Title: To George Washington from “Juricola,” 31 July 1795
From: “Juricola”
To: Washington, George

          31 July 1795. The writer claims that although the flame of war in Europe has not enveloped the United States, the ocean between the two continents does not completely cut America off from that conflict. He praises GW for not permitting the war to influence him, for a desire to put the “common good” of U.S. domestic concerns first, and for his policy of impartiality in foreign relations.

          Three questions concern the Jay Treaty: “I. Whether it is expedient to adopt it, as was made. II. Whether it is expedient to reject it, without further endeavors to adjust the subject-matters: and III. Whether it is expedient to pursue further amicable measures to adjust the subject-matters.” The writer focuses on Article XII and the Senate resolution for its partial suspension. He considers the lack of “reciprocity” between the tonnage of U.S. and British vessels engaged in the West Indies trade a problem. Stipulations about the types of goods imported and exported from America and the British West Indies by U.S. and British merchants are called “unequal.”
          Juricola then critiques Article IX, which give “aliens … the right to hold lands and to receive them by descent and purchase within the United States.” He asks GW: “[I]f the state legislatures have now that power exclusively from the omission of a grant of it to the general government,” could that part of the treaty be ratified “without a retrospective amendment of the Constitution, or the consent of the legislature of those states, in which the lands lie?” To prevent “uneasiness and inconvenience,” future judicial courts might “decide against the existence of any power in the general government over the acquisition, the tenure, and the descent of lands within the several states.”


Title: From George Washington to Timothy Pickering, 31 July 1795
From: Washington, George
To: Pickering, Timothy

            Dear Sir,
            Mount Vernon 31st July 95

          Your letter of the 27th instant was received by the last Post to Alexandria. I thank you for the information contained in it; as

I shall for any further communication of the sentiments of the people respecting the treaty, which you may be able to obtain, and think worthy of transmission: for, as it is an interesting subject, on which mens minds are a good deal occupied, I should like, as far as it is attainable, to know the result; especially that of cool and temperate characters. With great esteem & regard—I am Dr Sir your affecte

            Go: Washington


Title: To George Washington from Timothy Pickering, 31 July 1795
From: Pickering, Timothy
To: Washington, George

            Sir,
            War-Office, Philadelphia July 31. 1795.

          I learn that Mr Hammond has received letters of recall; and that he expects to depart in three weeks. I am disposed to believe, from accidental intimations, that before his departure some useful and perhaps very important arrangements may be made to facilitate the compliance with the condition on which the advice of the Senate for ratifying the treaty was suspended; and possibly for expediting the execution of that part of it which respects the posts.
          The supreme court is to sit here next week, and perhaps the gentleman named for Chief Justice may arrive. Private information as well as publications of his recent conduct relative to the treaty, have fixed my opinion that the commission intended for him ought to be withheld.
          On the subject of the treaty I confess I feel extreme solicitude; and for a special reason which can be communicated to you only in person. I entreat therefore that you will return with all convenient speed to the seat of Government. In the mean time, for the reason above referred to, I pray you to decide on no important political measure, in whatever form it may be presented to you.
          Mr Wolcott & I (Mr Bradford concurring) waited on Mr Randolph & urged his writing to request your return. He wrote in our presence: but we concluded a letter from one of us also

expedient. With the utmost sincerity I subscribe myself yours and my country’s friend

            Timothy Pickering

            (This letter is for your own eye alone).


Title: From George Washington to Edmund Randolph, 31 July 1795
From: Washington, George
To: Randolph, Edmund

            (Private)
            My dear Sir,
            Mount Vernon 31st July 1795.

          On Wednesday evening, I sent the packet, now under cover with this, to the Post Office in Alexandria; to be forwarded next morning at the usual hour (4 oclock) by the Baltimore mail; but behold! when my letter bag was brought back from the Office and emptied I not only got those which were addressed to me among which yrs of the 27th was one, but those also wch I had Sent up the evening before.
          I have to regret this blunder of the Post mstr on acct of the enclosures; some of which I wished to have got to your hands without delay; that they might have undergone the consideration, & acting upon, which was suggested in the letter accompanying them. On another acct, I am not sorry for the return of the Packet to you; as I resolved thereupon & readg some letters wch

I recd at the same time to wait your acknowledgment at least of the receipt of my letter of the 24th instt before I would set out; as I should, thereby, be placed on a certainty whether your journey hither, or mine to Philadelphia, would, under all circumstances, be deemed most eligable; or whether the business could not be equally well done without either; repeating now, what I did in my letter of the 24th, that I do not require more than a days notice to repair to the seat of government. and that if you, and the confidential Officers with you, are not clear in the measures which are best to be pursued in the several mattrs mentioned in my last, my own opinion is, and for the reasons there given, that difficult & intricate, or delicate questions had better be settled there, where the streams of information are continually pouring in & that I would set out accordingly.
          To be wise & temperate, as well as firm, the present crisis most eminently calls for; for there is too much reason to believe, from the pains which have been taken before, at, & since the advice of the Senate respecting the treaty that the prejudices against it are more extensive than is generally imagined—This, I have lately understood to be the case in this quartr, from men who are of no party, but well disposed to the present Administration. How shd it be otherwise? when no stone has been left unturned that could impress on the minds of the people the most arrant misrepresentation of facts—that their rights have not only been neglected, but absolutely sold—That there are no reciprocal advantages in the treaty—that the benefits are all on the side of G. Britain—and, what seems to have had more weight with them than all the rest & most pressed is that the treaty is made with design to oppress the French, in open violation of our treaty with that nation, and contrary too to every principle of gratitude and sound policy. In time when passion shall h⟨ave⟩ yielded to sober reason the current may possibly turn; but in the meanwhile this government in relation to France & England may be compared to a ship between the rocks of Sylla & charibdas—If the Treaty is ratified the partisans of the French (or rather of War & confusion) will excite them to hostile measures, or at ⟨least⟩ to unfriendly Sentiments—if it is not, there is no foreseeing all the consequences which may follow as it respts G.B.
          It is not to be inferred from hence that I am, or shall be disposed to quit the ground I have taken, unless circumstances

more imperious than have yet come to my knowledge, should compel it; for there is but one straight course & that is to seek truth & pursue it steadily. but these things are ment[ione]d to shew that a close investigation of the subjt is more than ever necessary; and that they are strong evidences of the necessity of the most circumspect conduct in carrying the determn of government into effect with prudence as it respects our own people ⟨& with⟩ every exertion to produce a change for the better from G.B.
          The memorial seems well designed to answer the end proposed; and by the time it is revised, & new dressed, you will, probably, (either in the resolutions which are or will be handed to me or in the Newspaper publications wch you promised to be attentive to) have seen all the objections against the treaty which have any real force in them; and which may be fit subjects for representation in the memorial, or in the instructions, or both. But how much longer the presentation of the meml can be delayed without exciting unpleasant sensations here, or involving serious evils elsewhere you, who are at the scene of information & action can decide better than I. In a matter however, so interesting & pregnant of consequences as this treaty there ought to be no precipitation; but on the contrary every step shd be explored, before it is taken & every word weighed before it is uttered, or delivered in writing.
          The form of the ratification requires more diplomatic experience & legal knowledge than I possess or have the means of acquiring at this place & therefore I shall say nothing about it. I am &ca &ca

            G.W.


Title: To George Washington from Edmund Randolph, 31 July 1795
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Washington, George

          Private.

            Sir
            Philadelphia July 31. 1795.

          The only letter, which I had the honor of receiving from you by the mail of yesterday, was one written on monday the 27th instant late in the evening. I mention this circumstance, solely because the first paragraph of it renders it possible, that some other had been sent to the Post-office for the same mail.
          Mr Woolcott, Colo. Pickering and myself agree in the draft of an answer, now enclosed. The first gentleman, however, doubted the propriety of answering all addresses. We thought that a distinction between them was impracticable—Mr Bradford could not be consulted; not being to be found.
          About three months ago, I asked Capt. Truxtun to give me a statement of the East India Trade. Until yesterday I did not receive it. As it is sensible, I take the liberty of inclosing it for your perusal.
          Mr Hammond has not, as yet, communicated any part of his late advices from England; but I expect them hourly. He has complained of the indignity, offered to him and the British consul, by the burning of the treaty before their doors. I have sent his representation for the opinion of the attorney-general. But I am convinced, that neither law nor expediency will support any governmental movement. Indeed in the conversation, which had with him, he was very calm, and appeared to concur in the impossibility of a public measure, in relation to the event.
          Mr Adet has been ill, ever since you left this city. So that I have not seen him, nor do I collect any of his opinions. He bolted into objections to the treaty so zealously, and retreated so suddenly, that I cannot help thinking, that he conceived, that he had in a degree committed his government.
          Mr Fitzsimmons told me the day before yesterday, that he would ascertain the temper of the merchants here, as to a step, similar to that of the chamber of commerce at New-York.
          I have heard nothing of Mr Rutledge, or from him, except what I have already had the honor of writing to you.

          I wait only for the mail of tomorrow, which will bring your sense upon My memorial, to give out, what you have resolved to do. This is previously necessary, as the one must square with the other. I have the honor to be sir with the most respectful and affectionate attachment yr mo. ob. serv.

            Edm: Randolph.

            P.S. 9 O’clock a.m.
            The Schuylkill has risen to the foot of the hill, on which the pump stands, as you descend to the middle ferry. The bridge and boat there are gone. I do not learn whether it be passable or not at any of the other ferries.


Title: To George Washington from George Lux, 1 August 1795
From: Lux, George
To: Washington, George

            SIR,
            Baltimore, 1st August, 1795.

          YOU will see my name against the ratification of Mr. Jay’s Treaty, which in the main, met my approbation; but I confess the clause admitting Britons and Americans to hold property in our respective coun⟨t⟩rie⟨s⟩, fills me with anguish and alarm. Though the appearance of reciprocity is held up, I cannot impl⟨i⟩ci⟨t⟩ly submit to the existence of the reality. Amer⟨i⟩ca who has a quantity of uncultivated land, the British can outweigh us in monie⟨d⟩ capitals, and I dread for posterity (when foreigner⟨s⟩ ⟨o⟩f affluence have settled on our frontiers, myriads of tenants and other dependents) a more gloomy scene than that of last year. Americans probably will not purchase property in Great Britain, a nat⟨i⟩on so crouded with popula⟨t⟩ion.
          I signed my d⟨i⟩sapprobation of the treaty when unwell, and

can assure you, the constituted authorities are respected in Baltimore; and if the treaty has been ratified by you in concurrence with two thirds of the senate (so as to become the law of the land) my relations and my intimates declare to me, they will support the powers entrusted to the executive by the federal government. We only hope, you have not ratified the treaty, and will not ratify it.
          Personal and hereditary affection, esteem and attachment, emboldens me to hail you with health and fraternity.

            GEORGE LUX.


Title: To George Washington from Petersburg, Va., Citizens, 1 August 1795
From: Citizens of Petersburg, Virginia
To: Washington, George

            [Petersburg, 1 Aug. 1795]

          At a numerous and respectable meeting of the Citizens of Petersburg and the adjacent Counties, at the Court-house in the town of Petersburg, on Saturday the first of August 1795, for the purpose of expressing their opinion of the late treaty of Amity, Commerce & Navigation, between his Britannic majesty, and the United States of America.
          Genl Jones was chosen Chairman, & Wm Whitlocke Secretary.
          Sundry resolutions, which had been prepared by Mr George Hay, were then offered to the meeting, & being twice read, and duly considered, were unanimously adopted, as follows.
          “1—Resolved, as the opinion of this meeting, that a strict adherence to the principles of the constitution, ought at all times to be regarded as the first duty of public Officers in every department: and that it is the right of the people, not only to guard against the exercise of a power which has not been deligated, but to see that a power confided to the three branches of Congress collectively, shall not be assumed by one only, or by two of them. The members of this meeting conceive that the constitution of the United States, has empowered Congress, and not the President and Senate,
          “To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the

several States, and with the Indian tribes”—“To establish an uniform rule of naturalization”—“to define & punish piracies”— “to declare war &c. and make rules concerning Captures on land and water”—and, “to lay and collect taxes, duties, excises and imposts,” and therefore that, So much of the 3d 12th 13th 14th and 15th articles of the treaty now under consideration, as respects the regulation of trade—So much of the 2d article as gives to a british subject, the rights of a natural born Citizen of the United States without the previous residence and other requisites enumerated in the late act of Congress—So much of the 21st article as defines and punishes an act therein pronounced to be piracy—So much of the 17th article as makes a rule in cases where Vessels shall be captured or detained, on suspicion of having enemy’s property on board; and so much of the 3d and 15th articles as contains a surrender by two branches of the government of the United States of a right, entrusted to the whole congress, of laying duties and imposts on british and other Vessels at discretion, Are contrary to the constitution; and that the ratification of these clauses would be absolutely void.
          The members composing this meeting, view with no less astonishment than concern, the contempt manifested by the Senate for the constitution of the United States in advising the President, to ratify provisionally a treaty, which violates the essential principles of our government, and excludes the house of representatives from an exercise of powers expressly given to them, as well as to the President & Senate: They are of opinion that the conduct of the Senate demands the serious attention of every real friend to the Union; and that an attempt so daring and so dangerous, calls for the most pointed and unequivocal censure from the people.
          2—Resolved as the opinion of this meeting that the idea on which this treaty is founded, of “terminating the differences between the United States and Great Britain without reference to the merits of their complaints and pretensions,” is as fallacious as it is new: that it is contrary to the principles sanctioned by the executive in the correspondence between the late Secretary of State and Mr Hammond, and ought to be reprobated by a nation which regards either its honor or its interests. It is also the opinion of this meeting, that the silence of this treaty, with respect to the Slaves & other property carried off by the british

troops contrary to the 7th article of the definitive treaty, is in the highest degree reprehensible: because a claim for compensation on this account being a matter of difference ought even under the idea abovementioned, to have been brought forward: because such a claim is founded on an express obligation created by the treaty of 1783, as well as in justice and good faith; and because in the correspondence abovementioned between the late Secretary and Mr Hammond this claim is ranked not among those things which are of “smaller concern” and may therefore “be passed over,” but “insisted on” as one “rendered indispensible by justice to individuals or by public policy.”
          3—Resolved also, as the opinion of this meeting, that the 2d article of the treaty under consideration is materially defective, because it does not contain a stipulation on the part of Great Britain to pay to the United States a reasonable compensation for the various losses sustained, & expences incurred, by the detention of the Western posts: that it is vague, in not defining the precincts and jurisdiction of the said posts: and so absurd in requiring the Co-operation of the United States and the Governor general, in making previous arrangements, concerning the delivery of them, that a belief must be indulged, that a bona fide execution of this part of the treaty, was neither intended by the british minister, nor expected by our own.
          4. Resolved also, as the opinion of this meeting, that an independent people ought not to conclude a treaty of any kind with any nation, but on terms of perfect equality: They regard this as a sacred principle, from which every consideration of honor and interest forbids this Country to depart. Under this impression, they view with abhorrence a treaty, the stipulations of which, even after the 12th article shall be removed, so unequivocally admit the pretensions of Great Britain to a monopoly of commercial advantages to be well founded.
          5. Resolved also, as the opinion of this meeting, that the 6th article is unjust in principle, and will be pernicious in effect: unjust, because a government is not responsible for the acts of its citizens, unless it ratifies or approves them, and the debts now to be paid by the United States were due from private individuals previous to the adoption of the federal system; and because the present government, instead of throwing impediments in the way of the recovery of british debts, has organized Courts, whose

only employment has been to enforce the payment of them: And pernicious, because, the circumstances which Shall entitle a creditor to redress before the Commissioners, are not enumerated, as they might easily have been, and thus great latitude is left for the exercise of discretionary powers; because it cannot be presumed that the real debtors will appear before commissioners at a distance, to controvert claims, in which they are no longer interested, and thus a door will be opened to frauds, the extent of which exceeds calculation; and because it tends to a wanton accumulation of the public debt, already swelled to a Size beyonds the fears of the friends, or the hopes of the enemies of the union.
          6. Resolved also, as the opinion of this meeting, that the 7th article is defective, because it does not contain an express recognition of the illegality of the orders which were issued by the British ministry in 1793 and which occasioned the captures complained of by the United States; and because it obliges the United States to pay for Vessels taken within their limits and jurisdiction, tho’ they are not bound to France or to any other nation in like manner by their treaties with them; And altho’ in cases of the same nature which may hereafter occur, the 25th article obliges the United States, not to pay, but only to use their best efforts to obtain satisfaction from the offending party.
          7. Resolved, as the opinion of this meeting, that in the event of a war or national difference, it may be both just and politic to sequester & even confiscate debts due in this Country to the individuals of a nation at war with the United States, and that, if this power could be relinquished, sound policy requires, that in the present situation of affairs it should be retained.
          8. Resolved, as the opinion of this meeting, that as by the law of nations according to the modern conventions, and by the treaties between the United States and the French, the Dutch, the Swedes and the Prussians, free ships make free goods, the 17th article of this treaty which subjects french property in American bottoms to seizure, deserves the most pointed reprobation; because it will immediately deprive the American merchants of the benefit of carrying the goods of nations at war with Great Britain—because in case of a war between the United States and France, which the people forbid! American property in british

neutral vessels would be secure; and because in the present state of affairs, it will produce such injury to the French, as will give them just cause of resentment against the partial policy of the American government.
          9. Resolved, as the opinion of this meeting, that the stipulation in the 18th article making Ship-timber, tar, hemp, sails and copper, contraband of war, which are free by our treaties with other nations, is unnecessarily hurtful to the trade of the United States & manifests the same unfriendly temper to the French.
          The members of this meeting are also of opinion that all good citizens should express their decided disapprobation of the 2d clause of the 18th article, which authorizes, tho’ not in words, yet in substance, the Seizure of American vessels carrying provisions to France.
          The members of this meeting solemnly declare their abhorrence of a concession so incompatible with the object of the late embassy—So derogatory to the honor—So injurious to the interests of America, and so openly and pointedly hostile to the cause of France. They detest a war; they consider it as treason against the happiness of man; but they would chearfully endure all the calamities which it produces, rather than in any shape accessary to a combination, which is the Scourge of Europe and the dishonor of the world.
          10. Resolved therefore, as the opinion of this meeting, that this treaty ought not to be ratified by the President & Senate of the United States even if the british King should consent to a suspension of so much of the 12th article as respects the trade to be carried on between the United States and the british West India Islands.”
          On motion, Resolved that the chairman of this meeting
          be requested, to adopt such methods as he judges best, to furnish the President with a copy of the above Resolutions.

            (Signed)Jos: Jones, Chairman

          Attest,  William Whitlocke Secretary


Title: To George Washington from Savannah, Ga., Citizens, 1 August 1795
From: Citizens of Savannah, Georgia
To: Washington, George

            Sir,
            Savannah Georgia August 1st 1795.

          This accompanies the proceedings of a very considerable number of the Citizens of the United States convened in the City of Savannah for the purpose of taking into consideration the impending Treaty of Amity Commerce and Navigation between his Britainnic Majesty and the United States of America expressive of their Sentiments thereon.
          To a People who feel for their Country and have its welfare at heart, it must be a very unpleasant task to complain of public measures, but whatever painful Sensations it may excite, it is a duty they owe to themselves and Posterity to notice any act militating against their rights and interests. In this light we have view’d the Treaty, and under that impression have stated our objections, which we hope will appear to be well founded.
          We feel a confidence sir, that in laying our grievances before You, they will be attended to, and that the Man who was so instrumental in establishing our rights and liberties, will not take any step to impair them.
          In giving our opinions on so momentous a Subject We concieve that we have expressed the sentiments of a large majority of the Citizens of this as well as of the other States, should this be the case, We doubt not but You will meet the wishes of your Country by withholding your Signature from a Treaty, which if ratified will be productive of the most ruinous consequences to the United States.

            By order of the Citizens,N. W. Jones Chairman


Title: To George Washington from Charlotte de La Saussaye Hazen, 3 August 1795
From: Hazen, Charlotte de La Saussaye
To: Washington, George

            Sir
            New York Aug. 3. 1795

          The avidity with which I am Certain you embrace every Oppertunity, presented to you of Aleviating the Misfortunes of Others, induces me to request your benevolent Attention to my present unfortunate situation, Convincd that I shall be Honourd with your Compassionate Attention, should you not think it Improper to direct your Influ[e]nce towards Obtaining for me the desired relief.
          My Husband Genl Hazen has been Confined to his bed, without the Ability of ever turning himself therein for upwards of Nine Years—it cannot be Matter of surprise that this truly distressing situation should have greatly Affected the Natural Mildness of his disposition; He has Exhibited very extensive Claims on the Treasury of the United States, of which the proper Officers have Admitted in part, and even to a Considerable Amount, but refuses maken any payments unless he will Acknowledge a final settlement of all his public Accounts as Allowed, to this he has Constantly refused and still Rigidly Adhears to that determination and thereby precluded from receiving any part of that Money Admitted to be Justly due to him. Thus Circumstanced my situation has for a long time past been truly deplorable, having been frequently without a shilling to procure a dinner for my family, but my supplications to the President of the United States has been reserved to this pressing Moment, permit me then Sir, to Ask if there can be any impropriety (under all these Circumstances) in the Secretary of the Treasury advancing a Reasonable sum for the Necessary subsistance of my Family, say a proportionable part of what is Acknowledged to be his due—By a Very polite Letter I lately received from that Gentleman I am Convinced of his wishes to serve me, as far as may appear to him Compattable with the duties of his station, should you think my request so deserving your Consideration and Approbation as to sanction it to the Secretary by you⟨r⟩ Opinion in its favour, there can be no doubt of its meeting with success.

          being Consious of your great Candour, and Certain of every aid you can with propriety Afford me, induce me to Arrest your Attention thus far from business of greater Moment, With a Tender of my most respectful Compliment to Madam Washington, I rema[i]n Your Hum. Servt

            Charlott Hazen


Title: To George Washington from Tobias Lear, 3 August 1795
From: Lear, Tobias
To: Washington, George

            My dear Sir,
            Georgetown [D.C.] August 3d 1795

          The weather has prevented the meeting of a sufficient number of the Potomak Company to do business today, they have therefore adjourned ’till Thursday, when it is expected that numbers will come in. If it should be convenient for you to attend I think your presence will be of great service; but should that not be the case, it would be well to send a power to vote in behalf of the shares you hold—A simple power expressive of this intention and witnessed by two persons is all the law requires. It would be well to have it here by ten O’clock on thursday if you should not find it convenient to attend yourself.
          The Rains have not swelled the Potomak so much as might have been expected. The small runs have been very high and much injury done upon them. There will not probably be any mail in from the Eastward this Evening, the Patuxent is impassable.
          My best & most grateful respects attend Mrs Washington. With sentiments of the highest veneration & most sincere affection I am, my dear Sir, Your very respectful friend

            Tobias Lear


Title: From George Washington to Edmund Randolph, 3 August 1795
From: Washington, George
To: Randolph, Edmund

            Dear Sir,
            Mount Vernon 3d Augt 1795

          No mail, at two oclock yesterday, had been received in Alexandria from Philadelphia since the 29th Ulto. I am sending up this afternoon to see if the expected mail of this day is in; altho’ I have little hope of it, as the violence, & continuance of the rains since thursday last, has been such, in these parts, as to sweep every thing before it; & to do great damage to the gathered & growing grain; as well as other things. Of course, by swelling the waters, & carrying away bridges, the intercourse between one place and another (where these were) has been entirely cut off. This circumstance, added to the inexcusable blunder of

the Postmaster in Alexandria, will prevent my dispatches (wch ought to have been in Phila. on Saturday last) from getting to your hands until thursday next, at soonest.
          To these impediments is to be attributed, I presume, the nonreceptn of the Baltimore resolutions: for resolutions, I am told, have been passed at that place. And the like may be expected from Richmond; a meeting having been had there also, at which Mr Wythe, it is said, was seated as moderator—by chance, more than design, it is adde⟨d⟩—A queer chance this, for the Chancellor of a State.
          All these things do not shake my determination with respect to the proposed ratification; nor will they, unless something more imperious & unknown to me, should, in the judgment of yourself, and the gentlemen with you, make it necessary & advisable for me to pause. But let me again, repeat my desire, that as fast as these kind of Resolutions, or addresses (call them what you will) appear in the Papers—pro, or con—that answers, if thought advisable, may be draughted, and sent to me (approved by all of you) without waiting for individual applications on each one, seperately, for this w⟨ld⟩ occasion a considerable lapse of time in the first place; and in the second, would be saving me some writing on this subject; wch is an object, as I have no aid. (Mr Dandridge being with his friends in New Kent). I am always Your Affecte

            Go: Washington


Title: To George Washington from James Ross, 3 August 1795
From: Ross, James
To: Washington, George

            Sir
            Pittsburgh 3d august 1795.

          Colo. Shreve came to this place on the 31st of July and on the next day paid to me 2693 Dolls. & 33 cts being the first payment & Interest thereon from the first of June last. As there would be some risque in forwarding this money by Post, I have paid it into the hands of the Contractors & taken their Bill upon a house in Philadelphia where their money affairs are transacted. My agent will collect & place it in the Bank of Pennsylvania in four days after the Arrival of this letter. I enclose an order for that Sum in your favour.
          Articles of agreement are executed acording to the original bargain Interest commencing upon the money yet due, upon the first day of June last. Platts of the land which you delivered to me are given to Colo. Shreve in order to trace the lines of the lands sold. I have taken a Judgment Bond securing th⟨e⟩ payment of interest upon the ballance due, together with an Installment of £600. yearly on the first of June at the Bank of Pennsylvania. An obligation has also been given to pay all Arrearages of rent due for these lands up to the first of June, as soon as the sum is Ascertained. This I apprehend will amount to near £200. & Colo. Shreve would have paid it over to me now, but for a difficulty which arose from his having given his notes to Colo. Canon last Spring for the ballance then estimated as in arrear. I will endeavour to get these notes out of the hand of Colo. Canon & receive the money myself, as a payment to him might delay considerably the transmission of the money to you. The Articles of agreement & Bonds I will deliver to you in the beginning of December next at the meeting of Congress.
          Your letter to Colo. Canon was forwarded some time ago, but I have not seen either him or Charles Morgan since my return. At this busy season of the year few people are out in quest of new Settlements & no proposals have offered for your lands in Washington County. Since the receipt of Your letter of the 15th July

no opportunity offered of notifying Mr Bingham that I would attend to any terms which he might think proper to propose for the lands down the Ohio. As Yet I have not seen him, nor can I believe that it is likely his present circumstances will enable him to do any thing more than propose what cannot be accepted.
          We have had our day of tumult & insurrection, happily for there is now every appearance of quiet & submission to the laws. But our eastern brethren & the people of the sea-coast seem to be deeply infected with that turbulent, discontented spirit which generated & disgraced the proceedings of last Summer in this country. The transition from tumultuous meetings to riots; & from burning in effigy to the actual destruction of property & life is so easy & so frequent; that it is matter of surprize to find any sober well meaning man lending either his presence or his name to either. With the highest respect I have the honour to be Sir your most obedient humble Servant

            James Ross


Title: From George Washington to Edmund Randolph, 4 August 1795
From: Washington, George
To: Randolph, Edmund

            Dear Sir,
            Mount Vernon 4th Augt 95

          The messenger, who was sent yesterday afternoon to the Post-Office in Alexandria, returned without letters: the Mails not having arrived.

          Some hours after my Messenger was dispatched for Alexandria, the Richmond production was delivered to me by Express: sent for that purpose. They have out gone all that has gone before them: but the meeting, according to the acct given by the Express, was not numerous; and some of the principal characters not in town.
          I send the proceedings to Alexandria to day, to go on by the first Mail, to be acted upon as mentioned in former letters. I am always Your Affecte

            Go: Washington


Title: From George Washington to Tobias Lear, 5 August 1795
From: Washington, George
To: Lear, Tobias

            My dear Sir,
            Mount Vernon 5th Augt 1795

          It is my intention, at present, to be in Georgetown to morrow; but as I have been sending to the post-Office in Alexandria every day since friday last, for letters, without having received any from the Officers of Government; and may, by this days mail find such an accumulation of them, as to make it impracticable for me to give them proper attention—prepare answers against Saturday morning—and be on business in Georgetown at the sametime; I now send you a power of Attorney to act for me (if I should not be there) in the latter case. In haste I am Your Affecte Servt

            Go: Washington


Title: To George Washington from Norfolk County, Va., Citizens, 5 August 1795
From: Citizens of Norfolk County, Virginia
To: Washington, George

            [Norfolk County, 5 Aug. 1795]

          At a meeting of the inhabitants of the County of Norfolk, the Town of Portsmouth, and the Borough of Norfolk this fifth day of August 1795 held at the Court house of the said County, agreeable to notification. On motion, Colo. Thomas Newton was unanimously elected to the chair, and William Newsum secretary. On motion, a Committee of the following Gentlemen viz., Samuel Davis, Thomas Blanchard, Willis Wilson, George Loyall Daniel Bedinger, William Bland, John Cowper, Seth Foster, and Doctor Augustine Slaughter were appointed to prepare, and report resolutions relative to the Treaty lately concluded on by John Jay on behalf of the United States, and Lord Grenville on behalf of Great Britain for the consideration of the meeting. The committee reported the following resolutions which were unanimously adopted.
          Resolved, that the Treaty of Amity, Commerce, and Navigation lately concluded on by John Jay on the part of the United States, and Lord Grenville on the part of Great Britain, is in the opinion of this meeting not only injurious to our interest as Americans, and destructive to our rights as an Independent nation, but that it is a direct insult on our understandings, and we feel ourselves degraded by it. That this Treaty is calculated to promote British influence in the United States, to divide the opinions of their citizens, and to afford an opportunity to the enemies of all free Government to subvert ours. The reasons upon which the foregoing resolution is founded are
          1st Because, the Treaty throughout the whole most sedulously holds out the idea of mutual concessions and mutual benefits, when in reality those principles of reciprocity, which should form the basis of every compact of this nature between two independent nations, cannot be recognized at all, and therefore

it is not, “calculated to produce mutual satisfaction and good understanding.”
          2d Because, it formally surrenders to his Britanic Majesty the right of holding, for a given time, posts and Garrisons within the United States, which have been unjustly detained for more than twelve years. Nor has any restitution been made to the United States for the expences attending such unjust detention.
          3rd Because, the clauses of the second article respecting the admission of British subjects to the rights of American citizens, within the time mentioned therein, are in direct contradiction to a law passed at the last session of Congress; and which ought not to be infringed without the consent of all the branches of the legislature, and which infraction, is also contrary to every principle of prudence and good policy, and in direct violation of that part of the Federal constitution which says, “Congress shall have the power to establish an uniform rule of naturalization.[”]
          4th Because, by the third article the United States relinquish an absolute right, without any equivalent, and in some instances concessions are made without even the semblance of compensation. Besides the clause respecting the Missisippi appears absurd, as well as impolitic. It is absurd, because, Great Britain has no ports or places on the eastern bank of that River. And it is impolitic because it may possibly give offence to Spain, whereby the friendly negociations now pursuing by the Executive with that nation, may be interrupted.
          5th Because, the sixth Article is not supported by any general principle of Treaty, or the law of nations. And moreover with respect to the interest on the debts contemplated by the said article, a claim has been revived and admitted, which was relinquished by the British negociators at the Treaty of peace in 1783. It erects a Court of controul within the United States unknown to the Constitution, and unrestricted by any legal forms with respect to the nature of testimony which may be received in it.
          It trenches upon the rights of the Judiciary of the United States, whose courts ought to be the only resort in controvercies of this nature. It pledges the United States for the payment of money, without the consent of the Representatives of the people, without whose concurence, no money ought to be drawn from the public Treasury.

          And it moreover devises an unjust system of taxation, which will be borne equally alike, by the innocent observer of the laws, and the guilty infractor, by the man who has paid his debts, and by him who has not, by the citizen who is still indebted, and by him who never was.
          6th Because, by the total silence of the present Treaty, with respect to the negroes, and other property taken away by the British, in violation of an Article of the treaty of peace, it would seem that this just claim has been abandoned by our negociator, especially as the preamble of the Treaty, states an intention to terminate all differences. The abandonment then of this claim, cannot but be viewed, as a deriliction of our national honor and independence, and a violation of that principle of Government, which equally protects the rights of every class of citizens.
          7th Because, the seventh article of the Treaty respecting the claims of American citizens, for spoliations and vexations, does not pursue the same principles with those in the sixth article, respecting the claims of British subjects, As in the latter case the Commissioners are not restricted by decisions in our Courts, or by any legal defect in those claims: Whereas, on the part of the American Citizen, his claim for compensation, must be regulated by the commissioners in obedience to the decissions of British Courts, under the laws of nations! Hence if the laws of nations warrant the proceedings of the British Courts, under the order of November 1793 and January 1794, the American citizen is left without redress; and even where redress can be expected, the American claims are to be taken into consideration at too great a distance, to give any solid hope of full compensation.
          8th Because, the ninth article has the appearance of encroaching upon the rights of individual States, in the cases of escheat, where alienage shall stop the course of descent, and may be extended to the territorial rights of the States. Nor is the shew of reciprocity in this article, more than a reciprocity in principle, but will never be in practice; because, it is not probable that American citizens will hold lands in Britain.
          9th Because, however unwise and impolitic the sequestration of debts or monies in the public funds or banks may appear, in ordinary cases, there is no reciprocity in the article which interdicts such measures; and we relinquish thereby the only means in our power of bringing Great Britain to justice therefore, the

policy of retaining them in our hands, warrants the objection to the tenth article.
          10th Because, the twelfth article is not only objectionable, as is stated in the conditional ratification; but because it also prohibits the exportation of Cotton, the production of the United States, and because it restricts the exportation of West India produce, not the growth of British Islands to any part of the world.
          11th Because, the seventeenth article does not allow Neutral Ships to make neutral goods, which condition is more favourable to Britain, a nation often at war, than to the United States, whose situation renders war improbable on their part.
          12th Because, the eighteenth article makes sundry species of merchandize, (the exports of the United States, and not of Britain) contraband, which were not heretofore deemed such by the laws of nations, or our Treaties with other powers. The latter clause of the same article will afford a sanction to British cruisers, for seizing and detaining our vessels on the most frivolous pretexts; it will derange the plans of the American Merchant, and must leave him at the mercy of the British Government, to say what shall be a reasonable mercantile profit. Besides, at this particular juncture, the article in question seems calculated to aid the designs of the British Cabinet, in cutting off all supplies intended for France, and therefore our submission to it, will be an act of the basest ingratitude towards our gallant allies. And although France may ultimately adopt the same plan (which we must expect) yet, it will only serve to encrease the embarrassments of the Citizens of America, without the possibility of deriving any benefit therefrom.
          13th Because, independent of the foregoing particular objections to this Treaty, there are others of a more general nature, among which, the following may be mentioned: First, a well grounded belief that it is not agreeable to the wishes of a large majority of the people of the United States: Secondly, doubts exist, how far it accords with a clause of the eig[h]th section of the first article of the Constitution of the United States which says, “Congress shall have the power to regulate commerce with foreign nations &c.” Thirdly, there are features of enmity strongly portrayed against France throughout the whole of the Treaty, which might provoke a rupture with that nation, a circumstance not to be contemplated without horror. And fourthly, that the

interests of the United States are so committed, as to embarrass them in future negociations with foreign nations, and to render it difficult to secure advantages by future treaties.
          Resolved further, that a copy of the proceedings of this meeting be transmitted to the President of the United States, signed by the Chairman and countersigned by the secretary, with a request, that he will please to take the same into his most serious consideration; assuring him at the same time, that the said proceedings contain the sentiments of the Citizens of the County and Borough of Norfolk, and of the Town of Portsmouth convened for the special occasion, That he may rest assured, his fellow Citizens here assembled, have the most perfect reliance on his known wisdom, patriotism and virtue, in the exercise of the powers vested in him by the Constitution, that nothing but an occasion so important, should have induced them to obtrude their sentiments on him, which they however presume will at this time not be deemed unacceptable; and also requesting him to withold his sanction from an instrument that clouds our political Horizon, and threatens us with internal disquietude.

            Thos Newton Chairman.William Newsum Scty


Title: To George Washington from Edmund Randolph, 5 August 1795
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Washington, George

            Philadelphia August 5. 1795.9 o’clock a.m.
            PrivateSir

          Neither the mail of Saturday or yesterday is arrived from the Southward. So that I have no letter from Mount Vernon before me.
          Our consul at Bristol confirms the existence of the British order for seizing provisions, destined to France, by a letter on the 17th of June last; and many of our vessels have fallen victims to it.
          Very little is said here about the treaty; and I should not be surprized, if some considerable revulsion should appear in its favor.
          No answer has been received from Mr Rutledge; but the reports of his attachment to his bottle, his puerility, and extravagances, together with a variety of indecorums and imprudencies multiply daily. I am assured by a gentleman, lately from Charleston, that the public mind there is rather turning. But I doubt it. General Pinckney refused to attend the meeting from a delicacy towards his brother, who was supposed to participate in

the negotiation. He is said to have assigned reasons for his nonattendence on the committee of fifteen in writing; but I do not learn, that they were of a nature, which indicated the smallest partiality for the treaty. Mr Edward Rutledge spoke warmly on the second meeting against it. I have the honor to be sir with the most respectful and affectionate attachment yr mo. ob. serv.

            Edm: Randolph


Title: From George Washington to David Stuart, 5 August 1795
From: Washington, George
To: Stuart, David

            Dear Sir,
            Mount Vernon 5th Augt 1795

          By the Mail which came into Alexandria, this day, I have received letters, advising me of the recall of Mr Hammond; & some other matters which have induced me to determine to proceed from Georgetown to Phila.
          As none but the Officers of Government have been made acquainted with my determination respecting the ratification of the Treaty (as communicated to you last night) I request you would say nothing concerning it your self, to others; as, upon reflection, & since the determination I have taken to repair to Philadelph⟨ia⟩ it may be best to say nothing on this head, at this time—I am Dear Sir Yr Affecte Servt

            Go: Washington


Title: To George Washington from Moore Furman, 6 August 1795
From: Furman, Moore
To: Washington, George

            Sir,
            Trenton [N.J.] August 6: 1795.

          Agreably to the Request of a Respectable meeting of the Citizens of Trenton and its Vicinity, I have the honour to forward the Resolves of their meetings respecting a Treaty now pending between Great Brittain and the United States; Together with their Address to your Excellency, Praying that the said Treaty may not be Ratified as recommended by two thirds of the Senate. I am with the sincerest Respect and Veneration for your Excellency, and most ardent wishes for your health and hapiness, Your most Obedient Servant.

            M. Furman


Title: To George Washington from Suffolk County, N.Y., Citizens, 6 August 1795
From: Citizens of Suffolk County, New York
To: Washington, George

            At the County Hall in the County of Suffolk and State of New YorkAgst 6th 1795

          To His Excellency George Washington Esq. President of the United States, the Memorial of the Subscribers, Respecfully sheweth that your Memorialists have been Elected by Meetings of

a Number of Respectable Citizens in the Several Towns of EastHampton, Southampton, Southold, Riverhead, BrookHaven, and Smithtown, in the County of Suffolk, and State of New York, for the purpose of taking into Consideration the propriety of Ratifying the Treaty, of Amity, Commerce, & Navigation, lately Concluded upon between John Jay Esq. on the part of the United States, and the Minister appointed for that purpose on the part of Great Britain, and which has been agreed to by two thirds of the Senate of the United States, excepting the twelf Article, and now remains only to be Assented to by your Excellency, to become the Supreme Law of the Land, by Virtue of the powers Vested in your Excellency as President of the United States—That your Memorialists have in behalf of themselves and their fellow Citizens, whom they now Represent, taken the Said Treaty into Mature Consideration, and are of Opinion that in the most Important points in which the Essential Interests of this Country are most Materially concerned, it is destitute of those Stipulations in favor of the United States, which will promote either its commercial or political Interest, or even do Substantial Justice to our Citizens, for the many depredations committed on their Commerce; they therefore most respec⟨t⟩fully hope that your Excellency will with-hold your Assent to a Compact which will be so injurious to the most Essential Interests of our Country—They have not the Honor of being personally Know⟨n to⟩ your Excellency, and live in a part of the United States of which you may not perhaps have had any Personal knowledge—but Notwithstanding these Circumstances might seem to Lessen the weight of an Application from Us that may more Immedeately relate to the Important duties of your Office, Yet they have been, as they Concieve, so Justly Alarm’d at the Consequences that must result to this Country, if your Excellency should finally Ratify the Said Treaty, that they have conceived ⟨it⟩ their Duty to express their Sentiments to you on that Subject, in Cooperation with their fellow Citizens of New York, Boston, Philadelphia and Other parts of the United States, and they trust that in doing this they not only express their Own but the Sentiments of the Inhabitants of the Several Towns, who have Elected them on this Occasion.

            David HedgesBenjn HunttingAbraham Miller

Jared LandonBenja. Horton JurJosiah ReeveDavid WarnerNicoll FloydJohn Howard


Title: To George Washington from Wilmington, Del., Citizens, 8 August 1795
From: Citizens of Wilmington, Delaware
To: Washington, George

            [8 Aug. 1795]

          The Memorial of the Citizens of Wilmington and its Vicinity in The State of Delaware, respectfully sheweth that your Memorialists gratefully recollecting your eminent services to these states, deeply impressed with Esteem for the Integrity uniformly evidenced by your Conduct, and fully convinced of your sincere Affection for your Country, are persuaded, that it cannot be disagreable to you to know the sentiments of your Fellow-Citizens on a Question, which they believe to be of vast Importance to them and their Posterity, when to withold such Information might imply their assent to measures which they not only

disapprove, but contemplate with distressing Aversion, Anxiety, and Apprehension, and when the Information being brought forward may possibly be improved by the Wisdom of Government for the advancement of the Common-Weal.
          that revering Constitutional Authority as the Basis of Peace and Prosperity, and holding themselves in duty bound to support its Decisions, even tho they may have opposed their being made, they trust, that on the present occasion, they shall not be exposed to Controversies respecting the legitimate Exercise of that Authority, nor be obliged, in supporting its Decisions, to feel an adherence to Duty almost as afflicting as a Departure from it.
          that for this Deliverance, they confidently recur to that portion of Authority with which by the Constitution you are invested, and in which they are so greatly, inseperably, and sacredly interested, and encouraged by a Retrospect to the Tenor of those actions that designate your Character, while they submit to your Consideration the following Objections against the Treaty lately negotiated between Great Britain and those States, ardently hope, your mind moved by Reasons which itself suggests or Observations of others will be satisfied, that in refusing to ratify it, You will promote the Happiness of your Constituents.
          First—It unnecessarily draws into Litigation the Boundaries of those States, and establishes a Mode of proceeding by which they may be contracted, without the Consent of the Nation.
          2d It contains Stipulations that ought not to be made without Legislative Concurrence.
          3d It fixes Terms of Commerce and Navigation unreasonably advantageous to Great Britain, and highly injurious to those States.
          4th It subjects those States to an unjust and oppressive Responsibility.
          5th It surrenders, on the part of those States, Powers essential to National Independence.
          6th It prejudicially changes the Condition of those States in Reference to other Nations.
          7th It abandons Principles concerning the Rights of Neutrality, which if duly regarded must have an auspicious Influence on the Wellfare of those States, and of Mankind in General.
          8th It alters the Position of those States relative to the Belligerent Powers, in favor of Great Britain, and to the Detriment of

France, thus relinquishing a declared Impartiality, and hazarding the Immunities belonging to such a situation.
          9th It is in Collision with Articles of the Treaty between France and the United States of America.
          10th It exhibits those States to the World, as not attentive to the Obligations of Friendship, Gratitude, and Public-Faith.
          11th It is not founded on principles of real Reciprocity.
          12th It does not with sufficient Clearness, Certainty, and Security, provide for the surrender of “all Posts and Places” mentioned in the second Article, and hitherto detained in Contravention of the Treaty of Peace.
          13th It does not require satisfaction for “the property of American Inhabitants carried away” at the Close of the late War, in manifest Violation of that Treaty.
          14th It does not adequately obtain Redress for the notorious Vexations and Spoliations recently committed on the Vessels and Commerce of these States, or guard against the like in future.
          15. It does not in any manner provide for the protection of American Seamen against the flagrant aggressions constantly practised by the British Government, in pressing them to serve on board its Ships of War. Signed by order of the General Meeting at Wilmington this 8th day of August 1795.

              John Dickinson

              James Tilton

              Caesar Rodney

              Committee
              Robert Coram

              Jaco: Brown

              Archd Alexander

              Jno. James

              Joseph Warner

              Isaac Starr


Title: To George Washington from John Adams, 10 August 1795
From: Adams, John
To: Washington, George

            Dear Sir
            Quincy [Mass.] August 10th 1795

          The inclosed Letters No. 6. 7 8 and 9, especially the last, contain Information of so much Importance that, although they are written in great confidential Freedom from a Son to a Father, I think it my Duty to transmit them to you.
          I beg the favour of having them returned to me at your Leisure by the Post.
          The unnatural Effervescence against the Treaty which broke out in Boston has made little progress in the Country and is fast evaporating. What Efforts may be made in the Southern States, we are not yet informed. But as The Faith and Honour both of the President and Senate are clearly pledged, what but a total

overthrow both of the constitution and Administration can be aimed at, by the opposition I cannot conceive. With great Respect and a Strong attachment I have the Honour to be, Dear sir your Friend and servant

            John Adams


Title: To George Washington from Bordentown, N.J., Citizens, 10 August 1795
From: Citizens of Bordentown, New Jersey
To: Washington, George

            Bordentown, Augt 10th 1795State of New Jersey

          In Pursuance of public Notice duly given, Requesting the attendance of the Inhabitants of the several Towns of Bordentown, Crosswicks, Black Horse, Reckless Town, and their different Vicinities.
          To take into Consideration the pending Treaty between Great

Britain, and the United States; a General and Numerous meeting was held, in Bordentown, on Saturday the Eighth Instant.
          Colo. Jos. Kirkbride being Appointed to the Chair and Nathan Rockhill Secretary.
          The Treaty with Great Britain, Negotiated by Lord Greenville, and Mr Jay being duly Read and Considered, the following Resolutions were proposed, and Unanimously Adopted, Viz.
          1st Resolved. that the very Preamble of the Treaty fills us with Mortification and Astonishment, in as much as it Abandons, the High Claims, the possitive Losses, and that Honorable reparation Demanded Throughout the Union, and so explicitly declared, by our Chief Magistrate, as Necessary to be insisted upon, and which were held up to the people, as Justly to be expected, on his Appointment of an Envoy extraordinary, to Great Britain For that purpose Only.
          The Memorial of the Citizens of Philadelphia Dated, 25th Ulto and Signed by William Shippen junr, As their Chairman: having been, on Motion Read.
          2nd Resolved. that the said Memorial expresses our Sense, of the Separate Articles, and General tendency of the said Treaty, as they respect our Commerce, our Common Interest, our Honour, and our Safety.
          3d Resolved. that we do not Comprehend the policy, which leads us from the Love, and Protection, of a Sincere, Powerful, and friendly Nation, into the Arms of an Old, Inveterate, Unalterable Foe; from whom we have received Nothing but Injury, Duplicity, and Insult.
          4th Resolved. that so long as the Government of Great Britain, Continues hostile to the rights of Man, to the Independence of other Nations, and to those very principles on which we have formed our respective Governments, we Conceive their open Enmity much less dangerous, than their pretended friendship, and that their Secret Influence is more to be Dreaded, than their Declining Power.
          5th Resolved. that it be recommended to our fellow Citizens to consider of some Speedy remedy, by which that part of the Fœderal Constitution which empowers Twenty Senators under a less Virtuous Executive, to Sacrafice the Interest, the Honour, and the existance of these States, either through Pride, Ignorance, Vanity or Corruption—to Consider Whether it be not

Necessary, for our common Security, against Future attempts, to lay us prostrate at the feet of our Natural Enemy, that Two thirds of the House of Representatives, as well as the Senate, shall Consent to the forming or ratifying Treaties with Foreign Nations, And Whether the Constitution Ought not to Open the Doors of the Senate, except on some extraordinary occations, or during a War.
          6th Resolved. that Stevens Thompson Mason is entitled to the thanks of this Meeting, and of every good Citizen, and real friend to the Constitution of the United States for his Patriotic, and Independant Conduct in rending the Veil of Senetorial Secrecy—And thereby Discovering to the World the Treaty, lately Concluded on by John Jay and the Minister of the King of Great Britain, Touching the Dearest rights, and most Essential Interests of a free People.
          On Motion Resolved. that the proceedings of the present Meeting be Immediately Tra[n]smitted by the Chairman to the President of the United States. By Order of the Meeting

            J: Kirkbride Chairman

          Attest Nathan Rockhill, Secretary


Title: From George Washington to Oliver Wolcott, Jr., and Timothy Pickering, 12–18 August 1795
From: Washington, George
To: Wolcott, Oliver Jr.,Pickering, Timothy

            [12–18 Aug. 1795]

          At what time should Mr F——ts letter be made known to Mr R——?
          What will be the best mode of doing it? In presence of the Secs & A: Genl.
          If the explanations given by the latter, are not satisfactory, whether, besides removal, are any other measures proper to be taken? & what?
          Would an application to Mr A—— to see the paragraphs in Nos. 3 & 6, alluded to in F——ts letter, be proper? These might condemn, or acquit, unequivocally and if innocent whether R. will not apply for them if I do not?
          If upon the Investigation of this subject, it should appear less dark than at present, but not so clear as to restore confidence, & a continuance in Office; In what light, and on what ground is the removal to appear to the public?
          What immediate steps are necessary to be taken, so soon as the removal of R. is resolved on; if that should be the case, with respect to the Archives in that Office?

          If the Letter of F——t is the only evidence, & that thought sufficient to the removal what would be the consequence of giving that letter to the public, without any comment, as the ground on which the measure of the Executive, respecting the removal, is founded? It wd speak for itself. A part, without the whole, might be charged with unfairness. The public would expect reasons for the sudden removal of so high an Officer, & it will be found not easy to avoid saying too little, or too much, upon such an occasion: as it is not to be expected that the removed Officer, will acquiesce without attempting a justification; or at least to do away by explanations the sting of the letter of accusation; unless he was let down easily. To do which, I see no way: for if he is guilty of what is charged, he merit⟨s⟩ no favor; and if he is not, he will accept of none. and it is not difficult to perceive what turn he and his friends will give ⟨this⟩ act—namely that his frien⟨d⟩ship for the French nation, & his opposition to a compleat ratification have been the causes.


Title: To George Washington from Newport, R.I., Citizens, 14–20 August 1795
From: Citizens of Newport, Rhode Island
To: Washington, George

            [14–20 Aug. 1795]

            At a Town Meeting held at the State House Friday August 14th 1795. at 11 O.Clock a.m.

              Thomas Freebody Esqr. Moderator

            Voted. That, Paul Mumford, John L. Boss, Christopher Ellery, Henry Sherburne, Caleb Green, Thomas G. Pitman, Samuel Vernon 1st, Oliver R. Warner, Thomas Rumriell, Joseph Briggs and Edward Simmons, are appointed a Committee to Examine the Treaty now pending between Great Britain and the United States of America, and they or a Majority of them to make report at the Adjournment.
            Voted, That this Meeting be adjourned to Thursday the 20th of this Instant at 11 OClock in the forenoon.
            A True Copy from the Records.
            Witness, Jonathan Almy Town Clerk
            The Committee to whom was refered, by their fellow Citizens, the Consideration of the Treaty of Amity, Commerce and Navigation now pending between his Britannic Majesty and the United States, Report, That they have considered the said Treaty with attention and disapprove of the same for the following reasons.
            Because, the detention of the Western Posts hath been very injurious to the United States, and for which no compensation is contemplated in said Treaty.
            Because, the 3d 13th 15th and 17th Articles of the Treaty, which regulate the Trade, Commerce and Navigation between

Great Britain and the United States, are most decidedly advantageous to the former, and will be very destructive to the Commerce and Navigation of the latter.
            Because, the 4th and 5th Articles render the boundries of the United States, as settled by the Treaty of 1783 doubtful, and may occasion a great loss of Territory to the United States.
            Because, the Demands of the British Creditors are fully attended to and their complaints redressed agreeably to the stipulation of the Treaty of 1783, whereas the Claims of American Citizens for Property carried away by the British, in violation of the same Treaty, are passed over in silence.
            Because, the mode pointed out for American Citizens to obtain compensation for the Spoilations committed on their Commerce is remote, expensive and uncertain, which injustice, we conceive, ought to have been immediate and compleat; whilst the stipulations for restitution to be made by the United States, for Property taken by Privateers equipped in said States, or captured within the limits thereof, is speedy and enerjetic.
            Because, by the ninth Article, a privilege is bestowed on the subjects of Great Britain, in expression reciprocal, but, considering the difference in the circumstances of the two Nations, wanting an equivalent, and invading the rights of individual States.
            Because, we think it impolitic to give up, by Treaty, the power of attaching British Property in the United States, in case of national differences and discontents.
            Because, in this Treaty, certain articles of export are considered as contraband of War and just objects of confiscation, which, in our Treaties with other Nations are considered as free.
            Because, the 23d and 24th Articles are calculated to embroil the United States with the French Re[p]ublic, and will probably make our seaports the scenes of riot and disorder—They also tend to make a common cause, between the United States and Great Britain, to distress our Allies.
            Because, no Provision is made in the Treaty to protect and secure our Seamen, that valuable class of Citizens. from being impressed into the British Service, and no stipulation is therein contained for the relief of those now detained on board British Ships of War.
            Your Committee would further observe, that the Treaty contains many sentences of doubtful construction, that it is deficient

of the reciprocity which ought to be the Basis of all Contracts, that it is an infraction of the friendship and gratitude which the Republic of France may justly Claim from the United States, and that it may be ruinous to the Agriculture, Manufactures and Commerce of the United States.

                Oliver R. Warner
                Thos G. Pitman

                Edward Simmons
                Caleb Green

                Thos Rumreill
                Joseph Briggs

                Saml Vernon
                Christ. Ellery

                John L. Boss

            In Town meeting holden by Adjournment on the Twentieth Day of August. A.D. 1795.
            The Committee appointed at a Town meeting legally convened on Friday last, to take into consideration the Treaty now pending between Great Britain and the United States, having reported their opinion thereon.
            Resolved, That this Meeting do approve said report, and that it be signed by the Moderator, and that a fair Copy be made out, and that the Town Council of the Town of Newport be requested to transmit the same to the President of the United States without delay, as the sense of this Meeting on said Treaty, together with this resolve.

              Thos Freebody Moderator of the Town Meeting


Title: To George Washington from Cheraws District, S.C., Citizens, 15 August 1795
From: Citizens of Cheraws District, South Carolina
To: Washington, George

            South Carolina Cheraw DistrictAugust the 15th Anno domini 1795.

          The petition and remonstrance of the Citizens of the United States of America inhabitants of Cheraw district in the state of South Carolina.

            Respectfully Sheweth
            That your petitioners sincerely attached to the interest and welfare of their Country. have duly Considered the treaty of Amity Commerce & Navigation between the United States of America & Great Britain entered into at London on the 19th day of November Last, which hath been Assented to by two thirds of the Senate—and upon due Consideration beg leave respectfully to Suggest as our opinion that the said Treaty does not Afford to the Citizens of these States such terms as they ought to accept— And that if finally ratified will be a source of Many disa[d]vantages to the National prosperity of the Union and of great discontent and uneasiness in the minds of the Citizens thereof.
            In addition to this Opinion from a Sincere respect and esteem for you. flowing from a recollection of Numerous & eminent Services which gratitude hath indelibly engraven on our hearts—renders it a duty incumbent on us to represent the same for your Information least our silence might be Construed into an approbation of the said treaty.
            We therefore hope that so far as the same may be Consistent with that discretion which we Conceive is entirely Vested in you by the Constitution your Sanction may be withheld untill more equitable terms are acceded to on the part of Great Britain.
            For and at the request and in behalf of the Citizens present

              Trism ThomasChairman


Title: To George Washington from Morris County, N.J., Citizens, c.15 August 1795
From: Citizens of Morris County, New Jersey
To: Washington, George

            [c.15 Aug. 1795]

          To the President of the United States of America.
          The Petition and Remonstrance of the Inhabitants of the County of Morris, in New Jersey,
          Sheweth—
          That Your Petitioners having maturely considered the treaty of Amity, navigation and commerce, proposed to be established between the United States and Great Britain, do humbly conceive the same is not founded on those principles of equal justice and reciprocity, that ought to be the basis of all national contracts, and which alone can lay a lasting and permanent foundation for mutual satisfaction and peace between the two countries.
          We apprehend it would be an unnecessary intrusion on the time and patience of the President, to enumerate and state, particularly, all the objections that occur in reading and considering this extraordinary diplomatic instrument, especially as the most of them have been designated, and as we are informed, been already presented to the President from various parts of the continent.
          We cannot, however, but observe in general, that the argument urged by the advocates of the treaty appears to us unfounded, viz., That the unequal concessions and sacrifices made therein by America to Great Britain, are the necessary price of peace with her. If this position were true, it remains a doubt whether the price would not far exceed the purchase. We would farther observe, that on the ratification of this treaty, we have no other security for the delivery of the Western Posts in June 1796, than we had for the evacuation of them with all convenient speed, as stipulated in the Treaty of peace of 1783. But suppose they were actually given up, agreeable to Treaty, what do we obtain thereby but the privilege, if it may be called one, of keeping garrisons there at our own expense, whilst, by the agreement, the British have the entire monopoly of the fur trade, and that through our Territory; with singular advantage of keeping a Colony of British subjects within our jurisdiction, not bearing allegiance to our Government, which, to our frontier settlement, may be of more serious consequences than at first view is apprehended; and who can say that an insurrection like the one lately suppressed in Pennsylvania, among such priviledged subjects of Great

Britain, would not terminate in an open rupture with their Sovereign? Nor do we conceive, that we shall by this treaty be more secure in our Commerce than Neutral vessels were by the law of Nations under the recognition of our independence; nor can we extend our credulity in the faith of that nation so far, as to suppose that our naval Commerce will be less abridged by them, or our Seamen less exposed to insult than heretofore, unless we wholly relinquish all trade with her enemies and all others, where it may interfere with her interest. But we ought to remember, that the nation which will suffer her honor to be insulted, or her natural rights to be invaded with impunity, will not long have either the one or the other to lose.
          If the horrors of war, which we sincerely deprecate, are to be set in competition with the loss of our natural rights and privileges, we are not able to distinguish the advantages to be derived from a treaty which submits them, rather than to have them taken from us without. The latter seems to us preferable; as in that case, whenever we thought fit and proper, and circumstances were favourable, we might assert our right without being stared in the face by a treaty that had previously resigned them. Besides, stipulations so manifestly unjust and unequal (though the temper and circumstances of the moment may procure a ratification) will not fail to be a continued source of dissatisfaction and complaint, and produce mutual infractions of the Treaty, and most probably will accelerate rather than retard hostilities between the contracting parties.
          From our present view of this subject, and with a sincere desire to serve and promote the best interest of our Country, in full confidence that the President of the United States will exercise that prudence and precaution with which his command and exalted administration has ever been distinguished, we entreat that he will at least suspend the final ratification of the said treaty with Great Britain, until the People of the United States shall assemble in Congress by their representatives, and by them be advised on a matter so interesting and important.
          No objections being offered against the above report, it was:
          Unanimously Resolved, That the people do approve of said report, and enjoin it upon the moderator of this meeting to perform the resolution, therein contained of having the same speedily conveyed to the President of the United States.
          It was then moved and

          Resolved, without a dissenting voice, as the sense of the meeting, That the gratitude and applause of the people of the United States are justly due to those members of the Senate who voted against the ratification of the said treaty, and also, that the particular thanks of this meeting are hereby acknowledged to S. T. Mason, one of the Senators of Virginia, who first publicly disclosed the aforesaid act, which is pregnant with consequences the most interesting to every class of citizens of this country.

            By order of the MeetingAlexander Carmichael, Moderator.William Campfield, Clerk.


Title: To George Washington from Edward Newenham, 15 August 1795
From: Newenham, Edward
To: Washington, George

            My Dear Sir
            Rathdrum [Ireland] 15 August 1795

          I need not say much in favor of my old Friend, Mr James Napper Tandy, who will have the Honor to deliver this Letter to your Excellency; His Character & Principles are well Known on Both Sides the Atlantic.
          He was among the Foremost in this Kingdom, particularily in the City of Dublin to Support the Just Rights of your Glorious & Happy Fellow-Citizens—he Succesfully opposed the Introduction of Germans Troopes into Ireland, when the Ministry of that Day wishd to send all our Troopes to America—that was at a Critical Moment for America he not only Spoke in your favor in Public, but his Pen was Employed in the service of America.
          I have just receivd the Treaty with Great Brittain as publishd by Mr Franklin Bache—which in my Mind reflects the Highest Honor & m⟨ar⟩ks the Wisdom of both Nations, as there is a just & reciprocal Trade Settled; I have Ever been of opinion, that it will be for the Benefit of the States & of these Islands to Live in the Strictest Amity & alliance, & that America should never hazard a War with any European Nation untill she has 20 Sail of the Line; at that Pe[r]iod Nature points out to her, a Settlement in the East Indies, St Domingo &c. in the West Indies, & one or 2 in South America to Share the Mines of Mexico & Peru; I have published the Treaty in one of our Irish papers, & also the Votes of the Senate.
          your friendly reception of those whom I had The honour to Introduce to you demands my most Gratefull thanks, I trust, that Kearney, the Painter & Stucco Man will preserve the Character he had in this Kingdom; he mentions your Excellency in

Terms of the most respectfull Gratitude—I find, by his Letters, that Several of his Connections are soon to follow him.
          In this Letter I do not touch on the Political State of Europe—in my Next I shall write fully.
          Lady Newenham desires to be most affectionately remembred to you & Mrs Washington, to whom I request my Sincere regards. I have the Honor, to be, with Sincere Esteem yr Excellency’s most faithfull & affte Hble Sert

            Edward Newenham

            I have been, with Lady Newenham, in the mountains of this County (Wicklow) for the benefit of our Health—our Coughs, of 12 Months Standing, are entirely Cured, & we are as well as we were 10 years agoe—the Harvest here is abundant—& likely to be reaped in a good Season.


Title: From George Washington to William Pearce, 16 August 1795
From: Washington, George
To: Pearce, William

            Mr Pearce,
            Philadelphia 16th Augt 1795.

          Your letter, begun on the 9th and ended on the 12th instt, with its several enclosures, came to my hands yesterday.
          It is to be regretted that the frequent, & hard rains should have involved you in such difficulties. But all that can be don⟨e⟩ in cases that are not to be guarded against, or avoided, is to do the best under them that circumstances will admit. More ought not to be expected; and I am sure, that more is not desired by me. I fear, however, that if the forward corn is turned differently than it was by the first storm, that all the roots have given way, and, of course, the plant must suffer; if not perish: but of this you can judge better than I.
          I am anxious to get my wheat in the ground as soon as possible, but would not, nevertheless, sow before the ground is in order for it. It is some con⟨so⟩lation to hear that all your Wheat and Oats are in—I wish the Hay was also secured—and as free

from damage as possible. That which is so much sanded, will be fit for little, or nothing, unless some method can be devised of threshing, or beating the sand of[f], before it is fed.
          As Donaldson is going away, I think it best to decide, at once, to take the Carpenter recommended by my nephew Colo. Wm Washington; although his allowances are high—particularly in Corn—for I cannot conceive how he is to consume 15. barrels of Corn in addition to the flour—However, you will want a man to carry on my Carpentering business; and if from his appearance, & talking to him, you think he will answer, engage him positively, & firmly. If he is competent to do Mill-work—wheel-work—and is a tolerable plain Joiner, he will be very useful; as my buildings are going very much to decay. He may have the hous⟨e⟩ and garden that Donaldson occupies, as his year will have expired before the f⟨irs⟩t of November. Donaldson therefore must be taken at his word, as there is no other house and Garden that John Neale—the person offering—can have but that; and the latter (if he is such a man as I concieve him to be, from the character given of him) will be of more service to me than the former. I wish you well and am Your friend

            Go: Washington


Title: To George Washington from William Pearce, 16 August 1795
From: Pearce, William
To: Washington, George

          Letter not found: from William Pearce, 16 Aug. 1795. GW wrote Pearce on 23 Aug., “Your letter of the 16th instant, covering the ⟨wee⟩kly reports, came to my hands yesterday.”


Title: To George Washington from Timothy Pickering, 16 August 1795
From: Pickering, Timothy
To: Washington, George

            Sir,
            Sunday Augt 16. 1795.

          The inclosed letters from Governor Blount were brought to my house last evening. To gain time, I desired Colo. Hays, the conductor of the Chickasaws, to bring them this morning to the War-Office. We met: but major Colbert declined making any communications but to you in person. Hitherto he said his nation had depended on your officers—and had been disappointed: Now, nothing but an answer from your own mouth, to what he should offer, would satisfy him.
          I suppose the whole object of the journey is expressed in the letters of Wm Glover & Opoiamingo, & in Colbert’s speech to Governor Blount.
          When you shall be pleased to inform me at what time you can most conveniently see them, I will let them know it, and attend with them.
          I have made a draught of the form of a ratification of the treaty somewhat different from that handed to me. The instructions you have been pleased now to send me, shall be considered immediately. Both shall also be submitted to the other gentlemen with the least possible delay. With the greatest respect I am sir your obt servant

            Timothy Pickering


Title: To George Washington from Edmund Randolph, 16 August 1795
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Washington, George

            August 16. 1795.

          E. Randolph presents his respectful compliments to the President; and forgot to inform him, that the balance of the money, left by Mr Dandridge has been returned to his credit in the bank; and has been and is ready to the draught of the President or him—The sum left was 350 dollars—Paid to Mr Kit 105—Balance two hundred and forty five dollars.


Title: To George Washington from Oliver Wolcott, Jr., 17 August 1795
From: Wolcott, Oliver Jr.
To: Washington, George

            Treasury Department August 17. 1795.

          The Secretary of the Treasury respectfully submits to the consideration of the President of the United States, a Letter from

the Commissioner of the Revenue of the 11 Inst. transmitting a proposal of Mr John McComb Junr of New York for erecting a Lighthouse upon Montaak point.
          It is the opinion of the Secretary that it is for the Interest of the United States to close with the said proposal. All which is respectfully submitted

            Oliv. Wolcott Jr.secy of the Treasy


Title: To George Washington from Fredericksburg, Va., Citizens, 18 August 1795
From: Citizens of Fredericksburg, Virginia
To: Washington, George

              Virginia, Fredericksburg August 18th 1795.

            The Committee appointed Yesterday at a meeting of the Citizens of this Town, to draft a set of Resolutions expressing their disapprobation of the Treaty of Amity Commerce, and navigation, proposed to be entered into between the United States and Great Britain, And also a respectfull address to the president of the United States, requesting he would withhold his Signature therefrom, This day offered for the Consideration of a Large and respectable meeting of Citizens the following resolutions and Address,

              William Harvey, Esq. in the chair

            Resolved, That it is the duty of all good Citizens to pay due obedience to the Laws of the Land, The Goverment of Laws being the essence of Liberty.
            Resolved. That the people have a right to meet consult and advise together respecting Laws made or to be made and to give their opinions respecting the same, to the governing powers with decency and manly firmness.
            Resolved, That the treaty entered into by John Jay on the part of the United States, and Lord Greenville on the part of Great Britain, should be denounced and held in utter detestation by

every American Citizen, who wishes well to the Liberty and prosperity of his Country—Because if ratified it unsettles the boundary lines of the United States as fixed by the Treaty of 1783, thereby making questionable the Right of the united States to a vast tract of Country as valuable for its extent as fertility of soil, and rendered still more valuable to us as the great means of preventing the Horrors of a savage War—Because instead of an immediate surrender of the Western posts, with adequate damages for their Long and unjust detention, the delivery of them is postponed to a future day without mention of Compensation, or Security for a Compliance and delivery of the posts when that time shall arrive, Because the payment of British Debts is guaranteed so that a considerable part thereof may, & will Certainly become chargeable upon the public, and however Justice & honour may demand of Individuals to pay their just debts it is highly injurious to fix the debts of Individuals upon the great body of the people thereby increasing the public debt the amount of which is already alarming to the friends of Government and also taking away the Jurisdiction of a Court Established by Constitutional Authority as well for the purpose of doing Justice to British Subjects having demands upon the Citizens of America as to American Citizens, and in which no Session passes without numerous judgments being entered up for British Debts, Because no notice is taken of, or demand made for a Compensation for the negroes or other property carried from New York in direct violation of an express article of the treaty of 1783. Because the direct object of Mr Jays mission, the spoliations upon our vessells and Commerce remains undetermined and dependant with respect to the event entirely upon chance—Because by this treaty we shall give great and innumerable advantages to great Britain in her trade and navigation without any reciprocal advantage arising to America, & in many instances cramp our own trade, and place it in a worse situation than it is at present, Because this treaty does directly lend to the Manifest prejudice and Injury of France, and indirectly towards creating a Jealousy between that Gallant people and the United states, A people who in return for the services rendered us in the time of need, and also by occasion of those Congenial sentiments of Liberty & Equality which do alike pervade & influence both nations, deserve rather an open and decided part being taken in their favour, than by an

artfull insidious treaty the Smallest suspicion of our Fraternal disposition towards them should be hazarded.
            For these reasons we the Citizens of Fredericksburg do unanimously address the President of the United states, requesting that he will refuse his signature to the treaty, thereby quieting their fears & relieving them from that distress of mind which naturally attends freemen anxious for the Welfare of their Country, Whose interests they think at this particular time are most Critically & alarmingly situated, At the same time they assure the president of their entire confidence in that virtue & Integrity which in so many tried and difficult situations have proven Superior to every obstacle.
            Which Resolutions and address being twice read & unanimously approved of Resolved that the Chairman be requested to forward them to the President of the United States without delay. By Order of the meeting

              William Harvey, Chairman


Title: From George Washington to Oliver Wolcott, Jr., 18 August 1795
From: Washington, George
To: Wolcott, Oliver Jr.

            Dear Sir,
            Augt 18th 1795.

          The letter herewith, will shew that I did not understand, or attend to what I was about, when I put the check on the Pennsylvania Bank into your hands.
          To prevent further mistakes, I give you the trouble of perusing the letter; accompanying it with a request that you will be so

good as to explain, without loss of time the mistake to the Bank; lest any thing improper should be entertained of Mr Ross[’]s conduct in this business, from my inattentions. Yours always

            Go: Washington.


Title: To George Washington from Oliver Wolcott, Jr., 18 August 1795
From: Wolcott, Oliver Jr.
To: Washington, George

            Treasury Department August 18. 1795.

          The Secretary of the Treasury respectfully transmits to the President of the United States a Letter from the Commissioner of the Revenue dated the 17th Inst: covering a proposal made by the honble Henry Dearborn esqur. for erecting a Lighthouse on Seguin Island in the District of Maine.
          It appears that in consequence of several petitions having been presented to Congress praying the repeal of the Law of the 19th of May 1794 for building the Lighthouse on Seguin Island, all measures for carrying the said law into effect were suspended until after the end of the last session.
          As the present proposal is the only eligible one that has been made, & perhaps not unreasonable considering the advanced price of labour & materials, the Secretary is of opinion that it will be for the Interest of the United States to close with the said proposal. All which is most respectfully submitted

            Oliv: Wolcott JrSecry of the Treasy


Title: To George Washington from Edmund Randolph, 19 August 1795
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Washington, George

            Sir
            Philadelphia August 19. 1795.

          Immediately upon leaving your house this morning, I went to the office for the department of state, where I directed the room, in which I usually sat, to be locked up, and the key to remain with the Messenger. My object in this was to let all the papers rest, as they stood.
          Upon my return home, I reflected calmly and maturely upon the proceedings of this morning. Two facts immediately presented themselves; one of which was, that my usual hour of calling upon the President had not only been postponed for the opportunity of consulting others, upon a letter of a foreign minister highly interesting to my honor, before the smallest intimation to me; but they seemed also to be perfectly acquainted with its contents, and were requested to ask questions for their satisfaction: the other was, that I was desired to retire into another room, until you should converse with them upon what I had said.
          Your confidence in me, sir, has been unlimited, and, I can truly affirm, unabased. My sensations then cannot be concealed; when I find that confidence so immediately withdrawn, without a word or distant hint being previously dropped to me. This, sir, as I mentioned in your room, is a situation, in which I cannot hold my present office; and therefore I hereby resign it.
          It will not, however, be concluded from hence, that I mean to relinquish the inquiry. No, sir; very far from it. I will also meet any inquiry; and to prepare for it, if I learn, that there is a chance of overtaking Mr Fauchet before he sails, I will go to him immediately.
          I have to beg the favor of you to permit me to be furnished with a copy of the letter, and I will prepare an answer to it; which I perceive, that I cannot do, as I wish; merely upon the few, hasty memoranda, which I took with my pencil.
          I am satisfied, sir, that you will acknowledge one piece of

justice to be due on the occasion; which is, that, until an inquiry can be made, the affair shall continue in secrecy under your injunction. For after pledging myself for a more specific investigation of all the sugges⟨tions⟩ I here most solemnly deny, that any overture ever came from me, which was to produce money to me or any others for me; and that in any manner, directly or indirectly was a shilling ever received by me; nor was it ever contemplated by me that one shilling should be applied by Mr Fauchet to any purpose, relative to the insurrection.
          I presume, sir, that the paper No. 6, to which he refers, is not in your possession otherwise you would have shewn it to me. If I am mistaken, I cannot doubt, that you will suffer me to have a copy of it.
          I shall pass my accounts at the auditor’s and comptroller’s offices, and transmit to you a copy. I have the honor to be Sir with great respect yr mo. ob. serv.

            Edm: Randolph


Title: From George Washington to John Adams, 20 August 1795
From: Washington, George
To: Adams, John

            Dear Sir,
            Philadelphia 20th Augt 1795

          I have received your favor of the 10th instt with its enclosures. They contain a great deal of interesting matter; and No. 9 discloses much important information, and political foresight. For this proof of your kindness, and confidence, I pray you to accept my best, & most cordial thanks.
          Mr J. Adams, your son, must not think of retiring from the walk he is now in: his prospects, if he continues in it, are fair: and I shall be much mistaken if, in as short a period as can well be expected, he is not found at the head of the Diplomatique Corps; let the government be administered by whomsoever the people may chuse.
          The embarrassment into which he was thrown, by the unforeseen events which so soon took place in Holland, after he had received his first instructions, & had arrived in that country, have

long since been removed; and he can be at no loss now, as to the course he is to pursue.
          Long before this letter can have reached you, my answer to the Boston resolutions will, I presume, have made its appearance in the Gazettes of that place, notwithstanding the delays it met with in getting thither—first, from a mistake of the Postmaster in Alexandria; who, mixing it with the dispatches which were addressed to me, returned it by the messenger who carried my letters to his office—this necessarily detained it three days; and the immense falls of rain, and destruction of bridges which followed, prevented all travelling for at least three days more.
          Whether it was from the spark which kindled the fire in Boston, that the flames have spread so extensively; or whether the torch, by a pre-concerted plan was lit, ready for the explosion in all parts, so soon as the advice to ratify the treaty should be announced; remains to be developed; but as the ratification thereof, agreeably to the advice of the Senate, has passed from me, these meetings in opposition to the constituted authority, are as useless, as they are at all times improper and dangerous. My best respects to Mrs Adams and with sincere regard and friendship I am—Dear Sir Your affecte Hble Servt

            Go: Washington