Title: From James Madison to Edmund Pendleton, 4 March 1790
From: Madison, James
To: Pendleton, Edmund

Dear Sir
N. York March 4. 1790.
Your recommendation of Docr. Morrow was handed me some time ago. I need not tell you that I shall always rely on your vouchers for merit, or that I shall equally be pleased with opportunities of forwarding your wishes.
The only act of much consequence which the present Session has yet produced, is one for enumerating the Inhabitants as the basis of a reapportionment of the Representation. The House of Reps. has been cheifly employed of late on the Report of the Secy. of the Treasury. As it has been printed in all the Newspapers I take for granted that it must have fallen under your eye. The plan which it proposes is in general well digested, and illustrated & supported by very able reasoning. It has not however met with universal concurrence in every part. I have myself been of the number who could not suppress objections. I have not been able to persuade myself that the transactions between the U. S. and those whose services were most instrumental in saving their country, did in fact extinguish the claims of the latter on the justice of the former; or that there must not be something radically wrong in suffering those who rendered a bona fide consideration to lose 7/8 of their dues, and those who have no particular merit towards their Country, to gain 7 or 8 times as much as they advanced. In pursuance of this view of the subject, a proposition was made for redressing in some degree the inequality. After much discussion, a large majority was in the negative. The subject at present before a Committee of the whole, is the proposed assumption of the State debts. On this, Opinions seem to be pretty equally divided. Virga. is endeavoring to incorporate with the measure some effectual provision for a final settlement and payment of balances among the States. Even with this ingredient, the project will neither be just nor palatable, if the assumption be referred to the present epoch, and by that means deprives the States who have done most, of the benifit of their exertions. We have accordingly made an effort but without success to refer the assumption to the State of the debts at the close of the war. This would probably add ⅓ more to the amount of the Debts, but would more than compensate for this by rendering the measure more just & satisfactory. A simple unqualified assumption of the existing debts would bear peculiarly hard on Virginia. She has paid I believe a greater part of her quotas since the peace than Massts. She suffered far more during the war. It is agreed that she will not be less a Creditor on the final settlement, yet if such an assumption were to take place she would pay towards the discharge of the debts, in the proportion of ⅕ and receive back to her Creditor Citizens 1/7 or ⅛, whilst Massts. would pay not more than 1/7 or ⅛, and receive back not less than ⅕. The case of S. Carola. is a still stronger contrast. In answer to this inequality we are referred to the final liquidation for which provision may be made. But this may possibly never take place. It will probably be at some distance. The payment of the balances among the States will be a fresh source of delay & difficulties. The merits of the plan independently of the question of equity, are also controvertible, tho’ on the other side there are advantages which have considerable weight.
We have no late information from Europe more than what the Newspapers contain. France seems likely to carry thro’ the great work in which she has been laboring. The Austrian Netherlands have caught the flame, and with arms in their hands have renounced the Goverment of the Emperor for ever. Even the letharthy [sic] of Spain begins to awake at the voice of liberty which is summoning her neighbors to its standard. All Europe must by degrees be aroused to the recollection and assertion of the rights of human nature. Your good will to Mankind will be gratified with this prospect, and your pleasure as an American be enhanced by the reflection that the light which is chasing darkness & despotism from the old world, is but an emanation from that which has procured and succeeded the establishment of liberty in the New. With highest respect and the warmest regard I am Dear [Sir] Yr. Affete. servt.
Js. Madison Jr


Title: To James Madison from Edmund Randolph, 6 March 1790
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Madison, James

My dear friend
Fredg. March 6. 1790.
In George Town and Alexa. your discrimination has, as it is said, few advocates. Dr. Stuart was my author concerning the opinions of the latter, Mr. Brook Beall concerning those of the former. But I collected afterward, from Mr. Laurence Washington, that Colo. Geo. Mason was strenuously in favor of your motion; and indeed what I recollect of his observations in convention coincides with this sentiment. At this place Genl. Weedon and Colo. Posey seem to think, that the same current prevails, as in the other towns. I can gather nothing as to the public temper, upon the assumption of the state-debts; except the judgment of Mr. Chas. Lee, who thinks, that they ought not to be transferred to the U. S. I ought however to add, that the sentiments of the Jersey man have been spoken of in terms of praise.
The reports of Colo. Grayson’s ill-health had brought him even to death, before we reached Dumfries. But there we found, that, tho’ low, he gave hopes of a restoration.
I hear, that Mr. Jefferson’s phaeton is in this town, with directions to proceed to-day to Alexa., there to wait his arrival. He is in Richmond with his newly-married daughter, and is expected here to-day, or tuesday in the stage.


Title: Report on Robert Morris’s Petition, [9 March] 1790
From: Madison, James
To:

[9 March 1790]
That the Committee have enquired at the Register’s office into the state of the accounts of the department of Finance, lately administered by Mr. Morris.
That, for the information of the House, a general account of the receipts and expenditures has been obtained from the Register, together with a printed Statement in detail, both of which are herewith reported, together with a paper containing explanatory observations of that officer.
That from these documents, it appears to the Committee, that the regular official examination has been already made into the transactions of Mr. Morris, as Superintendant of the Finances of the United States; and that it is inexpedient to incur the expense of a re-examination by Commissioners, as proposed by the resolution of the Senate on that subject.


Title: To James Madison from Edmund Randolph, 10 March 1790
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Madison, James

My dear friend
Williamsburg March 10. 1790
After a fatiguing journey we arrived here on sunday evening, when I found all my family well, except my wife, who, I fear, is incumbered with a dead fœtus of more than seven months old. I am endeavouring to ward off by medical aid the consequences of this event. She is now in good spirits, and therefore I trust, that the mischief will not be fatal.
Yesterday I saw Colo. Innes. He informs us, that the discrimination proposed by you is not more palatable in Richmond, than in the other towns. Some of the leading antifederal Names in amherst (C—b—ll—) and another of the same stamp in Culpeper (Str—th—r[)] are endeavouring to turn the motion against its author. But the temper of Va. is not yet known, and Mr. Francis Corbin, who left us this morning, is of opinion, that the bulk of the country will testify their approbation thro’ the conduct of the next assembly. I am irritated, when I hear the various insinuations, which the advocates for the plan are exposed to. But the purity of motive will prove a sufficient shield against calumny.

There is not an individual, whom I have seen, friendly to the assumption of the state debts.
I am interrupted by company.


Title: Public Debt, [10 March] 1790
From: Madison, James
To:

[10 March 1790]

   Secretary Hamilton’s report on the means of providing funds for the assumption of state debts was sent to the House on 4 March (Syrett and Cooke, Papers of HamiltonHarold C. Syrett and Jacob E. Cooke, eds., The Papers of Alexander Hamilton (26 vols.; New York, 1961–79)., VI, 286–89). Debate resumed on 8 March; the next day the assumption resolution, as amended by JM’s motion of 24 February, passed by a vote of 31 to 26. The fifth of FitzSimons’s resolutions (first presented on 8 February), recommending a modification of the domestic and state debts by a new loan, passed without a debate. The sixth resolution proposed that for every $100.00 subscribed to the new loan, the subscriber should have five options: (1) to have two-thirds of the amount funded at 6 percent and one-third in western lands at twenty cents per acre; (2) to have the whole amount funded at 4 percent irredeemable by any payment exceeding $5.00 per year, and to receive $15.80 payable in lands; (3) to have $66.67 funded at 6 percent irredeemable by any payment exceeding $4.67 per year, and to have after ten years $26.88 funded at the same interest and rate of redemption; (4) to have a lifetime annuity, contingent upon living at least ten years, at 4 percent; and (5) to have a lifetime annuity, contingent upon the survivorship of the younger of two persons, at 4 percent. The second alternative (the first having been approved) was now under consideration.

Mr. Madison said it was of the utmost importance to ascertain, as soon as possible, the amount of the debt to be provided for. He said that, from the examples furnished by other countries, he could not find any corresponding with the proposition in question. Instead of being a medium, the public debt will here become a subject of commerce. With respect to the principle, it appeared that amongst all the propositions, there was only one that was justifiable. How far a multiplicity of alternatives will affect the public credit, ought to be considered. It was evident that an inconvenience would follow, which would bring the debt into a kind of use very injurious to the country, and he doubted whether it would have the beneficial tendency which had been mentioned. Foreigners, said he, calculate differently from the gentlemen who advocated this measure. He was for retaining the first alternative, and part of the third; but was for rejecting the second and fourth. The term of 35 years had been mentioned for the extinguishment of our debts, but he did not wish for so long a term; neither did he approve of retaining the word, as it would indicate a long continuation of the debt. He said propositions might be diversified, and a large scope given to the fancy of subscribers: the advantages, however multiplied from these propositions, if more than the two he had mentioned were adopted, would not balance the injuries that might arise from such a variety.


Title: Public Debt, [11 March] 1790
From: Madison, James
To:

[11 March 1790]

   Debate continued on the second alternative of the sixth resolution (see headnote to speech of 10 Mar.). JM wished to reduce “the number of alternatives,” preferring “a simple, unembarrassed system.” A motion to drop this option carried by a vote of 32 to 23 (or 24). Jackson then moved to strike out that part of the third alternative making $66.67 of every $100.00 subscribed irredeemable by any payment exceeding $4.67 per year. Speaking to this motion, JM “expressed a desire to shorten the term for paying off the public debt” (Gazette of the U.S., 27 Mar. 1790; N.Y. Daily Gazette, 12 and 13 Mar. 1790). Ames then launched into a lengthy examination of the subject, citing British precedents in defense of Secretary Hamilton’s proposed modification of the public debt.

Mr. Madison could not admit some of the doctrines of the gentlemen, nor some of the conclusions drawn from others. The proposed modifications, however veiled or varnished by ourselves, could not be reconciled with the tenor of the public engagements, and must rest for their justification with the world on the circumstances of the country. The British example adverted to was not applicable. The creditors there, by refusing to subscribe to the new loan, remained in possession of their stipulated interest. The creditors here would, by refusing, remain without their stipulated interest. It was but to let the transaction speak its true meaning: as it was decided to be the sense of the committee that the public circumstances required that the debt should be modified, the only questions left must relate to the form and words of the modifications to be proposed. He wished to simplify the debt as much as possible, and from that motive had agreed to strike out the second alternative. He wished also to shorten the duration of the debt as much as possible, and should therefore agree to strike out the clause restraining the right of redemption to the rate of 4 dollars and a fraction per annum, in order to authorise the government to pay it off at the rate of 10 dollars per annum, as suggested by another gentleman from Massachusetts. If this, said he, be done, it would be proper to adjust the sum to be funded at the end of ten years, to the change made in the irredeemable term. The gentleman had drawn a pleasing, and he hoped a true picture of the growing prosperity of this country. But what would result from it? Not that the debt should be perpetuated; but that we should be able to begin a reduction of the principal, and ought not therefore to throw away the right to do so.


Title: To James Madison from James Callaway, 12 March 1790
From: Callaway, James
To: Madison, James

Sir,
Amherst County 12th. Mar: 1790
As there is like to be business for some Person (in Our Destrict) under the fœderal Governmt. I am induced to solicet your Interest in my favr. if there should be a call for a man to Collect the excise or duties, in my County, or District, or to fill any Post of Profett. As you are not acquainted with me you may know by application to some of my County men. If security shoud. be Required I beleive I can give as good as is Necessary. I am yr. mo. Obt.
James Callaway


Title: Public Debt, [12 March] 1790
From: Madison, James
To:

[12 March 1790]

   Laurance, objecting to Jackson’s motion (see headnote to speech of 11 Mar.), said that foreigners should be encouraged to speculate in the public debt.

Mr. Madison said that foreigners speculating in our funds would induce a spirit of luxury. That the pernicious consequences of credit had been severely felt; that our experience did not justify the supposition that an influx of active property, or money would be employed in agricultural improvements.
He did not think that if a medium to the amount of one-fourth of the value of all the property of the United States was to be thrown into circulation, that any more land would be cultivated.


Title: To James Madison from Henry Lee, 13 March 1790
From: Lee, Henry
To: Madison, James

My dear sir.
Alexa. 13th. March 90
Before I left home, Col Lee being about to depart for Congress, I wrote you by him. Since my arival here I got your letr. of the 1st. March, & have had an opportunity of reading your debates in Congress.
Your motion which underwent so much discussion & met with such a decided negative is pleasing to the landed interest in this Country, & very much disrelished by the town interest. It is substantially right indubitably, altho not consonant to the spirit of contracts between man & man. It will I suppose undergo the same fate in Congress, as all other questions will, which in any degree resist the opinions & wishes of the Northern people. This govt. which we both admired so much, will I fear prove ruinous in its operation to our native state. Nothing as I said in my letr. the other day can alleviate our sufferings but the establishment of the permanent seat near the center of territory & direct taxation.
Hav⟨ing wri⟩tten largely on politics last week I ⟨forbear to write⟩ more now on that subject. As I passed thro Dumfries yesterday poor Grayson was breathing his last. He was speechless, had been so the previous night, & before this must have paid his last debt.
Henry & yourself are named as competitors for the vacancy. But he will not (it is said) accept, & whether you will is doubtful.
I wish Mr. Henry was with you in the lower house, & in the event of your walking up stairs that he could take your place. But this is impracticable. Mr. Shorts letr. repeats what Mr. Jefferson has before communicated to me.
I am very sorry that want of a small sum of money should stop the use & improvement of a spot really necessary to the trade & convenience of the people on the potomac. Always & truely yours
Henry Lee


Title: From James Madison to Edmund Randolph, 14 March 1790
From: Madison, James
To: Randolph, Edmund

My dear friendN. Y. Mar. 14. 1790
I have recd. the few lines you dropped me from Baltimore, and daily expect those promised from Fredg. I am made somewhat anxious on the latter point, by the indisposition under which you were travelling.
The question depending at your departure was negatived by a very large majority, though less than stated in the Newspapers. The causes of this disproportion which exceeds greatly the estimate you carried with you can not be altogether explained. Some of them you will conjecture. Others, I reserve for conversation if the subject should ever enter into it. As far as I have heard, the prevailing sense of the people at large does not coincide with the decision, and that delay and other means might have produced a very different result.
The assumption of the State debts has of late employed most the H. of Reps. A majority of 5 agreed to the measure in Come. of the Whole. But it is yet to pass many defiles, and its enemies will soon be reinforced by N. Carolina. The event is consequently very doubtful. It could not be admissible to Virga. unless subservient to final justice, or so varied as to be more consistent with intermediate justice. In neither of these respects has Va. been satisfied, and the whole Delegation is agst. the measure except Bland!!
The substance of the secretary’s arrangements of the Debts of the Union, has been agreed to in Come. of the Whole and will probably be agreed to by the House. The number of alternatives has been reduced for the sake of greater simplicity, and a disposition appears at present, to shorten the duration of the Debt. According to the Report, the debt wd. subsist 40 or 50 years, which, considering intermediate probabilities, amounts to a perpetuity. Adieu
Js. M. Jr
Mr. Jefferson is not arrived. He has notified his acceptance & is expected here in a day or two.


Title: To James Madison from John Dawson, 14 March 1790
From: Dawson, John
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir!Richmond March 14. 90
I am now to acknowledge with many thanks your favour of the 31 January. The hope of collecting some thing worthy communicating has prevented my writing earlier but I fear shoud I let this rule govern there woud be an end to our correspondence; sure I am I shoud not hear from you as often as I wish.
I[n] this place where most persons are dealers in public securities your plan for a discrimination in them has been generally disapprovd of as might be expected. What is the general opinion in the State I will not pretend to say—but my own is that the difficulties attending the business form the greatest objection, and that Justice is in your favour.
For several weeks we have been in daily expectation of hearing of the death of our friend Grayson. I still hope he will recover for shoud he not I know not who we shoud appoint willing to serve, and who woud meet with the approbation of the Legislature.
We have appointed G. Nicholas attory. of Keny. in the place of Innes who has accepted of his appointment from the President.
Some time ago, at the request of the executive I forwarded by a Mr. Anderson a chart of Potowmac, and some papers for Colo Davis. I have not been inform’d of their arrival, am anxious about it, & woud be glad to hear from you whether or not they have come to hand. With much respect & esteem I am, Your friend & Sert
J Dawson


Title: From James Madison to Francis Taylor, ca. 14 March 1790
From: Madison, James
To: Taylor, Francis

Letter not found. Ca. 14 March 1790. On 2 Apr. 1790 Taylor noted in his diary: “Bro[the]r James sent a letter to me from the Honble James Madison Esqr which he got yesterday at his fathers” (Vi). Conjectured date based on evidence that JM wrote a number of Virginia correspondents on Sunday, 14 Mar. 1790.


Title: To James Madison from Edmund Pendleton, 15 March 1790
From: Pendleton, Edmund
To: Madison, James

Letter not found. 15 March 1790. The list probably kept by Peter Force (DLC: Madison Miscellany) notes that the letter consisted of two pages and calendars it as follows: “Hamilton’s plan. Mr. Pendleton’s criticisms thereon.”


Title: To James Madison from Edmund Randolph, 18 March 1790
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Madison, James

My dear friendWmsburg March 18. 1790.
The governor has reason to expect the death of Colo. Grayson in a short time; and therefore requested Mr. Wm. Nelson to know from me, what you wished, in a case of a vacancy in the senate. I have just written to him, expressing your decided negative.
I was diverted yesterday by Mr. John Pierce of James City (the delegate) asking whether you had not become a methodist. After I had recovered from my surprize, I inquired, from whence the rumor sprang. His account in reply was nothing more, than that it was a general report in James City. It will be no easy matter to impress upon some of your friends, that you have fastened Yourself to any sect.
The fœderal district court was opened yesterday. Two indictments were on the point of being filed against two respectable merchants for perjury; but it was discovered, that there was a want of jurisdiction, or at least that the circuit court had a less equivocal cognizance. I hear nothing more of the motion, than what I have written you. My wife continues, as she was when I wrote the day before yesterday.


Title: From James Madison to Edmund Randolph, 21 March 1790
From: Madison, James
To: Randolph, Edmund

Dear SirN. Y. Mar: 21. 1790
Your favor of the 10th. came to hand yesterday. I feel much anxiety for the situation in which you found Mrs. Randolph; but it is somewhat alleviated by the hopes which you seem to indulge.
The Language of Richmond on the proposed discrimination does not surprize me. It is the natural language of the towns, and decides nothing. Censure I well knew would flow from those sources. Should it also flow from other sources, I shall not be the less convinced of the right of the measure, or the less satisfied with myself for having proposed it. The conduct of the gentlemen in Amherst & Culpeper, proves only that their personal animosity is unabated. Here it is a charge agst. me, that I sacrificed the federal to antifederal sentiments. I am at a loss to divine the use that C—b—ll & S—t—r can make of the circumstance.
The debates occasioned by the Quakers have not yet expired. The stile of them has been as shamefully indecent as the matter was evidently misjudged. The true policy of the Southn. members was to have let the affair proceed with as little noise as possible, and to have made use of the occasion to obtain along with an assertion of the powers of Congs. a recognition of the restraints imposed by the Constitution.
The State debts have been suspended by the preceding business more than a Week. They lose ground daily, & the assumption will I think ultimately be defeated. Besides a host of objections agst. the propriety of the measure in its present form, its practicability becomes less & less evident. The case of the paper money in Georgia S. C. N. C. &c to R. Isld. is a most serious difficulty. It is a part of the debts of those States, and comes in part within the principle of the assumption.
A packet arrived a few days ago but throws little light on the affairs of Europe. Those of France do not recede but their advance does not keep pace with the wishes of liberty. Remember to Mr. M. & his good lady. Yrs. affly.
Js. Madison Jr
Mr. Jefferson is not yet here. The bad roads have retarded him. We expect him to day or tomorrow. I am this instant told he is come.


Title: To James Madison from Tench Coxe, 21 March 1790
From: Coxe, Tench
To: Madison, James

Dear SirPhilada. March 21. 1790.
I am sorry to find that the Rhode Island Convention have adjourned without determining in favor of the Constitution. This conduct is however so far favorable as it may be deemed a proof that they are not violently bent against it. The general causes of the conduct of that State are perfectly well understood, but I wish much to know as far as you have collected them and are at liberty to communicate them, their present views & intentions—Such things as they wish to accomplish before their adoption and the consequences they fear or pretend to fear in the event of their coming into the Union. I wish to make myself master of the subject and to make such use of the information I may collect as may be proper in a publication. Our affairs with them must ere long draw to a point. Legislative or more forcible coercion must be at least considered. The case is so new and delicate that a reasonable proceedure, which may be expected to bring them to their duty, will be difficult to devise.
An artist of this city communicated to me some time ago information that he had discovered a method of obtaining an invariable standard of Measures recoverable at all times and in all places. As the President in pursuance of one of the Articles of the Constitution had recommended to Congress the establishment of Uniformity of weights & Measures, and the Subject was refered by your house to the Secy. of State I presumed it might be proper to communicate this Matter to Mr. Jay, having understood that he would have the charge of the department of State ’till Mr. Jeffersons arrival. Mr. Jay was good enough to write me that he only continued his Attention to foreign Affairs, but that he should hand my letter over to the Secy. of State on his Arrival. When Mr. Jefferson was in town I should have done myself the honor to procure an introduction to him, & to have waited upon him with the artist to communicate the Invention to him, but I was confined with a wounded ankle that has made me a prisoner for some days. Having lost that opty. and not having the pleasure of knowing Mr. Jefferson I take the liberty, Sir, to enclose the communication to you. Doctor Franklin, Mr. Rittenhouse, Mr. Patterson the Secy of the Phil. Society & I are all the persons the artist has entrusted, and we have each given him a written declaration of the time of Exhibition. His confidence in me has induced him to permit me to chuse a friend thro whom I might lay it before the Secy. of State, with a request that at present the knowlege of the thing may lie with him & yourself—and that it might not without his Consent be made known to any other person, except the President to whom of course he respectfully wishes it may be freely made known, if the Secretary thinks it proper to lay it before him. Tho the apparatus is extremely simple the Object has been industriously pursued for many years by the Philosophers & Mechanicians of Europe as Mr. Jefferson & you must well know. The Society of Arts &ca in London have offered 100 Guineas for the discovery, which the inventor is determined not to apply for, but to devote it to the Service of his native Country. The simplicity of the Apparatus however will spread it in a year over the civilized part of the World.
I have the satisfaction to inform you that the Artist, who undertook to make the machine for spinning flax, hemp & wool by water has completed the model & that it is now in my hands ready for an application for a patent, which he will make as soon as the Law shall pass. The drawings and description are prepared. He has added another invention of wch. he has deposited the drawing with me to make cordage of 1 ½ In. diameter, and he has furnished me with a drawing of a two-part water engine to grind optical glasses or lenses, and to polish them when ground. This engine is capable of grinding & polishing above 1000 glasses in a day & requires but one man and a small constant stream. He also has furnished me with the great movements of Arkwrights cotton spinning Mill, and some of the lesser ones, but this material is more perfectly manufactured by the Milne’s improvement on Arkwrights Machinery now established in France. Mr. Bingham informs me that Mr. Jefferson wrote him that this Mill might be got in France for 12000 livres, or 2000 silver Crowns of that Kingdom. To procure and record the drawings & descriptions of Machinery and Apparatus in the useful Arts and Philosophical Science appears to me a very great Object. It is manifest that without depending inconveniently upon manual labor we may, by Mechanism and a knowlege of the nature of sensible Objects and their effects upon each other, save great sums of Money, raise our character as an intelligent Nation, and encrease the comforts of human life and the most pure & dignifying Enjoyments of the mind of man. No man has a higher confidence than I, in the talents of my Countrymen & their ability to attain these things by their native strength of mind, but I would nevertheless draw upon that great fund of skill & knowlege, particularly of the useful Arts, wch. Europe possesses. For this reason I saw with regret the truth of your apprehension, that the benefit of a patent could not be constitutionally extended to imported objects—nor indeed, if it were within the verge of the powers of Congress, do I think any clause to that effect could be safely modified. Private acts would be wise and safe, if they could be thought constitutional; but I think they cannot without an Amendment, by striking out all of the clause that follows the word “by” in the 8th. parag. of the 8th. Sec. of the first Article—or something to that purpose. An Idea however has struck me upon the Subject which I have several times mentioned, and now trouble you with. It is that Congress should lay off a million of Acres of the nearest, least broken & most valuable land in their western Territory as a fund to reward the introduction of Machinery inventions, arts, and other things of that nature from foreign Countries, and Inventions and discoveries first communicated to us by Natives or foreigners the benefits of which, tho of no considerable importance to them, should be useful to the United States. From two years attention to this Subject and a constant observation on foreigners I am satisfied it would have a very beneficial effect, & that our knowlege of Manufacturing Machinery would quickly equal our capital to carry them on, even supposing public Securities to become so stable in value as to grow into a circulating Medium. I cannot however pass from this Subject without observing that such a plan must prove advantageous to me from the several objects I possess some of wch. are not inventions, but importations. These I trust you will believe I could relinquish, if it would obviate the least impediment in the way of the plan. I will just add that the public benefit from such a measure would arise, in my Opinion, from the assurance it would hold out to the world of the Regard of Congress for the Advancement of the useful Arts and manufactures—and the Idea of a solid, tho not a pecuniary reward to those who enrich our domestic Stock of profitable and liberal Knowlege.
Some time after you passed thro Philadelphia I requested the favor of Colonel Hamilton to shew you two or three of the papers I had sent him, particularly that on the present state of the Navigation of Pennsylvania with a comparison of the same with that of the principal Nations of Europe—and that on the Succedanea for foreign liquors. If they are yet in your hands & you think them worthy of his perusal I would wish them shewn to Mr. Jefferson, from whose Administration the people of this state have very high expectations.
An artist from Europe has attempted a medal of the President. Permit me to request your acceptance of one of the first impressions which you will find enclosed. As it is the commencement of that branch you will be pleased with the attempt. I got a couple of him in soft metal finding that the force of his engine did not bring up the metal into the die, when a harder kind was used.
I enclose you a copy of the proposed Constitution of this state in a form more convenient for making notes than those in the Newspapers, as I presume the first moment of leisure & harmony in Virginia will bring your state constitution into the public mind. It is better than our old one but not good enough for such a state—and I still feel strongly impressed with the idea that our second Revolution was not completed by the reform of the general Government. Those of the states are necessary to its consummation.
Tis so long since I have indulged myself in the pleasure of addressing [you] that I find I have imperceptibly gone far beyound the time when I should have concluded myself as I always am with respectful esteem and regard dear Sir, your most obedt. hum. Servt.
Tench Coxe


Title: To James Madison from Philip Mazzei, 23 March 1790
From: Mazzei, Philip
To: Madison, James

Degno e Caro Amico,Parigi, 23. Marzo 1790.
Il latore della presente sarà il Sigr: Conte Paolo Andreani, di Milano, che vi raccomando particolarmente. Voi sapete ch’io sono piuttosto scrupoloso che facile a dar lettere di raccomandazione; onde non avete bisogno ch’io vi prevenga sul suo merito, che ben presto distinguerete da voi medesimo. Tra i suoi studi la Fisica e l’Istoria Naturale sono i più favoriti. Ve lo dico, affinchè sappiate quali persone possano più convenirgli, e riceverne reciproca soddisfazione. Questa è l’unica lettera che gli do; tutte l’altre sarebbero superflue, poichè voi l’indirizzerete e lo farete raccomandare successivamente, a seconda dei viaggi che intraprenderà in America. Per mera curiosità vi dirò che il Sigr: Conte Andreani è stato il solo (a mia notizia) che in Italia siasi elevato in una macchina Areostatica, esperienza benissimo eseguita in un suo giardino. Non mancate di raccomandare anche a me i nostri degni concittadini, che vengono in Europa, quando supponete poter’io esser loro di qualche utilità. Vi raccomando nuovamente l’affare di Dohrman, il quale non mi à pagato ancora la metà di quel che mi deve. Se non può mandarmi denaro, procurate che mi mandi altri effetti. Siccome una casa di Lisbona à messo una stagina su tutti i suoi effetti che potessero, anche in futuro, essere in poter dei Vansthaporst d’Amsterdam, ditegli che può liberamente far’uso del mio nome, affinchè i nostri comuni amici possano servirlo senza rischio. Quando potrete aver qualche denaro dei libri, vi prego d’inviarmelo. Intanto, vale et me ama. Tutto Vostro
Filippo Mazzei

Condensed Translation
Mazzei introduces Count Paolo Andreani and again requests Madison’s attention to the business with Dohrman.


Title: To James Madison from Edmund Randolph, 23 March 1790
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Madison, James

My dear friendWilliamsburg March 23. 1790.
My dear wife is not better, than when I wrote to you last. I expect something determinate in a few days.
Inclosed is a copy of my motion. Had it been intended to bring forward a convention immediately, the thing was imprudently worded; because it contains many unpopular points. But as subjects of reflection for the people, they could not, I thought, be too pointed.
I give you a duplicate, that one may be put into mr. Jefferson’s hands, if you approve.


Title: Slave Trade Petitions, [23 March] 1790
From: Madison, James
To:

[23 March 1790]

   The select committee on the slave trade memorials presented its report, consisting of seven resolutions, on 5 March (DHFCLinda Grant De Pauw et al., eds., Documentary History of the First Federal Congress of the United States of America (3
        vols. to date; Baltimore, 1972—)., III, 316, 340–41). This report came before the Committee of the Whole on 16 March. After repeated attempts on 16 and 17 March by southern members to prevent its consideration, the report was extensively debated by paragraphs on 18, 19, and 22 March (the fullest reports of the debate are in the N.Y. Daily Gazette, 17–27 Mar. and N.Y. Daily Advertiser, 18–25 Mar.). Except for offering an amendment to the fifth resolution of the report, JM remained largely silent during this debate. The fifth resolution read: “That Congress have authority to interdict, or (so far as it is or may be carried on by citizens of the United States for supplying foreigners) to regulate the African trade, and to make provision for the humane treatment of slaves, in all cases while on their passage to the United States, or to foreign ports, as far as it respects the citizens of the United States.” JM proposed the following substitute: “That Congress have authority to restrain the citizens of the United States, who are concerned in the African trade, from supplying foreigners with slaves; and to provide for their humane treatment, while on their passage to the United States.” This amendment, which JM explained was meant to apply “only to our own citizens while within the limits of the United States,” was subsequently adopted. The Committee of the Whole finished going through the select committee’s report on 22 March after further protracted wrangling. During this debate, JM had pleaded with his colleagues to “come to the point” and to restrict their arguments to the motion before the chair. The debate was renewed the next day by a motion for the House to take up the Committee of the Whole’s report on the slave trade memorials. Southerners, assisted by Ames (who “reprobated the idea of the house going into a declaration of abstract propositions”), opposed the motion (N.Y. Daily Gazette, 23, 25, and 27 Mar. 1790).

Mr. Madison said, that although he thought the proposition expressed important constitutional truths, yet it was improper for the house to pass them in the form of abstract declarations. Three or four memorials, from respectable bodies of citizens, had been presented; the respect due to them required that they should be committed; the committee had made a report, reciting the powers and restrictions in the constitution as to the African trade, &c. and concluding with a proposed resolution in answer to the memorialists. This report of the select committee had been considered by a committee of the whole, and the recital had been so amended as to speak the meaning of the constitution; but as the resolution, which the recital was intended to introduce, had been rejected, he was of opinion the recital ought to fall along with it. He wished, at the same time, however, that the proceedings of the committee of the whole might go on the journals for the information of the public. This would sufficiently answer the two purposes of shewing the sense of the body on the subject of the memorials, and of carrying an implication that Congress will exercise the powers vested by the constitution whenever it should be requisite. He wished the entry to be made for another reason: it would be the best answer to the arguments used by the gentlemen who had so warmly opposed the proceeding, and tend to quiet the apprehensions of the southern states, by recognizing that Congress had no power whatever to prohibit the importation of slaves prior to the year 1808, or to attempt to manumit them at any time. He accordingly moved,
“That the proceedings of the committee of the whole should be entered on the journals, as the best method of putting an end to the business.”


Title: To James Madison from Walter Jones, 25 March 1790
From: Jones, Walter
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir.March 25—1790.
Your Letter of the 28. feby. gave me the disagreeable Information of your infirm Health; which I can now, rather earnestly wish than very confidently hope is perfectly restored. Your sedentary Duty is not less adverse to Health, than the pressure of your mind from the magnitude of the objects that engage it, to Say nothing of their Complexion. The latter appears not quite satisfactory to the few of us here who think on public affairs; but whether we think justly or not is another Question. I freely confess, for myself, no small abatement of ardour in the expectations I had formed of the New Government, because I apprehend that a certain description of men in power have vicious views of Government; that they, with strong auxiliary Numbers have views equally vicious in finance; and that both are in Combination with a predominating Interest in a certain quarter of the union, which is in opposition to the great agricultural Interest of the States at large.
If the Equity of a Composition of some sort is, as it seems to me, past Controversy, I am sure no degree of pains should have been spared to make it practicable—indeed I am of opinion that the Government should have gone much farther in this matter; and should have taken its measures with the public Creditors, rather according to what it can, than what it ought to pay. When an individual risques his Stock in Trade, and by Casualty becomes Bankrupt, if he fairly distributes his remaining Effects among his Creditors, his reputation suffers not, tho they receive a shilling only in the pound—Government, like an individual is limited in its Resources. It cannot take more than a certain proportion of the property of its Citizens, without rendering them miserable, and thereby defeating the End of its Institution, if therefore these States, in so meritorious an adventure, as was the late Revolution, were obliged to incur expences for the Safety of the Community, which cannot be fully discharged, without marring the Benefits of success, I am unable to see any reason for such romantic punctilio, as to institute a System of ruinous Taxation, and a monied Interest that seems utterly incongruous to the present Condition of Society amongst us. There seems to be less colour for this partial Delicacy towards the present holders of public securities, as our Governments have been so regardless of the sufferings of innumerable good Citizens from the depreciation of the paper money, in which the public faith was as firmly pledged, as in any other species of its paper debt. I am at a loss to find any difference in the two Cases, except, that the paper money evaporated in the hands of the people at large, who do not urge their claims & Losses specifically and in Concert, whereas the public Securities are condensed in the hands of a comparatively small number of Speculators & Jobbers, whose united clamours are loudly propagated & reverberated around the seat of Government and thro the principal Towns on the Continent.
In great Britain the Interest of money is low; the commerce wealth & resources of the country astonishingly great—the infinite Quantity & variety of art & Labour that are hourly & momentarily at market invigorates Circulation, and, probably makes a Guinea perform more uses in a week, than it does here in six months. Yet the ruinous tendency of her national Debt & its consequences, has ever been maintained by the most impartial & enlightened writers & speakers on the Subject. In these states every thing is proportionaly unfavourable to the sustaining national Debt. Interest is indeed fettered by Law; but the natural state of it is most exorbitant—the great Bulk of our productions being annual Crops, our markets become so, and Consequently the Circulation of money is languid—and besides the usual circumstances that are held to incapacitate every Community of farmers & Landholders from bearing high Taxes, the emigrating Turn of our Inhabitants seems to be a peculiar & very weighty one, and from the vast tracts that invite this spirit, is likely to be of long Continuance. It is constantly diverting from the old states, the sources of populousness and therefore of Arts Commerce & internal Wealth. The Emigrants are necessar[i]ly poor, from the Expensiveness of Emigration, and each emigrant commonly leaves a needy man behind him, who has strained every resource to purchase his possessions. So that with the ballance of Trade against us on the east, the Drain of Emigration on the west, the immense Load of private & public Debt due (and as the Secy. of the Ty. will have it) to be due to foreigners, together with the Shock which between 20 & 30,000,000 £ of property has received by premature & impracticable Steps towards the Emancipation of Slaves, I know not how the landed Interest of the States will answer the additional demands of the system-mongers & fund Jobbers who have become such fashionable subjects of news paper panegyric. Indeed, Sir, unless I am deluded in the extreme, there are men & measures blended in the Composition of the Government of the union, that should put us much on our guard. I earnestly hope that every attempt to undermine the respectability of the State Governments may be defeated; for if experience should evince that the component parts of the union are too heterogeneous to be kept together, but by the artificial force & Influence of Government, those of the States would be potent Instruments in effecting such a modification and reunion of parts, as would cure the mischiefs that arise, when—

Corpore in uno
frigida pugnabant calidis, humentia siccis.

I begin to check myself, by reflecting that I am not only sacrificing your Patience, but perhaps about to incur your suspicion of some disappointment or Acrimony of temper: but I may be safely beleived, in affirming, that however Visionary my Opinions may be, they are the offspring of a mind deeply interested in, and sincerely devoted to the real public Interest. I may add too that I am selfish enough to be loth to forego the Gratification, of pouring them forth without reserve, to men, in whose Talents, Integrity & Candor I have a cordial Confidence. I have often considered, as a misfortune to these states, that we assumed the reins of Government, with so small a fund of practical Knowlege in the Art. We instinctively felt the force of the first Aphorism of Hippocrates, Vita brevis, Ars longa, Occasio præceps, experientia fallax, Judicium difficile; and naturally enough resorted to speculative Opinions of our own, to the Doctrines of Books, or to the Institutions of european Nations—all of them abundant Sources of Error, when unsustained and undigested by Practice & Experience. Hence the frequent fluctuation & unfitness of our legislative Acts. Hence, I suspect, the astonishing Acquiescence of most men, in the Introduction of national funds, National Bank, Tontines, and, very probably, ere long of State Lotteries, which, I doubt not, some harbinger will introduce and extol in the Hartford Gazette, as teeming with Benefits & Blessings to the Planters & farmers even of Virginia & Georgia.
I have ever considered the condition of Society in these States to be sui generis. As the characteristic feature of the Scythians is termed pastoral, may we not call ours Agricultural? And from the vast extent of Territory, this characteristic promises to be of long Duration. The general uniformity & simplicity of our Interests, makes Government, Comparatively, an easy art; and the Equality of our Rights and Rank is naturally allied to a republican form; if therefore some maritime parts of the union are calculated for the more complicated Conditions of Society (and to a great degree it is impossible they should be) they merit due attention but should never be held in Competition, with the great republican, agricultural Interest of the Continent at large. I should, therefore, ever oppose the Introduction of those artificial modes of administration & Influence in the executive departments of Government, which are engendered in the inveterate Corruption and Complex Interests & relations, internal & external, of the old European Governments.
Ere this reaches you I suppose, our friend, Mr. Page will be married; I shall not interrupt the little Leisure he has with a Letter on politics. I have referred him to this, which, if you think it worth while, shew to Mr. R. B. Lee, to whom I convey in it my friendly respects. I am dear Sir with very sincere Esteem & Regard your obedient Se[r]vant
Walt: Jones


Title: To James Madison from Gustavus B. Wallace, 25 March 1790
From: Wallace, Gustavus B.
To: Madison, James

Dr. SirFredbg Virginia March 25th. 90
There are a great number of small ballance’s due to the Soldiers and officers of this and the North Carolina line which has been drawn by the pay master Genl and still remains in his hands to the Amount as I am inform’d of thirty thousand dollars. There is now in this State a man from newyork by the name of Renolds purchaseing these ballances at the rate of 3/ in the pound he was in this town, shew’d me his list of Names, from the pay master[’s] books, and the ballances due to each man. He has purchase’d a great many: at the request of some gent. in this place I give you this information that if possible this trade may be put a Stop to and the Soldiers get the whole of their money which may be done with ease by publishing the list of Names belonging to each State in the State news paper’s and the Sums due them. I have the Honor to be your Most obdt. St.
Gustavus B Wallace


Title: To James Madison from Edward Carrington, 27 March 1790
From: Carrington, Edward
To: Madison, James

My dear Sir,Richmond March 27. 1790
Upon coming to Town last ev’ning I had the pleasure to receive your several favors of the 10th. 14. & 16 Inst. and am made happy by the freindly manner in which you received my remarks upon your proposition—they were dictated indeed by my own sincerity, and a confidence, not only in the purity of the motive which founded the proposition, but also in your wishes on every occasion to obtain the undisguised sentiments of your Freinds upon such subjects as you do them the favor to present to their consideration. You have added very much to the former obligation by the fulness in which you have now written on the subject. However this proposition might have opposed the interests or opinions of others, it certainly can have furnished no possible ground of illiberality as to the author of it, for having never been an original Creditor, he could not have placed himself in any possible situation to be affected by it otherwise than to his injury, nor was it calculated even to lighten his burthens as a citizen in contributing to the redemption of the debt. I honestly beleive the sense of the Country is against the measure, and am equally convinced it has not lessened the author in the public estimation. I agree with you that it is a melancholy truth that the public rewards are transfered in most instances with respect to the public debt, from those who earned them, to those who have paid but little for them, and were I to act from my feelings alone, I should most cordially embrace your proposition, for let the original Cr. have parted with his certificate from ignorance, distrust of the public ability or willingness to pay him, necessity, or licentiousness, I lament his misfortune; nor is this commiseration checked in the smallest degree from any respect I bear towards the speculators in their claims. I know that the Transfers proceeded from all the causes I have mentioned, & I know that the purchases have in many instances be[en] made under dishonorable conduct, and have no doubt that when this has been the case and any species of fraud whatever has resulted from it, the same releif might be obtained between the individuals in a Court of equity as applies in other instances of deception. I cannot however view the transactions as they stand between the public and the original Creditors as fraudulent. In the Course of the War large demands arose upon the public for services & supplies rendered—upon the conclusion of the War the public was confessedly unable to pay those demands—the Creditors demanded then a liquidation of their Claims; that evidences of the Debt bearing an Interest should be issued to them, and that the faith of Government should be pledged for payment. Government complied with this demand: it was all that could, as Matters then stood be done, it was therefore all that ought to have been required. The certificates soon became a property at Market, and has there been bought & sold, of course they are now found in other hands than the original Crs. Now it appears to me, that at all events, the public can alledge no fraud against those purchasers who met with the certificates and openly gave for them what the possessors demanded; if this is true, how can it pretend upon any ground of Law or equity to pay to another any part of a claim which the present possessor has thus openly & fairly acquired a right to receive totally. Viewing the matter in this light, I am necessarily led to this conclusion: that the original Creditors who have transfered their certificates can upon no ground of equity be intitled to any part of them as they now stand in the hands of open & fair purchasers—they can therefore seek no resettlement but out of the public purse: & for the reasons I have already given I think they can have no claim upon that. I have generally observed that the acquiescence of sufferrers is no bad criterion by which to judge whether there is serious ground of dissatisfaction; in the present case permit me to refer you to the sentiments of that class of public Creditors, whose losses in these transfers, have excited in the breasts of their generous Countrymen the greatest commisseration, I mean the officers & soldiers. You will, I beleive, find them pretty generally opposed to your proposition—so far as I have seen them they consider their case as hard, but are reconciled to it, as resulting from a State of things beyond the controul of Govt.
I must still be of opinion the repayments would nearly go in the same manner as the original ones did; ignorance, distrust, and necessity would, of the former causes, still exist with most of the creditors, and these would produce the same effects as they did before; nor do I conceive that the case would be mended by rendering the certificates untransferable for a time, indeed to me it appears that such a circumstance would make it much worse. Negotiations would take place, and if the certificates could not be actually transfered, they would be pledged or in some way or other subjected to the absolute use of the Speculator for a little ready money, & the consideration will always be lessened according to the difficulties or hazards of the negotiation. The more easily and freely paper can be dealt for, the higher will be the price of it. Indeed if I am to judge from experience I am constrained to say the Crs. would complain of it as a greivance that the certificates were not transferable; the first Issues of certificates to the Virga. line for depretiation were, for the reasons you give, not transferable; the Officers and Soldiers clamoured until they were made transferable, whereupon they immediately sold them for 2 or 3/ in the pound.
Since I wrote you last I have with more attention than I had then done, read the Secretary’s plan. I like it so far as it proposes Subscriptions to take a part in new funded Certs. & another small part in Western Lands with a reduction of Interest upon the part funded, but it appears to me that there ought to accompany it, a pledge of the public faith, that the full Interest of the unredeemed Debt shall be hereafter provided for, should the present provision prove insufficient after paying the Interest of the subscribed debt. I do not think that the debt as it stands is above the abilities of the Country, but yet it is thought so, and any modification that will give a better assurance of its being ultimately paid, must be for the mutual advantage of the public & the Creditors, hence I reconcile the giving a preference to those who shall unite with Government in such a modification. I am glad to find that the proposed tontine is struck out of the plan. It was exceptionable if it was only for its being unintelligible to 9/10ths. of the community. One more observation upon this plan, I am apprehensive it will fall far short of producing the estimated Sums. I am indeed pretty well satisfied that there will, upon no principle, be an adequate provision for the public Credit during this session.
As to the Assumption of the State debts I think that upon common principles it would be a wise measure; but as Matters actually stand amongst the States it is truly iniquitous unless each State were considered as a Creditor for so much of its debts as it has already redeemed; some States have discharged considerable parts of their debts whilst others have paid not a farthing of theirs. An Assumption by the Genl Government of none but the outstanding debts of the States, would in becoming a common burthen, operate greivous oppressions upon those who have already burthened their people with Taxes to reduce the amount of their debts. In this case Virga. would be a great sufferrer, having paid off 8 or 900,000 £ of her debt. I see by the debates that you and most of yr Colleagues have not been inattentive to this circumstance, and that you have struggled hard upon the occasion. The condition you annexed to the measure is all you could get, but I fear it will be of no effectual avail, for the provision for the assumption will be going into effect, while it is to be apprehended that the one for the adjustment of accounts will make little or no progress. I know not whether it might not be preferable to let the whole measure of providing for the public credit, fall for another session rather than annex to it this business of assuming the State debts. It is not a little strange to me that there should be such haste to add to the proper debt of the United States, those of the States, when it is pretty evident that provision cannot, or will not, be made for what is already on their shoulders.
The Act for the enumeration is come to hand, the latitude given for an increase of compensation to assistants in certain situations will I hope enable me to have it well executed. I am well apprised of the importance of the business and shall take great pains to have it well done—there appears however to be one material defect in the Law—the people are not required to render their numbers upon oath—was this merely an omission, or was intended that the truth of the returns should rest alone upon the penalties? It appears to me so material a defect that I submit it to your consideration whether it ought not still to be cured.
I am much obliged by your goodness in paying Capt. Bunyans Bill and shall take the first opportunity of remitting you the amount. I am with great sincerity & Truth yr. Affe. Freind
Ed Carrington


Title: From James Madison to Edmund Randolph, 30 March 1790
From: Madison, James
To: Randolph, Edmund

My dear friendN Y March 30. 1790
Your favr. of the 15. which requests an immediate acknowledgment, by some irregularity did not come to hand till I had recd. that of the 18, nor till it was too late to comply with the request by the last mail. I have been so unlucky also as to miss seeing the President twice that I have waited on him in order to intimate the circumstances which you wish him to know. I shall continue to repeat my efforts until I shall have an opportunity of executing your commands.
The House have recommitted the Resolutions on the report of the Treasy. Those relating to the assumption of State debts were recommitted by a majority of 2 votes. The others from an extreme repugnance in many to a separation of the two subjects. N. Carolina has 2 votes on the floor which turned the scale. The final decision is precarious. The immediate decision will repeat the former one in favor of the assumption, unless the composition of the House or the Come. sd. be varied tomorrow. Of six absent members, a majority will be opposed to the measure. Yrs. Always
Js. Madison Jr


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, [ca. 30 March] 1790
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Th: J. to mr. Madison[ca. 30 March 1790]
I forgot to take your final opinion last night as to the mode of conveying official communications from the states through the channel of the President to the two federal houses. Whether it will be best to do it

1.
by message from the presidt.
through mr. Lear?

2.
by do.
through Th: J.
appearing personally?

3
by do.
through do.
by way of letter?

Be so good as to say what you think. I must be troublesome to you till I know better the ground on which I am placed. Indeed this consultation is by the desire of the president.
R.S.V.P.


Title: To James Madison from Tench Coxe, 31 March 1790
From: Coxe, Tench
To: Madison, James

Dear SirPhilada. March 31. 1790.
I recd. your favor of the 28th. instant by yesterdays post.
I find the idea of a landed fund for the encouragement of manufactures is an old one in my mind. On looking over the little address to the frds of Manufactures in 1787 I observe I have hinted it there. You will excuse me therefore, if I wish not to part with it sooner than can be avoided. An infringement of the constitution is a matter never to be intentionally done—at this time an imputation of it ought not to be hazarded. I am not however clear that this case comes at all into view under the Constitution. The United States possess rights that [the] constitution does not contemplate. They are the lords of the fee in all those lands that do not lie within the bounds of any separate state, and which are within the territorial limits settled at the treaty of Paris. They could sell those lands and apply the money to such uses as they saw fit before the late reform of our Government. They also held them independently of any Idea of the severalty of the states. They held them as the representatives of the Sovereignty of this country by right of conquest. I think it necessary to shew by what clause in the constitution their rights of property in the lands in Question have been diminished, or the application of the Monies, for which they might sell them, limited. I consider them as a property entirely different from the funds to be drawn from the people of this country by the powers of the Constitution, which was intended as supplementary and not as the sole law of the land. I apprehend that a recurrence to the preceeding course of events, the preceding State of things, the law of Nations and the common law will be found necessary & admissible in many federal affairs. I have hastily retouched this subject, not to draw you into a discussion of it with me, which will waste your time without any resultting benefit, but to suggest the idea of a distinction between the rights of the Sovereign power of the Union in the Case of the western territory & the great mass of political rights they possess.
I had applied my Sunday morning to what I consider as a pious work, some notice of the affairs of R. Isld., before your favor reached me. I had not intended it as argumentative, because I hoped for matter from you. I am sorry to find that it is nothing more than that general depravity, with which it is too plain that those people are justly chargable. I enclose you the paper above alluded to in the form & manner of which I have endeavoured to address the seeds of honest & serious feeling which I believe remain in the hearts of the most corrupted people. There is one point on which I have not, from delicacy, laid quite the stress I now think I ought to have done. I mean the personal character of the President which I find every where impressive. It has been so much the custom to seize every opty to plaister with the praises this excellent gentleman, that I wished to be very brief whenever I found it proper to mention him. It is probable I may use some other notes wch. I have made this unhappy case of R. Island. I own I have great fears of their Obstinacy—and think their reformation an object of the first magnitude to the United states, and interesting in a high degree to every lover of Mankind.

We [have] an arrival here of 20,000 dollars in Specie from Amsterdam—the beginning of the tide of coin which a few years of peace must pour into this country. We have unpleasant advices of the middle of Feby. from Spain. The Markets there are very unequal to the prodigious shipments that have been made to the ports of that Kingdom. The arrivals of foreign Ships however continue to be such in our ports, that the farmers are not so likely to suffer, as the merchants, who have already shipt.
I will mention to you confidentially that great pains have been heretofore taken to restrain Applications to the general Government on the subject of slave trade. A very strong paper was drawn & put into my hands to procure the signature of Dr. Franklin to be presented to the federal convention—& enclosed to the Dr. with my opinion that it would be a very improper season & place to hazard the Application considering it as an overzealous act of honest men. A s[e]cond attempt was made at the meeting of the Government in 1789, wch. was with great difficulty restrained. This third attempt was less opposed because it was believed that the public Debt would have been adjusted before it could be presented. The language of the Society’s application is however very free from reflexions. The address of the friends is impolitic and unhandsome. Yet I think the subject has been much tortured, and the errors of the Quakers in point of decorum have been in some degree apologized for by the manner of discussing their Memorial. I lament the interruption of the important business of Congress—and the exposure of some sentiments of our American legislators that have escaped upon this occasion. These remarks I make confidentially to you confiding as I always shall do in your charitable allowance for the errors of my mind.
It appears to me advisable to have the Rhode Island paper reprinted in one of the New York Gazettes, that is least friendly to the constitution. If it is not done within a few days I submit to you whether this step may not be of use. I am dear Sir yr very respectful hum. Servant
Tench Coxe


Title: To James Madison from Edward Carrington, 1 April 1790
From: Carrington, Edward
To: Madison, James

My dear Sir,Richmond Apl. 1. 1790
I will thank you to inform me whether it is likely that any thing will be done this session of Congress for establishing the emoluments of the Marshals office. This becomes an interesting question to those who must from duty be in Situations to incur expense, or hazard a neglect of duty by remaining where it will not be expensive. There was a temporary provision made at the last session by a reference to the allowances of the States—this may probably do for the admiralty business, because the labour of conducting it under the State Government was nearly the same as occurs under that of the United States, and the fees were adapted to it. But as to the Civil business the case will be intirely different. For instance the Sherif of a County serves a Writ for 3/9. This for the State business is sufficient, because his service is confined within a small district & he has many things to execute, besides that the Collection of the Revenue is always in his hands: When Writs and other process are to issue under the Federal Govt. they will be but few and will require the service of the Marshal in various directions and at great distances. A sufficient quantity of business will not be found in any reasonable space to be formed into a district for the employment of a local deputy, the consequence must be that the Marshal will have to provide for the execution of every process by a hand who must in many instances ride a Number of days to serve a single process & the compensation will not even feed his Horse. I just mention this as the present State of the case, without presuming to say what establishment ought to be made. As soon as the Circuit Court has sat at Charlottesville, established rules, & furnished a Seal, several Writs will issue, which have already been applied for. They will run into several distant parts of the State, and I am satisfied, cannot be executed for many times the compensation the present Laws authorise. A moments reflection upon this circumstance must convince every Gentleman that something must shortly be done to support the office if it is to be continued. I am well satisfied from the view that I can now take of the business that no fees that it will be reasonable to charge upon the Suitors will be sufficient to sustain the office. Many other things must be made incidental to it, or Sallaries must be given. I suppose some calculation has been made of considerable profits from the admiralty business—there has not however been a Single Seizure in Virginia—I am led to trouble you on this subject from the situation of the affair, and seeing that the session is somewhat advanced, and nothing yet said about it. I trust that your own view of the subject, and your acquaintance with me will exempt me in your mind from any charge of a disposition to be dissatisfied. I am with great sincerity & truth yr Freind & Hl St.
Ed Carrington


Title: From James Madison to Adam Stephen, ca. 1 April 1790
From: Madison, James
To: Stephen, Adam

Letter not found. Ca. 1 April 1790. Acknowledged in Stephen to JM, 25 Apr. 1790. Gives views on the assumption of state debts.


Title: To James Madison from the Comte de La Forest, 2 April 1790
From: Forest, the Comte de La
To: Madison, James

Letter not found. 2 April 1790. La Forest was the French vice-consul in New York. Calendared on the list probably kept by Peter Force (DLC: Madison Miscellany).


Title: To James Madison from Edmund Pendleton, 2 April 1790
From: Pendleton, Edmund
To: Madison, James

Letter not found. 2 April 1790. Acknowledged in JM to Pendleton, 13 Apr. 1790. The list probably kept by Peter Force (DLC: Madison Miscellany) notes that the letter consisted of one page and calendars it as follows: “Further objections to Hamilton’s plan. The progress of liberty in Europe.”


Title: To James Madison from Henry Lee, 3 April 1790
From: Lee, Henry
To: Madison, James

Dear SirBerry hill April 3d. 1790.
I am induced to address you on a subject which violates the rule I had lately prescribed to myself with respect to our public affairs.
A youth the son of Mr. Thomas L. Lee to whom I beleive you was intimately known met me this morning on the road.
Bred to the mercantile line in one of the most respectable houses in our country & cut off from his expectations there, by the death of his principal Mr. Ritchie who was killed the other day in a duel, he is anxious to obtain a place in some of the departments of the genl. govt. He is very humble in his wishes & is most solicitous to procure a birth under a character from whose example he will derive instruction & on whose patronage he can rely. He mentioned Mr. Jefferson & said that his deceased father & Mr J he understood had been very friendly from an early acquaintance. I promised to write to Mr. J on the subject which I have accordingly done & will thank you if you will remind him of the matter, provided you can do it consistently with your mode of conduct. If the government should continue to exist, which by the bye is more & more eventful, the introduction of the southern youth as clerks in the high departments of the nation seems to me to be a sure tho slow means of Aiding the southern influence. They become as it were from their official education owners of the ministerial functions if their conduct & talents correspond with their prospective stations.
I wish our southern gentlemen would in due time attend to this material truth—if they do not a monopoly will take place from the northern hives in this, as in every thing else in their power.
On the score of propriety & repose I had determined to suppress my anxious attention to the prosperity of the national Govt., for I really know not what conduct I may feel myself bound to observe in consequence of the mad policy which seems to direct the doings of Congress.
Therefore for the sake of propriety I wish to be done with govt. On the score of tranquility & peace I am also desirous to be quiet, for every day adds new testimony of the growing ill will of the people here to the govt. To risk repose when good can result from it & the object in view is clearly right, I hold to be the indispensable duty of every good citizen, nor will I ever disobey the sacred injunction, but to do it in reverse circumstances is pursuing the commands of temerity & folly. Henry already is considered as a prophet, his predictions are daily verifying. His declaration with respect to the division of interest which would exist under the constitution & predominate in all the doings of the govt. already has been undeniably proved.
But we are committed & we cannot be releived I fear only by disunion. To disunite is dreadful to my mind, but dreadful as it is, I consider it a lesser evil than union on the present conditions.
I had rather myself submit to all the hazards of war & risk the loss of every thing dear to me in life, than to live under the rule of a fixed insolent northern majority. At present this is the case, nor do I see any prospect of alteration or alleviation.
Change of the seat of govt. to the territorial center, direct taxation & the abolition of gambling systems of finance might & would effect a material change. But these suggestions are vain & idle. No policy will be adopted by Congress which does not more or less tend to depress the south & exalt the north. I have heard it asserted that your vice president should say the southern people were formed by nature to subserve the convenience & interests of the north—or in plain words to be slaves to the north. Very soon will his assertion be thoroughly exemplified. How do you feel, what do you think, is your love for the constitution so ardent, as to induce you to adhere to it tho it should produce ruin to your native country. I hope not, I believe not. However I will be done, for it is disagreable to utter unpleasant opinions. Yours always—
H. Lee


Title: From James Madison to Edmund Pendleton, 4 April 1790
From: Madison, James
To: Pendleton, Edmund

Dear SirN. York April 4. 1790
You will see by the papers herewith covered that the proposed assumption of the State debts continues to employ the deliberations of the House of Reps. The question seems now to be near its decision, and unfortunately, tho’ so momentous a one, is likely to turn on a very small majority, possibly on a single vote. The measure is not only liable to many objections of a general cast, but in its present form is particularly unfriendly to the interests of Virginia. In this light it is viewed by all her representatives except Col: Bland.
The American Revolution with its foreign and future consequences is a subject of such magnitude that every circumstance connected with it, more especially every one leading to it, is already and will be more and more a matter of investigation. In this view I consider the proceedings in Virginia during the crisis of the Stamp-Act as worthy of particular remembrance, and a communication of them as a sort of debt due from her cotemporary citizens to their successors. As I know of no memory on which my curiosity could draw for more correct or more judicious information, you must forgive this resort to yours. Were I to consult nothing but my curiosity, my enquiries would not be very limited. But as I could not indulge that motive fully, without abusing the right I have assumed, my request goes no farther than that you will, as leisure & recollection may permit, briefly note on paper—by whom & how the subject commenced in the assembly, where the resolutions proposed by Mr. Henry really originated, what was the sum of the arguments for and against them, and who were the principal speakers on each side; with any little anecdotes throwing light on the transaction, on the characters concerned in it, or on the temper of the Colony at the time.
Begging pardon again for the tax I am laying on your benevolence, I remain Dear Sir Your most affecte & hble servt.
Js. Madison Jr.


Title: From James Madison to William Short, 6 April 1790
From: Madison, James
To: Short, William

Dear SirNew York April 6. 1790
Your favor of the 17 Novr. had so long a passage and since it came to hand opportunities to France have been so deficient, that it has remained unacknowledged much longer than the pleasure it gave me would otherwise have allowed. The crisis in France is so interesting, particularly to this Country, that nothing can be more acceptable than the circumstances which mark the revolution and augur a successful issue to it. We have been afraid that the delays and discords of opinion inseparable from the work of the National Assembly, might give dangerous opportunities for the machinations of the enemies of liberty, and are very happy in finding that no fatal consequences are likely to flow from those sources. It still appears desireable however that despatch should as far as possible be promoted, by restraining the deliberations of the Assembly to points of real importance as well as of a constitutional nature. At this distance nothing could be more rash than to criticize proceedings conducted by men, who are not less enlightened in devising the means, than they have been patriotic in espousing the object. But I have often wished that it had been less necessary for them, to multiply minute and controvertible propositions, or to occupy themselves with measures rather of an Executive than deliberative nature.

Mr. Jefferson being engaged in writing by this opportunity I can say little on the State of things here which would not repeat what you will better learn from him. The proceedings of the House of Reps. have related cheifly to the public debt. On the modifications of the domestic part of it the opinions have not been unanimous and on the assumption of the State debts proposed by Mr. Hamilton, they are so nicely divided that the result is extremely uncertain. From the aspect of the present moment I rather conjecture that the measure will not take place. With respect to the Foreign debt including the French debt, I have the pleasure to inform you that the utmost unanimity prevails, and I risk nothing in assuring you that certain and effectual provision will be made for it. I hope no doubts are entertained on this head where you are. The very existence of them would be painful to us here, and if they should lead to any arrangements by wch. the benefit of our provisions should be lost in any degree to those who have the best of titles to them, our mortification would be inexpressible.
Nothing can prove better the philosophical & republican spirit of the National Assembly, than your paragraph on the affair of titles. A late circumstance in Congs. shews that the Senate are not cured of their partiality for their former opinion, and that the House of Reps. retain their vigilance & firmness in counteracting it. The State of N Carolina, since its accession, has ceded its vacant territory to the U. States. The Deed being executed by her Senators in the Senate, the bill accepting the cession originated in that House. In the recital the title of honorable was prefixed to the names of the Senators. When the bill was taken up in the H. of Reps. the first motion (made by Mr. Page) was to strike out the title. It was agreed to by a very great majority. The Senate did not chuse to maintain a contest on the point, or to submit directly to the amendment. By way of retreat they proposed an amendment to the amendt. by which the naming of the Senators was left out of the recital. In this the H. of Reps. concurred, rather than engage in an unseasonable discussion on a point apparently of little moment & on which the unsteadfast or insincere opponents of titles would have had a pretext for betraying the cause.
Under the same cover with this is a copy of the New Constitution for Penna. It will pretty certainly be put in force in its present form. It is remarkable that notwithstanding the inveterate spirit of party in that State, 4 members of the Convention only adhered to the Old Constitution, and that even these finally concurred in the new plan, which goes out with the unanimous sanction of the body.

We lost Col: Grayson about 3 weeks ago. He was carried off by a Gouty diarrhea, which had been wasting him for 18 Months. It is not yet known who is [to] take his place in the Senate. Mr. Henry will have the first offer & Mr. Mason the next. There are reports that both are willing to undertake the service. I can not believe that either of them is so. Col: Monroe has been spoken of, and will probably stand next to H. & Mason, but his acceptance is not probable. Who will be thought of after these 3 I can not say. Mr. Harrison & Mr. J. Walker, it is said will not refuse the appointment.
I have communicated to Col: Lee what you say on the subject of the land, and beg you to accept my share of the acknowledgts. due to your goodness, as well as assurances of the very sincere esteem & regard with which I am Dear Sir Yr. friend & Obedt. servt
Js. Madison Jr.
I thank you for your civility to Mr. James. I can not wish it to be withdrawn, but as I now understand him to be in the character of a Jobber in land &c. I do not wish it to be extended to any particular countenance of him. I was not apprized of his errand when I wrote by him. His character as far as I know is good, but in his present pursuit common civility is all that he can claim.


Title: To James Madison from Edward Carrington, 7 April 1790
From: Carrington, Edward
To: Madison, James

My Dear SirRichmond Apl. 7. 1790.
I have seen the decision of the House of R. upon the Quaker Memorial, nearly I suppose as the Committee reported. From the lengthy debates however and the Matter of these debates, I had been led to suppose it possible at least that the report was a different one asserting something like a power in Congress to meddle with emancipation. The very circumstance of such a subject being taken up in Congress has given some alarm, and it might have been better that a debate of such a Nature which could not possibly be productive of any kind of effect, had never been entered into at all. Indeed from the accuracy of the resolutions as applying to the constitutional powers of Congress over this subject, I am led to suppose that notwithstanding the long debates there was little or no difference of opinion as to what must be the issue of the business—why then were the people of the interested States to be alarmed in consequence of a fruitless discussion? This circumstance before the appearance of the decision had become a subject of serious conversation amongst the people. I doubt not that the resolutions will give full satisfaction as soon as they are generally known. The Assumption of the State Debts remains now a subject of discontent—upon two principles it creates serious complaint. It is by all anti’s, and many Fed’s considered as leading to the dreaded consolidation—and by all discriptions of Men who think at all it is considered as iniquitous from the unequal situations of the States respecting their Debts: of the latter I am one. Having already written you pretty fully I will not add more here. Whether the constitution is yet so firmly on its legs that it cannot be shocked I will not undertake to decide, I am not apt to croak, of this however I am certain, the adoption of this measure without giving to the States the benefit of their respective redeemed Debts will [have] considerable effect in abridging the confidence of the people in it. Yrs. sincerely
Ed Carrington


Title: To James Madison from Benjamin Rush, 10 April 1790
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir,Philadelphia April 10th: 1790.
I congratulate you upon the prospect of the funding System being delayed ’till the next session of Congress. I hope an election will intervene, before you meet again. Should this be the case, I think it probable that no One of our members who has voted against your motion, & in favor of the leading principles of Mr Hamilton’s report will be reelected.
I have long deplored the temporary residence of Congress in New york, without wishes corresponding to my bad opinion of that city, to see them in Philadelphia. We thrive & are happy without them. But I am satisfied that the influence of our city will be against the Secretary’s System of injustice & corruption. The Quakers & Germans who now govern directly, or indirectly both our city & State, possess very few Certificates—Of Course Philadelphia will be better ground to combat the System on, than New York. It is a Wider Centre of information to the United states. Nine citizens to the Southward of the Potowmac visit our city, to One that visits New York. Our presses are moreover freeer, and we have More Widows—Orphans—& Soldiers among us who have parted with their Certificates than any city in the Union. All these will be a heavy Weight in the Scale opposed to the report.
I question whether more dishonourable influence has ever been used by a British Minister (bribery excepted) to carry a measure that has [been] Used to carry the report of the Secretary. This influence is not confined to nightly Visits—promises—compromises—Sacrifices—& threats, in New York. It has extended One or two of its polluted Streams to this city; the particulars of which you shall hear when I have the pleasure of seeing you on your way to Virginia.
Mr Fitzsimons & Mr Clymer left this city last Jany: as much disposed to adopt a Scale of discrimination for the national debt as you have been. Mr Fitzsimons I thought appeared unhappy while last in town, when spoken to upon his Change of Sentiment & Conduct. He has suffered in his Character as a Man of Understanding with our best citizens by becoming the Midwife of a System, every principle of which he reprobated when established in our state. I have only to add—to a former Opinion—that not only Delay, but the Air of Philada: will do Wonders for you.
I have just committed to the press a small pamphflet entitled “Information to Europeans disposed to migrate to the United States” in which I have dwelt with peculiar pleasure upon the Safety and agreeable prospects of our Country Under her present goverment. The establishment of the Secretary’s report can alone contradict the information I have given upon that Subject. It will in seven years introduce among us all the corruptions of the British funding System. The principal part of the information is addressed to cultivators of the earth—mechannics—labourers—Servants—& ⟨the?⟩ members of the learned professions. I shall b⟨eg⟩ your acceptance of a copy of it as soon as it [is] published. It is addressed to a friend in Great Britain.
Your letter in answer to my last came safe to hand. With great respect I am Dr Sir yours sincerely
Benjn Rush

PS: I need not hint to you
}

that this letter is confidential.

There will be four numbers of Ruricola. To the last will be added, a petition to Congress. They come from One of our most enlightned Citizens, whose name is but little known out of our city.


Title: From James Madison to Henry Lee, 13 April 1790
From: Madison, James
To: Lee, Henry

Dear sirN. york April 13th 1790
Your favor of the 4th ult. by Col. Lee was received from his hands on Sunday last. I have since recd. that of the 3d Instant. The anticedent one from Alexandria, though long on the way was recd. some time before. In all these, I discover strong marks of the dissatisfaction with which you behold our public prospects. Though in several respects they do not comport with my wishes—yet I cannot feel all the despondency which you seem to give way to. I do not mean that I entertain much hope of the Potomac, that seems pretty much out of sight—but that other Measures in view, however improper, will be less fatal than you imagine.
The plan of discrimination has met with the reception in Virginia on which I calculated. The towns would for obvious reasons disrelish it, and for a time they always set public opinion. The country in this region of America, in general, if I am not misinformed, has not been in unison with the Cities—nor has any of the latter except this, been unanimous against the Measure. Here the sentiment was in its full vigor, and produced every exertion that could influence the result.
I think with you that the Report of the Secretary of the Treasury is faulty in many respects—it departs particularly from that simplicity which ought to be preserved in finance, more than any thing else. The novelty and difficulty of the Task he had to execute form no small apology for his errors, and I am in hopes that in some instances they will be dimi[ni]shed, if not remedied.
The proposed assumption of the state debts has undergone repeated discussions, and contradictory decisions. The last vote was taken yesterday in a Committee of the whole and passed in the negative 31 vs 29. The minority do not abandon however their object, and ’tis impossible to foretell the final destiny of the measure. It has some good aspects, and under some modifications would be favorable to the pecuniary interests of Virginia—and not inconsistent with the general principle of justice. In any attainable form it would have neither of these recommendations and is moreover liable to strong objections of a general nature. It would certainly be wrong to force an affirmative decision on so important and controvertible a point—by a bare majority, yet I have little hope of forbearance from that scruple.
Mass. & S. Carolina with their allies of Connecticut & N. York are too zealous to be arrested in their pursuit, unless by the force of an adverse majority.
I have recd. your reflections on the subject of a public debt with pleasure—in general they are in my opinion just and important. Perhaps it is not possible to shun some of the evils you point out, without abandoning too much the reestablishment of public credit. But as far as this object will permit I go on the principle that a Public Debt is a Public curse and in a Rep. Govt. a greater than in any other.
I have mentioned Mr. Lee to Mr. Jefferson who tells me that he found every place preoccupied, and that he has not thought proper to make changes, where no special reasons existed. Various applications had been made previous to that in behalf of your freind. Several had passed through my hands, some of them from Virginia.
I never heard of the report you mention of the Vice Prest. It is but justice to say that I can not believe it to have originated in fact.
I lament with you the inability which impedes arrangements at the great Falls, which would be of so much benefit in a Public, as well as private view. The prospect of aid in this quarter does not strike me as it seems to do you. Money is destined to other projects at this juncture.
Besides I am on no peculiar footing that could favor an experiment, and could never make it less auspiciously than at present. It gives me much concern that it is not more in my power to forward our object.
Present me most respectfully to Mrs. Lee & believe me affy. yrs
Js Madison jr


Title: From James Madison to Edmund Pendleton, 13 April 1790
From: Madison, James
To: Pendleton, Edmund

Dear SirN. Y. April 13. 90.
I thank you for your favor of the 2d. instant. From the sentiments expressed in it you will hear with pleasure that the proposed assumption of the State debts, was yesterday negatived, after many days deliberation, by 31 vs 29. We hoped that this vote would have been mortal to the project. It seems however that it is not yet to be abandoned. The other part of the Secretary’s Report has been studiously fastened to the Assumption by the friends of the latter, and of course has made no progress.
A British packet arrived yesterday, but has had a long passage, & I do not find that she brings any news. I am Dear Sir Yrs. mo: affectly.
Js. Madison Jr


Title: From James Madison to James Monroe, 17 April 1790
From: Madison, James
To: Monroe, James

Dear SirN. Y. Apl. 17. 1790.
An answer to your favor of the 5th. has been delayed by my hourly expectation of hearing from Taylor. A few days ago he came to Town and I have had an interview and settlement with him. The balance with the interests at 7 PerCt. was 864 dollars. He has not however executed the conveyance for want of some chart which he could not get here, but has entered into bond to do so by August, with good security. As far as I can learn our bargain is a good one. Land in the vicinity has sold, in small parcells at more than 20/ I am told. The present moment however it is said is not favorable to the Market. By waiting I think it probable it may be sold to your profit or If you continue to be anxious to get rid of it immediately, I have no objection to taking the whole on myself. Before you decide I would recommend that you consult by letter some of your friends here who can judge better than I can do, and who have more leisure & opportunity for making the requisite enquiry into the prospect. Should you chuse to make me the sole proprietor, it will be most convenient that the deed be executed from Taylor to me. In that event also, I beg you to let me know the state in which the accts. between us was left, by your former advances for me, and my settlemts. for your furniture &c. My papers on this subject are either not here or so concealed among others that I cannot find them.
The House of Reps. are still at the threshold of the Revenue business. The Assumption of the State debts is the great obstacle. A few days ago it was reconsiderd & rejected by 31 agst. 29. The measure is not however abandoned. It will be tried in every possible shape by the zeal of its patrons. The Eastern members talk a strange language on the subject. They avow, some of them at least, a determination to oppose all provision for the Public debt which does not include this, and intimate danger to the Union from a refusal to assume. We shall risk their prophetic menaces if we should continue to have a majority. Yrs. mo: affecly.
Js. Madison Jr


Title: To James Madison from John Trumbull, 17 April 1790 (Abstract)
From: Trumbull, John
To: Madison, James

Abstract. 17 April 1790. Acknowledges JM’s payment of “Three Guineas being One Half of the Subscription” for prints depicting the Battle of Bunker Hill and the death of General Montgomery.