Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Nehemiah Hubbard, 3 May 1792
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Hubbard, Nehemiah

Sir
Philadelphia May 3d. 1792

I heared with much regret, though under the appearances which must have struck you, not with much surprize, of your determination to decline the appointment of Superintendant of the Manufacturing Society. This institution has presented itself to my mind as of such real public importance, that I feel myself much interested in its success; and I acknowlege that I continue to entertain a conviction of the practicability of insuring that success by judicious management. To this end a fit person as Superintendant is undoubtedly an essential mean. And my repeated reflections have proved to me that it is far from easy to find a choice of proper characters. Hence I feel a peculiar anxiety that you should reconsider your resolution and still consent to undertake the business.
Those characters in the Direction who were too much invelopped in Speculation to pay proper attention to the trust will henceforth be out of the Question and I entertain no doubt that the next Election will supply their places in a manner which will inspire confidence. I am also persuaded that the Superintendant, if a competent and trust worthy person, will be cloathed with such a portion of discretionary authority as will enable him to fulfil the objects of the Society. To this I may add, that subordinate characters, to be placed at the head of the several branches (I mean of the Cotton Manufactory) of whose competency there is satisfactory evidence are actually engaged, and that a considerable progress has been made in preparation.
The Society meet on the 15th. instant. It is my intention to meet them—and I feel a confidence that I shall be able to give such a direction to their measures as will recover the ground that has been lost by delay & indecision. If I can by that time announce that you are willing to serve the Company, it will give me particular satisfaction.
I will however observe that in such case it is of moment you should be able to enter promptly on the business. The spot must be fixed upon and the buildings commenced. Let me, I pray you, previous to that time hear from you on the subject.
I am aware that the Step proposed to you is of consequence. I will only add that if the event shall not answer expectation, I should feel myself bound to endeavour to render it not injurious to you by any source which might be in my power.
I am with esteem   Sir   Your Obed servant
A Hamilton
N Hubbard Esq


Title: Report on the Petition of Simon W. Wilson, [3 May 1792]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To:

[Philadelphia, May 3, 1792Communicated on May 8, 1792]
[To the Speaker of the House of Representatives]
The Secretary of the Treasury to whom was referred the petition of Simon W. Wilson, respectfully submits the following Report.
The petition seeks reimbursement of certain expenses, incurred by way of salvage and otherwise, in relation to a certain schooner, which is alleged to have been ordered into the public service, during the late war, by the President of Delaware, and in consequence of it captured by the enemy, and recaptured by a vessel of the United States.
An affidavit is produced, which states the declaration of the fact by one of the owners of the vessel, now deceased, and an acknowledgment of the President of the State of Delaware, having reference to that declaration, that “what he had done was as a public officer;—that the parties ought to be paid for the vessel by the public, and that he should endeavor to get it done.”
It is stated, that repeated applications have been made by the legislature of Delaware, for relief, but to no effect; they alleging that the charge was a Continental one, and did not lie before them. But it does not appear, that any application has been made to the United States, within the limits of the Acts of limitation, and no special reason is assigned for the delay.
Compensations in similar cases, are of a delicate nature, and would always require careful examination, under circumstances that could afford full light. At this late day, a satisfactory investigation is perhaps not very easy. If the vessel, for example, was merely hired for public use, without a special guarantee, there would be no good claim for compensation in the case stated. If she was impressed into the public service, the consequence might be different. It is alleged that the vessel was ordered into the public service, but the nature of this order does not appear. It may have been to procure vessels, and may have been executed by a voluntary contract; or it may have been executed in a manner, that had the force of an impressment. The latter is probable, from the circumstances stated; but it is not unequivocally ascertained.
Under all these circumstances, the Secretary does not perceive any reason sufficiently special and discriminative to induce a relaxation in the acts of the Legislature in favor of the petitioner.
All which is humbly submitted
Alexander HamiltonSecry. of the Treasy.
Treasury Department May 3d. 1792.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to George Washington, [3 May 1792]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

[Philadelphia, May 3, 1792]
Mr. Hamilton presents his respects to the President. Colo. Wigglesworth’s christian name is Edward.
3d May 1792.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Oliver Wolcott, Junior, 3 May 1792
From: Wolcott, Oliver, Jr.
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Sir,
T D Co May 3d 1792

The inclosed Letters of Administration granted to Catharine Jones on the estates of John Hanholt George Hollman, Bernard Brulbiner, James Burt John Geroir, & Atonia Lasambert late Soldiers of Genl Hazens Regt. were some time since presented at this Office with a power of Attorney from the said Catharine Jones, to Alexander Power of the City of Philadelphia, Broker for the purpose of obtaining the balances due by the United States to the persons above named.
It so happened, that while the papers were under consideration powers of Attorney were presented by Benjamin Mooers Esq who served as an Officer in the Regt. lately commanded by Genl. Hazen for the pay of John Geroir and Antoine Lasambert two of the persons on whose estates Catharine Jones, had administered. On conversing with Mr. Mooers I recd. the most positive assurance, that the persons whose powers he produced were living a few months since, near St Johns in Canada.
The suggestion on which Catharine Jones appears to have obtained Letters of Administration, is that of being a Creditor of the persons before named. On being desired to shew the nature of her demand, she delivered the inclosed Account.
Under these circumstances, I did not hesitate to direct a Certificate to be issued on the power of Atty produced by Mr. Mooers in favr of Antoine Lasembert and to receive a caveat from him in behalf of John Geroir whose power of Attorney was not admitted having been informally executed—And I have declined admitting the authority of Catharine Jones to receive any part of the sums claimed by her as Administratrix.
I conceive it to be my duty to observe, that though no instance has fallen under my observation, when the deception was so apparent as in the present case, yet I have had frequent cause for suspicion that Letters of Administration have been obtained on unfounded suggestions.
As the right to receive the Certificates is contended for in behalf of the Administratrix, and as the interests of the United States & their Creditors are concerned in ascertaining the most proper line of conduct for me to pursue in this & similar cases, I have taken the liberty to request you to state the case to the Attorney General of the United States for his opinion.
I have the honor to be &c


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Oliver Wolcott, Junior, 4 May 1792
From: Wolcott, Oliver, Jr.
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Sir,
T DC. Off May 4. 1792

The following occurrence took place a few days since in this Office, which I take the liberty to state, that a rule may be established to govern in future or similar occasions. Solomen Marks Jr appeared at the Office with John McCulloh and in his presence wrote a transfer to said McCulloh on a Certificate for One hundred & eighty one Dolls & sixty one Cents. six ⅌ Cent Stock.
Before the transfer was recorded and before it had been presented for my approbation, Marks returned to the Office and in McCulloh’s presence revoked the transfer. Marks has also appeared sundry times since and has formally forbid the transfer to be made. Mr. McCulloh has also appeared and demanded that the transfer be not suspended.

The question submitted to your consideration is, whether after a transfer is written on a Certificate & delivered into the Office & before it has been admitted by the Comptroller of the Treasury, it can be revoked.
In the present case I have retained the Certificate & suspended allowing the transfer.
I am &c
Hon A H.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Samuel R. Gerry, 5 May 1792
From: Gerry, Samuel R.
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[May 5, 1792. On May 28, 1792, Hamilton wrote to Gerry: “Your letter of the 5th instant has been received at the Treasury.” Letter not found.]


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Israel Ludlow, 5 May 1792
From: Ludlow, Israel
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Sir:
Philadelphia, May 5, 1792.

The unexpected delays that have attended my executing the surveys of the Ohio and Miami Companies, together with your letters, which I have received from time to time, urging my speedy exertions to effect the business, induces me to explain to you the cause of the delay.
In November, 1790, I was honored with your letter of instruction at this place. I proceeded immediately to Fort Harmar, being possessed of General Knox’s letter, or order to the Commandant for an escort. On my way, at Fort Pitt, I saw Maj. Doughty, who, after becoming acquainted with my business, informed me that there was no doubt but an escort would be furnished on my arrival at Fort Harmar, upon which I supplied myself with chain-carriers and other hands necessary, pack-horses, corn, provision, and camp equipage for the coming cold season.

On my arrival at Fort Harmar, I found no escort could be obtained. Maj. Ziegler, who commanded, gave me his answer in writing, which was that he did not consider the troops then under his command more than sufficient to guard the settlement of Marietta, the Indians having shortly before that defeated and broken up one of their frontier stations. Of course, he could not comply with the order of Gen. Knox and my request (a copy of that letter I inclosed to you). Upon that information, from necessity I gave up the pursuit at that time, and proceeded to Fort Washington, supposing I could execute the Miami survey.
Discharging my hired men and pack-horses, I applied to Gen. Harmar, who then commanded, for protection while surveying the Miami tract. He informed me he did not consider his whole command a sufficient escort for my purpose (a copy of his answer I forwarded to you). On the arrival of Gen. St. Clair, in May following, I made an official application for fifteen men or more, should it be convenient, to accompany me as an escort while surveying the Miami and Ohio tracts. He assured me that he considered the execution of this survey a matter of the highest interest and importance to the United States, and that he would make every effort to assist me with a sufficient guard, but that it was then impracticable (his letter I will forward to you). Thus the business was again put off until the 20th of October following, when I was favored with the services of fifteen men, commanded by a sergeant, with whom I proceeded to execute the Ohio Company’s survey. I succeeded, and returned to Fort Washington, but with the loss of six of the escort, and leaving in the woods all of my pack-horses and their equipage, and being obliged to make a raft of logs to descend the Ohio as far as Limestone, from opposite the mouth of the Great Sandy River.
On my arrival at Fort Washington, I again applied for protection to proceed in the Miami survey. That assistance was refused by Maj. Ziegler, who then commanded (his letter I will produce). My reputation, as well as the public good, being in some measure affected by the delay of the business, I was constrained to have recourse to an effort which my instruction did not advise, viz.: to attempt making the survey by the aid of three active woodsmen, to assist as spies, and give notice of any approaching danger. My attempts proved unsuccessful. After extending the western boundary more than one hundred miles up the Miami River, the deep snows and cold weather rendered our situation too distressing, by reason of my men having their feet frozen, and unfit to furnish game for supplies. In consequence, we returned to Fort Washington. The cold weather abating, I made another attempt, extending the east boundary as far as the line intersected the Little Miami River, where we discovered signs of the near approach of Indians, and, having but three armed men in company, induced me to return again to Fort Washington, which I found commanded by General Wilkinson, to whom I applied for an escort, which was denied me (his letter I have the honor to inclose to you with the others).
I now have the satisfaction to present to you the whole of the survey of the Ohio and part of the Miami purchases, executed agreeably to instructions.
I am, sir, yours respectfully,
Israel Ludlow.
Hon. Alex. Hamilton,Sec. of the Treasury.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Jeremiah Olney, 5 May 1792
From: Olney, Jeremiah
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Providence, May 5, 1792. “I have received your favor of the 25th of April 1792. I shall apply to the Supervisor for the Sum you mention, in a few Days; and repay it as soon as I have the Money to spare.…”


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to William Seton, 5 May 1792
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Seton, William

[Philadelphia, May 5, 1792. On May 28, 1792, Seton acknowledged the receipt of Hamilton’s “orders on the 5th May instant.” Letter not found.]


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Tench Coxe, [6 May 1792]
From: Coxe, Tench
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Dear Sir
[Philadelphia, May 6, 1792]

The bill relative to the debt having passed thro the House I hope an handsome conclusion will be made to the business of the Departments. I should not have troubled you again upon [it], but that I am well informed that a Member of the Senate, who opposed the bill in its present Shape said a week ago that “the whole of the Treasury clauses except the Compensations would be struck out in the House” and one of the Eastern gentlemen told the Auditor that the bill would certainly be taken up and passed “at least so far as regarded the Compensations.” The delays which have been made since the bill came from the Senate, which is now near two weeks, are a painful comment on the observations abovementioned. Permit me, Sir, to say a few words upon this subject before it be too late to remedy the public & personal Evils such a conclusion of the business will produce.
The state of the public business will remain in its present perplexing form—there will be no provision for the settlement of accounts audited by Mr. Wolcot—there will be no provision for the temporary execution of the duties of the Executive offes. of the government. I, and my family will be left without an Establishment—as will Mr. Meyer & Mr. Jones. After so much consideration & discussion this matter cannot fail to be ascribed to causes irritating to and inconsistent with the national interests. It will appear to some members, I know, from every part of the Union as a most undeserved ill turn done to me by a respectable part of the federal interest, a circumstance, which will have, I may say, an astonishing and very unpleasing Complexion to all the sincere friends of the general Government considering the part I have borne in regard to it from the Annapolis Convention to the present time.
The clause relative to the deposit of the Customs is viewed among many good & judicious men as inconsistent with the office of Comptroller of the Treasury. I have good reason to believe that Mr. Morris’s vote in the Senate against it was founded on an opinion that the director of the Collectors conduct ought not to sit in Judgment upon their accounts. Mr. Cabot told me in the most explicit terms that he disapproved of the annexing of the Customs to the office of Comptroller. The first remark I ever heard upon the first Report was from Mr. Delany, who called upon me to know, if you were in your office, & finding you were engaged mentioned to me his alarm at the Union of those two duties. He wished to represent it to you, and I earnestly intreated and almost insisted, that he should not, observing that as He was a Pennsylvanian, I should be suspected of moving him to do so. On Saturday, I spoke to Mr. Findley for the first time, on the bill generally, when he told me a Number of the Members & he among them had determined to oppose that clause with decision—and for the reason abovementioned. Now, Sir, I can prove to you that I mentioned to one of the House, whom I once asked to call up the report of Mr Smith &c. (in fact to Mr Murray) that tho I thought ye clause improper I hoped nothing would prevent the arrangement taking effect, as it was necessary for me to get an Establishment for my family, and I was sure the first Session would produce an alteration of the business of the Customs from a general conviction of its impropriety.
I hope & trust, Sir, that the mere circumstance of leaving the Customs in your hands, and the not adding that power to an office, which members of the new & old Congress sought in Competition with Mr. Wolcot, will not influence to unkindness and injustice to me. The Eastern Gentlemen are not aware of the deep impolicy & impression, which will attend a unfavorable issue to this business. For my own part I know not which way in such an Event to turn from the most painful feelings. In your office and in your domestic circle I shall meet with the Authors of my unmerited dishonor and sufferings. I must exhibit to the gentlemen who are in and above the government a contemptible appearance of good will and harmony with those members of the legislature from whose hands I shall have recd the most unhandsome treatment—or I must avoid (so far as my office will permit) those scenes where they so often are. In short, Sir, I must seek in the bosom of my family, that comfort wch this Event will deprive me of in every other Scene. I do not mean, Sir, to talk of a resignation for tho I own the dignity of my public & personal Character would be better preserved by that measure it is unhappily not in my power at this Moment.
It may be suggested perhaps that all the Sensibility I now feel is the mere workings of Ambition, but to you, Sir, that will not appear to be possible when you remember that I was willing to have left all the prospects of the Treasury for the post office and the connected opportunity of a life employed at pleasure in the investigation of the great interests of my Country. I believed I had some of that talent, which would have enabled me to lead a generous intelligent people, by the light of unknown but interesting truth into the true road to wealth and happiness. Excuse me, Sir, for this last effort to avoid a course of things out of which many evils will arise which I forbear to particularize, & Believe me when I devoutly pray, with an aching heart, for the consummation of your noble Scheme of national Happiness with confidence in its success, and for a greater portion of personal felicity to you and your family than, I fear, will result from all your exertions & Services.
Yr. respectful Servt.
T. Coxe
May 6th. 1792


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Israel Ludlow, [6 May 1792]
From: Ludlow, Israel
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[May 6, 1792. Letter not found.]


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from William Ellery, 7 May 1792
From: Ellery, William
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[Newport, Rhode Island] May 7, 1792. “I have received your letter of the 25th of the last month and have borrowed and received of the Supervisor Two thousand, three hundred and thirty three dollars, which will be sufft. to pay all the drawbacks which are due. To preclude the possibility of any delay the Surpervisor on the Receipt of your letter dispatched his Clerk to this place for the purpose of receiving from the Collectors the monies in their hands, to advance it to me. I still wish for an explanation respectg. the Thermometer which I mentioned in my letter of the 9th. of April, and beg leave to call your attention to that Part of my letter of the 5th. of March last which relates to the taring of sugars &c.…”


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Benjamin Walker, 7 May 1792
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Walker, Benjamin

Dear Sir
PhiladelphiaMay 7. 1792

The bearer of this Mr. George Parkinson is an ingenious Mechanic who has been engaged by me in the service of The Society for establishing useful manufactures. I have advised him to go to New York to assist Mr. Marshall to whom I have given him a letter & to whom I am persuaded he will be useful.
I take this occasion to make him known to you that he may receive any little pecuniary aid of which he may stand in need, as far as you may be authorised.
With great regard   Yrs
A Hamilton
B Walker Esqr


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from George Washington, [7 May 1792]
From: Washington, George
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[Philadelphia, May 7, 1792]
For carrying into execution the provisions in that behalf made by the Act intitled, “An Act for raising a farther sum of money for the protection of the Frontiers, and for other purposes therein mentioned,” I do hereby authorise you the said Secretary of the Treasury to agree and contract with The President Directors & Company of the Bank of the United States, with any other body politic or corporate within the United States, or with any other person or persons, for a loan or loans to the United States of any sum or sums not exceeding in the whole Five hundred and twenty three thousand five hundred Dollars to be advanced & paid in such proportions and at such periods as you shall judge necessary for fulfilling the purposes of the said Act. Provided that the rate of interest of such loan or loans shall not exceed five per centum per annum, and that the principal thereof may be reimbursed at the pleasure of the United States. And I hereby promise to ratify what you shall lawfully do in the premises.
In testimony whereof I have hereunto subscribed my hand at the City of Philadelphia the seventh day of May in the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety two.
Go: Washington


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to George Washington, 7 May 1792
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

[Philadelphia] May 7, 1792. “The Secretary of the Treasury … has the honor to enclose a copy of the Authorisation which the President signed this morning.”


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Wilhem and Jan Willink, Nicholas and Jacob Van Staphorst, and Nicholas Hubbard, 7 May 1792
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Willink, Wilhem,Willink, Jan,Staphorst, Nicholaas van,Staphorst, Jacob van,Hubbard, Nicholas

[Philadelphia, May 7, 1792. On July 26, 1792, Hamilton wrote to Willink, Van Staphorst, and Hubbard: “You will herewith receive triplicates of my letters of the 7th. of May and 20th. ultimo.” Letter of May 7 not found.]


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Timothy Pickering, 8 May 1792
From: Pickering, Timothy
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Dear Sir, Philadelphia May 8. 1792.
The Indians of the Five Nations who lately visited Philadelphia, received their invitation from me, in the manner described in the inclosed copy of a letter to the President. Mr. Kirkland, the bearer of my message, received his instructions from the Secretary of War, to whom he from time to time transmitted information of his proceedings. Of this I was ignorant until after the arrival of the Indians, when Mr. Kirkland referred to them as matters well known to me, but of which not a syllable had been communicated to me. Nor did I know they were coming, till they had arrived at Nazareth. This I heard from a Moravian of that place. The same day, as I was passing up Chesnut Street, the Secy. of War crossed over and told me the Indians were at Bethlehem, and said—“I believe I must get you to negociate with them: Do think of it.” I heard no more of them until one of his clerks came and told me they were arrived at Odlers’s Hotel; & that the Secretary of War wished me to see them immediately. I walked up, to bid them welcome. The next day, March 15th, they delivered their formal speeches in answer to my invitation. On the 16th. I replied; and at the close of my speech, used these words.
“Brothers,
I have now finished what I had to do. In behalf of the United States I invited you to their Great Council Fire, to settle the plan of introducing among you the knowledge of husbandry and a few of the most useful arts. You have come. We have taken each other by the hand, and spoken together as friends and brothers. All further proceedings on the subject will be conducted in such manner as the Great Chief of the United States shall direct.”
I heard no more from the Secretary of War on the business of negociation, until the 22d. of March, the morning after I had sent the letter before mentioned to the President; when a clerk from the war office came with the compliments of the Secretary, who desired to see me. From the stile of my letter, and an explicit declaration, that I did not wish to appear in the matter; I thought the president would have put my letter in his pocket; tho’ I did expect it would occasion a material alteration in the intended speech. But when I arrived, I found my letter on the Secretary’s table. He looked it up, and said my sentiments were very just. He then shewed me the Speech, with the most exceptionable parts crossed out; and after some other alterations had been proposed and agreed to, and he had got to the close of the speech, he asked me if I would permit him to introduce my name with his own, that I might assist in the negociations with the Indians. I consented; and expressed my reason—That having suggested to the Indians ideas of civilization, I felt a solicitude to see a plan formed for the purpose, and a fair experiment made to carry it into effect: and that I would therefore give what assistance I could. You heard the speech, in which the President named me with the Secretary of War as the persons with whom the Indians were to negociate. I suppose it is well known that almost the whole burthen of the business has fallen upon me; and really it has been very burthensome. All the proceedings in writing would fill a considerable volume. But besides formal speeches, a multitude of conversations were inevitable. The Indian speeches were taken in haste from the mouths of the Interpreters; were legible only to myself; and needing corrections, too, I was obliged to transcribe them with my own hand. To give you an exact idea of my labour, I must go into a still more tedious detail; but I will only add That the business has engaged my close attention for more than thirty entire days. I frequently wrote at night; and even Sundays seldom gave me any rest.
You see the conclusion: Am I entiled to any compensation? I have not said a word about it to the Secretary of War: and he also has been silent. Yet he knows that he did not negociate with the Creeks for nothing; altho’ the business pertained to his department.
More than one reason will occur, why I give you the trouble of this communication. Suffer me to submit the ⟨ma⟩tter entirely to your judgment. If you think something should be allowed me, you will have the goodness to put the matter in train. The quantum I should wish you and the Secretary of war to determine. I think you know that I am not mercenary nor extravagant. If it should be thought proper not to make any allowance, I shall acquiesce. In that case I would thank you to return this letter, as I have taken no copy [of] it. I may keep it as a memorandum of facts.

With the truest respect & esteem I am, dear sir, Your most obed. servant
Timothy Pickering.
P.S. On Thursday I expect to leave town, to bring my family to this city.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Otho H. Williams, 8 May 1792
From: Williams, Otho H.
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[Baltimore, May 8, 1792. On June 5, 1792, Hamilton wrote to Williams: “I have before me your letters of the 18th of March, 18th of April, 8th & 27th of May.” Letter of May 8 not found.]


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Philip Schuyler, 9 May 1792
From: Schuyler, Philip
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Dear Sir
Albany May 9th 1792

Mrs. Rensselaer’s health is so much impaired that It is thought advisable that she should go to N York for better medical assistance, and to try the Effects of a change of Air, I shall accompany her and we shall leave this on friday the 11th Instant at farthest. Cannot you my Eliza and Cornelia make arrangements to meet us at N York towards the close of next week. Pray drop a line to be left at Mrs. Daugbineys until called for best under cover to her.
If all the votes taken for Mr. Jay are to be returned and fairly canvassed, I have reason to believe he would prevail, but I apprehend much foul play in the returning officers at least.
Adieu we all Join in love to you and all with you.
I am Dr Sir Yours affectionately   &c &c
P Schuyler
Honb Alexr Hamilton Esqr


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to George Washington, 9 May 1792
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

Sir,
Treasury Department 9th. May 1792.

I have the honor to send herewith an adjustment at the Treasury concerning the quantity of Acres in Warrants for army bounty rights, which ought to be deemed an equivalent for the 214,285 Acres of land mentioned in the second enacting clause of the Act intitled “An Act authorising the grant and conveyance of certain Lands to the Ohio Company of associates”; and a Certificate of the delivery of the requisite quantity of Warrants in conformity to that adjustment.
It is with regret I find myself required by Law to discharge an official duty in a case in which I happen to be interested as a party, and which is capable of being regulated by different constructions.
Thus circumstanced I have conceived it proper to repose myself on the judgment of others; and having referred the matter to the accounting Officers of the Treasury, with the opinion of the Attorney General, which was previously obtained, I have governed myself by the determination of those Officers.

I submit it nevertheless to the President whether it will not be adviseable to require as a condition to the issuing of the Grant that the parties give bond to pay any deficiency which there may be in the quantity of Warrants delivered, if the Legislature at the ensuing Session shall decide that the construction which has been adopted is not the true one, or to surrender the Letters Patent for the Tract in question.
With the highest respect,   I have the honor to be &c.
Alexander Hamilton


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to George Washington, 9 May 1792
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

Treasury Departmt. 9th. May 1792.
The Secretary of the Treasury has the honor to transmit a fair copy of the Draft approved by the President this morning respecting the Port of Entry & Delivery in the District of Vermont.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Sylvanus Bourne, 10 May 1792
From: Bourne, Sylvanus
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Sir
Boston May 10th 1792

I am in this moment favoured with a letter from Mr Bourne informing of my having lost my Object in the mint Department & I’ll assure you my Dr Sir the impression on my feelings is severe indeed—as I presume you had not the least doubt of my success from your conversation last had with me. I have on the strength made arrangments which will result injuriously to me—such as borrowing some money &c & with freedom inform you that I am totally destitute of other plans or expectations but feel some relief from a clause in Mr Bourne’s letter where he mentions his opinion that I should obtain some other appointment. Of this you will please to inform me if within your cognizance, or give me a clerkship within your department—where I shall hope by my behaviour to merit your future notice to a better place.
My respected Sir—Suffer me to rest my hopes on your friendship & the incense of my gratitude shall never cease to burn.
I anxiously wait your answer & am with sentiments of respect & permit me to add personal attachment   Your Obedt Servt
Sylva Bourne
Excuse my innaccuracies which arise from an agitated mind.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Sylvanus Bourne, 10 May 1792
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Bourne, Sylvanus

[Philadelphia, May 10, 1792. On May 24, 1792, Bourne wrote to Hamilton: “I had the honour to receive your favr of the 10th Inst.” Letter not found.]


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Jeremiah Olney, 10 May 1792
From: Olney, Jeremiah
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Providence, May 10, 1792. “The Second Section of the Coasting Act requires all Vessels of the United States to be registered by the Collector of the District to which they respectively belong; the Seventh Section provides for registering them at other Districts: different constructions having occasioned different practices, I beg the favor Sir, of your Opinion, whether it is expedient that Vessels, registered in conformity to the sd. Seventh Section, be registered anew on their arrival at the District to which they belong, no alteration in them, nor transfers of Property, having been made? …”


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to William Seton, 10 May 1792
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Seton, William

Dear Sir,
Treasury DepartmentMay 10th 1792.

I received your letter of the 7th instant, covering an account of Stock purchased by you for the United States.
I observe that you have exceeded the sum which was limitted by me to the amount of one thousand and ninety eight Dollars, eighty nine Cents. But so small a difference is not very material, and I am willing that the whole should remain on account of the United States.
In order to a winding up of the business, I have now to request that you will as soon as it can conveniently be done, cause all the stock to be transferred in the names of the Trustees as heretofore, and, that you will then procure from the Commissioner, and forward to me, the necessary certificates, for transferring the Stock from the Books of the Commissioner to those of the Treasury.
You will please to accept of my best acknowledgment for this additional mark of your zeal for the public service, and believe me to be,
With very great consideration & regard   Dear Sir   Your obedt Servant
Alex Hamilton
Willm Seton EsqrCashier of the Bank of New York


Title: Treasury Department Circular to the Collectors of the Customs, 10 May 1792
From:
To:

Sir,
Treasury Department, May 10, 1792.

It is my wish, that in your official correspondence with the Secretary of the Treasury, you will henceforth make it a rule, to designate your office and the place where it is kept, upon the outside of your letters.
When weekly returns are transmitted which require no particular remarks, it will be agreeable to me, and save trouble to you, if for the future they be simply put under blank covers and directed in the form of a letter.
I inclose you a form of an account of Bonds remaining uncancelled, taken in your district for securing the bonding of duties in some other district, upon goods reported at your office, to be intended to be landed in such other district. This return you will make, in the first instance, on the receipt of the form, and afterwards with your quarterly accounts from time to time.
It is my desire that application be made by letter to the obligors, who may reside in your district, in all cases wherein bonds heretofore executed now remain uncancelled, if dated three months since, and that all such as now are, or shall be uncancelled at the end of four months from their date, be put in suit.
I am, Sir,   ⟨Your obedient Servant,⟩
P S.   Some Acts of the last session of Congress will accompany this.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Joseph Nourse, 11 May 1792
From: Nourse, Joseph
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Sir
Treasury Departmt.Registers Office 11 May 1792.

I have the honor to enclose a list of the Clerks engaged in this Office, with a note of the Objects on which they were employd and the Rate of their respective Compensations. Being with the greatest Respect   Sir   Your mo: ob: hb: Servt.
J. N. Regr.
The Honble: Alexr. Hamilton EsqrSecy. of the Treasury


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to William Allibone, 12 May 1792
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Allibone, William

[Philadelphia, May 12, 1792. On May 18, 1792, Tench Coxe wrote to “A Committee of the Merchants of the City of Philadelphia” and referred to a letter “from the Secretary of the Treasury of the 12th: instant” to Allibone. Letter not found.]


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from William Barton, Junior, 12 May 1792
From: Barton, William, Jr.
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Sir,
Office of InspectionPort of Providence May 12th. 1792.

There was shiped some time past from this place five chests of Souchong and one Chest of Hyson tea to Messrs. Sam Ward and Brothers of New York; the tea was imported in the Ship Genl Washington in June last, and for which certificates have regularly been granted from this Office. The Messrs Wards acknowledge to have received the certificates with the tea, but are willing to make affidavit to the same being lost or mislaid; on which account they have applied to this office for new certificates. Tho satisfied in my own mind that there is no intention of fraud in the application, I did not think it my duty to grant the certificates, but have taken the liberty to give you this information; that I might receive such directions in this case as shall be proper. I am Sir with great respect Your most obedient humble servant.
Wm. Barton Inspectorof the Revenue
The Secretary of the Treasury.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Thomas Jefferson, 12 May 1792
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Treasury DepartmentMay 12th 1792
The Secretary of the Treasury presents his Compliments to The Secretary of State and requests that he will be pleased to cause the Patent for 214.285 acres when sealed & recorded to be delivered to the bearer The Rev Mr Cutler.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Benjamin Lincoln, 12 May 1792
From: Lincoln, Benjamin
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Boston, May 12, 1792. “I have received your Letter of the 2d. instant. The manner in which you have directed the lodgment of the money will obviate all the difficulties which I supposed might take place under your first order.… I wish to know how I shall settle the price of goods imported from France. Their paper seems to be in a depreciated state and the goods charged proportionately high.…”


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Oliver Wolcott, Junior, 12 May 1792
From: Wolcott, Oliver, Jr.
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Philadelphia, May 12, 1792. Submits “forms for regulating the payment of Interest on the Funded Stock in the Loan Offices of Massachusetts, New York, Pensylvania, Maryland & So Carolina.”


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to George Washington, 13 May 1792
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

Sir,
Bristol [Pennsylvania] May 13. 1792.

I left the City of Philadelphia this Morning on my way to Newark as I mention’d to you previous to your departure. Nothing new had occurred.
Mr. Belli was furnished with the requisite sum for the purchase of Dragoon Horses in Kentucke, in conformity to an arrangement, which I understand [from] the Secretary at War, was made pursuant to your direction. The Quarter Master General also has had an advance commensurate with the objects he is immediately to provide for; so that every thing is in proper train as far as pecuniary supply is concerned.
With the most perfect respect and truest attachment, I have the honor to be &c.
A: Hamilton


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Edward Carrington, 17 May 1792
From: Carrington, Edward
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[Richmond, May 17, 1792. On July 11, 1792, Tench Coxe wrote to Carrington: “In your letter of the 17th. of May last, addressed to the Secretary of the Treasury, you acquaint him of the Resignation of Mr. James Wells … I presumed you are informed, that Mr. Cowpland Parker has been appointed surveyor and consequently Inspector for that port.” Letter not found.]


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Sheftall Sheftall, 17 May 1792
From: Sheftall, Sheftall
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Philadelphia, May 17, 1792. Inquires concerning action taken on petition of his father, Mordecai Sheftall.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Abishai Thomas, 18 May 1792
From: Thomas, Abishai
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Sir
Philadl. 18 May 1792

I am directed by a Resolution of the General Assembly of the State of North Carolina to “Inform myself by what means this State obtained a Credit with the United States for a quantity of Leather received of Richard Blackledge,” and to “transmit to the next General Aseembly such vouchers or other information as I may deem proper to give the necessary information to the General Assembly.” To enable me to comply with the said Resolution, I am to solicit the favor of you to cause the proper Officer to furnish me with a Certified transcript from the Books of the Treasury department, or those of the late Clothier General, of the Credit, or Credits which may exist thereon for account of Leather as aforesaid, or generally, designating if practicable such circumstances relative to the delivery as may enable me, or the General Assembly to trace whether it be the same which was purchased from Mr. Blackledge.
I am Sir   very respectfully   yr. mo. obt. Serv.
Ab. Thomas
Secretary of the Treasury


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Joseph Hiller, 19 May 1792
From: Hiller, Joseph
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[Salem, Massachusetts, May 19, 1792. On June 27, 1792, Hamilton wrote to Hiller: “I have yet to reply to your letter of the 19th Ultimo.” Letter not found.]


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Jeremiah Olney, 19 May 1792
From: Olney, Jeremiah
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Providence, May 19, 1792. “Having been under the disagreeable necessity of putting in suit another of Welcome Arnold Esquire’s Bonds, … I wish to be informed, whether the directions, contained in your Letter of the 6th of July 1791, to notify other Collectors of his delinquency, was intended as Instructions for my conduct thereafter on similar occasions; or whether I am to omit giving the Notice, on putting any Bond in Suit, until I receive your Orders to do it? …”


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Robert Ballard, 20 May 1792
From: Ballard, Robert
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[Baltimore, May 20, 1792. On May 31, 1792, Hamilton wrote to Ballard and acknowledged “your letter of the 20th. instant.” Letter not found.]


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Tench Coxe, [20 May 1792]
From: Coxe, Tench
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Dear Sir.
[Philadelphia, May 20, 1792]

I understand from Mrs. Hamilton that you do not expect to return from Newark for several days from which I conclude that you mean to make a complete arrangement of the Business of the Manufacturing Society. I am heartily glad of this tho I could have wished you were returned as I have gone thro the preparation of all the instructions, forms &ca. which are rendered necessary by the Alterations in the Excise System. Could I have passed them under your Eye on Friday when they were completed the greater part of them might have gone forward on Monday. Mr. Barton entered with me on Saturday, and I am satisfied he will prove an Acquisition. I find that Mr. Rittenhouse & his other friends have advised him to it.
The contractors have delivered 33,000 Drs. worth of clothing & have recd. 43,000 drs. in Money including Smiths Bill accepted by you, which I should rather have said was recd. by Smith. I find they have about 5000 Drs. worth of goods on hand not made up, and are really going on well.
I do not perceive any inconvenience which has occured from your absence except that the preparations for the opening of the new loan can not go on. I had a pretty full conversation with the Comptr. in the first part of the Week and gave him a copy of the law which I advised him to transmit it to you with some of the Remarks, wch. struck us. There is no provision in the law for the payment of the Interest, but I believe the other acts will be found to provide for it tho I have not yet examined them. I hope you had time to write the Comptr. by Saturday’s mail.
A letter was recd. by the Georgia Mail for the President which I transmitted to Mt. Vernon.
You some time ago mentioned your wish that I should partake in the Management of the New Jersey Manufg. Society. As I conceive the legal impropriety not to exist, if the Stock is not composed of the debt of the U. S. nor of any State I mention to you that I shall not hesitate to take a concern. My wish to aid so salutary a plan, which has been devised by you & therefore will interest your feelings will render me perfectly disposed to use my best Endeavours to promote it, if I take but a single Share. The interdiction of commerce is not applied to the Commr. of the Reve. The Objects forbidden are “the funds or debts of the U. S & of any state and every kind of public property of either.” & no others.
Receipts for 38,000 Drs. have been recd. from the supervisor of Masstts.

Letters from Mr. Marshall to Col Carrington & from the latter to you shew an uneasiness about the Revenue law to exist in part of Kentucky. The new Act will diminish their opposition, because it is so much more favorable to them than the former, & because it proves that there is no Idea of a Repeal.
I have the Honor to be with respectful Attachment, dr. sir, yr most obedt & hum. servt.
Tench Coxe
Philada Sunday Night 11 OClock.

The defect in the new law in regard to the return of Spirits distilled in the U.S. which have been exported to foreign Countries appears to be in a considerable degree cured by the prohibition to import any distilled Spirits in marked Casks. They might be shifted into other Casks, but the proof of their identity might be made very difficult and they could not be moved without being marked & certified, nor marked & certified without paying duty. This is a hasty View of the Matter, which will require further Examn., but the door of danger is not so open as it at first appeared.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Thomas Jefferson, [20–27 May 1792]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Jefferson, Thomas

[Philadelphia, May 20–27, 1792]
Mr. Hamilton presents his respectful Compliments to The Secretary of State. He has perused with as much care and attention as time has permitted the draft of a letter in answer to that of Mr. Hammond of March 5th.
Much strong ground has been taken and strongly maintained, particularly in relation to—
1   The recommendatory clauses of the Treaty
2   The previous infractions by G Britain as to Negroes & Posts.
3   The Question of Interest.

And many of the suggestions of the British Minister concerning particular acts and adjudications, as far as can be judged without consulting the documents, appear to be satisfactorily obviated.
But doubts arise on the following particulars—
1.   The expediency of the retaliation in the 1. 2 & 3d. Pages. Much of the propriety of what is said depends on the question of the original right or wrong of the war. Should it lead to observations on that point, it may involve an awkward and irritating discussion. Will it not be more dignified as well as more discreet to observe concisely and generally on the impropriety of having deduced imputations from transactions during the war, and alluding in the aggregate and without specification to the instances of Legislative Warfare on the part of the British Parliament which might be recriminated, to say, that this is foreborne as leading to an unprofitable and unconciliating discussion?
2   The soundness of the doctrine (page 4) that all Governmental acts of the States prior to the 11 of April are out of the discussion. Does not the term “sujets,” to whom, according to Vatel, notice is necessary, apply merely to Individuals? Are not states members of a fœderal league the “parties contractantes” who are bound by the treaty itself from the time of its conclusion; that is, in the present case, from the time the provisional treaty took effect by the ratification of the preliminary articles between France & Britain?
3   The expediency of so full a justification of the proceedings of certain states with regard to Debts. In this respect, Extenuation rather than Vindication would seem to be the desireable course. It is an obvious truth and is so stated that Congress alone had the right to pronounce a breach of the Treaty and to fix the measure of retaliation. Not having done it the states which undertook the task for them contravened both their Fœderal duty and the Treaty. Do not some of the Acts of Congress import that the thing was viewed by that body in this light? Will it be well for the Executive now to implicate itself in too strong a defence of measures which have been regarded by a great proportion of the Union and by a respectable part of the citizens of almost every state as exceptionable in various lights? May not too earnest an apology for installment and paper-money laws, if made public hereafter, tend to prejudice somewhat the cause of good government and perhaps to affect disadvantageously the character of the General Government?
To steer between too much concession and too much justification in this particular is a task both difficult and delicate—but it is worthy of the greatest circumspection to accomplish it.

4   The expediency of risking the implication of the tacit approbation of Congress of the “retaliations of the four states” by saying that they neither gave nor refused their sanction to those retaliations? Will not the national character stand better if no ground to suspect the connivance of the National Government is afforded? Is not the fact, that Congress were inactive spectators of the Infractions which took place, because they had no effectual power to controul them?
5   The truth of the position which seems to be admitted (Page 57) that the quality of Alien Enemy subsisted till the Definitive Treaty. Does not an indefinite cessation founded too on a preliminary Treaty, put an end to the State of War and consequently destroy the relation of alien enemy. The State of War may or may not revive if points which remain to be adjusted by a definitive Treaty are never adjusted by such a treaty—but it is conceived that a definitive Treaty may never take place and yet the state of War and all its consequences be completely terminated.
6   The expediency of grounding any argument on the supposition of either of the parties being in the wrong as in Page 65. The rule in construing Treaties is to suppose both parties in the right, for want of a common judge &c. And a departure from this rule in argument might possibly lead to unpleasant recrimination.
The foregoing are the principal points that have occurred on one perusal. They are submitted without reserve. Some lesser matters struck which would involve too lengthy a commentary. Many of them merely respecting particular expressions. A mark thus + ⟨is⟩ in the margin of the places, which will probably suggest to the Secretary of State, on a revision, the nature of the reflections which may have arisen. It is imagined that there is a small mistake in stating that Waddington paid no rent.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from William Lindsay, 20 May 1792
From: Lindsay, William
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Sir,
Collectors Office District ofNorfolk & Portsmo. [Virginia] 20 May 1792

I have received Notice from Mr. James Wells that he has thought proper to resign his appointment of Surveyor for the Port of Smithfield, and also that of Port Inspector for the same place.
Colo. Parker has informed me he has recommended his Brother as a proper person to succeed Mr. Wells, who I doubt not (if appointed,) will justify the recommendation.
I am respectfully   Sir   Your Ob Serv
Wm. Lindsay Colr

Alexr. Hamilton EsqrSecy of the Treasy.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from William Ellery, 21 May 1792
From: Ellery, William
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[Newport, Rhode Island] May 21, 1792. “… I wish to be favoured with your instructions respecting the case of the Brig Chance, a Statemt. of which I sent to you on the 2nd. of Apl. last, with an explanation respectg. the Thermometer mentioned in my letter of the 9th. of the same month, and with your directions relative to the tare of Sugars mentioned in my letter of the 5th. of last March, when the important business of your office will permit it. Suffer me also to mention that I have acted as Superintendant of the Light House ever since the 11th. of Oct. 1790. and no allowance has been made to me for that Service, agreeably to the expectations your letter of the 27th. of April 1791 induced me to entertain; And I have debited the United States for the money advanced for the Light-House; but no sums have been received by me in virtue of Warrants from the Treasy on account thereon by which the United States might be credited.…”


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to George Washington, 21 May 1792
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

Sir,
Philadelphia May 21st 1792.

I returned here yesterday from New Ark, & find that nothing material has occurred in my absence.

There is nothing new except what is contained in the papers, and what I doubt not has been announced to you from the War Department—the Convention between Hamtramck and certain Tribes on the Wabash.
With the most perfect respect and truest attachment,   I have the honor to be &c.
Alexr. Hamilton.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Tench Coxe, 22 May 1792
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Coxe, Tench

Sir
[Philadelphia] May 22d 1792

Pursuant to the 6th Section of the Act making alterations in the Treasury & War Departments, I have concluded to commit to you the general Superintendence of the Light Houses and other establishments relating to the security of Navigation according to the powers vested in me by law.
Information will be given accordingly to the respective Superintendents who will be instructed to correspond in future with you, and take your directions.
When the Presidents sanction is in any case requisite you will make report to me in order that the requisite submission to him may be made.
I am Sir &c
Alexr Hamilton
The Commissioner of the Revenue


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Daniel Stevens, 22 May 1792
From: Stevens, Daniel
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[Charleston, South Carolina, May 22, 1792. On June 16, 1792, Tench Coxe wrote to Stevens: “The Secretary of the Treasury has delivered to me your letters to him of the 22nd. and 26th of May, and he has requested me to communicate to you the great satisfaction he feels at the success of your efforts to explain and render acceptable the duties on Spirits & Stills. Your forbearance to prossecute the body of those persons, who have from want of due Consideration indiscreetly opposed the law, meets his approbation. It is wished that the deportment of the principal offender may be such as to render it prudent and safe to extend the same indulgence towards him, but this must depend upon his renouncing all refractory conduct, and convincing you of his sincere disposition to demean himself with due propriety in future. Should this temper be manifested by him, and should you not perceive any good reasons for prosecuting him, it may be well that he be treated with the same lenity.” Letter of May 22 not found.]


Title: Treasury Department Circular to the Superintendents of Lighthouses, 22 May 1792
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Superintendents of Lighthouses

Sir,
Treasury Department May 22nd 1792

Pursuant to the 6th Section of the Act making alterations in the Treasury and War Departments, I have concluded to commit to Tench Coxe Esquire Commissioner of the Revenue, the general superintendence of the Light house and other establishments, relating to the security of navigation according to the powers vested in me by law.
You will therefore be pleased to correspond in future with the said Commissioner of Revenue, touching all matters relating to the Light House establishment and take his directions thereon.
I am Sir   Your most obedt Servt
Alexander Hamilton


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to William Seton, 23 May 1792
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Seton, William

[Philadelphia, May 23, 1792. On May 28, 1792, Seton wrote to Hamilton: “Your kind letter of the 23d, I did not receive till after the last post for the week was gone out.” Letter not found.]


Title: Treasury Department Circular to the Collectors of the Customs, 23 May 1792
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Collectors of the Customs

Sir
Treasury DepartmentMay 23. 1792.

I have to request, if in future you should have any particular communication to make to the Secretary of the Treasury, that you will designate Your Office upon the outside of your letters.
I am, Sir,   Your Obedt. Servant
A Hamilton


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Thomas Willing, 23 May 1792
From: Willing, Thomas
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[Philadelphia, May 23, 1792. On May 23, 1792, Hamilton acknowledged the receipt of "Mr. W Letter of today.” Letter not found.]


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Thomas Willing, [23 May 1792]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Willing, Thomas

[Philadelphia, May 23, 1792]
Mr. Hamilton presents his Compliments to Mr. Willing incloses the rough draft of an agreement comprising the ideas contained in Mr. W Letter of today. If approved Mr. H will have it corrected & copied. If any alterations are desired Mr. W. will pleased to signify them. Mr. H is desirous of finishing the arranget as soon as may be.
May 23


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Sylvanus Bourne, 24 May 1792
From: Bourne, Sylvanus
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Sir
Boston May 24th 1792

Having been absent in the Country, it was not till yesterday, that I had the honour to receive your favr of the 10th Inst.
I had (as you supposed) been previously informed of the issue of an affair, which tho’ ultimately without your controul, had, I am confidant, the support of your most friendly exertions. My letter to you of the 10th in a degree anticipated the present answer to yours of the same date. Taught by long experience the futility of indulging those pleasing hopes in regard to life, which my education has inspired me with, while they are opposed by relentless misfortune & dissapointments, I consent to accept, the only place, you can at present give me, in confidence that “mens sibi conscia recti” may enliven the obscure path I am called to walk in, and serve as an antidote to the insiduous smiles of those who may enjoy more apparent fame.
I presume from the duty of the place you have assigned me that I shall be immediately subject to your directions & not subservient to the caprice of any clerks in the department: from this idea I derive solace.
Pressing as my situation is, I would still prefer the chance of contingent events, to the acceptance of a similar place with any one but you, my respected Sir—as I flatter myself yet to obtain (under the auspices of your kind patronage) some place more reputable & congenial to my wishes; provided the strength of these, may not beguile the weight of my pretensions.
Conscious that you cannot but view with Complacency the glow of a laudable ambition, I have not suppressed sentiments resulting from this source.
I have the honour to be with unequivocal Respect & Esteem   sir   Your most Obedt Humble servt
Sylva Bourne
PS.   Some necessary arrangment of my affaires will unavoidably detain me 10 days or a fortnight in this town; for which I ask your kind indulgence.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Stephen Cross, 25 May 1792
From: Cross, Stephen
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[Newburyport, Massachusetts, May 25, 1792. In a letter to Hamilton of October 18, 1792, Cross referred to “my letter of May 25th.” Letter not found.]


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, 25 May 1792
From: Pinckney, Charles Cotesworth
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[Charleston, South Carolina, May 25, 1792. On June 25, 1792, Hamilton wrote to Pinckney: “I have duly received your letter of the 25th of May.” Letter not found.]


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Thomas Willing, 25 May 1792
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Willing, Thomas

Sir
Treasury DepartmentMay 25. 1792

In conformity to my proposition accepted by the President Directors & Company of the Bank of the United States as expressed in their resolution of the 8th instant and to the desire of the Board signified in your letter of the 23, I have caused an Agreement to be prepared, which having been first shewn to you and approved, I have executed in two parts and now send them to you to be executed under the seal of the Corporation. One of them you will please to have returned to me.
With very respectful consideration   I have the honor to be   Sir Your most Obedient & humble servant
Alexander HamiltonSecy of the Treasury
Thomas Willing EsquirePresident of the Bank of the UStates.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Edward Carrington, 26 May 1792
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Carrington, Edward

My Dear Sir
Philadelphia May 26th, 1792

Believing that I possess a share of your personal friendship and confidence and yielding to that which I feel towards you—persuaded also that our political creed is the same on two essential points, 1st the necessity of Union to the respectability and happiness of this Country and 2 the necessity of an efficient general government to maintain that Union—I have concluded to unbosom myself to you on the present state of political parties and views. I ask no reply to what I shall say. I only ask that you will be persuaded, the representations I shall make are agreable to the real and sincere impressions of my mind. You will make the due allowances for the influence of circumstances upon it—you will consult your own observations and you will draw such a conclusion as shall appear to you proper.
When I accepted the Office, I now hold, it was under a full persuasion, that from similarity of thinking, conspiring with personal goodwill, I should have the firm support of Mr. Madison, in the general course of my administration. Aware of the intrinsic difficultties of the situation and of the powers of Mr. Madison, I do not believe I should have accepted under a different supposition.
I have mentioned the similarity of thinking between that Gentleman and myself. This was relative not merely to the general principles of National Policy and Government but to the leading points which were likely to constitute questions in the administration of the finances. I mean 1 the expediency of funding the debt 2 the inexpediency of discrimination between original and present holders 3 The expediency of assuming the state Debts.
As to the first point, the evidence of Mr. Madisons sentiments at one period is to be found in the address of Congress of April 26th 1783, which was planned by him in conformity to his own ideas and without any previous suggestions from the Committee and with his hearty cooperation in every part of the business. His conversations upon various occasions since have been expressive of a continuance in the same sentiment, nor indeed, has he yet contradicted it by any part of his official conduct. How far there is reason to apprehend a change in this particular will be stated hereafter.
As to the second part, the same address is an evidence of Mr. Madison’s sentiments at the same period. And I had been informed that at a later period he had been in the Legislature of Virginia a strenuous and successful opponent of the principle of discrimination. Add to this that a variety of conversations had taken place between him and myself respecting the public debt down to the commencement of the New Government in none of which had he glanced at the idea of a change of opinion. I wrote him a letter after my appointment in the recess of Congress to obtain his sentiments on the subject of the Finances. In his answer there is not a lisp of his new system.
As to the third point, the question of an assumption of the state Debts by the U States was in discussion when the Convention that framed the present Government was sitting at Philadelphia; and in a long conversation, which I had with Mr. Madison in an afternoon’s walk I well remember that we were perfectly agreed in the expediency and propriety of such a measure, though we were both of opinion that it would be more adviseable to make it a measure of administration than an article of constitution; from the impolicy of multiplying obstacles to its reception on collateral details.
Under these circumstances, you will naturally imagine that it must have been matter of surprize to me, when I was apprised, that it was Mr. Madison’s intention to oppose my plan on both the last mentioned points.
Before the debate commenced, I had a conversation with him on my report, in the course of which I alluded to the calculation I had made of his sentiments and the grounds of that calculation. He did not deny them, but alledged in his justification that the very considerable alienation of the debt, subsequent to the periods at which he had opposed a discrimination, had essentially changed the state of the question—and that as to the assumption, he had contemplated it to take place as matters stood at the peace.
While the change of opinion avowed on the point of discrimination diminished my respect for the force of Mr. Madison’s mind and the soundness of his judgment—and while the idea of reserving and setting afloat a vast mass of already extinguished debt as the condition of a measure the leading objects of which were an accession of strength to the National Government and an assurance of order and vigour in the national finances by doing away the necessity of thirteen complicated and conflicting systems of finance—appeared to me somewhat extraordinary: Yet my previous impressions of the fairness of Mr. Madison’s character and my reliance on his good will towards me disposed me to believe that his suggestions were sincere; and even, on the point of an assumption of the debts of the States as they stood at the peace, to lean towards a cooperation in his view; ’till on feeling the ground I found the thing impracticable, and on further reflection I thought it liable to immense difficulties. It was tried and failed with little countenance.
At this time and afterwards repeated intimations were given to me that Mr. Madison, from a spirit of rivalship or some other cause had become personally unfriendly to me; and one Gentleman in particular, whose honor I have no reason to doubt, assured me, that Mr. Madison in a conversation with him had made a pretty direct attempt to insinuate unfavourable impressions of me.
Still I suspended my opinion on the subject. I knew the malevolent officiousness of mankind too well to yield a very ready acquiescience to the suggestions which were made, and resolved to wait ’till time and more experience should afford a solution.
It was not ’till the last session that I became unequivocally convinced of the following truth—“That Mr. Madison cooperating with Mr. Jefferson is at the head of a faction decidedly hostile to me and my administration, and actuated by views in my judgment subversive of the principles of good government and dangerous to the union, peace and happiness of the Country.”
These are strong expressions; they may pain your friendship for one or both of the Gentlemen whom I have named. I have not lightly resolved to hazard them. They are the result of a Serious alarm in my mind for the public welfare, and of a full conviction that what I have alledged is a truth, and a truth, which ought to be told and well attended to, by all the friends of Union and efficient National Government. The suggestion will, I hope, at least awaken attention, free from the byass of former prepossessions.
This conviction in my mind is the result of a long train of circumstances; many of them minute. To attempt to detail them all would fill a volume. I shall therefore confine myself to the mention of a few.
First—As to the point of opposition to me and my administration.
Mr. Jefferson with very little reserve manifests his dislike of the funding system generally; calling in question the expediency of funding a debt at all. Some expressions which he has dropped in my own presence (sometimes without sufficient attention to delicacy) will not permit me to doubt on this point, representations, which I have had from various respectable quarters. I do not mean, that he advocates directly the undoing of what has been done, but he censures the whole on principles, which if they should become general, could not but end in the subversion of the system.
In various conversations with foreigners as well as citizens, he has thrown censure on my principles of government and on my measures of administration. He has predicted that the people would not long tolerate my proceedings & that I should not long maintain my ground. Some of those, whom he immediately and notoriously moves, have even whispered suspicions of the rectitude of my motives and conduct. In the question concerning the Bank he not only delivered an opinion in writing against its constitutionality & expediency; but he did it in a stile and manner which I felt as partaking of asperity and ill humour towards me. As one of the trustees of the sinking fund, I have experienced in almost every leading question opposition from him. When any turn of things in the community has threatened either odium or embarrassment to me, he has not been able to suppress the satisfaction which it gave him.
A part of this is of course information, and might be misrepresentation. But it comes through so many channels and so well accords with what falls under my own observation that I can entertain no doubt.
I find a strong confirmation in the following circumstances. Freneau the present Printer of the National Gazette, who was a journeyman with Childs & Swain at New York, was a known anti-federalist. It is reduced to a certainty that he was brought to Philadelphia by Mr. Jefferson to be the conductor of a News Paper. It is notorious that cotemporarily with the commencement of his paper he was a Clerk in the department of state for foreign languages. Hence a clear inference that his paper has been set on foot and is conducted under the patronage & not against the views of Mr. Jefferson. What then is the complexion of this paper? Let any impartial man peruse all the numbers down to the present day; and I never was more mistaken, if he does not pronounce that it is a paper devoted to the subversion of me & the measures in which I have had an Agency; and I am little less mistaken if he do not pronounce that it is a paper of a tendency generally unfriendly to the Government of the U States.
It may be said, that a News Paper being open to all the publications, which are offered to it, its complexion may be influenced by other views than those of the Editor. But the fact here is that wherever the Editor appears it is in a correspondent dress. The paragraphs which appear as his own, the publications, not original which are selected for his press, are of the same malignant and unfriendly aspect, so as not to leave a doubt of the temper which directs the publication.
Again Brown, who publishes an Evening paper called The Federal Gazette was originally a zealous federalist and personally friendly to me. He has been employed by Mr. Jefferson as a Printer to the Government for the publication of the laws; and for some time past ’till lately the complexion of his press was equally bitter and unfriendly to me & to the Government.
Lately, Col Pickering in consequence of certain attacks upon him, got hold of some instances of malconduct of his which have served to hold him in Check and seemed to have varied his tone a little. I dont lay so much stress on this last case as on the former. There, I find an internal evidence which is as conclusive as can be expected in any similar case. Thus far, as to Mr. Jefferson.
With regard to Mr. Madison—the matter stands thus. I have not heard, but in the one instance to which I have alluded, of his having held language unfriendly to me in private conversation. But in his public conduct there has been a more uniform & persevering opposition than I have been able to resolve into a sincere difference of opinion. I cannot persuade myself that Mr. Madison and I, whose politics had formerly so much the same point of departure, should now diverge so widely in our opinions of the measures which are proper to be pursued. The opinion I once entertained of the candour and simplicity and fairness of Mr. Madisons character has, I acknowledge, given way to a decided opinion that it is one of a peculiarly artificial and complicated kind.
For a considerable part of the last session, Mr. Madison lay in a great measure perdu. But it was evident from his votes & a variety of little movements and appearances, that he was the prompter of Mr. Giles & others, who were the open instruments of opposition. Two facts occurred, in the course of the session, which I view as unequivocal demonstrations of his disposition towards me. In one, a direct and decisive blow was aimed. When the department of the Treasury was established Mr. Madison was an unequivocal advocate of the principles which prevailed in it and of the powers and duties which were assigned by it to the head of the department. This appeared both from his private and public discourses; and I will add, that I have personal evidence that Mr. Madison is as well convinced as any man in the U States of the necessity of the arrangement which characterizes that establishment to the orderly conducting of the business of the Finances.
Mr. Madison nevertheless opposed directly a reference to me to report ways & means for the Western expedition, & combatted on principle the propriety of such references.
He well knew, that, if he had prevailed, a certain consequence was, my resignation—that I would not be fool enough to make pecuniary sacrifices and endure a life of extreme drudgery without opportunity either to do material good or to acquire reputation; and frequently with a responsibility in reputation for measures in which I had no hand, and in respect to which, the part I had acted, if any, could not be known.
To accomplish this point, an effectual train, as was supposed, was laid. Besides those who ordinarily acted under Mr. Madison’s banners, several, who had generally acted with me from various motives, vanity, self importance, &c. &c. were enlisted.
My overthrow was anticipated as certain and Mr. Madison, laying aside his wonted caution, boldly led his troops as he imagined to a certain victory. He was disappointed. Though, late I became apprized of the danger. Measures of counteraction were adopted, & when the Question was called, Mr. Madison was confounded to find characters voting against him, whom he had counted upon as certain.

Towards the close of the Session, another, though a more covert, attack was made. It was in the shape of a proposition to insert in the supplementary Act respecting the public Debt something by way of instruction to the Trustees “to make their purchases of the debt at the lowest market price.” In the course of the discussion of this point, Mr. Madison dealt much in insidious insinuations calculated to give an impression that the public money under my particular direction had been unfaithfully applied to put undue advantages in the pockets of speculators, & to support the debt at an artificial price for their benefit. The whole manner of this transaction left no doubt in any ones mind that Mr. Madison was actuated by personal & political animosity.
As to this last instance, it is but candid to acknowledge, that Mr. Madison had a better right to act the enemy than on any former occasion. I had some short time before, subsequent to his conduct respecting the reference, declared openly my opinion of the views, by which he was actuated towards me, & my determination to consider & treat him as a political enemy.
An intervening proof of Mr. Madisons unfriendly intrigues to my disadvantage is to be found in the following incident which I relate to you upon my honor but from the nature of it, you will perceive in the strictest confidence. The president having prepared his speech at the commencement of the ensuing session communicated it to Mr. Madison for his remarks. It contained among other things a clause concerning weights & measures, hinting the advantage of an invariable standard, which preceded, in the original state of the speech, a clause concerning the Mint. Mr. Madison suggested a transposition of these clauses & the addition of certain words, which I now forget importing an immediate connection between the two subjects. You may recollect that Mr. Jefferson proposes that the unit of weight & the unit in the coins shall be the same, & that my propositions are to preserve the Dollar as the Unit, adhering to its present quantity of Silver, & establishing the same proportion of alloy in the silver as in the gold Coins. The evident design of this manoeuvre was to connect the Presidents opinion in favour of Mr. Jefferson’s idea, in contradiction to mine, &, the worst of it is, without his being aware of the tendency of the thing. It happened, that the President shewed me the Speech, altered in conformity to Mr. Madisons suggestion, just before it was copied for the purpose of being delivered. I remarked to him the tendency of the alteration. He declared that he had not been aware of it & had no such intention; & without hesitation agreed to expunge the words which were designed to connect the two subjects.
This transaction, in my opinion, not only furnishes a proof of Mr. Madisons intrigues, in opposition to my measures, but charges him with an abuse of the Presidents confidence in him, by endeavouring to make him, without his knowledge, take part with one officer against another, in a case in which they had given different opinions to the Legislature of the Country. I forbore to awaken the President’s mind to this last inference; but it is among the circumstances which have convinced me that Mr. Madisons true character is the reverse of that simple, fair, candid one, which he has assumed.
I have informed you, that Mr. Freneau was brought to Philadelphia, by Mr. Jefferson, to be the Conductor of a News Paper. My information announced Mr. Madison as the mean of negotiation while he was at New York last summer. This and the general coincidence & close intimacy between the two Gentlemen leave no doubt that their views are substantially the same.
Secondly As to the tendency of the views of the two Gentlemen who have been named.
Mr. Jefferson is an avowed enemy to a funded debt. Mr. Madison disavows in public any intention to undo what has been done; but in a private conversation with Mr. Charles Carroll (Senator), this Gentlemans name I mention confidentially though he mentioned the matter to Mr. King & several other Gentlemen as well as myself; & if any chance should bring you together you would easily bring him to repeat it to you, he favoured the sentiment in Mr. Mercers speech that a Legislature had no right to fund the debt by mortgaging permanently the public revenues because they had no right to bind posterity. The inference is that what has been unlawfully done may be undone.
The discourse of partizans in the Legislature & the publications in the party news-papers direct their main battery against the principle of a funded debt, & represent it in the most odious light as a perfect Pandoras box.
If Mr. Barnewell of St. Carolina, who appears to be a man of nice honor, may be credited, Mr. Giles declared in a conversation with him that if there was a question for reversing the funding system on the abstract point of the right of pledging & the futility of preserving public faith, he should be for reversal; merely to demonstrate his sense of the defect of right & the inutility of the thing. If positions equally extravagant were not publicly advanced by some of the party & secretly countenanced by the most guarded & discreet of them, one would be led, from the absurdity of the declaration, to suspect misapprehension. But from what is known any thing may be believed.
Whatever were the original merits of the funding system, after having been so solemly adopted, & after so great a transfer of property under it, what would become of the Government should it be reversed? What of the National Reputation? Upon what system of morality can so atrocious a doctrine be maintained? In me, I confess it excites indignation & horror!
What are we to think of those maxims of Government by which the power of a Legislature is denied to bind the Nation by a Contract in an affair of property for twenty four years? For this is precisely the case of the debt. What are to become of all the legal rights of property, of all charters to corporations, nay, of all grants to a man his heirs & assigns for ever, if this doctrine be true? What is the term for which a government is in capacity to contract? Questions might be multiplied without end to demonstrate the perniciousness & absurdity of such a doctrine.
In almost all the questions great & small which have arisen, since the first session of Congress, Mr. Jefferson & Mr. Madison have been found among those who were disposed to narrow the Federal authority. The question of a National Bank is one example. The question of bounties to the Fisheries is another. Mr. Madison resisted it on the ground of constitutionality, ’till it was evident, by the intermediate questions taken, that the bill would pass & he then under the wretched subterfuge of a change of a single word “bounty” for “allowance” went over to the Majority & voted for the bill. In the Militia bill & in a variety of minor cases he has leaned to abridging the exercise of foederal authority, & leaving as much as possible to the States & he has lost no opportunity of sounding the alarm with great affected solemnity at encroachments meditated on the rights of the States, & of holding up the bugbear of a faction in the Government having designs unfriendly to Liberty.
This kind of conduct has appeared to me the more extraordinary on the part of Mr. Madison as I know for a certainty it was a primary article in his Creed that the real danger in our system was the subversion of the National authority by the preponderancy of the State Governments. All his measures have proceeded on an opposite supposition.
I recur again to the instance of Freneaus paper. In matters of this kind one cannot have direct proof of men’s latent views; they must be inferred from circumstances. As the coadjutor of Mr. Jefferson in the establishment of this paper, I include Mr. Madison in the consequences imputable to it.

In respect to our foreign politics the views of these Gentlemen are in my judgment equally unsound & dangerous. They have a womanish attachment to France and a womanish resentment against Great Britain. They would draw us into the closest embrace of the former & involve us in all the consequences of her politics, & they would risk the peace of the country in their endeavours to keep us at the greatest possible distance from the latter. This disposition goes to a length particularly in Mr. Jefferson of which, till lately, I had no adequate Idea. Various circumstances prove to me that if these Gentlemen were left to pursue their own course there would be in less than six months an open War between the U States & Great Britain.
I trust I have a due sense of the conduct of France towards this Country in the late Revolution, & that I shall always be among the foremost in making her every suitable return; but there is a wide difference between this & implicating ourselves in all her politics; between bearing good will to her, & hating and wranggling with all those whom she hates. The Neutral & the Pacific Policy appear to me to mark the true path to the U States.
Having now delineated to you what I conceive to be the true complexion of the politics of these Gentlemen, I will now attempt a solution of these strange appearances.
Mr. Jefferson, it is known, did not in the first instance cordially acquiesce in the new constitution for the U States; he had many doubts & reserves. He left this Country before we had experienced the imbicillities of the former.
In France he saw government only on the side of its abuses. He drank deeply of the French Philosophy, in Religion, in Science, in politics. He came from France in the moment of a fermentation which he had had a share in exciting, & in the passions and feelings of which he shared both from temperament and situation.
He came here probably with a too partial idea of his own powers, and with the expectation of a greater share in the direction of our councils than he has in reality enjoyed. I am not sure that he had not peculiarly marked out for himself the department of the Finances.
He came electrified plus with attachment to France and with the project of knitting together the two Countries in the closest political bands.
Mr. Madison had always entertained an exalted opinion of the talents, knowledge and virtues of Mr. Jefferson. The sentiment was probably reciprocal. A close correspondence subsisted between them during the time of Mr. Jefferson’s absence from this country. A close intimacy arose upon his return.
Whether any peculiar opinions of Mr. Jefferson concerning the public debt wrought a change in the sentiments of Mr. Madison (for it is certain that the former is more radically wrong than the latter) or whether Mr. Madison seduced by the expectation of popularity and possibly by the calculation of advantage to the state of Virginia was led to change his own opinion—certain it is, that a very material change took place, & that the two Gentlemen were united in the new ideas. Mr. Jefferson was indiscreetly open in his approbation of Mr. Madison’s principles, upon his first coming to the seat of Government. I say indiscreetly, because a Gentleman in the administration in one department ought not to have taken sides against another, in another department.
The course of this business & a variety of circumstances which took place left Mr. Madison a very discontented & chagrined man and begot some degree of ill humour in Mr. Jefferson.
Attempts were made by these Gentlemen in different ways to produce a Commercial Warfare with Great Britain. In this too they were disappointed. And as they had the liveliest wishes on the subject their dissatisfaction has been proportionally great; and as I had not favoured the project, I was comprehended in their displeasure.
These causes and perhaps some others created, much sooner than I was aware of it, a systematic opposition to me on the part of those Gentlemen. My subversion, I am now satisfied, has been long an object with them.
Subsequent events have encreased the Spirit of opposition and the feelings of personal mortification on the part of these Gentlemen.
A mighty stand was made on the affair of the Bank. There was much commitment in that case. I prevailed.

On the Mint business I was opposed from the same Quarter, & with still less success. In the affair of ways & means for the Western expedition—on the supplementary arrangements concerning the debt except as to the additional assumption, my views have been equally prevalent in opposition to theirs. This current of success on one side & defeat on the other have rendered the Opposition furious, & have produced a disposition to subvert their Competitors even at the expence of the Government.
Another circumstance has contributed to widening the breach. ’Tis evident beyond a question, from every movement, that Mr Jefferson aims with ardent desire at the Presidential Chair. This too is an important object of the party-politics. It is supposed, from the nature of my former personal & political connexions, that I may favour some other candidate more than Mr. Jefferson when the Question shall occur by the retreat of the present Gentleman. My influence therefore with the Community becomes a thing, on ambitious & personal grounds, to be resisted & destroyed.
You know how much it was a point to establish the Secretary of State as the Officer who was to administer the Government in defect of the President & Vice President. Here I acknowledge, though I took far less part than was supposed, I run counter to Mr. Jefferson’s wishes; but if I had had no other reason for it, I had already experienced opposition from him which rendered it a measure of self defence.
It is possible too (for men easily heat their imaginations when their passions are heated) that they have by degrees persuaded themselves of what they may have at first only sported to influence others—namely that there is some dreadful combination against State Government & republicanism; which according to them, are convertible terms. But there is so much absurdity in this supposition, that the admission of it tends to apologize for their hearts, at the expence of their heads.
Under the influence of all these circumstances, the attachment to the Government of the U States originally weak in Mr Jeffersons mind has given way to something very like dislike; in Mr. Madisons, it is so counteracted by personal feelings, as to be more an affair of the head than of the heart—more the result of a conviction of the necessity of Union than of cordiality to the thing itself. I hope it does not stand worse than this with him.
In such a state of mind, both these Gentlemen are prepared to hazard a great deal to effect a change. Most of the important measures of every Government are connected with the Treasury. To subvert the present head of it they deem it expedient to risk rendering the Government itself odious; perhaps foolishly thinking that they can easily recover the lost affections & confidence of the people, and not appreciating as they ought to do the natural resistance to Government which in every community results from the human passions, the degree to which this is strengthened by the organised rivality of State Governments, & the infinite danger that the National Government once rendered odious will be kept so by these powerful & indefatigable enemies.
They forget an old but a very just, though a coarse saying—That it is much easier to raise the Devil than to lay him.
Poor Knox has come in for a share of their persecution as a man who generally thinks with me & who has a portion of the Presidents good Will & confidence.
In giving you this picture of political parties, my design is I confess, to awaken your attention, if it has not yet been awakened to the conduct of the Gentlemen in question. If my opinion of them is founded, it is certainly of great moment to the public weal that they should be understood. I rely on the strength of your mind to appreciate men as they merit—when you have a clue to their real views.

A word on another point. I am told that serious apprehensions are disseminated in your state as to the existence of a Monarchical party meditating the destruction of State & Republican Government. If it is possible that so absurd an idea can gain ground it is necessary that it should be combatted. I assure you on my private faith and honor as a Man that there is not in my judgment a shadow of foundation of it. A very small number of men indeed may entertain theories less republican than Mr Jefferson & Mr. Madison; but I am persuaded there is not a Man among them who would not regard as both criminal & visionary any attempt to subvert the republican system of the Country. Most of these men rather fear that it may not justify itself by its fruits, than feel a predilection for a different form; and their fears are not diminished by the factions & fanatical politics which they find prevailing among a certain set of Gentlemen and threatening to disturb the tranquillity and order of the Government.
As to the destruction of State Governments, the great and real anxiety is to be able to preserve the National from the too potent and counteracting influence of those Governments. As to my own political Creed, I give it to you with the utmost sincerity. I am affectionately attached to the Republican theory. I desire above all things to see the equality of political rights exclusive of all hereditary distinction firmly established by a practical demonstration of its being consistent with the order and happiness of society.
As to State Governments, the prevailing byass of my judgment is that if they can be circumscribed within bounds consistent with the preservation of the National Government they will prove useful and salutary. If the States were all of the size of Connecticut, Maryland or New Jersey, I should decidedly regard the local Governments as both safe & useful. As the thing now is, however, I acknowledge the most serious apprehensions that the Government of the U States will not be able to maintain itself against their influence. I see that influence already penetrating into the National Councils & preverting their direction.
Hence a disposition on my part towards a liberal construction of the powers of the National Government and to erect every fence to guard it from depredations, which is, in my opinion, consistent with constitutional propriety.

As to any combination to prostrate the State Governments I disavow and deny it. From an apprehension lest the Judiciary should not work efficiently or harmoniously I have been desirous of seeing some rational scheme of connection adopted as an amendment to the constitution, otherwise I am for maintaining things as they are, though I doubt much the possibility of it, from a tendency in the nature of things towards the preponderancy of the State Governments.
I said, that I was affectionately attached to the Republican theory. This is the real language of my heart which I open to you in the sincerity of friendship; & I add that I have strong hopes of the success of that theory; but in candor I ought also to add that I am far from being without doubts. I consider its success as yet a problem.
It is yet to be determined by experience whether it be consistent with that stability and order in Government which are essential to public strength & private security and happiness. On the whole, the only enemy which Republicanism has to fear in this Country is in the Spirit of faction and anarchy. If this will not permit the ends of Government to be attained under it—if it engenders disorders in the community, all regular & orderly minds will wish for a change—and the demagogues who have produced the disorder will make it for their own aggrandizement. This is the old Story.
If I were disposed to promote Monarchy & overthrow State Governments, I would mount the hobby horse of popularity—I would cry out usurpation—danger to liberty &c. &c—I would endeavour to prostrate the National Government—raise a ferment—and then “ride in the Whirlwind and direct the Storm.” That there are men acting with Jefferson & Madison who have this in view I verily believe. I could lay my finger on some of them. That Madison does not mean it I also verily believe, and I rather believe the same of Jefferson; but I read him upon the whole thus—“A man of profound ambition & violent passions.”
You must be by this time tired of my epistle. Perhaps I have treated certain characters with too much severity. I have however not meant to do them injustice—and from the bottom of my soul believe I have drawn them truly and that it is of the utmost consequence to the public weal they should be viewed in their true colors. I yield to this impression. I will only add that I make no clandestine attacks on the gentlemen concerned. They are both apprized indirectly from myself of the opinion I entertain of their views. With the truest regard and esteem.


Title: Receipt from William Pearce, [26 May 1792]
From: Pearce, William,Hamilton, Alexander
To:

[Philadelphia, May 26, 1792]
Received Philadelphia May 26. 1792 of Alexander Hamilton forty Dollars on account of the Society for establishing useful Manufactures.
Wm. Pearce


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from William Short, 26 May 1792
From: Short, William
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[Paris, May 26, 1792. On June 28, 1792, Short wrote to Hamilton: “I had the satisfaction of announcing to you by a few lines written for that purpose only from Paris on the 26th of May, that a second loan at 4 p. cent had been contracted for.” Letter not found.]


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Daniel Stevens, 26 May 1792
From: Stevens, Daniel
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[Charleston, South Carolina, May 26, 1792. On June 16, 1792, Tench Coxe wrote to Stevens: “The Secretary of the Treasury has delivered to me your letters to him of the 22nd. and 26th of May.” Letter of May 26 not found.]


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Otho H. Williams, 27 May 1792
From: Williams, Otho H.
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[Baltimore, May 27, 1792. On June 5, 1792, Hamilton wrote to Williams: “I have before me your letters of the 18th of March, 18th of April, 8th & 27th of May.” Letter of May 27 not found.]