Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Samuel Mather, 24 June 1778
From: Mather, Samuel
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Most Honoured Sir,
Boston. June 24th. 1778.
As my near Neighbour Captain Ayers acquaints me that he is bound to France, and expects to have the Honour of waiting on You, and offers to carry a Letter for me to You, I must own that I am glad of the Opportunity of writing to you; tho’ I am afraid of trespassing a little upon the public Good by it.
I was greatly rejoiced at the News of your going to France, from my Knowlege and esteem of your Abilities for public Service, as well as from the Character and reputation which You had previously obtained in that Kingdom: And I now most sincerely congratulate You on the good Success of your prudent and faithful Negotiation; by which the Enemies of America are baffled and humbled; and the Hearts of your Friends, as well as America’s, are greatly comforted, and made very thankful, I trust, to the perfectly wise Director and Governour of the World and all the Affairs of it.
In this new World Things have now a very promising Aspect. Tho’ Parties of the Forces inimical to us now and then make an Excursion, and fall on one Town or other not prepared to receive them, and they thus commit some mischievous and spiteful Acts; yet, as soon as our People collect, however undisciplin’d, they give them a good Drubbing and oblige them to run away precipitately ashamed. But the main Body of the Brittish Troops, as I suppose you know, dare not attempt any Thing of Consequence. From the German Town Affair, not withstanding some uncomfortable Circumstances then happened to our Disadvantage, the Enemies have evidently been afraid of pushing forward to an Attack, ever since that Battle. And I verily believe that the Success at the Northward under General Gates against the pompous, histrionical Burgoyne has communicated no small Terrour to them.
But the matter, as I apprehend, is now almost over, not only with respect to the Brittish Dominion in America, but any considerable Attempt to hold and maintain it: For surely Brittain can only send now raw and unexperienced Troops; whereas the Americans are now grown Veteran, and accustomed to Difficulties and Hardships, and to Success and Victory.
It was my Lot to live in Boston during the whole Time of the Seige: But, altho’ many disagreable Things occurred in that Time; among which the Incivilities, Rudenesses, Abuses and Wrongs offered to my poor Neighbours were continually grievous to me; yet I thank God, that I had Spirit enough both for myself and to comfort and encourage others thro’ the whole Period of the Satanic Managements among us: And altho’ I never refrained, either in private or public, from Speaking my Sentiments, which You, as well as others, know from what I have written and published; yet neither Officer nor Soldier ever offered any Instance or Mark of Disrespect, Ill Manners or Indecence towards me.
It refreshes me to think that, as I must now be drawing near to the Close of my Life, being now in my Seventy Second Year, and I suppose about a Year older than Yourself, before I quit the Mortal Stage I may probably see my Countrey a peaceable Habitation and established in the happy State of Liberty and Independence.
The famous Poet, writing of the Person who carries the People over in his Boat from this World to the other, describes him, as I remember to have read between fifty and sixty Years ago, after this Manner,
Iam Senior; sed cruda Deo viridisque Senectus Which I would thus english,
Tho’ Elder, fresh to God and young in Age. May You, my aged Townsman and Friend continue so, as well as I, to the Conclusion of Life!
I wish you continued Health and all Manner of Prosperity both in Your private Affairs and all Your public Conduct and Managements; and am, with great Respect, Most Honoured Sir Your Faithful Friend and most obedient humble Servant
Samuel Mather.

Endorsed: Dr Mather June 24 1778.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Michel Missa, 24 June 1778
From: Missa, Michel
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur,
A Paris ce 24e Juin 1778.
Je me suis rendu ce matin à votre hotel, avec Mr. Dubourg, dans le dessein de vous faire ma cour et de vous prier en personne d’accepter à diner chés moi vendredi prochain. Si monsieur votre petit fils vous accompagnoit, la fête que je me fais de vous recevoir m’en deviendroit plus agréable. En attendant ce moment de faveur, j’ai l’honneur d’etre avec un respectueux dévoument, Monsieur, Votre très humble et très obéissant serviteur
Missa D.m. par.Rue Barbette au marais pres l’hotel de Soubise

Addressed: A Monsieur / Monsieur le Docteur franklin / à son hotel a passi pres paris
Notation: Missa 24 Juin 1778


Title: The American Commissioners to the South Carolina Legislature, 25 June 1778
From: American Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Lee, Arthur,Adams, John
To: South Carolina Legislature

Gentlemen
Paris June 25th 1778
Miss Stevens being in this City, in a very [torn: poor?] state of health and attended by a Physician; is un[der app]rehensions, from prevailing reports of an act hav[ing p]assed in South Carolina, to confiscate the Estates [of tho]se who are absent after a given time, that she [torn: may incur?] the penalty of that act notwithstanding [her] most earnest wish to comply with the laws of [her] Country.
We the Commissioners plenipotentiary [of the] United States of America, do hereby certify that [the] above is the real State of her health, and we submit [it] as [our o]pinion that in consequence of this Ladys [ill?] he[alth and] the great inconveniences and dangers [of] passing the Sea at the present period, she coud [no]t attempt it without the most iminent peril of her life. It appears therefore to us [missing]tuation pleads powerfully for a pra[missing] time stated to be in that act, shou[missing] the description of it, until the recovery of [missing] and the greater safty of the voyage [missing] to pass without extraordinary danger [missing?]

Honble the President of the Legislative Council Speaker of the House of Delegates of the State


Title: Hezekiah Ford to the American Commissioners, 25 June 1778: résumé
From: Ford, Hezekiah
To: American Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Lee, Arthur,Adams, John

<Nantes, June 25, 1778: Mr. Ross has got me passage to Virginia on a ship of his. I am told, furthermore, that Capt. Whipple considers his clerk as chaplain, and would not deprive any one of his office. I expect to sail in about ten days. If you have dispatches for Governor Henry I will gladly take them. General Howe’s cruelties infuriate me, and I regret every day that I am kept from avenging my countrymen. A tyrant has sacrificed the innocent for supporting their rights; may God soon bring a revolution to dethrone him! My apologies for moralizing.>


Title: The American Commissioners to Francis Coffyn, 26 June 1778: résumé
From: American Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Lee, Arthur,Adams, John
To: Coffyn, Francis

<Passy, June 26, 1778: We have your letters of the 18th and 19th, referring to an earlier one about a surgeon’s bill. Give the surgeon what you think fair, after making the deduction mentioned. We thank you for your news, and approve sending intelligence to America by every opportunity. The seamen you speak of should be sent to Brest or Nantes, to serve on our frigates; Mr. Schweighauser will find them employment, or preferably they may serve with Mr. Amiel. We enclose his instructions and commission, and a bond to be executed with him.>


Title: Sartine to the American Commissioners, 26 June 1778
From: Sartine, Antoine-Raymond-Gualbert-Gabriel de
To: American Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Lee, Arthur,Adams, John

Versailles 26. Juin 1778.
On m’a remis, Messieurs, la Lettre que vous avez pris la peine de m’ecrire au sujet de la détention à Bordeaux de la Barque la Jane Capt. William Castle. Sur l’assurance que vous me donnez qu’elle apartient à un citoyen des Etats unis et qu’elle est destinée pour ce Pays, j’ai rendu compte au Roy de votre demande; et d’après l’aprobation de Sa M[ajest]é il va être expédié des ordres à Bordeaux pour la main levée de ce Batiment et de sa Cargaison. J’ai l’honneur d’être avec une parfaite considération, Messieurs, votre très humble et très obéissant serviteur
DE SARTINE
Mrs. les Députés des Etats unis de l’amérique.

Notation: From M. de Sartine 26. June 1778. concerning William Castle’s Vessel at Bordeaux.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from ——— Droüet, 26 June 1778
From: Droüet, ——
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur
A Paris le 26 Juin 1778
Je suis un estre isolé, il est peu d’évenements qui puissent m’interresser. Jamais homme ne fut plus indifferent que je le suis à la fortune, et à la gloire. Je suis homme, j’aime mon semblable; je crois possible de rendre heureux tout individu qui avec de la santé, est honnête et laborieux. Mon cabinet est le seul lieu ou je m’amuse. Maitre de mes idées, ennemi de tout sisteme, impartial dans tous les cas, je laisse mon imagination se dilater, et j’use de ma reflexion pour la mettre dans la voÿe droite des que je m’apercois qu’elle s’egare.
Peu d’hommes se sont plus occupés que moy de gouvernement; il en est peu qui aÿent eté aussi favorisés par les circonstances.
A force de travail j’ay trouvé des bazes, je les crois les seules propres à soutenir un edifice tel que la formation d’un gouvernement.
Depüis dix ans l’amerique septentrionale fixe toutte mon attention; cette partie comporte l’elevation d’une puissance superieure en force, en population, en richesses, à touttes les puissances connües.
Mon desir seroit d’y rendre les hommes plus heureux qu’ils le sont sur le reste du globe. Ce projet est sans doute louable. L’execution en est-elle possible? Je le crois. Je me permets une reflexion à ce sujet.
Il est des hommes celebres par leur esprit, leurs lumieres, et leurs connoissances; ils ne peuvent mieux les emploÿer qu’a procurer à l’humanité en general un bien estre dont elle ne joüit point encor. Je demande quelle seroit la recompense de l’homme ou de la societé d’hommes qui, occupés d’un ouvrage aussi interressant, donneroient un plan qui, en assurant l’elevation d’une puissance, promettroit à la nation un bien estre reel, et durable?
C’est de ce plan dont je m’occupe depüis quarente deux ans. Je m’y livre par goût. Le sommaire en est fait. Je vous propose, Monsieur, de vous le lire pour determiner votre opinion. Le developement seroit, sans doute, necessaire pour eclaircir bien des points. L’ouvrage est immense, il ne peut s’entreprendre que dans le repos. Je le cherche; la place que j’occupe m’en prive; et c’est à cette place que je dois l’aisance ou je vis. J’ay l’honneur d’estre avec un profond respect, Monsieur, votre tres humble et tres obeissant serviteur
Droüet

Endorsed: Politician
Notation: Drouett June 26. 78


Title: Jean-Joseph Carié de Montieu to [Chaumont?], 26 June 1778
From: Montieu, Jean-Joseph Carié de
To: Chaumont

A Paris le 26. Juin 1778.
Vous avés bien voullu me permettre, Monsieur, de vous adresser un memoire relatif aux divers navires que j’ai expedié pour le compte de MM. les Deputés des Etats unis de L’Amerique pour lesquels je vous renvois au Contenu du susdit memoire. Vous y verrés combien les Demandes des fermiers Généraux sont vexatoires et abusives. Je vous serai obligé de vouloir bien le remettre à M. franklin en le priant d’obtenir de Mr. le Comte De Maurepas des ordres positifs a Messrs. les fermiers Généraux afin qu’ils en donnent eux mêmes à leurs préposés tant à Nantes qu’au havre et à Marseille qu’ils se desistent de toutes leurs prétentions relatives aux droits qu’ils voudroient percevoir sur les susdits navires par le Defaut de la decharge des acquits.
J’apprends dans l’instant l’arrivée du Duc de Choiseul à Charlestown. Je vous prie d’en faire part à Messrs. franklin et adams. Agrées, je vous prie, mille compliments. Je monte en voiture je remplirai vos petites commissions avec la plus grande exactitude et si dans le cours de ma route j’apprends quelques nouvelles un peu interessantes je serai tres empressé de vous en faire part. J’ai l’honneur d’etre, Monsieur, avec les sentiments de la plus vive reconnoissance et du plus sincere attachement votre tres humble et tres obeissant serviteur
Montieu

Notation by John Adams: Mr. Montieu’s Memoire, relative to a demand of the Farmers general


Title: John Bondfield to the American Commissioners, 27 June 1778: résumé
From: Bondfield, John
To: American Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Lee, Arthur,Adams, John

<Bordeaux, June 27, 1778: The Belle-Poule’s engagement is considered here a prelude to war; all foreign produce is being bought up as speculation. Admiral Byron is apparently not bound for America. These developments may further recruiting there, which I am told needs a spur. The marquis d’Almodóvar left on the night of the 25th. The nonarrival of the galleons excites alarm; their insurance in England is considered the sole hope of their not being attacked.>


Title: Dumas to the American Commissioners, 27[–30] June 1778: résumé
From: Dumas, Charles-Guillaume-Frédéric
To: American Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Lee, Arthur,Adams, John

<The Hague, June 27[–30], in French: I have written the Grand Pensionary that the treaty has arrived, and the Grand Facteur has approved my letter. June 28: The Grand Pensionary has set our interview for tomorrow morning. Last night came your packet of the 22nd, which I devoured with interest. I could not avoid the interview, having asked for it, but shall only let the treaty be read. June 29: I was politely received. He asked me to leave the treaty with him but, on my explaining my position, did not insist. There must be secret articles, he said; I disclaimed knowledge of any. When he pointed out that the treaty does not acknowledge independence, I replied that acknowledgement was implicit. He spoke of his high regard for Mr. Franklin and, guardedly, of his pleasure in the Franco-American rapprochement. I offered to show him the treaty as often as he wished, but he found that unnecessary. He seemed upset at being unable to show it to the Prince, who would then have shown it to Yorke, etc. June 30: The States meet tomorrow. Amsterdam, I am told, has borrowed three million florins—so much the less for Britain to get its hands on.>


Title: Abraham Whipple to the American Commissioners, 27 June 1778: résumé
From: Whipple, Abraham
To: American Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Lee, Arthur,Adams, John

<Nantes, June 27, 1778: In my last letter I told you that I could take aboard some of the goods which, Captain William Jones informed me, you wish to send. In that case I should be glad to know so that I may load the ship accordingly. Masts are so expensive that I have repaired the lower ones, and believe they will last the trip. The mainmast will be ready to mount in three days, and barring accidents the ship will be fit for sea by July 20; I should be glad of my orders by the 15th. My officers and men have been blockaded so long that they are anxious not to be delayed.>


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from ——— Teissier, 27 June 1778
From: Teissier, ——
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Présenté çe 27 juin 1778
Le Sieur Teissier chirurgien qui a eu l’honneur d’estre présenté et Recommandé a Son Excellence par Mr. le Comte de Sarsfield, se Dispose a partir Dans les premiers jours du Mois prochain sur un des vaisseaux que Mr. De Monthieu fait armer a nantes, pour aller offrir ses serviçes aux Etats unis. Il supplie son Exçellençe, de vouloir bien lui accorder la lettre de Recommandation, qu’il a eu la bonté de lui promettre, sur la demande de mr. le Comte de Sarsfield, et de plusieurs autres personnes de consideration qui Daignent s’interesser a lui.
A Son Exçellençe Monsieur franklin Ministre plenipotentiaire Des Etats unis de l’Amerique

Endorsed: M. Tessier’s Memoire Surgeon


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Genet, 29 June 1778
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Genet, Edme-Jacques

Sir
Passy, June 29 1778
I receiv’d safely the Letters you return’d to me, and am much pleas’d with the Use which I see you have made of them.
I wish to receive from London regularly the London Evening Post, and the London Chronicle. If this can be done by your means, without giving you too much Trouble, I shall be much oblig’d to you, and will thankfully repay the Expence.
By the Desire of Mr. Bridgen I take the Liberty of inclosing to your Care a Letter to him. I have the honour to be, with much Esteem, Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin
M. Genet

Addressed: A Monsieur / Monsieur Genet / Chef au Bureau des Interprétes / des Affaires Etrangeres / à Versailles


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Court de Gébelin, 29 June 1778
From: Court de Gébelin, Antoine
To: Franklin, Benjamin

This is the first letter that relates to Franklin’s Masonic lodge in Paris. The famous philosopher Helvétius, who died in 1771, had had the idea of a lodge that would embrace representatives of all disciplines and arts; hence it took the name of the Nine Sisters, for the Muses. His friend Joseph-Jérôme le Français de Lalande, the astronomer, started it in the spring of 1776 with assistance from Mme. Helvétius. Franklin was admitted two years later, precisely when we do not know. The celebration of his joining was the fête in his honor to which this letter invites him. It was a stately occasion. “Les Frères, en uniforme, partiront dans les battelets du Pont Royal, à huit heures du matin, précédés de leur Musique,” the Journal de Paris announced on July 1, “pour se rendre à leur destination.” Ranelagh, named after its London counterpart, was a restaurant and salle de spectacle near Passy, on the edge of the Bois de Boulogne; it had opened in 1774 and was patronized by the Queen. The festivities reached their climax when Franklin was presented with the Masonic apron that had belonged to Helvetius, and that Voltaire had worn briefly before his death in May.

Monsieur
29e. Juin 78
Je m’aquitte avec un vrai plaisir de la Commission dont me charge auprès de vous la Loge des IX. Soeurs: elle vous prie de vouloir bien illustrer la fete qu’elle donne au Ranelagh de Passy le 1e Juillet par votre presence et par celle de Votre Famille entiere. Vous voudrez bien Monsieur m’en faire parvenir les noms, afin que ce jour-la meme je puisse vous delivrer autant de billets d’entrée que vous amenerez de personnes de votre Famille. Dans la flatteuse esperance de vous posseder ce jour là dans notre Loge, j’ai l’honneur d’etre avec les sentimens d’admiration et d’estime qui vous sont dus à tant d’egards Monsieur Votre très humble et très obéissant serviteur
Court DE GEBELINSecretaire de la Loge des IX. Soeurs Rue Poupée

Addressed: A / Monsieur Le / Docteur Francklyn / A Passy
Notation: Gebelin


Title: The American Commissioners to Sartine, 30 June 1778: résumé
From: American Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Lee, Arthur,Adams, John
To: Sartine, Antoine-Raymond-Gualbert-Gabriel de

<Passy, June 30, 1778: We enclose a protest about a ship of ours that the British captured off the French coast. As they have reclaimed similar captures made by our cruisers, we hope you will think it fair that we be indemnified from British goods in this kingdom.>


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Benjamin Rush, 30 June 1778
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Rush, Benjamin

Dear Sir,
Passy, June 30. 1778
The Bearer M. Tessier, is well recommended to me as a Person of good Character and an excellent Surgeon, who purposes to go to America and offer his Services in our Armies. Having no Orders to send Surgeons thither, I could give him no kind of Encouragement by Promises of Employment or otherways. He therefore goes of his own Motion and at his own Expence. But as his Profession is an Useful One in any Country, in Peace as well as in War, I make no doubt he will be received among our Countrymen with their accustomed Civilities to Strangers of Merit, and I beg leave to request in his Behalf your Countenance and Protection, and your good Counsels on Occasion. I am ever, Dear Sir, Your affectionate humble Servant
B Franklin
Dr Rush

Endorsed: June 30 1778 Benj. Franklin


Title: John Bondfield to the American Commissioners, 30 June 1778: résumé
From: Bondfield, John
To: American Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Lee, Arthur,Adams, John

<Bordeaux, June 30, 1778: A ship from Louisiana confirms that Georgia and Carolina settlers have seized all the British posts on the Mississippi and two ships, whose cargoes they sold in New Orleans. A privateer took a Carolina vessel near our coast, and a French frigate captured a privateer in the river. The Count d’Aranda, returning from Madrid to Paris, passed through town on the 28th.>


Title: Francis Coffyn to the American Commissioners, 30 June 1778: résumé
From: Coffyn, Francis
To: American Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Lee, Arthur,Adams, John

<Dunkirk, June 30, 1778: Six Russian ships of the line are reported to have arrived in England, with six more to follow; the officers are British and the crews Russian. Three are ordered to be docked and surveyed in Sheerness, three in Portsmouth.>


Title: Hezekiah Ford to the American Commissioners, 30 June 1778: résumé
From: Ford, Hezekiah
To: American Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Lee, Arthur,Adams, John

<Paimboeuf, June 30, 1778: Captain Turner learned on his voyage that two Connecticut privateers, out of Boston, fell in with two British letters of marque bound to the West Indies, and after a sharp engagement captured both. The cruisers off this coast have deterred me from sailing on Mr. Ross’s ship; unless you have dispatches for me, which would justify any risk, I shall stay with the frigate.>


Title: Editorial Note on Franklin’s Accounts, 1778
From:
To:

Of the accounts discussed throughout the French period, the following still apply: I, III, V–VII, XI–XIII, XVII. We offer here a summary of entries which have not found a place elsewhere in our annotation, but which provide insights into Franklin’s private and public life during the course of this volume.
Account I (XXIII, 19), Franklin’s Wastebook, gives some of his expenditures: the purchase of printing types, for instance, which amounted to 333 l.t. paid on August 1 to Joannis. Other entries during these months include 18 l.t. for some small tools, 42 l.t. paid a joiner for cases, and 68 l.t., 18 s. for a subscription to the Affaires de l’Angleterre et de l’Amérique.
Account III (XXIII, 19), whose entries are duplicated in many other accounts, is the most informative about the lifestyle of the Franklin household. The maître d’hôtel, M. Montaigne, was in charge of feeding the family and paying for postage, an expense borne in those days by the recipient. For doing this he was reimbursed 2473 l.t., 19 s. for July, 1508.10.6 for August, 1626.1.3 for September and 1963.11.2 for October. Another servant, Dumont, who quit his service on August 10, was paid 154.19 for his last four months’ wages. A man named Calais received 48 l.t. on July 22 for the price of his own meals when he waited on his master at someone else’s party, as was the custom. Earlier in July Franklin had paid some 60 l.t. for seven weeks worth of washing. The earnings of the lowest helper on the domestic totem pole, Dennis (the frotteur), were about 30 l.t. a month, including his dinners at Paris and allowance for wine. The upholsterer received 78 l.t. on July 10 “for 6 Months Hire of 2 Beds & other Charges.” For five months’ use of Chaumont’s carriage and horses and for postage, Franklin was charged 1732 l.t.
As to the household purchases, the expenses listed include such items as a payment of 1160 l.t. for 29 cords of wood, plus a gratuity of 1 l.t., 4 s. for the man who delivered them.
Account V (XXIII, 20) also provides details about Franklin’s life such as the 48 l.t. he contributed after having listened to a “Parish Charity Sermon,” the 120 l.t. he charged the public for the five volumes of the Atlas maritime bought from M. Brillon and the 600 l.t., 7 s. spent on the Fourth of July celebration. This account also reveals the date at which Franklin considered his mission to have begun and the amount of his salary. In an entry obviously written later he noted, under October 4, 1778: “To my Salary as one of the Commissioners of the United States at the Court of France from Oct. 4, 1776 is 2 years at 11428 Livres per annum as per Resolve of Congress 6. Augt. 1779 … 22,856.0.0.”
Account XII (XXV, 3) shows that the third quarterly installment of the French government loan to Congress was paid on August 3 and amounted, like the other three, to 750,000 l.t.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to [“Charles de Weissenstein”], 1 July 1778
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: “Charles de Weissenstein”

Sir,
Passy, July 1. 1778
I received your Letter dated at Brussels the 16th past.
My Vanity might possibly be flatter’d by your Expressions of Compliment to my Understanding, if your Proposals did not more clearly manifest a mean Opinion of it.
You conjure me in the Name of the omniscient and just God, before whom I must appear, and by my Hopes of future Fame, to consider if some Expedient cannot be found to put a Stop to the Desolation of America, and prevent the Miseries of a General War. As I am conscious of having taken every Step in my Power to prevent the Breach, and no one to widen it, I can chearfully appear before that God, fearing nothing from his Justice in this particular, tho’ I have much Occasion for his Mercy in many others. As to my future Fame, I am content to rest it on my past and present Conduct, without seeking an Addition to it in the crooked dark Paths you propose to me, where I should most certainly lose it. This your solemn Address would therefore have been more properly made to your Sovereign and his venal Parliament. He and they who wickedly began and madly continue a War for the Desolation of America, are alone accountable for the Consequences.
You endeavour to impress me with a bad Opinion of French Faith: But the Instances of their fruitless Endeavours to serve a Race of weak Princes, who by their own Imprudence defeated every Attempt to promote their Interest, weigh but little with me, when I consider the steady Friendship of France to the Thirteen United States of Switzerland, which has now continued inviolate Two hundred Years. You tell me that she will certainly cheat us, and that she despises us already. I do not believe that she will cheat us, and I am not certain she despises us; but I see clearly that you are endeavouring to cheat us by your conciliatory Bills; that you actually despis’d our Understandings when you flatter’d yourselves those Artifices would succeed; and that not only France, but all Europe, yourselves included, would most certainly and forever despise us, if we were weak enough to accept your insidious Propositions.
Our Expectations of the future Grandeur of America are not so magnificent, and therefore not so vain and visionary as you represent them to be. The Body of our People are not Merchants but humble Husbandmen, who delight in the Cultivation of their Lands, which from their Fertility and the Variety of our Climates, are capable of furnishing all the Necessaries and Conveniencies of Life, without external Commerce: And we have too much Land to have the least Temptation to extend our Territories by Conquest from peaceable Neighbours, as well as too much Justice to think of it. Our Militias, you find by Experience, are sufficient to defend our Lands from Invasion; and the Commerce with us will be defended by all the Nations who find an Advantage in it: We therefore have not the Occasion you imagine of Fleets or Standing Armies, but may well leave those expensive Machines to be maintain’d for the Pomp of Princes and by the Wealth of ancient States. We purpose, if possible, to live in Peace with all Mankind; And after you have been convinc’d, to your Cost, that there is nothing to be got by attacking us, we have reason to hope that no other Power will judge it prudent to quarrel with us, lest they divert us from our own quiet Industry, and turn us into Corsairs preying upon theirs. The Weight therefore of an independent Empire, which you seem so certain of our Inability to bear, will not be so great as you imagine: The Expence of our civil Government we have always borne, and can easily bear, because it is small. A virtuous and laborious People may be cheaply govern’d. Determining as we do, to have no Offices of Profit, nor any Sinecures or useless Appointments, so common in ancient and corrupted States, we can govern ourselves a Year for the Sums you pay in a single Department, or for what one Jobbing Contractor, by the favour of a Minister, can cheat you out of in a single Article.
You think we flatter ourselves and are deceiv’d into an Opinion that England must acknowledge our Independency. We, on the other hand, think you flatter yourselves in imagining such an Acknowledgement a vast Boon, which we strongly desire, and which you may gain some great Advantage by Granting or Withholding. We have never ask’d it of you. We only tell you, that you can have no Treaty with us but as an independent State: And you may please yourselves and your Children with the Rattle of your Right to govern us, as long as you have done with that of your King’s being King of France, without giving us the least Concern if you do not attempt to exercise it. That this pretended Right is indisputable, as you say, we utterly deny. Your Parliament never had a Right to govern us: And your King has forfeited it by his bloody Tyranny. But I thank you for letting me know a little of your Mind, that even if the Parliament should acknowledge our Independency, the Act would not be binding to Posterity, and that your Nation would resume, and prosecute the Claim as soon as they found it convenient. We suspected before, that from the Influence of your Passions, and your present Malice against us, you would not be actually bound by your conciliatory Acts longer than till they had serv’d their purpose of inducing us to disband our Forces: but we were not certain that you were Knaves by Principle, and that we ought not to have the least Confidence in your Offers, Promises or Treaties, tho’ confirm’d by Parliament. I now indeed recollect my being inform’d long since when in England, that a certain very great Personnage, then young, studied much a certain Book, intituled Arcana imperii. I had the Curiosity to procure the Book and read it. There are sensible and good Things in it; but some bad ones: For, if I remember right, a particular King is applauded for his politically exciting a Rebellion among his Subjects at a time when they had not Strength to support it, that he might in subduing them take away their Privileges which were troublesome to him: and a Question is formally stated and discuss’d, Whether a Prince who, to appease a Revolt, makes Promises of Indemnity to the Revolters, is obliged to fulfil those Promises? Honest and good Men would say, Ay. But this Politician says, as you say, No. And he gives this pretty Reason, that tho’ it was right to make the Promises, because otherwise the Revolt could not be suppress’d; yet it would be wrong to keep them, because Revolters ought to be punish’d to deter future Revolts. If these are the Principles of your Nation, no Confidence can be plac’d in you, it is in vain to treat with you, and Wars can only end in being reduc’d to an utter Inability of continuing them.
One main Drift of your Letter seems to be, to impress me with an Idea of your own Impartiality, by just Censures of your Ministers and their Measures; and to draw from me Propositions of Peace, or Approbations of those you have inclos’d to me, which you intimate may by your means be convey’d to the King directly without the Intervention of those Ministers. You would have me give them to, or drop them for a Stranger I may find next Monday in the Church of Notre Dame, to be known by a Rose in his Hat. You, yourself, Sir, are quite unknown to me; you have not trusted me with your true Name. Our taking the least Step towards a Treaty with England thro’ you, might if you are an Enemy, be made use of to ruin us with our new and good Friends. I may be indiscreet enough in many things: But certainly if I were dispos’d to make Propositions (which I cannot do, having none committed to me to make) I should never think of delivering them to the Lord knows who, to be carried to Lord knows where, to serve no-one knows what Purpose. Being at this time one of the most remarkable Figures in Paris, even my Appearance in the Church of Notre Dame where I cannot have any conceivable Business; and especially being seen to leave, or drop, or deliver any Letter to any Person there, would be a matter of some Speculation, and might from the Suspicions it must naturally give, have very mischievous Consequences to our Credit here. The very Proposing a Correspondence so to be managed, in a Manner not necessary where Fair-dealing is intended, gives just reason to suppose you intend the contrary. Besides, as your Court has sent Commissioners to treat with the Congress, with all the Powers that could be given them by the Crown under the Act of Parliament, what good Purpose can be serv’d by privately obtaining Propositions from us? Before those Commissioners went, we might have treated, in virtue of our general Powers (with the Knowledge, Advice and Approbation of our Friends) upon any Propositions made to us. But under the present Circumstances, for us to make Propositions, while a Treaty is suppos’d to be actually on foot with the Congress, would be extreamly improper, highly presumptuous with regard to our Constituents, and answer no good End whatever.
I write this Letter to you notwithstanding (which I think I can convey in a less mysterious manner, and guess it may come to your hands), and I write it because I would let you know our Sense of your Procedure, which appears as insidious as that of your conciliatory Bills. Your true Way to obtain a Peace, if your Ministers desire it, is to propose openly to the Congress fair and equal Terms: And you may possibly come sooner to such a Resolution, when you find that personal Flatteries, general Cajolings, and Panegyrics on our Virtue and Wisdom, are not likely to have the Effect you seem to expect, the Persuading us to act basely and foolishly in betraying our Country and Posterity into the hands of our most bitter Enemies, giving up or selling off our Arms and Warlike Stores, dismissing our Ships of War and Troops, and putting those Enemies in Possession of our Forts and Ports. This Proposition of delivering ourselves bound and gagg’d, ready for hanging without even a right to complain, and without a Friend to be found afterwards among all Mankind, you would have us embrace upon the Faith of an Act of Parliament. Good God!—an Act of your Parliament! This demonstrates that you do not yet know us, and that you fancy we do not know you. But it is not merely this flimsy Faith that we are to act upon; you offer us Hope, the Hope of Places, Pensions and Peerages. These (judging from yourselves) you think are Motives irresistable. This Offer, Sir, to corrupt us is with me your Credential; it convinces me that you are not a private Volunteer in this Negociation. It bears the Stamp of British-Court-Character. It is even the Signature of your King. But think for a Moment in what Light it must be view’d in America. By Places you mean Places among us; for you take care by a special Article to secure your own to yourselves. We must then pay the Salaries in order to bribe ourselves with these Places. But you will give us Pensions! probably to be paid too out of your expected American Revenue, and which none of us can accept without deserving and perhaps obtaining a Suspension.—Peerages!—Alas, Sir, our long Observation of the vast and servile Majority of your Peers, voting constantly for every Measure propos’d by a Minister, however weak or wicked, leave us small Respect for that Title. We consider it as a sort of Tar-and-feather Honour, a Mixture of Foulness and Folly, which every Man among us who should accept from you, would be oblig’d to renounce, or exchange for that conferr’d by the Mobs in his own Country, or wear it with everlasting Infamy. I am, Sir, Your humble Servant
B Franklin
Weissenstein

Notation: 1778. Juillet 1er. Docteur Franklin La Traduction est ci-jointe.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Michael Comyn, 1 July 1778
From: Comyn, Michael
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Marseille 1. July 1778.
The Treaty of Friendship and Commerce happily concluded between the United States of America and France, rendering indispensable the Establishment of Consuls in the different Ports of this Kingdom for the Security and Advantage of the American Traders, I humbly take the liberty to offer my Services in this Capacity for the City of Marseille, and to request the favour of your Protection and recommendation to the Congress.

Altho’ I am a Native of Ireland, having constantly resided in France since the Age of Sixteen Years, and most of my Family being Established in this Country, I am perfectly Naturalized to it, and by twenty Years employment in Trade, have Acquired every Necessary Experience with respect to Commercial Matters; these Circumstances added to a competent knowledge of the English and French Tongues, and the Protection of his Ex[cellency] Le Baron de breteuil, the French Ambassador at Vienna with which I am honoured, induce me to hope for a preference; however I rely much less on these Motives, than on the Constant Zeal and Attachment which I have Manifested to America since the Commencement of the War in which it is at present Engaged. I reflect with pleasure on my having been instrumental in procuring for the Continental Army some Officers of distinguished Merit, particularly Count Pataski, who being totally ignorant where to Apply, I inclosed his Letters to Mr. Dean at Paris; these Letters, also those Written to Mr. Dean by Mr. Le Chevalier De la Baume and others, with the offers I then made him, are evident prooffs of my Zeal for the Service of America at a time when the fate of that Country appeared very Uncertain. I could mention many Occasions wherein I have displayed my Attachment to the Americans, but shall pass them over to Avoid incroaching too much on your time. If I be so fortunate as to succeed in my request, my constant attention shall be to prove that I am not Unworthy of it, by fulfilling the Duty of Consul with the Utmost integrity and the most Zealous attention to the Interests of the American Traders. I should certainly feel infinite satisfaction in being employed in the service of a brave and free People, but how greatly would this satisfaction be Augmented, could I Add the pleasing reflection of having Acquired it thro’ the favour and Protection of a Person, as Universally as justly Admired, in the double Capacity of the Philosopher and statesman! I have the honour to be with great truth and respect Sir Your most humble and Devoted servant,
Michl. Comyn

Endorsed: Michael Comyn Application for Consul at Marseilles


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Georges-Adam Junker and Other Applicants for Emigration, 1 July 1778
From: Junker, Georges-Adam
To: Franklin, Benjamin

In the course of the four months covered by this volume, a number of people turn to Franklin to secure his help in their plans to emigrate to America, to obtain the information necessary to make up their minds, or to recommend other would-be emigrants. Such requests come from France, Switzerland, Germany, even England. They reveal two widespread misconceptions: that land in America is free for the asking and that Franklin is as omnipotent as the King of France, hence a source of unlimited patronage. Franklin must have had some of these letters in mind when he wrote his Advice to those who would remove to America, one of the Bagatelles he eventually published on his own Passy press, in which he emphasized that the first question asked of an emigrant to the New World was not Who are you? but What can you do?
Some people think of emigrating because they resent the iniquities of the old regime. On July 14, Geraud, writing from Bordeaux, explains that he has spent his youth traveling and acquiring knowledge in mathematics, physics, mineralogy and chemistry, especially metalworks and saltpetre. He wishes the Doctor himself would test him on scientific matters but travels have exhausted his small patrimony and he cannot afford the trip to Paris. He had hopes of a good position in the régie des poudres, only to be forgotten, which is not suprising in a country where “la protection inflüe pour beaucoup à la distribution des emplois.” At thirty-five, he would have little trouble acquiring English, since he is already fluent in Italian and Spanish, and now his dream is to live among free people guided by honor and patriotism. Writing from Dijon on August 1st to both Franklin and Adams, Pezerat ainé, Ecuyer, is also disgruntled by the French social system: “L’Espece d’Etre qui chés nous a le malheur d’etre a la fois Indigent et Gentilhomme est pour ainsi dire malheureux sans Ressource.” Feeling compelled by the code of his class to leave his children at least as well off as their ancestors, he embarked on a lawsuit to recover their rightful share of the family fortune. He won his case but half his gains evaporated in bribes to judges, ushers and other legal sharks. He wants a new life among the virtuous Americans but before taking his wife, two small children and the family assets of about 15,000 l.t., he needs a few answers. Supposing he were to clear some land, would he get it for free? If so, how much—converted, of course, into French measurements? Does the Government extend support before the land starts producing? How much does hired help cost? Would it be a better idea to use his small capital to start a foundry, and in that case how much should he pay his workmen? Would the commissioners hold his funds in Paris and furnish him an equivalent amount in America so as to avoid the perils of the sea? Is a practicing Roman Catholic deprived of any civil rights?
Still more questions are asked on August 3 by Tessier, a merchant from Cadillac, near Bordeaux. He too wants to clear some land with the help of ten farmers whom he would bring along under contract for a given time. Before getting ready to sail at the first rumor of peace, he wants to know whether the United States will provide emigrants with free passage, give them land upon arrival, support them for a while, furnish them with housing and tools, exempt them temporarily from taxation, and allow them to bring their own bedding and linen. Heitz, a young lawyer currently employed at the archives of Strasbourg, sends, on September 8, a list of twenty-one questions having to do with agriculture, the price of various commodities, the safest time and the safest way to cross. Is liberty of conscience practiced in America? Is a man allowed to remain a bachelor? Should Franklin give him favorable answers, he is prepared to emigrate along with two friends.
Dusaray, who writes on October 27, also plans to bring a number of people: his wife, six children, six farmers and their families, about twenty in all. He needs an adequate piece of land, not far from Philadelphia. He is, as he makes clear, an important man: receveur des fermes in Burgundy, at Mont Saint-Vincent; a relative, through his wife, of de L’Averdy, he is well known to several of the farmers general. Had America still been under English rule he never would have thought of emigrating, but now, if Congress guarantees him good land, with woods, pasture and water, and advances him the necessary food, seeds, cattle and tools, he would gladly settle in the New World, trusting he would be treated there with the consideration due to a subject of the King of France.
Ship captain Guiot, writing from Nantes on September 20, “dans le moment le plus triste de ma vie,” strikes a much humbler note. He too is willing to till the land, but on a small scale and by himself. The English, those pirates, seized his ship in July, 1776, off the coast of Guinea. Now that the situation is deteriorating between France and England, he will never recover it and only wishes to bring his family and small holdings to any American province that will allow him to buy a plot of land. On August 21, a man called Charrière, who describes himself as the lord of Cossonay near Versoix in Switzerland, wonders in which capacity the Swiss might better be employed in the New World: in the army or in agriculture? Now that peace with England is at hand, some Swiss emigrants might take up domestic service or teach French. Whatever his reply, Franklin should keep it confidential since the writer’s government would not take kindly to his project of collective expatriation. Charrière also wishes to warn Franklin that the people charged with the purchase of Swiss cheeses for export to America are not competent and that he would make a far better selection if entrusted with that mission.
Some intellectuals want to start a new life. Jean-Daniel Simon, a “ministre de la parole” who gives his address as Simon de Dieu, in Vieux Linange near Deux-Ponts, informs Franklin on August 22 that a small group of German scholars, five to eight people whose specialties comprise philosophy, law, theology and mathematics, wish to found a college in whichever American province Congress decides. Once provided with the necessary financial help and travel costs, they will open their school to young men of all religions. The curriculum, to be taught in German until the faculty learns English, will cover Latin, Hebrew, Greek, French, philosophy in all its branches, and the various sciences including medicine and surgery. Instruction in riding, fencing and dancing will also be offered. Some capital city would be the best location. On August 23, a man who refers to himself as Henry writes from Madrid. He is a French mathematician and something of a chemist now working as an engineer in Spain “par un hazard qui ne lui a pas été favorable.” He has taught mathematics at the Ecole Royale des Ponts et Chaussées for four years, has presented a much appreciated paper at the Academy of Sciences, worked in the mines of Guadalcanal and written, in Spanish, a treatise on pure mathematics. Having heard that his brother, a former civil engineer, has just gone to America as captain of engineers, he desperately wants to go there too and will accept any kind of useful work.
From Rouen, on August 25, comes a request signed by three restless young lawyers: Mollien, Poincheval and Brulley. They have received a fine education and are burning to put it to good use: what better place than Boston whose very name makes their blood run faster? They want to contribute to America’s glory and sail as early as possible, no matter what the danger. Luckily they are all endowed with siblings who will be a source of solace to their parents.
Another young man, Nithard, working as a clerk in Strasbourg, explains somewhat bitterly on September 18 that he is the oldest son of the captain of an infantry regiment in Alsace who, after thirty years of faithful service, left his widow and six children with nothing more than his Cross of Saint-Louis. The writer has just turned twenty-four, he knows German, French and Latin, has been clerking for eight years and possesses excellent testimonials to his thoroughness and zeal. Could Franklin help him obtain some work anywhere in America? Another applicant from Strasbourg, Carl Medel, presents his case on September 24, in German: he is a schoolmaster in Neunkirchen, near Deux-Ponts, and would like to cross to America with his six little children. How expensive will the voyage be? Is there a danger of being captured? If Congress would pay their traveling expenses, several thousand German families would establish themselves in America.
Finally there is the case of the three young men who write from Paris on September 24. Jean Deversine, who lives in the Marais, is a candy maker; Honoré-Laurent Ferté makes lemonade; Louis Froment brews beer. They wish to practice their crafts in America because they don’t see any future for themselves in France, as they are poor and their métiers are crowded. They hope that Franklin, who is America’s father, will be their father too. They beg to be allowed on the first passenger ship leaving from Nantes and promise to apply themselves to any task requested on board. They hold certificates from the high magistrates of Paris attesting to their good conduct and would be happy to serve some eminent person to whom Franklin would recommend them. Their plea ends with the consecrated formula: “Ils ne cesseront de prier pour la conservation des Jours precieux de son Excellence et une longue continuation de l’alliance.”

Monsieur
à Paris, le 1er Juillet 1778.
Ayant à Vous communiquer une affaire relative au Service des Treize Etat-unis, j’ose Vous prier de vouloir bien me faire savoir l’heure et le jour où il Vous seroit commode de m’accorder un moment d’audience. J’ai l’honneur d’être avec les sentiments les plus respectueux Monsieur, Votre très-humble et très-obéissant serviteur
JunkerCenseur Royal rue Rousselet, fauxb, St. Germain.

Notation: Junker 1er Juillet 1778.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to ———, 2 July 1778
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: ——

Sir,
Passy, July 2. 1778
I am exceedingly oblig’d by the exact Plan and Profile you have been so kind as to send me, of the hydraulic Machine at Chatou. Be pleased to accept my thankful Acknowledgments of the Favour, and be assured that I am, with great Esteem, Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin


Title: Abraham Whipple to the American Commissioners, 2 July 1778: résumé
From: Whipple, Abraham
To: American Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Lee, Arthur,Adams, John

<Nantes, July 2, 1778: I received your letter of June 23 on the 30th; my orders are all that I could have wished. Officers and men are working with a will to get the ship ready, which she should be by the end of this month. I have space for more than the fourteen bales of blankets that Mr. Schweighauser has for me, and should gladly take the arms and stores that Mr. Williams, I understand, has on hand. Please let me know soon so as not to delay stowing. I enclose, as instructed, a list of prisoners on board. Dispatches you send me will have my full attention. The mainmast I expect to be in tomorrow.>


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Charles Epp, 2 July 1778: résumé
From: Epp, Charles
To: Franklin, Benjamin

<Altorff, July 2, 1778: The English are making a huge mistake in trying to fight a war overseas, especially against people as civilized as they are. Your leaders show wisdom in waiting for the enemy to overextend their supply lines. The danger for your country will begin after victory, when national consensus breaks down. My advice is not to give too much play to popular will, so easily manipulated by the ambitious. My own experience in the Swiss cantons has shown me that, for all their defects, the aristocratic ones are better governed than the democratic, since brotherly love is an unrealistic notion. Please consider my remarks as coming from a wellwisher.>


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Edme-Jacques Genet, 2 July 1778
From: Genet, Edme-Jacques
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur
A Versailles ce 2 juillet 1778
J’apprens avec le plus grand plaisir par la lettre dont vous m’avés honoré, que vous approuvés l’usage que j’ai fait des lettres que vous aviés bien voulu me confier. J’ai actuellement deux no des affaires de l’angleterre prêts à paroitre: je n’attens que des nouvelles directes d’amerique, que j’espere recevoir par votre canal, suivant la promesse que vous avés daigné me faire de m’envoyer aussitôt, ce que vous jugeriés fit for publication. Vous serés sûr que dans les vingt-quatre heures les nouvelles ou lettres que vous aurés reçues seront répandues dans tout Paris.
Je voudrois bien pouvoir vous promettre de vous faire venire régulierement de Londres, le Lond. Ev. post et le Lond. Chronicle. Mais dans l’Etat actuel de la correspondance entre Calais et Douvres, je ne puis pas répondre de la régularité. Cependant je ferai mon possible pour vous satisfaire au moins en partie.
Je vais expédier à mon ami M. Bridgen la lettre dont vous me chargés pour lui. Je verrai auparavant s’il n’y auroit point d’occasion safe par les affaires etrangeres. Je suis avec respect Monsieur Votre trés humble et trés obeissant serviteur
Genet

P.S. J’ai fait traduire pour nos ministres la piece ci-jointe dont vous serés peut être bien aise d’avoir communication.

Addressed: Mr. Benjamin Franklin / député du Congres americain / a Passy
Notation: M. Genet 2 Juillet 78


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Henricus Godet, 2 July 1778
From: Godet, Henricus
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Amsterdam July 2d. 1778
Upon my arrival in town I was applyed to by one David Welch, Who Says he was Second Lieutenant on board the Lexington Capt. Henry Johnson, and which was taken by a Kings Cutter the Lurt [Alert] Capt. Bazely and Carryed to Plymouth and putt into Mill prison, and Fortunately made his Escape out of Goal; and is now as you may reasonably Suppose, be in Want of Necessarys for Support. I pray you would take Such Steps as you may Judge Necessary; Should you think Necessary and prudent, I will Supply him and procure him a passage to any part of france that you may think most Convenient or will please to order; I am in Short Loath to Act in any Such Cases Without your agreeable orders; if Necessary I pray you would adress to Messrs. Reinhold Lappenberg & Schmieman, Merchants in Amsterdam Who are Wellwishers to your Cause; and in my Absence will do the Needfull. In Expectation of your Speedy answer, I have the Honour to be Sir Your most Obedient Humble Servant
Henrs. Godet

Addressed: A Monsieur / Monsr. B. Franklin / a / Passi
Endorsed: Henry Godet abt Lieut Welsh
Notations in different hands: Amsterdam 2. juillet 1778. / A Mr. LeNeutre Ngt [Négotiant] rue du petit Lyön


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Claude Mammès Pahin Champlain de La Blancherie, 2 July 1778
From: La Blancherie, Claude-Mammès Pahin de Champlain de
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur le Docteur,
A l’ancien college de Bayeux rue de la Harpele 2 juillet 1778
Je me serois mal expliqué, si vous aviez compris que je vous eusse prié de me servir de caution pour une somme quelconque empruntée pour me procurer un logement. J’avois seulement imaginé que, par l’interêt qu’on doit prendre à votre recommandation, M. de Chaumont auroit pu donner les mains à aider un établissement qui a mérité votre approbation, en m’avançant quelque argent. Je pouvois l’espérer d’autant mieux qu’il est aisé de voir, que les dépenses seront toujours bien au dessous de la recette, que cela n’est pas dans ce moment, parcequ’il faut un commencement à tout. Quelque confiance que je doive avoir en l’honneur de votre protection, je sais trop ce qui vous est dû pour manquer de discrétion envers vous. Je vous prie de m’excuser, si j’ai laissé sur cela quelque équivoque. Je n’ai mis aucune borne à ma confiance en vous. J’ai déposé mes peines dans votre sein et je vous ai la plus grande obligation de la franchise avec laquelle vous avez bien voulu me répondre, et je me félicite également d’avoir reçu des témoignages de votre protection et de votre estime. Il est vrai que si quelque chose eût pu me flatter c’eût été de pouvoir annoncer dans toute l’Europe, que le Législateur des Américains, étoit encore en france le bienfaiteur des Etrangers, des gens de lettres et des Artistes et c’étoit là véritablement la gloire que j’allois solliciter de vous. Je suis avec un tres profond respect, Monsieur le Docteur, Votre tres humble et tres obéissant serviteur
La Blancherie

Notation: La Blancherie 2. Juillet 1778.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from ——— Richard and Other Favor Seekers, 2 July 1778
From: Richard, ——
To: Franklin, Benjamin

This note, like the one in the previous volume, summarizes letters from a diverse group of people asking for favors; as was the case previously, we do not know whether they produced any result.
Three correspondents ask Franklin to forward letters. On July 24, M. Lutterloh, Court Councilor of the Duke of Brunswick and Luneburg, hopes the Doctor will send the enclosed to his brother in the American service and forward his brother’s answer. On the same day, writing from Potsdam, Martin Paschke, who has just heard from his son Frederic, assistant quartermaster general in the American army, entreats Franklin to send the young man what may be his last paternal blessing. He hopes that, with the Doctor’s protection, his son will be allowed to pursue in America a military career usually reserved for men of high birth. On September 17, Croiset, “juge du point d’honneur” at La Rochelle and a member of the Royal Academy of that town, pleads the cause of an honorable merchant from the nearby Ile de Ré, whose relatives, named Mazick, have established themselves in Charleston, South Carolina. Unable to meet Franklin while in Paris, Croiset sends him by post the package that is meant for Charleston. Its contents are meant only to establish commercial relations between France and America, a desirable goal.
Four people seek financial help. On August 28, a Mme. de Choisinet, living in Paris, begs Franklin to tide her over while she is waiting for some money she is certain to obtain. He owes such an act of charity to his reputation for philanthropy; her fate is now in his hands. No less desperate, Dom Bernard, a Benedictine monk of the Congregation of St. Maur in Châlon-sur-Saône, tells his story on September 14: during Lent he succumbed to the temptation of gambling and lost 3,840 l.t. He borrowed from various people to pay this debt and now does not have a penny to reimburse them. Should Franklin help him out and keep his shameful secret, he will pray incessantly for the noble cause of the Americans, “opprimés par des tyrans et des tigres.” The following day John Apreece, a former ensign in the 8th British infantry, wrote from St. Germain en Laye to tell Franklin he was bedridden and despondent. He had resigned his commission rather than draw his sword against the Americans. Although as nobly born as any in England (he was a cousin to Lord Harborough, Lord Mexborough and the late Sir Francis Delaval and his brother possessed an income of £5,000 a year) he had been subsequently ignored by his family and now was as truly miserable as anyone. Ten days later Apreece repeated his appeal, adding that he had been in France for the past three years and that his old friend Lord Effingham could testify to his good conduct and misfortune. The saga of Arnaud Matges, a dental surgeon who has fallen on hard times, is hard to follow: the placet he sent from Paris on October 9 is partly incoherent. He has been a master of his art, urged by his patron, the late comte de Clermont, to give public demonstrations—with the result that envious colleagues plotted his ruin. Back with his family in Bordeaux in 1765, he was again opposed by the local surgeons and was eventually forced by poverty to wear such miserable rags that his patients felt under no compunction to pay him a decent fee. He walked all the way back to Paris in 1777, did not fare any better, and now sends Franklin a copy of his diploma along with an appeal for help. He has a destitute daughter and a sister-in-law to support in Bordeaux.
One man seeks employment. Writing on August 24 from Bordeaux where, for lack of funds, he had to interrupt his proposed journey to Paris, Anne-Joseph de Panebeuf, cadet de Gascogne, introduces himself “en deux Mots”: 34 years old, of noble birth, healthy, poor. Can Franklin suggest any way he could make a living while being of use to America? A similar request is made on September 14 by de la Blancherie, a young nobleman who gives the château de Compiègne as his address. He has received a gentleman’s education: a little music, both vocal and instrumental, a little mathematics, a little drawing. After some time with a rich uncle in Hispaniola, West Indies, which he left because he could not stand living among Negroes, he moved to Philadelphia where Samuel Mifflin was his guardian, traveled extensively through the American colonies and learned English during his two-year stay. Back in France, restless, useless, untrained for any profession, he hopes Franklin will find him some work that would benefit the Americans whose kindness he appreciated.
Four individuals seek news of friends or relatives. N. Leleu, merchant and secretary of the Picardy chamber of commerce, inquires on July 19 about the fate of Pierre Ricot, captain of the Benjamin. The cutter, which left South Carolina on April 20, has undoubtedly been captured and taken back to America; the captain’s family are desolate. Would Franklin use his influence to see that Ricot is treated well and exchanged promptly? Philipp Conrad Katz, registrar of the treasury for Budingen near Hanau, in Hesse, wonders on August 9 whether Franklin knows anything about his brother, Georg Theobald, who emigrated to Philadelphia with his family in 1774. Are they still alive? A baronne de Lindau enquires from Eisenach in Hesse on September 25 about the fate of her son, an officer in the regiment of Hesse-Hanau, now a prisoner in Boston. Franklin’s generous nature, so well known in her country, will certainly be moved by her plea; would he promise to forward the unsealed letter she plans to write to her son? On October 4, Mme. Robert Herault in Calais wonders whether Franklin has any news of the Benjamin, on which her husband is second in command. It sailed from Le Havre a full year ago, she has heard nothing and is in the throes of anguish.
One more name is added to the list of those who believed Franklin had discovered a cure for dropsy in the form of tobacco ashes. Cathallet Cotiere, in St. Sulpice de la Pointe (Languedoc), asks for additional information on October 3. A friend of his is about to die: please help.
Three people make an appeal for Franklin’s intellectual patronage. A professor of mathematics in Rochefort, named Laureau, sends him, on July 16, a manuscript (now missing) on military matters. He had planned to add much detail but has been so busy during his current visit to Paris that further work was impossible. He trusts the Doctor to keep the utmost confidentiality about his memoir which shall be delivered by a friend, a sea captain who is dying to enter the American service along with another Frenchman. Laureau can vouch for their seamanship either at war or in trade. Would Franklin also forward “un mot” he has written to General Washington?
The abbé de Pellizer announces on October 21, from Paris, that the Spanish-French-Latin dictionary he has been working on is almost ready for the press; it has occurred to him that if he added the English language to it, the American’s collaboration and protection would be of enormous value. He, the abbé, would become rich and American commerce would be promoted. On second thought, Franklin’s protection alone would suffice. On October 28, De Belair writes from Paris to ask Franklin to peruse an enclosed manuscript, the work of a friend. Any sign of approbation on his part will render the author extremely happy. Having heard nothing, he writes again on November 19 in a slightly irritated tone, and asks that Franklin respond directly to the author, Bardinet, whose name and address he now provides. The manuscript Franklin has in his hands is the only complete version in existence. One month later, on December 28, De Belair repeats a message he had sent five days earlier (now lost): someone will pick up the manuscript on any day Franklin appoints.
Finally, there are the people who want to be appointed consuls in various French ports. President Pigault de Lepinoy, former mayor of Calais, sends word from that town on July 16: many foreign nations already have agents in Calais, it is high time for the United States to follow suit. His son, juge du point d’honneur, would help him fill the position which would be greatly enhanced by the title of infantry captain in the service of the United States: “Le Culte des François ne fut jamais dirigé vers l’interet; Il ne connoit que la Gloire et l’honneur.”

Monsieur
De paris ce 2 juilliet 1778
Apres vous avoir assurer de mes respects La presente est pour vous prier de vouloir me fair Le plaisire s’il est a votre Connaissance de me donner des nouvelles de Monsieur Lebon, qui doit vous Etre attache En qualité d’un bureau de Correspondance pour L’amérique. Ce Monsieur Est de la Connaissance de monsieur penett Consul a nantes ainsy que de monsieur Coulo, et Mr. dagosta. Des affaires interessantes M’oblige a vous importuner pour savoir de ses nouvelles; j’ose me flaté que vous voudrez me honnorer d’une reponse. Vous obligerez Celuy qui est avec Estime, Monsieur, Votre tres humble et obeissant serviteur
Richard
Mon adresse est place maubert chez Mr. ardoille[?] horloger pour me[?] remetre

Addressed: A Monsieur / Monsieur franquelin / Consul de Lamerique / A Chaiot


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from David Welsh, 2 July 1778
From: Welsh, David
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Amsterdam July 2d. 1778
I seppose you have recd. my Letter of the 18th of last Month which gives me A great deal of Un Easiness that I have not sence recd. aney Assistiance from You as I am Distitude of Cash or aney friends to furnish me with aney untill they hear from you as they are gubious who I be. Mr. Hancock Wants to know if You should think it Propper for him to gow aney further or not as he was Purswaded by Some of the foar men of Plymouth Dock Yard to go and see you and if their was Aney encouriagement from You that they would three or four Hundred of them be verey glad to get off as soon it would permit them. This Sir You will receive along with Mr. H. Godet letter and I hope You will Write as soon as Possiable to him so as he Would relieve me from my Distress and like wise Write me A few lines So as I may know how to Proceed after words. Sir In Complying with this request I am your most obedient and Humble Servant
David WelshFormerley Secd. Lieutt. of the Brig Lexington


Title: John Paul Jones: Memorandum for the American Commissioners, [3 July 1778]: résumé
From: Jones, John Paul
To: American Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Lee, Arthur,Adams, John

<[July 3, 1778:] I came to Paris when I learned on good authority that the minister wanted to speak with me on a matter of great utility to the United States. Permission to sell the prizes, or an exchange of prisoners, was not in immediate prospect; and something had to be done to assuage the Ranger’s crew. The minister pledged me to reveal his plan to no one, so that I may not do so even to you, unless you get me released from my promise and allowed to inform him that you insisted. But I can assure you that the plan is consistent with my duty as an officer, and with American interests and the friendship of France; it will contribute to the success of our arms and cost nothing. Success, the minister emphasized, depends on complete secrecy. The affair was not of my seeking, and the trip to Paris accorded with my instructions and my duty. I acted on principle, and know that my past conduct has been amply approved.>


Title: James Moylan to the American Commissioners, 3 July 1778
From: Moylan, James
To: American Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Lee, Arthur,Adams, John

Honorable Gentlemen
L’Orient 3d July 1778
The Frigate Boston Cap. S. Tucker is return’d to this port yesterday. On her Cruise she had taken four prizes, one of which loaded with Currants and Medecines the Cap. order’d to Boston, and the other three to this port, which are not yet arrived.
Mr. Livingston who set out this afternoon for Paris, will inform you the disagreeable cause of this vessel’s return, and as Mr. Schwighawser (who I understand you have appointed Agent for this Province) has not yet had time to give his orders for supplying this vessels wants, I told Cap. Tucker that I wou’d furnish him with the necessarys, untill the receipt of them, or of your instructions, in consequence of which I have pass’d with him through the diffirent ceremonys of his entrance &c. I have the honor to be respectfully Honorable Gentlemen Your assurd humble Servant
James Moylan

Addressed: The Honorable Plenepotentiary / Ministers of the United States / of America / at / Passy
Endorsed by John Adams: Mr Moylan’s Letter, 3d. July 78


Title: Thomas Simpson to the American Commissioners, 3 July 1778: résumé
From: Simpson, Thomas
To: American Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Lee, Arthur,Adams, John

<Brest, July 3, 1778: Thank you for your interposition on my behalf. Captain Jones has released me from prison to sail for America, but holds me suspended until a court martial summons us to meet face to face. I enclose a copy of my parole. Immediately upon my release I inquired of Mr. Williams at Nantes about vessels bound to America; several are bound to the southern states, which are too far from my native New Hampshire for me to afford the journey, especially since I’ve received no wages as yet. Mr. Cutler writes that Captain Whipple has offered me passage in the Providence, providing that she is bound for the northern states. I await his word, and can always sail with Captain Niles, who arrived this morning.>


Title: Samuel Tucker to the American Commissioners, 3 July 1778: résumé
From: Tucker, Samuel
To: American Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Lee, Arthur,Adams, John

<The Boston, Lorient, July 3, 1778: I arrived here after a cruise of twenty-four days, during which I took four prizes; one I sent to Boston and the others here. I returned so soon because I encountered Capt. Alexander Murray in the brig Saratoga with dispatches for you and the court and other important letters, which my officers saw. I started to convoy him, but went off on a number of chases and did not see him again until yesterday, bound for Nantes. Mr. Livingston, my second lieutenant, will present this and give you details.
Tell me whether I must take my prisoners to America. If so I shall build a prison for them aboard, and for some of my crew who are disaffected and whom I shall try, if I meet Capt. Whipple or Jones, and otherwise carry home. I am sorry to lose Mr. Livingston whose health will not endure another cruise. I should be glad to accompany Capt. Whipple. On June 16 I encountered and evaded seven two- and three-deckers that I took to be the English fleet.>


Title: Jonathan Williams, Jr., to the American Commissioners, 3 July 1778: résumé
From: Williams, Jonathan Jr.
To: American Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Lee, Arthur,Adams, John

<Passy, July 3, 1778: On your verbal instructions I have ordered the repair of arms at Nantes to be stopped and the workmen paid off according to the agreement. Please let me know whether this is satisfactory.>


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Harriott Heathcote, 3 July 1778
From: Heathcote, Harriott
To: Franklin, Benjamin

St. Omer in Artois, July the 3d. 1778 Chez Monsr.Symon rue St. Bertin
Amidst the multiplicty of bussines in which your Excellency is involv’d, many apoligies would be nessesary for troubleing you with this letter. But the man who could so nobely enter into the cause of Liberty and his Country must have a heart that will ever plead for involuntary errors. Upon that goodness alone it is that I must rely for takeing this liberty, for though unfortunately a stranger to Doctor Franklin’s person, I was Long before I left my native soil well acquainted with his merrit.

The very great civility my mother receive’d when at Philidelphia from your Late Lady has Lain us under obligations never to be forgot while memory Lasts, and the politeness of Miss Franklin at the same time merrits acknowledgements of the warmest gratitude. And though some years have elaps’d since, yet do wee much wissh to hear of her wellfare, and the onely method I had was this I have now taken which if it proves successful will realy be an addition to my happiness.
My mother with me begg Leave to present most respectful Compliments to you and your Amiable Daughter. I have the honor to be with great respect your Excellencys most obedent and very humble Servant
Harriott Heathcote

P.S. That peace and tranquility may once more be restor’d to my native Country are my sincere prayers.

Addressed: His Excellency the Ambassador / of the United States of America / Doctor Franklin / Panchauds Banquier / a Paris
Endorsed: Harriot Heathcote Thankful Enquiries
Notation: St. Anne en Artois. 3. juillet 1778.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from ——— Perrot and ——— Boyer, 3 July 1778
From: Perrot, ——, le jeune,Boyer, ——
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur
Paris le 3. juillet 1778
On s’empressoit au Palais royal à vous voir et à vous témoigner la joie que Votre présence excitoit, vous vous êtes dérobé aux acclamations publiques et vous avez bien Voulu vous reposer un instant à la maison. Pouvons nous nous flatter que vous voudrez bien aussi accepter douze bouteilles de vins de Bourgogne: c’est une faible maniere de vous présenter son hommage, mais chacun cherche à vous présenter le Sien et nous sommes jaloux de vous faire agréer le nôtre; nous vous offrons, Monsieur, avec d’autant plus de Confiance ces Vins que, les récoltant nous mêmes, nous sommes surs de leur bonté: puissent-ils par l’usage que nous vous prions d’en faire, Contribuer à la prolongation de vos jours qui font l’honneur de Votre Patrie et de l’humanité. Nous vous suplions, Monsieur, de nous permettre d’avoir l’honneur d’aller vous faire notre cour et vous assurer du profond respect avec lequel nous Sommes Monsieur Vos tres humbles et tres obeissants serviteurs.
Perrot le JeuneBoyer

Rue neuve des petits Champs Vis-a-vis celle Vivienne

Graces à tes Projets, à tes Travaux hardis
Ton Peuple a secoué le joug de l’Esclavage
et respire à présent à l’Ombre de nos Lys:
puisque de ta Vertu son bonheur est l’ouvrage,
ne te derobes pas aux Voeux de Tout Paris
francklin de l’univers a mérité l’hommage.

Notation: 3. Juillet 1778.
Endorsed: Perrot et Boyer Civility


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Claude-Carloman de Rulhiere, 3 July 1778
From: Rulhière, Claude-Carloman de
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Ce vendredi, 3 juilliet [1778]
Rulhiere est venu pour avoir l’honneur de voir Monsieur franklin. D’après de nouveaux memoires très surs qu’il a recus de turquie, il est forcé de réformer en grande partie ce qu’il a dit de cet empire dans son histoire de l’anarchie de Pologne. Comme il part demain pour la campagne où il passera deux mois dans la solitude, il compte y travailler à corriger cet ouvrage et à le finir s’il le peut. Il supplie Monsieur franklin de vouloir bien lui remettre ce qu’il en a entre les mains. Il lui adressera demain matin un homme sur, auquel il le prie de remettre ce manuscrit. Rulhiere veut se presser d’achever ces tristes recits d’anarchie d’oppression et de ruine afin de s’occuper bientôt d’objets plus consolants. Puisse l’historien devenir digne de ce nouveau sujet, il presente à Monsieur franklin les plus respectueux hommages.

Notation: Rulhiere


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from [Benjamin Vaughan], 3 July 1778
From: Vaughan, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Benjamin

My dearest sir,
July 3, 1778.
You will be a little out of humor with a set of your friends here, though secretly but little so, as you must understand the history of their pompous language. For my own part, I think it right to keep up the characters of the men into whose hands the country is likely to fall; for the sake of the people here and in America, and of our enemies; for their conduct has in general seemed unintelligble, and to have no bottom but courtiership and pride. I am sure there is a shape in which we shall in fact grow together again with America; and the characters on each side ought therefore to be mutually kept up. The more the distress of this country, the more it seems feasible; for nothing but distress could soften us, and when distressed, your people will quickly feel that it is not the business of America to let England go to the wall, and France and Spain have no check to balance their insolence and power. The difference of treaty before war and after war, is in my eyes nothing; for you will help France but coldly after your business is done, and I dare say carry on a large trade with us in the interim. We are certainly shockingly weak at this moment, and I believe it probable that the French may land and stay here for a season or so, though not permanently. The calamity will be dreadful for the moment, and leave us probably poor bankrupts, but not less firm as a people, for if this—does not change his administration and even system of government, he will lose his seat either to the enemy or his people. You may smile that the French don’t terrify me; but it is happy when men upon the edge of calamity can spy a comfortable consequence or two.
The papers have got something concerning a treaty set on foot by Lord Bute for inviting in Lord Chatham. The following circumstances are genuine. Sir James Wright (whom some call a marplot) was the go-between; and Lord Bute expressed a wish to come into power with Lord Chatham, and in particular to take Lord Weymouth’s post. Lord Chatham answered, that much as the country seemed lost to dignity and virtue, he was very sure they could distinguish between the man who had ruined it, and the man who had saved it, and who stood by in a cottage ready to save it again. The negotiation failed of course. Lord Chatham mean’d to have gone into a direct attack of Lord Bute on the day of his fit and some following days; in order as he said to pluck that viper from behind the throne. You may remember he began this topic.

I hear that you have used the following expression; “this great man doted before he died.” I am sure some very inaccurate man has been about you to misrepresent his words, if this phrase fell from you. I know who might have been that man; and he is notoriously inaccurate.
The inclosed papers concern a certain minority-person’s family. Perhaps Mr. A. Lee who was at school with him will undertake to enquire—in whose hands the property is at present? who receives the profits? whether the bulk of the land is in any, and in what cultivation? whether well managed? and what measures ought to be taken on the subject?
I hear from my friend at Rotterdam, that nothing has been heard from you about the Legacy of 7 or 800 to the Maylander, which was mentioned to you at the Duke of Chaulnes last summer; and which you said should make the subject of an advertisement in the Mayland papers.
By the by the name of the D. of C. puts me in mind, that they have not done with your points yet at the Society.
My love to J. Williams, whom I deceived by two articles of news, one got from an admiralty lord, and the other from a Commissioner of the Customs; either directly or through good hands; but there is such changing of measures backwards and forwards, and such lying, that little intelligence can be had that is good.

I dare tell you no news at the present moment; except that a West India packet has arrived after 10 weeks. Yours with most[?]

Notations in different hands: B Vaughan / July 3. 78


Title: Lewis (or Louis) Fevre (or Favre) to William Temple Franklin, 3 July 1778
From: Fevre, Lewis
To: Franklin, William Temple

Sir,
London, July 3d. 1778
The eagerness of gratitude to match at every means of shewing itself, will I hope plead my excuse for not missing so fair an opportunity of presenting to you this humble remembrance of my most attachful respects. My dutiful sense of Dr. Franklin’s beneficence to me has never been one moment out of my mind. How much and how impatiently do I long to hear of his and your health. My best wishes ever attend you, and nothing could make me happier than their completion. My station in life may not obtain for them much weight with you, but if the heart could give them rank I could offer them you with a better grace, combined with the assurance of my remaining ever with the profoundest respect and the warmest gratitude, Sir, Your ever faithful and most obedient humble Servant
L. Fevre
Mrs. Stevenson & Mrs. Hewson are well & retired in Surry.Mr. & Mrs. Faulkner are both dead.

Addressed: To / William Temple Franklin Esqr. / Paris
Notation: Louis Le fevre 3 July 1778


Title: John Bondfield to the American Commissioners, 4 July 1778: résumé
From: Bondfield, John
To: American Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Lee, Arthur,Adams, John

<Bordeaux, July 4, 1778: The Union left Edenton on June 6 and arrived here on the 2nd but unfortunately, after so short a passage, brought no news. Accounts come in of losses on the Carolina coast caused by pilots’ misconduct; the inhabitants mislead our ships or refuse help, and the state government should take notice. Mr. Sartine has invited local merchants to unite in fitting out privateers, and offered to lend cannon for the duration at the King’s expense.
Mr. James Willing led the party that cut off the English settlements on the Mississippi; a vessel recently arrived here from New Orleans with a cargo estimated at a million livres. Many ships have come from the French islands; one learned from an English frigate that the British were only waiting to attack until they learn how Count d’Estaing behaves on reaching America. A rumor, probably fabricated here, tells of a battle between Washington and Clinton in which the latter prevailed.
The compliments of the day, which we plan to celebrate in the usual style.>


Title: John Paul Jones: Memorandum, 5 June 1778 [i.e., 4–5 July 1778]: résumé
From: Jones, John Paul
To:

<Passy, June 5 [i.e. July 4–5], 1778: “Plan for expeditions submitted to the American Plenipotentiaries and to the french minister of Marine by Com. Jones.”
Three fast frigates with tenders might burn Whitehaven and its fleet, rendering it nearly impossible to supply Ireland with coal next winter.
The same force could take the bank of Ayr, in Scotland, destroy the town and perhaps the shipping at Clyde, along with Greenock and Port-Glasgow. The fishery at Campbeltown and some Irish ports are also worthy targets.
It might be equally expedient to alarm Britain’s east side by destroying the coal shipping of Newcastle. Many important towns on the east and north coasts of England and Scotland could be burnt or captured.
The success of these enterprises will depend on surprise and dispatch; it is therefore necessary that the ships sail fast, and carry sufficient force to repel the enemy. If successful, any one of these projects would occasion almost inconceivable panic in England. It would convince the world of her vulnerability, and hurt her public credit.
Other projects might be to intercept Britain’s West India or Baltic fleets, her Hudson Bay ships, or destroy her Greenland fishery.>


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from ——— Carroll, Marquise d’Auzoüer, 4 July 1778
From: Auzoüer, —— Carroll, marquise d’
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Madame dauzouer hotel de flandre rue dophinepres le pont neuf ce 4 julliet 1778
Quoi que je vous sois, Monsieur, tres inconue permettez-moy d’envoyer savoir l’heure ou je pourai avoir l’honneur de vous voir demain, ou tout autre jour de votre comodité. J’ésperere que vous voudrai bien m’accorder cette grace. Je suis une proche parante de messieurs carrolls qui habitent anapolie dans le meriland. Je vous assure, monsieur, que je prand beaucoup de part a tous les succés de votre patrie et que personne ne sauroit être plus que moy, penetrée des sentimens de veneration qui vous sont dus. Avec lesquels j’ai l’honneur d’etre Monsieur Votre tres humble et tres obeissante servante
Carroll Dauzoüer

Notation: Carroll 4 juillet 1777.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Arthur Middleton, 4 July 1778
From: Middleton, Arthur
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Charles Town S. Carolina July 4th. 1778
Hoping that my Name is not entirely unknown to you, I take the Liberty of introducing Alexander Gillon Esquire to your Notice; a Gentleman, who, to oblige the State of So. Carolina has accepted the Commission of Commodore. I promise myself no other recommendation of him is required, than the bare mention of his having chearfully given up his own Independance to assist in establishing that of America. He has thoughts of spending a short time in Paris, and any favours shewn him will confer an Obligation upon me. I am Sir with esteem and respect Your most obedient Servant
Arthur Middleton
The Honble Benjamin Franklin Esquire.

Addressed: The Honble / Benjamin Franklin / Commissioner of the United States / of America / at the Court of Versailles.
Endorsed: South Carolina
Notation: Arthur Middleton Charlestown 4e juillet 1778.


Title: Théodore Jauge to William Temple Franklin, 4 July 1778: résumé
From: Jauge, Théodore
To: Franklin, William Temple

<Bordeaux, July 4, 1778, in French: I have sent no news since my return, but what I have now will win your and your grandfather’s attention. For the past year and more we have been sending ships to North America. Many of them have been captured through the fault of your pilots, and we have now learned of a shocking example. A vessel of ours anchored in Albemarle Sound and sent for a pilot; he refused to come at any price. The next day, when a frigate appeared, the crew cut their cables, ran aground, and escaped; their ship was looted and burned. Thus the pilot lost us a three-hundred-ton vessel with a rich cargo. Another of ours was taken in the Chesapeake and sent to New York. It is important that pilots who refuse to serve should be disciplined; they are said to be in league with the Loyalists, and I believe it.
How are you faring with the pretty demoiselles you met at M. Grand’s?>


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Marc-François Gauthier, 5 July 1778
From: Gauthier, Marc-François
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur
Du 5 Juillet 1778.
Les Grandes ames comme La vôtre Destinée par le ciel au Soutient des malheureux, doivent Toujours etre Touchée des faiblesses humaine; c’est l’Espoir de Votre genereuse sensibilité qui Engage le nommé Marc François Gauthier, de Vous Supplier des larmes aux yeux, de Jetter sur sa situation déplorable un de vos tendre regards de compation, en Daignant Le retirer de L’abime, ou La Nation Britannique L’a plongé par son intrigue ordinaire; intrigue que vous meme Eprouveriez aujourd’huy si vous eussiez eté moins prudents. L’Infortuné suppliant s’est Trouvé cinq Fois leur Prisonnier de guerre, il n’y a point de Tourments qu’il n’ait Essuié de leur Part, mais il n’en a point eté de même les trois fois qu’il a eté au pouvoir des Americains qui l’ont traitté suivant son Etat de Prisonnier du a un maître canonier; toute cette humanité ne peut être que de mieux en mieux vous ayant pour Model, et fixant avec raison L’attention de tout L’univers tant a cause de vôtre sagacité, qu’a cause de vôtre humanité. Le commerce de Londres vous est connû, Monsieur. Le Suppliant s’y trouvant vers la fin de L’année 1763, y recut du Nommé jean haristh [?] neg[ocian]t La Somme de 111 l.t. 10 s qui [qu’il] lui paya en piece de deux Sols monoye de france, pour solde de marchandises que Le Suppliant, qui etoit pour lors Etablie a Dunkerque lui avoit fournie. La ditte piece qu’on a dit avoir trouvé a bord d’une fregatte francoise dont ils avoit fait la prise, se trouvant fausse, il eu le malheur de se voir condamne par la cour des monoye à Lille en flandre au mois d’avril 1764 a perpétuité de Galere Etant soupçonné d’en avoir connû la fausseté, quoiqu’il eut donné des preuves authentique et qu’il est encore den [dans] le cas de faire, qu’il les avoient recues à londres.
Tel est le crime pour lequel le malheureux suppliant se trouve pour toujours privé d’une Epouse et de quatre Enfants qu’il a Laissés, et reduit aux fers au departement de Brest sous le No. 1779, sans Espoir de les revoir Jamais, Si vous Détournez de dessus son désastre, vos tendres regards de compassion. Il en est digne, Monsieur, et il ne désire Sa Délivrance que pour faire connoitre a son Roi ainsi qu’a vous qu’il n’a rien de plus précieux que de repandre Jusqu’a la derniere Goutte de son sang a son service ainsi qu’a celui de ses alliez. Il vous seroit aisé très bienfaisant Seigneur d’obtenir du ministre Monseigneur de sartine La Remise de mes peines aux offres que Je fais de m’embarquer sur un de vos premiers Batimens qui peuvent être en relache dans les Ports de ce Royaume. Son Etat de canonier, qu’il a Exercé Jointe a la facilité avec laquelle il parle la langue anglaise, sont des objets qu’il croit être utile a sa demande; que ne vous devrait-il point Monsieur si touché de son Etat, vous lui obteniez Son pardon.
Ses Voeux et ses prieres sont et seront Eternelles à L’Etre des Etres pour Vôtre heureuse conservation et La prosperité de vos armes et de celles de sa majesté nôtre bienfaisant monarque, Monsieur.
Marc F[RANÇ]OIS Gauthierforçat a Brest sous Le no. 1779.

Addressed: A Monsieur / Monsieur Francklin / ambassadeur Plenipotentiaire des Republiques Colonies / de l’Amérique, près Sa majesté Très Chrétienne, en Cour / de France; &a. &a. &a.
Notation: Gauthier forçat 5. Juillet 1778.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jean-Jacques de Lafreté, 5 July 1778
From: Lafreté, Jean-Jacques de
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Magnanville le 5. Juillet 1778.
Nous ne retournerons à Surennes, Monsieur, que dans 5. ou 6. jours; mon premier soin sera de vous aller rendre mes devoirs; Permettéz en attendant, que je vous recommande une affaire dont Messrs. Bouffé et d’Angirard, auront, ou auront eûx l’honneur de vous parler, de la part de Messrs. Veuve Lalanne et fils, négocians à Bayonne, relativement au Navire l’Espérance, Capitaine Besrade, arrêté dit on Illégalement, et conduit à Neẅyorck. Comme j’ai un intérêt dans ce navire, je me joins à ces Messieurs pour vous demander conseil et protection.
Mad. De Lafreté qui jouit d’une assés bonne santé me charge de mille complimens pour monsieur votre fils, et pour vous; J’ai l’honneur de le saluer et de vous assurer, Monsieur, du profond Respect avec lequel je suis, votre très humble et très obéissant serviteur
Lafreté
M.franklin à Passy

Endorsed: M. de la Freté and De Lalanne about a Ship Magnanville 5. juillet 1778.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Julien-Pierre de La Faye with a Postscript by ——— de Boisroger, 6 July 1778
From: La Faye, Julien-Pierre de,Boisroger, —— de
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur
A Rocquencourt le 6 Juillet 1778.
Un Neveu de Mr. L’abbé Tailhié, si connu dans la Republique des Lettres par d’excellents ouvrages desire ardament de faire un voyage en Amerique. Il s’embarqua l’année derniere pour s’y rendre mais ayant eté pris en Route par les Anglois, Il espere cette année qu’il sera plus heureux. Il desireroit Monsieur avoir de vous un mot de Lettre de recommandation pour ne point arriver en Amerique comme un homme inconnu. S’il n’y a point d’indiscretion a vous faire cette demande Je vous seray infiniment obligé si vous voulés bien luy donner cette satisfaction. J’ay l’honneur d’etre avec l’attachement le plus respectueux, Monsieur, votre très humble et très obeissant serviteur
Delafaye
Permettés que je fasse icy mille complimens a Monsieur votre fils.

[In another hand:] M. De Boisroger se joint a Mr. De la faye et Prie Monsieur franklin de recevoir de sa part les choses les Plus honnestes bien des compliments a Mr. son fils. Mr. De Boisroger et Mr. De la faye Prient Monsieur franklin de vouloir bien se ressouvenir de Mde. De Pontenet et des objets qui l’interresse. Ils esperent qu’a Rocquencourt ils auront cet été le Plaisir de le Posseder.
Endorsed: M Delafaye Tailhie Ponteney
Notation: 6. Juillet 1778


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jean-Baptiste Le Roy, 6 July 1778
From: Le Roy, Jean-Baptiste
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Mon cher Docteur
Ce Lundy 6 Juillet 1778
On m’a instamment prie de vous demander si vous pourriez donner des lettres pour des personnes de connoissance à la Caroline à l’honnête Négociant dont j’ai l’honneur de vous envoyer la lettre. De graces ne m’oubliez pas et par vous ou par Monsieur Williams faites moi savoir la reponse que je dois rendre à ce négociant
Le Roy

P.S. Il demande en même temps si vous pourriez lui faciliter des retours sur France mais j’ai déja repondu à cet article que le Commerce étant libre vous ne vous mêliez en aucune façon de cette partie là.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from David Welsh, 6 July 1778
From: Welsh, David
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honourable Sir
Amsterdam July 6th 1778
I have had the luck of getting A Quainted with Monsieur Le Grand last Sattyday whear as I maid my Cais knowen to him but he enformed me that he could not Suppley me with a Suffiecensey to Pay off my board and Carrey me to France with out Acquainting of you and receiving your Approbation of the same. He was kind Enouf to give me 2 Ducketts to pay for my washing and other Small Expences. Mr. Hope has Enformed me that his friend in Paris had Delivired you the letter himself which gives me A great deal of Uneaseness that I have not had aney Assistiance from you as I am in A Strange place and neither Cash or friends. My last I have enclosed to you in Mr. Godeats letter by which I hope to receive your assistiance before you receive this. I hope Sir that will not loose now time after receiving this as I am in Much distress onley haveing what Cloas I got on My back. Sir I hope you doant reflect on me on the Account of my Misfortune In regard of the Prias I lost comeing to Bördix or in letting Allert Cutter take us. Sir I Can vendicate my Honour and Conduct Whilst I served on board the Lexington as Soon As Called on. If I doant recive aney assistiance from you before the meddle of nixt week I shall be badley off as my Landladey Expectes by that time if you entend do aney thing for me you will doe it. Sir I hope your Humanietey will not fail in assisting me as soon as Posseable in my Distress. If you would be pleased to Send me A few lines so as I may know whear to proceed two. I lodge at Ann Magrath at the last Bible Warmer Street. Sir with Granting this request I remain Your Most obedient and Humble Servant
David WelshFormerly Second Leoutt. of the Lexington

Addressed in another hand: To / His Excellency Doctr Francklin / Minister Plenipotentiary of / the United States of America. / Passy
Notation: David Welsh July 6. 1778.


Title: John Bondfield to the American Commissioners, 7 July 1778: résumé
From: Bondfield, John
To: American Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Lee, Arthur,Adams, John

  <Bordeaux, July 7, 1778: The Sally, which arrived here yesterday from Edenton, reports that the fourth regiment of Col. Maitland’s expedition has been captured and that several ships, among them the Roderigue with a cargo of great value, have arrived in the Chesapeake.

Consorting here with agents and consuls of European states shows me the advantages that their countries derive from them; a similar arrangement might be useful for you. American trade is a new field, and you know nothing of its value in various regions; I and other agents elsewhere, especially if they had an order from Mr. de Sartine to local officials, might easily send you monthly reports of exports to and imports from America. This is a suggestion that might in time, if put into practice, be of great use.>


Title: Francis Coffyn to the American Commissioners, 7 July 1778: résumé
From: Coffyn, Francis
To: American Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Lee, Arthur,Adams, John

<Dunkirk, July 7, 1778: I refer you to my letter of the 5th. Mr. Amiel has given the people here time to carry out the plan they put before you, but they failed; he then gave me your letter of June 26. I might explain the conduct of those who tried to impose on you and wrong me, but the outcome vindicates me; I leave the explanation to Capt. Amiel. If any doubt remains I can show that those who tried to hurt me in the dark are afraid to justify themselves in the light.
I enclose the commission, instructions, and bond, which to my regret are now useless, and will do my best to settle with the surgeon. As you seem to approve the intelligence I send you, I shall transmit it to America; should it go to your correspondents in the ports or directly to Congress?
A Dutch merchant captain who arrived yesterday from Portsmouth says that he saw the crews of the Licorne and Pallas and two other vessels being taken to prison there on the 3rd, and that Admiral Keppel’s squadron had been reinforced and was ready for sea. I shall send the American seamen who are here, according to your instructions, by the first vessel for Nantes. But, as the English are expected to start taking French ships, I am afraid those poor people, who have already seen enough of English jails, will soon be captured again. Privateers will probably be fitting out as soon as hostilities start; might it not be better to keep the men here until the situation clarifies?
If Poreau’s perfidious insinuations have prejudiced you against me, for God’s sake allow me to convince you of their falsehood.>


Title: Poreau, Mackenzie & Cie. to the American Commissioners, 7 July 1778: résumé
From: Poreau, Mackenzie & Cie.
To: American Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Lee, Arthur,Adams, John

<Dunkirk, July 7, 1778, in French: When some Americans and others appealed to us for support, we asked you for a privateer’s commission. The Captain you chose seemed deserving and trustworthy, but found the vessel too small for his large ideas of glory. A more powerful one would have cost more than twice the thirty to forty thousand livres we were willing to risk. He refused us the commission that you meant for us, and divulged to Coffyn, whom we knew to be trusted by the British, information that we had confided in you. We were unaware that Coffyn was an agent of Congress, and do not believe that you could have given him our letter. We are not bound by a plan that we did not initiate and that costs more than we can venture. Please send us the commission, to be used as described by the one of us who spoke with you. Or transmit it through the Prince de Robecq. Or give it directly into the hands of our representative, or of one of the Americans recommended to us.>


Title: James Moylan to the American Commissioners, 8 July 1778: résumé
From: Moylan, James
To: American Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Lee, Arthur,Adams, John

<Lorient, July 8, 1778: Two of Capt. Tucker’s prizes arrived here on the 6th. I passed them through customs as from Portsmouth, New England. I have not had time to hear from Mr. Schweighauser, but have written to ask whether his authority extends to this port. If so I shall deliver them to his order unless you meanwhile instruct me differently.
Friction between Capt. Tucker and the Frenchmen in his crew has come before the admiralty court, but I hope will soon be settled.>


Title: The American Commissioners to Schweighauser, 9–10 July 1778: résumé
From: American Commissioners,Franklin, Benjamin,Lee, Arthur,Adams, John
To: Schweighauser, Jean-Daniel

<Passy, July 9–10, 1778: We enclose an order on Desegray, Beaugeard fils & Cie. of Lorient for saltpetre, to be shipped to America as soon as possible. July 10: We also forward Mr. Williams’ order on Mr. Cossoul for articles to be shipped in the same way.>