Title: From George Washington to Joseph Barrell, 30 March 1794
From: Washington, George
To: Barrell, Joseph

            Sir
            Philadelphia March 30th: 1794

          Your favor of the 25th of Novr last, and the Sea Otter skin with which you were pleased
            to present me by the hands of Colo. Sergant, were not (as he probably has informed you)
            received at this place until a few days ago; or I should, most assuredly, have thanked
            you ’ere this for your kind and polite attention to me.
          I now pray you to accept my acknowledgment of the favor—and the assurance of the esteem
            with which I am—Sir Your Most Obedt Servt

            Go: Washington


Title: From George Washington to Betty Washington Lewis, 30 March 1794
From: Washington, George
To: Lewis, Betty Washington

          Letter not found: to Betty Washington Lewis, 30 March 1794.
            Betty Washington Lewis wrote GW on 13 April that “Your letter of the 30th of march came
            safe to hand.”


Title: From George Washington to Edmund Randolph, 30 March 1794
From: Washington, George
To: Randolph, Edmund

            Sir,
            Phila. March 30th 1794

          The Letters to the Minister of the French republic, appears
            proper. The propriety of laying those from him, before Congress,
            I will converse with you upon tomorrow morning at Eight o clock.
          By whom is the request made for a Passport for a Vessel belonging to Mr Jno. Brown to
            go to St Domingo? I have no objection to the measure if such cases are within the
            contemplation of the Resolution laying the Embargo—but great care shd be used or a
            Vessel may I conceive clear in Ballast & meet a load or part of one below the Custom
              Houses.
          As one Pa⟨ss⟩port has already been granted to carry Mr Hammonds letter to Jamaica I do
            not think the Revenue Cutter from Baltimore ought to be sent. If
            the one belonging to this Port was in condition to proceed from Charleston thither, it
            would have met my appro⟨bation⟩, because a double purpose wd have been answered—and I
            confess I see no cause why a Vessel capable of the Voyage to the latter place might not
            ⟨be⟩ adequate to the other also. Yr


Title: To George Washington from Edmund Randolph, 30 March 1794
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Washington, George

            Sir
            Philadelphia March 30. 1794.

          The application for the passport to St Domingo is made by the Refugees themselves. It
            was in French, and could not be immediately translated; or it would have been sent.
          Inclosed is another application of the same kind from Mr Hammond. I have the honor, sir, to be with the highest respect Yr Mo. ob. serv.

            Edm: Randolph.


Title: To George Washington from Edmund Randolph, 30 March 1794
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Washington, George

            (Private)
            Sunday. [Philadelphia, c.30 March 1794]

          The intelligence, as derived from Mr G. thro’ Mr N——s, stands thus:
          Colo. H. was asked by the committee, what authority he had for drawing the money
            borrowed in Europe, over here. His answer was, “I have verbal authority from the
            President, and fortunately written also”—It is supposed by Mr G., that the written
            authority, or rather the letter from Mount Vernon, which is referred to, does not
            support the assertion; but that a reliance will be wholly placed on the verbal.
          A question is now depending, (as is further said) before the committee, whether they
            have any right to inquire into a verbal authority, given by the President. It is also
            said, to be one, made by Colo. H. The next week must bring this
            business to a point; when we shall be able to ascertain facts, without drawing them from
            any source, which is not well-affected to the gentleman in question. The object in
            mentioning the thing to the President was to give him time to examine into the fact,
            from his own memory, and papers.


Title: To George Washington from Alexander Spotswood, 30 March 1794
From: Spotswood, Alexander
To: Washington, George

            Dear Sir
            March 30th 1794.

          your favour of the 15. Inst. came to hand yesterday. and altho I have the highest
            Opinion of my Sons Abilities, as a perfect Seaman and able Navigator; (not from any
            knowledge which I have in the Bussiness) But from my Knowledge, of his haveing had a
            very good Nautical Education—and the High Terms in which, many Nautical men of Abilities
            Speak of him. Yet it never was my wish, to ask of you impropper promotion for him—But
            still hope, that circumstances, may yet Turn out, so as to put it in your power, without
            doing Injustice to others, to make him a first Lieutenant; However, what pleases you, he
            must receive; and in future, Endeavour by assiduity & merrit to push himself
              forward. I am dr Sr yr affect. & obt St

            A. Spotswood


Title: To George Washington from James McHenry, 31 March 1794
From: McHenry, James
To: Washington, George

          (private)
          Sir.Fayetteville [Md.] 31 March
                1794.
          I have very often troubled you respecting others; will you
            excuse me for speaking a little concerning myself. My health which has suffered a
            considerable shock by an autumnal fever in 1792 & 1793, I am pretty well persuaded
            might be benefited by a change of climate for a short time. It has struck me that the
            new situation in which the United States may find itself will require additional
            diplomatic appointments to forward or attend to its interests abroad, at least till
            peace and order shall take place in Europe. Should this be the case, and any opening
            occur where the little talents I may possess could be rendered useful it would greatly
            oblige and gratify me to be considered by you as a proper person to fill one of them. I
            hope I need not say that a vain ambition has had no share in this application, and my
            own interest as little. Had either any influence over my conduct it is no ways likely
            that I should have waited for ill health to have stimulated them into action. Wishing you most sincerely in this difficult moment a continuance of
            your wonted health I have the honor to be very respectfully & affectionately your
            ob. st

            James McHenry


Title: To George Washington from Edmund Randolph, 31 March 1794
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Washington, George

            Sir
            Philadelphia March 31. 1794

          The laying of Mr Fauchet’s letters before congress came into my mind. But I did not observe upon it; because he has given no answer, whether a
            passport for the dispatches on board may not be sufficient, or how he would wish the
            business to be modified. When that comes, it will probably be time enough to consider,
            how far the President ought to be sending every application for relaxing the embargo to
            congress; and whether there is not something too strong in excepting by a new resolution
            a vessel, notoriously loaded with flour for France, from the
            operation of the embargo. I thought, that the liberal
            construction of the resolution would permit her to proceed. But as you have determined
            otherwise, I cannot see the propriety of making a special rule for her, or of the
            President being the vehicle to congress of such a proposition.
            Possibly Mr Fauchet may place the subject upon other ground. I speak only upon the case,
            as it now exists. I have the honor, sir, to be with the highest respect yr mo. ob.
            serv.

            Edm: Randolph


Title: To George Washington from Edmund Randolph, 31 March 1794
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Washington, George

            [Philadelphia] March 31. 1794.

          E. Randolph has the honor of submitting the inclosed application for a passport to the
            President, and whether if all the ministers of foreign nations here
            should assent, most of the objections will not be overcome.


Title: From George Washington to William Tilghman, 31 March 1794
From: Washington, George
To: Tilghman, William

            Dear Sir,
            Philada March 31st 1794

          Your favor of the 23d instt came duly to hand.
          The laws, in the cases of both Mr George and Mr Chalmers must regulate ⟨my con⟩duct. To
            do all that these will permit, is enough for my justification—more I shall not covet.
            If, however, as I conceive the fact assuredly is, the latter Gentleman has actually
            received, and did not pay a hundred pounds which was put into his hands as part of a Bond due to the estate of Colvill
            (and was then bearing interest) it would seem but justice that he should allow interest
            for that sum when applied to his own use—but if there is a principle arising from
            analogy or reciprocity opposed thereto I must be content with what Mr Chalmers will pay,
            and this I am disposed to in order that my administration of the estate of Colo. Colvill
            may be finally closed.
          With respect to Mr George, I had rather his acct should be settled & a new bond
            taken for the whole balance payable at a given time (when he will
            be punctual, & by which the money can be drawn from Mr Chalmers) than to receive
            part this spring and the residue in the Fall; because the demands upon Colvills estate
            (except the residuary legacy) have all been discharged; and because the money which is
            due had better remain at interest than lye dead in my hands or subject me perhap to the
            payment of it.
          If the law of Maryland has stopped interest during a certain period of the War, the
            estate of course must (as I have observed before) lose it. The case however, was
            otherwise in Virginia for there I have lately recovered a pretty heavy debt with
            interest from the date of the bond which was taken before the war. With very great
            esteem & regard I am, Dear Sir Your Obedt Hble Sert

            Go: Washington


Title: To George Washington from Gustavus F. Goetz, March 1794
From: Goetz, Gustavus F.
To: Washington, George

            [Philadelphia, March 1794]

          P.S. The person, that has the honor to submit the above
            Translations, the theme whereof he has published in the German gazette annexed hereto
            along with the french Translation made by him, begs Leave to observe: that he is brought
            up regularly to the Bar in Germany, that he is ready to produce a formal Certificate on
            his Examen, he underwent there, in the Civil Law and the Laws of Nations, that he is
            well acquainted with the antient as well as modern diplomatic stile of nations (being
            intimately acquainted with the latin language), that he has taken, before this the Oath
            to support the Constitution, being employed by the Post Master General of the U.S. to
            whom he has been favoured to exhibit Vouchers for his Integrity, Secrecy and accuracy in
              business.

            Gustavus F. Goetz

            He understands to translate from Dutch and now is employed to attain a more
              sufficient Knowledge of the Spanish.


Title: To George Washington from Anne Sauvage, March–April 1794
From: Sauvage, Anne
To: Washington, George

            [March–April 1794]

          Anne Sauvage habitante du Cap français, ayant echappé au fer, & a l’Incendie de
            cette infortunée ville, amena avec elle, trois jeunes
            Demoiselles, orphelines, dont l’Éducation, lui avait eté confiée, (des leur Berceau) par
            leurs Péres, & Meres. a leur arrivée dans Ce Continant, elle obteint des secours,
            pour elle, et ses trois orphelines, on les leur continua, jusqu’a Ce que les fonds
            destinés a une si belle action, fussent épuisés. aprés, on leur donna d’autres secours,
            provenant d’une quétte, que des personnes charitables, avaient
            faite, en dernier lieu, sous le Ministère de Mr Genet, elles sollicitérent, et
            obteinrent de nouveaux secours; ils continuaient encore, a l’Epocque qu’il a êté
            remplacé par Mr Faucher. Nous nous sommes présentées a ce nouveau Ministre, pour lui
            exposer nos malheurs, et nos préssants besoins, il nous a repondu que la Republique
            française ne pouvait donner des secours que dans son sein. en consequense il nous a
            offert de nous envoyer en Europe. nous l’avons remercié sans
            accepter son offre par raport a notre age, et par la raison que notre proprieté n’est
            pas en Europe et que nous ne Conaissons pas les parents que nous pourrions y avoir. il
            nous a paru plus naturel, de rester dans ce Continent. afin d’etre plus aportée de
            retourner a St Domingue, ou nous trouverons les débris de notre fortune. puisque le
            Ministre de la République française ne peut pas nous secourir, dans ce Pays, que
            deviendrons nous helas! Si les sanglots, et les soupirs douloureux de l’indigence, ne
            pénétraient pas la sensibilité des belles ames. Vos vertus honnorées de toutes les
            nations, nous font espérer que vous voudrés bien nous faire participer aux Secours
            destinés pour les Malheureux, jusqu’a ce que nous puissions
            retourner ou sont nos proprietés. Cet acte de Générosité, de justice, gravera dans nos
            Coeurs, et pour toujours, les traits inéfassables de la reconaissance; nos voeux seront
            Constents pour la durée de vos jours, si precieux au bonheur d’un Peuple dont vous etes
            chery.

            anne Sauvage


Title: To George Washington from Alexander Hamilton, 1 April 1794
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

            Philadelphia April 1 1794.

          The Secretary of the Treasury presents his respects to the President & transmits
            the copy of a paper, which he proposes to communicate to the Committee on the state of
            the Treasury Department and which he hopes will be found by the
            President conformable with what passed in the interview of yesterday.


Title: To George Washington from William Pearce, 1 April 1794
From: Pearce, William
To: Washington, George

          Letter not found: from William Pearce, 1 April 1794. GW wrote
            Pearce on 6 April acknowledging receipt of “Your letter & Reports of the 1st
            instant.”


Title: From George Washington to Edmund Randolph, 1 April 1794
From: Washington, George
To: Randolph, Edmund

            Sir,
            [Philadelphia] Tuesday April 1st 1794

          I think the United States will be benifited by granting the request of Louis Osmont—but, as applications have been, and probably will be frequent—I
            conceive it will be advisable to ascertain as nearly as may be the precise objects of the Embargo—and havg so done to
            establish rules or principles that will meet cases as they shall occur which will save
            trouble at the same time that it will be a mean of facilitating business. Yrs

            G. W——n


Title: To George Washington from Edmund Randolph, 1 April 1794
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Washington, George

            [Philadelphia] April 1. 1794.

          E. Randolph would ⟨have⟩ done himself the honor of waiting on the President with the
            inclosed, to know his pleasure as to sending the two letters to the Senate and house of
            representatives, if he was not under a very severe pain of the head. Besides the letters, now sent, he has received by the mail of to-day
            from Colo. Humphreys, seven others, but containing no recent or important intelligence;
            and therefore they will not be sent, unless the President should think proper to call
            for them.


Title: To George Washington from Edmund Randolph, 1 April 1794
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Washington, George

            Sir
            [Philadelphia] Tuesday afternoon April 1. 1794.

          The distraction of my head from pain scarcely enables me to hope for tolerable
            exactness in my remarks. If therefore it were possible to let the paper rest with me,
            until the morning, I could better fulfil your wishes.
          According, however, to the view, which I now take of the subject,
            the seven first paragraphs appear unexceptionable, so far as respects the President.
          I am extremely dissatisfied with the manner of the three last clauses. The first of
            those three, which is the eighth in order, states that he always had the President’s
            Sanction for disposing of the money, as he did. So far he had the sanction, “I approve if it be agreeable to law.” At first sight, it would seem
            “that the last line in the paper was tantamount to this idea. But the positive
            assertion, that your sanction was always given to the disposition; including the drawing
            of the money over here, implies, that you considered this act as lawful.
          Permit me to suggest this mode of answer, to be given verbally. “I have read the paper,
            but not distinctly recollecting all the circumstances, I can only say, that I do not
            discover any thing Which I am to object to as to myself, unless the manner, in which you
            speak of my sanction in disposing of the loans, implies that I meant to give an opinion
            how far it might or might not be lawful. I presume however, that you do not mean this,
            as you say at the close, that my san⟨c⟩tion was always expressly or tacitly qualified
            with the condition that whatever was to be done was to be agreeable to the law. I
            imagine that you sent me the paper, only to determine, what related to myself, and
            therefore I did not undertake to judge of other parts.” I have
            the honor sir, to be with sincere attachment & respect yr mo. ob. serv.

            Edm: Randolph.


Title: To George Washington from Joseph Brown, 2 April 1794
From: Brown, Joseph
To: Washington, George

            Honoured Sir
            No. 3. Lower Terrace Islington (near London)April 2 1794

          A few years ago I had the honour to address to your Excellency a pair of Prints, one of
            Yourself, another of the late General Green, the receipt of which you
            did me the favour to acknowledge, another pair of them very elegantly framed were sent
            to Congress, whose acceptance of them, I requested on condition of their being hung up
            in some public part of the Building wherein they held their deliberations; I afterward
            reced. a Letter in which these prints were mentioned by the Secretary, but whether Captn
            Cooper of the Edward New York Trader (a lying Scot!) did not as I believe he was very
            capable of doing, play me a trick, by assuming to himself whatever merit could be due to
            the present, I never had any opportunity of knowing.
          It is with unspeakable pleasure that I have since observed Sir, that the homage which
            is so justly due to your Character & Talents, has been so generally displayed by
            every Class of your Fellow Citizens, who with so much honour to themselves &
            advantage to the Common-Wealth, have repeatedly testified their grateful sense of your
            eminent services to your Country & to Mankind by re-electing You the Chief of
              Freemen.
          May America long enjoy the benefit of your wise & salutary Council, & as she is
            the depository of rational Freedom and the Asylum of persecuted Merit every Country, I
            trust your eforts to preserve Peace will be attended with success. Genet, the
            supercillious Frenchman was kept at a prudent distance, & at the time he was
            endeavoring to be troublesome by his teezing impertinence, I observed that nationalists
            described a species of Cats, by his name.
          Long ’ere this you must have been informed that “in the hour of our insolence” when we
            were in possession of Toulon; when the combined powers upon the
            European Continent were likely to penetrate France, our Court were not only endeavoring
            to bully Sweden, Denmark, the Swiss Cantons and the Republic of Genoa to become parties
            in a War, begun under a pretence of the love of Order & humanity, but in reality
            design’d to tear up every vestige of European Liberty & to perpetuate the reign of
            Popery & Superstition; our Cabinet (the 6 of Novr last) issued a most arbitrary
            Edict, to seize your Vessels in defiance of the law of Nations:
            Toulon however being about to be disgracefully abandoned, and the Forces of the Crowned
            Conspirators being constrained by the French Republicans to retreat beyond the Rhine,
            Pitt and his detestable Junto were under the necescesity of lowering their haughty &
            unjust pretentions, but no doubt many vessels belonging to the
            subjects of the United States have been seized in consequence of the arrogant Orders
            sent from hence & tyrannically detained in the West Indies;
            ’tis therefore with pleasure that I have read of your pacify plan of Reprisals viz. That
            of levying a duty on British Ships & British Merchandize to reemburse those who may
            be sufferers by British depredation.
          When Bowles, was in this Country I expected that he & his
            wretched associates would only return to America to stimulate the Savages (less savage
            than they who prompted the Massacres which have happened on your Frontiers) to give
            every annoyance & check to the rising Greatness of your Country, which excites in the bosoms of your antient Enemies in this, the most
            malignant sensations, in as much as those who are best acquainted with the insidious
            Arts of the vile Hypocrite—the successful Apostate who now directs the public Measures
            of this Kingdom, are at no loss to conjecture, by whom the Algerines have been
            stimulated to harrass & to plunder your Commerce.
          The Empress of Russia who held during our wicked war with North America, very different
            opinions respecting the Rights of Neutral Nations in one of her late Manifestos declared
            that “no Faith was to be held with Rebels,” hence it is easy to perceive that if the
            confedracy of “crowned Robbers,” could succeed in their impious endeavors to legislate
            for the Republic of France, nothing but the weakness & poverty of “the high
            contracting Parties”, would prevent their undertaking a Cruisade to give or rather in
            the hope of giving a Monarchical form of Government to your United States: May divine Providence grant, that their Republican Government may be
            incorruptible & immortal. Liberty is in this Country in a most drooping and
            retrograde State: free & liberal discussions are no longer safe & under the
            pretext of accusations of Sedition, several worthy Persons are suffering fine &
            imprisonment, and four worthy persons are sentenced to 14 years transporation, for no
            other offence than insisting on the necessity of a more equal representation of the
            people, which about 11 years ago lifted the Duke of Richmond and Mr Pitt, into the most
            lucrative & distinguishd offices in the Kingdom, verifying
            the words of Dr Garth,
          Here little Villains must submit to fate
          That Great Ones may enjoy the World in state.
          The worthy & justly celebrated Dr Priestley justly
            alarmed at these sentences & having for some time been harrassed,
            vilified & persecuted by the venial tools of Government has determined to expatriate
            himself & to seek a peaceful asylum in the united States; the circumstances that
            occasion his departure are a disgrace to the Age & Nation—“whose Sons will blush their Fathers were his Foes”.
            Nothing should have prevented my following his example, but the insuperable aversion to
            a Sea Voyage entertained by my Wife, the amiable constant & affection partner of my
            sufferings when in consequence of events connected with the late war I lost a
            respectable Fortune.
          If by the mysterious dispensations of Providence I should have the misfortune to be
            bereaved of my dear Consort, the best the most precious gift which Heaven ever bestowed
            on me although I am near 50 years of Age I shall wish & endeavour that my last sleep
            shall be in America.
          A Friend is this moment come in, who tells me that an Article is entered on Lloyds’
              Book, that is intended to inform the Underwriters the
            Algerines have fitted out Sixteen sail of Ships to cruise against the Ships belonging to
            the United States; if that is true & I fear ’tis too probable however humiliating
            the measure may appear, the most prudent step that appears to us possible for the
            preservation of your Trade, is to give the Pirates a larger Bribe
            than they have obtained to stimulate them to this plan of Robbery. There is every reason
            to believe that the Prussian Monarch sick of the disasters of the War & probably
            gained over by an enormously doucer is about to withdraw the greater part of his Troops
            from the frontier of France, but the inveteracy of our Court to the principles of
            Freedom will nevertheless determine them to try the fortune of another (fruitless)
              Campaign.
          Fearing that I have treaspassed too long on your valuable moments I beg leave to
            subscribe myself with the most profound veneration & gratitude Honoured Sir Your
            most obedt & very humb. Servt

            Joseph Brown

            N.B. You will probably Sir before the receipt of this Letter have heard that an
              ineffectual attempt has been made in our Ho. of Commons to stir the Governmt to
              interfer in behalf of your ill-fated Friend (my respectable & ⟨va⟩lued
              Correspondent) M. de la Fayette: Burke opposed it on the ground of
              his having been in Arms against this Country: whereas he saw no improperiety formerly in himself moving for the enlargemt of Mr Laurens, who
              had been a President of Congress from the Tower, & afterwards meeting him at my
              House, though the motion was not immediately successful.


Title: To George Washington from Henry Knox, 2 April 1794
From: Knox, Henry
To: Washington, George

            Sir,
            War department April 2d 1794

          I have the honor to submit to your consideration the draft of a proposed letter to
            General Wayne.
          It appears that Colonel Pickering would not dislike the proposal of joining him
            provided the arrangements consequent upon the Post Office Bill now under consideration
            would permit the measure which however he doubts.
          If the purport of the letter should meet your approbation it may either be forwarded
            immediately or wait a few days under the expectation of further information from General
              Wayne. I have the honor to be with perfect respect Your
            obedient servant.

            H. Knox secy of war

            I also submit a letter to General Wilkinson.


Title: To George Washington from Edmund Randolph, 2 April 1794
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Washington, George

            [Philadelphia] April 2. 1794

          The secretary of State has the honor of inclosing to the President the opinions of the
            gentlemen upon two cases of passports. If the President should decide in their favor, it
            will be a relief to the parties that they should be issued without delay.
          The gentlemen also agree in the propriety of Mr Higginson, a young lawyer here, being
            sent to the West Indies to enter the appeals. If this be agreeable to the President,
            E.R. will speak to him to understand his terms &c.


Title: To George Washington from Edmund Randolph, 2 April 1794
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Washington, George

            Sir
            [Philadelphia] Wednesday afternoon [2 April 1794].

          The message and papers appear to me to be right. The Minister of France has certified a
            copy of the letter, the original of which is sealed. To say therefore that the sealed
            letter shall not be sent, seems to argue such a distrust of his veracity, that it would
            be very unkindly received. It was not the opinion of Colo. Hamilton or myself, that it
            should be suppressed, after this assurance was given.
          The sealed letter is in fact the highest original; having been written by the
            commission of Guadeloupe—The letter from them to Mr Genet is also
            original, so far as relates to me; it being that paper, from which I made the
            translation. I have the honor sir to be with the highest respect yr mo. ob. serv.

            Edm: Randolph.

            P.S. I have seen Mr Jay and General Knox. But nothing very marked or particular
              occurred.


Title: To George Washington from Henry Knox, 3 April 1794
From: Knox, Henry
To: Washington, George

            Sir
            War Department April 3rd 1794

          I have the honor to submit a letter from Governor Blount dated 10th March 1794. with
            the enclosures. I have the honor to be with perfect respect Your
            obedient servant

            H. Knox secy of war


Title: To George Washington from James McHenry, 3 April 1794
From: McHenry, James
To: Washington, George

            Sir.
            Fayetteville [Md.] 3d April 1794

          I ought to have mentioned in the letter which I took the liberty to write to you a few
            days since what I had then chiefly in my mind abstracted from the personal consideration
            of health.
          I thought that perhaps it might come within your view at this juncture to send a
            commissioned person to Vienna to solicit the release of Mr la Fayette with powers to
            proceed to France on a like errand in favor of his wife and children, in order that the
            whole might be removed to this country.
          I perceive by the act of Congress for discharging his pay during the war the new
            obligation you have laid up on your unfortunate friend. If it is
            possible to go beyond pecuniary aid, or so far as to restore him to liberty and his
            family how would he rejoice to owe that blessing to the man he affectionates most upon
            earth; and what sublime pleasure to me to be an humble instrument in its accomplishment.
            The friendship he has always expressed for me; the friendship I feel for him; a
            conviction of the patriotism of his principles and purity of his motives; the esteem in
            which he is still held by America; a remembrance of the moment and his youth when he
            embarked in our cause, and the services he rendered it in the course of our revolution,
            all conspire to make such a project peculiarly interesting to the
            feeling heart: at the same time, Sir, you must be sensible, you who on former occasions
            have not deemed me unworthy some portion of your confidence, that such a mission would
            reflect upon you its author, and from whom alone it ought to proceed, as long as exalted
            friendship shall be ranked among the virtues, a lustre which philosophy must delight to
            contemplate and history to diffuse among mankind for their benefit or instruction. The
            friendship of Achilles for his dear Patroclus, as celebrated by Homer, has survived the
            fate of empires and the charges of time, as if destined to serve as a perpetual monument
            sacred to friendship. May not another Homer arise to consign
            yours for Fayette to equal immortality, and tears of pleasure flow at its recital like
            an exhaustless stream through the long period of future ages.
          But if all this should prove no more than a dream of friendship, I hope for the sake of
            the object, that you will excuse the dreamer for troubling you with his vision, who be assured when awake, is and has always been affectionately
            and truly your most obt & hble st

            James McHenry


Title: To George Washington from Edmund Randolph, 3 April 1794
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Washington, George

            Thursday [3 April 1794].

          E. Randolph has the honor of sending to the President in another parcel three letters
            from Mr Pinckney. A large bundle has arrived
            from Mr Short; many of which are triplicates; the others are probably interesting; but
            the whole have been in salt water are barely legible yet, and in some instances will
            require to be decyphered.


Title: From George Washington to the United States Senate, 3 April 1794
From: Washington, George
To: United States Senate

            Gentlemen of the Senate,
            United States 3d april 1794

          I nominate Albion Cox, to be Assayer for the Mint of the United States.

            Go. Washington


Title: To George Washington from William Jackson, 4 April 1794
From: Jackson, William
To: Washington, George

            Paris, April 4th 1794.

          France, at this moment, exhibits such scenes as the pencil of Salvator Rosa would have
            been well employed to delineate—abounding in light and shade, which is at once splendid
            and awful.
          To use the language of a living Artist, and One fonder of gilding than Salvator, France
            is, in truth, “an armed Nation.” Her exertions and firmness seem well proportioned to
            the resistance, which her situation requires, and far exceed the expectations, which our
            limited acquaintance with the power and resources of such a Nation, resolved to be free,
            could have excited.
          No longer resembling Venus attended by the Graces, She now represents Minerva followed
            by the Fates. You must pardon this imagery—it is really
            necessary to convey an idea of facts, or to describe the change, which has here taken
            place—indeed, it is only by what, in common parlance, would be accounted extravagant
            hyperbole, that One can express the situation of this most extraordinary people.
          Wherever you move, or to whatever quarter your attention is turned, nothing meets the
            view but warlike preparation. Every consideration is sacrificed to public exigence,
            every contribution of property or service, which the public necessity requires appears
            to be cheerfully made—and in the few instances, where reluctance may exist, terror
            supplies the absence of patriotism, and operates its full effect.
          Age and infancy are employed in extracting from the earth, and, by a late refinement in
            chemistry, from vegetables, the thunders, which youth and manhood are to direct, while
            the cares of domestic life are altogether devolved on the female part
            of the Society.
          Fifteen armies, forming a force, which I do not think exaggerated, of twelve hundred
            thousand men, are now in the actual service of the Republic—and it has been surmised
            that a part of the second requisition would be made before the opening of the
            campaign—Should this additional effort be deemed necessary, the coalesced nations of
            Europe must unquestionably yield to the momentum of an individual power, exceeding in
            numbers and array all that the world has hitherto exhibited.
          Perplexed by the variety of interesting objects, which attract my attention, I am
            really at a loss where to begin in giving you the details of these formidable and
            stupendous preparations.
          The first requisition has been carried into complete effect—that is to say, all the
            unmarried men of this extensive nation, from the age of eighteen to twenty five years,
            whatever their situation or fortune (for neither money nor substitutes would exempt them
            from service) have joined the several armies of the Republic, which they have augmented
            with Six hundred thousand. These levies have been incorporated with the ancient Corps,
            and have been under a strict discipline for several months.
          The Cavalry has been so considerably encreased as to require that the swords, exceeding
            thirty inches in blade, should be taken from the Infantry for their use. The
            augmentation is upwards of fifty thousand—and the remounted exceeds thirty thousand⟨.⟩
            The whole force in Cavalry being at least One hundred thousand. So that in this arm,
            which, during the last campaign, was the weakest part of their composition, I am
            persuaded the french will be superior to the combined forces.
          The artillery, so formidable in the last campaign, has received an addition of Two
            thousand pieces, for field service, and, judging from its former effect, must, I think,
            be absolutely irresistible.
          The fuel, which is to nourish this immense volcano, is, as I have already intimated to
            you, prepared by those hands, which are otherwise unable to serve their country; and,
            under the direction of persons well skilled in the process, saltpetre is produced in
            astonishing quantity—I have daily opportunity of observing its
            product in the several sections of Paris, and the operation is the same throughout the
            Republic.

          The public founderies and manufactories of small arms, aided by the mechanics, who work
            in metals, and who, for this purpose, are all in requisition, are constantly employed,
            and furnish immensely.
          And yet, amidst all this din and preparation of arms, the Country more carefully and
            extensively cultivated than in any former period. You will ask by whom? By old men, by
            women, and the youth of both sexes, under the age of eighteen years.
          This I can assure you, from personal observation, wherever I have travelled not a
            single spot is neglected—The very avenues and approaches to the Chateaux are
            ploughed—even walks in the gardens of the Tuilleries are sown and planted—and no Country presents a more promising appearance, in agriculture,
            than France does at this moment.
          It has become a public care, with the several municipalities, to plant those grounds,
            which were formerly appropriate to pleasurable purposes, with useful vegetables, and, to
            this end, regular institutions are established.
          The value of the potatoe is known, and sufficiently appreciated to remove every
            apprehension of want. Indeed so promising is the grain now in the ground, that I am
            persuaded, from my information of the present state of their granaries, the quantity on
            hand and the ensuing crop, will furnish an advance of provision for at least two
            years.
          You may be assured the idea of starving France is as unfounded as it is unworthy—The
            variety of soil and climate, in this extensive country, reduces the chance of a general
            failure in their crops, to a very remote possibility—And the invigorating energies of
            property and freedom have more than balanced the deductions from their agriculture,
            occasioned by the call of their Peasantry to the frontiers. Indeed a very considerable
            proportion of their farming was always done by the women of France, who still continue
            to cultivate the ground.
          Take a single illustration of my supposition that their Granaries are well stocked—The
            price of bread in Paris, at this time, is not half as much as in London. True it is
            brown, but it is equally nutritious.
          Extensive manufactures of useful fabrics continue to flourish—and even the most refined
            articles of luxury are not neglected.

          Of the former, I have attentively observed the cloth-manufacture at Abbeville, which is
            in vigour—and of the latter I have visited the Eobelius, where the most exquisite
            productions of the needle and the shuttle, still continue to charm and astonish. This
            last is continued as a public establishment.
          Even the palaces and pleasure grounds of the ci-devant royalty are respected as
            national property, and, as such, are carefully preserved.
          The greater part of the furniture has been removed from Versailles—some of the
            paintings remain. Those by the best Masters have been sent to the Gallery of the Louvre,
            which is now the National Museum, where the collection greatly exceeds any other
            exhibition of the fine arts in the world. It is under the care of a Committee, appointed
            to protect the arts, and is maintained in the most superb style. Such is the war, which
            these Goths and Vandals wage against the arts!
          The late Queens favorite residence of St Cloud remains as when She occupied it. The paintings will be sent to the Museum, and the furniture will
            be sold.
          In remarking on the agriculture and manufactur⟨e⟩s I have digressed from the subject of
            the public force⟨,⟩ to which I return.
          The operations of the northern army appear to engage the greatest degree of attention,
            and from its composition, as well as its situation, this part of their force seems
            destined to the most arduous service.
          Including the detachments on the side of Dunquerque, and the garrisons, which, without
            hazard to their posts, may be called into field service with the main body, I do not
            suppose this army amounts to less than Two hundred and fifty four thousand men, composed
            nearly as follows

              Brigaded Infantry
              170,000.

              Light Corps
              20,000

              Cavalry
              44,000

              Brigaded artillery
              15,000

              Artillery attached to Corps
              5,000

              254,000

          In addition to this immense force, no less formidable by the
            decided superiority of their artillery, the improved state of their arms, discipline,
            and œconomical arrangements of supplies, than by their numbers—The
            armies of the Moselle and Ardennes may, by rapid movements to their left, be brought
            into full co-operation, and at very short notice, with the army of the north—for
            experience has demonstrated that they are capable of forming these sudden junctions, by
            transporting their troops in carriages.
          That they are disposed to effect, whatever a profuse application of money can
            accomplish, must be admitted—and that the means are in their power cannot be denied.
          Their treasury is, at this time, by far the richest in Europe—perhaps more abundant
            than all the rest of Europe. And, immoderate as their expenditure appears, the sources
            of their supplies seem but to increase with the streams that flow from them—The taxes,
            that are collected, with the donations, crown and church property, and money received
            for Emigrants estates form altogether an inordinate mass.
          On this subject, also, it is fair to remark that the Persons, who direct their fiscal
            arrangements, have been long enough in office to give to them all the advantages, which
            result from method and established order. Of this a very strong proof was lately given
            by Cambon, in his report on the State of their finances: He therein asserts (which he
            dared not to do without foundation) that a diminution, of One hundred and seventy
            millions of livres per month, had been made in their disbursements, leaving the actual
            expenditure about fifty four millions sterling ⅌ annum.
          Enormous as this sum may appear, it is not immoderate compared with their
            resources—for, however extraordinary, it is true that, including the estates of the
            Crown, the Clergy, and the Emigrants⟨,⟩ at least one third part of the whole property of
            France is in confiscation. Such had been the tendency of the ancient regime to absorb,
            and concentrate the national wealth in the hands of the few!
          This fact is well understood by the men of property, who are now in France, and the
            reflections which arise from it, have fully decided them to go with the revolution, and
            to support it at all hazards. They are now aware of the worst that can happen to them
            under the Republic, and they know full well that the confiscated property is more than
            competent to the expences that have been, or may be, incurred to maintain the
            war—Whereas a counter-revolution would not only place the expences of the war to their charge as holders of the public Securities but prostrate
            the residue of their property to the indemnity of those, who have emigrated.
          These influential considerations of property, by which the more wealthy part of the
            people, now in France, are actuated, aided by the enthusiasm of some, the fears of
            others, and the resentments of all, against their external enemies, have not only
            subdued all spirit of revolt, and condensed the public opinion in favor of the
            revolution, but appear to me to have decided the nation, literally to adhere to their
            declaration “to live free or die.”
          This reasoning may seem on first view to be too positive—but, compared with facts, and
            analysed by the test of experience, I am persuaded, and I venture to predict, it will be
            found true in every result.
          I would now state the respective strength and composition of the other armies of the
            Republic—but, as their operations are not likely to be equally interesting or decisive
            with that of the north, I have been at less pains to obtain particular information
            respecting them. That which is intended to act against Spain will, I think, be the next
            efficient in force, and impressive in its operations.
          The direction of the military measures of the Republic are said to be confided to a
            Committee of Officers, of high professional talents and distinguished service. Two of
            them, it is thought, will go to the army of the North—The others will remain at
            Paris.
          Besides this Board of Officers, there are Commissioners from the Convention, with each
            of the Armies, who superintend the œconomy of the staff-arrangements and watch over
            their supplies.
          A controuling authority, that may be termed almost unlimited, is vested in the
            Committee of Public safety, which is composed of the following Members, classed
            according to the influence, which, I think, they respectively possess.
          Robespierre, Billaud de Varennes, St Just, Couthon, Collot d’Herbois, Jean Bon St
            André, Barerre, Carnot, Lindet, and Prieur.
          Robespierre is certainly the apex of this pyramid—Barerre, in point of talents, may, I
            think, be considered as one of its ablest supports—Lindet, whose application is even
            distinguished where all are unremitting, is the Member, to whom the
            department of subsistence is devolved—St Just is very eloquent and popular with the
            Convention—Jean Bon St André has been selected for his energy of character to regenerate
            the marine; and is now at Brest, Billaud de Varennes and Carnot, it is said, are to go
            to the army of the North—Couthon and Collot d’Herbois are very influential with the
            popular assemblies—Prieur is less distinguished than either of his Colleagues.
          The removal of Danton, La Croix, and the other Deputies, who were executed with
            them—and the extinction of Heberts party, will give a stability to the power of this
            all-influential Body, which nothing will be able to shake—and will enable them to call
            forth the resources of this inexhaustible people—and to direct the application of them,
            if possible, more efficiently than they have even yet done.
          Since the recovery of Toulon the marine has obtained great attention, and will, it is
            said, within a short time, be very respectable.
          Regulations for the government of the navy, calculated to invigorate the discipline,
            have been lately enacted by the Convention, and are now in force. Every sea-faring
            person, including the fishermen, are in requisition for public service.
          Viewed in the light I have here placed it, the picture of France is pleasing and
            splendid. But there are shades, which abstract from its beauty, and which a regard to
            truth makes necessary to confess and to expose.
          Proceeding less from native defect than from accident, they may be greatly softened,
            perhaps be entirely removed.
          In a course of conquest, it is to be apprehended that the lust of dominion may lead
            this People, already the happiest nation on the globe, in geographical position, to
            grasp at possessions, which, far from encreasing, would eventually abridge their power
            and their happiness.
          The retention of Savoy I regard as a decided affair, and irrevocable—and unless
            negociations for peace are soon entered upon, I should consider the annexation of
            Austrian Flanders, and the Dutchy of Luxembourg, to the french Republic, as neither
            improbable nor remote.
          This conquest, should it be made, (and that a nation of twenty eight millions of
            People, situated as the french are, becoming a nation of Soldiers,
            should, within a very short period, atchieve whatever conquest they attempt, is but too
            probable)—This conquest, I say, may be more susceptible of restitution in exchange for
            her Islands—but even that, I think, would be problematic, as,
            with the extension of her territory, her other means of obtaining their restoration must
            be dangerously encreased.
          This is a case for the consideration of those, whom I have neither the power nor the
            wish to influence; but I am satisfied, from what I see and know, that more political
            reflection ought immediately to attach to it, than they to whom it is most interesting
            seem disposed to bestow upon it.
          As inauspicious to the happiness of France, and the peace of Europe, I can only regret
            and deprecate the near possibility of such an event.
          The difficulty of organising the government of France, after peace, would form a darker
            shade than it does, but for the reflection that the constitution is already
            prepared—that the nomination to office, and the knowledge, which qualifies to select
            characters, would be almost exclusively in the possession of the Comité de Salut
            Public—and that a long continuance in office has already designated the individuals for
            the offices, which they ought respectively to fill. This is nevertheless a source of
            serious apprehension, as it regards the internal tranquillity of France, and will be
            deserving of all the attention, which philosophy and philanthropy can bestow upon
            it.
          To the assuasive touch of time we must refer the obliteration of those remembrances,
            which may nourish individual resentments, for some years to come. They will not extend
            beyond the present generation—perhaps they will be extinguished with the war, which
            occasioned them.
          It is however to be confessed and lamented that they cloud the prospect.

            W. Jackson


Title: To George Washington from Henry Knox, 4 April 1794
From: Knox, Henry
To: Washington, George

            Sir
            [Philadelphia] 4h April 1794

          Capt. Williamson who is settled in the Genesee Country has given me the enclosed
              intelligence, and in a subsequent conversation which I have
            had with him he seems impressed with the Authenticity of the speech
            of Lord Dorchester, and also of his general ill dispositions towards this Country. I am sir respectfully Your humble Servant

            H. Knox


Title: To George Washington from David Stuart, 4 April 1794
From: Stuart, David
To: Washington, George

            Dear Sir,
            Alexa. [Va.] April 4th 1794

          Coll Little & Mr Minor have just informed me, that the trespasses committed on your
            land near Alexa., have much exceeded this winter what has been usual in that way—that
            the hoop timber of which there was a good deal is entirely gone—that, as if it was not
            enough to get fire wood without molestation from it, it has now become a practice to cut
            down & carry off the best timber trees—On asking Coll: Little’s opinion on the best
            mode of preventing such practices in future—he observed, that Mr Minor who lived
            convenient to the land, would be the most proper person to give an eye to it; and that
            he was sure he would do it at your desire.
          I then applied to Mr Minor to know whether he would or not; his reply was, that he
            would do it with pleasure if it was your desire—From my knowledge of Mr Minor, I really
            think him the most proper person you can employ for the purpose, as he lives very near
            if not adjoining to the land; and is very active and stirring.
          I expect it is no news to you to be informed, that our small grain at present, has but
            a bad appearance.
          I have just recieved a letter from Mr Macrae of Georgia formerly an inhabitant of this
            place, requesting me to mention him to you as a Candidate for the office lately filled
            by Mr Forsyth in that State—From the impression, that you will be aided in making your
            appointment, from the variety of characters presented to you; I take the liberty of
            recommending him to your consideration—He was much respected in this place, as an
            intelligent honest man. I am Dr: Sr, with the greatest respect
            Your Affecte: Serv:

            Dd: Stuart


Title: From George Washington to the United States Senate and House of Representatives, 4 April 1794
From: Washington, George
To: United States Senate and House of Representatives

            Gentlemen of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives.
            United States 4 April 1794.

          I lay before you three letters from our Minister in London;
            advices concerning the Algierine Mission, from our Minister at Lisbon and others; and a letter from the Minister Plenipotentiary of the French
            Republic to the Secretary of State, with his answer.

            Go: Washington


Title: To George Washington from Alexander Hamilton, 5 April 1794
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

            Philada April 5. 1794.

          The Secretary of the Treasury presents his respects to the President & encloses the
            draft of a Passport for the vessel of Mr Fitzsimons which he understands the President
            had agreed to give. Mr Fitzsimons states that there will be on board, 8 barrels bread, 3
            bbls Beef, 1 bbl Pork & 1 barrel hams. all the articles but the last are understood
            to be intended for the subsistence of such of our seamen as may incline to come in the
            vessel—the barrel of hams destined for a present.

            The vessel only waits it is said for the Passport.


Title: To George Washington from Henry Knox, 5 April 1794
From: Knox, Henry
To: Washington, George

            Sir
            Philadelphia 5th April 1794

          I beg leave respectfully to submit as my opinion that General Chapin should be
            authorised to offer Captain Brant, an Annuity for life, a sum not less than One thousand
            nor more than one thousand five hundred Dollars, agreable to the tenor of the letter
            herewith submitted to General Chapin. If this letter sir should receive your approbation
            Captain Williamson will undertake to deliver it safely. I have
            the honor to be sir Your obedient Servant

            H. Knox.


Title: To George Washington from John Francis Mercer, 5 April 1794
From: Mercer, John Francis
To: Washington, George

            Sir
            Philadelphia, April. 5th 94.

          I have been delayd unexpectedly in the receit of Money which I had a right to expect
            here, & am now called home by an express giving me very disagreable news from my
              family I therefore enclose you the order on Mr Jones for one
            half the Rents of 92 & 93 & consider myself engaged that they shall produce you
            56£ V⟨iga⟩ Cur., & Interest or be liable therefor. I am
            respectfully Yr Ob. hle Ser.

            John F. Mercer


Title: To George Washington from John Nicholas, 6 April 1794
From: Nicholas, John
To: Washington, George

            Sir
            Sunday [6 April 1794]

          In a crisis like the present nothing can require apology which may proceed from
            patriotism. The object of my letter may perhaps induce a suspicion that I am governed by
            party views, but when I disclaim the influence of numbers I may expect so far to escape
            imputation as to leave my opinions in their just force—I claim your attention from the
            motive which determined me to make this address rather than promote the united
            expression of a sentiment, common to many, which might have wounded your feelings and in
            the end committed your reputation—whatever may be my reception I hold it a duty to
            proceed under an impression that your information of the public opinion must be partial
            & that to forbear would be to expose you to censure for a conduct which may be
            proper in the supposed state of things.
          It is rumoured in the city that you are about to send an Envoy to the court of Great
            Britain and that your choice will probably fall on the Secretary of the treasury—You will pardon me for saying that the measure in itself is
            improper because unnecessary and that when connected with the instrument it bodes infi
            nite mischief to yourself and your country.
          I consider the measure as improper in the present state of things because they are
            liable to change at the will of the legislature & your own and
            the public dignity would be involved in the revocation of his authority—I cannot
            conceive it to be practicable to make a special mission which will not be liable to this
            fate, for I cannot conceive it be possible that Congress will adjourn without doing
            something which will no longer leave it optional with Great Britain to do us justice—If
            a measure of this sort should be adopted the mission will be improper because America
            will be the most convenient place for settling our losses & it is most honorable for
            us to extort in appearance as well as reality, the compensation we claim—If the
            operation of the measure is limited by law to the time when the British Court shall
            engage to make satisfaction, it is presumed that no executive declaration will be
            necessary on that subject & that, aided by the law the national honor will rest
            safely on our present minister—When ostensible reasons fail for
            any measure secret ones will be sought after & these will be found in those subjects
            on which the public are most jealous and for which the appointed instrument will be most
            solicitous—at all events, with so little appearance of necessity, you must expect to
            incur the blame of every exceptionable act of his whether authorized or not.
          I confess myself astonished to hear the nomination which is made for this office—at a
            time when perhaps more than half America have determined it to be unsafe to trust power
            in the hands of this person however remotely it is connected with many of the odious
            traits in his character—at a time when at least one half the legislature are afraid to
            exert themselves in the most trying situation of their country, lest his present powers
            should enable him to wrest them to purposes which he is supposed by them to entertain
            & which they dread more than the open attack of Great Britain—at a time when this
            person is the avowed friend of Great Britain in the most infamous contest, when all his
            measures have tended to throw this country into her arms & many entertain suspicion
            with some grounds that the present hostility of that country to this is partly intended
            to aid his well known attachment to it—to appoint him to an office in which he could
            immediately & successfully advance his purposes would be to stake the American
            happiness on the justice of one of two opinions where both are advocated by equal
            numbers—every man in a republic is a centinel on public safety and the warnings of
            danger should [be] listened to rather than the assurances of safety
            from the importance of the consequences which may follow—I confess my expectation was of
            a very different kind, that he who was elected to office by the love of the people would
            not exercise his power to the destruction of their happiness & is it less when he
            who is suffered to shares most of the authority of the government is suspected of
            undermining the public happiness—I may be told that these suspicions are groundless and
            that an equal number of men in America are strongly attached to him—both may be true
            & yet the injury remain unimpaired—if there are deep rooted prejudices which visibly
            gain strength is it not inhuman to continually resist them—if children are afraid of
            hobgoblins is it not unwise and cruel to cherish and alarm their fears—it is immaterial
            what is the truth unless it can be conveyed to our minds—let the rate of understanding
            be what it will men must be governed on an estimate of what it is & not what it
            might be—but he is supported by equal numbers—this if an argument at all will be found a
            strong one for his dismission—one side hopes an accession of good the other side the
            loss of all that is dear to them—is there an equality in these pretensions—there
            certainly would not be if the makers were unequal—the government no body will say
            depends on him—one half America determine that it will be ruined by him—In all
            governments it has been found necessary to consult the public opinion on the persons
            employed & it has ever been concluded that a continued favor to an unpopular servant
            ought to involve the master in the blame. In America this has not yet happened altho’ I
            greatly fear it is rapidly in progress—the unexampled affection of the people to you
            requires more to shake their confidence than is usually necessary but natural causes
            must operate & it is a well known principle that small injuries obliterate important
            services—this is not contradicted by present experience, for there is rather a
            suspension of opinion than a disregard of wrong—the present moment may determine the
            mind & to be sure the love of our country will fully justify the decision—to put a
            drawn sword into the hands of a suspected madman is to expose every body in his way to
            ruin & when the mischief shall happen it will be a poor satisfaction to say you did
            not believe it—the affection of the people has hitherto prevented their blame of your
            measures from lessening their confidence in you, but it will be a poor return for what
            should excite your gratitude to persevere in what is disagreable to
            them—the strongest affection cannot withstand injury whetted by insult—did it never
            occur to you that the divisions of America might be ended by the sacrafice of this one
            man—I do sincerely believe from my own knowledge of the causes of divisions & the
            obvious interest that his partizans have to unite in any mode of executing the
            government which will preserve it’s credit, that they would & to a heart solicitous
            for it’s countrys happiness the event must be most desireable.
          I have extended this subject to great length without saying half that occurs &
            indeed it was only my intention to have given a testimony to public opinion which you
            may perhaps not have heard—I aver it to be as I have stated it—the consequences must be
            obvious to you—if the mission should be unfortunate you will bear the undivided odium—if
            it should be successful it will do you no service, for the event will be too late to
            stop the opinion that you are determined to govern America according to your own
            inclination & that of one half it’s inhabitants and in contempt of the most rooted
            opinions of the other half—Among them at present you possess almost universal confidence
            & it should be rendered dear to you by the reflection that it has stood the conflict
            of opinions unaided by the smallest dependence on your influence—I myself am one of
            those who have hitherto shut my eyes on those events which could even shake my
            confidence in your discernment & I declare I shall meet the event with grief which
            will persuade me that you are no longer your countrys bulwark.
          Are you apprized of the clamour which is raised against the government by Mr Morris
            being employed in a service for which his principles render him so unfit—Mr H. is understood to have the same wishes with respect to France &
            a position at London will be infinitely more favorable for their gratification than at
            Paris—faction has doubted whether you could be a friend to the revolutionary principle
            & throw such a stumbling block in it’s way—a second appointment of that sort will
            give distrust to every jealous defender of the right of self government.
          Can you justify to America increasing the power of a man who is now under question for
            that which he already has? with so many objections to him will
            it not shew an excess of favoritism to appoint him to an office inconsistent with the
            duties of that which he already fills? May it not deserve consideration whether you can dispense with the exercise of official duty as you will do by
            sending the officer from America.
          When the above was written it was my intention as you will perceive by the contents to
            have sent it without a signature & on one account I wished for concealment, but
            reflection tells me that I do justice neither to my principles nor present intentions in
            supposing that one or the other can be doubted—If the spirit in which it is written
            should be conveyed by it I shall have no reason to regret the want of those expressions
            of respect which I could honestly have mixed with my political opinions—If there is any
            information which I may be supposed to possess which is desireable to you I shall take
            pleasure in attending you—I am with the greatest respect yr mo.
            ob. servt

            John Nicholas


Title: From George Washington to William Pearce, 6 April 1794
From: Washington, George
To: Pearce, William

            Mr Pearce,
            Philadelphia April 6th 1794

          Your letter & Reports of the 1st instant I have received, and am glad to find by
            the first that you have got your family safe to Mount Vernon; as, unquestionably, it
            will be a satisfaction to you to have them along with you. Change of Air may, and I hope
            will, restore your eldest daughter to health again.
          I had no doubt but that the late capture of our Vessels by the British Cruisers,
            followed by the Embargo, which has been laid on the Shipping in our Ports, wd naturally
            occasion a temporary fall in the article of provisions; yet, as
            there are the same mouths to feed as before; as the demand, consequently, will be as
            great; and as the Crops in other parts of the world will not be increased by these
            means, I have no doubt at all, but that, as soon as the present impediments are removed
            the prices of flour will rise to what it has been (at least) for which reason hold mine
            up to the prices mentioned in my last; & if they are offered, make a provisory
            agreement, to be ratified, or not, by me; an answer to which can be obtained in a
              week. With respect to the Wheat on hand, you must (if you hear
            nothing to the contrary from me) be governed by circumstances & your own judgment,
            in getting it out of the straw; but, at any rate, remove it into the Barns for the
            purpose of threshing in weather when the people cannot work out.
          When salt, or any other article of which you are in want, gets to a high price, provide
            for the present occasion only unless there is a moral certainty
            of their rising still higher; in that case prudence would direct otherwise.
          It was not my expectation that either grass or grain could be rolled at the expence of
            stopping the Ploughs; consequently, if the Oxen were not in a condition for the
            accomplishment of this work the execution of it was not to be expected: but is not this
            an instance among a variety of others, of the impolicy of not breaking a great number of Steers at each of the Farms? which would prevent the few
            that are broke from being reduced too low for the services thereof. Twenty Oxen are not
            more expensive than ten broke, & ten unbroke Steers, because you feed them as Oxen
            only when they are worked; and unbroke steers must be fed, as well as Oxen (though not
            in the same manner) at other times. By this means there never would be a want of draught
            Cattle for Cart, Harrow or Roller.
          How does the young grass which was sown in the new meadows, last fall, and the clover
            come on? Was the latter injured much by the Winter?
          Besides the number of Stacks which are yet in Wheat, I wanted to know what those stacks
            are supposed to contain; and this the Overseers, by comparing the size of them with
            those which have been tread out, may certainly give a pretty near guess at.
          The three bushels & half of Oats, mentioned to you in my last, are not of such
            superior quality as I had been led to expect from the account given of them; yet,
            notwithstanding, ground may be kept sometime longer for them, or until you hear further
            from me, on this head.
          The imposition with respect to the Garden seeds, is very unjustifiable; ’tis infinately
            worse than simple robbery, for there you loose your money only,
            but when it is given for bad seed you lose your money, your labour in preparing for the
            reception of them, and a whole season.
          Cloaths must be provided for the Young Gardener at Alexandria. Those for work to be
            strong, & substantial. Sunday, or holliday Cloaths to be decent, and such as may
            please without going to more expence than is necessary: but of the latter class I should
            conceive he can be in no want now, unless he has made an improper
            use of a whole suit (of very good Cloaths) which were given to him the latte end of
            October last.
          I am sorry to find that my chance for Lambs this year, is so bad. It does not appear to
            me by the Reports that I shall have more than a third of what I had last year: what this
            can be ascribed to is beyond my comprehension, unless it be for want of Rams, or bad
            Rams. Let therefore, at Shearing time, a selection of the best formed, & otherwise
            promising ram lambs be set apart (in sufficient numbers) to breed from; & when they
            are fit for it, cut the old ones and turn them aside, to be disposed of.
          At Shearing time also, let there be a thorough culling out, of all
            the old, and indifferent sheep from the flocks, that they may be disposed of, &
            thereby save me the mortification of hearing every week of their death! which is the
            more vexatious as I was taught to believe that every indifferent sheep was drawn for
            this purpose last Spring, notwisthstanding the loss of them which has been sustained the
            past winter; and indeed unto the present moment.
          When you go next to Alexandria take the exact dimensions of the rooms in my house at
            that place, that I may send paper for them. Give the length & breadth of each. and
            height from the wash board to the Chair board (as they are commonly called) and thence
            to the Cornish, if any, with the doors and windows, & size of them, in each room or
            passage. If there is occasion to make good the plastering in any of the rooms, no white
            wash is to be put thereon; because it is improper for paper. Thomas Davis must paint the
            outsides of both houses there; the lower part of a stone colour, and the roofs red. the
            Inside of the dwelling house is also to be painted. The whole in short is to be put in
            very good, & decent condition. If the planking between the two houses is plained,
            this also should be painted. I am Your friend &ca

            Go: Washington


Title: To George Washington from Edmund Randolph, 6 April 1794
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Washington, George

            Sir
            Philadelphia April 6. 1794.

          I conclude from what you observed yesterday, that in the nomination of an envoy
            extraordinary to London, you prefer some statement more special, than is customary in
            nominations. I beg leave therefore to present to you a short review of the subject; that
            you may determine, whether the occurrences in the legislature are ripe for such a
              statement.
          I believe, that I was among the first, if not the first, who suggested this mission to
            your consideration; and I am still its advocate. I was induced to think favorably of the
            measure; 1. because the representations, made by our minister in ordinary, seemed to rest on the British files among the business, which, if ever
            entered upon, would be entered upon, at extreme leisure; 2. because the recent
            accumulations of injuries called for pointed notice; 3. because the merchants and
            insurers would suspect an inattention in government, if their interests were left to the
            routine and delays of common affairs, and would on the other hand be highly gratified by
            the movement; 4. because the British nation, without whose affections the British
              Minister can do nothing of importance in war, ought to be
            retained by the strongest demonstrations in the persuasion, that we mean peaceable
            negotiation, rather than war; and 5. because a distinguished character, sent fresh from
            the feelings of the U.S., would with more confidence assert, and with more certainty
            impress.
          I confess, that two remarks, which came from yourself, had for some time employed my
            thoughts. These related to the sensations, which might be excited in Mr Pinckney, and to
            those, which may be excited in the people of our country.
          To wound unnecessarily a valuable and meritorious officer, as Mr Pinckney is, may be
            affirmed to be a public mischief. But this will not be the case, I hope. He will admit,
            that on great occasions, such missions are often instituted; that they are never
            interpreted by the diplomatic world, as a disparagement of the minister resident; and
            that a step of so much eclat will rouse the British court from their profound slumber
            over our various applications. He may moreover to receive s⟨uch⟩ declarations of
            continuing confidence, as to calm little possible inquietudes.
          The same kind of considerations will satisfy the animadversions of
            our citizens. For, if a man, the most conspicuous for talents and character were now the
            stationary representative of the U.S. at London, the efficacy of a solemn and special
            mission may still upon the foregoing principles, be easily conceived.
          And yet, the difference between one grade and another is not so powerful as of itself
            to secure a difference of reception to our demands. The Envoy will be impotent, if he is
            to carry with him only the language of rhetoric, or of menaces without the power of
            revenge. To fulfil the purpose of his creation, he must shew, that the U.S. can and will
            vindicate their rights. But measures of this kind depend on congress alone; and from
            them we have the embargo alone. They are employed in
            discussions, leading to these Objects. To nominate an envoy
            immediately, or until you see the nature and extent of the preparations, may perhaps be
            to nominate an useless officer; and, if by such a nomination it is proposed to give a
            direction to the views and deliberations of congress, may it not be better to send a
            message to them, urging them to adopt the preparatory steps, than to run the risque of
            appointing a gentleman, who, if our state of imbecility is to remain, cannot, except
            from personal qualities, have more influence, than Mr Pinckney. It would be unusual too,
            to expect by an act done to the Senate in its executive capacity, that its influence
            should extend to the other house in its legislative.
          I believe indeed, that to postpone the nomination will be attended with two advantages;
            the one is, that after congress shall have given nerve to our affairs, the propriety of
            the mission will no longer be questionable; nor will it require those arguments, which
            in the present state of things will not be sufficiently apparent; the other is, that the
            person nominated will then be able to decide, whether he would choose to be the
            missionary, after certain acts of congress. For example, it might not accord with the
            opinions of some gentlemen, to go, with an act of Sequestration in their hands.
          Notwithstanding the suspension of the nomination, you may perhaps approve of mentioning
            in the mean time your intention eventually to the person, whom you contemplate. I must request your instruction, whether I am to prepare the
            message to the senate immediately. I have the honor, sir, to be with the highest respect
            yr mo. ob. serv.

            Edm: Randolph


Title: To George Washington from George Clinton, 7 April 1794
From: Clinton, George
To: Washington, George

            Dear Sir
            New York 7th April 1794

          I had the honor of receiving your Letter of the 31st Ultimo a few Days ago—Could I have
            had reason to suppose that the Authenticity of Lord Dorchester’s Speech to the Indians
            would have been doubted by any I presume I might have procured at the Time the most
            unquestionable Testimony respecting it.
          A Deputation from the St Regis Indians arrived at Albany some Time in the Month of
            February—Their Object was to sollicit the State to appoint Commissioners to negotiate
            with their Tribes about certain Lands they claim within Our Limits—They informed me that the Chiefs of the seven Villages of lower Canada were deputed
            by the Western Nations (mentioned in his Lordships Speech) to confer with him on the
            very Subject referred to in it, and that some short Time before they left Home those
            Chiefs had set out for Quebec with this Object in View. They also told me a few Hours before my getting the Copy of the Speech that they had received a
            Letter from their Chiefs stating that they had conferred with Lord Dorchester and
            obtained a satisfactory Answer; which was afterwards explained to me by them as only
            meaning an explicit, not a satisfactory Answer; but my Informants pretended Ignorance of
            it’s Contents—Colo. Louis mentioned to me in Confidence his Apprehensions of a War
            between the British & Americans and seemed desierous of sending to St Regis for his
            Wife and Children instead of returning there; which he would have done had I not advised
            him to the contrary and gave him Assurances that should a War take Place I would take
            Measures for removing his Familly to Oneida—From these
            Circumstances—From the Confidence I reposed in the Discernment & Integrity of
            Colonel Udney Hay who transmitted me the Speech and from its coincidence with Sentiments
            of Lord Dorchester and Governor Simcoe respecting their being no acknowledged Boundary
            Line as avowed to Colo. Samuel Ogden in a Report made by him to me a Duplicate whereof I
            believe was delivered to the Secretary at War—There was no Room
            for Doubt left on my Mind, and a Letter from Colo. Joseph Fay which I now inclose will
            serve to coroberate the Fact.
          I shall not fail to pay the earliest Attention to the interesting Inquieries which you
            wish me to make and I shall endeavour to conduct them in such a Manner as to prevent any
            Alarm and ensure a Reliance upon the Result—In the Mean Time it may not be amiss to
            communicate the following Circumstances.
          Quebec Isle à Noux & St Johns are the only fortified Places in Lower Canada.
            Chamble & Montreal are not in a state of defence—All the
            armed Vessels employed on Lake Champlain last War are condemned. A new one has been
            lately built & now traverses that Lake—I have not been able to learn the Number of
            regular Troops in that Province—The Militia is by no Means formidable but their Numbers
            I cannot with any accuracy ascertain.
          The antient Inhabitants are disatisfied with the Government—and in Case of a Rupture I
            have good Reason to believe would be disposed to act in our Favour—A proclamation of
            Lord Dorchester which I understand has been forwarded to the late Secy of State evinces
            in some degree his Apprehensions on this Subject.

          The Vermont Militia in the Neighbourhood of the British Lines is formidable—The
            Settlements of Clinton County on our Side are recent and dispersed, and do not exceed
            500 enrolled Militia—The greater Part of these however are contiguous to the British
            Lines and are well dispossed.
          As to Upper Canada—The Fortresses are much decayed and thinly garrisoned, altho they
            have lately made some Repairs to the Fort at Niagara—The Fort at Oswego is utterly
            defenceless and only garrisoned by a single incompleat Company and I presume at this
            Moment might be taken without the effusion of a single drop of blood—Governor Simcoe is
            erecting a Fortress at Torronto (now called the City of York) on the West End of Lake
            Ontario—I understand that he has established in his Government a Regiment of about 1000
            Men on a Plan similar to the Feudal System and consisting chiefly of the Officers &
            Soldiers of the irregular Corps that served under the British last War—They occupy the
            Settlement of Catteraqui & consist of about 5000 Souls. The
            Regular Troops in that Province consist of three Regiments, one stationed at the City of
            York another at Niagara & the third at D. Troit but neither of them are compleat
            that at York is greatly reduced by a Fever that prevailed among them last Summer.
          Our nearest Settlements to the Line of thei⟨r⟩ Provinces are in the Vicinity of the
            Oswego Falls Fort Stanwix and the Genesse River The enrolled
            Militia of the Counties of Herkimer Onondago and Ontario in which these Places are
            situated consist of between 4 & 5000 Men as nearly as I can compute but they are
            very deficient in Point of Arms, and live considerably dispersed. I am with the highest
            Respect & Esteem, your Most Obedient Servant

            Geo. Clinton


Title: To George Washington from Carl Andreas Kierrulf, 7 April 1794
From: Kierrulf, Carl Andreas (Charles André)
To: Washington, George

            Sir
            [c.7 April 1794]

          Some time ago I took the Liberty To present to Your Excellency in Your quality as a
            Citizen and Chief magistrate of the United States a Petition and Some memoirs annexed
            thereto, respecting the deserved and undeserved Distress heaped on me by the fury of
            Despotism, flattering myself, to obtain thereby a Resolution agreeable to my Wishes.
          Your Excellency caused my Papers to be returned to me by Mr Jefferson, the late
            Secretary of State, without resolving any Thing on my Petition or paying any Regard to
            my distressed Situation, as a friend to humanity a Freeman and President of a free
            Empire.

          A mistake must have taken place, I suppose, or Your Excellency have, misled by an
            incomplete or even a false Report made on my Papers by the late Secretary of State,
            determined, to abandon myself to my unhappy situation.
          For, imagining any other reason would compromitting the glory of a Washington So
            celebrated in Europe, of a personage of his manner of thinking, who has announced
            himself as a learned man as a Doctor in Philosophy and Theology and as a Statesman whose
            Faculties were improved by travelling, so, that even to suppose an other motive, would
            be insulting Humanity the Rights of Man and Liberty in Your Excy’s Person.
          Please Your Excellency, to grant Pardon to the frank Language of an upright Man; I am
            induced to think the Chief of a free Empire blest with so high a Degree of generosity as
            not to disdain placing himself for a moment in my Situation, and he will be convinced of
            the property of my Conduct, that prompts me to proceed without forms, as it becometh to
            a free Man.
          I could wish to request of Your Excellency the granting of an Audience, that would
            enable me with Assistance of an American, serving as an Interpreter, to explain my
            Situation, my Pretensions and what little merit I claim, Certainly, no European has
            before me, visited this Continent, who Suffered so much by Persecution on account of the
            good Cause and who might yet do So much in behalf of the same. Therefore I again
            recommend myself as a Patriot, as a man of merit and an Unfortunate to the benevolent
            attention of the Chief of the first Republic as being principally concerned in
            patronizing the affairs of Humanity. remaining Your Excellency’s most devoted and humble
            Servant

            (signed) Carl Andreas Kienalf

            Living in Front-street No. 77. at the french Coffee-house.

            P.S. In order to rectify the Translation of Mr Kienalf’s Letter I beg Leave to
              observe:
            1) I qualified the Translation, as the Civilists use to say: “Sern perande verba in
              factum.”
            2) In case the Writer thereof pretends to be a Native of Germany, h⟨e⟩ by no means
              can, by his stile be looked ⟨u⟩pon as a Man of sufficient Knowledge, to manage a
              beneficial Resolution, so, that, while his own Indiscretion spares him from being
              called a mere Enthousiast, he does not in the least display those grand Abilities, a Man ought to possess, that has done or will be in future able to
              do much good in the important but delicate Cause of Liberty.

            The Translator.


Title: To George Washington from Henry Knox, 7 April 1794
From: Knox, Henry
To: Washington, George

            Sir.
            War Department, April 7th 1794.

          I have the honor to submit to your consideration, the propriety of embarking a
            detachment of recruits, of about fifty, now in this place, either for Charleston, or
            Georgia; in order to guard the batteries, for the present, which are to be erected upon
            the Sea coast of those States. I am Sir, Most respectfully, Your
            obedient Servant.

            H. Knox


Title: From George Washington to Henry Knox, 7 April 1794
From: Washington, George
To: Knox, Henry

            Sir,
            Philada April 7. 1794.

          If the number of recruits in the Atlantic States, can afford a detachment of fifty men
            to the southward without too great an exposure of more important objects, it will accord
            with my opinion that that number should be sent thither. And they may be designated for
            Charleston or Savannah, as shall appear most eligible to you from the
            information that is to be obtained. Yours &c.

            G. W——n


Title: To George Washington from Henry Knox, 7 April 1794
From: Knox, Henry
To: Washington, George

            Sir.
            War Department, April 7 1794.

          I have the honor to submit to your consideration the opinion of the Attorney General
            upon the act of the legislature of Pennsylvania for securing the trade, peace and safety
            of the port of Philadelphia, and defending the Western frontiers of the
              Commonwealth. I am Sir, Most respectfully, Your obedient
            Servant

            H. Knox


Title: To George Washington from John Wanton, 7 April 1794
From: Wanton, John
To: Washington, George

            Sir
            Newport Rhode Island April 7th 1794

          Much has been said concerning the detention of the Schooner, Bayonne, Thomas Greene
            Master, from St Johns, Nova Scotia. I wish to give your Excellency as just account of
            the transaction as I can nearly recollect, at 10 oClock A.M. the 1st day of April, arrived here the Schooner Bayonne as
            abovemention’d. and the Custom house boat went onboard her & brought her Register on
            Shore, & deliver’d to the Collector; at 4 OClock P.M. I
            was informd by the Pilot the said Schooner Intended to sail Immediately back to St
            Johns, I thought it my duty to acquaint the Collector (Wm Ellery Esqr.) with the
            Circumstance, accordingly I waited on him, & inform’d him what I had heard
            respecting her, & wished to know if he wanted my assistance to stop her, he answered
            that he wanted none of my assistance, she might go when & where she pleased, for he
            shou’d not stop her, I then inform’d him I must, as I thought it my duty, accordingly I
            got a Boat & Manned her with some Gentlemen of the Town who offerd their Service to
            assist me. & went onboard & weighed her Anchor & brought her into the wharf,
            & the next Morning onbent her Sails, which I now have in Custody.
            I acquainted the Governer & Company of this State & they approvd of my
              Conduct; I shou’d be glad of your Excellencys advice in the
              matter. I must inform you there has Sail’d from this Port,
            Since the Embargo tooke place, One Brig bound to Turtola, & a Schooner to
            Hispaniola, I informed the Collector of their Intention, that I had it from good
            Authority, they informed me they where going to Providence, not to Sea, altho’ they had
            their papers onboard, & Shipt a new hand, & paid him his Months advance, which
            might have informd them they intended for Sea as they have since Saild.
          I offerd my Service in the same way last Summer, when the Ship from Jamaica run away
            that had Robbed one of our Vessels, but I was informed it was none of my business, they
            wanted none of my assistance, but about 8 oClock in the Evening the Marshall waited on
            me to know if I commanded the Fort. I inform’d him I did, he acquainted me he had a
            Warrant against the Capt. of the Ship for Piracy, & wished my assistance to take
            him, or stop her which I Afforded with chearfulness but the Wind soon sprung up to the
            Northward. & she cut her Cable & got out after my firing two Shot at her. as I have ever Served my Country with Fidelity I still wish to
            serve it but it hurts my feelings to see things go on in this manner. I am Your
            Excellencys Most Obdt humble Servt

            John Wanton.Capt. of Fort Washington


Title: From George Washington to Alexander Hamilton, 8 April 1794
From: Washington, George
To: Hamilton, Alexander

            Dr Sir,
            [Philadelphia] Tuesday 8th April 1794

          Annexed to your Statemen⟨t⟩ of “Principles and course of Proce⟨ed⟩ings” I have given
            the certificat⟨e⟩ required. I am yours always

            Go: Washing⟨ton⟩


Title: From George Washington to Alexander Hamilton, 8 April 1794
From: Washington, George
To: Hamilton, Alexander

            Sir,
            United States April 8. 1794

          I cannot charge my memory with all the particulars which have passed between us,
            relative to the disposition of the money borrowed. Your letters, however, and my answer;
            which you refer to in the foregoing statement, and have lately reminded me of, speak for
            themselves, and stand in need of no explanation.

          As to verbal communications, I am satisfied, that many were made by you to me on this
            subject; and from my general recollection of the course of proceedings, I do not doubt,
            that it was substantially as you have stated it in the annexed paper, that I have
            approved of the measures, which you, from time to time, proposed to me for disposing of
            the Loans, upon the condition, that what was to be done by you, should be agreeable to
            the Laws.

            Go. Washington