Title: Undelivered First Inaugural Address: Fragments, 30 April 1789
From: Washington, George
To:

In the fragments of the discarded inaugural address, page numbers without brackets appear on the fragment; those page numbers enclosed in brackets are conjectural.

[1]
We are this day assembled on a solemn and important occasion—[owned (1974) by Mr. Nathaniel E. Stein, New York]
[1–3]
not as a ceremony without meaning, but with a single reference to our dependence [recto, privately owned (2014), photocopy supplied by Ronnie Paloger] upon the Parent of all good—it becomes a pleasing commencement of my Office to offer my heart-felt congratulations on the happy [recto, end of page; privately owned (1958), photocopy supplied by Mr. Nathaniel E. Stein]
[1–3]
We are now to take upon ourselves the conduct of that government. But be [verso, privately owned (2014), photocopy supplied by Ronnie Paloger] -fore we entered upon the performance of our several functions, it seemed to be our indispensable part, as rational Beings [verso, end of page; privately owned (1958), photocopy supplied by Mr. Nathaniel E. Stein]
[1–4]
fairs. It will doubtless be conceded [verso (?); privately owned (1958), photocopy supplied by Mr. Nathaniel E. Stein]
[1–4]
been happily diffused & fostered among ⟨their⟩ [recto (?); privately owned (1958), photocopy supplied by Mr. Nathaniel E. Stein]
[1–4]
reputation and a decent respect for the sentiments of others, require that something should be said by way of apology for my [photocopy, DLC:GW]

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At the beginning of the late War with Great Britain, when we thought our selves justifiable in resisting to blood, it was known to those best acquainted with the different condition of the combatants & the probable cost of the prize in dispute, that the expence in comparison with our circumstances as Colonists must be enormous—the struggle protracted, dubious & severe. It was known that the resources of Britain were, in a manner, inexhaustible, that her fleets covered the Ocean, and that her troops had harvested laurels in every quarter of the globe. Not then organised as a nation, or known as a people upon the earth—we had no preparation—Money, the nerve of War, was wanting. The Sword was to be forged on the Anvil of necessity: the treasury to be created from nothing. If we had a secret resource of an nature unknown to our enemy, it was in the unconquerable resolution of our Citizens, the conscious rectitude of our cause, and a confident trust that we should not be forsaken by Heaven. The people willingly Offered [end of page; NjP: de-Coppet Collection]
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offered themselves to the battle; but the means of arming, clothing & subsisting them; as well as of procuring the implements of hositlity were only to be found in anticipations of our future wealth. Paper bills of credit were emitted: monies borrowed for the most pressing emergencies: and our brave tr[oo]ps in the field unpaid for their services. In this manner, Peace, attended with every circumstance that could gratify our reasonable desires, or even inflate us with ideas of national importance, was at length obtained. But a load of debt was left upon us. The fluctuations of and speculations in our paper currency, had, but in too many instances, occasioned vague ideas of property, generated licencious appetites & corrupted the morals of men. To these immediate consequences of a fluctuating medium of commerce, may be joined a tide of circumstances that flowed together from sources mostly opened during and after the war. The ravage of farms, the conflagration of towns, the diminution [end of page; NjP: De Coppet Collection]

[7–14]
affairs were seen to decline. I will ask your patience for a moment, while I speak on so unpleasant a subject as the rotten part of our old Constitution. It is not a matter for wonder that the first projected plan of a foederal government, formed on the defective models of some foreign Confederacies, in the midst of a war, before we had much experience; and while, from the concurrence of external danger and [recto, end of page; owned (1983) by Mr. D. N. Diedrich, Muncie, Indiana]
[7–14]
But Congress, constituted in most respects as a diplomatic body, possessed no power of carrying into execution a simple Ordinance, however strongly dictated by prudence, policy or justice. The individual States, knowing there existed no power of coertion, treated with neglect, whenever it suited their convenience or caprice, the most salutary measures of the most indispensable requisitions of Congress. Experience taught [verso, end of page; owned (1983) by Mr. D. N. Diedrich, Muncie, Indiana]
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situation could be so agreeable to me as the condition of a private citizen. I solemnly assert and appeal to the searcher of hearts to witness the truth of it, that my leaving home to take upon myself the execution of this Office was the greatest personal sa [privately owned (1958), photocopy supplied by Mr. Nathaniel E. Stein] crifice I have ever, in the course of my existence, been called upon to make. Altho’ when the last war had become inevitable, I heartily concurred in the measures ta [facsimile, Paul C. Richards catalog no. 159, item 111] ken by my country for repelling force by force; yet it is known, I was so far from aspiring to the chief Military command, that I accepted it with unfeigned reluctance. My fellow-soldiers of the late patriotic Army will bear me testimony that when I accepted that appointment, it was not to revel [NjP: De Coppet Collection] in luxury, to grow proud of rank, to eat the bread of idleness, to be insensible to the sufferings, or to refuse a share in the toils and dangers to which they were exposed. I need not say what were the complicated cares, the cruel reverses or the unusual perplexities inseparable from my office, to [end of page; printed, The Collector, June 1904]

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to prove that I have prematurely grown old in the Service of my Country. For in truth, I have now arrived at that sober age, when, aside of any extraordinary circumstances to deter me from encountering new fatiegues, & when, without having met with any par [privately owned (1958), photocopy supplied by Mr. Nathaniel E. Stein] ticular shocks to injure the constitution the love of retirement naturally encreases; while the objects of human pursuit, which are most laudable in themselves and most [facsimile, Paul C. Richards catalog no. 159, item 111]
as in their consequences, lose much ⟨mutilated⟩n captivating lustre—It is then high ⟨mutilated⟩ to have learnt ⟨mutilated⟩ the vanity of this ⟨mutilated⟩ish dream of life. It is then high ⟨mutilated⟩ to contract the sphere of action, to ⟨mutilated⟩ the remnant of ⟨mutilated⟩ our days peculiarly ⟨mutilated⟩wn, and to compensate for inquie [NjP: De Coppet Collection] tude of turbulent scenes by the tranquility of domestic repose. After I had rendered an account of my military trust to congress and retired to my farm, I flattered myself that this unenviable lot was reserved for my latter years. I was delighted with agricultural affairs and excepting a few avocations [end of page; printed, The Collector, June 1904]
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myself with the idea it was all that would ever be expected at my hand. But in this I was disappointed. The Legislature of Virginia in opposition to my express desire signified in the clearest terms to the Governor of that State, appointed me a Delegate to the federal Convention. Never was my embarrassment or hesitation more extreme or dis [privately owned (1958), photocopy supplied by Mr. Nathaniel Stein] tressing. By letters from some of the wisest & best men in almost every quarter of the Continent, I was advised, that it was my indispensable duty to attend, and that, in the deplorable condition to which our affairs were reduced, my refusal would be considered a desertion of [recto, end of page; MHi: Washburn Papers]
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rest, neither life or reputation has been accounted dear in my sight. And, from the bottom of my Soul, I know, that my motives

on no former occasion were more innocent than in the present instance—At my time of life & in my situation I will not suppose that many moments need [verso, end of page; MHi: Washburn Papers]
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need be bestowed in exculpating myself from any suggestions, which might be made “that the incitement of pleasure or grandeur, or power have wrought a change in my resolution.” Small indd must be the resources for happiness in the mind of that man, who cannot find a refuge from the tediousness of solitude but in a round of dissipation, the pomp of State, or the homage of his fellow Men. I am not conscious of being in that predicament. But if there should be single citizen of the United States, to whom the tenour of my life is so little known, that he could imagine me capable of being so smitten with the allurements of sensual gratification, the frivolities of ceremony or the baubles of ambition, as to be induced from such motives to accept a public appointment: I shall only lament his imperfect acquaintance with my heart, and leave him until another retirement (should Heaven spare my life for a little space) shall work a conviction [end of page; owned (1974) by Mr. Nathaniel E. Stein]
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viction of his error. In the meantime it may not, perhaps, be improper to mention one or two circumstances wch will serve to obviate the jealousies that might be entertained of my having accepted this Office, from a desire of enriching myself or aggrandising my posterity. In the first place, if I have formerly served the community without a wish for pecuniary compensation, it can hardly be suspected that I am at present influenced by avaricious schemes. In the next place, it will be recollected, that the Divine Providence hath not seen fit, that my blood should be transmitted or my name perpetuated by the endearing, though sometimes seducing channel of immediate offspring. I have no child for whom I could wish to make a provision—no family to build in greatness upon my Country’s ruins. Let then the Adversaries to this Constitution—let my personal enemies if I am so unfortunate as to have deserved such a return from [owned (1974) by Mr. Nathaniel E. Stein]

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from any one of my countrymen, point to the sinester object, or to the earthly consideration beyond the hope of rendering some little service to our parent Country, that could have persuaded me to accept this appointment [recto, top of page; owned (1980) by Mr. Arthur C. Eilen, Great Neck, New York]
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to any favoured nation. We have purchased wisdom by experience. Mankind are believed to be naturally averse to the coertions of government. But when our Countrymen had experienced the inconveniences, arising from the feebleness of our [verso, top of page; owned (1980) by Mr. Arthur C. Eilen, Great Neck, New York]
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when they shall witness the return of more prosperous times. I feel the consolatory joys of futurity in contemplating the immense desarts, yet untrodden by the foot of man, soon to become fair as the garden of God, soon to be animated by the activity of multitudes & soon to be made vocal with the praises of the Most High. Can it be imagined that so many peculiar advantages, of soil & of climate, for agriculture & for navigation were lavished in vain—or that this Continent was not created and reserved so long undiscovered as a Theatre, for those glorious displays of Divine Munificence, the salutary consequences of which shall flow to another Hemisphere & extend through the interminable series of ages! Should not our Souls exult in the prospect! Though I shall not survive to perceive with these bodily senses, but a small portion of the blessed effects which our Revolution will occasion in the rest of the world; yet I enjoy the progress of human society & human happiness in anticipation. I [end of page; NjP: De Coppet Collection]
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I rejoice in a belief that intellectual light will spring up in the dark corners of the earth; that freedom of enquiry will produce liberality of conduct; that mankind will reverse the absurd position that the many were made for the few; and that they will not continue slaves in one part of the globe, when they can become freemen in another.

Thus I have explained the general impressions under which I have acted: omitting to mention untill the last, a principal reason which induced my acceptance. After a consciousness that all is right within and an humble hope of approbation in Heaven—nothing can, assuredly, be so grateful to a virtuous man as the good opinion of his fellow citizens[.] Tho’ the partiality of mine led them to consider my holding the Chief Magistracy as a matter of infinitely more consequence than it really is; yet my acceptance must be ascribed rather to an honest willingness to satisfy that partiality, than to an overweening presumption upon my own capacity. Whenever a government is to be instituted or changed by Consent of the people, confidence in the person placed at the head of it, is, perhaps, more peculiarly necessary [NjP: De Coppet Collection]
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set up my judgment as the standard of perfection? And shall I arrogantly pronounce that whosoever differs from me, must discern the subject through a distorting medium, or be influenced by some nefarious design? The mind is so formed in different persons as to contemplate the same object in different points of view. Hence originates the difference on questions of the greatest import, both human & divine. In all Institutions of the former kind, great allowances are doubtless to be made for the fallibility & imperfection of their authors. Although the agency I had in forming this system, and the high opinion I entertained of my Colleagues for their ability & integrity may have tended to warp my judgment in its favour; yet I will not pretend to say that it appears absolutely perfect to me, or that there may not be many faults which have escaped my discernment. I will only say, that, during and since the Session of the Convention, I have attentively heard and read every [end of page; owned (1974) by Mr. Nathaniel E. Stein]
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every oral & printed information on both sides of the question that could be procured. This long & laborious investigation, in which I endeavoured as far as the frailty of nature would permit to act with candour has resulted in a fixed belief that this Constitution, is really in its formation a government of the

people; that is to say, a government in which all power is derived from, and at stated periods reverts to them—and that, in its operation, it is purely, a government of Laws made & executed by the fair substitutes of the people alone. The election of the differt branches of Congress by the Freemen, either directly or indirectly is the pivot on which turns the first wheel of the government—a wheel which communicates motion to all the rest. At the sametime the exercise of this right of election seems to be so regulated as to afford less opportunity for corruption & influence; & more for stability & system than has usually been incident to popular governments. Nor can the members of Congress exempt themselves from the consequences of [end of page; owned (1974) by Mr. Nathaniel E. Stein]
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of any unjust & tyranical acts which they may impose upon others. For in a short time they will mingle with the mass of the people. Their interests must therefore be the same, and their feelings in sympathy with those of their Constituents. Besides, their re-election must always depend upon the good reputation which they shall have maintained in the judgment of their fellow citizens. Hence I have been induced to conclude that this government must be less obnoxious to well-founded objections than most which have existed in the world. And in that opinion I am confirmed on three accounts: first—because every government ought to be possessed of powers adequate to the purposes for which it was instituted: Secondly, because no other or greater powers appear to me to be delegated to this government than are essential to accomplish the objects for which it was instituted, to wit, the safety & happiness of the governed: and thirdly because it is clear to my conception that no government before [end of page; NNPM]
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before introduced among mankind ever contained so many checks & such efficatious restraints to prevent it from degenerating into any species of oppression. It is unnecessary to be insisted upon, because it is well known, that the impotence of Congress under the former confederation, and the inexpediency of trusting more ample prerogatives to a single Body, gave birth to the

different branches which constitute the present general government. Convinced as I am that the balances, arising from the distribution of the Legislative—Executive—& Judicial powers, are the best that have been instituted; I presume not to assert, that better may not still be devised. On the article of proposed amendments I shall say a few words in another place. But if it was a point acknowledged on all parts that the late federal government could not have existed much longer; if without some speedy remedy a dissolution of the Union must have ensued, if without adhering to the Union we [NNPM]
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on the one hand and an unalterable habit of error on the other, are points in policy equally desirable; though, I believe, a power to effect them never before existed. Whether the Constitutional door that is opened for amendments in ours, be not the wisest and apparently the happiest expedient that has ever been suggested by human prudence I leave to every unprejudiced mind to determine.
Under these circumstances I conclude it has been the part of wisdom to ad⟨opt⟩ it. I pretend to no unusual foresigh⟨t⟩ into futurity, & therefore cannot und⟨er⟩take to decide, with certainty, what may be its ultimate fate. If a promised good should terminate in an unexpected evil, it would not be a solitary example of disappointment in this mutable state of existence. If the blessings of Heaven showered thick around us should be spilled on the ground or converted to curses, through the fault of those for whom they were intended, it would not be the first instance of folly [end of page; MHi: Waterston Papers]
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folly or perverseness in short-sighted mortals. The blessed Religion revealed in the word of God will remain an eternal and awful monument to prove that the best Institutions may be abused by human depravity; and that they may even, in some instances be made subservient to the vilest of purposes. Should, hereafter, those who are intrusted with the management of this government, incited by the lust of power & prompted by the supineness or venality of their Constituents, overleap the known barriers of this Constitution and violate the unalienable rights

of humanity: it will only serve to shew, that no compact among men (however provident in its construction & sacred in its ratification) can be pronounced everlasting and inviolable—and if I may so express myself, that no wall of words—that no mound of parchmt can be so formed as to stand against the sweeping torrent of boundless ambition on the one side, aided by the sapping current of corrupted morals on the other. But [MHi: Waterston Papers]
[37–42]
It might naturally be supposed that I should not silently pass by the subject of our defence. After excepting the unprovoked hostility committed against us by one of the Powers of Barbary, we are now at peace with all the nations of the globe. Seperated as we are from them, by intervening Oceans, an exemption from the burden of maintaining numerous fleets and Armies must ever be considered as a singular felicity in our National lot. It will be in our choice to train our youths to such industrious & hardy professions as that they may grow into an unconquerable force, without our being obliged to draw unprofitable Drones from the hive of Industry. As our people have a natural genius for Naval affairs & as our materials for navigation are ample; if we give due encouragement to the fisheries and the carrying trade, we shall possess such a nursery of Seamen & such skill in maratime operations as to enable us to create a navy [end of page; anonymous donor]
[37–42]
navy almost in a moment. But it will be wise to anticipate events & to lay a foundation in time. Whenever the circumstances will permit, a grand provision of warlike stores, arsenals and dockyards ought to be made.
As to any invasion that might be meditated by foreigners against us on the land, I will only say, that, if the Mighty Nation with which we lately contended could not bring us under the yoke, no nation on the face of the earth can ever effect it; while we shall remain United & faithful to ourselves. A well organised Militia would constitute a strong defence; of course, your most serious attention will be turned to such an establishment. In your recess, it will give me pleasure, by making such reviews, as

opportunities may allow, to attempt to revive the antient military spirit. During the present impoverished state of our Finances I would not wish to see any expence incurred by augmenting our regular [anonymous donor]
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of this government, it may be proper to give assurances of our friendly dispositions to other Powers. We may more at our leisure, meditate on such Treaties of Amity & Commerce, as shall be judged expedient to be propounded to or received from any of the⟨m⟩.
In all our appointments of persons to fill domestic & foreign offices, let us be careful to select only such as are distinguished for morals & abilities—Som⟨e⟩ attention should likewise be paid, when [privately owned (1958), photocopy supplied by Mr. Nathaniel Stein] ever the circumstances will conveniently admit, to the distribution of Offices among persons, belonging to the different parts of the Union. But my knowledge of the characters of persons, through an extent of fifteen hundred miles, must be so imperfect as to make me liable to fall into mistakes: which, in fact, can only be avoided by the disinterested aid of my coadjutors. I forbear to enlarge on the delicacy there certainly will be, in discharging this part of our trust with fidelity, and without giving occasion for uneasiness. It [end of page; privately owned (1958), photocopy supplied by Mr. Nathaniel E. Stein]
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It appears to me, that it would be a favorable circumstance, if the characters of Candidates could be known, without their having a pretext for coming forward themselves with personal applications. We should seek to find the Men who are best qualified to fill Offices: but never give our consent to the creation of Offices to accomodate men [privately owned (1958), photocopy supplied by Mr. Nathaniel E. Stein]
Certain propositions for taking measures to obtain explanations & amendments on some articles of the Constitution, with the obvious intention of quieting the minds of the good people of these United States, will come before you & claim a dispassionate consideration. Whatever may not be deemed incompatible

with the fundamental principles of a ⟨free⟩ & efficient government ought to be done for the accomplishment of so desirable an object. The reasoning which have been used, to prove [end of page; privately owned (1958), photocopy supplied by Mr. Nathaniel E. Stein]
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prove that amendments could never take place after this Constitution should be adopted, I must avow, have not appeared conclusive to me. I could not understand, by any mathematical analogy, why the whole number of States in Union should be more likely to concur in any proposed amendment, than three fourths of that number: before the adoption, the concurrence of the former was necessary for effecting this measure—since the adoption, only the latter. Here I will not presume to dictate as to the time, when it may be most expedient to attempt to remove all the redundances or supply all the defects, which shall be discovered in this complicated machine. I will barely suggest, whether it would not be the part of prudent men to observe it fully in movement, before they undertook to make such alterations, as might prevent a fair experiment of its effects?—and whether, in the meantime, it may not be practicable for this Congress (if their proceedings shall meet with the approbation of three fourths of the Legislatures) in such manner to secure to the people all their justly- [end of page; owned (1974) by Mr. Nathaniel E. Stein]
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justly-esteemed priviledges as shall produce extensive satisfaction?
The complete organization of the Judicial Department was left by the Constitution to the ulterior arrangement of Congress. You will be pleased therefore to let a supreme regard for equal justice & the inherent rights of the citizens be visible in all your proceedings on that important subject.
I have a confident reliance that your wisdom & patriotism will be exerted to raise the supplies for discharging the interest on the national debt & for supporting the government during the current year, in a manner as little burdensome to the people as possible. The necessary estimates will be laid before you. A general,

moderate Impost upon imports; together with a higher tax upon certain enumerated articles, will, undoubtedly, occur to you in the course [owned (1974) by Mr. Nathaniel E. Stein]

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course of your deliberations. I shall readily give my assent to any prudent measures. But my individual opinion would not be in favour of making frequent & rash experiments. I will only observe that it is commonly impolitic to lay duties so high, as to tempt the Importer to evade the collection by Smuggling. In whatsoever light smuggling may have been viewed heretofore, as it will now greatly injure the fair trader, & inasmuch as whatever it may detract from the revenues must be made good in some other way; it should not only be considered as an infamous practice, but even as a public robbery. The mode of collection, too, ought to be the simplest & most cogent that can be devised, without having any thing oppressive or vexatious in it. Every thing we can wish is to be expected from prudence & perseverance. The unlocated land, with good management, will be a permanent & productive fund for extinguishing the national debt. In the intermediate arrangements for the Treasury, it will belong [end of page; NNGL]
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belong to you to see, that the strictest œconomy shall be observed in the different departments; and that not one farthing of public money be wantonly squandered or wickedly misapplied. Whensoever the People shall be persuaded of this watchfulness over the pecuniary interests of the Community, I flatter my self, they will most chearfully contribute a part of their substance to supply the public demands. Especially as, under this system, taxes must be lighter in this Country, than in any other civilized country of the world. It is in my conception, worth the pains of an attempt, to endeavour to conciliate the good will of every description of honest men, when it can honestly be done. In conformity to this sentiment, I could wish to relieve the tender consciences of that industrious, frugal & valuable sect, who are religiously principled against supporting an armed force, by faithfully appropriating the whole monies which shall be collected from them, to the support of civil government, or the payment [end of page; NNGL]

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of the soil and the Sea, for the wares and merchandize of other Nations is open to all. Notwithstanding the embarassments under which our trade has hitherto laboured, since the peace, the enterprising spirit of our citizens has steered our Vessels to almost every region of the known world. In some distant & heretofore unfrequented countries, our new Constellation has been received with tokens of uncommon regard. An energetic government will give to our flag still greater respect: While a sense of reciprocal benefits will serve to connect us with the rest of mankind in stricter ties of amity. But an internal commerce is more in our power; and may be of more importance. The surplus of produce in one part of the United States, will, in many instances, be wanted in another. An intercourse of this kind is well calculated to multiply Sailors, exterminate prejudices, diffuse blessings, and encrease the friendship of the inhabitants of one State for those of another. While [end of page; owned (1985) by Mr. and Mrs. Harry Spiro, New York]
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While the individual States shall be occupied in facilitating the means of transportation, by opening canals & improving roads: you will not forget that the purposes of business & Society may be vastly promoted by giving cheapness, dispatch & security to communications through the regular Posts. I need not say how satisfactory it would be, to gratify the useful curiosity of our citizens by the conveyance of News Papers & periodical Publications in the public vehicles without expence.
Notwithstanding the rapid growth of our population, from the facility of obtaining subsistence, as well as from the accession of strangers, yet we shall not soon become a manufacturing people. Because men are even better pleased with labouring on their farms, than in their workshops. Even the mechanics who come from Europe, as soon as they can procure a little land of their own, commonly turn Cultivators. Hence it will be found more beneficial, I believe, to continue to exchange [end of page; owned (1985) by Mr. and Mrs. Harry Spiro]

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change our Staple commodities for the finer manufactures we may want, than to undertake to make them ourselves. Many articles, however, in wool, flax, cotton, & hemp; and all in leather, iron, fur and wood may be fabricated at home with great advantage. If the quantity of wool, flax, cotton & hemp should be encreased to ten-fold its present amount (as it easily could be) I apprehend the whole might in a short time be manufactured. Especially by the introduction of machines for multiplying the effects of labour, in diminishing the number of hands employed upon it. But it will rest with you to investigate what proficiency we are capable of making in manufactures, and what encouragement should be given to particular branches of them. In almost every House, much Spinning might be done by hands which otherwise would be in a manner idle [owned (1974) by Mr. Nathaniel E. Stein]
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It remains for you to make, out of a Country poor in the precious metals and comparatively thin of inhabitants a flourishing State. But here it is particularly incumbent on me to express my idea of a flourishing state with precision; and to distinguish between happiness & splendour. The people of this Country may doubtless enjoy all the great blessings of the social State: and yet United America may not for a long time to come make a brilliant figure as a nation, among the nations of the earth. Should this be the case, and should the people be actuated by principles of true magnanimity, they will not suffer their ambition to be awakened. They should guard against ambition as against their greatest enemy. We shou’d not, in imitation of some nations which have been celebrated for a false kind of patriotism, wish to aggrandize our own Republic at the expence of the freedom & happiness of the rest of mankind. The prospect that the Americans will not act upon so narrow a scale affords the most comfortable [end of page; owned (1974) by Mr. Nathaniel E. Stein]
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ble reflections to a benevolent mind. As their remoteness from other nations in a manner precludes them from foreign quarrels: so their extent of territory & gradual settlement, will enable

them to maintain something like a war of posts, against the invasion of luxury, dissipation, & corruption. For after the large cities & old establishments on the borders of the Atlantic, shall, in the progress of time, have fallen a prey to those Invaders; the Western States will probably long retain their primaeval simplicity of manners & incorruptible love of liberty. May we not reasonably expect, that, by those manners & this patriotism, uncommon prosperity will be entailed on the civil institutions of the American world? And may you not console yourselves for any irksome circumstances which shall occur in the performance of your task, with the pleasing consideration, that you are now employed in laying the foundation of that durable prosperity [owned (1974) by Mr. Nathaniel E. Stein]
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It belongs to you especially to take measures for promoting the general welfare. It belongs to you to make men honest in their dealings with each other, by regulating the coinage & currency of money upon equitable principles as well as by establishing just weights and measures upon an uniform plan. Whenever an opportunity shall be furnished to you as public or as private men, I trust you will not fail to use your best endeavors to improve the education and manners of a people; to accelerate the progress of arts & Sciences; to patronize works of genius; to confer rewards for inventions of utility; and to cherish institutions favourable to humanity. Such are among the best of all human employments. Such exertion of your talents will render your situations truly dignified & cannot fail of being acceptable in the sight of the Divinity.
By a series of disinterested services it will be in our power to shew, that we have nothing [owned (1974) by Mr. Nathaniel E. Stein]
[63–73]
While others in their political conduct shall demean themselves as may seem ⟨dear⟩ to them, let us be honest. Let us be firm. Let us advance directly forward in the path of our duty. Should the path at first prove intricate & thorny, it will grow plain and smooth as we go. In public as in private life, let the eternal line that seperates right from wrong, be the fence ⟨to⟩ [recto, end of page; owned (1974) by Nathaniel E. Stein]

[63–73]
I have now again given way to my feelings, in speaking without reserve, according to my best judgment, the words of soberness & affection. If any thing indiscreet or foreign to the occasion has been spoken, your candour, I am convinced will not impute it to an unworthy motive. I come now to a conclusion by addressing my humble petition to the [verso, end of page; owned (1974) by Nathaniel E. Stein]
[63–73]
which will conduce to their temporal & eternal peace—I most earnestly supplicate that Almighty God, to whose holy keeping I commend my dearest Country, will never offer so fair an inheritance to become a prey to avar [NcD: Rolfe Smith Saunders Papers, Autograph Album]


Title: To George Washington from Oliver Bowen, April 1789
From: Bowen, Oliver
To: Washington, George

Sr
[Savannah, Ga., April 1789]

It is not, I presume, unusal or improper for persons to offer themselves as candidates for publick appointments. Under this impression, I take the liberty of mentioning to your Excellency, that I shall be happy to contribute my services in some office of the revenue department for the town and port of Savannh in the State of Georgia. From my long residince in that State, and from a diversified intercourse both in publick and private life, it has been in my power to acquire an intimate knowledge of its inhabitants and situation. If services or sacrifices in the cause of my country give any weight to an application of this kind, I can chearfully submit my pretentions, in those respects to an investigation. I refrain from making any remarks calculated to raise an opinion of my merits; as the honourable William Few of the Senate and the honourable James Jackson one of the Congress from Georgia are old inhabitants and acquainted with my charactor.
I hope the liberty I have taken in addressing a letter on this occation will be excuseable. I remain Sr with the highest respect Your Excellencys most obediant Servant.

Oliver Bowen


Title: From George Washington to the German Lutherans of Philadelphia, April–May 1789
From: Washington, George
To: German Lutherans of Philadelphia

Gentlemen,
  [New York, April-May 1789]

While I request you to accept my thanks for your kind address, I must profess myself highly gratified by the sentiments of esteem and consideration contained in it. The approbation my past conduct has received from so worthy a body of citizens as that whose joy for my appointmt you announce, is a proof of the indulgence with which my future transactions will be judged by them.

I could not however avoid apprehending that the partiality of my Countrymen in favor of the measures now pursued has led them to expect too much from the present Government; did not the same Providence which has been visible in every stage of our progress to this interesting crisis, from a combination of circumstances, give us cause to hope for the accomplishment of all our reasonable desires.
Thus partaking with you in the pleasing anticipation of the blessings of a wise and efficient government; I flatter myself that opportunities will not be wanting for me to shew my disposition to encourage the domestic and public virtues of Industry, Œconomy, Patriotism, Philanthropy, and that Righteousness which exalteth a Nation.
I rejoice in having so suitable an occasion to testify the reciprocity of my esteem for the numerous People whom you represent. From the excellent character for diligence, sobriety and virtue, which the Germans in general, who are settled in America, have ever mantained; I cannot forbear felicitating myself on receiving from so respectable a number of them such strong assurances of their affection for my person, confidence in my integrity, and zeal to support me in my endeavours for promoting the welfare of our common Country.
So long as my Conduct shall merit the approbation of the Wise and the Good, I hope to hold the same place in your affections, which your friendly declarations induce me to beleive I possess at present: and, amidst all the vicisitudes that may await me in this mutable existance, I shall earnestly desire the continuation of an interest in your intercessions at the Throne of Grace.

Go: Washington


Title: To George Washington from Moustier, 1 May 1789
From: Moustier, Eléanor-François-Elie, comte de
To: Washington, George

Sir
Newyork the 1st of May 1789

It is truly mortifying to me to be under the disadvantage of using a foreign language in which I am so little versed. I conceive I must have committed errors, from the interpretation you have given, Sir, to my preceding letter, in regard to two points which were far from my intention. The first is relative to the application of the general principle on which I thought that a private audience from you, at the beginning of a new form of government (in order to talk in general terms of the situation in which this total change placed myself) would be proper. The peculiar circumstances to which I alluded were those resulting from the change of the representative of the collective Sovereignty of the United States. Their affections, principles and interests, I conceive have not ceased to be the same. But as they have had the wisdom to chuse a proper organ to express the first and cherish the others, I was eager to hear from that organ expressions similar to those which I had used formerly in different circumstances without having ever had an oportunity of receiving any of the same nature, but I had not either from personal impulse, nor from the direction of my Court, the least idea of making the most remote overture for any negociation whatsoever. And I happily know of no peculiar circumstance

which might have occasion’d them. I sincerely wish that the Situation of the United States may preserve them for ever from taking any share in the local politics of Europe. But we have been used to believe that the fire of war, was too easily spread over the four parts of the world by a cannon ball shot on the Seas of one of them, and most likely it is from that observation that the United States have stipulated with France the guarantee of their possessions. I quote this, Sir, only to shew that any distance of the fire is not an absolute, but only a probable reason to expect not to be concerned in it. But there has never existed, nor does there exist any ground for negociations relative to such an event, nor is any other negociation brought forward on the Side of France with the United States. They alone have made demands which have been received as readily and favoured as much as the circumstances enabled the King to listen to his affection towards the United States. What has been demanded in the Kings name, was no more but the conclusion of an act which had been predetermined by the Treaty, that is a convention to agree upon the functions of the Consuls in both Countries. Such an act is at least as necessary to the commercial interest of the United States as it is to the French Nation. And as it is concluded and has been signed lately by the respective plenipotentiariy, there is nothing left to be done but to send from here the ratification of the proper power. In mentioning this in conversation, I have given a proof that I did not mean to act officially with the President of the United States, for If I had received orders to take such a measure, I would certainly have either followed the only form which I knew, or have required to be previously officially inform’d of the new form that would answer the purpose.
This is, I apprehend, the second error to which my unskillfulness in the English language has given rise. I was far from conceiving the least idea to introduce any form for the transaction of business between the Government of the United States and the representative of a foreign power. I have made it an object of my particular attention to Study the origin of the System establish’d in Europe about the departments of the branches of Administration, and as it is in France that they were first introduced, I am confident that I may point out the advantages as

well as the inconveniences of the System. This might be a topick of an interesting conversation or of a pamphlet, but would be too long for a special letter. It may be enough to Say, that I highly approve and admire a proper distribution of power, and that when the officers are kept in due bounds as to their competence, nothing is more favourable to the expedition of business. I am also of opinion that Sovereigns have very wisely introduced the form of communication of business through the channel of persons intrusted with their confidence and power. But as I think at the same time that cases may happen in which it would be dangerous to employ those channels, it occurr’d to me, that an absolute denial of an immediate communication would be a real abridgment of the powers of the Sovereign and of the most valuable prerogative of their Representatives abroad allowed by all writers on the functions of public Ministers, which is to have, when desired, an immediate communication with the Sovereign to whom they are sent. As to the application of this principle, it depends altogether on the prudence and a proper knowledge of the motives which may render such a measure or continuance of measure either necessary or proper. It is on that distinction that depends the facility of extending or restraining the practice of communication with all Diplomatic caracters. Public forms are not to vary, but confidential measures are adapted to circumstances, so that it is easier to quote facts on this question than to fix principles which serve rather for public forms. What has passed in the United States since their formation as an Independant and Sovereign Power, could furnish part of those facts.
If I have gone too far in suposing that at the establishment of forms adapted to a new Government, some people might, according to what history and modern times shew sufficiently, under various pretences, among which I only expressed the dignity of President of the United States, strive to enlarge the importance of their offices, I have been led to it by the consideration of possible things and by an apprehension of an event which, wherever it has happened, has been allmost imperceptible, which is the reason why at all times offices have become more or less important and analogous to their institutions, as the persons invested with them have made incroachments or

losses. I can assure you, Sir, that if the United States could be happy enough to have allways a Washington for their chief Magistrate I would not have conceived any such apprehension, which I have endeavoured to express by the figure of erecting walls. But as it is not in the course of nature to be prodigal of distinguish caracters, peculiarly in the highest stations, I have been induced to be perhaps too cautious. Thus when I am to embark though I would see the finest appearance of a favourable Sea, I would not forget the possibility of a Storm, and would in consequence provide against the effects of it as much as lay’s in my power.
The object of my hazarding to intrude anew on your patience, Sir, was the desire of clearing myself even from the suspicion that I had presumed to influence in any way the measures of the Government of the United States. I wish I may have succeeded in clearing myself intirely of the suspicion of a presuming caracter. The only one which I seek to get here, is of the most sincere friend of a nation who is considered in the most friendly way by my Sovereign and my nation.
You may conceive, Sir, that this explanation could not be thought unnecessary by a man who knows how to value the sentiments and opinion of General Washington, to whom alone in the present circumstance he has addressed himself. I am with the greatest respect Sir Your most obedient humble Servant

Count de Moustier


Title: To George Washington from Annis Boudinot Stockton, 1 May 1789
From: Stockton, Annis Boudinot
To: Washington, George

Sir
Princeton [N.J.] the 1st of May 1789

Can the muse, can the freind forbear! (for oh I must Call

thee friend, great as thou art) to pay the poor tribute she is capable off, when she is so interested in the universal Congratulation—I thought I Could testify my Joy when I saw you—but words were vain, and my heart was so filled with respect, love, and gratitude, that I Could not utter an Idea.
Be pleased to accept the enclosed sentiment of veneration, and add another oblagation to those, you have already confered, on your much obliged, and obedient Servant.

A. Stockton

Enclosure

Oft times when rapture swells the heart,
Expressive silence can impart
More full the joy sublime
Thus Washington my wondering mind
In every grateful ardor joined
The words were out of time.
The muse of morvens peaceful shade
Gave way to all the gay parade.
For transport of her own.
She felt the tear of pleasure flow
And gratitudes delightful glow
Was to her bosom known.
Triumphul arches, gratulating song
And shouts of welcome from the mused throng,
Thy laurels can not raise
We raise our selves exalt our name
And in the scroll of time we claim
An intrest in thy bays.
For erst on hudsons whiten’d plain
Where the blue mists enshroud the slain
And heroes spirits came
Anxious to seal thy future fate
Each on his cloud in awful state
Pronounc’d thee good as well as great
And fill’d thy cup of fame.
While we the favorites of heaven
To whom these western climes are given,
And halcyon days await

May bless our selves, and bless our race
That God by his peculiar grace
Chose thee to rule the state.
Fame as she flies her trump shall sound
To all the admiring nations round,
And millions yet unborn
Will read the history of this day
And as they read will pause and say
Here nature took a turn.
For in the annals of mankind
Who ever saw a compact bind!
An Empires utmost bound
Who ever Saw ambition stand!
Without the power to raise her hand
While one the people crown’d.


Title: To George Washington from John Hancock, 2 May 1789
From: Hancock, John
To: Washington, George

Sir
Boston May 2d 1789

Having had the honour of writing to your Excellency by Mr Allen, of expressing the pleasure I have recieved in common with my fellow citizens in general of your deserved elevation to the first place in the Fœderal Government of the American Country; this consideration would have precluded you the trouble of the present communication were it not for the paper accompanying, which I flatter myself will be highly agreable—In addition to the general information respecting the state of the Union which you have undoubtedly recieved, you will derive a pleasure from the possession and examination of a very accurate and authentic abstract of the exports and imports of the metropolis of this Commonwealth, in a comparative view, for the two last years[.] By this you will observe the increase of Trade in this Town to be by no means inconsiderable. It is a new proof of our gradual recovery from the waste and calamities of war, to the enjoyment of these Commercial advantages, of which we have been so long destitute—It is not in my power to inform you with precision of the relative proportion of the Trade of Boston to the aggregate Commerce of the State at

large, or to that of the other Towns in particular—But upon the moderate calculation of its being but half of the whole, it is nearly equal to what it ever has been even in the most prosperous year since the Country was settled.
In congratulating your Excellency on this very pleasing event I cannot omit the opportunity of doing justice to the merit of the Comptroller General (Leonard Jarvis Esquire) to whose zeal knowledge and industry we are almost altogether indebted for the present regular and systematic arrangement of this important concern—His experience and integrity in the discharge of the duties annexed to his important office, together with his warm and ardent attachment to the cause of his Country—the course of the revolution entitles him to considerations—as a proof he still holds the Certificates of a Loan of near twelve thousand Pounds made by him personally to the Government in the first years of the war, and which are all of them in his own name.
Permit me Sir to recommend him to your attention and favour as a person highly deserving the public confidence in the line of his present employment. I am with the highest sentiments of respect and esteem Your Excellency’s Most Obedt & very Humble Servant

John Hancock


Title: To George Washington from Robert R. Livingston, 2 May 1789
From: Livingston, Robert R.
To: Washington, George

Dr Sir
New York 2d May 1789

It is not without regret that I reflect on the interruption that was given to the conversation I had the honor to hold with your Excellency on the subject of the etiquette which would be observed by the President of the United States, since I still find that this subject occupies much of the public attention, & I could have wished to have corrected my own opinions by a more perfect knowledge of your Excellencys sentiments. It seemed however from what I then collected to have been your wish to possess the Ideas of your friends upon the subject, who without hoping to add much to your reflections, might still be happy enough to furnish a hint which your Excellencys bettre judgment would improve. As my heart tells me that if the highest esteem & the most perfect & undeviating attatchment afford a title to that honourable distinction I may, however unworthy, rank myself among the number of your Excellencys friends & consider myself as called upon to examine a subject which in its influence upon your happyness & the interest of the community appears to me of considerable magnitude. And as it is not probable that during my short stay in town I shall have an opportunity of doing this in conversation I venture to put my thoughts on paper & the rather as by this means they will obtrude no further on your Excellencys time than you may find convenient.
The subject deserves to be examined in two points of view. As it may effect your Excellencys personal happiness & as it may interest the community—As the last of these has alway been preferred to the first by your Excellency I shall in compliance with your example consider it first.
The principal object of the friends to good government is to correct its instability, & encrease its energy by giving weight to the executive: This weight must be derived from actual power & the opinion that the people conceive of the wisdom & preemine⟨nce⟩ of their Majistrates. The powers of our government being defined by the constitution it is unnecessary to speak of them further than to observe that those annexed to the Presidency are in themself of sufficient importance to inspire a great degree of dignity. The weight which the executive may derive

from personal respect is the subject now under consideration. This in some sort depends on the chief majistrate & not less on those in the higher departments whose stations place them nearest to him. As an intimate & familiar communication with the people has been observed to diminish the respect due to high rank some have concluded that the utmost distance shd be maintained by the President & that he should avoid all social & free intercourse with the people. And I confess that the reasons urged on this head had considerable weight with me but on fuller reflection I find that this Idea if pressed too far may be productive of great inconveniences.
And that it is not essentially necessary I infer from the unlimited respect which every rank of Citizens feels for your Excellency tho in your public life you indulged them in an easy access & perhaps much of their essteem arises from their having by this means obtained a personal knowledge of virtues which they could otherwise only have known from report. I feel however the difference of your present situation & acknowledge that it exacts more reserve & distance than was required in an army which inculcates submission as the principle of government, & where the commands that are hourly Issued call that principle constandly into action. If however it should be an established rule that the president is never to unbend never to mingle in the social circle never to converse with any but a small knot of friends on public matters of importance will it not follow that he must acquire a knowledge of the public sentiment from them? That his acquaintance with characters must be derived from the same sourse? Should this knot have no private views, should they not combine to promote each other, to conceal or varnish truths he might probably receive proper information thro’ this channel. But how is he to enter into all their views, or to decern the principles on which they act? These observations apply with little force to your Excellency who has happily acquired from the great theatre on which you have acted a personal knowledge of most of those characters whose rank or station will place them near you, And from nature that accute decernment which will prevent your being deceived in your confidential friends. I take up the question on general grounds as it may affect a president who does not possess those advantages. It has been said that the conduct of limmited monarchs

(whose powers do not greatly exceed those of the president of the united States so far as they influence the operations of government) may afford some light on this subject. But this should not be assumed without some reference to the circumstances in which they differ. Hereditary Monarchs must in the common course of things be freequently men of little abilities & often have great defects it is therefore necessary to surround them with guards & to dazel beholders with a false glare. Elective Magistrates are known before they are elected, their virtues are the cause of their elevation, the exposing these to [the] public can not tend to diminish the respect which they originally created. Besides that the splendor & pleasures of a court attract all those who by their wealth, their rank, or their abilities are entitled to share the smiles & favours of the sovereign. He sees them on many occasions & the great number of men of rank & character that are employed in domestic departments with who he converses freely enables him to judge of characters, to know the public sentiment & to chuse his council upon whom he devolves all his business as long as they can make themselves agreeable to himself & the people—There is another view in which this subject appears more interesting to me than it will to your excellency who have been accustomed to sacrafice personal considerations to the interests of the community—Already by accepting the important office you hold you have relinquish’d your plans of retired & domestic happyness—We feel the value of the sacrafice in one whose station can add no glory [to that] which he has acquired—you have agn preferrd Your duty to your country to every other consideration[.] Is it right for us to exact also a relinquishment of all the social pleasures of the enjoyment that flow from a free & unreserved confidence in the persons you esteem?
If I might venture to hint at what I sh’d suppose the middle line which would obviate the difficulties I have mentioned—I shd agree in the sentiment that the president sh’d (except on some great festival) give no formal dinners that he should accept no formal invitation that he sh’d return no vissits—but I wd not preclude him from asking occasionally so many of his friends as would form a social circle who might be invited verbally on the very day they were to have the honor to dine with

him—I would wish him also to invite himself to the table of a freind to name the company he chose to have asked—this would make him master of his own time enable him to see with his own eyes & at the same time banish the luxury of extravagant entertainment which afford little opportunity of decerning character But the respect due to the 1st magistrate will never be maintained unless those in high & con[fi]dential department circulate it by their example & by the most respectful attentions—As these will undoubtly be men distinguished by their abilities rank & station who will of themself command respect that which they pay will be refused by no member of the community.
Another source of information & perhaps of amusement may be found in the composition of the presidents family—His judgment will undoubtedly induce him as your Excellency has done to select men of business & distinguished abilities with whom he will entrust important & weighty concerns—He may also retain in his service young men of gentle manners—who will mix in every polite circle & if at certain hours these are encouraged to speak with freedom of what they have seen & heard to the triffles they detail & which will serve to amuse, the judgment of the president will select many things which it will be not unimportant for him to know—I make no appology for having thus obtruded upon your Excellencys time I rely for my excuse on the polite attention which you have heretofore afforded me when a desire of furnishing a hint which your judgment wd improve has some times led me to impose on yr patience


Title: From George Washington to Thomas Randall, 2 May 1789
From: Washington, George
To: Randall, Thomas

Sir.
New York May 2nd 1789

Desirous of being more particular in expressing my acknowledgments for the elegant Barge which was presented to me on my arrival in this City, than I could be at that moment; I must now request that you will be pleased to offer my best thanks to the Gentlemen who were Owners of it, and assure them in my name that I consider myself much honored by their polite attention. I am, Sir, Your Most obedt Servant


Title: To George Washington from Philip Schuyler, 2 May 1789
From: Schuyler, Philip
To: Washington, George

Dear Sir,
Albany [N.Y.] May 2d 1789

By yesterdays post we were advised of Your Excellencys arrival at New York, and If a variety of incidents did not concur to prevent me, I should have the honor in person to congratulate you, on the gratitude and confidence, which you so emminently experience from united America.
Until the adoption of the present system of national Government, It was a constant, and a painful reflection to every patriot, that the inifficacy of the late confederation, threatned to deprive America of those blessings, for which she was greatly indebted to your perservering exertions, in surmounting the obstacles which were opposed to her becoming Independant, and permit me to assure you that the distress of my feelings, were infinintely increased, from a contemplation of what I could realize must be yours on the sad occasion. But Anxiety is now at an end, the impending clouds are dispelled, and a happy prospect is presented to the view, for why should we doubt that the divine hand; which has so evidently interfered in favor of America, and so remarkably assisted and conducted you in every stage of life, will continue to guide and direct you in your endeavours for the happiness of your country.
Let me Join my wish, to the universal one, that health, happiness and every blessing may be your portion. I am Dear Sir with affectionate and sincere Esteem and respect Your Excellency’s Most Obedient Servant

Ph: Schuyler


Title: To George Washington from James Warren, 2 May 1789
From: Warren, James
To: Washington, George

Sir
Plymouth Massachusetts May 2d 1789

When your arrival at the head of the General Government is

announced, it is become my duty as it was before my inclination, to make my congratulations both to you & to my Country, which I most sincerely do, on this occasion: for however I may have been at first in opinion against the new Constitution before its ratification, I now think it the duty of every good citizen to rejoice in every measure calculated to carry it into operation agreable to the principles on which it was adopted; among which I can concieve of none more suited to the purpose than placing at the head of it a man who enjoys the unlimited & well-founded confidence of the whole country.
I do not flatter you, Sir, when I assure you that my own particular wishes, founded on the greatest respect, esteem & friendship, are fully gratified by this event; nor do I deceive you, when I tell you that it will give me pleasure to do every thing in my power to make your Administration easy to yourself & happy to your country. Your Excellency will have no difficulty in believing me very sincere, notwithstanding any misrepresentations originating from party & founded in tory resentments, & when I assure you, Sir, that I am the same man, governed by the same principles, pursuing the same line of conduct I did when you was pleased to honour me with a considerable share of your confidence at Cambridge: I feel happy in contemplating that I never decieved you then in point of sincerity & zeal for the public good, or in attachment to your person.
The New Government, however untrodden & delicate the ground is on which the several branches have to act, seems to open with the auspicious omen of harmony; a circumstance very favorable to the hopes of their surmounting the many & great difficulties they have to encounter in the infancy of the Government when precedents are to be established with caution, & laws to originate without precedents.
I will detain you no longer from your many & arduous avocations, than to wish you every blessing & success. I have the honour to be, Sir, with the greatest esteem & respect Your Excellency’s most obedient hum: servant

Jas Warren


Title: To George Washington from William Heth, 3 May 1789
From: Heth, William
To: Washington, George

Sir
Mount Vernon 3d May 1789

I had the honor of presenting yesterday forenoon, your letter to Mrs Washington, together with the package committed to my care; and was happy to find her, & the family well.
It is with pleasure I inform you, that I have made such particular & pointed arrangements with the Proprietors of the Stages, as leaves me no reason to doubt, of Mrs Washingtons being extremely well accommodated on her Journey to New-York—Indeed—I flatter myself, that she will experience no other inconvenience from not having her own Coachman & Horses, than will naturally arise, from female apprehensions, on being drove by Strange coachmen, with Strange Horses. On this subject, I have assured her—as I trust, she will not have any thing to fear—For having agreed, that such coachmen as I might point out, should be employd on this occasion, she will—if Van Horn & Co. should not deceive me—be drove by very decent, attentive, sober & orderly men, most excellent drivers, with very good horses. I took the liberty also, to fix upon the terms, and as scrupulously as if I was to pay the expence myself—leaving further compensation to Mrs Washingtons report of their attention, & any extra services which may be renderd. This I did, for two reasons—the one, to prevent any attempts towards an imposition, after the Journey should be performed; and the other, to excite an ambition to execute their contract in the best manner possible. The terms are as follow—From George Town to Susquehanna 24 Dlrs—to be paid to Mr Van Horn. From thence to Phila. the same, to be paid to Mr Kerlin—and the Same from Philadelphia to New-York—to be paid to Mr Mercereau. The roads being worse on this side of Phila. than the other, was taken into consideration, which together with some peculiar inconvenience to the proprietors, was the reason why the terms were made equal.
Hoping you will pardon me, for thus interrupting you with a detail of the manner in which I have executed your commands—permit me to wish you a happy meeting with Mrs Washington, and to pray sincerely, that you may both live long so. I have the honor to be, with the utmost respect & affection Yr Obedt Servant

Will. Heth


Title: To George Washington from Michael Morgan O’Brien, 4 May 1789
From: O’Brien, Michael Morgan
To: Washington, George

Sir!
New York 4th May 1789.

By the advice of my Friends, I am induced to apply to your Exellency for an Appointment in the Customs at the Port of Philadelphia.
I am informed in that Arrangement, there will be a Surveyor, and a Searcher, in either of which Capacities I shoud be happy to serve, if I am thought worthy of the Appointment.
I flatter myself it woud not be unacceptable to my fellow Citizens, and that I shoud be found to execute the Office with honour and fidelity.
I beg leave to refer your Excellency to the Honble Robert Morris, George Clymer, and Thomas FitzSimons for my character. I have the honour to be with respect, Sir! Your Excellency’s very hum: & most Obt Servant

Michael Morgan O’Brien


Title: To George Washington from Philadelphia County Society for Promotion of Agriculture and Domestic Manufactures, 4 May 1789
From: Philadelphia County Society for Promotion of Agriculture and Domestic Manufactures
To: Washington, George

[Philadelphia, 4 May 1789]

On the 4th day of May 1789 His Excellency George Washington Esqr. was elected a Corresponding member of the Philadelphia County Society for the Promotion of Agriculture and Domestick Manufactures the Society inviting his Assistance.

Edward Duffield JunrSecy

N.B. To meet at the house of Mr Bennet in Frankford on the first Monday in June at 2 OClock.


Title: From George Washington to Annis Boudinot Stockton, 4 May 1789
From: Washington, George
To: Stockton, Annis Boudinot

Dear Madam,
New York, May 4th 1789.

I can only acknowledge with thankfulness the receipt of your repeated favors—were I Master of my own time, nothing could give me greater pleasure than to have frequent occasions of assuring you, more at large, with how great esteem and consideration, I am dear Madam, Your most obedient and most humble Servant

G. Washington


Title: To George Washington from George Taylor, Jr., 4 May 1789
From: Taylor, George Jr.
To: Washington, George

Sir,
New York May 4th 1789.

The President being invested by the Constitution with the Appointment of Officers for the new Government, I hope it will not be deemed importunate in me to mention to your Excellency, my former Services, lest, by the numerous great and important Objects which must necessarily occupy your Attention, they may escape you. I will not presume to ask for any Office in particular, because, conscious of my Insufficiency to judge of my own Capacity, I might thereby be led into an Error. I would beg Leave only to observe, that I had the Honor of serving in the Office of Colonel Varick, while he acted as recording Secretary to, and particularly that of having confided to me by, the private Letters and Papers of your Excellency. That at the Reestablishment of the Department for foreign affairs, I was honored by Mr Jay with a Clerkship in his Office, in which Capacity I now serve, and I flatter myself to his Satisfaction, nor have I a Wish to part with that worthy Gentleman, unless I should meet Something more advantageous to me, in which Case, I am sensible it would give him Pleasure.
Permit me also to observe, that I have made a tolerable Proficiency in the Study of the french Language.
With the most fervent Prayers that your Excellency and Family may long enjoy Health and Happiness, I have the Honor to be, with profound Respect, Your Excellency’s Most obedient and Most humble servant,

Geo: Taylor Junr


Title: To George Washington from George Bush, 5 May 1789
From: Bush, George
To: Washington, George

Sir
New York May 5th 1789

In answer to the questions you were pleased to put to me this day, I take the liberty to trouble you with the following detail.
I was born in the Delaware State, my Father still lives there, & I have resided there ever since the dissolution of the Army. I served an Apprenticeship of four Years to a Merchant in Philadelphia, at the expiration of which in 1776 I was appointed a Liut. in the Troops of Delaware. In 1777 I was promoted to the Command of a Company in one of the 16. Regts Commanded by Coll Hartley, this as you well know was blended with Coll Pattons & formed the 11th Penna. Regt under the command of Coll Hubley.
To this Account I shall only add, as you are in general acquainted with my connexions & circumstances; that I am a Citizen of Delaware & that my health is much impaired. The Ports

of Wilmington & New Castle, being of most importance, were by an Act of the Legislature made free to all vessels, of course there was no such Officer as Collector in the State, only a Naval Officer, he lived at New Castle, tho’ Wilmington had eight or Ten Sea Vessels belonging to it & New Castle not more than One. Wilmington had also a great number of consignments from the British Islands; a Deputy resided at that Port, who entered and gave permits at the rate of from two to four Dollars each.
I made a calculation before I left Wilmington, which shews that in two weeks at 15 Cents on the spirits, that was consign’d in British Vessels to that Port would have produced Fifteen Hundred Pounds.
The Naval Officer at New Castle has at this time five or six offices of profit under the Goverment. I have the honor to be Sir Your Obedt & Oblig’d Servant

Geo. Bush


Title: To George Washington from Elias Dayton, 5 May 1789
From: Dayton, Elias
To: Washington, George

Sir,
Elizth Town [N.J.] 5th May 1789

I take the liberty of introducing to the knowledge and notice of your Excellency, my son, who will have the honor of presenting this. He wishes to be so happy as to obtain the approbation & nomination of your Excellency to the appointment of Collector of imposts or duties for New Jersey.

Motives of delicacy prevented my mentioning this matter either by letter or in person in the course of your Excellency’s passage thro’ this state and as the solicitation of an office, even for a friend, is a truly disagreeable undertaking I should, even now, have declined it could there have been any other less exceptionable method of making his wishes known to your Excellency whose province it is to nominate.
I trust I shall be pardoned if I have failed in the style of my address as I have not yet hear’d what title has been annexed by Congress to the office of President General. With the highest respect and esteem I have the honor to be Your Excellency’s Very Humbe Servt

Elias Dayton


Title: To George Washington from Alexander Hamilton, 5 May 1789
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

Dr. Sir
[New York, May 5, 1789]

In conformity to the intimation you were pleased to honor me with on  evening last I have reflected on the etiquette proper to be observed by the President and now submit the ideas which have occurred to me on the subject.
The public good requires as a primary object that the dignity of the office should be supported. Whatever is essential to this ought to be pursued though at the risk of partial or momentary dissatisfaction. But care will be necessary to avoid extensive disgust or discontent. Men’s minds are prepared for a pretty high tone as in the demeanour of the Executive; but I doubt whether

for so high a tone as in the abstract might be desireable. The notions of equality are yet in my opinion too general and too strong to admit of such a distance being placed between the President and other branches of the government as might even be consistent with a due proportion. The following plan will I think steer clear of extremes and involve no very material inconveniences.
I The President to have a levee day once a week for receiving visits. An hour to be fixed at which it shall be understood that he will appear and consequently that the visitors are previously to be assembled. The President to remain half an hour, in which time he may converse cursorily on indifferent subjects with such persons as shall strike his attention, and at the end of that half hour disappear. Some regulation will be hereafter necessary to designate those who may visit. A mode of introduction through particular officers will be indispensable. No visits to be returned.
II The President to accept no invitations: and to give formal entertainments only twice or four times a year on the anniversaries of important events in the revolution. If twice, the day of the declaration of Independence, and that of the inauguration of the President, which completed the organization of the Constitution, to be preferred; if four times, the day of the treaty of alliance with france & that of the definitive treaty with Britain to be added. The members of the two houses of the legislature Principal officers of the Government Foreign ministers and other distinguished strangers only to be invited. The numbers form in my mind an objection—But there may be separate tables in separate rooms. This is practiced in some European Courts. I see no other method in which foreign Ministers can with propriety be included in any attentions of the table which the President may think fit to pay.
III The President on the levée days either by himself or some Gentleman of his household to give informal invitations to family dinners on the days of invitation. Not more than six or eight to be invited at a time & the matter to be confined essentially to members of the legislature and other official characters. The President never to remain long at table.

I think it probable that the last article will not correspond with the ideas of most of those with whom Your Excellency may converse but on pretty mature reflection I believe it will be necessary to remove the idea of too immense an inequality, which I fear would excite dissatisfaction and cabal. The thing may be so managed as neither to occasion much waste of time, nor to infringe on dignity.
It is an important point to consider what persons may have access to Your Excellency on business. The heads of departments will of course have this privilege. Foreign Ministers of some descriptions will also be intitled to it. In Europe I am informed ambassadors only have direct access to the Chief Magistrate. Something very near what prevails there would in my opinion be right. The distinction of rank between diplomatic characters requires attention and the door of access ought not to be too wide to that class of persons. I have thought that the members of the Senate should also have a right of individual access on matters relative to the public administration. In England & France Peers of the realm have this right. We have none such in this Country, but I believe that it will be satisfactory to the people to know that there is some body of men in the state who have a right of continual communication with the President. It will be considered as a safeguard against secret combinations to deceive him.
I have asked myself—will not the representatives expect the same privilege and be offended if they are not allowed to participate with the Senate? There is sufficient danger of this, to merit consideration. But there is a reason for the distinction in the constitution. The Senate are coupled with the President in certain executive functions; treaties and appointments. This makes them in a degree his constitutional counsellors and gives them a peculiar claim to the right of access. On the whole, I think the discrimination will be proper & may be hazarded.
I have chosen this method of communication, because I understood Your Excellency, that it would be most convenient to you. The unstudied and unceremonious manner of it will I hope not render it the less acceptable. And if in the execution of your commands at any time I consult frankness and simplicity more than ceremony or profession, I flatter myself you will not on that account distrust the sincerity of the assurance I

now give of my cordial wishes for your personal happiness and the success of your administration. I have the honor to be with the highest respect Your Excellency’s Most Obedient & humble servant


Title: To George Washington from the United States House of Representatives, 5 May 1789
From: United States House of Representatives
To: Washington, George

Sir,
[New York, 5 May 1789]

The Representatives of the people of the United States present their congratulations on the event by which your fellow citizens have attested the pre-eminence of your merit. You have long held the first place in their esteem: you have often received tokens of their affection. You now possess the only proof that remained of their gratitude for your services, of their reverence for your wisdom, and of their confidence in your virtues. You enjoy the highest, because the truest honor, of being the first Magistrate, by the unanimous choice of the freest people on the face of the Earth.
We well know the anxieties with which you must have obeyed a summons from the repose reserved for your declining years,

into public scenes, of which you had taken your leave forever. But the obedience was due to the occasion. It is already applauded by the universal joy which welcomes you to your station. And we cannot doubt that it will be rewarded with all the satisfaction, with which an ardent love for your fellow citizens must review successful efforts to promote their happiness.
This anticipation is not justified merely by the past experience of your signal services. It is particularly suggested by the pious impressions under which you commence your administration, and the enlightened maxims by which you mean to conduct it. We feel with you the strongest obligations to render the invisible hand which has led the American people through so many difficulties, to cherish a conscious reponsibility for the destiny of Republican liberty, and to seek the only sure means of preserving and recommending the precious deposit, in a system of legislation, founded on the principles of an honest policy, and directed by the spirit of a diffusive patriotism.
The question arising out of the fifth article of the Constitution, will receive all the attention demanded by its importance; and will, we trust be decided, under the influence of all the considerations to which you allude.
In forming the pecuniary provision for the Executive department, we shall not lose sight of a wish resulting from motives which give it a peculiar claim to our regard. Your resolution, in a moment critical to the liberties of your Country, to renounce all personal emolument, was among the many presages of your patriotic services, which have been amply fulfilled; and your scrupulous adherence now to the law then imposed on yourself, cannot fail to demonstrate the purity, whilst it increases the lustre, of a character, which has so many titles to admiration.
Such are the sentiments which we have thought fit to address to you. They flow from our own hearts; and we verily believe that among the millions we represent, there is not a virtuous citizen whose heart will disown them.
All that remains is that we join in your fervent supplication for the blessings of Heaven on our country; and that we add our own for the choicest of these blessings on the most beloved of her citizens.

Frederick Augustus Muhlenberg


Title: From George Washington to James Madison, 5 May 1789
From: Washington, George
To: Madison, James

My dear Sir,
New York May 5th 1789.

Notwithstanding the conviction I am under of the labour which is imposed upon you by Public Individuals as well as public bodies—yet, as you have begun, so I could wish you to finish, the good work in a short reply to the Address of the House of Representatives (which I now enclose) that there may be an accordance in this business.
Thursday 12 Oclock, I have appointed to receive the Address. The proper place is with the House to determine. As the first of everything, in our situation will serve to establish a Precedent,

it is devoutly wished on my part, that these precedents may be fixed on true principles. With affectionate regard I am ever Yours

Go: Washington


Title: From George Washington to Edward Rutledge, 5 May 1789
From: Washington, George
To: Rutledge, Edward

My dear Sir,
New York May 5th 1789.

I cannot fail of being much pleased with the friendly part you take in every thing which concerns me; and particularly with the just scale on which you estimate this last great sacrafice which I consider myself ⟨as having⟩ made for the good of my Country. ⟨When I ha⟩d judged⟨, u⟩pon the best appreciation I was ab⟨le to form⟩ of the circumstances which related ⟨to my-⟩self, ⟨that⟩ it was my duty to embark again ⟨o⟩n the tempestuous & uncertain Ocean of public life, I gave up all expectations of private happiness in this world: You know, my dear Sir, I had concentered all my schemes, all my views, all my wishes⟨,⟩ within the narrow circle of domestic enjoy⟨me⟩nt⟨.⟩ Thou⟨g⟩h I flatter myself the world w⟨ill do me the justice⟩ to believe, that, at my time ⟨of life & in my⟩ circumstances, nothing but a ⟨conviction⟩ of duty could have induced me to depart from my resolution of remaining in retirement; yet I greatly apprehend that my Countrymen will expect too much from me. I fear, if the issue of public measures should not corrispond with their sanguine expectations, they will turn ⟨the⟩ extravagant (and I may say undue) praises which they are heaping upon me at this moment, into equally extravagant (though I will fondly hope unmerited) censures. So ⟨m⟩uch is expected, so many untoward circum⟨stan⟩ces may intervene, in such a new and cr⟨itic⟩al situation, that I feel an insuperable diffidence in my ⟨ow⟩n a⟨bilities—I⟩ feel, in the execution of the ⟨duties of my ardu⟩ous Office, how ⟨m⟩uch ⟨I shall stand in need of the⟩ countenance &

aid of every f⟨riend to myself, of⟩ every friend to the Revolution—and of every lo⟨v⟩er of good Government. I thank you, my dear Sir, for ⟨your⟩ affectionate expressions on this point.
I anticipate that one of the most diff⟨icu⟩lt ⟨&⟩ delicate parts of the duty of my ⟨office will be th⟩at which relates to nominations ⟨for appointmen⟩ts. I receive with the more ⟨satisfaction⟩ the strong testimonials in behalf ⟨of Mr Hall⟩ because I hope they will tend to ⟨s⟩upercede the difficulty in this instance. Though from a system which I have prescribed to myself I can say nothing decisive on particular appointments; yet I may be allowed to observe in general, that nothing could be more agreeable to me than to have one Candidate brought forward for every Office of such clear pretensions as to secure him against competition.
Mrs Washington is not here, but is shortly expected; on her arrival I will offer the Compliments of Mrs Rutledge & yourself to her. In the meantime, I pray you to believe that, I am with sentiments of the purest esteem and highest cons⟨ider⟩ation ⟨My dear Sir⟩ Yr Most Obedt Servt

Go: Washington


Title: To George Washington from Lydia Watkins, 5 May 1789
From: Watkins, Lydia
To: Washington, George

Sir
New York May 5th 1789. Broad Way No. 10

permit me among the multitude who rejoice at your appointment, to Congratulate you as president of the United States of

America, and to assure your Excellency that I enjoy an heartfelt Satisfaction at any event tending to promote your happiness or exaltation. May I hope you have some recollection of one who had the honor of being known to you some years back at Paramus New Jersey? I have indeed no claim to your particular attention—but presume on your distinguished humanity, and benevolence to distress. The late American war has in its consequences proved ruinous to My family, darkened My prospects of providing for my fatherless Children, and Marked Me the Child of Misfortune. My Second Son Charles aged twenty one years, a youth of Spirit, Sobriety and honesty, writes a legible hand, and good accountant qualified for a Clerk in an office—or in the Military line being acquainted with Tacticks. I am destitute of the requisite to push him forward in life, and humbly request that in the arraignment of appointments your Excellency would cast a thought on him, which would relieve my anxious breast, and confer a lasting obligation on a Lad of good morals and Character who looks up to you. I should be at a loss how to Apologize for my addresssing you on this Occasion—were I not convinced of your great Sensibility and inclination to do good. for this purpose may your valuable life be long preserved, and the choistest Gifts of heaven be your reward, prays your Excellencys petitioner and Most Obedient respectful Humble Servant

Lydia Watkins


Title: To George Washington from William Powell, 6 May 1789
From: Powell, William
To: Washington, George

Sir
New York May 6. 1789

Your Memorialist convinced of the necessity of Appointing Officers of Honesty, Industry, and Abilities, under the present Constitution for the Collection of the Revenues in all the United States—Begs leave to Offer his Services, as Weighmaster & Gauger or Surveyor, for the District of said New Haven not doubting but his character & abilities will be found adequate to the appointment The Senators of our State Col. Wadsworth or Col. Humphries, have some knowlidge of my Situation—In hopes of meeting your approbation, your Memorialist—Sir will ever pray

Wm Powell


Title: From George Washington to Abraham Baldwin, 7 May 1789
From: Washington, George
To: Baldwin, Abraham

Sir,
New York May 7th 1789.

I have duly received your letter of the 30th of April, containing the resignation of your seat at the general Board of Commissioners

for finally adjusting all accounts between the United States and the individual States; and shall cause it to be filed in the proper office as soon as the necessary arrangemt of departments shall have been made. I am, with great esteem, Sir, Your most Obedt Servt

Go: Washington


Title: To George Washington from Richard Harrison, 8 May 1789
From: Harrison, Richard
To: Washington, George

Sir
New York 8th May 1789

I some time ago through the Medium of my friend Coll Harrison, with diffidence took the liberty of offering my self for Employment under the Goverment to the administration of which your Excellency has been unanimously called. However disagreeable to speak of oneself I would now beg permission briefly to state the grounds on which I thus presumed.
Although I was never honored with a direct or regular appointment from Congress, I for more than five Years, under the Authority of Mr Jay, acted as Agent for the Public, and, in reality discharged all the duties of a Consul at the Port of Cadiz. To these duties I necessarily and cheerfully devoted a great portion of my time. Far from recieving or requiring any pecuniary reward I not only purchased and shipped off a large Quantity of Cloathing free of every Charge, but was, during almost that whole period, in actual and considerable advances of Money, on which, in like manner, I never was paid Commission or common Interest even. Suffer me to add that the Expences to which

this Situation exposed me, and which in consequence of it I actually incurred, amounted to a Sum that, did I now possess it, would possibly prevent the present Intrusion. These were sacrifices that I concieved the then Circumstances of my Country demanded of me, and my own in some measure justified, but no greater perhaps than any good Citizen would have made in my place. If, however, they should have any weight in your Excellency’s mind they are known, I believe, in part to most of the Gentlemen employed abroad; but I would beg leave to refer more particularly to Mr Adams, Mr Jay and Mr Barclay.
Having said thus much, I shall detain Your Excellency no longer than to observe that, in case I should upon the whole be deemed worthy of Notice, a place in some one of the Home Departments would be most pleasing to my friends and equally acceptable to myself. If this however should prove incompatible with the Arrangement Your Excellency may judge proper or expedient to adopt, or interfere with better titles and superior merit, I would then presume to hope for an appointment in Europe, where a residence of many Years, and a competent knowledge of the French & Spanish Languages, may have qualified me, I trust, to act with some small degree of Propriety. With Sentiments of the purest Veneration and respect, I have the Honor to be Your Excellencys obedient and very humble Servant

R. Harrison


Title: From George Washington to the United States House of Representatives, 8 May 1789
From: Washington, George
To: United States House of Representatives

Gentlemen,
[New York 8 May 1789]

Your very affectionate Address produces emotions which I know not how to express. I feel that my past endeavours in the Service of Country are far overpaid by its goodness: and I fear much that my future ones may not fulfil your kind anticipation. All that I can promise is, that they will be invariably directed by an honest and an ardent zeal. Of this resource my heart assures me. For all beyond, I rely on the wisdom and patriotism of those with whom I am to co-operate, and a continuance of the blessings of Heaven on our beloved Country.

George Washington


Title: To George Washington from Hugh Williamson, 8 May 1789
From: Williamson, Hugh
To: Washington, George

Sir
New York 8th May 1789

It does not appear from any Information in my Hands that Col: Jos: Martin has at this Time any public Commission under which he may be authorised to treat with the Indians.
On the 20th of June last he was appointed by Congress Agent for the Cherokees having been previously nominated by Mr Brown of Virginia. That appointment was for six months from the Time he took on himself the Duties of the Office. It must have expired.
He was appointed by our Legislature on Decr[,] was a Year

Brigadier for the District between the Mountains, the Place for some Time called a State, and in his Military Capacity he attempted on the last Fall to chastise the Chikamagas without Success.
The Legislature of N. Carolina at their last Session appointed a Mr Steel of Salisbury a very discreet young Man their Commissioner who in conjunction with the Commissioner of S. Carolina & Georgia and the Indian Superintendant in the Southern Department are to treat with the Indians. They have taken some Steps in this Business.
From those Facts compared with every Information from the State I have Reason to believe that Mr Martin cannot at this Time treat with the Indians under any public Authority, and that from sundry Causes he is in low Estimation in the State. As an Indian Trader and a man who has an Indian Wife it is probable nevertheless that having an old Commission in his Pocket he may talk to the Indians as a public Officer. I have the Honour to be with the utmost Consideration Your most obedient & most hble Servant

Hu. Williamson

P:S: About to set out to day for N. Carola if any thing on this Subject or any other that deserves your Attention occurs I shall have the Honour to communicate the same.


Title: To George Washington from Mary Wooster, 8 May 1789
From: Wooster, Mary
To: Washington, George

Sir
New Haven May 8th 1789

Permit me to address your Excellency on a subject which perhaps may be thought improper for a Woman, but I rely on my particular unfortunate situation and the candor of your Excellency for my justification⟨.⟩ My Son having been excedingly unfortunate during the course of the last War by the loss of his pay⟨,⟩ receiving his debts in Continental Money, by being plunder’d to a very considerable amount by the British and Various other ways, but more particularly by the untimely death of his Father which left him in a very disagreable situation at the close of the war, and from which he has never been able to recover, altho he has made every exertion in his power, and at present is entirely out of business with a large Family to support; he has been preposeing for some time past to go and settle in a foreign Country, but his friends have advis’d him to Stay in this Country if he can with propriety, for this end I know he has petition’d your Excellency for a Post under the new Constitution but I am afraid that with his fortune he has lost his friends, as is too frequently the case, and must entreat of your Excellency to become a Father to him, and relieve him in some measure from his troubles, forgive a Mothers feelings whose future happiness

Depends on that of her Son—I have lost my Husband, I have only one Son to depend on, and if he cannot get into Some place or business here whereby he can support his family, is determind to remove into a foreign Country and leave me in a worse than Widow’d State I must therfore entreat your Excellency to consider his and my Situation, and by relieving us in Some way, receive from us with gratitude the Blessings of the Widow and Orphan. I am with respect & Esteem Your Excellencys most Obedt and Very Humble Servt

Mary Wooster


Title: From George Washington to Nathaniel Gorham, 9 May 1789
From: Washington, George
To: Gorham, Nathaniel

Sir,
New York May 9th 1789.

I have received your letter of the 10th of march, and must beg you to be assured that your good wishes and kind gratulations were very pleasing to me, and have my warmest acknowledgments. I shall feel a degree of confidence in the execution of my office in proportion to the assurances of support which I receive from respectable and worthy Characters in every part of the Union.
I beleive I need not say that the most delicate—and in many instances, the most unpleasing part of my administration, will

be the nomination to offices. Notwithstanding I have entered upon this novel and arduous business, unbound by a single engagement—and, so far as I know my own heart, uninfluenced by any ties of blood or friendship, yet I am well assured I shall find no small difficulty in advancing such characters only to office as will give universal, or general satisfaction. This consolation, however, will never quit me—that the interest of the American Union shall be the great object in view—and that no means, in my power, shall be left untried to find out and bring forward such persons as have, upon every consideration, the best claims—are the most deserving, and will be most likely to promote this important end—With very great esteem, I am, Sir, Your most Obedt Hble Servt

Go: Washington


Title: From George Washington to John Hancock, 9 May 1789
From: Washington, George
To: Hancock, John

Sir,
New York May 9th 1789

I am taking the earliest occasion of acknowledging the receipt of the letter, which you did me the favor to address to me by Mr Allen; and to thank you for your kind congratulations on my appointment to the Presidency of the United States.
Mrs Washington is not here, but is expected in the course of this month; on her arrival I shall not fail of executing the friendly Commission of Mrs Hancock & yourself.
In tendering my respectful Compliments to both, and in hopes that the present favorable season may greatly accelerate the recovery of your health, I remain with the highest respect & consideration Sir Your Excellency’s Most Obedt and Most Hble Servt

Go: Washington

P.S. Since writing the above, I have been hond with your Excellency’s favor of the 2d enclosing an acct of the Exports & Clears. from the Port of Boston for the years 1787–&8, for which I pray you to accept my best Thks.


Title: From George Washington to William Heath, 9 May 1789
From: Washington, George
To: Heath, William

Sir
United States May 9th 1789

The numerous congratulations which I have received from Public Bodies & respectable individuals since my appointment to my present station, are truly grateful, as they hold forth the strongest assurances of support to the Government as well as a warm attachment to myself. It is from the good dispositions of the people at large—from the influence of respectable characters—and from the patriotic co-operation of a wise and virtuous legislature, more than from any abilities of mine, that I can promise success to my administration. The kind interposition of Providence which has been so often manifested in the affairs of this Country, must naturally lead us to look up to that divine source for light and direction in this new and untried scene.
I thank you, Sir most sincerely for the good wishes and friendly gratulations contained in your letter of the 2nd of April, as well as for the offer which you make of your services if your country should require them.
There is, I beleive, no part of my administration in which I shall find myself more embarrassed than that of nominating persons to offices. The pretensions will be so numerous, and many of them so nearly equal that it will require no small degree of discernment and investigation to hit upon the right—I shall, however, in all events, have the consolation of reflecting that I entered upon my duty without the restriction of a single engagement—and, if I know myself, under no partial influences. I shall leave no means in my power unessayed to find out the most deserving and best quallified persons to fill the several departments which it falls to my lot to supply. With very great esteem & regard, I am Sir, Your Most Obedient Humble Servant


Title: From George Washington to Henry Knox, 9 May 1789
From: Washington, George
To: Knox, Henry

Sir,
United States May 9th 1789

The enclosed papers relative to a treaty with the Cherokee Indians were put into my hands: and as I understand that matters of this kind have hitherto been considered as belonging to the department of the Secretary of War to examine and report thereon, and knowing that you have others of a similar nature now in your hands, I would wish you to make a summary report on the whole as soon as may be. I am, Sir, Your Most Obedient Servant

George Washington