Title: To John Adams from Daniel Putnam, 21 May 1818
From: Putnam, Daniel
To: Adams, John

Sir,
Brooklyn 21st. May 1818—

However untimely or improper may the thought an address of this kind, from an obscure, individual to the President of the U. States, I cannot repress the impulse which urges me to trespass on the high duties of your exalted station, and to solicit your condescention to a short vindication of my Fathers memory from the foul aspersions cast on it by a man who has held stations of high responsibility under the government of my country, and whom, for that reason alone I wish to treat respectfully.
I have recently had the honour to forward by Mail, general Dearborns account of the Battle of Bunker Hill, in which the character of General Putnam is most unjustifiably assailed; and I cannot endure the thought that one officer of the revolutionary army should think them unworthy of him. Most of all, should I deplore that the Chief of the Nation—the diciple of Washington—his successor in the government, and emphetically so in the confidence and affection of the public, should for a moment believe that Genl. Putnam ever acted the disgraceful part ascribed to him in that Battle.
The real truth would represent him in a very different light—it would shew that every public history has cut him short of the mind of praise justly his due:—that even his own Biographer (not from want of friendship, or a disregard for truth, but from mis-information) has erroniously stated the transactions of that memorable day. Col. Humphreys wrote his life of Putnam at Mount Vernon, and whether he even had any relation of the circumstances from Genl. Putnam, or had forgotten them certain it is that he took his account of that Battle, partly from a British register and partly from an American News-paper. This, were he now alive he would acknowledge, and correct his own errors as well as the multiplied mis-statements of Genl. Dearborn. But, his lips are sealed in death, or those statements had never met the public eye.
It is a fact, known to some yet alive, that the command on Bunker Hill, from first to last was Genl. Putnam’s. Genl. Dearborn states truly of Genl. Warren, that he took no command. Genl. Putnams relation of this fact, which others now living as well as myself have heard again and again from his own mouth, was to this effect.
"A few moments before the Action commenced, and which the British troops were advancing in Columns to the attack, Genl. Warren came up to the Redoubt—I proposed his taking command. He replied—"I came not here for command—I know nothing of your dispositions for defence—but what I can do, by example and encouragement to others, shall be done." I requested him to go into the redoubt, and remaining myself at the breastwork, I never saw him after."
The annecdote which Col. Trumbull gives from Col. Small was less circumstancially related by Genl. Putnam to his family a few days after the Battle. Speaking of the Battle he said "I saved the life of my old friend Small, who would certainly have fallen but for my interference in restraining the fire."
After Genl. Washingtons arrival at Cambridge in July Col Small requested an interview with Genl. Putnam without stating any specific object. This request was submitted to Genl. Washington who advised a compliance on the part of Genl. Putnam. The parties met on the lines, between Prospect and Bunker Hill. Col Small, after some prefatory remarks said—"You must know Putnam that you can never ultimately succeed in your opposition. The power of Britain when it comes to be exerted, must crush you, and you’l be hanged for a Rebel. Your services in Canada the last War, are remembered—You are respected by the British Army, and I am authorized by Genl. Gage to say to you—"If you will leave that Rebel service in which you are now ingaged, and which must be but transient; and will join us in that which will be permanent, you shall have the same rank in the British Army as you now hold in the American. You have sons too—they also shall be provided for to your satisfaction." Then laying his hand on the shoulder of the Genl. he said—"Putnam—you saved my life but yesterday as it were—I have a grateful heart, and wish henceforth to hail you as my friend, and never more to meet you as an enemy."
He was answered by Genl. Putnam, “that having embarked in the contest from a full conviction of the justice of the cause he should stand or fall with his Country—that it was only in defence of that country, that could ever meet Col Small as an enemy.” These particulars were reported to Genl. Washington, & confidentially to his family at the time.
In the summer of 1777 Genl. Putnam was stationed on Hudsons river in the high lands. The family of Col. Beverly Robinson, which remained on his estate in the vicinity of Fort Montgomery, had, before the arrival of Genl. Putnam, suffered some indignities from the populace and soldiery, but were afterwards protected and kindly treated by the General, till the fall of Fort Montgomery, when they were removed to N. York by the British Army. Shortly after, Col. Robinson, by a note to Genl. Putnam, requested an interview with Major Putnam at West Chester. By direction of the General, I met him, when similar offers to those which had been made by Col. Small, were renewed from Sir Henry Clinton thro’ Col. Robinson.
He was told in reply, that with every disposition to do justice to his motion in making such a proposition; it could nevertheless be viewed in no other light by Genl. Putnam, than as an indignity offered his character and as such, should never be repeated by one professing respect and Gratitude. A relation of these circumstances was not necessary if indeed they were proper in a public letter, and they are now given, not from ostentation, but in the hope of convincing the President that Genl. Putnam was a patriot impervious to corruption as he certainly was a Soldier fearless of danger;—and consequently that Genl. Dearborns narrative cannot be true.
My sole motive in this address (and it is one which every virtuous heart must approve) is to rescue my Fathers name from opprobrious calumnys and if any thing I have said, or can say, will have the smallest tendency to this effect, if it be in the mind of the President alone, it will be a satisfaction greater than I can express.
As Humphreys life of Putnam may never have fallen into your hands, I take the liberty to inclose it. His honest fame has hitherto been freely accorded by the American people—It is the most precious inheritance he left his family, and, having been his constant attendant from the commencement of the revolution to the last moment of his life, I will defend it (if need be) at the expence of every other earthly hope.
It only remains Sir that I entreat your pardon for this intrusion. If you have a Son, of honorable feeling, and tender of his Fathers fame, I am sure of his pardon; and I devoutly pray, that in every citizen of this vast republic may be found, the same devotedness to Country—the same fidelity to the Constitution; and, suffer me to add, the same respect and honor for the person, character & Administration of the Chief Magistrate, as that which fills the heart of

Daniel Putnam


Title: To John Adams from Daniel Putnam, 23 May 1818
From: Putnam, Daniel
To: Adams, John

To the Honorable President Adams
Brooklyn Connecticut 23d. May 1818.

Will you allow me Sir, the honor of presenting, and afford me the gratification of perusing the pamphlet herewith forwarded? containing an account of the Battle of Bunker Hill by Major Genl. Dearborn, and a feeble endeavour on my part, to repel the charges therein made, against the character and conduct of the late Major Genl. Israel Putnam.
In ordinary cases, I have deemed the pamphlet in its present form, a sufficient appeal to the good sense of an enlightened community. But, there are two distinguished characters whose attention I wish to draw more immediately to the consideration of the subject:—One of them, being foremost at that time in the Cabinet, for every thing patriotic, noble and daring in the cause of liberty and his country; must, from his situation have known of any public dissatisfaction against an officer of high rank in the early part of our struggle for independence—Of him, I would most respectfully ask, and from a sincere desire to be frankly informed, whether, such dissatisfaction as General Dearborn intimates, did, in fact, exist in the public mind against General Putnam, in consequence of any part of his conduct or the memorable 17h of June 1775. I desire no favor or concealment in this business; for however alive I may feel to a sense of injury, prompted by envy and selfishness—truth from a source so respectable and impartial as that of President Adams, will always be held in the same reverence, and treated with the same respect, whether it bear the marks of censure or of commendation.
It is hardly necessary to say, The President of the U.S. is the other character to which I allude. Tho’ but a youth at the commencement of the Revolutionary contest, the armour buckled on at that time in support of independence has never for a moment been loosed—His Countrys honor—his countrys good, has been the pole-star of his pursuits, till, like his great master in the field, and his able predecessor in Diplomacy, he has raised himself to the highest office in the Government, by long, faithful and meritorious services.
In this state of exaltation he seized the first moment of official communication, to commend his brethren of the army to the favor of their country:—And many are the war-worn veterans relieved from the lowest state of want, by his munificent recommendation in their favor.
Genl. Putnam was probably little known to Mr. Monroe; and it was not to be endured that such impressions of as Genl. Dearborns narrative might leave on the mind of a stranger, should be suffered to influence that of the President, against the character of an Officer whose fidelity was proof against corruption, and whose courage it is believed was never called in question by any other than Genl. Dearborn.
These considerations induced me to lay before the President, all the information then in my possession and not contained in the reply to Genl. Dearborn;—and, in doing this, I hope no rule of decency or respect has been transgressd.
But, that the whole subject may be in your view, I take the liberty to inclose a copy of my letter to the President on the occasion, instead of repeating the same testimony to you.
I know not if Mr. Monroe has a Son, but I do know, that President Adams has; and it was in contemplation of this enviable felicity so pre-eminently your’s, that the allusion was made in the concluding paragraph of my letter to the President.
I hope Sir, to be pardoned the liberty I have taken in this address, and that, considering it the result of filial duty, you will, as a Parent, indulge the earnestness with which a dutiful Son, pleads for justice to the memory of an affectionate and respected Father.
My Letter to Genl Dearborn was written in haste, to counteract as soon as possible, the effect of his narrative on the public mind. Hence, there was not time to look up all the attainable evidence of persons on the spot to prove, that Genl. Putnam, from first to last was wholly occupied in animating and encouraging the troops engaged, and could not therefore be responsible for the delay of reinforcements. Evidence to this import is now in my possession, and shall hereafter, if necessary, be laid before the public.
In the mean time, Sir, if you will have the condescention to answer, with that frankness which has always been a distinguished feature in your character, the question submitted to your decision, you will greatly oblige one, who is, with the most respectful consideration, / Your Obedient / And most humble Servant

Daniel Putnam


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Owen Tyler, 24 May 1818
From: Adams, John
To: Tyler, Benjamin Owen

Sir
Quincy May 24th 1818

I have received your Copy of the declaration of Independence for which I thank you. It is elegantly and exquisitely executed— I should think that our Harvard Colledge ought to be as proud of it, as of the Manuscript Copy of the Aphorisms of Hypocrites lately presented by Mr Nichols of London through Mr Boylston of Prince Princeton, which is said to be worth in England fifteen hundred Guineas.— Your name Sir, “Benjamin Owen Tyler” has affected me more than your declaration of Independence or Mr Nicholl’s Hypocrites.
My Fathers Oldest Sister was married to Mr Benjamin Owen. There Second Daughter Ruth was married to Mr Tyler of Uxbridge. These circumstances Amount to a probable if not a violent presumption that you are a Son or Grandson of that Match. It would give me pleasure to know that any relation of mine possessed so much ingenuity and such a perfect Mastership of the Pen.
I am, Sir, till better acquainted, your obliged humble / Servant

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Jefferson, 29 May 1818
From: Adams, John
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir
Quincy, May 29. 1818

As Holly is a Diamond of a Superiour water it would be crushed to pouder by Mountainous oppression in any other country. Even in this, he is a light shining in a dark place. His System is founded in the hopes of Mankind, but they delight more in their Fears. When will man have juster notions of the Universal eternal cause? Then will rational Christianity prevail. I regrett Holly’s misfortune in not finding you on his Account to whom an interview with you would have been a lasting gratification.
Waterhouses Pen “Labitur et labetur.” he has let it run on with too much fluency. I have not a tenth part of the Vivacity, Activity, Memory, or Promptitude and Punctuality in Correspondence which he ascribes to me. I can answer but few of the letters I receive, and those only with Short Scratches of the Pen.
I agree with you that “it is difficult to say at what moment the revolution began.” In my Opinion it began as early as the first plantation of the Country. Independence of church and parliament was a fixed Principle of our predecessors in 1620 as it was of Sam. Adams and Chris. Gadsden in 1776. And Independence of Church & parliament were always kept in view in the part of the Country and I believe in most others. The Hierarchy and Parliamentary Authority over were dreaded and detested even by a Majority of professed Episcopalians
I congratulate you upon your “Canine Appetite for reading” I have been equally voracious for Several Years and it has kept me alive. It is policy in me to despize and abhor the “Writing table” for it is a Bunch of Grapes out of reach,. Had I Your Eyes and Fingers I should scribble forever, such poor stuff as you know I have been writing by fits and Starts for fifty or Sixty Years with out ever correcting or revising anything
Helluo as I am Hunger and thirst after what I shall never see, Napolions Publication of the Report of his Institute of Cairo. Denons Volumes have excited an inextinguishable Curiosity for an unattainable Object.
 Mr Coffee has been mentioned to me by my son He will be welcome. But though Robin is alive he is not alive like to be. Mr Coffee must be very quick or Robbin may die in his hands.
Mr. Binon a French Artist from Lyons who has studied Eight Years in Italy has lately taken my bust. he appears to be an Artist and a man of Letters. I let them do what they please with my old head
When we come to the cool in be future world I think We cannot choose but smile at the gambols of Ambition Avarice Pleasure, Sport and Caprice here below. Perhaps We may laugh like the angle in the French Fables. At a convivial repast of a Clubb of Choice Spirits of whom Gabriel and Michael were the most illustrious, after Nectar and Ambrosia had Set their hearts at Ease, they began to converse upon the Mechanique Cœleste. After discussing the Zodiack and the Constellations and the Solar System they condescended to this Speck of dirt the Earth and remarked some of its inhabitants, the Lyon the Elephant the Eagle and even the Fidelity Gratitude and Adroitness of the Dog. at last one of them recollected man. What a fine Countenance! What an elegant figure! What Subtilty, Ingenuity, Versatility, Agility! And above all a rational Creature! At this the whole board broke out into a broad Ha! Ha! Ha! that resounded through the Vault of Heaven: exclaiming “Man a rational creature”! How could any rational being even dream that man was a rational creature?
After all, I hope to meet my Wife & friends Ancestors & Posterity, Sages ancient & modern. I believe I could get over all my objections to meeting Alex Hamilton and Tim Pick, if I could see a Symptom of Sincere Penitence in either
My fatigued eyes and fingers command me very reluctantly to Subscribe abruptly
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to William Tudor, Sr., 1 June 1818
From: Adams, John
To: Tudor, William, Sr.

					Dear Tudor
					Quincy June 1st. 1818

				No Man could have written from Memory Mr Otis’s Argument of four or five hours against The Acts of Trade as Revenue Laws Writts of Assistants, as a tyrannical Engine to execute them the next day after it was spoken. How awkward then would be an attempt to do it after a lapse of fifty seven years? Nevertheless, Some of the heads of his discourse are So indellibly imprinted on my Mind, that I will endeavour to give you Some very Short hints of them;1. He began with an Exordium containing an Apology for his resignation of the Office of Advocate General in the Court of Admiralty; and for his appearance in that Cause in opposition to the Crown and in favour of the Town of Boston, and the Merchants of Boston and Salem.2. A dissertation on the Rights of Man in a State of Nature. He asserted that every Man, merely natural, was an independent Sovereign; Subject to no Law but the Law written on his heart, and revealed to him by his Maker in the Constitution of his Nature and the Inspiration of his Understanding and his Conscience. His Right to his Life, his Liberty no created being could rightfully contest. Nor was his Right to his Property less incontestable. The Clubb that he had Snapped from a Tree, for a Staff or for defence, was his own. His Bow and Arrow was his own; if by a pebble he had killed a Partridge or a Squirrel, it was his own. No Creature Man or Beast had a right to take it from him. If he had taken an Eel or a Smelt or a Sculpion  it was his Property. In Short he Sported upon this Topick with So much Witt and humour, and at the Same time So much indisputable Truth and Reason that he was not less entertaining than instructive. He asserted that these Rights were inherent and inalienable. That they never could be Surrendered or alienated but by Idiots or Madmen, and all the Acts of Idiots and Lunaticks was were void and not obligatory by all the Laws of God and Man. Nor were the poor Negroes forgotten. Not a Quaker in Philadelphia or Mr Jefferson of Virginia ever asserted the Rights of Negroes in Stronger Terms; Young as I was and ignorant as I was, I shuddered at the doctrine he taught. And I have all my lifetime Shuddered, and Still Shudder at the Consequences that may be drawn from Such Premises. Shall We Say that the Rights of Masters and Servants clash? and can be decided only by Force? I adore the Idea of Gradual Abolitions! But who Shall decide how fast or how Slowly these Abolitions Shall be made?3. From Individual Independence he proceeded to Association. If it was inconsistent with the dignity of human Nature to Say that Men were gregarious Annimals like Wild Horses and Wild Geese; it Surely could offend no delicacy to Say, they were Social Annimals by Nature, that there were mutual Sympathies and above all, the Sweet Attraction of the Sexes which must Soon draw them together in little groups and by degrees in larger Congregations for mutual assistance and defence. And this must have happened before any formal Covenant by express Words or Signs was concluded. When general Counsells and deliberations commenced The objects could be no other than the mutual defence and Security of every Individual for his Life, his Liberty and his Property. To suppose them to have Surrendered these in any other Way than by equal Rules and general Consent was to Suppose them Idiots or Madmen whose acts were never binding. To Suppose them Surprised by Fraud or compelled by Force into any other Compact, such fraud and such Force could confer no obligation. Every Man had a Right to trample it under foot Whenever he pleased. In Short he asserted these Rights to be derived only from Nature and the Author of Nature; that they were inherent, unallienable and indefeasable by any Laws, Pacts, Contracts, Covenants, or Stipulations which Man could devise.4. These Principles and these Rights, were wrought into the English Constitution as fundamental Laws. And under this head he went back to the old Saxon Laws and to Magna Charta and the fifty Confirmations of it in Parliament and the Execrations ordained against the Violators of it, and the National Vengeance which had been taken on them from time to time down to the James’s & Charles’s, and to the Petition of Rights and the Bill of Rights, and the Revolution. He asserted that the Security of these Rights to Life, Liberty, and Property, had been the object of all those Struggles against arbitrary Power temporal and Spiritual, civil and political, military and Ecclesiastical, in every Age. He asserted that our Ancestors as British Subjects, and We their descendants as British Subjects were intitled to all those Rights by the British Constitution as well as by the Law of Nature, and our Provincial Charter as much as any Inhabitant of London or Bristol or any Part of England; and were not to be cheated out of them by any Phantom of “Virtual Representation” or any other Fiction of Law or Politicks, or any Monkish Trick of deceit and Hypocricy.5. He then examined the Acts of Trade one by one, and demonstrated that if they were considered as Revenue Laws, they destroyed all our Security of Property, Liberty, and Life; every Right of Nature and the English Constitution and the Charter of the Provinces. Here he considered the distinction between “External and internal Taxes” at that time a popular and common place distinction. But he asserted there was no Such distinction in Theory, or upon any Principle but “Necessity.” The Necessity that the Commerce of the Empire should be under one direction, was obvious. The Americans had been So Sensible of this Necessity, that they had connived at the distinction between external and internal Taxes and had Submitted to the Acts of Trade as Regulations of Commerce; but never as Taxations, or Revenue Laws. Nor had the British Government, till now, ever dared to attempt to enforce them as Taxations or Revenue Laws,  They had lain dormant in that Character for a Century almost. The Navigation Act he allowed to be binding upon Us because We had consented to it by our own Legislature. Here he gave a History of the Navigation Act of the first of Charles the Second, a Plagiarism from Oliver Cromwell. This Act had lain dormant for 15 years. In 1675 After repeated Letters and Orders from the King Governor Winthrop very candidly informs his Majesty that the Law had not been executed because it was thought unconstitutional, Parliament not having Authority, over Us. I shall pursue this Subject in a Short Series of Letters. Providence pursues its incomprehensible and inscrutable designs in its own Way and by its own Instruments. And as I Sincerely believe Mr Otis to have been the earliest and the principal Founder of one of the greatest political Revolutions that ever occurred among Men, it Seems to me of Some importance that his Name and Character Should not be forgotten. Young Men Should be taught to honour, Merit, but not to adore it. The greatest Men have the greatest faults.

					John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Daniel Putnam, 5 June 1818
From: Adams, John
To: Putnam, Daniel

Dear Sir
Quincy June 5th. 1818

I received Yesterday your kind Letter of the 23d of May with a Copy of your Letter to President Monroe of the 21. of May. Neither myself, nor my Family have been able to read either with dry Eyes. They are Letters that would do honour to the pen of Pliny. I had before been indebted to the Politeness of Mr Brinley for the Pamphlet.
You ask “Whether any dissatisfaction existed in the public mind against General Putnam, in consequence of any part of his Conduct on the 17th. of June 1775.” I was in Phyladelphia from the 5th of May through the Summer of 1775, and can testify as a Witness to nothing which passed in Charleston on the 17th. of June.
But this I do Say without reserve that I never heard the least insinuation of dissatisfaction with the Conduct of General Putnam through his whole Life. And had the Characters of General Green, General Lincoln, General Knox General La Fayette or even General Warren General Montgomery or General Mercer been called in question it would not have Surprised me more.
There must have been Some great Misunderstanding in this Affair. I Seem to See intuitively or to feel instinctively to Truth of Major Smalls Testimony, But it would require a Sheet of Paper to relate what I have in Memory, relative to Major Small and General Warren.
I must conclude with Assurances of the profoundest / Respect for the Memory of your Father and the / Sincerest Esteem for yourself, of your very humble / Servant
.
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Hezekiah Niles, 6 June 1818
From: Niles, Hezekiah
To: Adams, John

					Honored Sir,
					Baltimore June 6. 1818

				I had the pleasure to publish your letters to Mr. Tudor, presenting subjects for national paintings—much to my own satisfaction & to the gratification of the American people.I respectfully acknowledge the reception of your very interesting letters to Mr. Wirt—they shall have a conspicuous insertion in my next Register.Grateful for the honor conferred by those communications, / I am, sir, your most Obt.

					H Niles


Title: From William Wirt to John Quincy Adams, 6 June 1818
From: Wirt, William
To: Adams, John Quincy

					Sir.
					Office of the Attorney General June 6th: 1818.

				The enclosed letter from Mr. Bache, the post-master at Philadelphia, ought, I think, to be communicated to the President of the U.S. As it is not improbable that an application for pardon, in the case alluded to, may follow him, on his tour. Taking it for granted that, some channel of communication between him and your department, during his absence, has been settled between you, I have thought it best to place the letter in your hands, which I now do.I have the honor to be, Sir, / Very respectfully / Your obedient servant

					Wm: Wirt


Title: From John Adams to William Tudor, Sr., 7 June 1818
From: Adams, John
To: Tudor, William, Sr.

Dear Tudor
Quincy June 7th 1818

No man could have written from memory Mr Otis’s Agument of four or five hours in length, against The Acts of Trade, considered as Revenue Laws, and against Writts of Assistance, as tyrannical Engines to carry them into execution, the next day after it was Spoken. How awkward then, is an Attempt to do it, after a Lapse of fifty Seven Years? Nevertheless, Some of the heads of his discourse, are So indelibly imprinted on my mind, that I will endeavour to give you Some very Short hints of them.
1 He began with an Exordium containing an apology for his resignation of the office of Advocate General in the Court of Admiralty, and for his appearance in that cause in opposition to the Crown and in favour of the town of Boston, and the Merchants of Boston and Salem.
2.  A dissertation on the Rights of Man in a state of Nature. He asserted that every man, merely natural, was an independent sovereign, subject to no Law but the Laws written on his heart, and revealed to him by his Maker in the Constitution of his Nature and the inspiration of his understanding and his conscience. His right to his Life, his Liberty, no created being could rightfully contest. Nor was his right to his Property less incontestable. The Clubb that he had snapped from a Tree, for a staff or for defence was his own. His bow and arrow was his own; if by a pebble he had killed a Patridge or Squirrel, it was his own. No creature Man or Beast had a right to take it from him. If he had taken an Eel or a Smelt or a Sculpion it was his Property. In short he sported upon this Topick with so much witt and humour, and at the same time so much indisputable truth and reason that he was not less entertaining than instructive. He asserted that these Rights were inherent and inalienable. That they never could be surrenderd or alienated but by Idiots or Madmen, and all the Acts of Idiots  and Lunaticks was were void and not obligatory by all the Laws of God and Man. Nor were the poor Negroes forgotten. Not a Quaker in Philadelphia or Mr Jefferson of Virginia ever asserted the Rights of Negroes in stronger terms. Young as I was and ignorant as I was, I shuddered at the doctrine he taught. And I have all my lifetime shuddered, and still shudder at the consequences that may be drawn from such premises. Shall we say that the rights of Masters and servants clash? and can be decided only by force? I adore the Idea of Gradual Abolitions? But who shall decide, how fast or how slowly these Abolitions shall be made?
3. From Individual Independence he proceeded to Association. If it was inconsistent with the dignity of human Nature to say that Men were gregarious Annimals like Wild Horses and Wild Geese; it surely could Offend no delicacy to say, they were Social Annimals by Nature, that there were mutual Sympathies and above all, the Sweet Attraction of the Sexes which must soon draw them together in little groups and by degrees in larger Congregations for mutual Assistance and defence. And this must have happened before any formal Covenant, by express Words or Signs concluded. When general Counsells and deliberations commenced, The objections could be no other than the mutual defence and security of every Individual for his Life, his Liberty and his Property. To suppose them to have Surrendered these in any other way then by equal Rules and general Consent was to suppose them Idiots or Madmen whose Acts were never binding. To suppose them Surprised by Fraud or compelled by Force into any other Compact, such fraud and such Force could confer no Obligation. Every Man had a Right to trample it under foot whenever he pleased. In Short he Asserted these Rights to be derived only from Nature and the Author of Nature; that they were inherent, unallienable and indefeasable by any Laws Pacts, Contracts, Covenants or Stipulations which Man could devise.—
4. These Principles and these Rights, were wrought into the English Constitution as fundamental Laws. And under this head he went back to the old Saxon Laws and to Magna Charta and the fifty Confirmations of it in Parliament and the Execrations ordained against the Violation of it, and the National Vengeance which had been taken on them from time to time down to the James; & Charles’s, and to the Petition of Rights and the Bill of Rights to Life Liberty and Property and the Revolution. He asserted that the Security of the Rights to Life Liberty and Property had been the Object of all those Struggles against Arbitrary Power temporal and Spiritual civil and political, military and Ecclesiastical in every Age. He asserted that our Ancestors as British Subjects and We their descendents and British Subjects were intitled to all those Rights by the British Constitution as well as by the Law of Nature, and our Provincial Charter as much as any Inhabitant of London or Bristol or any Part of England; and were not to be cheated out of them by any Phantom of “Virtual Representation,” or any other Fiction of Law or Politicks, or any Monkish Trick of deceit and Hypocricy.
5. He then examined the Acts of Trade one by one, and demonstrated that if they were considered as Revenue Laws, they destroyed all our security of Property Liberty and Life; every Right of Nature and the English Constitution, and the Charter of the Province. Here he considered the distinction between “External” and “internal Taxes” at that time a popular and common place distinction. But he asserted there was no such distinction in Theory, or upon any Province Principle but “Necessity.” The Necessity that the Commerce of the Empire should be under one direction, was obvious. “The Americans had been so sensible of this Necessity, that they had connived at the distinction between external and internal Taxes and had Submitted to the Acts of Trade as Regulations of Commerce; but never as Taxations, or Revenue Laws. Nor had right the British Government, till now, ever dared to attempt to enforce them as Taxations or Revenue Laws. They had lain dormant in that Character for a Century almost. The Navigation Act he allowed to be binding upon Us because We had consented to it by our own Legislature. He gave a History of the Navigation Act of the first of Charles the Second a Plagiarism from Oliver Cromwell. This Act had lain dormant 15 years. In 1675 after repeated Letters and Orders from the King, Governor Winthrop very candidly informs his Majesty that the Laws had not been executed because it was thought unconstitutional, Parliament not having Authority, over Us.—
I Shall pursue this Subject in a short Series of Letters. Providence pursues its incomprehensible and inscrutable designe in its own Way and by its own Instruments. And I Sincerely believe Mr Otis to have been the earliest and the principle Founder of one of the greatest political Revolutions that ever occoured among Men, it seems to me of some importance that his Name and Character should not be forgotten. Young Men should be taught to honour Merit, but not to adore it. The greatest Men have the greatest faults.—
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Daniel Putnam, 15 June 1818
From: Putnam, Daniel
To: Adams, John

					Sir,
					Brooklyn 15h. June1818.

				Words are poor, and wholly inadequate to express the grateful feelings of my heart for your excellent letter, couched in terms of no equivocal import, but wiping with a single stroke every pretence of public odium, which envy and malignity had endeavoured to fix on the character of General Putnam. Such testimony, from such a sourse, tho’ of a negative kind, is all the occasion required to silence a base insinuation no other way to be refuted; and I feel confident you will justify the public use which I have presumed to make of that part of  your letter, without first asking permission.If, what you have in your mind about Warren Small would fill a sheet of paper, how very desirable is it that such a treasure should not be lost to the world? The paucity of information respecting his lamented death, is matter of public regret. But, it becomes not me to solicit another favor, because one of such magnitude has been so recently conferred, in a manner far beyond my hopes.Accept Sir, my best wishes—to which my fervent prayers shall be added—that the remainder of your life may continue useful without perplexity—that your death may be easy and joyful to yourself, and your future rewards proportioned to the important service, you have rendered your country and the world.With the highest sentiments of respect and esteem, I have the honor to be, / Sir, / Your Obliged / and most Obedt. Servt.
					Danl. Putnam


Title: To John Adams from George Brinley, 16 June 1818
From: Brinley, George
To: Adams, John

					Dr. Sir
					Boston June 16. 1818

				Col. Danl. Putnam knowing how anxiously I feel for the honor of his Father’s memory, (& my relation); was kind enough to transmit to me, your obliging favour, to him, under date of the 5th inst—As there is no name existing that could give such effect to the Public mind as yours in this case—I have a great desire to obtain your consent to use the third, & perhaps the fourth paragraph—to incorporate into a Mass of evidence shortly to appear in the “North American review”—It will be written without asperity—cool & dispassionate, by an able hand—Your permission will confer a special favour on one who wishes you every present, & future happiness—I have the honor to be my D sir with profound respect / Your Obliged & very Obt Sert

					George Brinley


Title: To John Adams from George Brinley, 20 June 1818
From: Brinley, George
To: Adams, John

					Dr. Sir
					Boston June 20. 1818

				I did myself the honor to address a note to you under date of the 16th. Inst requesting permission to use part of your Letter to Col. Putnam—Since which I have recd. a  Letter from Col. Putnam covering one to you which I forward; saying he had “presumed to make use of part of your Letter without your permission”As  Col. Putnam has made use of it—(which I most sincerely hope will meet your approbation) there can be no hesitation on my mind in doing it myself, without waiting an answer to my Letter—As the “North American review” has the article written on the subject of the Battle of Bunker Hill, nearly all in type; It became absolutely necessary to avail myself of the use of your kind Letter this day.—I pray you to pardon my honor’d Sir the liberties I have taken, & belive me / with the greatest, & most profound / respect, Your ver Obt / hum Sevt

					George Brinley


Title: To John Adams from Daniel Putnam, 20 June 1818
From: Putnam, Daniel
To: Adams, John

					Sir,
					Brooklyn June 20h. 1818

				Words are poor, and wholly inadequate to express the grateful feelings of my heart for your excellent letter, wreched in terms of no equivocal import, but wiping with a single Stroke, every stain pretence of public odium which envy and malignity had endeavoured to fix on the character of Genl. Putnam. Such testimony, from such a source, tho’ of a negative kind, is all the occasion required, to silence a base insinuation, no other way to be refuted; and I feel confident you will justify the public use which I have presumed to make of this part of your letter, without first asking permission.If, what you have in your mind about Warren would fill a sheet of paper, how very desireable is it that such a treasure should not be lost to the Public world? The paucity of information respecting his lamented death, is matter of public regret. But it becomes not me to solicit another favor, becaeuse one of such magnitude has been so recently conferred in a manner far beyond my hopes.Accept Sir, my best wishes, to which my fervent prayers shall be added, that the remainder of your life may continue useful without perplexity—that your death may be easy & joyful to yourself, and your future rewards propertioned to your the important services to you have rendered to your Country and the world.With the highest sentiments of respect & esteem, / I am Sir, / your obliged & devoted Sert.

					D. Putnam


Title: To John Adams from Moses Lloyd Hill, 23 June 1818
From: Hill, Moses Lloyd
To: Adams, John

					Sir,
					Raleigh N.C. June 23d. 1818

				Being about to send to the press a work entitled, “Travels through the United States in the years 1812, –13, –14, –15, –16, –17 & 18, including a statistical view of each State at the close of the year 1817,” I have taken the liberty to solicit permission; to dedicate it to you. Among the Sages and Heroes, to whom we owe our national existence; I have ever been taught to revere the name of Adams, as standing in the first rank; and to one who in so eminent a degree contributed to lay the foundation of the future greatness of this Country, I cannot but be ambitious to present a work which has for its object the development of the character, manners, & resources of a nation which claims you as its political father.With these impressions, I hope Sir, this address to one to whom I am a stranger (Altho I have the honor to be a distance relative) will not be considered impertinent.The work will be published in 2 Vols. Octo. and will contain between 6 & 700 pp. It will probably go to the press in the face. I have the honor to be Sir, / with the most profound respect / your most Obedient / And humble / Servant

					Moses Lloyd Hill


Title: From John Adams to William Tudor, Sr., 24 June 1818
From: Adams, John
To: Tudor, William, Sr.

Dear Tudor
Quincy June 24th. 1818.

Mr Otis Said Such a “Writt of Assistance” might become the Reign of Charles the Second in England, and he would not dispute the Taste of the Parliament of England, in passing Such an Act, nor of the People of England in submitting to it; but it was not calculated for the Meridian of America. The Court of Exchequer had no Jurisdiction here. Her Warrant, and her, Writts never were Seen here. Or if they Should be they would be Waste Paper. He insisted however that these Warrants and Writts were even in England inconsistent with the fundamental Law, the natural, and Constitutional Rights of the Subject. If however it would please the People of England he might admit that they were legal there; but not here.
Diligent Research had been made by Otis and Thatcher, and by Gridley, aided as may well be Supposed by the Officers of the Custom and by all the Conspirators against American Liberty, on both Sides the Water; For Precedents and Examples of any thing Similar to this Writ of Assistance, even in England. But nothing could be found except the following. An Act of the 12th. of Charles 2d Chapter 22. “An Act for the regulating the Trade of Bay-making in the Dutch Bay-Hall in Colchester.” The fifth Section of this Statute, “for the better discovering, finding out and punishing of the Frauds and deceits, aforesaid, be it enacted, that it Shall and may be lawful, for the Governors of the Dutch Bay-Hall, or their Officers or any of them, from time to time in the Day time, to search any Cart; Waggon or Pack, wherein they should Shall have Notice or Suspect any Such deceitful Bays to be; and also from time to time with a Constable, who are hereby required to be aiding and assisting them, to make Search in any House Shop or Warehouse, where they are informed, any Such deceitful Bays to be, and to Secure and Seize the Same, and to carry them to the Dutch Bay-Hall; and that Such Bays So Seized and carried to the Said Hall Shall be confiscate and forfeit, to be disposed in Such manner as the Forfeitures herein before mentioned to be paid by the Weavers and Fullers, are herein before limited and appointed.” This Dutch Bay Hall made Sport for Otis and his Audience; but was acknowledged to have no Authority here, unless by certain distant Analogies and Constitutions which Mr Gridley himself did not pretend to Urge—
Another Ridiculous Statute was of the 22. and 23. of Charles 2d. Chapter Eight “An Act for the regulating the making of Kidderminster Stuffs—” By the Eleventh Section of this important Law it is enacted “That the Said President, Wardens and Assistants” of the Said Kidderminster Weavers, or any two or more of them, Shall have and hereby have Power and Authority, to enter into and Search the Houses and Workhouses of any Artificer, under the Regulation of the Said Trade, at all times of the day, and usual times of Opening shops and working; and into the shops, Houses and Warehouses of any common Buyer, Dealer in, or retailer of any of the said Cloths or stuffs and into the Houses and Workhouses of any Dyer, Sheerman, and all other Workmens Houses and Places of State, or dressing of the said Cloths or Stuffs and yarns; and  may there view the Said Cloths, Stuffs and Yarns respectively, and if any Cloth, Stuff or Yarns Shall be found defective to Seize and carry away the Same to be tryed by a Jury.”
The Wit, the Humour, the Irony, the Satyre, played off, by Mr Otis in his Observations on these Acts of Navigation, Dutch Bays and Kidderminster Stuffs, it would be madness in me to pretend to remember with any Accuracy. But this I do Say that Horaces “Irritat mulcet, veris terroribus implet” was never exemplified in my hearing with So great Effect. With all this drollery he intermixed Solid and Sober Observations upon the Acts of Navigation by Sir Josiah Child and other English Writers upon Trade, which I Shall produce together in another Letter—
It is hard to be called at my Age, to Such Service as this / but it is the duty of

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from William Tudor, Sr., 25 June 1818
From: Tudor, William, Sr.
To: Adams, John

					Dear Sir
					Boston 25th. June

				I ought sooner to have thank’d you for your last biographical Notices, but you had before left me to take my own time for scribling, & must not complain for my Abuse of the License. The anecdotes you have given of the Destruction of the private Papers of Mr. Otis & Mr. S. Adams has rescued two important facts from being totally lost to Posterity. They confessedly were two very extraordinary Men, Master Spirits, born for the eventful Period, in which they lived & earnestly laboured.To the other Gentleman you have done superabundant Justice. Mr. H was a useful but subbordinate Instrument to advance a glorious Design. I cannot change my Opinion of him. Having been in public Life with him I knew much more of him than of either of the others, & I do not believe him to have been the real Author of any Papers worth preserving. De Mortuis nil nisi verum. He gained more Popularity than any other Massachusetts Man ever  possessed, & had the Honour & Advantage of being joined with Mr. Adams in a royal Proclamation, in which they were considered as the most dangerous Rebels in his Britannick Majesty’s colonial Dominions. And the World of Course supposed him the boldest of Patriots, if not the ablest of Politicians. And the American Annalist will class him among the precious few who led the primary Measures of the Revolution. He was, & he was not, and then he again was Governor of the first State in the Union, according as his Caprice directed. And however I may differ in the Sentiment from you, I must think, my dear Friend, that all these Things are sufficient Rewards for either his Genius, his Talents or his Virtues.I congratulate you on the speedy Return of your Son & his Family from his British Embassy. His Services at home are of the first Complexion. They embrace the Politicks of all Europe instead of those of a single Kingdom.In a few Days, I promise myself the Pleasure of paying you a visit in Company with an old & distinguished FriendSincerely yours

					Wm Tudor


Title: To John Adams from William Wildes, 1 July 1818
From: Wildes, William
To: Adams, John

					Respected Sir
					Weymouth July 1. 1818—

				The citizens of the Towns of Braintree and Weymouth intending to celebrate the anniversary of our national birth on Saturday next, a procession will be formed near the new Meeting-house in Braintree at ten A.M., in which an address will be delivered: after which a dinner will be served in tents on the field—Several corps of Military will perform the duties of the day. The committee of arrangments take the liberty to invite you Sir to participate in commemorating the glorious dawn of liberty which has shed a lustre on the world.—A lustre which in a great measure emanated from yourself.Most respectfully, Sir / in behalf of the Committe / Yr. Obdt Servt.

					William Wildes


Title: To John Adams from Horace Holley, 3 July 1818
From: Holley, Horace
To: Adams, John

					Dear Sir.
					Lexington, Kentucky, July 3rd 1818.

				Mrs Adams was kind enough to say to me, when I was last at your house, and when I was contemplating this journey, “You will let us hear from you.” It is grateful to me to remember this remark, and to use the privilege which it confers. You and herself very often rise to my thoughts among the number of those, upon whose characters I delight to dwell as proofs of mental activity, cheerfulness, and vigor in old age. As I have fallen in with many of your cotemporaries in my journey, or rather with a few of your cotemporaries and many of those who knew you in public life, but were after you in age and standing, I have had occasion to answer numerous inquiries about your health, your pursuits, the condition of your faculties, what degree of vivacity and energy is found in your conversation, what you think of public men and measures, and a thousand other topics, all of which have kept  you present to my mind even if I had not found other reasons to think of you often on my journey. I believe that you never travelled in this western world, and that most of its active politicians are strangers to your person, though familiar with your name. Curiosity therefore very naturally indulges itself in putting questions to one coming from your neighborhood, and known to have the honor of a personal acquaintance with you. And it has given me as much pleasure to be interrogated as it has the gentlemen in this region to interrogate me on this subject. At Baltimore I had a long conversation with Charles Carroll of Carrollton about the congress of July 1776, and about yourself. Like you, he is cheerful and animated in his old age, and maintains his interest in his country and its hopes. We went over the four surviving patriots who are now living and who signed the declaration of independence. Mr Ellery is 91, you are 82, mr Carroll 81, and mr Jefferson 77. The last gentleman I was unfortunate enough not to find at home, but was in some measure consoled for this loss by spending a day at Monticello with colonel Randolph and his wife, who resembles extremely the portraits of mr Jefferson which I have seen. The house and its curiosities and furniture engaged my attention as they do that of every traveller who has the privilege of making a visit to the place. Mr Madison I found at home, and spent between three and four days with him in a most agreeable and interesting manner. He enquired much after you, and your mode of spending your time. His own is divided between agriculture, books, his papers, his correspondence, and company. He is cheerful and active, and is improving his health by his agreeable avocations. He remembers with great distinctness the past history of our country, and can detail events and eras with great accuracy. He has a similar taste to yours in theological inquiries, but has never attended so much to the philosophy of mythology, although he is liberal and rational in his opinions concerning religion. Our presidents are all remarkable for their freedom from sectarian views and feelings on this subject. Mrs Madison, I think, is in more danger of ennui in retirement than her husband. She loves society, and is well adapted to enjoy it. It may perhaps engage your attention in some degree to know that I have accepted of the office of president of the college in this place, and am to be inducted into it in november, if I return here soon enough. When I shall have the pleasure of calling upon you at Quincy, I may perhaps be able to give you some views about this region that may interest you.My mind does not hesitate about the propriety of coming here. The field is large, & the prospect good. The materials are plastic, and exertion will be rewarded with good fruits.My respects to mrs Adams, & family, & my high regard to yourself. Yours with great esteem,

					H. Holley


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Owen Tyler, 4 July 1818
From: Tyler, Benjamin Owen
To: Adams, John

					Venerable Sir
					Richmond Virginia July 4th: 1818

				Absence from home has prevented me from receiveing your very interesting letter of the 24th of May until within a few days. If any thing could add to the gratitude veneration, and respect I feel for one of the principal founders of my countrys freedom, it is your the great compliment and respect you pay me in that letter which I shall preserve with the utmost care while I live. The sentiments expressed respecting my name, and my ancestors has affected me much. My Grandmothers name was Ruth Own and after her father I was named. I have frequently heard her say that she has often had the pleasure of nursing while an infant one of the fathers of American Liberty—and the honor of rocking in the cradle the President of the United States. My Grandfather lost all his property during the Revolutionary war and has ever since lived with my father, who is his oldest son. My mother died when I was about nine years of age, and left a sister and three brothers of whom I am the oldest, being now but 28 years of age. My father did not marry again for eight years during that time my grandmother was a kind and good mother to us, and I can hardly suppress the starting tear when I reflect on her anxious care and kindness to us. But the Almighty was pleased to take her to himself eight years next August. She died beloved and lamented by all who knew her and her loss to us was irreparable, but we have every reason to believe that she is now enjoying the fruits of a christian life with the saints in heaven. There was only one month and two days odds between her age and my grandfather, and they lived together sixty four years, had fifteen children—and twelve of them were living a year ago. My father removed from Northampton Mass. 12 years ago to Wilmington Vermont where he now resides, my good old grandfather lives with him and is ninety two years old. My oldest brother (who lives with them), is now here with me he left home about three weeks since, my grandfather  was then remarkable well and smart for a man of his age—and has for many years enjoyed better health than my father who is nearly seventy—I hardly know which I should regret the loss of most my father or Grandfather. I have ever been so happy as to be his favorite and I believe thinks as much of me as he does of any of his own children. I married in N.y. three years next November and removed to the city of Washington about 18 months since where my family now are. I have only one child, a most interesting little daughter about twenty months old—I have been at great expence in publishing the Declaration of Independence—and am obliged to be from home a great part of my time to dispose of them to meet my expenses, and am obliged to use greater exertions on account of the unjust attack of Mr John Binns—His leaving out your likeness has excited the just indignation of many of our most intelegent men of both parties, they consider it an act of the latest injustice, an act well worthy of  Binns, I have not heard but one opinion expressed on the subject, even some of his followers censure him in this. A friend of Mr Jefferson in this city told me yesterday that he would not have one of them in his house, if he would give him one, and he thought it a duty which the American people owed to you, to discountenance his publication altogether—I have taken the  to send you a pamphlet containing a statement of facts whi can prove beyond a doubt that Mr Binns has no claim upon the patronage of the American people Being now stripped of  all plumes and his naked deformities exposed to public view I expect he will make a desperate effort to hide himself from disgrace. I expect to return to Washington in about three weeks where I shall remain until the first of October when I shall set out for Boston and shall then do myself the honor and pleasure of visiting you. I shall pay a visit in a few days to your brother patriot Mr Jefferson. I am well acquainted with your worthy Son the Secretary of State, and can assure you with sincerity that he is very popular particularly in Virginia for our next President. This morning being the anniversary of the day which in reality tried the souls of your and your noble compatriots, I cannot enjoy a greater pleasure on this glorious morn than that of addressing one of the signers of that invaluable Declaration of Independence, and one of the principal founders of American freedom, which we this day celebrate. When I seriously reflect on the trying scene which took place with you and your associate band of patriots 42 years ago this day—when you signed and pledged your lives and every thing sacred to support it, and the what a great and flourishing nation we are in so short a time, pen cannot describe the emotions of gratitude I feel to them for the freedom and happiness we now enjoy, all   emanating from that glorious Declaration, in the obtaining of which in the language of Mr Jefferson you were its ablest advocate and defender on the floor of congress against the assault it encountered. How different is this day from that, then all was solemn as death, now all is joy—and the grateful sound of Liberty and Independence is heard from the lips of millions of free men. With the highest respect I am / Sir your most obliged and very humble Servant

					Benjamin Owen Tyler


Title: To John Adams from Henry Colman, 7 July 1818
From: Colman, Henry
To: Adams, John

					My dear Sir,
					Hingham 7 July. 1818

				I take the liberty of sending you my Election Sermon; your silent approbation of which, if I felt confident that I should obtain it, would be the highest reward to which I aspire.The subject belongs to you, as furnishing one of the brightest and most illustrious examples of true, and inflexible and devoted patriotism which has honored this or any other age. I wished to have said this in the front of the discourse but when I took up my pen to do it, I was afraid you would frown upon my presumption and I desisted. Your name is not needed however, and I trust never will be, to bring the recollection of you to the mind of every grateful American, whenever the duties or the sacrifices of patriotism are the subject of his thoughts; a monument more durable than brass is erected in the hearts of those who love and honor their country. Excuse my impertinence; one cannot be suspected of flattery towards a venerable friend who has passed the borders of eighty; your own heart must assure you that there is no flattery in this and you have reached that period when you may listen to and exult in its honest commendations.—I have obtained a Set of Devon for you as  you desired, which I will either bring to you or forward the first opportunity.With sentiments of the highest regard to Mrs Adams and yourself, I am ever, dear sir, / Your obliged friend & sert

					Henry Colman


Title: To John Adams from William Mumford, 7 July 1818
From: Mumford, William
To: Adams, John

					Most Respected Sir,
					Providence Rhode Island July, 7th. 1818.

				It will I doubt not be in your recollection, that sometime in the month of October 1797. I waited upon you at your Hospitable Mansion at Quincy, to solicit you for the appointment of Treasurer of the Mint; at which time I presented you my credentials, consisting of Letters from Governor Fenner, Messrs. Bourne, Foster, &c. after perusal of which you observed that my credentials were amply sufficient, and that you wanted no better; thus matters rested until after a lapse of upwards of two years, I was informed by a Friend in Philadelphia that there was a vacancy of Purser in the Navy, and advising me to apply immediately, which I did, and by the next Mail being then at Newport I received a Letter from the Navy Department under date of the 13th. November, 1799. containing my warrant and directing me immediately to repair to Boston, & present my Letter &c to the Capt. of the Essex Frigate who would receive me as Purser of that Ship: and on the 22d. December following, we saild from Salem for Newport to join the Congress Frigate, and on the 6th. January 1800. in Company with the Congress saild for Batavia in the East Indies, five days after sailing, in the Gulph Stream parted company with the Congress, and never saw her more, heard afterwards that she had been dismasted & put into Norfolk, so that we were left alone to take care of the convoy, which consisted of 13 sail which would all have been taken, had not we prevented it; and in the space of eleven months we arrived at New-York, and the Vessels of our Convoy all arriv’d in safety at their destin’d Ports: during our Absence a Treaty was made with France in consequence of which Congress order’d almost the whole of the Vessels to be dismantled of their warlike equipments, and sold, and the Officers and Men to be discharg’d, in consequence of which, I was thrown out of employment, and am at present destitute of employment, thus situated I am under the disagreeable necessity of once more soliciting your friendly aid and assistance to use your influence with the President of the United States, to give me the appointment of Secretary or one of the puisne Judges of East or West Florida, whenever they shall be ceded to, or taken possession of by us, one of which will I presume soon be the case: I am not fond of egotism, but I would just observe that from my former pursuits and public Services I think myself amply qualified to execute the Duties of either of the Offices I have mention’d; having serv’d during the whole of the Revolutionary War as Deputy Secretary of this State, and several other Offices as will appear by a Certificate of the late Secretary which I enclose; I was also about the commencement of the War, at the March Term of the Supreme Judicial Court in the Year 1775. admitted as an Attorney & Counsellor at Law in that Court; but in consequence of the War was prevented from pursuing my professional Business, and took my Station in the Secretary’s Office; the duties of which, and the Offices connected with it, devolv’d almost wholly upon me; as the Secretary although a Man of excellent talents and Abilities was very much out of Health, & no ways inclind to confine himself to the Duties of the Office: for all my Services in this Office I received little or no compensation, not one half of what I was justly entitled to; which induc’d me at the close of the War in March 1783. to remove to Philadelphia where I was employ’d upwards of four years in one of the public offices of the United States, and being absent from this State a number of years after the Death of the Secretary prevented my being chosen to that Office which I undoubtedly should have been, had I resided in the State at the time of his Death: so that during the whole of the war which terminated in establishing us as an Independent Nation, I was and ought to be consider’d as a revolutionary Officer, though not in the military line; but I conceive my services to be equally meritorious, as we must have Officers in the Cabinet as well as the Field; and as my Services do not entitle me to a pension, yet I conceive that for all these services I have a just claim on the public Partonage for further employment; upon this ground Sir, permit me once more to call your attention to my situation, and to interest yourself in my behalf, and exert your influence to prevail on the President to confer on me one of the appointments solicited, in doing this you will confer on me an Obligation lasting as time, and I have not the least doubt, but that you can if you please write such a Letter to the President as will induce him to give me one of the appointments solicited, and you will have the heart felt satisfaction of having render’d an essential Service to a fellow Citizen, for which you will be rewarded in a better World than this. I hope I have not tir’d your patience by the length of this Letter, one observation more & I have done; when I made my first application to you, my political principles were in unison with yours, and are so at the present moment: agreeable to the maxim tempora mutantur et nos mutamur in illis: In full hope & Confidence of a compliance with my request I beg leave to subscribe myself / Sir, / your most Obedient / and very Humble Servant

					William Mumford


Title: From John Adams to William Tudor, Sr., 9 July 1818
From: Adams, John
To: Tudor, William, Sr.

Dear Tudor
Quincy July 9th. 1818

In the Search for Something, in the History and Statutes of England, in any degree resembling this Monstrum horrondum ingens the Writt of Assistance, the following Examples were found.
In the Statute of the first Year of King James the Second Chapter third “An Act for granting to his Majesty an imposition upon all Wines and Vinegar &c”; Section 8, it is enacted “That the Officers of his Majesty’s Customs &c. Shall have power and Authority to enter on board Ships and Vessels and make Searches, and to do All other matters and things, which may tend to Secure the true payment of the Duties by this Act imposed, and the due and orderly Collection thereof, which any Customers, Collectors, or other Officers of any of his Majesty’s Ports can or may do, touching the Securing his Majestys Customs of Tonnage and Poundage &c. &c. &c.” I must refer to the Statute for the rest.
In the Statute of King James the Second Chapter four “An Act for granting to his Majesty an Imposition upon all Tobacco and Sugar imported” &c. Section fifth. In certain cases “The Commissioners, may Appoint One or more Officer or Officers to enter into all the Cellars, Warehouses, Store Cellars, or other places Whatsoever, belonging to such Importer, to Search, See and try &c &c &c.” I must again refer to the Statute for the rest, which is indeed nothing to the present purpose.
Though the Portraits of Charles the Second & James the Second were blazing before his Eyes, their Characters and Reigns were Sufficiently Odious to all but the Conspirators against human Liberty, to excite the highest Applauses of Otis’s Philippicks against them and all the foregoing Acts of their Reigns, which Writts of Assistance were now intended to enforce. Otis asserted and proved that none of these Statutes extended to America, or were obligatory here, by any Rule of Law, ever acknowledged here, or ever before pretended in England.
Another Species of Statutes were introduced by the Counsell for the Crown which I Shall State as they occur to me without any regard to the Rules of time.
1. of James the Second, Chapter 17. “An Act for the Revival and continuum of Several Acts of Parliament therein mentioned.” in which the Tobacco Law among others is revived and continued.
13th and 14th. of Charles 2nd. Chapter 13. “An Act for prohibiting the importation of foriegn Bone-lace, Cutwork, Imbroidery, Fringe, Bandstrings, Buttons and Needle Work.” Pray, Tudor, do not laugh! for Something very Sirious comes in Section third “Be it further enacted, that for the preventing of the importing of the Said Manufactures as aforesaid, upon Complaint and Information given, to the Justices of the Peace, or any or either of them, within their respective Counties Cities and Towns corporate, at times reasonable, he or they are hereby authorized and required, to issue forth his or their Warrants to the Constables of their respective Counties, Cities and Towns Corporate, To enter and Search for Such Manufactures in the Shops being open, or Warehouses and Dwelling Houses of Such Person or Persons, as Shall be Suspected, to have any Such foreign Bone-laces, Imbroideries, Cut-Work, Fringe, Bandstrings, Buttons or Needle Work within their respective Counties, Cities, and Towns Corporate, and to Seize the Same, any Act, Statute, Ordinance to the contrary thereof, in any wise notwithstanding.”
Another curious Act was produced, to prove the Legalty of Writts of Assistance, though it was no more to the purpose than all the others. I mean that Statute of the 12th. of Charles the Second Chapter third “An Act for the Continuance of Process and Judicial Proceedings continued.” In which, it is enacted, Section first, “That no Pleas, Writs, Bills, Actions, Suits, Plaints, Process, Precepts or other Thing or Things &c Shall be in any wise discontinued &c
But I must refer to the Act. I can not transcribe. If any Antiquarian Should hereafter ever wish to review this Period, he will See with Compassion, how Such Genius as Otis was compelled to deter among the rubbish of Such Statutes, to defend his Country, again the gross Sophistry of the Crown and its Officers.
Another Act of 12. C.2d Chapter 12 “An Act for Confirmation of Judicial Proceedings.” In which it is enacted &c “that nor any Writts, or Actions on, or Returns of any Writts Orders or other Proceedings in Law or Equity, had made, given taken or done, or depending, in the Courts of Chancery, Kingsbench, Upper Bench, Common Pleas, and Court of Exchequer and Court of Exchequer Chamber or any of them” &c, “in the Kingdom of England &c Shall be avoided &c.” I must refer to the Statute.
In Short wherever the Customhouse Officers could find in any Statute the Word “Writts,” the Word “Continued” and the Words “Court of Exchequer,” they had instructed their Counsell to produce it, though, in express “Words restricted to the Realm.” Mr Gridley was incapable of Prevarica or Duplicity.
It was a moral Spectacle, more affecting to me, than any I have Since Seen upon any Stage, to See a Pupil, treating his Master will all the deference, respect, Esteem, and Affection of a Son to a Father, and that without the least Affectation; while he baffled and confounded all his Authorities, and confuted all his Arguments and reduced him to Silence.
Indeed upon the Principle of Construction, Inference, Analogy or Corrollary, by which they extended these Acts to America, they might have extended the Jurisdiction of the Court of Kings Bench, and Court of Common Pleas, and all the Sanguinary Statutes against Crimes and Misdemeanors and all their Church establishment of Archbishops and Bishops, Priests, Deacons, Deans and Chapters; and all their Acts of Uniformity, and all their Acts against Conventicles.
I have no hesitation or Scruple, to Say that the Commencement of the Reign of George the third was the Commencement of another Stuart’s Reign; and if it had not been checked by James Otis And others first and by the Great Chatham and others afterwards, it would have been as arbitrary as any of the four. I will not Say it would have extinguished civil and religious Liberty upon Earth; but it would have gone great Lengths towards it, and would have cost Man kind even more than the French Revolution to preserve it. The most Sublime, profound, and prophetic Expression of Chathams Oratory that he ever Uttered was “I rejoice that America has resisted; two millions of People reduced to Servitude, would be fit Instruments to make Slaves of the rest.”
Another Statute was produced 12. C.2. cap.19 “An Act to prevent Frauds and Concealments of his Majesties Customs and Subsidies.” “Be it enacted, &c, “that if any Person or Persons &c, Shall cause any Goods, for which Custom, Subsidy or other Duties are due or payable &c, to be landed or conveyed away, without due Entry thereof first made and the Customer or Collector, or his Deputy agreed with; that then and in Such case, Upon Oath thereof Made, before the Lord Treasurer, or any of the Barons of the Exchequer, or Chief Magistrate of the Port or Place where the Offence Shall be committed, or the place next adjoining thereto, it shall be lawful, to and for the Lord Treasurer, or any of the Barons of the Exchequer, or the Chief Magistrate of the Port or Place &c to issue out a Warrant to any Person or Persons, thereby enabling him or them, with the Assistance of a Sherriff, Justice of Peace or Constable, to enter into any house, in the day time, where Such Goods are Suspected to be concealed, And in case of Resistance, to break open such Houses and to Seize and Secure the Same Goods So concealed; And all Officers and Ministers of Justice are hereby required to be aiding and Assisting thereunto.”
Such was the Sophistry; Such the Chicanery of the Officers of the Crown and Such their Power of Face, as to apply these Statutes to America and to the Petition for Writts of Assistance from the Superiour Court.
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Joseph Wheaton, 11 July 1818
From: Wheaton, Joseph
To: Adams, John

               Excellent Sir
               Washington City July 11. 1818

            I can no longer restrain an inclination which has for Some month urged me to write to you, and to give you a Short narritive of myself and the part I have taken in the late contest with our ancient enemy the English Nation—rather government—After the war was declared in June 1812, a peice was published in the National intelligencer dated 5.th. June—respecting the affair at Machias in taking the Margaretta, Delligence, and Tapnagouche, British armed Schooners in May 1775. with refference to me for particulars—(as I have long Since Stated to you Sir was the case) after gratifying curiosity as to the fact—I was invited into the army as A.D.Q.M Genl. tho for Seven years I had been persecuted by a branch of the govt. the then P.M. Genl. Gedion Granger, but had the affair Settled to my honor & Satisfaction,  feeling a deep interest in the welfare Safety  & happiness of the country, and Something on the Score of the long train of Insult, & degradation & abuse Since the revolution, and believing the Cause was righteous & Just. I did not long  hessitate to render my feeble efforts, and Service to the advancement of my countries honor— I left this City on the 14 August 1812 for Pitsburg on a tour of three weeks—but about the Same time Genl. Hull capitulated at Detroit with the Surrender of all his Arms & Munitions of war wherefore I was ordered to remain on that Station and replace those Munitions lost by Hull. As I kept up a regular corrospondance with Mr Eustis, when 28. peices of cannon were prepared and 100 rounds per gun, with other necessary articles, I was ordered to join the N. western Army, to be commanded by Harrison, and to proceed after him—I had in October written to Mr. Eustis on my opinion that the Miami of Lake Erie  was the true point for the army to assemble at in the Winter 1812 & 13. to which he directed it—I felt bound to follow up the object, as an Early decent ought to be made into uper Canada in the Spring of 1813—I Crossed the Alegania river Novr. 22d. with 28 Guns & Carriages. 67. wagons, & after cutting & making a road more than half the distance, arrived on the 22d. Jany. 1813 at upper Sandusky—but finding the army made up of chiefly Militia and a few very young Soldiers—Soon felt the weight of the charge on me, and accordingly made my arrangements to enable the army to move forward, and to prevent their falling back. after buildg: block Houses and Stockade works at upper Sandusky & laying up 20.000 Bushells of Forage for the transportation of provisions to fort Meigs was ordered to that point which I reached in  feby.  and found that post not even a fortified camp—but Set about Hauling pickets and the Genl. Contracted his camp and the engineers laid out their works, which by the tenth of april was inclosed consisting of about Seven acres of Ground—the Staff officers at uper Sandusky neglecting their duty. I was ordered back to that post 90 miles to git in the 18 lb. Shot for the guns Sent from Philada. and taken their by me—traversg: that wilderness in Apr.—Sent to the fort Meigs two Brigades of Pack horses with forage for the cavalry—and went on to franklinton, joined Govr. Meigs with four thousand men, and returned with the Militia for fort meigs—but happily, the British army ran away—raised the Seige, and we met Harrison at lower Sandusky when I returned to Chilichothe and remain’d their Sending forward Supplies untill the British army was taken on the Thames—when I applied for and received orders to return to Washington City after an absence of 16 months instead of three weeks as at first intimated—I had leave to remain with my family only 20 days when I was ordered to Norfolk with the 38. Regt. thence to Richmond where I was Stationed untille Novr. last and joined my family—I have and I hold addresses from the Town of Chilicothe, the corps of Petersburgh volunteers; from a corps of Staff officers of my own Department, of which the now Presidents brother was my barrack master at Richmond, and at the head of the list—with many Private letters, from Governor Meigs and other Gentlemen of worth and distinction—and yet notwithstanding all these Services I was left to Solicit a place among the least & the lowest Clerks in the Land office with a Salary of $800 pr. year, and was obliged to be thankful for that. and altho I have expended more than two hundred thousand dollars in the course of the war, and given the Strongest proof and the acknowledgement of all of Hundreds of thousands Saved by my arrangements and by my Economy. I found myself and family in a Starving condition on my return—and only for the office above mentioned, must asked for charity or sought a poor house—the back Stair gentlemen are numerous enough to fill all the minor places of Proffit or honor—and altho the President when Secretary of State wrote his brother & said I Should have high claims on the goverment. those claims appear to be forgotten—excuse me Sir—I have taken the liberty, from respect, from reverance, and from and affectionate regard to the oldest, and ablest Patriott of my country, to address this to you; in the character of a child to a Parent as a Servant to his Master, or as a vassal to his Lord—or in any way or maner in which I can render any communication with you acceptable—and to assure you of my perfect knowledge to a great extent of your goodness your worth and of your exalted Services, for our common country, from your very early days—nor does a line appear in any public Shape from your excellent pen, but I read it with a Delight inexpressible—as it calls to my mind every emotion of the heart, which vibrated with hope, with dispair, with fear, & with joy in those days of which you Speak & write—and I have now Sir an inexpressible Satisfaction—in almost daily Seeing & observing a Son  that perfect Prototipe of his Father, Sheding and Sending forth an effulgance of Political light and Learning which prostrates the knowledge of the  old world, and amazes the new with a Splendor of talent Scarsely equaled by the Brightest constellation of the revolution—under Such a diplomatist, how wonderfuly is our country Marching forward to greatness and to Glory—yet a few years, and the genius of America, will raise another Philadelphia at the mouth on the Banks of the columbia, and our Eagles will tower on the Rocky mountains as the Centre of Union, and Spread their wings from the Hudson to the Magalan.—I have also another Scourse of Infinite Satisfaction and delight, that you Sir have Survived the Storm of faction—that those vile calumniators are Swept away by the hand of a divine Providence which so archly, endeavord to undermine your just fame, and take from you that just high Rank which you are So eminently intitled to, as a Father of this great People, and projicton of their great prosperity and Hapiness—not only in the political, but in the moral world—the liberality of your institutions, and the toleration in religious opininans, is apparently extending the benign Enfluence of the Gospell into the darkest corners of the habitable globe, what Solace to you Sir, that you were blessed with a mind to concieve, with an energy to execute, and with a constitution to prolong a life in which you can now realize this great good to, not only the present generation, but to the many millions to follow after, in a road you have made so  plain—So many truths & circumstances crowd upon my mind, I should fatigue you with a recital, were I to attempt to dwell upon them—I must therefore make a Halt with an enclosure: Repentance & confession is at all times acceptable, and intitled to its wieght, but let me ask how it was possible for Such a production, with all its blushing honor’s thick—upon it, were it not for that : that  Some thing after death, which make cowards of us all—If you can Sir make an allowance for the emotions of my mind, the homage which my heart ever pays to you—you will receive and read this hasty Scrawl. and know their is one who feels towards you as he ought—to which I only add—that I am faithfully & devotedly

               Joseph Wheaton

               could I obtain a copy of your twenty one letters to the States of Holland: it would be a treasure to me & my grandchildren—and they would never be misused—and if I could obtain a letter to the Secretary of State to make me personally known to him, I Should diem it invaluable—I am known to him (I beleive) by Sight only
JMNow in my forty fourth year of Service for the People of this Nation, with very little exception and often on a forlorn hope
            JM


Title: To John Adams from Rufus King, 12 July 1818
From: King, Rufus
To: Adams, John

					Dear Sir,
					Jamaica L. I. July 12. 1818

				As none of the Eminent Statesmen of the Country was more Early, or deeply impressed by the great importance of our national Fisheries, and navigation; and as no one has made more constant Exertions, than you have done, to Establish these Rights; I have taken the Liberty to send you a copy of a Speech that I delivered in the Senate during the last session of Congress, upon an occasion, in which, the examination of our past Efforts to adjust a mutually beneficial Intercourse with England, and to provide for the Security of our maritime Rights became necessary.In making this Examination I was obliged to abridge the view that I took of the subject, and to allude, which I endeavoured to do with much caution, to the influence of the differences that have existed between our  political parties. The Sketch, tho’ an imperfect one, will suffice with you. Who, better than any one, can determine how far my Recollections are correct, and whether my views of national Policy are such as the Circumstances of the Times and the irresistable Progress of our national Affairs will justify.Having for many years, a part of them, during your administration, in the public affairs abroad, been withdrawn from the knowledge of public men and measures which is most advantageously acquired by personal association with them; it has afforded me great satisfaction since my  Return to the Senate, where under your Eye I passed the seven Eventful years that immediately followed its organization, to perceive the abundant Evidence which exists of the Progress that has been made in the formation, and defusion of national opinions, national attachments, and national Character: a Progress so absolute, that apprehensions concerning a Disunion of the States may be Safely dismissed, no nation being more homogenous or more firmly united—The admission of new States into the Union in the west varies the geographical Balance of Power between the States: but as those new States are composed of Inhabitants proceeding out from the old ones, and are thus connected with, and tied to, them; as this connextion is moreover Strengthened by common habits, manners, and usages, and by frequent intermarriages the whole are becoming fast bound together by a Bond “Stronger than Hooks of Steel”—that there is no error in this confident Opinion may be inferred were other Proofs wanting, from the unanimity with which our maritime Rights, and the Establishment of a navy, are asserted, and supported by the western  States—these  dispositions must be regarded as generous Tokens of national attachment, as well as distinguished proofs of the Prevalence of a sound and Enlightened national Policy.With this temper in the west, which is Equally felt and expressed in the south, it has been, with  Disappointment, as well as Regret, that I have observed some of the Representatives of Massachusetts, to shew less zeal on the Subject of navigation, in which she holds the first Rank, than could have been imputed; balancing other, and doubtful, and merely local Interests, against this infallible means of national Security and Dominion—Independent of these motives, other and powerful Considerations may be supposed to have influence with the Representatives of a State, which whether in council, or in the Field, was behind none of the associates, in the memorable struggle that established our freedom—It is by Dominion upon the Ocean that not only national Safety but national Glory are to be attained; and it is by this Process chiefly, that the eastern States, will be enabled to retain that influence and authority in the national Councils, which, with so much public advantage, they have formerly possessed. Cicero said of Pompey, at the last Crisis of the Republic “omne concilium Themistocleum est—; existimat enim, qui mare teneat, eum necesse rerum potiri; itaque navalis apparatus ei semper antiquissima cura fuit”— and is it massachusetts, that calls this Opinion in Question?But I must return from this digression, into which Early attachments may have drawn me; my purpose was to submit to your correction the peech which I have the honor to send you, and to avail myself of the opportunity of renewing to you, the assurance of the high Respect & Esteem with which I have the honor to be Dr Sir yr most obt. & faithful servant
					Rufus King

   ad Atticum Lib. X. Epist. VIII


Title: To John Adams from LeRay de Chaumont, 13 July 1818
From: Chaumont, LeRay de
To: Adams, John

					Dear Sir
					LeRaysville 13 July 1818

				Your most esteemed favor of the 2nd: April travelled a good deal before to reach me, as I was absent from home when it arrived. It was sent to me to Philadelphia & from there it followed me to New York & from there here. At last I got it & I hasten to present you my best thanks for the strongly felt pleasure it gave me & the kind enquiry you make me to know who was my wifeYou have known I believe Mrs Tench Coxe of Philadelphia. she was her Sister: both daughters of Mr Charles Coxe of New Jersey. When I arrived in this country I soon became a great admirer of the American Ladies, not so much of their native charms which is not to be supassed in any part of the world & much more common in all ranks than in Europe. What struck me more as the desideratum in a wife, was that taste for Domestic habits which is mixed with so much sweetness & the most bewitching tenderness for their husband and children. How often have I seen a Lady the mother of a great many young children to whom she bestowed a daily nay an hourly attention, most as great as to the young infant hanging to her breast.—finding not only the time to oversee the servants and the dinner but yet making her appearance in a dress the most neat & often elegant to the numerous society invited to her house—every one would think she had only attended to her dressHad I found some days of leisure in my travels to Albany & New York nothing I assure you dear sir would have been more pleasing to me than to visit Quincy—there to see that venerable & illustrious Philosopher & statesman who in an advanced age preserves all the Vigor of mind & richness of Science which distinguishes a human being who would be in that season of Life where every atchievement is easy to perform & when memory is fresh with every result of a steady attention to study & every opportunity to adorn our mind. Circumscribed as I am in the desposition of my time I must be resigned to be deprived of that Great Pleasure. Too happy yet to be honored with your correspondence of which I beg leave to sollicit the continuation as a particular favorI join in opinion with our old friend The Marquis dela Fayette about the situation of France. There they have a sufficient proportion of Liberty to make them happy, if they will be wise enough to content themselves with itThe approaching crops of every kind—grain & fruit are the most promising here. I will at the end of this month cut for the second time a field of Clover which gave me an abundant crop of Excellent HayI remain with the utmost regard & respect / Your friend & humble Servant

					LeRay de Chaumont


Title: From John Adams to William Tudor, Sr., 14 July 1818
From: Adams, John
To: Tudor, William, Sr.

Judge Tudor
Quincy July 14 1818

Mr. Otis, to Show the Spirit of the Acts of Trade, those I have already quoted as well as those I Shall hereafter quote And as the best Commentaries upon them; produced a Number of Authors upon Trade, and read Passages from them, which I Shall recite, without pretending to remember the Order in which he read them.
Sir Josiah Child “A new discourse of Trade” Let me recommend this Old Book to the Perusal of my inquisitive Fellow Citizens. A discerning Mind will find Usefull Observations, on the Interest of Money the Price of Labour &c. &c. &c. I would quote them all if I had time. But I will Select One. In Page 15 of his Preface, he Says “I understand not the World So little, as not to know, that he that will faithfully Serve his Country must be content to pass thro’ good report and evil report.” I cannot agree to that Word “Content.” I would Substitute, instead of it the Words “as patient as he can.” Sir Josiah adds “Neither regard I, which I meet with.” This is too Caverlierly Spoken. It is not Sound Philosophy. Sir Josiah proceeds “Truth I am Sure at last will prevail vindicate itself, and be found by my Countrymen.” Amen! So be it! I wish I could believe it.
But it is high time for me to return from this ramble to Mr Otis’s quotations from Sir Josiah Child, whose Chapter four Page 105 is “Concerning the Act of Navigation.” Probably this Knight was one of the Most active and able inflamers of the national Pride in their Navy and their Commerce, and one of the principal promoters of that Enthusiasm for the Act of Navigation which has prevailed to this day. For this Work was written, about the year 1677, near the Period when the Court of Charles 2d began to urge and insist on the Strict Execution of the Act of Navigation. Such pride in that Statute did not become Charles, his Court or his Nation of Royalists and Loyalists att that time. For Shall I blush, or Shall I boast, when I remember that this Act was not the Invention of a Briton but of an American. George Downing a Native of New England, educated at Harvard Colledge whose Name Office and Title appear in their Catalogue, went to England in the time of Lord Clarendon’s civil Wars and became Such a Favourite of Cromwell And the ruling Powers, that he was Sent Ambassador to Holland He was not only not received but ill treated, which he resented on his return to England, by proposing an Act of Navigation which was adopted and has ruined Holland, and would have ruined America, if She had not resisted.
To borrow the language of the great Dr. Johnson, This “Dog” Downing must have had a head and Brains or in other Words Genius and Address: but if We may believe History he was a Scoundrel. To ingratiate himself with Charles the Second he probably not only pleaded his Merit in inventing the Navigation Act, but he betrayed to the Block Some of his old Republican and Revolutionary Friends.
George Downing! Far from boasting of thee as my Countryman; or of thy Statute as an american Invention if it were lawful to wish for any thing past that has not happened, I Should wish that thou hadst been hanged drawn and quartered, instead of Hugh Peters And Sir Henry Vane. But No! This is too cruel for my Nature! I rather wish that you had been obliged to fly with thy prefect and repent among the Rocks, and Caves of the Mountains in New england.
But where is Downings Statute? British Policy has Suppressed all the Laws of England from 1648 to 1660. The Statute Book contains not one Line. Such are Records and Such is History!
The Nation it Seems was not Unanimous in its approbation of this Statute. The great Knight himself inform Us page 105 “that Some wise and honest Gentlemen and Merchants doubted whether the Inconveniences, it hath brought with it be not greater than the Conveniences.” This Chapter was therefore written to answer all Objections; and vindicate and Justify Downings Statute.
Mr Otis cast an Eye over this Chapter and Adverted to Such Observations in it as tended to Show the Spirit of the Writer and of the Statute; which might be Summed up in this comprehensive Machiavelian Principle, That Earth Air and Seas, All Colonies and all Nations were to be made Subservient to the Grouth Grandeur and Power of the British  Navy.
And thus, truely it happened. The two great Knights Sir George Downing and Sir Josiah Child must be acknowledged to have been great Politicians!
Mr Otis proceeded to Chapter 10. of this Work, page 166. “Concerning Plantations.” And he paused at the 6th. Proposition in page 167. “That all Colonies or Plantations, do endamage their Mother Country Kingdoms, whereof the Trades of Such Plantations are not confined by Severe Laws, and good executions of those Laws, to the Mother Kingdom.”
Mr Otis then proceeded to Seize the Key to the whole Riddle, in Page 168 Proposition Eleventh “That New England is the most prejudicial Plantation to the Kingdom of England.” Sir G. Downing, no doubt Said the Same to Charles the Second.
Otis proceeded to page 170 near the bottom “We must consider what kind of people they were and are that have and do transport themselves to our Foreign Plantations” New England as every one knows, was originally inhabited, and hath Since been Successively replenished by a Sort of People called Puritans, who could not conform to the Ecclesiastical Laws of England; but being wearied with Church Censures and Persecutions were forced to quit their Fathers Land, to find out New Habitations as many of them did in Germany and Holland, as well as at New England And had there not been a New England found for Some of them Germany and Holland probably had received the rest: but old England to be Sure would have lost them all.”
“Virginia and Barbadoes were first peopled by a Sort of to loose migrant people, vicious, and destitute of means to live at home (being either unfit for labour, or such as could find none to employ themselves about, or had so misbehaved themselves by whoring thieving, or other debauchery, that none would set them on work) which Merchants, and Masters of Ships by their Agents (or spirits as they were called,) gathered up about the Streets of London, and other places, cloathed and transported, to be employed upon plantations; and these I say were such as, had there been no English foreign plantation in the world, could probably never have lived at home, to do service for their Country, but must have come to be hanged, or starved, or died untimely of some of those miserable diseases that proceed from want, and vice; or else have sold themselves for Soldiers to be knocked on the head, or starved in the quarrels of our neighbours, as many thousands of brave Englishmen were in the Low Countries, as also in the wars of Germany, France & Sweden &c; or else, if they could by begging or otherwise, arrive to the stock of 2 s. 6 d. to waft them over to Holland, become servants to the Dutch, who refuse none.”
“But the principal grouth and increase of the aforesaid Plantations of Virginia and Barbadoes, happened in or immediately after, our late civil Wars, when the worsted party by the fate of War, being deprived of their Estates, and having, Some of them never been bred to labour, and others of them made unfit for it by the lazy habit of a Soldiers life, there wanting means to maintain them all abroad with his Majesty, many of them betook themselves to the aforesaid plantations; and great numbers of Scotch Soldiers of his Majesty’s Army, after Worcester, a Short Fight, were by then prevailing Powers voluntarily Sent thither.”
“Another great Swarm or Accession of new Inhabitants to the aforesaid Plantations, as also to New England, Jamaica, and all other his Majesty’s Plantations in the West Indies, ensued upon his Majesty’s Restoration, when the former prevailing Party, being by a divine hand of Providence brought under, the Army disbanded many Officers displaced and all the new purchasers of publick Titles dispossessed of their pretended lands, Estates &c many became impoverished and destitute of Employment; and therefore Such as could find no Way of living at home, and Some who feared the re-establishment of the Ecclesiastical Laws under which they could not live were forced to transport themselves, or sell themselves for a few Years to be transported by Others, to the foreign English Plantations. The constant Supply that the said Plantations have Since had, hath been Such vagrant loose People, as I have before mentioned, picked Up, especially about the Streets of London and Westminster, and Malefactors condemned for Crimes for which by the Law they deserved to die; and Some of those People called Quakers, banished for meeting on pretense of Religious Worship.”
“Now, if from the premises it be duely considered, what kind of Persons those have been, by whom our Plantations have at all times been replenished, I suppose it will appear, that Such they have been, and under such Circumstances that if his Majesty had had no foreign Plantations, to which they might have resorted, England however must have lost them.”
Any Man who will consider with Attention these Passages from Sir Josiah Child may conjecture what his Mr. Otis’s Observations upon them were. As I cannot pretend to remember them verbatim and with precision I can only Say that they Struck me very forcibly. They were Short, rapid; He had not time to be long: but Tacitus himself could not express more in fewer Words. My only fear is that I cannot do him Justice.
In the first place there is a great deal of true History in this Passage which manifestly proves that the Emigrants to America in general were not only as good as the People in general whom they left in England, but much better, more couragious more enterprising more temperate more discrete and more industrious frugal and conscientious: I mean the Royalists as well as the Republicans.
In the Second place, there is a great deal of uncandid, ungenerous Misrepresentation and Scurrilous Exageration, in this Passage of the Great Knight, which prove him to have been a fit Tool of Charles the Second and a Suitable Companion Associate and Friend of the great Knight, Sir Gorge Downing, the Second Schollar in Harvard Colledge Catalogue.
But I will leave you, Mr Tudor to make your own Observations and Reflections upon these Pages of Sir Josiah Child.
Mr Otis read them with great Reluctance: but he felt it his duty to read them, in order to Show the Spirit of the Author and the Spirit of Sir George Downings Navigation Act.
But my Friend, I am weary, I have not done with Mr Otis or Sir Josiah Child. I must postpone, to another Letter from your friend
John Adams