Title: To John Adams from Mercy Otis Warren, 7 May 1789
From: Warren, Mercy Otis
To: Adams, John

            Sir.
            Plimouth May 7th 1789

          Presuming on the Confidential & unremiting Friendship that has long subsisted between us; Grounded on the close connextion commenced with mr Warren in the early part of your life; I again address you without waiting an answer to my last, which according to your usual politeness & punctuallity I doubt not will be noticed as soon as the particular engagments that have lately occupied your attention; the Etequitte of the entire public & the Consequent ceremonies are a little over.
          I do not mean to flatter the most virtuous as the most Elevateed characters but I must assure you sir I have too high an opinion of yours to Imagine it will ever suffer a dimunition in my mind from any failure in a friendship which I always thought formed on the purest principles—strengthend by mutual Confidence & exertion in every patriotic measure: & increased by a thousand circumstances of fiery tryal through the arduous struggle for the liberties of America—
          You my dear sir have successfully surmounted all: you have baffled the intrigues of your Foes: have reached the acma of applause: & are placeed in a situation to do eminent service to your Country to Establish your family & to assist most Esentially your Friends: Gen Warren has unfortunatly been the butt of party malice headed by a man (I know you very justly & heartily despise) who by his machinations has destroyed his public influence and aided by some others for very obvious designs have most injuriously traduced his character, & wish to ruin his Family. But Mr Adams: is the last man in the united states who I should suppose would listen to the misrepresentations: or be impressed by the Calumnies of open or disguized Ennemies to the prejudice of an old & a tryed Friend— A friend whose zeal & exertions in the public Cause You are acquainteed with &

whose integrity you never Could suspect. perhaps no other person has for so many years possessed so Great a share of his Esteem & Confidence as yourself: of Consequence it must be supposed that you know his undisguzed temper & sentiments much better than any one of the several descriptions of men who have stuck at no Falshoods or even forgeries to prostrate his political character.
          You sir will be sensible on a short recollection whence these Reflections have arisen.— I yet Consider the free & explicit manner of some late Conversations as a mark of your sincerity & Friendship— and though none of my Family are soliciting at Court I am perswaded you will not forget them at a time when you have it so much in your power to oblige—without injury to yourself, your Family or Your Country: but on the Contrary may indulge the feelings of the Friend & the patriot by an attention to the interest of a Gentleman who has an equal Claim from his Country with any man, that is if a uniform attachment therto: & an indefatigable industry to support its welfare joined with the strictest probaty Can justify that claim.
          But the vindictive spirit of his enemies not sufficiently Gratified by their too succesful Efforts against him. have endeavoureded to wound in a still more tender part by leveling their envenomed shafts at the reputation of a son— Was there a propriety in Calling of your attention at this time to private objects I Could give you a curious detail of facts relative to this matter— Yet I do not think it by any means necessary in order to secure your patronage.— I am sure of it: whenever an opportunity offers to serve any one of a Family personnally Attached from infancy to You & Yours.—
          This is a very free letter. but when I have been used to write & converse with the simplicity of Truth & the unreserve of Confidential Esteem, neither rank nor station. nor distance or time will check the disposition to “throw open the Volume of the soul.” Especilley where candor has heretofore beheld its contents with the most favorable Eye: I shall only lock myself up in reserve when Convinced there is no stability in human Friendships by Mr Adams forgetfulness off or indiference towards such an invariable Friend as I know he has (from his first entrance in life) possessed in mr Warren.—
          But though Ill treated maligned & persecuted in a most unjust & singular manner: he yet bears & has borne the unprovoked abuse with the Dignity of Conscious rectitude & that philosophe calmness which is never the companion of insurgency Anarchy or Fraud. I always have thought those Ideas when applied to a person of his

established & uniform character were too ridiculous to require a serious refutation: till by a strange combination of parties (inviduous to each other & who have only united when it would aid the depression of a man of too much independence of mind to subserve their designs.) they have in some instances been so succesful as to injure him in the Opinion of some he highly Esteems.—
          But time will make curious disclosures—when [full] Sir, may be astonished to find the incendiaries, who fomented the discontents among the ignorant & miserable insurgents of the Massachusets in a class, least suspected by the world.— by persons who to screen their own Guilt fabricated & secretly caused the Vague & malignant rumour to light on one of the most decided friends to the Constitution & to his Country— a Gentleman whose services have been distinguished, whose patriotism has been unshaken & his Virtue uncorruptable— whose fortune has been impaired & whose Family have personnally suffered in the public Cause—Yet neither himself nor any one of a family of Young Gentleman of promisinng expectations have sustained any office of honour or Emolument since the commencment of the Constitution of massachusets.— I only mention these things from a sense of justice. from that justice which I would wish to exercise towards any one however disconnected were I equally sure of their merits and their mal treatment.—
          you sir will excuse my detainining You thus long when I tell you the sensibility of my feeling heart has been awakned on many trying occasions: nor is it totally an uninteresting subject to yourself: for so fluctuating is the popular voice: and so replete with vicissitude are all human affairs.— that those whose “Commanding Good fortune” augurs no Change for the worse: may yet Contemplate in a more solemn hour the injustice the ingratitude & abuse experiencd by themselves: which has been felt before by some of their Friends—
          I will swell this long Epistle with only one truth more which I dare say I may ever subjoin to my correspondence with you, that I am respected sir. with Great Esteem your sincere well wisher— / Assured Friend. & very Humble servant

            M Warren


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Lincoln, 8 May 1789
From: Adams, John
To: Lincoln, Benjamin

            Dear Sir
            New York May 8. 1789

          I have received your kind favour of April 22d and Shall not be easy till it is answered, though it is not easy to find the time, amidst the Confusion of innumerable Visits, formal Ceremonials, Balls, Commencements, Levees, &ca &ca, blended with the constant more serious Duties of my Situtation.— I agree with you entirely, that among the first dangers to be apprehended is a contest between the general and particular Governments.— General Clinton, has decidedly acknowledged the Superiority of Rank; yet it may be prudent not to Say much upon this subject.— He has made the first Visit and ceded the first Step, both to President and Vice President.— This is indispensable in all the States. however frivolous you and I may hold this matter, it is the Pivot on which the great Question will turn, between the Authority of the national and that of the State Governments. This will be humiliating and mortifying to Govrs & Lt Governers; but they must submit to it, or they will infallibly undermine and overturn the whole system. to avoid which Calamity the Dignity and Splender of the Presidents office must be Supported.
          There is a little Seeming difference of opinion between you and me in one Point.— it does not appear to me “extraordinary, that those whose fears were allarmed that a dangerous Aristocracy was forming” Should so soon be brought to adopt the System proposed to them. Nature and Art both concur, in having Recourse to one great officer, as a Protector against a dangerous Aristocracy. it is a common opinion that all those who dread or detest an Aristocracy must Still more dread and detest a Monarchy. but no opinion is more erroneous. the contrary is so true, that in every Instance Monarchy has been resorted to, as the only assylum against the eternal discords, the deadly Feuds, the endless ambition Avarice, Lust Cruelty, Jealousy, Envy and Revenge, of uncontrouled Aristocratics.— Where the People have had sen[. . .] Virtue, public Spirit and a Love of Liberty, they have had recourse to Limited Monarchy, and three Branches of Power. This has been the Case of America. large Monarchical

Powers, are given to the first office, in the new Constitution. It is true, that an excessive proportion of Aristocratical Powers Still exist, and it is much to be feared, that neither the Executive Authority in the President nor the Legislative Authority of the House of Reps. will be sufficient, to Stand long against the Powers of the senate.— But We may hope that a People, who have shewn already, that they see the necessity of Some ballance in a Government, will in time See the necessity of making that ballance compleat.
          I agree perfectly with you, in opinion, that the Gentlemen the Men of Property, of the description you mention, are of vast importance, and that no quiet Govt. can ever be instituted or Supported without their Concurrence. that these will never be easy, and indeed ought not to be contented without a Security of their Property.— But give me leave to Say that these are not so unanimous as they ought to be, in the only opinion, the only measure, that can possibly ever answer their own honest End. They are by no means unanimous in a disposition to give a decided Support to the Independence, the Dignity and Splender of the Executive department. all will depend on this. it is more difficult to accomplish [. . .] to lead the common People right. But with[ou]t [. . . .] of Prophecy it may be clearly and certa[. . .] [for]etold [. . .] their Property will never be secure till this is done.
          I am quite agreed with you, that nothing would Secure the national Government more than uniting all these Men in the manner you propose.— But We must not proceed very fast in this. at least this appears probable to me. The House of Representatives are of this the best Judges,.
          If it should be in my Power to serve Col. Willy of Georgia, it would give me Pleasure.
          your feelings and your Judgment decided right in my humble opinion, concerning a Journey here. it will be quite needless, I presume— tho no Man would be more glad to see you than, dear sir, your Friend & sert.

            John Adams


Title: From John Adams to William Tudor, 9 May 1789
From: Adams, John
To: Tudor, William

            Dear Sir
            New York May 9. 1789

          Thank you for your favour of 28. Ult.— There is an entire harmony, between the two Persons you Speak of, and there is no probability of its interruption. The first is modest and the Second at least Shall be unassuming. The Constitution has furnished him with a justification of a cautious conduct, and imposed it on him as a duty.
          Cæsar would never have been displeased, at a Compliment on his good fortune, nor would Marcus Aurelius. Henry the fouth of France and the late Frederick of Prussia, would as little have disliked it.— if I may, to you, my friend, in a familiar Epistle, mention myself after such Names, I assure you that I think I have myself enjoyed no small share of that same overruling good fortune, perhaps more of it, than the one to whom the Expression was applied; having been preserved in greater and more various dangers; tho not so happy in the affection of my Country men: Yet I never think of this fortune without Gratitude, and prize it much higher than all the any abilities, that any part of the World may vouchsafe to allow me.
          I think as you do. of Duties and Drawbacks; that Patriotism is much wanted; and that private Interest and State Attachments present Us with a Choice of difficulties. I will add that Ignerance and Inexperience will continue to hurt this Country more than all the other Causes.— it has been our misfortune these fifteen Years, to think some of the most ignerant Men on Earth, omnicient.— These have sown the Seeds of nonsense, that will require time and labour to eradicate.— The Sentiments that I have read and heard in America these fifteen Years, and that I still continue to hear every day, even from Men of Education, Reading, Age, and travel, upon the subject of Government appear to me as extravagant, as the drivelings of Idiotism, or the ravings of delirium.—
          a total inattention to every Thing in human nature by which Mankind ever were or ever will be governed is obvious in numbers who have the Reputation, and who really are Men of sense and Experienc as well as of letters.— our Chief has more just notions, and here and there one is to be found, who is quite right.— Mr Elsworth of Connecticut, appears to me to be more exactly and compleatly right, than any Man I ever met in Congress. and what crowns all, is, he is not afraid to think or Speak.— The Senate is a wise mild and noble body, of Men.— Yet I will own to you, I never knew a great

Statesman in my sense of the Word who was not a Lawyer, and there are not many of this description—not more I believe than three or four.—
          A motion was made Yesterday, in Senate, by a very Sensible and worthy Member and Seconded by another which I really did not think it possible that a rational Creature could have endured to think of, vizt “that the President of the United States Should have the Title of his Excellency.[”] The Maker and receiver of most illustrious and most excellent Ambassaders, to be called His Excellency.! thanks to common feeling, there was not a vote for it, but the two who made and Seconded the motion.— if the Constitution forbids Titles, Excellency is as much an Usurpation as Majesty—if it leaves Titles to be given at discretion Some one should be thought of, proportioned to the Dignity and Authority of the Office.—
          at the Ball, on the evening of the 7th. at Supper the Ladies would not drink “the President”—they all drank “his Highness.”— The Ladies probably must settle the dispute.— and thus Accident, feeling Caprice, always; and never Reason, decides the fate of nations.— for the Fate of this Govt. depends absolutely upon raising it, above the State Governments.
          A real Talent for Government, my Friend, I have found very rare,— in Legislation, in Administration, in Negotiation, apparent rari, nantes in gurgite vasto. and when they do appear they are never understood.— Sully, Colbert, Cecil, were neither comprehended nor beloved, till after they were dead.— a Man must take so much pains to carry little Points, that seem of no importance, that he is despized for a fool by many and not thought very wise by any.

            J.A.


Title: To John Adams from Samuel Allyne Otis, 11 May 1789
From: Otis, Samuel Allyne
To: Adams, John

            Dear Sir
            New York May 11th [1789]

          You will pardon me a few observations upon some apprehended arrangements, by a Committee of conference now in being—
          When Mr Thomson was my competitor, it was a doctrine, that the Secretary of the Senate and the Secretary of State were inseparably blended by the Constitution, and to elect other than Mr Thomson Secretary of the Senate, would be an exclusion of him—
          The doctrine was admitted, and I accordingly offered myself as a candidate, upon equal ground, at least, for any thing of which Mr Thomson’s friends might think him worthy—
          Clearly all the business heretofore assigned to the Secretary of Congress is now to be done by the Secretary of the Senate, as the Senate act both in a legislative and executive capacity; except affixing the Seal; and except what is done by the Clerk of the House; or will naturally and more properly devolve upon the Supreme Executive.— And will there be a necessity to establish a department merely to keep the Seal? Is it any better than providing a Sine Cure, for a Man passed the meridian of life, of ample fortune and childless?
          But the late Secretary corresponded with the several States as occasion required! will not this in future be done much more properly by the President, or at least under his particular direction.? or if not, the Secretary of the Senate from the nature of his office, a keeper of the papers and records, it falls naturally under his department— “But no man can turn to the papers of the former Congress except Mr Thompson”! There are millions of old papers to which no human eye will ever have occasion again to turn, and turning to such as may be wanted is a simple business indeed, provided, the papers are in due arrangement; and if not, Mr Thomson is by no means the

            probable person to arrange them after so long neglect: besides the Secretary of the Senate has Mr. Thomson’s best Clerk with him, and who has many years been versed in the arrangements of the secretarys office.— And as to communications to the President, bills, resolves &c after concurrence in the Senate, they may go forward by their Secretary or by a Committee, or they may go forward by the Secretary or Clerk of the House according to their origination, and perhaps this would be proper for the reason, that all rejected Bills &c shall be return’d to the originating Branch—
          Addresses &c ought in every event to go by a Committee of the Senate and House, or if seperate addresses by a Committee of the Houses respectively, a practice found convenient in some States, and respectful to the Supreme Executive, without lowering the dignity and independence of either House by going in a body—
          Communications from the President at any event will be made by his Secretary, who will be announced to the Senate and House as a confidential officer—
          By this arrangement the branches will have their Secretary independent of each other, and the Seal be affixed according to law, by him from whose department the paper may issue; a method simple economical, dignified and responsible, without the pomposity and expense of a home department and the creation of a Sine Cure, the officer of which would assume dictatorial airs of superiority, hurt the feelings and depress another officer, who from the nature of his appointment seems to be the Secretary of State, as the business of the Senate is Legislative, executive, and judicial;—nor will the establishment of such an officer be more grateful to the Clerk of the House, who views himself already at the head of a department—
          Subjoining the Commission of the Secretary of Congress, I am / Very respectfully / Your most Huml. / Sert

            Sam A Otis

          ENCLOSURE
          Secretary’s Commission in 1782. Journals of Congress Page 273—
          To transmit papers to the offices—
          Keep accounts of memorials &c presented—
          To return answers—
          Furnish Copies—
          Keep the Seal—
          Print Journals—
          Register the Members—


Title: To John Adams from James Searle, 11 May 1789
From: Searle, James
To: Adams, John

            Dear Sir
            Philadelphia 11th. May. 1789.

          I persuade myself that even surrounded as you are with the Plaudits of a gratefull & Sensible Country, you will not be displeased to receive the heartfelt expressions of respect and esteem of an old friend, of one who has never ceased to love and admire you from the time he first saw you in Europe in the Service of his Country.
          I am my dear Sir now happily settled in business in this City in the Madeira line, and I am confident it will give you pleasure to hear that I am doing as well as my heart coud wish, and that I feel myself as independent as an honest man can be, or ought to be.
          I had determined to have gone to New York soon after your arrival there purely to have paid my respectfull compliments to you, but I have postponed it for the present, because as I said above I feel myself perfectly independent, and I was fearfull that if I went to New York at the time the Streets of that City were Crouded with Office Hunters, I might peradventure be reckoned one among them, which woud hurt my honest feelings, So I concluded to pay my tribute of respect by letter, which upon principles of public Oeconomy I also

think, best, as by doing it in Person it might perhaps Cost one Dinner & some Wine.—
          I am with every Sentiment of respect & Veneration / Dear Sir / Your most obliged and most faithfull / friend & Servant

            James Searle


Title: To John Adams from Joseph Willard, 13 May 1789
From: Willard, Joseph
To: Adams, John

            Sir,
            Cambridge May 13th. 1789.

          I have just received a letter from Dr Price, enclosing one to your Excellency, which he desires me to convey to you, and I now transmit it.
          Your Excellency may remember the application to you, respecting Dr Minto.— So many and weighty are the national affairs, in which you are engaged, that the Corporation can hardly expect that you should have opportunity to attend to the matter yourself; but if your son Col. Smith has made any enquiries upon the subject, I should take it as a favor, if you would let me know the result of his enquiries, the first opportunity, as the Corporation are obliged to come to the choice of a Professor, by the 23d day of the next month.
          As your Excellency’s time must be greatly taken up with the affairs of the Public, I will not infringe upon it; but ardently praying that you may have the divine blessing, in all your exertions to serve your Country, I beg leave to subscribe, / with sentiments of the highest esteem / and respect, / Sir, / your Excellency’s most humble / and obedient servant

            Joseph Willard.


Title: From John Adams to Roger Sherman, 14 May 1789
From: Adams, John
To: Sherman, Roger

            My dear Friend
            New York May 14. 1789

          Inclosed is a Letter of Thanks to our fellow Citizens of New Haven and to Mr Edwards, for the most endearing Compliment I ever received. I suppose myself chiefly indebted to your Friendship for the favourable Representation of my Character among your Neighbours which has produced this obliging Result. I hope it will not be long before We shall have an opportunity to renew our former Acquaintance and Intimacy: in the meantime let me pray your acceptance of my Sincere Thanks for the Diploma under your Mayoralty and Signature; and that you will take the trouble of transmitting the enclosed Letter, which I leave open for your perusal, to Mr Edwards.
          With the most cordial Affection / and the highest Esteem, I have / the Honour to be, dear sir, your / most obedient and most humble / servant

            John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to James Searle, 15 May 1789
From: Adams, John
To: Searle, James

            Dear Sir
            New York, May 15. 1789

          I received your friendly Letter last Evening, and thank you for your kind Remembrance, of your Old Friend.
          To hear of your Success and Prosperity in Business; the Independence of your Circumstances, and the Contentment of your heart, gives me a Pleasure, the more exquisite, as it is so rare.— It is almost the Single Instance, that I have received Since my Return to America. My Correspondence has Served to little other purpose than to pour out before me the Griefs Complaints and Distresses of my Friends and the Friends of their Country, whose Ruin has been accomplished in Part by the turn of Affairs at the Revolution and in part by the bad Policy of our Country, Since the Peace.
          The friendly disposition, which dictated your desire to come to New York, is very obliging: but I beg you would not come, till I have an house to receive you, and a dinner and a little Wine to share with you; for at present I have neither at my Command: so great a Thing

is it to be one, who is, Sir, your most obedient and / most humble servant: not without hopes / however of better times.

            John Adams


Title: To John Adams from John Bondfield, 15 May 1789
From: Bondfield, John
To: Adams, John

            Sir
            Bordeaux 15 May 1789

          Permit me join in the United Voice of America.
          Accept my sincere Congratulation on the Nomination to the High Office Confer’d on you by the Choice of a free People An Honor superior to any in the Gift of Europe
          I hope in a few days to receive the Journals of the Opening and proceedings of Congress much more interesting than the Mock scheens of present Assembled States General of many of the European Powers
          Les Etats Generaux of France assembled the 4 Instant Open’d by a Speach from the Throne seconded by the State Officers, Les Tiers Etats have built Castles, nothing less than an entire change of Constitution and a Supression of Privaledges Exemptions and perrogatives, a system that its far from probable the other two Orders will uncondendedly give up
          I remain as when I had the Honor to see you at Bordeaux honor’d by the Gentlemen at Paris with their Correspondence and publick and private Commissiers & in my steddy attention to every thing in my power to serve the States. If in my Station my devoted Services

can at any time be to you Useful permit me to make my Respectful tenders,
          With due Respect I have the Honor to be / Sir / Your most Obedient / Humble Servant

            John Bondfield


Title: John Adams’ Reply to George Washington’s Queries Regarding Presidential Conduct, [17 May 1789]
From: Adams, John
To: Washington, George

            [17 May 1789]

          The Vice President of the United States has the honour to present his humble Opinion, on the Points proposed, for his consideration.
          1. That an Association with all kinds of company, and a total Seclusion from Society, are extreams, which, in the actual Circumstances of this Country, and under our form of Government, may be properly avoided.
          2. The System of the President, will gradually devellope itself in practice, without any formal Communication to the Legislature, or publication from the Press. Paragraphs in the public Prints, may, however appear from time to time, without any formal Authority, that may lead and reconcile the Public Mind.
          3. considering the number of Strangers from many Countries and of Citizens from various States, who will resort to the Seat of Government, it is doubted whether two days in a Week, will not be indispensable, for Visits of Compliment. a little experience however, will elucidate this point.
          4. Under the fourth head, it is Submitted to Consideration, whether all personal Applications, ought not to be made, in the first Instance to a Minister of State? Yet an Appeal Should be open by Petition to the President, who, if he judges the Subject worthy of it, may admit the Party to a personal Interview. Access to the Supream Magistrate, ought not to be rigorously denied, in any Case, that is worthy of his Consideration.— Nevertheless, in every Case, the Name, Quality, and, when these are not Sufficient to raise a Presumption, in their favour, the business, ought to be communicated to a Chamberlain, or Gentleman in waiting, who, Should judge, whom to admit and whom to exclude.— Some limitation of time, may be necessary too, as for example from eight to nine or ten; for without it, the whole forenoon, or the whole day may be taken up.
          5. There is no doubt, that the President, may invite, what official Characters, Members of Congress, Strangers or Citizens of Distinction, he pleases, in Small Parties, without exciting Clamours: but this Should always be done, without formality,
          6. The Entertainments mentioned, in this Article, would much more properly be made, by a Minister of State for foreign or domestic affairs, or Some other Minister of State, or the Vice President,

either of whom, upon Such occasions the President in his private Character might honour with his Presence. But in no Case whatever, can I conceive it proper, for the President to make any formal public Entertainment.
          7. There can be no impropriety, in the Presidents, making or receiving informal Visits, among his Friends or Acquaintances, at his Pleasure.— Undress, and few Attendants will Sufficiently Shew, that Such Visits, are made as a Man and a Citizen, a Friend or Acquaintance. But in no case whatever Should a Visit be made or returned in form by the President; at least unless an Emperor of Germany or some other Sovereign Should travel to this Country.— The Presidents pleasure Should absolutely decide, concerning his Attendance at Tea Parties, in a private Character; and no Gentleman or Lady ought ever to complain, if he never, or rarely Attends. The Presidents private Life, Should be at his own discretion, and the World Should respectfully acquiesce: but, as President he Should have no intercourse with society, but upon public Business, or at his Levees. This distinction it is with submission apprehended ought to govern the whole Conduct.
          8 A Tour might, no doubt be made, with great Advantage to the Public, if the time can be Spared. but it will naturally be considered, as foreign affairs arrive every day, and the Business of the executive and judicial departments will require constant Attention, whether the Presidents Residence will not necessarily be confined to one Place.
          Observation.
          The civil List ought to provide for the Presidents Household.— What number of Chamberlains, Aids de Camp, Secretaries, Masters of Ceremonies &c will become necessary, it is difficult to foresee. but Should not all Such establishments be distinct from the allowance to the President for his Services, which is mentioned in the Constitution.? in all Events the Provision for the President and his Household, ought to be large and ample.— The Office, by its legal Authority, defined in the Constitution, has no equal in the World, excepting those only which are held by crowned Heads; nor is the Royal Authority, in all Cases, to be compared to it. The Royal Office, in Poland, is a mere Shadow, in comparison of it.— The Dogeship of Venice, and the Statholdership in Holland, are not So much. neither Dignity, nor Authority, can be Supported in human Minds collected into nations or any great numbers without a Splendor and Majisty, in Some degree, proportioned to them. The Sending and

receiving Ambassadors, is one of the most Splendid and important Prerogatives of Sovereigns absolute or limited; and this, in our Constitution, is in the President— if the State and Pomp, essential to this great Department, are not in a good degree preserved, it will be in vain for America to hope for consideration, with foreign Powers. These observations are Submitted, after all, with diffidence; conscious that my long Residence abroad, may have impressed me with Views of Things, incompatible with the present Temper and Feelings of our Fellow Citizens: and with a perfect disposition to acquiesce in whatever may be the Result of the Superiour Wisdom of the President.


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 17 May 1789
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

            Dear Sir
            New York May. 17. 1789

          Your favour of the 19 of March deserves a particular consideration and answer, which I have not, till now, been able, from a multitude of avocations some frivolous yet indispensable, others of more consequence, to give it.
          The Influence which you Suppose I may have as President of the Senate, will be found to be very little, if any at all. you Say the Eastern States must not be Suspected: but you know as well as I, that they have been suspected these fifteen years and in order to be not suspected, or at least not pretended to be suspected, either they or Some other States must not exist, unless those other States send different Members to Congress from some that they have always sent.— The Place will make little odds—in Georgia, in Maryland, in Pensylvania and in New York, Suspicion real or feigned would be the Same.— 2. I cannot See that a Union of Virginia, Pensylvania and Massachusetts, in fixing the Seat of Government, at one place more than another, would increase or diminish their Influence in Any future distribution of the great Offices of State, nor do I think that this Circumstance ought to have any Weight in Elections or appointments. 3. I see no Symptoms of a corrupt Influence here,

more than I always saw at Philadelphia and the Inhabitants of this City appear as decidedly federal as those of any other Place. 4. The foreign Ministers will have very little Influence, in determining the Place, in all other respects their Influence will be the Same in Philadelphia as in New York. 5. I own however that I love Philadelphia quite as well as New York, and the noble Libraries there would be a strong temptation to me. 6. I think the danger in this article is very probable. and a federal Town, to the southward of Chesapeak Bay, would be terrible to the health of many Gentn. but what think you of the federal Town at Trenton? 7. I doubt whether conducting Members of Congress to inspect the Treasury Books, is dishonourable. I rather think it lawdable.— but I cant see however that the Treasury Books should determine where Congress is to Set. 8. I wish I knew the Names of the Gentlemen, the leading Characters who were unfriendly to my Election, not to make me unfriendly to them but the contrary, as far as their Views are for the public Good—as far as they are contrary to that good I should oppose them [as] friends or Ennemies. I know very well I have many Friends in Philadelphia, many more and more sincere than in New York: but all this ought not to influence me, in giving Votes for public Measures.
          But to come to the Point I am Situated in the Constitution, in a manner, that will render it proper for me to be neutral in Such a Contest.— I Shall never be a zealous Advocate for sitting in New York, because I am not convinced that it is more for the public Advantage, than to sit elsewhere.
          Let me now if you please remember your Letter of 22d of April.
          My Situation, at the head of the Senate, where I was placed by the People at large, not as the Members were by their Legislatures, instead of giving me an influence as you Suppose will prevent me, from having any.— Mr Wilson, I have long known esteemed and respected: but, if I had a Vote, I could not promise to give it for him to be Chief Justice.— All Things considered, that have ever come to my Knowledge I feel myself inclined to wish, because I am fully convinced that Services, Hazards, Abilities and Popularity, all properly weighed, the Ballance, is in favour of Mr Jay.— one of the Judges, I wish Mr Wilson to be: and the difference is not great between the first and the other Judges.
          You Say I had not a firmer Friend in the late Election. I must protest against this mode of reasoning. I am not obliged to vote for a Man because he voted for me, had my Office been ever so lucrative or ever so important.— But ask your own heart.— is not my Election

to this Office, in the Scurvy manner it was done, a curse rather than a Blessing?— Is there Gratitude? is there Justice? is there common Sense or decency in this Business? Is it not an indelible Stain on our Country, Countrymen and Constitution? I assure You I think it so. and nothing but an Apprehension of great Mischief, and the final failure of the Government, from my Refusal and assigning my reasons for it, prevented me from Spurning it.—
          Now my Friend We start fair— Never must I again hear a Selfish Motive urged to me, to induce My Vote or Influence in publick affairs.
          I never served the Public one moment in my Life, but to the loss and injury of myself and my Children, and I Suffer as much by it, at this moment as ever.
          I am with great Esteem dear sir your / Friend & sert

            John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Jabez Bowen, 18 May 1789
From: Adams, John
To: Bowen, Jabez

            Sir—
            New york May 18th 1789—

          I have received your two letters of April 21 and 28th and am obliged to you for introducing your Brother Oliver Bowen Esqr, to whom I wish success in his pursuits— But the Senators & Representatives from Georgia and other States in its neighbourhood will be most naturally consulted upon his application
          your Observations upon the high duty upon Molasses, are all very just and have been reapetedly urged in the house of Representatives but without success— this Article enters so deeply into every branch of the Northern Commerce & Navigation; into so many of our Manufactures, and into so many of the neccessities of common Life, that the burthen now imposed is somewhat unequal. it has been softened a little but not enough.—
          What can be done with your Obstinate Neighbours, I know not. I would do every thing in my power to draw them by the bands of Love, into the path of their own interest & duty— I have conversed with the President and with Members of both Houses on this subject. But it really seems too much, after what is passed, to think of

Addresses or Speeches. Addresses and Speeches Should come from the Other Party— I shall continue to be as friendly as possible to Rhode Island, but it is too small a part of America to dictate to all the rest— I should be obliged by a continuance of your correspondence upon these subjects but am too much in haste at present to enlarge— With great Esteem I am Sir your most obedt / Servant.

            John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Lincoln, 18 May 1789
From: Lincoln, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

            Dear sir
            Boston May 18 1789—

          I have just been honoured by the receipt of your favor of the 8th. instant— I have not time, as I must soon leave town, to observe now on that part of it which is in answer to a sentiment of mine on which we seem to differ—
          There is no proposition, to which I can more fully accede than to the one which affirms how important it is to People that the President, the vice President, the Senate and the house of representatives of the Union should in the first instance, take the most elevated stand and that they should be supported in their respective situations with great firmness dignity & splendor. The tone given at the commencment of the government will controul all future proceedings; it is therefore of great importance that the first, should be the proper impressions and that no circumstance of right though it may be considered small and unimportant should be surrendered by the Union, precedents are influential and often prove dangerous—
          Under these impressions permit me sir to solicit your opinion on a matter which by some may be considered as of no importance. Our artillery election is as usual to be on the first monday of June a public entertainment will be given on the occasion, a number of toasts will be expected, for the propriety and the arrangment of which, as commanding officer I must be responsible. I shall have to combat old prejudices, unless I shall alter my opinion, and place the State and its officers in a different rank than that they have been used to enjoy— You know sir that the States have been tenacious of their sovereignty and the several Governours have carefully nourished the idea and will I suspect, at the least some of them, be among the last

to surrender so much of it as may be indispensible to the general good— It has been considered, by some, that a governour in his own State is there the greatest of all created beings and I apprehend that this opinion will be held with too much avidity. While this is the case we shall not properly reverence the general government. The seperate governments must be subservient to the national one if subservient inferiour if inferiour neither the government nor its officers can expect the first rank— How than ought our toasts to be arranged the day I mentioned on which will be given the first public dinner. The mode we adopt may, & probably will, be urged as a precedent on future occasions it is therefore of some importance that we do right I have no doubt what would be a proper line of conduct I can however better rely on your judgment than on my own, I have had little experience in etiquete— will you be so good as to drop me, for my own use only, a line on the subject by the next post—
          The packet men call I cannot add Only that I am with the highest / esteem Dr sir your / affectionate friend / and humble / servant

            B Linco[ln]


Title: To John Adams from William Tudor, 18 May 1789
From: Tudor, William
To: Adams, John

            Dear Sir
            Boston 18 May 1789

          Your very obliging & confidential Letters of the 3d. and 9th. of May I received on the 15. I mention their coming to my Hands together only to mark the Difference between the Dispatch of the Post & the Punctuality of Individuals.
          I am rejoiced to find You, Sir, pronouncing the upper House of Congress a wise, mild and noble Body of Men. From such a Body we must find dignified, firm & national Measures. But young as our Country is, with every Thing in national Rule & Revenue to be experimented, a considerable Period must elapse before the united States can arise to Greatness. And we have Politicians in every State in the Confederacy, who think it is better we never should. Men who think that Titles, Distinctions & Ranks in Society ought not to exist.

And that the Ideas & Wishes of the People, (which are founded in Nature & Policy) that encourage & expect such Distinctions, ought to be checked & counteracted. Were we deprived of all Intercourse with Europe, & commercial Interchanges with the rest of the Globe, this Quixotte System might last for many Years perhaps. Untill we do have great Distinctions I mean as far as respects our National great Officers, there will be neither a promptitude of Obedience or national Pride in the Citizens. And untill our partial Politicks, & State localities are lost in an energetic, & the confederated Government, we shall feel like Colonists & continue to act so.
          There appears a good Disposition at present in our Seaports to meet & assist the Revenue on moderate and equalized Rates. And the People in the Country have not yet learnt the Language of Complaint against Taxes where the Merchant is the Paymaster.
          We hear nothing of the Proceedings of the most honorable Senate, but suppose them engaged in digesting, defining, & systemising the Judicial Department. This among your numerous perplexing Labours, will be not the least difficult. And after all, much must be left to be aided or altered by subsequent Statutes, as Experience shall point their Necessity.—
          And will You now give me leave, my dear Sir, to express a Wish to be remembered by You, when the Appointments of Law Officers shall be made. I confess that the Office of federal Advocate for this State, or any Post in my professional Line, which You may think my Education & Principles may qualify me to fill, would be a very pleasant Thing. I am so little used to the Language of Sollicitation, that to You only, my earliest & ablest Friend, would I submit a Hint which I am not perhaps intitled to offer. I never sought, or for a moment wished for any Place political or civil in this Commonwealth (or what I would rather now call it, Corporation) but I acknowlege, that I should hold a national Appointment, truly honorable.
          I am, Dear Sir, / your faithful hble Servant

            Wm Tudor


Title: From John Adams to Richard Price, 20 May 1789
From: Adams, John
To: Price, Richard

            My dear Friend—
            New york May 20th 1789—

          I last night received your friendly letter of March the fifth: and am happy to find that I have a place in your remembrance. There are few portions of my life that I recollect with more entire satisfaction than the hours I spent at Hackney, under your Ministry, and in private society, and conversation with you at other places— The approbation you are pleased to express of my Speculations on the subject of Government is peculiarly agreable to me, because it goes a great way to convince me that the end I had in view, has been in some degree answered and will be more so— it was not to obtain a name as an Author, or a reputation for litterary talents that I undertook the laborious work.— if such had been my Object I certainly should have taken more time to digest and connect it— But it appeared to me that my Countrymen were running wild, and into danger, from a too ardent & inconsiderate pursuit, of erroneous opinions of Government, which had been propogated among them by some of their ill informed favourites, and by various writings which were very popular among them, such as the pamphlet called common sense, for one example among many others, particularly Mrs Macaulay’s History, Mr Burgh’s political disquisitions, Mr Turgot’s Letters. These writings are all excellent in some respects and very useful but extreamly mistaken in the true construction of a free goverment— to accomplish the good I had in view I thought it would be more useful and effectual, to lay facts, principles, examples, and reasonings before my Countrymen, from the writings of others than in my own name. This has given an Air of Pedantry to the Book which I despize; but is has answered the end in a manner more effectual, than if I had contrived it with more Art, to promote my own reputation. our new Constitution is formed in part upon its principles and the enlightened part of our Communities, are generally convinced of the necessity of adopting it by degrees more Compleatly
          Your monthly Reviewers thought themselves very sagacious in conjecturing that I had a point to carry! they will now I suppose glorify themselves in the beleif that their conjecture was right and that I have carried my point— Shrewd however, as they think themselves they are mistaken. had my Books been contrived for any selfish purpose, they would have certainly been modelled in a more popular manner. If those writings have contributed to procure me the

confidence of my fellow citizens. I shall rejoice in them the more, as a sure proof that they have convinced many already and that they will continue to operate a compleat reformation of every thing yet wrong and produce in the end, what I think the most perfect form of Government— I am now very happy with our illustrious Chief and many of my old Friends and, firmly trust in the goodness of Providence for aids to accomplish the great work of forming institutions for a great Continent which may leave their Liberty & happiness for many Generations. I am requested by Mr Churchman to inclose one of his addresses & to ask your opinion of it.—
          Mr & Mrs Smith are in good health I hope to have with me soon— My Family are all very much your Friends— The public Papers will inform you how our new Government proceeds.— it seems to be popular and promise success— Remember me affectionately to those few, in whose Conversation I delighted, and whom I am not absolutely without hope. I may once again, see with great and sincere Esteem— I am / Dear Sir; your affectionate Friend and very humble Servant—

            J Adams—


Title: From John Adams to Arnold Welles, 21 May 1789
From: Adams, John
To: Welles, Arnold

            Sir—
            New york May 21 1789—

          I have received the letter you did me the honour to write me, on the fifth of this month and thank you for your obliging congratulation on the event of the votes of the Electors. as far as I am personally concerned in this Event it was not a subject of much congratulation: it was rather a mortification to me to see that in our first great Election, so great a portion of our Fellow Citizens had been artful

and that so many more had been Dupes. It is only on the supposition that such Knavery and such Folly. may be guarded against in future that I can congratulate you on the prospect of happiness under the new Government— I thank you Sir for introducing to me Capt Gustavus Fellows, whom for the sake of your recommendation, as well as on his own Account I should be glad to serve. but as I am not as yet acquainted with his particular Views—am not able to judge what prospect he has of success—
          With great Esteem I have the honour to be Sir / your most Obedient & most humble Servant

            John Adams—


Title: From John Adams to Hendrik Fagel, 26 May 1789
From: Adams, John
To: Fagel, Hendrik

            Sir—
            New York May 26th 1789—

          Mr Van berckel informs me that you were desirous of seeing the second and third Volumes of the Defence &c When I gave orders for the first to be sent you I expected that the other two would have been sent. I am very glad nevertheless Sir of renewing to you the assurances of my sincre esteem attachment and respect. My regards at the same time if you please to my Friend Dr Marclane—
          My Fellow Citizens have placed me in their new Government: and I am now established for sometime in New york— The Prospects before us are flattering. If Peace should Continue in Europe we shall

enjoy it of coure—if War should break out we must preserve peace if we can and in such Case we shall be able, to restore our Country to Order and Prosperity—
          I am Sir with great Regard / your most Obedt and humble Servt

            J Adams—


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Lincoln, 26 May 1789
From: Adams, John
To: Lincoln, Benjamin

              Dear Sir.
              New York. May. 26. 1789.

            I am, this Evening favoured with yours of the 18. In Answer to your Question, I ask another.— Where is the Sovereignty of the Nation lodged? Is it in the national Government, or in the State Governmen[ts?] Are there more Sovereignties than one? if there is more than one there are Eleven. if there are Eleven there is no general Government—for there cannot be eleven Sovereignties against one.— Are not the Constitution and Laws of the United States, the Supream Law of the Land.?— if so, the Supream Magistrate of the United States, is the Supream Magistrate of the Land. This would be enough to determine your Question.—
            But if practice is consulted— The Clergy here, of all [de]nominations, pray for the President, V. President, Senate and Reps of the national Government, first: then for the Governors, Lt. Govrs, Senator & Reps of the State Governments— This is a grave Example indeed, considering it is adduced to determine a Question about Toasts.
            The Governors of Pensilvania & New York, have decidedly yielded the Preceedence, both to the President and Vice President.— The Govr of Pensilvania has even yielded it to a Senator.— The Foreign Ambassadors, and all Companies give the Place to the Vice President next to the President, and to both before all the rest of the World.
            It is Ettiquette that governs the World.— If the Preceedence of the President, and consequently Vice President is not decidedly yielded by every Governor upon the Continent, in my opinion, Congress had better disperse and go home.— For my own Part I am resolved, the moment it is determined that any Governor is to take Rank either of President or V. P. I will quit and go home: for it would be a shameful deceit and Imposition upon the People to hold out to them hopes

of doing them service when I shall know it to be impossible.— if the People are so ignorant of the Alphabet, as to mistake A. for B. and B. for C, I am Sure, while that ignorance remains they will never be learned enough to read. It is Rank that decides Authority.—
            I am, dear Sir, your affectionate Friend

              John Adams

            The Constitution has instituted two great offices, of equal Rank, and the Nation at large in pursuance of it, have created two officers: One, who is the first of the two equals, is placed at the Head of the Executive; the other at the Head of the Legislative.— if a Governor has Rank of one: he must of Course, of both. This would give a decided Superiority to the State Governments; and annihilate the Sovereignty of the national Government. it is a Thing so clear, that nobody this Way has doubted it.— None will ever doubt it, but those who wish to annul the national Governm[ent—]


Title: From John Adams to William Smith, 27 May 1789
From: Adams, John
To: Smith, William

            Dear Sir—
            New York May 27th 1789

          I have received your obliging Letter of the 19th. a drawback on Rum exported is admitted by the House, and I believe will not be taken off by the Senate. The duty on Molasses will be reduced to 4 Cents and I hope to three. Your Reasoning appears to be very just and I think will prevail. The jealousies Distilleries and Breweries are natural and cannot be wholly prevented: but I hope they will not mislead us. The Subject has been argued in the Senate with great Candour and Moderation, and with a single eye to the public good— The result I hope will give satisfaction. Apologies are so far from being necessary that I shall be much obliged to you for any information on the Subject My Regards to Mrs Smith and Miss Betsey— Mrs Adams I hope to see in New york in ten or fifteen days at furthest. Mrs Washington arrived this day. I am with much Esteem Dr Sir / yr Friend & humble Servant

            J Adams.


Title: From John Adams to William Tudor, 27 May 1789
From: Adams, John
To: Tudor, William

            Dear Sir
            New York May. 27. 1789

          I have received your favour of the 18th. but cannot agree with you that “a considerable Period must elapse before the United States can arise to Greatness.”— They are already arrived at Greatness, and their greatest Misfortune is that they know it not.— The Politicians, if such there are, who think it best We never should be great are already disappointed. They may possibly contribute to keep others as ignorant as themselves; but they cannot annul the fact.— Men who think that Distinctions and Ranks ought not to exist, must think that Men ought to be annihilated.— I am amazed to read that “were We deprived of all intercourse with Europe this system might last for many years.” it could not exist an Hour.— it never did exist a moment. a Family a Clubb, a Parish, a Ship, cannot be governed in any Such Way.— How can Localities be destroyed in any Such Way.? It is high time for the Eastern States to despize their own Fools, and consider their Situation. Localities, I warrant you, will plague them Sufficiently if they do not. a late Locality, which propagated at the Same time a report in all the Southern States, that New England would not Vote for General Washington; and in the Northern states that Virginia, New York and South Carolina would not vote for General Washington: and in both that all were likely to unite in me, by which a Panick was Spread that I should be President and Washington Vice President: What think you of Such a Manæuvre? Is New England willing to be duped in this manner? Will they ever get rid of these Insults while they pursue, Such a Stupid System. They will distinguish nobody. The Southern States distinguish every body, who favours their Localities.— I See New England Out-generalled in so many Instances, that I begin to be ashamed that I was born there. The Senate, Sir, are constantly employed upon great Objects: but their Journal is not yet published. They have now the Impost Bill under consideration, and will reduce it to a reasonable System.
          All Applications must be made to the President whom the Constitution has wisely made the judge in the first Instance of all

Pretentions.— Mr Paine I suppose will apply for the department you mention.
          I expect now that Massachusetts will attempt to oversett the new Govt, by Setting up their State Govt, above the national Govt. — all other States yeild the Superiority decidedly.— But for fear John Adams should be distinguished above John Hancock, there is reason to apprehend that the Massachusetts will revolt.— Yet distinctions are of no Consequence.— Pray let Us learn common sense and common Consistency.—
          For myself, I care as little for distinctions as any of them.— But I know that Authority cannot be maintained nor Law executed without them.— I can live however as well without Government as they can.
          I am, dear sir yours

            J.A.


Title: To John Adams from Paul R. Randall, 27 May 1789
From: Randall, Paul R.
To: Adams, John

            Sir

              May 27. [1789]

          I take the liberty of laying before you a memorial epistle, I have presented to the President stating my right to presume upon the publick attention— As I have availed myself of an opportunity of mentioning your name, I think it my duty in apprising you of it, to solicit your patronage in support of those pretensions which you sir in a great measure have put it in my power to claim.
          My long absence from home threw me entirely from the line of business I was engaged in, and numberless competitors at present prevent the resumption of it, so that I am necessitated to seek every occasion of advancing myself some other way—
          I find, sir, that after many Attempts I cannot obtain a settlement from the board of treasury without a certificate from you purporting the propriety of payment from them.—
          I sat out the first of November from London and returned thither in August, I incommoded myself exceedingly in embarking immediately from thence,—as both Mr: Jefferson & yourself conceived Congress might wish for every Information that I could give them.—

          Upon my Memorial the Board were directed not merely to report, but to take order thereupon— they however insist upon your Certificate as the highest Evidence.—
          I have done myself the Honor of calling several Times at Mr: Jay’s without being so fortunate as to see you—
          I hope you will justify my presumption in thus addressing you.
          I am / sir / most respectfully / your obedient & / humble servant

            Paul R. Randall


Title: From John Adams to William Tudor, 28 May 1789
From: Adams, John
To: Tudor, William

            Dear Sir
            New York May 28. 1789

          What is there which the new Government possesses, on which to found its Authority.? Has it Honours? has it pleasures? has it profits to bestow, which may Attract the Attention, excite the Love, or alarm the Fear, of Such a Majority in every State as will compell the Minority to Obedience?
          Has the national Government at this moment, Attractions enough to make a Seat in it, an Object of Desire, to the Men of greatest Fortune, Talents, Birth, or Virtue? Has it Charms to give Contentment to those, who are now in it? Have the Representatives, Senators, or even the Vice President or President, cause to prefer the Situations they are in to any Stations at home, public or private? To leave the two first Magistrates out of the question: do the Senators consider their present Seats as their homes, or as Steps to promotion in their own States! if the national Government is to be but a ladder on which to mount into higher regions at home you will Say that this Government will soon die the death of the late righteous Congress; and the new Constitution expire like the old Confederation.
          Gentlemen find under this Government, as they did under the former, that they live at uncomfortable Lodgings, instead of their own houses: alone, instead of in the society of their Families and Friends: at a great distance from their Estates and Business. Professions, Faculties, Property, Families, all going to ruin at home. You will not

babble to me about Patriotism, Zeal, Enthusiasm Love of Poverty and Country, at this time of day. You and I have been the Dupes of these Professions too long.— I see nothing Since, I arrived from Europe but one universal & ungovernable Rage for the Loaves and Fishes. The Corruption of Ambition and Avarice, has more universal Possession of the Souls of the Gentlemen of this Country, than of the Nobility of any Country in Europe.— But the new Government has no Objects of Ambition or Avarice, Sufficient to Satiate the Appetites that crave.— What Allurement has it then?— You expect it to work Miracles.— to make Brick without Straw. If the People would give Titles or Marks of distinction, this would go a great Way.— The Title of Right Honourable, would raise the Senate and make it an Object of Ambition.— Senators and even Governors, Judges and Chancellors, would be willing to leave their Places at home to obtain it.— But as it is, and as, I fear it is like to be, I expect, that one half will resign before two Years.
          Is the new Government to be founded in force? Are We to raise a Navy and an Army, to detect illicite Trade and to quel insurrections? to protect the national Judicial against the State Judicials? the national Executive against the State Executives? Have We dominion enough over the Minds of the People to do this?— Titles would cost much less, and be less dangerous to Liberty.—
          To talk of a Government, without all Ettiquette is to betray a total Inattention to human Life and manners. Can Subordination be preserved in the Smallest Society, without distinctions? examine it in a Family. Let the Master and Mistress, the Father and Mother, Men Servants and Maid Servants, Sons and Daughters all live together in the Same room. let them dress all alike. let them breakfast dine and Sup all at the Same Table. Let Tom the Coachman Set at the Head of the Table, as Accident shall direct, and Polly the Milkmaid Set at the right hand of her Mistress. Let the Children and Servants call their Father and Master by their names Tom Dick and Harry, and be themselves called so in their turns. in this Case you would soon See the Liberty, order, Virtue and Happiness, that would result from such an admirable republican OEconomy.
          Away with all this Nonsense.— Let us not betray such gross Ignorance of the World.— I wrote the first part of this Letter, at the date but it has lain by unfinished till this 14. June.
          I am, dear sir yours

            John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Richard Peters, 28 May 1789
From: Peters, Richard
To: Adams, John

            Dear Sir
            Belmont. May 28. 1789

          Until I met with your Letter to Day I could not conceive I had been so remiss as not before this Time to have acknowledged the Favour of it. It lay in Town for some Days & I was mortified at not receiving it soon enough to pay the wished for Attention to Mr Beal who left the Letter at a Friend’s House in the City & tho’ I made every Enquiry after that Gentleman I had not the Pleasure of finding him & presume his Stay was short. I shall, tho’ unfortunate in this be extremely happy in noticing any Person you honour me with recommending. I thank you very much for your Attention to Mr Delany who I believe stands well enough with the Generality of those he depends on to gratify his Wishes which are very much united with those of the People in the City among whom his Friends in this Persuit are very numerous.
          It is not for me, not perfectly informed, to judge of “Men or Measures.” But it seems as if we should get right at last for I believe the Men are well inclined & the Measures have then the best Chance. The public Curiosity is to be sure eager enough but I am not clear that the public should know too much. I mean by this that the Differences of Opinion in a Body collected from so many Quarters & having so many clashing Interests to attend to as the Congress now have will give an Air of Levity & Disunion tho’ the Result of the Debates be never so salutary. The first Congress had better Reasons for keeping their Squabbles to themselves as we had then both public & private Enemies in our Country. Yet I believe the People continued their Confidence in them the longer for not being well acquainted with what passed behind the Curtain. They certainly had not the Confidence of the People in a higher Degree than the present Congress & I therefore wish (what I assuredly trust will happen) that the present Government will not fail to do the Business thoroughly before the Novelty is over & the public Enthusiasm grows vapid. You recollect better than I can tell you many capital Arrangements that might have been made in the early Stages of our Affairs which never could be afterwards effected. The Apprehensions then that the Government was not on solid Foundations but was unpalateable to many, did at that Time Mischief & there seems to be some such Shades in our present Picture. They arise from excellent Motives but I think there is Wisdom & Virtue enough in our Government to direct bold

& decided Measures without Risque. Festina lente is a good Maxim but it may be carried too far. My Impatience may have dictated these Ideas which I would not express to every body. But I really fear that the Complaisance shewed to the Opposers of our Government & the Arguments that this that or the other Measure will distract displease & disgust the People are of worse Consequence than being of little Weight. I believe that any tolerable Measures by which we can regain our Character & support our Government will go down among the Federalists & as to many of the Antis Nothing will please them. But the Government seems yet like a good Clock without a proper Pendulum to regulate its Motions. No preconcerted Plans are brought forward but every one is left to form one for himself. I hope when the Executive is filled up in its auxiliary Parts & the Principals in the Government with the Ministers form a kind of Cabinet Council, Measures will be well digested, Plans formed & Business accelerated. In this Case I depend on the prudent Foresight & thoughtful Temper of our excellent President & have no small Reliance in yours Knowledge of our own Affairs as well as the political Researches you are accustomed to make on the great Scale. These with the good Dispositions both of you possess will ensure Influence which, when virtuously directed as I am sure it will be is absolutely necessary to regulate the Vibrations of a popular Assembly. In Great Britain Influence is to be sure prostituted, but with all its Evils it gives Stability to their Government & Promptitude to their Measures. An Influence is gained there by the Distribution of Offices & Douceurs. But here virtuous Persuits & a superior Knowledge of Affairs gained by the Habit of attending to them will give it to those who from their Stations ought to possess it. You must excuse these Speculations of mine which are thrown out more to gain than give Information. If my worthy Friend Smith be with you present to him my sincere Regards & be assured of the respectful Esteem with which I am, Dear Sir, / Your very obed Servt

            Richard Peters


Title: From John Adams to Mercy Otis Warren, 29 May 1789
From: Adams, John
To: Warren, Mercy Otis

            Madam—
            New york May 29th 1789—

          A little before my departure from Braintree I received your favour inclosing a letter from Mrs Walker. last night I received that of the 7th May There was no necessity of any apology for writing to me after so long a correspondence there has never been on my part any failure of friendship to Mr Warren or yourself— you are very much mistaken in your opinion of my situation. I have neither reached the Acma of Applause nor am I in an a situation to establish my Family or assist my Friends. I am and have been extremely mortified from my first arrival in America, to hear from all Quarters the unpopularity of my Friend Warren and his family—whom I was formerly accustomed to hear spoken of with affection and Respect by all— It is not my fault to have listened to the uninterrupted Ebulitions of the public Wrath. for I must have been wholly out of Society not to have heard them, and they hurt my heart much too intimately not to make a deep impression. No doubt there have been many and great exaggerations and misrepresentations. But one thing is indubitable that G Warren did differ for a time from all his Friends, and did countenance measures that appear to me as they did to those Friends extremely pernicious— You are pleased to say Madam that you are sure of my Patronage for certain purposes— in the first place I have no patronage in the next neither your Children nor my own would be sure of it if I had it. beyond my own clear Conviction of the public Good I should bely the whole coure of my public and private Conduct and all the Maxims of my Life if I should ever consider public Authority entrusted to me to be made subservient to my private Views or those of my Family or Friends— The Friendship between Genl Warren and me began and has continued in different principles—
          No man knows better than I do that time will make curious disclosures. I should not be astonished to find Incendiaries who fomented the discontents among the Insurgents of Massachusetts in a Class the least suspected by the World— From my earliest youth I have been perfectly aware that the popular Voice is fluctuating & that human affairs are full of Vicissitudes— I have long contemplated in many very solemn hours the Injustice—Ingratitude and Abuse experienced by myself—and it would be no surprize to me if my latter end should be as melancholly an instance of popular mutability as the annals of Anarchy ever exhibited to the World if this should

            happen to me or to others it will wholly be owing to the ignorance of the great Rulers leaders in the Revolution of the Nature of Government and their Obstinacy in refusing to learn it. But enough and too much of this— You have not informed me Madam what particular View you have for Mr Warren or your Sons— The Candidates are very numerous and equally importunate I must say to you as to every one else. I am not the Person to apply to The Constitution has wisely made the President the Judge in the first instance of the pretensions of all— Every application must be made to him and it ought to be made in writing— With my sincer Respects to Mr Warren— / I am Madam yr Friend and humble Servant

            J Adams—


Title: To John Adams from Jeremy Belknap, 30 May 1789
From: Belknap, Jeremy
To: Adams, John

            Sir,
            Boston May 30 1789

          I should not have thought of troubling you with the inclosed sermon, if it had not been suggested to me by a friend who heard it that it seemed to be formed on the principles which were advanced in your defence of the American Constitutions & to recommend such Checks and Balances in Ecclesiastical as you had thought necessary in civil Government. If in this view of it, or any other it may be acceptable I shall think myself honoured, & am / Sir / with the greatest respect / Your very humble Servant

            Jeremy Belknap.


Title: To John Adams from James Bowdoin, 30 May 1789
From: Bowdoin, James
To: Adams, John

            sir
            Boston May 30. 1789

          The attachment of Mr. Boid to the American Cause has, as you are Sensible, occasioned the forfeiture to the British Government of all his Lands upon the Schoodac: to which river they have extended their Province of New Brunswick.— The Papers that relate to his Case, as well as to that encroachment, were by order of Congress, as

I have understood, transmitted to you, during your residence in England: and Mr. Boid purposes to send you a copy of the former, with a request, that you would be so good as to support his intended Petition to Congress, so far as it shall appear to you just and reasonable.
          The General Court, by their letter of Instructions to their Delegates in Novr. 1786, esteemed him a good friend to this Country; and having been deprived of a large interest in consequence of his attachment to it, instructed their Delegates to recommend him to the attention & favour of Congress; and to move them to afford him Such relief as they might think proper.
          As Mr. Boid has become a citizen of the United States, has greatly Suffered for his attachment to them, and is a worthy man; and as he can probably give information of evidence, that may be useful in determining the true divisional line between those States and the British Province of New Brunswick, I beg leave to recommend him to your favourable notice: and am very respectfully, sir / Yr Excy’s most obt. hble servt.

            James Bowdoin


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Lincoln, 30 May 1789
From:
To:

            Dear sir
            Boston May 30th. 1789—

          I am fully in sentiment with you respecting the danger of an established aristocracy and had I fully explained my self when I mentioned the subject in my letter of the 22 Ulto. there would not I suppose have been even a “seeming” difference in opinion thereon. The words slavery and aristocracy have been used here for political purposes as synonymous— They have been equally terrifying to Many of the people who have been taught to believe that the man who was for any essential change in our late mode of national government

and is not for such alterations in the new system as would erase from it such parts as many, I know, think the most precious jewels of it; is held up as an aristocrat and as harbouring in his breast a secret lurch to enslave the people the moment a fair opportunity shall offer for doing it with success.— In order to lessen the influence of the real friends to the new constitution the utmost pains have been taken to represent them as unfriendly to the rights of the people; and to distinguish them from the rest of the citizens they have been called by the unnatural name of the aristocratical junto. Considering the people as acting under these impressions as many of them have been and now are, for few in number compared with the whole ever saw the constitution, and know not from their own enquiries, whether the leading features of it are aristocratical or monarchical you will not wonder that I was led to the ideas expressed. Indeed Sir the word aristocrat—has been as commonly used to deter people from cordially embracing the new constitution as the frightful story of raw head & bloody bones was formerly used to deter children from vice and with much greater success
          You discover some anxiety from an apprehension that a certain order of men whose smiles in favor of the new constitution are necessary will be too much divided among themselves in opinion respecting the measures to be adopted to bring about the object which they have in view. This diversity in sentiment exists I hope and trust among our southern friends only I think we are well united here relative to the object we are considering If I am not mistaken in the matter and we are really united we shall I think have little to apprehend from others we have always been obliged to lead in the great national matters and I hope we shall be able to do it in this. All those people whom we have mentioned have the same objects in view Viz security of life liberty & property— For the safety of property they are become exceedingly jealous for it has long been in the most precarious and fluctuating situation the laws by which it has been controuled, if it can justly be said to have been regulated by law, have changed their form with the change of circumstances of those who have composed our legislature. It cannot I think be considered as treasonable to say that they have in the most wanton manner sacrificed the public faith to objects vastly inferiour & trifling, there may be objects of such magnitude and national necessity as would in a degree if not fully justify it, from this source has arisen the great disgust among the men of property to our old system and the zeal discovered by many in establishing a new one. If now from the

wisdom of our laws formed upon the principles of the constitution and from the faithful execution of them people find that they are really under a government of laws and are no longer subject, as they have been to the caprice of the unthinking multitude, that they are no longer obliged to consult them or any body of men what ever, how, at what time, or in what manner their debts shall be paid, when in this respect they shall obtain perfect satisfaction from the nature of their contract, & the laws of their country they will be in love with the government and embrace it with affection and support it and its officers in independence dignity & splendor. You seem to doubt of our ever having such an execution of the laws as will make us really respectable and give that security so much wished for untill the executive department shall by a unanimous voice be established in the manner you have pointed out a measure most ardently to be wished for. From the knowledge I have of many gentlemen of the character I am speaking I have great expectations that a majority of them, not only hold the sentiments we wish but that they will openly avow them and that they will be able to give such aid and support to the executive department as will sustain it under the most vigorous execution of the laws we may also flatter our selves that if the laws are founded on the broad basis of national good, as it is presumed they will be and an attempt is once made to execute them with fidelity we shall be constantly gaining ground and the friends of the new constitution will multiply with and in proportion to our success
          By the latest accounts from your quarter we learn that the duties on many articles are much reduced from what they passed in the house. It seems to be the general idea here that in the first attempt the duties should be lower and that when the people are in the habits of submitting to the laws they might be increased with the exigencies of government
          If the laws in the first instance should be thought severe and from that consideration the people at large should think themselves authorised in evading them many ill would arise and what would be much worse would be a sentiment in the executers of the laws that they could under any circumstances have, a right to wink at a breach of them I hope our laws will be mild, & mercy bye then, and the execution of them be prompt & punctual
          Your Excellencys favor on the subject of etiquitte came after the parade was over I am nevertheless greatly obliged by your kind attention— we got thro’ the day pretty well all circumstances considered the Governour could not attend us—

          I have lately been informed that should there be an opening in the revenue line Mr. Henshaw would come in
          I am my dear sir with / sincere esteem your / Your affectionate / friend & servant

            B. Lincoln


Title: John Adams to Bolton and Maltby, Dec. 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Bolton and Maltby

              1785 Decr.

          To sundry charges and expences paid & incurred [. . .] an
            attested copy of letters Patent of King James the 1st.
            granted to the council of Plymouth, and authenticcated under the City Seal of London,
            and a variety of attendances at the Plantation Office, council Office, Patint Office,
            Rous Chapel, & other Places upon this Business


Title: Capt. Isaac Stephens to John Adams, Dec. 1785
From: Stephens, Isaac
To: Adams, John

              Sir

              algirs

              febry the 7nth 17[96]

          Supposing Som one gentleman to be charged with the affairs of the
            united States of america in London I take the Liberty to write
          The Barrer of this Letter Doctor warner his Brittanick Majestys
            Doctor in algiers and a gentleman that is able To give you any intelligence That you may
            want as To the affairs in algirs and allso as to our mortifying State of Slavery and has
            bin the means of Saveing many of your Countrymen Lives and our only Doctor Since in
            algiers. By order of Count D Espilly when he was in algirs and Had the Care of us for
            the Spaniards had Rather have a Dog in their hospitle then a prodistant & I
            Could wish for the honour of My Country that Doctor Warner might be justly Paid for he
            has Don the Christian Benevolent part to all the americans in algirs Nither would thay
            give Us medicine without pay and Som has bin at Deaths Door and obliged to Leave the
            hospitle & Doctor warner has Taken them in hand and they are well and My Self
            has bin Two months under his Care for the Billious Disorder But thank god im
            Better—if you Can give us any intelligence concerning our Redeemption I shuld
            be Exceeding glad Doctor warner is the English Doctor at algirs and will Soon Return
            again to algirs our pay has bin Stoped for five months on account that Mr Carmichael Could pay the money that the Spanish Consul had
            advanced us I have wrote Mr Carmichael Several Times on the
            Subject and No answer as yet which adds hunger to afflictions a Line from you will be
            Kindly acknowledged from your humlr Servent

              Isaac Stephens

            Sir if you would be So good as to Extend your Charity a Little and Due me and your
              Countrymen a great favour in Sending me the history of america if old no matter and
              Som Late magazins By Doctor warner he will Bring them as we have No Books to amuse our
              Selves in this Calamitious Situation as we Expect to Stay in Slavery all our Life time
              as the [. . .] is So great an object to our Country
            god Bless the foederal States of americaa

                [Is] Stephens


Title: John Adams to Nathaniel Barrett, 2 Dec. 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Barrett, Nathaniel

                Sir

              Grosvenor Square

              Decemr. 2d 1785—

          Last Night I received your Letter of Nov. 29. inclosing another
            written at sea give me Leave to Congratulate you, on your fortunate Escape from the
            Dangers of Shipwreck.
          I am indeed no stranger to the Marquis’s exertions in the affair of
            the Oil, and it may not be improper to mention to you, the Particulars of the Rise and
            Progress of them. One day at dinner I beleive at his House or mine, He addressed himself
            to me, and said, He had been treated with so much affection and respect at Boston and
            its Neighbourhood that he wishd it was in his Power to do some service to that part of
            America...I said it would be easy to put him in a Way to do a very valuable service. He
            said I had but to mention any Thing in his Power and it should be done. I replied that
            we wanted to know. 1. With what sort of Oil, the Reverberes of Paris and other Cities were illuminated. 2 what was the Price of
            that Oil. 3 whether it was the Growth and Manufacture of France, or of Foreign
            Countries. 4. whether it were paid for in Cash or French produce or Manufactures. 5: Who
            had the Care of the Lamps, Oil and Illumination, whether the Court or the City. 6—What
            Duties were now payable on the Importation of Foreign Fish Oil. 7.—whether those Duties
            would be taken off. and lastly whether any plan Could be contrived to introduce into the
              Reverbers of France, the White sperma Cæti Oil of New
            England! He said he was very much obliged to me and I should hear further from him soon.
            He was as good as his Word, and soon informed me that Monsieur Tourtille de sangrain,
            had a Contract for Illuminating thirty Cities for 15 years. that he had seen him and
            concerted a plan, that he had obtained of Monsieur de Colonne his promise to take off
            the Duties for a Tryal, and without any more details he Obtained of Mr de sangrain the Proposals and samples sent to America by my
            son In an affair of such Consequence, and in so critical a moment it is to be wished
            that some voluntary association of private Gentlemen, or even the Legislature of the
            state had agreed to the proposals at a Venture.— — —perhaps however the method taken is
            a better One—
          Mr Thomas Boilstone has the start of
            you: He went from hence with a large Cargo of Oil which I am informed he has sold. He
            had Letters from me to several Gentlemen. He has Intelligence and a Capital equal to the
            Whole Contract. How far he has proceeded I know not—if you and Mr Boilstone can cooperate, so much the better.— —I should advise you to see him,
            as soon as may be. you may hear of Him at the American Ambassadors—
          The best thing for him and you would be to get introduced to Mr. de sangrain and Communicate to him exact Information and
            receive from him in return all the Lights you want. Mr
            Boilstons Oil will afford you samples of the Nature and Qualities of Our Oil. I need not
            mention to you that it resists Cold and yeilds light in greater degrees than other
            Oil—in all such things your knowledge as well as Mr
            Boilstones are infinitely superior to mine—
          Inclosed with this are Letters of Introduction to several Gentlemen
            I wish you every success in this Business—both for your own sake as that of the
            Publick—
          yours &c &c


Title: John Adams to the Marquis of Carmarthen, 2 Dec. 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Carmarthen, the Marquis of

              My Lord

              Grosvenor Square

              December 2. 1785.

          I have received with a great deal of Pleasure the Letter, which
            your Lordship did me, the Honour to write me, on the thirtieth of last month.
          I will take the earliest Opportunity, My Lord to communicate Mr Ansteys Appointment to the Members of Congress, and to
            recommend him to their Protection and Countenance in the Execution of the Business, with
            which he is charged.
          And if your Lordship, or Mr Anstey
            should apprehend that it might be of any Service to him in his public or private
            Capacity, I will with Pleasure give him Letters of Recommendation to the Governors of
            the Several States, or to any other Characters to whom he may wish to be introduced,
            whenever Mr Anstey, will do me the Honour to call upon
            me.
          With great Respect I have the Honour / to be, My Lord, your
            Lordships most / obedient and most humble servant

              John Adams.


Title: John Adams to the Marquis de Lafayette, 2 Dec. 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Lafayette, Marie-Joseph-Paul-Yves-Roch-Gilbert du Motier, marquis de

              My Dear Marquis

              Grosvenor square

              December 2d 1785.

          Mr Nathaniel Barret of Boston will have
            the Honour to deliver you this Letter. His Character and Connections are very good, and
            his long acquaintance with Commerce qualifies him particularly for the Business
            entrusted to him, which is the proposition of Mr Tourtille
            de sangrain, relative to our sperma Cæti Oil. as that is a Child of your own you will
            natureally have affection enough for it to take it and Mr
            Barret with it under your Protection, H will be happy to have the Honour of
            Communicating to you all his views and you will give me leave to recommend him to your
            friendly attention. the Commerce of the Nothern part of America will go with their Whale
            Oil. I am my Dear Marquis with Great affection and Esteem yours &c
            &c—


Title: John Adams to George Chapman, 3 Dec. 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Chapman, George

              Sir

              Grosvenor Square

              Decr 3. 1785.

          I received in due Season your Letter of the 20. July, with a Copy
            of your Treatise on Education. As I was much engaged at that time, I was not able to
            read it, but Mrs Adams, who read it carefully through,
            admired it so much, that she took the first Opportunity to send it to a worthy Clergyman
            in America, Mr shaw of Haverhill, who is much concerned in
            the Education of Youth. There is no Subject so interesting to the United States of
            America, who ought to consider themselves, not merely as forming a rising Generation of
            Freemen but as filling up a new World capable of containing & nourishing Some
            hundreds of Millions of Inhabitants. As such a Trust is peculiar to them, they ought to
            be very carefull, that no bad Principles or degrading Habits or Institutions, be found
            in that Country. I have found with much Pleasure in the various Parts of Europe, that
            the Men of Letters in general who are possessed of the best Hearts and most virtuous
            Principles, are anxious to assist Us in the great Work We have to do. And I hope Sir,
            that your sentiments on Education may contribute their share, towards the formation of a
            free and virtuous Race, on that side of the Atlantic. I have the Honour to be / sir your
            obliged &c


Title: John Adams to John Jay, 3 Dec. 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Jay, John

              Dear Sir

              Grosvenor Square

              Decr. 3. 1785

          Private

          There is a Gentleman at Lisbon, who went and established himself
            there, as I believe partly with a View to the Consulate. He is of a very respectable
            Family and Connection, who have indeed Sacrificed themselves in the Cause of their
            Country. He is a Nephew of the famous Otis and a Son of Major General Warren. The
            Gentleman himself whose name is Winslow Warren, is ingenious and active, and I believe
            would Serve his Country very well in that Capacity. if Congress Should appoint a Consul
            to Portugal I pray you to remember and to remind some of the Members of Congress that he
            is a Candidate. His Parents with whom I have lived, near five and twenty years in
            intimate Friendship, as well as himself, whom I have known from his Childhood, have
            written to me in Order to request me, to interest my self in his Favour. and although I
            avoid Such solicitations as much as
            possible, I cannot in this Case refrain, knowing as I do the uncommon Merit of his
            Parents and many other of his Relations, and believing as I do his own Qualifications. I
            know of no Competitor that he has, except it be a Foreigner, who I should think would
            Stand no Chance with a Citizen whose Pretensions are so respectable.
          Is it not proper for Congress, to establish certain Fees for the
            Consulate, and a certain per Cent, for the Redemption of Captives, to be paid to the
            Consuls abroad. This is a Subject which requires deliberation.— —There is extant a
            Collection of French ordinances, concerning the Rights Powers and Duties of Consuls. and there is Something in Mortimers
            new Edition of the Lex Mercatoria, relative to English Consuls. The Powers given by the
            two nations are very different. The French can decide, disputes the English can only
            advise. Consequently Americans can only advise, untill Laws shall be made by Congress or
            the States, giving other Powers. To have our Consuls liable to be called before Courts
            and Juries, in all the States for their Conduct in office, would be discouraging and
            ruinous, unless their Duties and Rights were previously and clearly ascertained by Law.
            I just mention these Hints, in hopes that the Lawyers in America may be Set to thinking
            upon this important subject, unless you have time to digest it yourself, in which Case
            there will be no Occasion for any other Head.
          With great Affection your Friend / & sert

              John Adams


Title: John Adams to Winslow Warren, 3 Dec. 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Warren, Winslow

              Dear Sir

              Grosvenor Square

               Decemr 3d 1785—

          I had the pleasure of Letters from your Parents with the inclosed
            for you—they were in good Health, as were our other friends in General. I have written
            to the secretary of Foreign Affairs Mr Jay, recommending you
            to be Consul at Lisbon, in case Congress should appoint one which they will do no doubt,
            if a Treaty of Commerce should be made.—there is I think a good prospect of this—but it
            may be longer in bringing to a Conclusion than you may wish—
          your young Friend my son is arrived, and in good Health pursueing
            his studies at Haverhill.
          with much Esteem I am yrs &c
            &c—


Title: John Adams to W. Wetherill, 3 Dec. 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Wetherill, W.

              Sir

              Grosvenor Square

              Decr. 3. 1785

          I have received your Letter of the 23 of November, with the Fable
            of the Bees, the Lion the Asses and other Beasts. I have read with Pleasure, this
            Imitation of my old Friend Gay, in which there is much of his Wit and Satyr, the Purity
            of his Moral and the honesty of his Politicks, as well as of the Elegance of his Poetry
            and the Ingenuity of his Fable. I thank you, sir for the Present and have the Honour to
            be &c


Title: John Adams to John Jay, 6 Dec. 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Jay, John

              Dear Sir

              Grosvenor Square

              Decr. 6. 1785

          If the Facts, which I have had the Honour to state to you in my
            preceeding Letters, are credited, I think it will appear, that the Connections of these
            Kingdoms with foreign Powers, every Idea of the Ballance of Europe; the Dominions of
            Great Britain in Asia And America, and all the interests
            Considerations of Posterity, are Sacrificed, to a momentary Tranquility and
            Credit. From which Premises, it will be easy to conclude, what will be the Effect of the
            Memorial, Copy of which is here inclosed and which I shall certainly present
            tomorrow.—It will not be answered in any manner. It is generally Said “Things must take
            their Course.—We must take our Chance, and meet the Consequences of all the Combinations
            of our Rivals. “We must risque it.” &c. it is commonly Said, that Ministry will
            bring in an Act of Parliament, at their next session, placing the United States upon the
            Footing of the most favoured Nation, and then let them do what they please.
          Thus I find myself at a full stop....I Shall not neglect any
            opportunity, to say or do, whatever may have the least Tendency to do any good: But it
            would be lessening the United States, if I were to teize Ministers with Applications
            which would be answered only by neglect and Silence.—I Shall transmit you every Thing I
            can which may afford you any Information. But I think Congress cannot avoid instruccting
            me, to demand an Answer, and to take my Leave and return to America if it is
            not given me, in a reasonable Time in the Spring. It is now with the States to
            determine, whether there is or is not a Union in America.—If there is, they may, very
            easily make themselves respected in Europe. if there is not, they will be little
            regarded, and very soon at War with England, as I verily believe.—I should Advise, all
            the great Seaport Towns, to think a little of the Means of Defense, put the
            Fortifications they have in as good order as they can, furnish themselves with Arms
            & Ammunion and put the Militia through the Continent upon as good a Footing as
            may be.
          I have little Relyance on our Negotiations in Barbary. The Presents
            We have to Offer, will I fear be despized. We Shall learn by them, however, what will be
            necessary, and Congress, will determine, what We must do. Mr
            Lamb and Mr Randal are gone. Mr
            Barclay has been detained by Monsieur Beaumarchais Accounts but I hope will go
            soon.—
          If all Intercourse between Europe and America could be cutt off,
            forever, if every ship We have were burnt, and the Keel of another never to be laid, We
              might still be the happiest People upon earth and in fifty years the most
            powerfull. The Luxuries We import from Europe, instead of promoting our Prosperity, only
            enfeable our Race of Men and Retard the Increase of Population....But the Character of
            our People must be taken into Consideration. They are as Aquatic, as the
                Turtles and Tortoises & Sea Fowl, and the Love of
            Commerce with its Conveniences and Pleasures at it, are habits,
              in them as unalterable as their Natures. it is in vain then to amuze
            ourselves, with the Thoughts of annihilating Commerce unless as philosophical Speculations.—We are to consider Men and
            Things as Practical statesmen, and to consider who our Constituents are and what they
            expect of us.—Upon this Principle We shall find that We must have Connections with
            Europe Asia & Affrica, and therefore the sooner We form those Connections into a
            judicious system, the better it will be for Us and our Children. We may now take
            Measures which may save Us many Miseries and a vast Expence of Blood. We shall find,
            that Nothing can be done in Europe, but by keeping up the Dignity of the United States,
            and that Dignity in Europe is a very different Thing from that which is and ought to be
            Dignity in America
          I have the Honour to be, with great / Respect, sir your most
            obedient

              John Adams.