Title: Deed of Settlement of the Philadelphia Contributionship, 25 March 1752
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

In 1750 Franklin, Philip Syng, and Hugh Roberts had led the Union Fire Company (see above, II, 150) in an abortive effort to raise an insurance fund “to make up the Damage that may Arise by Fire among this Company.” Articles were drafted and discussed; Franklin had them engrossed; and in November they were submitted to the Company and signed. The scheme rested on too narrow a basis, however; it was abandoned almost at once; and nothing more is known about it.
The next year the plan was enlarged to include the other fire companies. On July 26, 1751, Franklin submitted a proposal to the Union Company “relating to the consideration of the late scheme for Insurance of Houses … Requesting that the Company would appoint two of their Members to attend such Persons as may be appointed by the other Several Fire Companies to meet at the Standard in Market Street on the 7th day of the 7th Month [September 7], to Consider such Matters as they may think will Tend Most to the Utility of the Inhabitants in General.” Franklin and Syng were appointed from the Union.
A broad plan was drafted, probably based on the articles of the London Amicable Contributionship for Insuring Houses from Loss by Fire, familiarly known as the Hand-in-Hand Company; and Feb. 4, 1752, a meeting was announced in the Pennsylvania Gazette, summoning the subscribers to the Philadelphia plan to meet “in order to agree on proper measures for carrying the same into execution.” Within two weeks Lewis Evans had engrossed the articles and “all persons inclined to subscribe” to the Philadelphia Contributionship for the Insurance of Houses from Loss by Fire, were called on to do so. Each subscriber signed the articles; the first to do so was Governor Hamilton, the second Franklin.
The Deed of Settlement called on the subscribers to meet on April 13 to elect directors and a treasurer; and the directors in turn elected Franklin as their president, a post he filled for two years, though he was often absent during his second term. The directors ordered Philip Syng, May 11, 1752, to make a seal for the company, showing “four Hands united”—whence the insurance company’s familiar Philadelphia name of the Hand-in-Hand; they asked Franklin, May 23, 1752, “to get a sufficient number of Policies printed”; and directed him, Dec. 24, 1753, to print in the Gazette a warning to policy holders that the company would not make good damage to their own houses or stores, “if any such damage arises to such houses or stores, by the breaming of ships at their wharves, or by gunpowder stored in their buildings, contrary to the good and wholesome laws of this province.” Franklin, of course, insured his own property; two of his early policies are numbered 19 and 20.

[March 25, 1752]
Deed of Settlement
To ALL TO WHOM THESE Presents SHALL COME; We whose Names are hereunto subscribed and Seals affixed DO severally send greeting. Whereas, the Insurance of Houses from Loss by Fire hath, where the same has been practised, proved very useful and advantagious to the Publick; Now know Ye, that we the said Subscribers hereunto, as well for our own mutual Security, as for the common Security and Advantage of our Fellow-Citizens and Neighbours, and for the Promoting of so great and public Good as the Insurance of Houses from Loss by Fire, upon the most equal Terms, and apart from all Views of private or separate Gain or Interest; HAVE of our own Motion offered each to the other, AND have unanimously resolved and agreed, and by these Presents do covenant, promise and agree for ourselves severally and respectively, and for our several and respective Executors, Administrators and Assigns, to form, erect and settle an Office, Society or mutual Contributionship, by the Name, or Stile of the Philadelphia Contributionship, for the Insuring of Houses from Loss by Fire; and to be and continue Contributors unto and equal Sharers in the Losses as well as the Gains and Advantages arising, accruing and happening in and by the same, upon the Terms and according to the Articles and Agreements, and subject to the Provisoes and Conditions herein after mentioned.
Imprimis, That all and every Person and Persons, now subscribing to these Presents by him, her or themselves, or by his, her or their Attorney or Agent, and each and every one who shall hereafter in like Manner subscribe hereunto, or shall at any Time or Times hereafter insure in or with this Society, or be allowed so to do; They, and also their respective Executors, Administrators and Assigns, being allowed to be and continue as Persons insuring in this Society, as herein after is mentioned and provided, shall be taken and deemed as Members thereof to all Intents and Purposes, and shall be concluded by the Covenants and Agreements herein contained and shall have and bear his, her and their proportionable Part and Share of all the Profits and Advantages as well as of all the Losses and Charges arising in and by the same, for and during the respective Terms in his, her or their respective Policies.
2. Item, That the Direction and Management of this Society, and all the Affairs thereof from Time to Time shall be entrusted with and committed to twelve of the Members thereof, who shall be called the Directors of the Philadelphia Contributionship for Insuring Houses from Loss by Fire, and shall have full Power to act and proceed therein, as hereinafter is more particularly provided and expressed. All and every which Directors now chosen and appointed, and hereafter to be chosen and appointed by Vertue and in Pursuance of these Presents, shall not have; and they are hereby expresly debarred from having, receiving or taking, for, upon Account or in Respect of their being Directors, in any Manner whatsoever, any Stipend, Salary, Gratuity or Allowance, or any Benefit, Profit or Advantage whatsoever, other than in common and in Equality with all other the Members of this Society in Proportion to their respective Insurances; and other than and except the Allowances at their Monthly Meetings, or otherwise, as herein after mentioned.
3. Item, That The Limits of Insurance shall extend Ten Miles round Philadelphia within Pensilvania, and as much further as shall from time to time be agreed upon at the General Meetings of the Society. Provided, that the Proprietor of all Houses, that are two Miles, or any greater Distance, from the Place where the Office shall be kept, shall defray the Charge of the Surveyor’s Journey to survey the Premises, and shall also defray the Charge of the Directors’ Journey to estimate the Loss or Damage, when it shall happen, and the Directors are hereby impowered to deduct the Charges out of the Money due on such Loss.
4. Item, That the Insurance to be made by this Society shall be for seven Years in one Policy.

5. Item, That There shall be insured in one Policy but one House and Kitchen, except where two or three or more small Houses stand contiguous together, which do not together exceed the Value of Three hundred Pounds; and except where a Stable or Coach House, or both, stand contiguous on the same Lot of Ground with the Dwelling-house; and in those Cases each Building to be distinctly valued.
6. Item, That no one House shall be insured in this Society for more than Five hundred Pounds, or such other Sum as by the General Meetings of this Society shall be settled and appointed.
7. Item, That new, and unfinished Houses may be insured in this Society, when tiled or shingled in; Provided the Sum insured on them doth not exceed two thirds of the Value of such new and unfinished House; and a Clause be inserted in the Policy, that the same shall be void, if it appears that such unfinished House took Fire within. But no wooden Houses built after this present Year, nor any Sugar-house, Brew-house, Bake-house, Still-house, Coopers or Joyners Shop, or other House or Shop wherein any of the Hazardous Trades or Businesses following are carryed on, to wit, Apothecaries, Chemists, Ship-Chandlers, Tallow Chandlers, Stable Keepers, Inn-holders, Malthouses, Oyl and Colour Men, or which are used as Stores for the following hazardous Goods, to wit, Hemp, Flax, Tallow, Pitch, Tar, Turpentine, Hay, Straw and Fodder of all Kinds and Corn unthrasht, shall be insured in this Office on the Terms mentioned in the Table referred to by the 8th Article, but on such Terms only as shall be concluded on by special Agreement with the Directors; And no Policy shall be extended or construed to extend to the Assurance of any Sugar House, Brew-house, Bake-house, Still-house, Coopers or Joyner’s Shop, or other House or Shop wherein any of the hazardous Trades or Businesses abovementioned are carried on, or wherein any large Quantities of the hazardous Goods before enumerated are stored or lodged, unless the same is expresly mentioned in the Policy, and a proportionable Deposit paid.
8. Item, Every Person insuring shall deposit in the Hands of the Treasurer, as a Pledge for the Performance of his Covenants, a certain Sum for every one hundred Pounds insured, according to the greater or less Hazard of the Building on which the same is insured agreable to the Table hereto annexed; which Deposite Money shall be returned to the Person or Persons so depositing it, his, her or their Executors, Administrators or Assigns, at the Expiration of his, her or their Respective Policies, together with a proportionable Dividend of the Profits in the mean Time, after Deduction of Losses and incident Charges only. Provided and it is hereby agreed, That for the better and more certain adjusting the Accounts of this Society, the said Deposite Money shall be demanded within one Year next after the Expiration of each respective Policy: and in Default thereof, the same deposite Money shall become forfeit, and be sunk to the Benefit of this Society.
The Table

Kinds of Buildings to be insured in Philadelphia and ten Miles round within Pensilvania

Rates of Insurance for Seven Years
Contributions to a Loss per Fire, not to exceed

Brick Houses with nine Inch Party-Walls, carried sixteen Inches above the Roof; projecting at least one Inch beyond the Cornish and Eaves, both Front and Back; with a Door to go out on the Roof, and strong Iron Rails to prevent Falling
  }
At fifteen Shillings per Cent Pounds
  Seven shillings and six Pence per Cent Pounds

Brick Houses with nine Inch Party Walls
  }
  At twenty Shills. per Cent.
  Ten Shillings per Cent

Brick Houses with nine Inch Party Walls to the Garret Floor, and four Inch Wall Upwards
  }
  At twenty five Shillings per Cent
  Twelve Shillings and Six Pence per cent

Brick Houses, with four Inch Party Walls in any Part below the Garret Floor
  }
  At thirty Shills. per Cent
  Fifteen Shillings per Cent

Timber Houses, or Houses with Plaistered wooden Partition Walls
  }
  At forty Shillings per Cent
  Twenty Shillings per Cent

9. Item, Every Person insuring in this Society, shall pay for each Policy, and other the Services incident thereto, the Sum of Five Shillings; and for the Entry of every Transfer, the Sum of one Shilling and six Pence.
10. Item, All Persons applying to the Office of this Society for Insurance, shall before the Surveying of his, her or their House or Houses, pay Ten Shillings per Policy, Earnest Money, towards the Charges of such Insurance; which Earnest Money shall be taken in Part of the Charges of the Insurance, in Case the same shall be agreed to be made, and the Policy or Policies thereof to be taken up within three Months then next after: and in Case the said Policies shall not, thro’ the Default or Neglect of the Person or Persons so applying, be taken up within that Time, then for the better keeping up and determining the Accounts of this Society, the said Policies shall from Time to Time be cancelled by the Directors, and the said Earnest Money shall be sunk to the Benefit of this Society. But in case the Directors for the Time being, shall not agree to make the Insurance so applied for, then the Earnest Money paid shall be returned. And as to such old Policies, which shall be directed to be renewed, and shall not be taken up within three Months then next following, the same Policies shall also in such Case be in like Manner cancelled, and the Charge of the Policy and Survey shall be deducted out of the deposite Money of every such old Insurer.
11. Item, All and every Person and Persons insuring in this Society, shall have one or more Policy or Policies for the same, under the Hands and Seals of three at least of the Directors. All which Insurances shall be esteemed good and valid from the Time the Charges of Insurance and the deposite Money shall be paid, and the Person or Persons insuring having duly signed, sealed and delivered this present Deed of Settlement. All and every such Policies at their respective Expirations, and the returning or accounting for the deposite Money and the mean Profits, shall be delivered up to this Society to be cancelled.
12. Item, All and every Person or Persons insuring in this Society shall stand and be obliged to pay his, her and their Proportion of all Losses and Charges happening and incurring in and to this Society, and for that Purpose shall sign and execute these Presents: Yet so as no Person or Persons shall be obliged beyond his, her or their deposite Money, to pay a Sum exceeding one half the said Deposite for his, her or their Proportion and Contribution towards the Loss which shall be occasioned by any single Fire that shall happen. A single Fire being understood to be a Fire beginning in one House and damaging or destroying one or more Houses. And if it should ever happen that a Loss occasioned by any single Fire shall amount to more than the Company’s whole Stock; in such Case the several Sufferers insured in this Office shall receive, towards making good their respective Losses a just and proportionable Dividend of the said whole Stock, according to the Sums by them respectively insured.
13. Item, In Case any Member or Members of this Society shall asign or transfer his, her or their Policies, such Assignment or Transfer shall be brought to the Office to be entered within Four Weeks next after such Assignment or Transfer; and on Default thereof, the Benefit of Insurance shall be lost; Provided NEVERTHELESS, That such Assignment or Transfer may be admitted to be entered after the Expiration of the said Four Weeks, if the Directors shall allow of the same and not otherwise; and in that Case the Benefit of Insurance shall not be lost.
14. Item, That all and every the Members of this Society, who shall sustain any Loss or Damage by Fire, shall give immediate Notice thereof to the Directors or to the Clerk of this Society at their Office, to the End that the Directors, their Officers, or Agents may view, enquire and examine into the same.
15. Item, That the Directors for the Time being, shall with all convenient Speed upon all Alarms of Fire, repair to and convene together at some convenient Place, near the Place where the Fire shall be, there to consult and determine upon such Methods as may in such Cases most conduce to the safety of this Society and the Service of the Public.
16. Item, That the Directors for the Time being shall with all convenient Expedition after any Loss sustained, settle a Rate of Contribution, and set up the same in their Public Office, and publish the same in the Gazette, or in such other public News-Papers, and in such other Manner as they shall think fit; and such Rates shall be settled and approved by a major Part at least of the Directors at two successive weekly Meetings. And if any Member or Members of this Society shall think him or themselves aggrieved thereby; then He or they may thereupon at any Time or Times within Fourteen Days next after the Publication of such Rate or Rates as aforesaid, inspect the Books and Accounts of the Office and the whole State thereof; and may offer his or their Exceptions with the Reasons thereof to the Directors; and in Case the same shall not be agreed between the Directors and such Member or Members who shall so except; then the same shall stand referred to the next General Meeting for their final Determination. Yet nevertheless it is hereby declared and agreed, that in the mean Time, when such Rate or Rates shall exceed the deposite Money, all and every the Members of this Society shall be obliged to pay into the Hands of the Treasurer his, her and their proportionable Parts and Shares of all and every such Rate and Rates within thirty Days next after such Publication of the same respectively as aforesaid; and in Default of such Payment, He, she and they, and every of them making such Default therein, shall forfeit double the said Rates; and neglecting to pay the said Forfeitures ten Days more, shall or may by the Directors, for the Time being, be excluded, and debarred all Benefit and Advantage of his, her and their Insurance and Insurances respectively, and all Right to the Stock of this Society, and shall notwithstanding be liable to the Payment of the said Rates pursuant to his, her and their Covenants and Engagements in these Presents contained.
17. Item, Every House that is by Means of Fire destroyed from the First Floor upwards, shall be deemed as demolished; and it shall be lawful for the Directors in such Case, either to order the Money, insured thereon, to be paid within three Months after Notice given of the Loss as aforesaid, or to rebuild the same with all convenient Speed, Guilding, History-Painting and Carving excepted.
18. Item, That the Directors for the Time being shall make up and report to the General Meeting to be held in April yearly, the General State of the Office and its Accounts, and shall ascertain and report the Dividends of Profits or the Contributions to Losses, which have arisen or been incurred in the preceding Year.
19. Item, The Net Profits arising by Interest or otherwise shall be divided yearly to every Member in Proportion to his Insurance; for which each Member’s Account shall have Credit in the Society’s Books, to be paid at the Expiration of their Policies.

20. Item, Contributions to Losses shall likewise be stated yearly, and every Person insuring shall contribute in Proportion to his Insurance according to Article the 12th of these Presents; and every Year’s Account shall commence the twenty fifth Day of March, and end the twenty fifth Day of March following.
  21. Item, For the better and immediate Forming and Establishing this Society, and providing for and securing the good and regular Management of the Affairs thereof, Twelve of the present Subscribers hereto shall be the first Directors, to wit, Benjamin Franklin, William Coleman, Philip Syng, Samuel Rhodes, Israel Pemberton Junr., John Mifflin, Joseph Morris, Joseph Fox, Jonathan Zane, William Griffitts, Amos Strettell, Hugh Roberts and so shall be and continue Directors of this Society until the Second Munday in April next, and until others shall be duly chosen in their Room; which said present Directors, and all future Directors of this Society, or the major Part of them, shall have Power, and are hereby impowered to provide a Seal for this Society, and to alter the same if they shall see Occasion; and from Time to Time as Need shall be to take a House or Room for an Office within the City of Philadelphia at such Rent or Rents, for such Term or Terms, and under such Covenants as they shall judge meet; and also to appoint one or more Clerks or Book Keepers, Surveyors, Messengers and other Servants, and their respective Fees and Salaries, as Occasion shall require, and as they shall think fit; and to take such Securities from them as they shall think proper and sufficient, for the due Discharge of their respective Trusts, Offices and Places. And they the said Directors shall and may also from Time to Time direct and order the making and giving out Policies; and from time to time, apply, dispose of, place out, take in, secure and improve the Stock of this Society, and the Interest, Profit and Produce thereof, for answering the contingent Charges of this Society, and satisfying all such Losses and Damages as shall or may happen in or to the same; and shall and may also purchase and provide Books for Accounts and all other Things needful and requisite for this Office, and for the Affairs thereof, and the carrying on the same. And the said Directors shall and may and are hereby impowered to suspend, displace or remove all or any of  the Officers and Servants above mentioned, as they shall see Cause; and from time to time to supply and fill up any Vacancy which shall happen on the Death or Removal of them or any of them: so that such displacing be agreed to by the major Part at least of all the Directors. And the said Directors are hereby impowered to do, perform and execute all other Acts, Matters and Things, needful, incident or relating to the Premises, or any of them, which they shall judge fit and reasonable, and which shall be according to the Tenor and true Meaning of the Rules, Orders and Agreements in and by these Presents declared.
22. Item, That there shall be a General Meeting of the Members of this Society on the second Munday in April in every Year, or oftner, if the Directors for the Time being shall think fit, or any twenty Members insuring to the Value of ten Thousand Pounds or upwards shall require the same. At which General Meetings, all the Members of the Society shall have Right and Liberty to be present. Of which General Meetings, and of the Matters therein intended to be moved, proposed or transacted, Notice shall be given by the Directors at least seven Days before the Times of such Meetings, in the Gazette and otherwise as they shall see fit. Which General Meetings shall be capable of Acting and Managing the Affairs of the Society that shall then come before them; and they shall begin an Hour at least after the Time appointed for Meeting, and shall chuse a Chairman, and after the Choice of a Chairman shall continue for the Space of one Hour at least. And if any Chairman of the said General Meetings shall refuse or neglect to put or offer to the Consideration and Determination of the said General Meetings, any Question or Matter, which shall be then and there proposed, seconded and insisted on; then the General Meeting shall, and they are hereby impowered to chuse another Chairman in the Room of him so refusing or neglecting as aforesaid. And all and every the said General Meetings may, and are hereby declared to have, full Power to consider, treat of and determine of and concerning all or any the Matters and Things relating to this Society, and the Support, Preservation and good Order thereof; and to alter and amend the present Articles, and make any additional Rules or Articles for the better and more orderly and successful or satisfactory management of the Affairs of this Society. At all which Meetings the Determination of a Majority of the Members present, shall be conclusive and binding on the whole Society.
23. Item, At the General Meeting in April Yearly, twelve Members of this Society shall be chosen by Ballot to be Directors for the Year insuing; and one other of the Members shall also be chosen Treasurer for the insuing Year by Ballot as aforesaid. The Election to begin on the first Day of the Meeting, to be continued by Adjournment, if necessary, as the Directors for the Time being shall appoint. And the Directors shall appoint two of their own Body, and three other Members not Directors to be Judges and Managers of the Election; who shall under their Hands, or under the Hands of the major Part of them, report the Names of the Persons duly elected Directors and Treasurer respectively to the General Meeting; and when the Election is over, the General Meeting may proceed to other Business, and not before.
24. Item, John Smith shall be the present Treasurer to this Society, and so shall continue until the second Munday in April next, and until another shall be chosen in his Stead: Which Treasurer, and all other future Treasurers of this Society, shall have the Custody of the Cash, Securities and Purchase Deeds belonging to this Society; and shall from Time to Time pay, dispose and deliver the same, according to the Orders and Directions of the Directors or a major Part of them; and shall keep regular and fair Books of Accompt of all Cash, Securities, Deeds, Writings and other Things by him received, or committed to his Custody, and of all Cash, Securities, Deeds, Writings and other Effects by him paid and delivered. And such Treasurer shall, before he enters on his Office, give such Security for the due and faithful Discharge of his Trust, and for accounting for, and delivering up to this Successor in the said Office, all such Moneys, Securities, Deeds and Effects, as shall have come to his Hands or Custody, and which shall not have been paid or delivered by the Order of the Directors, as the Directors shall appoint and require: Which Security the Directors for the Time being are hereby required to see given, before any Treasurer shall enter upon his Office, or before he shall receive the Cash or Effects of the said Society. And if thro’ the Default or Neglect of the Directors, Security is not given by the Treasurer as aforesaid, the Directors shall be accountable for him, and make good to the Society all Damages that may happen for Want thereof, until Security be given as aforesaid. And the Treasurer for the Time being shall have and receive out of the Society’s Stock One per Cent. for all Moneys by him received, and One per Cent. for all Moneys by him paid and no more. And if by Reason of Death, Removal, Disability or Refusal longer to act, it should become necessary to chuse a new Treasurer, within the Year, the Directors shall call a General Meeting for that Purpose.
25. Item, That the Directors for the Time being, shall meet when, where and as often as they shall think proper, but at least once every Month on the first Tuesday in each Month; and being seven in Number at least, they shall and may enter upon, order, direct and dispatch all such Matters and Things relating to this Office, as shall then lye and come before them; and such their Proceedings shall be esteemed good and valid in all the Affairs and Business of this Society, except in such Cases here mentioned where a greater Number is required. And in Case any of the Directors herein nominated and appointed or hereafter to be elected or appointed, shall happen to dye or remove out of this Province, or shall refuse to act as Director or Directors; or shall for the Space of two Kalendar Months wholly omit and neglect to attend the Affairs and Business of this Society; then and in such Case, the Directors for the Time being, or seven of them at least, all agreeing (regular and timely Notice having been given all) may elect and chuse other and others in the Room and Stead of such who shall dye, remove or refuse or neglect to act as aforesaid; and such Choice being confirmed by a second Meeting or Board of the Directors; the Member or Members so chosen shall be Director or Directors until the next General Election.
26. Item, That the Directors for the Time being, or the major Part of them, shall and may and are hereby impowered to lend, advance or lay out upon Mortgage of Houses or Lands, such Sum and Sums of Money as from time to time they shall think fit and order; So always, and provided, That upon all such Loans, the Resolutions and Orders of the Directors thereupon, be had and made at two several Monthly Meetings or Boards, of a major Part at least of the Directors; and so that the Titles and Conveyances relating to such Loans be first approved by Counsel learned in the Law; and provided also, That not more than Five hundred Pounds shall be lent on one Security, nor more than half the Value of the mortgaged Premises.
27. Item, The Orders of a Major Part of the Directors on the Treasurer, shall be complied with by the Treasurer, and shall be good Vouchers to indemnify him for the Payment and Delivery of the Cash and Effects of this Society.
28. Item, That the Directors of this Society shall always stand and be indemnified and saved harmless by this Society in and for their giving out and signing Policies and all their other lawful Acts, Deeds and Transactions done, performed and executed in Pursuance of and by Vertue of these Presents; And the Stock, Securities and Effects of this Society shall in the first Place be appropriated and applied, and the same is and are hereby declared to be appropriated to exonerate and discharge, indemnify and save harmless, them and every of them of and from all such Costs, Charges, Damages and Expences, which shall or may happen or arise, or which they or any of them shall reasonably expend or be put unto or sustain in, for or concerning the Trusts aforesaid, or any of them, or the Execution or Performance thereof: Nor shall any of the said Directors be answerable for the Defaults, Neglects or Misdoings of the others of them.
29. Item, That if any Member or Members of this Contributionship shall be hereafter desirous to enlarge his, her or their first Insurances, not to exceed Five hundred Pounds and the Directors shall judge that the House or Houses insured, from Improvements since made, or otherwise, will bear an additional Sum; that then the Accounts shall be made up with such Member or Members, and their old Policy shall be cancelled and a new Policy granted for the entire Sum to be insured.
30. Item, That a publick Table shall be kept at the Office of all Fees, Salaries and Rewards allowed by this Society; and another publick Table of the yearly Dividends of Profits and Losses, which every Member may peruse and take Notes of at Pleasure.
31. Item, That the Directors shall have Power to reward, out of the Company’s Stock such as are voluntarily active in dangerous Cases to extinguish Fires.
32. Item, Altho upon Application made to the Directors for the Insuring any House or Building such House or Building should come under the Description of any of those mentioned in the Table referred to by the 8th Article, or of any other Kind of Buildings mentioned in these Presents: Yet if from its Situation or any other Circumstances, it shall appear to the Directors to be more than commonly hazardous, the Directors for the Time being, shall have, and they are hereby declared to have a discretionary Power, either to enlarge the Deposite Money to be paid for insuring the same, beyond what is herein mentioned, or wholly to refuse the Insuring the same, as they shall judge fit.
Dated the Twenty fifth day of March One thousand seven hundred and fifty two.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Cadwallader Colden, 23 April 1752
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Colden, Cadwallader

Sir
Philada. April 23. 1752
In considering your Favour of the 16th. past, I recollected my having wrote you Answers to some Queries concerning the Difference between Electrics per se, and Non Electrics, and the Effects of Air in Electrical Experiments, which I apprehend you may not have received. The Date I have forgot.
We have been us’d to call those Bodies Electrics per se, which would not conduct the Electric Fluid: We once imagin’d that only such Bodies contain’d that Fluid; afterwards, that they contain’d none of it: But farther Experiments shew’d our Mistakes. It is to be found in all Matter we know of: And the Distinction of Electrics per se, and Non Electrics, should now be dropt as improper; and that of Conductors and Nonconductors assum’d in its Place, as I mention’d in those Answers.
I do not remember any Experiments by which it appear’d that high rectified Spirit will not conduct; perhaps you have made such. This I know, that Wax, Rosin, Brimstone, and even Glass, commonly reputed Electrics per se, will, when in a Fluid State, conduct pretty well; Glass will do it when only red hot. So that my former Position, that only Metals and Water were Conductors, and other Bodies more or less such as they partook of Metall or Moisture, was too general.
Your Conception of the Electric Fluid, that it is incomparably more subtil than Air, is undoubtedly just. It pervades dense Matter with the greatest Ease: But it does not seem to mix or incorporate willingly with mere Air, as it does with other Matter. It will not quit common Matter to join with Air. Air obstructs in some degree its Motion. An Electric Atmosphere cannot be communicated at so great a Distance thro’ intervening Air, by far, as thro’ a Vacuum. Who knows then, but there may be, as the Antients thought, a Region of this Fire, above our Atmosphere, prevented by our Air and its own too great Distance for Attraction, from joining our Earth? Perhaps where the Atmosphere is rarest, this Fluid may be densest; and nearer the Earth, where the Atmosphere grows denser, this Fluid may be rarer, yet some of it be low enough to attach itself to our highest Clouds, and thence they becoming electrified may be attracted by and descend towards the Earth, and discharge their Watry Contents together with that Etherial Fire. Perhaps the Aurorae Boreales are Currents of this Fluid in its own Region above our Atmosphere, becoming from their Motion visible. There is no End to Conjectures. As yet we are but Novices in this Branch of Natural Knowledge.
You mention several Differences of Salts in your Electrical Experiments. Were they all equally dry? Salt is apt to acquire Moisture from a moist Air, and some Sorts more than others. When perfectly dry’d, by lying before a Fire, or on a Stove, none that I have try’d will conduct, any better than so much Glass.
New Flannel, if dry and warm, will draw the Electric Fluid from Non Electrics, as well as that which has been worn.
I wish you had the Convenience of trying the Experiments you seem to have such Expectations from, upon various kinds of Spirits, Salts, Earths, &c. Frequently, in a Variety of Experiments, tho’ we miss what we expected to find, yet something valuable turns out, something surprizing, and instructing tho’ unthought of.
I am glad your Piece on the Principles of Action in Matter, with the Explanations, is likely soon to appear. I hope it may be printed correctly. Tracts on uncommon Subjects, when the Author is at a Distance, frequently suffer much in the Press, thro’ the Ignorance of the Workmen. I think my Letters were almost as fairly wrote as Print itself, yet they were publish’d with several Errata that render particular Parts quite unintelligible.
I thank you for communicating the Illustration of the Theorem concerning Light. It is very curious. But I must own that I am much in the Dark about Light. I am not satisfy’d with the Doctrine that supposes Particles of Matter call’d Light continually driven off from the Sun’s Surface, with a Swiftness so prodigious! Must not the smallest Particle conceivable, have, with such a Motion, a Force exceeding that of a 24 pounder discharg’d from a Cannon? Must not the Sun diminish exceedingly by such a Waste of Matter, and the Planets instead of drawing nearer to him, as some have feared, recede to greater Distances thro’ the lessened Attraction? Yet these Particles with this amazing Motion, will not drive before them or remove the least and lightest Dust they meet with: And the Sun, for aught we know, continues of his ancient Dimensions, and his Attendants move in their ancient Orbits.
May not all the Phaenomena of Light be more conveniently solved, by supposing Universal Space filled with a subtle elastic Fluid, which when at rest is not visible, but whose Vibrations affect that fine Sense the Eye, as those of Air do the grosser Organs of the Ear? We do not, in the Case of Sound, imagine that any sonorous Particles are thrown off from a Bell, for Instance, and fly in strait Lines to the Ear; why must we believe that luminous Particles leave the Sun and proceed to the Eye? Some Diamonds, if rubbed, shine in the dark, without losing any Part of their Matter. I can make an electrical Spark as big as the Flame of a Candle, much brighter and therefore visible farther; yet this is Light without Fuel, and I am persuaded no Part of the Electric Fluid flies off in such Case to distant Places, but all goes directly and is to be found in the Place to which I destine it. May not different Degrees of Vibration of the above-suppos’d Universal Medium, occasion the Appearances of different Colours? I think the Electric Fluid is always the same, yet I find that weaker and stronger Sparks differ in Apparent Colour, some white, blue, purple, red; the strongest white, weak ones red. Thus different Degrees of Vibration given to the Air, produce the 7 different Sounds in Music, analagous to the 7 Colours, yet the Medium, Air, is the same.
If the Sun is not wasted by Expence of Light, I can easily conceive that he shall otherwise always retain the same Quantity of Matter, tho’ we should suppose him made of Sulphur constantly flaming. The Action of Fire only separates the Particles of Matter, it does not annihilate them. Water by Heat rais’d in Vapour, returns to the Earth in Rain. And if we could collect all the Particles of burning Matter that go off in Smoke, perhaps they might, with the Ashes, weigh as much as the Body before it was fired; and if we could put them into the same Position with regard to each other, the Mass would be the same as before, and might be burnt over again. The Chymists have analys’d Sulphur, and find it compos’d in certain Proportions, of Oil, Salt, and Earth: And having by the Analysis discover’d those Proportions, they can of those Ingredients make Sulphur. So we have only to suppose, that the Parts of the Sun’s Sulphur, separated by Fire, rise into his Atmosphere, there, being freed from the immediate Action of the Fire, they collect into cloudy Masses, and growing by Degrees too heavy to be longer supported, they descend to the Sun, and are burnt over again. Hence the Spots appearing on his Face, which are observ’d to diminish daily in Size, their consuming Edges being of particular Brightness.
’Tis well we are not, as poor Galileo was, subject to the Inquisition for Philosophical Heresy. My Whispers against the orthodox Doctrine in private Letters, would be dangerous; your Writing and Printing would be highly criminal. As it is, you must expect some Censure, but one Heretic will surely excuse another.
I am heartily glad to hear more Instances of the Success of the Poke Weed, in the Cure of that horrible Evil to the human Body, a Cancer. You will deserve highly of Mankind for the Communication. But I find in Boston they are at a Loss to know the right Plant, some asserting it is what they call Mechoacan, others other Things. In one of their late Papers, it is publickly requested that a perfect Description may be given of the Plant, its Places of Growth, &c. I have mislaid the Paper, or would send it to you. I tho’t you had describ’d it pretty fully.
With great Respect and Esteem, I am, Dear Sir, Your obliged humble Servant
B Franklin


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Abiah Franklin, [April 1752–May 1752]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Abiah

Honored Mother,
Philadelphia, [April–May, 1752]
We received by this post both your letters of April 13th and 20th. The account you give of poor little Biah grieves me, but I still hope the best. However, God’s will must be done. I rejoice that the rest of sister’s children and brother Davenport’s are likely to escape so well, and Mrs. Billings’s.
Enclosed I send an order for six pistoles, which I believe will be paid on sight. I beg sister to accept four of them, and you the other two. I am your dutiful son,
B Franklin


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to James Bowdoin, 14 May 1752
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Bowdoin, James

Sir
Philada. May 14. 1752
I deferred answering yours of March 16th in hopes of finding one of the first Edition of Dr. Coldens Pieces, which you seem’d desirous to see. I have not been able to get a compleat one, but enclose you some Sheets which the Dr. sent me when it was in the Press. I endeavoured to understand it, and to that End made a few Remarks enpassant, but I found it quite out of my Reach. The Dr.’s Remarks on my Remarks are in the same Paper; which when you have perus’d please to return me. I send you also a late Letter from the Dr. as it relates to the same Piece.
I always tho’t it wrong to print private Letters without the Consent of the Writer; but to communicate now and then a philosophical Epistle, to a discrete philosophical Friend, as it tends to mutual Improvement, I do not think it amiss. I am, with great Respect and Esteem Your most humble Servant
B. Franklin


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Cadwallader Colden, 14 May 1752
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Colden, Cadwallader

Sir,
Philada. May 14. 1752
I find Parker has been indiscreet enough, to print a Piece in his Paper, which has brought him into a great deal of Trouble. I cannot conceive how he was prevail’d on to do it, as I know him to be a thorough Believer himself, and averse to every thing that is commonly called Freethinking. He is now much in his Penitentials, and requests me to intercede with you, to procure from the Governor a Nol. Pros. in his Favour, promising to be very circumspect and careful for the future, not to give Offence either in Religion or Politicks, to you or any of your Friends, in which I believe he is very sincere. I have let him know, that I pretend to no Interest with you, and I fear he has behav’d to the Governor and to you in such a Manner as not to deserve your Favour. Therefore I only beg Leave to recommend the poor Man’s Case to your Consideration; and if you could without Inconvenience to your own Character, interest yourself a little in his Behalf, I shall, as I am much concern’d for him, esteem it a very great Obligation. As to the Cause of Religion, I really think it will be best serv’d by Stopping the Prosecution: For if there be any evil Tendency apprehended from the Publication of that Piece, the Trial and Punishment of the Printer will certainly make it 1000 times more publick, such is the Curiosity of Mankind in these Cases. It is besides, an old Thing, has been printed before both in England, and by Andrew Bradford here; but no publick Notice being taken of it, it dy’d and was forgotten, as I believe it would now be, if treated with the same Indifference. I am, with great Respect, Sir, Your most humble Servant
B Franklin
 Addressed: To  The honble. Cadwalader Colden Esqr  Coldengham  Free  B Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Cadwallader Colden, 20 May 1752
From: Colden, Cadwallader
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Coldengham May 20th 1752
I received yours of the 23d of April as I was going on board the sloop in my return home from New York and could not take the pleasure of reading it before I left that place.
One so much conversant in examining any particular Phoenomenon or of various Phoenomena arising from the same cause must on every occasion give the pleasure of learning something new to those less conversant in them as often as the first is pleased to answer any objections of the latter or explain the diversities or variations which attend the same phoenomenon in different cases or appearances.
Your conjecture of the Electric fluid’s taking place in the superior regions of our atmosphere pleases my fancy as it in some measure confirms what I have advanced in the Treatise now in the press viz. That all the Planets in a greater or less degree emit Light and indeed I think that all bodies do. It does not follow that because we do not see the light that none is emitted. Some men can see where others are entirely in the Dark and some Animals as Owls, Batts, &c. see in the Dark and cannot bear so great a degree of Light as is necessary for our Perceptions.
When you shall see that Tract you will have opportunity of Judgeing of the Validity of the reasons I advance for an opinion that Light is a substance or Being essentially distinct from what we commonly call Matter or Body; that they have nothing in common between them except that we consider or conceive both as consisting of Quantity, that is, that in the same space there may be a greater or less quantity of either and that a certain quantity of either may be confined within certain bounds and consequently have some shape or form. Light has no power of attraction though it be attracted by resisting matter.
The Vibrations of a Fluid will in no manner explain the Phoenomena of Light as is very expressly pointed out in Sir Isaac Newtone’s optics; for example, Light proceeds allwise in streight lines unless diverted by some other thing. For this reason any opac body placed between the eye and a luminous body intercepts all the light but it does not intercept the sound coming from a sonorous body because Sound is conveyed by the Vibrations of a fluid Medium not by any emission of particles from the sounding body. Again the seperation of the distinct parts of Light which excite in us the different and distinct sensations of colours and which once seperated allwise remain the same prove that these sensations can not be produced by the Vibrations of any Medium supposed to convey the Action of Light from the Luminous body. I am persuaded that a carefull attention to the Phoenomena in Sir Isaacs optics and to his reflections on them will remove all doubt on this head.
On this occasion I think it proper to observe to you that in the Treatise before mentioned what Sir Isaac has proved is generally taken for granted and supposed to be known.
It may be proper likewise to observe to you that pure Light without any other mixture makes no impression on any other sense except the Sight. That the sense of heat arises from the Action of Light united with the action of some resisting matter. So likewise we have no Idea of fire without the union of resisting matter with Light.
In considering all Quantities or Degrees of Action or Force whether in ascending or descending, whether in considering them as continually increasing or continually decreasing, the ratio of comparison must at last come to that of infinity. We have no Idea of the absolute Force of any thing, only of its comparative force—or ratio of its force—to that of some other thing. The force of Different quantities of Light does not arise from the different Velocities (for I suppose all light allwise moves in the same ratio of Velocity Compared with any velocity that can be distinguished by our senses) but from the greater quantity or density of Light in the same Space.
If the emission of Light be not continued but by distinct vibrations or pulses and an infinitely thin surface of Light be thrown off in any finite part of time, suppose in a fifth, then there cannot be any finite or determinable diminution of the Light of the Sun or of the Diameter of Light in the sun in any finite time. If the intervals of the vibrations or emissions of infinitely thin Surfaces of Light be in an infinitely small part of time, It may take a hundred or a thousand years to diminish the suns Diameter one Inch. You will find something of these abstracted Speculations in the treatise I mention.
I have much reason to apprehend the errors of the press when I reflect on the manner the Indian History has been printed: Such gross errors in things obvious to the meanest understanding. Mr. Dodsley promised to get some person of Learning to correct the Press. Perhaps the Diffculties he meets with in this is the reason that the impression was not compleated in the beginning of March though begun in December.
I shall be exceedingly disapointed if it do not meet with censure. I have laid my account with it Not only with unjust and injurious censure but that many errors may truely be discovered and that it will require much correction. It is impossible to avoid errors in things of this nature more especially in a path not trod in before and where I had no body to assist me to review and examine the work. A Difficulty an author cannot labour under in England.
I have received a Copy of the Translation of my first piece into High Dutch with Animadversions on it at the end of it printed at Hambourg and Leipsic 1748 but I do not understand one word of them. I find my name often in company with those of very great ones Newtone, Leibnitz, and Wolfius and Leibnitz’s Monades often mentioned a New Doctrine which perhaps you have seen and is of great repute in Germany. The animadversions end—Magnis tamen excidit ausis which being in Latin I understand.
The person in the Boston paper who wants a fuller description of the Poke weed or Phytolacca than that given in the Magazine must have but little skill in Botany for I am confident the Discription is sufficient for a Botanist to distinguish it from any other Plant whatsoever. I know that some people have thought that the Pokeweed is Mechoacan but they who think so know litle of Plants.
To Mr. Franklen


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Edward and Jane Mecom, 21 May 1752
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Mecom, Edward,Mecom, Jane

Dear Brother and Sister,
Philadelphia, May 21, 1752
I received yours with the affecting news of our dear good mother’s death. I thank you for your long continued care of her in her old age and sickness. Our distance made it impracticable for us to attend her, but you have supplied all. She has lived a good life, as well as a long one, and is happy.
Since I sent you the order on Mr. Huske, I have received his account, and find he thinks he has money to receive, and, though I endeavour by this post to convince him he is mistaken, yet possibly he may not be immediately satisfied, so as to pay that order; therefore, lest the delay should be inconvenient to you, I send the six pistoles enclosed. But if the order is paid, give those to brother John, and desire him to credit my account with them. Your affectionate brother,
B. Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Peter Collinson, 3 June 1752
From: Collinson, Peter
To: Franklin, Benjamin

My Dear friend
Lond June 3d: 1752
I have wrote you before possibly you may receive Two Letters by one Ship—for here is Two Just going together and I cannot say whitch had my First. This serves to thank you for your favour of March 20th with the sundry Curious Articles besides. Greewood has been with Mee. I have recommended him to your Proprietor who Desires much to see Him, and does not take it well that Mr. Peters &c. does not recommend all such persons that have been Travellers, that may give Him Informations of the progress of the back settlements, of the French Incroachments and of the Indian Polity. Docr. Mitchell showed Mee a New Mapp of Pensilvania sent over by your Governor. The Doctor is Makeing a New Mapp of all our Colonies for the Board of Trade, Haveing the Assistance of all these Manuscrip Mapps and which are abundance in particular a Mapp sent by an Officer of the York Forces, which much fuller Discribes the Country and Settlements on Mohawk, Oswego and the fork of Susquehanna then your Governers Mapp. Docr. Mitchell gives his Service but his prodegious Engagements as above, prevents his Writeing by these Ships so hopes to be Excused. The post office for whom also he has made a Map is under great Difficulties in Setling its Income from the Colonies, which prevents his Comeing over so soone as was Expected. Pray send Docr. Coldens Letter. He stands very fair of being appointed president of the Council in the absence of the Governer.
It was Needless to send the Guinea. I have half a Guinea more in my Hands then will pay my petty Disbursments. Think to return it by Moses Bartram.
I have sent by Child 2 books on Electricity Lately publishd to you and some more for the Library Company as per Letter.
Mr. Jackson and myself are greatly Entertain’d on your Obs[ervations] on In[crease of] Mankind. I expect Mr. Jackson will write you on It. Your yearly bill &c. is very acceptable.
In 2 Weeks the proprietor Thomas expects to be a Father.
Mr. Cave intends to add your New Experiments on Electricity by Way of Supplement to the printed account.
Candidly take these rude Lines as a mark of the Sincere friendship of Yours
P Collinson
Pray what becomes of James Logan Library.
 Addressed: To  Benn Franklin  these


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from James Bowdoin, 8 June 1752
From: Bowdoin, James
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Brooklyn June 8. 1752
I have read the first Chapter of Dr. Colden’s piece on Gravitation which you was so good as to inclose in yours of the 14th. Ult. and endeavoured to understand it, but with as little Success as yourself. I have ventured notwithstanding to make in the margin a few remarks on several passages, which detach’d from the rest I tho’t I understood; but it is more than probable they are very impertinent when those passages are considered in the relation they stand in to the whole: and in that relation I acknowledge they ought to be consider’d. As to the three principles he endeavours to establish which he says are all agents essentially different from each other and will serve to explain all the phaenomena of Gravitation, I wish for my own sake he had produced more evidence of their existence than he has. As to the first viz. Resisting matter which resists in all directions, but in the conception of which motion ought not to enter; it may easily be allowed him with some limitation: but the other two viz. Self-moving matter which is void of all resistance, and exerts its power only in one direction; And Elastic matter which has neither resistance nor motion, nor exerts any action independent of the other powers, but being the medium of conveying their actions, receives them in one direction and reflects them in all directions; are not easily understood, and require more exemplification than is to be found in the treatise. But allowing these principles to exist, I am unable to explain any phaenomenon of Gravitation by them. I have applied them particularly to the revolutions of the planets round their centre of Gravity: Thus supposing all the planets like the Earth to be resisting matter and impell’d immediately by the self-moving matter, they would only have a direct motion communicated to them; or if the Self-moving matter acted on the elastic matter, and that convey’d it’s action to the planets, the elastic matter would give or convey to them only a direct or rectilinear motion: for tho’ the elastic matter is said to reflect the received action in every direction, that action must be in right lines in every direction, or it would not be the action of the self-moving matter (which is exerted in one direction only and consequently in a right line) communicated, &c.
But supposing these principles sufficient (and I ought to suppose them sufficient till I have seen the Drs. Application of them) to solve the phaenomena of Gravitation, it will be necessary for him I conceive in order to have a full conception of the Cause of Gravitation, to enquire by what means those principles had existence; and how they became endowed with their respective powers. This seems an arduous task on mechanical principles. I should be glad to see the remainder of the Drs. piece and the new Edition of it lately published in England (by Mr. Dodsley 4to.) which when you have opportunity I shall take it as a favour if you’d send me.
The Drs. Book and Letter I now return, for which I am obliged to you and am most respectfully Sir Yours.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to William Strahan, 20 June 1752
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Strahan, William

Dear Sir
Philada. June 20. 1752
I received yours of Jan. 17. with the two Vols. of Viner, in good Order: but the Ship proving leaky, the Water got into the Box containing poor Sally’s Dressing Glass, by which means the Glue being dissolved, the Frame parted, the Glass dropt out and broke to pieces, and the Wood Work is so twisted and cast out of Shape in drying again, that nothing fits, and the whole is not, in my Opinion worth a farthing; tho’ the Surveyors have valu’d it at ⅓ prime cost. I am thus particular, supposing you insur’d it with the other Goods you then sent, and that possibly something may be recovered towards another.

Honest David Martin, Rector of our Academy, my principal Antagonist at Chess, is dead, and the few remaining Players here are very indifferent, so that I have now no need of Stamma’s 12s. Pamphlet, and am glad you did not send it.
By Mesnard, Sally’s Books came to hand in good Order: But a 4to Bible with Cuts, charg’d in the Invoice, was not in the Trunk: Instead of it, there was a 2d Vol. of Fosters Nat. Religion in boards, which I keep, having the first.
I am not well enough acquainted with the Booksellers in New England to venture recommending, or advising you to deal with any of them unless for ready Cash. In general, the People there are artful to get into Debt, and pay badly. If I should ever make another Journey thither, I could, when on the Spot, judge better of Persons, and perhaps be of some Service.
Enclos’d is a Bill of £50 Sterling, drawn by Pole & Howell on Wm. Baker Esqr. Merchant London, with a List of Books for the Library Company. As this is the first Time of their Dealing with you, they will inspect the Invoice pretty curiously, therefore I hope you will be careful to procure the Books as cheap as possible. The Company are unacquainted with some of the Books, so that if the whole should come to more than £50 with Charges of Insurance, &c. they desire you would omit so many as to bring it within that Sum; for their Money comes in but once a Year, and they do not chuse to lie so long in Debt.
Please to send me another of Popple’s Maps of North America, large, on Rollers; a Pair of Mrs. Senex’s improv’d Globes, recommended in the Transactions of the Royal Society, (or Neal’s improv’d Globes, if thought better than Senex’s) the best and largest that may be had for (not exceeding) Eight Guineas. And a Concave Mirror or Burning-Glass of about 12 Inches Diameter; with our Account. I send by Mr. Stirling 7 French and 2 English Guineas; and per next Ships shall send you a Bill.
I am sorry to part with that Gentleman just when we were beginning to be a little acquainted. I wish he had more reason to be satisfied with his Visit to America.
My Wife and Children join in Compliments to you and yours, with Dear Sir Your most obliged humble Servant
B Franklin
 Addressed: To  Mr Wm. Strahan, Printer  London  per favr. of  Mr Stirling


Title: Remarks on the Proprietors’ Instructions to Governor Hamilton, 2 July 1752
From: Franklin, Benjamin,Pemberton, Israel
To:

July 2, 1752
This document, composed by Franklin and Israel Pemberton, is omitted here for the reason stated above, p. 111; but is printed, with editorial annotation, in Some Account of the Pennsylvania Hospital, May 1754, in the next volume.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Samuel Johnson, 2 July 1752
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Johnson, Samuel

Reverend Sir
Philada. July 2. 52
I have sent you via New York 24 of your Books, bound as those I sent you per Post. The Remainder of the 50 are binding in a plainer Manner, and shall be sent as soon as done, and left at Mr. Stuyvesant’s as you order.
Our Academy, which you so kindly enquire after, goes on well. Since Mr. Martin’s Death, the Latin and Greek School has been under the Care of Mr. Allison a Dissenting Minister, well skilled in those Languages and long practic’d in Teaching: But he refused the Rectorship, or to have any thing to do with the Government of the other Schools. So that remains vacant, and obliges the Trustees to more frequent Visits. We have now several young Gentlemen desirous of entring on the Study of Philosophy, and Lectures are to be opened this Week. Mr. Allison undertakes Logic and Ethics, making your Work his Text, to comment and lecture upon. Mr. Peters, and some other Gentlemen, undertake the other Branches, till we shall be provided with a Rector capable of the whole, who may attend wholly to the Instruction of Youth in these higher Parts of Learning as they come out fitted from the lower Schools. Our Proprietors have lately wrote, that they are extreamly well pleased with the Design, will take our Seminary under their Patronage, give us a Charter, and, as an earnest of their Benevolence Five Hundred Pounds Sterling. And by our opening a Charity School, in which near 100 poor Children are taught Reading, Writing and Arithmetick, with the Rudiments of Religion, we have gain’d the general Good Will of all Sorts of People, from whence Donations and Bequests may be reasonably expected to accrue from time to time. This is our present Situation, and we think it a promising one; especially as the Reputation of our Schools encreases, the Masters being all very capable and diligent, and giving great Satisfaction to all concern’d.
I have heard of no Exceptions yet made to your Work, nor do I expect any, unless to those Parts that savour of what is called Berkleyanism, which is not well understood here. When any occur, I shall communicate them.
With great Esteem and Respect, I am, Dear Sir Your obliged humble Servant
B Franklin
 Addressed: To  The Revd Dr Saml Johnson  Stratford  Connecticut  Free  B Franklin


Title: Joshua Crosby to Thomas Hyam and Silvanus Bevan, 2 July 1752
From: Crosby, Joshua
To: Hyam, Thomas,Bevan, Silvanus

July 2, 1752
This document, drafted by Franklin and Israel Pemberton, is omitted here for the reason stated above, p. 111; but is printed, with editorial annotation, in Some Account of the Pennsylvania Hospital, May 1754, in the next volume.


Title: Order of the Mayor and Aldermen Concerning the Constabulary and Watch, 7 July 1752
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

About 1735, according to his autobiography, Franklin read a paper to the Junto on the inadequacies of the Philadelphia city watch and proposed a tax-supported permanent watch. Though his scheme was approved by the Junto and its sister clubs, nothing came of it. The conditions Franklin criticized continued to worsen; and in 1743 the Grand Jury presented the watch as ill-organized, poorly managed, and expensive, its charges “Unequal and Grevious to the poorer part of the Citizens”; and asked for a “Stated Watch” paid out of taxes. The Philadelphia Council petitioned the Assembly for a law authorizing the changes, but the Assembly took no action. In 1749, reacting to increasing complaints of the citizens, the Grand Jury again presented the “Weakness and Insufficiency” of the watch, and in January 1750 the Council petitioned the Assembly again (Franklin serving on the committee to draft the memorial). A bill was introduced empowering the Philadelphia authorities to light their streets, specify the duties of constables and watchmen, and levy the necessary taxes. The Assembly moved slowly; Governor Hamilton objected to the bill as first passed; and not until February 9, 1751, was it enacted into law. Under this law the mayor, recorder, and aldermen (among whom Franklin was now one) drew up regulations for the town constables and watchmen.

[July 7, 1752]
The following Orders directing and regulating the Conduct and Duty of the several Constables and Watchmen of the said City now or hereafter to be appointed, in their keeping Watch and Ward within the same City, were made.
Ordered that the Constables of this City, or so many of them as shall from time to time be agreed upon by the Magistrates and Wardens shall keep Watch and Ward alternately, in such order, as the Magistrates and Wardens shall hereafter direct, from the time of their appointment, during their Continuance in their several offices.
That in case of the absence, indisposition, death or Removal of any such Constables his next immediate Successor shall perform his duty for the night, and each of the others in succession following, shall perform their several Duties, as if such Constable had not been named, until he shall return, recover, or a new Constable be appointed in his place.
That each Constable shall, on his night of duty, constantly be and attend at the Court House of the said City, from the tenth day of the month called March, to the tenth day of September, from ten a Clock in the Night, until four in the Morning; and from the tenth day of September, to the tenth day of March, from nine a Clock in the night, until six in the Morning, except when he shall be walking his Rounds hereafter mentioned, or be called from thence on some other necessary part of his Duty.
That the Constable of the Night shall within half an hour after the time appointed for his Attendance, Call over the Names of the several Watchmen, upon their appearance, deliver each of them his proper staff, kept in the Court House, for that purpose; Send Twelve of them to their appointed Stations hereafter mentioned, and shall retain two for the Service hereafter injoyned; but in Case any one of the said twelve Watchmen be absent when he should repair to his Station, the Constable shall order one of the said two Watchmen to Supply and execute his place and Duty for that night.
That such Constable, before one of the Clock shall send the Watchmen hereby ordered to remain with him, alternately, or one of them, in Case the other shall not attend, to all parts of the City, to observe whether the several Watchmen perform their Duties, and shall also afterwards personally go round the several Stations of the Watchmen once a Night, and observe the same; and if any Watchman neglect to meet at the Times appointed as aforesaid, or be found otherwise negligent in his Duty, the Constable shall give Notice thereof on the day following, to at least two of the Wardens.
That such Constable shall immediately before the time of Breaking up the Watch, receive at the Court-House from every Watchman on duty that Night, his staff, and Carefully dispose of the same in some Convenient place there, so that it may be ready to be delivered out the Night following, by his Successor, in Manner above prescribed.
That such Constable shall on the day next after his night of duty, before the Hour of one, in the afternoon, Deliver to his Successor, the Watch Staff, provided for that purpose, and also the Keys of the Cages &c.
That the said Constables, in their Several turns and Courses of Watching, shall use their best endeavours to prevent Fires, Murders, Burglaries, Robberies and other outrages and disorders within the said City; and shall arrest and apprehend all night Walkers, Malefactors and Suspected persons who shall be found wandering and Misbehaving themselves, and shall Carry the Person or Persons, who shall be so apprehended, as soon as conveniently they may, before one or more of the Justices of the Peace, of and for the said City, to be examined and dealt with according to Law.
Ordered also,
That the several Watchmen shall repair to and be at the Court House aforesaid, each Night, from the tenth day of March, to the tenth day of September, at ten a Clock, and from the tenth day of September to the tenth day of March, at nine a Clock, there to receive their staves, and shall afterwards perform the respective duties hereby further enjoined.
1
That one Watchman shall stand at the North-West Corner of Front and Union street, for the first station, who shall from thence go the following rounds, to Wit; Up Front-street, on the East Side, to the first Corner, thence down Water-street, up Pine-street, down second, down Lombard, up front, up Pine, up second, down Spruce, down front-street, to his station.
  2
That one Watchman shall stand at the North-West Corner of front and Walnut-street, who shall from thence go the following rounds, to Wit; Up Walnut-street, down second, up Spruce Half way to Third street, thence down Spruce, up front-street to his station.
  3
That one Watchman shall stand at the North-West Corner, of Chesnut and Water-street, who shall from thence go the following rounds, to Wit; down Water Street, as Low as Hamilton’s stores, thence up front-street to Market-street, thence down Water-street to his station.
  4
That one Watchman shall stand at the North-West Corner of Market and front-street, who shall from thence go the following Rounds, to wit, down front-street, up Chesnut Street, up Second Street, down Market, up front, up Mulberry, down second, down Market Street, to his station.
  5
That one Watchman shall stand at the North West Corner of Mulberry and Water street, who shall from thence go the following rounds, to Wit; Up Water Street to Vine Street, thence down front Street to Market-Street, thence Up Water Street, to his Station.
  6
That one Watchman shall stand at the North West Corner of Front Street, and Sassafras Street, who shall from thence go the following rounds, to Wit, down front street, up Mulberry, up Second, down Sassafras, up front, up Vine, down Second, down Sassafras Street, to his Station.
  7
That one Watchman shall stand at the North West Corner of Mulberry and Second Street, who shall from thence go the following Rounds, to wit; Up Mulberry-Street, up Third Street, up Sassafras, down fourth, down Mulberry, up Third, down Sassafras, down Second-Street, to his Station.
  8
That one Watchman shall stand at the North East Corner of Market and Second Street, who shall from thence go the following rounds, to Wit, down Second-Street, up Chesnut-street, up Third, down Market, up Second, up Mulberry, down third, down Market, to his Station.
  9
That one Watchman shall stand at the south West Corner of Chesnut and Second Streets, who shall from thence go the following rounds, to Wit; down Chesnut Street, down front Street, up Walnut, up Second, up Chesnut, down Third, down Walnut, up Second Street, to his Station.
  10
That one Watchman shall stand at the North West Corner of Chesnut and Third Street, who shall from thence go the following rounds, to Wit; up Third Street, up Market, down fourth, up Chesnut to the State House, thence up Fifth Street, down Market, down fourth, down Chesnut Street, to his Station.
  11
That one Watchman shall stand at the North West Corner of Market and Third Streets, who shall from thence go the following rounds, to Wit; up Third Street, up Mulberry as high as Christopher Thompson’s Row, thence return down fourth Street, up Market Street, as high as Fifth Street, thence down Market Street, to his Station.
  12
That one Watchman shall stand at the North West Corner of Chesnut and Fourth Streets, who shall from thence go the following rounds, to wit; down Chesnut street on the South Side, then down Third Street, to Charles Willings thence up Walnut, up fourth, up Chesnut, down Fifth, down Walnut, up Fourth Street, to his Station.
That each Watchman in his first and Second Rounds, shall examine the Doors of all Dwelling-Houses, Shops, Ware Houses and other Buildings, by gently pushing against them with his Staff, and if they be open, shall acquaint the Owner’s thereof.
That each Watchman shall go into all open alleys and Lanes, within the Limits of his rounds.

That every Watchman in the Course of each round, shall frequently call the Hour of the Night and Weather, with a Loud and Distinct Voice.
That each Watchman after his Several Returns to his Station, shall frequently walk over the two Cross Streets near his Stand, and View them up and down.
That every Watchman shall, in the absence of the Constable for the night apprehend all Night Walkers, Malefactors, Rogues, Vagabonds, and disorderly Persons, who they shall find disturbing the publick peace, or shall have just Cause to Suspect of any evil Design and Carry the person or persons so apprehended immediately to the said Constable, to be by him as soon as Conveniently may be taken before one or more Justice or Justices of the Peace for the said City, to be examined and dealt with according to Law, and that the said Watchmen, in case of any fire breaking out, or other great Necessity, shall immediately alarm each other, and the Inhabitants in their respective rounds; which when done, they shall repair to their respective stands, the better to discover any other fire that may happen, as well as to prevent any Burglaries, Robberies, Outrages and disorders and to apprehend any Suspected persons who, in such times of Confusion, may be feloniously Carrying off the goods and Effects of others.
That the said Watchmen shall continue in the exercise of their duties aforesaid, from the hours of their Meeting at the Court House, between the tenth day of March and the tenth day of September, until four a Clock; and Between the tenth day of September and the tenth day of March, until Six a Clock in the Morning; at which respective Hours, they shall repair to the Constable of the Night at his station; deliver to him their Staves, and be Discharged.

Phil: Syng
Robt: Strettell Mayr.

Hugh Roberts
Tench Francis Recr.

Thomas Crosby
B Franklin

Joseph Stretch
John Mifflin

Jacob Cooper
Tho Lawrence

Benja. Shoemaker


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Perkins, 3 August 1752
From: Perkins, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

[Sir]
Boston Augt. 3d. 1752
This comes to you on account of Dr. Douglass. He desired me to write to you for what you know of the Number that died of the Inoculation in Philadelphia telling me he design’d to write something on the Small-pox shortly. We shall both be oblig’d to you for a word on this Affair.
The chief Particulars of our Visitation you have in the public prints. But the less degree of Mortality than usual in the common way of Infection seems chiefly owing to the purging Method design’d to prevent the secondary Fever A Method first begun and carry’d on in this Town And with Success beyond Expectation. We lost one in 111/6 but had we been experienced in this way at the first coming of the Distemper probably the proportion had been but one in 13 or 14. In the Year 1730 we lost 1 in 9 which is more favourable than ever before with us. The Distemper pretty much the same then as now but some Circumstances not so kind this Time.
If there be any particulars which you want please to Signifie what, and I shall send them.
The Number of our Inhabitants decreases. On a Strict Inquirie the Overseers of the Poor find but 14,190 Whites and 1,544 Blacks including those Absent on account of the Small pox many of whome ’tis probable will never return.
I pass this Oportunity without any particulars of my old Theme: I believe I have sufficiently tired you and indeed am almost aground for want of Matter. One Thing however I must mention which is that perhaps my last Letters contain’d something that seem’d to militate with your Doctrine of the Origins &c. But my design was only to relate the Phenomena as they appear’d to me. I have receiv’d so much Light and pleasure from your Writings as to prejudice me in Favour of every Thing from your Hand and leave me only Liberty to Observe and a power of dissenting when some great probability might oblige me: And if at any Time that be the Case you will certainly hear of it. I am Sir Your much obliged Humble Servant
John Perkins
 Addressed: For  Mr. Franklin Post-Master  In Philadelphia


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to William Strahan, 7 August 1752
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Strahan, William

Dear Sir
Philada. Augt. 7. 1752
I wrote to you lately per Mesnard, and sent a Bill for £50 Sterling, with a List of Books to be purchased for our Library; a Copy of which I shall send per another Ship that sails in a few Days.
This is chiefly to recommend to you Mr. Matthias Harris, a Gentleman of Maryland, and a Friend of mine. As he will be entirely a Stranger in London, your Acquaintance and Advice on any Occasion may be of use to him, and any Civilities you show him shall be esteemed and acknowledged as Favours to Dear Sir, Your obliged humble Servant
B Franklin
 Addressed: To  Mr Wm Strahan  Printer  London  per Mr M. Harris.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to William Strahan, 8 August 1752
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Strahan, William

Dear Sir,
Philada. Augt. 8, 1752
I wrote to you the 20th of June per Mr. Sterling (who I hope is by this Time safe arrived in England) and sent you a Bill of £50 sterling with a List of Books to be procured for our Library. Enclos’d is a Copy, and the 2d Bill.
I wrote at the same Time for a Pair of Globes of 6, or 8 Guineas Price; a concave Mirror of 12 Inches Diameter and a large Popple’s Mapp; sent you 9 Guineas, and promis’d a Bill per next Ship, which I now accordingly send. It is £20 sterling drawn by Mary Stevens on Alexr. Grant, Esqre. When paid, please to credit my Account with it.
I have only the 1st vol. of Bower’s History of the Popes. I hear a 2d is publish’d; please to send it bound, dark sprinkled, filleted and letter’d.
I wrote you a few Days since, recommending to your Notice an old Acquaintance, who is bound Home from Maryland, to obtain holy Orders. His Name Matthias Harris. Any Civilities you show him, as he will be an entire Stranger in London, I shall gratefully acknowledge—only I ought to acquaint you, that he has always had a strong Panchant to the buying of Books, and that some late Misfortunes have rendered it more inconvenient to him to gratify that Taste than it has been heretofore.
My Wife, Son and Daughter, desire to be respectfully remember’d to you, Mrs. Strahan and Master Billy. I am, Dear Sir, Your obliged humble Servant
B Franklin


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to John Perkins, 13 August 1752
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Perkins, John

Sir,
Philadelphia, Aug. 13, 1752
I received your favour of the 3d instant. Some time last winter I procured from one of our physicians an account of the number of persons inoculated during the five visitations of the small-pox we have had in 22 years; which account I sent to Mr. W[illiam] V[assall], of your town, and have no copy. If I remember right, the number exceeded 800, and the deaths were but 4. I suppose Mr. V[assall] will shew you the account, if he ever received it. Those four were all that our doctors allow to have died of the small-pox by inoculation, though I think there were two more of the inoculated who died of the distemper; but the eruptions appearing soon after the operation, it is supposed they had taken the infection before, in the common way.
I shall be glad to see what Dr. Douglass may write on the subject. I have a French piece printed at Paris 1724, entitled, Observations sur la Saignée du Pied, et sur la Purgation au commencement de la Petite Verole, & Raisons de doubte contre l’Inoculation. A letter of the doctor’s is mentioned in it. If he or you have it not, and desire to see it, I’ll send it. Please to favour me with the particulars of your purging method, to prevent the secondary fever.
I am indebted for your preceding letter, but business sometimes obliges one to postpone philosophical amusements. Whatever I have wrote of that kind, are really, as they are entitled, but Conjectures and Suppositions; which ought always to give place, when careful observation militates against them. I own I have too strong a penchant to the building of hypotheses; they indulge my natural indolence: I wish I had more of your patience and accuracy in making observations, on which, alone, true Philosophy can be founded. And, I assure you, nothing can be more obliging to me, than your kind communication of those you make, however they may disagree with my pre-conceived notions.
I am sorry to hear that the number of your inhabitants decreases. I some time since, wrote a small paper of Thoughts on the peopling of Countries, which, if I can find, I will send you, to obtain your sentiments. The favourable opinion you express of my writings, may, you see, occasion you more trouble than you expected from, Sir, Yours, &c.
B.F.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Peter Collinson, 15 August 1752
From: Collinson, Peter
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Lond Augt. 15: 1752
I had the pleasure of my Dear friend Letter of June 19th: It gives Mee concern for find my Letters Miscarried, for I writ both by Neat Ship and by Mesnard and I keep no Coppys. Indeed what I write generally in a Hurry does not deserve It but there was some things my Friends may be glad to know. In particular there was J. Bartrams Orders and Letters of advice of the Two silver Watches Inclosed in thy Letter which I Deliverd at the Coffeehouse and saw putt in the Bagg.
Our friend Jackson is prepareing his Observation and remarks on thy Curious paper which I will send by first Ship as Here is several to sail this autumn.
It Delights Mee to hear that the Academy goes on so finely. The Proprietors have strong Inclinations to Encourage and support It which must prove of universal Bennefit in every Capacity publick and private.
The Books are getting ready but I am afraid not time enough to Come by this Ship. A few books I send for the L:C: Voltair will please thee.
The Map was very acceptable but pray how happend the place not to be Marked where the State House stands which is a fine Ornamental Building.
Our papers are full of Electrical Experiments. Thou sees a Little Electrical Hint give at Philadelphia has stimulated all Europe. I have not yet got a french Translation. Expect it soone.
In some of my Spring Letters I took some Notice of Mr. Peters Sermon. Is that come to hand?
By Moses Bartram sent parcell Books who I hope is come safe.
Mr. Greenwood has been several times with Mee is a pretty Intelligent young Man. He has promissed to take Care of this pacquet.

By my Friend J. Bartrams Letter of June 17th I hope he has recoverd the Cold that was so severe. I cannot answer his Letter by this Occation. His Clocks &c. will come in the Trunk of books.
Now my Dear friend Farewell
P Collinson
Please to tell J: Bartram that Govr. Shirley has paid for his Seeds. Pray tell J: Bartram to send Mee a Book of his Medicina Britannice for Doc Linnaeus in Sweeden and one for my self.
 Addressed: To  Ben Franklin  Esqr  Pensilvania


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from George Whitefield, 17 August 1752
From: Whitefield, George
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Mr. F[ranklin],
London, Aug. 17, 1752
Inclosed you have a letter for Mr. R—. I hope that promotion will do him no hurt. May God help him to make a stand against vice and prophaneness, and to exert his utmost efforts in promoting true religion and virtue! This is the whole of man. I find that you grow more and more famous in the learned world. As you have made a pretty considerable progress in the mysteries of electricity, I would now humbly recommend to your diligent unprejudiced pursuit and study the mystery of the new-birth. It is a most important, interesting study, and when mastered, will richly answer and repay you for all your pains. One at whose bar we are shortly to appear, hath solemnly declared, that without it, “we cannot enter the kingdom of heaven.” You will excuse this freedom. I must have aliquid Christi in all my letters. I am yet a willing pilgrim for his great name sake, and I trust a blessing attends my poor feeble labours. To the giver of every good gift be all the glory. My respects await your whole self, and all enquiring friends, and hoping to see you yet once more in this land of the dying, I subscribe myself, dear Sir, Your very affectionate friend, and obliged servant,
G.W.


Title: Pennsylvania Assembly Committee: Report on the State of the Currency, 19 August 1752
From: Pennsylvania Assembly Committee
To:

On March 11 the Assembly resumed consideration of Governor Hamilton’s refusal to assent to a bill for striking £20,000 in paper currency (see above, p. 272); they then ordered that Evan Morgan, Franklin, Richard Walker, George Ashbridge, James Wright, and John Wright “be a Committee to enquire into the State of our Paper Currency, our foreign and domestick Trade; and the Number of People within this Province, and report thereon to the next Sitting of Assembly.” The committee made its report August 19; and three days later it was referred to the next Assembly for consideration. It was taken up on January 17, 1753, and the House adopted certain resolutions upon it (see below, 496).

August 19, 1752
In Obedience to the Order of the House, your Committee have enquired into the State and Circumstances of the Paper Currency of this Province, our foreign and domestick Trade, Numbers of People, &c. and do find,
That in the Year 1723, the first Experiment of Paper Money was made in Pennsylvania, by striking and emitting on Loan, upon real Securities, the Sum of Fifteen Thousand Pounds. And the ill Consequences apprehended by some, as necessarily attending such a Currency, not appearing, but on the contrary great and manifest Advantages to the Publick immediately ensuing, the Government were induced to pass another Act the same Year, for issuing a farther Sum of Thirty Thousand Pounds.

Experience demonstrating more and more the Benefit arising from this Currency to the Province, by the Encrease of Trade and People, and Improvement of Lands, and the Sum of Forty-five Thousand Pounds not being found sufficient for the Occasions of Commerce, the General Assembly did, in the Year 1729, strike and emit a farther Sum of Thirty Thousand Pounds, and in 1739 a small additional Sum, with which, the whole Currency then amounted to Eighty Thousand Pounds; and there has since been no Addition, except the Sum of Five Thousand Pounds, struck for the King’s Use in 1746, great Part of which is already sunk by yearly Quota’s of Five Hundred Pounds out of the Excise, as by Law directed.
That the Sum of Eighty Thousand Pounds, emitted on Loan, and now current, is, by Law, to continue entire not quite four Years longer, when it must begin to sink, in the Proportion of One Sixth Part per Annum, so that in six Years the whole may be sunk and destroyed; and the Province will then be left without any Currency, except that precarious One of Silver, which cannot be depended on, being continually wanted to ship Home, as Returns, to pay for the Manufactures of Great-Britain.
That in 1723, and for some Years before, the Trade of this Province languished for want of a Medium; Building and Planting were discouraged, and the Inhabitants in City and Country rather diminished than increased. This is not only consistent with the Knowledge of some of your Committee, who well remember the distressed Circumstances of the People at that Time, that many Tradesmen and others left the Country, and that a great Number of Houses were vacant and untenanted in the City: But the swift Declension of our Trade appears from the Custom-house Entries, where we find, that the Vessels cleared from the Port of Philadelphia in the Year 1721 were 130, in 1722 but 110, and in 1723 only 85.
From that Period both the City and Country have flourished and encreased in a most suprizing Manner. The Encrease of the City appears even to the Eye of every common Observer, the Number of new Buildings much exceeding the Old. It appears also by comparing the Bills of Mortality: For in the Year 1722, the Burials in Philadelphia, of all Ages, Sects and Colours, amounted to no more than 188, an exact Account being for that Year published monthly. Of the preceding and next following Years we find no Account; but from November 20, 1729, to November 19, 1730, the Burials were 244; and from November 18, 1731, to November 16, 1732, they were 254, notwithstanding that in the intermediate Year, the Small-pox raging in the Town, had alone carried off near 240 Persons, and swell’d the Bill for that Year to 490. From hence to 1738, no Account is come to our Hands; but from December 25, 1738, to December 25, 1744, the Burials amounted to 3179, which being, at a Medium, 454 per Annum, shews the great Increase of Inhabitants to that Time; and since 1744, the Encrease is thought rather to have exceeded in Proportion.
Your Committee have endeavoured to procure from the yearly Tax Books, Accounts of the Number of taxable Inhabitants in the Counties of this Province for several Years, since the first striking of Paper Money; and tho’ the Accounts they have obtained are not so perfect as could be wished (some of those Books being lost or mislaid) yet they find sufficient to show that a very great Addition has been made, viz. In the City and County of Philadelphia, it appears that there were in the Year 1720 but 1995 Taxables; in the Year 1740 they amounted to 4850; and in the Year 1751 they were 7100.
For the County of Bucks we have only obtained an Account of the present Number of Taxables, which amounts to 3012, exclusive of the Moravians at Bethlehem, whose Numbers are unknown: But inasmuch as there were few or no Settlements above Durham before 1723, and that there are now so many as to be formed into a new County by this Assembly; and the Lower Settlements are grown much thicker, not only by natural Encrease, but by Addition of People from Ireland and Germany, it is not doubted but that County may have increased in equal Proportion with the County of Philadelphia.
From the Tax Books of Chester County we learn, that in the Year 1732 their Taxables amounted to 2157, in 1737 they were 2532, in 1742 they were 3007, in 1747 they were 3444, and this present Year, 1752, they amount to 3951; which shows that County to have nearly doubled itself in the last twenty Years. And tho’ we have no Accounts of their Number in 1723, the first Year of Paper Money, yet it is known, that their Encrease was so great between that Time and the Year 1729, as to occasion a Division of the County, their Frontier Settlements being then erected into a new County, by the Name of Lancaster.
Of the Number of Taxables in the County of Lancaster, we have no earlier Account than that for the Year 1738, which amounted to 2560: Since that Time Lancaster County has so encreased and extended its Settlements as to bear a double Division, two new Counties, York and Cumberland, being about three Years since taken out of it; and yet the Account of Taxables in Lancaster County this present Year, amounts to 3977, of which 311 live in the fine Town of Lancaster, a Town not much more than twenty Years old.
The County of York (taken, as is said before, out of Lancaster) had in 1749 Taxables 1466, in 1750 they were 1798, and in 1751 they amounted to 2043, which shews an Encrease of near one Third in two Years.
The County of Cumberland had, when separated from Lancaster, in 1749, but 807 Taxables; in 1751 they amounted to 1134, which is an Encrease yet greater than that of York County.
That the Trade of this Province has likewise greatly increased since the first striking of Paper Money, appears from the Custom-House Accounts of Vessels cleared from the Port of Philadelphia, which, as we have said before, were, in the Year 1723, no more than 85; but in 1730 they amounted to 171; in 1735 they were 212; and from August 1749, to this present August 1752, being three Years, they amount to 1210, which at a Medium is 403 per Annum, being near 5 now for 1 in the year 1723.
That our Consumption of the Manufactures of our Mother Country has proportionably increased, appears from the same Accounts. Since in the Year 1723 we had but two Ships from London; whereas between the 18th of August 1748, and this present Date, they amount to Thirty-seven, which make on an Average nine Ships per Annum, who have generally come full of Goods, besides many others from the Out-ports of Britain not reckoned.
This increasing Consumption of Goods from England (exclusive of Linen, &c. from Scotland and Ireland) appears more particularly by an authentick Account from J. Oxenford, Inspector General of the Customs, as laid before the Parliament in 1748, where we find that the whole Exports to Pennsylvania,

Sterling.

In 1723 amounted but to
£15992
19
4

  In 1730 they amounted to
48592
7
5

  In 1737 they were
56690
6
7

  In 1742 they were
75295
3
4

  In 1747 they were
82404
17
7

since which we have no Account, but it is well known that within these five Years the English Trade is greatly augmented.
Our Domestick or Inland Trade is so connected with and dependent on our foreign Commerce, as that it is difficult to distinguish, or obtain any separate Account of it: But that it must have increas’d proportionably with the People, is easy to conceive; that our Indian Trade particularly is extended many hundred Miles farther Westward, to numerous, new and strange Nations, is well known; and that the Number of Waggons employ’d in exchanging and conveying Commodities from one Part of the Province to another, has been very greatly augmented within these few Years, is a Matter of common and general Observation.
Furnishing the Country with a Medium of Trade, and of a Kind that could not, to any Purpose, be exported, as it facilitated mutual Commerce, lessened our Taxes by the Interest it produced, and made it more easy for every one to obtain ready Pay for his Labour, Produce or Goods (a Medium so evidently wanted at the Time Paper Money was first issued) has doubtless been one great Means of the subsequent Encrease of our Trade and People, by inducing Strangers to come and settle among us. But your Committee conceive, that the Manner of issuing this Medium contributed no less to those happy Effects than the Medium itself. It was by the Laws directed to be emitted on Loan, in Sums of Twelve Pounds Ten Shillings, and upwards, not exceeding One Hundred Pounds to one Person, for a long Term, on easy Interest, and payable in yearly Quota’s; which put it in the Power of many to purchase Lands, and make Plantations (the Loan-Office enabling them to pay the Purchase so easily) and thereby to acquire Estates to themselves, and to support and bring up Families; but who, without that Assistance, would probably have continued longer in a single State, and as Labourers for others, or have quitted the Country in Search of better Fortune. This easy Means of acquiring landed Estates to themselves, has, we suppose, been one principal Encouragement to the great Removal hither, of People from Ireland and Germany, where they were only, and could scarce ever expect to be other than Tenants. And that happy Contrivance in our Money Laws, by which the yearly Quota’s are, as fast as paid in, re-emitted to other Borrowers, makes the same Quantity of Currency serviceable in their Turns to a much greater Number of People; thereby lessening the Necessity and Demand for striking great additional Sums, which, if carried to Excess, might depreciate the Value of the Currency.
Yet had this easy Method of obtaining Money for the Purchase and Improvement of Lands, kept Pace, as it ought to have done, with the growing Numbers of People, your Committee conceive, that our Encrease, great as it is, would probably have been much greater: For during many Years past, thro’ the Smallness of the Sum to be from Time to Time re-emitted, not only those admitted to borrow were obliged to be content with small Proportions, but many who could give ample Security, have been delay’d and disappointed. Even at this present Time, tho’ Applications by failing of Success have been so much discouraged, we are informed there are no less than 1000 Appliers on the List, who wait their Turn to be supplied. And within these ten Years, a vast Multitude of our Inhabitants have, to procure Settlements, wandered away to other Places.
That it should be easy for the industrious Poor to obtain Lands, and acquire Property in a Country, may indeed be chargeable with one Inconvenience, to wit, That it keeps up the Price of Labour, and makes it more difficult for the old Settler to procure working Hands, the Labourers very soon setting up for themselves: (And accordingly we find, that tho’ perhaps not less than 30,000 Labourers have been imported into this Province within these twenty Years, Labour continues as dear as ever.) Yet this Inconvenience is perhaps more than ballanced by the rising Value of his Lands, occasion’d by Encrease of People; and to the Publick in General, Numbers of substantial Inhabitants have been always reckon’d an Advantage. In fine, by rendering the Means of purchasing Land easy to the Poor, the Dominions of the Crown are strengthen’d and extended; the Proprietaries dispose of their Wilderness Territory; and the British Nation secures the Benefit of its Manufactures, and increases the Demand for them: For so long as Land can be easily procur’d for Settlements between the Atlantick and Pacifick Oceans, so long will Labour be dear in America; and while Labour continues dear, we can never rival the Artificers, or interfere with the Trade of our Mother Country.
All which is humbly submitted to the House, by

Benjamin Franklin,
Evan Morgan,

Richard Walker,
Peter Worrall.

George Ashbridge,