Title: To Benjamin Franklin from James Brown, 2 February 1762
From: Brown, James
To: Franklin, Benjamin

I.N.
Lombardstreet 2d Feby 1762
Mr. Brown’s Compliments to B. Franklin Esqr. and acquaints him he has sold the £5000—3 per Cents. to be transferr’d to morrow—to day being a Holliday, at 61⅞.
 Addressed: To / Benj. Franklin Esqr. / In Craven street / Strand


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Ezra Stiles, 5 February 1762
From: Stiles, Ezra
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Newport Feb. 5. 1762
Notwithstanding thro the Fate of War I suppose all my Letters to you have been intercepted by the Enemy, I venture again to write. You know Professor Winthrop to be a Gentleman of exellent Abilities and Acquisitions in math[ematical] Learning. And persuade myself that you, Sir, who know his Merits, cannot but think they would do honor to an Enrollment among the Fellows of the Royal Society. If this should be your opinion, you will not need Arguments to induce you to recommend him to this Honor. To the inclosed (Lecture on Earthquakes and Relation Transit of Venus) I would have added his Lecture on Comets, but have them not by me. His Writings are at least ingenious and shew him to be the most considerable for this kind of Learning in New England at present, and vastly superior to perhaps all the few who have received this Honor in N. Eng. before him—and tho not equal to some who have had the European Advantages, yet such as merits Distinction. If thro’ your means he be introduced into that learned Body, you will have the pleasure of doing another good Act and friendly Office to your native Country, which will ever be affected with the respect paid to her progeny, and this perhaps may not a little contribute to transmitting your own Name with honor to distant Posterity, as a Patron of Literature and instrumental in deriving Rewards to learned Merit. If Mr. Winthrop was not a Man of Merit equal to it, I should not wish him distinguished with this Honor—as Learned Merit alone can possibly support the Dignity of the literary honors I see by the List of the Society that many Foreigners are received and I suppose those that have lived in America have been received in the same manner. We universally regret the Resignation of Mr. Pitt. You can scarcly imagin how much it has dampt the public Confidance in the national Measures. I have the Honor to be with great Respect Dear sir Your obliged Friend and most humble Servant
Ezra Stiles
Benj Franklin LLD. London


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Sir John Cust, 11 February 1762
From: Cust, Sir John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

I.N.
  London, February 11, 1762

  Messrs. Thos. Leech, Charles Norris, Mahlon Kirkbride, Francis Yarnall and James Wright, Trustees of the General Loan Office of Pensylvania
  Gentlemen
We think it incumbent upon us to acquaint you that we have pursuant to the Powers given us by the Governor and Assembly of your Province jointly with Messrs. David Barclay Junior and Jno. Barclay received the Sum of £ which his Majesty hath allotted for the use of your Province for the Year 1759, the Fees and Expences of which, as they cannot be all settled yet, we must defer sending you the particulars of untill the next Packet. Whatever Bills you are pleased to draw in consequence hereof, you may be assured shall be duely honour’d. We are glad to have had an opportunity of shewing our Respect for the Colony and its Interests by assisting our Friend Mr. Benjamin Franklin in the Discharge of those Bills you had passed on him for the Money received last Year, which having been vested in the Stocks it falls short of. The Parties concerned in them are acquainted that We shall pay them for the Honour of the Drawers as they become due, and you may be assured of their being discharged accordingly. We make no doubt of your speedy reimbursement, and are very much the Colony’s, and Gentlemen Your most obedient humble Servants
Sargent, Aufrere & Co.
P.S. We cannot ascertain the Sum due to your Province as yet mislaid [sic] in the Treasury what we have received in one Warrant is £28545 from which the proportion due to the 3 lower Countrys must be deducted as well as the Fees and our Commission which perhaps you will be able to adjust.
 Addressed: To Messrs. Thoms Leach, Chas Norris, / Mahlon Kirkbride, Frans Yarnall and / Jas Wright Trustees of the / General Loan Office of / Pensilvania / In Philadelphia / per Packet / QDC
Endorsed: Londn Febr. 11th. 1762. Messrs. Sargent Aufrere & Co.


Title: Sargent Aufrere & Co. to the Trustees of the Loan Office, 11 February 1762
From: Sargent Aufrere & Co.
To: Trustees of the Loan Office

Teusday Morning Feb: 11th: [1762?]
Sir John Cust presents his Compliments to Mr. Franklyn and Mr. Franklyn Junior and hope for the favour of their Company to dinner tomorrow.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to the Trustees of the Loan Office, 13 February 1762
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Trustees of the Loan Office

Gentlemen,
London, Feb. 13. 1762
Since mine of Jany. 14. most of the Bills therein mentioned as not having then appear’d, have been presented, and I have accepted three more of them, viz. the Nos. 36, 50, and 121. which makes the whole Sum accepted by me £22,500. all of which is now paid except the three above mention’d Bills, which will also be paid in course. The others are noted, and when protested will be paid by Messrs. Sargent & Aufrere.
A more unlucky Time could not have been pitch’d upon to draw Money out of the Stocks here, for it was in the midst of the Damp thrown upon them by the Breaking off the Negociations for Peace, the Resignation of Mr. Pitt, and the entring into a new War with Spain. All imaginable Care and Pains was taken to sell our Stocks to the best Advantage, but it could only be done by degrees and with Difficulty, there being sometimes no Buyers to be found. The whole Produce of the £15000 4 per Cents. was no more than

£12,436.
10.
0

and that of the £15000 3 per Cents. only

9,500.
  0.
  0

In all
£21,936.
10.
0

as you will see by the Broker’s Account of Sales inclos’d. However, as the Bills you have drawn will all be honoured and paid, no Disappointment will arise to the Trade of the Province and its Merchants, tho’ perhaps, notwithstanding the good Price of Exchange receiv’d for the Bills beyond what they would have sold for when the Money was first vested in the Funds, there may still be some Loss to the Publick. I am with great Respect, Gentlemen, Your most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin
Enclos’d are Copies of my late Letters to you; and of the Letters between Messrs. Sargent & Aufrere and me relating to the Payment of the Bills.
Trustees of Gen. Loan Office
 Addressed: To / Charles Norris / Thomas Leech / Mahlon Kirkbride / Francis Yarnal / Esqrs. / Trustees of the General Loan Office / Philadelphia
Endorsed: London Febry 13. 1762 Benjamin Franklin to the Trustees G L Office recd May 11th. 1762


Title: Joseph Browne to John Kelly, 22 February 1762
From: Browne, Joseph
To: Kelly, John

Febr. 22. 1762. Agreed, nem. con. at a meeting of the Heads of Houses that Mr. Franklin, whenever He shall please to visit the University, shall be offer’d the Compliment of the Degree of D.C.L. Honoris causâ.
J Browne Vice Can.
 Addressed: To / Dr. Kelly


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from [Samuel?] Mead, 25 February 1762
From: Mead, Samuel
To: Franklin, Benjamin

25th. Feby. 1762
Mr. Meads Compliments to Doctor Franklin and incloses him some account of the good Effects of Electricity, sent by a Curate of Doctor Douglass in the Country, which Lord Bath wished he might see! It is to be published as I understand, and if Mr. Franklin has any thing to observe on it, Mr. Mead would be glad when it is returned to acquaint my Lord with it.
Doctor Franklin Craven Street.
 Addressed: For / Doctor Franklin / in Craven Street.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas-François Dalibard, February 1762
From: Dalibard, Thomas-François
To: Franklin, Benjamin

M. franklin
Monsieur,
A Paris ce février 1762.
Je ne puis vous exprimer tout le plaisir que m’a causé La lettre que vous m’avez fait L’honneur de m’ecrire de Londres le 9. Décembre 1761. et qui m’a eté remise le 7. Janvier 1762. par M. Le Docteur Shippen. La guerre avoit interrompu depuis plusieurs années notre ancien commerce de lettres et j’en avois eté extrêmement mortifié. J’en ai eté d’autant plus sensible à la joye de recevoir de vos nouvelles. J’ai tardé Longtems à vous répondre pour plusieurs raisons. Je voulois m’informer s’il y avoit quelque découverte nouvelle dans l’Electricité, pour vous les communiquer; L’on m’a assuré qu’il n’y en avoit point qui pusse vous intêresser. Vous serez peut être surpris que je ne le sçusse pas par moi même mais je vous avouerai que depuis la dernière Edition de vos ouvrages j’ai presqu’ entièrement renoncé aux Expériences Electriques. Voicy Les raisons qui m’ont fait prendre cette résolution. 1° Les differentes commotions Electriques m’ont si fortement attaqué le genre nerveux qu’il m’est resté un tremblement convulsif dans les bras de façon que j’ai bien de la peine à porter un verre à ma bouche; et si actuellement je touchois une seule étincelle Electrique je serois 24. heures sans pouvoir signer mon nom. Une chose que je remarqueencore c’est qu’il m’est presqu’impossible de cachetter une Lettre parceque L’Electricité de la Cire d’Espagne se communiquant à mon bras redouble mon tremblement. 2° J’ai beaucoup d’autres occupations qui ne me permettent plus de suivre vos Expériences. 3° J’ai rencontré beaucoup d’opposition à vos principes et le travail qu’il m’auroit fallu faire pour les détruire quoique je l’eusse entrepris avec grande satisfaction m’en a dégouté. 4° Je n’ai plus les mêmes commodités que j’avois autrefois. Ainsi, Monsieur, je ne suis plus qu’admirateur des travaux des autres Physiciens; mais il y a icy d’autres Electriciens fort attachés à vos principes. Je vous nommerai principalement M. Le Roy de l’académie Royale des sciences qui depuis plusieurs années soutient fortement votre systême d’Electricité contre son Confrere M. L’abbé Nollet et ses sectateurs. J’ai appris depuis peu qu’un de ces derniers nommé M. Dutour avoit fait imprimer un recüeil d’Expériences par lequel il prétend deffendre le systême de M. L’abbé Nollet. Quoique son Livre ne soit point encore venu à ma connoissance je n’ai pas bon augure de son excellence. Voila tout ce que j’ai pu apprendre de nouveau sur L’Electricité.
Vous aurez sans doute vû à Londres Les lettres que M. L’abbé Nollet fit imprimer en 1753 en opposition aux votres. Ainsi je ne vous parlerai point de ce mauvais Livre.
J’ai eté charmé de recevoir icy M. Le Docteur Shippen; quand il n’auroit pas le mérite personnel que je lui reconnois je lui aurois toujours fait le bon accüeil que je dois à un ami que vous m’avez adressé. Je lui ai donné La connoissance d’un de mes amis Docteur en médecine chez qui il a eté très bien reçu et qui est à portée de lui procurer tout ce qu’il peut desirer concernant sa profession. Je le menai il y a huit jours au jardin du Roy pour le presenter à M. de Buffon ancien ami de M. Collinson, mais il etoit absent parce qu’il etoit allé présenter au Roy le 8e et le 9e tome in 4° de son histoire naturelle. C’est aussi Lui M. de Buffon qui a fait retarder ma réponse parcequ’il m’avoit prié d’y joindre une lettre pour M. Collinson à qui il vouloit demander quelques graines d’arbre dont il a besoin tant pour le jardin Royal des plantes que pour lui. Je suis allé le voir depuis trois jours et je l’ai trouvé incommodé; il me dit qu’il n’avoit pu écrire à cause de son incommodité; mais il me chargea de Lui envoyer le mémoire des choses qu’il avoit à Lui demander. Je vous prie, Monsieur, de vouloir bien faire remettre à M. Collinson Le paquet cy joint. Je vous prie encore de vouloir bien écrire à notre ami M. Jean Bartram de Phyladelphie pour l’engager à recüeillir l’Eté prochain des graines ou semences de tous les arbres et arbustes que l’on trouve dan[s la] Pensylvanie et aux environs pour les envoye[r l’an] prochain à M. de Buffon [intenda]nt d[u jardin] des plantes à Paris. Il [torn] Les espèces et quelles puissent [torn] état d’être semeés et de prod [torn].
J’ai fait imprimer dans nos [torn] observations de [torn] arrivé à Phila[delphie torn] West et je vo[torn] prouver l’esti[torn] de tout ce qu[torn] voulu étend[torn] n’en ai pa[torn].
Vous m’avez mandé, Monsieur, que vous comptiez retourner en Amérique au printems prochain. Pourez vous vous déterminer à quitter l’Europe sans avoir fait un petit voyage en france pendant que vous en êtes si près? Pour moi je vous assure que je regarderois comme une des plus grande satisfaction de ma vie d’avoir L’honneur de vous recevoir à Paris et je ne suis pas le seul qui desireroit de vous y voire. Votre réputation vous y a précédé, votre nom y est peut être plus connu qu’à Londres et les Physiciens françois auroient le plus grand désir de rendre hommage à votre mérite. Tachez donc, je vous prie, de prendre sur vos affaires le tems de faire un voyage icy. Je me chargerai très volontiers de vous en aplanir les principales difficultés. J’imagine que la guerre est Le plus grand obstacle; mais j’espere venir à bout de le lever. Vous n’avez qu’à me faire savoir que vous avez envie de venir en france, j’obtiendrai du Ministère françois un passeport pour vous et pour ceux qui vous accompagneront. Ayez, s’il vous plait, La bonté de me répondre sur ce sujet.
J’ai l’honneur d’être avec Les sentimens de [torn] attachement Les plus parfaits, [Monsieur,] Votre très humble et très [obéi] ssant serviteur
Dalibard
[torn] La ruë Villedot à Paris


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Mary Stevenson, 8 March 1762
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson

Dear Polly
Monday morng. March 8. 62
Your good Mama has just been saying to me that she wonders what can possibly be the Reason she has not had a Line from you for so long a time. I have made no Complaint of that kind, being conscious that by not writing my self I have forfeited all Claim to such Favour; tho’ no Letters give me more Pleasure, and I often wish to hear from you, but Indolence grows upon me with Years, and Writing grows more and more irksome to me. Have you finish’d your Course of Philosophy? No more Doubts, to be resolv’d; no more Questions to ask? If so, you may now be at full Leisure to improve your self in Cards. Adieu my dear Child, and believe me ever Your affectionate Friend
B Franklin
Respects to Mrs. Tickel, &c. Mama bids me tell you she is lately much afflicted and half a Cripple with the Rheumatism. I send you two or three French Gazettes de Medecine which I have just receiv’d from Paris, wherein is a Translation of the Extract of a Letter you copied out for me. You will return them with my French Letters on Electricity when you have perus’d them.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Mary Stevenson, 22 March 1762
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson

My dear Friend,
London, March 22, 1762.
I must retract the Charge of Idleness in your Studies, when I find you have gone thro’ the doubly difficult Task of reading so big a Book on an abstruse Subject and in a foreign Language.
The Question you were about to ask is a very sensible one. The Hand that holds the Bottle receives and conducts away the electric Fluid that is driven out of the outside by the repulsive Power of that which is forc’d into the inside of the Bottle. As long as that Power remains in the same Situation, it must prevent the Return of what it had expell’d; tho’ the Hand would readily supply the Quantity if it could be receiv’d.
Your good Mama bids me tell you, that she has made Enquiry and finds that the School for Lovers will not be acted till the Benefits are over; but when she hears that it is to be acted she will send you timely Notice. I need not add, that your and your Friends Company at Dinner that Day will be a great Pleasure to us all. But methinks ’tis a Pity, that when you are so desirous of studying in that School, it should not be open, and must we be depriv’d of the Happiness of seeing you till it is? Rather than that should be, I would almost venture to undertake reading you a few Lectures on the Subject myself.
If you are not to be in town in a few Days, I should be glad you would send the French Letters, on Electricity, as a Friend is desirous of perusing them.
My sincere Respects to Mrs. Tickell, Mrs. Rooke, Miss Pitt, etc. and believe me ever, my dear Polly, your affectionate Friend,
B. Franklin.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, 24 March 1762
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Deborah

My dear Child,
London, March 24. 1762
I condole with you most sincerely on the Death of our good Mother; being extreamly sensible of the Distress and Affliction it must have thrown you into. Your Comfort will be, that no Care was wanting on your Part towards her, and that she had lived as long as this Life could afford her any rational Enjoyment. ’Tis, I am sure, a Satisfaction to me, that I cannot charge myself with having ever fail’d in one Instance of Duty and Respect to her during the many Years that she call’d me Son. The Circumstances attending her Death were indeed unhappy in some Respects; but something must bring us all to our End, and few of us shall see her Length of Days. My Love to Brother John Read and Sister, and Cousin Debby, and young Cousin Johnny Read, and let them all know, that I sympathise with them all affectionately.
This I write in haste, Mr. Beatty having just call’d on me to let me know that he is about to set out for Portsmouth, in order to sail for America. I am finishing all Business here in order for my Return, which will either be in the Virginia Fleet, or by the Packet of May next, I am not yet determined which. I pray God grant us a happy Meeting.
We are all well, and Billy presents his Duty. Mr. Strahan has receiv’d your Letter; and wonders he has not been able to persuade you to come over: Mrs. Stevenson desires her Compliments. She expected Sally would have answer’d her Daughter’s Letter that went with the Gold Needle. I have receiv’d yours by the last Pacquet, and one from our Friend Mr. Hughes. I will try to write a Line to him, if I have Time. If not please to tell him, I will do all I can to serve him in his Affair. Acquaint Mr Charles Norris, that I send him a Gardner in Bolitho. The Particulars of your Letters I shall answer in the same Ship. Tell Sally and Cousin Johnny that I receiv’d their Letters also.
I can now only add, that I am as ever My dear Debby Your affectionate Husband
B Franklin


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to [Thomas Holme], 30 March 1762
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Holme, Thomas

Rev’d Sir,
London, 30 March, 1762.
I am favored with yours of the 27th instant, enclosing a bank note of £20, which makes £70 now repaid by Overal. I acquainted you in mine by last Saturday’s post that I had reason to think the whole sum to be repaid would not be so great as I before computed it, and perhaps not exceed £79 or £80. It will be a pleasure to me to find it so, that I may have no occasion to have recourse to the law, which is so disagreeable a thing to me, that through the whole course of my life I have never entered an action against any man. But I own I was not a little provoked with these people, as I concluded they must certainly have known of the mortgage (and indeed the letters they have since produced show that they did, particularly the last you mentioned of December 28, 1756); and yet when I asked them if there was no mortgage or other incumbrance on the estate, the man said none that he knew or had ever heard of; and the woman added:
“And to be sure, if there had been any such thing in so long a time as we have received the rent, we must have heard of it.” There was such an apparent simplicity in their manner, and they answered with such readiness and confidence, that I was perfectly satisfied; and therefore the more surprised and chagrined when I afterwards found how easily I had been imposed on. They likewise had instructed Mr. Winterbottom to assure the purchaser (as he did me) that the house had lately undergone a thorough repair, whereas Spofford in his letter had informed them “it will soon want a great deal of repair.” I think with you that they are weak and foolish people; but there seems no small mixture of knavery with their folly. I likewise imagined, as you do, that they were but little accustomed to money, from some conversation between them when they were about to receive it. The man said he had been bred to a trade, but that he never liked to work at it. “Well, my dear,” says she, “you know you will now have no occasion ever to work any more.” They seemed to think it so great a sum that it could never be spent.
I am very sensible, sir, that this must have been a disagreeable affair to you, and I am the more obliged. The very [mutilated] and generous manner in which you have executed it will ever demand my thankful acknowledgment, which I beg you to accept, and believe me, with the sincerest esteem and respect, sir, your most obedient and most humble servant,
B. Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from David Hall, 5 April 1762
From: Hall, David
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir,
Philada. April 5. 1762.
Yours of December 10. by the Packet, I received, with your Opinion relating to my remitting you; and have, accordingly sent you the first Copy of a Bill of Exchange for Three Hundred Pounds Sterling (Exchange Seventy-seven and a Half) drawn by Messieurs Plumsted and Franks, on Sir James Colebrooke Baronet, Arnold Nesbitt, George Colebrooke, and Moses Franks, Esquires; the Receipt of which you will please to acknowledge, and advise of its being paid, when you have got the Money. I am Sir Yours, &c.
D. Hall
Sent Via New-York, by Pitt Packet.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Thomas Birch, 16 April 1762
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Birch, Thomas

Cravenstreet, Friday morng. [April 16, 1762]
Mr. Franklin’s Compliments to Dr. Birch and returns Mr. Delaval’s and Mr. Canton’s Papers. Mr. F. thought he had prevail’d with each of those Gentlemen to omit or change some Expressions that might tend to occasion a Dispute, but on farther Discourse finds that neither of them cordially approve the Alterations propos’d, tho’ they might consent to them at the Instance of their Friends; so the Papers are return’d unalter’d; and Mr. F. begs Pardon of Dr. Birch for the Trouble his Officiousness has given him; and requests his Acceptance of a Book herewith sent him.
The Pacquet was brought by a Friend of Mr. F.’s from France.
 Addressed: To / Revd. Dr Birch


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from R. Hippisley, 19 April 1762
From: Hippisley, Richard
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir.
Apr. 19. 1762
Having completed an Analysis of Oratory, as more particularly mentioned in the enclosed proposals, Upon a plan never attempted before in any language, I take the liberty to address You, as a friend to learning and an Encourager of arts and sciences.
You will view the drawing, now laid before you, as the first, and as it were a rude, sketch of the Design, since greatly improved by me both in the subject-matter and plan; that intended to be engraved, being in the hands of the Engraver, executing it after a design by Wale.
If You will permit me to add Your name, as a subscriber, to those of many noble and other eminent persons, no less distinguished for their elegant taste in polite literature than for the dignity of their birth and rank, a list of which waits upon you with the Analysis, and thereby contribute not only to the number but to the splendor of the names that adorn the subscription, I shall esteem the Compliment, as reflecting no small lustre upon the Work as well as honour upon the Author Who begs leave to write Himself Sir Your very obedient Servant
R Hippisley


Title: Oxford University: Record of Degree of Doctor of Civil Law, 30 April 1762
From: Oxford University
To: Franklin, Benjamin

The “Heads of Houses” at Oxford University had voted, Feb. 22, 1762, to confer on Franklin the honorary degree of Doctor of Civil Law “whenever He shall please to visit the University.” Above, p. 59. The ceremony took place at a special Convocation on April 30, 1762. No copy of the diploma survives and the only official record is in the Register of Convocation printed below. “The very distinguished man,” Benjamin Franklin, Esquire, is described as “agent of the Province of Pennsylvania to the Court of the Most Serene King, deputy general of the Post Office of North America, and of the postal service of all New England, and Fellow of the Royal Society.” His son William, who received the Master of Arts degree at the same ceremony, is described as “learned in municipal law.”
Preceded by the beadles (spelled “bedels” at Oxford) Franklin was escorted into the hall by Dr. William Seward, fellow of the College of St. John the Baptist. Seward presented him to the vice-chancellor and proctors “with the prescribed graceful speech,” and the vice-chancellor, by his own authority and that of the whole university, thereupon solemnly admitted Franklin to the degree. In like manner, Thomas Nowell, M.A., fellow of Oriel College and public orator, presented “the very distinguished young man,” William Franklin, and the vice-chancellor conferred upon him his degree.
No documentary evidence has been discovered to suggest whether the initiative for the granting of these degrees came from within the university or from an outside, possibly political, source. It may be remarked, however, that at this time the only honorary degrees Oxford University was conferring were those of Doctor of Divinity, Doctor of Civil Law, and Master of Arts. Obviously, if Franklin was to be honored at all, the degree of Doctor of Civil Law was the most appropriate for a person of his attainments.

[April 30, 1762]
Termo Paschatis 1762 Convoc[atione] Domino Doctore Browne Vice-Cancellario
Die Ven[eris] Viz Tricesimo Die Mensis Aprilis Anno Dom. 1762 Causa Convocationis erat ut Ornatissimus Vir Benjaminus Franklin Armiger Provinciae Pensylvaniae Deputatus, ad Curiam Serenissimi Regis Legatus, Tabellariorum per Americam Septentrionalem Praefectus Generalis, et Veredariorum totius Novae Angliae Praefectus Generalis, necnon Regiae Societatis Socius (si ita Venerabili Coetui placeret) ad Gradum Doctoris in Jure Civili, et Gulielmus Franklin Armiger Juris Municipalis Consultus ad Gradum Magistri in Artibus admitterentur, necnon ut Literae ab Honoratissimo Cancellario ad Senatum datae legerentur et ut alia Negotia Academica peragerentur.
Causâ Convocationis sic indictâ proponente sigillatim Domino Vice-Cancellario placuit Venerabili Coetui ut praedictus Ornatissimus Vir Benjaminus Franklin Armiger ad Gradum Doctoris in Jure Civili, et Gulielmus Franklin Armiger ad Gradum Magistri in Artibus Honoris Causa admitterentur.
Spectatissimum Virum Benjaminum Franklin Armigerum praeeuntibus Bedellis in Domum Convocationis ingressum Dextrâque prehensum Dominus Doctor Seward Collegii Divi Joannis Baptistae Socius sub eleganti Orationis Formulâ Domino Vice-Cancellario et Procurantibus praesentabat ut ad Gradum Doctoris in Jure Civili Honoris Causa admitterentur: Quemque hoc modo praesentatum Dominus Vice-Cancellarius suâ et totius Universitatis Authoritate ad dictum Gradum Honoris Causâ solenniter admisit.
Ornatissimum Iuvenem Gulielmum Franklin Armigerum a Thoma Nowell A. M. Collegii Orielensis Socio et Publico Oratore similiter praesentatum Dominus Vice-Cancellarius ad Gradum Magistri in Artibus similiter admisit.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Mary Stevenson, 10 May 1762
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson

Cravenstreet May 10. 62
I received this Morning my dear Polley’s kind Present of two Tickets for the Latin Play at Hackney, enclos’d in her agreable little Letter of the 8th. for both which she will please to accept my Thanks. I am oblig’d also to Mrs. Tickell and to her for the kind Invitation of Dining on the Day of the Play. But I think we are engag’d for that Day to Dine at Hackney at Mr. Sylvanus Bevan’s, who invited us sometime since desiring we would fix a Day, and last Week we wrote him that we would wait on him Saturday the 15th. Instant, if convenient to him. If he writes in Answer, that he shall expect us on that Day, we must go; and shall go from his House to see the Play. But if that Appointment should not take Place, (which I shall know to day) then I believe we shall not see the Play, but return the Tickets. I have not yet communicated the Invitation to dine at Wanstead to the Person you mention, to whom I am sure it ought to be extreamly agreable, so can say nothing from him. Mama is well and sends her Love, &c. My best Respects to Mrs. Tickell, and believe me ever My dear Friend, Yours affectionately
B Franklin
Love to Mrs. Rooke and to Pittey.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from David Hume, 10 May 1762
From: Hume, David
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Edinburgh 10 May 1762
I have a great many Thanks to give you for your Goodness in remembering my Request, and for the exact Description, which you sent me of your Method of preserving Houses from Thunder. I communicated it to our philosophical Society, as you gave me Permission; and they desire me to tell you that they claim it as their own, and intend to enrich with it the first Collection, which they may publish. The establish’d Rule of our Society is, that, after a paper is read to them, it is deliverd by them to some Member who is oblig’d, in a subsequent Meeting, to read some Paper of Remarks upon it. It was communicated to our Friend, Mr. Russel; who is not very expeditious in finishing any Undertaking; and he did not read his Remarks, till the last Week, which is the Reason, why I have been so late in acknowleging your Favour. Mr. Russel’s Remarks, besides the just Praises of your Invention, contain’d only two Proposals for improving it: One was, that in Houses, where the Rain Water is carry’d off the Roof by a lead Pipe, this metallic Body might be employd as a Conductor to the electric Fire, and save the Expence of a new Apparatus: Another was, that the Wire might be carry’d down to the Foundation of the House, and be thence convey’d below Ground to the requisite Distance, which woud better secure it against Accidents. I thought it proper to convey to you these two Ideas of so ingenious a Man, that you might adopt them, if they appear to you well founded.
I have sent off your Letter to Lord Mareschal, who will consider himself as much beholden to you. His Lordship is at present very much employd in settling the Controversy about the Eternity of Hell-Torments, which has set the little Republic of Neuf-chatel in Combustion. I have ventur’d to recommend to his Lordship the abridging these Torments as much as possible, and have usd the Freedom to employ your Name, as well as my own, in this Request: I have told him, that, as we have taken so much Pains to preserve him and his Subjects from the Fires of Heaven, they cannot do less than to guard us from the Fires of Hell. My Lord told me, when in England, that the King of Prussia could not at first be brought to regard this theological Controversy as a Matter of any Moment, but soon found from the Confusions, to which it gave rise, that these were not matters to be slighted. But surely, never was a Synod of Divines more ridiculous, than to be worrying one another, under the Arbitration of the King of Prussia and Lord Marischal, who will make an Object of Derision of every thing, that appears to these holy Men so deserving of Zeal, Passion, and Animosity.
I am very sorry, that you intend soon to leave our Hemisphere. America has sent us many good things, Gold, Silver, Sugar, Tobacco, Indigo &c.: But you are the first Philosopher, and indeed the first Great Man of Letters for whom we are beholden to her: it is our own Fault, that we have not kept him: Whence it appears, that we do not agree with Solomon, that Wisdom is above Gold: For we take care never to send back an ounce of the latter, which we once lay our Fingers upon.
I saw yesterday our Friend Sir Alexander Dick, who desird me to present his Compliments to you. We are all very unwilling to think of your settling in America, and that there is some Chance for our never seeing you again: But no-one regrets it more than does Dear Sir Your most affectionate humble Servant
David Hume


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Mary Stevenson, 24 May 1762
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson

   May 24. 62.
According to Promise I write on Monday to let my good Girl know how her Mama does; but so late in the Day that I fear I might as well have let it alone till Tuesday. She is not yet quite well, but so well as to be abroad ever since Morning. I went early into the City, Din’d there, and return’d hoping for the Pleasure of a Dish of Tea with her; when I learnt that she went out soon after me, and had not since been at home: So was forc’d to beg my Tea at Mrs. Gambier’s. This will look a little like a Complaint, but I don’t intend it.

Are you provided with a House? If not, look into Tomorrow’s Daily Advertiser where you will find one to be let at Ealing, which I know and think I could recommend as to the Pleasantness of the Neighbourhood, Roads, &c. if the Description appears such as may make the rest agreable. I know there is a good deal of Garden, and abundance of Room in and about the House.
I shall be glad to hear that you got well home, and found all well. Present my best Respects to Mrs. Tickell, Mrs. Rooke and to Pitty. I am, my dear Friend, Yours affectionately
B Franklin
 Addressed: To / [Miss Ste] venson / [at] Mrs Tickell’s / [Wa]nstead / Essex
Endorsed: May 24–62


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to John Pringle, 27 May 1762
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Pringle, Sir John

For nearly twenty years Franklin had been interested in the possibility that a navigable waterway between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans might be found somewhere north of Canada. He had read the pamphlets on the controversy between Arthur Dobbs and Christopher Middleton which followed Middleton’s unsuccessful voyage of 1741–42, and he had included in Poor Richard for 1748 a long and vivid account of the conditions the members of that expedition had encountered while wintering over at Churchill River on the western side of Hudson Bay. Later he had been one of the leading sponsors of two expeditions in which the Argo, commanded by Charles Swaine, had sailed from Philadelphia in 1753 and again in 1754, in unsuccessful search for the Northwest Passage.
In spite of these and other failures, Franklin and many of his contemporaries continued to hope that a practicable route might be found. His optimism was somewhat strengthened by an account, printed in two installments in The Monthly Miscellany: or, Memoirs for the Curious, April and June 1708, purporting to be a letter from an “Admiral Bartholomew de Fonte, then Admiral of New Spain and Peru and now Prince of Chili.”
De Fonte (or Bartolomé de Fuentes, to give him the Spanish name some commentators ascribed to him) told how he had sailed with four ships up the west coast of the Americas from Peru in the spring of 1640. Detaching one vessel to determine whether Lower California was an island or a peninsula, de Fonte and his other ships continued on to 53 degrees north latitude, which would be in the vicinity of what is now called Hecate Strait, separating the Queen Charlotte Islands from the mainland of British Columbia. Here on June 14 he entered a river he called Los Reyes and sent Captain Pedro de Barnarda up a large tributary to the north. Barnarda found a body of water, Lake Valasco; there he left his ship and with three Indian pirogues traveled 140 leagues west and then 436 leagues east northeast to the 79th parallel (which if true would have placed him somewhere among the northern islands in the Arctic Ocean). He reported that there was no water communication with Davis Strait.
Meanwhile de Fonte continued generally northeastward in the tidal River Los Reyes “in a fair navigable Channel” to an Indian town Conosset on the southeast side of what he called Lake Belle. On the opposite side he found a river he named after his interpreter Parmentiers, through which he traveled in small boats, passing eight falls with a total drop of thirty-two feet into a lake 160 leagues long he called  Lake de Fonte. From this lake he passed into the Strait and Sea of Ronquillo (named for another of his captains), a distance of thirty-four leagues. The country hereabouts “grew very sensibly worse” in both temperature and fertility from what he had previously observed. On July 17 his party arrived at an Indian town which stood, presumably, on the northwestern or western shore of Hudson Bay.
The Indians told his interpreter of “a great Ship” nearby and upon investigation this proved to be a Boston vessel. De Fonte sailed to it and on July 30 met its owner, Major General Scimor (sic) Gibbons, and its navigator, Captain Shapley. After a courteous exchange of presents the Spaniards began their return trip, reaching their ships at Lake Belle on August 16. De Fonte restocked them with “good Salt Provisions,” dropped down the River Los Reyes, was rejoined there by Captain Barnarda on September 3, and soon afterwards sailed for home, “having found that there was no Passage into the South Sea by that they call the North West Passage.”
There were many, even in Franklin’s time, who were skeptical of the authenticity of this account, but so little was then known of the true geography of the northwest parts of North America that no one could demonstrate conclusively the impossibility of such a water-borne exploration of the region as was here related. Today the account is recognized as a complete hoax; its author is generally believed to have been James Petiver, a botanist and entomologist of considerable standing, the editor and possibly also the owner of The Monthly Miscellany in which the de Fonte narrative appeared.
Franklin, himself the author of several successful hoaxes, seems nevertheless to have been completely taken in. And he was not alone. Among others was the French geographer Joseph-Nicolas Delisle. Aided by Philippe Buache, he published in September 1752 a Carte Générale des Découvertes De l’Amiral de Fonte Et autres Navigateurs Espagnols, Anglois et Russes, pour la recherche du Passage à la Mer du Sud, which undertook to depict cartographically discoveries on both sides of the north Pacific, including the waterways through which de Fonte and his subordinate Barnarda reputedly had passed. Henry R. Wagner has called this map, with considerable justification, “one of the most astonishing examples of imaginary geography which has ever appeared.” The Gentleman’s Magazine reproduced the map, somewhat simplified and with place names and inscriptions translated into English, in 1754. Thomas Jefferys, the royal geographer, published in 1761 a translation of Gerhard F. Müller’s Voyages from Asia to America, For Completing the Discoveries of the North West Coast of America. In it Jefferys included three new maps, one of which was a redrawing of that part of the Delisle map which showed de Fonte’s reputed discoveries. It was a copy of this map which, as Franklin explained in the postscript below, he found “done to my Hand,” and which he marked and sent to Pringle with this letter. In doing so he either failed to notice or purposely ignored several statements in the text in which Müller severely criticized Delisle and one in which he spoke scornfully of “the pretended discoveries of de Fonte.”
Apparently Franklin and his friend Pringle had recently talked at some length about the de Fonte account; the likelihood that Great Britain would soon acquire title to all of Canada would naturally have stimulated their interest in the geography of its northern parts. Pringle, presumably, had challenged the authenticity of de Fonte’s narrative; Franklin had defended it. Then Pringle, perhaps at the urging of his fellow Scot the Earl of Bute, now at the head of the British government, had pressed Franklin for a full statement of his opinion and the reasons for it, before he should leave for America. The consequence was the letter that follows.

Dear Sir,
Cravenstreet, May 27. 1762
In Compliance with your Request, I sit down to give you my Reasons for believing as I do, that De Fonte’s Voyage is genuine. You know I would have postpon’d this ’till my Return to Philadelphia, where my Papers might enable me to relate with more Precision the Facts that incline me to that Opinion; but as you insist on my doing it here before my Departure, you will excuse unavoidable Defects.
The only Account of this Voyage at present existing, as far as we know, is that publish’d by Pettiver, in a periodical Work call’d Memoirs for the Curious, for the Months of April and June 1708. It is there intitled, “A Letter from Admiral Bartholomew De Fonte, then Admiral of New Spain and Peru, and now Prince of Chili; giving an Account of the most material Transactions in a Journal of his from the Calo of Lima in Peru, on his Discoveries to find out if there was any Northwest Passage from the Atlantic Ocean into the South and Tartarian Sea.” Whoever reads it there, will easily perceive it to be an Abridgment and a Translation, and bad in both respects. If a Fiction, it is plainly not an English one. But it has none of the Features of Fiction. Entertainment does not appear to be aim’d at in it, nor does it seem calculated to promote any Scheme of a new Voyage for Discovery, as the Country is not describ’d to be wealthy, and the Passage for Ships from Sea to Sea is deny’d: ’Tis in short a mere dry Account of Facts, which, tho’ all possible and probable, are none of them wonderful like the Incidents of a Novel.
That the Spaniards should now deny the Reality of this Voyage, is natural enough, jealous as they are of the maritime Power of their Neighbours, and apprehensive for their extensive Settlements on the Coasts of the South Sea. They deny it however but faintly. And they seem far from being convinc’d that there is no practicable Water Communication between the two Seas by the Northwest; as in a late Work of Miguel Venegas, a Spanish Mexican Jesuit, publish’d at Madrid in 1758, the making a strong Settlement and erecting Fortresses on the Northwest Coast of California is warmly recommended to secure the South Seas against the English, who may possibly come into those Seas thro’ such Passage.

The Description given by De Fonte of his Passing thro’ the Archipelago St. Lazarus, and of the River Los Reyes, is a natural One; the little Fall of Water out of Lake Belle into the River Los Reyes, till half Flood; and the Flood beginning to set gently into Lake Belle an hour and quarter before High Water, the Lake itself fresh, and the Water of Los Reyes fresh 20 Leagues distance from its Mouth, are all natural and consistent Circumstances: The Fish mention’d as found in Los Reyes and Lake Belle are proper to those Latitudes and to fresh Water; and when he comes to describe Lake De Fonte, which by its other Circumstances you find must be Salt Water, tho’ he does not say it was so, yet the Fish he mentions are northern Saltwater Fish. The Description of the Birds, Beasts, Trees, Wild Fruit and Berries, are likewise all such as we know are proper to the Northern Parts of America. That the Country grew sensibly worse as they came farther Eastward tho’ in nearly the same Latitude, is a singular Circumstance not likely to be observ’d in a Work of Invention; but from other Accounts of the Difference of Cold in the same Latitudes on the Eastern and Western Coasts of the same Continents must undoubtedly be Fact. In North America, on the Eastern Coast, from 50 Degrees Northward, all Vegetation is extreamly check’d by the Severity of the cold Northwest Winds, which blow three quarters of the Year, and make the Winters excessively hard. While the Western Coast of Europe in the same Latitudes, has plenty of strong Vegetation, large Growths of Timber, &c. and is comfortable for human Habitation. Again the Eastern Coast of the European and Asiatic Continent in those Northern Latitudes, viz. Kamschatka, &c. is exactly in the same Circumstances with the Eastern Coast of America; while the Western Coast of America, opposite to Kamschatka, is as happy in respect to Climate and Vegetation as the Western Coast of Europe. See the Observations of Mr. Steller the Russian Botanist, who was employ’d in their late Discovery of America, Page 479, 480 of the Philosophical Transactions, Vol. LI. Part II. for the Year 1760. He says, “The American Land is in a much better State, with regard to the Climate, than the farthermost Eastern Coast of Asia. The Mountains of Asia, are ruinous, cleft, and broken, cover’d with perpetual Snows; no Wood nor Herbs grow on the Coast, except in the Vallies, where is seen small brush Wood, and stiff Herbs. On the contrary, the Mountains of America on the opposite Coast, are covered on the Surface, not with Moss, but with fruitful Earth or Mould, and therefore are decked from the Foot to the very Top of them, with thick and very fine Trees. In America, even the Sea Shores at 60 Degrees Latitude, are woody; but in Kamschatka, at 51 Degrees Latitude, no Place set even with small Willows and Alder Trees is found nearer than 20 Versts from the Sea, birch Trees not nearer than 30 Versts, Pitch Trees 50 Versts; at 62 Degrees there is no Wood in Kamschatka.” The above from Steller. Now we know the Eastern Coast of America in those Latitudes, viz. Labrador, Hudson’s Bay and Greenland, to be in nearly the same bad State that he describes of Kamschatka. The Moravians who have a Mission in Greenland, carried from New York the Timber to build their Church and House, no Wood being found there. They carried also Earth for their Garden. Father Gabriel Marest, a Jesuit, who was some time at the Fort on Bourbon River, now called York River, in Hudson’s Bay, Lat. 57. says, in his Letter printed in the Travels of the Jesuits, “the Soil is very barren; there is little Wood, and that very small; for about 30 or 40 Leagues about the Fort there are no Timber Trees; owing to the excessive Cold and almost continual Snows, &c.” P. Charlevoix says of the same Bay, “Rien n’est plus affreux que le Pays dont elle est environée; de quelque côté qu’on jette les yeux, on n’aperçoit que des Terres incultes et sauvages, et des Rochers escarpés, qui s’élevent jusqu’aux Nuës, qui sont entrecoupés, de Ravines profondes, et de Valées stériles, où le Soleil ne pénétre point, et que les neiges et les glaçons, qui ne fondent jamais, rendent inabordables.” Steller assures us from his own Observation, that the Western Coast is a fine Country. Therefore, any one passing thro’ Lakes and Rivers from the Western to the Eastern Coast, as DeFonte says he did, must observe, if he took any Notice of the Country at all, that it grew sensibly worse and worse, the farther he went Eastward. In a Paper of mine long since wrote, there is an Hypothesis that accounts for the almost constant blowing of N.W. Winds in those cold Countries, for the Coldness of those Winds, and the Tempering they receive in passing over a Sea, which I will not here repeat, as you have a Copy of that Paper.
The Late Russian Discoveries afford another probable Circumstance in favour of the Truth of DeFonte’s Account. By his Description the Northern Part of America appears to be Land broken and divided by large Lakes communicating by Streights and Rivers; this State of the Country would afford an easy Communication to the People of the N.E. Coast of North America, who live by Whale Fishing, and have those singular kind of light Boats, made of Skins, and cover’d all but a Hole for one Person to sit in, which they close round their Bodies with a kind of Purse-Mouth, to prevent any Entrance of Water. Now the Russians in crossing the Western Sea, met with People and Boats that answer this Description exactly, employ’d in the same Way, using the same kind of Instruments, and having the same Manners. They had moreover Iron Knives, which no Indians can make, and which these northern Indians buy of our Hudson’s Bay Company, or of the Danes at Greenland. As these People live by the Produce of the Sea, and every Man has one of this kind of Boats, may we not suppose that they pass freely in those Boats thro’ such Lakes and Passages, fishing in either Sea, as the differing Seasons occasion the Whales, &c. to appear in one or the other at different Times.
Again, by the Account of DeFonte’s Passage out of Lake Belle which was fresh Water, into Lake DeFonte which appears to be Salt Water, thro’ the River Parmentiers, it seems that this latter Salt Water communicating with the Eastern or Atlantic Sea, was lower in its Level than the Salt Water of the Western Sea; for, a little before High Water, he found that the Tide flow’d into Lake Belle on the Western Side; and there was only a small Fall out of it at other Times; whereas in coming out of that Lake on the Eastern Side in his Boats, he found a Descent of Water to Lake DeFonte by 8 several Falls or Rapides, which in the whole he computes might amount to about 32 feet perpendicular. It is not taken Notice of as a wonderful Thing that there should be any Difference of Level between the two Seas. No Attempt is made to account for such an Improbability. And one would think no Writer of a feign’d Voyage, who desir’d to have it receiv’d as true, would of Choice invent and insert a Circumstance so objectionable. The Facts seem to be simply related, without Attention to the consequential Difficulty. Now if it should be found from subsequent Considerations, that there ought to be a considerable Difference in the Level of the two Seas, the Improbability of such a Thing at the Time the Journal was written, affords another internal Evidence of the Truth of that Journal. And that Lake DeFonte was suppos’d by the Writer to communicate with the Atlantic, appears from this, that in the Strait Ronquillo leading out of that Lake, Admiral DeFonte, as he says, found a Ship from New England, trading with the Natives for Furs; of which Ship more hereafter. As to the Difference of Level in Seas, it is well known, that strong Winds have a considerable Effect on the Surface of the Sea; moving the Waters so as to raise them on some Coasts and depress them on others. Occasional Winds produce these Effects occasionally on the Coasts of Britain, Ireland, Holland, &c. Constant Winds in other Countries produce the same Effects more constantly. The Trade Wind blowing over the Atlantic Ocean constantly from the East, between the Tropics, carries a Current to the American Coast, and raises the Water there above its natural Level. From thence it flows off thro’ the Gulf of Mexico, and all along the North American Coast to and beyond the Banks of Newfoundland in a strong Current, called by Seamen the Gulph Stream. In those Northern Latitudes the Winds blowing almost constantly Northwest, as appears by the Voyages of Middleton, Ellis, and others, the Waters are mov’d away from the North American Coast towards the Coasts of Spain and Africa, whence they get again into the Power of the Trade Winds, and continue the Circulation. Thus the North West Winds keep the Level of the Sea lower in the North East Seas of America, as the Easterly Trade Winds accumulate it on the Coast between the Tropics. But if one could not assign the Cause of such Difference of Level in the same Ocean, the Fact must nevertheless be allow’d; since so long and so strong a Current as that of the Gulph Stream, thro’ all the Latitudes of variable Winds, can only be accounted for, by its having a considerable Descent, and moving from Parts where the Water is higher, to Parts where it is lower. Now the very same Cause, viz. The almost constant Northwest Winds blowing in the Northern Region, which carry the Waters away from the North East Coast of America, bring them to and accumulate them on the N. West Coast. And by all Accounts of Voyages in those N. Western Seas, particularly that of Sir Francis Drake, that of Sebastian Viscaino in 1602, and the late Voyages of the Russians, the Northwest Wind is there a kind of Trade Wind, and blows violently. And if Winds may produce a Difference of Level in the same Ocean, they certainly may in different Oceans, where the free Communication is obstructed by a Continent or by Islands.
About the Year 1752, a Person who had been Clerk to the California, in a Voyage made by that Ship and the Dobbs to Hudson’s Bay, in Search of a N. West Passage, apply’d to me to promote a Subscription for another Attempt. He put into my Hands, among other Pieces relating to the Probability of such a Passage, Mr. Dobbs’s Account of this Letter of DeFonte’s, wherein I found Mention of his Meeting with a Ship from Boston in New-England, commanded by one Shapley, and own’d by Major General Gibbons of that Country, who was on board, trading with the Natives in those Parts. As this was a very remarkable Circumstance, and, if true, would show that the Lake DeFonte, and the Strait Ronquillo, where Shapley’s Ship was found, communicated with the Atlantic in or near Hudson’s Bay, there being no Probability that a Boston Ship would go down to the Straits of Magellan and up the Western Coast of America, a Voyage of more than 5000 Leagues, to trade with the Indians in those Northern Countries, when they could meet with the same kind of People and Trade so much nearer home in or about Hudson’s Bay. I resolved to make Enquiry concerning it. DeFonte’s Description of Capt. Shapley is, that he was the greatest Man in the Mechanical Parts of the Mathematics that he ever met with, having fine Charts and Journals which he purchas’d of him for 1000 Pieces of eight; and of Major Gibbons, that he was a fine Gentleman. I imagin’d that some Remembrance of such Persons and such a Trade from New England, if they ever existed, might still be found there. Accordingly I wrote to Mr. Prince, a great Antiquarian of that Country, and then employ’d in writing a chronological Account of its first Settlement, and all the remarkable Events of its History, desiring he would enquire and inform me if there had been such a Person as Seimor Gibbons, Major General of the Massachusetts Bay in New England about the Year 1640. In Answer he acquainted me that about 10 Years before, DeFonte’s Journal in Manuscript had been put into his Hands with the same Request, by Capt. Warren (afterwards Admiral Warren) then Commander of the Station Ship at Boston; that he readily found in their old Records that a Major General Gibbons liv’d at that time in that Colony; but that his Christian Name was not Seimor but Edward. As to Captain Shapley, not finding any Mention of him, he apply’d to a Deacon Marshal, then above 90 Years of Age, to know if he had ever heard of such a Person. Deacon Marshal told him, he remember’d that when he was a Boy, there was Much Talk among the Boys of a Capt. Shapley, and of his great Learning, he having, as they exprest it, learnt as far as the Black Art: That he liv’d and dy’d at Charlestown (a Town near Boston) but more of him he could not remember. Mr. Prince then went to Charlestown, where he found some of the Descendants of Capt. Shapley, and his Will on the Records of the Town. He therefore gave Credit to the Voyage in general, but suppos’d a Mistake as to Major General Gibbons being himself on board the Ship with Capt. Shapley, his Name being Edward and not Seimor; but said, he possibly might have a Brother of the Name of Seimor, who might be with Shapley. I wrote again to Mr. Prince, that the Major’s Christian Name being mention’d in the following plain Manner, “having given the brave Navigator Captain Shapley for his fine Charts and Journals, 1000 Pieces of eight, and the Owner of the Ship Seimor Gibbons a Quarter Cask of Peruan Wine,” &c. where some Title is given to Shapley and the Major, tho’ allow’d to be a Gentleman of Rank, call’d only by his plain Christian and Sur Name, as a Quaker would have call’d him and in a manner not agreeing with Spanish Politeness; I suspected that what was put down Seimor by the Copier of the Account, might in the Original be the Spanish Title of Compliment, Seignior, which they write Señor or Sennor; if Sennor, it was an easy Mistake, by supposing the first Stroke of the first (n) to be an (i), then the second Stroke of the first (n) join’d to the two Strokes of the second (n) would make the (m) and so turn Sennor into Seimor. Mr. Prince however did not seem satisfied that the Major General could himself be with Shapley; but I have since met with the following Particulars relating to him. In the New England Chronology printed at Boston 1736, I find he liv’d near Charlestown in 1630. [Charlstown was the Residence of Shapley when at home, and this makes a Connection between them the more probable] The Words are, “About a Mile distant [from Charlestown] upon the River, runs a small Creek, which takes its Name from Mr. Edward Gibbons, who dwelt there for some Years after, and became Major General.” And in a Book, call’d Remarkable Providences, by Increase Mather, printed at Boston in New-England, 1684, there is a Story of him thus introduc’d, page 14. “Remarkable was that Deliverance mention’d both by Mr. Janeway and Mr. Burton, wherein that gallant Commander Major Edward Gibbons of Boston in New England, and others, were concerned. The Substance of the Story is this. A New England Vessel going from Boston to some other Parts of America, was thro’ the Continuance of contrary Winds, kept long at Sea, So that they were in very great Straits for want of Provision.” After relating many Circumstances of their Distress, and their casting Lots that one might die to be eaten by the rest, and their going to Prayers before they would actually kill the destin’d Victim; the Relation concludes thus, “One of them espies a Ship, which put Life into all their Spirits. They bear up with their Vessel, man their Boat, and beg like perishing humble Supplicants to board them, which they are admitted. The Vessel proves a French Vessel, yea a French Pirate. Major Gibbons petitions them for a little Bread, and offers Ship and Cargo for it. But the Commander knows the Major; (from whom he had received some signal Kindnesses formerly at Boston) and replied readily and chearfully, Major Gibbons, not a Hair of you or your Company shall perish, if it lie in my Power to preserve you. And accordingly he relieveth them.” There is no Date to this Account, but the Book professedly relates all Events of the kind that had happened to New England People since the Settlement of that Country, and speaks of this Account as taken from former Books: Then we find in the Relation compar’d with DeFonte’s Account, the following Circumstances of Character that agree, viz.

Mather
  DeFonte

1. Gallant Commander; one that when at home show’d Kindness to Strangers, and gain’d their Esteem.
1. A fine Gentleman, modest Gentleman, made me a Present of Provisions. I prest him to accept a Diamond Ring.

2. A Major, of Boston, in New England.
2. Major General of the largest Colony in New England.

3. Us’d sometimes to make Voyages to other Parts of America.
3. Was in the Ship with Shapley on the N.E. Coast of America.

4. The Ship and Cargo his own, he offer’d them for Provisions to the Frenchman.
4. Was Owner of Shapley’s Ship.

5. His Name Edward Gibbons.
5. His Name Seimor Gibbons.

This only Difference I have already endeavour’d to account for; and if I have conjectured truly, this very Difference is a farther Proof that the Journal is really a Translation from the Spanish, and not, as some have supposed, an English Fiction. I will now only add; that from Manuscript Journals I have seen and read in Boston, and other Accounts, I know that some of those Seamen who had been employ’d in Discovering Hudson’s Bay, settled afterwards in New England, and were engag’d in constant yearly trading Voyages from Boston thither, which continu’d down with some Interruptions from the French, till the Establishment of the Hudson’s-Bay Company in the Reign of Charles the second. At home I have a Number of Letters and Papers that give farther and stronger Light in this Matter; they are bundled together with the Manuscript Journals of the two Voyages I promoted from Philadelphia, which proved indeed unsuccessful, but the Journals contain some valuable Information; and the Charts taken of the Coast, Harbours, and Islands of Labrador, for a considerable Extent, may be useful. As you have exprest some Curiosity in this Affair, I wish them in your Possession; and if any Accident should happen to me in my Return I desire my Executors may consider this Letter as an Authority for their sending them intire to you. With the greatest Esteem, I am, Dear Friend, Yours affectionately
B Franklin
P.S. My Opinion upon the whole is this, That though there may probably be no practicable Passage for Ships, there is nevertheless such a Passage for Boats as DeFonte found and has describ’d; and That the Country upon that Passage is for the most part habitable, and would produce all the Necessaries of Life.
I intended to sketch a little Map, expressing my Idea of De Fonte’s Voyage, as you desired. But I find one done to my Hand, which I send you annexed. I only think it places the Entrance of Los Reyes too far South, which Entrance I conceive, by the Distance sailed, 866 Leagues from Cape Abel, ought to be near Lat. 60. and that it carries the Strait Ronquillo too far North, which I imagine should enter Hudson’s Bay between Lat. 60 and 62, where I have made two crooked red Lines. The Bay North of Cape Elias discover’d by the Russians, is perhaps the Entrance of the Archipelago St. Lazarus, describ’d by DeFonte, leading to Rio Los Reyes.
Doctor Pringle
 Endorsed: Dr Franklin, on the Voyage of Admiral B. deFonte. found amongst the papers of the Earl of Bute 1762.


Title: Deborah Franklin: Account of Expenses, May 1762
From: Franklin, Deborah
To:

When Franklin was about to leave for England in 1757 his wife Deborah started to keep her household accounts in a memorandum book he provided her. This record is described above, VII, 167–8. On September 1 (the year is not stated) she indicated her intention to stop entering her expenses in detail, “as I am not abell to set down every penney.” But in May 1762 she took a new though short-lived resolve, inspired perhaps by the expectation of her husband’s speedy return, and she compiled on a separate sheet the brief record printed below. It is given here in full to suggest Deborah’s characteristic spelling and some of her expenditures during Benjamin’s long absence from home.

1762

May the

I begin agen to keep an a Counte of expenses

a breste of vele 2 pound of butter 14—1 × 2 Sallis 6 in all

8
1

eges one shilling pigons 2–6

3
6

for goodeys for my pappey 2 Jars
6
3
9

6 yards of Duch Hollond for pillowcases
1
13
8

for a homspon Coverlid
4
0
0

att a vendue a Cotton Coverlid and bolster
1
16
9

paid Mrs. Bullock for mending 2 pair of Jumps and the things comes to
1
4
0

Sallit and greens
0
0
10

paid Bettey for washin 15 and to my maid
4
15
0

Salley a Blew necklis 7–6 a dram of Black silk
0
8
0

home spun threed
0
0
8

for a sate of window curtins Crimsin Chaney
2
5
0

a Jet Necklase for my Selef
0
7
6

in market vell 7–6 butter 2 eges 1
0
10
6

Sope Candels Sallet
0
1
0

for worsted
0
8
9

the milk man
0
8
0

for the Liberrey for papey and Mr. Grase
1
0
0

for Billey fier Companey
0
1
0

Shues for Salley
0
8
6

6 pound of brown Shuger 4 2 Bottels Beer
0
5
0

Limes a quortor of Hundred

3
9

a pound of Green tee
1
12
0

in Market
0
10
0

2 Dos. of oringes
0
9
0


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Mary Stevenson, 7 June 1762
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson

Dear Polly
London June 7. 1762
I received your Favour of the 27th. past, and have since expected your intended philosophical Epistle. But you have not had Leisure to write it!
Your good Mama is now perfectly well, as I think, excepting now and then a few Rheumatic Complaints, which however seem gradually diminishing.
I am glad to hear you are about to enjoy the Happiness of seeing and being with your Friends at Bromley. My best Respects to the good Doctor and Mrs. Hawkesworth; and say to the Dear Ladies that I kiss their Hands respectfully and affectionately.
Our Ships for America do not sail so soon as I expected; it will be yet 5 or 6 Weeks before we embark, and leave the old World for the New. I fancy I feel a little like dying Saints, who in parting with those they love in this World, are only comforted with the Hope of more perfect Happiness in the next. I have in America Connections of the most engaging kind, and happy as I have been in the Friendships here contracted, those promise me greater and more lasting Felicity. But God only knows whether those Promises shall be fullfilled.
Adieu, my Dear good Girl, and believe me ever Your affectionate Friend
B Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from David Hall, 9 June 1762
From: Hall, David
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir,
Philada. June 9. 1762.
In my last to you, of the 10th ult. was designed to have been inclosed the third Copy of a Bill of Exchange for Three Hundred Pounds Sterling, but, by Accident, find I neglected to do it: This serves, therefore, to cover the same, to let you know that Mrs. Franklin and Sally are well; and that I am, Sir, Yours, &c.
D. Hall
Mr. FranklinSent Via Liverpool By the Hope, Capt. Dee


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Mary Stevenson, 11 June 1762
From: Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Bromley June 11. 1762
Whether the Invitation you give me to write to you proceeds from the Pleasure you receive or desire to bestow I shall not enquire; the first would gratify my Vanity most, but I am not less pleas’d with thinking you love to indulge me.
When I say I have not Leisure for my favourite Amusements I am as much surpriz’d as you can be, and I wonder how my Time passes away without any Employment that appears of Consequence. Day after Day I have intended to furnish my Mind with something that would serve for the Subject of a Letter to you; but Day succeeded to Day without the Acquisition, and I now sit down to write with very little in my Head tho much in my Heart.
I have taken the Liberty you gave me of transcribing your Letter on Fire, which gives a clearer Explication of it’s Effects than I ever met with, yet some Questions remain for me to ask. Whence is it that Fire is increased by the Impulsion of the Air, yet if that Impulsion is too strong it is extinguish’d? I have seen you blow out the Flame of the Bougie, and, by drawing it swiftly thro’ the Air, immediately rekindle it. Another Thing appears to me very unaccountable. To prevent the firing of Wheels we make use very effectually of those Materials which soonest catch fire as Pitch, Grease &c. Though I have acknowledg’d this to be unaccountable I have attempted to discover the Cause, but I cannot satisfy myself. I remember you told me no Degree of Heat was ever produc’d in Fluids by Friction. The Grease then being between the Nave and the Axle-tree of the Wheel prevents their rubbing against each other. You will give me Pleasure whenever you will satisfy me more fully, which you may not have Leisure to do by Writing, but as I hope for the Pleasure of seeing you once more it may serve for our Conversation, in the mean time I shall be glad of any Word you will condescend to send me.
May you my Dear Saint enjoy all the Felicity you Promise yourself in the New World! and May it be long ere you are remov’d to that other World where only your Votary can hope to meet you!
Present my dutiful Affection to my Dear Mother, and Thanks for her kind Letter which I will soon repay. Our amiable Host left us last Tuesday. He intended waiting on you, and if he did would tell you I receiv’d your elegant affectionate Letter. Those were his Words when he return’d it to me, for my Vanity made me shew it. Every Testimony of your Regard is too high a Honour not be felt and made the Boast of Dear Sir your most grateful and affectionate humble Servant
M Stevenson


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to William Strahan, 14 June 1762
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Strahan, William

Saturday, June 14, [1762?]
Mr. Franklin’s Compliments to Mr. Strahan, and out of pure Kindness to him offers him an Opportunity of exercising his Benevolence as a Man and his Charity as a Christian. One Spencer, formerly a Merchant of Figure and Credit in North America, being by various Misfortunes reduced to Poverty, is here in great Distress, and would be made happy by any Employment that would only enable him to Eat, which he looks as if he had not done for some Time. He is well acquainted with Accompts, and writes a very fair Hand, as Mr. S. may see by the enclosed Letter. His Expectations that brought him over, which are touched on in that Letter, are at an End. He is a very honest Man, but too much dispirited to put himself forward. Cannot some Smouting, in the writing way, be got for him? or come [some?] little Clerkship? which he would execute very faithfully. He is at Mr. Cooper’s, at the Hat and Feather, Snow Hill. Mr. F. has done what he could to serve him (to little purpose indeed) and now leaves him as a Legacy to good Mr. Strahan.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to [Mary Stevenson], 21 June 1762
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson

Cravenstreet, June 21. 1762
Did you ever see People at work with Spades and Pickaxes, digging a Cellar?

When they have loosen’d the Earth perhaps a foot deep, that loose Earth must be carried off, or they can go no deeper; it is in their way, and hinders the Operation of the Instruments.
When the first foot of loose Earth is removed, they can dig and loosen the Earth a foot deeper.
But if those who remove the Earth, should with it take away the Spades and Pickaxes; the Work will be equally obstructed as if they had left the loose Earth unremoved.
I imagine the Operation of Fire upon Fewel with the Assistance of Air may be in some degree similar to this. Fire penetrates Bodies, and separates their Parts. The Air receives and carries off the Parts separated, which if not carried off would impede the Action of the Fire. With this Assistance therefore of a moderate Current of Air, the Separation encreases; but too violent a Blast carries off the Fire itself; and thus any Fire may be blown out as a Candle by the Breath if the Blast be proportionable.
But if Air contributes inflammatory Matter as some have thought, then it should seem, that the more Air, the more the Flame would be augmented, which beyond certain Bounds does not agree with the Fact.
Some Substances take Fire, i.e. are kindled by the Application of Fire much sooner than others. This is in proportion as they are bad or good Conductors of Fire, and as their Parts cohere with less or more Strength. A bad Conductor of Fire not easily permitting it to penetrate and be absorb’d and its force divided among the whole Substance, its Operation is so much the Stronger on the Surface to which it is apply’d, and is in a small Depth of Surface strong enough to produce the Separation of Parts which we call Burning. Wax, Sulphur, all Oils and Fats and most vegetable Substances are bad Conductors of Fire. The Oil of a Lamp, burning at the Top may be scarce warm at the Bottom; a Candle or a Stick of Wood inflam’d at one End is cool at the other. Metals which are better Conductors are not so easily kindled, tho’ when sufficient Fire is apply’d to them to separate their Parts they will all burn. But the Fire apply’d to their Surfaces enters more easily is absorb’d and divided; and not enough left on the Surface to overcome the Stronger Cohesion of their Parts. A close Contact with Metals will for the same Reason prevent the burning of more inflammable Substances: A flaxen Thread bound close round an Iron Poker, will not burn in the Flame of a Candle; for it must imbibe a certain Quantity of Fire before it can burn, i.e. before its Parts can separate; But the Poker as fast as the Fire arrives, takes it from the Thread, conducts it away and divides it in its own Substance.
Common Fire I conceive to be collected by Friction from the common Mass of that Fluid, in the same manner as the electrical Fluid is collected by Friction, which I have endeavoured to explain in some of my electrical Papers, and to avoid Length in this Letter refer you to them. In Wheels the Particles of Grease and Oil acting as so many little Rollers and Preventing Friction between the Wood and Wood, do thereby prevent the Collection of Fire.
[Elsewhere on this page arranged in a column:] Col Ludwell  / Call at John Hunts / Mrs French / Dr Russell / Wm Do [ditto]  / Elias Bland / Brown Charter house / Mr Colepeper / Henry & Cave / Dr Bevis / Mr Wilson Canon street / Newbery / Crosson / Mildred / Aufrere / Sargent / Neat & Neave / Collinson / Post Office / Baker Cards Exp[enses?] / Willock / Dr Reeves / Dr Hadley / Mr Edwards / Memo. Becket Tully Old Age / Ephemerides Motuum / Mr Allen and Miss Downes
[In another column:] Bellows. / Toys for Children / New Things at Turners. / Tin men Pewterers Brasiers.
Skaining of Worsted into hard twisted Rolls


Title: Experiments on Amber, 3 July 1762
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

Saturday, July 3, 1762.
To try, at the request of a friend, whether amber finely powdered might be melted and run together again by means of the electric fluid, I took a piece of small glass tube about 2½ inches long, the bore about 1/12 of an inch diameter, the glass itself about the same thickness; I introduced into this tube some powder of amber, and with two pieces of wire nearly fitting the bore, one inserted at one end, the other at the other, I rammed the powder hard between them in the middle of the tube, where it stuck fast, and was in length about half an inch. Then leaving the wires in the tube, I made them part of the electric circuit, and discharged through them three rows of my case of bottles. The event was, that the glass was broke into very small pieces and those dispersed with violence in all directions. As I did not expect this, I had not, as in other experiments, laid thick paper over the glass to save my eyes, so several of the pieces struck my face smartly, and one of them cut my lip a little so as to make it bleed. I could find no part of the amber; but the table where the tube lay was stained very black in spots, such as might be made by a thick smoke forced on it by a blast, and the air was filled with a strong smell, somewhat like that from burnt gunpowder. Whence I imagined, that the amber was burnt, and had exploded as gunpowder would have done in the same circumstances.
That I might better see the effect on the amber, I made the next experiment in a tube formed of a card rolled up and bound strongly with packthread. Its bore was about ½ of an inch diameter. I rammed powder of amber into this as I had done in the other, and as the quantity of amber was greater, I increased the quantity of electric fluid, by discharging through it at once 5 rows of my bottles. On opening the tube, I found that some of the powder had exploded, an impression was made on the tube though it was not burst, and most of the powder remaining was turned black, which I suppose might be by the smoke forced through it from the burnt part: Some of it was hard; but as it powdered again when pressed by the fingers, I suppose that hardness not to arise from melting any parts in it, but merely from my ramming the powder when I charged the tube.
B.F.


Title: Sargent Aufrere & Co. to Charles Norris, 9 July 1762
From: Sargent Aufrere & Co.
To: Norris, Charles

I.N.
Mr. Charles Norris
Sir,
9th July [1762]
The foregoing is what we wrote yesterday, since which we are favoured with yours of the 18 May covering a bill value £2500 to Reimburse us for the Bills we paid that were drawn on Mr. Franklin, and by the Carolina Captn. Friend who proposes Clearing out for your Colony next week we shall send you an Exact state of that Account. We have the pleasure of informing you that just now the Lords of the Treasury have agreed to Issue their Warrant for £190,000 to be divided amongst the Colonys agreable to the last years Division, and the remaining £10,000 to be divided hereafter as it may appear to be due. When we receive these Warrants you shall be duely advised thereof by the first Conveyance and also when the Money is paid, which may probably be some months first. We must request when you draw any more Bills on us you will please to furnish us with a list thereof, expressing the Number, date, sum and to whom payable to prevent any mistake, which will very much Oblige Sir Your very humble Servants
Sargent, Aufrere & Co
10th. July 1762
 Addressed: To / Mr. Charles Norris / In / Philadelphia
Endorsed: recd: July 8. 9. 10. 1762 Messrs Sargent Aufrere & Compa: advising the reception of the Trustees Letters of May. 11th. 12th. and 18th. and the Amo of Parliamentary Recd per


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to [Oliver Neave], 20 July 1762
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Neave, Oliver

Dear Sir,
July 20, 1762.
I have perused your paper on sound, and would freely mention to you, as you desire it, every thing that appeared to me to need correction: But nothing of that kind occurs to me, unless it be, where you speak of the air as “the best medium for conveying sound.” Perhaps this is speaking rather too positively, if there be, as I think there are, some other mediums that will convey it farther and more readily. It is a well-known experiment, that the scratching of a pin at one end of a long piece of timber, may be heard by an ear applied near the other end, though it could not be heard at the same distance through the air. And two stones being struck smartly together under water, the stroke may be heard at a greater distance by an ear also placed under water in the same river, than it can be heard through the air. I think I have heard it near a mile; how much farther it may be heard, I know not; but suppose a great deal farther, because the sound did not seem faint, as if at a distance, like distant sounds through air, but smart and strong, and as if present just at the ear. I wish you would repeat these experiments now you are upon the subject, and add your own observations. And if you were to repeat, with your naturally exact attention and observation, the common experiment of the bell in the exhausted receiver, possibly something new may occur to you, in considering,
1. Whether the experiment is not ambiguous; i.e. whether the gradual exhausting of the air, as it creates an increasing difference of pressure on the outside, may not occasion in the glass a difficulty of vibrating, that renders it less fit to communicate to the air without, the vibrations that strike it from within; and the diminution of the sound arise from this cause, rather than from the diminution of the air?
2. Whether as the particles of air themselves are at a distance from each other, there must not be some medium between them, proper for conveying sound, since otherwise it would stop at the first particle?
3. Whether the great difference we experience in hearing sounds at a distance, when the wind blows towards us from the sonorous body, or towards that from us, can be well accounted for by adding to or subtracting from the swiftness of sound, the degree of swiftness that is in the wind at the time? The latter is so small in proportion, that it seems as if it could scarce produce any sensible effect, and yet the difference is very great. Does not this give some hint, as if there might be a subtile fluid, the conductor of sound, which moves at different times in different directions over the surface of the earth, and whose motion may perhaps be much swifter than that of the air in our strongest winds; and that in passing through air, it may communicate that motion to the air which we call wind, though a motion in no degree so swift as its own?
4. It is somewhere related, that a pistol fired on the top of an exceeding high mountain, made a noise like thunder in the valleys below. Perhaps this fact is not exactly related: but if it is, would not one imagine from it, that the rarer the air, the greater sound might be produced in it from the same cause?
5. Those balls of fire which are sometimes seen passing over a country, computed by philosophers to be often 30 miles high at least, sometimes burst at that height; the air must be exceeding rare there, and yet the explosion produces a sound that is heard at that distance, and for 70 miles round on the surface of the earth, so violent too as to shake buildings, and give an apprehension of an earthquake. Does not this look as if a rare atmosphere, almost a vacuum, was no bad conductor of sound?
I have not made up my own mind on these points, and only mention them for your consideration, knowing that every subject is the better for your handling it. With the greatest esteem, I am, &c.
B.F.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to William Strahan, 20 July 1762
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Strahan, William

Dear Sir:
London, 20 July, 1762.
I received your very kind letter and invitation to Bath where I am sure I could spend some days very happily with you and Mrs. Strahan, if my time would permit; but the man-of-war, that is to be our convoy, is under sailing orders for the 30th of this month so that ’t is impossible for me to leave London till I leave it forever, having at least twenty days’ work to do in the ten days that are only left me.
I shall send to the Angel Inn in Oxford a parcel directed to you, containing books I send as presents to some acquaintance there; which I beg you would cause to be delivered. I shall write a line to one of them, as you desire. The parcel is to go by the Thursday’s coach.
I hope for the pleasure of seeing you before I set out. Billy and Mrs. Stevenson join in respects and best wishes for you and Mrs. Strahan, with, Dear Friend, Yours affectionately,
B. Franklin.
P.S. I feel here like a thing out of its place, and useless because it is out of its place. How then can I any longer be happy in England? You have great powers of persuasion, and might easily prevail on me to do any thing; but not any longer to do nothing. I must go home. Adieu.


Title: Charles Somerset Woodham to Samuel Soumain, 22 July 1762
From: Woodham, Charles Somerset
To: Soumain, Samuel

Dear Friend
Kingston Jamaica July 22. 62
My long Silence has no doubt made you conclude, I had quite forgot my old acquaintance, but the Motive of this cessation has not been owing to disrespect, but rather Idleness, therefore hope you will Excuse it; I some time ago Sent you a Power of Attorney to recover Some plate of mine in the hands of Mr. Franklan but you have never been kind enough to write me, if said plate is in [his] Possession, shoud therefore Esteem it a Singular [Favour] you would inform me how things are Situated, whether Mr. Franklan if you have got the plate obliged you to pay what they said was owing to ’em from Mr. Danills Estate, for that was the reason they refused sending the plate to me if you have advanced the Money I hope you have made Mr. Franklan make Path to his Debt, otherwise I cannot charge it to Mr. Daniells Estate, to whom I am the administrator; in Short advice me of your Proceedings, at same time Send an Account Current, that I may see what Ballance is due to you, and whatever it is, I will faithfully transmit it you, and give direction at same time, where I woud have you send my Plate. Mrs. Woodham joins in our best Respects to Self and Family Remains me Your Sincere Friend
Charles Somerset Woodham

I am just come from England propose seeing it again next year Via Philadelphia.

 Addressed: To / Mr. Samuel Soumain / Goldsmith / Philadelphia
Endorsed: Recd Octr 13–1762


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to William Strahan, 23 July 1762
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Strahan, William

Dear Straney:
London, 23 July, 1762.
As Dr. Hawkesworth calls you, I send you inclosed a line to my good friend Dr. Kelley; which you will do me the favour to deliver with the parcel directed to him. As it is vacation time I doubt whether any other acquaintance of mine may be in Oxford, or at least any on whose good nature I could so far presume; tho’ according to the way of the world, having received a civility, gives one a kind of right to demand another; they took the trouble of showing me Oxford, and therefore I might request them to show it to any of my friends. None of the Oxford people are under any other obligation to me than that of having already oblig’d me, and being oblig’d to go on as they have begun. My best respects to Mrs. Strahan, and love to little Peggy. They say we are to sail in a week or ten days. I expect to see you once more. I value myself much, on being able to resolve on doing the right thing, in opposition to your almost irresistible eloquence, secretly supported and backed by my own treacherous inclinations. Adieu, my Dear friend. Yours affectionately,
B. Franklin.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from James Short: Bill and Receipt, with notes on the Care of the Telescope, 28 July 1762
From: Short, James
To: Franklin, Benjamin

1762 July 28th
Dr. Franklin Dr. to James Short

To three new Speculums to a 2 foot reflecting
}
£ 10. 10. –

Telescope and reparations of the Brass work &c;

London 2d Aug. 1762 Received of Dr. Franklin the above Sum in full of all Demands
Jas Short

  [On the reverse side:]
  Endorsed: Mr Short £10. 10. 0

Rules given by Mr. Short to keep the Telescope in Order
1. Let the Speculums never be touch’d, or wip’d.
2. When the Tube in observing is left for any time open, let it be in a horizontal Position, that Dust may not settle either on the great or small Speculums, which would on one or the other, if the Tube be either elevated or depress’d.
It is the Dust does the Mischief as it attracts the Moisture and both corrode.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Mary Stevenson, 11 August 1762
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson

My Dear Polly
Portsmouth, Augt. 11. 1762
This is the best Paper I can get at this wretched Inn, but it will convey what is intrusted to it as faithfully as the finest. It will tell my Polly, how much her Friend is afflicted, that he must, perhaps never again, see one for whom he has so sincere an Affection, join’d to so perfect an Esteem; whom he once flatter’d himself might become his own in the tender Relation of a Child; but can now entertain such pleasing hopes no more; Will it tell how much he is afflicted? No, it cannot.

Adieu, my dearest Child: I will call you so; Why should I not call you so, since I love you with all the Tenderness, all the Fondness of a Father? Adieu. May the God of all Goodness shower down his choicest Blessings upon you, and make you infinitely Happier than that Event could have made you. Adieu. And wherever I am, believe me to be, with unalterable Affection, my Dear Polly, Your sincere Friend
B Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Sargent, 12 August 1762
From: Sargent, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir—
London 12 August 1763 [1762]General Post Office
By our Friends here I am enabled to convey the enclosed Trifles to you, which are the best I could meet with at present and cost 5 Guineas each.
You remember the Intention viz, for the two best Performances at the general Meeting or Publick Act of your College or Seminary.
The Subject of one to be, in a short English Discourse, or Essay “on the reciprocal Advantages arising from a perpetual Union between Great Britain and her American Colonies.”

The other Prize, for some Classical Exercise, that you shall think best suited to your Plan of Education and the Abilities of your young people.
I submit to your Judgment whether the former shall be confined to your Students or left open to every one, whether of the Seminary or not. Yourself and Mr. Norris your Speaker and any third [Here the copyist broke off, skipped the equivalent of about four lines, and continued the minutes of Feb. 8, 1763].


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Sargent Aufrere & Co., 12 August 1762
From: Sargent Aufrere & Co.
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
London 12th August 1762
We have just sent you by the Channel of the Post Office the two Gold Medal’s which you will apply as a mark of our good Wishes for your College, and now inclose a Letter of Credit which we hope you will never have occasion for, but if you should, we are persuaded the Name of B. M. da Costa whatever Port you are carried into will be respected and procure you all you wish. Whenever anything occurs in which we can either serve you or your Friends in Philadelphia, you may be assured of its being under taken by us with Zeal, punctuallity and the utmost Satisfaction, and that we are with the most sincere Regard Dear Sir Your most faithfull and obedient Servants
Sargent, Aufrere & Co
Benjn. Franklin Esqr.
 Addressed: To / Benjamin Franklin Esqr / at / Portsmouth / To be left at the Post / House till Call’d / for


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Sir Alexander Dick, 16 August 1762
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Dick, Sir Alexander

Dear Sir
Portsmouth, Augt. 16. 1762
I am now here just on the Point of departing for America. I cannot go without taking Leave of one from whom I received so many Civilities, so much real Kindness. Accept my sincerest Thanks, and do me the Justice to believe that wherever I am, I shall, while I live, retain a grateful Sense of your Favours. I cannot hope ever to see you in America; but possibly some Friends of yours may hereafter visit us. The least Line from you will make them welcome to me, and they may on your Account be assured of every Service in my Power. Be so good as to make my best Respects acceptable to your Lady and Children, and permit me to subscribe myself, with the most perfect Esteem, Dear Friend, Yours affectionately
B Franklin
Sir Alexr Dick


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to John Morgan, 16 August 1762
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Morgan, John

Dear Sir
Portsmouth, Augt. 16. 1762
I ought before now to have acknowledg’d the Receipt of a Letter from you after your Arrival in Scotland. It gave me a good deal of Pleasure to hear you were well receiv’d there, and that you conceiv’d your being there would prove advantageous to you. I have not now your Letter before me, or should answer it more particularly. I am just departing for America, waiting here only for a Wind. I wish you a prosperous Completion of your Studies, and in due time a happy Return to your Native Country, where if I can be of the least Service to you, I shall be glad of the Occasion. Being, with much Esteem, Your affectionate Friend and humble Servant
B Franklin
Present my Respects and best wishes to Mr. Russel, and Mr. McGowan when you see them. My Son stays a little longer in England.
Dr Morgan.
 Addressed: To / Mr. John Morgan / Edinburgh
Endorsed: from B: Franklin Esqr Portsmouth Augst. 16. 1762.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Lord Kames, 17 August 1762
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Kames, Henry Home, Lord

My Dear Lord,
Portsmouth, Augt. 17. 1762
I am now waiting here only for a Wind to waft me to America, but cannot leave this happy Island and my Friends in it, without extream Regret, tho’ I am going to a Country and a People that I love. I am going from the old World to the new; and I fancy I feel like those who are leaving this World for the next; Grief at the Parting; Fear of the Passage; Hope of the Future; these different Passions all affect their Minds at once; and these have tender’d me down exceedingly. It is usual for the Dying to beg Forgiveness of their surviving Friends if they have ever offended them. Can you, my Lord, forgive my long Silence, and my not acknowledging till now the Favour you did me in sending me your excellent Book? Can you make some Allowance for a Fault in others which you have never experienc’d in your self; for the bad Habit of postponing from Day to Day what one every Day resolves to do tomorrow? A Habit that grows upon us with Years, and whose only Excuse is that we know not how to mend it. If you are dispos’d to favour me, you will also consider how much one’s Mind is taken up and distracted by the many little Affairs one has to settle before the Undertaking such a Voyage after so long a Residence in a Country; and how little, in such a Situation, one’s Mind is fitted for serious and attentive Reading, which with regard to the Elements of Criticism I intended before I should write. I can now only confess and endeavour to amend. In packing up my Books I have reserved yours to read on the Passage. I hope I shall therefore be able to write to you upon them soon after my Arrival: At present I can only return my Thanks for them, and say, that the Parts I have read gave me both Pleasure and Instruction; that I am convinc’d of your Position, new as it was to me, that a good Taste in the Arts contributes to the Improvement of Morals; and that I have had the Satisfaction of hearing the Work universally commended by those who have read it.
And now, my Dear Sir, accept my sincerest Thanks for the Kindness you have shewn me, and my best Wishes of Happiness to you and yours. Where-ever I am, I shall esteem the Friendship you honour me with, as one of the Felicities of my Life; I shall endeavour to cultivate it by a more punctual Correspondence; and I hope frequently to hear of your Welfare and Prosperity. Adieu, my Dear Friend, and believe me ever Most affectionately yours
B Franklin
My Son presents his Compliments. He stays in England a little longer.
 Addressed: To / The right honourable Lord Kaims / at / Edinburgh [Edinburgh has been crossed out in another hand and Dunse added.] / Free Sam Potts
Endorsed: Aug 17 1762


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to William Strahan, 23 August 1762
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Strahan, William

Dear Sir,
Portsmouth, Monday, Augt. 23. 1762
I have been two Nights on board expecting to sail, but the Wind continuing contrary, am just now come on shore again, and have met with your kind Letter of the 20th. I thank you even for the Reproofs it contains, tho’ I have not altogether deserved them. I cannot, I assure you, quit even this disagreable Place without Regret, as it carries me still farther from those I love, and from the Opportunities of hearing of their Welfare. The Attraction of Reason is at present for the other Side of the Water, but that of Inclination will be for this side. You know which usually prevails. I shall probably make but this one Vibration and settle here for ever. Nothing will prevent it, if I can, as I hope I can, prevail with Mrs. F. to accompany me; especially if we have a Peace. I will not tell you, that to be near and with you and yours, is any part of my Inducement: It would look like a Complement extorted from me by your Pretences to Insignificancy. Nor will I own that your Persuasions and Arguments have wrought this Change in my former Resolutions: tho’ it is true that they have frequently intruded themselves into my Consideration whether I would or not. I trust, however, that we shall once more see each other and be happy again together, which God, etc.

My Love to Mrs. Strahan, and your amiable and valuable Children. Heaven bless you all, whatever becomes of Your much obliged and affectionate Friend
B Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Peter Collinson, 21 October 1762
From: Collinson, Peter
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Londn: Octor 21: 1762
I impatienly expect the good News of my Dear Franklin’s Safe Arrival. Wee regret Your Abscence, but there is a Time the Dearest Friends must Part but Wee Cherish our Minds with the Hopes of Long enjoyeing your Correspondence and Shareing in the Discoveries, the Effects of your Fruitfull Genius, which can happyly Imploye it Self, to your own Benefit or that of the Publick.
Distance can not remove you from our Solicitation. Mr. Fox thinks himself extreemly obliged to you for your Letter. This draws on you a Simular request from His Intimate Friend Mr. Hamilton which I here Inclose.
As you requested I insured for you £200 More. I give you Joye on your Sons promotion. I wish his Government may Sett Easie—for He has Two unruly Spirits, Sterling and Morris, to contend with, but assisted with your Council He will Surmount them all.
I am with Sincere Esteem your Affectionate Friend
P Collinson

Yesterday I had the pleasure of Breakfasting with your Son and takeing my Leave. Think He has a Sensible and Agreeable Wife. I wish them much Comfort together

1762
Ben Franklin
Dr

March 21
To Ballance of Account
£14:
19:
5

To: 35th Vol. Mod. History
}
taken with you

  To: 31 plate Inserts

0:
  6:
  6

0:
2:
6

  Augst: 13.
pd Insurance 15 guineas per Cent.
31:
10:
–

  21:
36 Vol Mod History
  0:
  6:
  6

£47:
4:
11

1762
Per Contra
Cr

Augt. 10:
By Net Draught
32:
9:
5

I am to Credit your account with return of Insurance when received.
I shall be Obliged to you for an Abstract of the Order of Councel for the Taxing Mr. Penns Land
The Modern Histy are for the Lib. Com.

  Addressed: To / Ben Franklin Esqr / in Philadelphia / These / per Capt Budden


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jane Mecom, 11 November 1762
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Mecom, Jane

Dear Sister,
Philada. Nov. 11. 1762.
I received your kind Letter of the 1st Instant. It was on that Day I had the great Happiness of finding my Family well at my own House after so long an Absence. I am well except a little Touch of the Gout, which my Friends say is no Disease. Cousin Benja. has been to see me as you supposed, and yesterday he return’d homewards. My Love to Brother Mecom and your Children. Excuse the shortness of this, as my Time is much taken up at present. I am, my Dear Sister, Your affectionate Brother
B Franklin

Billy stays in England a little longer. My Wife can’t write now but sends her Love.
 Addressed: To / Mrs Jane Mecom / Boston / Free / B Franklin


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Catharine Greene, 25 November 1762
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Greene, Catharine

My Dear Friend.
Philada: Nov 25th. 1762.
I received your kind congratulations on my return, and thank you cordially. It gives me great pleasure to hear you are married and live happily. You are a good Girl for complying with so essential a duty, and God will bless you. Make my compliments acceptable to your spouse; and fulfil your promise of writing to me; and let me know everything that has happened to you and your friends since my Departure, for I interest myself as much as ever in whatever relates to your Happiness. My best Respects to your Brother and Sister Ward, and Compliments on his advancement to the Government of your Colony; and believe me ever, My Dear Caty Your affectionate Friend and humble servant
B Franklin.
My wife and Daughter join in presenting their Respects.