Title: To George Washington from John Carey, 8 September 1796
From: Carey, John
To: Washington, George

          Sir,
          London Septemb. 8. 1796.

        when you consider the serious nature of the business, on which I have the honor to address you, I trust your good sense will induce you to overlook & excuse any impropriety or indelicacy which there may be in my writing to you on the subject. A few days since, I, for the first time, saw a book entitled “Epistles Domestic, &c. from General Washington.” As you also have probably seen it, I need not describe its contents. On reading it, I felt, what every honest man must feel, indignation & contempt for the anonymous editor. Happening luckily to be acquainted with some of the gentlemen who write for the Critical Review, I requested an indulgence which I scorned to ask last year when my own interests were concerned (i.e. on the publication of the two vols. of your “Official Letters”)—I requested & obtained permission to write a critique of the volume in question. I have the honor of inclosing it—for your own private inspection only, until it appear in print, which will be on the first of October with perhaps some alterations or amendments, if any occur in the interim between this first half execution of my thoughts, & my seeing the proof sheet. As soon as published, I shall do myself the honor of transmitting a printed copy of the Review that contains it.

        I regret extremely that I cannot (without openly avowing myself the author) point out to the public the prodigious incorrectness of Mr Duché’s letter. Having compared it with a correct copy which I have taken from the files, I find no less than one hundred and forty deviations from the genuine text; in which number I do not at all count orthography or punctuation.
        Permit me, Sir, to add, that I am much at a loss to know whether I ought openly to take any notice of this affair in case I should publish a continuation of your “Official Letters”; which I wish to do as soon as I can make it convenient. Perhaps some means may be found to guide my feeble & fallible judgment. I wish to act for the best: & if I err, the uprightness of my intention will, I trust, excuse me. I take it for granted that Mr Randolph has informed Your excellency of my intention respecting the whole letters, & passages of letters which I have omitted in my former publication—which is (as I informed him in 2 letters written in November last) not to publish them during your excellency’s lifetime, not even afterwards if deemed unadvisable by persons on whose judgment & integrity I can rely.
        I shall shortly take the liberty of waiting on Mr King, who may perhaps be able to furnish me with some useful advice—though I do not mean to inform him of my being the writer of the critique.
        I hope sir, you will excuse this incorrect & hasty scrawl—The vessel by which I mean to send it, is already down at Gravesend, & the captain just going—The same apology will serve for the critique. I have the honor to be, with very sincere respect, & warm wishes for your Excellency’s welfare & that of the U.S., Sir, your most obedt humble servant,

          John Carey.


Title: To George Washington from John Carey, 9 September 1796 [letter not found]
From: Carey, John
To: Washington, George

        Letter not found: from John Carey, 9 Sept. 1796. GW wrote Carey on 30 Dec.: “I have received your letters of the 8th and 9th of September” (DLC:GW).


Title: To George Washington from Timothy Pickering, 9 September 1796
From: Pickering, Timothy
To: Washington, George

          Sir,
          Department of State Septr 9. 1796.

        In draughting the letter of credence for Mr Pinckney, the motives for his appointment, arising out of the present state of things between the U. States & France, pressed me to depart from the usual formalities of this diplomatic instrument: it is therefore respectfully submitted to your consideration, for any alterations you may deem proper previous to its being transcribed. I also submit the draught of a letter to Mr Monroe, and of his letter of recall. With the highest respect I am, sir, your obt servt

          T. Pickering.


Title: To George Washington from Samuel Benjamin Morse, 10 September 1796
From: Morse, Samuel Benjamin
To: Washington, George

          Billerica (Massachusetts)Septr 10, 1796.
          Most excellent Sir,

        As you are the universal friend of mankind, and to numerous individuals in particular have manifested your bounty and generosity in divers ways and manners, I take the liberty relying on the great and noble disposition of your mind for an assurance of not giving offence, to request the favor of your smiles of beneficence in some way which it may be in your power or pleasure to grant. For to whom can I look with more propriety for assistance, than to the great and good Father of his country; whose wish is, that

al⟨l⟩ may be assisted, as far as the extensive sphere of his influence and ability can effect it.
        The favor I have to request, Sir, is the privelege of being employed as a Clerk in the Secretary of State’s Office; or in some other Office of profit and advantage of the like kind. As to my character, Sir, I believe I can obtain sufficient recommendation from General Lincoln; with whom indeed I cannot claim the honor of much personal acquaintance; but I am well known to, and acquainted with the Clergyman of the Parish, who can claim the honor of intimate friendship with the General. I further give you the trouble, great and good Sir, first to inform you that I have been regularly educated at Harvard University, and have received the honor of two degrees there. From the Government of the College I can produce the most honorable testimonials of my character and scholarship.
        If, Sir, it should at any time be consistent with your power and will, to bestow on me the Office above mentioned, or any other Clerkship, your granting me that favor would heighten, if possible, the love and admiration with which myself and millions of others are already filled at your unrivalled Greatness and Goodness. I am, Illustrious Sir, With the Profoundest Esteem and Respect Your devoted Servant

          Saml B. Morse


Title: To George Washington from Timothy Pickering, 10 September 1796
From: Pickering, Timothy
To: Washington, George

          Department of State Sept. 10. 1796.

        The Secretary of State respectfully submits to the President of the U. States a letter intended for Mr King, the occasion of which is exhibited in the accompanying letter from the deputy collector of Norfolk.

          T. Pickering


Title: To George Washington from John Sinclair, 10 September 1796
From: Sinclair, John
To: Washington, George

          sir
          Whitehall [London] Sepr 10th 1796.

        I had yesterday the pleasure of receiving your’s of the 12th of June, which Mr King had the goodness to take Charge of, & which he delayed delivering until my return from Scotland. The information which it contains regarding the Use of Gypsum, seems to be extremely important, and throws much Light upon a very curious & interesting branch of Husbandry. The difficulties you have found in collecting additional information respecting manures, convince me more and more, that the Farmers of

America want some Spur to acquire agricultural information, as well as a Spirit to communicate to others, what they have already acquired: In short, that they should read, speak, and write more, upon that Subject, than they are accustomed to at present. It is not yet Six Years since I began the Statistical & Agricultural Surveys, at which period, there were very few in the Island thought capable of giving a proper account either of a County or even a Parish, & now there are above a thousand, who have been so trained and educated to those investigations, that they are equal to any task of the sort. But that is in Consequence of a great deal of practice, & of those subjects having been so frequently discussed. For the common conversation of male Society, there are but three General Topics, namely Politics, Subjects of an amorous nature, & farming. Sir Robert Walpole, who was shy of speaking Politics, and knew nothing of farming, used to say that bawdy, to make use of his own vulgar expression, was the only conversation for a general company. But I happened to dine the other Day at Mr Secretary Dundas’s, where Mr Pitt was, and I was glad to find that our present Minister agreed with me in thinking that farming was a much better one.
        I am wandering however, from the Point to which I wish to call your Excellency’s attention. The People of this Country, as well as of America, learn with infinite regret, that you propose resigning your situation as President of the United States. I shall not enter into the Discussion of a Subject, of which I am so incompetent to judge; but if it is so, I hope that you will recommend some Agricultural Establishment, on a great Scale, before you quit the Reins of Government. By that, I mean, A Board of Agriculture, or some such Establishment at Philadelphia, with Societies of Agriculture in the Capital of each State to correspond with it. Such an Establishment would soon enable the farmers of America to acquire Agricultural Knowledge, and what is of equal importance, the ability of communicating what they have learnt, to their Countrymen.
        I scarcely think that any Government can be properly constituted, without such an Establishment. As mere individuals, 4 things are necessary; 1. food. 2. Clothing. 3. Shelter. 4. Mental Improvement. As Members of a large Community, 4 other points seem to be essential, namely, 1. Property. 2. Marriage. 3. Laws for our Direction in this world, and 4. Religion to prepare us for

another. But the foundation of the whole is food, and that Country must be the happiest, where that sine qua non can be most easily obtained. The first means of securing abundance of food, however, is by ascertaining the best mode of raising it, & rouzing a Spirit of industry for that purpose, for both of which, the countenance, & Protection of the Government of a Country, through the Medium of some Public Establishment, are absolutely essential. The trifling expence for which such an Institution might be kept up, is another argument in its favor.
        I am induced more particularly to dwell upon this Circumstance, as it might be in my power on various occasions to give useful hints to America, were I satisfied that they would be duly weighed, &, if approved of, acted upon. For instance you will herewith receive some Egyptian Wheat, which produces at the rate of 180 Bushels per English Acre. Indeed without such a Grain, so narrow a Country as Egypt could never have fed such Multitudes of People. I have no Doubt of its thriving in America equally well. It occurred to me also the other Day, that in the Southern States, both the Tea Plant, & the New Zealand kind of hemp might be raised in great perfection, and we could send over both these plants from this Country. Indeed I propose giving some of them in charge to Mr Pinckney. But to introduce any new article of produce, the countenance, & in some Cases, the assistance of the Government of a State is necessary. When once however the Practicability of cultivating any article is ascertained, unless it can stand upon its own bottom, it cannot be of any real advantage to a Nation.
        But I have already tired your Excellency with too long a Dissertation, which I am persuaded you will attribute to its real Cause, enthusiasm in favor of Agriculture, and respect for so valuable a friend to it, as General Washington. For other Particulars, I must refer to our intelligent friend Dr Edwards, to whose charge I take the Liberty of delivering a parcel, with some papers we have lately printed, and a Sandwich Box with the Egyptian Wheat, and some Straw Rings, of which I request your acceptance. Is there no chance of seeing General Washington in England? I should be proud of his accepting an apartment in this House, and I am sure that he would meet with the most flattering Reception in every part of the Island, but from none with more real

attachment & regard, than from Your Excellency’s Faithful & Obedient Servant

          John Sinclair

          N.B. Excuse my taking the liberty of using a borrowed hand. Dr Edwards will inform you, that I have of late been much troubled with an inflammation in my eyes, which I trust will be a sufficient apology. It will give me much pleasure to be of any use to Mr King, Mr Gore, or Mr Pinckney, during their residence in this Country. Indeed I have always felt a strong Desire of shewing every attention in my power to any American Gentleman who may have visited this Country; for though our Governments are now distinct, the People are in fact the same, without any possible inducement to quarrel, if they knew their respective interests, and with every reason to wish each other well, and to promote their mutual Prosperity.


Title: To George Washington from James Anderson, 11 September 1796
From: Anderson, James
To: Washington, George

          Sir
          Salvington [Va.] 11 Septr 1796

        I have the Honor of receiving Your favors of 5th Yesterday And am sorry You think me not so explicit as I should have been, I will say my intention in it is remote from deceit, that sort of conduct I think myself a stranger to. And the respectability of Your Character has a different claim from all who know it.
        I now beg leave more fully to explain myself And give an Account of my manner of life My Father was a Farmer in Scotland

on the River Forth nearly 40 miles above Edinh And at the Age of 21 thinking the business more fully understood upon the English border I agreed with a Gentleman, Famous in Farming, Feeding Horned Cattle & Sheep, in Summer on Grass, and in Winter on Potatoes, Turnip & Hay, Had a good Dairy, properly managed. with Him I was an apprentice 2 Years at the expiry of which I took the management of a large Estate possest by His uncle an Old Gentn which I conducted for 3 Years. And I beleive with approbation. For 19 Years after I farmed on my own account, 18 of which I was also largely in the Grain line, And had several manufactering Mills, But by the failure of a Sett of Distillers in 1788 I nearly lost all, And many more were ruined.
        In begining of 1791 I came to this Country. and during a few weeks stay in Alex[and]ria was once on Your Estate at Mount Vernon in Company with Messrs Prescott & Hannah, this was in Feby 1791 when You was in Philadelphia I then formed some Opinion of Your business, and was led to think from the regularity You might require in keeping Your Books, much time would be spent in that way, And of course prevent that strict Attention, Absolutely necessary, to all the parts of the Estate, and the Stock thereon, this induced me to make the former remark, this You have fully explained—In the spring 1791 I rented a Farm of poor Land on the upper part of Fairfax County in which I did not find my expectations Answered—In the begining of 1793 I took the Management of Mr Prescotts Estate in Prince William 1100 Acres Land on which there was 14 or 15 Slaves employed—The narrowness of that Gentlemans circumstances, prevented the neccessary improvements being made, And induced me to relinquish the business—In 1795 I came here, the Estate is 1700 Acres of Land, one part on the Creek fine meadow, the other part Hilly & poor, last Year I had no Assistant. this I have one. We employ about 25 hands, We have a Distillery which I also Conduct. And turns to good Account, my Incomes besides Board &c. are upward this Year of £100 I take some share in this Distillery—And beg leave to Observe that I do think one properly conducted is one of the best means for the improving of a Farm, As by feeding, so much manure is procured which otherwise could not be obtained. And if properly compounded & applyed will not fail in Answering the Farmers expectations.
        I beg leave here to appeal to Your knowledge, & experience,

that tho, dividing the Soil by proper ploughings & Harrowings, laying down & Following proper Schemes for the Rotation of Crops, Intermixing pasture therein will do much. Yet without the assistance of manure will never Fully improve the Land.
        I should have added in the Accot of myself that I still have a small Farm in Loudon, But if You are pleased to employ me I will give up—I now have no Fortune, but cannot say I am poor And I am contented. And my present situation is agreable. My employer a Young unmarried man, Mr Cary Selden, His Mother a Lady advanced in life and sister of John F. Mercer of Marborough, with whom I suppose You are accquainted—And I am I think in good Company. But permit me to say I would prefer Your employ to any I know of, provided I could render it profitable to You—& worth my while. And if this reciprocity of Interests are not Answered I would never wish to be employed.
        I shall be very ready to wait on You whenever You do incline. And have ventured this to Philadelphia not doubting of its arrival in time And with much respect I have the Honor to be Sir Your most Obedt Humble servt

          Jas Anderson


Title: From George Washington to William Pearce, 11 September 1796
From: Washington, George
To: Pearce, William

          Mr Pearce,
          Philadelphia 11th Sep. 1796

        Your letter of the 4th instt came to my hands yesterday, and the one you wrote me from Chester Town has also been received. My last would have informed you of the reason, which, probably, prevented your receiving a former one at that place, but which I expect has got to hand ’ere this; as the Postmaster was requested, in case you had left it to send it by the Mail to Alexandria.
        As your letter says very little with respect to the Situation of matters on the Farms, I have the less to say in answer to it. But wish that the Wheat may be sown as soon as possible; but not faster than the ground can be put in good Order for its reception; especially for that which was sent by Mr Lewis.
        Having made no mention of Stuart, I hope he has got well again; from the Tenor of Washington’s letter, I began to apprehend he was in danger. As you have said nothing concerning the Fly, in your stacks, I hope his account in this respect also was more the effect of his fears than of accurate examination; but let it be closely attended to; for neither interest nor policy will Suffer a Crop made, to be lost, in order to prepare for another which a thousand accidents may destroy before it gets into the Barn: and when, possibly, and even probably, the price may be lower than it is at present by 50 pr Ct. This, supposing no danger from the fly, is a strong reason for grinding up & selling the flour before the Market is glutted with this article, from Wheat of this years growth.
        Do not let the proper Season escape you, for sowing the Winter Vetch—I should conceive it ought not to be much longer delayed. But among the Books you have, of mine, it is probable the precise time, & quantity of Seed to the Acre, may be mentioned. Let these be attended to; and unless the directions are given in some authors of modern date, be more sparing of your seed than is mentioned by them. I recollect a year or two ago to have sent some rape Seed to Mount Vernon, but do not recollect what has been the result of it: but particular care ought always to be paid to these kind of Seeds, as they are, generally, given to me, because they are valuable—rare—or curious.
        I hope you have received favorable answers from the persons you were in treaty with on the Eastern Shore. It is very interesting

to me, at all times, to have good Overseers; but may be particular so next year. Did you receive any benefit from Doctr Perkins’s Metallic application. which, possibly ought to be repeated & continued for sometime. I wish you well & am Your friend

          Go: Washington


Title: To George Washington from Robert Fulton, 12 September 1796
From: Fulton, Robert
To: Washington, George

          Sir
          London September 12th 1796

        By my Friend Dr Edwards I beg leave to present you with this publication; which I hope will be honoured with your Perusal at a Leisure hour; The object of which is to Exhibit the Certain mode of Giving Agriculture to every Acre of the immense Continent of America; By means of A Creative System of Canals.
        When this Subject first entered my thoughts, I had no Idea of its Consequence: But the scene Gradually opened and at Length exhibited the most extensive and pleasing prospect of Improvements; hence, I now Consider it of much national Importan[c]e; And View it Like the application of those particuler principles which produce certain effects.
        Thus the discovery of the Mariners Compass Gave Commerce to the World.
        The Invention of printing is dissipating darkness and giving a Polish to the Mass of Men.

        And the Introduction of the Creative System of Canals as certain in their Effects: will Give an Agricultural Polish To every Acre of America.
        I Therefore Beg Leave to Submit to your Contemplation the Last Chapter with the Supplement; which exhibits the Specific System for America: And hoping that your Excellencies Sanction will awaken the Public attention to the Subject: I Remain with all possible Respect your Excellencies most Obedient And Very humble Servant—

          Robert Fulton


Title: To George Washington from William Augustine Washington, 12 September 1796
From: Washington, William Augustine
To: Washington, George

          My Dr Unkle
          Haywood [Va.] Sept. 12th 1796

        Wishing to make a remittance to Judge Phillips, for the use of my Sons, I dispatched my Steward with the inclosed Letters to Fredericksbg with 150 Dollars Alexandria Bank Notes, desiring him to exchange them for Bank Notes of the United States, which he was not able to accomplish in the Towns of Port Royal, Fredericksbg, Falmouth or Dumfries, he brought back my Letter & Money—As you were so obliging as to say you would make Remittances for me, “the means being put into your hands”; I have taken the Liberty of Inclosing you, with the inclosed Letters, 150 Dollars Notes of the Bank of Alexandria, and shall esteem it a particular favr if you will exchange them for United States, or a Bill on Boston, and remit it with the inclosed Letter to Judge Phillips—I have in my Letter to Judge Phillips taken the Liberty of mentioning that the remittance would now be made thro’ you, mentioning at the same time my disappointment—I do

not know whether he is in advance or not for me, having made a remittance of 200 Dollars this Spring—& when I left Boston I had paid up in advance for their schooling & Board, & left some Money with Judge Phillips for their necessary supplys, but I would allways wish to keap Money in his hands, so that he should never be in advance for me.
        Our relation Mrs Mildred Lee, is no more, I have just recd a Letter from Mr Corbin Washington informing me that she expired the 8th Inst.
        It give me much pleasure to hear that you & Mrs Washington enjoy good health, which may you long continue to do is the fervent prayer of My Dr sir Your Affectionate Nephew

          Wm Augt. Washington


Title: To George Washington from “A Friend to the People,” 13 September 1796
From:
To:

          Sir,
          Baltimore Septr 13th 1796

        Have we not a right as a nation, to demand the Marquis La’ Fayette as a Citizen of our Country. The People love him—we all love him—and our God knows his goodness and virtue.

          A Friend to the People


Title: To George Washington from John Searson, 13 September 1796
From: Searson, John
To: Washington, George

          Philada 13 Sepr 1796

        The misfortunes of an honest man Struggling with dire distress, has in all ages been look’d upon, by Compassionate and Benevolent minds with noted Commisseration, Scenes of a truly afflictive nature (tho’ Innocent of the Cause of them) has fallen to my Lot, notwithstanding my formerly being a Reputable Wholesale merchant in this City. from such vicissitude in Human affairs, Have made application to the Humane for Relief, And Since my late arrival in this City, your Excellency was pointed out to me by Some friends as most Suitable, from your Excellency’s Humane and Charitable Character—I was lately Informed there was a vacancy for the place of Clerk at the War office—Two of my friends viz. Blair McClenaghan & John Taylor Esqr. accompanied me to Willm Symmonds Esqr. first or disposing Clerk in that office, But alas! Could not Succeed. Nothing therefore offering, that I can yet see for a Support, beg leave to throw my Self at the feet of your Excellency’s Humanity for such Relief as to your Humane Breast may Seem meet. Should my application meet notice, I Lodge at No. 22 Carter’s alley near 2nd Street—I have the Honor to be, (may it please your Excellency) with the most profound Regard, Humility and Respect, and with Prayer to Heaven for long Life prosperity and every Earthly Bliss—Your Excellency’s Most Devoted and Humble Servant

          Jno. Searson


Title: To George Washington from William Thornton, 13 September 1796
From: Thornton, William
To: Washington, George

        Washington, D.C., 13 September 1796. Thornton supported GW’s desire to construct and fund a national university in the Federal City. He discussed practical challenges related to such an institution and its best location.


Title: From George Washington to the Cabinet, 14 September 1796
From: Washington, George
To: Cabinet

          Sir,
          Philadelphia 14th Sept. 1796

        As I cannot, without peculiar inconvenience to my private concerns, remain in this City beyond sunday next, I desire that all the business in your department which calls for my immediate attention, may be presented to me in the course of this week.

          Go: Washington


Title: To George Washington from James McHenry, 14 September 1796
From: McHenry, James
To: Washington, George

            (private)
            Sir
            War Office 14 Septr 1796

          If you have a few minutes to spare I could wish you to examine the within conditions for a new contract for cannon. The old contract was too defective to serve as a model or guide in any one respect. The public must be a considerable looser by it; and the cannon which we shall be obliged to recive by no means to be relied on. With the greatest respect I have the honour to be Sir your most ob. st

            James McHenry

          The mail to Pittsburg is altered. Letters must be in the office on friday before sun down.


Title: To George Washington from Timothy Pickering, 14 September 1796
From: Pickering, Timothy
To: Washington, George

            Sir,
            Department of State Sept. 14. 1796.

          I submit to your consideration the inclosed draught of instructions for Messrs Ellicott & Freeman, for running the boundary line between the U. States and the Spanish colonies of East & West Florida; and am, most repectfully, your obedt servant

            T. Pickering

          I have just heard that Capt. German is arrived, & consequently Mr Pinckney, from Charleston.


Title: From George Washington to Robert Brooke, 15 September 1796
From: Washington, George
To: Brooke, Robert

          Sir,
          Philadelphia 15th Sept: 1796

        The Commonwealth of Virginia, having manifested their approbation of my design, to apply the hundred shares in the James River Company, which they had before put at my disposal, to the use of a Siminary to be erected in such part of the State as they should deem most proper; and in consequence of this reference to their opinion, the Legislature having requested me to appropriate them to a Siminary at such place in the upper

Country as I should think most convenient to a majority of its Inhabitants: After careful enquiries, to ascertain that place, I have, upon the fullest consideration of all circumstances, destined those Shares to the use of Liberty-Hall Academy, in Rockbridge County.
        It would seem to me proper that this determination should be promulgated by some official act of the Executive of Virginia; and the Legislature may expect it; for the purpose of general information. With due consideration & respect I am—Sir Your Most Obedt Hble Servt

          Go: Washington


Title: To George Washington from Timothy Pickering, 15 September 1796
From: Pickering, Timothy
To: Washington, George

          Sir

            Thursday Evening [15 September 1796]

        The paper you put into my hands to-day was attentively perused by us all. I am now going over it by myself, but it will not be possible to get thro’ in time to return it before bed-time. Before breakfast in the morning I will wait upon you with it. I am most respectfully your obt servt

          T. Pickering


Title: To George Washington from Joseph Barnes, 17 September 1796
From: Barnes, Joseph
To: Washington, George

          London Sept. 17th 1796

        General Washington—I address you thus because to this name are annexed the greatest possible Virtues. When I reflect, that you were the first and great Patron of my deceased friend Mr Rumsey, my feelings revolt at the Idea, nor could any thing other than the peculiar circumstances under which I have been excuse,

my not having Since in England written to you on the Subject of his objects: A history of which will apologize for my long Silence this I mean to prepare.
        At present I can only give you a general Idea—When the arbitrators appointed by the proprietors of Mr Rumseys Patents to Settle all matter between me, being the Legal representative of Mr Rumsey, And Rogers & Parker made their Award in March 1795—by which the payment of £2500 which R. & P. had Acknowledged due on one of Rumsey’s Machines having performed, as they conceived, as pr agreement, & which of course I expected was Suspended, neither they nor I had the means or money to advance to prosecute the Rumseian objects; of consequence they have necessarily Since remained Stationary.
        However having, from a course of experiments, made for the purpose, Satisfied ourselves, that if proper means be used the most important of Sd objects will Succeed, particularly the Steam Navigation, which was Mr Rumsey’s hobby horse—we agreed, as Soon as money requisite could be raised to recommence the prosecution & determine the fate or demonstrate the Utility of the objects in question, by practical experiment: Indeed, I Shall never rest Satisfied till this is done. Parker has Since made a Large fortune in France, where he yet is, on his return I mean to consult him on this business.
        Being thus necessarily detained & not wishing to Lose time, a Gentln, who came over with me, and myself purchased about 140000 Acres of Land, Situated in the States of Kentuckey & Virginia, at 1/3 Stirg pr Acre; 100000 Acres of which we contracted with a person to Settle on perpetual Lease at 1/ Stirg pr Acre, pr Annum, to commence the third year after the respective residence of the People, Who are chiefly on the Same: the remaining 40000 Acres we allotted to Sell to defray the necessary expences, part of which is Sold at 6/ pr Acre, & I have no doubt but the remainder will Sell for more.
        To facilitate the Sale of these Lands, & others, by exchange for goods and the Last for cash, I have Long Since opened a commercial house in this City; 36 Queen St. cheapsides.
        A friend of mine, General, Mr Nicholson having made application in favor of me to Succeed Mr Johnson as Consul, and as the obtainment of this object would So establish my respectability as to enable me to effect all my objects here, and knowing that General Washington ever wishes to distinguish, or prefer a man

only from merit, & that his merit is in proportion to the Service he has rendered to Society, I conceive it proper to observe, that when you consider general, that I have Spent ten years upward & many thousand pounds in the constant pursuit of Philosophical & Mechanical Enquiries & experiments the objects of which is Public Utility; And that Some years more must necessarily be devoted to effect the objects of Sd pursuit, I flatter myself General you will give the application of my friends due consideration, & that these circumstances will tend to preponderate the Scale in my favor, for the office in question, or any other which you may conceive I merit, or am qualified for. I can have any recommendation from Robt Barclay, Wm Vaughan Esqre & others of this city. With grateful esteem I remain General Washington yours most respectfully

          Jos. Barnes

          P.S. I have not yet Published my Manuscript Book on Hydraulics, Hydrostatics & Mechanics, which contains more new matter and demonstration & will be of greater Utility than any Book extant on these objects—to my knowledge—When Published you shall have the first copy.

            J.B.


Title: GW’s Farewell Address: Editorial Note
From:
To:

          In the preparation of his farewell address to the American people, GW, as he often did for important documents, sought the assistance of others he thought were superior in literary ability. When he had considered resignation in 1792, he turned to James Madison. In 1796 his primary collaborator was Alexander Hamilton.

          The starting point for the 1796 address was Madison’s earlier draft. By February 1796, GW had written a new draft that consisted of a brief introduction, a full quotation of Madison’s draft, and a somewhat longer section of additional thoughts inspired by the “considerable changes having taken place both at home & abroad” during his second term. While Hamilton was at Philadelphia in February to argue before the Supreme Court, GW showed the draft to him and mentioned a wish that Hamilton should edit the final document. He did not, however, give the address to Hamilton at that time. On 10 May, Hamilton wrote GW, noting that if he was to have sufficient time to edit, he should have GW’s final draft as soon as it was completed. Upon receiving Hamilton’s letter, GW sent him the draft, by this time slightly altered.
          In his instructions to Hamilton, GW expressed his fondness for the structure of the draft, because he hoped that quoting an address written by Madison, who was now a leading opponent of his policies, might shield him from some criticism. Nonetheless, he authorized Hamilton “to throw the whole into a different form,” requesting, however, that even in that case, Hamilton should revise GW’s original draft to perfect it as well.
          After receiving the draft, Hamilton enlisted the assistance of John Jay. The two agreed to meet at Jay’s house to discuss the address. By the time of that meeting, Hamilton had decided to avail himself of GW’s authorization. He used GW’s draft to compile an abstract of points to include and then wrote out a new address embodying those points in a new structure without the quotation. Setting GW’s draft aside, Hamilton and Jay considered the new draft “paragraph by paragraph, until the whole met with our mutual approbation. Some amendments were made during the interview, but none of much importance.” Hamilton transmitted the result to GW on 30 July.
          As requested, Hamilton then turned to revising GW’s original draft without altering its structure, and he submitted that draft to GW on 10 August.
          After considering the various drafts, GW concluded that he preferred the reorganized document to his first draft or to Hamilton’s revision in that form. He returned the preferred draft to Hamilton on 25 Aug. for further revision, adding, “I shall expunge all that is marked in the paper as unimportant &ca &ca

and as you perceive some marginal notes, written with a pencil, I pray you to give the sentiments so noticed mature consideration.” He also requested that any change be clearly marked so as to prevent mistakes “in copying it for the Press.”
          Before Hamilton could respond, GW wrote him again on 1 Sept. suggesting the addition of a section on education. Hamilton thought that subject better reserved for GW’s annual address to Congress, and so informed GW in a letter of 4 September. However, when he returned the draft on 5 Sept., “corrected agreeably to your intimations,” it included “a short paragraph added respecting Education.” Feeling too ill to rewrite the address in a fair copy, Hamilton contented himself with marking corrections on the draft he had received from GW.
          The draft once again in hand, GW wrote out, in his own hand, the final copy for the printer. On 15 Sept. he submitted that copy to his cabinet, who recommended few, if any, changes and none of substance. That same day, he summoned David C. Claypoole, editor of Claypoole’s American Daily Advertiser, and the two made arrangements for the publication of the address in that paper on 19 September. As the final copy was then in Secretary of State Timothy Pickering’s possession, GW promised that it would be delivered to Claypoole the next morning. Claypoole received the copy and later submitted proof sheets and revises to GW, who, he noted, made “but few alterations from the original, except in the punctuation, in which he was very minute.” The address was printed on 19 Sept., but given a date of 17 Sept., for reasons not entirely clear (perhaps GW returned the final revise on that date). After Claypoole published the letter, he expressed a wish, which GW granted, to retain the manuscript original from which the printed version was prepared. That document is presented below.
          Although the process of composition is quite clear from the existing correspondence, relating that record to the surviving drafts is problematic. The specific problem is with the item that GW sent to Hamilton on 25 Aug. and Hamilton returned on 5 Sept., as there are substantial discrepancies between the surviving version of Hamilton’s reorganized draft and the description of the draft in those letters. Horace Binney, the earliest writer to attempt An Inquiry into the Formation of Washington’s Farewell Address, posited, not unreasonably, that on 30 July Hamilton had

sent to GW not the surviving draft, but a fair copy thereof. The surviving draft, Binney thought, was Hamilton’s retained copy. He did not know, however, that the surviving draft had on it some pencil notes in GW’s writing.
          The existence of those notes (which seemed to fit the reference in GW’s letter of 25 Aug. to marginal notes in pencil) and the large number of corrections on the surviving draft, encouraged Victor H. Paltsits to conclude that Binney was wrong to search for a missing draft when “there is none.” Paltsits, however, did not address the discrepancy between those notes and what GW had written in the letter. GW informed Hamilton that there were certain paragraphs marked as “unimportant &ca &ca” that would be omitted and other marginal notes in pencil to be considered. The penciled notes on the surviving draft are present only at paragraphs that were eventually deleted from the address, and they all state only “omitted in address.” Oddly, the final draft that GW sent to the printer includes those same paragraphs (although struck out) with marginal notations (also struck out) that better match the description given to Hamilton. Nor did Paltsits address the fact that the many revisions on the surviving draft are purely stylistic not substantive—exactly the sort of changes that Jay remembered being made to the manuscript during his interview with Hamilton.
          To believe that there was only a single draft copy sent by Hamilton on 30 July, returned by GW on 25 Aug., and revised by Hamilton in accordance with GW’s suggestions and returned again to GW on 5 Sept. is to believe that GW did not (as he wrote) mark anything on the draft as “unimportant &c &c” although he included such notes in his final copy; that the additional pencil notations were so thoroughly erased that no one who has later examined the surviving draft has reported any traces of them; that in the completely erased notations, GW, who had turned to Hamilton to perfect his language, made suggestions entirely about matters of style (and then made substantive alterations as well as many more stylistic changes in the transition from that draft to the final copy); that Hamilton was unable to fit the “short” paragraph on education in the margins of the draft, but wrote it on a separate paper that has now been lost; that despite GW’s instructions about marking the draft, Hamilton returned his corrections in a form where their placement is not always

clear; and that GW, who was concerned enough about the security of the mails to send the draft under cover to Jay rather than to Hamilton, was willing to send by mail his only copy of the preferred text. Surely it is reasonable to consider alternatives.
          The hypothesis that best fits the known facts is that on 30 July Hamilton sent the draft that he and Jay had marked up in their interview, without making a fair copy, thus placing that document in GW’s possession. Before responding to Hamilton on 25 Aug., however, GW had a fair copy made on which he wrote the marginal notations he described and which he sent to Hamilton, retaining the original Hamilton draft as his copy. This copy, which Hamilton revised and returned on 5 Sept., has not been found. Once GW received Hamilton’s revisions, he made a new copy, incorporating those revisions and any others that he desired but retaining the paragraphs to be deleted with their corresponding marginal notes, so that the cabinet could consider them. When the cabinet suggested no changes, he struck out those paragraphs and submitted that copy to the printer. At that time he also marked the corresponding paragraphs on the surviving draft as “omitted in address.”
          This hypothesis with its assumption of a missing draft does not alter the basic conclusion reached by Binney, Paltsits, and most others who have examined the Farewell Address: the ideas are GW’s, the structure is Hamilton’s, and the language is some indeterminable combination of the two, with contributions from Jay and Madison, all subject to GW’s final approval. It does suggest that the editorial changes on the surviving draft provide no information about GW’s contributions to the address, since they most likely were made before he received that document. More importantly, historians should be reluctant to attribute differences between the final copy and the surviving draft solely to GW. It is more likely that Hamilton altered much of the language in accordance with GW’s intimations on the missing draft. Only the changes marked as corrections on the final copy may be presumed to come from GW alone.


Title: Farewell Address, 19 September 1796
From: Washington, George
To:

            Friends & Fellow-Citizens
            United States 19th September 1796

          The period for a new election of a Citizen, to Administer the Executive government of the United States, being not far distant, and the time actually arrived, when your thoughts must be employed in designating the person, who is to be cloathed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that I should now apprise you of the resolution I have formed, to decline being considered among the number of those, out of whom a choice is to be made.
          I beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice to be assured, that this resolution has not been taken, without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation, which binds a dutiful citizen to his country—and that, in withdrawing the tender of service which silence in my situation might imply, I am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future interest; no deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness; but am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both.
          The acceptance of, & continuance hitherto in, the office to which your Suffrages have twice called me, have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. I constantly hoped, that it would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives, which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement, from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to do this, previous to the last Election, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you; but mature reflection on the then perplexed & critical posture of our Affairs with foreign Nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea.
          I rejoice, that the state of your concerns, external as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of duty, or propriety; & am persuaded whatever partiality may be retained for my services, that in the present circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove my determination to retire.

          The impressions with which I first undertook the arduous trust, were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I will only say, that I have with good intentions, contributed towards the Organization and administration of the government, the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. Not unconscious, in the out set, of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; and every day the encreasing weight of years admonishes me more and more, that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied that if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my services, they were temporary, I have the consolation to believe, that while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it.
          In looking forward to the moment, which is intended to terminate the career of my public life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgement of that debt of gratitude which I owe to my beloved country, for the many honors it has conferred upon me; still more for the stedfast confidence with which it has supported me; and for the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment, by services faithful & persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country from these services, let it always be remembered to your praise, and as an instructive example in our annals, that, under circumstances in which the Passions agitated in every direction were liable to mislead, amidst appearances sometimes dubious, viscissitudes of fortune often discouraging, in situations in which not unfrequently want of Success has countenanced the spirit of criticism, the constancy of your support was the essential prop of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans by which they were effected. Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with me to my grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing vows that Heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence—that your Union & brotherly affection my be perpetual—that the free constitution, which is the work of your hands, may be sacredly maintained—that its Administration in every department may be stamped with wisdom and virtue—that, in fine, the happiness of the people of these States, under the auspices of liberty, may be made

complete, by so careful a preservation and so prudent a use of this blessing as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the applause, the affection—and adoption of every nation which is yet a stranger to it.
          Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your welfare, which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger, natural to that solicitude, urge me on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent review, some sentiments; which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all important to the permanency of your felicity as a People. These will be offered to you with the more freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to biass his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an encouragement to it, your endulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion.
          Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment.
          The Unity of Government which constitutes you one people is also now dear to you. It is justly so; for it is a main Pillar in the Edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquility at home, your peace abroad; of your safety; of your prosperity; of that very Liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee, that from different causes & from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly & insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment, that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national Union, to your collective & individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual & immoveable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the Palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our Country from the

rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts.
          For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens by birth or choice, of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections. The name of AMERICAN, which belongs to you, in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of Patriotism, more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same Religion, Manners, Habits & political Principles. You have in a common cause fought and triumphed together—the independence & Liberty you possess are the work of joint councils, and joint efforts—of common dangers, sufferings and successes.
          But these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to your sensibility are greatly outweighed by those which apply more immediately to your Interest. Here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding & preserving the Union of the whole.
          The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, protected by the equal Laws of a common government, finds in the productions of the latter, great additional resources of maritime & commercial enterprise and precious materials of manufacturing industry. The South in the same Intercourse, benefitting by the Agency of the North, sees its agriculture grow & its commence expand. Turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the North, it finds its particular navigation envigorated; and while it contributes, in different ways, to nourish & increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength, to which itself is unequally adapted. The East, in a like intercourse with the West, already finds, and in the progressive improvement of interior communications, by land & water, will more & more find a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home. The West derives from the East supplies requisite to its growth & comfort—and what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions to the weight, influence, and the future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an indissoluble community of Interest as one Nation. Any other tenure by which the West can hold this essential

advantage, whether derived from its own seperate strength, or from an apostate & unnatural connection with any foreign Power, must be intrinsically precarious.
          While then every part of our country thus feels an immediate & particular Interest in Union, all the parts combined cannot fail to find in the united mass of means & efforts greater strength, greater resource, proportionably greater security from external danger, a less frequent interruption of their Peace by foreign Nations; and, what is of inestimable value! they must derive from Union an exemption from those broils and Wars between themselves, which so frequently afflict neighbouring countries, not tied together by the same government; which their own rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, attachments & intriegues would stimulate and imbitter. Hence likewise they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military establishments, which under any form of Government are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to Republican Liberty: In this sense it is, that your Union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of the other.
          These considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting & virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the UNION as a primary object of Patriotic desire. Is there a doubt, whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere? Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal. We are authorized to hope that a proper organization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective Subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the experiment. ’Tis well worth a fair and full experiment. With such powerful and obvious motives to Union, affecting all parts of our country, while experience shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those, who in any quarter may endeavor to weaken its bands.
          In contemplating the causes wch may disturb our Union, it occurs as matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by Geographical discriminations—Northern and Southern—Atlantic and Western; whence designing men may endeavour to excite a belief that

there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence, within particular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions & aims of other Districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart burnings which spring from these misrepresentations. They tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. The Inhabitants of our Western country have lately had a useful lesson on this head. They have seen, in the Negociation by the Executive, and in the unanimous ratification by the Senate, of the Treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event, throughout the United States, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the General Government and in the Atlantic states unfriendly to their Interests in regard to the Mississippi. They have been witnesses to the formation of two Treaties, that with G: Britain and that with Spain, which secure to them every thing they could desire, in respect to our Foreign relations, towards confirming their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the Union by wch they were procured? Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who would sever them from their Brethren and connect them with Aliens?
          To the efficacy and permanency of Your Union, a Government for the whole is indispensable. No Alliances however strict between the parts can be an adequate substitute. They must inevitably experience the infractions & interruptions which all Alliances in all times have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a Constitution of Government, better calculated than your former for an intimate Union, and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. This government, the offspring of our own choice uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its Laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true Liberty. The basis of our political systems is the

right of the people to make and to alter their Constitutions of Government. But the Constitution which at any time exists, ’till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole People, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and the right of the People to establish Government presupposes the duty of every Individual to obey the established Government.
          All obstructions to the execution of the Laws, all combinations and associations, under whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, controul counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and action of the Constituted authorities are distructive of this fundamental principle and of fatal tendency. They serve to organize faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary force—to put in the place of the delegated will of the Nation, the will of a party; often a small but artful and enterprizing minority of the Community; and, according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the public administration the Mirror of the ill concerted and incongruous projects of faction, rather than the Organ of consistent and wholesome plans digested by common councils and modefied by mutual interests. However combinations or Associations of the above description may now & then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the course of time and things, to become potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the Power of the People, & to usurp for themselves the reins of Government; destroying afterwards the very engines which have lifted them to unjust dominion.
          Towards the preservation of your Government and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite, not only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles however specious the pretexts. One method of assault may be to effect, in the forms of the Constitution, alterations which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited, remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of Governments, as of other human institutions—that experience is the surest standard, by which to test the real tendency of the existing Constitution of a country—that facility in changes upon the credit of mere hypotheses & opinion exposes to perpetual

change, from the endless variety of hypotheses and opinion: and remember, especially, that for the efficient management of your common interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a Government of as much vigour as is consistent with the perfect security of Liberty is indispensable—Liberty itself will find in such a Government, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest Guardian. It is indeed little else than a name, where the Government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to confine each member of the Society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property.
          I have already intimated to you the danger of Parties in the State, with particular reference to the founding of them on Geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, & warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the Spirit of Party, generally.
          This spirit, unfortunately, is inseperable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human Mind. It exists under different shapes in all Governments, more or less stifled, controuled, or repressed; but in those of the popular form it is seen in its greatest rankness and is truly their worst enemy.
          The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge natural to party dissention, which in different ages & countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders & miseries, which result, gradually incline the minds of men to seek security & repose in the absolute power of an Individual: and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of Public Liberty.
          Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight) the common & continual mischiefs of the spirit of Party are sufficient to make it the interest and the duty of a wise People to discourage and restrain it.
          It serves always to distract the Public Councils and enfeeble the Public Administration. It agitates the Community with ill founded jealousies and false alarms, kindles the animosity of one

part against another, foments occasionally riot & insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence & corruption, which find a facilitated access to the government itself through the channels of party passions. Thus the policy and the will of one country, are subjected to the policy and will of another.
          There is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the Administration of the Government and serve to keep alive the spirit of Liberty. This within certain limits is probably true—and in Governments of a Monarchical cast Patriotism may look with endulgence, if not with favour, upon the spirit of party. But in those of the popular character, in Governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. And there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate & assuage it. A fire not to be quenched; it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest instead of warming it should consume.
          It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free Country should inspire caution, in those entrusted with its administration, to confine themselves within their respective Constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the Powers of one department to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create whatever the form of government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it, which predominates in the human heart is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power; by dividing and distributing it into different depositories, & constituting each the Guardian of the Public Weal against invasions by the others, has been evinced by experiments ancient & modern; some of them in our country & under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If in the opinion of the People, the distribution or modification of the Constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way which the Constitution designates. But let there be no change by usurpation; for though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free

governments are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil any partial or transient benefit which the use can at any time yield.
          Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, Religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of Patriotism, who should labour to subvert these great Pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of Men & citizens. The mere Politician, equally with the pious man ought to respect & to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connections with private & public felicity. Let it simply be asked where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths, which are the instruments of investigation in Courts of Justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition, that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure—reason & experience both forbid us to expect that National morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.
          ’Tis substantially true, that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. The rule indeed extends with more or less force to every species of free Government. Who that is a sincere friend to it can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric?
          Promote then as an object of primary importance, Institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened.
          As a very important source of strength & security cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as possible: avoiding occasions of expence by cultivating peace, but remembering also that timely disbursements to prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it—avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expence, but by vigorous exertions in time of Peace to discharge the Debts which unavoidable wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burthen which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to your Representatives, but it is necessary that public opinion should cooperate. To facilitate to them the

performance of their duty, it is essential that you should practically bear in mind, that towards the payment of debts there must be Revenue—that to have Revenue there must be taxes—that no taxes can be devised which are not more or less inconvenient & unpleasant—that the intrinsic embarrassment inseperable from the selection of the proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties) ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the Government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining Revenue which the public exigencies may at any time dictate.
          Observe good faith & justice towds all Nations cultivate peace & harmony with all—Religion & morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great Nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a People always guided by an exalted justice & benevolence. Who can doubt that in the course of time and things the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages wch might be lost by a steady adherence to it? Can it be, that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a Nation with its virtue? The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human Nature. Alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices?
          In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular Nations and passionate attachments for others should be excluded; and that in place of them just & amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The Nation, which indulges towards another an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one Nation against another disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence frequent collisions, obstinate envenomed and bloody contests. The Nation, prompted by ill will & resentment sometimes impels to War the Government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The Government sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts through passion what reason would reject; at other

times, it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility instigated by pride, ambition and other sinister & pernicious motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the Liberty, of Nations has been the victim.
          So likewise, a passionate attachment of one Nation for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favourite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest, in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels & Wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or justification: It leads also to concessions to the favourite Nation of priviledges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the Nation making the concessions—by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained—& by exciting jealousy, ill will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the parties from whom eql priviledges are withheld: And it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens (who devote themselves to the favourite Nation) facility to betray, or sacrifice the interests of their own country, without odium, sometimes even with popularity; gilding with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption or infatuation.
          As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent Patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practice the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the public Councils! Such an attachment of a small or weak, towards a great & powerful Nation, dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter.
          Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me fellow citizens) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake; since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of Republican Government. But that jealousy to be useful must be impartial; else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defence against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation and excessive dislike of another, cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and

serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real Patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the favourite, are liable to become suspected and odious; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause & confidence of the people, to surrender their interests.
          The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign Nations is in extending our commercial relations to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop.
          Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence therefore it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations & collisions of her friendships, or enmities.
          Our detached & distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one People, under an efficient government, the period is not far off, when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or War, as our interest guided by justice shall counsel.
          Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, Rivalship, Interest, Humour or Caprice?
          ’Tis our true policy to steer clear of permanent Alliances, with any portion of the foreign world—So far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it—for let me not be understood as capable of patronising infidility to existing engagements. (I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy). I repeat it therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But in my opinion, it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them.
          Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable

establishments, on a respectably defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.
          Harmony, liberal intercourse with all Nations, are recommended by policy, humanity and interest. But even our Commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand: neither seeking nor granting exclusive favours or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing & diversifying by gentle means the streams of Commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing, with Powers so disposed—in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the Government to support them—conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, & liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view; that ’tis folly in one Nation to look for disinterested favors from another—that it must pay with a portion of its Independence for whatever it may accept under that character—that by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favours and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect, or calculate upon real favours from Nation to Nation. ’Tis an illusion which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard.
          In offering to you, my Countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression, I could wish—that they will controul the usual current of the passions, or prevent our Nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the Destiny of Nations: But if I may even flatter myself, that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good, that they may now & then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign Intriegue, to guard against the Impostures of pretended patriotism—this hope will be a full recompence for the solicitude for your welfare, by which they have been dictated.
          How far in the discharge of my Official duties, I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public Records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to You and to the world. To myself, the assurance of my own conscience is, that I have at least believed myself to be guided by them.

          In relation to the still subsisting War in Europe, my Proclamation of the 22d of April 1793 is the index to my Plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice and by that of your Representatives in both Houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me; uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it.
          After deliberate examination with the aid of the best lights I could obtain I was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest, to take a Neutral position. Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it, with moderation, perseverence & firmness.
          The considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. I will only observe, that according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the Belligerent Powers has been virtually admitted by all.
          The duty of holding a Neutral conduct may be inferred, without any thing more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every Nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of Peace and amity towards other Nations.
          The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will best be referred to your own reflections & experience. With me, a predominant motive has been to endeavour to gain time to our country to settle & mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress without interruption, to that degree of strength & consistency, which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes.
          Though in reviewing the incidents of my Administration, I am unconscious of intentional error—I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my Country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and that after forty five years of my life dedicated to its Service, with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest.
          Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and

actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man, who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several Generations; I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat, in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow Citizens, the benign influence of good Laws under a free Government—the ever favourite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labours and dangers.

            Go: Washington


Title: To George Washington from John Jay, 19 September 1796
From: Jay, John
To: Washington, George

          Dear Sir
          New York 19 Septr 1796

        It occurs to me that it may not be perfectly prudent to say that we are never to expect Favors from a nation, for that assertion seems to imply that nations always are, or always ought to be moved only by interested motives. It is true that disinterested Favors are so rare, that on that account they are not to be expected between nations; and if that Sentiment turned on that Reason vizt their being so uncommon, the assertion would then be so limited by that Reason, as not to be liable to misconstruction—I think it would be more safe to omit the word expected, and retain only the words not to be calculated upon, which appear to me to be quite sufficient—Permit me to submit this to your Consideration and believe me to be with perfect Respect Esteem & attachment Dear Sir your obliged & obt Servt

          John Jay


Title: To George Washington from John Lee, 19 September 1796
From: Lee, John
To: Washington, George

          Philadelphia September 19th 1796.No. 23 North Eighth Street
          Sir,

        Having observed in Claypoole’s Paper of this morning your intention of declining to stand a Candidate for the Chief Magistracy of the Executive of the United States at the ensuing election, for which, as one of your sincere friends, I cannot help regretting; therefore, Sir, permit me to lay before your Excellency my present situation, and the services which I formerly did towards supporting the Independence of the United States at a time when in the greatest danger, and, as a token of your friendship and respect for what I had then done, I received the enclosed letter from you for the same; but within a few years past I have met with some considerable misfortunes by a long and tedious lawsuit in New Jersey (which is not yet determined) for the recovering some very valuable Lands there, which I bought in England many years since; through these disapppointments, and having a wife and four children to support, I am induced, by the advice of a few friends, to take the liberty of reminding your Excellency that I am the Person your letter above mentioned was directed to “at Mount Pleasant near Mount Holly,” and as I have formerly been an Agent for several Members of Parliament, before the Revolution, in the Floridas, where at that time they held great quantities of land, and were under contract by Treaty with tne upper and Lower Creek Nations of Indians to supply their necessities annually according to the said Treaty; should your Excellency think me worthy of being employed as an Agent, or in any other Department under the Indian Trading-House Bill, which passed the last Sessions of Congress, or in any other service of the United States, it will be received by me with gratitude from your Excellency’s hands, and any Security for the Trust reposed in me, my friends are ready and willing to give.
        My recommendation was delivered to Tench Francis Esqr. (the Purveyor &c.) several months past, and filed in his Office with others at that time, a Copy of which is herewith enclosed, as also a Certificate of the time I took the oath of fidelity to the States, which was within two months after my arrival from England with the packet of Letters &ca from your old Friend and Neighbour

Coll Fairfax, which I forwarded to you at West Point so soon as I got out from New York to Elizabeth Town which was about the sixteenth of September ’78; I had the parcel seven days in New York but to preserve the contents, I was obliged to break open the whole and tear them up in small pieces, which I put into separate sheets of paper numbered with directions how your Excellency should understand to read them which circumstance I have no doubt you may now well recollect.
        I conclude with my most sincere wishes for your health, and that you may end your days in that rural comfort and happiness of a domestic life, which you once enjoyed with great pleasure before you undertook the arduous task to obtain and support the Independence of your native Country, and for which every good Citizen will remember your name and services to the latest posterity. I have the Honor to be, (with the utmost respect) Your Excellency’s obedient & very humble Servant

          John Lee


Title: To George Washington from Edward Lynch, 20 September 1796
From: Lynch, Edward
To: Washington, George

          Sir
          Baltimore Septr 20th 1796

        Having seen a Publication in the Baltimore newspaper of your intended resignation of being President of the United states I observed it with great regret and so did many others that you shold resign being the chief Majistrate of our Country. My Father who fought with others under you feel very unhappy on the occasion in the late happy Revolution in support of the Liberty of

our country. The reason I thus write to you is that I am a student in the College called after your name Washington College. Although as young as I am I feel in my breast your intended Resignation. A vocation having taken place I came to see my father. One Great happiness we have and never will forget is that you sir in all sitiations was all perfection. May God as I hope he will when you die Recieve you in his blessed Mansion but yet I pray that he may Prolong your life to give advice to those that fill your place. with tears and yet pleasure I have the honour of subscribeing myself Although a boy your Humble servant

          Edward Lynchson of Major John Lynch


Title: To George Washington from Timothy Pickering, 20 September 1796
From: Pickering, Timothy
To: Washington, George

          Sir,
          Department of State Sept. 20. 1796.

        I have just received a letter dated the 17th from Judge Benson: He accepts the place of third Commissioner under the fifth article of the British treaty, and was to set out yesterday for Passamaquoddy, to meet there the other Commissioners on the third of October. The trust, he remarks, is not incompatible with his present office; and interfering with it only for a short time, his acceptance of it appeared to him indispensable. He concludes with these words—“That my own judgement has coincided with the wishes of the President, certainly affords me a very sensible satisfaction.” I am with the highest respect, sir, your most obt servt

          Timothy Pickering.

          P.S. Amos Marsh, the District Attorney has desired to resign his office, & to have a successor speedily appointed. He recommends no one. It shall be a subject of enquiry.


Title: To George Washington from Henry Hill, 4 March 1797
From: Hill, Henry
To: Washington, George

Sir
Philad[elphi]a March 4th 1797

I should derive particular satisfaction from General Washington’s acceptance of a brace of Turkish pistols of curious workmanship now intrusted to a young gentleman with that view.
They once form’d part of the military equipage of Field Mareschal Count Lowenthal and descended to a worthy grandson who a few weeks before he died handed them to me. A Sense of personal obligation and his having actually accomplishd the best & greatest designs are motives of gratitude that would impel me to make the General a more precious tender.
But seeing the right intention captivates, & is prosper’d by, a noble mind, may not these things in your possession serve as honest signs of an early attachment that in the course of above forty-years-experience became fixed & inviolably maintain’d by, Sir Your most obedt hble servt

Henry Hill


Title: To George Washington from Matthias Slough, 4 March 1797
From: Slough, Matthias
To: Washington, George

My Dear & most Hond Sir
Lancaster [Pa.] 4th March 1797

I have your most Esteemed favour of the 27th February by Mr Root now before me, and have the Honour of mentioning to you in Reply that Root also Delivered me the horse you were pleased to return which is, as I mentioned in my last, no manner of Disapointment to me, Their being an Imediate purchaser for him, That I now inclose the ballance remaining in my hands amounting to one Hundred Sixty two and two thirds Dollars as p[er] Account Stated & Inclosed which I hope will prove Satisfactory. The Inhabitants of this Brorugh Sincerely regret their not having the Honour of once more Seeing you here, But as their

Disapointment will Tend to your Ease and happyness they Chearfully Submit, I hope you have had it in your power to procure Such horses or mares as will without Difficulty take you to your Wished for retreat which You will I trust do me the Honour to believe None more Cordially prays for than My Dear Sir Your most Obediant & most Humble Servant

Matthias Slough


Title: From George Washington to Elizabeth Graeme Fergusson, 5 March 1797
From: Washington, George
To: Fergusson, Elizabeth Graeme

Madam,
Philadelphia 5th March 1797.

The multiplicity of business which occurred in the course of the last Session, particularly in the latter part of it, placed it entirely out of my power to attend to matters of private concern. This reason, I hope, you will have the goodness to accept as an apology for my delay in acknowledging the receipt of your very polite and obliging favour of the 16th of January, at an earlier period—& even now, being not less occupied in preparing to leave this City, I perceive the necessity of asking further forgiveness for this laconic epistle. I have, however, conversed freely on the subject of your letter with our mutual friend Mr Boudinot, who will inform you fully of the circumstances under which I find myself relative to your request. To his information therefore, I beg leave to refer you.
I cannot conclude however, without offering you my sincere thanks for the honor you intended me, for the enclosures accompanying your letter, and for the favourable and flattering sentiments which you have expressed for me therein. To which permit me to add assurances of the high esteem and regard with which I have the honor to be, Madam, Your Most Obedient and Very Hble Servant

Go: Washington


Title: From George Washington to George Ball, 6 March 1797
From: Washington, George
To: Ball, George

Sir,
Philadelphia 6th Mar: 1797

Enclosed is the copy of a letter I wrote to you in answer to yours from Lancaster, & to that place directed it supposing your residence to be in that County. This letter will be directed to the care of the Postmaster in Fredericksburgh, but as you are not particular in designating the place at which you are to be found, it may not, any more than the former, find its way to you.
The receipt of your letter of the 16th ulto should have had an earlier acknowledgment, had not the business of the Session pressed heavily upon me towards the close of it. I am—Sir Your most Obedt Servt

Go: Washington


Title: To George Washington from Oliver Ellsworth, 6 March 1797
From: Ellsworth, Oliver
To: Washington, George

Sir,
March 6. 1797.

As preperation for your departure will not conveniently admit of your receiving any more visits, you will suffer me in this manner, to bid you a most respectful and most cordial, farewell. With the same ardour that I have sought the felecity and glory of your Administration: do I now implore for you in repose, those sublime pleasures from a review of the past and perspective of the future, which a life of Patriotism eminently entitles and quallifies, to enjoy. I can not wish, Sir, that your happiness may be compleat without being permitted to extend the same wish to Mrs Washington. With high consideration, I have the honor to be, Sir your obedient humble Servant

Oliver Ellsworth


Title: From George Washington to Elizabeth Willing Powel, 6 March 1797
From: Washington, George
To: Powel, Elizabeth Willing

My dear Madam,
Monday 6th of March 1797.

My Coach horses, having performed (faithfully & well) all the duties I have required of them, they are sent to you, agreeably to my promise; hoping they will be as serviceable to whomsoever they are committed, as they have been to me; and it is my wish that they may meet with a continuance of their former kind usage.
As every moment of our time while we remain in this City, will be closely employed in packing up; and as taking formal leave is not among the most pleasant circumstances of one’s life, we embrace this mode of bidding you adieu, until we shall have the pleasure of seeing you at Mount Vernon; which we hope for and shall expect.
In this farewell, I am cordially [joined] by Mrs Washington and Nelly Custis, who, with me, entreat you to be assured of the great esteem, and affectionate regard we bear you. To add anything more particular, as it respects myself, would be unnecessary; and therefore I shall conclude with wishing that you may be perfectly happy, and that I have the honor to be Your most Obedt—obliged—and Very Hble Servant

Go: Washington


Title: From George Washington to Rhode Island Society of the Cincinnati, 6 March 1797
From: Washington, George
To: Rhode Island Society of the Cincinnati

Gentlemen
Philadelphia 6th March 1797.

For your affectionate Address on my retireing from public life, I beg you to accept my grateful acknowledgments; And be assured, that no circumstance can tend more to sweeten the few remaining years of my life, than the pleasing remembrance of my services having been approved by those who have participated in the arduous struggle to establish our Independence, or to regulate the important Era of our civil affairs. In bidding you adieu, I pray that the best of Heavens blessings may rest upon you.

Go: Washington


Title: To George Washington from Madame Bacler Van Berckel, 6 March 1797
From: Van Berckel, Bacler (Madame)
To: Washington, George

Monsieur
Bloomsbery pres Trenton ce 6 Mars 1797

Quoi que Les Circonstances m’aient Empechée de participer a toutes Les fettes publiques, ou Se Sont manifesté a La fois deux Sentiments bien diffirent; La joise de votre naissance et Le regrés de votre retraïte, croyes Monsieur que je n’ai pas moins été affectée des mème Sensations, et quoi qu’Etrangere et Sans interet personnel au dernier de ces Evenements important, il m’est impossible de ne Le pas voir avec peine et regré pour Le payis ou je suis venu chercher un azil; permeté moi, Monsieur de placer icy les remerciments bien sincere des honnetetés que Jai recue de vous et de Madame Washington, c’est avec bien de La peine que je me vois a present Sans L’espoir de me revoir dans votre societe, Le charme que j’y ai trouvé me rendroit presqu’assé Egoiste pour m’Empecher de vous feliciter Sur Le repos dont vous alles jouir dans le Sein de votre famille a L’ombre des Lauries si justement merité, mais qui peut ne pas jouir de tous ce qui peut Contribuer au bonheur d’un homme qui n’a pas balancé a Le Sacrifier pour Le bien etre de Son payis, je fais donc des voeux bien sinceres pour vous jouisies dans votre retraite d’un bonheur aussi Constant que la gloire que Vous ont acquis Vos traveaux public.
Cest dans ces Sentiments, que je vous prie de me croire avec ma respectueuse Veneration Monsieur Votre tres humble et tres obeisante Servante

Pr ⟨S.⟩ van Berckel née Bacler

P.S. L’absence de Mr van Berckel depuis trois mois a Seule que le priver de l’honneur de vous faire Son Cour mais Connoisant Ses Sentiments je vous prie d’en recevoir les abasances.


Title: From George Washington to Jeremiah Wadsworth, 6 March 1797
From: Washington, George
To: Wadsworth, Jeremiah

Dear Sir,
Philadelphia 6th Mar. 1797

Your favor of the 27th Ulto reached me in the forenoon, & the Salmon in the afternoon of the 3d instant; and merit, & receive, my particular thanks. The latter regaled a number of Gentlemen at an entertainment given by the Merchants of this City on the 4th.
   I shall thank you (when re-published) for the refutation of the impudent forgeries of letters, carrying my signature, which Mr Bache has taken so much pains to impose on the public as genuine productions—This man has celebrity in a certain way—for His calumnies are to be exceeded only by his Impudence, and both stand unrivalled. Mrs Washington unites with me in every good wish for you, Mrs Wadsworth & family and—I am Dr Sir—Yr obt & affec[tionat]e Servt

Go: Washington

P.S. On the 8th I expect to commence my journey for Mount Vernon.


Title: To George Washington from Elias Boudinot, 7 March 1797
From: Boudinot, Elias
To: Washington, George

Dear Sir
Philadelphia 7th March 1797

I send herewith the Seal you was pleased to commit to my Care—The time has been scarcely sufficient for the purpose.
The Letter to Mrs Ferguson has been forwarded with one from myself, in the manner you requested.
As I may not have the pleasure of seeing you again before you leave the City, permit me once more to express my most affectionate wishes for your health & happiness, and most devoutly to pray, that your retirement may prove as consolatory to your declining Age, as your active life has been essential to your grateful Country.
Mrs Boudinot & the Ladies of my family, unite with me in the most respectful Salutation to yourself, Mrs Washington & Miss Custos, expressive of our best wishes for a pleasant & prosperous Journey. I have the honor to be with the most perfect Esteem Dear Sir Your most obedt & very Hble ⟨Servt⟩

Elias Boudinot


Title: From George Washington to Bartholomew Dandridge, Jr., 8 March 1797
From: Washington, George
To: Dandridge, Bartholomew Jr.

My Dear Sir,
Philadelphia 8th March 1797

Your conduct during a six Years residence in my family, having been such as to meet my full approbation & believing that a declaration to this effect would be satisfactory to yourself & justice requiring it from me, I make it with pleasure. And in full confidence that the principles of honor, integrity & benevolence wch I have reason to believe have hitherto guided your steps will still continue to mark your conduct, I have only to add a wish that you may lose no opportunity of making such advances in useful acquirements, as may benefit yourself your friends and mankind. And I am led to anticipate an accomplishment of this wish when I consider the manner in which you have hitherto improved such occasions as have offered themselves to you.
The cares of life on which you are now entering will present new Scenes & frequent opportunities for the improvement of a mind desirous of obtaining useful knowledge, but I am sure you will never forget, that without Virtue & without integrity, the finest talents & the most briliant accomplishments can never gain the respect or conciliate the Esteem of the truly valuable part of mankind. Wishing you health happiness and prosperity, in all your laudable undertakings I remain Your Sincere friend & Affectionate Servt

Go: Washington