Title: From Alexander Hamilton to George Clinton, 24[–27] February 1783
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Clinton, George

Philadelphia February 24th. [-27] 1783
Sir,

In my letter of the 14th. I informed Your Excellency that Congress were employed in devising a plan for carrying the 8th article of the confederation into execution. This business is at length brought to a conclusion. I inclose for the information of the Legislature the proceedings upon it in different stages, by which they will see the part I have acted. But as I was ultimately left in a small minority, I think it my duty to explain the motives upon which my opposition to the general sense of the house was founded.
I am of opinion, that the article of the confederation itself was ill-judged. In the first place I do not believe there is any general representative of the wealth of a nation, the criterion of its ability to pay taxes. There are only two that can be thought of land and numbers.
The revenues of the United Provinces (general and particular) were computed before the present war to more than half as much as those of Great Britain. The extent of their territory is not one fourth part as great, their population less than a third. The comparison is still more striking between those Provinces and the Swiss-Cantons in both of which extent of territory and population are nearly the same, and yet the revenues of the former are five times as large as those of the latter, nor could any efforts of taxation bring them to any thing like a level. In both cases the advantages for agriculture are superior in those countries which afford least revenue in proportion. I have selected these examples, because they are most familiar, but who ever will extend the comparison between the different nations of the world, will perceive that the position I have laid down is supported by universal experience.
The truth is the ability of a country to pay taxes depends on infinite combinations of physical and moral causes, which can never be accommodated to any general rule, climate, soil, productions, advantages for navigation, government, genius of the people, progress of arts and industry, and an endless variety of circumstances. The diversities are sufficiently great in these states to make an infinite difference in their relative wealth—the proportion of which can never be found by any common measure whatever.
The only possible way then of making them contribute to the general expence in an equal proportion to their means is by general taxes imposed under Continental authority. In this mode there would no doubt be inequalities and for a considerable time material ones; but experience and the constant operation of a general interest which by the very collision of particular interests must in the main prevail in a Continental deliberative would at length correct those inequalities, and ballance one tax that should bear hard upon one state by another that should have a proportional weight in others. This idea however was not at the period of framing the confederation, and is not yet agreeable to the spirit of the times. To futurity we must leave the discovery how far this spirit is wise or foolish. One thing only is now certain that Congress having the discretionary power of determining the quantum of money to be paid into the general treasury towards defraying the common expences, have in effect the constitutional power of general taxation. The restraints upon the exercise of this power amount to the perpetuating a rule for fixing the proportions which must of necessity produce inequality, and by refusing the fœderal government a power of specific taxation and of collection, without substituting any other adequate means of coertion do in fact leave the compliance with Continental requisitions to the good will of the respective states. Inequality is inherent in the theory of the confederation, and in the practice that inequality must increase in proportion to the honesty or dishonesty of the component parts. This vice will either in its consequences reform the fœderal constitution or dissolve it.
If a general standard must be fixed numbers were preferable to land. Modes might be devised, to ascertain the former with tolerable precision, but I am persuaded the experiment will prove that the value of all the land in each state cannot be ascertained with any thing like exactness. Both these measures have the common disadvantage, of being no equal representative of the wealth of the people; but one is much more simple definite and certain than the other.
I have indulged myself in these remarks to show that I have little expectation of success from any mode of carrying the article in question into execution upon equitable principles. I owe it however to myself to declare that my opposition did not arise from this source. The confederation has pointed out this mode, and though I would heartily join in a representation of the difficulties (of which every man of sense must be sensible on examination) that occur in the execution of the plan to induce the states to consent to a change, yet as this was not the disposition of a Majority of Congress, I would have assented to any mode of attempting it which was not either obviously mischievous or impracticable.
The first plan proposed as Your Excellency will see was an actual valuation of each state by itself. This was evidently making the interested party judge in his own cause. Those who have seen the operation of this principle between the counties in the same state and the districts in the same county cannot doubt a moment that the valuations on this plan would have been altogether unequal and unjust. Without supposing more liberality in one state than in another the degree of care, judgment and method employed in the execution would alone make extreme differences in the results.
This mode had also the further inconvenience of awakening all the jealousies of the several states against each other. Each would suspect that its neighbour had favoured itself, whether the partiality appeared or not. It would be impossible to silence these distrusts and to make the states sit down satisfied with the justice of each other. Every new requisition for money would be a new signal for discussion and clamour, and the seeds of disunion already sown too thick would be not a little multiplied.
To guard against these evils the plan proposes a revision by Congress; but it is easy to be seen that such a power could not be exercised. Should any states return defective valuations, it would be difficult to find sufficient evidence to determine them such—to alter would not be admissible, for Congress could have no data, which could be presumed equivalent to those which must have governed the judgment of Commissioners under oath on an actual view of the premisses. To do either this, or to reject would be an impeachment of the honor of the states which it is not probable there would be decision enough to hazard, and which if done could not fail to excite serious disgusts. There is a wide difference between a single state exercising such a power over its own counties and a confederated government exercising it over sovereign states, which compose the confederacy. It might also happen that too many states would be interested in the defective valuations to leave a sufficient number willing either to alter or to reject.
These considerations prevailed to prevent the plan being adopted by a Majority.
The last plan may be less mischievous than the first, but it appears to me altogether ineffectual: The mere quantity of land granted and surveyed with the general species of buildings upon them can certainly be no criteria to determine their value. The plan does not even distinguish the improved from the unimproved land; the qualities of soil, or degrees of improvement; the qualities of the houses and other buildings are intirely omitted. These it seems are to be judged of by the commissioners to be appointed by each state; but I am unable to conceive how any commissioner can form the least estimate of these circumstances with respect even to his own state, much less with respect to other states, which would be necessary to establish a just relative value. If even there was a distinction of improved from unimproved land, by supposing an intrinsic value in the land and adopting general rates something nearer the truth might be attained; but it must now be all conjecture and uncertainty.
The numbers of inhabitants distinguishing white from black are called for. This is not only totally foreign to the confederation but can answer no reasonable purpose. It has been said that the proportion of members may guide and correct the estimates; an assertion purely verbal. A judgment must first be formed of the value of the lands upon some principles. If this should be altered by the proportion of numbers, it is plain numbers would be substituted to land.
Another objection to the plan is, that it lets in the particular interests of the states to operate in the returns of the quantities of land, number of buildings and number of inhabitants. But the principle of this objection applies less forcibly here than against the former plan.
Whoever will consider the plain import of the 8th. article of the confederation must be convinced that it intended an actual and specific valuation of land buildings and improvements, not a mere general estimate according to the present plan. While we insist therefore upon adhering to the confederation, we should do it in reality, not barely in appearance.
Many of those who voted for this scheme had as bad an opinion of it as myself; but they were induced to accede to it, by a persuasion that some plan for the purpose was expected by the states, and that none better in the present circumstances of the country could be fallen upon.
A leading rule which I have laid down for the direction of my conduct is this—that while I would have a just deference for the expectations of the states, I would never consent to amuse them by attempts, which must either fail in the execution or be productive of evil. I would rather incur the negative inconveniences of delay than the positive mischief of injudicious expedients. A contrary conduct serves to destroy confidence in the government, the greatest misfortune that can befal a nation. There should in my opinion be a character of wisdom and efficiency in all the measures of the fœderal council, the opposite of a spirit of temporising concession.
I would have sufficient reliance on the judgments of the several states to hope that good reasons for not attempting a thing would be more satisfactory to them than precipitate and fruitless attempts. My idea is that taking it for granted the states will expect an experiment on the principles of the confederation the best plan will be to make it by Commissioners appointed by Congress and acting under their authority. Congress might in the first instance appoint three or more of the principal characters in each state for probity and abilities, with a power to nominate other commissioners under them in each subdivision of the state. General principles might be laid down for the government of their conduct by which uniformity in the manner of conducting the business would obtain. Sanctions of such solemnity might be prescribed and such notoriety given to every part of the transaction, that the commissioners could neither be careless nor partial without a sacrifice of reputation.
To carry this plan however into effect with sufficient care and accuracy would be a work both of time and expence; and unfortunately we are so pressed to find money for calls of immediate necessity that we could not at present undertake a measure, which would require so large a sum.
To me it appears evident that every part of a business, which is of so important and universal concern should be transacted on uniform principles and under the direction of that body which has a common interest.
In general I regard the present moment probably the dawn of peace as peculiarly critical; and the measures which it shall produce as of great importance to the future welfare of these states. I am therefore scrupulous[ly] cautious of assenting to plans which appear to me founded on false principles.
Your Excellency will observe that the valuation of the lands is to be the standard for adjusting the accounts for past supplies, between the United States and the particular states. This if adhered to without allowance for the circumstances of those states which have been more immediately the theatre of the war, will charge our state for the past according to its future ability, when in an intire condition; if the valuation should be finally made after we regain possession of the parts of the state now in the power of the enemy.

I have therefore introduced a motion for repeating the call in a more earnest manner upon the states to vest Congress with a power of making equitable abatements, agreeable to the spirit of the resolution of the 20th. of February last which few of the states have complied with. This motion has been committed. I know not what will be its fate.
Nothwithstanding the opposition I have given, now the matter has been decided in Congress, I hope the state will chearfully comply with what is required. Unless each state is governed by this principle, there is an end of the union. Every state will no doubt have a right in this case to accompany its compliance with such remarks as it may think proper. I have the honor to be Yr. Excellency’s Most Obedient servant

Alx Hamilton

P.S.   After the plan was agreed upon, it was committed to be put into form, and when reported instead of Commissioners an alteration was carried for making the estimate by a Grand Committee.

Feby. 27
Mr. Morris has signified to Congress his resolution to resign by the first of June if adequate funds are not by that time provided. This will be a severe stroke to our affairs. No man fit for the office will be willing to supply his place for the very reasons he resigns.
Tis happy for us we have reason to expect a peace; I am sorry that by different accounts it appears not to have been concluded late in December.


Title: George Clinton to Alexander Hamilton and William Floyd, 25 February 1783
From: Clinton, George
To: Hamilton, Alexander,Floyd, William

Kingston [New York] 25th. Feby. 1783.
Gentm.

From the Affidavits which I now do myself the Honor to Inclose You and which I must request you to lay before Congress it appears that the Usurped Government on the New Hampshire Grants so far from yielding Obedience to the Resolutions of Congress of the 5th. December last have repeated their Outrages on the well affected Subjects of this State.
The distressed situation of our fellow Citizens in that District, the Preservation of the Public Peace and the Faith and Dignity of Congress require their immediate and effectual Interposition.
I also transmit a Printed Remonstrance of which Copies have been sent by the Leaders of the Defection to some of the Principal Officers of the Army to be distributed among the Soldiery with a View doubtless improperly to influence them should it be requisite to employ the Military to carry the Resolutions of Congress into Execution.
There can be no doubt but that these People are induced to perseverence in their Opposition from a Belief that Congress never will decide the Controversy relative to the Jurisdiction and will never have Recourse to coercive Means to enforce their Determination, and I am therefore perswaded that Tranquility and good Order cannot be restored to that part of the Country unless by an Adjudication of Congress in the Question of Jurisdiction.
Several Circumstances in my Opinion conspire to render the present the most proper Moment and I am convinced (should any be necessary) a small regular Military Force will be sufficient to compel a Submission.
The Legislature are now sitting and exceedingly Anxious to be informed of the Issue of a Business in which the State is so deeply interested and this anxiety is increased by the Consideration that consistent with the Recommendations of Congress it would be improper in the State to attempt to relieve the Sufferers.

Major Shattuck one of the Deponents goes to Philadelphia expressly to convey this Distatch and to him I must refer you for more particular Information.
I have the Honor to be with great Respect Gentm. Your Most Obedt. Servt.

Geo: Clinton
the Honorable the Delagates for the State of New York


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from George Washington, 4 March 1783
From: Washington, George
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Newburgh [New York] 4th. Mar: 1783
Dear Sir,

I have received your favor of February  & thank you for the information & observations it has conveyed to me. I shall always think myself obliged by a free communication of sentiments, & have often thought (but suppose I thought wrong as it did not accord with the practice of Congress) that the public interest might be benefitted, if the Commander in Chief of the Army was let more into the political & pecuniary state of our affairs than he is. Enterprises, & the adoption of Military & other arrangements that might be exceedingly proper in some circumstances, would be altogether improper in others. It follows then by fair deduction, that where there is a want of information there must be chance medley; & a man may be upon the brink of a precipice before he is aware of his danger—when a little foreknowledge might enable him to avoid it. But this by the by. The hint contained in your letter, and the knowledge I have derived from the public Gazettes respecting the nonpayment of Taxes contain all the information I have received of the danger that stares us in the face, on acct. of our funds, and so far was I from conceiving that our finances were in so deplorable a state, at this time, that I had imbibed ideas from some source or another, that with the prospect of a loan from Holland we should be able to rub along.
To you, who have seen the danger, to which the Army has been exposed, to a political dissolution for want of subsistence, & the unhappy spirit of licentiousness which it imbibed by becoming in one or two instances its own proveditors, no observations are necessary to evince the fatal tendency of such a measure; but I shall give it as my opinion, that it would at this day be productive of Civil commotions & end in blood. Unhappy situation this! God forbid we should be involved in it.
The predicament in which I stand as Citizen & Soldier, is as critical and delicate as can well be conceived. It has been the subject of many contemplative hours. The sufferings of a complaining army on one hand, and the inability of Congress and tardiness of the States on the other, are the forebodings of evil; & may be productive of events which are more to be depricated than prevented; but I am not without hope, if there is such a disposition shewn as prudence & policy dictates, to do justice, your apprehensions, in case of Peace, are greater than there is cause for. In this however I may be mistaken, if those ideas, which you have been informed are propagated in the Army, should be extensive; the source of which may be easily traced; as the old leven, it is said, for I have no proof of it, is again beginning to work, under the mask of the most perfect dissimulation & apparent cordiallity.
Be these things as they may, I shall pursue the same steady line of conduct which has governed me hitherto; fully convinced that the sensible, and discerning part of the army, cannot be unacquainted (although I never took pains to inform them) of the services I have rendered it, on more occasions than one. This, and pursuing the suggestions of your letter, which I am happy to find conincides with my own practice for several months past, & which was the means of directing the business of the Army into the Channel it now is, leaves me under no great apprehension of its exceeding the bounds of reason & moderation, nothwithstanding the prevailing sentiment in the Army is, that the prospect of compensation for past Services will terminate with the War.
The just claims of the Army ought, and it is to be hoped will, have their weight with every sensible Legislature in the Union, if Congress point to their demands; shew (if the case is so) the reasonableness of them, and the impracticability of complying ⟨with them⟩ without their aid. In any other point of view it would, in my opinion, be impolitic to introduce the Army on the Tapis; lest it should excite jealousy, and bring on its concomitants. The States cannot, surely, be so devoid of common sense, common honesty, & common policy as to refuse their aid on a full, clear, & candid representation of facts from Congress; more especially if these should be enforced by members of their own body; who might demonstrate what the inevitable consequences of failure must lead to.
In my opinion it is a matter worthy of consideration how far an Adjournment of Congress for a few months is advisable. The Delegates in that case, if they are in unison themselves respecting the great defects of their Constitution may represent them fully & boldly to their Constituents. To me, who ⟨know⟩ nothing of the business which is before Congress, nor of the arcanum, it appears that such a measure would tend to promote the public weal; for it is clearly my opinion, unless Congress have powers competent to all general purposes, that the distresses we have encountered, the expences we have incurred, and the blood we have spilt in the course of an Eight years war, will avail us nothing.
The contents of your letter is known only to myself and your prudence will direct what should be done with this. With great esteem and regard I am Dr Sir Yr. Most Obedt. Servt

Go: Washington


Title: Continental Congress Motion on Abatements for States in Possession of the Enemy, 4 March 1783
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Continental Congress
To:

[Philadelphia] March 4, 1783

Whereas in the opinion of Congress it is essential to those principles of justice and liberality which ought to govern the intercourse between these states that in the final adjustment of accounts for the supplies or contributions of the states respectively towards the common expences in the course of the war equitable allowances should be made in favour of those states parts of which have been at different periods in possession of the enemy—And Whereas the strict application of the rule prescribed by the 8th. article of the confederation as declared by the resolution of the 17th. of February would operate greatly to the prejudice of such states, and to the calamities of war add an undue proportion of the public burthen
Resolved That Congress will in the application of the said rule make such abatements in favour of the said states, as from a full consideration of circumstances, shall appear to them just and equitable for the time the said parts of the said states may have been in possession of the enemy.


Title: Alexander Hamilton and William Floyd to George Clinton, [5 March 1783]
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Floyd, William
To: Clinton, George

[Philadelphia, March 5, 1783]
Sir

Mr. Hamilton having transmitted Your Excellency the late proceedings of Congress for carrying the 8th. article of the confederation into execution, by which the legislature will see the part we acted in this affair. They will not be at aloss for our motives; and we hope will not disapprove them. Our opposition to the first plan proposed was founded principally on this consideration that it left the interested party judge in his own cause, might have produced great injustice and inequality, and would in all probability have excited great jealousies between the respective states. We dissented from the second plan chiefly because we did not perceive that it afforded sufficient data to make the valuations upon and because it applied the 8th. article of the confederation in such a manner as would have produced great injustice to the state of New York and others in similar circumstances by charging us with our proportion of the past contributions of the states according to our future ability when the valuation shall be made.
After this plan was resolved upon, we introduced a motion to call a second time upon the different states to vest Congress with a power of making equitable abatements agreeable to the resolution of the [20th Feby 1781.]
This was committed, and an unfavourable report made, which together with the original motion was postponed.
We renewed the motions in a something different form, which has been negatived by a large majority. We have the honor to inclose the motion and the votes upon it. Different motives operated in the dismission. Many were opposed to the principle and others wished to postpone ’till this matter with many others could be taken up on a general plan.
We have the honor to be &c &c
Your Excellency’s letter by Mr. Shattuck has been read in Congress & with the papers accompanying it committed to the same Committee which has before them the remonstrance from [Chittenden]. We need not assure you that we shall pay all the attention in our power to a matter so interesting to the state, which however we are obliged to see posponed to the consideration of funds for restoring the credit of the United States, which now occupies the first attention of Congress.
[We have the honour to be &c. &c.
His Excellency Governor Clinton]


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to George Washington, [5 March 1783]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

[Philadelphia, March 5, 1783]
Sir

I had the honor of writing to your Excellency lately on a very confidential subjec⟨t⟩ and shall be anxious to know as soon as c⟨on⟩venient whether the letter got safe to han⟨d⟩. The bearer Shattuck thinks he can poin⟨t⟩ out the means of apprehending Wells & Knowle⟨ton⟩ the two persons whom Your Excellency was authorised to have taken into custody. I hav⟨e⟩ desired him to call upon you to disclose th⟨e⟩ plan. I will not trouble Your Excellency w⟨ith⟩ any observation on the importance of getting hold of those persons. The surmise that Mr. Arnold a member of Congress gave intellige⟨nce⟩ to them of the design to take them mak⟨es⟩ it peculiarly important. I have the hon⟨or⟩ to be
Your Excellency’s most ob’t serv’t

A. Hamilton.

To His Excellency General Washington⟩


Title: Continental Congress Remarks on Robert Morris, [5 March 1783]
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Continental Congress
To:

[Philadelphia, March 5, 1783]

This motion produced … lengthy & warm debates. Mr. Lee & Mr. Bland on one side disparaging the Administration of Mr. Morris, and throwing oblique censure on his character.… On the other side Mr. Wilson & Mr. Hamilton went into a copious defence & Panegyric of Mr. Morris, the ruin in which his resignation if it sd. take effect wd. involve public credit and all the operations dependent on it; and the decency altho’ firmness of his letters.


Title: Continental Congress Report on the Memorials of Pelatiah Webster and William Judd, 6 March 1783
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Continental Congress
To:

[Philadelphia] March 6, 1783

The Committee to whom was committed the report of the Grand Committee on the memorial of Pelatiah Webster & William Judd in behalf of the deranged officers of the lines of Massachusettes & Connecticut submit the following resolution:
That the accounts of the officers who have retired on half pay at different periods of the war [or their representatives] be settled on the same principles with the accounts of the army as contained in the resolution of the [25] of Jany last.
The Committee advise that the parts of their memorial relating to an advance of money be referred to the Superintendant of Finance to take order.


Title: Continental Congress Motion on the Appointment of Collectors, [11 March 1783]
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Continental Congress
To:

[Philadelphia, March 11, 1783]

A motion was made by Mr. Hamilton & Mr. Wilson to strike out the clauses relative to the appointment of Collectors, and to provide that the Collectors shd. be inhabitants of the States within which they sd. collect should be nominated by Congs. and appointed by the States, and in case such nomination should not be accepted or rejected within  days it should stand good.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from George Washington, 12 March 1783
From: Washington, George
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Newburgh [New York] 12th. Mar. 1783.
Dear Sir,

When I wrote to you last we were in a state of tranquility, but after the arrival of a certain Gentleman, who shall be nameless at present, from Philadelphia, a storm very suddenly arose with unfavourable prognostics; which tho’ diverted for a moment is not yet blown over, nor is it in my power to point to the issue.
The Papers which I send officially to Congress, will supercede the necessity of my remarking on the tendency of them. The notification and address, both appeared at the same instant, on the day preceding the intended meeting. The first of these I got hold of the same afternoon; the other, not till next morning.
There is something very misterious in this business. It appears, reports have been propagated in Philadelphia, that dangerous combinations were forming in the Army; and this at a time when there was not a syllable of the kind in agitation in Camp. It also appears, that upon the arrival in Camp of the Gentleman above alluded to such sentiments as these were immediately circulated: That it was universally expected the army would not disband untill they had obtained justice; That the public creditors looked up to them for Redress of their own grievances, wd afford them every aid, and even join them in the Field if necessary; That some mem⟨bers⟩ of Congress wished the measure might take effect, in order to compel the public, particularly the delinquent States, to do justice; with many other suggestions of a similar nature.
From this, and a variety of other considerations, it is firmly believed, by some, the scheme was not only planned but also digested and matured in Philadelphia; but in my opinion shall be suspended till I have a better ground to found one on. The matter was managed with great art; for as soon as the Minds of the Officers were thought to be prepared for the transaction, the anonymous invitations and address to the Officers were put in circulation, through every state line in the army. I was obliged therefore, in order to arrest on the spot, the foot that stood wavering on a tremendous precipice; to prevent the Officers from being taken by surprize while the passions were all inflamed, and to rescue them from plunging themselves into a gulph of Civil horror from which there might be no receding, to issue the order of the 11th. This was done upon the principle that it is easier to divert from a wrong, and point to a right path, than it is to recall the hasty and fatal steps which have been already taken.
It is commonly supposed if the Officers had met agreeably to the anonymous summons, with their feelings all alive, Resolutions might have been formed the consequences of which may be more easily conceived than described. Now they will have leizure to view the matter more calmly, and will act more seriously. It is to be hoped they will be induced to adopt more rational measures, and wait a while longer for a settlement of their accts., the postponing of which, appears to be the most plausible and almost the only article of which designing men can make an improper use, by insinuating (which they really do) that it is done with design that Peace may take place and prevent any adjustment of accts. which say they would inevitably be the case if the war was to cease tomorrow. Or supposing the best, you would have to dance attendance at public Offices at great distances perhaps, and equally great expences to obtain a settlement, which would be highly injurious, nay ruinous to you. This is their language.
Let me beseech you therefore, my good Sir, to urge this matter earnestly, and without further delay. The situation of these Gentlemen I do verily believe, is distressing beyond description. It is affirmed to me, that a large part of them have no better prospect before them than a Goal, if they are turned loose without liquidation of accts. and an assurance of that justice to which they are so worthily entitled. To prevail on the Delegates of those States through whose means these difficulties occur, it may, in my opinion, with propriety be suggested to them, if any disastrous consequences should follow, by reason of their delinquency, that they must be answerable to God & their Country for the ineffable horrors which may be occasioned thereby.
I am Dear Sir   Yr. Most Obedt. Serv

P.S. I have received your letter of the 5th. & have put that matter in train which was mentioned in it
GW

I am this instant informed, that a second address to the Officers, distinguished No. 2, is thrown into circulation. The Contents, evidently prove that the Author is in, or near Camp; and that the following words, erazed in the second page of this Letter, ought not to have met with this treatment. viz: “By others, that it is the illegitimate offspring of a person in the army.”


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Brigadier General John Cadwalader, [14 March 1783]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Cadwalader, John

[Philadelphia, March 14, 1783]
Dear Sir

Though disagreeable to appear in any manner in a personal dispute, yet I cannot in justice to you refuse to comply with the request contained in your note. I have delayed answering it to endeavour to recollect with more precision the time place and circumstances of the conversation to which you allude. I cannot however remember with certainty more than this, that sometime in the campaign of seventy seven, at Head Quarters, in this state, you mentioned to Col Harrison, Col Tilghman, myself and I believe some other Gentlemen of General Washington’s family, in a confidential way, that at some period in seventy six, I think after the American army had crossed the Delaware in its retreat, Mr. Reed had spoken to you in terms of great despondency respecting the American affairs and had intimated that he thought it time for Gentlemen to take care of themselves and that it was unwise any longer to follow the fortunes of a ruined cause, or something of a similar import. It runs in my mind that the expressions you declared to have been made use of by Mr. Reed were that he thought he ought no longer to “risk his life and fortune with the shattered remains of a broken army”; but it is the part of candour to observe that I am not able to distinguish with certainty whether the recollection I have of these words arises from the strong impression made by your declaration at the time, or from having heard them more than once repeated within a year past.
I am Dr Sir with great eseem Your Obedt ser

A Hamilton
Philadelphia March 14. 1783


Title: Alexander Hamilton and William Floyd to George Clinton, [17 March 1783]
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Floyd, William
To: Clinton, George

Philadelphia [March 17, 1783]
Sir,

We have the honor to inclose Your Excellency the provisional articles agreed upon between the United States and Great Britain, which are upon the whole as advantageous as could have been expected. Whether the negotiations terminate in a general peace or not, important and it is to be hoped, useful consequences will flow from what has been done. The acknowlegement of our independence by Great Britain will facilitate connections and intercourse between these states and the powers of Europe in general. With respect to the probability of a peace we can only observe that the interest of every party calls for it, but that the state of the negotiations when the last advices left France makes the event not a little doubtful.
One thing however may be inferred with tolerable certainty, which is that whether there is peace or war New York will ere long be evacuated.
We have the honor to be With perfect respect Your Excellency’s Most Obed Sevts.
His Excellency Governor Clinton


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to George Washington, 17 March 1783
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

Philadelphia, March 17. 1783
Sir,

I am duely honored with Your Excellency’s letter of the 4th. and, 12th. instant. It is much to be regretted though not to be wondered at, that steps of so inflammatory a tendency have been taken in the army. Your Excellency has in my opinion acted wisely. The best way is ever not to attempt to stem a torrent but to divert it.
I am happy to find You coincide in opinion with me on the conduct proper to be observed by yourself. I am persuaded more and more it is that which is most consistent with your own reputation and the public safety.
Our affairs wear a most serious aspect as well foreign as domestic. Before this gets to hand Your Excellency will probably have seen the provisional articles between Great Britain and these states. It might at first appearance be concluded that these will be the prelude to a general peace; but there are strong reasons to doubt the truth of such a conclusion. Obstacles may arise from different quarters, from the demands of Spain & Holl⟨and⟩, from the hope in France of greater acquisitions in the East, and perhaps still more probab⟨ly⟩ from the insincerity and duplicity of Lord Shelburn⟨e⟩, whose politics founded in the peculiarity of his situa⟨tion⟩, as well as in the character of the man ⟨may⟩ well be suspected of insidiousness. I am really appr⟨ehensive⟩ if peace does not take place, that the negotiation⟨s⟩ will tend to sow distrusts among the allies and wea⟨ken⟩ the force of the common league. We have I fear men ⟨among⟩ us and men in trust who have a hankering afte⟨r⟩ British connection. We have others whose confidence in France savours of credulity. The intrigues of the former and the incautiousness of the latter may be both, though in different degrees, injurious to the American interests; and make it difficult for prudent men to steer a proper course. There are delicate circumstances with respect to the late foreign transactions which I am not at liberty to reveal; but which joined to our internal weaknesses, disorders, follies & prejudices make this country stand upon precarious ground.
Some use perhaps may be made of these ideas to induce moderation in the army. An opinion that their country does not stand upon a secure footing will operate upon the patriotism of the officers against hazarding any domestic commotions.
When I make these observations I cannot forbear adding that if no excesses take place I shall not be sorry that ill-humours have appeared. I shall not regret importunity, if temperate, from the army.

There are good intentions in the Majority of Congress; but there is not sufficient wisdom or decision. There are dangerous prejudices in the particular states opposed to those measures which alone can give stability & prosperity to the Union. There is a fatal opposition to Continental views. Necessity alone can work a reform. But how apply it and how keep it within salutary bounds?
I fear we have been contending for a shadow.
The affair of accounts I considered as having been put on a satisfactory footing. The particular states have been required to settle ’till the first of August 80 and the Superintendant of Finance has been directed to take measures for settling since that period. I shall immediately see him on the subject.
We have had Eight states and a half in favour of a commutation of the half pay for an average of ten years purchase, that is five years full pay instead of half pay for life, which on a calculation of annuities is nearly an equivalent. I hope this will now shortly take place.
We have made considerable progress in a plan to be recommended to the several states for funding all the public debts including those of the army; which is certainly the only way to restore public credit and enable us to continue the war, by borrowing abroad, if it should be necessary to continue it.
I omitted mentioning to Your Excellency that from European intelligence, there is great reason to believe at all events, peace or War, New York will be evacuated in the Spring. It will be a pity if any domestic disturbances should change the plans of the British Court.
I have the honor to be With the greatest respect Yr Excellency’s Most Obed se⟨rvant⟩
P.S Your Excellency mentions that it has been surmised the plan in agitation was formed in Philadelphia; that combinations have been talked of between the public creditors and the army; and that members of Congress had incouraged the idea. This is partly true. I have myself urged in Congress the propriety of uniting the influence of the public creditors, & the army as a part of them, to prevail upon the states to enter into their views. I have expressed the same sentiments out of doors. Several other members of Congress have done the same. The meaning however of all this was simply that Congress should adopt such a plan as would embrace the relief of all the public creditors including the army; in order that the personal influence of some, the connections of others, and a sense of justice to the army as well as the apprehension of ill consequences might form a mass of influence in each state in favour of the measures of Congress. In this view, as I mentioned to Your Excellency in a former letter, I thought the discontents of the army might be turned to a good account. I am still of opinion that their earnest, but respectful applications for redress will have a good effect.
As to any combination of Force it would only be productive of the horrors of a civil war, might end in the ruin of the Country & would certainly end in the ruin of the army.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Philip Schuyler, 18 March 1783
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Schuyler, Philip

[Philadelphia, March 18, 1783. On May 4, 1783, Schuyler wrote to Hamilton: “Your several favors of the 18th & 25th March and 2d. ult. were delivered me.” Letter of March 18 not found.]


Title: Christopher Tappen to Alexander Hamilton and William Floyd, 19 March 1783
From: Tappen, Christopher
To: Hamilton, Alexander,Floyd, William

Kingston [New York] March 19, 1783. States that the Corporation of Kingston desires to become the seat of the Continental Congress and discusses the advantages it affords as well as the privileges the town is willing to extend. Encloses a letter from Governor George Clinton to Congress transmitting a joint resolution of the New York legislature and an act of the Corporation of Kingston proposing that Congress make Kingston its permanent residence.


Title: Continental Congress Remarks on the Provisional Peace Treaty, [19 March 1783]
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Continental Congress
To:

[Philadelphia, March 19, 1783]

Mr. Hamilton urged the propriety of proceeding with coolness and circumspection. He thought it proper in order to form a right judgment of the conduct of our Ministers, that the views of the French & British Courts should be examined. He admitted it as not improbable that it had been the policy of France to procrastinate the definite acknowledgmt. of our Independence on the part of G B in order to keep us more knit to herself & untill her own interests could be negotiated. The arguments hower, urged by our Ministers on this subject, although strong, were not conclusive; as it was not certain, that this policy & not a desire of excluding obstacles to peace, had produced ye. opposition of the French Court to our demands. Caution & vigilance he thought were justified by the appearance & that alone. But compare this policy with that of G B, survey the past cruelty & present duplicity of her councils, behold her watching every occasion & trying every project for dissolving the honorable ties which bind the U.S. to their ally, & then say on which side our resentments & jealousies ought to lie. With respect to the instructions submitting our Ministers to the advice of France, he had disapproved it uniformly since it had come to his knowledge, but he had always judged it improper to repeal it. He disapproved highly of the conduct of our Ministers in not shewing the preliminary articles to our Ally before they signed them, and still more so of their agreeing to the separate article. This conduct gave an advantage to the Enemy which they would not fail to improve for the purpose of inspiring France with indignation & distrust of the U.S. He did not apprehend (with Mr. Mercer) any danger of a coalition between F & G B against America, but foresaw the destruction of mutual Confidence between F & the U.S., which wd. be likely to ensue, & the danger which would result from it in case the war should be continued. He observed that Spain was an unwise nation, her policy narrow & jealous, her King old her Court divided & the heir apparent notoriously attached to G B. From these circumstances he inferred an apprehension that when Spain sd. come to know the part taken by America with respect to her, a separate treaty of peace might be resorted to. He thought a middle course best with respect to our Ministers; that they ought to be commended in general; but that the communication of the separate article ought to take place. He observed that our Ministers were divided as to the policy of the Ct of France, but that they all were agreed in the necessity of being on the watch against G B. He apprehended that if the ministers were to be recalled or reprehended, that they would be disgusted & head & foment parties in this Country. He observed particularly with respect to Mr. Jay that altho’ he was a man of profound sagacity & pure integrity, yet he was of a suspicious temper, & that this trait might explain the extraordinary jealousies which he professed. He finally proposed that the Ministers sd. be commended and the separate article communicated.


Title: Continental Congress Motion on Establishment of Permanent Funds, 21 March 1783
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Continental Congress
To:

[Philadelphia] March 21, 1783

Whereas Congress did on the 12 day of February last resolve—“that it is the opinion of Congress that the establishment of permanent and adequate funds on taxes or duties which shall operate generally and on the whole in just proportions, throughout the United States are indispensably necessary towards doing complete justice to the public creditors for restoring public credit and for providing for the future exigencies of the war.”
And Whereas it is the duty of Congress on whose faith the public debts have been contracted for the common safety to make every effort in their power for the effectual attainment of objects so essential to the honor and welfare of the United States, relying on the wisdom and justice of their constituents for a compliance with their recommendations.

Therefore Resolved, that it be earnestly recommended to the several states, without delay to pass laws for the establishment of the following funds, to be vested in the United States, and to be collected and appropriated by their authority; provided that the officers for the collection of the said funds shall be inhabitants of each state respectively in which they reside, and being nominated by Congress shall be approved and appointed by such state accountable to and removeable by Congress; and provided that if, after any nomination being reported to the state, the same is not approved or rejected at the next meeting of the legislature, the person or persons so nominated shall be deemed to be duly appointed-viz.
A duty of 5 ⅌ Cent ad valorem at the time and place of importation upon all goods wares and merchandizes for foreign growth and manufactures, which may be imported into any of the said states from any foreign port Island or plantation, except arms ammunition cloathing and other articles imported on account of the United States or any of them, and except wool cards, cotton cards and wire for making them; and also except the articles hereafter enumerated, the duty on which shall be regulated according to the specified rates thereunto annexed.
here insert the articles enumerated in the other report
Also a duty of 5 ⅌ Cent ad valorem on all prizes and prize goods condemned in the court of Admiralty of any of these states as lawful prize.
A land tax at the rate of  Ninetieths of a dollar for every hundreds acres of located and surveyed land.
A house-tax at the general rate of half a dollar for each dwelling house (cottages excepted) and at the additional rate of 2½ ⅌ Cent on whatever sum the rent of the said house may exceed twenty dollars—to be calculated on the actual rent when the house is rented—and when in the occupancy of the owner on an appraised rent by Commissioners under oath appointed by the state once in  years—the lot and its appurtenances in towns and in the Country the outhouses garden and orchard to be comprehended with the dwelling house.
The duties on imports to pass to the general benefit of The United States, without credit for the proceeds to any particular states—but the product of the land and house taxes to be credited to each state in which it shall arise.
The said funds to continue ’till the principal of the debt due by the United States at the termination of the present war shall be finally discharged.
Resolved that an estimate be transmitted to each state of the amount of the public debt as far as the same can now be ascertained, and that Congress will inviolably adhere to their resolutions of the 16th. day of December last, respecting the appropriation of any funds which might be granted, and the annual transmission of the state of the public debt, and the proceeds and dispositions of the said funds by which all doubts and apprehensions respecting the perpetuity of the public debt may be effectually removed.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to George Washington, [24 March 1783]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

[Philadelphia, March 24, 1783]
Sir

Your Excellency will before this reaches you have received a letter from the Marquis De la Fayette informing you that the preliminaries of peace between all the belligerent powers have been concluded. I congratulate your Excellency on this happy conclusion of your labours. It now only remains to make solid establishments within to perpetuate our union to prevent our being a ball in the hands of European powers bandied against each other at their pleasure—in fine to make our independence truly a blessing. This it is to be lamented will be an arduous work, for to borrow a figure from mechanics, the centrifugal is much stronger than the centripetal force in these states—the seeds of disunion much more numerous than those of union.
I will add that Your Excellency’s exertions are as essential to accomplish this end as they have been to establish independence. I will upon a future occasion open myself upon this Subject.
Your conduct in the affair of the officers is highly pleasing here. The measures of the army are such as I could have wished them and will add new lustre to their character as wel⟨l⟩ as strengthen the hands of Congress.
I am with great truth & respect. Yr. Excellency’s Most Obed ser

A Hamilton
PhiladelphiaMarch 24th. 1783
His Excelly General Washington


Title: Continental Congress Remarks on the Provisional Peace Treaty, [24 March 1783]
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Continental Congress
To:

[Philadelphia, March 24, 1783]

Mr. Hamilton said that whilst he despised the man who wd. enslave himself to the policy even of our Friends, he could not but lament the overweening readiness which appeared in many, to suspect every thing on that side & to throw themselves into the bosom of our enemies. He urged the necessity of vindicating our public honor by renouncing that concealment to which it was the wish of so many to make us parties.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Philip Schuyler, 25 March 1783
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Schuyler, Philip

[Philadelphia, March 25, 1783. On May 4, 1783, Schuyler wrote to Hamilton: “Your several favors of the 18th & 25th March and 2d. ult. were delivered me.” Letter of March 25 not found.]


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to George Washington, 25 March 1783
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

Phila. Mar 25th 1783
Sir

The inclosed I write more in a public than in a private capacity. Here I write as a citizen zealous for the true happiness of this country, as a soldier who feels what is due to an army which has suffered everything and done much for the safety of America.
I sincerly wish ingratitude was not so natural to the human heart as it is. I sincerely wish there were no seeds of it in those who direct the councils of the United States. But while I urge the army to moderation, and advise Your Excellency to take the direction of their discontents, and endeavour to confine them within the bounds of duty, I cannot as an hon⟨est⟩ man conceal from you, that I am afraid their distrusts ha⟨ve⟩ too much foundation. Republican jealousy has in it a principle of hostility to an army whatever be their merits, whatever be ⟨their⟩ claims to the gratitude of the community. It acknowleges their services with unwillingness and rewards them with reluctance. I see this temper, though smothered with great care, involuntarily breaking out upon too many occasions. I often feel a mortification, which it would be impolitic to express, that sets my passions at variance with my reason. Too many I perceive, if they could do it with safety or colour, would ⟨be⟩ glad to elude the just pretensions of the army. I hope ⟨that⟩ this is not the prevailing disposition.
But supposing the Country ungrate⟨ful⟩ what can the army do? It must submit to its hard f⟨ate.⟩ To seek redress by its arms would end in its ruin. The ar⟨my⟩ would moulder by its own weight and for want of the means of keeping together. The soldiery would abandon their officers. There would be no chance of success without having recourse to means that would reverse our revolution. I make these observations not that I imagine Your Excellency can want motives to continue your influence in the path of moderation; but merely to show why I cannot myself enter into the views of coertion which some Gentlemen entertain, for I confess could force avail I should almost wish to see it employed. I have an indifferent opinion of the honesty of this country, and ill-forebodings as to its future system.
Your Excellency will perceive I have written with sensations of chagrin and will make allowance for colouring; but the general picture is too true.
God send us all more wisdom. I am with very sincere respect Yr Excellys Obed servt

A Hamilton
Philadelphia 25th of March


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to George Washington, [25 March 1783]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

[Philadelphia, March 25, 1783]
Sir,

I wrote to Your Excellency a day or two ago by express. Since that a Committee appointed on the communications from you have had a meeting, and find themselves embarrassed. They have requested me to communicate our embarrassments to you in confidence and to ask your private opinion. The army by their resolutions express an expectation that Congress will not disband them previous to a settlement of accounts and the establishment of funds. Congress may resolve upon the first; but the general opinion is that they cannot constitutionally declare the second. They have no right by the Confederation to demand funds, they can only recommend; and to determine that the army shall be continued in service ’till the states grant them, would be to determine that the whole present army, shall be a standing army during peace unless the states comply with the requisitions for funds. This it is supposed would excite the alarms and jealousies of the states and increase rather than lessen the opposition to the funding scheme. It is also observed that the longer the army is kept together, the more the payment of past dues is procrastinated, the abilities of the states being exhausted for their immediate support and a new debt every day incurred. It is further suggested that there is danger in keeping the army together, in a state of inactivity, and that a separation of the several lines would facilitate the settlement of accounts, diminish present expence and avoid the danger of union; it is added that the officers of each line, being on the spott, might by their own solicitations & those of their friends, forward the adoption of funds in the different states.
A proposition will be transmitted to you by Colonel Bland in the form of a resolution to be adopted by Congress framed upon the principles of the foregoing reasoning.
Another proposition is contained in the following resolution:
“That the Commander in Chief be informed it is the intention of Congress to effect the settlement of the accounts of the respective lines previous to their reduction; and that Congress are doing, and will continue to do, everything in their power towards procuring satisfactory securities for what shall be found due on such settlement.”
The scope of this Your Excellency will perceive without comment.
I am to request you will favour me with your sentiments on both the propostions, and in general with your ideas of what had best be done with reference to the expectation expressed by the officers; taking into view the situation of Congress.
On one side the army expect they will not be disbanded ’till accounts are settled & funds established, on the other hand, they have no constitutional power of doing any thing more than to recommend funds, and are persuaded that these will meet with mountains of prejudice in some of the states.
A considerable progress has been made in a plan for funding the public debts and it is to be hoped it will ere long go forth to the states, with every argument that can give it success.
I have the honor to be With sincere respect Yr Excellys Most Obedt serv

A Hamilton
Philadelphia25. of March 1783
His Excellency General Washington


Title: Continental Congress Report on Colonel Charles Armand, 26 March 1783
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Continental Congress
To:

[Philadelphia] March 26, 1783

The Committee to whom were referred the letters from the Commander in Chief & from Col Armand submit the following resolution:
Col Armand having entered at an early period of the war into the army of The United States with the rank of Colonel, and having served with distinction in that rank, so as to acquire the particular approbation of the Commander in Chief for his intelligence zeal and bravery,
Resolved, that in consideration of the merit & services of Col Armand he be promoted to the rank of Brigadier General, retaining the command of his present corps.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from George Washington, 31 March 1783
From: Washington, George
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Newburgh [New York] 31st. March 1783
Dear Sir,

I have duly received your favors of the 17th. & 24th. ulto. I rejoice most exceedingly that there is an end to our warfare, and that such a field is opening to our view as will, with wisdom to direct the cultivation of it, make us a great, a respectable, and happy People; but it must be improved by other means than State politics, and unreasonable jealousies & prejudices; or (it requires not the second sight to see that) we shall be instruments in the hands of our Enemies, & those European powers who may be jealous of our greatness in Union to dissolve the confederation; but to attain this, altho the way seems extremely plain, is not so easy.
My wish to see the Union of these States established upon liberal & permanent principles, & inclination to contribute my mite in pointing out the defects of the present Constitution, are equally great. All my private letters have teemed with these Sentiments, & whenever this topic has been the subject of conversation, I have endeavoured to diffuse & enforce them; but how far any further essay, by me, might be productive of the wished for end, or appear to arrogate more than belongs to me, depends so much upon popular opinion, & the temper & disposition of People, that it is not easy to decide. I shall be obliged to you however for the thoughts which you have promised me on this subject, and as soon as you can make it convenient.
No man in the United States is, or can be more deeply impressed with the necessity of a reform in our present Confederation than myself. No man perhaps has felt the bad efects of it more sensibly; for to the defects thereof, & want of Powers in Congress may justly be ascribed the prolongation of the War, & consequently the Expences occasioned by it. More than half the perplexities I have experienced in the course of my command, and almost the whole of the difficulties & distress of the Army, have there origin here; but still, the prejudices of some, the designs of others, and the mere machinery of the majority, makes address & management necessary to give weight to opinions which are to Combat the doctrine of those different classes of men, in the field of Politics.
I would have been more full on this subject but the bearer (in the clothing department) is waiting. I wish you may understand what I have written.
I am Dr Sir    Yr. Most Obedt Servt
Go: Washington
Honble. Alexr Hamilton.

The inclosed extract of a Letter to Mr Livingston, I give you in confidence. I submit it to your consideration, fully persuaded that you do not want inclination to gratify the Marquis’s wishes as far as is consistent with our National honor.
GW


Title: George Clinton to Alexander Hamilton and William Floyd, 1 April 1783
From:
To:

Head Quarters Newburgh [New York] 1st April, 1783

Gentlemen, I have the honor to enclose for your Information & Instruction Copies of concurrent Resolutions of the Senate and Assembly of the 27th Ulto. and am with the highest Respect and Esteem Gentlemen, Your most obedt. Servant

G. Clinton
The Honorable: The Delegates of the State of New York in Congress, Philadelphia


Title: Enclosure: Resolution on the Garrisoning of the Northern and Western Posts, [27 March 1782]
From: Clinton, George
To:

[Kingston, New York, March 27, 1782]

Whereas upon the Conclusion of a general Peace, between the several belligerent Powers in Europe and these United States, the Posts at present occupied by the British Troops in the Northern and Western Parts of this State, will be evacuated by them, and may be seized by Savages inimical to these United States; whereby the inhabitants of the Frontiers may be exposed to great Danger and Distress;
AND WHEREAS by the sixth Article of the Confederation and Perpetual Union between the United States of America, it is declared, that no Body of Forces shall be kept up by any State in Time of Peace, except such Number only as in the Judgment of the United States in Congress assembled, shall be deemed requisite, to garrison the Forts necessary for the Defence of such State;
RESOLVED, THEREFORE, (If the Honorable the House of Assembly concur herein) That the Delegates of this State in Congress, be and they are hereby instructed to represent to the United States in Congress assembled, that this State deem it essentially necessary to make Provision to garrison the said Posts immediately, on the Evacuation thereof by the British Troops; that, therefore, the said Delegates request the United States in Congress assembled, to declare the number of Troops which they may deem necessary for such Garrisons; the said Delegates at the same Time, informing the said United States, that it is the Opinion of this Legislature, that a Body of Troops, not exceeding five Hundred Rank and File, properly officered, would be adequate for the Purpose aforesaid: That the said Delegates do further represent, that the Troops commonly called the State Troops, raised in this State by Virtue of an Act of the Legislature, passed the 20th March, 1781, and which the United States in Congress assembled, by their Act of the 2d Day of April, 1781, declared should be paid, substituted and clothed at the general Expence, being inlisted for three Years, might be beneficially employed for the Purpose aforesaid: That the said Delegates do, therefore, request, that the United States in Congress assembled will be pleased to declare, that the said Troops shall henceforth be considered as Troops in the immediate Service of this State, and not in the Pay or Service of the United States; and that in Consideration of the present impoverished Condition of this State, which renders it unable to provide immediate Subsistence for the said Troops, or Munitions of War for the said Garrisons, Congress be entreated to give Orders for issuing the necessary provisions, and Munitions of war, for maintaining the said Garrisons on Condition, that the Expence of such Provisions and Munitions, shall be charged by the United States to this State.


Title: Continental Congress Resolution on the Conduct of Officers of the Army, [1 April 1783]
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Continental Congress
To:

[Philadelphia, April 1, 1783]

The Committee to whom were referred the letters from The Commander in Chief submit the following resolut⟨ions⟩:
Resolved That Congress consider the conduct of the Commander in Chief on the occasion of some late attempts to create disturbances in the army as a new proof of his prudence and zealous attachment to the welfare of the community.
That he be informed, Congress also entertain a high sense of the patriotic sentiments expressed by the officers in their proceedings of the  which evince their unshaken perseverance in those principles, that have distinguished them in every period of the war, and have so justly intitled the troops of the United States to the esteem and gratitude of their country and to the character of a patriot army.
The Committee ask leave to report further.


Title: Continental Congress Remarks on the Calling of States Conventions, [1 April 1783]
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Continental Congress
To:

[Philadelphia, April 1, 1783]

Mr. Madison & Mr. Hamilton disapproved of these partial conventions, not as absolute violations of the Confederacy, but as ultimately leading to them & in the mean time exciting pernicious jealousies; the latter observing that he wished instead of them to see a general Convention take place & that he sd. soon in pursuance of instructions from his Constituents propose to Congs. a plan for that purpose; the object wd. be to strengthen the fœderal Constitution.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Philip Schuyler, 2 April 1783
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Schuyler, Philip

[Philadelphia, April 2, 1783. On May 4, 1783, Schuyler wrote to Hamilton: “Your several favors of the 18th & 25th March and 2d. ult. were delivered me.” Letter of April 2 not found.]


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from George Washington, 4 April 1783
From: Washington, George
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Newburgh [New York] 4th. April 1783
Dear Sir,

The same Post which gave me your two letters of the 25th. of March, handed me one from Colo. Bland on the same point.
Observing that both have been written at the desire of a Committee, of which you are both members, I have made a very full reply to their subject in my letter which is addressed to Colo. Bland; and supposing it unnecessary to enter into a complete detail to both, I must beg leave to refer you to Colo. Bland’s (a sight of which I have desired him to give you) for a full explanation of my ideas & sentiments.
I read your private letter of the 25th. with pain, & contemplated the picture it had drawn with astonishment & horror—but I will yet hope for the best. The idea of redress by force is too chimerical to have had a place in the imagination of any serious mind in this Army; but there is no telling what unhappy disturbances may result from distress, & distrust of Justice. And as the fears and jealousies of the Army are alive, I hope no resolution will be come to for disbanding or seperating the Lines till the Accts. are liquidated. You may rely upon it, Sir, that unhappy consequences would follow the attempt. The suspicions of the Officers are afloat, notwithstanding the resolutions which have passed on both sides; any act therefore can be construed into an attempt to seperate them before the accts. are settled will convey the most unfavourable ideas of the rectitude of Congress. Whether well or ill founded matters not, the consequences will be the same.
I will now, in strict confidence, mention a matter which may be useful for you to be informed of. It is that some men (& leading ones too) in this Army, are beginning to entertain suspicions that Congress, or some members of it, regardless of the past sufferings & present distress, maugre the justice which is due to them, & the returns which a grateful people should make to men who certainly have contributed more than any other class to the establishment of Independency, are to be made use of as mere Puppits to establish Continental funds; & that rather than not succeed in this measure, or weaken their ground, they would make a sacrafice of the Army and all its interests.
I have two reasons for mentioning this matter to you: the one is, that the Army (considering the irritable state it is in, its sufferings & composition) is a dangerous instrument to play with. The other, that every possible means consistant with their own views (which certainly are moderate) should be essayed to get it disbanded without delay. I might add a third: it is, that the Financier is suspected to be at the bottom of this scheme. If sentiments of this sort should become general their operation will be opposed to this plan; at the same time that it would encrease the present discontents. Upon the whole, disband the Army, as soon as possible; but consult the wishes of it; which really are moderate, in the mode, & perfectly compatible with the honor, dignity, and justice which is due from the Country to it.
I am with great esteem & regard Dr Sir Yr. Most Obedt Serv.

Go: Washington
The Honble Alexr. Hamilton


Title: Continental Congress Report on Reduction of Expenses in the War Department, 7 April 1783
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Continental Congress
To:

[Philadelphia] April 7, 1783

The Committee appointed to consider and report such eoconomical measures as may be proper and necessary beg leave to report the following. Resolve
That the Secretary at war in concert with the Commander in Chief be directed to consider and report to Congress as speedily as may be such measures as it will be proper to take in the present juncture for reducing the expences of The United States in the war department.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to George Washington, [8 April 1783]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

[Philadelphia, April 8, 1783]
Sir,

I have received your Excellency’s letters of the 31st of March & 4th. of April, the last to day. The one to Col Bland as member of the Committee has been read in Committee confidentially and gave great satisfaction. The idea of not attempting to separate the army before the settlement of accounts corresponds with my proposition. That of endeavouring to let them have some pay had also appeared to me indispensable. The expectations of the army as represented by Your Excellency are moderation itself. To morrow we confer with the Superintendant of Finance on the subject of money. There will be difficulty, but not we hope insurmountable.
I thank your Excellency for the hints you are so obliging as to give me in your private letter. I do not wonder at the suspicions that have been infused, nor should I be surprised to hear that I have been pointed out as one of the persons concerned in playing the game described. But facts must speak for themselves. The Gentlemen who were here from the army; General Mc.Dougall who is still here will be able to give a true account of those who have supported the just claims of the army, and of those who have endeavoured to elude them.
There are two classes of men Sir in Congress of very Different views—one attached to state, the other to Continental politics. The last have been strenuous advocates for funding the public debt upon solid securities, the former have given every opposition in their power and have only been dragged into the measures which are now near being adopted by the clamours of the army and other public creditors. The advocates for Continental funds have blended the interests of the army with other Creditors from a conviction, that no funds for partial purposes will go through those states to whose citizens the United States are largely indebted—or if they should be carried through from impressions of the moment would have the necessary stability; for the influence of those unprovided for would always militate against a provision for others, in exclusion of them. It is in vain to tell men who have parted with a large part of their property on the public faith that the services of the army are intitled to a preference. They would reason from their interest and their feelings. These would tell them that they had as great a title as any other class of the community to public justice, and that while this was denied to them, it would be unreasonable to make them bear their part of a burthen for the benefit of others. This is the way they would reason & as their influence in some of the states was considerable they would have been able to prevent any partial provision.
But the question was not merely how to do justice to the creditors, but how to restore public credit. Taxation in this Country, it was found, could not supply a sixth part of the public necessities. The loans in Europe were far short of the ballance and the prospect every day diminishing. The Court of France telling us in plain terms she could not even do as much as she had done—Individuals in Holland & every where else refusing to part with their money on the precarious tenure of the mere faith of this country, without any pledge for the payment either of principal or interest.
In this situation what was to be done? It was essential to our cause that vigorous efforts should be made to restore public credit—it was necessary to combine all the motives to this end, that could operate upon different descriptions of persons in the different states. The necessity and discontents of the army presented themselves as a powerful engine.
But Sir these Gentlemen would be puzzled to support their insininuations by a single fact. It was indeed proposed to appropriate the intended impost on trade to the army debt and what was extraordinary by Gentlemen who had expressed their dislike to the principle of the fund. I acknowlege I was one that opposed this; for the reasons already assigned & for these additional ones—That was the fund on which we most counted—to obtain further loans in Europe it was necessary we should have a fund sifficient to pay the interest of what had been borrowed & what was to be borrowed. The truth was these people in this instance wanted to play off the army against the funding system.
As to Mr. Morris, I will give Your Excellency a true explanation of his conduct. He had been for some time pressing Congress to endeavour to obtain funds, and had found a great backwardness in the business. He found the taxes unproductive in the different states—he found the loans in Europe making a very slow progress—he found himself pressed on all hands for supplies; he found himself in short reduced to this alternative either of making engagements which he could not fulfill or declaring his resignation in case funds were not established by a given time. Had he followed the first course the bubble must soon have burst—he must have sacrificed his credit & his character, and public credit already in a ruinous condition would have lost its last support. He wisely judged it better to resign; this might increase the embarrassments of the moment, but the necessity of the case it was to be hoped would produce the proper measures; and he might then resume the direction of the machine with advantage and success. He also had some hope that his resignation would prove a stimulus to Congress.
He was however ill-advised in the publication of his letters of resignation. This was an imprudent step and has given a handle to his personal enemies, who by playing upon the passions of others have drawn some well meaning men into the cry against him. But Mr. Morris certainly deserves a great deal from his country. I believe no man in this country but himself could have kept the money-machine a going during the period he has been in office. From every thing that appears his administration has been upright as well as able.
The truth is the old leaven of Deane & Lee is at this day working against Mr. Morris. He happened in that dispute to have been on the side of Deane & certain men can never forgive him. A man whom I once esteemed, and whom I will rather suppose duped than wicked is the second actor in this business.
The matter with respect to the army which has occasioned most altercation in Congress and most dissatisfaction in the army has been the half pay. The opinions on this head have been two. One party was for referring the several lines to their states to make such commutation as they should think proper—the other for making the commutation by Congress and funding it on continental security. I was of this last opinion and so were all those who will be represented as having made use of the army as puppets. Our principal reasons were 1st by referring the lines to their respective states, those which were opposed to the half pay would have taken advantage of the officers necessities, to make the commutation far short of an equivalent. 2dly. The inequality which would have arisen in the different states when the officers came to compare (as has happened in other cases) would have been a new source of discontent. 3dly. such a reference was a continuance of the old wretched state system, by which the ties between Congress and the army have been nearly dissolved—by which the resources of the states have been diverted from the common treasury & wasted; a system which Your Excellency has often justly reprobated.
I have gone into these details to give You a just idea of the parties in Congress. I assure you upon my honor Sir I have given you a candid state of facts to the best of my judgment. The men against whom the suspicions you mention must be directed are in general the most sensible the most liberal, the most independent and the most respectable characters in our body as well as the most unequivocal friends to the army. In a word they are the men who think continentally.
I have the honor to be With sincere respect & esteem Yr. Excellcys Most Obed servt.

A Hamilton

I am Chairman of a Committee for peace arrangements. We shall ask Your Excellency’s opinion at large on a proper military peace establishment. I will just hint to Yr. Excellency that our prejudices will make us wish to keep up as few troops as possible.
We this moment learn an officer is arrived from Sir Guy Car[l]eton with disptaches, probably official accounts of peace.


Title: Alexander Hamilton and William Floyd to George Clinton, [9 April 1783]
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Floyd, William
To: Clinton, George

[Philadelphia, April 9, 1783]
Sir,

We inclose Your Excellency a letter to the corporation of Kingston open for your perusal that you may be informed what is likely to be the fate of their late offer.
Your letter [with the Concurrent Resolves of the Senate and Assembly] on the subject of the state troops has been committed. We think it improbable Congress will accede to the idea. We congratulate your Excellency on the further accounts of peace. We are just informed of the arrival of an officer from Sir Guy Careltone with dispatches to Congress. Tis probable they contain official information.
With perfect respect   We have the honor to be   Y Excellency’s Most Obed ser

PhiladelphiaApril 9th. 1783
His Excellency Governor Clinton


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to George Washington, 9 April 1783
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

Sir
Philadelphia April 9th. 1783

Congress having appointed a committee consisting of Messrs. Maddison Osgood, Wilson, Elseworth and myself to consider what arrangements it will be proper to adopt in the different departments with reference to a peace; I am directed by the Committee to address your Excellency on the subject of the military department.
The Committee wish Your Excellency’s sentiments at large on such institutions of every kind, for the interior defence of these states as may be best adapted to their circumstances and conciliate security with œconomy and with the principles of our governments. In this they will be glad you will take as great latitude as you may think necessary; and will therefore omit entering into any details.
The Committee apprehend it to be the intention of Congress to lay down a general plan to be carried into execution as circumstances will permit; and that in attending to such dispositions as the immediate situation of the Country may require, they are chiefly desirous of establishing good principles, that will have a permanently salutary operation.
I have the honor to be Yr. Excellency’s Most Obedient servant

Alx HamiltonChairman.
His Excellency General Washington


Title: Robert Morris to Alexander Hamilton, Theodorick Bland, Thomas FitzSimons, Samuel Osgood, and Richard Peters, 14 April 1783
From: Morris, Robert
To: Hamilton, Alexander,Bland, Theodorick,FitzSimons, Thomas,Osgood, Samuel,Peters, Richard

Office of Finance [Philadelphia] 14 April 1783
Gentlemen

Since the Conference I had the Honor to hold with you the ninth Instant, my Mind has been continually occupied on the important Subject to which it relates. My Feelings are strongly excited by what I wish for the Public and what I apprehend both for them and for myself. The two Points which relate to my Department are the Settlement of Accounts and Advance of Pay. With respect to the first it is now going on in a satisfactory Manner and will be as speedily accomplished as can reasonably be expected. The Arrangements taken on that Subject are of such a Nature that I conceive the disbanding of the Army need not be delayed until the Settlement is compleated because the proper Officers may be kept together altho the Men be dismissed. The Amount of three Months Pay, which is stated by the General to be indispensible, is according to the Estimates, seven hundred and fifty thousand Dollars. From what I have already Stated to Congress it will appear that Reliance for a great Part of this Sum must be on the Sales of public Property and the Taxes. Neither of these Sources can produce much immediately and from the latter there is but little Hope at all unless Something can be done to stimulate the Exertions of the States. The Receipts being regularly published spare me the Necessity of disagreeable Observations on that Topick. To supply so large a Sum as is required is utterly impracticable or indeed to obtain any very considerable Part. The most therefore which can be done is to risk a large Paper Anticipation. This is an Operation of great Delicacy and it is essential to the Success of it that my Credit should be staked for the Redemption. Do not suppose Gentlemen that this Declaration is dictated by Vanity. It becomes my Duty to mention the Truth. I had rather it had fallen from any other Person and I had [– – –] rather it did not exist. In issuing my Notes to the required Amount it would be n⟨ecessary that⟩ I should give an express Assurance of Payment: And in so doing I should ⟨be answerable⟩ personally for about half a Million when I leave this Office and depe⟨nd on the arrange⟩ments of those who come after to save me from Ruin. I am willing ⟨to risk as much⟩ for this Country as any Man in America but it cannot be expected tha⟨t I would place⟩ myself in so desperate a Situation. To render the Arrangements which ⟨the plan would⟩ require effectual in an official Point of View would be a Work of Time ⟨and the end⟩ of my official Existence is nearly arrived. Disbanding the Army in a Manner Satisfactory to them and to the Country is doubtless desirable and altho extremely difficult yet is I beleive practicable. I shall be very ready at all Times Gentlemen to give my advice and Assistance to those who may be charged with that delicate and perilous Undertaking and I would go as far to effect it myself as any reasonable Man could require. But tho I would sacrifice much of my Property yet I cannot risk my Reputation as a Man of Integrity nor expose myself to absolute Ruin.
I am Gentlemen with perfect Respect your most obedient and humble Servant

Robt Morris

Honble
Mr. Bland
}
A Committee of Congress

Mr. FitzSimmons

Mr. Hamilton

Mr. Osgood

⟨Mr.⟩ Peters


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Robert Morris, 15 April 1783
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Morris, Robert

[Philadelphia, April 15, 1783. On April 16 Morris wrote to Hamilton: “I have been duly honored with the Receipt of your favor of the fifteenth Instant.” Letter not found.]


Title: George Clinton to Alexander Hamilton and William Floyd, 16 April 1783
From: Clinton, George
To: Hamilton, Alexander,Floyd, William

Pokeepsie [New York] 16th April 1783
Gentlemen,

I have prevailed on the Bearer, the Attorney Genl. to Repair to Philadelphia for the Express Purpose of disclosing to you certain Information of a very interesting Nature. The Communications he is to make are too extensive to be the subject of a Letter & it might be improper to intrust them to Paper. I, therefore, begg Leave to refer you to Mr. Benson for the Particulars of which he is fully possessed.
Your letter of the 9th Instant inclosing one to Mr. Tappen is this Moment received. The Inclosure shall be forwarded by a safe and speedy Conveyance.
I have the Honor to be, &c.

G.C.
To Wm. Floyd and Alexr. Hamilton, Esquires.Delegates for the State of New York in Congress.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Robert Morris, 16 April 1783
From: Morris, Robert
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Office of Finance [Philadelphia] 16. April 1783
Sir,

I have been duly honored with the Receipt of your favor of the fifteenth Instant. I accepted the Marine Agency simply with a View to save the Expence of the Department but whenever a marine is to be established a previous Point would be (in my Opinion) to nominate a Minister of Marine and let his first Work be the forming of those Plans and Systems which when adopted by Congress he would have to execute. For my own Part were my Abilities equal to this Task my Leizure would not permit the Attempt.
With Respect to the Finances I am of Opinion that as we cannot increase our Revenue we must do all we can to lessen our Expenditures and that therefore we should take off every Expence not absolutely necessary as soon as possible.
On the Subject of the Coin I hope soon to make a Communication to Congress which if approved of by them will compleat that Business.
I am Sir with very sincere Esteem and Respect—your most obedient and humble Servant

RM.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from George Washington, 16 April 1783
From: Washington, George
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Head Quarters [Newburgh, New York] 16th April 1783
Sir

I have received your letter of the 9th instant in behalf of a Committee of Congress, requestg my Sentiments upon the military Department of a Peace Establishment.
As this Discussion will involve a variety of Considerations, & these of very great Importance, The Committee will indulge me in a little Time to collect & concenter my Ideas on this Subject & they may depend on my communicating them in the best Manner I am able & at the earliest period in my power.
I am &c
Colo Hamilton—in Congress


Title: Continental Congress Report on Sale of Military Equipment, 17 April 1783
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Continental Congress
To:

[Philadelphia] April 17, 1783

The Committee to whom was referred the letter from the Secretary of war of the 14th. instant submit the following resolution
Resolved that immediate measures be taken for the sale of all the dragoon horses belonging to the United States and of all such articles in the several military departments as may not be necessary for the use of the army previous to its reduction or for the formation of magazines on a peace establishment.


Title: Continental Congress Report on Peace with the Indians, 21 April 1783
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Continental Congress
To:

[Philadelphia] April 21, 1783

Report of a Committee to whom was committed the letter from His Excelly The President of the State of Pensylvania respecting a peace with the Indians.

Whereas by the 9th article of the confederation The United States in Congress assembled are vested with the sole and exclusive right and power among other things “of regulating the trade and managing all affairs with the Indians not members of any of the States”—
Resolved, that the general superintendence of Indian Affairs under Congress be annexed to the department of war.
That there be a suspension of offensive hostilities against the Indian nations, and that immediate measures be taken to communicate the same to the several tribes preparatory to a final pacification.
That there be four Agents appointed for the transaction of affairs with the indians in the different districts—one for the eastern district comprehending all the tribes under the general denomination of the Penobscot Indians; one for the Northern district comprehending the six nations and the nations depending on them; one for the Western district comprehending all the tribes under the general denomination of the Western indians; one for the Southern district comprehending all the southern nations with an allowance not exceeding  dollars ⅌ annum to each agent. That measures be taken to purchase articles proper for presents to the indians to the amount of  to be distributed when their deputies shall assemble for the purpose of a treaty of peace.
That in order to a speedy pacification till the commissioners aforesaid can be appointed a special Committee be appointed instructed to endeavour to engage one or more respectable inhabitants for each district acquainted with indian affairs to undertake the negotiation of an immediate peace and that the said Committee digest such further measures as it will be proper for Congress to take with reference thereto.


Title: Continental Congress Report on a Letter from the President of Pennsylvania, 22 April 1783
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Continental Congress
To:

[Philadelphia] April 22, 1783

The Committee to whom was referred the letter from His Excellency The President of Pensylvania to the Delegates of that state of the 18th. instant report that in their opinion it is inexpedient for Congress to come to any formal decision on the subject of that letter.


Title: Continental Congress Motion on Committee Reports, 22 April 1783
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Continental Congress
To:

[Philadelphia] April 22, 1783. On this date Hamilton offered a motion, seconded by Hugh Williamson, which reads as follows: “That the Secretary lay before Congress on every Monday a List of all the Committees which have been apointed at any time before the preceding Week and have not reported and that such Committees shall be then calld on to state the Reasons why they have not reported.”


Title: Continental Congress Report on Proposal of Sir Guy Carleton, 22 April 1783
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Continental Congress
To:

[Philadelphia] April 22, 1783

The Committee on the letter of the 14th instant from His Excellency Sir Guy Carelton submit the following resolution.
Whereas His Excellency Sir Guy Carleton has proposed to Congress to empower one or more persons on behalf of The United States to be present at New York and to assist such persons as shall be appointed by him to inspect and superintend all embarkations which the evacuation of that place may require and to represent to him every infraction of the letter or spirit of the 7th article of the treaty entered into between The United States and His Britannic Majesty the 30th. day of November last that redress may be immediately ordered
Therefore Resolved that three Commissioners be appointed for the purposes abovementioned.


Title: Alexander Hamilton and William Floyd to George Clinton, 2[3] April 1783
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Floyd, William
To: Clinton, George

Philadelphia April 2[3]d. 1783
Sir,

We have the honor to inclose Your Excellency a copy of the resolutions passed on the [fifteenth Instant] relative to a ratification of the preliminary treaty—the reception of the posts in possession of the British troops and the surrender of the prisoners.
We have this day received a letter from Sir Guy Carleton proposing that Congress should appoint one or more persons to assist persons appointed by him to superintend all embarkations which shall take place toward an evacuation of New York, conformable to the spirit of the 7th. article of the treaty—[which will probably be referred to the Commander in Chief.]
Mr. Benson has made to us the communications directed by Your Excellency; it is possible Sir Guy’s reserve may have arisen from an unwillingness to enter into stipulations with a particular state. His present letter has the air of candour and good faith; but it is also possible there may be an intention of delaying the evacuation of the posts in hope of influencing our measures with respect to the British adherents.
We also communicate to your Excellency in confidence, that there is a doubt as to the true construction of the preliminary articles—to wit whether the evacuation of the posts & the other matters mentioned in the 7th. article are to take place on the ratification of the preliminary or deffinitive treaty. This doubt, however, Congress are unwilling to bring into view. The measures taken by the inclosed resolutions will bring [Genl] Careleton to an explanation—[perhaps the] ambiguity of Sir Guy’s conduct [may be attributed to the Same doubt.]
We have the honor to be   With perfect respect   Your Excellency’s Most Obed Serv
There is a frigate arrived from France which left Rochefort the 14th. of March. She brings little more than we have already had. It seems the dutch had not yet made their peace, but the Count De Vergennes considers the terms last offered by England as reasonable enough; and it is therefore probable that matter will soon have been brought to a [close.] He adds that they are about the definitive treaties, which offer no difficulty, and are only delayed by an invitation given to the two mediating powers to be parties to the business—Russia & the Empire. The matter would perhaps have been as well done without them.

[Wm. Floyd
Alexander Hamilton]
[His Excellency Govornor Clinton]


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Philip Schuyler, 23 April 1783
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Schuyler, Philip

[Philadelphia, April 23, 1783. On May 4, 1783, Schuyler wrote to Hamilton: “Your several favors of the 18th & 25th March and 2d. ult: were delivered me … that of the 23d April I had the pleasure to receive yesterday.” Letter of April 23 not found.]


Title: Continental Congress Report on Continuance in Office of the Superintendent of Finance, 23 April 1783
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Continental Congress
To:

[Philadelphia] April 23, 1783. On this date a committee, consisting of Samuel Osgood, Theodorick Bland, Hamilton, James Madison, and Richard Peters, reported on plans to be adopted for paying and discharging the Army. It was recommended that Robert Morris, Superintendent of Finance, continue in office until funds could be procured for paying the officers and soldiers of the Army. To this report, in the writing of Samuel Osgood, Hamilton added the concluding section which recommended “… to Congress the propriety of appointing a Committee to confer with him on his continuance in office ’till proper arrangements can be carried into effect for advancing to the army three months pay at the time of its dissolution or at such short subsequent periods as will satisfy their expectations.”


Title: Continental Congress Report on Conference with the Superintendent of Finance, 28 April 1783
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Continental Congress
To:

[Philadelphia] April 28, 1783

[The Committee appointed to confer with the superintendant of Finance respecting his Continuance in his Office have conferred with him accordingly] and report that [the Substance] of the conferrence [was on the Part of Mr. Morris as follows:]

That his continuance in office was highly injurious to his private affairs and contrary to his private inclinations; but that he felt the importance of the exertions necessary to be made at the present juncture towards the reduction of the army in a manner satisfactory to them and convenient to the public; that therefore if Congress should think his services towards effecting that object of importance and should desire them, he would be ready to continue them till arrangements for that purpose could be made, and the engagements taken by him in consequence as well as those already entered into could be finally completed. That in this case he should hope for the support of Congress.
[Resolved, That the Superintendant of Finance be informed that Congress are of opinion the public Service requires his Continuance in Office till Arrangements for the Reduction of the Army can be made, and the Engagements that shall be taken by him in Consequence, as well as those already entered into shall be finally completed.]