Title: Pennsylvania Assembly Committee of Correspondence to Benjamin Franklin and Richard Jackson, 22 September 1768
From: Pennsylvania Assembly Committee of Correspondence
To: Franklin, Benjamin,Jackson, Richard

Gentlemen,
Philadelphia, September 22, 1768.
In our Letter of the twentieth of February last,  we communicated the Directions of the House, that you would unite with the Agents of the other Colonies in such Measures as might be pursued with respect to the obtaining a Repeal of the Act of Parliament imposing Duties on Glass, Paper, &c. in America.
The Assembly, in their present Sitting, resuming the Consideration of that Act, and continuing of Opinion, that it is extremely inconsistent with the Rights of the Freemen of the Province, have thought it a necessary Duty to petition the different Branches of the British Legislature for Redress. Those Petitions are herewith transmitted, which you are desired to lay before His Majesty and the two Houses of Parliament, to whom they are respectively directed.
You will perceive, on perusing the Petitions, that the Reasons, offered to induce a Repeal, are very much confined to the Right of the Colony in being exempted from Parliamentary Taxation; little is said on the Inexpediency of the Regulation adopted by the Act, lest seeming to rely on the latter should weaken the Arguments in Support of the former. However, the House think it necessary to observe, that, were they convinced the Parliament had a constitutional Right to tax the Subject, which they never can have, in America, yet they conceive the Act under Consideration is liable to several material Objections, founded on the Welfare of the Mother Country, as well as the Colonies.
A little Attention to the natural Effects of the Act must shew its bad Policy. The Colonies are prohibited, by divers Acts of Parliament, from importing Commodities of the Growth and Manufacture of Europe, save from Great-Britain, a few Articles excepted. They have hitherto in a great Measure contented themselves with supplying their Wants from their Mother Country, to the great Advantage of her Commerce. But should the Act be continued, and with it the heavy Duties on the Commodities therein enumerated, it will naturally induce the Americans, either from the Principles of Necessity, Interest or Conveniency, to set up Manufacturies of those Articles, and desist from any further Importation from Britain. Hence a virtual, if not an actual, Repeal of the Statute will follow; and instead of leaving the Colonies to their natural and proper Business, the Improvement and Cultivation of their Lands, and of Course increasing the Demand for British Commodities among them, it will operate as a Bounty to raise and manufacture them here, to the great Loss of the British Merchant and Manufacturer.
Another Objection to this Statute, which is equally applicable to several others, laying Duties on Commodities for the Regulation of Trade, is, that they are all to be paid in Silver. This Restriction, in the Payment to one Species of Currency, has already laid the Importers under the greatest Difficulties. The Balance of Trade, in Favour of Britain, has already drained the Colonies of that Article, insomuch that the Merchants can now scarcely collect sufficient to pay the Duties, and in a short Time it will be impossible to pay them at all, as the Colonies have no Trade which can supply them with the Materials appointed in the Act for the Payment. A Stop to the Importation of those enumerated Commodities must from thence follow, as no Person will choose to give Orders for Effects which he will not be permitted to land without paying Duties for them in Silver, when it is out of his Power to procure it.
A third Objection arises from the Appropriation of the Monies to be levied by the Act. They are to be applied to the Payment of the necessary Charges of the Administration of Justice, and to the Support of the Civil Government, in such Colonies where it shall be judged necessary. This Regulation, the House apprehends, may be attended with the most dangerous Consequences. Should the Proprietaries of this Province continue to hold the Nomination and Appointment of the Governor, and his Salary to be paid by the People, without their Consent, be certainly fixed, he will be rendered altogether independant of them, and thereby that Check on his Conduct, which is necessary to the Support and Preservation of their Rights, be intirely lost.
The Establishment of Salaries, in the same Manner, on the Judges holding their Commissions during the Pleasure of the Proprietaries, who are the universal Landlords, and must of Course have Controversies in the Courts of Justice with the People, will be attended with Mischiefs little, if any, inferior. In England, and by a late Act in Ireland, the Judges have independant Livings, but the Tenure of their Commissions is during good Behaviour, and they hold Estates for Life in their Offices. Thus they are freed from the Influence and Controul of Power, and under them the People have a rational Surety of impartial and upright Decisions in all Cases where either Liberty or Property is concerned. But should the Judges of this Province, already dependant on the Will and Pleasure of the executive Part of Government for their Commissions, be rendered altogether independant on the Legislative for their Salaries, whenever either weak or bad Men may be in Office, or the Proprietaries, or their Governors, shall think proper to interfere in judicial Determinations, the Liberties and Properties of the People must be in the most imminent Danger, if not totally destroyed.
But the Act provides, that the Monies shall be applied to the Purposes before-mentioned, in such Colonies where it may be judged necessary. Should it be thought unnecessary to apply any Part of it to the Use of this Province, it must appear on the least Reflection extremely unjust that the Duties levied on the People here, without their Consent, should be appropriated to the Uses of the other Colonies, without our deriving the least Benefit from the Application.
Should any Surplus happen after these Purposes are answered, the Residue of the Monies is to be expended in the general Defence of the Colonies; but the House cannot conceive that the Parliament can have a Right to tax so large a Body of the King’s Subjects without their Consent; and had they that Authority, they apprehend the People of this Province have ever heretofore rendered the Exercise of it over them unnecessary, by the Liberality of their Grants to the Crown, whenever required.
Former Assemblies having received repeated Proofs of your warm and steady Regard for the just Rights and Privileges of this and the other American Colonies, the House entertain the fullest Confidence that you will pay all due Attention to the important Matters now committed to your Care, by exerting your utmost Influence and Abilities to obtain a Repeal of the before-mentioned Act, which they conceive to be equally prejudicial to the true Interest of Great-Britain and her Colonies.
They also request that you will not be unmindful of the several Matters heretofore recommended to your particular Attention, with Respect to the Trade of the Colonies to Spain, Portugal, the West-Indies, &c. and that you will omit no favourable Opportunity of obtaining Relief from the many injudicious Restrictions which have been laid on our Paper Currency, the Exportation of Iron, and other Branches of our Commerce, to the manifest Prejudice of both Countries; for the Particulars whereof we refer you to our former Instructions.  Signed by Order of the House,

James Pemberton,
Joseph Galloway, Speaker.

William Rodman,
Joseph Fox,

Isaac Pearson.
Joseph Richardson,

Thomas Livezey,


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from James Parker, 24 September 1768
From: Parker, James
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honoured Sir
NewYork, Sept. 24. 1768
Altho’ it be many Months since I have had the Pleasure of one Line from you, yet as I have some Room to think you are not on the Return home now, as all your Friends expected, I will once more scribble to a few Lines more to ask, How you do?
At the same time, it may not be displeasing to receive Word, that your Son being gone to Albany, as you will see in the News papers, I heard he got well to Sir Wm. Johnson’s, and they expected the Treaty about this Time. Your Son and Daughter Bache you will doubtless hear from, they being now in this City, just returned from Boston in their Way home, she I see is very well.
We continue to struggle along thro’ the World, And if I can make both Ends meet, I shall be happy. I am much as I used to be in Health, and tho’ I meet with hard Fare, I am determined to Conquer my Adverse Fortune, or die in the Attempt.
The Publick Affairs and Commotions you will probably learn from the Papers and others. I do not love to arraign the Conduct of my Superiors, tho’ I can’t help thinking some actings are strangely absurd.
We complain the Nation is deeply in Debt, and yet those at Helm send 5 or 6 Commissioners to Boston with the Charge or Pension of about £3000 sterling per An. which might every Farthing been saved, and all the Business done as well as before, and much more to the Satisfaction of every Officer here. Those besides kicking up a Dust, by their haughty Behaviour, imitate their Superiors in Absurdity, or shall I call it Chicanery. They have ordered all the Money collected for Duties to be first sent to them to Boston, and those Officers who receive Pay as such here, are to send a Power to some of their Dependants there, for them to receive it, and to send it back here, by which Means they are to stop (or their Dependants do it) 2½ per Cent. out of all our small Allowances, besides paying Freight and Risk of the Money’s coming here. Now as the Money first goes from hence, could it not be better paid here without any of this Risk or Charge? And is not such a Conduct absurd; as well as cruel to one who has but a small Allowance at best, and some of that to be decolated from them. I could wish it had remained to be paid in England, tho’ I have never had a Copper yet of any sort from that Office.
When I begin to scribble, I know not when to stop. I have only to add, all our respectful Compliments from Your most obliged Humble Servant
James Parker.

Addressed: For / Dr Benjamin Franklin / Craven-Street / London
  Endorsed: Mr Parker  Sept. 25.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Mary Stevenson, 28 September 1768: phonetic spelling and transcription
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson

Diir Madam,
[September 28, 1768]
Dhi abdshekshyin iu meek to rektifyiiing aur alfabet, “dhat it uil bi atended uidh inkanviniensiz and difikyiltiz,” iz e natural uyin; far it aluaz akyirz huen eni refarmeshyin iz propozed ; huedhyir in rilidshyin, gyivernment, laz, and iven daun az lo az rods and huil karidshiz. Dhi tru kuestshyin dhen, is nat huedhyir dhaer uil bi no difikyiltiz ar inkanviniensiz; byit huedher dhi difikyiltiz mê nat bi syirmaunted; and huedhyir dhi kanviniensiz uil nat, an dhi huol, bi grêtyir dhan dhi inkanviniensiz. In dhis kes, dhi difikyiltiz er onli in dhi bigining av dhi praktis: huen dhê er uyins ovyirkyim, dhi advantedshez er lasting. To yiidhyir iu ar mi, hu spel uel in dhi prezent mod, yii imadshin dhi difikyilti av tshendshing dhat mod far dhi nu, iz nat so grêt, byit dhat ui myiit pyirfektli git ovyir it in a uiiks ryiiting. Az to dhoz hu du nat spel uel, if dhi tu difikyiltiz er kyimpêrd, [viz.] dhat av titshing dhem tru speling in dhi prezent mod, and dhat av titshing dhem dhi nu alfabet and dhi nu speling akarding to it; yii am kanfident dhat dhi latyir uuld bi byii far dhi liist. Dhê natyirali fal into dhi nu methyid alredi, az myits az dhi imperfekshyin av dher alfabet uil admit av; dhêr prezent bad speling iz onli bad, bikaz kantreri to dhi prezent bad ruls: yindyir dhi nu ruls it uuld bi gud. Dhi difikyilti av lyirning to spel uel in dhi old uê iz so grêt, dhat fiu atên it; thauzands and thauzands ryiiting an to old edsh, uidhaut ever biing ebil to akuyiir it. ’Tiz, bisyiidz, e difikyilti kantinuali inkriising; az dhi saund graduali veriz mor and mor fram dhi speling: and to farenyirs it mêks dhi lyirning to pronauns aur languedsh, az riten in aur buks, almost impasibil.
Nau az to “dhi inkanviniensiz” iu menshyin. Dhi fyirst iz; dhat “aal aur etimalodshiz uuld bi last, kansikuentli ui kuld nat asyirteen dhi miining av meni uyirds.” Etimalodshiz er at prezent veri yiensyirten; byit syitsh az dhê er, dhi old buks uuld stil prizyirv dhem, and etimalodshists uuld dhêr fyiind dhem. Uyirds in dhi kors av tyiim, tshendsh dher miinings, az uel az dher speling and pronyinsieshyin; and ui du nat luk to etimalodshi far dher prezent miinings. If yii shuld kal e man e Neev and e Vilen, hi uuld hardli bi satisfyiid uith myii teling him, dhat uyin av dhi uyirds oridshinali signifyiid onli e lad ar syirvant; and dhi yidhyir, an yindyir plauman, ar dhi inhabitant av e viledsh. It iz fram prezent iusedsh onli, dhi miining av uyirds iz to bi dityirmined.
Iur sekyind inkanviniens iz, dhat “dhi distinkshyin bituiin uyirds av difyirent miining and similar saund uuld bi distrayiid.” Dhat distinkshyin iz alredi distrayiid in pronaunsing dhem; and ui rilyii an dhi sens alon av dhi sentens to asyirteen, huitsh av dhi several uyirds, similar in saund, ui intend. If dhis iz syifishent in dhi rapiditi av diskors, it uil bi mutsh mor so in riten sentenses; huitsh mê bi red lezshurli; and atended to mor partikularli in kes av difikyilti, dhan ui kan atend to e past sentens, huyiil e spikyir iz hyiryiiing yis alang uith nu uyins.
Iur thyird inkanviniens iz, dhat “aal dhi buks alredi riten uuld bi iusles.” Dhis inkanviniens uuld onli kyim an graduali, in e kors av edshes. Iu and yii, and yidhyir nau living ridyirs, uuld hardli farget dhi ius av dhem. Piipil uuld long lyirn to riid dhi old ryiiting, dho dhê praktist dhi nu. And dhi inkanviniens iz nat greter, dhan huat hes aktuali hapend in a similar kes, in Iteli. Farmerli its inhabitants aal spok and rot Latin: az dhi languedsh tshendshd, dhi speling falo’d it. It iz tru dhat prezent, e miir yinlarn’d Italien kanat riid dhi Latin buks; dho dhe er stil red and yindyirstud byii meni. Byit, if dhi speling had nevyir bin tshendshed, hi uuld nau hev faund it myitsh mor difikyilt to riid and ryiit hiz on languadsh; far riten uyirds uuld hev had no rilêshyin to saunds, dhe uuld onli hev stud far dhings; so dhat if hi uuld ekspres in ryiiting dhi yiidia hi hez, huen hi saunds dhi uyird Vescovo, hi myist iuz dhi leterz Episcopus. In shart, huatever dhi difikyiltiz and inkanviniensiz nau er, dhe uil bi mor iizili syirmaunted nau, dhan hiraftyir; and syim tyiim ar yidhyir, it myist bi dyin; ar aur ryiiting uil bikyim dhi sêm uidh dhi Tshyiiniiz, as to dhi difikyilti av lyirning and iuzing it. And it uuld alredi hev bin syitsh, if ui had kantinud dhi Saksyin speling and ryiiting, iuzed byii our forfadhers. yii am, myii diir frind, iurs afekshyinetli,
B. Franklin.
Lyindyin, Kreven-striit,
Sept. 28, 1768

Dear Madam,
London, Craven-street, Sept. 28, 1768.
The objection you make to rectifying our alphabet, “that it will be attended with inconveniences and difficulties,”  is a natural one; for it always occurs when any reformation is proposed, whether in religion, government, laws, and even down as low as roads and wheel carriages. The true question then, is not whether there will be no difficulties or inconveniences; but whether the difficulties may not be surmounted; and whether the conveniences will not, on the whole, be greater than the inconveniences. In this case, the difficulties are only in the beginning of the practice; when they are once overcome, the advantages are lasting. To either you or me, who spell well in the present mode, I imagine the difficulty of changing that mode for the new is not so great, but that we might perfectly get over it in a week’s writing.
As to those who do not spell well, if the two difficulties are compared, [viz.] that of teaching them true spelling in the present mode, and that of teaching them the new alphabet and the new spelling according to it; I am confident that the latter would be by far the least. They naturally fall into the new method already, as much as the imperfection of their alphabet will admit of; Their present bad spelling is only bad, because contrary to the present bad rules; under the new rules it would be good. The difficulty of learning to spell well in the old way is so great, that few attain it; thousands and thousands writing on to old age, without ever being able to acquire it. ’Tis, besides, a difficulty continually increasing; as the sound gradually varies more and more from the spelling: and to foreigners it makes the learning to pronounce our language, as written in our books, almost impossible.
Now as to “the inconveniences” you mention-the first is; “that all our etymologies would be lost, consequently we could not ascertain the meaning of many words.” Etymologies are at present very uncertain; but such as they are, the old books would still preserve them, and etymologists would there find them. Words in the course of time, change their meanings, as well as their spelling and pronunciation; and we do not look to etymology for their present meanings. If I should call a man a Knave and a Villain, he would hardly be satisfied with my telling him, that one of the words originally signified only a lad or servant; and the other, an under plowman, or the inhabitant of a village. It is from present usage only, that the meaning of words is to be determined.
Your second inconvenience is, that “the distinction between words of different meaning and similar sound would be destroyed.” That distinction is already destroyed in pronouncing them; and you rely on the sense alone of the sentence to ascertain, which of the several words, similar in sound, we intend. If this is sufficient in the rapidity of discourse, it will be much more so in written sentences; which may be read leisurely; and attended to more particularly in case of difficulty, than you can attend to a past sentence, while a speaker is hurrying us along with new ones.

Your third inconvenience is, that “all the books already written would be useless.” This inconvenience would only come on gradually, in a course of ages. You, and I, and other now living readers, would hardly forget the use of them. People would long learn to read the old writing, though they practised the new. And the inconvenience is not greater, than what has actually happened in a similar case, in Italy. Formerly its inhabitants all spoke and wrote Latin; as the language changed, the spelling follow’d it. It is true that at present, a mere unlearn’d Italian cannot read the Latin books; though they are still read and understood by many. But, if the spelling had never been changed, he would now have found it much more difficult to read and write his own language,  for written words would have had no relation to sounds, they would only have stood for things; so that if he would express in writing the idea he has, when he sounds the word Vescovo, he must use the letters Episcopus. In short, whatever the difficulties and inconveniences now are, they will be more easily surmounted now, than hereafter; and some time or other it must be done; or our writing will become the same with the Chinese, as to the difficulty of learning and using it. And it would already have been such, if we had continued the Saxon spelling and writing, used by our forefathers. I am, my dear friend, yours affectionately,
B. Franklin.


Title: On Sinecures, 28 September 1768
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

To the Printer of the Gazetteer and New Daily Advertiser.
Great complaints are every day made, that notwithstanding Great Britain has involved herself in a very heavy debt, for the defence of the American colonies in the late war, that now they refuse to pay any part of this debt. On this subject there has been a very smart paper war for some years,  which controversy it seems, is like to be decided by the all powerful argument of fire and sword.
This argument, on the side of Great Britain, has much alarmed me, having myself a very considerable interest depending, as well as several near relations on that side the water.
From the epithets of unjust, ungenerous rogues, rebels, &c. which are so lavishly bestowed on the Americans, I have been induced to look into those late acts of parliament, which the colonies refuse to comply with, and to my very great surprize find there is not one single word in those acts for the purpose of raising money to help poor Old England, from which I begin to suspect we are all on a wrong scent. How can we justly accuse them of refusing to assist poor Old England in her distresses, when we neither ask or require it of them?
By those acts the money to be raised is for their own use, not ours. But why in the name of wonder was such an act made? The money to be raised, I find, is for their defence and the support of civil government among themselves. When have they suffered by neglecting to raise money for their own defence? So far were they from neglecting to raise a sufficiency for that purpose during the late war, that I am told the parliament gave them £4 or 500,000 to reimburse their extra expences. Why then are we to fear, that in a time of profound peace, and when every enemy is driven out of the country, that now they won’t raise money for their own defence? This to me is unaccountable; but to send an army to force it for fear it should not be done, is still more unaccountable.
As to their civil government, I have ever understood it is more effectually supported there than in any other part of his Majesty’s dominions. My countrymen, we are all by the nose: there is a snake in the grass: give yourselves but the trouble to look at those acts, and reflect one moment as I have done, and you will at once see that we are all set by the ears; for we know not what. But by your leave I will venture to hint, for your consideration, a very common custom among pickpockets, i.e. A thief cries catch thief. My reason for this surmise is, from what I have hinted, you at once see we are to have none of this money to ease our taxes: it will be of no use to the Americans, otherwise they would consent to it. Who then is to have the prize we are fighting for? To which I will venture to make answer, Friends and Favourites; for by those acts you will find, that the money raised is put under the direction of the Crown, to pay (or give) to as many of what officers it pleases to appoint in America; all which appointments and salaries, it is well known, are made and concluded upon by the King’s Ministers.
Whoever therefore will give themselves the trouble to look at these acts, which the Americans refuse to comply with, will at once see the whole is a piece of ministerial policy, designed not for the good of Great Britain or her colonies, but for an American establishment, whereby they may be able to provide for friends and favourites.
The Irish establishment has been much talked of as a sinecure for friends and favourites, and cast-off mistresses; but this American establishment promises a more ample provision for such-like purposes. That this is the truth of the case, every one that will give himself the trouble must see, unless troubled with the present very polite disorder of being short-sighted.
Expositor.


Title: Anthony Todd to Benjamin Franklin and John Foxcroft, 4 October 1768
From: Todd, Anthony
To: Franklin, Benjamin,Foxcroft, John

Extract of a Letter from Anth Todd Esqr. to Messrs. Franklin and Foxcroft Dated General Post Office October 4th. 1768.
You will see by the inclosed Abstract of a Clause relating to Ship Letters what steps have been lately taken to carry the same effectually into execution, and the Honourable Commissioners of the Customs have been pleased to direct their Officers here not to permit any Ship or Vessel to break Bulk or make Entry until their Letters are delivered, and I make no doubt, when you have represented this Matter, which is for Universal Benefit, to the Commissioners of the Customs for America, or the Officers under them, they will readily lend the same Assistance, though I hope proper care has already been taken to enforce this Clause at the several Ports within your District upon the Act of the 5th. of His present Majesty taking place.

Endorsed: 12th. July 1769. Letter Anthony Todd Esq relative to Ship Letters
Lett datd 26th. July 1769.
Post Office
11 Jan 1769


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, 5 October 1768
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Deborah

My dear Child,
London, Oct. 5. 1768
It feels very strange to me to have Ships and Packets come in, and no Letters from you. But I do not complain of it, because I know the reason is, my having written to you that I was coming home. That you may not have the same disagreable Sensation, I write this Line, tho’ I have written largely by the late Ships, and therefore have little left to say. I have lately been in the Country to spend a few Days at Friends Houses, and to breathe a little fresh Air. I have made no very long Journey this Summer as usual, finding my self in very good Health, a greater Share of which I believe few enjoy at my time of Life, but we are not to expect it will be always Sunshine. Cousin Folger, who is just arriv’d from Boston, tells me he saw our Son and Daughter Bache at that Place,  and that they were going farther, being very well, which I was glad to hear. My Love to them and all Friends, from Your ever affectionate Husband
B Franklin


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to William Franklin, 5 October 1768
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, William

October 5, 1768.
The Harvest here is well got in, and is said to be a plentiful one; tho’ I never knew so wet a Summer. No great Matters have been in Agitation lately, this not being a Season of much Business. The sending a new Chief Governor to Virginia in the Place of Sir Jeffery Amherst, made a Noise for a while, but the Public seems generally satisfied that the Measure in itself was a right one, and that Sir Jeffery’s Friends are in the wrong to make such a Clamour about it, if indeed they are his Friends that make the Clamour. Something affronting in the Circumstances is however suppos’d by some but deny’d by others, and perhaps the chief Thing he has to complain of is, that the Change was made a little hastily, and before any Equivalent was given him. Wilkes is extinguished. I am sorry to see in the American Papers that some People there are so indiscreet as to distinguish themselves in applauding his No. 45, which I suppose they do not know was a Paper in which their King was personally affronted, whom I am sure they love and honour. It hurts you here with sober sensible Men, when they see you so easily infected with the Madness of English Mobs.
The King of Denmark at present engrosses all the Conversation. That young Monarch gains daily on the Affections of this Nation by his great Affability and Condescension, and the Pleasure he appears to take in every thing he sees, and in every Amusement and Entertainment contrived for him here. I had seen him at the Ridotto and had no Expectation of seeing him again; but on Friday last I receiv’d a very polite Card from Baron Diede his Minister here expressing that the Prince of Travendahl (the King’s travelling Name) desired much to make an Acquaintance with me, and had ordered him to invite me to his Table for Saturday at St. James’s. I went accordingly, and was most graciously receiv’d. He was pleased to say that he had long desired to see and converse with me. The Questions he asked were such as shew’d an inquisitive Mind and a good Understanding. I was placed near him at Table, only Lord Moreton being between us, who was so good as to be my Interpreter, I not chusing to speak in French, a Language that I do not speak well. The King had been at Greenwich that day by Land to see the Hospital &c. Lord Moreton as President of the Royal Society, and Dr. Matty the Secretary, met him there to shew him the Royal Observatory. Admiral Rodney brought him back by Water in the Admiralty Barge, to shew him the Shipping in the River. These with the Officer on Guard and myself, were all the English at Table: The rest were the Officers of the Danish Court. I inclose a Sketch of the Table and Company, with their Names and Situations as well as I can remember. After Dinner the King went into another room, and Lord Moreton and my self were shewn in after him, when he again asked me several Questions, and discours’d with me some time. Count Holeke came in too, and talk’d with me a little in English, which he takes pains to learn and has made a considerable Progress. The King was pleas’d to add, just as we came away, that he purposed to see me again before he left England, and I am told he will do me the very great Honour of a Visit in Craven Street. Abundance of People, during the second Course; were admitted to pass thro’ the Room, and see the King at Dinner. This is only for you and Betsy to read, with your Mother and Sister. For it will not be decent in us to talk of these kind of Things.


Title: Pennsylvania Assembly Committee of Correspondence to Benjamin Franklin and Richard Jackson, 15 October 1768
From: Pennsylvania Assembly Committee of Correspondence
To: Franklin, Benjamin,Jackson, Richard

Gentlemen,
Philadelphia, Oct. 15, 1768.
By Order of Assembly we inclose you the Resolves, by which you are appointed joint Agents to solicit and transact the Affairs of this Province in Great-Britain during the ensuing Year, as well as the one appointing us a Committee of Correspondence,  to whom you are desired from time to time to communicate all such Matters as may be necessary to be laid before the House of Representatives.

The last House having, by several Letters,  fully instructed you with Respect to Paper-Currency, the Change of this Government from Proprietary to Royal, and the Duties lately imposed by Parliament on the Importation of Paper, Glass, &c. into the Colonies, we are ordered by this House to refer you to those Instructions, which are as fully approved of and adopted by them, as if they were herein particularly recapitulated; and to desire that you will duly attend to every Matter and Thing therein communicated as carefully and cautiously as if they were here repeated.
The House having a perfect Confidence in your Attachment to the Interest of the Province, and Abilities to serve it, think it unnecessary to add more at present than to request that you will be particularly attentive to promote every Measure which may tend to the true Interest of the Province, with that of the other Colonies, united with the Welfare of the Mother-Country, and to endeavour by all Means in your Power to guard against and prevent every Thing of a contrary Nature. We are, Gentlemen, with due Esteem, Your assured Friends and very humble Servants,

John Ross,
Joseph Richardson,

William Rodman,
Joseph Fox,

Isaac Pearson,
Thomas Livezey.

Joseph Galloway, Speaker,


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Joseph Galloway, 17 October 1768
From: Galloway, Joseph
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Philadelphia, Octr. 17. 1768.
I have for Some Time omitted to write to you from an Apprehension that my Letters might not meet you in England. But finding by your Favor of Augt. 13 now before me, that you have alterd your Intention of Seeing America this Fall I again Resume my Pen.
The New Assembly of this Province, chiefly composed of the old Members adjournd on Saturday last to the 2d. of January. They have again appointed Yourself and Mr. Jackson their Agents, to whom I inclose a Letter from the Committee of Correspondence. You will perceive, by it, that they have a Sixth Time renewd the Instructions relating to a Change of Government. Every Member now approving of the measure Save the Chief Justice. So that you are not to Judge of the Desire of the House to have the Measure accomplish’d by the Brevity of the Letter which was occasiond by the Shortness of their Sitting, and the fulness of the Instructions of Former Houses referrd to, which renderd much on the Subject unnecessary.
I am much Obliged by the particular Account of the Situation in which this Matter Stands. No Part of it which you wish to be concealed shall Transpire. You really judge right—Should the Petitions be rejected or neglected, The Crown will never have the like Request made by the People, nor such another Opportunity of resuming one of the most Beneficial Governments in America. Their own Welfare will Oblige them to Court Proprietary Favor, and shoud they continue to gratify the People by the Lenient Measures adopted during the last Year, they will place all their Confidence in them and lose all Ideas of Loyalty or Affection to the Person where alone they ought to be fixed. The revenues of our Proprietarys are immense; not much Short, at this Time, of £100,000 per Annum. And had they as much Policy as Money, they might easily find Means with their vast Treasure, so to endear themselves to the People, as to prevail on them to forget all Duty and Affection to others. As to the People paying &ca. it never can be done—nor is it just they shoud. Nor woud they ever Agree to establish fixt Salarys on Governors for the reasons you have mentioned.

It is truly discouraging to a People who wish well to the Mother Country, and by their Dutiful Behaviour during these Times of American Confusion, have recommended themselves to the Crown, to have An Application so honourable and Beneficial to the latter, so much neglected. Woud the M[inistr]y cooly attend to the Matter it woud certainly be otherwise. However, I am convinced shoud the People once despair of the Change, either the greatest Confusion or the Consequence you have pointed out will assuredly ensue.
Two Regiments Commanded by Col. Dalrymple are arrived at Boston, and we learn the Town are providing Quarters for them, So that I hope the Mischiefs which some have thought, woud attend that Measure will not follow. Great Pains have been taken in this City by some hot headed indiscreet Men, to raise a Spirit of Violence against the late Act of Parliament, but the Design was crushed in its Beginning by our Friends, so effectually, that, I think, we shall not soon have it renewed.
Your Continuance in London, this Winter, gives the Assembly much Satisfaction, as there is a great Probability that American Affairs will come before the present Parliament, and they have the fullest Confidence in you.
I have Mitchels Bond and Judgment, and expect to receive and Remit the Money dayly. I think I informd you before, that by taking this Bond I saved the Delay attending the tedious Proceedings in our Courts and shall be able thereby to remit the Money sooner than I otherwise coud, had Mitchel been sued in the usual Way. Mr. Hamilton did Promise him the whole Sum, but has disappointed him. He is now endeavouring to borrow it on Mortgage, should he fail, I shall Enter up the Judgment next Week and Sell his Effects. The Debt is undoubtedly Safe.
As to Mr. Berners Affair—I am ashamed of the Delay, and yet it has not been in my Power to prevent it. I first Set the Place up to Sale at the Coffee House, but had no Bidders. I then had an Offer and with Mr. Hughes’s Approbation sold it by private Contract to Emanuel Rouse, he being the only person offering to buy. He promised the Money in a Short Time, But has continually deceived me—I fear I shall be obliged to take the Place again, and sell it to another, as his circumstances are not so good as I thought them. I shal write to Mr. Berners.
Our old Friend Mr. Hughes is retired to the Country—disgusted with his Friends and all the World—in my Opinion, without any Good or sufficient Reason. This Conduct has given his friends real pain, who still wish him well and woud serve him, woud he permit it. I have Seen him but once this twelve Months and then I paid him a Visit in the Country.
My good Friend Governor Franklin is now at Fort Stanwix with Sir Wm. Johnson, where a Treaty is holding respecting a General Boundary. I have had a Letter from him Since his Arrival there, and he is well.
I write in much Hurry, which will apologize for Incorrectness. Beleive me, my dear Friend, with the most perfect Esteem yours most Affectionately
J. Galloway

The Governor being at the Treaty with Sir Wm. Johnson No Legislative Business coud be done the last two Sittings, so that the publick Debts remain unprovided for, otherwise I shoud have remitted your last Years Salary. Shall I remit should provision be made in the Jany. Sitting?
Benjamin Franklin Esqr


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from James Parker, 17 October 1768
From: Parker, James
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honoured Sir
NYork, Octob 17. 17689 o Clock PM.
Tho’ I am hardly able to hold a Pen, from a Fit of the Gout in my Right Hand, yet I will try a few Words, to acknowledge the Receipt of one from you of Aug 9: giving an Account of my Son’s base Behaviour in attempting to get Money of Mr. Cummings &c. It grieves me to find his Vices still predominate; but am pleased at your letting me know it: for I hope he will not meet with any other Treatment than he may deserve. His Wife died the 7th of this Instant. He leaves me a Girl of 3 Years old: I hope God may spare my Life, till she can arrive above the Reach of Want of a little Education: tho’ I think I shall not be long on this Side the Grave my self. I cannot add more now, but may by next Packet if able: she is just come in. With humble Respects Adieu
James Parker

Addressed: For / Benjamin Franklin Esqr / Craven-Street / London


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Mary Stevenson, 20 October 1768
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson

Dear Polly
Thursday, Oct. 20. 1768
Last Night your good Mother receiv’d the enclos’d Letters from Mr. T. Henckell,  and answer’d him that we should all be happy to have his Company, and appointed him to be at our House in Craven street at ½ after 7 on Saturday morning that we might set out by 8. Our Reason for going so early is, that having the Day before us, we may do our Business and dine in time, so as to be back by Day light. There is otherwise Danger of our being benighted, as the Days are now short, and you know I don’t love Travelling in the Dark after a Day of Pleasure, thinking it like a bad Epilogue to a good Play. The Company now is, Mrs. Stevenson and Polly, Dolly and Mr. Henckell, Mr. and Mrs. and Miss Wilkes,  Dr. Rush,  and your affectionate Friend
B Franklin
The above List makes 9. Mr. or Mrs. Viney will perhaps join us, but that is not yet certain.

Endorsed: Oct 20 - 68


Title: Reply to Thomas Crowley, 21 October 1768
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

Thomas Crowley, an English Quaker and merchant engaged in the iron trade with America, had traveled there enough to realize the strength of colonial resistance to taxation by Parliament. He had been campaigning in consequence for a federation of the empire, with a single imperial parliament, as the means of reconciling colonial rights with those of the mother country. In pursuance of his campaign he published in the Public Advertiser on October 21, 1768, a letter to an American friend in which he combined threats of what could happen if the quarrel came to war with a plea for keeping the peace. To the letter he subjoined the outline of his plan for imperial federation in the form of thirteen propositions, which he said he had recently communicated to the King and the ministry. Franklin composed, or at least dated, his reply on the day Crowley’s letter appeared, and the Public Advertiser published the reply on the 24th.
The principal interest of Franklin’s letter may well lie in what he does not say. His rebuttal of Crowley’s points traverses familiar ground, and is part of his ongoing and essentially repetitive effort to make clear the colonial position. Crowley’s central idea of federation Franklin barely mentions, and then only to brush it aside. He himself had of course entertained the idea fifteen years before, at the time of the Albany Congress, but only on certain conditions; and he had never been confident that the conditions were feasible. In the intervening years his interest had apparently waned so much that he was no longer willing to discuss the general concept, let alone Crowley’s specific propositions.

For the Public Advertiser. / To Mr. Thomas Crowley.
Sir,
London, Oct. 21. 1768
As you have printed here your Letter of yesterday to your Friend in America, and it may be long before you receive an Answer from thence, permit me in the mean time to give you a few Remarks on it, submitting them, as you have done your Letter, to the Publick.
The Disposition you show to promote Peace and Harmony between the two Countries, is commendable: But if you wish to have any Influence with us Americans as a Mediator, methinks you should have avoided giving us ground for Suspicion that you are prejudic’d against us, and that you have imbib’d Notions of us extreamly injurious and not founded in fact. You speak of us as a People unreasonable enough to expect Protection from Britain, without contributing towards the Expence; which is far from being the Case. The King has no Subjects more willing to grant him Aids in proportion to their Abilities. You speak of our “dangerous and vain Expectations of becoming independent,” and say, that “certainly there are such among us.” Allow me to tell you, that you are certainly mistaken, and that there is not a single Wish in the Colonies to be free from Subjection to their amiable Sovereign the King of Great Britain, and the constitutional Dependance then arising; and the charging them with such Views is a cruel Calumny, which you ought not to have countenanc’d, much less to have asserted it as a certain Fact. You bring an Account against us of Eighty Millions, which you say this Nation has run in debt by a War commenced for our Protection; and this join’d with your groundless Insinuations of our Unwillingness to contribute to the Exigencies of the Crown, seems intended to make us odious, as being both burthensome and ungrateful. We cannot take this well of you, when it is known that that War was commenc’d not to defend the Colonies (who were in profound Peace, and had given no Offence to their Neighbours either Indians or French) but to protect the British Trade with the Indians which the French had interrupted, and to remove their Incroachments on the King’s Wilderness Lands in Acadia. We have never engag’d Britain in any War on our Account, but have constantly manag’d our Indian Wars ourselves, without asking Help from hence either of Men or Money. On the other Hand, by our Connection with Britain we are unavoidably drawn into all her Wars, and always have, as it was our Duty, borne our Part of them without murmuring. And you might with more Propriety have charged that Expence of Eighty Millions to the Manufacturers of Birmingham, Yorkshire, Manchester, Norwich, &c. or to the British Merchants, since the securing a Vent for their Goods, and the Freedom and Extention of their Trade, was more the Motive of the War, than our Protection who ask’d for none. But you pass them over, as you do Hanover, Portugal, and the East India Company, whose Protection was expressly intended by Britain, and indeed, highly expensive to her; tho’ left entirely out of your Account, that the Odium of the whole may be laid on us. As to the “burning all our maritime Towns,” which you would intimidate us with, I shall only say, that I wonder how so barbarian a Thought came into a peaceable Man’s Head. This brave and generous Nation can never proceed to such Excesses against us, merely for vindicating our Rights, and endeavouring to secure them by the quiet Measures of Industry and Frugality. However, if our Property is not in fact our own, but may be taken from us at the Pleasure of others without our Consent, ’tis no matter how soon it is burnt: It is not worth holding on such Terms. You farther intimate, that our using British Manufactures gives us no Merit with this Nation, because we must have us’d them if our Ancestors had not migrated, and we had of course been born here. This is an ingenious Argument, which I will not dispute, but only observe, that if Britain is not oblig’d by our buying her Goods, we hope she will not be disoblig’d by our refusing them; since if we had been born here we might have work’d for ourselves, and that is only what we are now about to do. On the whole, as we are not presumptuous enough to ask an Union with Britain, such as England contracted with Scotland, we have no “Propositions” to make, but that she would leave us the Enjoyment of our native and dear-bought Privileges, and not attempt to alter or innovate our Constitutions, in the Exercise of which every thing went prosperously for both Countries, ’till the Idea of Taxing us by the Power of Parliament unfortunately enter’d the Heads of your Ministers, which has occasion’d a publick Discussion of Questions that had better never have been started, and thrown all into Confusion. I am, Sir, with great Respect for your good Intentions, equally a Lover of Peace with yourself, and also Your well-wishing Friend,
Francis Lynn, of Boston in New-England.
To Mr. Thomas Crowley.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from James Parker, 24 October 1768: résumé
From: Parker, James
To: Franklin, Benjamin

[New York, October 24. Repeats the information in his letter of October 17, adding only that his son had tried to swindle Franklin as well as Thomas Cumming, that William Franklin has arrived at Sir William Johnson’s, and that Parker’s lawsuit with Holt drags on.]


Title: Arguments Pro and Con: II, 27–29 October 1768
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Printer of the London Chronicle

To the Printer of the London Chronicle.
Sir,
Having, in your Chronicle of Oct. 20, mentioned some losses which this nation may sustain by inforcing the payment of taxes in America, it is but just we should now inquire into the benefits that may arise to us from the success of this measure.
I believe no one will be so sanguine as to expect that the Americans will not so far resent our conduct, as to lessen their demand of our manufactures for, at least, some years. What sum this may amount to, I shall not take upon me to say. Is it pretended, that the tax, at this time the subject of debate, will return to England a sum equal to the loss we shall probably sustain? No! This tax is intended only to defray the expence of internal government among themselves. Is this an object equal to the risk we run? I think not. It may indeed be said, that by this tax, we establish our claim of a right to tax them; and that we may, in some future time, lay a tax upon them, which will make a considerable return to England, or what is the same thing, will go far in defraying the expence of troops stationed there to keep the inhabitants in subjection. I dare prophesy, that, in this case, our loss of exports will at least equal the amount of the tax. Let us suppose each to amount to half a million sterling,  and less would not be an object for government, I beg leave to ask, whether it is most to the advantage of England to sell £500,000 worth of manufactures, or to receive that sum into the Exchequer, as the produce of a tax in America? By the sale of the manufactures, 7780 manufacturers (See my former letter) will be employed, and will benefit the nation by their consumption of provisions, &c. But if we lose the exportation of these manufactures, the manufacturers will remain unemployed, and so become an additional expence: and the commissioners and officers who collect the tax, being most of them taken from more useful professions, become an additional tax on the Americans: and hence it seems evident that the national benefit is on the side of manufactures. Sir Robert Walpole wisely saw it in this light, and when often pressed to tax the Americans, answered, that to his knowledge, all the money brought into America landed here in less than two years. “What more would you have,” said he, as a judicious politician, “would you have me offend them, when they already give us all they have?”
The mention of the Commissioners and Officers brings the secret spring of this transaction to light. The cloven foot appears. They are all appointed by the Minister. This will increase his power, and extend his influence in elections, &c. However, to throw a veil over the true motive of carrying this measure into execution, it is alledged, that the honour of the nation is now concerned. Mankind have so far learned the wisdom of the serpent, as, I believe, to prefer interest to a point of honour, especially when, as in this case, the interest is very considerable. Whatever the private opinions of Gentlemen may be on this head, the Trustees of the People, for such every Member of Parliament is, should here consider the real interest of that people, and be determined by it. Can any point of honour answer to the nation for the loss of the sale of so great a quantity of manufactures, and the depriving so many hands of their useful labour. We certainly herein play a losing game; and the Americans are forced into measures which must in the end turn to their advantage. These taxes will put an end to their dissipation and luxury. Trade being greatly lessened among them, many must retire into the country, and lay out in improvements and population the money formerly employed in trade, and thus make a more lasting, perhaps a greater, acquisition of fortune; and the manufactures of the necessaries of life must be pursued by them with unwearied diligence.
With whom is it we are to dispute this point of honour? Is it with an enemy? Is it with a rival nation, who may presume upon our indulgence? No! it is with our brethren. It is with a people whose interest and ours are so closely connected by every tye that unites mankind in society, that no error on either side should ever disunite us. They claim privileges which they have hitherto possessed; indeed till now, never questioned. Lovers of Liberty will surely commend their steady defence of what they think their right: and oh! my countrymen, what do we get by an attempt to deprive them of that right? Whatever hardships they may suffer, will continue only till our being involved in war sets them at liberty. Every nation in Europe will then readily enter into alliances with them; and our enemies will gladly assist them in establishing an independent sovereignty. That time will be the aera of our ruin, when deprived of the only commerce we carry on with profit. O Britain! thus to fall a sacrifice to the unbounded pride, and implacable resentment of a few.
A Briton.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Mary Stevenson, 28 October 1768
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson

Dear Polley
Oct. 28. 1768
I did not receive your Letter of the 26th till I came home late last Night, too late to answer it by the Return of that Post.
I see very clearly the Unhappiness of your Situation, and that it does not arise from any Fault in you. I pity you most sincerely: I should not, however, have thought of giving you Advice on this Occasion if you had not requested it, believing as I do, that your own good Sense is more than sufficient to direct you in every Point of Duty to others or yourself. If then I should advise you to any thing that may be contrary to your own Opinion, do not imagine that I shall condemn you if you do not follow such Advice. I shall only think that from a better Acquaintance with Circumstances you form a better Judgment of what is fit for you to do.
Now I conceive with you that your Aunt,  both from her Affection to you and from the long Habit of having you with her, would really be miserable without you. Her Temper perhaps was never of the best, and when that is the Case, Age seldom mends it. Much of her Unhappiness must arise from thence. And since wrong Turns of the Mind when confirm’d by Time, are almost as little in our Power to cure, as those of the Body, I think with you that her Case is a compassionable one. If she had, though by her own Imprudence, brought on herself any grievous Sickness, I know you would think it your Duty to attend and nurse her with filial Tenderness, even were your own Health to be endangered by it: Your Apprehension therefore is right, that it may be your Duty to live with her, tho’ inconsistent with your Happiness and your Interest; but this can only mean present Interest and present Happiness; for I think your future, greater and more lasting Interest and Happiness will arise from the Reflection that you have done your Duty, and from the high Rank you will ever hold in the Esteem of all that know you, for having persevered in doing that Duty under so many and great Discouragements. My Advice then must be, that you return to her as soon as the Time you propos’d for your Visit is expir’d; and that you continue by every means in your Power to make the Remainder of her Days as comfortable to her as possible. Invent Amusements for her; be pleas’d when she accepts of them, and patient when she perhaps peevishly rejects them. I know this is hard, but I think you are equal to it; not from any Servility in your Temper, but from abundant Goodness. In the mean time all your Friends, sensible of your present uncomfortable Situation, should endeavour to ease your Burthen, by acting in Concert with you, to give her as many Opportunities as possible of enjoying the Pleasures of Society, for your sake: Nothing is more apt to sour the Temper of aged People than the Apprehension that they are neglected, and they are extremely apt to entertain such Suspicions. It was therefore that I did propose asking her to be of our late Party: but your Mother disliking it, the Motion was dropt, as some others have been by my too great Easiness, contrary to my Judgment. Not but that I was sensible her being with us might have lessen’d our Pleasure, but I hoped it might have prevented you some Pain. In fine, nothing can contribute to true Happiness that is inconsistent with Duty; nor can a Course of Action conformable to it, be finally without an ample Reward. For, God governs; and he is good. I pray him to direct you: And indeed you will never be without his Direction, if you humbly ask it, and show yourself always ready to obey it. Farewell, my dear Friend, and believe me ever sincerely and affectionately yours
B Franklin
My Love to Dolly, Miss Blount, Dr. and Mrs. Hawkesworth, Miss Henckell &c. &c. I much commend Dolly for inviting your Aunt into the Country; you see how perfectly that agrees with my Notions. The next Day after you went, she sent the Servant for Nancy,  ordering him to take a Place for her in the Stage; and Nancy has been there ever since.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Anthony Todd, 29 October 1768
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Todd, Anthony

Franklin’s long-lasting interest in the Gulf Stream, which is first mentioned in this letter, was aroused largely by accident. The newly installed customs commissioners in Boston complained to the Treasury that packets from Falmouth to New York were taking a fortnight longer on the voyage than merchant ships from London to Rhode Island, and proposed that in future the packets should be sent to Rhode Island. When Franklin was consulted on the question, as a deputy of the Postmaster General, his curiosity was aroused. Boston and Newport were scarcely a day’s run apart; why should merchantmen, which were slower sailers than packets and had the Thames and the Channel to negotiate, as the others leaving from Falmouth did not, arrive two weeks earlier? His kinsman and old friend, Timothy Folger, happened to be in London at the time, and when consulted gave a simple answer: the captains bound for Rhode Island knew the ways of the Gulf Stream; those bound for Massachusetts did not. Nantucket whalers had sometimes encountered westbound packets being carried back toward England by the Gulf Stream, Folger added, and had advised them to get out of it; “but they were too wise to be counselled by simple American fishermen.” Franklin pursued the matter with the Post Office, as indicated below. Although he had some success with officialdom, he had none with the captains of the packets.

Sir
Craven Street October 29th 1769 [1768]
Discoursing with Captain Folger a very intelligent Mariner of the Island of Nantuckett in New England concerning the long passages made by some Ships bound from England to New York I received from him the following Information. Vizt
That the Island in which he lives is Inhabited Chiefly by people concerned in the Whale Fishery, in which they employ near 150 Sail of Vessels, that the Whales are found generally near the Edges of the Gulph Stream, a strong Current so called which comes out of the Gulph of Florida, passing Northeasterly along the Coast of America, and the turning off most Easterly running at the rate of 4, 3½, 3 and 2½ Miles an Hour ; that the Whaling Business leading these people to Cruise along the Edges of the Stream in quest of Whales, they are become better acquainted with the Course, Breadth, Strength and extent of the same, than those Navigators can well be who only cross it in their Voyages to and from America, that they have opportunities of discovering the Strength of it when their Boats are out in pursuit of this Fish, and happen to get into the stream while the Ship is out of it, or out of the Stream while the Ship is in it, for then they are separated very fast, and would soon lose sight of each other if care were not taken, that in Crossing the Stream, to and fro, they frequently in the same meet and speak with Ships bound from England to New York Virginia &ca, who have passages of 8, 9, and 10 weeks, and are still far from Land, and not likely to be in with it for some time, being engaged in that part of the Stream that sets directly against them, and it is supposed that their fear of Cape Sable Shoals, Georges Banks or Nantuckett Shoals, hath induced them to keep so far to the Southward as unavoidably to engage them in the said Gulph Stream, which occasions the length of their Voyage, since in a Calm it carries them directly back, and tho’ they may have fair Winds, yet the Current being 60, or 70 Miles a day, is so much Subtracted from the way they make thro’ the Water. At my request Captain Folger hath been so obliging as to mark for me on a Chart, the Dimentions Course and Swiftness of the Stream from it’s first coming out of the Gulph, where it is narrowest and strongest; till it turns away to go to the Southward of the Western Islands, where it is Broader and weaker,  and to give me withall some Written directions whereby Ships bound from the Banks of Newfoundland to New York may avoid the said Stream, and yet be free of danger from the Banks and Shoals abovemention’d. As I apprehend that such Chart and directions may be of use to our Packets in Shortning their Voyages, I send them to you that if their Lordships should think fit, so much of the Chart as is contain’d within the red Lines may be engraved and printed, together with the remarks at the Charge of the Office ; or at least that Manuscript Copies may be made of the Same for the use of the Packets. The expence of the former would not much exceed the latter, and would besides be of general Service, with much esteem I am &c
B: Franklin
Anthony Todd EsqrCopy


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Anthony Todd, 31 October 1768
From: Todd, Anthony
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
General Post Office October 31, 1768.
As Lord Le Despencer cannot get at his Oats, being under a Stack of Wheat,  in time for your sending them to America for the next Season, I herewith send you my last Years produce as His Lordship will supply me with some. I have also added a little more of the Swiss Barley and am very truly Dear Sir Your most obedient humble Servant
Anth Todd

Addressed: To / Dr. Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Huske, [before 1 November 1768?]: résumé
From: Huske, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

John Huske, an American-born merchant and M.P. for Maldon, Essex, was a strong partisan of the colonial cause. In 1767 he had used his long connection with Charles Townshend to try to secure modification of the Townshend Acts; in December, 1768, he introduced the Pennsylvania petition to the House of Commons. Three undated letters from him are among Franklin’s papers; they are here numbered for convenience (1), (2), and (3), and are summarized below. Their importance is as problematical as their dates, and they may not even belong together in time: (2) and (3), unlike (1), end informally, which might suggest that they were written after the acquaintance had ripened; (3), unlike (1) and (2), mentions nothing of apparent relevance to American affairs. All three, nevertheless, were clearly covering notes for enclosed memoranda, which have not survived, that were designed to help Franklin in his press campaign for the colonies. Huske’s references to these vanished enclosures raises at least the possibility that they—and hence the letters themselves—were closely connected. One point is clear. Among the enclosures were statistics from the customs house on British trade with the American and West Indian colonies for an unspecified five-year period; and Franklin used such statistics, for the period from 1761 through 1765, in his “State of the Trade with the Northern Colonies” and “State of the Trade with the West Indies” below, November 3 and December 6, 1768. One of the letters, therefore, probably belongs to the period when Franklin was working on those articles; and it seems plausible to assign the others, at earliest, to the same period. We summarize them, not for the usual reason that they say little, but because most of what they say is unintelligible without the enclosures to which they refer. Even the résumés, in consequence, are necessarily obscure.

[Before Nov. 1, 1768?]
[(1) He encloses a demonstration that the customs house is erroneous in evaluating West Indian imports. “London alone imported to full this amount upon the medium of these five years,” while in the same period more than half as much came in through other British ports. He asks to confer about using these statistics to show how Scotland and Ireland have been financially favored, and the American colonies alone have been discriminated against in Britain’s search for revenue.
(2) He encloses suggestions on how the statistics on exports and imports that he has sent can be utilized in the American cause. Franklin may do what he pleases with the suggestions, but is not to let them out of his hands or allow Huske’s name to appear. One of the enclosures may soften public resentment against America, and pursuade Members of Parliament who represent the interests of Scotland, Ireland, the West Indies, the Bank, and the East India and Hudson’s Bay Companies “that if they don’t assist to extinguish the flame in their neighbours house, their own may be the next on fire.” He is sending enough material for a pamphlet or for a series of letters to the press.
(3) If Franklin publishes anything he has sent, he begs to have the postscript omitted. Something in it “will do great mischief to private property; particularly as a very large account in one of those funds is within a few days of adjustment, and there is a sale of some of the stock of the latter advertised this evening for next week, which it might hurt.”]


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Joseph Priestley, 1 November 1768
From: Priestley, Joseph
To: Franklin, Benjamin

[Dear Sir]
Leeds 1 Nov 1768.
I take the opportunity of giving you [my letter by?] Mr. Lee of Lincoln’s inn,  a very worthy [and s]ensible man, a friend of mine, who wishes to be introduced to you. If you will please to deliver to him the plates belonging to your last work,  he will have many opportunities of transmitting them to me.
I can hardly say that I have begun to make any experiments, having been busy in fitting up a battery or two; but I have one observation, which confirms another that has often puzzled me; and is mentioned in the account of my experiments published in the history of electricity. I was amusing myself with making a pretty large common jar explode between two brass balls, fixed at as great a distance as I could make the jar to discharge; when, after several explosions, it broke (a hole being made thro it as usual) tho the Spark between the balls was of precisely the same length, and, to all appearance, in every other respect the same that it would have been, if no other communication had been made between the inside and outside of the glass. The fact mentioned in the history is, that a silver wire [was the most that] the battery I was using could melt, [yet was dispersed] at the same time that two of the [jars were bro]ken. In this case, though there are several [channels?] opened for the fluid, its whole force seem[s to have] been exerted in each of them. If your [torn] business will now admit of your giving me your thoughts on this subject, you would oblige me by your observations on it. In the mean time I shall be contriving a few experiments to illustrate it. I also propose to make a few to refute what Mr. L’Epinasse has advanced in the last volume of Transactions, concerning the great loss of force occasioned by interruptions in the electric circuit. I remember his telling me, when I was with him in London, that he did not doubt, but he could do as much by his three jars, each of which was but about a square foot, as I could with my batteries, tho’ he had only screwed their wires into one common conductor. I shall also soon draw up another paper of original experiments, for the Royal Society. They are those I have mentioned to you, but I must repeat some of them, with a little variation of circumstances. I am, with the greatest respect Dear Sir yours sincerely
J Priestley

Addressed: To/ Doctor Franklin / at Mrs Stephens in Craven Street / in the Strand / London / By favour of / John Lee Esqr


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Bartram, 5 November 1768
From: Bartram, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear ould friend
November the 5th 1768
I have often intended to have wrote to thee this several years but has often been tould that thee was soon to return to thy family and friends so I omitted it, but lately hearing that thee was likely to stay longer I now not onely write a letter of friendship but allso request a favour which the death of our warthy dear friend Peter Collinson hath obliged me to crave. He wrote to me last summer that the King desired me to send him some roots of arums but now I hear Peter is dead and I have not received a line from his son or any of my other Correspondents since ; so that now at present I have not any so intimate or capable as my dear Benjamin to take care of the Box I directed to the King at large on the lid it will oblige me much if thee will please to send or convey it to the King or to his order as thee thinks most suitable; I expect dayly to hear from his son or some of my Correspondents how my affairs stand and whether any is to succed in his room to receive the Kings bounty to me or whether I must send anualy more plants to the King and to whome I must direct them. Captain Falconor promiseth to take great care of the Kings Box.
Alltho I have been long deprived of thy agreeable conversation yet for several years I have had thy pretty exact picture hanging by my bed which gives a dayly fresh membrance of intimate frindship to thy sincear friend
John Bartram

Addressed: To / Doctor Benjamin Franklin / London
Endorsed: Bartram


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Charles Thomson and Thomas Mifflin, 5 November 1768
From: Thomson, Charles,Mifflin, Thomas
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir,
Nov. 5. 1768
Enclosed are two bills of exchange, which we have the pleasure of sending you by order and for account of the Directors of the Philadelphia library company. The one is for £50 Sterling drawn by James and Drinker on Neate and Pigou. The other is Willing & Morris’ draught on John Mayne for £100 Sterling; both at 30 days sight and both payable to yourself.
Out of this Money when received the Directors desire you would deduct what you were so kind as to advance to the Company,  and the remainder they request the favour of you to lay out for them in books, agreeable to the enclosed list. If the Books in the list do not amount to the Money sent, you will oblige the Company by adding such other Books as you shall think proper. We have hopes of sending you this fall a farther Sum of £30 or 40 sterling if not more.
We observe among the late publications an Expensive work entitled British Zoology, published under the Inspection of the Cymmrodorion Society,  we should be glad to have your opinion of it. We [are] with the greatest Esteem and respects Sir Your Friends
Chas ThomsonThomas Mifflin
Benjamin Franklin Esqr.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Richard Bache, 6 November 1768
From: Bache, Richard
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honored Sir
Philada. 6th Novr. 1768.
I did myself the Pleasure of writing you the other day by Sparks. I do not know that you will thank me for adding to the Number of your Correspondents, but the Sense I have of my Duty, prompts me to pay this Respect to you.
I forgot to acquaint you in my last, that Mr. Bayard of Newyork, sent to me two Exemplifications of his Majesties Commission, appointing you with Mr. Allen and several others, Commissioners to settle the Line between Newyork and New Jersey. I served Mr. Allen with one, the other waits for you here; The Notice of the time for your Meeting, is in July next when I hope you will be here.
I purpose making another Trip to Jamaica this Winter, as I find some of my Friends here expect it, this and some other good Reasons have determined me; I should be happy in being honored with a Line from you whilst there, My stay there I hope will not be much, if any, longer than before, I shall endeavour to make it as short as I possibly can, consistent with my Interest. Sally joins me in Duty to you. I am Honored sir Your Affectionate Son
Richd. Bache


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jane Mecom, 7 November 1768
From: Mecom, Jane
To: Franklin, Benjamin

My Dear Brother
Boston, Novr. 7 1768
I cannot neglect writing to you by my Neibour Capt. Freeman tho it be no more to yr satisfaction than to Inform you that I am well and that my Famely are as useal.
The whol Conversation of this Place turns upon Politices and Riligous Contryverses Boath managed with two much Biterness as you will See by the News Papers, If you give yr self the Troble to Read them, But they will not Infalebly Informe you of the Truth; for Every thing that any Designing Person has a mind to Propagate Is stufed into them, and it is Dificult to know whither Either Party are in the Right. For my Part I wish we had let alone Striff before it was medled with and folowed things that make for Peace.
I wrote to you and Mrs. Steevenson by capt. Foulger and then sent some mony which I hope came saif to hand but I can send none now tho I hear you are not coming Home, by a kind Leter from yr sons wife which I Recd by Last Post Her Husband being absent to meet the Indians at Sir William Jonsons. I have Heard from Sister and Cousen Beach and His wife Since they got Home there all well.
I hope yr Endevours for the Good of the Nation and the Colonies will be blessd with Suckses and we Shall at Last be favoured with Quietness at Least. My Son John and wife are Hear and Send there Duty as Does my Daughter Janey. Pleas to Present my best Respects to Mrs. Steevenson and Acept the Sinsearest Affection from your Most obliged Sister
Jane Mecom

Addressed: Dr. Benjamin Franklin / at Mrs. Steevensons / Craven Street / London / per favour / Capt: Freeman


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from the Philadelphia Merchants, 10 November 1768
From: Philadelphia Merchants
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Esteemed Friend,
Philadelphia November 10th. 1768,
We having been appointed by the Merchants of this City to forward a Letter or Memorial from them, to the Merchants and Manufacturers of Great Britain, thought it highly proper that a Copy of the same should be transmitted to thee.
At the Time of Captain Falconer’s departure, we were closely engaged in performing this Service,  and thereby prevented inclosing one of the said Memorials to thyself, but our Friend Thomas Wharton undertook to forward one at our particular desire.
And we now take the Liberty to inclose a second, Together with a Copy of our Letter, in which we forwarded said Memorial to the Merchants and Manufacturers residing in different parts of England.
Thy well known Regard, and warm Attachment to North America and Abilities to serve it, renders our taking up much of thy Time on this Occasion unnecessary.
We therefore earnestly request thy best endeavours may be exerted to obtain a Repeal of the Revenue Acts, and the Regulations so justly complain’d of, which are manifestly injurious to the Trade of America, and in their Consequence a palpable hurt to Great Britain. We are very Respectfully, Thy Assured Friends
Joseph SwiftJohn ReynellJereah: WarderDanl. RundleThomas: FisherHenry DrinkerJohn HeadWm. West
Benjamin Franklin Esqr.

Addressed: To / Benjamin Franklin Esqr. / Agent for the Province of Pennsylvania / at the Court of Great Britain / Craven Street / London


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jane Mecom, 20 November 1768
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Mecom, Jane

Dear Sister,
London, Nov. 20. 1768
By this Ship, (Capt. Scot, ) Mrs. Stevenson sends you half a Piece of Muslin, Apron width, which cost Four Guineas. She hopes it will please, and presents her Compliments and best Wishes. I am in very good Health, Thanks to God: but just now very busy. So can only add, that I am, as ever, Your affectionate Brother
B Franklin
Mrs. Stevenson receiv’d the 32 Dollars, 3 Crowns and one Guinea, per Coz. Folger. You will write for any thing else you want.

Addressed: To / Mrs Mecom / Hanover street / Boston / per favour of Capt. Scott. / with a small Parcel


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from James Parker, 22 November 1768
From: Parker, James
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honoured Sir
Nyork, Nov. 22. 1768
You never gave me the Satisfaction to know, whether you ever received any Arrears for me, at the Custom-House, or what. The News-papers in general, shew you the Condition of the Commissioners at Boston. Last Week came here from Boston, on[e] Esqr. Williams, who is called Inspector General of the Custom’s. He comes to set all the Officers in their right in their Duty, by which it appears we have in many Things not acted quite as their Honours, as they are called, are pleased to direct: but I think I have not deviated much. In our Conversation, of which by the Bye, I have had the least, as the other Officers generally engross all: for the Wisdom of a poor Man is but Folly with the Great, while the Foolishness of rich Men, is Wisdom with them-I told him, I had never received any Thing at all for my Labour, but that I had sent a Power to you to get it in London,  but had never heard whether you had got any Thing or not; that I had been informed I was to have £50 Sterl. per An. but I had no authoritative power to say so. It seems he has told all the other Officers, that they must send a Power to One Mr. Fenton in Boston, a Dependant on Mr. Temple,  who will send them their Money yearly-for which he is to have 2½ per Cent. Then Freight to us here, is One per Cent more, and we must either run the Risk of our Money coming, or pay Insurance, which may be supposed would cost us 1 ½ per Cent. Thus out of the poor Pittance of £50 per An. at least 5 per Cent. is sunk. One half needlessly, and the other half to gratify a dependant Drone. The Cruelty as well as Absurdity of these Measures must appear to any One, who considers that all the Money, and much more, than what is paid here, must first be sent from here at the King’s Risk with the Charge of One per Cent Freight to Boston, and if one Trip should be lost, it would be more than all our Profits together. And if we were ever so desirous of appointing a Friend there to receive it: the 2 ½ per Cent. must be paid to their Dependant notwithstanding otherwise I could get Mr. Hubbert to remit it: When it is considered we have little Trade to Boston, and the Ballance rather against them, consequently no Want of Remittance thither, so the Money must be sent hither: while had it been payable in London Nothing was more easy than to dispose of it there to the best Advantage. Now, if the Collector could be permitted to pay those Salaries here, it would save all this Freight and Risk of so much at best, and supposing there be but 100 Officers on this Continent, at £50 Ster. per An. a piece, that is 5000 per An. the Frieght of which to his Majesty at One per Cent is £50, per An. and the Risk equal to 75. per An. More. And besides his Majesty’s Loss, the Subjects lose 5 per Cent. which in that Sum is £1000 per An. more. If a Nation so deeply in Debt as ours is, were really bent upon any Thing but squandering inconsistently the Money of the publick, I am sure they would think of saving some. Tho’ I don’t pretend to dictate to a Nation, yet I can scale for myself: tho’ I offered Mr. Williams, to allow the Commissioners to cut me off £3 per Cent. on Condition they will order it paid here, by which his Majesty would save the Freight and Risk of sending it to Boston first, and I the Risk of returning it: but this is look’d upon as an Affront: tho’ for my Part, I can’t conceive how Plain-dealing and Truth should be construed as an Affront. I confess I have not yet quite come into the Spirit of this Method, and I am afraid to say any Thing, not because I fear the Loss of the Place, which if ever I get paid, I have done the penny worth of Service for the penny, but because I would not incur your Displeasure, or forfeit your Favour in dispising it. But enough of this.
I have made bold to inclose a Line or two to Mr. Strahan to you, about my poor Son, which I leave open for your Inspection.
Things between Holt and I yet remain in Statu quo, he keeps close, and I keep Writs out. I keep Struggling along, sometimes good Courage, and sometimes I give almost out; but I still will Strive. A new Printer from Scotland has set up here, but I have not seen any of his Work yet. If he lives, he must have a better Faculty than ever I had, tho’ I think I live as soberly as he can. Indeed Business and Living here, is greatly different from what it was 20 Years ago. And I have not much hopes of either Ease or Prosperity, till I rest in the Grave-which indeed does not seem to be far distant from me. We all send our respectful Complements whilst I am Your most obliged Servant
James Parker

Addressed: For / Dr Benjamin Franklin / Craven Street / London


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Martha Johnson, 24 November 1768
From: Johnson, Martha
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honoured Sir
Letchlade November the 24 1768
I Take this opertunety to write to you hoping This will find you in good helth as I am Blessed be god for it. I was in hops to have had the plesure of seeing you before this but my partener was so much aganst it that I found it better to Refer it till the spring and that will be more Convenant as I shall by that time have tought nancy how to manage in my absence and as I think it will not be prudent to leave such a stock of goods as wee have without a very Carefull parson to attend it wee have in stock to the Value of Between 7 and 8 hundreds of pounds Consisting of Drapery Hosirey Haberdashery and milenery and some mesery and the Best asortment of aney shop in the town. I find my Beseness increases Every Day and hope I shall have more as I grow more acquanted but the place at Best is very Dull Being one third of the year surounded with water which prevents peopel from Coming to town from the Vilages Round us. I Received a letter, some time agoe, from wales from sister harris who informs me she has heard from her son, who was then at Cows in the Iell of white, and was Capt and part oner, of a large shipe, then Bound, for the west indes and home so I am in hopes, by this time, he may Be Returnd, which will be a grate happyness to his mother, and a satisfaction to all his frinds. I have wrote to nancy that I would have her git herself Ready to Come into the Contrey Before Christmas as I think it will be too Cold for her to Come soon after as her time will be out the 15th of Jenuary but will leve that to you and mrs stevenson as I am senceable you are better acquanted with traveling then I am and as she is young and a stranger shall take it as a favor if you will instruct her in the maner she is to Behave as you are senceable that travelers in general are apt to take advantages of strangers perticulerly if they see them ignorent I shall send her some money to bare her Exspences in a few Days by a gentilwoman woh is Coming to town. Samey gives his Duty to you and mrs stevenson and love to all frinds he Comes on bravly with his larning but am afraid he will loose all his manners but that I hope will soon be Regaind as he grose older and Comes into better Companey he is now got very far in practice and I belive when he has finished that Skuel his master is not able to teach him aney further so I Cannot tell what is next to be Done for him and must beg a littel of youre advice for him as I know no parson to advise with that Can advise me so well as your self and shall take it as a grate favor if you will let me hear from you pleas to give my best Respects to mrs stevenson and love to sally. I am sir your most Humble and obedent sarvent
Martha Johnson

Addressed: To / Doctr / franklin Esqr. in Cravenstreet / Strand / London
Endorsed: Cousin Johnson


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Mary Stevenson, [November? 1768]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson

Dear Polly
[Nov., 1768?]
Inclos’d is a Letter from Mr. Coleman; it came under Cover of one to me, and the Seal of mine sticking to that of yours makes an Appearance as if yours had been broke open. Your Mother and I long’d indeed to know what it contain’d, but we were, as you express it, too formal, and would not poison your Crib, tho’ we think we have a Right to see it. My Respects to Mrs. Tickel. I am, as ever,


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from [Samuel Wharton], 2 December 1768
From: Wharton, Samuel
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Friend
Philadelphia December 2d, 1768
As soon as I heard, That Sir William Johnson had received the King’s Orders to settle the Boundary with the Six Nations, I set off with Captain William Trent (The legal Attorney of the Traders, who suffered, as well by the Encroachments of the French in 1754, as by the Indians in 1763) for the Mohocks Country, But on our arrival at Albany, we receiv’d a Letter from him, informing Us, That his bad state of Health, had required his going to New London, for a change of air and Diet.
Thither we followed him and returned with Him to his House, where and in the Indian Country, until the month of September, we were engaged, in using our best Interest with the Indians, To obtain a Reimbursement for the Losses, which we and others had sustained, by the Depredation of the Shawanese and Delawares in the Year 1763. The beginning of September, We set off for Fort Stanwix, which is at the Head of the Mohocks River, In order to attend the Congress, and were detained there, until the 5th of November, as the distant Nations were long collecting and the Seneca’s had sustained a Loss, in the Death of one of their Chiefs, and the upper Nations were attending Them, in the Ceremony of Condolance.
By the best Estimation, There were, about three thousand four hundred Indians collected, and much fewer Women and Children, than I ever saw at any Treaty before, occasioned by their staying at their Villages, to secure their Corn.
As This convention of the Natives, was to settle an affair, in which the future Peace and Commerce of these Colonies, were most intimately concerned, Sir William very prudently summoned Deputy’s, as well from the Indian Tribes in Canada as from all those on the Susquehannah, and down the Ohio for many hundred Miles, That so, none of Those Nations might hereafter plead Ignorance or disapprobation of the Transaction.
After condoling with all the different Tribes, for the Losses They had met with, since their last Meeting, He reminded the Chiefs and Warriors in a very full Council, at which were present, the Governor of Jersey, The Pennsylvania Commissioners and the Commissioners of Virginia &ca, of the proposal he made to Them in 1765, respecting the Boundary,  He expatiated on the great Use it would be of, both to them and the King’s Subjects, If they continued, in the same opinion They were at the Time and mentioned, the Authority He had from the King’s Ministers, then to settle that most important matter with Them. And in order, that all the different Tribes, might clearly understand his Speech, He departed from the Usual Method of treating with Them and had it translated into the Mohock Tongue by an Indian, who spoke and wrote, both English and Mohock excellently well. This Indian, who is a Chief went into the general Council, With it, in his Hand, and there explained every particular Part of it.
The Six Nations and their Tributaries, justly reflected, That the Business they were met on, was of the last Consequence to Them and their posterity and therefore they were cautious and Slow, in their Determination. They were in Council several Days and Nights and were constantly sending for Sir William and Mr. Croghan, to explain matters to them and remove their Doubts. At last, after the Chiefs and Councillors had deliberated for nine Days and had resolved on certain Conditions respecting the Cession, They freely agreed to it and to the Boundary, But that all their different Tribes and the Warriors of each of Them, might know the express Terms, on which their Chiefs and Sachems had agreed to sell the Country, on the East Side of the River Ohio to the King, Sir William recommended it earnestly to the Councillors, That the Warriors should be called into Council with Them and be made particularly acquainted with his Speech and their Resolutions on it. Accordingly, a very general meeting was formed, of the Sachems of all the different Tribes and all their Warriors and after a full Explanation of every thing, The Chiefs and Warriors unanimously agreed to the Cession and Boundary and to the Conditions, on which the former had consented the Cession, should be made to the King.
On Tuesday the first of November, The Sachems of the Six United Nations returned their Answer to Sir William; at which were present, the greatest Number of Indians, That Ever met at any Treaty in America. I now inclose their Answer for your perusal, as I am persuaded, you will agree, it contains Sentiments of Independancy, Justice and Firmness, that wou’d do honor to any civilized Chieftains. And what renders it of more Significance, is its being the literal and unornamented Language of the Orator, as flowing from his Lips.
You have also inclosed a Copy of the Six Nations Deed of Cession to the King and also a Copy of their Deed to the Indian Traders, who suffered by the Robbery of the Shawanese and Delawares, in 1763.
You will be pleased to observe, That their Deed to the latter, was made and given to their Representative, Two Days before They executed the King’s Deed. This they insisted on, as they said, the One was an Act of Justice and the other was a conditional Sale. This large Present given by Sir William, consisted of the greatest Quantity of Indian Goods, and Dollars, I ever saw on such an occasion and they were most judiciously displayed On the Parade of the Fort, That so all the Indians might see Them and in the Center of the Parade, circumscribed by the Goods and Dollars on three Sides, Sir William attended by the Governor of the Jersey’s, the Commissioners from Virginia and Pennsylvania &ca and the Indian Chiefs [The Warriors and all the other Indians standing on the (blank in MS) Ramparts &ca pleasurably Viewing the Goods and those Persons] were assembled and there the King’s Deed was signed and the Valedictory Speeches were made.
In great Truth, I can assure you, To the Honor of Sir William and Mr. Croghan that no Treaty was ever Conducted with more Judgement and Candour and none I am convinced, ever finished with more solid satisfaction on the part of the Natives, than this did; From their firm Belief and Confidence that all the Conditions of their sale to the Crown, as express’d in their Speech and Deed, will be immediately and faithfully complied with, And that the respective Governments will with all possible dispatch, make proper Laws to confine their Inhabitants within the Boundary. There is now the fairest prospect, that these Colonies have ever had since the Year 1749, to perpetuate the Blessings of an Indian Peace to their Posterity and of rendering our Commerce with the Natives much more beneficial to the Mother Country, than it Ever has been as every article used in that Trade, except Philada. made Rum is the Manufactory of Great Britain and all the Skins and Furrs derived from it, are necessarily shipt thither and there yield more Duty’s, Than pay all the Expences of Indian Presents and the Salary’s, of the officers of that Department. But if thro’ Inattention or any other Cause, on the part of the King’s Ministers, The confirmation of the Boundary Line and any Matters or Grants respecting it and the Promises made by Sir William to the Six Nations, relative to Them (which the Good of the Service necessarily obliged Him to Make to Them) should be delayed or disputed, depend on it, The most unhappy Consequences will instantly result therefrom, As the Indians, who are a very jealous People, and have been assured every Thing will be settled, as they have generously established it, will construe such Delay as Doubt, as disputing their undoubted Right to the Country, they have ceded and to their fixing the Terms and Conditions of their Sale, and will necessarily induce them to conclude, they have been treated as Children, by having a Contract made with them, by the Kings Superintendant whose Master, delays ratifying, what He undertook, in a public solemn Manner to transact with Them. In short, the Consequences will be so fatal and are so obvious, that it’s unnecessary to take up your Time, in reciting Them. The Cession on the River Ohio from Kittaning to the Cherokee River only, is at least 1100 Miles in extent and for all this Country, The poor[?] Natives have surrendered up their Natural Rights, and the happy Effects which will result from such Cession, for the considerations and the very small Sum, mentioned in their Deed; One part of which is, Their honorably doing an act of Justice to those, they robbed in Time of War and thereby, setting a President [precedent] of inestimable Value (to the British Traders) for their latest posterity, and such, as ought to be an Example to all Civilised Nations.
If the King’s Ministers rightly improve this Cession, in a very few years interior Virginia Maryland Pennsylvania and New York, will not be dismayed by the Threats or Incursions of the Indians, As from the frontier Settlements On the Ohio, In case of a Rupture, the War can be readily and at a little expence carried into the Indian Villages and They thereby be compelled to seek a Retreat, To the Westward of the great Lakes.
As all the Colonies were greatly interested, some immediately as to Lands and others eventualy in the proper adjustment of the Boundary Line, with the Six Nations and their Tributary’s, Sir William Johnson wrote to all the Governments, from New York to Virginia inclusive, and requested, that either the respective Governors would attend the Congress or send Commissioners thither. Governor Franklin, at the earnest sollicitation of the King’s Council for New Jersey, went thither and was absent from Home, about three Months. His presence was extremely agreeable to the Indians and they in public Council, took that opportunity of thanking him, for the singular Justice He had done Them, in having the Murderers of Indians in his Province, executed; and as the Onondago Council had never given a Name to the Governor of that Colony, They then honorably named Him Sagorihwhioughstha which Signifies the Dispenser or Arbiter of Justice. Before the conference was ended, the Governor thanked them for the Name and acquainted them, that a [remainder missing].
Benjamin Franklin Esqr.


Title: The State of the Trade with the West Indies, 3–6 December 1768
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

To the Printer of the London Chronicle
Sir,
In a Letter of mine, which you inserted in your Paper of Nov. 3, was contained a view of the state of our commerce with the American continent colonies. I now send you a view of our commerce with the West India or Sugar Islands, taken, as the former was, from the Custom House accounts. When your Readers have compared and considered these accounts, they may form a judgment which of those two classes of colonies is most beneficial to the mother country. I am, Sir, your humble servant,
F.B.

Imports from the English West India Islands.

1761
1762
1763
1764
1765

Antigua
249,367
0
9
180,347
3
1
307,392
6
8
159,152
12
5
396,465
12
3

Anguilla

2,369
18
9

3,536
11
0
3,225
19
11

Barbadoes
254,860
17
6
252,537
10
0
300,213
17
3
326,688
6
8
296,732
16
7

Dominica

31,894
6
2
73,497
10
0
111,649
5
9

Grenades
26,560
16
9
261,552
3
0
206,889
13
6
199,909
0
11
264,194
5
7

Jamaica
852,777
14
0
1,159,023
15
11
1,076,155
1
9
1,023,091
13
9
1,201,801
16
4

Montserat
57,122
6
0
59,571
15
11
82,966
15
0
66,694
12
11
71,762
2
4

Nevis
42,095
3
8
45,280
9
10
60,652
11
2
54,528
17
6
74,200
16
0

St. Christopher’s
246,360
16
0
234,981
17
9
283,842
4
1
245,095
3
7
304,778
9
2

St. Vincent

4,459
14
5
31,028
1
7

Tobago

Tortola
33,265
  3
  6
  58,571
  4
  2
  41,549
  1
  11
  38,972
  13
  10
  48,280
  5
  8

In 1761
1,762,409
18
2
2,254,235
18
5
2,391,555
17
6
2,195,626
18
0
  2,804,119
  11
  2

1762
2,254,235
18
5

1763
2,391,155
17
6

1764
2,195,626
18
0

1765
  2,804,119
  11
  2

  £.11,407,548
  3
  3,

which is £2,281,509 12s. 8d. per ann. on a medium of said 5 years,

Exports to the English West India Islands.

1761
1762
1763
1764
1765

Antigua
125,323
9
0
101,574
8
2
63,126
10
10
149,751
1
8
142,326
16
7

Anguilla

Barbadoes
213,177
4
5
213,909
4
9
181,710
11
3
191,202
19
0
194,042
7
1

Dominica

1,264
5
6
16,415
12
6
8,656
3
3
20,792
6
0

Grenades
119
1
6
53,118
5
6
65,935
3
9
77,673
9
1
89,431
1
9

Jamaica
460,631
16
0
584,978
2
5
456,528
1
11
415,624
0
4
415,544
17
4

Montserat
23,895
9
11
15,505
18
1
7,532
8
9
15,938
15
4
26,826
1
10

Nevis
9,066
6
3
29,557
9
8
7,934
16
5
11,905
19
5
18,989
8
0

St. Christopher’s
102,627
2
10
104,724
7
10
98,321
8
2
111,357
9
11
91,736
17
6

St. Vincent

971
15
2
1,443
18
9
5,325
6
7

Tobago

349
8
5
546
19
11
13
2
6

Tortola
  2,052
  0
  1
  1,901
  1
  4
  2,485
  1
  0
  21,171
  17
  9
  18,218
  0
  7

In 1761
936,892
10
0
1,106,533
3
3
902,320
18
2
995,272
14
5
1,003,246
5
9

1762
1,106,533
3
3

  1763
902,320
18
2

  1764
995,272
14
5

  1765
  1,003,246
  5
  9

  £.3,944,265
  11
  7,

which is £785,545 2s. 4d. per ann. on a medium of said 5 years.
Upon the face of these Custom House accounts it appears, that there is a balance against Great Britain of £1,495,954 10s. 4d. per annum, and by the same accounts that the balance against her annually increases. But to reduce this balance, which appears upon this comparative view of direct exports and imports, let us suppose, as we did in the case of the Northern colonies, that the errors of entry and of valuation will admit of one third more to be added to the amount of the export, though by no means just even for a comparative view of the value of the two setts of colonies to Great Britain; for not above one fourth of the exports to the Northern colonies is in foreign European and Asiatic goods, but to the West India Islands two thirds of the amount of the export is in foreign goods; therefore, there is not that latitude for erroneous entries, as there is to the continent, it being impossible to make wrong entries for goods entitled to a drawback as all those of foreigners are.
Then with the additional value to the imports mentioned under the account thereof, and the additional value to the exports just stated, the account will stand thus:

Imports,
  £3,422,264
  9s.
0d.

Exports,
  £1,047,060
  3s.
  1d.

  £2,375,204
  5s.
  11d.
Balance against G. Britain.

But out of this balance must be struck what the Sugar Planters pay the Irish for provisions, and the British Merchants for slaves. As to the Irish provisions, the islands take but a small part of their consumption from them; they being chiefly supplied from North America, not only with provisions, but many other things, whom they pay in their products, that those Northern colonies consume. The very rum that goes directly from the Islands to Ireland, yields as much as the provisions they take from thence amounts to: And as to what they pay the British Merchant for slaves, it is almost impossible to fix with precision upon any amount, from the very nature of the trade on the coast of Africa; but to allow that the annual cost of Negroes is equal to the whole annual export from Great Britain to Africa, we shall not be impeached for being under the mark at least, when it is considered that part of the produce of that export is returned in gold dust, dying woods, and elephants teeth to Great Britain; part of it goes to supply foreign plantations with Negroes; and part of it goes in slaves to the continent colonies from Pensylvania to Florida, where a stock of 70, 000 Negroes is to be kept up in proportion to that of 250,000 in the sugar colonies. Now the whole export to Africa per ann. upon a medium of the above five years, is £433,529 17s. 8d. which deducted from the above balance of £2,375,204 5s. 11d. leaves still an annual balance against Great Britain of £1,941,674 8s. 3d. while the poor Northern colonies have a balance in favour of G. Britain of £1,000,000 which all their other trade cannot pay, they being constantly in debt to G. Britain; when these Sugar Islands would be worth little to their owners, in comparison of what they are now, if it was not for cheap and ready supplies from the Northern colonies, of lumber for the building their houses, sugar mills, casks to contain their produce, horses, provisions of the cheapest kind for feeding their slaves in particular, and ships to bring home their produce at the cheapest rate known.