Title: To John Adams from Nathanael Greene, 2 June 1776
From: Greene, Nathanael
To: Adams, John

      Sir
      Camp on Long Island June 2d—1776

     I have just receivd your favor of the 26th of May in answer to mine of the 24th. You must not expect me to be a very exact correspondent, my circumstances will not always admit of it. When I have opportunity I will write you with freedom if any information I can give you should be of service I shall be amply paid. I know your time is too precious to be spent in Answering Letters; but a line from you at all times will be very acceptable, with such intelligence as you are at Liberty to give.
     By your Letter I have the happiness to find you agree with me in sentiment for the establishing a support for those that gets disabled in the Army or militia; but I am sorry to find at the same time, that you are very doubtful of it takeing affect: I could wish the Congress to think seriously of the matter, both with respect to the Justice and utillity of the measure. Is it not inhuman to suffer those that have fought nobly in the cause to be reduced to the necessity of geting a support by common Charity. Does this not millitate with the free and independant principles which we are indeavoring to support? Is it not equitable that the State who receives the benefit should be at the expence? The Community collectively considerd pays nothing more for the establishing a support, than if they do not, for those that get disabled must be supported by the Continent in general or the Provinces in particular. If the Continent establishes no support; by the fee of War some Colonies might be grieviously burthened. I cannot see upon what principle any Colony can encourage the Inhabitants to engage in the Army when the state that employs them refuses a support to the unfortunate. I think it would be right, and just for every Government to furnish their equal proportion of the Troops or contribute to the support of those that are sent by other Colonies.
     Can there be any thing more humiliateing than this consideration to those that are in the Army, or to those that have a mind to come in it than this? If I meet with a misfortune I shall be reduced to the necessity of beging my Bread. Is not this degradeing and distressing a part of the human species that deserves a better fate. On the other hand if there was a support establish’t what confidence would it give to those engag’d, what encouragement to those that are not. Good Policy points out the measure, Humanity calls for it, and Justice claims it at your Hands.
     I apprehend the dispute to be but in its infancy; nothing should be neglected to encourage People to engage, who render those easy contented and happy that are engag’d. Good covering is an Object of the first consideration. I know of nothing that is more discourageing than the want of it, it renders the Troops very uncomfortable and generally unhealthy. A few Troops well accomodated, healthy and spirited will do more service to the state that employs them than a much larger number that are sickly dispirited and discontented. This is the unhappy state of the Army at this time ariseing from the badness of the Tents. His Excellency has order’d every thing to be done to remedy the Evil that is in his power; but before the remedy can take place, the health of the Troops will receive a severe wound.
     From the nature of the dispute and the manner of furnishing the state with Troops too much care cannot be taken of those that engage, other wise some particular Goverments more publick spirited than others may be depopulated.
     Good Officers is the very Soul of an Army, the Activity and Zeal of the Troops entirely depends upon the degree of Animation given them by their Officers. I think it was Sir William Pitts maxim, to pay well and hang well to have a good Army. The Field Officers in general and the Colonels of Regiments in particular think themselves grieviously burthened upon the present establishment; few if any of that Rank that are worth retaining in service will continue, if any dependance is to be made upon the discontent that appears. They say and I believe with too much truth, that their pay and provision will not defray their expences. Another great grievance they complain on is they are oblige to act as factors for the Regiment. Subject to many loses, without any extraordinary allowance for their trouble, drawing from the Continental Store by wholesale and delivering out to the Troops by Retail. This business has been attended with much perplexity and accompanyed with very great losses where the Colonels have not been good Accomptants. This is no part of the duty of a Colonel of a Regiment; and the mode in which the business has been conducted, too much of their time has been engrossed in that employment for the good of the service. There should be an Agent for Each Regiment to provide the Troops with cloathing on the easiest terms allowed to draw money for that purpose Ocasionally, to be stopt out of the pay Abstract. Those Agents could provide seasonably, fetch their goods from a distance and prevent those local impositions that arises upon every remove of the Army.
     The dispute begins to be reduced to a National principle, and the longer it continues the more that Idea will prevail. People engagd in the service in the early part of the dispute without any consideration of pay reward, few if any thought of its continuance; but its duration will reduce all that have not independant Fortunes to attend to their family concerns—and if the present pay of those in the service is insufficent for the support of them and their families they must consequently quit it. The Novelty of the Army may engage others but you cannot immagin the injury the Army sustains by the loss of every good Officer. A young Officer without any experience in the Military Art or knowledge of mankind, unless he has a very uncommon Genius must be totally unfit to command a Regiment.
     I observe in the Resolves of Congress they have reservd to themselves the right of rewarding by promotion according to merit; the reserve may be right but the exercise will be dangerous, often injurious and sometimes very unjust. Two Persons of very unequal merit the inferior may get promoted over the superior if a Single instance of bravery is a sufficient Reason for such promotion. There is no doubt but that its right and just to reward singular merit, but the publick applause accompanying every brave Action is a noble reward.
     Where one Officer is promoted over the head of another if he has Spirit enough to be fit for service it lays him under the necessity of quiting it. It is a publick intimation that he is unfit for promotion and consequently undeserving his present Appointment. For my own part, I would never give any Legislative body an opportunity to humiliate me but once. I should think the Generals Recommendation is necessary to warrant a promotion out of the Regular channel. For Rank is of such importance in the Army and so delicate are the sentiments respecting it that very strong reasons ought to be given for going out of the proper channel, or else it will not be satisfactory to the army in general or to the party in particular.
     The Emision of such large sums of money increases the price of things in proportion to the sums emited—the money has but a nominal value. The evil does not arise from a depreciation altogether but from there being larger sums Emited than is necessary for a circulating medium. If the Evil increases it will starve the Army, for the pay of the Troops at the prices things are sold at will scarcely keep the Troops decently cloathed. Notwithstanding what I write I will engage to keep the Troops under my command as easy and contented as any in the Army.
     I observe you dont think the game you are playing is so desperate as I immagin. You doubtless are much better acquainted with the resources that are to be had in case of any misfortune than I am; but I flatter my self I know the History—Strength and state of the Army almost as well as any in it both with respect to the goodness of the Troops or the Abillities of the Officers. Dont be too confident the fate of War is very uncertain, little incidents has given rise to great events. Suppose this Army should be defeated, two or three of the leading Generals killed, our stores and magazines all lost, I would not be answerable for the consequences that such a stroke might produce in American politicks. You think the present army assisted by the militia is sufficient to oppose the force of Great Britain, formidable as it appears on paper. I can assure you its necessary to make great allowances in the calculation of our strength from the Establishment or else you’l be greatly deceived. I am confidant the force of America if properly exerted will prove superior to all her Enemies, but I would risque nothing to chance—it is easy to disband when it is impossible to raise Troops.
     I approve your plan of encourageing our own Troops rather than seducing theirs, let us fight and beat them fairly; and free our Country from oppression with out departing from the principles of honnor Truth or Justice. The conditions you propose are very honnorable, but I fear whether they are altogether equal to the Emergency of the times, for mankind being much more influenced by present profit than remote advantagies, People will consider what benefit they are immediately to receive and take their Resolutions accordingly.
     If the Force of Great Britain should prove near equal to what it has been represented, a large Augmentation will be necessary; if the present Offers should not be sufficient to induce People to engage in the Army—You will be oblige to Augment the bounty; and perhaps at a time, when that Order of People will have it in their power to make their own conditions or distress the state.
     As I have wrote a great deal and the Doctor waiting I shall add no more only my hearty wishes for your health and happiness. Believe me to be with great esteem your most Obedient humble servant,

      N Greene


Title: To John Adams from James Warren, 2 June 1776
From: Warren, James
To: Adams, John

      My Dear Sir
      Watertown June 2d. 1776

     I Received yours of the 20th. of May with the pamphlets Inclosed. I am much Obliged to you for them. I am quite satisfied that you have wrote to me as Often as your Situation would Admit of, that your Cares are great, and press on you from many quarters. I never suspected your Friendship. I pity you as much as you can wish a Friend to do, and Admire your Spirit and resolute perseverance in the publick Cause. I have read and see the difference of Sentiment in the two Pamphlets. The Thoughts on Government are far from being disdained in New England. They are Admired here. Very few Exceptions are made by any Body. The only one of any Consequence that I have heard is that the Author seems rather Inclined to A Negative in the third Branch, which is hardly popular enough for our Climate poor and sterile as it is. I believe the Author never Expected it would Comport with the Monarchick and Aristocratic Spirit of the South. Whether it is best there should be a perfect simularity in the form, and Spirit of the several Governments in the Colonies, provided they are all Independant of Britain, is a question I am not determined in. For some reasons it may be best for us there should be A difference. I therefore Consider the Address to the Convention of Virginia with the more Indifference as it may (if successful) neither Injure the publick or us.
     I Regreted my not being Able to write by Mr. Winthrop who left this place two days ago. You will have by him a List of our new House, and I suppose a List of the Council Chosen as he promised me not to go without it. Coll. Orne and Danielson refused. We Chose Eldad Taylor and Coll. Thayer in their room. You will find in the House more Abilities, tho perhaps not more Zeal for the present System of politicks than in the last, and you will see in the List of Councellors some that I did not vote for. We have had yet Nothing before us to determine what we are to Expect from the Conduct of this New House. The Election took us two Intire days, and Controverted Elections filled up the rest of the last week. We Yesterday sent Home the Salem Members for the Irregularity of the proceedings of the Town in their Choice. Coll. Palmer is again in the House. I dare say you are Informed how.
     I presume as we are now at Liberty to Establish a Form of Government we shall soon take up that matter. I shall do every thing in my power to promote Unanimity in the Choice of A Governor or President, let the General voice be as it may. I thank you for your partiality. I could pitch on a much more suitable person than either of the Three you mention by going as far as Philadelphia tho’ what we should do without him there I cant tell. Tis our Misfortune that the same men cant be in two places at the same time. I shall write you as soon as any thing on this Subject takes place. The peice you mention published in our papers is in total Oblivion, so desire you not to take your leave of us.
     I shall do every thing in my power to have the Salaries and Commissions of the Judges Established. I have long been Convinced of the necessity of it, and I am sure we can do nothing more Advantageous to our Internal police. The Nerves of one of the Gentlemen you mention are weak oweing perhaps to his state of Health. His Heart I believe is good, tho’ not so decisively zealous as I would wish, perhaps oweing to his Splendid fortune. His Head is undoubtedly good.
     We have no News. Frequent rumours of Battles and victories in Canada since our late Misfortune there but nothing to be depended on. I am Mortified by the little Zeal and readiness shewn by our Countrymen to Enter into the service. Neither Marshals, Whitneys, or Crafts regiments are yet half full. What hopes can we Entertain that the five old Battalions left here will be filld up, or the two new ones raised. Can you Advise us to give them A Bounty by way of Encouragement, or should you disapprove of it. It certainly would be very Advantageous to us to have them, and our delegates deserve our Thanks for their Exertions on this Occasion, but how to get them is the question. I suppose it would not do to have the two Regiments we are now raising Converted into Continental Regiments. I cant account for the difficulties we have in raising men. Great Numbers are Indeed gone from us, and the southern Governments have Agents here Inlisting Seamen for their perticular services with full wages and large Bounties. I fear therefore you will find it difficult to man your ships. You should Attend to it without delay.
     We have A promiseing Season, fine Showers the Crops look flourishing tho the weather has been cooler than usual. Mr. Winthrop has with him my Accounts. I Expect there will be some small deficiency oweing to the Multiplicity of Business in that office, and the hurry and Croud we have been obliged to do it in. I have directed him to Charge for a Clerk, as it was Impossible to Execute it without one, and to Charge the Expenses of going to Philadelphia to settle Account as I am out of pay. I hope all these will be Allowed me. The Army here are in distress for want of money. I have run the venture at the Solicitations of Genl. Ward to pay several Sums since I had notice that my resignation was Accepted. I hope the publick Advantage, and the Generals Solicitations will Justifie my Conduct. I have desired Mr. Winthrop to call on you for any Assistance he may have Occasion for. I know you will give it to him, and I thot I need make no Apology for the Freedom. I have no Letters from Mrs. Adams to Inclose. She was well last Tuesday. Some of the little Boys had the Mumps. My regards to Mr. Adams and Gerry. I pray daily for your and their Health and Happiness and am your Friend, &c.
     I never yet Congratulated you on the almost miraculous Interposition of Providence in sending us the prize Ship Carried into Boston. I do it now. The Gallant defence made by our small Vessels against the men of War Boats is perhaps as Noble A one as any this War. I cant give you An Exact Account of the loss on their side but I believe in Killd and wounded little short of A hundred. I am not certain that I have Acknowledged the receipt of some other of your favours. The Contents of them are Important and are Attended to. Want of Health for some time past and the Multiplicity of Business must be my Apology. You must not think of A Resignation. We shall be ruined if you do.


Title: From John Adams to Patrick Henry, 3 June 1776
From: Adams, John
To: Henry, Patrick

      My dear Sir
      Philadelphia June 3. 1776

     I had this Morning the Pleasure of yours of 20 May. The little Pamphlet you mention is nullius Filius, and if I should be obliged to maintain it, the World will not expect that I should own it. My Motive for inclosing it to you, was not the Value of the Present, but as a Token of Friendship—and more for the Sake of inviting your Attention to the Subject, than because there was any Thing in it worthy your Perusal. The Subject is of infinite Moment, and perhaps more than Adequate to the Abilities of any Men, in America. I know of none So competent, to the Task as the Author of the first Virginia Resolutions against the Stamp Act, who will have the Glory with Posterity, of beginning and concluding this great Revolution. Happy Virginia, whose Constitution is to be framed by So masterly a Builder. Whether the Plan of the Pamphlet, is not too popular, whether the Elections are not too frequent, for your Colony I know not. The Usages and Genius and Manners of the People, must be consulted. And if Annual Elections of the Representatives of the People, are Sacredly preserved, those Elections by Ballott, and none permitted to be chosen but Inhabitants, Residents, as well as qualified Freeholders of the City, County, Parish, Town, or Burrough for which they are to serve, three essential Prerequisites of a free Government; the Council or middle Branch of the Legislature may be triennial, or even Septennial, without much Inconvenience.
     I, esteam it an Honour and an Happiness, that my opinion So often co-incides with yours. It has ever appeared to me, that the natural Course and order of Things, was this—for every Colony to institute a Government—for all the Colonies to confederate, and define the Limits of the Continental Constitution—then to declare the Colonies a sovereign State, or a Number of confederated Sovereign States—and last of all to form Treaties with foreign Powers. But I fear We cannot proceed systematically, and that We Shall be obliged to declare ourselves independant States before We confederate, and indeed before all the Colonies have established their Governments.
     It is now pretty clear, that all these Measures will follow one another in a rapid Succession, and it may not perhaps be of much Importance, which is done first.
     The Importance of an immediate Application to the French Court is clear, and I am very much obliged to you for your Hint of the Rout by the Mississippi.
     Your Intimation that the session of your Representative Body would be long gave me great Pleasure, because We all look up to Virginia for Examples and in the present Perplexities, Dangers and Distresses of our Country it is necessary that the Supream Councils of the Colonies should be almost constantly Sitting. Some Colonies are not sensible of this and they will certainly Suffer for their Indiscretion. Events of such Magnitude as those which present themselves now in such quick Succession, require constant Attention and mature Deliberation.
     The little Pamphlet, you mention which was published here as an Antidote to the Thoughts on Government, and which is whispered to have been the joint Production of one Native of Virginia and two Natives of New York, I know not how truly, will make no Fortune in the World. It is too absurd to be considered twice. It is contrived to involve a Colony in eternal War.
     The Dons, the Bashaws, the Grandees, the Patricians, the Sachems, the Nabobs, call them by what Name you please, Sigh, and groan, and frett, and Sometimes Stamp, and foam, and curse—but all in vain. The Decree is gone forth, and it cannot be recalled, that a more equal Liberty, than has prevail’d in other Parts of the Earth, must be established in America. That Exuberance of Pride, which has produced an insolent Domination, in a few, a very few oppulent, monopolizing Families, will be brought down nearer to the Confines of Reason and Moderation, than they have been used. This is all the Evil, which they themselves will endure. It will do them good in this World and every other. For Pride was not made for Man only as a Tormentor.
     I shall ever be happy in receiving your Advice, by Letter, untill I can be more compleatly so in seeing you here in Person, which I hope will be soon. I am with Sincere Affection and Esteem, dear sir, your Friend and very humble servant.


Title: From John Adams to Hugh Hughes, 4 June 1776
From: Adams, John
To: Hughes, Hugh

      Sir
      Philadelphia June 4. 1776

     Yours of May 29. came safe to Hand, and am much pleased to find that your Citizens have behaved with so much Wisdom, Unanimity, and Spirit. Yet I was disappointed that you did not inclose their Votes.
     Am very glad Mr. J. is with you, and hope he will be of great Service there but will he not be for making your Governor and Councillors for Life or during good Behaviour? I should dread Such a Constitution, in these perilous Times, because however wise and brave, and virtuous these Rulers may be at their first appointment, their Tempers, and Designs will be very apt to change, and then they may have it in their Power to betray the People, who will have no Means of Redress. The People ought to have frequently the opportunity, especially in these dangerous Times, of considering the Conduct of their Leaders, and of approving or disapproving. You will have no safety without it.
     The Province of Pensilvania, is in a good Way, and will soon become an important Branch of the Confederation. The large Body of the People will be possessed of more Power and Importance, and a proud Junto of less: and yet Justice will I hope be done to all.

      I wish you Happiness, Promotion, and Reputation in the service, and am, with much Respect, your servant.


Title: From John Adams to Richard Lee, 4 June 1776
From: Adams, John
To: Lee, Richard

      Sir
      Philadelphia June 4. 1776

     Your Favour of 18 May, inclosing the momentous Resolution of your wise and patriotic Convention, together with the American Crisis came duely to Hand, and yesterday, I had the Pleasure of receiving the Proceedings of the House of Burgesses. I thank you, sir for both these esteemed Favours.
     Is it not a little remarkable that this Congress and your Convention should come to Resolutions so nearly Similar, on the Same day, and that even the Convention of Maryland should, in that critical Moment, have proceeded so far as to abolish the Oaths of Allegiance, notwithstanding that Some of their other Resolves are a little excentric?
     Your Resolution is consistent and decisive, it is grounded on true Principles which are fairly and clearly Stated, and in my humble opinion the Proviso which reserves to your selves the Institution of your own Government is fit and right, this being a Matter of which the Colonies are the best Judges, and a Priviledge which each Colony ought to reserve to it self. Yet after all I believe there will be much more Uniformity, in the Governments which all of them will adopt than could have been expected a few Months ago.
     The Joy and exultation which was expressed upon that great Occasion did Honour to their good sense and public Virtue. It was an important Event at a critical Time, in which the Interest and Happiness, of themselves and their Posterity, was much concerned.
     Hopkins’s Fleet, has been very unfortunate: a dreadful sickness has raged among his Men, and disabled him from putting more than two of his Vessells to sea. To what Place they are gone I know not. Perhaps to cruise for Transports. I am, sir, with great respect, your most humble servant.


Title: To John Adams from James Warren, 5 June 1776
From: Warren, James
To: Adams, John

      My Dear Sir
      Watertown June 5th: 1776

     The Inclosed Letter was sealed to go by the last Post, but I Unluckily missed it. I have now An Opportunity to Inclose one from Braintree. Doctr. Church is Arrived here. Is not your resolve relative to him somewhat Extraordinary. I fear the People will kill him if at large. The Night before last he went to Lodge at Waltham was saved by the Interposition of the selectmen but by Jumping out of A Chamber Window and flying. His Life is of no great Consequence but such A Step has a tendency to lessen the Confidence of the People in the doings of Congress.
     A large Sugar Ship from Jamaica with 300 hhds. sugar 80 Puncheons rum some Madeira wine &c. &c. is taken and got into the Vineyard in her way to Bedford. It is said that 4 or 5 others are taken by two Privateers who took this. What Privateers they are I cant learn.
     Must not something be done to prevent British Property being Covered by the West Indians. We shall loose our Labour, and discourage our Seamen. Why should not all English property going to Britain be liable to Capture. This matter must be Considered. We should fight them on equal Terms.
     We have A Number of Seamen here supported at your Expence. If your Generosity and Civilized sentiments prevent, wont good policy dictate recourse to the Lex talionis. They are wanted. You will fine the want of them when you man your Ships.


Title: From John Adams to Samuel Cooper?, 9 June 1776
From: Adams, John
To: Cooper, Samuel

      Dear Sir
      Philadelphia June 9. 1776

     Yours of 27. May, received yesterday. I did not expect that our Army would have raised the Siege of Quebec, So soon, much less So unskillfully and So timorously. I cannot forbear, these Epithets. But raising a siege in open day, and in the Face of an Enemy, was a Step, that nothing could justify, that I can think of.
     The Small Pox is a terrible Enemy, but why could not this have been kept out of the Camp before Quebec, as well as out of the Camps at Cambridge and Roxbury? Provisions enough for the whole Army twice told, have been sent into Canada and taken there from the Enemy. But all has been total Confusion there and still is so. We have no regular Returns nor any certain Information. Our People dont fight. The officers have had no Command. The Men no order. However, I hope, Things will be better. We are doing the best We can. When I Say We I mean, the Delegates from N.E. and Some few others. In Truth the Syren Voice of Reconciliation, which deluded the Town of Boston to its Ruin, the Winter before last, has deluded the Congress and the Colonies whom they represent, during the last Winter, and this has petrified Us, and Stupified Us.
     The Causes of our Misfortunes and Miscarriages in Canada, are So numerous are of So long Standing, and have been So incessantly increasing, that it would take a long Letter to develop them.
     1. The primary Cause has been the Diversity of Sentiments in Congress, concerning that Expedition, and the Indecision, or rather Fluctuation of our Councils in the Support and Prosecution of it. In the original Conception of the Design of Sending our Arms into that Province, nearly one half the Number of the Colonies were against it. Some thought it too great an Undertaking. Some thought it too expensive. Others thought it, or pretended to think it unnecessary. From this variety of Opinions, or some other unknown Cause, an opposition has taken Place to every Motion, and Projection, for promoting and expediting the service, there.
     2. Since the Death of Montgomery, We have had no General in Command there who Seems to have had a full and comprehensive View of the State of that Province, to have watched the Motions in every Part, or concerted his Measures with any System.
     3. We have never had any regular Returns of Men, Arms, Cannon, Ammunition, Cloathing, Provisions, Money, or any Thing else.
     4. We have never had a Commissary, Muster Master, Quarter Master, Principal, Deputy, or Assistant, who has faithfully done his Duty.
     5. We have never had Intelligence of the Truth of Facts, nor true Information concerning the Characters of Officers or Men; every new Person from Canada, having generally contradicted the whole Story in every particular, of him who came before, both with respect to Men and Things, Characters, and Facts.
     6. The Want of Physicians, Surgeons, Apothecaries, Medicines, amputating and trepanning Instruments, has been a great Misfortune to the sick and wounded and Discouragement to the Army.
     7. Our Inability to procure hard Money for the Service in that Country, has impaired our Credit with the Canadians, and prevented our Officers and Men from procuring Such Articles of Cloathing, Provisions and other necessaries as were wanted.
     8. The Small Pox, an unexpected Enemy, and more terrible than British Troops, Indians, or even Tories, invaded our Armies and defeated them more than once.
     I believe you will think, Sir, that I have enumerated Causes enough to account without Recourse to any Thing more extraordinary, for all the Disasters in that Province.


Title: From John Adams to William Cushing, 9 June 1776
From: Adams, John
To: Cushing, William

      Dear Sir
      Philadelphia June 9. 1776

     I had, yesterday, the Honour of your Letter of the 20th. of May, and I read it, with all that Pleasure, which We feel on the Revival of an old Friendship when We meet a Friend, whom, for a long Time We have not Seen.
     You do me great Honour, sir, in expressing a Pleasure at my Appointment to the Bench; but be assured that no Circumstance relating to that Appointment has given me So much concern, as my being placed at the Head of it, in Preference to another, who in my opinion was so much better qualified for it, and intituled to it. I did all in my Power to have it otherwise but was told that our Sovereign Lords the People must have it so.
     When, or Where, or how, the Secret Imagination Seized you, as you Say it did, heretofore, that I was destined to that Place, I cant conjecture: nothing, I am Sure, was further from my Thoughts, or Wishes.
     I am not a little chagrined that Sargeant has declined, having entertained great Hopes, from his Solid Judgment and extensive Knowledge. Paine has acted in his own Character, tho scarcely consistent wit the public Character, which he has been made to wear. At this, however, I am not much mortified, for the Bench will not be the less respectable, for having a little less Wit, Humour, Drollery, or Fun upon it—very different Qualities being requisite in that Department.
     Warren has an excellent Head and Heart, and since the Province cannot be favoured and honoured with the Judgment of regularly educated Lawyers I know not where a better Man could have been found. I hope he will not decline. If he should, I hope that Lowell or Dana will be thought of.
     Your appointment of Mr. Winthrop, whose Experience will be usefull in that Station and whose Conduct and Principles have deserved I it, was undoubtedly very right and cannot fail to give universal satisfaction.
     You shall have my hearty Concurrence in telling the Jury, the Nullity of Acts of Parliament, whether We can prove it by the Jus Gladii or not. I am determined to live and die of that Opinion, let the Jus Gladii, Say what it will. The System and Rules of the Common Law, must be adopted, I Suppose, untill the Legislature Shall make Alterations in Either, and how much Soever, I may, heretofore have found fault with the Powers that were, I suppose, I shall now be well pleased to hear Submission inculcated to the Powers that be—because they are ordained for good.
     It would give me great Pleasure to ride this Eastern Circuit with you, and prate before you at the Bar, as I used to do. But I am destined to another Fate, to Drudgery of the most wasting, exhausting, consuming Kind, that I ever went through in my whole Life. Objects of the most Stupendous Magnitude, Measures in which the Lives and Liberties of Millions, born and unborn are most essentially interested, are now before Us. We are in the very midst of a Revolution, the most compleat, unexpected, and remarkable of any in the History of Nations. A few Matters must be dispatched before I can return. Every Colony must be induced to institute a perfect Government. All the Colonies must confederate together, in some solemn Compact. The Colonies must be declared free and independent states, and Embassadors, must be Sent abroad to foreign Courts, to solicit their Acknowledgment of Us, as Sovereign States, and to form with them, at least with some of them commercial Treaties of Friendship and Alliance. When these Things shall be once well finished, or in a Way of being so, I shall think that I have answered the End of my Creation, and sing with Pleasure my Nunc Dimittes, or if it should be the Will of Heaven that I should live a little longer, return to my Farm and Family, ride Circuits, plead Law, or judge Causes, just as you please.
     The Rumours you heard of a Reinforcement in Canada, and those you must have heard before now of many Disasters there, are but too true. Canada has been neglected too much, to my infinite Grief and Regret, and against all the Remonstrances and Entreaties, which could be made. This has been owing to Causes, which it would tire you to read, if I was at Liberty to explain them. However nothing on the Part of your Delegates will be wanting, to secure with the Blessing of Heaven, a Reverse of Fortune, there. Dunmore is fled to an Island, having left behind him in their Graves most of his Negroes, and abandoned his Entrenchments on the Main. Our little fleet has had a shocking sickness, which had disabled So many Men, that the Commodore has sent out, on a Cruise two of his ships only. The Difficulty of defending So extended a sea Coast is prodigious, but the Spirit of the People is very willing, and they exert themselves nobly in most Places. The British Men of War are distressed for Provisions and even for Water, almost every where. They have no Comfort in any Part of America.
     My good Genius whispers me very often that I shall enjoy many agreeable Hours with you, but Fortune often disappoints the Hopes which this Genius inspires. Be this as it may, while at a distance I shall ever be happy to receive a Line from you. Should be much obliged to you, for some Account of Occurences in your Eastern Circuit. Remember me, with every sentiment of Respect to the Bench, the Bar, and all other Friends. I have the Honour to be with very great Respect, your Affectionate Friend, and very humble servant

      John Adams


Title: From John Adams to James Warren, 9 June 1776
From: Adams, John
To: Warren, James

       June 9. 1776

     I shall address this to you as Speaker, but you may be Councillor, or Governor, or Judge, or any other Thing, or nothing but a good Man, for what I know. Such is the Mutability of this World.
     Upon my Word I think you Use the World very ill, to publish and send abroad a Newspaper, since the 29 May without telling Us one Word about the Election, where it was held, who preached the sermon, or &c. &c.
     I write this in haste only to inclose to you a little Treatise upon Fire ships—it may be sending Coals to New Castle. But it appears to me of such Importance that I thought myself bound to procure and send it least this Art should not be understood among you. This Art carries Terror and Dismay along with it, and the very Rumour of Preparations in this Kind may do you more service than many Battallions.
     I am not easy about Boston, and have taken all the Pains in my Power with G. Washington, to engage him to send G. and M. there, but he is so sanguine and confident that no Attempt will be made there that I am afraid his security will occasion one.
     The News Papers inclosed, when you have read them, please to send them to the Foot of Penns Hill.


Title: From John Adams to Oakes Angier, 12 June 1776
From: Adams, John
To: Angier, Oakes

      Dear Sir
      Philadelphia June 12 1776

     It was with great Pleasure, and perhaps some little Mixture of Pride, that I read your Name among the Representatives of Bridgwater, in the Boston Gazette. I rejoiced to find that your Townsmen, had So much Confidence in your Abilities and Patriotism, and that you had so much Confidence in the Justice of our Cause, and the Abilities of America to support it, as to embark your Fortune in it.
     Your Country never stood so much in need of Men of clear Heads and Steady Hearts, to conduct her Affairs. Our civil Governments as well as military Preparations want much Improvement, and to this End a most vigilant Attention, as well as great Patience, Caution, Prudence and Firmness are necessary.
     You will excuse the Freedom of a Friend, when I tell you, that I have never entertained any doubt that your political Principles and public Affections, corresponded with those of your Country. But you know that Jealousies and suspicions have been entertained and propagated concerning you. These Jealousies arose, I am well perswaded from an unreserved Freedom of Conversation, and a social Disposition, a little addicted to Disputation, which was sometimes perhaps incautiously indulged. Your present Situation, which is conspicuous and not only exposed to observation but to Misconstruction and Misrepresentation, will make it necessary for you to be upon your Guard.
     Let me recommend to you, an observation, that one of my Collegues is very fond of, “The first Virtue of a Politician is Patience; the second is Patience; and the third is Patience.” As Demosthenes observed that Action was the first, second, and third Qualities of an orator.
     You will experience in public Life such violent, sudden, and unexpected Provocations, and Disappointments, that if you are not now possessed of all the Patience of Job, I would advise you to acquire it, as soon as possible.
     News, I can tell you none. I have written to Coll. Warren, Mr. Sewall, and Mr. Lowell, a few broken Hints, upon subjects which I wish you would turn your Thoughts to. Be so good as to write me, any Remarkables in the Legislature, or the Courts of Justice. I am your Friend.


Title: From John Adams to John Lowell, 12 June 1776
From: Adams, John
To: Lowell, John

      Dear Sir
      Philadelphia June 12. 1776

     Yesterdays Post brought me a Newspaper of the 3d. Instant, containing a List of your House, and Board, and upon my Word I read it with more Pleasure than I ever read any other List of the two Houses. I dont believe the Records of the Province can show, a more respectable set of Representatives or Councillors. Sergeant, Lowell, Pickering, Angier are great Acquisitions in the House: So are Dana, and Sewall at the Board, not to mention many other very respectable Characters among the new Members of each.
     From this Collection of wise and prudent Men, I hope great Things. I hope that the most vigorous Exertions will be made to put the Province in the best State of Defence. Every Seaport in it, ought to be fortified in Such a Manner that you may sett the Enemy at Defyance. To this End, large Additions must be made to the Cannon of the Colony. I wish to know, whether, they are cast, at any Furnace in the Province, if not no Expence I think should be Spared to procure them. They are casting them Successfully in Maryland, Pensylvania, and Rhode Island. Another Article essentially necessary, is that of MUsquetts. I wish that every Man in the Province who can work about any Part of a Gun or Bayonnett was set to work. No Price, should be thought extravagant.

     Salt Petre it seems you are in a Way to procure in sufficient Quantities. But Sulphur and Lead I have not yet learnt to be made among you. I hope you will take effectual Measures to make Salt. You must do it. The other Colonies are too lazy and shiftless to do any Thing untill you set them the example.
     The Defence of the Colony is the first object. The second is the Formation of a Constitution. In this Business, I presume you will proceed Slowly and deliberately. It is a difficult Work to atchieve and the Spirit of Levelling, as well as that of Innovation, is afloat. Before I saw, the List of the new Election I was under fearfull Apprehensions I confess. But my Mind is now at Ease, in this Respect. There are So many able Men in each House that I think, they will have Influence enough to prevent any dangerous Innovations, and yet to carry any necessary and usefull Improvements.
     Some of you must prepare your stomachs to come to Philadelphia. I am weary, and must ask Leave to return to my Family, after a little Time, and one of my Colleagues at least, must do the same, Or I greatly fear, do worse. You and I know very well the Fatigues of Practice at the Bar: But I assure you, this incessant Round of thinking and Speaking upon the greatest Subjects that ever employed the Mind of Man, and the most perplexing Difficulties that ever puzzled it, is beyond all Comparison more exhausting and consuming.
     Our affairs in Canada are in a confused and disastrous situation. But I hope they will not be worse. We have made large Requisitions upon you. How you can possibly comply with them I know not: but hope you will do as much as you can.
     We have no Resource left my Friend, but our own Fortitude, and the Favour of Heaven. If We have the first I have no doubt We shall obtain the last. And these will be Sufficient. All Ideas of Reconciliation, or Accomodation Seem to be gone with the Years before the Flood.
     I have nothing new to communicate, but what is in every Newspaper, and I began this Letter only to make my Compliments to you, and ask the Favour of your Correspondence; but have wandered, I know not whither. It is Time to subscribe myself your Friend and servant.


Title: Editorial Note
From:
To:

      On 12 June 1776, almost five months after a committee had been named to consider the establishment of a war office, the Continental Congress resolved to create “a Board of War and Ordnance” and on the following day appointed John Adams, Roger Sherman, Benjamin Harrison, James Wilson, and Edward Rutledge as its first members (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 4:85; 5:434, 438). The new body, without which Washington believed “Affairs can never properly be conducted,” was an effort finally to bring organization into a chaotic situation. The Board was created to deal with the day-to-day administration of the army, including appointments, promotions, provisions, and prisoners (Washington, Writings, ed. FitzpatrickThe Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources, 1745–1799, ed. John C. Fitzpatrick, Washington, 1931–1944; 39 vols., 5:128).
      Adams played a major role on the Board and thus in the war effort, for he served as the body’s president from its creation until he left Congress in November 1777. It was a responsibility, as he explained to his wife, “to which I never aspired, a Trust to which I feel my self vastly unequal.” It must have taken up much of his available time, for he reported that it was meeting “every Morning and every Evening” (Adams Family CorrespondenceAdams Family Correspondence, ed. L. H. Butterfield and others, Cambridge, 1963– ., 2:24). The burden for Adams was the heavier since he was also on committees to draft the Declaration of Independence and a treaty plan and was almost certainly active in the daily debates of the congress.
      Although the Board was very busy during its first two and one-half months, neither Adams nor anyone else said very much about its activities. Between 12 June and 27 August the Board sent thirty-eight reports to congress on subjects ranging from the appointment of chaplains to the issuance of an invitation to an Indian chief to visit congress. Only two of these reports, those of 13 August (printed below) and 22 August (calendared), are extant and only the first, because it is partially in Adams’ hand, gives any evidence of his role in its formulation. For the remaining reports there is no way to determine the part played by Adams in the debates of the Board concerning them. Neither is there any indication of the extent to which actions taken by the Continental Congress on military matters but not touched upon in reports of the Board resulted from informal action by that body or of its members as individuals. The reader, therefore, to gain what little additional information exists on the actions of the Board for this period, must turn to the Board’s correspondence and to references, often oblique, in John Adams’ private letters.
      In the Journals of the Continental Congress the reports of the Board of War take the form of resolutions passed by the congress. Comparison of later MS reports with the printed resolutions warrants the assumption that the latter typically follow closely the texts of Board reports. The congressional resolutions here calendared may then be viewed as reports of the Board of War. For the Board’s expectations regarding its relations with General Washington, see its letter to him of 21 June (below).


Title: 19 June., 19 June 1776
From: Adams, John,Continental Congress, Board of War
To:

       19 June. The congress resolved in regard to several letters, particularly one of 16 June from George Washington, that commissions given by Brigadier General Sullivan to officers in Canada be confirmed and that $300,000 be sent to the paymaster general in New York (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 5:465).


Title: 21 June., 21 June 1776
From: Adams, John,Continental Congress, Board of War
To:

       21 June. The congress, considering the status of several officers who had served in Canada during the last winter, resolved that New York raise a new regiment and in doing so commission the veterans of the Canadian service; that the commissions be granted on the condition of their companies being raised to full strength; that Maj. Lewis Dubois in particular be provided for; and that Maj. John Vischer be commissioned as lieutenant colonel (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 5:471–472).


Title: 24 June., 24 June 1776
From: Adams, John,Continental Congress, Board of War
To:

       24 June. The congress tabled a petition from Carpenter Wharton (see resolution of 6 July, below) and desired that General Washington inform it as to the cost of a ration as provided by the commissary general (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 5:477).


Title: 26 June., 26 June 1776
From: Adams, John,Continental Congress, Board of War
To:

       26 June. The congress resolved that M. Felix Weibert be permitted to serve in the capacity of an engineer under General Washington (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 5:480–482; Note: Three additional resolutions immediately following concerning the appointment of officers for the regiment to be raised by Col. Lewis Dubois, a letter to the New York Convention explaining the need for Dubois’ regiment, and the empowering of the Marine Committee to purchase the Catharine may have proceeded from the same report).


Title: 27 June., 27 June 1776
From: Adams, John,Continental Congress, Board of War
To:

       27 June. In response to a letter from George Washington, the congress resolved that six companies of riflemen in addition to the three in New York be raised and placed in a regiment with Hugh Stephenson as commander; that four companies of riflemen be raised in Virginia and two in Maryland to serve in the above regiment; and that General Washington send to Congress a list of all vacancies in the Army (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 5:486).


Title: 28 June., 28 June 1776
From: Adams, John,Continental Congress, Board of War
To:

       28 June. The congress resolved that M. Le Chevalier de Kirmovan be employed by Pennsylvania in planning and laying out the fortifications at Billingsport on the Delaware River (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 5:490–491).


Title: 5 July., 5 July 1776
From: Adams, John,Continental Congress, Board of War
To:

       5 July. The congress resolved that a regiment be raised out of the officers who had served in Canada on the same basis as that of Colonel Dubois and designated the officers for this regiment (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 5:518–519; Note: An additional resolution immediately following and concerning the dispatch of ship carpenters to General Schuyler at Albany to build boats for the defense of the lakes may have proceeded from the same report).


Title: 5 July., 5 July 1776
From: Adams, John,Continental Congress, Board of War
To:

       5 July. The congress resolved that John Coburne, assistant conductor of military stores in Canada, be allowed lieutenant’s pay from 1 March – 1 June 1776; that a chaplain be appointed to each regiment in the Continental Army; that immediate steps be taken to procure lead; and that an express be established between New York and Philadelphia to permit General Washington to send daily dispatches to the congress (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 5:522).


Title: 5 July., 5 July 1776
From: Adams, John,Continental Congress, Board of War
To:

       5 July. The congress resolved that five tons of powder be sent to Gen. Andrew Lewis at Williamsburg for use in the Southern Department and that part of it be sent to South Carolina; that British prisoners in New Jersey be sent to York, Pennsylvania; and that four companies of militia be retained in Philadelphia to guard continental stores (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 5:522–523).


Title: 8 July., 8 July 1776
From: Adams, John,Continental Congress, Board of War
To:

       8 July. The congress resolved that George Washington have the power to call to New York the continental regiments in Massachusetts not bound for Ticonderoga; that Washington have permission to employ as many Indians as necessary from the St. Johns, Nova Scotia, and Penobscot tribes; and that the commissary general have full power to supply the armies on the lakes and at New York respectively and to appoint and remove subordinates (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 5:527).


Title: 9 July., 9 July 1776
From: Adams, John,Continental Congress, Board of War
To:

       9 July. The congress named officers for the Virginia Rifle Company and resolved that money be sent to Virginia and Maryland for the rifle companies (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 5:529; Note: An additional resolution immediately following and concerning the appointment of William Palfrey to the rank of lieutenant colonel may have proceeded from the same report).


Title: 10 July., 10 July 1776
From: Adams, John,Continental Congress, Board of War
To:

       10 July. The congress resolved that the Committee of Lancaster, Pennsylvania, be empowered to mount a guard over the prisoners there and construct a stockade and that privates held as prisoners at Reading be sent to Lancaster (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 5:531).


Title: 11 July., 11 July 1776
From: Adams, John,Continental Congress, Board of War
To:

       11 July. In response to a letter from the New Jersey Convention the congress resolved that New Jersey be informed of the measures being taken by the congress for the defense of the Province (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 5:541).


Title: 17 July., 17 July 1776
From: Adams, John,Continental Congress, Board of War
To:

       17 July. The congress resolved that Washington had acted with dignity in refusing to receive an improperly addressed letter from Lord Howe and resolved further that no American commander should receive a letter from the enemy that failed to use his official rank in the address (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 5:567).


Title: 20 July., 20 July 1776
From: Adams, John,Continental Congress, Board of War
To:

       20 July. The congress resolved that Jacques Antoine de Franchessin be commissioned a lieutenant colonel and assigned to the Flying Camp (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 5:595; Note: An additional resolution immediately following and recommending Dr. Isaac Senter to Dr. John Morgan may have proceeded from the same report).


Title: 23 July., 23 July 1776
From: Adams, John,Continental Congress, Board of War
To:

       23 July. The congress resolved, despite allegations, to allow Col. Lewis Dubois to proceed in recruiting his regiment as originally planned; to inform Washington of the confidence the congress had in his military judgment in disposing troops and of its approval of the loan to the New York Convention; and to appoint M. St. Martin lieutenant colonel as an engineer (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 5:602–603; Note: An additional resolution immediately following concerning the appointment of Dr. David Griffith as chaplain and surgeon in the Third Regiment of Virginia may have proceeded from the same report).


Title: 29 July., 29 July 1776
From: Adams, John,Continental Congress, Board of War
To:

       29 July. The congress resolved that General Washington could use the newly formed Connecticut regiment at his discretion; that M. Jean Artur Vermonet be appointed brevet captain and another French volunteer, M. Marie Fidel Dorrè, be used as seemed proper; that M. Christopher Pellisier be appointed an engineer with the rank of lieutenant colonel and sent to New York; that General Washington issue commissions to such officers of Colonel Elmore’s regiment as bring men to join him and, in the same regiment, that John Brown be commissioned lieutenant colonel and Robert Cochran be appointed major in place of the deceased Maj. Israel Curtis (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 5:614–615; Note: An additional resolution immediately following and calling for the appointment of a lieutenant colonel for the Second Pennsylvania Battalion may have proceeded from the same report).


Title: 30 July., 30 July 1776
From: Adams, John,Continental Congress, Board of War
To:

       30 July. The congress resolved that the recruitment bounties paid to officers be extended to those enlisting men in the new army for three years; that General Mercer’s plan to build boats be approved and materials supplied for that purpose; that General Schuyler be permitted to publish portions of the treaty with the Six Nations; and that an Indian chief, Cayashuta of Niagara, be invited to visit the congress (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 5:620–621).


Title: 31 July., 31 July 1776
From: Adams, John,Continental Congress, Board of War
To:

       31 July. The congress resolved that five tons of powder be sent to General Washington at New York and that those militia forces thought necessary by the Massachusetts General Court be supplied and paid by the Continent (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 5:623).


Title: 1 August., 1 August 1776
From: Adams, John,Continental Congress, Board of War
To:

       1 August. The congress ordered transcribed and sent a draft letter to George Washington stating that the power given to General Gates in Canada to appoint officers resulted from no lack of confidence in him and would establish no precedent (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 5:625; see John Hancock to George Washington, 2 Aug., Force, Archives[Peter Force, ed.,] American Archives: Consisting of a Collection of Authentick Records, State Papers, Debates, and Letters and Other Notices of Publick Affairs, Washington, 1837–1853; 9 vols., 5th ser., 1:725).


Title: 1 August., 1 August 1776
From: Adams, John,Continental Congress, Board of War
To:

       1 August. The congress resolved that Col. John Brown be permitted the rank and pay of lieutenant colonel from 20 November 1775 and that Col. James Easton be allowed the rank and pay of colonel from 1 July 1775 until his discharge pending the decision of a court of inquiry or court martial which, if favorable, would recommend him for further employment (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 5:626; Note: An additional resolution immediately following and appropriating money to feed the militia passing through Philadelphia to the Flying Camp may have proceeded from the same report).


Title: 2 August., 2 August 1776
From: Adams, John,Continental Congress, Board of War
To:

       2 August. The congress resolved that Jonathan Trumbull, deputy paymaster general of the Northern Department, be sent $200,000 and additionally that he send a return of all monies intrusted to him since his appointment; that General Washington be permitted to employ as many Stockbridge Indians as necessary; that one hundred old arms held by the congress be sent to the Pennsylvania Committee of Safety for repair and issuing to soldiers going to the Flying Camp; that the paymaster general and deputies, commissary general and deputies, and quartermaster general and deputies be required to submit weekly returns of monies supplied them; that the commissary general and deputies and quartermaster general and deputies make monthly returns of supplies in their care; and that the commanders of each department make monthly returns of drafts made on them by the paymaster (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 5:627–628).


Title: 5 August., 5 August 1776
From: Adams, John,Continental Congress, Board of War
To:

       5 August. The congress resolved that commanders of American naval vessels or privateers be allowed to enlist sailors taken from the enemy and that those who refuse enlistment be held and exchanged for American sailors; that Rufus Putnam be appointed an engineer with the rank of colonel and pay of $60 per month (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 5:630).


Title: 9 August., 9 August 1776
From: Adams, John,Continental Congress, Board of War,Continental Congress
To:

       9 August. The congress resolved that the Secret Committee supply the Delaware battalion with those articles in the Committee’s possession thought necessary by the Board of War and that it also send 30,000 flints to General Washington (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 5:640; Note: The report for this date was tabled, but it is likely that the resolutions immediately following it proceeded from that report).


Title: 10 August., 10 August 1776
From: Adams, John,Continental Congress, Board of War,Continental Congress
To:

       10 August. The congress resolved that the officers recommended by the Board be issued commissions, excepting only those named to fill positions held by captured officers, which were to remain open until an exchange was effected; that in the 10th and 20th regiments, respectively, Lieutenant Colonels John Tyler and John Durkee be commissioned colonels and Majors Samuel Prentiss and Thomas Knowlton, lieutenant colonels (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 5:644). On 19 Aug., to fill the vacancies caused by the promotion of Prentiss and Knowlton, the congress accepted a recommendation of the Board and resolved that Captains James Chapman and Thomas Dyer be commissioned as majors (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 5:667–668).


Title: 13 August., 13 August 1776
From: Adams, John,Continental Congress, Board of War,Continental Congress
To:

       13 August. The congress resolved that General Washington supply it with a copy of Massachusetts Bay’s treaty with the St. Johns and Micmac Indians; that Colonel Wilson’s battalion of militia be supplied with 22 muskets, 22 lbs. of powder, and 88 lbs. of lead; and that William Caldwell and William Lawrence be appointed paymasters of Col. Loammi Baldwin’s and Col. John Shee’s regiments, respectively (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 5:651).


Title: 14 August., 13 August 1776
From: Adams, John,Continental Congress, Board of War,Continental Congress
To:

       14 August. See the Board of War report for 13 August printed below.


Title: 15 August., 15 August 1776
From: Adams, John,Continental Congress, Board of War,Continental Congress
To:

       15 August. The congress resolved that James Livingston be commissioned as colonel and ordered to raise as many companies of Canadians as would serve and that the commander in chief of the Northern Department recommend officers to serve under him (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 5:657).


Title: 17 August., 17 August 1776
From: Adams, John,Continental Congress, Board of War,Continental Congress
To:

       17 August. The congress resolved that Gustavus Risberg be appointed an assistant to Clement Biddle, deputy quartermaster general to the Flying Camp (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 5:665–666; Note: Several other resolutions immediately following concerning the exchange of prisoners, troops raised in Maryland, and supplies requested by General Mercer may have proceeded from the same report).


Title: 21 August., 21 August 1776
From: Adams, John,Continental Congress, Board of War,Continental Congress
To:

       21 August. The congress resolved that the cannon committee let a contract for casting in brass or iron six 6-pounders, six 12-pounders, four 8-inch howitzers, and 6 Cohorn mortars for use by General Gates, and further that this committee take possession of the copper belonging to the United States at New London; that, until further orders, Maj. Gen. Artemas Ward remain in command of the Eastern Department (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 5:693–694; Note: An additional resolution immediately following and appropriating money for the use of Col. Henry Knox in procuring copper may have proceeded from the same report).


Title: Editorial Note
From:
To:

      The Plan of Treaties of 1776 had its origin in a resolution of the Continental Congress on 11 June. Coming on the day following the resolution to appoint a committee to prepare a declaration of independence, it stated that a committee should be named “to prepare a plan of treaties to be proposed to foreign powers.” The next day John Dickinson, Benjamin Franklin, John Adams, Benjamin Harrison, and Robert Morris were appointed to undertake the task. On 18 July the plan was reported to Congress, and two months later, on 17 September, the treaty plan was adopted and incorporated into instructions for the American representatives in Europe (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 5:431, 428–429, 433, 575, 768, 813).
      The Plan of Treaties was the work of John Adams, and of all the documents composed by him during his career in the congress, it was perhaps the most important and certainly had the most lasting effect. It was the first major state paper dealing with the conduct of the United States toward other sovereign states. It would guide the makers of American foreign policy far beyond the exigencies of the Revolution. Indeed, its tone and the principles on which it was based lie at the core of almost all major pronouncements on foreign policy by American statesmen from that time until at least the beginning of World War II.
      In his Autobiography, Adams states that in the committee’s deliberations over the Plan of Treaties, he “contended for the same Principles, which I had before avowed and defended in Congress.” His claim is supported by an entry in his Diary for March–April 1776, a period during which overtures to France were recurrently debated in Congress. There Adams set down the principle that he believed should guide any attempt to form a Franco-American treaty: that is, that there should be only a commercial connection, with no political or military ties (Diary and AutobiographyDiary and Autobiography of John Adams, ed. L. H. Butterfield and others, Cambridge, 1961; 4 vols., 3:337; 2:236; see also JA to John M. Jackson, 30 Dec. 1817, JA, WorksThe Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, ed. Charles Francis Adams, Boston, 1850–1856; 10 vols., 10:269–270). It was Adams’ strong advocacy of a treaty that probably brought him the task of drafting the plan, for he had come to see an intimate connection between independence and an “alliance.” As he championed the first, he strove mightily for the second. It is perhaps not too strong to say that by June, as he was in the midst of drafting the Plan of Treaties, Adams had come to believe that independence was necessary if a treaty was to be negotiated, but that a treaty was necessary if independence was to be maintained (see JA to Charles Lee, 13 Oct. 1775; JA to John Winthrop, 12 May; JA to Patrick Henry, 3 June, all above; JA to John Winthrop, 23 June, below).
      Two principles guided Adams as he drafted the Plan of Treaties: that it would be with France and that it would be a commercial agreement. That France was the obvious choice for a treaty was clear to all, since it was the only European power with the resources to provide the needed aid. Further, France was still unreconciled to defeat in the Seven Years’ War and suffering the humiliation of a subordinate role to Great Britain in the European political arena. Although a treaty with France would go in the face of ingrained American prejudices against Roman Catholicism, deepened in France’s case by the long history of Anglo-French conflict in North America, the advantages would outweigh the disadvantages. In Articles 8 and 9 of the draft Adams took care to insure that France would be prohibited from establishing itself once again on the American continent and thereby posing a threat to American independence.
      Yet the Plan of Treaties was first and foremost a commercial agreement. Adams strongly believed that the right to trade with the United States was sufficient compensation for any aid given to it, even if the act of providing aid involved the other nation in a war with Great Britain. Such treaties were in the interest of the United States because they avoided a political or military alliance that “might embarrass Us in after times and involve Us in future European Wars,” thus compromising the true policy of the new country, perfect neutrality (Diary and AutobiographyDiary and Autobiography of John Adams, ed. L. H. Butterfield and others, Cambridge, 1961; 4 vols., 2:236; 3:337–338; see JA to James Warren, 16 April, above; JA to John Winthrop, 23 June, below).
      The commercial provisions of the treaty plan had several facets. First, although free trade may have been an ultimate goal, the plan provided not so much for that as for an equality of trade. Americans were to pay no higher duties on imports into France than natives of that country and vice versa. Equally important, the same principle applied to France’s colonial possessions. Second, the treaty provided for a limited list of wartime contraband and the principle that free ships make free goods. Thus a strong basis for future American neutrality was laid down, since a neutral nation, by definition, would want contraband limited as much as possible and non-contraband goods, regardless of their ownership, free from seizure when carried by its ships.
      These provisions, certainly in the interest of the United States, were also seen as offering advantages to France that would induce it to sign the treaty and provide aid without demanding a military or political alliance. In any future war with Great Britain it was likely that the French Navy would be rendered relatively impotent, as had been the case in the past, with the result that French colonial trade would be cut off. A neutral America, supporting the provisions contained in the treaty plan, would be of immense benefit to France by taking over its carrying trade and mitigating for it the consequences of British naval superiority. In addition, though not necessarily considered by Adams as he drafted his plan, if this treaty opened French colonial trade to the United States in time of peace, it could avoid in wartime collision with the British Rule of 1756. In its simplest form, this rule declared that opening in time of war trade that was forbidden during peace (a common French practice in regard to its colonial trade) was illegal. Neutral ships violating the rule were subject to seizure.
      Adams states in his Autobiography that “the Committee after as much deliberation upon the Subject as they chose to employ, appointed me, to draw up a Plan and Report” (Diary and AutobiographyDiary and Autobiography of John Adams, ed. L. H. Butterfield and others, Cambridge, 1961; 4 vols., 3:338). With that mandate and his own clear conception of what the treaty should include, he set to work, producing a draft made up of two distinct parts.
      The first section, Articles 1 through 13, was apparently written almost entirely by Adams with occasional references to the third volume of A Collection of State Tracts Publish’d . . . during the Reign of King William III. To which is Prefix’d The History of the Dutch War in 1672, 3 vols., London, 1705–1707, and to [Alexander Justice], A General Treatise of the Dominion of the Sea: And a Compleat Body of the Sea-Laws . . . To which is subjoin’d, An Appendix concerning the present State and Regulations of the Admiralty and Navy, London, 1709?, both of which works are cited in marginal notes opposite the preamble and Article 5 of the draft (see No. I, notes 1 and 6, below). The pages referred to in these notes contain treaty articles that seem appropriate to Adams’ purpose, and he incorporated some of their language into the articles he drafted for the treaty plan. In regard to the first thirteen articles, however, the two volumes seem to have been used by Adams as guides to the proper forms for composing treaty provisions rather than as sources for complete articles, taken verbatim from existing treaties and changed only to fit American needs.
      For the remaining seventeen articles, together with the passport and certificates appended at the end of the treaty plan, we know that Adams copied appropriate articles from treaties contained in a particular collection: Henry Edmunds and William Harris, comps., A Compleat Collection of All the Articles and Clauses which Relate to the Marine, in the Several Treaties Now Subsisting Between Great Britain, and Other Kingdoms and States, To which is Prefixed a Preface or Introductory Discourse, London, 1760 (see No. I, notes 11, 17, and 18, below). The copy that Adams used was lent to him: “Franklin had made some marks with a Pencil against some Articles in a printed Volume of Treaties, which he put into my hand” (Diary and AutobiographyDiary and Autobiography of John Adams, ed. L. H. Butterfield and others, Cambridge, 1961; 4 vols., 3:338). The Houghton Library of Harvard University now owns Franklin’s copy of A Compleat Collection, and in it various treaty articles have an “X” beside them. Moreover, the page numbers cited opposite Articles 24 and 25 of the draft are those for the corresponding articles copied by Adams from this book.
      This volume, which almost certainly came to Adams in the midst of his labors, was a godsend, enabling him to speed the drafting process. That he had not possessed it earlier is suggested by his using State Tracts and Sea Laws for the first thirteen articles. A Compleat Collection was more appropriate to his needs, for two of the treaties consulted in State Tracts and Sea Laws were also included in A Compleat Collection. It is reasonable to suppose that if Adams had possessed the latter sooner he would have followed for the earlier articles the same practice that he used for the remaining ones, that is, verbatim copying. Even though the substance of the first thirteen articles, which deal largely with the interests of the United States, did not in every case lend itself to coverage by articles simply copied from other treaties, the alterations required would have taken less time than drafting each article individually.
      The process by which Adams drafted Articles 14 through 30, with the accompanying passport and certificates, is significant for revealing his intentions. From Article 14 on, the provisions of the treaty plan were copied from three existing agreements between Great Britain and France, especially the commercial treaty concluded at Utrecht in 1713. Franklin had marked three treaties between Great Britain and Spain, but Adams’ object was probably to choose articles to which France was already a party, thereby making it easier for her to accept the Plan of Treaties as it was rather than insist on different articles that might compromise American interests. Whether Adams had it in mind or not, his draft was essentially a transformation of existing Anglo-French agreements into Franco-American treaties and for France amounted merely to a reratification of them in favor of the United States.
      Adams’ draft of the Plan of Treaties served as the basis for the report made to Congress on 18 July (see No. I, descriptive note, below). The differences between the draft and the report as ordered printed on 20 July (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 5:594; No. II, below) indicate that the committee in debating the draft made additions and deletions. The Plan of Treaties as adopted by the congress (No. III, below) emerged from debates on 22 and 27 August, when it was referred back to the original committee enlarged by the addition of Richard Henry Lee and James Wilson (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 5:696, 709–710). The expanded committee put the plan into its final form; yet when adopted on 17 September, the treaty plan differed little in its essentials from Adams’ original draft.
      The adoption of the Plan of Treaties did not, however, end Adams’ worries. Much depended on the instructions that were to guide the American negotiators in Europe, for if these differed markedly from the principles set down in the plan, Adams would have labored in vain. It is not known to what extent Adams participated in the expanded committee’s deliberations, but the instructions which were adopted on 24 September and which dealt specifically with Articles 1, 2, 4, 7, 8, 12, 13, 14, 16, 25, and 26  did not, with three important exceptions, conflict with the plan as drafted (JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 5:813–817). The exceptions are discussed in No. III, notes 2, 6, and 8 (below).
      The editors have included the adopted version of the treaty plan, even though its inclusion adds to the repetition of text, because it has never been printed exactly as written (compare the version in JCCWorthington C. Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols., 5:768–779, with No. III, below) and because notes that relate the instructions to its provisions can be provided without the clutter of notes on textual changes. The version printed in Journals of the Continental Congress, 5:576–589, seems to be a conflation of Adams’ draft and the printed committee report.
      Although the Treaty of Amity and Commerce concluded between the United States and France on 6 February 1778 differed from the Plan of Treaties in some ways, it clearly reflected the principles set down by John Adams. The accompanying Treaty of Alliance, however, did not (Miller, ed., TreatiesHunter Miller, ed., Treaties and Other International Acts of the United States of America, Washington, 1931–1948; 8 vols., 2:3–29, 35–41). A political and military alliance had been no part of Adams’ plan, and its conclusion undoubtedly colored his later attitude toward both France and Benjamin Franklin. Indeed, Franklin’s part in the negotiation of 1778 probably accounts for Adams’ assessment of him in the Autobiography: “Franklin although he was commonly as silent on committees as in Congress, upon this Occasion, ventured so far as to intimate his concurrence with me in these Sentiments that there should be only a commercial connection with France, though as will be seen hereafter he shifted them as easily as the Wind ever shifted: and assumed a dogmatical Tone, in favour of an Opposite System” (Diary and AutobiographyDiary and Autobiography of John Adams, ed. L. H. Butterfield and others, Cambridge, 1961; 4 vols., 3:338).
      In 1776, however, Adams could look upon the adoption of the treaty plan as a victory. He had drafted it and defended it in the congress, and in the end, “the Treaty passed without one Particle of Alliance, exclusive Priviledge, or Warranty” (sameDiary and Autobiography of John Adams, ed. L. H. Butterfield and others, Cambridge, 1961; 4 vols., 3:338). It was his plan that would guide the American negotiators when for the first time the United States exercised the most fundamental right of sovereignty, the conclusion of a treaty with another sovereign state.