Title: To John Adams from Oliver Wolcott, Jr., 20 December 1799
From: Wolcott, Oliver, Jr.
To: Adams, John

20 Dec. 1799

The Secy of the Treasury in obedience to the Command of the President of the United States has considered the Letter of the Secretary of War dated novb. 27, 1799 & thereupon most respectfully submits the following Report.
That by an Act of Congress passed on the 9th. of February 1793, it is declared, “that in all cases, where any sum or sums of money have been issued or shall hereafter issue, from the Treasury for the purposes of intercourse or Treaty, with foreign nations in pursuance of any Law, the President shall be and he hereby is authorized to cause the same to be duly settled annually with the accounting Officers of the Treasury in manner following, that is to say by causing the same to be accounted for, specifically in all instances, wherein the expenditure thereof may in his judgement be made public; or by making a Certificate or Certificates; or causing the Secretary of State to make a Certificate, of the amount of such expenditures as he may think it adviseable not to specify; & every such Certificate shall be deemed a sufficient Voucher for the sum or sums therein expressed to have been expended.”
The foregoing express provision by Law, contains as is believed a safe & proper rule, for controuling the expenditure of all monies disbursed for secret purposes:—It is impossible to conduct the business of the Departments of State, War and the Navy, without sometimes incurring expences the precise objects of which cannot be safely  disclosed, yet it is and it is however at the same time necessary, that such expenditures, should be made in a manner best calculated to shield the Officers from of Govt. from odium or suspicion—
To reconcile these objects in the best manner possible, & at the same time to preserve the means, of ascertaining the aggregate amount of all secret disbursements, on account of the Government, it is respectfully submitted not as the opinion of the Secretary, that all  such expenditures , ought to be ascertained to the satisfaction of the President, & certified according to the following form, hereto annexed.
All which is respectfully submitted by


Title: To John Adams from Arthur Campbell, 21 December 1799
From: Campbell, Arthur
To: Adams, John

Sire
Washington V. Decr. 21st. 1799

Nothing can be more consolatory to the sober and reflecting past of the American People, than the peculiar marks of divine favour, that has blest your administration of the government of the United States.
The present calamitous War in Europe was begun in the time of the administration of your renowned predecessor: He had the wisdom, amidst many alurements of false glory, to embrace an impartial Neutrality: But it was reserved for you, when American Affairs had arrived at a perilous crisis, to decide wisely and firmly, that war with all its attendant evils, was preferable to a state of national degradation and lasting dishonour. This manly independent tone, of our Chief Magistrate, will be of great value as an example, to the present and future Citizens of the Republic. They heroic and orderly will be confirmed in their principles; The timid and wavering, will assume courage, and be ready to follow the banners of the Constitution and the Laws.—And the malignant, or short-sighted opposers of our Union, must stand abash’d.—
I will not say that these important events have been brought about, by Mans wisdom or by the power of his might.—I believe in an over-ruling Divine-Providence, superintending not only the civil Affairs of Men, but controuling the natural and moral World.
He whom the Almighty has chosen to be an Instrument, in his hands, to do much good, may well be hail’d. “O thou highly favoured of the Lord, who hast received skill and understanding, fear not, peace be unto Thee, be strong, yea be strong, for He will give his Angels charge over Thee, to keep Thee, in all thy ways.”
Accept, Sire, the homage of my sincere Respect
Arthur Campbell


Title: To John Adams from Arthur St. Clair, 23 December 1799
From: St. Clair, Arthur
To: Adams, John

Sir
Cincinnati 23d Decr. 1799

The enclosed Address from the General Assembly of the territory was put into my hands on the 19th. instant, the day on which it was prorogued, by a Committee of both houses, with a request that I would transmit it to You. In that, Sir, they imposed a very agreeable duty upon me: for, the sentiments seemed to be such as were proper for them to express; and having expressed them publicly as a body, the individuals will find themselves prompted (had they no better motives, and I hope they have many better) by the desire, common to mankind, that of leading others to think as they do, to propagate them amongst their constituents; and because nothing can be more agreeable to me than being made the channel thro’ which any testimonies of attachment, of confidence and of respect towards you, are conveyed. A short time only, I trust, will elapse before they are common to the whole america people.
A Law, Sir, passed during the session of the Legislature for regulating the Militia which requires a number of General Officers to carry it into effect.—So soon as I can obtain a copy it shall be sent to the Secretary of State to be laid before you, and, with your permission, I will name to you such persons as appear to me, in the different Counties, the best qualified, in all respects to fill those Offices.
I have the honor to be / Sir / Your obedient Servant

Ar. St. Clair


Title: From John Adams to United States Senate, 23 December 1799
From: Adams, John
To: United States Senate

					Gentlemen of the Senate,
					23 December, 1799.

				I receive, with the most respectful and affectionate sentiments, in this impressive address, the obliging expressions of your regard for the loss our country has sustained in the death of her most esteemed, beloved, and admired citizen.

In the multitude of my thoughts and recollections on this melancholy event, you will permit me only to say, that I have seen him in the days of adversity, in some of the scenes of his deepest distress and most trying perplexities; I have also attended him in his highest elevation, and most prosperous felicity, with uniform admiration of his wisdom, moderation, and constancy.

Among all our original associates in that memorable league of the continent in 1774, which first expressed the sovereign will of a free nation in America, he was the only one remaining in the general government.

Although, with a constitution more enfeebled than his at an age when he thought it necessary to prepare for retirement, I feel myself alone, bereaved of my last brother, yet I derive a strong consolation from the unanimous disposition which appears, in all ages and classes, to mingle their sorrows with mine on this common calamity to the world.

The life of our Washington cannot suffer by a comparison with those of other countries who have been most celebrated and exalted by fame. The attributes and decorations of royalty could have only served to eclipse the majesty of those virtues which made him, from being a modest citizen, a more resplendent luminary. Misfortune, had he lived, could hereafter have sullied his glory only with those superficial minds, who, believing that characters and actions are marked by success alone, rarely deserve to enjoy it. Malice could never blast his honor, and envy made him a singular exception to her universal rule. For himself, he had lived enough to life and to glory. For his fellow-citizens, if their prayers could have been answered, he would have been immortal. For me, his departure is at a most unfortunate moment. Trusting, however, in the wise and righteous dominion of Providence over the passions of men, and the results of their counsels and actions, as well as over their lives, nothing remains for me but humble resignation.

His example is now complete, and it will teach wisdom and virtue to magistrates, citizens, and men, not only in the present age, but in future generations, as long as our history shall be read. If a Trajan found a Pliny, a Marcus Aurelius can never want biographers, eulogists, or historians.

					John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from United States Senate, 23 December 1799
From: United States Senate
To: Adams, John

					To the President of the United States:
					December 23, 1799

				The Senate of the United States respectfully take leave, sir, to express to you their deep regret for the loss their country sustains in the death of General George Washington. This event, so distressing to all our fellow–citizens, must be peculiarly heavy to you, who have long been associated with him in deeds of patriotism. Permit us, sir, to mingle our tears with yours: on this occasion it is manly to weep. To lose such a man at such a crisis is no common calamity to the world. Our country mourns her father. The Almighty Disposer of human events has taken from us our greatest benefactor and ornament. It becomes us to submit with reverence to Him who “maketh darkness his pavilion.”With patriotic pride we review the life of our Washington, and compare him with those of other countries who have been pre–eminent in fame. Ancient and modern names are diminished before him. Greatness and guilt have too often been allied; but his fame is whiter than it is brilliant. The destroyers of nations stood abashed at the majesty of his virtue. It reproved the intemperance of their ambition, and darkened the splendor of victory. The scene is closed, and we are no longer anxious lest misfortune should sully his glory; he has travelled on to the end of his journey, and carried with him an increasing weight of honor; he has deposited it safely, where misfortune cannot tarnish it, where malice cannot blast it. Favored of Heaven, he departed without exhibiting the weakness of humanity: magnanimous in death, the darkness of the grave could not obscure his brightness. Such was the man whom we deplore. Thanks to God, his glory is consummated: Washington yet lives—on earth in his spotless example—his spirit is in heaven. Let his countrymen consecrate the memory of the heroic general, the patriotic statesman, and the virtuous sage. Let them teach their children never to forget that the fruit of his labors and his example are their inheritance.

					Samuel Livermore, President of the Senate, pro tempore


Title: From John Adams to Tobias Lear, 24 December 1799
From: Adams, John
To: Lear, Tobias

Sir
Phyladelphia December 24. 1799

I recd—in due Season your Letter of the fifteenth of this Month, and immediately communicated it to both Houses of Congress in a Message. The melancholly Event announced in it, had been before communicated to the Legislature, but upon less authentic and regular Evidence. The American People are sincere Mourners, under the loss of their Friend and Benefactor. For General Washington it is a Consummation devoutly to be wished.
I pray you Sir to present my Regards to Madam Washington and all the amiable And worthy Family and assure them of my Sincere Sympathy with them under this great affliction.
I feel also for yourself, as you have lost in General Washington a Friend not to be replaced.
With my Esteem I am / Sir your most obedient and / humble servant
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 24 December 1799
From: Adams, John
To: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan

Dear Sir
Phyladelphia Decr 24. 1799

I have recd your favour of the 13th and thank you for your Zeal for the honor of my “Defence”. That Work which was begun on the 4 of October 1786 and finished on the 26 of December 1787 was written in haste. It was not the fruit of twenty Years Labour like Montesquieus & Gibbons and as it was written in haste may be supposed to have marks enough of Inaccuracy. I am not yet sensible of any Thing in it, materially erroneous. The last volume was published in the Beginning of 1788 and in the Course of the twelve years of its Existence it has been Attacked by the Violence and Virulence of Party Spirit. I have never written a Line in its Vindication. The more it is attacked the better. Let them fight it. Mr Gerry informed me that Thomas Paine told him at Paris that he was employed in preparing an Answer to it. The Answer advertised in America, may be his. If you reply, in what Language shall you write? and where will you find a Printer who will undertake to publish it?
Yours &c

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from William Moubray, 24 December 1799
From: Moubray, William
To: Adams, John

Sir,
St. Mary’s, 24th. Decr. 1799.

Should my Application not interfere with that of a Gentleman of much Superior merit, I would beg Leave, with the greatest deference and Respect, to offer my Services as Collector of the Customs for the Port of Savannah
I have the honor to be, with the highest Respect, / Sir, / Your Excellency’s / most Obedient Servant
Will. MoubrayCollector of the Customs


Title: From John Adams to Martha Dandridge Custis Washington, 27 December 1799
From: Adams, John
To: Washington, Martha Dandridge Custis

Madam
Philadelphia Dec 27th 1799

In conformity with the desire of Congress I do myself the honor to inclose by Mr. William Smith Shaw my Secretary a copy of their resolutions passed the twenty fourth instant, occasioned by the decease of your late Consort Gen. George Washington assuring you of the profound respect Congress will ever bear to your person and character and of their condolence on this afflicting dispensation of providence. In pursuance of the same desire, I entreat your assent to the interment of the remains of the General under the marble monument to be erected in the capital, at the city of Washington, to commemorate the great events of his military and political life.
Renewing to you, Madam, my expressions of condolence on this melancholly occasion & assuring you of the profound respect which I personally entertain for your person & character.
I remain with great esteem Madam / your faithful & obedient servant


Title: To John Adams from John M. Pintard, 27 December 1799
From: Pintard, John M.
To: Adams, John

Sir
Philadelphia 27th December 1799

I intended this Morning to have waited on you to Know if you had any Commands for Cadiz, for which Place I am under the necessity of Setting off by way of New London (tomorrow Morning) having protracted my stay to the Last moment. I have apply’d to the Secretary of State to be heard before those Gentn. to whom you Referred my papers and altho it is ten days Since I have Received no satisfaction on that head. on the 20th Instant, hearing that the Attorney General was about to leave town I addressed them by Letter this day the Secretary of State Informed me that they had made up their minds a week ago. from which only, I presume they have made their Report. It would be very Important to me to Know the final Issue before I Leave New London, which will be on Sunday week. Supposing the Report to have been made I take the Liberty of enclosing two certificates I Received by this days post from new york. notwithstanding any opinion I may have formed of the treatment I have Received from the other officers of Government in not being allowed a personal Hearing on the charges exhibited against me I cannot help expressing my obligations to you Sir for your Politeness and attention; and be assured that whatever you may find yourselfe under a necessity of doing on this occasion I shall Submit to, in Respectfull obedience at the Same time conscious that I have conducted myselfe with the utmost Integrity in executing the duties of my office I have the Honor to be with the warmest atatchment to your Person and Administration / Sir / your most obedient / and very Humble Sert

John M Pintard


Title: From John Adams to United States Senate, 31 December 1799
From: Adams, John
To: United States Senate

Gentlemen of the Senate
United States December 31st: 1799.

I nominate Timothy Pickering Secretary of State, Oliver Wolcott Secretary of the Treasury & Samuel Sitgreaves Esqr: of Pennsylvania;—To be Commissioners, to adjust and determine, with Commissioners appointed under the legislative authority of the State of Georgia, all interfering claims of the United States and that State, to territory, situate west of the River Chatahouchee, north of the thirty first degree of North latitude, and south of the cession made to the United States, by South Carolina; and also to receive any proposals for the relinquishment or cession of the whole, or any part, of the other territory, claimed by the State of Georgia, and out of the ordinary jurisdiction thereof, according to the law of the United States of the seventh of April 1798.

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Martha Dandridge Custis Washington, 31 December 1799
From: Washington, Martha Dandridge Custis
To: Adams, John

Sir
Mount Vernon December 31st 1799

While I feel with keenest anguish the late Dispensation of Divine Providence, I cannot be insensible to the mournfull Tribute of respect and veneration which are paid to the memory of my dear deceased Husbad—and as his best services, and most anxious wishes were always devoted to the welfare and happiness of his country—to know that they were truly appreciated and greatfully remembered, affords no inconsiderable consolation—
Taught by the great Example which I have so long had before me never to oppose my private wishes to the public will—I must consent to the request made by congress—which you have had the goodness to transmit to me—and in doing this I need not—I cannot say what a sacrifice of individual feeling I make to a sence of public duty.
with greatfull acknowledgement and unfeigned thanks for the personal respect and evidences of condolence expressed by congress, and your self— / I remain, very respectfully / Sir / your most obedient Hble / Servant

Martha Washington


Title: Notes on Conversation with O. Wolcott on 6th Art. of Treaty with Britain, December 1799
From: Adams, John
To:

Dec. 1799

Notes of the President on some observations made to him by the Secretary of the Treasury upon the measures proper to be taken for obtaining an explanation of the 6th article of the Treaty with Britain
Page 2d. Line 18th &c. A special commission is proposed. The President understood it to be the unanimous opinion of the heads of department, that no special commission would be necessary. A nomination to the Senate will be necessary to a special commission. The full powers, possessed by Mr. King, are supposed to be sufficient.
Page 3d. The concession proposed in this page, the President fears and indeed believes, is too well founded, but the facts should be well considered, and be capable of being made certain, before such an admission is made by the President’s orders.
Page 13th. Although neither nation has been brought to admit, that they were chargeable with the first infraction, yet no American can forget the carrying off the negroes.
Page 17th. It may not be very material, but the acknowledgment of independence, at the treaty of peace, may fairly imply more than is contended for in the second paragraph of this page, against the authority, validity and effect of the acts and declarations of the British during the War.
Page 19th. I cannot see any distinction in favor of officers civil or military or naval. They are no more bound by obligations of allegiance, than any other subjects. I cannot agree to the sentiment at the bottom of this page.
Page 20th. I cannot agree that the obligations of allegiance and patriotism are or can be ever inconsistant or irreconcileable. Nor can I admit a supposition which seems to be here implied viz that the revolution or American war, as it was called, had for its object the division of an empire. This will require so long an investigation and so many distinctions and restrictions, that the whole of this must be expunged.
Page 21st. We can never consistently admit, that the acts and declarations of Britain were of any legal value at all, not even within the sphere of their influence.
Page 21st. Sect. 5th The President has no controul over the opinions of judges. They are as independent as he is. Their judgments in courts must be executed. The President however is very much dissatisfied with this passage, and fears that wrong will be done in consequence of it. But he sees no possibility of avoiding it.
Page 23d. It is too liberal on the part of the United States to admit, that acts of confiscation, passed during the war, shall be considered as having been annulled in respect to debts by the treaty of peace. The President is however embarrassed by the opinion of the judges, and will not differ from the heads of department upon this point—but would rather, if it is possible, that the point should be left to the board, to be appointed, than that a formal acknowledgment should be made by government.
Page 32. The President doubts the expediency of the declaration at the close of the page. It is or may be thought an ostentation of candor without end, effect or utility. Perhaps a total silence on this head is sufficient, after what has been said in the speech to Congress upon this subject


Title: To John Adams from James McHenry, 1799
From: McHenry, James
To: Adams, John

1799

The Yellow fever has again, not only appeared, but made so alarming a progress in this City—that in my opinion it will be necessary immediately to move the Public offices—It is ted to remove them to Trenton; I write the last paragraph the 7h. of August—haveing waited for some of the intended inclosures, which are not yet copied, but will be forwarded as soon as possible.
I am Sir / with the greatest respect / your most obedient / very humble servant.

James McHenry


Title: To John Adams from James McHenry, 1799
From: McHenry, James
To: Adams, John

ca. 1799

Answer to Questions proposed by the President of the U States—
To the first. It is difficult to fix the precise point at which indignity or affront from one state to another ceases to be negotiable without absolute humiliation and disgrace. It is for the most part a relative question—relative to the comparative strength of the parties—the motives for peace or war—the antecedent relations—the circumstances of the moment as well with regard to other nations as to those between whom the question arises—The conduct of France exclusive of the refusal of Mr. Pinckney is no doubt very violent insulting and injurious The treatment of Mr. Pinckney if it does not pass certainly touches upon the utmost limit of what is tolerable. Yet it is conceived that under all the singular and very extraordinary circumstances of the case further negotiation may be admitted without that absolute humiliation and disgrace which ought perhaps never to be incurred—to avoid which it is probably always wise to put even the political existence of a Nation upon the hazard of the die—
The triumphs of France have been just as to confound and astonish mankind. Several of the principal powers of Europe even England herself have found it necessary or expedient in a greater or less degrees to submit to some humiliation from France. At the present juncture the course of her affairs & the situation of her enemies more than ever admonishes those who are in danger of becoming so and who are not able to oppose barriers to her progress to temporise—The mind of mankind tired with the suffering, or spectacle, of a war, fatal beyond example, is prepared to see more than usual forbearance in powers not yet parties to it who may be in danger of being involved. It is prepared to view as only prudent what in other circumstances would be deemed dishonorable submission—
The U States have the strongest motives to avoid war. They may lose a great deal; they can gain nothing—They may be annoyed much and can annoy little——Tis a possible event that they may be left alone to contend with the Conquerors of Europe. When interests so great invite and dangers so great menace, delicacy is called upon to yield a great deal to prudence. And a peace a considerable degree of humiliation may, without ignominy, be encountered to avoid the possibility of much greater and a train of incalculable evils.
The former relations of the U States to France—the agency of that power in promoting our revolution—are reasons in the nature of things for not lightly running into a quarrel with—even for bearing, and forbearing to a considerable extent—There is perhaps in such a case peculiar dignity in moderation—
France in declining to receive Mr Pinckney has not gone to the ne plus ultra. She has declined to receive a minister till grievances, excesses of which she complains, are redressed—She has not absolutely ordered away a minister as the preliminary to war—She has mingled some qualifications. It is not even clear that she means to say she will not receive an extraordinary minister—This leaves some vacant ground between her act and rupture. The U States may occupy it by a further attempt at negotiation—This further attempt seems to be that which must carry us to the point beyond which we cannot go—
Besides the object of explanation to satisfy France, we have the most serious grievances to complain of and of which to  seek redress. This last will be a principal object of an extraordinary mission. It will not be to make submissions but to explain and to demand reparation—This double object contains a great salvo for the national honor.
We have just seen in the case of Sweden the negotiation in some way or other of a similar insult—Though the refusal of our minister, as being more pretextless is more offensive—yet the forbearance of Sweden is a precedent of some force for us—
As to our Country—There is a general and strong desire of peace—and with a considerable party still a particular repugnance to war with France. The state of public Opinion is not likely to consider a farther attempt at negotiation as too humiliating—It may be safely taken at for granted that it will approve such an attempt as prudent—& that at home it will have no other effect than to lay the foundation for greater Union and Constancy in case of failure.
But to preserve character abroad—and esteem for the Government at home, it is essential that the idea of further negotiation be accompanied by measures that shall demonstrate a spirit of resistance in case of failure—that shall yield present protection—and prompt future security.
With this adjunct, it is believed that the Government in pursuing the plan of further negotiation will raise rather than depress the character of the Nation abroad & will preserve the dignity of the American mind & the esteem of the American people—
The enunciation of one measure by the Executive ought therefore to be accompanied with a decisive recommendation of the other course. In doing this however it will be wise to avoid all expressions that may look like menacing France with what we intend to do—The attempt to negotiate must be put upon the foot of an appeal to her justice and friendship. The recommendation of preparatory & defensive precautions must be put on the foot of present necessity in reference to the actual & ruinous depredations on our Trade and the possibility of future dangers which it may not be in our power to avert.
To the second—It will be expedient to declare to France that if there be any thing in the Treaty with G Britain which France is desirous of incorporating in the Treaty with her—The U States are ready to do so—having no wish to give to any other power privileges privileges which France may not equally enjoy on the same terms—This general offer seems the most unexceptionable & will stop as well the mouth of France as if her partisans among ourselves—The duration of privileges should also be in both cases the same.
The the third. It does not occur that it will be expedient to propose the abolition of any of the articles of our Treaties with France further  than may be implied in the above general offer. To propose the abolition of things inconvenient to us would confirm the suspicion that we were disposed to narrow the privileges of France and would do harm there and here. The defining of some of the stipulations according to our practice upon them would be desireable if obtainable, but it is better to leave them as they are than define the other way—And the probability is that the definition would end in the last way which might compromit us with other powers. The only thing that can be done with advantage is to propose to liquidate the meaning and effect of the mutual Guarantee in the Treaty of Alliance.  That Guarantee is now general. The obligation it imposes on France towards us is essentially nominal in future because our sovereignty and independence can hardly again come in question. That which it lays upon us would expose us to a general war with the enemy of France as often as in a purely defensive war her West India possessions should be attacked. This is a great evil. The alternative in such a case is to chicane our engagements and risk war with France for not performing them—or to perform them, if called upon, and encounter war with her enemies. It would be a great point gained to reduce this general guarantee to a treaty of mutual specific definite succour,  excluding the present war and definining the casus fœderis to be that case in which the first act of actual hostility by sea or land is committed against the ally—without reference to antecedent motives and causes which are ever vague & implicated.
To the Fourth— If an amicable course of negotiation should take place modifications in this Convention may be proposed—Not having it by me the desireable alterations do not occur further than the restraining the mutual right of jurisdiction in questions between the citizens of either power to cases between the Officers & Crews of Vessels. Beyond this it works ill—establishes an imperium in imperio, extends foreign influence & indirectly injures our Citizens & preventing efficacious justice between French Citizens who are often their debtors &c.—Particularly it is ill to insert foreign jurisdiction in our country.—
To the fifth.— It does not appear expedient to propose or agree to such new articles. In general it is useless neither to give nor take peculiar privileges—but equalize our commercial system with all nations—Indeed it will be very difficult to adjust such new articles without interference with other Treaties. The only method of favouring France is to stipulate that  certain articles which of her production or manufacture not common with to Great Britain which enter largely into our supplies should be admitted without duty, or on light duties to be specified—This applies principally to her brandies and wines; but ever then they must be on the same footing if coming through G Britain as if coming directly from France. Yet the essential & ultimate benefit would accrue to France as favouring the vent & consumption in our country of her peculiar commodities—But all this is far better avoided. The diminution of our Revenues and jealousies in other powers will be certain evils for which France will & can give no real equivalent.
To the 6th. What was done in the case of Great Britain will be a good precedent for this case.
To the seventh. The terms of the remonstrances against spoliations should be mild and calm without offensive epithects, but serious and depicting strongly the extent of the evil—They should suppose the West India constructions to be abuses of the Orders of the directory; but they should notice that these were so vague and indefinite in themselves as to be naturally liable to abuse. They should urge a revocation of these orders and compensation for the injuries they have produced as due from the good faith Justice and Friendship of France to the violated rights of the U States and their Citizens—and to restoration of cordial harmony between the two nations, which must otherwise suffer a deep and perhaps incurable wound.
To the 8th. This is answered in the answer to the seventh.
To the 9th. This claim of our Citizens ought to be noticed and urged as a great and serious one, having from the motives of the individuals in the greatest number of cases a title to peculiar attention. Yet the whole must ought to be so managed as not to compromit the Government for the ultimate vindication of the claim. It is very questionable whether it be not such a one (as far as credit was voluntary) as that those who gave it ought finally to be left to the honor of the Government to which they trusted—
To the 10th. This is answered in the Affirmative in the answer to the seventh Question. There is no solid distinction between captures and seizures by private vessels or public Vessels. The Government which gave the Commission to cruise is liable in both cases—This observation has reference to those depradations which result from vague orders of the Government or the abusive constructions of  its Agents intrusted with local Jurisdictions as Governors Commissioners &c.
To the 11th. A Commission like that with England ought to be agreed to as a very happy issue out of the embarrassment.
To the 12th. This is answered in the answer to the second Question. The equivalent privileges in the French East India Trade will be the analogous compensation though not of equal extent—But situated as we are with France, it seems proper to be content with less. If privileges in her West India Trade could be obtained it would be desireable—But this ought not to be a sine qua non—A limitation of the duration of a new Treaty if made is a great desideratum.
To the 13th. It scarcely seems adviseable to offer the project of such a new Treaty. It  opens at once all the cards. It is better to deal in generals. This will leave less in the power of France or her partisans.
To the 14. It is conceived most adviseable to follow former precedent in this respect, which may avoid much delay and embarrassment. In the exercise of this branch of Executive Power, it will be found the best course to  reduce the Cooperation of the Senate to the appointment of the Negotiator and the ultimate feat or Negative. Much has been done to this end & it will not be expedient to relinquish the ground which has been gained.
   A definite succour is not a cause of war, if previously stipulated


Title: To John Adams from Tobias Lear, 1 January 1800
From: Lear, Tobias
To: Adams, John

Sir,
Mount Vernon, January 1st. 1800

I have duly received, by the hands of Mr Shaw, the letter which you did me the honor to write on the 24th of December;—and have communicated to the Family at this place, your kind assurances of regard and sympathy; for which they request you to accept their grateful and respectful acknowledgements.—
For the feelings which you have had the goodness to express for my loss, I am truly grateful;—and it will be the pride of my life to shew that I was not unworthy the confidence and affection of my revered and beloved Friend.—
After a severe struggle, Mrs Washington has yielded to the request made by Congress, as you will find from her letter.—
Having passed upwards of forty years with the Partner of her Heart, it required more than common fortitude to consent to an Act which, possibly, might deprive her of almost the only consolation she has had since his death— namely—that her Remains would be deposited in the same Tomb with his.—Knowing her feelings on this occasion, I have ventured to give her the firmest assurance of my belief that the removal of the General’s Body would not deprive her of this consolation, which is so dear to a mind afflicted like her’s:—And I trust I shall not be disappointed in this belief.—
My best respects attend Mrs Adams, with the sincerest wish that you may both enjoy many returns of this day with as much health and uninterrupted happiness as can fall to the lot of Mortals.—
With the highest respect & veneration, / I have the honor to be / Sir, / Your most obedient and / most Humble Servant

Tobias Lear.


Title: From John Adams to United States Senate, 2 January 1800
From: Adams, John
To: United States Senate

To-day. 2d. Jan. 1800

One, “intituled an Act extending the privilege of franking, to William Henry Harrison, the delegate from the territory of the United States, North West of the Ohio and making provision for his compensation.”
The other, “Intituled an Act to provide for the supplementary to the Act, intituled an Act,—to provide for the valuation of lands & dwelling-houses and the enumeration of Slaves within the United States.”
Which said Acts are deposited among the Rolls in the Office of the Secretary of State.


Title: To John Adams from Timothy Pickering, 2 January 1800
From: Pickering, Timothy
To: Adams, John

January 2. 1799. 1800

The Secretary of State respectfully proposes to the President of the United States, that there be allowed to Samuel Sitgreaves, going to London on the business of the sixth article of the treaty, of amity &c. with Great Britain,
A continuation of his salary as one of the Commissioners under that article;
And the expences which shall be necessarily incurred for his voyage to and from London, and for his decent support while there, suitably to his official character.
Major Lenox, Agent in London for the relief of American seamen, has several times mentioned the insufficiency of his salary, of 2500 dollars a year. He has his family with him. His business calls for his constant attention, & is much more laborious than I originally supposed it was. His former habits and his official character render his mode of living considerably expensive, in that very expensive city. He has conducted with such propriety and respectability as to have acquired the confidence of the British Government, and essentially contributed to the success of his mission. Mr. King has represented, some time since, the merit and necessity of Major Lenox’s services. For these considerations, the Secretary of State respectfully submits to the President the propriety of raising the Salary of Major Lenox to three thousand dollars a year, to be computed from the commencement of his services.

Timothy PickeringPropositions for the Salary & Expences of Mr. Sitgreaves, and Salary, increased, of Major Lenox, Presented to the President, January 2. 1799. 1800 and approved.
T. Pickering


Title: From John Adams to United States Senate, 4 January 1800
From: Adams, John
To: United States Senate

Gentlemen of the Senate
United States. January 4th. 1800.

I nominate Randolph McGillis, of Georgia to be Collector of the District and Inspector of the port of St. Mary’s in that State, in the place of William Moubray resigned.
Matthew Ernest of Detroit to be Collector of the District and Inspector of the Revenue for the port of Detroit.
John F Carmichael, to be Collector of the District of Missisipi & inspector of the Revenue for the port at Loftus’s Heights in that District.
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from James McHenry, 5 January 1800
From: McHenry, James
To: Adams, John

War Department, 5th January, 1800.
            The Secretary of War respectfully requests the attention of the President of the United States, to certain measures and arrangements, which appear to him to be indispensable to the improvement of our military system, and solicits, if it shall be thought proper, that the same may be submitted to Congress.No sentiment is more just than this, that, in proportion as the circumstances and policy of a people are opposed to the maintenance of a large military force, it is important that as much perfection as possible be given to that which may at any time exist.It is not, however, enough, that the troops it may be deemed proper to maintain be rendered as perfect as possible, in form, organization, and discipline; the dignity, the character to be supported, and the safety of the country, further require that it should have military institutions, should be capable of perpetuating the art of war, and of furnishing the means for forming a new and enlarged army, fit for service, in the shortest time possible, and at the least practicable expense to the State.Let it not be presumed, that a country, however distantly situated from other nations, or favored by the courage and genius of its inhabitants, can neglect, with impunity, military institutions, or that it may, safely, consider all regular force to be useless, except when there is an enemy present to employ it. A country which acts upon such a maxim will invariably attract injuries and enemies, and, sooner or later, sink by internal discords, or see its noble spirit broke down by repeated humiliations, and the whole people thus prepared for the last stage of national degradation.If the farmer would secure his flocks, he must go to the expense of shepherds; if preserve his crops, he must enclose his fields. In like manner, to ensure safety to the nation, it is necessary that the leading avenues into it be guarded by troops and fortifications. Before the invention of gunpowder, the smallest villages were invested with walls, so that a long siege was often requisite to reduce them. Since that epoch, the history of almost, if not every war, contains undeniable proofs of the utility of fortifications, and the necessity of disciplined troops, to the defence of a country. Would it be wise or expedient in us to pursue a different course, and shut our eyes against the innumerable facts on record, in favor of their essentiality. Are we without regular troops, we may soon lose the military art; are we without engineers, not a little of the money employed on fortifications will be always hazarded, if not actually thrown away, and generals of the most consummate genius forced to capitulate in the field, whose retreat might have been covered by a fortification, or the battle decided in his favor by a happily contrived intrenchment.Since, however, it seems to be agreed, that we are not to keep on foot numerous forces, and it would be impossible, on a sudden, to extend, to every essential point, our fortifications, military science, in its various branches, ought to be cultivated with peculiar care, in proper nurseries; so that a sufficient stock may always exist, ready to be imparted and diffused to any extent, and a competent number of persons be prepared and qualified to act as engineers, and others as instructors, to additional troops, which events may successively require to be raised. This will be to substitute the elements of an army to the thing itself, and will greatly tend to enable the Government to dispense with a large body of standing forces, from the facility which it will give of procuring officers, and forming soldiers promptly in all emergencies.No sound mind, after a fair view of the subject, can doubt the essentiality of military science in time of war, any more than the moral certainty that the most pacific policy on the part of Government, and the most solemn and well observed treaties, will not preserve a country from being engaged in war more or less frequently. To avoid great evils, we must either have a respectable force always ready for service, or the means of preparing such a force with certainty and expedition. The latter, as most agreeable to the genius of our Government and nation, is the object of the following propositions.1st. A Military Academy.This object has repeatedly engaged the favorable attention of the Legislature, and some laws towards its consummation have been passed. These, however, being yet inadequate to afford the requisite instruction to officers, and others, in “the principles of war, the exercises it requires, and the sciences upon which they are founded,” the adoption of a more perfect plan is conceived to be indispensable for these purposes. With this view, the following  plan is respectfully suggested, formed upon those of institutions of a similar nature, from which the nations who have founded them derive the most decided advantages.It is proposed, that this academy shall consist of four schools: one, to be called “The Fundamental School;” another, “The School of Engineers and Artillerists;” another, “The School of Cavalry and Infantry;” and a fourth, “The School of the Navy;” and be provided with the following officers, professors, and teachers.A Director General to superintend the three first schools.A Director of the Fundamental School.A Director of the School of Engineers and Artillerists.A Director of the School of Cavalry and Infantry.A Director of the School of the Navy.Six Professors of Mathematics.Four Professors of Geography and Natural Philosophy.Two Professors of Chemistry, including Mineralogy.Three Architects.Four Designing and Drawing Masters.One Riding Master.One Fencing Master.To be thus distributed among the several schools:To the Fundamental School.One Director.Four Professors of Mathematics.Two Professors of Geography and Natural Philosophy.One Designing and Drawing Master.One Professor of Chemistry.To the School of Engineers and Artillerists.One Director.Two Professors of Mathematics.Two Professors of Geography and Natural Philosophy.One Professor of Chemistry.Two Architects.Three Designing and Drawing Masters.To the School of Cavalry and Infantry.A Director.A Riding Master.A Fencing Master.To the School of the Navy.A Director.A Professor of Mathematics.A Professor of Geography and Natural Philosophy.An Architect.One Designing and Drawing Master.The Fundamental School is designed to form Engineers, including Geographical Engineers, Miners, and officers for the Artillery, Cavalry, Infantry, and Navy; consequently, in this school is to be taught all the sciences necessary to a perfect knowledge of the different branches of the miliary art.The School of Engineers and Artillerists, to teach those admitted therein, and appointed or designed for Engineers, the application of the theoretic knowledge which they had acquired in the Fundamental School, to the construction of all sorts of fortifications and military buildings appertaining thereto, to mines, and counter mines, sieges, attack and defence, to mineralogy, to the art of projecting and constructing bridges, roads, canals, and maritime posts, and all works relative thereto, to all geographic and topographic operations, the calculations relative to the same, to designing and drawing charts, &c.To those appointed or designed for the artillery service, the application of the theoretic knowledge, acquired in the Fundamental School, to the construction of gun carriages, pontoons, the fabrication of cannon and fire arms, and to all the manœuvers of war which depend upon artillery.The School of Cavalry and Infantry, to teach those admitted therein, and appointed to, or destined for, the cavalry, the tactics, exercise, and police of cavalry; those for the infantry, the tactics of infantry, and all that concerns the police of an army, in the field and in quarters.The School of the Navy, to teach those appointed to, or destined for, this service, the application of the knowledge acquired in the Fundamental School in arithmetic, algebra, geometry, statics, and navigation. To this end, after having passed examination, they shall make voyages or cruises, under skilful officers, for certain periods, during which time they ought to be exercised in the manœuvers and observations most useful in service, and be instructed in whatever respects rigging of vessels of war, pilotage, and the management of cannon.Functions of the Principal Officers.The Director General to have the general superintendence of the schools, particularly of the Fundamental School; to occupy himself incessantly with the means of attaining the end of the institution, which is the greatest possible instruction to the pupils.He will inform himself of their progress in the studies relative to the service to which they are destined, and collect all the facts proper to be laid before the President, to enable him to form an opinion of the fitness of any individual, who has not had one, for an appointment; or, in case he has, to judge how, and when, his talents can, upon occasion, be most beneficially employed.He will attend, particularly, to the execution of whatever respects the admission of pupils; their transfer from the school of theory into that of practice; their passage from one class or division, in the same school, to another; and the examinations which they ought respectively to undergo.He will propose a list of the officers of the army, proper to be received into the schools, and will furnish the Secretary of War with information, from time to time, relative to their progress, conduct, and capacity to fill stations to which their genius and knowledge may particularly point.He will give such certificates to the officers, cadets, or pupils, as they shall have merited.The directors of each of the military schools will receive from the Director General, instructions detailing their functions and powers; to him they will make their reports.With respect to the School of the Navy, the director thereof will receive his instructions from the Secretary of the Navy.The Director General, and the other directors, to be officers of the army or navy, according as the studies and exercises of the particular school shall be most intimately connected with either service.These schools to be provided with proper apparatus and instruments, for philosophical and chemical experiments, for astronomical and nautical observations, for surveying, and such other processes as are requisite to the several topics and branches of instruction.The site of schools of engineers and artillerists, and of the navy, ought to be on navigable water. For this purpose, a piece of ground ought to be purchased, sufficient for experiments in tactics, gunnery, and fortification. The situation upon a navigable water is also requisite, to admit of specimens of naval construction and naval exercises.It would also tend greatly to the perfection of the plan, if the academy of artillerists and engineers was situated in the neighborhood of foundries of cannon and manufactories of small arms.Barracks and other proper buildings must be erected, for the accommodation of the directors, professors, and students, and for the laboratories and other works to be carried on at the respective schools.The cadets of the army, and a certain number of young persons, destined for military and naval service, ought to study at least two years in the Fundamental School; and if destined for the corps of engineers or artillerists, or for the navy, two years more in the appropriate school; if for the cavalry or infantry, one year more in the appropriate school. But persons who, by previous instruction elsewhere, may have become acquainted with some or all of the branches taught in the Fundamental School, may, after due examination by the directors and professors of that school, be either received then for a shorter time, or pass immediately to one or other of the schools of practice, according to the nature and extent of their acquirements and intended destination.In addition to these, detachments of officers and non-commissioned officers of the army ought to attend one or other of the schools, in rotation, for the purposes of instruction and exercise, according to the nature of the corps to which they respectively belong.It may be noticed also in this place, that it would be a wise addition if Government would authorize such a number of sergeants, supernumerary to those belonging to the regiments on the establishment, as would suffice with them for an army of fifty thousand men. All the supernumeraries to receive, according to their capacities, instruction at the academy, and occasionally sent to do duty with the army.This outline of a Military Academy, which is conformable to that of similar institutions in other countries, particularly in France, is not meant to imply any thing conclusive: the plan may be modified, perhaps, to advantage. At all events, it ought to be left with the President to proportion the number of cadets, and others, to be admitted into the schools, and to prescribe, definitively, relative to the requisites to entitle to admission, the periods of noviciate, transfers from the schools to particular corps, and whatever respects organization, regulations, and police.And here it may be proper to observe, that though provision should be made by law for the proposed establishment, in its full latitude, yet it may be left in the discretion of the President to appoint so many of the professors and masters only, as experience shall show to be necessary.Will it be thought superfluous to remark, relative to the utility of this institution, that it is from the military schools of France have issued those general and other officers, whose skill and recent achievements in war have rendered them subjects for military history, and enabled the present governors of that nation, successively, and almost instantaneously, to form immense disciplined armies.Is it not greatly desirable to be so provided and prepared for all emergencies?An enemy who meditates invasion will naturally examine what he will have to encounter before he undertakes it. Acting with common prudence, he must proportion his military array to the obstacles in fortifications and disposable force it will have to overcome, and which may be so stationed and improved, as to require from him an army and apparatus, expensive beyond his resources to support. Our country, by a skilful application of very moderate means, may thus avert from its bosom the most expensive and calamitous wars.In treating upon such an institution, it was encouraging to reflect, that, happily, it coincided with your uniform wish to see our country placed in a situation which would entitle the just maxims of its policy to be respected, and enable it to meet any adverse accidents it may be reserved to encounter.The measure proposed has also the high sanction of our late venerated President, whose talents and services were devoted, not to produce personal results, but to render a whole people great, flourishing, and happy.“The institution of a Military Academy,” this great man observes, in his last impressive speech, “is also recommended by cogent reasons: however pacific the general policy of a nation may be, it ought never to be without an adequate stock of military knowledge, for emergencies. The first would impair the energy of its character; and both would hazard its safety, or expose it to greater evils, when war could not be avoided. Besides, that war might often not depend upon its own choice. In proportion as the observance of pacific maxims might exempt a nation from the necessity of practising the rules of the military art, ought to be its care in preserving and transmitting, by proper establishments, the knowledge of that art. Whatever argument may be drawn from particular examples, superficially viewed, a thorough examination of the subject will evince that the art of war is at once comprehensive and complicated; that it demands much previous study; and that the possession of it, in its most improved and perfect state, is always of great moment to the security of a nation. This, therefore, ought to be a serious care of every government; and, for this purpose, an academy, where a regular course of instruction is given, is an obvious expedient, which different nations have successfully employed.”Will not the patriotism and good sense of our country readily consent to found an institution, at a moderate expense, recommended by such authorities, and which must produce the happiest effects? And yet, it ought not to excite surprise, if, in a season of profound peace, the minds of a generality of a people, partaking of the public calm, should become inattentive to the storm that may be collecting at a distance. Are we in the midst of that profound calm, and can the eye perceive no cloud in the horizon? But, were the heavens without one threatening spot, and peace universal on earth, ought the watchmen of a nation to trust to such evanescent and deceptive appearances? And will not an intelligent people, instructed by the wisdom of ages, and having every reason to confide in those to whom they have assigned the direction of their affairs, gladly see establishments arise, and arrangements made, which shall render the thunder harmless when it shall burst over their heads. In such conjunctures, (and such must happen to the United States,) corps of well instructed officers and troops are to a country, what anchors are to a ship, driven by a tempest towards a rocky shore.Second. A modification of the two Regiments of Artillerists and Engineers, so as to create, instead thereof, one Regiment of Foot Artillerists, another of Horse Artillerists, and a third of Engineers.It is conceived, that the entire union of the officers of artillerists and engineers, in one corps, as in our present establishment, is not advisable. The art of fortification, and the service of artillery, though touching each other in many points, are, in the main, distinct branches, and each so comprehensive, that their separation is essential to perfection in either. This has been ascertained by long experience. Among the powers of Europe, there is not one recollected, which, at the present day, is not conscious of this truth. When any of them have attempted to unite these corps, the disadvantages which resulted were soon felt to be so momentous, as to produce conviction that each required a separate organization. Such an union was once attempted in France.According to an ordinance of the 8th of December, 1755, the artillery and engineer corps of that nation, which had been separate, were combined into one. The experiment, however, was of short duration. In 1758, the engineer corps was disjoined from the corps of artillery, and called, as before, the corps of engineers; since which time these corps have remained separate.The two regiments of artillerists and engineers consist of the following officers, non-commissioned officers, and privates; each of, viz:

            1 Lieutenant Colonel Commandant,32 Cadets,4 Majors,4 Sergeant Majors,1 Adjutant,} each being a Lieutenant,4 Quartermaster Sergeants,1 Quartermaster,64 Sergeants,1 Paymaster,64 Corporals,1 Surgeon,1 Chief Musician,2 Surgeon’s Mates,10 Musicians,16 Captains,128 Artificers,32 Lieutenants, besides the three above mentioned,768 Privates.

            Let the regiments of foot artillerists and horse artillerists consist each as follows, viz:

            1 Lieutenant Colonel Commandant,24 Cadets,3 Majors,3 Sergeant Majors,1 Adjutant,}each being a Lieutenant,3 Quartermaster Sergeants,1 Quartermaster,48 Sergeants,1 Paymaster,48 Corporals,1 Surgeon,1 Chief Musician,2 Surgeon’s Mates,12 Musicians,12 Captains,780 Privates, including Artificers.24 Lieutenants, besides the three above mentioned,

            The artificers forming a part of each company in the regiments as they now exist, to form two companies of miners, and two companies of artificers, to be arranged as will be hereafter noticed.It is also proposed: First. In the event of a war, that these two regiments shall be augmented to the complement of officers and men, composing the existing regiments of artillerists and engineers. Second. That the regiment of horse-artillerists shall perform their service on horseback during war only. Third. That provision be made to enable to President of the United States, in case war shall break out between the United States and a foreign European power, or in case imminent danger of invasion of their territory, by any such power shall, in his opinion, be discovered to exist, to organize, and cause to be organized, two additional regiments of horse artillery. Fourth. That the officers which shall become supernumerary, by this aforesaid organization, shall, at the discretion of the President, be transferred to fill vacancies in other regiments, on the establishment, corresponding with their grades, or be retained to fill appropriate vacancies which shall happen in their respective regiments, by deaths, resignations, &c.In addition to the economical effect of the latter arrangement, it may be mentioned, that the officers to one whole battalion of the Second Regiment of Artillerists and Engineers have not yet been appointed.The regiment of engineers consisting entirely of officers, if we exclude the companies of miners, it remains to speak of its organization.Let it consist of, viz:

            Two Lieutenant Colonels, one first and one second, as already provided by law,Twenty-four First Lieutenants,Three Majors,Twenty-four Second Lieutenants,Twelve Captains,Twenty-four Cadets.

            The companies of miners and their labors to be under the direction and immediate command of officers of this corps, and to make a part thereof.It will be perceived, and it is observed with regret, that, the engineer regiment cannot be immediately formed, by the mere act of transferring into it officers from any of the existing regiments. In order to answer its high destination, it must be filled slowly, and under the exercise of great caution and responsibility.For this purpose, selections may be made from among the officers of the army, and others who shall have passed through the military schools, and prescribed examinations, and obtain certificates of their possessing the requisite knowledge and qualifications.It may also be permitted, in cases of uncommon urgency, requiring the completion of the corps, to choose officers among our citizens, whose professions or functions are most analogous to those of engineers, after an examination made by a special commission named by the President.But let it be remembered, that this corps is too essential to the success of military operations, to be hurried in its formation, or composed of other than persons qualified to discharge its high and important functions. Is authority necessary to support this truth? A general, of the first reputation as a commander, observes on this subject, in speaking to his Government of an officer, who had been killed in action, “He was the best officer of engineers, a body on which so much of the success of campaigns and the fate of a country depend, and where the least fault may be attended with the most fatal consequences.”The horse artillery being a subject that cannot fail to attract attention, it will not, it is conceived, be deemed superfluous to submit a few observations and facts, relative to its structure, advantages, and importance.The Prussians were the first who employed horse artillery, invented by the great Frederick, at a time, when the league which was formed against him, called upon his genius to multiply his resources. It was then, that the same army, transported with a celerity and precision, till then unknown in war, was seen to triumph against superior forces during the same campaign, upon opposite frontiers, to the East and to the West of his states. It was then were seen horse artillery accompanying strong advanced bodies of cavalry without embarrassing, or retarding, their rapid marches and evolutions.Horse artillery was introduced into the Austrian army during the reign of Joseph II, but it was not made a principal object, and remained in a state of imperfection. The cannoneers were transported upon the ridges of covered caissons, stuffed in the attitude of men on horseback. These carriages were called Wurst-wagen.Some attempts were made in France to introduce the horse artillery before the revolution there; the subject, however, was not well understood; the general officers, who were present at the attempt, proposed to place the cannoneers, like the Austrians, on Wursts.In 1791, Mr. Duportail, Minister of War, authorized the commandant of the division of Mity to form two companies of horse artillery. The success of this experiment was decisive, and answerable to the minister’s expectations. The officers and men were in a few weeks in a condition to manœuver with light troops.In 1792, Mr. Narbonne, who succeeded to Mr. Duportail, composed a committee of the most enlightened officers of the army, to examine and decide upon the means of improving and extending, in the French army, the use of horse artillery.As no better idea can be given of this new military arm, than what is reported of the result of this conference, the Secretary takes the liberty to introduce it.These officers resolved, as fundamental points—1. That a numerous horse artillery well served, and kept complete in cannoneers and horses, was the most certain mean to protect the evolutions of troops indifferently instructed, to support their attack with bayonets, and to render null, by positions seasonably taken and with celerity, the advantage which troops better disciplined, might confidently promise themselves from superiority in manœuvers.2. That with respect to the employment of this arm, the rules of service, instruction, &c. the horse artillery ought to differ from the field artillery only, in having its pieces so managed, as to be drawn with the utmost celerity wherever they can produce the greatest effect, and in the cannoneers being able to follow their guns, and commence action as soon as they are placed.3. That to fulfil this object, it is more convenient to have the cannoneers all mounted on horses, than a part of them on wursts, because on horses they are less subject to accidents, their movement more rapid, their retreat more secure, and the replacing of horses easy.4. That without excluding any caliber, it appears pieces carrying balls of eight and twelve pounds, and howitzers, may be most advantageously employed.5. That it is unnecessary to discipline a horse artillerist in the manœuvres of cavalry; that this would be a departure, without utility, from the principal object; that it is enough for him to know to sit firm on his horse, to mount and descend quickly, and conduct him boldly; that it is not requisite to oblige him to preserve any order in following his piece, leaving it to his intelligence to learn, if he chooses, to execute the manœuvres of cavalry.6. That the manœuvre, à la prolonge, ought to be employed in every case in which it is practicable to use it. That the horses remaining attached while the pieces are firing, one gains thereby all the time which would be lost in removing or replacing the avant train, and thus one may pass fosses and rivers with the utmost celerity, and profit of positions.7. That in order to form at once a requisite number of companies of horse artillery, without weakening the artillery regiments, it is sufficient to employ for every piece two skilful cannoneers, and to draw upon the infantry for the rest.On these principles the French have organized an establishment in their armies, from which they have derived the most important advantages in most, if not all their campaigns.The decisive agency of horse artillery in offensive war was manifested in the invasion of Belgium, by General Dumouriez, at the end of his campaign in 1792. The affair of Waterloo is equally in point, as to its superiority in defensive operations.Whilst General Pichegru commanded the army of Flanders, four thousand cavalry, manœuvring with his horse artillery, sustained the immense effort of an army of thirty thousand men, supporting an artillery chiefly of a different kind, of at least triple the force of that opposed to it.Bonaparte, at the battle of Castiglione, after raising the siege of Mantua, having re-assembled several divisions of his horse artillery in a well chosen position, under General Domartin, broke, by their means, the Austrian line, and thus decided a victory upon which depended the most important consequences in his favor.It is also certain, that the horse artillery contributed not a little to gain the battle of Etlingen, where General Moreau, very inferior in cavalry, maintained, by its means, his left wing against the whole cavalry of the Arch Duke. The application of the horse artillery procured to General Hoche, upon the Rhine, in the late affair of Neuvied, like success.The Arch Duke Charles, instructed by such events, has greatly augmented and improved this arm of the Austrian army. The English, also, have lately introduced horse artillery into their service, but, it is supposed, too sparingly to derive therefrom its full effect.Can an agent, so superior in all offensive and defensive operations, and so vastly important from its nature, as well as the use made of it by other nations, be dispensed with in the composition of our army, or neglected with impunity?The author of a recent work, entitled “Précis des évènements militaires,” published in numbers at Hamburg, from which most of the aforesaid facts respecting this powerful military agent have been taken, observes, “that it is become indispensable in all armies; it can accompany almost every where cavalry; it crosses rivers and morasses impassable to foot artillery; it thunders in mass and with great rapidity upon an unexpected point of attack; turns a body of the enemy; takes him in flank or rear; can perform the service of advance posts; of artillery position; of the rear guard; and, in fine, that of a corps of reserve, from which detachments may be made as wanted: it is free from the inconvenience ascribed to foot artillery, of retarding and restraining the manœuvres and marches of troops: the French have, therefore, already confined the use of foot artillery to the service of sieges, with the exception of four pounders, which they have yet left attached to battalions.”Horse artillery would seem to be peculiarly recommended to the United States by the reflection, that all attacks on the sea-board must be made by an enemy, water borne from a distant country, who will consequently be ill provided with horses, whereas, the United States, having a knowledge of this agent, and resorting to their resources in horses, might be able to oppose a horse artillery so superior and so promptly, as to give decided advantages in attack or defence, and relieve their territory from being ravaged, or long possessed in any part of it. If the United States shall prevent an enemy from procuring the horses of the country, and shall maintain a superiority in this forcible arm, they will have little to fear from invaders, however powerful in infantry.The two regiments of artillerists and engineers, as they now stand on the establishment, cost the United States four hundred and twenty-seven thousand five hundred and fifty three dollars and eighty cents annually. There will result from the proposed arrangement of these regiments, as will appear by Schedule A. a difference in time of peace of twenty thousand nine hundred and fifty-five dollars and thirty cents annually, which sum may be applied to the expenses of the Military Academy.When the preceding propositions are respectfully submitted, as essential to the improvement of our military establishment, it would be improper to overlook such other measures as may occur, and, it is believed, would conduce to perfect our preparations, for securing our rights.The importance of the volunteer associations or companies, which may be accepted under “An Act authorizing the President to raise a provisional army,” passed the 28th May, 1798, has heretofore been presented by the Secretary. They may be considered as a reserve body, from which prompt and efficient reinforcements can be drawn, to our regular army, and as rallying and supporting points, when completely organized into regiments, brigades, and divisions, for the militia, in all cases of great and comprehensive urgency or danger.A revision of the law respecting these valuable associations, is earnestly recommended. No other force being so economical, will it not be proper, in order to derive full and permanent utility from the volunteer companies in all hazardous conjunctures, that the power of the President to accept their patriotic offers of service should no longer be confined to a limited period, and that the duration only of their engagements, after acceptance, should be defined by law. Can a time be fairly presumed to arrive, when we can have nothing to apprehend from either foreign or domestic enemies?An omission in the law to provide the same compensation to the volunteer cavalry, for the use of their horses, that is allowed to militia cavalry, when in actual service, has been felt, with some sensibility, by the former, who were employed during the last insurrection in the same service with militia cavalry. It is, therefore, recommended that an appropriation be made for compensating the volunteer cavalry so employed, for the use of their horses, during their service, at the same rates of allowance, which have been paid to the militia cavalry on the same service; and that equal rates of compensation for the future shall be provided for both by law, for the use of their horses in actual service.The militia of the United States ought to be considered as an essential arm of our defence, and a sure resource from which reinforcements may be drawn to supply deficiencies in the regular army, in the event of a sudden invasion, or the wasting progress of a long war.To obtain their aid, however, with celerity and order, in such cases, other provisions are necessary than are to be found at present in the laws.The act of the 28th February, 1795, authorizes the President, whenever the United States shall be invaded, or in imminent danger of invasion from any foreign nation or Indian tribe, to call forth such numbers of militia of the state, or states adjoining, most convenient to the place of danger, or scene of action, as he may judge necessary to repel such invasion, and to issue his orders for the purpose to such officer or officers of the militia as he shall think proper.To give effect to this power, and enable the President to carry upon an enemy with promptitude the force nearest to, or best calculated to, annoy him, it is indispensable that he should know the number and species of militia in each county of a State, and the names and places of residence of their officers respectively.If these particulars are not precisely known to the President, at the time the force is wanted, the delay which must necessarily intervene in the circuitous course of orders and instructions, will often, if not always, be productive of disastrous consequences. To avoid these, the proper officer of the militia in each State should be obliged, by heavy penalties, and high responsibility, to make quarterly returns to the Department of War, comprehending the aforesaid particulars.The troops raised under, and conformably to the provisions of “An act to augment the army of the United States, and for other purposes,” passed the 16th July, 1798, demand, at this time, particular attention.This additional force was to consist of twelve regiments of infantry, and six troops of cavalry, the latter intended, with the two troops of cavalry, heretofore, and now, in service, to form one regiment of cavalry. For the infantry, the officers have been appointed, and the recruiting service some time in operation. For the cavalry, the officers have also been appointed; but, to avoid the expense of this kind of troops, which is always much greater than that of any species of foot, the recruiting service has not been ordered, as yet, into operation, nor have horses been purchased, although preparatory measures have been taken.For the twelve regiments of infantry, the enlistments amount as follows, according to the last returns which have been received by the department.From the fifth regiment, which is the first of the twelve, there has been no returns.Returned for the sixth regiment, enlisted in North Carolina, from August to December, 1799, viz: 134.For the seventh, enlisted in Virginia, from May to the first Monday in November, 1799, viz. 258.For the eighth, enlisted in Virginia, from May to October the 1st, 1799, viz. 424.For the ninth, enlisted in Maryland, from May to September the 17th, 1799, viz. 314.For the tenth, enlisted in Pennsylvania, from May to August the 1st, 1799, viz. 448.For the eleventh, enlisted in New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Delaware, from April to the first Monday in October, 1799, viz. 458.For the twelfth, enlisted in New York, from May to the first Monday in September, 1799, viz. 287.For the thirteenth, enlisted in Connecticut, from May to the first Monday in November, 1799, viz. 371.For the fourteenth, enlisted in Massachusetts, from May to the first Monday in November, 1799, viz. 327.For the fifteenth, enlisted in Massachusetts, Maine, from June to the first Monday in November, 1799, viz. 145.For the sixteenth, enlisted in New Hampshire, from July to the first Monday in November, 1799, viz. 233.Total enlisted, 3,399.Agreeably to the provisions of the act of the 16th July, 1798, all these troops have been, by the terms of their respective enlistments, engaged “for and during the continuance of the existing differences between the United States and the French Republic.”The Secretary thinks it necessary to mention that, immediately upon the accommodation of the existing differences aforesaid, the engagements of all these troops will expire, and every man be entitled to demand his discharge. That, in consequence, if it shall be deemed expedient to keep up a peace establishment, more extended than heretofore, or any events should intervene to render a larger army indispensable, it will not be practicable to apply one of these men to the same, who have already received a bounty, without a re-enlistment, and the expense of a new bounty.It is, therefore, thought advisable, that the terms of enlistment prescribed by the law be superceded by a provision in future to enlist for the term of five years, if not sooner discharged. This modification leaves with the President the power of reducing the numbers of the army at any time, to a prescribed establishment, and if the negotiations of our envoys to the French republic shall be successful, it will procure a number of men, who, without additional expense, can be retained, if necessary, in service, for the period mentioned, a measure which appears equally recommended by its policy and economy.The Secretary has before observed, that if the United States shall prevent an enemy from procuring the horses of the country, and maintain a superiority in horse artillery, they will have little to fear from an invading enemy, however powerful in infantry. It certainly would be an important addition to our system of defence, was an arrangement devised, to deprive an enemy, as much as possible, after he had effected a landing upon our coast, of the means of subsistence, and especially to prevent him from possessing himself of horses, indispensable to the transport of his baggage, stores, and provisions, and for his artillery and cavalry.An operation promising to be so efficient, and sanctioned by experience in other countries, will perhaps require, on the part of Government, a promise of indemnification to the individual, for the value of all stock and horses which may be removed in consequence of invasion, if not restored to their respective owners.Provisions and restrictions, it is conceived, may be made, calculated to secure the public against frauds, and to encourage, at the same time, the aid of proprietors themselves in the execution of such a law. It should explicitly provide, that no compensation will ever be allowed for property of the kind described, destroyed either by the enemy, or by our own army, to prevent its falling into the hands of an enemy; in all cases, where it shall appear no previous preparation or exertion had been made use of to remove it, and authorize the destruction of all stock, and horses in particular, left in an exposed situation, when necessary, to prevent their being useful to an enemy, or employed against the armies of the United States.The Government of a country, blessed with every convenience for an extensive foreign trade, and peopled with inhabitants distinguished for their commercial spirit, will, from the natural operation of circumstances, and the impulse given by its citizens, consider it a duty to prepare either gradually or promptly, as policy, interest, or necessity, may dictate, the means of affording protection to its property on the ocean.We find accordingly the foundation of a navy already laid, and its advantages so far felt as to induce a belief its progress will be permitted to keep pace with the purposes for which it was instituted. This navy, however, which is specially intended to protect trade, will in its turn require to be protected, when in harbor, by suitable fortifications. Without a place of safety, to which it may retire from a superior fleet, the labors and resources of years may be destroyed in a single hour.The fortifications erected for the defence of our cities and harbors cannot yet be considered competent to afford this security. Many new and extensive works, even at those places where the fortifications are advanced, will yet be required to render any of them a secure asylum for our navy.Whenever, therefore, the harbors in which our dock yards and great naval deposites are to be established, and to which our navy may retire in time of war or danger, shall be determined upon, it will be indispensable to make them impregnable, if possible, to an enemy.Schedule B will show the sums which have been appropriated and annually expended in fortifying our harbors, since the “act to provide for the defence of certain ports and harbors in the United States,” passed the 20th March, 1794, and the balance remaining on the 1st October, 1799.The Paymaster General of the Armies of the United States has been, agreeably to the provision of the 15th section of “an act for the better organization of the troops of the United States, and for other purposes,” quartered by direction of the late commander in chief, at the seat of Government, it being the station deemed most proper, to enable him to perform his functions with convenience, facility, and the least probable risk of the public moneys.The functions of this office are, by law, highly important: his trust is eminently responsible. All moneys for the pay of the armies pass through his hands, including military bounties, and the subsistence and forage of officers, and he is the auditor, in the first instance, of all accounts for such objects.The compensation provided for him is eighty dollars per month, with the rations and forage of a major. This compensation the Secretary conceives, not merely inadequate to remunerate the duties and responsibilities attached to the office, but insufficient for the decent support of a respectable character, and certainly none other should fill it. It is, therefore, respectfully suggested to increase the compensation to the Paymaster General of the Armies of the United States, and submitted whether it might not be attended with some beneficial effects to vest him with a suitable brevet rank in the army.The regularity, discipline, and, of course, the efficiency of all armies have always depended very essentially upon the system provided for their government. Impressed with this conviction, the Secretary takes the liberty to bring into your view, “the rules and articles for the better government of the troops raised, or to be raised, and kept in pay, by and at the expense of the United States of America.” This system contains many excellent provisions, but experience has produced a pretty general wish among military men, that it could be submitted to a complete revision, as in many particulars it is presumed to require amendments.This revision would be a very serious work, and there is reason to fear could not be undertaken, with a prospect of being speedily finished. Some things, however, can be done, which would be important improvements.A great obscurity envelopes the provisions of the existing articles, respecting the power to appoint or order general courts martial. One construction, by confining the power to the general or commander in chief only, is inconveniently narrow, and has occasioned too great delay, as well in instituting courts, as in giving effect to their sentences. Another construction, which has been practised upon, (commandants of posts, as such, of whatever grade, having assumed the power of constituting general courts martial) is too much diffused, and would place in too many hands a trust no less delicate than important.To attempt to attain the proper medium by a more exact legislative definition, of the characters who may exercise the power, would perhaps be attended with difficulty, and might often not meet the new situations which are constantly occurring in the infinite combinations of military service. The expedient which has appeared most proper, is to give a discretionary authority to the President, to empower other officers, (than those the soundest interpretation has decided to be designated by the articles of war, viz. generals, or those on whom a general’s command has devolved) to appoint general courts martial, under such circumstances, and with such limitations, as he may deem advisable.The provisions which refer the determination on sentences extending to the loss of life, or the dismission of a commissioned officer in time of peace, to the President, must no doubt have frequently been attended with perplexity to him, and are inconvenient, if not injurious to the service. It is scarcely possible, for any but the military commander, to appreciate duly the motives which, in such cases, demand severity, or recommend clemency. To this, an accurate view of all the circumstances of the army, in detail, is often necessary. The efficacy of punishment, when requisite in an army, depends much on its celerity, and must be greatly weakened by the unavoidable delay of a resort to the Executive: during which delay, the mischief it was intended to remedy, may, and sometimes most probably will, have happened. The reasons mentioned induce an opinion, that it is expedient to empower the commanding general of an army, to decide upon, and command to be executed when proper, all sentences of general courts martial, except only such as respect a general officer. The responsibility of the commanding general to the President, and to his country, must ensure a discreet exercise of the required authority, and its utility is manifest.The best mode of treating the crime of desertion has been an embarrassing investigation in most countries. To fix upon a punishment, that gives the surest promise of checking or preventing the evil, or which, when it does happen, in its application will be most analogous to the generally received opinions of a country, and the habits of military life, is indeed difficult. The same punishment ought not, perhaps, to be applied to this crime, the most injurious to armies, and complicated in its nature, at all times and under all circumstances.To punish it with death in time of peace in all cases, would, in this country, do violence to the popular habits of thinking. Whipping is found to be ineffectual. Confinement to hard labor, it is supposed, will produce more beneficial results, and courts martial have, in their discretion, been lately much influenced by this belief. As, however, our soldiers are enlisted for given periods, when an engagement is nearly expired, confinement would be an inadequate punishment, for it could not continue beyond the term of service, and although a soldier may be supposed to have fewer inducements to withdraw from an engagement which is near terminating, yet, it has sometimes happened, and may be expected in future, that men, under such circumstances, have been the authors of combinations, to revolt, desert, and commit other crimes, consequently have been the most atrocious offenders; and it is known that they frequently have themselves deserted. To make this punishment, then, in time of peace, in all cases, commensurate with, and proportioned to, the crime, an auxiliary provision to extend the confinement and labor beyond the period of service the criminal had engaged for, would appear necessary. Such a provision would have a tendency to render the sentences of the courts less sanguinary.The Secretary by no means designs to suggest, that it would be proper to abolish the punishment of death for desertion even in time of peace. He considers that in aggravated and complicated cases, it would always be proper, and that in time of war or civil commotion, it should always be applied to this crime. He also inclines to the opinion, that the power of pardoning ought never to be extended in any instance of desertion, or an attempt to desert to enemies or traitors.Connected with the perfection of our military establishment, is a code of well digested rules for the formations, field exercise, movements, and police, of the different species of troops composing our army.Major General Hamilton has, some time since, been specially charged with this work. As it was not, however, expected that so extensive an undertaking could be completed without a sub-division of labor, and the co-operation of various talents and experience, he informs, that he has assigned to Major General Pinckney an important portion of the task. The execution, it is also understood, will require the aid of other and subordinate officers, for whose extra service a special compensation is suggested, as being agreeable to usage, and essential to a cheerful and zealous performance of their duty. This, should it meet your approbation, demands no particular act of the Legislature.There is another point relative to the army, which he has made the subject of a recent communication to the Department of War, to which it may be proper to request attention.The General observes, that “the detaching from their corps soldiers as servants to the various officers of the general staff is productive of material inconvenience, by withdrawing altogether, from military service, a considerable number of persons; and occasioning dissatisfactions to the commandants of corps, who never see their men removed without uneasiness, and are sometimes much disgusted by the selection of those whom they are anxious to retain. There is no doubt, he adds, that it would operate beneficially, if, after fixing the number of servants to which the several characters of the general staff should be entitled, they were to be allowed an equivalent in money, regulated by the cost of a soldier to the public, and were to be required to provide their own servants.”Should this measure be adopted, which is agreeable to an obsolete regulation of the old Congress, penalties may be devised to secure a faithful execution, which, from the force of circumstances, would be very little liable to abuse.When treating upon military subjects, it may not be improper to give a general view of the positions of the existing regular force, composing the armies of the United States, conformably to a disposition of the same by your approbation, and that of the late commander in chief.The four regiments of infantry, and the two companies of cavalry, on the permanent establishment, are disposed of as follows:One regiment is assigned to the frontiers of Tennessee and Georgia. There are also in that quarter the two companies of cavalry.The three other regiments are distributed along the lakes from Niagara to Michillimackinac, upon the Miami, Ohio, Mississippi, and Tombigbee.There is also one battalion of the artillerists and engineers distributed with the aforesaid troops.This entire force is manifestly inadequate to the purposes it is intended to answer on our Northern, Western, and Southern frontiers.The twelve regiments of infantry now raising, have taken, or are to take, the following provisional positions, viz:Three of the twelve regiments of infantry in the vicinity of Providence river, near Uxbridge, Massachusetts.Three regiments in the vicinity of Brunswick, New Jersey.Three regiments in the vicinity of Potomac, near Harper’s Ferry, Virginia.Three regiments in the vicinity of Augusta, above the Falls of Savannah.This disposition, it is conceived, combines considerations relative to the discipline and health of the troops with the economical supply of their wants. It has, also, some military aspects, in the first instance, towards the security of Boston and Newport; in the second, towards that of New York and Philadelphia; in the third and fourth, towards that of Baltimore, Charleston, Savannah, and the Southern States generally, and in the third, particularly towards the reinforcement of the Western army.The residue of the two regiments of artillerists and engineers, except one battalion stated to be on our Northern, Western, and Southern frontiers, are stationed in our sea-board fortifications, from Portland, Massachusetts, to the St. Mary’s, Georgia. From these are to be drawn two battalions in succession for the army, when in the field, with a view to a course of regular instruction.Schedule C exhibits the actual force (according to the latest returns) of the four regiments of infantry, and two companies of cavalry on the old establishment, and the two regiments of artillerists and engineers.All which is respectfully submitted.


Title: From John Adams to United States Senate, 8 January 1800
From: Adams, John
To: United States Senate

Gentlemen of the Senate
United States January 8 1800

I nominate the following Gentlemen to be officers in the Navy
George Little of Massachusetts to be a Captain in the Navy
John Rodgers of Maryland to be a Captain in the Navy
Edward Prebble of Massachusetts to be a Captain in the Navy
John Mullowny of Pennsylvania to be a Captain in the Navy
James Barron of Virginia to be a Captain in the Navy
Thomas Baker of Pennsylvania to be a Captain in the Navy
Henry Geddes of Delawarr to be a Captain in the Navy
Thomas Robinson of New York to be a Captain in the Navy
the following Gentlemen to be confirmed Masters Commandants in the Navy:
William Bainbridge of New York
Cyrus Talbott of Massachusetts
David Jewett of Connecticut
Hugh George Campbell of Georgia
Timothy Newman of Massachusetts
William Cowper of Virginia
Charles Russell of Massachusetts
the following Gentlemen to be Lieutenants in the Navy
Jeremiah Barton of Virginia
David Phipps of Rhode Island
Isaac Chauncey of New York
Benjamin Hillar of Massachusetts
Samuel Heyward of South Carolina
John Davidson of Massachusetts
Robert Haswell of Massachusetts
John Rush of Pennsylvania
George Blair of North Carolina
Samuel Parker of Massachusetts
Andrew McCombe of Connecticut
William Wildes of Massachusetts
John May of Connecticut
Nathaniel Clift of Massachusetts
Cornelius ODriscoll of South Carolina

Edward Meade of Pennsa.
Treborn Banning of Maryland
Richard Somers of New Jersey
Stephen Decatur jr. of Pennsa.
Mack Fernald of New Hampshire
Joseph Saunders of Massachusetts
William Peterken of Maryland
John H. Jones of Pennsa.
John Carson of Pennsa.
Joseph Ingraham of Massachusetts
Isaac Collins of Massachusetts
George Cox of Maryland
Henry Jackson Knox of Massachusetts
Edward Boss of Massachusetts
James Pyott Watson of New York
Robert Wells of Maryland
Samuel Brooks of Maryland
John H Dent of Maryland
Thomas Robinson jr. of Pennsa.
Miles King of Virginia
John Latimer of Pennsa.
John Cowper of Virginia
William Maley of Massachusetts
Abraham Ludlow of New York
William C Jenks of Maryland
Asa Sapham of Massachusetts

David Porter of Maryland
Benjn. F Knapp of Rhode Island
Robert Harrison of Maryland
William Penrose of Pennsa.
Charles Jewett of Connecticut
Edward Griswold of Connecticut
Samuel McCutchon of Pennsa.
Robert Mercer of Pennsa.
Joseph E Collins of Western Territory
Richard Clark of Western Territory
James Murdock of Pennsa.
Thomas Davis of Pennsa.
Samuel Evans of Pennsa.
John Love of Pennsa.
Nathaniel Bosworth of Massachusetts
George Gardiner Lee of Massachusetts
The Following Gentlemen to be Surgeons in the Navy
Peter St Medard of Massachusetts
James Wells of Connecticut
Anderson Warfield of Maryland
Benjamin Vintoll of Massachusetts
William Graham of Maryland
Asa Sargent of Massachusetts
Edward Cutbush of Pennsa.
Isaac Henry of Maryland
John Bullus of Pennsa.
George Davis of New York
Henry Wells of Maryland
Hanson Catlett of Maryland
Amos Windship of Massachusetts
Thomas Jones Winder of Maryland
Richard C Shannon of New Hampshire
John Park of Massachusetts
Thomas Triplett of Virginia
John R Nicholson of Maryland
Robert Harris of Maryland
Daniel Hughes of Pennsa.
The following Gentlemen to be Surgeons Mates in the Navy—
Nathan Tisdale of Connecticut
William Frost of New Hampshire
William Parsons of Massachusetts
Samuel Anderson of Pennsa.
John Murdaugh of Virginia
Tobias Watkins of Maryland
Jonas Fay of Massachusetts
Thomas Lynch Dart of South Carolina
Edward Field of
James McAlpine of Georgia
Morris W Polk of Maryland
James Dodge of New York
Oliver Dunbar of Massachusetts
James Boyd junior of Pennsa.
John Churchill Strong of ConnecticutJohn A. Casey of Maryland

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to James McHenry, 9 January 1800
From: Adams, John
To: McHenry, James

Jan. 9 1800

The President requests the Secretary at War to have an Extract made from the Precis des Evenemens militaires, translated into our Language and printed, which of all those Parts which relate to the House Artillery, and to consider whether this System cannot be introduced into our military System and especially into a Militia Law or Volunteer Corps’s. When printed in Sufficient Numbers, the public Attention will be turned to the Subject and our Officers may be furnished with Copies.


Title: From John Adams to United States Senate, 9 January 1800
From: Adams, John
To: United States Senate

Gentlemen of the Senate
United States Jan 9th 1800

I nominate Alexander Carmalt of North Carolina to be surveyor and inspector of the port of Swansborough in the place of John McCollough Esqr. deceased.
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Timothy Pickering, 9 January 1800
From: Pickering, Timothy
To: Adams, John

Department of State Jany. 9. 1800

The Secretary of State has the honor to lay before the President of the United States a statement of the claims of American Citizens adjusted by the board of Commissioners under the 21st. article of our treaty with Spain; and a letter from Matthew Clarkson Esquire, the commissioner on the part of the United States, dated the 2d. instant, informing that the commission terminated on the 31st. of December last.

Timothy Pickering


Title: To John Adams from James McHenry, 10 January 1800
From: McHenry, James
To: Adams, John

Sir.
War Department 10 Jany. 1800

I have the honour to submit to your consideration, a report relative to the military establishment of the United States. It suggests several propositions, which if adopted, it is respectfully presumed would ameleorate our military system, and contribute essentially to the security and respectability of the United States.
I have the honour to be Sir, with the greatest respect Sir /  Your most obt. /  & hble St.

James McHenry