Title: Notes on Debates, 23 January 1783
From: Madison, James
To:

Thursday Jany 23.
The Report of the come. last mentioned consisting of a state of the variations in the Treaty of Amity & commerce with the States General from the plan proposed by Congress, of a form of ratification of the sd Treaty & of the Convention, & of a proclamation comprehending both was accepted & passed; the variations excepted wch. were not meant to be entered on the journals. Both the Committee & Congress were exceedingly chagrined at the extreme incorrectness of the American copies of these national acts, and it was privately talked of as necessary to admonish Mr. Adams thereof, & direct him to procure with the concurrence of the other party a more correct & perspicuous copy. The Report of the Come. as agreed to, havg. left a blank in the act of ratification for the insertion of the Treaty & Convention, & these being contained both in the Dutch & American languages, the former column signed by the Dutch Plenpos. only & the latter by Mr. Adams only. The Secy. asked the direction of Congs. whether both columns or the American only ought to be inserted. On this point several observations were made & different opinions expressed. In general the members seemed to disaprove of the mode usd & would have preferred the use of a neutral language. As to the request of the Secy.[,] Mr. Wilson was of opinion that the American Columns only sd. be inserted, Several others concurred in this opinion; supposing that as Mr. Adams had only signed those columns, our ratifications ought to be limited to them. Those who were of a different opinion, considered the two parts as inseperable & as forming one whole, & consequently that both ought to be inserted. The case being a new one to Congress, it was proposed & admitted that the insertion might be suspended till the next day, by which time some authorities might be consulted on the subject.
A come. consisting of Mr. Madison, Mr. Mifflin & Mr. Williamson reported in consequence of a motion of Mr. Bland, a list of books proper for the use of Congress, and proposed that the Secy. sho’d be instructed to procure the same. In favr. of the Rept. it was urged as indispensable that Congress sd. have at all times at command such authors on the law of Nations, treaties Negociations &c as wd. render their proceedings in such cases conformable to propriety; and it was observed that the want of this information was manifest in several important acts of Congress. It was further observed that no time ought to be lost in collecting every book & tract which related to American Antiquities & the affairs of the U.S. since many of the most valuable of these were every day becoming extinct, & they were necessary not only as materials for a Hist: of the U.S. but might be rendered still more so by future pretensions agst. their rights from Spain or other powers which had shared in the discoveries & possessions of the New World. Agst. the Report were urged 1st. the inconveniency of advancing even a few hundred pounds at this crisis; 2dly. the difference of expence between procuring the books during the war & after a peace. These objections prevailed, by a considerable majority. A motion was then made by Mr. Wilson 2ded. by Mr. Madison to confine the purchase for the present to the most essential part of the books. This also was negatived.


Title: Notes on Debates, 24 January 1783
From: Madison, James
To:

Friday Jany. 24th.
Some days prior to this sundry papers had been laid before Congress by the war office, shewing that a Cargo of Supplies which had arrived at Wilmi[n]gton for the British & German Prisoners of war under a passport from the Commander in cheif and which were thence proceeding by land to their distination, had been siezed by sundry persons in Chester County under a law of Pennsa. wch. required in Such cases a licence from the Executive authority, who exposed to confiscation all articles not necessary for the prisoners, & referrd. the question of necessity to the judgment of its own Magistrates. Congress unanimously considered the violation of the passport issued under the authority as an encroachment on their constitutional & essential rights; but being disposed to get over the difficulty as gently as possible appointed a Come. consisting of Mr. Rutlidge, Mr. Wolcot & Mr. Madison to confer with the Executive of Pa. on the subject. In the first conference the Executive represented to the Committee the concern they felt at the incident, their disposition to respect & support the dignity & rights of the fœderal Sovereignty; and the embarrassments in which they were involved by a recent & present law of the State to which they were bound to conform. The Come. observed to them that the power of granting passports for the purpose in question being inseparable from the general power of war delegated, to Congress, & being essential for conducting the war, it could not be expected that Congress wd. acquiesce in any infractions upon it; that as Pa. had concurred in the alienation of this power to Congress, any law whatever contravening this was necessaryly void, and cd. impose no obligation on the Executive. The latter requested further time for a consideration of the case & laid it before the Legislature then sitting; in consequence of which a Come. of their body was appd. jointly with the Executive to confer with the Committee of Congress. In this 2d. conference the first remarks made by the Come. of Congress were repeated. The Come. of the Legislature expressed an unwillingness to intrench on the jurisdiction of Congress, but some of them seemed not to be fully satisfied that the law of the State did so. Mr. Montgomery lately a member of Congress observed that altho’ the general power of war was given to Congress yet that the mode of exercising that power might be regulated by the States in any manner which wd. not frustrate the power, & which their policy might require. To this it was answered that if Congress had the power at all, it could not either by the Articles of Confederation or the reason of things admit of such a controuling power in each of the States, & that to admit such a construction wd. be a virtual surrender to the States of the whole federal power relative to war; the most essential of all the powers delegated to Congress. The Come of the Legisre: represented as the great difficulty with them, that even a repeal of the law wd. not remedy the case without a retrospective law which their Constitution wd. not admit of, & expressed an earnest desire that some accomodating plan might be hit upon. They proposed in order to induce the siezors to wave their appeal to the law of the State, that Congress wd. allow them to appt. one of two persons who sd. have authority to examine into the supplies & decide whether they comprehended any articles that were not warranted by the passport. The Come. of Congress answered that whatever obstacles might lie in the way of redress by the Legislature, if no redress proceeded from them, equal difficulties wd. lie on the other side, since Congress in case of a confiscation of the supplies under the law which the omission of some formalities reqd. by it wd. probably produce, would be obliged by honor & good faith to indemnify the Enemy for their loss out of the common Treasury; that the other States wd. probably demand a reimbursemnt. to the U. S. from Pa. & that it was impossible to say to what extremity the affair might be carried. They observed to the Come. of the Legre. and the Executive, that Congress altho’ disposed to make all allowances, and particularly in the case of a law passed for a purpose recommended by themselves, yet they cd. not condescend to any expedient which in any manner departed from the respect wch. they owed to themselves & to the articles of Union. The Come. of Congress however suggested that as the only expedient wch. wd. get rid of the clashing of the power of Congress & the Law of the State, wd. be the dissuading the siezors from their appeal to the latter, it was probable that if the Siezors wd. apply to Congress for Redress that such steps wd. [be] taken as wd. be satisfactory. This hint was embraced & both the Executive & the Come. of the Legre. promised to use their influence with the persons of most influence among the siezors for that purpose. In consequence thereof a Memorial from (see Journal) was sent in to Congress, commited to the same Come. of Congress, & their report of this day agreed to in wch. the Presidt. of Pa. is requested to appt. one of the referees. It is proper to observe that this business was conducted with great temper & harmony, & that Presidt. Dickenson in particular manifested throughout the course of it, as great a desire to save the rights & dignity of Congress as those of the State over which he presided. As a few of the Siezors only were parties to the Memorial to Congress, it is still uncertain whe[the]r others may not adhere to their claims under the law in wch. case all the embarrassments will be revived.
In a late report which had been drawn up by Mr. Hamilton & made to Congress, in answr. to a Memorial from the Legislatre. of Pa. (see  ) among other things shewing the impossibility Congress had been under of payg. their Credrs. it was observed that the aid afforded by the Ct. of France had been appropriated by that Court at the time to the immediate use of the army. This clause was objected to as unnecessary, & as dishonorable to Congress. The fact also was controverted. Mr. Hamilton & Mr. Fitzimmons justified the expediency of retaing it, in order to justify Congress the more completely in failing in their engagements to the public Creditors. Mr. Wilson & Mr. Madison proposed to strike out the words appropriated by France, & substitute the words applied by Congress to the immediate & necessary support of the army. This proposition wd. have been readily approved had it not appeared on examination that in one or two small instances, & particularly in the paymt. of the balance due to A. Lee Esqr. other applications had been made of the aid in question. The report was finally recommitted.
A letter from the Supernt. of Finance was received & read, acquaintg Congress that as the danger from the Enemy which led him into the Dept. was disappearing & he saw little prospect of provision being made without which injustice wd. take place of which he wd. never be the Minister, he proposed not to serve longer than may next, unless proper provision sd. be made. This letter made a deep & solemn impression on Congress. It was considered as the effect of dispondence in Mr. Morris of seeing justice done to the public Credtrs. or the public finances placed on an honorable establishmt; as a Source of fresh hopes to the enemy when known, as ruinous both to domestic & foreign Credit: & as producing a vacancy which noone knew how to fill & which no fit man wd. venture to accept. Mr. Ghoram after observing that the Administration of Mr. Morris had inspired great confidence and expectation in his State, & expressing his extreme regret at the event, moved that the letter sd. be committed. This was opposed as unnecessary & nugatory by Mr. Wilson since the known firmness of Mr. Morris after deliberately taking a step wd. render all attempts to dissuade him fruitless: and that as the Memorial from the Army had brought the subject of funds before Congress, there was no other object for a Comme. The motion to commit was disagreed to. Mr. Wilson then moved that a day might be assigned for the consideration of the letter. Agst. the propriety of this it was observd. by Mr. Madison that the same reasons which opposed a Commitmt. opposed the assignment of day: Since Congress cd. not however anxious their wishes or alarming their apprehensions might be, condescend to solicit Mr. Morris even if there were a chance of its being successful; & since it wd. be equally improper for Congress, however cogent a motive it might add in the mind of every member, to struggle for substantial funds, to let such a consideration appear in their public acts, on that subject. The motion of Mr. Wilson was not pressed. Congress supposing that a knowledge of Mr. Morris’ intentions wd. anticipate the ills likely to attend his actual resignation, ordered his letter to be kept secret.
Nothing being said to day as to the mode of insertion of the Treaty & Convention with the States General the Secy. proceeded in retaining both columns.
In consequence of the report to the Grand Comme on the memorial from the army, by the Subcomme, the following report was made by the former to Congs. and came under consideration to day.
“

   drawn by Col: Hamilton

The Grand Comme having considered the Contents of the Meml. presented by the army, find that they comprehend five different articles:
1. present pay
2. a settlemt. of accts. of the arrearages of pay and security for what is due.
3. A commutation of the half pay allowed by differt. resolutions of Congress for an equivalent in gross:
4. A settlemt. of the accts. of deficiencies of rations & compensation.
5. A settlemt. of accts. of deficiencies of cloathing & compensation.
The Comme are of opinion with respt. to the 1st. that the Superintendt. of finance be directed, conformable to the measures already taken for that purpose, as soon as the State of the public finances will permit, to make such payt. & in such manner as he shall think proper till the further order of Congress.
With respect to the 2d. art: so far as relates to the settlemt. of accts, that the several States be called upon to compleat the settlemt., without delay, with their respective lines of the army up to the first day of Aug: 1780: that the Superintendant be also directed to take such measures as shall appear to him most proper & effectual for accomplishing the object in the most equitable & satisfactory manner, havg. regard to former resolutions of Congs. & to the settlemts. made in consequence thereof. and so far as relates to the providing of security for what shall be found due on such settlemt. Resolved that the troops of the United States in common with all the Creditrs. of the same, have an undoubted right to expect such security, and that Congress will make every effort in their power to obtain from the respective States, general & substantial funds adequate to the object of funding the whole debt of the U. S. and that Congs. ought to enter upon an immediate & full consideration of the nature of such funds & the most likely mode of obtaining them.
With respect to the 3d. Article the Comme. are of opinion that it will be expedient for Congs. to leave it to the option of all officers entitled to half pay, either to preserve their claim to that provision as it now stands by the several resolutions of Congs. upon that subject or to accept  years full pay to be paid to them in one year after the conclusion of the war in money or placed upon good funded security bearing an annual interest of 6 prCt. provided that the allowance to widows & orphans of such officers as have died or been killed or may die or be killed in the service during the war shall remain as established by the resolution of the  day of
With respect to the 4 & 5 Art: the Come. beg leave to delay their report untill they have obtained more precise information than they now possess on the subject”
The 1st. Clause of this report relative to immediate pay passed without opposition. The Supt. had agreed to make out 1 months’ pay. Indeed long before the arrival of the deputies from the army he had made contingent & secret provision for that purpose; and to ensure it now he meant if necessary to draw bills on the late application for loans. The words “conformable to measures already taken” referred to the above secret provisn, and were meant to shew that the payment to the army did not originate in the Memol. but in an antecedent attention to the wants of the army.
In the discussion of the 2d. clause, the epoch of Aug: 1780 was objected to, by the Eastern delegates. Their States havg. settled with their lines down to later periods, they wishd now to obtain the Sanction of Congress to them. After some debate, a compromise was proposed by Mr. Hamilton by substituting the last day of Decr. 1780. This was agreed to without opposition altho several members disliked it. The latter part of the clause beginning with the word Resolved &c. was considered as a very solemn point, and the basis of the plans by which the public engagements were to be fulfilled & the union cemented. A motion was made by Mr. Bland to insert after the words “in their power” the words, “consistent with the Articles of Confederation[”]. This amendment as he explained it was not intended to contravene the idea of funds extraneous to the federal articles, but to leave those funds for a consideration subsequent to providing Constitutional ones. Mr. Arnold however eagerly 2ded. it. No question however was taken on it, Congress deeming it proper to postpone the matter till the next day, as of the most solemn nature; and to have as full a representation as possible. With this view & to get rid of Mr. Bland’s motion, they adjourned; & ordering all the members not present & in town to be summoned.


Title: Notes on Debates, 25 January 1783
From: Madison, James
To:

Saturday. Jany. 25.
The Secy. of Congress havg. suggested to a member that the Contract with the Ct. of France specifying the sums Due from the U. S. altho’ extremely generous on the part of the former had been ratifyed without any such acknowledgmts. by the latter, that this was the first instance in which such acknowlegts. had been omitted, & that the omission wd. be singularly improper at a time when we were Soliciting further aids; these observations being made to Congress, the ratification was reconsidered, and the words “impressed with &c… inserted.
The rept on the memorial was resumed. By Mr. Hamilton, Mr. Fitzimmons & one or two others who had conversed with Mr. Morris on the change of the last day of Decr. for the  day of Augst. it was suggested that the change entirely contravened the measures pursued by his department; and moved for a reconsideration of it in order to enquire into the subject. Without going into details they urged this as a reason sufficient. The Eastern delegates, altho’ they wished for unanimity & system in future proceedings relative to our funds & finances were very stiff in retaining the vote wch. coincided with the steps taken by their Constituents. Of this much complaint was made. Mr. Rutlidge on this occasion alledging that Congress ought not to be led by general suggestions derived from the office of finance joined by Mr. Gervais, voted agst. the reconsideration. The consequence was th[a]t S. Carola. was divided & six votes only in favr. of the Reconsideration. Mr. Hamilton havg. expressed his regret at the negative & explained more exactly the interference of the change of the Epoch with the measures & plans of the Office of Finance wch. had limited all State advances & settlemts. to Aug: 1780; Mr. Rutledge acknowledged the sufficiency of the reasons & at his instance the latter date was reinstated. On this 2d. question Cont. also voted for Augst. .
The  day of August being re-instated before question on the whole paragraph was taken Mr. Ghorum objected to the word “general” before funds as ambiguous, and it was struck out; not however as improper if referring to all the States, & not to all objects of taxation. Without this word the clause passed unanimously, even Rhode Island concurring in it.

Congress proceeded to the 3d. clause, relative to the commutation of half pay. A motion was made by Mr. Hamilton to fill the blank with “Six.” this was in conformity to tables of Dr. Price, estimating the officers on the average of good lives. Liberality in the rate was urged by several as necessary to give Satisfaction & prevent a refusal of the offer. For this motion there were 6 ayes 5 noes; the Southern States & N.Y. being in the affirmative the Eastern & N.J. in the negative. Col: Bland proposed 6½. erroneously supposing the negative of 6. to have proceeded from its being too low. It was on the contrary rather doubtful whether the East: States wd. concur in any arrangemt. on this head; so averse were they to what they call pensions. Several having calculated that the annual amount of half-pay was between 4 & 500,000 Drs, and the interest of the gross sum funded at the rate of 6 years, nearly 2/3 of that sum, Congress were struck with the necessity of proceeding with more caution & for that purpose committed the report to a Committee of 5. Mr. Osgood, Mr. Fitzimmons, Mr. Gervais, Mr. Hamilton & Mr. Wilson.
on the motion of Mr. Wilson Monday next was assigned for the consideration of the Resolu: in the 2d. clause of the Rept. on the Memorial from the army. He observed that this was necessary to prevent the resolution from being like many others—vox et preterea nihil.


Title: Notes on Debates, 27 January 1783
From: Madison, James
To:

No. VI
Monday 27 Jany. 1783.
A letter of Jany 20 from Genl. Washington was rcd. notifying the death of Lord Sterling & inclosing a report of the Officer sent to apprehend Knowlton & Wells. (See  ).
The following is an extract from the report “he (one Israel Smith) further sd. that Knowlton & Wells had recd. a lettr. from Jonathan Arnold Esqr. at Congress part of which was made public, which informed them that affairs in Congress were unfavorable to them & wd. have them look out for themselves. What other information this letter contained he cd. not say—I found in my March thro’ the State that the last mentioned gentleman was much in favor with all the principal men in that State I had any conversation with”
Mr. Arnold being present at the reading informed Congress that he was surprized how such a notion should have prevailed with respect to him; that he had never held any correspondence with either Knowlton or Wells; and requested that he might be furnished with the extract above. In this he was indulged without opposition. But it was generally considered, notwithstanding his denial of the correspondence, that he had at least at second hand, conveyed the intelligence to Vermont.
A long petition was read signed as alledged by near two thousand inhabitants (but all in the same hand writing) of the territory lately in controversy between Pa. & Va. complaining of the greivances to which their distance from public authority exposed them & particularly of the late law of Pena. interdicting even consultations about a new State within its limits; and praying that Congress wd. give a sanction to their independence & admit them into the Union. The Petition lay on the table without a single motion or remark relative to it. The order of the day was called for, towit the Resolution of saturday last in favor of adequate & substantial funds.
This subject was introduced by Mr. Wilson with some judicious remarks on its importance & the necessity of a thorough & serious discussion of it. He observed that the U States had in the course of the revolution displayed both an unexampled activity in resisting the enemy, and an unexampled patience under the losses & calamities occasioned by the war. In one point only he said they had appeared to be deficient & that was a cheerful payment of taxes. In other free Govts. it had been seen that taxation had been carried farther & more patiently borne than in States where the people were excluded from the Govts., the people considering themselves as the sovereign as well as the subject; & as receiving with one hand what they paid with the other. The peculiar repugnance of the people of the U S. to taxes he supposed proceeded first from the odious light in which they had been under the old Govt. in the habit of regarding them; 2dely. from the direct manner in wch. taxes in this Country had been laid; whereas in all other countries taxes were paid in a way that was little felt at the time. That it cd. not proceed altogether from inability he said must be obvious: Nay that the ability of the U. S. was equal to the public burden might be demonstrated. According to the calculations of the best writers the inhabitants of G. B. paid before the present war at the annual rate of at least 25s. Sterlg per head. According to like calculations the inhabitants of the U. S. before the revolution paid indirectly & insensibly at the rate of at least 10s. Sterlg per head According to the computed depreciation of the paper emissions, the burden insensibly borne by the inhabitants of the U. S. had amounted during the first three or four years of the war to not less than twenty Million of dollars per annum, a burden too which was the more oppressive as it fell very unequally on the people. An inability therefore could not be urged as a plea for the extreme deficiency of the revenue contributed by the States, which did not amount during the past year to 1/2 a million of dollars, that is to 1/6 of a dollar per head. Some more effectual mode of drawing forth the resources of the Country was necessary. That in particular it was necessary that such funds should be established as would enable Congress to fulfill those engagements which they had been enabled to enter into. It was essential he contended that those to whom were delegated the power of making war & peace should in some way or other have the means of effectuating these objects; that as Congress had been under the necessity of contracting a large debt justice required that such funds should be placed in their hands as would discharge it; that such funds were also necessary for carrying on the war; and as Congress found themselves in their present situation destitute both of the faculty of paying debts already contracted, and of providing for future exigences, it was their duty to lay that situation before their constituents; and at least to come to an eclaircissement on the subject; he remarked that the establisht. of certain funds for payg wd. set afloat the public paper; adding that a public debt resting on general funds would operate as a cement to the confederacy, and might contribute to prolong its existence, after the foreign danger ceased to counteract its tendency to dissolution He concluded with moving that it be Resold.
“That it is the opinion of Congress that complete justice cannot be done to the Creditors of the United States, nor the restoration of public credit be effected, nor the future exigences of the war provided for, but by the establishment of general funds to be collected by Congress.”
This motion was seconded by Mr. Fitzimmons[.] Mr. Bland desired that Congress wd. before the discussion proceeded farther, receive a communication of sundry papers transmitted to the Virga. Delegates by the Executive of that State; two of which had relation to the question before Congress. These were 1st. a Resolution of the Genl. Assembly declaring its inability to pay more than £50,000 Va. currency towards complying with the demand of Congress. 2dly. the Act repealing the Act granting the impost of 5 PerCt. These papers were received and read.
Mr. Wolcot expressed some astonishment at the inconsistency of the two acts of Va.; supposed that they had an unfavorable aspect on the business before Congress; & proposed that the latter sd. be postponed for the present. He was not seconded.
Mr. Ghorum favored the general idea of the motion, animadverting on the refusal of Virga. to contribute the necessary sums & at the same moment repealing her concurrence in the only scheme that promised to supply a deficiency of contributions. He thought the motion however inaccurately expressed, since the word “general” might be understood to refer to every possible object of taxation as well as to the operation of a particular tax throughout the States: he observed that the nonpayment of the 1,200,000 Drs. demanded by Congress for paying the interest of the debts for the year  demonstrated that the constitutional mode of annual requisitions was defective; he intimated that lands were already sufficiently taxed; & that polls & commerce were the most proper objects. At his instance the latter part of the motion was so amended as to run “establishment of permanent & adequate funds to operate generally throughout the U. States.”
Mr. Hamilton went extensively into the subject the sum of it was as follows: he observed that funds considered as permanent sources of revenue were of two kinds 1st. such as wd extend generally & uniformly throughout the U. S. & wd. be collected under the authority of Congs. 2dly. such as might be established separately within each State, & might consist of any objects which were chosen by the States, and which might be collected either under the authority of the States or of Congs. Funds of the 1st. kind he contended were preferable; as being 1st. more simple. the difficulties attending the mode of fixing the quotas laid down in the confederation rendering it extremely complicated & in a manner insuperable: 2d as being more certain; since the States according to the secd. plan wd. probably retain the collection of the revenue and a vicious system of collection prevailed generally through the U. S. a system by which the collectors were chosen by the people & made their offices more subservient to their popularity than to the public revenue—3d. & as being more œconomical, since the collection would be effected with fewer officers under the management of Congress, than under that of the States.
Mr. Ghorum observed that Mr. Hamilton was mistaken in the representation he had given of the collection of taxes in several of the States; particularly in that of Massachussetts, where the collection was on a footing which rendered it sufficiently certain. Mr. Wilson having risen to explain somethings which had fallen from him; threw out the suggestion that several branches of Revenue if yielded by all the States, would perhaps be more just & satisfactory than any single one; for example an impost on trade combined with a land tax.
Mr. Dyer expressed a strong dislike to a collection by officers appointed under Congress & supposed the States would never be brought to consent to it.
Mr. Ramsay was decidedly in favor of the proposition. Justice he said entitled those who had lent their money & services to the U. S. to look to them for payment; that if general & certain revenues were not provided, the consequence wd. be that the army & public Creditors would have soon to look to their respective States only for satisfaction; that the burden in this case wd. fall unequally on the States; that rivalships relative to trade wd. impede a regular impost & wd. produce confusions amg. the States; that some of the States would never make of themselves provision for half pay and that the army wd. be so far defrauded of the rewards stipulated to them by Congress; that altho’ it might be uncertain whether the States wd. accede to plans founded on the proposition before the house, yet as Congress was convinced of its truth & importance it was their duty to make the experiment
Mr. Bland thought that the ideas of the states on the subject were so averse to a general revenue in the hands of Congs. that if such a revenue were proper it was unattainable; that as the deficiency of the contributions from the States proceeded not from

   The paper just read from Virga. complained of her inability without mentioning an inequality. This was deemed a strange assertion.

 complaints of their inability but of the inequality of the apportionments, it would be a wiser course to pursue the rule of the confederation, towit to ground the requisition on an actual valuation of lands; that Congress wd. then stand on firm ground & try a practicable mode.


Title: Notes on Debates, 28 January 1783
From: Madison, James
To:

Tuesday Jany. 28th. 1783
The subject yesterday under discussion was resumed. A division of the question was called for by Mr. Wolcott so as to have a distinct question on the “words to be collected by Congress” wch. he did not like.
Mr. Wilson considered this mode of collection as essential to the idea of a general revenue, since without it the proceeds of the revenue wd. depend entirely on the punctuality energy & unanimity of the States, the want of which led to the present consideration.

Mr. Hamilton was strenuously of the same opinion.
Mr. Fitzimmons informed Congress that the Legislature of Penna. had at their last meeting been dissuaded from appropriating their revenue to the payment of their own Citizens Creditors of the U. S. instead of remitting it to the continental treasury; merely by the urgent representations of a Committee of Congress & by the hope that some general system in favr. of all the public creditors would be adopted; that the Legislature were now again assembled; and altho sensible of the tendency of such an example, thought it their duty & meant in case the prospect of such a system vanished to proceed immediately to the separate appropriations formerly in contemplation.
On the motion of Mr. Madison the whole proposition was new-modelled as follows;
“That it is the opinion of Congress that the establishment of permanent & adequate funds to operate generally throughout the U. States is indispensibly necessary for doing complete justice to the Creditors of the U. S., for restoring public credit, & for providing for the future exigencies of the war.” The words “to be collected under the authority of Congress[”] were as a seperate question left to be added afterwards.
Mr. Rutlidge objected to the term “generally”, as implying a degree of uniformity in the tax which would render it unequal. He had in view particularly a land tax according to quantity as had been proposed by the office of finance. He thought the prejudices of the people opposed to the idea of a general tax & seemed on the whole to be disinclined to it himself, at least if extended beyond an impost on trade; urging the necessity of pursuing a valuation of land, and requisitions grounded thereon.
Mr. Lee 2ded. the opposition to the term “general.” he contended that the States wd. never consent to a uniform tax because it wd. be unequal; that it was moreover repugnant to the articles of confederation; and by placing the purse in the same hands with the sword, was subversive of the fundamental principles of liberty. He mentioned the repeal of the impost by Virga. himself alone opposing it & that too on the inexpediency in point of time, as proof of the aversion to a general revenue. He reasoned upon the subject finally as if it was proposed that Congress sd. assume & exercise a power immediately & without the previous Sanction of the States, of levying money on them. In consequence.
Mr. Wilson rose & explained the import of the motion to be that Congress should recommend to the States the investing them with power. He observed that the confederation was so far from precluding, that it expressly provided for future alterations; that the power given to Congress by that Act was too little not too formidable, that there was more of a centrifugal than centripetal force in the States & that the funding of a common debt in the manner proposed would produce a salutary invigoration & cement of the Union.
Mr. Elseworth acknowledged himself to be undecided in his opinion: that on the one side he felt the necessity of continental funds for making good the continental engagements but on the other desponded of a unanimous concurrence of the States in such an establishment. He observed that it was a question of great importance how far the federal govt. can or ought to exert coercion against delinquent members of the confederacy; & that without such coercion no certainty could attend the constitutional mode which referred every thing to the unanimous punctuality of thirteen different councils. Considering therefore a continental revenue as unattainable, and periodical requisitions from Congress as inadequate, he was inclined to make trial of the middle mode of permanent State funds, to be provided at the recommendation of Congs. and appropriated to the discharge of the common debt.
Mr. Hamilton in reply to Mr. Elseworth dwelt long on the inefficacy of State funds, He supposed too that greater obstacles would arise to the execution of the plan than to that of a general revenue. As an additional reason for the latter to be collected by officers under the appointment of Congress, he signified that as the energy of the federal Govt. was evidently short of the degree necessary for pervading & uniting the States it was expedient to introduce the influence of officers deriving their emoluments from & consequently interested in supporting the power of, Congress.

   This remark was imprudent & injurious to the cause wch. it was meant to serve. This influence was the very source of jealousy which rendered the States averse to a revenue under the collection as well as appropriation of Congress. All the members of Congress who concurred in any degree with the States in this jealousy smiled at the disclosure. Mr. Bland & still more Mr. L. who were of this number took notice in private conversation that Mr. Hamilton had let out the secret.

Mr. Williamson was of opinion that continental funds altho’ desirable, were unattainable at least to the full amount of the public exigences. He thought if they could be obtained for the foreign debt, it would be as much as could be expected, and that they would also be less essential for the domestic debt.
Mr. Madison observed that it was needless to go into proofs of the necessity of payg. the public debts; that the idea of erecting our national independence on the ruins of public faith and national honor must be horrid to every mind which retained either honesty or pride; that the motion before Congress contained a simple proposition with respect to the truth of which every member was called upon to give his opinion. That this opinion must necessarily be in the affirmative, unless the several objects; of doing justice to the public Creditors, &c &c. could be compassed by some other plan than the one proposed, that the 2 last objects depended essentially on the first; since the doing justice to the Creditors alone wd. restore publi[c] credit, & the restoration of this alone could provide for the future exigencies of the war. Is then a continl revenue indispensibly necessary for doing complete justice &? This is the question. To answer it the other plans proposed must first be reviewed.
In order to do complete justice to the public Creditors, either the principal must be paid off, or the interest paid punctually. The 1st. is admitted to be impossible on any plan. The only plans opposed to the continl one for the latter purpose; are 1st. periodical requisitions according to the fœderal articles: 2dly. permanent funds established by each State within itself & the proceeds consigned to the discharge of public debts.
Will the 1st. be adequate to the object? The contrary seems to be maintained by no one. If reason did not sufficiently premonish, experience has sufficiently demonstrated that a punctual & unfailing compliance by 13 separate & independent Govts. with periodical demands of money from Congress, can never be reckoned upon with the certainty requisite to satisfy our present creditors, or to tempt others to become our creditors in future.
2dly. Will funds separately established within each State & the amount submitted to the appropriation of Congress be adequate to the object? The only advantage which is thought to recommend this plan, is that the States will be with less difficulty prevailed upon to adopt it. Its imperfections are 1st. that it must be preceded by a final & satisfactory adjustment of all accts. between the U. S. and individual States; and by an apportionment founded on a valuation of all the lands throughout each of the States in pursuance of the law of the confederation: for although the States do not as yet insist on these prerequisites in the case of annual demands on them with wch. they very little comply & that only in the way of an open acct.; yet these conditions wd. certainly be exacted in case of a permanent cession of revenue; and the difficulties & delays to say the least incident to these conditions, can escape no one. 2dly. the produce of the funds being always in the first instance in the hands & under the controul of the States separately, might at any time & on various pretences, be diverted to State-objects. 3dly. That jealousy which is as natural to the States as to individuals & of which so many proofs have appeared, that others will not fulfil their respective portions of the common obligations, will be continually & mutually suspending remittances to the common treasury, until it finally stops them altogether. These imperfections are too radical to be admitted into any plan intended for the purposes in question.
It remains to examine the merits of the plan of a general revenue operating throughout the U. S. under the superintendence of Congress.
One obvious advantage is suggested by the last objection to separate revenues in the different States; that is, it will exclude all jealousy among them on that head, since each will know whilst it is submitting to the tax, that all the others are necessaryly at the same instant bearing their respective portions of the burden.
Again it will take from the States the opportunity as well as the temptation to divert their incomes from the general to internal purposes since these incomes will pass directly into the treasury of the U S.
Another advantage attending a general revenue is that in case of the concurrence of the States in establishing it, it would become soonest productive; and would consequently soonest obtain the objects in view. Nay so assured a prospect would give instantaneous confidence & content to the public creditors at home & abroad, and place our affairs in the most happy train.
The consequences with respect to the Union, of omitting such a provision for the debts of the Union also claims particular attention. The tenor of the memorial from Penna. and of the information just given on the floor by one of its delegates (Mr Fitzimmons) renders it extremely probable that that State would as soon as it sd. be known that Congress had declined such provision or the States rejected it, appropriate the revenue required by Congress, to the payment of its own Citizens & troops, creditors of the U. S. The irregular conduct of other States on this subject enforced by such an example could not fail to spread the evil throughout the whole continent. What then wd become of the confederation? What wd. be the authority of Congress? wt. the tie by which the States cd. be held together? what the source by which the army could be subsisted & cloathed? What the mode of dividing & discharging our foreign debts? What the rule of settling the internal accts? What the tribunal by which controversies amg the States could be adjudicated?

It ought to be carefully remembered that this subject was brought before Congress by a very solemn appeal from the army to the justice & gratitude of their Country. Besides immediate pay, they ask for permanent security for arrears. Is not this request a reasonable one? will it be just or politic to pass over the only adequate security that can be devised, & instead of fulfilling the stipulations of the U. S. to them, to leave them to seek their rewards separately from the States to which they respectively belong? The patience of the army has been equal to their bravery, but that patience must have its limits; and the result of despair can not be foreseen, nor ought it to be risked.
It has been objected agst. a general revenue that it contravenes the articles of confederation. These Articles as has been observed have presupposed the necessity of alterations in the fœderal system & have left a door open for them: They moreover authorize Congress to borrow money. Now in order to borrow money permanent & certain provision is necessary, & if this provision cannot be made in any other way as has been shewn, a general revenue is within the spirit of the confederation.
It has been objected that such a revenue is subversive of the soverignty & liberty of the States. If it were to be assumed without the free gift of the States this objection might be of force, but no assumption is proposed. In fact Congress are already invested by the States with the constitutional authority over the purse as well as the sword. A general revenue would only give this authority a more certain & equal efficacy. They have a right to fix the quantum of money necessary for the common purposes. The right of the States is limited to the mode of supply. A requisition of Congress on the States for money is as much a law to them; as their revenue acts when passed are laws to their respective Citizens. If for want of the faculty or means of enforcing a requisition, the law of Congress proves inefficient; does it not follow that in order to fullfil the views of the fœderal constitution, such a change sd. be made as will render it efficient? Without such efficiency the end of this Constitution which is to preserve order & justice among the members of the Union, must fail; as without a like efficiency would the end of State constitutions wch. is to preserve like order & justice among its members.
It has been objected that the States have manifested such aversion to the impost on trade as renders any recommendations of a general revenue hopeless & imprudent. It must be admitted that the conduct of the States on that subject is less encouraging than were to be wished. A review of it however does not excite despondence. The impost was adopted immediately & in its utmost latitude by several of the States. Several also which complied partially with it at first, have since complied more liberally. One of them after long refusal has complied substantially. Two States only have failed altogether & as to one of them it is not known that its failure has proceeded from a decided opposition to it. On the whole it appears that the necessity & reasonableness of the scheme have been gaining ground among the States. He was aware that one exception ought to be made to this inference: an exception too wch peculiarly concerned him to advert to. The State of Virga as appears by an Act yesterday laid before Congress, has withdrawn its assent once given to the scheme. This circumstance cd. not but produce some embarrassment in a representative of that State advocating the scheme[;] one too whose principles were extremely unfavorable to a disregd. of the sense of Constitnts. But it ought not to deter him from listening to considerations which in the present case ought to prevail over it. One of these considerations was that altho’ the delegates who compose Congress, more immediately represented & were amenable to the States from which they respectively come, yet in another view they owed a fidelity to the collective interests of the whole. 2dly. Altho’ not only the express instructions, but even the declared sense of constituents as in the present case, were to be a law in general to these representatives, still there were occasions on which the latter ought to hazard personal consequences from a respect to what his clear conviction determines to be the true interest of the former; and the present he conceived to fall under this exception. Lastly the part he took on the present occasion was the more fully justified to his own mind by his thorough persuasion, that with the same knowledge of public affairs which his station commanded, the Legislature of Va would not have repealed the law in favor of the impost & would even now rescind the repeal.
The result of these observations was that it was the duty of Congress under whose authority the public debts had been contracted to aim at a general revenue as the only means of discharging them; & that this dictate of justice & gratitude was enforced by a regard to the preservation of the confederacy, to our reputation abroad & to our internal tranquility.
Mr. Rutledge complained that those who so strenuously urged the necessity & competency of a general revenue operating

   he was apprehensive that a tax on land according to its quantity not value as had been recomd. by Mr. Morris was in contemplation.

 throughout all the States at the same time, declined specifying any general objects from which such a revenue could be drawn He was thought to insinuate that these objects were kept back intentionally untill the general principle cd. be irrevocably fixed when Congs. wd. be bound at all events to go on with the project, whereupon Mr. Fitzimmons expressed some concern at the turn wch. the discussion seemed to be taking. He said that unless mutual confidence prevailed no progress could be made towards the attainment of those ends wch. all in some way or other aimed at. It was a mistake to suppose that any specific plan had been preconcerted among the patrons of a general revenue.
Mr. Wilson with whom the motion originated gave his assurances that it was neither the effect of preconcert with others, nor of any determinate plan matured by himself, that he had been led into it, by the declaration on Saturday last by Congs. that substantial funds ought to be provided; by the memor[i]al of the army from which that declaration had resulted[,] by the memorials from the State of Pa. holding out the idea of separate appropriations of her revenue unless provision were made for the public creditors, by the deplorable & dishonorable situation of public affairs which had compelled Congress to draw bills on the unpromised & contingent bounty of their ally, and which was likely to banish the Superintdt. of Finance whose place cd not be supplied, from his department. He observed that he had not introduced details into the debate because he thought them premature, until a general principle should be fixed; and that as soon as the pri[n]ciple sd. be fixed he would altho’ not furnished with any digested plan, contribute all in his power to the forming such a one.
Mr. Rutlidge moved that the proposition might be committed in order that some practicable plan might be reported, before Congress sd. declare that it ought to be adopted.
Mr. Izard 2ded. the motion from a conciliating view.
Mr. Madison thought the commitment unnecessary: and would have the appearance of delay; that too much delay had already taken place, that the deputation of the army had a right to expect an answer to their memorial as soon as it could be decided by Congress. He differed from Mr. Wilson in thinking that a specification of the objects of a general revenue would be improper, and thought that those who doubted of its practicability had a right to expect proof of it from details before they cd. be expected to assent to the general principle; but he differred also from Mr. Rutledge who thought a commitment necessary for the purpose; since his views would be answered by leaving the motion before the house and giving the debate a greater latitude. He suggested as practicable objects of a general revenue. 1st an impost on trade 2dly. a poll tax under certain qualifications 3dly. a land tax under do.

   a poll tax to be qualified by rating blacks some what lower than whites, a land tax by considering the value of land in each State to be in an inverse proportion of its quantity to the no. of people; and apportioning on the aggregate quantity in each State accordingly, leaving the State at liberty to make a distributive apportionmt on its several districts, on a like or any other equalizing principle.

Mr. Hamilton suggested a house & window tax. he was in favor of the mode of conducting the discussion urged by Mr. Madison
On the motion for the commt. 6 States were in favor of it, & five agst. it. so it was lost—in this vote the merits of the main proposition very little entered.
Mr. Lee said that it was a waste of time to be forming resolutions & settling principles on this subject. He asked whether these wd. ever bring any money into the public treasury. His opinion was that Congress ought in order to guard agst. the inconveniency of meetings of the different Legislatures at different & even distant periods, to call upon the Executives to convoke them all at one period, & to lay before them a full state of our public affairs. He said the States would never agree to those plans which tended to aggrandize Congress; that they were jealous of the power of Congress; & that he acknowledged himself to be one of those who thought this jealousy not an unreasonable one; that no one who had ever opened a page or read a line on the subject of liberty, could be insensible to the danger of surrendering the purse into the same hand which held the sword.
The debate was suspended by an adjournment.


Title: Virginia Delegates to Benjamin Harrison, 28 January 1783
From: Virginia Delegates
To: Harrison, Benjamin

Sir,
Philadelphia Jany. 28th. 1783
Your Excellency’s favors of the 4th. & 11th. are before us. We have laid before Congress the Enclosures which were intended for them; & shall acquaint your Excellency of their determinations upon them, as soon as they are made. Mr. Nathan’s affair is a matter of some difficulty in the arrangement. We do not see how either Party can be bound by an award, that is not founded on a rule of Court of Law, in a cause depending before it; nor have we any document to show, that the State will be bound in consequence of some legislative Act authorising the Executive to submit the question to Arbitrators. But we shall advise on what is best to be done, & acquaint your Excellency with the result. It woud be a matter of some doubt & delicacy to tempt Mr. Nathan by submitting so large a Sum to his Oath.
We concur most cordially with your Excellency in rejoiceing on the great event of the evacuation of Charles-town. A little time, we hope, will bring us decisive information, whether war or peace will be the issue of the present negociations at Paris; & we shall lose no time in making the communication to your Excellency.
We have the honor to be with the profoundest respect, Yr. Excellency’s most obedt. & devotd Servts.
J. Madison Jr. A. Lee

Congress recd. a few days ago a letter from Mr. Adams of the 8th. of Oct. accompanied by copies of a Treaty of Amity & Commerce & of a Convention concerning recaptures, with the States Genl. Both of them have been ratified and will be published as soon as the length of them will admit.

A Lee


Title: Notes on Debates, 30 January 1783
From: Madison, James
To:

Thursday 30 Jany.
The answer to the Memorials from the Legislature of Penna. was agreed to as it stands on the Journal; N. Jersey alone dissenting.
In the course of its discussion several expressions were struck out which seemed to reprehend the States for the deficiency of their contributions. In favor of these expressions it was urged that they were true and ought to be held forth as the cause of the public difficulties in justification of Congress. On the other side it was urged tht. Congress had in many respects been faulty as well as the States, particularly in letting their finances become so disordered before they began to apply any remedy; and that if this were not the case, it would be more prudent to address to the States a picture of the public distresses & danger, than a Satire on their faults; since the latter would only irritate them; whereas the former wd. tend to lead them into the measures supposed by Congress to be essential to the public interest.
The propriety of mentioning to the Legislature of Penna. the expedt. into which Congress had been driven of drawing bills on Spain & Holland without previous warrant; the disappt. attending it, and the deductions ultimately ensuing from the aids destined to the U. S. by the Ct. of France, was also a subject of discussion. On one side it was represented as a fact which being dishonorable to Congress ought not to be proclaimed by them & that in the present case it cd. answer no purpose. On the other side it was contended that it was already known to all the world, that as a glaring proof of the public embarrassmts. it would impress the Legislature with the danger of making those separate appropriations which wd. increase the embarrassments; and particularly would explain in some degree the cause of the discontinuance of the French interest due on the loan office certificates.
Mr. Rutlidge & some other members having expressed less solicitude about satisfying or soothing the Creditors within Pa. through the legislature than others thought ought be felt by every one, Mr. Wilson adverting to it with some warmth, declared that if such indifference should prevail, he was little anxious what became of the answer to the Memorials. Pena. he was persuaded would take her own measures without regard to those of Congress, and that she ought to do so. She was willing he said to sink or swim according to the common fate, but that she would not suffer herself with a millstone of

   he supposed that sum due by the U. S. to Citizens of Penna. for loans.

6,000,000 of the continl. debt about her neck to go to the bottom alone.


Title: Notes on Debates, 31 January 1783
From: Madison, James
To:

Friday Jany. 31.
The instructions to the Va. delegates from that State relative to tobo. exported to N. Y. under passport from Secy of Congress was referred to a Committee. Mr Fitzimmons moved that the information recd. from sd. State of its inability to contribute more than  towards the requisitions of Congress sd. be also committed. Mr. Bland saw no reason for such committment. Mr. Ghorum was in favr. of it. He thought such a resolution from Va. was of the most serious import; especially if compared with her withdrawal of her assent to the Impost: He said with much earnestness, that if one State should be connived at in such defaults others would think themselves entitled to a like indulgence. Massts: he was sure had a better title to it than Virga. He said the former had expended immense sums in recruiting her line, which composed almost the whole Northn. Army; that 1,200,000 £ (dollar at 6/. had been laid out: & that without this sum, the army would have been disbanded.
Mr. Fitzimmons abetting the animadversion on Virga. took notice that of  Dollars reqd. by Congress from her for the year 1782, she had paid the paltry sum only of 35,000 Drs. and was notwithstanding endeavoring to play off from further contributions. The commitment took place without opposition
The subcommittee consisting of Mr. Madison Carroll & Mr. Wilson had this morning a conference with the Superintendt. of Finance on the best mode of estimating the value of land through the U. S. The Superntendt was no less puzzled on the subject than the Committee had been. He thought some essay ought to be made for executing the confederation if it sd. be practicable, & if not to let the impracticability appear to the States. He concurred with the subcommittee also in opinion that it would be improper to refer the valuation to the States, as mutual suspicions of partiality, if not a real partiality, would render the result a source of discontent; and that even if Congs. shd expressly reserve to themselves a right of revising & rejecting it, such a right could not be exercised without giving extreme offence to the suspected party. To guard agst. these difficulties it was finally agreed, & the sub-committee accordingly reported to the G. Committee,
“That it is expedient to require of the several States a return of all surveyed & granted land within each of them; and that in such returns the land be distinguished into occupied & unoccupied.
That it also was expedient to appoint one Commissr. for each State who should be empowered to proceed without loss of time into the several States; & to estimate the value of the lands therein according to the returns abovementioned, & to such instructions as should from time to time be given him for that purpose.”
This report was hurried into the Grand Committee for two reasons: 1st. it was found that Mr. Rutlidge, Mr. Bland & several others relied so much on a valuation of land, and connected it so essentially with measures for restoring public credit that an extreme backwardness on their part affected all these measures, whilst the valuation of land was left out. a 2d. reason was that the subcommittee were afraid that suspicions might arise of intentional delay, in order to confine the attention of Congs. to general funds as affording the only prospect of relief.
The Grand Committee for like reasons were equally impatient to make a report to Congress; and accordingly after a short consultation the question was taken whether the above report of the Subcome. or the report (see  ) referred to them sd. be preferred. In favor of the 1st. were Mr. Wilson, Mr. Carroll, Mr. Madison, Mr. Elmore, Mr. Hamilton. In favor of the 2d. were Mr. Arnold, Mr. Dyer, Mr. Hawkins, Mr. Ghorum, Mr. Rutlidge & Mr. Gilman: So the latter was immediately handed in to Congress, & referred to the Committee of the whole into which they immediately resolved themselves.
A motion was made by Mr. Bland 2ded. by Mr. Madison that this report sd. be taken up in preference to the subject of general funds. Mr. Wilson opposed it as irregular & inconvenient to break in an unfinished subject; and supposed that as some further experiment must be intended than merely a discussion of the subject in Congress, before the subject of Genl. funds would be seriously resumed, he thought it unadvisable to interrupt the latter.
Mr. Madison answered that the object was not to retard the latter business but to remove an obstacle to it, that as the two subjects were in some degree connected as means of restoring public credit, & inseparably connected in the minds of many members, it was but reasonable to admit one as well as the other to a share of attention: that if a valuation of land sd. be found on mature deliberation to be as efficacious a remedy as was by some supposed, it wd. be proper at least to combine it with the other expedient, or perhaps to substitute it altogether: if the contrary should become apparent, its patrons wd. join the more cordially in the object of a general revenue. Mr. Hamilton concurred in these ideas & wished the valuation of land to be taken up in order that its impracticabil[it]y & futility might become manifest. The motion passed in the affirmative, & the report was taken up.
The phraseology was made more correct in several instances.
A motion was made by Mr. Boudinot 2ded. by Mr. Elseworth to strike out the clause requiring a return of the “names of the owners,” as well as the quantity of land. Mr. Elseworth also contended for a less specific return of the parcels of land. The objection agst. the clause were that it would be extremely troublesome & equally useless. Mr. Bland thought these specific returns wd. be a check on frauds & the suspicion of them. Mr. Williamson was of the same opinion, as were also Mr. Lee, Mr. Ghorum, & Mr. Ramsay.

   Mr. Dyer ludicrously proposed as a proviso to the scheme of referring the valuation to the States, “that each of the States should cheat equally”

 The motion was withdrawn by Mr. Boudinot.


Title: To James Madison from Edmund Randolph, 1 February 1783
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Madison, James

My dear friend
Pettus’s near Richmond Feby. 1. 1783.
The death of my aunt unfortunately furnishes me with an apology for the late omissions in my correspondence. At this moment I am just returned from Wmsburg, and from the hurry of the post and the labour of getting a letter sent from hence to the mail thro’ a snow-storm, I can barely acknowledge the receipt of your great favors of the 7. 14. & 22. Ulto.
So deeply am I impressed with the dismal effects of refusing the five per cent, that if I could accommodate some violent altercations, in which I am involved by the falling of my uncle’s estate into my hands and I supposed that incessant efforts would accomplish its revival, I would go into the assembly. But a curious incident has happened to me; my father, who is an alien, having an interest for life in the estate before it of right belongs to me, and his creditors, numerous and greedy, are pressing hard upon me for a delivery of the property to their use. Now if the laws were to justify me in the most exclusive appropriation of those funds to my own use, I would not so apply them: but I cannot bear the separation of negro-families. I have therefore taken a middle mode, to offer the creditors the neat profits during my father’s life. These deductions added to the certain necessity and obligation of supporting his family, will incumber me immensely. However if I can make a fortunate compromise, I may afford to resign my office and will go into the legislature.
Our court of admiralty continues in its abhorrence of british goods. A flag vessel was fitted out from this state for carrying Colo. Simmons’s tobacco to New-York and on her return took in a few, very few trifles, But their insignificance did not protect them. No law exists for the condemnation of the vessel, and therefore she was acquitted.
I wish, that our state would recollect the importance of providing for continental as well [as] local pay of officers. A large number of horses are to be sold and the warrants of the military officers of the state are to be received in payment, as I am informed. There is certainly much justice in this: but the grant of the 5 pr.ct. would render the public conduct one consistent plan of justice.
In a conversation with McClurg, I mentioned the late arrangement, which was on the point of taking place, and prevented only by a critical retender of Mr. L’s services. Modesty would not suffer him to be direct; but it is clear, that he would be inlisted into public service. This winter will probably give a turn to his studies into the channel of politicks.
Be so good as to inform Dr. Shippen, that the death of Reuors put a stop to the suit of Cuthbert for a little time but that it is now going on with the fullest vigor, and shall in no manner be neglected. He has left property, I believe, sufficient for the debt.


Title: Notes on Debates, 4 February 1783
From: Madison, James
To:

Teusday Feby. 4.
An indecent & tart remonstrance was rcd. from Vermont agst. the interposition of Congs. in favor of the persons who had been banished & whose effects had been confiscated. A motion was made by Mr. Hamilton 2ded. by Mr. Dyer to commit it. Mr. Wolcot who had always patronized the case of Vermont wished to know the views of a committment. Mr. Hamilton said his view was to fulfill the resolution of Congress wch. bound them to enforce the measure. Mr. Dyer sd. his was that so dishonorable a menace might be as quickly as possible renounced. He said Genl. Washington was in favor of Vermont, that the principal people of N. England were all supporters of them, and that Congress ought to rectify the error into which they had been led, without longer exposing themselves to reproach on this subject. It was committed without dissent.

Mr. Wilson informed Congress that the Legislature of Pena. having found the Ordinance of Congs. erecting a Court for piracies so obscure in some points that they were at a loss to adapt thr laws to it, had appointed a Come. to confer with a Come. of Congress. He accordingly moved in behalf of the Pa. delegation that a Come. might be appd. for that purpose. After some objections by Mr. Madison agst. the impropriety of holding a communication with Pa. through Committees when the purpose might be as well answered by a Memorial, or an instruction to its Delegates, a Come. was appd. consisting of Mr. Rutlidge, Mr. Madison & Mr. Wilson.
The Report proposing a commutation for the half pay due to the army, was taken up. On a motion to allow 5½ years whole pay in gross to be funded & bear interest, this being the rate taken from Dr. Price’s calculation of annuities, N. H. was no, R. I. no Cont. no, N. J. no, Virginia ay [Mr. Lee no].—other States ay So the question was lost. 5 years was then proposed, on which N. H. was no, R. I. no, Ct. no N. J. no, so there were but 6 ays & the proposition was lost. Mr. Williamson proposed 5¼ & called for the yeas & nays. Messrs. Wolcot & Dyer observed tht they were bound by instructions on this subject. Mr. Arnold said the case was the same with him. They also queried the validity of the act of Congs. which had stipulated half pay to the army, as it had passed before the Confederation, and by a vote of less than seven States. Mr. Madison sd. that he wished if the yeas & nays were called it might be on the true calculation, and not on an arbitrary principle of compromise, as the latter standing singly on the journal wd. not express the true ideas of the yeas, and might even subject them to contrary interpretations. He sd. that the act was valid because it was decided according to the rule then in force, & that as the officers had served under the faith of it, justice fully corroborated it; & that he was astonished to hear these principles controverted. He was also astonished to hear objections agst. a commutation come from States in compliance with whose objections agst. the half pay itself, this expedt. had been substituted. Mr. Wilson expressed his surprise also that instructions sd. be given which militated agst. the most peremtory & lawful engagements of Congs. and said that if such a doctrine prevailed the authority of the Confederacy was at an end. Mr. Arnold said that he wished the report might not be decided on at this time, that the assembly of R. I. was in session, & he hoped to receive their further advice. Mr. Bland enforced the ideas of Mr. Madison & Mr. Wilson, Mr. Gilman thought it wd. be best to refer the subject of ½ pay to the several States to be settled between them & their respective lines. By general consent the Report lay over.
Mr. Lee communicated to Congress a letter he had received from Mr. Samuel Adams dated Boston Decr. 22, 1782, introducing Mr.  from Canada, as a person capable of giving intelligence relative to affairs in Canada & the practicability of uniting that province with the Confederated States. The letter was committed.
In Come. of the whole on the Report concerning a valuation of the lands of the U States— A motion was made by Mr. Rutlidge wch. took the sense of Congs. on this question whether the rule of apportionment to be grounded on the proposed valuation sd. continue in force untill revoked by Congs. or a period be now fixed beyond which it sd. not continue in force. The importance of the distinction lay in the necessity of having seven votes in every act of Congs. The Eastern States were generally for the latter, supposing that the Southern States being impoverished by the recent havoc of the enemy would be underrated in the first valuation. The Southern States were for the same reason interested in favor of the former: on the question there were 6 ays only, which produced a dispute whether in a committee of the whole a majority wd. decide, or whether 7 votes were necessary.
In favor of the first rule it was contended by Mr. Ghorum & others, that in Committees of Congress, the rule always is that a majority decides.
In favr. of the latter it was contended that if the rule of other committees applies to a come. of the whole the vote sd. be individual per capita as well as by a majority. that in other deliberative assemblies, the rules of voting &c were not varied in Committees of the whole, and that it wd. be inconvenient in practice to report to Congs as the sense of the body a measure approved by 4 or 5 States, since there could be no reason to hope that in the same body in a different form, 7 States wd. approve it, and consequently a waste of time would be the result.
Come. rose & Cons Adjourned.


Title: From James Madison to Edmund Randolph, 4 February 1783
From: Madison, James
To: Randolph, Edmund

My dear Sir
Philada. Feby. 4th. 1783
By a letter recd. from Col: Monroe by Mr. Jones I find that my conjectures as to the cause of your silence by the last post were but too true. To the same cause probably I am to impute your silence by yesterday’s mail.
The subject which my last left under the consideration of Congress has employed the chief part of the week. The generality of the members are convinced of the necessity of a continental revenue for an honorable discharge of the continental engagements, & for making future provision for the war. The extent of the plan however compared with the prepossessions of their constituents produces despondence & timidity. It appears that the annual revenue which prudence calls for the objects abovementioned, amounts to the enormous sum of three million of dollars. You will ask perhaps from what sources this revenue could be drawn if the States were willing to establish it? Congress have done nothing as yet from which the answer they wd. dictate can be inferred. By individuals on the floor, the impost, a land tax, poll tax, a tax on salt a &c. have been suggested, and some computation of their productiveness has made them competent to the object. The valuation of the land accordg to the Articles of Confederation is also before Congress & by some considered as a great step towards obtaining the necessary revenue. If you ask by what operation? I shall be the more incapable of answering it than the preceding question.
The repeal of the impost by Virga. is still unriddled. Dr. Lee says that he was the only man who opposed the torrent from which it is the more suspected that there has been some manœuuvre in the transaction. Mr. Jones quotes the instance of your last election to Congress.
I find a great check to secret communications from the defects of your cypher. It in the first place is so scanty as to be extremely tedious, and in the next both the letters & figures are in so ambiguous a character that great caution is necessary to avoid errors. I wish we could somehow or other substitute a more convenient one.

I recd. a letter yesterday from Mr. Jefferson at Baltimore. It is dated the 31st. of Jany. and he calculated on sailing in about three days. The industry of the British Ships on the coast may notwithstanding render it necessary to wait longer.
There is not a syllable of news from any quarter. I take it for granted you will have seen a letter purporting to be written by Secy. Townsend, as it came hither from Baltimore. If it be genuine, it is altho’ an equivocal, yet a favorable presage on the whole.
Adieu,
J.M.


Title: Notes on Debates, 5–6 February 1783
From: Madison, James
To:

No. VIII
Wednesday Feby. 5. & Thursday Feby 6 1783.
In order to decide the rule of voting in a Come. of the whole, before Congss. should go into the said Come. Mr. Bland moved that the rule sd. be to vote by States. & the majority of States in Come. to decide. Mr. Wilson moved to postpone Mr. B’s motion in order to resolve that the rule be, to vote by States and according to the same rules which govern Congress; as this genl question was connected in the minds of members with the particular question to which it was to be immediately applied, the motion for postponing was negatived, Chiefly by the Eastern States. A division of the question on Mr. Bland’s motion was then called for & the first part was agreed to as on the Journal. The latter clause, to wit, a majority to decide, was negatived; so nothing as to the main point was determined. In this uncertainty Mr. Osgood proposed that Congs. sd. resolve itself into a Come. of the whole. Mr. Carrol as chairman observed that as the same difficulty would occur, he wished Congs. would previously direct him how to proceed. Mr. Hamilton proposed that the latter clause of Mr. Bland’s motion shd. be reconsidered and agreed to wrong as it was, rather than have no rule at all. In opposition to which it was sd. that there was no more reason why one & that not the minor side sd. wholly yield to the inflexility of the other thn. vice, versa, and that if they sd. be willing to yield on the present occasion, it wd. be better to do it tacitly, than to saddle themselves with an express & perpetual rule which they judged improper. This expedient was assented to, and Congress accordingly went into
A Committee of the whole
The points arising on the several amendts. proposed were 1st. the period beyond wch. the rule of the first valuation sd. not be in force. on this point Mr. Collins proposed 5 years, Mr. Bland 10 years, Mr. Boudinot 7 years N. Jersey havg instructed her Delegates thereon, The Cont. delegates proposed 3 years,—on the question for 3 years, N. H. no, Mas: no. R. I. ay Cont. ay. all the other States no.—on the question for 5 years, all the States ay except Cont.

The 2d. point was whether & how far the rule sd. be retrospective. on this point the same views operated as on the preceeding. Some were agst. any retrospection, others, for extending it to the whole debt, and others, for extendg it so far as was necessary for liquidating and closing the accounts between the United States and each individual State. The several motions expressive of these different ideas were at length withdrawn, with a view that the point might be better digested, & more accurately brought before Congress. So the rept. was agreed to in the Come. & made to Congress. When the question was about to be put Mr Madison observed that the report lay in a great degree of confusion, that several points had been decided in a way too vague & indirect to ascertain the real sense of Congs. that other points involved in the subject had not recd. any decision; and proposed the sense of Congs. shd. be distinctly & successively taken on all of them & the result referred to a special Come. to be digested &c. The question was however put & negatived, the votes being as they appear on the Journal. The reasons on which Mr. Hamiltons motion was grounded appear from its preamble


Title: To James Madison from Edmund Randolph, 7 February 1783
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Madison, James

My dear friend
Richmond feby. 7. 1783.
The fatal repeal is wrapt up in more than common mystery; the motives being various, as assigned by different persons. Some said, that congress ought not to raise a revenue by other means, than those, prescribed in the confederation; that the sufferance of a deviation from that mode will ultimately lead to an assessment of the quota of Virginia, according to the poll, that a fund, thus independent of her annual grant, will capacitate the U.S. to execute schemes of territorial injury against her. Others affected to penetrate into the most baneful consequences to trade; and rendered their wisdom eminent indeed by foreseeing great superiority, to be obtained by the other states over ours. In what proportion these abominable ideas operated upon the assembly, I cannot particularly learn. But the opinion of an attentive observer of legislative movements is, that the situation of America was not duly reflected on, and thereby an opportunity was presented to the L——s of piquing Morris The tenor of their daily language justifies the suspicion. Their character for malice confirms it. But I rejoice that they will not retain their fangs, to be able to destroy the U. S, if the next assembly be composed of sound Whigs.
The Executive have contrived means to appease the murmurs of our state officers on the subject of pay. A large number of horses belonging to the country, were yesterday sold; and the warrants of these gentlemen were admitted as cash. Would god, that similar success could be obtained by you.
The scarcity of cash is here is greater than ever. The cause is supposed to be found in the late draught for raising money for enlistment; not a shilling of which scarcely has been as yet restored to circulation, being still in the hands of the county lieutenants, as I am informed.
Your favor by yesterday’s post would increase my importunity for a transcript of your extract from Mr. J——s remarks, if I could assign a better apology for not sending you a state of the great question, than you can for not sending the transcript. But circumstanced, as we are in the bosom of urgent business, we must do these works at leisure.
Notwithstanding the recommendation of the assembly to the electors to choose only radical whigs, I am told, that Mr. Wormeley will be a candidate at the next general election.


Title: Notes on Debates, 11 February 1783
From: Madison, James
To:

Teusday. Feby. 11.
The Rept. made by the Come. of the whole havg. decided that the mode to be grounded on the return of facts called for from the States, ought now to be ascertained.
Mr. Rutlidge proposed 2d by Mr. Gilman, that the States sd. be required to name Comrs. each of them one, who or any nine of them sd. be appd. & empowerd. by Congs. to settle the valuation. Mr. Ghorum was agst. it as parting with a power which might be turned by the States agst. Congs. Mr. Wolcot agst. it; declares his opinion that the confederation ought to be amended by substituting numbers of inhabitants as the rule; admits the difference between freemen & blacks; and suggests a compromise by including in the numeration such blacks only as were within 16 & 60. years of age. Mr. Wilson was agst. relinquishing such a power to the States; proposes that the commissioners be appd. by Congs. and their proceedings subject to the ratification of Congs. Mr. Mercer was for submitting them to the revision of Congs. & this amendment was recd. Mr. Peters agst. the whole scheme of valuation, as holding out false lights & hopes to the public. Mr. Rutlidge thinks Comrs. appd. by the States may be trusted as well as Comrs. appd. by Congs. or as Congs themselves. Mr Wilson observes that if appd. by the States they will bring with them the spirit of agents for their respective States, if appd. by Congs. will consider themselves as servants of U. S. at large & be more impartial.
Mr. Ghorum 2ded. by Mr. Wilson, proposes to postpone in order to require the States to appt. Comrs. to give Congs. information for a basis for a valuation. on the question N.H. no, Mas: ay. R.I. ay. Cont. ay. N.Y. ay[.] N.J. ay. Pa. ay. Va. no, N.C. no, S.C. no. So it was decided in the negative
To make the resolution more clear, “after the words “or any nine of them.” the words “concurring therein” were added. Mr. Rutledge says that subjecting the acts of the Comrs. to the revision of Congs. had so varied his plan that he sd. be agst it—on the main question N.H. ay. Mas: ay[.] R.I. ay. Cont. ay. N.Y. no, N.J. no. Pa. ay. Va. ay. [Mr. Madison no], N.C. ay. S.C. ay. So it was agreed to & the resolution declaring that a mode sd. now be fixed struck out as executed. The whole report was then committed to a special Come. consisting of Mr. Rutlidge Mr. Gorham & Mr. Gilman to be formed into a proper act.


Title: Virginia Delegates to Benjamin Harrison, 11 February 1783
From: Virginia Delegates
To: Harrison, Benjamin

Sir,
Philadelphia Feby. 11th. 1783
We had the honor of receiving your Excellency’s favor, of the 31st. of Jany.; & sympathize very sincerely in the distress you must have felt for a Sister so worthy of being belovd & honord.
The miscarriage of our Letter of the 22d ult. was probably owing to the cause your Excellency supposes. We shall desire the Post-master general to make due enquiry into it, that if any mal-practice can be discovered it may be punishd. The demands of the Officers tho’ just, are distressing; & we wish their sentiments had been such, as your Excellency mentions. But we have no reason to apprehend, that they will forget they are Citizens as well as Soldiers; or be dissatisfyd with the best provision that can be made for them, during the distress of the war.
The enclosed hand-bill, which receives some corroboration from the report of a Captain just arrivd from St. Thomas’s, is all we know of the issue of the negociations for Peace.
Congress have passd Resolutions, relative to the Tobacco shipt by Mr. Clarke; & the settlement of the State-accounts; copies of which we shall transmit by the next post. The dispute with Mr. Nathan is not yet arbitrated.
We have the honor to be with the highest respect, your Excellency’s most obedient & most humbl Servants
J Madison Jr.John F. MercerJos: Jones.A. LeeTheok: Bland jr


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 11 February 1783
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir
Philada. Feby. 11th. 1783
Your favor of the 31 of Jany. was safely brought by Mr. Thomson. That of the 7. inst: came by yesterday’s mail. The anecdote related in the first was new to me; and if there were no other key, would sufficiently decypher the implacability of the party triumphed over. In answer to the second I can only say at this time that I feel deeply for your situation: that I approve of the choice you have made among its difficulties, and that every aid which can depend on me shall be exerted to relieve you from them. Before I can take any step with propriety however it will be expedient to feel the sentiments of Congress, and to advise with some of my friends. The first point may possibly be brought about by your letter to the Secy. of F. A. which I suppose came too late yesterday to be laid before Congress, but which will no doubt be handed in this morning.

The time of Congress since you left us has been almost exclusively spent on projects for a valuation of the land, as the fœderal articles require, and yet I do not find that we have got an inch forward towards the object. The mode of referring the task to the States which had at first the warmest & most numerous support seems to be in a manner abandoned; and nothing determinate is yet offered on the mode of effecting it without their intervention. The greatest misfortune perhaps attending the case is that a plan of some kind is made an indispensable preliminary to any other essay for the public relief. I much question whether a sufficient number of States will be found in favor of any plan that can be devised, as I am sure that in the present temper of Congs. a sufficient number cannot who will agree to tell their Constituents that the law of the Confederation cannot be executed, and to propose an amendment of it.
Congress yesterday received from Mr. Adams
several letters dated September not remarkable for any thing unless it be a
display of his vanity, his prejudice against the French Court & his venom against Doctr. Franklin. Other preparations for the post do not allow me to use more cypher at present.
I have a letter from Randolph dated Feby. 1. confirming the death of his aunt. You are acquainted no doubt with the course the estate is to take. He seems disposed in case he can make a tolerable compromise with his Father’s creditors to resign his appt. under the State & go into the Legislature. His zeal for some continental arrangemt. as essential for the public honor & saftety forms at least one of his motives, & I have added all the fuel to it in my power.
My neglect to write to you heretofore has proceeded from a hope that a letter wd. not find you at Baltimore; and no subject has occurred for one of sufft. importance to follow you. You shall henceforward hear from me as often as an occasion presents, until your departure forbids it. The Ladies & Gentlemen to whom I communicated your respects, return them with equal sincerity & the former as well as myself very affectionately include Miss Patsy in the object of them.
I am Dr. Sir Yr. Sincere friend
J. Madison Jr.


Title: From James Madison to Edmund Randolph, 11 February 1783
From: Madison, James
To: Randolph, Edmund

My dear friend
Philada. Feby. 11. 1783
I am particularly indebted to you for your favor of the 1st. inst. which you were obliged to forward through so many obstacles. Your idea of going into the legislative councils gives me peculiar satisfaction, & I anxiously wish the arrangements on which it depends may not miscarry. Indeed I think it is a duty to which you owe some sacrifices, greater than I sd. suppose the difference between the profits of your office, & those from which it excludes you, can amount to. of this difference you are the best judge; but in my position I undertake to say, your view of our affairs would furnish still more cogent motives than those you now feel. The valuation of the lands of the U.S. as directed by the articles of Union has employed & puzzled Congress for the past week; and after all the projects & discussions which have taken place, we seem only to have gone round in a circle to the point at which we set out. The only point on which Congress are generally agreed is that something ought to be attempted, but what that something ought to be, is a theorem not solved alike by scarcely any two members: and yet a solution of it seems to be made an indispensible preliminary to other essays for the public relief. The Deputation from the army is waiting the upshot of all these delays and dilemmas.
When I mentioned to you the subject of your conversation with Dr. McC[l]urg, I ought to have added that one reason which influenced the resignation of Mr. Livingston was an expence experienced of 3 thousand dollrs. beyond the salary. I wish this circumstance not to be withheld as it must be material in the case, and it would be a real affliction to me to be accessary to a disappointment. For the same reason it is incumbent on me to observe that I hold it to be very uncertain whether the place in question will be within the option of our friend, as I hold indeed the continuance of the place itself to be a little precarious.
Mr. J. is detained at Baltimore by the danger which besets the capes. This situation he writes me is far from being a pleasant one and yet I fear the avidity and vigilance of the Enemy will prevent his being quickly relieved from it. Mr. Mercer filled up the remaining blank in the Delegation on Wednesday last.

This City is full of reports concerning peace, but they all come by the way of the W.I. and are the more uncertain as they come too thro’ mercantile channels. The fall of goods which is taking place augurs well however.


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 12 February 1783
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

My dear Sir
Philada. Feby. 12th. 1783.
I acknowledged yesterday by the post your two favors of the 30th. ult: & 7th. inst: I add this by Col: Jameson just to inform you that your letter to the Secy. of F. A. has been referred to a Committee consisting of Mr. Jones, Mr. Rutlidge & Mr. Wilson, who are to confer with Mr. Morris as Agent of Marine, and report to Congs. whether any and what remedy can be applied to your embarrassments. I made the first acquainted with the ideas suggested in your last letter, and he will take care to lead the attention of his Colleagues and of Mr. M. to them as far as may be requisite & proper. Mr. Livingston was not here when your letter to him came to hand: but he is now returned. I will take occasion to speak with him before the next post, and will give you the result as well as of the commitment of your letter, if any thing shall have come of it. In the mean time accept of my unfeigned regards.
J. Madison Jr


Title: Notes on Debates, 13 February 1783
From: Madison, James
To:

Thursday Feby. 13th.
The Committee report to Congs. the alterations yesterday agreed on with respect to the 5 PerCt. Impost.
The deputy Secy. at War reported to Congress the result of the enquiry directed by them on the  day of  into the siesure of goods destined for the British Prisoners of war under passport from Genl Washington. From this report it appeared that some of the Siezors had pursued their claim under the law of the State & that in consequence the goods had been condemned & ordered for sale. The papers were referred to a Come consisting of Mr. Rutledge, Mr. Ghorum & Mr. Lee, who after havg. retired for a few moments reported, that the Secy at War should be authorised & directed to cause the goods to be taken from the places where they had been deposited, to employ such force as wd. be sufficient, and that the Duke de Lauzun whose Legion was in the neighborhood, should be requested to give the Secy. such aid as he might apply for.
This report was generally regarded by Congs. as intemperate, and the proposed recourse to the French Legion as flagrantly imprudent. Mr. Hamilton said that if the object had been to embroil this Country wth. their allies the expedient would have been well conceived.

   This was an oblique allusion to Mr. Lee whose enmity to the French was suspected by him &c.

 He added that the exertion of force would not under these circumstances meet the sense of the people at large. Mr. Ghorum sd. he denied this with respect to the people of Massachusetts.
Mr. Lee on the part of the Come. said that the D. de Lauzun had been recurred to as being in the neighbourhood & having Cavalry under his Command which would best answer the occasion; and that the report was founded on wise & proper considerations.
Mr. Mercer, Mr. Williamson Mr. Ramsay & Mr. Wilson & Mr Madison strenuously opposed the Report, as improper altogether as far it related to the French Legion, and in other respects so until the State of Pa. sd. on a summons refuse to restore the articles seized.
Mr. Rutledge with equal warmth contends for the expediency of the measures reported.
Mr. Mercer & Mr. Madison at length proposed that Congress sd. assert the right on this subject & summon the State of Pena. to redress the wrong immediately. The Report was recommitted, with this proposition & Mr. Wilson & Mr. Mercer added to the Com[e.]
The Speech of the K. of G. B. on the 5th Dcr. 1782. arrived & produced great joy in general except among the Merchts. who had great quantities of merchandise in Store the price of which immediately & materially fell. The most judicious members of Congs. however suffered a great diminution of their joy from the impossibility of discharging the arrears & claims of the army & their apprehension of new difficulties from that quarter.


Title: Notes on Debates, 14 February 1783
From: Madison, James
To:

Friday Feby. 14.
Mr. Jones Mr. Rutlidge & Mr. Wilson to whom had been referr’d on Teusday last a letter from Mr. Jefferson stating the obstacles to his voyage, reported that they had conferred with the Agent of Marine who sd. there was a fit vessel already for sea in this port but was of opinion the arrival of the British King’s Speech would put a stop to the sailing of any vessels from the ports of America untill something definitive should take place; and that if Congress judged fit that Mr. Jefferson sd. proceed immediately to Europe it would be best to apply to the French Minister for one of the Frigates in the Chesapeake. The general opinion of Congs. seemed to be that under present circumstances he sd. suspend his voyage untill the further orders of Congs: and on motion of Mr. Ghorum seconded by Mr. Wolcot the Secy. of For. Affrs. was accordingly without opposition directed to make this known to Mr. Jefferson.
The Report of the Come. for obtaining a valuation of land was made & considered. See the Journal of this date.


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 14 February 1783 (first)
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Baltimore Feb. 14. 1783
Patsy putting the inclosed into my hands, obliges me to make a separate letter of it, that while I give it the protection of your address I may yet pay it’s postage. I suspect by the superscription (which I saw before Majr Franks amended it) and by what I know of Patsy’s hierogliphical writing that miss Polly must get an interpreter from Egypt. be so good as to remind the ladies & gentlemen of the house of my affection for them. I am particularly obliged to Mr. Carrol for an introduction to his relation near this, with whom I have been able to pass agreeably some of my heavy hours. I shall write to E. Randolph on the subject of his going into the legislature and use my interest to promote it. I hope you will be there too when you can no longer be in any more important place. I am with sincere esteem Dr. Sir Your friend & servt
Th: Jefferson