Title: To John Adams from United States House of Representatives, 5 April 1790
From: United States House of Representatives
To: Adams, John

					Mr. President:
					April 5, 1790

				The House of Representatives agree to all the amendments of the Senate to the bill, entitled “An act to promote the progress of useful arts,” except the tenth; to which they do not agree;The President of the United States did, on the 2d of April, approve of, and affixed his signature to, “An act to prevent the exportation of goods not duly inspected according to the laws of the several states.”


Title: To John Adams from United States House of Representatives, 7 April 1790
From: United States House of Representatives
To: Adams, John

					Mr. President:
					April 7, 1790

				The House of Representatives have passed a bill, entitled “An act further to suspend part of an act, entitled ‘An act to regulate the collection of the duties imposed by law on the tonnage of ships or vessels, and on goods, wares, and merchandises, imported into the United States;” in which they request the concurrence of the Senate.


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Rush, 13 April 1790
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

post 13 April 1790

He had been educated a lawyer, and stood high in his profession in his native state.  He was a most sensible and forcible speaker.  Every member of congress in 1776 acknowledged him, to be the first man in the house.  Dr. Brownson (of Georgia) used to say, when he spoke, he fancied an angel was let down from heaven to illumine the congress.  He saw the whole of a subject at a single glance, and by a happy union of the powers of reasoning and persuasion often succeeded in carrying measures which were at first sight of an unpopular nature:  His replies to reflections upon himself or upon the New England States, were replete with the most poignant humor or satire.  I sat next him while Genl. Sullivan was delivering a request to congress from Lord Howe for an interview with a committee of the house in their private capacities after the defeat of the American Army on Long Island on the 26 of August 1776.  Mr. Adams under a sudden impression of the design, and dread of the consequences of the measure; whispered to me a wish, “that the first ball that had been fired on the day of the defeat of our army, had gone through his head.”  When he rose to speak against the proposed interview, he called Genl. Sullivan, “a decoy duck”, whom Lord Howe has sent among us to seduce us into a renunciation of our Independence.”  In a debate in which Mr—criminated the New England troops, as the principal cause of the failure of the expedition into Canada in 1775, he said, “The cause of the failure of that expedition, was chiefly to be ascribed to the imprudence of the gentleman from Maryland who had fomented jealousies and quarrels between the troops from the New England; and Southern States in his visit to Canada, and (said Mr. Adams) if he were now penetrated as he ought to be with a sense of his wicked and improper conduct, he would fall down upon his knees upon this floor and ask our forgiveness.  He would afterwards retire with shame, and spend the remainder of his Life in Saccloth and ashes, deploring the mischief he had done his country.”  . He was equally fearless of men and of the consequences of a bold assertion of his opinions in all his speeches.  Upon a motion in congress Feb: 19th. 1777 to surrender up to Genl. Washington—the power of appointing his general officers, he said in opposition to it; “There are certain principles which follow us through Life, and none more certainly than the love of the first place.  We see it in the forms on which children sit at schools. It prevails equally to the latest period of life.  I am sorry to find it prevail so little in this house.  I have been distressed to see some of our members disposed to idolize an image which their own hands have molten. I speak of the superstitious veneration which is paid to Genl. Washington.  I honor him for his good qualities, but in this house I feel myself his superior.  In private life I shall always acknowledge him to be mine.” He wrote much, as well as spoke often and copiously in favour of the liberties of his country.  All his publications, and particularly his letter to Mr. Withe, containing a plan of a constitution for Virginia, discover a strong predilection for Republican forms of Government.  To be safe, powerful and durable he always urged that they should be composed of three legislative branches, but that each of them, directly or indirectly should be the offspring of the suffrages of the people;—so great was his disapprobation of a government composed of a single legislature, that he said to me upon reading the first constitution of Pennsylvania—“The people of your state said he will sooner or later fall upon their knees to the King of Great Britain to take them again under his protection, in order to deliver them from the tyranny of their own Government.” I could mention many conversations with him, in which he appeared to be actuated by the highest tone of a Republican temper as well as principles.  When congress agreed to send commissioners to France to endeavour to make a treaty with her,—I asked him at his lodgings what he thought of Mr—as a commissioner. “I would not vote for him (said he) above any man.  He idolizes monarchy in his heart, & the first thing he would do when he arrived in France, would be to fall down upon his knees and worship the King of France.”  The independence of the United States was first brought before the public mind in 1775 by a letter from him, to one of his friends in Massachusetts, that was intercepted and published in Boston in which he expressed a wish for that measure.  It exposed him to the execrations of  all the prudent and moderate people in American, insomuch that he was treated with neglect by many of his old friends.  I saw this profound and enlightened patriot, who in the year 1798 was admired, and celebrated in prose & verse by the first citizens in Philadelphia when President of the United States, walk our streets alone after the publication of his intercepted letter in our newspapers in 1775 an object of nearly universal scorn and detestation.  Events soon justified the wish contained in his letter, after which he rose in the public estimation, so as to come in the subsequent years of the Revolution, in some measure the oracle of the Whigs.  He was a stranger to dissimulation, and appeared to be more jealous of his reputation for integrity, than for talents or knowledge.  He was strictly moral, and at all times respectful to Religion.  In speaking of the probable issue of the war, he said to me in Baltimore—in the winter of 1777, “we shall succeed in our struggle, provided we repent of our sins and forsake them”—and then added “I will see it out or go to Heaven in its ruins.”  He possessed more learning probably both ancient and modern, than any man who subscribed the declaration of independence.  His reading was various.  Even the old English poets were familiar to him.  He once told me he had read all Bolingbroke’s works with great attention.  He admired nothing in them but the style, and to acquire it, he said he had, when a young man, transcribed his, “idea of a patriot king.” When he went to Holland to negociate a treaty with that country he left a blank in congress.  I can say but little of his public conduct while he was in Europe, but that he was able faithful and successful in all the business that was committed to him.
I can not conclude this account of Mr. Adams without expressing my obligations to him for the friendship with which he honored me during the whole of his public life, from 1774 to 1800.  I possess a large collection of his letters written to me in Europe and America which I prize—as records of his genius & patriotism—There was no diminution of our intimacy after he became President of the United States, nor did his high stations preclude controversy between us upon subjects upon which we differed, especially while he was President.  Many delightful evenings have I passed at his house in listening to the details of his public situations at home and abroad, & to anecdotes of public men.  The pleasure of these evenings was much enhanced by the society of Mrs Adams, who in point of talents, knowledge, virtue and female accomplishments was in every respect fitted to be the friend & companion of her husband, in all his different an successive stations, of private citizen—member of congress, foreign minister, vice President and President of the United States.


Title: To John Adams from John Hurd, 17 April 1790
From: Hurd, John
To: Adams, John

Sir
Boston Aprl. 17th. 1790

I have the honor of your Excellency’s Favor of the 5th. Currt. & acknowledge myself extremely oblig’d by the kind and friendly manner in which you have receivd & reply’d to my Letter—I was apprehensive that it might not be so directly in the Line of your Office to nominate, or recommend any persons to Appointments under Congress—yet fully perswaded in my mind that a Word from you occasionally might have great avail, & being unknown to the Supreme Executive, I had not Resolution eno’ to make my Application to the President himself.
It is highly satisfactory to me, that if you have opportunity of mentioning my Name, your Report will be much in my favor—that the Number of candidates for Offices is very great—& many have much Merit I make no doubt from wch: Circumstance some Embarrassments may arise.
Doctr. Welsh was kind eno’ to shew me Yr. Excellencys Letter to him, from a hint therein respecting my Friends Governr. Langdon & Judge Livermore. I shall take the Liberty of writing soon to one or other of them on the subject
my old Friend Putnam indeed is no more! I had the pleasure to hear from him a few months before his Death and dare say, he much regretted as well as myself that he ever quitted the Country, where, had he tarry’d he might have appeared among the principal Actors on the stage—But he was too much influenc’d by that Veteran in Toryism Old Brigadr. Ruggles & the Chandler Family—that Party, most of ‘em I believe, especially the Residents in Nova Scotia must be sensible they made a bad Bargain in their politicks—
Nova Scotia has suffered much by the Restraints their Governmt. have laid on the Trade from New England yet very loth to own it—they smuggle considerable or the Borders of the State, and We feel the want of a market for great part of our fresh-provisions & live Stock—
Business in Boston the Winter past has been dull by a general Complaint, a smaller proportion of Navigation than usual, if we may judge by what has been one at the Insurance Offices—& unfortunately more frequent Losses taken place—few Vessells on the Stocks building either in To or out ports—the three federal Ships set up by subscription the year before last, stood long on hand before disposd off our Ship Building Business seems to want a Stimulus from some Quarter to give the Tradesmen of this Town their usual Hilarity—Two fresh Arrivals from London Capts. Scott & Bernard with several other Vessells within the week past seem to give a little spring to Business in Town just now—but Lotterys & speculations in the public Funds have been the cheif Objects of late—many of our speculators will be much disconcerted by the last News from Congress—that the Assumption of the State Debts has receivd a Negative—the price of our Massa: State Consolid. Notes fell immediately one Shilling in the pound, & tis supposd will fall lower—so have we often been battled when our Expectations were raisd to the highest
Your Excellency will please to excuse my lengthy Reply & be assurd that I am with the most cordial Respect and Esteem your very obedt. huml. Servt.

John Hurd


Title: From John Adams to Richard Price, 19 April 1790
From: Adams, John
To: Price, Richard

My dear Friend.
New York April 19 1790

Accept of my best Thanks for your favour of Feb. 1st. and the excellent Discourse that came with it.  I love the Zeal and the Spirit which dictated this Discourse, and admire the general Sentiments of it.  From the year 1760 to this hour, the whole Scope of my Life has been to support such Principles and propagate such sentiments.  No sacrifices of myself or my family.  No dangers, no labours, have been too much for me in this great cause.  The Revolution in France could not, therefore be indifferent to me.  But I have learned, by awfull Experience, to rejoice with trembling.  I know that Encyclopædists and Œconomists, Diderot and D’Alembert, Voltairè and Rousseau, have contributed to this great Event, more than Locke, Sidney or Hoadley, and perhaps more than the American Revolution.  And I own to you, I know not what to make of a Republick of Thirty Million Atheists.
The Constitution is but an Eperiment; and must and will be altered.  I know it to be impossible that France should be long governed by it.  If the Sovereignty is to reside in one Assembly: The King, the Princes of the blood, and principal Quality, will govern it, at their pleasure, as long as they can agree. When they differ they will go to War, and act over again, all the Tragedies of Valois, Bourbons, Lorrains Guises and Colignis, two hundred years ago.
The Greeks sang the praises of Harmodius and Aristogeton for restoring equal Laws.—Too many Frenchmen after the example of too many Americans, pant for Equality of Persons and Property.  The impracticability of this, God almighty has decreed, and the Advocates for Liberty who attempt it, will surely suffer for it.
I thank you, Sir, for your kind Compliment.—As it has been the great Aim of my life to be Usefull; if I had any reason to think I was so, as you seem to suppose, it would make me happy.  For “Eminence” I care nothing.—For, though I pretend not to be exempt from Ambition, or any other human passion, I have been convinced from my Infancy, and have been confirmed, every year and day of my life, that the Mechanic and Peasant, are happier than any Nobleman or Magistrate or King; and that the higher a man rises, if he has any sense of duty, the more anxious he must be.
Our new Government is a new Attempt to divide a Sovereignty.  A fresh Essay at Imperium in Imperio.  It cannot, therefore, be expected to be very stable, or very firm.  It will prevent Us, for a time, from drawing our swords Upon each other: and when it will do that no longer We must call a Convention to reform it.
The difficulty of bringing millions to agree in any measures, to act by any rule; can never be conceived by him, who has not tried it.  It is incredible, how small is the number in any Nation of those who comprehend any system of Constitution, or Administration; and those few it is wholly impossible to Unite.
I am a sincere Inquirer after Truth.—But I find very few, who discover the same Truths.  The King of Prussia has found one; which has also fallen in my Way “That it is the peculiar quality of the human Understanding, that Example should correct no man.  The Blunders of the Fathers are lost to their Children, and every Generation must commit its own.I have never Sacrificed my Judgment to Kings, Ministers, nor People; and I never will.  When either shall see as I do, I shall rejoice in their Protection Aid and honour: but I see no prospect that either will ever think as I do; and therefore I shall never be a favourite with either.  I do not desire to be.
But I sincerely wish, and devoutly pray, that a hundred years of civil Wars, may not be the Portion of all Europe, for the want of a little Attention to the true Elements of the Science of Government.
With Sentiments; moral Sentiments, which are, and must / be eternal, I am your friend
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Jefferson, 20 April 1790
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Adams, John

Sir
New York 20th. April 1790

Encroachments being made on the Eastern limits of the United States by Settlers under the British Government, pretending that it is the Western and not the Eastern River of the Bay of Passamaquoddy which was designated by the name of St. Croix in the Treaty of Peace with that nation, I have to beg the favour of you to communicate any facts which your memory or papers may enable you to recollect, and which may indicate the true River the Commissioners on both sides had in their view to establish as the boundary between the two Nations.  It will be of some consequence to be informed by what map they traced the boundary.
I have the honor to be with the greatest respect / Sir / Your most obt. and most hble. Servt.

Th: Jefferson


Title: From John Adams to John Quincy Adams, 21 April 1790
From: Adams, John
To: Adams, John Quincy

My dear Son
New York April 21st. 1790

I am not willing you should want Information from the Seat of Govt: but I can do little more than Send you a Newspaper.
This Day twelve months I first took the Seat in which I now Sett, and I have not been absent one Moment, when the Senate has been Sitting, excepting one Day when my own Salary was under Consideration. This Confinement will injure my health, if I cannot Soon take a Journey.
Mr Jefferson has arrived and the offices are all full—The President went yesterday to Long Island for a few days.
The assumption of the State Debt labours, but it is the opinion of many that it will be agreed to at length.
The Circuit Court will Sit in Boston Soon. The national Courts are proceeding, in all the States. In this City the Circuit Court tryed Some Persons for a species of Pyracy, and passed sentence, but not of death.
The Elections, of Senators and Reps. for next Year will Soon Show the Sentiments of the People.

J. A.


Title: To John Adams from United States House of Representatives, 21 April 1790
From: United States House of Representatives
To: Adams, John

					Mr. President:
					April 21, 1790

				The House of Representatives have passed a bill, entitled “An act for the relief of a certain description of officers therein mentioned,” in which they request the concurrence of the Senate.


Title: To John Adams from United States House of Representatives, 23 April 1790
From: United States House of Representatives
To: Adams, John

					Mr. President:
					April 23, 1790

				The House of Representatives agree to the amendments of the Senate, to the bill, entitled “An act for regulating the military establishment of the United States,” with an amendment to the 8th amendment of the 5th section, by inserting the words “twenty-four,” instead of “eighteen,” proposed by the Senate to be inserted.


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Jefferson, 24 April 1790
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Adams, John

New York. April 24. 1790

The Constitution having declared that the President ‘shall nominate & by & with the advice & consent of the Senate, shall appoint ambassadors other public ministers & consuls’ the President desires my opinion Whether the Senate has a right to negative the grade he may think it expedient to use in a foreign mission, as well as the person to be appointed?
I think the Senate has no right to negative the grade.
The Constitution has divided the powers of government into three branches, Legislative, Executive & Judiciary, lodging each with a distinct magistracy.  the Legislative it has given completely to the Senate & House of representatives: it has declared that ‘the Executive powers shall be vested in the President,’ submitting only special articles of it to a negative by the Senate; & it has vested the Judiciary power in the courts of justice, with certain exceptions also in favor of the Senate.
The transaction of business with foreign nations is Executive altogether.  it belongs then to the head of that department, except as to such portions of it as are specially submitted to the Senate.  Exceptions are to be construed strictly.  the Constitution itself indeed has taken care to circumscribe this one within very strict limits: for it gives the nomination of the foreign Agent to the President, the appointment to him & the Senate jointly, & the commissioning to the President.  this analysis calls our attention to the strict import of each term.  to nominate must be to propose: appointment seems that act of the will which constitutes or makes the Agent: & the Commission is the public evidence of it.  but there are still other acts previous to these, not specially enumerated in the Constitution; to wit 1. the destination of a mission to the particular country where the public service calls for it: and 2. the character, or grade to be employed in it.  the natural order of all these is 1. destination. 2. grade. 3. nomination. 4. appointment. 5. commission.  if appointment does not comprehend the neighboring acts of nomination, or commission, (& the constitution says it shall not, by giving them exclusively to the President) still less can it pretend to comprehend those previous & more remote of destination & grade.  the Constitution, analysing the three last, shews they do not comprehend the two first.  the 4th is the only one it submits to the Senate, shaping it into a right to say that ‘A. or B. is unfit to be appointed.’ now this cannot comprehend a right to say that ‘A. or B. is indeed fit to be appointed, but the grade fixed on is not the fit one to employ,’ or ‘our connections with the country of his destination are not such as to call for any mission.’ the Senate is not supposed by the Constitution to be acquainted with the concerns of the Executive department.  it was not intended that these should be communicated to them; nor can they therefore be qualified to judge of the necessity which calls for a mission to any particular place, or of the particular grade, more or less marked, which special and secret circumstances may call for.  all this is left to the President. they are only to see that no unfit person be employed.
It may be objected that the Senate may, by continual negatives on the person, do what amounts to a negative on the grade; & so indirectly defeat this right of the President. but this would be a breach of trust, an abuse of the power confided to the Senate, of which that body cannot be supposed capable. so the President has a power to convoke the legislature; & the Senate might defeat that power by refusing to come.  this equally amounts to a negative on the power of convoking. yet nobody will say they possess such a negative, or would be capable of usurping it by such oblique means. if the Constitution had meant to give the Senate a negative on the grade or destination, as well as the person, it would have said so in direct terms, & not left it to be effected by a sidewind. it could never mean to give them the use of one power thro the abuse of another.

Th: Jefferson


Title: To John Adams from William Smith, 24 April 1790
From: Smith, William
To: Adams, John

Sir.
Boston. 24th. April. 1790.

It is sometime since I had the pleasure of addressing you but as I know it will not be displeasing to know the sentiments of  your countrymen, on the determination of Congress not to assume the State Debts, I wou’d mention them.—the State Creditors think they are equally entitl’d to the benefits of the Genl. Government with the Continental Creditors. Their property or services were advanc’d for the benefit of their Country at the earliest period, perhaps had they not exerted themselves, the Country wou’d have been subdued. they presum’d, when they so readily gave their consent to the adoption of the New. Government & agreed to relinquish the funds from which they were paid their Interest, that the Genl. Govt. after receiving the resources wou’d have generously provided for their Interest equally with other Creditors. much has been said on the subject of discrimination but in this State, (in the opinion of the Treasurer), two thirds of the Debt is in the possession of the original Creditors or become the property of their Heirs. most of them were person in trade & it is now openly said why shou’d We, pay duties to a government, from which we are, not to receive any benefit. must we increase the Revenue for the benefit of those, who never riskt, their property till they cou’d purchase into the Funds at an eighth of their value—these sentiments are generally expressd. If Congress do not assume the State  Debts & fund the whole Debt there is great danger that the publick revenue will sink very considerably.—the Publick Papers may puff off the increasing trade of America. but you may rely on it in this State it is on the decline. Our Fishery is discourag’d & is lessen’d One hundred sail this Spring. much was expected from the Carrying Trade. a number of fine Ships were built the last year, for that business, & had they met with success Numbers wou’d have been added this season. but wherever we go, we find the Harbours crouded with British shipping which have the preference.— whilst our own ships sail the Coast from Boston to Georgia beging a Freight. The British have lately prohibited the importation of any goods even in British Ships which are not the produce of Americas Why cannot Congress say, that no Goods, Ware or Merchandize shall be imported in British Ships but what are the Growth or Manufacture of Great Britain surely we have a right to retaliate when it is so much for our Interest. the intention of the British Act is to discourage our East India Trade, as large quantitys of Cotton have been imported from India & reship’d to Great Britain in British Ships—The scarcity of specie is very great. all the circulating Cash we can procure goes for Duties & is immediately sent of for New.York. & from the slow movements of Congress it is uncertain whether it is to be paid back in some Years. the Drafts on our Bank to exchange Notes for Specie to send to New. York. has been so great lately that the Bank has stopt discounting.—! cou’d not a National Bank be establish’d & their Bills have a Currency thro’ the States!—this wou’d facilitate the collection of the Revenue & essentially serve the trade of the Whole Continent.—We are in hopes that Congress, will reconsider the subject of assumption & fund the whole.—by this measure they will unite State & Continental Creditors in the support of one firm energetick Government, & make it their Interest to unite in the regular collection of the Revenue—& put an end to all partial State Excise Laws—if this is not done, there will be a very powerful body of State Creditors constantly opposing the proceedings of the Federal Government & preventing the collection of the Impost.—.—Mrs. S. joins me in our best regards to Mrs. Adams & yourself.
Yr Most. Hbe Sevt
Wm Smith.


Title: From John Adams to John Trumbull, 25 April 1790
From: Adams, John
To: Trumbull, John

Dear Sir
New York April 25. 1790

Your favour of March 30. and Ap. 17. came to hand last night.  By the “attack in Metre” you mean I suppose, that written by Ned. Church, a Cockfighting Cousin and Companion of Charles Jarvis a devoted Instrument of Mr H.—Jarvis’s Mother was a Church.—This Fellow, this Ned Church, I know nothing of—I scarcely ever spoke to him in my Life.—His Traitorous Brother, I knew very well; and the Vendue Man his Father.
I despair of ever seeing the “ancient Dominion” wiser.  Their stupid and mulish systems have many a time brought America to the Brink of Ruin—And Rich. H. Lee, as little as you and I think of him as a statesman, is as great, as any one I ever knew from that State, excepting only Washington.  Yet I am on perfectly good personal Terms with all of them.—
Mr Maddison is a studious Scholar, but his Reputation as a Man of Abilities is a Creature of French Puffs.  Some of the worst Measures some of the most stupid Motions stand on Record to his Infamy—I mean that for Compelling American Ministers at the Peace to communicate every Thing to the French Ministers and do nothing without their Consent.—You hint at suspicions of Motives of Envy against the Secretary.  I would rather hope it is Defference to Constituents.  This is Defalcation enough from a Character but not so much as the other.  The Jealousies and Envies of Emulation are however, The Devil.—There are Jealousies and Envies arising from Rivalries for the Places of Presidents for the Places of Governors of States, for Seats in Senates, for offices of state and Judicature. And these Passions are increasing to such Extravagance as to endanger extreamly the Union of the States: and Yet nobody sees them—There is a low Hypocricy crept in among Us, a solemn dissimulation, which will not allow any Man to own that himself or any other American had the Feelings of Human Nature.—An Indifference about Rank is counterfeited and falsely pretended, while the Passion for it is eating up the Hearts of all Men, as the Spartans Fox tore out his Bowells, because he would not own that the Fox was there.
As to the affair of the Peace, in Decr. 1777 Congress sent me to Europe, a joint Minister Plenipotentiary, with Franklin and Lee, to the King of France. I resided there a year, when Congress annulled the Commission, and left Franklin alone at that Court.—After a series of Adventures, which would compare with Don Quixot, Gulliver or Crusoe, I obtained the Priviledge of again Crossing the ocean, running the Gauntlet among British Men of War and came home, in August 1779.—Congress soon determined to send me again to Europe. In Nov. 1779 I embarked with two of their Commissions in my Pocket—One as sole Minister Plenipotentiary to negotiate a Peace—The other as sole Minister Plenipotentiary to negotiate a Treaty of Commerce with Great Britain.  I resided two years in Europe in these Capacities.  But Franklins Envy and Jealousy could not bear this.  Vergennes wanted more Complaisant Ministers.  Marbois could obtain no better Terms with Congress than by Uniting the Jealousies of south and middle against North, and by Uniting the Friends of four others, Franklin Lawrence, Jefferson and Jay, to obtain a new Commission for Peace, and annul my Commission to make a Treaty of Commerce; a most wicked Project of Vergennes, and basely complied with by Congress, which has hurt this Country more than Mr Maddison ever in his life did it good.  Congress sent me a Letter of Credence as Minister Plenipotentiary to Holland, and a Power to negotiate a Loan of Money.  As I could not get this Business compleated, till Mr Grenville and after him Mr Oswald were at Paris, I could not go there at first.—But Copies both of Mr Grenvilles and Mr Oswalds Commissions were sent me to the Hague, and I expressed to my Colleagues by Letter My opinion of them and my Determination not to treat, untill another Commission was given, which should expressly authorise Mr Oswald to treat with the Ministers of the United States of America.  This opinion coincided with Mr Jays: but not with those of Franklin and Vergennes.—I arrived at Paris as soon as Mr Oswalds Commission, and before the Conferences were opened.
Franklin is gone.  Peace to his shade.  Personal Resentments and Hatreds are not to be found in my nature in public affairs.  I feel no ill will to his Memory—but I owe more to Truth than to his Fame; and I owe the Truth to my Country and Posterity.  The last Letter of Abuse to Congress in which he mentioned me he said I “was always an honest Man”—I wish my Conscience would allow me to say as much of him.—But from the first to the last of my Acquaintance with him, I can reconcile his Conduct in public affairs neither to the Character of an honest Man, nor to that of a Man of sense.—I have hinted at these Things to introduce an Observation which will account for much of the harsh Feelings which are expressed against me.—I have Acted a Part so decided against England, that all English Emissaries dislike me.  I have acted so determined a Part against Virgennes’s undoubted designs to deprive this Country of their Fisheries and Western Lands, if not to cheat Us with a Truce, that the French Emissaries are not zealously my friends.  And I have been obliged to watch Franklin with so vigilant an Eye and to oppose him with so much Firmness that all his numerous Friends have been tainted with Unkindness to me.  This is the true Secret of the Scurrilous Abuse that I have suffered.—But this ought to be a Motive with all true Americans to support me and discountenance such Abuses.—If this is not done, I will perish if this Country ever finds another Man, who will act a Part as independent and disinterested.  If acknowledged Fidelity to his Country at every Risque and Expence, against her own Ennemies, her selfish Allies, her treacherous Friends and unfaithful servants, is not to support a Man in the Minds of his Countrymen, you will soon find complaisant Men alone in public.—
For myself I can truly say I have never deceived the people, nor any Individual.—In 1774 I was sincere in my hopes that Petitions and Non Importation Agreements would procure a Redress of Grievances, which was all I desired.  War, I dreaded and Independence I did not wish.  It is true, I feared, & believed that We should not avoid War or Independence—and I did not conceal this opinion from any one, who asked it.
Rousseaus Examples of the Doge and the Pope, are very apposite and very conclusive.  They prove incontestibly the Efficacy of Pageantry.  They prove with equal force, that this Efficacy may be applied to Evil purposes.  But what is there that may not?  Religion and Government have both been as Ill Used as Pageantry.—Signs do not necessarily imply abuse.  They have been applied to good Uses as well as bad.—If Government cannot be had, nor Laws obeyed without some Parade, as I fully believe, We must have some Parade or no Laws.Is there a Clergyman in Connecticut who does not wear a band?  Have they left off the distinction of a red Gate and board Fence before their Houses?  Could the People of New England go through the Revolution without Liberty Trees and Liberty Poles?—Was there not as much Pomp in escorting Delegates to Congress in 1774 and 1775, as in the King of Frances Tour to Cherbourg?—What was all the Parade of the Presidents late Tour through New England?  We practice these Things as much as other Countries.  Our Feelings prompt them as forcibly.  And We can do as little without them.  Was not Mr Hancock escorted from York Town to Boston in 1777 by twelve light horse—a King of England, or a Roman Consul had no more.—We practice a strange Hypocricy upon ourselves.—We ought not to shock the People: but We need not deceive them and ourselves too.  Let Us be moderate and reasonable, but not false.
There is a Decency in every Thing, and the common sense of Mankind requires an attention to it.—There is not in Europe, so much attention to it, in their common Country Churches, as there is in our New England Parishes to their Meeting Houses.  Is there a Being so low, as not to be offended at the Thought of worshiping God in a Barn or a mean House?  Why is Plate, and handsome Vessells, at the Communion Table so much thought of?  A common black Bottle, and a Wooden Dish would do as well in Essence.  Yet every Mortal sees and feels the horrid Impropriety of such a Thought.  Whenever Mankind mean to respect any Thing they always treat it decently.  Why do they build Monuments and erect Grave stones?  Why do they plain and paint a Coffin?  Why do they cover it with a Pall?  Why do they march in Procession at a Funeral? Why do they give Gloves?
After such grave Examples it may seem ludicrous to descend to lesser Things—But I mean nothing ludicrous or light.—Why do the Children call Father and Mother instead of John and Tom?  Why do they call one another Johnny, Jemmy and Suzy—instead of John James and Sue?  In short in the meanest family on Earth you will find these little distinctions, Marks, signs, and Decencies, which are the Result of Nature, Feeling Reason; which are Policy and Government in their Places, as much as Crowns and Tiaras, Ceremonies, Titles &c in theirs.—
Whenever the People of America shall intend Sincerely to have any Government, they will treat it decently.  But as yet one half of them have no such Intention.  They have sense enough to know that Signs and Ceremonies of a decent kind would soon establish a Government. But as they abhor the End they oppose the means.
I thank you kindly for your Anecdote about throwing away Votes.  Both H. and W. were for me; and I really Suspect that they had some real Fears, that I might have the greatest Number of Votes.—Yet in all suppositions it was a corrupt Intrigue and an insidious Maneuvre.
Our Secretary has however I think good Abilities and certainly great Industry.  He has high minded Ambition and great Penetration.—He may have too much disposition to intrigue.—If this is not indulged I know not where a better Minister for his Department could be found.  But nothing is more dangerous, nothing will be more certainly destructive in our situation than the Spirit of Intrigue.—With our delightful Symphony of Elections, of Presidents, Governors Senators &c &c &c when Intrigue comes in, and is not resisted, We shall have discords of the harshest kind.  I fancy I could make a curious Rattling in the World by moving an Inquiry into the Maneuvre in my Election.  But if it is not repeated it had better be forgotten.  If it should be repeated, it must be inquired into.  The Doctrine of throwing away votes is itself a Corruption.  A bare Motion in the House or Senate to institute an Inquiry would produce a trepidation in many hearts.  Throwing away a vote is betraying a Trust, it is a Breach of Honour, it is a Perjury it is equivalent to all this in my Mind.  Electors are not Despots.  They have no discretionary or dispensing Power.—Let Intriguers and Dupes both consider this before another Election.—They may depend upon it, they will find in me a Man who has Patience but will not be a Sport nor a Dupe.—If a Repetition takes Place I will drag out to public Infamy both Dupers and Dupees, let who will be among the Number. With / much Esteem I am dear sir your obliged / Friend
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Oliver Whipple, 26 April 1790
From: Whipple, Oliver
To: Adams, John

Most respected Sir.
Portsmouth Newhampe. April 26th. 1790

The Length of Time, Since I had the Honour of a personal Interview and the Vicisitudes of our public affairs, perhaps have almost obliterated my Name from your Rememberance; but you will pardon my epistolary Introduction, when I tell you I am ambitious of your Notice, and claim a Kind of Right to your favorable Attention. I reflect with emense Pleasure, that my first Efforts to tread the Paths of Science and Study, were in your hond. father’s House, where I ha during the Space of four Months, your friendly Attention and kind Advice; and I hope I shall not be deem’d guilty of Flattery, when I say, that from that early Period, I discover’d myself & more from the Presages of others, that your Learning, Abilities, Virtues and Industry in the Round of Science, would one Day raise you to some high Degree of Eminence, (as we see at this Day) to which I sincrely congratulate you, and in which our Country exults with the most Heartfelt Satisfaction.  Since my Entering on Buisness, Portsmouth has been the Place of my Residence, where I once had the Honour of Seeing you at my House, I have lived here eighteen Years, & always demeaned myself as a good Citizen of America and by my Industry and good Fortune, have acquired a handsome & independant Estate, but the Buisness of our Profession now grows tiresome and I wish to leave that Drudgery, to the Junior Practiscioners, for some more agreeable Imployment.—As the Congress are now maturing & perfecting a Plan of Finance & national Revenues, the Excise will soon be an Object of their Attention, and when sitted of Course, appointments will take Place,  thro’ the several States, should this be the Case, I most earnestley entreat your Friendship, that my Name may be handed to the President, as a Candidate for the Collection of Excise in this State; To ask Favors of this kind is perhaps novel, but my Situation in this State is very singular, I have not, nor has Mrs Whipple a Relative in the State, our Relations are at Boston Providence & Newport, and I thank God they are those kind of People, who are feoderals, and are now, Tto my Knowledge, Strugling against the basest faction that ever disgraced Society, to establish good order and Government. Our Delegates are Natives of this state, they have each their peculiar Friends & Connections, to whom they will be attentive; Mr. Langdon my Friend & Neighbour, I believe will not be wanting to push my Interest to the President; Mr Livermore is a good Man, but  undoubtedly give Prefference to his own Circle of Friends, as to the other Delegates of our State my small Acquaintance with them will not permit me To ask favors;  I wish if it may not be too troublesome; that you will converse with Mr. Langdon on the subject of Mr. Dallow, Mr King, Mr. Thatcher, Mr. Goodhue, Mr. Patridge, and Mr. Leonard as well as other honorable Members, are personally known to me, who if my Name is mentioned, will not be unfriendly; You  may depend Sr I shall not dishonour your Recommendation; I have the Honour to be a Majestrate in this State, hold a Colonel’s Commission in the Alarm Core, in this District, and lately was nominated by the Counsul of this State for one of the Judges of the Superiour Bench tho’ Mr Alcott, who stood before me in Nomination was appointed, I do not mention these Matters with any other View, but to show you I am not unnotic’d in my own State; being a Native of America, acquainted with its Laws Constitutions, Commerce & Interest I feel a most ardent Desire to serve her at Home or abroad, new Scenes are opening and new political Connections are dayly forming, in some Capacity one thinks I could do myself Honour, nor Stain the Character of my Country; some Persons of distinguished Character in our Country will soon be appointed as Commissioners &c to foreign Courts, in Capacity of Secretary to such a Charge, I would gladly serve; but whatever may be my Fortune I must implore your Pardon for the Freedom I have taken, with a Person of your high Rank: I shall never cease to venerate your Character & for every Intimation in my Favor pour forth the fullness of my Heart animated with every possible Sentiment of Respect, and Gratitude
I am Sr. with / the greatest Esteem, your / most obedt & very humble / Servt:

Oliver Whipple


Title: To John Adams from Pseudonym: "Amicus", 29 April 1790
From: Pseudonym: “Amicus”
To: Adams, John

To his Excellency John Adams Esq:
Dr Sir,
Massachusetts April 29th. 1790.

I have ever considered the Assumption of the State Debts by Congress, as a measure necessarily flowing from the Adoption of the Constitution of the United States: That on it, the stability, the Respect, if not the Existence of the Government, would essentially depend.—Little did I suppose, that the Gentlemen composing the house of Representatives of Congress, would determine this Subject, upon the narrow, selfish Principles, as it respects State, and State; and put out of Sight its great Importance as it relates to the United States.  When I considered the many Sources of Disunion, the Difference of Climate, Habits and Manners, between the States composing the Union, I looked upon the Debts of the several States as a happy Circumstance, wch Congress would gladly seize upon as a cementing Principle, to give Energy, & Stability to a Government, otherwise weak from a Thousand Causes: Little did I think, that some characters, which I have heretofore respected, and revered, would have exposed their little souls, before the great Theatre of the World, on a Subject, that must lead mankind to suppose them under a criminal Defection, to the very Government, they exercise.—The more I reflect upon the Plan of the Secretary of the Treasury, the more I am satisfied with it: and instead of his being thrown out of Office, like the Ministers of England, when their Plans are not supported by a Majority in Parliament the People of the Unite States will feel themselves interested in it, and will support the Man, for the sake of his Measures.—The Public Creditors of the United States, are too respectable a Class of Citizens in all the States, not to have a very strong and powerful Influence, especially when there is a Disposition in the people at large, seeing that the honourable Discharge of their Debts, is perfectly within their Power, to second their Views.  For the great Body of the People of every Country, when not corrupted, possess the Principles of Honour, & Honesty, in the highest Degree, and there is nothing but absolute Inability will induce them to depart from these Principles.  It is for this reason, that the faith of public Engagements has been always, more sacredly preserved in free, than arbitrary Governments.
But perhaps the Gentlemen of the house of Representatives, may cunningly cover their Opposition to the Assumption of the State Debts, under the Idea, of the Contract’s not being originally made by Congress, but this Subterfuge is too shallow: The Debt was contracted in a Common Cause, for common Purposes; Congress possess the whole, & only means, whereby it can be discharged, and therefore a partial Discharge will never give satisfaction.  And what will Become of the Government of the United States, without the Confidence of the People, a non-Entity very Shortly.  For will the People rest satisfied with one Class of the public Creditors being paid, while another Class, equally meritorious, shall have no Provision made for their Demands? If there is a distinction of Debts, there will of course be of Creditors: If the State Creditors are referred to the State Governments, for the discharge of their Debts, the Powers of Congress must be retrenched at least so far, as to put it in the Power of the several States to fullfill their Engagements; Nor will the State Creditors rest satisfied with any thing short of it.From this Source then, will there imeadiately rise up an opposition to the Government, the State creditors who might have been made instrumental to its Support already begin to clamour agst. it, and will very shortly be in open opposition to it.  Whatever appearance, these Observations may put on, it may be depended on, I am in no wise, interested in any public Securities whatever:  I canlook judge therefore, of the probable Effect of Congress’s not assuming the State Debts, with some Degree of Impartiality. And it is with much concern, I foresee, that the Wellwishers to the Government of the United States have every thing to apprehend, if the late measures of Congress are persisted in.
It appears to me there is now an excellent Opportunity for the President to express his sentiments upon the Secretary’s Report.  The Members of Congress having taken sides upon this Business, will hardly relinquish their Opinions to one another, unless by the judicious Interference of the Supreme Magistrate; whose conciliating advice and Influence might prove salutary upon this occasion.  It may be said that the Presidt may be charged with Impropriety in interferingupon this occasion; perhaps so; but it will be only by Those Members of Congress, who at present are blinded by their Passions & Prejudices, and who find their Vanity gratified in the supposed Success of their narrow, Selfish Designs.  I am the more anxious for the President’s Opinion at this time, as a new choice of Representatives is just at hand; the Presidents His opinion therefore would be some thing like an appeal to the good Sense of the People, or it will be either rejected, one  whereby to regulate their next choice of Representatives Persons to represent them.  In England, if a Dispute takes place between the Parliament, & the King’s ministers, the King either gives up his Ministers, or dissolves the Parliament, if the latter, it operates as an appeal to the People, whether they will vindicate the Measures of his Ministry by choosing fit Persons to enforce them  or not:. By such an appeal the elastic Principle of the Government will be is tried, and the reaction of the President’s Opinion the Principle, in case there is a coincidence of Opinion, between the People & the Persons administering the Government will give confidence permenency & stability to it.  Every Government ought to reflect the general Opinion, for when the Measures of it, counteract it, the great end of Government, is perverted, and the public are constrained to accept the narrow, Selfish Views of a few Individuals, instead of their own enlightened, & extended sentiments.  The frequent Election of Representatives is hereby rendered necessary to pull down those, who through mistake or Design, act contrary to the general Opinion, and to elevate such, who are better qualified to discern, & to enforce it.
The great public have had before it, the funding system of the Secretary to the Treasury.  The Public creditors did not at first seem satisfied with the Reduction of Interest, from six to four per Cent: but it is left optional, whether to subscribe to the Propositions of the Secretary, or not.  The public felt, that from unavoidable Circumstances, the credit of the Securities had sunk to a very low price:—to raise them at once above par, wch would have been the Effect of funding the Debt at six per Cent Interest would have been an injustice to those, who have parted with their Securities; to have reduced them to their Value, as sold in the public market, or to have made a Discrimination between the Original Holders, & present Possessors, would be an injustice to the Present Possessors by not indemnifying them for the Risk they had run, &  would be prostrating public Credit.  For if the Securities are not to be wholly owned by the present Possessors, will the public Market give credit to the Notes of Congress in future?  It is plain it would not.  For the Notes being made transferable, the public Market will give the Principal, as long as, or whenever the annual Interest is punctually discharged.  What then would become of this Principle, if a Discrimination between original Holders & present Possessors was to take place?  It wd. be forever lost, and utterly out of the Power of Congress, to retrieve it.  But the advantages of the Secretary’s Propositions, do not stop here, the Reduction of Interest promises us the Benefit of the Circulation of our own Debt.  For if there was a great Temptation to Foreigners to become the Purchasers of it, wch. wd. have been the Case if it had been funded at six per Cent, the People of the States would in a few years have possessed but few of their own Securities, and the Monies raised by the Duties for the payment of the annual Interest, would be transported out of this Country, to its great Loss and Injury.
A Perfect System of Finance taken in the present State of the Debts of the United States, is not to be expected.  A compromise of Opinion upon this subject, something like the one produced by the Secretary, will probably give general satisfaction.  The Faith and credit of the United States may be preserved, whilst there is some Regard paid to the public Opinion, in consequence of the very great Depreciation of the Securities, in medio tutissimis ibis.
Every thing it appears to me stands suspended upon this important Question.  If Congress assumes the State Debts, Peace, Tranquility and a firm Government, will be the Result.  if not, a weak, and an inefficient one, or perhaps no Government at all, may be the Consequence.  The Choice lies before Congress;—Honour, or Disgrace; I hope they’ll accept the first, that we may not be again exposed to the Inconveniences of a State of Anarchy and Confusion but if they prefer the last, may the Stigma of Defected  rest upon those men, who seem disposed to sacrifice the Government, to their narrow, selfish & contracted Views.
With Sentiments of the highest Esteem, I have the honour to be, Sir, / Your most obedt. & very hble servant.
Amicus


Title: To John Adams from United States House of Representatives, 30 April 1790
From: United States House of Representatives
To: Adams, John

					Mr. President:
					April 30, 1790

				The House of Representatives have passed a bill, entitled “An act supplemental to the act for establishing the salaries of the executive officers of government, with their assistants and clerks;”A bill, entitled “An act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts, books, and other writings, to the authors and proprietors of such copies, during the times therein mentioned;”A bill, entitled “An act providing the means of intercourse between the United States and foreign nations;” and,A bill, entitled “An act to provide for mitigating or remitting the forfeitures and penalties accruing under the revenue laws, in certain cases therein mentioned;” to which they request the concurrence of the Senate;The House of Representatives have also concurred in the bill, entitled “An act to continue in force an act passed at the last session of Congress, entitled ‘An act to regulate processes in the courts of the Unites States;” and in the bill, entitled “An act for the government of the territory of the United States south of the river Ohio,” with amendments; to which amendments they request the concurrence of the Senate;I am further directed to inform the Senate, that the House of Representatives have appointed Messrs. Sherman, Smith, of South Carolina, and Vining, a committee, to confer with any committee to be appointed by the Senate, to consider and report whether any, and what, further regulations are necessary for conducting the business between the two Houses; to which they request the concurrence of the Senate.


Title: To John Adams from George Washington, 30 April 1790
From: Washington, George
To: Adams, John

					Mr. President:
					April 30, 1790

				The President of the United States has this day approved of, and affixed his signature to, the act, entitled “An act for the punishment of certain crimes against the United States.”


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Welsh, April 1790
From: Adams, John
To: Welsh, Thomas

April 1790

Your favour of march the 21st. with a letter from Col: Hurd came duly to hand.  It is a long time that I have had an agreable acquaintance with that gentleman, and the best opinion of his virtues and talents.  He cannot have better advocates than his friends Govr: Langdon and Judge Livermore, for any appointment in New Hampshire or Vermont, if that state should be admitted into the union.
How is business in Boston? Is trade brisker or duller than it was a year ago? Are the Shipwrights and the other tradesmen connected with navigation, employed or idle?

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Tench Coxe, April 1790
From: Coxe, Tench
To: Adams, John

Sir
ca. April 1790

I do myself the honor to enclose you a letter received from Mr Fitzsimons by the days mail.  The house to which he alludes is situated about a mile from the State house on or near the continuation of Second & Front Streets.  It is about a quarter of a mile from the Delaware, South of the city and due West of the old battery, which was falling to decay when you were last in Philadelphia.  The lot lies upon an eminence and the soil is dry, but it has been deemed the least healthy part of the environs of Philadelphia.  The house is very roomy and there are good outhouses.  The Situation is, I think, a cool one.  It will give me very great pleasure, Sir, to take your commands on this or any other occasion—
I have the honor to be, / most respectfully / Sir—/ your most obedient / & most humble Servant

Tench Coxe


Title: To John Adams from United States House of Representatives, 3 May 1790
From: United States House of Representatives
To: Adams, John

					Mr. President:
					May 3, 1790

				The House of Representatives have passed a bill, entitled “An act to allow compensation to John Ely, for his attendance as a physician and surgeon on the prisoners of the United States;” and a bill, entitled “An act to prescribe the mode in which the public acts, records, and judicial proceedings, in each state, shall be authenticated, so as to take effect in every other state;” in which they request the concurrence of the Senate;

The House of Representatives have also appointed Messrs. Benson, Clymer, Huntington, Moore, and Carroll, a committee, to join with a committee to be appointed by the Senate, to consider and report their opinion on the question, “When, according to the constitution, the terms for which the President, Vice President, Senators, and Representatives, have been respectively chosen, shall be deemed to have commenced?” and, also, to consider of, and report, their opinion on such other matters as they shall conceive have relation to this question; and request the concurrence of the Senate in the appointment of a committee on their part;

I am directed to acquaint the Senate, that the President of the United States did, on the 30th of April, approve of, and affix his signature to, the act, entitled “An act for regulating the military establishment of the United States.”


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Rush, 4 May 1790
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Philadelphia May. 4. 1790.

From the early Attachment of most of the gentlemen whose names I mentioned in my former letter, to Independance, I have little doubt of that Subject being talked off with great Affection in our return from Point no Point in the year 1775.—
In consequence of the Contents of your last letter, I shall make no material alterations in your political Character.  But I must hasten to the principal design, of this letter, which is to introduce to your Acquaintance Mr Tench Coxe who now hold an appointment in the treasury of the United States.—
To his talents—zeal—& industry, Pennsylvania and the United States owe many Obligations.  He has not left a more active—useful—or enlightened citizen behind him in our state.
With great respect I am Dr Sir / yours sincerely
Benjn Rush


Title: To John Adams from United States House of Representatives, 4 May 1790
From: United States House of Representatives
To: Adams, John

					Mr. President:
					May 4, 1790

				The House of Representatives have passed a bill, entitled “An act to authorize the issuing of certificates to a certain description of invalid officers,” in which they request the concurrence of the Senate.


Title: To John Adams from United States House of Representatives, 6 May 1790
From: United States House of Representatives
To: Adams, John

					Mr. President:
					May 6, 1790

				The House of Representatives recede from their amendments to the bill, entitled “An act for the government of the territory of the United States south of the river Ohio,” and agree to the amendments of the Senate to the bill, entitled “An act to provide for mitigating or remitting the forfeitures and penalties accruing under the revenue laws, in certain cases therein mentioned.”


Title: To John Adams from Eliphalet Fitch, 7 May 1790
From: Fitch, Eliphalet
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Kingston Jamaica May 7th: 1790—

The very polite attention I receive from you in Paris, and our further Acquaintance in London, might have induced you to think that I should have written to you, at a more early Opportunity; but your superior Knowledge of political Circumstances will, I hope, have suggested an Apology for this seeming neglect.
Altho’ I ever fulfilled that Allegiance, which the Protection of Government justly demands; yet I could not, without Censure, relieve my Countrymen in Distress here, nor write to any of them abroad.  By a very malignant Insinuation of General Campbell to the Ministry, in the year 1784, I had nearly lost the Office of Receiver General;—a measure which would have highly gratified my political Enemies, and severely mortified my private Friends.  The Term of my office will expire in Septemr, and I shall then set down as a private man, uninfluenced by any political motives.—I shall always wish to merit the Esteem of my Countrymen; and, in respect to Kindness and Affection, I hope, I have some Claim to their Regard.—
It is not probably that I shall very soon visit the States of America.—Having seen my aged Parent I shall hear of her Happiness with Pleasure; and will contribute to that desirable End, as much as may be in my Power.—The Concerns I hold in this Country require not only an Attention to my Constituents, who indulge me with a sole Power in their Affairs; but my own Property will be much improved by my personal Cure.  Being advanced to my Fiftieth year, my Experience has shewn me that the Pursuits of the World are of little Estimation; and has led me to consider, with Mr. Burke “What shadows We are! What shadows we pursue.” Yet for the Moment the Object, however illusive, is pleasïng; and I may probably spend the Evening of Life as agreably here as in any other Country.—Wherever I may reside I shall receive much Pleasure in hearing of your Welfare and that of your Family.—Be so kind as to accept the best Regards of Mrs. Fitch and myself to you and yours; and believe me with cordial Respect and Esteem, / Dear Sir, / Yr. Obliged & mo. Obedt. Servt.
Elipht. Fitch


Title: To John Adams from United States House of Representatives, 10 May 1790
From: United States House of Representatives
To: Adams, John

					Mr. President:
					May 10, 1790

				The House of Representatives have passed the bill sent from the Senate, entitled “An act for giving effect to the act therein mentioned, in respect to the state of North Carolina, and to amend the said act,” with amendments; in which they desire the concurrence of the Senate;I am directed to bring to the Senate several enrolled bills, which have been signed by the Speaker of the House of Representatives.


Title: To John Adams from United States House of Representatives, 12 May 1790
From: United States House of Representatives
To: Adams, John

					Mr. President:
					May 12, 1790

				 The House of Representatives have proceeded to reconsider such of their amendments to the bill sent from the Senate, entitled “An act for giving effect to the act therein mentioned, in respect to the state of North Carolina, and to amend the said act,” as were disagreed to by the Senate, and have

Resolved, That a conference be desired with the Senate, on the subject matter of the said amendments; and that Messrs. White, Steele, Foster, Livermore, and Williamson, be appointed managers at the same, on the part of the House of Representatives.


Title: From John Adams to Oliver Whipple, 18 May 1790
From: Adams, John
To: Whipple, Oliver

Dear Sir
New York May 18 1790—

With much pleasure I received your favour of March 26th. It brought fresh to my memory the many hours we spent together in the chamber where I first saw the light of the sun.  I believe there are few persons who run through a public career, especially one that interests the passions of the people; without finding persons to recollect prophecies that great things would one day be his lot—The political path in which I sat out in life must lead either to destruction or to great success.  As I know there were not wanting persons to predict that I should rise high, and among these were men of merit; so on the other, I believe there were many more who prophecied that I should ruin myself, family and Country, and reach nothing but infamy.  I am not sorry as you may well imagine that the prognostications of the latter sort are not fulfilled.
The representations of your independent and respectable circumstances gives me much pleasure.  The sense of Congress seems to be so much against many missions abroad, that I apprehend you could find no chance from that branch, in which so many have already been employed with reputation who are now out of office.  I really think you will find no office better than a lawyers office—Mine I know, while I held it, was the best office I ever enjoyed.  As the executive department by the constitution is wholly in the President I make no promisses to any one, and interfere as little as possible in appointments.  I should however have much pleasure in concurring with the friends you mention in recommending you as far as the public service may justify.

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to William Ellery, 19 May 1790
From: Adams, John
To: Ellery, William

Dear Sir
New York May 19 1790.

I have received your favor of the 13th. as I did that of march in due season—One wishes to be informed of all facts in which the public is interested—but the details of Rhode Island manoeuvres is distressing.  The Senate yesterday passed a bill, which cutts off all communication with Rhode Island, if she chooses such a solitary selfish and unsocial system.  The bill passed by a great majority and the Senators appear very decided in this business.  I would send you a copy of the bill, if I had one, but it is not necessary to send to town to get one, because the newspapers have already contained the substance of the bill, and the true bill as it passed will be with you in the gazettes before this letter.
If the inland part of your people are so abandoned as to refuse still to ratify the Constitution, there will be no part left for the Seaports, but to do what I think they ought to have done long ago, meet and adopt the Constitution for themselves and petition congress to be received and protected.  Your views and wishes I have communicated to several gentlemen in confidence, but not to the President.  He has been very ill and unable to attend to business.  It is a rule with me to meddle as little as possible in appointments; and I know not who are candidates for the office you speak of at New Port.  Whenever my opinion is asked, concerning any candidates within my acquaintance, I always give it according to my best judgment—I presume that the applications of your Antis, are made to other men, to such as they have consulted with already too long.—Your convention meet next monday—Our bill cannot pass the house soon enough to reach you till many days after.  I sincerely hope that your people will adopt the Constitution and send us an account of it before the bill passes the house.—I know not the character of the Governor friend Mr Thompson: but possession you know is eleven points and if there is not any pointed objection against him, it would not I presume be difficult to gratify the Governor.

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Lincoln, 19 May 1790
From: Adams, John
To: Lincoln, Benjamin

Dear Sir
New York May 19 1790

I have duly received but not duly answered your favor of April 3d.... It is a misfortune that a man can never be spoken to by a projector without being misunderstood or misrepresented I told Mr. Forbisher that if he expected any thing from the general government, he must apply to it by petition. But I never told him, that I had the least suspicion that the general government would ever do anything for him.—How should they?  He is in possession of no secret; if he was an inventor or discoverer he has long since made his art public; he therefore cannot obtain a patent.—One is harrassed through life with an hundred of these dreamers who will never take no! for an answer.  If he will believe that Congress will assist him why does he not petition?  I have no such faith: if the state would not assist him, why should the Continent?  We have been much allarmed; at the sickness of the President: but thank God, he is better and recovering fast.  The house do not harmonize in the right system so well as we could wish: but the prosperity of the Country, has been so greatly promoted by the government, that I hope we shall not throw it away.—The Massachusetts have appeared to me to waver as much as any State: but the elections this year I hope are more favorable.
Yours &c

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from United States House of Representatives, 19 May 1790
From: United States House of Representatives
To: Adams, John

					Mr. President:
					May 19, 1790

				The House of Representatives have agreed to the report of the joint committee appointed to consider and report their opinion on the question, when, according to the constitution, the terms for which the President, Vice President, Senators, and Representatives, have been respectively chosen, shall be deemed to have commenced; and have appointed a committee to report a bill pursuant to the last paragraph of the said report.


Title: To John Adams from James Lovell, 20 May 1790
From: Lovell, James
To: Adams, John

Respected dear Friend
Boston May 20 1790

It is a very happy Circumstance, sick & megrim’d as I am, that I have so excellent an Opportunity as the present, by Mr Jarvis our Comptroller General, of evading with great Advantage to the Public, a written Answer to your important Questions “how are Trade, Shipbuilding &c. &c. affected by the new Government?”
No Man perhaps has had more regular mercantile Education and few Men have personally transacted more business than this Gentleman, From his Spirit of Enquiry Method of Observation and sound Judgment you will derive more satisfactory answers in an half hour’s familiar Conversation than in a whole month’s Correspondence with Me whether in or out of the dire Crapulæ of the present raging Influenza.
Besides the Motive of Health Mr. Jarvis has another which points his Ride to New York particularly in Preference to other Roads: ‘Tis the double one which we are told carried the Roman Ladies to the Theatre and which we know, in our Days, carries Beaux and Belles to Church.  But it is not less laudible for being double.  He wishes Prosperity to the Public and wishes also to be known to be willing and to be seen to be able to promote its Interests if he should be called upon at any Time when Arrangements are making, by the Governing Powers.  He knows particularly the Situation of the Eastern Parts of this Commonwealth as they stand related to Commerce and affected towards the Revenue; and he will probably suggest useful Hints to the Secretary of the Treasury in that Regard.
I am / Sir / with entire Esteem / Your Friend & Servant

James Lovell


Title: To John Adams from Charles Reiche, 20 May 1790
From: Reiche, Charles
To: Adams, John

Sir,
Philadelphia 20 May 1790.

These Conjectures, Arguments and Plan, which I have the honor to transmit, have given great satisfaction to almost all, who have read them, when they were first published by me in a weekly german paper, which I have established here, on moral, historical, political and economical arguments.
As a plan, contrary to that proposed by me, hath already been adopted by the Hon: the house of Representatives in Congress, and, by sickness and other incidents, I have been prevented from laying these Conjectures, before that house; so I do give me the honor to apply to Your Excellency, who being the President of that august Body, where the adopted plan now lies for approbation, will, I trust, and most humbly entreat, graciously be pleased to pay some attention to the plan here subjoined, and either return the same to the subscriber, or make such other use and application thereof, as Your well–known wisdom, and patriotism will suggest.
With the utmost deference and respect, / I have the honor to subscribe myself / Your Excellency’s / most humble and most obedient / servant
Charles Reiche


Title: To John Adams from United States House of Representatives, 20 May 1790
From: United States House of Representatives
To: Adams, John

					Mr. President:
					May 20, 1790

				The House of Representatives do adhere to their second amendment to the bill, entitled “An act for giving effect to the act therein mentioned, in respect to the state of North Carolina, and to amend the said act.”


Title: To John Adams from United States House of Representatives, 24 May 1790
From: United States House of Representatives
To: Adams, John

					Mr. President:
					May 24, 1790

				The House of Representatives have agreed to all the amendments to the resolve “respecting certain arrearages of pay due to the non-commissioned officers and soldiers of the late Virginia, North Carolina, and South Carolina lines;”

The House of Representatives have passed a bill, entitled “An act for the relief of Thomas Jenkins and company;” a bill, entitled “An act for giving effect to an act, entitled ‘An act to establish the judicial courts of the United States, within the state of North Carolina;” to which they request the concurrence of the Senate.


Title: To John Adams from George Washington, 26 May 1790
From: Washington, George
To: Adams, John

					Mr. President:
					May 26, 1790

				The President of the United States has, this day, approved of, and affixed his signature to, “An act for the government of the territory of the United States south of the river Ohio;” and to “An act to continue in force an act, passed at the last session of Congress, entitled ‘An act to regulate processes in the courts of the United States.”


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Lincoln, 27 May 1790
From: Lincoln, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Boston May 27 1790—

Your ideas of Frobisher are the same with ours here We shall I think hear little more from him.—
I have the pleasure to inclose Dr. Tufts order on you—You will forward me a draught for it when it shall be most convenient for you—If you should not by the next post you will be so good as to acknowledge the receipt of it.—
Our General Court is now together it is said of them it as is Generally said of a new court that it is better than the last In three or four weeks we can better judge I wish they may do well
I have the honour / of being Dr Sir / with esteem & / affection Yours

B Lincoln


Title: To John Adams from United States House of Representatives, 27 May 1790
From: United States House of Representatives
To: Adams, John

					Mr. President:
					May 27, 1790

				I am directed to inform the Senate, that the President of the United States did, on the 26th of May, approve of, and affix his signature to, “An act to prescribe the mode in which the public acts, records, and judicial proceedings, in each state shall be authenticated, so as to take effect in every other state;” and “An act to provide for mitigating or remitting the forfeitures and penalties accruing under the revenue laws, in certain cases therein mentioned.”


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Brand Hollis, 28 May 1790
From: Hollis, Thomas Brand
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Chesterfeild Street 28 May 1790

Having an opportunity of writing by Mr Rutledge I embrace it with great pleasure to convey to you a few lines & some tracts & to convince you that you are often in my memory & could I find conveyances easy you would hear often from me being interested in the progress that Novi homines (new men) make in virtue and knowledge.
The state of the publick in general is astonishingly changed since we parted, & I see with rapture the scenes which are opening on this world of ours from the English revolution the seeds of Freedom were sown you encouraged & promoted their progress to a surprising degree of perfection the French Nation tho suffering from every quarter the utmost indignities that human nature could bear were not deterred from aiding & assisting the culture till at last the sun of Liberty arose with healing in his wings & with undiminished splendor brought forth fruits worthy of Paradise to maintain envigorate & illumine mankind.
This last revolution being supernatural the hand of heaven is still with them to effect greater purposes. This affair of Nootha Sound will have its consequences whither a war or not it will open that sea to America. Camchatzar will be well known Japan will be practised and open to people of that Hemisphere Mexico will be independent Quebeck will gain a free constitution not granted by the English & United with America. The Chinese will alter their manners the Malese will navigate those seas as the inhabitants of Candwich Island do at present in American Ships—Persia India Tibet & the great Lama will be accessible Asia will throw of her Tyrants Egypt will be formed by the French into a regular government and Africa cease to be the market for slaves but enjoy their native innocent & peace which will prevail all over the world in spight of the Despots.  The time is approaching fast when Dr Jebbs wish will be accomplished a general hunt of kings—In this universal regeneration I fear England will be the last.
When we consider how rapidly the French revolution took place like an electrical stroke we may hope such great events are not very distance & to the improvement of government Franklyn’s Idea may succeed that old age may be kept of & even life prolonged for a great period if not continualy.  Do not think me wild some of these events have happened & the progress of science & knowledge promise the consequences.
Bruce’s travels to Abyssinia are published at length have just begun it—To condemn it is the fashion for wch there may be some reasons but it opens almost a new part of the world & there are many valuable facts the stile is that of a proud man unpractised in the mechanism of writing—The designs of antique buildings of wch he had many have been purchased some time past with publick money and kept from that publick which ought to have been gratified with the publication of them for which they have paid & are willing to pay liberally!
Poor Lidiard the American was lost for want of money probably he was to have gone to the internal parts of Africa from Cairo—It seems there is a tract from the River Gambia or Sierra leone of 700 miles mostly by water to Mourzouk capital of Fezzan & Gonjak is only 46 days from Assenti the gold coast—wch is much shorter than from Tripoli wch is 3000 miles & through deserts a pompous book is printed but not sold!
Two large black cities inland Cushnak & Bornou civilized & mohomitans—perfect religious liberty—they are larger than Tripoli—Caravans go there.
The dissenters for want of proper spirit have again lost their cause but the subject is more genally understood & next application will come with greater force & strength—Vailliants account of Africa is a valuable work He reinstates the Apron & the Cameliopardalis of Pliny the tract on the Feudal tenure is by a friend of yrs a good & excellent performance
My best complts to Mrs Adams herself & family are in perfect health at the Hide which I wish her sincerely to enjoy with her family—Complts to Mr & Mrs Smith and am Dear Sir with great esteem / your affectionate Friend

T. Brand HollisIn the chronicles of Kings is there an instance of a Jewish King having 6 millions in bank & 12 hundred thousand a year, coming to his people to pay his doctors bill? In a recent application the struggle was who should give most as it is said not to be a question which concerns the civil list!


Title: To John Adams from United States House of Representatives, 28 May 1790
From: United States House of Representatives
To: Adams, John

					Mr. President:
					May 28, 1790

				The House of Representatives disagree to the amendment proposed by the Senate to the bill, entitled “An act providing the means of intercourse between the United States and foreign nations.”


Title: To John Adams from Bartholomew Burges, 29 May 1790
From: Burges, Bartholomew
To: Adams, John

The Honorable John Adames Esquire L.L.D. Vice President of the United States &c.,New York 29th May ‘90

May it please your Excellency—Sir, you did me the honor the winter before last to subscribe to a little Astronomical essay of mine and on my presenting the work I was honor’d by your invitation at Braintree, which gain’d me access to your Excellency: when on your understanding that I had been some many years in the East Indies, your Excellency was pleas’d to intimate that you would present to your friends in Congress a memorial if I prepar’d one pointing out the eligibility of the Americans establishing factories in the East Indies and of striking up Commercial treaties with the Indostan, and other Asiatic powers: a sufficient inducement for me to have digested into a Narrative the materials in my possession and the India matters I had then in speculation; and propos’d within my self to have effected this work, as soon as I should have received the profits of my little literary undertaking, but disappointed therein by my having intrusted a man with my list of subscribers and a second Edition of my Work who laying himself in with Edes the Printer at Boston and my Engraver; both equally dispos’d to wrong me, under the colour of Partnership, sequester’d the work out of my hands, and left me in a very ridiculous position at Boston, depriving me of all the advantages I expected to have reaped from it; when in order to retrieve my self I set about composing and protracting a Sett of Charts of the Coast of America which are all now engraved, & published in Boston; a laborious peice of work that I compleated under very disadvantageous circumstances: when after having run my self in debt, in originating it, and bringing it forward by obtaining the patronage of the Honorable Mr. Bowdoin, Mr. Tommy Russel, Major Covin &c. &c; oblig’d to give it up and leave unpaid these demands, and forfeit my Engagements with the Public, or surrender it up to an artful fellow upon very disadvantageous terms I choos’d the latter, which man disappointing me in every shape, thro’ out the series of the whole business, at the latter end I found my self, and family (removed by this time by me to Boston) in sudden extremity in a severe season of the year, and finally reduc’d to the alternative of being beholden to some four or five Honorable Gentlemen for assistance; or of seeing my wife, & three Children suffer; for however dispos’d to stoop to any thing for their support Gentlemen, and Merchants, on the one hand; to whom I was known, averse to employ a person in a low station, who had been in company and conversation with them, and with men of rank, and was; as they were pleased to say calculated for something better; added to my having been considerably incapacitated from getting a Livelyhood by daily labour, by reason of a shot—ie. or large iron ball, I received in India that entered my breast, and pass’d thro’ my shoulder blae, in seising on an English ship in the Gulph of Gugzerat while in the service of Gollumnabby the Prince of Smde; and men who had been a long time in the line of Tuition bends the number of Newcomers acting in that Sphere leaving no opening for my succeeding that way on the other hand and our furniture and things dispos’d of to buy bread;  not resolution enough to snatch my self from my family immers’d in such distress, and go farther afield for their relief however expedient the step—In this provoking situation I remaind ‘till about the middle of this month, when rather than leave my family so situated, by going to India at this time of life without securing to them some aid in my absence as some had advis’d me to do I form’d the resolution of gaining this Metropolis where was the seat of Government and where your Excellency residing something perhaps might be hop’d for, for the meliorating my condition, at least if any countenance could be given to my plan—I might adopt for that purpose, that at the same time should have a tendency to national utility, and induc’d by these hopes, and urg’d by the above motives I came here and publish’d last Thursday the accompany’d Proposals: your Excellency’s patronage to which, can I but obtain, by your honoring me with your name thereto, and the illustrious Presidents name to crown my endeavours, it will most undoubtedly ensure my most sanguine expectations as it will be the means of not only bringing about a temporary assistance for me, but enable me to open a private Marine Academy for the improvement, and instruction of the Seafaring line in general, and Marine Intelligence Office at the same time, where when Captains of Vessels of all Denominations should be supply’d with Charts, and nautical directions and naval, and commercial information adapted to their Voyages from the most modern and authentic authorities to any part of the World, and enable me to prepare materials for an Edition of large Terraqueous Globes, and the Superfices for Engraving; a business I am thoroughly acquainted with which would have a Tendency towards promoting useful knowledge in this Empire, and of re-establishing my self again in life.  Then please your Excellency being my Ultimatum should I not with the benevolent disposition you inherit succeed in this application I should conclude that some fatality must attend my procceedings that defeats all my attempts in these parts however honest my endeavours and despair of succeeding on the Continent of America! But reflect then please your Excellency on the situation of mind that dictated these sentiments and I should have hopes that this intrusion on your hours; to your self & the world of such importance, and of my particulars might plead you to pardon the liberty I have taken and to pay some little attention to my request begging leave to subscribe myself with the greatest respect, May it please your Excellency.
Your Excellency’s most Obedient &  / devoted humble servant
Bartholomew Burges


Title: To John Adams from John Browne Cutting, 31 May 1790
From: Cutting, John Browne
To: Adams, John

Dearr Sir
London 31 May 1790

I write You but a single line just to inclose a few papers.
Understanding that Congress meant to adjourn some time in may—I suppose it very possible that You may not be in New York when the british packet shall arrive.  I mean therefore to write You directed for Boston.
On the subject of the impressed american seamen I have written to Mr Jefferson very fully.
If any thing of particular importance shou’d arrive by the Mail of the morrow from the Continent—you shall have it—by a seperate letter.
With the greatest respect & attachment / I have the honor to be / Your Most Obedt Sert.

J. B. Cutting.


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Brand Hollis, 1 June 1790
From: Adams, John
To: Hollis, Thomas Brand

CopiedMy dear friend
New York June 1 1790

Nothing mortifies me more than the difficulty I find to maintain that correspondence with you which when I left England I thought would be some consolation to me for the loss of your conversation.
We proceed by degrees to introduce a little order into this Country, and my public duties require so much of my time, that I have little left for private friendship, however dear to me.  By General Mansell I send you a small packet which will give you some idea of our proceedings.  The French seem to be very zealous to follow our example: I wish they may not too exactly copy our greatest errors and suffer in consequence of them greater misfortunes than ours.  They will find themselves under a necessity of treading back some of their too hasty steps as we have done.
I am situated on the majestic banks of the Hudson, in comparison of which your Thames is but a rivulet; and surrounded with all the beauties and sublimities of nature.  Never did I live in so delightful a spot—I would give—what would I not give to see you here?  Your library and your cabinets of elegant and costly curiosities, would be an addition to such a situation which in this country would attract the attention of all.  In Europe it is lost in the croud.  Come over and purchase a paradise here, and be the delight and admiration of a new world; marry one of our fine girls and leave a family to do honor to human nature when you can do it no longer in person.  Franklin is no more, and we have lately tremble for Washington—Thank God he is recovered from a dangerous sickness and is likely now To continue many years.  His life is of vast importance to us.—Is there any probability of a fermentation in England sufficient to carry off any of her distempers?  I wish her happy and prosperous, but I wish she would adopt the old maxim “Live and Let live.” Will there be a compleat revolution in Europe both in religion and government? Where will the present passions and principles lead and in what will they end? In more freedom and humanity I am clear: but when? or how?—My affectionate regards to Doctor Price and all our good friends—and believe me your dum spiro
John Adams.Rhode Island is become one of us on the 29 May


Title: From John Adams to Henry Marchant, 1 June 1790
From: Adams, John
To: Marchant, Henry

Dear Sir
New York June 1. 1790

Your obliging Letter of the 29. Ult. was brought to me Yesterday at my house, and as there happened to be a few Friends with me, we joined in Wishing Happiness and Prosperity to Rhode Island with great Cordiality.  This morning the President did me the honour of a Visit and I had the Pleasure of congratulating him on this pleasing Event and presenting to him your affectionate Respect.
Congress I conjecture will wait the Arrival of your Senators, before they pass any Act.
My hopes of the Blessings of Liberty from this Government, are much increased since Yesterday. United We Stand but divided We fall.  Join or die.  These were our Maxims, twenty five or thirty years ago, and they are neither less true nor less important now than they were then.
The renovation of that Union, which has acquired such renown in the World, by tryumphing over such formidable Ennemies, and by Spreading the Principles which are like to produce a compliant Revolution both in Religion and Government in most parts of Europe; cannot fail to restore respectability to the American Name, and procure Us Consideration among nations.
I earnestly wish to see your Senators here and your Representative in the other house, and I cannot but hope that you will be one of the former.
With Sincere Esteem I am / dear sir your Friend and servant

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from United States House of Representatives, 1 June 1790
From: United States House of Representatives
To: Adams, John

					Mr. President:
					June 1, 1790

				The President of the United States did, on the 31st of May, approve of, and affix his signature to, “An act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies, during the times therein mentioned;”

They have agreed to the conference proposed by the Senate, on the bill, entitled “An act providing the means of intercourse between the United States and foreign nations,” and have appointed Messrs. Gerry, White, and Williamson, managers thereof on their part.
He also communicated the following resolve of the House of Representatives.


Title: To John Adams from United States House of Representatives, 2 June 1790
From: United States House of Representatives
To: Adams, John

					Mr. President:
					June 2, 1790

				I am directed to bring to the Senate several enrolled bills, which have been signed by the Speaker of the House of Representatives.

He also communicated the following resolve of the House of Representatives.


Title: To John Adams from United States House of Representatives, 2 June 1790
From: United States House of Representatives
To: Adams, John

					Mr. President:
					June 2, 1790

				The House of Representatives have passed a bill, entitled “An act making provision for the debt of the United States;” in which they request the concurrence of the Senate.


Title: To John Adams from John Browne Cutting, 3 June 1790
From: Cutting, John Browne
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
London June 3d 1790

I inclosed you a few days ago a parcel of printed papers some of which I conceived might contain interesting intelligence especially if the dispute between Britain & Spain shoud terminate in hostilities, as in such an event the government of the United States woud at least be involved in discussion of considerable importance to our country with one or both of those nations.
Among the rest you have an authentic copy of the memorial or narrative of Mr Mears on the seisure of the british vessels in Nootka sound—as also a sketch of the debate in parliament occasion’d by the message of his britannic majesty on that affair.  You will not however obtain from the sketch an adequate conception of the high tone in which the minister spoke.  It was thoroughly understood on all sides of the house—(I speak this from having been an auditor) that in unanimously promising his majesty national support against the insult of Spain the minister on his part was pledged to obtain not only pecuniary reperation for the confiscated property and for the insult offered to the british flag, but also a full dereliction from the Court of Spain of its claim to exclusive sovereignty over the coasts in the vicinity of Nootka sound and on the northwest coasts of America and of exclusive navigation and commerce in those seas.  A categorical answer to a demand of this sort is pretended by the Court of London to be expected from Madrid by the return of a messenger sent with it just four weeks ago.  Meanwhile the warlike preparations in every port and corner of the Island are most vigourous and extensive.  Ever since the summer of 1787 Spain has been putting her fleets in the most formidable condition.—Nor can one believe that the mere menace of Britain will make her under such circumstances yield the point in contest.  In such a crisis it was natural for both nations to turn their eyes on France with considerable anxiety.  The late discussion and determination in her national assembly of the great constitutional question whether the power of declaring war shou’d be lodged with the Legislature or be confided to the Executive was doubtless hastened by this anxiety.  The settlement of this point in favour of the Legislative body is conceived by many here as decisive that the french nation will take no part in a war between Spain and Britain.  But a more erroneous conclusion never was made.  The military spirit of the nation is more alive than ever—and if a majority of its representatives shou’d after public discussion and debate decree to go to war, it wou’d be carried on with more vigour than ever.  A partial sale of the ecclesiastical remains for a paper currency has opend a resource of finance that in case of state necessity might be vastly amplified.  And as to the supposed hazard that Spain might interfere to attempt a counter revolution in France the idea is already scouted by the partizans of the reform.  Two points only are wanting to produce a decree of the french national assembly for war.  1: A persuasion that the Spanish have justice on their side  in the presents quarrel. and 2dly: That it is for the interest of the french that the mines of South America shoud not become british property.  I expect to see both positions established by fact and argument shoud Britain manifestly overstep the limits of equity in her claims.  In the interim the naval preparations in the ports of France will keep pace with those in the ports of Britain.
From the moment that a Spanish war was publicly known to be impending, the people of the United States began to rise in the estimation of all ranks of men here.  Instead of being considered as heretofore a sort of republican banditti enemies to kings and good order on land, and on the ocean one grade above the Algerines only—in the course of a very few days we became popular in the City and bearable I am told even in the Cabinet.  The unkind behaviour of Cap Hendricks and american navigator at Nootka sound, in not quarreling with the Spanish Commodore was overlooked: and the leading Editors of the ministerial newspapers have now orders to affirm that the offer of a treaty offensive and defensive between Britain and America is already dispatchd across the atlantic.  The principal inducements to an acceptance of such a treaty on the part of Congress—is a guarantee of a free navigation of the river Missisippi—a participation of some further indulgencies as to the west india traffic, and adjustment of all disputed boundaries and a speedy surrender of the posts.
I wish the present juncture cou’d be improved for the adjustment of some criterion whereby our seamen might be discriminated from british seamen and consequently exempted from the outrages of the british press gangs.  The great point to be guarded against on our part is—the first violence of having our mariners forced from on board their our ships under a pretext that they are britons.—To do away all colour for committing it some palpable species of prima facie evidence is wanted—such as being immediately produced might stare every officer of a press gang in the face and leave him without excuse if he ventured to depart from the orders of the Admiralty-Board by which he is even directed to take no foreigners.  A few days after I had memorializ’d the Lords of the Admiralty and almost exacted by dint of diligent and remonstrating assiduity the liberation of those six crews or parts of crews which had been impress’d, Mr Governeur Morris to whom I had communicated my toils and their termination sent a note to the duke of Leeds and asking for an hours conversation with him—stated very forcibly to him the pernicious effect that impressing our mariners must have on the commerce of Britain.  The Duke listen’d to him, thanked him, seemed to believe him and said orders shou’d be issued and measures taken to prevent the american seamen from being impress’d in future.  But there are real difficulties in the business that general commands of this nature do not meet.  As a zealous citizen I do wish some effectual remedy to such a national mischief and indignity cou’d be devised. No moment can be more favourable for attempting something of the sort than the present.  The perfect protection of our mariners from being impressed or impeded is just now a desirable object to the commercial part of this nation.  In former wars when the british seamen were press’d to mann the navy—the merchants coud generally procure Swedes Hollanders and other european seamen to supply their places—but at present all those foreign seamen are engaged by their sovereigns  or by their fellow subjects—and they british merchant will be compeld to resort to the United States for american seamen in lieu of them.
As I send this letter one post later than that by which the mail is conveyed to Falmouth—it is necessary for me to close it immediately to obtain the chance of its reaching Mr Rutledge at Falmouth.
I intreat Mrs Adams to accept with yourself the best compliments and sincere good wishes of  / Your respectful affectionate / and most obedt sert.
John Brown Cutting


Title: To John Adams from United States House of Representatives, 4 June 1790
From: United States House of Representatives
To: Adams, John

					Mr. President:
					June 4, 1790

				The House of Representatives have passed a bill, entitled “An act to satisfy the claims of John McCord against the United States;” and a bill, entitled “An act for giving effect to the several acts therein mentioned, in respect to the state of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations;” in which they desire the concurrence of the Senate;

The Speaker of the House of Representatives having signed an enrolled bill, I am directed to bring it to the Senate.