Title: From John Adams to François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 14 April 1812
From: Adams, John
To: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan

Dear Sir
Quincy April 14. 1812

Your Favour of 21. March,  Suggests Topicks enough, as all your Letters do for writing Folios.
I cannot call the Review, in the Anthology “luminous” nor judicious.
“The Silent Votes in our deliberative Assemblies.” I would Scarcely part with this part of the Lectures, to Save all the rest of the two volumes. Vanderkemp, John Adams, and John Quincy Adams, have had experience enough, to have a Right to call a Rat a Rat, and a Cat a Cat, and Republicks Republicks; and Friends of Order, Friends of Order. We all three, know that under Pretext of the vague Word “Republick,” as well as under the vague Word “Order” Oceans of blood have been “Shed.” Undefined Republiks always end in bloody Anarchy; and undefined Order in bloody Possedom and bloody Empire.
Why Should not an “Ocean be Shed”? “Shed” Signifies Spilled, effunded, effused, poured out, Scattered, wasted. “Ocean” in the Language of Rhetorick, Signifies a great Quantity. And may it not, with Strict Classical Nettité be Said that Vanderkemp and John Quincy Adams; and T’other Adams too; have Shed “Oceans of Ink to no purpose? poured it out, with great profusion on naked Rocks and barren Sands?
I know no how the Manuscript has it. But I know the Offices, would make a better Apendix, than all the Apocripha, or than all the fifty Gospels that Gelasius the Pope burned, or than that of Nichodemus or St Thomas’s Gospel of the Infancy.
Do not, I pray you, Send me any Thing about Calvin, or Servetus. I care not a Farthing about either. on the magnificent Cieling in the Cathedral Church of Saint John the  in Spain, I Saw Calvin painted at full length in gaudy glaring colours, Sweltering under the Scalding drops of divine Wrath, groaning and rearing, envelloped in Smoke and flames of Fire and Brimstone, in the most exquisite agonies That nature or Art could express.
 Arius was next to him in the Same horrors. I bestowed a hearty Curse on the Painter, the Cieling the Church, and the Bigots who built it; believing both Calvin and Arius in Heaven. I believe them there Still, and believing So, I have no desire to know any Thing more about them, till I meet them.
When I Say I bestowed a Curse, I mean that I should have been willing to See the Bigots in Such horrors for two or three minutes, as a Warning to others and as a Punishment for their Intollerance.
Adiu

J. A.


Title: From John Adams to Richard Sullivan, 17 April 1812
From: Adams, John
To: Sullivan, Richard

Sir
Quincy April 17th 1812

I regret that the Weather deprived me of the Pleasure of meeting The Trustees and Visitors at your House on the last Saturday of March, where I had hoped to obtain the determination of the Gentlemen, when they would do me the honour of a Visit to Quincy.
I can now only Say that as I presume a ride in the Country would be more pleasant to the Gentlemen in May than in April I hope for the Honour of their Company on the last Saturday in May. With much Esteem / Sir, your humble Servant

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 20 April 1812
From: Adams, John
To: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan

Dear Van der Kemp.
Quincy, April 20, 1812.

Inclosed is a Letter which I beg you to return to me, as Soon as you think fit. It is an Answer to one in which I requested him J. Q. to Send me a Manilius if he could find one to be Sold in St. Petersburg.
Is not the Ratio of Manilius the Same with the Logos of Plato? and the Progress of the human Mind in Condorcet? Pray have you read Condorcets “Outlines of an historical View of the Progress of the human Mind”? If you have not you ought to read it, before you complete  the Skeleton of your Giant.
Your Plan is too vast for my narrow Soul to conceive. You write to me, as if I were a man of Learning. I am no Such Thing. How is it possible I should be? In this Country and with my Occupations? There is no learned Man in this Country, that I know of but The Honourable and learned Judge Van der kemp. Read Condorcet p.185 of the English Translation, “We Shall See Reason triumphing against Violence & Stratagem, braving the flames and resisting Seduction.” crushing fanatical and political Hypocricy.
Page 197. Philosophy itself was corrupted, by adopting the Pharisaical Machiavilian Jesuitical Principle, that it is necessary to Sup the Morals of the People, by false pretences Vult decipi decipiatur.
p. 212. Reason and authority Striving for the Mastery.
p. 224 Reason forming it Self Slowly, by the Progress of Civilization
p. 224. Reason reigned in England first, but not king.
p. 225 Reason compleated its Emancipation in France by the Revolution. Oh! Oh! Oh!
p. 247. Colins Bolinbroke Bayle Fontenelle, Montesquiu and their disciples became Apostles of Reason! adopted all the Maxims and practiced all the Arts of the Pharacees, the ancient Priests of all Countries, the Jesuits, the Machiavillians to over throw the Institutions which Such Arts had established? This new Philosophy was as insidious, fraudulent and cruel, as the Old Policy of Priests, Nobles and Kings. p. 248, explains the Villany of Ratio in her progress, her pious frauds, her juggling Craft, her low Cunning.
p 250. Ratio had things, Priest, Nobles and Magistrates among its Friends. Ratio, was now embraced by every enlightened Mind, even before Tom. Paines Age of Ratio, came out.
p. 251. Ratio produced the French Economists.
p. 254 Ratio had produced Printing and Printing propagated Ratio.
p. 257. Ratio reached Russia Sweden, Italy, England and Howard.
p. 258. Ratio produced Turgot, Price Priestly and the infinite Perfectibility of Man.—Ratio meets with Some Obstructions, but in p. 262 She tryumphs and avenges the human Race, by the French Revolution!
p. 262. Ratio triumphs in the American Revolution.
p. 263. Ratio affronted by a Ballance in the American Constitutions.
p. 266. The French Revolution guided by Ratio.
p. 268. Ratio pure, accurate and profound in the French Constitution.
p. 277 Ratio taught Franklin to rule the Thunder.
p. 307. Ratio rejected all Prodigies, i.e Miracles, by attacking the Testimony upon which they were Supported.
p. 248. He avows all the Devilism of Ratio.
Now my Friend, Van der kemp, let me be Sober. History is Philosophy and Policy teaching by Example. Every History must be founded on Some Philosophy and Some Policy. Now, on what Philosophy and policy is your Stupendous Fabrick of an History to be founded? on the Philosophy of Tacitus? I never could find any system of Policy in him. Nor any Philosophy, but doubt whether blind Fate or blind Chance governed the World, nor any Standard of Morality but the Support and Extention of Roman Power.
or will you adopt the Philosophy of Hume or Gibbon? or of the Pope or of Napoleon?
or The Christian Philosophy? If So; Shall it be the Philosophy of Athanasius, Arius, Socinus Luther Calvin, Price Priestly or Worcester? Shall you take in the Prophecies and the Apocalypse, into your Philosophy?
or Shall you adopt The Apostles Precept, “If thou hast Faith, have it to thyself.”
If I were to write any History I would found it on the Morality of the Gospel and leave all other Philosophy and Policy to Shift for itself.
Adieu
J. A


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Jefferson, 20 April 1812
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Monticello Apr. 20. 12.

I have it now in my power to send you a piece of homespun in return for that I recieved from you. not of the fine texture, or delicate character of yours, or, to drop our metaphor, not filled as that was with that display of imagination which constitutes excellence in Belles lettres, but a mere sober, dry and formal piece of Logic. Ornari res ipsa negat. yet you may have enough left of your old taste for law reading to cast an eye over some of the questions it discusses. at any rate accept it as the offering of esteem and friendship.
You wish to know something of the Richmond & Wabash prophets. of Nimrod Hewes I never before heard. Christopher Macpherson I have known for 20. years. He is a man of color. brought up as a bookkeeper by a merchant, his master, & afterwards enfranchised. he had understanding enough to post up his ledger from his journal, but not enough to bear up against Hypochondriac affections and the gloomy forebodings they inspire. he became crazy, foggy, his head always in the clouds, and rhapsodizing what neither himself nor any one else could understand. I think he told me he had visited you personally while you were in the administration, and wrote you letters, which you have probably forgotten in the mass of the correspondencies of that crazy class, of whose complaints, and terrors, and mysticisms, the several presidents have been the regular depositories. Macpherson was too honest to be molested by any body, & too inoffensive to be a subject for the Mad-house; altho’, I believe, we are told in the old Book that “every man that is mad, & maketh himself a prophet, thou shouldest put him in prison & in the stocks.”
The Wabash prophet is a very different character, more rogue than fool, if to be a rogue is not the greatest of all follies. he arose to notice while I was in the administration, and became of course a proper subject of enquiry for me. the enquiry was made with diligence. His declared object was the reformation of his red brethren, and their return to their pristine manner of living. He pretended to be in constant communication with the great spirit, that he was instructed by him to make known to the Indians that they were created by him distinct from the Whites, of different natures, for different purposes, & placed under different circumstances, adapted to their natures & destinies: that they must return from all the ways of the Whites to the habits and opinions of their forefathers. they must not eat the flesh of hogs. of bullocks, of sheep Etc. the deer & buffalo having been created for their food; they must not make bread of wheat, but of Indian corn. They must not wear linen nor woollen, but dress like their fathers in the skins and furs of wild animals. They must not drink ardent spirits; and I do not remember whether he extended his inhibitions to the gun and gunpowder, in favor of the bow and arrow. I concluded from all this that he was a visionary, inveloped in the clouds of their antiquities, and vainly endeavoring to lead back his brethren to the fancied beatitudes of their golden age. I thought there was little danger of his making many proselytes from the habits and comforts they had learned from the Whites to the hardships and privations of savagism, and no great harm if they he did. we let him go on therefore unmolested: but his followers increased till the English thought him worth corruption, and found him corruptible. I suppose his views were then changed; but his proceedings in consequence of them were after I left the administration, and are therefore unknown to me; nor have I ever been informed what were the particular acts on his part which produced an actual commencement of hostilities on ours. I have no doubt however that his subsequent proceedings are but a chapter apart, like that of Henry & Ld. Liverpool, in the Book of the Kings of England. Of this mission of Henry your son had got wind, in the time of the embargo, & communicated it to me. but he had learned nothing of the particular agent, altho’, of his workings, the information he had obtained appears now to have been correct. He stated a particular which Henry has not distinctly brought forward, which was that the Eastern states were not to be required to make a formal act of separation from the Union, and so take a part in the war against it; a measure deemed much too strong for their people: but to declare themselves in a state of neutrality, in consideration of which they were to have peace and free commerce, the lure most likely to ensure popular acquiescence. having no indications of Henry as the intermediate in this negociation of the Essex junto, suspicions fell on Pickering and his nephew Williams in London. if he was wronged in this, the ground of the suspicion is to be found in his known practices & avowed opinions, as of that of his accomplices in the sameness of sentiment and of language with Henry, and subsequently by the fluttering of the wounded pidgeons.
This letter, with what it encloses, has given you enough I presume, of law and the prophets. I will only add to it therefore the homage of my respects to mrs Adams, and to yourself the assurances of affectionate esteem and respect.
Th: Jefferson


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 22 April 1812
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

My dear Friend
Quincy April 22 1812

Omnicient Jackson Said to me, at his own Table and repeated it at mine in London, that Chatham flattered the Vanity of The Nation and gratified their Passion for War. but that he was a pernicious Minister. David Hartley Said to me often; (it was a favourite Observation with him;) that Chatham was a national Minister, but not a wise Minister. So far, I am out of your debt. I have given you a Jackson and a Hartley for your Sawbridge. two for one. Nay I have repaid you four fold; for either of mine was worth two of yours; for in very truth I have no veneration for Sawbridge or his Sister. With Madam Graham And her Husband I was well acquainted. I have read her History though Johnson had not and esteem it at least as much as “Taxation no Tyranny.” The bellowing Bulls and roaring Cows of Faction, deserve an equal Estimation. But mark the Morals and Religion and Politicks of our own dearly beloved Country. Madam Graham came to America and was worse than neglected: Madam Hayley alias Madam Jeffrey came here and was more than caressed. Upon my honor, my Heart would prefer the latter. My Understanding would be in doubt. Quite a Pyrrhonist in the morals, Politicks and religion of the Question between the two.
Who ever called in question the Military Talents of Alexander, Cæsar, Zingis, Tamerlane, Mahomet, Cromwell Marlborough? Had these no Friends? Bonaparte, my Friend, Rush has many Friends as either of them. Aye, and more than Amherst or Wolfe. Death is the great Friend Maker. had Wolfe lived and Amherst died, Amherst would have been enrolled among Patriot Heroes, Saints; and Wolfe would have been gold Stick and charged with Selling all the Commissions in the Army. Had Socrates not died by Poison he would never have been more than Zeno, Epicurus, Pythagoras or Heraclitus, or Democritus. Warren or Montgomery would have been no more than Green, Mifflin or Knox. Warren, how ever ought to have been more, for he was more, than all of them.—Louis 14th. was blackened by the English, more than Napoleon is, but in Germany he was thought to be a Saviour. A friend of Liberty and a Protector of the Rights of the Princes and Electors against the Ambition Avarice and Tyranny of the Emperor, and the House of Austria. In Italy he was thought to be a Friend of Liberty and a Protector against the Pope, the Emperor, the King of Spain and the grand Senior.
Napoleon does no more than tread in his Steps. He is treated in the Same manner by the English; and considered in the Same Light in Germany and Italy; and in Spain too. Call him what you will, blacken him with all the Names and Epithets of Infamy if you please. I will neither quarrel, contradict or dispute. But Still I will Say he has been employed as an Instrument to defend France from the meditated Partition of Pilnits,  from Several Coalitions of All The great Powers of Europe to destroy France. Christendom from the Intollerance of Rome, and the human Race from that Inundation of bloody jacobinical Democracy which was overwhelming all Liberty Property Religion and Morality among Men.
Our dear Countrymen, “the most enlightened People upon Earth” you know; think themselves Masters of the Drama of Europe and its Actors and Actresses. Good Souls! They are as ignorant as Fisher Ames. How that Warbling Bob O’ Lincoln affirms and denies, applauds and denounces upon Subjects of which he knew no more than the Master of his Piggery.! Nor than one of his Old Apple Trees that he had Sense enough to know, would not bear transplanting from Dedham to Cambridge Common.
Washington had Friends, real Friends: So had Cromwell, and So has Napoleon, and So had Louis 14th.—Which of the four had most hypocritical Friends, which most political Friends, I pretend not to conjecture.
That Washington was not a Schollar is certain. That he was too illiterate, unlearned, unread, for his Station and reputation is equally past dispute. He had derived little no Knowledge from Reading; none from Travel, except in the United States, and excepting one Trip in his youth to one of the West India Islands and directly back again. From Conversation in publick and private, he had improved considerably and by Reflection in his Closet, a good deal. He was indeed a thoughtful Man.
The most experienced and Scientific Officers about him, Lee, Gates, Steuben Conway &c thought little of him: Some of them despised him too much. Green Knox, Clinton, without thinking highly of him except for his honesty were his Sworn and invariable Friends. Of all his Aids and Secretaries, David Humphreys alone has been discreet enough to let no Levity escape him. Never Poet was truer to his Patron.
Mifflin one of his Generals, Hamilton Burr have been very indiscreet. Pickering, his Quarter Master, has at times been outrageous. Now I will give you a little true History.
In the Year 1791 When I lived in Mrs, Keppele’s house, at the corner of Arch Street and fourth Street in Philadelphia, Colonel Pickering made me a Visit, and finding me alone, Spent a long Evening with me. We had a multitude of Conversation. I had then lately purchased Mathew Cary’s American Museum, the Ninth Volume of which, then lay upon my Table. Colonel Pickering observing the Book said he was aquainted with the Work and particularly with that volume of it: and there was a Letter in it, that he was extreamly Sorry to See there. I asked what Letter is that? C. Pickering answered, it is a Letter from General Washington. I said I had read it and attended to it. You my Friend Rush, by looking into the 282d. page of that 9th. Volume will find a Letter from George Washington dated Mount Vernon July 31st. 1788. Col Pickering Said he was extreamly Sorry to See that Letter in print. I asked him why? What do you See amiss in it? what harm will it do? Col Pickering, Said it will injure General Washings Character. How will it injure him? Stratagems are lawful in War. Colonel Pickering answered me, it will hurt his moral Character. He has been generally thought to be honest and I own I thought his Morals were good, but that Letter is false and I know it to be So. I know him to be vain and weak and ignorant, but I thought he was well meaning: but that Letter is a Lye and I know it to be so. I objected and queried. Pickering explained, and descended to particulars. He Said it was false in Washingt. to pretend, that he had meditated before hand to deceive the Ennemy, and to that End to deceive the Officers and Soldiers of his own Army; that he had Seriously meditated an Attack upon New York, for near a twelve month and had made preparations at an immense Expence for that purpose. Washington never had a thought of marching to the South ward, till The Count de Grasses Fleet appeared upon the Coast. He knew it, and Washington knew it. consequently that Letter was an a great disgrace. As I had never before heard Washingtons Veracity assailed, I was uneasy, and argued and queried with him. But Pickering persisted, repeated, and urged Fasts, and orders which I knew nothing of, and could not answer. But he dwelt with most delight on Washingtons Ignorance, Weakness and Vanity. He was So ignorant, that he had never read any Thing, not even on military Affairs: he could not write A Sentence of Grammar, nor Spell his Words. &c &c &c. To this I objected. I had been in Congress with Washington in 1774 and in May and part of June  1775 and had heard and read all his Letters to Congress in 1775. 1776. 1777, and had formed a very different Opinion of his litterary Talent. His Letters were well written and well Spelled. Pickering replied “he did not write them, he only copied them.” Who did write them? “His Secretaries and Aids, and I think he mentioned Reed Harrison and Tilghman. Pickering had come from Wioming to Solicit Employment, as I Suppose. he obtained the Post office, the Secretaryship of War and of State under Washington, who could not Spell or write Grammar but would lie. General Knox who was his Friend told me, he had a dreadfull Task, that was his Phrase, to get Washington and Hamilton to consent to his appointment to any Thing. Pickering in his Letter to Governor Sullivan, acknowledges that Washington knew him, and that he told him when he made him Secretary of State that he had offered the Place to others whom he mentioned to Pickering but Pickering did not mention to the Publick. (I conjecture Chancellor Livinston and Mr Madison were the Persons).
Pickering however drudged on, as Post Master and as Secretary under a President who could not Spell, nor write Grammar, but yet would lie, till 1797 when I was chosen P. of U.S. I had never had much intercourse with any of the Secretaries of Department: but now it became my duty to look into them. Washington had appointed them and I knew it would turn the World Upside down if I removed any one of them. I had then no particular objection against any of them. I called at the Treasury and conversed with Wolcott. I called at the office of State and conversed with Pickering. I was now elected and Washington, upon the Point of his Departure from Philadelphia. Pickering, to my utter Astonishment began to talk about Washington in the Same Strain as in Mrs Keppeles House, Six or Seven Years before. He said “Washington was So extreamly illiterate! He could not write a Sentence without mispelling Some Word; nor three parragraphs with out false grammar.”— I was displeased at this ill nature, and astonished that after So many Years Service under Washington he should have retained the Same malevolence and Contempt which he had indulged So foolishly in my presence Six or Seven Years before. I took no other notice of his Indiscretion, however, than to Say, with the Utmost mildness “Coll Pickering you Seem to me to be too much prejudiced. Washington certainly was not So extreamly illiterate as you represent him; his Letters and publick performances Show him quite otherwise. Pickering replied, very Sharply “He did not write them.” I asked who did? He answered “His Aids and Secretaries; in the Army his Secretaries and aids wrote his Letters; the best of them were written by Colonel Harrison &c.” I Said from all the conversations I had held with him from the Year 1774, he appeared to me to have a good deal of Information. “Information?” Said Pickering “he had never read any Thing; not even on the Military Art; he told me he had never read any Thing but (I forget what, probably Sims’s military Guide)” “He never had read Muller.”
This is the Colonel Pickering, who is now holding himself up, as the Friend and Admirer and Lover of Washington; a Member of the Washington benevolent Societies, affiliated with Societies under the Same Appellation, and for the Same purposes in Canada.
This is the Same Colonel Pickering who has opened his Tyger Jaws upon me in the Newspapers, and represented me to the Universe as having Sacrificed him to a corrupt bargain with Samuel and Robert Smith
I do not Stand on equal Ground with Mr Pickering. A President of U.S. cannot vindicate himself without Setting a dangerous Example. I have written however to the Smiths, and inclose the Correspondence. Give me your advice. Shall I meet this rancorous Caitiff, in the Newspapers? Return to me, the Correspondence with the Smiths by the Post.
Adieu

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Elizabeth Erving Bowdoin, 27 April 1812
From: Adams, John
To: Bowdoin, Elizabeth Erving

Madam
Quincy April 27. 1812

I pray you to accept my most respectful Thanks for the present You have been So obliging as to Send me of the Testimonies of Mr Harris and Mr Buckminster to the Character and Merits of Mr Bowdoin; especialy for the elegant Copy of that very useful Work  the Advice to Shepherds than which a more patritic present could Scarcely have been made to this Country. Though I was acquainted with this Volume and had esteemed and recomended it, I value it more highly as an expression of Rememberance from a Family, which for so long  a Tract of years I have held in Esteem and respect.
I wish you Madam, every Blessing and every Comfort that this World and this Country can Afford, and when nature and providence Shall ordain it, an easy and a tryumphant Transit to another and a better,
I have the Honour to be Madam, with great respect your obliged and obedient Servant—

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from James Monroe, 27 April 1812
From: Monroe, James
To: Adams, John

Sir
Washington April 27. 1812.

An accident lately occurr’d which has given me great concern. The inclosed letter was received, with many others, several from your son at St Petersburg, & laid before me in the dept. of State. I opend it, without looking at the Superscription. On reading a line or two, I perceived the error I had committed, & searching for the address found the envelopes of two letters, one addressed to you, & the other to your son Thomas. I plac’d them immediately in their present form, not even knowing whether it is that in which they were received. I need not add that their contents, except as above stated, are entirely unknown to me. I regret extremely this accident, for which I can offer no apology, other, than a faithful statment of the facts attending it.
I have the honor to be with great consideration & respect your very obt / servant

Jas: MonroeIt is proper to add that there was no other letter or paper addressed either to you or your son Thomas.


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Rush, April 1812
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

my Dear Old friend,
Philadelphia April 1812

In  giving  the history of the Controversies in which I was engaged in the military hospitals, and from which I suffered Abuse, and incurred the lasting resentment of the Character you allow you in your last letter, I neglected to mention  in addition to the Change which my resignation produced in the expenses and Order of the military hospitals, that my Zeal and Sufferings in behalf of the sick soldiers produced another event the history of which is not known. Walking on an afternoon near the Barracks in which the mutinous Pennsylvania line had taken refuge in our city at the Close of the War, I met with two or three of the leaders of their body. I entered into conversation with them, and remonstrated against their Conduct, and urged them to lay down their Arms & to make peace with the Government. They listned with attention  to my Advice, and After a While, one of them said “Will the Government accept of our Submission without punishing us?” I said I believed this would be the case, but that I could in a short time satisfy them upon this Subject. I went hastily to Mr Dickinson’s who was then President of the executive Counsil of our state & informed him of what had passed with the heads of the Mutineers. He seized the idea of procuring their pardon immediately with Avidity, and requested me to return to them immediately with an assurance from him that if they would lay down thier arms, and man leave  the city that night for Lancaster as soon as possible, he would be thier intercessor with the general government, and that he had no doubt of his success. I returned with quick steps to the Barracks & requested who delivered  Mr Dickinson’s message to the persons above mentioned. They immediately convened all the Pennsylvania line, and addressed them in a manner suited to the Objects they had in view. Some of them said, “what Security have we that Mr Dickinson does not mean to entrap us?” Here said one of the leaders of the Mutiny—“here is his our  security. This is Dr Rush. I know him well—he is a the Soldiers friend”—alluding to my attention to sympathy with thier Sufferings and my Sufferings on thier Account. “Will he go with us, said they to the Presidents.” &c? Yes said I, I will—They then placed me with thier leaders in thier front, and followed us to the house of Mr D:—who came out And upon a table with a Servant with a Candle in his hand, and addressed the troops in a pathetic and sensible Speech, & repeated his assurances to them of his determination to procure if possible thier pardon. They gave him three Cheers, and then marched from his door with a field Officer previously kept in readiness for the purpose, to Lancaster. Say my friend—was not this triumph over prejudice, and mutiny an ample reward for all I suffered from head quarters  for my Attachment to the Cause of justice and humanity? The Soldiers were all pardoned agreeably to the encouragement given to them to expect it.
Yes—Sir, I have more than once heard Col: P: relate anecdotes of the Character you have alluded to, intended to show his weakness and incapacity to fill the station he occupied in the Army. One of them I can never forget.  When fortified in an impregnable Situation upon  the heights of White Marsh in order to he proposed to Col: P: to  reinforce his picket guard which was retreating before Genl: Howe’s Army. He was protested “Do you wish said the Colonel to bring on a general engagement?” no I do not said the General—then why  Colonel. His Advice had the desired effect.  Genl: Howe retired, and thereby acknowledged our Army and Country to be invincible. Had  he army been met  on a plain, a defeat and perhaps the submission of our Country would probably have been the Consequences.—
It is said the Revd Dr Mason has been persuaded not to publish the life of Hamilton, least it should injure the fame of  your “Character”. Copies it is said of most of his popular letters, messages, addresses &c have been found in Col: Hamilton’s hand writing among his Other papers.
The  Detractors from  the fame of most military men have been thier enemies—the Detractors from the fame of your “Character,” are his personal friends, most of whom have lived in his family, and received favors from him.
With all the Crimes justly ascribed to Bonaparte—who has ever called in question his military talents? And yet he has not a personal friend upon the face of the earth.
The loudest Eulogists of the military Character of Genl: Wolfe were his personal friends.—
Let this letter follow my last in being totally destroyed.—
The World was made for the Artful  & the bold.” “It is all title page”—According to Dr: Young “it has no contents”
Adieu! ever yours—

Benjn: Rush


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Jefferson, 3 May 1812
From: Adams, John
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir
Quincy May 3. 1812

I wrote you on the first of this month acknowledging the receipt of your “Proceedings” &c and now repeat my thanks for it. It is as masterly a pamphlet as ever I have read; and every way worthy of the Mind that composed and the pen which commited it to writing. There is witt and fancy and delicate touches of Satyr enough in it to make it entertaining while the profusion of learning the close reasoning and accurate Criticism must have required a Patience of Investigation that at your Age is very uncommon.
On the Second of the Month your Letter of the 20. of April was Sent me from the Post Office. How it was Seperated from the pamphlet I know not. I thank you for the Account of the Wabash Prophet. Macpherson parson Austin and Abraham Brown made themselves sufficiently known to me when I was in the Government. They all assumed the Character of Ambassadors extraordinary from The Almighty: but as I required miracles in proof of their Credentials, and they did not perform any, I never gave publick Audience to either of them.
Though I have long acknowledged your Superiority in most branches of Science and Litterature; I little thought of being compelled to confess it in Biblical Knowledge. I had forgotten the custom of putting Prophets in the Stocks, and was obliged to have recourse to the concordance to discover Jer. 29.26 for your Text, and found at the same time Jer. 20.2,3 that Jeremiah himself had been put in the Stocks. It may be thought impiety by many, but I could not help wishing that the ancient practice had been continued down to more modern times and that all the Prophets at least from Peter the hermit, to Nimrod Hews inclusively had been confined in the Stocks and prevented from Spreading so many delusions and Shedding So much blood. Could you believe that the mad rant of Nimrod which was Sent to me, by Christopher with his own and which I lent to a Neigbour in whose house it was Seen and read by Some Visitors, Spread a great deal of terror and a Serious Apprehension that one third of the human race would be destroyed on the fourth day of the next month? As my neighbours are far from being remarkably Superstitious I could not have believed what has appeared in experience.
The transition from one Set of crazy people to another is not unnatural. There were two Gentlemen in the Senate of The United States together for several Years, who became very intimate Friends and uncommonly fond of each other. These were Mr Pickering and Mr Hillhouse. They were understood by the Circle in Boston, who were in the Confidence of the former, to be perfectly united in opinion. The latter made no Secret of his Opinion, that an Amputation and a Surgical Operation as he called it, was become necessary and he made a motion in Senate, for an Amendment of the Constitution which was indeed a total Alteration of it to as absurd and as arbitrary an Aristocracy as ever was imagined. This plan he published in a Pamphlet. P.’s friends in Boston at first gave out that he perfectly concurred with H. in this project, and I heard Some of them Say, that they went along with them throughout. I immediately wrote an Examination of it, and put it into the hands of the Anthologists for publication: but as I had made pretty free with some of their favourites they declined printing it. But that Manuscript or Something else, put them So out of conceit of it, that they immediately hushed it into Oblivion. This Project of a new constitution, which you must remember, was Supposed to be intended for the Arm or the Leg, or the head or the Tail that was to be cut off by the chirurgical operation. I have heard that Mr P. once on his Journey to the Senate of U. S. carried with him from his friends in Boston a Project of a Division by the Potomac, the Delaware or the Hudson i.e as far as they could Succeed, and communicated it to Gen. Hamilton who could not See his Way clear, and to Mr King, who liked it as little. That there is a Party in New England, encouraged by more or less of kindred Spirits in every State in the Union, who wish to urge the Nation to a War with France and to Shelter themselves and their commerce under the Wings of the British Navy at almost any rate there can be little doubt.
I have long opposed these People in all Such Projects: but the national Government by Embargoes, Non importations, Non Intercourses, and above all by the opposition to any naval Power, have been constantly playing popularity into their hands and the consequence will Soon be if it is not already that I and my Sons and all my Friends will be hated throughout New Enland worse than Burr ever was or Bonaparte. If these measures are persisted in there will be a Convulsion as certainly as there is a Sky over our heads.
My better half, charges me to present you her ancient respect and regards with those of your old Friend

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Rush, 5 May 1812
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

My dear Old friend of 1774
Philada May 5. 1812

I return you the Copies of your letters to the Messrs Smith and thier Answers, with my Advice (as you have done me the honor to ask it) by no means to publish them. “Scandal (Dr Witherspoon used to say) will die sooner than you can kill it.” I can subscribe to the truth of this assertion of our Old Scotch Sachem from my own experience. Not a paragraph or even a line did I ever publish in reply to the volumes of Scandal and falsehoods that filled our papers against me for more than three months in the year 1797. They have all perished, and I live am still permitted to live with as much, or more reputation than I deserve in the very city in which those publications were devoured like hot rolls every morning & evening by thousands of my fellow Citizens.—Be assured my venerable friend that your Character does not require such an Appeal to the public. Were it to be made, perhaps not more than twenty persons in the United States would recollect the idle and improbable tale, the testimony of the Messrs Smith was intended to refute. Time and posterity will do you justice, and your Children will enjoy the fruits of your well earned reputation.—Posterity did I say will do you justice?—It will not be necessary for your Children to wait for that Satisfaction. Read the enclosed letters from your & my old ennemy Cobbett to the Prince of Wales. There you will see your opinions upon the subject of the impressment of American Seamen ably defended,  together a just tribute to your Services to your Country.
Col: P: mentioned probably the same things in the family of Mr Henry Drinker formerly a respectable Quaker of our City, some years ago, that he communicated to you respecting your man of ten talents. They, were retailed to me by his son, and who appeared to believe them.
You are mistaken in supposing Gen Green was one of his idolaters, or that he was at all times discreet in speaking of him. His Aid de Camp major Edwards informed me that this was far—very far from being the Case. He thought & spoke of him as you have often heard your Son in law Col: Smith who, knew him better than most men. But en’o of this hateful Subject! We will dismiss it for ever.—
I am now busily engaged in preparing for the press a Volume of medical inquiries & Observations upon madness, and all the other diseases of the mind. The Ancient Roman Sculptors & painters always inscribed Upon thier works when they had completed them. “faciebat” & “pingebat”. I shall say inscribe the same declaration of imperfection upon my work. It has been extorted from me by my pupils. It will I hope serve to excite more attention to the Subject than has hitherto been bestowed upon it by physicians.
The issue of the application for loans will probably check the military Spirit at Washington. The tide of the human passions of our nation for War has nearly spent itself. In Pennsylvania it is daily becoming more & more unpopular. I will recollect in opposing Mr Dickinson’s proposal for deferring the declaration of War Independance Until we were more numerous & more powerful than we were in 1776 you said to me that time by encreasing our numbers & wealth would encrease our ties to great Britain. Late events show that this is the case. The old tories have encreased four or five fold by ordinary population, and an immense accession has been made to them of British emigrants and apostate Whigs who have become wealthy by successful Speculations in Certificates and banks.—
A declaration of War against France as well as agst: England would probably unite us, and fill the treasury of the United States. It would do more,—it would render a War wholly defensive,—it would make both nations feel our importance & it would produce such a reaction in domestic manufactures and internal Commerce as would soon make us a great and independant Nation. But—why have I suffered my pen to run away with me?—I know nothing of the Subject which Alas! now so generally agitates and divides our country. I shall however venture to ask one question before I finish my letter. Do you think if the declaration of War against England had been made last fall,—by which and the public mind thereby been instantly excited & inflamed to the War point, that so much clamour would have existed at this time against embargoes, loans & taxes?
Adieu! ever your truly / grateful & affectionate friend

Benjn Rush


Title: From John Adams to James Monroe, 7 May 1812
From: Adams, John
To: Monroe, James

Sir
Quincy May. 7th. 1812

I have the honour of your Letter of the 27 Ap. accompanied with one from St Petersbourg, for which, as well as for another which I received Sometime Since; and neglected to acknowledge, I pray you to accept my thanks.
I am Sorry you had a moment’s uneasiness on account of the Accident you mention. I wish you had read the whole letter, not for any information in it, but to make you Smile at the little Family chat, which is characteristick of all our correspondence. It is understood among Us to write No politicks. You may be Sure of this, because of 26 or 29th Letters to his Mother, I know not how many to his Brother and to me; not one has been lost. They have been transmitted, through London Paris, Lisbon, Gottenburg, Hamburg, Hallifax; all opened and read which passed through French or English hands, yet all Suffered to pass. The Listeners have Sometimes heard Something not very flattering to themselves; but, like Governor Pownall, in his Certificate in favour of Oats in Germany, they have Said, “Though they are not fit to pass, yet let them pass, to the Army.” We have not lost a Single Number.
In several Letters from your Minister in St. Petersbourg to his Family here, he has expressed a hope to See Us in the course of the Season. God knows We all wish to See him. But I have not dared to ask a question: but am very anxious to know whether he has received orders or Permission to return. He ought not to be four thousand miles from his Country.
With great respect and esteem, I have the honour to be, Sir, your / most obedient and obliged Servant

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 14 May 1812
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

Friend of 1774
Quincy May 14, 1812

When I sat down to write you, yesterday I really intended to write a sober Letter: but fell insensibly into my habitual playful Strain.
I will now try the experiment, whether I can write a Serious Letter to you without any thing Sportive or extravagant in it.
I cannot See with you that “a declaration of War against France as well as England would probably unite Us.” On the contrary, it appears to me it would divide Us; essentially and fundamentally divide Us; and end in no a  short time, in a final Separation of the States and a civil War. Instead of filling the loan, it would put a Stop to it. Instead of either Nations feeling our importance it would convince both that they can do without Us. It would alienate our Navigation and Seamen and make them all british Ships and british Subjects. In Such a case We could trade with no part of the World. Our Navigation and Commerce would be annihilated, which would drive the whole Continent, but especially the Northern half of the Nation to desperation. For they cannot, they will not and they ought not to bear it or Submit to it. We want no “reaction in domestic manufactures or internal commerce” to “make Us a great and independent People.” We are both already, and want nothing, to make it appear to all the World, but common Sense and common courage. We deceive ourselves, if We imagine that our People will become sedentary and turn manufacturers. Where lands are So plenty and So cheap mankind will never confine themselves to close rooms hot fires, and damp Cellars to through a Shuttle or Swing a hammer. Besides, if you once Stop the exportation of Corn and Flour, there would be so little raised, that We Should often Suffer a famine for bread.
You ask my opinion, whether a declaration of War against England last fall, would not have prevented So much clamor against Embargoes, loans and taxes? My Answer is ready. There would in that case have been no Embargo to excite a clamor; and loans and taxes would have excited none at all. Especially if Congress had voted a few Ships Frigates I mean for A beginning of a Navy.
You cannot conceive what rage and horror was flashed through New England and New York by the Embargo and the vote against a few additional Frigates. They flew like Streaks of lightning and hurled Gerry from his Chair; and revolutionised the whole State of New York and the whole Representation of Massachusetts. Had Congress only voted Six additional Frigates and the Embargo kept back one Week, Gerry would have been Governor. These two egregious blunders of our national Government, produced an absolute tornado. The Fury of the Whirlwind was irresistable. It blowed down Palaces and tore up aged Oaks by the roots
My confidence, in the Integrity of Mr Jefferson and Mr Madison, in therr love of their Country; and the Sincerity of their desires to Serve its Interests and promote its prosperity; is Still entire. Of their Genius, talents learning Industry, I am fully convinced, as all the rest of the World is. But either they are Shallow Statesmen or I am a natural Fool. There is no other alternative or Dilemma. Mr Madison has more correct Ideas; but as he has been borne up, under the Wing of Mr Jefferson he has been always Shackled with Mr Jeffersons Visions and Prejudices. But my Friend, as this is a Serious Letter, I must soberly tell you that the Tories of New York and Boston are now retaliating upon Mr Jefferson and Mr Madison, their own policy. I appeal to your conscience, and I Say that you know, that Mr Jefferson, Mr Madison, John Taylor John Langdon, Frederick and Peter Muhlenburg, Tench Coxe, Pierce Butler Thomas McKean and others, without number and without Name and in New York Clintons, Livingston, Gates Burr &c &c &c Sett themselves deliberately to Spread discontents among the People and to by which were raised Mobs, Riots, Routs Unlawful Assemblies, Seditions and Insurrections against me as they had done against Washington before. This was effected by Such a Series of Libels as never appeard in America before.
The Tories of New York and Boston, for twelve years past have been retaliating upon them, their own Policy. An uninterrupted Series of Libels for eleven years, to be Sure have been poured from the Press against Jefferson and Madison, and at last Rebellion or Quasi Rebellion has been produced. An uninterrupted Series of Libels, in like manner had been vomited forth against Washington and Adams during the first twelve years of the national Government and produced  Riots Routs, unlawful Assemblies, Seditions and quasi Rebellions, if not real Rebellions against them. Compare in old times Freneau, Church, Brown Beache Duane, Paine, Callender &c &c with the Boston Gazette Repertory Centinel, Palladium, Colmans Paper at New York &c &c &c. And Say whether the Motives and the means have not been equally honest and or equally diabolical on both Sides. I look upon Cabot Parsons, Chew and Willing, Jefferson and Madison, Hutchinson Oliver and Sewall in the same light, equally honest, equally able, equally ambitious, and equally hurried away by their Passions and Prejudices.
The Republican Party are now Split into four or five Factions, exactly as the Federal Party was in 1799, and by the Same causes and the Same means The Dissatisfaction is universal as it was then. I know you have never read my Defence and my Davila. If you had you would See that it is always So. When a Party grows Strong and feels it’s power, it becomes intoxicated grows presumptuous and extravagant, and breaks to pieces. There is not now one Man upon the Continent Satisfied with the Conduct of public affairs, nor was there one in 1799. What will Set Us agoing again for twelve Years to come? (For it Seems it must be a game of Leapfrog. Once in twelve years the opposition must Ship over the Back of the Administration) Will it be Fate? Will it be chance? No: neither. But it must be Providence, for there is no Man, no Party capable of it.
Who will be President? Mr Madison? Mr Jay? Mr Marshall? Chanceller Livingston? C. C. Pinkney? Mr Clay? or Who?
Mr Madison I believe, upon the whole: but if he does not repeal his Embargo and Non Importations, he will have an angry Stormy time, and if he does not Set in earnest about raising Navy, he will not live out half of his four Years in Office.
This is a Sober Letter, by which an honest Man may conscientiously die. Witness

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Rush, 19 May 1812
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

My dear friend of 1774 & 1812
Philada May 19th. 1812

Your two letters of yesterday & to day have made me serious. They discover a profound knowledge of times past, present & to come. I have directed one of my daughters to copy two sentences from your letter of this day to be sent to my son Richard at Washington who, poor fellow! is swamped in a beleif of the infallibility and perpetuity of the “powers that are”. I know he reveres your judgment. Perhaps the extracts from your letters forevermay remove his delirium. I do not wish to see any of the men you have named in Mr M: place, but if that event should happen,—I sincerely hope his first act will be to send my son back again to Philada and to his profession. All Jersey is burning disaffected. A Change will certainly take place in the elections in our state next fall—but how far it will extend I know not. The embargo is the Chief cause of the dissatisfaction in the Country. The Non intercourse law in our City. Stephen Gerard Who has lately bought the banking house of the United States, and Who is to open a private bank of in it upon a capital of  a million & a half of dollars on the 1st of June, has refused to subscribe to the loan. He even openly complains of the “people at Washington.” His high Standing as a Democrat I presume is known to you.
There are at present not less than 1,000 houses empty in Philadelphia.
Nations seem to be created as necessarily subject to War as individuals come into the World predisposed to the small pox & measles.—No plans of a general peace, no embargoes, no negociations, no Wasps, nor Hornets, nor Pinkneys nor Barlows—nor Appeals to the tribunal of reason, ever have, or are ever will prevent them, while man is man. Peace has its evils and its sufferings as well as war, but from the greater share the passions have in enabling us to support the latter, they are home with more patience and fortitude than the latters former.
I admit your reasonings upon the subject of a War with France as well as England. I mentioned it only as the only consistent measure of the present Chinese System of resisting foreign Aggression.
You are mistaken in supposing I have not read your defence. The first American edition of the 1st Volume of it was printed by my advice in Philadelphia. The facts contained it may be considered indeed as the history of the present times in the United States.—
I write in great haste. Expect a sequel to this Scrawl in a few days.
Yours truly

Benjn Rush
PS. Mr Gerry is agreed upon at Washington as Successor to Mr Clinton, so says Duane.


Title: To John Adams from François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 20 May 1812
From: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan
To: Adams, John

My Dear Sir!
Oldenbarneveld 20 May 1812

As head-ache and high-flying winds do confine me at home I Shall indulge myself in answering a number of Letters—now before me—and make a beginning with your favours. This is allways a pleasant task, which makes me often forget present cares, and not over-anxious of future ones, which maÿ hover around me. You will participate with me in my feelings, when I inform you, that among the last letters, which I received from Europe, there was an affectionate one of mÿ old friend Corn. de Gÿzelear—He continues in health—enjoÿing otium cum dignitate—as a last mark of high regard, which he received from our mutual frend John Luzac was his appointment, by his last will, as Executor, and guardian of his Children—
You are pleased to State, that my last letters Suggests topics for writing Folios—how then Shall I answer yours in a worthÿ manner in a few pages—as you continue  to bestow upon me everÿ time instruction, amusement, and everÿ time what its ÿet higher valued by me, fresh proofs of your kindness and regard?
It appears now evident to me, that mÿ remark on “Oceans of blood have been Shed” originated in ignorance—I would not, or I had made it as being thro error led to the knowledge of the true Signification of a word—But I cannot give up mÿ opinion—that Cicero’s offices were too highlÿ eulogized—Theÿ would unquestionably make a better appendix to the Gospels—than all the apocrÿpha or Spurious gospels but this concession Shall bÿ no means elevate these, to become a valuable Supplement to them. The Christian Revelation can not even in a moral Sense, be in want of a Supplement—I will not vex you with Calvin or Servetus—but tell me—that I maÿ possess your historical Scrap in full—in what city of Spain is the Cathedral of St. John the Second?
I thank you most Sincerilÿ for the communication of the inclosed Letter—this—if I wanted one, is a Sure pledge of your high regard—In the notitia Liberaria of the Bipontine edition is mentioned—that Scaliger ad Lib. v pag. 348 notat periisse Libr. ii Spheræ barbaricæ, et Suffragia planetarum hoc est Libr. vi & viii—
According to them the first edition of Poggio’s apographon had been corrected and published by John (Müller) Regiomontanus  an. 1472 Nurembergæ—
The first book of Manilius has been translated in English by Edw. Sherburn to which he joined a commentarÿ with a history of astronomÿ Lond. 1675 See Philos. Trans. n. 110 p. 233 and act. Erud. Lips: 1702. pag. 523. another Translation in English verses is of Th. Creech—The five Books of M. Manilius, containing the System of ancient astronomÿ and astrology, done into English verse with Notes by  T. C. London by Jac. Tonson. 1697. Quincy has regaled you with exquisite morsels of Manilius—did I know, that it would Suit your taste—I might add others—on the Antipodes—God—Man Luxurÿ—Andromeda—Fr. Pingré is Courtier—Manilius Shall be read more than before—Quincy’s opinion in regard to Turgot’s pilfering maÿ be correct I dare not question it—But—in So far he is guilty—that it was boasted of as his own legitimate Child—conceived in and born from his own identical brain—When at Paris and Amsterdam experiments were instituted—after Franklin’s manner—with kites—to draw the electric fluid from the Skies—when his Successes were enthusiastically applauded and Geo. Wil. Richman’s unfortunate catastrophe at Petersburg—Some years before—recollected—
Do you prefer to read Manilius yourself—I then Shall take hold of the first Sure opportunity of Sending him.
I have never read—I never heard of Condorcet’s outlines of an historical view of the progress of the human mind—I wished to See and peruse it—after your interesting Extracts. It must contain interesting materials—but does the work recommend itself as much bÿ its Solidity as it may do by its colouring? But how much tinsel it has—there is, presumptivelÿ, gold amongst it.
Ask your Son—if he had Seen of “Herder’s idea of a Philosophical history of the human Species in 2 vol.” it is in German—I have never Seen it—neither expected a Philosophical work from Herder—th’ unquestionablÿ a man of great talents—in Oriental Literature I reperused my Skeleton-Sketch—after receiving a Letter of approbation of Th. Jefferson, who coincides with my other Correspondents—that he wished a Similar work published. Altho I have abandoned the idea of it; I did look it over—and discovered an enormous gap, which I filled up, after General view in Europe in 1763—England, France, Prussia, Russia &c
Peace between the Powers engaged in the 7 years war. ought to be inserted
Revolutionarÿ Spirit: its developement
Man, a rational, Social, Moral Being
Scholium—
Caroll progress of the human mind—Manilius, Condorcet, Herder
Social Compact—its basis—requisites—boundaries:
Inalienable rights—Safety of Life—Security of property—civil and religious Libertÿ—
Theories to obtain—to Secure these possessions in the highest degree of perfection to all the associated—
Means—ObstaclesCountour of the Tableau—
Its parts—Executive—Legislative—judicial
Tribunal of correction
Their cement—ornaments—means of preservation: Symptoms of desease dangers—remedies—Encouragement prospect
then follows—Revolutions—
Was I forty years—in a Situation affluent enough—to provide me the materials I wanted, and ease—to work them up—then I might under take Such a vast work—and it should not be tainted neither by the fierÿ zeal of anÿ Political or Religious Sect—neither by monkish bigotrÿ and Superstition—but I Should glorÿ—if the morality of the Gospel, was legible in its pages, and was preached—in an Efficacious waÿ—by my writings.
I made a beginning of revising mÿ Philosophical researches in Some points of Nat. Hist—and then I hope to digest mÿ raw materials on Plagiarism—
Permit me to finish—I remain— / your—obliged friend!

Fr. Adr. vanderkemp
P.S. As I have at present—no copy of the Sketch, I can not recollect if in the art. Revolution in France—I inserted—militarÿ conscription views—effect;—if not—allow it a place—as it is a cardinal feature—
Mÿ edition of Manilius is that of the Bipontine Society of 1783—it constitutes the 2 vol. of Virgil—
Did you consider mÿ Sketch So much deserving to Submit it to your Son’s inspection? if So—I hope I Shall be favoured with his opinion—but then he ought to See the last addition too—which in my judgment is essential—Ask him—what informations he has or can obtain for me—besides the Scantÿ ones in Pallas—from monuments—inscriptions (Arabic or coptitec and if the first—if in the old clumsÿ characters or in the improved bÿ Ebn Mocla) in Siberia and adjacent regions of the incursions of the Arabs between the 7 & 10 Cent:? 2) if he did examine the bones or Skeleton’s of the mammoth in the Imperial Cabinet—and what difference he observed between these and the N. American? (3)
Had I accepted in 88 an offer of Prince Gallitzin to Superintend a colony—of Germans at Cherson—I might have devoted Some time in these researches—Now I must live on gratuitous food—Alexander can not condescend to Send the discoveries of his Scavants to a woodman—He maÿ


Title: From John Adams to Samuel B. Malcom, 21 May 1812
From: Adams, John
To: Malcom, Samuel B.

Dear Malcom
Quincy May 21 1812

Your favour of the ninth of this month, is but this moment received. I wish I had been apprised of the subject of it sooner, as there is danger, that any application will be too late. You need not apprehend Censure from me, for though the circumstances in which I was born, educated, connected & surported, & the whole course of my public & private life has been so peculiarly exposed to Jealousy envy & hatred, & involved in so much difficulty, distress & danger, that prudence has dictated to me, the invariable rule from which I have never departed, never to solicit an office for myself or my Family. Yet I am very far from thinking such solicitations in others unlawful or disgraceful, provided they are not made with any sacrifice of principle or by any meanness of Adulation. I could easily furnish you with examples enough among Judges Senators & Generals of the most unexceptionable characters to keep you in Countenance. There is neither Sin, crime, nor meanness in the desire to serve the public, It is virtuous and honourable to wish to do good. Public Virtue as well as honourable Ambition, necessarily inspire, and excite such aspirations. In so extensive a Country, how is a president to make his selections, but by applications & recommendations. My advice to you is, to write directly to the President, to Mr Jefferson, to Mr. Jay & to Governor Tompkins.
As I no longer feel myself bound to restrain myself from nominating and recommending Candidates of Worth; tho I shall still solicit nothing for my Family: I will write to Mr Madison & Mr Jefferson in your favour.
Your situation in the centre of the Greatest State in the Union is enviable.
Mrs Malcom is entitled to my high respects as the daughter of General Schuyler & to my best wishes, & indeed to my blessing as your better half. Mrs A. & Miss Smith send their compliments & regards—with those of your friend

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to James Madison, 21 May 1812
From: Adams, John
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Quincy May 21. 1812

Mr Malcom was three years in my family at Philadelphia as my private Secretary; and during that time his conduct was ingenuous faithful industrious and attentive and entirely to my Satisfaction. His connections in New York were respectable, and his Education to Letters and the Bar regular. Altho, since the dissolution of that connection between him and me there has been no intercourse and very little correspondence between Us, I have ever held him in Esteem and Affection.
Tho’ without his permission I Shall venture to inclose his Letter to me, asking the favour to have it returned to me by the Post. There will be no doubt many Applications from Persons whose merits are wholly unknown to me. In your decision I Shall perfectly acquiesce, believing it to be founded in pure Integrity mature deliberation and Sound Judgment
And now Since I have ventured to write to you, I cannot restrain myself from Saying one Word on another Subject.
Mr Gerry is one of the oldest Patriots of the Revolution and like most others of that character, has Sacrificed himself his fortune and his family to the cause of his Country. He is one of the firmest Pillars of that System which alone can Save this country from disgrace and ruin: and if he is not in Some Way or Other Supported,  but Suffered to Sink, his Principles and Measures will feel a dangerous if not fatal discouragement, in all this Section of the Union. As I am well aware of the delicacy of your Situation, as well as of the importance of it, I neither expect nor desire any Answer to it this letter,  or any other that I may have Occasion hereafter to write.


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Rush, 22 May 1812
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

Dear old friend,
Philadelphia may 22nd: 1812

You remind me by your wish for a copy of all the lyes that were published against you by your political enemies, of a similar wish by Dr Franklin—he said he should “like to paper his study with them”. Some of his most virulent  calumniation  he said were persons from whom he  had received letters full of gratitude for favors Conferred upon them,—which letters were then in his possession.—Where are those Calumnies now?—forgotten—for ever forgotten—while the name of Franklin still lives—and is cherished and esteemed by thousands.
Swarms of pamphlets were published against Westley and Whitefield during thier lives. They have all perished. But this is so far from being the case,  with  them, that their illustrious names will probably live to the end of time.
The Devil is said by one of the apostles to be the “Prince of this World.” Can any thing better than the evils we complain of, be expected in the dominions of such a ruler?
Our Democrats have declared in favor of a War in a town meeting. I have not seen an Account of their proceedings—but I am told they are bold, decided, and very hostile to the federal party. The divisions encrease in the state among the former friends of War. They arise chiefly from the Embargo.
In the midst of the distractions of our Country, and the gloomy prospects before us, how consoling to reflect, that we are removed by age from the necessity of taking any part in them either in the Cabinet or the field! From this complicated nature, whose wisdom is equal to act aright in them? and if it were,—what party—or what man of influence would follow the dictates of that Wisdom?In  looking over the Symptoms of madness which I have given in my intended publication I find a great coincidence between that disease in individuals and in public bodies. They alike mistake good for evil & evil for good. They alike perceive erroneously,—or  associate fal absurdly, or draw false Conclusions from just premises—or vice versa. They alike mistake their friends for their enemies, and revile and maltreat  them.—They alike waste and destroy their property, and even expose thier nakedness by tearing thier very cloaths to pieces. But all this is no new view of human nature. Solomon long ago pronounced the whole human race to be mad. He placed the disease in the very “heart”-the essence of the worst degree of Madness.
Adieu! ever yours
Benjn: Rush.
PS: The morning After I received your last letter I visited in a gentleman’s Merchant’s  family who complained loudly of the embargo, and said it had disaffected the many of the farmers of our State to  a War. I said you had informed me it had had the same effect in Massachusetts, and that it had acted like a Storm in turning Mr Gerry out of the Chair of the State. My patient mentioned this to his partner in trade but without—my name.—From this Source it found its way to McCorkle’s paper but erroneously stated—The printer says You had written to your Correspondent that the change of opinions in new England  had overwhelmed the “present administration.” My patient who was much distressed at seeing the fact I mentioned to him misrepresented, assures me he did not misunderstand me, but complains of its being conveyed to the press in a  the manner it appeared. It has however excited no sensation in our city. The fact tho’ misstated, is generally known and believed to be true. The above is the only instance except one in which I have ever mentioned a single article of any kind from your letters with your name, except in my own family. Indeed but few people know that we are Correspondents. Your letters & opinions are above being understood, or appreciated by  most people. Time and future events will render time not only intelligible, but  movements of deep foresight and profound reflection.
may 23rd:
I once read a curious little book entitled “great effects from little causes” in which wars, peace, & a hundred other great events, are traced to disputes between kings and their ministers—to the smiles, & frowns of ladies,—to the Creaking of a pair of Shoes,—to pin cushions &c &c. Some future historian will probably derive all the present Commotions of all the kingdoms and Nations of the World, to causes as trifling and Contemptible. They all show as You You have justly remarked that in your last letter that all things are under the guidance of a Providence.—
It seems Mr Langdon is the Candidate for the VP Chair & not Mr G: as Duane reported.


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 26 May 1812
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

Friend of 1774 and 1812
Quincy May 26. 1812

I am Such a miser that I cannot Suffer a Letter of yours to remain a day unanswered, because my answer procures me an Interest of eight per cent a month. I Should have Said Such a Shaver for that is now the technical term and Signifies more than Miser.
I Shall mind no order. You hope the new President, if there Should be one will Send back your Son, and I hope he will call home mine. We had flattered ourselves with hopes that We Should See him in the Fall: but this morning a Letter of the 4th of march informs Us that he expects to remain another Winter in the north, news which pierced his mothers heart and produced a pathetic exclamation that tortured mine beyond all expression “I Shall See him no more.” Gracious Heaven! avert the omen and defeat the Prophecy!
If New Jersey and Philadelphia, Pensilvania I mean, become disaffected, Maryland will follow: for in that State the balance at the last Election were very nearly on an equipoise. The Government must all come then from beyond the Potomac. How much Wisdom and how much Energy will there be in such a Government?
I know so little of the World, that, far from knowing the high Standing of Stephen Gerard as a Democrat, I am not certain I ever heard his name. Is he a Frenchman? a relation of the quondam Minister from France?
The thousand Houses in Philadelphia, will utter groans in the night and all day long from their empty Walls against the late and present Administrations of the Government. How far they will be heard you know best.
Men are at War with each other, and against all living Creatures. Beasts Birds Fishes and Insects are at War with each other and with all other Species. It is a militant State and a militant Planet. All Animals take more pleasure in fighting than in eating. The Pleasures of existence are not diminished by it. Since it is the destiny of our Globe and our Rank in the Universe, why Should a Philosopher repine? Storms Earthquakes, Famines Pestilences, Georges, Napoleons are but light afflictions and only for a moment. There is Philosophy for you! And the only Philosophy that can make men happy or can keep them So  Nil admirari prope res est una, Numici Solaque quæ possit facere et Servare beatum. There’s philosophical Poetry for you: which every Schoolboy knows and believes as much as you, or I. “Colonel Duane it Seems was mistaken; and I am very Sorry for it. You and I respect and Esteem and love Langdon; but We both know that he is no comparison to Gerry in Talents, Education or Information. No Man exceeds Gerry in Attachment to the Constitution or Administration. No Man has more Ardor for Supporting the Independence and Rights of his Country. No Man understands better the Controversies in which We are involved with France and England, and No Man presides with more calmness, patience and Dignity in Counsel, in the Legislature, and in the Executive Seat. Besides Langdon is rich. Gerry has Sacrificed like all the active Patriots of the revolution his Fortune Family Time and Prospects. He is moreover Several Years younger in Age, though older in public Service.”
It is indeed reported here that Mr Langdon will decline: but I own, it is So unusual for an Old Man to resist the combined Temptations of Salary Dignity and Fame, that I doubt. But, if he Should Mr Gerry ought not to have been Subjected to the Remark of the Multitude, that Langdon was preferred to him. It is one more of the egregious blunders of the present Congress, I am So weary of it, that I regret it has another Winter to Serve. I am almost of John Randolphs opinion that no Change can be for the worse. Yet if a federal Administration should come in they would do no better; perhaps, and indeed I fear Still worse.
The Sketch that I have given of all the Republicks of the World is but an History of our own. I called it, “A Boudoir” in which dear Country might See and contemplate her own face & figure in every posture.
Yours Ut Olim

John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from John Farrar, 27 May 1812
From: Farrar, John
To: Adams, John

Sir
Boston May 27th, 1812

An unfortunate accident preventing the insertion in the Newpapers of last week of the notification for the meeting of the American Academy of Arts & Sciences it appeared only in the papers of Monday & Tuesday of this week. I came into town Monday afternoon for the purpose of sending you a note explaining the omission of seasonable public notice but had the mortification to mistake the hour of the Quincy stage leaving Boston & could only hope that the paper containing the notice would reach you. My regret was still further increased when as the members assembled yesterday We had not as usual the satisfaction of having you to preside at the meeting.
I have now, Sir, the honor to express to you the unanimous wish of the Academy, that you will continue their President. Your most obedient humble Servant

John FarrarRecg. Sec.


Title: To John Adams from Pseudonym: "A.B.", May 1812
From: Pseudonym: “A.B.”
To: Adams, John

Venerable Sir,
Boston May—1812—

Having allways since I had Ideas of my own been a warm admirer of your virtues and talents as a statesmen and a Christain having heard with deep regret that you now advocate the present men and measures—which the present majority are now pursuing—I am struck with amasement—that their motives are pure is a thing I wish not to doubt—but if they persist in the present ruinous measures we are ruin’d—If you will read—the leading Demorcatick or rather anti Republican papers in: New-York, Philadelphia & Baltimore you will perceive that the party who opposed your administration are divided into a hundred parts each—denouncing the other—I send you a peice taken from the Democratic Press—(which you may not have seen) denouncing Mr Giles—Senater from Virginia—We see in Kentucky Mr Pope denouncd—In the Virginia Assembly Mr Giles and Brent—We see the Madisonians denouncing the Clintonians and “Vice Versa” In fact we see mutual jealousies a bickering among the whole of these falsely stild—Republicans—when or how it will end God only knows,—your friend
AB—


Title: From John Adams to Thomas McKean, 2 June 1812
From: Adams, John
To: McKean, Thomas

Dear Sir
Quincy June 2. 1812

Our ancient and venerable Friend Clinton is gone before us. It had long been my intention to write to him: but while I was busied about many things perhaps of less importance, he has Slipped out of my reach. I am determined no longer to neglect a moment to write to you lest I Should glide away where there is no pen and ink.
Nearly thirty eight years ago our friendship commenced. It has never been interrupted, to my Knowledge, but by one Event. Among all the Gentlemen with whom I have Acted and lived in the World, I know not any two, who have more uniformly agreed in Sentiment upon political principles, forms of Government and national Policy, than you and I have done, except upon one great Subject: a most important and momentous one, to be Sure. That Subject was the French Revolution. This, at the first appearance of it, you thought a “Minister of Grace”: I fully believed it to be a “Goblin damn’d.”
Hence all the estrangement between Us, that I know or ever Suspected. There is no reason that this Should now keep Us asunder, for I presume there can be little difference of Opinion at present upon this Subject.
When Pultney accepted a Peerage, Some drol Wit wrote
“Of all the Patriot things that Pultny writ The Earl of Bath confutes them every bit.”
We may now Say
Of all the glorious things French Patriots writ The Emperor confutes them every Bit.
There can be no question of Honours or Profits, or Rank or Fame between you and me at present. Personal Friendship and private feelings are all that remain
I Should be happy to hear of your Health and prosperity: but I cannot conclude without one political Observation.
In ancient Times Massachusetts, Pensilvania and Virginia agreed very well: Why Should they be at variance now?
I hope Sir you will excuse this intrusion and believe me to be / Still with much Esteem your Friend and / Servant

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Rush, 2 June 1812
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

My dear old friend
Philada June 2nd: 1812

Stephen Gerard came to Philada from France About thirty years ago in the capacity of a Sailor. Having had some education, and possessing a strong mind, he soon became a master of a Vessel, afterwards a merchant by which employment he has amassed an estate of five millions of dollars, one million of which was in Stock of the late bank of the United States, the rest is in houses, lots, Ships & in the hands of European merchants & bankers. His Character is as singular, as his prosperity has been extraordinary. In the year 1793 he acted as a Superintendant of the yellow fever hospital at Bush hill, and even performed many of the humble offices of a nurse for the sick. With this great Stock of voluntary humanity, to Strangers, he has lately refused to see a Sister with several helpless Children who were Allured from France by the fame of his wealth in hopes of being assisted by him. To his Carpenters, Captains, sailors, and Super cargoes he is always just & sometimes generous, but so despotic, that he once dismissed  one of the his Captains for bringing the a present of a gown or cloak for his mistress after he had sold his priviledge to the owner of the Ship. While receiving an increase of his wealth by hundreds of thousands yearly, he sits down weekly and settles with a tenant of a small farm in the neighbourhood of Philada for five penny pieces and Cents. You may judge of his Religion when I tell you, he has had two Ships called by the names of the Helvetius & the Voltaire. In politicks he has been uniformly democratic. He is however unfriendly to the present  measures  of Congress. His bank went into operation yesterday. It is said it will soon consist of a Capital of three millions of dollars. It possesses universal & unlimited Confidence, founded alike in a belief of his resources, his abilities and his integrity. He is the Robert Morris of the years 1779 & 1780.
Wm McCorkle came to Philada. some years ago & set up a democratic paper. He soon afterwards became a quid, and has gradually veered round to the federal party. He is zealous, intelligent, and has a large Subscription.—
I have no doubt of the truth of Mr: Malcom’s account of Cobbetts Character of you. He said to a gentleman who asked him why he was so much my enemy, He said that he had abused me at the request of three physicians whom he named,” but said added—“he had no enmity to me, and that he believed him me to be as honest a man as any  in our Country.” He said spoke likewise to another person very respectfully of my Opinions in medicine, He believed falsely particularly of my belief in the domestic origin of the yellow fever and yet he abused me in some of his papers for holding & propagating that belief. This was done to please his good friends the tories who were preeminent in their oppositions to that Opinion, and hostile hostility to me for maintaining it.
Accounts from Washington say War will be declared in a few days, in Spite of the opposition of printers, brokers and tavernkeepers (who govern the public mind) in the all the states.
I lament that Mr Gerry was not the candidate for the V: Presidents Chair, and fully concur with you in the high and Correct Character you have drawn of him. You have probably mentioned the real Cause of Mr Langdon’s being preferred to him. “Great events from little causes” will be reversed should he be chosen. It will be a little event (compared with the election of Mr Gerry) from a great cause.
Dr Logan of our city has been indefatigable in circulating petitions against war in and near Germantown. A petition from the federalists is now handing about for the same purpose in our city. It is intended to counteract our late town meeting at which Capt Wm Jones presided;—a man who has lately become the head of that Section of the democratic party which has adhered most closely to Govr: Snyder. He possesses a powerful mind, dignified manners, and one of the ten the talents  you formerly ascribed to Gen Washington that is a “fine person.”—
I am sorry to find from your letter that your excellent son will not return as soon as you expected, to take his Seat by the side of the cradle of his venerable parents. But, dont despair of seeing him. Were I to judge of the vigor of your body, by the activity and force, of your understanding, and the brilliancy of your imagination as manifested in your letters, I should suppose you are far very far, from the close of life. In the language of the East, my whole heart says—live—O! live for ever my much esteemed and invaluable friend!
Adieu! ever yours

Benjn: Rush


Title: To John Adams from James Madison, 3 June 1812
From: Madison, James
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Washington June 3. 1812

I duly received your letter of the 21st ulto. inclosing one to yourself from Mr. Malcom. I return the latter as desired. Mr. Malcom was not in time to be taken into consideration along with others having the same objects with him. I need not say that if it had been otherwise, and his comparative qualifications had entitled him to the appointment, I should have felt a pleasure in knowing that the choice coincided with your personal sentiments.
I can not avail myself, of the indulgent exemption you offer me, so far as not to express my entire assent to the merits of our common friend Mr. Gerry. Though not acquainted with him in the first stages of his public life and less so than you have been, with the latter periods of his services to his Country, I have witnessed enough of his conduct on important and arduous occasions, to regard him as among our Patriots most distinguished for integrity, ability, and zeal for the rights and honor of the American Nation; whilst his private character is equally adorned by the virtues belonging to it.
Be pleased Sir to accept assurances / of my high esteem and respectful regards.

James Madison


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Rush, 4 June 1812
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

my dear friend
Philadelphia June 4th: 1812

In Spite of a Speech made by my wife a few days Ago, “that you and I corresponded like two young girls about their sweethearts,” I will not be outdone by you in the number and promptness of my letters.
The General assembly of the Presbyterian Church have just finished a long and interesting Session. Among Other things done by them, they have addressed a petition to Congress praying that the post offices may not be opened on the Sabbath day. A vote was lost in the Assembly for petitioning the President to appoint a national day fast. It was objected to, only because a majority beleived it would not be attended with Success. Are we not the Only nation in the world, France excepted, Whether Christian, mohamidan pagan or Savage that has ever dared to go to war without imploring supernatural aid, either by prayers, or Sacrifices, or auspices, or libations of some kind? How few men know that man is naturally a “gotomeeting Animal” to use your definition of a New Englandman, or in Other words, that he is as naturally a praying, as he is a breathing Animal. Sailors, Soldiers, Indians nay more Deists, and Atheists all pray by an unsubdued instinct of nature when in great danger or distress. How differently did the Congresses of 1774, 1775 & 1776 begin and conduct the war with Great Britain that ended in the establishment of the liberties and independance of our Country?—They appealed to the God for of Armies and nations for support and he blessed both their Councils and their Arms.—Do you recollect the rebuke you gave Mr Jefferson in Congress upon this Subject?
Our papers teem with publications against the horrors of War. They remind me of an Amendment which Mr: Saml Adams told me he once moved in a proclamation by the first Convention that sat in Boston—It was to Strike out the word “horrors” and to Substitute in its room, the “Calamities” of a civil of war. The latter word he said would alarm less than the former, and War he believed at that time to be both inevitable and necessary for the Safety of his Country.
It is curious to Observe how exactly the sentiments and language of a certain Class of Citizens upon the Subject of a War with G Britain accord with the Sentiments & language of their ancestors in politicks in the years 1773 & 1774. There is nothing new under the Sun in the feelings, Opinions & Conduct of parties whether in or out of power. Your View of them in Your defence of the American Constitutions might pass for a history of the Whigs & tories, and of the federalists and democrats of the United States.
I believe with you that all men who affect to despise public Slander are hypocrites. Sir Thomas Brown a learned and pious physician of the 17th: Century says in his Religio Medici that he would rather be exposed to the stroke of a fiery Basilisk, than of an angry pen,” and yet Anger & malice had nothing to feed upon in his excellent Character. Genl: Washington I have heard felt public Abuse in the most Sensible manner. Mr Jefferson told me he once saw him throw the Aurora hastily upon the floor, with a “dam” of the Author, who had  charged him with the crime of being a slave holder. It is even said, that paper induced him to retire from the Presidents Chair of the United States.
Physiologists teach us that sensations originally painful, Sometimes become pleasurable from repetition. In this way only can Scandal give pleasure to an innocent mind. From experience I can say this to be the case. I review the volumes of Calumnies published against me by my brethren with more than pleasure. They are permanent memorials that the Opinions and modes of practice which I introduced, and which my enemies they have since adopted, were Correct, and that thousands have owed their lives to them.
I need not add that it is now a time of uncommon health in our city or I should not intrude upon your  leisure by such long and trifling letters. With respect & love to all who daily surround your table, I am Dear Sir ever Yrs

Benja: Rush


Title: To John Adams from William Plumer, 6 June 1812
From: Plumer, William
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir,
New Hampshire June 6. 1812

Permit me to enclose you a copy of my speech this day delivered to our Legislature; & to assure you that there is a decided majority of Republicans in each branch of our government.
I am with much respect & esteem / your friend & humble servant,

William Plumer


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Jefferson, 11 June 1812
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Monticello June 11. 1812.

By our post preceding that which brought your letter of May 21. I had recieved one from mr Malcolm on the same subject with yours, and by the return of the post had stated to the President my recollections of him. but both of your letters were probably too late; as the appointment had been already made, if we may credit the newspapers.
You ask if there is any book that pretends to give any account of the traditions of the Indians, or how one can acquire an idea of them? some scanty accounts of their traditions, but fuller of their customs & characters are given us by most of the early travellers among them. these you know were chiefly French. Lafitau, among them, and Adair an Englishman, have written on this subject; the former two volumes, the latter one, all in 4to. but unluckily Lafitau had in his head a preconceived theory on the mythology, manners, institutions & government of the antient nations of Europe, Asia, & Africa, and seems to have entered on those of America only to fit them into the same frame, and to draw from them a confirmation of his general theory. he keeps up a perpetual parallel, in all those articles, between the Indians of America, & the antients of the other quarters of the globe. He selects therefore all the facts, and adopts all the falsehood which favor his theory, and very gravely retails such absurdities as zeal for a theory could alone swallow. he was a man of much classical & scriptural reading, and has rendered his book not unentertaining. he resided five years among the Northern Indians as a Missionary, but collects his matter much more from the writings of others, than from his own observation.
Adair too had his kink. he believed all the Indians of America to be descended from the Jews: the same laws, usages; rites & ceremonies, the same sacrifices, priests, prophets, fasts and festivals, almost the same religion, and that they all spoke Hebrew. for altho he writes particularly of the Southern Indians only, the Catawbas, Creeks, Cherokees, Chickasaws and Choctaws, with whom alone he was personally acquainted, yet he generalises whatever he found among them, & brings himself to believe that the hundred languages of America, differing fundamentally every one from every other, as much as Greek from Gothic, have yet all one common prototype. he was a trader, a man of learning, a self-taught Hebraist, a strong religionist, and of as sound a mind as Don Quixet in whatever did not touch his religious chivalry. his book contains a great deal of real instruction on it’s subject, only requiring the reader to be constantly on his guard against the wonderful obliquities of his theory.
The scope of your enquiry would scarcely, I suppose, take in the three folio volumes of Latin of DeBry. In these fact and fable are mingled together, without regard to any favorite system. they are less suspicious therefore in their complexion, more original and authentic, than those of Lafitau and Adair. This is a work of great curiosity, extremely rare, so as never to be bought in Europe; but on the breaking up, & selling some antient library. on one of these occasions a bookseller procured me a copy, which, unless you have one, is probably the only one in America.
You ask further, if the Indians have any order of priesthood among them, like the Druids, Bards or Minstrels of the Celtic nations? Adair alone, determined to see what he wished to see in every object, metamorphoses their Conjurers into an order of priests, and describes their sorceries as if they were the great religious ceremonies of the nation. Lafitau calls them by their proper names, Jongleurs, Devins, Sortileges; DeBry praestigiatores, Adair himself sometimes Magi, Archimagi, cunning men, Seers, rainmakers, and the modern Indian interpreters, call them Conjurers & Witches. They are persons pretending to have communications with the devil and other evil spirits, to foretel future events, bring down rain, find stolen goods, raise the dead, destroy some, & heal others by enchantment, lay spells Etc. and Adair, without departing from his parallel of the Jews & Indians, might have found their counterpart, much more aptly, among the Soothsayers, sorcerers and wizards of the Jews, their Jannes & Jambres, their Simon Magus, witch of Endor, & the young damsel whose sorceries disturbed Paul so much; instead of placing them in a line with their High-priest, their Chief priests, and their magnificent hierarchy generally. In the solemn ceremonies of the Indians, the persons who direct or officiate, are their chiefs, elders and warriors, in civil ceremonies or in those of war; it is the Head of the Cabin, in their private or particular feasts or ceremonies; and sometimes the matrons, as in their Corn feasts. and, even here, Adair might have kept up his parallel, without ennobling his Conjurers. for the antient Patriarchs, the Noahs, the Abrahams, Isaacs & Jacobs, and, even after the consecration of Aaron, the Samuels & Elijahs, and we may say further every one for himself, offered sacrifices on the altars. The true line of distinction seems to be, that solemn ceremonies, whether public or private, addressed to the Great Spirit, are conducted by the worthies of the nation, men, or Matrons, while Conjurers are resorted to only for the invocation of evil spirits. the present state of the several Indian tribes, without any public order of priests, is proof sufficient that they never had such an order. their steady habits permit no innovations, not even those which the progress of science offers to increase the comforts, enlarge the understanding, & improve the morality of mankind. indeed so little idea have they of a regular order of priests, that they mistake ours for their Conjurers and call them by that name.
So much in answer to your enquiries concerning Indians, a people with whom, in the very early part of my life, I was very familiar. and acquired impressions of attachment & commiseration for them which have never been obliterated. before the revolution they were in the habit of coming often, & great numbers to the seat of our government, where I was very much with them. I knew much the great Outassetè, the warrior and orator of the Cherokees. he was always the guest of my father, on his journies to & from Williamsburg. I was in his camp when he made his great farewell oration to his people, the evening before his departure for England. the moon was in full splendor, and to her he seemed to address himself in his prayers for his own safety on the voyage, and that of his people during his absence. his sounding voice, distinct articulation, animated action, and the solemn silence of his people at their several fires, filled me with awe & veneration, altho’ I did not understand a word he uttered. that nation, consisting now of about 2000. warriors, & the Creeks of about 3000. are far advanced in civilisation. they have good Cabins, inclosed fields, large herds of cattle & hogs, spin & weave their own clothes of cotton, have smiths & other of the most necessary tradesmen, write & read, are on the increase in numbers, & a branch of the Cherokees is now instituting a regular representative government. some other tribes were advancing in the same line on those who have made any progress. English seductions will have no effect. but the backward will yield, & be thrown further back. these will relapse into barbarism & misery, lose numbers by war & want, and we shall be obliged to drive them, with the beasts of the forest into the Stony mountains. they will be conquered however in Canada. the possession of that country secures our women & children forever from the tomahawk & scalping knife, by removing those who excite them: and for this possession, orders I presume are issued by this time; taking for granted that the doors of Congress will reopen with a Declaration of war. that this may end in endemnity for the past, security for the future, & compleat emancipation from Anglomany. Gallomany, and all the manias of demoralised Europe, and that you may live in health & happiness to see all this, is the sincere prayer of / Yours affectionately

Th: Jefferson


Title: From John Adams to William Plumer, 13 June 1812
From: Adams, John
To: Plumer, William

Dear Sir.
Quincy June 13th. 1812

In the first place, permit me to congratulate you on your Election to the first Magistracy of New Hampshire.
In the second place to rejoice with you, that each Branch of your Government harmonizes with you in political Sentiments.
In the third that your State is likely to cooperate with the national Government. For though We may not perfectly approve all the measures of Congress or Administration, yet, as we believe them to be well intended, we should not resist them, at least by force and with intemperance, as disunion in these times and Circumstances would be pernicious.
In the fourth to thank you, for your Speech to the Legislature on the 6th. of this month, which I have read with pleasure. I hope you will send a Copy of it to your Friend in the North, who will be glad to receive it, and will exult in your Election. As I am disappointed in my hopes of his return this Season, your Correspondence will find him at St. Petersburg with as much certainty as ever.
It is to be regretted, that so many of the Sons of our good old Mother-Massachusetts, whom I love with a fillial Affection, should be disposed to be contumacious. Yet I cannot but think they have cause to be aggrived, on account of the Restrictions on their Commerce, and especially for the obstinate refusal of all reasonable preparations for maritime Operations and defence. Let us hope however for better measures in a Short time and endeavour to promote them. As my aged and Respected Friend Mr. Langdon declines the Election as V.P. I hope Mr Gerrys very long and faithful Services, his great Sacrifices and long Sufferings will not be neglected. No Man has better qualifications or Superiour Merits. I am, Sir, with much esteem and respect, your Friend and humble / Servant

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Thomas McKean, 13 June 1812
From: McKean, Thomas
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir,
Philadelphia. June 13th. 1812.

On my return from a tour to the State of Delaware I found your kind letter of the 2d. instant, and thank you for this mark of esteem.
Our venerable friend Clinton is gone before us, so has the illustrious Washington eleven years ago; and I have nearly outlived all my early acquaintance. I remain the only surviving member of the first American Congress, held in the city of New-York in October 1765; and but three more, of whom you are one, remain alive of the second, held in this city in September 1774. It was my fate to be delegated to that trust annually during the Revolutionary war with Great Britain, until the preliminary articles of Peace articles were signed in 1782, which afforded me an opportunity of knowing every member of Congress during the whole of that time; and I declare with pleasure and also with pride, that I embraced the political sentiments of none with more satisfaction (being congenial with my own) than your’s; nor do I recollect a single question in which we differed.
It is true, I was a friend to the Revolution in France, from the Assembly of the Notables until the King was decapitated, which I deemed not only a very atrocious but a most absurd act. After the limited monarchy was abolished, I remained in a kind of apathy with regard to the leaders of the different parties, until I clearly perceived that nation was incapable at that time of being ruled by a popular government: and when the few and afterwards an Individual assumed a despotic sway over them, I thought  them in a situation better than under the government of a mob, for I would prefer any kind of government to such a state, even tyranny to anarchy. On this subject then I do not conceive we differed widely.
My dear Sir, at this time of our lives, there can certainly be no question, as you observe, of honors, profits, rank or fame between us; I shook hands with the world three years ago, and we said farewell to each other; the toys & rattles of childhood would in a few years more be probably as suitable to me as office, honor, or wealth; but I (thank God) the faculties of my mind are as yet little if any thing impaired, and my affections & friendships are unshaken: I do assure you, that I venerate our early friendship and am happy in a continuance of it.
Since my exemption from official & professional duties I have enjoyed a tranquility never (during a long protracted life) heretofore experienced, and my health & comforts are sufficient for a reasonable man.
Our country is at this moment in a critical situation; the result is in the womb of fate; our system of government, in peace, is the best in the world, but how it will operate in war is doubtful; this however is likely to be soon put to the test, and I sincerely regret it.
There is a cheerful air in your letter, that evidences health, peace and a competency, which that you may long enjoy is the sincere wish and ardent prayer of, dear Sir, / Your old friend / And most obedient servant,

Thos M: Kean


Title: To John Adams from John Adams Harper, 14 June 1812
From: Harper, John Adams
To: Adams, John

Sir,
Washington June 14th. 1812.

The inclosed letter was written last March, but by some accident it was mislaid, which I discovered this morning in looking over some papers.—Pray excuse my negligence—
With respect & esteem / Your Obedt. Servt.

John A. Harper.