Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Soulavie, 21 October 1782
From: Soulavie, abbé Jean-Louis Giraud
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur
paris ce 21 8bre 1782
J’ai Lu avec un plaisir extreme vos raisonnemens très profonds qui caracterisent le Beau genie de leur auteur et à moins que je ne reçoive des ordres contraires, je me ferai un grand honneur de les inserer dans mon tome 5 qui S’imprime, avec les Memoires que Vous M’avez promis de me renvoyer, & qui ont besoin d’etre corrigés. Alors Mon Volume aura un Merite inapreciable. Je demeure dans la rue des Vieilles thuileries à Lhotel de Mr. L’evêque de Bayeux ou j’ai un Logement.
Voila une place Vacante à L’academie des Sciences; il Se presente Mrs. fontaine, Avit, Descemet personnes ignorées du public; je N’ai personne, Monsieur, pour me porter dans ce Corps, je ne Connois qu’un peu M. le Roi parcequ’il fut nommé Comissaire de l’edition que j’ai donnée des œuvres de Mr. Hamilton.
Je Vous devrai donc, illustre philosophe, cet avantage Si Votre bonté peut vous porter à Vous interresser pour Moi, Vous êtes de cette academie, Vous êtes lié avec tous Ses membres et avec M. Amelot qui est le ministre dans le departement de qui Se trouve L’academie.

Aucun de Ceux qui Se presentent N’a autant travaillé que moi pour L’academie: je n’ai publié aucun Volume sans Son approbation, et j’ai lû huit memoires differens. L’esprit de L’academie est de recevoir des adjoints jeunes & zelés et qui N’ont d’autre occupation que les Sciences. Et Comme C’est la classe dhistoire naturelle et surtout des plantes je dois presenter dans peu de tems mon tome I des Vegetaux dont j’ai eu Lhonneur de Vous entretenir.
Si Sans Vous Compromettre, Sans Vous gener, Vous pouvez me rendre ce Service, je ne l’oublierai jamais de la vie, je M’abandonne à Vos bontés avec toute la Confiance.
Je suis avec un profond respect Monsieur Votre très humble et très obeissant Serviteur
LABBÉ SOULAVIE
rue des Vieilles thuileries hotel de M. lévêque de Bayeux

Notation: Solavie 21. Oct 1782


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jacques-François Crespin, 22 October 1782
From: Crespin, Jacques-François
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monseigneur
Dunkerque ce 22 8bre 1782
Votre reponse du douze aoust 1781 dont vous avez honoré M Epidorge faisoit beaucoup ésperer aux pauvres infortunés du corsaire La revange commandé par le capitaine coningham d’une prompte recette de leurs dû, mais dépuis n’en ayant recu aucune nouvelle cela leur fait perdre toute esperance. Il est bien douloureux pour des pauvres gens qui ne possedent au monde que ce qu’ils ont si Legitimement gagnés dans laditte course a la Sueur de Leurs corps et au peril de Leurs Vie pour se solliciter eux et Leurs famille Se voir Si Longt tems ménés ces infortunés. Jusqu’a present ont trouvés des personnes qui ont bien Voulu Leurs avancer de quoi Se procurer leurs alimens necessaires pour Vivre mais ces personnes fatigués de promesses Sans effet ne veuillent plus rien leur avancer. Vous voyez D’après cela sans ressource D’autres que le fruit de Leurs travaux ils se verront contraints à se trouver Dans La rue Si on ne les payent. J’ose vous persuader monseigneur que la Lanteur de L’armateur aprés avoir fait de Si belles prises a payer son Equipage Surprend beaucoup les messieurs de la marine de Dunkerque. Cés infortunés implorent Votre pitié vous priant de solliciter Mr. richard bache a leurs faire rentrer leurs fond c’est ce quils attendent de Votre bonté ils ne cesseront Jamais D’adresser des vœux au ciel pour la conservation De vos Jours Si precieux. Ils esperent que vous daignerez leurs accorder une reponse et Sont avec le plus grand respect Monseigneur Votre très humble et très obeissant serviteur
Crepin

Si vous daignez honorer d’une reponse Je vous Supplie D’adresser La Lettre a Mr. alicherie commissaire au bureau des classes de la marine de dunkerque./.

Addressed: A Monsieur / Monsieur franklin plenipotentiaire / des Etats reunis de L’amerique / Septentrionnalle a passy prés / paris / A Passy
Notation: Crepin 22 Oct. 1782.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Edward Bridgen, 23 October 1782
From: Bridgen, Edward
To: Franklin, Benjamin

London Octr 23 1782
I was much obliged by the honour of your Excellency’s favour of the 25th: of last Month which did not arrive until the 9th. Currant.
I feel myself much indebted to you My Dr: Sir for the kind interest you have taken in my affairs in No: Carolina: I fancy nothing will now be done until a Peace is made, which is not far off. On this Account I now beg leave to trouble your Excellency, with the Proposals, formerly hinted at, respcting the Copper Coinage for the United States, which if you Sir approve, I beg you would have the goodness to forward to Congress by the first good Opportunity.
I think the proposals are advantageous to the States, however if, upon enquiry, the buisness can be done more advantgeously in any other Country (for I am certain that it cannot here) I have nothing more to say, but that I should be happy to be in posession of Some of the first coin.
I have a Seperate paper on the Subject of the Designs, which I shall take the liberty to Trouble you with the next good opportunity I have, which I hope will be soon; but at present I have not time to transcribe it.
I also have receiv’d a letter from Mr Bowens respecting the Case of Books & Maps Sent by the Governor to your Excellency; giving me an Acct that the Capt: had lost the Case, and requesting to know its Value? I accordingly wrote to the Govr: immediately, to know its Value, but have receiv’d as yet no Answer: therefore must request Sir that you would send Mr Bowens of what Value the Case was?
I have the honour to be with great respect and Esteem Your Excellency’s much obliged & Obedt Servt
Edward Bridgen
His Excellency Benjn: Franklin Esqr


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Townshend, 23 October 1782
From: Townshend, Thomas
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir,
Whitehall, 23d. October 1782.
As Mr. Strachey is going from hence to Paris with some particulars for Mr Oswald, which were not to be easily explained in Writing, I take the liberty of introducing him to your acquaintance, though I am not sure, that he is not already a little known to you.

The confidential Situation in which he stands with me, makes me particularly desirous of presenting him to you.
I believe, Sir, I am enough known to you for you to believe me when I say that there has not been from the beginning a single Person more averse to the unhappy War, or who wishes more earnestly than I do for a return of Peace and mutual Amity between Great Britain & America.
I am &ca.
T: Townshend
Doctor Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jean de Neufville & fils, 24 October 1782
From: Neufville, Jean de, & fils
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Amsterdam 24th October 1782
Not being honour’d with any of yr. Excellency’s Letters since the 1st. of July when we dated our last respects to you, the Subject of the present will be only on 4 small Continental bills remitted us here by our friend Wm. Foster Esqr. of Boston and Wch our Banker Sir John Lambert return’d us for want of their being endorss’d by R R Livingston Esqr. to whose order they are made pble. for 18 Dollrs. each, on observing the same to Mr. Foster, he thought proper to lay before your Excellcy. the reason for it, Which you will find by the enclosed which he desired us to forward, adding further that he being possessed of the other Setts he is Willing to give his guarantee, that none of the same shall be presented for payment. It were we Suppose Needless to Offer our own guarantee as an additionl. Security otherway that for our part we shall act therein as may be deem’d Necessary. Being With great respect your Excellency Most Obedt. Humble Servants
John DE Neufville Son.

PS May we be permitted to enclose a letter for His Excy. Mr. adams just rec’d from petersburg
His Excellency Doctr. Franklin— Minister plenipotentiary for the United States of America, at the Court of Versailles


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Edward Bridgen, 25 October 1782
From: Bridgen, Edward
To: Franklin, Benjamin

London Octr 25 1782
Two days ago I troubled your Excellency with my proposals abt. the Copper thro: the hands of Mr Hamilton requesting that they might be forwarded by the first good opportunity since which I have consulted with a friend who advises that they lay by in your hands before they are sent as being premature and if taken may lead the proposers into difficulties. I must own that I am not so apprehensive, but I submit to better Judgment.
In that letter I requested that you would forthwith send to Mr Bowens the Value of the Case shipp’d for you by me from the Governor as the Capt: has lost it and Mr Bowen wants the particulars that he may recover the Amount.
I was informed that you have lately been Ill. I hope you are now perfectly recovered which I shall be happy to hear of.
God Bless and protect your Excellency is the hearty prayer of My Dr Sir Yr: faithful & Affect.
Edwd: Bridgen
His Excellency Benj Franklin Esqr

Notation: Edwrd. Bridgen London 25. Octr. 1782.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Richard Bache, 26 October 1782
From: Bache, Richard
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear & Hond: Sir
Philadelphia Octr. 26th, 1782
The other day Sally and myself had the pleasure of writing you per packet— I have only to add that we continue in good Health, and in the enjoyment of many Blessings—you have our best Love & Affections, & constant Wishes & Prayers for your health & Happiness— I am ever Dear Sir Your dutiful & Affectionate Son
Rich: Bache
You will receive herewith some more News papers.

Addressed: His Excellency / Dr. Benjamin Franklin / Passy.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Henry Johnson, 26 October 1782
From: Johnson, Henry
To: Franklin, Benjamin

May it please your Excellency.
Bordeaux Octor: 26th: 1782.
Sometime since by request of Capt: William Gray late of the Amazon, a prisoner of mine, I wrote Mr: Barclay to Know whether Capt: Gray could have his parole to go to England. Mr: Barclay Returned me for answer that it lay with your Excellency, but he did not doubt that it would be effected by writing to you.
If your Excellency would be Kind as to permit it, it will lay me under great Obligations, as Capt: Gray has some bussiness of Consequence to settle in England, and keeping him here, will be a very great loss to him. I am with the greatest Respect Your Excellencys Most Obedient & Most Humle: Servant
Henry Johnson

Addressed: Son Excellence / Son Excellence Benja: Franklin Esqr / Ministre Plenipotentiare / à Son Hotel / Passy
Endorsed: H. Johnson Octr. 26. 1782


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from James Jay, 27 October 1782
From: Jay, James
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Hague Octobr. 27. 1782.
The restriction I was subjected to by my parole,—not go to France—, determined me not even to write to any person in that kingdom, till I should be exchanged. The officiousness however of some persons in London, in converting me into a Messenger of peace from Congress, inclined me, for very obvious reasons, to break through the restraint I had imposed upon myself, and to give you an account of my captivity: but on a little reflection, I could not but think that such a step would be a work of supererogation.
Agreeably to the determination I have just mentioned, I thought of transacting the business of my exchange with Mr. Adams. As that Gentleman is now also in France, and I of course stand in the same situation with regard to you both, I take the liberty to write to you on the subject: flattering myself that both of you will do every thing in your power to expedite my exchange. Mr. Townshend, the Secretary of State, consents to accept of a Lieutt. Colo, for me; and that either Colo. Tarlton or Colo. Dundas, both of whom were taken at York Town, may be the man. I beg Your Excellency will take the matter into your consideration, and favour me with your determination upon it as soon as possible. I remain, with great respect, Your Excellys Most Obt. & humble Servt:
James Jay.

P.S. please to direct for me to the care of Monsr: Dumas.—
His Excelly. Benjn: Franklin Esqr.

Notation: James Jay Hague; Octr. 27. 1782.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Ezekiel Edwards, 28 October 1782
From: Edwards, Ezekiel
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir,
Paris Octr. 28th. 1782.
Sometime to morrow Morning I expect to set off for Nantes, and will have the pleasure to wait on your Excellency for any dispatches you may wish to Have forwarded— There is a Schooner at that place ready for Sea with the first wind, bound to Virginia—
I am most respectfully Your Excellency’s Obedt. Hhble. Servt.
Ezekiel Edwards
Hotel d’YorkHis Excellency B. Franklin Esqr.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from David Hartley, 29 October 1782
From: Hartley, David
To: Franklin, Benjamin

My Dear friend
London Oct 29 1782
I am very sorry to hear of your illness, but I hope that one of your Complaints the Gout will after you have paid off the Score give you a renewed lease of health and strength. As to the Gravel I presume you know very well that the Sope boiler’s ley (wch must be nearly the same in all Countries) is a specific. It is so likewise for the Stone but that is a very difficult distemper to deal with. But for the Gravel the relief is speedy, and after that a few drops taken every day in milk is a certain preventive.
I thank you for your answer respecting the fire plates &c. I have transmitted it to Count Sarsfield & the Duc de Vauguyon. I shall be much obliged to you if you will be so good as to send me the work wch you mention viz Moyens de preserver les Edifices dincendies &c par M Piroux.
I cannot agree that the 3d article of the preliminaries dated May 1782 can be contrary to any treaty because it was proposed to have been made to the Court of France. I just say this one word because I wd not lie under the suspicion of suggesting a single idea contrary to good faith. Multum interest quando Quo modo et a Quo quid fiat. Take this in two senses both respecting the persons From whom and To whom.— God bless you. Pray let me hear of your health.
Your ever affecte
D H.

Addressed: To Dr Franklin. &c / Passy / near Paris


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Barry, 31 October 1782
From: Barry, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir,
L Orient Octo. 31. 1782
Having nothing to Communicate to your Excellency of any consequence but my Arrival here, and that Mr. Barclay promised me he would anounce— I therefore thought it would be only Troubling your Excellency to write, as I was at that time in Expectation of being to Sea before an Answer Could Come from Paris— some Necessaries being wanting to the Ship has detained her Longer than I expected— Lieut. Barney of the Continental Ship General Washington being just arrived here & who Informs me he is Immediately under your Excellencys Particular Orders, as She was built on purpose for a Cruizer, and of Course will Carry but Little Goods, she will be of Little or no service on that head— If you mean her to go on a Cruize, I think you would render Great service to the United States to order her out with the Alliance.
I have the Honor to be Sir, Your Excellencys Most Obedt. Humble Servt.
John Barry
His Excellency Benja. Franklin Esqr.

Addressed: His Excellency / Benja. Franklin Esqr. / Passey / pre / Paris
Endorsed: J. Barry L’Orient 31. 1782.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Maxwell Garthshore, 31 October 1782
From: Garthshore, Maxwell
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Hotel de Modene Rue Jacob.—Thursday’s night 31 October 1782.
Having formerly the honour to be a little known to you, I presume to address you in the Cause of Humanity.—
The eldest Son & Heir of the late Mr. Pollhill Member for Southwark, who had the honour to be known to you, is with His Lady now in this Hotel, on His way to Nice, for the recovery of His Health, which the Climate of Paris seems very unfavourable to.— He is taught to beleive the obtaining a Passport for leaving France is absoly. necessary, & that there is some difficulty in getting one. On this account He & I proposed Ourselves the Honour of waiting on, & requesting your kind Asistance tomorrow, but hearing your Health was not good, & Mr. Pollhill being very unfitt to take any unnecessary fatigue, we thought it more respectfull first to address you in this way, to know if we might take the liberty to call on you at Passy, and if you can asist us in this matter, which is of consequence to Mr. Pollhill’s Health to get expeded speedily.— Our Friends Sr. John & the Chevalier Lambert, have kindly promised their Endeavours but say they have found it difficult, we can hardly beleive it would be so to you—
I have the honour to remain Sir Yr. most respectfull & Obedt. Humble Servant
Maxwell Garthshoreof St. Martin’s Lane London—

Our Company consists of
Nathaniel Pollhill Esqr.
Mrs. Pollhill
Miss Montague
Maxwell Garthshore
One Female Domestic
One Valet de Chambre
One Avant Courier my Servt.

P.S. As this Morng. turns out frosty & cold, I doubt much if Mr. Pollhill dare venture abroad.

Notation: Garthshore 31. Octr. 1782


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Adams, 1 November 1782
From: Adams, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

John Adams arrived in Paris on the evening of Saturday, October 26, after a ten-day journey from The Hague. The first person he sought out the following morning was Matthew Ridley. Ridley gave him general information on the state of the negotiations, and filled him in on Franklin’s health: the Doctor was still weak and had ceased his custom of hosting Sunday dinners at Passy, but was beginning to be able to sit at table. The one piece of news that infuriated Adams was the discovery that William Temple Franklin had been appointed secretary of the commission. He confided in his diary that he thought Jay “honest” and Temple “malicious.” “F[ranklin]’s cunning,” he continued, “will be to divide Us. To this End he will provoke, he will insinuate, he will intrigue, he will maneuvre. My Curiosity will at least be employed, in observing his Invention and his Artifice.”
On Monday, October 28, Adams had a three-hour conference with Jay, during which he “spoke freely what he thought of Dr. Franklin.” On the evening of the following day he finally called on Franklin at Passy. According to his diary, he told Franklin “without Reserve my Opinion of the Policy of this Court, and of the Principles, Wisdom and Firmness with which Mr. Jay had conducted the Negotiation in his Sickness and my Absence, and that I was determined to support Mr. Jay to the Utmost of my Power in the pursuit of the same System.” Franklin, he continued, “heard me patiently but said nothing.”
Adams’ diary entry quoted above was written at the end of November, after the final articles were approved. While thus admitting to his initial distrust of Franklin, he went on to praise his colleague’s conduct during the negotiations themselves. The entry continues:
The first Conference We had afterwards with Mr. Oswald, in considering one Point and another, Dr. Franklin turned to Mr. Jay and said, I am of your Opinion and will go on with these Gentlemen in the Business without consulting this Court. He has accordingly met Us in most of our Conferences and has gone on with Us, in entire Harmony and Unanimity, throughout, and has been able and usefull, both by his Sagacity and his Reputation in the Whole Negotiation.
One of the times Franklin was useful to Adams was when, in the early stages of the negotiations, Adams sought firsthand information about the fisheries and suggested consulting Jonathan Williams, Jr. Franklin promised to ask Williams, who at that moment was on his way to Paris. Williams called on Adams and recommended that they consult his new business partner Maj. Samuel White, a “master of the subject,” whom he had left in charge of his affairs in Nantes. On November 8 White sent Williams (care of Franklin) a three-page letter describing in detail the New England fishing trade off Newfoundland, Cape Sable, and the Magdalen Islands. The American commissioners used this account in their discussions with the British.

Sir
Paris November 1. 1782
In answer to the Letter, your Excellency did me, the Honour to write me on the 15 of October, a Copy of which you delivered me Yesterday at Mr Oswalds the original not being received, I have only to Say that there is Money enough in the Hands of Messieurs Wilhem and Jan Willink, Nicholas and Jacob Van Staphorst and De la Lande and Fynji, of Amsterdam, to discharge the Interest of the Ten Million of Guilders borrowed in Holland by the King of France under the Warranty of the States General, if it is expected and insisted that Congress should pay it.
But the Question is, who shall order it to be paid.— I dont think myself authorized, by any Powers I have to dispose of that Money. Congress have only impowerd me to borrow the Money, and deposit it in the Hands of Bankers, to be drawn out by Congress. And I have advised and requested, that assembly, to draw the whole, without leaving me the Power to dispose of any Part of it, beyond my own Salary, a little assistance to our distressed Countrymen, escaped from British Prisons, and a few trifling Charges that necessarily arise.
There is also another Difficulty in the Way at present.— By the Contract, the Money is not to be paid, untill a Ratification arrives from Congress. A Quintuplicate of the Contract went by Captain Grinnell who is arrived at Boston so that We may expect a Ratification and too probably Draughts for the whole Money by the first ship.
It is therefore impossible for me to engage, absolutly to pay it, untill We hear farther from Congress. But upon the Arrival of the Ratification, if no Contrary orders arrive with it, and your Excellency and Mr Jay advise me to do it, I will direct, if I can, or at least I will desire the Houses who now have the Money to pay it, if insisted on by this Court, which I hope however will be thought better of.
I have the Honour to be
His Excellency B. Franklin Esq.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Cuming & Macarty, 1 November 1782
From: Cuming & Macarty
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
L’Orient November 1st. 1782
We are honour’d with your Letter of 26th. October Covering Mr. Hodgsons Letter and Captn. Houstons Bill on us for Ten Guineas.— We shall procure the information Mr. Hodgson desires, for the next post.— We return you Captn. Houstons Bill accepted by us payable at Mr. Vincens Banquer in Paris.— Captns. Cain and Josiah are out of Town but shall deliver your Letter to Captn. Deal.—

We are happy to find our distress’d friends so near releaf.— We are with great respect Your Excellencys Most Obedt. & most huml. servts.
Cuming & Macarty

Notation: Cuming & Maccarty 1st. Novr. 1782.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jonathan Williams, Jr., 1 November 1782
From: Williams, Jonathan Jr.
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear & hond sir
St Germain Nov. 1. 1782.
I arrived here last evening, with Mrs Williams, she is not well enough to be left immediately or I should have paid my Duty to you in Person. I beg Billy will let me know by a Line how you are, & I hope in a few days to be able to see you, in the mean time I remain as ever Your dutifull & affectionate Kinsman
J Williams J

Addressed: A monsieur / Monsieur Franklin / ministre plenipotentiare / des Etats unis de l’amerique / en son Hotel A Passy / pres Paris.
Notation: J. Williams 1. Nov. 1782.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Francis Dana, 22 October [i.e., 2 November] 1782
From: Dana, Francis M.
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
St: Petersbourg Octr. 22d. 1782. OS.[i.e., November 2, 1782]
As it may be proper you shou’d be acquainted with the contents of the enclosed letter to Mr: Morris, I take the liberty to send it to you open, and to request you, after you have read it, to close it and to forward it by the earliest opportunity.
I am, Sir, with much respect and esteem, your most obedient humble Servant
His Excellency Benja: Franklin Esqr: Minister Plenipotentiary &c


Title: Preliminary Articles of Peace: Second Draft Treaty, [4–7 November 1782]
From: American Peace Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Adams, John,Jay, John,Laurens, Henry,Oswald, Richard,Strachey, Henry
To:

As new American and British negotiators were converging on Paris, Franklin’s isolation in Passy posed certain inconveniences. John Adams arrived on October 26 but, as he initially refused to call on Franklin, the latter was evidently unaware of his arrival until Matthew Ridley mentioned it to him three days later. Surprised at Franklin’s ignorance, Ridley returned to Paris from Passy and persuaded Adams to call on his colleague that evening, October 29. Although Ridley believed that Adams did so only because of his insistence, Adams must have recognized that he could no longer delay a conversation. Henry Strachey had just arrived from London, and a new round of negotiations was already under way.
Strachey arrived in Paris on the afternoon of October 28, bearing new instructions for Oswald. The two men spent that evening conferring. The following morning, October 29, Oswald called on Jay and proposed as a western boundary a longitude line east of the Mississippi. Jay flatly refused. Oswald then brought Strachey to meet Jay, and Adams joined them. The British negotiators laid out their government’s objections to the first draft treaty, and engaged in general discussions about the points to be included in a revised version. Oswald then took Strachey to Passy, where they had a similar conversation with Franklin. All three American commissioners arranged to meet the following morning at eleven o’clock at Oswald’s quarters “to examine Maps & papers.” They would then dine together at Jay’s. From the morning of October 30 through the evening of November 4 the commissioners met steadily, rotating the location of their meetings and dining at one another’s residences.

Oswald’s new instructions were accompanied by stern rebukes from Shelburne for having been too accommodating in the previous discussions. He was to insist on extending the Nova Scotia boundary as far as possible, preferably to include the province of Maine; to assert Britain’s right to “the Back Country,” receding from that position only if the United States made “a just provision for the Refugees”; to argue against the Americans’ right to dry fish on Newfoundland; to omit all of the fourth article of the first draft treaty except for the freedom of navigation, referring the rest to a treaty of commerce; and to strongly urge “the Discharge of Debts due to British Merchants before the War.” Although Oswald was told that Strachey’s role was to help him negotiate boundaries, Strachey’s oral and written instructions actually authorized him to negotiate all the issues that Oswald had been apprised of. He was to press for as much land as possible, in order to bargain for compensation for the Loyalists. He was to argue for all the back lands accorded by the Proclamation of 1763, for the Canadian boundary established by the Quebec Act, and for a boundary of Nova Scotia that included, if possible, the entire province of Maine, or at the “very least” up to Penobscot. If the Americans refused, he could accept the boundaries proposed in the first draft treaty. The Loyalists were “of great importance,” he was told, “but the Debts require the Most Serious Attention.” Above all, it “must appear authentically” that he had fought for those two constituencies, the Loyalists and the merchants. Beyond that, he was authorized to accept, if necessary, the terms of the first draft treaty except for two items that were “totally inadmissible”: the right to dry fish on Newfoundland, and the section of the fourth article regarding free trade. He was also instructed to “urge just boundaries of West Florida.”
Joining the initial phase of the negotiations was William Roberts, whom Adams later described as “the oldest clerk in the board of trade and plantations.” Roberts had been entrusted with huge volumes of the board’s manuscript records, intended to support the British claim to the province of Maine. Adams was able to counter these claims with an arsenal of records and documents that he had brought from America, all of which proved that the legislature of Massachusetts Bay had “laid out counties, incorporated towns, granted lands, and regulated every thing from the date of the charter in the Province of Maine.” Before Adams finished reading his evidence, he saw the opposition melt. “Although they did not expressly acknowledge their error,” he wrote, “the subject subsided and we heard little more concerning it. The clerk, with his records, soon returned to England.”
The boundary between Maine and Nova Scotia was finally clarified, at least theoretically, after prolonged discussions over whether Britain could push as far as the Penobscot River. In the previous round of negotiations Jay and Franklin had postulated (without conviction) that Maine extended as far north as the St. John River. When Oswald objected, Franklin recommended that they leave the question to a future commission, a suggestion that Oswald incorporated in a postscript to the first draft treaty. The commissioners’ uncertainty was due to both a lack of documentation and the variety of conflicting maps available to them, all of which were inaccurate. One of the maps they rejected in this second round of negotiations, sent from England at Shelburne’s request on October 28, was accompanied by a cover letter explaining that it had been made by the “well accredited” geographer Herman Moll and “published at a time when … there were no immediate disputes concerning limits.” In fact, this wildly inaccurate map of North America, made circa 1715, showed no delineation at all between “New Scotland” and “New England,” gave a confused picture of the rivers in question, and, incidentally, still showed California as an island. The arrival of Adams, and the decision to be guided exclusively by the 1755 Mitchell map, helped the Americans solidify their stance.
The Mitchell map showed Nova Scotia bounded by a river west of the St. John, labeled the “St. Croix.” This name conformed to the documentation Adams had brought with him. Even though none of the commissioners was sure which river was meant by “St. Croix,” they wrote the name into the second draft treaty.
Adams also took the lead on another issue that had been problematic in the first treaty negotiations. This time he did not clarify an uncertainty but suggested a concession that Jay and Franklin had not yielded. He expressed his views to Oswald and Strachey during their first meeting on the morning of October 29, even before he had met with Franklin. His idea, which greatly pleased the British, was that compensation for the Loyalists and America’s repayment of debts incurred before the war were two separate issues and had to be considered independent of each other. He discussed this with Franklin on the evening of October 29, and Franklin explained his and Jay’s position: that neither they nor the Congress had the authority to make such decisions. According to Adams’ account, he persuaded his colleagues to agree that Congress should recommend to the States “to open their Courts of Justice for the Recovery of all just Debts.” Jay drafted the article, and the commissioners and Strachey agreed to it on November 3.
Franklin was not present on November 4, when Adams, Jay, Oswald, and Strachey finalized the article about the fisheries and completed a version of the second draft treaty. They worked from 11 A.M. to 11 P.M., breaking for dinner at 3 P.M. with a group of Frenchmen and Americans including Temple Franklin. Adams and Jay finally conceded the right to dry fish on Newfoundland, but obtained drying rights on a group of uninhabited islands and unsettled bays of Nova Scotia. According to Oswald, Franklin had pushed for specifying that fishing rights would extend to the Gulf of St. Lawrence, pointing out that the Americans would spend their profits from the fishery in buying British manufactures. He also, undoubtedly after realizing that drying rights on Newfoundland would never be granted, allowed that it might not be proper “to have a mixture of their people with ours for Drying on Newfoundland,” but “Supposed there would be no Inconveniency in throwing onshore their Fish for a few days on an Unsettled Beach, Bay or Harbor, on the Coast of Nova Scotia.” Moreover, he said, drying rights would be exercised only occasionally, and even then the fish would be only partially dried and salted, leaving the women and children to complete the curing when the fishermen returned. The Americans also retained the right to fish wherever they had previously done so. Adams drafted the fisheries article.
Having failed to secure compensation for the Loyalists, Oswald and Strachey both wrote letters to the American commissioners insisting on how strenuously they had argued the point. These letters, both drafted by Strachey, are below, November 4 and 5. Strachey told Townshend that they had been written “in the view of having an authentic Proof that every Effort had been used, agreeably to my Instructions from Lord Shelburne, upon a Point wherein the national Honor is so deeply concerned.”
Strachey left Paris on November 5, carrying the new draft treaty and a copy of the Mitchell map, on which the American commissioners had drawn two different proposed boundary lines, either one of which they would accept. The boundary described in the text of the draft treaty was the commissioners’ second proposal; according to Strachey, it was copied into the draft because it was shorter. The first proposal, which was sent to Townshend on a separate sheet, was the option selected by the British, and it appears verbatim in the final draft treaty.
Two days after Strachey’s departure, Jay reviewed the draft treaties with Oswald and entered several changes on both their versions. These changes are noted below, and Oswald sent an account of them to Strachey. Hoping that this draft would be approved and a fair copy sent back for signatures, Oswald advised Strachey that based on Jay’s “precision,” he “would advise that there should not be the least Alteration, not a single Word, different from the Drafts.”
When the process was finished, each set of negotiators expressed surprise at the intransigence of the other. Oswald “did not expect to find Mr. Jay so uncommonly Stiff and particular about these matters.” Strachey commented that “these Americans are the greatest Quibblers I ever knew.” Adams characterized Strachey as “artfull and insinuating. … He pushes and presses every Point as far as it can possibly go.” He was more positive about Oswald, “a wise & good man” who, “if untrammeled, would soon settle all.”
As this round of negotiations progressed, the Americans’ sense of inevitable triumph was expressed by a fable Franklin told of the Eagle and the Cat. The day before the present draft was settled, Adams inscribed the fable in his diary thus:
An Eagle scaling over a Farmers Yard espied a Creature, that he thought an Hair [a hare]. He pounced upon him and took him up. In the Air the Cat seized him by the Neck with her Teeth and round the Body with her fore and hind Claws. The Eagle finding Herself scratched and pressed, bids the Cat let go and fall down. No says the Cat: I won’t let go and fall, you shall stoop and set me down.
This fable delighted the French. Jean-Louis Aubert, signing himself “L. A.,” gave Franklin a French verse translation. He added a final couplet containing something akin to a moral: the British Eagle never touched the American Cat again in her life.

[November 4–7, 1782]
Articles agreed upon by and between Richard Oswald Esquire the Commissioner of His Britannic Majesty, for treating of Peace with the Commissioners of the United States of America, on behalf of His said Majesty, on the one part. And Benjamin Franklin, John Jay and John Adams, three of the Commissioners of the said States for treating of Peace with the Commissioner of His said Majesty, on their behalf, on the other part. To be inserted in, and to constitute the Treaty of Peace, proposed to be concluded between the Crown of Great Britain and the Said United States: But which Treaty is not to be concluded untill His Britannic Majesty shall have agreed to the terms of a Peace between France and Britain, proposed or accepted of by His most Christian Majesty, and Shall be ready to conclude with him, Such Treaty accordingly; it being the duty and Intention of the United States not to desert their Ally, but faithfully, and in all things, to abide by and fulfill their Engagements with His most Christian Majesty.
Whereas reciprocal advantages and mutual Convenience are found by experience to form the only permanent foundation of Peace and Friendship between States, It is agreed to form the Articles of the proposed Treaty on Such principles of liberal equality and reciprocity as that partial advantages, (those Seeds of discord) being excluded, Such a beneficial and Satisfactory Intercourse between the two Countries may be established as to promise and Secure to both, perpetual Peace and Harmony.
His Britannic Majesty acknowledges the Said United States Viz New Hampshire, Masachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pensylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia, to be free, Sovereign and Independent States. That He treats with them as Such; and for himself, his Heirs and Successors relinquishes all Claims to the Government Propriety and Territorial Rights of the Same, and every part thereof and that all disputes which might arise in future on the Subject of the Boundaries of the Said United States may be prevented, It is hereby agreed and declared that the following are and Shall remain to be their Boundaries. Viz.
From the Northwest Angle of Nova Scotia being that Angle which is formed by a Line drawn due North from the Source of St. Croix River to the High-Lands which divide the Rivers which empty themselves into the River St Laurence from those which fall into the Atlantic Ocean, and along the said High Lands, to the Northwestern head of Connecticut River, thence down along the midle of that River to the Forty fifth Degree of North Latitude, following the said Latitude untill it strikes the River Missisippi. Thence by a Line to be drawn along the midle of said River Missisippi untill it shall intersect the Northern most part of the Thirty first Degree of Latitude North of the Equator. South, by a Line to be drawn due East from the termination of the Line last mentioned in the Latitude of Thirty one Degrees, to the midle of the River Apalachicola or Catahouchi [Chattahoochee], thence along the midle thereof to its junction with the Flint River, thence Strait to the head of St Marys River, and thence down along the midle of St Marys River to the Atlantic Ocean. East by a Line from the Mouth of said St Marys River to the Mouth of the River St Croix in the Bay of Fundy, and by a Line drawn through the midle of Said River to its Source, and from its Source directly North to the aforesaid High Lands which divide the Rivers which fall into the Atlantic Ocean from those which empty themselves into the River St Laurence, Comprehending all Islands within twenty Leagues of any part of the shores of the United States, and lying between Lines to be drawn due East, from the points where the aforesaid Boundaries of St Croix River and St Marys River shall respectively touch the Bay of Fundy and the Atlantic Ocean.
It is agreed that all such Loyalists or Refugees as well as all such British Merchants or other Subjects as may be resident in any of the United States at the time of the Evacuation thereof by the Arms and Garrisons of His Britannic Majesty shall be allowed Six Months thereafter to remove to any part of the World And also at their election to dispose of, within the Said Term, or to carry with them, their Goods and Effects. And it is understood that the Said States shall extend Such farther favour to the Said Merchants and Such Amnesty and Clemency to the Said Refugees as their respective Circumstances and the Dictates of Justice and humanity may render just and reasonable; and particularly that Amnesty & Indemnity be granted to all such of the said Refugees as may be unaffected by Acts Judgements or Prosecutions actually pass’d or commenced a month previous to such Evacuation.
That the Subjects of his Britannic Majesty and the People of the said United States shall continue to enjoy unmolested, the Right to take Fish of every kind on all the Banks of Newfoundland; also in the Gulph of St. Laurence and all other places where the Inhabitants of both Countries used at any time heretofore to fish; And also to dry and cure their Fish on the Shores of the Isle of Sables, Cape Sables, and the Shores of any of the unsettled Bays, Harbours or Creeks of Nova Scotia, and of the Magdalene Islands. And his Britannic Majesty, and the said United States will extend equal Priviledges & Hospitality to each others fishermen as to their own.
Whereas certain of the United States excited thereto by the unnecessary Destruction of private Property have confiscated all Debts due from their Citizens to British Subjects; and also in certain Instances Lands belonging to the latter.
And whereas it is just that private Contracts made between Individuals of the two Countries before the War, should be faithfully executed, and as the Confiscation of the said Lands may have a Latitude not justifiable by the Law of Nations— It is agreed that British Creditors shall notwithstanding meet with no lawfull Impediment to recovering the full Value, or Sterling amount of such bona fide Debts as were contracted before the year 1775. And also that Congress will recommend to the said States so to correct (if necessary,) their said Acts respecting the Confiscation of Lands in America belonging to real British Subjects, as to render the said Acts consistent with perfect Justice & Equity. As to the Cession made of certain Lands in Georgia, by a number of Indians there, on the first June 1773, for the purpose of paying the Debts due from them to a number of Traders— The American Commissioners say, that the State of Georgia is alone competent to consider & decide on the same: for that it being a matter of internal Police, with which neither Congress nor their Commissioners are authorised to interfere, it must of necessity be referred to the Discretion & Justice of that State, who without doubt will be disposed to do, what may be just & reasonable on the Subject.
Similar Reasons & Considerations constrain the Commissioners to give the like answer to the Case of Mr. Penn’s Family.
From, and immediately after the Conclusion of the proposed Treaty, there shall be a firm & perpetual Peace between his Majesty & the said States; & between the Subjects of the one, & the Citizens of the other. Wherefore, all Hostilities, both by Sea & Land shall then immediately cease: All Prisoners on both sides shall be set at Liberty: And his Britannic Majesty shall forthwith, and without causing any Destruction, withdraw all his Armies, Garrisons & Fleets from the said United States, and from every Port, Place, and Harbour within the same; leaving in all Fortifications the American Artillery that may be therein: And shall also order and cause all Archives, Records, Deeds and Papers, belonging to any of the said States, or their Citizens, which in the Course of the War may have fallen into the hands of his Officers, to be forthwith restored and deliver’d to the proper States & persons to whom they belong.
That the Navigation of the River Missisippi from its Source to the Ocean, shall for ever remain free and open.

Separate Article.
It is hereby understood and agreed that in case Great Britain at the Conclusion of the present War shall be or be put in possession of West Florida, the Line of north Boundary, between the said province & the United States, shall be a Line drawn from the mouth of the River Yassous, where it unites with the Mississippi, due East to the River Appalachicola and thence along the middle of that River to its junction with the Flynt River.
Articles of New Treaty
  Compared with the Copy carried home by Mr Strachey by him & RO 5th Novr 1782


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Thomas Townshend, 4 November 1782
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Townshend, Thomas

Sir,
Passy, Nov. 4. 1782
I received the Letter you did me the honour of writing to me by Mr Strachey, and am much pleas’d with the Opportunity it has given me of renewing and encreasing my Acquaintance with a Gentleman of so amiable and deserving a Character.
I know you were ever averse to the Measures that brought on this unhappy War. I have therefore no doubt of the Sincerity of your Wishes for a Return of Peace. Mine are equally earnest. Nothing therefore, except the Beginning of the War, has given me more Concern than to learn at the Conclusion of our Conferences, that it is not likely to be soon ended. Be assured no Endeavours on my part would be wanting to remove any Difficulties that may have arisen; or even if the Peace were made, to procure afterwards any Changes in the Treaty that might tend to render it more perfect, and the Peace more durable. But we who are here at so great a Distance from our Constituents, have not the Possibility of obtaining in a few Days fresh Instructions, as is the Case with your Negociators, and are therefore oblig’d to insist on what is conformable to those we have, and at the same time appears to us just and reasonable.
With great Esteem and Respect, I have the honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient and most humble Servant
B Franklin
Rt. honble. T. Townsend. Esqr.


Title: Richard Oswald to the American Peace Commissioners, 4 November 1782
From: Oswald, Richard
To: American Peace Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Adams, John,Jay, John,Laurens, Henry

Gentlemen
Paris 4th Novemr 1782
You may remember that from the very beginning of our Negotiation for Settling a Peace between Great Britain and America, I insisted that you Should positively Stipulate for a Restoration of the Property of all those Persons, under the denomination of Loyalists or Refugees, who have taken part with Great Britain in the present War. Or, if the said property had been resold, and passed into Such variety of hands as to render the Restoration impracticable (which you asserted to be the case in many instances) you Should Stipulate for a Compensation or Indemnification to those Persons, adequate to their losses. & To these Propositions you Said you could not accede. Mr Strachey, Since his arrival at Paris, has most Strenuously joined me in insisting upon the Said Restitution, Compensation, or Indemnification, and in laying before you every Argument in favour of those Demands, founded upon national Honor, and upon the true principles of Justice.
These Demands you must have understood to extend, not only to all Persons of the abovementiond description, who have fled to Europe, but likeways to all those who may be now in any parts of North America, dwelling under the protection of His Majestys Arms or otherwise.
We have also insisted upon a mutual Stipulation for a general Amnesty on both Sides, comprehending thereby an Enlargement of all Persons, who, on account of Offences committed, or Supposed to be Committed, Since the commencement of Hostilities, may be now in Confinement; and for an immediate repossession of their Properties, and peaceable enjoyment thereof, under the Government of the United States. To this you have not hitherto given a particular or direct Answer.
It is however incumbent upon me, as Commissioner of the King of Great Britain, to repeat those Several Demands; and, without going over those Arguments upon paper, (which we have so often urged in Conversation) to press your immediate attention to these Subjects; and to urge you to enter into proper Stipulations for the Restitution, Compensation and Amnesty beforementioned, before we proceed further in this Negotiation. I have the honour to be Gentlemen Your most obedient Humble Servant
Richard Oswald
To Benjamin Franklin, John Jay and John Adams, Esquires Commissioners from the Thirteen United States of America, for treating of Peace between the Said States and the King of Great Britain

Notations: Letter from Mr Oswald To the American Commissrs— / In Mr. Oswald’s 6h & 7h Novr. 1782


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from the Marquis de Ségur, 5 November 1782
From: Ségur, Philippe-Henri, marquis de
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Versailles le 5. 9bre 1782.
M de Ségur a L’honneur de faire à Monsieur franklin ses Remerciments du soin quil a bien voulu prendre de Lui faire adresser Les depeches de L’amerique septle. qui lui sont parvenues pour Lui; il le prie en même tems dagréer ses sinceres Compliments./.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Benjamin Vaughan, [5 November 1782 or later?]
From: Vaughan, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Benjamin

My dearest sir,
Tuesday afternoon.[November 5, 1782, or later?]
I find that I can go off with convenience very early on Thursday morning; and therefore if agreeable, should wish you to give me your letter for Mr: T: T: tomorrow evening, as it may furnish with me with a probable occasion of speaking to that gentleman about certain affairs. Mr: H:’s letter may come under cover to me by a courier.— The very moment a certain event happens, I will indubitably take the journey I talked of, in order to communicate with my friend.
You will be kind enough to direct that a pass-port may be prepared, in order to save time, should my young friend be absent when I call tomorrow at Passy.
I must now, my dearest, dearest sir, by every tie in the world beseech you not to think of residing in any other house than mine, were you to reside in London for a thousand “fortnights.” We have room & servants & victuals & quiet enough; and there are two country houses for you besides, and a good woman who will strive to make every thing in the world comfortable to you.— And we have not only this convenience for you, but for your son, whose situation elsewhere would give us the greatest uneasiness.— Our chief friends you know are or may be in common; and your son, for his part, will be like a brother with us.
I am, my dearest sir, your ever devoted, affecte: & grateful
Benjn Vaughan


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Vergennes, 6 November 1782
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Vergennes, Charles Gravier, comte de

Sir,
Passy Novr. 6. 1782.
I wonder much that your Excellency has received no Letters by our Packet Boat. There were some for M. De Castries & M. de Segur. I enclose what News I have which is not in the News papers. Those will have informed you of the Unhappy Loss of the Eagle, and saving of the Money &ca.
I am with great Respect Sir, Your Excellency’s most obedient & most humble Sert.
B Franklin
His Exy le Cte. de Vergennes.

Notation: M. De R.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Joshua Barney, October [i.e., 6 November] 1782
From: Barney, Joshua
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Paris Wednesday Octr. [i.e., November 6] 82
Capn. Barney has the honor of assuring his Excelly. Doctr. Franklin of his most respectfull Comps. & wth. pleasure accepts his polite invitation to dinner on Saturday next

Addressed: A Son Excellence / Monsieur Le Doctr. Franklin / ministre Plenipotentiare / des Etats Units de / L’Amerique en / son hotel / a Passy


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Williams, Moore & Co., 6 November 1782
From: Williams, Moore & Co.
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honnorable Monsieur
a L’orient le 6 9bre. 1782.
Nous avons L’honneur de vous remettre Sous ce ply Les procedures de lamirauté de nôtre ville, des deux prises anglaises les deux freres, & Larundell, faites par Le corsaire ameriquain La Révolution, nous vous Suplions de vouloir Bien nous honorer de leur Condamnation le plutôt quil vous Sera possible, pour de suitte acceleree La vente.
Nous Sommes avec un profond Respect honnorable Monsieur Vos trés humbles & trés obeissants Serviteurs
Williams Moore & Co


Title: The American Peace Commissioners to Richard Oswald, 7 November 1782
From: American Peace Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Adams, John,Jay, John,Laurens, Henry
To: Oswald, Richard

Sir.
Paris 7th. November 1782.
In answer to the letter you did us the honor to write on the 4th. inst. we beg leave to repeat what we often said in conversation, viz. that the Restoration of such of the Estates of Refugees, as have been confiscated, is impracticable; because they were confiscated by Laws of particular States, &, in many instances, have passed by legal titles, through several hands. Besides, Sir, as this is a matter evidently appertaining to the internal Polity of the separate States, the Congress, by the nature of our Constitution, have no authority to interfere with it—
As to your demand of Compensation to these Persons, we forbear enumerating our Reasons for thinking it ill founded. In the moment of conciliatory Overtures, it would not be proper to call certain Scenes into view, over which, a variety of Considerations should induce both Parties, at present to draw a veil. Permit us therefore only to repeat, that we cannot stipulate for such Compensation, unless, on your part, it be agreed to make retribution to our Citizens for the heavy Losses they have sustained by the unnecessary Destruction of their private Property—
We have already agreed to an amnesty more extensive than Justice required, and full as extensive as Humanity could demand. We can therefore only repeat, that it cannot be extended further—
We should be sorry if the absolute Impossibility of our complying further with your Propositions on this head, should induce Great-Britain to continue the War for the sake of those, who caused & prolonged it; but, if that should be the Case, we hope that the utmost Latitude will not be again given to its rigours—
Whatever may be the Issue of this Negotiation, be assured Sir, that we shall always acknowledge the liberal, manly, and candid manner, in which you have conducted it; and that We shall remain, with the warmest Sentiments of Esteem and Regard, Your Most Obedt: humble: Servants.
John Adams.B FranklinJohn Jay
To Richard Oswald Esqr. his Britannic Majesty’s Commissioner for treating of Peace with the Commissioners of the United States of America

Notation: Letter from the Commissioners To Mr Oswald in Mr. Oswald’s 6 & 7 Novemr. 1782 7 Novr 1782


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Robert R. Livingston, 7 November 1782
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Livingston, Robert R.

Sir
Passy, Nov. 7. 1782
The Baron de Kermelin, a Swedish Gentleman of Distinction, recommended strongly to me by his Excellency the Ambassador of that Nation to this Court, as a Person highly esteemed in his own, purposes a Journey thro’ North America, to view its natural Productions, acquaint himself with its Commerce, and acquire such Information as may be useful to his Country, in the Communication and Connection of Interests that seems to be growing and possibly may soon become considerable between the two Nations. I therefore beg leave to introduce him to you, and request that you would present him to the President of Congress, and to such other Persons as you shall think may be useful to him in his Views; and I recommend him earnestly to those Civilities which you have a Pleasure in showing to Strangers of Merit.
With great Esteem I have the honour to be Sir, Your most obedient & most humble Servant
B Franklin
R. R. Livingston Esqe


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Claude-Mammès Pahin de Champlain de La Blancherie, 7 November 1782
From: La Blancherie, Claude-Mammès Pahin de Champlain de
To: Franklin, Benjamin

	ce 7 9bre 1782.—hôtel de Villayer rue st andré des arcs.
M. De la Blancherie arrivant d’hollande accablé d’occupations, n’a que le tems de faire présenter son respect á Monsieur Le Docteur franklin, et de le supplier de vouloir bien lui faire procurer l’Extrait mortuaire de M. De Troye, Lieutenant dans la Légion de Palaski mort à Charles-Town (dans la lettre de sa famille on écrit Chartouin) à l’hôpital de la d. [ditte] Ville et enterré dans la Vieille Eglise anglicane le 21 décembre 1779. Ses parens se sont adressés à M. De La Blancherie pour l’obtenir: il auroit aussi beaucoup d’obligation à Son Ex. Si Elle pouvoit lui faire avoir aussi l’adresse de M. Adams.

Notation: De La Blancherie 7. Nov. 1782.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from the Baron Samuel Gustaf Hermelin, [after 7 November 1782]
From: Hermelin, Samuel Gustaf, Baron
To: Franklin, Benjamin

[after November 7, 1782]
Le Baron de Hermelin pour prendre congé de son Excellce, devant partir demain l’Apres diné, et il aura l’honneur demain au matin de faire sa visite chez son Excellence.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Vergennes, 8 November 1782
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Vergennes, Charles Gravier, comte de

Sir,
Passy, Novr 8th 1782.
The Congress disregarding the Proposals made by Sir Guy Carleton, and determined to continue the War with Vigour, ‘till a Peace can be obtained, satisfactory as well to the King as to themselves; (as will appear by their Resolves hereto annex’d) but being disabled by the great Deficiency in their Taxes arising from various temporary Causes, have found it absolutely necessary to borrow another Sum in Europe, which they have accordingly directed me to endeavour by all means possible. The Necessity of this Measure is so clearly express’d, in the Letter of Mr. Morris their Financier, and Mr Livingston their Secretary, which are subjoined, that there is little Occasion for any Remarks of mine; I shall therefore only observe that from what pass’d in some of the last Conferences we had with the English Negociators here, I apprehend Peace to be still at a Distance and that another Campaign can scarcely be avoided; our Enemies being well informed of our present Distresses for want of Money & conceiving great Hopes that we shall no where find a Supply. The Congress on this important Occasion have therefore sent a Packet Boat express with their Orders to me to implore the Aid of his Majesty, our Friend & Father which I hereby do most earnestly from a full Conviction that unless the Loan is obtain’d, our Army can neither be kept up nor safely disbanded.
With the greatest Respect, I am, Sir, Your Excellency’s most obedient & most humble Servant.
B Franklin
His Exy. Ct. de Vergennes.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from David Hartley, 8 November 1782
From: Hartley, David
To: Franklin, Benjamin

My Dear friend
London Nov 8 1782
I beg leave to recommend to your attention the enclosed case of Mr James Nassau Colleton. I do it the more readily because it seems to me to be an equitable claim and because I think every example of compliance on any side with claims of equity and justice will at some time or other emerge in the general account of benevolence & conciliation. Mrs Margaret Colleton whose letter is enclosed left her title about three years ago to the present owner of the title Mr. Colleton who is fourscore years of age with the reversion to Mr J. N. Colleton whose memorial recites the rest. He is a young man under 30 years of age. I have known his family some years and have been requested by a common friend to recommend the case to your patronage. I shall be very happy to hear from you, more especially if you can say three things to me, first that you will not think me a trespasser upon your goodness in this present recommendation, secondly that you are yourself well in heart and health, and lastly, that Peace may not be far distant.
Your ever Affecte
D H.

Addressed: To Dr Franklin / &c &c &c


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Vicq d’Azyr, 8 November 1782
From: Vicq d’Azyr, Félix
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur.
8. 9bre. 1782
Je Suis chargé d’ecrire l’Eloge de feu M Pringle pour être Lu dans notre Prochaine séance Publique; sachant que Vous etiez l’ami de cet illustre Médecin, Je Vous prie de Vouloir bien me faire part des Anecdotes intéressantes dont Vous pourriez avoir connaissance relativement à sa Vie, afin de me mettre à portée de Louer sa mémoire le plus dignement qu’il me sera Possible.
Je Suis avec Respect Monsieur Votre trés humble et très obeissant serviteur
Vicq dazyr
M franklin.

Si Vous aviez quelques ouvrages de M Pringle, Je Vous serais obligé de Vouloir bien Me les Communiquer.

Notation: Vicq d’azir 8. 9bre. 1782.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Robert R. Livingston, 9 November 1782
From: Livingston, Robert R.
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir,
Philadelphia, 9th. Novr. 1782
Mr Steward informing me that he shall set out to morrow for Paris— He will be the bearer of this, & duplicates of my last Letters— Want of time will prevent my sending Mr Jay duplicates of the resolutions formerly enclosed to him, which will be the more unnecessary, as you will communicate those you receive with this, if my former Letters containing them have not reached him.
We are much flattered by the proposals of Sweden, and feel all the force of it’s minister’s observation— Every new acknowledgement lays the foundation of others, & familiarizes Great Britain with the idea of acknowledging us as sovereign and Independent— I feel some pleasure too in thinking that you are to be the instrument of procuring us a new connection, & beg leave to remind you of another which calls for your attention, tho’ it Seems to have been forgot in the hurry of business I mean that with the states of Barbary— The good dispositions of the Court of France towards us & the enlarged policy by which their measures are actuated, together with the coolness that at present subsists between the Emperor of Morocco & Great Britain, (if we are well informed) seems to point out this as the favorable moment for making ourselves known to them— As Mr. Jay is now with you, I wish you would consult upon the means of bringing this about, so that we may not be shut out of the Mediterranean in future.
I know you will start a very obvious objection— But as this can only be removed by your influence where you now are, we rely upon you for the means as well as for the manner of treating. I have not thought it necessary to say any thing to Congress on this subject, nor shall I till you give me hopes that something may be done in it.
The only political object of a general nature that has been touched upon in Congress since my last is the exchange of prisoners which seems at present to be as far as ever from being effected. The propositions on the side of the Enemy were to exchange seamen for soldiers, they having no soldiers in their hands— That the soldiers so exchanged should not serve for one year against the United states— That the sailors ought to go into immediate service— That the ballance of soldiers in our hands should be given up at a stipulated price.
Congress rejected this proposal as unequal—as letting loose a force which might be employed against our Allies in the West Indies, as making no provision for the payment of the large ballance due to us for the maintenance of prisoners. They farther required that General Carleton explicitly declare that the powers he gives to his Commissioners for negotiating an exchange are derived from the King of Great Britain so that any engagement for the payment of the debt they have incurred may be considered as binding on the nation—with respect to Mr Laurens, they come to no decided opinion, the Committee to whom it was referred reporting, That
“With respect to the information contained in the Extract of Sir Guy Carleton & Admiral Digby’s Letter of the 2d of August That after Mr. Laurens was discharged, he declared that he considered Lord Cornwallis as free from his parole, your Committee conceive it sufficient to observe that no intimation having been received of such a fact except from the said Extract, & Congress having given no directions for that purpose, the consideration thereof would in their opinion be premature, & ought therefore to be deferred”—
Since which tho’ Letters have been received from Mr Laurens, they have come to no resolution, unless their direction to him to proceed in the business of his mission, may be considered as Such—
General Carleton has sent out the trial of Lippencot, which admits the murder of Huddy, but justifies Lippencut, under an irregular Order of the Board of refugees— So paltry a palliation of so black a crime would not have been admitted, & Capt. Asgill would certainly have paid the forfeit for the injustice of his Countrymen, had not the interposition of their Majesties prevented— The letter from the Count de Vergennes is made the ground work of the resolution passed on that subject— I shall transmit you the resolve— I suppose I need not tell you that the Enemy contrived to get off the Eagle & to carry her to New York— You will find in the enclosed papers a very polite Letter from Capt. Elphinstone— it is easier to be so in words than deed among the British— Digby has refused to permit him to comply with his engagements, at least so far as his share of the prize is concerned, & insists upon dividing the baggage of the Officers, & sharing the eight shirt, the eight pairs of breeches &c— On the 4th inst. Mr. Boudinot was elected President in the room of Mr Hanson— Mr Lewis Morris will enclose bills purchased here at 6s 3d [i.e. p.] for five Livers for the amount of your last quarter’s salary, ending the first of October.
I have the honor to be sir, with perfect esteem & respect, Your most obt humble servt.
Robt R Livingston
Honble. B. Franklin LLD.No. 20


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jonathan Trumbull, 9 November 1782
From: Trumbull, Jonathan
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Lebanon 9th. Novemr—1782
You will doubtless recollect the circumstances of the first institution of the University of Dartmouth in the State of New-Hampshire.
That the late venerable Dr Wheelock was indefatigable in his endeavours to civilise and chritianise the indian natives, and to promote humanity, literature, and piety, and for that end sought and obtained benefactions in London; and carried forward the undertaking with success, and to public utility, until the present contest between the two countries put an end to his receiving any further helps from thence, before the great work was ripenned to Maturity.
The Doctor’s worthy son the honorable John Wheelock Esqr is now the President, and in imitation of his father’s Virtues, and to bring to perfection the institution so happily begun and prospered, is intrusted and authorised by its Trustees to sollicit benefactions in France and Holland to compleat that laudable beneficial & liberal undertaking.— I wish him success, and do recommend him and design to your notice, assistance and patronage.
With every sentiment of Esteem & Consideration I have the honor to be Your Excellency’s most obedient hble Servant
Jonth; Trumbull
His Excellency Benja. Franklin L L D.

Notation: Trumbul Mr. John 9 Nov. 1782.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Vergennes, 10 November 1782
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Vergennes, Charles Gravier, comte de

Sir
Passy, Nov. 10. 1782
I have examined the Captain if it might not be possible that he had left your Excellys. Letters in his Ship. He says that he certainly had no others for you than the Pacquets he delivered: But that there came with him as a Passenger, a Mr Forest, who was a Commis he thinks in the Office of the Secretary of the French Minister, and who left him at L’Orient to come to Paris by way of Nantes; saying that he had Letters to deliver to you, & should be at Paris within twelve Hours after the Captain. I am, with Respect, Sir, Your most obedt humb. Servt
B Franklin
M. le Comte de Vergennes

Notation: M de R


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jean-Pierre Duplan, 10 November 1782
From: Duplan, Jean-Pierre
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur
Lausanne le 10e. Novembre 1782.
Le 11e. fevrier 1778-, vous nous avés honoré de vôtre souscription pour un Exempl: de nôtre Enciclopedie 8° de 36 Volumes de discours & 3 vol: de planches, sur le prospectus que nous Eumes l’honeur de vous mettre sous les yeux; Vous daignattes Monsieur encourager nôtre entreprise de Vôtre aprobation, et de l’esperance que vous ne vous borneriés pas à ce Seul Exemplaire.
Aujourd’hui nous avons pris la liberté de vous rapeller de vôtre Engagement & de vos promesses, et nous vous prions Monsieur, de le faire prendre chès Monsr Dassy D’arpajan Docteur en Medecine à Fontainebleau près Paris, auquel nous avons fait parvenir successivement vos Volumes;
Et comme il ÿ a plus d’une année que Nous avons achevé l’Impression de cet Ouvrage, et qu’une partie des Volumes doit vous avoir eté livré Monsieur depuis longtems Nous prenons la liberté de vous prier de donner un instant d’attention a la chose afin que vous ayés les 39 Volumes qui forment le complet de la Souscription;
Il nous reviendra Monsieur pour le prix de cette Enciclopedie, 225 l.t. de france

a raison de 36 Vol: de discours à 5 l.t.
  £ 180

  3 de planche a 15 l.t.
  45

  qui est le prix de la Souscription
  £ 225—.

Lorsque vous aurés recu tous les Volumes a Satisfaction, vous aurés la bonté Monsieur de faire payer à Mr. Grand n Banqr. à Paris ruë Montmartre, le montant de la Somme c’y contre, au moyen de laquelle ce sera chose consomée.
D’aignés Monsieur vous rapeller dans l’occasion, que nous en avons encore un nombre de la seconde Edition, conforme à vôtre Exempl. et que vous avés eû la bonté de nous encourager dans cette Entreprise.
Permettés nous Monsieur de vous offrir le respect le plus profond, avec lequel nous avons l’honneur d’étre Vos trés humbles et trés Obeissants serviteurs Monsieur
La Societé Typographique DE Lausanne en Suisse

Notation: La Société Typographique de Lausane, 10 Nov. 1782.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Edward Bancroft, [11 November? 1782]
From: Bancroft, Edward
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Passy Monday Evening [November 11, 1782?]
Mr. Walpole has this evening appointed to go to Seve [Sevres] tomorrow, to see the Manufactory there, & to Dine with me on his return; & as I Know he would be very glad to have the pleasure of meeting you, I beg Leave to Sollicit the honour of your, & your Grandson’s Company to a plain Dinner at 3 O’Clock, if you are disengaged, if not, I shall hope for that honor another day.
I am with the utmost respect & Devotion Dear Sir Your most Humble & affectionate Servant
Edwd. Bancroft

Addressed: A Monsieur / Monsr. Franklin / Ministre Plenipotentiaire &c / &c &c / a Passy
Notation: Bancrof Edwd.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Lee, 12 November 1782
From: Lee, William
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir.
Bruxelles Novr. 12. 1782
I have had the Honour of receiving your Letter of the 20th. of last Month, informing me that you had accepted my several bills amounting to Forty six thousand one hundred & ninety six Livres Nineteen Sols payle. the 12th. of April next, and you add: “I confide that you will not hazard the credit of Congress, by indorsing any of them to others—’till You have heard from me that I am likely to be in Cash.”
This does not surprize me as coming from Doctor Franklin, especially when I have in my hands, the following extract from his Letter of the 30th. of March last to the superintendant of Finance, who had order’d him twelve months ago to pay this money, viz—”no demand has been made on me by Mr. Wm. Lee, I do not know where he is.” At that moment Doctr. Franklin knew where I was, as well as any Man existing, who had not his eyes on me.
I know Sir that the money has been already lodged in your hands for the specific purpose of paying the debt due to me, which you have hitherto unjustly withheld, consequently, the credit of Congress, is at present out of the question, with respect to me, in this business; Therefore I am compell’d to inform you, that I am not in any manner disposed to be triffled with any longer, & that you must take care to pay the Bills punctually which you have accepted.
I have the Honor to be, with proper Respect, Sir &c.
Sign’d— W. Lee
His Excellency Doctr. Benja. Franklin at Passy(Copy.)


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Sir Edward Newenham, 12[–13] November 1782
From: Newenham, Sir Edward
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Marsailles 12[–13] Novr: 1782
As I have some fears that the British Janus does not intend fair by the Kingdom of Ireland in the expected or depending Treaty of Peace, I hope Your Excellency will pardon my Zeal for my Country, by my most Earnestly entreating to Know, if Ireland is (as it ought of Right to be) particularily mentioned; if it be not, & peace should be finaly concluded, my fears Induce me to think, that our Trade & Commerce may suffer considerable & lasting Injuries—
I have wrote a public Letter to THE MEN of Ireland advising them to demand of their King, that their Kingdom be particuliarily mentioned & acknowledged by all the Belligerent Powers, but I have delayed sending it, untill I have the honor of your Answer, which I mean to use with the most confidential Respect and mention my Authority— My Letter is intended to be published in Every paper in Ireland, & it will finaly finish the fensibles—
All this Family join me in sincerest respects you & best regards to your Grandson—
I have the Honor, to be, with Every sentiment of respect your Excellencys most Obedt: and most obliged Humble Sert
Edward Newenham

PS— That the Tenor of my address may appear to yr Excellency, I have the honor to Send a Copy of it—

Addressed: Marsailles / To / His Excellency Dr. Franklin / Minister Plenipotentiary from / the United States of America / Passy / Paris
Notation: Newenham 12 Novr. 1782.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Vergennes: Two Letters, 13 November 1782
From: Vergennes, Charles Gravier, comte de
To: Franklin, Benjamin

I.
A Vlles. [Versailles] le 13. 9bre. 1782.
J’ai l’honneur de vous prevenir M. que la Cour de Londres ayant fait proposer au Roi de consentir au retablissement de la communication entre Douvres et Calais, S.M. a fait expedier 4 passeports pour un pareil nombre de Batimens Anglois destinés à remplir cet objet. Je vous prie en consequence M. de ne pas differer à donner les ordres que vous croirez necessaires pour que les armateurs et Corsaires Sujets des Etats unis respectent les Batimens Anglois qui se trouveront munis d’un passeport du Roi.
M. franklin

II.
A Vlles. [Versailles] le 13. 9bre. 1782.
J’ai l’honneur, M. de vous envoyer la copie d’une lettre que j’ai recue de M. le Mis. de Castries. Vous y verrez les raisons qui l’empechent de Se prêter à la demande que vous avez faite de quelques Batiments pour le transport d’un millier de Tonneaux d’effets necessaires à l’armée americaine.
M. franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Hodgson, 14 November 1782
From: Hodgson, William
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
London 14 Novr. 1782
I duly reced your favor of the 4th. & am much obliged to you for writing to L’Orient, from whence I have not yet heard—it gives me much Concern that our great Folks here neglect their Business so much, they did absolutely agree with me three months ago. To send away the Prisoners immediately, I have been teizing Nepean the Under Secretary to Mr Townshend, every week since, to fullfill the agreement, this week he has again solemnly assured me that as soon as a Ship can be provided they shall all go the No. per last Acc’t about 240—& he excuses himself for the delay, by alledging Goverment have no Ships to spare for this Service—not many days ago I was sent to from the Secretarys Office to desire I wou’d propose to you to exchange Lt. Col: Tarleton for two Captains of American Privateers— Tarleton, as I understand, was one of the Prisoners at York Town I promised to mention it to you but at the Same Time observed that as they had hitherto absolutely refused to acknowledge any rank in Americans taken & brought into this Country, but treated all as common Men, I did not see how they coud expect it unless they wou’d alter their own Conduct— You will however please to give your Reply to this proposition—as I strongly suspect, no less a person than the Heir Apparent has interposed at the request of a Beautifull Lady, whose favors are occasionally bestowed both on him & the Lt Col. Mr Laurens is returned from Bath—renouncing, as I understand, his design of returning to America & intending I have reason to believe for Paris. I am sorry that the old Affair does not go on better, there seems to be Cooks in plenty, I fancy our great Man will tatér le poux du Parlement avant que de determiner finalement—most truly & Sincerly I remain yrs
William Hodgson

Addressed: To / His Excellency / Benj. Franklin Esqr / Passy


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Sir Edward Newenham, 14 November 1782
From: Newenham, Sir Edward
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Marsailles 14 Novr: 1782
Last post I had the Honor of writing to your Excellency in regard to Irelands being mentioned in the intended treaty between the Belligerent powers; Permit me, now, to acquaint your Excellency, that I have seen my most Worthy and respectable friend Mr John Christopher Hornbostel (Partner with Mr: Folsh, the swedish Consul) who was on former occasions & has lately been of Infinite Service to me & my family; We have Gratitude & wish to serve him.
He is the Gentleman whom I mentiond to your Excellency, whose Early (4 years agoe) attachment to the Interest of the United States, whose Character & Principles point him out as a proper Person to be appointed Chief Consul, for Provence and Languedoc, on the part of America—

Should your Excellency favor him by so honourable an Employment, I shall most Gratefully acknowledge this addition to the many favors you have conferred upon me, and I am confident the United States will find the Greatest Integrity & Satisfaction in his Conduct—
My Family join me in the sincerest respects to you & your Grandson—
I have the Honor, to be, with the warmest respect your Excellencys most obt: and most Humble. sert
Edward Newenham

Notation: Newenham 14 Novr. 1782.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Charles-Joseph Panckoucke, 14 November 1782
From: Panckoucke, Charles-Joseph
To: Franklin, Benjamin

14. 9bre. 1782.
Panckoucke Présente tous Ses respects à monsieur francklin, et Lui envoye La Lettre cy jointe.
M. franklin à passÿ.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Vergennes, 15 November 1782
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Vergennes, Charles Gravier, comte de

Sir,Passy 15. November 1782.
I received the Letter you did me the honour of writing to me the 13th. Inst, and I loose no time in forwarding to your Excellency the Orders you desire for the 4 English Vessels destined to pass between Dover and Calais; tho’ I am persuaded the Passports they are furnished with from his most Christian majesty; would have been sufficient Protection to them, against all Vessels belonging to the United States.
With great Respect I am, Sir, Your Excellency’s most obedient and most humble Servant
B Franklin
Mr. Le Cte. De Vergennes.

Endorsed: M. Hennin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Benjamin Franklin Bache, 15 November 1782
From: Bache, Benjamin Franklin
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Grand PapaGeneva 15 9ber 1782
I wrote this pacquet as soon as possible Because My Cousin told me that there was an opportunity of sending them and as Mama Desires it all in english I wrote them with much of dificulty by that means I hope to make some Progress in the english language.
I hope you have received the picture and the letter I sent you.
I shoud be very happy if I had my parents with me but for only that I am quite unhappy, My life is uniforme, I get up at half after 7, I brekfast to 8, from 8 to 11 I am in class at 11 I have a Latin Lesson to 12, from 12 to 1 I Dine and learn By heart a Lesson that our Regent gives’us, from 1 to 3 I go to class, from 3 to 5 I do a task luncheon and do a theme, from 5 to 6 I have an’other latin Lesson from 6 to 7 I translate Joseph andrews and write my Journal from 7 I do my Drawing lesson to 8, and, then, I sup and go to bed. That is the work I do the Monday the tuesday and friday; the Wednesday and Saturday I have no drawing master almost every thursday and Sunday I go too Me [Mme] Cramer’s if I don’t go, the thursday I arrainge my things write my Journal, and translate.
I am My Dear Grand Papa Your most Dutiful and affectionate Son
B. Franklin B.

Johonnot presents his respects to you and desires yo would send his letters

Mr Cramer de Lon the son presents also his respects to you.

Addressed: To / Doctor Franklin / a Passy


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Castries, 15 November 1782
From: Castries, Charles-Eugène-Gabriel de La Croix, marquis de
To: Franklin, Benjamin

A vlles. [Versailles] le 15 9bre. 1782.
Je vois, Monsieur, par ce que M Le Cte. d’hector Commandant la Marine à Brest, me marque, qu’il a prevenu le Commre. des Guerres chargé des Effets des Etats Unis de l’Amerique, qu’il doit les tenir prêts a etre embarqués et qu’il lui sera fourni des moyens pour les faire passer à l’orient, et à Rochefort; mais comme M le Cte. d’hector estime qu’il est necessaire que vous fassiez connoitre s’il n’y a pas de choix à faire dans les quantités et dans les qualités, je vous prie de me mettre en etat d’informer ce commandant de ce qui doit étre observé à cet egard.
J’ai l’honneur d’être avec une parfaite consideration, Monsieur, votre &c.
M franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Jones, 15 November 1782
From: Jones, William
To: Franklin, Benjamin

My dear and respected Friend,Lamb Building Temple. 15 Nov. 1782.
I should have hastened, if an earlier opportunity had presented itself, to impart to you a piece of intelligence, which, I flatter myself, will give you pleasure. My profile will, I hope, have the honour of being hung up in your apartment with those of a family, whom you love and revere, and by whom you are loved and revered with the greatest cordiality. My connexion with the excellent bishop of St. Asaph, by my marriage with his eldest daughter (of whom I have heard you speak with approbation) is now settled, and will take place as soon as we can be united with a prudent attention to our worldly interests, and to the highest of all interests, our independence. I consider it as the pride and triumph of my life, that I am received with open arms into a family, which you and I have always known to contain a rare assemblage of publick and private virtues. We were always talking of you in Hampshire, and longing to enjoy again your sweet society: sometimes we were charmed with tidings, that you were coming with an olive wreath to England; at other times we were afflicted with reports of your labouring under a painful illness. I hope to be relieved to-day from that affliction, as I dine with Mr. Hodgson, who, I hope, has heard from you lately. Your friends of the club will heartily join in drinking your health and wishing you among them. I will request Mr. H. to transmit to you the letters, which you had the kindness to write for poor Paradise and myself, and which a variety of accidents prevented my sending to you from Nantz or leaving with your nephew. Mr. Paradise, whom, when I wrote to you last, I did not suppose capable of his excessive weakness, assures all his friends, that You and Mr. Jay told him there was no kind of necessity for his going to Virginia in obedience to the act of assembly, but that his property is in safety and in good hands. I fear he deceived himself, but heartily wish that he understood you right: he could not have better authority. He is certainly described particularly and by design in a special clause of the act, which clause itself was inserted through indulgence in consequence of his letters sent in your dispatches. “Good will to men and peace on earth” is my anxious prayer; and that you may enjoy the fruit of all your glorious toil and revisit your friends with full splendor and dignity is the fervent wish, of, my dear Sir, Your much obliged and faithful Servant
W. Jones.

P.S. Georgiana is engaged to a young man named Hare. May she be happy!


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to All Captains and Commanders of American Vessels, [16 November 1782]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: All Captains and Commanders of American Vessels

[November 16, 1782]
  To all Captains and Commanders of Vessels of War,Privateers and Letters of Marque belonging to the United States of America
  His most Christian Majesty having consented to the Proposition of the Court of London for renewing the Communication between Dover and Calais, and having to that Effect granted Pass-ports for a like Number of English Vessels, to fulfil that Object— And his Minister for Foreign Affairs having by a Letter to us of the thirteenth Instant, requested, We would give immediate Orders to all Subjects of the United States of America to respect the Vessels thus protected by the Pass-ports of his most Christian Majesty:

We therefore the Minister Plenipotentiary of the sd. United States at the Court of France hereby request you to let all such Vessels pass & repass according to the tenor of their Pass-ports, without any Molestation or Hindrance.
  Given at Passy this 16th. Day of November 1782.
B Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Carmichael, 16 November 1782
From: Carmichael, William
To: Franklin, Benjamin

SirMadrid 16 Novr. 1782
Mr Jays acquaintance with the Ct. de Rechteren who does me the honor to ask an Introduction to your Excy might preclude the necessity of the present Address, If I had not a strong desire of convincing the Count of my sense of his Civilities and of my connection with you— I might from your Long Silence conclude that he will owe much more to his own merit than to my Introduction, if the Strong desire that I have always Manifested to be regarded Amongst the Number of your Friends & the proofs that I have heretofore recd of your Indulgence did not flatter me, that in this Instance your Reception of the Person whom I have the honor to present to you, will not fail to Convince him that you regard me still Among the number of Your Excys. Obliged Friends & Humble Serts
Wm. Carmichael
His Excy Benjm. Franklin

Notation: Carmichael 16 Nov. 1782.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Johann Thaddeus de Ehet and Other Consulship Seekers, [16 November 1782]
From: Ehet, Johann Thaddeus de
To: Franklin, Benjamin

The expectation that the independence of the United States would soon be recognized by all the powers of Europe caused many to anticipate the need for agents to represent American commercial and other interests in Europe. On November 16, Johann Thaddeus de Ehet wrote in German from Augsburg, offering his services. Franklin wrote on the letter: “Mr Grand is requested to procure a Translation of this Letter, or at least some Account of its purport.” We publish below the French summary that Franklin received.
On December 7, the abbé Bertholon, writing from the Hôtel des invalides in Paris and signing himself as a member of numerous academies and a professor of experimental physics, renews his acquaintance with Franklin for the purpose of recommending a man he knows well, Pierre Galibert, a merchant from Beziers. Galibert has experience in foreign trade and is extremely trustworthy. Bertholon undoubtedly forwarded an undated petition from Galibert, who describes himself as a merchant of Sète and proposes himself as a consul from that port. He asks Franklin to consider the advantages of Sète over Bordeaux: the wines and brandies are not subject to the heavy duties of Bordeaux, and there is ready access to both the woolens of Languedoc and the silks of Lyon. He puts himself forward as the man to teach the American captains the customs of the country and to direct them in their mercantile affairs.
André [Andrew] Chester writes an undated memoir (presumably in December), in hopes of being named consul at Marseille. The son of an immigrant from Derby, England, he is 42 years old and since August, 1778, has been the official English translator for the Admiralty of Marseille. Recently, when the first American ship appeared at that port, Chester was named to fill the role of consul, there being no duly appointed official for the young nation. His training and experience qualify him for the position of consul, and he attaches testimonials from high officials at Marseille: Pléville Le Pelley, naval commandant at Marseille; Gaudemar, an admiralty official; Bertin, commissary of the port; and the marquis de Miran, commandant of Provence.
Cavelier fils, a merchant and former city official at Dieppe, is keen to promote the port at Dieppe where many ships are being built. The rates for transporting goods from Picardy, Normandy, and other provinces to Dieppe are low, and the considerable commerce derived from the local saltworks has secured to the city trade links throughout the kingdom. With the coming peace, the city’s large tobacco manufactory offers a wealth of opportunities to American merchants who can exchange American tobacco for local dry goods and all that the nearby market of Paris can supply. Cavelier begs the American minister to appoint him consul at Dieppe. Mr. Deane, an American residing in the Dieppe suburbs to whom Franklin administered the oath of allegiance, has promised to speak to Franklin of Cavelier’s helpfulness in lodging troops there in 1780. Both the comte Dethianges, lieutenant general in the royal army, and the abbé Marie, professor of mathematics, can testify to his suitability for the consulship.
Jacques Chapel writes on January 9 from Valenciennes, where he has a batiste factory. He thanks Franklin for his willingness, at the marquis de Castries’ behest, to assist him in forming ties with American commercial houses in the United States and in Europe. His wife, who will present this letter, will deliver notices he has had printed describing the articles he can supply and giving directions for placing orders. Will Franklin also support his candidacy as American agent for the coastal area between Calais and Ostend? he asks in conclusion.
Writing from her mother-in-law’s address, rue Chapon in the Marais, on January 16, Mme Mandat de Fraguier recommends for the post of consul at Lyon a man of merit, the sieur Nivière, who has been recommended to her by the abbé Rojat. She encloses the abbé’s letter to her and sends greetings from her husband.
On January 20, Jean-Guillaume (Johann Wilhelm) Backhaus, a doctor of law, writes from Hanover to offer his services in public as well as commercial affairs. Planning to move to Hamburg, he encloses a four-page memoir describing the advantages to the United States of having a consular presence in that city, where all the princes and states of Europe are represented. He himself is a former representative of the duchy of Holstein, and can draw on his negotiating experience and his contacts in several Courts of Europe as well as with most of the artisans and manufacturers of Germany. He intends to associate with one of the most reliable commercial houses of Hamburg to ensure the best service to the Americans. Finally, he offers to serve as the intermediary for all mail from America to be distributed in Germany, and he is willing to forward to America letters from merchants and manufacturers of Germany and northern Europe.

   French summary and ALS: American Philosophical Society

[November 16, 1782]
Mr Jno. Thaddeus de Ehet à Augsbourg, conseiller à la Chambre pour l’Inspection des Comptes, profite de l’Epoque où l’Indépendance des Etats unis d’Amérique est reconnue par l’Angleterre, & où elle ne doit pas tarder à l’etre par les autres puissances de l’Europe, en particulier par la Diete de l’Empire, pour réitérer Sa prière à Monsieur le Docteur Franklin, au Sujet de la Correspondence que les Etats unis ne manqueront pas d’avoir avec les principales villes d’Allemagne, & lui offre Ses Services pour les matières de Politique, Commerce & Jurisprudence qui pourront les intéresser à Augsbourg.
C’est le but de Sa longue lettre ègalement mal ècrite & mal orthographiée.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Luigi Pio, 16 November 1782
From: Pio, Luigi
To: Franklin, Benjamin

à Paris ce 16. Nove. 1782.Hôtel de Montmorency chaussée d’Antin./.
M. de Pio, chargé des affaires de la Cour de Naples, a l’honneur de faire bien des complimens à Monsieur Franklin, Ministre Plénipotentiaire des Etats-unis de l’amerique septentrionale, et de Le prier de lui dire, si dans le tems il a reçu une Lettre de Mr. Filangieri de Naples, L’Auteur de l’Essai sur la Legislation. Il en est inquiet, d’autant plus que Mr. Filangeri ne désire pas mieux que de meriter l’estime, et les bontés du plus grand Philosophe du nouveau monde, et qui merite bien de l’être de celui-ci qu’il a eclairé et qu’il eclaire, toujours.
M. de Pio prie Mr. franklin de lui faire l’honneur d’un mot de reponse.

Notation: Mr. Pio Paris 16 Novr. 1782


Title: British Counterproposal to the Second Draft Treaty: Selected Articles, [19 November 1782]
From: British Cabinet
To: American Commissioners

When Henry Strachey arrived in London on November 10, the British Cabinet was summoned to review the second draft treaty. Shelburne urged the members to come to a “provisional agreement” with America. The King reluctantly agreed to accept independence, rationalizing that “knavery seems to be so much the striking feature of [America’s] Inhabitants that it may not in the end be an evil that they become Aliens to this Kingdom.”
The Cabinet first met on November 11 and continued deliberations on November 14 and 15, drafting and unanimously approving this counterproposal, which the Americans could either “take or leave.” Townshend delivered the proposal to the King on the evening of November 19. That night George III approved it out of “necessity not conviction.”

The British counterproposal retained almost verbatim several sections of the second draft treaty; other sections were substantially revised. Many of the paragraphs were rearranged, and the whole was divided into numbered articles. That order and numbering system was retained in the final version of the Preliminary Articles, published below under November 30. We describe here the overall proposal and print below only those articles that the British substantially revised from the second draft treaty and that would be revised again for the final version of the Preliminary Articles, so that readers may examine the evolution of the commissioners’ language.
The first three paragraphs of the counterproposal were substantially unchanged, and in fact were carried over from the first draft treaty as agreed to by Jay, Franklin, and Oswald in early October. The third paragraph, naming the states, constituted Article 1, as it had in the first draft treaty.
Article 2, setting the boundaries of the United States, copied the “lakes and rivers line” option given to the British by the American commissioners along with the second draft treaty. Though the British hoped that Strachey would achieve a more favorable boundary, this article was retained verbatim in the Preliminary Articles.
Article 7 declared a cessation of hostilities and was almost identical to Article 2 of the first draft treaty, whose language was carried over to the second draft.
Article 8, about free navigation of the Mississippi River, was adopted from the second draft treaty with the addition of a final phrase of clarification.

The Separate Article was changed from the second draft treaty in two ways. The counterproposal’s version ended with the phrase “due East to the River Apalachicola,” thereby deleting the reference to the northern border of West Florida as extending to the junction of that river with the Flint (Flynt) River. This change, which left this portion of the border implied, was retained in the Preliminary Articles. The counterproposal also changed the word “Conclusion” (referring to the war) to “End.” The Preliminary Articles retained the word “Conclusion.”
We publish below the texts of Articles 3 through 6, which addressed the most contentious issues of the negotiations: fisheries, debts owed to British creditors, and the treatment of Loyalists. Townshend told the King that Articles 4, 5, and 6 were the ones that Oswald must insist on; the others were subject to negotiation. It was Strachey, not Oswald, who explained the British positions on these issues when he presented this counterproposal to the American commissioners on November 25. His remarks are published below, under that date.

[November 19, 1782]
Article 3.
The Citizens of The Said United States Shall have the Liberty of taking Fish of every Kind on all the Banks of Newfoundland, and also in the Gulph of St. Laurence; and also to dry and cure their Fish on the Shores of the Isle of Sables and on the Shores of any of the unsettled Bays, Harbours, and Creeks of the Magdalene Islands, in the Gulph of St Laurence, So long as Such Bays, Harbours and Creeks Shall continue and remain unsettled; on Condition that the Citizens of the Said United States do not exercise the Fishery, but at the Distance of three Leagues from all the Coasts, belonging to Great Britain, as well those of the Continent as those of the Islands Situated in the Gulph of St Laurence. And as to what relates to the Fishery on the Coasts of the Island of Cape Breton out of the Said Gulph, the Citizens of the Said United States, Shall not be permitted to exercise the Said Fishery, but at the Distance of fifteen Leagues from the Coasts of the Island of Cape Breton.
Article 4.
It is agreed that the British Creditors Shall meet with no lawful Impediment to the Recovery of the full Value in Sterling Money of Such bona fide Debts as were contracted by any Persons who are Citizens of the Said United States before the Year 1775.
Article 5.
It is agreed that Restitution Shall be made of all Estates, Rights and Properties in America, which have been confiscated during the War.
Article 6.
There Shall be a full and entire Amnesty of all Acts and Offences, which have been or may be Supposed to have been committed on either Side by reason of the War, and in the Course thereof; and no one shall hereafter Suffer in Life or Person, or be deprived of his Property, for the Part he may have taken therein. All Persons, in Confinement on that Account, Shall immediately on the Ratification of the Treaty in America, be set at Liberty: all Prosecutions which may be depending in Consequence of any of the said Offences, Shall cease, and no fresh Prosecutions Shall at any time hereafter be commenced thereupon.