Title: To John Adams from Oliver Wolcott, Jr., 26 November 1798
From: Wolcott, Oliver, Jr.
To: Adams, John

Nov. 26. 1798

The Secretary of the Treasury in obedience to the command of the President of the United States, respectfully submits the following observations.
It is conceived that it will be natural and very proper for the President in the beginning of his Address, to advert to the deplorable situation to which several of our principal cities have been reduced by contagious or epidemic sickness during the last season;—And when it is considered that similar disorders, have successively appeared in different places; that the loss of thousands of lives; the sacrefice of property & time and the stagnation of public and private business are evils of immense magnitude which deeply affect the national Interests; it may be proper to invite the Legislature to examine the expediency of establishing suitable regulations in aid of those provided by the respective States, for investigating the causes, arresting the progress or mitigating the effects, of like calamities in future.
It will probably be asserted by some, that Congress have no constitutional power to legislate on a subject of this kind, but it is presumed that all objections of this nature may be refuted;—and while the health Laws of the respective states, proceed upon the supposition that contagious sickness may be communicated through the channells of commercial intercourse, there seems to be a necessity that Congress who alone can regulate Trade, should frame a system, which while it may tend to preserve the general health, may be compatible with the Interests of Commerce and the safety of the Revenue.
The state of our foreign relations particularly with France being a subject of the first importance will of course constitute a principal topic of the Address.
It is believed that France has no sincere disposition and it is questioned whether she possesses the ability to maintain any engagements upon which the United States can rely with confidence and tranquillity;—though there appears to be an unwillingness to open rupture yet there exist no symptoms of a desire for real peace: the system of self aggrandizement at the expence of every nation within her power, still continues to be enforced: it may therefore be presumed that her treatment of us, will be governed not by present professions, but by the views which she may from time to time take of her own Interest;—we can only perceive in her last Acts either a vindictive recollection of antient controversies or shameless pretexts for the gratification of unbounded ambition—Common prudence therefore requires of us, to see in the pacific overtures of such a Nation nothing more than an insidious design to fester divisions in our Country and unnerve the vigour of our Councils and measures of defence.
The condition views and policy of the United States are in every respect oppositeof  to those of France; we have no national ambition to gratify, which cannot be but indulged, by being left to develope the resources which we possess;—the great object of the United States is therefore to attain peace with all the world;—having been injured by France, having sought reparation without success, and having no confidence in the equity of her Government, a system has been adopted of which the following are the principles.
1st. To arm internally and otherwise provide against invasion.
2nd. To desist from all commercial or political intercourse.
3d. To defend our Commerce by force & to destroy the means of annoyance employed by France.
The situation of the United States in respect to France may be considered as anomalous; we cannot be said strictly to be either at peace or in a state of War;—we are as much at peace as is safe or indeed possible, considering the diversity of the views and characters of the American and French people;—we have not formally declared War, because we do not wish to conquer any of the dominions of France and because she possesses no Commerce or property upon which we can make reprisals.
This situation is attended with advantages & disadvantages which require consideration.
The advantages of our situation are, that by abstaining from any and every degree of hostility not required by some present and immediate Interest; public opinion is consulted and its favours secured;—responsibility for misfortunes is diminished odium is accumulated upon France not only in America, but through the world, and the energy of her power and influence diminished.
The disadvantages of our situation are that untill War is declared, there will constantly be some danger, that the intreagues of France, will be successful in producing a revulsion of public opinion, which may compel a premature & dangerous accomodation, upon which no reliance can be placed;—that her measures will continue to be justified or at least palliated, while those of this Government will be misrepresented and censured—that our system of defence, will be exposed to be weekened by delusive proposals for negociations; and generally, that by continuing in a state, which cannot be defined as being either peace or War, the Government will be deprived of those rights and powers, both with respect to the domestic partizans of France and Neutral Nations, which would result from an open and avowed state of hostility.
There is moreover another circumstance, which must be deemed an advantage or disadvantage incident to our situation, according to the opinion which may be formed, respecting the expediency or inexpediency, of an Alliance with Great Britain.
Of the practicability of forming such an Alliance there can be little doubt, and to obtain this object a declared state of War is necessary, or at least would be a resulting consequence. The expediency of such an Alliance is however diminished by the recent reduction of the French Marine and by the prospect of other disasters which threaten the power and influence of that nation in Europe, and which of course lessen her ability to invade the United States.
The result of the foregoing reflections is, that a declaration of War, considering the present state of public opinion and other circumstances, is inexpedient and ought not to be recommended;—that it is the true policy of the Government to retain its present position; to invigorate the system of defence; to baffle skill by skill; and to preoccupy the ground which France has attempted to take and which being siezed by her, would serve as the rallying point of opposition to the Government;—As France continues to annoy us, and at the same to profess friendly sentiments and intentions, we ought to continue our resistance, offering at the same time in a dignified manner, to put the sincerity of her intentions to the test.—By avoiding all inconsistency and preserving the confidence which has been gained, by choosing the situation in which to receive an Attack or from which to repel intreagues; by compelling France either to desist from her present plan or in the pursuit, to make reparation for the wounded honour of the United States, and moreover, by a firm confidence in the moral sense of the American people it is believed that all difficulties may be surmounted.
If the principles beforementioned shall be approved, the following is deemed a proper stile for this part of the Address.
The course of the transactions between the United States and France which have come to my knowledge during your recess, will be seen in a communication which by my direction, will be laid before you, from the Department of State. This will confirm to you the ultimate failure of the measures, which have been taken by this Government, towards an amicable adjustment of differences. You will at the same time perceive that the French Government now appears solicitous to impress the opinion, that it averse from rupture with this Country & that it has in a qualified manner, declared itself willing to receive a Minister from us, for restoring a good understanding.
It is unfortunate for professions of this kind that they are accompanied with any intimation, that may countenance the assertion of a right to pronounce on the qualifications of a Minister from the United States, and that while France asserts the existence of a persevering intention on her part, to conciliate with sincerity the differences which have arisen, the sincerity of a like disposition on the part of this Government, should be even indirectly questioned.—It is also worthy of observation that as yet we have experienced no advantages from the decree, which was alledged to be intended to restrain French Cruizers from depredations on our Commerce, and that the decree of which among other injurious regulations, subjects to seizure and confiscation, commodities of British fabric & consumption, in neutral Vessells, though the property of Neutrals, has not only not been rescinded, but has even received a recent confirmation, by the failure of a proposition for its repeal. While this decree which is an unequivocal act of War, on the commerce of the Nations it attacks continues in force, those Nations can only see in the French Government a power regardless of their essential rights, of their independence & their sovereignty, and if they possess the means, they can reconcile nothing with their Interest & honour, but a firm resistance. Hitherto therefore I discover nothing in the conduct of the French Government which ought to change or relax our measures of defence. On the contrary to invigorate them is in my judgement and true policy. We have no reason to regret, that this system has thus far been pursued and in proportion as we enlarge our view of the incalculable situation of Europe we shall discover new and cogent motives for the full developement of our resources & energies. In demonstrating by our conduct, that we do not fear War, in the necessary protection of our rights and honour, we shall give no room to infer, that we abandon the desire of peace;—this has been wisely and perseveringly cultivated, and as between us and France harmony may be reestablished at her option.
But the sending another Minister to make a new attempt at negociation, would in my opinion be an Act of humiliation to which the United States ought not to submit without extreme necessity;—no such necessity exists; it must therefore be left with France if she be indeed desirous of accomodation to take the requisite steps.—The United States adhere to the maxims by which they have been governed; they will sacredly respect the rights of Embassy, their magnanimity discards the policy of retaliating insult in bar of the avenues of to peace, and if France shall send a Minister to negociate, he will be recd. with honour & treated with candour, and with a sincere disposition on her part to desist from hostility, to make reparation for the injuries heretofore inflicted on our Commerce, and to do justice in future, there will be no obstacle to the restoration of friendly intercource on a substantial basis—In making this declaration to you, I give a pledge to the French Government & to the world, that the Executive power of this Country, still adheres to the humane and pacific policy, which has uniformly governed its proceedings, & reecchoed the wishes, of the other branches of the government, and people of the United States.
The Secy will submit further observations on other subjects of the address as soon as possible. for the present he subscribes himself with all possible deference—
Oliv. Wolcott


Title: To John Adams from J.G.W. de Brahm, 26 November 1798
From: Brahm, J.G.W. de
To: Adams, John

Respected Friend26d. XI mo. 1798 26 Nov.

I feel a deep concern to revere yea Love Eminent Men, who under the discipline of divine Goodness can be most Virtuously instrumental, what they cannot be in their own exertion for the good of Men, whom God does all the Good they permit him, not a drop of their blood he aproves to be spilt, preserves them in most tender Love.
finding that the Seed of the fever like embers under ashes are conceiled in Some buildings and furnitures I under the discipline of divine Mercy willing to all good I can, hurry to supply thee with a Sovereign preservation, from which (th’o by mercy kept from comon complaints free yet in my twelfth climaction I have created Such infirmities, which are passd Remedy) yet receive comfort from what I inclose in two Viels.
I pray God to preserve and bless thee / am Respectfully
J. G. W. de Brahm


Title: To John Adams from Willis Foreman, 29 November 1798
From: Foreman, Willis,Riddle, Archibald
To: Adams, John

An address of the Grand Jury of the county of Wilkes in the state of GeorgiaTo the President of the United StatesSir
Nov. 29th: 1798

We never believed that the cause of the threatned rupter between the United States and France had been produced by any injustice in the forener. It must alone have flowed from an Intoxicated attitude which conquest had given the latter. This no doubt had produced a belief that we was too insignificant to hesitate in bending beneath her mighty hand.
The only fears we had ever concieved was that it might produce a perpetual alliance offensive & defensive between our nation and Great Britain. This with us—Sir, was a serious question. You have however in an address  answer to an address from a Grand Jury of ulster County in the state of New York releav’d our apprehensions. You explicitly disavow such a Policy. We understand you to mean that in case France should free us into a war. She will then be an enemy common to the United States and Great Britain and that it would be a want of Wisdom in either not to make arrangments (during the contest) useful to both.
Under these impressions, Sir, we have a profound confidence in your administration—We also approve of the defensive measures taken General by the Government.
We cannot however forbear to express our apprehensions and doubts of the Utillity attendant the expensive measures adopted by the Supream Legislature. We ever entertained the pleasing hope that the great benifits arising to forreign nations from a commercial intercours with us would preclude the necessity of public expenditures for the support of that proportion of commerce which would tend to the advantage of our Nation.
Not doubting but that our honour interest and safty is found alone in a government of our own choice—we have shaken of supiness and are in a state of readiness to oppose a foreign foe. Notwithstanding we are willing to bear the burthens & toils of war, we are extreamly anxious for peace. But if occation require we will sue for it Sword in hand.
We know you only as our chief magistrate, as such we respect you, and pray that you may have an honorable and safe convoy in your Presidential career.
Signed

Farl. Willis foremanArchebald RiddleWm JonesGanaway MortamWm WestWm ArtEvan LongJohn WingfieldJames HerlingNickerson CosbyWm. PhilipsBernerd MooreRobert MorrowThoms GrishamAlexander MossThomas LowWm ColeLewis BaldwinHenry SanfordGeorge HamiltonJoel Early


Title: From John Adams to Isaac Tichenor, 30 November 1798
From: Adams, John
To: Tichenor, Isaac

To the Members of the Grand Lodge of Free Masons, in Vermont assembled in ample form composed of its Officers and a Representation from thirteen Secular Lodges.GentlemenPhiladelphia November 30. 1798

I thank you for this obliging Address which has been transmitted to me, as you desired by the excellent His Excellency the Governor of the State of Vermont. I have ever esteemed the societies of Free Masons in this Country now only as usef innocent but Usefull.
The Principle not to introduce Politicks, in your private Assemblies: and the other Principle to be willing Subjects to the Government, would if observed, preserve Such societies, from Suspicion—But it Seems to be agreed that the society of Masons, have discoverd an Art or a Science of Government or an Art of ruling Society peculiar to themselves, and unknown to all the other Phylosophers Legislators and Phylosophers of the World—I mean not only the skill to know each other by Marks or signs that no other Persons can find out the Wonderful Power of enabling and compelling all Men at all Hours, to keep a Secret. If this Art can be applied, to set aside the ordinary Maxims of the society and introduce Politicks and Disobedience to Government, and still keep the Secret, it must be obvious that Such Science and such Societies may be perverted to all the ill Purposes which have been Suspected. The Characters which compose the Lodges in America are Such as forbid every apprehension from them and they will best know whether any Dangers are possible in other Countries as well as this.
The Approbation you so obliging express of my official Conduct, Since called to the Chair of state, and your Opinion that it has strengthened the affection of my Friends is are highly esteemed.
I say, cordially with you, Let not the Tongue of slander Say that Masons in America are capable of Faction. I am very confident it cannot be said by any one with Truth of the Masons of Vermont. You have Said enough: And the Marks of Candour Characteristicks of Candour which accompany your Words leave no room to doubt of your sincerity that you will risque your All in support of your Government. And in these pious and virtuous Resolutions pray the Architect eternal and almighty have you always in his holy Keeping.
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Isaac Tichenor, 30 November 1798
From: Adams, John
To: Tichenor, Isaac

Dear Sir
Philadelphia Nov 30th. 1798

I have received with the highest pleasure your favor of the 29th Oct. inclosing the address of the Legislature of Vermont which does me a great honor not a little hightened by the approbation of their excellent Govenor. I pray you to make my thanks acceptable to that honorable body & to accept the assurance of high respect & esteem / from Sir your most obedient / & most humble servant

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Isaac Tichenor, 30 November 1798
From: Adams, John
To: Tichenor, Isaac

Sir
Philadelphia Nov 30th 1798

I received but two days ago your favor of the 29th of Oct. with that of the 28 inclosing addresses from the legislature & assembly of masons.
I thank you Sir for the very friendly & affectionate manner in which you have communicated to me these beautiful compliments.
With great respect & regard I have the honor to be Sir— / your most obedient & most humble servant

John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from David Mayo, 30 November 1798
From: Mayo, David,Williams, Nathaniel
To: Adams, John

Sir,
Warwick Hamshire county Massachusetts State Nov. 30th 1798.

the undersigned sensible of the Alarming Crisis of our political affairs, and the danger of supineness and inactivity at the present day—Stimulated with a just indignation, & Manly resentment, towards that Nation, from whom we have so repeatedly receiv’d the most atrocious and outragious insults—prompted by the firmness of our Legislator, are Determined to defend our National Character, and invaluable Rights, against the hostile Attacks of every Invader:—and having associated for the important purpose, chearfully offer our Service to the President of the United States, (as Infantry) to be regulated agreably to the Act of Congress Authorising the President to accept of such Companies of Volunteers as the publick Interest may require. Should the President view it extending to the acceptance of this; it is our united wish, that Mr: David Mayo may be appointed Capt. Nathl W. Williams Lieut.—Josiah Pomeroy Jun. Ensign—of 3d Company Called Lady Adams’ Rangers. and (if it be convenient) that the President would oblige us with the loan of American Arms, on Customary terms, as it will be very difficult to obtain them in any other Manner—if thus organized & acquip’d, we engage that critical attention to the Military art, regularity, & Order, shall mark our conduct, while the safty of our Country may permit us to remain at home, & Chearfull and immediate obedience when called to the Field—
With the Greatest Respect / and perfect Submition

David MayoNathl. W WilliamsJosiah Pomeroy Jun.Joseph RandSaml MayoMason JohnsonEnoch ThayerAsa Thayer—William MooreElijah WetherellAmos MarshIsaiah Fuller Jun.Wm: Cobb Jun.Aaron Bass—Joel JenningsDaniel GarfieldThos: BancroftJonh: Gale Jun.John C Ball—George FisherJonas ConantAsa Conant—Jun.Jonas ConantJames Ball—Stephen Ball—Charles RichSimeon BaydenJustus RussellWm. Burnet Jun.Abraham LeonardPeter Procter Jun.Josiah ProcterSaml: FayJames BlakeJoel HastingsLewis WhitingMoses ChildsJosiah Cobb Jun.Jonth. WhealockAbraham Barnes JunBunyan SmithBenaiah CookMason Armsbee


Title: From John Adams to Virginia Militia, 1 December 1798
From: Adams, John
To: Virginia Militia

To the Seventy Sixth Regiment of the Militia of Virginia.
GentlemenPhyladelphia Decr. 1. 1798

I thank you for your Address of the twenty second of october. Your sentiments of the late Conduct of the French, seem to be conformable to the general sense of the World at large as well as almost the Unanimous Opinion of all America at present.
A Republic that is not bound by the Laws of the Majority, is an Aristocracy or an Oligarchy, and commonly more oppressive than Monarchy. Mixed Governments alone have been able effectually to ascertain the Will or deliberate Will to inforce the Laws, of the Majority: and such is the Constitution of the United States. Your Resolution to conform to it does you honor. your good Wishes for my health, are kindly received and sincerely reciprocated.

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Francis Dana, 3 December 1798
From: Adams, John
To: Dana, Francis

Dear Sir
Philadelphia Dec 3d. 1798

I return you the address and my answer. I did receive an address from the sixth regiment in Gen Hulls division, which I sent on to Mr McHenry to answer according to law and usage. I will enquire what he has done.
I return your hearty congratulations on the magnificent victory of Nelson. I believe it is without a precedent or parallel
I am Sir with great regard

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to William Murray, 3 December 1798
From: Adams, John
To: Murray, William,Moody, James

To the Inhabitants of the County of Fayette in the State of KentuckyGentlemenPhyladelphia Decr 3. 1798

I have received a very kind Address Subscribed with the Names of a long List of your respectable Inhabitants, expressive of very patriotick Sentiments and the most virtuous Resolutions.
These decided Appearances from Kentucky of respect to the Union, Affection for its Government and determination to defend it against all its Ennemies will be received with Joy, in every Part of the United States. It could not be otherwise. The Inhabitants of Kentucky have American Blood in their Veins and are as essentially interested in the Union as any State in it.
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Foreman, 3 December 1798
From: Adams, John
To: Foreman, Thomas,Harris, Edward

To the Inhabitants of the County of Mason in the Commonwealth of KentuckyGentlemenPhyladelphia—Decr 3. 1798

I have received an obliging Address Subscribed with the Names of a long List of your respectable Inhabitants, declaring without hesitation their determination to rally round the Standard of their Country, and Support its constituted Authorities and pledging their Lives their Fortunes and their Sacred honor to support its constituted Authorities. And Address So decided and patriotic, from so rem a state so remote from the seat of Government, and the first of the kind from Kentucky, gave me great Pleasure. It is a Proof, of a Truth that I have all along believed without a Doubt, that wherever there were Americans there such sentiments would sooner or later appear
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Ma., Grand Jury Middlesex County, 3 December 1798
From: Adams, John
To: Middlesex County, Ma., Grand Jury

To the annual grand Jury for the County of Middlesex in the State of MassachusettsGentlemen
Phyladlephia Decr. 3 1798

I have received and read with pleasure your kind Address, Agreed adopted at the Court of General Sessions of the Peace at Cambridge on the third Monday in November. I Sincerely regret, with you, that there is a Want of Unity in political Sentiments, in that Part of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts that you inhabit. I hope you are mistak If there is a Faction in this Country who prefer the Interests of a foreign nation to the honor And Safety of their own, it must be weak as well as wicked. Weak in Understanding as well as in Numbers and Power. There can be but very few if any native Americans, So unnatural and So profligate: and even those in case of Extremity would find feelings in their hearts, that neither they nor their Neighbours ever Suspected to be there.
There is something in the hearts of some Men which takes delight in every low Sarcasm, every ill natured Sneer every base Insinuation every vile Lye, which they read or hear against the Government. This is at least as true in the mildest and freest Governments, as it is in the most arbitrary and Severe. It is a question whether the Quantity of Envy against Government be not in proportion to its Mildness and Freedom.
Your Approbation of the Measures of Government both Executive and Legislative is expressed in very honourable Terms, and your determination, as for your Influence extends to impress your Sentiments on the Minds of your Fellow Citizens is meritorious.
Your kind Wishes for my personal Welfare are returned with cordial sincerity.
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Pseudonym: "A Friend To Our Happy Government", 6 December 1798
From: Pseudonym: “A Friend To Our Happy Government”
To: Adams, John

My Dear Sir
6 Dec. 1798

I can no longer remain silent when the President of the Und–States and every other friend to our country is calumniated and ridiculed by every upstart thats basking in the sunshine of our envied Goverment. open your Eyes my dear Sir and you will soon discover the miscreants that abuse your confidence. I have with pleasure observed that you begin to se their insolence and base desires. rest assured my friend they are nothing less than bringing us again under the oppressive yoke of haughty Britton, dont be surprized at this assertion my Dr. Sir I am proswaded you begin to se into their nefarious plans and by your firmness and spirit have allarmed them, The countenance you have shewn them heretofore has rendered them so insolent that they have the ingratitude to insult and traduce your character, but the other Evening the ambitious upstart A Hammilton had the insolence to observe that you was a mere Old woman and unfit for a President. I knew the miscreant when he was first imported from the West Indias a young Creole that would now presume to dictate the President of the Und States, One that has proved himself an American and a Native of the State that first opposed the arbitrary encroachments of the wicked & sangunary Court of Britton, we have all been too long cajoled by their emesaryes amongst us, look round my Dr. Sir and observe the insolence of the old inveterate Torys the very men that would have Imolated a Washington and an Adams at the shrine of Brittish vengance and who are now straining every nerve to change our happy Goverment and to place a Brittish Prince to rule over us, what then will become of an Adams a Washington, and every other friend to America, I shudder at the thoughts my Dr. Sir let me intreat you to be firm and vigelant, suffer not yourself to be deceived by that old fox Liston depend upon it he is exerting all his cuning to serve our greatest enemies, convince both Britton and france that we are determined to adhere to our Nutrality and to maintain our To freedom freedom, if by your firmness we are blest with peace and Independence futer generations will have cause to bless the name of Adams.

A friend to our happy Goverment


Title: To John Adams from William Paca, 6 December 1798
From: Paca, William
To: Adams, John

Sir
Balt. Town 6. Dec. 1798.

I have the Honor to inform You that the Commission to Jacob Graybell Marshal for the District of Maryland being granted for the Town of four years only will expire on the 10th of this Month.
It is but Justice to say of this Gentleman that he has been an active diligent and faithful officer: and I think a reappointment of him will give great Satisfaction.
With every Sentiment of respect / I am Sir yr. ob. sert.

Wm. Paca


Title: To John Adams from Dr. Delafond, 6 December 1798
From: Delafond, Dr.
To: Adams, John

					Monsieur Le Président,
					Philadelphie 6. Xbre. 1798—

				J’ai eû l’honneur de dédier a Votre Excellence un  manuscrit intitulé,  “observations sur l’Epidèmie américaine,” dont je crois avoir développé d’une manière assès satisfaisante les causes, la nature et les moyens de la prévenir. Le Paquet a été mis par moimême a la Poste le 12 8bre. dernier, et adressè a Votre Excellence dans sa terre de Quincey. j’ai osé vous inviter, Monsieur Le Président, a jetter les yeux sur cet ouvrage, et vous supplier, dans le cas où vous en jugeriés la publication avantageuse Aux Citoyens dont le salut a été l’objet de mon travail, de vouloir bien en faciliter la traduction et l’impression, attendre que ma qualité de français réfugié et ruiné par la révolution ne me permet pas d’en supporter les frais. Comme Votre Excellence ne m’a point honoré d’une réponse ni pendant votre séjour a la Campagne, ni depuis votre retour a Philadelphie, j’ai présumé que la Paquet ne vous étoit pas parvenu, ou que les grands intérêts qui occupent vos moments ne vous avoient pas laissé le Loisir de parcourir mon manuscrit. Qu’il me soit permis néamoins, Monsieur le Président, d’observer a Votre Excellence que si la publication de mes observations et des Plans que je propose, est retardée trop longtems, elles perdront tous leur mérite et l’effet que j’en attends, Celui de persuader non seulement les Citoyens de Philadelphie et de Newyork, mais encore ceux des Etats de ces deux villes, combien il est important d’ecarter le fléau qui opérera la ruine de leur Commerce et de contribuer aux moyens d’y remédier. Les citoyens de Philadelphie en ont si bien senti l’importance, qu’a leur rentrée en ville ils se sont hâtés de se rassembler pour concerter avec le Bureau de santé les moyens de prévenir l’Epidémie, et qu’ils se disposent même a présenter une pétition a la Legislature de l’Etat de Pensilvanie pour ordonner les taxes nècessaires pour les améliorations qu’ils proposent. Mais comme j’entre a cet égard dans des Détails dont il importe que le Public soit instruit, j’ose croire que vous sentirés comme moi qu’on ne peut trop ni trop tôt éclairer le Peuple sur ses vrais intérêts. Puisje donc espérer, Monsieur le Président, que si mon manuscrit Vous est parvenu, Votre Excellence voudra bien me faire savoir ses intentions sur cet objet, ou que si le Paquet a été soustrait ou perdu a la Poste, vous voudrès bien me permettre d’en déposer une autre copie a votre secrétariat? j’aurai l’honneur de m’y présenter après demain pour y recevoir vos ordres par l’organe de votre secrétaire, s’il ne m’est pas permis de Vous assurer en personne du profound respect avec lequel je suis, / De Votre Excellence, / Monsieur le Président, / Le trés humble et trés / obéïssant serviteur

				DelafondAncien Procureur du Roy ethabitant a st. Domingue—


Title: To John Adams from James McHenry, 7 December 1798
From: McHenry, James
To: Adams, John

Sir
War Department 7 Decr. 1798

The extra allowance to officers detached on service, so as to be obliged, to incur expences on the road, and at places where there are no military posts, occasions frequent references to the Secretary of War, which interfere much, and will still more, in the event of augmenting the army of the United States, with the most important business of the Department.
The officers claiming such allowances are of two descriptions. 1st. Those who receive extra compensations by law, for peculiar duties, as inspectors, Regimental Quarter masters, Paymasters &c, and 2d those who do not. The practice heretofore has been, to allow such a sum (when detached) to those of the latter description, as appeared reasonable, increasing the same, if their grade intitled them to a servant: but the first description have been in many instances considered barred from any claim, by their extra compensation; altho’ this may be given on account of greater skill or trouble rather than with reference to greater expence in the execution of their duties; and it will be observed, that the latter description of officers, without extra allowances may exhaust their whole pay on detached service, so that it may be difficult to find fit characters to execute employments which must expose them to frequent journeys.
The practice of allowing reasonable expences, according to circumstances is subject to abuse and infinitely embarrassing.
It is therefore submitted, whither it will not be proper, conduce to the case of the department and to justice, to establish a fixed rate of compensation in all these cases as a rule to be observed in future; when the law has not specifically provided for travelling expences.
The regulations I contemplate on this subject are
1. That an officer, detached on service, so as to be obliged to incur expences on the road, and at places where there are no military posts shall receive, besides his legal pay and allowances, a dollar and a quarter per day, for man and horse, for each day that the officer must sleep, at a place not a military post, and when the officer is of a rank to be intitled to a servant, then the addition of three quarter dollars of per day for the servant and his horse.
2. That the foregoing rule shall apply to all places but the seat of government, and the principal town in each State, at which places the allowance to be, a dollar and a half for the officer and his horse.
3. That extraordinary cases only when greater allowances may be indispensible, be refered to the special discretion of the Secretary of War, to be assisted by a certificate from the Commanding officer, by whom the officer claiming, was detached on the special service, stating the reasons and circumstances.
4. That half a dollar, without reference to rank, be allowed to every officer detached from one military post from to another, which he may reach the same night, not less than forty miles distant, in this case it is contemplated, the servant can without inconvenience take his own provisions with him.
5. That the days journey be regulated by the number of miles in the following proportions, viz. Forty miles to a day when the whole distance does not exceed 200 miles: thirty to a day, for all above 200 and not exceeding 350: twenty five to a day for all above 350 and not exceeding 600, and twenty to a day for all above 600.
6. That these rates do not retrospect, but regard future allowances only. That all past and intervening cases, before a reasonable notice of the same, be settled on the former principle, of reasonable expences according to circumstances—it being supposed that the application of a new rule may produce hardship & injustice when the service may have been performed in the expectation that practice on former occasions would prevail.
I have the honour to be, with the most perfect respect, Sir / your most obt. & hbl. servt.

James McHenry


Title: From John Adams to United States Congress, 8 December 1798
From: Adams, John
To: United States Congress

Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives
8 Dec. 1798

While with reverence and resignation, we contemplate the dispensations of divine providence, in the alarming and destructive pestilence, with which several of our Cities and Towns have been visited there is cause for gratitude and mutual congratulations, that the malady has disappeared, and that we are again permitted to assemble in safety, at the seat of Government, for the discharge of our important duties. But when we reflect that this fatal disorder has within a few years, made repeated ravages in some of our principal Sea ports & with increased malignancy, & when we consider the magnitude of the evils, arising from the interuption of public & private business, whereby the national interests are deeply affected; I think it my duty to invite the Legislature of the union to examine the expediency of establishing suitable regulations in aid of the health laws of the respective states; for these being formed on the idea that contagious sickness may be communicated thro’ the channels of commerce, there seems to be a necessity, that congress, who alone can regulate trade should frame a system, which while it may tend to preserve the general health may be compatible with the interests of commerce and the safety of the revenue.
While we think on this calamity, & sympathise with the immediate sufferers, we have abundant reason to present to the Supreme being our annual oblations of gratitude, for a liberal participation in the ordinary blessings of his providence. To the usual subjects of gratitude, I cannot omit to add one of the first importance to our well being & safety. I mean that spirit, which has arisen in our country against the menaces and aggression of a foreign nation. A manly sense of national honor, dignity & independence has appeared which, if encouraged and invigorated by every branch of the Government, will enable us to view undismayed, the enterprizes of any foreign power, and become the sure foundation of national prosperity and glory.
The course of the transactions in relation to the United States and France which have come to my knowledge during your recess will be made the subject of a future communication. That communication will confirm the ultimate failure of the measures, which have been taken by the government of the United States towards an amicable adjustment of differencies with that power. You will at the same time perceive, that the French goverment appears solicitous to impress the opinion, that it is averse to a rupture with this country, and that it has in a qualified manner, declared itself willing to receive a minister from the United States for the purpose of restoring a good understanding.—It is unfortunate for professions of this kind that they should be expressed in terms which may countenance the inadmissible pretension of a right to prescribe the qualifications which a minister from the United States should possess, and that, while France is asserting the existence of a disposition on her part to conciliate with sincerity the differencies which have arisen, the sincerity of a like disposition on the part of the United States, of which so many demonstrative proofs have been given, should even be indirectly questioned. It is also worthy of observation, that the decree of the directory, alledged to be intended to restrain the depredations of French cruizers on our commerce, has not given and cannot give any relief, it enjoins them to conform to all the laws of France, relative to cruizing  and prizes, while the laws are themselves the sources of the depredations of which we have so long, so justly and so fruitlessly complained.
The law of France enacted in January last, which subjects to capture and condemnation neutral vessels and their cargoes, if any portion of the latter are of British fabric or produce, although the entire property belong to neutrals, instead of being rescinded, has lately received a confirmation, by the failure of a proposition for its repeal. While this law, which is an unequivocal act of war on the commerce of the nations it attacks, continues in force, those nations can see in the French government only a power regardless of their essential rights, of their independence and sovereignty, and if they possess the means, they can reconcile nothing with their interest and honor, but a firm resistance.
Hitherto, therefore, nothing is discoverable in the conduct of France, which ought to change or relax our measures of defence, on the contrary to extend and invigorate them, is our true policy. We have no reason to regret that these measures have been thus far adopted and pursued and in proportion as we enlarge our view of the portentous and incalculable Situation of Europe, We Shall discover new and cogent motives for the full development, of our Ennorgies and resources.
But in demonstrating by our Conduct that We do not fear War in the necessary protection of our Rights and honor, We shall give no room to infer that we abandon the desire of Peace. An efficient preparation for war can alone ensure Peace. It is Peace that we have uniformly and perseveringly cultivated; And Harmony between Us and France may be restored at her Option. But to send another Minister, without more  determinate assurances that he would be received would be an Act of Humiliation to which the United States ought not to Submit. It must therefore be left with France, if she be in is indeed desirous of accommodation, to take the requisite Steps. The United States will steadily observe the Maxims by which they have hitherto been governed. They will respect the Sacred rights of Embassy. And with a Sincere disposition on the part of France to desist from hostility, to make reparation for the Injuries heretofore inflicted on our Commerce and to do Justice in future, there will be no Obstacle to the restoration of a Friendly intercourse. In making to You, this Declaration I give a Pledge to France and to the World that the Executive Authority of this Country Still adheres to the humane and pacific Policy which has invariably governed its proceedings, in conformity with the Wishes of the other Branches of the Government and of the People of the United States. But considering the late Manifestations of her Policy towards foreign Nations, I deem it a Duty deliberately and Solemnly to declare my Opinion, that whether We negotiate with her or not, vigorous preparations for War, will be alike indispensable. These Alone will give to Us, an equal Treaty and ensure its Observance.
Among the Measures of Preparation which appear expedient I take the Liberty to recall your Attention to the Naval Establishment. The beneficial Effects of the Small Naval Armament provided under the Acts of the last Session are known and acknowledged.—Perhaps no Country ever experienced more Sudden and remarkable Advantages from any measure of Policy than We have derived from the Arming for our maritime Protection and Defence. We ought, without Loss of Time, to lay the Foundation for an increase of our Navy to a Size Sufficient to protect our Coast and protect our Trade. Such a Naval Force, as it is doubtless in the Power of the United States to create and maintain would also afford to them the best means of general Defence by facilitating the Safe transportation of Troops and Stores to every part of our extensive Coast. To accomplish this important Object a prudent Foresight requires that Systematical measures be adopted for procuring at all times, the requisite Timber and other Supplies. In what manner this shall be done, I leave to your consideration.
I will now Advert, Gentlemen, to Some matters of less moment, but proper to be communicated to the national Legislature.
After the Spanish Garrisons had evacuated the Posts they occupied at the Natchez and Walnut Hills, the Commissioner of the United States commenced his Observations to ascertain the Point near the Missisippi which terminated the northernmost part of the thirty first degree of north Latitude. From thence he proceeded to run the boundary Line between the United States and Spain. He was afterwards joined by the Spanish Commissioner, when the Work of the former was confirmed; and they proceeded together to the demarkation of the Line. Recent information renders it probable that the Southern Indians, either instigated to oppose the Demarkation, or jealous of the Consequences of Suffering white People to run a Line over Lands to which the Indian Title had not been extinguished have e’er this time stopped the progress of the Commissioners. And considering the mischiefs which may result from continuing the Demarkation, in Opposition to the Will of the Indian Tribes, the great expence Attending it, and that the Boundaries which the Commissioners have actually established, probably extend at least as far as the Indian Title has been extinguished, it will perhaps become expedient and necessary to Suspend further proceedings, by recalling our Commissioner.
The Commissioners appointed in pursuance of the fifth Article of the Treaty of Amity, Commerce and Navigation, between the United States and his Britannic Majesty, to determine what River was truly intended under the Name of the River St Croix mentioned in the Treaty of Peace and forming a part of the Boundary therein described, have finally decided that question. On the twenty fifth of October, they made, their declaration, that a River called Scoodiac, which falls into Passamaquoddy Bay, at its Northwestern quarter, was the true St. Croix intended in the Treaty of Peace, as far as its great Fork, where one of its Streams comes from the Westward and the other from the northward; and that the latter Stream is the continuation of the Saint Croix to its Source. This Decision, it is understood, will preclude all Contention among Individual Claimants; as it Seems that the Scoodiac and its northern Branch, bound the Grants of Lands which have been made by the respective adjoining Governments. A Subordinate question however, it has been Suggested Still remains to be determined. Between the Mouth of the Saint Croix, as now Settled and what is usually called the Bay of Funday, lie, a number of valuable Islands. The Commissioners have not continued the boundary Line, through any Channel of these Islands, and unless the Bay of Passamoquoddy, be a part of the Bay of Fundy, this further Adjustment of Boundary will be necessary. But it is apprehended that this will not be a matter of any difficulty.
Such progress has been made in the Examination of and decision of Cases of captures and condemnations of American Vessells, which were the Subject of the Seventh Article of the Treaty of Amity, Commerce and navigation between the United States and Great Britain, that it is Supposed the Commissioners, will be able to bring their Business to a conclusion, in August of the ensuing Year.
The Commissioners, acting under the twenty first Article of the Treaty, between the United States and Spain, have adjusted most of the Claims of our Citizens for Losses Sustained in consequence of their Vessells and Cargoes having been taken by the Subjects of his Catholic Majesty, during the late War between France and Spain
Various circumstances have concurred to delay the Execution of the Law for augmenting the military Establishment. Among these the desire of Obtaining the fullest Information, to direct the best selection of officers. As this Object will now be Speedily accomplished, it is expected that the raising and organizing of the Troops, will proceed, without obstacle, and with Effect.
Gentlemen of the House of Representatives. I have directed an estimate of the appropriations which will be necessary for the service of the ensuing year to be laid before You, accompanied with a View of the public Receipts and Expenditures to a recent Period. It will afford you Satisfaction to infer the great Extent and Solidity of the public Resources, from the prosperous State of the Finances, not withstanding the Unexampled Embarrassments which have Attended Commerce. When you reflect on the conspicuous Examples of Patriotism and Liberality which have been exhibited by our mercantile Fellow Citizens and how great a proportion of the public Resources, depends on their Enterprize, you will naturally consider, whether their Convenience cannot be promoted and reconciled with the security of the Revenue, by a revision of the system, by which the Collection is at present regulated.
During your Recess, Measures have been Steadily pursued for effecting the Valuations and Returns directed by the Act of the last session, preliminary to the Assessment and Collection of a direct Tax. No other delays or Obstacles have been experienced except Such as were expected to arise from the great Extent of our Country and the Magnitude and novelty of the operation and enough has been accomplished to assure a fulfillment of the Views of the Legislature.
Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives.
I cannot close this Address, without once more adverting to our political Situation and inculcating the essential Importance of uniting in the Maintenance of our dearest Interests: and I trust that by the temper and wisdom of your Proceedings, and by a harmony of Measures, We Shall Secure to our Country that Weight and Respect, to which it is So justly entitled.

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Adams, 10 December 1798
From: Adams, John
To: Adams, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Philadelphia Dec 10 ‘98

I received but a few days ago your kind letter of the 30th of October. I was much gratified to receive a line from a kinsman whom I have always esteemed. I rejoice in your prosperity and wish you much comfort to the end of life. I knew it must be impossible for you not to take an interest in the cause and honor of your country, brought so unjustly to a tryal by our late-friends the French.
As to appointments under the federal government there are two candidates to one office and sometimes more, sometimes twenty, and sometimes forty.
I pray you to remember me to all my relations at Newington and to believe me to be affectionately yours.

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to David Payson, 10 December 1798
From: Adams, John
To: Payson, David,Cunningham, William

To the Second Regiment in the first Brigade and the Eighth Division of the Militia of Massachusetts and the Companies of Cavalry and Artillery commanded by Silas Lee and David Silvester
GentlemenPhyladelphia Decr. 10 1798

I thank you for your unanimous Address adopted at Wiscassett in the County of Lincoln at a Regimental Review on the fifteenth of October.
A Spirit like yours Seems in a remarkable manner to animate the Militia throughout the Union and will be sufficient to discourage all disorganizing Factions and foreign Influence. Your Spirited Resolutions are not the last in point of time, nor are they inferiour to any in decision Firmness or Patriotism.

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to United States Senate, 10 December 1798
From: Adams, John
To: United States Senate

Gentlemen of the Senate
United States December 10 1798

I nominate Thomas Truxton of Pensylvania and Samuel John Elbert of Georgia to be Midshipmen in the Navy of the United States

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Eliphalet Fitch, 10 December 1798
From: Fitch, Eliphalet
To: Adams, John

My dear Sir,
Kingston Jamaica Decemr 10th. 1798.—

I have been favored with your kind Letter of the 2d. March, which was sometime detained at Newyork, for want of a good Conveyance.—Your Time is too much engaged at present in public Business to admit of much private Correspondence: I will therefore write you more fully at some future day.—The Purport of this Letter is to mention to you my Friend William Savage Esqre., a Son of the late Samuel Philips Savage Esqre. of Boston whom you have probably known.—I am aware that the Americans, who have served their Country, have an undoubted Claim to a Preference in public Employment; yet if the Salary allowed for a Consul or Agent in this Island is not sufficient for his Support, I would beg Leave to recommend to your Favor Mr. Savage, who has been long established as a very respectable Merchant in this Town.—He is much esteemed, and would fulfill the Trust with the greatest Honour and Fidelity.—My sincere Regards always attend you and your Family Connections, and with great Esteem I am ever very truly, / Dear Sir, / Your affectionate Relation and / much obliged Friend

Elipht. Fitch


Title: To John Adams from Elbridge Gerry, 10 December 1798
From: Gerry, Elbridge
To: Adams, John

post 10 Dec 1798

Remarks on General Marshalls letter of the 12th of Nov, & Mr Pickerings of the 10th of December 1798 to Mr Gerry: respectfully submitted by the latter to the President of the United States of America.
1st. In regard to the source of the information (relative to the renewal of one or both the money propositions) which General Marshall thinks, I must have supposed to be him; I had not the means of ascertaining it: nor could I suppose it to have been either of the other Envoys, for in that case, I should have had a right to expect, the information would have been correct.
2dly General Marshall “knows not why, I supposed the publication” in question, “a stigma to myself,” & thinks “it contains nothing indelicate, or with which I have a right to be displeased.” his reasons are, “that it was not stated, to have been in my power to have avoided the application,” “nor was it insinuated, that I approved or recieved it favorably.” “that I was not censured, for not having made the communication to Government—” “nor could he have intended such a censure, since he himself must have participate in it.” “that I did not withhold the conversation, (Vizt of X & Y relative to the money propositions) from my colleagues.” “& that it was nearly as incumbent on him, as on me to have suggested the propriety of mentioning it to the Secretary of State.” “that it was deemed unnecessary” by the envoys. & that this fact (the renewal by X & Y of the money propositions) would not have been brot into view, but in consequence of the astonishing impudence, manifested by Mr Talleyrand, in demanding of me, the names of W, X, Y & Z.” but, without any of these qualifications, or explanations, & at a time when prejudices, ungenerously, unjustly, artfully, & cruelly excited against me in my absence, and without any friendly advocate, had taken deep root, & threatened the destruction of myself, & family, that publication was made in the words following: “But there is one important fact relative to this business not mentioned in the dispatches from the Envoys, which ought to be universally known, and of the truth of which I have incontrovertible evidence, it is this “the company at the private (this word & some others following were italicised) dinner to which Mr Gerry was invited by Mr Talleyrand, consisted of X Y & Z. after rising from table, X & Y renewed to Mr Gerry, in the room, & in the presence (tho’ perhaps not in the hearing) of Talleyrand, the money propositions, which the Envoys had before rejected! & yet Mr Talleyrand has affected ignorance, who were meant by X, Y, & Z! what unexampled effrontery!—let any candid man, Sir judge whether this clause “contains nothing indelicate” in regard to myself; Whether “I had not a right to be displeased with it,” or, whether “it was not a stigma on me.” can any one, Sir, say, that “if the company at the private dinners,” consisted of Mr Talleyrand, X, Y, Z, & myself, it had not the appearance of a clandestine meeting, for the purpose of intrigue, & of my having been the cause of its not being “mentioned in the despatches” & “universally known.” & can any one assert that this was not the impression which the publication had a tendency to make? & that “the effrontery of Mr Talleyrand” “unexampled” as it was, would not, at my expence, have been heightened, had the company consisted, only of the five persons mentioned: can any one, considering the conduct of Mr Pickering in general towards me, & particularly in this instance, doubt of his intention to make that impression? & can any one say that “the company, at the private dinner to which Mr Gerry was invited by Mr Talleyrand, consisted of X, Y, & Z.”, or that the former was not warranted in saying this “important fact never existed.” I should be loth to make any observations in the distinction of General Marshall between “official, or publick” & “private dinners.” they are to the President, I am sure unnecessary.
3dly General Marshall states, as a wonder of wonders, that I should deny “the fact itself.” but he did not state the fact, which I did then, & do still deny, that the company at the private dinner, to which I was invited by Mr Talleyrand consisted of X, Y, & Z: & which he admits I have a right to deny; for he says that “he does not recollect to have heard me mention any more than X, Y, & Z, and the Secretaries, who are the family of Mr Talleyrand.” the fact of which I was doubtful Vizt whether X & Y renewed one or both of the money propositions is by General Marshall substituted for the one which I denyed, & which “never existed.” in regard to this fact, I think now, from the best of my memory, as I then tho’t, that the proposition for the loan only was renewed; but if General Marshall thinks he is correct in his statement, that according to my information to him & General Pinckney “X & Y made a repetition of the money propositions,” be it so, it is to me a matter of no consequence, further than that I wish for an accurate statement of facts. if he has not mistaken my information the fact was as he has stated it.
4thly The company consisted, not only of Mr Talleyrand, X, Y, Z, & myself, & the secretaries, but also of Mr Codman, who came to the lodgings of General Marshall, & myself, to accompany me to the dinner; a circumstance which he has undoubtedly forgot: & of Mr Skipwith, & many others.
5thly General Marshall had undoubted evidence, that I supposed, as well as himself that X, Y, & Z were well known to Mr Talleyrand; he knew that I drew the first paragraph of the last conference of the Envoys with Mr Talleyrand, in which they informed him that “the propositions he had suggested, appeared to them the same, with those which had been made by X & Y, & also to Mr Gerry, with an intention, that they should be communicated to his colleagues;” & he admits, that “I expressed a good deal of indignation, at the renewal of one, or both the money propositions. he ought therefore to have manifested a disposition, to have removed from the public mind, the possibility of an imputation to me, in regard to these events.
6thly General Marshall has expressed  a wish “to save us both the pain of an altercation”. He knew how earnestly I wished to avoid this, & what I had suffered to prevent it: but he had no right to expect, that I would permit the publick to be poisoned by injurious & unjust suggestions, & implications against me, without correcting them.
7thly Mr Pickering states, his having informed the President, that he could not publish my letter (which he says seems to have been proposed as the means “to do myself justice”) without subjoining some remarks which might wound my feelings.” he “seems” to have taken some exception to that letter, because proposed “as the mean” to do myself justice. I made no such proposition, nor had such an intention. on the other hand, you know well, Sir, that I wished for the matter to be so corrected, as to prevent injury to the feelings of any one: but Mr. Pickering must have had the fibres of an anvil, and supposed that I had the same, to have conceived, that his letter to Mr. Johnstone, or his report to the President, had not wounded my feelings. I wish never to wound the feelings of any man, but, confess that it has been with great difficulty I have refrained from doing myself public Justice. (nothing but the President’s request & an aversion from interrupting the publick tranquility, which is remarkableR I am informed has been promoted by the publication of my dispatches, have prevailed on me to endure ungenerous and unmerited reproach.
7thly Altho’ Mr Pickering in his report alluded to, stated what he had omitted in his letter to Mr Johnstone, “that when the money propositions were renewed“ “Mr Gerry very justly offended answered positively in the negative, & the conversation dropped.” Yet he has not corrected his misrepresentation that I dined in company consisting of Mr Talleyrand X&Y, and Z, and has moreover repeated his uncandid remarks in regard to my giving Mr Talleyrand the names of this agency agents.


Title: To John Adams from Joshua Morris, 11 December 1798
From: Morris, Joshua
To: Adams, John

Hond. Sir
Shelby County Kentucky Decr. 11th: 1798

I take the liberty to send you the inclos’d letter which was sent (as you may se) by Thomas Davis a Member of Congress to Cap Standerford an Acquaintance of mine. I beg your Honour will not take Offence at the fredom I take in this Business. The steps that are taken by many of Our Gentlemen here are realy serious to me. I am Apprehensive unless some measures are taken to prevent, a revolt will take place: from the best information I can get a Majority of this State are immediately Opposd to some of the Acts of Congress & A number of Our leading Men by unfair Rippresentation influence the Vulgar,
I am Hond. Sir / with due Respect & Submn. / Your Most Obd Hle Sert.

Joshua Morris


Title: To John Adams from Timothy Pickering, 11 December 1798
From: Pickering, Timothy
To: Adams, John

Sir
Philadelphia Decr. 11. 1798.

Colo. Pickering presents his respects to the President of the United States, and incloses Mr. Gerry’s letter of Octr: 20.—Since Colo. P. searched for it in vain, it has been returned to him, with other papers relative to French affairs, by the Attorney General.
Colo. Pickering embraces this opportunity to submit to the President’s perusal General Marshall’s journal of occurrences in Paris. Under the dates of October 18. 19. 20. & 21. (1797.) the President will see how preposterously Mr. Gerry claims the merit of forwardness and decision in resisting the nefarious projects of France attempted thro’ the agency of X, & Y, as represented in his letter of Novr. 21. 1798. to the Secretary of State; which letter, with the document No. 36. therein referred to, Colo. Pickering also herewith submits to the President’s perusal.


Title: From John Adams to United States Senate, 12 December 1798
From: Adams, John
To: United States Senate

Gentlemen of the Senate
Decr. 12. 1798

I nominate John Faulcon of North Carolina to be a Commissioner under the Act for the Valuation of Land and Dwelling Houses and the Enumeration of slaves for the third Division of that state in the Room of Joseph John Williams who has declined his Appointment
William Peck to be Marshall for the District of Rhode Island
Charles Burnham Cockran to be Marshall for the District of South Carolina, and
Jacob Graybell to be Marshall of the District of Maryland.

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to United States Senate, 13 December 1798
From: Adams, John
To: United States Senate

Gentlemen of the Senate
December 13. 1798

I nominate Jacob Radclift of New York to be a Commissioner of Valuations &c in the Place of James Watson Esqr. resigned.
John Edwards of Kentucky to be Commissioner of Valuations &c in the Place of Henry Lee declined.
John McDowell of Kentucky to be Commissioner of Valuations &c in Place of Robert Johnson who has declined his Appointment
William Hunt of North Carolina to be Commissioner of Valuations &c in the Place of Absalom Tatem, who has declined his Appointment.

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Elbridge Gerry, 15 December 1798
From: Adams, John
To: Gerry, Elbridge

Dear Sir
Phyladelphia December 15 1798

I have recd your favour of the 24 of Novr. I sent your Letter to me of the 20 of October, from Quincy to the Secretary of State and requested him to publish it. He has returned it to me and declines publishing it. I return it to you inclosed, as I think it will be attended with no good Effect if I should publish it. You will judge for yourself whether it is necessary for you to publish it. My opinion and Advice and Request is that you would not. Because Things Stand at this time well enough, But the Publication of that Letter may involve Controversies that had better remain at rest.
Although I am well satisfied that your Conduct was Upright and well intended, yet I find General Marshall has left with Col Pickering his Journal from Day to Day, and your Conduct as it is there represented will be very unpopular on several Points. Your separate & secret Conferences with Talleyrand: your Advocating a Stipulation for a Loan to be paid after the War, will do no good to you or to the public. Pinckney & Marshall will attest to the Correctness of this Journal and will be believed. Indeed I dont know that there is any Thing in it that you would deny.
At least I wish you to wait untill you see the Communications I shall make to Congress. I hope all will be still and calm—I should hate to have any dispute excited about what is past.
My Compliments to Mrs Gerry and the little Family and believe me, as ever your Friend / & servant

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Abiel Wood, 15 December 1798
From: Wood, Abiel
To: Adams, John

Sir
Wiscasset Decembr. 15 1798

At the request of the Feild & Commision officers of the first and fourth Rigement of the first Brigade Eighth Division. I enclose you the their address. (those of the Second and Third Rigements with those of the several Companys of Artilery And Cavalry being allready forwarded—)
I am Happy to find that every officer with out Exception—in the Brigade I have the honr. to Comand, feel that Just indignation that becomes the American Character—at the insult offerd our Government in the Treatment of Our Envoys and the depredations made on our Commerce by the french Republic—Convinced that the Honr. Independancy and Safety of our Country (under God) Depends on the manly Efferts of Our amrs arms we are determind at the Risk of our lives and property—to Defend Our Country and supporte her Laws. no Country Can enjoy Liberty longer then her Laws are respected and enforced. Accept my best wishes that God will long preserve a life so Eminently usefull to our Country at this eventfull moment—With Great Respect and Esteem I am your moste Obt. Sert

Abiel Wood B. Genl:1 Brigade 8 Division


Title: To John Adams from William Perry, 15 December 1798
From: Perry, William
To: Adams, John

Sir
Annapolis Decr. 15th 1798

The General Assembly of the State of Maryland, composed of Characters selected by the various classes of it’s citizens, and possessed of a full knowledge of the sentiments of their constituents would, in this interesting crisis of public affairs, do little justice to their feelings, the interest of their Country, and to your virtue, in forbearing to express an entire and cordial approbation of the firm, temperate, and dignified measures of your Administration.
Called to the Presidency of the General Government, at a moment when the aspiring and venal rulers of France convulsed all Europe with a war prosecuted for plunder and aggrandisement, it was not difficult to foresee, that every species of artifice and intrigue, which talents could suggest, ambition excite, or avarice inflame, would be employed to disturb our happiness and peace, to cajole or force our Country into a war Prejudicial to our interests, and to render your administration painful, perplexing, and, if possible, odious to the people;
The destruction of religion, and encouragement of loose principles, were eminently calculated to create fit instruments for promoting divisions in, and paralizing the energies of other Governments: hence the unremitting, dark and insidious exertions, practised to divide us at home, whilst a lawless, vexatious, and predatory war plundered us abroad.
To prevent the repetition of aggressions not more flagitious than destitute of colourable pretext and to recall the Government of France to an honorable fulfilment of its political engagements in the true spirit of sincere amity; we have seen, with pride and pleasure, your ample, just, and pacific instructions to our Minister to demand reparation; in the accustomed forms of diplomatic negotiation; instead of the Directory’s meeting these amicable overtures, with pain and indignation, we have beheld insults heaped on injuries—our Ministers spurned with indignity—our Country threatened with the fate of Governments wantonly annihilated, and our Citizens treated as vassals and Slaves, who must basely purchase the privilege of stating their complaints. Conduct like this has torn the veil from the face of hypocrisy, and awakened the people of America from the delirium of unsuspecting friendship to rally round the Government of their adoption. We have seen with satisfaction Treaties declared no longer Obligatory, which were violated as often as the interest of individuals, or the caprice of a moment dictated; and we heartily approve of the protective measures of our Government, as well as the late regulations for internal quiet. Preparation for war is preservation of peace.
Having emancipated ourselves from Britain, and secured our liberties by one revolution we pledge ourselves not to sacrifice the blessings of Freedom at the shrine of France, and we will stand prepared to encounter her open hostilities, or counteract her yet more dangerous principles and intrigues; nor will we suffer ourselves to be lulled into a fatal security by the semblance of conciliatory language or measures, the result of insidious policy. We will support the Government of our choice, preserve our Independence and our rights, or perish in the attempt. But we fondly trust, that so long as the enjoyment of national liberty is secured, virtue and religion inculcated and practised, while the Government continues true to the people, and the people to themselves, we may defy the assaults of any power on earth, and look forward, under the protection of Heaven, to a continuance of the prosperity and happiness of our Country.
Adulation disgraces freemen, but the frank and undisguised expression of public sentiment is the most honorable reward an enlightened and virtuous Statesman can receive. Accept then, Sir, our assurances in behalf of the people of Maryland, that the wise and salutary principles of your administration inspire present confidence; and a retrospective view of your long and faithful services, your steady patriotism and well tried integrity, constitutes an ample pledge for the future rectitude of your conduct; and with wishes for your health and happiness, we earnestly hope your usefulness will long be continued to your Country.

W Perry.President of the SenateHenry H ChapmanSpeaker of the House of Delegates


Title: From John Adams to James McHenry, 17 December 1798
From: Adams, John
To: McHenry, James

Phyladelphia Dec 17 1798

The president of the U.S. requests the Secy. at war to present to each of the heads of department a copy of the schedule A with a request that they would examine it and consult such members of congress as they judge the best qualified to give information concerning the propriety of nominating the officers contained in the list.

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to United States Senate, 17 December 1798
From: Adams, John
To: United States Senate

Gentlemen of the Senate
Decr. 17. 1798

I nominate John Huger of South Carolina to be Commissioner of Valuations &c for in the Place of Arnoldus Vanderhorst declined.
Thomas Glascock of Georgia to be Commissioner of Valuations &c in the Place of Jared Irvin, declined
John Clark of Georgia to be Commissioner of Valuations in the Place of Benjamin Talliafero who has declined

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Charles Lee, 17 December 1798
From: Lee, Charles
To: Adams, John

December 17th. 1798.

In obedience to the directions of the President of the United-States, the Attorney General has taken into his consideration, the several questions stated by the Commissioners of the City of Washington, relative to the claims of Daniel Carroll of Dudley, together with all the papers accompanying their statement, and the trust Deed to which they refer;—and has come to the following opinions thereupon.
Upon the first question, relative to Interest, the Attorney General understands the original Contract as contained in the Deed of trust, to give a right to Mr. Carroll to receive the whole sum due to him, for the lands bought of him for public use, as squares parcels or lots, so soon as sales were made of the part assigned to be sold, producing a sum sufficient to pay the aforesaid Debt.—From this period in equity, he is entitled to Interest on that principal sum, deducting partial payments made from time to time,—a fair & exact computation should be made and the balance, if any, should be paid to him, as though he has continued in possession and received the profits of the land.—The special terms of the Deed of trust shew, that he was to receive the principal, so soon as it could be paid out of the Sales of the saleable lots, and was also to have the occupation, till either purchasers or the United-States wanted the occupation, for the purposes to which those Squares & parcels were appropriated for public use.—This case then, is an exception from the General Rule, that a vendor of land shall not receive Interest on the principal purchase money and the profits of the land also.—This Opinion is to be received under the qualification expressed in the answer given on the second question.—
Upon the second question, if the Commissioners demand of Mr. Carroll the possession & occupation of the public appropriations for the uses to which they have been appropriated (not merely that the land may not be impoverished by his culture, or that there may be a young growth of trees) and if he detains the possession after such demand, it will not be proper to pay any part of the Balance, and interest should stop from the time of such refusal.—At the time the occupation is demanded as aforesaid, a tender should be made of the whole balance due, principal & Interest, computed as already recommended.—
Whether the Squares appropriated to public uses may not hereafter be appropriated to other public uses, is a question which the Commissioners are not authorised to settle, and their answer on this point has been cautious & proper.—Everything in this world is liable to mutation and it seems premature to require at this time an explicit answer; but if one is required there appears nothing in the Deed that expressly or implicitly unalterably fixes the appropriations forever, as they have been laid off.—The public appropriations belong to the United States absolutely, and may be used in this Century in a manner different from what may be expedient in the next; and yet may always be applied to public use and enjoyment.—
Upon the third point, Mr. Carroll has no right to be paid, for the Streets laid off on the borders of the Squares appropriated to public use.—All streets laid off by the direction of the President are expressly excluded from calculation of the property for which money was payable: nor is he to be paid for streets laid off adjoining the proposed Canal; nor is it reasonable that he should be paid for the bed of the Canal, that being a navigable water by nature; free to the use of every Body for the purpose of navigation in its natural state, it should remain free in its artificial state, as is now intended.—
In strictness, the part of the Canal above tide water is distinguishable from the residue.—But when the project of the canal was undertaken, did not every proprietor tacitly or expressly consent to yield up his Interest in so much of his land as should be thus necessarily appropriated to public use?—If any proprietor is to be found who has not thus consented, his property cannot be taken away without compensation; and the Rule of that compensation may be reasonably supposed a good one, which is expressed in the Deed of trust, relative to other public appropriations.—Let these ideas be applied to Mr. Carroll’s demand, according to the facts of the Case.—
Relative to so much of the streets as being extended, pervade the public squares, it will be proper to adhere to that interpretation which has heretofore prevailed respecting this Claim.—The expressions of the Deed are vague on this point, but they have been practically interpreted, and that is presumed to be right unless the contrary should be evidently shewn, which is deemed impossible in this Instance.—
All which is most respectfully submitted to the consideration of the President.

(Signed) Charles Lee


Title: From John Adams to Richard O’Brien, 18 December 1798
From: Adams, John
To: O’Brien, Richard,Eaton, William,Cathcart, James Leander

December 18, 1798

To Richard O’Brien Esquire Consul General of the United States of America for the Kingdom of Algiers, William Eaton Esquire Consul of the United States for the Kingdom of Tunis, and James Leander Cathcart Esquire Consul of the United States for the Kingdom of Tripoli.
Some articles in the treaty between the United States and the Kingdom of Tunis concluded at Tunis, by the intervention of Joseph Etienne Famin on behalf of the United States in the month of August 1797, being inconvenient to the United States, and the fourteenth article being incompatible with their whole commercial system: You are hereby authorized to confer, negotiate and conclude with the Bey and Regency of Tunis on the alterations in the said treaty which the honor and essential interests of the United States require to be made. The articles on which you shall so agree and conclude, before they become obligatory on the United States, are to be submitted to and ratified by the President of the United States by and with the advise and consent of the Senate.
The authority hereby conferred may be exercised by any two of you in the absence of the third, or by any one of you in the necessary absence of the other two.
In Testimony whereof, I have caused these letters to be made Patent, and the Seal of the United States to be hereunto affixed.
Given under my hand, at the City of Philadelphia this eighteenth day of December in the year of our Lord, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-eight, and of the Independence of the United States of America, the twenty-third:

John AdamsBy the President,Timothy Pickering,Secretary of State


Title: To John Adams from Charles Lee, 18 December 1798
From: Lee, Charles
To: Adams, John

To John Adams President of the United States
Sir
Philadelphia 18 December 1798

Agreeably to your direction I have taken into consideration the memorial of Joseph Barrell Marston Watson and Benjamin Joy Directors of the New England Missisipi Land Company bearing date the 30th October last together with the several documents which accompany it.
It does not appear proper that the President should express any opinion upon the merits of the claim or defer on this account the appointment of Commissioners for adjusting and determining with the commissioners on the part of Georgia, the title of the United States to the district of country to which the memorialists exhibit a claim derived from the State. Their determination if favorable to the title of the United States may then make it necessary for the Congress to hear the memorialists and to act upon the case according to the purest principles of honor & equity. At present the memorial may only be considered as a regular notification to the United States of the claim of the New England Missisipi land company.
With perfect respect I have the honor to remain / Sir your most obedient humble servant

Charles Lee


Title: To John Adams from James McHenry, 18 December 1798
From: McHenry, James
To: Adams, John

Sir.
War Department 18 Decr. 1798

I inclose the warrants, for holding two military courts, one, a General Court Martial on Captain Thomas Lewis, the other, a court of Inquiry, on the conduct of Captain Edward Miller, together with the proceedings, sentence, and opinion of the Court.
At a period, when the army is to be greatly augmented, it is desireable to establish, the best principles for its police; I was therefore induced, to request the opinions, of the commander in Chief, and Major Generals, who were present, upon these cases; a copy of my letter to them, and their opinions, are also inclosed.
My opinion on both cases, coincides with that of the General officers. Captain Lewis would have been wrong, in addressing a note, expressed in terms of his first one to Major Cushing to any officer; and altho’ the Court could not do otherwise, than acquit him, of behaving in a manner, that was scandalous, and infamous, yet his neglect of the urbanity, and decorum becoming an officer, in the style he used, induces me to suppose, the Presidents approval of the Sentance, should be qualified with a reprehension of his error.
Captain Millers former military services, character, and the large family dependant upon him, are mentioned in my letter, to the Generals; his conduct cannot be justified; to pass it over might produce serious evils.
It is however necessary to represent, that it would be impracticable, at this time, on account of the dispersed situations, of the military, to convene a general court martial, for his trial, in the Western Country, where Captain Miller now is, with his command; and that unless ordered to the Natcheson the Mississippi or Tenessee, it would be difficult, without injury to the Service, to convene a full Court of thirteen members, a competent number of whom, should be officer of experience and discretion.
I have the honour to be with the greatest respect Sir / Your Obedient & / hble Servt.
James McHenry


Title: From John Adams to United States Senate, 19 December 1798
From: Adams, John
To: United States Senate

Gentlemen of the Senate
Decr. 19. 1798

I nominate Archibald Richardson of Virginia to be collector for the district of South Quay. Archibald Richardson of ditto to be inspector of the revenue for the port of South Quay. Edward St Loe Livermore of New Hampshire to be naval officer for the district of Portsmouth. Andrew Torbone of Virginia to be Inspector of the revenue for the port of Bermuda Hundred. Andrew Torbone of ditto to be surveyor for the district of Bermuda Hundred. Samuel Sitgreaves of Pensylvania to be commissioner for carrying into effect the 6 article of the British treaty. Woolsey Burton of Delaware to be commissioner under the act to provide for the valuation of lands &c for the third division of the said state vice Isaac Cooper declined. Thomas Davis of Massachusetts to be ditto for the fourth division of the said do. vice Thos. Dawes declined. Elijah Brigham of Massachusetts ditto for the seventh division of the said state vice Jos. Allen decld. Cornelius Howard of Maryland, ditto for the third division of the same state, vice Robt Gorsuch declined. Moses Robinson Jun Esqr of Vermont ditto for the second ditto of the same state, vice Elijah Dewy decld. Isaac Alexander of South Carolina ditto for the second ditto of the same State, vice Jn. Chesnut declined. Bushrod Washington of Virginia to be one of the associate justices of the supreme court of the United States. Maxwell Armstrong of Virginia to be commissioner under the act to provide for the valuation of lands &c for the second division of the same state, Vice Jno Haymond declined. Andrew Nelson of Virginia to be ditto for the 1st division of the same state, vice David Stephenson declined. Thomas Posey Esqr of Virginia to be ditto for the 11th division of the same state, vice George Divers declined. William Puston of Virginia to be ditto for the 3d division of the same state vice Wm. Hunter Cavendish declined. James Murphey of North Carolina to be ditto for the 6th division of the same state, vice Wallace Alexander declined. Samuel Hay of South Carolina to be ditto for the 5th division of the same State, vice Stephen Elliot declined

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Commissioners of Washington City, 20 December 1798
From: Adams, John
To: Washington City, Commissioners of

Gentlemen
Philadelphia Dec 20th 1798

I referred the inclosed papers to the Attorney Gen. and now inclose you his two opinions. I have the honor &

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to John Jay, 21 December 1798
From: Adams, John
To: Jay, John

Dear Sir
Philadelphia Dec 21st 1798.

I am informed by my son at New York, that Mr. Samuel B. Malcom has applied for an office under your Excellency, ad and desired me to write to you in his behalf. This I can do without hesitation and with pleasure. Mr. Malcom lived in my family as my private Secretary for about an year and half, and conducted himself always like an amiable and honorable young gentleman. In my service he was attentive, diligent and faithfull; and I have no doubt he would fulfill the duties of the office which he sollicits with honor and fidelity.
With great esteem and respect I have the honor to be Sir your Excellencys / most obedient and most humble servant

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Pennsylvania Legislature, 21 December 1798
From: Adams, John
To: Pennsylvania Legislature

To the House of Representatives of the State of Pennsylvania
Gentlemen
Phyladelphia Decr. 21. 1798

I receive the Honor of this Address, from the House of Representatives of the State of Pennsylvania, expressive of their approbation of my Conduct as Chief Magistrate of the United States in Support of the honor and Independence of this Country with more than common Gratitude and peculiar sensibility.
The Passion of Ambition is in its nature unlimited. Its The late wild Projects suggested by it on the Theatre of Europe are not new. The French Nation, from their Numbers, their situation their Resources, their Bravery Activity Ingenuity and Enterprize, have been peculiarly subject to Paroxisms of this Distemper of the human mind. The Spirit of Conquest, which has often seized on this People, has however never taken possession of them without making work for Severe Repentance: without involving France in extravagant Exertions and Expences both of Blood and Treasure, which have exhausted them to such a degree as to require sometimes whole Centuries of Languor & Lassitude before they could recover their true station in the World. There is not a sound has not been a sound Mind in France, but has which has not always regretted and lamented this foible in his Countrymen. Nor do I believe there is a Frenchman in the World at this Day, who is really & truly enlightened in the with the Knowledge of the true Interest & honor of his Country, who does not betwail the Infatuation which is producing temporary Calamities to other Nations and must produce more lasting misfortunes to France.
The detestible insidious and malevolent Policy of dividing People & Nations from their Government, is not original. The French have not the Credit even of the Invention of it. It is borrowed from the Great Nation of Persia who adopted it from were taught it by the little Republic of Sparta after it she was debauched & corrupted. France ought to be ashamed of it. And the World ought to make her repent of her servile Imitation.
Candor must own that Our Country lies under a Reproach, which it concerns the Nation to correct, it is that of producing Individuals, who are capable not only of obscene dark Interferences by Usurpation in our external Concerns,  but also capable of forgetting or renouncing their Principles and Feelings and Habits in a foreign Country and becoming Ennemies to their own. The disgraceful Observation has been made and with too much appearance of Truth that there are more Americans, than there are of any other Nation who change their Minds when they change their Skies. Scandalous and criminal Proofs of this, are heard and read almost every Day. Whether this owing to a want of national character or want of criminal laws, a remedy ought to be sought
The Solemn Pledge you give, to cooperate with the General Government in averting all foreign Influence and detecting domestic Intrigue, is very important to the common Welfare of our Country and will give great satisfaction to the Union.
I return Gentlemen, with great Pleasure your my sincere and earnest Wishes for your health, and that your Care for the Public Good may continue as I doubt not it will, and with it the Confidence of the Citizens of Pennsylvania in Particular and the Union in general.
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Maryland General Assembly, 23 December 1798
From: Adams, John
To: Maryland General Assembly

Gentlemen
Phyladelphia Decr. 23 1798

An eloquent Address adopted by the two Houses of the General Assembly of Maryland, and Signed on the fourteenth of this month by Mr Perry the President of the Senate and Mr Chapman the Speaker of the House of Representatives has been presented to me by Mr Howard one of your Senators in Congress in the absence of the other Mr Lloyd.
Convinced as I am have been, by an attentive observation of more than twenty years, that there is no state in this Union, whose Public affairs, upon all great national occasions, have been conducted with more Method, Wisdom and Decision, or, whose Results have been the Effects of a more comprehensive and profound View of the subjects, than those of the State of Maryland: I cannot receive the assurances of your entire and cordial approbation of the measures of my Administration without a Singular Sensation of Pride and Pleasure.
What Shall I Say to you, Gentlemen on the subject of the Destruction of Religion and Encouragement of loose Principles? I am not fond of introducing this Sacred Topic into political disquisitions. But it Religion is the Basis of moral obligation; is of the Essence of all Government; the only Ground of Confidence between Man and Man; and is the foundation of all society. Without it, the World would be an Universal and perpetual War of Artifice Intrigue, fraud stratagem  and Violence of all Men against all Men. This at least is my opinion, though I shall not persecute any those who differ from me. When Religious Liberty has been asserted, by invincible Arguments of the soundest Divines as well as the Phylosophers of this Century and the last: When every Engine of Wit satyr, Humour and Ridicule have been employed with success to discountenance Intolerance, is the whole to terminate in a cruel and bloody Sanguinary Persecution of all Religion? In the Annihilation of all the Sacred foundations of Morality Government and Society?—America will not, I trust, be willing to be converted into a perfect Bedlam, whatever other Part of the World may wish it.
At the time when under every discouragement I was called by the Suffrages of very little more than half the Nation to the Presidency of the General Government, I was fully aware of the Dangers that surrounded Us, and of the Perplexities that awaited my Administration. A Responsibility presented itself before me, enough to have appalled a heart possessed of more Fortitude than mine. But as the Course of my Life had led me for twenty years through Scenes, which afforded me, perhaps more than any other American, opportunities of weighing the probable Effects of the Spasms, Convulsions and Agonies of a great Nation in the Center of Europe, broke loose from all restraint, I thought it might be as difficult for me as for any other, to excuse myself from the Tryal. The affectionate and ardent Support I have received from my Fellow Citizens has appeared much earlier and more unanimous than my most Sanguine hopes had ever anticipated. In the generous and general declarations of satisfaction and Approbation of my Fellow Citizens in all Parts of the Union, I have received a Reward, which I esteem above all Considerations in this Life.—Nothing of the kind has excited my Gratitude more sincerely than this magnanimous Address of the General Assembly of Maryland
Most cordially I wish you all Health and Happiness.
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to United States Senate, 24 December 1798
From: Adams, John
To: United States Senate

Gentlemen of the Senate
Decr. 24. 1798

I nominate Sherwood Haywood of North Carolina to be Commissioner of Loans for that state in the Place of Robert Rowan Esqr: deceased

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from James McHenry, 24 December 1798
From: McHenry, James
To: Adams, John

Sir,
War Department 24th December 1798—

I have the honor to submit, to your consideration and disposal, a Report relative to certain alterations, in the military establishment, which to me appear, to be necessary, and proper.
I am Sir / with the greatest Respect / your most obedient / and very humble servant

James McHenry


Title: To John Adams from John Penn, 24 December 1798
From: Penn, John
To: Adams, John

Sir
Stoke Park near Windsor Decr: 24th: 1798.

Conscious of the sincerity with which I espouse the noble cause, from the conspicuous support of which your Excellency has derived so much glory among all true Englishmen; I mean the cause of national liberty; I do not scruple to presume that the publications which attend this letter may be thought worthy of your acceptance. Taste has been so perverted by the new opinions, that it seemed insufficient to attempt, by a mere political work, to recall those whom they lead astray, to that sobriety of judgement, which is now so much out of vogue. I shall therefore continue to adopt a title in future for my publications which admits all these subjects, & if I am not able to command success, I shall be satisfied with the reflection that it is, nevertheless, possible to deserve it.
I live in the neighbourhood of great statesmen, & I perceive various ranks unite in the opinion, that while much is due to the good sense of America for her present noble & spirited conduct, it is impossible not particularly to notice the masterly exertions of the energetic character who presides over it.
I am one, I confess, whose ruling passion is hatred of national tyranny, & that even where it is exercised by my own country. You will therefore easily interpret any ardour of expression in approbation of a conduct, which proves the consistency of attachment to individual, by attachment to national, liberty—I remain, with great respect, / Your Excellency’s most obedient & / most humble servant

J Penn—


Title: To John Adams from Samuel B. Malcom, 25 December 1798
From: Malcom, Samuel B.
To: Adams, John

Sir
New York decr: 25th 1798—

Permit me to improve the earliest opportunity of repeating my acknowledgments for the renewed proof of your friendly attention towards me, lately made manifest in your communication to your son—
Believe me sir, that the reverence I have for Govr: Jay, grounded on the recollection of his past services & usefulness, & the hopes which I possess of him in future, will not be diminished or lessened by a failure of my request—besides as a public agent I consider it his duty and right to Judge, weigh, and discriminate characters—these considerations will make me acquiescent under any determination
While engaged in the pursuit of my profession, I cannot be unmindful of our national affairs.—the newspapers however are my only resource; from these I learn that the present session most probably will be a warm and important one.our justly admired Government I fear will meet with an opposition which has become bold from despair and obstinate under a consciousness of decay—Altho: as an individual State, we have suffered an unfair representation of our sentiments and opinions, still in reviewing the National Picture, we firmly rely on the assurance, that in the ensuing Congress America will not suffer, by the issue of Intrigue art or Inactivity—the conviction of this, seems obvious, from the premature propositions of Nicolas to repeal the two “odious Laws” the arguments of Gallatin, & the Cobweb Motions of Dawson—they can flatter themselves however with little success—the firm character of our Senate alone, can furnish them with but few grounds for expectation that, that body, will sanction the repeal of Laws so expedient and necessary, or support others which can militate against the well known principles & maxims, to which they have hitherto so pertinaciously adhered—
Among the important recommendations which you have lately Submitted to Congress, I regard none more anxiously than that which contemplates an increase to our Navy—to the reasons which you have given, in looking beyond present times, allow me to suggest that in my opinion its importance has become more urgent from the View of the existing naval force of Gt Britain—her intimate commercial relations, will not always be a security against the powerful passions of Ambition, pride and Jealously—the latter of these if not already apparent, I am confident will soon manifest itself—the world convinced of our resources will be Jealous of our destiny & force—perhaps I am extravagant, but it is an extravagance which insures Safety—
I have taken some pains to collect information respecting General Van Horne, and find that your suspicions of him are not without foundation—I understood from Govr. Jay’s son, that he is not ignorant of his character, and the attempts he has made (with success) to defeat the intention of different Companies of offering themselves to Governmt;—a Gentleman of Character informed me, that he was ready to Vouch & prove that in the County of W:t Chester this Gentlemans exertions had been particularly active—I expect to learn more of him, & some others—by our NYork papers you will observe that Governeur Morris has arrived in this City—
With the most sincere wishes / for your Health & happiness / I have the honor to be / your Obt Hble Servt

Saml: B Malcom


Title: To John Adams from Jacob Mayer, 27 December 1798
From: Mayer, Jacob
To: Adams, John

Philadelphia 27th. Decemr. 1798.

It is the intention of General Toussaint to declare the Island of St. Domingo independent. He is disgusted with frenchmen, and therefore wishes to form a close and intimate connection with the Government of the United States. He charged me to communicate these great truths to “Mr Adams the American president”. He, however, for divers political reasons, does not yet wish it to be known that he desires the independency of the Island, and therefore he will be well pleased if, previous to his declaration, we take off the restrictions which at present prevent our vessels from entering the ports of St. Domingo. Indeed he urged me to press this point—That our persons and property should be respected—That the privateers should be recalled &c. But I think it would be bad policy to have any Commerce with the Island before General Toussaint entered into certain written engagements; for if we are too easy in renewing this commerce, which hath hitherto been so ruinous, he will not be able to estimate our full value; and there are yet people about him who daily depreciate our National Character.
The Government may place the utmost confidence in Toussaints’ integrity. With regard to his ability—the power of keeping the Island—this extraordinary man has no fears. He is only anxious to cultivate a good understanding with us. And what are his present wishes? That we would exchange our provisions for his produce.
In my conferences with General Toussaint, on this all important subject, he has my promise of secrecy. He will make no change in the Administration till he knows the temper of our Government.

Jacob Mayer


Title: From John Adams to Timothy Pickering, 29 December 1798
From: Adams, John
To: Pickering, Timothy

Dec 29th 1798

The president of the U.S. requests the Secretary of State to prepare copies of the remaining papers of our late Envoys to France to be laid before congress at an as early day as possible

John Adams