Title: Felons and Rattlesnakes, 9 May 1751
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

In the eulogy which he delivered before the French Academy of Sciences on Nov. 13, 1790, the Marquis de Condorcet noted that Franklin sometimes made a point in conversation with a fable, tale, or anecdote. “Chargé de demander l’abolition de l’usage insultant d’envoyer les malfaiteurs dans les Colonies, le Ministre lui allégait la nécessité d’en délivrer l’Angleterre. Que diriez-vous, répondit-il, si nous ordonnions l’exportation des serpens à sonnette?” Condorcet added in a footnote that he had often heard Franklin recount this witticism, and that some French newspapers had badly garbled it. Paul L. Ford first identified Franklin’s essay in the Gazette as the probable original of this anecdote.

To the Printers of the Gazette.
By a Passage in one of your late Papers, I understand that the Government at home will not suffer our mistaken Assemblies to make any Law for preventing or discouraging the Importation of Convicts from Great Britain, for this kind Reason, “That such Laws are against the Publick Utility, as they tend to prevent the Improvement and Well Peopling of the Colonies.”
Such a tender parental Concern in our Mother Country for the Welfare of her Children, calls aloud for the highest Returns of Gratitude and Duty. This every one must be sensible of: But ’tis said, that in our present Circumstances it is absolutely impossible for us to make such as are adequate to the Favour. I own it; but nevertheless let us do our Endeavour. ’Tis something to show a grateful Disposition.
In some of the uninhabited Parts of these Provinces, there are Numbers of these venomous Reptiles we call Rattle-Snakes; Felons-convict from the Beginning of the World: These, whenever we meet with them, we put to Death, by Virtue of an old Law, Thou shalt bruise his Head. But as this is a sanguinary Law, and may seem too cruel; and as however mischievous those Creatures are with us, they may possibly change their Natures, if they were to change the Climate; I would humbly propose, that this general Sentence of Death be changed for Transportation.
In the Spring of the Year, when they first creep out of their Holes, they are feeble, heavy, slow, and easily taken; and if a small Bounty were allow’d per Head, some Thousands might be collected annually, and transported to Britain. There I would propose to have them carefully distributed in St. James’s Park, in the Spring-Gardens and other Places of Pleasure about London; in the Gardens of all the Nobility and Gentry throughout the Nation; but particularly in the Gardens of the Prime Ministers, the Lords of Trade and Members of Parliament; for to them we are most particularly obliged.
There is no human Scheme so perfect, but some Inconveniencies may be objected to it: Yet when the Conveniencies far exceed, the Scheme is judg’d rational, and fit to be executed. Thus Inconveniencies have been objected to that good and wise Act of Parliament, by virtue of which all the Newgates and Dungeons in Britain are emptied into the Colonies. It has been said, that these Thieves and Villains introduc’d among us, spoil the Morals of Youth in the Neighbourhoods that entertain them, and perpetrate many horrid Crimes: But let not private Interests obstruct publick Utility. Our Mother knows what is best for us. What is a little Housebreaking, Shoplifting, or Highway Robbing; what is a Son now and then corrupted and hang’d, a Daughter debauch’d and pox’d, a Wife stabb’d, a Husband’s Throat cut, or a Child’s Brains beat out with an Axe, compar’d with this “Improvement and WELL PEOPLING of the Colonies!”
Thus it may perhaps be objected to my Scheme, that the Rattle-Snake is a mischievous Creature, and that his changing his Nature with the Clime is a mere Supposition, not yet confirm’d by sufficient Facts. What then? Is not Example more prevalent than Precept? And may not the honest rough British Gentry, by a Familiarity with these Reptiles, learn to creep, and to insinuate, and to slaver, and to wriggle into Place (and perhaps to poison such as stand in their Way) Qualities of no small Advantage to Courtiers! In comparison of which “Improvement and Publick Utility,” what is a Child now and then kill’d by their venomous Bite,—or even a favourite Lap-Dog?
I would only add, That this Exporting of Felons to the Colonies, may be consider’d as a Trade, as well as in the Light of a Favour. Now all Commerce implies Returns: Justice requires them: There can be no Trade without them. And Rattle-Snakes seem the most suitable Returns for the Human Serpents sent us by our Mother Country. In this, however, as in every other Branch of Trade, she will have the Advantage of us. She will reap equal Benefits without equal Risque of the Inconveniencies and Dangers. For the Rattle-Snake gives Warning before he attempts his Mischief; which the Convict does not. I am Yours, &c.
Americanus


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Peter Collinson, 21 May 1751
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Collinson, Peter

Dear Sir
Philada. May 21. 1751
Budden is arrived, and every thing you sent per him come safe to hand. Both the Library-Company and the Academy are exceedingly oblig’d to you, and would be glad of any Opportunity of serving you or any of your Friends. The Academy goes on as one could wish: We have excellent Masters, and the Boys improve surprizingly: The Number now 70 and daily encreasing. I shall write more particularly per next Vessel. The Occasion of my writing this, viâ Ireland, is, That I have just receiv’d Advice that the Deputy-Postmaster General of America (Mr. Elliot Benger residing in Virginia) who has for some time been in a declining Way, is tho’t to be near his End. My Friends advise me to apply for that Post, and Mr. Allen (our Chief Justice) has wrote the enclos’d to his Correspondent Mr. Simpson in my favour, requesting his Interest and Application in the Affair, and impowering him to advance a considerable Sum if it should be necessary. I have not heretofore made much Scruple of giving you Trouble when the Publick Good was to be promoted by it; but ’tis with great Reluctance that I think of asking you to interest yourself in my private Concerns, as I know you have little Time to spare. The Place is in the Disposal of the Postmasters General of Britain, with some of whom or their Friends you may possibly have Acquaintance. Mr. Allen has desir’d Mr. Simpson to confer with you on the Affair, and if you can, without much Inconvenience to your self, advise and assist in endeavouring to secure the Success of this Application, you will, whatever may be the Event, add greatly to the Obligations you have already confer’d on me; and if it succeeds, I hope that as my Power of doing Good increases, my Inclination will always at least keep pace with it.
I am quite a Stranger to the Manner of Managing these Applications, so can offer no particular Instructions. I enclose a Copy of the Commission of a former Dep. Postmaster General, which may be of some Use: The Articles of Agreement refer’d to in the Commission I have never seen, but suppose they have always been nearly the same whoever is appointed, and have been usually sent over to America to be executed by the new Officer; for I know neither of the three last Officers went to England for the Commission. The Place has been commonly reputed worth about £150 a Year, but would be otherways very suitable to me, particularly as it would enable me to execute a Scheme long since form’d, of which I send you enclos’d a Copy, and which I hope would soon produce something agreable to you and to all Lovers of Useful Knowledge, for I have now a large Acquaintance among ingenious Men in America. I need not tell you, that Philadelphia being the Center of the Continent Colonies, and having constant Communication with the West India Islands, is by much a fitter Place for the Situation of a General Post Office than Virginia, and that it would be some Reputation to our Province, to have it establish’d here. I would only add, that as I have a Respect for Mr. Benger, I should be glad the Application were so managed as not to give him any Offence, if he should recover. But I leave every thing to you and Mr. Simpson referring you to Mr. Allen’s Letter to that Gentleman for farther particulars, and am, Dear Sir, Your affectionate humble Servant
B Franklin
P.S. I have heard £200 was given for this Office by Mr. Benger, and the same by his Predecessor; I know not whose Perquisite it was: But lest that should not be Sufficient, and there may be some contingent Fees and Charges, Mr. Allen has ordered £300. However, the less it costs the better, as ’tis an Office for Life only, which is a very uncertain Tenure.
 Endorsed: Recd July 10th  answerd per Reeves 19  Colden


Title: William Watson: An Account of Franklin’s Treatise, [6 June 1751]
From: Watson, William
To:

[June 6, 1751]
An account of Mr. Benjamin Francklin’s treatise lately published intitled, Experiments and observations on Electricity made at Philadelphia in America, by Wm. Watson, F. R. S.
Mr. Franklin’s treatise, lately presented to the royal Society, consists of four letters to his correspondent in England, and of another part intitled “Opinions and conjectures concerning the properties and effects of the electrical matter arising from experiments and observations.”
The four letters, the last of which contains a new hypothesis for explaining the several phoenomena of thunder gusts, have either in the whole or in part been before communicated to the royal Society: it remains therefore that I now only lay before the Society an account of the latter part of this treatise, as well as that of a letter intended to be added thereto by the author; but which arrived too late for publication with it and was therefore communicated to the Society by our worthy brother Mr. Peter Collinson.
This ingenious author from a great variety of curious and well adapted experiments is of opinion that the electrical matter consists of particles extreamly subtile; Since it can permeate common matter, even the densest metals with such ease and freedom as not to receive any perceptible resistance: and that if any one should doubt, whether the electrical matter passes through the substance of bodies, or only over and along their surfaces, a shock from an electrified large glass jar, taken through his own body, will probably convince him.
Electrical matter, according to our author, differs from common matter in this, that the parts of the latter mutually attract, and those of the former mutually repel, each other; Hence the divergency in a stream of electrified effluvia.

   *As the electric stream is observed to diverge very little, when the experiment is made in vacuo; this appearance is more owing to the resistance of the atmosphere than to any natural tendency in the electricity itself. W.W. See the Subsequent volume of the Phil Trans.

 But that tho the particles of electrical matter do repel each other, they are strongly attracted by all other matter.
From these three things, viz, the extreme Subtilty of the electrical matter, the mutual repulsion of its parts, and the strong attraction between them and other matter, arise this effect, that when a quantity of electrical matter is applied to a mass of common matter of any bigness or length within our observation (which has not already got its quantity) it is immediately and equally diffused through the whole.
Thus common matter is a kind of spunge to the electrical fluid; and as a spunge would receive no water, if the parts of water were not smaller than the pores of the spunge; and even then but slowly if there was not a mutual attraction between those parts and the parts of the spunge; and would still imbibe it faster, if the mutual attraction among the parts of the water did not impede, some force being required to separate them; and fastest if instead of attraction there were a mutual repulsion among those parts, which would act in conjunction with the attraction of the spunge: so is the case between the electrical and common matter. In common matter indeed there is generally as much of the electrical, as it will contain within its substance: if more is added it lies without upon the Surface,

   †The author of this account is of opinion, that, what is here added, lies not only without upon the surface, but penetrates with the same degree of density, the whole mass of common matter, upon which it is directed.

 and forms what we call an electrical atmosphere; and then the body is said to be electrified. Tis supposed, that all kinds of common matter do not attract and retain the electrical with equal force for reasons to be given hereafter; and that those called electrics per se, as glass &c. attract and retain it the strongest, and contain the greatest quantity.
We know that the electrical fluid is in common matter, because we can pump it out by the globe or tube; and that common matter has near as much as it can contain; because, when we add a little more to any portion of it, the additional quantity does not enter, but forms an electrical atmosphere: and we know that common matter has not (generally) more than it can contain; otherwise all loose portions of it would repel each other, as they constantly do when they have electric atmospheres.
The form of the electrical atmosphere is that of the body it surrounds: this shape may be rendered visible in a still air, by raising a smoke from dry resin dropt into a hot tea spoon under the electrised body, which will be attracted and spread itself equally on all sides, covering and concealing the body. And this form it takes, because it is attracted by all parts of the surface of the body, though it cannot enter the substance already replete. Without this attraction it would not remain round the body, but be dissipated in the air.
The atmosphere of electrical particles surrounding an electrified sphere is not more disposed to leave it, or more easily drawn off from any one part of the sphere than from another, because it is equally attracted by every part. But that is not the case with bodies of any other figure. From a cube it is more easily drawn at the corners than at the plane sides, and so from the angles of a body of any other form, and still most easily from the angle that is most acute; and for this reason points have a property of drawing on as well as throwing off the electrical fluid, at greater distances than blunt bodies can.
From various experiments recited in our author’s treatise, to which the curious may refer, the preceeding observations are deduced. You will observe how much they coincide with and support those I some time since communicated to the Society upon the same subject.
To give even the shortest account of all the experiments contained in Mr. Franklin’s book, would exceed greatly the time allowed for these purposes by the royal Society; I shall content myself therefore with laying a few of the most singular ones before you.
The effects of lightning and those of electricity appear very similar. Lightning has often been known to strike people blind. A Pigeon struck dead to appearance by the electrical shock, recovering life, drooped several days, eat nothing tho’ crumbs were thrown to it, but declined and died. Mr. Franklin did not think of it’s being deprived of Sight; but afterwards a pullet struck dead in like manner, being recovered by repeatedly blowing into its lungs, when set down on the floor, ran headlong against the wall, and on examination appeared perfectly blind: hence he concluded that the pigeon also had been absolutely blinded by the shock. From this observation we should be extreamly cautious, how in electrising we draw the strokes, especially in making the experiment of Leyden, from the eyes or even from the parts near them. Some time since it was imagined, that deafness had been releived by electrising the patient, by drawing the snaps from the ears, and by making him undergo the electrical commotion in the same manner. If hereafter this remedy should be fantastically applied to the eyes in this manner to restore dimness of sight, I should not wonder if perfect blindness were the consequence of the experiment.
By a very ingenious experiment our author endeavours to evince the impossibility of success, in the experiments proposed by others of drawing forth the effluvia of non-electrics, cinnamon for instance, and by mixing them with the electrical fluid, to convey them with that into a person electrified: and our author thinks that though the effluvia of cinnamon and the electrical fluid should mix within the globe, they would never come out together through the pores of the glass, and thus be conveyed to the prime conductor; for he thinks that the electrical fluid itself cannot come through, and that the prime conductor is always supplied from the cushion, and this last from the floor. Besides, when the globe is filled with cinnamon, or other non-electrics, no electricity can be obtained from its outer surface, for the reasons before laid down. He has tried another way, which he thought more likely to obtain a mixture of the electrical and other effluvia together, if such a mixture had been possible. He placed a glass plate under his cushion, to cut off the communication between the cushion and the floor; he then brought a small chain from the cushion into a glass of oil of turpentine, and carried another chain from the oil of turpentine to the floor, taking care that the chain from the cushion to the glass touched no part of the frame of the machine. Another chain was fixed to the prime conductor, and held in the hand of a person to be electrified. The ends of the two chains in the glass were near an inch from each other, the oil of turpentine between. Now the globe being turned, could draw no fire from the floor through the machine, the communication that way being cut off by the thick glass plate under the cushion; it must then draw it through the chains, whose ends were dipt in the oil of turpentine. And as the oil of turpentine being in some degree an electric per se, would not conduct what came up from the floor, the electricity was obliged to jump from the end of one chain to the end of the other, which he could see in large sparks; and thus it had a fair opportunity of seizing some of the finest particles of the oil in its passage, and carrying them off with it: but no such effect followed, nor could he perceive the least difference in the smell of the electrical effluvia thus collected, from what it had when collected otherwise; nor does it otherwise affect the body of the person electrified. He likewise put into a phial, instead of water, a strong purging liquid, and then charged the phial, and took repeated shocks from it; in which case every particle of the electrical fluid must, before it went through his body, have first gone through the liquid when the phial is charging, and returned through it when discharging; yet no other effect followed than if the phial had been charged with water. He has also smelt the electrical fire when drawn through gold, silver, copper, lead, iron, wood, and the human body, and could perceive no difference; the odour being always the same, where the spark does not burn what it strikes; and therefore he imagines it does not take that smell from any quality of the bodies it passes through. There was no abridging this experiment, which I think very well conceived and as well conducted, in a manner to make it intelligible, and therefore I have laid the author’s words nearly before you.
As Mr. Franklin, in a letter to Mr. Collinson some time since, mentioned his intending to try the power of a very strong electrical shock upon a turkey, I desired of Mr. Collinson to let Mr. Franklin know, that I should be glad to be acquainted with the result of that experiment. He accordingly has been so very obliging as to send this account, which is to the following purpose. He made first several experiments on fowls, and found that two large thin glass jars gilt, holding each about 6 gallons, and such as I mentioned I had employed in the last paper I laid before you upon this subject, were sufficient when fully charged to kill common hens outright; but the turkies, though thrown into violent convulsions and then lying as dead for some minutes, would recover in less than a quarter of an hour. However, having added three other such to the former two, though not fully charged, he killed a turkey of about ten pounds weight, and believes they would have killed a much larger. He conceited, as himself says, that the birds killed in this manner eat uncommonly tender.
In making these experiments, he found that a man could, without great detriment, bear a much greater shock than he imagined: for he inadvertently received the stroke of two of these jars through his arms and body, when they were very near fully charged. It seemed to him an universal blow throughout the body from head to foot, and was followed by a violent quick trembling in the trunk, which went gradually off in a few seconds. It was some minutes before he could recollect his thoughts so as to know what was the matter; for he did not see the flash, tho’ his eye was on the spot of the prime conductor, from whence it struck the back of his hand; nor did he hear the crack, though the bystanders said it was a loud one; nor did he particularly feel the stroke on his hand, tho’ he afterwards found it had raised a swelling there of the bigness of half a swan shot, or pistol bullet. His arms and the back of his neck felt somewhat numbed the remainder of the evening, and his breast was sore for a week after, as if it had been bruised. From this experiment may be seen the danger, even under the greatest caution, to the operator, when making these experiments with large jars; for it is not to be doubted but that several of these fully charged, would as certainly, by increasing them, in proportion to the size, kill a man as they before did the turkey.
Upon the whole, Mr. Franklin appears in the work before us to be a very able and ingenious man; that he has a head to conceive and a hand to carry into execution, whatever he thinks may conduce to enlighten the subject matter of which he is treating; and although there are in this work some few opinions in which I cannot perfectly agree with him, I think scarce any body is better acquainted with the subject of electricity than himself.
 Endorsed: Mr. Franklin’s treatise of Electricity. Read at R.S. June 6. 1751. pr. Vol. XLVII. p. 202.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Peter Collinson, 29 June 1751
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Collinson, Peter

Sir
Philadelphia June 29: 1751
In Capt. Waddels Account

   *Ph. Tr. No. 492. p. III.

 of the Effects of Lightning on his Ship, I could not but take Notice of the large Comazants (as he Calls them,) that settled on the Spintles at the Topmast-Heads, and burnt like very large Torches before the Stroke.
According to my Opinion, the Electrical Fire was then drawing off, as by Points, from the Cloud, the largeness of the Flame, betokening the great quantity of Electricity in the Clouds—and had there been a good Wire communication from the Spintle Heads to the Sea, that could have conducted more freely than Tarred Ropes, or Masts of Turpintine Wood, I Imagine, there would either have been no Stroke, or, if a Stroke, the Wire would have conducted it all into the Sea without Damage to the Ship.
His compasses Lost the Vertue of the Load Stone or the Poles [were] reversed, the North point turning to the South. By Electricity wee have Here frequently given polarity to Needles, and reversed It at pleasure. Mr. Wilson tryed it with too small a force. A Shock from four large Glass Jarrs, sent thro a fine Sewing Needle, gives it polarity; and it will traverse when laid on Water.
If the Needle, when Struck, lies East and West, the End entred by the Electric Blast points North.
If it lies north and South, the End that lay towards the North, will continue to point North when placed on Water, whether the fire Entred at that End, or the Contrary End.
The Polarity is given strongest when the Needle [is] Struck lying N. and S, Weakest when lying E and W.
Perhaps if the Force was still Greater, the S. End, Entred by the Fire, when the Needle lies N and S, might become the North.
Otherwise it puzzles us to account for the Inverting of Compasses by Lightning, since their Needles must always be found in that Situation, and by our little Experiment, whether the Blast entred the North, and went out at the South End of the Needle, or the Contrary, the End, that lay to the North, still should continue to point North. I have not yet had Time to read and Consider Dr. Knight’s Essay’s just now received from you, which possibly may Explain this.
In these Experiments the Ends of the Needles are sometimes finely blew’d, like a Watch Spring, by the Electric Flame. This colour given by the Flash from Two Jars only will Wipe off but Four will fix It and frequently Melt the Needles. I send you some that have had their Heads and points melted off by our Mimic Lightning, and a pin, that had its point melted off, and some part of its head and Neck run.

Sometimes the surface on the, Body of the Needles is also Run, and appears blisterd, when examined by a magnifying Glass. The Jarrs I make Use of hold 7 or 8 Gallons, and are Coated and Lined with Tin foil. Each of them takes 1000 Turns of a Globe 9 Inchs Diameter to Charge It. I send you Two specimens of Tinfoil melted between Glass, by the Force of Two Jarrs only.
I have not hear’d, that any of your European Electricians have heitherto been able to fire Gunpowder by the Electric Flame. Wee do it here in this Manner.
A small Cartridge is filled with Dry powder, hard rammed, so as to bruise some of the Grains. Two pointed Wires are then thrust In, one at Each End, the points approaching Each other in the Middle of the Cartridge, till within the distance of half an Inch: Then the Cartridge being placed in the Circle, when the Four Jarrs are discharged, the Electric Flame leaping from the point of one Wire to the point of the other, within the Cartridge, among the powder, fires It, and the Explosion of the powder is at the same Instant with the Crack of the Discharge. I am Sir your Humble Servant
B Franklin
To: P. Collinson
 Endorsed: No. 3. Mr. Franklin Letter Mr. Peter Collinson F.R.S. concerning the Effects of Lightning. Read at R S. Novr. 14. 1751 Pr. Vol. XLVII. p. 289.


Title: Managers of the Pennsylvania Hospital: Memorial to the Proprietors, 6 July 1751
From: Franklin, Benjamin,Pemberton, Israel
To: Proprietors

July 6, 1751
This document, drafted by Franklin and Israel Pemberton, is omitted here for the reason stated above, p. 111; but is printed, with editorial annotation, in Some Account of the Pennsylvania Hospital, May 1754, in the next volume.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to William Strahan, 19 July 1751
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Strahan, William

Dear Sir,
Philadelphia, July 19, 1751
This serves to cover the enclosed and recommend the affair to your care. I have assured the gentlemen concerned that you will serve them as well and cheap as any bookseller in London. They are men of ability, and will be constant customers.
We are all well, and join in the most cordial salutations to you, Mrs. Strahan, and your children. I am, dear sir, yours affectionately,
B Franklin


Title: Appeal for the Hospital, 8 and 15 August 1751
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

  I

Pos obitum benefacta manent, aeternaque Virtus
Non metuit Stygiis, nec rapiatur Aquis.
I was sick, and ye visited me. Matth.XXV.

Among all the innumerable Species of Animals which inhabit the Air, Earth and Water, so exceedingly different in their Production, their Properties, and the Manner of their Existence, and so varied in Form, that even of the same Kind, it can scarce be said there are two Individuals in all Respects alike; it is remarkable, there are none within our Observation, distinguish’d from the rest by this Particular, that they are by Nature incapable of Diseases. The old Poets, how extravagant soever in their Fictions, durst never offend so far against Nature and Probability, as even to feign such a Thing; and therefore, tho’ they made their Achilles invulnerable from Head to Foot, and clad him beside in impenetrable Armour, forg’d by the Immortals, they were obliged to leave one soft unguarded Place in his Heel, how small soever, for Destruction to enter at. But tho’ every Animal that hath Life is liable to Death, Man, of all other Creatures, has the greatest Number of Diseases to his Share; whether they are the Effects of our Intemperance and Vice, or are given us, that we may have a greater Opportunity of exercising towards each other that Virtue, which most of all recommends us to the Deity, I mean Charity.
The great Author of our Faith, whose Life should be the constant Object of our Imitation, as far as it is not inimitable, always shew’d the greatest Compassion and Regard for the Sick; he disdain’d not to visit and minister Comfort and Health to the meanest of the People; and he frequently inculcated the same Disposition in his Doctrine and Precepts to his Disciples. For this one Thing, (in that beautiful Parable of the Traveller wounded by Thieves) the Samaritan (who was esteemed no better than a Heretick, or an Infidel by the Orthodox of those Times) is preferred to the Priest and the Levite; because he did not, like them, pass by, regardless of the Distress of his Brother Mortal; but when he came to the Place where the half-dead Traveller lay, he had Compassion on him, and went to him, and bound up his Wounds, pouring in Oil and Wine, and set him on his own Beast, and brought him to an Inn, and took Care of him. Dives, also, the rich Man, is represented as being excluded from the Happiness of Heaven, because he fared sumptuously every Day, and had Plenty of all Things, and yet neglected to comfort and assist his poor Neighbour, who was helpless and full of Sores, and might perhaps have been revived and restored with small care, by the Crumbs that fell from his Table, or, as we say, with his loose Corns.—I was Sick, and ye Visited me, is one of the Terms of Admission into Bliss, and the Contrary, a Cause of Exclusion: That is, as our Saviour himself explains it, Ye have visited, or ye have not visited, assisted and comforted those who stood in need of it, even tho’ they were the least, or meanest of Mankind. This Branch of Charity seems essential to the true Spirit of Christianity; and should be extended to all in general, whether Deserving or Undeserving, as far as our Power reaches. Of the ten Lepers who were cleansed, nine seem to have been much more unworthy than the tenth, yet in respect to the Cure of their Disease, they equally shared the Goodness of God. And the great Physician in sending forth his Disciples, always gave them a particular Charge, that into whatsoever City they entered, they should heal All the Sick, without Distinction.
  When the good Samaritan left his Patient at the Inn, he gave Money to the Host, and said, Take Care of Him, and what thou spendest more, I will repay thee. We are in this World mutual Hosts to each other; the Circumstances and Fortunes of Men and Families are continually changing; in the Course of a few Years we have seen the Rich become Poor, and the Poor Rich; the Children of the Wealthy languishing in Want and Misery, and those of their Servants lifted into Estates, and abounding in the good Things of this Life. Since then, our present State, how prosperous soever, hath no Stability, but what depends on the good Providence of God, how careful should we be not to harden our Hearts against the Distresses of our Fellow Creatures, lest He who owns and governs all, should punish our Inhumanity, deprive us of a Stewardship in which we have so unworthily behaved, laugh at our Calamity, and mock when our Fear cometh. Methinks when Objects of Charity, and Opportunities of relieving them, present themselves, we should hear the Voice of this Samaritan, as if it were  the Voice of God sounding in our Ears, Take Care of them, and whatsoever thou spendest, I will repay thee.
But the Good particular Men may do separately, in relieving the Sick, is small, compared with what they may do collectively, or by a joint Endeavour and Interest. Hence the Erecting of Hospitals or Infirmaries by Subscription, for the Reception, Entertainment, and Cure of the Sick Poor, has been found by Experience exceedingly beneficial, as they turn out annually great Numbers of Patients perfectly cured, who might otherwise have been lost to their Families, and to Society. Hence Infirmaries spread more and more in Europe, new Ones being continually erected in large Cities and populous Towns, where generally the most skilful Physicians and Surgeons inhabit. And the Subscribers have had the Satisfaction in a few Years of seeing the Good they proposed to do, become much more extensive than was at first expected; for the Multitude and Variety of Cases continually treated in those Infirmaries, not only render the Physicians and Surgeons who attend them, still more expert and skilful, for the Benefit of others, but afford such speedy and effectual Instruction to the young Students of both Professions, who come from different and remote Parts of the Country for Improvement, that they return with a more ample Stock of Knowledge in their Art, and become Blessings to the Neighbourhoods in which they fix their Residence.
It is therefore a great Pleasure to all the Benevolent and Charitable, who have been acquainted with these Things in other Countries, to observe, that an Institution of the same Kind has met with such Encouragement in Pensilvania, and is in such Forwardness, that there is reason to expect it may be carried into Execution the ensuing Year. May the Father of Mercies grant it his Blessing, and Thousands of our unhappy Fellow Creatures, yet unborn, will have Cause to bless him, for putting it into the Hearts of the generous Contributors, and enabling them thus to provide for their Relief.

   II

Homines ad Deos, nulla re propius accedunt, quam Salutem Hominibus dando.  Cicer. Orat.

This Motto, taken from a Pagan Author, expresses the general Sense of Mankind, even in the earliest Ages, concerning that great Duty and extensive Charity, the administring Comfort and Relief to the Sick. If Men without any other Assistance than the Dictates of natural Reason, had so high an Opinion of it, what may be expected from Christians, to whom it has been so warmly recommended by the best Example of human Conduct. To visit the Sick, to feed the Hungry, to clothe the Naked, and comfort the Afflicted, are the inseparable Duties of a christian Life.
Accordingly ’tis observable, that the Christian Doctrine hath had a real Effect on the Conduct of Mankind, which the mere Knowledge of Duty without the Sanctions Revelation affords, never produc’d among the Heathens: For History shows, that from the earliest Times of Christianity, in all well-regulated States where Christians obtain’d sufficient Influence, publick Funds and private Charities have been appropriated to the building of Hospitals, for receiving, supporting and curing those unhappy Creatures, whose Poverty is aggravated by the additional Load of bodily Pain. But of these Kind of Institutions among the Pagans, there is no Trace in the History of their Times.
That good Prince Edward VI. was so affected at the Miseries of his poor diseas’d Subjects, represented in a charity Sermon preach’d to him on the Occasion, that he soon after laid the Foundation of four of the largest Hospitals now in London, which the Citizens finished, and have ever since maintain’d.
  In Hidepark, at Bath, in Edinburgh, Liverpool, Winchester, and in the County of Devon, and sundry other Places in Great-Britain, large and commodious Infirmaries have been lately erected, from trifling Beginnings of private Charities: And so wonderfully does Providence favour these pious Institutions, that there is not an Instance of any One’s failing for want of necessary charitable Contributions.

     *Extract from the Tour thro’ Great Britain, Vol. III. Pag. 293. In the Year 1740, on the Promotion of Dr. Gilbert, Dean of this Church, to the Bishoprick of Landaff, his Majesty was pleas’d to confer the Deanery on Dr. Alured Clarke, who was installed in the Month of January, in that Year; and if we may be allowed to judge from the pious Acts be began with in that Station, a more worthy Man could not have been preferr’d thereto.

     The House, an antient Building, belonging to that Dignity, had, thro’ the Remissness of its former Possessors, been too long neglected; wherefore his First Work was to set about altering and repairing that, which he did within Nine Months of his Instalment, at an Expence of about £800.

     Before this was perfected, viz. in the Spring 1741, he drew up and published Proposals for founding an Hospital in this City, for Lodging, Dieting, and Curing the Sick and Lame Poor thereof, and of the County of Devon, on the like Plan of that which he had before founded at Winchester, for the Benefit of that City, and County of Hants. A Design so good, recommended by the pious Eloquence of a Divine so learned and judicious, on Views so visibly disinterested, and so clearly abstracted from all Party Schemes or Intentions, met with the general Applause and Assistance of the Gentry and Clergy of all Parties, Sects and Denominations; who, however different in Religion and Politicks, unanimously join’d in this pious Undertaking: And a Subscription being opened in March, hath already (November 1741) brought in about £2000 of which near £1500 are annual Engagements, which, ’tis highly probable, will be not only continued, but much augmented, so that ’tis hoped, that 200 Patients at a Time may be provided for. John Tuckfield, of Raddon, Esq.; was pleased to accommodate the Governors with a Plot of Ground near Southernhay, without the City-walls, at a very moderate Price, and to give £100 towards carrying on the Building for the intended Hospital, the Plan of which was commodiously designed by the Direction of the Dean, and the first Stone thereof laid by him, assisted by the Bishop of Exon, Sir William Courtenay, Knight of the Shire, Sir Henry Northcote and Humphry Sydenham, Esquires, the Citizens in Parliament, the Honourable Henry Rolle, and John Tuckfield Esq.; attended by a great Number of Clergy and Gentry, that are Subscribers, and Thousands of joyful Spectators, on the 27th of August 1741. The Building contains upwards of 300 Feet in Length, and is already in a good Forwardness.

The Increase of poor diseas’d Foreigners and others, settled in the distant Parts of this Province, where regular Advice and Assistance cannot be procured, but at an Expence that neither they nor their Townships can afford, has awaken’d the Attention of sundry humane and well dispos’d Minds, to procure some more certain, effectual and easy Methods for their Relief than have hitherto been provided, and having represented the Affair to the Assembly, a Law was pass’d, without one dissenting Voice, giving Two Thousand Pounds for building and furnishing a Provincial Hospital, on Condition that Two Thousand Pounds more should be rais’d by private Donations, to be put out to Interest as Part of a perpetual Fund for supporting it; and the Contributors were made a Body Corporate, with all the Powers necessary on the Occasion. Since which, People of all Ranks in this City have united zealously and heartily in promoting this pious and excellent Design, and more than the Sum stipulated was subscribed in a few Days only, and a much larger Sum will probably be rais’d here if the Country chearfully contributes to the capital Stock, which ’tis not to be doubted they will do, when they consider how much they are interested in it.
The Difference between nursing and curing the Sick in an Hospital, and separately in private Lodgings, with Regard to the Expence, is at least as ten to one. For Instance, suppose a Person under the Necessity of having a Limb amputated, he must have the constant Attendance of a Nurse, a Room, Fire, &c. which cannot for the first three or four Weeks be procured at less Expence than Fifteen Shillings a Week, and never after at less than Ten. If he continues two Months his Nursing will be Five Pounds, his Surgeons Fee, and other accidental Charges, commonly amounts to Three Pounds, in the whole near Ten Pounds; whereas in an Hospital, one Nurse, one Fire, &c. will be sufficient for ten Patients, the extra Expences will be inconsiderable, and the Surgeon’s Fees taken off, which will bring the above Calculation within the Limits of Truth.
But the Difference with Regard to the unhappy Sufferer is still greater. In an Hospital his Case will be treated according to the best Rules of Art, by Men of Experience and known Abilities in their Profession. His Lodgings will be commodious, clean and neat, in an healthy and open Situation, his Diet will be well chosen, and properly administred: He will have many other necessary Conveniencies for his Relief, such as hot and cold Baths, sweating Rooms, chirurgic Machines, Bandage, &c. which can rarely be procured in the best private Lodgings, much less in those miserable loathsome Holes, which are the common Receptacles of the diseas’d Poor that are brought to this City. In short a Beggar in a well regulated Hospital, stands an equal Chance with a Prince in his Palace, for a comfortable Subsistence, and an expeditious and effectual Cure of his Diseases.

It is hoped therefore, that whoever will maturely consider the inestimable Blessings that are connected to a proper Execution of the present Hospital Scheme in this City, can never be so void of Humanity and the essential Duties of Religion, as to turn a deaf Ear to the numberless Cries of the Poor and Needy, and refuse for their Assistance, a little of that Superfluity, which a bountiful Providence has so liberally bestowed on them.


Title: Record of Service in the Assembly, 1751–64
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

Near the end of his life, probably after his return from France, to judge by handwriting, Franklin began to prepare a record of his service in the Pennsylvania Assembly. He compiled it simply by turning the pages of the printed Votes and Proceedings and noting his various assignments. In the process he overlooked a few; these have been inserted between brackets. In addition the manuscript is mutilated, but missing words and lines can be supplied by reference to the official record, and have accordingly been inserted between brackets. From January 11, 1763, through April 2, 1763, where the surviving manuscript breaks off, the entries are in William Temple Franklin’s hand. There must, however, have been several more pages in the original, carrying the record of Franklin’s service through 1764. This missing record has been supplied by the editors from the Votes and Proceedings of the Assembly.
Because Franklin’s record can serve as a brief introduction and résumé of his legislative service between 1751 and 1764, it is printed here, rather than under a presumed date of composition (1785–90). Many of the documents Franklin helped to draft are printed under their respective dates in this and succeeding volumes; the fact is indicated in each case. Citations are made to the Statutes at Large of Pennsylvania for bills which Franklin helped draft that became laws.

[August 13, 1751, to September 22, 1764]
B. Franklin’s Services in the General Assembly.

1751

Aug.
13.
    Takes his Seat in Assembly.

Put on a Committee to prepare a Bill, same Day.

15.
Sent up with a Message to the Governor James Hamilton.

17.
On a Committee to prepare an Answer to Governors Messages.

20.
Reports on the Subject of a Bridge over Skuylkill.

22.
Reports on the Subject of Indian Expences.

Seven Resolutions N.C.D. of his Drawing, upon that Report.

Appointed on a Committee to draw an Address to the Proprietaries in pursuance of these Resolves.

23.
Reported the same.

24.
It was approved but not put in the Minutes.

Oct.
14.
Return’d a Member for Philadelphia.

Sent on a Message to the Governor.

15.
On the Committee of Accounts and Committee of Grievances, and Committee to revise the Minutes.

16.
On Committee of Correspondence.

1752

Feb.
3.
On a Message to the Governor.

7.
On Committee to inspect Accounts.

8.
On Ditto to consider a Petition of Bakers.

[11.
On a committee to consider a petition concerning attachment for debts under 40s.]

[14.
On a committee to prepare a currency bill.]

17.
On Ditto for examining the Laws relating to Fees.

24.
On Ditto for a Bill relating to Dogs.

[25.
On a committee to amend the bill on vendues.]

Mar.
6.
On Ditto to answer a Message.

11.
On Ditto to see the Great Seal affixed to Laws.

On Ditto to enquire into the State of our Paper Currency, Trade, Numbers of People &c.

Aug.
13.
On a Message to the Governor with the Bill of Fees.

  20.
On a Committee for Conference with the Governor on that Bill.

Makes Report in Writing on the State of Currency, &c.

  21.
Ordered to meet some of the Council &c.

  22.
On a Message to the Governor.

Oct.
  14.
Return’d a Member for Philadelphia.

Sent on a Message to the Governor.

  17.
Appointed on 4 [sic] Committees, viz. Grievances: Revisal of Minutes, Accounts: Correspondence; Laws.

1753

[Jan.
16.
With] the Speaker to procure Books and Maps.

[18.
On a] Committee to bring in a Bill.

[24.
Sent to] the Governor with the Money Bill.

[May
24.
On a] Committee to prepare a Message.

[25.
Report] of the Committee of Grievances.

30.
On a Committee to consider the Representation to the Proprietaries of 1751. And the Answer thereto.

On Ditto to prepare an Answer to Governors Message.

Sept.
1.
On a Committee to consider Governors propos’d Amendments to a Money Bill.

4.
On a Committee to answer the Governors Message.

7.
On Ditto to report on a Message from the Governor.

[Oct.]
15.
Return’d again for Philadelphia.

Sent on a Message to the Governor.

16.
Appointed on 4 Committees viz. Correspondence, Grievances, Accounts, Revisal of Minutes.

17.
On two more Committees viz. to inspect the Laws; and the State of Trade, Currency &c.

1754

Feb.
6.
Reports thereupon.

14.
Translates a French Letter to Governor Dinwiddie.

15.
Reports on the Laws.

26.
On a Committee for Indian Trade.

[March
1.
On a committee to reply to the governor’s message of this date.]

Mar.
5.
On Ditto for considering a Petition for laying out Townships.

On Ditto for bringing in a Bill respecting the holding of Courts.

6.
On Ditto to consider the Western Bounds.

7.
Reports on Ditto.

April
5.
On a Committee to bring in a Money Bill.

8.
Governor appoints him a Commissioner for the Albany Treaty.

[11.
On a committee to answer the Governor’s message of April 3.]

12.
Approved by the Assembly.

13.
On a Committee to enquire into the Facts of a Petition.

[May]
15.
On Ditto to answer a Message from the Governor.

18.
A Number of Resolves drawn up by him and agreed to.

Aug.
9.
On a Committee to bring in a Money Bill.

Oct.
14.
Return’d for Philadelphia.

15.
Appointed on Committees of Grievances, and Revisal of Minutes, and Correspondence.

Dec.
31.
Representation to the Proprietaries, drawn [up in] August [1753] now put on the Votes.

1755

Mar.
17.
Takes his Seat in [the] House.

18.
On a Committee to answer [the Messages of the Governor] and to [report] the Answers.

20.
On a Committee to answer an[other] Message.

Lays before the House a Letter receiv’d from the Governor.

22.
On a Committee to bring in a Bill relating to Provisions exported.

Requested to consider of establishing a Post for General Braddock.

[25.
On a committee to prepare a money bill.]

April
1.
Memorial from Josiah Quincy drawn by him.

2.
Sundry Orders of his proposing and drawing to supply N England with Provisions &c.

[5.
On a committee to answer the Governor’s message of April 1.]

9.
Gives his Proposal to the House about the Post, which was agreed to.

May
12.
Receives the Thanks of the House for his great Services in his late Journey to the Back Country &c.

14.
On a Committee to prepare a State of the Bills.

On Ditto to prepare a Message to the Governor.

16.
On Ditto to answer another Message, and he draws the Answer.

June
13.
Communicates to the House the Letters of Thanks he had received from Gen. Sir Peter Halket and Col. Dunbar.

14.
On a Committee to answer a Message of the Governor.

17.
On Ditto to prepare a Bill.

18.
On Ditto to prepare another Bill.

24.
On Ditto to answer a Message.

July
28.
On Ditto to Ditto.

29.
On Ditto to prepare a Bill for granting £50000 to the King’s Use.

Sent with it to the Governor.

Aug.
5.
On Ditto to answer his Message of Amendments.

6.
On Ditto to answer a Message, and draws it—a long one.

11.
On Ditto for a Bill to provide Quarters for the King’s Troops.

13.
On Ditto to answer a long Message.

[20.
On a committee to answer the Governor’s message of August 16.]

21.
On Ditto to answer a Message.

22.
On Ditto to dispose of Money for the Defence of the Frontiers.

Sept.
15.
On Ditto to prepare a Bill for regulating Inspectors.

19.
Requested by the House to endeavour to prevail with Col. Dunbar to discharge Servants and Apprentices.

[25.]
On a Committee to answer a Message.

[29.]
Produces to the House a Letter to himself from T. Hutchinson which induces the Grant of £10,000 to Massachusets.

[Oct.
14.]
Return’d for Philadelphia.

Sent with a verbal Message to Governor.

[16.]
On 4 Committees. Correspondence, Grievances, Minutes, Laws.

[Nov.
5.]
Ditto to bring in a Money Bill £60,000.

[7.]
Ditto to prepare a Bill for supplying our Indian [Allies].

[9.]
Ditto to [prepare a Message to the Governor.]

10.
On a [committee to] answer a Message.

13.
On Ditto [to consider] two Applications to the House from Quakers, and from the Mayor of Philadelphia &c.

17.
On Ditto to answer a Message.

19.
By Leave brings in a Militia Bill.

On a Committee to answer a Message.

20.
On a Committee to amend the Militia Bill.

22.
On Ditto to consider Governors Message.

25.
On Ditto to bring in a Money Bill exempting the Proprietary Estate in Consideration of their Gift of £5000.

29.
On Ditto to answer a Message.

December
3.
On Ditto to answer a Message.

1756

Feb.

Is still on the Frontiers building Forts.

Feb.
7.
On Committee to prepare an Address to Governor respecting the Enlistment of Servants, and draws it.

19.
Lays before the House Letters to him from Gen. Shirley.

On a Committee to answer a Message.

Mar.
3.
Brings in a Bill by Leave of the House to regulate Soldiers &c.

5.
Watch and Lamp Bill brought in.

10.
On Committee to amend Soldiers Bill.

13.
Moves the House again on that Bill.

On Committee for that purpose.

17.
Sent with the Bill to the Governor.

Goes to Virginia.

May
12.
On Committee to answer a Message.

[On a committee to draft a bill laying an embargo on provisions and naval stores in Pennsylvania.]

[27.
On a committee to prepare a money bill.]

June
2.
On Ditto to Ditto.

July
22.
Then at N York, charg’d with an Address to Gen. Shirley, going to England.

Aug.
17.
On Committee to bring in a Bill granting £40,-000.

[On a committee to answer the governor’s message of August 16.]

20.
Wm. Denny Governor.

21.
On Committee to prepare address to the Governor.

30.
On Ditto to prepare Answer to Governors Speech and Message.

Sept.
1.
On a Message to the Governor.

8.
Appointed a Commissioner in the Act appropriating] £60,000.

13.
On a Committee to prepare Reasons in Answer to [Governors Objections to] the Bill.

[14.
On a committee to consider the Proprietary instructions on money bills.]

16.
Draws Resolutions relating to [the Governor’s verbal message.]

On Committee to prepare a new [bill for £30,-000.]

Ditto to Ditto [for Indian trade.]

[17.
Sent] up with the £30,000 [bill to the Governor.]

23.
Draws a long Paper of Remarks on Proprietary Instructions.

Oct.
14.
Return’d for Philadelphia.

18.
Order’d on 3 Committees, Correspondence, Grievances, Minutes.

21.
On Ditto for preparing a Bill to regulate the Hire of Carriages.

22.
On Ditto for Ditto Billeting of Soldiers.

26.
On Ditto to confer with Governor about Indians.

28.
With Leave brings in a Bill to regulate Forces of this Province.

As President of the Hospital lays before the House the Accounts thereof.

On a Committee to prepare another Militia Bill.

29.
On Ditto to answer Governors Message.

Nov.
4.
On Ditto to compare Bills.

On Ditto to accompany the Governor to treat with Indians [at] Easton.

23.
On Ditto to prepare a Message to the Governor.

Dec.
2.
On Ditto to examine Journals of House of Commons concerning Elections.

3.
Reports on the same.

8.
On a Committee to prepare Answer to Governors Message.

16.
On Ditto to Ditto Message concerning Quarters.

18.
On Ditto to Ditto.

19.
On Ditto to confer with the Governor.

22.
On Ditto to answer a Message about Quarters.

24.
n Ditto to prepare a Bill for granting £100,000 by Tax.

[1757]

Jan.
11.
On Ditto to prepare a Bill to relieve Innkeepers.

24.
On Ditto to prepare a Bill to strike a Sum of Paper Money.

28.
On Ditto to wait on the Governor with a Message.

29.
Reports concerning the Treaty at Easton.

Is nominated to go to England.

Feb.
1.
On a Committee to prepare a new Bill for granting £100,000.

3.
Accepts the Appointment to England.

Appointed Agent.

7.
On a Committee to answer a Message.

12.
On Ditto to Ditto.

[March
15.
On a committee to present the address of the Assembly to Lord Loudoun.]

22.
Governor agrees to pass the Bill for £100,000. This was after B.F.’s Conference with him and Lord Loudoun.

[Oct.
14.
Returned for Philadelphia.]

[18.
Reappointed agent.]

[1758]

[Oct.
14.
Returned for Philadelphia.]

[16.
Reappointed agent.]

1759

Feb.
27.
Proprietaries Message to the Assembly representing Mr. F. as not a Person of Candour &c.

His Heads of Complaint.

Answer thereto by Paris.

[April]
17.
Supply Bill for £100,000 taxing the Proprietary Estate passed by Gov. Denny.

[Oct.
15.]
Return’d for Philadelphia.

[17.
Reappointed agent.]

1760

Oct.
14.
Returned for Philadelphia.

15.
Continu’d Agent with R. Charles.

18.
Governor Hamilton refuses to certify the Assembly’s Appointment of Franklin and Charles as Agents, &c.

The Assembly orders a Certificate from a Notary, and appoint a Committee to consider the Governor’s Refusal &c. and order the Grant of the Crown to be receiv’d by B.F. and lodg’d in the Bank in several Names.

1761

Sept.
19.
Bills ordered to be drawn on B.F. for the Amount of the Parliamentary Grant.

[Oct.
14.
Returned for Philadelphia.]

[15.
Reappointed agent.]

1762

May
6.
Several Letters of different Dates receiv’d from him.

Sept.
21.
Ditto. Informing that he had taken his Passage, and left the Affairs of the Province with Mr. Jackson.

Oct.
15.
Return’d again as in all the preceding Years, a Member for Philadelphia.

1763

Jan.
10.
In the House again, and on a Committee.

12.
On another.

14.
On another and another.

18.
Engagement of B.F. and R.C. recited.

21.
On a Committee to prepare a Bill.

28.
On ditto for another Bill. And another.

[Feb.
3.
On a committee to consider a petition.]

8.
On a committee for another Bill.

19.
Report on his Accounts and Thanks order’d.

March
4.
Ballance of his Account order’d to be paid £2214 10s. 0d.

29.
On a Committee for a Bill.

31.
Thanks given him by the Speaker in form, and Answer.

[April
2.
Added to the committee of correspondence.]

On a Committee to answer [the Governor’s message of this date and to draft a new bill for regulating inns and taverns.]

[Continuation by the Editors]

Oct.
14.
Returned for Philadelphia.

Dec.
20.
Takes his seat.

1764

Jan.
4.
On a committee to draft a bill for trial of capital offenses between whites and Indians.

6.
On a committee to draft a bill for payment of sums from the Parliamentary grant of 1760.

19.
On a committee to answer the governor’s message of January 16.

Feb.
1.
On a committee to draft a bill on Thomas and Charles Willing’s petition and to amend the laws on the partition and distribution of estates.

2.
On a committee to draft a bill to erect a workhouse in Philadelphia; on another to consider the laws for the settlement and support of the poor and reduce them to a single general act.

10.
On a committee to answer the governor’s message of February 4, sent down this day.

11.
On a committee to draft a militia bill.

17.
On a committee to confer with the governor on the remonstrance of Matthew Smith and James Gibson.

29.
On a committee to examine the journals of the House of Commons and inquire into the practice of other colonies, on the privilege of hearing debates.

On a committee to draft a bill for the relief of Samuel Wallis.

March
10.
On a committee to draft resolutions on the present circumstances of the province.

21.
On a committee to draft a message to the governor to accompany the supply bill for £55,000.

23.
On a committee to answer the governor’s message of March 23.

May
  17.
On a committee to answer the governor’s message of May 17.

  18.
On a committee to draft a new supply bill.

  23.
On a committee to draft a petition to the King to take over the government of the province.

  24.
On a committee to consider and report on sundry petitions and remonstrances.

  26.
Chosen Speaker.

Signs the Assembly’s reply to the governor’s message of May 26.

  30.
Signs the Assembly’s reply to the governor’s message of May 17.

Sept.
  12.
Presents a letter from a committee of the Massachusetts House.

22.
Signs instructions to Richard Jackson.


Title: Pennsylvania Assembly Committee: Report on a Schuylkill Bridge, 20 August 1751
From: Pennsylvania Assembly Committee
To:

[August 20, 1751]
In Obedience to the Order of the House, we have view’d the River Schuylkill, and sounded the Depths, and try’d the Bottom in several Places from Peters’s Island, near the Ford, down to John Bartram’s, below the Lower Ferry, and are of Opinion, that the most convenient Place for a Bridge in all Respects is against or near the End of Market-street, where Capt. Coultas now keeps the Ferry. We have also had under our Consideration sundry Plans of Bridges, and Computations of the Expence of building them, but not being yet prepared to compleat our Report thereon, crave further Time for that Purpose.

Thomas Leech,
Benjamin Franklin,

Peter Dicks,
Israel Pemberton,

Edmund Woolley,
Samuel Rhoads,

Caspar Wistar,
Jacob Lewis.

Hugh roberts,


Title: Pennsylvania Assembly: Reply to the Governor, 21 August 1751
From: Pennsylvania Assembly
To:

The Pennsylvania Assembly on October 19, 1750, asked that the Proprietors share the charges arising from Indian treaties. On August 16, 1751, Governor Hamilton reported their refusal. The next day a committee which included Franklin was named to prepare an answer to the governor’s message and to examine the records “and report what they find of the Sentiments of former Assemblies concerning the Expences of Indian Affairs, and in what Manner those Expences have been usually defrayed, and what Sums they find have been expended by this Province in those Affairs for Twenty Years past.” The committee presented the draft of a reply to the governor on August 21; it was read, amended, approved, and ordered sent to him. On the next day the committee presented the result of its search of the records; this report was “unanimously approved of” (below, p. 184). On this day also a series of resolutions, of Franklin’s drawing, on Indian expenses was presented and approved (see below, p. 186), and Franklin was named to a committee to draft an address to the Proprietors pursuant to them: this address was presented and approved on August 23 and signed by the speaker August 24.

May it please the Governor,
[August 21, 1751]
We have a grateful Sense of the Governor’s Care and Concern in Indian Affairs; the prudent Management of which, is of great Importance to the Peace and Safety of these Colonies, but if it should be agreeable with the Governor’s Sentiments, we would wish, that such as may hereafter be employed on Business with the Indians, might be cautioned against charging themselves with Letters from every inferior French Officer, who shall presume to send down his Threats or pretended Claims to our Governor, in order to give himself an Air of Authority among our Indian Allies.
The Informations of Conrad Weiser, and Andrew Montour, on their Arrival in Town, since the Governor’s Message of the Thirteenth Instant, we suppose have given the Governor, as well as the House, Reason to believe that the Request inserted in George Croghan’s Journal, which the Governor was pleased to lay before the House, as made by the Indians at Ohio to this Government, to erect a strong Trading House in their Country, as well as the Danger ’tis there said, they apprehended from the Attempts of the French, have been misunderstood or misrepresented by the Person in whom the Governor confided for the Management of that Treaty.

We have seriously considered the Offer made by our Proprietaries, of contributing towards building such a House; but as we have always found that sincere, upright Dealing with the Indians, a friendly Treatment of them on all Occasions, and particularly in relieving their Necessities at proper Times by suitable Presents, have been the best Means of securing their Friendship, we could wish our Proprietaries had rather thought fit to join with us in the Expence of those Presents, the Effects of which have at all Times so manifestly advanced their Interest with the Security of our Frontier Settlements.
As it appears from the late notorious Disorders among the Indian Traders, as well as from the Representation of the Magistrates of Cumberland, that some very unfit Persons are at present employed in that Business, we hope the Governor will enjoin the Justices of the County Courts to be more careful for the future whom they recommend for Licences; and whatever is thought further necessary to enforce or amend the Laws now in being, for regulating the Indian Trade and Traders, may be considered by the ensuing Assembly, in the Winter Sitting, when the Members are generally most at Leisure to attend closely to publick Business.
We have paid the Accounts of our Interpreters, as we hope, to their full Satisfaction, and have the other Accounts mentioned by the Governor under our Consideration.


Title: Pennsylvania Assembly Committee: Report on Expenses for Indian Affairs, 22 August 1751
From: Pennsylvania Assembly Committee
To:

[August 22, 1751]
In Pursuance of the Order of the House, we have examined the Journals of the Proceedings of the Assemblies of this Province, on what relates to the Charges of Treaties and other Affairs with the Indians, by which we find,
That the Expences on these Occasions were very inconsiderable, till the Year 1722, there being a Provision made by Law to limit them to £50 per Annum; and when Accounts were exhibited to the House of a larger Charge on these Occasions, great Caution was used in allowing them.
In the Year 1722, a general Treaty was held at Albany with the Indians of the Six Nations, by the Governors of New-York and Virginia, at which Sir William Keith, then Governor of this Province, with several of his Council, was desired by the Assembly to attend (in order to satisfy the Indians of the Care and Justice of this Government, to punish some Persons, by whom one of them had been lately killed) and the Assembly agreed to advance £230 to defray the Governor’s Expences, and the Cost of Presents made to the Indians on that Occasion.
From that Time till the Year 1727, there does not appear to have been any Expences on these Affairs paid by the Publick, but in that Year an Account amounting to about £70 being exhibited, the Assembly allowed one Half of it, and left the rest to be paid by the Proprietary.

In the Year 1728, some unusual Apprehensions of Danger from the Indians appeared, and the Province being at that Time under great Difficulties in other Respects (from some Party Disputes then subsisting) the Assembly requested Governor Gordon to hold a Treaty with the Indians, and promised to pay the Expences of it: And this is the first Instance we find of a general Engagement made by any Assembly of this Kind; and we apprehend, the Circumstances of the Proprietary Family at that Time, induced the Representatives of the People freely to contribute more of the Publick Money than usual, to answer the pressing Exigencies of that Occasion.
After which, the first Article of Expence is in 1733, the Year after the Arrival of our Proprietary Thomas Penn, in this Province, at which Time the People paid the Expence of a Treaty with the Indians, being desirous of demonstrating their Respect to the Proprietary Family, and of preserving the Memory of our first worthy Proprietary in the Minds of the Indians, with that Reverence and Respect they have ever professed for him.
And the same Considerations, we believe, induced the Assembly, on the Arrival of our Proprietary John Penn, to defray the Expence of a Treaty with some Indians, who came down to pay him a Visit.
These, we apprehend, were the Reasons, by which the People were first induced to bear so large a Part of the Expences on Indian Affairs; yet constantly there appear Proofs of the People considering these Contributions as their free Gift: And in several instances we find they refused to pay more than Half of the Charge on these Occasions, leaving the rest to be paid by the Proprietary.
After the Commencement of the late War, the Assembly thought it proper to demonstrate, that they were not induced by mercenary Motives, to refuse joining in the making any Military Preparations, and therefore contributed towards cultivating our Friendship with the Indians, and on several other Occasions, more largely, than before that Time had ever been done by their Predecessors.
But the Danger of introducing Precedents of this Kind seems to us very manifest in this Instance; their Liberality in granting these large Supplies being now interpreted to authorize the fixing the whole Charge of Indian Affairs on the Publick. And as the generous Allowances lately made (amounting within four Years past, to near £5000) have had the desired good Effect, of confirming our Alliances with the Indians, the present Opportunity seems to us very proper to enter into the Consideration of the Proportion the People should pay of such Charges as may hereafter arise on the like Occasions; which is nevertheless submitted to the House.

Israel Pemberton, junior,
Thomas Cummings,

John Smith,
Calvin Cooper,

Benjamin Franklin,
Harmanus Alrichs.

Mahlon Kirkbride,

Account of Expences on Indian Affairs paid out of the Provincial Stock by the Treasurer and Trustees of the Loan-Office, viz.

Anno
  1733
£ 446
0
8½

  1734
13
1
  11

  1735
143
3
  7

  1736
59
1
  5

  1737
359
17
6½

  1739
230
12
  11

  1740
376
13
7¼

  1742
592
10
7¾

  1743
518
0
  9

  1744
303
10
9½

  1745
319
13
  0

  1746
428
10
  4

  1748
1,158
8
  0

  1749
908
3
  10

  1750
1,249
5
  7

1751 (besides several Accounts not yet adjusted)
1,259
5
  11

£ 8,366
0
6½


Title: Pennsylvania Assembly: Resolutions on Expenses for Indian Affairs, 22 August 1751
From: Pennsylvania Assembly
To:

[August 22, 1751]
Resolved, N. C.D. That it is the Opinion of this House, that the Proprietaries Interest will be so greatly advanc’d by keeping up a firm Peace and friendly Correspondence with the Indians, that they ought to bear a proportionable Part of the Charges expended upon all such Treaties as tend to those good Purposes.
Resolved, N.C.D. That altho’ Provincial Taxes have not been laid here for some Time past in a formal Manner, for the Support of the Proprietaries Lieutenant Governor, and defraying the Charges of Indian Treaties, yet our Excise is really a Tax upon the Province, yielding about Three Thousand Pounds per Annum, which is principally appropriated to those Purposes, besides the Sums arising upon Licences, &c. throughout the Province, amounting to very considerable Sums yearly.
Resolved, N.C.D. That the Assemblies of this Province have always paid the Accounts of our Indian Interpreters for their publick Services, to their full Satisfaction. And we hope that all such Charges as the Proprietaries may pay at this, or any future Time, for maintaining the Son of our Provincial Interpreter in the Indian Country (should it please God to bless their good Intentions) will be gratefully repaid by his future Services.
Resolved, N.C.D. That the Proprietaries by the royal Charter, are obliged to have an Agent to represent them at the Court of Great-Britain, and this Province have thought fit to appoint an Agent there also at a great Expence. Nevertheless, if any Expences properly chargeable upon this Province have been paid by the Proprietaries, we make no Doubt our future Assemblies will chearfully discharge all their just Debts, whenever such Accounts are exhibited.
Resolved, N. C.D. That the Proprietaries being Lords of the Soil, as well as Governors in Chief of this Province, are more nearly interested in the Prosperity of this Colony, than any other Governors in America, not so circumstanced, are or can be.
Resolved, N. C.D. That the Law of this Province passed in the twelfth Year of the late King William, entituled, An Act against buying Land of the Natives, is for the sole Benefit of the Proprietaries; therefore they ought to bear the whole Expences of all Treaties with the Indians for Lands only; and that Law we conceive cannot in Justice be alledged as any Reason for not bearing a Part of such other Treaties with the Indians, as tend to the Welfare and Peace of this Province.
Resolved, N.C.D. That the Proprietaries Interests are so constantly intermixt with those of the Province in all Treaties with our Indian Allies, that we apprehend the surest Way to prevent Dissatisfactions on all Sides, will be to request the Proprietaries in the most reasonable, and in the most respectful Manner, to agree upon a proportionable Part of all such Charges on Account of Indian Treaties, as may hereafter accrue, to be paid by the Proprietaries and Province, respectively, as in Justice they ought to do.


Title: Pennsylvania Assembly: Representation to the Proprietors, 23 August 1751
From: Pennsylvania Assembly
To:

To the Honourable Thomas Penn, and Richard Penn, Proprietaries of the Province of Pennsylvania, &c.
The Representation of the General-Assembly of the said Province, met at Philadelphia, the Twenty-third Day of the Sixth Month, 1751.
May it please the Proprietaries,
The first Settlers of this Province unanimously concurred with your worthy Father, to lay the Foundation of their Settlements, in doing Justice to the Native Indians, by coming among them as Friends, upon an equitable Purchase only: This soon appeared to be the best and safest Way to begin the Infant Settlement, by the Veneration and Love it procured from those People, who kindly supplied the Wants of many, then destitute of the Necessaries of Life; and, as the Settlements increased, retired to make Room for their new Guests, still preserving that Esteem and Veneration which had been so strongly impressed upon their Minds. By this voluntary Retreat, all were satisfied, for there was Room enough for all; and the good Faith so carefully kept with those who were nearest, gave the more distant Indian Nations that favourable Opinion of us, which our continuing to act on the same Principles of Justice hath supported to this Day: They entered freely into our Alliance; they became the Guards of our Frontiers against the French, and French Indians, by obliging them to observe a Neutrality towards us, as we experienced during the Course of the last War; and we have Reason to think we now share largely in their Affections. But this beneficial Friendship hath neither been procured nor continued without a very great Expence to the People of this Province, especially for some Years past, wherein we find the Assemblies (demonstrating that their Unwillingness to contribute to military Preparations, was neither from Want of Publick Spirit, nor through unseasonable Parsimony, but from the Motives of Conscience only) opened their Hands liberally to all the Purposes of Peace, among those who could best, under God, preserve our distant Settlements against the Depredations of an active and powerful Enemy; without strictly enquiring at that Time, how far the People alone ought to bear the Burden of those Expences. But as that Burden became yearly more and more heavy, the Assemblies were naturally led to request the Assistance of the Proprietaries, and we hoped an Application so apparently reasonable might have their Approbation. We are therefore much concern’d to receive an Answer so different from our Expectations, in which the Proprietaries are pleased to say, “That they do not conceive themselves under any Obligation to contribute to Indian or any other publick Expences, even tho’ Taxes were laid on the People for the Charges of Government: But as there is not One Shilling levied on the People for that Service, there is the less Reason for asking any Thing of them. Notwithstanding which, they have charged themselves with paying to the Interpreter, much more than could be due to him on any Treaties for Land, and are at this Time at the Expence of maintaining his Son, with a Tutor, in the Indian Country, to learn their Language and Customs for the Service of the Province, as well as of sundry other Charges on Indian Affairs. That they have been at considerable Expence for the Service of the Province both in England and here; that they purchase the Land from the Indians, and pay them for it; and that they are under no greater Obligation to contribute to the Publick Charges than any other Chief Governor of any of the other Colonies.”
Upon which we beg Leave respectfully to represent to our Proprietaries, That the Preserving a good Understanding with the Indians, more particularly advances the Interest and Value of the Proprietary Estate than that of any other Estate in the Province, as it gives the Proprietaries an Opportunity of purchasing at a low Price, and selling at high Rates, great Tracts of Land on the Frontiers, which would otherwise be impracticable. That therefore, tho’ they may conceive themselves under no Obligation by Law, they are under the much stronger Obligations of natural Equity and Justice, to contribute to the Expence of those Indian Treaties and Presents, by which that good Understanding, so beneficial to them, is maintained. That altho’ formal Taxes have not been laid in this Province during some Years past, for the Support of the Proprietaries Lieutenant-Governor, and defraying the Charges of Indian Treaties, yet the Interest of our Paper Money is a virtual Tax on the People, as it arises out of, and is paid by, their Labour, and our Excise is a real Tax, yielding about Three Thousand Pounds per Annum, which is principally expended in those Services, besides the Tax of Licences of various Kinds, amounting to considerable Sums yearly, which have been appropriated wholly to the Support of the Governor. That the Assemblies of this Province have always paid the Accounts of our Indian Interpreter for his Publick Services to his full Satisfaction; and we believe future Assemblies will not fail to do, in that Respect, what may reasonably be expected from them, when his Son shall be thought qualified to succeed him. Nor do we doubt their Discharging all just Debts for Expences properly chargeable to the Province, whether made here or in England, whenever the Accounts are exhibited. We are nevertheless thankful to our Proprietaries for their Care in our Affairs, and their Endeavours to provide a well qualified Successor to our present Interpreter, as such a One may be of Service to the Publick, as well as to the private Interests of their Family.
We would farther entreat our Proprietaries to consider, That their great Estate not lying in Britain, is happily exempt from the Burthens borne by their Fellow Subjects there, and cannot, by any Law of ours, now in Being, be taxed here. That therefore, as they are not obliged, on Account of that Estate, to bear any Part of the Charge of any War the British Nation may be involv’d in, they may with us more freely contribute to the Expence of preserving Peace, especially on the Borders of their own Lands, as the Value of those Lands so much depends upon it.
We beg Leave further to observe to our Proprietaries, that the Act forbidding all others to purchase Lands of the Natives, establishes a Monopoly solely in their Favour; that therefore they ought to bear the whole Charge of Treaties with the Indians for Land only, as they reap the whole Benefit. And that their paying for Land (bought, as we conceive, much the cheaper for the Provincial Presents accompanying those Treaties) which Land they sell again to vast Advantage, is not a satisfactory Reason why they should not bear a Part of the Charge of such other Treaties, as tend to the common Welfare and Peace of the Province.
Upon the whole, since the Proprietaries Interests are so constantly intermixed, more or less, with those of the Province, in all Treaties with our Indian Allies; and since it appears that the Proprietaries think they already pay more than their Share, and the People (who have disbursed near Five Thousand Pounds within these Four Years, on those Occasions) think they pay abundantly too much, we apprehend that the surest Way to prevent Dissatisfaction on all Sides, will be, to fix a certain Proportion of the Charge of all future Provincial Treaties with the Indians, to be paid by the Proprietaries and Province respectively; and this, we hope, they will on further Consideration agree to, not only as it is in itself an equitable Proposal, but as it may tend to preserve that Union and Harmony between the Proprietaries and People, so evidently advantageous to both.
Sign’d, by Order of the House,
Isaac Norris, Speaker.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jared Eliot, 12 September 1751
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Eliot, Jared

Dear Sir,
Philada. Sept. 12. 1751
I receiv’d your Favour of last Month, with the 12 Essays. Sometime since, I mention’d to you a Method of increasing Dung by Leaves; did you receive that Letter?
The Collinson you mention is the same Gentleman I correspond with; he is a most benevolent worthy Man, very curious in Botany and other Branches of Natural History, and fond of Improvements in Agriculture, &c. He will be pleas’d with your Acquaintance. In the late Phil. Transactions, you may see frequently Papers of his, or Letters that were directed to him, on various Subjects. He is a Member of the R. Society.
An ingenious Acquaintance of mine here, Mr. Hugh Roberts, one of our most curious Farmers, tells me that it appears by your Writings your People are yet far behind us in the Improvement of Swamps and Meadows; I am persuading him to send you such Hints as he thinks may give you farther Insight into that Matter. But in other Respects, he greatly esteems your Pieces: He says they are preferable to any thing of late Years publish’d on that Subject in England. The late Writers there, chiefly copy from one another, and afford very little new or useful; but you have collected Experiences, and Facts, and make Propositions, that are reasonable and serviceable. You have taught him (he says) to clear his Meadows of Elder, (a Thing very pernicious to Banks,) which was before beyond the Art of all our Farmers; and given him several other useful Informations.
I am exceedingly obliged to you for the Plan and Directions concerning Ditching. It is very satisfactory, and I hope will be useful here.

Our Academy flourishes beyond Expectation. We have now above 100 Scholars, and the Number daily encreasing. We have excellent Masters at present; and as we give pretty good Salaries, I hope we shall always be able to procure such. We pay the Rector, who teaches Latin and Greek, &c. per Annum £200.

The English Master
150.

The Mathematical Professor
  125.

Three Assistant Tutors each £60
  180.

Total per Annum
  £655.

Our Currency is something better than that of N York. The Scholars pay each £4 per annum.
The Changes of the Barometer are most sensible in high Latitudes. In the W. India Islands, the ☿ [mercury] continues at the same height with very little variation the Year round. In these Latitudes, the Alterations are not frequently so great as in England. Thermometers are often badly made: I had three that differ’d widely from each other, tho’ hung in the same Place. As to Hygrometers, there is no good one yet invented. The Cord is as good as any, but like the rest it grows continually less sensible by Time, so that the Observations of one Year cannot be compared with those of another by the same Instrument. I will think of what you hint concerning the Hydrostatic Ballance.
What you mention concerning the Love of Praise is indeed very true; it reigns more or less in every Heart; tho’ we are generally Hypocrites, in that respect, and pretend to disregard Praise, and that our nice modest Ears are offended, forsooth, with what one of the Antients calls the Sweetest kind of Musick. This Hypocrisy, is only a Sacrifice to the Pride of others, or to their Envy; both which I think, ought rather to be mortify’d. The same Sacrifice we make, when we forbear to praise ourselves, which naturally we are all enclin’d to; and I suppose it was formerly the Fashion, or Virgil, that Courtly Writer, would not have put a Speech into the Mouth of his Hero, which now-a-days we should esteem so great an Indecency, Sum pius Æneas, fama super aethera notus: One of the Romans, I forget who, justify’d speaking in his own Praise, by saying, Every Freeman had a Right to speak what he thought, of himself as well as of others. That this is a natural Inclination, appears, in that all Children show it, and say freely, I am a good Boy; Am I not a good Girl? and the like; ’till they have been frequently chid, and told their Trumpeter is dead; and that ’tis unbecoming to sound their own Praise, &c. But Naturam expellas furca licet, usque recurret; being forbid to praise themselves, they learn instead of it to censure others; which is only a roundabout Way of praising themselves; for condemning the Conduct of another in any particular, amounts to as much as saying, I am so honest, or wise, or good or prudent, that I could not do or approve of such an Action. This Fondness for ourselves, rather than Malevolence to others, I take to be the general Source of Censure and Backbiting; and I wish Men had not been taught to dam up natural Currents, to the overflowing and Damage of their Neighbour’s Grounds. Another Advantage, methinks, would arise from freely speaking our good Thoughts of our selves, viz. if we were wrong in them, somebody or other would readily set us right; but now, while we conceal so carefully our vain erroneous Self-Opinions, we may carry them to our Grave for who would offer Physic to a Man that seems to be in Health? And the Privilege of recounting freely our own good Actions, might be an Inducement to the Doing of them, that we might be enabled to speak of them without being subject to be justly contradicted or charged with Falshood: whereas now, as we are not allow’d to mention ’em, and ’tis an Uncertainty whether others will take due Notice of them or not, we are perhaps the more indifferent about them: So that upon the whole, I wish the out-of-Fashion Practice of praising our selves, would, like other old Fashions, come round into Fashion again. But this I fear will not be in our Time, so we must e’en be contented with what little Praise we can get from one another. And I will endeavour to make you some Amends for the Trouble of reading this long Scrawl, by telling you, that I have the sincerest Esteem for you, as an ingenious Man, and a good one, which together make the valuable Member of Society; as such, I am with great Respect and Affection, Dear Sir, Your obliged humble Servant
B Franklin


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to William Strahan, 22 September 1751
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Strahan, William

Dear Sir
Philada. Sept. 22. 1751
My Daughter receiv’d her Books all in good Order, and thanks you for your kind Care in sending them. Enclos’d is a second Bill for £20 Sterling. The first went per Mesnard.
There is a little Book on the Game of Chess, by Philip Stamma, printed for J. Brindley, 1745. If to be had, please to send it me; with the Remaining Vols. of Viner as fast as they are publish’d.
We are all well, and join in affectionate Regards to you, Mrs. Strahan and your Children. I am, Dear Sir, Your obliged humble Servant
B Franklin
 Addressed: To  Mr Wm Strahan  Printer  London  per the Whiteoak  Capt. Lyon


Title: Managers of the Pennsylvania Hospital to Matthias Koplin, 5 October 1751
From: Managers of the Pennsylvania Hospital
To: Koplin, Matthias

The first real estate the Pennsylvania Hospital owned was a lot in the Northern Liberties given by Matthias Koplin. A generous-spirited German, Koplin offered the land through Christopher Saur, being assured, he explained, that the Managers, unlike those of hospitals he knew in Germany, would manage the funds wisely and impartially. His letter was in German; a translation was copied into the minutes by Franklin as secretary; and Franklin drafted a reply for Joshua Crosby to sign as president of the Managers. Koplin’s gift was valued at £24. The Managers leased the property for some years, but sold it in 1776.

Respected Friend Matthias Koplin
Philada. Oct. 5. 1751
Thy Friend Christopher Saur hath communicated to the Managers of the Pennsylvania Hospital thy Letter to him, expressing thy Intention of making a free Gift to the said Hospital of a valuable Lot of Ground situate between Germantown and Philadelphia; for which the Managers, in Behalf of the Poor, return thee sincere Thanks; and hope thy charitable and generous Donation, and those made by other well-disposed People to this Hospital, will never be misapplyed in the Manner mentioned in thy Letter, as hath been usual in some Hospitals in Germany. As a Caution to future Managers against such Misapplications, they have order’d thy Letter to be copied in their Book of Minutes or Records of their Proceedings, that it may be preserved to Posterity, as a Testimony of the original Intention of the Founders of this pious Institution. The Managers salute thee respectfully, by Thy Friend
J. C. President
Rough Draft, to be corrected by the Managers.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jonathan Belcher, 7 October 1751
From: Belcher, Jonathan
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Mr. Franklin
Burlington (NJ) Octr. 7: 1751
Mr. Warrell on his return from Philadelphia about 3 months ago acquainted me that in Answer to my request He had had a full talk with you on the matter of Electrification and that you are clear in it I may make the Experiment in moderation without any fear of Injury and that you was so kind as to offer to come hither and make the Operation on me your self which I very gratefully acknowledge.
The inclosed is my second Letter to Dr. Cadwalader on this head which he will read to you and you will discourse [with] him fully about it and upon your and his answer I will write you when it will be most Convenient to me for you to come and make the Tryal. I am Sir Your ready Friend and Servant.
By Cha: Gandowen [?]


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jane Mecom, 24 October 1751
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Mecom, Jane

Dear Sister,
Philadelphia, October 24, 1751
My son waits upon you with this, whom I heartily recommend to your motherly care and advice. He is indeed a sober and discreet lad of his years, but he is young and unacquainted with the ways of your place.
My compliments to my new niece, Miss Abiah, and pray her to accept the enclosed piece of gold, to cut her teeth; it may afterwards buy nuts for them to crack.
Some time since I sent a letter to your care for our cousin at Casco Bay. Have you had an opportunity to forward it?
My love to brother Mecom and your children; and to brother and sister Davenport and children; and respects to Mrs. Billings and her daughter, and all other friends, from, dear sister, Your affectionate brother,
B. Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Cadwallader Colden, 28 October 1751
From: Colden, Cadwallader
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
New York Octr 28th 1751
I had the pleasure of receiving yours with the favour of a copy of your Electrical experiments. My being in this place prevents my reading them with that attention which they deserve and which I intend to do assoon as I shall return home. My Notions on Electricity are confused and indigested. I know not wherein consists the difference between an Electric body per se and a non-electric or why one is an Electric and the other a Non electric. Without knowing this it will be very difficult if not impossible to account for the Phoenomena or to understand any reasoning on the Phoenomena. In the time I have been allowed amidst perpetual avocations to think on your experiments they seem to me to lead more directly to the discovery of the cause than any set of experiments which I have seen. But I suspect that the air surrounding Electrics and Non electrics has not been sufficiently considered. May not many of the Phoenomena arise from the air on the opposite surfaces of electric and non electric bodies. I suspect that the Phoenomena of angular and pointed bodies arise likewise from the air which surrounds them. I am apt to conclude that electrical experiments made in Vacuo may be of use not only for discovering the true cause of Electricity but likewise the cause of the elasticity of the Air. For example what are the Phoenomena when the air is exhausted from the Water contained in the phial before it is charged. Whether the electrical atmosphere extends farther or less in Vacuo than in the air. Whether a point will draw it off at a greater distance or otherwise. Whether the electrical atmosphere extend in proportion to the density of the surrounding air or reciprocally to the density. I fancy that if experiments of this kind were well contrived they may lead us a great deal farther in discovering the cause of electricity and the laws of its action than we have as yet got. But it is probable you have allready made experiments of this sort and that I only discover my ignorance in proposing them. However I shall be much obliged to you by your giving me your Sentiments on what I write that I may not indulge my self in a vain and fruitless speculation. We have no means in this place of making the experiments which I propose. If such have not been allready made I am perswaded no man is more capable of contriving and executing proper experiments than your self to discover whether a thin plane or surface of air lying between an electric and Non electric or contained in them be not differently affected on the one side and the other. It is evident that the success of electrical experiments is different in different dispositions of the air and therefor it may be concluded that the air acts a considerable part in produceing the Phoenomena.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Cadwallader Colden, 31 October 1751
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Colden, Cadwallader

Dear Sir
Philada. Oct. 31. 1751
I enclose you Answers, such as my present Hurry of Business will permit me to make, to the principal Queries contain’d in your Favour of the 28th Instant, and beg Leave to refer you to the latter Piece in the printed Collection of my Papers for farther Explanation of the Difference between what are called Electrics per se, and Non Electrics. When you have had Time to read and consider those Papers, I will endeavour to make any other new Experiments you shall propose, that you think may afford farther Light or Satisfaction to either of us, and shall be thankful for such Remarks, Objections, &c. as may occur to you. I forget whether I wrote you, that I have melted brass Pins and Steel Needles, inverted the Poles of the magnetic Needle, given Magnetism and Polarity to Needles that had none, and fired dry Gunpowder, by the Electric Stroke. I have five Bottles that contain 8 or 9 Gallons each, two of which charg’d, are sufficient for the above purposes; but I can charge and discharge them all together. There are no Bounds (but what Expence and Labour give) to the Force Man may raise and use in the Electric Way: For Bottle may be added to Bottle in infinitum, and all united and discharg’d together as One, the Force and Effect proportion’d to their Number and Size. The greatest known Effects of common Lightning, may, I think, without much Difficulty be exceeded in this way: Which a few Years since could not have been believed, and even now may seem to many a little extravagant to suppose. So we are got beyond the Skill of Rabelais’s Devils of two Year old, who, he humourously says, had only learnt to thunder and lighten a little round the Head of a Cabbage. I am, with sincere respect, Dear Sir, Your most obliged humble Servant
B Franklin
 Addressed: To The honble. Cadwalader Colden Esquire at New York Free B Franklin

[Enclosure]
Query 1. Wherein consists the Difference between an Electric, and a Non electric Body.

Answ. The Terms Electric per se and Non Electric were first used to distinguish Bodies, on a mistaken Supposition that those alone, called Electric per se, contained electric Matter in their Substance which was capable of being excited by Friction and of being produc’d or drawn from them and communicated to those called Non Electrics suppos’d to be destitute of it: For Glass, &c. being rubbed discover’d Signs of having it, by snapping to the Finger, attracting, repelling, &c. and could communicate those Signs to Metals and Water. Afterwards it was found, that rubbing of Glass would not produce the Electric Matter, unless a Communication was preserv’d between the Rubber and the Floor; and subsequent Experiments prov’d that the Electric Matter was really drawn from those Bodies that at first were thought to have none in them. Then it was doubted whether Glass and other Bodies called Electrics per se had really any Electric Matter in them, since they apparently afforded none but what they first extracted from those which had been called Non Electrics. But some of my Experiments show that Glass contains it in great Quantity; and I now suspect it to be pretty equally diffus’d in all the Matter of this terraqueous Globe. If so, the Terms Electric per se and Non Electric should be laid aside as improper; and (the only Difference being this, that some Bodies will conduct Electric Matter, and others will not) the Terms Conductors and Non Conductors may supply their Place. If any Portion of Electric Matter is apply’d to a Piece of Conducting Matter, it penetrates and flows thro’ it, or spreads equally on its Surface according as situated or circumstanc’d; if apply’d to a Piece of Non Conducting Matter, it will do neither. Perfect Conductors of Electric Matter are only Metals and Water; other Bodies conducting only as they contain a Mixture of those, without more or less of which they will not conduct at all. This (by the way) shows a new Relation between Metals and Water heretofore unknown; and seems to favour some [torn] Opinions of the Formation [torn] Water.

To illustrate this by a Comparison, which however, can [give?] but a faint Resemblance; Electric Matter passes thro’ Conductors as Water passes thro’ a porous Stone; or spreads on their Surfaces as Water spreads on a wet Stone: But when apply’d to Non Conductors ’tis like Water dropt on a greasy Stone, it neither penetrates, passes thro’, nor spreads on the Surface, but remains in Drops where it falls. See farther on this Head in my last printed Piece.
Query 2. What are the Effects of Air in Electric Experiments?
Answ. All I have hitherto observ’d are these. Moist Air receives and conducts the electric Matter in proportion to its Moisture; quite dry Air not at all. Air is therefore to be rank’d with the Non Conductors. Dry Air assists in confining the Electrical Atmosphere to the Body it surrounds, and prevents its dissipating; for in Vacuo it quits easily, and Points operate stronger, i.e. they throw off or attract the Electrical Matter more freely and at greater Distances; so that Air intervening obstructs its passing from Body to Body in some Degree. A clean Electric Phial and Wire containing dry Air instead of Water, will not be charg’d nor give a Shock, no more than if it was fill’d with Powder of Glass: But exhausted of Air it operates as well as if fill’d with Water. Yet an Electric Atmosphere and Air do not seem to exclude each other; for we breathe freely in such an Atmosphere; and dry Air will blow through it without displacing or driving it away. I question whether the Strongest dry Northwester would dissipate it. I once electrify’d a large Cork Ball at the End of a Silk Thread 3 feet long, the other End of which I held in my Fingers, and whirl’d it round like a Sling 100 Times in the Air, with the swiftest Motion I could possibly give it, yet it retain’d its Electrical Atmosphere, tho’ it must have pass’d thro’ 800 Yards of Air, allowing my Arm in giving the Motion to add a foot to the Semidiameter of the Circle. By quite dry Air, I mean the driest we have, perhaps we never have any perfectly free from Moisture. An Electric Atmosphere rais’d round a thick Wire inserted in a Phial of Air, drives out none of the Air, nor on withdrawing that Atmosphere will any Air rush in, as I have found by a very curious Experiment accurately made; whence one would think the Air’s Elasticity not affected thereby.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jonathan Belcher, 4 November 1751
From: Belcher, Jonathan
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Elizabeth Town (NJ) Novr 4: 1751
I have received yours of the 31: of Octr. by which I find my Self obliged for your kind Intention to have made an Electrical Operation upon me at Burlington had your Affairs allowd your coming thither which I am sorry they did not for I had concieved much Satisfaction in the Experiment being made by a Gentleman of so much knowledge and practice in the Affair.
And I take a thankfull notice of your readiness to send me an Electrical Apparatus with the particular directions how to use it which I shall be glad off as soon as you can conveniently send it.
I ask pardon for the Trouble I give you of the Inclosed which I desire you will let your Servant deliver to Capt. Child.
And if I can render you any Acceptable service in this Government you may with freedom ask it of Sir Your ready Friend and Servant.
Mr. Franklin (post)