, or arrest for Debts contracted, or offences commited by any Citizen or Subject of the one Party within the Jurisdiction of the other, the same shall be made and prosecuted by order and autority of Law only, and according to the regular course of proceedings usual in such Cases.

       Art: XVII.
       If any Vessel or effects of the Neutral Power be taken by an Enemy of the other or by a Pirate, and retaken by that other, they shall be brought in to some port of one of the Parties and delivered in to the Custody of the officers of that port, in order to be restored intire to

the true proprietor as soon as due proof shall be made concerning the property thereof

       Art: XVIII.
       If the Citizens or Subjects of either Party in danger from tempests, pirates, enemies, or other accident, shall take refuge with their Vessels or effects within the harbours or Jurisdiction of the other, they shall be received, protected and treated with humanity and kindness and shall be permitted to furnish themselves at reasonable Prices with all refreshments, provisions and other things necessary for their sustenance, health, and accomodation, and for the repair of their Vessels.

       Art: XIX
       The Vessels of War public and private of both Parties, shall carry freely wheresoever they please the Vessels and effects taken from their Enemies without being obliged to pay any Duties, charges, or fees to officers of Admiralty of the customs, or any others, except the port charges paid by the most favoured Nation, nor shall such Prizes be arrested, searched, or put under Legal Process, when they come to and enter the ports of the other Party, but may freely be carried out again at any time by their Captors to the places expressed in their Commissions, which the Commanding officer of such Vessels shall be obliged to shew, but nothing herein contained shall be understood to derogate from the obligations of the United States of America towards His Most Christian Majesty as Stipulated in the Seventeenth Article of their Treaty of Amity and Commerce.

       Art: XX
       No Citizen or Subject of either of the Contracting Parties shall take from any Power with which the other may be at War any Commission or Letter of Marque for arming any Vessel to act as a Privateer against the other, on pain of being punished as a Pirate, nor shall either Party hire, Lend, or give any part of their naval or military force to the Enemy of the other to aid them offensively or defensively against that other unless bound thereto by some Treaty heretofore made.

       Art: XXI.
       If the two Contracting Parties should be engaged in a War against a Common Enemy, the following points shall be observed between them. 1st: If a Vessel of one of the Parties retaken by a Privateer of the other shall not have been in possession of the Enemy more than

twenty four hours, she shall be restored to the first owner, for one third of the value of the Vessel and Cargo; but if she shall have been more than twenty four hours in possession of the Enemy, she shall belong wholly to the Recaptor.— 2d. If in the same case the Recapture were by a public Vessel of War of the one Party, restitution shall be made to the Owner for one thirtieth part of the value of the Vessel and Cargo, if she shall not have been in possession of the Enemy more than twenty four hours; and one tenth of the said value where she shall have been longer:
       Which sums shall be distributed in Gratuities to the Recaptors.— 3d. The Restitution in the cases aforesaid shall be, after due proof of property and surety given for the part to which the Recaptors are intitled.
       4th: The Vessels of War public and private of the two Parties shall be reciprocally admitted with their Prizes in to the respective ports of each; but the said Prizes shall not be discharged nor sold there untill their legality shall have been decided according to the Laws and regulations of the State to which the Captor belongs. 5th. It shall be free to each Party to make such Regulations as they shall judge necessary for the Conduct of their respective Vessels of War, public and private, relative to the Vessels which they shall take and carry in to the ports of the two Parties.

       Art: XXII
       Where the Parties shall have a Common-Enemy the Vessels of War of each shall upon all occasions take under their protection the Vessels of the other going the same course, and shall defend such Vessels as long as they hold the same course against all force and violence in the same manner as they ought to protect and defend the Vessels belonging to the Party of which they are.

       Art: XXIII.
       If War should arise between the two Contracting Parties, the Merchants of either Country then residing in the other shall be allowed to remain one year, to collect their Debts and settle their affairs and may depart freely, carrying off all their effects; without molestation or hindrance, and all Women and Children, Scholars of every faculty, Cultivators of the earth, Artizans, Manufacturers and Fishermen, unarmed and inhabiting unfortefied Towns, Villages, or Places, and in general all others, whose occupations are for the common subsistance and benefit of Mankind, shall be allowed to continue their respective employments, and shall not be molested in

their persons, nor shall their Houses, or Goods be burnt or otherwise destroyed, nor their fields wasted by the armed force of the Enemy in whose power by the events of War, they may happen to fall: but if any thing is necessary to be taken from them for the use of such armed force, the same shall be payed for at a reasonable price. And all merchant and trading Vessels employed in exchanging the products of different places, and thereby rendering the necessary conveniences and comforts of human Life more easy to be obtained and more general shall be allowed to pass free and unmolested, and neither of the Contracting Powers shall grant or issue any Commission to any Private armed Vessel empowering them to take or destroy such trading Vessels or interrupt such Commerce.

       Art: XXIV
       And to prevent the destruction of Prisoners of War, by sending them in to distant and inclement Countries, or by crowding them in to close and noxious places, the two Contracting Parties solemnly pledge themselves to each other, and to the World, that they will not adopt any such practice. that neither will send the Prisoners whom they may take from the other in to the East Indies or any other parts of Asia, or Africa: but that they shall be placed in some part of their Dominions in Europe or America in wholesome situations; that they shall not be confined in Dungeons, Prisonships nor Prisons, nor be put in to Irons, nor bound, nor otherwise restrained in the use of their limbs, that the officers shall be enlarged on their Paroles within convenient Districts and have comfortable Quarters, and the common-Men be disposed in Cantonments open and extensive enough for air and exercise, and lodged in Barracks as roomly and good as are provided by the Party in whose power they are for their own Troops; that the Officers shall also be daily furnished by the Party in whose power they are with as many rations and of the same articles and quality as are allowed by them, either in kind or by Commutation to Officers of equal rank in their own Army, and all others shall be daily furnished by them with such ration as they allow to a Common Soldier in their own Service, the value whereof shall be paid by the other Party on a mutual adjustment of Accounts for the Subsistance of Prisoners at the Close of the War, and the said Accounts shall not be mingled with, or sett off against any others, nor the Balances due on them be withheld as a satisfaction or reprisal for any other article, or for any other cause real or pretended whatever; that each Party shall be allowed to keep a

Commissary of Prisoners, of their own Appointment, with every separate Cantonment of Prisoners in possession of the other, which Commissary shall see the Prisoners as often as he pleases, shall be allowed to receive and destribute whatever Comforts may be sent to them by their friends and shall be free to make his reports in open Letters to those who employ him.— But if any Officer shall break his parole, or any other Prisoner shall escape from the Limits of his Cantonment after they shall have been designated to him, such individual Officer, or other Prisoner shall forfeit so much of the Benefits of this Article as provides for his enlargement on Parole or Cantonment. And it is declared that neither the pretence that War dissolves all Treaties nor any other whatever shall be considered as annulling or suspending this, and the next preceding Article, but on the Contrary that the State of War is precisely that for which they are provided and during which they are to be as Sacredly observed as the most acknowledged Articles in the Law of Nature or Nations.

       Art: XXV.
       The Squadrons or Vessels of War of the two Contracting Parties, may enter freely in to the ports, roads or bays of the one or other Dominion where Commerce is permitted, provided nevertheless that they never exceed the number of six Vessels of War, in the great Ports, and of four in the small Ports, without the express permission of the Governor or Commandant of the District, and that they do not make there a Station, with a view to hurt the Commerce of other Nations in Amity or Alliance with either of the two Contracting Parties.

       Art: XXVI.
       The two Contracting Parties grant to each other the Liberty of having each in the Ports of the other Consuls, Vice-Consuls, Agents and Commissaries of their own appointment; whose Functions shall be regulated by particular Agreement whenever either Party shall chuse to make such Appointment; but if any such Consuls shall exercise Commerce, they shall be submitted to the same Laws and usages to which the private Individuals of their Nation are Submitted in the same place

       Art: XXVII
       If either Party shall hereafter grant to any other Nation any particular favour in Navigation or Commerce it shall immediatly become common to the other Party, freely where it is freely granted to

such other Nation, or on yielding the Compensation, where such Nation does the same.

       Art XXVIII
       Her Most Faithful Majesty the Queen of Portugal and the Algarves and the United States of America agree that this Treaty shall be in force during the term of Ten years from the exchange of Ratifications, (and the Ratifications shall be within the space of one year after the signature, or earlier if possible) and if the expiration of that term should happen during the Course of a War between them, then the Articles twenty third and twenty fourth, before provided, for the regulation of their conduct during such a War shall continue in force untill the conclusion of the Treaty, which shall reestablish Peace: and that this Treaty shall be Ratified on both sides, and the Ratifications exchanged within one year from the Day of its signature, or sooner, if possible
       In faith whereof the respective Plenipotentiaries have Signed the above Articles, both in the Portuguese and English Languages; and they have thereto affixed their Seals.
       Done at London this Twenty fifth day of April, one thousand seven Hundred and eighty six.

        Th: Jefferson [SEAL]


Title: To John Adams from James Warren, 30 April 1786
From: Warren, James
To: Adams, John

       Dear Sir,
       Milton April 30th: 1786

      I was a few days ago honoured with your favour of the 12th: of Decr. I am much Obliged to you for your Attention to my Son & your favourable, if not partial opinion of the Merits of his Family. Winslow left Lisbon, & returned Home last fall: after a disagreable residence there for more than Twelve months, at a great Expence, fully convinced of the futility of Court promises, which his former Experience could no longer Justify any future dependence upon. it has been my opinion that Consuls should be appointed in several of the European Ports, & perticularly at Lisbon where we have had a great Trade till Interrupted by the Algerine Corsairs. no resource is so natural & beneficial for the supply of that great Branch of Business the Fishery as the Trade with Lisbon, & Cadiz, & I can scarcely Conceive how it can be supported without it, unless by a dependence on foreigners for the Importation, which must defeat all the policy of our Navigation Acts, however founded in Policy or oeconomy. How we are to be relieved from the Injury of these Pirates I am at a loss to determine. their Generosity will not do it, & our Poverty cant, & if it is not done the Fishery & Trade must be depressed and discouraged. You who are acquainted with the Means the Agents to Algiers are possessd. of, can Judge of their prospects of Success. I can only wish them Success.
      I can form some Idea of the difficulty & delays of your Treaties, which render their Completion uncertain even to the best Informed. The Trade with Britain if it has been attended with some loss & disappointment to them has almost ruined us: & with their own conduct may Justify a severe Navigation Act, with regard to them, but I am not so well satisfied of the propriety of it with regard to any other Nation, tho’ I think the policy of the French in their dutys on our Fish, & the Bountys on their own very Absurd. I wish I could see, for the Benefit of Mankind a fair Experiment made, of a Goverment supported without Duties or Bounties, at least that they

should operate, only as prohibitions or severe restrictions, without any regard to a revenue. in that Case even those in question might not have Existed.
      if our oil can find a Market in France it will I think disconcert the views of the British Ministery, & be very Advantageous to us, as well as to the Commerce of France I took great pains to Impress the Marquiss de Fayate with proper Sentiments on that subject when here last, & have reason from his Letters to suppose it has had a good Effect
      I know you wish to be Informed of the situation of your beloved Country. it would give me pleasure to gratify you. in former Times when you was absent I used to attempt it, but it is now so Novel & so Extraordinary that I dare not Undertake the Task. The constant drain of Specie to make remittances for Baubles Imported from England is so great as to Occasion an Extreem Scarcity: Commerce is ruined: & what is worse, the husbandry & Manufactures of the Country cannot be supported. the only Branch of Business that promises any success is the Fishery, & that is greatly Injured from the same Cause. No Debts Can be paid, or Taxes Collected. the first are severely demanded, by multiplyed Law suits. the last are become more necessary than ever by the wants of the public: our General Court sets often & long, do little & give no satisfaction to their Constituents— Paper Money, Tenders of Lands &c. suspension of Law processes, & a variety of Expedients are proposed, & Nothing Adopted. a Total Change in principles & Manners, Interest is the great object, the only pursuit, and Riches only respected. every thing seems verging to Confusion, & anarchy, & certainly great Wisdom & Address are necessary to prevent it. Our Elections have been much the same this as the last Year. indeed when a Man is once in it is for Life. a repetition annually is nugatory few Attend the Meetings & hardly any Enquired further than who was in last, & Vote for him again without the trouble of recuring to Principles, or traceing Consequences.
      Be assured No Body Can Wish you & Family more happiness, or desire more to see you in the Vicinity than your Friends on Milton Hill. make our Compliments to Mrs. Adams & Love to Nabby. I am / Your Friend & Servt

       Jas: Warren

      will you give me your Opinion of the Encyclopedia, & whether it be worth purchaseing—

      if it would not be an Impertinent request to a minister of State, I would ask the favour to send me the Gentn. pocket Farrier & Trusler, practical Husbandry. I will pay the Cost to your order here, R Baldwin Pater Noster Row. a Charming Enthusiasm is prevailing for Agriculture


Title: To John Adams from Rufus King, 2 May 1786
From: King, Rufus
To: Adams, John

      Dear Sir
      New York 2d. May 1786

     Mr. Alsop of this city, whom you must recollect as a delegate from this State to congress in 1775 & 1776, and whose daughter I have lately married, requests me to ask your Opinion, “whether a Refugee, whose Estate has been confiscated here, and to an amount exceeding that of his Debts, can by the British laws, or the Treaty of peace between G. Britain & the united States of america, be compelled by Process in the British courts to pay a Debt due to an american Citizen, anticedent to the late war?[”] the Determination of this question is of Some importance to Mr. Alsop, and indeed to many Others of our Countrymen—
     It has been objected against such recovery that the confiscated Estates of the Refugees being by the act of confiscation liable to, or by subsequent laws charged with, the payment of their Debts, in all cases where the confiscated Estate equalled the amount of the Debts of any Refugee, that there the State to whose use the Estates confiscated inured, took upon itself to pay the Debts, and the Refugee was discharged—and being discharged by an american law, the treaty could not affect them, for no Debt was due from them— How far these objections are founded, is submitted to your good Judgment— If the Estate of a Refugee escaped confiscation, his american Debts must be paid under the Treaty— So if the confiscated Estate is insufficient to pay the whole of his Debts, the Deficiency is in like manner recoverable— How then is it in the principal case?
     Will you have the Goodness to examine this question, and oblige Mr. Alsop, & myself with your Opinion—
     With the highest Respect, I have the Honor to be D. Sir your obt / & very Hb̃le Servt.

      Rufus King


Title: To John Adams from John Jay, 4 May 1786
From: Jay, John
To: Adams, John

      Dr Sir
      Office for foreign Affairs 4th: May 1786

     Since the 22d. February which was the Date of my last Letter to You, I have been honored with yours of the 4. 5. and 11 Novemr. and 2. 6. 9. 12. and 15 and one of    Decemr. last, and also of 4th. 21. and 26. January 1786. All of them have been laid before Congress, from whom I have no Instructions to say any thing more on the Subjects of them than what you will find in my Letter to you of the 1st. Inst.— This is to be imputed to there not being so many States convened in Congress as are necessary to decide on Matters of that kind, for since last Autumn when the new Election took place they have not had nine States on the floor for more than three or four Days, until this Week— There are nine at present and more are expected, so that I hope more Attention will now be paid to our foreign Affairs than has been the Case for many Months past.—
     Your and Mr. Jeffersons joint Letter dated 2d. & 11th. October last with the Prussian Treaty has been received and I have reported a Ratification of it, which when agreed to shall without Delay be transmitted. The printed Papers herewith transmitted will give you some Ideas of our Affairs. The proposed Impost gains Friends and the Legislature of this State has passed an Act in its Favor rather in Compliance with the popular Opinion, than that of a Majority in the House— it departs however from some material Parts in the Recommendation of Congress, and it is not certain that in it’s present State it will be accepted. As this Letter will go by the Packet I avoid minute Details— I hope by the next private Ship to write more circumstantially especially as it is probable that Congress will by that Time have concluded on several Matters respecting foreign Affairs, which have long been and now are under their Consideration.—
     Mr. Anstey is here, and I think has Reason to be satisfied with the Attention shewn him. The English Papers do us Injustice, and are calculated to create a much greater Degree of Asperity in this Country than really exists in it.—
     Mr. Hancock is still at Boston, and it is not certain when he may be expected— this is not a pleasant Circumstance, for though the Chair is well filled by a Chairman, yet the President of Congress should be absent as little and seldom as possible.
     With great & sincere Regard I am / Dr Sir / Your most obt. & hble: Servt.—

      John Jay—


Title: To John Adams from John Jay, 4 May 1786
From: Jay, John
To: Adams, John

      Dear Sir
      New York 4 May 1786

     I have been favored with your Letter in which you mention Mr Warren. Your opinion of that Gentleman, added to the Merits of his Family, cannot fail to operate powerfully in his Favor. I have communicated that Letter to Mr King, an able & valuable Delegate from Massachusets; who I have Reason to think wishes well to you, and to all who like You, deserve well of their Country.
     our Friend Gerry has retired from Congress with a charming amiable Lady, whom he married here. I regret his absence, for he discharged the Trust reposed in him with great Fidelity, & with more

Industry and persevering Attention than many are distinguished by. Mr King has also married a Lady of merit, and the only child of Mr Alsop, who was in Congress with us in 1774. I am pleased with these Intermarriages—they tend to assimilate the States, and to promote one of the first Wishes of my Heart vizt. to see the People of america become one Nation in every Respect— for as to the separate Legislatures, I would have them considered with Relation to the Confederacy, in the same Light, in which Counties stand to the State of which they are parts—vizt merely as Districts to facilitate the purposes of domestic order, & good Governmt.— With great & sincere Regard I am / Dr Sr. your most obt. & hble Servt

      John Jay—


Title: To John Adams from Paul R. Randall, 4 May 1786
From: Randall, Paul R.
To: Adams, John

      Madrid May 4th: 1786.

     I should have addressed your Excellency long e’er this, since my Arrival from Algiers—but being in Expectation of bringing on Mr: Lamb’s Letters—was entirely without Suspicion of the many Impediments which retarded my Progress thus far. Mr Lamb must undoubtedly have given your Excellencies the Reasons of sending me from thence—and however repugnant to my Inclinations, I must be necessitated to submit to his express Desire—as he might otherwise have left it in a spanish Brigantine—and have given me the Charge of his Vessel to convey me to Marseilles. I therefore prefered the Alternative of attending the Count D’Expilly’s Secretary in Hopes of obtaining a Release from Quarantine with himself—but by an

unfortunate Concurrence of Circumstances I was detained twenty two Days—and obliged to go from Alicant where the Vessel was arrived— to Carthagena whither she was sent to perform her Quarantine.— I endeavored to reach Madrid with all possible Dispatch after my Discharge.— Here I find that Mr Lamb is returned to Alicant with Intention of coming to Madrid immediately:— The Information therefore that I might have conveyed of the Situation of Affairs upon my leaving Algiers must be rendered of very little Consequence by the Lapse of Time—and such Change as has made his Withdrawal necessary—which most unquestionably your Excellencies must be advised of.
     In this I am allowed to judge—as Mr Lamb had given me no Instructions of what Information I should be the Bearer of on his Part—
     I think myself bound—and by the Opinion of Mr Carmichael am determined to await the Arrival of Mr Lamb & be governed by future Instructions & Circumstances.
     What Observations I have been enabled to make in my shor Stay there shall be transmitted to your Excellencies by the first safe Occasion being in Hopes a Courier will set out shortly which must arrive before I can travel to London—altho’ I have disencumbered myself from my Baggage. Mr Carmichael was acquainted as soon as I could possibly write with every Thing I could be possessed of respecting Algiers—however I sh[all be] as particular as my Memory will serve—
     In this and on all other Occasions I am entirely devoted to the Service of my Country—and am most particularly / Your Excellency’s / Obt hum sert.

      P R Randall


Title: To John Adams from Wilhem & Jan Willink and Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, 5 May 1786
From: Willink, Wilhem & Jan (business),Staphorst, Nicolaas & Jacob van (business)
To: Adams, John

      Amsterdam 5th. May 1786

     We have the Honor to inclose Your Excellency, a Letter from the Honb̃le the Commissioners to the Board of Treasury of the United-States; Which came open to us, with a Resolve of Congress of 15th. February last; Submitting them to your Consideration, We have to acquaint you the Board of Treasury has wrote to us in conformity.—
     Co-inciding fully with the Resolve of Congress & Opinion of the Commissioners, in the Policy & Justice of appropriating any Funds of the United-States, to the regular Discharge of the Interest on Loans in this Country that will fall due the First of next Month; We have directed the Payment of said Interest to be advertised next Monday, notwithstanding We shall not have sufficient of Monies belonging to Congress. This will We hope induce you to hold back any further Disposals upon us, until We shall receive Remittances from America or effect the Sale of some of the Bonds still remaining on hand, Which we flatter ourselves may be accelerated by the punctual Discharge of the June Interest; As we shall succeed in the Sale, We shall furnish Your Excellency the most early Intelligence, likewise of the Arrival of the 70,000 Dollars promised by the Board of Treasury for the First Day of August next, Which we will hold subject to your Orders—
     We are respectfully / Your Excellency’s / Most Obedt: & very hb̃le Servt

      Wilhelm & Jan WillinkNics. & Jacob van Staphorst.


Title: From John Adams to James Bowdoin, 9 May 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Bowdoin, James

      Sir
      London May 9. 1786

     Your Excellencies Letter of the 12. of January I have had the Honour to receive, and am much obliged to you for the Information in it
     Your Opinion of the Policy of this Country, will be found in the Result of Things to be just, and your Reasoning in Support of it is so conclusive and at the Sametime, so obvious, that it is astonishing it has not its Effect upon the Cabinet. Every Consideration has

been repeatedly urged to no Effect. Seamen, the Navy, and Power to Strike an awfull Blow to their Ennemies at Sea, on the first breaking out of a War, are the Ideas that prevail over all others. Mr Jenkinson, an old Friend of the British Empire, is Still at his Labours. He is about establishing a Bounty upon fifteen Ships, to the southward and upon two to double Cape Horn for Sperma Cæti Whales. Americans are to take an Oath that they mean to settle in England, before they are entitled to the Bounty. I have long Since informed Congress, that nothing is to be expected from this Country, but Poverty, Weakness and Ruin. if after all our People will carry on a ruinous Trade, it is their own Concern. But no Man can do them a greater Injury, than by holding up to their View a hope, that We shall receive any Relief, by taking off the Duty on Oil, or by admission to the West India Islands. They will infallibly be deceived if they entertain any Such Expectations.
     I have been circumstancially informed from time to time and Step by Step, from Mr Jefferson the Marquis de la Fayette and Mr Barrett of all the Negotiations for exchanging our Oyl for the Produce, Manufactures and Sugars of France. The great Revolution in Trade, which you mention ought to be promoted by every Friend of America, and it must take Place. I have made Use of all these Considerations But if an Angel from Heaven should declare to this Nation that our States will unite, retaliate, prohibit or trade with France, they would not believe it. There is not one Man in the Nation, who pretends to believe it, and if he did he would be treated with Scorn. Let me intreat you, Sir, and every other Citizen of the United States to extinguish all hopes of relief to their Trade from this Country.
     Peace with the Turks, comprehending under this Term Constantinople Tunis, Tripoli, Algiers and Morocco, is essential to our Navigation and Commerce and political Consideration in Europe. Two or three hundred Thousand Guineas, and nothing less will obtain it. it will be miserable Policy and Œconomy, to loose two or three millions in Trade, Insurance &c and Still worse to add two or three millions more in filling out a Navy to fight them, in order to Save that Sum in customary Presents. We are now limited to a Sum that will be worse than thrown away.
     Intrigues of Individuals are Said to be on foot, to sett South America free from Spain, and not improbably the Pulse may be felt in the United States. But I hope the States will not only be prudent

themselves, but oblige Individuals to be so too.— Portugal & Spain are bound by a Treaty of 1778 to Support each other in Such a Case, and all the World will be in flames. We had better avoid the fury of them.
     Three great Objects agitate the Cabinets of Europe in Secret. The Passage of the Dardanells and navigation of the Danube, I consider as one, a free Commerce with all the East Indies is a Second, and the Independence of south America is the third. They will all be pursued untill they are obtained, as I fully believe. But as all know the Contest will be Sharp, extensive and long, all are afraid to begin. This is all confidential, between you and me and a few of our discreet Friends.
     God bless our Country, but I still tremble for its Safety.
     With great Respect, I have the Honour / to be your Excellencys most obedient / and most humble servant

      John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Wilhem & Jan Willink and Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, 11 May 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Willink, Wilhem & Jan (business),Staphorst, Nicolaas & Jacob van (business)

      Gentlemen—
      Grosvenor Square May 11th. 1786—

     I have received your favour of the 5th. of May inclosing a Duplicate of a Letter from the Commissioners of the Board of Treasury to me of the 7th. of March, the original of this Letter is not come to hand—
     These Letters Surprized me, very much, because Mr. Rucker had informed me a fortnight ago that he had orders to pay the Interest both in Holland & France I went yesterday to his House to make a

more exact Inquiry and found that he has orders to pay 30,000 Dollars only. This, however, though less than I wish, I hope will be some Relief to you.
     I am very glad you have advertised the payment of the Interest— This is a right measure, although the Consequence of it should be, a necessity for Mr. Barclay and Mr. Lamb and myself to return to America.
     I would gladly hold back “any further disposals upon you Gentlemen, untill you receive Remittances from America or effect the sale of some of the Bonds still remaining on Hand” if it were in my Power: But you know that Mr. Barclay and Mr. Lamb are often drawing upon me, and if their Bills are protested, the Whole System of their business is undone—and if my draughts for my own salary and disbursements, are not honoured, I must starve or go home— To return to America would be a Pleasure to me, and no disadvantage to the United States, or any body else that I know of—but even in this Case I must depend upon you for Cash to enable me to return— if you cannot find means to advance me my salary, let me beg of you to let me know it, by return of post, because in that case, I would come over to Holland for a few Weeks and take leave of their High mightinesses in order to return home to America, by the July Packett— I hope the future draughts of Mr. Barclay and Lamb upon me will not be payable, much before August, the last of Lamb were at double usance—so that they will not be due, much before that time, if at all—
     One Thing is now certain—that Congress will soon be enabled to pay their Interest in Europe punctually for if they are not.—
     If I should return home, I must have Money to live while I stay, and at least six hundred Pounds sterling which Congress allows each Minister to pay his Expences in preparing for his return & getting home, and this I will have if I am obliged to go to Amsterdam and open a new Loan for it. I know very well I can still borrow Money in Holland— And no man who has any of my obligations in his Possession need be under any Concern for his Principal or Interest—as long as there is house or Land, Stock or Block, in the United States in may recover it, in any Court of Law, in any state & lay his execution on what he will— But he need not fear any such trouble— The People of America since the Peace, have been employed in Reparation of the Ravages of War, & replacing their Stock— they will in future be employed in Production, and will find no

difficulty to manage the frivilous Debt they owe in Europe, Their Debt is not two hundred & seventy two Millions sterling, nor are their agriculture fisheries, Peltries, or Commerce or Manufactures decreasing— with great esteem I am Gentlemen / Your friend & Humble sert.

      J. A—


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Jefferson, 11 May 1786
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Adams, John

      Dear Sir
      Paris May 11. 1786.

     I do myself the honour of inclosing to you letters which came to hand last night from mr̃ Lamb, mr̃ Carmichael and mr̃ Barclay. by these you will perceive that our peace is not to be purchased at Algiers but at a price far beyond our powers. what that would be indeed mr̃ Lamb does not say, nor probably knows. but as he knew our ultimatum; we are to suppose from his letter that it would be a price infinitely beyond that. a reference to Congress seems hereon to be necessary. till that can be obtained mr̃ Lambe must be idle at Algiers, Carthagena or elsewhere. would he not be better employed in going to Congress? they would be able to draw from him & mr̃ Randall the information necessary to determine what they will do. and if they determine to negotiate, they can reappoint the same, or appoint a new negotiator, according to the opinion they shall form on their examination. I suggest this to you as my first thoughts; an ultimate opinion should not be formed till we see mr̃ Randall, who may be shortly expected. in the mean time, should an opportunity occur, favour me with your ideas hereon, that we may be maturing our opinions. I send copies of these three letters to mr̃ Jay by the packet which sails from l’Orient the 1st. day of the next month.
     On my return to Paris the Imperial ambassador informed me he had received full powers for treating with us. I repeated to him the information that ours would expire the 12th. of this month. he said he supposed Congress would have no objections to renew them, proposed that I should write to them on the subject, and in the mean time desired our project and observed that we might be proceeding to arrange the treaty, so as that it should be ready for

signature on the arrival of our powers. I gave him a copy of our project, in which, taking the Danish one for the ground work, I made the alterations noted on the within paper: being such as had occurred & met our approbation during the Prussian Tuscan & Portuguese negotiations. I write to Congress an information of what has passed, and in the mean time shall take no other step till you favor me with your opinion whether we should proceed to prepare terms according to Count Merci’s proposition.
     I inclose you a copy of the queries of which I had put an illegible one into your hands when in London.
     I beg to leave to present my most friendly respects to the ladies, and to yourself assurances of the esteem with which I have the honor to be Dear Sir your most obedient and most humble servant

      Th: Jefferson


Title: To John Adams from David Ramsay, 14 May 1786
From: Ramsay, David
To: Adams, John

      Sir,
      New-York May 14th 1786

     Your favor of the 9th of February with the pamphlet inclosed came to hand on the 13th instant for which please to accept my thanks.
     Your official dispatches of the 4th of March contain very important intelligence. I am not distressed at the footing on which the

British put their tenure of the western posts. It will promote the general cause of justice & restrain our legislatures from interfering in private contracts which they are too apt to do.
     The Algerine depredations have made more converts to the necessity of vesting Congress with larger powers and of supporting public credit than the many labored addresses heretofore presented to the public. I hope for much good out of these partial evils.
     Mr Dilly has declined publishing my history from an apprehension that it would expose him to prosecutions. I cannot but be of opinion that his apprehensions are ill founded. I expect the end of the matter will be a pirated edition & that mine will remain unsold. I flatter myself he will make no difficulty in furnishing you with the copy designed for your own use.
     Congress have now seven eleven States on the floor. Shame to tell for the first six months we did not for four days exceed eight. A strange langour seemed to prevail; but I hope it is going off. When the contents of your last dispatches are communicated confidentially to the Governors I think they will produce salutary consequences. The British posts will effect a repeal of every legal impediment to the recovery of debts. The Foreign debt will force on us systems of revenue which will also comprehend the Domestic debt. Things for some time past have been proceeding from bad to worse. I trust we have already reached the point of ultimate depression from which public affairs will revert in a direction contrary to what they have lately been in. The States seem generally impressed with ideas of the necessity of commercial systems. Almost all have appointed deputies to attend the proposed convention in Annapolis. A plan will shortly be brought into Congress to recommend a continental convention for the purpose of enlarging the powers of Congress. Our government hitherto has rather been advisory than an efficient system. You do me great honor by proposing requesting a continuance of my correspondence. Your letters have given me infinite pleasure & have established your reputation in the minds of every member of Congress as not only the industrious but the able Statesman. In this opinion no one joins more heartily than he who has the honor to subscribe himself— / with the most exaulted / sentiments of respect & esteem / your most obedient & / very humble servant

      David Ramsay.


Title: From John Adams to John Jay, 16 May 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Jay, John

      Dear Sir
      Grosvenor Square May 16. 1786

     Last night I was honoured with your Letter of April 7th. and am happy to find that Twelve States, have granted to Congress the

Impost. New York I am persuaded will not long withhold her Assent, because, that in Addition to all the other Arguments in favour of the measure, She will have to consider that all the Blame of Consequences must now rest upon her, and she would find this alone, a greater Burthen than the Impost.— This Measure alone, as soon as it is compleated will have a great Effect, and instantly raise the United States in the Consideration of Europe, and especially of England. Its beneficial Effects will be soon felt in America, by producing a Circulation of that Property, the long Stagnation of which, has been a principal Cause of the Distress of the Community. The States jointly and Severally, would find immediate Benefits from Establishing Taxes to pay the whole Interest of their Debts, those of the Confederation as well as those of particular States.— The Interest of Money would instantly be lowered, and Capitals be employed in Manufactures & Commerce that are now at Usury. It is no Paradox to Say, that every Man would find himself the richer, the more Taxes he pays, and this Rule must hold good untill the Taxes shall amount to a sum sufficient to discharge the Interest due to every Creditor, in the Community.
     The Power to regulate the Commerce of the whole, will not probably be long witheld from Congress, and when that point shall be agreed to, You will begin to hear a Cry in England for a Treaty. Like Daniel Defoes Game Cock, among the Horses Feet, it will be “Pray Gentlemen dont let Us tread upon one another.”—
     You have, I hope before now, Lord Carmarthens Answer of Feb. 28. to my Memorial of Nov. 30.— I had determined in my own Mind not “to demand a Categorical Answer, without the further Orders of Congress,” and it is a great Satisfaction to find your Opinion coincide. It is now with Congress to deliberate what Answer, they should make to his Lordship and for my own Part I dont see what Answer they can give untill they know the sense of Massachusetts, New York Virginia & south Carolina.
     With the highest Regard I have the honour to be / Sir your most obedient humble servant

      John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Wilhem & Jan Willink and Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, 19 May 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Willink, Wilhem & Jan (business),Staphorst, Nicolaas & Jacob van (business)

      Gentlemen—
      May 19th. 1786.

     The Letter in which this is inclosed, I received yesterday—open for my Inspection— The Bill of Exchange drawn by Mr. Morris for 144.000 florins, will I hope be some relief to you Our Secretary of State for foreign affairs informs me on the 7th. of April that twelve of the States had granted the Impost
     new York only remained to come in— and it is not likely the Legislature of that State will take upon its’self all the Blame, of the Consequences of its holding out long— I flatter myself it will not be long before American Obligations at Six or even five pr. Cent, will be sought for as much as English Stock at 3 pr. Cents at seventy or 71—
     It will be very extraordinary, if the few Obligations you have remaining on hand, cannot be disposed of, rather than the affairs of the United States should be ruined— half a dozen Americans here in London might make a purse and buy them— Nay I think it very likely I could sell them or new ones like them, here in London among the Jews. I wish not to borrow Money in England, and had rather be bound in this respect only in Holland, for many reasons— with / great respect I am &c

      J. A—


Title: From John Adams to Philip Mazzei, 20 May 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Mazzei, Philip

      Dr Sir
      Grosvenor Square May 20. 1786

     It is impossible for me to assist you in your Refutation of the Abbe Raynal.— My time is all taken up, and there is not enough of it.— The Quakers changed the Names of Days and Months, first day second day &c first Month, Second Month &c—but the other New England People never did that I know any Thing of.— if they did you will find it in Hutchinson, as well as what relates to the 2250 Livres &c. if any Thing of that sort ever took Place, (which I dont believe,) it was done to ballance the Reward given by the French in those Days to the Indians for New England mens Scalps. What he

Says of the Poverty of the Land is not true. The Soil in all New England is upon an Average as fertile as any Country I have seen in Europe, or as any state or Province I have seen in America. It is not equal to many other Countries, for the Production of Grain, especially wheat, but it is as good a Grass Country as ever I saw.— if it were cultivated and manured, as England is, it would be equally beautifull and perhaps more productive of Grass, and every Thing that depends on it as Horses Cattle, sheep &c.— Hutchinson will tell you about the old Charter.— But always remember that Hutchinson was a Tory and an Anglomane, and therefore although his Information was very good, and his History is in general true, there is sometimes a Colouring given to favour his own political Opinions. taking this Key with you, Hutchinson is a good Authority.
     There was an Attempt made, for a Settlement on Kennebeck River, under the Patronage of Ld Chief Justice Popham, in 1608, but this did not Succeed. The first settlement, which Supported itself was that made at Plymouth in 1620.— There is no Where in New England, to be found, Such vast Wastes of barren Land as that between Bayonne & Bourdeaux or that between Antwerp and Holland
     Although there is here and there a Plain of Pitch Pines or Shrubb Oaks, which are not fertile, Yet in general the Soil is Strong, and before Cultivation covered with a vast grouth of Oaks, Walnutts, and every other Species of Trees which require the Strongest soil for their Nourishment.
     Bookmaking is a profitable Manufacture, and any Thing to make Readers wonder, increases the Sale, without this, so many Inaccuracies, and glaring Falshoods would not have crept into the Writings of De Paw, Buffon or Raynal, concerning America.
     your most obedient

      John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Jefferson, 23 May 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Jefferson, Thomas

      Dear Sir
      London May 23. 1786

     I am honoured with yours of the 11th. with the enclosures from Mr Lamb, Mr Carmichael and Mr Barclay. I am not Surprized that Mr Lamb, has only discovered that our means are inadequate, without learning the Sum that would be Sufficient. Il faut marchander avec ces Gens la.— They must be beaten down as low as possible. but We shall find at last the Terms very dear. The Algerines will never make Peace with Us, untill We have Treaties finished with Constantinople, Tunis Tripoli, & Morocco. They always stand out the longest.— Mr Barclay will have no better fortune and I dont believe it, worth while for him to wait a Moment to discover what sum will do.—
     I think with you, that it is best to desire Mr Lamb immediately, to return to Congress, and Mr Randal too. it is Surprizing that neither of them, has given Us more circumstantial Information, and that

Mr Randal has not come on to Paris and London.— I think you will do well to write him to come forward without loss of time. and am glad You sent Copies of all the Letter to Mr Jay. I concur with you entirely in the Propriety of your going on with the Comte de Merci, in the Negotiation and in transmitting to Congress the Plan you may agree upon, that they may Send a new Commission if they judge proper.
     I have a Letter from Mr Randal at madrid 4. May, but shall not answer it as I wish you to write him in behalf of both of Us to return immediately to Paris and London. I have a Letter too from Isaac Stephens at Aligires the 15. of April. He Says the Price is 6000 Dollars for a Master 4000 for a Mate, and 1500 for each Sailor. The Dey will not abate a 6d, he Says and will not have any Thing to Say, about Peace with America. He Says “The People” i.e. the Sailors as I Suppose, are carrying Rocks and Timber on their backs, for nine miles out of the Country, over sharp Rocks and Mountains. That he has an Iron round his Leg. &c He begs that We would pay the Money for their Redemption, without sending to Congress but this is impossible.
     With great Regard I am sir your / affectionate

      John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Wilhem & Jan Willink and Nicolaas & Jacob Staphorst, 23 May 1786
From: Willink, Wilhem & Jan (business),Staphorst, Nicolaas & Jacob van (business)
To: Adams, John

      Sir.
      Amsterdam 23d. May 1786

     We have the honor of your Excellency’s favor of 19th Instant, with a letter of the Honble: Commissioners of the Treasury Board, conveying a Remittance of ƒ144,000:–:–, as Mr. Morris is used to convey always a letter of advice with his drafts, we pray you will look among your papers for it, as messrs. Willink want the Same.
     We know of the endeavours bestowed to make Newyork concurr with the other States to grant to Congress the Impost, We are fully convinced that the Strength and wealth of the united States will yearly increase under a wise Government & raise it’s credit equal to any European power, when our people will think themselves happy to lend to your Country Millions by Millions.

     We have the honor to be most respectfully / Sir / Your Excellency’s Most Humble / and Obedient Servants

      Wilhem & Jan WillinkNics. & Jacob van Staphorst


Title: Thomas Barclay to the American Commissioners, 23 May 1786
From: Barclay, Thomas
To: American Commissioners

      Gentlemen
      Cadiz 23d. May 1786—

     Since my Arrival here, the Ninth, nothing has occur’d worth Your Attention, I am waiting for a vessel that is Bound to Magadore and expect to Sail in a few days. You have probably as late accounts from Mr. Lamb as I Can Give You, Yet it may not be Improper to Inform you of his Arrival at Alicant the 24th. of last Month, where doubtless his Quarranteen has delay’d his proceeding to Madrid— The Inclosed is Copy of a letter from the Count D’Espilli to Mr. Carmichael dated at Algiers the 20th. past, whether it will Convey any thing New or Not I Cannot say, Nor whether Mr. Carmichael may not already have Transmited to You its Contents—
     I hope to have the pleasure of soon hearing from You, and of being Informed whether You have any Commands for Me farther than Morocco— I have long been anxious to see the Trade of our Country to these parts, put on a safe and respectable footing, as I am well acquainted with the Importance of the object, and if I Can, while I am in the neighborhood of Africa, in the smallest Degree Contribute towards the doing it, No Care or Attention on My part shall be wanting— If my going to Constantinople will be thought by you useful, you have only to Command Me—and I offer you my Services there or Any where Else without Limitation— As soon as I have Executed the Business in which I am Engaged, I intend to Return to America for a few Months having Already procured permission from Congress to go there to settle some of My affairs that require My presence—
     I send You herewith an Extract of a letter written from Morocco to the Consul of the Emperor of Germany at this place from whom I received it, but it is the only Intelligence here of the Emperor of Morocco having made such a Declaration, and probably is No more than a sudden gust of Passion which has Blown over with the

Circumstance that occasion’d it— It is however Certain that the British are Not at present a favored people in Morocco, and that a letter from his Catholic Majesty is likely to have greater weight in that Country than one from any other Potentate on Earth—
     I have had some Conversations with the Marquis De Vialli, who is well known to the Emperor of Morocco, and who says he has frequently talked with him on the subject of America, his Opinion is that the Emperor will demand a Tribute of Eighteen thousand Dollars per Annum— This Gentleman, to whom I was Made known by General O’Riely the late Governor of Andaluzia and Cadiz, has given me a good deal of Useful Information and advice, but to what purposes I shall be able to Apply either remains to be Tried— Indeed I much fear the Emperors Ideas will Exceed those of My Constituents. Immediately on My Arrival here I wrote to him that I wou’d Embark for Magadore as soon as possible which I did to Cut short any Delays that Might occur there, by waiting for his permission to go to Morocco where he is at present, and I Expect by the time I get to Magadore, orders will be lodged for my getting forward.
     I Beg You will beleive Me Gentlemen / Your Most Sincere / and Most Obedient / Servant—

      Thos Barclay


Title: From John Adams to Elbridge Gerry, 24 May 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Gerry, Elbridge

      Dear Sir
      Grosvenor Square May 24. 1786

     I have just now received your Favour of the 12th. of April. The Arrets I inclosed to King, to be delivered to you, if at New York, and to

be Sent to you if gone to N. England, unless he Should have occasion to use them in Congress. I now inclose you some Papers relating to the British Whale Fisheries by which you will see What forced Plants they are, and how easily We may rival them. When you have made your Speculations on them will you be so good as to Send them to King.
     The issue of all my “Negotiations respecting the Interest of British Debts, during the War,[”] and respecting every Thing else, is just nothing at all.— I have done all in my Power to do to no purpose, and I tell you freely, that the British Ministry will do nothing about this or any Thing else untill the States Shall Support their Credit, and regulate their own trade, in a manner that shall shew that it is not left to British Merchants and Politicians to manage as they please. Nor then in my Opinion will they ever intermeddle, or agree to relinquish the Interest. It will finally be left to every Debtor to make the best Agreement he can with his Creditor, or to dispute it at Law, and avoid the Payment of the Interest by the Verdict of a Jury. if the Juries give it against our Merchants, they will never find any other Remedy. As to any Clamour that may be raised by my concealed Competitors, it will do them no good nor me any harm. if they want my Place, and Congress give it them it will be with my hearty Consent, without any Clamour at all. a more disagreable situation than mine no Man ever held in Life and whoever Succeeds me, will not find it more pleasant.
     If any one think he can do better in mercy, let him put up, and if any body thinks of any other who can do more let him vote for him in the name of freedom. Old as I am, I had rather draw Writs and Pleas in Abatement than do and suffer what is now my Lot. Making brick without straw, which has been my Employment ever Since I have been in Europe, and is more so now than ever, was never reckoned an easy, or pleasant Task, from the Days of the Israelites in Egypt to this moment. Untill I came to England I was as little apprized as you of the Extent of this evil of Interest. it was too carefully concealed, by American Debtors, untill it was past a Remedy. The time is long Since perfectly past, for doing any Thing in this Country, and another opportunity will never arrive, untill after a long and arduous Struggle.
     You and our Friend King, by marrying the two finest Girls in New York, are in a Way to make fœderal Ideas, grow, and may they prosper untill Congress shall have the Power and the Will, to form a System, which shall bring this Country to think. You may depend

upon it every Man who expects any Thing from my Negotiations will be disappointed. I am not an Idler. my whole Time is employed to the Utmost of my Strength and Capacity, and to no more purpose, than if I were at Horse Races or Stage Plays, and this will assuredly continue to be the Case, untill the Trade and Revenue of this Country Shall be made to feel the Effect of the Conduct of Congress and the States in regulating their Trade.— if it is not thought worth while to continue me here, untill that Event takes Place, I am myself fully to that mind, and am quite prepared to be recalled.
     With great Esteem and Affection, your / Friend

      John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Mercy Otis Warren, 24 May 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Warren, Mercy Otis

      Madam
      London May 24. 1786

     I this day received your Favour of April 8th, and Sincerely condole with you under the Loss of your amiable son. These Afflictions are the Lot of Humanity and so little of the System of which We are a Part is Submitted to our View, that as We never can discover the Reasons of them, they are left only to our Reflections and Submission.
     My Situation, would be eligible, to the Heighth of my Wishes, if I Saw a Disposition in this Country friendly to mine, or even friendly to their own true Interests. but the Fact is far otherwise.
     To See, as I do the Affairs of my Country every where labouring under Embarrassments; to know that Thousands are looking up to me, for relief, from their distresses, and to have no Power to do the least Thing for their Assistance, is painfull, beyond all Expression. You Speak of Honours, Madam. But what Honours have been decreed to me? Do you Suppose I am honoured in this Country?
     The Reffugees indeed, honour me, now and then as you see in the Newspapers. You Speak of Affluence too. If I were my own Master and could Spend what is allowd me as I Should choose, I should live in Affluence indeed, but when you consider that I have a

Rank to support here that I hold in Trust for others, and that this rank cannot be let down, without betraying that Trust, you may depend upon it, I am driven to my Wits Ends for means.
     I know of no change at Braintree or Weymouth in their political Friendships, but one Thing I know, that a good Profession, or even trade is better for the Individual than all Politicks.— Our Country will do like all others—play their Affairs into the Hands of a few Cunning Fellows, and leave their faithfull Servants to close their long Glories with a sigh to find
     Th’ unwilling Gratitude of base Mankind.
     Yet I dont wholly approve this sentiment. Human Nature is not ungratefull. But while many rate their Merits higher than the Truth, it is almost impossible that the publick Mind Should be exactly informed, to whom they are really obliged. Real services are never held out to View. The Modesty of the Individual, the Jealousy of Rivals, or the publick Interest require that they should be concealed. do you wonder then that ostensible Pageants should be adored, while those who moved the Springs are neglected.— I expect my turn and am prepared for it, in my own mind. My Family and Circumstances are not prepared for it by any means. Yet they must come to it. I always foresaw it and shall meet it firmly.— at least I believe so. I wish my Friend Warren in public Life, because I know he would be usefull there. But his numerous Refusals I am informed, are made Use of, against him, and I really fear will prevail. I expect to be, myself in private Life, very soon, and in his Neighbourhood, And I dont despair of going even sometimes to Plymouth Inferior Court, to get my bread and my Boys through the Colledge. The young Rogues shall not be dissappointed of their Education, if I am obliged to draw Justices Writs to obtain it. I am obliged in Europe to Spend immense sums in Support of dignity, but I’le be hanged, if I trouble my head about it, in private Life in America.
     With Sincere Esteem, I have the Honour / to be Madam your Friend and / humble servant

      John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Samuel Austin, 25 May 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Austin, Samuel

      Sir.
      May 25— 1786—

     I have received your of Decr. 23d. & have since received from Mr. Jay our secretary of State for foreign affairs, the papers you refer to, with particular instructions from Congress, which I shall carefully attend to—
     Your demand as you state it is a Debt contracted before the peace— But you know there is a great misunderstanding between the two Countries, concerning such debts & in my opinion there is not the least chance for obtaining any thing for you or any of your fellow sufferers, while there is a law of one state upon the Continent in force against the recovery of British Debts— those laws in all probability have prevented the evacuation of the Posts upon the frontiers—the payment for the negroes & even a treaty of Commerce— I know the delicacy of the subject but untill those laws are repealed, in my own opinion, I shall labour in vain, & spend my strength for nought Congress have received or will soon receive from me, official dispatches which will convince them where the difficulty lies
     It is a distressing situation that I am in, the Letters I write to Congress are not & cannot be made public, and therefore the public mind cannot be informed of the difficulties I have to encounter, while thousands in Every state are suffering under Evils which they think are in my department & Power to remove— Nothing in my Power to be done, While I remain in Europe, shall be omitted, but I have sufficient Reasons to believe that nothing will be done, untill the time I mentioned
     Yours

      J. A


Title: From John Adams to Richard Cranch, 26 May 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Cranch, Richard

      My dear Brother
      London May 26. 1786

     During Such great Changes as We have seen When the whole World is put out of its Course and all Men are called to Act in scænes that are new to them, great Irregularities must be expected. But can any Nation ever hope to have Commerce and a Circulation of Property and Industry where the Courts of Justice are not opened. where every Man is not conscious that he can compell others to do him Justice, and be compelled to do Justice to others.
     The Morals of the People of America have been proved to be defective, by many Inattentions to public Faith, more than by any other

Thing which has ever happened. They have suffered by it in their own Opinion more than in that of the World.
     The Truth is that the Citizens of America have less confidence in one another, than the World has in them. What is the Reason of this? Breaches of public Faith.—
     I hope they will soon restore themselves to their own Esteem as well as that of all Nations by repealing every Law against the Treaty & by making Provision for paying the Interest of all their Debts at home and abroad.
     This is the first step, and it is essential. When this is done let them Act as decidedly towards Great Britain as they please. the more so the better.
     My whole System is comprehended in two Words Faith and Retaliation. fulfill to a Tittle your Part of the Treaty, and then retaliate all their Prohibitions, Impositions and Restrictions.— in this Way We shall soon bring them as our Parsons pray “to Reason or to ruin.”— Europe is tranquil in Appearance, but Works are going on Under Ground & in covered Ways.
     Pray desire our Friend Goodhue to send me next Fall or sooner, another Account of the Fisheries.
     We must I believe get into the Way of prohibiting the Export of Cash like other nations. We shall never have Industry and Employment, among our People till We do.—
     My Respects and Love to all / your Brother

      John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Charles Storer, 26 May 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Storer, Charles

      Dear Sir.
      London May 26. 1786—

     Dr. Gordon called this morning and delivered me yours of the 7th. of April in a Bundle of News Papers, thank you for both— You might wish for public spirit to prevail without requiring it to be enthusiastic, I wonder where it was that enthusiasm appeared in the course of the last War? it was amongst Tories & Refugees, & British fleets & Armies if anywhere
     If the inhabitants of the U.S. had been animated only with equal enthusiasm, they would have ended the War in two years, A very moderate public spirit carried us thro the War and would be quite sufficient to rectify what is amiss now, and I may add is now at work upon the Business— don’t think too highly of what was when you was not, so much in the world, nor too lowly of what you see now in it
     The U.S. are proceeding in a regular Course towards a Completion of their systems & it will be the better finished for not being in a hurry— You have good reason for your firm hopes that all will yet be well— But let me say to you freely that things can never go well while the People Act an inconsistent part— The people must understand one another which can never be but upon principles of justice and good faith— they must keep their faith sacred, not only with france and Holland, not only with their Creditors abroad and at home, but even with Great Britain— they must repeal every law against the treaty of Peace, establish funds for paying the interest of

their public Debt and when this is done you will have the posts surrendered, the Negroes pay’d for, means will easily be obtained to procure peace with the Turks, and you will have Marketts enough for all the produce of the states, and you will be courted by all the Politicians & Merchants in Europe
     Voila un Beau tableau—
     I shall be as useless as an old Almanack untill such a system is adopted by the states— No arguments will induce this Country to do any thing till then— but as soon as they see Congress have Power and will to encourage Manufactures & restrain Commerce, they will either seek, our Connections, or we shall be better without them—
     Yours

      J. A—


Title: From John Adams to John Jay, 28 May 1786
From: Adams, John
To: Jay, John

      Dear Sir
      Grosvenor Square May 28. 1786

     An Agent from South America, was not long Since arrested, at Rouen in France, and has not Since been heard of.— another Agent, who was his Associate, as I have been told is here, and has applied to Government, for Aid. Government, not in a condition to go to War with Spain declines having any Thing to do with the Business. but if Application Should be made to rich Individuals, and profitable Prices offered, for twenty or thirty Thousand Stands of Arms, a Number of Field Pieces, a few battering Cannon, Some Mortars, a good deal of Ammunition Cloathing &c. do you think that in this Capital of Mammon they might not be obtained?— I might mention Names and Facts, which have been communicated to me. but my Information is not official, nor authentic enough for this. It is Sufficient to Say that an Office, like that once undertaken by Mr Beaumarchais, would not probably be refused by all Men here.
     You are probably better informed, than I can pretend to be of the Disturbances which took Place in the Spanish Provinces of South America, during the late War: of the Pacification of them; and of the Complaints and Discontents which now prevail. it is a fixed

Opinion in many minds here, that a Revolution in South America, would be agreable to the United States, and it is depended on that We shall do nothing to prevent it, if We do not exert ourselves to promote it. I Shall decline entering far into this Speculation, which is out of my depth.— but I must venture to Say, that Portugal is bound by a Treaty of 1778 to assist Spain in Such a Case. France must assist her, from the Family Compact, and for a Still more weighty Reason, vizt to prevent England from getting too rich & powerfull by it. and Holland is now bound by Treaty to France & perhaps to Spain.— We Should be very cautious, what We do. for England will certainly reap the greatest Advantage, as she will Supply with her Manufactures, all South America, which will give her a Sudden Wealth and Power, that will be very dangerous to Us.
     That British Ambassadors will very soon endeavour, to excite the two Empires, & Denmark, to an Alliance, for the Purpose of Setting the Spanish and Portuguese Colonies free, is very probable. as an Inducement they may agree to assist in opening the Danube and the Navigation by the Dardanells. The Object of the next War, I think will be the Liberty of Commerce in South America, & the East Indies. We Shall be puzzled to keep out of it. but I think We ought if We can. England would gain the most, by Such a Turn in Affairs, by the Advantages she has over other nations in the improvements of her Manufactures Commerce and Marine, and England unfortunately We cannot trust.
     Such Speculations as these are not new. a Pamphlet was written in 1783, under the Title of La Crise de L’Europe, by a learned British Knight, and circulated upon the Continent. as I cannot Send you the whole you may possess yourself of the Spirit of it, by a few Extracts.
     Such are the Secret Thoughts of many in this Country but not a Word or hint Escapes in Conversation. They are Sent to you, because, they afford a Clue, for the whole political Conduct of G. Britain in future. and for the present too, for it is impossible Otherwise to account for the Inattention of this Country to the Commerce and Friendship of the United states of America. They are keeping up their Navy, and Sacrificing every Thing to Seamen, in Order to be able to Strike a sudden and Awful Blow to the House of Bourbon, by setting south America free, and they rely upon it the United states will not oppose them.
     With great and Sincere Esteem, I have the Honour to [be] / Sir your most obedient and most / humble servant

      John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Jefferson, 30 May 1786
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Adams, John

      Dear Sir
      Paris May 30. 1786.

     In my letter of the 11th. instant I had the honour of inclosing you copies of letters relative to the Barbary affairs. others came to hand three days ago, of some of which I now send you copies, & of the

others the originals. by these you will perceive that mr̃ Randall and mr̃ Lamb were at Madrid, that the latter means to return to Alicant & send on a courier to us. mr̃ Randall does not repeat that he shall come himself. when either he or the courier arrives we shall have information to decide on. but these papers have strengthened my idea of desiring them to repair to Congress. I am anxious to know your sentiments on this. these papers came in time for me to send copies to mr̃ Jay by the packet which will sail from l’Orient the day after tomorrow.
     The inclosed paper from the Academy of chirurgery was put into my hands to be forwarded to you.
     I have the honor to be with sentiments of the most perfect esteem & respect Dear Sir / Your most obedient / & most humble sevt

      Th: Jefferson

      P.S. I shall be much obliged to Colo. Smith for a copy of the treaty with Portugal as soon as it is signed. I am of opinion we had better send Luzac a copy as soon as it is signed. what think you?


Title: To John Adams from Arthur Lee, 30 May 1786
From: Lee, Arthur
To: Adams, John

      My dear Sir
      Newyork May 30th. 1786

     My Nephew Thos. Lee Shippen wishes to be recommended to your patronage; & I am satisfyd he cannot be under better protection. I therefore entreat you to let him find favor in your sight, & that you will have the goodness to assist him with your advice, in the conduct of his legal Studies which he purposes to finish at the Temple.
     Our finances are unhappily at as low an ebb, as they who think riches are a curse can possibly wish. And if Mr. Whitfield was right

in his opinion that poverty leads to heaven, thither we shall assuredly go; for no people can be poorer. Commerce is almost prostrate— Money scarce & demands pressing. This has driven most of the States to the fatal resource of issuing paper-money. Virginia & Massachusetts still resist the infection. The misfortune is that the continental & state Securities already deluge the States with paper, & prevent the only real remedy for our distresses—industry & frugality. To acquire depretiating paper is a poor incentive to Industry, & extravagance has been the invariable concomitant of a profusion of paper-money. We are however young & vigorous, with good sense & good stamina; these are what support my hopes, in a situation otherwise inconsolable.
     Please to remember me to Mrs. Adams & your Daughter & beleive me to be, with very great esteem / Dear Sir / Yr. most Obedt. Servt.

      Arthur Lee